^PY ep PRi^
BX 5880 .P46 V.l
Perry, William Stevens,
1832-1898
The history of the American
- 1 ^i.
-1 r» rt -\
THE HISTORY
AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH
THE HISTORY
AMERICAN
EPISCOPAL CHURCH
1587-1883
BY
WILLIAM STEVENS "pERRY, D.D., LL.D.
BISHOP OF IOWA
IN TWO VOLUMES
Vol. I
THE PLANTING AND GROWTH OF THE AMERICAN
COLONIAL CHURCH
1587—1783
I'ROJECTED BY CLARENCE F. JEWF.TT
BOSTON
JAMES R. OSGOOD AND COMPANY
18S5
Copyright, 1885
James R. Osgood and Company
All rights rtiemd
hrtMa of JtorJhtv// an./ Chnrfhitl, Boston
Eo
THK RT. HON. AND MOST REV. EDWARD W. BENSON, D.D.,
Ktc, Etc.,
i-oro akrhbishop op r'anterbttr v. i'rimate of all en'gland and metropolitan' ;
THE MOST REV. ROBERT EDEN, D.D.,
LORD BISHOP OF MORAV, KOSS, AND CAITHNESS, AND PRIMUS OF THE
I'HURfU IN SCOTLAND;
THE RT. REV. ALFRED LEE, D.D., LL.D.,
BISHOP of DELAWARE, A.\D PRESIDINO BISHOP OF THE AMEHIIAV CHURCH,
IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED.
PREFACE.
rriHAT tlie history of the American Episcopal Church is
-*- not racM-e widely known, and more g-enei-ally accessible,
is not from the lack of earnest and painstaking inves-
tigators, nor from any want of abundant material. Pam-
phlets and volumes, " broadsides " and papers, letters,
records and manuscripts, bearing upon our history and illus-
trating the annals of earlier or later days, exist in almost
embarrassing profusion. Even the statutes at large of our
jurists and the secular histories of our States or the Nation
cannot he studied, or even casually examined, Avithout the
revelation of the connection of the Church of England with
ei\v]y maritime discovery and colonization, and the confession
of the fact that the State and the Church grew up together
among us from the first. In fact, our ecclesiastical history is
necessaril}-^ coeval with that of the civilization and develop-
ment of the continent. One cannot turn the dingy pages
of the
" Small, rare volumes, black with tarnished gold,"
— the coveted treasures of the bibliomaniac, and tlie "nuggets "
of collectors of "Americana," — without finding in black
lettei- or in plain Roman the story of the Church's progress
through trials and difficulties from her first transplanting on
American shores to her present independence and promise.
Xjll PREFACE.
It is, nevertheless, true that with a rich and almost
exhaustless store of material to draw from, and with a his-
tory of which we have no reason to be ashamed, the narrative
of the Church's foundation and growth has been Init partially
told. The labors of the late Francis Lister Hawks, D.D.,
LL.D., first historiographer of the American Church, prose-
cuted as they were among many discouragements, and
received, as we must confess, with inadequate support, gave
us the annals of the Church in Virginia and Maryland, and, at
a later date, and in connection with the present writer, the
documentary history of the Connecticut Church. The ven-
erable Bishop White, in his invaluable "Memoirs of the
Church," placed within our reach an authoritative resume
of the facts and principles of our organization as an inde-
pendent branch of the catholic Church of Christ. Others,
whom it would be impossible to name, have supplied, in
diocesan or parish histories, and in the Ijiographies of our.
leading men, data of the greatest value and interest. But
the only accessible history of the Church, as a whole, is the
admiralile summary of our annals, written by the celebrated
Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford and Winchester, and since
this admirable work Avas prepared nearly half a century of
growth and development has already passed.
The scheme of this History oiiginated with Mr. Clarence
F. Jewett, who entrusted the further development of the work
to the writer, and it is now offei-ed to supply, for a time at
least, the confessed lack of a record of the Church's progress
during its earlier days of planting and struggling as a feeble
and somewhat neglected branch of the Church of England,
and its histoiy after the war of the Revolution as an organiza-
tion which has now closed its first century of independent
life. In the presentation of this story of church life and
srrowth there have been added to the narrative mimerous im-
portant and vakiable monographs, prepared by distinguished
PREFACE. IX
writers of our communion, and serving to elucidate the state-
ments of the text or to add to their fuhiess and accuracy.
Other papers of this nature, of perhaps equal vahie and
interest, were prepared; but, with a view to condensation, the
results of these investigations have been incorporated in the
narrative and illustrative notes. It is believed that by this
division of labor a more satisfactory result has been attained
than could possibly have been secured in any other way, and
these noble volumes, which in their typography and careful
illustration, attest the taste and liberality of the publishers,
are therefore commended to the kind consideration of the
members of our Church as the first complete history of our
communion.
/JuUi
Ci/yyty
CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
Preface vn
Efjc planting auK ©rototlj of tljc Slmcncan (iTalonial Cfjurcij.
BV THE EDITOR.
CHAPTER I.
The Connection of the Chuhcii of England with American
Discovery and Settlement 1
Illustrations: Sebastian Cabot, 3; Martin Frobisher, G; Tlic Arms
of Englaiul, 8 ; Cavendish, 11 ; Sir Francis Drake, 1-1.
Autographs : Henry VII., Henry VIII., Edward VI., 2 ; Queen Mary,
Queen Elizabeth, 4; Sir Francis Drake, 5; Martin Frobisher, C;
Sir Iliimplirey Gilbert, 8 ; Sir Walter Ralegh, 9 ; Ralph Lane, 10.
Notes, Critical and Biographical 15
CHAPTER II.
Services and Sacraments at Ralegh's Colonies at Roanoke, on
THE North Carolina Coast 18
Critical Notes on the Sources of Information 23
CHAPTER III.
Fort St. George and the Church Settlers at the Mouth of
the Kennebec 2G
Illustrations: Smith's Jlap of New England, 28; Ancient Fenia-
quid, 33.
Autographs : George Wavmuuth, li" ; Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 20 ; Sir
xn CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
John Popham, Rev. Richard Haklu_vt, 30; 'William Strachey, 34;
Lord Bacon, 37.
Critical Notes and Illustrations 38
CHAPTER TV.
The Foundations of Church and State in Virginia .... 42
Illustrations : Capt. John Smith, 43 ; Jamestown, 44 ; Lord Dela-
ware, 51 ; George Percy, 55.
Autographs : Capt. John Smith, 47; Jame.s I., 49; De la Warr, 53;
Thomas Gates, 54 ; George Percy, 55.
Critical Essay on the Sources of Information 63
CHAPTER V.
Tine University of Henrico, and Efforts for the Conversion
AND Civilization of the Savages 66
Illustration : Fac-simile Seal of Virginia, 72.
Autograph ; John Harvey, 72.
Critical Notes on the Sources of Information 78
CHAPTER VI.
Pioneers of the Church in New England 81
Illustrations: John Endicott, 83 ; Standish's Sword and a Match-
lock, 84 ; John Winthrop, 88 ; St. Eotolph's Church, 89 ; John
Cotton, 91; Winthrop"s Fleet, 93 ; Fac-simile Letter of Thomas
Lechford, 98; Petition of Robert Jordan, lOG.
Autographs: Robert Browne, 81; Thomas Morton, 82 ; John Endi-
cott, 83; Miles Standish, 84; William Blaxton, Thomas Walford,
Samuel Maverick, 87; John Winthrop, 88; John Cotton, 91;
William Hubbard, 94 ; Roger Williams, 95 ; Thomas Lechford,
98 ; Ferdinando Gorges, Captain Mason, Roger Goode, Thomas
Gorges, 100; Robert Jordan, 104; Signers of Covenant "First
Church in Boston " (John Winthrop, John Wilson, Isaac John-
son, Thomas Dudley), 111.
Critical Notes on the Sources of Information 107
CHAPTER VII.
The College at Williamsburg and President Blair .... 113
Illustration : The College" of William and Mary as it ajipearcd a
century and a half ago, 123.
CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. XIII
Autographs: William Bcrkcloy, lU; James Blair, Robert Boyle,
115; Thomas Dawson, John Camm, James Horrocks, 125.
Illustrative and Ckitical Notes 12G
CHAPTER VIII.
CoMMISSARV BUAY AND THE BEGINNING OF THE ChURCH IN
Maryland 129
Illdstrations : Lonl I'.altimore, 130; The Baltimore Arms, 132;
Cecil, seconil Lord Baltimore, 133; Fac-simile Title-Pago of
Tract, 139; Endorsement of the Toleration Act, UG; All-Hal-
lows Parish Church, Snow Hill, Maryland, 147.
Autographs : John Harvey, Leonard Calvert, 131 ; John Lewgcr,
Thomas Cornwaleys, 132; King Charles II., 135, U5; Sir George
Calvert, William Stone, 145; Philip Calvert, 146.
Critical and Illustrative Notes 145
CHAPTER IX.
Beginnings of the Church in New York and the Middle Colonies, 118
Ii,i,nsTUATioNS : Arms of Sir Francis Nicholson, 151; The Fort and
Chapel, Old New York, 155; Sir Edmund Andros, 157; Arms of
Andros, 158; Lord Bellomont, 163.
Autographs: Richard Nicolls, 148; Charles Wolley, 150; Thomas
Dongan, 152; King James II., 153; Lord Bellomont, 1G3; Gov-
ernor Fletcher, 170.
Illustrative Notes 170
CHAPTER X.
Governor Andros and the Building of King's Chapel, Boston, 175
Illustrations : Fac-similc of Earliest Record-Book of King's Chapel,
Boston, 178; Great Seal of New England under Andros, 181;
the first King's Ch.apel, 186; John Nelson, 188; Fac-simile Note
from the Records of King's Chapel referring to the Rebellion
against Andros, 190; Holy Table in Use in 1686, 191; Com-
munion Flagon, 192; Communion Plate given by King William
and Queen Mary, 193.
Autographs: Robert Ratcliffe, 175; Samuel Sewall, 176; Charles
Lidgett, 177; Edward Randolph, 179; Edmund Andros, 181; Ben-
jamin Bulliv.int, 187 ; John Nelson, 188 ; Jlinisters, Wardens, and
Vestry of lung's Chapel, 1700, 194; Rev. Peter Daille, 195.
Illustu-ative .\nd Critical Notes 195
XIV CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
CHAPTER XI.
TuE State of the Cnuncii in Ajierica at the Begixxixg of the
Eighteenth Centuuv, and the Foundation of the Society
FOR THE Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts . . 1D7
Illustration : Seal of tlie Society for Propagating the Gospel in
Foreign Parts, 198.
Illustrative and Critical Notes 205
CHAPTER XII.
The Mission of Keith and Talbot " from New Hampshire to
Caratuck," North Carolina 206
Illustrations: The King's Missive, IGGl, commanding the Release
of the Quakers, 207; Rev. George Keith, 209; Joseph Dudley,
211 ; Fac-simile Title-Page of Sermon preached by Rev. George
Keith, 213; George Fox, 21G; Increase Mather, 222.
AuTOGEAPHS : Cotton Mather, James Allen, Joshua Moody, Samuel
Willard, 208 ; Joseph Dudley, 211 ; Jolm Talbot, 215.
Illustrative Notes 221
CHAPTER XIII.
The Planting of the Church in Pennsylvania and Delaware, 223
Illustrations : William Penn, 223 ; Seal of Pennsylvania, 224 ; the
Queen Anne Plate, Christ Church, 231; Christ Church, Philadel-
phia, 23G; Interior of Christ Church, Philadelphia,. 238; Jacob
Duche, 2-tl ; Old Swedes Church, Wilmington, Delaware, 244 ;
Gloria Dei (old Swedes) Clmrch, 245 ; Old St. David's Church,
Radnor, 24G.
AuTOGRAi'iis : William Penn, 223 ; Evan Evans, 22G ; Peter Evans,
Robert Hunter, 232 ; William Keith, 233 ; Edmund Gibson, Lord
Bishop of London, 237; Robert Jenney, William Sturgeon, Ja-
cob Duche, 239; Richard Peters, 240; John Kearsley, Thomas
Coonibe, Jacob Duche, 241 ; Philip Reading, Thomas Barton,
Charles Inglis, Hugh Neill, 242; William Thompson, Robert
Jenney, William Smith, 243.
Illustrative Notes 244
CHAPTER XrV.
The Conversion to the Church of Cutler, Rector of Yale
College, and other Puritan Ministers of Connecticut . . 247
Illustr.wions ; Timothy Cutler, 243 ; Christ Church, Boston, 252.
CONTENTS AND ILLUSTKATIONS. XV
AuToGRArn ; Timotliy Cutler, 24S.
Illustrative Notes 255
CHAPTER XV.
The Trial of John Checklet, and the Struggles of the '
Church in Massachusetts and Rhode Island 257
Autographs : Jolui Cliceklcy, Ezekiel Cheever, 257 ; William Dum-
mer, Robert Auclumity, 204.
Illustrative Notes 271
CHAPTER XVI.
Controversies 27o
Illcstuation: Rev. James JlcSparran, 280; Memorial Tablet to
Rev. Jolm Beach, 282.
Autographs: George Pigot, 273; Samuel .Tohnson, 274; Cliarles
Cliauncy, 27G; James Wetmore, 279; James JlcSparran, 281.
Illustrative Note 282
CHAPTER XVII.
Doctor Johnson, of Stratford, and the Growth of the Con-
necticut Church 283
Illustrations : Samuel Johnson, 289 ; Christ's Church, StratforJ,
297.
Autographs : Timothy Cutler, 285 ; Samuel Johnson, 289.
Illustrative Notes 302
CHAPTER XVIII.
The Leading Missionaries and Clergy at the North and South :
their Lives and Labors 304
Autographs: Hugh Jones, 307; James Honyman, 311; Matthias
Plant, 312; Thomas IJueun, 317; Edward Bass, 321.
Illustrative Note 321
CHAPTER XIX.
Missionary Labous among the Mohawks and other Indian
Tribes 'ill (^
XVI CONTEXTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
iLLnsTRATiONS : Sir William Johnson, 331 ; the Lord's Prayer from
the Mohawk Prayer-Book, 334.
Illustrative Note 334
CHAPTER XX.
The Wesleys and George Wihtefield, Missionaries of the
Church in Georgia 335
Illustrations: General James Oglethorpe, 33C; Fac-simile Titlc-
Page of Wesley's Journal, 346; Rev. George WhitefielJ, 349;
Whitefiekl's Orphan House or Bethesda College, Sol ; F.ac-siniile
Title-Page of Sermon Preached by Rev. Edward Ellington, 358 ;
Fac-simile Title-Page of Journal of Voyage from London to
Georgi.a, 367.
AuTOGRAi'ii : George Whiteficld, 349.
Illustrative Notes 360
CHAPTER XXI.
Commissary Garden and the Church in South Carolina . . . 372
Illustrations : St. Michael's Church, 374 ; Fac-simile Title-Page of
Six Letters to Rev. George Whitefield, 389 ; Interior of the Goose-
Creek Church, 391 ; St. Andrew's Church, 392 ; Ruins of St.
George's Chiireli, Dorchester, 393.
Autographs: Affra Coming, 375; Alexander Garden, 385; South
Carolina Clergymen, 1724 (Thomas Hasell, John La Pierre,
Benjamin Pown.tll, William Dawson, Alexander Garden, Brian
Hunt, Albert Powderous, Richard Ludlam, Francis Varnod,
David Standish), 394.
Illustrative Notes 390
CHAPTER XXII.
The Struggle for the Episcopate 39.5
Illustrations: .Jonathan Mayhew, 411; ,\n Attempt to Land a
Bishop in America, 413.
Autographs: Thomas Seeker, Archbishop of Canterbury, 407;
Jonathan Mayhew, 411; Thomas Bradbury Chandler, 414.
Illustrative Note 426
CHAPTER XXIII.
King's College, New York, and the College and AcADEjn' of
Philadelphia 428
CONTEXTS AXI) ILLUSTRATIONS. XVII
Ii.LDSTRATioNS t lU'iijaniin Franklin, -42!) ; Rev. Richanl Peters, 431;
Rev. William Smith, 434; Distant view of King's College in 1768,
443.
Autographs ■ Riclianl rctcrs, 431 ; Benjamin Franklin, 433.
Illi:.'*tkativk Note 446
CHAPTER XXIV.
The Position of the Clekoy at the Opening ok the War for
Independence 447
Im.u.stkation : Dr. .Tosepli Warren, 452.
.Vutoguai'h: William Stevens Perry, 4(i8.
Illustrative Note ;....,., 467
Elustrattbr monographs.
MONOGRAPH I.
The Relations of the Founders of the Massachusetts Colony
to the Church of England, liobert C. Winthmp .... 469
Illustration : Pilgrim Relies, 478.
Autographs : John Winthrop, 4(i9 ; Margaret Winthmp. 470 ; Samuel
Browne, John Browne. 47(1 : Samuel Fuller. 477 ; Roljert C.
Winthrop, 478.
MONOGRAPH II.
Early Discoveries and SErrLEMENTS on the Coast of New Eng-
land, UNDER Church Auspices. Benjamin F. De Costa
Illustrations: John Hawkins, 480; Ship of the Seventeentli Cen-
tury, 483; Blackstone's Lot, 498.
Autographs; John Hawkins, 480; Sanuiel Maveriek, 491; John
Cotton, 493; James I., 494; Benjamin F. De Costa, 500.
479
MONOGRAPH III.
Puritanism in New England and the Episcop.\l Church. Thomas
Winthrop Coit 501
XVIII CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
AiTOorwVriis : Hugli Piitcrs, 50;! ; Thomas Sliepanl, .",05 ; AVilliar
III., .")lt; Tlinmas W. Coit, .518.
MONOGRAPH IV.
Dean Berkeley's Sojourn in America. 1 729-1 7." 1. Moses Coit
Tiller 519
Illustrations : •' Wliiti/liall," the Ke'sideiice of Dean Berkuluy vhik'
in Rhode Island, .520; George Berkeley, 523; Dean Berkeley's
favorite Resort at Newport, now called Berkeley's Seat, 533.
Autographs : George Berkeley, 523 ; Moses Coit Tyler, 540.
MONOGRAPH V.
The Non-juring Bishops in Amkkica. Joh) Fulton 541
Illustrations : Episcoi)al Seal bearinj;- the Name of Talbot, 541.
Autographs: Charles (iookin, .5411; Jolin Fnlton, 560.
MONOGRAPH VI.
Yale College and the Chikcii. E. Edwards Beardsley . . . 561
Autograph : E. E. Beardsley, 5711.
MONOGRAPH ^'II.
Some Historic Churches. — New England 577
St. John's Church, Poktsmolth. N.H. Henri/ E. Hmiey . . oil
Illustration : Interior of St. .John's Church, 579.
Autograph : Henry E. Hovey, 580.
Union Church. West Claue.mdnt. N.H. Francis Chase . . 580
Illustration : Union Cluircli, West Clarcmont, 581.
Autograph : Francis Cliase. 582.
Christ Church, Boston. Henrij Burroughs ...... 582
Autograph : Henry Burroughs, 588.
Christ Church, Cambridge. Nicholas Hoppin 588
Illustration : Clirist Church, Cambridge, 589.
Autographs : East Apthorp, 588 ; Nicholas Hoppin, 592.
CONTENTS AND ILU^STKATIONS. xiX
Tkimty Church, Newvout. R.I.. and St. Tail's Chuhch.
Kingston. R.I. Thomas March Clark 592
Autograph : Thomas M. Clark, 51)4.
The Old Narragansett Church. UanivL Ooodwin .... 595
Illustration : TIr' Old Naragan.sctt Church, 595.
Autograph : Daniel Gontlwiii, .5!I7.
Some Historic Churches. — The Middle States 598
The Historic and Ante-Revolutionary Churches of Lonc;
Island. Heivnj Onderdunk. Jr. ,598
Autograph : Henry Onderdonk. Jr., 59H.
Historic Churches of New Jersey. Georye Jlurt/an Hilh . 599
.\utograph : George M. Hills, 605.
The United Churches of Chri.st Church and St. Peters,
Philadelphia. Thomas F. Davies 605
.\utograph : Thomas F. Davies, GIO.
Some Historic Churches. — Southern States 61 ()
Maryland (Diocese of Easton). Henri/ C. La;/ .... 610
Autograph : Henry C. Lay, 613.
Maryland. George A. Leakin 613
Illustration: .\ll-Hallows Parish Church, Maryland, 613.
Autograph : George A. Leakin. (il4.
Colonial Virginia. Philip Slaughter 614
Illustration: St. Luke's Church, near Smithfield, Va., fi24.
Autograph : Pliilii) Slaughter, 633.
Diocese of East Carolina. St. Paul's Parish, Edenton,
Chowan County, N.C. Robert B. Drane 633
Illustration: St. Paul's, Edenton, North Carolina, 034.
Autograph : Robert B. Drane, 637.
St. Thomas's Church, Bath, Beaufort County. N.C. Joseph
Blount Cheshire, Jr 637
Autograph: Joseph Blount Cheshire, Jr., 638.
XX CONTENTS AND ILI.USTKATIOXS.
Historic Churches in South Cakolixa. ./. ./. Pringle Smith, 638
Illustration: St. David's, Clu'raw, S.C. i!44.
Autograph: J. .1- Pringle Smith, 644.
MONOGRAPH VHI.
The Church Chakities ok the P;ighteenth Century 64o
The Boston Episcopal Chakitable Socikti'. Thomas C.
Amoni 645
AuTOGKAi'H : Thomas C. Amory, 640.
The Coupokation for the Relief of Widows and Children
of Clergymen of the Protestant Episcopal Church.
John William Wallace 647
Autograph : John W. Wallace, 660.
Christ Church Hospital. Philadelphia. Edward A. For/go, 660
.-iuTOGRAPii : Edward A. Foggo, 661.
The Okph-^n House at Bethesda, Ga. John Watrous Beck-
tvith ...... 661
.\utograph : John Watrous Beckwith, 665.
THE HISTORY
AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
mt mnntim antr OJto^nj of ti)t American
1587 - 1783.
By WILLIAM STEVENS PERRY, D.D., LL.D.,
Bishop of Iowa.
CHAPTER I.
THE CONNECTION OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND WITH
AJSIERICAN DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT.
TOWARDS the close of the sixteenth century the effort to found
an empu-e in the New World, which had more or less occupied the
mind of England since the discoveries of the Cabots, l)egan to as-
sume importance and promise i-esults. It was an age of restless activity
and far-reaching enterprise. In all departments of life men were wont,
as was said of Ralegh, to "toil terribly." No pains were spared, whether
the effort were to advance the glor}' of the State, or to increase the indi-
vidual's wealth or power. The great dramatist of the day, and of all
time since as well, reflecting in his plays the humor of the times, alludes
to those who were not willing to spend their youth at home, but went
. . " To seek preferment out ;
Some to the wars, to try their fortune there ;
Some, to discover islands far away." '
So universal was this temper of the times that each ambitious spirit
felt that it
. . " Would be great impeachment to his age,
In having known no travel in his youth." '
Although the fairest and most inviting portions of the continent,
which had been first discovered by English expeditions nearly a
century before, were in the grasp of other and rival nations, and only
' Two Gentlemen of Verona. Act I., Scene III. ' Ibid.
2
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUKCH.
SIGN MANUAL OF
HENRY VII.
the Virgin's land, Virginia, remained for those who sailed in tho service
of tho Virgin Queen, in which to lay the foundations of England's
dominion in the West, the work was attempted as a " Ijounden duty "
of the State and Church. For Church and State went hand in hand in
these efforts for discovery and settlement. Without doubt Jolni Cabot,
who, under the auspices of King Henrj'^ VII., on
the Feast of St. John Baptist, 1497, first discovered
the American continent, carried with him, in his
ship "The Matthew," of Bristol, some minister of
the Church of England, as yet unreformed ; while a
year later the royal bounty was extended to a
priest going to the New-found-land ^ of the western
hemisphere. Early in the sixteenth century a canon
of St. Paul's, London, Albert de Prato, appears
upon the American coast, who addressed his patron.
Cardinal Wolsey, in a letter not extant, from the
harbor of St. John's, Newfoundland. But it Avas
not destined that the Church of England, unre-
formed, should people with her sons and daughters these distant lands.
A new spirit was to animate the nation ere the settlement of a land,
designed in the providence of God
to be the home of civil and religious
liberty, was to be successfully at-
tempted. It was thus that the English
Church, delivered '' from the tyran-
ny e of the Bishop of Rome, and all
his detestable enormities ; " ^ pui'ified
in the fiery furnace of the Marian persecutions from Romish error, as
well as freed from Romish rule, entered upon the work of adding new
realms to the dominions of the Cross, with the same intrepidity and tire-
less zeal which inspired the adventures of English captains sailing out
in quest of mines, or fisheries, or furs. Discovery and settlement be-
came, in fact, acts of faith. The spirit in which
these expeditious were undertaken is plainl}' dis-
closed in the instructions prepared by the vener-
able Sebastian Cabot, as governor "of the mysterie
and companie of the Marchants aduenturers for the
discouerie of Regions, Dominions, Islands and
places unknowen," under the direction of King-
Edward VI., for the expedition under Sir Hugh
Willoughby, despatched, in 1553, to attempt the discovery of the
northern passage to Cathay. These brave explorers, who
S^H^
AUTOGRAPH OF HENRY VIII.
Ci
XMmi.l
AUTOGRAPH OF
EDWARD VI.
..." The passage soufrlit, .attempted since
So much in vain, and seeming to be shut
By jealous nature with eternal bars — " ^
'In Xicolas's " Excerpla Historica," pp. don, upon a prest for his shipp going towards the
85-133j several curious entries compiled from New Ilande, £20."
the Privy Purse Expenses of King IlenrT VII., , ^,^^ j,^ jj^,, j^:^ ^^ ^g^y ^^ j,,,,^..„.^,
refer to the patronage CNtcud«l by the king to yj-p^.^^.^j.-^^
the voyagers to the West. Oue we subjoin;
" 1498, March 24, to Eanslot Thirlkill, of Lon- ' Thomson's " Seasons," Winter.
CHURCH CONNECTION WITH DISCOVEIiY AND SETTLEMENT. 3
had with them "JMaster liifhard Statl'ord, Minister ; " andthc three ships
of KiO, 120, and DO tons" burden, respectively, made up, as Fuller in iiis
"Worthies" tells us, "the tirst velbrnied Fleet, which had Ennlisli
SEBASTIAN CAV.OT.
prayers and preachin<r tlieroin." Tt was strictly enjoined in Cabot's code
of instructions "tii;it the morning and evening prayer, with otlicr eom-
' This cut follows a iih<jtii^;['aiih taken from IS'24, Vul. ii., ji. 20S, ami a plioto-iediu'tion of
the Chapman copy of the ori;,'inal. Tlie orij^iiia! that en;;ravin;r appi-ars in Xiuholl's " Life of Se-
was enji:raveil when owned hy Chaiies J.Hur- hastian Cahot." Other euffi-avings have appeared
ford, Esq., for Seyer's " Memoirs of Bristol," in Sparks's "Amer. IJioy.," ^'ol. ix., etc.
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
nion services appointed by the king's majestie, and lawes of this realme,
be read and saide in every ship, daily, by the minister in the Admiral!,
and the raarchant or some other person learned on the other ships, and
the Bible or paraphrases be read devoutly and Christianly to God's
honour, and for his grace to be obtained, and had by humble and heartie
praier of the Nauigants accordingly." ' Tragic as was the result of this
ill-fated expedition so far as the "Admiral" and his hapless crew were
concerned, all of whom wei'e frozen to death while wintering in the har-
bor of Arzina, in Russian Lapland,
the great work of discovery, checked
during the bitter and bloody reign
of Queen Mary, was resumed with
vigor when the land was again free
from the rule of Rome. " Good
order" in the "dayly service " and prayers unto God for success were
enjoined in the instructions given to the voyagers sent out by the Rus-
sian Trading Company, at the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, while the
AUTOORAPH OF QUEEN MART.
AUTOGRAPH OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
incidental mention of this requirement, in the midst of other directions,
proves that attendance upon the church's daily prayers was a recog-
nized duty incumbent upon all men.
In the name and fear of God did these old explorers and advent-
urers put forth upon the almost unknown sea. The Body and Blood of
Christ was their viaticum, and the last home-words that fell upon their
ears were the prayers and praises of the "Book of Common Prayer."
The cross, with the arms of England at its foot, marked their discoveries
and their chosen sites of settlement ; and the words of their English
Book of Prayer were said at morn and even, wherever these dauntless
voyagers pursued their way, — North, till the impenetrable ice barred
their path; South, till the farthest points of both hemispheres were
reached ; West, till in the broad rivers and inland seas of the New
' Anderson's " Colonial Cluirch,'
p. 25.
CHURCH CONNECTION WITH DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT. 5
World they dreamed of tiiidiug a speedier way to Cathay and the spice-
yielding East. Everywhere these sailors and settlers went till the fame
of England's Queen and the faith of England's reformed Church were
known throughout the world. Each new acquisition of the unknown
land, lying in the direction of the setting sun, was so much virgin soil
rescued from Spanish thraldom and Rome's inquisitorial sway. Each
citj^ sacked, each galleon capturetl on the Spanish Main, took somewhat
from the luxuries of the pampered priests, or held in check the growing
rapacity of Philip's court. So thoroughly did this crusading spirit pos-
sess the English mind that the very freebooters of the age, such as
Drake and Cavendish, who knew no peace with Spain "beyond the
AUTOGIiAPH OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE.
line " that marked the Pope's gift of the Western World to that king-
dom,' carried chaplains among their motley crews, and numbered in
their train not a few who dared to die by the rack or in the flames rather
than give up, at the bidding of the pitiless inquisitors of Rome, the little
faith they had. Thus was it with all the captains sailing to the Spanish
Main, and finding amidst the islands and upon the seas of the West In-
dies, and all along the coast of South America, the spoils of successful
contests with the galleons of Spain. The exploits of the noted captains
who sought gold and glory in ceaseless strife with Spain, the nation's
formidable foe, have each their record of daily common prayer and
solemn services and sacraments, conducted by the adventuresome priests
of the Church of England, who were the chaplains of fleets that ruled all
waters, and sailed fearlessly around the globe. We cannot wonder at
the mingling of religion and politics shown in this hatred of Spain and
distrust of Rome. Memories of the Smithfield and Oxford fires had
not died out from the popular mind. The racks and thumb-screws,
and all the appliances of the Inquisition, found in the shattered hulks
of the " Armada," and borne in open view thi'ough the streets of Lon-
don to the Tower, where they are still preserved, told plainly of
Romish intolerance and the Spaniards' cold-blooded hate ; and the
humblest sailor of these ships of discovery felt that the victory or
advantage of Spain would light anew the Marian fires and burn out free-
dom and faith from the land. As these men were in earnest m their
work, so they were ennobled by it, and they did well their part, darmg
'In 1493 the western hemisphere was de- nius IV., in 1438, to the crown of Portugal, :iu im-
clarcd, by a decree of Pope Alexander VI., to aginary line was supposed to be drawn from pole
belong to the united kingdoms of Castile and Ar- to pole, a hundred leagues west of the Azores ;
ragon. In order not to interfere, however, with all discoveries to the east of which were assigned
a previous grant made by a bull of Pope Euge- to Portugal, and all to the west to Spain.
6
HISTORY OF TJIE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
danger and deatli iu the strife, whose guerdon was a continent's redemp-
tion. Tiie old charters and letters-patent, the records of the trading
companies, and the very log-books of the ships of adventm'c, display'
a peculiar mingling of evangelizing and commercial projects. The
printed accounts of these adventures, or the " advei'tisements," as they
-m^^^;^^^^z^^
were often styled, designed to enlist the interest and sympathy of the
public in the schemes for discovery and colonization, always refer to
"the carriage of God's Word into those very mighty and vast countries"
which is expressly stated as a primary object of the expedition of Sir
Humphrey Gilbert in 1583, — the first attemptof the English to colonize
the New World. This deep, religious feeling was not sufl'orcd to ex-
pend itself in words. In the fleet of " fifteen sayle of good ships " which
left Harwich on the 31st of May, 1578, under the command of Martin
CHURCH CONNECTION WITH DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT. 7
Frobisher, one of the most stirring spirits of the times, was, as Halvluyt
quaintly tells us, "one Maister W'olfall, a learned man, appointed hy
her Majestie's Couucell to he their Minister and Preacher," who, "l)eing
well seated and settled at home in his owne countrey, with a good and
large liuing, hauing a good, honest woman to wife, and very towardly
children, being of good reputation amongst the best, refused not to take
in hand this painefull voyage, for the onely care he had to saue soules and
to reforme these intidels, if it were possible, to Christianitie." This
worthy man was the first missionary priest of the reformed Church of
England who ministered on American shores, and the record of his ser-
vices among the ice-fields at the North, as given by the old chronicler
we have already quoted, is full of interest, as indicating the spirit in
which these adventurers essayed the settlement of the Meta Incognita
they had found : —
Maister Wolfull on Winter's Fornace, preached a godlj- sermon, •which being
ended, he celebrated also a Communion vpon tlie land, at the partaking whereof
was the Captain of the Anne Francis, and many other Gentlemen, and Souldiers,
Mariners, and Miners with him. The celebration of the dinine mystery was the first
signe, scale, and confirmation of Christ's name, death, and passion euer knowen in
these quarters. The said 1\I. Wolfall made sermons, and celebrated the Communion
at sundry other times in seuerall and sundry ships, because the whole company could
neuer meet together at any one place.
While this solemn service and sacrament were taking place far to
the northward on the eastern coast, there were pressing on their way
through the Straits of Magellan, and all along the western shores of
the New World, the voyagers in the "Pelican," under the adventure-
some Francis Drake. The story of Drake's fulfilment of his purpose
and prayer, when, at the first sight of the Pacific Ocean, "he fell upon
his knees and implored the divine assistance that he might at some
time sail thither and make a perfect discovery of the same," is written
by his chaplain, Francis Fletcher, and the end and aim of this famous
voyage, in which the world was circumnavigated, was, l)y capture,
conquest, and sack, to wreak vengeance on Spain for injuries which
diplomacy had failed to make good. It was while sailing to the north-
ward that the great seaman discovered, in 1579, the coast of Oregon
and that part of California which now belongs to the United States.
On this coast, in " a convenient and fit harbor," on the first Sunday
after Trinity, June 21, they landed for repairs. Here, at a gathering
of the natives, who seemed to regard their visitors as superior beings,
Drake called his company to prayers. In the presence of the abo-
rigines of this distant land, these rough sailors, who scrupled not to
plunder or murder every Spaniard they met, lifted their eyes and hands
to heaven, to indicate by these symbolic gestures that God is over all ;
and then, following their chaplain's lead, they besought their God, in
the church's prayers, to reveal himself to these idolaters and " to open
their blinded eyes to the knowledge of Him and of Jesus Christ, the
salvation of the Gentiles." It is interesting to note that this strange
service took place on the eve, or else on the Feast Day, of St. John
the Baptist.^ Later, on leaving the scene of their sojourn, it was only by
' Naiiative aud Critiual Histoiy of America, ni., p. 70.
8
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
THE ARMS OF ENGLAND.
prayers and the singing of psalms that the departing voyagers were
able to dissuade the simple natives from " doing sacrifice to them " as
gods.' It was thus that the church's prayers were first heard on the Pa-
cific coast ; and in taking solemn possession, by the planting of the
cross with the arms of England affixed thereto, of " New Albion," for
England's Queen, the far west of our
national domain was claimed for the
Church of the English-speaking race.
To Francis Fletcher, the priest of a
motley crew, belongs the honor of
being the first in Englisli orders who
ministered the Word and Sacraments
within the temtory of the United
States; and if, as is probable, the
"ftxyre and good baye" where he
repaired his ship, and where the
events we have referred to occurred,
was the bay of San Francisco, it was
on this spot that the words of the
Common Prayer were first heard
on the Pacific coast.
The attempt of Frobisher to mine for gold upon the inhospitable
shores of Hudson's Bay failed, as did, a few j^ears later, the efibrts of
Sir Humphrey Gilbert, to whom was assigned 1)y the Queen letters-
patent, bearing date of Juue 11, 1578, "for the inhabiting and planting
of our people in America." This gallant Christian knight, nearlj^ allied
with that " prince of courtesj-," Sir Walter Ralegh, entered upon the
work of peopling the New World with English immigrants, with an
honest purpose of securing " the full possession of these so ample and
pleasant countreys for the Crown and people of England." Among the
motives urging him to undertake this labor were " the honour of God "
and "compassion of poore infidels, captived by the deuill, tj'rannizing
in most wonderful and dreadful manner over their bodies and soules, it
seeming probable that God hath reserved these Gentiles to be reduced
into Christian civility Iiy the English nation." It was for the spread of
the Christian
faith that Gil-
bert hazarded
life and fortune
in these schemes
o f settlement ;
and the preg-
nant clause of
the first charter
granted for the
establishment of
an English col-
on}' on American shores that the laws and ordinances of the settle-
ment "be, as neere as conveniently may, agreeable to the forme of
' Narrative and Critical Histoiy of America, m., p. 70.
AUTOGRAPH OF SH? HUMPHREY Gn.BEKT.
CHURCH CONNECTION' Wlt'll DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT. 9
(he laws and pollicy of England ; and also, that they l)e not against
the true Christian t'ailh or religion now professed in the Chureh of
England." attest both his loyalty and love of mother-ehurch. Al-
though conceived and undertaken in this spirit, the expedition itself,
in the familiar words of our pra^yers. quoted liy the old chronicler,
was "'begun, continued, and ended,' adversly." At the outset gi-eat
delays and disappointments were experienced, and when at length
the expedition had set sail, it was driven l)ack by a Spanish fleet with
loss of ships and men. A few years later the adventurers succeeded
in reaching St. John's Harbor, Newfoundland, where Gilbert and
his comjiany landed on the tenth Sunday after Trinity, August 4,
1583. On the following day Sir Humphrey took formal possession of
St. John's and the neighboring country, and, in token of his feudal
rights, received, "after the custom of England, a rod and a turfle of
the same soile." Of the three laws he set forth for immediate observ-
ance, the first provided that the religion of the colony, "in pulilique
exercise should be according to the Church of England ; " the others
enjoined the maintenance of the royal prerogatives. Ha\ing thus settled
the government and religion of Newfoundland, Sir Humphrey undertook
the exploration of the coast of the main-land to the southward, l)ut the
loss of one of his ships forced him to change his course for England.
The little "frigat" of teutons burden, which carried this intrepid navi-
gator, foundered amidst the "outrageous seas," and Sir Humphrey, who
^as last seen by the crew of his companion vessel " sitting abaft with a
booke in his hand," and crying out, " We ai'e as ueare to heaven by sea
as by land," was prevented by this fate from being the first settler within
the limits of the United States, and, possibly, from shaping the relig-
ious history of New England in the direction of confoi'mity to the Church
of which he was a faithful member.
But death and disappointments could not check the spirit of ad-
venture now rife in England ; and the zeal for the evangelization of
the heathen l>eyond the sea, which now animated the English Church
and realm, soon found expres-
sion in acts as well as words.' ^
Ralegh, to whom may be given n-
the proud title of ''The Father ^^ /f <^^^^t— ^*
of American Colonization," was
impatient^ to win the prize autograph of sm walter ralegh.
which his half-brother had
failed to seciu-e. The year following Sir Humplu'ey's loss a fresh patent
was granted by the t^ueeu to her favorite courtier, vesting in him
and his heirs the powers and privileges which had Ijeen l)estowed
upon Sir Humphrey. As before, provision was made that the laws
'" The carriage of God's word into those very England to plant a colony, show clearly that a
mighty and vast conntrcys," to quote the words moving cause in the enterprise was the wish and
of Haies, one of Gilbert's captains, and the chron- belief that it was destined, in tlie counsels of the
icier of his ill-starred fortunes, was a labor of so Almi'.'hty, that England should bear the evangel
high and excellent a nature as shouhl, indeed, of our Lord Jesus Christ to the savages of the
" make men well advised how they haiuUcd it," western world. Thus is the first effort to
and Haies a.s well as Sir George Peckman, " the found a settlement of the En^rlish race upon our
chief adventurer and furthei'er of Gilbert's American shores plainly proved to be an attempt
voyage," in their published reports of "the heavy to promote the spread of the Christian faiih by
succeise and issue of" this "first attempt" of the evangelistic labor of the English Church.
10 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
" be not against the true Christian fiiith nowe professed in the Church
of England." These letters-patent bear the date of Lady-day, 1584,
and on the 27th of the following month two l)arks, well furnished with
men and provisions, commanded by Masters Philip Amadas and
Arthur Barlow e, respectively, set sail from the west of England at the
charge and by the direction of Ralegh. About two mouths were
spent by these adventurers on the coast of North Carolina, which they
reached on the 4th of July (old style) ; and, having kidnapped two
of the natives, Wanchese and IManteo, and "uined some vague infor-
mation with respect to the natural productions of the country and the
manners and customs of the people, they returned to England, where
they arrived a1)out the middle of September. The story of this voyage,
written by Barlowe, spread far and wide the fame of the paradise dis-
covered in the New World. A rude map, made during the expedition b}'
the adventurers themselves, a copy of which was afterwards published by
De Bry, represents the large vessels riding at anchor outside the sound,
while a single-masted pinnace, bearing at its prow a man holding an
uplifted cross in his hand, is making towards the shore as if to testify the
desire of the adventurers for the propagation of Christianity in the lands
they had discovered. That this desire was no mere passing thought
subsequent events fully proved. The Queen, deeming her reign
signalized liy the disco^'cry of so fair a land, gave to it the name
" Virginia."' Ralegh soon obtained from the Parliament, in which he
represented his native Devon, a bill confirming his patent of discovery.
He was shortly afterwards knighted by his royal mistress, and the
means were provided, by the grant of a profitable monopoly, wliich
enabled him to prosecute without delay his schemes of settlement.
Seven vessels, under the command of Ralegh's cousin. Sir
Richard Grenville, a brave and gallant knight, whose life and death
were heroic, comprised the fleet that set sail from Ptymouth, on Good
Friday, April 9, 1585, to plant a colony in the New Virginia. Master
Ralph Lane, afterwards knighted by the Lord Deputy of Ireland for his
military services in that unhappy
—— > t^^- land, was appointed governor
f-i^^/Z~ /Coi..^^^__ ^^ ^^ °°® hundred and eight
~yj ^y colonists who were to found the
C/ (;^ ~p first settlement in the New A\'orld.
d— ■ Master Philip Amadas, who was
one of the discoverers of the site
of settlement, was commissioned as "Admiral of the Country." First
on the list of those, "as well gentlemen as others, that remained one
whole year in Virginia," is the honored name of " Master Harlot,'" the
historian of the colony, and still I'emerabei-ed as the inventor of the
system of notation used in modern algebra. It is to the keen observa-
tion of the natural products of the country by Thomas Harlot that the
world owes the knowledge of the value of the tuberous roots of the po-
tato and the " many rare and wonderful " virtues of the tobacco-plant.
Among the "principal gentlemen of the company" was Cavendish,
its "High Marshall," who afterwards circumnavigated the world, and
was knighted by the Queen ; and the wise forethought of Ralegh had
CIlUKCll CONNECTION WITH DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT. 11
provided that John White, Jiii artist of merit, should accompany the
expedition, whose water-color studies from life of the aborigines, their
habits and modes of living, as well as of the plants, birds, and beasts of
CAVENDISH.
Virginia, are still preserved in the British Museum,' and were at the
time reproduced in the fascinating pages of De Bry. Others, men of
family and fortune, together with not a few "bad natures," as Hariot
^ An intcrcstiiiir account of these one hundred collection in the British Museum, is Ibund in the
and twelve water-color drawings, in the Sloane " Archseologia Americana," iv., pp. 20-'2.i.
12 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
styles them, made up the expedition, which had, at least, its outward
recognition of religion in the appointed " prayers " at which, as we
learn from the same chronicler, the aborigines were sometimes present
as interested attendants on the settlers' common prayer and praise.
Anthony Wood, in his gossiping " Athenre Oxonienses," ' has at-
tempted to impugn the orthodoxy of Hariot ; but tliis accusation is
refuted, not only by contemporary authority, but by his own words,
which, as the first pul)iished record of missionary eftbrt among tlie
al)origines of our land by a member of our mother-church, are well
worthy of our notice. In"ABriefe and True Report of the New
Found Land of Virginia," after describine' the undisjjuised wonder of
the simple natives at the sight of the mathematical instruments, the
time-pieces, burning-glasses, fire-arms, and books of the colonists,
Hariot proceeds as follows : —
They thought they were rather the workes of gods than of men or at the least
wise they had lione giuen and taught vs of tlie gods. Whicli made many of them
to haue such an opinion of us, as that if they knew not the trueth of God, and religion
already, it was rather to hue liad from vs, whom God so specially loued, than from
a people that were so simple, as they found theraselues to be in comijarison of vs.
Whereupon greater credite was giuen v)ito that wee spake of, concerning such
matters.
Many times and in euery towne where I came, according as I was able, I made
declaration of the contents of the Bilile, that therein was set f(Kirth the true and onely
God, and his mightie workes, that therein was coiiteined the true do<'trine of
saluation through Christ, with many particularities of ISIiracles and chiefe points
of Religion as I was able then to vtter, and thought fit for the time. And although
I told them the booke materially and of itselfe was not of any such virtue, as I
thought they did conceiue, but onely the doctrine therein conteined ; yet would
many be glad to touch it, to embrace it, to kisse it, to hold it to their breastes and
heads, and stroke ouer all their body with it, to show their hungi'y desire of that
knowledge which was spoken of.
But even these evidences for God's Word were far from being the
sole results of Harlot's zealous efforts in behalf of the natives, — eftbrts
designed, as he observes in the same narrative, that they "might live
together with us, be made partakers of His truth, and serve Him in
righteousness." A man of prayer himself, both by example and teach-
ing, he impressed these gentle savages with a sense of the value of
prayer.
The Wiroans (or chief) with whom we dwelt, called Wingina, and many of his
people would bee glad many times to be with us at our prayers, and many times
call vpon us both in his owne towne, as also in others, whither hee sometimes
accompanied vs, to pray and sing Psalmes, hoping thereby to be partakers of the
same effects which we by that means also expected. Twise this Wiroans was so
grievously sicke that he was like to die, and as he lay languishing, doubting of any
helpe by his owue priestes, and thinking hee was in such danger for offending vs,
and thereby our God, sent for some of vs to pray and bee a means to ovr God, that
it would please Him that he might line, or after death dwell with Him in blisse : so
likewise were the requests of many others in the like case.
If the leaders of the expedition had shared the high and holy pur-
poses and missionary zeal of Hariot its history would have been far
different. Its appointed head soon showed himself unworthy of his
' Bliss's edition, ii., p. 299.
CHURCH CONNECTION WITH DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT. 18
position. With liim words took the place of deeds, and his speedy
desertion of iiis post ajjpcars in marked contrast with his professions
of martyr-liko devotion to tiic cause he had undertaken.
From "Port Ferdinando, in Virginia," the governor addressed the
following words to Sir Francis Walsingham, Her Majesty's Secre-
tary of State. We have modernized the orthography, which, in the
original, is especially defective : —
Myself have undertaken, with the fiivor of God and in His fear, with a good
company more, as well of gentlemen as others, to remain here the return of a new
supply ; as resolute rather to lose our lives than to defer a possession to her
majesty, our country, and tliat our most noble Patron, Sir Walter Rah^gh, of so
noble a kingdom, as by his most worthy endeavor and infinite charge, as also of
your honor and the rest of the most honorable the adventurers, an honorable entry
IS made into (by the mercy of God) to the conquest of; and for mine own part do
lind myself better contented to live with flsh for my daily food and wat(!r for my
daily drink in the prosecution of such one action than out of the same to live in the
greatest plenty that the Court could give me ; comforted chiefly hereunto with an
assurance of Her Majesty's greatness hereby to grow by the addition of such a king-
dom as this is to the rest of her dominions ; by means whereof likewise (he Church
of Christ through Christendom may, by the mercy of God, in short time lind a
relief and freedom from the servitude and tyranny that by Spain (being the sword
of that Antichrist of Rome and his sect) the same hath of long time Ijccn most
miserably oppressed with. Not doubting, in the mercy of God, to be sufficiently
provided for by Him, and most assured by faith in Christ, that rather than He will
suffer His Enemies the Papists to triumph over the overthrow of this most Christian
action, or of us His poor servants, in the thorough famine or other wants, — being
in a vast country yetunmannered, though most apt for it, — that he could command
even the ravens to feed us, as He did by His servant the Prophet Habakkuk ( ! ) and
that only for His mercy's sake. . . . From the Porte Ferdinando in Virginia the
12tb of August, 1585.
On the same day the governor wrote to Sir Philip Sydney some
further "ylle fashioned lynes," proposing an expedition against tlie
island of St. John and Ilispaniola, as San Domingo was then called,
by which the forces of the King of Spain could l)e diverted from
England to the West Indies, and ))egging the gallant Sydney, who had
earlier contemplated leading a colony of settlers to the New World, not
" to refuse the good opportunity of such a service to the Church of
Christ, as the seizure of the mines of treasure, in the possession of
Spain, would be."
Deeply may we regret that these words of daring, and their promise
of self-denying devotion to the mighty enterprise in hand, found so
inadequate a fulfilment. A few weeks of loneliness in the wilderness
unmanned both governor and colonists, and the high hopes of the
moment of debarkation were forgotten in an overmastering longing to
return to home and friends across the Atlantic.
But little remains to mark the site of this first settlement upon
Amei'ican soil. The records of the colonists fix the location of the
modest fort and village, erected 1iy these early adventurers, not for
from the northern point of the island of Roanoke, just enough removed
from the shore to be sheltered from the ocean gales by the headlands
and the forest, while the outlook upon the waters whence their supplies
were to come was not obscured. Traces of the entrenchments are still
' These interesting letters are I'ouDcl in " ArcUieoloyia Aincricana,"\'ol. iv., pp. 8-18.
14 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUKCH.
to be soen, with here a gate-way, flanked by a deep trench, and there a
bastion, thrown out at the angle of the fort. The pine, the live-oak, and
other forest trees, draped with luxuriant vines, and standing in the midst
SIR FRANCIS DRAKE.
of a dense undergrowth, have filled the ditch and overgrown the site.
In the rank grass a moss-covered stone, or a fragment of brick, are all
the relics that i-emain of Ralegh's settlement on Eoanoke Island.
At this spot Lane and his little company remained until the 19th
of June, 158G. The governor, by this time, had grown dissatisfied witii
CHURCH CONNECTION WITH DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT. 15
the site chosen for the settlement. There was no harbor in which the
ships of England, coming with succors and supplies, could ride at anchor
in safety. To the northward the governor had found a fairer site. On
the shores of Chesapeake Bay the difficulties and dangers environing
them in their present location could be met and overcome. Lacking in
sorely needed supplies, on ill terms with the natives, whom Lane had
harshly treated, it was with no little joy that, on the 8th of June, the
colonists discovered the horizon flecked with the white sails of the fleet
of Sir Francis Drake. The noted freebooter at once ofiered to his
countrymen the needed supplies. He added the proff'er of some of his
prizes ; but a sudden gale drove one of these ships to sea, while the
others were of too great burden to enter the narrow roadstead, which
was their only harbor. Suddenly the colonists determined to abandon
their new home, and Drake assented to their request for transportation
to the mother-land. A fortnight later the first supply-ship, sent by
Sir Walter, reached the American coast, and shortly after followed
Sir Richard Grenville, with three ships, bringing the promised stores.
It was in vain that Sir Richard sought for the colonists, now half-way
across the Atlantic, and, leaving fifteen men on the deserted island,
amply provisioned for two yeai's, he returned to England. Lane
never revisited his American domain. By his inexplicable desertion
he lost the opportunity of an immortality such as has fallen to
but few.
NOTES, CRITICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL.
WE assume, as is generally conceded, that the Cabots' voyage of discovery took
phice in 1497, and was followed by a second voyage the following year. The
patent granted by Henry VII. to John Cabot, or Zuan Caboto, as his name appears in
the Venetian archives, his three sons, their heirs and assigns, provided that the expe-
dition was to be " at their own proper cost and charge." The "prima tierra vista"
was taken possession of by the formality of planting a cross, with the insignia of
England and St. Mark, and by the proclamation of the right of the King of Eng-
land to the new discovery. Though the discovery made by the Cabots was that of
a continent, still the result of these voyages made under the royal patronage and
those on private account were followed by few results. The sending of the little
fleet, under Willoughby, in the spring of 1553, to the north-east, and the subsequent
incorporation of the merchant adventurers with Sebastian Cabot as their head, were
undertaken by the merchants of London, with a view of checking the decay of ti'ade
in England by opening a new outlet abroad for the manufactures of the nation .
But this was not the only incentive urging Englishmen to attempt the colonization
of the New World. Richard Eden, in his " Decades of the Newe Worlde or West
India," etc., published in 1555, expresses the earnest desire that the faith of Christ
may be extended by the conversion of the natives of these distant lands: —
" How much, I say, shall this sound unto our reproach and inexcusable sloth-
fulness and negligence, both before God and the world, that so large dominions
of such tractable people and pure Gentiles, not being hitherto corrupted with any
other false religion (and therefore the easier to be allured to embi-ace ours), are
now known unto us, and that we have no respect neither for God's cause nor for
our own commodity, to attempt some voyages unto these coasts, to do for our parts
as the Sparuards have done for theirs, and not ever like sheep to haunt one trade,
and to do nothing worthy memory among men or thanks before God, who may
16 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
herein worthily accuse us for the slackness of our duty toward him." The plans
ripe in London ere the year had closed in which the discovery of America was
made, contemplated the tittiug out by the king early in the following spring of an
expedition to colonize the new discovery. " All the convicts " were to be placed at
the disposition of Cabot, and with the expedition there were expected to go "sev-
eral poor Italian monks," who had " all been promised bishopi-icks." ' The f^os-
siping writer of these reports to the Duke of Milan thought the benefices in store
tor him "a surer thing" than the " archbishopric," which he felt confident of ob-
taining through his acquaintance with the "Admiral." This second voyage, evi-
dently a scheme of colonization, proved a failure. One of the ships, iii which a
" Friar Duel" sailed, returned to Ireland damaged, and the adventuresome ecclesi-
astic failed to secure the well-earned and promised mitre. Fur years all schemes
of discovery and colonization in the distant west were substantially abandoned. It
was left, as we have said, to the men of the reformation to undertake and carry out
successfully the colonizing and Christianizing of the shores of North America.
The religious spirit of the reformation age pervaded literature and life. Even
the slave-traders went fortli to their cruel work, as though it were a crusade. Sir
John Hawkins, knighted by Queen Elizabeth for his success in this iniquitous traffic
and for the wealth bnnight through his voyages to the realm, sailed in a ship named
"Jesus," and his sailing orders close with words expressive of his relio-ious foith,
as well as his practical good sense: "Serve God daily; love one another; pre-
serve your victuals ; beware of fire ; and keep good company." By tlio fii-st in-
junction was meant the daily morning and evening prayer of the chun-h, and it was
after the use oi these solemn f(jrras of worship tliat they proceeded day by day to
carry out their nefarious plans. In their reverses, as well as in their successes, they
recognized the interposing of God, " who never suffereth his elect to perish." - Even
Hawkins's coat-armor, by its mingling of the pilgrim's scallop-shell in gold between
two palmer's staves, would seem to indicate that, in the judgment of the Herald's
Office, the capture of Africans and the sale of human flesh was the " true crusade
of the reign of Elizabeth."^
It should be borne in mind, in explanation of the creed and practices of Hawkins,
Drake, and other " freebooters " of the age, that there was " no peace with Spain
beyond the line " ; and that both of these noted voyagers had been the victims of
Spanish treachery when lying peaceably at anchor in the port of San Juan d'Ulua.
Attacked both by sea and from the land, but two of the five ships composing the
fleet escaped ; and the captives, at least a hundred in number, fell into the hands
of the Inquisition, where their sufferings, save in a few exceptional cases, were
only terminated by death. As Dr. Edward Everett Hale forcibly puts the case in
" The Narrative and Critical History of America " (Vol. iii., p. 6f) : " If Hawkins's
accoimt of the perfidy of the Spaniards at San Juan d'Ulua be true, — and it has
never been contradicted, — the Spanish Crown that day brought down a storm of
misery and rapine from which it never fairly recovered. The accursed doctrine of
the Inquisition, that no faith was to be kept with heretics, proved a dangerous doc-
ti'ine for Spain when the heretics were such men as Hawkins, Cavendish, and
Drake. On that day Francis Drake learned his lesson of Spanish treachery ; and
he learned it so well that he determined on his revenge. That revenge he took so
thoroughly that for more than a himdred years he is spoken of in all Spanish an-
nals as 'The Dragon,' a play upon his name, ' Dracus,' or ' Draco.' "
Numerous relics of Frobisher's voyages were obtained by Captain Charles F.
Hall in his first expedition to seek fm- traces of Sir John Franklin, 18G0-18Gi, some
of which are deposited in the National Museum in '^Vasliington. Tlie purpose of
leaving a party to winter in these northern latitudes was shown by the erection of
a house of lime and stone on the Countess of Warwick's Island, where numerous
articles were deposited. Had the " ore," of which more than thirteen luuidred
tons were taken across the ocean, proved of value, the chill of winter and the ilan-
gers of an almost unknown sea would not have deterred crowds of adventurers
from seeking their fortune on these inhospitable shores. Lacking the stimulus of
gold, further effort for the settlement of these lands was wanting, and the keen
search of the sailors of England for the discovery of new territories in the Western
World was elsewhere directed.
The chief authority for the famous voyage of Drake is " The World Encom-
passed by Sir Francis Drake, . . . Carefully Collected out of the notes of Master
' Narrative aud Critical Histoi-y of America, iii., p. 5.i. = Ibid., p. 63. ' Hid.
CHURCH CONNECTION WITH DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT. 17
Francis Fletohor, Preacher in tbeir employment, anil divers others, his followers in
the same ; Uflcred now at last to publique view, both lor the iionour of the actor, but
especially fortlie stirring vp of hcroick spirits, to benefit their country, and clernize
their names by lilie noble attempts." London. -Ito. 1028. This volume of upwards
of one lumdred pages was reprinted in 1C.33, and has been reissued by the Ilaliluyt
Society, in 18o5. The narrative of the voyage is found in tjie general collections of
Hakluyt, Harris, and others. Mr. Froude, in his History of Enghmd (Volume xi.,
chapter 2!)), gives a brilliant account of the expedition, with an amusing episode
of an incident in the pi-cacher's experience on the return voyage, which illustrates
the gi'im humor of the times. S. Cr. Drake, in the " Genealogieal and Antiquarian
Itcgister," gives a partial list of the companions of Drake, and in the "American
Historical liecord" (Vol. in., pp. 3-14-o5o), under the title, "The First Englishmen
in North America," reexamines the whole subject of the voyage and voyagers. Ho
lironounces "The World Kncompassed" "as a literary i)erformance " to be "of
the first rank of that ])eriod."
Ralegh is not only to be regarded as the founder of the transatlantic colonies
of England, but also has the credit of securing for the colonists those guarantees
of political rights and privileges which formed the grounds on which, in later j'cars,
the people of North America made successful issue with the mother-laud in the
struggle which resulted in independence.
In the charter granted to him on Lady-day, 1584, not only was he empowered to
plant colonics upon " such remote heathen and barbarous lands, not actually pos-
sessed by any Christian prince nor inhabited by Christian people," as his expedi-
tions might tliscover, l)ut the lands thus acquired by discovery were to be enjoyed
by the colonies forever, and the settlers themselves were to "have all the privileges
of free denizens and persons native of England, in such ample manner as if they
were born and personally resident in our said realm of England," and they were
to be governed " according to such statutes as shall be by him or them established;
so that the said statutes or laws conform as near as conveniently may be with those
of England, and ilo not oppugn the Christian faith or any way withdraw the peo])le
of those lands from om- allegiance." It was through the far-seeing wisdom of this
accomplished soldier and statesman that the English in America were enabled from
the very beginnings of settlement to claim all the privileges, franchises, and im-
munities enjoyed and possessed by the people of England.
The subjects alhuled to in this chapter are fully and authoi-itatively treated in
the opening pages of "The Narrative and Critical History of America," Vol. iii.
To this exhaustive work we would refer for the latest and most judicial treatment
of the many disputed questions which have arisen with reference to our early
annals of discovery and settlement. The positions assumed in the text are those
so ably maintained by Mr. Winsor and his collaboraleurs.
CHAPTER 11.
SERVICES AND SACRAMENTS AT RALEGH'S COLONIES AT
ROANOKE, ON THE NORTH CAROLINA COAST.
THE pusillanimous desertion of the colony by Lane failed to dis-
courage tlie high hopes and purposes of Ealcgh. The governor
himself had borne testimon}', in the freshness of his first enthu-
siasm, that it was "the goodliest soil under the cope of heaven ; the
most pleasing territory of the world." The climate was " whole-
some," and, with the presence of people and the domestic animals, "no
realm in Christendom were comparable to it." Harlot, also, in his
" Brief and True Ecpoi-t of the New Found Land in Virginia," dedicated
"to the adventurers, favorers, and wcll-willers of the enterpiise for
the inhabiting and planting in Virginia," which was published in Eng-
land the following year, had attested the fertility of the soil and the
healthiness of the climate. It was not difficult, therefore, for Ralegh
to collect another party of settlers, numbering one hundred and fifty.
Of this colony, which for the first time numljcred among its members
women as well as men, John White was appointed governor ; and twelve
assistants, spoken of in the charter as " gentlemen," and " late of Lon-
don," were associated with him in the administration of (ho government.
The charter of incorporation for the settlement contemplated the es-
tablishment of a municipality under the name of "The City of Ralegh,
in Virginia," and a fleet of three transports, chartered for'^the advent-
urers, set sail from Portsmouth, on Friday, the 8th of JMay, the day fol-
lowing the Feast of the Ascension. In the charter given by Sir Walter
to the adventurers there is mention of a donation of one hundred pounds
sterling, made by Sir Walter Ralegh, to be invested l)y them as they
pleased, the profits of the venture to be applied " in planting the Chris-
tian religion, and advancing the same." This is the first gift on record
for the evangelizing of our American shores. By the last of July, after
various mishaps, the colony had disembarked, not on the shores of
Chesapeake Bay, as Sir Walter had proposed, l)ut at ill-fated Roanoke,
where the first sight that met their eyes was the bones of one of the fif-
teen men left in the fort by Grenville, after Lane's desertion of both
fortification and settlement. The fort had Iwen razed, the houses were
tenanted only by the wild deer, attracted by the luxuriant growth of
melons, wliich had claml)crcd through the open doors and windows and
covered the ruined palisade. The unfortunate fifteen, as was subse-
quently ascertained from the natives, had been attacked by the savages.
The survivors, betaking themselves to their boat, floated to a small
island near Ilattcras, and, on their removal thence, probably in search
of Croatoan, were lost sight of forever.
SERVICES AND SACRAMENTS AT ROANOKE. 19
" The sundry necessary and decent dwelling-houses," left 1)y Lane,
were at once repaired, while " other new cottages " were built ; and the
colony under White, which numbered ninety-one men, seventeen
women, and nine children, was soon established in its New- World home.
We can without difficulty picture the daily life of these strangcirs in a
strange land. We cannot doubt but that the "daily pi'ayer," which
Harlot tells us was attended b}' those who founded the earlier settle-
ment under liane, was not omitted now, when, as we have eveiy reason
to believe, a priest of the Church of England formed one of the set-
tlers, or at least transferred his duties as chaplain of the little? lUu^t to
the shore, while seamen and settlers sought to lay the foundations of
the city of Ealegh. The drum-beat was doubtless their summons to
prayer, and the motley crowd of gentlemen and yeomen, the soldier in
his light armor, the settler in his homespun, the friendly savage in his
paint and feathers, the women thinking of the noble churches in the
far-away home of their early days, the children wondering at all they
saw and heard, — these made up the grouping as the simple matins and
even-songs of mother-church were fervently said. The day thus
opened and closed would be spent in the etibrt to build and beautify
the home, in striving to gain experience and alertness in the use of
weapons of defence, in hunting the timid deer, or fishing from the
rocks and in the little streams, or else in traffic with the al)origines.
Expeditions of discovery along the coast or into the interior ; meetings
with the friendly Indians in council, or preparations against the sudden
attacks of those who had been alienated from the English by the ill-
judged severity of Lane; the cultivation of the virgin soil, or the
preparation of the grateful narcotic so recently introduced to English
use, — in these occupations the days went on. The kindred of jNIanteo,
a chieftain who had l)een taken to England by the first discoverers, and
had returned to his home with Lane, lived on the island of Croatoan,
and with them friendly relations were at once established. Li contrast
to the kindly disposition of Manteo was the implacable hate of Wan-
chese, who had also been carried to England, but who, on his return,
became the bitter foe of the colonists. Through his influence the eifoits
of the English to secure the friendship of the aliorigines on the main-
land failed. Shortly one of the settlers, straying incautiously from
the fort, was killed by the hostile natives. In the attempt to avenge
this loss, by a night attack, one of the friendly savages was unfortu-
nately slain, having been mistaken for a foe. Thus untowavdly the
work of founding the city of lialegh wont on to its accomplishment.
On the 13th of August the faitiiful Manteo was admittexl to Christ's
Church by holy baptism. This administration of the sacrament had
been provided for by Ralegh ere the expedition sailed from England,
and, in accordance with the proprietary's will, the neophyte was made
Lord of Roanoke and Dasmouguepcuk, in recognition of his faithful
and untiring service. This act of christening took place on tiie ninth
Sunday after Trinity. On the following Sunday, Virginia, daughter
of Ananias and Eleanor Dare, and granddaughter of the governor,
White, who was born on Friday, the 18th of August, was christened,
being " the first Christian borne in Virginia." We do not know the name
20 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
of the faithful priest of the English Church to whom was given the
honor of admitting to holy baptism, according to the English I'ite, the
tirst Indian convert and tlje first child born of English parents in the
New World. The list of those who remained at lloanoke is extant ;
but there are no means of ascertaining who was the priest of the set-
tlement, if, indeed, a priest remained, to live and die with the unhappy
settlers. But that there was some one in holy orders available for
this solemnity is to be inferred, not only from the record of the
administration of the sacrament, but also from the fact that Ralegh
had, as we have seen, made provision for the baptism of Manteo prior
to the departure of the expedition from England. It may have been
the case that the clergyman who ofHciated at these baptisms was the
chaplain of the tleet which brought over the colony, and shortly after
returned with the governor, John White, on board. The departure of
the Ucet with the governor, who had reluctantly yielded to the urgiugs
of the colonists in embarking, left behind eighty-nine men, seventeen
women, and eleven children, two of whom had been born in Virginia.
White certainly gave hostages for his speedy return, in leaving behind
him his daughter and grandchild. Already it had been decided to
abandon the present site of the colony and to remove to the main-land.
It was among the last instructions of the governor that, in the event of
this removal, the settlers should carve, on some post or tree, the name
of the place of their new home, and if in distress to cut a cross above
the letters. On the 28th of August the ships weighed anchor and set
sail for England ; and on the 5th of November the returning voyagers
landed at Martasen, near St. jMichacl's mount, in Cornwall.
It was at a time of apprehension of invasion from Spain that
White reached England. The "Armada" was aiioat, and Ralegh,
Grenville, and Lane were busied in measures for the defence of the
homes and altars of their native land. Still, Ralegh found means to
despatch two barks, under the command of White, with supplies for
his colony. But these ships were more anxious to light the Spaniards
than to relieve the settlers at Roanoke, and in their search for prizes
one of the two fell in with men-of-war from Rochelle, and after a
bloody encounter was boarded and plundered by the foe. Both ships
were forced to return to England, defeated in their purpose of reaching
the North Carolina coast. The delay proved fatal, for, in the culmina-
tion of the struggle, which shortly followed, in which the independence
of England and the existence of England's reformed Church were at
stake, there could be no relief for the Roanoke colonists till after the
final destruction of the "Armada."
At length, when victory had been gained and security assured, in
the complete overthrow of the Spanish tleet. Sir Walter Ralegh, M'ho had
already expended forty thousand pounds in his efforts for colonizing
America, found himself too much impoverished to renew the attempt.
Availing himself of the privileges secured by his letters-patent he
gi'anted to a company of merchants and adventurers his rights of pro-
prietorship in the Virgin's Land beyond the seas. But, notwithstand-
ing his large concessions, the company proved laggard in its schemes
of colonization, lacking the lavish support and persevering counsels
SERVICES AND SACRAMENTS AT ROANOKE. 21
of tlio father of American colonization. It was not till more than
another year had elapsed that \Miite was able to return to the shores
where he had left his daughter and her child. Touching, indeed, is
the glimpse given us, in White's own words, of the fate of these ear-
liest English settlers on our American continent. The voyage had not
been without mishaps, and at the approach to the shore the most
of a boat's crew were drowned I)y a heavy sea : "This mischance did
so much discomfort the sailors, that they were all of one mind not to go
any further to seek the planters ; but in the end, by the commandment
and persuasion of me and Captain Cooke, they prepared the boats, and
seeing the captain and me so resolute they seemed much more willing.
Our boats and all things fitted again, we put off from liatorask, being
the number of nineteen persons in both boats ; but, before we could
get to the place where our planters were left, it was so exceeding dark
that we overshot the place a quarter of a mile ; there we espied, tow-
ards the north end of the island, the light of a great fire through the
woods, to the which we presently rowed. When we came right over
against it, we let fall our gi'apncl near the shore, and sounded with a
trumpet a call, and afterwards many familiar English tunes of songs,
and called to them friendly ; but we had no answer. We therefore landed
at daybreak, and coming to the fire we found the grass and smidry rotten
trees burning about the place. From hence we went through the woods to
that part of the island directly over against Dasamongwepcuk, and from
thence we returned by the water-side round about the north point of the
island, until we came to the place where I left our colony iu the year 158G.
In all this way we saw in the sand the print of the savages' feet of two
or three sorts trodden in the night ; and as we entered up the sandy
bank, upon a tree, in the very brow thereof, were curiously carved
these ftiir Roman letters, C. R. O., which letters presently we knew
to signify the place where I should find the planters seated, according
to a secret token agreed upon between them and me at my last depart-
ure from them : which was that in any ways they should not fail to
write or carve, on the trees or posts of the doors, the name of the
place where they should be seated ; for at my coming away they were
prepared to remove from Roanoke fifty miles into the main. Therefore,
at my departure from them in An. 1587, I willed them, that if they
should happen to be distressed in any of those places, that then they
should carve over the letters or name a + in this form ; but we found
no such sign of distress. And, having well considered of this, we
passed towards the place where they were left in sundry houses, but
we found the houses taken down, and the place very sti'ongly enclosed
with a high palisade of great trees, with curtains and Hankers very
fort-like ; and one of the chief trees or posts at the right side of the
entrance had the bark taken off, and five feet from the ground, in fair
capital letters, was graven CROATOAN, without anj' cross or sign of
distress ; this done, we entered into the palisade, where Ave found many
bars of iron, two pigs of lead, four iron-fowlers, iron locker-shot, and
such like heavy things thi-own here and there, almost overgrown with
grass and weeds. From thence we went along by the water-side toward
the point of the creek, to see if we could find any of their boats or
22 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAX EPISCOPAL CnUKCU.
pinnace ; but we could perceive no sign of them nor any of the last
falcons or small ordinance which were left M"ith them at m}' departure
from them. At our return from the creek, some of our sailors meetins:
us told us that they had found where divers chests had been hidden,
and long sithence digged up again and broken up, and much of the
goods in them spoiled and scattered about, but nothing left of such
things as the savages knew any use of, uudef;iccd. Presently Captain
Cooke and I wont to the place, M'hich was in the end of an old trench,
made two years past bj^ Captain Amadas, where we found live chests
that had been carefully hidden of the planters, and of the same chests
three were mj^ own, and about the place many of mj' things spoiled
and broken, and my books torn from the covers, the frames of some of
mj' pictures and maps rotten and spoiled with rain, and my armor almost
. eaten through with rust. This could be no other than the deed of the
savages, our enemies at Desamongwepeuk, who had watched the depart-
ure of our men to Ci'oatoan, and as soon as they were departed
digged by everj' place where they suspected anything to be buried ;
but although it much gi'ieved me to see such spoil of my goods, j'et on
the other side I greatly joyed that I had safely found a certain token
of their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was
born, and the savages of the islands our friends."
The hopes of a speedj' reunion with child and grandchild, and the
revival on a new site, and with happier auspices, of the citj^ of Kalegh,
and the scheme of colonizmg on the American coast, so naturally excited
by the results of this day of exploration, were to be crushed out for-
ever. The skies were overcast. The sailors with difficulty regained
their ship. In the morning, as they weighed anchor for " Croatoan,"
the cable broke, and the gale drove them towards the shore. ^\i"ter a
narrow escape from wreck, with a sti'aiued and leaking bark, and with
not a single anchor left, they were forced to turn their course towards
the West Indies, leaving the colonists to their fate. Xo further oflbrt
availed for their relief. A century later, as the historian of North
Carolina relates, the Hattcras Indians, at Croatoan, were wont to tell
"that several of their ancestors were white people, and could talk in a
book as we do ; the truth of which is confinned l)y gray eyes being foimd
frequently among these Indians, and no others. They value themselves
extremely for their affinity to the English, and are ready to do them
all friendly offices." The tradition of these Indians may shadow forth
the fate of some of these unfortunate colonists, or possibly maj^ eluci-
date the mj'stery attending the disappearance of Grenville's lifteen men.
But in the "Histor}' of Travaile into Virginia Britannia," by William
Strachcy, recently published ' from a manuscript in the British ^luscum,
there are incidental references and statements, which lead us to infer
that the Eoanoke settlers s'urvived amidst their savage friends till
about the year 1607, at which time " the men, women, and children of
the tirst plantation at lioanoke were, by pi-actice and commandment
of Powhatan (he himself persuaded thereunto by liis priests), miser-
ably' slaughtered, without any oflence given him, either b}' the tirst
planted (who twent}' and odd j'ears had peaceably lived hitermixt with
1 By the Ilaklujt Society, 1S19.
SERVICES AND SACEAMENTS AT ROANOKE. 23
Ihose salvages, and were out of his tcrrilory ") . In another reference to
this matter Straehcy tells us that "at Kitauoc, the AVeroance Eyanoco
preserved seven of the English alive, — four men, two boys, and one
3'oung maid ( who escaped and tied up the river of Chanokc) , — to beat
his copper, of which he had certain mines at the said Ritanoe." Vague
and imperfect as these and other incidental allusions contained in
Strachcy's history arc, thej' certainly imply that some of " these unfor-
tunate and betrayed peojde "escaped the " miserable and untimely des-
tiny " which involved the major part of them in destruction, and com-
municated in some way with thescttlci's at Jamestown. Certainly the
" one young maid " maj' ha^■e been the first-born Anglo-American,
Virginia Dare, or else the other child of Virginian birth, whose sur-
name was " Harvie," and who was doubtless born just before the em-
barkation of AVhite. These are the only two on the list of settlers
given us by White, who could have been spoken of as " maids" in 1607.
Possibly, though, from the lack of authority, there can be no certainty
of the fact, the scanty remnant of this unfortunate colony may have
been incorporated with the Jamestown settlers. "Wo may l>e thankful
that there is even a gleam of hope that the tirst-born of the Virginia
Church and State, may have found her way back to civilization and
Christianity, after many vicissitudes and hardships, and in the rude
church at Jamestown, and amons: those other own race, thoufrh stranger
to her than the savages, heard, with interest and delight, the words of
the same " Book of Common Prayer " out of which had been read the
ofSce of her chi-istenini?.
CRITICAL NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.
THE connection of Sir Walter Ralogh with American colonization forms the sub-
ject of an interesting chapter in "The Narrative and Critical History of America."
The story of the voya2;es undertaken by this gifted man in furtherance of the task
he hail so much at heart is told from the original accounts, by the Rev. Increase N.
Tarbox, D D., in his " Sir AV alter Ralegh and his Colony in America," issued by
the Prince Societj' this present year. This volume contains, Ijcsides a Memoir of
Ralegh : I. ChaVter in favor of Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, for the Discovery .and
Plantingof New Lands in America, 25 IMarch, 15S4. H. The First Voyage to Amer-
ica under the Charge and Direction of Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, l.oS4 (by Arthur
Barlowe). IH. The Second Voj-age to America under the Charge and Direction of
Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, 1585 (chiefly furnished to Ilakhiyt by Ralph Lane,
Sir Richard Grenville possibly contributing a small |)ortionof the narrative). IV.
The Third Voyage to America under the Charge and Direction of Sir Walter Ralegh,
Knight, 1580." V. Inti-oduction to the Narrative of Thomas Harlot, by Ralph Lane.
V[. Historical Narrative, by Thomas llariot. VII. The Foiu-th Voyage to America
under the Charge and Direction of Sir Walter R.alegh, Knight, 1587 (by .Tohn
White). VHI. The Fifth Voyage to ^Vmerica under flie Charge and Direction of
Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, lo'M. The annotations by Dr. Tarbox are pertinent
and vahiable.
The original sources of information respecting the Colony of R.alegh are as
follows : I. Ai"thurBarlowe"s Diary of the Voyage (Aoril 9-October 18, 1584), printed
by Hakluyt, and reprinted by Dr. H.awks in his " History of North Carolina," and
by Dr. Tarbox, as noticed above. H. (jovernor Rali)h Lane's two letters to Sir
Francis Walsingham and his letter to Sir Philip Sidney, August 12, 1585, together
with Lane's third letter to Walsingham, of Sept. 8, 1.585, printed for the first time
in " Archseologia Americana," iv, pp. 8-lS, and edited by the Rev. Edward E. Hale,
24 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
D.D. ; and an extract from Lane's letter to Richard Hakluyt, of the Inner Temple,
dated Sept. 3, 1585, printed by Hakluyt and reprinted by Dr. Hawks. HI. " Harlot's
Narrative ;" first issued in 1588, and published by Hakluyt the following year, and
by Ue Dry in lo'JO. IV. Lane's Narrative, as given by Hakluyt. This account, and
that by Harlot, will be found in Dr. Hawks's " North Carolina," and in Dr. Tarbox's
" Sir Walter Ralegh and his Colony." V. " A Summarie and Trve Discovrse of
Sir Francis Drake's AV'est Indian Voyage, wherein were taken the Townes of Saint
Jago, Sancto Domingo, Cartagena, and Saint Augustine," by Thomas Cates, Lon-
don, 158U, and reprinted in the fourth vohmie of Hakluyt, ICOO. VI. " The original
Drawings of the Habits, Towns, Customs of the West Indians ; and of the plants,
birds, fishes, &c., found in Greenland, Virginia, Guiana, &c., by Jlr. John White,"
preserved in the Sloane Collection in the British Museum. The " Critical Essay,"
appended to Mr. William Wirt Henry's chapter on Ralegh in " The Narrative and
Critical IIist(]ry of America," gives in detail notices of the various sources of infor-
mation, both original and secondary.
Uetvvecn the years 1587 and 1G02 Ralegh fitted out, at his owti charge, five ex-
peditions to Virginia. It "required a ])rince's purse" thus to attempt the coloniza-
tion of his Virginian domain, and he only ceased his labor and lavish expenditures
in the prosecution of his plans when he lost tlie royal favor and became a prisoner
under sentence of death. In the last year of Queen Elizabeth's reign he despatched
Samuel Mace, a mariner of experience, with sjjecial orders to relie\'e the sur\ Ivors
of White's colony. On tlie return ot Mace, Ralegh's interest in the colony had es-
cheated to the crown by his attainder. Still his faith in the ultimate success of the
efforts for colonization he had inaugurated was unchanged. On the eve of his own
fall he had written, " I shall 3-et live to see it an English nation ; " and. though it was
from the tower-cell and the scaftbld, he lived to see his words fulfilled.
It was provided in the charter granted to Ralegh, on Lady-day, 1581, that
the statutes, laws and ordinances be "as nere asconucnicntly may bee, agreoalile
to the forme of the lawes, statutes, and gouerment, or poUicie of England, and also
so as they be not against the true Cliristian faith, nowe professed in the Cl\urch of
England." — Tarbox^s Sir Walter Ralegh and hi.'i Colonu in America, p. 100. We
cannot doubt but that a priest of the English Church accompanied this expedition,
and on occasion of the baptism of Mantco, as well as at the cliristening of Virginia
Dare, performed the service as found in the " Book of Common Prayer." Although
there is no indication of the name of this missionary priest in the list appended to
White's narr.ativo giving "the names of all the men, women and children, which
safely arriucd in Virginia, and remained to inhabite flierc, 1587, Anno regni Rcgince
Elizabethte, 29," the absence of the title is no proof that there was no clergyman
among the settlers. It may be that Roger Baily, whose name appears on the
list next to that of the governor's, and Ijcfore that of his son-in-law, Ananias Dare,
was the one who ministered to the colony in spiritual things ; — but this is only con-
jecture. It is quite unlikely that the mystery attending this question will ever be
dispelled. Manteo, the lirst-fruits of the aborigines of our land to Christ and his
Church, had been twice in England, having been taken in the first place by Captains
Amidas and Barlowe, in 158i. Returning to his native land with Sir Richard Gren-
ville, in 1585, he again crossed the Atlantic with Sir Francis Drake, the following
year. In company with another savage, Towa}"e, he accompanied the expedition
of Wliite in 1587, and remained friendly to the English, while Wanchese became
their implacable foe. There is reason to believe tliat in the removal of the Roan-
oke settlers to Croatoan the advice of Manteo was followed, and that among his
kindred and under his protection the colonists patiently awaited the expected relief
Irom England, which never came. But for Powhatan's murderous interference, at
the instigation of his priests. Jealous, it may have been, of the iniluence of the I^ng-
lish in leading others than Manteo to Chri.st, there might have sjivung up an Anglo-
Inifian commimitj', Christianized and civilized, and inaugurating the conquest of the
New World to Christ anil his Church.
The references in Strachey's "Historic of Travails into Virginia" to the
Roanoke settlers, are as follows : —
I. In the author's " Cosmographie of Virginia," in his first chapter, he thus
incidentally alludes to them: "This high land is, in all likclyhoodes, a pleasant
tract, and the mowld fruictl'ull, especially what may lye to the .so-ward; where, at
Peccarecamek and Ochanahoen, by the relation of INIaehumps,' the people have
' An Tnilinn who hail visited England, the brother of Winsanuskc, a favorite wife nf Pow-
hatan, and nn occassional gnest at tlic lioiise of the governor, Sir Thomas Dale. Vide Strachcy'3
" Historic," i,p. .'G, 54, 94.
SERVICES AND SACRAMENTS AT ROANOKE. 25
bowses biiilt ■with stone walles, and one story above anotlier, so taught them by
those Englishe whoe eseapeil the slaughter at Roanoak. at what tymo this our col-
ony, under the conductor ('apt. Newport, landed within the Cliesapeake Bay, where
the ]3eople breed up tame turkeis aliout their howses, and take apss in the moun-
tains, and where, at llitanoe, the Weroance Eyanoco' preserved seven of the Eng-
lish alive — lower men, two boyes, and one j'onge mayde (who escaped and lied
up the i-iver of Chanoke), to beat his copper, of which he hath certain myncs at the
said Ritanoe, as also at Pamawauk are said to be store of salt stones," p. :iG.
It would appear from this reference that, at the time of the landing of Captain
Newport, in 1G07, there were " Englishe whoe escaped the slaughter at Roanoak"
living at " Pecearecamek and Ochanahoen," evidently incorporated among the In-
dians in these communities, and contributing to the comfort and civilization of their
captors and preservers. Still, as the Rev. Edward E. Hale, D.D., in commenting
on this passage in " Archaiologia Americana'' (Vol.iv., p. 3G) observes, "it must
be confessed that this tantalizing passage is very obscure." Another extract, " still
more obscure," is as follows : —
II. " Yet noe Spanish intention shalbe entertayned by us, neither hereby to
root out the naturalls,^ as the Spaniards have done in Hispaniola, and other parts,
but only to take from them these seducers, .... declaring (in the attempt
thereof) unto the sevei'al weroances, and making the comon people likewise to un-
derstand, how that his niajestie hath bene acquainted, that the men, women, and
children of the lirst plantation at Roanoak were by practize and comaundement of
Powhatan (he himself perswaded thereunto by his priests) miscralily slaughtered,
without any offence given him either by the first planted (who twenty and od yeares
had peaceably lyved intermixt with those salvages, and were out of his territory)
or by those who nowe are come to inhabite some parte of his desarte land," etc.
— Slrachey, pp. 85, 86.
In the third chapter of his " Historic," Strachey, describing " the great king,"
Powhatan, refers to the same massacre as follows : —
III. " He doth often send unto us to temporize with us, awayting perhapps
a fit opportunity (inflamed by his furious and bloudy priests) to offer us a tast of
the same cuppe which he made our poore countrymen drinck of at Ronoak." —
p. 50.
Again, at the close of chapter fourth of the second book of his " Ilistorie,"
Strachey refers to the return of John White to England, in loS'J, in these words : —
rV. " Howbeit, Captaine AVhite sought them' no further, but missing them
there, and his company havinge other practizes, and which those tymes afforded,
they returned, covetous of some good successe upon the Spanish fieete to returne that
yeare from Mexico and the Indies, — neglecting thus these unfortunate and betrayed
people, of whose end you shall yet hereafter read hi due place in this decade." —
p. 152.
From this reference, and another contained in the " Premonition to the Reader,"
to the effect that Ralegh " endeavoured nothing less then the relief of the poore
planters, who afterward, as you shall read in this following discourse, came there-
fore to a miserable and untymely destiny" (p. 9), it is evident that Strachey was
aware of the particulars of the fate of the Roanoke colonists. Unfortunately the
remainder of the " decade" is imperfect, and we can only, by the careful compar-
ison of the extracts wo have cited, infer that a number of the Roanoke settlers
survived the massacre incited by Powhatan and were living among the savages at
the time of the arrival of Capt. Newport, in 1G07. It is possible that a second mas-
sacre may have occurred after this date, occasioned by the fear of the Indian chief-
tain that the later settlers might, if they learned of the hardships to which their
countrj-men had l^een subjected, avenge their wrongs. If this were so it would
account for the silence in the early narratives of the Virginia settlement with_ ref-
erence to the subject. It is not impossible, however, that some of the survivors
communicated with the settlers at Jamestown, if they did not escape from captivity
and rejoin their countrymen in their new Virginian home. Certainly this is notan
mireasonable supposition, and as such we have engrafted it in the text. We find
the follo\ving statement on the margin of p. 17:-'8 of Vol. rv. of " Purchas His
Pilgrimes;' — " Towhiitan confessed that heo had bin at the murther of that
[Ralegh's] Colonic, and shewed a Musket barrell and a brasso Morter, and cer-
taine pieces of iron which had bin theirs." Still, unless the missing portion of
Straehey's "Historic" should be recovered, the fate of the Roanoke settlers will
ever be shrouded in mysteiy.
* Commander or governor. - Aborijjines.
CHAPTER III.
FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS AT THE
MOUTH OF THE KENNEBEC.
THE beginning of the seventeenth century witnessed renewed and
more successful efforts for Ainericiiu colonization. In the spring
aod early summer of 1602 Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, a mari-
ner of the west of England, with a company of thirty-two persons in all,
spent several weeks on the island of Cuttyhunk, situated at the south
of Buzzard's Bay, on the Massachusetts coast. On this island, which
was " overgrown with trees and rubbish," a site was fixed upon for a
settlement, a cellar was dug and stoned, and a house built, which was
thatched with sedge and fortified with palisades. Here wheat, barley,
oats, and peas were sown, and in a fortnight the young plants " were
sprung up nine inches and more." But when a valuable cargo of sas-
safras, cedar, furs, and other commodities had been obtauied for the
return voyage, there arose dissensions among the adventurers, and the
number of those who had agreed to remain rapidly dwindled till " all
was given over," and, on the 18tli of June, the whole company set
sail for England, where they arrived after a five weeks' voyage to find
themselves involved in the meshes of the law for their violation of Sir
Walter Ralegh's patent. The lack of Sir Walter's permission would
of itself have been fatal to the success of an attempted settlement, and
the letter of Ralegh to Cecil, in which he invokes redress, clearly
asserts that the expedition " went without my leve and therefore all is
confiscate." ' This letter indicates that a chief promoter of this unau-
thorized enterprise was the notorious Henry Brooke, Lord Cobham.
No later reference to the settlers at Roanoke than that neither Gil-
bert, " Lord Cobham's man," who was Gosnold's associate, nor Mace,
who had arrived at Weymouth in Ralegh's pinnace, from Virginia,
" spake with the people," appears in Sir Walter's correspondence.
The toils were already enclosing him, which in time bound him for
the slaughter, the victim of royal faithlessness.
The following year, 1603, Martin Pring, under the patronage of
the merchants of Bristol and with the formal consent of Ralegh, vis-
ited the New England coast, and spent nearly two months in the har-
bors of Plymouth and Duxbury.^ Here Pring erected a " barricade,"
and, in emulation of Gosnold's experiment, sowed " wheate. Barley,
Gates, Pease, and sundry sorts of Garden seeds, which for the time
of our abode, being about seven Weeks, although they were late sown
•Edwards's "Life of Sir Walter Ralegh," "Gosnold and Prinjr, 1602-3," in N.E. Hist. Gen.
II., p. 253. F/rfe critical notes at end of chapter. Reg., XXXII., pp. 76-SO. Fi't/f, a/so, Masj. of Am.
^ Vide the Rev. Dr. DeCosta's article on Hist., viii.. Part ii., pp. 807-S19.
FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS. 27
came vp veiy well." Accompanying these expeditions of Gosnold and
Pring was liobert Salterne, who, shortly after his return to England,
took orders in the English Church. As the sacred calling to which
he so soon devoted his life was doubtless in his mind while seeking
adventure or recuperation in these noteworthy voyages of discovery
it is not an unlikely supposition that as a laj'man ho conducted the
services of the Church for his companions of travel , both at sea and on
land. If this conjecture is correct — and there is every reason in its
favor — the prayers and praises of the Leyden settlers, whoso landing
on Plymouth Rock has become histoi'ic, were anticipated by the forms
of the Church of England in the very locality where the " Pilgrim
Fathers " lived and died. Salterne's account of Pring's voyage, as con-
densed in Smith's " General History," concludes with the following
pious couplet : —
" Lay hands vnto this worke with all thy wit,
But pray that God would speed and profit it. " •
On Easter-day, the last day of March, 1605, an expedition, under
the command of George Waymouth, "weighed anchor, and put to
sea in the name
of God," from
Dartmouth Ha- « /^ «,^^ > <i^ >iy^ ,-, r
ven. The pro- ^^ "7^^ }^^-Wd^ ocJr,
motors of this
enterprise were
Henry Wriothes-
ley, Earl of autograph of george waymouth.
Southampton,
the accompUshed patron of Shakespeare, and his brother-in-law,
Thomas Arundell, Lord Wardour. "The sole intent of the honor-
able setters-forth of this discovery," as we are informed by Eosier,
the chronicler of the voyage, was "not a little present profit, but a
public good, and true zeal of promulgating God's holy Church, by
planting Christianity." In the middle of INIay the adventurers reached
the shores of New England, discovering, as they sailed along the
coast, the island of Monhegan, which they hoped would be " the most
fortunate ever discovered." " The next day," proceeds the chronicler,
" being Whitsunday," they anchored in "a convenient harbor, which it
pleased God to send us, fsu- beyond our expectation," and "all with
great joy praised God for his unspeakable goodness, who had from so
apparent danger delivered us, and directed us upon this day into so
secure an harl^or, in remembrance whereof we named it Pentecost
Harbor." On " Whitsunmonday, the 20th day of May," they landed
and dug wells, planted peas, and barley, and garden seeds, lingering
for more than a fortnight among "the pleasant fruitfulness." At
length, on Wednesday, the 29th of May, the shallop, brought in pieces
from England, was prepared for use, and, as a mark of discovery and
possession, the record tolls us "we set up a cross on the shore side
'The Tive Travels, Adventures, and Observations of Captain John Smith. Richmond
reprint of the original edition of 1629, i., p. 109.
28
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
upon the rocks." On Thursday, INIay 30, Waymouth, with thirteen
men, "in the name of God, and with all our prayers for their pros-
perous discovery and safe return," departed in the shallop on a
voyai^e of ex[)loration up the river, — doubtless the Kennebec, at
whose mouth they had been riding at anchor. On Friday, the
^Jo; vi^jiraj^c/ho Joji Smitlis oicts -to learc^j
jl^ tky J'tnuCfi) iaai.c!Bml?c Steele outwearc
\iuc^ thvu art Virtues, Southiampton
'ii^'^afictLsJcufplr.
Clerkt tJ^ciiait
SMITH S MAP OF NEW ENGLAND, 16U.
voyagers returned, having ascended the river for forty miles. Mean-
while trade had begun with the savages, and a mutual good-will
established. On Saturday the captain had two of the natives at
supper "in his cabin, to see their demeanor, and had them in presence
at service : who behaved themselves very civilly, neither laughing nor
FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS.
29
talking all the time, and at supper fed not like men of rude education."
The following morning trade wa.s intermitted, " because it was the
Sabbath day ; " l)ut the week thus scrupulously begun was not half
over -when Waymouth kidnaiiped " live savages and two canoes, with
all their bows and arrows ; " while on " Sunday, the 16th of June, the
wind being fair, and because we had set out of England upon a
Sunday, made the islands upon a Sunday, and as we doubt not (by
God's appointment) happily fell into our harbor upon a Sunday; so
now (beseeching him still with like prosperity to bless our return
into England, our country, and from thence with his good-will and
pleasure to hasten our next arrival there) we weighed anchor and quit
the land upon a Sunday." The names of these enslaved savages were
"Tahdnedo, a Sagamore, or commander; Amoret, Skicowdros, Ma-
neddo. Gentlemen ; Saliacomoit, a servant." ' We are assured that they
"never seemed discontented," but were "very tractable, loving, and
willing." Their exhibition in England, together with the giovving
recitals of the returned voyagers, Avho had seen the coast of Maine in
the beautiful month of June, gave a new impulse to western ad-
venture. The presence of the captives at Plymouth, where Waymouth
had brought them, enlisted the interest of the royal governor, Sir Fer-
dinando Gorges, who was
thus incited to a lifelong and
most persistent devotion to <^ / ^j^-j.-^,^ //^ l y j^ /7/no
schemes of American coloni- '/A/Y/yii^ ' / Cxl/Skj^^
zatiou . "And so it pleased our
great God," wrote Gorges,
that Waymouth " came into
the harbor of Plymouth,
where I then commanded.
I seized upon the Indians ;
they were all of one nation, but of several Parts, and several Fami-
lies. This accident must be acknowledged the means under God
of putting on foot, and giving life to all our plantations." Gorges
took three of the savages into his home, was at pains that they should
be instructed in the English language, and " kept them full three years."
From them he obtained information of the " stateh' islands and harbors "
of their native country : "what great rivers ran up into the land, what
men of note were seated on them, what power they were of, how
allied, what enemies they had, and the like." It was thus that he was
led to become, in the words Bradford, of Plymouth, records, "not
only a favorer, but also a most special l)eginner and furtherer of the
good of this country, to his great cost and no less honor." ^
The condition of ati'aii's in Enghuid was now favorable to schemes
of colonization. Thei'e was a rediuidancy of population throughout
auto<;raph ok sm Ferdinand gorges.
' Of these unfortunate aborigines, the first ami
third, also st^-led Dchanula and Skitwarros, were
returned in the Pophain expedition. The two
last, whose names appear as Manuido and Assa-
comoit, embarked with Capt. Henry Challoiis,
Autj. 12, 1006, and were taken as prisoners into
Spain with the rest of the ship's rompany, where
we are told that both of the natives " were lost."
— Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., XXVI., p. 682. " Assa-
ciimct" appears to have come over with (-,'apt.
Hobson in 1614. — Drake's Old Ind. Chronicle,
p. 14. Vide, also. Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., v., p. 332,
and Xar. and Crit. /list.. III., p. 180.
'-' Bradford's Letter Book. — Mass. /fist. Soc.
Coll., first series, in., p. 63.
or
30 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
the land ; the parishes found it difficult to maintain their poor, and the
cessation of warlike operations by sea and land, which during the
days of Queen Elizabeth had given occupation to many in all depaii-
ments of life and trade, threw out of employ a number of restless
spirits, whose love of adventure led them to seize eagerly the
opportunity to form a new empire in the West. Gosnold, who could,
from personal knowledge, attest the fertility of the American shores,
and who doubtless remembered with chagrin that it was only the timid-
ity or treachery of his associate, Bartholomew Gilbert, "Lord Cob-
ham's man," as Ralegh styled him,
that prevented his establishment
of a colony when on the Massachu-
setts shores, had already associated
with himself in a scheme of coloni-
zation a few brave spirits, afterward
to be well and widely known in
connection with the far-distant Vir-
ginia. These were Captain John
Smith, Mr. Edward-Maria Wing-
AUTOGRAPH OF sm JOHN poPHAM. field, and the excellent Robert
Hunt, a clergyman of the church.'
For upwards of a year these, and others of like mind, sought to
effect their purpose, till, at length, reinforced by the assigns of
Ralegh, among whom Richard Hakluyt, Prebendary of Westmin-
ster, the promoter and chronicler of American discovery and settle-
AUTOGRAPH OF REV. RICHARD HAEXUTT.
ment, was preeminent, and gaining the countenance and support of
the Lord Chief Justice of England, Sir John Popham, and Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, as similar schemers had earlier secured the sup-
port of the Earl of Southampton and Lord Arundel, the king,
James I., gave the first charter of Virginia, on the 10th of April,
1606. At this period not an Englishman, save the captive sur-
vivors of the Roanoke settlers, is known to have been in the belt of
land comprising twelve degrees, and stretching from Cape Fear to
Halifax. " The Great Patent of Virginia " assigned the right of colo-
nization between the 34th and 45th degrees of'north latitude to " two
several Colonies and Companies." One of these, denominated in the
' William Simons, D.D., in " Smith's llistoiy," i., p. 149.
FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS. 31
charter the First Colony, consisting of " certain Knights, Gentlemen,
Merchants and other adventurers of our city of London, and else-
where," was restricted to the territory lying between the 34th and
38th degrees of north latitude, that is, from Cape Fear to the south-
ern border of Maryland. To the Second Colony was given the
exclusive right to occupy the country between the 41st and 45th
degrees. This company was composed of " Sundry Knights, Gentle-
men, Merchants and other adventurers, of our cities of Bristol and
Exeter, and of our town of Plymouth, and of other places." The
religious nature of the scheme is expressed at the outset : " AVe,
greatly commending, and graciously accepting of, their Desires for
the Furtherance of so noble a work, which may, by the Providence
of Almighty God, hereafter tend to the Glory of his Divine Maj-
esty, in propagating of Christian Religion to such People as yet
live in Darkness and miserable Ignorance of the true Knowledge and
Worship of God, and may in time bring the Infidels and Savages,
living in those parts, to human Civility, and to a settled and good
Government : Do, by these our Letters Patents graciously accept
of, and agree to, their humble and well-intended Desires." A council
in England was charged with the general superintendence of the
whole colonial system, while the appointment of a subordinate council
for each colony provided for the local administration. The members
of the Supreme Council were appointed solely by the king, and
held their ofBce at his pleasure ; the ultimate decision of all matters,
whether grave or moral, rested with the monarch. The rights of
free-boi'u Englishmen were secured to the colonists and their descend-
ants. Provision was made for a revenue to be levied on vessels
trading in the harbors of Virginia, while the colonists were permitted
to import goods for their own use, free of duty. A fifth of the gold
or silver, and a fifteenth of the copper, min(!d in either colony, was
reserved for the Crown. The privilege of coining money was con-
ceded, and the seals of the Superior Council and its local subordi-
nates were minutely prescribed.
In the list of the oi-iginal patentees to whom " the Great Patent
of Virginia " was granted, the names of Gorges and Popham do not
appear. Hakluyt was one of the incorporators of the London Com-
pany, and the brother of the Chief Justice, George Popham, and Ralegh
Gilbert, son of the eminent explorer Sir Humphrey, and nephew of Sir
Walter Ralegh, were associates of the Plymouth Company.
Although not included among the original patentees, the Lord
Chief Justice despatched, within a month after the charter had passed
the great seal, — "a tall sliip belonging to Bristol and the river Severne
to settle a plantation in the river of Sagadahoc ; " and in the following
August Sir Ferdinando Gorges sent out a ship, under the command
of Henry Challons, with two of the savages brought over by Way-
mouth as pilots, with a view to the same end. Both of these ventures
came to naught, as the Spaniards captured the ships ere they reached
the American coast. But another vessel, sent two months later by
Chief Justice Popham, of which Thomas Hanham, one of the patentees,
was in command, and Martin Pring, the master, reached the shores of
82 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Maine in safety, and, after making a careful survey of the coast,
returned with such glowing accounts of the land they had visited that
it was determined to send out planters the following sprmg to found a
settlement at the mouth of the Sagadahoc.
It was in consequence of the mishaps of these voyages of explora-
tion that Virginia was settled a few months prior to the occupancy of
the coast of ilaine.
Sailing from Plymouth on Trinity Sunday, May 31, 1C07, on
the first day of June, the " Mary and John," under Captain Ralegh
Gilbert, and the " Gift of God," under Captain Popham, left the
" Lizard," on their westward journey. Parting company at the Azores,
where the " INIary and John " had a narrow escape from the Nether-
landers, who detained Gilbert, under the charge of piracy, while the
" Gift of God " sailed on without stopping to succor her consort, the
two vessels met olf the island of Monhegan on Friday, the 7th of
August. At midnight of this auspicious day Gilbert, with a number
of the adventurers and the native " Skidwarres," rowed to Pemaquid
"amongst many gallant islands," the "weather being fair and the wind
calm." Landing in a little cove, to which the savage had directed
their course, the explorers crossed Pemaquid Point, and after a march
of three miles reached the Indian village of Nahanada, one of Way-
mouth's captives who had returned with Pring the previous year.
Received at the first with distrust, as was but natural, an interchange
of kindly words and offices followed, and the English remained for
nearly two hours, visiting the wigwams and receiving every token of
welcome. On the afternoon of Saturday the party returned to the
ships. On Sunday, the tenth after Trinity, the settlers held a solemn
service on Monhegan, where they had earlier found across, which thej'^
conjectured had been raised by Waj^mouth, but which it is more likely
was erected by Pring. The record of the voyage, in the Lambeth
Library,^ whence we have drawn man}' of our particulars of this expe-
dition, gives us in full the story of this Sunday service : —
"Sunday being the 9tli of August, in the morning the most part
of our whole company of both our ships landed on this island, the
which we call St. George's Island, where the cross standeth, and there
we heard a sermon delivered unto us by our preacher, giving God
thanks for our happy meeting and safe arrival into the country, and so
returned aboard again."
StracheJ^ in his narrative of this event, alludes to the preacher by
name as Mr. Seymour, and speaks of" the chief of both the shipps with
the greatest part of all the company " as forming the congregation of
this first service of the Church, of which we have record, in the Eng-
lish tongue and on the New England coast. With deep solemnity must
the words of common prayer and common praise have sounded on the
ears of that little company of worshippers. Those words remain as
our heritage, and we can call up the scene under the tall cross, the
symbol of our salvation and a proof of English occupancy for Christ's
1 " A Relation of a Voyase to Sag:adahoc," now first printed from the ori<rinal MS., in the
Lamtieth Library. Edited with Preface, Notes, and Appendices, by the Rev. B. F. DeCosta. 8°.
Cambriilge, I88O; Pp. 43.
FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS.
33
Church as well as for a Cliristian State, and recite the verba ipsis-
sima, then for the tirst time echoing on the still air of our northern
shores. Among the Psalms of the day was ihoDeuti nosfcr refiujium,
and its words of glad assurance must liave had a meaning unknown
before : " God is our hope and strength, a very present help in trouble.
Therefore will we not fear, though the earth be moved, and though the
hills be carried into the midst of the sea. Though the waters thereof
ANCIENT PEMAQUID.
rage and swell, and though the mountains shake at the tempest of the
same. ... Be still, then, and know that I am God : 1 will be
exalted among the heathen, and I will be exalted on the earth. The
Lord of Hosts is with us, the God of Jacob is our refuge." What
more fitting words could be found than those of the second morning
lesson, for these worshippers in God's free temples ? — " Howbeit
the Most High dwelleth not in temples made with hands ; as saith the
Prophet, 'Heaven is my throne, and earth is my footstool: what
house will ye build me? saith the Lord; or what is the place of my
34 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
rest? Hath not my hand made all these things ? ' " * It was hallowed
ground where these few settlers for the first time raised the note of
praise or voice of supplication to heaven, and we may well rejoice
that the words then used were those of our own common prayer, with
the English Bible, which was brought to our shores by these devout
colonists. The preacher, Eichard Seymour, there is reason to believe,
was a great-grandson of the Duke of Somerset, who, as"Lord Protector,"
ruled the kingdom during the minority of his nephew, the boy-king,
Edward \T!. : and was " related to Gorges, the projector of the colony ;
to Popham, its patron; to Popham, its president; and to Gilbert, its
admiral, all through the common link of the family of his mother."^
Who would be more likely to offer himself as chaplain for this expe-
dition than this young priest of the English Chui'ch? To him belongs
the honor of being the first English preacher of the glad tidings of our
holy faith in our New England territory. His name will go down to
posterity linked with that of the saintly Eobert Hunt, the apostle of
Virginia, who, at Jamestown, was at this very time using the same
prayers and preaching the same salvation.
The week following the solemn service was spent in efibuts to
secure a safe anchorage, which was at length successful, the two ships
anchoi'ing side by side, at the mouth of the Sagadahoc, on Sunday,
Aug-ist 16th. On the ISth of the month choice was made of a site for
the settlement on the peninsula of Sabino, and, as the Lambeth " Rela-
tion " informs us, on " Wednesday, being the 19th of August, we all went
to the shore, where we made choice for our plantation, and there we
had a sermon delivered unto us by our preacher, and after the sermon
our patent was read with the orders and laws therein prescribed ; then
we returned aboard our ship again." "
Strachey, in his " Historie of Travaile in Virginia," gives us
further particulars of this solemn inauguration of the new settlement
by the forms of divine as well as human law.
ylii/Z^^jf, ffY c-Afc The "President's commission" was read after
y the sermon, " with the lawes to be observed
AUTOGRAPH OF WILLIAM ^"^ l^^P*'" '^"^ ^^^"^ ^^^"^S ^^^cu doue " Gcorge
STKACHEY. Pophaui, gcut. , was nommated President,
Captain Ralegh Gilbert, James Davies, Rich-
ard Seymer, Preacher, Captain Richard Davies, Captain Harlow, were
all sworn assistants." Thus was formally begun, in the fear of God and
with due reverence to law, the first occupation and settlement of New
England, and from this date, and by virtue of these acts, the title of
England to this portion of the New World was assured. The " lawes
to be observed and kept," read on this interesting occasion, are still
extant ; they carefully provide at the outset for the spiritual wclfiire
of colonists and savages : " Wee doe specially ordaine, charge, and
require, the said presidents and couucills, and the ministers of the
said several colonies respectively, within their several limits and
lActsTii. 48-50.
2Bp. George Burgess, in " The Popham Memorial Volume," p. 103.
> A Relation, etc., p. 30.
FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS. 35
pi'ccincts, that they, with all diligence, care, and respect, doe provide,
that the true word, and service of God and Christian faith be preached,
planted, and used, not only within every of the said several colonies,
and plantations, but alsoe as much as they may among the salvage
people which doe or shall adjoine unto them or border upon them,
according to the doctrine, rights, and religion now professed and
established within our realme of England, and that they shall not
sufler any person or persons to withdrawo any of the sulyccts or
people inhabiting, or M'hich shall inhabit within any of the said several
colonics and plantations from the same, or Irom their due allegiance,
unto us, our heirs and successors, as their immediate soveraigne under
God." The conversion of the aborigines is again refeiTcd to in this
document : " Wee doe hereby determine and ordaine, that every
person and persons being our subjects of every the said collonies and
plantations, shall from time to time well entreatc those salvages in
those pai"ts, and use all good means to draw the salvages and heathen
people of the said several places, and of the territories and countries
adjoining, to the true service and knowledge of God, and that all
just, kind and charital)le courses shall be holden with such of them as
shall conform themselves to any good and sociable trafBque and deal-
ing with the subjects of us, our heirs and successors, which shall be
planted there, whereby they may be the sooner drawne to the true
knowledge of God, and the obedience of us our heirs and successors,"
etc.^ In this Christian manner was the settlement on the peninsula of
Sabiuo, at the mouth of the Sagadahoc, begun. The following day
they entered upon the work of entrenching the site of their new home,
and the building of a fort and storehouse. The carpenters busied them-
selves in constructing a pinnace, and while these active operations
were well under way, Gill)crt, in his shallop, explored the coast,
visiting Cape Elizabeth, noting the almost numlierless islands in
Casco Bay, and sailing up the Shecpscot and Penobscot rivers. Trade
was carried on with the Indians, who were treated with kindness and
consideration, even when threatenins; hostilities.
A record, under date of October 4th, found in Strachey, gives us
an interesting glimpse of the religious life of the settlers : " There came
two cauoas to the fort, in wdiich were Nahanada and his wife, and Skid-
wan'es, with the Basshabaes lirother, and one other called Amenquin, a
Sagamo ; all whome the President feasted and entertayned with all kind-
nes, both that day and the next, which 1)eing Sondayc,^ the President
carried them with him to the place of pulilike praj'crs, which they were
at both morning and evening, attending y' with great reverence and si-
lence." ^ As the year drew to its close, the " Mary and John," under the
command of Capt. Robert Davies, was sent back to England, " with let-
ters to the Lord Chief Justice, ymportuninge a supply for the most nec-
essary wants to the subsisting of a colony to be sent unto them betymes
the next yeare." On the 13th of Decemljer, the third Sunday in
Advent, two days before the departure of the " Mary and John," the
' Vide Appendix to " A Vindication of the Claims of Sir Ferdinando Gorjrcs, as the Father
of En^dish Colonization in America. By John A. Poor." XewYorlv; 1SG2. Pp. 134,136.
^i'be eighteenth after Trinity. ' Historic of Travaile, p. 178.
36 fflSTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAI. CHURCH.
president addressed a letter in Latin to the king, in which he writes :
"Optima me tenet opinio, Dei gloriam facile in liis regionibus ehices-
ccre, Vestrffi Majcstatis imperium ampliticari, et Britannorum rempub-
licam breviter augmcntari." "My well-considered opinion is, that in
these regions the glory of God may be easily evidenced, the empire of
Your Majesty enlarged, and the public welfare of the Britons speedily
augmented." ^
After the depaiiure of the " Mary and John," the fort was com-
pleted and foilified with twelve pieces of ordnance. Five ^ houses were
built, besides a church and storehouse, and " the carpenters framed a
pretty Pynnace of about some thiiiy tonne, which they called the ' Vir-
ginia ;' the chief shipwright being one Digliy, of London."
On Saturday, the 5th of February, the eve of Quinquagesima, the
president died. " He was well stricken in years," says Gorges, in his
" Briefe Narrative," ^ " and had long been an infirm man. Howsoever,
heartened by hopes, willing he was to die in acting something that might
be serviceable to God, and honorable to his country." In the sonorous
Latin which he employed in his letter to his king, his epitaph, cut in en-
durmg stone, records for all time to come, —
" Leges literasque Anglicanas
Et fidem ecclesiamque Christi
In has sylvas duxit."''
The loss of so noble a leader was fatal to the new enterprise. The
winter had proved exceedingly severe. So extreme was the cold that
" no boat could stir upon any business." Still, on the return of Captain
Davics, "with a shipp laden full of victuals, amies, instruments, and
tooles," all things were found " in good forwardness." The barter-trade
with the Indians had yielded "many kinds of furs ;" a "good store of
sarsaparilla," a root much esteemed at that time, had been gathered ;
and the new pinnace was " all finished." Gilbert, who had succeeded
Popham as president, was compelled to return to settle the estate of his
brother. Sir John Gilbert, who had lately died, and to whose property
he was heir. Besides, the Chief Justice had died in England, ere his
brother had passed away in America, and as there had been " noe mynes
discovered, nor hope thereof, being the maj-ne intended benefit ex-
pected to uphold the charge of this plantacion, and the fears that all
other wyntcrs would prove like the first, the company by no means
would stay any longer in the country," " wherefore they all ymbarked
in the new arrived shipp, and in the new pj'nnace, the ' A^'irginia,' and
set sail for England." " And this," concludes Strachey, " was the end
of that northern colony vppon the river Sachadehoc."*
It must not be overlooked that no mention of the return of " The
Gift of God " to England is found in any of the narratives of this
short-lived settlement. It has been conjectured with no little reason
that upon the death of Popham and the succession of the London inter-
' Popham jremoi-ial Volume, p. 224. * " He lirought into these wilds English laW3
'Strachey says "fifty," — au cvideat clerical and learning, and the faith and the Church of
eiTOi. Christ."
' Maine Hist. Coll., II., p. 22. « Historic oC Travailc, pp. 170, 180.
FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS. 37
est in the person of Gilbert to the presidency of the colony, the Bris-
tol men, with the Popham bark, the " Gift of God," left the peninsula
of Sabino and Fort St. George, where the hostility of the Sagadahoc
savages had been aroused, and sought a new home atPeiuaquid, under
the protection of Nahanada and his followers. This agrees with the
statement of the painstaking and accurate Prince, in his " Chronoloiry,"
that all but forty-five planters departed for England, on the breaking
up of the colony, in two ships, of which the" Virginia," the first Ameri-
can-built ship, was one. Thirteen j'ears after the a])andonment of the
Sagadahoc plantation there was a hamlet of "fifty families," known as
the " Sheepscot Farms," on the banks of the Sheepscot river ; while at
Pemaquid there appear to have been settlers, or traders at least, almost,
if not quite, from the time of the return of Gilbert and his followers
to England. Year l)y year Sir Francis Popham, who, as we learn
from Gorges' "Brief Narrative," "cared not to give it over," sent ships
" in hope of better fortunes," while the story of Gorges' own efibrts
to found a loyal and a churchly colony on the shores of ilaine proves
that his perseverance was not wholly fruitless, though finally the iron
heel of the Massachusetts settlers crushed out at once both Episcopacy
and independence.
Still the claim of the English for the possession of the territory
of New England rests upon this settlement on the peninsula of Sabino,
at Fort St. George ; and even the Puritan historian, Hubbard, dates
the occupancy of the English upon our northern American shores from
the year 1607. There has been no little discussion with reference to
the character of the Sagadahoc colonists ; but nothing has been proved
to their disparagement. Citations from a tract by Sir William Alex-
ander, and from Lord Bacon's famous essay on Plantations, have been
adduced to prove that they were " pressed to that enterprise as endan-
gered by the law, or by their own necessities;" ' or, in the stronger lan-
guage of Bacon, were convicted felons,
who left their country for their coun-
try's good. But the words of Alex-
ander are far from implying that these
planters, or any of them, were crimi-
nals, as the phrase he uses may, and
AUTOGRAPH OP LORD BACON. doubtlcss docs, refer to poor debtors ;
and, at the time of the Poj)ham exjjcdi-
tion, there were no laws in foi-ce authorizing the transportation of crimi-
nals into Virginia. Besides, the great charter under which they sailed
provided only for the sailing of such as went "willingly." If criminals,
their return would have been to certain death, and even the "extreme ex-
tremities " - of a New England winter would have been preferred to this.
There is nothing in the story of their al)ode at Fort St. George to indicate
any want of principle or character from the first to the very last. They
began their work with prayer and lessons of duty ; they complied
■with all the forms of law ; the minister of religion was among them,
and, by their reverent participation in the worship enjoined by their
I Sir ■William Alexander's " Encoui-agemcnt ' Captain John Smith's " General Historic of
to Colonies," London, 1624, p. 30. New England," London, 1624, p. 204.
38 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
patent, even the wondering savages were impressed with the power of
a fliith they could not comprehend. Industry and good order were
maintained. The tendency to discontent, consequent upon the loss of
their storehouses and provisions, was restrained. The change of presi-
dents, on the death of the worthy Pophani, was quietly and lawfully
made. Their relations to the savages were friendly, and were main-
tained in good faith, and their record is unstained by the shedding of
blood. Short as was their residence on the bleak coast of Maine, they
have won their place in history as the first settlers of New England.
They laid the foundations of State and Church at the North a year
before the men of Leyden signed their solemn "compact" in the ca])in
of the " Mayflower," in Plymouth harbor, and began on a soil to which
they had no claim, and without the presence of a minister of their own
faith, the civil and religious history of Puritan New England.
CRITICAL NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
WE are remiuded by Dr. Ue Costa in his interesting chapter on "Norambega
and its English Explorers," iu the third volume of " The Critical and Nar-
rative History of America," that the lirst Englishman certainly known to have
traversed the territory of INIassachusetts and Maine was David Ingram. Landed in
the month of October, 1508, on the shore of the Gulf of Mexico, by Captain, after-
wards Sir John, Hawkins, with a large number of companions in misery, Ingram
and two of his fellows traversed the continent, following the Indian trails, fording
the intervening rivers, and finding a pathway through interminable forests till
Cape Breton and the St. John's river were reached. Here Ingram embarked in a
French ship, the "Gargarine," commanded by Captain Champagne, and reached
his native land by the way of France. Of the narrative of this extraordinary jour-
ney, which is embellished by marvellous tales of houses with pillars of crystal and
silver, and cities three-fourths of a mile in length, we can onlj' quote the caustic
■words of Dr. Edward Everett Hale, in " The Critical and Narrative History of
America" (Vol. in., p. 04), as follows: —
" It is a real misfortune for our early histoiy that no reliance can be placed on
the fragmentary stories of the few survivors who were left by Hawkins on the coast
of the Gulf of jNlexico. One or two there were who, after years of cajitivity, toUt
their wretched story at home. But it is so disfigured by every form of lie, that the
most ingenious rcconstructor of history fails to distil from it even a drojj of the
truth. The routes which they pursued cannot be traced, the etymology of geogra-
phy gains nothing from their nomenclatures, and, in a word, the whole story has to
be consigned to the realm of fable."
Ingram's Narrative was printed by Ilakluytin 1589, but was omitted in his next
issue. The " Rare Travailes" of J0I3 Hortop, who was landed on the Mexican coast
with Ingram, and reached England after more than a score of years of wandering,
is included in Dr. E. E. Hale's sweeping condemnation. Purchas, referring to
Ilakluyt's omission of these narratives in his later impressions, sums up the case in
a word : " The reward of lying being not to be l)elieved in truths." A copy of the
" original manuscript," preserved in the Sloan Collection in the British Museum, was
printed by Plowden Charles Gennet Weston as the firstof his " Documents Connected
with the History of South Carolina," one hundred and twenty-one copies of which were
reproduced at the Cheswick jircss for private distribution by the editor. Vide a review
of Mr. Weston's volume by the author of this history in the Hist. Mag., I., pp. .376, 377.
The title of this Narrative, as ]n'intod by JMr. Weston, is in " The Land Travels of
Davyd Ingram and others in the year 1508-69 from the Rio de Minas in the Gulph
of Mexico to Cape Breton in Acadia." Mr. Sparks, who had a MS. copy in his col-
FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS. 39
lection of historical documents, indorsed it thus : " Many parts of tliis narrative
are incredible, so much so as to throw a distrust over the wliole." Still the larger
portion of the statements of this narrative appear to be true, though tlie writer, wlio
had suflered much, "doubtless saw many things with a diseased brain." There can be
little doubt, in view of the strong religious sentiment of the age, shared by hio'h
and low alike, that these wanderers, whose adherence to the faith of England's
Reformed Catholic Church had cxjjosod numbers of their companions to tlie mer-
ciless rigors of the Inquisition, in tlieir lonely and dangerous jourueyings, ofl'ered
again and again to Goil the prayers of the church, whicli, as uttered by tlieir lips,
were first heard in the wilds through which they passed. Rude and ignorant though
they were, they were loyal to the Crown and Church of England, and the church's
story would be incomplete without a reference to their faith and fate. Vide, also, an
interesting article on " Ingram's Journey through North America in 1507-69," by
Dr. De Costa, in the " Magazine of American History," ix., 108-176.
Mr. George Bancroft, the historian of the United States, in the "Magazine of
American History," ix., p. 469, reasserts the statement, in his revised histoi-y,
that Gosnold's voyage was " undertaken with the permission of Sir Walter Ralegh."
This assertion Mr. iSancrof t proceeds to sustain as follows : —
"Immediately on Gosnold's return from this voyage, a report was made of it
by one of Gosnold's companions, expressly for Raleigh, and was fortlnvith printed
in London, and it bears this title : ' A Briofe and true Relation of the Discouverie
of the North part of Virginia, being a most pleasant, fruitful , and commodious soile ;
Made this present yeere 1002, by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, Captaine Bartholo-
mew Gilbert, and divers other gentlemen, their associates,
BT TUB PERMISSION
OF THE HONORABLE KNIGHT
SIR WALTER RALEIGH, ETC.
Written by M. John Brereton, one of the voyage . . . Londini : Impensis
Oeor. Bishop, 1002.' Raleigliwas displeased that Gosnold, or some of his compan-
ions, had infringed on his monopoly by bringing back 'sassafras wood' for the Lon-
don market ; but he favored every attempt to plant an ' English nation ' in America."
Ralegh's letter, in Edwards, undoubtedly complains of the infringement of
his monopoly, and his language seems to imply that, at least, Gilbert, "Lord
Cobham's man," went without his authority, and " therefore all is confiscate." He
had earlier said, "And it were a pitty to overthrow the enterprise ; for I shall yet
live to see it an English nation." Ralegh claims, in his letter to Cecil, asking for
the seizure of the 22 cwt. sassafras which had been taken to London, " I have a patent
that all shipps and goods are confiscate that shall trade ther without my leve."
Evidently if Gosnold and Gilbert had sailed with Ralegh's "leve," he could not
have demanded the confiscation of the cargo brought back.
Appended to Brereton's "Brief and True Relation" (reprinted inSMass. Ilist.
Soc. Coll . , YUl. , pp. 83-125) , is " a bi-icf note of the sending another Baric (his present
year, 1002, bi/ the Honorable Knight, Sir Waller £alegh,for tlie searching out of his
Colony in Virginia^'': —
" Samuel Mace, of Weymouth, a very sufficient mariner, an honest, sober
man, who had been at Virginia twice before, was employed thither by Sir Walter
Ralegh, to find those people which were left there in the year 1587. To whose
succor he hath sent five several times at his own charges. The parties by him set
forth performed notlung; some of them following their own profits elsewhere;
others returning with frivolous allegations. At this last time, to avoid all excuse,
he bought a bark, and hired all the company for wages by the mouth ; who depart-
ing from Weymouth in March last, 1002, fell forty leagues to the south-westward of
Hatteras, in thirty-four degrees or thereabout, and having there spent a month ;
when they came along the coast to seek the people, they did it not, pretending that
the extremity of vv^eather and loss of some principal ground-tackle forced and feared
them from searcliin^ the joort of Hatteras, to which they were sent. From that place
where they abode, they brought sassafras," etc.
In connection with the references to Wajinonth's voyage we may allude, in
passing, to the controversy which has arisen with reference to the particular river
which he explored. It would be foreign to our purpose to enter ujion this discus-
sion, with respect to which a difference of opinion may be quite allowable. The
subject is fully treated in the " Narrative and Critical History of America," m., pp.
189-192. The " Alagazine of American History," ix., pp. 459,400, contains the latest
reference to this controversy in which ]\Ir. Bancroft defends the statement in the
40 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
revised edition of liis " History of tlie United States" : that the island Waymouth
" strueli was Monliegan ; that the <i:i-onp of islands among which he passed was
the St. George's ; that the river which he entered was the St. George's." In Mr.
Bancroft's view, " Any one wlio knows the coast of ]\Iaine, and reads the descrip-
tion of ^Va3■moulh, with the charts of the Coast Survey before him, will see that
the case is clear beyond a question."
The connection of Richard Ilakluyt, Prebendary of St. Augustine, in the
Cathedral Church of Bristol, not only with the various voyages to the western
world, but also with the jjresen'ation in liis priceless volumes of tlie records of dis-
covery, is too interesting and too important to be lightly passed over. This pains-
taking priest and indefatigable chronicler of the maritime achievement of his native
land was descended from an old family in Hertfordshire, and was brought up at
Westminster School. Chosen to a scholarship at Christ Church, O.xford, he was,
while at the University, a contemporary and friend of the gallant Philip Sidney, to
whom he inscribed his collection of voyages and discoveries, printed in 1582.
llakluyt's interest in these subjects dates back to his boyhood. In his " Epistle
Dedicatorie" to Sir Francis Walsingham, prefixed to his issue of 1589, he thus
describes an interview he liad, in his youtli, with a kinsman of the same name, to
whom he owed his taste for history and cosmogi-aphy : —
" I do remember that being a youth, and one of her Maiestie's scholars at West-
minster, that fruitfull nurserie, it was my happe to visit the chamber of M. Richard
Ilakluyt, my cosin, a gentleman of the Middle Temple, well knowen vnto you, at a
time when I found lying open vpon liis boord certeine bookes of Cosmographie, with
an vniversal Mappe. Ho seeing me somewhat cm'ious in the view thereof, began
to instruct ray ignorance by showing me the diuision of the earth, into three parts
after the olde account, and then according to this latter and better distribution into
more : he pointed with his wand to all the knowen Seas, Gulfs, Bayes, Straights,
Capes, Riuers, Empires, Kingdomes, Dukedomes, and Teriitories of ech part, with
declaration also of their speciall commodities and particular wants, which, by the
benefit of traflike and eutercourse of merchants, are plentifully supplied. From the
Map])e he brought me to the Bible, and turning to the 107th Psalm, directed mee
to the 23 and 24 verses, where I read, that they which go downe to the sea in
ships, and occupy by the great waters, they see the works of the Lord, and liis
woouders in the deepe, etc. AVhich words of the Prophet, together with my cousin's
discourse (things of high and rare delight to my young natiu-e), tooke in me
so deepe an impression, th.at I constantly resolued, if ever I were preferred to the
Vniuersity, where better time and more convenient islace might be ministered for
these studies, I would, by God's assistance, pi'osecute that knowledge and kind of
literature the doores whereof (after a sort) were so happily ojiencd before me."
This interview decided Hakluyt's after-life. With what cost of toil and labor
he prosecuted his chosen vocation we may learn from the preface to the second
edition of his voyages : —
*' I do this second time, friendly reader, presume to offer vnto thy view this
first part of my three- fold discourse. For the bringing of which into this homely and
rough-hewen shape which here thou seest; what restlesse nights, what painefull
days, what heat, what cold I have indured; how many long and changeable jour-
neys I have travailed ; how many famous libraries I have searched into ; what
vai-ietie of ancient and moderne writers I bane perused; what a number of old rec-
ords, patents, priuileges, letters, etc., I have redeemed from obscuritie and per-
ishing ; what expenses I have not spared ; and yet what grave opportunities of
priuate gain, prefenncnt, and ease, I have neglected; albeit thyself can hardly
imagine, yet I by daily experience do find and feel, and some of my entier friends
can sufficiently testifie. Ilowbeit (as I told thee at the first) the honour and benefit
of this common weale wlierein I line and breathe, hath made all difficulties seem
easie, all paines and Industrie pleasant, and all expences of light value and mo-
ment to me."
It was, as Fuller, in his " Worthies," well styles it, " a work of great honour to
England," that Ilakluyt accomplished, botli in his eflbrts to stimulate discovery in tlie
West and to record its progress. It was all done in the faith and fear of God. In his
epistles dedicatoiy to Ualegli, written from Paris in 15S7, where he was Chaplain
to the English embassy, and prefaced to his edition of " Petor l\[artyr's History of
the New World," Ilalduyt explicitly states that the glory of God was the great
end to be had in view in undertaking to extend the bounds of a Christian Common-
wealth. No nobler monument could be raised, no brighter name left for posterity
FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS. 41
than the proof given by Ralegli in these efforts for discovery and colonization
that he sought to restrain tlie fierceness of tlie barbarian, and enlighten liis
darkened mind by the knowledge of the one only true God. We cite these words
in the sonorous Latin of the time : "Judex rerum omnium tempus, diligensque
tuorum ministi'orum inquisitio, nuilta inopinata quce adlmc latent, modo Deus in-
tersit, nobis aperient. Dcum autem adfutunmi non est cur dubites, quandoquidem
de ijjsius glori;V, animarnm intinitarum salute, Keipubliete Christians incremento
agitur. Eja ergo age ut coepisti et seterni tui nominis ac fama3 apud posteros,
qufe nulla unquam obliterabit rotas, relinque monumenta. Nihil enim ad po.steros
gloriosius nee honorilicentius transmitti potest quam barbaros domare, rudes et
paganos ad vitas civilis societatem revocare, efi'eros in gyrum rationis reduoere,
hominesque atheos et a Deo alienos divini numinis reverentiil imbuere." It was, as
Hakluyt asserts in his English dedication, for " the glorieof God, and the saving of
the soules of the poore and blinded infidels," that Ralegh undertook his scheme of
Virginia colonization, and his purpose of sending "some good cluu'cluiicn thither
as may truly say, with the apostle, to the savages ' We seek not jonrs but you,'"
is mentioned in this prefatory epistle in such a way as makes it evident that pro-
vision was made for the spiritual needs of the colonists, whom this statesman and
soldier sent forth. On Hakhiyt's return to England he was appointed to a preben-
dal stall in Bristol Cathedral, and ivas afterward preferred to the living of AVeth-
eringset-in-Sufl'olk. But, wherever liis lot was cast, he was still occupied in his
self-appointed work of recording the annals of exploration and colonization, and
in giving a wise and salutary direction to the various schemes of discovery and
settlement in which he took a prominent part. In 1605 he was appointed a Pre-
bendary of Westminster, and the following year became a member of the Com-
pany of Virginia, the interests of which he carefully watched over till his death
in IGIO. He is buried In Westminster AlAey, and his lifelong devotion to the
affairs of the Western World is a notable instance of the religious and churehly
aspect of Western discovery in his day and age.
The story of the Sagadahoc settlers, under the leadership of Popham, as told by
Strachey, and by a number of recent writers whose sympathies were with the
Church, has given rise to a long and somewhat acrimonious discussion, which has
but lately ceased. Prior to the puljlication by the Hakluyt Society of Strachey's
"Historie of Travaileinto Virginia," in which the annals of the Popham Colony are
simply told, all that was known of these early settlers on the coast of Maine was
to be gathered from notices in Purchas's " Pilgrimage ; " in the "Brief Relation" of
the President and Council for New England ; Smiui's " Generall Historie ; " in Sir
William Alexander's " Encouragement to Colonies," and Sir Ferdinando Gorges's
brief narration. These notices are gathered together by Dr. De Costa in the
Appendix to " A Relation of a Voyage to Sagadahoc," from a MS. in the Lambeth
Collection. (Cambridge, 1880.) The publication by the Hakluyt Society of Stra-
chey's "Historie" attracted attention to this colony, and m.ide those interested in
the history of the church aware that this settlement was undertaken under churehly
auspices, and that its inception was accompanied by the services of the " Book of
Common Prayer." Strachey's narrative was republished by the Historical So-
cieties of Massachusetts and Maine, with annotations ; and in 1863 the latter society
published a ' ' Memorial Volume." Three years later appeared "The Popham Colony :
a Discussion of its Historic Claims," containing articles by AVilliam F. Poole, the
Rev. Edward Ballard, D.D., and Frederick Kidder, with a bibliography of the sub-
ject up to 1866. Subsequently, as before, various articles apjjeared on the one side
or the other, in the newspapers and magazines of the daj' ; and for several years
the addresses at the Popham celebrations were issued in pamphlet form, and occa-
sioned not a little criticism and numerous replies. The main matter in point, so
far as we are concerned, is the unquestionable priority of the services and sacra-
ments of the Church on the New England coast, years before the coming of tlie
Leyden " Pilgrims," or the non-conformists of Massiiehusetts.
CHAPTER IV.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE IN VIEGINIA.
ON Friday, the 19th of December, 1606, an expedition consisting
of three ships, the " Susan Constant," of one hundred tons'
burden ; the " Good-speed," of forty ; and the " Discoverjs" a
pinnace of .twenty, sailed from Blackball for Virginia, under the com-
mand of Captain Christopher Newport, " a mariner well practiced for
the waterrie parts of America." ' The holydays were spent upon the
coast, as unpropitious winds detained them for six weeks in sight of
England, — " All which time," proceeds the chronicler of the voyage,
" I\lr. Hunt our Preacher was so weake and sicke, that few expected his
recovery. Yet although he were but twentie myles from his habitation
(the time we were in the Downes) , and notwithstanding the stormy
weather, nor the scandalous imputations (of some few, little better than
Atheists, of the greatest ranke amongst vs), suggested against him, all
this could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leaue
the busines, but preferred the service of God in so good a voyage, lie-
fore any afl'ectiou to contest with his godlesse foes, whose disasterous
designes (could they haue prevailed) had even then overthrowne this
businesse, so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the water
of patience, and his godly exhortations (laut chiefly by his true devoted
example) quenched those flames of envie, and dissention."^ Selected
by the first jn-esident of the colony, Edward-Maria Wingfield, with the
approval of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the celebrated Dr. Bancroft,
as " a man not anywaie to be touched w"' the rebellious humors of a
popish spirit, nor blemished w"' y"^ least suspition of a factius scis-
matick,"^ this first missionary priest of the Church of England
resident on our American shores, whose name is preserved, well
deserved the eulogium of the famous Captain Smith, who further
speaks of him as "an honest, religious, and courageous Divine; dur-
ing whose life our factions were oft qualified, our wants and greatest ex-
tremities so comforted, that they seemed easie in comparison of what
we endured after his memorable death." •* Robert Hunt, A.M., Avho
thus with the concurrence, and under the authority, of the primate of
all England, went forth on the chui'ch's mission to Virginia, and whose
home appears, from Smith's "Historic," to have been in Kent, was doubt-
less the Vicar of Reculver, whose appointment to that cure was dated
Jan. 18, 1594, and whose resignation of the same took place in 1602,
at which time he appears associated with Gosnold, Smith, and Wing-
' Smith's Gen. Hist, i., p. 150, Richmond ed. = Ibid.
' Wingfield's "Discourse of Virginia," in " Avcliffiologia Americana," iv., p. 102.
' Advertiseineuts for the Unexperienced Planters, p. 8.3.
THE FOUNDATIOXS OF CHURCH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA.
43
field, in plans for the settlement of \'irgini:i.' Well nia^- the historian
of the United States record his opinion of this excellent man as " a
cleriJ3'man of persevering fortitude and modest worth."- There was
need of every Christian virtue in the spiritual guide of so disorderly
and ill-assorted a compau}' as the little tleet of Newport bore to the Vir-
ginian shores. They were cml)arked on an expedition to found an em-
pire in the West ; but the composition of the colony was such that
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH.
"gentlemen" were largely in excess of artificers, and, unlike the "Colony
of Koanoke," there were no women to liind in families, and cement in
heart and home-loves, these founders of a commonwealth. The long
and tedious voyage was productive of discontent and dissensions, and it
was not till Sunday, the third after Easter, April 26, that the voyagers
entered tlie magnificent bay of the Chesapeake. Several weeks were
spent in selecting a site for the settlement, but at length, on Wednes-
* Vide Anderson's ** Histoi'V of the Colo
nial Chmrh," 2il eJ., I., pp. 169,'l70.
! Bancroft's " UuileJ States," i., p. 118.
44
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
day, the 13tli day of May, the peninsula of Jamesto\™, about fifty
miles above the mouth of the river, already named in honor of the kino-,
was determined upon. This decision niadt^ the members of the " Coun-
cil" designated in the sealed orders, wliioh were opened immediately
on th(! first landing of the expedition, were sworn into ofBce, with the
exception of Smith, who had aroused the ill-will of the chief of the
colonists ; and Edward-Maria Wingtield was chosen president.
Quaintly does the chronicler proceed : "'Sow falleth every man
to worke, the Councell contriuo the fort, the rest cut down trees to make
place to pitch their tents; some provide clapbord to relade the ships,
some make gardens, some nets, etc.
The President's overween-
ing jealousie would admit no exercise at amies, or fortification, but the
JAMESTOWN.
l>oughs of trees cast together in the forme of ahalfe moone, by the ex-
traordinary paines and diligence of Captain Kendall . '' - Agreeabl}' to the
directions of the council in England, on Thursday, the 21st of Ma}', Cap-
tain Newport, with live gentlemen, Percy, brother of the Earl of Nor-
thumlierland, Archer, Smith, Brooks, and Wotton, four " mariners,"
and fourteen sailors, ascended the James river in the " shallop " as far as
the falls of the river, where Richmond now stands. The record of this
exploration remains, and its quaint recital of the daily progress of this
little hand amidst the forest glades and along the water-courses of their
new home, proves that Newport and his men were not unmindful of the
> This cut follows a sketch made about 1857 by a travelliuif Englishwoman, Miss Catharine
0. Hoplcy, and shows the condition of the ruinecl church at that time.
'Smith's "General Histoiie," Riclimoud ed., i., p. l.")?.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHURCH ANU STATE IN VIRGINIA. 45
fact that they were both Christians and Englishmen. Full of interest
is the mention of "May 24, Smiday, Whit-Sunday ;" telling of their
kindly intercourse with the savages, and their simple banquet of "two
peeces of porke to be sodd ashore with pease," with " beere, aquavite,
and sack," to which the savage chieftain, Powhatan, was an invited guest.
As the day declined they raised a cross " upon one of the little iletts
at the mouth of the falls," with the inscription, " lacobus, Eex, 1(307,"
and Newport's name below. " At the erecting hereof, we prayed for our
Kj'ng, and our owne prosperous succes in this his actyon ; and pro-
claymed him kyng with a great shoute." ^ To the narrative of this expe-
dition, which its gallant leader trusted would "tend to the glory of God,
his majestie's renowne, our count-rye's profytt, our owne advauncing,
and fame to all posterity,"^ is apjiended, " A Brief Description of the
People," from which wo extract the following incidental proof of the
religious character of the explorers : —
I found they account after death to goe into another world, pointing eastward
to the element ; and, when they saw us at prayer, they observed us with great
silence and res^ject, especially those to whome I had imparted the meaning of our
reverence. To conclude, they are a very witty and ingenious people, apt both to
understand and speake our language. So that I hope in God, as he hath miraculously
preserved us hither from all daungers both of sea and land and their f urj-, so he will
make us authors of his holy will in converting them to ouv true Christian faitli, by
his owne iuspireing grace and knowledge of his deity.'
Among the turbident and discontented settlers who had been sent
to Virginia to form the nucleus of a new Commonwealth and a new
church there seems to have been but one common bond of union, — the
faithful and devoted minister of the Prince of peace. Scanty and un-
satisfactory as are the notices of the life and labor of this most estimable
man, it is a satisfaction that we can picture to mind the scene of his pulv
lic services. In Smith's " Advertisements for the Unexperienced Plant-
ers of New England," dedicated to Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury,
we have a description of the rude house of prayer, where the colonists
repaired for worship each morn and even, and beneath whose canvas
roof the sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ was duly adminis-
tered according to the use of our mother-church : —
I have been often demanded by so many how we begaime to preach the Gospell
in Virginia, and by what authority, what Churches we had, our order of service, aud
maintenance for our Ministers, therefore I think it not amisse to satisfie their demands,
it being the IMother of all our Plantations, intreating Pride to spare laughter,
to imderstand her simple beginning and proceedings. \Vheu I first went to Virginia,
I well remember, wee did hang an awning (which is an old saile) to three or four
trees to shadow us from the Sunno, our walls were rales of wood, our seats uuhewcd
trees, till we cut plankes ; our Pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighboring trees :
in foule weather we shifted into an old rotten tent, for wee had few better, and this
came by the way of adventure for new. This was our Church, till wee built a homely
thing like a barne, set upon cratohets, covered with rafts, sedge, and earth ; so
was also the walls; the best of our houses of the like curiosity, but the most parte
farre much worse workmanship, that could neither well defend wind norraine, yet
' Newport's " Discoveries in Virginia," in " Archsologia Americana," iv., p. 47.
= I6id., p. ."io. » Ibid., pp. 64, 65.
46 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
wee had daily Commou Prayer morning and evening, every Sunday two Sermons,
and every three moneths the holy Commmiion, till our Minister died. But our
Prayers daily, with an Homily on Suudaies, we continued two or thi-ee yeares
after, till more Preachers came.
It was under this canvas roof that, on the tWrd Sunday after Trinity,
June 21, 1607, the first sacrament was administered. It was a memo-
rable day in the history of this infant settlement. The wranglings
and jealousies, which had been fomented during the voyage, were, for
the moment at least, allayed. The kindly offices of the priest had re-
sulted in the quelling of consciences ill at ease, in the subduing of bitter
strifes and envyings, and in bringing men to be of one mind in an
house. " Many were the mischiefes that daily sprung from their igno-
rant, yet ambitious spu-its, but the good doctrine and exhortation of
our Preacher, INIr. Hunt, reconciled them, and caused Captain Smith to
be admitted of the Councell." " The next da}'," continues the chronicler,
"all received the Communion," drawing near, as we may well believe,
with faith and penitence, to take this holy sacrament to their comfort
in this their new home. Surely there was a lesson for these turbulent
men in the opening words of the epistle for the day, — St. Peter's
words to them, and to all men, — " All of you be subject one to another,
and be clothed with humility." Doulitless there came, also, with telling
force to these wanderers, ftir from their homes, and in the midst of no
mere figurative wilderness, the pai'al)le of the gospel of the day, —
Christ's story of the lost sheep sought and found, and the joy in heaven
over the one sinner repenting of his sin.
Five weeks had elapsed since the landing, ere at the table of their
Lord the contentions and animosities of the colonists were forgotten,
and on the next day supplications were again ofl'ered at their rude altar
in liehalf of Captain Newport " returned for England ; for whose passage
and safe retorne wee made many Prayers to our Almighty God." ' One
hundred and four colonists were left at Jamestown to elfect the begin-
ning of the English Empire in the New World.
It was no easy task that these men had undertaken. The forests
were to be felled ; the ground was to be brought under subjection by
the will and labor of the agriculturists. There were homes to be built ;
fortifications were required ; trade was to be opened with the crafty
and treacherous savages. Meanwhile the midsummer heat was such that
the fields could not be tilled. Disease, engendered by the dampness of
the climate, prostrated nearly every one, and the lack of suitable food
lessened the possibilities of cure. " Our drink," writes the chronicler
of these unhappy days, " was unwholesome water ; our lodgings, castles
in the air ; had we been as free from all sins as from gluttony and
drunkenness, we might have been canonized for saints." Still, though
during the summer there were not at any one time five able men to
guard the bulwarks, the prayers at morn and even were not omitted.
Even when on Sundays there was apprehension of an attack by the
savages, and the sermon was necessarily omitted, the service was in-
variably performed, while "in the tyme of our hungar" when "the
'Wingfield's "Discourse of Virginia," in " ArchiBolojjia Americaua," iv., p. 77.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. 47
common store of oyle, vinegar, sack, and aquavite were all spent, sauing
twoc gallons of each, the sack was reserucd for the Communion
Table." On the 22d of August Captain Bartholomew Gosnold died,
— "a worthy and religious gentleman." He was " honorably buried,
having all the ordnance in the port shot oil', with many volleys of
smalhshot."
One-half of the colonists haddied before autumn, and pitiful, indeed,
is the record of Percy : " If it had not pleased God to have put a
terrour in the savages' hearts, wo had all perished hy those wild and
cruel Pagans, being in that weak state as we were ; our men night and
day groaning in every corner of the fort, most pitiful to hear. If there
were any conscience in men, it would make their hearts bleed to hear
the pitiful murmurings and outcries of our sick men, without relief,
every night and day for the space of six weeks ; some departing out of
the world, many times three or four in a night; in the morning, their
bodies trailed out of their cabins, like dogs, to be buried. In this sort
did I see the mortality of divers of our people." ^
"The living were scarce able to bury the dead," says Smith,* who,
at no little risk, made expeditions among the ^
savages for corn. But even hunger was not the Y
only ill threatening the destruction of the infant '~JXT (^tT^in ■
colony. Early in January the rude church and Ky ^
the rude town described by Smith were de- autograph of
stroyedby fire. In this disastrous conflagration capt. john sotth.
Good Master Hunt, our Preacher, lost all his Librarie, and all that hee had
(but the clothes on his backe) yet none ever saw him repine at his losse. Upon anv
alarme he would be as readie for defence as any; and till he could not speak'e
he never ccassed to his utmost to animate us constantly to persist; whose soule
questionlesse is with God.-
The settlers, impoverished and homeless, wasted and worn by dis-
ease and privation, disappointed of their hopes of speedy fortunes,
and fearing, in their well-nigh defenceless state, the attacks of the
savages, bethought themselves of abandoning so ill-starred an enterprise ;
but the fortunate arrival of Captain Newport, with supplies, gave the
colony a further lease of life. The sailors were employed, under their
leader's direction, in the erection of a " faire store house," and the mari-
ners, "aboute a church," Mhich "they finished cheerfully and in short
tyme." Shortly after, Newjiort sailed for England, taking with him
Wingfield, whose consolation was, that his " trauells and daungers " had
"done somewhat for the behoof of Jerusalem in Virginia." "^ The church
which Smith calls "a golden Church," built when the mariners were
striving to load the ship with "golden dirt," as it proved to be, and of
which the chronicler tells us that " the raine washed " it " neere to
nothing in foui-teen days,"* shortly required rebuilding. Meanwhile,
the saintly " Preacher " appears to have .sickened and died. Xo mention
'Purchas, iv., p. 1690. •Winfffickl's " Discourse," in " Archa.'olo"-ia
'Historic, i., p. 682. Americana," iv., p. 103.
= PHrchn,', rv., p. 1710. Smith's " Historie," ' Historic, i., p. 169.
I., p. 168.
48 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAI. CHURCH.
of him is found save the reference to his death we have already quoted
from I'urchas. He ma}' have lived to solemnize the first marriage in
Virginia between John Laydon and Anne Burras, which took place
towards tlie close of the year 1G08 ; but of this we are by no means
assured, and we cannot but agree with Anderson, "that, had he lived so
long, some more distinct traces of his valuable ministrations would
have been preserved." ^ Doubtless he was " taken away from the evil
to come" early in tlie second year of the settlement he had labored so
devotedly to found. His latest efl'orts appear to have been directed
towards the rebuilding of the church, — a work undertaken coincidently
with the repair of the palisades and the planting of the cornfields and
the re-covering of 1 he storehouse; and tlien, his labors ended, his life-
work done, he "fell asleep." That he died as he had lived, encourag-
ing his fellow-settlers to persist in their eflbrt to found a settlement, is
on record, and we may, in adding our tribute to the memory of this
pioneer mission-priest of the mother-church, express our accord with the
old chronicler in the; pious confidence that his soul "is with God."
"Prayers daily, with an Homily on Sundays," were continued for
the "two or three years after, till more Preachers came," and even on
the expedition sent into the interior under the command of the ad-
venturesome Smith, " our order daily was to haue prayer with a Psalme,
at which solemnitie the poore salvages much wondered ; our Prayers
being done, a while tliey were l)usied with a consultation till they had
contrived their business."* It is interesting to notice these evidences
of a devotional spirit animating the better portion of this wild com-
munity. Amidst the strifes and wranglings of the office-holders and
office-seekers, amidst perils and dangers threatening all alike, the words
of common prayer were daily used, and in their hallowed phrases the
worshippers were united with those of their faith and lineage across
the sea, in supplication to a common Father in heaven.
On Smith's return after one of these excursions into the country,
to which we have referred, the office of president was assigned to him,
and it well accords with other statements relating to this remarkable
character, that we are told that "now the building of Ratclifle's (the
former president's) pallace stayed as a thing needlesse ; and the church
was repaired." In the autumn of 1(508 more settlers came, and among
them two females, "IMrs. Forest, and her maid, Anne Burras." The
farce of a coronation of Powhatan was enacted, under the direction of
Captain Newport, for the third time on the Virginian coast, and the
time of the settlers, which was not wasted in such senseless ceremonies
as this, was devoted, by order of the council at home, to the seai'ch for
gold. Search was also directed to be made for the recover}' of the
Roanoke settlers, but in vain ; and the company required immediate
returns for their investments, threatening the settlers that, unless their
orders were complied with, "they should be left in Virginia as banished
men." ^
The threats of the London Company were as futile as their hopes.
Their antici])ations of finding an El Dorado amidst the luxuriant forest-
glades of Virginia were not to be realized. Dissensions, privations,
' Colonial Church, i., pp. 181, 182. ' Ilistoiie, i., p. 182. ' Bancroft, i., 135.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. 49
the " accursed thirst for gold," and the stubborn unwillingness of the
ill-assorted " first plantei's of Virginia " to submit to any power or
rule save that of self, brought this settlement in the far-distant west
into disfavor and distrust at home. The colonists, lacking the sweet re-
straint of the teachings and example of the saintly Robert Hunt, changed
only from bad to worse, and the story of their strifes and jealousies,
their struggles for a miserable and precarious existence, and the failure
of all the cherished expectations in England of the speedy reduction
of the savages to civilization and Christianity, gave abundant occasion
to the " enemy to blaspheme." The " malicious and looser sort," says
a writer, but a little later in the history of Virginia colonization, "with
the licentious stage poets, have whet their tongues with scornful taunts
against the action itself, insomuch as there is no common speech, nor
public name of anything this day, except it be the name of God, which
is more widely depraved, traduced, and derided by such unhallowed
lips, than the name of Virginia." ' Still, no thought of abandoning
the enterprise entered into the minds of the friends of colonization at
home. The succession of misfortunes, which had attended every step
of the scheme of settlement, served to deepen the enthusiasm and
zeal of men who were determined to succeed. There rallied in support
of the new plans for promoting the settlement of Virginia the leading
men of the age. The royal assent to a new charter was obtained on
Tuesday, in Rogation week. May 23, 1609,
and "The Treasurer and Company of Ad-
venturers and Planters of the City of London
for the tirst Colony in Virginia " were duly
and formally created by the king's patent " a
corporation and Body Politick." By this
instrument not only were the limits of the
colony extended, but the company itself
was enlarged by the addition of numbers autograph of james i.
of the nobility, gentry, and tradesmen,
so that, whether we consider the rank and character of its members,
or the rights and privileges with which the company was vested
by the royal authority, it claims a place in histoiy as one of the
most important bodies ever created, either for trade or government.
The names of twenty-one peers of the i-ealm appear in the list of in-
corporators, headed by the powerful Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, the re-
lentless foe, as he had earlier been the rival, of Ralegh, who, in his
dungeon in the tower, doubtless felt a keen interest in these etforts for
the successful accomplishment of a work to which he had long since
given influence, wealth, and personal concern. The Bishops of London,
the celebrated Abbot, afterward translated to Canterbury, Lincoln,
Worcester, and Bath and Wells, and Sutclifte, Dean of Exeter, who had
long been interested in the colonization of America, were associated in
this scheme. Hakluyt, Prebendary of Westminster, was also a mem-
ber of the company, with William Crashaw, B.D., and other clergy-
men of the Church. The numerous companies of tradesmen of the
' Dedicatory Epistle to the " New Life in Virginia."
&
50 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
city of London, the mercers, the drapers, the goldsmiths, the mei'chant
tailors, the cutlers, and more than fifty others, were interested in this
gigantic corporation. INIerchants, artificers, yeomen, were all repre-
sented in a list which comprised, not merely the great, liut all sorts and
conditions of men. To this company, in which all gradations of rank
were merged in a common equality, was transferred the powers which
had been reserved to the king by the former patent. The execution
of the privileges conceded by the charter was committed to a council
of upwards of fifty, of which Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton,
was :it the head, — a position well deserved by the interest he had taken in
the planting of Virginia from the first. To this council almost unlimited
powers were intrusted. Under its direction the Governor of Virginia
could exercise well-nigh despotic rule, wliile in the event of mutiny
or rebellion he was empowered, at his disci'etion, to proclaim martial
law, and to carry into force all the rigorous provisions of this stern
code. The life, liberty, and property of the settlers were vvhollj' in the
power of an oiScer owing his appointment and allegiance to a com-
mercial corporation. The lands heretofore conveyed in trust, or held
in joint proprietorship, were now granted in absolute fee. But one
restriction upon emigration was enjoined, and that was the requirement
of the Oath of Supremacy from all voyagers previous to setting sail ;
and the reason assigned for this injunction was as follows : —
Because the pi'iiicipal Effect, which we can desire or expect of this Action, is
the Conversion and reduction of the People in those Parts unto the True Worship of
God, and Christian Religion, in which liespect we should be lotli, that any Person
should be jiermitted to pass, that we suspected to eifect the superstitions of the
Church of Rome.'
It was at this juncture in the alfairs of Virginia that the name of
the devout and amiable Nicholas Ferrar appears in connection with the
enlarged and re-chartered company. The father of John and Nicholas
Ferrar had been a friend of Ealegh, Hawkins, and Drake, and from the
first had shown himself to I)e " a great lover and encourager of foreign
plantations." ^ It is an evidence of the zeal of the dignitaries and mem-
bers of the English Church in the missionary work in the New World,
that we find associated, in this renewed effort for colonization, men
holding the highest positions in Church and State, whose names are fresh
in remembrance after the lapse of nearly three centuries. With the Fer-
rars, whose memory the Church of England has ever held dear, and whose
services to the American Church we, in this Western AVorld, may well
recall, we also find the name of Sir Edwin Sandys, son of an Archbishop
of York, and pupil of the "judicious" Hooker. Certainly, if patient,
untiring, and abundant exertions, springing from a full and earnest rec-
ognition of the bidding, sounding down the Christian centuries, from the
Master's lips, — " Go ye into all the world and preach the Gospel to every
creature," — could have met the aspersion cast on England's reformed
Church l)y the Church of Rome, "that she converts no believers abroad,"
• Stith's " Histoiy of Virginia," Sabin's Re- ^MoDonough'a " Memoii's of Nicholas Fcr.
print, AppenilLx, p. 22. rai\"
THE FOUNDATIONS OK OIIUKCIl AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. 51
labors such as Hakluj't couusellud, and the Ferrars seconded, and a liost
of others aided and approved, woukl have blotted otit this shmder for-
ever.
With the grant of the new charter fresh interest attached to the
work. Thomas, Lord De \a. Warr, a man of " approued courage, tem-
per, and experience," was created Governor, or Captain-General, of
Virginia, and an expedition of "Adventurers," under his leadership, was
at once titted out, the expense of which was largely borne by the com-
POKTRAFT OF LORD DELAWARE.
mauder-iu-chief, while his zeal and interest were such as to " reuiue and
quicken the whole enterprize by his example, constancy, and resolution."
It was an age of pomp and circumstance, and yet it must have
been an interesting pageant when the chivalrous Do la Warr, and the
Council of Virginia, with the "Adventurers," walked in solemn state to
the Temple Church, where William Crashaw, the preacher of the Tem-
ple, and father of the poet whom Cowley praised and Pope was will-
ing to imitate, preached the tirst missionary sermon ever addressed by
a priest of the Church of England to members of that church, about
to bear that church's name, andcarry that church's teachings to a distant
land. The text was from St. Luke's Gospel, xxii. 32, and the true
52 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
missionary spirit with wbidi this unique discourse is filled may be
judged by the following extract : —
If there be any that come in, only or principally for profit, or any that would so
come in, I wish the latter may never bee in, and tlie former out again. If the plant-
ing of an English Colonic, in a good and frnitl'ull soil, and of an English Church in
a heathen countrey ; if the eonuersiou of the Heathen, if the propagating of the Gos-
pell, and enlarging of the kingdome of Jesus Christ, be not inducements strong
enough to bring them into this businesse, it is a pitie thej' bo in at all. I will dis-
charge my conscience in this matter. K any that are gone, or purpose to go in per-
son, do it only that they may line at ease and get wealth ; if others that aduenture
tlieir money have respected the same ends, I wish for my part, the one in England
again, and the otlier had his money in his purse ; nay, it were better that every one
gave something to make vj) his aduenture than that such Nabals should thrust in
their foulc feete, and trouble so worthie a businesse. Andlcould wish, for my part,
that the proclamation which God injoined to bee made before the Israelites went to
battell, were also made in this case : namely, that whosoever is faint-hearted, let
him returne home againe, lest his brethren's hart faint like his ; (Deut. xx. 8) for
the coward not only betraieth himself, but daunts and discourages others. Priuate
ends haue been the bane of many excellent exploits ; and priuate plots for the gaine
of a few haue given hindrance to many good and great matters. Let us take heed
of it in this present businesse, and all jointly with one heart aime at the generall and
publike ends lest we finde hereafter to our shame and griefe, that this one flie hath
corrupted the whole box of oyntment, though never so precious. Let vs therefore
cast aside all cogitation of profit, let vs look at better things ; and then, I dare say
vnto you as Christ hath taught me, that, if in this action wee seeke first the Kingdom
of God, all other things shall be added unto us (Matt. vi. S3), that is (applying it
to the case in hand), if wee first and principally seeke the propagation of the Gos-
pell, and conuersion of soules, God will vndoubtedly make the voiage very profita-
ble to all the aduenturers, and their posterities, even for matter of this life : for the
soile is good, the commodities many, and neoessarie for England, the distance not
far offe, the jjassage faire and easie, so that there wants only God's blessing to make
itgainfull. Now the highway to obtain that, is to forget our owne affections, and
to neglect our own priuate profit in respect of God's glorie, and he that is zealous
of God's glorie, God will be mindful of his profit.
Wise and fitting words with which to preface an efibrt for the glory
of God and the extension of the Church of Christ. The preacher was
far-seeing. Earnestly does he de])recate the allowance of any Papists,
" Brownists," and factious " separatists," — then beginning to excite no-
tice and alarm at home, — among these founders of a daughter Church
of England in a New World. A touching reference to the leader of
the " Adventurers" occurs at the close of this discoitrse. At the battle
of Poictiers, as Froissart informs irs, the French king was captured by
an ancestor of the governor. Sir Roger la Warr, and John de Pelham.
This incident of the family annals was thus " improved " : —
And thou, most noble Lord, whom God hath stirred vjj to neglect the
pleasures of England, and with Abraham to goe from thy coimtry, and forsake thy
kindred and thy father's house, to goe to a land which God will show thee, giue
me leaue to speak the truth. Thy ancestor many hundred years agoe gained great
honour to thy house ; but by this action thou augmentest it. He tooke a Idng
prisoner in the field in his owne land; but by the godly managing of this businesse,
thou shalt take the Uiuell prisoner in open field, and in his owne kingdome ; nay
the Gospcll which thou carriost with thee shalt bind him in chaincs, and his angels
in stronger fetters than iron, and execute upon them the judgement tliat is written ;
yea. it shall leade captiuitie captiue, and redeeme the soules of men from bondage.
And thus tliy glory and honour of thy house is more at the last than at the first.
Goe on therefore, and i)rosper with this thy honour, which indeed is greater
than eueiy eiu discernes, euen sucli as the present ages shortly will enioy, and the
THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. 53
future adiuire. Goe forward iu the strength of the Lord, and make mention of His
righteousnesse only. Loolie not at the gaine, the wealth, the honour, the aduanee-
nient of thy house that may follow and fall vpon thee ; but looke at tliosc high and
better ends that concerne the kingdom of God. Remember thou art a generall of
Englisli men, nay, a generall of Christian men ; therefore principally lookc to
religion. You goe to commend it to the heatlien; then practice it yourselues;
make the name of Christ honourable, not hatefull vnto them.
In like burning words of high and holy encouragement had the
Rev. Dr. Symonds, preacher at Saint Saviour's, in Southwark, a few
months earlier, addressed the "many honoural)le worshipfuU, the ad-
venturers and planters for Virginia," at White-chapel. The text was
from Genesis xii. 1-3, the portion of Scripture which relates the call of
Abraham and the promise of God's blessing on his going to a strange
country. At the close of an earnest and impassioned discourse we
find these words : —
What blessing any nation had by Christ, must be communicated to all nations ;
the office of his Prophecie, to teach the ignorant; the office of his Priesthood, to
give remission of sinnes to the sinnofull ; the office of his Kingdome, by word, and
sacraments, and spirit, to rule the inordinate ; that such as are dead in ti-espasses,
may be made to sit together in heavenly places. . . . If it be God's purpose,
that the Gospell shall be preached through the world for a witnesse, then ought
ministers to bee carefull and willing to spread it abroad, in such good services as
this that is intended. Sure it is a great shame vnto us of the ministery, that can
be better content to sit and rest us heere idle, than undergoe so good a worke.
Our pretence of zeale is clearly discoured to be but hypocricy, when we rather
choose to mind unprofitaljle questions at home, than gaining soules abroad.
These discourses illustrate the popular feeling with reference to
the New World. The end and aim of the expeditious to the West was,
as Crashaw declared, "the destruction of the deuel's kingdom, and
propagation of the Gospell." "The planting of a church,"' the
" converting of soules to God,"
these were the objects held con-
stantly in view by the promoters
and leaders of the successive
schemes of colonization, and, if
the same high and holy spirit
failed to animate the rank and
iile of the settlers, the record
tells us constantly of those who
lived and labored for the Chris- autograph of de la warr.
tianizing of the savages and the
-"o
extension of Christ's Church iu the New World.
Circumstances prevented the entrance of De la Warr upon the
duties of his office at the outset, and, consequently, the first expedition
despatched under the new charter sailed from Plymouth on the 1st day
of June, 1609, in nine vessels ; Sir Thomas Gates, who had been in
the service of the United Netherlands, being lieutenant-general, and
Sir George Somers, admiral, of Virginia. Newport was in com-
mand of the fleet ; and the three were empowered to administer the
artairs of the colony until the arrival of Lord De la Warr. The ship
' Crasliaw's sermon, quoted in Amlcrsou's " Colonial Chiii-ch," I., p. 193.
54 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
" Sea Adventure " carried Gates, Somers, and Newport. In the
"Diamond" were Captains Ratclifle and King; in the "Falcon," Cap-
tain Martin and Master Nelson. The " Bless-
ing," with Captain Archer and Master Adams,
conveyed horses and mares ; while the "Unity,"
the "Lion," the "Swallow," a "Ketch," and "a
boatliuiit inthe North Colony," atSagadahock,
ADTOGRAi'n OF with Captain and Master Davies, who were
THOMAS GATES. among the settlers of that northern colony,
made up the fleet on which about five hundred
colonists were embarked. The voj'age was favoralile until the 23d of
July, when the "Ketch" was lost in a hurricane, while the "Sea Vent-
ure," driven before the storm, was stranded, on the 28th, upon the shores
of " — the still vex'd Bermoothes." Seven ships only reached Virginia.
The lives of the shipwrecked colonists at the Bermudas were mar-
vellously preserved, and one and all were at once occupied in prepar-
ing the means of escape from the place of their detention. An excel-
lent priest of the English Ciiurch, recommended by Dr. Ravis, Bishop
of London, was in the company, and " publique Prayer, every morn-
ing and Evening," was faithfully observed ; while on Sunday two sermons
were preached by the Rev. Richard Bucke, a graduate of Oxford, and
" a verie good preacher," as John Rolfe characterized him in a letter to
the king, a little later. The chronicler of the expedition further tells us
that " it pleased God also to give vs opportunitie to pejjforme all the
other Offices and Rites of our Christian Profession on this Island." On
the 26th of November(the twenty-fourth Sunday after Trinity)occurred
a marriage. On the tii'st of October (the sixteenth Sunday after Trinity)
and on " ChristmasseEve," which fell on Sunday, the fourth in Advent,
the holy communion was celebrated, " at the partaking whereof our
Governor was, and the greatest part of our Company." On the 11th of
Feburary, Sexagesima Sunday, Bermuda, the child of "one John Roh'e,"
was christened ; Captain Newport. William Strachey, and Mistress
Horton Ijeiug godparents ; and on the 25th of INIarch, which was lioth
Passion Sunday and Lady-day, the sou of Edward Easou, named Ber-
mudas, was christened. Captain Newport, William Strachey, and
Master James Swift being godfatliers. Six of the company were
solemnly liuried, with the church's rites. On leaving the island inthe
rude cedar ships they had builded, the governor. Sir Thomas Gates,
erected " a faire Muemos3'on in figure of a crosse," made of some of the
timber of the wreck, bearing on each side an inscription in Latin and
English : " In memory of our great deliuerance, both from a mightie
storme and leake ; wee haue set vp this to the honour of God." Thus
piously leaving theharljor which had proved to them a safe haven, thej'
sailed for Virginia, which they reached in safety on Wednesday, the
23d of May, only to dnd the miserable remnant of the colony, which
but a few months licfore numbered five hundred men. It was "the
starving time." The fort was dismantled, the palisades torn down, the
ports open, and the gates forced from their hinges. The new-comers
proceeded at once, on landing, to the ruined and unfrequented church.
The governor caused the bell to be rung, and the dispirited and starv-
THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA.
55
iug people dragged their enfeebled frames to the house of God, that
they might join in the "zealous and sorrowful prayer" of the faithful
Buckc, as in the church's words he pleaded, in that sad and solemn hour,
for himself and his fellow-worshippers, before the Lord their God. At
the close of this solenm service the commission of Gates was formally
proclaimed, and the insignia of office was surrendered to him by Percy,
the brother of the Earl of Northumberland, who had been acting as
president since the departure, for England, of Captain Smith. A brief
^^^^^'^
survey of the condition of the colony was sufficient to discourage any
one. Driven to extremities, without provisions or the means of pro-
curing any, disappointed as to the past, and hopeless for the future.
Gates determined to abandon the ill-fated settlement, and proceed to
Newfoundland, where he hoped to distribute the pitiful remnant of the
colony among the English fishing-vessels off the Banks. On Thursday,
the 7th of June, at noon, the whole company embarked, Sir Thomas
Gates last of all, "giving a farewell with a peal of small shott," none
dropping a tear at leaving a spot ^vhere " none had enjoyed one day of
happiness." At eventide the ships drifted down the river, and the
abandonment of the first colony in Virginia was complete.
56 HISTORY OF THE AMEIUCAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Heaven interposed to save the future church and commonwealth of
Virginia. On the morning of Friday, the 8th, when the ships freighted
with the returning colonists lay at anchor at the mouth of the river,
waiting the retui'u of the tide, a boat was descried in the ofBng, Avhich
had been sent l)y the captain-general of the colony, Lord De la Warr,
to announce his arrival from England. Gates and his company returned
at once to the forlorn and dismantled town they had so lately quitted,
and on the first Sunday after Trinity, June 10, KilO, the squadron of
De la Warr, consisting of three ships, arrived off the fort, and he, with
his retinue, landed in the afternoon at the small gate of the palisade.
In the spirit of true Christian cliivalry did this excellent nobleman enter
upon his work for Christ and his church in the New World. Though
the lieutenant-governor and the few survivors were drawn up under
arms to receive him, De la Warr, ere he acknowledged their courtesy or
assumed any show of authority, fell on his knees on the ground, and in
the presence of all the people offered long and silent prayer to God,
and then marched in solemn state through the town to the little church.
Here, after prayers and a sermon by the worthy Piirsou Bucke, the com-
mission of the governor was read, the seals of office were formally sur-
rendered to him, and he addressed the assembly with a few words of
encouragement and admonition.
Thus, solemnly and in the fear of God, did this excellent nobleman
enter upon the duties of his thankless office. Strachey, the secretary
and recorder of the colony, as well as its historian, gives us, among his
earliest notices of the new regime thus inaugurated, the following quaint
picture of the church and church-life at Jamestown, at this time : —
The Captaine Generall hath giuen order for the repairing the Church, and at
this instant many hands are about it. It is in length threescore footc, in breadth
twenty-foure, and shall haue a chancell in it of Cedar, and a Communion Taljle of the
Blake Walnut, and all thePewesof Cedar, with faire broad windowes. to shut and
open, as the weather shall occasion, of the same wood, a Pulpet of the same, with a
font hewen hollow, like a Canoa, with two Bels at the West end. It is so cast, as to
be very light within, and the Lord Gouernour and Cajjtainc GenoraU doth cause it to
be kept passing sweete, and trimmed vp with divers liowers, with a Sexton belong-
ing to it : and in it euery Sunday we liaue Sermons twice a day, and euery Thui-sday
a Sermon, hauing true ' preachers, which take their weekly tuines ; and euery morn-
ing at the ringing of a bell, about ten of the clocke, each man addresseth himselfe
to prayers, and so at foure of the clocke before Supper. Euery Sunday, when the
Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall goeth to Church, he is accompanied with all
the Counsailers, Captaines, other Oificei-s, and all the Gentlemen, with a guard of
Holberdiers, in his Lordship's Liuery, faire red cloakes, to the number of fifty both
on each side, and behinde him : and bemg in tlie Church, his Lordship hatli his seate
in the Quier, in a greene veluet chaire, with a cloath, with a veluet cushion spread
on a table before him, on which he kneeleth, and on each side sit the Counsell, Cap-
taines, and Officers, each in their place, and when he returneth home againe, he is
waited on to his house in the same manner. -
Of the " true " preachers referred to in this interesting extract
Richard Bucko was surely one, and the other, or others, doubtless
accompanied De la Warr. We have no record of the name or
names.
'Evidently a clerical e:ror for 'tiTO," the alternate being, doubtless, the ch.iplaiu of De la
Warr's lleet.
'Piirchas, iv., p. 1754.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. 57
In the longand touching recital of aflfairs, sent by the Governor and
Council to the London Company, dated "James Towuc, July 7th, 1610,"
the request is made for " a new supply in such matters of the two-fold
physicke, which both the soulcs and ])odies of our poor people here
stand much in nccdc of," and in the " Table of such as are required in
their plantation," issued by the Council at home, the foremost entry is,
" Fourc honest and learned Ministers." One of these was Alexander
Whitaker, who arrived in the colony on the 10th of May, 1611,
with Sir Thomas Dale, the High INIarshal of Virginia. He was the
son of the celeln-ated William Whitaker, IMaster of St. John's College,
and llegius Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge, and
although, to quote the words of Crashaw, "seated in the North
Couutrey, where he was well approued by the gi'eatest and beloued of
his people, and had competent allowance to his good liking, and was
in as good possibility of better living as any of his time," having also
" mcanes of his owne left him by his parents," he, " without any per-
suasion (but God's and his own heart) did voluntarily leaue his warme
nest ; and to the wonder of his kindred, and amazement of them that
knew him, undertooke this hard, but to my judgment, heroicall reso-
lution to go to Virginia and help beare the name of God unto the
Gentiles." Of his faithfulness and zeal we shall have occasion to
speak again and again. We can well undei'stand the purpose of
Whitaker in leaving his " warme nest " to go to Virginia to assist that
Christian plantation, in the function of a preacher of the Gospel. In
the call for help, addressed by the Council to the people of England,
the argument is employed that upwards of six hundred " of our Breth-
ren by our common mother the Church, Christians of one faith and one
Baptism," have been exposed "to a miserable and inevitable death " in
adventuring upon this plantation, whom it was the bounden duty of
their countrjTnen to aid. At length, aware of the mistake of trans-
porting men of loose morals and depraved character to Virginia, the
Council announced that they would receive " no man that cannot bring
or render some good testimony of his religion to God, and ciuil man-
ners and behaviour to liis neighbour with whom he hath lived." The
spiritual wants of those already in Virginia, and the promised posses-
sion of worthy and religious settlers in the future, made the " planta-
tion of Religion " in the New World a worthy object of desire to zealous
men filled with the love of souls, and of those who responded to this
cry for spiritual help no one was more worthy of the work than was he
who won the title of Apostle of Virginia, by his few years of devoted
service. It was the glad response to the cheering words earlier borne
across the ocean : " Doubt not God will raise our State and build our
Church in this excellent clime. It is the arm of the Lord of Hosts,
who would have his people pass the Ked Sea and the wildei'uess, and
then possess the land of Canaan." '
In June, 1611, there accompanied Sir Thomas Gates, on his second
voyage to Virginia, " an approved Preacher in Bedford and Huntingdon-
shire, a graduate of Cambridge, reverenced and respected,"- by the
name of Glover. He was in easy circumstances and already somewhat
1 True Dcclai'ation, pp. 45, 46. ' CiasUaw's " Epistle Dcdicatorie."
58 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
advanced iu years, Ijut so earnest in liis desire for missionary work that
he sought the opportunity, and being " well liked of the CounscU " he
went bravely to his post. But, as Crashaw tells us, " he endured not the
sea-sicknesse of the countrey, so well as younger and stronger bodies ;
and so, after zealous and faithfull performance of his ministerial! dutie,
■whilest he was able, he gave his soule to Christ Jesus (under whose
banner he went to fight ; and for whose glorious name's sake he under-
tooke the danger) , more worthy to lie accounted a true Confessor of
Christ than hundreds that are canonized in tlie Pope's Marty rologie."
In the beginning of the year IGll the health of the governor
failed, under the cares and anxieties of his position, and the diseases inci-
dent to the climate, and after a lingering illness he was compelled to
commit the administration of the government to George Percy, and on
Thursday, in Easter-week, March 28, to sail for England. Necessary
as was this step, it could not but have a disastrous effect upon the
colony, while it produced " a damp of coldness " in the breasts of the
adventurers at home. Still " one spark of hope remained ; " for, before
the departure of De la AVarr was known at home. Sir Thomas Dale, " a
worthy and experienced soldier in the Low Countries," had sailed for
Virginia, with three ships, with men and cattle for the settlement at
Jamestown. In June, IGll, Sir Thomas Gates, who had been named
first in the original patent for Virginia, embarked with his wife and
daughter, in a fleet of six sliips, carrying three hundred men, with large
supplies of cattle and stores. The relief thus afforded was most grateful.
Already had the mishaps of the colonists excited the derision of the
public. " And whereas we have by undertaking this plantation under-
gone the reproofs of the base world," was the plaint coming from the
dispirited and disappointed settlers, " insomuch as many of our owne
brethren laugh vs to scorne," and "papists and players, . . . the
scum and dregs of the earth," " mocke such as help to build up the
walls of Jerusalem."^ The new-comers were welcomed with general
thanksgiving. For the first time the settlement began to extend be-
yond the limits of Jamestown. A new plantation, sevent}^ miles up the
river, was founded, and a handsome church of wood was erected at the
start. The " faii-framed Parsonage imjialed for Master Whitaker," and
the "hundred acres called Rocke Hall," set apart for the future support
of the ministry in this new settlement, are referred to iu the story of
the first i)lanting of Henrico.
Sir Thomas Dale, under whose leadership this step in the advance
was taken, was a man of no ordinary character, and when, on the return
of Gates to England, the sole command of the colony devolved upon
him, he displayed the earnest, patient, pei'severing Christian devotion
of one who recognized "in whose Vineyard" he labored, "and whose
church with greedy appetite" he desired "to erect." In a letter to a
friend, still extant,^ he professes that the end of his exertions was "to
build God a church ; " and, although we may well condemn the spirit
and letter of " The Laws Diuine, Morall and Martiall," which, as
' From " A Praicr duly said Moniin^ anJ Eveuiug vpou the Court of Guard," appended to
" The Law3 Dininc, Morall and Martiall."
» Purchas, iv., pp. 1768-1770.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHUECH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. 59
drawn up by William Strachey, the secretary of the colony, were
transmitted to Dale by Sir Thomas Smith, the treasurer, Ave cannot
doubt that even this code, which was both impolitic and inhuman, was
administered by the "High Marshall of Virginia" with as much mercy
as was possible. AVith those hiws, so far as they are "publique," or
"martiall," we need not concern ourselves. Stern and inhuman as
they appear, they reflect the spirit of the age, and their approval by
Gates, who first enjoined them on his arrival, in IGIO, and by De la
Warr and Dale, M'ill surely lead one to infer that the disorders rife in
the colony required a rigorous repression, and the exercise of a prompt
and sunmiary severity. This remarkable code is at the outset imbued
with the religious temper of the time, and begins as follows : "First,
since we owe our highest and supi'cme duty, our greatest, and all
our allegiance to Ilim, from whom all power and authoritie is derived,
and tlowes as from the first, and onely fountaine, and being especiall
souldiers emprest in this sacred cause, we must alone expect our suc-
cessc from Him, who is onely the blesscr of all good attempts, the King
of kings, the Commaunderof commaunders, and Lord of hostes, I do
strictly commaund and charge all Captaines and Officers, of what
qualitio and nature soeuer, whether commaunders in the field, or in
townc or townes, forts or fortresses, to haue a care that the Almightie
God bee duly and daily serued, and that they call vpon their people
to hearo Sermons, as that also they diligently frequent ftlorning and
Euening praier themselues, by their owne exemplar and daily life and
dutic herein encouraging others thereunto, and that such who shall
often and wilfully absent themselues, be duly punished according to the
martiall law in that case prouided." Among the oflenccs punishable
by the most severe penalties were speaking " impiously or maliciously
against the Holy and blessed Trinitie, or against the knowne Articles of
the Christian Faith ; " the utterance of blasphemy or " unlawful oathes ; "
"the derision or despite of God's holy word ; " and disrespect " unto any
Preacher or Minister." It was strictly enjoined that "euerio man and
woman duly twice a day, vpon the first towling of the Bell, shall vpon
the working daies repairo vnto the Church to hear diuine service." The
LordV) day was to be duly sanctified and observed by individuals and
families "by preparing themselves at home with private prayer, that they
may be the better fitted for the publique , according to the commimdments
of God and the oi'dcrs of our Church." livery one was required to " re-
pairo in the morning to the diuine seruice, and sermons preached vpon
the Saboth day, and in the afternoon to diuine service and catechising."
It was ordered that "All Preachers or JMinisters within this our Colonic
or Colonics, shall in the Forts, where they are resident, after diuiuo Ser-
uice, duly preach euery Sabl)ath day in the forenoouc, and Catechize in
the afternoonc, and weckcly say the diuine service twice euery daj', and
preach euery Wednesda3^ likewise euery minister where he is resident
within the same Fort or Fortresse, Townes or Towne, shall chuso vnto
him, fourc of the mo.st religious and better disposed as well to informe
of the abuses and neglects of the people in their duties and seruice to
God, as also to the due reparation, and keeping of the Church handsome,
and fitted with all reverent obseruances thereunto belonging ; likewise
60 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAK EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
euery minister shall keepe a faithful and true Record, or Church Bookc,
of all Christnings, Marriages, and deaths of such our People as shall hap-
pen within their Fort or Fortresses, Townes or Towne at any time, vpon
the burthen of a ncglcctfull conscience, and ^7:)on paine of losing their
Entertainment." Touching, indeed, Mas the prayer appended to these
Laws and appointed to be "duly said Morning and Euening vpon the
Court of Guard, either by the Captaiue of the watch himselfe, or by some
one of his principall officers." "Words such as these, daily on the lips and
in the hearts of the settlers, are of no little interest in determining the
plans and purposes of the settlement. "And seeing Thou hast honoured
vs to choose vs out to beare thy name vnto the Gentiles ; we therefore be-
seech Thee to bless vs, and this our plantation, which we and our nation
haue begun in thy fear and for thy glory . . . And seeing, Lord,
the highest end of our plantation here is to set vp the standard and
display the banner of Jesus Christ, euen hei'e where Satan's throne is,
Lord, let our labor be blessed in laboring the conversion of the heathen.
And because Thou vsest not to work such mighty works by vnholy
means, Lord sanctifie our spirits, and giue vs holy harts, that so we may
be thy instruments in this most glorious work . . . And seeing by
thy motion and work in our harts, we haue left our warme nests at
home, and put our Hues into our hands, principally to honour thy name,
and aduance the kingdome of thy son, Lord giue vs leaue to commit
our lines into thy hands ; let thy angels be about vs, and let vs be as
Angels of God sent to this people . . . Lord blesse England our
sweete natiue country, saue it from Popery, this land from heathenisme,
and both from Atheisme. And Lord heare their praiers for vs and vs
for them, and Christ Jesus our glorious Mediator for vs all. Amen." ^
The growth of the colony under the new rigime was rapid and
healthy. Its leaders were men of singleness of purpose, and no pains
were spared to encourage industry, to extend the limits of the planta-
tions, and to provide, as we learn from "The New Life of Virginia,"
published in 1G12, "for the honour and seruice of God, for daily
frequenting the Church, the house of prayer, at the tolling of the bell,
for preaching, catechizing, and the religious observation of the Sabbath
day, for due reverence to the Ministers of the Word, and to all su-
periours, for peace and love among themselves, and enforcing the idle
to paines and honest laliour ... in a word, against all wrongfuU
dealing amongst themselves, or imperious violence against the Indians."^
The assignment of lands to the settlers for their individual use and
ownership took the place of the former plan of cultivating the land iu
common, and good order and abundance were the result. The Indians
were no longer hostile, and the strength of the colony Avas such that it
no longer feared their assaults. In the quaint language of the writer
of " The New Life of Virginia," "good " were " these beginnings where-
in God is thus before."
It was at this epoch in Virginian settlementthatthedevotedWhita-
ker, who had now spent nearly two years in the New World, coutrib-
' This " Praier " is, without clouht, the compo'5ition of William Crashaw, several of its phrases,
as well as much of its arfrument, being found ia other Avritings of his.
» Force's " Historical Tracts," i., p. 13.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. 61
uted to the London press, then teeming with tractates on colonization,
a thin quarto, entitled, "Good News from Virginia." ' It was " a pithie
and godly exhortation," as Crashaw st_yled it, coming from one who
" diligently preacheth and catcehizcth," })crforming " daily and diligent
service, acceptable to God, and comfortable to our pcojilc."- It coun-
selled self-sacritice on the part of those at home, to relieve "the pooro
estate of the ignorant inhaliitants of Virginia." It bespoke compassion-
ate efforts in behalf of the " poore Indians," " naked slaves of the devil."
Simple, straightforward, homely even in its diction, it waxed eloquent in
its appeals for English cooperation in the good work undertaken " for
the glory of God, whose kingdom j'ou now plant, and good of your
countrcy, whose wealth you seeke." "Awake, you true-hearted Eng-
lishmen ! " is the impassioned cry ; " you servants of Jesus Christ,
remember that the Plantation is God's, and the reward your countrie's."
"We can readily understand Crashaw's testimony to the zeal and ability
of the mission priests of the Church of England who had emigrated to
Virginia. "We see to our comfort, the God of heaven found us out,
and made us readie to our hand, able and fit men for the ministerial
function in this plantation, all of them Graduates, allowed preachers,
single men, hauing no Pastorall cures, nor charge of children ; aiyd, as
it were, every way lilted for that worke. And because God would
more grace this businesse, and honor his owne worke, be prouided us
such men as wanted neither lining, nor libei'tie of preaching at home.
. . Hereafter, when all is settled in peace and plentic, what marvell,
if many and greater than they are willing to goe ? But, in the infaneie
of this Plantation, to put their lines into their hands, and, under the
assurance of so many dangers and difficulties, to deuote themselues unto
it, was certainly a holy and heroicall resolution, and proceeded undoubt-
edly from the blessed spirit of Christ Jesus, who ' for this cause appeared
that he might dissolve the works of the devill.' And though Satan visi-
bly and palpably raignes there more than in any other knowne place of the
■world, yet be of good courage, blessed brethren, 'God will treade Satan
under your feet shortly,' and the ages to come will eternize your names
as the Apostles of Virginia."
Foremost amongthese "Apostlesof Virginia," and worthy of honor-
able mention and lasting remembrance on the pages of the missionary
annals of the Church of Christ, was Alexander Whitaker, to whom we have
already referred. It was by him that Pocahontas, the child of romance and
song, was instructed in the faith of Christ, and admitted to holy baptism.
Much has been written with reference to this Indian maiden whose name
is inseparabl}' connected Avith the history of the Virginia Church autl
State. There is little doubt but that the extravagant tales which find
their place in Smith's " General Historie," and many of Mhich have this
simple Indian girl for their heroine, are exaggerations and of a piece
with the marvellous stories wliich, Lite in life, that egotistical writer
tells at length of his own career on the confines of Chiistcndom in the
East; but, when the romance has all been eliminated, enough i-emains
to make us gi-ateful to God for the conversion of this gentle Indian
• Published in 1G13. • Crashuw's " Epistle Dcdicatorie."
62 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUBCH.
maiden, and her subsequent marriage to a young Englishman of family
and repute. The unsuspicious girl had been betrayed by some of her
own people into the hands of Argall, in 1612. Detained, witha view to
secure from her father the return of men and stores M'hich he had in
possession, Pocahontas learned to love her captors, and in time an even
more tender passion sprang up in her gentle l)reast for "an honest
gentleman, and of good behaviour," named John Rolfe, a widower,
M'hose struggle of mind in reference to marrying an "unbelieving creat-
ure," "one whose education hath been rude, her manners barbarous,
her generation accursed, and so discrepant in all nurture " from him-
self, is quaintly set forth in his own inimitable letter to Sir Thomas
Dale.' Carefully instructed in the Christian religion by order of the
governor, after she had made good progress therein, Pocahontas "re-
nounced publickly her countrey Idolatry," and " was as she desired bap-
tised." Dale, writing to a London clergyman respecting this marriage,
bears testimony to the worth and piety of the new convert : " Slie lines
ciuilly and louingly with him, and I trust will increase in goodnesse as the
knowledge of God increascth in her. She will goe into England with
mee ; andwercitbut thegainiugof this oncsoule,! willthinke mytime,
toile, and present stay well spent." This interesting marriage ceremony
took place, we are told by Ilamor, "about the 1st of April, 1G13," and was
solemnized in the little church at Jamestown, an uncle, Opachisco, and
two brothers of Pocahontas, being present. The 1st of April was Maun-
day Thursda}', and there can be little doubt, in view of the natural re-
pugnance to marriages in Lent, that it was at Easter-tide when this
espousal took place. April 4, the date of the Easter feast in 1G13,
may well be held in remembrance, for in this union the future of the
colony was assured. In 161G Pocahontas accompanied her husband
to England, in the train of Sir Thomas Dale, meeting with a gracious
welcome, and tinding, in the providenceof God, a grave. Purchas, who
grows garrulous in her praise, tells of the pomp and state with "which
Dr. King, then Bishop of London, entertained her: " l^eyoud what I
have ever seen in his great hospitalitie aiforded to other ladies," and
quaintly adds, " At her return towards Virginia she came to Graues-
end, to her end and graue, having given great demonstration of her
Christian sincerity as the first fruits of Virginian conuersions, leaving
here a godly memory and the hopes of her resurrection, her soule aspir-
ing to see and enjoy presently in Heaven what here shee had joyed to
heare and belceve of her beloued Saviour." Modest, dignified, and
gracious, " the Lady Pocahontas," as she was called, caiTied herself " as
the daughter of a king." Present at a representation at court of Ben
Jonson's Masque, "Christmas," on the Feast of the Epiphanj^ ; referred
to by the same great dramatist in another play,- as — "the blessed
" Pokahontas, as the liistorian calls her,
And great king's daughter of Virginia ; "
and courted and caressed by all classes and conditions of men, her
brief career in England won for her many friends, and in her early
death, at the age of twenty-two, there was the consolation that an in-
' Appended to ITamor's " Trac Discourse." ' The " Staple of News," first played in 1625.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHUPCH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. 63
fant son survived, among whose descendants many of the highest social
ranlc in Virginia have been proud to number themselves. It was for
" the good of the plantation," as Rolfe anticipated, that this alliance
resulted. A lasting peace with the aborigines followed, and the friends
of the "holy action" of Christianizing and civilizing the natives of the
American foi-ests, whose hopes had long been " languishing and for-
saken," took heart again. The " pious and heroic enterprise " of bring-
ing to the savages the knowledge of the gospel of Christ was again un-
dertaken. The seed sown was at length beginning to take I'oot, and
spring up with the promise of a gracious harvest.
CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.
"rpHE earliest book of American literature," as Professor Tyler ' reminds us, is
J_ '^ A Trite Eclalion of such occurrences and accidents of noale as hath
hapned in Viryinia since the first planting of that Collony, which is now resident
in the South part thereof, till the last return from thence. Written by Captaine
Smith, Coronell of the said Collony, to a worship)full friend of his in England,
Loudon, 1008-''^ This black-letter tract, written on the spot by the leading spirit
in the settlement, and covering the period I'rom the arrival of the colonists at Cape
Heniy, on the ■20th of April, 1G07, to the return of Captain Nelson in tlie "Phoenix,"
on the 2d of June, 1G08, is the first published work known to bibliograpliers relat-
ing to the Jamestown colony. The original edition is exceedingly rare, and as such
its title is included in I\Ir. Payne Collier's " Rarest Books in the English Language,"
186.5. Mr. Collier attributes its authoi-ship to Thomas Watson, whose name appears
on the title-page of some copies, but there is no reason to doubt tliat it was written
by Smith, to whom Pm\-has assigns its composition. The work is made accessible
by a reprint achuirably edited by Charles Dcane, LL.n., Boston, 1850, with a ful-
ness and accuracy of annotation which might be expected from so competent a hand.
We cannot better indicate the contents of this interesting and important work than
by citing the critical resume of its scope and style, given by Professor T^ier, in his
" History of American Literature " : —
"Barely hinting at the length and tediousness of the voyage, the author
plunges, with epic promptitude, into the midst of the action by describing their
arrival in Virginia, their first ungentle passages with the Indians, their selection of
a place of settlement, their first civil organization, their first expedition for dis-
covery toward the upper waters of the James River, the first formidable Indian
attack upon their village, and the first return for England, two months after tlieir
arrival, of the ships tliat had brought them to Virginia. Upon the departure of
these ships, bitter quarrels broke out among the colonists ; ' things were neither car-
ried with that discretion nor any business effected in such good sort as wisdom
would ; . . . through which disorder, God Ijeing angry with us, plagued us
with such famine and sickness that the living were scarce able to Ijury the dead.
. . . As yet we had no houses to cover us; our tents wore rotten, and our cabins
worse than naught. . . . The president and Captain Martin's sickness com-
pelled me ... to spare no pains in making houses for the company, who, not-
withstanding our miseiy, little ceased their malice, grudging, and muttering . . .
being in such despair as they would ratlier starve and rot with itUeness than be
persuaded to do anything for their own relief without constraint.' But the enci'getio
captain had an eager passion for making tours of exiiloration along the coast and
up the river; and after telling how he procured corn from the Indians and thus
supplied the instant necessities of the starving colonists, he proceeds to relate the
history of a tour of discovery made by him up the Chickahominy, on which tour
happened the famous injident of his falling into captivity among the Indians. The
' A nistory of American Literature. By Moses Coit Tyler, i., p. 21.
64 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUEOH.
reader will not fiiil to notice that in this earlier book of his, written before Powha-
tan's daughter, the Princess Pocahontas, had become celebrated in England, and
before Captain Smith had that enticing motive for representing himself as specially
favored by her, he speaks of Powhatan as full of friendliness to him ; he expressly
states that his own life was in no danger at the hands of that Indian potentate ; and,
of course, he has no situation on which to hang Ihe romantic incident of his I'cscue
by Pocahontas from impendin^^ death. Having ascended the Chickahominy for
about sixty miles, he took with him a single Indian guide, and pushed into the
woods. Within a quarter of an hour, he ' heard a loud cry and a hallooing of
Indians'; and almost immediately he was assaulted by two hundred of them, led
by Opeohancanough, an under-king to the Emperor Powhatan. The valiant captain,
in a contest so unequal, was certainly entitled to a shield; and this he rather un-
generously extemporized by seizing his Indian guide, and with his garters binding
the Indian's arm to his own hanck thus, as he coolly expresses it, making ' my
hind ' ' my barricade.' As the Indians still pressed towards him. Captain Smith
discharged his pistol, which woimdcd some of his assailants, and taught them all
a wholesome respect by the terror of its sound; then, after much parley, he sur-
rendered to them, and was carried off pi'isoncr to a place about six miles distant.
There he expected to be at once put to death, but was agreeably surprised by being
treated with the utmost kindness. For sui)j)er that night they gave him ' a quarter
of venison and some ten pound of bread,' and each morning thereafter three women
presented him with ' three great platters of line bread,' and ' more venison than ten
men could devour.' ' Though eight ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not what they
could devise to content me ; and still our larger acquaintance increased our better
aU'ection.' After many days spent in travelling hither and yon with his captors, he
was at last, by his own request, delivered up to Powhatan, the over-lord of all that
region. He gives a picturesque description of the barbaric state in which he was
received by this potent chieftain, whom he found ' proudly lying upon a bedstead a
foot high, upon ten or twelve mats,' the emperor himself being ' richly hung
with many chains of great pearls about his neck, and covered with a great covering
of raccoon skins. At his head sat a woman ; at liis feet, another ; on each side, sit-
ting upon a mat upon the ground, were ranged his chief men on each side the fire,
ten in a rank ; and behind them, as many young women, each agi'eat chain of white
beads over their shoulders, their heads painted in red ; and with such a grave and
majestical countenance as drave me into admii'ation to see such state in a naked
salvage. He kindly welcomed mo with good words, and great platters of sundry
victuals, assuring me his friendship and my liberty within four days.' Thus day by
day passed in pleasant discourse, with his imperial host, who asked him about ' the
manner of our ships, and sailing upon the seas, the earth and skies, and of our God ; '
and who feasted him, not only with continual ' platters of sundiy victuals,' but with
glowing descriptions of his own vast dominions, stretching away beyond the river
and the mountains to the land of the setting sun. ' Seeing what pride he had in his
great and spacious dumiuions, ... I requited his discourse in describing to
him the territories of Europe which was subject to our great king, . . . the
innumerable multitude of liis ships. . . . Thus having with all the kindness
he could devise sought to content me, he sent me home with four men, one that
usually carried my gown and knapsack after me, two others loaded with bread, and
one to accompany me.' The author then gives a description of his journey back to
Jamestown, where ' each man, with ti'uest signs of joj-,' welcomed him; of his
second visit to Powhatan ; of various encounters with hostile and thievish Indians ;
and of the arrival from England of t^aptain Nelson in the Phosnix, April the
twentieth, 1G08, an event which ' did ravish ' them ' with exceeding joy.' Late in the
narrative he makes his lirst reference to Pocahontas, whom he speaks of as ' a child
of ten years old, which not only for feature, countenance and ])roportion much cx-
ceedeth any of the rest of his people, but for wit and spirit the only nonpareil of
his country.' After mentioning some further dealings with the Indians, he con-
cludes the book with an account of the jireparations for the return to England of
Captain Nelson and his shij) ; and describes those remaining as ' being in good health,
all our men well contented, free from mutinies, in love with one another, and as we
hope in a continual ]ieace with the Indians, where we doubt not, by God's gracious
assistance, and the adventurers' willing minds, and speedy furtherance to so honor-
able an action, in after times to see our nation to enjoy a country, not only exceed-
ing pleasant for habitation, but also very profitable for commerce in general, no
THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. 65
doubt pleasing to Almighty God, honorable to our gi-acious sovereign, and comuio-
dious generally to the whole kingdom.'
" Thus, with words of happy onion, ends the first book in American literature.
It is a book that was written, not in lettered ease, nor in ' the still air of delightful
studies,' but under a rotten tent in the wilderness, perhaps by the flickering bhize
of a pine-knot, in the midst of tree-stumps and the filth and clamor of a pioneer's
camp, and within the fragile palisades which alone shielded the little band of
colonists from the cver-hovcring peril of an Indian massacre. It was not composed
as a literary efi'ort. It was meant to be merely a budget of inlbrmatiou for the
Loudon stockholders of the Virginia Company. Hastily, apparently without revi-
sion, it was wrought vehemently by the rough hand of a soldier and an explorer,
in the pauses of a toil that was both fatiguing and dangerous, and while the inci-
dents which he records were clinging in his memory. Probably ho thought little of
any rules of literary art as ho wrote this book ; probably he did not think of writing
a book at all. Out of the abundance of his materials, glowing with pride over
what he had done in the great enterprise, eager to inspire the home-keeping patrons
of the colony witli his own resolute cheer, and accustomed for years to portray in
pithy English the adventures of which his life was fated to be full, the bluff
captain just stabbed his paper with inken words ; he composed, not a book, but a
big letter; he folded it up, and tossed it upon the deck of Captain Nelson's depart-
ing ship. But though he may have had no expectation of doing such a thing, he
wi'ote a book that is not imworthy to be the beginning of the new English literature
in America. It has faults enough \vithout doubt. Had it not these, it would have
been too good for the place it occupies. The composition was extemporaneous ;
there appears in it some chronic misunderstanding between the nominatives and
their verbs ; now and then the words and clauses of a sentence are jumbled together
in blinding heaps ; but, in spite of all its crudities, here is racy English, pure Eng-
lish, the sinew}' , pictm'esque, and throbbing diction of the navigators and soldiers
of the Elizabethan time." — I., pp. 25-27.
Witli this as the initial volume of the printed accounts of the Jamestown settle-
ment, the story was continued in "Purchas His Pilgrimes,"iv., pp. 1085-1600, jjub-
lished in 1625, under the title " Observations gathered out of a Discourse of the Plan-
tations of the Southerne Colonie in Virginia by the English, 160G, written by that
Honorable Gentleman Master George Percy." As printed in Purchas, this is a meagre
abridgment of the original narrative, which has not been preserved. Athird account
of the beginnings of this colony is entitled " Newport's Discoveries in Virginia," and
was printed for the first time from copies of originals in the English State Paper
Office, edited by the Rev. Edward Everett Hale, D.D., in " Ai'chasologia Ameri-
cana," IV., pp. 40-65. The same volume contains, pji. 67-1G3 : "A Discourse of Vir-
ginia," by Edward-Maria Wingfleld, the first president of the colony. TIk! dis-
covery of this interesting and important manuscript is due to the Rev. James S. M.
Anderson, M.A., Preacher of Lincoln's Inn, the accomplished and accurate author
of "The History of the Church of England iu the Colonies and Foreign Dependen-
cies of the British Empire." Found among the MSS., in Lambeth Library, by tliis
painstaking annalist of the C^uuvli in America, it was referred to in the first volume
of his " History," and, thus attracting the attention of American scholars, was pub-
lished from a copy made by the permission of the Archbishop of Canterbury, under
the editorship of Charles Deane, LL.D. Another contemjsorancous accoimt is " A
Relation of Virginia," written by Henry Spelman, " the third sou of the Anti-
quary." Spelman came to Virginia as a boy in 1609, lived for some time in cap-
tivity among the Indians, became an interpreter for the colony, and was killed by
the savages in 1622 or 1623. The " Relation " was privately printed at the Chis-
wick press, in 1872, at London, for J. F. Himnewell, of Charlestown, Mass., from
the original MS., at one time the property of Dawson Turner.
For further bibliographical notices of the early-printed works, illustrative of
this period of our civil and ecclesiastical annals, as ^vell as those later issues con-
taining the story of Virginia to our own days, vide " The- Narrative and Critical
History of America," m., pp. 155-166.
CHAPTER V.
THE UNIVERSITY OF HENRICO, AND EFFORTS FOR THE CON-
VERSION AND CIVILIZATION OF THE SAVAGES.
THE strict, but upright, administration of Dale was succeeded by
that of Argall as deputy governor, whose avarice, tyranny, and
obstinate self-will rendered life insecure, and made property sub-
ject to a rapacity which failed to discriminate between the possessions of
the unhappy settlers whom he ruled, and those of the company he pro-
fessed to serve. At length, after a bitter struggle, the rule of Sir
Thomas Smith, for twelve years treasurer of the company in London,
was overthrown, and, in the strife of rival and antagonistic factions,
the influence and character of Sir Edwin Sandys prevailed. Argall
was displaced, and the government was intrusted to the popular,
though inefficient, Yeardley. The new governor arrived in Api'il, 1619.
Scarce one in twenty of the emigrants, sent over at so great a cost,
was still alive. In Jamestown there remained " only those houses that
Sir Thomas Gates built in the tyme of his government, with one wherein
the goveroourallwayes dwelt, and a church, built of timber, being fifty
foote in length and twenty in breadth." At Henrico there were only
"three old houses, a poor ruinated Church, with some poore buildings
in the islande." " For ministers to instruct the people only three were
authorized ; two others had never received their orders." One of these
was, as we learn from other sources, Mr. Richard Bucke, minister at
Jamestown, "averie good preacher." Mr. Alexander AVhitaker, "a
good diuine," who had had "the ministerial charge " at Bermuda Hun-
dred, had been drowned early in 1617. Mr. Glover had died long
before. Mr. William Mease, the first minister at Hampton, had been in
the colony since 1611. Mr. George Keith had arrived in the "George"
in 1617, and was at Elizabeth City.' Mr. William Wickham, " minis-
ter " at Henrico, " who in his life and doctrine " gave " good examples
and godly instructions to the people," and Mr. Samuel Macock, "a Cam-
bridge scholar," appear to have had only deacon's orders. Wickham
had served as curate to the apostolic Whitaker, and succeeded him.
Mr. Thomas Bargi-ave, who came over, in 1618, with his uncle, Captam
John Bargrave, and was also the nephew of the Dean of Canterbury.
Dr. Bargrave probably succeeded Wickham at Henrico, and Whita-
ker at Bermuda Hundred. He died in 1621, leaving his library,
valued at one hundred marks, or seventy pounds sterling, to the col-
lege at Henrico, thus anticipating the act of the young Puritan min-
1 Neill, in his " History of the Virginia Com- latter does not appear to have come over before
pany of London," frives the names of the three 1G18, while Keith, according to Neill's " Virfjinia
clerg-ymen as 13uckc, Mi-asc, and Bai-gj'ave ; but the Colonial Clergy," p. 17, arrived the year before.
EFFORTS FOR THE CONVERSION OF THE SAVAGES. 67
ister of Charlestown, Massachusetts, who, a few years later, left his
loved books to the struggling college at Cambridge, and by that act
gained a name and remembrance wherever " Harvard " College is
known. Would that "Henrico " had been as long-lived in its educa-
tional cai'eer, and that Bargrave's gift had won for him a like immor-
tality !
"From the moment of Yeardley's arrival dates the real life of
Virginia,"' says the historian Bancroft.* He brought with him, not
only the authority, but the instructions, "for the better establishment
of a commonwealth" in Virginia. By proclamation he announced the
abrogation of "those cruel! lawes" by which the colony "had soo
longe been governed." He secured to the oppressed settlers the I'cs-
toration of their rights as Englishmen. With a view "that they might
have a hande in the gouveruing of themselves," the holding of a
general assembly was provided for, comprising the governor and
council, "with two Burgesses from each Plantation freely to be elected
by the Inhabitants thereof." The assembly was empowered "to make
and ordaine whatsoever lawes and orders should by them be thought
good and profitable."
In conformity with these iustructi(;us, and in accordance with the
new policy thus inaugurated by the company at home. Sir George
Yeardley " sent his summons all over the country, as well to invite
those of the Councell of Estate that were absente, as also for the
election of Burgesses," and on Friday, July 30, 1619, the first elective
body convened upon this continent met in " the Quire of the Churche "
at James City.^ The records of this initial legislative meeting have
been preserved, and their quaint details bring vividly before the mind
the scene witnessed on that midsummer day in Jamestown, so fraught
with blessings for the ill-starred colony. The governor is seated " in
his accustomed place." The councillors are ranged on either side. The
speaker sits before the governor, with the clerk on the one side, and
the sergeant-at-arms "standing at the baiTe, ready for any service the
Assembly should command." "But," proceeds the record, "for as
muche as men's afiaires doe little prosper when God's service is neg-
lected, all the Burgesses tooke their places in the Quire till a prayer
was said by Mr. Bucke, the Minister, that it M^ould please God to
guide and sanctifie all our Proceedings to his owne glory aud the
good of this Plantation." "Prayer being ended "the Burgesses-elect
retired into the body of the church, from whence "they were called
in order and by name " to take the oath of supremacy, and thus " en-
tered the Assembly."
Among the earliest measures which received the consideration of
this body were provisions that the company at home should take care
that the ministers' glebes should be cultivated, and that the company
should send " workmen of all sortes " for the " erecting of the Univer-
sity and College." The first enactment of this assembly was for the
protection of the Indians from "injury or oppression." Idleness and
gaming were made punishable offences. The minister was to reprove
'Historv of the United States, I., p. 153.
- Colouial Records of Virginia. Richmond, 1874.
68 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
drunkards, at first privately, and then " in the church," publicly. To
restrain immoderate excess in dress it was provided that the rate for
public contributions was to be assessed in the church, on the apparel
of the men and women. Restrictions were placed upon the indiscrimi-
nate commingling of the savages with the settlers ; but, at the same
time, a special enactment provided for the education and Christianiz-
ing of the children of the natives : " Be it enacted hj this present
Assembly that for laying a surer foundation of the conversion of the
Indians to Christian religion, cache towne, citty. Borough, and particu-
lar plantation do obtainc unto themselves, by just means, a certaine
number of the natives' children to be educated l)y them in true relig-
ion and civile course of life — of w"^'' children the most towardly boyes
in witt and graces of nature to be brought up by them in the first
elements of litterature, so to be fitted for the Colledge intended for
them, that from thence they may be sente to that work of conversion." ^
It was further enacted that " All ministers shall duely read di-
vine service, and exercise their ministerial function according to the
Ecclesiastical lawes and orders of the Churche of England, and every
Sunday in the afternoon shall catechize such as are not ripe to come
to the Communion. And whosoever of them shall be found negligent
or faulty in this kinde shall be subjectto the censure of the Govern'' and
Counsell of Estate." " Ungodly disorders " were to be "presented " by
the minister and church-wardens. Persistence in open sin was to be
punished by excommunication, arrest, and seizure of property : " Pro-
vided alwayes, that all the ministers doe meet once a quarter, namely, at
the feast of St. Michael the Arkangell, of the Nativity of our Saviour, of
the Annunciation of the blessed Virgine, and about midsummer, at
James citty, or any other place where the Governo'' shall reside, to de-
termine whom it is fit to excommunicate, and that they first presente
their opinion to the Governo"' ere they proceed to the acte of excom-
munication." For swearing, after "thrise admonition," a fine of five
shillings was imposed on freemen, while servants were to be whipped and
were required to make public acknowledgment of the fault in church.
It was enacted that " all persons whatsoever upon the Sabbath days
shall frequente divine service and sermons, both forenoon and after-
noon, and all such as beare armes shall bring their pieces, swordes,
poulder and shotte." The " Great Charter of lawes, orders and privi-
ledges " granted by the company at home was accepted by the " general
assent and the applause of the whole assembly," professing themselves
" in the first place most submissively thankful to Almighty God " for
"so many priviledges and favours."
Full of interest are the records of this first elective legislative body
that ever convened on the continent ; meeting, as it did. in the little
church of the first settlers, with its jiroceedings Ijegun with prayer by the
church's minister, and providing for the preaching of the Word, and
the administration of the sacraments, according to the church's usages
and laws, more than a year before the " Mayflower," with its company
of Leyden Separatists, left the harbor of Southampton to found upon
the bleak shores of New England the Puritan theocracy.
* Colonial Records of Virj^iuia, p. 21.
EFFORTS FOR THE CONVERSION OF THE SAVAGES. 69
In a plantation avowedly settled " for the glorie of God in the
propagation of the Gospell of Christ," and for " the conversion of the
savages,"' there could not fail to be, from the tirst, the wish and pur-
pose for the provision of some institution where the higher learning
then deemed indispensable for the exercise of the ministry, could be
obtained without recourse to the universities of the mother-land, three
thousand miles away. The Church whose " fonn of sound words "
was first heai-d on our American shores, conveying to heaven the
devotions of men of English speech and lineage, was foremost in the
effort to meet this acknowledged want. In this attempt to lay the
foundations of an educational system, by the provision of a public
school and college, the cooperation of the colonists themselves was
secured at the very outset. To that remarkable assembly in the choir
of the church at Jamestown, on Friday, July 30, 1619, and from which,
rather than to the cabin and " compact" of the "Mayflower," we may
date the foundation of our popular government, we must look for the
inauguration of efforts for popular and the higher education. It was in
the course of its proceedings that measures were taken " towards the
erecting of the University and Colledge," as well as for the education
of Indian children, for whom, as well as for the sous of the settlers,
these seminaries of leai-ning were designed. All this was in accordance
with the will and purpose of the Council of Virginia in England, to
which was intrusted the rule of the infant commonwealth. The govern-
ment of the colony by Sir Thomas Smith, the treasurer of the Virginia
Company, under which the settlers had languished for twelve hopeless
years, was scarcely over, when, at the incoming of Sir George Yeardley
as governor, orders were given for the establishment of a university
in the colony, with a college for the instruction of the Indian youth.
In letters from the council, previous to the accession of the new
governor, reference is made to this design ; but we must date the
beginning of active measures for its accomplishment to the accession
of the excellent Sir Edwin Sandys to the treasurership of the com-
pany. Soon after the return of Sir Thomas Dale, a "King's letter,"
addressed to the archbishops, had authorized four collections to be made
within the two following years, in tlie several dioceses of the two
provinces of Canterbury and York, to enable the company to erect
" churches and schooles for y" education of y" children of the Barba-
rians." This paper, which we give in full, in view of its interest and
importance, both in an educational and religious point of view, was
addressed to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York : —
"Most Reverend Father in God, right trustie and well beloved counsellor,
wee gi-eete you well. You have heard ere this time, of y attempt of diverse
worthie men, our subjects, to plant in Virginia (under y^' wan'ant of our L™
patents). People of this Kingdome, as well for y° enhirging of our Dominions, as
for proparation of y= Gospel amongst Infldells : wherein there is good progresse
made, and hope of further increase: so as tlie undertakers of that Plantation are
now in hand with the erecting of some Churches and Schooles for y= education of
y children of those Barbarians, w'^'^ cannot but be to them a very great charge,
and above the expence w°'' for civill plantation doth come to them. In w"'' wee
' Fide "A Biief Declaration of the Plunfatiou of Virginia," etc., in the "Colonial Records
of Virginia," p. 69.
70 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
doubt not but that you and all others who wish well to the encrease of Christian
Religion will be willing to give all assistance and furtherance you may, and there-
in to^make experience of the zeale and devotion of our well-minded subjects, espe-
cially those of y* Clergie. Wherefore wee doe require you, and hereby authorize
you to write y" Letters to ye severall Bishops of y" Dioceses in yw Province, that
they doe give order to the iMinisters, and other zealous men of their Dioceses, both
by their own example in contribution and by exhortation to others, to move our
people w">in their several charges to contribute to so good a worke in as liberall
a manner as they may, for the better advancing whereof our pleasure is that those
collections be made in all the particular Parishes four seuorall times wthin these
two years next coming: and that the seuerall accounts of each parish, together
wth the moneys collected, be retourned from time to time to y" Bishops of y«
Dioceses, and by them be transmitted half yearly to you ; and so to be deliuered to
the Treasurer of that Plantation, to be employed for the Godly purposes intended,
and no other." '
In response to this appeal, said to be the first instance of the
issuing of a "brief " in England for any charitable purpose connected
with her foreign possessions, nearly £1,500 was received, and on the
18th of November, 1618, the company in England gave these in-
structions to Yeardley, and placed them in full upon their records : —
" Whereas, by a special grant and license from His Majesty, a
general contribution over this Realm hath been made for the building
and planting of a college for the training up of the children of those
Infidels in true Eeligion, moral virtue, and civility, and for other god-
lyness, We do therefore, according to a former Grant and order,
hereby ratefie, confirm, and ordain that a convenient place be chosen
and set out for the planting of a university at the said Henrico in time
to come, and that in the mean time preparation be there made for the
building of the said College for the Children of the Infidels, according
to such instructions as we shall deliver. And we will and ordain that
ten thousand acres, partly of the land they impaled, and partly of the
land within the territory of the said Henrico, be alotted and set out for
the endowing of the said University and College with convenient pos-
ions." ®
Shortly after the preparation of these instructions to the newly
appointed governor, the charge of the college was offered to the Eev.
Thomas Lorkin, a ripe scholar, later distinguished as the secretary of
the English Embassy in France, who was promised " £200 a year and
better ; "' but Lorkin did not accept the tempting ofler. On the 26th of
May, 1619, within a month after the election of Sir Edwin Sandys
as treasurer, and Mr. John Ferrar as deputy, the attention of the
court was called by the treasurer to the fact that "£1,500, or there-
abouts" had been contributed under the king's letters, "to erect
'Anderson's "Col. Ch.," i., pp. 255, 256. within three or four days a condition of going
Vide, also, Stith's " Hist, of Va.," p. 162, who re- over to Virginia, where the Vii-.q-inia Company
fers to this Royal Letter. Neither author sives means to erect a Collef;e, ami undertakes to pro-
the date, which, in the copy in the State Paper cure me pood assurances of £200 a year and hot-
Office, from which the above'transcript was made, tor, and if I should find there any ground for
is illegible. It would appear to have been issued dislike, liberty to return at pleasure. I .assure
at least .OS early as 1616, and probably even you, I find preferment coming ou so slowly here
earlier. " at home, as makes me much inclir.ed to accept
2 MS. Instructions to Yeardlev, quoted in it." Several interesting letters from this first
Neill's "Virginia Company of London," p. 137. president-elect of the University at Henrico are
'Lorkin's letter is quoted in Neill's" History nrinted iu the second volume of Bishop Good-
of the VirginiaCompanyof London,"pp.1.37, 138, man's "Court of .James I."
as follows ; ".\ good friend of mine propounded
EFFORTS FOK THE CONVEKSION OF THE SAVAGES. 71
and build a Colledge iu Virginia for the training and bringing up
of Infidellri children in the true knowledge of God and understanding
of righteousness." Ui)on coilsideratiou it was determined to se-
cure an annual revenue from the investment of the means in hand,
and from this source to begin in time the erection of the college. The
land previously assigned for the use of the college in Henrico was
definitely granted for this purpose, and provision was made for fifty
tenants to cultivate the same on shares. The gi'ant of land embraced
ten thousand acres.
The zeal of Sandys in furthering every plan for the Christianizing
of the Indians, and the ready will with which, under his lead, the
company undertook the work of providing the means for their conver-
sion, could not tail to win the favor of all those in England who had
this great work at heart, and benefactions began at once to come in to
the company's coffers. At the meeting of the court, on the 21st of
July, a service for the administration of the holy communion was
presented by an unknown person, through the treasurer, with the
following quaint communication : —
I. H. S.
Sib Ed^vix Sandys Thi-if of Virginia.
Good luck in the name of tlio Lord, who is dayly magnified by tlie experi-
ment of your zeale and piety in giuinge beginning to the foiuidation of the Col-
ledge in Virginia, the sacred worko so due to Heaven and soe longed for on earth.
Now knowe wee assui-edly that the Lord will doe you good and blesse you in
all your proceedings, even as he blessed the howse of Obed Edom and all that
pertayned to him because of the Arke of God. Now that you seeke the Kingdome
of God, all thingcs shall be ministered unto you. This I well see allready, and
perceuie that by this j-our godlie determinacon the Lord hath giucn j'ou fauor iu
the sight of the people, and I knowe some whose hearts are much enlarged
because of the howse of the Lord our God to procure you Wealth, whose greater
designs I have presumed to outrun with this oblacon, which I humbly beseech you
may be accepted as the pledge of my devocon, and as an earnest of the vowes
which I have vowed unto the Almighty God of Jacobb concerning this thing, which
till I may in part perform 1 desire to remayne unkuowne and unsought after.
The things are these :
A Communion Cup with the couer and vase ;
A Trencher plate for the bread .
A Carpett of crimson veluett.
A Linuen damaske table-cloth.'
In the following February, on the Feast of the Purification, an
anonymous letter, addressed to " Sir Edwin Sandys, the faithful
Treasurer for Virginia," was presented at the Quarter Court, which
promised £550 for " the converting of Infidles to the fayth of Christe."
The plan proposed by the donor, who signed himself "Dust and
Ashes," was "the mayntenance of a conveyent number of younge In-
dians taken att the age of Seauen years, or younger, and instructed
in the readinge and understandinge the principalis of Xtian Religion
unto the age of 12 years, and then as occasion serueth, to be trayned
'Neill's " Virginia Company of Loiulou," pp. 152, 153.
72
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
and brought upp iu some lawfuU trade with all humauitie and gentle-
ness untill the age of one and Twenty years, and then to enjoy like
liberties and pryviledges with our native English in that place."
A few days later the promised gift was received in " new golde."
Other gifts came swiftly in ; among them, "Faire Plate and other rich
Ornaments," for the altars of the college and a church which pious
benefactions had earlier founded. Mr. Nicholas Ferrar, Sen., a rich
merchant of the city, in whose noble mansion the company usually
met after Easter, 1G19, had in his will bequeathed £300 "for the
College in Virginia, to be paid when there shall be tenn of the Infidels'
Children placed in it, and in the mean time four and twenty pounds
per year, to be distributed unto three discreet and godly men in the
Colony w'^'' shall honestly bring up three of the Infidels' Children in
Christian Religion and some good course to live by." ' The Bishop
of London, Dr. King, collected and paid in £1,000 towards Henrico
JJOTE. — This is a fuc-simile of the engraving used iu the publications of the
company. Cf . ' ' Calendar of Virginia State Pajjers," i. , p. xxxix ; Neill's ' ' Virginia
Company," p. luG. Au example of this seal with the same dimensions and devices,
but with the dilTerent legend on the reverse of " Colonia Virgdi/E — Consilto
Prima," is in the collections of the Virginia Historical Society. It is of red wax
between the leaves of a foolscap sheet of paper, and is affixed to a patent for land
issued by Sir John Harvey, governor, dated March i, 166S.
' Vii'f,'inia Company of Loudou, p. 1S2.
e
EFFORTS FOR THE CONVERSION OF THE SAVAGES. 73
College. Bibles, prayer-books, and works of divinity wore given in
for the use of the college or clergy ; and, early in 1(320, an estimable
and pious gentleman, Mr. George Thorpe, a relation of Sir Thomas
Dale, and formerly holding a place of honor at the court, was sent
over to take charge of the college, as superintendent, ample provision
l)eing made for his support, and for the successful accomplishment of
his plans.
The records of the " quarter sessions " of the Virginia Company,
held in the rooms of the elder Fen-ar's spacious house, in St. Sylhc's
lane abound in references to this tavorite scheme of English church-
men for the conversion of the American alwrigincs, and the furtherance
of the projected Indian school. Towards the close of the year 1G20,
"four great books," one of them, S. Augustine's "De Civitate Dei,"
translated into English, and the remaining three, the works of the cele-
brated William Perkins, D.D., of the University of Caml)ridge, were
given by one of the company to "be sent to the CoUcdge in Virginia,
there to I'cmayne in saftie to the use of the coUegiates thereafter."
In the company's letter to the colonial authorities, under date of July
25, 1621, the council wrote as follows : —
We excefidingly approve the course In taking in of Indian families as boinge
a great meanes to reduce that nation to civility, and to the imbraeing of our Cliris-
tian religion, the blessed end wee have proposed to ourselves in this Plantation,
anil we doubt not of your vigilancie that you be not thus entrapped, nor that the
Savadge have by this meanes to surprize you.'
In the same letter, which is signed by the Earl of Southampton,
Sir Edwin Sandys, Mr. Nicholas Ferrar, and others, assurance is given
of the company's purpose "to send to the College tennants a very
sufficient minister," and the Superintendent Thorpe is desired to take
steps "that a house may be ready for him, and good provision to
entertainc him."^
On the 24th of October, 1621, the deputy treasurer, John Ferrar,
informed the court that "one Mr. Copeland, a minister lately returned
from the East Indies" and chaplain of the "Royal James," had pre-
vailed upon the officers and crew of this sliip, when on their home
voyage, to contribute seventy poitnds towards the establishment of a
church and school in Virginia. At a meeting, a few days later, it was
determined that this offering, together with an anonymous gift of thirty
pounds, should be devoted " towards the erection of a public free school
in Virginia," "for the education of children and grounding of them in
the principles of religion." Charles city was chosen as the site of the
" East India School," as it was determined to call it ; and provision was
made that it should depend upon the " College in Virginia." A thou-
sand acres of land were allotted for the maintenance of the master and
usher, and three hundred acres were granted to Mr. Copeland.
About this time, when the attention of so many iu Church and
State was turned towards Virginia, a young clergyman, nephew of the
celebrated Bishop Ilall, and the private secretary of that prelate at
the Synod of Dort, puljlished, in a thin quarto of eighty-four pages.
' Virginia Company of London, p. 228, -Ibid., p. 231.
74 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
a rudimentary grammar for the schools projected or established
amongst "the Virginians," as well as elsewhere among "barbarous
nations." This labor of love for " our loving countrymen of Virginia "
was presented to the "Court" on the 19th of December, 1621, as
the work of " a painfull schoolmaster, one Mr. John Brinsley," and
received the company's thanks. Prepared, as the compiler states,
"for drawing the poor natives in Virginia and all other of the rest of
the rude and barbarous from Sattan to God," this little volume had
the commendation of no less a scholar and divine than " James Ussher,"
then " Doctour and Professor of Divinitie in the Universitie of Dublin,"
and afterwards archbishop. The following year a carpenter was sent
out to erect " the East India Schoole ; " but the " monies would not
reach unto the sending of an Vsher as was at first intended, and be-
sides, upon a second consideration, it was thought good to give the
Colony the choice of the Schoolmaster or Vsher." In July, 1622,
the "Court thought fit to bestow a freedom vpon Mr. Pemberton, a
minister of God's word, intending forthwith to go to Virginia and
there to employ himself for the conuerting of the Infedels." In the
midst of these cflbrts for the conversion of the Indians the spiritual
welfare of the settlers demanded attention. The five or six clergymen ^
who were settled at the several settlements were unable to render the
services required by the rapidly extending colonists. The number of
boroughs was now eleven, and each required the ministrations of a cler-
gyman. Services and sacraments were in danger of a wide-spread neg-
lect, and, in this extremity, the company sought the iiid of the Bishop of
London, in supplying the colony with " pious, learned, and painful
ministers." Bishop King, wlio then filled the See, had already shown
his personal interest in the christianizing of Virginia, and in the estab-
lishment of the college for the Indians. Chosen a member of the
king's council for Virginia, it was but natural that, in all matters
ecclesiastical, his opinions should have great weight ; and there grew
out of this personal interest and episcopal care the recognition of the
spiritual jurisdiction of the Bishop of London over the colonies which
existed, almost without question, until the issue of the war for inde-
pendence secured the ecclesiastical, as well as the civil, independence
of the United States. Other measiu'es for the advantage of the Colony
were taken by the council. Provision was made tor the increase
of the number of tenants upon the company's domain. Boys and
girls, indentured as apprentices, were sent out to meet the demand for
servants, and an importation of young women, of blameless reputation,
sent out under the auspices of the council, furnished the settlers with
a much-desired supply of eligible wives. Unfortunately, at this
juncture, the royal mandate required the transportation of a number
of "dissolute persons ; " and thus, in the indignant language of Frank-
lin more than a century later, let " loose upon the New World the out-
casts of the Old." At the same time the purchase of twenty negroes
from a Dutch trading-ship, by some of the settlers at Jamestown, in-
troduced into the colony the system of slavery. Thus, Ijy an act of
> These were Whitakcr, Stockham, Mease, Bargi-avc, and Wickham.
EFFORTS FOR THE CONVERSION OF THE SAVAGES. 75
private cupidity, a measure was inaugurated whicli was to influence for
all time the fortunes of the colony and country itself.
On the expiration of Yeardley's commission, in 162 1, Sir Francis
Wyat, a man of character and reputation, was appointed to the gov-
ernorship of the colony ; the faithful treasurer, Sir Edwin Sandys,
was succeeded l)y the Earl of Southampton, to the great annoyance
of the king, who was pleased to assert that " the Virginia Company
was a seminary for a seditious Parliament," ^ and to style Sandys as
" his greatest enemy." The arbitrary imprisonment of Sandys by the
king, during the session of Parliament in 1G21, and the committal of
Southampton to the Tower after the dissolution, conclusively prove the
hatred of the monarch against those members of the Virginia Company
who resisted the encroachments of the royal prerogative, and sought
to thwart the unwarrantable interference of the king in the affairs of
the colony. Unfortunately, both for the company at home and the
colony abroad, the ascendency which Spain had acquired through her
wily ambassador, Gondomar, at the English court, was sufficient to
secure the adoption of a policy on the pait of the king, the result of
which was the development of the Spanish colonies to the prejudice
of his own. The last days of the Virginia Company's corporate
existence were those of strife and bitterness.
The new governor brousiht with him a new ordinance for consti-
luting a Council of State, as well as regulations for the General
Assembly. The first recommendation of his articles of instruction,
addressed to the governor and council in Virginia, requires them
"To take into their especial regard tlie service of Almighty God and
the observance of His divine Laws ; and that the people should be
trained up in true religion and virtue. And since their endeavours, for
the establishment of the honour and rights of the Church and IMinistry,
had not yet taken due efiect, they were required to employ their
utmost care to advance all things appertaining to the Order and Admin-
istration of Divine Service, according to the form and discipline of
the Church of England ; carefully to avoid all factious and needless
novelties, which only tended to the disturbance of peace and unity ; and
to cause that the Ministers should be duly respected and maintained,
and the Churches, or places appointed for Divine Service, decently
accommodated, according to former orders in that behalf. They were,
in the next place, commanded to keep the people in duo obedience to the
King ; to provide that justice might be equally administered to all, as
near as could be, according to the forms and constitution of England ;
to prevent all corruption tending to the perversion or delay of justice ;
to protect the natives from injury and oppression, and to cultivate
peace and friendshij) with them as far as it should be consistent with
the honour of the nation and safety of the people. They further pressed
upon them, in a particular manner, the using of all possible means of
bringing over the natives to a love of civility, and to the knowledge of
God and his true religion ; to which purpose, they observed to them,
that the example given them by the English in their own persons and
'"A slioit Collection of the most remarkable Passages from the Origiuall to the Dissolution
of the Virgiuia Company," London, 1651, p. 4.
7G HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
families would he of singular and chief moment ; that it would be
proper to draw the best disposed among the Indians to converse and
labour with our people, for a convenient reward ; that thereby, being
reconciled to a civil way of life, and brought to a sense of God and
religion, they might afterwards become instruments in the general con-
version of their countrymen, so umch desired. That each town,
borough, and hundred ought to procure, by just means, a certain
number of their children to be brought up in the first elements of
literature ; that the most towardly of those should be fitted for the
College, in building of which they purposed to proceed, as soon as
any profits arose from the estate appropriated to that use ; and they
earnestly required their utmost help and furtherance in that pious and
important work ; not doubting the particular blessing of God upon
the Colony, and being assured of the love of all good men, upon that
account." *
Private subscriptions were not ^vanting on the part of the members
of the Virginia Company to further these schemes of settlement and
evangelization. The countenance and generous support of Southamp-
ton and Sandys were not withlicld, and so successful and persistent
were their eflbrts, and so acceptable were the conditions attached to
grants of land, that numerous patents for new settlements were granted
to actual and intending colonists, and during the years 1619,1620, 1621,
more than three thousand five hundred emigrated to Virginia . Of these
settlers a number were Puritans, and the kindly treatment they received,
in a colony avowedly and unequivocally churchly in its sympathies and
principles, stands out in striking contrast with the narrow bigotry tow-
ards church settlers at the North, displayed at this very period by the
separatists from Lcyden who had settled on the bleak New England
coast. It is the confession of the historian of the United States, the
painstaking and accurate Bancroft, in speaking of this period, that " Vir-
ginia was a refuge even for the Puritans,"^ and, although the statute-
book may have contained stringent provisions respecting the Establish-
ment, the temper of the government and the settlers was equitable and
tolerant.
The arrival of Wyat and his party in safety, and the successful
initiation of the measures recommended by the council for the develop-
ment of the colony, were made the occasion of a solemn service of
Thanksgiving at the Church of St. Mary-le-Bow, in London, on the
17th of April, 1622. The preacher was the Eev. Patrick Copeland,
who, as chaplain of an East Indiaman, had secured, while at tli6 Cape
of Good Hope, a liberal offering from the officers and men of his ship,
for the establishment of a school for the Indian children in Virginia.
So full of missionary spirit was this excellent divine that he was soon
afterwards invited by the council to go over to Virginia. With this
end in view he was chosen one of the Council of State, and made
rector of the college for the education and conversion of the Indians.
The pastoral care of the tenants settled on the college domain was also
' Stitli's " History of Vii-jjinia," p. 94.
' Uistoiy, I., 156; vide, also, I., p. 196; II., p. -159, note.
EFFORTS FOR THE CONVERSION OF THE SAVAGES. 77
assigned to him, and the tithe of the produce of their lands was
pledged towards his support.
It was in the midst of these glad auguries of success that a blow was
struck, making the very foundations of church and state tremble. Tiio
Indians had long since, to all appearance, laid aside all thought of in-
ilicting injury upon the settlers, and were on terms of friendshij), and
even intimacy, with them, guiding them through the forests in their
quest for game, taking them in their canoes on their fishing cx])edi-
tions, learning from them the arts of husbandry and the use of the
implements of agriculture, and professing their desire to gain a knowl-
edge and love of the Christian's God. All apprehension of danger
from the savages was removed. Powhatan had been succeeded by Ope-
cancanough, who professed himself a tirm ally of the English, and on
occasion of the death of an Indian at the hands of tiic settlers, through
his own imprudence, gave assurance that he held the peace so firm
"that the sky should fall sooner than it should be violated on his part."
Even then the plans were matured for a general massacre. The sav-
ages waited Ijut the signal from their perfidious chieftain to fall upon
their unsuspecting victims. The '22d of March was fixed upon as the
day of slaughter. In one hour, on that day, and almost at the same
moment, there fell beneath the murderous assault of the savages three
hundred and forty-seven men, women, and children. Among the vic-
tims was the excellent Thorpe, with five other members of the council.
In the death of Thorpe, whose zeal, piety, and gentleness, and self-
consecration to the work of evangelizing those who were his murder-
ers, had given promise of most happy results, a grievous wrong was
inflicted by the savages on themselves. Such was his confidence iu
those who sought his life that ho neglected the warnings given him of
his danger, and failed utterly to realize his peril until it was too late to
escape.
The massacre would have been complete had it not been for a
Christian Indian, who lived with his English master, Edward Pace, as
a sou with his father. Solicited, the night I)efore the outlireak, by his
own brother, to engage iu the fiendish plot, the faithful convert found
means to acquaint his master with the impending danger. Pace hast-
ened to Jamestown, before the dawn, to inform the governor, and the
intelligence was at once forwarded in every direction. Wherever
resistame was offered, the savages refrained from attempting to put
their bloody purpose in execution. Where the news of their plans had
not reached, the work of extermination was complete. Sickness and
famine followed this wholesale slaughter. Out of eighty prosperous
plantations Ijut a tithe I'emained. Of the thousands who had come fi'om
England but eighteen hundred survived. A natural distrust of the
natives was followed by the exercise of an unrelenting severity, which,
in many instances, developed a fierce and unreasonable hatred of all
measures for the convei'sion or the civilizing of the Indians. The ap-
pointment of Copeland as rector of the college at Henrico, and the
erection of the Indian school at Charles citj', were not proceeded with
by the company at home, and, in fact, the clergy and colonists in
Virginia, for a time at least, lost heart with respect to the advance-
78 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
ment of Christian education, or the bringing of the natives to the faith
and Church of Christ.
The closing reference to educational matters in the records of the
Virginia Company, ere its dissolution by the arbitrary interference of
the king, is the recommendation of a grant of land to Richard Downes,
who, " being bred a scholar, went over in hope of preferment in the
College there."' He had "continued in Virginia these four j^ears,"
and at length, his hopes dying out, he turned his attention towards
other pursuits. The "University of Henrico," and the "East India
Free School," were never to be built. In the words of Dr. Hawks,
" The massacre of Opecancanough thus gave a death-blow to the first
efibrts made in America for the establishment of a college, and years
elapsed before the attempt was renewed."^
CRITICAL NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.
THE records of the Virginia Comioany, of London, carefully copied from the orig-
inals, which are supposed to be lost, and attested by the signatures of the secre-
taries, are to be found in two manuscript volumes in the Library of Congress. The
history of these valuable papers is curious. They appear to have been transcribed
at the time when the king, who had long been inimical to the company, gave signs
of his purpose of annulling their charter, and the work of copying had barely been
completed when (he king ordered the seizure of tlie papers of the company. Nicho-
las Ferrar,' with the assistance of Secretary CoUingwood, procured the transcription
of these records at the house of SirJolm Danvers, in Chelsea. CoUingwood compared
and signed each page, and, when the copy was complete, committed it to the keeping
of the president of the comi^any, Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton. On
the death of his son Thomas, Lord High Treasurer of England, these records were
purchased in 16G9 by William Bird, of Westover, Virginia, for sixty guineas, and
it was from the Bird family that William Stith obtained them for use in the prepara-
tion of his "History of Virginia," which was completed in IZiG. By some means
these volumes came into the possession of Peyton Randolph, Stith's brother-in-law,
and at his death, in October, 1775, his library was sold to Thomas JelTerson, who
acquired these records as part of liis purchase. On the sale of .Jefferson's library
to the United States these invaluable volumes became a part of the Library of Con-
gress.
The importance of these papersled Mr. J. Wiiigate Thornton, in an article in the
"Historical Magazine," ii., p. 33-35, and in a pamphlet published the following yeai',
" The First Records of Anglo-American Colonization " (Boston, 1850), to urge their
publication. Ten years after the appearance of Mr. Thornton's suggestion, in May,
1868, Mr. Edward D. Neill, who had made use of these volumes in the preparation
of his " Terra Blarioe," memorialized Congress for their publication, under his edi-
torship. Failing in this purpose, Mr. Neill made these papers the groundwork of
a "History of the Virginia Company, of London, writh Letters to and from the
First Colony, never before printcci," Albany, 186'J, which was subsequently reissued
abroad with changes, as " The English Colonization of America during the Seven-
teenth Century," London, 187 1. Interesting and important as are the extracts of these
records, printed in Mr. Neill's volumes, the publication of the whole is still greatly
to be desired. It is to be regretted that a second effort to secure this end, made by
Senator John W. Johnston, of Virginia, in 1881, which passed the Senate, failed in
• HistoiT of the Virginia Company, pp. 379, ' Vide the "Memoir of Nicholas Ferrar," by
380. ■ Peter Peckard, London, 1790, a work fid) of refei--
= Hawk3's"Eccl.Contril)ntious," I., Virginia, cnces to the early colonial history of Virginia.
p. 42. Compare Palfrey's •' New England," i.. p. 192.
EFFORTS FOR THE CONVERSION OF THE SAVAGES. 79
the House of Representatives. As Mr. Thornton says : "The republication of tliis
worli would open a new volume of our earliest existence, a most valualilo chajjler
in Anglo-American history, in its moral and social aspect; a jihase, though most
important, yet most difficiilt to preserve, because of its evanescent character ; it is
not, cannot be, set forth in record and in diplomacy — always and necessarily more
or less deceptive — and its sisirit is only feebly discerned by the most elaborate
analyses of the wisest student." The same authority refers to Nicholas Fcrrar as
deserving our grateful I'emcmbrance and demanding our highest regard, "as the
very soMi of Virginian colonization," adding that his life is " of unparalleled in-
terest;" and closes his argument with these words : "As these volumes are of
national rather than local interest, reaching back to the xnry foundation of the Eng-
lish companies for colo7iizing America; as they have escaped the chances and mis-
haps of two centuries, on either side of the Atlantic ; as they have not lioen used by
our historians, — lying virtually unknown; and as Providence has now placed them
in the keeping of our National Congress, — is it not our National duttj to have them
appropriately edited and published? " — Hist. Mag., ll., p. S5.
The spirit in which the intelligence of the massacre was received in England
is indicated in a noble sermon preached before the Virginia Company by the cele-
brated poet and divine. Dr. John Donne, Dean of St. Paul's, on the loth of Novem-
ber, 1Gl'2, from the text, Acts i. 8. We give some extracts of this quaint but excel-
lent discourse : " Those of our profession, that goe ; you, that send them who goe,
doe all an Apostolic function. What action soeuer hath in the lirst intention
thereof a purpose to propagate the gospell of Christ lesus, that is an Apostolicall
action ; Before the end of the world come, before this mortalitio shall put on immor-
talitie, before the creature shall be deliuercd of this bondage of corruption, vndcr
which it groanes, before the martyrs vnder the Altar shall be silenc'd, before all
things shall be subdued to Christ, his kingdom profited, and the last cnemio (death)
destroyed, the Gospoll must be preached to those men to whom yc send ; to all men.
Furtherand hasten you this blessed, this ioyful,thisgloriouseonsummationof all,and
happie rc-vuion of all bodies to their soules, by preaching the Gospell to those
men. Preach to them doctrinally, preach to them practically, enamoro them with
your lustice, and (as farro as may consist with your secmitie) your Ciuilitie ; but
inflame them with your Godlinesse and your llcligion. Bring them to lone and
reverence the name of that King that sends men to teach them the waycs of Ciuilitie
in this world ; but to feare and adore the Name of that King of Kings, that sends
men to teach them the wayes of religion for the next world. Those amongst you
that are old now, shall passe out of this world with this great comfort, that you con-
tributed to the beginning of that Commonwealth, and of that Church, though they
line not to see the growth thereof to perfection. Apollos watrcd, but Paul planted ;
he that began the worke was the greater man. And you that are young now, may
Hue to see the enemy as much impeached liy that place, and your friends, yea
children, as well accommodated in that place, as any other. You shall haue made
this Hand, which is but as the suburbs of the old world, a bridge, a gallery to the
new ; to ioyne all to that world which shall neuer grow old, the Kingdome of
Heaucn. You shall adde persons to this Kingdome, and to the Kingdome of
Heauen, and add names to the Bookcs of our Chronicles, and to the Booke of Life."
The laws of the House of Assembly, drawn up at the time when the king was
seeking to eft'ect the dissolution of the company at home, begin with the regulation
of church aflairs, and the first seven of the thirty-five articles in which they were
comprised are wholly concerned with ecclesiastical matters. These enactments
provide: " That in every Plantation, where the people wei'e wont to meet for the
worship of God, there should be a house or room, set apart for that purpose, and
not converted to any temporal use whatsoever; and that a place of burial be em-
paled and sequestered, only for the burial of the dead : That whosoever should
absent himself from Divine Service any Sunday, without an allowable excuse,
should forfeit a pound of tobacco, and that he who absented himself a month, should
forfeit fifty pounds of tobacco : Tliat there should be an uniformity in the Church,
as near as might be, both in substance and circumstance, to the Canons of the
Church of England ; and that all persons should yield a I'eady obedience to them,
upon pain of censure : That the 2L'nd of March (the day of the massacre) should
be solemnized and kept holy: and that all the other holidays should be observed,
except when two fall together in the summer season (the time of their working and
crops), when the first only was to be observed, by reason of their necessities and
employment: That no Minister should be absent from his cure above two months
80 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
in the wliol(3 year, upon penalty of forfeiting half his salary; and whosoever was
absent above tour months should forfeit his whole salary and cure : That whoso-
ever should disparage a Minister, without sufficient proof to justify his reports,
whereby the minds of his parishioners might be alienated from him, and his min-
istry prove the less eflectual, should not only pay five hundred pounds of tobacco,
but also should ask the Minister's forgiveness, publicly Ijefore the Congregation :
That, no man should dispose of any of his tobacco, before the minister was satisfied,
upon forfeiture of double his part toward the salary ; and that one man of every
Plantation should be appointed to collect the Minister's salar}-, out of the first and
best tobacco and corn." — Stith's Virginia, Sabin's reprint, New York, 186.5, p. 319.
These laws, doubtless taken, as .Stitli suggests, from the Articles sent over by
Sir Tliomas Smith, though in some respects severe and arbitrary, are far more
efjuitaljle and milder in tone than any preceding enactments They are, we are
assured by Stitli, the oldest recorded statutes of the "Old Dominion."
From the "Lists of the Livinge & Dead in Virginia, Feb. 10th, 16:.';3," pub-
lished from the original MSS. in the State Paper Office (Colonial, Volume v.. No.
2), by the State of Virginia (Richmond, 1874), we find the following clei-gyraen
recorded as living at that time, viz. : —
GrivcU (Groville) Poolej', Slinistcr at Flom'dieii Hundred, Sir George Yeard-
ley's Plantation ; Hant Wyatt, Minister at James City ; David Sanders (or Sandys),
Minister at Hogg Island ; " Mr. Keth" (George Keith), Minister at Elizabeth City.
Neill, in his "Notes on the Virginia Colonial Clergy" (Philadelphia, 1877),
gives the names of the clergy in Virginia wp to the time of the massacre, as follows :
Robert Hunt; Glover; Alexander Whitaker; Richard Bucke; William Wick-
ham ; George Keith ; William Mease; Thomas Bargrave ; David Sandys (or San-
ders) ; Jonas Stockton (or Stockham) ; Robert Paulet ; Robert Bolton ; Hant ^Vyatt ;
William Bennett; Thomas White; William Leate (orI.,eake), and Greville Pooley.
A list such as this affords ample evidence of the interest taken by the clergy
of the Englisli Church in the work of ministering to the colonists and savages of
Virginia. This solicitude for the spiritual wants of the settlers in America, shown
by the mother-church of England, appears in striking contrast with the absence of
any provision for months on the part of the Plymouth " pilgrims" for a minister's
presence amon^ them, although their coming to this countiy was professedly on
religious grounds.
CHAPTER VT.
PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND.
THE New Englaiid const, which, during the eventful winter of
1607-8, echoed tiie familiiir words of the church's "Conmion
Prayer" in the httle chajjcl in which Richard Seymour ministered,
at the mouth of the Sagadahoc, received, thii'teen years later, the
Loyden Brownists at Plymouth. Separatists from tli(> Church, as they
were, they, nevertheless, in their famous Leyden xVrticles, professed
that " the authoryty of y'^' present bishops in y"* Land wee do acknol-
idg so far forth as y'' same is, indeed, derived from his Majesty untto
them."' But it is unnecessary to say that the first visitor to this
cradle home of New England Puritanism, in holy orders, the Ecv.
William IMorell, who came over in 1G23, with Robert Gorges, saw no
opportunity for the exercise of his ministry.
Though armed with a commission from (he ^-y, /> /t,
ecclesiastical authorities at home to exercise -^SCff -/t) ^*</'^
a (7Mff.s« episcopal authority over the religious
organization of the infant colony, MorcU occupied his leisure in Plym-
outh in the composition of a Latin poem, closing with the expression
of a natural aspiration, — •
" To see here built, I trust,
An English kingdom from this Indian dust," —
and only revealed the nature and extent of his commissarial power
when on the eve of returning to his native land. ^lorell was " a modest
and })rudent priest," ;ind during his year's residence contented him-
self with collecting such information as was within his reach ; and then,
weary of living as a stranger in a strange land, where the strong ten-
dency to " separatism " could not well be resisted, he returned to
England, balHed and defeated. There were churchmen among the
early settlers at Plymouth ; but the ministrations of an English priest
would hardly be permitted in behalf of those whose attempt at keep-
ing Christmas in default of prayers by out-door sports appropriate for
a holiday had been received with evident disfavor by the authorities
of the settlement.®
' N.E. Hist, and Gencal. Reg., xxv., p. Christmas-day y" Gov caled tlicm out to ^vorke,
276. (as it was used,) but y most of this ncw-com-
- " And herewith I shall end this year, pany excused them selves and said it wente
Only I shall remember one passage more, rather against their consciences to work on y' day. So
of mirth then of waight. On y' day called y" Gov tould them that it they made it mater
82 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
In June, 1622, probably in the ship " Cliarity," which brought over
II uiinibev of Weston's men, sent out to establish a trading port in the
vicinity of Plymouth, Thomas Morton, of "Clilford's Inn, Gent.," as
he styled himself, and a " gentleman
CT^JM/7ti y Jf/ryH^t^ "^ "°°^^ qualitie," according to the
V /J^7/U16 CylK/rr^/l^ testimony of Saumel iMaverick, of
Boston, established himself, " with
thirty servants and provisions of all sorts lit for a plantation,'' upon
Passonagesset, or Mount Wollaston, an eminence in the present town
of Quincy, Massachusetts, overlooking the l)ay. JMorton, whose mode
of life and belief was not iu accord witli the rigid separatism of Plym-
outh, was deemed by them " a maine enemy to theire Church and
State." ^ The lofty site of his settlement he named "Ma-re Mount,"
or Meri-y Mount. Here, on the feast of SS. Philip and James, he
and his men, "with the help of salvages," set up a May-i)ole, "a
goodly pine tree of eighty foote longe," ^vith a pair of buck's horns
nailed near the top, "as a faire sea marke for directions how to finde
out the way to mine Host of ]\Ia-re Mount." ^ Bradfoi'd, whose
interruption of the out-door sports and games, attempted at Pljm-
outh on Christmas, 1621, we have already referred to, looked with
evil eye on the roystering Morton and his company. In the view of
the Puritan magistrate " Morton became the lord of misrule and main-
tained (as it were) a School of Atheisme." The revels around the
May-pole, in his judgment, were as bad " as if they had anew revived
and celebrated the Feasts of j'" Roman Goddes, Flora, or the beastly
practices of y'^ madd Bachanalians." But is it not more than [irobable that
the grave offence of the " Sachem of Passonagesset," as Morton styles
himself, in the eye of Bradford, was that he " was a man that endeav-
oured to advance the dignity of the Church of England,"' one who pos-
sessed and valued the " sacred booke of counnon prayer,'" and used it iu a
laudable manner amongst his family, " as a practice of piety " ? The un-
prejudiced reader of Morton's quaintly written "New English Canaan"*
will not dispute the assertion with which he begins one of his chap-
ters: "In the year since the incarnation of Christ, 1622, it was my
chance to be landed in these parts of New England, where I found two
sorts of people, the one Chi'istians, the other Intidels, these 1 found
most full of humanity, and more friendly than the others."* The
festivities about the May-pole were as summarily ended as the Christ-
mas-tide sports at Plymouth. "That worthy gentleman, M"". John
Endicott," "visiting those parts caused y' May-polleto be cutt downe,"
and rebuked the revellers "for their profannes, and admonished them
of conscience, he would spare them till they were huth been atempted that way, at least openly." —
lietter informed. So he led away y rest and Bradford's History of Phjmovih Plantation, ]).
left them; but when flicy came home at noone 112. Tin's " uew-eorapany" referred to, \v;is tlic
from their workc, he Ibuiid them in y" streete at body of iramij^i-ants broiis'it over in the " For-
play, openly ; some pitching y ban-, & some at tune," which arrived at Plymonth, Nov. 11, 1621.
stoole ball, and shiich lilce sports. So he went to 'New En'.'lish C:uiaan, p. 41. Force's
them, and tooko away theu* implements, and ''Hist. Tractj^," Vol. ir.
tould them that was ajfainst his conscience, that - Ihld., p. 100.
tliey should play & others worke. If they made ■' Ihid., p. 89.
y' keeping of it mater of devotion, let them kepe ' Morton's " New English Cana;in," p. 93.
their houses, but ther shotdd be no gamcing or '- Ibid., p. 15.
revelling in y"^ sti'eets. Since which time nothing
PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND.
83
to look ther should be better Avalking."' The "Lord of ]\Iisnile."
the merry " Sachem of Passonagesset," was arrested I^y the Puritans,
under the command of the choleric Captain Miles Standish, whom
Morton facetiously styled " Captain Shrimp." Left with scanty pro-
vision for his wants to winter on the Isle of Shoals, and succored by the
Lidians, whom he found more " full of humanity " than "these Christians,"
Morton made his way to England, whei'e, as Bradford acknowledges,
he was "not so much as rebukte,"^ and whence he shortly returned,
BraiUni'irs " History ui I'lytiioiilli Pluntatiou," p. 23S.
■ IbiJ., p. 243.
84
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
uuder the protection of one of the leading Piuitans, Isaac AUeiton,
who, as Bradford complains, seems to have brought liim "to y'towne
(as it were to nose them) and lodged him at his owne house and for a
while used hira as a scribe to doe liis bussiness."' But the opposition
of the authorities compelled the friendly Allerton "to pack him away,"
as Bradford informs us, and "so he went to his old nest in y*^ Massa-
chusets." This "nest"
was his by patent, and
l)ut for the implacable
hate of the Puritans it
^/^.
might long have been
said of him, "Our mas-
ter reades the Bible
and the Word of God, and useth the Booke of Common Prayer"
within the limits of the Massachusetts Bay. But charges were
made against this "pi'oud insolent man," as Winthrop styles him,
of "injuries done by him l)oth to the English and Indians; and
amongst others, for shooting hail-shot at a troop of Indians for
not bringing a canoe unto him to cross a river withal ; whei'eby he
hiu't one, and shot through the garments of another." ^ This, of course,
STANDISn S SWORD AND \ MATCHLOCK.
is the testimony of his foes. If we may judge from his book, and
from the fact that, though living near Weymouth, where Weston's men
had been massacred l)y the savages, he was unharmed, and lived evi-
dently without fear, we should regard him as a friend of the red men,
who were welcomed to j\Ia-rc Mount, and there, initiated in a superior
woodcraft, and dissuaded from the excessive use of aqua vilce, were
instructed in the kindly religion of the "Book of Common Prayer."
But the court decreed on the 7th of Septemlier, 1(!30, "that Thomas
Morton, of Mount Wolliston, shall presently be set into the bilboes, and
after sent prisoner into England, hy the ship called the ' Gift,' now re-
turning thither ; that all his goods shall be seized upon to defraj' the
charge of his transportation, payment of his del)ts, and to give satis-
faction to the Indians for a canoe he unjustly took away from thorn ;
I r.niJlbvcr.s " IlUtory iif I'lymoiith rhiul:i- Lincoln, c|iiolcil in r.r.ulloiirs " Hist, ol' Tlvni-
liim," p. 'J.'!:!. ■ unili I'hmtali " \>. 2M, uole.
' 1 >ii(lk'V, in iiis letter lu lliu Couulcss ul'
PIONEERS OF TIIK CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. 85
aud that his house, after that his goods are taken out, shall be liuriil
down to the ground in the sight of the Indians, for their satisfaction,
for many wrongs he hath done them from time to time." ' In the
words of a recent investigator, " these were high-handed acts of unmis-
takable oppression."^ Evidently, to quote the same authority, "the
probabilities in the case would seem to be that the Massachusetts mag-
- istrates had made up their minds in advance to di'ive this man out of
Massachusetts." ^ The cruel sentence was fully carried out, and, by a
refinement of cruelty, it was ordered that Moi-ton should " saile in
sight of his howse " * " fired " by order of his pitiless foes, and thus be
a witness of the ruin of his hopes and home. The captain of the
" Gift " refused to carry him agreeably to the order of the court, and
it was three months before the authorities could rid themselves of
the distasteful presence of the offender. In England he- naturally
sought redress for the injuries he had received, and committed the
further oifence of writing what Bradford styles "an infamouse and
scurillous booke against many godly and cheefe men of y*^ cuntrie ; full
of lyes and slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies against their
names and persons, and y" ways of God."^ Returning "after sundry
years," as Maverick tells us, "to look after his land for\v]iich he had a
patent," he was, to quote the testimony of Bradford, " imprisoned at
Boston for this booke and other things, being grown old in wickedness." ^
Maverick testifies as to the severity of his treatment at the hands of his
relentless and unscrupulous persecutoi's, by whom he was refused bail,
and imprisoned in the common gaol without fire or bedding through a
cold winter, "although there was nothing laid to his charge but the writing
of this book." Even Winthrop's account would be sufficient to convict
the Massachusetts authorities of the grossest disregard of justice. " Hav-
ing been kept in prison aliout a year, in expectation of further evidence
out of England, he was again called before the court, and, after some
debate what to do with him, he was fined £100 and set at liberty.
He was a charge to the country, for he had nothing, and we thought
not fit to inflict corporal punishment upon him, being old and crazy,
but thought better to fine him and give him his liberty, as if it had
been to procui'e his fine. l)ut indeed to leave him opportunity to go
out of this jurisdiction, which he did soon after, and went to Agamenti-
cus, and, living there poor and despised, he died within two years
' Mass. Col. Records, quoted in Bradford, hoisted by a tackle, and ncare starued in the
p. 253, note. passage. No thiuge was said to him heare : in
'Mt. Charles Francis Adams, .Jr., in tlie the trme of his abode he.are, he wrote a booke en-
" Atlantic Monthly," 1877. titlca New Canan, a good description of the
3 Ibid. Cuntcry as then it was, only in the end of it he
' Coll. N.Y. Hist. Soc, 1869. Publication pinched too closely on some in authoritie tliere,
Fund, ** Clarendon Papers," p. 40. W^c have tlie lor w*'' some ycares after cominge oucr to look
following account of Jlorton in a letter to the after his land for w"'' he had a patent many
Earl of Clarendon by teamiicl JIaverick, reciting yeares before, lie found his land disposed of ami
the acts of injustice done by the Massachusetts made a towncsliip, and himscltc shorlly after ap-
authorities : *' One M' Morton, a gen* of good prchended, put into the gaole w"' out fire or bed-
qualitie, vpon p'tence that ho had sholt an Indian, dinge, no bayle to be taken, where he remained
wittingly, iv' was indeede but accidentally, and aveiy cold winter, nothing laid to his charge
no hurt donn, tliey sentenced him to be sent fo' but the writings of this booke, w'=^ he confessed
England prisouer, as one who had a designe to not, nor could they prone. lie died shortly after,
sett the Indians at varience w"' vs, they further aud as he saiil, and may well be supposed on liis
ordered as he was to saile in sight of his howse hard vsage in prison."
that it should be fired, he refusinge to goe iu to ■ Bradford, p. '2."i t.
the shipp, as havinge no busines there, was " Ibid., p. '23j.
86 HISTORY OF THE AMBBICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
after." ' He had been robbed of his land, his house had Ijeen burned
before his eyes, his goods had been distrained, he had been banished
from a territory to which he had, by virtue of his patent, as good a
right of eminent domain as those who sat in judgment upon him, and
now, when "old and crazy," he is considerately spared "corporal
punishment" at the hands of those who winced beneath the lashes of his
wit, and with the burden of a fine resting upon him, — " poor " because
spoiled of all he had by those in power, and "despised" only by those
who were smartingunder the lash of his sarcasm, — the worn-out old man
sought refuge in the royal province of Maine, and died at Agamenticus.
His " infamouse and scurillous booke " is still extant. Its perusal will
not bear out the charge of the Puritan historian. If not better than
his foes he was no ^v'orse, and churchmen nvdy well remember that
even if there were the May-time revels of Old England at Ma^re
Mount, the reading of God's word and the use of the " Book of Common
Prayer " were not forgotten by this motley crew of sportsmen and
savages who fell under the displeasure of the zealots of Plymouth and
the Massachusetts Bay.
Meanwhile there had been other attempts to introduce the Church
ujjou the New England coast, and within the limits of the patents of
Plymouth and the Massachusetts Bay. In 1623 the London advent-
urers sent over "a preacher,"! hough, to quote Bradford's words, "none
of the most eminent and rare," to minister to the colonists at Plymouth.
This was the Eev. John Lyford. He had been in Ii-eland before his
coming to New England, and " had wound himself," as Bradford writes,
" into y^ esteenic of sundry godly and zelous profcssours in those parts,
who, having been burdened with y° ceremonies in England, found there
some more liberty to their consciences."^ Here he had fallen into gross
immorality, the proofs of which were readily furnished when he sought
to " set up a publick meeting aparte, on y'= Lord's day," and " would goe
minister the sacrements by his Episcopall caling." There was no disposi-
tion at Plymouth to tolerate a schism, and Ijyford and his friend Oldham
were promptly banished from the colony. He l>ecame the minister, first
of the little company at Nantasket, of which Roger Conant was one, and,
later, of the unsuccessful settlement at Cape Ann, from whence he went
to Virginia. There is no evidence that Lyford was any more of a con-
furniist than to rely upon his ministerial commission imparted bj^ the
English Church. The records do not speak of his use of the prayer-book
forms, or of his exercise of his ministry in Virginia, where none but
conformists were admitted to parishes. Besides, the only charges of
immorality brought against him were made during his espousal and
advocacy of separatist views and practices, while of his career while in
the " Episcopal calling," if we know little or nothing, we know nothing
ill.
About the year 1625 the present site of Boston M'as occupied by
a " clerk in Holy Orders," and a graduate of Emanuel College, Cam-
l)ridge. The Rev. William Blaxton took the Bachelor's degree at the
University in 1617, and his Master's degree in 1(521 ; and we are told
' Winthrop's " Hist, of New England," II., ^ u^jsjof piy,no„tij pjantatiou, p 193.
p. 190.
PIONEERS OF TITE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. 87
lliat when he appeared in America he was still less than thirty years
old.' The researches of Mr. Charles Francis Adams, Jr., leave little
or no doubt but tiiat Blaxton, with his friends, and neighboi's at a later
date, Maverick and Walford, accompanied Kobcrt Gorges in the expe-
dition which left Plymouth, England, in the midsummer of 162i), which,
to quote the woi'ds of this accomplished and accurate writer, " repre-
sented the whole power and dignity of the Council for New England." -
It was but natural that the Rev. William Morrell, the ecclesiastical
head of the new government, should be ac-
companied I)y a clerical assistant, the Rev. ^ .
William Blaxton. That there was a close '"H^<^ ^-f^X^'^
connection existing between Blaxton and
Gorges is evident from notices of business .
transactions still extant. Blaxton's occupancy -TVcpdr ^^^ZB^-f<x^lm.
of "Shawmut" was known and recognized by '^
the Puritans, who assessed him twelve shil-
lings towards the charges of arresting Thomas Morton of Ma-re Mount.
This was on the 9th of June, 1G28. Later, on the 29lli of April, 162!»,
he was empowered hy Gorges to put John Oldham, Ly ford's friend and
companion in exile from Plymouth, in possession of lands near Boston,
and in 1(331 a similar authority was given him in favor of a settler at
Dover, New Hampshire.
Prior to 1629 Blaxton seems to have lived in solitude, apart from
his kind, with only nature as his study, and the savages as her in-
terpreters. At length a
churchman like himself,
Thomas Walford, is re-
ferred to as occufiying a
palisadoed and thatched
house at Mishawum, now
Charlcstowu. Later, Samuel Maverick, an uncompromising church-
man, is found living at Noddle's Island, now East Boston, where he had
built a small fort, " placing thereon some Murtherers, to protect him
from the Indians." Thus the three peninsulas, now covered by the
cit.y of Boston, and part f)f the pat-
ent of Gorges, himself a churchman, o ^ At '■ /*
were occupied by men of the same O**-^ uS^: .^V^ «.ife^ l <M^
faith, who thus, as it were, took
possession of this important territory in fealty to the crown and church
of the mother-land. Maverick was, as Savage informs us, " a srentlenian
of good estate," " but, as we learn from Johnson's " Wonder-Working
Providence,"* "an enemy to the reformation in hand, being strong for
the Lordly prelaticall powder," " though a man of a very loving and
courteous behaviour," and "very ready to entertaine strangers."
" Worthy of a perpetual remembrance " is the testimony given of him
by Winthrop,^ for his loving ministrations, and those rendered byhis wife
> Dr. De Costa's " Monograph on William = Wintlu-op's " Now Englauil," i., p. 32,
Blackstone, in liis lelations to Massachusetts iwte.
and Rhode Ishmd," p. 4. * Lib. I., Chap. XVII., in " Mass. Hist. Soc.
' Meinoiiiil Histoiy of Boston, i., p. 75. Coll.," 11., p. 88.
Piocccdimrs of the Mass. Hist. Soc, 1878, '■ i., p. 143, Savage's ed.
pp. 194-20ti.
'^W^xOU ^-^f^
88
HISTOHY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
and servants, when the Indians in his neighborhood sicltened and died
of the small-pox. He " went daily," we are told, to the sufferers, " minis-
tered to their necessities, buried their dead,- and took homo man}' of their
children." Josselyn, who visited this noble-hearted philanthropist, in
' The best portrait of Goveruor Winthrop is
tliat iu the Senate Chamber of Massachusetts, —
always asei-ibed to Van Dyck. There is a mar-
ble statue of liim, iu a sittiuy posture, in the
chapel at Mount Auburn, and anulher, stand-
ing, in the Capitol at Washington. A third,
standing and m bronze, has been recently
erected in the city of Boston. All the statues
are by Eichard S. Crecuough. Sec R. C. Win-
throp s " Life and Letters of John Wintlu'op,"
u., p. 408. The portrait in the Senate Cham-
ber is that referred to in Mather's ** Magualia."
A descendant in New York has another likeness,
much inferior, of which there is a copy, or
duplicate, in the hall of the Antiquarian Society
at Worcester. The family has also a miniature,
thought to be an original, but it is in very
bad condition. There are two copies of the
Senate Chamber likeness in Memorial Hall at
Cambridge ; another in the Boston Athenseum,
and one in the gallery of the Massachusetts
IDstorical Society.
'"Above thirty buried by Mr. Maverick, u(
Wiuesemelt in one day." — iViiUhrop, i., p. 1 VI.
PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND.
89
July, 1038, speaks of him :is "the onl}' hospitable man in all the
country, giving entertainment to all Comers, (jratis." ' He; lived in his
island liomc for many years, tailing from time to time under the ani-
madversions of the authorities, for the too free exercise of the apos-
tolic virtue, "given to hospitality," and apparently continuing stead-
fast in his devotion to tlie churcli of his l)aptism and early love.
In 1(530 the quiet possession of tiio peninsula of Boston was broken
b^' the ap}>earance of Governor Winthrop and his followers at Misha-
wuni. In their journey of exploration made on foot from Salem "to
Mattachusetts, to tind out a place for our sitting down," Winfhrop re-
cords^ that they "lay at Mr. Maverick's," and it was not long l)eforc
ST. BOTULl'U > ( IRUCII.
they had established themselves at their new home. The story of
their change of location from Charlestown to Boston is recorded in the
Charlestown liecords : —
In tlie meantime, Mr. Blackstone, dwelling on the other side Charles River
alone, at a ])hife by the Indeans called Shawmutt, where he only had a cottage, at
or not far otf the place called Blackstone's Point, he came and acquainted the Gov-
ernor of an excellent Spring there ; withal inviting him and soliciting him Inther.
Whereupon, after the death of jMr. Johnson and divers others, the Governor, with
Mr. Wilson, and the greatest part of the church removed hither: whither also the
frame of the Governors house, in jn-eparation at this town, was also (to the dis-
content of some) carried ; where peojile began to build their houses against winter ;
and this place was called Boston.^
' Two Voyages to New England, p. 13.
Boston, 1865. "
- New Euglaml, i., p. 32.
' Quoted in the " Memoi'ial History of Bos-
' 1., p. 116.
90 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
To this spot — "a paradise," ' as Winthrop styles it, when, for the
tirsttimeseudinga letter, dated from "Boston," to his wife — the solitary
Blaxton welcomed his countrymen. His humble home was situated
on the west slope of Beacon Hill, from which he commanded an unob-
structed view of the mouth of the Charles. Around him were culti-
vated grounds, and, it is said, an orchard. It was on the 7th of
September, O.S., — the 17th as we now reckon it, — in the year IfioO,
that the Court of Assistants ordered " thatTrimoimtaine shall be called
Boston ," — a name endeared to the new-comers from its associations with
the Lincolnshire town of Boston, England, named for St. Botolph,
from which the daughter of the Earl of Lincoln, the Lady Arbella
-lohnson, and her husband, had come to die in this distant land, and
where one whose name was long to be held in honor in the new home
of his adoption — the Eev. John Cotton — was still ministering as
vicar of the noble parish church.
The settlers at Shawmut were of the company which sailed from
Southampton on the 22d of March in the year (1630), bringing both
the governor and " the Company of ]\Iassachusetts Bay," and bearing
with them the charter of Massachusetts. In the principal ship, the
"Arbella," with the governor, were the Lady Arbella, from whom the
vessel took its name, and her husband; Sir Richard Saltonstall, the
Rev. George Phillips, the minister ; Thomas Dudley, the deputy-gov-
ernor, and others ; while John Wilson, subsequently the first minister
of Boston, was in one of the other vessels, which bore the names of the
"Talbot," the " Ambrose," and the "Jewel." Detained by unfavorable
winds at " the Cowes," and again while off Yarmouth, it was not until
the second week in April that this memorable voyage, which brought to
our shores "The Great Emigration," as it was called, was fairly begun.
The delay had given opportunity for the members of the company
on board the " Arbella" to address " The Humble Request of His Majesty's
Loyall Subjects, the Governor and the Company lately gone for New
England, to the rest of their brethren in and of the Church of England,
for the obtaining of their Prayers, and the removal of suspicious, and
Misconstruction of their Intentions." In this touching farewell and
address, evidently prepared for the correction of misapprehensions which
were rife as to designs of these emigi'ants, occurs the following striking
profession of their intentions and belief: —
Howsoever your charity may have met with some occasion of discouragemeut
through the misreport of our intentions, or through the flisaifection or indiscretion
of some of us, or rather amongst us (for we are not of those that dream of perfec-
tion in tliis world), yet we desii'e you would be pleased to take notice of the
principals and body of our company, as those who esteem it our honor to call the
Church of England, from whence we rise, our dear mother ; and cannot part from
our native country, where she specially resideth, without much sadness of heart,
and many tears in our eyes, ever acknowledging that such hope and jiart as we
have obtained in the common salvation, we have received in her bosom, and sucked
it from her breasts.
We leave it not, therefore, as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished
there ; but, blessing God for the parentage and education, as members of the same
body shall always rejoice in her good, and unfeignedly grieve for any soitow fliat
' Memorial History of Boston, I., p. 117.
PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND.
'Jl
shall ever betide her, and while we have breath, sincerely desire and endeavor the
continuance and abundance of her welfare, with the enlargement of her bounds in
the Kingdom of Christ Jesus.'
•Words such as these are conclusive as to the attitude of the leaders
of "The Great Emigi-ation " towards the Church on the "Easter Mon-
day, Anno Domini 1630," when the excellent Winthrop began on the
" Arbella," " riding at the Cowes, near the Isle of Wight," the invaluable
journal whence we derive our. fullest knowledge of the colony for
nearly a score of years. It was not till the ocean was crossed that
those stigmatized in this " Address " as indiscreet or disafl'ected were
found to be in the ascendant in number and influence, and speedily
1 Quoted in the " Mem. Hist, of Boston," i., n. lOS. Vide, aJso, Hutchinson's " Hist, of Jfass.."
I., pp. 487, -tSS.
92 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
drew to their side the very writer of this admirable "Address." It had
been urged that " faction and separation fi'om the Church " had been
"secretly harboured" by those who were projecting this trans-Atlantic
settlement, and that the colony was intended to become "a nursery of
faction and rebellion, disclaiming and renouncing our church as a limb
of Anti-Christ." White, in "The Planter's Plea/'i ansv;ers this objec-
tion b}' a reference to " the letter suliscribed with the hands of tiie
Governour and his associates," as affii-ming the contrary ; and this
"patriarch of New England colonization," as he is called, proceeds to
defend the settlers from the imjjutations of " non-conformity " as well
as " separation." " Some variation fi'om the formes and customes of
our church " might be hoped for or expected, but that the promoters
of this enterprise Avere " projecting the erecting of this colony for a
nursery of ScMsmaticks''" was indignantly deuicd. The assertion was
made that at least " three parts of foure " of the planters were " able
to justihe themselves to have lived in a constant course of conformity
unto our church government and orders," and that the governor, "Air.
lo. Winthrop," had " beene every way regular and confonnable in the
whole course of his practise." " Neither all nor the greatest part of
the Ministers are unconformable,"-' it was added. Thus earnestly did
the adventurers themselves, at the outset of their enterprise, and their
friends whom they left behind, disclaim the charge of separation or
non-conformity. It is certainly noteworthy, in view of these profes-
sions of conformity and acquiescence in the teachings and practice of
the mother-church, that but a few weeks elapsed after they had landed
in the New World ere their " faction and separation from the Church ''
were openly confessed.
The fleet that Ijore the company and charter of Massachusetts B.ay
and their fortunes had but barely reached the New England coast when,
on the 30th of July, six weeks after their landing at Salem, the
governor, his deputy, Mr. Isaac Johnson, the husband of the Lady
Arbella, and John Wilson, the minister, organized, at their new
home in Charlestown, a separatist, non-conforming "congregation or
church."'
Sickness and death made havoc in the little community at Charles-
town. The lack of fresh-water was sorely felt, and the invitation
of the solitary Blaxton to the other side of the peninsula doubtless
prevented the extermination of the colony.
On the 19th of October, Blaxton and Maverick were admitted
as " Freemen" ;■* but the following May, Thomas Walford, the Charles-
town blacksmith, a churchman who was not a freeman, was fined 40?^.,
and, with his wife, banished from the "pattent," for " his contempt of
authority and confrontinge officers, &c.,"* and it was ordered, at the
next meeting of the General Court, that " for time to come noe man
shalbe admitted to the freedome of this body ]3olliticke, but such as
' The Planfcr's Pica. London, 1630. Re- sympathy with tlie Piuitan party, of which he
printed iu Foice's " Hist. Tracts," II., pp. 33, 34. subsequently hecame a prominent member.
" The Planter's Plea" was wi-itten by the '-' Ihid., p. 37.
Rev. .John White, of Dorehcster, En^''., who has " Ihid., p. 35.
been stvled the " father of the Massachusetts ' Records of M;vssachusetts, i., p. 79. Hist.
Colony,'' and " the Patriarch of New England. " Geneal. Rcfrister, m., pp. 41, 42.
At this time he was a conformist, though in " Reconis of Massachusetts, i., p. 86.
PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND.
93
ai'e members of .some of the chui-ches within the lymitts of tiie same."'
The oords of restraint were thus being tightened around the few old
settlers who were churchmen. Even the cut of Blaxton's coat was
offensive. We lind, in Johnson's " Wonder- Working Providence," a
quaint passage, throwing a little light on the manners and reputation
of this eccentric, but amiable, schohir and recluse, who was the earliest
settler of Boston. Eeferring to the spring of 1629, this writer adds : —
All this while little likelihood there was of Ijuildiuo; the Temple for Ood's
worship, there l.ieing' only two that liegan to hew stones in^hc ilountaines, the one
named Mr. liright and the other JNIr. Blaxton, and one of them began to l)uild, but
when they saw all sorts of stones would nnt lit in the liuilding, as they supposed,
the one betnoke him to the seas againe, and the other to till the Land, retaining
no simbole of his former profession, but aCanonicall Coate.^
WISTHKOP S FLEET.
In the "Magnalia" Cotton ]Mathcr speaks of Blaxton as reckoned
among the "godly Episcojialians," and refers to him as one "who by
happening to sleep first in an hovel upon a point of land there, laid claim
to all the ground whereupon there now stands the metropolis of the
whole English America, until the inhabitants gave him satisfaction."'*
The early settlers evidently recognized the existence of more than a
claim on Blaxton's part, for, in the spring of 1633, the records state
that "it is agreed, that M''. William Blackestone shall haue 50 acres of
• Records of Massachusetts, I., p. 87.
= II. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., n., p. 70.
3 This cut is a reduction, by permission, from
an oil-paintinij recently completed by Mr. "WUl-
liam F. Ilalsal], representing a part of the fleet
which lirou^ht Wiuthrop and his company to
Salem just as they had come round to Boston
Harbor and were aroppinj; anchor. Tlie vessels
are a careful study of the ships of tlie period.
The " Arbella," the admu-al of the fleet, a ship
of three hundred and fift)- tons, eanying twenty-
eight guns and fifty-two men, is in the fore-
ground, being towed to her anchorage. The
"Talbot," the vice-admiral, riding at anchor,
liides Governor's Island from the spectator. The
" Jewell," the captain of the fleet, is the distant
vessel on the right, where Castle Island appears.
The time is late in a July day. The spectator's
position is between Boston and East Boston.
Vide " Memorial Hist, of Boston," I., p. 1 l."i.
* Magnalia, Book m., Chap, xi., Hartlbrd
edition of 1855, p. 243.
94 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
ground sett out for hiui neere to his hovvse in Boston, to inioy for
euer."i And wlien, at a later day, Blaxton proposed to remove from
his home in Boston, full payment for his property was made by a tax
laid on all the inhabitants of the growing " metropolis."
We have no record of services and sacraments performed by this
solitary " clerk in Holy Orders," who seems to have spent much of his
time in raising fruit and stock, and the rest among the tall folios and
quartos that constituted his well-furnished library. A few allusions in
the Puritan histories of the time, added to the reference to Blaxton
and another clergyman who was among the settlers at Salem, which we
have already cited from Johnson's " Wonder-Working Providence,"
afford us all the light we have with reference to Blaxton, or to those
who with him clung to the church of
>r#0 ^ pp ^ their baptism. Hubliard, in his " Gener-
'/y-^ulxAvi^ yfi-4:ib<>e-0^ al History of New England," following
Johnson, associated Blaxton with the
Rev. Francis Bright, the conformist minister of Salem, of whom
it is said that he, " not unlike Jonah, fled from the presence of the
Lord, and went down to Tarshish." Finding that the settlers at
Naumkeag, or Salem, were disposed to go to greater lengths in their
separation from the Church than he approved, and, doubtless, having
sympathized with those of the people who had already set up the
" Comnion-Prayer-Worship after a sort," as Mather tells us, he re-
moved to Charlestown, and there meeting the same tendency to separa-
tion he " lietooke him to the seas asjain," or in other words, returned to
England. Hul)l3ard, alluding to these aboilive efforts on the part
of Bright and Blaxton, one an Oxford and the other a Cambridge
graduate, to introduce the Common Prayer, repeats the sneer of
Johnson as to the ecclesiastical habit of the latter, adding that he
" betook himself to till the ground wherin prol)ably he was more
skilled, or at least had a better faculty, than in the things pertain-
ing to the house of God."^ Nor only this ; our critic waxes eloquent
in his amplification of Johnson's Avords. "For any one," proceeds
Hubbai'd, "to retain only the outwai'd badge of his functions, that
never could pretend to any faculty therein, or exercise thereof, is,
though no honor to himself, yet a dishonor and disparagement to the
order he would thereby challenge acquaintance with."^ We cannot
wonder that Boston soon became too strait for this churchman, who so
pertinaciously clung to his " canonical coat." As Mather tells us, " this
man was, indeed, of a particular humor, and he would never join him-
self to any of our churches, giving this reason for it : 'I came from
England, because I did not like the lord-bishops ; but I cannot join with
you, because I would not be under the lord-hrethren.'"* Consequently,
in 1G34, he turned his back upon orchard and garden and spring, receiv-
ing " satisfaction " from the Bostonians he left behind, for his landed
estate, to the amount of £30, every householder paying six shillings,^
and with his books and, tradition tells us, a herd of cattle, he pene-
'Rccoi'Js of the Col. of the Mass. Bay, i., 'Ibid.
p. 101. ' 'Maifiialia, Book iii.,xi.
-Hubbard, in II. Mass. Hist. See. Coll., ■'Memorial History of Boston, I., p. 8.'),
v., p. 113. n„lf.
PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. 95
tnited further into the wilderness, and among "God's first temples" set
up his sanctuary and home. A few years later, in 1641, Lechford, a
churchman, and the author of " Plain Dealing," writes as follows : —
" One Master Blakeston, a Minister, went from Boston, having lived there
nine or ten yeares, because he would not joyne with the Chureh," adding " he lives
neere Master Williams, but is far from his opinions. " '
It was to a spot to which he gave the name of " Study Hill,"
within the limits of the present town of Lonsdale, Rhode Island, that
Blaxton removed, thus becom-
ing the first white inhabitant, f~\
as well as minister, of that %{ /2/l'^tA' W^ l' Ik O Jn<
State. From time to time he J y^^ ^ ( ^J ^^ U^ mZ
visited Boston, where he mar-
ried Mistress Sarah Stephenson, July 4, 1659. He is said to have
occasionally officiated at Providence, when he was old, gathering about
him the children by gifts of fruit ; and, without doubt, the words of the
Common Prayer were heard at stated times by the little community at
"Study Hill." Hopkins, of Providence, who gives us traditionary
tales of this simple-minded, gentle-hearted recluse, speaks of him as
"an Exemplary Christian." Fond of tilling the earth, fond of the " low-
ing herd," fond of study, and fond of children, as these old chroniclers
depict him, we may be proud of Boston's first inhal)itant and Rhode
Island's earliest settler, — the Rev. William Blaxton, A.M. He died at
Cumberland, Rhode Island, May 26, 1675, the Wednesday after Whit-
sunday, being upwards of fourscore years old, and having survived his
wife nearly two years. His library, numbering nearly two hundred vol-
umes, together with his "paper books," ten in number, and inventoried at
five shillings, were destroyed by the Indians shortly after his decease.
In the " First General Letter of the Governor and Deputy of the
New England Company " to the settlers at Naumkeag, or Salem, in
Massachusetts, under Endicott, Avritten from Gravesend, April 17,
1629, and beginning with the pious ejaculation, "Laus Deo," appear the
names of " Mr. John and Mr. Samuell Browne," as members of " the
Councell of the Mattachusetts Baj%" - following next to the names of
the ministers, Francis Higginson, Samuel Skelton, and Francis Bright.
In a postscript to this important official communication the writers ap-
pend a special recommendation of " two Brethren of our Comp : Mr.
John and Mr. Sam.: Browne, who, though they bee noe adventurers in
the generall stock, yett ai'e they men wee doe much respect, being
fully perswaded of their sincere affeccions to the good of o"" plantacion.
The one, Mr. John Browne, is sworne an Assistant heere, and by vs
chosen one of the councell there — a man experienced in the lawes of
o"" kingdome, and such an one as wee are perswaded will worthylie de-
serve yo' fauor and furtherance, w"*" we desire he may haue, and that in
the first devision of land there may be allotted to either of them 200
'Plain Dealinjr, or News from New Eng- 'Rccordg of Massachiigetts, i., p. 387.
land, Boston, 1867, p. 97. ' " Ibid., i., p. 39S.
96 HISTORV OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
The story of the Brownes, as given by the Puritan authorities, la
as follows : —
Some of the passengers that came over, observing that the ministers did not
at all use the book of Common prayer, and that they didadminister baptism and the
Lord's supper without the ceremonies, and that they professed, also, to use disci-
pline in the congregation against scandalous persons, by a personal application of
the word of God, as the case might require, and tliat some that were scandalous
were denied admission into the cluirch, they began to raise some ti'ouble. Of these,
Mr. Samuel Browne and his brother were the chief, the one being a lawj'er, the
other a merchant, both of them amongst the number of the first patentees, men of
party and post in the place. These two brothers gathered a company together, in
a place distinct from the public assembly, and there, sundry times, the book of
Common prayer was read unto such as resorted tliither. The governour, Mr. Endi-
cot, taking notice of the disturbance that began to gi'ow amongst the people by this
means, he convented the two brothers before him. They accused the ministers as
departing from the orders of the Church of England, that they were separatists,
and would be anabaptists, etc. ; but for themselves, they would hold to the orders
of the Church of England. The ministers answered for themselves, that they were
neither separatists nor anabaptists ; they did not separate from the Church of Eng-
land, nor from the ordinances of God there, but only from the corruptions and dis-
orders there ; and that they came away from the common prayer and ceremonies,
and had suft'ered much for their nonconformity in their native land, and, therefore,
being in a place where they might have their liberty, they neither could nor would
use them, because they judged the imposition of these tilings to be sinful coiTup-
tions in the worship of God. The governour and council, and the generality of the
people, did well approve of the ministers' answer; and, therefore, finding those two
brothers to be of high spirits, and their speeches and practices tending to mutiny
and faction, the governour told them that New England was no place for such as
they ; and, therefore, he sent them both back for England, at the return of the ships
the same year ; and though they breathed out threalenings, both against the gov-
ernor and ministers there, j'et the Lord so disposed of all, that there was no I'urthcr
inconvenience followed upon it.'
The records of the colony^ show, in addition to the storj' as told
above, that the letters of these brothers to "divers of their private
friends in England," notwithstanding their ofBcial position and standing
in the company and community, were " opened and publiqiiely read."
Those of Mr. Samuel Browne were not delivered, l)y order of the com-
pany, " but kept to bee made vse of against him as occasion shalbe
offered." Banished as " factious and evil-conditioned ; " their goods, left
behind them in their simmiary and forced departure, were, as they
alleged, '' undervalued and divers things omitted to be praised ; " and,
on their presentation of "a \vryting of grevances," desiring recoinpence
for "loss and damage sustained by them in New England," it need not
surprise us that it was voted that, on their submitting their case to
the company's " fynall order," two of the company should " sett
downe what they in their Judg™' shall thinke requisite to bee allowed
them for their pretended damage sustained, and soe to make a fynall
end accordingly." The records contain no report of a committee thus
constituted.
The " fynall end " does not appear. Driven from their new home, the
expenses of the outfit, voyage, and settlement were, of course, a total
loss. Though they had remained in New England but five or six
' Morton's "N.E. Memorial," y. 147. in., pp. 50-54, .'56, Go, 76. Vide, aho, " Rccordsof
'Published in '* Arch.^eolopfia Americana," Massachusetts," i., pp. 51 ')4, 60-69
PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. 97
weeks, the sacrifice of property was cloul)tlcss considernlile. A learned
American arcliivologist,' in annotating on this portion of the Massa-
chnsctts Records, says, that ''it is probable thata reasonahku'enmncra-
tion was allowed them; " ))ut of this there is no proof. In the; \iew
of those who perpetrated this flagrant outrage on personal liberty and
freedom of conscience, the behavior of the Brownes was " ofl'ensive,"
and their loss and damage but "pretended." Careful to have "an
obsequious eye " to "the State," the authorities at home were willing
to caution the ministers and magistrates of Salem to be waiy of their
'' scandalous and intemperate speeches," in " publique sermons or
prayers in N. England," and "rash innovations begun and practised
in the civil and Ecclesiastical Government;"^ but for the aggrieved
and injured brothers there was no redress, either for the wrong done
to their persons, or the injury to their property. With their forcible
ejectment from the settlement at Salem, the use of the Common Prayer
and all eflbrts for conformity, of which any record is extant, ceased.
The Rev. Francis Bright, either to escape a like fate, or despairing of
any success with the determined separatists under the leadorshii) of
Endicott, Higginson, and Skeltou, removed to Charlestown, and
shortly afterwards sailed for England.
During the years 1638-1641, Thomas Lechford, " of Clement's
Inne, in the County of Middlesex, Gent," who had earlier, as he tells
us, " sufl'ered imprisonment, and a kind of banishment . . . for some
acts construed to oppose, and as tending to subvert Episcopaeic, and the
settled Ecclesiasticall government of England," resided in Boston. The
offence to which he I'cfers, as we learn from a passing allusion in Mr.
Cotton's " Way of Congregational Churches Cleared," was his " wit-
nessing against the Bishops, in soliciting the cause of Mr. Prynne."
Lechford landed in Boston a little more than a year after Prynne's trial
in the Star Chamber. He was accompanied from England, it is sup-
posed, by his wife. Almost from the very hour of his landing he was
I'egardcd with distrust by those of influence and authority in church
and commonwealth. His profession was objectionable, " no advocate
being allowed" in matters requiring legal process; and his view* in
ecclesiastical matters were soon found to be diametrically opposite to
those which obtained in the Massachusetts Bay.^ The " divine right of
Episcopacy," which he maintained in conversations with the leading
men of the colony, he sought to prove in a manuscript treatise, which
he submitted to the deputy governor, Dudley, a man of marked
conscientiousness, narrow vision, and intense prejudices, who saw in
the toleration of novel opinions in theology "a cocatrice's egg," —
" To poison all with heresy and vice."
Dudley pronounced the book " erroneous and dangerous, if not he-
reticall," and sent it to Winthrop with the suggestion, "that instead of
puttingc it to the presso as hee desireth, it may rather be putt into the
fii'e as I desire."'* This manuscrii)t, with another of Lechford's theo-
> S. F. Haven, LT>.D., cilitoi- of a por- = Records of Massachusetts, I., p. 407-409.
tion of llie " Recordsof theCnuipuny of tlu-.Mas- ^Winthrnp's "New EuLiland," il., p. 43.
saihiisetts Bay." — Architoloijia Americann,\u., ■'J. Hammuiul TnimbiiU's Reprint of
p. 76. " Plain Dealiui;," pp. 22, 2.3.
98 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. 99
logicnl essays, was submittod to a council of the Elders : but neither in
conference nor in writinij; could the author be convinced of error, while
the Elders would not admit that the opinions he advanced could be held
" salva fide " Consequently the friend and supporter of Pryune was
compelled to I'eraain outside of the pale of the New England "church,"
and exclusion from church fellowship carried wilh it exclusion from the
jirivileges of a freeman, and disqualiti cation for civil otEce. "Kept
irom all places of jircferment in the Commonwealth," he was "forced
to get his living by writing petty tilings, wiiich scarce found him
bread."* By plying his pen as a conveyancer, scrivener, ordraughts-
man, he eked out a scanty livelihood ; but regular employment iis a
clerk, or public notaiy, for which his studies and expei'ience peculiarly
qualified him, was denied him by the court, as he states, "for fear of
ofl'ending the churches because of" his " opinions." Debarred from the
exer(^ise of his profession for his injudicious and unprofessional exer-
tions in behalf of a client's cause, his apology was received by the coui't,
and he was suffered to practise again, with, it would appear, but little
improvement of his " low and poor estate." In his capacity as a copy-
ist he was employed in writing " The court booke " for Mr. Eudicott,
and among other things, the " breviatof laws," subsequently adopted,
with some amendments, as the Body of Liberties. It was during the
execution of this latter work, which, as Mr. J. Hammond Trumljull
says, "in his hands, we maybe sure, was something more than that of
mere transcription," he " conceived it his duty, in discharge of his con-
science," and " as Amicus curia, with all faithfulness to present," to the
governor and magistrates, his ol)jcctions to certain laws proposed to be
embodied in the code. But, though industrious, and evidently honest
in his convictions of duty, and in his conscientious devotion to his opin-
ions, it was evident that he was daily becoming more and more
dissatisfied with both church and commonwealth as they existed in
New England. That his prelatical views, and his zeal in advocating
them, made him obnoxious to the magistrates, to the ministers, and
to the members of the Puritan church, is evident. The wonder
is that he was tolerated at all. He was neither a freeman nor a
church-member. He was not even a householder. In the eye of
the law he was merely a " transient person," ^vho could be warned
out of the jurisdiction of the magistrates, if need be, without tlie assign-
ment of a reason. He questioned the validity of non-episcopal orders,
and disapproved of the exercise by the " freemen," as they were con-
stituted in the Massachusetts Bay, of the I'ight to elect their own rulers.
These opinions he complacently communicated to Governor Winthrop,
the deputy-governor Dudley, and the preachers, Mr. Cotton and Mr.
Wilson ; and these views, with possibly some reserve in the expression
of his " full mind in some things," he doubtless expressed to all who
came in his way. At length the General Court was " pleased to say
something to him, as for good counsel about some tenets and disputa-
tious which he had held, advising him to bear himself in silence and as
became him." The records show that he confessed that " hee had over-
shot himselfe," and was " sorry for it," and on his promise "to attend
' Plain Dcalins, p. 69.
100
HISTORY OF THK AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
his calling, aiul not to meddle w'" controversies," he was dismissed.'
The controversies in which he had " too far meddled " concerned
" matters of church government and the like ; " " the foundation of the
church and the ministry, and what rigid separations may tend unto."
Shortly after these experiences he returned to England. It was sup-
posed that Prynne sent the money for his passage. He sailed from
IJoston on the 3d of August, 1641, touching at Newfoundland on his
homeward route. On the l(!th of Noveml)er he was again an inmate
of Clement's Inn, and had returned "humbly" "to the Church of
England, for whose peace, purity, and prosperity " his daily prayers
went up to heaven. His book was an attempt to prove that "all was
out of joint, both in church and commonwealth," in Massachusetts.
The book was not written in a wholly unfriendly spirit, and certainly
does not deserve the sweeping criticism of Mr. Cotton, that it might
be called " false and fraudulent." Dr. Hammond, his latest editor,
pronounces him "conscientious, painstaking, tolerably exact, and
almost always reliable."
We know nothing of Lechford's career after his return save a
single sentence in Mr. Cotton's " Way of Congregational Churches
Cleared," which tells us that " when he came to England, the Bishops
were falling, so that he lost his friends, and hopes, both in Old Eng-
land and New : yet put out his Book (such as it is) and soon after
dyed."^ The "Plain Dealing " is his sole legacy. It is certainly the
work of an honest man, whose churchmanship was the result of con-
viction, and had the merit of
J)ein2' avowed at a time most
tune for the convert's
But a little later Ihan the
settlement of the Lcydcn Puri-
tans at Plymouth, and under
tiie authority of the ('ouncil of
New England, a patent was
granted to Captain Mason of all
the territory from the river of
Naumkcag, now called .Salem,
njund Cape Ann, to the Mer-
rimack, antl extending up each
of the rivers named to its
source ; then crossing from the
head of one to the head of the
other, and including all the
islands lying within tlu'ce miles
of the coast comprised within
these limits. This grant re-
ceived the name of Mariana, and was made in 1621.' The following
year a grant was made to Gorges and Mason jointly of all the territory
between the rivers Merrimack and Sagadahoclc, and extending back to
^p#
> Mass. Col. Records, I., p. 310.
■■' Part I., p. 7! .
"' Bclkuap's " New llanipsbirc," I , p. 4,
PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. 101
the great lakes and river of Canada. This domain received the name
of Laconia.'
Under the authority of this grant Gorges and Mason, in eonncf-
tion with a numl^er of merchants of London, and the leading cities in tlie
west and south-west of England, organized the " Company of Laconia,"
and in 1623 attempted a colony and fishing-station at the mouth
of the river Piscataqua. Two settlements were established, one on
the southern shore of the river, near its mouth, called Little Harl)or.
Here a fort was erected, and a manor-house, called Mason Hall, was
built on a commanding eminence protected by the fortification. A
part of the original settlers, Edwardand William Hilton, fish-mongcrp,
of London, occupied a neck of land eight miles farther up the river,
which they named Northam, and afterwards Dover. In 1629 the set-
tlers at the mouth of the Pascataqua combined for mutual protection,
and set on foot a scheme of local government. Two years later up-
wards of fifty men were in the employ of Captain Mason, as stewards
and servants. Some idea of the comparative importance of this church
settlement, for such it was, can be drawn from the fact that, in the
assessment of the settlers at vai'ious points, towardsthe charges of arrest-
ing Thomas Morton, in 1628, " Pascataquack " was rated the same as
"Plimouth." Various efforts were made by Mason for the furtherance
of the settlements made under his auspices, with but indifferent suc-
cess ; and in 1638 Winthro}i, the Governor of the Colony of Massa-
chusetts Bay, records his death as that of "the chief mover in all
the attempts against us ; " adding, " the Lord in mercy, taking him
away."^ The character of this sturdy old churchman, who was a rela-
tive of the Kev. Doctor Robert Mason, chancellor of the diocese of
Winchester, to whom a reversionary interest was bequeathed in his
w'M, may be l^etter judged by his gift in trust of a thousand acres of
land for the maintenance of " an honest, godly and religious preacher
of God's Word," and a bequest of a similar nature and value for the
support of a grammar school ; the first bequests in New England, on
record, for religious or educational purposes. That there was a clergy-
man of the Church connected with these early settlements in New
Hampshire does not admit of a doubt ; and the name of " John Mich-
ell, a Minister," is found on the Privy Council Register, June 27, 1638,
as having a claim on Sir Ferdinando Gorges for remuneration for advent-
ures in Laconia.^ In 1640, May 25th,^ a grant of fifty acres of land
for a glebe was made by the governor, Francis Williams, and inlial>-
itants of Sti'awberry Bank, since known as Portsmouth, to Thomas
Walford, — the "smith" of Charlestown, who had been banished from
the spot where he had been the first occupant, by Winthrop and his
associates, — and Henry Sherl)urne, church-M^ardens of Portsmoulli,
and their successors forever as feoft'ees in trust, by virtue of which grant
this land is still held. At this time there were a chapel and parsonage
at Portsmouth. The church was furnished " with one great Bilile,
twelve Service Books, one pewter flagon, one communion cuj) and
cover of silver, two fine table cloths and two napkins."* These had
1 Belknap's " New Hampshire," i., p. 4. ' Belknap's " New Hampshire," i., p. 2S.
- Savage's " Winthrop," I., p. 223. " Batchelder's " Hist, of the Eastern Dio-
' Jenness's" Transcripts," etc.. p. 29. cesc," i., p. 134.
102 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
l)een sent ovei* b}' Mason, with that thoughtful care and reverent loy-
alty which marked a devout and earnest churcliman. The erection of
"the parsonage house, with a chapel thereto united," was the "free and
voluntary " act of " divers and sundry of the inhabitants of the lower
end of Pascataquack." ' Twelve of the fifty acres granted to the
church-wardens were adjoining the parsonage. The remainder was
laid out at the head of " Strawberry-bank Creek." The right of pre-
sentation to the " living " was in the hands of the parishioners. The
grant proceeds as follows : —
And for as much as the said parishioners have founded and built the said par-
sonage-house, chappell, with the appurtenances at their own proper cost and charges,
and have made choyse of Mr. Richard Gibson to be the first parson of the said par-
sonage, see likewise whensoever the said parsonage happen to be voyd by death of
the incumbent, or his time agreed upon expired, that then the patronage presently
and nomination of the parson to be vested and remain in the power and election of
the said parishioners or the greater part of them forever.''
In the inventories of the property possessed by the settlers at
" Newitchwanicke " and "Pascattaquack," in July, 1633, we find in-
cidental evidence of the churchmanship of the colony. Record is
made of " 1 Psalter" ; " 1 communion cup and cover of silver ; 1 small
communion table cloth " ^ and " 2 service bookes. " In July, 1635, there
were inventoried as lielonging to the "Plantations at Piscataway and
Newichewanock," " For Religious Use," " 1 great bible, 12 service
books, 1 pewter flJaggon, 1 communion cup and cover of silver, 2 fine
table cloths, 2 napkins."''
The independence, whether civil or ecclesiastical, of the church
jiioneers of New Hampshire was but short-lived. The settlements on
the Piscataqua passed, in 1641, under the authority of Massachusetts.
The power thus acquired was speedily and remorselessly exercised to
crush out all tendencies towards " the hierarchy and descipline of the
Church of England. "^ At the " General Court,"" held in 1642, as Win-
throp tells us, "appeared one Richard Gibson, a scholar, sent three or
four years since to Richman's Island, to be a minister to a fishing
plantation there, belonging to one Mr. Trelawney (Tretaway?) of
Plimouth in England. He removed from there to Pascataquack, and
this year was entertained by the fishermen, at the Isle of Shoals, to
preach to them. He being wholly addicted to the hierarchy and dis-
cipline of England, did exercise a ministerial function in the same
way, and did marry and baptize at the Isle of Shoals, which was now
found to be within our jurisdiction. This man being incensed against
Mr. Larkham, pastor of the church at Northam (late Dover), for
some speeches he delivered in his sermon against such hirelings, etc.,
he sent an open letter to him, wherein he did scandalize our govern-
ment, oppose our title to those parts, and provoke the people, by way
of arguments, to revolt from us (this letter being shown to many be-
fore Tt came to Mr. Larkham). Air. Gil)son being now showed this
• Batchelder's " Hist, of the Eastern Dio- n Provincial Papers, I., pp. 78, 80.
cese," I., p. 134. ' Md., p. 116.
! Provincial Papers, New Hampshire, I., i^ Winthrop's " Hist, of N. E.," II., p. 79.
pp. 111-113.
PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. 103
letter, and charged with his offence, ho could not deny the tiling,
whereupon he was committed to tlie marshall. In a day or two after
he preferred a petition which gave not satisfaction, Ijut the next day he
made a full acknowledgment of all he was charged with, and the evil
thereof, submitting himself to the favor of the court. Whereupon, in
regard he was a stranger, and was to depart the country within a
few days, he was discharged without any fine or other punishment." '
There is, as a late annotator^ on the men and measures of this period
of New England history aptly describes it, in his reference to a similar
exercise of authority, " a grim solemnity " in the Puritan governor's
record of the arrest and imprisonment of this " scholar," who was
willing to lay aside his books to minister the word and sacraments to
the fishermen of the Isle of Shoals. Doulitless his sorrow for the
offence of doubting the higli-luuided usurpation of the Massachusetts
authorities over the churchmen of his cure, and scandalizing the
government of Wiuthrop and his fellow-magistrates, was quickened
by a realization of the despotic power at whose mercy he was placed.
Even the "corporal punishment," thought unfit for Morton, "be-
ing old and crazy," as well as the winter imprisonment on scanty fare,
and without either fire or bedding, added to a heavy fine, which was
" awarded to a member of the legal profession, " whose oftcnce, as stated
by Winthrop, was that he had made a " complaint against us at the
Council Board," might have been anticipated in the case of the "scholar"
Gibson, but for his timely submission to the powers that were. To
question the " right divine" of the Puritan theocracy ; to petition against
gross abuses to the source whence whatever authority claimed or pos-
sessed under the Massachusetts charter was derived ; or to " provoke
the people by way of arguments to revolt" against the unscrupulous
usurpation, were no light ofl'ences. Well was it that the "scholar"
was disposed to seek refuge in his home across the seas. Well might
the non-conformist Uurdet, in his letter to the primate, speak of the
Massachusetts government, at this very time, in language such as this :
"She is not merely aiming at new discipline, but sovereignty ; — for
even her General Court account it perjury and treason to speak of
appeals to the king."-'
The time of Gibson's coming to New England is not known.
Even his birthplace and college are not recorded. As we have seen,
Winthrop asserts that he was sent over by Trelawney,or Tretaway, as
another reading has it, to minister to the plantation on Richmond's
Island, on the coast of Maine. Others say that he came at the in-
stance of Sir Alexander Rigby, "the patron of Episcopal ministers,
and the friend of the enterprising, ignorant poor."* He was probably
on the coast as early as 1636. It was at this time that Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, under the authority of a royal gi'ant, set on foot at Winter
Harbor, on the Saco river, the first organized government within the
limits of the present State of Maine. In common with the Provincial
Charter, secured by Gorges in 1639, this grant provided for the estab-
1 Winthi-op's "Hist.of N.E.," pp. 79, 80. ' Williamson's "Hist, of Maine," i., p. 270.
- Charles Francis Adams. Jr., in his intro- Vide, also, Hutchinson's Mass., i., p. 85, and
diiction to "The New English Canaan," Prince Wiuthmp's, passim.
Society's edition, p. 97. ' Williamson, T., p. 209.
104 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
lishment ot" the Clunrh of Enjrland, and gave to the patoutce the
nomination ot" iho miuistoi"s ot" all I'lmrolu's and cliuiicls which niiglit
be built in the province. In the autumn of IGoti "a book of
rates for the minister to be paid quarterly, the tirst payment to
begin at Miihaolmas next." was drawn up at Saco. and sul).-icri})-
tions to the amount of £31 15s. were raised among the few
settlers at this spot. The pioneer clergyman was accompanied by his
wife. Mary Gibson, and tlie faithfulness of his ministrations, and his
tidclity to his convictions, are both matters of record at the hand of
the keen and i)bserving historian of Puritan Massachusetts. The his-
torian of Maine, Williamson, although destitute of ecclesiastical allili-
ations with Gibson, speaks of him as " a good scholar, a popular
speaker, and highl\ esteemed as a gospel minister."'
Gibson was suc<;eeded, in part of his field, by the Kev. Robert
Jordan."- The
"> /T" / V church interest in
2< y 7v^^ fLc(j<^^^l^ fl^ -LxCw^ >^-g^^. Hampshire
' C/ had faded out
before the re-
pi'essive measures of the ilassachusctts authorities. But at Scar-
lH>ro". Casco, now Portland, and at Saco, Jordau, who arrived about the
year ItUO, labored assiduously and with success. He was but twenty-
eight years of age when he undertook the work from which Gibson had
been practically banished. But the aggressions of the Puritan magis-
trates were not to cease with the obliteration of church ministrations in
Xew Hampshire. The restless longing for further acquisitions of terri-
tory, and a wider range of power, could not be satisfied, while, as tlie
author of "Ancient Pemaquid"" asserts, "Elaine was distinctively Episco-
palian, and was intended as a rival to her Puritan neighbors."^ But the
task of subjupition was not an easy one. Jordan bore no inconsideral>le
jiart in the opposition to the policy of ^lassachusetts and the Puritans ;
and as by his marriage with Sarah, the only child of John Winter,
the leading settler at Pichmond's Island, he became one of the gi-eat
landed proprietoi-s and wealthy men of the colony, the faithfid mission
jniest of the coast of Maine was in a position to wield a powerful infln-
enc^j in favor of the Church, as well as to contend agaiBst the intrigues
of those who sought to overthrow the independence of Elaine.
At the time of Jordan's arrival on the coast Eichmond"s Island wa.s
an important commercial plantation. It is probable that a church was
erected there. In an inventory of the property on the plantation at
Richmond's Island and Spurwink. taken in October, 164t!, mention is
made of" The minister's bediling : the communion vessels ; one cushion :
one table cloth ; li pint pot, £4.'"* In an account against "The plan-
tation," i-endered by Jordan at this time, we find as follows : "Dr. for
his charge, i a yejU', £20 ; for his ministry as by composition, ia year,
'WiUiamsou's " Hist, of Msine,"ii., p. 291. The sigrnaturo of Jordan is copied fiMUi
sXotiecs of the faiuilv of Jordan, contrilv an original deed executed bv him iu 1600, and
uted by John Wins-ate Thornton, are to be preserved in the " Willis " collection of ilSS.,
foiindinthefipstvolumeof the*' Hist, Manazine'* in the Public Library in Portland,
for 1S.)7, p. 54. nV/^, n.'so. W. II. Whitmoi\!'s • Thornton's " Pemaqiiid," p. 175
article, on the same subject, in the " N. E. Hist, * Maine Hist. Soo. C<\\\.. I., p. 'iS>.
Geneal. Rcpster," mi., pp. 221 . 222.
PIONEERS OF THE CHUKCH IX XEW EN'GLAND. 105
£10." Charge is iil.so made for Lis tithe of "train or iiiaclccrel," and
"share offish." ' In l(>i>< Jordan removed from liichmoud's Island to
a place on the Spurwink river, adjoining the property of his late father-
in-law. On the 18th of December, by virtue of a " Decree of the General
Assembly of the Province of Lygonie, holden at Casco Bay," the pre-
ceding September, Mr. Jordan became possessed of "all thegoods, lands,
cattle, and chattels belonging to Eob'. Trelawny, dec'd," in j)ayment of a
debt of £(i09 U.s. lOif/. The settlement of the estate which lie inherited
from his father-in-law invohed Jordan in much litigation, but the respect
shown to him by his fellow-settlers is attested Jjy his frequent choice
as assistant and justice. He lived in Falmouth thirty -one years, preach-
ing and administering the sacraments according to the usages of the
Church of England, save when silenced by the Puritan authorities of
Massachusetts. The liaptismal basin brought from the old home, and
used by this devoted churchman and colonist, is still preserved in the
family of one of his descendants, and is an interesting memorial of the
ministrations that proved so distasteful to the Puritan rulers. The" Rec-
ords of the Colony of the INlassachusctts Bay in New England," under
date of October 10, IGGO, contain the following proof that the frontier
priest was not forgotten in his exercise of his sacred calling : —
'WTiereas it appeares to this Court, by serueal testimoneys of good repute,
that M"'. Iiobert Jordan did, in July last, after excercise was ended vpon the Lord's
day, in the house of M". JIackworth, in the toune of Falmouth, then & there bap-
tize three children of Nathanell Wales, of the same toune, to the ofl'ence of the
gouemment of this CoiiJonwealth, the Court judgoth it necessarj' to beare wittnes
ag' such irregular practises, doe therefore order that the secretary, by letter, in the
name of tliis Court, require him to desist from any such practises tor the future, and
also that lie appeare before the next Generall Court to ans" what shall be layd ag"
him for w hat lie hath donne for the tynio past.'
That the General Court did not confine itself to words may be in-
ferred from the testimony of Col. Cartwright, one of the Royal Com-
missioners in 1665, who, in his official report, preserved among the
"Clarendon Papers ,"■' states that " They did imprison , and barbarously use
M''. Jordan for liaptizing children, as himselfe complayned in his petition
to the Commissioners." A few years later, in 1671, a waiTant was is-
sued against him, reciuiriug his presence at the next court, "to render
an account whj' he presumed to marry Richard Palmer and Grace Bush,
contrary to the laws of this jurisdiction."'' There is little doubt, from
the documents of the period, that this intolerance and persecution pro-
duced its natural result. Exasperated at the treatment he had received,
and impatient of the rule of the Puritans, whom he despised, bitter
speeches of his against the ministers and magistrates of the Massachu-
setts Bay are on record, and charges of falsehood and profanity * were
made against him by men who scrupled at nothing to silence, or even
annoy, a man so influential and so difiicult to control. It is but just
to state that the witnesses to these charges were Falmouth men, who had
' Maine flist. Soc. Coll., I., p. 230. ' Published by the New York Historical
'Shuitleff's "Eccords," Vol. iv., Pt. i., Societv, " Collectious," 1869, p. W.
p. 436. • Ballaril's " Cliuirh iu Maine," p. 16.
c Maine Iliat. Soc. Coll., I., p. lOi
I;
106 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
little or no reputation, and their violence was discountenanced even by
those whose interests they sought to serve. Complained of and silenced
by the usurpers, he, in his turn, brought a complaint to the court against
the Puritan minister at Scarborough, for " preaching unsound doctrine
V- ^/m.u4& 9^ptA^ -nv^M^ , Xi» ^fe^fo^ c-a:<^«oi^lfif
y. 1/^ '-^-r-^v- ^-37^ Il/Jc<-
S'
f%^.^^' l^-^^/^^it^. etc
a
PETTTION OF ROBERT JOEDAU TO THE COURT OF ASSISTANTS,
AT BOSTON, SEPTEMBER 4, 1663.
to the settlers." But enough of these recriminations. It is pleasant to
turn to other representations giving us a kindlier view of this stout-
hearted and fearless champion of the Church. When even the cele-
brated Lord Chief Baron, Sir Matthew Hale, and Sir Thomas Browne,
the famous physician of his time, were not superior to the belief in witch-
craft, and favored the punishment of those supposed to have dealings
PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. 107
with familiar spirits, the clear-headed and sensible minister of Spur-
wink, when a "drunken preacher" sought to convict a witness of his
unfaithfulness of this oticnce, " unriddled the knavery and delivered the
innocent."'
In the Indian war, excited by the Chieftain Philip, Jordan's house
was attacked by the savages. The aged clergyman, with his family,
barely escaped the fury of the assailants. His house was destroyed, and
he and his family were forced to take refuge on Great Island (now New-
castle), near Portsmouth, N.H. Invited, in 1(577, by the Governor
of New York, to settle at Pemaquid with his friend, Giles Ell)ridge, he
preferred to remain in his quiet retreat. Old age had crippled his
physical powers, and, after a residence of four years at Great Island, he
died, in the sixty-eighth year of his age, in 1679. His will was made
on the 28th of January, and proved on the 1st of July, 1679. Enfeebled
and infirm, he had lost the use of his hands before his death, and was
unable to sign the will that divided between his widow and his six sons
a landed domain comprising several thousand acres. " Weak in body,
but of sound and perfect memory, praysed be God," the old preacher
professed himself to be at the time of making his last will and testament,
and the document in which he bequeaths his "soule to God, hopeing by
the merits of Christ " his " Saviour, to enjoy eternal life," recognized the
fact that the temporalities he possessed were his "all by y'= providence
of Almighty God." He died as he had lived, the sole priest of the
Church on New England soil who was faithful to his ordination vows,
and when his utterance of the words of Common Prayer was hushed in
death, there was no voice to take up the familiar words, and the century
drew near its close ere their sound was heard again. In April, 1688,
a lay reader, John Gyles, reported that " ever since June last " he " had
read prayers at the garrison, on Wednesdays and Fridays, and had not
received anything for it."^ No further reference to Church, to clergy-
men, or to the common prayer, appears in the history of the times.
Thus ended for years the Church's possession of the coast of New
Hampshire and IVIaine.
CRITICAL NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.
MR. CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Jr., who had already, in one or two ex-
ceedingly clever papers, refeiTcd to the jjoints at issue l^etween IMoiton and his
assailants, has recently (1883) edited for the " Prince Society," of Boston, a reissue
of "The New English Canaan." The volume is carefiilly prepared, and the
annotations throw no little light on obscure allusions and metaphorical subtleties
of this "most careless and slipshod of authors." But Mr. Adams, who, in his
• Vide "A Modest InquiiT into the Nature Ersrland Historical Genealorfcal Eerfster," xni
of Witchcraft "By John Hale. p. 19.
Quoted by W. H. Whitmore, in the "New " Ballard's " Church in Maine," p. 22.
108 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
earlier notices of Jlorton, had shown some sympathy for his hard usage, in this
later and more elaborate treatment of the subject essays the complete vindication
of Slorton's opponents, and has only unstinted blame for this ill-staired adventui-er.
So plainly does j\fr. Adams recognize the fact that the I'uritans themselves are on
tinal, even by their ov.'n sho^\ing, that he feels it requisite to reproduce the ungener-
ous surmises and slanders resjiecting Jlortou that have no foundation other tlian
the testimony of the men who persecuted him to death. The charge that Morton
had ilcd to Kew England "upon a foule suspition of murthcr," is dwelt upon at
length and pronounced not "improbable," although Jlr. Adams is forced to
acknowledge (hat, " though he was subsequentl}' arrested and in jail in England,
the accusation never took any fomial shape." Forced to disavow much of Bradford's
abuse of Morton's views, as well as his mode of life, Mr. Adams is certainly in-
consistent in his charge that " he cared little for either law or morals," and then in
confessing that he was "better versed in the law of England than those who ad-
monished him," and in one of the two points at issue with Bradford and his people
was " clearly right." Nor is this all that l\Ir. Adams is forced to concede. In regard
to the second point in (lueslion, "that the King's proclamation died with him," he
admits that "this distinction was, a century and a half later, stated by Hume to have
existed in James's time." Confessedly wrong in their legal exceptions to Morton's
practices in his trade with the Indians, the detence is urged that " the question with
the settlers was one of self-preservation." It is difficult to see why the necessities
of self-preservation did not apply as well to Morton's smaller colony, and, in fact,
to all tJjc scattered representatives of the Gorges interest, as to the compact and
well-fortiiied settlement at Plymouth. Bradford admits that, so far as the I'ljTnouth
peojjle W'ere concerned, they "had least cause of fear or hurt." But for tlie
" sti-aggling plantations," as Bradford says, of "no strength in any place," the
PljTnoutli settlers were willing to interfere, carefully assessing the costs of their
undertaking on those whom they proposed to aid. Even Blaxt m, the church cler-
gyman who lirst settled upon the site of tlie present city of Boston, was assessed
t\velve shillings towards this martial exploit of wliich the doughty Captain Standish
was the leader, and life as well. There is no proof, however, that Blaxton paid this
arbiti'ary assessment, or had any share in the persecution of his fcUow-ehurehman.
There is not a little reason to infer tliat Morton's success in the peltiy ti'ade was a
moving cause in this interference on the part of the Pm-itau settlers, quite as much
as their dislike of the IMaypole revehy. Sent to England with Oldham, whom, as
Bradford intimates, he "foold," there is no question that Mr. Adams is correct in
stating that " Bradford's letter and complauits were quietly ignored ; and his ' loi'd
of misrule,' and head of New England's lii'st ' selioole of Atheisme,' escaped
without, so far as could bo discovered, even a rebuke for his misdeeds." And yet
this was not an age when oil'ences were likely to be condoned or lightly punished.
The inference is certainly sti-ong that Bradford's charges were foimd to be too
tiivial or too much exaggerated to be made the foundation for legal process, and
"tliat unworthy man and instnimente of mischeefe, Morton," was almost imme-
diately found domiciled in Allerton's house in Plymouth, brouglit over, as Bradford
admits, "as it were to nose them." From Plpnouth Morton returned to IMoimt
Wollaston, and was soon embroiled with Endicott in his conti'oversy with the " old
planters." Re(]uired, in common vnth the other " old planters," to subscribe the
articles drawn up by Skelton, to the eiFect " that in all causes, ecclesiastical as well as
political, the tenor of God's word should be follo^^■ed," on pain and penalty of banish-
ment, he refused to set his hand to these papers without the proviso, "So that nothing
be done contraiy or repugnant to tlie laws of the kingdom of England." Thus were
tlie very words of the royal charter made use of inthwarting the establishment of
t'.ie Massachusetts Theocracy. ]\Iorton also refused compliance to the dictation of
Endicott with reference to trailing with the natives. For a time he was unmolested.
But Endicott was not a man to forget one so open in his opposition to the Jlassa-
chusetts " Church and State." Apprehended by order of the com-t, "set into the
bilboes," his house burned before his ej'es, "that the habitation of the wicked
should no more appear in Israel," sent to England in a ship, as Adams states it,
" unseaworthy and insufficiently supplied," we can certainly agi'ee with the editor
of tlie "New English Can;uin," though not in the meaning he intends, that tliis
" second arrest of Morton was equally defensible with the lirst." Certainly, the
statement tliat " he had systematieallj' made himself a thorn in Endicott's side," or
that he had ' refused to enter into any covenants, wliether for trade or govern-
ments," or even the cliarge tliat "he liad openly derided tlie magisti'ate and eluded
PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. 109
his messengers," are not a sufficient waiTaut for the high-handed measures of
Kndicott anil his followers. That even the fonns of law were disregarded may be
inferred from ilr. Adams's words, that " he was apparently cut short in his defence
and protest by impatient exclamations and even bidden to hold his peace and hearken
to his sentence." We may further quote Mr. Adams, whose sympathies are wholly
with the Puritan authorities, and acquiesce in his judgment of the proceedings of
the so-called "court": "Nothing was said in the sentence of any disregard of
authority or disobedience to regulation. No reference was made to any illicit
dealings with the Indians or to the trade in fire-arms. Offences of this kind would
have justified the extreme severity of a sentence which v.'ent to the length of
ignominious physical punishment, complete confiscation of projjerty, and banish-
ment; leaving only whip))ing, mutilation, or death, uninflietod. No such offences
were alleged. Those which were alleged, on the contraiy, were of the most
trivial character. They were manifestly trimiped up for the occasion. T'he accused
had mijustly taken away a canoe from some Indians ; he had fired a charge of shot
among a troop of them who would not feiTy him across a river, wounding one and
injuring the gaiTnents of another; he was ' a proud, insolent man, against whom a
multitude of eomijlaints were received for injuries done by him both to the English
and the Indian.' Those specified, it may be presumed, were examples of the rest.
They amount to nothing at all, and were afterwards veiy fitly characterized bj'
IMaverick as mere pretences." It was " a serious blunder," Jlr. Adams
confesses, to send Morton to England; but "the INIassachusetts magisti'atcs had
made up their minds before he stood at their bar." They " proposed to purge
the country of him," and in doing it tliey regarded, as in other cases, neither
law nor right.
In England Morton naturally sought redress. His Puritan foes had underes-
timated his abilities, and they soon found reason to ti'emble for themselves. It was
in evidence that " the muiisters and people did continually rail against the state,
church and bishops," and amon<j the men of note aiTayed against the Puritan theoc-
racy was the celebrated Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury. To JSIorton's testimonj',
and that of others who, like him, had felt the relentless persecutions of the Puritans,
was added this significant fact, that Endieott had dared to cut the red cross from the
standard of England. The apologists for the Puritan settlers were styled " impos-
terons knaves." Winslow was imprisoned, and the charter, which had been sur-
reptitiously taken to Massachusetts, was declared void. Morton was in a fair way
to be avenged.
It was at this juncture that the "New English Canaan " appeared. Bradford,
with characteristic strength of expression, is pleased to style it as " an infamouse
and scuiTillous booke arainst many gocDy and eheefe men of the cimti-ie ; full of lyes
and slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies against tlieir names and persons,
andtlie w.aysof God." Written before the close of 1635, the " New English Canaan"
was printed at Amsterdam, by Jacob Frederick Stam, in 1637. It was reprinted by
Peter Force, in the second volume of his " Tracts on American History." Air. Force,
following the " Bibliothecn3 Americanae Primordia," of 'Wliite Kennett, eiToneonsly
assigns the publication to the year 1632. This is disproved by internal evidence. It
was not entered in the " Stationers' Register," in London, until November 18, 1633,
and was, doubtless, incomplete at that time. Copies a])pear to have been issued with
the imprint "Printed for Charles Greene, and are sold in Paul's Churchyard." The
work is of exceeding rarity.
In the summer of 164.3 JMorton again appears in New England, and at Plymouth.
The civil war had begun. Gorges was a roj-alist, and it may have been in the interests
of the king that this restless churchman and politician revisited the scenes of his
earlier experiences and ti'ials. Edward 'Winslow, whom eight years before he had
" elapte up in the Fleete," on the 11th of .September, ^\Toto to Winthrop as follows :
" Concerning JNIorton, our governor gave way that he should winter here, but before
as soon as winter breaks Tip. Cajitain Standish takes gi-eat offence thereat, espe-
ciallv that he is so near him at Dnxbury, and goeth sometimes a fowling in Ids
gi'ou'nd. He cannot procure the least respect amongst oiir people, liveth meanly at
four shillings per week, and content to drink water, so he may diet at that price.
But admit he hath a protection, yet it were worth the while to deal with him till we
see it." Winslow proceeds to style him one of " the an-antest kno\\ai knaves that
ever trod on New England shore," — devoted "to the iiiin of the country," — "this
serpent," and " the odium of our people." Winslow feared lest " God, who hath
put him in our hands," might make them " suffer for it" if they fostered him.
110 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
In June, 1644, Morton was in the vicinity of Casco Bay. In August he was
in Rliode Island, advocating his royalist views, and indulging, as Coddington wrote
to Winthrop, in " bitter complaints," that " he had wi-ong in the Bay [to the] value
of two hundred pounds." He professed his willingness to " let it rest till the gov-
ernor came over to right him, and did intimate he knew whose roasts his spits and
jacks turned." Five weeks later, on the 9th of September, he was in custody in
Boston. Wo tvu'n to Mr. Adams for liis explanation or extenuation of this arrest.
His account of the transaction is as follows : —
' ' The prisoner now arraigned before the magistrates had, fourteen years before,
been arrested and Ijanishcd ; he had been set in the stocks, all Lis property had been
confiseated, and his house had been bm-ned down before his eyes. He had been sent
back to England, under a waiTant, to stand his trial for crimes it was alleged he
had committed. In England he had been released from imprisonment in due course
of law. Ilanng now returned to Massachusetts, he was brouglit before the magis-
ti-ates, ' that the counb-y might be satisfied of the justice of om- proceedings against
him.' As the result of this proceeding, which broke down for want of proof, the
alleged offender is again imprisoned, heavily fined, and narrowly escapes a whip-
ping."
There is a gi'im sarcasm in this reaume of the case, of which Mr. Adams, in his
anxiety to befriend the cau.se of the Massachusetts authorities, is evidently uncon-
scious.
The sequel is soon told. Kept ' ' in prison about a year in expectation of further
evidence out of England," as Winthrop informs us, he was finally arraigned, and
" fined one hundred pounds and set at liberty." " Old and crazy," Winthrop styles
him ; " imprisoned manie monetlis and laide in irons to the decaying of his limbs,"
as he complains in his petition to his oppressors for release, the only mercy meted
out to him by these vindictive men of Massachusetts, was to refrain irom the inflic-
tion of " corporal punishment upon him," and to connive at his removal to Maine,
where, " jioor and despised," he shoi'tly died. It will I'equire a more ti'enchant pen
than that of Mr. Adams to refute the charge that IMorton's churchmanship did not
enter into the account in the vinilictive ti'eatment he received from the Pm'itans, or
to prove that he was not unfairly dealt with in life and most foully slandered when
dead, by the men who persecuted him to the bitter end.
In connection with Winthrop's testimony to the devotion of Mavei'ick to the
Indians when sick and dying, it should be noted that in the manuscript there ajipears
to have been an attempt at the erasure of the eiiithet " worthy of a perpetual re-
membrance." We append the words of I\Ir. Savage, Winthrop's editor, " that Mav-
erick was not in full communion with our churches, was not, we may hope, the
cause of stinking a pen through this honorable epithet. No man seems better enti-
tled by his deeds to the character of a Christian. The MS. appears to testify that the
mutilation was not Winthrop's." — Note, to Savage's Ed. nf Winthrop's History, i.,
p. 143.
In the "Memorial History of Boston " (i., pp. 83-86), Mr. Charles Francis
Adams, .Jr., gives, in his chapter on " The Earliest Settlement of Boston Harbor,"
an interesting account of Bhixton, to which Mr. Justin AVinsor contributes annota-
tions of groat value. Dr. I)e Costa's monograph on " William BLickstone in his rela-
tion to Massachusetts and Illiode Island " (New York, 1880) is a reprint of articles
originally published in "The Churchman" newsiiajier, and is interesting and accurate.
A pamphlet published in Pawtucket, R.I., 1855, by S. C. Newman, "bears the fol-
lowing title : " An address delivered at the formation of the Blackstone Monument
Association, together Avith the preliminaries and proceedings at Study Hill, July 4,
1855." This address eulogizes the first settler of Bostim, and gives many inter-
esting details of his life and hibors. No history of Boston can ignore the existence
of this amiable recluse and simple-hearted churchman. His name must live forever
with that of the city of which he was the earliest inliabitant.
We cite from " The Memorial History of Boston" (i., p. 114) the following
notice of the organization of "The First Church in Boston": —
" Here, in Charlestown, on the 30th of July, six weeks after their landing at
Salem, after appropi-iate religious exercises, Governor Winthrop, Deputy-Governor
Dudley, Isaac Johnson, and Jolm Wilson adopted and signed the following simple,
but solemn church covenant : —
" ' In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and in obedience to his holy will, and
divine ordinances : We, wliose names are here underwritten, being by his most
wise and good providence brought together into this part of America, in the Bay
PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. Ill
of Massachusetts, and desirous to unite into one congregation or church, under tlic
Lord Jesus Christ, our liead, in sucli sort as beconieth all those whom he liatli
redeemed, and sanctified to himself, do liereby solemnly and religiously, as in his
most lioly presence, promise and bind ourselves to walk in all our ways according
to the iTjle of the Gospel, and in all sincere conformity to his holy ordinances, and
in mutual love and respect to eacli other, so near as God shall give us grace.'
'.^^^^ Z'h^-
J-
'/)
AUTOGRAPHS OF THE SIGNERS.
" The church thus formed is now known as the ' First Church of Boston.'
Winthrop, in his 'History' (i., pp. 36-38), thus records the completion of the or-
ganization the following month : —
" ' Friday, 27. We of the congregation, kept a fast, and chose Mr. Wilson our
teacher, and Mr. Nowell an elder, and Mr. Gager and Mr. Aspinwall, deacons.
We used imposition of hands, but with this protestation by all, that it was only as
a sign of election and confirmation, not of any intent that Mr. Wilson should
renounce his ministry he received in England.' The Rev. John Wilson was a
graduate at King's College, Cambridge. He was ' ordained' again the following
year (1632), as appears from Winthrop (i., pp. 114, 115), November 22. ' A fast
was held by the congregation of Boston, and Rlr. Wilson (formerly their teacher)
was chosen pastor, and \Tho7^ias\ Oliver, a ruling elder, and both were ordained
by imposition of hands, first by Ihe teacher and the two deacons, (in the name of
tlie congregation) upon the elder, and then by the elder and the deacons upon tlie
pastor.' "
Dr. Henry Martyn Dexter, in his admirable volume, entitled " Congregation-
alism, as seen in its Literature," gives us further light upon what he styles "the
curious change which the New England air \vrought." Besides citing the words of
John Higginson, as given by Cotton Jlather in the " Magnalia," as follows : —
" We will not say as the Separatists were wont to say at their leaving of Eng-
land, Farewell Babylon ! Farewell Rome ! ISut we will say. Farewell dear Eng-
land ! Farewell the Churcli of (iod in England, and all the Christian friends
there! We do not go to New England as Separatists from the Church of England;
though we cannot but separate from the Corruptions in it ; but we go to practise
the positive Part of Church Reformation, and jiropagate tlie Gospel in America."
Dr. Dexter calls attention to the fact that "the company which came over to
Salem in 1629 was non-conformist, but not separatist, in its tastes and intentions.
So rigid, in fact, on this jioint was the policy of the New England Company, that
the Rev. Ralph Smith, who afterwards became the first pastor on this side of the
sea of the church at Plymouth, having desired passage in the ships with the Salem
people, and his request having been granted, and it afterwards coming to the knowl-
edge of the Governor and Council of the Company tliat his views inclined towards
separatism, or, as they phrased it, that he had a 'dift'crence of jndgm' in some
things from o' ministers,' it was at first thought best to forbid his coming, but
afterwards judged better to let him come, with the order that vnless hee wilbe con-
formable to o' governm', yo" sufler him not to remaine w^in the limitts of o'
graunt.' " Quoting the sti-ong expressions of the " Arbella" letter. Dr. Dexter pro-
ceeds to state that " the Rev. George Phillips was one of the signers of this ' Humble
Request,' and he acted as a chaplain, preaching twice on Sunday, and catechising on
board of Oie " Arbella," during the voyage over; and yet, within sixteen days after
112 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
his landing, we find him privately telling Deacon Doctor Fuller, who had been
again summoned irom Plymouth to attend the siclt among these new-comers, that
' if they will have him stand minister, by that calling which he received from the
prelates in England, he will leave them; ' and Winthrop — another signer — hoping
that the Plymouth church will 'not be wanting in helping them' toward their
necessary church organization ; and four weeks later we find Fuller, who had been
at Mattapan, letting blood and talking polity till he was weary, writing from Salem
to Bradford and llrewster, that after counselling with Winslow, Allertou, and himself,
and with the Salem brethren, Winthrop's company had decided to form a church by
covenant on the next Friday, and that the company do ' earnestly entreat that the
church at Pljmouth would set apart the same day ' for fraternal prayers that God
would ' establish and direct them in his ways.' " — Congrcyationalism, etc., p. 417.
The development from non-confoi-mity to separatism, mider the persuasive in-
fluences of the Plymouth settlers, proved easy and speedy. The Rev. John Cotton
had advised the I\lassachusetts settlers "that they should take advice of them at
Plymouth, and should do nothing to oil'end them ; " and, in accordance with the advice
thus had, a separation from tlie Church was effected almost as soon as the New World
was fairly reached. In what light this was regarded by the company at home Di-.
Dexter informs us. In letters from the home authorities, of date some montlis later,
we find alarm expressed at ' some innovacions attempted by yo",' with the intimation
tliatthey ' vtterly disallowe any such passages,' and entreat them to look back ujion
their ' misean'iage w" repentance ; ' while they add that they take ' leav to think that
it is possible some vndigested councells haue too sodainely bin put iu execucion w*
may haue ill construceion w"' the state heere ;md make vs obnoxious to any adver-
sary. The plain English of all which was, that the patentees in England were surprised
and offended that the colonists should so suddenly and so widely have departed
from the Chmvh as bylaw established; and were apprehensive of the roj'al dis-
pleasure therefor, and of consequent harm to the secular interests they were seeking
to promote." — p. 41',). In the words of Cotton, as addressed to Skelton, we have the
whole story simply told: " You went hence of another judgment and I am afraid
your change hath sprung from New Plymouth."
In 1882 an interesting and most valuable contribution to our knowledge of
the pioneer mission-priest of Maine appeared under the following title: — The
Jordan Memorial. FaniiUj Records of the Rev. Robert Jordan, and his Descendants
in America. Vomjnkd by Tristram Frost Jordan. (Boston, 1882.) From this
painstaking and accurate work we cite the following introductory notice of its
subject : —
" The Rev. Robert Joi'dan, a priest of the Churcli of England, came to Maine
about the year 1640. In that year he became the successor of the Rev. Richard
Gibson. It is evident that he found but little coiuitenance as a represent:itive of the
Church of England. The exercise of his functions led to imprisonment, and he sought
a maintc'uance by the employment of his talents in the way of business. Mariying
Sarah, the daughter of John Winter, prominent in the settlement of the Sjjurwink
river, and himself a large proprietor and merchant, he succeeded to a portion of
Winter's estates, and developed gi'eat capacities as a manager and trader. For
many years lie lield a prominent position in all the aflairs of Richmond's Island
and the adjacent region, and the early histoiy of Maine shows him to have been a
man able to conduct difficult enterprises, and to achninister important trusts at a
time when the unsettled condition of a new countiy, the impei'fect execution of tlie
laws, and the terrors of warfare with savage Indians, were combined and formidable
obstacles to success. The nature and magnitude of the trusts committed to him,
the journeys, law-suits, and contests to wliich he was subjected, and the fact that,
at the conclusion of a long life, he left to numerous heirs a large and very valuable
estate, sufficiently exhibit him as a man of no ordinary powers."
It is evident that the testimony of Edward Godfrey, who was long associated
with Jordan as a magistrate, given in a letter to the autlicnuties at home under date
of March 14, IGGO, that he was " equal with any in Boston," and tliat he was " an
orthodox divine of the Clun-ch of England, and of gi'cat parts and estate," is fully
borne out by the records of the time. As Godfrey proceeds, we may not doubt but
that " he was conceded by all to be an active, enterprising man, placed by education
above the mass of the peoi)le with whom he connected liimself ."
From the Jordan Memorial we have, with the author's kind permission, taken
tlie illustrations on p. 106.
CHAPTER VII.
THE COLLEGE AT WILLIAMSBURG AND PRESIDENT BLAIR.
TOO great praise can hardly be ascribed to the members of the Vir-
ginia Company of London, when we remember tiieir unflagging
zeal for the introduction of religion and culture into their trans-
atlantic domain. With them the propagation of the faith, and the
support of that faith by the institutions of learning, and that, too, under
the care and nurture of the Church of Christ, were objects for which
they labored assiduously. In the many resolutions on their private
records, — providentially discovered after years of forgetfulness, to
attest this faith and zeal ; in their instructions to the governors they
sent out ; in the annual sermons they listened to in the Bow Church, and
applauded to the echo, from the most famous preachers of the day, such
as the noted Dean of St. Paul's, Dr. Donne, and others of like spii-it and
prominence ; in their personal gifts and wise administration of the charity
of the nation and the Church, — they deserved well of posterity. Won
sibi, sed aJiis, was the motto of their lives and labors ; and the names of
the Ferrars, of Sandys, of Thorpe, of Copeland, and the Earl of South-
ampton, Shakespeare's friend and patron, must ever be inscparalily
connected with the introduction of letters as well as religion upon our
shores. Nor should it be forgotten, in connection with the mention of
these honored names and all we owe their mcmorj^ for their actual
ctlbrts and successes and their ever higher and holier intentions in be-
half of the Church and cause of Christ in America, that on the James
river, where now a few mouldering ruins of church and fort recall the
historic past, George Sandys, son of an Archlnshop of York, and treas-
urer of the colony, completed in moments " snatcht from the howers of
night and repose," his " Ovid's Metamorphosis Englished, M^'thologiz'd,
and Represented in Figures," which, with the " First Book of Virgil's
/Eneid," was the first poetical oflering to the Old World from the New.
In view of this service to letters and literature, well may old Anthony
Wood hold that the author's " memoi-ie " should
"a rcliqiio be
To be ador'd by all posteritie."
It was a dark day both for Church and college, as well as for the
commonwealth itself, when, shortly after the Indian massacre, the
proprietary government was dissolved hy the arl)itrary exercise of
the royal prerogative. Years passed, and in the midst of the trials
preceding and attending the civil war in England, in which the colony
bore its part, there was no further mention of a college in Virginia
114 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAI. CHURCH.
until the year 16G0-61, when the "Grand Assembly," held at James
City, on the 23d of March, amidst the rejoicings attending the restora-
tion of church and monarchy at home and in the colony, passed an act
entitled "Provision for a Colledge," as follows : —
Whereas the want of able and faithful ministers in this country deprives us
of those great blessings and mercies that alwais attend upon the service of God;
which want, by reason of our great distance from our native country, cannot in
probability be alwais supplyed from thence ; Be It enacted. That for the advance of
learning, education of youth, supply of the Ministry, and promotion of pi<^ty, there
be land taken upon purchases for a colledge and free schoole, and that there be,
with as much speede as may be convenient, houseing erected thereon for entertain-
ment of students and schollers.
At the same session of the Assembly a further act was adopted,
quite in the spirit of the action of the House of Burgesses half a century
before, entitled " A petition in behalf of the Church," in these words : —
Be it enacted. That there be a petition drawn up by this Grand Assembly to
the King's Most Excellent Majes-
tic, for his letters pattents, to col-
lect and gather the charity of
well disposed people in England,
for the erecting of colledges and
sehooles in tliis country, and also
for his JMajestie's letters to both
Universities of Oxford and Cam-
bridge to furnish the Church here with ministers for the present, and this petition be
recommended to the Right Honorable Governor, Sir William Berkeley.
Further action in support of this plan for "the colledge" in Vir-
ginia is recorded under the same date, in the following preamble and
resolution : —
Whereas, for the advancement of learning, promoting pietj', and provision
of an able and successive ministrie in this countrie, it hath been thought fit that a
colledge of students of the liberal arts and sciences be erected and maintayned ; in
pursuance whereof his Majestie's Governor, Council of State and Burgesses of the
present Grand Assembly have severally subscribed several considerable sums of
money and quantities of tobacco (out of their charity and devotion) to be paid to the
Honorable Grand Assembly, or such treasurer or treasurers as they shall now, or
their sucrcessors hereafter at any time appomt, upon demand, after a place is provided
and built upou for that intent and purpose ; it is ordered, that the commissioners of
the several! county coui'ts do, at the next followinge courts in their severall coimtys,
subscribe such sums of money and tobacco toward the furthering and promoting the
said persons and necessary workc, to be paid by them or their heirs, as they shall
think fitt, and that they also take the subscriptions of such other persons at their
said courts who shall be willing to contribute toward the same. And that after such
suljscriptions taken, they send orders to the vestrj's of the severall parishes in tlieir
severall coimtys for the subscriptions of such inhabitants and others who have not
already subscribed, and that tlie same be returned to Francis Morrison, Esq.
Thus do we find the Church and the college again, as from the first,
in fact, in closest connection. The troubled days of the Puritan rule —
felt, indeed, but lightly in the " OldDominion," where Church and Slate
alike resisted the edicts of the English Commonwealth, when all other
opposition had been crushed out, but yet felt — had passed, and in the
THE COLLEGE AT WILLIAMSBURG AND PRESIDENT BLAIR. 115
reestablisbment of the authority of the Crown and the Common Prayer,
there were these initial measures thought of for the establishment of
"a collcdge of the liberal arts."
The following 3'ear the act of the preceding session was reenacted,
and, although in consequence of fresh troubles, in the colony, and the
"rebellion" of Bacon, which for a time engrossed all thought, these
endowments and sul)scriptions, coupled with the legislative approval,
were not followed by immediate and noticeable results, still we find
from the preamble to the royal charter, granted, in 1G93, to William
and Mary College, that a site was actually selected, which was afterward
changed, douljtiess after some trial as to its fitness for collegiate use,
to that of Williamsburg.
Thus " the Colledge " was created by legislative act, and endowed l)y
individual and public charity, as early as l()(iO-()l . Possibly there may
have been at "Townsend's Land," the site already referred to as origi-
nally named in the charter of 1693, and doubtless purchased with the
original subscriptions authorized in 1 660-61, some earnest of the futui'e
College of William and Mary. Be this as it may, the action of the
Assembly, and the favorable reception accorded to the plan throughout
the colony, are gi'atifying proofs of a wide-spread interest iu church
education at this early date.
In the year 1685 the Rev. James Blair, a graduate of one of the
Scottish Universities, and a priest of the (Episcopal) Church in Scot-
land, came over to Virginia at the
suggestion of Dr. Compton, the a
Bishop of London, and became the y qj, ^/^ '
rector of Henrico. Here he con- J '^f^^'^'^ ^Ccc^<y>r
tinned in the exercise of his ministry ^
for nine years, removing thence to
Jamestown, and finally to Bruton parish, that he might be near and
useful to the college which owed its very corporate existence to his zeal
and patient toil. Traditions of the earlier promise of Henrico, the
scene of his first ministerial labors in Virginia, may have inspired the
restless brain of this indefatigable clergyman to plan the realization of
these hopes of the past. In any event, in 1688-89 the fuiiher sum of
twenty-five hundred pounds sterling was subscribed towards the estab-
lishment of "The Colledge " by a few wealthy Virginians, aided by the
benevolence of some English merchants. The Colonial Assembly, in
1691, approved the scheme, and sent the Rev. Mr. Blair to England to
solicit a charter from the crown. In these efibrts, both in Virginia and
in England, the assistance of the lieutenant-governor, Francis Nich-
olson, was freely given, and no little encoui-
agement Mas found in the will of the Hon.
Robert Boyle, Esq., dated July 18, 1691,
which directed his executors, "after debts
and legacies paid," to dispose of the residue
of his personal estate "for such charitable and pious uses as they
in their discretion should think fit." These executors agreed to
lay out five thousand four hundred pounds sterling in land, and to apply
the yearly rent thereof "toward propagating the Christian religion
116 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
amongst Infidels," and after some delays, assigned the annual rents of
their purchase, subject to a charge in perpetuity of ninety pounds per
annum to be paid to the company for Propagating the Gospel in New
England, to the president and professors of the College of William and
Mary, in Virginia, for the maintenance and education of Indian pupils.
The agency of the Kev. Mr. IMair in securing both the charter and this
appropriation may be inferred from the interesting letters we print from
the oi'iginal JNISS. in the Liltrary of the Bishop of London at Fulham.
They were addressed to the governor of the colony, whose unfriendly
ofEces, at a later date, were made the subject of more than one "me-
morial" for his removal, addressed to the home authorities by the
zealous commissary : —
London, Deer. 3d, 1691.
May it please Your Honor : In my last from-Biistol I gave your Honour an
account of our passage, our landing in Ireland, my passage from tlienee to Bristol,
with all the news I had then heard. This letter I left with M' Henry IJaniel, who
promised to take care of it & to send it by a ship that he said was there, almost ready
to sail from Bristol to Virginia. M'. Randolph, of New England, & M'. Sherwood,
who are now both bound for Virginia, wil 1 save me the trouble of writing news, so that
I shall need only to give your llonour an account of my i)rocecdings in the affair of
the College. When 1 c.amo lirstto London, which was the first day of September,
there were many things concuiTed to hinder my sudden presentmg of the address about
the College, for JNl'. .feotfreys was in Wales & did not come to Town to present the
address upon their majesties' accession to the crown; the Bishop of London thought
it not so proper to present an address about business ; then the King was in Flan-
ders; my friend, the Bishop of Salisbury, was at Salisbury; the Bishop of St. Asaph
at his diocese in Wales, and before M'. Jeofl'reys came to Town the Bishop of Lou-
don was taken very sick, so that ibr a month's time he was not able to stir abroad ;
upon all which accounts I found it necessary to delay in the beginning, for which I
had one reason, ■which was enough of itself if there had been no more, and that was
that I found the court so much altered, especially among the Bishops (who were the
most pi'oper persons for me to apply myself to), that really I found myself obliged
to take new measures from what I had proposed to myself. The Bishop of London
was at this time under a great cloud, and mighty unwilli:ig to meddle in any court
business, for notwithstanding his great merit from the present goveniment, he had
been passed by in all the late iiromotions, & the two archljishoprlcks had been
bestowed upon two of his own clergy, viz., U'. Tillottson & 1)'. Sharp, so y' not-
withstanding the Bisliop of Lf]ndon's great kindness to Virginia, yet I tbund he was
not at this time in so tit circmnstances to manage a business at comt as we expected.
I found that the Archbishop of Canterbury was the man who was wholly entrusted
by the King and Court for all Ecclesiastical affairs, & I was told by everybody who
had skill in Business that it was .absolutely necessary to get him to be our friend.
Thus the time past on, & I did nothing IJut make friends in private against the
King's coming over, which was expected about the beginning of October, but hap-
pened not till the 19lh of that month.
All this while I waited duely on the Bishop of London, as knowing well that
■whenever this business came to be done he must appear cordially in it, or else no
interest that I could make could prevail to get it done without him, it belonging so
entirely to his province. I both discoursed him at large, and plyed him with me-
morials till I got him to be very perfect in the business of the College, but at the
same time I disliked the method in which he was going to put it, which was this.
He advised me to put in the address by way of petition to the King in Council, &
the council he said would defer it to the committee for ])lantations where he did not
doubt but that it would pass. I told his Lordship that I never doubted the obtaining
of the charter, but the great difficulty would be in obtaining a gift of such tilings
from his Majesty as we had a mind to ask for the College, and that in order to this,
the best way seemed to me to be to engage the Bishops about Court zealously in
the thing & to get the King so prepared th.at when the address was presented to him
he should consult the Bishops in it, it being au Ecclesiastical affair, & that bj
THE COLLEGE AT WILLIAMSBURG AND PRESIDENT BLAIR. 117
their advice tlio whole business shoukl be approved by his Majesty & all promises
lor the encouragement of it that wo had a mintl to ask, & tii'en at last, it' it was
necessary, that it might bo brought before the Committee of Plantations to see what
tliey had to say against it, but for the council anil the Connuittee of Plantations to be
the lirst meddlers & contrivers of the business I did not like it, because as his Lord-
ship told me himself the church of England i>arty was the weakest in tlie council,
& if there is any of the revenue to bo sparetl the courtiers are more apt to bog it
for themselves than to advise the bestowing of it upon any publick use. But all
that I could say could not jjrevail with tlie liishop of London to have the business
managed in this manner with the King himself. This was the lirst week in October
when the King was daily expected, & I was really in a great deal of trouble &
knew not how to help myself, when liy God's good providence, liy means of a min-
ister of my acquaintance, I was introduced to Dr. Stillinglleet, Bishop of Worcester,
one thought to be as much in favour with the Queen as any Bishop in Kngland. I
found the Bishop of Worcester exceeding well prepared to receive me kindly.
The very lirst word he said to me was that he was very glad of this opportunity of
being acquainted with me, that he had heard a great deal of mo from the Bishop of
London, of good things I had done and still designed to dofor the Church in America,
& he freely proffered to do me all the service tTiat lay in his power.
After some discom-se with him I fomid that we had already run into one
error, & seemetl like to run into another. The lirst was, that all this time we had
neglected the Quceu, who he assured me would be the best friend that I could iinil
in a business of tliis nature, as being a person that is a very great encourager of all
works of charity. The otherwas that, as I told him, we intended to bring'it before
the council & committee of Plantations, which he assured me, was the ready way
to spoil all. For the Orstl had this to say, that by my instructions I was to depend
upon the Bishop of London, who presently after my coming to London was taken
sick and was but just now beginning to stir abroad again. I desired him to be so
kind as to acquaint her majesty with it, & withal to ask whether her majesty would
have the address presented to her, or whether we must wait for his majesty's com-
ing, who was now expected every minute. He promised me that he would do it,
& for the other wrong step we wei'e like to make I was as much convinced of it as
he could be, but I showed him the difficultj' and begged that he would make use of
his interest with the Bishop of London to persuade him to take another course.
About the same time I received a letter from the Bishop of Salisbury (whose as-
sistance I had desired) with one enclosed for the Archbishop of Canterbury, wherein
he recommended me & the busmess of our college to his Grace. And upon my
address to him I was received very kindly ; he told me that he remembered me
since I was with the master of the roUes. lie heard me very patiently discourse
the business of our college, and enquired concerning the state of our clergy in
Virginia; he assured me that he would do me all the kindness that he could in my
afiair, & desired me to draw him up a couple of memorials, one about the college,
and another about the clergy, and withal told me that if I would follow his advice
he did not question but the business would do very well. He told me I must
have patience for the King at his first coming would be full of his Parliament busi-
ness, but if I would leave it to him he would tell me when was the proper time to
deliver the address, & would before hand prepare his majesty. He was utterly
against the making of it a council business, and promised me to talk with the
Bishop of London in it, and to shew him the necessity of manageing it first
with the King himself. Both these Bishops wei'e as good as their words, for the
Bishop of Worcester opened the business of the college to the Queen ivho seemed
to like it extraordinarily, promised to assist in recommending it to the King, but
ordered that the address should not be presented till the King came himself. And
the Archbishop took an occasion to speak to the Bishop of London about it in the
presence of the Bishop of Worcester. They all commended the thing & for the
right managing of it, the Archbishop proposed that the King should be prepared
and then the addi-ess delivered to him, & if he thought lit to make a council business
of it he might. The Archbishop desired leave of the Bishop of London to manage
it with the King, to which the B' of London willingly assented to & so the thing
was i)ut again into a right method. The Archb' tokl me afterwards that he never
saw the liing take anything better than he cUd the very lirst proposal of our college,
& that he promised frankly if I could find any thing in that country which \\'as fit
for him to give towards it he would give it. After which I made it my whole busi-
ness to wait upon those Bishops & to give them memorials of my affair. I have
118 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
already writ out three quires of paper in this sort of woi'k, and all things seem to
be in a right disposition towards it.
After the heat of the parliament business was a little over, the Archbishop
got the King himself to name a day for presenting the address. It was Nov'. 12",
in the Council chamber, before the council sat. I was inti-oduced by the Archbishop
of Canterbury & my Lord Effingham (the Bishop of London should have been there,
but was tliat day taken again with a fit of the stone) . I kneeled down & said these
words, "Please your majesty, here is an humble supplication from the Government
of Virginia for j'our majesty's charter to erect a free school & college for the educa-
tion of their youth," & so I delivered it into their hand. He answered, "Sir, I am
glad that that colony is upon so good a design, & I will promote it to the best of my
power." The King gave it to the principal Secretary, my Lord Nottingham, at whose
office, within two days, I had it again, with this account from JM'. Warre, my Lord's
Secretary, that the King had ordered me to give in to the Bishop of London, both a
scheme of the college, and an account what was expected of him toward the en-
couragement of it ; & if I could concert the matter with the Archbishop and the
Bishop of London, then it should be brought before the committee for plantations,
& pass, if they had ncithmg to object against it. The parliament sits so close that it
is an hard matter to find anybody at leasurc, yet I persuaded the Bishop of London,
on Wednesday last to come for half an hour to his chamber at Whitehall, where I
presented & read to him a memorial I had pi-epared for his majesty's use, & the
Archbishop & he were to wait an opportunity to speak to the lung about it. Every
one thinks it is in so good a way that it cannot well miscari-y. I make it my whole
business to wait upon it, & if I heai- further before the ships go, j-our honour may
expect another line about it. I find there will be a great deal of difficulty in
finding of able masters, & yet I am sensible the life of the business lies in this. In
England their masters of their colleges have a much easier life tlian is designed for
the masters and professors of our college in Virginia. I can have several young
men that are fit enough to be ushers, but cannot perswade any of the Eminent, ex-
perienced masters to go over. I have two in my eye that are very lit for it, if I can
prevail with them to undertake it.
There was one thing which was forgot in my instructions (and it was my fault,
for I was not sensible of the necessity of it at this time), that is that I should have
been ordei-ed to provide a president of the college at the same time with the school-
master & usher. I thought y' at first a Grammar school, being the only thing we
could go upon, a good Schoolmaster & Usher were enough to manage that. But
the Bishop of London and some other Bishops and a great many other skillfull men
whom I have consulted, have undeceived me, & persuaded me that the president
of the college ought to be the first man of all the masters we jjrovided for it.
Their reasons are these : First, that the good succjss of the whole business depends
upon the setting up & executing of a good discipline at first both among masters
& Scholars, which, if it be left wholly to the Schoolmaster, he will be sure to make
it easy enough for himself, & will contrive to lead the scholars in such a method as
will keep them a great deal longer at school than they needed to be kept, only for
his own advantage. Most of the masters here in England keep their scholars seven
years at the Latin, which might be as well taught in four if they pleased. 2°'', It
may so happen y' the school master & usher may want as muchto be instructed them-
selves as any of the scholars. . . .
London, Feb'. 27, 1691-2.
Mat it please Youe Honour: By the Virgmia fleet which put to sea
about six weeks ago, I sent you a whole packet of letters, which if they are come
to hand will give you a vciy particular account of what I am doing here. Since
that time my patience has been sufficiently cxei-cised, for our college business (as
indeed .all business whatsoever), has been at a stand, the King being so wholly
taken up with the thoughts of the war & the transportation of the household & the
army, that for a long time he allowed not the Lords of the Treasury to lay any
other business before him till all afl'airs of that kind were dispatched. There was
another reason too why my business was delajxd, &y'was that my Lord Archbishop
of (^anterbuiy, who is the person I depend upon for managingof it withthe King &
Queen, was for five weeks frozen up at Lambeth so that he could neither get to
Court nor Parliament but by coming round by the bridge, which he found to be so
long and so bad a way that he choose for the most part to stay at home. But to
THE COLLEGE AT WILLIAMSBURG AND PRESIDENT BLAIR. 119
make up this loss of time there happened two accidents in it, by which I believe I
shall get £u()0 to our college, of which I should not have had one farthing if I had
been out of tlie way. ]\1'- Boyle died about the beginning of the last month, & left
a considerable Legacy for pious uses, which, wlieu I understood, I made my inter-
est with his executors by means of the Dishop of Salisbuiy, and I am promised £200
of it for our college. The other is y' Davis & his partners having been long kept in
suspense about that money which Captain Roe seized in Vii-ginia, & their friends
being quite tired interceding for them, & no money was like to come at last, I
undertook to get them their money provided they would give a considerable share
of it to our Virginia College. Tliey engaged to give SOU pound, & I presently em-
ployed the Archbishop of Canterbury & Bishop of London who have so managed it
with the council that the council is very glad of the expedient &Iamassureditwill
take effect. This day their petition was read before a committee for plantations &
I subscribed it signifying that the i)elitioners liad devoted £300 of the money towards
the carrying on the design of a college in Virginia if (hoy might have an order for
the rest, and the thing would have past but y' the Lords thouglit they offered too
little money ; so I am desired to tiy if I can bring them up to £500. So y' tho' my
main business is not yet finished, yet I make use of my time for some thing else
than mere waiting. But I confess the trouble of managing the affair is so vastly
great beyond expectation, that I doubt, could I have foreseen it, I should never
have had the courage to have undei-taken it.
The chief news here since the Virginia fleet sailed is the disgrace of mj' Lord
Marleboroujrh. The reasons of it are not divulged, but it is said he is suspected by
the King to nave made his jjeace with France. "llis ])lace of Lieutenant-General of
the English & Scotcli forces is bestowed upon Coll. Talmagh, his trooi) of Guards
upon my Lord Colchester, his regiment of fusileers upon L'' George Ilamiltoune,
one of Uuke Hamiltoun's Sons, & his place of the bed chamber, for aught I know,
is still void. My Lady Marleborough was likewise forbid the court, &Uie Princess
Anne was desired by the Queen to dismiss her from her services, which the Prin-
cess took so ill that she has left the cockpit upon it & gone out to live at Sion house.
But the news which concerns your Honour most nearly to be informed in is y' my
Lord Effingham has suddenly laid down the Government of Virginia which was im-
mediately conferred upon Sir Edmund Andros who is to sail from hence with all
expedition along with Coll. Fletcher, Gov' of New York. M' Blathwayt is agoing
for Flanders wi(h the King's Secretary of War. On Wednesday last tho Parliament
was adjourned till the 12" of April, & it is expected that it will be adjourned from
time to time till the King's return. I received yours of Nov' 19, shall be earefull
of the contents. My Lord Bishop of S'. Asaph has not yet beeil in Town, but is
now shortly expected being to preach at the chapel on Easter day. I give my ser-
vice to all my masters of tlie council & house of Burgesses, & hope to give you
shortly a good account of my proceedings in the affair wherewith I am entrusted.
This with my prayers for your honour's" health & prosijerity being all at present,
from
Yours, Sir, &c., &e.,
James Blaiii.
Vivid, and amusing even, as are these notices of court intrigues
and the intricacies of the paths leading to political preferment and suc-
cess, it is evident from their perusal that the interests of the College of
William and Mary were in safe hands. Dr. Blair, from the time of his
coming to Virginia, had been prominent both as a priest and preacher
and as a politician as well. His ministry of upwards of half a centurj^
was so intimately connected with the history, not only of the city, the
college, and the Church, of which he was the commissary and leading
divine, that we cannot separate his public and official career from that
of a devoted and faithful service of souls. As a jjreachcr he won no
little reputation. His four printed volumes of di.scourses upon our
Saviour's "Sermon on the Mount," containing upwards of one hun-
dred sermons, went through two editions in England. The celel)i'atcd
Waterland published a preface to the second edition, and Doddridge
120 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUKCH.
refers to them with high praise. As specimeus of practical divinity,
couched in scholarly language, and enforced with earnestness and
power, they are worthy of comraeudation ; and in their original deliv-
ery before the colonial authorities, and the leadei's of the political and
fashionable world of Virginia, or as read in the homes and by the
hearth-stones of the godly, both in the colony and in the mother-laud, they
must have had no little influence for good, in advancing the cause of
practical and pei'sonal holiness they wci'e intended to serve. Few men
and few ministers had more difEculties to contend with than the rector
of Bruton Parish; but an indomitable will, a tireless persistence, a
patience and perseverance almost unexampled, enabled him to sur-
mount all opposition, and to secure for himself and the Church of which
he was the representative the respect and sympathy of those with whom
he was brought in contact. Brought constantly into conflict with cor-
rupt and tjTannical men, — the arbitrary, and often vindictive, otBcials
sent from England to rule the colonists ; fighting manfully the battles
of the Church and the college against indilference or obstructiveness
in high places ; made by his position and prominence the object of
envy and malevolent criticism, — we have, both in the annals of the
time and in the documents on either side of the controversies in which
he was again and again engaged, abundant pi'oofs of his sincerity of
purpose, his devotion to his work, and his blamelessness of life. As
commissary and representing the vaguely defined Episcopal authority
of the Bishop of London, he was constantly hampered by the inter-
ference of the governor in his efforts for the maintenance of godly dis-
cipline among the clergy of his charge. As President of the " lloyal
College of William and Mary," as well as its founder, he found him-
self again and again forced into an attitude of determined opposition
to the measures of the representative of the crown, which threatened
the loss of chartered rights, or the subordination of the college to the
vice-regal will. As a member of the council, brought into intimate
and personal relations with the leading men of the province, and repre-
senting there the church's interest in debates and in decisions affecting
the interests, civil and religious, of the commonwealth, he proved himself
to be conscientious and incapaljle of coiTuption. One thus pure-minded
and devoted to the cause of the Church and crown could not fail of
being misrepresented and misunderstood, and of becoming person-
ally olmoxious to a venal or a time-serving administration. That one
of his marked ability, his personal influence, and his official position,
should, for more than half a centmy, be so intimately connected with
the affairs of Church and State without frequent collisions with those
in power, whose schemes he thwarted, and whose malfeasance in office
he unsparingly proclaimed, was not to be supposed. The folios of
manuscript telling the story of his trials, his labors, his dffiiculties,
and disputes, still on file among the records in England, or repro-
duced in print in late contributions to our American ecclesiastical
annals, are to be numbered by scores and hundreds. That throughout
his career he retained the I'cspect and confidence of successive primates
and bishops of Loudon, Avith whom he was in constant and most un-
reserved communication, attests his character and worth. Accused
THE COLLEGE AT WILLIAMSBURG AND PRESIDENT BLAIR. 121
again and again by indignant and disappointed ofBcials, or l\y envious
and iniquitous clergymen, he never tailed to justify liis conduct, and
to turn tlio tables upon liis assailants. At tlie outset of bis labors
in behalf of the college he was brought in conflict with Andros, who
had come from the North, where he had been driven ignominiously
from his government, to try his hand in ruling the Virginians. By virtue
of his instructions the royal governor was not only the representative
of the crown, and consequently the civil head of the province, but he
was also the "ordinary," the representative of the crown and Church
as well in spiritual things, the commissary being subordinated to
him. Against Andros, the fearless commissary, while in England,
brought charges in detail, and amjily supported his accusations by tes-
timony, representing the governor as an enemy to religion, to the
clergy, the Church, and the college. The record of the examination
of the commissary before the Archbishop of Canterbury and the
Bishop of London, with reference to these charges, in which the gov-
ernor was represented and defended by colonial officials and gentle-
men of distinction, is still extant. Two days were spent at Lambeth
Palace in this searching investigation, in which the astuteness and
ability of Blair appear as more than a match for the four able men
arrayed against him. Never was vindication more complete than that
of the commissary ; never was an indictment more fully sustained than
that in which in full detail and with logical precision he assailed the
character and conduct of the royal governor. The result was, as might
have been anticipated, the commissary was sustained, and Andros was
recalled in disgrace. The successor of Andros was Sir Francis Nichol-
son, elsewhere a friend and patron of the Church, and still remembered
for his munificent Ijcnefoctions towards the erection and support of
churches all along the Atlantic coast from INIassachusetts to Virginia.
Vain, conceited, passionate, and changeable, an afTair of the heart,
which resulted in an unlooked-for disappointment, made of the govern-
or a madman, of whose conduct both the council, the commissary,
and a portion of the clergy complained. Nicholson had been in con-
flict with Dr. Bray, while Governor of Maryland, and complained
of his usage " by a parcel of Black Coats." In his defence he re-
ferred with no little bitterness to the Bishop of London's commissaries,
whose names are "monosyllables and begin with B."^; but neither
his conduct nor his explanations found favor at home. Again
was the commissary successful, and the irascible and lovesick
governor was recalled. His successor. Gov. Nott, an amiable and ex-
cellent man, died .shortly after entering upon his duty, and was fol-
lowed in 1710 Ijy Col. Spotswood, a man of resolute character and
noble bearing, who for some years seconded all the etlbrts of the com-
missary on behalf of the Church and the college, and received in turn
the commissary's support and sympathy. It was not till nearly ten
years had passed that any disagreement arose, and then, as had been
always the case, the commissary- again triumphed, and the governor
was recalled fi'om his post.
Ulist. Coll. Am. Col. Ch., I., p. 1S2.
122 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Meanwhile the college, established with this comprehensive object
in view, as expressed in its charter, "to the end that the Church in
Virginia may be furnished with a seminary of ministers of the Gospel,
and that the youth may be piously educated in good letters and
manners, and that the Christian faith may be propagated amongst
the Western Indians, to the glory of Almighty God," was formally
opened, and began its beneficent career. Its charter named the com-
missary as its first president, and appointed the Lord Bishop of Lon-
don, Dr. Henry Compton, as its first chancellor. Towards the endow-
ment her Majesty contributed out of the quit-rents of the colony,
£1,985 14s. lOd. ; a penny per pound on all tobacco exported from
Virginia and jMaryland ; the ofiice of surveyor-general, with all "its
issues, fees, profits, advantages, conveniences, lil^erties, places, privi-
leges, and preeminences whatsoever ;" ten thousand acres of land lying
on the south side of Blackwater swamp, and ten thousand acres on
Pamunkey Neck, lietween the forks of York river. The right of repre-
sentation in the House of Bui'gesses was also granted to the faculty,
who could elect one of their own number, or " one of the better part
of the inhabitants of the colony." The college building was planned
by Sir Christopher Wren, and was designed "to be an entire square
when completed." Professorships of the ancient languages, mathe-
matics, moral philosophy, and divinity were provided for in the charter ;
and another endowment, called the "Brafferton," the gift of the cele-
brated liobert Boyle, had for its object the instruction and conversion
of the Indians.
In 1700 the first commencement was held at the College of Will-
iam and i\Iary,' attracting a great concourse of people. The neigh-
boring planters came in coaches to witness this unwonted spectacle, and
other visitors, from the provinces of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and even
from distant New York, anived in sloops, or by other means of convey-
ance, it being, as the chronicler tells us, "a new thing in that part of
America to hear graduates perform their Exercises." Even some of the
Indians, to whom commissioners had been sent to secure the attendance
of a number of their children at the new college, upon the foundation
established by Boyle, had the curiosity to join the crowd at Williams-
burg upon this interesting occasion, and " the whole country rejoiced, as
if they had some relish of learning." Two years later the death of King
William was made the occasion of a suitable observance in the college
hall, in the presence of the Governor, the Council, the House of Bur-
gesses, and others. A " Pastoral Colloquy in English Verse " was spoken
by some of the younger scholars. Other scholars spoke a " pastoral "
upon the "succession of her Sacred Majesty Queen Ann," while the
commissary delivered a " funeral oration," which excited the governor's
ire, in consequence, as Dr. Blair asserts, of his "making use of that op-
portunity to commend the mildness and gentleness of the King's reign,
which our great man took to be a tacit reflection on himself for his furi-
ous and mad way of government." -
The General Assembly of Virginia was held at " his Majesty's
iCampbell's Va., pp. 361, 362. = Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Ch., i., p 125.
THE COLLEGE AT WILLIAMSBURG AND PRESIDENT BLAIR. 123
Royal College of William and Mary," from 1700 until 1705, when, to-
gether with the library and philosophical apparatus, the college build-
ing was destroyed by tire. This occurred during the first year of
Gov. Nott's administration. " The fire broke out about ten o'clock at
night, in a public time. The Governor, and all the gentlemen that
were in town, came up to the lamentable spectacle, many getting out
of their beds. But the fire had got such power before it was dis-
covered, and was so tierce, that there was no hope of putting a stop to
it, and therefore no attempts were made to that end." The college
was not rebuilt until Gov. Spotswood's time. To accomplish this
end it was found necessary to hoard the revenues, which else would
have gone for salaries, while the president " freely parted " ' with his
k
.■,fllTf] B ...T1
THE COLLEGE OF WILLLA.M AND MARY AS IT APPEARED A CENTURY
AND A HAI.F AGO.
salary for this purpose. But during this period of depression the
care of the Indians was not forgotten. An expedition against the
aborigines, under the command of the gallant Spotswood, re-
sulted, as the governor reported to the General Assembly, in
November, 1711, in compelling the Indians "to give pledges of a
faithful peace by yielding up several of their chief ruler's children
to be educated at our college."^ " This fair step towards their conver-
sion," as the governor styled it, which was " the more valuable by how
much all attempts of this kind have hitherto proved ineffectual," was
undertaken with the conviction, we are assured, that " whilst by kind
and gentle means we endeavor to change the savage nature of their
youth, they will imbibe with the English language, the true principles
t)f our Excellent Church, from whence will arise two of the greatest
benefits, the salvation of many jioor souls, and withal the best of se-
curities to our persons and estates, for once make them good Christians
» Hist. CoU. Am. Col., Ch. i., p. 183.
'Jbid.,p. 129.
124 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
aud you may confide in them." The worthy governor was as good as his
word. At no little pains and personal cost he estal)lished an Indian
school, at Christanna, on the south side of the jNIeherrin river, in
Southampton county. Here, under the protection of a fort, built on
rising ground, in the form of a pentagon aud enclosed with palisades,
on which live caunon were mounted, and where twelve men kept guard,
a school-house was erected. The Rev. Charles Griffin was appointed
to the charge of this school, in which, the governor writes to the Bishop
of London, there were in 1712 fourteen Indian children and six more
expected. In 171G Mr. Griffin reports to the Bishop of London, as
follows : —
V/c have here a very handsome school built at the charge of the Indian
Company at which are at present taught 70 Indian children, and many others from
the Western Indians, who live more than 400 miles from hence, will be brought
hilher in the spring to be jsut under my care in order to be instnicted in the religion
of the holy Jesus. The greatest number of my scholars can say the Belief, the
Loid's Prayer and Ten Command' perfectly well, tlioy know tliat there i.s but one
God and they are able to tell me how many persons there are in the (iodhead and
wliat each of those blessed Persons have done for them. They know how many
Sacraments Christ hath ordained in his Church and for what eud he instituted them.
They behave themselves reverently at our daily Prayer and can make their re-
sponses ; which was no little pleasm'c to their great and good benefactor the Gov'.,
as also to the Ilev''. M'. Jn". Cargill, M'. Attorney General and many other gentle-
men who attended him in his progress hither.i
The celebrated William Byrd, of Westover, in his " History of
the Dividing Line," ^ attests the excellence of Griffin, who was " a Man
of a good Family who by the innocence of his life, and the sweetness
of his temper, was perfectly well qualified for that pious undertaking."
Byrd, whose only idea of christianizing the Indians was, as appears
from repeated allusions throughout his work, their intermarriage
with the settlers, speaks of " the bad success Mr. Boyle's charity has
hitherto had towards converting any of these poor Heathens to Chris-
tianity." On the return of the pupils to their tribes, whether from the
school from Christanna, or from the college at Williamsl)urg, "they
have immediately relapsed into infidelity and barbarism themselves."
He adds, that " as they unhappily forget all the good they learn, and
remember the ill, they are apt to I)e more vicious and disorderly than
the rest of their Countrymen." ' We cannot l)ut hope that the testi-
mony of the worthy surveyor may have been a little colored by preju-
dice.
The new building was sufficiently advanced for occupancy by the
convention of the clergy, which met in April, 1719, and in 1723 it was
comi)k'ted, the delay arising from the want of means and the scarcity
of skilled workmen. The Eev. Hugh Jones, in his " Present State of
Virginia," published in 1722, gives the following description of the
edifice : —
The College, which looks due east, is double and is one hundred and thirty-
six feet long. At the north cntl runs Ijack a lung wing, which is a handsome hall,
answerable to whicli the Chapel is to be built. The building is beautiful and com-
» Hist. CoU. Am. Col. Ch., i., pp. 196, 197. - Dividing Line, i., pp. 74, 75. 'Hid.
THE COLLEGE AT WILLIAMSBURG AND PRESIDENT BLAIR. 125
modious, being first modelled by Sir Christopher Wren, adapted to the nature of the
country by the gentlemen there, and since it was Ijurnt down, it has been rebuilt,
nicely contrivoci and adorned by the ingenious direction of Governor Spotswood,
and is not altogether unlike Chelsea Hospital.
The college being fully equipped for its work, the transfer of cor-
porate rights contenipliited iu the charter was made to the faculty, and
the trustees became in form and in fact " the visitors and orovernors
of the College of William and ^lary
. ^~Xy in Virginia." The tirst entry in the
^fn /f^ /f f' jTsA / y-fjt^ oldest record book of the facidty
J J(,ll/fUi^ J^(l44/^r/U > begins with the pious invocation,
" IN NOMINE DEI, PATIilS, FILII ET
SPIRITUS sANCTi. AJiEN." Its presidents wci-c the Commissaries of the
Bishop of London till the war of Independence ; and the names of Dr.
James Blair, William Dawson, William Stith, the historian of Vir-
ginia, Thomas Dawson, AVilliam
Yates, James Horrocks, and John >-, ^
Camm, who tilled this honorable post ^^^'''^i-^-z ^^T^*-*"**- •'»-^-.
prior to the breaking out of the war, ^
have their place in a list which after
the war comprised two Bishops of Virginia, James INIadison and John
Johns. Thus closely connected with the Church was the nursery of
religion and learning from the first.
The chapel to which reference has been made, in the quotation from
Jones's description of the college buildings, was opened on Wednesday,
June 28, 1732. The President,
y Dr. James Blair, preached from
^^ ^ ^/-/.^ ^/^ tl^^ t^'-^t : "Train upachild in the
Z^ ^_J-— r2 wayheshouldgo,andwhenhe is
old he will not depart from it.
Prov. xxii. 6. At this time Will-
iamsburg was a copy of the Courtof St. James, the seat of the royal gov-
ernment and of learning. The culturing influences of the college were
felt throughout the colony. Its scholars became men of mark iu all
departments of letters and life. To Washington, William and Mary
gave, in his untried youth, the commission by which he bore the sur-
veyor's staft" into the trackless wilds of his native State, while the fiither
of his country gave back in turn to her the latest public services of his
honored and reflective age. She was the alma mater of Jefferson and
Monroe and Tyler, Presidents; of Marshall, Chief Justice ; of Peyton
Randolph, first President of the American Congress ; of Edmund Ean-
doli)h, who drew up the original draft of the Federal Constitution ; of
jNIadison, the first 1)isliop of Virginia, and of countless others, distin-
guished on the field, at the Ijar, as divines and men of letters. Her I'ecords
note the bestowal of academic honors on Benjamin Franklin, who received
the degree of A.M., conferred upon him in person on the 2d of April,
1756, — the first instance in which an honorary degree was given by the col-
lege. But the highest i)raise of this ancient institution of learning, second
alone in point of years to Harvard, is the testimony of Bishop Meade, the
historian of the Chuicli iu Virginia. " One thing is set forth in praise of
126 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
William and Mary which we delight to record ; namely, that the hopes
and designs of its founders and early benefactors in relation to its being
a nursery of pious ministers were not entirely disappointed. It is posi-
tively affimied by those most competent to speak that the best min-
isters in Virginia were those educated at the college and sent over to
England for ordination." The names of Indian students educated at
"Brafferton " appear in the list of alumni before the breaking out of the
war for Independence ; and in connection with the names of Boiling,
Bji'd, Carter, Harrison, Page, and Randolph, in the class graduated in
1776, are the suggestive names of Baubes, Gunn, and Sampson, who
were the last of the Ions' list of aborigines to receive the fruits of the
pious bounty of Robert Boyle.
ILLUSTRATIVE AOT) CRITICAL NOTES.
GEORGE SANDYS was of hi^h social connection in England, his father bein^
Archbishop of York and an elder brother being the Sir Edward Sandys refen-ed
to in the text as the ti'easurer of the Virginia Company. As Tyler, in his " History
of American Literature" (l., pp. 51-58), informs us, " Atthetime of his arrival in
America, George Sandys was foi"ty-foiu' years old, and was then well known as a
traveller in Eastern lands, as a scholar, as an admirable prose -RTiter, but especially
as a poet. His claim to the title of poet then rested chieily on his fine metrical
translation of the first five books of Ovid's Metamorphoses, the second edition of
which came fi-om the press in that very year (1621) in which the poet sailed away
to America in the retinue of Sir Francis Wyatt. This fragment was a specimen of
literaiy workmanship in many ways creditable. The rendering of the original is
faithful ; and though in some places the version labors under the burden of Latin
idioms and of mmiusical proper names, it often rises into fi'eedom and velocity
of movement, and into genuine sweetness, ease, and power. ' How gi'eat a pity,'
perhaps some of his readers thought in 1621, ' that a man of such gifts and ac-
complishments should banish himself to the savagery of the Virginia wilderness,
when, by staying at home, he might give us, in a version so pure and masterful,
the remaining ten books of the Metamorphoses ! ' But there was one great poet
then in England, Michael Drayton, who did not take so melancholy a view of the
departure of George Sandys for Virginia. He, too, wished the translation of Ovid
completed by that same deft and scholarly hand ; but he saw no reason why the
lamp of letters should not burn on the banks of the James river as well as on
those of the Thames. Therefore he addressed to his dear friend a poetical epistle,
in which he exhorts him to keep up his literary occupations, even in the rough
desert to which he had gone : —
" ' And, worthy George, by indastry and use,
Let's see what lines Virfrinia will produce;
Go on witli Ovid as you have be^uu
With the first five books ; let your numbers run
Glib as the former; so shall it live lon^^,
And do much honor to the Englisli tougue.
Eutice the Muses thither to repair;
Entreat them gently ; train them to that air —
For they from hence may thither have to fly.'^
" These exhortations were not wasted on the gentle poet. His vocation to the
high service of letters was too distinct to be set aside even by the privations of
pioneer life in Virginia and by the oppressive Uisks of his official position there.
And yet those privations and those tasks proved to be greater, as it chanced, than
' Drayton's Works, Anderson's cd., p. 642.
THE COLLEGE AT WILLIAMSBURG AND PRESIDENT BLAIR. 127
any human eye had foreseen ; for, only a few months after his arrival, namely, in
March, lG-22, came tliat frightful Lulian massacre of the white settlers along the
James river, which nearly annihilated the colony; which drove in panic into
Jamestown the survivors from tlie outlying settlements ; which turned the peaceful
plantations, just beginning to be jjrosperous, into an overcrowded camp of half-fed
but frenzied hunters, hunting only for red men with rifle (?) and blood-hound, and
henceforward for several years living only to exterminate them from the earth. It
was mider these circumstances, — the chief village thronged with the panic-struck and
helpless peopie, all industiy stopped, suspicions, fears, complaints fillino; the air,
his high oflicial position enbiiling upon him special cares and responsibilities, with-
out many books, %vithout a lettered atmosphere or the cheer of lettered men, — that
the poet was to pm'sue his gi'eat task if he was to piu-sue it at all. It is not much
to say that ordinaiy men would have suiTendered to circumstances such as these ;
George Sandys did not surrender to them ; and that he was able during the next few
years, robbing sleeji of its rights, to complete his noble ti'anslation of the fifteen
books of Ovid's Metamorphoses, is worthy of being chronicled among the heroisms
of authorship. It is probable that Sandys rotiu-ned to England in 1G25 ; at any
rate, in the year 1626 he brought out in London, in a folio volume, the first edition
of his finished work ; and in his dedication of it to King Charles, he made a touch-
ing reference to the disasters in Virginia from which he had only just escaped, and
to the great difficulties he had overcome in the composition of the book that he
thus laid at his sovereign's feet. He speaks of his translation as " This ....
piece learned by that imperfect light which was snatched from the hours of night
and repose. For the day was not mine, but dedicated to the service of your great
father, and yourself, which, had it proved as fortunate as faithful in me, and others
more wortliy, we had hoped, ere many j-ears had turned about, to have presented
you with a rich and well peopled kingdom, from whence now, with myself, I only
bring this composure : Inter victrices hedcram tibi serpere laurus. It needethmore
than a single denization, being a double stranger; sprang from the stock of the
ancient Romans, but bred in fSe New World, of the rudeness whereof it cannot but
participate, especially having wars and timiults to bring it to light mstead of the
muses.'
" This production, handed down to us in stately form through two centuries
and a half, is the very first expression of elaborate poetry, it is the first utterance
of the conscious literarj' spirit articulated in America. The writings which precede
the book in our literai-y histoi-y — the writings of Captain John Smith, of Percy,
of Sti-achey, of Whitaker, of Poiy — were all produced for some inmiediate
practical purpose, and not with any avowed literary intentions. This book may
well have for us a sort of sacredness as being the fii-st monument of Enrfish poetry,
of classical scholarship, and of deliberate literaiy art reared on these shores. And
when we open the book, and examine it wth reference to its merits, first, as a
faithful rendering of the Latin text, and, second, as a specimen _ of fluent,
idiomatic, and musical English poetiy, we find that in both particulars it is a work
that we may be proud to claim as, in some sense, our own, and to honor as the
morning star at once of poetry and scholarship in the New World.' "
Bishop Burnet, in his " Histoiy of his own Times," styles Commissary Blair
" a worthy and good man," and this eulogium cannot be gainsaid. His "voluminous
correspondence, fi-om which the tsvo interesting specimens in the text are quoted,
fills many pages of the first volume of the " Historical Collections of the Ameri-
can Colonial Chm-ch," edited by the author of this present work, and giving the
dooumentaiy histoiy of the Virginia Colonial Church. Bishop Jleado, in his " Old
Churches, Jlinisters, and Families of Virjjinia," gives frequent references to the life
and labors of this " worthy " of the Virginia Church ; and, in fact, the stoiy of our
ecclesiastical, educational, or literaiy annals, is incomplete without notices of this
eminent divine.
The difference between the commissarj' and Governor Nicholson gave rise to
a memorable controversy, which culminated in the preparation of chai-ges of malfea-
sance in oflicial duty and personal conduct, especially in the matter of his attach-
ment to Miss Bm-well, and his ill-treatment of the Rev. Stephen Fouace, whichwere
ti-ansmitted to England, and formed the indictment against him which occasioned
his recall. No little feeling was occasioned in the colony, as quite a number of the
clergy, with whom the commissaiy, a strict disciplinarian, was unpopular, espoused
the cause of the governor, who had also ingratiated himself with these disaflfected
clergymen, by taMng sides with them against the vestries. A convocation was sum-
128 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
moned, and the friends of the governor jirepared an answer to the charges made
by the commissai-y and the council. Their meeting was satirized in a balhxd, which
set forth the uiiclerical hilarity of the gathering, and depicted the participants in the
menymaking in most unfavorable colors.
This piquant brochure soon ajjpeared in London, and contributed towards the
downfall of the governor, whose supporters were represented in so disgraceful a
light. Although but six of the clerg}' espoused the side of the conimissaiy, while
seventeen ari'ayed themselves on the side of the governor, the integrity and indom-
itable energy and perseverance of Dr. Blair triumphed, and upon the complaint
signed by six of the council and the conmiissary, the governor \\as recalled in Au-
gust, 17U.5. After several years of active militaiy seiTice, tlie governor received
the honor of knighthood in 1720, and as governor of South Carolina, Sir Francis
Nicholson conducted himself so as to throw a lustre over the closing years of his
American career, lletm-ning to England in 1725 he died in March of the following
year. His character is summed u]) by Campbell, the historian of Virginia, as "brave,
and not pcnm'ious, but narrow and irascible ; of loose morality, yet a fervent sup-
porter ot the t'hurch." — llisiory, p. 369.
The efforts for the instruction of the Indians were productive of but little per-
manent results, though the names of a nui''iber of Indian students appear on the
catalogue of the College of William and Mary. In 175f there were seven scholars
at the Indian school. The name of one is foimd recorded as attending the college
in 17Gnt, another in 176.0, and two are enrolled in 17G9. One appears in 1771, two
in 1775, and three in 1770. At Christanna, there were at one time, according to
Jones's "Present state of Virginia," seventy-seven Indian children at school, and on
the removal of the master, ]^Ir. Charles Griffin, and his school to the college, there
continued, from year to year, a number of the natives under insti'uction. " These
children could all read," says Jones, " say their catechism and pi-ayers tolerably
well, but this pious Design being laid aside tlu'o' the Opposition of Trade and In-
terest, Mr. Griliin was removed to tlie College to teach the Indians instructed there
bj- the Benefaction of the Ilonouraljle Mr. Boyle. The Indians so loved and adored
him, that I have seen them hug him and lift him up in their arms, and fain would
have chosen him for a King of the Sapouy Nation." The success so evidently
attained at Christanna was not maintained at Williamsburg. In 1728, Col. William
Byrd, in the ' ' Westover Manuscrijits," laments the ' ' bad success ]\Ir. Boyle's cliarity
has hitherto had towards converting any of these poor heathens to Christianity."
"Many children of our neighboring Indians," he proceeds to say, "luive been
brought ujj in the College of William and JMary. They have been taught to read
and write, and have been carefully instructed in the pi'inciples of the Christian
religion, till thej' come to be men. Yet, after thej' returned home, instead of civili-
zing and converting the rest, they have immediately relapsed into intidelity and
barbarism themselves." This testimony is accoi'dant to that of the Rev. Hugh
Jones, who, at the same time, gives them credit for "admirable capacities, when
their humors and tempei's are perfectly understood."
CHAPTER VIII.
COMMISSARY BRAY AND THE BEGINNESTG OF THE CHURCH
EST MARYLAND.
PRIOE to the founding, on the 27th of March, 1634, of St. Mary's,
by the " Pilgrims of Maryland," under the leadership of Leonard
Calvert, or even the earlier landing on St. Clement's, and the
raising of the Cross after "Mass" had been said on "Lady-day," the
25th ilarch, and the formal occupancy of " Terra Mariae,^ in the Name
of the Saviour of the World, and the King of England," a settlement
had been made by Virginians and churchmen on the " Isle of Kent," on
the eastern side of the Chesapeake Bay, at the mouth of Chester river,
opposite the city of Annapolis. Here ministered the Rev. Richard
James, who, at the age of thirty-three years, embarked for Virginia in
August, 1635.^ But not only on the Isle of Kent were there church-
men. It is evident, from records and documents still existing, that a
large number of the " Pilgruiis of Maryland " were members of the
National Church of England, and, although no clergyman appears to
have been sent over to care for their souls, the ordinances of the re-
formed faith were not neglected, even at St. Mary's. A chapel was
erected, and the more zealous members of the reformed church met
from time to time for worship and the reading of sermons. In July,
1638, some "redemptioners,"* or servants of Captain Cornwaleys, a
member of the council, were in charge of a zealous Romanist named
William Lewis, in whose house they were quartered. Among the
number were Francis Gray and Robert Sedgrave. While reading aloud
from Henrie Smith's sermons, where the writer alludes to the Pope as
Anti-Christ, and to the Jesuits as Anti-Christian ministers, Lewis in-
terrupted them with the assertion " that it was a falsehood, and came
from the devil, as all lies did, and that he that writ it was an instru-
ment of the devil, and he would prove it, and that all Protestant min-
isters were of the devil," and forbade them reading any more. At the
request of Gray, Sedgrave drew up a petition, to be signed by the
Church of England members on the following Sunday, at the chapel,
couched in the following language : —
Beloved iu the Lord, etc. — This is to give you notice of the abuses and scan-
dalous reproaches which God and his ministers doe daily suffer by William Lewis,
of St. Maries, who saith that our ministers are the ministers of the divell, and that our
books are made by instruments of the divell ; and further saith, that those servants
'Named for Queen Henrietta Mavia, wife islandbyCSaibonie, between the yeara 1631-1636,
of Charles I. inclusive. — Allen's Maryland Toleration, p. 25.
2 N.E. Hist. Geneal. Register, xv., 144. Allen gives (pp. 29, 30) an interesting account
The Rev. Mr. James may not have been the fii'st, of Mi'. James.
and was not the only, raini^ler of the Church at ^ Settlei-s who had sold themselves for a
the Isle of Kent. In the depositions taken in term of yeara to pay the expenses of the voyage
Vii'ginia in 1640, " allowances for miuistei'S " are over,
sworn to as among the expenses incun-ed on the
130
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
which are under his charge shall keepe nor read any booke ■which doth appertaine
to our religion, within the house of the said William Lewis, to the great discomfort
of those poor bondmen, which are under liis subjection, especially in tliis heathen
country, where no godly minister is to teach and instruct ignorant people in the
grounds of religion. And as for people which cometh unto the said LeT^as, or other-
wise to passe the weeke, the said Lewis taketh occasion to call them into his cham-
ber, and there laboreth with all vehemency, craft, and sublety to delude ignorant
LOKD BALTIMORE.
persons. Therefore, we beseech you, brethren in our Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus,
that you who have power, that you vnU doe in what lieth in you to have these
absurd abuses and the rediculous crimes to be rcclaymed, and that God and his
Ministers may not be so heinously troden downe by such ignominious speeches:
and no doubt but he or they, which strive to uphold God's ministers and word, he
shalbe recompenced with eternall joy and felicity, to reigne in that etcrnall Iving-
dome, with Christ Jesus, under whoso banner we fight for evermore. (All which
words aforesaid, which hath been spoken against Wm. Lewis, the parties hereunder
written wilbe deposed when time and opportunity shalbe thought meete.) Chris-
BEGINNING OF THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND.
131
topher Carnoll, Ellis Beache, Ro. Sedgiave, and others which hereafter may be
brought forth.'
On the morning of the sixth Sunday after Trinity, July 1, 1638,
Lewis informed Capt. Coruwaleys that some of his servants liad pre-
pared a paper with a view of effecting a combination of the Church of
?^ 'Jf^n.ze
England men in a petition to Sir John Harvey and the Council of Vir-
ginia, for the arrest of himself, on the charge of having spoken dis-
respectfully of the clergy of the Establishment, and forbidden his
servants to read authorized productions of divines of the Eno-lish
Church. Secretary Lewger,- himself a convert to the Church of Rome
by the persuasions of his friend the celebrated William Chillingworth,
was sent for, and, as Sedgrave and Gray were passing the house on
their way to the cha{)ol, they were brought face to face with their
accuser. Sedgrave acknowledged the preparation of the paper which
be had given to Gray, with the purpose of communicating its contents
to some of the freemen, through whose intervention the redress of the.se
grievances was expected. At a formal investigation before the gov-
ernor and secretary the latter pronounced Lewis " guilty of an offensive
and indiscreete speech in calling the author of the I)ooke read in his
house an instrument of the divill ; and in calling Protestant ministers
the ministers of the divill ;" that he had exceeded his authority in for-
bidding the reading of " a book otherwise allowed and lawful to be
read by the State of^ England ; " adding, "and because these his ofl'ensive
speeches and other his unseasonable disputations in point of religion,
tended to the disturbance of the publique peace and quiett of the
colony, and were committed by him against a publique proclamation
sett forth to prohibite all such
disputes ; therefore he fined
him 500 weight of tobacco to
the Lord of the Province ;
and to remaine in the Sheriff's
custodie until 1 he found suffi-
cient sureties for his good be-
haviour in those kinds in time
to come."^ The Governor,
Leonard Calvert, concurred
wholly in this sentence with the Secretary, although both, and Coru-
waleys as well, were Roman Catholics themselves.
' Sti'ceter's Papers relatinf; to the Early or Lewgar, is found in Sti'eeter's Papers, quoteJ
Histoiy of Maiyland. Md. Hist. Soc. Fund above, pp. 218-276. Vide, also, pp. 147, 148.
Publication No. 9, pp. 212, 213. ' Ibid., p. 216.
- An interesting Memoir of Jobu Lewger,
/^
'dum/^a^v^t
132
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
in^^ %tu>Oi^^
»fc.*->-fi*ty ,
In 1642 a petition from the Chui-ch of England colonists, or the
"Protestant Catholics," as they stjded themselves, at St. Mary's,
was brought before the Assembly, complaining of Mr. Thomas
Gerard, a i^romiuent Eoman Catholic, for having taken away the key
and I'emoved the books
belonging to their chap-
el. Influential as was
the offender his station
failed to secure him from
being adjudged guilty of
a misdemeanor. Compelled to restore the key and books, and to re-
linquish all title to them and to the building itself, he was also amerced
a fine of 500 IJjs. of tobacco "towards the maintenance of the first
minister that should amve."^
The same year "the chapel /^ y^ yp
hmmisI''Zd hZ\dioZ ^^^^"T^-o- Cv^nn/alcui^
ing, was purchased " in the Cy
name and for the use of the
Lord Proprietary," for the sum of two hundred pounds sterUng ; but
Lord Baltimore refused to complete the purchase on the plea that
there "were certain mistakes in the business"** which he proposed to
rectify on his approaching
visit to the province. But
troubles with the Indians
and the political changes
at home, consequent upon
the overthrow of the mon-
archy, prevented or inter-
fered with the adjustment
of this matter, and we hear
nothing more of the " Prot-
estant Catholics" or their
chapel. In a few years the
p r o p r i etary government
was overthrown. Officers
were appointed of Protes-
tant, if not Puritan, pro-
clivities ; a large immigra-
tion from Virginia was
encouraged ; the principles
of religious toleration were
recognized by legislative
THE BALTIMORE ARMS.
enactments, and the pre-
ponderance of Romanists in positions of power or trust was gradually
overcome.
Years passed, and in the reestablishment of the monarchy and the
restoration of the authority of the Proprietary in Maryland we find but
' Stieetei'3 Papers, pp. 164, 165, 255, 256.
' lUd., pp. 183, 184.
BEGINNING OF THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND.
133
little mention of the Cliurch, though the records inform us that about the
year 1G50 the Rev. William Wilkinson, "clerk," fifty years of age, with
his wife and family and servants, arrived in the colony and engaged in
trade for his support. Notices of his officiating are to be found. It
CEOrL, SECOND LORD BALTIMORE.
would seem that Mr. Wilkinson was the fii'st resident clergyman of
the Church in the province, other than the ministers of Kent Island,
during Clayborne's rule, and prior to the landing of the "Maryland
Pilgrims." At length there appear to have been in the colon}^ in the
year 1G75 three clergymen of the Church of England, and a letter
from one of the number, the Rev. John Yeo, of Pautuxent, addressed
to Sheldon, then in the closing years of his primacy, was laid by
134 fflSTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Compton, Bishop of London, before the Committee of Plantations, and
is preserved in the State Paper Office. This letter is as follows : —
Most Reverend Father
Be pleased to pardon this presumption of mine in presenting to y°' serious
notice these rude and undigested lines, w* (with humble submission) are to ac-
quaint y Grace with y° tleploi-able estate and condition of the Province of Mary-
land, for want of an established Ministry. Here are in this Province ten or twelve
countys, and in them at least twenty thousand soules, and but three Protestant Min-
isters of us y' are conformable to y° doctrine and discipline of y° Church of Eng-
land. Others there are (I must confess) y' runne before they are sent, and pre-
tend they are Ministers of the Gospell, y' never had a legall call or ordination to
such an holy office, neither (indeed) are they qualified for it, being, for the most
part, such as never understood any thing of learning, and yet take upon them to
be dispencers of y' Word, and to administer y" Sacrament of Baptisme ; and sow
seeds of division amongst y° people, and no law jirovided for y° suppression of
such in this Province. Society here is in great necessitie of able and learned men
to confute the gainsayers, especially having soe many profest enemies as the Popish
Priests and Jesuits are, who are "incouraged and jn-OA-ided for. And y* Quaker
takes care and ijrovides for those y' are speakers in their conventicles, but noe care
is taken or provision made for the building up Christians in the Protestant Religion,
by means whereof not only many dayly fall away either to Popery, Quakerisme or
Phanaticisme, but also the Lord's Day is propiianed, religion despised, and all
notorious vices committed, so that it is become a Sodom of micleannesse and a pest-
house of iniquity. I doubt not but y" Grace will take it into consideration and do
y" utmost for our eternal wollfai'e ; and now is y" time y' y" Grace may be an in-
strument of a universall reformation with gi'eatest facillity. Cwcilius Lord Barron
Baltemore, and absolute Propriotor of Maryland, being dead, and Charles Lord
Barron Baltemore and our Governour being bound for England this year (as I am
informed) to receive a farther confirmation of y° Province from His INIajestie, at
w''' time, I doubt not, but y" Grace may soe prevaile with him as y' a maintenance
for a Protestant ministry may be established as well in this Province as in Virginia,
Barbados, and all other His Majestie's plantations in West Lidies, and then there
will be incouragement for able men to come amongst us, and y' some person may
Iiave power to examine all such ministers as shall be admitted into any county or
parish, in w' Diocis and by w' Bishop they were ordained, and to exhibit their Irs
of Orders to testiflo the same, as y' I think y° gencralitie of the people maybe
brought by degrees to a uniformitie, provided we had more ministers y' were truly
conformable to our Mother y° Church, and none but such suffered to preach
amongst us. As fur my own p' (God is my witness) I have done my utmost en-
deavour in order thereunto, and shall (by God's assistance), whiles I have a being
here, give manifest proof of mj' faithfull obedience to the Canons and Constitu-
tions of our sacred Mother.
Yet one thing cannot be obtained here, (viz.) Consecration of Churches and
Chui'ch-yards, to y" end y' Christians might be decently buried together, whereas
now they bury intho scvei'all plantations where they lived ; unless y" Grace thought
it sufficient to give a Dispensation to some pious Ministers (together with y° manner
and forme) to doe y° same. And confident I am y' you vrill not be wanting in any
thing y' may tend most to God's glorie and the good of the Cluirch, by w"' you
willengage thousands of soules to pray for y" Grace's everlasting happiness, but
especially y" most obedient Son and Servant.
JOHN YEO.>
Patuxant River, in Maryland, 25th day of May, 1676.
A letter from Archbishop Sheldon to the Bishop of London, Dr.
Henry Compton, requesting him to lay this letter and Lord Balti-
more's reply before the Committee of the Privy Council, is still ex-
tant. The proprietor had pleaded in his answer the impossibility of
applying an immediate or complete remedy to the evils complained of,
'Anderson's "Col. Ch.," ir., pp. 394-396.
BEGINNING OF THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. 135
the existence of which he does not appeal- to have attempted to deny.
The character of the statutes then in force and the incongruous opinions
of the members of an Assembly made up of Eomanists^ Independents,
and Quakers, as well as Churchmen, combined to prevent the adoption
of the measures desired for the church's relief. The four clergymen in
the province his lordship affirmed were " in possession of plantations
which ofi'ered them a decent subsistence." ' Already the majority of the
settlers in Maryland were Protestants, and in the very year in which
Yeo addressed the Archbishop of Canterbury Mr. Jeremiah Eaton de-
vised five hundred acres of land for the first Protestant minister settled
in Baltimore County,^ and during the following year another churchman
conveyed his personal estate to the corporation of St. Mary's " for the
maintenance of a protestant ministry from time to time among the
inhabitants of St. George's and Poplar Hill hundred."^ Besides the
correspondent of the archishop, there appear to have been in the
province, from the statement of Lord Baltimore, three other church cler-
gymen. One of them may have been the infamous John Coode, though it
is to be hoped that one so profligate and abandoned in life and so avowed
a disbeliever in religion, though at one time in holy orders, was not
included in this enumeration. A clergyman, whose name has not been
preserved, had been
sent over by King
Charles II., and
Wilkinson, of whom
we have spoken,
may have been still
alive. Yeo shortly
left the province,
and ofiiciated for a
time at Lewes in
Delaware. After a few years' absence he returned to Maryland, where
he died, in Baltimore County, about the year 1686. In 1681 an allow-
ance was made from the king's secret-service fund for the payment of
the passage of the Rev. Jonathan Sanders to Maryland, and there is
among the records in the State Paper Ofiice a recommendation of the
Rev. Ambrose Sanderson by the Privy Council, dated October 8th in
the same year, as a suitable minister for Maryland ; while two years
later the Rev. Duell Pead and the Rev. William Alullett were desig-
nated for service in the province. Sanders, after a little, removed to Vir-
ginia. Pead was a faithful clergyman in Maryland for a number of years ;
but of Sanderson and Mullet no trace has been found. In 1685, as
we learn from a letter addressed to the Archbishop of Canterbury, by
Mary Taney, the wife of the Sherifl' of Calvert County, and an ancestor
of the late distinguished Chief Justice of the United States of America,
there was no church clergyman residing in her neighboi'hood. In this
appeal from a Christian mother for the ministration of the W^ord
and sacraments, the words of the faithful Yeo, pleading for the set-
tler.s' souls, were echoed with no uncertain sound : —
» Mai-yland MSS., State Paper Office, quoted a Griffith's "Annals of Baltimore," p. 9.
by Anderson's " Col. Ch.," il., pp. 397, 398. 3 llawks's " Eccl. Contrib." Md., pp. 51, 62
136 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
May it please your Grace : —
. . . . Our want of a minister, and tlie many blessings our Saviour de-
signed us by them, is a misery, wMcli I and a numerous family, and many others
in Maryland, have gi'oaned under. We are seized with extreme hon'or when we
think, that for want of the Gospel om* children and posterity are in danger to be
condemned to infidelity or to apostasy. We do not question God's care of us, but
think your Grace, and the Right Reverend your Bishops, the proper insti-uments of
so great a blessing to us. AVe are not, I hope, so foreign to your jurisdiction, but
we may be owned your stray flock; however, the commission to go, and baptize,
and teach all nations is large enough .... I question not but that your Grace
is sensible, that without a temple it will be impracticable, neither can we expect a
minister to hold out, to ride ten miles in a morning, and before he can dine, ten
more, and from house to house, in hot weather, will dishearten a minister, if not
kill him.
Your Grace is so sensible of our sad condition, and forj'our place and piety's
sake, have so great an influence on our most religious and gracious King, that if I
had not your Grace's promise to depend upon I could not question your Grace's inter-
cession and prevailing. £500 or £000 for a church, with some encouragement for a
minister, will be exti-emely less charge, than honor, to his Majesty.
Our Church settled according to the Church of England, which is the sum of
our request, will prove a nursery of religion and loyalty through the whole Prov-
ince. But yom- Grace needs no arguments from me, but only this, it is in your power
to give us many happy opportunities to praise God for tliis and innumerable mercies,
ana to importmie His goodness to bless His Majesty, with along imd prosperous reign
over us, and long continue to your Grace, the great blessing of being an instrument
of goodness to his Church. And now that I may be no longer troublesome, I hum-
bly entreat your pardon for the well-meant zeal of
Your Grace's most obedient Servant,
MARY TANEY.
Accompauying this letter was a petition to the archbishop and
bishops, reciting that the province of Maryland was " without a church
or any settled ministry," and that the minister whom King Charles 11.
had sent (together with a " parcel of Bibles and other church books
of considerable value") was dead, and praying " that a certain parcel
of tobacco, of one hundred hogsheads or therealiouts, of the growth
or product of the said Province may be custom free, for and towards
the maintenance of an Orthodox Divine, at Calvert Town." To this
was added the request that their lordships, to whom the petition was ad-
dressed, would " contribute towards the building of a church at Calvert
Town." Shortly after this earnest petition was received, on the 29th
of September, 1695, an allowance was granted, from the secret-service
fund of the king, to defray the passage of the Rev. Paul Bertrand to
Maryland. The report of the clergyman, written in French, addressed
to the Bishop of London, under date of September 12, 1G89, is still
extant, describing the condition of religion in the ])rovince at that time.
A little later, among the host of "grievances" forwarded to King Will-
iam by a self-appointed convention, the outgrowth of the so-called
" Protestant Revolution," was the allegation that " this church, which,
by the charter, should be consecrated according to the ecclesiastical laws
of England, was converted to the use of popish idolatry." The revolu-
tion was successful. " The convention " meeting in 1689, and again in
1690, did not attempt to organize the government, but sought the in-
terference of the crown. In June, 1691, King William complied with
the popular -wish, and Maryland was constituted a royal colony. The
following year, on the arrival of the royal governor. Sir Lionel Copley,
BEGINNING OF THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. 137
the crown was finally recognized as the sole source of authority, the
Protestant religion was estalilished, and with it " the inviolability of the
fights and franchises of the church ; " the ten counties were divided into
thirty-one parishes ; the constitution of vestries was provided for, and
a poll-tax of forty pounds of tobacco was laid, as a fund for the build-
ing or repairing of churches, the support of the clergy, or other pious
uses. In July, 1694, Sir Francis Nicholson succeeded Copley. The
new governor was a liberal and devoted patron of the Church, hasty in
temper, utterly lacking in self-restraint, naturally imperious and arbi-
trary ; in demeanor, vain and conceited, and often tyrannical. There were
still many redeeming qualities in his character, which made him popular
among those over whom he bore rule, and secured for him the respect
and admiration of men of widely difiering ojnnions and beliefs. The
purse and pen of Nicholson were ever at the service of the Church.
More than a score of churches scattered throughout the colonies owed
in great part their existence to his encouragement and liberality. His
letters, man}' of which are still extant, manifest a solicitude for the
church's welfare, and a disposition to further her growth, quite unusual
among the correspondence of the times. While his foes were not
backward in blazoning his faults and in exposing to public gaze the in-
firmities of a temper far from perfect, his friends, in equal numbers
and with equal devotion, ascribed to him "every virtue under heaven."
Energetic, intelligent, refined and courtly in manners, and possessing
a statesman-like wisdom, he would have deserved welioftheChurch,ot
which he was so ardent a supporter, had his life been more in accord-
ance with her holy teachings.
At the coming of Governor Nicholson there were but three clergy-
men of the Church in the province. These three clergymen had, to
quote their own language in a representation to the Bishop of London,
"made a hard shift to live" "some time after they came" over, but
"did afterwards marry and maintain their families out of the planta-
tions they had with their cures."* These three representatives of the
Church had to contend with double their number of priests of the Church
of Rome. Half-a-dozen clergymen accompanied the governor on his
coming to the province, or were at once attracted by the new life of the
Church, consequent upon the favor of vice-regal authority. Eight
clergymen were speedily settled in the newly formed parishes, and at
Annapolis, which was made the t)rovincial capital in place of St. Mary's,
the governor began at once the erection of the only brick church in the
province. The establishment of a " free school " at the new capital of
Maryland was another result of the change in administration which thus,
in the language of the Council and House of Burgesses addressed to the
Bishop of London, sought "to make learning an handmaid to devo-
tion."^ Addressing the same source, I'ccognized by the House of
Burgesses as "our Diocesan," the clergy represented "the great and
urgent necessity of an ecclesiastical rule hei'c, invested with such ample
power and authority from your lordship as may capacitate him to re-
dress what is amiss, and to supply what is wanting in the church."^
■ Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Church, TV. (Maiy- - Ibid., ■p. 1.
land), p. 9. 'I/Ad., p. 12.
138 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
This prayer for more direct episcopal supervision, which M'as not new,
and which was heard continuously during the century just about to open,
till in the "upper room" at Aberdeen, nearly a hundred years later,
Samuel Seabury was made a bishop of the Church of God, was listened
to so flu- as to secure the appointment by the Bishop of London of a
commissary for Maryland. The choice fell on one most worthy of the
office, and most willing to undertake the work. Dr. Thomas Bray,
first commissary of Maryland, was born at Marton, in Shropshire, in
1656. Prepared for the University at Oswestry, he was entered at
Hart Hall in Oxford ; but narrowness of means required his removal
from college soon after he had commenced Bachelor of Arts. Enter-
inf upon the work of the ministry, his zeal and abilities commended
him to the notice of Lord Digby, from whom he received the living of
Sheldon. In this parish he prepared and published a series of Cate-
chetical Lectures, which, by their popularity and merit, won for the
author the notice and patronage of the highest dignitaries of the Church.
It was at this time that the Governor and Assemlily of Maryland had
unanimously agreed upon "a petitionary act" for the appointment and
support of a "superintendent, commissary, or suffragan," and had ad-
dressed the Bishop of London, Dr. Compton, with the request that he
would appoint and send to the province some experienced and unex-
ceptionable clergyman for this purpose. In April, 1696, the bishop
offered the appointment of commissary to Dr. Bray. In accepting tliis
post, which he did at no little social and pecuniary sacrifice, he made
as a condition the provision of parochial libraries for the ministers who
should be sent out to the province. It was by means of this provision
that he hoped to be able to secure from among the unbeneficed and
poorer clergy studious and sober men to undertal^e the service of the
Church in America. The wisdom of this plan was apparent. In the
library at Lambeth is still preserved a paper bearing the signatures of
Tenison, Archbishop of Canterbury ; and Sharp, Archbishop of York ;
of Compton, Bishop of London ; of Lloyd, Bishop of Lichfield ; of Still-
ingfleet, Bishop of Worcester ; of Patrick, Bishop of Ely ; and of
Moore, Bishop of Norwich, expressing the readiness of these eminent
divines and scholars to " contribute cheerfully towards these Parochial
Libraries," and adding the hope that "many pious persons, out of love
to religion and learning," would do the same. The wish thus expressed
was fully realized. Nor this alone. The indefiitigable commissary
spared neither labor nor time in securing mission-priests for the work of
the Church abroad. Detained for several years from visiting the prov-
ince under his spiritual charge he was by no means idle. Through his
exertion the number of the clergy was increased to sixteen ere he set
foot upon the soil of Maryland ; and besides other laljors of love and
devotion he formed the design of a Church of England "congregation,
pro fide propaganda by charter from the king." This design, out of
which grew within a few years the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts, was laid aside for a time, while the Iiusy brains
of its author were occupied in another scheme, M'hich, ere he left Eng-
land, took form in the establishment of the Society for Promoting
Christian Knowledge. The original sketch in manuscript, prepared by
BEGINNING OF TUE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. 139
ApodoVick Charity^
i TS
CONSIDER' D.
DISCOU KSE
Upon Da^H I a . y.
Preached at St. PmiI^, at the Oydjmtion
of hme Pmefunb D/liT/ondries to i>e fmb fntQ the
Tlcintdtiom.
To wh 'ich IS ^refaty
AOfmnt IVtmcf ilie En ^(iPa Colonies in A tv^tic^ Witk hejpc^f- to
"Ktbgion • 771 crdtr to Jlirh'vrliaJ; fyovtfonCs ^ofntrng^ar the Pro-
pagat.'ton of Ch.x\iti3^n.lt\j in tl-xf^ Parti.
Togethfr nt'tli Pfopop-Isjlr ?hi^ Praynotm^ rhe.fc*?7tc : And to induce
JuckoJ theCleyg:^ ij thisKhi^djo)iVj fwan-e P^rfons ofSoi^-irty a^id
Ab'llhi'iS to dccepc of a-M^fo-n
Ana To whi'cfi isfi'ibjoinii
7 h-i Authors CircitCar LdUr Ldijf'fni- to iluCUygyL-h^/i-t.
B^V.i)oma^^;iay, D.D.
LOJVD 0 Af,
Printed {qt WZ/Z/d./n/iaM'Sf a^ tfi-e S!g/i of rh^ "Kofi m LuS^atb
Sh-e-et, tO<:)()-
1 A copy of this exceedingly rare tract is in that the above f;ic-simile has been famished by
the library left by the late Bishop Whittinijham, the accompli.slied custodian of the libraiy, Jliss
of Mai-yland, to tlie diocese of which he was for Whittiu^^ham, of Baltimore, Md.
years the honored head. It is from this copy
140 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
the Maryland Commissary, detailing the plan of this now vener-
able organization, is still extant in the Library' of Sion College,
London ; and Dr. Bray was one of the five members who met
together for the first time, JMarch 8, 1G98-9, to inaugurate this noble
charity. On his return from his first visit to Maryland, charged with
important business for the IMaryland Church, the opportunity offered
for entering upon the department of labor eai'lier marked out, and the
unwearied commissary lost no time in soliciting and securing from the
king a charter for the incorporation of a society whose special duty
should be to propagate the gospel throughout the colonies and foreign
dependencies of the British empii'e. The influence of Tenison, Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, and Compton, Bishop of London, was exerted
in behalf of this application ; but nothing can take from Thomas Bray
the distinsjuishcd honor of beina; the originator and founder of the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Reaching
Maryland on the 12th of March, 1700, the commissary directed his
attention at the outset to the settlement and maintenance of the parochial
clergy. Convening the clergy on the western shore for consultation,
at a time when their assembling was feasible, the commissary then pro-
ceeded on a visitation, throughout the progi-ess of which he was received
by the community with every demonstration of respect and regard.
The result of his inquiries and observation was that but a twelfth of
the entire population were Romanists, and a similar proportion were
Quakers ; while almost the entire residue were at least nominal adherents
of the Establishment, including many of the leading families of the
province. That this was the case might be inferred from the unanimity
with which laws for the establishment of the Church had lieen again and
again adopted by the assembly.
When the assembly convened, and the question of the establishment
of the Church was under discussion, the course of the commissary was so
judicious and concihatorj'' that the formal thanks of the body were
tendered him, and the attorney-general ordered to advise with him in
preparing a draft of the bill desired. The act provided " that the Book
of Common Prayer and administration of the Sacraments, with the rites
and ceremonies of the Church, according to the use of the Church of
England, the Psalter and Psalms of David, and Morning and Evening
Prayer therein contained lie solemnly read, and by all and every min-
ister, or reader in every church or other place of pul)lic worship within
this province." The closing words of this clause proved fatal to the
approval of the act by the crown. To require the use of the common
pi'ayer " in every church or other place of public worship" in the prov-
ince was to deny all toleration to dissenters from tlu^ Establishment.
Upon the completion of this act of legislation, by the Legislature, the
commissary summoned all the clergy of the province to a visitation at
Annapolis, on Thursday, in Whitsun-week, the 23d of May. Seven-
teen clergymen answered to their names at the opening of the session,
to whom the commissary delivered a charge enforcing his views with
reference to catechising, preaching, and private ministerial insti'uction.
It was resolved by the clergy that they would preach to their respective
flocks a " scheme of divinity ; " that they would " more religiously
BEGINNING OF THE CHURCH IN MARVLAND. 141
observe the great festivals of the Chnrcli" by preaching "upon the sul)-
jects proper to such days : as at Christmas, upon Ihc Incarnation of tlio
Son of God ; on Good Frida,y, on tlic Death, Sufi'erings, and Satisfac-
tion of Christ ; on Easter-day, on the Resurrection ; and on Ascension-
day, upon (he Ascension of Christ into Heaven ; on Whitsunday, upon
the Divinity and Operations of the Holy Ghost ; and upon Trinity
Sunday, on the Doctrine of tlic Holy and ever Blessed Trinity."' The
nature and necessity of the sacrament of lioly baptism and the re-
moval of prejudice against the assumption of the sponsorial relation
were also to be made subjects of sermons, while profanencss and im-
morality were to be openly relinked from the pulpit. The maintenance
of discipline among the clergy was made a theme of discussion, and
deeds were added to words in a strict enforcement of the needed re-
forms in this matter. The case of a clergyman ^v'ho had lied to Virginia,
to escape the consequences of his misconduct, was brought before the
clergy, who united with the commissary in his effort to expose and
punish the offender. Nor was this the only evidence of a disposition
to maintain godly discipline. Solemnly addressing one of the assembled
clergy, the commissary charged him in open session with a grievous
crime, and assigned a time for the trial of the accused. In pressing
home upon the oflcnder the hcinousness of his guilt, the commissary
urged as an aggravation of the offence : "First, That it is done by a per-
son in Holy Orders ; Secondly, By a missionary (which, by the way,
my brcthi'en, should be a consideration of no small weight with all of
us) ; Thirdly, As to time, that this Scandal is given at a Juncture when
our Church here is weakest, and our friends seem to be fewest, and
our li^nemies strongest ; And lastly, as to place, it so happens that you
are seated in the midst of Papists, nay, within two miles of the Ciiief
amongst the numerous Priests at this time in the Province ; and who,
I am credibly informed by the most considerable Gentlemen in these
Parts, has made that advantage of your scandalous living that there
have been more perversions made to popery in that part of Maryland,
since your Polygamy has been the talk of the country, than in all the
time it has been an English colony."- Turning from these evidences
of the need of ejiiscopal restraint and oversight in this missionary
outpost of the Church, it is pleasing to find the story of this important
visitation closed with proofs of a zeal for Christ's Chui-ch on the com-
missary's part which knew no bounds. The same love for souls and
generous interest in, and care for, all who needed spiritual guidance,
leading the worthy commissary to send two of the clergy who applied
to him for work at the first instance, the one to Pennsylvania and the
other to North Carolina, induced him to propose that the Maryland
clergy, out of their penury, should contribute for the support of an
additional missionary among the Quakers in Pennsylvania. It hardly
need be added that the commissary's subscription was nearly equal to
that of all the others wliose names are appended to this first mission-
ary ofi'ering made in any portion of the American Church for carrying
the gospel to " unbelievers."
'The Acts of Dr. Biay's visitation, lield Appendix to Hawks's "Eccl. ConUibutions,"
at Annapolis, in JIaryland, May 23, 24, 2j, Anno Maryland.
1700. London ; 1700. Folio. Reprinted as an - Acta of Dr. Cray's Visitation.
142 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
The visitation closed witii the earnest and repeated request of the
clergy that the commissary would return to England to care for the
interests of the Church at home, Iiy securing fitting action with refer-
ence to the law establishing the Church, and to obtain a further supply
of clergy for the vacant cures. Though the journey was undertaken
at his own cost, and at the sacrifice of his commissarial stipend while
absent from his post. Dr. Bray acceded to the request of the clergy,
and, by his presence in England, was alile to defeat the machinations
of the Quakers and Romanists in opposition to the Church, and after
the present law had been refused the royal assent, to secure, at length,
the passage of a bill which, approved l^y the authorities at home, was
finally passed in Maryland, and confirmed by the king. The royal
assent was given in the following terms : " Have the Quakers the bene-
fit of a toleration ? Let the Established Church have an established
maintenance." It was during the discussion at home of the questions
involved in the passage of this act that the tireless commissary pub-
lished "A. Memorial Representing the Present State of Religion on the
Continent of North America." This important paper, by its timely
appearance and its careful presentation of facts, went far to awaken
the attention of earnest members of the establishment to the spiritual
wants of the American colonies. It described the needs of the Mary-
laud Church in detail. There were seventeen clergymen. Churches had
been erected in most of the parishes. These parishes were of large ex-
tent, and often but thinly inhabited. In these sparsely settled parishes
the livings would yield but £25 or £30 per annum, the payments being
made in tobacco, the staple article of produce in the province. In the
better class of parishes the clergyman's income was, at that time,
about £80, though a depreciation in values was apprehended in the
near future. Not more than a twelfth of the population were Roman-
ists, though the number of their priests had been largely increased.
The Quakers numbered about a tenth of the whole population, and
were far from wealthy, when compared with the members of the
establishment. At least forty mission-priests were required for Mary-
laud alone, and the commissary detailed at length the qualifica-
tions of head and heart that they should possess. " Common
men," he asserted, "the refuse of the clergy in England, would
not do for American missionaries." The clergjrmen required for
work in the colonies must be exemplary in their outward walk and
conversation : men of the world, prudent, experienced in pastoral
work and duty, and possessing " a (rue missionary spirit, having an
ardent zeal for God's glory and the salvation of men's souls." Strength,
learning, and youth were required for a work, the importance of which
could not be over-estimated. The fertile mind of the commissary de-
vised a scheme for the selection of missionaries and their support, and
although the plan thus originated was not literally carried out, the end
proposed was attained, through the agency of the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, which, on Dr. Bray's
petition, was incorporated by the king, and of which the commissary
was both the founder and a life-long friend. Of these exertions in
Maryland and at home he was at length, after expending the greater
BEGINNING OF THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. 143
part of his private fortune, constrained to say : "The expense as well
as fatigue had been insupportable. But as what has been hitherto
done does but let uie into the view of so much more which is still
wanting to propagate and maintain Christianity in those parts ; if any
efibrt of mine shall contribute anything to promote the design, I shall
oljtain an end, to accomplish which I could be content to sacrifice my
life, with the remainder of my small fortunes."^ The issue of circular
letters to the clergy, enforcing the subjects discussed and approved at
the recent visitation, occupied a portion of the commissary's time ;
but these official communications and subsequent eflbrts in the direction
of the appointment of others in his place poorly supplied the lack of
Bray's return to the Province of Maryland. It was in no spirit of
shrinking from duty that he remained at home, l)ut in deference to the
judgment of those, his superiors in tiie Church, who thought his in-
fluence would be more wisely exerted in England than in America.
His eflbrts to secure the blessings of the Episcopate for America ; ^ his
untiring interest in missionary work of every kind ; his connection with
charitable efforts for the education of the negroes, out of which grew
the chartered body known as the "Associates of Dr. Bray ; " and his
labor for the relief, release, and colonization in Americaof poor debtors,
from which the colony of Georgia took its origin, added to his literary
and clerical work, made up an honored and most useful life, the
memory of which is still fragrant, after the lapse of years. What
might not have been the story had the Church of England, instead of
retaining the devoted Bray in London, sent him back, not mei'ely with
commissarial, but with episcopal, powers, to win to Christ and his
Church the province and the people he so patiently served and so ably
vindicated !
In 1702 the law drawn up under the direction of Dr. Bray, and
approved in England, and then transmitted to Maryland to be enacted
by the Assembly there, was duly returned, and received the royal as-
sent. Then, at length, was the Church in Maryland established by
law. By the provisions of this act the "Book of Common Prayer" was
ordered to be read in all the churches of the establishment, and every
place of worship or congregation, for the maintenance of whose min-
isters a certain revenue or income was directed by law to be raised, was
to be deemed part of the established church. Every minister having
no other benefice, and "presented, inducted, or appointed" by the
governor, was to receive forty pounds of tobacco ]icr poll, out of
which he was to pay yearly a thousand pounds to the parish clerk.
For the prevention of " all illegal and unlawful marriages, not allowable
by the Church of England, but forbidden by the Table of Marriages,"
copies of the Table of Aflinity were to be set up in the churches ; jus-
tices and magistrates were forbidden to solemnize matrimony, and the
exaction of a fee of " five shillings sterling, and no more," was author-
ized, " provided such persons come to such parish church or chapel at
time oi' divine service, for solemnizing such marriages." The sherifls
• Intioilnction to Dr. Bi-ay's " Apostolic Char- in Slaiyland, with a proposal relatinff to his sup-
ity Consideretl," pp. 9, 10. port, and an account, also, how far the latter is
2Dr. Bray's " .Memorial, showing the neces- advanced," is printed in full in the "Hist. Coll.
sity of one to superintend the church and clergy Am. Col. Ch.,' IV., pp. 51, 52.
144 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
of the several counties were required to collect and pay over the min-
isterial tobacco to the incumbent of the cure. Select vestries, of at
least six members, were to be chosen for each parish by the free-
holders who " contribute to the public taxes and charges of the said
parish," the incumbent, being ex officio, "one of the vestry, and prin-
cipal" thereof. On the death or resignation of a vestryman the fi-ee-
holders supplied the vacancy, and on every Easter Monday two of the
vestry who had served the previous year retired, and two were chosen
to fill their places. Provision was made for a registrar of the vestry,
and " the true and fair registry " of the proceedings of the vestry, "and
of all Births, Marriages, and Burials (Negroes and Mulatoes excepted").
Record books were to be provided. Vestries were ordered to hold
monthly meetings under penalties for unexcused absences. Church-
wardens were to be appointed yearly, who were to take the oaths of
office, and to serve under penalty of fine. The church- wardens and
vestry were to provide for the "Parochial charges," and "all necessary
repairs," and improvements of churches, chapels, or church-yards, for
which purpose all fines and forfeitures were to be appropriated; and,
if required, rates were to be levied on the taxables of the parish, not
exceeding ten pounds of tol:)acco [ler poll in any one year, to be col-
lected by the sheritf, and paid over for the uses named. No clergyman
was to hold more than two livings, and the consent of both vestries was
necessary for the union of two. A " sober and discreet person " might
serve as hiy-i-eader in the case of there being no incumbent who should
be approved Ijy the Ordinary, and to whose use a portion of the min-
isterial tobacco might be applied. The licensed lay-reader, on taking
the oaths, was permitted to "read Divine Service, Homilies and such
other good authors of practical divinity as shall bo appointed." Eleven
o'clock A.M. of the first Tuesday in each month was appointed as the
time for vestry meetings. The vestry l)ooks and accounts were to be
open to inspection of the parishioners. The acts of toleration were
extended to Protestant dissenters and Quakers, provided that they
respectively conformed to the provisions of the acts, and their places
of meeting were certified to, and registered at, the county courts.'
Such was the nature of the " Establishment" in iMaiyland, under
which the Church existed, until the war for independence placed all
religious beliefs and organizations on the same footing, in the eyes of
the law. Some features of this carefully drawn act have survived the
dis-establishment of the Maryland C'luurli, and have I)ecome part and
parcel of the "conm:on law" of the American Church. A\'c owe a
debt of lasting gratitude to the life and public services of Dr. Thomas
Bray.
' Baton's " Laws of Maryland," 1702, Ch:ip. i. Hist. Coll. Am. Ch., iv., pp. 139-148.
BEGINNING OF THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. 145
CRITICAL AND ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES.
TO Maryland belongs the honor of having been the first government which pro-
claimed and put in practice the novelty of religious toleration. This grant of
religious freedom was secured by the
Charter given by Charles I., in lCa2,
to Cecilius, second Lord Baltimore.
It will be borne in mind that this Char-
ter, though given to a professed mem-
ber of the Roman C'alholie Church,
was granted by the head of the re-
formed Church of England, and that
the two references to religion, con-
tained in this important patent, were the exact phrases earlier used in the Avalon
grant, issued to Sir George Calvert, when he was still a member of the English
Coromunion. These references to religion in the Charter are found, in the first
instance, in the fourth section, giving the jn-oprietary the liberty of crectinc
churches, and the advowsons of all that should be built, and requiring the conse^
oration of the said
chm'ches according to
the ecclesiastical laws
of England ; and, in
the second place, the X ,/E^^ "y^ {'j
twenty-second section i ^ V /^^^^ y/^^yy y yy /^^ —
provided that no law ^^- ^ ^^ ^^^ ^^'^^^u^'^
should be made preju-
dicial to God's holy
and time Christian re-
ligion. The original
is as follows : Proviso
semper, quod nulla fiat inierpretatio, per quam sacra sancto Dei, et vera Clirisli-
ana reliyio . . . immutatione, prejudicio vel dispendio patianiur. Certainly
the holy service of God and the true Christian religion, as understood by the power
using these words to limit rights and privileges elsewhere conferred, could only
mean that which was held by the established Church of England. The very exor-
cise of the Romish faith at this time was conti'ary to law. The Charter, by this
somewhat vague proviso, secm-ed, though it by no means directly enjoined, tolera^
tion, and the "Protestant Catholics," as we have seen, were not slow in claimino'
the protection of law, in the exercise of their religious freedom, and the Romish
authorities were equally prompt in allowing and enforcing their claim of right.
The Assembly of 1G3D declared that the " Holy Chirrch within this Province
shall have her rights and liberties." A similar law was enacted the following year.
Each of these provisions is founded on the first clause of filagna Chaita, which
expresses the same idea, and applies, of course, to the Chm'ch of England. This
could not be otherwise in a legislative enactment, made by subjects of the English
crown, who were, by their vci-y common law of the kingdom, required to recognize
the establislmient as the national church. Besides, the continuity of the Church
of Engl.and as reformed, with the Church of England prior to the Reformation,
was asserted by the highest authorities of the realm, botli legislative and legal. In
these very references to " Holy Church," the church settlers of Maryland found
their rights protected and their religious faith acknowledged.
In April, 1649, the Assembly met under the new governor, William Stone.
The faith of the members of this body, which jjasscd " the first law securing religious
liberty that ever passed a legally constituted
legislature" (Narrative and Critical History
of America, ni., p. 534), has been a matter of
dispute ; but it is certain that out of the sixteen
members, including the governor, nine bur-
gesses and six councillors ; the governor, three
of the council, and at least two of the burgesses, were Protestant, while of the rest
the faith of two is doubtful. If the governor and council sat as a separate house,
as is probable, the claim of the Roman Catholics to the enactment of this law is
(jlji^a-TfL fhmi^
146
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
overthrown, and, in any event, the Romish element in the Assembly is not likely to
have been in majoi'ity. The words of this act, so far as it relates to toleration, are
as follows : —
" Wiiereas, the enforcing of the conscience in matters of religion hath fre-
quently fallen out to be of dangerous consequence in those commonwealths where
it hath been practiced, and for the more quiet and peaceable government of this
province, and the better to preserve mutual love and unitj' amongst the inhabitants
here "it was enacted that no person " professing to believe in Jesus Christ shall,
from henceforth, be any waies troubled, molested, or discountenanced for, or in
respect of, his or her religion, nor in the free exercise thereof within this province,
.... nor any way compelled to the beleefe or exercise of any other religion,
against his or her consent." By other sections of this act of toleration, blasphemy
and the denial of the divinity of Christ, or the Trinity, were made punishable with
death, and those using reproachful words concerning the Blessed Virgin or the
Apostles, or applying epithets to anj' one in matters of religion, were punished by a
fine, and in default thereof by whipjiing or imprisonment. It does not appear that
these penalties were ever inllicted, and they were tar less severe than those
attached to an aet of Parliament passed the year before for preventing the spread
of heresy and Ijlasphemy. Later, when the rule of the Commonwealth was
extended over Maryland, the Puritans, who had been welcomed to a liome bj'
Governor Stone in IGiO, when fugitives
fi'om penal laws in Virginia, exempted
the Romanists from the privilege of tol-
eration. On the restor.ation of the monar-
chy there was a I'eturu to the previous
state of things.
Following Chalmers, who was the
earliest historian of Maryland, the Assem-
bly of 1G49 has been generally regarded
as containing a Roman Catholic majority.
. Sebastian F. Streeter, in his " Marj--
L'.nd Two Hundred Years ago," claimed
that this Assembly was Protestant by
majority. This question was carefully
discussed by Mr. George Lynn-Lachl.an
Davis in his " Day Star of American
Freedom ; or. The Birth and Early Growth
of Toleration in the Province of I\Iary-
land ; " a work based on an examination
of wills, rent-rolls, and other records.
Dr. Richard McSherry, in an article
originally published in the " Southern
Review " and afterwards reprinted in his
" Essays and Lectures," attacked the
position of Streeter. The Rev. Edward D. Neill contributed an article on the rela-
tions of Protestants and Roman Catholics to the splint of toleration in his " Lord
Baltimore and Toleration in Maryland," printed in the '' Contemporary Review,"
September, 187G. The Rev. B. F. Brown has added a valuable contribution to the
discussion in his "Early Religious History of Maryland; Maryland not a Roman
Catholic Colony," 1876. The Rev. Dr. Ethan Allen, Historiographer of the Maiy-
land Church, in his "Who were the Early Settlers of Maryland?" published by
the Historical Society in 1805, shows that the vast miijority of the settlers from the
very first were Protestants. The lat(! John P. Kennedy, in his discourse on the
" Life and Character of the First Lord Baltimore," 1845, delivered before the His-
torical Society, maintained that toleration was in the Charter and not in the Act of
IGIO, and that as much honor was due to the king who granted this boon as to the
nobleman who received it. Reviewed in 1S4G, by Mr. B. U. Campbell, Mr. Kennedy
felt called upon to reply. In 1855 Dr. Ethan Allen jiublished in pamphlet form his
" Maryland Toleration," which had earlier appeared in the " Church Review," in
which he denied that ilarj'land was a Roman Catholic colony, and claimed that
protection to all faiths was guaranteed Viy the royal charter. The subject received
attention in the discussion between JMr. W. E. Gladstone and Cardinal Manning
concerning the Vatican decrees, in 1875. The cardinal had appealed to the tolera-
tion granted, as he assumed, by Roman Catholics in Maryland, to meet the charge
erh-
INDORSEMENT OF THE TOLERATION ACT.
BEGINNING OF THE CHUKCH IN MARYLAND.
147
AI.l, HALLOWS PAUISH CHUKCII, SNOW HILL, MAKYLAND.
of the premier that the Roman Church would, if it were in her power, enforce by
pains and penalties tlie acceptance of her creed. In his " Vaticanism " Mr. Glad-
stone replied, and in his reissue of his essay, under the title "Rome and the New-
est Fashions in Religion," reiterated his arguments. Numerous other puljlications
might be named, if it were worth while to attempt the bibliography of this interest-
ing subject. The notes to Chapter xiii. of the " Narrative and Critical History of
America," Vol. ui., pp. 5o3-662, and the chapter itself by W. T. Brantley, ibid.,
pp. 518-553, are full of valuable and important references to the whole subject of
the early histoiy of Maryland.
" The deplorable state antl condition of the Province of Maryland for want
of an established ministry," referred to by the Pautuxent priest, is shown by the
statements of the two Labadists, Jasper Dankers and Peter Sluyter, who visited
Mai-yland in 1080, and left on record their impressions of the religious condition
of the province as follows: "The lives of the planters in Maryland and Virginia
are very godless and profane. They listen neither to God nor his commandments,
and have neither church nor cloister. Sometimes there is some one who is called
a minister, who does not, as elsewhere, scr\-e in one place, for in all Virginia and
Maryland there is not a city or a village — but travels for profit, and for that pur-
pose visits the plantations through the country, and then addresses the people ; but
I know of no public assemblages being held in these places ; you hear often that
these ministers are worse than anybody else, yea, are an abomination." — Memoirs
of the Long Island Historical Society, I., p. 218.
Dickinson, a Quaker preacher, as quoted by Neill, in his " Founders of Mary-
land" (p. ITl'), under date of "8th 11 mo. ICyS, O.S.," writes from the Downs:
" Several priests were going over into Maryland, having heard that the government
had laid a tax of forty pounds of tobacco on each inhabitant for the advancement
of the priest's wages." These were, possibly, the clergy ordained at Saint Paul's
for the mission-work in America.
CHAPTER IX.
BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW YORK AND THE
MIDDLE COLONIES.
THE annals of the Church in New York begin with an amusing
episode. Hudson, who, in the "Half Moon," discovered the
island of Manhattan, was an Englishman and an English church-
man, and at the outset of his earliest voyage of discovery received
Jhe sacrament as his Viaticum;^ but the Dutch, in whose employ he
sailed, reaped the advantages of his discovery, and on the settlement of
New Netherlands the faith of
^ y . the National Church of Hol-
fl_J^^^ <TY M ''^^^ ^^® ^'''** introduced. At
-' the conquest of the colony by
the English, under Colonel
Richard NicoUs, in 1664, guarantees of liberty of conscience in "di-
vine worship and church discipline,"- thus including the rights of the
transplanted church, were granted to the vanquished.
Still the occupancy of the town l)y the English was followed by the
introduction of the Church of England Service, and as there was no
place of worship 1>ut the Dutch church within the fort, it was cordiall}'
arranged by the articles of capitulation, that after the Dutch had fin-
ished their use of the building, the chaplain of the British forces should
have the occupancy of the same. "This," says Brodhead, "was all
the footing that the English Episcopal Church had in New York for
more than thirty years." ^
Recaptured by the Dutch in 1673, and again surrendered to the
English the following year, it is to be noted that stipulations were made
by Governor Colve in his communications with Major Edmund Andros,
that the inhabitants " be allowed to retain their customary church privi-
leges in Divine Service and Church Discipline ; "to which Andros replied,
that " the usuall discipline of their church bee continued to them as
formerly.'' The pastor of the old Dutch Church in New York at this
time was Domine Wilhelmus Van Nieuwenhuyseu, who had been sent
out from Holland by the classis of Amsterdam, in 1671. In the ship
which brought Governor Andros from England there came a clergyman
who had both Dutch and English orders, Domine Nicolaus Van Rens-
selaer, a younger son of the tirst Patroon of Rensselaerswyck. Meet-
ing King Charles H., when the latter was in exile, at Brussels, and
predicting the restoration of the monarch to his hereditary rights and
iA;iderson's"Col. Cli.,"i., pp.343, 344. *Doc. Hist, of New York, Quart.) Eel., iii.,
'Brodhcad's "Hist of N.Y.," i., p. 762. p. 49.
■ Ihid; n., p. 44.
BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW YORK. 1411
throne, the doraine accompanied the kiug ou his return and served as
chaplain to the Dutch ambassador, Van Gogh, and afterwards as minis-
ter of the Dutch Church at Westminster and lecturer at St. Margaret's,
Lothbury, London. While in England he received both deacon's and
priest's orders at the hands of John Earle, Bishop of Salisbury, between
the years 1663-5, and sailed for America in company with Andros,
bearing a letter from the Duke of York recommending him, at his own
request, " to be minister of one of the Dutch churches in New York or
New Albany, when a vacancy shall happen."* The duke had provided
for a chaplain for the garrison at New York, with a stipend of £121
(5s. M. per annum, ^ and it is probable that a clergyman accompanied
Andros on this expedition ; but no record of the name of cither of these
is extant, nor is there mention of any other prior to the induction of
the Rev. Charles Wolley, in 1678.
Domine Van Rensselaer appears to have remained only a short time
in the city of New York, but proceeded soon after his arrival to his
father's colony at Albany, where, in accordance with the mandate of
the Duke of York and liy order of Governor Andros, he was subse-
quently inducted into the charge of the Dutch Church in that city as
associate with Domine Schaats.^ On Domine Van Rensselaer's propos-
ing to baptize some children in New York the pastor of the Collegiate
Church interposed with a peremptory refusal ; the matter reaching the
council, on Van Rensselaer's complaint, the Dutch minister, who had on
the street asserted that Van Rensselaer " was not ' a Lawfull minister,' nor
his admittance at Albany to be Lawfull,"^ stoutly maintained that "no
oney'onlyhadordersfi-om y'^ Church of Englandliad sufficient Authority
to be admitted a Minister here, to administer y" Sacraments without a
certificate " from the classis. The irregularity of the proceedings in
the induction of Van Rensselaer is evident from the fact that, instead of
claiming his right to baptize on the gi'ound of his ordination in Hol-
land, he produced his English letters of orders and certificates of his
ministering in London, together with the Duke of York's recommen-
dation to any vacancy either in New York or Albany. The question
before the council was " whether the ordination of y" Chui'ch of Eng-
land be not sufiicient qualification for a minister comporting himself
accordingly, to be admitted, officiate and administer y'^ Sacraments ac-
cording to y^ Constitution of y° Reformed Churches of Holland."^
Finally, though with evident reluctance, the Dutch domine, with his
elders and deacons, presented in writing the following amended answer,
with which all the parties litigant appeared to have been satisfied, to
wit: —
To the Noble, High, Hotiorabla Sir, the Major Edmund Andros, Qovemor-
Oeneral of all His Eoijal Highnesses' Territories in America : —
Noble, High, Honorable Sat. — A minister, according to the Order of the
Church of England lawiiilly called, is sufficiently qualified to be admitted to the
'N.Y. Col. Docs., III., p. 225. Brodheail's ■• O'Callaghau's "Doc. Hist, of N.Y.," in.
" Hist, of N.Y.," n., p. 272. pp. 526, 527.
= N.Y. Col. Docs., ni., p. 220. =Couueil Minutes in " Doc. Hist, of N.Y.,"
'BrodhcuXs "History of New Yorlv," II., III.,pp. 52G, 027. Munsell'a " Auualsof Alluiiy,"
p. 228. VI., pp. 67-74.
150 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
serving and administering of tlie Sacraments in a Dutch Congregation belong-
ing to His Majesty's Dominions, having promised to conduct himself in his servico
accordino; to the constitution of the ilelormed Church of Holland.
Noble, High, Honorable Sir,
Your Excellency's servants and subjects,
The Consistory of this City of New Yokk,
In the Name of All,
WILHELMUS VAN NIEWENHUYSEN,
Pastor.
New York, October 1, 1676.'
On the following day Van Rensselaer yielded the point in contro-
versy, by suliscribing the following agreement : —
I, the undersigned, have promised, and hereby promise, to conduct myself in
my Church service as Minister of Albany' and Rensselaerswyck according to the Low
Dutch Church, conformably to the public Church semce and discipline of the
Reformed Church of Holland, pursuant to that which I have solemnly promised in my
public installation before the wliole congregation of Albany, etc.
Done in the presence and view of Domine Wilhclmus Van Nieuwenhuysen,
minister of the Word of God within New York, and Jeronimus Ebbing, Elder, and
the Burgomaster Oloflf Stevensen Van Cortlandt.
NicoLAus Van Rensselaer,
Minister of the Word of Ood of New Albany and Rensselaerswyck.
New York, October 2, 1675.
The subject of all this controversy, a minister on whom the vows
of ordination seemed to rest but lightly, was shortly brought before the
court for " false preaching." On being imprisoned by the magistrates at
Albany for " some dul)ious words in his sermon or doctrine," the
court required accuser and accused to " forgive and forget." In 1677
Andros deposed Van Rensselaer from his ministry " on account of
his bad and scandalous life,"- and the following year he died.
It being evident that little good to the Church could be expected
from the services of the eccentric Van Rensselaer, on the retm'u of
Governor Andros to New York, in August, 1678, he was attended by
a Cambridge graduate, in holy or-
/^^^ >^/^^ d--; t|- l^ev. Charles Wolley, ap-
V_^ ' ^/^'^ pointed l)y the Uuke 01 lork, chaplain
of the forces at Fort James. The
handwriting of b.a. degree, place of worship was the chapel in
the fort, shared as it was for many
/~ P /^ /? 9^ /^ years with the Dutch minister and
/ f\a/TLli fl^ ^ ^'■- ^^ — his congregation, and, doubtless, the
\_y ^ })lace in which the Episcopally or-
dained Van Rensselaer was forljid-
hanhwriting in m.a. degree.^ den to minister the sacrament of
])aptism. Among the first acts of
the new incumbent was the compliance with the governor's " Brief"
' Hist. Ma?., IX., pp. 351-354. sizar, 13 June, 1670." He was mati-ifiUated a
'Bi-odhead, " Hist, of N.Y.," ii., p. 300. sizai' of Emmanuel Collcffe, ou the 9th of July,
= The signatures copied above are fi-om the 1G70. He took the B.A'. degree ia January,
" degree-hook" at the University of Cambridge, 1673-4, and proceeded JIaster of Arts iu July,
where, as we learn from the records, " Ch. Wol- 1677.
ley of Line." (Lincolnshire) was "admitted
BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW YORK.
151
of the 17th of August, 1G78, authorizing and requiring the collec-
tion of the chanty of the well-disposed towards the redemiition
of Jacob Leislcr, and several other inhal)itants of New York, who had
been taken captive by Turkish corsairs. The appeal was successful,
and the captives were speedily released from slavery. An interest-
ing, if not nattering, account of Mr. Wollcy's ministrations is furnished
us in the journal of two Dutch "Labadists,"^ Jasper Dankers and
Peter Sluyter, who had come from Wiewerd in Friecdand, to select in
the New World a site for the settlement of a colony of their people.
Shrewd and ol)serving men as these hunilde travellers were, their
quamt narrative of the church service at New York, on the 20tli Sunday
after Trinity, October 15, 1G79 (N. S.) is well worthy of reproduc-
tion in our pages: "15th. Sunday. We went at noon to-day, to
hear the English Minister, whose services took place after the Dutch
Church was out. There were not above twenty-five or thirty
people in the church. The first thing that occurred was the read-
ing of all their prayers and ceremonies out of the prayer-book, as
is done in all Episcopal Churches. A young man then went into the
pulpit and commenced preaching, who thought he was performing
wonders ; but he had a little book in his
hand out of which he read his sermon, which
was aliout a quarter of an hour or half an
hour long. With this the services were con-
cluded, at which we could not be suiBciently
astonished. This was all that happened
with us to-day."^ Peter Sluyter is reported
by Dankers, the writer of the journal, as
having attended the church service again
and again, with a view of "exercising him-
self in the English language." ■^ On the return
of these simple-minded enthusiasts to New
York they had occasion to call on the govern-
or, which they did on the afternoon of Palm
Sunday, about five o'clock, "who was still
engaged, at our coming, in the Common
Praijer; but as soon as it was finished he
came and spoke to us." ^
But, in spite of his use of "a little
book" in preaching and his failure to win the
praise of the critical Labadist missionaries.
Chaplain Wolle}^ is entitled to kind remem-
brance for a contribution to the literature of the time, which,
though encumbered with pedantry, and fuller of notices of the
savages than the European settlers, still .gives us valuable infor-
mation of the state of the city and province at the period of its
composition. "A Two Years' Journal in New York, and part of the
Territories in America," by C. W., A.M., published in London, in
1701, assures us with respect to his American home that it is "a place
' Followere of Jean De Labadie, a French ^ Thid., pp. ICO^ 164.
enthusiast. </Airf., p. 284."
= Lou;? Island Hist. Soc. Coll., 1., p. 148.
AKMS OF Sm FRANCIS
NICHOLSON, 1693.
152 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
of as sweet and agreeable air as ever I breathed in, and the inhabitants,
both English and Dutch, very civil and courteous, as I may speak by
experience, amongst whom I have often wished myself and family, to
whose tables I was frequently invited, and always concluded with a
generous bottle of Madeira." i The chaplain's kindly disposition is shown
by his paiiicipation in the eflbrt for the erection of the new Dutch
church, to which the governor, despite his churchly inclinings, con-
tributed liberally, and for which he applied the surphis moneys raised
in response to his brief in behalf of the captives in Turkey. Wolley
bore with him, on his return, the following attestation of his worth
and services : —
A Certificate to Mr. Charles Wolley to goe for England in the Hopewell.
S' Edmund Andros, Kn'., &c. Whereas M'. Charles Wolley (a Jlinister of the
Church of England) came over into these parts in the month of August, 1G78, and
hath officiated accordingly as Chaplaine under his Royall Highnesse during the
time of his abode here. Now upon applicagon for leave to return for England, in
order to some ])romo(;ou in the Church to which hee is presented, hee having
liberty to proceed on his voyage, These are to certify the above, and that the s^
M' Wolley hath in tliis place comported himselfe unblameable in his Life and Con-
versagon. In testimony whereot ' I have hereunto sett my hand and seal of the
Province in New Yorke, this lo" day of July, in the 32'' yeare of His Maj''" llaigne,
Annoq. Domine, 1680. Examined by mee, M. N. Sec'.^
It is possible that Chaplain Wolley returned to New York. In
the preface to his published journal he speaks of having been " taken
off, from the proper studies and ofEces of his Function, for his un-
prolitablenes ; "' and, whatever this may mean, the records of New
York show that "Charles Wooley " was admitted a freeman in 1702.
If this was the former chaplain, it is evident that he did not resume
the exercise of his ministry, and it is probable that death soon closed
his career.
Two years elapsed ere the vacant chaplaincy was filled. Andros
had been superseded by Colonel Thomas Dongau, who was a Roman
Catholic, and who arrived in New
York on Saturday, the 25th of Au-
gust, 1G83. Accompanying him was
an English Jesuit priest, Thomas Har-
vey, of London. In the same frigate,
the "Constant Warwick," and accom-
panying the new governor came the
Rev. Dr. John Gordon, who was commissioned as chaplain to the forces at
New York. Dr. Gordon remained but a short time with Iris charge, and,
on his return, the Rev. Josias Clarke received the appointment. INIr.
Clarke was commissioned on the 16th of June, 1(584, and his cer-
tificate, or " Letter-dimissory," on record at Albany, "• may be taken
to indicate the term of his service. This document bears date of
' A reprint of WoIIey's Journal was pub- Albany, xxxil.,p. 83. Contiibuted by Dr. O'Cal-
lishcd by W. Gowans, of New York, in 1860, laghan.intbc" IIist.Mag.,"i.,pp.;371,372. Wol-
with an'introduction by Dr. 0'Callan;han. ley's salaiy ceased October 6, 1683. Camden
' Vide Dr. O'Callagbau's Introduction to Soc. Secret Sci-vices. Charles II. and James II.,
WoUey's .Journal, p. 15, and Valentine's "Hist. p. 128. — Brodhead, ii., p. 375, note.
of New York," p. 377. ' N. Y'. Col. MSS., xxxni.
' General Entiies in Sec. of State Min.,
BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW YORK. 153
October 7, 1686. Mr. Clark's character and disposition may be in-
ferred from an incident occurring soon after bis arrival at bis post.
Among the emigrants brougbt from Scotland in tbc " Seaflovver " was
an entbusiast, named David Jameson, who, tbougb liberally educated,
had allied himself with a body of ranters, who abjured the various
creeds of Christendom and rejected as well the received version of the
Holy Scriptures. Having been examined before the Duke of York, at
Edinburgh, Jameson was condemned to transportation to America, and
Dr. George Lockhart, one of the proprietors of the " Seaflower," was
authorized to sell him as a " Redemptioner " to any one who would pay
the cost of his passage. With the humane and kindly impulses of a
Christian and a scholar, Clark, on the arrival of Jameson, promptly
paid the redemption money, which " the chief men of the place " at
once repaid to the charitable chaplain. The Scotch exile, thus saved
from slavery, found occupation and a livelihood as master in a Latin
school, for which jiosition he was well prepared.
While the Church was being quietly introduced into New York by
the services of the successive chaplains at Fort James, the crown had
passed into the hands of the Duke of York, who, as James II., was
seeking at home the tolera-
tion, if not the establish-
ment, of the Roman faith
he professed. When, at
length, it was the royal
pleasure to attend to the af-
fairs of the plantations, the
Church of England, rather
than that of Rome, seemed the object of the sovereign's concern and care.
The " Rose " frigate brought to Boston, with the hated Edward Ran-
dolph, both the order vacating the charter of the colony and the Rev.
Robert Ratclilfe, a clergyman recommended by the Bishop of London.
For the first time the service of the Church of England was regularly
celebrated iu the Town Hall of Boston, with Bibles and Service Books
provided by the Roman Catholic king. In place of Sewall, who had
controlled the press iu Massachusetts, Randolph became its censor.
Dudley and his associates quietly replaced the magistrates of the the-
ocracy, and while a baffled and defeated oligarchy sullenly mourned
the loss of authority, the new government entered into place and
power" with the general consent and applause of the people."^ The
" Instructions " to Andros and Dongan from the king were of similar
efiect.
You shall take especiall uare that God Almighty bee devoutly aud duely
sewed throughout yo'' Government ; the Book of Common Prayer, as it is now
establisht, read each Sunday and Holyday, and the Blessed Sacrament administered
according to the Rites of the Church of England. You shall be careful that the
Chm'ches already built there shall bee well and orderly kept and more built as j"
Colony shall, hj God's blessing, bee improved. And that besides a competent main-
tenance to bee assigned to y Minister of each Churoh, a convenient House bee
built at the comon charge for e;u;h minister, and a competent Proportion of Land
assigned him for a Glebe and e.xercise of his Industiy.
' Brodhead'g " New York," n., p. 445.
lo4 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUnCH.
And you are to take care that the Parishes bee so limited and settled as you
shall find most convenient for y^ accomplishing this good work.
Our will and pleasure is that noe minister Dee preferred by you to any
Ecclesiastical Benefice in that Our Province, without a certificat from ye Most Rever-
end the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury of his being conformable to y" Docti'ine
and Discipline of the Church of England, and of a good life and conversation.'
The " Instructions " proceed to give the governor the power of
removing scandalous incumbents. They provide that the ecclesiastical
jurisdiction of the primate should prevail throughout the province in
everything but collating to benefices, granting licenses for marriages,
and the probate of wills, which were made the prerogative of the
governor. The archbishop's license was also required for school-
masters. Tables of Affinity were ordered to be hung up in the churches
and copies of the Thirty-Nine Articles and the Homilies were to be
kept and used in the various parishes.
It is evident that, although the monarch was a papist, the policy
of the Commissioners of Plantations was that of the Establishment.
The restriction respecting school-masters appears to have been adopted
at the instance of Dr. Compton, Bishop of London, on the 15th day
of April, 1685, and is found in the instructions to Sir Philip Ploward,
as Governor of Jamaica, April 27, 1G85.** It was thus that the Church
of England was " established " in New York. A noticeable variation
from the usual form of these " Instructions " is seen in the mention
of the Primate of All England, as having jurisdiction in the colony,
instead of the Bishop of London. A measure of ecclesiastical authority
appears to have been designated by successive sovereigns to the in-
cumbent of the See of London from the early days of discovery and
colonization, when the zeal of the prelate filling that bishopric was
naturally excited in behalf of the adventurers setting forth for the New
World, from the docks and ship-yards of the Thames. Until as late as
1675 the Committee of the Plantations was doubtful as to the extent
of this power, and the bishop judged that his duties were merely
ministerial, "the plantations being no part of his diocese, nor had he
any authority to act there." After the accession of James the Second,
in April, 1685, Dr. Henry Compton, then filling the See of London,
was, at his own request, specially authorized by the king to exercise
" all ecclesiastical jurisdiction on the plantations," including the licens-
ing of school-masters going thither from England. In view of this
delegation of authority, the " Instructions " to the various colonial
governors, issued or approved by the crown, clearly recognized this
authority. But Dr. Compton incurred the displeasure of the king, by
opposing the abrogation of the Test Act, and was removed from the
Privy Council in 1686. It was on this account that the royal " Instruc-
tions " to Colonel Dongan ordered that the Archbishop of Canterbury,
and not the Bishop of London, should have jurisdiction in all ecclesi-
astical matters in the province of New York. Subsequently, with a
change of dynasty, there was a return to the old custom ; and, as in
the judgment of the attorney and solicitor-general, " the authority by
which the Bishops of London had acted in the Plantations was insuffi-
' New York Col. Doc, m., p. 372. ' BrodUead's " Hist, of New York," u., p. 454.
BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW YORK.
155
cient," as it had proceeded simply from the royal instructions, from
time to time, and, legally, the monarch could delegate his supreme
ecclesiastical jurisdiction only by his patent under the great seal,
such a patent was, in February, 1727, given to Bishop Edmund Gib-
son, and another in April of the following year.^ It is interesting to
note, in passing, that owing to differences arising between the arch-
bishop and the king, the superinteudency of Sancroft over the colonies
in ecclesiastical affairs was but short-lived, and the king ordered "that
the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the Plantations " should be exercised
by the Bishops of Durham, Eochester, and Peterboi'ough, who admin-
THE FOKT AND CHAPEL, OLD NEW YORK.
istered the See of London, in commission, during the suspension of
Comptou.^
In the humble chapel within Fort James, New York, the Rev.
Alexander Inues succeeded Mr. Clarke, as the "orthodox" chaplain
of the garrison. Mr. Innes's commission bears date of April 20,
1686.^ The population of New York was now about eighteen thousand,
and yet the straitened chapel of the fort was the only place of worship
possessed by the Establishment, and a garrison chaplain was the only
one in holy orders to minister the word and sacraments to the small
number of Englishmen who had come to this portion of the New
World. Colonel Dongan writes, in 1687, "here bee not many of the
Church of England;"* and states that for the "seven years last past,"
» Vide an interestintj foot-note in Bi'Otlliead'3
" Hist, of New York," u., p. 45(i.
'Jbid., n., pp. 456, 457.
' Book of Deeds, vnr., pp. 13, 31, 39, quoted
'N. Y. Col. Docs.," III., p. 415.
« N.Y. Col. Docs., m., p. 415.
156 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
there had not come over into the province "twenty English, Scotch,
or Irish familys."^ Still there was need of a church in New York, as
we learn from the same authority. " The Great Churcii which serves
both the English and the Dutcli is within the Fort which is found to
bee very inconvenient. Therefore I desire that there may bee an
order for their building another, ground Ijeing layd out for that pur-
pose and they wanting not money in Store where wth all to build it."^
The prevailing religious opinion of the inhabitants was " that of the
Dutch Calvinists." There were few Eoman Catholics ; abundance of
Quaker-preachers, men and women especially ; singing Quakers ;
ranting Quakers ; Sabbatarians ; Anti-Sabbatarians ; some Anabap-
tists ; "some Independents ; some Jews ; in short, of all sorts of opinion
there are some, and the most part, of none at all."^ The observing
governor reported that it was the endeavor of all " to bring up their
children and servants in that opinion which themselves profess ; but
this I observe that the.y take no care of the conversion of their slaves.
It was, so far as "the king's natural-born subjects" were concerned,
"a hard task to make them pay their ministers."^ This was the testi-
mony of a Romanist, who, under the instructions of a Roman Catholic
king, was busying himself in " establishing " the Church of England
in a province where the prevailing opinion was that of the Calvinists
of Holland. The fort that held the jointly occupied chapel, in which
the Dutch and English worshipped, liad also its Romish oi'atory, with
its altar and "images ;" and the "two Romish priests, Fathers Thomas
Harve}' and Heurj^ Harrison, that attended on Governor Dongan, said
mass thei'e, while one of the two, or else the third, of the number,
Charles Gage, taught the Latin school, which Jameson had relinquished,
and which Dongan sought to influence the monarch to endow with the
" King's Farm." * On his expeditions the governor was attended by
Chaplain Innes and Father Harrison, and, with characteristic impartial-
ity, while openly seeking to replace the French Jesuit Fathers, who were
Christianizing the Indians in the interest of France, Avith English mis-
sionaries who would labor in the interest of their own country, he re-
ports to his superiors at home that the French pi-iests " make religion
a stalking-horse to their pretence."®
The king was seeking to establish the supremacy of England in
the New World by opposing to the unity of the French in Canada
the consolidation, so far as was possible and needful, of all the North
American possessions of Great Britain under one vice-regal rule. To
this end Andros had unified the independent and often jarring
colonial governments of New England. The monarch next proposed
to add New York, and East and West Jersey, which had just been sur-
rendered by the Crown, to the " Dominion of New England," thus con-
solidating the colonies north of the fortieth degree of latitude with the
single exception of Pennsylvania. It would have been antecedently
proba))le that the chosen viceroy of James would have been Governor
Dongan. Of noble birth, a nephe\\' of Tyrconnell and heir-presumptive
1 N.Y. Col. Docs., III., p. 399. ' /in/., p. 415.
' Ibid., p. i\5. ■ '•Brodheacl, 11., p. 487.
a Hid. <^ IMil, p. 495.
BEGINNINGS OK THE CHUKCII IN NEW YORK.
157
it is no slight
to the Earl of Liiuerick, and, besides, an Msh Romanist,
proof of the astuteness of the king that, with these recomuiendations
to favor, Dongan was passed by, and Andros, a strong, uncompromising
churchman, conmiissioned Governor-General of His Majesty's whole
SIR EDMUND ANDROS.
" Territory and Dominion in New England." ' In the " Instructions "
given to the representative of the crown nothing appears about the
ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Canterbury or the
Bishop of London in the Anglo-American province. This had been
carefully provided for in June, 1686 ; but the "Defender of the Faith,"
the temporal head of the Church of England, was now seeking to
' Brodhe.id, II., p. 501.
158
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
bring about the subversion of the church he had sworn to protect.
The change of governor was not unacceptable, especially to those who
had been troubled at the influx of Papists in New York, "under the
smiles " of the governor. Domine Selyns wrote to the classis at
Amsterdam, with evident satisfaction and pride, that " Sir Edmund
Andros, Governor at Boston, and the like, and now stepped into
this government of New York and Jersey, — as such having charge
from Canada to Pennsylvania, — is of the Church of England ; and,
understanding and speaking the Low Dutch and French, he attends
service and Mr. Daille's preaching."' At the same time it would not
be fair to the superseded Dongan not to note the testimony borne to
him by the Puritan Hinckley, Governor of Plymouth, that he " showed
himself of a noble, praiseworthy mind and spirit, taking care that all
the people in each town do their duty in maintaining the minister of
the place, though himself of a diflering opinion from their way."^
Andros being called to Boston " to prevent a second Indian war,"
Francis Nicholson, his deputy, was left in command at New York.
Work was begun on the fort, where the artisans had
shown " great joy," on the arrival of Andros, be-
cause they were delivered from a "Papist Gov-
ernor," and had Nicholson as deputy at the fort,
whom they relied upon to " defend and establish
the true religion." The Eomish chapel and
" images " provided by Dongan were in danger ;
but Nicholson, animated by the same spirit that
had led his chief to respect the altar and emblems
of the faith of the Baron Castine on the coast of
Maine, ordered the workmen to assist the priest,
who had assumed the nom deplume of John Smith,
to remove the sacred emblems and furniture to a better room in the
fort, and to arrange everything for him "according to his will."
In the midst of the gradual settlement of State and Church in the
colonies news came of the fall of James, and the accession of Wilham
and Mary to the throne of England. In New York the dramatic epi-
sode of Leisler's usurpation and overthrow marked the change from
one dynasty to another. In the mass of papers still extant, relating
to Leisler and his administration, we catch occasional glimpses of the
Church and its representatives. Chaplain Innes was naturally accused
by the fanatical adherents of Leisler of being a Papist. •* An affidavit
was prepared, wherein Peter Godfrey and Henry Carmer deposed
" concerning the person and behaviour of the Minister Alexander Enis,
by outward pretence a Protestant, but in effect a meere Papist, whoe
deceitfully has provided him with a certificat of the Ministers of the
Dutch and French Church, as if he was a true Protestant." ^ Leisler
himself addressed the king and queen to the effect that"M^ Ennis, the
late English Minister, lately departed from the place with testimony
of the Dutch and French Ministers, has since been known to be of
opinion contrary to our religion, whereof I have testimony in good
AKMS OP ANDROS.
• Broelhead's N. Y., Q., pp. 515, 516.
= Ibid., II., p. 516.
•New York Col. Docs., lu., p. 610.
» Ibid., p. 630.
BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW YORK. 159
forme." ' Addressing the Bishop of Salisbury, Dr. Burnet, Leisler
.asserts that "one Francis Nicolson, Lieu'. Gov''," " together with M^
Innis the pretended protestant Minister, and their accomplices, sent to
England a formal submission to their Majesties Government notwith-
standing which in their Assembly they did continue praying for the
Prince of Wales, and that God would give K. James victory over his
enemies."^ Nor was this all. In examining Capt. McKenzie, who had
openly defied the usurper's authority, Leisler asserted that the accused
was " Popishly affected." The captain's answer cannot be better told
than in his own words : —
I answered tbiit is not true, I am as much a protestant as you or any man in
the country ; why, said he, have T not heard you call Father Smith ^ a very good
man ? Yes, replyed I, and so I do still ; he is a very good-humoured man, but I
never called him so because he was a Papist, and 1 was so far from haveing any
friendship for his principles that in all the six years I had known New YorkI never
so much as out of curiosity looked into their Chappell. He told me I kept with
D^ Innes, I went to hear him, and prayed with him and that he was a Papist. I
replyed, that is not ti'ue. He then told me that one had sworne it. I told him I will
not believe it if ten of them should sweare it, but not one word of your honour ■* all
the while, but after a great deal of their discourse which what I liked not I always
contradicted, he at last said I mi^ht call him wliat I pleased, he would Pray God
to bless me, and then I prayed God might bless him. in which holy sort of conipl em'
we continued a pretty while and at last said he would never do me any prejudice,
and I made answer after the same manner, and so was dismissed very civilly, which
I very much wonder at.
The lieutenant-governor and chaplain reached England before
Leisler's emissary arrived. The latter was at a further disadvantage
in view of the loss of the voluminous " packetts " which had been taken
by the French. This enabled the refugees, in Leisler's words, " not
only to show a fair face of so ill a cause, Init to render it in an other
shape than in truth it is." Foiled in his attempt to secure the royal
confirmation for his usurpation, mainly by the representations of
Nicholson and Innes,^ the reign of Leisler was shortly afterwards
ignominiously terminated. Colonel Sloughter received his " In-
structions" for his new appointment on the 31st of January, 1690.
The former orders respecting tlio Church \vere renewed.^ The Bishop
of London again appears as the Diocesan of the Colonial Church, certi-
fying ministers and licensing school-masters. Liberty of conscience
granted to all by King James was renewed Ijy his successors with the
exclusion of "papists." The "Book of Common Prayer" was to be
read and the " blessed Sacrament " administered according to the rites
of the Church of England in the province, which at the time these in-
structions were given had neither a clergyman nor a church. The
Church was thus " established " anew, so far as royal authority could
do it, among former subjects of Holland, by the Dutch Stadtholder as
King of England. Sloughter, on his arrival, made the establishment
of religion an object of special care. On the 18th of April, 1691, the
> New York Col. Docs., in., p. 616. cisi Nicholson. The whole is in "N.Y. Col.
Tbid., p. 655. Docs," nr., pp. 612-614.
" One of the Jesuit Fathers. '• Brodhcad's " Hist, of New York," ii., p.
* The letter of McKenzie, from which this 696.
extract is taken, was addiessed to Lt.-Gov. Fran- " New York Col. Does., ii., p. 688.
o
160 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Assembly, on the recommendation of the governor to introduce a " bill
for settling the Ministry and alloting a maintenance for them in each
respective City and Town within the Province, that consists of Forty
Families and upwards," instructed the attorney-general to prepare the
bill. The act, as reported on the 1st of May, was rejected,^ " as not
answering the intention of the House." The occasion of this action on
the part of the Assembly was, doubtless, that the draft, as reported by
the attorney-general, provided for the establishment of the Church of
England in conformity with the governor's " Instructions." The
death of Sloughter left the matter in alieyance.
On the 23d of August, 1692, the Assembly ordered that a bill be
drawn for the better observance of the Lord's day, and that each
respective town within the province have a minister or reader to
read divine service. On the arrival of Colonel Benjamin Fletcher,
with "Instructions" similar to those of his predecessor, the settle-
ment of the ministry and church was strongly urged by him upon
the attention of the Assembly. The House took up the matter with
evident reluctance, and the session came to u close without any satis-
factoiy action in the matter. A sharp rebuke from the governor
failed to secure any other result. On the coming together of the new
Assembly, in September, 1693, the governor, who was an ardent
churchman, so strongly urged action that the subject could not be
longer overlooked. A "Bill for settling the Ministry and raising a
Maintenance for them," was reported on the 19th, passed two readings,
and was referred. On the 21st it was adopted as amended, and trans-
mitted by the governor. The following day Colonel Fletcher and the
council returned the bill with a proposed amendment, requiring the
minister, when called by the wardens and vestry, to be presented to
the governor, agreeably to his insti'uctions, for approval and collation.
To this the House replied, " that they could not agree thereto, and pray
that it may pass without that amendment, having, in drawing up the
bill, due regard to the pious intent of settling a ministry for the
benefit of the people."^ The governor replied with warmth to this
very respectful, and, in view of the lack of clergy and churches of the
English communion, not unreasonable request ; and, although referring
to his right to collate to, or suspend from, any l)euefice the clergyman
who might be chosen, still signed the bill. This act of September 22,
1693, did not, however, in express terms establish the Church of
England. It provided that a good, sufficient Protestant minister, to
officiate and have the cure of souls, should be called, inducted, and
established within a year in the city and county of New York, one in
Richmond, two in Westchester, and the same number in Queen's ; that
New York and Westchester should each raise £100 for the maintenance
of their respective ministers ; that ten vestrymen and two church war-
dens should be annually chosen by all the freeholders, and that the
wardens should pay the ministers' stipend in quarterly instalments.
Under this act the Rev. John Miller, chaplain to the troops in the
fort, and the sole church clergyman in the colony, who had arrived
» Journals of the Assembly, quoted in " Hist. ' Smith's " Hist, of New York," I., p. 130.
Mag.," v., p. l.')4.
BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW YOliK. 161
the year of its passage, claimed, the following February, 1694, to be
inducted into the "living" of New york. In this view the governor
seems to have coincided ; but the council refused to allow the claim,
and Miller failed to secure recognition as the first minister of Trinity.
It is prolmble that Miller remained in New York until June, 1695,
when, "obliged by several weightj' motives," to return to England, he
was captured on his homeward voyage by a French privateer. He
destroyed his papers lest they " should have given intelligence to an
enemy to the ruiue of the province ; " but on his return he published
his recollections of his experiences in New York to testify his earnest
desire " to promote the glory of God, the service of his sovereign,
and the benefit of his country." These recollections, printed in
London, and dedicated to the Lord Bishop of London, contain the
assertion that, of the " several chaplains successive to one another,"
" some have not carried themselves as to Ije, and that deservedly, without
blame." Miller urged as a means for " the settlement and improvement
of religion and unity," the conversion of the Indians and the conquest of
Canada ; " that his Majesty will graciously please to send over a Bishop
to the Province of New York." The plan contemplated the charging the
bishop, who was to be a suflragan to the Bishop of London, with the
secular government of New York. Contributions for the building of
a church at New York were suggested. The revenue of the New
England Society for the conversion of the Indians was to be ex-
pended under the bishop's direction. The "King's Farm" was to be
assigned to him " for a seat for himself and successors ; which though
at present a very ordinary thing, yet will it admit of considerable
improvement." "Five or six sober young ministers, with Bibles and
Prayer Books, and other things convenient for churches," Avere to be
brought over with the bishop, who, with "these powers, qualifications,
and supplies, would, "in a short time (through God's assistance), be
able to make a great progi'ess in the settlement of religion and the
correction of vice."
While the quondam chaplain was thus planning and publishing his
visionary schemes for the introduction of bishops as pioneers of the
Church in America, the Assembly Act went into force, and wardens
and vestrymen were elected. In 1695, on the 12th of April, the five
church-wardens and vestrymen of New York applied to the Assembly
to know whether they could call a dissenting minister ; and the Assem-
bly gave it as their opinion that they could. In the meantime the
churchmen, under the encouragement of Governor Fletcher, began
to take steps to oi'ganize and build a church on ground they had se-
cured.^ On the 6th of May, 1697, Caleb Heathcote, and others,
"present managers of the afiairs of the Church of England in the Citty
of New York " petitioned the governor for a charter. This petition-
1 Vide " Petition foi- leave to parchase ground were The: Clarke, Robert Lui-ting, Jeremiah
for an Englisli Church in New Yorlt." — Doc. Tothiil, Caleb Heathcote, James Evetts, Will:
Hut. of New }'ori-, III., p. 407- The petitiouers Moms, Ebenez'Willsou, Will MeiTet,Ja.Emott,
asked a license " to purchase a small piece of R. Ashfield. License was also gi*auted by the
land lyeing without the north gate of the said governor for " the s^ managers " to collect funds
citty hehind the King's Garden and the buiyin^ for building the church. — Aid., p. 408.
place, and to hold the same on moitmain and - This petition is given in full in the " Doc.
thereon to build the said church." The signers Hist, of New York," HI., pp. 409, 410.
162 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
recites the action of the Assembly in 1693, that there shall be a " Prot-
estant minister to officiate and have the care of soules in the said city ; "
that there was then " no publick church or building " for " the publique
worship and service of God according to the Church of England ; "
and that the petitioners have " built a church and covered the same ; "
they, therefore, pray to be incorporated with the powers and privi-
leges usually appertaining to the churches of the Establishment, and
ask the application of the maintenance voted in the Act of the Assem-
bly of 1693, for their minister's support, and also that they may have
a grant of land near the church. This petition was granted by the
council, and it was ordered that a " warr' issue for the drawing of their
charter of incorporation, the quit-rent to be one pepper-corne as de-
sired."^ On the same day the governor issued a charter in the name
of the king which applied the Assembly Act of 1693 to the Church
of England, incorporated the wardens and vestrymen of Trinity,
granted the land prayed for, and constituted "the said Church, and
Cemetery, or Church-yard, situate, lying, and being within the said City
of New York as aforesaid " to " be the sole and only parish church,
and church-yard of our said city of New York." The charter then
proceeds: "And our Eoyal Pleasure is, and we, by these presents,
do declare That the said Rector of the said Parish Church, is a good,
sufficient Protestant Minister, according to the true Intent and Mean-
ing of the said Act of Assembly, made on the aforesaid Fifth Year
of our Reign, entitled 'An act for the settling of the Ministry, &c.,'
and as such we do further of our like special Grace, give, grant, ratify,
endow, appropriate and confirm unto the said Rector of the Parish
of Trinity Church, within our said City of New York, and his Suc-
cessors for ever, the aforesaid Yearly Maintenance of One Hundred
Pound, directed by the said Act of Assembly to be yearly laid, assessed
and paid unto the said sufficient Protestant Minister, for his Yearly
Maintenance, to HAVE AND TO HOLD the said Yearly ]\Iain-
tenance of One Hundred Pound aforesaid, unto him the said Rector
of the Parish of Trinity Church within our said City of Ne.w York,
and his Successors, to the sole and only proper Use, Benefit, and Be-
hoof of him the said Rector of the Parish of Trinity Church within
our said City of New York, and his Successors forever." ^ The rector
named in this " royal Charter " was the Bishop of London, Dr. Henry
Compton, son of the Earl of Northampton, and one of the leading
bishops of his time. It is even now a matter of surpi'ise that this act
of the royal governor, practically and effectually estalilishing the
Church in the City of New York against the evident intention and will
of the assembly, should have been carried through without eliciting a
protest or even occasioning surprise. By the tacit consent of the
governor, and evidently without questioning on the part of those con-
cerned, the church-wardens and vestrymen to be elected by the free-
holders of the city in accordance with the provision of the Act of the
Assembly of 1693 were superseded by, and found their powers vested
1 Council MiQutes, quoted in " Doc. Hist, of - The Cliartei- of Trinity Churcli in the city
New York," iii., p. 410. of New York, 1788, pp. 17, 18.
BEGINNINGS Ob' THK CHURCH IN NEW YORK. 163
in, the church-wardens and vestrymen of Trinity Church, elected by
those in communion with the Church of England alone.
At the time of the Rev. John Miller's chaplaincy in New York
there was "at Hampstead, in Queen's County," as minister, a "^li'.
164 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOP^VX CHURCH.
Vesey," a graduate of Harvard College, in 1693, "without auy
orders." If we ma}' believe Lord Bellomout, Vesey, who was a native
of Massachusetts, was the son of a Jacobite, who had been pilloried at
Boston for his adherence to the cause of the House of Stuart. Called,
as it would appear by the church-wardens and vestrymen of New
York, under the Assembly's interpretation of the act of 1693, per-
mitting their choice of a dissenting minister, Mr. Vesey, who was a
popular preacher of the day, was induced, probably by the influence
of the governor, to conform to the Church of England. He went
to Boston, and on the 26th of July, 1696, the observing annalist,
Sewall, records : " Mr. Vesey preached at the Church of England ; had
manj' auditors. He was spoken to preach for Mr. Willard ; but am
told this will procure him a discharge." This was while he was still
" without any orders," to quote Chaplain Miller's phrase. He received
the Holy Communion at the King's Chapel in Boston, and on the
granting of the royal charter to Trinity Church, the vestrj' " having
read a certificate, under the hand of the Rev. Mr. Samuel Myles,
Minister of the Church of England in Boston, in New England, and
Mr. Gyles Dyer, and Mr. Benjamin Mountfort, church-wardens of the
said church, of the learning and education, and of the pious, sober,
and religious behavior and conversation of Mr. AYilliam Vesey, and
of his often being a communicant — the receiving of the most holy
sacrament — in said church," called him " to officiate and have the
cure of souls in New York."^ He went to England for orders in
1697, and then began a useful and honored ministry in New York, ex-
tending for nearly a half century. Keith, in his journal, tells us that
Vesey "was very much esteemed and loved, both for his ministry and
good life." For many years he was the commissary of the Bishop
of London, and throughout a life of active service of the cause and
Church of Christ he lived without reproach.
The erection of a church at New York called forth the benefac-
tions of many pious and distinguished churchmen on both sides of the
ocean. The great Bible and other books were given by Governor
Fletcher. The Bishop of London sent over l)y the Earl of Bellomont
"a parcel of books of divinity." "Paving stones" were given by the
Lord Bishop of Bristol. Lord Cornburj' bestowed "a black cloth pall
on condition that no person dying and belonging to Forte Ann should
be deny'd the use thereof, gratis." His Lordship also presented the
prayei'-books and the first part of his aucestoi-s' history of the Great
Rebellion. The " communion plate and furniture " was secured through
the Bishop of London, and among the first purchases ordered by the
vestry were " two surplices and ten common prayer-books for Trinity
Church."
Thus was the Church introduced into the province, and from this
beginning there was at once a rapid development. Early in the
following century we have " a summary account of the state of the
Church in the province of New York, as it was laid before the clergy
convened October 5, 1704, at New York, by the appointment of His
' Foote's "Annals of Kinjr's Cliapel," i., p. 120.
BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW YORK. 1G5
Excellency Edward Lord Cornl)ury and Colonel Francis Nicholson,'
which we append to the chapter as indicating the strides made i)y the
Church under the favoring influences of the Royal governor and others
high in station and influence.
The history of Old Trinity, and incidentally the annals of the prog-
ress of the Church in New York, will be given elsewhere. We turn
to notice the introduction of the Church into New Jersey.
In the year 1700 Colonel Lewis Morris addressed a memorial
to the authorities at home " concerning the state of religion in the
Jerseys." "The pi'ovince of East Jersey has in it ten towns, viz. :
Middletown, Freehold, Amboy, Piscataway, and Woodbridge, Eliza-
beth Town, Newark, Aquechenonck and Bergen ; and I judge in the whole
province there may l)c about eight thousand souls. These towns are
not like the towns in England, the houses built close together on a
small spot of ground, but they include large portions of the country
of from four, live, eight, ten, twelve, fifteen miles in length, and as
much in breadth. . . . These towns and the whole province was peo-
pled mostly from the adjacent colonies of New York and New England,
and generally by persons of very narrow fortunes, andsuchas could not
well subsist in the places they left. And if such persons could brino-
any religion with them it was that of the country they came from."
At Elizabeth Town and Newark there were "some few Churchmen."
Perth Amboy, " the capital city, was settled from Europe, and we have
made a shift to patch up the old ruinous [court] house and make a church
of it, and when all the Churchmen of the province are got together we
make up about twelve communicants." In Freehold was a Keithian
Congregation, " most endurable to the Church." In West Jersey the
number of Quakers had " much decreased since Mr. Keith left them.
In Pennsylvania, which was " settled by people of all languages and
religions of Europe," "the Church of England gains ground; "and
" most of the Quakers that came out with Mr. Keith are come over to
it." "The youth of that country are like those in the neighboring
Provinces, very debauch' and ignorant." The measures suggested by
Colonel Mon-is " for bringing o\er to the Church the people in the
Countrys," were the appointment of no one "but a pious Churchman " as
governor, and confining, if possible, the membership of the council and
magistracy to churchmen ; the granting of " some peculiar privilege
above others " to churchmen by act of Parliament ; the adoption of
measures " to get ministers to preach gratis in America for some time
till there be sufficient number of converts to bear the charge ; " and,
finally, the restriction of the gi'eat benefices for a number of years to " such
as shall oblige themselves to preach three years gratis in America." " By
this means," concludes the colonel. " we shall have the greatest and best
men, and in human probability such men must, in a short time, make
• There is yet one generous Patron and bene- these pai-ts, nor contributed so universally towards
factor to V' whole infant church in North y" erection of Chi'istian Synagogues in different
America, t'were a crime to forget or conceal; and distant plantations in America. — An Account
we mean the Hon"" Col' Fran. Nicholson, Esq'., of the Ilistorij of the Building of St. Paul's
whose liberahty to this and other chinches on Church, Chester, "Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Ch.,"
this main desci-vcs y highest encomium. We u , pp. 79, 80.
may safely say no man parted more freely w"" his ^N. J. MSS. 1700.
money tn promote the interest of the Church in
166 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
ii wonderful progress iu the conversion of those Countries, especially
when it's perceived the good of souls is the only motive in the under-
taking."
Keith, for whose coming Colonel Morris has expressed the wish,
held his first service as a mission-priest of the Church of England at
Amboy, in East Jersey, October 4.' "The Auditory was small,"
writes Keith, " but such as were there were well effected ; some of
them, of my former acquaintances, and others who had been formerly
Quakers but had come over to the Church, particularly 3Iiles Forster,
and John Barclay (Brother to Robert Barclay, who published the
Apology for the Quakers) ." Keith preached on the following Sunday,
October 10, at Toponemes in Freehold, and a week later at Middle-
ton, and on numerous Sundays at Shrewsbury, and at Burlington.
On the Sunday after Christmas, December 27, he again ofiiciated at
Shrewsbury. On the Feast of the Circumcision he was at Freehold,
where he remained over the second Sunday after Christmas. On the
First Sunday after the Epiphany he preached at Burlington, and admin-
istered Holy Baptism. On the thirteenth Sunday after Trinity, Au-
gust 13, on his retui'u from the southward, Keith " preached at the
New Church at Burlington, on 2 Sam. xxiii. 34." Lord Cornbury
was present. " It was the first sermon that was preached in that
Church." On the sixteenth Sunday after Trinity, September 12,
Keith was again at Burlington, and on the following Wednesday
preached at the house of "Will Hewlins in West Jersey." In Sep-
tember, October, and Novemlier he was again at Burlington, Shrews-
bury, and Amboy, preaching, disputing, and baptizing. The last
Sunday in Advent, Christmas day, the Sunday following the feast
of St. John the Evangelist, and twice in the same week besides, and on
the first Sunday in the year 1703. he was still busied in his ministerial
and priestly work in the Jerseys. At the close of January, and the
beginning of February, and, in fact, during much of the winter and
spring, his labors were continued, and many converts to the Church
from Quakerism were the results of the eflbrts of this able and per-
sistent " Missioner." In connection with the labors of Keith, we note
the services of the Rev. Alexander Innes, who officiated in the Jerseys
prior to Keith's coming, and the Rev. John Talbot, who accompanied
the Quaker convert, and became the apostle of the New Jersey Church.
The labors of these three men, wrote Colonel ilorris, in the summer
of 1 703 - had " broughtover to the Church so many persons "' as to render
the appointment of a missionary to Monmouth advisable. In 1705 the
excellent and amiable John Brooke was at Elizabeth Town and Amboy.
A year later this devoted priest was officiating "at seven places, viz. :
Elizabeth Town, Rahway, Amboy, Cheesequakc, Piscataway, Rocky
Hill, and a congregation near Page's, in Freehold." His cure was fifty
miles in length.^ In 1707 the Rev. Thoroughgood Moor, who had
come to Burlington, was silenced by the governor '' for refusing the
'On the eighteenth Sunday aftci- Ti-inity. *In view of his tieatracnt of the clergy,
In the printed journal (p. 30 of the Reprint in it is intcrestiu": to read the following refcrenee
the Prot. Epis. Hist. Coll., i.) the date is incor- to the governor from one who was certainly well
rectly given Octoher 3. informed: "Lord Cornbury comes upon the
' N..T. MSS., 1703. ■ /JiJ., p. 70G. church favor; hut Whig principles, .as people
BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW YORK. 167
sacrament to the Lieutenant-Governor Ingolsby, who was a notorious
evil-doer, and was afterwards imprisoned at Fort Anne in New York.
Through the Ivind offices of the Rev. Mr. Broolie he contrived to
escape from confinement, and taking passage for England was never
heard of more. Brooke died suddenly in 1707, well meriting Talbot's
eulogium, who tells us that he was as " able and dilligent a missioner as
ever came over." Theliev. Edward Vaughau succeeded the lamented
IJrooliu, and for thirty-eight yeai's carried on the work his predecessor
had begun with singular faithfulness and success. Year after year his
JVotitia parochialis attested more abundant labor and a constant
advance.
In 1711 the Rev. Thomas Halliday was associated with Mr.
Vaughan in the parish which had grown too great for a single priest.
Still Vaughan labored on untiringly in the faithful exercise of his " sac-
erdotal function, which God had been pleased to crown with success."
It is from the testimony of his people, addressed to the Society in 1717,
that we may learn to estimate the character and excellence of the
worthy mission-priest. That testimony is as follows : —
We esteem ourselves happy under his pastoral care, and have a thorough
persuasion of mind that the Church of Christ is now planted among us in its purity.
Mr. Vaughan hath to the great comfort and edification of our families, in these dark
and distant regions of the world, prosecuted the duties of his holy calling with the
utmost application and diligence ; adorned his behavior with an exemplary life and
convers.ation ; and so behaved himself with all due prudence and fidelity, sliewing
uncorruptness, gravity, sincerity, and sound speech, that they who are of the con-
trary part have no evil thing to say of him.'
This good man died in 1747, and in his decease the Church lost one
most happily suited to the times in which he lived, and the work to
which he was called. In private life he was exemplary, and possessed
of every excellence. In his public, ministrations he was sensible, ear-
nest, and even elotjuent, while his rendering of the offices of the
Church, especially his administration of the holy communion, was
marked by great solemnity and feeling. His life and labors were
long and gratefully rememljered among the people to whom he had
ministered. The immediate successor of Vaughan was Thomas Brad-
bury Chandler, a graduate of Yale (College, an honorary Master of
Arts and Doctor in Divinity of Oxford, and the first Bishop-designate
of Nova Scotia. Dr. Chandler was one of the foremost men among
the American clergy, and by his life and writings did good service to
the cause of Christ's church. Untiring zeal in his mission labors
marked a career that deserved, as it received, from an attached people
and a grateful Cluiicli, every possible acknowledgment of approval
and honor. The patient and painstaking examination which the young
student of Yale had made of the grounds of difference between the
Independents, among whom he had sprung up, and the Church ; and
the whole-hearted adhesion he had given in fovor of the side he es-
talk. Pray desire Governor Hamilton and our ' Humphrey's Historical Account of the
folks to cany a good correspondence with hira." Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign
William Penu to James Logan, Nov. 4, 1707. Paits.
— Penn and Logan Correspondence, i., p. 75.
1G8 HISTORY OF THK AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
poused, made him, from the start, an able and zealous defender of the
church's position and claims. His mind, which was far-seeing, led him
to forecast the results of the refusal of the authorities at home to listen
to the prayer of the American churchmen, for the full exercise of their
religion ; and he sought, with patient effort, and by calm, dispassionate
reasoning, to convince the American public of the true nature of the
relief sought for in the church's liohalf. His " Appeal to the Public,"
and his defence of his first essay, are models of polemical writing, and
cannot fail, when read at this day, at least, to excite a feeling of wonder
at the iiTational opposition raised by fanatical and partisan leaders
against a measure so free from oljjection. At the breaking out of
the struggle for independence Dr. Chandler disapproved of the
measures of Parliament which had provoked the animosity of the
colonists, while he was far from approving the last resort, so persist-
ently urged by the New England patriots, of an appeal to arms. He
succeeded in commanding the respect of both parties, and in securing
comparative immunity from the Avrath and persecution to which so
many of his brethren were exposed ; and, after the war, this gi'eat man
not only obtained for his views and suggestions great weight in the
early councils of the American Church during the period of its organi-
zation, but he also had from the British government the proffer of the
first colonial episcopate. Cheered during his long and useful ministry
by abundant tokens of appreciation and success, it is from one of his
reports to the society that we can best learn the condition of the
Church in the province, just preceding the breaking out of the war. In
1770 lie writes to the society : —
Tlie Church in this Province makes a more respectable appearance than it
ever did till very lately, thanks to the venerable Society, without whose charitable
interposition there would not have been one Episcopal congregation among us. They
have now no less than eleven Missionaries in this district, none of whom are blame-
able in their conduct, and some of them are eminently useful. Instead of the small
buildings out of repair in which our congregations used to assemble twenty years
ago, we have now several that make a handsome appearance, particularly at Bur-
lington, Shrewsbury, New Brunswick, and Newark, and all the rest are in good re-
pair : and the congregations, in general appear to be as much improved as the
chm'ches they assemble in.
Eeturuing to notice the labors of the other missionaries in New
Jersey, we need only refer to the long and honored work done by the
apostolic Talbot at Burlington, interrupted and finally terminated by the
colonial authorities, who feared that this poor old man, disaffected
with the govermnent, and not without reason, and alread}' tottering on
the brink of the grave, might, in working for Christ and the Church, do
harm to the established dynasty across the sea. While this good and
faithful soldier of Christ Jesus was for three years barred out of the
church he had founded and had enriched from his scant means, Burling-
ton was left to the ministrations of a faithful catechist. In 17 26 the
service of the Rev. John Holbrook from Salem, New Jersey, was
temporarily secured. He was followed, in 1727, by the Rev. Nathaniel
Horwood, and he in turn, in 1730, by the Rev. Robert Weyman. But
few notices of the administration of these men have come down to us.
BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW YORK. 1G9
yet enough remains to prove that, though not equal to the great-hearted
Tall)ot, they were at least f'aitlit'ul and earnest in l)uilding on the
foundations so broadly laid by their predecessors. In 1737 the Ilev.
Colin Campljcll succeeded "Wcyman, pursuing a ministry of twenty-
nine years at Burlington and Mount Holly with most gratifying suc-
cess. The Rev. Jonathan Odcll succeeded Campl)e]l, and for nine
years labored assiduously in the held already ripe for the harvest.
The rebuilding and enlargement of St. Mary's Church during his
incumbency attest the growth of the congregation to which he minis-
tered ; and his firm refusal to receive the ofl'crings of his people for his
own use, while any indebtedness remained on the church, bears witness
to his own self-forgetfulness and devotion to the interests of the
Churih. But the opening of the war interrupted the relations of pastor
and people in their ancient faith, and the tory clergyman who had
ventured to put his political sentiments in verse was soon driven by
the indignant rebels within the lines of the enemy. Another New
Jei'sey missionary, the Rev. Michael Houdiu, of Trenton, had left an
important post which had been assigned to him in the Romish Com-
munion, that of Superior of a Canadian Convent, and had conformed
to the Church of England, laboring with no little zeal and success to
build up the church to which he had from deep convictions attached
himself.
But no notice of the New Jersey missionaries or mission work
would be complete without a reference to the Rev. Thomas Thompson,
a fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge, who " out of pure zeal to be-
come a missionary in the cause of Christ," as the journal of the vener-
able society l)ears record, resigned the prospect of preferment and
position at home to labor for live years as a devoted mission-priest in
Monmouth County, New Jersey. At the expiration of this term of
faithful service he resigned, only to give his services to another and
even less inviting field of labor. It is to Thomas Thompson, the New
Jersey missioner, that the honor is due of being the first missionary of
tile Church to Africa. Having left his post in New Jersey in 1751, he
landed on the coast of Guinea, under appointment as travelling mis-
sionary of the society among the negroes. Here he lived and labored
in his self-denying work till illness drove him from his post ; but
enough had been done to prove that, in this consecration of himself to a
work so uncongenial and so full of danger, he had entered upon it
" in a firm reliance on the good providence of God, whose grace is
abundantly sufficient to perfect strength in weakness by his blessing
on our poor endeavors." Thompson's published account of his two
missionary voyages on the African coast is the first contribution from
this land to the literature qf the foreign missionary work.
It is with the name of Thomas Thompson, the first foreign mis-
sionary to Africa, who learned his lesson of self-consecration on our
own shores, and only (ixchanged the one field of lal)or for another, that
we may fittingly close our references to the planting of the Church in
the middle colonies. If the eflbrts for the spread of the gospel in the
Church in these portions of America had produced but the self-deny-
ing labors and brilliant successes of Talbot and Thompson, it would
170 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
have been enough. Gratefully do we recall the fact that we owe to-
day not a little to these worthy men, and to those who labored with
them in the church's cause. They were righteous, and they shall be
held in everlasting remembrance.
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES.
FROM the archives at Lambeth pahvce we append the earliest document on file '
refeiTing to this ancient parish : —
May 22°^ 1699.
May it Please Your Orace,
The English nation for above Thirty years had been posses' of these countreys,
without any place for public worship of Almighty God in this Citty except the Chap-
pell in the Fort built by the Dutch and till lately that they built another Alterna-
tively used by both Nations for the Exercise of their Religion. So that tho' the
English grew numerous, the Government in their hands, and the national laws took
place, yet for want of a Temple for the Public Worshij), according to the English
church, this seemed rather like a conquer'd Forrain province held liy the Terrour of
a GaiTison tlian an English Collony Possest and settled by people of our own Nation.
That which for so many yeai's had only been Wisht for without any reason-
able hopes or Expectation of effecting Coll" Fletcher, l^y liis gi'eat Zeal, Generous
Liberality and Indefatigable Industiy in the latter part of liis Government brought
so far to perfection, tliat Ijefore his departure he was divers times present (to his
own and the Gi^neral Satisfaction of the lovers of the English (_'hurch anil Nation)
at the Puljlic Worship of God, in an English Chui'cli of whicli (if we must not say
that he was the Sole Founder), it is an offence to Truth and Injustice to him not
to affirm that he was the principal promoter, and most Liljeral Benefactor to it, and
that without him to this day it never had had a Being. As it owed its begining to
that Gentleman, so we must acknowledge its growth and increase is not a little In-
debt to M'. Vesey our present Minister who by liis good parts and learning ex-
emplary life, and inoffensive conversation gives a reputation to his function and has
brought many into the Bosom of the Church. So farr as this, the suliject of wliich
we write to your Grace is Extreani Agrealjle and pleasing, and it is our imexpresible
griefe that we are forc'd to offer anything of a contrary Natiu'e.
Tlie fair character comon Fame gave our present Governor Bellemont filled us
with hopes of enjoying a large share of Prosperity mider his conduct and in Par-
ticular that the English church might have Flourished imder his Administration,
but Experience has Undeeeiv'd us and we lind our selves under all the discourage-
ments Imaginable. Whether this our unhappiness proceeds from tlie Irreconcile-
able aversion this Noble man has to our late Gov' Coll" Fletcher who gave birtli to
this Church from his own inward principle, or other causes, we will not presume to
Determine, but this we are too well assured of, or at least our ideas make us apjire-
hensive, that Notliing less than the destruction of this fair beginning is Intended.
Not to trouble your grace with many other instances this follo^ning gives us abun-
dant ground for our belief. Coll" Fletcher Towards the Finishing of this Church, gave
aleaseforseven
years of a small
Farm(usually a
perquisitetothe
Gov")Rendring
the usual Rent,
which was £12
per ann", and
the highest it
ADTOGRAPH OP GOVERNOR FLETCHEK. ever before had
been let for.
The former Tenant's Term, expiring this Spring (when the lease to tlie Church
begins) The Church Wardens at an action, lett the Farm to him who pub-
' New York MSS., i., pp. 1-t.
BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN KEW YORK. 171
licly bid most for it, which was tiventy-five pounds for the ensuing year, but the
Tenant coming to enter upon it, has been kejjt out by the Earl's ovder, who con-
tinually exclaims at this lease, as if the Sacred Pah-imony has been most IIoiTibly
Invaded, when indeed had it been leased to the meanest clown at the same rent, it had
pass'd in all probability miregarded. It is not credible that such a Trille as Thirteen
poimds p' ami, which is all the advantage can be made of it, can so much concern
his excellency, but a further design must be at the bottom off which we have too
many indications, and were tliis manner of dealing fi-om a Profcst enemy of the
Chm'ch it were natural and what Kationally, might have attended. But being the actions
of a Person (Lately) a constant hearer and usual communicant it's more surprising.
We humbly lay this matter to your Gracious Consideration, earnestly beseech-
ing your Grace, as we are part of that Church and Nation over which (Jod, in a
most eminent station has placed you, we may bo safe under your protection, and
that this hopeful Foundation of an English Protestant Church in these Parts of the
world, may Receive no Mischiefs from those whose duty oblige them, to give it
assistance and further its welfare.
To prescribe methods we can lay no claim to but humbly submit all to your
Grace's Piety and Wisdom, not donbting but the Almighty God, will inspire you to
take such Measures as will be for his own Glory and his Churches' good to the
disappointment of its enemys. For the effecting of which we heartily imislore both
your prayers and endeavours, being in all duty,
May it please your Grace,
Your Grace's most obedient, dutiful, and most humble Servants, the churches
Wardens and Vestry of Trinity Church, in New York.
RICHARD WILLET,
W. NICOLE,
DAVID JAIUSON,
THO. WENHAM,
ROB^. LURTLNG,
JEREMIAH TOTHILL.
EBENEZER WILSON,
W". HUDDLESTONE,
VV". ANDERSON,
LANCASTER SYMES,
JAS. GINOTT,
WILL. MORRIS,
THO^ BURROUGHS.
The account laid before the clergy convened in New York in October, 1704,
gives us in full the stoiy of the Church's introduction and jjrogress on every
side : —
In this province are ten Counties. First New York, in which there is an
Englisli church, called and known by the name of Trinity church, already built,
and the steeple raised to a considerable height by the vokmtary contrilnitions of
several persons, a full account whereof has been given in a former scheme to my
Lord of Loudon. The Rector of the church is maintained by a tax levied upon all
the Inhabitants of the City, amounting to £100, one hundred whereof is entailed
forever upon the incumbent for the time being, and sixty is added by the intluence
of his Excellency the Governor, and an Act of the General Assembly, during tlie
life and residence of the present incumbent, Mr. 'William Vesey. And for his
further encouragement, his Excellency out of liis great goodness, hath ordered in
Council, twenty-six pound per annum to be paid out of the Revenue for the Rent
of the house of the said Incumbent. His Excellency hath also, by a law incorpo-
rated the Rector and all the inhabitants of this City of New York, that are in com-
munion with the C^hurch of England, as by law established, by which they and
their successors are vested with siuiilry rights and privileges; particularly the
said law hath enacted that the patronage and advowson of the said Church, and
right of presentation after the death of the present Incumbent or ujiou the next
avoidance, shall forever tliereafter belong and appertain to the Church Wardens
and ^\•stry men of the said Church in communion with the Churcli of England,
whicli before was in the Vestry chosen by all the Inhabitants of the said City. This
privilege established the Churcli upon a sure and lasting foundation.
172 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Benefactions ov Teinity Church or New Yokk.
The Right Honorable & Right Rev'' Father in God, the Lord Bishop of Lon-
don hath given a bell to said Church, value £G0. His Excellency has also veiy lib-
erally conti'ibuted to the said Church, and beside used his interest to promote the
same. A sum of about three himdred jjoirnds formerly collected in the province of
New York for the Redemption of some captives in Algiers. In a Brief tor collect-
ing the said sum, it is jjrovided that in case the Redemption or Death of the said
Captives shall happen before the amval of the said sum in Holland, that then it
shall be disjjosed of to such uses as are mentioned in the said Brief. The Slaves
being either dead or redeemed before the money was ti-ansmitted, his Excellency in
Council hath assigned the said simi for the finishing of the steeple of Tilnity Chui'ch.
His Excellency, the Governor, taking into his consideration the gi'cat charges the
parishioners have been, and are still at in raising the Edifice and Steeple to that per-
fection tliey designed it, hath been graciously pleased to recommend to her JMajesty
the Queen, that it may please her Slajesty to bestow a farm within the boimds of
the said City, Imown by the name of the lung's fami to the use and benefit of the
said Chm-ch, designed by his Lordship for a Garden, and a house to be built for the
said Incumbent. His Lordship has been pleased to encourage Religion, and dis-
countenace Vice in the said Province by Proclamation, and has used his utmost en-
deavours to promote the Public Worship of God, and ti'ain up Youth in the docti'ine
& discipline of the Church of England, particularly in the City of New York, and
hath conti'ibuted to the bvukling of a French Church, and since the death of the late
Minister of the French Congregation, resolves to use his interest to introduce a
French JNIinister that shall have Episcopal Ordination and conform to the Constitu-
tion of the Church. His Lordship hath been also highly instriunental in enacting a
law for establishing a Latin free School, and to endow it with a salary of fifty jDovmd
per aimum, to which station his Lordship hath prefen-ed the ingenious Jlr.
George Miurson, who for some time discharged that fmiction with approbation and
success. Two other schools are likewise established in tliis City by his Excellency's
care, and by tliese and other means, the Church daily incrcaseth, and it is hoped,
if God pleases to continue his Excellency in the Administi'ation of this Government,
this Chm'ch is in a fair way of becoming the gi'catest Cougi-egation upon the Conti-
nent. We are willing wtli much submission to represent to the Honorable Society,
how that excellent design of theirs, in supplying us with a Catechist might have
their pious endeavors better served, if instead of the pious and deserving Tslr. Elias
Neau who was brought up a Merchant and in good business, the worthy and ingen-
ious Mr. IMuirson, who is now going for England in the hopes of being admitted
into Holy Orders, were appointed for that purpose. Mv. William Vesey might be
assisted by him, and for his encouragement has promised lum Thirty pounds ])er
Annum at his Amval, being sensible how much this place aboimds with Indian
Slaves and Negroes. This is the state of the Chm'ch in the City of New York.
WILL. VESEY,
Hector of New Fork.
Long Island.
In Long Island, in the Provinceof New York, are three counties, viz.. King's,
Queen's and Suftblk county. King's county, consisting of four Dutch congregations,
supplied formerly by one Dutch minister, Init now without any, by the deatli of the
late Incumbent, they are sometimes supplied by the Rev. ]\Ir. Vesey, where he finds
all tlie English and some of the Dutch well aflected to the Church of England. A
minister sent by tlie society to that County, with some encouragement for a main-
tenance to preach and be a school-master, would be a great instrument of bringing
the youth and others to the Chm-ch.
WM. VESEY.
In Queen's Comity, consisting of five towns divided into two parishes, and en-
dowed with £C0 pounds of New York money per annum, each parish paid by a tax
levied on all the inhabitants of the County by Act of General Assembly.
Jamaica.
The parish of Jamaica, in said County, consists of three towns, — Jamaica,
New Tow-n, and Flushing. In the town of Jamaica there is a church of stone, Imilt
by a tax levied on the inhabitants of the said town hy an Act of General Assembly.
BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW YOHK. 173
It has a high spire with a bell, but is not furnished ^vith pulpit, pews, or utensils.
The church was liuilt in the street. Tiiero is, also, a house aud some laud recorded
lor the Parsonage, which was formerly in the possession of the Independent minis-
ter, but now in the possession of the present Incumbent, by his Excellency's, Lord
Cornbury's favor, who has been the great promoter of the Church in this Province,
and especially at this place. In New Town there is a Churcli Ixiilt and lately re-
paired by a tax levied on the inhabitants by an Act of General Assembly. This
church was formerly possessed by a Dissenting minister, but, he being gone, it is
in the possession of the present Incumbent by his Excellency's favor.
Flushing. — In this town there is no Church ; whereas the other two towns
are chielly inhabited by Independents, this is inhabited by the Quakers. The Rev.
Mr. Urquhart, the present Incumbent, resides at Jamaica, according to the direc-
tions of an Act of General Assembly mentioning it as the Parochial Church and
there preaches and reads Divine Service twice on the Sundays, tor two Lord's days
successively, and on the third Sunday pi-eaches and prays twice at New Town, and
at Flushing once a month on the week days ; and, by tlie blessing of God, the Con-
gregations in the respective towns daily increase.
Hampstead.
The parish consists of two towns, — Hampstead and Oyster Bay. In Hamp-
stead there is a church, a house, and lands lor the minister. The people are gen-
erally well aflected towards tlie Church of England, and long for the arrival of the
Rev" Mr. Thomas. In Oyster bay there is no Church, but a considerable number of
people desirous of a minister.
Account of Suffolk Countt.
In Suffolk Comity in the Eastend of Long Island, there is neither a Chirrch of
England, nor any provision made for one by law, the people generally being Inde-
Ijcndents, and up hold in their separation by New England Emissaries. But there
are several already well affected to the Church, and if one or two INIinisters wera
sent among them, supported at lirst by the Society, it would be an excellent means
of reconciling the jjeople to the Chmx-h, aud of introducing an Establishment for
a Minister by law.
WM. VESEY.
Westchester. — Mk. Bartow, Rector.
There is a Church built but not finished ; being neither glased nor ceiled.
The parish of Westchester is divided into four several districts viz ^Vest-Chcster,
East Chester, Younkers, and the ISIanor of Pelham. There is £50 settled on the
Ministers by Act of Assembly. There is twenty three acres of land given by West
Chester for a glebe. There is one Independent Congregation of East Chester
whose Minister designs to leave there whose Congregation upon his departure are
resolved to join with the Chmx-h.
Rye. — Thomas Pkitchaed, Rector.
There was no Church but the Minister preaches in the Town house : the parish is
divided in three districts, viz Rye, Bedford, and Mamaronets. There is a salary of
£;J0 ])er annum established by Act of Assembly ; the number of commimicants are
considerably increased. Since the first celebration of the Sacraments. There is an
Inde]ieiident Chiu'ch at Bedford where the IMinistcr designs to leave them, they are
well aflected towards the Church and it is hoped when he is gone they will be in
Communion with her.
Staten Island, Richmond County.
The greatest part of the people of tliis County are English and there is a tax
of £40 per annum levied on the inhabitants of the said County for a maintenance
to the Jlinister, and it is veiy necess.ary and much desired by the people that a
Minister should be speedily sent them ^^'\t\\ some fnrther encouragement from the
Society who has at this time an opportunity of reconciling most of them to the
Chm-ch.
V/ILLIAM VESEY.
174 HISTORY OF TUE AMERICAN EPISCOPAIi CHURCH.
OKAiiGE County.
In Orange County there are about 60 families of several Nations who have no
Minister nor are able to raise a salary for one.
WM. VESEY.
Ulster County, Commonly Called Esopos.
In this County the gi'eatest number of people are Dutch, who about twelve
years since, sent to the Classis of Amsterdam for a Minister. Mr. Newcella being
lately called home left them destitute of any person to officiate among them,
which his Excellency was pleased to take into his consideration, and has ai)pointed
the Ilev. Mv. Hepljm'n to preach and to re;id Divine Service to them whereby the
English who had never a IMinister among them have the benefit of public worship,
and are in good hopes of bringing the Dutch to a Conformity. The Rev. Mr.
Hepburn has at present small encouragement from the people but cheifly under
God depends on the kindness and boimty of his Excellency the Governor of this
Provence.
W]\I. VESEY.
Albany.
A large frontier town where most of the people are Dutch, who have
from Amsterdam a Dutch Minister, one Mr. Lydius, but there are some English
families, besides a garrison of soldiers, who are a considerable congregation. A
C'hm'ch of England JMinister here will, in all probability, do signal service not
only by setting up a public worsliip to the joy and comfort of the English, who
impatiently desire a minister, and persuading the Dutch and otlicrs to eoiifonn, but
also in instructing the Indians, which come in great numbers tliither. Mr. Moore
!Missionaiy to tlie IMohawks, is conung to settle here for some time by the directions
of his Excellency, my Lord Cornbmy who gives him great encom-agement and has
been particularly pleased to promise him presents for the Indians.
CHAPTER X.
GOVERNOR ANDROS AND THE BUILDING OF KING'S CHAPEL,
BOSTON.
O
N Saturday, the eve of the Sunday after the Ascension, May 15,
1686, the " Rose" frigate entered the harbor of Boston, 1)caring
the Rev. Robert Ratclifte, M.A.,*an Oxford graduate, to whom
had been assigned the task of inaugurating the services of the Church
/ JT/i (r_
^6d 'J^i^ff^
in Boston. " Freighted with
wo " must this vessel have
seemed to the ministers and
members of the Puritan Com-
monwealth. The theocracy had
fiillen. The "Charter" of the colony had been abrogated, and
Massachusetts was at length a royal province, to be ruled by a gov-
ernor appointed by the king, and responsible primarily to his royal
master. The representative of the throne would naturall}^ seek to re-
produce in his vice-regal court the forms of faith and practice of
the " Establishment," of which his master was the temporal head ; and
the "Rose" frigate, bringing the surpliced priest to w^orship after the
usages of the Church of England, bore fittingly the king's commis-
sion appointing Joseph Dudley as President of Massachusetts, New
Hampshire, Maine, and the "King's Province."^ The records of the
Privy Council contain the order for Bibles and Praj^cr Books in folio,
with copies of the Canons, Homilies, Articles, and Tables of Aflinity,
" to be sent to New England." And as RatclifTe first looked out from the
deck of the "Rose" upon the fair scene spread before him as he sailed up
the bay and saw hills and valleys crowned and crowded with the homes
and business haunts of "the Bostonecrs," as Edward Randolph styled
them, it must have been with a feeling that "the lines had fallen" to him
" in pleasant places," and that he had " a goodly heritage." From the
" Castle," a distance below the town, there came the salute in recog-
' B.A., Exeter, Oxford, Oct. 16, 1G77 ; M.A., = Pain-cy's " History of Xcw Englaaa," iii.,
June 15, 16S0; B.D., July 16, 1691. pp. 4S4,4Sd.
176 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
nition of the passing of the royal ship of war. Soon the three hills of
the ancient " trimountaiii " were descried, — one with its summit bris-
tling with guns ; another, with the huge arms of a M'indmill coquetting
witii the I)reczc, wliile under this eml)lem and evidence of industry was
a battery well provided with the means of repelling hostile attacks ;
while the third was crowned with the lofty beacon. At the wharf
there was the ceremonious reception of the accredited representatives
of the crown ; and then the mission-priest, to whom all was so new and
strange, must have walked or driven up the short street to the market-
house and town-hall of wood, — " built upon pillars in the middle of the
town, where their merchants meet and confer everyday,"^ — which
was the business and official centre of the rising town, and thence, it
may be, to the " Blue Anchor Tavern," — a famous hostelry near by.
The houses on either side, stretching north and south well-nio;h a
league, were " generally wooden," and the streets were " crooked, with
little decency and no uniformity," in the judgment of the commission-
ers who wrote in 16G4; but, in Dunton's eyes, "their streets" were
" many and large, paved with Pel)ljles ; the INIaterials are Brick, Stone,
Lime, handsomely contrived, and when any New Houses are built, they
are made conformable to our New Buildings in London since the fire." '■*
There were upwards of a thousand buildings in the town, with "stately
houses" built of stone among them, and " three fair and large meeting-
houses or churches, commodiously built, in several parts of the town." ^
" Gardens and orchards " adorned the south side of the growing capi-
tal. " On the north-west and north-east two constant fairs " were kept
for daily traffic. On the south was the " small but pleasant Common."
This "rich and very populous" town Dunton compares to Bristol, in
England.
It was to this New World and to a new life that the English priest
had come. He did not wait long ere he entered upon his work. Dun-
ton, the London bookseller, who was in Boston at the time of the
coming of " the Charter and the Common Prayer," thus records the in-
auguration of the sei-vices of the Church at this critical period of Mas-
sachusetts history: "The next Sunday after he Landed, he preach'd
in the Town-house, and read Common-Prayer in his Surplice, whicli
was so great a Novelty to the Bostonians, that he had a very large
Audience." Dunton was present at this initial service and tells us that
"the Parson " was "a vei-y Excellent Preacher, whose Matter was good,
and the Dress in which he put it, Extraordinary ; he being as well an
Orator as a Preacher." This was, if Dunton is correct, on the Sunday
after Ascension, May IGth. On the following Tuesday, the 18th, the
Puritan diarist. Chief Justice
Sewall, records "a great wed-
ding, from IMilton, and are mar-
ried by Mr. Kandolph's Chaplain
at Mr. Shrimpton's, according to
y° Service-Book, a little after Noon, when Prayer was had at y"
cJcLTmui cJe.U}a/lC S
' Dunton, in his " Letters from Now England," Prince Society, 1867, describes the approach
from the sea, p. 67. » Ibid. ' Ibid., p. 68.
THE BUILDING OF KING'S CHAPEL, BOSTON. 177
Town House ; was another married at y" same time ; the former was
Vosse's sou. Borrowed a ring. 'Tis s'' they having asked Mr. Cook
and Addingtou, and y^ declining it, went after to y" President, and
sent y™ to y"" Parson." The following Sunday, ilay 23d, was Whit-
sunday. There is no record of the service on this high festival. Dun-
ton, the son-in-law of an eminent non-conformist, is careful to write,
"for my own part, I went liut once or twice at the lirst, tho' j\Ir. Rat-
cliif (as I have said before) was an Extraordinary good Pi'eacher." '
On Tuesday, in Whitsun-week, the next government was inaugu-
rated, the president and council taking their places on the bench after
the oaths had been administered. The day following, as Scwall re-
cords, "Mr. Ratclill'c, the minister, waits on the Council. Mr. jNIa-
son and Randoljih i)ropose that he may have one of the three houses to
preach in. This is denied ; and he is granted the east end of the town-
house, where the Deputies used to meet, untill those who desire his
ministry shall provide a titter jjlace." Randolph, who neglected no
oi)portunit3^ for jjutting forward the church, " desired Mr. Ratclitic,
our Minister, to attend the ceremony and say grace, but was refused."'
Dudley had not forgotten that he had been of old a uon- conformist
minister, and that his introduction of the services of the Church at his
inauguration would never be forgiven by the fanatical peo))le over
whom he had been i)laced. The "small room in y" town-house," of
which Randolph speaks, was all that could bo had for the'woi'ship of
the Established Church ; and, on Trinitj' Sunday, Sewall records in
his diary : —
Sabbath, ]May 30"' 1686. My son reads to me in course y' 26"" of Isaiah —
In that day shall this song, etc. And we sing y" lil Psalm both exceedingly suited
to y' day wherein there is to be Worshij) according to y" Ch"' of Eng""" as 'tis calTd
in y' Town House by Countenance of Authority. 'Tis defer'd till y' 6"" of June at
what time y' Pulpit is provided. The Pulpit is movable, carried up and down stairs
as occasion served. It seems many crowded thither, and y" ilinisters pi-eached fore-
noon and afternoon. Charles Lidget there.
This minute is somewhat obscure, but evidently the meaning of
the watchful annalist is that the
" company increasing beyond the
expectation of the gou"'," as Ran-
dolph writes, the change from the
" small room " to the " Exchange "
was deferred till the " Pulpit was
provided," the services being still
maintained where they had begun.
The " Ministers " who preached were Parson Ratclifle and Chaplain
Buckley, of the " Rose " frigate. On Tuesday, the 15th of June,
"the members of the Church of England, as by law established,"
assembled for organization. The record liook is still extant, and gives
the names of the following gentlemen as the founders of the Church in
Boston: "M^ Ratclift'e, our minister; Edward Randolph, Esq^, one
' Letters, p. 138. See, also, DuDton's Tanner MS., in " Hist. Coll. Am. Col.
" Life anil Errors." Ch.," III., p. 653.
178
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
of his Majesty's Councell ; Captaine Lydsjett, M'. Luscoinb, M'. White,
M^ Maccartie, J\]^ Ravenscroft, Doctor Gierke, I\^. Turlery, M^
Hankes, Doctor Bullivaiit The first action of this body was the pro-
vision of the weekly offertory, or " publique collection by the Church-
wardens for the time being for the service of the church." Doctor
C-SIMILE OF EARLIEST RECORD BOOK OF KliiO S CHAPEL, BOSTON
Benjamin BuUivant, Mr. Richard Bankes, were elected church-wardens.
An address to the king and letters to the Arclil)ishop and Bishop of
London, prajdng for favor were ordered ; and " Smith the Joyuer,"
was directed to make "twelve formes for the service of the Church, for
each of which he .shall be paid 4s. 8d." The provision of a sexton was
the first action of this meeting, which gave corporate existence to the
' From Rev. Henry W. Foote's " Annals of King's Chapel," by the kind permission of the author.
THE BUILDING OF KINO'S CHAPEL, BOSTON. 179
first Church of Enghind in Massachusetts Bay. At the next meeting,
held on Sunday, the 4th of July, with increased nuinhcrs, the salary of
Mr. Ratcliflc was tixed at £50 per annum, " besides what y° Counsell
shall thinke titt to Settle on him." Provision was made for his assistance,
and Smith the Joyn' was ordered to make a "readding ta1)lo and Desk."
A cushion was ordered for the pulpit ; a "Clarke," a sober and tit per-
son, was to be sought for ; a sacrament was appointed for the second
Sunday in August, the 8th of the month and the 10th after Trinity;
the Council were to be addressed for a " brief" for the building of a
church ; and "the Prayers of the Church" were to be said every Wednes-
day and Friday, at seven in the morning in the summer, and at nine
in the winter. On Thursday, the 5th of August, W'". Harris, boddice-
maker, was the tirst " buried with the Common Prayer Book in Boston.
He was formerly Mr. Randolph's landlord." ^ On the 8th the same authority
writes : "'Tis s'' y° Sacram' of y" Lord's Supper is administered at y"=
Town-H." From this interesting source jve catch glimpses of succes-
sive marriage and burial services, of the observance of November 5,
the day of the gunpowder-plot, when the preacher, the Rev. Josiah
Clarke, spoke " much against the Presbyterians in England and here,"
and of sacraments and sermons so carefully noted as to prove that
nothing was done by the little band of church-folk in their straitened
accommodations at the Town-House, without the knowledge and care-
ful observation of the leading members of the " Standing Order."
There was no attempt at keeping back any of the distinctive features
of the church's system for the avoidance of otTence. When the com-
missioners visited Boston, in 1665, they had a Church of England
chaplain in their train, but he had l)een directed not to wear his sur-
plice ; Irat now this " rag of Popery " was flaunted in the sight of all who
cared to attend the services and sacraments at the Town-House Chapel.
The "whole service of y'' church," Randolph writes," was read at theear-
ly prayer on Wednes-
days and Fridays,
and," proceeds this
i n t e restino- chron i-
cler, "some Sundays jy ^^
seven or eight per- *C— -rS^^^--^
sons are in one day
baptis'd . " It was not
to be expected that
the inti-oduction of the common prayer in the very metropolis of the
Puritan theocracy would not be keenly felt and bitterly resented by the
nainisters and members of the Independents. Randolph records the
"great affronts" cast upon tlie Church, — "some calling our minister
Baal's priest, and some of their ministers from the pulpit calling our
prayei's leeks, garlick, and trash."- Exasperated by these and even
grosser affronts, Randolph, who had often proposed, in his correspond-
ence with the officials at home, the adoption of arbitrary and quite
' Sewall's Diary, v. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. ori<r. ed. Vol. II., pp. 294, 29S, of the Prince
v., p. 146. Society Eeprint.
- HutchiiHOii's " Coll. of Papers," pp. 552, 553,
^^T'^cc^^a/.
180 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
unjustifiable measures for the support of the Church in Boston, again
urged the confiscation of one of the Puritan meeting-houses for the
use of the new congregation, or the appropriation of the funds of the
corporation for evangelizing the Indians for building a church. The
authority of the king was sought for laying a levy upon the weekly
offerings at the Puritan meetings, and the Council was again and
again approached with a view to the passage of an ordinance making
the support of the Church a pul)lic charge. It was happily all in vain,
and, although Randolph ingenuously confesses, " 'twas never intended
that the charge should l)e supported Ijy myself and some few others
of oure communion," the answer of the Council, "those that hire him
must maintain him, as they maintain their own ministei's, l\y contri-
bution," was not to be gainsaid. The Church of England, as by law
established, found itself possessed of no exclusive rights and privileges
in its transplanting to Boston, and when put to the test it was found
both capable of self-support and ready for it.
Interesting glimpses of the progress of the Church in Boston are
found in Randolph's voluminous correspondence with the authorities
in Church and State at home. He speaks freely of his own unpopu-
larity, and confesses that he has to all his "ci'imes added this one as
the greatest, in l)ringing the liturgy and ceremonies of the Church of
England to be observed amongst us."' He narrates a story of the
coming of the Indian converts, those " called ministers," to Mr. Rat-
cliife, with a complaint of their meagre allowance. The interference of
Ratclifle and Randolph seems only to have procured " the promise of a
coarse coat against winter." The ftict is stated that the commissioners
"would not surt'er Aai-on, an Indian teacher, to have a Inlile with the
common prayer in it, ])ut took it away from him," and the assertion is
made that the funds of the society were " now converted to private or
worse uses." The mmiber of " daily frequenters " of the church is
stated as four hundred. " Many more would come over to us, but some
being tradesmen, others of mcclianiek professions, are threatened bj^
the congregational! men to be arrested by their creditors, or to lie
turned out of their work if the,y ofl'er to come to our church." In a
letter to Abp. Bancroft, Randoliih refers to the " small artifices they
have used to prevent our meetings on Sundays, and at all other tymes
to serve God." " I cannot," he says, "omit to acquaint your grace, how
tender-conscienced, members of our old church, for soe they arc dis-
tinguished ft'om the other two churches in Boston, are. Not long since
I desired them to let their clerk toll their bell at 9 o'clock, AVednes-
days and Frida3s, for us to meet to go to prayei's. Their men told me,
in excuse for not doing it, that tliey had considered and found it in-
trenched on their lilierty of conscience granted them by his jMajestyes
present commission, and could in noe wise assent to it." Doubtless
this statement is not at all exaggei-ated, and we maj"- judge somewhat
' Mr. Footc, iu his " Annals of Kinn;'s ortho^'raphy " to the ti-ansci'iber, stating that
Chapel," in quotins one of Randolph's letters the ori<rinals are in this respect not very ex-
froiu the Ilutcliinson Papers, indulges in a wit- ccptiouable. — Orit/. ed., \t,55'2. Reprint, p. 294.
ticism at the expense of the writer's spelling This assertion of Ilntchinson is confirmed by an
" liturgy " as " Icthcrdgc." In afoot-note to this examination of the transcripts from Randolph's
vevy letter Ilntehinson attributes the " had letters published iu other collections.
THE BUILDING OF KING'S CHAPEL, BOSTON.
181
of the provocation churchmen iu general, and liandolph in particular,
must have borne from these incidents of fanatical intolerance. It may
not 1)0 out of place to record Cotton Mather's reference to the chief
promoter of all these schemes for the conversion of New England to the
( 'Inuili. ])('inied after the olijeet of thewi'iter's malevolence was dead : —
Of Randolph 1 said, a good wliile ago, that / xhould have a further occasion
/(I mention him. I have now done it. And tliat I may never mention liim any more,
I will hen: take my Eternal Farewell of him, with Relating That he proved a
Blasted Wrcteli, followed with a sensil^le Curse of Goil, wherever he eame, — De-
spised. Abhorred, Unprosperons. Anon he died in Virginia, and in such Miserable
Circmustanees that (as it is said) he had only Two or Three Negroes to cany him
unio his Grave.'
On Monday, December 20, 1686, President Dudley was super-
seded, and Sir Edmund Andros, who
hail arrived on the preceding daj', the /'"^ /I / — N
fourth Sunday in Advent, l)ecame the /cz=Jjhr'y^ ) y
first royal governor of the i)ro\ince. /^ ft)/L^^//'^^Y*i — \
This noted character in New England C/ 0
history had been a page in the royal
household, and had .shared the exile and falling fortunes of the
House of Stuart. In the service of Prince Henry of Nassau, and
Obverse J^everse.
GUEAT SEAL OK NEW ENGLAND UNDER ANDROS. '
afterwards as Gentleman in Ordinary to the Queen of Bohemia, —
the unfortunate " Queen of Hearts," — he acquired the courtly man-
'" Not supported liy evideui'e," is the com- toi-ical Magazine," April, 1862, livGeorffcAdlanl,
ment of Mr. Foote, who quotes these characteris- and the account in liis " Sutton-Dudleys of Eng-
ticsentences. — AtuiaUqf King's Chapel, 1., p. 56. land ; " see, also, " JIass, Hist. Soc. Proc," July,
■■ See an account of the Great Seal iu " His- 18G2, and Palfrey, ill., 516.
182 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
ners and presence which, added to the experience he had had in two
hemisplieres in active military service, made him, as a courtier and a
cavalier soldier, a valued and devote<l servant of the reigning house.
It was characteristic of the man that, on the very day of his inaugura-
tion, he sought to make an arrangement with the Puritan ministers
for the use of one of the meeting-houses for the church's use, at a time
when it would not interfere with the rights of the original jn-oprietors.
On Tuesday, the 21st, there was "a meeting at Mr. Allen's of y"
ministers and four of each congregation to consider wliat answer to
give y' Gov''. ; and 'twas agreed y' could not with a good conscience
consent y' our Meeting-House, should be made use of for y" Comon-
Prayer worship." The "ministers" were the Rev. James Allen, who
had been for eighteen years a minister of the oldest Puritan Society,
with whom was associated the Rev. Joshua Jloody, who had felt the
pressure of arbitrary rule in matters ecclesiastical under Cranfield's
rule in Portsmouth. Imprisoned for refusing to administer the holy
communion after the manner of the Church of England to Cranticld
and his satellites, he had on his release come to Boston, to assist the
Rev. Mr. Allen in his arduous charge. Later, and in consequence of
his opposition to the witchcraft delusion, he returned to his old home,
ha^■iug through his public life preserved the respect and honor due to
intelligence, integrity, and a fearless independence. At the second of
the Boston " Meeting-Houses " were the Mathers, father and son, the
tirst renowned for his ])rominence and success in secular life as well as
in the ministry. As President of Harvard College, as agent at the
Court of King James II. , and at that of King AVilliam and Queen
INIarjs and as the head of his order, Increase Mather wielded a power
well-nigh absolute, and ^vas the foremost man of Massachusetts. His
son Cotton, then a young man, but full of parts and promise, has left
a name which will never be forgotten in the history of his beloved
New England. At the South jNIeeting-House was the Rev. Samuel
Willard, a theologian of no mean ability, as his ponderous folio, the
tirst published in New England, proves, and also a Vice-President of the
college. These were the ministei's of Boston at the time of Andros's
coming. The names of the twelve lajoneu arc not preserved. Sewall,
who records in his diary the quaint but striking minutes of the events
then passing under his eye, was, doubtless, one. Simon Bradstreet, " an
old man, quiet and grave, dressed in black silk but not sumptuously,"
as the Labadistmissionary ' describes him in 1G82, was probaljly another.
It is not unlikely that " Eliot, Frarye, Oliver, Savage,, and Davis,"
mentioned a little later as uniting with Sewall in remonstrating \vith
the governor for sending for the keys of the Old South, were among
the number. But, whoever the laymen were who united with theu*
ministers in this meeting at Mr. Allen's, their opposition was for the
time eft'octual. The Rev. Messrs. jNIather and Willard, as we Icai'n
from Sewall, met the governor "at his lodgings at iSIadame Taylor's,"
and " thoroughly discoursed his Exccllencj^ about y° meeting-houses
in great plainness, shewing they could not consent. He seems to say
1 Long Island Hist. Soo. Coll., i.
THE BUILDING OF laNG'S CHAPEL, BOSTON. 183
will not impose."' Although his commissiou t'roiu the king provided
"that such especially as shal be conformable to the rites of the Church
of England, be particularly countenanced and encouraged,"- the gov-
ernor preferred not to " impose " for several months, uniting with the
little band of fellow-churchmen in the services at the Town-House,
while the all-observant Puritan diarist noted down, day after day, his
attendance upon prayers and sacraments : —
Tuesday, January 25. This day is kept for S' Paul, and y° Bell was rung in
y° morning to call persons to service ; the Gov' (I am told) was tliere.
Monday, January 31. There is a meeting at y' Town-house forenoon
and alternoou. Bell rang for it; respecting y* beheading Charles y' first. The
Gov' there.
It was not till the Tuesday before Easter, in the midst of the
solemnities of that week which brings to churchmen so many cherished
associations, that the governor, who had waited patiently, but in
vain, for some sign of yielding on the part of the Puritan ministers,
determined to carry out his cherished plan. The observing Sewall
thus writes : —
Tuesday, March 2:.', 168*/?. This day his Excellency views the three Meeting
Houses. Wednesday March 23. The Gov' sent Mr. Randolph for j^ keys of our
Meetingh. y' may say Prayers there. Mr. Eliot, Frary, Oliver, Savage,
Davis, and myself wait on his Excellency, shew that y'' Land and House is ours,
and tliat we can't consent to part with it to such use ; exhibit an extract of Mr.
Norton's Deed and how 'twas built by particular persons as Hull, Oliver, 100£ a
piece, etc.
Friday, March 25, 1687. The Gov' has service in y' South Meeting house.
Goodm Needham, [the Sexton] tbo' had resolv'd to y° contrary was prcvau'd upon
to Ring y" Bell and open y* door at y" Governour's command, one Smith and Ilill,
Joiner and Shoemaker, being very busy about it. Mr. Juo. Usher was there,
whether at y' very Begining, or no, I can't tell.
This was on Good Friday. On Easter-day, as we learn from
Sewall : —
Gov' and his retinue met in our Meetingh. at eleven ; broke off past two, bee.
of y' Sacrament and Mr. Clark's long sermon ; now we were appointed to come
half hour past one, so 'twas a sad sight to see how full the street was with people
gazing and moving to and fro, bee. had not entrance into y" house.^
The story is best told in the words of the Puritan annalist : —
Tuesday, May 10. Mr. BuUivant having been acquainted that May Lo"" was
our Sacrameiit day, he writt to Mr. Willard that he had acquainted those principally
concern'd, and 'twas judg'd very improper and inconvenient for y° Gov' and his to
be at any other House, it being VVhit-Sunday, and they must have y° Coiuunion , and
y' 'twas expected should leave off by 12, and not return again till y' rung y° Bell
y' might have time to dispose of y° Elements. So remembering how long y' wei^e
at Easter, we wore afraid 'tivould breed much confusion in y° Afternoon, and so
on Wednesday concluded not to have our Sacrament, for saw 'twas in vain to urge
their jiromise. And on y' 8" of May [Sunday after Ascension] were bid past One
a pretty deal. May 15. — Goes out just i hour after one; so have our Afternoon
' Quoted in appendix to Wisnei-'s " HUtoiy ■ III. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii., p. U7.
of the Old South Church in Boston," p. 93. ' Wisner's " Old South," p. 94.
184 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
exercise in due Season. But see y' have y' advantage to lengthen or shorten y'
Exercises so as may make for y' purpose.
The pcstponement of" the Puritan sacrament, and the jicculiar cir-
cumstances of the " South-Church " in consequence of " the Church of
England's meeting in it," were the occasion of a day of fasting and
prayer on the 1st of June. In the exei'cises of this occasion Messrs.
Willard, Moody, and Cotton Mather participated. On the 12th of the
same month, the third Sunday after Trinity, the Puritan sacrament
was celebrated, and Sewall notes the fact that the "Ch*" of E. Men go
not to any other House ; yet little hindrance to us save as to ringing
the first Bell, and straitning y" Deacons in removal of y° Table."
The summer passed without giving occasion for comment. Evi-
dently the opposing elements were somewhat held in check, if not by
a spirit of mutual concession and tolerance, at least by an unwilling-
ness to precipitate a quarrel, the result of which could not but be un-
foi'tunate to both. But on October IG, the twenty -first Sunday after
Trinity, there was a slight conflict, the arrogant churchman, if we can
credit Sewall, — a by no means unprejudiced witness, — ordering the
venerable minister of the South Meeting-house " to leave off sooner "
for his accommodation. The issue could not be other than that which
Sewall records, — "To w"" Mr. Willard not consenting, Gov'' sent for
him in y*^ night." The following day the attention of Sir Edmund
was pleasantly diverted from ecclesiastical quarrels by the arrival of
his wife, " a right good and virtuous lady," who came to New England
only to die. The New Year had hardly opened when, after alterna-
tions of hope and fear, the diary that hud noted her coming records
her death : —
Sabbath 22'' (January 1687/8) . My Lady Audros was prayed for in Public, who
has been dangerously ill ever .since the last Sabbath .... About the beginning
of om' afternoon Exercises the Lady Andros expires.'
On Friday, February 10, were the impressive funeral rites.
Sewall thus describes the scene, which, in all its impressive details,
must have looked strangely enough to a people unused to any pomp
and circumstance at the last of earth : —
Between 4 and 6 I went to y' I'uueral of y° Lady Andros, having been invited
^y* Clark of y" South-Company. Between 7 and 8 (Lychus- illuminating y" cloudy
air) the Coi'ps was carried into the Herse drawn by six Horses, the irouldiers mak-
ing a Guard from y° Governour's House down y' Prison Lane to y* South-I\I. House,
there taken out and carried in at y° western dore, and set in y" Alley before y" pul-
pit w" six Mourning women by it. House made light with candles and Torches ;
was a great noise and clamor to keep people out of y" House, y' might not rush in
too soon. 1 went home, where about nine a clock I heard y" Bells toll again for y"
funeral. It seems Mr. RatcliflVs text was — Cry, all ilesh is Grass. The Ministei's
turn'd in to Mr. Willards. The Meeting House full, among whom Mr. Dudley,
Stoughton, Gedncy, Bradstrect etc. 'Twas warm thawing weather, and the wayes
extream dirty. No volley at placing the Body in the Tomb. On Satterday, Feb. 11,
the mourning cloth of the pulpit is taken off and given to Jlr. Willard.
^ Tlie maiden name of the Governor's wife Amlro-^ Tracts, i)ublishetl by the Prince So-
w.as Marie t'niven, sister of Sir William Craven, ciety, I., pp. xi.-xiii.
and oldest daughter of Sir Thomas Ci'avcn, of - Lynchs ? i.e., linlis ortorches.
Appleti'cewich, in the county of York. Vide Tlio
TIIR BUILDING OF KING'S CHAPEL, BOSTON. 185
It was not long after this solemn service that a " Brief" was au-
thoi'ized by the council for asking and receiving " the free and volun-
tary contributions of any of the inhabitants in the town of Boston
towards the building and erecting of a house or place for the service
of the Church of England." Nearly a hundred names arc affixed to
this document. No little difficulty was experienced in securing a site.
Sewall was approached, but in vain. On Wednesday, March 28, 1688,
we have the record : —
Capt. Davis spake to me for Land to set a Ch' on : I told hiiu could not.
Would not, put Mr. Cotton's Laud to such an use, and besides 'twas entail'd. After,
Mr. Randolph saw me, and had me to his House to see y' Landscapes of Oxford
Colledoes and Halls. Left me with Mr. Ratcliflf, who spake to me for Land at Cot-
ton Hill for a Church W' were going to build. I told him could not, first because I
would not set up that w'' y" people of N. E. came over to avoid; 2'' y' Land was
entail'd. In after discourse, I mentioned chiefly the Cross in Baptism and Holy
Dayes.
Friday, Apr. 6. The Exposition of y' Ch"" of EngP Catechism, by y* Bishop
of Bath and Wells, [Ken] comes out jjrinted ^ Rich'' Pierce, with y' 39 Articles.
Saturday, Apr. 1 i. Mr. West comes to Mr. Willard from y° Gov' to speak to
him to begin at 8 in y° morn, and says this shall be y" last time ; they will build a
house. We begin ab' j hour past 8, yet y" people come pretty roundly together.
'Twas Easter-day and y" Lord's Supper with us too.
Thursday, May 24"". Bell is rang for a Meeting of y" Ch' of Engl'' Men, being
in their language Ascension day.
On Tiinity Sunday there was an altercation growing out of the length
of the Puritan sacrament, which culminated on Saturday, June 23, when,
to quote the marginal note of Sewall, there was " Hott Dispute with
Gov'': about Meeting-House South." The following day through mutual
forbearance, Sewall notes, " so we have very convenient time." A little
later there was a conflict over the grave of Edward Lilley, one of the
subscribers to the new church, between a Puritan deacon, Frary by
name, who forl)ade the reading of the " Common Prayer " at the grave,
and Parson Ratclifle who, in the satirical language of Increase Mather,
" came with Gown and Book to settle a Laudable Custom in that Bar-
barous country." It is evident that Lilley had connected himself with
the Church, or the parson would not have been at such pains to bury
him with the Church's pi'ayers. On Tuesday, October 16, " the ground-
sills of y" Ch'' are Laid, y" stone foundation being finished." On the
following day, Wednesday, October 17, "this day a great part of y'"
Church is raised." Note is made of the absence of Cotton Mather at the
house-raising, which would indicate that the ministers generally, and
doubtless the annalist himself, with other prominent citizens and officials,
were in attendance, testifying, if not their personal interest, their satis-
faction at the approaching redemption of the governor's promise to
terminate the joint occupancy of the South Meeting-house. The site
fixed upon l)y the governor and his little band of churchmen was the
corner of the old buryiug-ground, which was doubtless duly conveyed
to the "rector, church- wardens, and vestry of the King's Chapel," as
the little wooden structure was proudly styled, though the deed, if any
were given, is not on record. That the proceedings on the part of the
authorities in ceding the land for this use were in accordance with
186 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
law is evident from the fact that on the overthrow of Andvos the act
was not annulled, and, indeed, its legality has never been impugned.
The charges incurred in the erection of the King's Chapel were £284
16s. The major part of this sum, £25() 9s. was raised Idj the gifts of
nearly one hundred subscribers, a list of whose names appears on the
records, and is thus prefaced : —
Boston, July, 1689. — Laus Deo. A memonindiuii of such honest and well-
disposed persons that conti'ibuted their assistance for, and towards erecting a (Jhureli
for God's Worship in Boston, according to the constitution of the ('hurch of I'^ng-
land, as by law established.'
The balance of the cost was borne by Andros, who gave £30, and
Nicholson who contributed £25. Plain in its exterior, bare within.
THE FIR.ST KINGS CHAPEL.
lacking pews, and devoid of any attempt at adornment, it still had a
"pulpit cushion with fringe, tassel, and silk." Meantime events were
transpirins: which, ere the opening of the church, resulted in the over-
throw of the government of Andros, and prevented the chief promoters
and founders of the chapel from worshipping within its walls. Amidst the
rejoicings of Eastertide, 1089, there came news ofthe landing of William
of Orange, at Torbay. A young man named John AVinslow brought,
on his return from the island of Nevis, a copy of the printed declara-
tions of the Prince of Orange, on his landing in England, " on purpose,"
1 Greenwood's " Histoiy of King's Chapel in Boston," p. 45.
THE BUILDING OF KING'S CHAPEL, BOSTON.
187
to quote his own words, "to let the people in New England understand
what a speedy deliverance they might expect from arbitrary power."'
It should be understood
that the news lirought by
AVinslow could not have
been of later date than
the first month after the
landing of the prince, and
that the result of the
expedition was at that
timecjuite problemati-
cal. Concealing the
declaration from An-
dres ;- and, on his ap-
prehension, by order
of the governor, refusing
to produce the papers, —
" being afraid," he says,
"to let him have them,
because he would not let
the people know any news ,
— "3 the " saucy fellow,"
as Andros styled him, was
committed to prison by
the Church Justices Bulli-
vant, Lydget, and Fox-
croft, " for bringing Ti'ai-
terous and Treasonable
Libels and Papers of
News." A fortnight later
" a o;eneral buzzino; amon!;
the people, great with ex-
pectation of their old
Charter, or they know not
whnt,"attracted the notice
of Andros ; and on Thursday, the 18th
of April, when the "weekly lecture" at
the " First Church " had aflbrded a pre-
text for the gathering of the people from
the neighboring towns, liy eight o'clock
in the morning the town was thronged
with excited crowds, while an hour later
the drums were beating, and the streets
were filled with men in arms. The captain
of the " Rose " frigate was seized liy the
militia-men, and placed under guard.
Directly the old magistrates were es-
corted by the soldiery to the Council
Chamber, and Secretary Ran-
The Revolution in New England Justified.
Andros Tracts, i., pp. 78, 79.
= Ibid., p. 77.
■'Ibid., p. 78.
188
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
dolph, Justices Bullivant and Foxcroft, Sheriff Sherlock, Captains
Ravenscroft and White, and " many more " of the governox''s adherents
were seized and confined in jail. About noon " The declai'ation of the
Gentlemen Merchants and Inhabitants of Boston, and the country ad-
jacent," a long and carefully prepared document, evidently wi'itten by
TUE BUILDING OF KING'S CHAPEL, BOSTON. 189
Cotton Mather, was read from the eastern gallery of the Town-house,
at the head of King street, to the anxious and excited crowd below.
The elaborated periods of this important paper would indicate " that
the design of seizing upon Sir E. A. , and subverting kingly government
in New England, had been long contrived and resolved on;"^ and
that the object of this popular insurrection was indeed "to rend
themselves from the Crown of England," as was plainly charged at the
time in the ablest vindication of the administration of Andros in print.
The reading of this paper was received with a shout from the impatient
crowd, ^vhereupon their leaders, who had ostensibly drawn up the Dec-
laration, "drew up a short letter to Sir Edmund Andros,"^ demanding
the surrender of " the Government and the Fortifications." This letter,
signed by Wait Winthrop, Simon Bradstreet, William Stoughton,
Samuel Shrimpton, Thomas Danforth, John Richards, Elisha Cooke,
Isaac Addington and others,* fifteen in number, some of them counsel-
lors and others assistants mider the abrogated charter, asserted that the
signers were " surprized with the people's sudden taldng of arms ; in the
first motion whereof we were wholly ignorant."^ Andros, who, accord-
ing to his adversaries, had, " at the first noise of the action, fled into the
Garrison on Fort-Hill, where the Governor's lodgings were,"^ had de-
manded a conference ; but this was declined. About two o'clock iu the
afternoon, "the Lecture being put by," as Byfield informs us,^ there
were "twenty companies " in arms, and a boat sent from the "Eosc "
frigate, for the relief of the governor and his companions who were in
the fort, was seized, whereupon the leader of the insurgents, John
Nelson, a fellow-churchman with Andros, demanded the surrender of
"the Fort and the Governor." Andros finally consented to accompany
his assailants to the council-chamber, where he was reviled by Stoughton,
a member of his own council, and then confined for the ni^ht in the
house of Mr. John Usher, a personal friend, while his friends were sent
to jail. The sun set upon the complete overthrow of the royal author-
ity in Boston, and as " the Worship of the Church of England had," to
quote the words of the author of " An Account of the late Revolutions in
New England," "the disadvantage with us that most of our Late Oppres-
sors were the great and sole Pillars of it there," so the Church suffered
with the crown. Parson Ratclifl'e, who had evidently been at pains to
win the respect of his Puritan neighbors, and had sought, in many
ways, as we learn from Sewall's diary, to cultivate friendly relations
with the people among whom his lot was cast, appears to have escaped
the imprisonment so generally meted out to his parishioners and
friends. It is no triiiing testimony to his urbanity and excellence that
he was able to pass through such a trial unscathed.
Still the little church on the corner of the public " God's Acre "
was preserved, though in no little danger from the violence of the mob,
1 New England's Faction Discovered ; 01- a England, by A. B. Boston, 16S9. Andros Tracts,
Brief and True Account of their Persecution of n., p. 196.
y«CluirchofEn^'land. London, 1690. This piece, ■•Bradstreet, Danforth, Richards, Cooke, and
hyC. D. (Col.orC'apt. Dudley), is reprinted in the Addinjrtou, were respectively governor, It.-gov-
Andros Tracts, II., pp. 203-222. The statement is crnor, "and of the assistants at the termination of
confirmcil liy Puritan authority. Vide AncU'OS the government in 1GS6.
Tracts, n., pp. 191, 195. Vide, also, "Palfrey's -"Keprintcd iu Andros Tracts, i., p. 20.
New England," ni.,pp. .579, 600, note; 596, note. " Andros Triicts, II., p. 196.
- All Account of the late Hevolutious iu New " Il/id., I., p. 6.
190
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
-"AJ
•I ;\W
7.
O
c
c
g
5
and " daily threatened to be pulled downe and
destroyed."' The windows were "broke to
pieces, and the Doors and Walls daubed and
defiled with Dung and other filth in the basest
manner imaginable, and, the Minister, for his
safety, was forced to leave the country and
his congregation, and go for England."^ It
would appear that on the fifth Sunday after
Trinity, June 30, 1 (589, tlie church was opened.
Mr. RatclifFe does not appear to have sailed
for England until the following month, while
the records indicate'^ the presence of his suc-
cessor, the Eev. Samuel Mylcs, A.M., on the
day of opening. The son of a Baptist preacher
at Swansea, a graduate of Harvard College in
the class of 1G84, and a teacher, for some years
after graduation, in Charlestown, he seems to
have gone over to England for ordination in
1687, and to have returned in time to take
the place of Ratcliffe. There are reasons to
suppose that he was at this time in deacon's
orders ; no notice of, or allusion to, the ad-
ministration of the holy connnunion being-
found on the records till the time of his visit
to England, in 1692. If this was so it is
probable that ]\Ir. Ratcliffe lingered to break
to his people the bread of life, on the occasion
of the opening of the church, and that the
two clergymen shared in the solemnities of
this interesting da3\
In the meantime the chief supporters of the
church were in prison. So closely was An-
dros watched that his jailer would not suffer
"his chaplain to visite him."^ Ratcliffe,
while escaping actual imprisonment, " was
hindered and obstructed in the discharge of
his duty."^ The Puritan ministers, "l)y all
ways and means possible, as well in their Pul-
pits as private Discourses, endeavour'd to
asperse, calumniate, and defame"^ the mem-
bers of the church, "and so far did their malice
> Address of rector and wai'dens to the King, Foote's " An-
nals of King's Chapel," I., p. 101.
= Now Enaland's Faction Discovered, bv C. D. Andros
Tracts, ii., p. 212.
■'1689, July 1. By cash paid M'' Miles, 20/ and the Gierke,
.5/ . . . y '27. By dishursemenls for yo accommodation of
M'- Ratcliffe, for his boy a home, as appears by several Bills
on file, £11 4s. Sd. — Foote's Annals of King's Chapel, I., p.
105. Vide, also. Hid., p. 97.
♦Hist. Collections of the American Col. Ch., in., p. 00.
■■Foote's Annals, i., pp. 87, 101.
'Ibid., p. 106. Andros Tracts, u., p. 211.
THE BUILDING OF KING'S CHAPEL, BOSTON.
191
and bigotry prevail, that some of them openly and publickly hindered
and obstructed the Minister in the performance of the funeral Kites, to
such as had lived and dyed in the Communion of the Church of Eng-
land." The Ijurial of Major Howard' in the church-yard, where the
grave had Ijcen prepared agreealily to the directions of hi.s will, was pre-
vented by the interference of the Rev. Joshua Moodey, of the " First
Church." The minister of the church was " publickly affronted and
hindered from doing of his Duty." " Scandalous Pamphlets " were
" Printed to villitie the Liturgy." Churchmen were " daily called Papist
Doggs and Rogues to theu' Faces." The " plucking down the Church "
was " threatened," " and whoso will but take the Pains to survey the
HOLY TABLE IN DSE 1686-
Glass Windows will easily discover the Marks of a Malice not
Common."-'
The records of the church'' note the payment of £5 10s. on the 2d
of November, 1681), "for mending Church Windows," and the answer
of the Puritans that " all the mischiefs done is the breaking of a few
Quarels of glass by idle Boys, who if discover'd had been chastiz'd by
their own Parents," ^ is disproved both by the amount paid for the repair
of damages and also by the frequent recurrence among the church ac-
counts of payments for the same purpose. The publication by Increase
Mather, in the midst of the excitement attending the overthrow of the
Andros Administration, of "a most scandalous pamphlet," entitled "The
Unlawfulness of the Common Prayer Worship," " wherein," says
"CD.," "he affinns and labours to prove the same to be both Popery
and Idolatry,"® was intended to add fuel to the flame of indignation ex-
1 Major Anthony Haywood, as his name is
sometimes given, is recorded as a contributor to
the building of tlie churcli of £10. He was one
of those authorized l)y the council to receive con-
tributions for this purpose. — Fooie's Annals, I.,
pp. 76, 89, 90. One of the same name, possibly a
son, is refeiTCfl to as lieing i-edeeracd from cap-
tivity in Burbary. — Ibid., p. 119.
- From Rev. Hemy W. Foote's " Annals of
King's Chapel," by the kind permission of the
author.
* Palmer's " Impartial Acconut," reprinted
in the Andros Tracts, i., p. fi^.
' Foote's Annals, i., p. 110.
■ Andros Tracts, n., p. 63.
' Ihid., p. 210.
192
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
cited against the Church . This " Discourse " asserted that the church's
prayers were derived from the Romish Mass, and were, therefore, idola-
trous. It describes "those broken Responds and shreds of Prayer
which the Priests and People toss between them like Tennis Balls."
" Some things," it was claimed, were " enjoined in it as cannot be prac-
tised without sin," such as the Eucharist at weddings, " Popish Holy-
days," the surplice, the ring in marriage ; and the use of the cross was
characterized as the "greatest Devil among all the Idols of Rome." It
was asserted (o be "an Apostacy in this Age of Light to countenance
or comply with the Common Prayer-Book worship." Exceptions wore
taken to the doctrines of the Liturgy
as " false and corrupt," and among
the proofs of this charge we iind
these statements : " It is there
affii'med" (in the Liturgy) "that
children Baptized have all things
necessary to Salvation and are un-
doubtedly saved. Yea, that it is
certain from God's ^\'ord that if a
Baptized child Dye liefore actuall
Sin, 'tis saved. This savours of
Pelagianisme . . . And the Booke
sayth that . . . Christ has Re-
deemed all Mankind."^ Inspired
by the success of this pamphlet in
making the churchmen "obnoxious
to the common people, who ac-
count vs Popish and treat vs ac-
cordingly,"^ the Puritan preachers
fulminated in their pulpits against
" the gi-eat sin of Formality in
Christian worship," and "the sin-
fulness of worshipping God with
COMMUNION FLAGON, 1694.
Men's Institutions
and these as-
saults were the signal in each case for the destruction of " y" Church
winders," * notices of which occur again and again in the records and
accounts.
Meanwhile the church was "benched." Sir Robert Robinson,
Knight, gave to the church " hangings and a cushion for the
pulpit." On Christmas, 1691, Mr. Thomas Gould and Mr. Will-
iam Weaver gave a brass standard for the hour-glass. Governor
Nicholson sent £15 to be divided equally to the minister, to the poor
at Christmas, and for the purchase of Bibles, Common Prayer-Books,
and " singing psalms for the poorer sort of the Church." Green boughs
were prepared against Whitsuntide. The poor were kindly cared for,
and " plaisters and phisick " were provided for the sick. The Rev.
1 Quoted by Foote in his " Anuals of King's
Chapel," I., p. 96, note.
'Randolph to Abp. Sancroft, in " Hist. Coll.
Am. Col. Church," in., p. 637-
' From Eev. Hemy \V. Foote's " Annals of
King's Chapel," by the kind permission of the
author.
*Tbe themes of discoui'ses by the Rev.
Joshua Moodcy and the Rev. Samuel Willard.
'■Foote's Annals, i., pp. 109-112.
THE BUILDING OF KING'S CHAPEL, BOSTON.
193
S3'mon Smith and the Rev. George Hatton officiated during the absence
of the Rev. Samuel Myles in England. Sir Franci.s Wheeler, Admiral
of the Line, and the captains of his fleet, which was recruited in Boston
harbor after the failure of the attempt against Martinique in the West
Indies, left proof of their generosity in liljcral benefactions for the little
church. Silver vessels for the holy communion were provided. The
" forms," or " benches," gave way to more stately and spacious pews.
Offerings were made for the redemption of galley-slaves on the coast
of Africa. Bequests and gifts for church uses are recorded on the church
accounts. Another Harvard graduate, the Rev. William Vesey, of
the class of 1693,
confomied to the
church, and on the
2GthofJuly,lG9G,
" preach'd at the
Church of Eng-
land," prior to his
departure to Eng-
land for orders.
Thomas Graves,
who had been re-
moved from his tu-
torship at the col-
lege, though " a
godly learned
Man, a good Tu-
tor, and solid
preacher," as Sew-
all confesses, for
"his obstinate ad-
herence to some
superstitious con-
ceits of the Com-
m o n P r a y e r-
Book," died and
was buried with
the forms he loved. At length the rector, who had lingered in
England for four years, returned on the 4th of July, 169G, bringing
with him " part of the gift of Queene Mary, performed by King
William after her decease, viz. : the church furniture, which were
A Cushion and Cloth for the Pulpit, two Cushions for the Reading
Deske, A Carpet for the Allter, All of Crimson Damask with Silke
Fringe, one Large Bible, two Large Coramou-praycr Books, Twelve
Lesser Common-prayer Bookes, Linen for the Allter ; Also two Sur-
plises. Alter Tabele, 20 y'^'^' fine damask." ^ Later came "two great
silver Flagons, and one silver bascn, and one sallver, and one boul, and
one Ewer, all of sillver, which was given to the Church by the King and
' From Rev. Hemy W. Foote'3 " Aunals of 'Foote's "Annals of King's Chapel," I.,
King's CUapel," by the kind permission of the p. 121.
author.
COMMUNION-PLATE GrVEN BY KING Wn.LIAM AND
QUEEN MARY.'
194 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
y^ Quean and brought
^P^ over by Cap'. John
ayamu^ ^ri,,. fhS:;"'Tbe1^it
^^^2^"' -Zf -C\ Jy ^*^P logue, viz., the
tJ^*^- ^Tt^t / tenn Command-
<y J'^^i^ ments; the Lord'a
Pi'ayer and the
Creed," "drawne in Eng-
land," were brought over by
the returning rector. The
king added to otlier benefac-
tions the gift of £100 per
annum, for the support of
a lecturer or assistant min-
ister, and, shortly after, a
library of standard theology
for the minister's use, includ-
ing AValton's Polyglot, lexi-
cons, commentaries, line edi-
tions of the Fathers, docti'inal
and practical works by the
Anglican divines, with his-
^ torical, controversial, and
Jj(>ri-yi <7'hQ^'f,At7 philological treatises. This
^ _ . <-^ ' was a notable collection at a
time when New England pos-
sessed few collections of
books, either in public or
private hands. Two assist-
ants, sent out by the Bishop
d^~ ( ri ' of London, by name Dansy
^-^ and Wliite, died on their
passage. On the 4th of
Y ■ . c. ' March, 1698-D, the Eev.
}/^P(f^ Christopher Bridge entered
' • upon his duties as assistant
minister of the chapel, and
^^<S^-^^/v^ the century closed with the
^^^^cSt7^Jf/j7^
^;^/^^:i:-^
Church fully organized and
firmly established in the New
n^a.t^y^ ^^l^jj/jy^ England capital. Besides the
-/^ 7^ clergy of the chapel, the min-
ister of the French church —
the Rev. Peter Daille — was
"Episcopally ordained,"" and
the service and sacrament at
fc
» 1 Foote's " Annals of Kind's Chap-
MINISTEES, WARDENS, AND VESTRY OF KING S ^■^y< , _ ^ 122.
CHAPEL, 1700. * «Hist. Coll. Am.Col. Ch., HI., p. 81.
THE BUILDING OF lUNG'S CHAPEL, BOSTON. 195
tlie Huguenot congregation on " Christmas-day, as tbey abusively call
it," is referred to by Sewall in his invaluable diar}^ From the same
authority we learn that an humble churchman, who, by " the importu-
nity of Deacon Eliot and others," had
^ — connected himself with the " South
^^-'O'A /^ T P/7 ■^ Chm-ch," and had later found that it
C_^y^ ) C^ C-^^^Q f ^^'"^^ " ^i^ Conscience to go to the Church
* ^"^ of England, and had sin'd in staying
away from it so long," was formally
excommunicated for his return to his spiritual mother.'
At length, in the changes in the government, a churchman was
again appointed as royal governor, and on Friday, the 26th of May,
1099, Richard Coote, Earl of Bellomont, arrived at Boston in the capac-
ity of "Cap'. Gencrall and Governour inChicf of His Majestie's Prov-
inces of the Massachusetts Bay, New York and New Hampshire." His
fellow-churchmen at the chapel welcomed with enthusiasm the repre-
sentative of the government at home. The Earl of Bellomont's escutch-
eon was hung in the church. A state-pew was fitted up for the new
governor, wlio was also placed on the vestr}' at the Easter meeting.
Although the new governor failed to satisfy the prejudices of his co-
religionists, who regarded his disposition to ingratiate himself with the
adherents of the " standing oi"der " of the people he had come to rule,
still he was not unmindful of his allegiance to church as well as state.
He refused assent to an act of the General Court respecting the govern-
ment of Harvard College, because of "the exclusion of members of the
English Estal)lishment from the academical government." ^ He also
sought to further the wishes of " some persons in New England " for a
" Church of England Minister ; " but in this matter and in many other
ways he showed himself disposed to weigh well, and justly even,
the preferences and policy of the church people. But all hopes of ad-
vantage or fears of disfavor, arising from the fact of the governor's con-
nection with the church, were summarily ended by the death, in New
York, of the noble earl. Thus closed the seventeenth century upon the
little church in Boston.
ILLUSTRATIVE AND CRITICAL NOTES.
MR. WILLIAM H. WHITMORE, a disting:iiished New England antiquarian
and scholar, in Iiis memoir of Sir Edmund Andros prefixed to the three vol-
umes of The Andros Tracts, jiublished by the Prince Society, of Boston, claims that
Andros has "received less than justice from the historians of Massachusetts" (l.,
xxiii."). Kccitino: the statements of Hutchinson (History, i., 353), that " he was less
dreaded than Kirko, but he was known to be of an arbitrary disposition," — and
Palfi-ej' (in., 517), that he was " of arbitraiy principles, and of liabits and tastes
absolutely foreign to those of the Pmitans of New England," and " a man i)repared
to be as oppressive and offensive as the King desired ; " Mr. Whitmore proceeds
" to scrutinize, with deliberation, such chai'ges against his character, and to insist upon
undoubted evidence of his personal iniquities." As a result of this scrutiny, Mr.
iFoote'3 Annals, I., p. 134. ^Palfrey's "New England," rv., p. 195.
196 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Whitmore comes to the conclusion that the zeal of Andros " for Episcopacy, which
led him to insist upon having a place for chm-ch services in one of the Boston meet-
ing-houses for a time," did not amount to " a very heinous oftence." Although it
may have been " a gi'cat annoyance to the members of the Old South Church to
have the Governor use the building for Episcopal services," as tliis obnoxious wor-
ship was held only when " the building was not occupied by the regular congrega-
tion" (Palfrey, m., 522), Mr. Whitmore is of the conviction that we "cannot
greatly censure Andros for his course" (i., xxvi.). He fails " to see any evidence
that Andros was cruel, rapacious, or dishonest." He knows " of no charge affect-
ing his morality," and finds " a hasty temper the most palpable fault to be imputed
to him."
Sent to England with his associates for trial, the result certainly proved, to
quote the judicial words of Mr. Whitman, " that Andros had committed no crime
for which he could be punished, and that he had in no w.ay exceeded or abused the
powers conferred upon liim " (i., xxxiii.). Thus favorably received at home by the
new dynasty, in 1692 he was appointed Governor of Virginia, where, in consequence
of disputes with Commissary Blair, he " brought the resentment of the Bishop of
London and the Church (they say) on his headV' and lost the govei-nmcnt through
"a church quarrel" (N.Y. Col. Docs., rv., 490). Shortly aftenvards he was
appointed Governor of Guernsey, an office which he held for tvvo years, retaining
the post of Bailiff of the Island for life. His name appears among the newly
elected members, in the " Proceedings of the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts, 20 Feb., 1712-13 to Feb., 1713-14," and he was buried at
St. Anne's, Soho, Westminster, London, Feb. 27, 1713-1-1, in the 76th year of his
age. The Andros Tracts, edited by Mr. Whitmore, contain most interesting and
important references to the early history of the church in Boston.
A list of the admirable collection of boolis given by Iving William' to the
Chapel Library is found in the Rev. Henry W. Foote's pamphlet, entitled "A Dis-
course on the Russian Victories, Given in King's Chapel, JIarch 25, 1813, by the
Rev. James Freeman, D.D., and a Catalogue of the Library given by King William
m. to King's Chapel in 1698." With Introductory Remarks by Henry Wilder
Foote. [Reprinted fi'om the Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc., March and May,
1881.] Cambridge: 1881. 8°. p. 22. The covers of the books thus given were
stamped: —
SVB DE
AVSPICnS BIBLIOTHECA
WILHELMI DE
HI BOSTON.
' Vide Foote'a " Annals of King'3 Chapel," i., p. 124.
CHAPTER XL
THE STATE OF THE CHURCH IN AMERICA AT THE BE-
GINNING OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, AND THE
FOUNDATION OF THE SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION
OF THE GOSPEL IN FOREIGN PARTS.
THE institution of the venerable Society for the Propagation of
the Gospel in Foreign Parts grew out of the spiritual needs of the
American plantations, and was in the main brought about by the
exertions of one whom we are proud to claim as a clergyman of the
American Church, — the Rev. Commissary Bray. In the third year
of the existence of the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowl-
edge,— a charity itself the creation of the same earnest and devoted
mind, — it was deemed best to delegate to a separate and independent
organization the care it had originally assumed, at the instance of Dr.
Bray, of the spiritual condition of the American settlements. Through
the exertions of Dr. Bray, seconded by Archbishop Tenison, a royal
charter was secured, and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel
in Foreign Parts held its iirst meeting at Lambeth Palace, on the 27th
of June, 1701. The names of those who attended this initial meeting
under the presidency of the archbishop will show the importance at-
tached to this new institution for foreign evangelization. Besides the
Primate of all England, the bishops of London, — the celebrated Comp-
ton, — Bangor, Chichester, and Gloucester were in attendance ; the Dean
of St. Paul's, Dr. Sherlock, who was also IMaster of the Temple, and
whose well-merited fame was to be eclipsed by his son, who succeeded
his father in his ^Mastership of the Temple, and was subsequently trans-
lated from other sees to the Bishopric of Loudon ; Dr. Hody, Eegius
Professor of Greek at Oxford, and Chaplain to Archbishops Tilotson
and Tenison, whose scholarship and industry are demonstrated by his
treatise on the Septuagint and Vulgate ; Dr. White Kennctt, Arch-
deacon of Huntingdon, afterwards Bishop of Peterborough, and com-
piler of the earliest American bibliography ; and Dr. Stanhope,
afterwards Dean of Canterbury, the well-known author of the Para-
phrase and Comment upon the Epistles and Gospels, were conspicuous
among those who were present at the organization of the charitable
corporation to which more than to any other source the Church in
America owes a debt of gratitude for " a long continuance of nursing
care and protection."^
The first business done at this meeting at Lambeth was the con-
sideration and acceptance of the royal charter, by which the society
1 Preface to American Book of Cominon Prayer.
198
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
was constituted "a body politick and corporate." This instrument
declared tiae object of the society to Ije twofold ; first, the provision
of " learned and orthodox ministers " for " the administration of God's
Word and Sacraments" among the king's "loving subjects" in the
"Plantations, Colonies, and Factories beyond the Seas belonging to our
Kingdom of England ; " and, secondly, the making of " such other
provision as may be necessary for the Propagation of the Gospel in
those parts," comprehending of course the work of evangelizing the
aboriginal inhabitants of those places where English settlements had
been made. "Atheism and Infidelity," on the one hand, and "Popish
Superstition and Idolatry,"
M'ere to be jruarded against
among the peojjle of the plan-
tations by the institution of
this society, and a " mainten-
ance for ministers and the
public Morsbip of God" was
deemed " highly conducive for
accomplishing these ends."
Thus did the society in the in-
strument that gave it corpo-
rate existence profess as its
object and end the promotion
of the glory of God by the
instruction of the people in the
Christian religion. The ob-
jects thus set before it at the
outset have ever been kept in
view. It was not the acknowl-
edgment of any new or lately
learned obligation, but the re-
cognition and public avowal of
an eternal commandment, none
other in fact than that which
gave birth and being to the
church catholic of Christ :
" Go ye, therefore, and teach
all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son,
and of the Holy Ghost : teaching them to observe all things whatso-
ever I have commanded you ; and, lo, I am with you always, even
unto the end of the world. Amen." — St. Matt, xxviii. 19, 20.
At the second meeting, wdiich was held on (he 8th of July, at the
" Cockpit," W'hich stood upon the site of the present Privy Council
office, at Whitehall, the device of the societj^'s seal was agreed upon.
It was " a ship under sail making towards a point of land ; upon the
prow standing a minister with an open Bible in his hand ; people
standing on the shore in a posture of expectation and using these
■words, Transiens adjuva nos." The by-laws adopted at this meeting
provided that the business of the society should always be opened with
prayer ; that a senuon should be preached before the members eveiy
THE STATE OF THE CHURCH IN AMERICA. 199
year by a preacher appointed by the president, and that an oath should
be talicn by the ofBcers of the society for the faithful discharge of their
duties. The meetings of the society, held regularly from this time
forward, took place sometimes at the "Cockpit," at other times at
Lambeth Palace or at the vestry of St. JNIary-lc-Bow Church ; but
most frequently at Archliishop Tcnison's library, at St. Martin's in the
Fields. The day of meeting was, at the first, every Friday, and after-
wards on the third Friday, in every month. A record was kept of the
proceedings, which is still preserv'ed ; and the carefully kept correspond-
ence with the missionaries, in which the history of the Church in
America was given year by year, in tiie very words of those who were
the actors in the events they detailed, was long a most interesting and
valuable part of the archives of the society. Providentially it was
examined, and, so far as it related to our North American colonies,
copied minutely and fully by the late historiographer of the American
Church, the Rev. Francis Lister Hawks, D.D., LL.D., under direction
and by the authority of the general convention. Shortly after these
transcripts were made, the originals were destroyed liy fire, and the
American Church, by its gift of the volumes of these lettei's, sumptu-
ously printed under the authority of the general convention, has fur-
nished the society with the material for much of its own history, which
had else been hopelessly lost.
The collection of funds for the support of this Anglican "propa-
ganda " was a matter of interest and care from the first, and among
the most valuable laborers in this department of the society's opera-
tions was the Bishop of Ely, the celebrated Patrick, who had from the
first, and even prior to the organization of the society, sought to further
the work of foreign evangelization to the utmost of his power. A gi-ate-
ful acknowledgment of his disinterested and abundant services, so far
as the province of Maryland is concerned, was made by the royal
governor, Nicholson, and allusions to the zeal and world-wide charily
displayed l)y this great-hearted prelate and commentator are to be
found in the correspondence of the like-minded Dr. Braj\ Among
those who emulated the good Bishop of Ely in this respect was the
excellent William Burkitt, Vicar of Dedham, in Essex, himself a noted
commentator on the New Testament, who, so far from being content
with being a contributor to the funds of the society, sought out and
was the means of sending to America one of the best of the colonial
clergy, the Rev. Samuel Thomas, missionary to South Carolina. The
celebrated Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury, added to his personal
subscription and blessing suggestions for securing the oflerings of the
charitably disposed in his own diocese. The other bishops of England,
the archbishops of Ireland, and the heads of colleges at the universities,
showed their readiness to promote the work undertaken by the society
by individual contributions, and by recommendations of its object and
operations to their clergy and people. It is an interesting fact that in a
letter from the Rev. Mr. Stubs, of Wadham College, Oxford, under date
of April 14, 1703, after reciting the proofs of interest in the society's plans
felt by the members of the university, reference is made to the fact
that the society, as early as the second year of its existence, was con-
200 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
sidering the necessity of the appointment of a suffragan bishop for
America, and debating the possibility of obtaining the Episcopal relief,
so earnestly desired, from the Scotch bishops. Unfortunately for the
Church in America there were then "but six Scotch bishops remaining,
and they aged men."* It was not till after more than fourscore years
of weary waiting, that the wished-for boon of the episcopate was
secured through this very channel, thus indicated so many years in
advance.
With such abundant evidences of interest in the work undertaken
by the society funds were lavishly supplied. In March, 1701-2, a
donation of one hundred guineas was reported from the Princess of
Denmark, who at a later day, as Queen Anne, was constant in her
charities towards the colonial church. This roj^al gift was in further-
ance of a favorite plan of Dr. Bray, the su^Dport of a superintendent
over the clergy of ^Lir3iand, the importance of which province none
could better know, or more warmly advocate, than the devoted commis-
sary himself. At the same time the records chrouicle a gift of £50
from Archdeacon Beveridge, who, at a later day, when raised to the
episcopate, lost none of his old intei'est in the mission-work carried on
by the society across the sea. A still more munificent gift of £1,000
was reported at the same time from "a person who desires to be un-
known," recalling liy its exhibition of unobtrusive and unostentatious
charity the earlier days of zeal and self-denial for the infant Virginia
Church and State.
Among the leading laymen who were connected with the society,
either at the start or immediately afterwards, the name of Robert Nel-
son must stand preeminent. Elected to membership on the 21st of
November, 1701, a day noteworthy in the annals of the society, as
being that on which the Archbishop of Canterbury and ten other pre-
lates wei"e formally enrolled among its members ; it is even now a
source of gi-atitication that in this holy work of foreign evangelization,
as well as in that of the Christian Knowledge Society, the non-juror,
Robert Nelson, could still find and gladly embrace opportunities for
cooperation with the church of his baptism. His name will ever be
held in grateful memory by the members of the Anglican Communion,
so long as festival and fast shall bring to mind his admirable exposi-
tions, and clear and convincing explanations of the church's services.
He stands foremost in his day and generation for the singular pui'ity
and consistent holiness of his life, the largeness and extent of his
liberality, the pains with which he cultivated each gift and grace be-
stowed upon him, and the complete, unreserved consecration with which
he devoted himself and all that he was or had to God. Casting in his
lot with those brave and holy men, who, at the Revolution, felt that
they could not in conscience transfer to one sovereign the allegiance
they had sworn to another ; and, in their obedience to the dictates of
their consciences, sufl'ered deprivation of all preferments, and con-
sequent poverty and obscurity all the days of their life. Nelson teaches
us that it is possible for men to differ widely, and yet charitably, and
in maintaining stoutly and strenuously one's own convictions to find ut
1 Anderson's " Col. Ch.," lu., i>. 36.
THE STATE OF THE OllUIiCIl IN AMKRICA. !>Ul
the last means for the healino; of all diflbrences in a conmion lo\(^ for :i
common Lonl. It is, and will ever be, oui- glory as a church, that it
was in measures for our planting and nourishing that Robert Nelson
was l)rought in close union with those who shared none of his scruples,
I)ut recognized his unswerving devotion to conscience and trutli. An
interesting proof of the interest of Nelson in the work of the society
is found in the special Collect, which he di'evv up in the society's behalf,
and which is contained in his well-known Companion for the Festivals
and Fasts. It breathes in most felicitous language the earnest petition
that the members of this important Christian charity might lie diligent
and zealous in the discharge of their duties, and receive the wisdom
to discern, and the courage and resolution to pursue, the most fitting
means for the i)roniotion of the good work they had in hand.
The day of Rol)ert Nelson's admission to membership was signal-
ized by the admission of the celelirated Francis Nicholson, Governor
of Virginia. The excellences, as well as the defects, of Nicholson's
character were marked, and known of all men. His churchmauship
was in many respects uncompromising ; and yet instances are recorded
of his ready compliance with the requirements of the Romish ritual
at one time, and those of the barest Calvinistic worship on the other.
Devoted to tlu^ Church : liberal, munificent even, in his gifts for the
furtherance of her interests ; sparing no pains, and reckless even of
personal j)opii!arity, in accomplishing the building of churches, and
the settlement of clergy in the various governments intrusted to his cai'e
from time to time, he could not or woidd not restrain a hasty temper,
and a passionate self-will, leading him into altercations with the clergy
and rendering him obnoxious for his despotic and imprincipled de-
meanor. Still the zeal and generosity so uniformly manifested by him
in i)romoting the growth of the colonial church were more likely to be
known and rememl)ered in England than his defects of temper, or his
mistakes in governing ; and it was but natural that one who had in 1700
received the thanks of the Christian Knowledge Society for " his great
services in the propagating Christian knowledge in the plantation,"
should become an honored member of the sister society, having the
same great end in view.
Another honored name, that of a true and world-renowned Christian
gentleman, — John Evelyn, — appears among the list of meml)ers of
the society during the first year of its existence. The minutes show that
this worthy English gentleman was elected to membershi[) on the ir)th
of May, 1702, and the diary of Evelyn himself, one of the choicest
fragments of our English literature, makes the following reference to
the election and to the society's work : —
Being elected a member of the Society lately ineorporated for the Propagation
of the Gospel in Foreij^n Parts, I siibscribtl U)l. per ami. to\vards the carrying it on.
We agreed that every niissioncr, besides thi' 20^ to set liim fortli, sho' have 50?.
per ann. out of the Stock of the Corporation, till liis settlement was worth to him
100/. per ann. We sent a yonng divine to New York.
Between two and three years after the date of this record Evelyn
entered into his rest, leaving the society which had numbered him
202 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
among its members the more worthy of our veneration and remem-
brance, because approved and aided by so true a Christian, and so per-
fect a gentleman.
With such an object in view, even the conversion of the world,
and such a noble band of workers associated in its behalf, the society
was not long in taking a tirm hold upon the affection and support of
English churchmen. The call was at once made, through the bishops
and other church dignitaries, for " such clergymen as have a mind to be
employed in this Apostolical work," and the promise of support was
made to all such who, being found "duly qualified," proposed to "devote
themselves to the service of Almighty God and our Saviour, by propa-
gating and promoting the gospel in the truth and purity of it, according
to the doctrine, discipline, and worship established in the Church of
England." Testimony was required in the case of each applicant for
appointment as to age, condition in life, temper, prudence, learning,
sober and pious conversation, zeal for the Christian religion and dili-
gence in his holy calling, and his conformity to the doctrine and disci-
pline of the Church of England. An earnest appeal was made to "all
persons concerned, that they recommend no man out of favour or affec-
tion, or any other worldly consideration, but with a sincere regard to
the honour of Almighty God and our blessed Savioui' ; as they tender
the interest of the Christian religion and the good of men's souls." The
"instructions for the missionaries," which were prepared and published,
cover every particular which could be required, and are couched in lan-
guage so simple and so affecting as to be models of rules for holy living.
These " insti'uctions " begin with the missionary's appointment, cover
the period of his passage to his distant field, and then provide for his
" circumspect and unblamable " behavior upon his arrival at his post.
These laborers for Christ were enjoined : —
I. That they always keep in their view the great design of their undertaldng,
^^z. : to promote the glory of Almiglity God, and the salvation of men, by propa-
gating the gospel of our Loi'd and Saviour.
II. That they often consider the qualifications for those who would effectually
promote this design, viz. : a sound knowledge and hearty belief of the Christian
religion; an apostolical zeal, tempered with prudence, humility, meekness, and pa-
tience ; a fervent charity towards the souls of men ; and, finally, that temperance,
fortitude, and constancy, which become good soldiers of Jesus Christ.
III. That in order to the obtaining and preserving the said qualifications,
they do very frequently in their retirement offer up feiwent prayer to Almighty God
for his direction and assistance ; converse much with the Holy Scriptures ; seriously
reflect ujjon their Ordination Vows ; and consider the account which they are to
render to the great Shepherd and Bisho]> of our souls at the last day.
VI. That in their outward behaviour they be circumspect .and unblamable,
giving no offence either in word or deed ; that their ordinary discourse be grave
and edifying; their apparel decent and proper for clergymen; and that in their
whole conversation they be instances and patterns of the Christian's life.
VIII. That in whatsoever familj' they shall lodge, they persuade them to join
with them in daily pr.ayer, morning and evening.
With respect to their parochial work they received equally fidl
and minute instructions. The "rules of the Liturgy" were to be con-
scientiously observed "in the performance of all the offices of the Min-
istry." Besides the Sunday and Holy-day services they were, if
THE STATE OF THE CIIURCH IN AMERICA. 203
practicable, to have daily prayers, and to neglect no opportunity of
preaching. The service was to be performed with " seriousness and
decency," so as to "excite a spirit of devotion" in the people. The "chief
subjects " of their sermons were to be " the great fundamental principles
of Christianity, and the duties of a sober and godly life." Vices pre-
dominant in the places of their residence were to be particularly preached
against. They were required to " carefully instruct the people concern-
ing the nature and use of the sacraments of liaptism and the Lord's
supper, as the peculiar institutions of Christ, pledges of communion
with Him, and means of deriving Grace from Ilim." Catechising, the
instruction of "Heathen and Infidels" and constant visiting, the distri-
bution of tracts and the lending of " useful books," together with the
setting up of schools for children, were particularly enjoined.
It was with this end in view that the venerable society undertook
the work of evangelizing the colonies of Great Britain in America.
There was need of such an agency. Through its abundant labors the
church's prayers were again heard, and her sacraments administered,
in New England, after years of banishment and consequent disuse.
New York had at length the regular ministrations required for years
by royal rescripts, but only just obtained. In Pennsylvania the
Cluiiili had only lieen introduced. Maryland had its half-a-dozen
clergymen, and Virginia a greater number; l)ut in both of these
provinces there were numerous vacancies, and what were the few
clergy, scattered at great distances and ministering under many diffi-
culties, among the many infant settlements springing up on every
side? A-t the southward the Church liad only a name to live, and was
well-nigh dead. In consequence of the insufficiency of clergymen
churches were closed, and the young and old grew up, lived, and
died without the knowledge of God's word or the administration of
the sacraments. Laxity of opinion and practice followed the withholding
of the teaching of God's truth, and the dispensing of the means of grace.
The Church could not advance in view of such hindrances to success.
That she survived this period of indifference and neglect is only to be
accounted for I)y the divine promise that, " the gates of hell shall not
prevail against her."
Dr. Bray presented to the archbishop, and published in 1701, a
memorial " representing the present state of religion in the several
provinces on the continent of North America, in order to the provid-
ing a sufficient number of missionaries, so absolutely necessary to be
sent at this juncture into those parts."' The statistics he gave are
similar to those we have recited, and from this " memorial," as well
as from other contemporary documents, it appears that outside of
Virginia and Maryland there were not at the beginning of the
eighteenth century half-a-dozen clergymen of the Church in ail the
colonies of North America, and that, including these provinces where
the Chureii was legally established, the whole number of priests of the
mother-church ministering on American shores, from Maine to Caro-
lina, was considerably less than fifty, probably not two-score.
' Published in folio, London, 1701, p. 15. Collection'!," i., pp. 99-106, and is there erro-
Thig valuable paper, willi a iinmher of vari.a- neously dated " about the year 1740."
tious, is printed iu Ihc " I'rot. Epis. Ilist. Soe.
204 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
With such a lack of ministers and ministrations, the efforts which
had marked the earlier days of settlement for the conversion of the
Indians, and the later laljors which had been undertaken from time to
time in behalf of the civilizing and Christianizing of the negroes,
already become numerous and brought within reach of instraction,
had wholl}" ceased. Morgan Godwyn, who had been a student of
Christ Ciiurch, Oxford, and after takmg orders, had spent several
years in Virginia, in his pamphlet, entitled : " The Negroes' and
Indians' Advocate, suing for their admission into tlic Ciiurch," j)ub-
lished in London, in lUSO, pleads earnestly with his countrymen in
behalf of the negroes and other heathen at that time in the West
Indies. But earnest and able as were his arguments, and applicable
as they were to the condition of things on the main land as well, they
failed to convince those whom he addressed. Godwyn, in a letter to
Grovernor Berkeley, gives an account of the state of religion in Virginia,
where he had ministered liefore the time of Bacon's i-ebellion, and
which there is no doubt continued to be correct until the beginning of
anew century. Acknowledging that the governor had, "as a ten-
der father, nourished and preserved Virginia in her infancy and
nonage," he reminds Berkeley " that there is one thing, the propa-
gation and establishing of religion in her, wanting." The occasion of
this lack, auKnig other reasons, is thus stated : " The ministers are most
miserably handled by their plel)eian Juntos, the vesteries, to whom
the living (that is the usual word there) and admission of ministers
is solely left. And there being no law obliging them to any more
than procure a lay-reader (to be obtained at a very moderate rate),
they either resolve to have none at all, or reduce them to their own
terms ; that is, to use them how they please, pay them what they
list, and to discard them whensoever thej'^ have mind to it." Again,
"two-thirds of the preachers are made up of readers, lay-priests of the
vesteries ordination : and are both the shame and grief of the rightly
ordained Clergie there." Parishes, extending some of them sixty or
seventy miles in extent, were kept vacant for many years, to save
charges. " Laymen were allowed to usurp the olfice of ministers,
and Deacons to undermine and thrust out Presbyters, in a word all
things concerning tiie Chureii and religion were left to the mercy of
the people." To this he adds, "to propagate Christianit}' among the
heathen — whether natives or slaves brought from other parts —
although (as must piously be supposed) it were the only end of
God's discovering those countries to us, yet is that lookt upon by our
new race of Christians, so idle and ridiculous, that no man can forfeit
his judgment more than by any proposal looking or tending that
way."
Such was the state of religion and the Church in a province where
the Ciuircii was established by law ; elsewhere sectism in various forms
prevailed, and it was rcseiwed to the venerable society to undertake
the work which in the course of years gave us our American
Church. Without the labors of the society, in supplying us with men
of " apostolic zeal " and " unblameable character," of true religion and
good learning, the Church, betrayed by those who should have
e
THE STATE OK THE CHUUCII IN AMERICA. 20.5
sought hcv liighest good ; " wounded, like her Master, in the house
of her friends," would have died. The gates of hell would have
prevailed against her.
ILLUSTRATIVE AND CRITICAI^ NOTES.
THE transcrii)ts of tlie voluminous correspondence of the missionaries with thi;
socrt'tary of the venei'able societ}', together with the copies of documents, relat-
ing to Ihe early history of the C'lnnvli in the colonies, in the collections of iVISS. a(
Lambeth and Fulham, made under the direction of the late Rev. Dr. Francis 1^.
Hawks, are contained in a number of ponderous folios, and form a most valuaijlt
part of tlie archives of the General Convention of the American Church. Several
of tliesc volumes have been publislied. The volume of Connecticut Cliurch MSS.
was published under the editorship of Dr. Hawks and the author of this history, in
two octavo vokimes, in tlio year 1863 and 1864. The Virginia MSS. forraecl tlic
initial volume of a series of five noble quartos, printed in sumptuous style, mulci-
tlie general title of " Historical Collections of the American Colonial Chiu'cli," of
wliicli the issues were, successively, Virginia, in 1871; Pennsylvania, in 187 :i ;
Massachusetts, in 1874 ; Maryland, "in 1878, and Delaware in the same year. Of
these important volumes but two hmidred and lifty sets were printed ; and they
liavo, in consequence, already become rare and costly. It is proposed to resume
the jniblicatiou of this series, and to issue the rem.aining volumes in a less expensi\-e
form.
Om- notices of the venerable society would be incomplete without a reference
to the " White Kennet Library," a collection of the rarest books, pamphlets, tracts,
broadsides, etc., gathered by Dr. White Kennet, afterwards Bishop of Fcterborongli,
and presented by him to the society as an " American Library." Tlie catalogue of
tlris collection, itself amost valuable bibliograpliical voUmic, is entitled " Bibliotlieca;
Americans Primordia. An Attempt towards laying the foundation of an American
Librarj', in several books, papers, anil writings, humbly given to the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts By a member of the
Society." Quarto, 171:0. iVlthongh this valuable collection is not wholly preserved,
after the lapse of nearlj' a century and three-quarters, many of its volumes are
yet in the possession of tlie society ; while otlicrs which have sti'aycd are, from time
to time, found in other collections, licaring the name and book-stamp of the far-see-
ing and indefatigable collector. Vide an interesting " Account of the White KonucI
Library of the Society for the Propagation of tlie Gospel in Foreign Parts. B\
Charles Deane." Cambridge, 1883.
CHAPTER XII.
THE MISSION OF KEITH AND TALBOT " FROM NEW HAMP-
SHIRE TO CARATUCK," NORTH CAROLINA.
rr^HE career of the Rev. George Keith, the fir.st "inissioner" ap-
I pointed by the venerable society, had been a strange and
checkered one. Born and brought up at Aberdeen, and a
student at the ancient university of this city with Gilbert Burnet, the
great Bishop of Salisbury, who was a few years his junior, Keith had
been at the first connected with the established kirk. Converted fi-om
Presbytenanism to the doctrines and practices of the Quakers, he
proved the sincerity of his change of views and his fearlessness in the
advocacy of his inner convictions, by coming forward as the champion
of the lielief he had adopted at a time when it was assailed with the
fiercest persecution. A ready writer and a sldlled controversialist,
his numerous writings in defence of the tenets of the Quakers were
marked by acute reasoning and abundant learning. Restless in mind
and body alike, America soon became the home of his adoption, and
the heralding of the views of his sect the chief occupation of his life.
Coming to America about the year 1682, and settling in Mon-
mouth, N.J., we find him employed in 1687 as surveyor-general to
draw the boundary line Ijetween the eastern and western division of
the province in which he had made his home. Two years later he
moved to Philadelphia for the purpose of taking charge of the Friends'
public school, then first esta))lished in the city of Penn. As a teacher
he was flxithful and successful, and in the exercise of his gifts as a
preacher " among an unlearned and ignorant company of people, as
for the most part these preachets were," he easily "excelled them all,
appearing as a bright luminary, and outshining all the rest of that
order among them ; and by his remarkalile diligence and industry in
all paits of his ministerial office, he rendered himself beloved of
them all, especially the more inferior sort of people."' But with
shining parts, and all the elements of popular success, the Quaker
teacher and preacher possessed an irresistible fondness for con-
troversy. He had distinguished himself as a writer in favor of
Quakerism as early as 1665, and in crossing the sea he had not lost
either his fondness for controversy or his skill in disputation. His
zeal, quickened by the relentless persecution of his fellow-religionisfcs
at the hands of the Puritans of New England, led him to bear his
" testimony " in the very midst of those among whom Quakerism had
'Gerard Croese, quoted in "Piot. Epis. Hist. Soc. Collcctious," i.. Introduction to reprint of
Kcith'3 Jonraal, p. ix.
run king's missive. IGCI, COJIMANDING TUK. UELEASE of TUE tjCAKi;i;-^.
208
HISTOIiY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
alread}' reaped what its adherents deemed a glorious martyrdom.
The "King's missive" had, indeed, emptied the jails and stopped the
bloody seourgiugs and painful martyrdoms which had been the Puri-
tan's favorite mode of dealing with heresy, but the old hate had not
died out ; so the Quaker champion fearlessly threw down the gauntlet
and challenged to the polemic strife the most astute and fimious of
the champions of Puritanism. It was thus that he began his " Solemn
Call and Warning from the J,,ord to the People of New England to
repent" : —
"The l)urden of the AVord of the Lord that came unto me on the
twenty-first day of this fourth month, 1688, in the town of Boston, in
New England, to declare it unto Boston and its inhabitants, and to the
inhabitants of New England.'"
A copy of this " warning-cry,"
couched in jirophetic language,
and bitter and remorseless in
its denunciations of those to
whom it was addressed, was
po.sted in the most conspicuous
part of tlie town, and this act
of defiance was followed by
^ the publication of a letter writ-
Vo -^J^J ^"Lh^n'^ Ccu4<^ \«" in similar style, and ad-
dressed to James Allen,
Joshua Moody, Samuel Wil-
lard. Cotton Mather, called
preachers in Boston." In this
communication Keith chai'ged
those whom he named with preaching false doctrine, and lioldly chal-
lenged them to a jjublic disputation. The reply is characteristic of
men who knew their position and power, and at the same time could not
overlook or fail to resent this daring insult offered to their dignity : —
Having received a blasphemous and heretical jjapcr, subscribed by one
George Keitli, our answer to it and him is : if lie desires conference to instruct us.
let him give us his arguments in wi'iting as well as liis assertions ; if to inform
himself, let him write his doubts ; if to cavil and disturb the peace of our chm'ches
(which we liave cause to suspect), we have neither list nor leisure to attend hia
motions. If he would have a ijublie audience, let him i)i'int ; if a private tliscourse,
though lie may know where we dwell, yet we forget not what the Apostle John
saith, Epis. 2, loth verse. ^
It needed no invitation to induce Keith, thus baffled in his wish
for a disputation with the Puritan ministers, to seek "a public audi-
ence " through the press, and his reply was even more scathing and
severe than his first attack. Not content with the immediate issue, he
revives the conti'oversies of the past, and opens up old sores in " A
brief answer to some gross al)uses, lies and slanders, published some
years ago by Increase IMather, late teacher of a churcli at Boston, in
1 If there come auy unto yoii, aiul bring' uot this doctrine, receive him not into your house,
neiLlier bid him GolI speed.
THK MISSION OF KKITH AND TALROT. 2()!:»
New Engliind, in his hook called 'Au Essay for the recording oi" illus-
trious Providences.' etc., and liy Nath. Morton, iu liis hook called
'New England's Memorial.'"
It was not long after this acrimonious controversy that Keith found
his convictions no longer in accord with Hie ])revailing views of his
own jKuty. Differences of opinion touching many important points of
doctrine and practice hecame at length so pronounced as to lead, not
KKV. ()EOR«iE KEITH
only to his i-emoval from his position in the school, lint to his puhlic
condemnation and practical excommunication from the Quaker body.
Having openly charged the Friends in Pennsylvania with laxity of dis-
cipline, as well as a departure from their original belief, he proceeded
to resist the authority of their tribunals, on the ground that the accept-
ance in their own persons of the magistracy was a violation of their
religious profession. But his arguments convinced only his adherents
and himself, and, lieing brought to trial, he was convicted and lined.
The fine was subsetiuently remitted, but whether this leniency arose
from a conviction on the part of the judges that their authority was in-
deed questionable, or from a hope that the offender might be reclaimed,
210 HISTOHY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
it is impossible to determine. It is certain, however, that from this
time Keith proceeded to claim for his followers and himself the right to
be regarded as the true exi^onents of Quakerism, and to denounce all
others as apostates. No other course remained for those who were
arrayed against this new expositor of Quakerism l)ut to Ijear their
public testimony against him. Admonitions and persuasions had
failed to dissuade the fearless Keith from avowing his convictions, and
assailing all who differed from his views; and even when the great
body of the Friends publicly disavowed all connection with him, his
answer was, that "he trampled their judgment undei his feet as dirt."
He set up at once a separate " meeting," and numbering, as he did,
among his followers, many who are described by the historian of Penn-
sylvania as "men of rank, character and reputation, in these prov-
inces, and divers of them gi'eat preachers and much followed," '
his success occasioned great alarm. " A Declaration, or Testimony
of Denial," was solemnly borne against the schismatic at a public meet-
ing of the Friends, in Philadelphia, on the 20th of Ajiril, 1692, and
confirmed by the general meeting held at Burlington, X.J., a few
months afterwards. Its language of mingled sorrow and condemna-
tion proves the severity of the blow inflicted upon them by this
secession from their numbers, and is in marked contrast with the con-
temptuous tone in which they were wont at a later day to refer to it.
The words of the lamentation of David over Saul and Jonathan are
made use of to describe their feelings as they moan over the loss of
the " mighty man " who had dropped from their ranks. As long as
he walked "in the counsel of God and was little iu his own eyes," his
" bow" abode " in strength," and his " sword returned not empty from
the fat of the enemies of God." "Oh, how lovely," tliey continued,
" wert thou, in that day when this beauty was upon thee, and when
this comeliness covered thee ! " And then, taking up the language of
the message to the Church of Ephesus in the Apocalypse, they bade
him who had " left his first love " to remember from whence he was
" fallen, and repent, and do his first works. "^
This "Testimony" against Keith, thus given by the Friends in
America, was confirmed iu 1694 by the yearly meeting of the Quakers
in London. But he was only the more steadfast. The grounds of his
separation were such that there could Ije no compromise. He and his
followers claimed as their title that of "Christian Quakers." Keith
charged upon his opponents a tendency towards Deism.
Returning to England in the same year in which the testimony
of the London meeting was delivered against him, he found himself
disowned, derided, and despised. Patiently and resolutely he betook
himself to the task of self-vindication. But the line of reading and of
argument which he pursued in his attempt to disprove the errors of
Quakerism convinced him that the Church of England, at once Cath-
olic and reformed, claimed his allegiance and service. With him con-
viction was at once followed by action, and, openly confessing his
previous errors, he was received into the Church, and began his prepa-
' PiouJ'a " History of Pennsylvania," I., p. 369, note. ' Ibid., pp. 365, 366.
THE MISSION OF KEITH AND TALBOT.
'ill
ration for holy orders. The pen which h.ad proved so trenchanl in
its advocacy of the tenets of the Friends was at once devoted to the
service and defence of the church of his latest love. So fully did he
receive her doctrine, and so ready and convincing were his arguments
in her defence, that his exposition of the church's teaching, as contained
in his "Larger and Lesser Catechism," was the first book adopted for
circulation by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. His
"Reasons for renouncing Quakerism, and entering into Communion
with the Church of England," which was publishcdin 1700, became at
212 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
once an authority in tlie controversy, from its vigorous style and acute
and lucid reasoning. Received early in the same year to holy orders,
his "Farewell Sermon, preached at Turner's Hall, May the 5th, with
his two initiating Sermons, on May the 12th, 1700, at St. George's,
Butolph's Lane, by Billings-Gate," attest the earnestness of his convic-
tions, and the entire consecration of himself to his new work, at the
beginning of his ministry. Commended by Dr. Bray to the Societj'
for Propagating the Gospel, soon after he had received Priest's orders
he jireparcd, at the request of the Secretary, a " Memorial of the State
of Religion" in those parts of North America where he had travelled.
In tiiis interesting paper he refers to his opposition to the Quaker
" notion of the sufficiency of the light within every man to salvation,
witiiout anything else," as having been the occasion of his own sepa-
ration, and asserts that on his coming to England, in 1694, he left be-
hind him " fourteen or fifteen meetings in Pennsylvania, West and East
Jerseys, that met apart from the Quakers (on the account of their
opposition to these errors) to the number of above five hundred per-
sons." The Memorial pointed out the best places among the Amer-
ican colonies for the introduction of the Church ; and its wise and
temperate suggestions, coupled with the knowledge of the writer's
familiarity with the counti\y and its varying and discordant sects, and
his zeal for the church of his adoption, influenced the society to
appoint Keith its first travelling missionary, commissioning him to
explore the field in its length and breadth, and associating with him the
Rev. Patrick Gordon as a fellow-itinerant. The newly tippointed
missionaries embarked on the 24th of April, 1702, on board the " Cen-
turion" for Boston, where they arrived on the 11th of the June follow-
ing. Col. Joseph Dudley, the royal Governor of New England, and
Col. Lewis Morris, Governor of New Jersey, were passengers in the
same ship. The chaplain of the " Centurion," the Rev. John Talbot, be-
came so interested in the mission of Keith as to devote himself to mis-
sion work, or, as he was fond of styling it, " the service of God and His
Church, apud Americanos.'" "Worthy Mr. Gordon" died at Jamaica,
Long Island, about six weeks after his arrival in Boston. His career,
though thus early closed by death, had been long enough to win for
him the respect and regard of churchmen and dissenters alike, and
Colonel Morris, in a letter to Archdeacon, afterwards Bishop, Bever-
idge, bore testimony to his "abilities, sobriety and prudence," and
mourned his untimely removal "just as he was entering upon his
charge."
The " Centurion " landed its passengers at Boston, and the clei'gy
of the Queen's Chapel, the Rev. Samuel INIyles and the Rev. Chris-
topher Bridge, welcomed these three brethren to their homes. On
the following Sunday Keith preached in the Queen's Chapel, from the
text Eph. ii. 20, 21, 22, before "a large Auditory not only of Church
people but of many others." At the request of the ministers and
vestry, and others, this sermon was printed. It contained " six plain
brief rules," which the preacher told his hearei's agreed well with the
Holy Scriptures, and which, if "put in practice, would bring all to the
Church of England who dissented from her." " This," remarks Keith, in
THE MISSION OF KEITH AND TALEOT. 213
his jouriKil, " (lid greatly alarm the Independent Preachers at Bo.sloii."
'i\) no less a controversialist than the celcljrated Dr. Increase Walher
was assigned the task of combaling these "rules," and overthrowing
the arguments of a disputant, who," as an advocate for the Church, re-
ceived a hearing and a reply, denied him years before, when he was
contending in behalf of the vagaries of Quakerism. A short contro-
T H E
DOCTRINE
OF THE HOLY
Apoftles & Prophets the Foundation
O F THE
Church of Chrift,
As ir nas Delivered in a
SERMON
At Her Maiefties Chappel, at
l^oslon in U^exf 'England^ the
i^th, oifune lyoz.
By C^rorfic Brttt), M. A.
B 0 S T 0 if.
Printed for Samuel Fhillifs at the Brick Shcrj\ 1702.
vcrsy followed, thougii Keith's answer was printed in New York, "The
Printer at Boston not daring to print it lest he should give offence to
the Independent Preachers there."
Before setting forth on his missionary journey ]\Ir. Keith was
induced hy Colonel Morris to remain at Boston until the " Commence-
ment" of the college at Cambridge, "at which,'" writes iNIorris, "the
good man was met with very little University breeding, and with less
learning, but he was most distressed by the theses which were there
214 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
maintained of predestination and immutable decrees, to which he drew
up a long answer in Latin." The theses of President Willard, thus
pronounced unsound, are recorded in Keith's journal, as follows :
" I. That the fall of Adam, by virtue of God's decree, was necessary.
II. That every free act of the reasonable creature is determined by
God, so that whatever the reasonable creature acteth freely, it acteth
the same necessarily."
The Latin letter sent to the president was afterwards " put into
Etiglish" and published at New York. In Willard's reply, " notwith-
standing his many shufflings, and seeming to disown the charge," he
"very roundly and plainly" maintains all that had been alleged, and
" much more," in these words : —
Nor shall I part with mj' opinion, viz. : that the Origine and cause of the
necessity of the first sin is more to be derived fi'ora God, than from Man himself.
Nay, furthei', that the whole oause of tlie futurity of it is owing to tlie Divine
decree, though still tlie whole sin and bhime of it is due to Adam," for that in ac-
complishing of his Apostacy, he abused his own free Will, and voluntarily trans-
gressed the command.
The answer of Keith to this defence had, we are told, '' a good
eilcct in quieting the minds of many people in these parts, and bring-
ing them over to the Church."
Early in July Keith and Talbot began the extended tour of mis-
sionary exploration which occupied two years, and extended from
" Piscataway Eiver in New England to Caratuck in North Carolina."
Beginning in Lynn, the Quakers were visited in their homes, and at
their " Meetings." In spite of abuse and interruptions they pursued
their labors at Hampton, Salisbury, Dover, and Salem ; returning
thence to Boston, and having throughout their journey received the
hospitality and cooiieration of the " New England ministers," who made
common cause with them in their assault upon Quakerism. On their
second journey, which was towards the southward, they were accom-
panied by the Rev. Mr. Mylcs of Boston. At Newport there was a
public disputation with the Qual^ers, which attracted great attention ;
and at Portsmouth, Narragansett, Little Compton, and Swansea, the
indefatigable " missioner" pursued his work of exposing the errors of
the Quakei's, and ])roclaiming the faith of the Church of England.
Starting out from Newport on a third tour, New London was the lirst
point reached, and the journal tells us that on Sunday, September the
l.jth, "Mr. Talliot preached there in the forenoon, and I preached
there in the afternoon, we being desired to do so by the minister, j\Ir.
Gurdon Saltonstall, who civilly entertained us at his house, and ex-
pressed his good affection to the Church of England, as did also the
minister at Hampton" [the Rev. John Cotton], "and the minister at
Salisbury" [the Rev. j\lr. Gushing], "and divers other New England
ministers did the like. My text was Rom. 8, 9 ; the auditory was
large, and well afl^ected. Col. Winthrop, governour of the colony, after
Forenoon Sermon invited us to dinner at his house, and kindly enter-
tained us both tiien and the next day." Crossing Long Island Sound in
a sloop which they hired, they reached, after two days' travel on horse-
THE MISSION OF KEITH AND TAIJ'.OT. 21.')
back, Oyster-liiiy, where, on Sunday after prayers, Mr. Keith preached,
and his eonipanion Uajjlizcd a eliild. At this point the Rev. William
W'sey, of Trinity (Jluircii, New \'.orU, joined tlie ])arty. and all pro-
ceeded to tiie Quaker nieetiii"' at Flushini;'.
The attempt of Keith to speak was interrupted by " tlie clamour
and noise ; " l)ut in the disputes tiiat followed it is evident that Keith
was far from heing worsted by his bitter antagonists. From Hamp-
stead, where a Sunday was spent, and the church's service and a sermon
given to a people "generally well afl'ected " and desirous that a Church
of England minister siiould be settled among them," the ])arty ])ro-
ceeded to New York. It was a time of pestilence. "Aiiove tive
hundred " had " died in the space of a few weeks, and that very week
al)out seventy." Keith preached from St. James v. 13, at the " VVcekly
Fast which was appointed by the Government by reason of the great
mortality," and on the following day proceeded on his journey south-
ward. Sunday, Octol)er 3, was spent at Amboy : "the auditory was
small." The "text was Tit. ii. 11, 12." "Such as were there" were
well aflected." Among them were some "Keithan Quakers," who
had conformed to the Church. Of these converted Quakers one was
-lohn Barclay, " bi-f)tiier to Robert Barclay, who published the Apol-
ogy for the Quak(;rs." (_)n tiie following Sunday, at Freehold, Keith
attended the "Yearly fleeting" of the Keithan Quakers, where, after
a Quaker discourse, the journal records as follows : "I used some
of the Church Collects I had by lieart in prayer; and after that I
preached on Heb. v. 9.' There was a considerable auditory of Quakers :
the}- heard me without any interruption, and the meeting ended
peaceably." This was repeated the following day, and an oppor-
tunity for
private con-
ference with
the Quakei-
pre a cher
was not
lost. The
f o 1 1 o w i n g
S u n d a y
Keith preached at Middleton, Mr. Talbot reading tiie prayers, and
the text being St. Matt, xxviii. 19. Here " most of the auditory were
Cimrch people, or well-atfected to the Church." A week later Keith
held a "three days" meeting" at Shrewsbury, it being the time of the
Quakers' Yearly Meeting, during which Keith pul)licl\' "detected
the Quakers' eiTors out of their printed books, particularly out of
the folio book of Edward Burroughs' AV^orks, collected and pub-
lished l)y the Quakers after his death," reading "the quotations to
the Auditory, laying the pages open before such as were willing to
read them, for their l)etter satisfaction." From Shrewsl)ury Keith
and Talbot proceeded to Burlington, where they preached in the town-
house, the church not being built. Here they had " a great auditory
of diverse sorts, .some of the Church, and some of the late converts
from Quakerism." Here again Keith " detected the Quakers" errors
216
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
out of their <jreat authors, George Fox his Great INIystery, and Edwiird
Burroughs' Folio Boolv, and others." From Burlington, where, as else-
Avhere in New Jersey, they received marked attention from the lead-
ing officers of the crown, they journeyed to Philadelphia, where
they were heartily welcomed by "the two ministers there and the
church people, and especially hy the late converts from Quakerism,
who were become zealous membersof tiio t'hurcli."' The visit of these
distinguished representatives of the venerable society was made the
occasion of a meeting of the clergy in New York, where seven
assembled in the second week in November and drew up " An Account
of the State of the Church in Pennsylvania, East and AVest Jersey and
New York." The names of those composing this first Clerical Convo-
cation in the city of New York were, Geoi'ge Keith ; Evan Evans,
" Minister of Philadelphia ; " Alexander Innes, "Presbyter ; " Edward
Mott, "Chaplain of Her Majesty's Forces in New York ;"" John Talbot ;
William Vescy, "Rector of New York ; " and John Bartow, " Rector of
' This follows Holmes's engi-aving of tlie por- if his brother William, he died in 1683, ajjeil 73.
trait of Fox, by Ilonthorst, in 1G54, when Fox The original canvas was recently olfci'od lor sale
was in lii^ thirtieth year. This Dutch painter, if in Kn2;lan(l. A viewof Swarllunore llall.wliere
Cieraril Ilonthorst, was horn iu Utreelit, in 1592, Fox lived, is in Gay's " Popular History of the
was at one time in En;^laud, and died in 1G60; United States," ir., p. 173.
THE MISSION OF KEITH AND TALBOT. 217
West Chester County." The journal of Keith, in recording the fact
of this important meeting, adds the following interesting partiiadar :
" C!olonel Nicolson, Governor of Virginia, to encourage us to meet,
was so generous as to bear our charges (I mean of all of us that lived
not at New York) , besides his other great and generous benefactions
to the building and adorning many Churches lately built in these
parts." The session of the clergy was followed by a brief stay in
New York, where Keith and Talbot were entertained by the erratic Lord
Cornbury, Governor of New York and the Jerseys, and where Keith
availed himself of his intimacy with the royal governor to obtain an
opportunity for speaking to the Quakers at Flushing, the scene of his
former unsuccessful attempt.
His opponents were in no mind to listen to one whom they re-
garded not only as an apostate, but also as a hireling, and even the
governor's letter and the pi'esence of two justices of the peace, deputed
to see that he should not be interrujited in his discourse, could not
compel the Quakers to listen patiently to his criticisms, or enable him
to speak to their regular congregations.
Christmas was spent with their fellow-passenger on the "Centurion,"
Colonel Lewis Morris, at whose request Keith preached in the Morris man-
sion, and Talbot administered the holy communion, " both Mr. Morris
and his wife and divers others " receiving. Turning southward, on the
following Sunday Keith preached at Shrewsbury in New Jersey, "at a
[)]anter's house, and had a consideral)le auditory of Church people
lately converted from Quakerism, with divers others of the Church of
best note in that part of the Country." The new year began with the
baptism of several Quaker converts at Freehold, and after a brief visit
at Burlington, and a longer stay in Philadelphia, Keith began anew his
labors at Chester, Concord, and other places in the neighborhood,
preaching in churches or houses, and confirming in their new faith nu-
merous followers of his in his separation from the Quaker meeting, who
had made the furtlier change from Kcithan Quakerism to tlie Church.
In the first week of February, 1702, Keith convened tlic Kcithan Sepa-
ratists and their preachers, in Philadelphia, continuing his efforts with
them till at length he was able to write that "most of that party, both
in town and country and also in West and East Jersey, and some in
New York, came over with good zeal, and according to good knowl-
edge, to the Church — praised be God for it." Keith remained in
Philadelphia, busy in preaching and disputations,^ until early in April,
when he began a journey southward,^ stopping on his way and preach-
'Eai'ly in the vear James Lofcan wrote to provented its further journey. None appeared
William Pcnn as follows : " G. Keith, on the 5th hut Wm. Southhy to answer a calumny, as I am
instant, had a puhlic dispute with himself, ac- informed, raised*ag:aiust him, and soonwithdi'ew.
cordins to his way, at Whitpain's frreat house : Those called Keithans here, as John Hart, I.
he declaimed a very little time, I thinlc not an Wilson, Jno. McComb, itc, are his great oppo-
hour, and to less purpose: his business was to ncnts, , and inshort in this place his execution has
expose, &c., hut his chief success that way was, been exceeding small." — Pennand Logan Cor-
'tis thought, upon himself. He sent his chal- resyonlence, I., p. 17'J.
lenges, as thou wilt find by a copy of one of them - We find in a letter from J. Kirll to Jonathan
enclosed, to the persons mentioned to each one, Dickinson, dated Philadelphia, IGIh April, 1703,
but forgot as he said afterwards to sign them, till the following uolioo of Keith from the Quaker
about 11 of the clock that day he was to appear side : "George Keith has been amoiig us, but
he sent the original to be shown to them, under was coldly received by most sorts of people; he
his baud, but being brought to Thomas Storey he had disputes with several sorts ; but one William
218 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
ing or baptiziug at Chester, New Castle, and Yorktown, Virginia,
whence he proceeded to Williamsburg, where Mr. Talbot and himself
were " kindly received " and " entertained by Col. Nicholson," then Gov-
ernor of Virginia. On Wednesday, the 21st of April, Keith preached
in the Williamsburg Church, " before the Convocation of Clergy there
assembled." On the following Sunday Keith preached at Jamestown,
"at the request of the Reverend Mr. JJlair, Minister there, and Com-
missary, who very kindly and hospitalily entertained us at his house."
Visiting Kicketan, where Keith's daughter, who had " fully come off from
the Quakers," resided, the associated "missioners" officiated for several
weeks in the vicinity, penetrating even into North Carolina to "Corre-
tuck," and, being prevented by contrary winds from proceeding " in a
canoe over a great bay," still further to the southward. After a series
of sermons and services, with numerous baptisms of children at Abing-
ton, at churches and chapels in Princess Anne and Elizabeth counties,
at Hampton and at Yorktown, the two evangelists proceeded to INIary-
land. At Annapolis there was " a large auditory, well affected." The
sermon, from 1 Thess. i. 5, was printed, at the request, and mostly at
the charge, of " a worthy person who heard it." Here Keith visited the
Quakers' meeting at Herring Creek, accompanied by several of the
leading men of the province and the rector of the parish, the Rev. Mr.
Hall, with " divers other ministers of the neighboring parishes." But
the Quakers would not listen to his arguments. Driven from the
Quaker meeting, a large number i-esorted to an adjacent chapel, where,
after prayers, Keith preached on the errors of Quakerism. For several
weeks Keith pursued his mission throughout Maryland, and then in
August returned to Philadelphia. In September occurred the Quakers'
yearly meeting, and the Rev. Mr. Evans, mth the consent of the vestry,
opened the church in Philadelphia, on all the days of the Quakers'
raeetiniij:, for services, while Keith and Talbot sought to gain a hearinac
from the Quakers themselves. They were met with violence, Talbot
being thrust from the place of meeting by force, and Keith being jostled
and assaulted, and the bench on which he was standing pulled from
under him. So disorderly was the affair that little or nothing could be
expected either in the way of refuting the Quakers' errors or in the
proclamation of a more excellent way. The remainder of the year was
spent in journeyings to and fro in the middle provinces. Many con-
verts were made. Two of Keith's sermons, preached in New York,
were published at the request and cost of those who heard them. Tal-
bot, who had made numerous mission-journeys by himself, was at
length appointed to the charge of the church at Burlington, and after
a few months' more travel, in the course of which Keith revisited Mary-
land and Virginia, he returned to England and published an interesting
"Journal of Travels from New Hampshire to Caratuck," whence we
have drawn many of our notices of his work. Received for the most
part with courtesy, preaching in churches, chapels, meeting-houses,
private dwellings, or wherever an opportunity offered, " oft again and
Davis, a Seventh-day Baptist, had a dispute with Virginia. I believe lie stayed here longer than
him in tlie Keitlianmeetiug-house,wlicre George lie was welcome in most sorts." — Penn and
liad tlie worst of it, and was forced to quit the Logan Correspondence, i., p. lS.i; vide -p. 196.
field to his great dishonor; he is now gone to
THE MISSION OF KEITH AND TALBOT. 219
again drawing crowds to hear, in many instances for the first time,"
the church's forms of prayer, administering the sacraments to num-
bers who had learned from their lips the nature and importance of these
means of grace, and in public and private testifying to the teachings
and practice of the Church of which they were meml)crs and ministers,
the progress of these two mission-priests was an event in the history
of the American ("Iiureh. The results were immediate and apparent.
Talbot, writing from Philadelphia, Septeml)er 1, 1703, says: —
Wc have gathered several hundreds together for the Cliiirch of England, and
what is more to build houses for her service. There are four or five going forward
now in this province, and the next, That at Burlington is almost finished. Mr. Keith
preached the lii'st sermon and before my Lord (,'ornbury. Churches are going up
amain where there were never any before. They are going to build three at North
Carolina ; — and three more in these lower Counties about Newcastle ; besides those
I hope at Chester, Bm'lington and Amboy."
It was in no spirit of exclusiveness that these worthy "missioners"
pursued their chosen work of rooting out the errors of Quakerism, and
implanting, instead, the truth of God. While they bore strong testi-
mony in word and act to the church's ways and words, they neglected
no opportunity to preach the Go.spel, whether it was in the dissenters'
places of meeting, whenever they could be had for their use, or in
town-halls, or even private houses which were opened to them. As
Talbot writes, under date of Novemlier 24, 1702 : —
We preached in all churches where we came, and in several dissenters'
meetings, such as owned the Church of England to be their iNIother Church, and
were willing to communicate with her, and submit to her bishops, if they had op-
portimity. I have baptized several persons whom Mr. Keith has brought over from
Quakerism ; and, indeed, in all places, when we amve, we find a great ripeness
and inclination among all sorts of people to embrace the gospel.
It was but natural that the reception they had from the Quakers
should be different. The return of Keith among those who but ten
years before had with confessed regret been forced to cast him out as
a schismatic and as an apostate, in the character of a priest of the
Church against whose rules they had revolted, and against whose min-
isters they had again and again borne testimony as hirelings and false
guides, could not but be regarded with anger and alarm. In separat-
ing from his old associates Keith had not contented himself with a silent
withdrawal. From the moment in which his eyes were opened he had
showed himself the fearless, tireless, and most relentless antagonist of the
faith he had once professed. To the crowds assembled at Turner's Hall,
in London, or to that larger constituency reached by the press, the aid
of which was invoked again and again ; in tracts and broadsides and vol-
umes, well-nighinnumerable, Keith had ceaselessly appealed forahearing
and belief. Alile as he was zealous, argumentative as he was thoroughly
informed, plying his foes with a logic that was unsparing, and having
at his command every possible argument or reply that could be urged
against his thrusts, it could not but excite the indignation of the
Friends that this their enemy had " found them out " in the New World
as well as in the Old. To know that this man, whose power they had
220 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
learned to respect, was going from house to house, from meeting to
meeting, in the hamlets and towns with which he was personally
familiar, confuting their ablest preachers, converting tlieir meml)ers,
and convicting their very standards of confessed errors and gross per-
versions of truth, was hard, indeed, for the Quakers to bear. We may
not wonder, then, that when they saw this hated pervert present in
their assemblies, and seeking, after their own preachers had ended
their discourse, to avail himself of " the liberty of prophesying," which
was their boast, to convict them of doctrinal error by citing their own
standard authorities against them, they sought to drown the accusing
voice with their clamor, or else hastily dismissed the assembly. But
their opposition only whetted the zeal of their adversary. Silenced at
one moment, he only waited an interval of quiet to renew his attack.
He met them on their own ground. He attacked them in their own
familiar way, and it was only by a breach of their own professed prin-
ciples that they could rid themselves of his testimony and presence.
It could not be otherwise than that many, who felt that noise and clamor
were no fitting answer to arguments, and who felt aggrieved at this
silencing of one who claimed only the privileges accorded to all who
felt moved by the Spirit within to give utterance to their testimony,
should be led to embrace the doctrine proclaimed by these church
" missioners." Their converts were numbered by hundreds, who,
within the period of their mission work in America, or immediately
afterwards, were united with the Church by baptism. Keith himself,
in his recital of his "Travels, Services and Successes," at the close of
his journal, thus modestly speaks of his work and its results : —
To many, our ministry Avas as the sowing of tlie seed and planting, wlio.
probably, never so much as heard one Orthodox sermon preaclied to them before
Ave came and preached among tliem, who received the word with joy ; and of whom
we have good hope, that they will be as the good ground that bringcth forth fruit,
some thirty, some sixty, and some an Inmdred fold. And to many others, it was a
watering to wliat had been formerly sown and planted among them ; some of the
good fi'uit wliereof we did observe, to the glory of God, and our great comfort,
wliile we were with tliem, even such fruits of trae piety and good lives, and sober
and righteous living, as prove the trees to be good from which they did proceed.
Keith returned to England, receiving the living of Edburton, in
Sussex, where he remained till his death. He was at least once again
drawn into the arena of controversy, as appears from a sermon
preached by him, at " the Lecture at Lewes," September 4, 1707, upon
"The Necessity of Faith, and of the Revealed Work of God to be the
Foundation of all divine and saving Faith." The text is from Hebrews
xi. 6, arid the discourse, as avowed in the title-page, is "against the
fundamental error of the Quakers : that the light within thenT, and
within every man, is sufficient to their salvation without anything else,
whereby (as to themselves) they make void and destroy all revealed
religion." This tractate is written with all the logical acuteness and
vigor which characterized the numerous treatises prepared by the author
in previous years upon the same great theme. It serves to show that
in the comparative seclusion of his country vicarage he had lost none
of the zeal and fii-e of his earlier days. He continued to prosecute
THE MISSION OF KEITH AND TALBOT. 221
his clerical labors in Edburtou lill 1710, when, on the 29th of Marcli,
the parish register bears record that " the Kev. Mr. Keith, Rector
of Edburton, was bui'ied. "
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES.
JN the " Dcscviptivo Catalogue of Friends' Books, or Books written by Members
of tlie Society of Friends, commonly called (inakers, from their first rise to the
jiresent time, intersjiersed with critical remarks, and occasional biographical no-
tices, and inelnding all writings by autliors before joining, and by those after having
left tlie Society, whether adverse or not, as far as known. By Joseph Smith."
(2 vols., octavo, London, 1807), — upwards of thirty pages are required to give the
titles of the books, tracts and broadsides of the " Keithan Controversy," while the
distinct publications of Keith himself exceed a hundred in number. Besides
the " Doctrine of the Holy Apostles and Prophets, the Foundation of the Church of
Christ," the title-page of which we have given in fac-simile. Smith notices the fol-
lowing tracts and pamphlets, issued in America during the missionary tour
from " New Hampshire to Caratuck" : —
Some of the many False, Scandalous, blasphemous & self-contradictory
assertions of William Davis, faithfully collected out of his book, printed Anno 1700,
entitled, Jesus, the Crucified Man, the Eternal Son of God, &c., in exact quotations
word for word, \vithout adding or dissenting. Quarto, Philadelphia, printed 1703.
This pamplilet is signed by George Keith and Evan Evans. Smith asserts
that John Talbot had a hand in the composition.
The Spirit of Kniliii2=SI)imtt and of Baal's 400 Lying Prophets entered into
Caleb |3useD and his Quaker-Brethren in Pennsylvania, who approve him. Contain-
ing an answer to his and their Book, falsely called, Proteus Ecclesiasticus, Detect-
ing manj' of their gross Falsehoods, Lies, Calumnies, Perversions and Abuses, as
well as his and their gross ignorance and Infidelity contained in their said Book.
By George Keith, A.M. Printed and sold by William Bradford, at the Sign of the
Bible, in New York. Quarto, 1703.
The power of the Gospel, in the conversion of sinners, in a Sermon Preached
at Annapolis in Maryland, By George Keith, M.A., July the -1. [A7inapolisT\
Printed and are to be sold by Thomas Reading, at the-sign of the George, Anno Dom-
ini MDCCIII. Quarto, 1703.
Reply by Mr. Increase ^Slather's Printed Remarks on a Sermon Preached by
G. K. at Her Majesty's Chapel in Boston the 14th of June, 1702, in vindication of the
six good Rules in Divinity there delivered, which he hath attempted (though very
Feebly and Unsuccessfully) to refute. New York Quarto, 1703
Refutation of a dangerous and hurtful opinion maintained by Mr Samuel
Willard, an Independent Minister, etc., and President, etc.
New York Octavo 1702
Some brief Remarks upon a late Book, entituled, George Keith once more
brought to the Test by Caleb Pusey. New York : Printed Quarto 1704
The Notes of the True Chdrch with the Applications of them to the
(Thutcl) ot Engl anil and the gi-eat sin of seperation from Her. Delivered in a
Sermon Preached at Trinity Church in New- York, before the administration of
the holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, the 7"" of November, 1703 By George
Keith, M. A.
Printed and sold by William Bradford at the Sign of the Bible in New-York.
Quarto. 1704
•lit
HISTOKY OF THE AMEKICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
(Vnlh^ PUiJi/2:^
An Answer to Mr. Samucll ©tllarli (one of the Ministers at Boston in New-
England) his Reply to my Printed sheet, called a Dangerous and hurtful opinion
maintained by him, viz. Thai (he Fall of Adam, and all the sins of Men 7ieccssariUj
come to pass by virtue of Ood^s decree, and his determining both of the Will of
Adam, and of all other Men to sin; By Oeorge Keith. M. A.
Printed and sold by William Bradford at the Sign of the Bible in New York.
Quarto 1704
A Journal of Travels from New Ilamphire to Caratuck, on the Continent
of North America, By George Keith, A. M., late Missionary from the Society for
the Propogation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts; and now Rector of Edburto7i, in
Sussex.
London, Printed by Joseph Downing, for Brab. Alyrner at the Three-Pigeons
over against the Boyal-Exchange in Comhill. Quarto. 170G.
This last publication is reprinted in the tirst volume of the Prot. Epis. Hist.
Soc. C'ollections. New York, 1851.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE PLANTING OP' THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND
DELAWARE.
PROVISION was made in the original charter granted b}' Charles
II., in 1G81, for the introduction of tlic ("Imrch into tlic colony
established under the ausjiices and by the authority of the cele-
brated William Penn. Section xxii. of this important document is as
follows : "And our farther pleasure is, and we do hereby, for us, our
224
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
heii-s and successors, charge and require, that if any of the inhabitants of
the said Province, to the number of twenty, shall at any time hereafter
be desirous, and shall, by any writing, or by any person deputed by
them, signify such their desire to the Bishop of London, for the tinae
being, that any preacher, or preachers, to be approved of by the said
Bishop, may be sent unto them, for their instruction ; that then such
preacher, or preachers, shall and may reside within tlie said piovince,
without any denial, or molestation whatsoever." ' It was not until
IG94-5, that in the midst of the dissensions growing out of the seces-
sion of George Keith from the body of which he had so long been a
faithful and honored member, those who opposed both tlie Quakers'
principles and policy united in a petition to the crown, for " the free
exercise of our religion and arms for our defence." ^ In the view uf the
THE SEAL OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Quakers this attempt to bring in " the priest and the sword " was an
invasion of their chartered rights. The attorney who was suspected
of drawing up this petition was taken into custody, and those who had
ventured to sign it were Ijrought before the sessions for examination.
But it was impossible, by the most rigid scrutiny or the most fanatical
' PioucVs " Hist, of Penna.," i, p. 186. Cora-
pare " Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Cliurch," ii., p. 5. The
history of this section of the charter will be found
in the following extracts from the proceedings of
the liOrds of the Committee of the Privy Council
for the AiFuirs of Trade and the Plantations,
at WhitchaU, .Januaiy 22, 1680-1: " Upon the
draught of apatent for Mr. Penn, conslituting liim
absolute proprietary of a tract of land," etc.,wluch
was referred to Lord Chief Justice North, — " A
paper being also read, wherein my Lord Bishop
of London desires that Mr. Penn be obliged, by
liis patent, to admit a chaplain, of his Lordship's
appointment, upon the request of any number of
plantei's ; tlie same is also refciTcd to my Lord
Chief Justice North." On the 24th of February,
the same year, " The Lord Bishop of London is
desired to prepare a draught of a law to be passed
in this couatry, for the settling of ilie Protestant
religion." — Quoted in Hazard's Register of Penn -
nylvania, i., pp. 269, 270. Vide, also, " Hist. Coll.
Am. Col. Ch.," n., pp. 497. 498. The Bishop
of Iiondon referred to was Dr. Henry Comp-
ton.
In connection with these references to the
Bishop of London's interest in the settlement of
Pennsylvania, it may not be inappropriate to quote
from a letter of the proprietary, the interesting
fact, attested by Penn himself, that tlie celebrated
Corapton was the source of that admirable policy
towards the natives which contributed so largely
to the safety and success of the settlement : —
" Philadelphia, the 14lh of the Sixth month, 1683.
' ' I have only to add, that the Province has a
prospect of an extraordinaiy improvement, as well
by divers sorts of straiigei-3 as by English subjects ;
that iu all acts of justice wo revere and venerate
the King's authority ; that I have followed the
Bishop of London's counsel, by Ijuying and not
taking away the natives' land ; with whom I have
settled a very Icind correspondence." — Fraud's
Hist, of Penna., I., p. 274.
aSuder's Letters, in " Ilist. Coll. Am. Col.
Ch.," II., p. 9.
THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWAKE. 22.3
opposition, to liinder the " Church party," ^ for such it s(;oii bectiiue,
from petitioning for a minister and from obtaining their request. The
exact date of the introduction of the services of tiic Church is unknown.
A letter from "Mr. I. Arrowsmith, School-master, to Governor Nichol-
son," under date of March 20, 11)98, still preserved amon<j;tiic MSS. al
Fulham, speaks of " there being very little encouragement to those of
our church," but adds, "we have a full congregation and some very de-
sirous to receive the sacrament at Easter." It is possible that Arrow-
smith, whom Clayton refers to again and again as " brother," was in
deacon's orders ; for he refers in his letter to the governor, to his having
lived in dependence ou "the king's allowance for this place" (evidently
a ministerial stipend), and asks his excellency's advice how to dispose
of himself in the event " of a minister coming to this place," of which
lie had heard. He also alludes to his efforts to secure the presence of
the Rev. Richard Sewell, of jNIaryland, for the Easter sacrament, in
which there is little doubt but that he was successful, as Arrowsmith
records the promise of this estimable man to officiate. It is, therefore,
more than probable that SewcU was a pioneer priest of tlio C'hurcli in
Philadelphia, as well as at other places in Pennsylvania. The church had
been built in 1695. Gabriel Thomas, to whose description of the prov-
ince wc are indebted for the knowledge of the date of its erection,
speaks of it, in 1698, as "a very poor church." Built but twelve years
subsequent to the laying out of the city, and at a time when the popu-
lation "could not have been more than from four or five thousand,"- it
must have been, in its size and style, "a goodly structure for a city
then in its infancy." Traditions vary as to the material of which this
structure was composed.
It is probable that the first services were held within the walls, and
during the erection of the more substantial chui'ch of brick in an
humbler building or frame, or even shed, of wood. The bell " was
hung in the crotch of a tree " near by. Towards the middle of the
year 1698 we find that the services of Mr. Arrowsmith and the occa-
sional visits of the Rev. Mr. Sewell were superseded by the regular
ministrations of the Rev. Thomas Clayton, first incumbent of Philadel-
phia. He was reviled by the Quakers as "the Minister of the doc-
trine of Devils."^ Clayton sought to convert the Quakers about him
to the Church, addressing their "yearly meeting," and seeking to con-
trovert their views and arguments in open debate. His zeal seems to
have been deemed intemperate by his brethi-en in Maryland, whose
remonstrances, or, as he styles it, whose " inhibition " served to re-
press his eflbrts at proselyting, which were extended to all classes of
dissenters. The labor's of Clayton were not without success. Refer-
ence is made by Keith in his journal to " the considerable number of
converts to the Church from Quakerism," that "the Rev.'jNIr. Cla_yton
had liaptized r"" and the Rev. Edward Portlock, the first clergyman of
the Church of England in New Jersey, who appears to have followed
' The Llisseusious behveen tlie " Quakei's ami ixtli and xtli volumes of the "Mcmoii's of llie
Chui'climeu," " upper counties and lowei'," date Penusjlvania Ilistoi'ical Society."
almost from the tii-st settlement of the province, - Jjorr's " Christ. Church," p. 7.
and are spread in full on the pages of tlie " Penn sllist. Coll. Am. Col. Ch., ii., p. II.
and Logan Correspondence, published in llio 'Prot. Epis. Hist. See. Coll., i., p. J9.
'^^'Vtv^Wn.i.
22fi HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Clayton, writes, under date of July 12, 1700, to the Archbishop of
Canterbury, of the " eonsidera))le jn-ogress the Church of England has
made "" in the province, '' insomuch that in less than four years' space
from a very small number her community consists of more than live
hundred solier and devout souls in and al)outthis city.' A letter from
Isaac Xorris to his friend Jonathan Dickinson in Jamaica,^ in giving
an account of the great pestilence that prevailed in Philadelphia in
1099, has the following incidental allusion to Claj'toifs death, and to
his immediate successor, probably Portlock : "Thomas Claj'ton, min-
i iter of the Church of England, died at Sassafras, in Maryland, and
here is another from London in his room,
happened to come very opportunely."' The
incumbency of Portlock, if, indeed, he was
more than a tem})orary supply, was but
l)rief, for ere the close of the year 1700 the
Rev. Evan Evans was sent over In' the Bishop of London as " mis-
sionary "^ to Philadelphia. He lost no time in seeking, as did his
{)redecessors, the con\-crsion of the (Quakers to the Church, and his ef-
forts met with marked success. The zeal of Evans led him to under-
take the introduction of services at Chichester, Chester, Concord,
Montgomery, Padnor, and Perkiomen, besides his Sunday duties, and
Wednesday and Friday jtrayers at Philadelphia.^ Li 1700, and for
three years, the Rev. John Thomas, who was in deacon's orders, was
assistant at Christ Church, and school-master. He also officiated at
Trinity Church, Oxford. The presence and labors of the Rev. George
Keith and the Rev. John Talbot on their "missionary journey" from
New Hampshire to Caratuck, North Carolina, gave a great impetus to
the growth of the Church in Philadeljjhia. The Rev. Henry Nicholls,
who was stationed at "Upland," or Chester, ventures, in 1704, the
" guess " that " one-half of the inhabitants may be churchmen." Hum-
phrey, in his historical account of the venerable society, asserts that
Mr. Evans had baptized prior to the coming of Keith and Talbot
" above live hundred men, M'omen, and children, Quakers in Pennsyl-
vania and West Jersey." This number was increased, according to the
same testimony, before the return of Keith to England to " above eight
hundred persons." Humphrey adds an interesting account of the
labors of Mr. Evans, as follows: "Mr. Evans used to preach two
evening Lectures at Philadelphia, one preparatory to the Holy Sacra-
ment, on the last Sunday of the month ; the other to a Society of young
men who met together ever}' Lord's Day, after Evening Prayer, to
read the Scriptures, and sing Psalms. Mr. Evans was always pres-
ent at these meetings, unless hindered by some public service, and
used to read some select Prayers out of the Church Liturgy, and
pi'eached upon subjects suitable to an audience of young men. There
arose an unforeseen advantasje from these Lectures, for not onlv the
' Hist. Coll. Am. <'ol. Cli.. ii., p. IG. asserts that Evaus \v,a3 tlic " Cliiirch Jlissionarv "
'- Pi-intcd in the "Pcnn and Logan Corre- at Philadelphia as cai-lv as 169S; but the sta'te-
spondcnce" {i., pp. Ivii., Iviii.) pub. in the ixili niciit in thf te\t ii based on his own assertion,
vol. of the Penn. Hist. Soc., " ilemoirs." The and is without donbt eoiTcct. FtWs " Hist. Coll.
date of this lettei- is " Uth, 7lh mo., 1699." .\m. Co'. Ch.," il., p. 33.
"Watson, in his " Annals of Pbila." (i.,p. .''79), < Watson's .Annals,!., p. 379.
THE CHURCH IX PEXNSYLVAXIA AND DELAWAUE. 227
young men who designedly met wore improved, Ijut a greut many young
persons who dared not appear in th(^ daytime, at the pulilie service o?"
the Chureli, for the fear of disobliging their parents or masters, would
stand under the Church windows at night and hearken. At length many
of them took up a resolution to leave the sects they had followed, and
became steadfast in the communion of the Church." ' At this time,
according to Keith, the services of the Church were as follows : —
At riiilailelpliia, they liave prayers in tlie oliurch, not only on tlie Lord's days,
and other lioly days, but all Wednesdays and Fridays weekly, and the Sacrament
of the Lord's Supper administered monthly, and the number of the communicants
considerable. The church is commonly well lillcd with people, every Lord's day ;
and when they aro fully assembled, both of the town and country that belonii lo
that con.greojation, they may well be reckoned by modest computation, to amcrunt
to live hundred persons of hearers. But sometimes there are many more ; and
"generally tlie converts from Quakerism are good exomples, both for frequontino'
the church jirayers, and frequent partaking of the Lord's Supper, with zeal anS
devotion, and also of sober and virtuous living in their daily conversation, to the
frustrating the lying prophecies and expectations of the Quaker preachers espe-
cially, who used to prophecy that whoever left the profession of Quakers, after that
should be good for nothing but as unsavoury salt, to be trod under foot of men.'
There is little doubt but that political dissensions and factions
among the colonists tended somewhat to the growth of the Church.
In 1701 James Logan writes to William Penn : " I can see no hopes
of getting material subscriptions from those of the church against the
report of persecution, they having consulted together on that head,
and, as I am informed, concluded that not allowing their clergy here
what they of right claim in England, and not suffering them to be
superior, may justly bear that name." ^ From a letter to the pro-
prietor, from his trusty friend Logan, early in 1702,'' it aiipears that
the vestry took an active part in the local politics, securing affidavits
of alleged instances of maladministration for transmission to the
Bishop of London, and giving to the friends of Penn no little trouble.
Later, Logtm reports to Penn his success at paying court to Lord
Cornbury, whose relationship to the queen,' as well as his official
position, made him of importance, and adds : —
He expresses a great regard for thee, and is much averse to the warmth of
those who go by the name of the church here ; for which reason, or some other
which I cannot yet learn, none of the chief of them waited on him up the river,
cliiefly, I suppose, because he was pleased to I)o in Quaker hands. ^
The Quakers, Logan writes, regarded Cornbury "as tiieir saviour
at New York," and were "well satisfied to be under him, for they
believe that they could never have one of a more excellent temper."
Penn, in atldrcssing Logan, refers to "a dirty paper about perse-
cuting the Church of England in the person of Leake, under the hand
of Keeble," produced by the Bishop of London, who " is one of the
Lords de propaganda fide.'' ^ " The hot church party " is accused by
'Humphrer's "Hist. Ace," pp. 1.50, l.il. "He w-is Her Majesty's fir«t cou«in.
^ Pi'ot. Epi-i. Hist. Soc. Coll., I., p. 50. " Penu and Lo;;aii Correspondence, I., p.
'Penn and Lo^ran Correspondeuce, i., p. 65. 110.
' /W.i., pp. 9J, 91. '/JiJ., p.U7.
228 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Logan,' as opposing the measures taken to put the government in a
position of defence in new of a declaration of war, " because they
would have nothing done that may look with a good countenance at
home." Again, the writer complains that "the attestation of a Friend
is in very few things serviceable : " " it is the oath of a clmrchman must
do, if any." ^ The leading churchman, Colonel Robert Quary, had
been Governor of South Carolina for a Itrief period in 1684, and again
in 1690. He was now judge of the Aduiiralty in New York and Penn-
sylvania, and a bitter opponent of tiic plans and policy of Penn. An
ardent adherent of the C'luirch, ho appeared to llie Quaker proprietor
as "the greatest of villains whom God will make, I believe, in this
world for his lies, falsehood, and supreme knavery."^ His represen-
tations to the go\ernment were denounced I\v Penn as " swish-swash
liounces,"'' and the proi)rietary seeks the aid of his correspondent for
means whereby he " might put the nose of an Admiralty Judge out of
joint."* Penn sends "2 or 300 books against George Keith, by E.
Jenney, which may be disposed of as there is occasion and service."^
On Lord Cornburj^'s second visit to Philadelphia, as we learn from
Logan, he fell into the hands of "Col. Quary, with a party of his
gang." The morning after his arrival " Col. Quary, -with the rest
of the churclnnen, congratulated him, having the easiest access, and
afterwards presented an address from the vestry of Philadelphia,
who now consist, I think, of twenty-four, requesting his patronage to
the church, and closing with a prayer that he would beseech the
Queen, as I was credibly informed, to extend his government over this
province ; and Col. Quary also, in his first congratulatory address,
said they hoped they also should be partakers of the happiness Jersey
enjoyed in his government. In answer to tiie vestry's address, he
spoke what was proper from a churchman, to the main design of it,
for he is very good at extemporary speeches ; and to their last request,
that it was their business, — meaning to address the Queen, I suppose,
— but that when iiis mistress would be pleased to lay her commands"
on him, he would obey them with alacrity.^ " The next day being
the first of the week," continues Logan, "he went to their worship."
Encouraged by his intimacy with the royal governor, and aware of the
regard paid to his rei)resentations at home. Colonel Quary spared no
pains to secure the overthrow of the proprietary government, and to
advance the interests of the Church and crown. His efforts, with tliose
of his following, are characterized by Logan and Penn in vigorous
language. The former styles the opponents of Penn's policy as
" hungry scamps, who seek nothing Init to render themselves great
l)y the spoils of the innocent, without any regard to any other interest
whatsoever, as is sutEciently known by all their neighbors of probitj^,
as well of their own church as of others, whose eyes they have not yet
darkened by throwing that specious mist and pretence of religion be-
fore them." * Penn regarded the address of the vestry to Lord Corn-
bur}- as an open defiance of his authority. He spoke of it as
' Penn anil Loftan T'orrespomleucp, I., pp. 124, 125. '■ Ibid., p. 182.
■Ib'nl., I., p. Ifil . ' Ibid., p. ir>3. ; Ibid., p. 223.
' Ibid., p. 1U2. •■■ Ibid., p. 1G4. ' Ibid., p. 213.
THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE. 229
"Quary's and his packed vestry's address."' He was disposed to
prosecute Quary " with the utmost vigor." He required it of his
officials that if "Quary, or any of his rude and ungrateful gang,"
ofl'ered " to invade or affront " the powers of his grant, or the authority
of his laws, they should be made to "feel Ihe smart of them." A
postscript to this belligerent letter refers with evident satisfaction to
the fact that "the great blower-up of these coals, the Bishop of London,
is himself under humiliations."^
In spite of the efforts of the proprietary and his friends at court
and in the colony, early in 1704, Logan writes, " The clergy increase
much this way. Burlington and Chester have their churches and
members, and several more are building. God grant that a spirit of
charity and kindness may be cultivated among us in place of hatred
and persecution."^ The same year Logan writes that a "great part of
the church are becime of the loyal side, and 'tis hoped will shortly ad-
dress the Queen," which gives incidental support to a charge repeated
at a later date, that the church people at Philadelphia were Jacobites.
There is an evident change in feeling to be observed in the letters be-
tween Logan and Penn with reference to the turbulent churchmen.^
The proprietary's foes were now of his own peculiar shade of belief.
As the year 1704 closed, Quary and his friends are referred to as
"very good." It was "only that lurking snake, David Lloyd, "^
whose fangs were to be feared.
Turning from this digression, which will sei've to indicate the
]iosition and the growing power of the " hot church party " in Phila-
delphia, we note, in 1707, the return to England, on business, of the
Rev. Evan Evans, "the parson," as Penn styled the incumbent of
Christ Church ; and the service rendered by the Rev. Andrew Rud-
man, a worthy Swedish clergyman, during his absence, attests the
kindly feeling and intercommunion between the Swede and English
churches and churchmen. It was at this time that the Upland or
Chester missionary, the Rev. Henry Nichols, in addressing the society
in an apologetic strain for not being able to " carry all things before
us," adds : " The truth is, as long as our adversaries have the whole
interest, power and wealth of the country in their hands, and as long
as animosities, ambition and confederacys do prevail among some of
our own members, as much as they do, it will be a great matter for us
to keep the footing we have got."" The excellent Rudman continued
his services at Christ Church until his death, on the 17th of Septem-
ber, 1708. He was buried under the chancel of the Swedish Churcli
at Wicaco, and is remembered as a faithful and self-denying minister
of Christ. The Rev. Mr. Evans, whose return did not take place till
the following year, presented to the venerable society a report of his
missionary labors in Pennsylvania, from which we glean that the
services of the Church had been widely introduced and welcomed in
the various settlements in the province. Especial attention had been
paid by this faithful missionary to his fellow-countrymen at Radnor,
' Penn and Logan Con-espondence, i., p. 272. * Watson's Annals, i , p. 380.
= ibid., p. 278. ' Penn and Logan Correspondence, i., p. 36L
s Hid., pp. 2R2, 283. « Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Ch., n., p. 31.
230 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Montgomery and elsewhere ; and the distribution of tlie " Whole Duty
of Man," and Bishop Bailey's " Practice of Piety," and other practical and
devotional works in the Welsh language, and ministrations in the same
tongue, were productive of no little good. Churches had been erected
at Oxford, Chester, Newcastle, and Philadelphia, and the memorial
closes with an earnest and eloquent appeal for a resident American
bishop, in which the missionary argued " that the ends of the mission
can never be rightly answered without establishing the Discipline as
well as the Doctrine of the Church of England in those parts, for the
one is a fortress and l)ulwark of defence to the other, and once the
outworks of religion come to lie sliglited and dismantled, it is easy to
foresee, without the sjtirit of pi'opheey, what the consequence will be." '
It was during the absence of Evans, that the Rev. Messrs. Moor and
Brooke sailed for England, bearing accusations against Lord Cornbury.
Colonel Quary, who evidently took sides with the queen's representa-
tive, addressed the society with reference to the grievances of these
gentlemen. The letter states, as the occasions of the difficulty between
the royal governor and the missionaries, that the clergymen had lieen
"unwarily lietrayed " into an alliance with a faction in opposition to
the constituted authority of the province. In the view of the colonel,
who was certainly an uncompromising friend of the Cliurch, the same
mistake of interfering with political affairs had proved the ruin of
other clergymen. The " unhap^iy meeting " of the missionaries in New
York, at the charge of the generous Nicholson, is stigmatized as " the
very first original of all our unhappiness in relation to the Church and
clergy in these parts. "^
At this meeting, under oath of secrecy, the colonel assures us
that " they voted the laying aside of all Vestiys as useless ; they being
able to govern and manage the Churches themselves without any other
help; but," continues the writer, "I believe they forgot how they
should be subsisted hereafter without the help of those i^seless things,
the Vestrys, who are the chief men of every government, men of the
best estates, best sense, true sons of the Church, most zealous and
hearty in promoting the interest and good of it, men of the best in-
terest to defend it, or procuring laws for its support and subsistence,
and yet these men must be all laid aside and blown off at once that
these young gentlemen of the Clergy may be absolute and govern as
they please without the least control." "I am sure," continues Colo-
nel Quary, " that this rash act of theirs hath given as fatal a l)low to
the Church in these parts as was in their power to have done. Some
of these gentlemen have already found the ill effects of it, and have
heartily repented their folly. Some others have persisted in their
imaginary grandeur till their full Churches have grown empty almost,
and nothing but confusion amongst those that are left. I do assure
you. Sir, I tell you this truth with much grief and concern, but it is
what I have been an eye-witness of in su\'eral places where my duty
calls me. To hear the people complain of their minister, and he com-
plaining of them, even in those places where not long since the strife
■Hist. CoU. Am. Col. Ch., ii., p. 37. ^liid., p. 41.
THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWAKE.
•231
Wius who should outck) each otlier hi all sorts ot" kindness, love and
charity. The minister could no sooner propose or mention a con-
veuicney or want but innncdiatcly the Vestry met and supi)lied it, and
every man thought hiniseU' hai)py that could enjoy most of the jMinis-
ter's conversalion at their houses." ' This letter closes with the ear-
nest request for a liishop as the only solution of this difficulty, and
other questions that could not fail to arise. It is evident that either
from the causes assigned liy Colonel Quary, or for other reasons, the
growth of the Chuivh in Pennsylvania and Delaware, which had so
[)romisingIy begun
with the new cen-
tmy, was cheched,
ancl ere the expira-
tion of its fii'st dec-
ade the clergy had
removed to Virgin-
ia, or Maryland, or
died ; the churches
were closed, and the
parishes had dwin-
dled away. In the
midst of this gen-
ei'al depression the
Church in Philadel-
phia steadily in-
creased in numbers
and strength. Mr. Evans, on his return from England in 1709,
brought with him the communion plate, presented to the church the
preceding year by the queen.
A " minister's house " and a " school-house " had been acquired by
the parish, and liricks were bought for the belfry and a " new rope for
the bell," which now, if not before, was hung in its proper place.
Some ill-feeling had grown out of the unwillingness of Mr. Evans to
admit to a "lectureship" the new school-master, the Eev. George Ross,
who had supplanted the llev. Mr. Clubli, the former incumbent ; but
even this dissatisfaction could not hinder the growth of the congre-
gation nor detract from the universal respect and regard with which
the rector \vas held l)y the whole conuuunity for his blameless life and
untiring zeal and diligence in all the duties of his calling. lu 1711
the church was found too small to accommodate the increasing congre-
gation. Among the subscribers to this object were the "Honorable
Charles Gooking," who gave £30, and the "Honorable Rol)ert Quary,"
who gave £20. The addition, as we learn from a memorial addressed
by the rector to the venerable society, comprised two aisles.^ During
the time of the enlargement of the church the congregation worshii)ped
in AVicaco church for three successive Sundays. The following year
mention is made in the records of the " great bell " and the " little
bell," and there is reference to the use of the "surplice." Colonel
TllK (.HEKN ANNE I'LAXK, CUUIM CllLKCll.
' Hist. Coll. ,Vm. Col. Ch., II., p. 41 .
■ IbiJ., p. 73.
232
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
'l^/ci^^A/
Qiuiry, wlio had been an interested as well as an influential member
of the congregation from the lirst, gave to the church a large nilver
flagon and two silver plates for use at the holy communion, and a large
silver basin for the font, all of which l)ore tiic donoi''s name and the
date "October Sth, 1712." In 1715 Mr. Evans again visited England
on "account of some family concerns," and during his absence an un-
worthy clergyman, the Rev. Francis Phillips, who had made tiouble
elsewhere, intruded into the vacant charge, and, for a time, maintained
his ground against the curate appointed by the authorities at home.
At length his l)aseness M'as made clear, and, after he had been chal-
lenged to mortal combat by a gentleman who had chivalrously espoused
the cause of a slandered woman, the court, which had entered pro-
ceedinirs aiiainst the cliailcnacr, found a true
l)ill against the cleravman for evil conduct.'
From the Logan MSb. we learn that Phillips
"was carried to gaol for a day, where the
Governor took sides with him as a churchman,
and entered a nolle pmiiequi. Some others of
the Church in the mean time met at the Court house and voted him to
have acted scandalously rmd to receive no further countenance."
Dismissed from his cure, censured by the whole body of the clergy
as a ])rofligate, still this turbulent man succeeded in olitaining attesta-
tions to his good character from a number of the parishioners of Christ
Church. But the prompt action of the Bisiiop of London in placing
the church in the hands of the excellent Talbot, of Burlington, pre-
vented the continuance of a scandal from which the Church was a long
time in recovering. The "lamental)le l)reach made in the church of
Philadelphia by the unhappy conduct of that lost man, Mr. Phillips," -
to which frequent references are made in the correspondence of the
time, was succeeded by political dissensions which the foes of the
Church were only too readj^ to foment. The governor, who had, it is
asserted, from personal pique, warmly espoused the cause of Phillips,
directed his eflbrts to the silencing of Talbot, who had continued to
officiate at Christ Church during
the prolonged absence of Evans,
and to whom " the box money "
of that " jioor distracted church "
M-as appropriated for his services. /^ j^ /^// // /// '^f? 1 '
The charge of sympathy with the / I \) L^ L,/y//i/lJ/ J
dispossessed House of Stuart, and '
a consequent disloyalty to the gov- / ^^-^
ernmcnt, was made l)y Gooking Q_^
against Talbot. This charge had
been made by " Brigadier Hunter," the Governor of New York, and the
• Watson, ill his "Annals of Philadelpliiii,"
I., p. 334, gives the original oliallengo from the
files in the clerl<'s office. It is as follows : " To
Mr. Francis Pliillips, Philadelphia, — Sir: Yon
have hasely scandalized a gentlewoman that 1
have a profound respect for. And for my part
shall give you a fair opportunity to defend your-
self to morrow mornio*r on the west side of
.Joseph Carpenter's garden betwixt seven and
eight, where I shall expect to meet you gladio
cinctiis, in failure whereof, depend upon the usage
you deserve from
Y'r ever,
Peter Ev.ixs,
at the Pewter Platter."
- Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Ch., II.. p. 99.
THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE.
233
the vestry
the chiu'ch-
faitliful missionary had appealed to the records that he had taUeii all
the oaths, and that his friends could testify that he "was a Willianiite
from the beginning." ' On the return of ]\Ir. Evans, in the year ITK!,
the society placed the missions at Radnor and Oxford under his care,
these churches having I>een estalilished mainly through his exertions.
Dr. Evans — for he iiad returned with this added title of resj^ec^t — con-
tinued in charge of Christ Church until 1718, when, finding himself,
after an incumbency of eighteen years, unable to perform the duties
of the cure, he accepted the offer of a living in Maryland, where he
died soon after, universally beloved and esteemed. Prior to his
departure the vestry took measures to restrict the franchise at the
Easter meeting to actual communicants who had received the sacra-
ment within the twelve months preceding the election.
At the removal of their old and faithful rector
was at pains to secure from the parishioners, through
wardens, a suitable re-
turn of gratitude from
the congreg.ation over
which he had so long
presided.^ Arrange-
ments were made
through the governor.
Sir William Keith,
who had been made
chairman of the vestry,
for the supply of the
vacancy by secm-ing
the services of the Rev. Messrs. Talbot of Burlington, llumph-
i*eys of Chester, Ross of Newcastle, and Sandel of Wicaco. These
gentlemen declined receiving any jiecuniary reward for their
services, though " a liberal compensation " had been voted them
by the vestry. Petitions for the introduction of an American
Episcopate, prepared Ijy the indefatigable Talbot, were aaain and
again submitted to the ve.stry, signed by clergy. M'ardens, and vestrv-
men, indorsed by the governor, and forwarded to the authorities at
home ; and the influence of this veteran missionary laborer would
appear to have sulfered no diminution, M'hile his zeal and diligence in
caring for the things which remained knew no bounds. Ere the de-
parture of this worthy to I^ngland, for his last visit to the home of his
youth, the vacancy at Christ Church ajipears to have been filled. On
the Jrth of Septeral)er, 1719, the vestry records recite that "the Rev.
JNIr. John Vicary laid before the board the license of the Right Rev.
Father in God, John, Loi'd Bishop of London, appointing him minister
of this church." Wiiereujion, the record continues, the "vestry being
well j)leased with his lordship's care therein, heartily concur in his
lordship's appointment, and accordingly receive the said Mr. Vicaiy as
their minister, with the respect due to liis character, alwaj's acknowl-
edging his lordship's unquestionable authority over our church." •' Mr.
■ Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Ch.. ii., p. 94. - Dorr's " Christ Cburcb," p. 4.3. a Dnd., p. 48.
234 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Vicary continued in charge until his death, in 1723. He joined with
his brethren, the Rev. Messrs. Ross, Humphreys, and Weyman, in a
representation to the society of " the deplorable state of several churches
within this government, which were once filled with a considerable
number of communicants, whose early zeal led them, though poor, to
erect decent structures for the publick worship of God, and some of
them to build commodious houses for the reception of their ministers ;
but their long vacancy, by the death of some missionaries, and the re-
moval of others, has, we fear, given too great opportunities to the ad-
versaries of our church to pervert and mislead many of them." ' This
was the case with the churches in Bucks, Kent, and Sussex counties.
In 1722 the Rev. William Harrison supplied Christ Church for
a time, during the illness of the incumbent, Mr. Vicary, and besides the
help he rendered in Lent and at Eastertide, and later in the year, assist-
ance was freely rendered by the other missionaries, the Rev. Messrs.
Becket, Ross, and Humphreys. In 1723 Mr. Talbot is again at Phila-
delphia. Taken ill while ministering, he visited the city for medical
advice, and remained for a time in charge of Christ Church, with a view
of repairing the injury done to the parish by the ministrations of the
Rev. John Urmston, whose scandalous conduct had brought great re-
proach upon the Church, so that during his year of service " the best
of the people had left." The clergy, in convention, concurred in the
dismission of Unnstou, and the vestry placed the care of the church
in their hands till the Bishop of London should send over a new in-
cumbent. Late in the year, on the translation of Dr. Gibson to the see
of London from that of Lincoln, the vestry formally addressed their
new diocesan for " such a gentleman as may be a credit to our com-
munion, an ornament to the profession, and a true propagator of the
gospel."^ More than half a year having elapsed without any appoint-
ment, the vestry, on the 27th of July, 1724, requested the Rev. Dr.
Richard Welton, late incumbent of St. Mary's, Whitechapel, London,
who had arrived in town the month before, to take charge of the church.
The invitation was accepted, and the doctor entered at once upon his work.
Aliout the time of Welton's arrival, the Rev. Talbot had been
silenced. A letter from Sir William Keith, the governor, to the Bishop
of London, written just before the invitation to Dr. Welton to officiate
at Christ Church, gives us inlbrination on this point as well as on the
condition of tlu' Church at large in the province : —
We have in tliis government twelve or thirteen more little edifices, called
churches or chapels, which the people, by volimtaiy conti'ibution in the neighbor-
hood, have erected in dLBerent parts of tlie countiy I'or their o^vn conveniency, and
most of them are, at times, suj^plied by one or other of the poor missionaries sent
from the society to New Castle, Chester, Oxford, and Sussex, whose character for
life and conversation, and a diligent application to their duty is, I believe, genei-ally
approved of, and I cannot say but tlieir behavior to myself and the magistracy has
been all along very decent and resjieotful.
It seems to me necessary further to acquaint your Lordship that the manage-
ment of Christ Cluu'ch, in Philadelijhia, is in the hands of a Vestiy and two Church-
wardens, yearly elected and chosen by the people, and being they have all along
claimed an independency of the Governor's authority, I am, for peace sake, obliged
' Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Ch., ii., p. Vl'i. = Doit's " Christ Church," p. fii.
THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE. 235
to be passive in things which are both indecent and disorderly, such as sufl'ering of
some clergy to read prayers and preach \vithout mentioning the King, Prince and
Royal family, according to the rubriek, so that myself and family, with sucli others
as are of imquestioned loyalty to his jiresent IMajesty, are deprived of the benefit of
gomg to church, lest it might give encom'agement to a spirit of disafl'cction. Should
yom" Lordship, therefore, be pleased to cause some enquiiy to be made in this matter,
it would probably put an efl'cctual stop to what in time may become more pernicious,
for it is confidently reported here that some of these non-juring clergjonen pretend
to the authority and office of Bishops in the Church, which, however, they do not
own, and, I believe, will not dare to practice, for I have publicly declared my reso-
lution to prosecute with eft'ect all those who, eitlier in docti'ine or conversation, shall
attempt to debauch any of the people with schismatical disloyal princijjles of that
nature.'
Sir William Keith's representations were not permitted to pass with-
out reply. Peter Evans, who had challenged the indiscreet Phillips
for his slanderous insinuations against the character of a friend, now
appeared in the character of a defender of clergy and congregation
thus assailed. He asserted that the insinuation of disloyalty was "a
piece of injustice." The invitation to Dr. Welton arose from no fond-
ness for " any mistaken principles of the Dr's," but simply to prevent
the closing of the church, there having been no service for some months,
and the congregation being gradually dissipated among the various
sectarian bodies around them. The charge of misrepresentation was
laid against the governor, and his removal from the vestry accounted
for on the ground of his " taking upon him to overrule them, and en-
tirely depriving them of the freedom justly due."^
The unreliable Urmston, who charged his removal from Philadel-
jjhia upon Talbot, and was now in Maryland, wrote home to the eflect
that the old missionary had sought to exercise episcopal jurisdiction
over his brethren. His words were these : " He convened all the clergy
to meet, put on his robes and demanded Episcopal obedience from them.
One wiser than the rest refused, acquainted the Gov'' with the ill con-
sequences thereof, the danger he would run of losing his Gov™', where-
upon the gov"^ ordered the Church to be shut up." ^ The same veracious
authority added a postscript to mention the coming of Dr. Welton,
brin2:ino; " with him to the value of £300 sterlins:, in tfuns and fishinsr-
tackle, with divers printed copies of his famous Altar-piece at White-
chapel."* The missionaries Ross, Humphreys, Weyman, and Becket,
report to the Bishop of London the presence of " Dr. Welton at Phila-
delphia with whom we have no correspondence, nor of whom have we
any further knowledge l)ut that we hear he professes to have come into
these parts only to see the country."^ Urmston " met him in the streets,
but had no further conversation with him."^ The governor professed
iiimself powerless to interfere, in view of the vestry's claim of inde-
pendence of the governor or bishop, and the ministrations of Welton
continued till January, 1726, when he was duly "sei'ved with his Maj-
esty's writ of Privy 8eal commanding him upon his allegiance to re-
turn to Great Britain forthwith." He had served at Christ Church with
great acceptance, and a testimonial of his conduct and behavior among
them was, at his request, ordered by the vestry to be prepared by the
' Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Ch., u., pp. 137, 138. = Ibid., p. 143. ^Ibid., p. 136.
> /4«., pp. 1.39, 142. 'Ibid. 'Ibid.,p.H3.
23G
HISTORY OF THE AMEKICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
church- wardens. With this attestation to his character, Weltou sailed
for Lisbon, where he "died of a dropsy, refusing to commune with the
CHRIST CHURCH, PHILAJJELPHTA.
Ens^lish clergyman." ' It is said that among his effects there was found
"an Episcopal seal which he had made use of in Pensilvaniu, ' where
^Tleliquia? Herniaua', il., p. 2r>7.
THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE. 237
" he assumed and exercised, privily and l)y stealtli, the character and
functions of a Bishoi)." ' Before Welton's departure he " had diffci-ed "
with Talbot, and their correspondence had been broken off. Dr. Hawks
asserts, with reference to both Wclton and Talbot, that " there is direct
evidence from the letters of some of the missionaries that they at least
administered confirmation and wore the robes of a Bishop." ^ But little
or no trace of their exercise of episcopal functions, other than excep-
tionally and with the greatest privacy and caution, is to l)e found, and
the episcopate, if such it can be called, of these two non-juring " Bishops "
must remain veiled in impenetrable obscurity. Again the neighboring
clergy were appealed to for the supi^ly of this vacant charge ; but the
Bishop of London, in view of the circumstances of the case, was not
long in providing an incumbent. In September, 1726, the Rev. Archi-
bald Cummings entered upon the cure of Philadelphia, by the appoint-
ment of Bishop Gibson, and continued to minister at Christ Church
until his decease, in 1741, — a period of
nearly fifteen years. This was a period of /"> p
great prosperity. The church had long y^ J *' y J - **
been too small for the congregation. It
')TL<^o-n.
had become "ruinous," in the judgment edmund gibson, loud bishoi-
of its leading members, and on Thursday, of london.
April 27, 1727, the corner-stone of the
present venerable edifice, associated with so many, and such impor-
tant events of our ecclesiastical history, was laid by the Honorable
Patrick Gordon, the governor of the province, together with the mayor
and recorder of the city, the rector, and a number of others. The plan
of rebuilding was to add to the west end an enlargement of thirty-three
feet, together with a steeple or tower, and when, in 1731, this addition
was completed, measures were at once taken to remove the old build-
ing, and complete the church l)y the erection of the eastern portion.
But the vestry had exhausted their funds in the completion of a third
part of the contemplated building, exclusive of the tower and steeple,
and in procuring the organ, 1)ells, and furniture required for use ; and
it was not until April, 1735, that the " ruinous state of the old part of
the Church," occasioned immediate action, and the eastern end of the
present church was begun. In 1735 the Rev. Richard Peters entered
upon duty as assistant to Commissary Cummings ; but, in consequence
of a misunderstanding having arisen between the rector and his curate,
the latter resigned his post. Years afterwards he resumed the exercise
of his ministry as rector where ho had withdrawn from the curacy.
It was during the incumbency of Cummings that Mr. Whitcfield
visited Philadelphia again and again. His first visit was in November,
1739. He at once visited the commissary, and on the first Sunday of
his stay, the twentieth after Trinity. November 4, he " read prayers and
assisted at the Communion in the morning. Dined with one of the
Church Wardens, and preached in the afternoon to a large congrega-
tion." 3 He read prayers and preached in Christ Church daily for a
week, and on the following Sunday. On his return from a journey
> ReliquijB Hei-niaua:', n., p. 257. 'The Two Fu-st Parts of JXi'. Whitefiekl'a
' llawks's "Eccl. Contiibutious," ii., p. 1S3. Lil'e, p. 267.
238
HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHL'KCII.
northward, at the close of the month, he again availed himself of the
church for prayers and sermons, being driven on occasion of his fare-
well discourse to adjourn to the tields, as the church could not contain
"a fourth part of the people." On his third visit, after he had openly
affiliated with the dissenters, the journal records a dillerent reception :
" Went to the Couuuissary's House, M'ho was not at home ; but after-
wards speaking to him on the street he soon told me that he could lend
mc his Church no more. Thanks he to God the fielda are open," ' On
INTERIOR Ob' CHRIST CHURCH,
PHH^ADELPIIIA.
the following Sunday, the second after
Easter, Aprir20,1740, Whitcficld attended
chiu'ch "morning and evening; and heard
INIr. preach a sermon upon Justitication by Works, from James
ii. 18." - In tlie evening tiie great evangelist " preached from the same
woixls to about 1.500 peojile and endeavourVl to show the errors con-
tained in the Commissary's discourse." ^ It could not be otherwise than
that the church should l)e closed to him from this time. Later, under
date of August 29, 1740, the commissary writes to the secretary of
the venerable society as folloMs : —
1 The Two Fii-st Parts of Mr. Whitefield's Life, p. 339.
2 Ibid., p. 342.
3 Ibid.
THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE. 239
The Bishop's Coihmissar^' (Mr. Garden), in S". ( 'aroliiia lias latrly prosecuted
the famous M^ ^^'h — d there tii)ou the SSth Canon ; but he has appeah'd h<jrae. I
hope the ISoeiety will use their interest to have justice done him. His character as
a clergTuiau enables him to do the greatest mischief. He thereby lights against
the I'hnrch under her colours, and Judas-like betrays her under pretence of friend-
ship, for which reason the dissenters are exceeding fond of him, cry him up for an
oracle, and pray pnblicly for his success, that he may go on con((ueriiig and to con-
quer, and in return he warmly exhorts his proselytes from the Church to fol low them
as the only preachers of true sound doctrine. 1 have sent you a copy of my ser-
mon wdiic'h r have mentioned in my last and refer yon to the preface for a brief
account of his hopeful doctrines and malicious railings against the clergy. I am
fully persuadetl he designs to set up for the head of a sect, and doubt not but that
he is supported under hand by deists and Jesuits or both.^
The hiiigiuioo of the c'0iimiis8iiry is l)orne out by tlie testimony of
the other clergy of the province ^suid, in faet.the published journals of
the erratic evangelist as originally printed, and. without the prun-
ings they subsequently recei\ed, go far to sustain the charge of an
intemperate and censorious spirit, and a want of Christian hinnility,
coupled with an indiscreet and reckless zeal, which cotdd not fail to
awaken suspicion and occasion o))iiosition on the part of the meml)ers
of the Church, whose bishops and clergy Whitefield did not hesitate
to assail in the most opprol)rious terms. The conservatism of the com-
missary and his clergy tended to the growth of the Church, for
many of the more sober-minded of the dissenters were repelled by the
excesses of the " new-lights '" from frequenting their assemblies, and
led to seek refuge in the Church. In April, 1741, Mr. Cummings
died, and was succeeded, after an interval, during which the Rev.
Eneas Ross
officiated
Jenney," --—
LL
who imme-
diately appointed Mr. Ross as his assistant. In 1741 the clnu-ch-ward-
ens report that the church is "happily finished :" Imt it was not till 1755
that the steeple was comjileted, and the "ring of eight bells." obtained
from England, hung in their present place. The Rev. William Sturgeon
had, in the early part of Dr. Jenney's ministry, been appointed " assist-
ant to the rector and
f. O QC jf' Af'i I ^ • ' ■h- t^'atechist to the ne-
pdCOU oDUOhe Aui'<ihJKi f!Umx6lSLY groes," and gave
/ 0 ypj great satisfaction by
io ifis fLM'cAc4S (d UnJ^iuLL-OmuCK. his labors. A new
^ / / church, named St.
Peter's, was at length
found necessary to furnish accommodations to the increasing numbers
of church folk in the city.
■ Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Cli., II., p. 203. others, iu " Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Ch.," ii.. pp. 204-
' Vidf letters from the Rev. Messis. Ross, 217, 230-236.
Buckhmi«e, Howie, Currie, Pugh, .Jeuney, and
240 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN KPISCOPAL CHURCH.
The Eev. Jacob Duclie, sou ot';i leading supporter of the Church,
was appointed an assistant minister of the parisii in whicli liis youth had
been spent. The incumbency of Dr. Jenney continued until his death,
in 1762, thus covering a period of twenty years, in which the Church grew
in strength and in numbers, not only in Philadelphia, but througTiout
the province. Sturgeon continued as assistant for nearly the same
length of time, from 1747 to 17G(1, until ill-health compelled his resig-
nation. His career was one of uninterrupted usefulness. His labor.s
among the negroes and others met with great success, and his faith-
fulness won not only the reward of souls, l>ut secured for this devoted
catechist the ap))reciation and material aid of the parish at large. His
"great pains and diligence in the work of the ministr}' " received the
public commendation of the society, and his devotion to duty and his
years of faithful service entitle him to an honorable mention and a
grateful reniem])rance. Eflbrts were made shortly before the decease
of Dr. Jenney to secure as an additional assistant the Rev. William
]\IacClennachan, who had ingratiated himself with a i«irty in the church.
But Sherlock, Bishop of London, refused to license for this important
post one who had deserted his mission at the northward \vithout the
consent of the society, and who was even then under an engagement
to a parish in Virginia. The bisho]/s determination occasioned no little
feeling on the partof the friends of MacClehnachan ; butafter a brief term
of service he was compelled to withdraw, having occasioned no little
disturbance and division among the people.
The completion of St. Peter's Church, which was opened on the
4th of September, 1761, by a solemn service, at which the celebrated Dr.
Smith, Provost of the College and Academy of Philadelphia, preached,
was shortly followed by the death
y^ y /^ .^i? y of Dr. Jennc}', and the election to
yt^CyrV-^^^^h^ b ^^e^'Z^ the rectorship of the united par-
ishes of Christ Church and St. Pe-
ter's, of the Rev. Richard Peters. This gentleman, M'ho had during his
temporary' suspension of clerical duty won for himself a name and jjosi-
tion at the bar, to which he had been originally brought up in England,
proved to be an earnest and faithful incumbent, whose term of service
continued until 1775, when age and infirmities compelled him to resign
his charge. During his incumbency the united parishes received from
Thomas and Richard Penn, projjrietaries of the province, a charter con-
stituting the rector, church-wardens, and vestrymen of Christ Church
and St. Peter's, "aljody politick and corporate." The provisions of this
important instrument received the careful scrutiny not only of the
grantors and the rector who had been counselled to Aisit England for the
bishop's license, Ijut also of the Archliishop of Canterbury, the amiable
and excellent Seeker. On the 28th of June. 1765, the charter "signed
by the honorab' John Penn, esq., Lieutenant Governor, and under the
great seal " of the province, was formally received and accepted by the
vestry. The following year the rector declined to receive any further
salary until the debt incurred in the completion of St. Peter's had been
paid. \\\ 1768, at the request of the governor and council, Mr. Peters
made a journey to Fort Slanwix, on oci'asiou of an Indian treaty, for tiie
THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND DliLAWAUK.
241
/>'^s.
£^ai?y/g^
settlement of boundary lines, his long oxperienee in Indian ailairs hav-
ing given rise to the belief that his presence would be of service.
In January, 1772, Doctor John Kearsley died at the age of eighty-
eight years, "an ancient, worthy, and use-
ful member of the church." He had served
on the vestry for upwards of half a century .
It was to his taste and exertions thai tlic
grace and architectural beauty of Christ
Church are due, and throughout his long
and honored career he never ceased to interest himself in the all'airs,
and to contriliute to the j)rosperity, of the church of his love and bap-
tism. By his last will and testament he ))e(|ueatlied a larg(^ portion of
his estate to the united parishes, in trust
for the foundation of Christ Church
Hospital, "for the support of ten or
more poor or distressed women, of
the Connnunion of the Chui'ch of
England, or such as the said corporation and their successors
shall deem such ; preferring clergymen's widows before others, and
supplying them with meat, drink,
and lodging, and the assistance of
persons practising i)hysic and siu-
gery." Towards the close of this
year the Rev. Thomas Coombe and
the Rev. William White, both l)or)i
and educated in the city and prov-
ince, were elected assistant minis-
ters. In 1775, on the resignation
of the Rev. Dr. Peters, the Rev.
Jacob Duche, the senior assistant,
was elected rector in his stead, and
continued to otficiate in this capac-
ity until, at the close of the year
1777, he determined on visiting
England, with a view of answering
" any ol)jections the Bishop of Lon-
don might have to his conduct,"
and of removing the prejudices
the Bishop had imbibed against
him. He was succeeded b}' Will-
iam AYhite, dai-um et venerabile
nomen.
While the Church in Philadel-
phia was thus steadily growing
through many vicissitudes, and in spite of opposition on every hand,
the various missions and parishes had largely increased throughout
the province. On Wednesday, April 30^ 1760, the first conven-
tion of the clergy was held in Philadelphia, agreeably to an under-
kcd^uJiv
' Oui* engi'aving is made from a photographic
copy of an origrinal portrait drawn in chalk, by
Francis Hopkinson, iu the year 1770, ;ind con-
sidered by those who linew him to be a faithful
likeness.
242
HISTOKT OF Tm: A^tEllICA^ EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
^lif pa
f
staiuUng entered into the jireeeding autumn. The list of the clergy
present at this meeting, which continued in session until Monday, the
.ith of Jlay, will indicate the strength the Church had attained. The
list comprises the following names, viz. : " Doctor Robert Jennets Rec-
tor of Christ Church, Philadelphia : Doctor
William Smith, Provost of the College in
Pliiladelphia ; iP. George Craig, missionary
at Chester ; W. Philip Reading, missionary
at Apoquiniuuiick ; ]\P. William Sturgeon,
Assistant ^linister and Catechi.st to the
negroes, in Philadelphia ; M'. Thomas Barton, missionary at Lancaster :
^P. William MacClenuachan, another of
the assistant ministers in Chi'ist Church.
Philadelphia : iP. Cha-. Inglis, mission-
ary at Do\er : ^I'. Plugh Xeiil. mission-
arj- at 0.\ford, and M'. Jacob Duche,
likewise an assistant minister in Chri^^t Church, Philadelphia."' ' The
Rev. Messrs. Samuel Cook and Robert McKean. of Xew Jersey, were
also in attendance. The Rev. William Thompson arrived from England
during the session, and the Rev. Messrs. Ross, of Xew Castle : Curry,
of Radnor ; Campbell, of Bristol : and Richard Peters, of Philadelphia,
were not present. At this convention the conduct of the Rev. William
MacClennachan was discussed, and, on the receipt of advices from the
Bishop of
London,
that he
would not
license
him to
Christ
f {J Church, it was resolved that he should not be
recognized, or recorded in the minutes as acting
in this capacity. Complaint was made of the
action of a number of Presbyterian ministers
in sending to the Archbishop of CanterlnuT an address in favor of Mr.
MacClennachan, and the action of Dr. Jenney in dismissing him from
the assistanc}' at Christ Church, and in refusing him permission to offi-
ciate there, was approved. The accounts of the missions in Pennsylva-
nia and Delaware were as follows : at Lewes, a clergyman, bj- the name
of Matthias Harris, had intruded himself into the mission without the
society's permission. Two of the churches under the charge of Harris,
together with the intruder himself, had united in a "submission" to the
convention with a view to regaining the society's favor. But, as the
■Hist. CoU. Am. Cul. Ch., U.. pp. 295-319.
'<a&
i^^nx.
y
THP; CHURCH IX PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE. 243
fhurch at Lewes M-as not represented in this submission, the convention
refused to transmit the jirotiered papers. In tlie Dover JNIission, wliich
included tlie whole County of Kent, there were three churches under the
care of the Rev. Charles Inglis. The churches were crowded, and the
number of communicants was on the int'rease. At Easter there were
seventy-three communicants. At Apoijuiuimnick there were seventj'
actual communicants. At New Castle the church was " thin of people,"
and another church,
connected « ith this ^^ cyy
mission, bad reiused / / /h-c-y)^ /^ ^ i»-v^
to receive the mis- ^^ ■ /// OTTW-^X ^?t ^
sionary. Improve- ^ ^
meat was reported at Chester. At Oxford iCC
the Church was ''in a very flourishing way,"
and a "Sunday evening Lecture " had been established at Germantown.
The missionary at Radnor was ill, and could not attend the convention ;
but he was much esteemed in his extensive cure, and neglected no op-
portunity of doing his duty. At Lancaster there was a small church ;
at Bangor, another, of stone : at Pequa, a third of the same material.
The mission in York and Cumberland
had three congregations : one at Hunt-
ingdon ; a second at York, and a third
at Carlisle. Mr. Thompson had been
apjiointed to this cure. Berks and
Northampton were frontier counties,
in which the society had, as yet, no mission. At Reading there was a
movement among the i)eople to secure a missionary, and at Easton there
was need of services which could be best rendered by the Rev Mr.
Morton, itinerant missionary in New Jersey. Such was the condi-
tion of the Church in Pennsylvania and Delaware at this time. The
clerg}\ in ad-
dressing the /^
ainterbury,D''r. WlUCO/yri J^Z^u^e/?"^^^ ^n)UUiti^
Seeker, dwelt V 0
on the hardships
under which the Church was laboring, and prayed earnestly for the
appointment of bishops for America.
In 1763 Whitetield was again in Philadelphia, and, on the invita-
tion of the rector, preached several times in the two churches, " with-
out any of his usual censures of the clergy, and with a greater moder-
ation of sentiment." ^ In 17fi(i Commissary Peters wi'ites : "Above
twenty missions are now vacant." A third church, St. Paul's, origin-
ally built l)y a schismatic following of ^lacClennachan, was added to the
Philadelphia churches. A society for the relief of the widows and
orphans of the clergy was instituted. The college and academy of
Philadelphia was contrilniting godly and well-learned young men for
the ministry. Germans and Swedes were seeking comprehension in
the Church, and, as the country found itself on the eve of a disastrous
■ Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Ch., li., p. 396.
244
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
war, the prospects of the Church were never brighter. All but bare
existence was to be lost in the struggle for independence that followed.
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES.
THE stoiy of the introductiou of the Church in the Middle Colonies would be con-
fessedly incomplete without a reference to the planting and presence of the
Swedish Church on the Delaware, which, in its subsequent development, has gi-ad-
ually merged into our own communion, until to-day one of the oldest houses of
worship in which the liturgy of om- American Church is used, and one of the old-
OI,D SWEDES CHURCH, WILMINGTON, DELAWARE.
est chm'ches of the reformed faith in the land, is the venerable Swedes' Church, in
the city of Wilmington, Delaware. The settlement of the Swedes was undertaken,
as we learn from the royal proclamation authorizing the formation of a trading col-
ony on the shores of tlie Delaware in the New World, primarily with a view of
planting the Christian religion among the heathen ; and in this spirit the settlers
brought with them their spiritual guide, and one of their first cares was to provide
within the walls of their rude fortification a house for the worship of God. Tor-
killus, the Swedish priest, ofliciated among his countrymen until his death, in 1643.
The needs of the settlers soon required the erection of a church at Crane Hook, on
the south side of the mouth of the Christiana river. This church was not built until
1667, twelve years after the short-lived conquest of New Sweden by the Dutch, and
three years after the victors and vanquished had been subjected to the British power.
The church at Crane Hook stood on a beautiful spot close to the Delaware, and its
worshippers gathered from New Castle and Swedesboro', N.J. (then known as
Raccoon Creek), as well as from the banks of the Brandywine and the Christiana.
THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE.
245
The sole remaining Swedish priest at this time was Lock, who ministered to the con-
gregation in the fort, and also in the church on Tinicum Island, which had been
erected as early as 1646.
In 1677 as the distance of Tinioum rendered attendance at service almost im-
jjracticable for the settlers at Wicaco, the block-house which stood near where
the Gloria Dei Church, in Philadelphia, was afterwards erected, was used as a place
of worship, and the first service was held in this church of logs, by the Rev. Jacol)
Fabritius, on Trinity Sunday, June 9, 1677. For fourteen years Fabritius, who
liad succeeded Lock, who had died or returned to Sweden, in 1688, ministered in
tliis rude iiouse of prayer. Nine of these years the preacher was totally blind, and
when, by reason of infirmity, he was unable to ofiioiate longer, there seemed little hope
that his place would be supplied. At length news reached Sweden of the destitute
spiritual condition of these settlers. They had appealed for" good shepherds " to feed
them with God's " holy word and sacraments." King IJharles XI. laid this request,
GLORI.\ DEI (OLD swedes) CUURCH.
which was signed by thirty of the leading colonists, before tlie Archbishop of Upsala,
and after some delay the Hev. Andrew Rudman, Eric Biorck, and Jonas Auren sailed
with the king's " God speed " from Gottcnburg, on the 4th of August, 1696, reaching
James river, in Virginia, June 2d of the following year. Of these three mission priests,
Biorck took charge of the congTcgation on the ( Christiana. On the 11th of July he
records his first service among his people: "I, their unworthy minister, clad in my
surplice, delivered my first discourse to them in Jesus' name, on the subject of the
' Righteousness of the Pharisees.' " (Quoted in Bishop Alfred Lee's " Planting and
Watering." Historical sketch of the church in Delaware, 16.38-1881.) This service
was held in the Crane Hook Church, but that site bein^ from time to time over-
flowed, the new clergyman persuaded his people to build a stone chui'ch in a more
suitable spot. The corner-stone of the present " Trinity," Swedes' Church, was laid
on the 28th of May, 1698, and was formally set apart for its sacred uses on Trinity
Sunday of the following year. The Rev. Andrew Rudman was the preacher on this
interesting occasion, and the text was from the Psalms cxxvi. 3. Tlie Lord had
246
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
done great things for them, whereof they were glad. It was not till another year
had passed that the (Jiurch at VVicaco was built, and on the first Sunday after Trinity,
17(30, the " Gloria Dei " was dedicated to God's service, the sermon being preached
from 2 Sam. vii. 29.
At the church on the Christiana Andrew Hesselius, sent out by King Charles
XU., in 1712, succeeded the faithful Biorck. He was followed by his brother
Sanmel, in 1723, who gave place to John Eneburg, in 1731. Long before this time
there had been frequent exchanges of pulpits and parishes by the clergy of the
churches of England and Sweden respectively, and when at length the Swedish
language had ceased to be intelligible to the hearers, Trinity at Wilmington, and
Gloria Dei at Wicaco, long since absorbed by Philadelphia, became part of tlie
American Church.
OLD .ST. DAVID .S CHURCH, KADNOR.
One of the most notable of the old Pennsylvania churches is St. David's, at
Radnor, built in 1714, and famous, if for no other reason, from being the .subject
of the beautiful poem by Longfellow, fi-om which the following stanzas are
quoted : —
What an image of peace and rest
Is thi.s little church among' its graves !
All is so quiet ; tlie troubled breast,
The wounded spirit, the heart oppressed,
Here may find the repose it craves.
See how the ivy climbs and expands
Over this humble hermitage.
And seems to caress with its little hand.s
The rough, gray stones, as a child th,at stands
Caressing the wrinkled cheeks of age !
Were I a pilgrim in search of peace,
Were I pastor of Holy Church,
More than a bishop's diocese
Should I prize this place of rest, .and release
From farther longing and farther search.
Here would I stay, and let the world
With its distant thunder roar and roll ;
Storms do not rend the sail tliat i*; furled
Nor like a dead leaf, tossed and whirled
In an eddy of wind, is the anchored soul.
CHAPTER XTV.
THE CONVERSION TO THE CHURCH OF CUTLER, RECTOR
OF YALE COLLEGE, AND OTHER PURITAN MINISTERS
OF CONNECTICUT.
O
N Thursday, September 13, 1722, the day after the annual coni-
uiencement, the following paper was presented to the Trustees
of Yale College, in New Haven, assembled in the library : —
To the Rev. Mr. Andreiv and Mr. Woodbridge and others, our Reverend Fathers
and Brethren, present in the Library of Yale College this 13th of September,
1722,—
Reveeekd Gentlemen : Having represented to you tlie dilficulties which
we labor under, in relation to our continuance out of the visible communion of an
Episcopal Church, and a state of seeming opposition thereto, either as private Chris-
tians, or as officers, and so being insisted on by some of you (after our repeated
declinings of it) tliat we should sum up our case in writing, we do (though with
great reluctance, fearing the consequences of it) submit to and comply with it : And
signify to you that some of us doubt the validity, and the rest of us are more fully
persuaded of the invalidity of the Presbyterian ordination, in opposition to Episco-
pal ; and should be heartily thankful to God and man, if we may receive from them
satisfaction herein ; and shall be willing to embrace your good comisels and instrac-
tions La relation to this important affair, as far as God shall direct and dispose us
to do.
Timothy Cutler,'
John Hart,'
Samuel Whittlesey,^
Jaked Eliot,*
James Wetmore,*
Samuel Johnson,"
Daniel Brown.'
A true copy of the original.
Testify :
Daniel BROAiVN.
The missionary of the venerable society at Stratford, the Eev.
George Pigot, who was present by invitation of President Cutler at
the time of this declaration, in his recital of the affair to the secretary,
throws additional light upon the extent to which this defection was
thought at the time to extend : "On the 11th of the last month, at the
desire of the President, I repaired to the Commencement of Yale
College in New Haven, where, in the face of the whole country, the
aforesaid gentleman and six others, hereafter named, declared them-
selves in this wise, that they could no longer keep out of the com-
' Harvard College, 1701. = Yale Collese, 1714.
2 Yale CoUepe, 1703 ; tutor, 1703-1705. « Yale College, 17U ; tutor, 1716-1719.
» Y'ale College, 1705 ; fellow, 1732-1752. ■ Yale CoUege, 17 U ; tutor, 1718-1722.
' Yale College, 1706; fellow, 1730-1762.
218
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
muuion of the Holy Catholic Church, and that some of them doulitcd
of the validity, and the rest were persuaded of the invalidity, of Pres-
byterian ordination in opposition to Episcopal. The gentlemen fully
persuaded thereof are the five following, viz. : Mr. Cutler, president
of Yale College ; Mr. Brown, tutor to the same ; Mr. Elliot, pastor of
lullingsworth ; Mr. Johnson, pastor of West Haven ; and Mr. Wet-
JwtsiM (^jlu>r
more, pastor of North Haven. The two gentlemen who seemed to
doubt are Mr. Hart, pastor of East Guilford, and Mr. Whittlesey,
pastor of Wallingford. These seven gave in their declarations in writ-
ing, and at the same time two more, and these pastors of great note,
gave their assent, of whom the one, Mr. Buckley, of Colchester,
declared Episcopacy to be jure divino, and the other, Mr. Whiting,
of some remote town, also gave in his opinion for moderate Episco-
pacy
" 1
The impression produced by such a paper as the one we have trans-
' Hawks ami Perry's " Conn. Ch. Docs.," i., pp. 68, 59.
CONVEKSIONS TO THE CHURCH. 249
scribed could not be other than profound. In the words of one of the
Puritan ministers who was present at this remarkable declaration, "all"
were "amazed and tilled with darkness." Another writes to tlie
Mathers of Boston, of "the dark cloud drawn over our collegiate
affiiirs," and adds, "How is the gold become dim! and the silver
becoiue dross ! and the wine mixt with water ! " Avhile still another
confesses, " It is a very dark day with us ; and we need pity, prayers
and counsel." "Our condition I look upon as very deplorable and
sad."
Those who had thus professed their scruples as to the validity
of Presbyterian orders were, as their opponents could not but confess,
"persons of tigurc" and "not of the least note " among the ministers of
the colony, " the most of them reputed men of considerable learning,
and all of them of a virtuous and blameless conversation." Less than
this could hardly have been said with ti'uth. Cutler, the rector (or
president) of Yale, was a native of Charlestown, in Massachusetts,
and was graduated at Harvard in 1701. It was after a pastorate of
ten years at Stratford that the trustees of the college invited him to
assume the post for which his learning and acknowledged ability pre-
eminently qualitied him. It was in the autumn of 1719 that Cutler
entered upon his residence at New Haven, sharing the task of the
instruction of the students with Daniel Brown, a gifted young Puritan
minister, a tutor prior to Cutler's assumption of the headship of the col-
lege. Johnson had been one of the two tutors of the institution ; but
with the settlement of the college on a permanent basis at New Haven
he resigned his post, and was formally placed in charge of the Congre-
gational parish at West Haven, on Sunday, March 20, 1720, having
been, as he himself states it, "a preacher occasionally ever since he
was eighteen." The occasion of his settlement at West Haven appears
to have been a desire to avail himself of the literary associations and
privileges of the college and its librarjs then numbering about a thou-
sand volumes. His entrance upon the Presbyterian ministry was not
without doubts and scruples as to the validity of the orders he was to
receive ; but " the passionate entreaties of a tender mother," and the
hope that he might thus " be doing some service to promote the main
interest of religion," * together with a lack of familiarity with the condi-
tions pi'erequisite, and the formal steps to be taken to secure the coveted
ministerial commission of the English Church, served to allay his diffi-
culties and justify his acceptance of " Presbyterial ordination." But
the seed sown when Smithson, a devoted churchman of Guilford,
placed in his hands the " Book of Common Prayer," was not to lie dor-
mant. His reading led him more and more to admire the doctrines
and worship of the Church. Scott's " Christian Life," Archbishop
King's " Inventions of Men in the W^orship of God," Potter's "Church
Government," Hooker's "Ecclesiastical Polity," Wall on "Infant Bap-
tism," Echard's "Church History," "The Whole Duty of Man," and
other works of this class, could not fail to produce an effect upon a
mind of unusual logical ]iower, as well as singularly devout. One by
' Beardsley's '* Life and Correspondence of Samncl .Johnson," p. 15.
250 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
one the folios of the great Anglican doctors of the seventeenth century
were mastered by him in turn. His intimate friends shared his studies,
and found themselves drifting steadily away from the Calvinistic tenets
and the congregational polity in which they had been brought up.
Each of the seven whose names are attached to the declaration of the
13th of September, 1722, held positions of trust and influence in the
vicinity of the capital of the colony and the seat of its college.' All
but Cutler were graduates of the college, and three of them — Johnson,
Wetmore, and Brown — were members of the same class, 1714, and
intimate friends. John Hart was the minister of East Guilford ; Samuel
Whittlesey was settled at Wallingford, Jared Eliot at Killiugworth,
and James Wetmore at North Haven. Meeting at each others' homes,
or in the college libi-ary with the ponderous tomes of Anglican
theology within reach, " a few Episcopalian things which their
library at New Haven had been unhappily stocked with,"^ the confer-
ences and researches of this " little knot of young men " convinced them
that the Church of England offered the apostolic commission they
sought, and that without this valid authority each of them was, as
Johnson termed it, "an usurper in the house of God."
Cutler appears to have been suspected of having fallen under the
influence of one of the most uncompromising churchmen and gifted con-
troversialists of the day, — John Checkley, of Boston. A contemporary
account of the defection of Cutler and his friends, from which we have
already quoted, and which appears to have been the production of
Cotton JVIather, speaks of " the great converter " as " a foolish and
sorry toy-man, who is a professed Jacobite, and printed a pamphlet to
maintain that the God whom King William and the churches there
prayed unto is the devil ! ( horresco referens!)" and there can be little
doubt but that Checkley, either by correspondence or conversation,
aided Cutler in coming to a decision in favor of the Church, though he
" declared to the trustees that he had for many years been of this per-
suasion (his wife is reported to have said that to her knowledge he had
for eleven or twelve years been so persuaded), and that therefore he
was the more uneasy in performing the acts of his ministry at Stratford,
atid the more readily accepted the call to a college improvement at New
Haven."' Bitter indeed was the scorn and indignity heaped upon these
confessors of tiie Church by the Boston ministers, and notably by Cot-
ton Mather. They are styled "cudweeds." It is "that vile, senseless,
wretched whimsey of an uninterrupted succession " which they have set
up. The charge is made that " they will have none owned for ministers
' Trumbull, in his" Hist, of Conu.," n., p. 33, puipose, and to continue in their respective
referring to the change of views of Cutler and places."
his associate-*, adds: "It was supposed that - 2 Mass. Hist. See. Coll., n., p. 137. Hawks
several other gentlemen of considerable charac- and Perry's " Conn. Ch. Docs.," i., p. 72. _ This
ter among the clergy were in the scheme of *' Faithful Relation of a Late Occun'ence in the
declaring for Episcopacy .and of carrying over Churches of New-England," which the editor of
the people of Connecticut in general to that the " Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections " pronounces
persuasion. But as they had been more private " not very candid or temperate, if faithful," ap-
m their measures, and had made no open pro- pears by numerous coincidences in expression,
fession of Episcopacy, when they saw the con- as well as by the general style of argument, to
sequences with respect to the rector and the be the composition of Cotton Mather, whose
other ministers and that the people would letter on the subject is printed in " 2 Mass. Hist,
not hear them, but dismissed them from their Soc. Coll.," ii., p. 133, and "Conn. Ch. Docs.," 1.,
Bei-vice, they were glad to conceal theii- former pp. 75-78. ^Conn. Ch. Docs., i., pp. 69, 70.
CONVERSIONS TO THE CHURCH. 251
of Christ iu the world, Ijut such as luiti-Christ has ordained for him ;
such as the paw of the beast hath been hiid upon." They are " poor
children," "degenerate offspring," " highfl_yers," "unhappy men," "de-
serters," " backsliders." 'J'hcy are accused of a " scandalous conjunction "
" with the papists," of attempting " l)oundless mischief " " by this foolish
cavil;" and the question is asked, "Do not these men worship the
beast ?"^ In striking contrast with these epithets and expressions ai'c
the words recorded by Johnson, in his private diary, immediately after
the ordeal had been passed, and ho had temporarily given up his min-
istry : —
It is ^vith great son'ow of heart that I am forced tlius, by the uneasiness of
my conscience, to be an occasion of so niucli uneasiness to my dear fi-iends, my poor
people, and indeed to the wliolo colony. () (lod, I beseech thee, grant that I may
not, in an adherence to thy necessary truths and laws (as I profess in my conscience
they seem to me) , be a stumbling-block or occasion of fall to any soul. Let not om-
thus appearing for thy church be any ways accessory, through accidentally to the
hurt of religion in general, or any person in particular. Have mercy. Lord, have
mercy on the souls of men, and pity and enlighten those that are gi-ievcd at this
accident. Lead into the waj' of truth all those that have eiTed and are deceived ;
and if we, in this affair, are misled, I beseech Thee show us om* error before it
be too late, that we may repair the damage. Grant us Thy illumination for Christ's
sake. Amen. *
At the suggestion of the governor of the colony, Gurdon Salton-
stall, an attempt was made to give the signers of the September decla-
ration the satisfaction they craved by a public discussion in the college
library, on the day following the opening of the October session of
the General Assembly. In this debate the advocates of the Episcopal
side of the question had the advantage of familiarity with the whole
controversy acquired by long study and careful and prayerful thought.
The governor, himself a theologian of no mean ability, " moderated very
geuteely ," ^ but the " gentlemen on the Di-ssenting side " found that their
chief argument from the indiflerent use of the words bishop and^^res-
byter in the New Testament was met by the incontestable evidence from
Scripture of the superintendency of Timothy over the clergy and laity
of Ephesus, and of Titus over the church in Crete. The appeal to the
histor3'^ of the first and purest centuries of the Church was made until
" at length," as Johnson records it, "an old minister got up and made
an harangue against them iu the declamatory way to raise an odium,
but he had not gone far before Mr. Saltonstall got up and said he only
designed a friendly argument, and so put an end to the conference."''
Hart, Whittlesey, and Eliot, influenced it may be by the debate
in the college library in October, or dismayed at the opposition their
declarations for the Church, had excited, returned to their old faith,
silenced if not satisfied. It is the testimony of Chandler that "amidst
all the controversies in which the Church was engaged during their lives,
they were never known to act, or say, or in.sinuate anything to her dis-
advantage."^ The others were unshaken in their adherence to their
• Vide 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii., 133 et ' Beardsley's " Life and Coirespondence of
passim. Hawks and Peny's " Conn. Ch. Docs.." Samuel .Johnson," p. 19.
I., 72-78. •/«(/., pp. 19, 20.
' Beardsley's Johnson, p. 19. ' Life of Johnson, p. 31.
252
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
convictions. Jolinson, after tiie most patient selt'-scrutiiiy, as was his
wont, records in his diary, that "upon the most deliljerate consideration,
I cannot find tliat cither the frowns or ai)piauses, the pleasures or profits
of the world have any i)revailing infiuence in the ufi'air."' On the 17th
CHRIST CHURCH. BOSTON.
of October the trustees of the college voted, " in faithfulness to the
trust reposed in them," to "excuse the Eev. Mr. Cutler from all farther
service as rector of Yale College," and "to accept of the resignation
which Mr. Brown had made as tutor."- A week later Cutler, Jolm-
' Bcardslev's Johnson, p. 21.
= Trumbull's "Hist, of (Vmn.," ii., p. 34.
CONVEKSIONS TO THE CUUKCH. 2J3
son, iiiul Brown were on their way to the sea-board, with a view of
laliing inissage for England for ordination.
JNleauwhile a movement had taken shape among the churchmen of
Boston to erect a second church, the Ivlng's Chapel " not being large
enough to contain the people of the church;"' and the attention of the
promoters of this enterprise was turned at once towards securing the
ex-president of Yale as their spiritual head. A letter from the leading
members of the new Christ Church was addressed to Cutler, congratu-
lating him and his friends on their declaration for the Church, inviting
them to Boston, assuring them that a passage to England would I)e
provided for him and his friends, "and all things proper to support the
character of a gentleman" during his "stay in Loudon." The care of
Mrs. Cutler and children was also assumed by the committee of the
chui'ch, and liberal subscriptions attested the fact that the zeal of the
Boston church-folk was equal to their professions.
The journey to Boston was of itself long and tedious. Setting
out on Tuesday, the 23d of October, Sunday the twenty-third after
Trinity, and the Feast of SS. Simon and Jude, found them at Bristol,
where Johnson records: "I first went to church. How amiable are
thy tabernacles, O Lord of hosts ! Mr. Orem^ preached."^ On the
following Sunday, the twenty-fourth after Trinity, the}^ " first com-
municated with the Church of England.- How devout," proceeds the
excellent Johnson in his diary^ " grand, and venerable was ever}' part
of the administration, every way becoming so awful a mystery ! Mr.
Cuthbert, of Annajiolis Royal, preached. To-morrow we venture
upon the great ocean for Great Britain. God Almighty pi'cserve us."^
For five weeks and four days their " l^oisterous and uncomfortal)le
voyage in the good ship 'Mary' was protracted." The little party
occupied themselves with religious reading and study. On Sundays,
AVednesdays, and Fridays they read prayers. They blessed God at
the sight of land, for the ocean passage at the time these men, and
others who followed their course, braved its terrors was something to
be dreaded in its discomfort and danger. On the third Sunday
ia Advent they attended service in the cathedral at Cauter))urv.
Strangers though they were, and in a strange land, the}' found friends at
once. On presenting themselves at the Deanei-y they announced them-
selves as "some gentlemen from America, come over for Holy Orders,
who were desirous of paying their duty to the Dean."^ The amiable
and learned dean. Dr. Stanhope, whose name is yet familiar as a
household word to all students of Anglican theology, welcomed them
with great cordiality. A copy of the declaration, to which was ap-
pended the names of the signer's, had found its way into the London
papers, and the dean, and some of the cathedral prebends, were read-
ing it at the very moment of this opportune call. No further intro-
duction was necessary. The two archbishops. Dr. Wake, of Canter-
bury, and Sir William Dawes, of York, vied in extending to these
new converts every possible attention and kindness. They were
' Footo's " Annals of Kinjr's Chapel." ■'' Bcarilslev's Johnson, p. 23. 'Ibid.
* The Rev. .Tames Oreni, missionary of tlic ■■ Beardsley's *' Hist, of the Epis. Church iu
veneiahlc society at Bristol, K.l. ' Conn.." I, p. 4 j.
254 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CIimCH.
t'oriuiilly introduced to the members of the venerable society, the
Archbishop of York being in the chair, "who," as Johnson tells us,
" with the whole body of the clergy present, received us with a most
benign aspect, and treated us with all imaginable kindness."^ The
Bishop of London, Dr. Robinson, of Salisbury, Dr. Willis, of London-
derry, Dr. Nicholson, and others, showed them marked attention, and
leading divines and laymen spared no pains to prove to these prose-
lytes from afar that their self-sacrifice and devotion were fully appreci-
ated, ^yter receiving in private, in the Church of St. Sepulchre,
hypothetical baptism, on Friday, March 22, at the Church of St.-
Martin-in-the-Fields, they were first confirmed and then ordained
deacons, and on Passion Sunday, the 21st of March, at the same
church, they were advanced to the priesthood by the Lord Bishop of
Norwich, Dr. Thomas Green, the Bishop of London, Dr. Robinson
being incapacitated from duty by his last illness. On Easter even,
April 13, Brown died of the small-pox, and on Easter Tuesday was
interred in St. Dunstan's-in-the-West, in the presence of about thirty
of the city clergy. He was, as Johnson writes, ''a fine scholar and a
brave Christian."^ At Oxford and Cambridge Cutler received the
doctorate, and Johnson the master's degree. Before their return
Wetmore joined them and was admitted to orders, and with the
blessing of Wake, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Gibson, the newly-
made Bishop of London, they set sail for home, reaching the shores
of America towards the close of September, Dr. Cutler immediately
entei'ing upon work at Boston, and Mr. Johnson a little later establish-
ing himself at Stratford, in Connecticut.
The conversion of these Connecticut ministers to the Church and
their admission to orders in England excited no little apprehension in
the mind of some of the few clergy of English liirth in New England,
that they, to quote the words of David Mossom, of Marblehead, would
" get the best jjlaces in the country and take the bread from ofl:' our
trenchers." The assistant at King's Chapel, the Rev. Henry Harris,
openly called in question the sincerity of Cutler in making the change
from Congregationalism to the Church. The Rev. ^Matthias Plant,
of Newbury, professed his readiness to join with Harris in addressing
the Bishop of London for the purpose of preventing the ordination of
the converts, and urged Mossom to unite in the same underhand
proceeding. But the laity recognized the advantages likely to accrue
to the church's cause by this accession, and the church- wardens and
vestry of Trinity Church, Newport, wrote to the secretary of this
venerable society, that "upon the whole it seems highly probable that
upon these gentlemen's fate, we mean their reception and encourage-
ment, depends a grand revolution, if not a general revolt, from schisms
in these parts." ^
While the church people of New England viewed this addition
to their ranks with mingled satisfaction and jealousy, the feeling among
the adherents of the "Standing Order " was that of apprehension and
dismay. At a fast observed at the "Old North," Boston, on the 25th
1 Beardslcv's " Hist, of the Epis. Church iu = Beanllcy's Johnson, p. 40.
Coun.," I., p. W. ' Conu. Ch. Docs., i., p. 91.
CONVERSIONS TO THE CHURCH. 255
of September, 1722, Chief Justice Sewall records ia his diary that
after a sermon by Cotton Mather, "Dr. I. Mather pray'd ; mucli be-
wail'd the CoSecticut Apostacie." At Yale the trustees voted that all
rectors, or tutors, subsequently elected should declare before the
trustees their assent to the " Saybrook Platform," and " particularly
give satisfaction to them of the soundness of their Faith in opposition
to Arminian and Prelatical Corruptions, or any other of dangerous
consequence to the Purity and Peace of our Churches." ' But the
tide could not be stayed. Of the class of 1723 Jonathan Arnold^ con-
formed. Of the class of 1724, Henry Caner ; ^ of that of 1726, Eben-
ezer Pundersou; of that of 1729, John Pierson, Solomon Palmer,
Ephraim Bostwick, and Isaac Browne ; of that of 1733, Ebenezer
Thompson, were converts ; and in the ten years subsequent to that
memorable declaration more than one in ten of the gi-aduates of Yale
who entered into the ministry followed the example of Cutler, John-
son, Brown, and Wetmore, — the leaders of the great army of con-
formists who, from their day to this, have been drawn into the
church's service fi"om without.
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES.
XTTTITLE the notable events recorded in this chapter were ti-anspiring^ the Pui'i-
VV tan leaders spared no pains to warn the people of the danger of apostasy,
and to confirm them in the faith and practice of the " standing order." In " Elijah's
Mantle," published in Boston in 1722, " A faithful testimony to the Cause and Work
of God in the Chiu'ches of New England," ofl'ered as a " highly seasonable " con-
tribution to the polemic literature of tlio day, we find this earnest appeal : —
"Hence also those among us that desire to setup in tliis Country any of the
Wayes of Men's Invention, (as Prelacy, stinted Liturgies, Humane Ceremonies, in
Worship), they will bid Defiance to the Cause and Interest of Christ, and of this
People in these Ends of the Eai'th ; and will, I persuade myself, but lay themselves
as Potters'' Vessels under the Iron Bod, for Christ who has taken this possession of
these uttermost parts of the Earth will not endure it. Let us Go fonoard to any of
those Things of Christ that we ai-e wanting in. But to Oo backward unto those
Things which we know and have openly Testified to he not of God, and which we
departed from, will be such a Wickedness as the Lord's jealousy will not bear
withal."
The venerable Increase Mather, then fourscore and fouryears old, thus urged
this same plea : —
' ' From the Suburbs of that Glorious World into which I am now entering, I
earnestly Testify unto the Rising Oeneration That if they sinfully forsake the God
and the Hope and the Religious Ways of their pious ancestors, the Glorious Lord
will severely punish their Apostasy, and be Terrible from His Holy Places upon
them."
In " Some Seasonable Enquiries " concerning Episcopacy, issued the following
year by Cotton Mather, tlie author refers to " Tlie Sad and Strange Occurrence o^f
This Day;" and. among his queries on the Scrijjture use of the word "Bishops"
and the " Divine Right of Episcopacy," thus writes : —
" In Fine, 0 Vain Men, What are you doing"} Wlio, after the Word of God in
the Sacred Scriptures dost so Plainly and Loudly Condemn the Usurpation of a
Diocesan Episcopacy, will for the Sake thereof Renounce the Ministry and Com-
' Cl.ap's " History of Yale College," p. 32. » M.A., Oxford, 17-36 ; S.T.D., O.xford, 1766.
' 'M.A., Oxford, 1736.
256 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
munion of all tliu Frotcstaid Churches in thu World, except a verj' little party on
Two Islands ?
" Whether the Churches, which have their Beauty and Safety in keeping the
Second Commandment, and were Planted on the very Design of withdrawing from
the ' Episcopal Imposltio7is,'' will not, as they would Avoiil the Jealous Wrath of the
Glorious God, .... with much Unanimity concur to Kxpress their Displeasure
against such an Unaccountable Apostasy ? "
Quincy, in his " History of llarvard University" (i., p. 365), quotin^as author-
ity a letter from the celebrated Ilollis to Rev. Benjamin C'olman, under date of
January 14, 1723, thus refers to an interview between this generous benefactor of
" Harvard " and ( 'utlcr, \\hen the latter was in England : —
'• In the following January (1723) being in London, he was invited by the
honest and zealous Ilollis to a conference, in the hope of converting him from
EpiscopaliauLsm. To this invitation Cutler acceded. The conference, however,
never took place. ' I am no doubter ! ' said Cutler to Ilollis, ' I am resolved. I
hope to be speedily ordained. I may with as much reason hope to bring you over
to me, us you can hope to bring me over to you. I have a wife and seven childi'en,
am not yet forty years old. I have lost all my old friends. I am turned out of all.
And if I should do anything now that looked like doubting, it were the way to lose
my new friends. I was never in judgment heartily with the Dissenters, but bore
it patiently until a favorable opportunity offered. This has opened at Boston, and
I now declare publicly what I before l^clieved privatelj'.' ' After such ijositive
barring cautions, I thought,' says Ilollis, ' the ijroposed conference would be of
little service.'"
It is difficult not to believe this rejiort somewhat colored by the prejudices of
the writer, especially when we have the advantage of tracing all the facts relating
to the conversion of Cutler and his companions fi'om contemporary documents,
exhibiting, as they do, both sides as they appeared at the time.
CHAPTER XV.
THE TRIAL OF JOHN CHECKLEY AND THE STRUGGLES OF
THE CHUIJCH IN MASSACHUSETTS AND RHODE ISLAND.
" A RSI yourself with the humility and courage of a Christian ; and
/~\ when God shall suficr the enemies of His Church to afflict you,
receive it with patience and cheerfulness, praying for your
persecutors."^ These were the words of the Archbishop of York^ to
a nameless New Englander, who had sought his blessing and an audience
in which to acquaint the venerable prel-
ate with the state of the Church across
the sea. The stranger thus counselled
was one who, more than any other man
at this period of controversy and in-
quiry about the Church, occupied the
popular mind. Of John Checkley's
family little is known . He was born in
Boston, in 1680, of English parentage,
and received the rudiments of his education under the celebrated Ezekiel
Cheever. He is said to have spent some time at the University of Ox-
ford, from which he subsequently received
^ / • n ~P an honorary degree of ]\I.A. ; but it is
\^X$J^^\Jo Cr^JUA)i^ certain that he did not graduate, and no
trace of his matriculation even has been
found. From Oxford he is said to have travelled for some time upon
the continent, and on his return to his birthplace he was certainly
prepared, both by study and travel, to enter prominently into the dis-
cussions and controversies then beginning to attract, and even to absorb,
the attention of all classes of society.
Abounding in wit and humor, possessing a genial temper, and an
unfailing fund of anecdote, polished by his residence abroad, and espe-
cially interested in the political and religious controversies of the time,
Checkley could not fail to attract the notice and secure the friendship
of the men of parts who were from age and education his natural asso-
ciates. Among these was one somewhat his junior, — Thomas Walter,
a graduate of Harvard in the class of 1713, and the son of the Puritan
minister of Roxbury, and grandson of the celebrated Increase Mather.
Walter was witty and accomplished, and the friendship between the
two youths, begun while Walter was at Harvard, was continued in spite
of the w.arning of Cotton Mather, who feared the influence of the church-
man and Jacobite over his nephew. Churchman and Jacobite Checkley
was, and while his friend, both from training and taste, leaned strongly
"Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Church, III., p. 665. 171-3-14, and died April 30, 172i. — Z« Neve's
'Sir William Dawes, Bart., Bishop ol'Chcster, Fasti Ecclesice Anglicance, xii., p. US.
transfeiTcd to the Arcliiepiscopal see of York,
258 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
towards the Puritan theology and the House of Hanover, there grew out
of their amicable discussions on the questions of divinity and politics
then rife, a public controversy, which, ere its close, made itself felt in
the Old World as well as the New. Several years after his friend's
gi'aduation, and while he was, probably, studying with his father in
Koxbury, Checkley published a tract entitled " Choice Dialogues be-
tween a Godly Minister and an Honest Countryman, concerning Elec-
tion and Predestination." ' This attack on a favorite tenet of Cal-
vinism provoked a speedy reply. The brochure of Checkley's, comprised
within fifty pages, was answered at length by Walter, in " A Choice
Dialogue between John Faustus, A Conjuror, and Jack Tory, His
Friend ; Occasioned by some Choice Dialogues lately published con-
cerning Proudest inalion and Election. Together with Animadversions
upon the Prtcface to the Choice Dialogues, And an Appendix concern-
ing the True Doctrine of Predestination, as held l)y the Church of
England, and the Absurdities and Inconsistency of the Clioice Dia-
logues. Cy a Young Strippling." The " Strippling " is certainly an
adept in sarcasm and abuse. Referring in his preface, which is signed
" Christopher Whigg," to the assertion that the " Choice Dialogues "
were written " by a Ileverend and Laborious Pastor in Christ's Flock,
by one who has been for almost twice thirty years a faithful and painful
Labourer in Christ's Vineyard," he retorts: "I believe I know the
Reverend and Labourious Pastor he means, viz. : a certain Jacobite
Clergy-man, who, I dare vouch, has served the Pretender ten years
where he has the Flock of Christ one." He proceeds : "And really I
never met with such an Oddity and Inconsistency as to till a book with
Calumnies and Reproaches, which is written out of Chaiity to the Souls
of Men. . . . But his high-ilying bitter spirit savours of too much
Rancour, to let the world think that Love to Souls, and not Hatred to
the Churches of New England, was the Spring and Motive of his un-
dertaking this scurrilous Work." . . . "Now, Gentlemen, we are come
to the Rectilinear and uninterrupted Succession of Episcopacy from the
Apostles. Ay, and this Doctrine of the Choice Dialogues has been in
the same uninterrupted IManner, by oral Tradition, handed down by
the Clergy to this Day." . . . " As for the Uninterrupted Succession
of the Clergy from the Apostles, I mean of Bishops Diocesan, I could
never see the Catalogue of them yet. It has hithertoo been much such
a Secret in Ecclesiastical State as is the Philosopher's Stone in the king-
dom of nature ; of which it is often asserted there is such a thing in
Iterum Natura ; but we never can be certain any Body has been so
sagacious and sharp as to find it. But I drop the Chimera and let it
vanish among the shades." In the body of the work John Faustus, an
emissary of the devil, is represented as applauding Jack Tory, i.e.,
John Checkley, for his endeavor to prove that the New England
churches worshipped the devil. The expression, "twice thirty years
a servant of Christ," applied to the author of the Choice Dialogues, is
changed to "twice thirty years a servant of the devil." Checklc}^ is
addressed, " You had better minded your shop than have took upon
1 A new edition of this tract was adveftised and next week will be published." Vide "Ar-
in the " American Weekly Jlorcmy," Philadel- chseologia Americana," vi., pp. 384, 456.
phia, Feb. 26, 740, '41, as " now iu the press,
THE TRIAL OF JOHN CHECKLEY. 259
you to be an author." The closiug pages arc full of auiiuadvei'sions upon
the Church of England, and flings at the Jacobite views of Checklcy.
This reply may have been the direct cause of a more extended and
virulent controversy, in which Chcckley could not fail to ))ear a promi-
nent i)art, but other circumstances were also at work to produce a
pamphlet war on the mooted question of doctrine, discipline, and wor-
ship. The preceding year Chcckley had published the llrst edition of
a treatise by the celebrated nonjuriug divine, Charles Leslie, entitled : —
Tha BELiaiON of JESUS CHRIST the on!,/ True BEIAfHON, or, A Short
and Eiisie METHOD witu tue DEISTS, Wherein the CERTAINTY of the
CHRISTIAN RELIGION Is demoiisti-atetl by Infallible Proof from JFour JSiilrs,
AvmcH ARE Iiicowpatible to any Iiiijjosture that ever yet has been, or that can pos-
slbli/he. Ilia LETTER to a Viieiid. Clic SrbcntI) Eoiiian. i'O.STO.V; Printed by
E. IJlcct, and are to be Sold by 3olm CljcdUru, at the Sijjn oi the Crown and Blue
Gate over against the Went End of the Town-House. lli'J.'
From the title-page of this it would appear that Checkley was, at
this time, in trade " at the sign of the Crown and Blue Gate over against
the West End of the Town-House." Harris, the minister of King's
Chapel, and the bitter foe of Chcckley, writes of him, as we shall
shortly see, as "one John Checkley who keeps a Toyshop in this
place," and the " Stri]iling " refers, as wo have seen, to his shop. But,
whatever may have been this remarkable man's walk in life, he was an
acknowledged power in the staid town of Boston, and in his " Toy
shop" there were forged weajions for assault or defence, of a nature
proving that there was no child's play purposed in the strife. In the
controversy which grew out of these little tractates the leading theolo-
gians of jS'cw England were enlisted, and when arguments failed to
support the dominant side the aid of the law was invoked to crush so
determined and powerful an antagonist.
While the popular mind was thus interested and occupied with these
questions of discipline and doctrine events had occurred in the neigh-
lioring colony of Connecticut which fanned the excitement into a flame.
In 1722, on tlie day following the commencement at Yale College,
Rector Cutler and several prominent ministers of the " standing order"
presented a paper to the clergy and others assemlfled in the college
library, expressing doubts as to the validity of Presbyterian ordination.
A discussion ensued some weeks subsequent, resulting in the removal
of the scrui)lcs in the minds of some of the signers, while the others
openly avowed their conviction of the necessity of Episcopal ordination,
and took measures to secure it. If we may believe the testimony of
the inimical Harris, of the King's Chapel, this result, at least so far as the
conversion of Cutler was concerned, was brought about by the keei)er
of the " Toy shop, at the sign of the Crown and Blue Gate, over against
the West End of the Town House, in Boston." It is certain that Check-
ley accompanied Cutler and his friends to England, on their mission
for orders. He had earlier petitioned the venerable Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, for the appointment of an
' Title-page, " The Preface," pp. xii. The Some copies of the " Epistle to the Tral-
te\t, pp. 51. "The Epistle of .St. Isiiatias to ihc lians " appear to have been Issued separately.
Tralliaas," pp. 7. ' Vide " Arch. .'Vm.," vi., p. 382.
260 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
itinerant missionary for the northern colonies, who should be " obliged,
once a year, to visit the utmost limits of New England, "and also for the
establishment of a lending library for " the poor deluded people of that
country." ' lie now sought orders which were refused, as we shall see,
through the interference of the Puritans at home, who dreaded his
influence, and were aided in their opposition to his ordination by the
representations of such half-hearted churchmen as Harris and his friends.
While in London he procured the pul)lication of another edition of
Leslie's work against the Deists, with the following title-page : —
A Short and Easie | METFIOD | with tue | DEISTS. | AVherein the | CER-
TAINTY I OF THE I CHRISTIAN RELIGION | Is demonstrated, by infallible Proo/
from I ^our Jlnlcs, | wuicn are | Incompatible to any Imposture that fver yet | has
been, or that can possil)l)j be. | In a LliTTEIl to a Friend. | The Eighth Edition. |
LONDON: \ I'rinted by J. Applebee, and Sold by .Ioun Checkley, | at the Sign
of the Croivn and Blue-Gate, over | against the West-End of the Town-House in |
Boston. 1723.''
The peculiarity of this edition is the addition to the " Short and
Easie Method " of " A Discourse concerning Episcopacy " of more than
twice the length of the ostensible essay againstthe Deists. This " Di.s-
course" is the work of Leslie, with occasional interpolations and addi-
tion of matter designed to apply the arguments of the author to the
peculiar objections of the New England Independents, and will be found
to have been chiefly taken from "A Discourse, shewing Who they are
that are now qualiiied to administer Baptism and the Lord's Supper :
Wherein the cause of Episcopacy is briefly treated."^ The style is
occasionally changed. Checkley himself alludes to the " lowness of
diction," as "not ill-suited to the end proposed, viz. : demonstrating to
either party the inconsistency of their respective schemes in their own
dialect ; to keep close to which, and to write with perspicuity, I assure
you, is not very easy."*
Some strong expressions found in the original text are modified.
References to the Quakers, against whom Leslie specially directed his
arguments, are made applicable to the Independents and Presbyterians,
and the whole treatise, in arrangement and argument, is adapted with no
little skill to the New England public.
We can the more readily understand the excitement attending the
publication and circulation of this work by giving a synopsis of the
argument, .and citing specimens of its style and language. It liegins
with "a solemn appeal to every person who has read the foregoing
short method with the Deists, whether it is not absolutely necessary,
that a lineal and uninterrupted succession of the Ministers of Jesus
Christ should be preserved, lest Christianity, our holy Religion, should
be rendered precarious, as a thing of which no certain proof can be
given." * Assuming that this " lineal and uninterrupted succession " is
" absolutely necessary," he appeals to a posthumous sermon liy the cele-
brated Ebenezer Pemberton, in support of the position "that those
' Tllst. Coll. Am. Col. Cli., m., p. 133. a Leslie's Theological Works, vii., pp. 9j-
2 8vo, pp. 132. Pp. 41-127 contain, with- 183. Svo. 0\-fonl, 1832.
ont nny special title-page, " .V Discourse concern- * llist. Coll. Am. Col. Ch., III., p. fiGt.
iiiKEpiscOPACr." Pp. 128-132areoccupieil with ' X Short ami Easie Method, pp. 41, 42.
" The Epistle of St. Ignatius to the Tralliaus."
THE TRIAL OF JOHN CIIECKLEY. 2G1
who are to serve God in the jNIiui.stiy of this Gospel must bo duly
authorized to discharge the ofhee of a Gospel Minister." lie then con-
siders the qualiiicatious requisite in a "Gospel Minister" under the heads
of " personal " and " sacerdotal." To the " holiness of the administra-
tor" must be added "an outward commission." Christ had his outward
commission given him "by a voice from heaven at his baptism." He
commissioned the twelve and the seventy. The apostles proceeded in
the same method. They commissioned men who were in turn to impart
this commission to others. "This succession from the Apostles is pre-
served and derived only in the Bishops."
In support of this assertion he proceeds to give the historical argu-
ment for Episcopacy, defying the Presbyterians who, " only of all our
Dissenters, have any pretence to succession," to prove " an uninter-
rupted succession of any one Presbyter in the whole World from the
Apostles to this day." The Cambridge Platform is cited in proof of
the assertion, that the Independents "allow laymen to ordain," and,
consequently, our author asserts that they have neither " succession
from the Apostles," nor " lawful ordination." " Our Korahites of sev-
eral sizes " are bidden to " take a view of the hcinousness of their
schism ; and," proceeds our writer, "let them not think their crime to
be nothing because they have been taught with their mother's milk, to
have the utmost abhorrence to the very name of a Bishop, tho' they
could not tell why." The Papacy and the Jesuits were foes of Epis-
copacy, " Pope and Presbyter" using the same arguments, and "who-
ever would write the true history of Presbj'terianism must begin at
Rome and not at Geneva." The necessity of church government is
evident. The universality of Episcopacy is urged, and the dissenters
are challenged to produce " any one constituted Church upon the face
of the Earth, that was not governed by Bishops, distinct from, and
superior to, Presbytei's, befoi'e the Vaudois in Piedmont, the Hugue-
nots in France, the Calvinists in Geneva, and the Presbyterians thence
transplanted in the last age, into Holland, Scotland, Old England and
New England." Citations arc given from the fathers and early coun-
cils, to prove that the government of the Church was in the hands of
bishops for more than five hundred years before the Papacy. The
testimony of " Calvin himself and Beza, and tho rest of the learned
Reformers of their part," that the lack of Episcopacy, which they
owned to be a defect, was their misfortune rather than their fault, is
given, and then the argument is succinctly summed up as follows : —
If Christ deleo;ated his power to his Ajjostles, and they to others, to con-
tinue to the end of tlio world ;
If the Apostles did delegate Bishops under them, in all the Cliristian
Churches, which they planted throughout the whole Earth ;
If Episcopacy was the known and received government of all the Churches
in the world, not only in the Apostolic age, but in all the succeeding ages for 1,500
years ;
If it was not possible for Churches so dispersed into so many far distant
regions to concert all together, and at once, to alter that frame of Government which
had been left them by the Apostles ;
If such an alteration of Government could not be without great notice to be
taken of it, as if the government of a nation was cliangcd from Commonwealth to
Monai-chy ;
262 UISTORY OF THK AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
And if no Autlior or Historian of those times makes the least mention of
such a chan;ro of government, but all with one voice speak of Ejjiscopacy, and the
succession of Bishops in all the Churches from the da3"s of the Apostles ; and in
those ages of zeal, when the Christians were so forward to sacrifice their lives in
opposition to any error or deviation from the Truth, no one takes any notice of
Episcopacy as being an encroachment upon the right of the Presbyters or the peo-
ple, or being any the least deviation from the Apostolical institutions ;
I say, if these things are not possible to any thinking man, then Episcopacy
must be the primitive and Apostolical institution.'
Hence the " ordination.s in opposition to Episcopacy are not only
invalid, but sacrilege and rebellion against Christ," and "if their
ordinations are null, then their Baptisms are so too, and all their
ordinances. They arc out of the visible Church, and have no right to
any of the promises in the Gospel, which are all made to the Church,
and to none other." ^
The appeal is made to " our misled Dissenters," in such words as
these : —
And will tender parents carry their children to, at least, disputed Baptisms,
while the Presbyterians themselves deny not tlie validity of Episcopal ordination,
and, consequently, of the sacraments administered Ijy their liands? Will you run
an hazard then, where your souls are concerned, and of your cliildren, when you
may be sure, by tlie confession of all parties, even of those men who (through
ignorance) unhappily mislead you?
The etymological argument, "the senseless jingle of the words
Bishop and Presl)yter," is next considered and illustrated by the use
of the word "impcrator," and the question pressed, "How could these
Bishops have thrust themselves thus into the chief governments all the
world over, without any opposition, and to be owned as such, and
acknowledged Iiy all, if the original in.stitiition had been Presbytery
or any other Frame of Government? Or, if there were Presbyterians
in those Days (as our Presbyterians would have us believe) , they were
much more moderate and complaisant than our Presliyterians, to let
the Bishops usurp upon their authority, and engross all into their own
hands, without so much as one remonstrance, or the least snarle from
any of them ? Strange ! Wondrous strange I " ^ The ol)jection, that
" Episcopacy did not come in all at once, but encroached by degrees,"
is next considered. The call is made, "Shew us the beginning of Epis-
copacy." The beginning of Presbytery with Calvin, the beginning of
the Papacy in the seventh century, the beginnings of Popish errors,
are all set forth ; but no one can tell Avheu Episcopacy began. These
arguments are pressed with great directness, and the assertion made,
"that it is downright impossible but that what has been said must
create a doubt, at least in any considering man, whether he ought not
to sul>mit to Episcopacy." The case is then summed up in these inci-
sive sentences : —
Now suppose I come to the Sacrament, and have any doubt whether this man
is lawfully ordained, and can consecr.ate and administer the Holy Sacnament to me,
will not that of Uora. 14, 20, come into my mind? lie that doubtcth is damned if he
cat, because he eatcth not of Faith, for whatsoever is not of Faith, is sin. In what
1 A Sl.oi-t and Easic Method, pji. 97-93. ' Jhhl., p. 99. = Ibid., p. 103.
THE TRIAL OF JOHN CHECKLEY. 263
condition then are our unhappy dissenters who cannot eat in faith, unless they fully,
plainlj', and clearly answer what has been said, so as to Ifiave no douljt behind it.
They may (which God lorliid) shut their eyes, and go on wilfully, but this will bo
a fresh aggravation, and will double their sin.
Whatcompassioneantheyhavefortheirtenderlnfants.tocarTy them to disputed
Baptism, when Ihey may have that which is clear and undisputed ofl'ered to them?
Will they present the i)rovocatiou of their oll'erings, and j^awn their souls upon the
greatest micortainty? \Vill they dare to say, tliat it is not an uncertainty at best,
when they will not because tbcy cannot answer for themselves P Is not this to be
self-condenmed ? To put the stumbling-block of their iniquity before their faces,
and tlien come to inquire of the Lord !
This I should tliiuk were enough to rouse the conscience of any Dissenter that
is not hardened to a stone. I am sure, if I was a Dissenter, it would prick me to (he
heart. And till I could give an answer to what has been said in these papers, I
would never go to a mecLing, lest I perished in their sin. I would not receive their
Sacraments, lest I oflered their jjrovocations : and I should think mj-sclf guiltj' of
the blood of my child, if I brought it to their Baptism : At least my own blood
would lie on my head, if I did it with a doubting mind, while I could have that Bap-
tism which was undisputed to make my child a member of the Clim-ch. And how
can he who has thrust himself out of the Church, admit another to be a member of
it? Can I make another free of any corporation, v,ho am not free myself? No.
If I am baptized by a schismatiok, I am bajjtized into his schism, and made a mem-
ber of it, and not of the Church against which he is in rebellion and open defiance
to it. The children of Korah, Dathan and Abiram were swallowed up with them.
If wo will hazard om'selves, let us have some compassion for our innocent children.
The charge upon them is very, very heavy ; I must confess it is exceeding
heavy, but it is as ti'ue as it is gi'eat. I know it wQl raise the indignation of many
of them, and I shall hear it from all hands. Wiat ! — say they, would he im-church
us, and annul our Sacraments ? — would he make the ordinary ministi-ations of oiu*
Ministers as little valid, and more guilty, than if performed by a JMid-wife in case of
necessity ? Where, where is the moderation of this man ? Where is his charity ?
He makes all our meetings to be assemblies of Korah, in rebellion against God?
We are not able to bear it — -We will not bear it — It is not fit that sueli a man
should live upon the earth.' . . . And must they not be told of this? ]\Iust I be
their enemy because I tell them the truth ? Is it because I love them not ? God
knoweth, I declare, so far as I know my own mind (though I cannot say as St. Paul
did in a lilic case, yet) I would give my life to purchase their reconciliation, and
that I might see the unity of the spirit in the bond of Peace.''
Drawing the analogy between the transmission of the Creed, the
Scriptures, the faith itself and the succession of the Church, our author
proceeds to assert that the "evidence for them is the same, yea, and in
one point stronger for Elpiscopacy, as being Matter of Government,
which is more obvious to the notice of men, and any change or altera-
tion in it is more observable than in doctrines or opinions."' . . .
"And the preservation of the faith and doctrine of the Church depends
under God, mostly and chielly in the support of the Government of
the Church, that is in supporting her as a Society. Whence she is
called in Scripture the pillar and ground of the truth."* . . . "Let
the Dissenters see if there be one circumstance of difibrence betwixt
their case and that of Korah ?^ And now as the Apostle says, If he
died M'ithout mercy, who despised Moses's law, and the priesthood
which he set up ; of how much sorer punishment, suppose ye, shall he
be thought worthy, who has trampled under foot the Son of God, and
that Church and Priesthood which lie has ordained and promised to
be with it to the end of the world? Finis." ^
' A Short and Easie Methoil, pp. 110-112. » Ihid., p. 117. ^Ibid., p. 121.
» Ihid., p. lU. • Ibid., p. 118. 'Ibid., p. 127.
264 mSTOUY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Thus closed the most uncompromising and pungent attack which
had yet Ijcen made upon the ecclesiastical authorit}^ of the Puritan col-
ony. Kemorseless in its logic, unsparing in its denunciations of dis-
sent, and adding to the masterly argumentation of Leslie the keen
thrusts and bitter sarcasm of Checkley's own cultivated wit and deep
convictions, the impression produced l)y
this thin octavo was profound. Nothing
yy/y^'^^.^f^ else was thought or talked of. On the
tC//Ay//U//. ^ street, by the lircsides, in the shops, along
the wharves, in the pulpits, inthe veiy coun-
cil chamber and the halls of legislature, " the discourse concerning Epis-
copacy" was the staple of discussion. The lieutenant-governor, Wil-
liam Dummcr, and the council, ordered the attorney-general and
Eobert Auchmuty, a dis-
tinguished lawyer, belong- ^-^''/^ /^ /^ ^
against the liook as " a scan- Xy^
dalous libel," and "against ^^
the autlior or publisher of
the book when he shall lie known." The order of council adopted
March 19, 1723, gave its reasons for this indictment as follows : —
Observing in the s'' Volume many vile and scandalous passages not only re-
fleeting on the jNlinisters of the Gospel established in this Province, and denj-ing
their sacred Fmiction and y° holy Ordinaces of Religion as administered by them,
but also sundry vile insinuations against His Jlajesty's rightfull and lawfull author-
ity and the Constitution of the Governm' of Great Britain.
The grand jury of Suffolk found a true bill agreeably to the wishes
of the council, and Checklcy, naturally averse to this mode of deciding
the question of church government, retired from the province until the
end of the sessions. But it was not the policy or the wish of so eager
a partisan as Checkley to remain long under cover, and on the adjourn-
ment of the court he returned to Boston, and complications having
arisen, from the ftict that lie had not taken the oaths of allegiance to
the reigning ftimily, he publicly took the oaths, provoking his foes
thereby to explain that he did it " with a mental reservation. " The
indictment was pressed at the next sessions. The absurdity of trying
our author for a polemic treatise seemed to strike the judges, who
"often declared from the bench" that Checkley was not "to be tried
for writing anything in the defence of the Church of England and of
Episcopacy ; against the Presbyterian or Congregational Ministers in
tills Country : — No, b^^ no means ! for the ministers loere able to defend
themselves.'"
The attorney-general was ordered to insist only on the three
clauses of the book supposed to reflect upon the government. The
privilege of speaking in his own defence was denied to Checkley, and
the jury found him "guilty of imagining and contriving by the sub-
tility of arguments to traduce the title of His present INIajesty." A
"heavy judgment" was entered, but Checkley appealed to the Court
THE TRIAL OF JOHN CHECKLEV. 265
of Assize. The case was heard in November, 1724, and " the speech
of JNIr. John Checkley upon his tryal at Boston, in New England, for
publishing the Short and Easy Mctliod with the Deists : To which was
added, A Discourse concerning Eijiscopacy : In Defence of Christianity,
and tlio Ciuirch of England against tlic Deists and the Dissenters," is
among the most curious and interesting, as well as among the rarest
and most costly of our American polemic puldications. "The speech"
was printed in London a few years later,' and a second edition was called
for afterwards.- It is in Checkley's happiest vein, full of hardly sup-
l)ressed sarcasm and close reasoning. Disposing with great cleverness
of the charge of sedition, while, at the same time, defending with
marked ability the exclusive validity of Episcopal ordination and sacra-
ments ; compelling even the chief justice, who had attempted to cut short
his arguments, to permit and listen to a labored defence of the most
obnoxious portions of the discourse concerning Episcopacy ; quoting, in
support of his position, that "all ordination by the people is null and
void," the language of the Westminster Assembly of Divines, the Gen-
eral Assembly of Scotch Presbyterians, and the learned Ebenezer
Pemberton's Discourse of Ordination, Checkley proceeded to prove,
1st, that no provincial assembly could, l)y right or in fact, establish
cither the Presbyterian or Congregational systems " so as to make that
the establishment and the Episcopal churches to be dissenters ; 2nd,
that " by a just and true construction of the laws of this very Province
the Church of England is established here ; " 3dly, that by the laws of
England the Church of England, "as established in England, and no
other, is positively established in all His Majesty's plantations." It is
safe to assert that no such speech was ever made before a New Eng-
land audience, and it is not hard to imagine with what rage and vindic-
tive hate its sharp, cutting sentences were heard. The jury, at least,
were influenced by so marked a display of learning and so ingenious
and conviucins; a defence. The verdict was as follows : —
John Checklev, ~J rpHE jui-y find specially, viz. : If this Book entituled, A Short
Adsect' > J_ and Easy Wetliod with the Deists, coutainiag in it a Dis-
Dom. Keg. ) course concerning Episcopacy (published and many of them
sold by tlie said ChecJiley) be a false and scandalous Libel ; Then we find the said
Checkley guilty of all and eveiy Part of the Indictment (excepting that supposed
to ti'aduce and di'aw into disjjute the undoubted Right and Title of our Sovereign
Lord Iving George, to the Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, and the Territories
thereto belonging). But if the said Book, Containing a Discourse concerning
Episcopacy as aforesaid, be not a false and scandalous Libel ; Then we lind him
not guilty.
Att' SAJIUEL TYLEY, Clerc.
Thus the verdict of the jury of the court of the sessions was prac-
tically reversed, and, in his "plea in arrest of judgment, Checkley
claimed there were " no expressions in the Book at bar tantamoitut to
the censures of the Dissenters in the Canons " of the Church of Eng-
land "published by his Majesty's Authority under the Great Seal of
Enirland," these canons being " part of the law of the land." But
neither logic nor wit could ward off the hastening vengeance. The
'/nl730. »/nl73S.
266 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHITRCH.
justices were men of sterner stuff than the befogged jurymen, and the
closing page of "the speech" contains, without a word of comment,
" the Sentence of Couit " : —
Suffolk, ss.
At a Court of Assise, &c.,
Nov. 27, 1724.
Checkley,") rpiIE Comt having maturely advised on this sjieeial Verdict, ai'e
Adseet' > J. of opinion that the said Jolm Chec-kley is guilty of publishing
Dom. Reg. ) and selling of a false and scandalous Libel. It's therefore consid-
ered by the Court, that the said John Checkley shall ]iay a Fine of Fifty Poimds to
the King, and shall enter into Recognizance in the .Sum of One Hundred Pounds,
with two Sureties in the Sum of Fifty Poimds each', for Ms good Behaviour for six
Months, and also pay Costs of Prosecution, standing committed imtil this sentence
be performed. Att'
SAMUEL TYLEY, Clerc.
Such was the answer of New England Puritanism to the attack
of the church's champion. It is a testimony to the force of the argu-
ments employed that recourse should have been had to the vengeance
of the law. It is unnecessary to say that Checkley was not convinced
by this mode of reply to his logic and learning. During his trial he
" printed by stealth"^ two pamphlets, one of which has been styled
"the first original controversial writing of any importance on the
Episcopal side in the long debate here." ^ This was
A I Modest Proof | of the | Order & Government | Settled by Christ and his
Apostles I in the | Church | By shewing | I. ^Vliat Sacred Offices were Instituted |
by them. | II. IIow those Offices were Distinguished | III. That they were to be
Perpetual and | Standing in the Church. And, | IV. Who Succeed in them, and
rightly I E.xecute them to this Day | Recommended as proiJcr to be put into the
Hands of the Laity | Boston : | Re-printed by Tho. Fleet, and are to be Sold | by
Benjamin Eliot in Boston, Daniel Am-ault iii | Newport, Gabriel Bernon in Provi-
dence, Mr. Jean in Stratford, and | in most other Towtis within the Colonies of |
Connecticut and Rhode-Island. 1723 |
In the preface to this scriptural argument, which seems to be the
only portion of the work of Checkley 's composition, the jj remise is
laid down : —
That whosoever justly sustains the character of a Minister of the Gospel of
Christ, hath, besides his Internal Qualifications, an External Visible Commission
delivered to him, by those who have Power and Authority to grant it: From
whence these Inferences do naturally flow.
First. That the Ministers of the C'hm'ch of England, who freely own that the
Power of Ordination was first vested iu the Apostles, and from tliem, through all
Ages since, iu a succession of Bishops, fi-om whence they derive their own Ordina-
tions, are to be acknowledged true Mmisters of the Gospel.
Secondly. That it is a daring Offence to intrude into the sacred Function,
without a regular designation to the Exercise of it. See Numb. 16. -40. 2 Sam. 6.
6, 7. 2 Chron. 26. 19, 20, 21, 22. Heb. .5. 4, 5.
Thirdly. That People ought to endeavour after all the Assurance they can
attain to, that they have the Rleans of (irace iu the ^Vord and Sacraments, duly
adnunistered and chspeused imto them, by Persons fully authorized for those holy
offices. For since the Priest's Lips are to preserve Knowledge, the People oun;ht to
be satisfied that they are really such at whose Mouth they seek the Law. And,
' Mis own langiiase. Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Cli., in., p. 664.
' Foote's " Annals of King's Chapel," pp. 294, 295. The title-page speaks of it as a i-cprint.
THE TRIAL OF JOHN CHECKLEY. 207
Fourthly. That it is a vciy criminal Presumption, aiifl an insufferable Inso-
lence in some, to value their (Jilts at so high a rate, as to think themselves by the
virtue of them, entituletl to the ]\linistcrial Office, without being admitted by the
Imposition of the Hands of those, whom Christ has ordered to preside over the
affairs of his Church.
Fifthly. 'I'hat since there is no approaching before God'.s Altar, without the
ajJiJoiuted Kites of Consecration, nor any mcdling witli his Institutions without his
Order and Command; those inxaders of the sacred ."services caimot be said to be
Ambassadors of (Jod, or accounted the Stewards of the JMysteries of Christ, who
presume to touch those holy things, with their imhallowed Hands, and like Saul,
would sacrilicc without a Call. 1 Sam. U!. !>, 10, 11, 12, l.'i, 14. For those who offer
strange Fire before the Lord, their Incense must be an Abomination to him. Levit.
10. 12.
Lastly. Tho' we can by no means question our Saviour's Gifts and Abilities,
3'et he did not enter upon his Rlinistiy, until he was solemnly inaugm-ated into that
Office ; for he gloriiied not himself to 1)0 made a High Priest, but he that said mito
him. Thou art my Sou, which ^\as said unto him at his liaptism, Luke 2, 22. So
when he was aliout to leave the woi'ld, he commissioned others to go upon the great
Embassy of lieeonciliation, to transact in his Name, and proclaim and seal his
Pardons, saj-ing. As my Father sent me, so send I j-ou : •v\liereupon he inmiediately
gave them the power of Censures and Absolutions, John 20. 22, 23. ]Matlh. 2t<. 19,
20. And they also before their Death, imparted their Power to others, by Imposi-
tion of Hands. Thus the Apostles ordained seven Deacons, Acts 0. A, (i. among
other Services, to Preach and to Baptize, in the Exercise of which Offices we find
St. Philip, one of them diligently employed. Acts 8. 1, &o. 'I'hus Paul and Barnabas
ordained Elders in every Church, Acts 14. 2.'>. And thus St. Paul, who had ordained
Timothy and Titus, appointed 'I'itus to oi-dain Jildcrs in every City in Crete, Tit. 1.
5. And that these sacred Offices should continue in a regular jNIinistiy to the end of
the AVorld, is undeniable from JNlatth. (3. is, and Cliap."28. 19, 20, aiul Eph. 4. 11,
12, 13. And finally, that there was a pre-eminence of Jurisdiction and Authority
in some of these (_'hureh-Offiecs over others, is plainly proved in this Treatise, iii
the Apostolical Dignity (to which the Episcopal must needs succeed) over the sev-
enty, and tho Deacons ; and St. Paul's Epistles to Timothy and Titus, where we luid
many marks of the Power of those Bishops over their inferiour Presbyters, as to
Ordain them, or ui)on occasion to promote them to a higher Order, to Judge and
Censure them, and if the case required, to proceed to Deposition. This is the
standing Winisti-y that the Church of England claims a Part and Lot in : This is the
Nature and true Notion of a Gospel jNIinistiy, as we find it founded by om- Saviour
and his Apostles.'
The other tractate — an octavo of sixteen pages with a supple-
mentary page of errata — was "A Discourse Shewing Who is a true
Pastor of the Church of Christ." The last tive pages of this pamphlet,
whicli bore neither title or im[>rint, were occupied by a reissue of "The
Epistle of iSt. Ignatius to the Trallians." Certain peculiarities of type
and " make up " prove conclusively that this little treatise was jirinted
in London. A foot-note on page 11 indicates the object had in view
in its publication : —
rF° Those who have a mind to see the Propositions in this small Tract prov'd
beyond the Possibility of a Reply, are desir'd to read a Discourse concerning Epis-
copacy, which they may have at the Crown and (iate opposite to the AVest End of the
Town-House in Boston. Where likewise may be had Barclay's Persuasive, printed
in Loudon, by Jonah Bower, with other Books of the like Natm-e.
On a single octavo page, appended sometimes to the "Discourse
shewing who is a true Pastor," and also to the second edition of the
"Speech," is the following racy squib directed against his opponents,
and evidently prepared in Checkley's happiest vein : —
' " The publisher to the Reader," pp. i.-v. of the Preface to " A Modest Proof," etc.
268 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
A I Specimen | Of a True | Dissenting Catechism, | Upon Riglit True-
Blue I Dissenting Principles, | witli | * Learned Notes, [ By \Vay of Explica-
tion. I Question. \Vhy don't the Dissenters in their Pub | lick \Vorship mal^e use
of the Creeds? | Answer. Why? — Because they are not set down | Word for Wonl
in the Bible. | Question. Well — But why dou"t tlie Dissenters \ in their Publiuk
Worship make use of the Lord's- \ Prayer? \ Answer. Oh! — Because that is set
down I Word for Word in the Bible. | *They're so perverse and opposite | As
if they worship'd God for Sjjite. |
"Printed by stealth," as Checkley acknowledges these tractates
to have been, they were certainly of sufficient moment in the con-
troversy to have made his farther comments probaljle : " Had the
Judges known of it, they would have made it a forfeiture of my ])onds
(for, you must know, my countrymen think it treason to wi-ite in de-
fence of the Church); and indeed I had not run such a risque, had
there not been a necessity for it." ' It was soon apparent that other
measures than oppressive verdicts M'cre necessary to sustain the im-
perilled fabric of Puritanism. The " King's Lecturer," the Kev. Henry
Harris, the assistant to the rector of the King's Chapel, angry, as the
amiable Johnson of Stratford asserts, in consequence of the ]ireferences
given by the proprietors of the new Christ Church to the Rev. Timothy
Cutler, Checklcy's convert to the Church, in their choice of a rector
over himself, arraigned the author and the discourse in a sermon, while
he labored no less with his pen in letters addressed to the venerable
society and to dignitaries of the Church at home, to create an unfavor-
able impression against both Checklej' and his supporters. But "the
Ministers," who were supposed by the justices to be "able to defend
themselves," found themselves put upon their own defence. The
mmister of the First Church, Thomas Foxcroft, himself the son of a
former warden of King's Chapel, but an adherent of the faith of his
mother, the daughter of Lieutenant-Governor Thomas Danforth, issued
"The Ruling and Ordaining Power of Congregational Bishops, or
Presbyters. Being Remarks on some Part of Mr. P. Barclay's Per-
suasive, lately distributed in New England. By an Impartial Hand."
This treatise dealt wholly with the scriptural arguments for and against
Episcopacy, and, ostensibly at least, ignored the pungent sarcasm and
remorseless logic of "The Discourse." It was felt, at least by some,
that it was to take an unfair advantage to assail a work the I'esponsible
author or publisher of which was on trial before the civil courts, and
consequently' unalile to avail himself of the press in reply.
In the Boston "News Letter "of .May 21, 1724, the following adver-
tisement appeared, which is quite to the point : —
Whereas pulilic notice was given, some time ago, in this Weekly Paper,
that there was just going to the Press An Answer to the author of the Snake
in the (irass,' his discourse of Episcopacy, with seasonable Remarks vipon all
the interpolations of the late Edition of it: This is to give as publick notice,
that the Author of the Answer hath hitherto supprest what he had prepared,
because at present he could not encoimtcr the Interpolator upon even (iround.
He leaves others to act for themselves : but for his part he tliiuks it ungenerous
to attack one who must not have the Libeity of defending himself.
• Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Cli., m., p. 664. ' The Rev. Diaries Leslie.
THE TRIAL OF JOHN CHECKLEY. 269
111 this manly view of the case and in its fuvtlicr confession of the
" ill usage "meted out to " the Interpolator," we may possibly detect the
chivalric spirit and generosity of Checkley's old friend and disputant,
"Walter, of Koxbury, who, as we shall see, a little later entered the
fray. Others, however, shared no such scru[)le. They had no idea
"of fairly and handsomely trying it out on equal terms." The Cam-
bridge Divinity Professor, Edward Wigglesworth, issued "Sober Re-
marks on a Hook lately reprinted at Boston, Entituled a Modest Proof,"
etc., and a Presbyterian minister, afterwards the tirst president of the
college of New Jersey. Jonathan Dickinson, published " a De-
fence of Presbyterian Ordination in answer to . . . a IModest Proof,"
etc. A fellow of Harvard, Nathan Prince, A.M., himself a few years
later a convert to the Church, issued "An Answer to Lesley and his late
Interpolator's discourse concerning Episcopacy By N. P. ; " and Walter
answered " the little Pert Jacobite," as he styles Checkley, with his
accustomed vigor and vindictiveness. Reprints of English tracts were
not wanting till the very " atmosphere was heavy with controversy."
Ere the year ended which had witnessed his trial and condemnation,
Checkley replied to four of his assailants at once. Dickinson issued a
rejoinder, which Checkley answered early in the following year,
speaking of Dickinson's " wild ramble " and " defective reason," and
adding : " that the Defence of the Modest Proof has given a deep
and sensil)le, nay, a mortal wound to your expiring cause, is demon-
strable in that the supporters of it hideously Roar and Rage at the
Smarting of it." To this Eoxcroft rejoined in defence of " the Ruling
and Ordaining Power of Congregational Bishops or Presbyters"
retorting upon Checkley's use of the phrase " expiring cause," and
asserting " that he was really digging a profound grave to bury it in."
The republication of Dr. Samuel JNIather's "testimony from Scripture
against Idolatry and Superstition," originally preached in Dublin in
1660, was a proof that the Puritanism Checkley attacked was no less
bitter than in its days of political preeminence. Words such as these
are not to be equalled for severity and offensiveness of application by
any of Checkley's arguments or language. Instancing in " Ten par-
ticulars the principal ceremonies and idols of the Church of England,"
Mather proceeds : —
1. Do you think that ever ,lesus Christ wore a Surplice? 2. The sign of the
Cross, that special mark of the Be.ist. Rev. xiii, 1(1. 3. Kneeling at tlie Loi-d's
Supper .... a dangerous symbolizing with the Papists, who kneel before their
Breaden God. 4. Bowing to the Altar and setting the Conimunion-Table altar-wise
.... a gross piece of Popish Idolatry. 6. Bowing at the Name of Jesus. A
most vile piece of Si/Uabicnl Idolatrij 6. Popish Holy Days. As if the
Loi'd Jesus Christ himself were not wise enough to appoint Days and Times Suffi-
cient to keep liis own Nativity, etc. , in everlasting Remembrance in the hearts of his
Saints, but the Devil and the Pope must keep it out. 7. Consecrating Churches.
Inherent Holiness is in Persons which Places are no way capable of. 8. Organs and
Cathedral Musick. Not one word of Institution lor them in the Gospel ; but on
the conti'ary they are cashiered .... by tliat Genei-al Ilule, 1 Cor. xiv, 26, 15.
9. 1'he Book of Common Prayer. It is as unreasonable and absurd as to force a
JIan to go with Crutches when he is not Lame, etc., etc.
Surely fanaticism and frenzy could hardly go further. The result
270 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
of all this pamphlet and puljiit discussion is seen in the steady gi'owth
of the Church in numbers and influence.
During a temporary cessation of the polemic war Checkley crossed
the ocean, seeking the coveted privilege of ministering at the altars
of the Church whose apostolical institution and government he had
so stoutly maintained. He had become an object of special dislike
to the members and ministers of the " Standing Order." He had
ferreted out and pul^lished to the world an attempt of the Puritan
members to assemble in a " Synod " ^ and had by his exposure pre-
vented an assembly which, though certainly harmless when assembled
as an ecclesiastical body merely, became dangerous when convened
with the sanction and by the direction of the civil authorities. His
busy mind had sought and obtained an influence over the Indians
of the north-eastern coast, and he had strong hopes of detaching them
from the French and from the Jesuit teachers, and making them both
allies of the English and mcmliers of the English Church. But in all
these plannings there was the single purpose of oljtaining the minis-
terial commission, and for this he crossed the ocean a second time in
1728. He had received "hard usage" in the judgment of good Dr.
Johnson, of Stratford, when he went before. He was again repulsed.
The Bishop of London was warned against him as an enemy of the
House of Hanover,'-^ and as peculiarly inimical to the New England
dissenters ; and, disappointed and defeated in his purpose of serving at
the church's altars, he again returned to his home, " cast down " it may
have been, "but not dismayed." The annals of King's Chapel bear
witness to his undiminished zeal and interest in church matters, and in
the'year 1739 the Bishop of Exeter, Dr. Stephen Weston, a friend of
Bishop Sherlock's, " was found willing to hear this impracticable man,
begging at the age of fifty-nine, to be aUoived to minister in one of the
hardest spheres on earth to which a churchman was ever doomed."' It
was with no change of views or principles that Checkley I'eceived the
"laying on of hands" in holy orders. Ho had just republished in
London his famous "Speech" on his trial, bringing afresh before the
world the issues on which he had been persecuted for his devotion to
the church's cause. And there is little doubt but that the grace of
orders was conferred upon him by the good Bishop of Exeter with
the full knowledge and consent of the Bishop of London, who was
still alive, and whose relations to the colonies and to the venerable
society ivcre such that Checkley could not have held a cure or received
an appointment as missionary had not Bishop Gibson given his consent.
The newly ordained clergyman, one of the oldest recipients of ordei's
in the reformed church, was appointed, with a stipend of £60 ster-
ling, to St. John's Mission, Providence, and began at the age of sixty a
' For a notice of this attempted Synod, note charges were suffieient to carry tlio point, and
Hiitcliinson's " Hist, of Ma^s.," second ed., II., tlicir author exultantly records his pleasure;
pp. 322, 32.3. Vide also I'efercnccs passim in the " Thus our Town and the Churches of this
'* Hist. Coll. \m. Col. Church," vol. iir. Province, tliroujrh the favor of God, sjot rid of a
2 The Hcv. John Barnard, the Purit.nn minis- turbulent, vevatious, and persccutinir-spirited
ter of Marbiohead, wrote, as he tella us in his non-juror." — Mass. Hist. Hoc. Coll., Series ui.,
autobiography, to the Bishop of London, accusing Vol. v., p. 229.
Checkley of lack of learning-, of intolerance, and ' Updyke's " Nan'agansett Church," p. 21G.
of disaffection to the government. These
THE TRIAL OF JOHN CHECICLEY. 271
ministry that was ended only by his death, after fourteen years' faith-
ful service. Old thouoh he was at his eutranco upon duty, "No man
was more desired " ^ l)y the church-folk of Providence. " Keceived
with joy " by his congregation, he labored for the negroes and Indians
as well as those more innncdiately of his charge, and in the midst of
engrossing duties found time and strength to minister at Taunton,
twenty miles distant, and also at Warwick and Attleborough. From
time to time he visited the Indians in various j)arts of New England,
with whom he appears to have no little influence, in consequence of his
ability to speak with them in their own tongues. At length, on the
15th of April, 1754, having reached the age of nearly three-quarters
of a century, after two years' illness, the faithful old man died, and the
worshippers who throng the noble church which has replaced the
simple structure in Avhich he ministered, pass, as they enter "the
courts of the Lord," over his unmarked grave. "After life's fitful
fever he sleeps well " and " his works follow him."
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES.
fpHE interest attaching to the life of so remarkable a man as John Checkley,
X warrants the insevtion of the following notices of his mission-work in Provi-
dence. Tlicy are transcribed from the yearly abstracts of tlie venerable society, a
complete set of whicli from the beginning of the century to the close of the war of
the Revolution is to be found among the treasures of the libraiy of Brown University,
Providence, R.I. : —
The Society removed Mr. (Arthur) Droton from the Town of Providence, be-
cause the Inhabitants of Prondence did not pay their promised Contributions
towards a Missionary's support; Ijut they having since thought fit to purchase a
decent House, with near Twenty Acres of Orchard, Aleadow and Pasture Lands, and to
settle the same fore\er on their ftlinister for the time being ; and humbly petitioned
the Society for a new Missionary. The Society hath sent the Reverend Mr. Checkley,
lately admitted into Holy Orders in England, ujion the Recommendation of the
Clergy of Nc^u Enyland to the Mission at Providence, and there are good Hopes of
his doing considerable Service there from his being a Native of the Countiy, from
his great Skill in the neighbouring Indirm Language, and from his long Acquaint-
ance with the Indiana themselves, and it is to be hoped Mr. Checkley is by this
time happily arrived at his Mission. — S. P. O. Abstract, 1738-9, )ip. A'l. 43.
The ]\Ieml_iers of the Church of England in the To\vn of Providence, by a
Memorial dated the 4th of May, 1739, return their most unfeigned Thanks to the
venerable Society for reviving the Mission among them, by the Appointment of the
Reverend Mr. Checkley to otHciate to them, than whom no Jlan, they say, was more
desired, and they do not doubt, but he will answer the Expectation of all good Men
concerning him. And I\Ir. Checkley, by a Letter dated November 1st, 1739,
acquaints the Society, that his Congregation received him with .loy ; and that as the
most steady Application to his Duty is required, he can with Truth aflinn, that he
hath not been absent one Sunday since his Arrival, and hath baptized 13 Persons,
one of them a Woman sick in Bed, and is preparing some Indians and Negroes for
that Sacrament; but at the Desire of the Reverend ISIr. Commissary Price, he hath
sometimes performed divine Sci-vice, and preachVl on a Wednesday, at Taunton, 20
Miles distant from Providence, where the Congregation consists of more than 300
» Memorial of members of the Church of England, May 4, 1739. Quoted in Updike's " Nai^
ragansett Church," p. 458.
272 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Persons, many of whom were never before in any Christian Church ; and he requests
a large Common-Prayer Book for the Chiu-ch of Providence, and some small ones
for the Use of the Poor. The Society hath sent him a Folio Common-Praj'or Book
for the Church, and two Dozen of small ones for the Use of the Poor at Providence,
&<i.— Abstract of S. P. O., 1739-40, pp. 48, 49.
The Reverend Mr. Checkley, Missionary at Providence, in New England, by a
Letter dated November C, 1740, complains ot liis being hardly beset by several Rom-
ish Missionaries, and particularly by one in the shape of a Baptist Teacher, but that
he was at last gone away, and notwithstanding all their Pains, his Congregation
increased ; he hath been visited by some of his old Indian Acquaintance from dis-
tant Places, and they have promised to send their Children to him for Instruction ;
and he hath himself visited the neighbouring Indians, and performed Divine Ser-
vice, and baptized three Childi'en at the Distance of 60 Miles from Providence \vith-
out ha'vang been absent one Sunday from his Church. lie hath baptized within the
year twenty-six Persons, one a Mulatto and two Negroe Boys, and four white adults,
two of them a Man and his Wife, whose Behaviour at the Font much moved and
edified the Congi-egation and they received with great Devotion the Sacrament of
the Lord's Supper on the Sunday following, and have been constant Communicants
from that time. — »S'. P. O. Abstract, 1740^1.
The Reverend Mr. Checkley, Missionary at Providence in this Country, says,
that notwithstanding all Opposition to the Church increases, and is likely to increase ;
that he had found a greater Number of People in the Woods than he could have
imagined, destitute of all Religion, and as living without God in the World; and
he had likewise visited the Indians upon Quinabaag River, and was in Hopes of
doing some Good among them. — S. P. O. Abstract, 1743-44.
[Nothing relating to Mr. Checkley appears in the Abstracts for 1744-45, or
1745-4G, etc.]
The Church of Providence, in Providence Plantation, being become vacant by
the Death of the Rev. Mr. Checkley, and the Church-w.ardens and Vestry of that
Church having very earnestly petitioned the Society to supply that Loss by the
Apixiintment of a new Missionary, the Society hath thought it proper to appoint the
Rev. ]Mr. John Graves, Vicar of Clapham in Yorkshire in the Diocese of Chester, a
most pious and worthy Clergyman, Brother to the Rev. Mr. Matthew Graves, the
Society's worthy Missionary at New London in the Colony of Connecticut, and ani-
mated with the same holy zeal to propagate the Gospel in Foreign Parts, to be their
Missionary to the Church of Providence ; and it is to be hoped that Mr. Joh7i Graves,
he having before his departure resigned the Vicarage of Clapham, is happily arrived
at that Mission. — S. P. O. Abstract, 1754-55.
CHAPTER XVI.
CONTROVERSIES.
WE have traced in minute detail the controvei'sies cr^'-stallizing
around the name and fortunes of CheckJej'. This at least was
due to a man of extraordinary perseverance and indomitable
courage, to whose uncompromising churchmanship and persistent labors
the Church in Massachusetts and Rhode Island owes a de))t of lasting
gratitude. Witii the appearance of his letter to Dickinson, in 1725, the
controvers3', if not terminated, ceased for a time at least. The numljer
of converts to the Church steadily increased. The venerable society
was beset \vith applications for missionaries from all parts of the New
England colonies. One after another of the younger Puritan ministers,
or tlie recent graduates of the colleges at Cambridge and New Haven,
''conformed," and undertook the ocean passage, then beset with perils
of which we know little now, to obtain the ministerial commission from
apostolic hands. It was not till the year 1731 that the publication of
a sermon preached liy John Barnard, the minister at ilarlilehead,
Massachusetts, on Christmas, 1729, on
"The Certainty, Time, and End of the ^ ^-^
Birth of our Lord and Saviour Jesus U P^Aynfi I fin/y^"
Christ," awoke the smouldering fires and ^'^^ H^ ^ /j
fanned them to a flame. Answered by ^ ^
the Rev. George Pigot, in his "Vindica-
tion of the Practice of the Antient Christians, as well as the Church
of England and other Reformed Churches, in the .Observation of
Christmas Day," the churchman pertinently remarks : —
I wish . . . tliat the vile Rout and Fii-iiig of Guns at Marblehead, on Cliristmas
Day, were suppressed by Autliority ; and tliat the same Resjjeet at least were paid
to thai day, and the Thirtieth of January, from his ])eople, as is given by C'luu'ch-
men to their Thanksgiving and Fast Days. For our Festivals are founded upon as
good Authority as theirs can be : and if the Act of Toleration secures them from the
Penalty of the Law, for not obsei-^'ing 'em, so likewise ought the Uule of Modera-
tion to secure us from being insulted upon their Account.
The observance of the church's feasts and fasts, which had pro-
voked the attack of Barnard, found an admirable defence in the re-
publication in Boston of Bishop Beveridge's sermon concerning the
excellency and usefulness of the Common Prayer.' The ice once
broken by Barnard and Pigot, the controversy became general. In
" The Scripture Bishop ; or. The Divine Right of Presbj-teriau Ordina-
1 The 29tli edition of this tract, originally published iit the request of Bp. Coniptou, was
issued in Boston, 17.33.
274 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
lion and Cxovernment," pulilished in Boston, 1732, the form of a
dialogue, the interlocutors Ijeing named respectively " Praslaticus " and
"Eleutherius," was adopted by Dickinson to present in the most at-
tracti\ e manner the Presbyterian argument. The Rev. Arthur Jlrowne,
of Providence, a man of education and culture, replied early the fol-
lowing year in "The Scripture Bishop, an examination of the Divine
Right of Presbyterian Ordination and Government, considered . . .
In two Letters to a Friend." In this performance the writer asserts in
rebutting the charge of persecution, which had been raised against the
Church of England, that Puritan New England had been "notorious
for her barbarities and cruel Persecutions," and pressing the argiuueut
home adds, that she still "robs honest and well-meaning Christians,
members of the True Church, for the support of schismatical teachers,
and yearl}' imprisons them for refusing to comply." " Pnnlatkus
Triinrq)//afiis, the Scripture Bishop vindicated. A Defence of the Dia-
logue between Pra^laticus and Eleutherius against the Scripture Bishop
examined. In a letter to a friend, by Eleutherius, V. D. M.," speedily
followed, in which Dickinson parried with no little ability the thrusts
of Browne, and pressed home, with all the skill of an experienced
disputant, arguments hard to
be met. ]\Ieanwhile there
appeared another answer to
Dickinson's tirst attack. The
amial)le Johnson, of Strat-
ford, Connecticut, who, when
a tutor at Yale, had conformed to the Church, with Cutler, the
head of the college, and James Wetmore, who, though one of the
signers of the address presented in tiie library of Yale, September
13, 1722, had not l)een able to apply for orders till later, entered
the arena of controversy under the title of "Eleutherius Encrva-
tus ; or, an Answer to a Pamphlet intituled the Divine Right of
Presbyterian Ordination." Published in New York in 1733. Phila-
lethes and Eusebius, champions of Episcopacy, meet the Presby-
terian Eleutherius at the home of a mutual friend. Attains, and ply
the scriptural argument so warmly and well that the recreant Eleuthe-
rius, who had l)een brought up in the Church, is reclaimed from schism
and confirmed in his original belief. Two letters from Johnson follow
this happily conceived and sprightly dialogue in defence of the Epis-
copal government of the Church, in which the argiunent is made use of,
that the government of the Church must be sought for, not in its forma-
tive i)eriod, while our Lord was on the earth, but after its constitution,
agreeal)ly to the divine injimctions, when the faith and order had be-
come fixed and settled. To this al)le ])rcsentation of the church's
argument Foxcroft replied in his "Eusebius Inermatus. Just Remarks
on a late Book Intitled Eleutherius Enervatus . . . done by way of
Dialogue by Phileleuth Bimgor, Y. E. B." This bitter and Iriting
answer was appended to Dickinson's "Prsvlaticus Triumphatus," and
is undoubtedly the most trenchant of all the jjamphlets issued on the
Presln'terian side. A "Letter from a Minister of the Church of Eng-
land to his Dissenting Parishioners," by Johnson, issued the same
CONTROVERSIES. 275
year, had elicited a reply from " an Irish Teacher " in his neighborhood,
by the name of Graham. In noticing these "Remarks" of Graham,
Johnson replied as well to Foxcroft, in a postscript to " A Secoad Letter
of a Minister of the (church of England to his Dissenting Parishioners,"
published the following year. In this "Second Letter" Johnson re-
capitulates and enforces the positions he had earlier taken in defence of
the Church. These " reasons" are as follows : —
1 . My first Reason against you was, that you are destitute of the Episcopal
Oovernmcnt, which was at first appointed and established in the Piimitive Church,
and continued down for 1500 years, and is still, by God's Goodness continued and
established in our Nation and Mother Country, as well as in several other Protes-
tant Countries Under this head I told you, that you have utterly forsaken
the Scripture Rule, in not Ordaining Deacons, Ads, 6.6., and in the Layity's Ordain-
ing Ministers, for which you have no Scripture Rule or Example, but the Contrary.
This indeed you are generally asham'd of, and have long laid aside. But I showed
you from the Original Platform agreed upon in 1649, Chap. 9, it was the ancient
allowed Custom of the Country, ana has propagated a fundamental Disorder down
to this very Day
2. My 7iexl Objection was, that the Separation was founded upon an unwar-
rantable Disobedience to Authority, both in Church and State, contrary to those
Texts, I. Pet. -2. 13, and Heb. 13. 17. . .
3. My /AjVd Objection was of your being in a state of unjustifiable Separa-
tion from the Church
4. jMy fourth Reason was, your not reading the Holy Scriptures in Public
Worship, which I proved it to be your Duty to do, from Luke 4. 6, Acts 13. 27,
1. Tim. 4. 13
5. I told you it appcai-ed to me a great Duty commanded by Christ, Luke 11.
2, Mat. 6. 8, to use the Lord's Prayer in Public Worship
6. I fovmd fault with you tliat you are destitute of Public Forvis of Prayer.
which I proved to be the ancient Scripture-Method, from the examples of David,
Solomon, Hezekiah, Daniel, our Saviour in John 17, and Mat. 6. 9, & 26, 44, and
the Apostles, Acts 4. 24, &c
7. Another thing I told you wherein you appeared to me to vaiy from the
Scripture way of Worship is, that the People do not bearajmrt in your publick Wor-
ship. . .
8. Another thing wherein you appeared to me to have gone off from Script-
ure rule and Example, was your Neglect of bodily Worship, which I proved to be
you Duty from 1 Cor., 6. 20, where we are required to glorifie God with our Bodies,
as well as our Spirits
The last thing I objected against you, was your teaching Children " Tliat
God has preordained whatsoever comes to pass." For I say, since Sin has come lo
pass it seems clear to me that you must herein teach them that God has preordained,
i.e., willed. Sin, &c. I added, that your Doctrine of Absolute Reprobation seemed
to me decidedly inconsistent with what God declares with an Oath, in Ezek. 33. 11,
{ha.t he haXh no pleasure in the Death of him that dielh. Chap. 18. 3i', &c
This well-reasoned pamphlet, rising almost to the size, as it cei-
tainly does to the dignity, of a volume, closes with these earnest words,
indicative of the temper and style of the writer and man : —
For GOD'S sake, my Brethren, Let us not, for the Future, study to put the
worst Constructions we can on one another's Words or Actions; but let us rather
endeavour to make the best we can of them : Let us not try to magnilie and aggra-
vate the Differences between us, but rather to make as little of them, and to consider
them with as much Tenderness, as possible : Let us not dispute which has already
most or least Charity, but let us strive to see who shall hereafter, really and in fact,
most abound in the Practice of that Heavenly Virtue, both towards each other, and
toward all Jlen : This is the best Course we can take, as far as possible in this im-
|)erfect State, to reconcile ourselves to one anotlier, both in Judgment and Pnictice :
276 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH
to meet together In Truth, and live in Peace here, or however to meet at last in that
perfect State ol' Truth and Peace, and Holiness hereafter, where GOD and Charity
alone shall forever Reign.
Two years elapsed before Graham replied to this dignified and
manly defence of the Cliurch. In the meantime Charles Chauncy, a
rising Puritan minister of Boston,
^-^ destined to become one of the fore-
/yP /^ J r^tf /j>i<-^X/ most men of his profession in the
iJulAj:^^ {J'l^i^O'^^ '-^y- ,.^,,^^ published proposals in the Bos-
// ton "News-Letter," of May 30,
1734, of "A Compleat View of the
first Two Hundred Years after Christ, touching Episcopacy." Sub-
scriptions failed to warrant the appearance of this work, which was not
destined to see the light for a whole generation, and then to gain a
reading only in connection with the controversy respecting an Ameri-
can episcopate. Among the " Theses " prescribed for the Master's
degree at Harvard in 1733, is this : "Is an unbroken Apostolic Succes-
sion necessary to the Validity of the Ministry ? " Of course it was the
negative of the proposition that was maintained.
In 1736 Jonathan Dickinson again entered the polemic arena,
with the issue from the press of John Peter Zenger, of New York, of
" The Vanity of Human Institutions in the Worship of God." The
motto of this sermon, wliich was oinginally preached at Newark, N.J.,
June 2, 1736, is taken from Gal. iv. 9, and the turning " to the weak
and beggarly elements" referred to is explained in the prefatory
address to the Presbyterian congregation at Newark, which speaks of
" the Circumstances of your Congregation where so many were enclined
without any kno\vn Cause, to change their Profession and forsake your
Communion." In the following February Mr. Dickinson felt it
incumbent upon him to return to the attack, in " A Defence of a Ser-
mon . . . against the Exceptions of Mr. John Beach, in a Letter to
him," occupying upwards of one hundred pages, and in the following
year, "A Second Defence " is issued at Boston, at even greater length,
with a view of meeting "The Exceptions of Mr. John Beach, in his
Appeal to the Unprejudiced," and having, for its heading, the title
" The Reasonableness of Non-Conformity to the Church of England in
Point of Worship." John Beach, who was the object of Dickinson's
repeated assaults, had conformed to the Church in 1732, and was the
missionary of the venerable society at Newtown, Connecticut. Gradu-
ating from Yale College in 1721, the Puritan ministers of Connecticut
sent him to counteract the tendency towards the Church among the
people of Newtown and Ripon. This " very popular insinuating young
man"^ being "well-affected towards the Church," and using "some of
the Prayers out of the Liturgy," for a time allayed the discontent, until,
on "inquiry, reflection and prayer," he declared publicly for the
Church, and sailed for England to receive the ministerial commission.
"Ingenuous and studious," a " truly serious and conscientious Chris-
tian," as Dr. Johnson styles him,^ his change of ecclesiastical relations
1 Conn. Ch. Docs., I., p. 99. '■ Ibid., I., p. 152.
CONTROVERSIES. 277
occasioned great uneasiness among the congregationalists, and his
return to his old home in the capacity of a missionary of the venerable
society was made the gi'ound of a bitter and unrelenting personal op-
position. " Johnson's Plain Reasons for Conforming to the Church "
had been issued at the instance of a brother of the new con^'ert, who
had himself conformed to the Cliurcli,* and when the controversy aris-
ing out of the " scurrilous and abusive l)allad " published by John
Graham, to which we have referred, had been closed by Johnson,
Beach took up the Church's side in reply toDicliinson, as we have seen,
in his " Vindication of the ^YorshilJ of the Church of England." The
rejoinder of Dickinson was immediately met by Beach in his " Appeal
to the Unprejudiced," in the course of which appears this personal
allusion to his change of views : —
I have evened the scale of my judgment as much as possibly I could ; and, to
the best of my knowledge, I have not allowed one grain of worldly motive on
either side. I have supposed myself on the brink of eternity, just going into the
other world to give up my account to my great Judge ; and miist I be branded for
an anti-christ, or heretic and apostate, because my "judgment determines that the
Chmx'h of England is most agreeable to the Word of God.^ I can speak in the
presence of God, .... that I would willingly tui'n dissenter again, if you or any
man living would show me i-eason for it. But then it must be reason (whereby I
exclude not the Word of God, the highest reason), and not sophisti-y and
caliuuny, as you have hitherto used, that will convince a lover of truth ;md rio'ht.
With this trenchant pamphlet the controversy, so far as the
Church was concerned, was temporarily closed. The charge of
" Ai-minianism " had been made by the veteran controversialist, Dick-
inson, in his attack upon Mr. Beach ; and when, after a little, the
polemic strife was renewed, it was in the form of a doctrinal dispute
rather than, as before, a contest as to matters of polity or prayers. In
the " advertisement " to " A Letter from Aristocles to Authades con-
cerning the Sovereignty and the Promises of God," published m
Boston in 1745,^^ Dr. Johnson gives the following reasons for its
appearance : —
What prevailed on me to consent to the publishing of the following Letter,
was a sincere and firm Persuasion that it is really the Cause of God and his CHRIST
that I here plead, and that the eternal Interest of the Souls of Men is very nearly
concerned in it. For it is manifest to me that some Notions have of late been
propagated and inculcated in this Country that are equally destructive to the right
Belief both of God and the Gospel. I have indeed that Charity for those ^at
have done it, that I do not believe they are at all sensible of these fatal Conse-
quences of what they teach, tho' I very much wonder they are not aware of them.
I am not insensible that the odious Name of Arminianism will bo the Cry
against these papers fi'om those little Minds that are affected with Soimds more than
Sense, and that are enga^d at any Rate to support a Pai-ty, without seriously and
impaitially attending to the Truth and Right of the Case. But I do hereby declare
'Beardsler^s " Hi3t. of the Epis. Church in on " God's Sovereign Free Grace," in 1748. It
Conn.," I., p. 9o. needed not the issue of these pamphlets, calm,
2 Archseolof,'ia Americana, VI., p. 487. Dr. logical, and convincing, as they are, to secure
Beardsley, in his " Hist, of the Epis. Ch. in for Johnson the Oxford Doctorate. He had
Conn.," I., p. 137, assigns the year 1744 :is the long since earned a claim to this dignity hy the
close of this controversy; but Dr. Johnson's re- respect for his scholarship and aliility" he' bad
joinder to Dickinson hears date of 1747, and he obtained on both sides of the Atlantic'
contributed a preface to Mr. Beach's pamphlet
278 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
that 1 alihor all such Party Names and Distinctions, and that I will call no Man
Master upon Earth, for one is my IMaster in Heaven. The only Question worth
attending to is not what Calvin or what Arminius taught, but what CuniST and his
Apostles taught ; for He alone was the Author and Finisher of our Faith. And
(all Jletaphysics and AVords vrithout any Meaning being set aside, which have
nothing to do in the present Subject) I himably submit it to every one's Candor
and unbyassed Consideration, whether what follows be not truly the Doctrine of
Christ : 'L'he Substance of which may be briefly expressed in the following Manner,
and in the ^ery Language of the Holy Ghost, viz. : —
" That God really means as he says, when he says, and swears by hini«elf. That
he hath no pleasure in the Death of him that dietli : — That he is not willing that any
should perish, but that all should come to Repentance and be saved . — And that he
hath given his Son a Ransom for all, who accordingly hath tasted Death for every
Man, and v^as a Propitiation for the Sins of the Whole World : — So that whosoever
will may now come and take of the Waters of life Freely. — And, because of our
inability to help ourselves, God hath, by his blessed Son, assured us that he will,
for his sake, give his Holy Spirit to every one tliat seriously asks him, and earnestly
strives to w oA out his Salvation with Fear and Tremblmg, in whom he works by
his blessed Spirit both to will and to do : — And that he will, through his free Grace
in Jesus Christ, most assuredly pardon every ti'ue Penitent, accept of every sincere
Believer, and eternally reward all those that, in the way of well doing, or in a stead-
fast Course of sincere and imiversal Obedience to the Gospel, are faithful unto the
Death." This is the true Doctrine of Jesus Christ ; and this is all that I was con-
cerned to defend in the following Letter.
To tills able and dispassionate treatise Dickinson replied the fol-
lowing year, in a "Vindication of God's Sovereign Free Grace,"
published in Boston, and shortly after in a " Second Vindication."
Mr. Beacli, in 1747, contributed to the controversy a reply to Dickin-
son, entitled "God's Sovereignty and Universal Love reconciled,"
while Dr. Johnson published at the very beginning of the same year
"A Letter to Mr. Jonathan Dickinson, In Defence of Aristocles to
Authades, Concerning the Sovereignty & Promises of God, From
Samuel Johnson, D.D." The following year appeared Dickinson's
"Second Vindication of God's Sovei-eign Free Grace, Against the
Exceptions made to a former Vindication by Mr. John Beach, in his
Discourse entitled ' God's Sovereignty, and his Universal Love to the
Souls of Men reconciled,' Li a Letter to that Gentleman." The
energetic Beach was not laggard in the strife, but before his answer
could appear his antagonist had died. The " Second Vindication of
God's Sovereign Free Grace Indeed, in a fair and candid Examination
of the last Discourse of the late Mr. Dickinson" had a preface by Dr.
Johnson. This closed the controversy so far as the Rector of Strat-
ford was concerned ; but Beach, whose appetite for discussion had
evidently not been appeased, found a new antagonist, and issued the
same year a pamphlet of twenty-three pages, with the title, "An
Attempt to Prove the Affirmative of tliat Question, Whether there be
any Certainty that a Sinner, under the Advantages of the Gospel and
Common Grace, striving with all his Might, and persevering to the
last in his utmost Endeavors to please God, shall obtain such a Measure
of Divine Assistance as is necessary to fit him for Eternal Salvation ?
or, Whether God be a rcwarder of all those who diligently seek him •
Containing some Eemarks upon a late Piece, entitled : ' A Vindication
of Gospel Truth, and Refutation of Some dangerous Errors,' etc..
Done in a Letter to Mr. Jedediah Mills." The doctrinal question
CONTROVERSIES. 279
being in a measure disposed oi', the controversy broke out anew with
reference to tlie old issues.
A sermon preuclied at tlic ordination of the Rev. Noah Welles,
of btamford, Conn., b}' th(! Rev. Noah Hobart, on the last day of the
year IT-iH, had contained some reflections on the Church and its mem-
bers, which were answered by tiic missionary at Rye, N.Y., the
Rev. James Wetmore, in his "Vindication of the Professors of the
Church of England in Connecticut
against the Invectives contained in a
Sermon j)reat'hed at Stamford by Mr.
Noali lIobart,Dec. 31. 174(5. In ii Let-
ter to a Friend." The Rev. Henry
Cauer, of Newport, issued early the fol-
lowing year a " Discourse on tlu; J'ul)lic
A\'orsliip of God, the Liturgy of the Church of England, etc." Caner's
maiden etlbrt was, in a measiu'c, overlooked ; but Hobart was not a
man likely to pass lightly by the animadversions of Wetmore. Taking
up and a))pro()riating to himself the claim earlier advanced by John-
son in his ''Letters to his Dissenting Parishioners," there ai^peared, iu
a ponderous duodecimo of one hundred and thirty-nine pages, " A
Serious Address To the ^lemljers of the J^Jjjixcojxtl /Separation in JSfaw-
England. Occasioned by Mr. Wetmore's ' Vindication of the Profes-
sors of the Church of England in Connecticut.' Being an attem})t to
tix and settle these tlu'ce points : —
I. Whether tlic inhabitants of the; Britisli, Plantations in America, those ol'
New-Enghmd in particnhir, are okliced, in Point of Duty, liy the Laws of Ood or
j\lan. to conform to the Prclalic Church, liy I^aw established in the Hoiith Pari of
Great Britain.
II. Whether it be rmwEU ill poiiil of Prudence for tliose wlio are already
settled in sneh chnrehes as have so long- snbsisted in yew-England, to forsake them
anil go over to that Coiiiinunio)i.
III. Whether it be lawful for particular Members of New-English Churches
to separate from them, and join in t'ouniumion with the PJpiscopal AssemOlic!: in
the Coimtry. tJj- Xoah Hobart, A.M., Pastor of a Church of Christ in Fairfield."
This ambitious title indicates with stifficient precision the animus
and argument of the book. Its ai^jjearance was followed Ijy a reprint
of Micajah Towgood's "Dissenting Gentleman's Answer to the Rever-
end Mr. White ; Three Letters in which a Separation from the Estal)-
iishment is fully justified ; The Charge of Schism is refuted and re-
torted ; and the Church of England and the Church of Jesus Christ
are impartially compared, and found to be constitutions of a quite
Different Nature." Several editions of this tract, which was one of
the ablest of the dissenters' publications, were issued in Boston and
New York, and in its various forms was widely circulated throughout
tlie northern cf)lonies. Mr. Wetmore returned to the attack ^vitll a
rejjrint of another famous polemical treatise on the side of the Church,
and "The Englishman directed in the Choice of his Religion, with a
Prefatory Address to the Gentlemen of America by J. Wetmore,"
closed up the controversial issues of the year.
In 1749 John Beach issued " A Calm and Dispassionate Vindication
2«0 UIST015Y OF THE AMEIUCAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
of the Profession of the Church of England against Noah Hobait,"
with a preface l)y Dr. Johnson, and an appendix containing \\''etmore's
and Cauer's animatlversions. Jedediah Mills replied to Beach's attack
on him of the preceding year, and an edition of the Rev. John White's
" Letters to a Dissenting Gentleman " served to correct the arguments
and misrepresentations of Towgood's dissenting gentleman's answer to
White.
The following year, 1750, the controversy took a new form.
Two issues alone continued the Episcopal discussion, with a brief re-
joinder by Moses Dickinson to " Mr. Beach's Second Reply to Jonathan
KliV. JA.MKS McSPAKKAN.
Dickinson's Second Vindication of God's sovereign free grace." These
issues were the reprint of " A Discourse on Government and Religion ;
calculated for the Meridian of the 30th of January," and Jonathan
Mayhew's " Unlimited Submission and Non-Resistance to the Higher
Powers : with Reflections on the Resistance made to King Charles I.
and on the Anniversary of his Death, in which the Mysterious Doc-
trine of that Prince's Saintship and Martyrdom is unriddled."
In 1751 Beach jniblished a " Continuation of the Vindication of
the Professors of the Church of England against Mr. Hobart," while
Hobart issued " A Second Address to the jNIembers of the Episcopal
Separation in New England " as an answer to the criticisms of Johnson
and Wetmore.
CONTROVERSIES. 281
III 1752 the Rpv. James McSparran, D.D., of Narragan.setl .
published a sermon from Hebrews v. 4, on "The Sacred Dignity
of the Priesthood Vindi-
cated." The occasion of ^ y^a— •;?
this discourse M'hich was S^^yj^ ^ J//lCm.^?^^
preached on Sunday, An- >««77«'«' /i*- ^i/r
gust 4, 1751, at St. Paul's. (y f/
Narragansett, was de-
scribed b}' the preacher himself in a letter to his cousin and corre-
spondent, the Rev. Paul Limerick, of Ireland, printed in the appendix
to the writer's "America Dissected": —
V.agrant, illiterate preachers swai-in where I am ; and the native Novanglian
clergy of our Church, against the opinion of the European Missionaries, have intro-
duced a custom of young scholars going about and reading jn-ayers. etc., where
there are vacancies, on purjjose that they may step into them when they can get
orders; yea, have so rejiresented the necessity and advantages of the tliino-, that
the very Society connive at it, if not encourage it. This occasioned my ]n'(!acliiiig,
and afterwards printing, the inclosed discourse, on which I shall bo "glad to have
your sentiments. . . . And as this was a bold step, I have sent one to the Bishop of
London, and other Members of the Society ; and I hope, instead of j)rocnring me a
reproof, it will open their own eyes, and make them guard better against irregulari-
ties, which, when they happen to be coeval with anv church , are hard to i)e re-
formed.'
Although the most cursory perusal of Dr. McSparran's sermon
could not fail to convince any unprejudiced mind tliat the object of the
preaclicr was to point out and correct certain irregiUarities which had
crept into his own connnunion, the ap]5earance of the discourse was
made the signal for a l)itter attack upon the Church. Mr. Samuel
Beaven published "The Religious Liberties of the Christian Laity
Asserted." Another repl>' issued anonymously, Intt the work of Joint
Alpin. was entitled " An Address to the Peoiile of New p]ngland,
occasioned by the preaching and publishing of certain Doctrines de-
structive of their rights and liberties, both religious and ci\il " (by
James McSjiarran ) , " in a sermon entitled The Sacred Dignity of the
Christian Priesthood Vindicated, by a native of New England." The
motto of this splenetic production was taken with singular appropri-
ateness from 2 Peter ii. 16. A lawyer in Newport, Mr. William
Richardson, replied to Alpin in an essay entitled "The Lil)erty of the
Laity not infringed by the Sacred Dignity of Christian Priesthood,
containing some gentle animadversions on a late Rhapsody, with a
short Appendix by a Layman." Beaven rejoined in a pamphlet entitled
"Lay Liberty re-asserted, in a Letter to the late Orthodox Champion
for the Dignity of the Christian Priesthood." Dr. McSparran took
no notice of his assailants, and with these issues of the local pres.s
the controversy wiiich had not attracted attention to any extent be-
yond Newport and the adjacent mainland came to an end.'-^ A New
York reprint, issued in 1758, of Squire's "Answer to some late Papers
entitled the Independent Whig ; so far as relate to the Church of
England, as Ijy Law Established, etc.," closed the general controversj'
' Updike's " Narragansett Church," pp. 238, 239, 527. ■ I^id., pp. 238-241.
282
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Ibr a number of years. It was in connection with tiie bitter strife en-
gendered by the struggle of the Cliurch in tiie colonies for the episco-
pate that the polemic war again broke out. For a time the champions
on either side rested on the field of battle. In the efiectual silencing
of their opponents and in the growth of the Church throughout the
land the fruits of victory at least were found on the church's side.
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTE.
FOR the bibliography of these controversies, which, in their frequency and the
numerous issues from the press, to which they gave birth, evidently occupied
much of the time and thought of New England readers of the last century, we
would refer to the " Arehteologia Americana," vi., pp. 307-661, which contains a
" Catalogue of Publications in what is now the United States, prior to the Revolution
of 1776-6."
No portrait of the Rev. John Beach is known to exist. On the one hunch'ed
and fiftieth anniversaiy of the founding of Trinity parish, Newtown, t'onn., a
memorial (aljlet, secured through the exertions of the present rector, the Rev.
(Jouverneur Morris Wilkins, a descendant of the celebrated Isaac Wilkiiis, D.D.,
of Westchester, N.Y., was placed in the church as a fitting testimony that "he,
being dead, yet speaketh."
CHAPTER XVII.
DOCTOR JOHNSON, OF STRATFORD, AND THE GROWTH OF
THE CONXECTICUr CHURCH.
THE earliest indication of tlie presence of churchmen in Con-
necticut appears in a " humble address and petition " laid be-
fore the General Asseml)ly, in October, lfi64. This document,
signed by William Pitkin, Michael Humiihrey, John Sledman, James
Enno, Robart Reeve, John Moses, and Jonas Westover, all freemen
of the corporation of Connecticut, and " professors of the Protestant
Christian Religion, Memliers of the Church of England, and subjects
to our sovereign lord, Charles the Second, by God's grace king of
England," was intended "to declare our grievances, and to petition for
a redress of the same." The petitioners complain of their "past and
present want of those Ordinances which," they assert, "ought to be
administered " to them and their children "as members of Christ's vis-
ible Church." They appeal to the language of the charter, and to the
king's letter to the Massachusetts Bay Colony of June 20, 1662, as
waiTanting their claim to the administration of the sacraments, and
they ask the action of the assembly to put them " in a full and free
capacity of enjoying those fore-mentioned advantages, which to us, as
members of Christ's visible Church, do of right belong." They refer
to the relations they stand in to " Our Mother Church," and assert that
they and theirs " are not under the due care of an orthodox ministry
that will in a due manner administer" the two sacraments. Profess-
ing themselves to be " as sheep scattered having no shepherd," they
pray "that for the future, no law in this cor[)oration may be of any
force to make us pay or contribute to the maintenance of any minister
or ofBcer of the Church that will neglect or refuse to baptize our
children, and to take care of us as of such members of the Church as
are under his or their charge and care." ' This plea for comprehension,
on the part of the few " members of the Church of England," was
f;ivorably received, and the following action entered upon the minutes
of the General Assembly, to wit : —
This Court vnderstanding by a TViiting presented to them from senerall per-
sons of this Colony, that they are agrieved tliatthey are not enterteined in Chioreh
fellowship ; this Court hauing ducly considered the same, desireing that the rules
of Christ may be attended, doe commend it to the ministers and churches in this
Colony, to consider whether it be not their duty to enterteine all such persons whoe
are of an honest and godly couuersation, haueinga competency of knowledg in the
principles of religion, and shall desire to joyne w"' them in Church fellowsliip, by
■ Copied by C. J. Hoadley, M.A., from " Con- Don. Idfi, and published in the " Am. Cburch Re-
necticiit State Papeis, Kcclesiasdcal," Vol. I., view," x., pp. 106, 107.
284 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
an explicitt covenant, and that they haue their children baptized, and that all the
children of the Church be accepted and acco''' real members of the Church, and
that the Church exercise a due Christian care and watch ouer them ; and that when
they are gi-ovvne up, being examined by the officer in the presence of the Church,
it appears in the judgment of charity, tliey are duely qualifyed to perticipate in tliat
gi'eat ordinance of the J^ord's Supper, by theire being able to examine themselues
and discernc the Lord's body, such persons be admitted to full comunion.
The Court desires y' the seuerall officers of y^ respective churches would be
pleased to consider whether it be not the duty of the Court to order the churches to
practice according to the premises, if they doe not practice w"'out such an order." '
Pitkin was a man of note in the colony, the attorney of the cor-
poration, and treasurer from time to time. Enno, or Enuoe, as tiio
name is sometimes written, and Humphrey, had been pronounced
guilty l)y the General Court, only the year before, on the complaint
of "the Church of Christ at Winsor,"^ of "offensive practices" likely
to "prove prejudicial to the welfare of the Colony," and, although the
records do not recite the nature of these " practices," they appear to
have been connected with ecclesiastical disputes, and may have grown
out of the very " grievances " complained of at a later day. We hear
nothing more of these aggrieved churchmen. In being " entertained "
or received into communion with the "established" or "standing
order," they, doubtless, were satisfied. No hope, even, of securing
in their new home the services and sacraments of their " ]\Iother
Church" seems to have entered into their minds. Nearly half a cen-
tury was to pass ere that mother-church was to find a welcome and a
permanent home in the Puritan colony of Connecticut.
Towards the close of the seventeenth century it appears that
there were " a considerable number of freeholders, inhabitants of the
town of Stratford, professors of the faith of the Church of England,"
who were " desirous to worship God in the way of their forefathers ; "
but. to use their own language, they were " hindered from enjoying
the holy ordinances of Jesus Christ" until the year 1705. There is
record of services at New London on the fifteenth Sunday after Trin-
ity, September 13, 1702, when the Rev. John Talbot preached to a
large auditory in the morning, and the Rev. George Keith in the after-
noon, at the meeting-house occupied by Mr. Gurdon Saltonstall.
There is little doubt but that this was the first time that the services
of the Church of England w^ere publicly held in the colony. It is
certain that, prior to this date, no clergyman of the Church had
preached to a Connecticut audience. It was through the kind oflices
of Colonel Caleb Heathcote, of Scarsdale Manor, in the province of
New York, whose " principles and natural temper " led him " to do the
Church all the service " he could, that the minister of Rye, the Rev.
George Muirson, visited the few church-folk of Stratford. Applica-
tion for services had been made by them to the rector of Trinity, New
York, the preceding year, to preach and administer baptism at Strat-
ford ; but, in consequence of the distance from New York, the duty
was assigned to Mr. Muirson. In company with Colonel Heathcote
this zealous young missionary visited Stratford on the fifteenth Sun-
' The Public Records of the Colony of Connecticut, prior to the union with New Haven
Colony. Hartlord, 1850, pp. 437, 438. > lUd., p. 420.
THE GKOWTII UF THE CONNECTICUT CHURCH. 285
day after Trinity, September 1, ITOG. Application was made to the
town authorities, for "tiie use of the pu))Iiciv meeting house," "either
before, after, or lietween their exercises," ' but without success. "The
ministers," wrote Colonel Heathcote to the secretary of the venerable
society, were —
Very uneasy at our coming amongst them, and abundance of pains was taken
to persuade and terrify the people from hearing iMr. lAIuirson ; but it availed noth-
ing, for, notwithstanding all their endeavours, he had a very great congregation, and,
indeed, infinitely beyond my expectations. The people were wonderfully surprised
at the order of our church, expecting to have heard and seen some wonderful,
strange things, by the account and representation of it that their teachers had given
them. . . . Mr. Muirson baptized about twenty-four, mostly grown people;
and when he goes there next, 1 hope many more will be added to the church. -
At the second visit made by Mr. Muirson, who was not deterred
by hard usage and threats of imprisonment,^ the missionary, as we
learn from Colonel Heathcote, who accompanied iiim, —
Baptized four or fi\'e more, mostly grown persons, and administered the sacra-
ment to fifteen. He met with more opposition this time tlian the last, the justices
having taken the fredom to jireach, giving out at the same time, amongst the
people, that he and all his hearers should be put in gaol.''
On the niglit before the administration of the Lord's Supper one
of the council, named Joseph Curtice, accompanied ]iy James Judson,
a justice of the peace, called at the house where Colonel Heathcote and
the missionary were lodged, and read a formal protest against the
introduction of the church services in the town as illegal and a violation
of the law of the colony : —
That there shall be no ministry or church administration entertained or at-
tended by the inhabitants of any town or plantation in this colony, distinct and
separate from, and in opposition to, that which is openlj- and publickly observed
and dispensed by the approved ministers of the place. ^
On the following day, the member of the council, Mr. Joseph
Curtice, —
Stood in the highway himself, and employed several others to forbid any
person to go to the assembly of the Church of England, and threatened them with
a fine of five pomids, as the law directed."
It was an additional source of alarm that the independent minis-
ter of the place, the Rev. Mr. Reed, "the most ingenious man they
have amongst them,"' writes Colo-
nel Heathcote, was favoraldy in-
clined towards the Chui'ch, tuid
was only hindered from going to
England for orders by circum-
stances over which he had no \^ ^/ > —
control. He lost his place in
consequence of his leaning towards the Church, and was succeeded
by the Rev. Timothy Cutler, who was in time to lead that vast
' Hawks and Peri-y's " Connecticut Church Documents," i., pp. 39, 40. ' Ibid., I., p. 19.
' Ibid.,-p.\1. « /Wrf., pp. 19, 20. •• /Airf., pp. 23, 24. ' Ibid.,^.i\.
Jm^s-im ^iJ:^
286 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
army of converts from Congregationalism to the Church at the sacrifice
of place, power, and the love of all his early friends. At the tliird visit
of Muirson and Colonel Heathcote, in April, 1707, the organization of
the churchmen of Stratford was formally effected, and church-wardens
and vestrymen chosen for the parish of Christ Church. Shortly after
this step had been taken the infant parish was visited by the Rev. Evan
Evans, of Philadelphia, who accompanied Mr. Muirson, witli a view
of ascertaining by personal inspection the prospects of the Church in
the colony, and of furthering, on his return to England, the petition
of the church people for help from home. In company with this ex-
cellent clergyman Mr. Muirson visited Fairfield, where he had been
invited to preach and baptize some children. An application to the
minister and magistrates for the use of the meeting-house for a week-
day service was refused. The Church was "railed and scoffed at,"
and even " the liberty of ringing a bell or Ideating a drum, to give the
people notice,"^ was denied. Still a "large congregation" assembled
at a private house, " notwithstanding all the sti'atagems used to hinder
the people from coming." We may gather some interesting particu-
lars of the opposition encountered by this first " missioner " of the
Church in Connecticut from an admirable letter he addressed to the
secretary of the venerable society who had counselled " meekness and
moderation " in his efforts to introduce the Church among the inde-
pendents : —
It will require more time than you will willingly bestow on these lines to ex-
press how rigidly and severely they treat our people, bj' taking their estates by
distress, when they do not willingly pay to support their ministers. And though
eveiy churchman in that colony pays his rate for the building and repairing their
meeting-houses, yet they are so maliciously set against us, that they deny us the
use of tliem, though on week-days. They tell our people that they will not sufler
the house of God to be defiled with idolatrous worship and superstitious ceremonies.
They are so bold that they spare not openly to speak reproachfully, and with great
contempt of our chm'ch. They say the sign of the cross is the mark of the beast
and the sign of the devil, and that those who receive it are given to the devil.
And when our people complain to their magistrates of the persons who thus speak,
they will not so much as sign a warrant to apprehend them, nor reprove them for
their oiience. This is quite a different character, to what, perhaps, you have heard
of that people. That they are ignorant I can easily grant ; for if they had either
much knowledge or goodness they would not act and say as they do ; but that they
are hot-heady I have too just reason to believe ; and as to their meaning, I leave
that to be interpreted by tlieir unchristian proceedings with us. ... I beg that
you would believe that this acooimt (though seeming harsh and severe, yet no more
than is true) does not proceed from want of charity, either towards their souls or
bodies, but pm-ely for the good of both, and to give you better information concern-
ing the state of that people, that proper remedi(!s may be taken for curing the evils
that are among them, and that our churchmen in that colony may not be oppressed
and insulted over by them, but that they may obtain a liberty of conscience, and
call a minister of their own communion, and that they may be freed from paying
to their ministers, and may be enabled to obtain one of tiieir own. This is all
these good men desire.^
The death of the devoted Muirson, in October, 1708, put back for
years the growth of the Stratford church. Surrounded by uncompro-
mising foes, destitute of regular ministrations, it was only by the self-
' Hawks and Periy's " Conu. Church Documents," I., p. '2i. " Ibid., pp. 30, 31.
THE GROWTH OF THE CONNECTICUT CHURCH. 287
sacrificing labors of the neighboring clergy that life was maintained at
all, and the good work begun by INIuirson saved from utter ruin. The
services rendered during the dreary interval of months and years that
elapsed ere a missionary was sent to them by that "faithful and
worthy laborer in God's vineyard," the Eev. Mr. John Talbot, are
specially mentioned bj^ the church-wardens and vestry, in their address
to the Bishop of London and the society, as giving the people " great
comfort and courage ; " and the visits from the clergy to the westward,
and the encouragement received from Colonel Heathcote, are referred to
as the means of enduring " the trouble and grievances " they had ex-
perienced. "The want of a minister," they complained, was "the greatest
of their afflictions. "^ But it was not until just l)efore Christmas, 1712,
that this lack was supplied, by the coming of the Rev. Francis Phillips,
as missionaiy. Already hopes deferred had diminished the numbers
of the churchmen, and retarded the building of the church, which had
been determined upon ere the death of jNIr. jMuirson ; and then the
new clergyman, tiring of his life among the poor, persecuted church-
men of this provincial town, spent the most of his time in New York,
and after less than four months of actual service removed, without leave
of the society, to Philadelphia. He was " of a temper," writes Colonel
Heathcote, "very contrary to be pleased with such conversation and
way of living as Stratford affords," and he "had no sooner seen that
place but his whole thoughts were bent and employed how he should
get from it." * Thus left " a scorn and reproach to the enemies of the
church," there is little wonder that the Rector of Rye, the Rev.
Christopher Bridge, was forced to wi'ite to the society " that the
interest of the church in Stratford seems to be declining." ^ In ad-
dressing the society for relief they refer to the fact that they " have
had .at least a hundred baptized into the church, and have had at one
time thirty-six partakers of the Holy Communion of the Lord's Sup-
per, and have several times assembled in a congregation between two
and three hundred persons." '' The timber for the church had been
felled " at last," in the spring of 1714, and the hope had been ex-
pressed that the church would be " raised in three months' time ;" but
it was not till Trinity Sunday, May 31, 1722, that the mission received
its priest, and the Rev. George Pigot entered upon the long vacant
cure. A few weeks later he was able not only to administer the
holy communion to thii'ty, and to baptize twenty-seven infants, but also
to record his " expectations of a glorious revolution of the ecclesiastics
of this country," the " President of Yale College, and five more,"
having had a conference with him, and being determined to declare
themselves professors of the Church of England. We have already
told the story of that startling defection from independency, which for
a time shook the New England "standing order " to its foundations.
Those who made this change were men of the highest position and
promise, and no one could deny to Timothy Cutler, Samuel Johnson,
James Wetmorc, and Daniel Brown, full credit for conscientious con-
victions in casting in their lot with the almost unknown churchmen
1 Hawks and Terry's " Conn. Church Documents," i., p. 47.
= Ibid., p. 50. ' Ibid., p. 51. « Ibid., p. 53.
e
288 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
of Connecticut, at the sacrifice of all that they or others might hold
dear in social position, influence, ease, or wealth. At the conference
with the college trustees, under the presidency of the governor, Gurdon
Saltonstall, once minister of New London, and the host of Keith and
Talbot a score of years before, three of their number, Jared Eliot,
John Hart, and Samuel Whittlesey, who only doubted the validity of
Presbyterian ordination, were induced to remainat their posts. Tradition
points to one of the three — Whittlesey — as seeking the valid orders he
so much craved, at the handsof oneof the non-juring bishops in Philadel-
phia, a short time afterwards ; but, be that as it may, the thoughts of relig-
ious men throughout the American colonies were for a time busied with
questions of church polity and practice to an extent never before equalled.
In the conversion of Johnson, Cutler, Brown, and Wetmore, it
does not appear that Pigot had any special part or share. A prayer-
book, the gift of a Guilford churchman, Smithson by name, had been
placed in the hand of Johnson ere he entered upon his ministerial life.
He had earlier read the work of Archbishop King on "The Inventions
of Men in the Worship of God," and the dislike of extemporaneous
prayer, which this treatise had increased, was followed by a love and
reverence for the forms of the Church which led him to the use of the
pi'ayer-book in his public services. The works of the leading divines
of the Church of England were to be found on the shelves of the col-
lege library, and, with their help, the young minister pursued a
course of reading that could not fail to lead him to conform to the
Church. Even prior to his entrance upon the Congregationalist min-
istiy he had his scruples about the validity of the orders he was to re-
ceive. Circumstances to which we have already alluded induced him
to waive his doubts and enter upon the charge of the parish at West
Haven. The coming of Pigot into the countiy, in the spring of 1722,
gave to Johnson, and the friends who had shared his burden and who
participated in his doubts, the opportunity for a conference with a clergy-
man of the Church of England who could answer their queries, and im-
part to them needed advice. Though Pigot was present at the famous
Commencement, when the declaration for the Church was foi'maliy made,
it does not appear that he took any part in the discussion, or that he
supplied the disputants with arguments. There was no need. Each
point of the controversy had been carefully examined and studied ere
a conclusion was reached, and Johnson and his friends came out of the
discussion only confirmed in their new faith. In the full ardor of their
new conversion they set out for England for the orders they desired.
Death invaded their number, and Brown fell a victim to the scourge
that proved fatal to members who sought the valid commission in after
years. Cutler found a home and life- long work in Boston. To John-
son was assigned, on his return from England, the work at Stratford.
His arrival at his new home, early in November, 1723, was the signal for
new life and new hopes among the church people thei-e. The work on
the church was at once resumed. It had proceeded " but heavily, by
reason of the poverty of its professors, who," as Pigot writes, were "too
closely fleeced by the adverse party to carry it on with despatch." '
' Hawks and Perry's " Coon. Church Documents," i., p. 87.
THE GKOWTII OF THE rONNECTICUT CHURCH.
289
It wnsnot till Cl^•i.stm;l^;()t■ tlioyear t'ollowing the coiniiii;- of Johnson to
Stratford that it was opened for divine service, the only church edifice in
the colony, "a very pleasant and conifortal)lc liuilding."' Here, in this
(jiiict retreat, occupied in ministering tothi! ])copleof his cure, and in ex-
tending the Church at Fairfield, — where the Church, at the time of his
'-il&^f^««5|,
JoM^yUAX. ^t4\.Ai4 (nu
coming, was'" well enclosed," — at Newton, Norwalk, West Haven, and
Ripton, as well as elsewhere ; engaged in stud3^ the result of whicii hrougiit
him face to face and on common ground, inafter3-ears, with the leading
men of his time ; and numbering among his correspondents the best
and purest spirits at home and abroad, Jojmson spent the best part of a
useful and honored life. His acquaintance with the celebrated Dean
Berkeley, while this distinguished divine and jihilosopher was at New-
port, made him a " Berkleian " in his philosophical views ; M'hile in his
converse with this excellent man, to whom was well ascribed "every
'Huwks iiQil I\mtv's " Conn. CImroli Does.," i., p. 100.
o
290 HISTORY or THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
virtue under heaven," he spent many hours of rare intellectual enjoy-
ment, and begun an intimacy which ended only with the life of the
good bishop. From the Stratford study there went forth, from time
to time, wise and temperate answers to the attacks made on the Church
by the dissenters around him : while, as years rolled on, his studies bore
fruit in more learned treatises, the preparation and publication of which
attracted attention and commendation in the Old World as well as in the
New. The University of Oxford recognized his ability and merit by
conferring on him the degree of Doctor in Divinity, and the clergy of
Connecticut asked again and again for his appointment as their commis-
sary ; although this was not granted, as the bishops of London, to whom
the request was presented, had in the one case settled on another choice
before the name of Johnson was proposed, and in the latter decided
not to make any appointment at all. Still the clergy of Connecticut,
and of the neighboring provinces, looked up to Doctor Johnson as
their guide and counseller, and deferred to his wisdom and sought to
further his plans in all the measures proposed for the church's good or
advance. On his visit to Oxford, at the time of his journey to Eng-
land for orders, the ancient university, in recognizing his literary
merits and his devotion to the church's cause, had expressed the hope
that, through his exertions, another, and yet the same, communion
might spring into being in the New World : " Sperantes nempe, illius
ministerio aliam et eandeni olim nasctturam Ecdesiam." ^ The work
had found a measure of fulfilment, and in the diploma conferring the
higher degree of the Doctorate it was so stated " ut incredilnli EcclesicB
incremento summam sui expectationem sitsHmterit plane e( supei-averit."
The worthy recipient of this merited distinction found in it a fresh in-
centive to live and lalior for the Church of God.
From the correspondence of this excellent man we can gain some
insight into the condition of the Church in the colony where his minis-
trations were continued for a space of thirty years. Under date of
February 10, 1727, he writes to the secretary as follows : —
I have just come from Fairfield, where I have been to visit a considerable
number of my people, in prison for their rates to the dissenting minister, to com-
fort and encourage them under their sufferings.'
In a letter to the Bishop of London, referring to the same instance
of persecution, he says : —
The complaint was drawn up, and some of the persons were in prison before
I was sent for. Upon their request I came to the prison, and found it full of them,
and an insulting mob about them. I administered what comfort I could to them,
but I wish your lordship, or some of your sacred character, could have been by to
behold the contempt and indignity which our holy religion here suiTers among an
uno;rateful people. It could not fail to excite your utmost zeal and compassion ;
and I assure your Lordship, the Church here is in a gasping condition, though,
indeed, our peoijle bear it with as much meekness and patience as can be expected.^
We give the Puritan governor — Joseph Talcott's explanation and
defence of these and similar acts of oppression : —
1 Chandler's "Life of Johnson," p. 71. 2 Hawks and Perry's "Conn. Church Docu-
London ed., 1S24. inents," i., p. 113. ' Ibid., p. 108.
THE GROWTH OF THE CONNECTICUT CHURCH. 291
.... There is but one Chureli of England MinistiT iu this Colony, and the
Chnrch vvitli him liave the same protection as the rest of our Churclics, and are
under no constraint to contribute to the support of any other minislcr. There are
some few persons in another town or two, that have stipulated with the present
ministers now living in said towns (which persons cannot be mucli recommended
for their zeal for religion or morality), who cannot well be judged to act from any
other motive than to appear singular, or to be freed from a small tax, and have
declared themselves to Ido of the Church of England ; and some of them that live
thirty or forty miles from where the Church of England's minister lives; these
have made some oljjeetions against their customary contributions to their proper
minister, under whose administration they have equal privileges with their neigh-
bours.
The law in this colony is such, tliat the major part of the householders in
eveiy town shall determine their ministei''s maintenance, and all within the pre-
cincts of the town shall be obliged to pay their parts in an equal proportion to their
estates in said town or societies and so in the precincts of each ecclesiastical society.
Under this security all our towns and ecclesiastical societies are supplied with ortho-
dox ministei's. We have no vacancies at present.'
Such is the Puritan view of these acts of oppression. Of the suf-
ferers, whose character for piety or integrity the governor rates so low,
Johnson writes : —
There are thirty-five heads of families in Fairfield who, all of them, expect
what these have suffered ; and though I have endeavoured to gain the compassion
and favours of the Government, yet I can avail nothing ; and both I and my people
grow weary of our lives under our poverty and oppression.'
A few months later Johnson presented to the society, in response
to the " Queries " sent out i)y the secretary, a brief sketch of the his-
tory of the Stratford church. In this interesting account of the progress
of his work he gives the following description of the little structure
which was the first " Church " in the colony : —
It is a neat, small wooden building, forty-five feet and a half long, thirty and
a half wide, and twenty-two between joints or up to the roof; but there is no house
or glebe belonging to it, nor is it at all endowed, nor has it any settled salary
besides the honorable society's bounty ; only the poor people are as liberal in small
presents as can be expected of them.^
There were about fifty chui'ch families within the limits of the
town, " and besides them, there are a considerable number of people
scattered up and down in the neighboring towns, some five, some ten,
twenty and thirty miles off, who come to Church as often as can be
expected.'"* There was "no Church westward within forty miles,
only Fairfield, which is eight miles off, where there is a small wooden
Church built, and about forty families." There was " no Church east-
ward within one hundred miles, only at New London, about seventy
miles off, where I sometimes preach to a good number of people, and
they are building a wooden Church somewhat larger than ours.^
There was " no Church northward at all." " We are," writes the dis-
couraged missionary, " oppressed and despised as the filth of the world,
' Hawks and Penv's " Conn. Church Documents," i., pp. 106, 107. ' Ibid., p. 113.
"76i(f., p. 118. ■ «/«(/., pp. 118, 119. »/6iW.,p. 119.
292 IIISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
and the offscouring of all things, unto this day."' The Puritans "all
boast themselves of an establishment, and look down upon the poor
Church of England with contempt, as a despicable, schismatical, and
popish communion."^ A stranger, if a churciuuan, proposing to settle
in their towns, was "immediately warned" to depart. He could
not purchase land without leave of the authorities, and it was in
tiieir jjower, if he refused to leave, "to whip him out of tovvu."^ " By
this means," writes Johnson to the Bishop of London, " several profes-
sors of our Church, for no other- crime but their profession, have been
prevented from settling here." *
In Majs 1727, the church- wardens and vestry of the church at
Fairfield petitioned " the Governor, Assistants, and Representatives in
General Court assembled," for relief " from paying to any dissenting
minister, or to the building of any dissenting meeting-house." They
further asked the restoration of the amount taken from them by dis-
traint, as they recite, " we were, ten of us, lately imprisoned for our
taxes and had considerable sums of money taken from us by distraint." ^
Upon this petition the Genei'al Assembly enacted that all persons who
were of the Church of England, and those who were of the religious
societies established by the colonial law, living in the bounds of any
allowed parish, should be taxed by the same rule and in the same
proportion for the supjiort of the ministry ; but when it chanced that
there was a parish of the Church of England, having a clergyman in
charge, so near any tax-payer, who had declared himself to be of that
church, that he could and did attend puljlic worship there, the collector
was then to pay over such an one's tax to the nearest resident church
clergyman, who was also authorized to receive and recover the same.
If such portion of the taxes was insufficient for the support of the
Church of England incumbent, the parish to which he ministered Avas
authorized and empowered to levy and collect of the professed mem-
bers sucii additional assessments as should be deemed necessary. Tlie
members of the Church of England actually connected with some
existing " society of the Church of England " were further excused
from paying taxes assessed for the erection of meeting-houses for the
established societies of the colony. Content with this measure of
relief the church People of Fairfield declined to insist on the return of
the money distrained from them. In fact, the passage of the law
affording exemption to the members of the Church of England, in the
matter of taxation for the independent establishment, was in direct
consequence of the plain-spoken petition of the stout-hearted church-
men of Fairfield. It is I'ccorded on the public records of the colony,
immediately after the following recital of tiie Fairfield complaint, from
which we have already given extracts, and the enactment was evidently
passed in consequence of this earnest appeal for i-edress : —
Upon the prayer of Moses Ward, of Faii-field, church warden, and the rest of
the chiircli wardens, vestry-men, and brethren, I'eijresenting themselves under
obligations by the Ilonom'alile Society and Kishop of London, to pay to the support
' Hawks and PeiTv's "Cona. Church Documents," i., p. 111. 'Ibid.
^ Ibid. ' 'Ibid. 'Ibid.,-p.V2\.
THE GROWTH OF THE CONNECTICUT CHURCH. 293
of the established chiu'ch, praying this Assembly, by some act or otlierwise, to free
them from paying to dissenting ministers and for tlie building dissenting meeting-
houses, and complaining that money has been lately taken from them by disti'ess,
praying that the said money might be returned inilo them. The said Ward appeared,
and by his attorney declaring to this Assembly tliat ho should not insist on tlie return
of the money prayed for, asserted it to have always been esteemed as an hardship by
those of tlie profession establisht by tliis government, to be eom|)elled to contribute
to the supjjort of the Church of I'jUgland, where that is the churt-li establisht by
law ; and thereupon urged that no such thing should be here imposed upon any dis-
senting from the churches here approved and establisht by the law of this govern-
ment ; further lu'giug, that tliere might be some provision made by the law for the
obliging their parishioners to the supi)ort of their ministers.'
All honor to INIoses Ward aud the outspoken churchmen of Fair-
tield who fought and won this triumph for tiie Church.
The same year, 1727, the Rev. Hemy Caner entered upon the
charge of Fairdeld. Mr. Caner was a graduate of Yale, in tlie class
of 1724, and received his master's degree in course, and an ad eundem
from the University of Oxford, in 173G, from which honored source
he obtained the doctorate in 176(3. He found a " very serious and
well-minded people," " ready to entertain any instructions that may
forward them in the paths of virtue aud truth aud godliness." ^ He in-
formed the Bishop of London, in less than a year after the passage of
the act to which we have referred, that —
Although the Dissenters in this Government have lately passed an act to
exempt all professors of the Church from paying taxes to the support of their min-
isters, yet tliey take the liberty to determine themselves who may be called Church-
men, and interpret the act to comprehend none that live a mile from the Church
minister ; by which means not only two-thirds of the Church, but of its revenues also,
we are entirely deprived of the benefit of ; aud the favom- which they would seem
to do us proves, in reality, but a shadow.^
To this testimony of ^Ir. Caner, that of Johnson may be added,
to the effect that those churchmen " that live scattering in the country
are yet persecuted as bad as ever."* Still, in spite of all these ob-
stacles tuid petty hindrances, the Church grew. At New Haven and
Norwalk there were movements for the erection of churches and the
organization of parishes. In 1728 the churchmen again memorialized
the assembly : —
That an explanation of the Assembly's Acts, in May last, i-elating to the prem-
ises, may be given by them, :md also that for the futm-e the affairs of the Church
may be wholly managed by the book of canons relating to gathering taxes for the
support of the ministry that is established by law according to the rubrick of the
Chm'ch of England; and that for the future so long as there remains missionaries
among us, we may gather all needful taxes by said book of canons and not by your
collectors-^
The memorialists further urge that "great contentions have
already arisen, aud many lawsuits, as well as great hardship imposed
upon us." In asking for relief they at are pains to " assm-e the As-
1 The Public Records of the Colony of Con- - Hawks antlPeiry's " Conn. Church Docu-
uecticut, from May, 1726, to May, 1733, iuclu- mcnts," i., p. 125. = Ibid., p. 126.
aivc, p. 103. ' Ibid., p. 126. ^ Md.,pp. 129, 130
294 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
sembly that we are bound in our consciences to adhere to said church
in doctrine and discipline, let our difficulties be ever so great." In
view of " the difficulties and oppressions " that the church people
were under, " seven families " are reported by Johnson to the society
in 1728, as having " removed hence into New York govei-nment."^ It
could hardly he otherwise when Caner, in much the same language
he had earlier employed, writes the same year that church people
" are slighted and despised, and imposed upon, accounted as the filth
and dross of the earth, and the offscouring of all things."^ To avoid
some of the annoyances and impositions Caner petitioned the society
for an appointment as general missionary, serving " from Fairfield to
Byram river," and residing sometimes in one portion of his field
and sometimes in another ; but a legal opinion from the society's
council was unfavorable to such an appointment, as liable to be con-
strued as an attempt at evading the act, and consequently not advisable.
The church people of New London, Groton, and the adjacent towns,
to whom Johnson had from time to time ministered, and where, as
early as April 25, 1723, the Rev. Mr. Pigot had preached and ad-
ministered holy baptism,^ had applied in 1730 for the appointment
of Mr. Samuel Seabury,^" a gentleman born and bred in this country,"
as the petitioners recite, and their wish was granted. In the petition
for the appointment of this worthy missionary, a graduate of Harvard
College in 1724, and a convert to the Church from the Congregation-
alists, there is brought to our notice for the first time a name which
the American Church must ever deliglit to honor, as borne for gen-
erations by some of her best, wisest, and most distinguisheji sons. In
1730 Johnson writes that "a good temper towards the church" " very
sensibly increases." "A love to the church,"' he continues, "gains gi'ound
greatly." At Yale College " several young men that are graduates, and
some young ministers," had been " prevailed with to read and consider
the matter so far, that they are very uneas}' out of the communion of the
church, and some seem much disposed to come into her service, and those
that are best affected to the church are the brightest and most studious
of any that are educated in the country." ^ Two of these converts ap-
pear to have Ijeen John Pierson and Ephraim Bostwick. These with Isaac
Browne, brother of the lamented Daniel Browne, who died in England
when Johnson and Cutler were there, all of the class of 1729, at Yale
College, were doubtless referred to in this letter of Johnson. It was not
long afterwards that, in 1 732 , the honored name of John Beach was added
to the number. More than eight years before, in the summerof 1723, this
" very popular, insinuating young man, "'' had been sent to Newton, for the
purpose of counteracting the influence which the Church had obtained there
and in the adjacent towns. The people of Ne\vton and Ripton had
applied for a missionary, but, in consequence of the delay which the
necessity of sending to England for one in holy orders occasioned,
the temper of the applicants cooled, and the acceptable ministrations
' Hawks and PeiTy's " Conn. Church Docii- * Hawks and Peiiy's " Coiiu. Chuicli Docu-
ments," I., pp. 131, 132. - Ibid., p. 15S. meats," I., p. 140.
' iicardsley's " Ilistoiy of the Episcopal '//<!</., p. 142.
Cliurcli in Conn.," I., p. ti5. " liid., p. 29.
THE GROWTH OF THE CONNECTICUT CHURCH.. 295
of Mr. Beach put off for all these years the realization of the hopes of
the few church-folk who were firm to their principles and faith. B&t
discussion with his former college tutor, with " inquiry, reflection and
prayer, opened his eyes to the truth, and on Easter day, the 9th of
April, 1732,1 the eloquent young independentpreacherknelt at the chan-
cel-rail of the little church at Stratford, to receive the Holy Communion
of the Body and Blood of Christ, as an avowed member of the Church
of England. Recommended by his foi-mer instructor to the society
as " a very ingenuous and studious person, and a truly serious and
conscientious Christian," Mr. Beach sailed for England for holy
orders, and on his return was appointed to minister to the people
among whom he had served as an independent. The conversion of
Beach was followed by that of others. In 1733 Mr. Johnson writes
to the Bishop of London : ■ —
That the growing confusion among the Dissenters in these pai-ts veiy much
tends, among other means, to put serious and thinking persons upon coming over
to the church. Amopg others there are two or three very worthy young ministers
in this colony, who, I have reason to believe, from no other reason" than the love of
truth and order, and a sense of duty, will, in a little time, declare for us, and two
of them especially have hopes that the most of their congregations will conform
with them. One of them is one Mr. Arnold, who succeeded me at West Haven,
near the college, where I preach once a quarter.^
Jonathan Arnold was a graduate of Yale College, in the class of
1723. Ebenezer Punderson, the other convert referred to, was of the
class of 1726. The third was, doubtless, Solomon Palmer, of the
class of 1729, which furnished to the Church four clergymen from its
seventeen members, while but three of them were ministers of the
"standing order." In the midst of these notable conversions of the
studious and thinking men of the colony the Church was daily adding
to its numbers on every side. Reading, Norwich, Hebron, and Milford
were added to the number of congregations. At Fairfield Mr. Caner
writes, in 1736: "The professors of the Church of England here in-
crease in numbers and seriousness." At Newtown and Reading Mr.
Beach reported over one hundred communicants. Twenty families in
Hebron and its vicinity embraced the Church, and fourteen received the
holy communion at the first administration by the Rev. Mr. Seabury.
In 1739 six hundred and thirty males above the age of sixteen signed
a memorial to the General Assembly, praying for the assignment of
their share of the public money obtained from the sale of lauds in new
townships for the support of their clergy. The same year the Con-
nectic6t clergy, with the Rev. James Wetmore, of Rye, represented to
the society the case of the church people of Stamford and Horseneck,
who were compelled to pay taxes towards the support of the independent
minister, instead of the Rev. Mr. Wetmore, their nearest church
clergyman, who ministered to them regularly. Nor this only. The
clergy proceeded in their petition to lay before the society the case of
the Rev. Mr. Arnold, as follows : —
1 Beardsley's "Episcopal Church in Couu.," ' Hawks and Peny'8 " Conn. Chiireh Docu-
I., p. S9. ments," i., p. 156.
296 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
William Greyson, of London, esq., made a donation of a piece of land in
New Haven to Mr. Arnold, as Trustee for the Chiu-eh of England, to tniild a Church
on ; and when he went to take possession and make improvement of said land by
ploughing the same, he was opposed by a great number of people, being resolute
that no church should be built there, who, in a riotous and tumultuous manner, being
(as we have good reason to believe), put ui)ou it by some in authority, and of the
chief men in the town, beat his cattle, and abused his servants, threatening both
his and their lives to that degree that lie was obliged to quit the field. And though
he made presentment against sundry of them for breach of the peace to the court
authority, yet they refuse to take cognizance of it, and so lie could obtain no relief.'
Seven clergymen, including Wetmore, signed this memorial, John-
son, Caner, Beach, Seabury, Puuderson, and Arnold. The foUowiugyear,
1740, the clergy of New England met in convention at New London, on
the 4th of May, and ten were present, five from Connecticut. About the
middle of the year the Rev. Theophilus Morris succeeded Arnold at
West Haven. He established services at Simsbury, where they had
" prepared some timber to build a chiarch,"^ at Derby, and at Walling-
ford, where there were twelve church families. At the latter place,
where Mr. Morris could come only once in four months, and where,
"on every Lord's day besides," the people were wont to perform the
service as ftir as is proper for laymen, the church-wardens and vestry
addressed the Bishop of London as follows : — -
With melancholy hearts we crave your Lordship's patience, while we recite to
you that divers of us have been imprisoned, and our goods from year to year dis-
trained from us for taxes, levied for the building and supporting meeting-houses ;
and divers actions are now depending in our courts of law in the like cases. And
when we have petitioned our governor for redress, notifying to him the repugnance
of such actions to the laws of England, he hath proved a strong opponent to us ;
but when the other party hath applied to him for advice how to proceed against
us, he hath lately given his sentence " to enlarge the gaol and fill it with them,"
(that is, the Chmx'h) . But we supplicate both God and man that our persecutors
may not always prevail against us. ^
The dissenters in North Haven "obliged the church peoi)le to
contribute towards building a meeting-house, and sent one poor fellow
to jail who was not in a capacity to pay ; " * while " two more in North
Haven were some time in jail," for " not paying their rates to the dis-
senting teachers." Some, "at a village called Cheshire," had "been
hauled to jail and there been forced to abide till they paid the utter-
most farthing." ^ These are but instances selected from the correspond-
' Hawks and Perry's " Conn. Ch. Documents," ploit perfoimed by the students of Tale College, in
1., pp. 168, 169. A pertinent and amusing refer- v/hichhe was morethan a spectator. The scene of
ence to this act of violence is found in "A Vin- this noble action was a lot of ground in the town
dication of the Bishop of LandaiT's Sermon, of A^ew-i/a»en, which had been bequeathed to the
from the gross Mi^rcpresentntions and abusive chukoh for the use of a missionary. There
EeflectionscontaiuedinJMr. William Livingston's these magnanimous champions signalized them-
Letter to his Lordship . . . By a Lover of Truth selves; for once upon a time, quitting soft dalli-
and Order . . . New York : 17G8." ance with the ?nuses, they roughened into sons
" It would give me pleasure to have it in my ot Mars; and issuing forth in deep and firm
power to say, that the Society's missionaries have array — witli courage bold and undaunted, they
met with tlie same kind of treatment in JVew not only attacked, but bravely routed a YOKE OP
England. Their treatment in general has been OXEN, and a poor Plowman, which had been
the reverse of this. They have met with great sent by tlic then missionary of Neiv-Haven, to
and undeserved opposition; and have been in- occupy and plow up the said lot of ground. An
jured not only in tiieu- cluiracter, but in their exploit truly worthy of the renowned Hudihras
property, on account of their religion. Perhaps himself." pp. 40, 41.
Mr. Livingston may remember some instances - Ibid., p. 17(i. 'Ibid.,'p. 139.
of this himself; once especially in a gallant ex- * Ibid., p. 173. ^' Ibid., p. 173.
THE GROWTH OF THE CONNECTICUT CHURCH.
297
euce of the missionaries with the secretary of the venerable society, and
are the record of but a single year, 1740. The wild enthusiasm that
attended tlic Whitciioldian movement seems to have turned the atten-
tion of the persecutors to other matters and to other victims. The fruits
of the enthusiasm that was so prevalent were found to result in "reconcil-
ing many sober, considerate people to the comnumiou of the Church." '
CHRIST CHUKCH, STKATrOHL).
In 1742 the clergy, in petitioning the Bishop of London, for the appoint-
ment of Mr. Johnson as commissary, report that there are n5w fourteen
churches built and building, and seven clergymen within this colony,
and others daily called for. There were " considerably more than two
thousand adult persons of the Church in the Colony," and " at least
five or six thousand, young and old."^ Since the progress of this
" strange spirit of enthusiasm," the Ciun-ch was " daily very much more
Richard Caner, of the class of 1736, and BarzillaiDeau,
' Hawks ami Perry's " Conn. Chiircli Docs.," I., p. ISl. - Ibid., p. 183.
298 iUSTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
\vho was graduated the following year, were soon added to the number
of clergy. In 1743 Mr. Johnson had admitted to the holy com-
munion"!^ two " candidates for holy orders," graduates of Yale College, —
Hezeldah Watkins of the class of 1737, and Joseph Lamson of the class
of 1741. Ebenezer Thompson, of the class of 1733, was now added to
the list of converts. The church in Stratford had " so increased of
late," writes Johnson, "that our house will not hold us, which has
obhged us to build a new chm-ch, for which £1,500 of our money has
been subscribed, and we have got timber and are going on vigorously.
It is to be sixty feet long and forty-five feet wide, and twenty-four feet
high to the roof; with a steeple sixteen feet square to be one hundred
and twenty feet high ; and eight feet the chancel, which is to have a
library on one side and vestry on the other."' There were four hun-
dred church families in the town. The devoted John Beach writes in
the same year from Eeading : —
My people are not at all shaken, but rather confirmed in their principles by
the spirit of enthusiasm that rages among the Independents round about us, and
many of the Dissenters, observing how steadfast our people are in their faith and
practice, while those of their own denomination are easily carried away with every
kind of doctrine, and are now sunk into the utmost confusion and disoidcr, have
conceived a much better opinion of our Church than thoy formerly had, and a
considerable numlier in this Colony have lately conformed, and several Churches
are now building where they have no minister. Indeed, there is scarce a town in
which tlicre is not a considerable number professing themselves of the Church of
England, and very desirous to have it settled among them; but God only knows
when and how they can be provided for. Were there in this coimtry but one of the
Episcopal order, to whom young men might apply for ordination, without the ex-
])ense and danger of a voyage to England, many of our towns might be supplied
which now must remain destitute. -
A new church was opened this year at Riptoii ; and a congregation
was gathered at Lyme. The church people at New JMilford and New
Fairfield were building a church, while on Sundays they met together,
and " one of their number read some parts of the common prayer and a
sermon."
"But the Independents," writes Mr. Beach, "to suppress this
design in its infancy, having the authority in their hands, have lately
prosecuted and fined them for their meeting to worship God according
to the common prayer, and the same punishment they are like to
suffer for every offence in this kind, although it is the common, ap-
proved practice of the same Independents to meet for worship in their
own way when they have no minister ; but what is a virtue in them is
a crime to our people." ^ " The case of this people is very hard,"
continues jy^r. Beach ; " if, on the Lord's day, they continue at homo,
they must be punished ; if they meet to worship God according to the
Church of England, in the best manner they can, their mulct is still
greater ; and if they go to the Independent meeting in the town where
they live, they must endure the mortification of hearing the doctrine
and worsliip of the Church vilified and enervated by enthusiastic anti-
uomian dreams." * Mr. Caner writes that " where the late spirit of
' Hawks antl Pen-v's " Conn. ClMirch Documents," I., p. IS". ' Ibid., p. 200.
■ Ibid., pp. 190, ibl. ' Ibid , p. 200.
TIIK (ilumTII OF TIIK CONNECTICUT CHURCH. 200
enthusiasm lias most abounded, the Churcli has received the larger
accession." ' At Guilford and Norfhl)ury there were, in 1743, nunier-
ous applicants for a clergyman. Richard Miner, of the class of 172^,
and Ivichard JMansficld, of the class of 1741, of Yale College, went
over for orders. JNlincr and Lamson, of whose conversion to the
Church we have already spoken, were captured on their passage and
carried prisoners to France. Miner died in England, in 1744; Imt
Lamson and Mansfield returned to do the Church good service. The
following year, 1745, Jonathan (Bolton, of the graduating class at
Yale, and one of the Bishop lierkeley Foundationers, oll'cred himself for
the Church ; while from the same class the Churcli was to secure the
eminent Thomas Bradbury Chandler, and the devout Jeremiah Learn-
ing, and the faithful William Sturgeon, for the ranks of her future
clerg3^ A year later the name of Ebenezer Dibble, of the class of
1734, at Yale, was added to the conforming graduates of that institu-
tion, and a number of others of these or other years, whose apjilica-
tions for missions failed, were reported to the authorities at home.
At Newtown another church had been erected, "fortj^-six feet long,
thirty-five broad, and twenty-five up to the roof."^ It was " a strong,
neat building," and its erection attested the strength of the Church
under the ministrations of the faithful Beach. Litchfield and Norwich
were now added to the church congregations. At the former the
dissenters had " executions out against " the church people, " for rates
due long since," and daily " threatened to take them to gaol." One
"who had been a communicant in the church above a year "was
" actually seized by their collector, and on the way to the gaol was
freed by his own brother, who paid the rate to the collector." ^
Three clergymen of tiie Church were at the commencement of
Yale College, in 1748, the "worthy Mr. Commissary Barclay," of
New York, being one. " All consulted the best things," writes John-
son, "for the Church's interest." "Among the candidates for their
degrees there were no less than ten belonging to the Church, five
Masters and five Bachelors ; among the former two in orders, Messrs.
Sturgeon and Leaming ; and two candidates. Chandler and Colton ;
of the Bachelors, besides " Johnson's younger son and Mr. Ogilvie.
Scab ury had a promising son," "a solid, sensible, virtuous youth,"
who, as Johnson proceeds, " may in due time do good service."^ This
was the future first Bishop of Connecticut.
The correspondence of the missionaries with the society for the
year 1749 comprises a letter from the Eev. William Gibbs, of Sims-
liury, dated from "Hartford Gaol," where the missionary was con-
fined on an execution for the costs in an unsuccessful suit he had
entered for his " churchwarden's rate," collected by the dissenters of
New Cambridge. The church people were still forced to pay their
rates to the dissenters unless supplied with " ministers of their own
in orders." " Meantime," writes Dr. Johnson, "many of our people
are frequently persecuted and imprisoned for their rates to dissenting
teachers, which they have never been in any stipulation with. The
' Hawks ami Pci'it'3 " Conn. Clinrch Documents," I., p. 201. ' Ibid., p. 23.").
' Ibid.. V 227. ' ' Ibid., p. 24i>.
300 IIISTOIiV OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
case ofi^reat niiml^ers is extremely hard, if they can have no ministers
in orders, neither from any title of the Society, nor from any that
themselves can make, and, at the same time, cannot have the excel-
lent liturgy and sermons of the church read to them by candidates of
their own, whom they would gladly support to the utmost of their
power, if they could have their own money for their own purposes." '
But another grievance had arisen, and the good doctor thus con-
tinues : —
And to add to all our other gi'iefs, it seems we have some enemy or other that
has represented us to the Veneraljle Board, as presuming to vary from the estab-
lished form of Prayer, omitling, mhliiiy or altering, etc. Tliis is very hard indeed,
when \ve have given so much procif of onv inviolable .attachment to it, and that the
Established Episcopacy and liturgy is dearer to us than any thing in the world
besides ; so dear as to make us leave fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, houses and
lands, and ventun; our lives to the greatest hazard for it; twenty-live of us having
gone a thousand leagues for Episcopal orders, of whom no less than five liavo lost
their lives, and several others suffered the most dangerous sickness, and all at the
expense of more than we could well afford, and all this when we might have had
the greatest applause of all our friends and acquaintances, if we could have
made our consciences easy as we were, and the best preferment they could give.
I have diligently inquired what foundation there could be for the report and
can find none. ^lost of the Clergy and I'caders have read in my Church in my
absence, and my people tell me they never heard the least variation, nor can I iind
anything in this kind in the Clergy or lay readers. One, indeed, tells me he has
sometimes added two or three words in the prayer after sermon, Qrant us, tve be-
seech Thee, etc., in which he had followed a great example ho heard in London.
Perhaps the first lesson, or some of the latter part of the liturgy may have been
omitted on some extreme cold day, or in tlie collect for the day, for the gunpowder
treason, it may have been read, Giving his late Majesty, King William, a safe
arrival in England, instead of here, which could not be time ; and I should he glad
if the informer were put upon proof, tliat if there ever was anything worse than
this it might be made to appear, that the offender might receive condign punish-
ment."
The persecution of the Church .still continued. Mr. Punderson
writes, in 1750, "In Branford and Cohasset they have, in the most
violent manner, been distressing and imprisoning the members of the
Church of England."^ The Kev. Matthew Graves, addressing the
Bishop of London in the same year, proceeds : " 'Twould be too long
as well as tragical to repeat the several difBculties, severities, and
affronts which our hearers are harassed with in many parts of the
colony, by rigorous persecutions and arbitrary pecuniary demands,
inflicted on the conscientious members of our church bj^ domineering
Presbyterians, the old implacable enemies of Zion's prosperity and
peace." '' The Rev. Richard Mansfield addressed the venerable society,
as appears by their minutes of July 22, 1750, to the effect, "that the
people of Derby and Oxford, as well as those of AVaterbury and West-
l)ury, have liccn sharers in the great oppressions which are laid upon
the members of the Episcopal Church in that Colony l>y means of the
dissenting collectors distraining their goods towards the support of the
dissenting teachers, and their meeting-houses."* Well might Arch-
bishop Seeker, in an autograph note appended to this " minute," write :
' Hawks and Perry's " Conn. Church Documents," I., p. 259. ' Hid., pp. 259, 2G0.
" Ibid., pp. 2G2, 263. • It/id., p. 266. ■■• Hid., p. 267.
THE GliOWTII OF THE CONNECTICUT CHURCH. aOl
"N. B. — These sort of complaints come I)y every ship ahnost ; thcn-e
are now some ministers of tlic Chnrch of England in i)rison on account
of these persecutions from the dissenters." '
It is needless to multiply extracts in this vein. Enough have been
cited to jirovo conclusively the temper and spirit of tiie "Standing
Order "' towards the Church, and to make its rapid growth under such
untoward circumstances a proof of tiio strength of the convictions of
its adherents, and their willingness to " sutler all things " for the cause
they had espoused. As years passed oh new parishes were estal)lished,
though hut sparingly, for the venerable society, assailed and vilified, and
conscijucntly hampered in its work, and somewhat impoverished in its
revenues, could not accept all who odered their services. There were
added one and another of the promising young graduates of Yale to
the clergy list. In 1760, Dr. Johnson, who had removed to New York,
wi-ites to the Archliishop of Canterbury, " There are now thirty
churches in that colony," — Connecticut, — " though but fourteen minis-
ters, there being three or four new ones."^ Thisyear the successor of
Dr. Johnson at Stratford, the Rev. Edward Winslow, in his letter to
the society, indicates the spread of doctrinal errors among the people,
upspringing naturally, as a reaction from the wild enthusiasm of the
Whitfield movement, and soon to find a general acceptance in the
wide-spread defection of the Congregationalist body towards Unitarian-
ism and Universalism, which marked the close of the century and the
beginning of the next. Mr. Winslow thus writes : —
At a late Convention of the Clergy of our Church in this Colony, at New
Haven, a sermon was preachet! by the liov. .Mr. lieaoh, wherein, mucli to his own
reputation anil I trust, liy the Divine blessing, to the credit of I'eligion and advantage
of the Chureli here, he has with great zeal and faithfulness, endeavoured to vindicate
and establish the important, fundamentals of the Sacred Trinity, and the Divinity of
our blessed Saviour ; his atonement and satisfaction; the necessity of the renewing
and sanctifying inlluenco of Divine Grace, and the eternity of future punishment,
and to expose the falsehoods and errors of the contraiy pernicious errors, which by
means of spreading bad books and other industrious arts of too many men of bail
principles in these parts, have been successfully propagated. The clergy have
unitedly taken the occasion of the publication of this discourse to give their testi-
mony ag;ainst these errors, and to recommend the doctrines inculcated as the prime
tniths of the gosixd, and the foundation on wliich the whole structure of the articles
and liturgy of the Cluu'ch is framed.^
From this time, though the persecutions continued ^ in some
places, the correspondence of the missionaries, in every instance, bears
testimony to the increase of the Church. A new element of annoyance
appeared, in the arrest and imprisonment, for over a week, of the Rev.
Roger Viets, of Simsbnry, for uniting in marriage a couple in the town
of Great Barrington, although his license to officiate, from the Bishop
of London, embraced New England.^ Later the Rev. Richard jNIosle^'
was arrested, convicted, and lined, for performing the same office at
Litchfield.'"' Li 17fi5 a number of the clergy " accidentally convened,"
addressed the venerable society on the tumults growing out of the
Stamp Act, and assured their ecclesiastical superiors that the^^ and their
■ Hawks ami Perry's " Conn. Church Doc^.," i., p. 2()7. = Ilhl., p. 311. ■'' Ihi.l., p. .317.
' Ihid., II., pp. 17, 18, 34, .53, 6G, 1S7. "■ Ibid., ii., pp. .j9, 60, 7S. » Ihid , ii., pp. I'.U, 19G.
302 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
people " will steadily behave themselves as true and faithful subjects,"
and as "obedient sons of the Church of England."' The names of
James Scovil, Thomas Davies, Samuel Andrews, Bela Hubbard, and
Abraham Jarvis, are appended to this document. In 1770 the Church
was still rapidly advancing. In 1772 the Rev. Solomon Palmer, of
Litchfield, and good Dr. Johnson, who had returned to Stratford, died
in the odor of sanctity.^ The clergy in convention had appointed a
committee " to recommend candidates " and to provide for " the supply
of vacant pai'ishes." But the work of the Church was soon interrupted
and, amidst the opening scenes of the revolutionary war, the churches
were closed, the clergy silenced, and the loyalist churchmen banished
from their homes. It was thus that the growth of the Connecticut
church was for a time checked. But for the wondrous gi'ace of God
the Church would have been totally destroyed.
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES.
THAT there was actual persecution encountered in the attempt to introduce the
church's sendee iu Stratford will appear from " An Account of the Sufferings
of the Members of the Church of England at Stratford," jsreserved among the
archives of the venerable society in London. From this " true narrative " we give
some pertinent extracts.
After reciting the circumstances of their first services and organization, and
refen'ing to their application to the venerable society for the aijpointment of good
Mr. Muirson as their clergyman, the naiTative proceeds : —
Before we had any retimi from England, it jileased Almighty God, in his
providence, to bereave us of the Rev. Mr. Muirson, by taldng of liim to himself,
by reason whereof we remain as sheep without a shepherd, notwithstanding the gi'eat
kindness we have received from the Rev. ministers to the west of us, viz., the Rev.
Mr. Talbot, the Rev. Mr. Sharpe, who was near a month amongst lis, and took
much pains, and baptized many (amongst whom was an aged man, said to be the
fii-st man-child born in the colony of Connecticut) , and the Rev. Mr. Bridge, who
have administered the holy Sacraments and ordinances of .Tesus Christ, to our great
comfort and consolation. Nevertheless, by reason of theii" great distance from us,
we remain as sheep having no shepherd, and are exposed the more, as a prey to our
persecutors, the Independents, who watch aU opportunitits to desti-oy the Church,
both root and branch.
But as jet we received no other persecution but that of the tongue, until the
12th day of December, 1709. Some of their officers, namely, Edmund Lewis,
Jonathan Curtice, and Francis Griffith, having a warrant fi'om the autliority, viz.,
Joseph Curtice and James Judson, abovesaid, to levy by distress of estate, or im-
prisonment of the bodies of such person or persons as should refuse to pay to them
such simis of money as were by them demanded, they no sooner having power but
put it vigorously in execution ; and on the 12th December, 1709, about midnight,
did apprehend and seize the bodies of Timothy Tithartou, one of our Church-
wardens, and Jolm Marcy, one of the Vestrjnnen, and forced them to travel, under
veiy bad circumstances, in the winter season and at that unseasonable time of night,
to the common gaol, where felons are confined, being eight miles distant, not allow-
ing them so much as fire or candle light for their comfort, and there continued them
until they paid such sums as by the gaoler was demanded, which was on the 16th
day of the same month.
Notsvithstanding all this, they still persisted with rigor to continue tlieir per-
secution, and seized the body of Daniel Shelton, at his habitation or farm, being
' Hawks and Peny's " Conn. Church Documents," II., p. 81. ■ Ihid., II., pp. ITS, 179.
THE GROWTH OF TIIE CONNECTICUT CHURCH. 303
about eight miles ilistant from tlie town, and luu-rying of him away toward
die towu ill order to carry him to the comity <jaol ; passing by a house, he
requested of them that ho miglit go in and warm him, and talie some refreshment,
wliieh was granted ; but they being in a hurr^ bid him como along, but he
desiring a little longer time, they barbarously laid violent hands on his person,
and llnng liia body across a horse's back, and called for ropes to tie him on
tlio horse ; to the truth of which several persons can give their testimony, and
are reaily when thereunto called ; and, having brought liim to the town, they
immeiliately seized tlie bodies of William Kawliuson and Arcliibald Dunlap,
and carried them, all three, to the county gaol, it being the IGth day of January,
1709, anil there confhied them, mitil such time as they disbursed such sums of money
as the gaoler demanded of them, wliich money was left in the hands of the
Lieutenant Governor, Nathaniel Gould, Esq., he promismg them that the next
general court should hear and determine the matter, and that the money left in his
hands should be disposed of as the comt should order, and they were at present
released, being the 17th day of the same instant.
Several others of the Chm-ch had their estates distressed on the same account,
and rended from them, particularly William Jeanes, having money due to him in
the hands of the towu ti'easm-er, the above Edmmid Lewis, disti-essed of Jiis estate
that which was in said treasurer's hands on the same accoimt, for the maintaining
the Dissenting minister the year 1709, and left no copy of his so doing ; and also the
treasurer detains all the rest that remains in his hands, telling him that ho will keep
it for his rate, which rate is chiefly for the pm-chase of a house for their Dissenting
minister, which house and land cost £180 : and so are our estates rended fi'om us.
Notwithstanding tliis, tlie said William Jeaues did, for himself in person, go to a
town meeting convened in Stratford, (being empowered by the Society of the
Chm-ch of EiiHand,) when they were ordering a rate to raise money to pay for the
said house and land, and did, publickly, in behalf of himself and Society, declare
and protest against any such proceedings, and tendered money to the town recorder
to enter said protest, but he refused so to do.
\Mien the general com't of said Colony of Connecticut was assembled in Hart-
ford, in May, lao, the Society of the Church of England empowered William
Jeanes, their lawful attorney, to address said general court for a determination and
issue of what should be done ivith said money committed to the above said Lieutenant-
Governor, and also to see if we should, for the future enjoy peace amongst them:
our said attorney, in order theremito, tendered an address to said court, dated May
20th, 1710, l)ut could obtain no positive answer, but was detained there by dilatory
answers, until the 20th day of the said instant, (May,) when one of the members of
tlio lower house Ijrought to the said Jeanes the address and power of attorney, and
told him the thing had been often moved, but they see cause to give no answer, and
so we liud no relief for the )50or distressed Church, nor the members thereof.
The poor Chm-ch at Stratford, being left in a deplorable condition, destitute
and without hope of any relief in this colony under this government, several of our
Society have already, of necessity, fled, their ijersecution, finally, being such an
additional one as was seldom heard of ; for finding that some of our Society, being
tradesmen and handicraft, and such as had dependence upon working at their ti-ades
for t>ther peoi)lc^ they combined together not to set them to work", saying that by
that means they should weaken the interests of the Church ; by which subtle strata-
gem of Satan's to jjersecute the Church of (.'hrist, we are likely to be brought low,
for some are already gone, and others looking out where to shelter themselves from
their cruelty, and must inevitably fall, if God, of his infinite mercy, do not raise up
some goodly, compassionate friends for us ; and we, the subscribers, do assert the
truth of what is here written.
TIMOTHY TITHARTON, ? ^. . „. ,
WHXIAM SHUTH, ( '^^"'"^^ Wardens.
WM. R.VWLINSON, WM. JEANES,
JOHN JOHNSON, RICHARD BLACKATH,
DANffiL SUELTON, ARCHIBALD DUNLAP,
JAS. llU.Mi'HKEYS, JAMES CLARKE.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE LEADING MISSIONARIES AND CLERGY AT THE NORTH
AND SOUTH; THEIR LIVES AND LABORS.
IF the annals of the Church in America do not furnish as many and
as ilhistrioLis names on the list of the missionary priests as are
atTorded by other religious bodies, there are abundant reasons for
this lack. For upwards of a century after the Reformation the Church
was so constantly occupied in the defence of its position, and main-
taining its independence against the persecution and intrigues of the
papacy on the one hand, and the plottiugs and vindictive assaults of
Puritanism on the other, as to have little time for the evangelization of
the heathen world. Still, as we have already seen, there were not want-
ing, from the very first j'ears of the reformed faith, men who counted
not their lives dear unto them for the sake of advancing the cause of
Christ abroad. The ships sailing westward from English ^lorts on
voyages of discovery ; the transports conveying to the new found
world the founders of an empire for England in the west, had each
their chaplains, who, at the sacrifice of ease and comparative comfoit
at home braved the terrors of the deep, and willingly endured the
dangers and diseases incident to an unknown clime, to minister to
settlers and savages alike. " Master Wolfall," amidst the snow and ice
of the extreme north, the unknown priest \vho, at Raleigh's colony of
Roanoak, admitted to holy Ijaptism the Indian chieftain INIanteo, and
the Anglo-American infant Virginia Dare ; the devoted Richard Se}'-
mour, "preacher" and priest at Popham's colony, at the mouth of the
Sagadahoc ; the saintly Robert Hunt, the faithful priest of Jamestown ;
Whittaker, the apostle of Virginia ; and the persecuted Richard Gib-
son, of the coast of Maine, — were men who, in the early years of in-
dependence of the reformed and catholic Church of England, showed
a spirit of consecration and self-denial second to none. They were
men who hazarded their lives for the Lord Jesus. Their names are
worthy of everlasting remembrance.
Then came the great rebellion and the temporary overthrow of the
Church. Her prelates and priests were silenced or banished. Her
stately cathedrals and churches were despoiled. Her solemn services
and sacraments were interdicted by law. Her members, if faithful to
their mother, the ("hurch, were helpless and hopeless before their foes.
In the Old World, at I)ut a single spot was the Church of England
still "visible," — the chapel of the English ambassador in Paris, where
the services of the Church were maintained, and her sacraments ad-
ministered until this tyranny was overpast. But in the New World the
Church was never fully overthrown. The clergy dispossessed of their
LEADING MISSIONARIES AT THE NORTH AND SOUTH. 305
benefices at home were welcomed in the loyal and faithful province of
Virginia across the sea. The church's prayers, silenced and forbidden
in the Old World, were never intermitted in the humble churches and
chapels and homes of the " Old Dominion." The religion of the Churcli
which divine George Herbert had in his daj^ sung at standing tiptoe in
expectance of the change, had crossed to the American strand.
At length with the crown the Church was restored. With the in-
comingof the old-time faith and forms at home, we find atonce the revival
of eflbrts for the establishment of the Church from Maine to Carolina.
It was, however, a day of little faith and love. The undue austerity
of the puritan rule was succeeded by a flood of licentiousness. The
profligacy of the court permeated all classes of society, and, as a
natural result of the wide-spread corruption, a period of indiflerence to
religion rendered all eff'orts for its extension feeble if not futile. It
was long before there was seen any disposition for the reformation of
manners, or a retui'n to the old moderation and purity of life. Still
there were those who walked in white amidst the general corruption.
There were those whose knees were never bowed to Baal. And in the
coming of a better day we note the organization of efforts for the
evangelization of the western world. The age which witnessed the in-
auguration of the great missionary societies of the English Church,
providing for the dissemination of Christian knowledge at home and
abroad, and the propagation of the Gospel in foi'eign lands, was preg-
nant with good for all time to come. It was the earnest of a better
day.
We have on other pages given the story of manj' of the faithful
ones whose names would else appear under the heading of this chapter.
It is not necessary to repeat what has already been said, and, in our
search for an initial name, we need not go further back than the settle-
ment of ]\Iarvland, and tell in brief the story of the mission life and
labors of William AVilkinson,' the first Church of England clergyman
who came into the Lord Baltimore's province, though it had then been
settled for fully sixteen years. Wilkinson was not indeed the first
clergyman of the Church who settled on what is now the soil of Mary-
land, but the tii'st in the settlement at St. Mary's, and under the Bal-
timore patent. As early as 1629, while the territory, afterwards
known as Maryland, was a part of the Old Dominion, Kent Island, on
the Chesapeake Bay opposite the site of the present city of Annapolis,
had been settled by Virginians. With them came a clergyman of the
Church of England, the Rev. Richard elames. This clergyman had
been in earlier years the lil)rarian to Sir Robert Cotton, the famous an-
tiquary, and he had shown his zeal for the extension of the Chui'ch in
the New World by accompanying Sir George Calvert, the first Lord
Baltimore, before his perversion to the Roman Church, to his settle-
ment in Newfoundland under his patron's charter for Avalon. When,
in 1638, Lord Baltimore ol)tained by force of arms the possession of
Kent Island, Mr. James returned to England and died the same 3'ear
at the place of his former master, Sir Robert Cotton.
'Rev. William Wilkinson, of MaiylanJ, 165l)-1663.
306 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
At the time of Mr. Wilkinson's immigration, there were, as we
learn from the researches of the historian of the Maryland Church,'
at least three places of Church of England worship : Trinity Church,
six miles west of St. Mary's ; Poplar Hill Church, about six miles
to the north-west, and St. Paul's, some twenty miles still farther in the
same direction, in what is now called King and Queen parish. It is
not unlikely that there was still another church on the Patuxent,
where Mr. Wilkinson located his grant of land, and settled with
his family, — wife, children, and servants, nine in all, — about
twelve or fifteen miles north of St. Mary's. So far as is known there
was then but one Romish place of worship in the colony. This fact,
among others, shows that the larger ])ai1; of the immigrants were not
of the Eomish fiiith. It is not at all to the discredit of the Church
that at the period of which we write it was difficult to find "mission-
ers " for Maryland. It was an evil day for the Ciuirch. The parishes
at home were filled with intruders. The clergy were silenced or
banished. It was doubtless to escape the power of the prevailing
party at home that Wilkinson left England for a home in the wilds of
Maryland.
Prior to the coming of this excellent priest the Church of Eng-
land settlers had been served by lay-readers, and in their humble log
churches by the river side, or in the forest glades of tiie new settle-
ments, the prayers of the Church proscribed in the cathedrals and
stately churches of the mother-land were heard and reverently listened
to by these far-away and forgotten colonists, who were still taithful to
their mother, the Church.
Little is known of this first church clergyman of Maryland, save that
the public records prove, by their incidental allusions, that he won for him-
self and his ministry the regard of those who with him were the pio-
neers of a new community, securing, for the Church and for himself its
minister, the legacies of those who felt the obligation of recognizing
his ministrations, and gaining by his integrity the care of the orphan,
while his hospitality was such that his humble home became the refuge
of the sick and the dying. Like his Master, this faithful priest seems to
have jjone about doinij sjood. Evidences of the regard in which he
was held appear in the records of the settlement, but we know little of the
nature and extent of his clerical services save as they appear by these
scant references to him, found in the midst of the dry legal or business
details of the settlement. He died in faith in August, 16(13, leaving
in his will, which is still on record, the proof of his pious trust in
God : —
Imprimis : I give my soul to God, and my body to tlio Eurth, from whence it
came, witli humble eonlidence that both body, and sciul shall, at the Rcsurreetion,
receive a happy union, and be made partakers of that happiness which is pm'-
chased by my blessed Redeemer, Jesus Christ, the Righteous.
Such was the sustaining hope of this pioneer priest of Maryland.
In these words, he " being dead, yet speaketh."
' The late Rev. Ethan Allen, D.D., in Sprague's " Annals of the Amencan Episcopal
Pulpit," p. 5.
LEADING MISSIONARIES AT THE NORTH AND SOUTH. 307
111 169(j the Rov. Hugh Jones ' came into the province of Mary-
land, and was for a time the incumbent of Clirist Cliurcli ))arish, in
Calvert County. Theannals oftlie colony
attest the ])osition ho speedily ae(|uired
l>y his faithfulness, his devotion, aiul his
learninii' ; while from his pen there aji-
peared among other essays of importance ,
attesting his obsei'vation and literary taste, a general account of the
province, which, as originally published in tlie Transactions of the
Royal Society in London, made hiin widely known.
Possibly, in consequence of these evidences of literary al)ility, or
else from his known acquirements in this department of knowledge,
he was appointed in 1702 or 1703, professor of Mathematics in William
and ]\Iary College, lately estal)lisiied under the charge of the excel-
lent and celel)rated Commissary Blair. It is not improbable that the in-
fluence of Governor Nicholson may have been felt in this appointment,
as it would appear that Jones first came to Maryland at the suggestion,
or at least in the company, of tiie o;overnor. His talents secured for
himtheapi)ointmciit ascha})lainoftlie Assembly and lecturer at Williams-
burg. Subsequently ho held the position of incumlient at James-
town, the historic parish of the Virginia Church. In 1722 he left
Virginia, and two years subsequently he pul)lished in London an in-
teresting and valuable volume entitled " The Present State of Vir-
ginia," including a short view of Maryland and North Carolina. This
work, whicli has been reprinted within the present century, is one of
our most important original authorities for the period and the subjects
of Avhich it treats. It was certainly a literaiy venture of unusual merit.
Returning to Virginia he officiated for a time as minister of St.
Stephen's Church, in King and Queen County. The occasion of his
leaving this place appears to have been a dispute " concerning the
placing of the pulpit," but in his withdrawal he bore with hiin the at-
testation of the "principal inhaljitants " of the parish to his diligence
in the discharge of his sacred function, and to " his sober life and
edifying conversation." His de|)arturo was "universail}' lamented
even by his adversaries." With these ample testimonials he now re-
turned, after an absence of nearly a quarter of a centuiy, to Mary-
land, and became the incumbent of William and Mary i)arish, where,
in addition to his pastoral work, he engaged in the instruction of
j-oulli. Continuing in this double duty for sevei'al j'ears, living '' a
so))er and exemplary life," he was inducted l)y the governor into the liv-
ing of North Sassafras parish, in Cecil County, at the age of sixty
years. Hei-e he labored faithfully and successfully. The erection of two
substantial churches of brick during his ministry in place of the tem-
porary structures he found at his coming atlesto<l the value his jjeople
plac^ed on his services. A published sermon, entitled " A Protest
against Popery," evinced his care for the spiritual needs of his charge,
and when, at the age of ninetjs he resigned his cure he had well and
worthily won the title of " venerable." He died at the age of uinety-
■ The Rev. Ilugrh .Jones, M..\., Man-land and Vii-ginia, 1696-1760.
308 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
one after a miaistiy of sixty-five years, leaving the reputation of
earnest piety, sound learning, and devotion to the work of the ministry.
Among the early appointments of the veneralile society was that
of the Kcv. George lloss^ in 1705 to Newcastle in Pennsylvania (now
Delaware). After laboring for several years in this unpromising field,
either on account of the unhcalthiness of the climate or the little " en-
couragement" he received, the missionary left his post and removed to
"Upland," or Chester, from which station the incumbent had with-
drawn. It was not the first eflbrt the restless missionary had made for
bettering his condition, and the society, in consequence of his un-
authorized removal, suspended the payment of his stipend. Returning
to England he was able to vindicate himself before his superiors, and
was restored to his charge. On his return voyage he was captured by
a French man-of-war on the 9th of February, 1711, and carried into
Brest, where he was stripped of all he possessed, even his clothes, and
was treated in the most inhuman manner. On his release he proceeded
to Chester, but not long after, by direction of the society, he resumed
the care of Newcastle. In 1717, at the invitation of Sir AVilliam Keith,
then Governor of Pennsylvania, he accompanied the governor on a
tour through the counties of Kent and Sussex, in the course of which,
in a single week, he baptized upwards of one hundred persons. He
remained at Newcastle till the close of his long life. In the Abstracts
of the Society for the year 1754-55, allusion is made to the receipt of
a letter from this worthy old missionar}', which we give below : —
Newcastle upon Delaware, Oct. 13, 1752.
Rev" Sir,—
I am at this time upon the verge of extreme old age, being according to my
own computation, in the To"" year of my life, and the ■J?" of my mission.
Hence some imagine that I am not onlj' the oldest missionaiy, but the oldest
man in the mission. Be that as it will, I have been very often exercised for t«'0
years past with tliose malaches and infirmities wliieh are commonly incident to my
present stage of life. This, to my no small mortification, interrupted my former
coiTespondence with you, and cx])osed me perhaps t(j the charge of negligence.
Mj service at this time is confined to the mean village of Newcastle, where little
or notliing occurring, beside the common offices of a settled cure, it w^as not in my
power to ofler anything to your consideration that deserved a place in j'our collec-
tion. As to the Behaviour of my Hearers at tlie public worship, it is not to be com-
plained of, save that the word Amen, for want of a Clerk is much suppressed
among us. As I am in a tottering conditinn tliis may happen to be my last to you.
If this should be the case, I beg this may transmit my most hearty acknowledg-
ments to the Hon''" Society for their innumerable favours conferred upon me in the
course of a long mission, which had my lot fallen anywhere but in a poor sinking
town, would have proved I believe more successful. I cannot clear mj'self from
oversights & mistakes in the course of so many j'ears, but thank God he has been
pleased in his great goodness to preserve mc from such blots and stains, as would
do harm to tlio cause I was engaged to maintain — the IIon<n" — I mean and interest
of the Church of England, from'which I never varied from the day I wrote Man.
I cannot conclude without paying my past acknowledgments to you, who ujjon all
occasions showed yourself a constant advocate for & real friend to,
Rev* Sir,
Your most obliged and most humble Servant,
GEORGE ROSS.'
■ The Rev. Georsc Ross, of Pennsylvania ^ Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Chui-ch, v., p. 99.
and Delaware, 1705-1754.
LEADING MISSIONARIES AT THE NORTH AND SOUTH. 309
But the end was not yet. On the 10th of Octol^cr of the fol-
lowing year the aged missionary addressed to the secretary of the
society the last letter that has l)Ccn preserved of a long correspondence.
We extract from this cominunication as follows : —
It is with great ploasure I can now acquaint you tliat, thro' the divine
assistance, I have been better enabled to go thro' the Serricc of tlie Clnu'ch and
preacliing tlian I have been I'or tlicse two years past, and that I live in good esteem
witli tlie jjeople here, both of our own and the rrosbyterian Churcli, which is by far
the most numerous congregation. 15ut 1 am in great liopes I shall sec tJie Congrega-
tion of the Church at New Castle flourish, to accomplish which my endeavour .sliall
never be wanting.'
The abstracts of the society of 1754-55, to which we have already
referred, state that, "it hath lately pleased God to call to Himself tliis
worthy servant to receive the reward of his pious labors." Whitefield-
refers to the kindly welcome given him by this good man. A son, the
Rev. iEneas Ross, liecame one of the best of the society's missionaries
in Pennsylvania and Delaware, living "on friendly terms with the Dis-
senters," and hoping " in time to see many of them conform." Another
son bearing his fatlier's name, born at Newcastle in 17.30, was a
delegate to the Continental Congress of 1774, and a signer of the Dec-
laration of Independence from his native State. Though a devoted
patriot he sought on several occasions to obtain that justice for loyalists
in the courts which the people at the time were disposed to refuse. In
1779 he was appointed judge of the Coui-t of Admiralty, which office
he held till his death. »
The Rev. Jacob Henderson, ■* a native of Ireland, was admitted to
holy orders liy the Bishop of London, in 1710, and proceeded directly
to his mission at Dover, Kent County, in Delaware, where he remained
for a year. He appears to have taken a prominent position among the
clergy of the provinces from the start, as his representations of the
state of the Church in New York and New Jersey, seriously implicat-
ing " Brigadier " Hunter, the governor, were deemed of sufficient
importance by the accused to be met with rebutting evidence, secured
at no little pains. The honesty and directness of Mr. Henderson, cer-
tainly gave him credit with the society, which the efforts of the gov-
ernor were unable to lessen or remove. On his return to America he
received an appointment to a mission on the western shore of Mary-
land, where he married, and where, in 1713, he and his wife built a
chapel on their own land and not far from their home. In 171G Dr.
Robinson, then Bishop of London, appointed Mr. Henderson as his
Commissary on the western shore of JIaryland, which, on the death
of the Commissary of the eastern shore, the Rev. Christopher Wil-
kinson, ill 1729, was renewed by Bishop Gibson, and made to include
the whole of the province. In 1718 the Commissary was presented
by Governor Hart with the living of Queen Anne's, the parish in which
he resided, and of which his chapel now became a chapel-of-ease. On
■HH.Coll.Am. Col. Chmrli.v., p. 100. By Mtist. Majr., m., p. 370, 371.
a clerical error in tlic oriirinal MS.S. tlic date of * The Rev. .Jacob Henderson, Commissary of
the letter is inconcc'lv ffiven as 1759. Mainland, Delaware and Maryland, 1710-17ol.
2 Works.vm., p.'48.
310 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
the renewal and extension of his commissarial commission he exercised
his delegated authority in the interest of a sound clerical discipline,
and, in his ofBcial relations, sought to secure, on the part of the clergy,
personal holiness of life and strict attention to the duties of their sacred
functions. But the difficulty of enforcing his powers was such that
in 1734 he resigned his office, and from that time the Bishop of London
ceased to have an official representative in the province. In the j'ear
1737 he visited England, and was elected to membership of the vener-
alile society, he being the first person elected from the colonics, other
than the colonial governors or officials. The interest he took in the
work of the society may be inferred from the efforts he made to secure
gifts from his own parish and from other congregations in the neigh-
borhood, and from his bequest of his whole estate, on his decease, to
this worthy cause. He died on the 27th of August, 1751, in the
thirty-fourth year of his connection with the parish of which he was
incumbent, and in the forty-fifth year of his ministry. Ho was at least
sixty-five years old at the time of his death ; probably more, for the
notice of his decease, in the Maryland " Gazette," refers to him as " the
venei'able and aged Jacob Henderson." Upwards of a thousand
pounds sterling were realized by the venerable society from the estate
of this eminently wise and godly man.
Appointed, in 1712, by the venerable society, as assistant to the
Rev. Gideon Johnstone, incumbent of St. Philip's, Charleston, the
Rev. William Guy^ was elected minister of St. Helena's parish, on Port
Royal Island, where he officiated during the remainder of his diaconate.
In 1713, returning to England for priests' orders, he was appointed
missionary to this extensive pai'ish, which included the territory occu-
pied by the Yamassee Indians, to whom the Rev. Samuel Thomas had
been sent a few years before. As no church had been erected Mr.
Guy performed divine service and administered the sacraments in the
homes of the planters, and proved untiring and devoted in the dis-
charge of his most arduous pastoral duties. In 1715 the war with the
Yamassee Indians broke out so suddenly that many of his people were
massacred by the savages, and Mr. Guy narrowly escaped with his
life, taking refuge in an English ship, providentially lying in the river.
After this unhappy interruption in his labors he was sent by the so-
ciety to Narragausett, Rhode Island. He reached his new home, at
Kingston, in 1717, visiting and officiating in the neighboring towns of
Tiverton, Little Compton, and elsewhere, as well as in the place of his
residence. His labors were most assiduous and were very acceptable
to his numerous congregations ; but, finding his health aflccted b}' the
climate, he was ordered, at his own request, to his old home at the
South, in 1719. Here he became incunil)ent of St. Andrew's Church,
thirteen miles from Charleston, in which position he continued until his
death, in 1751. He was not only diligent in caring for the people of
his immediate cure, but extended his ministrations on every side,
preaching and administering the sacrament to those at a distance from the
parish church, and making the provision of a chape 1-of-ease a necessity.
' The Rev. William Guy, of South Caroliiu, 1712-1751.
LEADING MISSIONARIES AT THE NORTH AND SOUTH. 311
The same results attended liis ialM)rs in his own charge. From the in-
crease of his congregation, the parisii ciunvli was found, in 1722, too
small for the people wiio thronged to attend service, and, in 1723, it
was enlarged by the addition of transepts, completingitin theforniof a
cross. The numhcrof communicants largely increased und(>r the efficient
labors of this devoted clergyman. The iH'ople, notwithstanding the cost
of their church, wiiich was estimated at £3,500 currency, sul)scribed
largely towards the settlement of Georgia, and for the relief of the
sufferers at the great fire in Charleston, in 1740. An endowment fund
in 1744 amounted to nearly £1 ,200 currency. Thus al)undant in labors
and successes the ministry of this amiable and excellent man continued
until his decease. He left lichind him a grateful memory of faithful-
ness unto death.
In the year 1704 the Kev. James Honyman' was appointed, by
the society, missionary at Trinity Church, Newport, Rhode Island,
^vhere he discharged
the duties of his mis- ^ ^--- j. t,^ t^
sion with devotion and ^LZWlM m^wU^^^
success for forty-five / f
years. Besides the ^ I
care of his immediate
cure he made frequent missionary visits to the neighboring towns on the
mainland, until, in the growth of the congregations to whicii he had minis-
tered, another minister was required for their use. In 1 709, addressing
the seci-etary of the society, he writes : "You can neither well believe,
nor I express, what excellent services to the cause of religion a Bishop
would do in these parts," adding the exiircssion of his belief that if
one were sent "these infant settlements would become beautiful nur-
series, which now seem to languish for want of a father to oversee and
bless them." In 1714 he presented to Governor Nicholson a memo-
rial on the religious condition of Rhode Island. The people, he states,
were divided among Quakers, Anal)a})tists, Independents, Gortonians,
and Infidels, with a remnant of true churchmen. In 1723 it was his
painful duty for a period of nearly two months to minister to a great
number of pirates who were brought into Newport, and there suffered
the penalty of the law. In 1728 Mr. Ilonyman and the Rev. James
McSparran, of Narragansett, united in memorial in which, after com-
plaining of the "frowns and discouragements to whicli they Avere sub-
jected by the government," made the assertion that there was only
"one baptized Christian in their whole legislature." Two years pre-
vious, in the year 172(5, Mr. Ilonyman had preached a sermon in the
King's Chajiel, in Boston, before a convention of. the clergy of New
England, which was published anonymously in 1733. '^ This discourse
is written in a moderate tone, quite in contrast Avith the bitter sarcasm
and violent vituperation of the pamphlet publications of that contro-
versial period. Few allusions to matters other than those directly
refeiTing to the sacred functions of those addressed ai-e found in this
sermon. In fact, the chief allusion to the questions then in dispute
' The Rev. James Honyman, of Rliodc ' Vide Notices of this discourse in Hist.
Island, 1704-1730. Ma-., II., pp. 338, 3S6.
md^a/ ffoM^
312 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
between the clergy of the Church and the dissenters is a half-ironical
disclaimer of the preacher, in his own and his lirethrcn's liehalf, of the
desire manifested a few years earlier by tlie congregationalist ministers
of Massachusetts for a "Synod," which was frustrated througii the efforts
of the celeln-ated John Checivlcy and the Rev. Dr. Tinioth}' Cutler.
The convention towijich this discourse was addressed, nuist iiave been
comprised of the major part or possibly of all of the few clergymen
of the Church in Xew England. These wei'e the Rev. Samuel Sljles,
rector of the chapel, and the Rev.
Henry Harris, his assistant ; the
Rev. Dr. Cutler, of Christ Churcli,
Boston ; the Rev. Matthias Plant,
of Newbury ; the Rev. George
Pigot, who had just succeeded the Rev. George INIossom at Marblehead ;
the Rev. John Usher, of Bi'istol ; and the Rev. Ebenezer Miller, of
Braintree.
The celebrated George Whitefield, in his early journals, thus
notices his intercourse with this excellent missionary : —
Sunday — September 14, In the Evening, with him [!Mr. C — p (Clap)
an aged Dissenting Minister] I waited on Mr H n, the JNlinister of the Church
oi England, and desired tlie use of his Pulpit. At first he seemed a litth' unwilling,
being desirous to know " what extraordinary call I had to preach on W eek Days."
which he said was disorderly? I answered, " .S7. Paul exhorted Timothi/ to be
instant in season — and out of season! That, if the orders of the Church were
rightly complied with, our Ministers should read ]iublic Prayers twici; every day,
and then it would not be disorderly, at such time to give them a sermon. As to
any extraordinary call, I claimed none otherwise than the Ajiostle's Injunction, as
we have ojyportuidtii let us do good unto all Mcn.^'' He still held out, and did not
give any i)ositive Answer, but, at last, after he had withdrawn and consulted with
the Gentlemen, he said, " If my preaching would promote the (ilory of (Jod, and
good of Souls, I was welcome to his Church, as often as I would, during my stay
in Town." We then agreed to make use of it at ten in the morning, and three in
the Afternoon Mondaij Seplember 1.'> — At 10 in the morning, aiid ." in the
Afternoon, according to ap]iointment, I read jirayers and preached in the ( 'hurch !
'Tis very commodious, and I believe will contain 3000 People. It was more tlian
filled in the afternoon. — Persons of all Denominations attended. God assisted me
much, etc. Tuesday (misprinted Friday) September 10, ^enabled to read prayers
and preach with much Flame, clearness and power to still greater Auditories than
Yesterday. It being Assemblj' Time, the gentlemen adjourned in order to attend
the Service Before I i-etired to bed, I went to take my leave of IMrll n, and
had some close talk with him about the New Birth. The Lord give him an ex-
perimental knowledge of it. He was very civil, and would have had me stay with
him longer ; but being to go a journey on the morrow, after we had conversed near
half an hour, I took my leave. ' pp. 18, 19, 20, 21.'
In 1732 Mr. Honyman memorialized the society for a small
increase of his stipend. In his application he states tliat, —
Between New York and Boston, a distance of 300 miles, and wherever there
are any missions, there is not a congregation, in the way of the Church of Eng-
land, that can pretend to compare with mine, or equal it in any respect ; nor does
my church consist of members tliat were of it when I came here, for 1 have buried
them all ; nor is there one person now alive that did then belong to it; so that our
present appearing is entirely owing to the blessing of God upon my endeavors to
serve him.
' A continuation of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield's Journal. The seventh joui-ual. London, 1741.
LEADING MISSIONARIES AT THE NORTH AND SOUTH. 813
Mr. Honymau died in 17 'A). His epitapli speaks of Liim as "of
venerable and ever worthy memory, for a fiiithful ministry of near
fifty years in tlie Episcopal Ciiurch in this town, M'hich, by divine
influence on his labors, has flourished and exceedingly increased. He
was of a respectable family in Scotland ; an excellent scholar, a
sound divine, and an accomplished gentleman ; a strong assertor of
the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England, and yet, with
the arms of charity, embraced all sincere followers of Christ. Happy
in his relative station in life, the duties of which he sustained and dis-
charged in a laudable and exemplary manner. Blessed with an excel-
lent and vigorous constitution, which he made sul^servient to the
various duties of a numerous parish, until a paralytic disorder inter-
rupted him in the pulpit, and in two years, without impairing his un-
derstanding, cut short the thread of life, on July 2, 1750."
The most prominent name among the list of the Rhode Island
clergy is that of James JMcSparran.' Educated at the University of
Glasgow, where he proceeded. Master of Arts, in 1709, he took
orders in 1720, being made a deacon by the Bishop of London, and
receiving the priesthood at the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury.
Appointed "to ofEciate, as opportunity shall ofler, at Bristol, Free-
town, Swansea, and Little Compton," he reached his mission in 1721,
and at the expiration of three years' labor was able to report that "all
the church people, }oung and old," were not less in number than three
hundred. Faithful in his labors he carried the ministrations of the
Church intotheneighboringcolony of Connecticut, rendering no littleaid
in the buildhig of the church at New London, and beino- instrumental
m the conversion to the Church of its first missionaiy, the Eev. Samuel
Seabury, the father of the first Bishop of Connecticut. In 1731 the
University of Oxford conferred upon him the degree of Doctor in
Divinity. Dr. McSparran published several sermons, one of which,
on " The Sacred Dignity of the Christian Priesthood," occasioned,
through a misconception of its purpose, a spirited controversy. A
more ambitious work of his was entitled, " America Dissected, being
a full and true account of all the American Colonies, showing the in-
temperance of the climates, excessive heat and cold, and sudden vio-
lent changes of weather; terrible and murderous thunder and lighten-
ing ; bad and unwholesome air, destructive to human bodies ; badness
of money; danger from enemies; but, above all, to the souls of the
poor people that remove thither, from the multifarious and pestilent
heresies that prevail in those parts. In several Letters from a llev-
erend Divine of the Church of England, Missionary to America, and
Doctor of Divinity; Pul)lished as a caution to unsteady people who
may be tempted to leave their native country." It is but just to tiie
author to say that this remarkable title is supposed to have been the
invention of the Dublin publisher, and to have been prefixed to the
work without the writer's knowledge or consent. In the autumn of
1754 the doctor and his wife visited England, where Mrs. jNIcSparrau
fell a victim to the small-pox. This bereavement seriously afl'ccted
iThe Rev. James McSpairan, D.D., of Rhode Island, 1720-1757.
314 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
the health of the doctor, who, on his return, soon followed his wife to
the grave. He died at South Kingston on the first of December,
1757, having been the minister of the parish of St. Paul's, Narragan-
sett, for thirty-seven years. Updike, the historian of the Narragan-
sett church, pronounces him to have been " the most able divine that
was sent over to this country l)y the Society for the Propagation of
the Gospel in Foreign Parts." Certainly his manly devotion to the
work of his ministry, his learning, candor, and untiring zeal deserved
the honorable recognition he has received at the hands of the accom-
Dlished annalist who, in writing the history of the church to which
McSparran ministered, made as the text of his work the records and
journal of the faithful mission-priest.
A ministry of upwards of half a century spent in a single parish
offers but few matters for public record, but the name and memory of
Rev. John Usher, ^ of St. Michael's Church, Bristol, Rhode Island, de-
serves, at least, a passing notice. A graduate of Harvard College in
1719, the descendant of an ancient and honorable New England family,
and ordained in 1722, Mr. Usher was at once appointed to Bristol,
where a parish had been organized but three years before, and was then
vacant Ity the removal of the first minister, the Rev. James Drew, to
New York. Coixlially received and entering upon his work with alac-
rity and zeal, the story of hrs long incumbency reveals no striking
results, but simply the steady growth of a congregation faithfully min-
istered to, until he died on the 30th of April, 177.5, at the age of eighty-
six, having continued the exercise of his office, "though aged, lame, and
infirm," to the very last.
The son of this worthy missionary, whose baptism was the first
recorded by his father on his entrance upon duty, was graduated at
Harvard College, in 1743. Though a practitioner of the law, after the
death of his honored father, Mr. John Usher assembled the scattered
members of the congregation on each successive Easter ^londa}^ and
went formally through the prescribed duties of the day ; thus keeping
up the organization to which his father had so patiently ministered.
At the close of the Avar he gathered a congregation in the old court-
house, where he officiated as lay-reader until the erection of a chui'ch,
and, in fact, until he received, at the age of seventy-one, holy orders,
at the hands of Bishop Seabury, and was continued in charge of the
parish which he retained till the year 1800. He died in July, 1804, in
the eighty-second year of his age, leaving behind him the memory of
sterling worth, indomitable devotion to the Church, and personal piety.
He was doubtless one of the oldest candidates for oi'ders who ever re-
ceived the apostolic commission.
Among the students of Yale, at the time of the declaration for the
Church by Rector Cutler and his associates, was Henry Caner,^ a native
of Connecticut, and a graduate of the college in 1724. In the follow-
ing year he l)egan to read prayers at Fairfield, and, on obtaining orders,
he was appointed missionary of the venera1)le society to this town,
where, as well as at Norwalk, his services were received with every
'The Rev. John Uslier, A.M., of Rhode =The Rev. Hemy Cancr, D.D., of Massa-
Island, 1722-1778. chusetts, 1727-17S3.
LEADING MISSIONARIES AT THE NORTH AND SOUTH. 315
token of satisfaction and wore rewarded by abundant evidences of
success.
On the 27tli of November the Eev. Ilogcr Price, Commissary of
the Bishop of London in New England, and the incumbent of King's
Ciiapel, in Boston, announced his purpose of resigning his cure and
returning to England. The parisliioners of the chapel thereupon took
the novel step of choosing a committee to recommend, not to the Bishop
of London, but to the congregation, a suitable person to fill the vacant
rectorship, and the choice fell on the missionary at Fairfield. Inducted
to the rectorship of the leading church in New England Mr. Caner
entered upon his work with every promise of success. He was a popular
preacher and a man of exemplary life, possessing fine intellectual en-
dowments, coupled with unusual business talents, and enjo^ying, in an
eminent degree, the atiection and regard of his church and the community
at large. It was under his successful rectorate that the rebuilding of the
chapel was accomplished, and throughout his ministry in Boston the
Church gained steadily in numbers and reputation. In 1766 Mr.
Caner received the Doctorate from the University of Oxford. In the
faithful and laborious discharge of the duties of his important position,
he continued steadfast until, after some months of "difficulty and dis-
tress," he was forced to leave Boston on the evacuation of the town by
the British, in March, 1776, and remove to Halifax. He "had but
six or seven hours allowed to prepare for this measure," and was
wholly unable to save his books, furniture, or any part of his fortune.
He spent his last years in London, dying at the close of the year 1792,
and at the age of ninety-two. His published discourses display learn-
ing and good taste. Though not a stipendiary of the society during
his thirty years' residence in Boston, he was its confidential adviser and
correspondent. Few of the clergy filled a more important position in
the Church of America, or could have filled it to better purpose for the
Church.
The Rev. Arthur Browne ' was born at Drogheda, in Ireland, in
the year 1699, and educated at Trinity College, Dulilin, where, in 1729,
he received the degree of Master of Arts. Ordained by Dr. Gibson,
Bishop of London, in 1729, he was first sent to Providence, where he
ministered for nearly six years at the King's Chapel, now St. John's.
Here his talents, learning, and devotion were fully appreciated. His
congregation and communicants increased, but an urgent and unani-
mous invitation to the church established but a few years l)efore at
Portsmouth was the occasion of his removal, and in his new field of
labor he remained for thirty-seven years, beloved, revered, and ad-
mired by all who knew him or came within the reach of his influence.
He was an accurate scholar, a keen controversialist, a profound thinker,
and an al)lc and excellent preacher. An incident of his long and com-
paratively uneventful career has been told in charming verse among
the " Tales of a Wayside Inn ; " and man}', who else would never have
even heard of this worthy priest and missionary, will recall, in "the
Poet's Tale" of Lady Wentworth, the mention among the guests at
the birthday feast in the " Great House," of, —
'The Rev. Arthur Browne, A.JI., of Rhode Island and New Hampshire, 1729-177.3.
316 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
" One in bands and gown,
The rector there, the Rev. Arthur Browne,
Of the established church; with sniiUng face
He sat beside the Governor and said grace."
After a long life, in which ho displayed a uuiver.5al benevo-
lence, an unltounded ho.spitality, and an unquestioned piety, he died on
the 20th of June, 1773, at Cambridge, Massachusetts, while on a visit
to his daughter, the wife of the Eev. Wiuwood Serjeant. He was in
his seventy-fourth year, and in the forty-fourth year of his ministry.
His remains were brought to Portsmouth, and interred in the ^Yent-
worth toml) in the graveyard of old St. John's. A son of this noted
clergyman was the liev. JMarmaduke Browne, who, after a ministry
spent in New Hampshire and Rhode Island, died before his venerable
parent.
Among those who " left all " to serve the cause of the Church in
America, the name of the Ivcv. Thomas Cradock.* of Maryland, must
not be forgotten. Born in Bedfordshire, England, in 1718, and edu-
cated at Cambridge, the young Cradock, and his 3'oungcr l)rother John,
who afterwards became hrst Bishop of Kilmore, and then Archbishop
of Dul:)lin, grew up and entered u\xm their life careers under the pat-
ronajxe of the Uuke of Bedford. Through the influence of his noble
patron with Lord Baltimore, the proprietary of the province, a living in
Maryland was procured for the intending immigrant ; and in October,
1742, the probable year of his arrival, an act of the Assembly was
passed for the erection of a chapel-of-easo in the north-western part of
St. Paul's parish, providing that on the death of the incumbent of St.
Paul's, the Rev. Benedict Bourdillon, the parish of "Baltimore Town"
should be divided, and the chapel by the name of St. Thomas's, set off
as an independent parish. On the death of the rector of St. Paul's, as
had been provided, the Rev. Mr. Cradock was formally inducted to
the new cure. It was then a frontier post. The church, built of brick,
was placed on a hill, and still stands as it has done for nearly a century
and a half, amidst old oaks and chestnuts, gracing the highest emi-
nence for miles around. In the course of a long and faithful ministrj^
Mr. Cradock pul^lished several sermons, which are still extant. In
1753 he published a "Version of the Psalms," translated from the
Hebrew into heroic verse. This work was issued by subscription, and
the number, position, and character of the subscribers indicate the
high estimation in which the versifier was held. In 17G3 Mr. Cradock
was rendered helpless by an attack of paralysis, l)ut, as his speech and
mental powers were unimpaired, he still continued to officiate, being
carried to church and placed in his accustomed seat. A few j'ears
later the loss of a son, who had been devoted to the ministry, and had
shown unusual fitness of mind and heart for this holy office, brought
sorrow to the infirm and enfeebled father, who, in the following year,
on the 7th of May, 1770, at the age of fifty-two, entered into rest.
He was a sincere Christian, a polished scholar, an eloquent and persua-
sive preacher, and a faithful priest.
'The Rev. Thomas Cradock, A.M., of Maryland, 1742-1770.
LEADING MISSIONARIES AT THE NORTH AND SOUTH. 317
The Rev. Thomiis Bacon,' of ^luryland, ii native of the Isle of
Man, was a pupil and protege of the pious and celebrated Bishop
Thomas Wilson, of Sodor and Man, by whom he was ordained
I)oth deacon and priest in 1744. He had l)een admitted to "the hii)-hcr
desree "" within a few months after being ordered deacon, '\vilii a view
to his going to the plantations ; and, having secured an appointment
as chaplain to Lord Baltimore, the proprietary of Maryland, he sailed
for the province, where
he arrived in the au-
tumn of 1745. Here
he was apjiointed to
the curacy of the jiarish
of O.xford, in Taibol
County, of which a
Huguenot, the Rev.
Samuel Maynadier, was incumbent. On the death of this good
old man, Mr. Bacon succeeded to the cure. So successful were his
ministrations, that, within the tirst year of his incumbency, it was
found necessary to eidarge the church. He remained here for two
years, and then removed to Dover, about twelve miles higher up the
countrjs near the head of tide-water. It was upon his entrance upon
this new lield of labor that he began the ^\'ork of hiboring for the
good of the negro slaves about him, which will ever keep his name
in honored rememlirance. He thus addressed his })eople : —
Upon being uppointLMl your minister, I liejjan seriously and carefully to exam-
ine into the statu of religion in tli(; parish. And I found a great many poor negro
slaves, belonging to C'hristian masters and mistresses, y(!t living in as profound ig-
norance of wliat Christianity really is a,s if they had remained in the midst of those
barbarious heathen comitrics from whence they and their parents had been first im-
ported. Being moved, therefore, with compassion, at seeing such numljers of poor
souls wandering in the mazes of sin and error, as sheep having no shepherd, — no
kind, tender-hearted Christian to set them right, — and considering them as a part
of the flock ^^■hil■h the Almighty Cod had placed under my care, I began seriously
to consider in what manner I could Ijest discharge my duty to them, and deliver my
own soul from the guilt of their blood, lest they should perish through my own
negligence.
His first attempts were by occasional conversations, mingling
"short familiar exhortations " with advice, when meeting them in his
own house, on the road, or wlien visiting them in sickness, or ofEciat-
ing for them at weddings or fimerals. He next determined to preach
to them. In carrying out this purpose he published in London two
sermons which he had preached, just as th(>y had ))een delivered, with
a view of inducing " his brethren to attemjit something in their respect-
ive parishes, towards tlie bringing Iionie so great a numl)er of wander-
ing souls to Christ." Before the close of tlic third year of his ministry,
a chapel was erected for the u.se of those Avho lived on the confines of
his parish. In 1749 he preached and jiublished "Four Sermons upon
the great and indispensalile duty of all Christian ^Masters and iMistresses
to bring up their slaves in the Knowledge and Fear of God." He had
'The Ecv. Thomas Bacon, A.M., of Maryland, 1745-1768.
318 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
found that ho required help in his philanthropic and most Christian
work, and he asked it where it was specially due. These sermons
found a wide circulation, and were productive of no little good. But
it was not only in behalf of the colored people of his cure that his in-
terests wore excited and his labors rendered. He sought the improve-
ment and education of the poorer members of his parish, 1)3^ the
founding of a charity and working school. A sermon, preached and
pul)lishcd with a view of enlisting the support and sj^mpathy of the
public, procured for his scheme the patronage of Loi-d and Lady Bal-
timore, and his old friend and patron, the saintly Bishop cf Sodor and
Man. A brick building was erected, and in 1755 a master emjjloyed,
and the school removed to its new quarters. The school went on suc-
cessfully. The building is still standing, a monument of the philan-
thropy and Christian charity of its founder.
Questions had arisen as to the rights of the clergy in the province,
and Bacon, who was still the chaplain of the proprietary, coditiod the
legislation of the colony, and placed within the reach of clergy and
laity alike, in a folio of a thousand pages, an accurate transcript of the
body of existing laws. He was soon after, in 1757, appointed to the
best living in the province. All Saints, Frederick County. But the
labors he had undergone had impaired his health. lie lingered but
three years after the completion of the " Laws of Maryland," and died,
universally lamented, on the 24th of May, 17G8.
Few names are more deservedly held in high esteem in the Church
than that of Jci'emiah Leaming.^ Born in Connecticut, in the year 1717,
he was graduated at Yale in 1745, and shortly afterwards conformed to
the Church. In 1747 he received holy orders, with an appointment as
school-master, catechist, and assistant minister at Trinity Church, New-
port, Ehode Island. After a residence of eight years at Newport, dur-
ing a portion of which time he had solo charge of the parish, which
had been rendered vacant by the death of the Rev. James Honyman,
rector, Mr. Leaming removed to Norwalk, Connecticut, where he con-
tinued in charge for twenty-one years. At the close of this long rec-
torate he was for eight years a minister of the adjacent town of Strat-
ford. During the war for independence i\Ir. Leaming sufl'ered in pei'son
and property. In July, 1779, his church and home were destroyed
by the British troops under the command of General Tryon. In this
generalruin hisfurniture, books, papers, clothing, — in short, everything
he possessed, — were totally destroyed. Ho estimates his " loss on that
fatal day was not less than twelve or thirteen hundred pounds sterling."'^
Suffering thus from the ravages of the Tories, he was also a victim to
the fury of the patriotic party, who put him in confinement as a loy-
alist and subjected him to such hai'dships that he became in consequence
a cripple for life. He was universally respected for his faithful dis-
charge of the priestly duty, for his sound learning, and for his martyr-
like devotion to his principles. He pulilished several controversial
tracts, one in "Defence of the Episcopal Government of the Church
in nfJfi," and "A Second Defence of the Episcopal Government of the
' The UcT. Jeromiali Lcamin?, D.D., Rhode - Hawks and Perry's " Conn. Church Docu-
Island and Connecticut, 1747-1804. ments," II., p. 203.
LEADING MISSIONARIES AT THE NORTH AND SOUTH. 319
Clmrcb, in answer to Noah Welles," in 1770, and a treatise on the
"Evidences of the Truth of Christianity," in 1785. A convention
sermon before the Connecticut clergy assemliled at JMiddletown, in
1785, was also published, and a thin volume of "Dissertations on Va-
rious Subjects," in 1789. These writings display unusual ability and
no little intellectual grasp and strength. lie was, in the language of
his epitaph, "respected, revered, and beloved in life and lamented in
death."
At the meeting of the ten clergymen of Connecticut, at Woodbury,
on Lady-day, 1783, the name of Learning was suggested for the epis-
copate, and the choice of the clergy lay between the active and ener-
getic Seabury and this amialile, excellent, but enfeebled man. Pains
have been taken to prove that the preference of the electors, if such
they can be called, was for Leaming. Li the absence of any records
of this important meeting we cannot but believe that while the full
reverence and appreciation of his Ijrcthrcn were then as ever accorded
to the brave and devoted Leaming, the clergy of Connecticut could
not have been ignorant of the greater aliilities, the wider reputation, the
sounder health, and the fewer years of him who was, by their choice,
the first Bishop of Connecticut. That the office was tendered to
Leaming wo have no reason to doubt, but that it was so offered only
in the event of Seabury's disinclination or refusal to accept the post
we are confident. In fact, it was evidently a matter of conference be-
tween brethren, who should sacrifice himself for the church's weal,
and, in accepting the appointment at the time, and under the circum-
stances he did, Seabury showed a daring of danger and displayed a
spirit of self-forgetfulness worthy of all praise.
Another worthy of the Connecticut Church, whose praise was in
all the chui'ches, was the Rev. Richard Mansfield,' who was born in
New Haven, in the year 1724, and was graduated at Yale in 1741. In
the course of his post-graduate studies and reading he became a con-
vert to tlio Church, and, after a few years spent in teaching, ho was
ordained in 1748, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the following
year entered upon his ministry at Derby. For several years he had
charge of West Haven, Waterl)ury, and Northl)ury, in connection with
Derby, but about the year 1755 he relinquished the care of these con-
gregations, confining his services to the churches of Oxford and Derby.
Of the Derby parish he was rector for the well-nigh unprecedented
term of seventy-two years.
During the war Mr. Mansfield was a decided loyalist. In De-
cember, 1775, he writes as follows : —
After having resided and constantly pcrfoi-mcd paroeliial duties in my mis-
sion, full twenty-seven years, without intermission, I have at last been forced to fly
fi-om my chm'ches, and from my family and home, in order to escape outi'age and
violence, imi)nsonment and death, unjustly metlitated of late and designed against
me, and have found a temporary asylum in the loyal town of Hempstead, pretty
secure, I believe, at present, from the power of those violent and infatuated people
who persecute me in paiticular, and disturb the peace of the whole British Empire.
As soon as these sparks of civil dissension appeared, which have since been bla\vn
' The Rev. RichM-d Mansfield, D.D., of Connecticut. 17-18-1820.
320 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
up into a devouring flame, I did (as I thought it my duty) inculcate upon my par-
ishioners, both from the pulpit and iu private conversation, the duty of peaceable-
ness and quiet submission to the King and to the parent State ; and I am well assured
that the clerg)% in general, of tlie Church in the colony of Connecticut, with most
of whom I have the pleasure of a particular acquaintance and friendsliip, did the
same. That my endeavors and influence have had some eflcct, appears from hence,
that out of KjO families whicli attended dirine service in our two churches, it is well
known that 110 of them are firm steadfast friends of the government ; that they detest
and abhor the present unnatural rebellion, and all those measures that have led to
it, . . . the worthy Mr. Scovil and the venerable Mr. Beach have had still better
success ; scarce a single person is to be found in any of their several congi-egations
but what hath persevered steadfastly iu their duty and loyalty ; and there are but
few instances to be found in the Colony of persons who are proiessorsof the Church,
who are not entitled to the same character.'
Having communicated with Governor Tryon respecting the num-
ber and sentiment of the Tories in the western part of Connecticut, Mr.
Mansfield was " forced to flee from home," leaving his wife and nine
children " overwhelmed with grief, and bathed in tears, and but very
slenderly provided with the means of support." ^ But his absence
was only for a time, and even the rigor of partisan and political perse-
cution was relaxed not a little in favor of so good a man. At the close
of the war Mr. Mansfield resumed the charge of his people, but after a
few years he was able to officiate only in part, as an afl'ection of the voice
prevented his preaching. For nearly twenty years before his death
he was thus silenced, but his pastoral labors were not remitted, and
his influence for good was in no sense diminished. In 1792 he received
the Doctorate from his Alma Mater ; and in April, 1820, he entered
into rest.
The first Bishop of IMassachusetts * was born at Dorchester in
1726. He was graduated at Harvard College in 1744. After leaving
college he spent several years in teaching and in theological studies,
and, after becoming a licentiate among the congregationalists, he con-
formed to the Church, and was admitted to holy orders, by Dr. Sher-
lock, Bishop of London, on the 24th of May, 1752. He was appointed
by the society to assist the Rev. Matthias Plant, at St. Paul's, New-
bury, Massachusetts. On the death of Mr. Plant, which occurred
shortly after the coming of his assistant, Mr. Bass succeeded to the
vacant cure. From the time of his entrance upon his work at New-
bury until the breaking out of the war for independence little occurred
that was noteworthy iu the life or lal^ors of this faithful missionary.
The years of clerical service, in a quiet New England town, could not
fail of being comparatively uneventful. He was assiduous in his work,
successful in building up his church, and faithful in the discharge of all
the ofliccs of his sacred function. Cut with the first intimation of the
coming storm and strife his position was at once complicated by the
conflicting claims of duty and feeling. He appears to have been by no
means unfriendly to the popular cause, but ho could not in conscience,
at the first at least, omit the State prayers as was done by the rector of
Trinity, Boston, the excellent Parker. mIio succeeded him afterwards
us Bishop of Massachusetts. To pray for the king and royal family was
' Hawks and Pei-ry's " Conn. Church Docu- » The Et. Rev. Edward Bass, D.D., Bishop
mcnts," II., y.p. 198, 199. - JUd. of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, 1732-1303.
LEADING MISSIONARIES AT THE NOHTII AND SOUTH. 321
agi'ave offence in the c^'cs of the jjatriots, and eonsequcntly the officials
of the churcli congregation finally made their formal request that
these obnoxious portions of the praj'or-hook services should be omitted.
The missionary-priest yielded, l)ut with many misgivings, and the cor-
respondence between liim and tiie venerable society, which had sus-
pended him from its service directly on learning of his compliance
with the wish of the rebel sympathizers, is full of interest, and is not a
little amusing. 1
Loft without support by the action of the societ}^ it was only by
the aid of individual members of his congregation that he was able to
continue his ministrations. The parishes of the Church in New England
had been so long dependent upon the alms of the Church abroad that the
loss of the stipends, afforded so patiently and so abundantly ])y the so-
ciety, threatened for a time the utter extinction of the churches to
whose support they had contributed. At the close of the strife Mr.
Bass sought for the allowance of his arrearages, but in vain. Even a
published plea for redress was unheard, and the missionary at -Newbury
found himself forever dismissed- from the em])loyment of the society in
whose service he had labored for so many years.
In the measures for the reorganization of the Ciuu'ch in Massa-
chusetts, Mr. Bass took a prominent part, and, by the kind offices of
Mr. Parker, of Trinity, Boston, and for the purpose of bringing
together in amical)le union the churches of New England under Bishop
Seabury, and those of the Middle and Southern States under Bishops
White and Provoost, was elected to the Bishopric of Massachusetts in
1789. The union desired being efiected, the matter of Mr. Bass' con-
secration was sufiered to drop ; but, after a few years, it was again
brought forward, and, on the 7th of May, 1797, he was consecrated in
Philadelphia, Bishop of Massachusetts. New Hampshire subsequently
placed herself under his episcopal care,
and the signature of "Edward, Bp. Mass. >-j^ ^.^ ^
et New Ilamp." is still to be found at- '~p ij /th^ </u Cf, fs
tached to documents of the time. Dr. Bass
had reached the age of seventy when he
received the Episcopate, and, as he continued in charge of his parish, he
was able to give but little time to the duties of his new office. But he
officiated at times, and as occasion required, in his episcopal capacity,
confirming and ordaining, and consecrating a single church, his own, at
Newburyport. He died suddenly on the 10th of September, 1803, in
the seventy-fourth year of his age.
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTE.
TT will lie understood that the foregoino; notices aro far from exhausting: the
worthies of tlie American Colonial Cluiich. Only those arc noticed wlio, from
their special worth or unusual work, arc deemed particularly ilescrving of mention,
and are not referred to at length in other connections.
' Vide these papers in the "Hist. Coll- Am. Col. Church," III.
CHAPTER XIX.
MISSIONARY LABORS AMONG THE MOHAWKS, AND OTHEIt
INDIAN TRIBES.
rthe year 1700 the Earl of Bellomont, Governor of New York, in
a memorial addressed to the Lords of Trade and Plantations,
urged, as a matter of state policy, the sending of some "mem-
bers of the Church of England to instruct the Five Nations of Indians,
and to prevent their being practised upon by French priests and Jesuits."
A representation on this subject having been submitted to Queen
Anne a plan was agi'ccd upon soon after, by authority of the queen
in council, and referred to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Teuison,
for the appointment of two clergymen to minister among the various
tribes of Indians known as the Five Nations. Recognizing the pecu-
liar requirements of soch a mission, and aware of the difEculty of pro-
curing missionaries familiar with the Indian dialects to undertake this
work, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, to whom the
matter was submitted by the archl)ishop, first invited Dellius, who
had for some years ministered to the Dutch settlers at Albany, and
Freeman, a Calviuistic minister of Schenectady, to enter upon this
mission. The familiarity with the language and mode of life of the
Indians which these ministers had acquired during a residence in their
immediate neighborhood, and the fact that Freeman had already trans-
lated portions of the Holy Scriptures in the Iroquois tongue, was
deemed of sufficient importance to warrant their selection, though
dissenters, for this important work. But, as they were unable to un-
dertake the duty assigned to them, the society intrusted the Indian work
to the Rev. Thoroughgood Moor, who arrived in New York in 1704,
and, after a welcome from the royal governor. Lord Cornljury, re-
paired directly to Albany. Here he occupied himself with the study
of the language, seizing at the same time every opportunity of gaining
the good-will and friendship of the savages who resorted to Albany
for trade and barter. As soon as the snow Ijegan to melt. Moor pro-
ceeded to "the Mohawks' Castle," whither he had been invited by one
of the sachems, or chiefs. But this earnest missionary found himself
thwarted in his eflPorts to gain permission of the Indians to reside
among them, as the consent of the other four nations was represented
as indispensable, and various excuses were offered from time to time
as this coveted permission was delayed. The influence of the French
was doubtless exerted to hinder the success of Moor's attempts to gain
a foothold among the savages ; but he was denied the privilege of put-
ting his devotion to the proof through the gross misconduct of the
royal governor of New York. After waiting for nearly a twelvemonth
MISSIONARY LABORS AMONG THE INDIANS. 323
in the vicinity of Albany, in the vain hope of ingratiating himself with
the Indians, whose conversion he was seeking to efi'ect, he returned to
New York, from whence he addressed the society with a statement of
the reasons which had induced him for a time to withdraw from
his work. An opportunity for clerical duty offering at Burling-
ton, in New Jcrsc}^ he entered upon work with a zeal and devotion
which soon excited the indignation of the proiiigate Cornl:)ury, the
grandson of the celebrated Earl of Clarendon, who was Governor of
New York and New Jersey. Lord Cornbury had, by his efforts in
promoting the success of the" glorious revolution " of 1688, estal)-
lished a claim for recognition at the hands of the monarch ho had aided
in securing the throne. But his acknowledged profligacy, his mean
abilities, and his ungovernable temper prevented any reward being
bestowed upon one who was a bankrupt in fortune and in reputation at
home, otlier than the charge of a distant province. Here the commis-
sion of a series of acts of gross misconduct caused his speedy removal
from his post, but not before his tyranny had been the cause of the
imi)risonmeut and flight, and consequent death, of the first missionary
of the venerable society to the Indians of New York. The governor
had interfered with Moor in the discharge of his duties, ordering him
to discontinue the practice of a fortnightly sacrament, which, he as-
serted, was too frequent. This unwarrantable dictation, for which
there was no legal ground, the faithful missionary was naturally un-
willing to obey ; and when to his disobedience in this respect he added
the boldness of reproving the representative of the crown for his
scandalous practice of arraying himself in female attire, and pub-
licly parading in this shameful guise along the ramparts of the fort,
the enraged and mean-spirited governor cast the clergyman into prison.
Moor soon afterwards found an opportunity to escape, and, embarking
for England, was never heard of again. Thus brief and disastrous
was the first eflbrt of the venerable society to bring the savages of the
Five Nations to civilization and Christianity.
During the administration of Lord Cornbury an opportunity had
occurred for est:iblishing friendly relations with the savages, which, if
judiciously followed up, would have furnished an excellent base for
missionary oi)erations. At a confoi-ence held by Cornbury in 1702
with five of the Indian sachems, at Albany, the Indians expressed the
hope that the Queen " would be a good mother and send them some to
teach them religion ; "' but it was long afterwards that Moor arrived on
the ground, and even then without the countenance of those in
authority, and, with the secret opposition of those who, for persoua4
or political reasons, preferred to keep the Indians in ignorance of the
reformed faith, or, in fact, of any Christian teaching at all, the feeble
and unsupported eflbi'ts that he was able to make proved fruitless, and
on his removal fi-om the field the promise of successful labor failed.
A few years afterward, through the eflbrts of Governor Nichol-
son, seconded by those of Colonel Schuyler, the confidence and
allegiance of the Indians were secured to the English government.
> Vide the Rev. John Talbot's vivid account of this conference in Hawkins's " Hist.
Notices," pp. 30, 31.
324 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Four of their sachems visited England to confirm the treaty of peace
which had been made by these people with the Governor of New
York, and to solicit from the queen a supply of ministers and teachers
to instruct them in the truths of Christianity. These representatives
of a powerful tiilje of savages were most coi'dially received. All
classes and conditions flocked to see them. They were presented to
the queen, to whom they tendered their gifts of wampum, and ad-
dressed a formal speech, in which they promised "a most hearty
welcome " to those sent over to instruct them. There is little doubt of
their insincerity in this request ; but the address, which had been
sulnuitted to the Archbishop of Canterbury by the queen's command,
for the consideration of the venci'aljle society, was followed by the
appointment of a missionary, the llev. William Andrews, who arrived
at Alliauy in 1712. Andrews was accompanied by a school-master
named Oliver, and by an interpreter, Claussen by name, who, during
a prolonged captivity among the Indians, had acquired great familiarity
with their language. By the queen's command a fort, with a chapel
and a residence for the minister, had been provided near the jNIohawks'
Castle, aljout two hundred miles from New York. Andrews, in
writing to the society, describes his reception in the following lan-
guage : "When we came near the town, we saw the Indians upon the
banks looking out for my coming. When I came ashore they received
me with abundance of joy ; every one shaking me by the hand, bid-
ding me welcome over and over." ^ At the first the missionary seemed
on the point of attaining a marked and most gratifj'ing success. The
savages thronged to hear the instructions which the missionary, by
the aid of the interpreter, was ready and glad to impart. Those of
the Indians who understood English were frequent attendants at the
chapel provided by the queen, and to which her majesty and the
Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Tenison, had given otBce-books and
the other ap])liances for a solemn and stately service. The JMohawks
sent their children, with apparent willingness, to the school which
had been opened by Oliver. But the fair promise of success was
soon succeeded by disappointment. Objections were made hy the
parents to the instruction of their children in English. The mission-
ary, undeterred by the difficulties of acquiring a rude and barbaric
dialect, I)egan at once the task. In this attempt he was greatly aided
by the kindness of Freeman, whom the Earl of Bellomont had en-
gaged to instruct the savages, and whose services the society had at
the first sought in vain to secm-e. Freeman had translated into the
Mohawk language the morning and evening prayer, together with the
gospel of St. Matthew, and some otiier portions of Holy Scripture.
These translations he freely communicated to the baffled and disap-
pointed Andrews, who was soon able to make use of them so as to be
understood by his Indian congregation. These translations, revised
and corrected by the missionary, were shortly afterwards printed at
New York, at the charge of the society, and wei'e distributed among
such of the Indians as cared to avail themselves of them.
' Hawkins's " Hist. Notices," p. 266.
MISSIONARY LABORS AMONG THE INDIANS. 325
This interesting volume, now among the rarest of our American
bibliographical curiosities, is worthy of especial notice. We print from
one of the two or three copies still extant — that in the possession of
the Library Company of Philadelphia — its title in full : —
The Morning and Evening Prayer, I tlie Litany | Church Catechism | Family
Pi-ayers | and | Several Chapters of the Old and New Testament, ) Translated into
the Mahaque [sic] Indian Language, | By Laivrence Claesse, Interpreter to Williain
I Andrews, IMissionary to tlie Indian.f, from the | Honourable and Reverend tlio
Society for the Propagation [sic] of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. |
Ask of me, and I mill give thee the Heathen for thine Inheritance \ and the
Utmost Parts of the Earth for tliij Possession, Psalm | 2 : 8. |
Printed by William Bradford in New York, 1715.
No I Orhoengene neoni Yogaraskhagh | Yondereanayendaghkwa, | ne | eno
Niyoh Raodeweyena, | Onoghsad oye-aglilige Yoiuladderighwanon- | doentha,
Si3'agonnoghsode Fnyondereauayendagh-] kwagge | l''otkade Kapitellhogough ne
Karighwadaghlvwe- | agh Agayea neoni Ase Testament, neoni Niyadegari- | wagge,
I ne I Kanninggahage Siniyewenoteag \ Tehoenwenadenyough Lawrance Claesse,
lloweuagaradatsk | William Andrews, Ilonwanna-ugh Ungwehoentvighne \ Rodi-
righhoeni Raddiyadanorough neoni Ahoenwadi- | gonuyosthagge Thoderighwa-
waaldiogt ne Wahooni ( Agarighhowanha Niyoh Raodeweyena Niyadegoghwhen-
j'lge I •
Fghtseraggwas Eghtjeeagh ne ongwehoouwe, neoni ne | siyodoghwhenjook-
tanniglihoehh etho ahadyeandough.
This rendering of the service in their own tongue enabled the
missionary to etlcct a marked improvement in the conduct of the
savages. A number were received to holy baptism, both men and
women ; and lilve results attended his labors among the Oneidas, whose
chief resort was about a hundred miles into the wilderness from the
Mohawks' Castle.
But the successes of these first years of labor were to be suc-
ceeded by bitter disappointments, trying the patience and wearying the
spirit of the missionary, and leading him to doubt whether any per-
manent good had been effected by his labors among them. Their
disregard of the rights of property ; their inhuman, savage nature
leading them to commit murder with impunity ; their drunkenness, and
their utter indiflerence to the restraints of morality or religion could
not be overcome. Although about three years after he arrived he was
able to report the attendance of a score of children at school, — won,
as he ingenuously confesses, by the promise and expectation of food, —
and although nearly forty had been received to the holy communion,
out of a congregation sometimes numbering one hundred and fifty, still
a little later he was forced to write of the Indians in general : —
Their lives are generally such as leave little or no room for hope of ever
making them any better than they are — heathens. Heathens they are, and heathens
they will still be. There are a few, and but a few, perhaps about fomteeu or fifteen,
whose lives are more regular than the rest.
Later he adds, " that, though he had been by the death-beds of
several among them, he did not remember to have seen any one of them
that he could think penitent." The savage soon tired of the restraints
of civilization and Christianity. As soon as the novelty had worn ofl', the
Indians would neither receive the ordinances of relisjion, nor sufier their
326 mSTORY OF THE AMERICA2f EPISCOPAL CHUKCH.
children to continue at school, and the missionary, in despair of success,
convinced that his efforts for the improvement of the Indians were in-
efl'ectual, begged the society to remove him to another field. The work
in which Moor had failed proved too hard for Andrews, and again the
hopes of the society were disappointed. Still there were those in their
service who were active and earnest in labors for this savage and
degraded race. The earnest incumbent of Rye, the Eev. George
Muirson, shortly before his death, in October, 1708, wrote to the
secretary : —
As to the Indians, the natives of the couuhy, they are a decaying people. We
have not now, in all this parish, twenty families, whereas not many yeai's ago
there were several hundreds. . . . I have taken some jjains to teach some of them,
but to no purpose, for they seem vemrdless of instruction. . . . They further say
they will not be Christians, nor do they see the necessity for so being, because we
do not live according to the precepts of our holy religion. In such ways do most
of the Indians that I have conversed witli, either here or elsewhere, express tliem-
selvcs. I am heartily sorry that we should give ihem such a bad example, and fill
their mouths with such objections to our blessed religion.
This was the experience and testimony of others than the worthy
INIuirson. But foremost among the laborers for the evangelization of
the savages was the Rev. Henry Barclay, appointed missionary and
catechist at Albany, with a view not only to the care of the English
settlers but also to the instruction and conversion of the Indians and
negro slaves. During the absence of Dellius, the minister of the Dutch
congregation, many of the members of his congregation attended the
services of the Church in the little chapel occupied by Barclay. Ac-
quainted as he was with the language, he preached to these sheep
without a shepherd in their own tongue, and a number of them,
attracted by the beauty of the services and the faithfulness of the
preacher, became intelligent and devoted members of the Church of
England. The influence of this faithful missionary was such that after
a residence of seven years he secured the erection of a handsome
church of stone by the voluntary offerings of the people. The people
of the neighboring towns contributed to this object.
At Schenectady, the remotest settlement of the English at that
time, every inhabitant, save one, who was in extreme poverty, gave
something for the purpose. They could hope to reap little personal
advantage from their generosity, for Schenectady was twenty miles
distant from Albany ; but they cherished a grateful recollection of the
services rendered them by the devoted missionary. From the very
first Barclay had shown deep interest in the spiritual welfare of the
aborigines. He had accompanied Andrews and his party on his fu'st
going to the JMohawks' Castle, and had witnessed those demonstrations
of welcome which, unfortunately, were to be followed by disappoint-
ment and failure. And ^vhen Andrews had retired from his post, Bar-
clay, by occasional visits and ministrations, sought to prevent the
utter loss to tlie Church of the seed that had been sown. But even
his efibrts, although pursued with exemplary patiCnce, and animated
by an earnest lovefor the souls of the savages, were long in producing
any results. Still he persevered, in the hope and prayer that the
MISSIONARY LABORS AMONG THE INDIANS. 327
Lord of the harvest would, in His owu good time, give the reward
for his toil. Among the negro slaves at Albany he was abundant in
labors, and not without a measure of success.
The successors of Barclay at Albany continued the labors which
Barclay had begun. The Kev. John INiiln, who was appointed to the
mission in 172'J, was in the haljit of meeting the Mohawks four times
each year, remaining five days with them on each periodical visit.
The commanding officer of the garrison wrote to the society in 1731,
that ]\lr. Miln had been indefatigable in his labors in instructing the
Indians in the principles of the Christian religion; and, in 1735, ho
was able to state, "that the Indians were very much civilized of late,
which he imputed to the industry and power of the Eev. John Miln ; that
he was very diligent in baptizing both children and adults ; and that the
numberof the communicants was daily increasing." Headds, that "many
of the Indians have become very orderly, and observe the Saljbath."
The same year, on the recommendation of the devoted Miln,
Henry Barclay, son of the former rector of Alljany, who had just been
graduated at Yale, was appointed Indian catechist at Fort Hunter, and
two years later, on the removal of Miln to New Jersey, Barclay, who
had given good proof of his zeal and ability, was summoned to Eng-
land to receive holy orders. On his return he was received with
expressions of hearty welcome by "both his congregations, but more
especially by the poor Indians, who, many of them, shed tears of joy."
For upwards of eight years Barclay continued his abundant labors to
the English and savages with marked success. Besides his services
on Sundays, he catechised and instructed the Indians in the evenings,
on which occasion thirty, forty, and sometimes fifty adults would be
in attendance. The value attached by the Indians to these services
was evident. The evidences of improvement in manners and morals
were mai'kcd and unmistakable. Intemperance, which had become
almost universal, was well-nigh rooted out. The Indians became inter-
ested and regular attendants upon divine service, and were attentive
listeners to instruction. In 1743 the missionary was able to report
that but two or three out of the whole tribe remained unbaptized, and
that, with the approval and consent of the governor, he had apjDointed
Indian school-masters at the two towns, " Cornelius, a sachem, at the
lower, and one Daniel, at the upper, who are both very diligent, and
teach the young JMohawks with surprising success."^
It was in the midst of these abundant tokens of success, and when,
from the missionary's long residence among the Indians and his inti-
mate knowledge of their habits and language, there seemed a readiness
for even gi'eater triumphs in the reduction of the whole tribe of Indians,
and many of their allies, to Christianity, that the French war broke
out, and the promising work of christianizing and civilizing the In-
dians was checked. It was of this interruption to his plans and labor
that Barclay then Avi'ote : —
About the middle of November, 17-15, the French Indians came to an open
rupture with us, and, with a party of French, fell upon a frontier settlement, wliicli
' S. P. G. Report, for 1743.
328 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOP^VI. CHUllCH.
they laid in ashes, and made most of the inhabitants, to the number of about a
hundred, prisoners; ever since which time they liave kept us in a continual alarm
by skulldng parties, who frequently murdered and earned ofT tlie poor inliabitants,
ti'eating them in tlie most inliuman and barbarous manner, by which means the
lately populous and llourisliing county of Albany is become a wilderness, and num-
bers of people who were possessed of good estates, are reduced to poverty.
The Mohawks preferred to hold themselves neutral during this
invasion, and, as the prospects of missionary labor among them were
clouded, it being impossible for the clergyman to continue his long
journeys from town to town when, at every step, exposed to the dan-
ger of death or the certainty of captivity, Barclay accepted an invita-
tion to the charge of Trinity, New York, rendered vacant at this time
by the death of the aged Vesey. Thus, for a time, the Indian mission
■work of the venerable society was brought to a summar}^ close.
Two years after Barclay's removal the Rev. John Ogil vie, a gradu-
ate of Yale, and " a young gentleman of an extraordinary good char-
acter," was appointed to the mission at Albany. For this appointment
he possessed a special qualification in his familiarity with the Dutch
language. At the outset he appears to have spent a winter with the
Indians, whom he found attentive to all the observances of religion,
although so long a time had elapsed without the presence of a mission-
ary. On his departure, however, there was a relapse into hal)its of
intemperance. lie urged upon the society the establishment of " hos-
telries" fitted for their reception, where they might be thoroughly
instructed in the Christian religion, and through this means in the
principles of the Christian faith. Patiently, and not without a measure
of success, did this worthy missionary pursue his labors among the
English and the Indians alike. A bright and promising boy, whose
education he had personally superintended till he could speak good
English, and had learned to " read in the Psalter," was removed from
his care, by the parents of the child, lest, as they expressed it, he
should learn to despise his own nation. In 1768 Mr. Ogilvie informed
the society that many of the INIohawks of both "castles" seemed to
possess a serious and habitual sense of religion. When at their homes
they regularly attended the serviccsof tlicChiu-ch, and were frequently
at the holy communion. Even Avhen absent on a hunting expedition
several of them came sixty miles to communicate on the Feast of the
Nativity. The number of Indian communicants was fifty. In his
report to the society, in 17a9, he reports the baptism of twcutj'-seven
Indian children in eighteen months. During an invasion of the Indians
from Canada, in 1758, the Mohawks continued loyal, though many of
their houses were burned and whole families were carried into captivity.
In Braddock's expedition many of the Mohawks were engaged, and at the
disastrous defeat of the English, twelve principal men of the tribe
fell in battle. Six of the twelve were faithful communicants of the
Church, and, while they were in the campaign, Abraham, their cate-
chist, who was also one of their sachems, regularly performed for them
the morning and evening service of the Church. We remember, with
deep interest, the midnight burial of the unfortunate Braddock, at
which the young Washington read the burial-service of the Church,
MISSIONARY LABOKS AMONG THE INDIANS. 329
heai'd then for the first time, on that spot now so populous. We may
also remember the matins and even-song of the Christian Indians,
under the leadership of their good old catechist, as doubtless the first
prayers of the Church hoard or uttered in Western Pennsylvania.
A letter from Ogilvie, early the following year, is full of historical
interest as recording the introduction of the services of the Church of
England at Niagara. It contrasts the zeal and devotion of the French,
in religions matters, with the apathy and indifference of the English,
in a most severe though truthful manner. It is dated February 1,
1760: —
I attended the royal American rugiment upon the expedition to Niagara ; and
indeed, there was no other chaplain upon that department though there were three
regular regiments, and the provincial regiment of New York. The Mohawks
were all upon this service, and almost all the Six Nations ; they amounted in the
whole to nine hundred and forty at the time of the siege. I officiated constantly to
tlie JMohawks and Oneidas, who regularly attended divine service. I g.ave them
exhortations suitable to the emergency, and I flatter myself my presence with them
contributed, in some measure, to keep up decency and order amongst them. The
Oneidas met us at the lake, near their castle, and as they were acquainted with my
coming, they brouglit ten children to receive baptism, and, young women, who had
been instructed in the principles of Christianity, came likewise to receive that holy
ordinance. I baptized them in the presence of a numerous crowd of spectators,
who all seemed pleased with the attention and serious behaviour of the Indians
upon that solemn occasion ; and indeed, bad as they are, I must do them the justice
to say, that, whenever they attend the offices of religion, it is with great appearance
of solemnity and decency.
During the campaign I have had an opportunity of conversing with men of
every one of the Six Nation confederacy, and of every nation I find some who have
been insti'ueted by the priests of Canada, and appear zealous Roman Catholics, ex-
tremely tenacious of the ceremonies and peculiarities of that church ; and, from
very good authority, I am informed that there is not a nation, bordering upon the
four great lakes, or the banks of the Ohio, the Mississippi, all the the way to Louisi-
ana, but what are supplied with priests and school-masters, and have very decent
places of worship, with eveiy splendid utensil of their religion. How ought we to
blush at our coldness and shameful indifference in the propagation of our most
excellent religion! The harvest truly is great, but the laborers are few. The
Lidians themselves are not wanting in making very pertinent reflections upon our
inattention to these points.
The possession of the important fortifications of Niagara is of tlie utmost con-
sequence to the English, as it gives us the happy opportunity of commencing and
cultivating a friendship with those nmnerous tribes of Indians who inhabit the bor-
ders of Lakes Erie, Huron, ]\Iichigan, and even Lake Superior; and the fur trade,
which is carried on by these tribes, which all centres at Niagara, is so very consid-
erable, that I am told, by veiy able judges, that the French look upon Canada of
very little importance without the possession of this important pass. It certainly
is so, and must appear obvious to .any one who understands the geography of this
countiy. It cuts off and renders their communication with their southern settle-
ments almost impracticable. In this fort there is a very handsome chapel ; .and the
priest, who was of the order of St. Francis, had a commission as the King's chap-
lain to this garrison. He had particular instructions to use the Indians who came
to trade, with great hospitality (for whicli he had a particular allowance), and to
instruct tliem m the principles of the faith. The service of the Church was per-
formed here with great ceremony and parade. I performed divine service in the
church every day during my stay there, but I am afraid it has never been used for
this purpose since, as there is no minister of the Gospel there. The neglect will
not give the Indian the most favorable impression of us.
In marked contrast with the aid and countenance afforded to the
priests and Jesuits in their missions was the lack of countenance and
330 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
utter indifl'erence to the Indian work displayed on the part of the
leading; men of the colony, of which Ogilvie had reason to complain.
Still the faithful missionary was not without some fruits of his ministry,
and we cannot but add from his graceful pen another letter telling of
missionary experience and results, which even the operations of war
did not intermit. Under date of August 9, 17()0, he writes as
follows : —
By this I beg leave to inform the Society, that 1 left Albany on the ■2ith of
June, in order to join the army, who were proceeding under General Amherst to
Oswego. I taiTied at Fort Hunter three days. I preached twice during that time,
and administered the sacrament of baptism to several white and Indian childi'en.
The Mohawks were preparing for the field, and told me tliey sliould overtake me
near the Oneida lake, at which place a considerable number of Indians joined us.
General Amlierst being at the Oneida lake on the preceding Sunday, went up as
far as the Onedia town. Upon his arrival there he found them at their worship,
and exjjressed a vast pleasure at the decency with which the service of our Chm-ch
was performed by a grave Indian sachem. They applied to the General to leave
directions to me to come to tlie Castle upon my arrival at the lake. Agi'eeably
to the General's directions, I went to the Oneida town the 18th day of July. I had
sent a Mohawk Lidian before so that, upon my coming into the town, I found a
large congi'egation met for Divine service which was performed with great solem-
nity. Six adults presented themselves to be examined for baptism who, all of
them, gave a very satisfactoi-y account of the Christian faith, and appeared to have
a serious sense of religion. I baptized them, and immediately after joined them
in marriage. They were three principal men, and their wives, who had lived many
years together, according to the Indian custom. I l3ai)tized fourteen children ; and,
in all, I joined nine couples in the holy bands of marriage. I was much pleased
with tliis day's solemnity ; it would have been a noble subject for the pen of one of
the Jesuits of Canada. I would to God we had labourers in this part of the ^dneyard,
to keep alive the spark that is kindled among some of these tribes, and spread the
glad tidings of the Gospel among the niunerous tribes, with whom we have now a
tree communication. Besides my duty in the aiTny, I attend the Indians, and give
them israyers, as often, on week days, as the public service of the camp will admit ;
and on Sunday, the General always gives public orders for Di\'iue sendee among
the Indians.
I hope soon to congratulate the venerable Society upon the entire conquest of
Canada; and I pray God that, by that means, there may be an effectual door opened
for the propagation of the blessed Gospel amongst the heathen.
The war was brought to a happy end by the victory of Wolfe
and the capture of Quebec. Ogilvie, on congratulating the society
upon so satisfactory a termination of the struggle, proceeded to state
that tln-oughout the campaign he had been particularly at pains to per-
form all the ofBces of religion among the Indians, "great numbers of
whom attended constantly, regularly, and decently.'' His communi-
cation closes with these words : —
I am imable to express the universal joy and triumph that prevail amongst
us at this period of public success. How remarkably has God in His providence
sustained the cause, and restored the honour of our counti-y, by the successes of
the past and the glorious conclusion of the year. The inhabitants of this northern
region of America are now happy in the quiet possession of their estates. "No
more leading into captivity ; " a captivity l)ig with danger and horror; "no more
comphxining in the streets.'" Jlay all these happy events conspire to bring about a
sjjcedy, safe, and honourable peace. May the peaceable kingdom of the Redeemer
universallj' prevail amongst mankind, and all the world know the only true God
and Jesus Christ whom He hath sent.
MISSIONARY LABOHS AMONG THE INDIANS. 331
Olio ;^loll(^ of " the Icudiiig men ol'tlu^ |)roviiice,"" of whose apathy
Ogilvie had complained, befriended the painstaiiing missionary, and
hot!) fa\'()r('(l and furthered his work. Tliis was tlie eeli^hrated Sir
William Johnson. Born in Ireland al)oiit the year 1714, he had eomo
Sni WILLIAM .JOHNSON.
out at. the age of twenty years, at the request of his uncle, Sir Peter
Warren, to take charge of the extensive territory in the Mohawk
country owned by his distinguished relative. From the moment of
his entrance upon his work he displayed a genuine interest in the
Indians, which ended only with his life. Though by no means a per-
fect character, and far from scrupulously observing the precepts of the
religion to the institutions of which he always gave a ready and liberal
support, ho was still most useful to the ministers of church and state
332 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
aniODg the natives of the forest, whom he inspired with jjrofound
respect, and in whose behalf he was untu-ing in his exertions and re-
sponsive to every call for aid. The intimate knowledge of the lan-
guage and habits of the red men, which he speedily acquired, added to
his natural gifts of eloquence and readiness in debate, gave him a con-
trol over the savage possessed bj^ no other Englishman, and enal^led him
to render to government no inconsiderable services. For his military
successes the king conferred on him the title of Baronet, and the
House of Commons voted him a grant of £5,000. In the expedition
against Niagara, of which we have spoken, and in the later invasion of
Canada, Johnson appeared at the head of nearly a thousand of the
Indian allies of Great Britain, and contriljuted in each case not a little
to the success with which 1)oth eiforts were crowned.
In the summer of 1762 Sir William Johnson communicated to
the Rev. Dr. Barclay his puiioose of issuing a new edition of the
Indian prayer-book, under the editorship of the rector of Trinity,
who had not lost his familiarity with the Indian tongue. Sir William
accordingly forwarded to the doctor a rendering of the singing psalms,
communion and baptismal offices, and some additional prayers for the
new edition, and " as the Square Figure rendered that somewhat in-
convenient," he requested that the work might be issued as " a hand-
some small octavo." An agreement was entered into with Wilham
Wcyman, of New York, to print an edition of iive hundred copies for
thirty shillings. New York currency, a sheet, exclusive of the cost of
paper. The work was not begun until the autumn of 1763, and ere
it was well under way, the illness and subsequent death of Dr. Bar-
clay delayed and finally put a stop to its progress. Finally, the super-
intendence of the printing was assigned to Mr. Ogilvie, but the death
of Weyman, after the completion of only nine sheets, again inter-
rupted the progress of the work. Hugh Gaine next undertook the
completion of the volume, reprinting the earlier signatures, and issu-
ing the work early in 1769, the tii'st bound copy being forwarded to
Sir William, on the 2d of February.' The title-page of the edition
is as follows : —
The Order | for Morning and Evening Prayer, | iind Administration of the |
Sacraments | and some other | Olfices of the Church | Together with | A Collection
of Prayers and some sentences of | the Holy Scriptures, necessary for KnowledTC |
and Practice | No | Yagavvagh Niyadevvighniserage Yonderaeiiayendagh- | kwa
Orghoongene ueoni Yogaraskha yoghse- | ragwewongh. Neoni Yagawagh Sakra-
I menthogoon, neoni oya Addercanai | yent ne Onoghsadogeaghtige | Oni | Ne
Walkeanissaghtongh Odd'j-age Addereanaiyent | neoni Sinij'OghtJiare ne Kaghya-
dogliseradogeaghti, I no Wahooni Ayagoderioandaragge neoni Ayon- I dadderi-
ghhoenie. Collected and translated into the Mohawk \ Language under the Direc-
tion of the late Rev. | Jlr. William Andrews, the late Rev. Dr. Henri/ | Barclay,
and the Rev. Mr. John Ogilvie : \ Formerly Missionaries fi'om the Venerable Society
I for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign | Parts, to the Mohan'k Indians.—
Printed in the year M.DCCJ.XIX, Octavo.^ Title 2 f. Contents 1 f. sys A.— Bb.
pp. 304.«
> Documentaiy Hist, of N. York, rv., pp. was I'cprintett nt Quebec in 1780 after the re-
321, 334, 340, 364, 384, 38S, 405. moval of the Indians to the British dominions.
2 In the N.Y. Hist. Soc. LilivaiT. This work
MISSIONARY LABORS AMONG THE INDIANS. 333
At the conclusion of the war, on the recommendation of Sir
William Johnson, the Rev. John Stuart, who has been styled by the
first Bishop of Toronto " the father of tlie Church in Upper Canada,"
was appointed by the society as missionary to the Mohawks. Stuart
arrived at Fort Hunter on the 2d of December, 1770, and was re-
ceived with great joy by the Indians. The number of inhabitants at
the fort was less than two hundred. On the Christmas day follow-
ing his arrival he officiated at Canaijohero, a village thirty miles dis-
tant, preaching and administering the holy communion to twenty
Indian converts. He described them as " attending divine service con-
stantly, and making the responses with the greatest regularity and
seeming devotion." " Indeed," he proceeds, " their whole deportment
is such as is but rarely seen in religious assemblies that have been
better instructed." By the advice and with the encouragement of Sir
William Johnson, Mr. Stuart secured the preparation of a jVIohawk
translation of the Gospel of St. Mark, with a compendious history of
the Bible, and an exposition of the church catechism. In this impor-
tant work the aid of the celebrated Joseph Brant was most valu-
able. In 1774 Stuart informed the society, with respect to those
people, that "their morals are much improved since my residence
among them." It was in that year that Sir William Johnson died, a
loss to the mission and to the Indians that could not be supplied.
The liev. Charles Inghs, afterward first Bishop of Nova Scotia, de-
voted no little time and labor in the service of the Mohawks in con-
nection with Stuart, finding, as long as the baronet survived, a sympa-
thizing adviser and a most efficient helper in all his efforts for the
Indians' good.
The opening scenes of the war for independence found the mission-
ary and his converts exposed to suspicion and danger, in view of their
steady loyalty to the crown. At the first the Indians combined to pro-
tect their beloved teacher and priest, and publicly declared that they
would defend him as long as he continued among them. But it was
not long before this means of safety was removed. The story is best
told in the missionary's own graphic words : —
At the commencement of the unhappy contest betwixt Great Britain and her
colonies, I acquainted the society of the firm i-eliance I had on the fidelity and
loyalty of my congregation, which has justified my opinion ; for the I'aitlif ul
Mohawks, rather than swerve from their allegiance, chose rather to abandon their
dwellings and property ; and accordingly went in a body to General Burgoyne, and
afterwards were obliged to take shelter in Canada. While they remained at Fort
Hunter 1 continued to officiate as usual, performing the public service entire, even
after the Declaration of Independence, notwithstanding by so doing I incurred the
penalty of high treason by the new laws. As soon as my protectors were fied I
was made a prisoner, and ordered to depart the province with ray family, witiiin
the space of four days or be put into close confinement, and this only upon sus-
picion that I was a loyal subject of the King of Great Britain. Upon this I was
admitted to "paroles" and confined to the limits of the town of Schenectady, in
which situation I have remained for upwards of three years. My house has been
frequently broken open by mobs, my property ]5lundered, and, indeed, every kind of
indignity offered. to my person by the lowest of the populace. At length my farm,
and the produce of it, was formally taken from me in May last, as forfeited to the
State ; and, as the last resource, I proposed to open a Latin school for the support
of my family. But this privilege was denied, on pretence that, as a prisoner ot
334 HISTOKY OF THK AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
war, I was not entitled to exercise any lucrative occupation in the State. I then
applied for permission to remove to Canada, which, alter much difficulty and ex-
pense, I obtained upon the following conditions : — to give bail in the smn of 400Z.
to send a rebel colonel in my room, or else return to Albany, and .surrender myself
a pi'isoner whenever required. In consequence of which 1 set out on my journey
from Schenectady on the I'Jth of September last, with my wife and three small
children; and, after suffering much fatigue and difUeulty, we arrived safe at St.
John's in Canada on the 9tli inst. ... I cannot omit to mention that my church
was plundered by the rebels, and the pulpit-cloth talven away from the pulpit; it
was afterwards employed as a tavern, and a barrel of rum placed in the reading-
desk. The succeeding year it was used for a stable, and now serves as a fort.
On the arrival of Stuart in Canada he proceeded directly to the
Mohawk village, where the refugees from Fort Hunter and its vicinity
had found a new home. Here the priest was ali'ectionately welcomed
by his Indian Hock, and here under more favoral)le auspices he renewed
his labors among them. Thus closed the patient and not wholly fruit-
less eflbrts of the venerable society for the Indians within the limits
of the United States.
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTE.
THE story of the church missions to the Indians fails to present the striking re-
sults attained by Eliot and the Puritan laborers in the same field; but, while the
successes attained by the latter have left no abiding trace behind, there are still
Christianized and civilized savages who are the fruits of the missions to the Indians
of New York. The Indian Bible of Eliot is a sealed book, but the translation of the
Raodenanayeni ne Royatier*
OOngwaniha ne Karonghyage tigTisideionj Wafagh-
*^ feanadogeaglirinc. Sayanertfera lewe, Tagferro
^ghnlawanea tfiniyought KarongliySgoiili, onl Ogh-
wentiiage. Kiyadewighniferage Takwanadaranoii'dagh-
iik nonwa; Neoni Tondakwarighwiyougliftouh tfinl-
jneKtoniTfiakwadaderighwiyouglifteani. Neonitoghfa
lackwagHanneghc Pewaddatcienageraghtonke, ne-
sane iadyadakwaghs ne Kondighferbheanfe j ikea Sa-
yanertfera ne na-ah, rieoni 116 Kaefhatlle, neoni ne
Onwefeagh'tak ne tfiniyeheawe neoni tfiniyeheawe.
Amm.
THE lord's prater, FROM THE ArOHAWK PRAYER-BOOK.
prayer-book, printed again and again in the last century, is of service still, and the
Indians of Canada are faithfrd acBierents of the Chm-ch which brought to their an-
cestors the gospel more than a century ago.
CHAPTER XX.
THE WESLEYS AND GEORGE WHITEFIELD, MISSIONARIES
OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA.
THE colonizatiou of Georgia received its impulse and won success
largely through the sympathy and support it obtained from the
clergy and the Church of the mother-land. " JVo7i sibi, sed aliis"
was the motto affixed to the common seal of the trustees of this noble
charity, which had for its object not only the protection of the southern
border of the Cart)linas against Spanish incursions from Florida, or
the inroads of the French on the Mississippi, but also the provision of an
asylum for the poor of England and the persecuted protestants of Ger-
many. In furthering these unscltish and laudable objects all classes and
conditions of men were united. James Oglethorpe, clarurn et venerabile
nomen, the leader in this scheme of colonization, had won renown, not
alone in military affairs, but as an advocate, in the House of Com-
mons and elsewhere, of the insolvent and imprisoned delators, many
of whom were at that time, through the operation of barl)arous laws,
pining and perishing for no other fault than that of poverty, in loath-
some and pestilential jails throughout England. Obtaining from the
king, George H., on the 9th of June, 1732, a charter for a settlement
upon the lands owned by the crown, and lying south of the Savannah
river, the philanthropic exertions of
" The generous band,
Who, touched with human woe, redressive searched
Into the horrors of the gloomy gaol," '
■^ere at once directed towards the successful accomplishment of their
plans to add to present relief permanent benefits, enabling the honest,
but unfortunate debtors, who were else at the mercy of their creditors,
to find in new homes, and under more genial skies, the opportunity for
self-support and for securing the reward for faithful labor. Liberty
of conscience was made a chartered right of the colonists, at the in-
stance and by the voluntary action of churchmen, who were largely in
the majority and had a controlling influence in the Board of Trustees ;
and, with a self-denial worth}^ of mention and remembrance, the trus-
tees were precluded "from receiving any grant of land in the province,
or any salary, fee, perquisite, or profit whatsoever, by or from the uu-
dertakin<r."^ In the language of the historian of the State : —
* Thomson's " Seasous," Winter. = Stevens's " Georjriii," i., P- 67.
33()
HISTOKV i)F THE AMEHTCAN EI'ISCDl'AL CIIUHrH.
Georgia was tlie lirst colony ever Inundcil by i-liarit_v. New Enorland luul
boon sottleil by Puritans, wliu lied tliitlier lor consc-ionoe' sake. — Now York, by a
c-oni])any of mori-liants and adventurers in seareli of gain. — Maryland, by Papists
retiring iVoni J'roteslant intoleranee. — Virginia, by anil)itions cavaliers. — Carolina,
by (he schcniing and visional^' Shaftesljury, and others, for jirivate aims and indi-
vidual aggrandizement ; but Georgia was ))lanted by the hand of benevolence, and
reared into being by the nurturings of a disinterested charity.'
And this act of lieneficence wa.s an act of faith and charity of tlio
Chnrcii of England.
Attracted ))y tlio lil)Pi-al propo.?als of the trustees, and the bright
prospects oijening l)efore tlieni in tlie New World. Deptford, selected
as the place of emharkation. and lying a few miles below London, was
GENEK.\L JAMES OGLETHORPE.
thronged with applicants, seeking a home in tln^ frecly-oftered i)aradise
across the .seas. Tiiirty-tive families were selected by the trustees, nmu-
bering in all al)out one hundred and twenty-five " sol>er, industrious
and moral persons." The churchly character of the coloni.sts is shown
in the solemn services and sacrament on the t\\cnty-third Simday after
Trinity, Nov. 12, 17o2, iit the parish church at JNlilton, on the banks
of the Thames, which they iittended in a boely. It was to them an
occasion of peculiar solemnity. Never again would they join in the
' Stevens's "Geovjj'ia," l.,p. GS.
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA. 337
common prayer and common praise of the mother-church on their
native soil. It was not an ago of sentiment, and the actors in the
scene were those who, in the life-struggle for bread, had long lost the
enthusiasm and enterprise of the earlier emigrants ; but to these " exiles
of penury," whose eyes no longer looked upon the w'orld from behind
the prison bars, and whose limbs, cramped and worn by irons in the
past, were now free forever, there must have come somewhat of hope
and happiness in the new life opening befoi'e them. In leaving home
they were not to leave behind them their Church and her sacred ordi-
nances. The Eev. Henry Ilerl^ert, D.D., accompanied them in their
voyage, influenced neither by fee or hope of reward; but giving,
as it proved, his life to them in the spirit of his Master, Christ.
Reaching the coast of America about the middle of January, 1733,
the colony landed at Beaufort on the 20th, while Oglethorpe proceeded
to the Savannah river to select a site for the first settlement. A bold,
pine-crowned Ijluif, near the mouth of the Savannah, attracted the
explorers, and was fixed upon as the home for the colony. Returning
to Beaufort on the 24th of January, the following Sunday, Sexa-
gcsima, was made a day of pj-aise and thanksgiving for the safe voyage
across the sea, and the bright presages of good luck attending their
landing on the shores of the New World. On this glad day the Rev.
Lewis Jones, of Beaufort, preached to the settlers, their chaplain, the
Rev. Dr. Herbert, preaching in the town.^ Leaving the ship, " The
Annie," in which they had crossed the ocean, at Port Royal, the colo-
nists eml)arked on a smaller craft, on Tuesday, the 30th of January,
and, detained by a storm, did not reach their destination until Thurs-
day the 1st of February (old style). ^ They had brought with them
bibles, prayer-books, psalters, catechisms, books of devotion, and a
library of religious works. The Rev. Samuel Wesley had, among the
earliest gifts to the colony, presented a chalice and patin of pewter for
" present use until silver ones could be had." The surplice had been
furnished, and the grave and reverend priest — the Rev. Dr. Herbert
— was there ; so that from the start the ordinances and oflices of
religion were used, and the new enterprise baptized in prayer. Dr.
Herbert remained with his flock but three months, dying on his return
voyage to England. The vacancy thus occasioned was tilled on appli-
cation to the venerable Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in
Foreign Parts by the appointment of the Rev. Samuel Quincy, A.jNI.^
A site had been selected for a church, and a glebe had been provided
for the minister. A silver chalice and patin wei-e sent out to supersede
the use of those presented by the father of John and Charles AVesley,
and every provision for the orderly and reverent administration
of the sacraments was carefully provided. Still this frontier post
was no sinecure, and Quincy, who arrived in May, 1733, and con-
tinued at his duty till October, 1735, found himself at length un-
1 Force's " Hist. Tracts," i., " Establishment Cli.,"iii., pp. 501-4. Hawkins's " Hist. Notices,"
of the Colony of Ga.," p. 9. n. 92. Stevens's " Hist, of Ga.," I., pp. 221, 321-2.
2 The 12th inst., new strle. Dalcho's " Ch. in S. C," pn. 107, 109, 16:3, 319,
'Ordained Deacon, Oct. 18, and Priest, Oct. 3G1. " Hist. Ma?.," L, pp. 184,248.249. Gard-
28, 1730, by Dr. -John Wau;;b, Bishop of Carlisle. ncr's"Add. on Hemy Price," pp. 108, 110, etc.
For notices of Mr. Quincy vide Audei-son's " Col.
338 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
able longer to brook the annoyances to which he was subjected by the
" insolent and tyrannical magistrate to whom the government of the
colony was committed." Finding ihat " Georgia, which was seemingly
intended to be the asjdum of the distressed, was liicely, unless things
greatly altered, to be itself a mere scene of distress," he sought and
obtained leave from the society to return to England in the summer
of 173G. That he had met with " hard usage" was the testimony of
the Rev. Commissary Garden, of South Carolina, in a letter addressed
to the Bishop of London,^ while the excellent Lewis Jones, of Beau-
fort, bore witness to the fact that "during his residence in Georgia"
he had " behaved there very commeudably both with respect to his
morals and the due discharge of his ministerial office."^
Prior to the return of Quincy overtures had been made to the
already celebrated John Wesley to undertake the Georgia mission.
His fother had died on the 15th of April, 1735, and the effort the son
had made, apparently at his father's instance,^ to secure the reversion
of the living for himself, had failed. At this juncture Dr. Burton,
pi'esident of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and one of the Georgia
trustees, commended the young enthusiast to Oglethorpe, as specially
qualified for the spiritual care of the colony. Urged by Oglethorpe
to undertake the work Wesley took counsel of his brother Samuel,
sought the advice of the celebrated William Law, and other friends,
and finally laid the proposition before his widowed mother. " Had
I twenty sons I should rejoice that they were all so employed, though
I should never see them more," was the answer of the heroic woman,
who cared for nothing so much as the glory of God and the good of
men. In September Wesley had decided to go. In a long letter, filled
with good advice. Dr. Burton urged him, on his arrival in Georgia,
to visit from house to house and preach everywhere. He tells him
that " some of the colonists are ignorant, and most of them are
disposed to licentiousness." He proceeds : " You will find abundant
room for the exercise of patience and prudence, as well as piety.
. . . You see the harvest truly is great. With regard to your
behaviour and manner of address, you will keep in mind the pattern
of St. Ptml, who became ' all things to all men that ho might gain
some.' In every case distinguish between what is essential and what is
merely circumstantial to Christianity ; between what is indispensable
and what is varialile ; between what is of divine and what is of human
authority. I mention this, because men arc apt to deceive themselves
in such cases ; and we see the traditions and ordinances of men fre-
quently insisted on, with more vigor than the commandments of God,
to which they are subordinate."* On Tuesday, John Wesley, with his
brother Charles, and Benjamin Ingham, of Queen's College, Oxford,
and Charles Delamotte, the son of a London merchant, embarked at
Gravescnd for Georgia. "Our end in leaving our native country
was not to avoid want (God having given us plenty of tem[)oral bless-
ings), nor to gain the dung or dross of riches or honour, but singly
'Georgia MS., under date of December 22, ' Tverman'a "l^ifc ami Times of the Rev.
1737. John Wesley," i., pp. 102-10-i.
! Geoi-»ia MS., under date of June 3, 1736. < Ibid., pp. 109, 1 10.
MISSIONAEIES OF THE CUUUCH IN GEORGIA. 339
this, to save our souls; to live wholly to the glory of God."' The
voyage began with a Sunday service and sacrament. At morning and
evening, prayers were said. The holy communion was celebrated on
e\ ery Sunday, and on Christmas besides. On the Gth of February, about
eight o'clock in the morning, this little band of mission-laborei's " first set
foot on American ground. It was a small, uninhabited island, over
against Tybee. jMr. Oglethorpe led us to a rising ground, where we
all kneeled down to give thanks. We then took boat for Savannah.
When the rest of the people were come on shore we called our little
flock together to prayers."^
Quincj'' was still at Savannah when Wesley arrived, and was oc-
cupying "the minister's house." A vacant room served as the place
of worship, and the ardent Wesley was not long in inaugurating a
system of churchly rule and observance, which recalls the early days
of Virginian colonization. On Quinquagesima Sundaj', March 7, 1736,
Wesley entered upon his ministry at Savannah, "preaching on the
epistle for the day, being the 13th of the first of Corinthians."* On
the first Sunday in Lent he administered the holy communion, giving
notice of his " design to do so, every Sunday and holyday, according
to the rules of our Church."^ There were eighteen communicants.
Incidentally we learn from his journal something of his Lenten aus-
terities. At one time he lived solely upon bread. During holy week
he instituted a " little society " among " the more serious " of " the little
flock in Savannah." Out of this he selected a smaller number "for a
more intimate union with each other," who met in the minister's house
every Sunday afternoon. On the second Sunday after Easter he
"began dividing the public prayers, according to the original appoint-
ment of the Church." Morning prayer began at five o'clock. The
communion oflice, with the sermon, was at eleven. The evening
prayer was said about three o'clocli. From this time the prayers were
in the coui-t-house, "a large and convenient place." Baptism by im-
mersion was now insisted upon. Ascension day was observed by a
celebration. The little society grew in numljers. Complaints were
made that his " sermons were satires upon particular persons," and that
the people could not "tell what religion he was of." His wish to go
to minister to the Indians was again and again refused. Savannah
could not be left without a minister. In the meantime Charles Wesley
had returned to Enaland. He had been assigned to Frederica, and
on the evening of his arrival gathered the few settlers together for
prayers in the open air. Oglethorpe was present, and this enthusiastic
young clci'g3'man records in his journal the appropriateness of the les-
son appointed for the occasion. The day after his arrival he insisted
upon the baptism, by immersion, of all the children who had not re-
ceived the sacrament, unless certified of their inability to endure it.
Four times each day the drum beat to prayers, and, although even the
well-disposed found this frequency of services unnecessary and annoy-
ing, the chaplain could not be induced to intermit his appointments.
Even Oglethorpe lost patience at the display of this ill-timed zeal,
■ "Wcsley'3 Journal, London, 1827, 1., p. 15. = Ihid., p. 21. » Ibid., p. 25. * Ibid., p. 2G.
340 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
and, after a series of potty misunderstandings and provocations,
Charles Wesley turned liis back upon the work and returned to Eng-
land, after a residence of but little more than four months. The woi'ds
found at the close of the second lesson for the day of his departure
from Savannah, "Arise, and let us go hence," are noted in his journal
as aptly marking the close of his stay in Georgia.
John Wesley sought to make good his Ijrother's absence by occa-
sional visits to Frederica, walking through swamps and thickets,
lying out all night, exposed to storms, and often destitute of food.
" By his coming the Morning and Evening Prayers were revived ; " ser-
vices in German were also had for the benefit of those who could not
understand the English tongue, and the more thoughtful were banded
together as in Savannah for godly reading, prayer, and praise. "On
one occasion, after Evening Prayer," the journal records that he read
to his little auditory " one of the exhortations of Ephraim Syrus, the
most awakening writer (I think) of all the ancients." ' On Tuesday,
February 1, 1737, "being the anniversary feast, on account of the
first convoy's landing in Georgia," the journal notes that they " had a
sermon and the Holy Communion." Ingham returned this montli to
England "to bring over, if it should please God, some of our friends
to strengthen our hands in His work." Delamotte busied himself in
instructing " between thirty and forty children to i-ead, write, and cast
accounts." The children were catechised before and after school, again
on Saturday, and on Sunday in church, before the evening service, and
the best of them still again Ijcforo the congregation after the second
lesson. An hour was spent at the minister's house after evening
service on Sundays and Wednesdays " in prayer, singing and mutual
exhortations." A communicants' meeting was held on Saturday
evening, and a few were found to come on the other evenings of
the week for an half-hour's prayer and praise. On Palm Sunday,
April 3, 1737, "and every day in this great and holy week," there
was " a sermon and the Holy Communion." To his studies in German
and French, in both which languages he ministered from time to time,
he added the acquisition of Spanish, " in order," as he tells us, " to con-
verse with my Jewish parishioners, some of whom seem nearer the
mind that was in Christ than many of those who call Him Lord." Ho
met with the commissary, Alexander Garden, and the clergy in the
neighboring province of South Carolina, at the appointed " Visitation,"
and found gi'eat satisfaction in a conversation with them for several
hours on "Christ our Righteousness." On Whitsunday " four of our
scholars, after having been instructed daily for several weeks, were, at
their earnest and their repeated desire, admitted to the Lord's Table."
Nothing more could be asked to prove the zeal of this young
churchman than the extracts we have given from his private journal.
That his course was prudent or likely to efiect the ends he certainly
had in view few would be willins: to assert. Not content with rul)rical
exactness in his own ministrations and the unbending enforcement of
the acknowledged requirements and usages of the Chiu'ch, he sought
' Joiirnai, t., p. 30.
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA. 341
to promote a deeper piety and a more earnest spiritual life by practices
and precepts, drawn upas lie believed I'rom the models of the piimitivo
age, and suited to the most strict and holy walk with God. It is not to
be wondered at that the people at Savannah were as impatient of these
multiplied services and pungent sermons as those at Frcdcrica had
been of the similar minislralions of his brother Charles. He was
accused of fanaticism, hypocrisy, of papistry, and, finally, of resorting
to the use of ecclesiastical censures and discipline to avenge a personal
disappointment and slight.
The ardent and dev^oted priest had fallen in love. Sophia Chris-
tiana Hopkey, a niece of Thomas Causton, the " chief magistrate " of
the few hundreds of settlers, had, liy her personal charms and devotion
to the cause of religion, won the heart of the priest and preacher of
Savannah. She had sought his company, had studied with him, had
nursed him in illness, hail attended his numerous services and sacra-
ments, had conformed to his will and wish in matters of dress, in her
diet and in her spiritual life. Wesley, who was at this time thiity-
three years of age, was deeply in earnest in his devotion to " poor
Miss Sophy," as he styles her, and there is little doubt but that if
she had accepted his pi'offer of marriage the subsequent career of the
founder of Jlethodism would have been far different from what it was.
If we may take Miss Hopkey's testimony, he even oflered to settle at
Savannah, and to modif}' his ascetic mode of life agreeably to her will.
Wesley himself, in his private journal, under date of March 7, 1737,
writes as follows : —
I walked with Mr. Causton to his coniitiy lot, and plainly felt that, had God
given me such a retirement with the companion I desired, I should have forgot the
work for which I was bom, antl have set up my rest in tliis world.'
The following day the record reads : —
Miss Sophy engaged herself to Jlr. Williamson, a person not remarkable for
handsomeness, neitlier for greatness, neitlier for wit, or knowledge, or sense, and
least of all for religion.
Four days later the tale is completed : —
They were married at Purrysburg, — this being the day which completed the
year from my first speaking to her. What Thou doest, O (iod, I know not now,
but I shall know hereafter.^
Wesley, who had urged his suit anew but a few days liefore the
marriage, still maintained his pastoral relations with his lost love. The
suspicious husband took umbrage at this renewal of the intimacy
between the rejected suitor and his wife, and soon forbade her
attendance upon Wesley's ministrations. He went so far as to inter-
dict her speaking to him. Notwithstanding this prohibition she was
present at a sacrament on the fotuth Sunday after Trinity, July 3, at
the close of which AVesley repi'oved her for some things in her con-
' Tyci-raau's ■' Wesley," I., p. 148. -]bi,l., p. 149.
342 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
duct to which he had taken exceptions. Annoyed and angered by this
criticism upon the conduct of his niece, the "chief magistrate," ac-
companied l)y the bailifi" and tlie recorder, called upon Wesley for
an explanation or apology. It was not to be expected that Wesley
woulcl confess that he was wi'ong, and at the first sacrament in the
following month he repelled Mrs. Williamson from the holy table.
The following day the recorder issued a warrant for the apprehension
of " John Wesley, clerk," to answer the complaint of William Wil-
liamson for defaming his wife, and refusing to administer to her the
sacrament of the Lord's Supper in a public congregation without
cause, " by which the said William AVilliamsou was damaged one
thousand pounds sterling."
Brought before the bailifi" and recorder, creatures of Causton and
dependent upon him for their very livelihood, the outraged priest
made answer, " that the giving or refusing the Lord's Supper being a
matter purely ecclesiastical, he could not acknowledge their power to
interrogate him concerning it." But this answer did not sufiice. A
true bill having been found by the grand jury the case was placed
upon the docket for the Savannah Court. The controversy from this
time engrossed the attention of the whole community, and the great
body of the colonists was arrayed on the one side or the other.
The list of grievances on which the gi-and jury found its bill
professed to show that the accused deviated " from the principles and
regulations of the Established Church in many particulars inconsistent
with the happiness and prosperity of this colony." These deviations
were as follows : —
1. By inverting the oixler and metliod of the liturgy.
2. B}' altering such i)assages as he thinks proper in the version of the
psalms, publicly authorized to be sung in the church.
3. By introducing into the church, and service at the altar, compositions of
psalms and hymns not inspected or authorized by any proper judicature.
4. By introducing novelties, such as dipping infants, etc., in the sacrament
of baptism, and refusing to baptize the childi-en of such as will not submit to his
innovations.
5. By restricting the benefits of the Lord's Supper to a small number of
persons, and refusing it to all others who mil not confoi-m to a gi-ievous set of
penances, confessions, mortifications, and constant attendance on early and late
hours of prayer, very inconsistent with the labors and employment of this colony.
6. By administering the sacrament of (he Lord's Supper to boys ignorant and
unqualified; and that notwithstanding of their parents and nearest friends re-
monstrating against it, and accusing them of disobedience and other crimes.
7. By refusing to administer the holy sacrament to well-disposed and well-
living jiersons, unless they should submit to confessions and penances for crimes,
which they utterly refuse, .and whereof no evidence is offered.
8. By venting sundry uncharitable expressions of all who difl'er from him ;
and not pronount-ing the benediction in church until all the hearers, except his
own communicants, are withdra\vn.
9. By teaching mves and servants that they ought absolutely to follow the
course of mortifications, fastings, and diets, and two sots of ]jrayers prescribed by
him, without any regard to the interests of tlieir private families, or the commands
of their respective luisbands and masters.
10. By refusing the office of the dead to such as did not communicate with
him, or by leaving out such i)arts of tlie service as he thought proper.
11. By searching into and meddling with the affairs of private families, by
means of servants and spies employed by him for the purpose, whereby the peace,
both of public and private life, is much endangered.
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA. 343
12. By calling himself " ordinary," and thereby claiming a jurisdiction which
is not due to him, and wliercby we should be precluded from access to redress by
any superior jurisdiction.'
The majority of the jury, on the 1st of September, agreed to the
following iudictments : —
1. That after tlio 12th of Jlarch last, the said John Wesley did several times
privately force liis conversation to Sophia Christiana William-on, contrary to the
express desire and command of her husband, and did likewise write and privately
convey papers to her, thereby occasioning much uneasiness between her and her
husband.
2. That on the 7th of August last, he refused the Sacrament of the Lord's
Supper to Sophia Christiana Williamson, without any apparent cause, much to the
disquiet of her mind, and to the great disjjrace anil hurt of her character.
3. 'J'hat he hath not, since his arrival in Savannali, emitted any public dec-
laration of his adherence to the priueiiilos and regulations of the Chiu'ch of
England.
4. That for many months past, he has divided on the Lord's day the order of
morning prayer, appointed to be used in the Church of England, by only reading
the said morning prayer and the litany at live or six o'clock, and wholly omitting
the same between the hours of nine aud eleven o'clock, the customary time of
public morning prayer.
5. That, about the month of April, 173G, he refused to baptize othenvise than
by dijiping, the cliild of Henry Parker, unless the said Henry I'arker anil his wife
would certify that the child was weak and not able to bear dipping ; and added to
his refusal, that, imless the said parents would consent to have it dipped, it might
die a heathen.
6. That, notwithstanding he administered the Sacrament of the Lord's
Supper to William (Jough, about the montli of March, 1730, lie did, within a month
after, refuse the sai^ament to the said William Gough, saying that he had heard
that William Gough was a Dissenter.
7. That in June, 173(5, he refused reading the OflSce of the Dead over the
body of Nathaniel Polhill, only because Nathaniel Polhill was not of liis opinion ;
by means of which refusal the said Nathaniel Polhill was interred without the
appointed Office for the Burial of the Dead.
8. That, on or about the 10th of August, 1737, he, in the pi'esence of Thomas
Causton, presumptuously called himself " Ordinary of Savannah," assuming there-
by an authority which did not belong to him.
9. That in Whitsun-week last he refused William Aglionby to stand godfather
to the chilli of Heniy Marley, giving no otlier reason than that the said William
Aglionby had not been at the communion table with him.
10. That, about the month of July last, he baptized the child of Thomas Jones,
having only one godfather and godmother, notwithstanding that Jacob Matthews
did oHer to stand godfather.'
Such were the findings of the major part of the jury. Twelve of
the whole number of forty-four, inchiding three constables and six
lithingmen, drew up and transmitted to the trustees for Georgia a
minority report, which, as it is doubtless Wesley's own vindication of
his cause, is subjoined, as follows : —
1. That they were thorottghly persuaded that the charges against Mr. Wesley
were an tirtiflce of Mr. Causton's, designed rather to blacken the character of Mr.
Wesley tlian to free the colony from religious tj-ranny, as l-.e had alleged.
2. That it did not apjiear that Jlr. ^Vcsley had either spoken in jirivate or
written to Mrs. Williamson since the d.ay of her marriage, except one letter, which
he wrote on the 5th of July, at the request of her micle, as a pastor, to exliort and
' Tyerman's " Wesley," i. pp. in.i, 1B6.
' Wesley's UnpublUlied Journal, quoted in Tyeiman, I., pp. 130, 1.j7.
344 HISTORY or the American episcopal church.
reprove her. Fui'ther, that though he did refuse the sacrament to Mrs. Williamson
on tlie 7th of Augrist last, lie did not assume to himself any authority contrary to
law, for every person intending to communicate was bound to signify his name to
the cm-ate, at least some time the day before, which Mrs. Williamson did not do ;
although Mr. Wesley had, often, in full congregation, declared he did insist on a
compliance with that rubric, and had before repelled divers persons for non-com-
pliance therewith.
3. That, though he had not in Savannah emitted any public declaration of
his adherence to the principles and regulations of the Church of England, he had
done this, in a sti-ongcr manner than by a formal declaration, by explaining and de-
fending the three creeds, the tliirty-nine articles, the whole Book of Common Prayer,
and the homilies; besides, a foi-mal declaration is not required but from those who
have received institution and induction.
4. That fliougli he had divided, on the Lord's day, the order of Morning
Prayer, tliis was not contrary to any law in being.
5. That his refusal to baptize Henry Parker's child, otherwise than by dipping,
was justified by the rubric.
C. That though he had refused the sacrament to William Gough, the said
William Gough ' publicly declared that the refusal was no gi-ievance to him, because
Jlr. Wesley had given hun reasons with which he was satisfied.
7. That in reference to the alleged refusal to read the burial service over the
body of Nathaniel I'olhill, they had good reason to believe that iMr. Wesley was at
Fredcrica, or on his rctm'u fi'om thence, when Polhill was buried ; besides PolhUl
was an Anabaptist, and had expressed his desire that he might not be buried with
the church service.
8. Tliat they were in doubt about the charge against Wesley for his use of
the word Ordinary, " not well knowing the meaning of the word."
9. 10. That they deemed Mr. Wesley justified in his refusal to allow William
Aglionby - and ,lacob Slatthews to be godfathers by the canons of the C^hurch which
forbid " any person to be admitted Godfather or Godmother to any child before the
said person had received the Holy Comnjunion," since neither Matthews nor Aglionby
had certified IMr. Wesley that they had ever communed.'
There is but little discrepancy between the findings of friends or
foes. In the main the fttcts were admitted, but the answer of Wesley
was conclusive : —
As to nine of the ten indictments against me, I know this court can take no
cognizance of them, they being matters of an ecclesiastical nature. But that con-
cerning my speaking and writing to Mrs. Williamson is of a secular nature ; and
this, therefore, I desire may be tried here where the facts complained of were com-
mitted.*
ITe was met by evasions, postponements, delays. In the three
mouths following the finding of a bill against him he seems to have
attended several dificrent sessions of the court, asking for trial. It is
evident that the whole prosecution was the outgrowth of Causton's
petty spite, and designed to drive from the colony one who dared to
oppose his will, and was, besides, an obstacle to the exercise of his
tyranny.
After a futile attempt on the part of Cuuston and his friends to
supersede him b}' the intrusion of a chaplain from Fredcrica named
^ Gou;:cIi ^vas one of the twelve who signed tlied a confirmed Deist." Whitefield refused to
tlie minority report of the jury. read tlie burial office over liis hody.
' Stephens, m Iiis Journal of tlie Proceedings 'Vide Tyerman's "Wesley,"!., pp. 157, 158 j
(I., pp. '2(38-270), cliaracterizes Anlionby as one Journal, i., pp. 54-56.
whose "eliaractcr were better forgot, than rcmcm- 'Unpublished Journal, quoted in Tyerman's
bcr'dtohis inlaray." Tie was " a great devotee to " Wesley," I., p. 159.
rum," and at the last " denied any Mediator, and
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHUUCH IN GEORGIA. 34/)
Dixon, or Dysou,' in his cure, Wesley, on the lltli of Septemlier,
resumed his duties, preaching from the text, "It must needs l)c that
oflences come," and then proceeding to read a paper "hich he had first
read to the congregation on the day of his entrance upon his cure, and
in whicli he had announced his pui'pose of obedience to tlie nibrics
and canons of the Church, in the very particulars for which he had
been faulted by the court. The services were now multiplied. Prayers
were read in French, on Satui'days, in the little settlement of that [jcople
at Highgate, five miles from Savannah, and similar services were ren-
dered on Sundays to the French immediately within his charge. Ger-
man services were held, once each week, at the village of Hampstciid.
Prayers were read in Italian at nine on Sunday mornings ; and all this was
done in connection with three services, including the weekly Eucharist,
in English, together with a public catechising, and an informal gather-
ing on Sunday evenings for reading, prayer, and praise. It was, how-
ever, but for a brief period that these " labors more abundant " were
to be performed for the benefit of the colonists. The congregation
dwindled. But few presented themselves to receive the weekly sacra-
ment. Discord reigned, and scandal abounded on every side. An
attempt at reconciliation failed. Stephens, the secretary of the trus-
tees, who arrived the last of October, was present at this interview,
and notes in his journal, "that though the Parson appeared more tem-
perate in the Debate, yet he showed a greater Aversion to a coalition
than the other." The return of Williamson from Charlestown precipi-
tated a step which Wesley and his friends had again and again debated.
On the 23d of November Wesley "set up an advertisement in the
Great Square," to this effect : —
Whereas, John Wesley designs shortly to set out for England, this is to desire
those who have borrowed any books of him, to i-etum them as soon as tliey conven-
iently can to John Wesley.''
On the following Sunday, November 27, the first Sunday in
Advent, he preached from Acts xx. 26, 27. Stephens, who was
present, records that he " took occasion to explain what was meant by
the counsel of God ; and enforced the practice of all Christian duties
very practically ; which he was well qualified to do always. Some
people imagined from the choice of his text that he meant it as a sort
of Farewell Sermon, l)ut it did not appear so to me from any particular
Expressions that could shew it."^ It was, however, the farewell dis-
course. At the close of the week, in spite of a show of opposition
to his departure on the part of both Williamson and the chief magis-
trate, Wesley, after evening prayer, left by boat for Purrysburg,
twenty miles from Savannah, and after various vicissitudes set sail for
England from Charleston, on the 22d of December, having resided in
Georgia for one year and nearly nine months. Mr. Wesley's journal
while in Georgia was published with the following title : —
' " Infamoiis by reason of a scamlaloiis life." ' Stephens's " Hist, of Ga.," I., pp. 336, 337.
— Stephens^ 8 Journal of Proceedings in Georgia, ;' Stephens's "Journal of Procecclin;rs in
I, p. 304. Ga.,"i., p. U.
346 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
A "N
EXTRACT
or THE
Rev. Mr. John Wes lei's
JOURNAL
Fvom his Embai"king for Georgia,
To his Retuj-n t© London.
Wht' fi^ll we fty fhm? 7^/7/ ifjae! %u/nc7)fei7ow'd.
after the Lil^a cf RigUtecufnefi, /jaf/j net attamed to
t/je Lniu of Righteoajne/s. W/ierefre ? Becaife
thej fcu^bt it not 6y Faith, hut a.i it -wei-e iy tlie
Works (f the Latu.
The SzcpXD Edition.
Brijlol: Printed by Feliy: Farley,
And fold by tlie Boo'kfeJIeTJ of Brlfnl, Bat,), London,
J'luuca.flle upon fyne, and Exetei ■, — a% alio by Jn-
dievu BradfirJ., in Philadelfhia.
M-DCCXi-lJI.
The shipwhich brought "Wcslcyinto the Downs passcdone outward-
bound, 1 )earing to the mission field just aliandoned the already celebrated
George Whitelicld. Drawn by the appeals of "Wesley for help, this young
clergyman, but just admitted to the diaoonatc, had resolved to throw in
his lot Avith the infant colony. It was at no little sacrifice that he had
taken this step. Of huml)le origin, he had made his Avay through the
University of Oxford as a servitor at Pembroke College . "\A'hile ]irose-
cuting his studies he had been drawn into acquaintance Avithllie Oxfoi'd
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA. 347
]\Ietliodists, and ou taking holy orders he began at once to produce
by bis marvellous eloquence that effect upon his heai'ers which con-
tinued to his latest l)reath. Crowds followed him from church to
churcii wherever it was known that he was to preach, and all classes
were moved by his commanding oratory. Preferment was pressed
upon him ; but, refusing all offers, he accepted the post of a mission
in Georgia from the venerable Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts. Never before had so young a preacher pro-
duced such an impression in England. His youth, his style of preach-
ing, his boldness in reproving sin, his surpassing eloquence, won every
heart. It cannot l)ut surprise us that one so successful, and before
whom there opened the prospect of the highest honors and offices of
the Church, should turn aside from the plain path to preferment to
minister to the spiritual wants of a few disappointed and dispirited
colonists in a distant land.
Whitefield left London on Innocents' day, December 28, 1737.
After receiving the sacrament at St. Dunstan's, Whitefield set out for
Deptford, and on the 30th went on board the " Whitaker," a transport
chartered to carry soldiers to Georgia. It was several weeks, how-
ever, before the ship got fairly to sea, being detained by head-winds
at Margate and Deal, and it was not until May that Georgia was
reached.
On the evening of Rogation Sunday, May 7, 1738, Whitefield
reached the parsonage-house at Savannah. The services of the Church
had been suspended for some time, the unworthy chaplain, Dyson, hav-
ing removed to Carolina, and the coming of a clergyman was welcomed
by all. On Monday, at five o'clock in the morning, he " began to read
Publick Prayers, and expound the second lesson."' Prostrated by
an attack of ague almost immediately on his arrival, it was not until
the Sunday after Ascension, May 14, that he was able to resume the
services he had so vigorously inaugurated. Stephens, the careful
chronicler of the daily life of the colony, records under this date a
notice of this service, as follows : —
Mr. Whitefield being a little recovered, attomptcxl to officiate at Cliurch ; but
by Reason of his Wealjness was obliged to stop at the Communion Service.'-'
The Secretary, a week later, makes the following note: —
Whitsunday, Mr. Whitefield officiated this day at Cliurch, and made a Sermon
in the tbrenoon and After, very engaging, to the most tlu-onged Congregation Ihail
ever seen here.^
On Trinity Sunday we are told that " Mr. Whitefield daily manifested
his great abilities in the jNlinistry, and as his Sermons were very moving,
it was hoped they would make due impression on his numerous Hear-
ers."^ A week later, and the "Place of Worship" had "become far
too small to contain the numbers of such as sought his Doctrine."^
■■ The Two Fir^t Parts of IIi3 Lilc, witli his ' Journal, i., p. 201.
.Tournalg, reviseil, corrected and abrid^^ed; hy ' J/jid., \>. '2iH.
Rev. George Whitefield, .V.B., Loudon, 1736, » IbU., p. 208.
p. 83. »/iW.. p. 211.
348 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Early in June, after five weeks' residence in Savannah, Whitefield, in
a letter to a friend in England, thus describes his Georgia life : —
Blessed be God, I visit from house to house, catechize, read prayers twice, and
expound the two second lessons every day ; read to a houseful of people three times
a week ; expound the two lessons at five in tlie morning, read prayers and preacli
twice, and expound the catechism to servants, &c., at seven in the evening every
Sunday. What I have most at heart is the Ijuikling an Orphan-house, which I
trust will be etlectcd at my return lo England. In the meanwhile, I am settling
little scliools in and about S;ivannah ; that the rising generation may be bred up in
die nurture and admonition of the Lord. The Lord prosper my weak endeavours
for promoting His Glory and His people's good.'
The Indians, for the conversion of whom the Wesle3^s had again
and again sought an opportunity in vain, were at once sought out by
this tireless evangelist and instructed so for as it was within his power.
The side were visited every day, and schools for children were estab-
lished at Highgate and Hampstead, and for the girls at Savannah.
He had brought with him £300 he had collected for the poor in
Georgia : and the nqed of the benefactions he distributed, and the
gratitude of the recipients of his charity, prompted his generous heart
to further eflbrts for the relief of the miseiy about him. Impressed
with "the great necessity and utility of a future Orphan-house," he;
determined at once to supply this need. " When I came to Georgia,"
writes Whitefield : —
1 fomid many poor orphans, who though taken notice of by the honourable
trustees, yet through the neglect of persons that acted under them, were in miser-
able circumstances. For want of a house to In-eed them up in, the poor little ones
were tabled out here and there, and besides the hurt they received by bad examples,
forgot at home what they learned at school. Others >vcre at hard sendees, and
likely to have no education at all. Upon seeing this, and finding that his majesty
and parliament had the interest of this colony much at heart, I thought I could iio"t
better shew my regard to God, and my country, than by getting a house and land
forthese children, where they might learn to laboiu', read, and write, and at the same
time 1)6 brought up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord.^
Whitefield remained in Georgia until August, continuing, as
Stephens tells us, in "captivating the people with his moving dis-
courses."^ I\ela.\ing somewhat the rubrical exactness of his predeces-
sor, he baptized children by sprinkling or affusion, " which gave a
great content to many people."^ His faithfulness and devotion pro-
duced happy results, and we have the testimony of a keen observer
that he " gained more and more on the atfections of the people by his
labours and assiduity in the performance of di^'ine Offices ; to which
an open and easy deportment, without shew of austerity or singularity
of behaviour in conver.sation, contributed not a little, and opened the
way for him to inculcate good precepts with greater success among his
willing hearers." ^ Refusing to read the burial-service over a pro-
fessed deist, he seized the opportunity ere the people had left the
place of interment to warn them against infidelity, and explain the
reasons for his course.
' The Works of the Rev. Geovse Whitefield, » Joiirunl, i., p. 222. ' lOid., p. 222.
LondoQ, 1771, 1., r- W. = Ihid., in., p. 464. '■ IbiJ., p. 234.
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA.
349
On the thirteenth Sunday after Trinity, August 27, "Mr.
Whitefield preached his farewell sermon this afternoon to a congre-
^^^i^^^^
fixation so crowded, that a great many stood without doors, and under
the windows to hear him, pleased with nothing more than the assur-
ances he gave, of his intention (hy the will of God) to return to them
as soon as possible."^ The following day he took his departure for
' Fi'om the porti-ait now liati;^Mu;^ in Meni(.>ri;i] Hull, Caml)rid<^e.
'Jouniul, I., p. 272.
350 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUBCH.
Charleston, the magistrates and people accompanying him to the place
of embarkation, and prayers and good wishes for his "good voyage
and speedy return " being heard on every side. In his journal he
adds : —
My heart was full, and I took the first Oppoitunity of venting it by Prayer and
tears. O these Partings! Hasten, O Lord, that time when we shall part nu
more.'
Whitefield reached England, after a rough passage, early in Decem-
ber, having been absent nearly a twelvemonth. On the second Sun-
day after the Epiphany, the 14th of January, 1739, at Christ Church
Cathedral, he received priest's orders from the hands of Dr. Benson,
Bishop of Gloucester ; the trustees of Georgia, in anticipation of his
admission to the priesthood, having given him the appointment to
Christ Church Parish, Savannah. The Rev. Mr. Norris, who had
previously been appointed to succeed Mr. Wesley, was transfeiTed to
Frc'derica. Five hundred acres of land were granted to Whitefield for
tlie proposed Orphan-house. A stipend of £50 was attached to this
appointment ; but this was declined, as well as any remuneration for the
management of the Orjjhan-house. By his unwearied efforts he col-
lected upwards of a thousand pounds for this purpose, and secured suit-
al>le assistants for carrying on the charity. The interval prior to his
return to Georgia was one of intense excitement. The preaching of "the
doctrine of the new birth," as explained and enforced by the eloquent
evangelist, produced the wildest enthusiasm. Crowds thronged upon
the preacher's words. The " spirit of the clergy began to be much em-
l^ittered."^ Churches were now denied him. Remonstrances and
prohibitions produced no other effect than to stimulate him to fresh
eflbrts to reach the masses, if not from pulpits, by taking the fields
" for a pulpit and the heavens for a sounding-board." The rude col-
liers of Kingswood crowded to listen to his matchless oratory. Thou-
sands gathered again and again at Moorfields, Kensington-Common,
and Blacklieath, early in the morning or late at night, to listen to his
appeals to all men to be born again. By his zeal and power he turned
the hearts of his hearers as the heart of one man. Still he was con-
stant at prayers and sacraments. It was only when the churches
were closed to him that he sought the church-yards or commons to
"preach the word." It was amidst these tokens of increasing influence
and power that he sailed the second time for America, August 14,
1739, with a party of eight men, a boy, and two children, besides his
friend and future companion, Mr. William Seward.
After a voyage of nine weeks he reached Philadelphia early in
November, and on the twentieth Sunday after Trinit}^ read prayers
and assisted at the holy communion at Christ Church in the morning,
preaching in the afternoon to a large congregation. A week of ser-
vices and sermons followed, the church being daily thronged to its
utmost capacity. Journeying to New York, Commissary Vesey re-
fused him the use of Trinity Church ; but the undeterred evangelist
' The two First Parts of his Life, etc., p. 95. = Works, in., p. 464.
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHITRCH IN GEORGIA.
351
preached to thousands in the tields and in other places of worship
freely oflercd for his use. On his journeyings he ne<^leeted no oi)|ior-
tunity, in churches or elsewhere, to proclaim the unsearchahlc riches of
Christ, and, although hi.s tield preaching cost him the countenance and
support of many of his In-ethren of the cloth, still others welcomed
him to their puljiits and their homes, and so great Merc the (U^mands
made iqion him for sermons that it Avas not until the 11th of January,
1739/40, that he reached .Savannah, and found that his companions,
who had come by sea, had arrived three weeks before him.
Before his coming, !Mr. Habersham, who, as school-master and
lay-reader, had done much to keeji alive both church and school during
Whitetield's absence, had selected the site for the Or|)han-house about
nine miles from Savannah, and had begun to collect material for the
future orphanage. In the meantime temporai'V shelter was pi-ovided
for the orphans found in the colony, and in connection with these
instructions an opportunity was offered for the free education of chil-
dren of the colonists. An infirmary was also established, and the
sick were cared for by an experienced surgeon, without charge. f)n
Lady-day, Tuesda}', Alarch 2r>, the first brick of "great-houso" was
laid, as AVhitefield tells it,' "with full assurances of faith." It Avas
called "Bethesda," in the hope that it might be "a house of mercy to
many souls." He was not, he tells us, " disappointed in his hope."
Stephens, Avhose journal gives us so many glimpses of the inner
life of the colony-, records, under date of March 11, a notice of a
' Jourual, J). 335.
352 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
burial, which affords an interesting exhibition of some of the peculiari-
ties of the great " missioner :" —
An old woman of Mr. AVliitefield's Household, who came hither among others
when he did, djing last ni^lit, was bm-ied this evening with a solemn Funeral;
thirty or forty little Boys and Girls, walking in pairs, paitly orjjhans, and others,
whom, with their parents' request or consent, he had taken under his care, sung
Psalms as they went to the Church ; then followed jMr. Whitefiekl, and after him
the corpse, half-a-dozen distinguished, chosen men, holding up the pall, aud a num-
ber of mixed people, to close the procession, joined them as they came by. Many
people were gathered together at the Chm'ch, waiting, where, after the usual
prayers, Mr. Whitelield gave Ihem a Sermon, h propos, on the words, Watch and
Pray. After church the corpse was can-ied to the common place of burial, and
interred in the ordinary manner. '
Little by little during these days, and weeks, and months. White-
field had begun that affiliation with dissenters which, in the end,
arrayed against him, and in opposition to his modes of operation, the
leading clergy of the Church at home and abroad. Churches had been
closed against him iu England while he was there in quest of priest's
orders. Churches were, now and henceforth, to be liarred against
him throughout the American settlements. Welcomed by the dissent-
ers, and receiving from them that sympathy and support he failed to
obtain in his own communion, Whitefiekl still clung to the prayer-
book, and to his latest day of life continued in the communion of the
Church of his birth and baptism. The service of the Church was read
at Bethesda twice every Sunday from its institution, as long as Mr.
Whitefield lived. Nearly eighty thousand dollars were collected by
Whitefield for Bethesda, of which upward of sixteen thousand dollars
were given by the evangelist himself.
In June Mr. Whitefield returned from a journey to the north-
ward with a body of lay assistants, of various mechanical trades, and
a large supply of provisions and clothing for his Bethesda household,
together with £500 sterling for the use of the Orphan-house. Re-
suming his ministerial work at Savannah, it was noticed by Stephens,
to whose keen observation we owe so many particulars of the church
life in Georgia at this time, that "the surplice for some time past
seemed to be laid aside as useless."^ Still the building of a church
at Savannah, which had hitherto been neglected, was now set on foot.
But dissenting preachers occupied the pulpit at the temporary place
of worship from time to tiiue. The prayers were curtailed. The inhi-
bition of Commissary Garden was unheeded. The bishops were pub-
licly derided, and their theology held up to scorn. In August Mr.
Whitefield again set out on his journey, leaving his cure in the hands
of such Auiiltaptist or enthusiastic preachers, or laymen, as he found
ready at hand for his purpose. The more sober-minded of the people
were now impatient for the appointment of "a regular Divine of the
Church of England." "All true lovers of the Church here," writes
Stephens, —
Have been at a great straight for a long while, not well knowng how to
behave under such a torrent of enthusiasm and strange doctrine, brought m among
' .louinal, I., p. 312. ^Journal, ii., p. 413.
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA. 353
us by sectaries of divers sorts, whilst the Liturgy in most parts of tho several
offices has been either curtailed, manned, or omitted ; the Psalms and orilinarv
Lessons appointed, liave been disregarded, to make room for extemporary exposi-
tions, on any part of Holy Scripture which the Expositor liked better for his pur-
pose. Surplice, gown, cassock, and all such innocent decencies have been thrown
aside as useless, or worse ; whilst the orthodox clergy of the Chm'ch have been
vilely treated with ribaldry, as slothful shepherils, dumb dogs, etc., and some of
our learned and pious Divines, once the ornament of the age they lived in, now
in their graves, vilified to that degree (from the pulpit) by name as to attempt
persuading all those who followed them, that it was the sure way to hell.'
On Whitefield's return, in December, the use of the surplice was
restored, but the Christmas service was read by a layman, and no
sacrament was administered, as "Mr. VVhiteiield staid with his family
at Bethesda — the better to avoid (as some thought) making any dis-
tinction of days."'^
The following Sunday, Innocents' day, was spent in the same
manner. Before the holydays were over he had arranged the aflairs
of the Orphan-house, and, on Monday, the 29th, as we learn from
the observing Stephens, —
In tlie afternoon Mr. Whitefield came to town fi'om Bethesda ; in the evening
he began the Common Sonice of the Church, then read the second Lesson, and pro-
ceeded to give the congregation a lecture, off-hand, on those topicks which he was
always so fond of, concerning Election, Reprobation, etc., asserting it against all
gainsayers, that unless we attain to such a portion of the Holy Spirit witliin us,
and so sensibly feel it moving as to assm'e us of our being justified, we were all in
a state of damnation ; which he did so pathetically, that he not only dropt tears
himself, but drew many tears and gi-oans from gi-eat i)art of his audience ; after
which, he laid aside the Common I'rayer Book ; and instead of those Prayers that
remained to be read, he fell into a long extemporary prayer of his own, full of
flatus and entliusiasm, and uttered with a Stentor's voice, bewailing the little num-
ber of converts he had been able to make during the time of his ministiy ; lament-
ing the forlorn state of the colony through the hardness of their hearts, which he
plainly saw could never pi'osper till this generation was all worn out, like the
Israelites in the wilderness ; and intimating that his Oq^han-house was a work of
God, from which future blessings might be dei'ived to this ])lace ; then cautioning
all to beware of such as preached soft things he dismissed his audience taking a
formal leave of them.^
The following day he left for Charleston. Here he was bound
over to appear at the next quarter session of the court for having " com-
posed a false, malicious, scandalous, and infamous libel against the
clergy." This charge was made in consequence of the appearance, in
print, of a letter written by one of AVhitefield's converts, which had
been corrected and prepared for the press by AVhitefield himself, in
which it was asserted that the clergy in the province were guilty of
breaking the canons daily.* The commissary, whose authority White-
field had openly ridiculed, laid the erratic evangelist under suspension
for omitting the use of the "Book of Common Prayer," when officiating
to dissenters. Whitefield, who rejoiced in persecution, gave security
for his appearance to answer to the charges against him, and appealed
to the authorities at home.
1 Journal, III., p. 67. ' Ibid., pp. 82-84.
' Ibid., pp. 80-81. * ride Works, i., p. 231.
354 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Whitefield's attacks on the " Whole Duty of Man," and Archbishop
Tillotson, "England's Two great Favorites,"' though possibly, as he
claimed, "well-meant," were, as he confessed, "injudicious." He had
fallen out with Wesley. His own converts now deserted him. On
his return to England he tells us ^ that, instead of having thousands
to attend him, scarce one of his spiritual children came to sec him from
morning to night. The crowds that were wont to throng to his mar-
vellous oratory dwindled to hundreds. He had incurred heavy obliga-
tion for the support of his Orphan-house, while " a family of a
hundred " were " to 1)e daily maintained four thousand miles oti", in the
dearest place of the King's dominions." But nothing could long re-
strain the ardor or dampen the enthusiasm of this extraordinary man.
On the Good Friday after his return from Georgia he began preach-
ing in Moorfield. Soon a rouirh " Taljeraacle " was erected for his
use, and ere long his indomitaljle zeal and tireless activity had re-
gained his former poj^ularity and influence. The debts contracted for
the Orphan-house were discharged. Aliundant oiTerings poured in
from every side, and the loving heart of the great " Missioner " was
tilled with praise and thanksgiving to God.
In the meantime the " great house " at Bethesda was rapidly
approaching completion, and the other buildings, for dormitories,
workshops, and storehouses, were already in use. Before leaving for
England Whiteficld had not only secured the services of a Latin master,
but, in his own words, had " laid a foundation in the name of our dear
Jesus for an University in Georgia."^ At the beginning of the year 1742
there were thirty-nine boys and fifteen girls supported at Bethesda,
several of the larger Ijoys who had been instructed at the house
having been already apprenticed to trades. A visitor from Boston
gives us in detail the daily routine of the house at this time : —
The bell rings in the morning at sunrise, to wake the family. When the
children arise, they sing a sliort hymn, and pray by themselves ; then they go down
and wash ; and by the time they have done that, the bell calls to public worship,
when a portion of scripture is read and expounded, a psalm sung, and the exercise
begun and ended with prayer. Then they breakfast, and afterward go some to
their trades, and the rest to their prayers and schools. At noon they all dine in
the same room, and have comfortable and wholesome diet provided. A liymn is
sung before and after dinner; then in about half an hour to school again; and
between whiles find time enough for recreation. A little after simset the bell calls
to public duty again, which is performed in the same manner as in the morning.
After that they sup, and are attended to bed by one of their teachers, who then
pray with them, as they often do priv.ately. On the sabbath day, they all dine on
cold meat provided the day before, that none may be kept from, public worshiii,
which is attended four times a day in summer and three in winter. The children
are kejjt reatling between whiles.''
The itinerant life of Whitefield made it necessary that he should be
relieved of the charge of the church at Savannah, and, after the return
of the Rev. William Norris, who had met with much discouragement
at Frederica, and whose ministrations at Savannah were the less accepta-
ble in view of calumnies that had been raised against his character,
' Gillies's Mcmoii-9, p. 68. * Letters, \V0rk3, :., p. 185.
■■' Works, I., p. 256. • * Works, in., pp. «7, 448.
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA. 355
the trustees appointed the Rev. William Metcalf, of Lincolnshire,' as
incumbent of the church at Savannah. Metcalf, though impatiently
expected at Savannah,- died before entering upon his duties. On the
25th of July, 1741, the Kov. Christopher Orton recived the appoint-
raen-t ; but his labors were shortly terminated by his decease at Savannah,
in August, 1742. On the 4th of July, 1743, the Rev. Thomas
Bosomworth was licensed to perform all religious and ecclesiastical
offices in the colony. He reached Georgia in November, and pro-
ceeded to Frederica, "there I)eing at that place and parts adjacent
near a thousand souls (the regiment included) , destitute of all man-
ner of helps to Christian knowledge." ^ Here the congregation was
larger than the place of worship " could well contain." The children
were catechised by the new missionary, and the fundamental articles of
the faith " explained in the most easy and intelligible manner." But the
missionary zeal of the chaplain was of short duration. The better " to
carry on the great work of promoting Christian knowledge amongst
the natives of America," as Bosomworth professed in his letter to the
venerable society on the 8th of July, 1744, he "married a woman of
unexceptionable character, born in the Creek Indian nation, but brought
up in Carolina, baptized, and well instructed in the principles of Chris-
tianity." In this alliance with an Indian " princess," who had been twice
married before, and in both cases to Englishmen, Bosomworth could
have had no other end in view than personal aggrandizement. Dis-
missed from the society's service for leaving his cure without per-
mission, on his return to Georgia he instigated an outbreak on the part
of the Indians, with a view of enforcing a claim on behalf of his wife
against the colony, for a large sum due for unquestioned services.
No little ingenuity and boldness was shown in the prosecution of these
schemes by the chaplain, who, in full canonicals and accompanied hy his
wife, in all the insignia of her native dignity, together with their
savage allies, sought, by a display of their strength, to terrify the
people of Savannah into compliance with their demands. Nothing but
the prompt and daring arrest and imprisonment of the doughty priest
and his Indian bride averted a calamity which would have left Savannah
in ashes, and put back the settlement of Georgia for years.
Bosomworth was succeeded by the Rev. Bartholomew Zouber-
buhler, a native of the canton of St. Gall, in Switzerland, who had
emigrated while a youth to South Carolina, where his father was
pastor of the Swiss settlers at Purrysburg. Receiving a good
English and classical education at Charleston, and being desirous of
ministering to his countiymen, he \vas recommended to the Bishop
of London for orders by Commissary Garden. Licensed to Georgia,
on the 2d of November, 1745, he set sail two days later, and reached
Frederica on the 22d of January, 1746. The ministry of this excel-
lent man was not without success. Many who had wandered from
the Church returned. The number of communicants, which at the
coming of Zouberbuhler was but thirty, within the first year of his
ministration increased to upward of fifty. After three years of labor
' Vide Georgia MS., p. 8. ' Stephens's Journal, ni., p. 160. ' Georgia MS., p. 2.
356 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
he returned to England, " with ample testimonials of his good behaivor,"
and, in his petition to the society for additional laborers, he stated,
" there are now about three thousand persons in Georgia, and no
other minister of the Church of England in the province." Returning
to Georgia at the close of the year 1749, he resumed his abundant
labors, visiting the neighboring towns, and extending his ministrations
on every hand. At Augusta the settlers themselves built a church
under cover of the guns of the fort, and promised to provide both a
parsonage-house and a glebe, as well as £20 stei'ling per annum for a
minister. The Eev. Jonathan Copp, A.M., was appointed to this
mission, in 1751. It was under the ministry of the faithful Zouber-
buhler that the church at Savannah, begun on the 11th of June,
1740, "a few load of stones being brought and laid down in the
place where it is intended to stand," ' was tinally completed. INIeans
in abundance were supplied by the trustees and others ; but the absorb-
ing interest felt in Bethesda by Whitefield and the want of faithful
clergymen subsequently, hindered the progress of the building, and one
year after the beginning of the work Stephens, in a letter to the
trustees, reported that it was yet unfinished: "The roof of it is
covered with shingles, but as to the sides and ends of it, it remains a
skeleton." ^ The trustees ordered the work to be proceeded with at
once ; but, notwithstanding their bidding, it was not completed until
1750. On Saturday, July 7, the "new church" was set apart for
God's solemn worship and the ofSces of religion, the day being ob-
served as the anniversary of the establishment of the first court of
judicature, seventeen years before, and also as the anniversary of the
defeat of the Spanish invaders by Oglethorpe. "The building,"
writes Zouberbuhlcr, "is large, beautiful, and commodious. My
parishioners are constant in their attendance, and I have the pleasure
to see many negi'oes decently join our service." " Thei'e is now among
us an increase of religion," proceeds the excellent missionary. Up-
ward of forty negroes were under Christian instructions. Religious
books were sought after, and the notitia jjarocldalis transmitted to
the society reported the baptism of twenty-five infants and one adult,
— a negro woman. The number of communicants had reached sixty-
five, while the whole number of inhabitants was eight hundred.
After more than twenty years of faithful labor the good Zouberbuhler
found his church insufficient for the constantly increasing congregation.
£300 sterling was appropriated towards repairs and the erection of
a gallery. An organ was provided by the gift of a gentleman of
Augusta, and £800 raised and put out at interest towards a fund for
building a new church, ninety by sixty feet. But, in the midst of this
prosperity, the excellent missionary was called to his rest. The Rev.
Samuel Frink, who had served acceptably at Augusta, was collated hy
the governor to Christ Church, Savannah, and the Rev. Edward
Ellington was appointed to the vacant cure of Augusta.
From time to time the Rev. Mr. Whitefield had visited America,
and, in the course of his progresses, spent more or less time at
' Stephens's Journal, ii., p. 403.
^ Joui'ual of Trustees, in., p. 27, quoted in Stephens's " Georgia," I., p. 360.
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA. ■ 357
Bethcsda. After twenty-live years of varied fortune the founder of
this excellent charity determined to enlarge its scope, and put into
execution the pui'poso he had avowed, almost from the first, of found-
ing a iiniversify in Georgia. At the close of the year 17(J4 he
memorialized the governor and council of Georgia, reciting his ex-
penditure of upwards of twelve thousand pounds sterling in the
erection of the buildings and in the support of the inmates of the
Orphan-house, and asking for a grant of two thousand acres of land,
on the river Altamaha, for the purpose of making " provision for tlie
education of persons of superior rank, who thereby might I^e qualified
to serve their king, their country and their God, either in Church or
state." ^ The assembly of the upper House, of which Whitetield's
former school-master, James IIal)ersham, was president, warmly con-
curred in this scheme for the endowment of a college. The action of
the assembly was referred, with the governor's indorsement, to the
authorities at home, and a lengthy correspondence followed. Although
the prayer of the petitioner was not immediately granted, the inten-
tions of AVhitefield were not frustrated. On Sunday, January 28,
1770, the governor's council and asscml)ly attended services " at the
chapel of the Orphan-house Academy," where prayers were read by
the Rev. ^h\ Ellington, and Mr. Wiiitefield preached from the text,
Zech. iv. 10 : J^or who hath despised (he day of small, things?
"After divine services," proceeds the "Georgia Gazette," "the company
were very politely entertained with a handsome and plentiful dinner ;
and were greatly pleased to see the useful improvements made in the
house, the two additional wings for apartments for students, and the
lesser buildings in so much forwardness, and the whole executed with
taste and in a masterly manner ; and being sensible of the truly gen-
erous and disinterested benefactions derived to the province through
]\Ir. Whitefield's means, they expressed their gratitude in tlie most
respectful terms. "^ Ellington had accepted the headship of the pro-
posed college and academy, in consequence, as he writes to the society,
of "Mr. Whitefield's intention to have the stated worship of the semi-
nary agreeable to the liturgy of the Churchof England."-' In the removal
of Mr. Ellington from Augusta to the Bethesda Orphan-house, it
was intended, as he acquainted the venerable society, that its " oi'igiual
institution will be continued, with the additional advantages of academ-
ical learning, by which the poor youth, of a promising genius, as
well as others whose circumstances permit, may have an opportunity
of obtaining an education, to qualify them to move in a more superior
station of life."'' He had baptized upwards of four hundred at
Augusta, and left behind him nearly forty communicants. His aca-
demic duties were so arranged as to permit his occasional ministra-
tions, both in Savannah and at his former post of labor. In the hands
of i\Ir. Ellington the work at Bethesda prosjiei'ed ; but ere the year of
his appointment had closed the great-hearted Whitefield had rested from
his labors, and in his death the prospects for the development of the
college and the charity received a fatal blow. The chaplain soon
> Woi-ks, III., p. 470. = GiUics's Mcmoii-s, p. 265. » Georgia 5IS., 1770. * Ibid.
358 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
severed his connection witli the institution, and removed to South
Carolina. On Lady-day, 1771, "the anniversar}^ of laying the foun-
dation of tiie Orphan-house Academy, in Georgia," the late chaplain
preached a sermon, which, as published the same year, by James
Johnston, of Savannah, is one of the rarest issues of the Georgia press.
Chrift'i Promife to be frefent where two or
tJiree 7neet together in his Name :
C O 14 5 I D S R E D T N iL
SERMON,
Preached tKe 25th March, 1771, the Anni-
versary of LAYING the Foundation of the
Orphan-House Academy in Georgia,
Before his Excellency James Wricht, Efquire, Cap-
tain-General and Governor in Chief, and a great
l^umber of the principal inhabitants of the faid Pro-
vince,, al the Opening of the ]Sb"w Chapel lately
credetl tfiere,
By EDWARD ELLINGTON, Ute ChapUia
at the fa id Houfe.
With an APPENDIX, givittg a fhort Account
of the Proceedings on that Occafion.
BIN" theUoux coTiuth, and now is, ijohen the true TVovpip-
faijball wot/hip the Father in Spirit ejuLtn 'J'Tu.th: far
ibt Pathec feeketh /nd> to worfbip him. John iv, 2^.
SAVANNAH: Printed by James Johkston.
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA. 359
On this anniversary occasion the new chapel was formally opened,
and set apart for the worship of Almighty God, in the presence of
the governor, the president, and many members of the council, and a
large number of the principal inhabitants of the provinces. vVn address
was delivered by one of the orphans, prayers were read, and the ser-
mon preached. Following divine service there were literary exercises,
in which the students participated. IMusic was furnished by the
orphan children, and "a plain and plentiful dinner in the great hall
concluded (he celebration." The will of Whitelicld, written when
last at Bcthesda, conveyed the Orphan-house, together with "all
other buildings, lands, negroes, books, furniture, and every other
thing whatsoever he was possessed of in the province of Georgia,"
" to that elect lady, that mother in Israel, that mirror of true and un-
defiled religion, the Right Honorable Selina, Countess Dowager of
Huntingdon." ^
The desire was expressed that, as soon as possible after the decease
of the testator, "the plan of the intended Orphan-house, Bcthesda Col-
lege, may be prosecuted," or if this were not practicable, or desiralde,
that the " present plan of the Orphan-house Academy on its old founda-
tion and usual channel" should be pursued. The Hon. James Haber-
sham, president of the Council of Georgia, was named as the legatee
in the event of Lady Huntingdon's decease before Whitefield's, and the
executor of the will so far as the Georgia property was concerned.
There is little more to be said to complete the story of the Church
in Georgia prior to the Revolution. The incumbent at Savannah, the
Rev. James Seymour, who succeeded the Rev. Samuel Friuk, writes
to the secretary, in 1774, as follows: —
Lady Huntingdon h.as likewise sent out to tlie Orphan-liouse Academy in tliis
Province four youujj men, itinerant lay-preacliers, who ride about in tlie different
Parislies, endeavouring Isy their preaching to insinuate themselves into the good
opinion of the country people, for the puipose of obtaining letters recommendatory
to my Lord of London. One of these in particular, by the name of Cook, has al-
ready obtained some instruments of writing to tliat jiurpose, from an ignorant
frontier settlement, not yet established into a parish, and I am told, that ho intends
to go to England in a few weeks. The names of the other three are Richards,
Roberts and Hale.''
The Rev. "William Percy, who had been sent out by Lady Hunt-
ingdon to take charge of the Orphan-house, in 1772, was in holy
orders, and officiated for a time in various parts of Georgia. Remov-
ing to Charleston in 1773 he took the popular side at the breaking
out of the war, and at its close, having separated from his patroness, in
consequence of her separation from the Church, he became a useful and
honored clergyman of the Church in South Carolina till his death, in 1819.
The war broke up the Orphan-house Academy, scattering its in-
mates, and depriving it of revenue and support. Its buildings were
destroyed during the struggle, and hardly a trace remains to-day of the
proposed university in Georgia, for the establishment of which its
devoted founder gave so liberally of his thoughts, his labors, his
means, and his prayers.
' Appendix to Ellington's sermon, p. 32. ' Georgia MS., p. 1774.
360
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES.
n'^HE religious character of the Georgia colonization scheme cannot be better shown
X than by the following interesting extracts from a rare folio preserved among
the Americana, in the library of Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass., entitled : —
THE I GENERAL ACCOMPT | of all | ftlONIES and EF-
FECTS I Ileceived and Expended by the TRUSTEES | For Estab-
lishing the Colony of | GEORGIA in AMERWA; \ For the car-
rying on the good Purposes of their Trust for | one Mhole Year, from
the Ninth Day of June, in the | Year of our Lord, 1735. to the Ninth
Day of June, in | the Year of our Lord, 1736. | And also of all
Monies and Effects received and expended in America \ for the car-
rying on the said good Purposes between the 10th Day of | January,
1734 and the 2d Day of April, 173G. taken from the several | Ac-
compts thereof received by the said TRUSTEES within the | Time
of this AccoMPT. I Wiiicn Accompt is exhibited by them, pursuant
to the Directions | of their CHARTER, to the Right Honourable
Charles Lord Talbot, \ Baron of TIensol, Lord High Chancellor of
G7-eat Britain, and | Sir Joseph Jelnjll Knight, Master of the Rolls.
'735-
2 Aiif^iist,
4 Ditto
12 Ditto
4 Sept em.
II Ditto
23 Ditto
6 October,
17 Ditto
31 Ditto
15 Novem.
26 Decent.
3 Febr.
(10)
For the following Religious Uses of the Colony, viz.
The Building of Churches,
viz. From
Mr. Jos. Bt(rfon 5
"^U. Richard Phelps oi White Chapel .... i
An unknown Benefactor, by the Hands of Mr. Adam >
Anderson ....... \
A Gentlewoman whose Name is desired to be con- /
cealed, by the Hands of the Reverend Dr. Hales K ^
An unknown Gentleman, by the Hands of James )
Oglethorpe Esq ; \ ^
An unknown Gentlewoman, by the Hands of the )
Reverend Dr. Hales S
A Gentleman who desires to be unknown, by the ?
Hands of the Reverend Mr. Smith . . . \
An unknown Person sent in a Letter to Mr. Madockcs"
at the Bank Z,.2o : : for the Georgia Trust ; where- > 20
upon the Trustees agreed to this Appropriation thereof
A Gentleman who desired his Name to be concealed,
by the Hands of the Reverend Mr. Smith
The Reverend Mr. Charles Hawtrey, Sub-Dean of ,
Exeter, by the Hands of Mr. Robert Bishop . ' ^
A Lady who desires to be unknown, by the Hands of ,
the Reverend Dr. Bundy .....( -"
A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by the ?
Hands of the Reverend Dr. Hales . . . S
The Reverend Mr. Metcalfeoi Sunbury, in Middlesc.v, ^
by the same Hands ...... S
A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by the ^
same Hands ....... \
A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by the l
same Hands I
Carried forward L. 115
d.
MISSIONAUIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEOEGIA.
361
3 Fcbr.
1735-
19 June.
3 7"iy-
I October.
3 Ditto
12 Novcm.
4 Decern.
3 /Vi?/'.
1736.
4 J/«/.
4 y««^.
1736
4 yune.
1735-
13 Novcm.
23 Decern.
(")
Brought forward /,.
A Gentlewoman who desires to be unlcnown, by the
Hands of the Reverend Dr. Hales .
I. s.
"S 3
10 10
50
4
1
5
10
(12)
The Use of the Missionaries for converting to Christianity
the Native Indians,
vis. From
A Gentlewoman whose Name is desired to be con-
cealed, by the Hands of the Reverend Dr. Hales
Mrs. Dionysia Long, by the same Hands
Mrs. Cibbs, by the same Hands ....
His Grace William Lord Archbishop of Canterbury,
by the Hands of the Reverend Dr. Lynch, to be laid
out in proper Books .....
An unknown Gentlewoman, by the Hands of the Rev-
erend Dr. Hales
An unknown Gentlewoman, by the same Hands .
William Bclitha Esq; by the same Hands
A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by the
Hands of William Bclitha Y-^iw
A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by the
Hands of the Reverend Mr. Thorold, Minister
Ludgate Church
Mrs. Edy Hody, by the Hands of the Reverend Mr.
Archdeacon Stnbbs
A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknovi^n, by the
Hands of the Reverend Dr. Hales .
A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by the ^1
same Hands, to be thus applied, or towards the Sup- 1
port of the Minister of any particular Congregation (
already established in Georgia ... J
A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknovv'n, by the )
same Hands > 00
An unknown person, a Bank Note for L. 20 : : sent ?
in a letter to the Reverend Dr. Hales . . C "
10 10
5
10
die")
(•3)
^- 350 13
The use of the Missionaries and School-master for
the Saltzburghers,
viz. From
The Honourable Society for promoting Christian"
Knowledge, by the Hands of William lillard 'Es(\;
to be applied for the Payment of half a Year's Sala-
ries from the said Society, to the Missionaries and
Schoolmaster for the Saltzburghers in Georgia, to
iht^xsioi N'ovc?nbcr, 17^,6 _
And for the Religious Uses of the Colony in General,
such as the buying of Books, the cultivating Lands
to raise a Provision for the IVLaintenance of a Min-
ister, and the Appropriation towards the Mainten-
ance of a Catechist, viz. From
Richard Chandler, Esq ;
I Mr. Benjamin Sprint .
SO
10 10
I I
362
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
1 6 Febr.
1736.
6 April,
22 Ditto
18 May,
18 May,
A Gentleman who desires to be unknown, by the
Hands of Rogers Holland Esq ; . .
The Honourable Mrs. Katharine SoiUhwell, by the^
Hands of the Right Honourable the Earl of Egmont,
being part of the Money left by the Viscountess
Sondes, deceased, to be disposed of in Charity as
the said Mrs. Southwell should think fit, to be ap-
plied in cultivating Lands, for the abovenientioned
Use
The same Person by tlie same Hands, being another )
Benefaction out of the Money left by the said Vis- |
countess Sondes, to be disposed of as aforesaid, to I
be applied in cultivating Lands, toward the Main- (
tenance of a Catechist at Savannah, out of the net |
Proceed of such Land . . . . .
Sir Philip Parker Long Baronet, by the Hands of the
Right Honourable the Earl of Egmont, to be ap-
plied in cultivating Lands to raise a Provision for
the Maintenance of a Minister ....
The Reverend Mr. Herbert Randolph oi Deal, by the
Hands of the Reverend Mr. Burton .
Carried over L.
(14)
Brought over L.
A Clergyman who desires his Name to be concealed,
by the Hands of the Reverend Mr. Burton
A Benefactor whose Name is desired to be concealed,
by the same Hands, being the third annual Pay-
ment, to be continued for the Term of the Bene-
factor's Life, but given for Five Years certain for
the Endowment of a Catechist in Georgia
L.
(19)
Expended for the Missionaries sent to convert to Chris-
tianity the Indians in Georgia, vis. :
For Books, Surplices, Hoods, and Necessaries sup-
plied the said Missionaries, and for their Freight to
Georgia, on Board the Ship Siinond
(21)
Monies remaining in the Bank of England at the
end of the Year's Accompt whereof
Appropriated to Answer Sola
Bills of Exchange issued in
Georgia for the Service of
the Colony
B:il3nce remaining
plied.
0 be ap-
/.
s.
d.
/.
S.
d.
4,000
646
155
I
6
5i
Note, That Z. 171 : 5: 7 of the above Sum of Z. 646: 1 : 3I is ap-
propriated towards building a Church in Georgia.
243 13
=43
5
s. d.
13
258 13
/. J. d.
107 3 10^
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA.
363
1732-
21 March,
1733-
18 April,
30 Afay,
1734-
1 1 Ncvem.
June,
(22)
EFFECTS applied by the Trustees, since the determination of the
last Accompt out of the Effects then remaining unapplied, which
were received at the Times and from the several Persons hereafter
mentioned.
Names of Contributors.
Mr. Vercht
An unknown Bcnefac-^
tress, by the Hands 1
of the Reverend Dr. f
Hales ... J
An unknown Hand, by
the same Hands .
The Reverend
Philip Stubbs
Mr.
Sir Jolin Austin Bart,
by the Hands of Rob-
ert Hiicks Esq ; .
Effects contributed, which remained imapplied.
A Bible.
A Book of Homilies.
Sent on Board the Simond in October,
'735-
Eighty eight of the One hundred and
eighty si.\ Bibles, Minion izmo.
Whereof two sent on Board the Georgia
Pink the 7th of August, 1735.
One hundred and seven of the Two hun-
dred Common Prayer Books, Minion
\2.mo.
Whereof two sent on Board the Georgia
Pink the 7th of August, 1735.
Two dozen of Practical Tracts, for pro-
moting Christian Knowledge among the
Saltzburghers.
Sent on Board the Simond in October,
1735-
A Bible in the New England Indian Lan-
guage.
Sent on Board the Simond in October,
1735-
(23)
EFFECTS received in England within the Time of this Accompt,
from the several Persons hereafter mentioned, and applied by the
Trustees.
Names of Contributors.
1735-
16 Ditto
A Person who desires'^
to be unknown, by the
Hands of the Rever-
end Dr. Hales, for the
Use of the New Set-
tlement which is go-
ing to be made at the
Southward Part of
Georgia .
Effects contributed.
One Bible, 4/r).
One Cominon Prayer Book, 4/(7.
Twenty Bibles, Minion \2mo.
Twenty five Testaments, Long Primer
Zvo.
Fifty Common Prayer Books, Minion
1 2mo.
Twenty five Bishop of Man, on the Lord's
Supper.
Fifty Christian Monitor, and Companion
to the Altar.
Fifty Christian Monitor, and Answer to
E.xcuses.
One hundred Horn-Books.
One hundred Primers.
One hundred A, B, C, with the Church
Catechism.
364
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
27 August
3 Sepi.
Oaob.
Mr. Edward Cave .
Mr. ya/m Baskett
A Person who desires to ^
be unknown, by the I
Hands of Mr. Adam [
Anderson . . J
Two hundred Friendly Admonition to the
Drinkers of Brandy.
AH Sent on Board the Siniond in October,
1735-
A Bible and Common Prayer Book of the
largest and best Sort, for the new Church
to be built at Savannah.
Sent on Board the Sii/iond in October,
1735-
One large Bible, and one Folio Common
Prayer Book, for the Church in Georgia.
And One hundred Common Prayer Books,
for the Use of the People.
Whereof Thirty of the said One hundred
Common Prayer Books sent on Board
i\\& Si/nond\T\ October, 1735.
One hundred Books, called A Short and
Plain Instruction, for the better under-
standing of the Lord's Supper.
And one hundred Books of the Principles
and Duties of Christianity.
Sent on Board the Two Brothers in JVo-
veinber, 1735.
Three
(24)
7 October,
10 Ditto
24. Decern.
1732-
7 Decern.
31 Ditto
Three Ladies, who de-'
sire to be unknown,
by the Hands of the
Reverend Mr. Wil-
son
Mr. Thomas Lediard,
The Right Honourable \
'JohnEaxXoiEgmont, \
Three hundred Books, called The Princi-
ples and Duties of Christianity.
And Fifty Books, called Plain Instructions
for the better understanding of the
Lord's Supper.
Sent on Board the Two Brothers in No-
vember, 1735.
Ten German Grammars, for the Use of
the Colony, Sent on Board the Simond
in October, 1735.
A Bible in the German Language by Dr.
Martin Luther, printed in the Year,
1605.
Sent on Board the .Samuel in January,
1735-
EFFECTS received in England from the several Persons, and at the
Times hereafter mentioned, and which remain to be applied by the
Trustees, at the determination of this Accompt.
Names of Contributors.
Effects contributed.
An unknown Benefac-
tor by the Hands of
Captain Coram .
Mr. yames Leake
Eleven of the hundred Books, of the
Great Importance of a Religious Life
considered.
One thousand Spelling Books.
Forty
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA.
365
(25)
28 Fcbr.
'733-
\?> April,
10 May,
30 Ditto
17 October
1734-
10 April.
7 77/«^.
The Reverend Mr. 1
Stanley, Rector of
Hadham in Hert-
fordshire, by tlie
Hands of the Rever-
end Dr. Hales
An unknown Benefac-'
tress, by the Hands
of the Reverend Dr.
Hales .
Mr. Ray. by the Hands ~
of the Reverend Mr.
Smith . . . _
An unknown Hand, by ~
the Hands of the
Reverend Dr. Hales
The Reverend Mr. Phil- \
ip Stiibbs. Rector of I
St. James Garlick I
Hyth, London . J
Mr. John IVorthington.^
for the Promotion of
Religion in Georgi.a. ,
The Reverend Mr. Fox'\
of Reading, by the |
Hands of tlie Rever- |
end Mr. Smith . J
Forty eight Faith and Practice of a Church
of England Man, in Sheets.
Eight Christian Monitors
Nine Lewis's Catecliism.
Eighty si.x of the One hundred and eighty
six Bibles, Minion linio.
One hundred and one of the One liundrcd
and eighty seven Duty of Man, small
\2.ino.
Fifty Books, called Companion for the
Sick.
Two hundred Dr. Thomas Couch's shew-
ing how to walk with God.
Two hundred Help and Guide to Christian
Families, by Mr. Bitrkitt.
Two hundred Gibson^s Family Devotion.
One hundred and five of the Two hundred
Common Prayer Books, Minion i2mo.
Two hundred Horn Books.
Two hundred Primers.
One hundred Testaments.
One hundred Psalters.
Two hundred A, B, C, with the Church
Catechism.
One hundred Lewis''s Catechism.
One hundred The Young Christian in-
structed.
One hundred of the Two hundred Friendly
Admonition to the Drinkers of Brandy.
Twelve sermons, called the Divine Jlission
of Gospel Ministers, by the said Mr.
Stubbs.
Two Copies of Select Discourses, by Dr.
IV'orthington, in Sheets.
Eighty Copies of a Treatise, intituled, A
System of Christian Doctrine, in Sheets.
Thirty of the said Treatise bound.
Three Sets of the New Testament, with
References, &c. in Two Volumes.
Fifty
(26)
27 JVovem.
12 Febr.
An unknown Benefac-"!
tor, by the Hands of I
Mr. Benjamin Bar- \
ker . . .J
An unknown Person )
sent to the OfBce \
Fifty Books of The great Importance of a
Religious Life considered ; and Forms
of Pr.ayer for the Holy Sacrament, bound
together.
Twenty Books in Sheets, called The
Church Catechism e.xplained.
366
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
1735-
1 6 March,
3 Sept.
2 October,
7 Ditto
17 Novem.
10 Decent.
12 yan.
1736.
2 ytiHc,
Mr. y(?/i« Tuckwell .
Mr. 7tf//« Baskitt
Mr. yy//« Williams
Mr. Joseph Marshall,
for the pulick Libra-
ries in Georgia.
Mr. 7<9/«2 Skinner .
A Gentleman who de-
sires to have his
Name concealed, by
the Hands of Thomas
Tnuer Esq ; for a
Parochial Library be-
longing to one of the
Churches to be built
in the Colony of
Georgia .
Mr. Edward Cave
Dr. Robert Tho7nlinson\
of Wickham. near
Neivcadle upon Tyne, \
in the Bishoprick of \
Durham, by the
Hands of Mr. Wil-
liaiit Tlwmlinson
Henry Archer Esq ;
The Associates of the
late Dr. Bray
The Right Honourable ^
ynhn Earl of Egmont s
A large Church Clock, and Dial Plate,
packed in two strong Cases, and two
Clock Weights loose, for Savannah in
Georgia; Value Twenty one Pounds.
One large Bible, and one Folio Common
Prayer Book, for the Church in Geor-
gia.
And Seventy of the One hundred Com-
mon Prayer Books, for the Use of the
People.
A Cambridge Concordance, and Six Books
called Sacred and Moral Poems.
Two Books of Dr. Owcn^s and Mr. yarnes
yanC7vay^s Works, and Two Books of
yosephus^s History.
A Branch for the first Church in Georgia.
A large Church Bible.
And three Volumes in Folio of Archbishop
Tillotson's Works.
Five hundred of the lesser Duty of Man,
for the Use of the poor Inhabitants of
Georgia.
A Quantity of Iron Ware, to the Value of
Fifty Pounds, for building a Church, and
House for the Minister, in Georgia.
A Parochial Library for Savannah in
Georgia.
A Parcel of Books in divers Faculties for
the Library in Georgia.
We append the titles of Whitefield's " Georgia Journals " '(the first iiifae-sim-
ile), tracing, in his own inimitable way, and with a freedom afterwards restrained,
the progress of this remarkable man.
' The preface to the .Tourual from Lon Jon to
Savannah is signed "James Hiitton, Temple-
Bar, Aug. 18, 1738." The following extracts
from it are important : —
riIHE following Journal would never have been
J. published had not a surreptitious Copy of Part
of it been printed without the author's knowledge
or consent: lie knows Uimsclt too well to ob-
trude his little private concerns upon the World;
especially wdien intermixed with such Passajjes
relating to others, as none but an unthiukiui^
person could judge proper to divulge.
It appears from this prelace that the " sur-
MISSIONAEIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA. 307
A
JOURNAL
O F A
VOYAGE
FROM
LONDON
TO
Savannah in G e org lA,
In Two Parts.
Pa R T I. From London to G'ibr altar.
Pa n T II. From Gibraltar to SavannaJ),
■Ry GEORGE IVHITEFI ELD, A.B.
oi PeTnhokt-Colk^*, Oxford,
JVnb a Jhort PRzrACZ, foewing tie Reafin of its Pilo-
licatwft.
- I ■■
The FiJTH EoiTroN.
LONDON,
Piiiilcdfor James Hvtton, st the £«iZe and 5a« next the
SaCe To.veni without Temple-Bar. MDCCXXXPC.
(Piice Six Pmce.)
reptitious Copv " referred to was published bv a The Journal (55 pp. 8°) extends from
Mr. Cooper "'4,1/ .Stealth, without any just War- Wednesday, Deeemher 28, 1737 {tide p. 3), to
rant or Authority." Sunday, May 7, 1738 (p. 54).
368 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUHCU.
A I CONTINUATION | of the Reverend | Me. Whitefield's
JOURNAL I from his Arrival at | Savannah, \ to his Return to
London. | The Second Edition.
London : | Printed by W. Strahan, and Sold by James Hutton,
at the Bible and Sun, without Temple-Bar. mdccxxxix.
8vo., pp. [4] 38
A I CONTINUATION | of the Reverend ] Mr. Whitefield's
I JOURNAL I FROM I His Arrival at London \ to | His Departure
from thence | on his Way to Georgia.
London : | Printed for James Hutton, at the Bible and Sun,
without Temple-Bar. 1739. 8vo., pp. iv 115
A I CONTINUATION | of the Reverend | Mr. Whitefield's |
JOURNAL, I During the Time he was detained in | Enc/land by
the Embargo | The Third Edition.
London : | Printed by W. Strahan, and sold by James Hutton,
at the Bible and Sun, without Temple-Bar. 1739. 8vo. , pp. iv 40
A I CONTINUATION | of the Reverend
JO URNAL, I From his Embarking after the
Arrival at Savannah in Georgia. | The Second
London : | Printed by W. Strahan for James Hutton, at the
Bible and Sun, without Temple-Bar. 1740. 8vo., pp. 88
Mn. Whitefield's |
EMBARGO, I To his
Edition.
A I CONTINUATION | of the Reverend | Mr. Whitefield's |
JOURNAL, I After his Arrival at | Georgia, | To a few Days after
his second Rctuini thither from | Philadelphia.
London : | Printed by W. Strahan for James Hutton, at the
Bible and Sun, without Temple-Bar. 1741. 8vo., pp. 58
A I CONTINUATION | of the Reverend | Mr. Whitefield's |
JOURNAL, I From a fe\v Days after his Return to | Georgia \ To
his Arrival at | Falmouth, \ on the 11th of IMarch, 1741. | Containing
I An Account of the Work of God at Georgia, Rhode-Island, New-
England, New- York, Pennsylvania and South-Carolina. | The Seventh
Journal.
London : | Printed by W Strahan for R. Helt at the Bible and
Crown in the Poultry, and Sold by T. Cooper at the Globe in Pater-
Noster-Row. 1741 | [Price One Shilling.] 8vo., pp. Title, 85
A further proof of the Christian and churchly character of the
colonization of this province is found in the " Georgia Sermons," a list
of which, so far as they have come under our notice, we append : —
A I SERINION I Preach'd before the | Trustees for Establishing
the Colony of \ GEORGIA in America., \ And before the | Associates
of the late Rev. Dr. THOMAS BRAY, \ for Converting the Negroes
in the British Plantations, \ and for other | good purposes. \ at their
I First Yearly-Meeting, | in the | Parish Church of St. Augustin,
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHUIiCH IN GEORGIA. 369
I On Tuesday, February 23, 17§f , | by SAMUEL SMITH, LL.H.
Lecturer I of St. ^?6aK'.s', Wood-Street. I PnhUsh'd at the Desire of the
TRUSTEES and ASSOCIATES. | To which is annexed | Some
Account of the Designs both of the TRUSTEES I and ASSOCI-
ATES. I
London : Printed by F. March, and sold by Messieurs Mount
and Page, on | Tower-Hill, m.dcc.xxxiii. |
4°. pp. 42. Map.
Text, Isaiah xi. 9. Latter Part. Pp. 41 and 42 contain | To the
King's Most Excellent Majesty, | The Humlile Petition of | Thomas
Bray, D.D., | being the Petition to King William IIL for the Incorpo-
ration of the Venerable Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in
Foreign Parts.
Rich (Bib. Am. Nova., p. 49) copies this title from the Catalogue
of Harvard College Library.
Tlie Duty and Reward of Propagatinr/ Princijjles of Religion \
and Virtue exemplijled in the History o/" Abraham. |
A I SERMON I Preach'd before the | Trustees for Establishing
the Colony of | Geokgia in America. | And before the Associates of
the late Rev. Dr. TH03IAS BRAY, \ for Converting the Negroes in
the British Plantations, | and for other | good Purposes. | at their |
Anniversary Meeting, | in the Parish Church of St. Mary-Le-Bow.
I On Thursday, March 15, 1732. | By JOIUST BURTON, B.D.,
Fellow of Corpus | Christi College in Oxford. | Published at the
Desire of the Trustees and Associates. | To which is annexed, |
The General Account exhibited by the Trustees | to the Right Hon-
oural)le the Lord High Ciiancellor, and the | Loi'd Chief Justice of
His Majesty's Court of Common-Pleas, Pur- | suant to the Directions
of their Charter. |
London : Printed by P. 3Iarch, and sold by Messieurs Mount
and Page, on | Tower-Hill, ji.ucc.xxxhi. | 4°. Pp. 50.
Text, Genesis xviii. 19.
The General Account includes pp. 33-50.
a I SERMON I Preached at | Sr. George's Church | HANO-
VER SQUARE, I On Sunday, February 17, 173|. | To reconunend
the Charity for establishing the | New Colony of Georgia. \ By T.
Rundle, LL. D.,Preliendary of | Durham. | Published at the request
of the Right Honourable the | Lord Viscount Tyrconnel, the Honour-
able I Col. Whitworth, Churchwardens, | and Several of the Parish-
ioners.
London : | Printed for T. Woodward, at the Half-Moon, between
I the two Temple Gates, Fleet-street ; and J. Brindley, \ in New
Bond-street, mdccxxxiv. 4°. pp. 24
Text, Deut. Chap. xv. Ver. ii.
Rich (Bib. Am. Nova.), calls this 8°
370 HISTOIiY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
A I SERMON I Preached before the | Trustees | For Establish-
ing the I Colony of Georfjia in America ; | And l)efore the Associates
of the late Rev. Dr. Thomas Bray, for | Converting the Negroes in
the British Plantations, and for other good Purposes ; | at their Anni-
versary Meeting | In the Parish Church of St. Brides, Fleet-street,
I On Thursdajs March 21, 1734. | By Stephen Hales, D.D., Rector
of Fai-ringdon in Hampshire, and Minister of Feddington, Middlesex.
I Published at the Desire of the Trustees and Associates. | To
which is annex'd | The General Account for one whole Year, from
the ninth day of | June, in the Year of our Lord 1733, to the ninth
Day of June 1734, exhibited | Ity the said Trustees, pursuant to the
Directions of their Charter, to the Right | Honourable Charles Lord
Talbot, Baron of Henfol, Lord High Chancellor of | Great Britain,
and Sir Joseph Jekyll, Knight, Master of the Rolls.
London : | Printed for T. Woodward, at the Half-Moon, between
the Two I Temple-Gates in Fleet-Street, mdccxxxiv.
4°. Pp. ()2.
Text, Galat. vi. 2.
A I SERMON 1 Preached before the | Trustees | for Establish-
ing the I Colony of Georgia in America; \ At their | Anniversary
Meeting | in the Parish-Church of St. Bridget, alias \ St. Bride, in
Fleet street, London: | On Thursday, March 18, 1735. [ Published at
the Particular Request of (he Trustees. | By the Rev. George Watts,
M.A. I Preacher to the Honourable Society of Lincoln's Inn.
London : | Printed by M. Dovming, in Bartholemew-Close, near
I West-Smithfield. m.dcc.xxxvi. 4°. Pp. 27.
Text, Psal. cvii. 35, 3G, 37.
WARREN, ROBERT | Industry and Diligence in our callings
earnestly recommended in a Sermon i)i'eached I^efore the Trustees for
Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America. March 17,1736-7.
By Robert Warren, D.D., &c.
Meadows, London. 1737. 4°. pp. 16.
Rich. Bib. Am. Nova. p. 432 (suppl.)
a I SERiMON I Preached before the Honorable Trustees | For
Establishing the | Colony of Georgia in America, \ And the Associ-
ates I of the I late Reverend Dr. I3ray ; | at their Anniversary Meet-
ing I March IG, 1737-8, | In the | Parish-Church of St. Bridget,
alias St. Bride, \ in Fleet-Street, London. [ By Philip Beakcroft,
D.D. I Preacher at Charter-House. \ Published at the particular Re-
quest of the Trustees and Associates.
London : | m.dcc.xxxviii. 4°. Pp. 22.
a I SERMON I Prcach'd before the | Honorable Trustees |
For Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, \ And the Asso-
ciates of the late Reverend Dr. Bray, ( At their | Anniversary jMeet-
ing, March 15, 1738-0. | In the | Parish Church of St. Bridget, alias
MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA. 371
St. Bride, in Fleet-street, \ London. | By William Hekriman, D.D.
Rector of St. Andrew's Undershaft, | and Felloiv of\ Eton College.
Published at the Desire of the Trustees and Associates.
London : | Printed for John Carter, at the Blackamore's Head,
opposite to I the Royal Exchange in Cornhill. m.dcc.xxxix. ( Price
Six Pence. AP. Pp. 24.
Text, Dedt. xxvi. 9, 10.
The sermons for 1740-41 and 1741-42, if published, have failed
to attract our notice.
Tlie duty of public spirit; \ Recommended in a | SERMON |
Preached before the | Honourable Trustees | For estal)lishing the
I Colony of Georgia in America, And the | Associates of (he late
Reverend Dr. Bray, | At their | Anniversary jNIeeting, March 20,
1739-40 ; | By William Crowe. | Published at the Desire of the
Trustees and Associates.
London: | 1740. 4°
Advertised in Trubner & Co.'s Catalogue (1837).
The Sermon delivered in 1742-3 was by Rev. Dr. King, and is
advertised in Lasbury's Catalogue, Bristol, May, 1859.
The Happiness of Man the Glory of God. \ a SERMON |
Preached before the | Honourable Trustees | For Establishing the
I Colony of Georgia in America, \ And the | Associates of the late
Rev. Dr. Bray; | At their | Anniversary Meeting March 15, 1743,
I In the I Parish Church of St. Margaret, Westminster. \ By Lewis
Bruce, A.M. | Preacher of his Majesty's Chapel, Somerset-House.
London : | Printed by Daniel Browne, in Crane-Court, Fleet-
Street. I MDCCXLIV. 4°. Pp. 53.
Text, I CoR. X. XXXI.
No copy of the Georgia sermon for 1744 has fallen under our
notice.
A I SERMON I Preached before the | Honorable Trustees [
For Establishing the | Colony of Georgia in America,, \ And the
I Associatesof the late Reverend Dr. Bray ; | At their | Anniversary
Meeting, March 20, 1745-6, | In the | Parish Church of St. Mar-
garet, Westminster. | By Glocester Ridley, LL. B. | Published at
the Desire of the Trustees and Associates.
London : | mdccxlvi. 4°. Pp. 21.
CHAPTER XXI.
COMMISSARY GARDEN AND THE CHURCH IN SOUTH
CAROLINA.
THE first settlement of South Carolina by the English was at-
tempted at Beaufort. Two ships, bearing colonists from Virginia,
set sail on Passion Sunday, April 8, 1660, and arrived at the
mouth of the commodious harljor of Port Royal on Maundy Thurs-
day, April the 19th. Accompanying the expedition was the Rev.
Morgan Jones, who had been, as he claims, " Chaplain to Major-Gen-
eral Bennet, of Nauseman (Nansemond) County,"' and was sent out
by Major Bennet, and Sir William Berkeley, the governor, who were
the chief promoters of the projected settlement, to be the minister.
There can be little doubt but that the Good-Friday prayers, and the
solemn services and sacrament of the Easter feast, marked this first
occupancy of the soil of South Carolina by the English race. The
enterprise was shortly after abandoned, though Jones professes to have
continued at Oyster Point, the site of the present city of Charleston,
for eight months, "all of which time being almost starved for want of
provisions." 2 Driven by hunger to the wilderness, Jones, with a
party of five, endeavored to reach Roanoke, but all were captured by
the Tuscaroras, and condemned to death. The use of Welsh words
by the captive minister, if we may credit his romantic narrative, pro-
cured his release, and established him and his companion in the favor
of the savages, with whom he remained four months, "conversing with
them familiarly in the British language ; and did preach to them three
times a week in the same language."^ Jones subsequently became
minister of Newtown, L.I., where he was officiating in 1678, and at
Westchester in 1680.^ In 1682 he was at Great Neck, L.I.* The
communication referring to the short-lived settlement at Port Royal,
to which we have already referred, is dated at New York, March 10,
1685-86.
In 1662 cei'tain noblemen applied to Charles II. for a grant of
territory in North America. They alleged, as the motives of their
request, a desire to enlarge the dominions of the king and a " zest for
the propagation of the Christian faith in a country not yet cultivated
or planted, and only inhabited by some bai'barous people, who had no
knowledge of God."" On the 24th of March, 1662-3, the king, by
royal charter, created Edward, Earl of Clarendon, Lord Chancellor,
1 Vide a letter copied from the Gentleman's ° Onderdonk's " Antiquities of the Parish
Magazine, for Mareh, 1740, iu the " Am. Hist. Chmch of Hempstead," p. 2.
Record," 1., pp. 250-252. -- Ihiil. ^ Ibid. "Dalcho's "Hist. Ace. of the Ch. ia So.
* Boltou's " Westchester Church," pp. 259, Car.," p. 1.
200.
THE CHURCH IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 373
the Duke of Albemarle, Lord Craven, Lord Berkeley, Lord Ashley,
afterwards the Earl of Shaftshurv, Sir George Carteret, Sir William
Berkeley, and Sir John Colleton, lords proprietors of the province of
Carolina. The charter established the Church, but permitted and en-
joined toleration. A settlement was made at Port Royal, in 1G70, by
colonists from England, under the leadership of Col. William Saylc.
The settlers remained at Port Royal but a few months, when they
removed to the western bank of the Ashley river, " for the conven-
ience of pasturage and tillage," and "on the first high land" they
laid the foundation of the present city of Charleston. On the death
of Governor Sayle, which took place shortly after the removal of the
settlement. Col. Joseph West succeeded to the command of the
colony. Under the administration of this active, brave, and prudent
leader the colony increased in numbers and strength. West had been
elected by the council on the death of Sayle ; but the lords proprie-
tors, on being informed of the vacancy, appointed Sir John Yeamans,
during whose term of office Charleston was rapidly built up. The first
church was erected about 1G81 or 1682. It was Iiuilt of lilack cypress,
upon a lirick foundation, on the site originally designed for it in the
model of the town sent out by the lords proprietors. It is described
as " large and stately," and was surrounded by a neat white palisade.
The land on which it was built, comprising four acres, was the gift of
Originall Jackson and Mcliscent, his wife, who executed the deed on
the 14th of January, 1680-81, "being excited with a pious zeal for
the propagation of the true Christian religion which we profess." '
In this church " Divine service, according to the form and liturgy of
the Church of England now established," was " to be duly and
solemnly done and j)erformed by Atkin Williamson, Cleric, his heirs
and assigns forever."'^ It is evident from this deed of gift that the
clergyman named therein was already on the ground. Of the time of
his coming we have no knowledge, but he was in the province in
1680, and died at an advanced age, early in the following century. He
was living in 1710-11, as the records show that there was money due
to him from the church. In April, 1709, he had petitioned the Gen-
eral Assembly "to be considered for his services as officiating as
minister of Charles-Town," and the assembly ordered the payment
of his claim. Later, on the 1st of March, 1710-11, the same legis-
lative body appropriated £30 per annum for his support during his
life, the act reciting that "he had grown so disabled with age, sick-
ness, and other infirmities, that he could not any longer attend to the
duties of his ministerial functions, and was so very poor that he could
not maintain himself."^ The "Fundamental Constitutions" of the
'DalcUo's "Hist. Ace. of the Ch. in So. and the account he gives of their loss is so weak
Cai'.,'"!). 26. - IMd. and slender that it can't be relied on. Besides
^ Ilawks and Periy's " Doc. Hist, of the Ch. he mi'iht in 8 j-ears time, for it is so lonj; lie says
in So. Car.," p. 3. Commissary .Johnson, in a let- since he lost them, I believe, have had fresh
ter to theven. soc. in 1710, thus refers to Mr. ones from the Rejjisters of those Dioceses wherc-
Williamson : " Mr. Atkins Williamson has lived in he was ordained, and thcrofoi'e liis not getting
here under the notion and character of a Minis- them makes me suspect his mission. He says
ter29year3,buttlie inhabitants have not thought Primate Margetson of Ireland ordained him
fit to take up with him as a settled Jliuister in Deacon when Ai-ehbishop of Dublin and Bishop
any part of the province during that time. He Barlow of Lincoln ordained him Priest. You
has no Letters or Ordei^ of any kind to produce, will easily know this by consulting the Uegister
374
IIISTOKV OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
lords proprietors, drawn up by the celebrated John Locke, had jiro-
vided for the naaintenance of the clergy of " the Church of England,
which being the only true and orthodox, and the national religion of
all the king's dominions, is so also of Carolina." ^ In view of these
"Constitutions" there was every propriety in the provision of a sup-
port for the declining years of the first settled clergyman of the
Church in the province.
The church, which from the first bore the name of St. Philip,
having begun to decay after thirty years' use and occupancy and
ST. Michael's church.
being, besides, too small for the increasing congregation, an act of
the asseml)ly was passed, on the 1st of IMarcli, 1710-11, for the
erection of a church of brick. New St. Philip's was erected on
Church street, its present site, and in 1827 the old cypress church
was taken down. Subsequently, at the division of the town into two
parishes, in 1751, all south of Broad street became St. Michael's, and
its church was built, and is still standing, on the site originally occu-
pied by the old wooden church.
The active ministry of Mr. Williamson appears to have ceased in
1696, at which time the Rev. Samuel Marshall was appointed to the
of Lincoln, and when you have leceived his ' Hawks and Peny's " Doc. Hist, of the Ch.
answer, be pleased to eonimiinicate it to rae with iu So. Car.," p. 4.
the first opportunity." — So. Car. MtiS., i-, p- 250
THE CHURCH IN SOUTH CAROLINA. STr)
cure. Mr. Marshall was induced to leave " a considerable benefice
and hon()ural)le way of living in England for the propagation of
the Christian Religion, and particularly that of the Church^of Eng-
land," at the instance and by the encouragement of the celel)rated
Rev. William Burkett, Vicar of Dedham, well known as the author
of a popular commentary on the New Testament. Such was the
satisfaction given l)y the exemplary conduct and the unusual al)ility
of the new incumbent of St. Philip's that the General Assembly, on
the 8th of October, 1798, passed "an Act to settle the maintenance
on a minister of the Church of England at Charles-Town," which, after
referring to the recommendations of Mr. JNIarshall as "a sober, pious,
worthy, al>le and learned Divine, of all which, by his devout and
exemplary life and good doctrine he hath approved himself worthy,"
proceeded to enact " that the said Samuel JNIarshall Ije, and he is hereby
nominated minister of Charles-Town, during his life, or so long as he
shall think lit to continue in this colony, and serve in the said minis-
try, and shall have and enjoy all the land, houses, negroes, cattle and
money appointed for the use, benefit and behoof of the minister of
Charles-Town."' This act further appropriated a stipend of £150
jicr annum to the minister and his
successor forever, and directed that /j /Ia
a negro man and woman, and four ^ J:d(fj^^ /O
cows and calves, be purchased at the / jjLfff^^^ / OTfl^td,
public charge for his use. The same \^//^ ^-^ .J
year the Church received, through ^ {^
the pious gift of Mrs. Atfra Coming,
widow of John Coming, Esq., one of the early settlers, seventeen
acres, constituting the present glebe of the two churches of St. Philip
and St. Michael. It is evident that the Church in the province was
being built upon sure foundations, and was connnended to the love and
sup}iort of its members by the exemplary life and faithful ministry of
the incumbent of St. Philijj's.
Mr. Marshall died, towards the close of the j^ear 1699, of a malig-
nant epidemic disease, doubtless what is now known as the yellow-fever,
which carried off in its jn'ogress the chief justice of the province, to-
gether with other public officers, and upwards of one hundred and
fifty of the people. So great was the mortality that the people fled
in numbers into the country, leaving but few behind. The legisla-
ture made provision for the widow of Mr. Marshall, while under
date of January 17, 1699-1700, the governor and council addressed
a request for a clergyman to the Bishop of London, Dr. Henry Comp-
ton, of which the following is an extract : —
That fatherly care whicli your Lordship liath taken to fill all the Churches in
His Majesty's plantations in jVmerica with pious, learned, and orthodox ministers,
as well as j'our Lordship's application to us of that care, in a more especial man-
ner, by sending to us so eminently good a man as our late JNIinister, the Rev. j\Ir.
Marshall, deceased, encoiu-ages us to address your Lordship for such another. He,
by his regular, sober, and devout life, gave no advantage to the enemies of our
Church to speak ill of its ministers ; by his sound docti-ine the weak sons of our
■ Hawks ami Pcny's " Doc. Hist, of the Cli. in So. Car.," p. 33.
376 HISTORY OF TIIE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Chui-ch he confirmed ; by his easy, and, as it were, natural use of the ceremo-
nies of our Church, he tooic away all occasions of scandal ivt them; by his prudent
and obliging way of living, and manner of practice, ho had gained the esteem
of all persons. For these reasons, it is that we address your Lordship for such
another. '
The Rev. Edward Marston, A.M., received the appointment to
the vacant cure. He arrived in Charleston in the year 1700. Prior
to his leaving England he had attracted notice by the publication in
London of a sermon on simony. In the same year, but whether
as a companion of the Eev. Mr. Marston, or not, we are not informed,
there came to South Carolina the Rev. William Corbin, who ofBciated
for the settlers upon Goose Creek. Mr. Corbin had been preacher at
the Chapel of Bromley St. Leonard, Middlesex, and in 1695 pub-
lished a Thanksgiving sermon of some merit. He left the country in
1703. Mr. Marston continued in charge of St. Philip's until 1705,
when he was removed from oifice by a board of law commissioners
appointed by the legislature, in November, 1704. He had been a
notorious Jacobite ere his coming to the Province, and was for a time
imprisoned in England for " railing against the government." There
can be little doubt but that he was imprudent and litigious, of violent
passions and contentious disposition, and involved him.self in difficul-
ties by reflecting on the measures, and abusing the members, of the
assembly. The ptiblic records aljound in proofs of these charges,
and the church, which in the time of Mr. Marshall was well frequented
and i)rosperous, was "almost wholly deserted." Summoned before
the legislative body, to answer for his conduct, his demeanor and
answers were such as to provoke the assembly to draw up a formal
act of censure, and to send "an address to the Governor and Council
fora suspension of the said Marston//-om his salari/ during the pleasure"
of the house. Mr. Marston was summoned before the assembly to hear
the " act of censure ;" but although he appeared in response to the
summons, he refused to hear the act, and while he continued to
officiate the assembly refused to pay the stipend previously voted
to the incumbent of Charle.s-Town.
Failing to rid themselves of this obnoxious parson by withholding
his salary, the legislature, on the 4th of November, 1704, passed
"An act for the establishment of religious worship in this province,
according to the Church of England, and for the erecting of churches
for the public worship of God, and also for the maintenance of
Ministers, and the building convenient houses for them." This law
"established" the Church in South Carolina, and contained some ex-
ceedingly arbitrary and extraordinary provisions. Among them was a
Iclause appointing a board of laymen, to try and to remove, if they saw
fit, any minister against whom complaint should be made by the major
part of the vestry, together with any nine aggrieved parishioners. It
was by this commission that Mr. Marston was removed, in 1705.
The act of 1704 gave little satisfaction. Those who dissented from
tlie Church of England regarded their exclusion from the rights en-
> Hawks aud Pei'iy's " Documents Relating to the Hist, of tlic Ch. iu So. Cai-.," p. 7.
THE CHURCH IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 377
joyed by the members of the establisliment as an infringement of the
toleration secured to them by the royal chai-ter. The sincere church-
men justly complained of the api)ointmcnt of a lay commission for tlie
trial and punishment of ecclesiastical otlences. Feuds and animosities
were the result of this arliitrary and irritating legislation. Though
Mr. Marston was removed from his living by the lay commissione?s,
of whom he complained that "eleven of the twenty were never known
to receive the sacrament of the Lord's Supper," ' it Mas impossible
to silence or suppress one so turl)ulont and determined. An a^-ent
was sent to England to memorialize the House of Lords against
this act of the assembly. The lords spiritual and temporal ad-
dressed the queen in opposition to the act, and the lords commis-
sioners of trade and plantations, to whom the subject was referred,
reported that the General Assembly of Carolina had abused the power
granted to the lord proprietors, and had forfeited their charter. Shortly
after the queen declared the law to be null and void. The Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel, which had recently been char-
tered, but which had already sent a most worthy and deservino'
missionary to South Carolina, the Rev. Samuel Thomas, voted to send
no more missionaries to the province until the section of the act re-
lating to lay commissioners was repealed. This was done Novemljer
30, 1706.
Marston applied again and again to the General Assembly for the
stipend which had been withheld. Failing to secure a support at St.
Philip's, he went to Christ Church parish, which was established in
1706, and after the completion of the church, in 1708, he was oiiered
and refused the cure. The vestry, the following year, addressed the
venerable society, expressing their convictions " that it was happy for
us that he was not chosen, as he had not given over his litigious, con-
tentious temper." ^ The assembly voted £150 to the Avife of this
unhajjpy man ; but even this act of clemency failed to change his
course. In October, 1709, the assembly ordered his prosecution "as
a common disturber to the governor and government." From time to
time the assembly granted relief to his suilering family, till, in 1712,
he with them linally left the province.-'
The troubles of the Church in South Carolina were by no means
ended when the litigious and erratic Marston was dispossessed of his
cure. A fugitive clergyman, Marsden by name, from Maryland,
who claimed that his letters had been blown overl)oard by the wind
when he was drying them after a storm, " thrust himself" into the vacant
cure. Of pleasing address and insinuating in manner, he ingratiated
himself with a party in the church, and secured by misrepresentations
> Dalcho's "Hist. Ace. of the Ch. in So. itmay have been among the MSS. of the "Amcr-
Cai*.," p. 63. icau Library " : —
! Hawks and Pony's "Ch. in So. Car.," p. 10. The Case of Mr. Edward Marston, late
Commissary .lohnson refers to his " tattered habit Minister of tlie Church of St. Philip in Charles-
and miserable condition." — iS'o. Cor. J/.S'., i., Totvn'xnWiaVvo'imQcoi SOUTH CAROLIl^A,
pp. 294, 29r). as represented Ijy himself in a Letter io^ha Duke
s Dr. White Kennett, in his " Bibliothcca; of .B««i//or/, P.ilatiue of the Province, and other
Americana^ Primordia" (p. 21o),irivesthe follow- Honourable (_>entlemcn. Dat. from his Study
in^ title, which was, doubtless, Marston's state- a^jainst Trinity Church in the Miaorie^, Ko-
ment of his case. As no printer's name is given, iwnjJ. 15, 1712. 4°. pp.12. [1712.
378 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
an election to St. Philip's, and had held his position for a year with
general acceptance. The arrival of the ilev. Gideon Johnson, A.M.,
who had l)een appointed commissary of the Bishop of London, and
who brought with him the highest testimonials for character and
ability from the most distinguished prelates of the Church at home,
revealed the deception practised by the intruder, and excited afresh
the opposing factions in the parish and town. The new commissary
entered upon his work under circumstances of peculiar trial and per-
sonal danger. After a tedious passage across the Atlantic, to quote
his own words, addressed to the celebrated Dr. Gilbert Burnet, Bishop
of Salisbury : —
It happened that I was put a shore at a gi'eat distance from this Town upon a
sandy Ishind.witli a merchant and asaiU)r, where we continued twelve ' days and as
many nin-hts, without any manner of meat and drink or shelter from the scorching
heat of the sun. Miserable and almost incredible was the shift we made to subsist
in that unhappy place for so long a time ; and the sailor being imable to bear the
want of shelter and provision any longer did, on the third day after our being
landed, swim over to another marshy island in hopes to make his way to the con-
tinent, but he perished in the attempt. At last it pleased God to relieve us, for
upon the arrival of the ship (in which we were) at this Town, and that upon being
missed, it was presently suspected what became of us. Sloops and boats, Perigoes
and Canoes, were despatched to all such places as it was thought we might be in, and
on the twelfth day in the evening a Canoe got to us when we were at the last gasp
and just upon the point of expiring. The next morning we were conveyed to the
opposite point of the Continent, where I lay a fortnight before I cou'd recover
strength enough to reach the Town.''
Disheartened and discouraged by this untoward entrance upon his
work, and finding as soon as he was able to exert himself that a party
had been raised by the unscrupulous Marsden to keep him out of his
promised benefice, denied an entrance to his "parsonage-house," and
seeing that no respect was paid to his official character, nor to the
pledges and promises made to him by the authorities, both of the
Church and state at home, it is not to be wondered at that he should
write to the " Great Bishop," with whom he corresponded in words
such as these : " I never repented so much of any thing, my sins only
excepted, as my coming to this j^lace, nor has ever man been treated
with less humanity and compassion, considering how much I had suf-
fered in my passage, than I have since my arrival in it."^ The worthy
commissary could endure the " misfortunes " that attended his en-
trance upon his new field of duty. It was of" ill usage " that he com-
plained, and in and through it all, it was at the hands of a brother
clergyman that his sorest trials arose. His family numbered eleven.
He was enfeebled by disease. The cost of living was far greater in
the province than in England or Ireland. His stipend was insufficient,
and, in view of the hindrances to his usefulness, occasioned l)y the
factious opposition he experienced at the start, and the annoyances
that beset him in consequence of his straitened means, there is little
wonder that he depicted in such strong language as the following his
» Dr. D.iIpUo, by an evident rlei-ical error, ' So. Car. MSS., I., pp. 139, HO.
states the period as two days. — Hist. Acct., p. 77. ^ Ihid.
THE CHURCH IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 379
first impressions of the people to whom he had been sent to minister
in holy things : —
The people here, generally speaking, are the vilest race of men upon tlie
earth. They have neither honor, nor honesty, nor religion enough to entitle them
to any tolerable character, being a perfect luodlcy or hotch-potch, made up of
bankrupt pirates, decayed libertines, sectaries, and enthusiasts of all sorts who have
transported themselves hither from Bermudas, Jamaica, Barbadocs, Hontserat,
Antcgo, Nevis, Xew Kngland, Pennsylvania, etc., and are the most factious and
seditious people in the whole world. Many of those that pretenil to be Churchmen
are strangely crippled in their goings between the Church and Presbytery, and as
they are of large and loose principles, so they live and act accordingly, somelinies
going openly with the Dissenters, as I hey now do against the Church, and gi\'ing
incredible trouble to the Governor and Clergy.
The MSS. authorities of the time go far to l)ear out the indignant
words of the commissary, and it is not a little to his credit that, with
all the drawbacks to success which we have detailed, and all the oppo-
sition both from within as well as from without the Churcli, to the
e.xistence and venom of which oven the secular histories bear witness,
the ministry of Johnson was singidarly successfid. Before he came
the Church of England had l)eeu established Ijy law by the passage of
the " Church Act " of November 30, 1706. This legislation gave great
satisfaction to the lords proprietors who, in their formal assent to its
adoption, referred to it as a "great and pious work," accomplished
" with unwearied and steady zeal for the honor and worship of Almighty
God."' But, although the exertions of the governor. Sir Nathaniel
Johnson, had contributed largely to this result, and the Church was
legally the "establishment," we have the testimony of the oljserving
commissary that the dissenters, while possessing "liberty and pros-
]ierity to the full," and enjoying "the free and undisturbed exercise of
their religion in all respects," "are never to be satistied till they can
compass the downfall of the infiut Church."- Coming thus to a di-
vided Church, and an estranged and eml)ittered community, it is greatly
to the credit of Johnson that, by his humility and prudence, his devotion
to duty and his simple, unaflccted piety, he succeeded in softening the
asperities of the conflicting parties, and, while ho builtuptheChmxhon
strong foimdations, he secured for himself the veneration and regard of
all. His letters are even pathetic in their full and tree unbosoming of
the trials and petty annoyances of his ministerial life. Poverty and
debt stared him in the face. At first his \\'ife, l)y her skill in i)ainting,
added to his scanty means. Sooy this slight help was withdrawn, as
illness laid the devoted woman on her bed. Himself a martyr to gout,
and burdened by the care of an overgrown and ever-increasing cure,
he was uin-cmittiug in his devotion to duty, and unflagging in his watch-
ful care over the interests of the church committed to his trust. As a
mark of the high regard entertained for his character and labors, the
assemljly, from time to time, added to his slender resources and pro-
vided for the repair and care of his house. Ill-health drove him at
length to England ; but after an absence of a year and a half he returned,
unwilling to desert a work confessedly uncongenial and unrerauncr-
■ Dalcho, p. 75. « So. Car. MSS., i., pp. 142,143.
380 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAI, CHURCH.
ative for the richer benefices of his old home. Pressed with ailments,
and bowed down with cares, the wortliy commi;ssary failed not to seek
the growth in grace of iiis people. In a letter to the society, under
date of the 5th of July, 1710, lie thus writes : —
Tliere i.s nothing that I more earnestly and frequently strive for than to bring
people to a just sense of their duty concerning the Lord's Supper ; for I certainly
conclude, if I can once persuade ttiem to receive frequently I can easily persuade
them to anything else that is holy and good. Many of our Church folks have been
prevailed upon to receive which perhaps were never known to receive before ; and
to promote a spirit of religion among them, and to engage them by all the honest
arts I can thini of, I made a set discourse concerning the benefit and advantage
of setting up and forming religious societies, by which means all such as were
lovers of God and goodness would save themselves from this untoward generation
and keep themselves unspotted from the world by supporting and inflaming one
another's hearts with projjer arguments in the coarse of a holy life, and by prayer
and psalmody on select days. I cannot say much as yet to the success of this
project, but I trust in God. He will bless my honest endeavors this way to some
degree, and that I shall not altogether lose my labor. ... I must own myself
greatly improved since I came hither. I scarce knew what it was to be a minister
before. But the strangeness and singularity of the people's humour here, ■with
respect to religion, and the difficulties that have occm-ied to me on this account,
have awakened my care and diligence to an imcommon degree, and God has in-
spired me with greater measures of zeal and spirit than I could formerly feel in
myself for carrying on the common cause.'
In sending missionaries to South Carolina the venerable society
proposed, as a chief object in view, the conversion of the aborigines
and the instruction of the negro slaves. Efforts from time to time
were made to bring to the Indians the knowledge of the Christian flvith ;
but the lives of the traders were such as to frustrate all hopes of
alluring the savages to a faith so poorly excmplilied by the Christians
whom they knew and had dealings with ; and wlien the patient oflbrts
of the missionaries had begun to promise results, a frontier war
effectually precluded any further attempts at evangelization. The
negroes were more readily reached by instruction, and the "Notitia"
of nearly every clergyman attests his pains to bring the slaves to
instruction and baptism. Notalily tlie Rev. Dr. Francis Le Jau, of
St. James's, Goose Creek, who succeeded the worthy Thomas, exerted
himself for the jjood of the slaves of his cure. To remove a latent
suspicion, in the minds of both masters and servants, that admission to
holy baptism was equivalent to manumission, the worthy missionary
disarmed the opposition of the owners, and removed the misconcep-
tion of the slaves on this point by requiring his converts to consent to
the following declaration : —
You declare, in the jiresence of God and before this congi-egation, that you do
not ask for the Holy Baptism out of any design to free j-oiu'self from the duty and
obedience you owe to your blaster while you live ; but merely for the good of your
soul, and to partake of the Graces and blessings promised to the members of the
Church of Jesus Christ. ^
"Well might this worthy missionary write : "I see with an incredi-
ble joy the fervour of these poor slaves."' With him there was not
' So. Car. MSS., I., pp. 2i2, 243. • Hid., p 1G6. ' Ibid.
THE CHURCH IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 381
merely the glad reception of these unfortunates to the Christian sacra-
ment, but there was the willing toil, often of years, preceding this
act of baptism, and the continuance of a loving, watchful care when
once the covenant had been thus pul)licly entered into. Labor so
wisely directed and so Christianly conceived could not fail of success,
and among the philanthropists of the early part of the eighteenth cen-
tury this excellent missionary of the Church at South Carolina deserves
remembrance and praise. "Our free Indians," writes Dr. Le Jau to
the society, "our neighbours, come to see me. I admire the sense
they have of justice, and their patience. They have no aml)iti()n. As
for their desire of God, their notions are o))scure indeed, but when we
take pains to converse with them, in a jargon they are able to under-
stand, we perceive their souls are fit material, which may be easily
polished. They agree with me about the duty of praying and doin"'
the good and eschewing the evil."' It was, says the Christian teacher,
" the manner how our Indian trade is carried on that hindered the
publishing of the gospel among the Indians, chiefly the fomenting of
war among them for our people to get slaves."- This miserable policy
produced its natural result. The Indians cheated, l)ut not Christian-
ized, rose at length in arms and avenged their wrongs with indiscrimi-
nate slaughter and destruction. With " great sorrow " Le Jau saw
no other remedy for the injustice and wrong with which the savages
whom he sought to benefit and instruct were treated " but to be patient
and pray and labor as much as he was able."^ It would have been
well for the province if the policy of the priest and preacher had pre-
vailed over that of the avaricious and unscrupulous trader.
In the midst of much sickness and great mortality the worthy
commissary sought in every way the deepening of the spiritual life
among his people. " There is no article," he reports to the society : —
I have oftener, or with greater vehemence pressed in my sermons than the
necessity of communicating frequently; and lindingthat mj' addresses tliis way did
not altogether produce the desired efl'ect, I did by private application when I visited
the sick, especially press home this point, and I thank God, with a groat deal of
success. Many of those that were prevailed upon to I'csolve on receiving, died
before they could do it, and others died after they had received it. Many are still
sick that have received, and have promised solemnly to be constant communicants
for the future, and though, as I have said, the number of my parishioners has been
considerably lessened by death, yet, were they all well that were alive the number
of communicants would be greater than formerly. I look upon the visitation of the
sick to be a duty of the last consequence to the souls of men, and it is upon the bed
of sickness, if ever, that a minister has the greatest opportunity of doing good. I
thank God, the pains I take this way is not ineffectual, and the readiness I express
in going to the sick, though not sent for, when I myself am often very weak and
sickly, gives no small reputation to my addresses.''
Thus laboring, and all the while a martyr to disease, with an in-
firmity rendering the use of both hands requisite i n writing, and a feeble-
ness of frame making his parochial visits laborious and painful, the
commissary found it necessary to visit England again and again for
medical advice and treatment. The neighljoring clergy supplied his
' So. Car. MSS., I., pp. 1G7, 168. 'Ibid. ^ Ibid., p. IGS. ■•/««., pp. 278,279.
382 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
place dui'ing .•in absence iirotracted by necessity for eighteen months.
To his care and Iceeping was committed an important paper containing
the grievances of the clergy under the late kigislatiou of the assemlily
of the province. These grievances recited the tendency of this action
to dimiiush the authority and jurisdiction of the Bisliop of London, in
depriving him of the power to suspend or de[)rive a clergyman of evil
life from his Ijencfice. Neither could the bishop protect an injured or
oppressed clergyman, because the church commissioners, under pre-
tence that the original election was illegal, could declare it null and void,
and no power could overthrow their decisions. Practically the epis-
copal power, save that of ordination, was usurped by the Church com-
missioners and the people. Even the sending of a bishop to America
would be useless, unless the episcopal authority was established on a
better footing. The opposition of the masters to the conversion and
baptism of iheir slaves was so great and so general that the work was
rendered well-nigh impossible. Tiie exertions of Ur. Le Jau were
referred to as an excejjtion to the almost universal rule. But no time
for instruction was allowed, save the Lord's day, when other duties
occupied the clergyman's time and exhausted his strength. The slaves
could not l)e brought together for instruction, liecause " they would there-
l)y have an opportunity of knowing their own strength and superiority
iu point of numbers," and might " be tempted to recover their liberty."
The masters were "generally of opinion that a slave grows worse by
being a Christian." The legislature did not encourage the attempt,
since the conversion of the slaves was deemed inconsistent with the
planter's secular interest and advantage. Even the Lord's day was not
allowed to these poor heathen in all cases, and the attempt to redress
their wrongs and teach them the way of life was met with scofl's and
every possible hindrance placed in the way. The manner of institution
was a matter of complaint, so many formalities had to be observed : and
so many obstacles attended the entrance of a duly qualified and properly
recommended clergyman into a living that it was made practically im-
possilile. The appointment of parish clerk and sexton was also taken
from the clergj^man. The church and church- j'ard were vested b}^ law in
the clerk and not in the minister. Even anal)aptist mechanics received
licenses to marry those who cared to avail themselves of their authority,
whereby polygamy and incestuous marriages were i)erformed through
carelessness or want of knowledge. The salaries were depreciated in
value, lieing paid in currency, ^^'hich was at a great discount. The nega-
tive of the incumbent, in vestry meeting, was taken away. Clergymen,
compelled by sickness or other causes to remove within two years after
their arrival, were required to refund advances made to them at the first.
Dilapidations were required to be made good out of the estate, or at the
hands of the family in the event of the death of an incumbent. The
legislation in matters ecclesiastical was passed without consultation with
the commissary, or any representative or representatives of the clergy.
These grievances were presented in full to the authorities at home.'
This statement of their complaints was considered and adopted by the
' Vide So. Carolina MSS., I., pp. 355-381.
THE CHURCH IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 383
clergy, at Charleston, on the 4th of March, 1712-13. llolicf in some
of these points was, after a time, secured. Au act was passed by the
assembly' "for the better ordering and governing of Negroes and
Slaves," which contained the following jjrovision : —
Since cliarity and the Cliristian Religion, which wc profess, obliges us (o wish well
to the souls of all men, and that religion ma)' not be made a pi-etence, to alter any
man's property and riglits, and that no person may neglect to liapline tlieir negroes or
slaves, or sutler them to be baptized, for fear that thereby they should be manu-
mitted and set free : Be it therefore Enacted, That it shall bo, and is hereby de-
clared lawful for any negro or Indian slave, or any other slave or slaves whatsoever,
to receive and jirofess the Christian faith, and be thereunto baptized. But that
notwithstanding such slave or slaves shall reci'ive and profess the Christian relig-
ion, and be baptized, he or they shall not thereby be manumitted or set free, or
his or their owner, master or mistress, lose his or their civil right, j)ropcrty and
authority over such slave or slaves, Ijut that the slave or slaves, with respect to his
or their servitude, shall remain and continue in the same state and condition that
lie or they was in before the making of this act.^
While these matters were engrossing the attention of the clergy,
the Church in Cliarleston had increased under tlie quiet ))ut efEcient
management of Commissary Johnson to that extent that the old
building of cypress wood had become insufficient for the numbers
who formed the congregation, and was so far decayed as to be unfit
for repair. An act of the assembly was passed •* for the erection of a
church of 1)rick, with a "tower or steeple, and a ring of bolls therein,
together with a cemetery or church-ytird, to be enclosed with a brick
wall, for the ))urial of Christian ]ieople." The work was prosecuted
with such little alacrity that in 1720 another act was adopted, the
preamble of which recites that " Whereas liy storms and tempests
part of the Brick Church in Cliarlcs Town has been l)lown down, which
was in a fair way of being Ituilt and completed," and "Wliereas, the
present parish Church in tlie said town must inevitably in a very little
time fall to the ground, the timber being rotten, and the whole fabrick
entirely decayed, so that the whole to^vn will be left without a tit and
convenient place for public divine worship : " therefore an additional,
duty was laid for the purpose of completing the church on rum, brand}-,
and other spirits, and on negroes imported for sale. Thus the long-
delayed work was brought to au end. A school had been established
at Charleston under the auspices of the venerable society, in 1711, and
a year later the assembly enlarged and incorporated "A Free School for
the use of the Inhabitants of the Province of South Carolina." A
building of brick was erected and a stipend provided by law for the
master, who was required to be " of the religion of the Church of
England, and conform to the same, and be capable to teach the learned
languages (that is to say), Latin and Greek fongues, and to catechise
and instruct the youth in the principles of the Christian Religion as
professed in the Church of England.'"'
The Yamassce Indians occupied that portion of the province lying
between Port Royal island and the Savannah river. In 1715 they liroke
out in war against the settlers, and were joined by all the tribes from
J June 7, 1712. =Dalcho, pp. 34, 9.j. s March, 1710, 11. The .-lot is printc.l at
length in Dalcho, pp. 4.53, 434. ' Dalclio, pp. 9.j, 9G.
384 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Florida to Cape Fear river. On the 15th of April they attacked the
settlements, and with their treachery and ferocity devastated the plan-
tations and massacred the inhabitants. The missionaries suflered in
common with the people of their charge. Fleeing from their parsonages
and wordly possessions they were driven to Charleston, leaving all
they had at the mercy of a pitiless foe. The society sought by gra-
tuities to make good their losses. It was long, however, ere order
and confidence were restored, and the people and their pastors were
again in possession of their former homes. At length the danger was
passed, and by degrees the province regained its wonted security.
The commissary meanwhile had returned from England, and had
resumed his abundant labors. AVelcomed by the clergy, over whom
he had been appointed, acceptal)le to the people to whom he minis-
tered, and devoted to his work, which, with renewed health and strength
he enteied upon with added zeal and faithfulness, a lamentable accident
deprived the Church and the province of this most useful and pious man.
In the month of April, 1716, the Hon. Charles Craven, governor of
the province, embarked for England, and the commissary, in company
with a number of the leading people of Charleston, went over the bar
to take leave of him. On their return from the ship a sudden squall
overset the vessel, and the commissary, crippled with the gout,
being below, was drowned. By a strange coincidence the vessel
drifted on the same sand-bank on which I\Ir. Johnson had nearly per-
ished on his arrival in Caixdina. His body was brought to town, and
interred with every mark of respect and sorrow.
In the interim following the sad decease of Commissary Johnson,
an unworthy clergyman, by the name of Wye, foisted himself into the
vacant benefice ; but in 1719 the Rev. Alexander Garden, A.M., ar-
rived from England, and was duly elected to the charge of St. Philip's.
The proprietary government having been abandoned, and the
province having passed under the protection of the crown, Francis
Nicholson was appointed provisional governor in the year 1720, until
a final arrangement could be made with the loi'ds proprietors. Among
the " Instructions " which he received from the king he was bidden to
" take especial care that God Almighty be devoutlj' and duly served
throughout the government, the Book of Common Prayer, as by
law established, read each Sunday and Holy-day, and the blessed
Sacrament administered according to the Rites of the Church of
England." ^ By these " Instructions " the governor was required
to see that the churches were " well and orderly kept," and more
built ; that a "competent maintenance" be assigned to the minister, and
a " convenient house " and glebe provided for him ; that proper disci-
pline should be maintained ; that the minister be a member of the
vestry, and no vestry be held without him ; that the jurisdiction of the
Bishop of London be maintained, " excepting only the collating to
Benefices, granting licenses for marriages, and probates of wills,"
which were reserved for the governor himself; that school-masters
should be licensed ; that a table of affinity be " hung up in every
• Dalcho, p. 99.
THE CHURCH IN SOUTH CAROLINA. SS.")
Orthodox Church and dul}' ohservcd ; " and that vice lie discouate-
nauced and punished, and virtue and good living encouraged.
The vacanc}' in the office of commissary, occasioned by tiie death
of tlie excellent Joimson, was lillcd l)y the appointment of" the Rev.
William TredwcU Bull, A.M., incumbent of St. Paul's. Colleton.
Courteous in manner, prudcnl in his behavior, zealous in the perform-
ance of duty, and unremitting in his devotion to the spiritual wants
of his people, the Church at Colleton had flourished under his minis-
trations, and in his ofhcial relations to the clergy and the Church at
large he was no less successful in maintaining discipline and in ad-
vancing the material and spiritual interests committed to his charge.
The clergy were convened year by year, and, although cases of clis-
cipline were so infrequent as almost to escape notice, there were
always matters of interest in the action of the legislature respecting
the Church, and in the address to the royal governor, sufficient to
warrant the meeting from time to time of these earnest and excel-
lent men of God. After several yeai's of successful ministration
Commissary Bull returned to England, in 1723, -where, for his valu-
able services while in South ('arolina, he was promoted to a valuable
benefice. The Bishop of London, Dr. Robinson, died in the j'car of jNIr.
Bull's return, and it was not until several years had elapsed that Dr.
Ednnmd Gibson, who had been translated
from the see of Lincoln to that of I^ondon,
filled the place of conunissary, by the
pointment of the Rev. Alexander Garden,
A.M., incumbent of St. Philip's, Charles- " ' "T^-
ton. This appointment was made in 1726, '
and previous to that time the clergy relied
jan the continued kind ofhces of Mr. Bull to represent their case in
England before their diocesan and the venerable society.
Commissary Garden entered upon his office at a period of pros-
-perity, both in church and state. He had been in the province since
1719, when he was elected to the rectorship of St. Philip's, and both
in view of his virtues and al)ilily was possessed of all the qualifications
requisite for his work. Beloved by the people to whom he ministered,
respected by the clergy who were committed to his charge, and watch-
ful over the interests^)f the Church, his long term of service was com-
paratively uneventful, and his contro^'ersy with the celebrated White-
field is almost the sole noticeable occurrence of the period.
The commissary had shown no little interest in the affairs of John
Wesley, who records in his journal • his indebtedness to him " for many
kind and generous offices ; '"' and on Whitefield's first visit to Charles-
ton he received him "very courteously"- and offered him hospitable
entertainment at "the Parsonage-house." AVhitetield notes that " the
Church is very beautiful." On his iireaching at St. Philip's the com-
missary "thanked him most cordially, and apprized him of the ill-
treatment John AVesley had met with in Georgia, and assured him that
were the same ai-bitrary proceedings to commence against him he would
' .lournal, I., p. 13. =Thc two first parts of Whitefield's Life, with hi> jourual, p. 95.
ndon, ^_
386 HISTORY or THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
defend him with his life and fortune." ' On his second visit the com-
missary was absent, and as "the Curate had not a Commission to lend
the pulpit," Whitetield preached first " in one of the Dissenting meeting-
houses," and the following day "in the French Church," delaying his
journey for another sermon in the former place of meeting. On re-
visiting Charleston, some weeks later, Whitetield "waited on the Com-
missary," "but met with a cool reception." Still the evangelist went
to " Public prayers," the day being Friday, and then preached in the
"Independent JNIeeting-House," and the following day in the "Baptist
Meeting-House." On Sunday, after preaching at an early hour "at
the Scots' Meeting-House," Whitefield " went to Church, and heard the
Commissary represent" him "mider the chai-acter of the Pharisee, who
came to the Temple, saying, Ood, I thank Thee that I am not as other
men are. But whether I do what I do, out of a principle of pride, or
duty, the Searcher of Hearts will discover ere long to Men and Angels.
Found myself very sick and weak at Dinner, liut went to Church again
in the Afternoon, and preached about five in the Independent Meeting-
House Yard, the House itself, tho' large, being not near capacious
enough to hold the Auditory." ^ The two days following, the great
evangelist preached twice each day in the "Independent Meeting-
House," collecting £70 sterling for the orphans at Bethesda. Some
weeks later the diary records as follows : —
Sunday, July G. Preached twice yesterdaj' and twice today, and liad great
reason to believe our Lord got Himself the victory in some hearts : for the Word
was with power. Went to Church in tlie Morning and Afternoon, and heard as
viralent, unorthodox, and inconsistent a discourse as perhaps was ever delivered.
The Preacher's heart seemed full of choler and resentment. Out of the abundance
thereof he poured forth so many bitter words against the Jlethodists (as he called
them), in general, and me in particular, that several who intended to receive the
Sacrament at his hands withdrew. Never, I believe, was such a preparation-ser-
mon preached before. After .sermon, came the Clerk lo desire me not to come to
the Sacrament till his Master had spoke with me. I immediately retired to my
lodgings, rejoicing that I was accounted worthy to suffer this further degree of
contempt for my dear Lord's sake. Blessed Jesus, lay it not to the Minister's
charge. Amen and Amen.^
Returning to Charleston a few days later, Whitefield " read
prayers and preached at the request of the Church-wardens at Christ's
Church."* During the week following, though his journal records no
allusion to it, occurred the arraignment of the evangelist before the
ecclesiastical court held in St. Philip's Church, on Tuesday, July
15, 1740, in response to the formal citation from the commissary,
accusing him of certain " excesses, and chicfiy for omitting to use the
forms of prayer prescribed in the communion book."® Whitefield ap-
peared in court on the day appointed, but protested against the admis-
sion of articles against him, as he doubted the authority of the court to
proceed in the case. He further prayed for time to prepare and pro-
duce his objections. This request was granted. At the next meeting
' Gillies's " Life of Whiteficltl, p. 29. " Dr. Rams;iy, iu a note to pp. 1'2-14 of vol.
= Two first parts of WliiteficWs T^ife, p. 333. ii. of his "History of So. Cavolina," {rives a
'Two first parts, etc, pp. .3fi9, 370. ilelailed account of this interostin? ecclesiastical
' Two fir^t parts, etc., p. 3S1. trial, from wliieli wc have drawn our account.
THE CHURCH IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 387
of the court he tendered exceptions in writing, "in recusation of the
judge." At the same time he proposed to refer "the causes of his
recusation against the judge" to six indifferent arbitrators, three of
whom were to be chosen by the commissary. A replication to these
exceptions was made by William Smith, and the relevancy of the ex-
ceptions was argued before the court by Andrew Rutledge, in behalf
of Whitefield, and the contrary view by James Graeme. The court,
consisting of the commissary and the Rev. Messrs. William Guy,
Timothy Melliehamp, Stephen Roe, and William Orr, clerical assist-
ants, unanimously decreed ''that the exceptions be repelled."
From this decision the accused appealed to the lords commissioners
appointed by the king for receiving and hearing appeals in spiritual
causes from the American plantations. This was granted, and a year
and a day allowed for the prosecution of the appeal and for hearing the
result. It was ordered by the court that in the interim all further
proceedings should be stayed. It is very evident that Whitefield
thought or cared very little for the commissary or his court. During
the hearing of his cause there was no interruption in the evangelistic
labors he had undertaken, since twice daily ho preached to admiring
crowds, thronging the "meeting-houses" and other places which were
opened to him, till, at length, worn out with his efforts, he left his bed
to take his "last farewell of the dear people of Charleston." ' On his
next visit to Charleston he resumed his labors among the dissenters,
and, "being denied the sacrament at church," he " administered it thrice
in a private house." "Baptists, Church-Folks, and Presbyterians, all
joined together, and received according to the Church of England,
excepting two, who desu'ed to have it sitting." ^ When again in
Charleston no opposition was made to his movements until early in
the following January, when he was arrested for having " made and
composed a false, malicious, scandalous, and infamous libel against
the clergy " of South Carolina, by editing and publishing a letter
written by one of his converts, Mr. Hugh Bryan, in which " it was
hinted that the clergy break their canons."* On his arrest Whitefield
immediately went before the chief justice, acknowledged that he had
revised and corrected Mr. Bryan's letter for the jiress, and gave secu-
rity for his appearance at the next general quarter sessions, under
penalty of £100 "Proclamation money." This done, he writes in his
journal, and shortly publishes to the world, these words : "Blessed be
God for f/iis further honour ! I think (his maybe called Peksecution.
I think it is for Righteousness' sake." *
The time for the prosecution of Whitefield's appeal expired, and
" it was certified by the register of the court that no prohibition what-
ever from further proceedings in the said cause, nor any decree or
determination of any superior court had been interposed, and there-
fore, on motion, the business was resumed as if no appeal had been
made." The case, which had been adjourned from time to time, till
there could be no doubt of the failure on Whitefield's part to prosecute
the appeal, was at length resumed, and the final decree, after a full
recital of all the facts in the case, was pronounced in these words : —
' Two first part3, etc., p. 374. = Ibid., p. 381. ■ Ibid., p. 442. ' Ibid., p. 443.
388 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Therefore, We Alexander Garden, the judge aforesaid, having first invoked
the name of Christ, and setting and having God Himself alone before our eyes, and
by and with the advice of the Revei-end persons, William Guy, Timothy Jlelli-
champ, Stephen Roe, and William Orr, with whom in that part we have advised
and maturely deliberated, do pronounce, decree, and declare the aforesaid George
Whitefield, clerk, to have been at the times articled, and now to be a priest of the
Church of England, and at the times and days in that part articled, to have officiated
at divers Meeting-houses in Charleston, in the province of South Carolina, by
praying and preaching to public congregations ; and at such times to have omitted
to use the form of prayer prescribed in the Communion Book or Book of Common
Prayer, or at least according to the laws, canons, and constitutions ecclesiastical in
that part made, provided and promulged, not to have used the same according to
the lawful proof before us in that part judicially had and made. We therefore pro-
nounce, decree, and declare, that the said George Whitefield, for his e.xcesses and
faults ought duly and canonically, and according to the exigence of the law in that
part in the premises, to be corrected and jjunished, and also to be suspended from
his office ; accordingly by these presents, we do suspend him, the said George \Vhite-
field, and so suspended, we also pronounce, decree, and declare him to be de-
nounced, declared, and published openly and publicly in the face of the Church.^
The proceedings in this celeln-ated case were duly transmitted to
the Bishop of London,^ who had been advised from time to time of
the measures taken by the commissary, and had concurred in the same.
To the legal mind of Garden, Whitefield'.s failure to prosecute his ap-
peal was equivalent to a grievous sin. In the commissary's letter to
the venerable society, under date of April 9, 1742, he thus states the
case : —
I have now finished my proceedings against Whitefield (as far as I can go on
this side of the water), and suspended him from his office, pursuant to the 38th
Canon of the Church. He is certainly a very wicked man, for notwithstanding his
solemn oath in open Court on the 19th July, 1740, that within one year next ensuing
that day he would, bona fide, prosecute the appeal, then by him interposed, ana
cause the pi'osecution of the same to be authentically certified into this court, —
notwithstanding this his solemn oath, I say (and of which at his request he had a
copy given him by the Advocate in writing), he has not prosecuted his said appeal,
and therefore stands guilty of a breach of oath on record.^
In connection with this attempt to restrain the fervor of White-
field's enthusiasm by the' force of rubrics and canons, the commissary
reviewed, in print, two pamphlets published by Whitefield at Savannah :
the first, in which he sought to vindicate his assertion that " Abp.
Tillotson knew no more of Christianity than Mahomet ; " and the
second, in which he attempted to show the fundamental error of " The
Whole Duty of Man." Mr. Garden's reply was in the form of " Six
Letters to the Rev. Mr. George ^Vhitefield." The first three were on
the subject of justification. In the others the two pamphlets we have
already referred to were criticised, together with other pieces of Mr.
Whitefield. These letters passed through several editions, and prove
the commissary to have been as keen and logical a disputant as he was
exact and conscientious in his obedience to the church's law. In the
judgment of fair-minded men the commissary's theology would l)e
approved, rather than the enthusiastic and emotional tenets of the
great evangelist. Certainly no one can defend the utter disregard of
• Ramsay's " So. Carolina," ii., pp. U, l.^i. London, iu So. Carolina MSS., ii., pp. 33f), .310 ;
= Vide Letters from Garden to the Bishop of vide also p. 350. » So. Car. MSS., ii., p. 350.
THE CHURCH IN SOUTH CAIiOLTNA. 38fl
tho ecclosifistical law to wliicli he had proiuised conronuily at bi.s
ordination. l)y one who. in jihu'e of throwing ott' the shackles which
SIX LETTERS
TO
The Rev. Mr. George Whitefield.
Th^ Firft, Second ff7;</ Third, on the. Stibj^fh ofjn-
flrficstioii. The Fourth containing Bf»iarki en a
Tamphlet, tntitled, The Cafe b-^tween Mr.
White f eld and Dr. Subhatg ftated,^c. TZfS Fifth
containing EeniarJci on Mr. Wluteficld'j ty»o Let-
ten concerniug j4rcfj5ifiopTll\ot[oii, and the Book
etititUd, The Whole Duty cf Man. 7Z>»?Sixtli,
tontazning Beviiirf;^ on Mr. Wllirefifild'j jecond
JLettfr, coHceming ATchbijJiop TiUotfop, und. on
his Letter cohcerning the Ncgioes.
By Alexander Gkrien, M. A.
Reci-or of St. Philip's, Qharleftemi,
Ajid Conuinflijy h^ SOUTH-CAROLINA,
Togttbei naitbt
Mr. White faid's Aiiiwer to thefinl Letter.
The ^econtJ <eDitton»
3 O S i: O N:
Re-ptiiitcd, ^ni fold by 7'. Tket, i^t tlie Ifeart sm4
Croixni in ComliiU, 174-0.
bound him and avowini^ hiniselt" a dissenter, ])rofessed again and again
his adherence to the Cliiirch, while setting ut deliuucc her rules and her
constituted authorities.
390 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURril.
Commissary Garden continued to liold his commissarial office until
1749, when, after a term of service extending for nearly a quarter of
a century, he resigned the charge he had filled with such distinguished
reputation and usefulness. A few years later, in October, 1753, he
resigned his cure of souls, and on Sunday, March 31, 1754, he preached
his farewell sermon, after a rectorate of thirty-four years' duration.
Returning to England with a view of spending his la^t days in his
childhood's home, he found the climate too severe for a constitution
accustomed to the warmth of the South. He therefore returned to
Charleston, and, on the 27th of Septemlier, 1756, worn out with the in-
firmities of age, fell asleep, in the seventy-first year of his age. Strict and
impartial in the exercise of his ofiicial duties, exemplary and consist-
ent in private life, careful in his observance of the church's rules, de-
voted to the work of the ministry, he was fearless in reproving sin,
painstaking in his preparation of his people for the holy communion,
careful in providing for the poor, interested and successful in mission
work among the negroes, and alive to all measures tending to promote
sound education, pure morals, and Christian believing and living.
The negro school he began and personally superintended had seventy
pupils in it when he resigned. The free school, to which he gave no
little time and pains, flourished long after its friend and benefactor had
passed away. Among his successors none exceeded him in his hold
upon the hearts of his people, and none left a more lasting or useful
influence upon the Church and the community at large.
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES.
IN connection with the consideration of the services of Commissary Garden, it
may be well to give, fi'om an authoritative document prepared by the clergy
assembled agreeably to the requisition of the commissary, a minute accoimt of the
Church in South Carolina at the period of Commissaiy Bull's departure : —
London, August 10, 1723.
A Short Memorial of the present State of the Church and Clergy in His
Majesty's Pi-ovince of South Carolina in America, by Wm. Tredwell Bull : —
The Province of So. Carolina is divided into thirteen Parishes.
In Berkeley County there are eight, viz'.
1. St. Philip's, Charles County, the only town of note and Port of Trade in
the said Province which Parish extends throughout the said city, and a neck or
Point of Land between the t\vo Navigable Rivers of Ashley and Cooper, about six
miles in length and two in breadth, and may contiiin between 800 and 400 Christian
Families. In the said city there is a new erected church not yet entirely finished,
a large, regukar and beautiful Building exceeding any that are in His ]\Iajesty's
Dominions in America. The present Minister of the said Church is the Rev. Mr.
Alexander Garden (who hath enjoyed that Living somewhat more than 3 years) a
learned and pious Divine, but of a sickly and weak constitution — the st.ated Salary
of the said Church is £150 Proclamation Money i. e. £120 Sterling paid out of the
public Treasury of the Province besides the perquisites, which in that Parish are
considerable. Tlicre is likewise in the s'' City a Grammar School no\v setting up by
the ReV. Mr. Thomas Man-it, very lately arrived a Missionary from the Hon'ble
Society for the propagation of the Gospel' in Foreign parts, with the annual allow-
THE riHRCIl IN SOITII CAKOLINA.
391
iince from the said society of £30 Stprling. ' The Salary allowed out of the Public
Treasuiy to the said School JNIaster is £Kl(l per ami'" rroelaiuatioti Money i. e. £00
Sterling, besides llie Ijenetit of Scholars which is settled by law at £:J per ann" a
scholar in tlie said Proelaiuation Jlonev. or the value thereof iu tli(! currency of
Carolina. Tlieri^ are also in tliis city a small cong-regation of French Refugees
who retain the Liturgy and Discipline of the Reformed Churches of France: one
of Presbyterians, another of AnabajJtists, and a fmv Quakers, mIio liavo each a
Meeting' House, but at present neither one of them have a settled Minister or
Preacher.
2. St. James, at Goose Creek, a ricli and jKjpulous Parish, the church which
INTERIOR OF THE GOOSE CREEK CHURCH.
is about sixteen miles from Charles City, is a neat and regular, but not a large,
Brick Builditig. To this church is lately gone over a Missionary from the Hon'ble
Society for the propagation of the Gospi?! in Foreign parts, the Rev'. Mr. Ludlam,
who •was not arrived there the latter end of May last. The .stated Salary allowed
out of the puljlic Treasury of tlie Province to this and each County Parisli is £100
per ann" of tlio said Proclamation money or the value thereof in the currency of
Carolina. There is also a very handsome Parsonage House of Brick and a Glebe
of about 100 aeres of Land.
3. St. Andrew's the church is 12 miles from Charles City, the Minister the
Rev*". Mr. Gray, a worthy divine and well esteemed of in the Parish, one of the
Hon'ble Society's Missionarys and hath been .so 1 1 years. There is a decent Parson-
age House and a Glebe of 2-") acres of Land. The Inhabitants are now enlarging
and beautifying the Parish Churcli which is Ijuilt of Brick, having for tliat end
obtained out of the Public Treasur}' £100, and by subscriptions among themselves
£500 of the Currency of Carolina.
4. St. Georgc'the church is 20 miles from Charles City, a lai-ge and populous
Parish, wherein is an handsome Brick Churi'h, a Pai'sonage built with Timber and
392
HISTORY or Tin-: American episcopal church.
a Glebe of £250 acres of Land. To this Chiu'ch is now going over the Rev^. Mr.
Varnod, Missionaiy from the Ilon'ble the Societ}'.
5. St. .Iolui""s, a large, populous and nice Parish, in which is a deceut Brick
Church 2.5 miles from Charles City, lately adorned and beautified at the charge of
the Parishioners, and a veiy convenient Brick Parsonage House, pleasantly situated
upon a Glebe of .'500 acres of Land. The Reverend Mr. Brian Hunt, Minister and
^iissionary from the Hon'blo the Society, ai-rived there about March or April last,
and was kindly received by the people.
0. St. Thomas's, a large and populous Parish, in which are two Churches and
two Glebes, but no Parsonage House as yet built. The ReV. Mr. Hasell, who hatli
ST. Andrew's church.
been Minister of the Parish and Missionary from the Hon'ble Society 14 ^eai-s, and
well esteemed by his people, residing upon an Estate, and in an House of his own,
whilst the Money appropriated from tlie Public for the building of an house is daily
increasing, being put out upon good Security at the legal interest of the County.
7. St. Denis, a Congregation of French Refugees conforming to the Church
of England, and within the bounds of St. Tliomas Parish, and made a district
Parish for a time, until the present inhabitants or their children attain the English
Tongue. The Minister, the Rev'. Mr. .Tohn La Pierre, who hath enjoyed the living
about 12 years, receiving an equal salary from the Treasuiy with the other Count}'
Parishes, but is no Missionary.
8. Christ Church, a large Parish, Init poor, where is a Timber Church 1:3 miles
from Charles City, a Parsonage House, a Glebe of 100 acres of land: tlie present
Minister, the Rcv'^ Mr. Pownal, one of the Society's Missionarys, came over to tiiat
Parish in the month of October last.
In Craven County are two Parishes.
9. St. James, Santce, a Parish consisting chiefly of French Refugees con-
forming to the Cliureh of England in which is a Church about GO miles from Charles
THE CHURCH IN SOUTH CAROLINA.
893
City, a Parsonage House and a Glebe of near 1000 acres of land, tli<' present Min-
istJr the Rev^.^lr. Albert Powdcrous a learned Divine and eonvcrt from the C'hureli
of Rome hatli been resident there about two years.
10. King George's Parish wliieli being a new settlement about 90 miles from
Charles City was made a Parish by hisExeelleney General Nieholson, His Majesty's
present Governor, about 10 IMiJUlhs ago. The General Assemljly allowed £1000
(if the Currency of Carolina and his Exeellency has given £100 towards the building
of a Church there w'' is not yet bcgmi.
In Colleton County are two Parishes, viz.
11. St. Paul's now vacant and the Parishioners humble supplicants for.anotlici-
Minister: they are a sober well inclined people kind and obliging to their late
Minister, diligent in attending the word of God and desirous of all good instruction.
The Church which is built of Brick and stands 20 miles from Charles City being
too small for the present congregation is at this time enlarging and beautifying:
the inhabitants liaving raised by subscriptions among themselves upwards of £1000
and obtained from the General Assembly £uOO of the Currency of Carolina, besides
a Legacy of £100 bequeathed to that use by Mr. Jolm Whitmarsh of the said Parish
lately deceased and some few other presents. Near the Church is a Glebe of 70
KLI^b OF ST. GLUK&E » CHLKCII, DORCHtSrER.
acres of land whereon was a very convenient brick House and some other outbuild-
ings which were burnt down by the Indians in the year 171.") and not yet rebuilt.
The sum of £156 Carolina money was allowed out of the Treasury there for to re-
pair the same which having been let out to interest is now about £600.
12. St. Bartholomew's : this parisli hath been vacant since the year 171.^
by the death of the late Incumbent j\lr. Osljorne, one of the Ilon'ble Society's
Rlissionarys. It ^vas then intirel\' depopulated by the Indian Wnv and ver^' few of
the Inhabitants have since returned, who live remote frcnu one another and have
neither Church nor Parsonage House. There's a Glebe of 300 acres of land and some
preparations were formerly making towards a Church and house. But the war
breaking out the Inhabitants dispersed and the Minister died, and nothing of late
hath lieen done in it.
In Granville County there's but one Parish.
l;j. St. Helen's inVhieh is neither Church nor Parsonage House, the General
Assembly hath lately allowed £1000 of the Currency of Carolina and the Governor
£100 towards the Building of the Churcli. This Parish was also depojiulated in the
Indian War but many of the Inhabitants since returned, the Rev''. Mr. Braytield,
394 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
SIGNATURES OF SOUTH CAKOLIKA CLEKGVJIEN, 1724.
Chaplain to BQs Majesty's Forces in Carolina Officiates some times there. There's
also a Presbyterian Teacher who lives meanly and chiefly upon his own private
interest.
N. B. That near Charles City is a large handsome brick House and a Glebe
of 17 acres of Land for the Parsonage, which at present with the consent of the
Minister is made use of for the School that is setting up there by Mr. Morcitt and
an house within the City hired by the Public, for tlie use of a jMinister.
N. B. That towards the i-epairs of Parsonage Houses the IVlinisters, Church
Wardens and Vestiy of each Parish are empowered to draw upon the Public
Treasurer any sum not exceeding £25 of the aforesaid Proclamation Money per
ann" and a certain sum for the repairs of the Churches and to pay the Clerk, Sex-
tons, Registers their Salaries.
N. B. There are within the several Parishes Dissenters of different denomi-
nations but there are no public Teachers at present except among the Presbyterians
or Independents who have four or five tho' not above two or three of them that are
settled Teachers.
WM TREDWELL BULL,
Late Minister of St Paul's, Colleton Cnunty,
and Commissary to Right Reverend
the Lord Bishop of London in
S". Carolina.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE.
ALTHOUGH two centuries were permitted to elapse between the
introduction of the reformed, yet catliolic, (/hurch of England
upon the American sliores and the provision of the episcopate
to complete the church's orders and perfect her discipline, still the
minds of those iu authority in tlie mother-land were not without a
sense of this lacls, and a desire for its remedy, almost from the earliest
days of discovery and settlement. As far bacli as the year 1G38 the
sagacious and far-seeing Laud, wlio had earlier despatched a commis-
sary to Plymouth, the Kev. William ilorrell, to superintend the
ecclesiastical aflairs of New England, set on foot a scheme to remedy
.the evils already imminent among the separatist settlers of the Massa-
chusetts Bay by sending a bishop to New England. This plan, which,
if carried into efl'ect, might have changed not only the ecclesiastical,
but also the civil, history of a continent, was thwarted Ijy the outbreak
of troubles in Scotland ; and it was shortly a question if the Church
would survive at home, rather than that she should be extended and
made complete abroad. Still, the idea was by no means lost siglit of,
and in a pamphlet entitled '' Virginia's Cure," pul^lished shortly after
the Restoration, and dedicated to Sheldon, then Bishop of London, and
Morley, Bishop of Winchester, the demand was earnestly made for
the presence of a bishop in the province, to redress evils which were
rife in church and state, and awaken a more healthy and vigorous
spiritual life. Specially was the need of a bishop urged, with a view
of restoring the primitive diaconate, for the purpose of tilling the
vacant parishes, else but imperfectly cared for by lay-readers. There
were " divers persons already iu the colony tit to servo the Church in
the office of Deacon," and, "after due probation and examination,"'
they might receive authority to minister, according to these degrees, in
the congregatioif . This appeal was urged in behalf of a people " which
generally bear a great love to the stated constitutions of the CImrch
of England, in her government and publick worship, which gave us,"
continues the writer, " who went thither under the late persecutions
of it, the advantage to use it constantly among them, after the naval
power had reduced the colony under the power (but never to the
obedience) of the usurper;' which liberty we could not have enjoyed
had not the people generally expressed great love for it." It is
deeply to lie regretted that this earnest praj'er received no answer.
An attempt, indeed, was made to provide a bishop for Virginia.
The nomination of the Rev. Dr. Alexander Mun-ay, who had been
' Cromwell.
396 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
a companion of the king in his exile, to this office was approved
by the monarch during the administration of Clarendon, and a patent
was actually made out constituting this divine Bishop of Virginia
with a general charge over the other provinces ; but the matter failed
of accomplishment. Objections were urged against the fitness of Dr.
Murray for the ofiice and work of a bishop ; and when these charges,
upon investigation, were found to be groundless, other difiiculties
were raised, which delayed and finally defeated the execution of the
plan proposed. The fall of Clarendon, and the accession of the
" Cabal" ministry to power, are supposed by some to have occasioned
this failure. Such, at least, was Dr. Murray's expliuation of the
matter. At a later day Archbishop Seeker states, from an examina-
tion of Bishop Gibson's papers, that the failure was owing to the fact
that the endowment for the Virginia episcopate was made payable out
of the customs. The unexecuted letters-patent were long on file
among the archives of the see of London.' If we may credit the asser-
tion of a letter sent from England to the Massachusetts-Bay Colony,
bearing date of 1662, the question of an American episcopate had
been under consideration at least ten years before the fiiilure to send
Dr. Murray to Virginia. Hutchinson, in his "History of iNIassa-
chusetts," gives, in a foot-note to his narrative, the following extract
from this communication : —
There was a General Governor and a Mayor-General chosen, and a Bishop
wilh a suffragan, but Mr. Norton writes that they are not yet out of hope to preveut
it; the Governor's name is Sir Robert Carr, a rank Papist.^
There is no other evidence with respect to this appointment, if it
ever was made, and it is not improbable that in transcription a clerical
error may have substituted the year 1662 for 1672, at which time, as
we have seen, the subject was actually in a fair way of accomplishment.
The labors of Dr. Thomas Bray, in the exercise of his commis-
sarial office in Maryland, inspired him with strong convictions of the
immediate necessity of episcopal oversight for the American clergy.
With a view, doubtless, of meeting the objection which was possibly
the cause of the failure of the scheme proposed in the reign of King
Charles II., Bray projected a plan of raising, by private contributions,
a sum sufficient for the purchase of a plantation in .Maryland, upon
which the bishop might reside, and from which he might receive his
support. Oflerings at once flowed in for the furtherance of this scheme ;
but opposition from both sides of the Atlantic was speedily directed
against the plan, which consequently fell to the ground. The minds
of the members of the venerable society at the very outset of their mis-
sionary operations were occupied in this direction, and the suggestion
that a Scotch bishop might be sent to America as a suffragan to the
Bishop of London seems to have failed of adoption on the part of the
society, as its solution of the acknowledged diflSculty of supplying
the colonies with episcopal supervision, only in consequence of the
' Printed in the author's notes to " Hist. Coll. ' Hutehinscn's " History of Massachusetts,"
Am. Col. Ch.," I., pp. 536-542. i., p. 225, note.
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EriSCOPATE. 397
age and fewness of the Scotch bishops. The need of :i bishop for
America was continually urged by the missionaries sent out under the
auspices of the society from the very start, and the tirst report of tlie
society published from a letter of the Eev. John Talbot, the com-
panion and follow-missioner of Keith, written from New York in 1702,
an emphatic utterance of this universally felt and confessed desire : —
There are earnest addresses from divers parts of the Confincnt and Islands
adjacent, for a suffragan to visit tue several churches ; ordalv some, con-
firm OTHERS, AND BLESS ALL.
The following year the same devoted missionary refei's in his cor-
respondence with the society to the loss of many to dissent for want of
a lawful ministry, while those who were willing and qualiiicd to serve
were deterred from seeking holy orders by the hazard and expense of
a voyage to England. With honest plainness he continues : —
Did our g^-aeious Queen Anne but know the necessities of her many good sub-
jects in these parts of the world, she would allow lOOOi. per annum rather than so
many sonls should suffer. Meanwhile, I don't doubt but some learned and good
man wcnild go further, and do the church more service with lOQl. per annum than
with a coach and six one hundi'ed years hence.
Writing, in 1704, to his former fellow-traveller, the Rev. George
Keith, who was again in England, he proceeds to speak of a fit person
to be appointed, and to suggest the manner of his support : —
Mr. John Lillingston designs, it seems, to go to England next year ; he seems
to be the fittest person tliat America affords for the office of a suffragan, and several
persons, both of the laity and clergy, have wished he were the man ; and if my Lord
of London thought fit to authorize him, several of the clergy, both of this province
and of Maryland, have said they would pay their tenths unto him, as my Lord of Lon-
don's vicegerent, whereby the Bishop of America might have as honourable provision
as some in Europe.
The other missionaries of the society concurred in pressing this
important matter upon the attention of the authorities at home. " Ex-
cuse me to the society," writes the Rev. Thoroughgood Moor, in 1704,
" if I am earnest with them for a suffragan, and that they would have
a particular regard to the unanimous request of the clergy in all parts
of America upon this account."
If further confirmation of the need and wish for a bishop were de-
sired, to warrant the action of the Church at home, it was supplied, in
1705, by a memorial addressed to the archbishops and bishops from a
convocation of fourteen clergymen assembled at Burlington, N. J. , pray-
ing for the " presence and assistance of a suffragan bishop, to ordain
such persons as are fit to bo called to serve in the sacred ministry of
the Church," and stating that they had already been "deprived of the
advantages which might have been received of some presbyterian and
independent ministers that formerly were, and others that still are, will-
ing to conform and receive the holy character, for want of a bishoj) to
give it." They add that "the baptized want to bo confirmed," and
398 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
their plea for the presence of a bishop was supported and reiterated hy
the royal governors and leading laity as well.
Thus urgently appealed to, Ijoth in formal petitions and in pri-
vate correspondence, the society submitted a memorial to the queen,
in 1709, in which the pressing need of the American Church was
strongly stated, and measures urged for its relief. Their words were
as follows : —
We cannot but take this opportunity I'urtber to represent to your IMajesty,
witli the greatest humility, tlie eai-nest and repeated desires, not only of tlie Mission-
aries, but ol' divers other eonsiderable persons that are in communion with our ex-
cellent Church, to have a Bishop settled in your American j)lantatious (which we
humbly conceive to be very useful and necessary for establishing the Gospel in
those parts), that they may be the better united among themselves than at present
they are, and more able to withstand the designs of their enemies : that there may be
confirmations, which in their present state they cannot have the benefit of; and
that an easy and speedy care may be taken of all the other affairs of the Church,
which is much increased in those parts, and to which, through your Majesty's gi-acious
protection and encouragement, we trust that yet a greater addition will daily be
made. We humbly beg leave to add that we are informed that the French have
received several great advantages from their establishhig a Bishop at Quebec.
The following year Colonel Nicholson, the Governor of Virginia,
whose interest in the Church was nndoitbted, expressed in a letter to
the Archbishop of Canterbury his conviction, "that unless a bishop be
sent, in a short time the Church of England will rather diminish than
increase in North America."
It was about this time that the attention of the scheming and ami-
bitious Dean Swift was directed towards the Virginia Episcopate. His
friend. Colonel Hunter, had been appointed lieutenant-governor of
this province ; but he failed to reach his seat of government, having
l)een captured by the French on his voyage across the Atlantic. While
a prisoner at Paris, Swift M'rote to him, January 12, 1708-9 : —
Vouz savez que Monsieur Addision, notre bon ami, est f.ait secr6taire d'6tat
d'Irlande ; and unless you make haste over and get my Virginia bishoprick he will
persuade me to go with him, for the Virginia project is oil, which is a great dis-
appohitment to the design I had of displaying my politics at the Emperor's Court.'
Two months later he again refers to this subject in a letter to the
same : —
I shall go from Ireland sometime in summer, being not able to make my
friends in the ministry consider my merits or their promises enough to keep me
here, so that all my hopes now terminate in njy bishoprick of Virginia.'
Four years later, when Hunter had, after his failure to enter upon
his appointment to Virginia, received the post of Governor of New
York, he writes to the dean as follows : —
I have purchased a seat for a bishop, and by orders from the society have given
orders to prepare it for his reception. You once upon a day n:.ave me hopes of see-
ing you there. It would be no small relief to have so good a friend to complain to.'
' Swift's Works, Scott's ed., xv., p. 295. ' Ihid., p. 308. ■■ Ibid., xvi., p. 4S.
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE. 399
These extracts, however, fivil to prove tliat there was ever the seri-
ous purpose on the part of Ihose in power of sending Swift to a post
for which he was in every way unfitted, and in which lie coidd not
liave failed to do more injury tiian good. It is probable that the ap-
pointment of his friend to an American government aroused the rest-
less and intriguing spirit of Swift to seek for himself any temporal
advantage (hat might thus be opened to him, and doubtless the mat-
ter never went beyond the conversation or the correspondence of the
two friends. It was certainly well for the Church in America that
even the thought of such an appointment perished ere it came to the
light. It was inevitable that a plan so important in itself, and so
constantly urged in the letters and memorials received from the church-
men and clergy in America, should commend itself to the attention and
interest of the authorities of the Church at home. It is a matter of
record that the Archbishop of York, Dr. Sharpe, whose unwearied
interest in all matters of church extension led him to favor and further
the scheme for the introduction of the episcopate among the protestant
communions upon the continent of Europe, convened and presided at
a meeting on the 20th of January, 1711, at which the bishop of Bristol,
Dr. Robinson, the bishop of St. David's, Dr. Bisse, and the celebrated
Atterbury, prolocutor of the lowerHousc of Convocation, and Drs. Smal-
ridge and Stanhope, were present, on which occasion the archbishop
offered a " proposal concerning bishops being provided for the planta-
tions ; " but "as the Bishop of London, who from his recognized
relation to the colonial churches had a right to be first consulted on
such a project, was not present, the matter was dropped." '
But the subject was still pressed u2:)on the attention of the officers
of state. A second memorial, respecting an American episcopate,
was i)resented to the queen by the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel, on the 24th of March, 1713, and received so favoraWe a recep-
tion from Her JNIajcsty that there seemed an immediate prospect of
success. Unhappily, the death of the queen, shortly after, put an end
to the design. The importunity of the society in thus renewing the
application for the appointment of an American episcopate wa« justi-
fied by the statement that it acted upon the repeated requests and rep-
resentations of "governors of provinces, ministers, vestries, and
private persons in the plantation;" and, "after a loud call for fifteen
years," so nearly was the end attained that by royal command "a
draught of a bill was ordered, proper to be offered to the parliament for
establishing Bishops and Bishopricks in America." Alas ! that on the
very eve of accomplishment the hopes of the friends of this measure
were doomed to disappointment.
The society, disappointed, but not in despair, renewed its applica-
tion to George I. in a memorial dated June 3, NIT), and, after reciting
the events described abov%, submitted to the king's consideration a plan
for the creation of four bishoprics, two for the islands and two for the
continent. Of the former it was proposed that one bishop should lie
" settled at Barbadoes, for itself and the Leeward Islands." The
" Newcome's " Life of Abp. Sliarpc," i., p. 532.
400 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
other was to be placed " at Jamaica for itself with the Bahama and
Bermuda Islands." Of the latter, one was to have his seat at Burling-
ton, N. J. , with jurisdiction " from the east side of Delaware river to the
utmost bounds of the king's dominions eastward, including Newfound-
land." The other see Avas that of Williamsburg, in Virginia, with ju-
risdiction " from the west side of Delaware river to the utmost bounds
of the British dominions westward." The income of the bishops of
Barbadocs and Jamaica was to be £1,500 per annum respectively, the
fonner prelate having the presidency of Codrington College, and the
latter's revenue being provided out of the " church lands of 8t. Christo-
pher's, fonnerly belonging to the Jesuits and the Carmelites and other
French popish clergy." The Bishops of Burlington and Williamsburg
were to receive £1 ,000 per annum, while for the former the society had
" been at six hundred pounds' charge and upwards to purchase a conven-
ient house and land for his residence." Other sources whence the income
named could be obtained were suggested , such as "the best rectory in the
capital seat of each bishop," with the tenth part of all future grants
and escheats to the crown," which the king might be pleased to give,
together with " such local revenues as shall be thought fit to be made
by their respective assemblies." If these and other resources should
prove insufBcient, or be deemed impracticable, the memorial further
prayed that a prebend in the gift of the crown, the mastershij) of the
Savoy, or that of St. Catherine's, might he annexed to the continental
bishoprics, for the supply or augmentation of their maintenance.
A scheme so well conceived and so thoroughly digested, having
received the hearty countenance of the late sovereign, might have
been expected to secure the immediate approval of the crown. But
the times were most unfavorable for the consideration of the claims of
the Church. The rebellion had just broken out in Scotland, and the
political jealousies and suspicions then rife, intensified by a distrust of
the clergy, who, in many instances, were suspected — and not without
cause — of favoring the pretensions of the exiled House of Stuart, pre-
cluded all hope of success, at least during the administration of Sir
Robert Walpole. It was not likely that the application in behalf of a
few churchmen on a distant continent would receive a hearing when
the existence of the government itself was in danger from rebellion,
even though the object of the petition was asserted to be " to forward
the great work of converting infidels to the saving faith of our blessed
Redeemer, and for the regulating such Christians in their faith and
practice as are already converted thereto." The adherents of the House
of Hanover felt that the struggle in which they were engaged was for
life. They had neither thought nor time for matters or measures that
contemplated merely the relief of the spiritual needs, or the develop-
ment of the ecclesiastial constitution of the far-away provinces of the
American coast. Thus it was that the socief^^'s plan, which had been
so carefully thought out and so ably urged, was laid aside. The
archl)ish()p. Dr. Tcnison, who died in December, 1715, mindful of the
need which the society had so repeatedly sought to remedy, bequeathed
to it a legacy of £1,000, " toward the settlement of two bishops, one for
the continent, the other for the isles of America ; " and it was in the
THE STRUGGLE FOK THE EPISCOPATE. 401
same undiscouraged spirit, and with like eoufidouceof ultimate success,
that Dr. Kennett, then Dean and shortly afterwards Bishop of Peter-
borough, in a letter to his correspondent in Boston, the Rev. B. Cole-
man, an independent minister, recites the difficulties in the way of the
society's success in its work in America, and the means of relief : —
The two great difficulties that still lie hard upon our Society for Propao'ation
of the Gospel are, 1. the want of sober and religious missionaries; few o&rinc
themselves to tluit sen'ice for the glory of God and the good of souls ; but cliieflv
to find a refuge from poverty and scandal. 2. Such men, when they come to
the places allotted to them, forget their mission; and Instead of proi)a"-atin<'
Christianity, arc only contending for rites and ceremonies, or for powers and^privi^
leges, and are ilisputing with the Vestries of eveiy Parish, unit even witli the civil
government of eveiy province. Tlio two mischiefs can hardly he reili-ess'd but by
Hxing Schools and Universities in tliose parts, and settling, we hope, two Bishops,
one for the Continent, another for the Islands, with advice and assistame of pres-
byters, to ordain fit persons, especially natives, and to take care of all the Churches.'
The repeated delays and disappointments in securing the episcopal
supervision, so imperatively required in America, called forth the
earnest remonstrances, and even the complaints, of men like Talbot,
who had given up all for the upholding of the Church of the livin"
God in the New World. The following characteristic and caustic
criticism is contained in a letter from this worthy missionary, written
in 1716: —
The poor Churcii of God here in the wilderness, there's none to guide her
among all the sons that she has brought forth, nor is there any that takes her by
the liand of all the sons that she has brouglit up. Wlien the apostles heard tliat
Samaria liad received the Word of God, immediately they sent out two of the
Chiefs, Peter and .Tohn, to Lay their hands on them, and pray that they miglit receive
the Holy Gliost ; they did not stay for a secular design of salary ; and when the
apostles lioard that the word of God was preached at Antioch, presently tliey sent
out Paul and Barnabas, that they should go as far as Antioeli to confirm (he disciples ;
and so tlie churclies were established in the faith, and increased in number daily.
And when Paul did but dream that a man of ilacedonia called him, he set sail all
so fast, and went over himself to help them. But we have been here these twenty
years calling till cm- hearts ache, and ye own 'tis the call and cause of God, and
yet ye have not lie.ard, or have not .answered, and that's all one. ... I don't pre-
tend to projiliecy, but you know 'tis said, the kingdom of God shall be taken from
them .and given to a nation that will bring forth the fi-uits of it. God give us all
the gi'ace to do the things that belong to our peace.
In the same reproachful strain he again writes : —
I cannot think but the honourable Society had done much more if they had
found one honest man to bring Gospel orders over to us. No doubt, as they have
freely received, tliey would freely give ; but there's a ?iolo episcopari only for poor
America, but she sliall h.ave her gospel-day even as others, but we shall never see
it unless we make more haste than we have done.
But it was not only the wish of the clergy to have a bishop in
America ; the vestries and laity, from time to time, joined in the
earnest appeal for the same boon. On the 2d of June, 1718, a
petition was signed by order of the vestries of Christ Church, Phi la •
'Lifcof Kcnncit, p. 123.
402 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CIIURCn.
delphia, and St. Ann's, Burlington, as well as by the clergy, and many
of the laity in Maryland at a later date, ^vhich torciljly states the
grievance and burdens to which the American Church was subjected on
this account : —
For want of Episcopacy being establislied amongst us, and that there has
never been any Bishop sent to visit us, our cliurclies remain unconsecrated, our
children are grown up and cannot be confirmed, their sureties are imder solemn
obligations, but cannot be absolved, and our clergy, sometimes, imder doubts, and
cannot be resolved:
liut, more especially for the want of that sacred power which is inherent to
your apostolic office, the vacancies which daily happen in our ministry cannot be
supplied for a considerable time from England, whereby many congi'egations are
not only become desolate, and the light of tlic Gospel therein extinguished ; but
great encoin-agement is thereby given to sectaries of all sorts which abound and
increase amongst us ; and some of them pretending to what they call the power of
ordination, the country is filled with fanatic teachers, debauching the good inclina-
tions of many poor souls who are left destitute of any instruction or ministry.
About this time an unknown benefactor gave to the venerable so-
ciety the sum of £1,000, with instructions that "the principal and in-
terest might be applied towards the maintenance of a bishop in America,
when said bishop should be established." In 1720 this sum was in-
creased by a gift of £500 from Dugald Campbell, Esq., for the same
purpose, and subsequently a benefaction of like amount was received
from the Lady Elizabeth Hastings. These free-will offerings from the
laity show that the sense of the need of bishops was not confined to
the clergy merely, nor even to Americans, for whose benefit the plan
was proposed.
The hopes so often expressed l»y the honest and fearless Talbot,
that " a head " would be provided for the American Church , " to propa-
gate the Gospel," — to propagate it by imparting some spiritual gift
by ordination or confirmation, — at length faded out. The tireless mis-
sionary still pursued his work, liuilding churches to see them used as
" stalls and stal)les for Quakers' horses Avhen they came to market or
meeting," and securing " missioners " who after a little sought refuge
in jNIarjdand "for the sake of themselves, their wives, and their chil-
dren." For his own part he felt that he could not desert the "poor"
flock" he had gathered, even if he had " neither money, credit, nor
tobacco." Worn with excessive labor he sought permission to return
for a time to England. Here he claimed and received for a time the
interest of Archbishop Tenison's legacy, which, until the appointment
of an American bishop was payal)le to an aged missionary. But life
in England had lost its charms for one so active and abundant in efibrt
for the upbuilding of the Church of God. He could not be idle when
souls were perishing in schism and sin. He coidd not forget the
scenes of his early labors, and his great success. The missionary's
heart yearned for the sons he had begotten in the faith, and so he
returned to spend the rest of his days " apud Americanos," as was
his favorite phrase. Soon after his retirrn crcdililc reports were re-
ceived by the society of his refusal to take the oath of allegiance to
the king and of his omission of the king's name in the church's
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE. 403
prayers. lie had been accused by Governor Hunter, as long before
as 1715, of having " incorporated the Jacobites in the Jerseys, under
the name of a church, in order to sanctify li is sedition and insolence to
the goverunient ; "' l)ut he had indignantly repelled the charge lor him-
self and for his people, with every evidence of good faith. The church-
wardens and vestry at Burlington joined in this denial, and the accusa-
tion of the governor was, without doubt, as untrue as it must have
l)ecn malicious. There could be little sympathy between the friend
and admin'r of Swift and the self-sacriticing, conscientious, and hard-
working "missioner" at Burlington. The Aery charge, however,
may have been the occasion of its subsequent justification. The re-
peated failure of the efforts to provide a bishop for the Church in
America, to whose service he had given his life, may have turned his
attention to that non-juring schism whose bishops were, at least, un-
shackled by any connection with the State, and from whose hands the
coveted apostolical commission might be supplied. He had been
able to boast, " I sufl'er all things for the elect's sake, the poor Church
of God, here in the Wilderness." He was now, after years of faithful
labor, after spending and being spent in the church's service, after
winning the testimony of churchmen far and near, " that !)}• his
exemplary life and ministry he had been the greatest advocate for the
Church of England, by law established, that ever appeared on this
shore," ' to be " discharged the society for exercising acts of jurisdic-
tion over the brethren, the missionaries." He promptly denied the
charge, averring that he "knew nothing aliout it, nor anyl)ody else,
in all the world ; " but that a change had come over the old mission-
ary's spirit is evident. There is no further appeal made in his betters
for a bishop for America ; nor is this subject, which proved the
burden of his earlier correspondence, again referred to. Accused as
a " notorious Jacobite '" by the testimony of a worthless, strolling
clei'gyman, who, in the same breath with which ho maligned Talbot,
pronounced a place " slavish " " where they I'equire two sermons
every Lord's Day, Prayers all the week and Homilies on Festivals,
besides abundance of Funerals, Christenings at home, and sick to be
visited," — Talliot was dismissed from the society's service, his church
was closed, and " a long, long penance " exacted of him for " crimes "
which he professed were to him " unknown." The same questionable
authority complained that at Philadelphia " he convened all the clergy
to meet, put on his robes and demanded episcopal obedience from
them. One wiser than the rest refused, acquainted the governor with
the ill-consequences thereof, the danger he would run of losing his
government ; whereupon the governor ordered the church to be shut
up." "There seems to be no reason to doulit," writes Hawkins, in
his historical notices of the missions of the Church of England, "that,
during his visit to England, he, with Dr. AVelton. had l)een consecrated
l)y the non-juring bishops. Such a step admits of no justification ; but
we may well suppose that he was led to take it by no personal ambi-
tion, but by that strong and earnest conviction of the absolute necessity
' Memorial of Church-wardens and Vestiy- New Bristol, and St. Maiy's, Burlington, to the
"" " ' society.
404 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
of an episcopate for the welfare of the Church in America, of which his
letters aflbnl such abundant testimony. It appears that he occasionally
assumed the episcopal dress, and that he administered the ordinance of
confirmation. Whatever confusion or schism might have arisen by the
irregular exercise of the episcopal ofSce was prevented l)y an order
from the Privy Council for Welton's^ return to England, and l)y the
death of Mr. Talbot, which occurred in 1727." ^ Notices of Jlr. Talbot
occur occasionally in the correspondence of the missionaries with the
society, or with their diocesan, the Bishop of London. The excellent
Jacob Henderson, Commissary of Maryland, under date of August 16,
1724, writes that, —
Mr. Talbot, Minister of Durlingtou, returned from England about two years
ago in Episcopal Orders, thougli his orders till now of late have been kept as a
gi'eat secret, and Dr. Welton is arrived there about six weeks ago, as I'm credibly
informed, in the same capacity, and the people of Pliiladelphia are so fond of him
that they will have him right or wrong for their minister.
I am much afraid these gentlemen will poison the people of that province.
I cannot see what can prevent it but the speedy arrival of a Bishop there, one of the
same order to confront them, for tlie people will rather take conlirmation from
them than have none at all, and by that means they'll hook them into the schism.
In June, 172G, the commissary of the eastern shore, the Rev.
Christopher Wilkinson, writes to his diocesan : —
I understood Dr. Welton has left Philadelphia and is goue lor liisbon. He
and the rest of the non-jurors disagreed very much among tliemselves, in so much
that they avoided one another's company. Mr. Talbot and Mr. Smith (who also
difi'er very much in their sentiments of submission to the established government)
have been with us in Maiyland. They behaved themselves very moilestly. avoided
fciLking very much, and resolved to submit quietly to the orders sent from England
to proliibit their public oiHciating in any of the Churches, or to set up separate
meetings.^
A few weeks later the Rev. Archibald Cummins, who had lately
arrived in Pennsylvania, writes to the Bishop of London as follows : —
I have been importuned by numbers of people from Bm'lington, and by some
of this Province, to write to your Lordship in favour of Dr. Talbot; they made me
promise to mention him, othenvise I would not presmue to do it. He is universally
beloved, even by Dissenters here, and has done a great deal of good. Welton and
he had diifered. and broke otf correspondence by reason of the rash chimerical
projects of the former, long before the Government took notice of them. If he
were connived at and could be assisted by the Society (for I am told the old man's
circumstances are veiy mean), he promises by his friends to be peaceable and easy,
and to do all the good he can for the future.''
Poor old man ! He had lived not for himself, but for others. He
was "universally beloved," had "done a great deal of good," and at
* Atlilcd to the letter from UiTnston, in wbicli added a scrawl with words proceeding oiii of the
the charjfc is made that Talbot endeavored to mouth of the Bishop of Peterboronjfh to this
secure the canonical oliedience of the clcri.'-y, is a ctfect as I am told, 'lam not he tliat betrayed
" P.S.," as follows : " He is succeeded by Dr. Christ, though as ready to do it as ever Judas
Welton, who makes a j^-eat noise amongst them was.' I have met him once in the streets, but
by reason of his sutlcrinjjs. He has brouji^ht had no further conversation with liim." — ProL
with him to the value of £300 sterling in guns Epis. Hist. Soc. Coll., I., p. 93.
and fishing-tackle, ^vith divei's printed copies of ' Ibid., pp. 146, 147.
his famous altar-piece at White-Chapel, lie has ■• J/iid., p. 97. ' Jljid., p. 90.
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE. 40')
the close of an exemplary and most useful life, with no oflence
charged against him other than a suspicion of Jacobite tendencies and
practices, and the alleged exercise of episcopal authorit3s his last days
could only be spent "peaceably and easy," if he were "connived at,"
so that he might still "do all the good" in his jwwcr to the end!
Certainly the name of John Talbot may well be held in loving re-
membrance by the Church for which he did and dared so much I ^
The venerable and beloved IJishop Wliite was wont to relate a
tradition which he heard from his elder brethren when he was but a
youth. The story was this : —
A gentleman who had been orilained among the Congregationalists of New
England, and who had officiated among them as a minister for many years, at
length, to tlie surprise of his friends, began to express doubts about the validity of
his ordination, and manifested no smalltrouble of mind on the subject. Suddenly,
about the time of the arrival of Talbot and \V^eltou, ho left home without declaring
the place of liis destination or pui-pose of his journey. After an interval of a few
weeks he returned, and gave no further information of his movements than that he
had been to some of the southern colonies ; he also said on his return that he was
now perfectly satisfied with his ordination, and from that day never manifested the
least solicitude on the subject, but continued till he died to preach to his congrega-
tion. It was soon whispered by those whoso cmiosily here found materials for^its
exercise that the minister h.ad been on a visit to the non-juring bishops, and ob-
tained ordination from one of them. He never said so ; but among churchmen it
was believed that such was the fact."
With each added year the need of a bishop was more painfully felt.
In 1724 the Rev. Samuel Johnson, the newly-ordained missionary at
Stratford, addressed the Bishop of London on the subject, urging the
appointment of a bishop, in view of the fact that "a consideral^Ie number
of young gentlemen," and "those the best educated among us," "for
want of episcopal ordination, decline the ministry," because " unwilling
to expose themselves to the danger of the seas and distempers, so
terrifying has been the unhappy fate of Mr. Browne. "^ "So that,"
continues this excellent missionary, "the fountain of all our misery is
the want of a bishop, for whom there are many thousands of souls in
this country so impatiently long and pray, and for want do e.Ktreraely
suffer." The following year six of the New England clergy, includ-
ing Dr. Cutler and Mr. Johnson, prepared a memorial to the venerable
society, in which they pray for the protection and guidance of "an
orthodox and loyal bishop" residing among them, lieferring to the
presence of Dr. Welton, as threatening " very unhappy consequences"
to the Church and the government, they add : " Not only those who
profess themselves churchmen long and pray for this great blessino'
of a worthy bishop with us, but also multitudes of those who are
well-wishers to us, Ijut are kept concealed for want thereof, and would
immediately appear and form many more congregations too, if once
this happiness were granted."'' The Rev. James Honyman, of Rhode
' The ini^enioiis and able argument of the ' Di'. Hawks, in his " History of the Church
Rev. Dr. Fulton in support of the view tliat Tal- in Marvlanit," p. 185.
hot was not consecrated, will be found among ' The Rev. Daniel Browne died in Enfrlaud
the raoaograplts appendeti to this volume, and is of the small-pox shortly after admission to Holy
well worthy ui' earcful consideration in this cou- Orders,
nection. ' Hawkins's " Hist. Notices," p. 388.
406 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Island, besides signing this memorial, addressed a further communica-
tion to the Bishop of London, submitliug that many perplexing doubts
were constantly arising which could only be resolved by the authority
of an ecclesiastical suiicrior resident on the ground, and cognizant of
all the circumstances that might affect each case in question.
Nor was this importunate cry for the presence and blessing of the
episcopate confined to the clergy and congregations of the northern
and middle colonies. After numerous fruitless applications in the past,
the clergy of Maryland renewed their demand, and the Bishop of Lon-
don invited them to nominate one of their own number for the office
of suffragan. The choice fell upon the Rev. ]Mr. Colebatch, a man of
exemplary character and acknowledged fitness for the work proposed.
No records are extant to acquaint us -with the grounds the bishop had
for ])resuming that the consecration of a suffragan would be permitted ;
but it is unlikely that he would have made the request for a nomina-
tion unless he had reason to assume the consent of the crown. But
the failure of the effort at this time resulted not from the opposition of
the authorities in England, I)ut in the province itself. The proposi-
tion of the l)ishop being noised abroad, a writ of ne exeat was applied
for and granted by the courts of Maryland against the departure for
England of the choice of the clergy, and the one whom both his
brethren and his diocesan were anxious to see intrusted with the
office of a suffragan bishop was thus forbidden by the legislature to
leave the province.
It appears from a letter addressed to the venerable society in
1748, by one of its most faithful and successful missionaries, the lie v.
Clement Hall, of North Carolina, that a report was then prevalent
"that a Ijishop" who was, to quote his words, "much wanted, and by
all good men earnestly tlesired," was "about to be sent over and
settled in Virginia," and the writer anxiously asks whether the report
were true. The absence of any definite answer to this earnest query
is sufficient proof that if any ground for the rumor existed other than
the wish of good men, it was soon removed, and the long-continued
indiil'erence of those in power to the spiritual needs of the colonies
was persistently maintained.
The excellent Seeker, Bishop of Oxford, had, in his sermon
preached before the society in 1741, pointed out the advantages arising
from the presence of bishops in the colonies ; and Dr. Sherlock, Bishop
of London, in writing to good Dr. Johnson, at Stratford, Conn., had
informed him that he had been " soliciting the establishment of one or
two bishops to reside in proper parts of the plantations, and to have
the conduct and direction of the whole ; " but it was not till the year
17."jO that a united and sustained efi'ort was again made for the ac-
complishment of this long-deferred scheme. The zeal with which
Bishops Sherlock, Seeker, and Butler entered upon their task, seemed
to have gained strength from the very disappointments which had
attended all previous efforts.
It seems strange that a measure necessary for the very existence
of the Church should have been so bitterly and perseveringly opposed,
and finall}' effectually thwarted by the machinations of those who
U<ru/r Lam/no i/ir7/f^i(/f
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE. 407
claimed for themselves and for tlieir own reliirious organization tlio
most complete tolenuice and the most perfect freedom, l^ains had
been taken from the tirst to assnro dissenters that in the estaljli.shment
of episcopacy in the
colonies there was no
design of infringing
upon the rights or „ .,
privileges of those who ^ r^~/^j
were not in tlie com- Pi, ^ /^n A^
nmnion of the Cluirch. cr^/L^ . {^UOVT ,
\\\ a letter addressed to
the Rev. Mr. Colman, an independent minister of Boston, by Dr. White
Kennett, Dean, and after wards Bishoj) of Peterborough, we find the follow-
ing language used with i-eferencc to the proposed American episcopate : —
I hope your Churches wouhl not be joalous of it, they being out of our line,
and therefore beyond the cognizance of any overseers to be sent from lience.'
But the opposition which was thus deprecated, by one who spoke
with authority as a leading member and officer of the venerable society
which had the matter at that time in hand, was shortly aroused, and
year li}^ year intensified by the very progress of the Church to which
these bishops were to bo sent as overseers. The introduction of the
Church into the northern colonics, which was effected toward the close
of the seventeenth century, and its rapid development on every" side
in the early part of the succeeding century, had excited tlic appre-
hension that the coveted blessings of the New England theocracy
were to bo lost, and the "standing order," even of Puritan iVIassachu-
setts and Connecticut was to be made subservient to another polity and
a less rigid rule of faith. The conversion of Rector Cutler, the schol-
arly head of Yale College, which was followed by the defection of
one after another from the ranks of Puritanism, gave rise, as we have
seen, to a wide-spread apprehension ; and a most intense opposition to
the Church. Controversies had arisen on every side, and disputes and
bickerings became more and more heated as years went on. Prejudices
were aroused, and the very existence of the New England cluu'chcs
was l)elieved liy many to be imperilled. The great principles of tolera-
tion were but imperfectly understood, and "it was not to l)e endured
that episcopacy should, unmolested, rear its mitred head among the
children of men who had said to the world : 'Let all mankind know
that we came into the u'iJdernefiK, because we would worship God
witiiout that Epincnpac;/, that Common Pmi/er, and those unwarrant-
able cfremoiiies with which the land of our forefathers sejjidc/tres lias
been defiled ; we came hither because we would have our posterity
settled under the full and pure disj)en.mtions of the gospel ; defended
by rulers that sliouJd he of nurselves.'"^
No one familiar with tlic history of New England can be ignorant
of the pains taken on the part of the colonial ministers and magis-
' Tm-eirs" Life of Colman," r. 127. quoted liy Dr. Hawks, in " Prot. Epis. Hist.
'Mather's "Masnalia," Book in.. Part i., .Soc. Coll.," I., p. U3.
sec. Til., page 219, olVol. I. : Hartford reprint.
408 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
trates to prevent, b}' the use of all available means, the authorization
of bishops for America. The letters of instructions to the provincial
agents who were employed to watch over the interests of their Ameri-
can constituents at the English court have frequent references to the
importance of thwarting any scheme for the introduction of a trans-
Atlantic episcopacy. The correspondence of the leading ministers
with the prominent dissenters of England abounds in references to this
matter, and in earnest appeals for their brethren's cooperation in hinder-
ing so dreaded an invasion of their alleged rights. Constant representa-
tions were made to the ministry by those who represented the dissent-
ing interest that any scheme in this direction Mould be attended with
most serious consequences. Remonstrances, appeals, manifestoes,
and even threats, were resorted to, to convince those in authority of
the unpopularity and danger of promoting such a measure.
It was in consequence of this unreasonable opposition, and with
full knowledge of the means resorted to at home and in the colonies
to excite and intensify it, that the bishops who interested themselves
in 1750 in the efl'ort to obtain the consecration of bishops for Amer-
ica were at pains at the outset to remove prejudice, and to pre-
vent misapprehension by laying down principles which should have dis-
armed all possible hostility. The scheme which was prepared by
these eminent prelates was such as could oifer neither injury nor occa-
sion ofl'ence to the dissenters. It was digested and prepared by the
celebrated author of the "Analogy," Bishop Butler, and as copied
from his manuscript, was first published to the world by the cele-
brated East Apthorp, of Christ Church, Cambridge, in whose hands
the original then was. We give it in full : —
1. That no coercive power is desired over the laity in any case, but only a
power to regulate the behaviour of the clergy who are in Episcopal Orders, and to
correct and ])unish them according to the laws of the Church of England, in case
of misbehaviour or neglect of duty, with such power as the commissaries abroad
have exercised.
2. That nothing is desired for such bisliops that may in the least interfere
with the dignity, or autliority, or interest of the (Governor, or any other officer of
State: Probates of wills, license for marriages, etc., to be left in 'the hands where
they are ; and no share iu the temporal government is desired for bishops.
3. The maintenance of such bishops not to be at the charge of the colonies.
4. Xo bishojDS are intended to be settled in places where the government is
left iu the hands of dissenters, as iu New England, etc., but authority to be given
only to ordain clergy for sucli Church of England congregations as are among
them, and to inspect into the manners aud beliaviour of the said clergy, and to con-
firm the members thereof.
A plan conceived in this almost apologetic manner, and with these
restrictions upon any undue exercise of the episcopal authority, should
have precluded opposition, as it certainly removed all possibility of
danger or cause for alarm. It seems difficult to believe that the
hostility with which this proposition was assailed could have arisen
from real scruples of conscience. It would seem as if the real cause
of opposition must have been a natural apprehension that the Church
of England in America, thus perfected in its organization, and thus
invested with the powers of self-government and self-perpetuation,
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE. 409
would rapidly increase at the expense of the dissenting bodies around
it, winning converts both from the ministers and members of the
various sects with which it would inevitably come in competition, from
its orderly and apostolic government, its venerable and allractive
forms, and its inevitable predvje as the religion of the court and
crown. We cannot for a moment believe that the leading dissenters
were ignorant of the distinction between the spiritual rights inhering
to the episcopal office and the accidental appendages of temporal
power which belonged to the lords spiritual of the mother-land.
The claim of the American churchmen to the full and free exercise of
their faith, involving, as it necessarily did, the perfection of their
ecclesiastical constitution, was undeniable ; and it was only the un-
reasoning prejudice of ignorance or sectarian hate that could pretend
to view this simple act of justice as threatening the liberties of
America. There may have been those who doubted the possibility
of separating between the powers purely spiritual and those of a
temporal nature, which for years had been associated with the bishops
of the mother-land, and fancied that the American bishop could not
and would not confine himself to the exercise of his episcopal powers
simply, without aping the state, and seeking to obtain the temporal
power, of his episcopal brethren in the mother-land. That such was
the conviction of many honest men admits of little doubt, and the fact that
there was no opposition to the introduction of the episcopal office, when
the independence of the countiy was finally assured, proves their
sincerity in these aijprehensions. Their doubts and invincible preju-
dices, in spite of every possible assurance to the contrary, do little
credit to their charity, or their confidence in the word or solemn pro-
fessions of their fellow-men, and they are certainly without excuse for
the bitterness and rancor, the falsification, calumny, and slander,
exhibited by those who were the champions in the pulpit and in print
of the cause they avowed.
On the 21st of February, 1750, the Bishop of London, Dr.
Sherlock, presented to the king in council a memorial entitled " Con-
siderations rehiting to Ecclesiastical Government in his Majesty's
Dominions in America." In this important document every care was
taken to avoid giving any occasion of oflence to dissenters, or others
who might be opposed to the scheme of an American episcopate. It
disavows any purpose of appointing a bishop either for New England
or for Pennsylvania. It proposes to confer upon the American prelates
no powers l)ut such as are purely spiritual and inherent to their sacred
office, and directly and distinctly disclaims any purpose of supporting
the proposed episcopate by a tax or imposition of any kind ui)on the
people. The need of the American Church was temperately but co-
gently urged, and nothing was omitted to give assurance of the full
purpose of the promoters of the plan to avoid any possible political
complication, or to evoke any sectarian hostility to a scheme proposed
solely ^v'ith a view to the establishment of the American churchmen in
their spiritual rights.
But the time chosen for the presentation of these " Considera-
tions " proved inopportune. The king was preparing for a visit to the
410 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
continent, and ostensibly on this account the consideration of the
bishojj's memorial was deferred until the monarch's return from
Hanover. And thus the third application to the crown proved of no
avail.
While the king was absent a correspondence on the suliject was
entered into by Bishop Seeker and Walpole, 1)ut the interchange of
views between the bishop and the prime minister produced no mate-
rial effect, either in advancing the success of the plan proposed or in
removing the strong opposition to the scheme which its simple men-
tion had excited among the dissenters at home and in America. The
" true reason of the Bishop of London being opposed and defeated in
his scheme of sending in bishops," writes Dr. Chandler to Johnson, of
Stratford, was this : " It seems that the Duke of Newcastle, Mr.
Pelham, and Mr. Onslow, can have the interest and votes of the whole
body of the dissenters upon condition of their befriending them ; and
l)y their influence on those persons the ministry was brought to
oppose it." ^ Comment is unnecessary.
In view of the evident impossibility of success while such a
powerful opposition was arrayed against the plan of an American
episcopate it was not likely that the churchmen in whose interest the
scheme was urged would voluntarily provoke discussion with reference
to it which could only intensify the assaults of the dissenters, and, in
the end, prejudice their cause. At the same time it was impossible
for them to remain passive and silent when assailed by misrepresenta-
tion and rancorous abuse. Chai'ges from pulpits and in pamphlets
and in newsprints of the day had been made again and again against
the venerable society for an alleged violation of its charter, in its
sending a number of its missionaries, not merely to the destitute and
neglected portions of the colonies, but to those where, in the view of
the dissenters, there was no need of services or sacraments other than
their own. More than one-third of the society's laborers, exclusive of
those stationed in Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and the West Indies,
were employed in New England, and, although the most careful and
painstaking scrutiny had failed to find a solitary instance where a mis-
sionary had been sent into New England save at the request of those
to whom he was appointed to minister, still these Church of England
clergy were deemed intruders, and their congregations charged with the
sin of schism, because they claimed the exercise of their religion on
soil deemed the exclusive property of Puritanism. It was asserted
that the society had for its object chiefly "to episcopize dissenters."
Such a charge, urged as it was with evident irritation and hate, could
not fail to elicit discussion and reply. The Rev. East Apthorp, the
missionary at Cambridge, a clei'gyman of learning and piety, published
a small pamphlet in defence of the society, entitled " Considerations
on the Institution and Conduct of the .Society for Propagating the
Gospel in Foreign Parts." It was not long before this publication
found a I'cviewer in the celebrated Jonathan Mayhew, of Boston.
"Equally an enemy to the Trinity, to loyalty, and to Episcopacy," as Dr.
' JoUnsou MSS., quoted liy Di-. Hawks, " Prot. Epis. Hist. Soc. Coll.," i., p. 14fi, note.
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE.
411
Johnson writes, ' JMaj'hew, in liis rci)ly, not only criticised tiic conduct
of the society with no little asperity, but added many bitter and angry
reflections on the Church of England, especially inveighing against
the scheme of an American episcopate. This attack of the puritan
1 Hawks and Perry's " Coua. Church Documents," ii., p. 38.
412 HISTORY or THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
doctor, which was au occasion of son-ow and regret to leading mem-
bers of his own body, was answered anonymously in London, in a
pamphlet " remarkable for its strength of argument, fairness of discus-
sion, and Christian temper." So convincing and so courteous was this
reply that even Mayhew was compelled to acknowledge that his adver-
sary was "a person of excellent sense and a happy talent at writing;
apparently free from the sordid, illiberal spirit of bigotry ; one of a
cool temper, who often showed much candor ; was well acquainted
with the afi'airs of the society, and, in general, a fair reasoner." Still
the combative doctor published two replies to this tract, in which,
though abating much of his former acrimony, he persisted in main-
taining that he was not "wrong in any material point." To these
pamphlets Mr. Apthorp wrote a dignified and sensible reply, which
terminated the controversy. Dr. Mayhew, on reading this " Review,"
announced his purpose of not answering it, and, in the following year,
he died.
The "anonymous tract," which was characterized by Mayhew,
who was, however, ignorant of the authorship, as written by a "wor-
thy answerer," was the production of Archbishop Seeker, then
jjresident of the venerable society. Intimately concerned as he was
in the conception and furtherance of the plan for the American episco-
pate, he was able to speak with authority in its defence, and his argu-
ments were such as could not readily be gainsaid. It was this de-
fence and the earnest advocacy of these measures for the relief of the
oppressed Church of England in America that subjected this eminent
prelate to the most virulent abuse at home and abroad. "Posterity
will stand amazed," observes the amiable Porteus, his biographer,
" when they are told that, on tliis account, his memory has been pur-
sued in pamphlets and newspapers with such unrelenting rancour,
such unexampled wantonness of abuse, as he would scarce have
deserved had he attempted to eradicate Christianity out of America,
and to introduce Mahometanism in its room ; whereas, the plain truth
is, that all he wished for was nothing more than what the very best
friends to religious freedom ever have wished for, a complete tolera-
tion for the Church of England in that countri/." '
While the archbishop was engaged in England in the prepara-
tion of an answer to Dr. Mayhew, the Rev. Henry Caner, of the
King's Chapel in Boston, and Dr. Samuel Johnson, of Christ Church,
Stratford, Connecticut, were engaged in a similar task. Their con-
tributions to this controversy appeared in the same volume, the "Ob-
servations" by Dr. Johnson forming an appendix to Mr. Caner's
vindication.
A contemporary print, entitled "An Attempt to Land a Bishop
in America," illusti-ates the alaim and hati'ed on the part of those of
M'hom Lord Chatham ^vi'ote, that, "divided as they are into a thousand
forms of policy and religion, there is one point on which tbey all
agree ; they equally detest the pageantry of a king, and the super-
cilious hypocrisy of a bishop." The scene depicted in this print is
' Beilby Poiteus's " Life of Seeker," p. 53.
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE.
413
on a wharf. A crowd of excited colonists, with open mouths and
violent gesticulations, ;ire In'andishing staves and clubs. One, in
AN ArrEMl>T TO LAND A BISHOP IN AMERICA.
Quaker garb, stands with an open copy of Barclay's "Apology" in
his hand. Others, with cro})ped iiair and Puritan faces, are shouting,
"No Loi-ds. spiritual or temporal, in New' England ; " and are hurling
414 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
copies of " Sydnej' on Government," " Calvin's Works,"' and " Locke,"
at a retreating figure who is climbing the shrouds of the "Hillsborough "
ship, which is being thrust ofl" from shore. The Episcopal carriage
is dismounted and packed on deck ; the crosier and mitre are
placed by its side, and the affrighted prelate, whose rochet and
chimere are streaming behind him as he mounts the ropes in haste, is
crying, "Lord, now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace ! " The
legend in front is, "Shall they be obliged to maintain bishops, Avho
cannot maintain themselves?" while a grinning a})e, in the foreground,
poises a missile to hurl at the bishop. All this l)ravery of a mol) in
pursuit of a single, unarmed, unresisting man is under the Ijanner of
"Liberty and Freedom of Conscience."
The controversy ])rovoked by the appearance of Apthorp's de-
fence of the society from the charge of unfaitiifulness in its adminis-
tration was hardly over when the use of certain expressions by the
Bishop of Landaff, in iiis anniversary sermon before the society, in
which he depicted the religious condition of some of the American
colonies as but little better than heathenish, caused the war of words
to break forth afresh, and with even greater bitterness. It was
assumed, though without reason, that these assertions had especial
reference to New England, and the llev. Charles Chauncy, a Congrega-
tionalist minister of Boston, of no little .ability and reputation, under-
took at once the work of correction and reproof. In "a letter to a
friend, containing remai'ks on certain passages" in the Bishop of
Landaff's sermon, lie took occasion not only to controvert the su})-
posed attack upon the religious condition and institutions of Xew
England, but also to assail the bishop's arguments in favor of bishops
in America. This "Letter" from the trenchant pen of Chauncy was
followed by one in a similar vein, and so closely copying the argu-
ments, and even the language, of the Puritan divine as to suggest
l)lagiarism. This affected performance Avas the production of a Mr.
A^MlIiam Livingston, a lawyer of New York, whose literary reputa-
tion is certainly not enhanced by the i)roduction of a Avork Avhich con-
tained nothing which had not l)een said in more terse and sim})ler
language l)y Dr. Chauncy. The discussion on the bishop's sermon
was terminated by "A Vindication," prepared and published by the
Rev. Dr. Charles Inglis, of New York, Avhose familiarity with the
facts and skilful management of his material, cou]iled with incisive
argument and pungent sarcasm, left nothing to l>e said in reply. But
while the controversy with reference to the Bishop of Landaff's sermon
was thus summarily
closed, the strife Avas
almost immediately
renewed, and the
discussion of the
whole subject be-
came general.
Early in 1767 the Rev. Dr. Johnson of Stratford, in Connect-
icut, had suggested to the Rev. Thomas Bradbury Chandler, of Eliza-
bethtown, in NeAv Jersey, the jn-opriety of appealing in a calm and
THE STEUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE. 41!)
temperate manner to the general public in favor of an American epis-
copate. A little more than ten years before, the excellent Johnson
had lost a son, who had died of the small-pox, in England, while
there in quest of orders. Keenly sensible of the general dread of this
scourge of which his friend and fellow-conformist, the Rev. Daniel
Browne, had died., on occasion of his own visit to England for ordina-
tion, the stricken missionary, who had never lost sight of the matter
in his correspondence with the authorities at home, now sought to
allay prejudice and disarm opposition to a scheme by which others
might be spared the bereavement he had suflerod. Shortly after this
suggestion was made it was decided, at a voluntary convocation of
the clergy of New York and New Jersey, among whom were Drs.
Auchmuty, Rector of Trinity, New York ; Chandler, afterwards Bishop-
designate of Nova Scotia ; and Myles Cooper, President of King's
College ; Seabury, afterwards tirst Bishop of Connecticut ; Inghs,
afterwards first Bishop of Nova Scotia, and Abraham Beach, one of
the leading members of the early General Conventions of the Church
after the revolution, "that, fairly to explain the plan on which
American bishops had been requested, to lay before the public the
reasons of this request, to answer the objections that had been made,
and to obviate those that might be otherwise conceived against it, was
not only proper and expedient, but a matter of necessity and duty."
We transcribe from the original folio in the handwriting of the
secretary, Mr. Seabury, the Minutes of the Proceedings of the Con-
vention of New York : —
The Clergy of the Province of New York taking into their seriousconsideration
the present state of the Church of England in the Colonies, where it is obliged to
struggle against the opposition of sectaries of various denominations, and labours
undei"^ the want of the Episcopal Order, and all the advantages and blessings resulting^
therefrom ; agreed upon holding voluntary conventions, at least once in the year
and oftener if necessity required, as the most likely means to seive the interests of
the Church of England ; as they could then not only confer together upon the most
likely methods, but use their joint influence and endeavours to obtain the happiness
of Bishops, to support the Church against the uiu'easonalale opposition given to it
in tlie Colonies, and cultivate and improve a good understanding and union with
each other.
First Convention, May 21, 1766 :
In pursuance of this agreement, a voluntary Convention of the Clergy of the
Province of New York, assisted by some of their brethren from New Jersey and
Connecticut, was held at the house of Doctor Auchmuly, in New York, the 21st of
May, 1766.
Present :
Revs. Doctor Johnson, Mr. Cutting,
" Doctor Auchmuty, Mr. Avery,
" Doctor Chandler, Mr. Mimro,
Mr. Charlton, Mr. Jarvis,
Mr. Cooper, Mr. Seabury,
Mr. Ogilvie, Mr. McKean,
Mr. Cooke, Mr. Inglis.'
On the day following the clergy united in a letter to the secretary
of the venerable society, in which the arguments just made use of by
' This intevcsting and valualjle volume is still preserved in the hands of the Rev. Prof. Wm. J.
Seabuiy, D.D., of New York.
416 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
the Rev. Mr. Seabury are enforced. We give the opening para-
graph : —
The Clergy of Nevt York to the Secretakt.
New York, May 22, 1766.
Rev. Sir : — The Clergy of the Province of New York having agreed in con-
junction with some of our brethren of Connecticut and New Jersey, to hold volun-
tary annual conventions, In the province of New York, for the sake of confcmng
together upon the most proper methods of promoting the welfare of the Church of
England, and tlie interests of religion and virtue ; and also, to keep up as a body an
exact correspondence with the Honourable Society, we embrace with pleasure this
opportunity, which our tirst meeting hath furnished us with, to present our duty to
the Venerable Society, and doubt not but this our voluntary union lor these impor-
tant purposes will meet with their countenance and approbation. AVith the greatest
satisfaction we assure the Society that the Chm'ch in this province is in as good a
state as can be expected, considering the peculiar disadvantages under which it
still labours. We cannot omit condoling with the Society, upon the great loss
whicli the Church has sustained in the death of Messrs. Wilson and Giles, who
perished Ijy shipwreck near the entrance of Delaware Bay. From the character of
these two gentlemen we had pleased ourselves with the prospect of having two
worthy clergymen added to our numbers ; wliich, to our great grief, we find too
small to supply the real wants of the people in these Colonies. This loss brings
to our mind an exact calculation made not many years ago, that not less than one
out of live, who li.ave gone home for Holy Orders from tiie Northern Colonies, have
perished in the attempt, ten having miscarried out of fifty-one. This we consider
as an incontestable argument for the necessity of American Bishops, and we do, in
the most earnest manner, beg and entreat the Venerable Society, to whose piety
and care under God the Church of England owes her veiy being in most parts of
America, that they would use their utmost influence to ell'ect a point so essential to
the real interests of the Church in this wide-extended countiy.'
In June, 1767, appeared "An Appeal to the Public in favor of
the Church of England in America." This work, which was marked
by a perspicuous method and arrangement, and a clear and judicious
statement of facts and arguments, consisted in the main of a brief
view of the evidence in favor of the episcopal office in the Church,
followed by a presentation of the obvious justice of the claim of Amer-
ican churchmen to be allowed the presence and privilege of a chief
shepherd, whose office was essential to their idea of the being of a
church, and for which they claimed apostolic and primitive precedent.
The plan proposed was next presented in detail, and the fears and
objections to the introduction of such an officer into American ecclesi-
astical aflairs considered and met. It was evident, both from the manner
in which the subject was treated, and from the cogency of the argu-
ments presented in its behalf, that to still resist such an appeal on the
ground of certain undefined, but possible and apprehended, evils,
savored much more of partisan intolerance than of Christian charity
or common fairness.
The opposition to the " Appeal " of Dr. Chandler appears to have
grown out of disappointment, on the part of the Presbyterians of New
York, for the rejection of their application for a charter by the
authorities of the mother-land. In this failure of their application for
corporate powers and privileges the Bishop of London was supposed
' N.y. MSS., II., pp. -106-7.
TUE STRUGGLE FOR TilK EPISCOPATE. 417
to have been concei'ucd, and a simultaneous attack upon the " Appeal "
followed, giving rise to the suspicion that a combination had been
organized to crush out the plan for an American episcopate, com-
mended in the "Appeal," in behalf of which the Bishop of London was
known to be deeply interested. A series of papers appeared in the
"New York Gazette," under the name of the " American Whig," which
was then supposed, and afterwards known, to be chieHy the produc-
tion of jNIr. William Livingston, while the " Pennsylvania Journal," in
Philadelphia, opened its columns to the essays of the " Sentinel,"
which were conceived in a similar vein. In Boston, Dr. Chauncy,
the acknowledged champion of independency, published " The Appeal
to the Pul)lic Answered." The invectives of the " American Whig "
were reproduced in the newspapers of Boston and Philadelphia, while
the lucubrations of the " Sentinel " were spread befoi'e the public by
the presses of the sister cities of Boston and New York. Thus, as
if by concerted action, and simultaneously, the press of the three
leading cities of America was subsidized for the furtherance of an
attack upon the Church more violent and uncompromising than any
which had preceded it. The adherents of the Church were not silent.
The "American \\'hig" fountl its scurrility answered by a reviewer
under the nom de plume of " Timothy Tickler," who lashed his assail-
ant with merciless severity in the successive numbers of " A Whip
for the American Whig." These papers were shortly gathered into
a volume, and we have only to turn the pages of " A Collection of
Tracts from the late News Papers, etc., containing particularly ' The
American Whig.' ' A Whip fot the American Whig,' with some other
pieces, on the subject of the Residence of Protestant Bishops in the
American Colonies, and in answer to the writers who opposed it, etc.
New York : Printed by John Holt, at the Exchange, 17G8," in nearly
four hundred and tifty pages, to which was added, the following year,
another volume of almo.st the same size, to .see the liitterness of the
controvei'sy, which sought to prove to the popular mind, at least, —
" The Bishops, those creatures of Kings,
To be Dragons, with terrible stings."
The Philadelphia "Sentinel" was answered by one of the most
accomplished and able writers of the day, the celebrated Dr. William
Smith, Provost of the College and Academy of Philadelphia. These
replies were followed Ijy "Remonstrants " and "Anti-Sentinels," while
the lowest depth of scurrility and low humor was reached in a "Ivick
for the AVhipper," by Sir Isaac Foot.
In answer to L)r. Chauncy, and without noticing these inferior
and anonymous assailants, Dr. Chandler published " The Appeal
Defended," and, in 1771, "The Appeal Further Defended," in reply
to a second retort from his Boston antagonist. The controversy finally
closed, for notliing further could be said on either side. The reasons
for desiring bishops in America remained unchanged. They were, in
fact, unanswerable ; nor could the intolerant and unreasonable oppo-
sition of those who would deny to churchmen the rights and privileges
418 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUKCH.
they claimed for themselves reach beyond a certain measure of invec-
tive or abuse. The hardsliips borne by the Churcii in being com-
pelled to send her candidates across a stormy ocean, and to a land
where they were peculiarly exposed to disease and death, were exem-
plified during the very midst of the controversy. In the loss of a
single ship on the coast of New Jersey, almost within sight of port,
two missionaries, returning with the qualification for their work they
had dared the perils of the sea to obtain, perished, one of whom left a
family in New York dependent upon charity. One-tifth of those who
went abroad for holy orders never returned. Shipwreck, captivity,
and death in foreign prisons, and the pestilence which claimed its
tribute of victims, added to the charges of a long journey and an ex-
pensive residence in the mother-laud, kept the supply of clergy short,
and p:u"ishes were sometimes a score of years in securing a clergyman
duly qualified to minister to them in holy things. The grievance was
one felt as well by the laity as by the clergy. We have again and
asrain referred to the " adclresses " from officials and wardens and
vestries, urging their right to be heard in a matter so closely affecting
themselves. Nor is the testimony of the celebrated Sir William
Johnson on this point to be overlooked. This staunch promoter of
Christianity" among the Indians oflered to the venerable society
twenty thousand acres of land in the vicinity of Schenectady, New
York, and on the 10th of December, 1768, wrote as follows : —
We cannot have a clergy here without an Episcopate ; and this want has occa-
sioned many to embrace other persuasions, and will oblige greater nmnbers to follow
their example ; of which the dissenters are very sensible, and by pretended fears of
an episcopal jjower, as well as by magnifying their own uumliers and lessening
ours, give it all possible opposition.
While these disputes were at their height there was added, as a
natural result of the systematic eflbrts made by the dissenting ministei's,
from their pulpits and in their pul:)li cations, to inflame the prejudices of
the populace, the interference of the legislative atithority in opposition
to the scheme for an American episcopate. On the 12th of January,
1768, the House of Representatives of the Province of Massachusetts
Bay addressed a letter to its agent in London, Dennis de Berdt, Esq.,
in which was the following strong deprecation of any attempt to send
bishoi)s to iVinerica : —
The establishment of a Protestant episcopate in America is also very zealously
contended for ; and it is very alarming to a people whose fathers, from the hard-
sliips they snfi'ered imder such an establishment, were obliged to fly their native
country into a wilderness, in order ])eaceably to enjoy their privileges civil and
religious : Their being threatened with the loss of both at once must throw them
into a very disagi'ceable situation. We hope in God such an establishment will
never take place in America; and we desire you would slrenuoiiHy oppose it. The
revenue raised in America, for aught we clui tell, may be as constitutionally applied
towards the sujjiiort of prelacy as of soldiers and pensioners : If the |)roperty of
the subject is taken from him without his consent, it is immaterial whetlicr it bo
done by one man or by five hundred, or whether it be applied for the support of the
ecclesiastic or military power, or lioth. It may be well worth the oonsiileration of
the best politicians in Great ISritain or America, what the natural tendency is of a
rigorous pursuit of these measures.'
' Quoted by Or. Hawks, iu " Prot. Epis. Hist. Soc. Coll.," i., pp. Iji, 155.
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE. 419
Strange to say this opposition to a plan for an American episco-
pate on the part of the Puritan Legi.shiturc of the Massachusetts Bay
Province was shortly followed, though from different reasons, by similar
action on the part of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, which was
chiefly composed of churchmen. The circumstances of this action
were as follows: In April, 1771, the Rev. John Camm, the com-
missary of Virginia, summoned a convocation of the clergy of Virginia
to meet at the College of William and Mary, on the 4th of May. At
the time assigned but a small number of the clergy appeared, and when
a proposition was made to address the king in favor of an American
episcopate those who were present proposed and carried a postpone-
ment of the question till a later date. At the time of the second
meeting, on the 4th of June, although the nature of the business
contemplated had been widely advertised, but twelve clergymen, a less
number than before, were in attendance. The first question considered
was, whether sucii a minority of the clergy, there being at the time
more than a hundred parishes in the province, and most of them
supplied, could be deemed a convention of the Virginia clergy. It
was at length decided, but not without opposition, that this was a con-
vention, the call having been duly made. A proposition to address
the king was, after discussion, defeated. It was then decided unani-
mously that the convention should apply to the Bishop of London for
his opinion and advice. Before the adjournment of the convention,
however, the action with respect to an address to the king was re-
considered, and the measure resolved on. It was urged in opposition
to this action that it implied a lack of respect to their diocesan, the
Bishop of Loudon, thus to address the crown. Besides, the dis-
turbances growing out of the passage and enforcement of the stamp
act, and the ti'oubles on the North Carolina border, and the general
uneasiness, were referred to as indicating that the present was an un-
suitable time for such an address. There was no opposition to the
episcopal office. On the contrary, the convention adopted a formal
declaration of its cordial and conscientious approval of episcopal
governmQnt. Against the vote to address the crown two of the lead-
ing clergy formally protested. They were the Rev. Samuel Henley,
Professor of Moral Philosophy, and the Rev. Thomas Gwatkin, Pro-
fessor of IMathematies and Natural Philosophy, in William and JNIary
College. The grounds of this protest were as follows : —
First, Because as the number of the clergy of this colony is at least a
hundred, we cannot conceive that twelve clergymen are a sufficient representation
of so large a body.
Secondly, Because the said resolution contradicts a former resol ution of the
same Convention, which put a negative upon the question, whether the king shozild
be addressed upon an American Episcopate ? and that an assembly met upon so
important an occasion should rescind a resolution agreed to and entered down but
a few minutes before, is in our apprehension contraiy to all order and decorum.
Thirdly, Because tlie expression American Episcopate includes a jurisdiction
over the other colonies ; and the clergj' of Virginia cannot, with any propriety,
petition for a measure which, for auglit that appears to the contrary, will mate-
rially aflfect the natural rights and fundamental laws of the said colonies, witliout
their consent and approbation.
Fourthly, Because the establishment of an American Episcopate at this time
420 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
would tend greatly to weaken the connerion between the mother country and her
colonies, to continue their present unhappy disputes, to infuse jealousies and fears
into the minds of Protestant Dissenters, and to give ill-disposed persons occasion
to raise such disturbances as may endanger the very existence of the British empire
in America.
Fifthly, Because we caimot help considering it as extremely indecent for the
clergy to make such an ai)plication witliout the concurrence of the President,
Council, and Representatives of this Province ; an usurpation directly repugnant
to the rights of mankind.
Sixtlily, Because the Bishops of London Iiave always exercised ecclesiastical
jurisdiction over this colony, and we are perfectly satisfied with the mild, just, and
"equitable government of om* excellent diocesan, the present Lord Bishop of Lon-
doii, and do think a petition to the crown to strip his Lordship of any part of his juris-
diction but an ill-return for his past labours, and contrary to our oath of canonical
obedience. We do further conceive, as it had been imanimously determined by this
veiy Convention that his Lordship should be addressed for liis opinion relative to
this measure, the clergy ought to have waited tor liis Lordship's paternal advice
before they had proceeded any farther in an affair of such vast importance.
Seventhly, Because we liave particular objections to that part of the resolution
by which the committee are directed to apphj, as it is termed, /or the hands of the
mnjoritij of the clergy of this colomj : a method of proceeding, in our opinion, con-
trary to the universal practice of this Christian Church, it having been customary
for the clergy to sign all acts of an ecclesiastical nature in jjublic convention :
whereas the manner of procuring their concurrence, now proposed, is unworthy
the decorum and dignity by which so venerable a body ought ever to be guided.
Two other clergymen subsequently joined the Rev. Messrs.
Henley and Gwatkin in this protest, the llev. Messrs. Hewitt and
Bland, and their action was deemed of sufficient importance to
receive the consideration of the House of Burgesses. On the 12th of
July the House, which was largely, if not wholly, composed of at
least nominal churchmen, adopted the following resolution : —
Resolved, nemine contradicente. That the thanks of this House be given to
the Rev. Mr. Ilenley, the Rev. jNlr. Gwatkin, the Rev. iMr. Hewitt, and the Rev.
Mr. Bland, for the wise and well-timed opposition they have made to the pernicious
project of a few mistaken clergymen for introducing an American bisho[) : a
measure by which much disturbance, great anxiety, and apprehension would cer-
tainly take place among his Majesty's faithful American subjects ; and that Mr.
Richard Henry Lee and Mr. Bland do acquaint them tlierewith.
It cannot be concealed that much of the inditference, if not hos-
tility, evidently felt by the Virginia clergy to the introduction of an
American episcopate grew out of the laxity in morals and want of
spiritual life then unliappily prevalent throughout the province. Thus
the very occasion for the presence of bishops was made an objection
to their introduction. Besides, the establishment of the episcopate
would, doubtless, have diminished the power of the vestries and made
the clergy less dependent upon their varying humors and prejudices.
This possibility rendered the wealthy and influential laily inimical to
the scheme, and led them to applaud the action of the "protestors"
again.st the commissary's movement. To one familiar with the un-
compromising opposition to the exercise of the atithority of the Bishop
of London shown by burgesses, vestries, and the leading hiity from
the very first, the show of deference to their " excellent diocesan " in
the protest of the four clergymen seems farcical enough. From the
lack of a bishop to administer the needed discipline upon recalcitrant
THE STRUGGLE FOB THE EPISCOPATE. 421
clergjmcn and to interpose the episcopal authority against the
tyranny of the vestries, the Church in ^■ir<2ll.ia had sunk to a depth of
degradation which, on the tinal loss of its temporalities, after tiic war
for independence, thi'eatened its utter extinction. The clerg}' them-
selves saw their error, but it was too late. Years of labor and devo-
tion were required to revive the embers of a spiritual fire and zeal
that had well-nigh burned wholly out. The work had to be done
anew, and in that work, so happily successful at a later day, bishops as
well as clergy and laity bore each and all their part.
It would appear, from the newspaper reports of the time, and
from other sources, that a petition was presented by eight of the
Maryland clergy to the governor, requesting his interest in England
and in the province in favor of the introduction of an American epis-
copate. The petitioners had also memorialized the crown, the arch-
bishop, the Bishop of London, and Lord Baltimore, to the same eflect.
The governor declined to receive this petition as the act of the whole
body of the clergy, and proposed to lay the matter before the assem-
bly. A circular letter was sent by the petitioners to the other
clergy of the province, asking permission to append their names to
the petition sent to England, which was granted; but the measure
failed to win the approval of those in power in the province.
The lack of interest shown liy the majority of the Virginia clergy,
in the efibrt to secure the episcopate, gave rise to a controversy
between them and the clergy at the North. The members of the con-
vocation who had urged upon Dr. Chandler the prepai-ation and pul)-
lication of the "Appeal," prepared " An Address from the Clergy of
New York and New Jersey, to the Episcopalians in Virginia," which
was published in 1771, and to which Mr. Gwatkin made reply early in
the following year. Mr. Gwatkin's pamphlet is chiefly valuable for
its explicit statement that the authors of the pi'otest " have not any aver-
sion to Episcopacy in general, to that mode of it established in Eng-
land, or even to an American Episcopate, introduced at a proper time,
by proper auf/iorifies, and in a proper manner." It gives as the reason
for the action of the " protesting " clergy in their opposition to an
"immediate establishment," " a prudential regard to the practicable, a
desire to preserve peace, heal divisions, and calm the angry passions
of an inflamed people."
It was too late for concessions on a matter such as this to ap-
pease a popular indignation, soon to flud expression in open I'cbellion
against the authority of the crown. The struggle for the episcopate
faded out of mind in the intensity of the struggle for independence.
That very episcopate which, in the providence of God, had lieen denied
all through the period of the country's dependence, was freely bestowed
among the flrst blessings of the well-earned peace.
AVe have yet to add the details of the organized opposition of
the Presbyterians and Puritans to the plan for the introduction of
American Ijishops. With this interesting episode of the story of the
struggle for the episcojiate we shall close our account of the ill-fated
efforts to this end, made during a period of more than a century.
So reasonable did the plea of the churchmen appear, and so ear-
422 IIISTOUY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUKCH.
nestly was their cause espoused by the authorities of the Church at
home, that there was felt on the part of the Puritans of New England
and the Presljyterians of New York and Pennsylvania, the imperative
need of union and cooperation to defeat the scheme. The Presbyte-
rian Synod of New York and Philadelphia made overtures to the Con-
ffresiationalist Associations of Connecticut with a view " for forming a
plan of union," which the records,' only published a few years since,
show conclusively to have been desired chiefly to prevent an American
episcopate. All this was couched under the agreement "to unite our
endeavours and counsels for spreading the Gospel, and defending the
religious libertiesof our Churches." The Independents and Presbyterians
of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island, and the Dutch
lieformed congregations of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania,
were invited to enter this alliance, "both for promoting the kingdom
of Christ and preserving our religious liberty." The "desire that
the union should extend through all the colonies " was urged upon
"the brethren in other provinces." A copy of "the Plan" of union
was enclosed to each religious body invited to participate ; but the
" minutes " fail to give us this document. Appended to the records
is a draft of a letter with the significant heading, " Suppose a gentle-
man in the Colonies should write to his correspondent in London as
follows " : —
Sir, — ^Ve understand sundry petitions have been sent home by some of
the Episcop;il Clergy in the Colonies in order to obtain the appointment of a Bishop
liere ; anil that it is a determined point on your side of the water to embi'aee the
first favourable opportunity for that purpose. This affair, we must confess, gives
u8 much anxiety, not that we are of intolerant principles ; nor do we envy the
Episcopal Chiu'ches the privileges of a bishop for the purposes of ordination, con-
firmation, and inspecting the morals of their Clergy, provided tliey have no kind
of superiority over, nor power any v.-ay to alTect tiie civil or religious interests of
other denominations. Let this be but settled by an Act of Parliament, and such
bishops divested of the powers annexed to that office by the common law of Eng-
land, and then we shall be more easy. Without this the introduction of a diocesan
into the colonies would throw us into the utmost confusion and distr.action. For,
though it is alleged that no other than the above-hinted moderate Episcopacy is
desired or designed ; yet should it not be fixed by Parliamentary authority, wc
have no security that matters will be carried no farther; yea, from the restless
spirit, which some here have discovered, we have reason to apprehend that there is
more in view. Our forefathers, and even' some of ourselves, have seen and felt
the tyranny of Bishops' Courts. Many of the first inhabitants of these colonies
were obliged to seek an asylum among savages, in this wilderness, in order. to
escape the ecclesiastical tyranny of Arch-Bishop Laud, and others of his stamp.
Such tyranny', if now exercised in America, would eitlier drive us to seek new
habitations among the heathen, where England could not claim a jurisdiction, or
excite riots, rebellion, and wild disorder. We dread the consequences as often as
^ve tliink of this danger. Gentlemen acquainted with the law inform us. that
a Bishop is a public minister of State, known in the common law of England,
and invested with a power of erecting courts to take cognizance of all affairs testa-
' Minutes of tlie Convention of Dcleiates were occupied mainly in foi-mins and eoraplet-
from tlie Synod of New York and Philadelphia, in.T tlicir plan of union and cttbrt, and the sub-
and from the Associations of Connecticut, held sequent Conventions in proscculiin^ measures
annually from 17l)6 to 1773 inclusive, ll.artford, for promoting the liberties of their Churelics,
1843, 8°, p. 68. That wc du not misstate the rea- threatened at the time by the .attempts made by
sonfortlicformationoflliisbody will be seen from tlie friends of Episcopacy in the Colonies and
the lanfrnage of the Committee of Pnlilicalion in Great Britain for the establishment of Diocesan
their report to the General Association of Con- Bishops in America," etc.
necticut: "The first and second Conventions
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE. 423
mentary and matrimonial, and to pnquiro into and punish for all oflences of scan-
dal. JMi^lit he not plead, as well as any man, that the eommon law of England is
his birthri<jht, and that the laws in (bree belore the settling of the Colonies were
brought thither, and took place with the tirsl^settlers? Wiiat is to hinder him to
claim all the powers exercised by Arch-Bishop Laud and his Keelcsiastical Courts?
All acts made in I'^ngland since that lime to h>ssen the power of Bishops and their
Courts can be of no service to us; for it is not mentioned in any of tliem,
that they are extended to the Colonies, and the reason is plain ; no sucli exor-
bitant powers were claimed or exercised among us. Now can anything else
than the most tp-ievous convulsion in the Colonies" bo expected from such a^revo-
lution? Will it at all go down with us to have the whole course of business
turned into a new channel ? Woukl it be yieldeil that the Register's oflicc, the
care of orphans, &o., sliould be transferred from the jn-esent officers, to such as a
Bishop might apjjoint ? Would not tlie Colonics suffer I ho last extremitii's before
they would submit to liavethe legality of marriages and matters res))eeting divorce
tried in an Ecclesiastical Court.!* It is not e.asy to conceive what endless prosecu-
tions under tlie notion of scandal might bo multiplied. A covetous, tyrannical and
domineering Prelate, or his Chancellor, would always have it in their power to
harass our counti-y and make our lives liittcr by lines, imprisonments, and lawless
severity. Will the numerous Colonists who came hither lor the sake of freedom
from ecclesiastical oppression, and by whoso toil a great increase of dominion and
commerce hath arisen to the mother country, bear to find themselves divested of
the equality and liberty they have so long enjoyed, and brought under the power
of a paiticular denomination, etc., etc. '
That anything could have been more cleverly concocted than this
letter to excite the passions and prejudices of the ignorant, or to raise
a storm of popular clamor in all quarters of the dissenting interest, it
is impossible to believe. But even this artful manifesto is not all.
Added to this remarkable paper is a letter from the Rev. Francis
Allison, Vice-Provost of the College and Academy of Philadelphia,
part of which was " in shorthand, very difficult to decipher," written
in answer to the inquiry, — we quote the words, — "Why we are
persuaded in this city that there is a determination, or a fixed resolu-
tion, to send bishops to America.'' The authority for this belief is
mentioned. Dr. Chandler's report of a conversation with the arch-
bishop, "That it was hard to deny that privilege to the Church of
England in America that she allowed to all dissenters, viz., liberty
of conscience," was guardedly referred to ; but Dr. Smith's statements
to his friend and associate in the college at Philadelphia were most
relied upon to prove the danger and excite opposition. Certain
phrases and the line of argmnent in this sliorthand letter go far to
warrant us in ascribing the authorship of the paper we have quoted
at length to the pen of Dr. Allison. It is charged as one of the proofs
of power claimed, and likely to be claimed, by American bishops,
that already in New York " all the marriage licenses granted liy the
governor are stamped with the mitre," and that in the New England
governments the Archbishop of Canterbury appointed the notaries
public.
Meeting after meeting followed ; but the object of this alliance,
stated at the outset, as we have seen, to be " both for promoting the
kingdom of (Christ and preserving our religious liberty," had only to
do, so far as the records show the action taken, with preventing the
spread of the Church, and denying to churchmen the liberty of having
' Minutes of the Convention of Delegates, cte., pp. 13, 11.
424 HisTora' of the American episcopal chukcii.
their ecclesiastical system perfected. The Massachusetts ministers
were " not prepared to send delegates " to the convention, but trans-
mitted a vote of their body that the " Pastors of the town of Boston,"
with others, " maintain a friendly correspondence " with the brethren,
and that the same committee " write to the Committee of Dissenters
in England to thank them for the concern they have expressed for
our religious liberties,"! and to desire that they would give us their
assistance, and use theu- influence for the preservation of the same, and
in particular, " that a bishop may not be sent among us." At the con-
vention at Elizabethtown, in 1768, the Committee of Correspondence
with the English dissenters reported a letter, which was approved, and
from which we cite the following extracts : —
But it is very evident it is not that harmless and inoffensive Bishop which is
designed for us, or the missionaries among us request; and therefore we cannot but
be apprehensive of danger from the proposed Episcopate, however plausible the
scheme may be represented. We well know the jealousy of the Bishops in England
concerning their own power and dignity suffering by their example of such a muti-
lated Bishop in America, and wo also know the force of a British Act of Parliament,
and have gi-eat reason to dread the establishment of British courts among us. Should
they claim the right of holding these courts, and of exercising the power belongino;
to tlieir office, by the common law of England, (which is esteemed the birtluight of
a British subject,) we could have no counterbalance to this enormous power in our
colonies, where we have no nobility, or proper coiuls, to check the dangerous
exertions of their authority ; and where our governors and judges may be the needy
dependents of a prime minister, and therefore afraid to disoblige a person who is
sure to be supported by the whole bench of Bishops in England ; so that our civil
liberties appear to us to be in inmiinent danger from such an establishment. Be-
sides, nothing seems to have such a direet tendency to weaken the dependence of
the colonies upon Great Britain, and to separate them from her; an event which
would be rumous and desU-uctive to both, and which we, therefore, pray God long
to avert." "
In 1770 the usual proceedings of the convention, which met at
Norwalk, Conn., were varied by the appointment of committees "to
obtain all the instances of Episcopal oppression they can" in their
respective colonies, and also "the instances, of the lenity of the" Con-
necticut " Government with regard to the Episcopal dissenters therein." '
The following year " Dr. Allison brought in the draiaght of a letter to
the Committee of Dissenters in London." It begins with the state-
ment that the opponents of an American episcopate " are still greatly
alarmed." " The whole bench of Bishops, and many bigots with you,
are constantly teased by our missionaries to procure an American
Episcopate." Reference is made to the action of the Virginia clerg}-
• The Enslish committee profess themselves and allegiance to the Kino^'s majesty, and also to
" fully sensible of the many civil and relifjions address tlie Kiner, or the King's ministers from
inconveniences that would arise from the intro- time to time with assurances of the unshaken
duction of Diocesan Bishops into America," and loyalty of the pastors comprehended in this union
assure their correspondents in America " of their aiid the churches under their care, and to vindi-
most vifiilant attention to oppose and frustrate catc them if unjustly aspersed." (Minutes, etc.,
any such design," and this they claim to he done p. 10) Well ^wrotc tho^ excellent and well-
in behalf ( ' --. „.„ ,„»,„,
civil and i
2 Min
loyaltv made _, - --
Convention and incorporateil into their "Plan of say is, tliat wc shall p.ay them a compliment to
Union" arc noticeable. Article III. of the Plan their loyalty at the expense of then- consistency."
recites among the details of "the general design" — Discourses, p. 93.
" to recommend, cultivate and preserve loyalty ' Minutes, etc., p. 29.
TliE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE. 425
and the " seasonable stand for liberty," made by the protesters amoui;;
the clergy against the petition for a bishop. The assertion that
opposition to the scheme " among the dissenters has ceased " is pro-
nonnced false, and the statement made that "the colonics of Massa-
chusetts and Connecticut have given instructions to their agents to
oppose an American episcopate." ' Similar action to that in Virginia
was reported from Maryland. The " utmost skill and interest" of the
English dissenters is invoked "to avert this impending blow that so
surely threatens our civil and religious liberties." "No act of Parlia-
ment," it is asserted, " can secure us from the tyranny of " episcopal
"jurisdiction," nor "can we have any security against being obliged, in
time, to support their dignity, and to pay taxes to relieve the society
in paying their missionaries."^ "In a word, we think ecclesiastics
vested with such power dangerous to our civil and religious liberties ;
and it seems highly probable that it will in time break that strong con-
nection which now happily subsists between Great Britain and her
colonies who are never like to shake off their dependence on the
mother-country until they have bishops established among them."' We
may place this statement beside the assertion of the elder President
Adams, that " the apprehension of Episcopacy contributed as much
as any other cause to arouse the attention, not only of the inquiring
mind, but of the common people, and urge them to close thinking on
the constitutional authority of Parliament over the colonies. This was
a fact as certain as any in the history of North America."''
In 1772 the convention again assembled at Elizabethtown. The
General Association of Connecticut had instructed its delegates to
"heartily concur with the Southern gentlemen in counteracting any
motion that has been or shall be made for said Episcopate." ^ Assurances
were received from the English committee " that however the bishops
and clergy may labor the point, the persons in power do not seem to
be at all for it at present, and we hope never will."® This assurance
aflbrded the convention " great satisfaction." They gratefully acknowl-
edge their correspondents' "zeal for the cause of religious liberty on
this extensive continent." '' The following year the convention assem-
bled at Stamford. The gathering of statistics as to the proportion of
churchmen to dissenters occupied much of their time, and their chief
reference to "the unjust encroachments of Episcopal domination," is to
the efl'ect that the " Episcopal adversaries" of "the cause of religious
lil)erty " only wait "a favorable opportunity of renewing their at-
tempts, and, if possible, efi'ecting their design with the most fatal mis-
chiefs to this growing country."** The conventions in 1773, at Stam-
ford, Conn., and in 1774, at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, show records
that are noticeable simply for the absence of the professions of loyalty to
the crown , and the expressions of anxiety lest the introduction of bishops
' Minutes, etc., p. 33. ■ Ibid., p. 34. mci' contributed not a little to render the latter
" Ibid., p. 34. successful." " This controversy was clearly one
* Fi'rfe Morse's "Annals," pp. 197-203 : "That ^a'cat cause that led to the revolution." — The
the American opposition to Episcopacy was at all Rev. Jonathan Boucher s View of the Causes and
connected with that stiU more serious one soon Consequences of Ike American Revolution in Thir
afterwards set up uirainst civil government, was teen Discourses. London, 1707.
not indeed generally apparent at the time : but " Miuutes, etc., p. 35. " Uiid., p. 36.
it is now indisputa'olc, as it also is tiiat tlie for- ^ Ibid., p. 38. ^ Ibid., p. 42
426 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
should tend to weaken the union between Great Britain and the colonies.
These professions had served their purpose. They were no longer re-
quired, and in the preparation of churchmen and dissenters for the
struggle for independence the opposing religionists were to fight .shoulder
to shoulder, some of each party or body on the one side and some of
each on the other. The New England colonies furnished their quota of
loyalists from the Puritan congregations and towns, as well as from
the few church parishes ; and in the middle states and at the southward,
churchmen, both lay and clerical, were among the foremost in their
resistance to British oppression and in their appeal to the wage of bat-
tle for the support of the popular cause. When the smoke had cleared
away, and the people, after years of privation, suflering, and strife,
had won their coveted freedom by their swords, it was found that all
apprehension of peril to the civil or religious liberties, secured at the
cost of so much blood and treasure, from the coming of bishops, had
vanished ; and we of to-day wonder that such an idea could have ob-
tained at all. That it did enter into the feelings of the masses, and
influence the action of the times, we have fully shown.
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTE.
THE popular dislike to the introduction of bishops which obtained in the northern
colonies is shown b}- the following extract from an address delivered before the
"Webster Historical Society," by the Hon. Mellen Chamberhiiu, entitled, "John
Adams, the Statesman of the American Revolution." (Published by the Societj-.
Boston : 188i) : —
" For nearly a hundred years preceding the Revolution, these efforts to estab-
lish Episcopacy in Massachusetts were causes of anxiety and ahirm. On the anni-
versary of the death of Charles the First, .January 80, 1750, twentj'-live years before
the war broke out. Dr. Jonathan Mayhew, of Boston, preached a discom-se which
became famous on both sides of the Atlantic, in which he attacked the docti'ines ot
the divine riglit of kings, passive obedience, and the exclusive claims of the Epis-
copal hierarchy. A sentence from the preface to the published sermon will indicate
its character and temper : ' People have no secm-ity against being mrmercif ully
priest-ridden but by keeping all imperious bisLiops, and other clergymen who love
to lord it over God's heritage, fi-om getting tlieir feet into tlie stirrup at all.' It
breathes an intense spirit of i-eligious and civil lilierty, and did much to intensify
the colonial hatred of the threatened Episcopal hierarcliy. In this it expressed —
perhaps insjiired — the sentiments of Samuel Adams, and was one of the most
powerful inlluences which kept alive the spirit of revolution, and finally prepared
the minds of tlie Massacluisctts colonists for open resistance. The followingex-
ti-acts will sliow how continuous was the expressed hostilitv to Episcopacy, — a feel-
ing not confined to the ignorant, illiberal crowd, but shared by the most enlightened
of the colonists : —
" 'Samuel Adams, as the voice of the House of Representatives, prcsmnably
expressing the sentiments of tlie people, in a letter to their agent in London, in 1768,
said, " The establishment of a Protestant Episcopate hi America is also very zeal-
ously contended for ; and it is very alarming to the people whose fathers, from the
hardships they siiflured under such an establishment, were obliged to fly their native
countiy into a wilderness We hope in God such an establishment will
never take place in America, and we desire you would strenuously oppose it. The
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE. 427
revenue raised in America, for anglit we can tull, may be constitutionally applied
towards the support of prelacy as of soldiers and pensioners.'" '
" Dr. Andrew Eliot, tlie enliglitened clergyman who declined the presidency of
Harvard College, in one of a series of letters chielly on this subject, written between
1708 and 1771, addressed to Thomas IloUis, in England, said, ' The people of New
England are greatly alarmed ; the arrival of a bishop would raise them as mucli as
any one thing.' *
" As late as 1772, the Boston Committee of Correspondence appointed to state
the rights of the colonists, in their report made in Faneuil Hall, among other thino-s
declared, ' That various attempts have been made, and are now made, to establish
an Amin-ican Episcopate ; ' though ' no power on earth can justly give temporal or
spiritual jm-isdiction within this province except the General Court.' " ^
Our author proceeds to defend the position that " there was at that time a
real danger to civil liberty, as it existed under democratic forms, in the atti-
tude and claims of the Anglican hierarchy." It is quite as unnecessary for us to
comlxit this view as it would be to attempt to conti'overt the assumption just cited
that "no power on earth" could "justly give temporal or spiritual jm-isdiction "
within the limits of Massachusetts, " except the General Court."
5 Wells's " Life of Samuel Adams," I., p. 1-37. 3 Thoroton's "American Pulpit," p. 192; vide
2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. Series, ni., Vol. it., p. 492. Adams' Works, EX., pp. 287, 288.
Tiulor's" Life of Otis," p. 136.
CHAPTER XXIII.
KING'S COLLEGE, NEW YORK, AND THE COLLEGE AND
ACADEMY OF PHILADELPHLA..
j\:
\ BOUT the middle of the eighteenth century measures were set
on foot, both in New York and in Phihxdelphia, for the establish-
ment of seminaries of learning. It was but natural that one
so well and widely known and respected for learning, judgment, and
good sense, as the Rev. Sanmel Johnson, D.D., of Stratford, should
be consulted as to the incipient steps to be taken in founding these
proposed schools. It would appear, from the correspondence between
Dr. Johnson and the celebrated Bishop of Cloyne, Dr. Berkeley,' that
the founding of a college in New York was projected, and the good
offices of friends in England and Ireland requested early in, if not
before, the year 1749. In the same yetw a similar project was set on
foot in Philadelphia, numbering among its friends and supporters the
celebrated Benjamin Franklin, who had sketched a plan for an institution
of the higher learning as early as 1744, and who had, with the coopera-
tion and approval of several of his friends, among whom were Thomas
Hopkinson, Tench Coxe, Francis Hopkiuson, and Richard Peters,
issued a pamphlet in 1 749, entitled, " Proposals relative to the Education
of Youth in Pennsylvania." Bishop Berkeley's suggestions were com-
municated to Franklin, who had visited Dr. Johnson, and sought his
acceptance of the charge of the proposed academy. The bishop ad-
vised that the charters and statutes should be prepared and secured
without recourse to England, and that the enterprise should be begun
"with a president and two fello\vs." These, he advised, should be
supplied from "seminaries in New England." The "first care as to
learning" was that " tlie Greek and Latin classics be well taught;"
but "the principal care must be good life and morals, to which, as well
as to study, early hours and temperate meals will much conduce."
The "terms for degrees" were to be "the same as at Oxford, or Cam-
bridge," which " would give credit to the college," and " pave the way
for admitting graduates ad eundem in the English universities."
"Premiums in I)ooks or distinctions in habit" were suggested as likely
to "prove useful encouragements to the students." The college build-
ing should be "regular, plain, and cheap," each student having "a
small room, about ten feet square, to himself." The " principal
expense," it was urged, "should be in making a handsome provision
for the president and fellows." Such were the "few crude thoughts
thrown together" by the bishop. Transmitted, as we have seen, to
1 Vide " The Life of Samuel Johnsou, D.D., .... By Thomas Bi-aclbiiry CliancUer, D.D."
first "Presklcnl of Kin^r's CoUc^jc in New York. New York ; Lontl. Rcprintccl, 1^-^- PP- 1*^0-16-1
THE COLLEGES OF NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA.
429
Franklin, these were carefully considered and acted upon, while the
letter of Dr. Johnson, in which they were enclosed, and other
"pieces" of his composition, served to increase the desire of the trustees
to secure, as the head of the proposed academy and college, one
"whose experience and judgment would he of great use in I'orming
rules and establishing good methods in the be2;innin<r, and whose name
for learning would give it a good reputation."' Franklin strongly
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
urged the doctor to accept, meeting the objections raised by Johnson,
on the ground of age, the insufficiency of the offered support, and the
little prospect of increased usefulness, in a series of letters, which are
of interest and value as showing the estimate placed by the philoso-
pher on the character, learning, and influence of his correspondent.
The formation of a new church in Philadelphia, to be under his charge,
was suggested, and the hall of the academy was offered for tliis
jiurpose. As three-fourths of the trustees Avere members of the Church
of England, they were disposed to remove every obstacle to the ac-
' Letter of Dr. Franklin, quoted in Beardslev'a '* Life of Ur. -Jnhnson," p. 1.^8.
430 mSTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
complisliment of their wish. To Dr. Johnson's objections to the
proposed removal, Franklin replied with great cleverness, urging that
the doctor's "talents for the education of youth" were "the gift of
God ; and that he on whom they are bestowed, whenever a way is
opened for the use of them, is as strongly called as if he heard a voice
from heaven : nothing more sui'ely pointing out duty, in a pul)lic
service, than ability and opportunity of performing it."' To John-
son's expressions of unwillingness to intrude his services as a clergy-
man into the cure of Dr. Jenney, the incuml^ent of Christ Church, the
philosopher's reply is most characteristic : " Your tenderness of the
church's peace is truly laudal)]e ; ))ut, methinks, to l)uiid a new church
in a growing place is not properly dividing, but multiplying; and will
really be a means of increasing the number of those who worship God
in that way. Many who cannot now be accommodated in the church
go to other places or stay at home; and if we had another church,
many, who go to other places or stay at home, would go to church.
I suppose the intei'est of the Church has been far from suffering in
Boston by the building of two new churches there in my memory. I
had for sevei'al years nailed against the wall of my house a pigeon-box
that would hold six pair ; and, though they bred as fast as my neigh-
bors' pigeons, I never had more than six pair, the old and strong
driving out the young and weak, and oliliging them to seek new habita-
tions. At length I put up an additional box, with apartments for
entertaining twelve pair more, and it was soon filled with inhabitants
by the overflowings of my tirst box, and of others in the neighborhood.
This I take to he a parallel case with the building a new church here."-
But the arguments of Franklin proved unsuccessful. The printer-
philosopher undertook the publication of Johnson's " Elemcnta Philo-
sophica : containing chiefly Noetica, or Things relating to the ]\Iind or
Understanding ; and Ethica , or Things I'elating to the Moral Behaviour."
This work, of which the first part was in the main new, and the
remainder was a reissue of the author's " System of Morality," was
dedicated to Bishop Berkeley, whose system of philosophy the work
was intended to explain and enforce. The author of this scholarly
work was only willing to help on the Philadelphia Academy by advice
and suggestions.
While the correspondence with Dr. Johnson was going on the
academy was formally inaugurated. The rector, David Martin,
A.M., Professor of Greek and Latin languages, whose term of
service began with the opening of the school in 1749, died in 1751.
"Ilisbody," writes Franklin, "was carried to the church, respect-
fully attended by the trustees, all the masters and scholars in their
order, and a great number of the citizens. Mr. Peters preached his
funeral sermon, and gave him the just and honorable character he
deserved."^ The care of the classical students was assumed by
Mr. Peters, a trustee, and one of the " Founders.'' The English
master was David James Dove, "who formerly taught grammar
> Dr. Franklin's letter, quotctl in Bcardsley's - Ibid.
"Xife of Jolinson," p. 162; mV/c, a/so, Sparks's •■■Franklin's Letter to Dr. .Jolinson, quotcJ
" Works of Franklin," TIL, pp. 47-SO. in Beardslcy's " Life of Johnson," p. 1G6.
THE COLLEGES OF NEW YOHK AND PHILADELPHIA.
431
sixteen years at Chichester in England." ' FrankUn speaks of him
as " art excellent master," and adds that " his scholars have made a
surprising progress."- In the "Catalogue of the alumni of the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania," 3 the name of Charles Thompson, afterwards
Secretary of Congress, precedes that of Mr. Dove as first on the list
of "Tutors," the date of both appointments being 1750. Theophilus
Grew was the master of the Mathematical School. In 1752 Frank
lin writes to Dr. Johnson that —
Our Academj', which you so khidly inquire after, goes on well. Since Mr.
Martin's death the Latin and Greek School has been under the care of Mr. Allison,
/^^^(^^l^ti^^ud ^^t^^
a dissenting minister, well skilled in those languages and long practised in teach-
ing. But he refused the rectorship, or to have an\thing to do with the government
of the other schools. So that remains vacant, and obliges the trustees to more
frequent visits. We have now several young gentlemen desirous of entering on
the study of philosophy, and lectures are to be opened this week. Mr. Allison
undertakes logic and ethics, making 3'our work his text to comment and lecture
upon. Mr. Peters and some other gentlemen undertake the other branches, till we
shall be provided with a rector capable of the whole, who may attend wholly to
tlie instruction of youth in the higher parts of learning as they come out fitted
from the lower schools. Our proprietors have lately wrote that tliey are extreme]}'
well pleased with the design, will take our seminary under their patronage, give
us a charter, and, as an earnest of their benevolence, five hundred pounds sterling.
And by our opening a charity school, in wliii-h near one hundred poor children are
taught Reading, Writing, and Arithmetic, with the rudiments of Religion, we have
gained the general good-will of all sorts of people, from whence donations and
' Franklin's Letter to Dr. Johnson.
■ Ibid.
' Published in Philadelphia, 1S77.
432 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
bequests may be reasonably expected to accrue from time to time. This is our
present situation, and we think it a promising one ; especially as the reputation of
our schools increases, the masters being all very capable and ililigent, and giving
gi'eat satisfaction to all concerned.'
The three schools, of Ancient Languages, English, and Mathe-
matics, were transfen-ed, in 1751, to the building erected a fewyear.s
before by the followers of the Rev. George Whitefield as a "Taber-
nacle." This building, which was situated on Fourth street, below
Arch, in the city of Philadelphia, was purchased by the trustees and
refitted for their purpose, and here the masters and ushers, or tutors,
— the office of rector being vacant since Martin's death, — pursued
their labors for the instruction of the pupils in their respective depart-
ments. Failing to secure the services of Dr. Johnson as rector of
the Philadelphia Academy, the attention of Franklin and his fellow-
trustees was called to another, who, in view of the remarkable ability,
the tireless devotion, and unexampled success displayed in his efforts
for the academy and college which grew into life and strength under
his skilful management, may well be regarded as the founder of the
University of Pennsylvania.
William Smith was born on the 7th of September, 1727, on the
banks of the river Don, a few miles from Aberdeen, in Scotland. In
1741 he entered the University of Aberdeen, taking his first degree
in March, 1747. After spending some little time in London he
embarked for New York, on the 3d of March, 1751, bringing letters
of recommendation from the Archbishop of Canterbury to Governoi-
De Lancey. On his arrival in New York he took up his residence
with Colonel Martin, on Long Island, as tutor to his two children,
whom he had accompanied from England. Here he remained until
August, 1753. It was during his residence in New York that he
published a pamphlet entitled " A General Idea of the College of
Mirania." This was issued at the desire and cost of some gentlem';n
of New York, as a sketch for a proposed institution of learning in
that city. This pamphlet was sent immediately on its appearance
from the press to the Rev. Richard Peters and to Benjamin Franklin
in Philadelphia. The reply of Franklin was as follows : —
Mr. Peters has just been with me, and we have compared notes on your new
piece. We find nothing in the scheme of Education, however excellent, but what
is in our opinion very practicable. The great difficulty will be to find the Arastus,'
and other suitiible jjersons in New York, to cany it into execution ; but such may
be had if proper encouragement be^iven. We have both received great pleasure
in the perusal of it. For my part, 1 know not when I have read a piece that has
so atfected me — so noble and just are the sentiments, so warm and animated the
language." ^
Praise such as this could not but be followed by action, and, at a
meeting of the trustees, held on the 25th of May, 1753, "it being
jiroposed that Mr. William Smith, a gentleman lately arrived from
London, should be entertained for some time upon trial to teach Natu-
' Franklin's l,ettei' to Dr .Johnson. ' Life and Correspondence of the Rev. Wil-
" The name given to the principiil, or head uf liam Smitli, D.D., by Horace Wcmys Smith,
the ideal college. r.. p. 23.
THE COLLEGES OF NEW VORK AND rillLADELPHIA. 433
ral Philosophy, Logic, etc., iu case he will uiKlertakc the same, it was
agreed to, and Mr. rraiikliu and Mr. Peters are desired to speak with
him about it." ^ The invitation to accept a jjosition in connection
with the Philadelphia Academy appears to have been accepted, though
not in tiie form originally contemplated. Mr. Smith proceeded to
England for orders, as a preliminary step to entering upon his work.
On the 21st of December, 1753, he was ordained deacon, in the palace
at Fulham, by Dr. John Thomas, Bishop of Lincoln, at the request and
in the presence
of Dr. Thomas
Sherlock, Bish-
op of London, ^'^^y^/^'^i^ / /^
who was in de- '=='^^'^t^>c<^--<^ C^c^ c2 /VSo
dining health, ^ — ^ ,/ /
and on (he 23d
of the same j^ v^ ^^^ ^^i^^_^ A
month he was - -<^
ordained priest
at the same
place by Dr.
Richard Obald-
eston. Bishop
of Carlisle. On
the 24th of the
following May,
1754, he was
" inducted Provost of the College and Academy of Philadelphia, and
Professor of Natural Philosophy." On the day following ho "com-
menced teaching in the philosophy class, also ethics and rhetoric to
the advanced pupils."'^
At the time of Mr. Smith's entrance upon his duties at the
academy, the institution was, as we have seen, a collection of
"schools." The classical, the English, the mathematical and the
charitable schools, each under a distinct master, but all under the
charge of a "Rector" or a "Provost," composed the institution. To
theschools already named another was added, the " Philosophy School,"
in which ethics, natural philosophy, and rhetoric w^ere taught to ad-
vanced pupils by the provost. In this " Philosophy School " there
were a senior and a junior class. Later, it appears that a freshman
class was added to this department, into which pupils from the classi-
cal school were entered after due preparation and examination. Pub-
lic examinations were frequent, at which the masters were interested
attendants, and iu the details of which they were at liberty to partici-
pate. Thus far there was no college, in the modern sense of the
^vord. The institution was simply a collection of five schools, under
the same general management, the School of Philosophy being the most
advanced. The instruction imparted in this department gave the in-
stitution its only claim to be considered as a college, and as it was
' Minutes of the Trustees, quoted in the " Life and CoiTCspondcncc of the Rev. William
Smith, D.D.," I., p. '2G. - Life and CoiTcspondcncc, i., p. 10.
434
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
destitute of the power to confer degrees intlie ;irts, which is a distiu-
guishing prerogative of a college or university properly so called,
the provost and vice-provost, in December, 1754, suggested to the
trustees the propriety of obtaining an additional charter, changing
the corporate title and obtaining the power to confer the degrees in
arts. On the 14th of May, 1755, the governor granted to "The
• Trustees of the College, Academy and Charitable Schools of Phila-
KEV. WILLIAM SMITH, L).:>.. FROM A PORTRAIT BY GILBERT STUAET.
delphia" the new charter asked for, and also the necessary powers of
a "Seminary of Universal Learning," in the conferring of degrees. On
the 1 1th of July the salary of the provost was iixed by the trustees
at £200 per annum, to commence from the time of his first connection
with the college. The names of Mr. Smith as provost, and Mr.
Allison as vice-provost, appear in the charter, as if their appoint-
ments emanated from the governor himself. The minutes of the
trustees state that they were so inserted at the request of the board.
The change from a collection of schools, such as we have described, to
a college occasioned little or no change in the style or system of
instruction. The Classical and Philosophy Schools were now spoken
of as the college, in distinction from the other schools ; the chief
change growing out of this enlargement of the plan and powers of
the institution, being the substitution of Mr. Smith, a churchman and a
clergyman, for Mr. Allison, a Presbyterian minister, as the head of
THE COLLEGES OF NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA. 435
the college, the former rector or head now taking the second place. It
is evident that during the year of his connection with the academy Mr.
Smith had given such unmistakable proof, not only of scholarship, but
also of comprehensive ideas and executive abihty, as to render this
change in the relation of the two leading instructors inevitable. That
these eminent men, differing widely as they did on vital questions of
religion and politics at a time when party spirit in Church and State was
singularly bitter, should have worked side by side and in perfect har-
mony in the cause of education, attests their common devotion to the
interests of the college they served. It was by j\Ir. Smith that the
"Plan of Education" to be pursued in the college was prepared, at
the request of the trustees, in May, 1756. Of this "Plan" it is
enough to cite the words of President Stille, who says that " its best
eulogy is, that it has formed the basis of our present American Col-
lege System." ^ It assumed "that nothing can be proposed by any
scheme of collegiate education but to lay such a general foundation
in all branches of literature as may enable the youth to perfect them-
selves in those particular parts to which their business or genius may
afterwards lead them ; and scarce anything has more obstructed the
advancement of sound learning than a vain imagination that a few
years spent at college can render youth such absolute masters of
science as to absolve them from all future study." ^ The curriculum pro-
posed was, both in its selection of suljjects and in the order in which
their study was to be pursued, not unlike that which obtained till within
a few years in all American institutions of the higher learning. The
coui'se was intended to comprise three years. During this time
Juvenal, Livy, Cicero, Horace's Ars Poetica, Quintillian, and the
Tusculan Questions were read in the order we have given. In Greek,
the Iliad, Pindar, Thucydides, Epictetus, and Plato de legibus formed
the prescribed course. In mathematics the studies pursued were
quite as extended as in our own times, while in the department of
natural philosophy, chemistry, hydrostatics, pneumatics, optics, and
astronomy received attention during the junior and senior years.
Ethics, and the natural and civil law, as illustrated by history, formed
an important part of this course. This scheme did not exist merely
on paper. It was faithfully carried out in its details, and with most
satisfactory results, during the whole period of its gifted author's con-
nection with the college. The instruction was singularly thorough,
and the college, thus provided with a curi'iculum of unusual merit,
and officered in the best possible manner, acquired from the start an
enviable reputation. Within two years from the time the charter was
granted the number of students in the institution was about three
hundred, of whom nearly a third were connected with the college
proper. The comprehensiveness of its plan and the thoroughness of
its instruction, together with the acknowledged ability of its head,
drew students not merely from the city and province, but from Mary-
land, Virginia, the Carolinas, and the West Indies. The college was
not exclusively a church institution. In the words of its pro-
> A Memoir of the Rev. William Smith, D.D., by Charles J. StillS, p. U. " Ibid.
436 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
vost, addressed to Dr. Bearcroft, the secretary of the venerable
society : —
The chief men in the province are engaged in the trusteeship of our academy,
and its foundation is on the most catliolic and liberal plan.
I find Dr. Jenney ' is not very fond of the design, and says that our trustees
have little regard for religion. But the truth is that Irora the first ho has opposed
the Institution, because it was not made a Church establishment, and all the Mas-
ters to be of that persuasion. His zeal for the best church on earth is certainly
commendable ; but it may be carried too for. Had our College been opened on that
plan in such a place as Philadelphia, the students would indeed have been a very
scant}' number. The people would not have borne even the mention of such a
design at first. However the Church, by soft and easy means, daily gains ground
in it. Of t^venty-four Trustees, fifteen or sixteen are regular churchmen ; and
when our late additional Charter was passed, I, who am a minister of the Church
of England, had the preference to two other ministers of other persuasions of
longer standing than me in the Institution, and was made Provost of the same by
the unanimous voice of the Trustees. We have prayers twice a day, the children
learn the Church Catechism, and, upon the whole, I never knew a greater regard
for religion in any Seminaiy, nor IMasters more thoroughly possessed of the truth
of our common Christianity.''
On the 17th of May, 1757, the first commencement of the college
took place. Six students received on this occasion the degree of Bachelor
of Arts. The first name on the list of alumni is that of Jacob Duche,
who, by his speeches and sermons, and as the chaplain of the Con-
tinental Congress in 1776, obtained a distinguished reputation for
devotion to the cause of American liberty that was lost by his sub-
sequent defection to the opposite side. Duche was for a time Professor
of Oratory in the college, and while in England obtained the Doctorate
in Divinity. Another of these first graduates was the Rev. Samuel
Magaw, D.D., a leading clergyman in the measures resulting in the
organization of the Church in Pennsylvania and in the United States
suljsequeut to the revolution, who was also at a later date the vice-
provost of the college M'here he was graduated. Another was the
celebrated Francis Hopkinson, LL.D., a member of the Continental
Congress, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, a Judge of the
United States District Court for Pennsylvania, and a prominent member
of the early conventions of tlie Church in the State, and of the Church
at large. Of such material was the first graduating class of an in-
stitution numbering among its students at the time men who were to
attain the highest positions in Church and State. At this time AVilliam
White was a student in the " Mathematical School."
The restless activity of such a man as William Smith could not
content itself with the conduct of a college and the instruction of
youth. He entered with all his soul into the political controversies
of the day, and, as a result of his opposition to the pacific policy of the
Quaker assembly, a pretext was found for his arrest, conviction, and
imprisonment for several months for an alleged " breach of privilege "
in "publishing and promoting" a libel upon the assemlily of the
province. The college trustees evidently sympathized with their im-
prisoned provost. They directed his classes to attend his instructions
' The Rector of Christ Church, Philadelphia, = Life and Correspondence of the Rev. Wil-
and Commissaiy of the Bishop of London. ILam Smith, D.D., I., p. 143.
THE COLLEGES OF NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA. 437
at llio jail, aiul uiianiiuously accorded him leave of absence in Novem-
ber, 1758, to visit England and prosecute his appeal to the king in
council. His appearance in England was well-timed. It was at the
moment when the elder Pitt was planning the campaign which was to
put an end to the rule of France in Nortli America. The presence of
one whose political martyrdom had been occasioned l)y his etibrts to
rouse the people of a distant and exposed provmce to defend itself
against the common foe could not fail to secure for him and the in-
terests he had at heart a measure of sympathy and support. To these
claims upon the kindly regard of the public there was added the
j)restige of a successful literary career. A volume of sermons pub-
lished in London, in 1759, reached a second edition in a few years, and
received from the " Critical Review " unusual praise, as " containing
strokes equal to any in the Oraisons Funebres of Bossuet." The
" Monthly Review," if less flattering, was even more discriminating
in its words of approval. It was to be expected, in view of these
claims to notice and reward, that his own university should bestow upon
him the doctorate. To this was added the action of Oxford, at the
suggestion of the archbishop and other prelates, in conferring the same
distinction in view of his services to Church and State. His appeal
was heard in council, and the highest court of judicature pronounced,
in the king's name, "his high displeasure at the unwarrantal)le be-
haviour of the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, in assuming
to themselves powers which do not belong to them, and invading both
His Majesty's royal prerogative, and the liberties of the sulyect."'
Returning with ample vindication and abundant honors, he brought
with him a deed of gift, from the Honorable Thomas Penn, of lands
in Bucks County for the college; and if this may have been the only
present advantage acquired, the intimate relations into which he had
been brought with many "great and influential personages," both in
Church and Stnte, enabled him at a later day to secure for the college
pecuniary assistance of the greatest importance.
The second commencement, deferred until the return of the
provost, was held on the 11th of December, 1759. Among the
graduates were Samuel Keene, afterwards D.D., and an influential
clergyman of ^Maryland ; William Paca, a signer of the Declaration of
Independence, and Samuel Powell, ]Mayor of Philadelphia and Speaker
of the Senate of Pennsylvania, and one of the active spirits in the
organization of the American Church after the revolutionary war.
Dr. Smith could not fail, from his position at the head of the col-
lege and as the leading member of a society for the promotion of
schools and education among the German settlers of the province, to
wield no little influence upon the clergy and laity of the Church. Dr.
Jenney was almost incapacitated by age and intirmities from taking
the position which his office as commissary and his rectorship of Christ
Church would otherwise have secured without question. In the con-
vention of the clergy of the province the provost became the most
prominent figure, and in his frequent and familiar intercourse with the
• Life and CoiTcspouelence of the Ecv. William Smith, i., p. 208.
438 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
authorities of the Church at home soon acquired a controlling influence
in the management of church affairs. In the controversy occasioned by
the intrigues and machinations of the turbulent Macclenechan, which
resulted in the founding of another congregation, afterwards known as
St. Paul's, Dr. Smith was most prominent, strenuously maintaining
the order and discipline of the Church, and rendering most faithful
service to the aged and intirm Jenney in securing the removal of his
temporary assistant. In connection with these duties devolving upon
him as the most prominent of the clergy of the province, it was the
provost's good fortune to witness the steady increase of the college
under his charge, in number and in reputation, till the necessity of
endowments and additional buildings l)ecame apparent. In November,
1761, these needs of the college formed the subject of an exhaustive re-
port to the trustees, and in view of the fact, then disclosed, that the
expense of the maintenance of the institution had for several years
exceeded its income by about £700 per annum, it was determined to
send an agent to England to solicit funds for a permanent endowment
and for the erection of the buildings imperatively required. The
acceptance of this duty by the provost gave to the discouraged tmstees
the assurance of success. Credentials and means for his mission were
amply furnished, and in February, 1762, Dr. Smith set sail from New
York on this important duty.
Meanwhile the plans for the foundation of a college in New York
had taken shape ; and in the hands of a few gentlemen of wealth and
position, chiefly members of the Church of England, and with the aid
of Trinity Church in supplying the site for the proposed institution,
King's College had sprung into being. From an intimation in the
records of Trinity Church it would appear that, as early as 1703, it
was the purpose of the government of the province, then in the
hands of Lord Cornbury, to provide a site for a college on the island
of New York. In 1746 authority was granted by the assembly for
raising money for this purpose by means of a lottery, and within the
following few years the sum of three thousand four hundred and
forty-three pounds eighteen shillings, was raised for the erection of
a college within the colony. This sum was placed in the hands of
ti'ustees, a majority of whom were members of the Church of Eng-
land, and a number of whom were of the vestry of Trinitj^ Church.
The land bestowed by Trinity was granted on condition that the
president of the college for the time being should be in communion
with the Church of England, and the morning and evening prayers
siiould be those of the Church, or else such a selection from the "Book
of Common Prayer " as should be agreed upon by the president or
trustees, or governors of the said college. These provisions, giving a
churchly character to the proposed institution, and the majority
accorded to the Church in the governing l)oard, excited the ani-
mosity of the dissenters, and for a time threatened to thwart the
plans of its founders. The opposition to the Church of England
interest was led by Mr. William Livingston, a violent enemy of the
Church. The act of the assembljs obtained in the beginning of the
year 1753, appointing the trustees and vesting in them the moneys
THE COLLEGES OF NEW YORK AND PHILADELl'IILV. 439
raised by the lottery ; and the supplemental act of July, the same
year, appropriating to the college £500 out of "the duty of excise,"
for the seven years from the first day of January, 1754, thouo-h
bitterly opposed, were followed by the granting of the royal charter,
on the olst of October, 1754. The college was opened prior to the
gi-anting of the charter. The trustees had at the outset chosen the
liev. Dr. Johnson of Stratfoi-d, as president of the intended insti-
tution ; and in April, 1754, ho reluctantly, in view of his advanced
years and the exposure to disease consequent upon residence in the
city, accepted the position and entered upon his work. In June he
published, in the newsprints of the day, an account of the design of the
college, the plan of education proposed, and the requirements for
admission, and appointed a day for the examination of candidates.
Ten appeared at the appointed time, including two from other insti-
tutions of learning. These formed the first class, and were taken by
Dr. Johnson under his own personal care and instruction, the place
of meeting being the large vestry-room belonging to Trinity Church.
The president was chosen one of the ministers of Trinity Church.
He drew up a form for the daily prayers taken from the "Book of
Common Prayer," with a special collect of his own composition for the
college, which, with the Psalter, he caused to be printed for the use of
the students. He also compiled a body of laws for present use, and thus
proceeded to bring the aflairs of the institution into method and order.
He found time amidst this pressure of duties to enter into a vigorous
correspondence with President Clapj), of Yale College, with reference
to the requirement of students from church families to attend the
services of the college chapel, "designed to guard and perpetuate the
Puritan faith ; " ' and, as a result of his irresistible logic, the obnoxious
rules were relaxed. After a little delay he removed, with his family,
to New York, where he devoted himself assiduously to the care of the
college, and to the performance of his duties at Trinity Church. At
the entrance of a second class the need of a tutor was apparent, and
the second son of the president, William Johnson, a graduate of Yale
in the class of 1748, and A.M. in course, and an ad eundem master
at Harvard in 1753, was appointed to this post. With the increase of
students there was a corresponding increase in the interest exhibited
by the community, and large subscriptions were secured, and the
plans of the college building were well advanced.
The president had acquainted the Bishop of London and the
venerable society \vith the design of the college and his appointment
to its superintendency, and had desired the kind patronage of the
bishop and the society in its behalf. This was readily accorded.
The bishop, Dr. Shei'lock, in his reply expressed his hearty apjiroba-
tion of the college and of the choice that had been made for its presi-
dent, and ho earnestly encouraged Dr. Johnson to persevere, in spite
of the opposition that had been raised, in his labors for the cause of
Christian and churchly education. The reply from the society was
to the same etlect ; and that these assurances of sympathy and aid
• BearJsley'3 " Life of Dr. Johnson," p. 200.
440 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
were not merely complimentary was shortly proved by acts of gen-
erosity worthy of lasting rememl^rance. In connection with this cor-
respondence and taking advantage of the departure of ^Ir. William
Johnson, the college tutor, for England, to receive holy orders, the
vestry of Trinity Church, which from the first had shown the deepest
interest and the fullest confidence in the new college, addressed the
society in a letter, which we print for the first time from the original,
long preserved in the archives of this veneraljle body. The letter is
full of interest and value, from the vivid descriptions it gives of the
men and measures of the time : —
New York, Nov. 3d, 1735.
The Vestr;/ of Trinity Church, in New York, to the Secretary : —
llEVD. Sir, — We esteem it a great honor amidst the many virulent reproaclies
we have met with to find our contluct with regard to the College lately Ibimded
here approved Ijy so venerable and respectable a body as the Society for the Propa-
gation of the Gospel, and to have received their thanks for the donation we made,
which was communicated to us by Mr. Barclay, and which we most gratefully
acknowledge. We had also the satisfaetiori of "the universal approbation of our
constituents notwithstanding the vast debt we have contracted by building the
Chajiel of late. We always expected that a gift so valuable in itself and so
absolutely necessary (it being the only ground within the city jiroperly situated,
and of sufhcient extent) would be a means of obtaining some privileges to the
charity, especially as the promoters of the afl'air in the House of Representatives
always proposed such a preference, at least, as is granted by the Charter, but
had never insisted on any condition till we found some persons labouring
to exclude all systems of religion out of the constitution of the College.
Wlien we discovered this design we thought ourselves indispensably obliged
to interpose, and have had the countenance of many good men of all denomina-
tions, and, in particular, the ministers of the Foreign Protestant Churches iu this
(Jity, who are aijpointed Governors of tlie College, and without the least hesita-
tion qualified, agreeable to the Charter, and continue hearty friends to it. But,
notwithstanding this, the 02)position still continues, and has so far prevailed, as to
have hitherto prevented the application of the money raised by lottery for the use
of the College. To effect this our opponents have been indefatigable; the most
base and disingenuous metliods have been used to prejudice the common people in
the several counties, whom they have endeavoured to jjersuade that the test im-
posed on tlie President will infallibly be attended with the establishment of Bishops
and tythes, and will end in the loss of all their religious privileges, and eveu in
persecution itself. Petitions have been drawn & handed about, to be signed
against the charter establishment, and weekly papers have been published for two
years ])ast, wherein all the friends of the Church and the Vestry of Trinity Church,
in jjarticular, have been abused in the most opprobrious terms. So that it is very
uncertain when the money will by the General Assembly be vested in the Govern-
ors. In the meantime they have begun a subscription among themselves, and
are daily purchasing materials to lay the foundation of a handsome, convenient
edifice, which, God willing, they purpose to begin next Spring, and they are
induced to hope that as the dissenting seminary in Now .Tersey has had the General
Assembly of the Kirk in Scotland engaged in its behalf last year, as well as the
dissenting interest in England, and .as we are informed have collected a very con-
sider.ablesum of money, so our brethren in England will bo ready to contribute to
preserve tlie Chui'oh in this part of the world from the contempt its enemies are
endeavouring to bring upon it. The dissenters have already three semin.aries in
the Northern Governments. They hold their synods. Presbyteries and associations
and exercise the whole of their Ecclesiastical (Government to the no small advan-
tage of their cause, whilst those churches which are branches of tlie National Estab-
lishment .are deprived not only of the benefit of a regular Church government, but
their children debarred the priviledge of a liberal education, unless they will accept
of it on such conditions as Dissenters require, which in Yale College is to submit to a
fine as often as they attend the pulilie worshiji in the Church of England, com-
THE COLLEGES OF NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA. 441
nmiiicants only excepted, ami that only on Christmas & Sacrament days. This we
cannot but look upon us liard measure, especially as we can, with a good con-
science, declare that we are so far from that Bigotry and narrowness of spirit they
have of late been pleased to charge us with, that we would not, were it in our
power, lay the least restiviint on any man's conscience, and sliould heartily I'ejoice
to continue in brotlierly love and cliarity witli all our Protestant brethren, as we
can apijeal to all men, we liave always done, notwitlistanding the late unmerited
rcproaclies, calumnies and opposition we liave met \\ith.
Upon the whole, as we are informed, the Governors of the College intend to
jsroceed according to the Charter, and have reason to think that this will be the best
means to quell the present opposition, restore peace, promote true religion and
harmony amongst all denominations of Christians ; and at length induce the Assem-
bly to grant the money raised for the College. ^Ve humbly beg leave to recommend
the cause in which they are engaged to the Patronage of the Venerable Hoard and its
several members, and hope that when a subscription shall be set on foot in England
tlioy will, upon proper application, encourage and assist them in their laudable
undin-taking. This will add a new obligation on all the members of the Church of
England, as this in all probability will be the only college in which they are like to
have an interest. We commit this letter to the care of Sir. George Ilarison, one of
our vestry and Mr. William .lohnson, son of the Kev. Dr. Johnson, by whom we beg
leave to tender our best regards to the venerable board and by whom they may be
informed more particularly in any matter relating to this subject.
We remain with much respect,
HENRY BARCLAY,
JAMES ROBINSON,
& others.
Mr. John.son, who had lieen received most kindly Ijy hi.s father's
friend.s and correspondents in Enghmd, and had been Iionorcd by the
degree of Master of Arts from the two ancient universities, died,
shortly after his admission to holy orders, of the small-pox, adding an-
other to the number of youth of piety and learning who, in seeking the
apo.stolic commission for their ministry, gained it at the cost of their
lives. The vacancy in the college sttifl", occasioned by the resignation
of this gifted and promising young man, had been filled by the appoint-
ment of Air. Leonard Cutting, A.M., who had been educated at Eton
and at Cambridge and was thoroughly furnished for his work. Materials
were provided for the erection of the college building, which was to
be built " on the skirts of the city,"' on the ground given by Trinity
Church. On the 23d of August, 1756, the corner-stone, bearing a
suitable inscription, was laid by the royal governor, Sir Charles Hardy,
on which occasion the president made a brief speech in Latin to the
governors, to his excellency Sir Charles Hardy, and Mr. DeLancey,
the lieutenant-governor, congratulatory on this happy eveut. The
entrance of a third class increased the numlier of students to about
thirty, and as the president was forced to leave the city in November,
on account of the spread of small-pox, the governors provided another
instructor, whom they made Professor of Mathematics and Natural
Philosophy, Mr. Daniel Tread well, A.M., a graduate of Harvard Col-
lege, and recommended by Professor Winthrop as eminently qualified
for the position. This same year a member of the venerable society,
the Rev. Dr. Bristowe, bequeathed his library of about fifteen hundred
voltunes "to the college of New York, of which Dr. Johnson is presi-
' Chandler's " Life of Johnson," p. 96.
442 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
dent," thus laying the foundation of the present library of Cohunhia
College.
The progress made by the college appears from the following
address to the venerable society, now first printed from the original
in the archives of thnt body : —
To The at. Rev. Father in Ood Lord Bishop of London, —
The humble address of the Governors of the college of the province of New
York in the City of New York in America, ]May it please j-our Lordship: As the
care of the Church in these colonies has been annexed to the See of London and it
is therefore fit that every thing here relating to the interest of Religion & Learning
should be referred to your Ijordshi]) and recommended to your Patronage, the
Governors of this college lately incorporated by Koyal Charter for instructing
youth in the liberal sciences do humbly beg leave to lay before your Lordship some
acooimt of our proceedings and to recommend this Infant Seminary to your Lord-
ship's favour and kind Pati'onage. The undertaking has indeed met with much
opposition with which we are infoniied your Lordship is not unacquainted, which
has occasioned the loss of one lialf of the monies originally raised by public Lot-
teries for carr3'ing on of fcliis design. However as we are conscious of the upright-
ness of our intentions and encouraged by the countenance of many good men of all
denominations we ai'c carrying on this good work in the best manner our circum-
stances will admit of. Several young gentlemen have been admitted, and jn-ose-
cute their studies under the Inspection of the Rev Dr Johnson and two Tutors
well qualified. We have given orders for purchasing an apparatus of proper
Listi'uments for teaching mathematical and experimental Philosophy. We are also
building a neat and convenient edifice for public schools & lodgings (being one
side of a quadrangle hereafter to be canned on) on a very valuable and most
agreeably situated bit of Ground adjoining to this City which is a donation of the
Rector, Churchwardens & Vestry of Trinity Chm'ch. But being sensible that we
shall not be able to bring this work to any tolerable degree of perfection and
answer the great design of our Incorporation without the charitable assistance of
our Mother Country ; we have presumed to address the Honorable Society for projia-
gating the Gospel for their coimtenance & influence in recommending our case
to such gentlemen as may be disposed to assist us in our midertaking, and we
humbly bog leave also to ask your Lordship's kind patronage and influence in pui'-
suanee of the same design We do moreover humbly inti'cat your Lordship's
prayers and blessings upon this imjjortant undertaking and that your Lordship's
most valuable life and health may be long preserved and your faithful labours in
the cause of God and his true Religion may be abundantly rewar<led with an
eternal crown of Glory is the feiTent prayer of, may it please your Lordship, your
Lordship's most dutiful and most obedient humble Servants,
JNO. CHAMBERS,
Presiding Member in behalf of the Oovernors.
SAMUEL JOHNSON,
President of the Co llcye.
New York, 27 May, 1758.
On the 21st of June, 1758, the college held its first commence-
ment, at which seven graduates received the degree of Bachelor of
Arts, among them Samuel Provoost, afterwards first Bishop of New
York. A number of others, graduates of Cambridge, England,
Harvard, Yale, and the College of New Jersey, took the ]\Iaster's
degree, making the whole number of degrees conferred upwards of
twenty. The year following passed off smoothly and successfully.
The various classes were divided between the president and two sub-
ordinates, the president confining himself to Greek, logic, metaphysics,
THE COLLEGES OF NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA.
443
and ethics. The college building was now rapidly approaching com-
pletion. At the second coninienceiueat, in 1759, two only proceeded
Bachelors of Arts. At the third commencement, in 1760, six young
men took the Bachelor's degree, among them the celebrated Isaac
Wilkius, who, after a stormy political career, entered the ministry,
received the Doctoi'ate in Divinity, and was for many years a i)r()nii-
ueut clergyman in the diocese of Now York. On this occasion the gov-
ernors of the college met in the college hall, and, after an address in
Latin from the president, proceeded to St. George's Chapel, where the
graduating exercises were performed and the degrees conferred. Pro-
fessor Treadwell had died in the spring of 1760, and the president and
Mr. Cutting were compelled to do double duty for the following year.
In May, 1761, occurred the fourth commencement. There were but
three graduates, but several of those who formed the first class now took
s''%^->.!^'- '*',
DISTANT VIEW 01'' KING's COLLEGE IN 1763.
governors appointed
their Master's degree. The following year the
Mr. Robert Harpur, A.M., who had been educated at the University
of Glasgow, to the Professorship of Mathematics and Natural Phi-
losophy. With the aid of this brilliant instructor. Dr. Johnson's last
year of service was rendered comparatively easy. He held his fifth
and final commencement in May, 17G2, eight young men taking the
Bachelor's degree. Before his retirement from office he was able to
further the efforts of the governors to augment the funds of the college
by an appeal to England. The expenses of carrying on the institution
\vere already causing an annual encroachment on its slender capital,
and, although greatliberality had been shown to this new enterprise,
it was not to be expected that its wants could be fully supplied at home.
It was in view of these needs and of the interest expressed in England
in the inception and progress of the college, that, at the instigation of
444 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
the president, the services of Dr. James Jay, as agent of the college,
were secured, and this gentleman was formally accredited to the Arch-
bishops, the Universities, antl the Socicity for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foi'cign Parts. On the 13th of May, 17 62, Dr. Jay sailed
from New York on his mission. Three months before, on the ISth of
February, Dr. Smith had sailed from the same port on the same
errand.
Dr. Jay, better known as Sir James Jay, Knight, — for he received
this distinction from the king, George III., while acting as agent of
King's College, — was a brother of the Hon. John Jay, of New York,
and bore with him on his important mission, among other letters of
introduction and commendation, the following communication addressed
to Archbishop Seeker by Dr. Johnson. It gives so interesting and
succinct an account of the case of the college that we reproduce it
here : * —
To the Most Rev. Father in God, Thomas Lord, Archbishop of Canterbury, —
May it please your Grace, — Your Grace is well acquainted with the labors
aud difficulties under which we have straggled in founding our College and carrjdng
it on liitherto and has been informed that we have erected an eleg;uit building of
one hundred and eighty feet in length by thirty in width and three stories in height,
which is now just finished and designed for one side of a quadrangle, to be com-
pleted as we shall be enabled. But as we are not yet able to caiiy it any further
without assistance, nor have we a sufficient fimd to support the necessary officers —
the Master, Professors and Tutors — we are therefore constrained to beg the chari-
table contributions of such public spirited gentlemen as are generously disposed to
promote so good a work, and have empowered the bearer hereof, Dr. James Jay, of
this city, who is an ingenious yomig gentleman and a graduated physician of the
University of Eduiburgh, to ask and receive such benefactions as should be conti'ib-
uted to tills important vmdertaldng. And as yom' Grace is the ffi'st member of our
corporation, and has given abiuidant demonsU'ation of your delight in doin^ good
offices, and especially to this college, for which we are inexpressibly thankful, we
hiunljly beg leave to recommend him to your Grace, and enti'eat you in addition to
your former goodness that you will give him your best advice and direction for his
cariying on a solicitation for benefactions, and if you think proper that you will
inti'oduce him or procure him to be inti'oduced to our most gracious Sovereign for his
favor ; and also that you will be pleased to recommend him to his Grace the Lord
Archbishop of York and the Bishop of London, or any other of the nobilitj', clergy,
or gently as your Grace shall judge most expedient. In doing this you will un-
speakably oblige, may it please your Grace,
Yom' Grace's, etc.
Dr. Smith, as we learn from his biographer,^ was indignant at
what he deemed an unfair, as it certainly was an unexpected, inter-
ference with his purposes and plans. There was, as he writes, "a
strange clashing of interests and applications," and the proposal " to
unite both designs"' was at first refused by the irate provost, who
thought his " own interest best ; " but after considerable negotiation it
was agreed that a joint application in behalf of both colleges should be
made to the king. "His Majesty," wrote Dr. Smith, "expressed Ms
approval of the plan, and said he would do something to begin the
design : that to King's College, in New York, he would order £400
sterling ; and that in respect to the college in Philadel]ihia, he ob-
' From Bcardsley's " Life of Dr. .Tohusou," - Life antl Cori'espondence of the Rev. Wil-
pp. 269, 270. liam Smith, D.D., I., p. 300.
THE COLLEGES OF NEW YORK AND rmLAi:)ELPlIIA. 445
served that it had a liberal benefactor iu our Proprietors, who stood
as it were, iu his room ; but that he must not suffer so good u design
to pass without some mark of his regard, and therefore would order
£200 sterling for us." ' A royal brief for collections throughout the
united kingdom in behalf of the two colleges was issued, and the two
agents divided the territory between them, Dr. Smith going to the
north of England and Scothind, and Dr. Jay to the south and west.
The arrangements being amicably concluded. Dr. Smith pronounces
his rival, Dr. Jay, " an active and sensible young fellow." Tiie " IJrief "
brought in £4,800 to each institution ; the private collections £l,13r)
10s. iid. to each. The royal bounty was £400 to King's Colh^ge, and
£200 to the college and academy of Philadelphia. The proprietaries
of Pennsylvania gave to the college under their patronage £500, and
£284 lis. had been collected by Dr. Smith before the union of the in-
terests of the rival institutions. The college at Philadelphia received
in all £6,921 7s. 6d. It was estimated by Dr. Smith that upwards
of eleven thousand persons contributed to the collection made under
the authority of the Ijrief, and more than eight hundred responded to
the private appeals of Dr. Jay and himself. So far as the Philadelphia
college was concerned the possession of this added capital was made
an incentive to further efforts to increase the funds of the institution.
In the winter of 1771—72 Dr. Smith paid a visit to Charleston, South
Carolina, and, iu the course of a few months, collected nearly a thou-
sand guineas for the college from the inhabitants of that city. On his
return he set on foot a subscrijrtion for the same object in Philadelphia,
from which nearly £1,200 was received. Dr. Morgan, one of the Pro-
fessors of the Medical Faculty, applied to the people of the Island of
Jamaica for contributions to the college funds, and from this source
about £3,000 were obtained. It was by services and labors such as
these that William Smith won for himself the distinction he had
coveted. On the 14th of September, 1762, he writes to the Kev.
Richard Peters, that the honor he proposed was "in being a kind of
founder of our college." This honor he fairly earned and justly
merited. It was his pleasure and privilege to watch over its interest
till, amidst the vicissitudes of the war for independence, the schools of
learning were closed, and, in the attempted organization of its govern-
ment after the civil disruption, the rights of the college authorities
were trampled upon, and the provost dispossessed from the place he
had filled with so much honor and usefulness. He was never restored
to his former privileges and powers, and it is only of late years that
full justice had been rendered to him for his abundant and most useful
services to the cause of Christian education and the advance of the
higher learning in America.
The retirement of Dr. Johnson from the presidency of King's
College was followed by the election of the Rev. INIyles Cooper, LL.D.,
whose incumbency closed amidst the opening scenes of the Revolution.
Among those who received their graduating degrees at the hands of
this able and gifted man were Richard Harison, D.C'.L., John Jay,
• IM'c and CorrcspouJcucc of the Rev. Wiillam Smilh, D.D., I., p. 301.
446 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
LL.D., Egbert Beusou, LL.D., Robert R. Livingstou, Peter Van
Schaack, LL.D., Bishop Benjaiuiii Moore, Gouverueur Morris, and
the Rev. Dr. John Bowden, while the name of Alexander Hamilton
appears on the list of students entered in 1774, whom the exigencies
of the times prevented from completing their course in arts.
Few college presidents have ever superintended the intellectual
training and development of a brighter array of men, and, in estimat-
ing the services rendered to the Church and State 1),\' the college pre-
sided over by Johnson, we must not forget the long and brilliant
incumbency of his successor, whose love for church and crown drove
him from an honored and useful post.
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTE.
AN interesting memorial of the mission of Sir James Jay and Dr. William Smith,
to England, is found in "a Sermon Preached on occasion of the Brief for the
American Colleges. By Daniel Watson, A.M., Vicar of Leek, in Yorkshire.
Newcastle: mdcclxhi," 8°, p. 36. Our author dwells upon " two circumstances
in the scheme," " that ought to recommend it to the favor and encouragement of
eveiy good Christian and true Protestant, and, indeed, of eveiy British patriot."
" The one, that the persons to be educated in these American Seminaries are
intended as antidotes to counteract the poison of the false, idolatrous, and slavish
principles instilled into the poor benighted Indians, by Popish emissaries, who
represent Christianity in no other garb than what she is forced to wear in the
Roman Church — the garb of superstition and worldly policy, of dissimulation and
ti'eachery, of pride, cruelty and prosecution, and an universal hatred towards all
who refuse to worship the idols they have set up. The effects of which wretched
zeal have been found amongst all those barbarous nations, who have been imder
the influence and management of popish powers ; and severely felt by such of our
own countrymen in particular, who have been uuhajipy enough to lall into their
hands.
" The other article which gives a particular value to these Seminaries is, that
Protestant youth of all denominations and persuasions are received into them, and
partake of the insti'uction there dispensed without respect of persons. This circum-
stance, as it will give birth to many amiable and lasting friendships in after-life,
between men of different persuasions ; so an affectionate intercourse among the
students, who will be taught to thinlc generously of each other's religion, wHl open
a fi'ce communication of sentiments, and tend to wear off" that sourness of part)-,
which has been the disgi'ace of the Reformation: as well as contribute to tlie
detection of errors, and to the conviction of those who might be inclined to persist in
them, only because they were the eiTor of their forefathers.
" Thiis, you see, the nature and extent of this charitable undertaking, to which
your contributions are now solicited. It is to dispense the pure and peaceable word
of God amongst those poor, uninformed or misguided tribes of Indians, who are
now as it were consigned to the care and protection of Biutons ; whom a gi-acions
Pro^^denco seems to call forth to ' be a light to lighten those Gentiles,' and thereby
to make known ' his salvation unto the end of the earth.'
" And if, by a cheerful obetlience to tliis heavenly call, the blessed work shoidd
prosper in our hands, and ' the word of the Lord liavG fi'ee com-se and be glorified,'
gi-e;xt and distinguished will be our name, and precious our memory, when future
historians shall record and distant ages read, that from Britain ' sounded out the
word of the Lord,' into those remote and barbarous regions, and that from this
blessed island ' the day-spring fi'om on high (in its native lush-e, first) visited them
that sat in darkness and in the shadow of death, to guide their feet into the way
of peace.' "
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE POSITION OF THE CLERGY AT THE OPENING OF THE
WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE.
AT the beginning of the struggle, which won for us political
independence, and ecclesiastical independence as well, tliere
were in the colonies stretching from JMaine to Georgia less
than three hundred parishes or congregations of the Church, and
probably not far from two hundred and fifty clergymen. jS'^early two
thousand " clerks in Holy Orders " of the Anglican Commmiion had
from the time of the church's introduction into the Western AVorld
labored for a longer or shorter term of years on American soil.' But
at the period of which we speak, although the Church was expanding
with the growth of the country, the lack of the episcopate, with its
consequent laxity in discipline, and the hindrances placed in her path
l)y various opposing religious bodies, had prevented that development
which would have been expected from the fact of her early planting
and partial establishment. The Church at the southward was the
religion of the wealthy, the cultivated, and refined ; there and else-
where it was the church of the representatives of roj'alty at each
provincial governor's mimic court ; of the officers of the array and
navy of the king ; of those who had supplemented the defects of
trans- Atlantic education and training at the ancient universities ; of
the younger members of noble families who had found homes and
fortunes in the New World. Outside of New England it was the
church of those who sought political prominence in the colonial assem-
blies, or coveted the rich offices in the gift of the crown ; of the
judges on the bench and the lawyers at the bar ; of the collectors of
the ports ; of those whose business brought them in close connection
with the great exporters and traders abroad ; in short, it was the
church of the bulk of that conservative element which amidst provin-
cial surroundings prided itself on its admiration for and devotion to
the rule and reiarnino: fashions of the court. Not ignorant nor unmind-
ful of this vantage gi'ound of the Church, an astute and unscrupulous
Puritan divine of Connecticut had published, a few j'ears before the
struggle l)etween the colonies and crown Iiegan, a satirical pamphlet
of nearly fifty pages, setting forth "The Eeal Advantages whicli Min-
isters and People may enjoy, especially In the Colonies, by Conform-
ing to the Church of England ; Faithfully considered, and iuipartially
' An attempt to gather the names and no- !on°r list of men, who in the main were worthy of
ticc3 of these mission-priests and deacons of the their hijh caUing, is sufficient to prove (he mis-
mother-cliurch, laboriu<; on tlio American Con- sionary spirit of the mothcr-chiuch from the
liucnt and the islands adjacent prior to ISOO, has very days of her spiritual independence secured
it'sulted iu the collection of upwards of two thou- at the Reformation,
sand names, with references to authorities. This
448 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
represented iu a Letter to a Young Gentleman." This " l)ase pam-
phlet," as Dr. Johnson styled it,' written by Noah Welles, the
Congrcgationalist minister of Stamford, Connecticut, placed in strong
contrast the manners of the "polite" and "sprightly," "well-dressed,"
" fashionable," " brisk and lively," Churcli-of-England professors, with
the "Puritanical preciseness" of "the presbyterians and congregation-
alists in New England."
Low and scurrilous as this pamphlet certainly was, the point of
its satire was its pretended exhibition of the " temporal adv^antages "
of conformity, and the claim that these were the source of the gradual
advance and triumph of the Church. That such advantages existed
at least, where the Church was established, or had gained a strong
foothold, it would be absurd to deny. The days of persecution
were over even in New England. The popular mind was exercised
with political rather than with theological questions. The church-
men had won, at least, a toleration, and although the odiu
III
theologicum was maintained by the Puritan leaders, the ministers,
and magistracy, still the Church was gaining ground on every side,
and churchmen were uo longer thrown into jail, or exposed to loss
of their goods, for the support of the puritan ministry, or the
building of Puritan meeting-houses. It is true that the proposed
introduction of bishops has been named by high authority as among
the causes of the separation of the colonies from the mother-land ;
and that it may have influenced some in their desire for independence
is doubtless the case. It is also true that even churchmen were
divided, if not as to the need of an American episcopate, at least
as to its expediency at a time when the project was assailed by invin-
cible prejudice and hate. In the political questions out of which the
revolutionary struggle grew it was but natural that the clergy gener-
ally should take the side of the mother-country. They had seen the
strength and greatness of the land ; they had taken solemn oaths of
allegiance to the crown at their admission to holy orders ; their sup-
port was largely dependent upon the venerable society abroad. It is
a noticeable fact that in the provinces where the Church had been estab-
lished and the clergy had their support directly or mdirectly from
those to whom they ministered, and even in the case of those par-
ishes in provinces where there was no estal^lisliment, where the peo-
ple M'ere the immediate sources of their clergyman's revenue, there
were many patriot clergymen sympathizing with and sustaining their
parishioners in their resistance to the authority of the crown. The
stipendiaries of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, deriv-
ing their living from across the sea, were in nearly every instance loy-
alists. This was the case without any necessary imputation of being
influenced )\y mere pecuniary considerations. The missionaries of the
society had l)een accustomed to look at all things from an English
standing-point. The incumbents of the parishes in Virginia and
Maryland had lived in an atmosphere of debate and freedom. They,
in common with their parishioners, had acquired in their isolation
' Beardslcy's " Life and Corrcspontloncc of Samuel Johnson, D.D.," pp. 272, 274.
THE POSITION OF THE CLERGY. 449
from the Old World an independence of thought and life that made
political independence no novel idea. Not content with foUowinj^
their people in resistance to the arbitrary measures of the British par-
liament and crown, they chose to lead the way. In speeches and ser-
mons, in essays and addresses, and finail3'whcn the sword was drawn,
even in the exchange of the surplice for the soldier's garb, and the
rule of a parish for the command of a regiment, these clei-gymen of
the Church were not at all behind the most patriotic of their people.
The names of the Rev. Charles Minns Thruston, who amidst the
opening scenes of the war had been moderator of patriotic gather-
ings within the walls of his own church in Frederick County, Vir-
ginia,' and who at the beginning of actual strife laid aside his minis-
try and attained the rank of colonel in the American army ; and the
Rev. Peter Muhlenberg, of Shenandoah County, who had also been a
moderator of the patriot assemblies at Woodstock ere the l)reaking
out of the struggle, and a delegate to the Virginia Convention of
1773,^ who also raised a regiment among his own parishioners and served
throughout the war, attaining the rank of l)rigadier-general, are in-
stances of this devotion to the popular cause. Tradition tells us that
Muhlenberg's last sermon was preached in uniform concealed under
his ministerial robe, and that as he quoted the words of the book of
Ecclesiastes : " To everything there is a season, and a time to every
purpose under the heaven," — "a time of war," — he laid aside the
preacher's gown and walked forth a soldier in garb and office, followed
by his people. Of the Virginia clergy. Bishop Madison and Messrs.
Bracken, Balmaine, Buchanan, Jarratt, Griffith, Davis, and many others,
were avowed and decided partisans of the American cause.' In
South Carolina the Rev. Henry Purcell was appointed by Congress,
May 7, 1772, chaplain of the Second (South Carolina Regiment, com-
manded by Colonel Moulton, and in 1778 he was appointed deputy
judge-advocate-general for South Carolina and Georgia. The Rev.
AVilliam Percy, of Charleston, was a strong partisan of the popular
side, officiating as chaplain to the troops, and delivering an address on
the first anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. In conse-
quence of his avowed sympathy with the rebels he was silenced " on
pain of confinement," on the occupation of the city by the British. The
Rev. Robei't Smith, the first bishop of South Carolina, was banished
by the British, and served as a soldier in the American ranks. In fact
out of twenty clergymen in South Carolina at the breaking out of the
war, five only adhered to the royalist cause and left the country.''
William White, the first bishop of Pennsylvania, was a chaplain of Con-
gress, and never faltered even in the darkest days of the war in his
adhesion to the American cause. Croes, first bishop of New Jersey,
served as a non-commissioned officer throughout a great part of the
contest ; and Provoost, the first bishop of New York, was distinguished
as a leader of the popular side. Parker, second bishop of jNIassachu-
' American Archives, Series iv., Vol. i., ' Hawks's " Ecclesiastical Contributions,"
p. 393. Vol. I., Viro-inia, p. 137.
'IbiiJ., Series iv., Vol. i., pp. 41", 41S ; Vol. ' Dalcho's " IlistoiT of the Epis. Ch. in So.
n., p. 165. Car.," p. 206.
450 HISTOKV OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
setts, was among the first to recognize the new order of things,
accommodating tiic liturgy to the changed situation of pulilic aftairs ;
while Bass, first l)ishop of Massachusetts, found himself dismissed
from the service of the societj' on the ground of a too ready compli-
ance with the requirements of the revolted provincial assembly.
The Convention of Virginia, on the day following the Declaration
of Independence, altered the "Book of Common Praj'er" to accom-
modate it to the new condition of things. These alterations almosf
exclusively related to the prayers for those in authority, and through-
out the State this requirement of the popular assembly met with lit-
tle or no opposition. Elsewhere it was different. Those among the
clergy who felt that the appeal to arms, or even the declaration of the
Congress declaring the colonies independent, did not warrant them in
disregarding the obligation of their vows of allegiance, persisted in
the use of the prayer-book services unchanged, or, when this was im-
possible, closed their churches and met such of their people as
sj'mpathized with them politically by stealth or in private houses. "We
propose to let the actors in these stirring scenes tell the story of their
unavailing struggle to counteract the popular will. A series of extracts
from manuscript and other authorities will reveal the temper of the
times more faithfull.y than any modern pen could hope to do.
In New York there can be but little question as to the attitude of
the major part of the Church clergj' from the first. For some years prior
to the actual beginning of hostilities the province had been convulsed
with excitement, growing out of the discussion of the questions re-
lating to popular rights and gi'ievauces. It was a period of intense
party feeling and endless debate. While the people were proud of their
English origin, and had, atalavishexpenseof life and treasure, aided in
the subjugation of Canada, and thus in extending the English dominion
over the fairest portions of North America, they had learned the lesson
of self-respect. These were unwilling to be denied or tamely to forfeit
their rights as freeborn Englishmen. They felt that obedience to an
unjust rule or submission to tyranny was not only servile, but that it
brought ruin and dishonor with the loss of self-respect. But the letters,
speeches, resolves, and solemn asseverations of the chief actors in the
bold resistance to the measures of Parliament for the enforcement of its
settled purpose of deriving a revenue from the American provinces
show conclusively that there was at the first no purpose of indepen-
dence, no desire for separation from the mother-laud . Even when armed
resistance was inevitable, and the failure to appeal to arms would have
been the confession of servitude, the leading spirits felt and acted on
the conviction that when the crown saw that the struggle was not with
a few hot-headed malcontents, but with the great body of the intelli-
gent freemen of a territorial empire, their wrongs would l)e righted and
their manly resistance to oppression understood and approved. It was
only when every means of conciliation had failed and every hope of
redress had been disappointed that these men embarked on the wild sea
of revolution, and the phrase "sink or swim, survive or perish,"
became the enforced watchword of their progress to independence.
It was while these measures were still matters of discussion, and all
THE POSITION OF THE CLERGY. 4.') J
mon's minds were waiting tiie revelations of an impenetrable future, and
questioning as to right and duty, that the influence ofthe leading clergy
in New York was most patiently and perseveringly exercised in the
interests of the crown. By sermons, in newspaper articles, by discus-
sions at the "coff'ee-houses," — these noted places for the spreading or
manufacture of intelligence and the moulding of popular opinion, — these
gifted, keen, intelligent men were untiring in their efforts to counteract
the wild schemings for independence manifested by the people of Massa-
chusetts, which were indorsed only by the bolder spirits of the Sons of
Liberty of New York. The following letter will clearly indicate the
attitude of the contending parties of the times : —
It is true that the Presbyterian Junto, or self -constituted Committee of the
Sons of Liberty for the city of Netv York (as they style themselves), whicli had stood
ever smce the time of the Stamp Act, had taken upon them to -ivrite letters to Boston
to their brethren there, assuring them, " that the city of New York would heartily
join them against the cruel and arbitrary proceedings of the British Parliament,"
etc., which as soon as the gentlemen of proiierty in this city knew, they were veiy
justly alarmed, and a meeting of the inhabitants was desired at the Coifee House,
when, in spite of all that could be done by the old committee, which consisted of
eight or ten flaming patriots without property, or anything else but impudence, a
new committee was chosen, consisting of fifty members, most of them men of sense,
coolness, and property ; and I understand that nearly the same thing was done at
Philadelphia.
You will have discovered that I am no friend to Presbyterians, that I fix all
the blame of these extraordinary Arnerican proceedings upon them. You would,
perhaps, think it proper to ask, whether no Church of England people were among
themi' Yes, there were, to their eternal shame Ijg it spoken! but in general they
were interested in the motion, either as smugglers of tea, or as being overburdened
with drj' goods they l<new not how to pay for, & would therefore have been glad
to have a nou-importation agreement, or a resolution to pay no debts to England.
But, sir, these are few in number. Believe me the Presbyterians have been the cliici'
& principal instruments in all these flaming measures, & tliej' always do &
ever will act against Government, from that restless & turbulent auti-nionarcliical
spirit which has always distinguished them evcrJ^vhere, whenever they had, or by
any means could assume power, however illegally. In short, I am nij'.self well con-
vinced, that if Government would wish to preserve and encourage loyalty in the
Colonies, they must countenance the Church of England much more than they have
done hitherto. It is .an indubitable fact that previous to, and during all thdse acts
of violence committed in the Colonies, especially to the eashvard, the Presbyterian
pulpits gi'oaned with the most wicked, malicious & inflammatory har.angues, pro-
nounced by the fitvorite orators amongst tliat sect, spiriting their Godly hearers to
the most violent opposition to (iovernment; persuading them that the intention of
(iovernmcnt was to rule them with arod of iron, & to make lliem all slaves; and
assuring them that if they would rise as one man to oppose those arbitrary schemes.
God would assist them to sweep away eveiy ministerial tool (the amiable name these
wretches are pleased to bestow on the professors of the Church) I'rom the face of the
earth ; tliat now was the time to strike, whilst (iovernment .at liome was afriiid of
them ; together with a long stiing of such seditious stuft", well calculated to impose
on the poor devils their hearers, .and make them rim into every degree of extrava-
gance and folly, which if I foresee aright, they will have leisure enough to besori-y
for: But in general, the Church of 7? wr/?«W(Z people during .all this time, without
any public oratory to spur them, did, from principle, from their own tnily loval
principles, in which care is taken to educate them, every thing they could by writing
and .argument, & their influence, to stop the rapid progress of sedition, wliich would
have gone mueli farther lengrt^hs if it liad not been for them.'
As the season advanced the feelings of the people deepened in
* Extracts of a letter from a jrentlcraan in Xow York, toliis correspondent in Loudon, .May 31,
1774. — Am. .irchires, Series iv., Vol. T., pp. lilXI-301, vole.
452 niSTOIiY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
iiiten.sity. Tho following communication from Dr. Joseph Warren,
although not a churchman, to the " Boston Gazette," will indicate
a change in popular sentiment, which is the more valual)lc as coming
from so pure and trustworthy a source : —
Boston, September 24, 1774.
To the Printers of the Boston Oazette, —
As I have been informed that the conduct of some few i)ersons of tlie
Episcopal (lenominntion, in maintaining principles inconsistent with the viglits
DR. JOSEl'II WARREN, FROM A PAINTING BY COPLEY, 1774, IN THE
POSSESSION OF DR. DtTKMINSTER BROWN, BOSTON.
and libei'ties of mankind, has given offence to some zealous friends of this
country, I think myself obliged to publish the following extract of a letter, dated
September 9, 1774, which I received from my worthy and patriotic friend, Mr.
Samuel Adams, a Member of the Congress now sitting in Philaiklpliia, by 'whicli
it appears, that however injudicious .so'mc individuals may have been, the gentle-
men of the established church of England arc men of the most just and liberal
sentiments, and are high in the esteem of the most sensible and resolute defenders
THE POSITION OF THE CLERGY. 453
of the rights of the people of this Continent ; and I earnestly request my country-
men to avoid everything which our enemies may make use of to prejudice our
JCpiscopal brethren against us, by representing us as disposed to disturb them in
the free exercise of their religious privileges ; to which we know tliey have the
most undoubted claim ; and which, from a real regard to the honor and interest of
my country, and the rights of mankind, I hope they will enjoy as long as the name
of America is known in the world. J. Warren.
" After settling the mode of voting, which is by giving each t'olony an equal
voice, it was agreed to open the business with prayer. As many of our wannest
friends are members of the Church of England, I thought it prudent, as well on
that as some other accounts, to move that the service should be performed by a
clergyman of tliat denomination. Accordingly, the lessons of the tlay and jsrayer
were read by the Reverend Doctor Diiche, wwio afterwards made a most excellent
extemporary prayer, by which he discovered himself to be a gentleman of sense
and piety, and a warm advocate for the religious and civil rights of America.''^ '
This memorable scene has been made the subject of artistic treat-
ment, and is familiar to every one. It is noted, with reference to this
solemn inauguration of the cause of the colonies by the use of the
church's prayers, that Mr. Duch6 appeared in full canonicals, attended by
one of his clerks. He used the prescribed forms for the day, September
7, 1774; including in the Psalter Psalm xxxv. Its suitableness to
the occasion produced a deep impression. The invitation to Duch6 had
proceeded from Samuel Adams, the bitter opponent of tlie Church,
and especially inimical to the introduction of bishops into America. In
making the motion he observed that " he could hear a prayer from a
gentleman of piety and virtue." ^ Washington alone, of the assembly,
we are told, knelt during the prayers.
In Philadelphia the clergy had from the first arrayed themselves
on the patriotic side. On the 23d of June, 1775, Dr. Smith preached
a sermon in Christ Church, " on the present situation of American
affairs." It was delivered before a battalion of the volunteer militia
of Philadelphia, and in the presence of the members of Congress and
"a vast concourse of people."' The impression produced by this re-
markable discourse was unexampled. Edition after edition was called
for in Philadelphia, in Delaware, and elsewhere. The Chaml^crlain
of London ordered ten thousand coi)ies to be printed at his expense,
and distributed freely or sold at a nominal price. Other editions
appeared in various cities. It was translated in several foreign lan-
guages. In the preface the author states his position, and that of his
l)rethren : —
Animated with the purest zeal for the mutual interests of Great Britain and
the Colonies, evidently panting for the return of those Halcyon days of harmony,
during which both comitries tiourislied together as the glory and wonder of the
world ; he thought it his duty, with the utmost impartiality, to attempt a statement of
the unhappy contrcjversy which rent the empire in pieces ; and to show if jierad-
venture he might be permitted to vouch for his fellow-eitizons, so far as he had been
conversant among them, that the idea of an independence upon the Parent eounti-y,
or the least licentious opposition to its just interests, were utterly foreign to their
thoughts ; that tliey contended only for the sanctity of charters and laws, together
with the right of granting their own money ; and that our riglitful Sovereign had
nowhere more lo3al subjects, or more zealously attached to those principles of
government, under whicli his family inherits the throne.
' Am. Ai-ch., Series rv., i., p. 802. ' Life ami t'oiiespoudeuce of tlie Rev. Will
' Life and WorksofJobn Adams, II. ,11. 36S. iam Smith, D.D., i., p. 507.
454 UISTOKY OK TUE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CUURCU.
But the views of the Philadelphia clergy are better expressed iu
their own language : —
Philadelphia , June 30th, 1775.
My Lord, -- We now sit down luider deep affliction of mind to addi-ess your
Lordship upon a subject, in whicii the very existence of our Church in America
seems to be interested. It has lon^ been our fervent ijraver to Almighty God that
tlie unhappy conti-overs}' between the Parent Countiy and these Colonies might be
terminated upon Principles honourable and advantageous to both wthout proceed-
ing to the extremities of civil war and the horrors of bloodshed. We have long
lamented that such a spirit of Wisdom and Love could not mutually prevail, as
mjo'ht devise some liberal plan for this benevolent pmiiose ; and we have spared no
pains in our power for advancing such a spirit so far as our private influence ;ind
atlvice could extend. But as to public advice we have hitheito thought it our duty
that wo were opposed to the Interest of the Country in which we live. But the
time is now come, my Lord, when even our silence would be misconstrued and when
we are called upon to take a more public part. The Continental Congress have
recommended the 20th of next month as a day of Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer
thro' all the Colonies Our Congregations, too, of all Ranks have associated them-
selves, determined never to submit to the Parliamentary claim of taxing them at
pleasure and the Blood already spilt in maintaining this claim is unhappily alien-
ating the afl'ections of many from the Parent Country and cementing them closer iu
the niost fixed purpose of a Resistance dreadful even in Contemplation. Under
those circumstances our people call upon us antl think they have a right to our
advice in the most public manner from tlie Pulpit. Should we refuse, our Princi-
ples would be misrepresented and even our religious usefulness destroyed among
our People. And our complying may perhaps be interpreted to our disadvantage
in the Parent Countiy. Under these diliiculties (which have been increased by the
necessity some of our Brethren have apprehended themselves imder of quitting
their charges) and being at a great distance from the advice of our superiors, we
had only our own consciences and each other to consult, and have accordingly
determined out that part which the general good seems to require. AV^e were the
more willing to comply with the request of om- Fellow Citizens as we were sure
their Respect for us was so great, that they did not even wish any thing from us
inconsistent with our characters as Ministers of the Gospel of Peace. Military
Associations are no new things in this Provence where we never have any Militia
Law. They subsisted during the different Alarms in the last war, and they now
subsist under the special countenance of our own Assemblies professing the most
steady Loyalty to His Majesty, together with an earnest desire of re-establishing
our former haiTnony with tlie Mother Country, and submitting in all things agree-
able to the ancient modes of Government among us. Viewing matters in this light,
and considering that not only that they were members of our own congregations
who called upon us, but that sermons have heretofore been preached to such bodies
we thought it advisible to take our turn with the Ministers of other Denominations :
and a Sermon was accordingly preached by Dr. Smith the 17th instant, in which
he thought it necessary to obviate any misrepresentations that might be made of the
I'rinciples of our Church. Mr. Duch6 is likewise to preach on the 7th July, upon
a similar Invitation and all our Clergy throughout the Colonies, we believe, will
preach on the day recommended by the Continental Congress for a Fast And God
knows that exclusive of such a Recommendation, there never was a Time when
I'rayer and Humiliation were more incumbent upon us. Tho' it has of late been
difficult for us to advise, or even correspond as usual with our Brethren the Clergy
of New York, we find that they have likewise in their Turn officiated to their Pro-
vincial Congi-ess now sitting there as Mr. Duch6 did both this year & the last at
the opening of the Continental Congi-ess. Upon this fair and candid state of things,
we hope your Lordship will think our conduct has been such as became us and we
pray that we may be considered as among llis Majesty's most dutiful & Loyal sub-
jects in this & evei-y other ti-ansaction of our lives. Would to God that we could
become mediators for tlie Settlement of the umiatural Controversy that now dis-
tracts a once happy Emjiire. All that we can do is to pray for such a Settlement
THE POSITION OF THE CLKRGY. 456
ami to pmsuo those riinciples of Moderation and Reason whic)i yonr liOrdsliip h;i3
always recommended to us. \Vc have neither Interest nor Consequence sullicient
to take any ^eat Lead in the Aftairs of this great Coimtiy. The people will i'eel
and judge for themselves in matters alVecting their own civil happiness; and were
we capable of any attempt wliich might have the appearance of drawing them to
what thej- think would bo a Slavish Uesignation of their Rights, it would be
destiiiotivn to ourselves as well as to the Church of which wo are ministers But
it is but justice to our Superiors and your Lordship in particular to declare that
such conduct has never been required of us. Indeed eould it possibly be required
we are not backward to say that om- Consciences would not permit lis to injure
the Rights of the Country. We are to leave our families in it and cannot but con-
sider its Inhabitants entitled as well as their Brethren in England to the Right of
granting their own money, and that every attempt to deprive them of this Right
will either bo found abortive in the end or attended with evils which would infi-
nitely outweigh all the Benefit to be obtained by it. Such being our persuasion,
we must again declare it to be our constant Prayer, in which we are sure your
Lordsliip joins that the hearts of good & benevolent men in both Countries may be
directed towards a Plan of Reconciliation wortliy of being offered by a great
Nation that have long been the Patrons of Freedom throughout the world, and not
imworthy of being accepted by a People sprung from them, and by birlh claiming
a participation of their Rights. Our late worthy Governor, the Hon'"'" Rich. Penn,
esq., does us the favor to be the beai'cr hereof, and has been pleased to say he will
deliver it to your Lordship in Person. To him therefore we beg leave to refer
yonr Lordship for the truth of the facts above set forth. At the ensuing meeting
of our Corporation for the relief of Widows, &e., which will be in the first week in
October ne.xt We shall have an opportimity of seeing a Niunber of oiu' Brethren
together and consulting more generally vrith them upon the present state of our
affairs and shall be happy on all occasions in the continuance of your Lordship's
paternal Advice and Protection.
Signed :
RICHARD PETERS,
W" SMITH,
JACOB DUCHfi,
THOMAS COOMBE,
WILLLAM STRINGER,
WILLIAM WHITE.
Wliile these matters were transpiring at the southward the ex-
citement in New York had become intense. Scarcely were the
measures of the Continental Congress made public, through the press,
when the clerical party in the citj^ undertook their critical examination,
and sought in print, and in public and private speech, to counteract
their influence and evident tendencies to open revolt. Pamphlets on
the one side or the other, articles in the weekly gazettes, and broad-
sides, with flaming head-lines and all the artifices within the printer's
power to compel attention and secure a reading, came thick and fast.
Two pamphlets on the proceedings of the Continental Congress,
marked with unusual ability, and couched in an easy and fomilinr style,
were issued from the press; and distributed freely througliout the prov-
ince, and far and wide besides. No name of author or printer aj)-
peared, and while the writer was evidently well-informed, and had,
besides, the gift of incisive argument and resistless logic that could
not well be gainsaid, the only resource of the exasperated Sons of Lib-
erty was to mete out to the hapless pamphlets the punishment of being
tarred, feathered, and nailed to the pillory, they would gladly have
visited upon the nameless author. That these ebullitions of popular
fin-y were no fitting reply to the caustic criticisms of the "Friendly
Address to all Reasonable Americans, on the Subject of our Political
456 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAI. CHURCH.
Confusion," and the "Free Thoughts on the Proceedings of the Con-
tinental Congress," by "A. W. Farmer,"' was evident to the more
thoughtful of the patriotic party, and the work of answering these ob-
jectionable pamphlets Avas felt to be a necessity. Within a fortnight^
from the appearance of the " Farmer's " free thoughts, there was
issued " A Full Vindication of the Measures of the Congi-ess from the
Calumnies of their Enemies, in Answer to a Letter under the Signa-
ture of A.W. Farmer," comprising "A General Address to the Inhab-
itants of America, and a Particular Address to the Farmers of the
Province of New York," by "A Friend of America." The effect of
this admirable reply was magical. The tide of popular feeling was
turned at once. In thought, argument, and style the work was mas-
terly. Almost simultaneously with the appearance of this answer, and,
as before, without printer's or writer's name, appeared another pam-
phlet from the Westchester fanner, entitled: "An Examination into
the Conduct of the Delegates at their Grand Convention, ....
addressed to the Merchants of New York," in the appendix of which
the challenge was thrown out to the author of " A Full Vindication "
to answer this later publication within ten days, that both of his
replies might receive consideration at the same time. Promptly on
the day assigned, which chanced to be Christmas Eve, the farmer's let-
ter, addressed to the author of "A Full Vindication," appeai'ed from
the press of James Rivington. It was not until the following Febru-
ary that the reply came, entitled : "The Fanner Refuted ; or, A More
Impartial and Comprehensive View of the Dispute between Great
Britain and her Colonies, intended as a Further Vindication of the
Congress." It was issued from Rivington's press, and the learning,
argument, earnestness, and maturity of this reply commanded respect,
and it was felt to be irresistible. These able defences of the popular
cause were from the pen of a stripling of eighteen years of age, — a
student, at the time, of King's College, and a youth of brilliant prom-
ise indeed, but quite unknown before to fame. In these remarkable
pamphlets Alexander Hamilton won his spurs. Dr. jNIyles Cooper, no
mean judge, ridiculed the idea that these answers, which had proved so
damaging to the cause the president had espoused, could be written
by one so young ; but abundant proof is furnished, were any needed,
in view of the writer's after-career, to ascribe the authorship to the
student of King's. Other pamphlets followed, some marked with abil-
ity, and some destitute of anything but scurrility ; but "A Westchester
Farmer" was heard no more. His share in these measures was
brought to a summary close.
It was not known with certainty, though strongly suspected, at
the time, that the rector of Westchester, the Rev. Samuel Seaburj'.
afterwards an Oxford " D.D." and the first bishop of Connecticut, a man
' Dated Novembe 16, 1774. The motto of we have di-awn many of our facts, in the " Life
the " Fnendly Address " was : " Am I therefore and Epoch of Alexander Hamilton : A 1 listorical
become yonr enemy, because I tell you the Study," by the Honorable Geor;xe Shea, Chief
truth? — St. Paul;" and that of (he second Justice ot the Marine Court. Second edition,
pamphlet was: "Hear me, for I will speak." Revised and condensed. Boston; 1880, chapters
= On the 15th of December, 1774. Vide an n., vii., pp. 24,'i-341.
admirable risumi of this coutrovci-sy from which
THE POSITION OF THE CLERGY. 457
of strong convictions, clear logical perceptions, thorouglily furnished
for liis work by stud}', Icai-ning, and a stern sense of duty^ tireless in his
advocacy of the cause of church or crown, was the author of these able
pamphlets, which, but for the I)rilliant essays of the youthful Hamilton,
might have contirmed the people of New York in their hesitancy and
indecision with reference to the resistance unto l)lood of the measures
of the British Parliament. It is evident that tlic inspiration of Sea-
bury in his political writings Avas the fear of the Puritan supremacy
and the consequent subjugation or extinction of the Church. lie had
entered into the field of polemics almost immediately upon his settle-
ment in the province. Acquainted as he was with the objects and aims
of the Puritan and Presliyterian parties ; fearing that the principles
and purposes of ]\Iayhew and Chauncy, Ilobart and Welles, in New
England, and Livingston and his party in New York and New Jersey,
and Allison and others in Pennsjdvania, planned the destruction of the
Church as well as resistance to the will of the crown, he was not the
one to sit tamely by when " periodical papers and essays began to
be published in New York, tending to corrupt the principlesof the
people with regard to government, and to weaken their attachment to
the Constitution of this Country both in Church and State." ^ " In con-
junction with a number of his brethren and friends," he wrote "-several
essays and papers in answer tothe Walchtoicer," Livingston'spublication,
" with a view to prevent the ill etfects it might have on the minds of the
people." "Some years after, when it was evident, from continued pub-
lications in newspapers, and from the uniting of all the jarring inter-
ests of the Independents and Presbyterians from jNIassachusetts to
Georgia, under grand committees and synods, that some mischievous
scheme was meditated against the Church of England and the British
Government in America," he entered into an agreement with the
Eev. Dr. T. B. Chandler, then of Elizabethtown, N. J., and the Rev.
Dr. Inglis, the rector of Trinity Church, in the city of New York,
"to watch all publications, either in newspapers or pamphlets, and
so to obviate the evil influence of such as appear to have a bad
tendency by the speediest answers." Assiduously did this able and
earnest man perform his part of this compact. At length, "perceiving
matters were taking a most serious and alarming turn," he " thought it
his duty to exert his utmost abilities and influence in support of the
government." Under his guidance, aided by his friend, Isaac Wilkins,
" near four hundred friends of government assembled at the White
Plains, who openly opposed and protested against any congress, con-
vention, or committee, and who were determined, if possible, to sup-
port the legal government of their country." So bold and determined
was this reactionary movement, and so dangerous was this one man's
influence, that "there was no way of getting rid of such an opposition
but for the disafl'ected in New York to send for an armed force from
Connecticut into the county of Westchester, which they did, and under
its power carried all their points."^
Acquainted as the well-known rector of Westchester was with the
• Seaburj- MSS., quoted in Shea's " Hamilton," p. 294. ' Ibid., p. 29G.
458 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
leading men of the time, we may well believe that it was the influence
of his personal interviews "with at least one-third" of its members and
his anonj'mous " Alarm to the Legislature of New Yoi'k" that made the
ColoniMl Assembly of January-April, 1775, decline to couiirm the
action, and refuse to recognize the authority, of the Congress, and to
memorialize, even at this late day, the King and Parliament.
Suspicions were now rife that the AVestchester parson was the
inspiration of tliis retrograde movement as well as the author of the
hated pamphlets bearing the nom de plume of "A Westchester
Farmer." Soon after the adjournment of this obsequious assembly
the attempt was made l)y a body of troops stationed at Ilye to arrest
"Wilkins and Seabury. For the time tiiey escaped ; "Wiikins retiring
to England and Seabury remaining to advise and assist in the meas-
ures of the royalists, with whom he was in constant communication,
and by whom he was I'ecognized as a leader and guide. At length,
on the 22d of November, 1775, a party of Connecticut militia entered
New York, and took away with them the types and printing material of
Rivington, the loyalist printer. This high-handed act, and the seizure
of Seabury a few days before hy the same lawless party, was the
final answer of the Sons of Liberty to the arguments and influence of
the " tory parson." It is to the credit of Hamilton that lie openly re-
pudiated and resented this style of popular argument.
AVe cannot better tell the story of the daj's that followed than in
the words of the actors in those scenes, and, if the tale that they recite
is long and wearisome in its details, it may be borne in mind that these
words are those of men of mark, who, though on the wrong side,
must be credited with a conscientious devotion to their mistaken idea
of duty and a readiness to sufler in the cause of church and crown,
even to the death if need required. They did what they believed to
be their duty to the king and state, and, though worsted and ruined in
the struggle, these words come to us as the utterances of brave, true
men, no less worthy of our respect and remembrance than their
brethren who dared as much, but judged more wisely of the end.
We give below the letter of the liev. Dr. Inglis, afterwards first
bishop of Nova Scotia, addressed to the secretary of the venerable
society. It will well repay perusal : —
New York, Oct. 31, 1776.
Reverend Sir, — The confusions which have prevailed in North America for
some time past must have necessarily interrupted the correspondence of the Mission-
aries with the Society, and that to such a degree as to leave the Society in the
dark with respect to the situation, both of the Missionaries and the Missions, at
present. I flatter myself, therelbre, that a short authentic account of them, and of
the Church of England in general, in this and the adjacent colonies, may be ac-
ceptable to the society at this most critical period. The success of his Majesty's
arms in reducing this city, and driving out the rebels, the loth of last month,
aifords me an opptntunity of doing this, as packets are now again established
between this jjort and England. I have the pleasure to assure yon that all the
Society's Missionaries, without excepting one, in New Jersey, New York, Connect-
icut, and, so far as I can learn, in the other New England colonies, have proved
themselves faithful , loyal subjects in these trying times ; and have to the utmost of
their power opposed the spirit of disaffection and rebellion which has involved this
continent in the greatest calamities. I must add that all the other clergy of our church
THE POSITION OF THE CLERGY. 459
in the above colonies, thougli not in the society's service, have obsei-ved tlie same
lino of conduct; and altliouj^li their joint endeavours could not wlwlly prevent the
rebellion, yet they checked it considerably ibr some time, and prevented many
thousands from plunging into it who otherwise certainly would have done so.
You have, doubtless, been long since informed by my wortliy friends, Dr
Chandler and Dr Cooper, to what a height our violences were risen so early as IMay
1775, when tliey both were obliged to lly from hence, and seelc protection in Eng-
land. The violences have been gradually incre.asing ever since, and this, with the
delay of sending over succours, and the king's troops totally idjandoning this prov-
ince, reducing the friends of the government here to a most disagreeable and
dangerous situation, particularly the clorg}-, who were viewed with peculiar envy
and malignity by the disaffected, for, although civil liberty was the ostensible object,
the bait that was Hung out to catch tlie populace at large and engage them in the
rebellion, yet it is now past all doubt that an abolition of the Church of England
was one of the principal springs of the dissenting loaders' conduct: and lience the
unanimity of dissenters in this business. Their universal defection from govern-
ment, emancipating themselves from the jurisdiction of Great Britain, aud becom-
ing independent, was a necessary stej) toward this grand object. 1 have it from
good authority that the Presbyterian ministers, at a synod where most of them in
the midiUe colonies were collected, passed a resolve to support the continental
congress in all their measures. This and this only can account for the unitbrmity
of their conduct, for I do not know one of them, nor have I been able, after strict
inquiry, to hear of any, who did not, by preacliing and every eflbrt in their power,
promote all the measures of the congress, however extravagant.
The Clergy, amidst this scene of tumult and disorder, went on .steadily %v'ith
their duty, in their sermons conflning themselves to the doctrines of the Gospel
without toucliing on politics, using their influence to allay our heats and cherish a
spirit of loyalty among the jieoplo. This conduct, however harmless, gave great
oflence to our ilaming patriots, who laid it down as a maxim, Tliat those who were
not for thera were against them. The Clergy were everj^vhero threatened, often
reviled with the most opprobrious language, sometimes treated with brntal violence.
Some have been carried by anucd mobs into distant provinces, where they were
detained in close confinement for several weeks, and much insulted, without any
crime being even alleged against them. Some have been flung into jail by com-
mittees for frivolous suspicions of plots, of which even their persecutors afterwards
acquitted them. Some who were obliged to fly their own province to save their
lives have been taken prisoners, sent back, and are threatened to be tried for their
lives because tliey fled from danger. Some have been pulled out of the reading
desk because they prayed for the king, and that before indopendeucy was declared.
Others have been warned to appear at militia musters with their arms, have been
fined for not appearing, and threatened with imprisomnent for not paying those
fines. Others have had their houses pUmdered, and their desks broken open under
pretence of their containing treasonable papers.
I could fill a volume with such instances ; and you may rely on the facts which
I have mentioned as indubitable, for I can name the persons, and have these par-
ticulars attested in the simjjlest manner. The persons concerned are all my
acquaintances, and not very distant ; nor did they draw tliis treatment on themselves
by any imprudence, but for adhering to their duty, which gave oflence to some
demagogues, wlio raised mobs to persecute them on that account. Whatever re-
luctance or pain a benevolent heart may feel in recounting such things, which are,
indeed, a disgrace to humanity and religion, yet they ought to be held up to view,
tlio more efl'ectually to expose the baneful nature of persecution, make it detestable,
and put mankind on their guard against its first approaches. Were every instance
of this kind faitlifully collected, it is probable that the sufl'erings of the American
clergy would appear, in many respects, not inferior to those of the English clergy
in the great rebellion of the last century ; and snch a work would be no bad supple-
ment to "Walker's Sufl'erings of the Clergy." The present rebellion is certainly
one of the most causeless, unprovoked, and unnatural that ever disgraced any
countiy; a rebellion marked with peculiarly aggravated circumstances of guilt and
ingi'atitude, yet amidst this general defection, there are very many who have ex-
hibited instances of fortitude and adherence to their duty which do honour to
human nature and Christianity ; many who, for the sake of a good conscience, have
incurred insults, persecutions, and loss of property, when a compliance with the
spirit of the times had insured them applause, profit, and that eminence of which
460 mSTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
the human heart is naturally so fond. Perhaps such cases are the most trying to a
man's fortitude, much more so, in my opinion, than those which are sudden, and
where danger, thougii more apparent, yet is not more certain or real. The one is
like a weight incessantly pressing on us, which wastes and consumes our strength ;
the other, like a transient impulse, which, by a sudden exertion of strength, may
be resisted. It is but justice to say that those instances were exhibited by members
of our chittch : there is not one of the clergy in the provinces I have specified, of
whom this may not be affirmed ; and very lew of the laity who were respectable
or men of property have joined in the rebellion.
Thus matters continued ; the clergy proceeding regularly in the discharge of
their duty when the hand of violence did not interfere, uutil the beginning of last
Jidy, when the congress thought proper to make an explicit declaration of in-
dependency, by which all connection with Great Britain was to be broken off, and
the Americans released from any allegiance to our gracious sovereign. For my
p.art I had long expected this event : it was what the measures of the congress
from the beginning uniformly and necessarily led to. This declaration increased
the embarrassments of the clergy. To officiate publicly, and not pray for the king
and royal family according to the liturgy, was against their duty and oath, as well
as the dictates of their conscience ; and yet to use the prayers for the king and royal
family would have drawn inevitable destruction on them. The only course which
they could pursue, to avoid both evils, was to suspend the public exercise of their
function, and shut up their churches.
This accordingly was done. It is very remarkable that, although the clergy
of those provinces 1 have mentioned did not, and indeed could not consult each
other on this interesting occasion, yet they all fell into the same method of shutting
up their churches. The venerable Mr. Beach, of Comiecticut, only is to be excepted,
if my information be right, who officiated as usual after independency was de-
clared, and, upon being warned of his danger, declared, vnth the lirmness and spirit
of a primitive confessor : ' ' That he would do his duty, preach, and praj' for the king
till the rebels cut out his tongue." All the chm-ches in Coimecticut (Mr. Beach's
e.xcepted, if tlie above account be true, and I had it from pretty good authority) , as
well as those in this province, except in this city. Long Island, and Staten Island,
where Ills JIajesty's arms have penetrated, are now shut up. This is also the case
with every church in New Jersey ; and I am inlbrmed by a gentleman lately re-
turned frinn Pennsylvania, who had beeu a prisoner there for some time, that the
churches in the several iMissions ot that province are shut up, one or t^vo excepted,
where the prayers for the king and royal family are omitted. The chiu'ches in Phil-
adelphia are open. How matters are circumstanced in the more southerly colonies,
I cannot learn witli any certainty ; only that the provincial convention of Virginia
have taken upon themselves to publish an edict, by which some collects for tlie king
are to be wholly omitted in the liturgy, and others altered, the word " conmion-
wealth " being sulistituted for the king. For my part, I never expected much good
of those clergy among them who opposed an American episcojxite. If such should
now renounce their allegiance, and abandon their duty, it is no more than might
naturally be looked for. There are, however, several worthy clergymen in those
provinces, some of whom have taken sanctuary in England, particularly from Mary-
land. This pro^^nee, although the most loj-al and peaceable of any on the conti-
nent, by a strange fatality is become the scene of war, and suflers most. This city,
especially, has a double jjoition of calamities, brought on by the present rebellion ;
and perhaps a brief detail of our situation for some months past, may gratify emi-
osity, and convey to the Society the clearest idea of the state of things here. Upon
General Howe's dopartm'e from Boston to Halifax, early in the last Spring, the rebel
array was drawn to this city, which they fortified in the best manner they could, ex-
pecting it would be attacked. Most of the inhabitants, warned l)y these symptoms
of the gathering storm, moved into the country, and carried their valuable effects
with them. Among others, I moved my family, consisting of a wife and three small
children, seventy uules up the Hudson River where they still remain, that part of
the country being yet possessed by tlie rebels. Dr. Auchmuty the rectur, being
much indisposed during the Spring and Summer, retired with his family to Bruns-
wick, in New Jersey ; and the care of the churches in his absence of eom'se devolved
on me as the oldest assistant — a situation truly difficult and trying in such times,
especially as the other assistants were young and inexperienced, though very loyal
and otherwise worthy young men. About the middle of April, Mr. Washington,
commander-in-cliief of the rebel forces, came to town with a large reinforcement.
THE POSITION OF THE CLERGY. 461
Animated by his presence, and I suppose encouraged by him, the rebel committees
vciy much liarasscd tlie loyal inhabitants here and on Long Island. Thoy were
summoned before those committees, and upon refusing to give up their arms and
take the oaths that were tendered, they were imprisoned or sent into banishment.
An army was sent to Long Island to disarm tlie inhabitants who were distinguished
for their loyalty. JIany had their property destroyed, and more were carried off
prisoners. It sliould be observed tliat members of the (Jhurch of England wei'o the
only sutterers on this occasion. Tlie members of tlie Dutch church are very numer-
ous there, and many of them joined in opposing the rebellion, yet no notice was
fciken of them, nor the least injury done to them. About this time Mr. Bloomer
administered the sacrament at Newton, wiiere lie had but four or live male com-
municants, the rest having been driven off or carried away prisoners. At this
present time there are many hundreds from tliis city and province prisoners in New
England ; among these the mayor of New York, several judges and members of his
Majesty's council, witli other respectable inhabitants.
Soon after Washington's arrival he attended our church ; but on Sunday
morning, before divine sei-vice, one of the rebel generals called at the rector's
house (supposing the Latter was in town), and not tinding him, left word that he
came to inform the rector that General Washington would be at churcli and would
be glad if the violent prayers for the king and roj-al family were omitted, 'i'his
message was brought to me, and, as you may suppose, I paid no regard to it.
On seeing that General not long after, I remonstrated against the unreason-
ableness of his request, which he must know the clergy could not comply with,
and told him further, that it was in liis power to shut up our churches, but by no
means in his power to make the clergy depart li-om their duty. This declaration
drew from liim an awkward apology for his conduct, which, I believe, was not
authorized by Washington. Sucli incidents would not be worth mentioning, un-
less to give those who are at a distance a better idea of the spirit of the times.
Jlay ITtli was appointed by the congress as a day of jjublic fasting, ])rayer and
humiliation throughout the continent. At the unanimous request of the members
of our churcli wiio were then in town, I consented to jjreach that day, and, indeed,
om- situation made it highly ]irudcnt, though a submission to an authority that was
so far usurped was exceedingly grating and disagreeable. In giving notice the
preceding Sunday, I only mentioned that there would be a sermon the ensuing
Friday, which was tlie 17th, without saying anything of the reason or by what
authority. It was exceedingly difficult for a loyal clergyman to jDreach on such an
occasion, and not incur danger on the one hand, or not depart from his duty on the
other. I endeavoured to avoid both, making peace and repentance my subject, and
explicitly disclaiming having anything to do with politics. This sermon, in the
composition of which I took much pains, I intend to publish, for varinus reasons,
should I be able to recover it from tlie place where it is now, with all my books
and papers, in the country. The several churches in this province (except two
where the clergymen thought they might without danger omit service), and so far
as I can learn, through all the thirteen united colonies, as they are called, were
opened on this occasion.
IMatters now became critical here in the higliest degree. The rebel army
amounted to ne.arly 30,000. All tlieir cannon and military stores were drawn
hither, and they boasted that the place was impregnable. The mortifications and
alarms wliicli the clergy met with were innumerable. I lia\e frequently lieard
myself called a Tory, a traitor to my country, as I passed the streets, and epithets
joined to each, which decency forbids me to set down. Violent threats were
thrown out against us, in case the king were any longer prayed for. One Sunday,
when I was officiating, and had proceeded some length in the service, a com])any
of about one hundred armed rebels niai-ched into the Churcli with drums beating
and fifes playing, their guns loaded and bayonets fixed as if going to battle. The
congregation was thrown into tlie utmost terror, and several women fainted, ex-
pecting a massacre was intended. I took no notice of them but went on with the
service, only exerted my voice, which was in some measure drowned by the noise and
tumult. The rebels stood thus in tlie aisle for near fifteen minutes, till, being asked
into pews by the sexton, they complied. Still, liowever, the peojile expected that
when the collects for the king and royal family were read, I should be fired at, as
menaces to that pni'pose liad been frcipiently flung out. The matter, liowever,
passed over without an accident. Nothing of this kind happened before or since,
which made it more remarkable. I was afterwards assm-cd that something hostile
462 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
and riolent was intended ; but He who stills the raging of the sea, and madness of
the people, overruled their purpose, whatever it was.
In tlie beginning of July, independency was declared: as tliis event was
what I long expected, I had maturely considered, and was determined, what
line of conihict to pursue. General Howe had arrived some time before from
Halifax, as did Lord Howe from Kngland. They had taken jiossession of Staten
Island, where the fleet lay in sight of this city, at the distance of nine miles; and
only waited for the arrival of the fleet from England, to make a descent and reduce
Uew York. This circumstance pointed out still more clearly what part I should
act. However, I thought it proper to consult such a vestiy as were in town,
and others of the congregation, and have their concurrence ; and I must do them
the justice to say, that they were all unanimous for shutting up the churches; and
chose rather to submit to that temporaiy inconvenience, than by omitting the
prayers for the king, give that mark of disaflection to their sovereign.
To have prayed for him, had Ijeen rash to the last degi-ee, — the inevitable
consequence had been a demolition of the churches, and the destruction of all who
frequented them. The whole rebel force was collected here, and the most violent
partisans from all parts of the continent. A fine equestrian statue of the king
was pulled down and totally demolished, immediately after independency was
declared. All the king's arms, even those on signs of taverns, were destroyed.
The committee sent me a message, which I esteemed a favour and indulgence, to
have the king's arms taken down in the Church, or else tlie mob would do it, and
might deface and injure the Churches. I immediately complied. People were not
at liberty to speak their sentiments and even silence was consti'ued as a mai-k of
disaflection.
Things being thus situated, I shut up the churches. Even this was attended
with great hazard ; for it was declaring in the strongest manner, our disapproba-
tion of independency, and that under tlie eye of Washington and his army.
The other assistants now went to their respective friends in the country. ]\Iy
family were at such a distance, and in such a part of the country, that I could not
with any degree of safety visit them; I therefore remained in the city, to visit the
sick, baptize children, bury the dead, and aft'ord what support I could to the re-
mains of our poor flock, who were much dispirited; for sevei'al, especially of the
poorer sort, had it not in their power to leave the city. After we had ceased to
officiate publicly, se\'eral of the rebel officers sent to me for the keys of the
churches, that their chaplains might preach in them ; with these requisitions I
peremptorily refused to comply, and let them know that, if they would use the
churches, they must break the gates and the doors to get in. Accordingly I took
possession of all the keys, lest the sextons might be tampered with ; for 1 could not
bear the thought that their secMtious and i-ebellious effusions should be jjoured out
in our churches. When these requisitions were repeated with threats my answer
was, that I did what I knew to be my duty, and that I would adhere to it, be the
consequences what they would. Upon tins they desisted, and did not occupy any
of the churches.
I cannot reflect on my situation at that time without the warmest emotions of
gratitude to Divine Providence for preserving me. I was watched with a jealous,
suspicious eye. Besides the imputation of being notoriously disafl'eeted — an im-
putation which had Hung others in jail without any other crime — I was known and
pointed at as the author of several pieces against the proceedings of the congress.
In February last, I wrote an answer to a pamphlet entitled " Common Sense"
which earnestly recommended and justified independency. It was one of the most
virulent, artful, and pernicious pamphlets I ever met with, and perhaps the wit of
man could not devise one better calculated to do mischief. It seduced thousands. At
the risk, not only of my liberty, but also of my life, I drew up an answer, and had
it printed here ; but the answer was no sooner advertised, than the whole impres-
sion was seized by the sons of liberty, and burnt. I then sent a copy to Phihulel-
phia, where it was printed, and soon went through the second edition. This
answer was laid to my charge, and swelled the catalogue of my political transgres-
sions. In short, I was in the utmost danger, and it is to the overruling hand of
Providence tliat I attribute my deliverance and safety. AVith difficulty I stood my
ground fill about the middle of August, when almost all who were suspected of
diaifection were taken up and sent prisoners to New England : I therefore found it
necessary to return to Flushing, on Long Island ; but I had no sooner left that
place, than the committee met, and entered into a debate about seizing me. This
THE POSITION OF THE CLERGY. 463
obliged me to shift my quarters, and keep as private as possible, till the 27th of
that month, when General Howe defeated the rebels on Long Island, which sot mo
and many others at liberty.
On Sunday, the 15th of September, General Howe, with the king's forces,
landed on New York Island, four miles above the city ; upon which the rebels aban-
doned the city, and retired toward King's Bridge, which joins this Island to the
continent. Karly on Monday morning, the Kith, I returned to the city which
exhibited a most melancholy appearance, being deserted and pillaged. J\Iy house
was plundered of everything by the rebels. My loss amounts to near £200, this
currency, or upwards of £1U0 sterling. The rebels carried off all (he bells in the
city, partly to convert them into cannon, partly to prevent notice being given
speedily of the destruction they meditated against the city by fire, when it began.
On Wednesday, I opened one of tlio churches, and solemnized Divine service,
when all the inhabitants gladly attended, and joy was lighted up in every counte-
nance on the restoration of our public worship ; for very few remained but such as
were members of our Church. Each congratulated himself and others on the
prospect of returning peace and security; but alas! the enemies of peace were
secretly working agamst us.
Several rebels secreted themselves in the houses, to execute the diabolical
purpose of destroying the city. On the Saturday following an opportunity pre-
senteil itself; for the weather being very dry, anil the wind blowing fresh, they
set fire to the city in several places at the same time, between twelve and one
o'clock in the morning. The fire raged Avith the utmost fury, and, in its destruc-
tive progress, consumed about 1000 houses, or a fourth part of the wliole city. To
the vigorous efibrts of the officers of the army and navy, and of the soldiers and
seamen, it is owing under Providence, that tlic whole city was not destroyed. We
had three chm-ches of which Trinity t'hureh was the oldest and largest. It was a
venerable edifice, had an excellent organ, which cost 8o0£ sterling, and was otlier-
wise ornamented. This church, with the rector's house and the charity school, —
the two latter, large expensive buildings — were burned. St. Paul's Church and
King's College had shared the same fate, being directly on the line of the fire, had
I not been providentially on the spot, and sent a number of people with water on
the roof of each. Our houses are all covered with cedar shingles, which make fire
very dangerous. The church corporation has suffered prodigiously, as was evi-
dently intended. Besides the buildings already mentioned about 200 houses,
which stood on the church gi'ound, were consumed, so that the loss cannot be
estimated at less than 2o,000£. sterling.
This melancholy accident, and the principal scene of war being here, will
occasion the clergy of this city to be the greatest sufferers of any on the continent bv
the present rebellion. The church corporation had some thought of applying to
his Slajesty {or a brief to collect money in England, or for leave to open a subscrip-
tion to re|)air their loss in some measure, which, I fear, will involve them in inex-
tricable difficulties, as they are already burdened with a debt of more than 20,000£,
this cmTency. But this step will probaljly be deferred till the city and country are
restored to his Majesty's peace and protection, which I hope will be soon, as a peti-
tion for this purpose, signed by near a thousand inhabitants, has been presented to
the king's commissioners. I had the honour of drawing up this petition, and from
the amiable and excellent character of the commissioners. Lord Howe and General
Howe, from whom everything brave, generous, and humane, or tending to the
interest of Great Britain, and the colonies, may be justly expected, I flatter myself
that the praj-er of our petition will soon be granted. Perhaps I should apologize
for this detail, in which I myself was so mucli concerned, but, in truth, no better
method occurred to me of conveying to you information of wliat I thought you were
desu'ous to know, and I claim no merit in doing what I always conceived to be my
duty. Any of my brethren in my situation would have done the same that I did —
many of them, probably much better.
All the missionaries in the colonies first mentioned are resident in their re-
spective Missions, although their churches are shut, except those that are now in
England, and Mr. Walter, of Boston, who is here, also Mr. Cooke, who ischai)lain
to tlie Guards, and cannot get to his Mission, as that part of the country is still in
the hands of the rebels. I fear many of the Missionaries are distressed for want
of an opportunity to draw for their salaries, and I apprehend they have not yet re-
ceived any benefit from the generous collection that was made for them in England.
Dr. Chandler some time since sent mo a list of those Missionaries in New Jersey,
464 HISTORY OF TIIK AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
New York, and Connecticut, that were to receive those benefactions, and the sum
allotted to each ; desiring that I should give them notice, and inform them how to
draw for the money. But I have not yet been able to give intelligence of this to
any, excejjt Messrs. Bloomer and Cutting — all communication by letter with the
rest being entirely cut off. Dr. Chandler also kindly informed me, that the Society
transmitted a large sum to Boston, to pay the missionaries in Massachusetts and
New Hampshire; but I im.iginc General llowe left Boston before the money could
get there ; and I have not been able to learn who the person was to whom the
money was delivered, nor what is become of it. The Missions of New Windsor
(or Is'ewbury, as it was latterly called) and of Albany are still vacant. Mr. Stuart
continues at Fort Hunter, and occasionally officiates at Johnstown. He has been
of much service in that place. The Indians imdor his care remain firm in their
attachment to the king, except one or two that were bribed into a kind of neu-
trality, with rum and some other presents, by the rebels, but will. I doubt not, be
as active as any for the king's service now that General Burgoyne has crossed the
hikes from Canada with his army, and is got into this province. Uiion the whole,
the Church of England has lost none of its members by the rebellion as yet — none,
I mean, whose departure from it can be deemed a loss ; on the contrary, its own
members are more firmly attached to it than ever. And even the sober and more
rational among dissenters — for they are not all equally violent and frantic — look
with reverence and esteem on the part which church people have acted. I have
no doubt but, with the blessing of Providence, his IVIajesty's arms will be suc-
cessful, and finally crush this unnatural rebellion. In that case, if the steps be
taken which reason, prudence, and common sense dictate, the Church will indubi-
tably increase, and these confusions will terminate in a large accession to its
members. Then will be the time to make that provision for the American Church
which is necessary, and place it on at least an equal footing with other denomina-
tions by granting it an episcopate, and thereby allowing it a full toleration. If
this opportunity is let slip, I think there is a moral certainty that such another will
never again ofler; and I must conclude, in that case, that Government is equally
infatuated with the Americans at present. If fifty years elapse without an episco-
pate here, there will be no occasion for one afterwards ; and to fix one then would
be as impr.actlble as it would be useless. And I may apj^eal to all judicious persons,
whether it is not as contrary to sound policy, as it certainly is to right reason and
justice, that the king's loyal subjects here, members of the national Church, should
be denied a privilege, the want of which will diminish their numbers, and that
merely to gratify the clamours of dissenters who have now discovered such enmity
to the constitution, and who will even clamour against anything that will tend to
benefit or increase the Cliurch here. The time, indeed, is not yet fully come to
move in this affair ; but I apjjrehend it is not very distant, and, therefore, it should
be thought of. Government will have it in its power very soon to settle this and
other matters as may be judged expedient. The clergy here will not be wanting
in anything that is in their power towards the accomplishment of so desirable an
object, and, in the mean time, would be very glad to have the Society's advice and
directions how to proceed. I may add, that the Society, taught by late experience,
will be desirous of seeing the Church placed on a more respectable footing, and so
fiir as I can judge, will join in such prudent measures as may be thought necessary,
on their part, for the attainment of it.
I shall not trespass further on your time and patience, by adding to this letter,
which Is swelled to an extraordinary length, for which the interesting occasion and
subject must be my apology, than to assure you, that I am with the most perfect
esteem and regard to yourself and the Venerable Socictj%
Reverend Sir, Your affectionate and hmnble servant,
CuARLES Ingus.
" The Kev. D. Hind."
P. S. Since tlie above was written, Dr Auchmuty is come to town, having
with great difficulty, escaped from the rebels at Brunswick.
To these sad, earnest words we add those of an humble missionary
of the society, writiujj from his place of refuge, after being driven from
church and home in Connecticut : —
THE POSITION OF THE CLERGY. 465
IBev. Mr. Sawi/er to the Secretary. — Extract.}
Flushino, Long Island, November 8th, 1779.
Rev. Sik: — The cii'cumstiinoos of llio Fairfield IMission, when I first went to
it are already known to the Society ; and since I wrote to them, the Congre;;'ation
have been so f:ir from diminishing, that they have considerably increased, not only
in numbers, but also in attachment to the Church, notwithstantting the many opjw-
sitions to religion and loyalty which have happened since. I liave great reason to
think that many who did not actually join us were prevented merely by their appre-
hension of a participation in our |)ersecutions, for which it seems their minds were
not yet sufficiently prepared. And I believe that if it shall please the Lord to restore
the Constitutional government to Connecticut, the Church will greatly increase in
that Province. The people of the parisli of Nortli Fairfield erected galleries in
their Church, shortly after they came under my care, and even with that addition,
it soon became incapable of accommodating the Congregation. They intended to
have finished it completely, hut were discouraged by the many abuses which their
Church shared in common with the other Churches in the l\Iission. Shooting
bullets through them, breaking the windows, stripping off the hangings, carrying
off the leads (even such as were essential to the preservation of the building,) and the
most beastly defilements, make but a part of the insults which were offered to them.
Add to this that ray jieoplo in general have been greatly oppressed, merely on
account of their attachment to their Church and King. 'Iheir persons have been
frequently abused, many of them have been imprisoned on the most frivolous pre-
tences, and their imprisonment aggravated with many circumstances of cruelty.
They have been heavily fined for refusing to rise in ai-ms against their Sovereign
and the legal Constitution, and many thinking their situation intolerable at home,
have, by flight, sought relief in the King's protection, at the peril of their lives,
suffering all the pungent feelings and reflections which must attend a separation
from their families under such circumstances. And not a few, impatient at so
miserable a servitude, and stimulated by I'cpeated injuries have enteretl into the
service that they might contribute their aid for the recovery of the King's rights
and their own liberties.
All these things they have endured with a patience and fortitude indicative
of the power of religion, and the steadiness of their virtue, in the lace of an oppo-
sition very violent and formidable. The loss of all my books and papers jHits it
out fif my power to transmit an exact account of the marriages, funerals, and
baptisms since tlie first year of my residence in Fairfield; but 1 think they have
not greatly altered since that time. There has been, however, a considerable
augmentation in the number of Communicants. I think on my first going to Fair-
fieFd, they did not exceed -iO; some time ago they wore considerable more than
100 ; but lately I believe something less, owing to the number of refugees hinted
at aljove. The present confusions commenced shortly after my i-emoval from the
mission of Newboro' to Fairfield, and foreseeing the calamities which have befallen
my people, I freely relinquished the rates due to me from them, by the laws of the
Trovince and informed them that I should expect only a bare subsistence for my
family during the ti-oubles, towards which the Society's bounty and my medical
employment also contributed, at the same time assuring them that I desired only
whatsoever they were respectively able and quite willing to give ; and (I will s.ay
it to their honor) my people did liot forsake nor neglect me in my gi-eat and most
threatening situation, even when their very personal safety seemed to require a
very dift'erent kind of conduct. Nothing but an opinion that it would be expected
of me could have induced me to trouble the Society with my personal concerns.
I shall therefore take uj) but little of tlieir time with it. For some time after I
went to Fairfield I lived in tolerable quiet, owing to the undecisive measures of
that period ; though always known to disapprove the public conduct, and strongly
suspected of endeavoring to counteract it. Dut this repose was soon interrupted
by a public order for disarming the Loyalists. Upon this occurring my house was
beset by more than 200 armed horsemen, whose design was to demand my arms.
But they were ior that time diverted from their ])urpose by the violent agitation
they saw the terror of their apiiearanco had thrown my wife into, and which, con-
sidering her being sick and in the latter stages of pregnancy, was indeed enough
to awaken some degree of humanity even in their breasts. After this I was con-
fined for some timelo my house and garden, by order of the person who commanded
the Militia of the Town, from which time I w.os pointed out by the leaders of the
466 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
people as an object of their hatred and detestation : and very few of my neighbors
(who were chiefly dissenters) wouhl hold any kind of society with mo, or even
with my family ; and my sons were frequently insulted, anil jjersonally abused for
cari-yinj^ provision to the jail from my house, when some of my parishioners were
conlined therein ; as well as on other occasions. After this I was advertised as an
enemy to my country (l)y an order of the Committee) for refusing to sign an asso-
ciation, \vhich obliged its subscribers to oppose the King with life and fortune, and
to withdraw all olliccs of even justice, humanity antl charity from eveiy recusant.
In consequence of this advertisement, all persons were forbitlden to hold any kind
of correspondence, or have any manner of dealing with me, on pain of bringing
tliemselvcs into the same prtnlicament. TMs order was posted up in every store,
mill, mechanical shop and ])ublic house in the country, and was repcatecUy pub-
lished in the newspapers. But through the goodness of the Lord we wanted for
nothing; our people under the cover of the night and as it were by stealth, sup-
plying us with plenty of the comforts and necessaries of life.
These measures proving insufficient to shake my attachment to his Majesty's
person and government, I was at length banished, (upon the false and malicious
))rctence of my being an enemy to the good of my Country) to a place called New
Uritain in Farruingtou about GO or 70 miles from Fairfield, where I was entirely
unknown, excejjt to one poor man ; the iuliabitants difl'ering li'om me, both in relig-
ious and political ])rinciples. However, the family in which I lived showed me
such marks of kindness as they could, and I was treated with civility by the neigh-
bors. In this exile I remained about 7 months, after which I was peiinitted to
return home to be confined to the parish of Fairfield, which is about f miles in
diameter ; my people having given security in large sums that I should not trans-
gress this limitation, and in that situation I remained about 18 months. After this
my bounds were made co-extensive with those of Fairfield county, which was a
gi'eat satisfaction to me, as it allowed me to visit the congregations of North Fair-
field and Stratfield, who had been so long deprived of my ministry, — and so I
remained otticiating 2 Sundays out of 4 at Fairfield dividing the other 2 equally
between the 2 other parishes, until I came away. We did not use any part of th'e
Liturgy lately, for I could not make it agreeable either to my inclination or con-
science to mutilate it, especially in so material a point as that is wherein our duties
as subjects are recognized. AV'e met at the usual hoiu- every Sunday, read parts of
the Old and New Testaments and some Psalms. All these were selected in such a
manner as to convey such instruction and sentiments as were suited to our situa-
tion. We sang Psalms with the same view. On the Sunday mornings I reail the
Homilies in their course, and on the afternoons I expounded either parts of the
Catechism, or some such passages of holy Scripture as seemed adapted to our case
in particular, or to the public calamities in general. By this method we enjoyed
one of the two general designs of jiublic religious meetings. I mean public instruc-
tion: the other, to wit public worship it is easy to believe was inadmissible in our
circumstances, \\ithout taking such lilaerties with the Service as I confess I should
blame even a Superior in the Church for assuming. Resolved to adhere to these
principles and public profession's, which upon very mature deliberation and clear
conviction I had adopted and made, I yielded not a tittle to those who opposed
them, and had determined to remain with my people to see the end, but was
obliged to alter this resolution by that sudden vicissitude, which I must now, with
painful reflection relate to the Society. On the 7th day of July last, JMajor General
Tryon landed at Fairfield with a body of his Majesty's troops, and took possession
of "the town and its environs, the greater part of the inhabitants having tackled
their teams and removed what they could on his approach. This cut off all hope
from the few Loyalists of saving any part of their eflects, if the town should be
burnt, every carriage being taken away Tiie General was so kind, however as to
order me a guard to protect my house and some others in its vicinity, when he had
resolved to commit the rest of the town to the flames ; for as I had already- hinted,
I had tletermined to remain at home. But the ungovernable flames soon extended
to them all, aud in a few minutes left me with a family consisting of a wife and
eight children, destitute of food, house and raiment. Thus reduced, I could not
think of remaining in a place where it would have been imjjossible to have clothed
and refurnished my family. Therefore availing myself of the protection oflered
by the present opportunity, I retired within the King's lines with them. As it was
impossible (from the want of Carriages) to save anjthing out of the house, the
valuable little library given by the Society, was burnt, together with my own, and
THE POSITION OF THE CLERGY. 467
the Plate belonjjiiig to Trinit}' C'lunvli at Fairliehl was lost, as well as that of my
own I'amilv, ami that liaudsoine Hiuivli itself was entirely eonsumed. The people
of the mission met with a lieavy stniUe in the loss of their Church, Parsonage house,
plate, books, &e, not to mention myself tlieir unworthy minister. JNIy own loss
includes my little all; but what 1 most regret is my absence from my lloek, to
which my heart was, anil still is most tenderly attached, I trust, however, that
the great Shepherd of the Sheep will keep them in his own tuition and care. I
bless the Lord for that, through all my trials, I have endeavoured to keep a con-
science void of ofl'ence toward God and toward man, continually striving to dis-
charge my duties to my Master, my King, and my people ; antl am bound to tliank
tlie Lord daily, for that divine protection, that tranquillity of mind, and that peace
of conscience, wiiicli, through his grace, I have all along enjoyed.
We might add letter to letter, like the prophet's roll, full of
"weeping, lamentation, and woe." But it needs no further extracts
from these pitiful ejiistles to excite our sympathy with these mistaken
but conscientious and devoted " confessors " for Church and king. It
is enough that they doul)tless saw reason to bless God for the final
issue of the struggle in whose opening scenes their lots were cast.
That issue brought independence to the Church for which they had
labored, lived, and would have died. The episcopate, so stoutly
opposed before, so bitterly assailed, and so persistently desired, was
among the first fruits of the happy peace, and from the ashes of
despoiled temples and the graves of inartyred sons of the Church
there sprang up, with l)eauty in place of ashes, and the garment of praise
for the spirit of heaviness, our perfected and beautified Zion, to be, as
we fondly believe, the joy of the whole earth.
n.LUSTRATIVE NOTE.
NOTICES of the clergy who espoused the popular cause in the struggle for in-
dependence, and of others wlio were prominent in their devotion to the crown,
will be found in other connections. Sufiicient appears in the present chapter to
convince the impartial reader that both ^V]lig and Tory could bo consistent chiu-ch-
men and loyal to the cause and commands of Christ, though failing to see "eye to
eye," or to agree in a matter tlio important bearings of which could not but appear
differently to men of different training, surroiuidings, sentiments, and fcistes. The
literatiu-e of this jieriod, comprising as it does sermons, addresses, political essays,
and appeals, broadsides and poetical effusions, on either side, is of no little interest.
It would require many pages for the briefest and barest bibliographical reproduc-
tion. At this period, as from the first of our history, churchmen were among the
most voluminous contributors to the publications of the American press.
Bitter as were the sufferings of the " refugee"' clergy who lost country and
home as well as the cause they espoused, it is gratifying to know that their conduct
won for them the sympathy and sujjport of the people of Great Britain. In the
sermon delivered before the Venerable Society for the Propagation of the (iospel
in Foreign Parts, at the aimiversary meeting in 1784, the Bishop of Oxford, l)r.
John Butler, thus refers to the faitlifulness and loyalty of the missionaries : —
" The characters of those worthies will entitle them to a lasting memori.al in
some future impartial history of the late events in that country. Their firm perse-
verance in their duty, amidst temptations, menaces, and in some cases cruelty,
would have distinguished tliem as meritorious men in better times. In the present
age, when persecution has tried the constancy of very few sufferers for conscience
here, so many in one cause argue a larger portion of disinterested virtue still
4G8
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
existing somewhere among mankind than a severe observer of the world might be
disposed to admit."
It may be added to what has already been said, in giving the position of the
clergy at the southward on the questions of the hour, that the lay members of the
Church in Virginia especially were foremost in their support of the popular cause.
The language of the late William C. Uives is full and clear on this point : " With-
out denying to other religious denominations their full and glorious share of the
early struggles for political liberty in Virginia, it WQuld be to blot out the records
of history not to recognize this patent fact, that the leadei's and chief actors
here (with one or two exceptions, and those not belonging to any religious
profession) were members of the Established Church." As Bishop Meade well
observes, when animadverting on the delinquencies of the clergy and their struggles
with the vestries, who were the representatives and defenders of the people's
spiritual rights as well as political liberty :" The vestries, who were the intel-
ligence and moral strength of the land, had been slowly fighting the battles of the
Revolution lor a himdred and fi.fty years. Ta.xation and representation were only
other words for support and election of ministers. The principle was the same."
It is not impossible that the source and spring of the great popular uprising which
secured for us our independence may yet be traced to the church controversies in
Virginia, instead of the town-meetings of New England.
Q/i/yiy
XUuiQitvataii; ^onoavnpt)&.
MONOGRAPH I.
THE RELATIONS OF THE FOUNDERS OF THE MASSACHU-
SETTS COLONY TO THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
By the HON. ROBERT C. WINTHROP, LL.D.,
Freaident of (he Massachusetts Historical Society,
IT has more than ouce been asked how it happened, or could have
happened, that the Massachusetts Company, having addressed an
affectionate farewell to their brethren of the Church of England,
at the very last moment before they embarked for America, in which
they spoke of themselves "as those who esteem it our honor to call the
Church of England, from whence we rise, our dear mother,
ever acknowledging that such hope and part as we have obtained in
the common salvation we have received in her bosom, and sucked it
from her breasts," should, immediately on their arrival, have practi-
cally ignored, or certainly disused, all the forms and ceremonies of that
Church, and should have proceeded to institute a church or churches
of their own.
It has sometimes, indeed, been inquired of me personally, how it
was to be explained that Governor
Winthrop, who had not only signed *—~—^/y)> ^ ,
that farewell letter officially, and, yf^ , ^^ ^ ^ Lyt- /^J^ i /%
as I think, written it himself, but // L^
had long been a patron of the little (J ^,i_^
church at Groton, and presented
to its living, should have made no reference to the Church of England
on coming here, but should have united, without delay, in the organ-
ization of a church of an entirely different form of worship and of a
wholly independent character.
Now, let me say that few things are more to be regretted than
the entire loss of Governor Wiuthrop's letters to his friends in Eng-
land at this early period of Massachusetts' history. We ha\'e, most
fortunately, his letters to his wife and to his eldest son, who remained
in England for a year and a half longer. These, however, were letters
of affection and private business, and they deal but little with matters
of public concern, either religious or civil.
But in his very tirst letter to his wife, dated at Charlestown on
the 16th of July, 1630, he says to her: "The larger discourse of all
470 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
things thou shalt receive from my brother Downing, whicli I must
send by some of the last ships." Again, in his letter to his son, from
Charlestown, 23d July, he says : " For the course of our voyage, and
other occurrents, you shall understand them by a journal, which I
send with my letters to your uncle D." And, in a subsequent part of
the same long letter, he adds . " Take order that a copy of ray Rela-
tion, &c., be sent to Sir Nath. Barnardistou, and my excuse for not
writing to him and Sir Wm. Springe, with my sahitations to them
both." Still again, in his letter to his son, from Charlestown, August
14, he says: "For our condition here, and our voyage hither, I wrote
to you about a fortnight since, by Mr. Eevel, but more fully in a
journal and Eelation, which I sent to your uncle Downing." Once
more, in a letter to his
-s r f f r // ^ J r /• . r son, of Sept. 9, 1630,
• /• ten to your mother and
^nyCa^QdZei '^-^ 7-7 tl STOPS' to your uncle Downing
^ *" /-^^ -^ at lai'ge, of all things
here, to which I must
refer you, in regard of my much business and little leisure here."
And, lastly, in a letter to his son, of jNIarch 28, 1G31, he says: "I
have written to your uncle D. concerning all our business, fearing
you should be come away."
I misrht give other reasons for thinking that Emanuel Downing,
— a lawyer of the Inner Temple in London, — who had married Gov-
ernor Winthrop's sister, and who did not follow him to Massachusetts
for seven or eight years after the transfer of the government to New
England, was the person to whom Winthrop communicated every-
thing concerning the early course of proceedings in the colony. As
late as March, 163(3, I find Downing writing to the governor: "I
heartily thank you for your large information of the state of the Plan-
tation. I was the other day with Secretary Coke, who told me that
there hath not been a word of your Plantation at Council Board these
many months past."
I have said all this to justify the expression of an opinion that
much of the inner policy of Governor Winthrop and the iMassachusetts
Company, at this early period, has been lost to our history by the dis-
appearance of these letters to Downing. So convinced was I of the
ti'uth of this impression that, many years ago, during one of my visits
to England, I made diligent ciTorts to discover whether any of Down-
ing's papers, between 1629 and his coming over to New England in
1638, were still in existence; but without success. Could these
" large discourses," and journals, and Relations of Governor Winthrop,
sent to Downing, be found, I have little doubt that some of the
problems of our early political and ecclesiastical history might be
solved.
These Relations and journals, indeed, would exactly supply the
deficiencies, and fill up the "large blanks" so often noted and regret-
ted in the governor's history of this early period, as we now have it
in print, and which reach, with few exceptions, from the 17th of June
FOUNDERS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS COLONY. 471
to the beginning of December, 1G30.^ He had not leisure for copyin"
into his diary what he had written to Downing.
But, in default of such authentic materials, I venture to proceed
with such conjectures as I have formed, from the facts which are
known to us, in regard to the question which I have stated as the sub-
ject of this paper.
There can be no doubt tliat Governor "Winthrop, up to the time of
his embarking on Ijoard the "Arbella," — though never what would
be called a high-churchman, — was warmly attached to the Church
of England, and was a communicant at the little parish church of
Groton, of which he was the owner of the living, and to which he
presented the Rev. William Leigh as late as 1626. There is a letter
to him from the Rev. Henry Sands, a previous pastor of Groton, of
earlier but uncertain date,"^ which shows that he was much relied on in
church afi'airs, and was consulted al)out the livings of Stoke Vicarage
and Nayland, among others, and which entreated his endeavors, " in
the aflection which I know you bear to the Church of God, to look
into it and help."
There is, also, a little autograph volume of his still extant, in my
own possession, in which all the sermons which he heard on Sundays
and on prayer-days, during a hirge part of 1627 and 1628, are care-
fully noted, with the names of the preachers, the texts of their dis-
courses, and the various heads and arguments, carefully and copiously
written out. Any one disposed for such an inquiiy might obtain from
this manuscript volume a good idea of the style of preaching in a quiet
English jjai-ish at that period.
1 may add that now and then we find pleasant evidence that the
governor did not forget the great days of the Chui'ch calendar. In a
letter of his to his wife, dated 19th December, 1623, when he was on
his law circuit, and found that he was not likely to be at home at the
approaching Christmas, he says : —
I feare it wilbe towards the ende of next weeks before I shall retume ; yet I
pray tliee let povisio be made, and all o' poore feasted, thougli I be from home, so J
shalbe the lesse missed.^
It may not be forgotten, too, that the governor begins the journal,
now commonly known as his "History of New England," on "Easter
Monday, March 29" (1630), while his fleet was still " riding at the
Cowes ; " and that he thus associated the outset of the Massachusetts
emigration — not without purpose, as I think — with the great church
festival of the Resurrection. It is thus sufficiently clear that AV'in-
throp, up to the last moment of his leaving England, was a member
of the English Church. How, then, did he so soon become — as he
certainly did become — an American Congregationalist ?
The first suggestion Avhich occurs to me, in connection with this
question, is that the English Church at that day was simply the
Church of England ; without a recognized ]Dretension to any catholic
or universal character. It was a State Church, whose forms and cere-
• See Savage's " Winthrop " between these - Life and Letters, p. 1G9.
dates. ' Ibid., I., p. 403.
472 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
monies were at the will of kings and parliaments and convocations
summoned by the sovereign. It was a local, national church, which
during the previous century only had separated itself from the Church
of Rome, and which had hardly yet acquired that fi.xcd and settled con-
dition, to tlie common mind, which would have led those who were
leaving England as their home to feel that they necessarily, or
even naturally, carried any obligations to that church with them.
They might love it ever so sincerely, but they were leaving it for a
land where it had no existence, and their farewell letter was literally a
letter '' taking leave " of it.
In one of his " Answers to 01)jections," in the paper entitled
" Reasons to be considered for justifying the Undertakers of the in-
tended Plantation in New Engtand," Winthrop says, indeed : " Since
Christ's time the Church is to be considered as universal without dis-
tinction of countries." But that phrase included the Church of Rome
and " all other churches of Europe," and has no particular reference to
the Church of England. In the same paper he had previously said :
"What can be a better work, and more honorable and worthy a
Christian, than to help raise and support a pfirti'culai- Church while it
is in the infancy ? " and in his " Conclusions " he distinctly asserts his
conviction that " the service of raising and upholding a particular
Church is to be preferred before the bettering of some part of a
Church already established." He adds most significantly : "The mem-
bers of that Church may I)e of more use to their mother Church here,
than many of those whom she shall still keep in her own bosom."
It will be seen, too, by a letter of the governor's, ^ that he had in-
vited a special meeting of ministers on the 9th of November, in Lon-
don, to consult in regard to church matters, saying that " we want
hitherto able and sufficient ministers to join with us in the work," and
adding : " The reasons whereof we find to be the conscience of the
obligation by which they stand bound unto this Church for the service
in which most of them are employed at present." "The conscience of
the obligation" was, of course, only a matter for ministers in orders.
If, however, we could learn what was said and done at that meeting,
and how far those who attended it advised that, by going to New Eng-
land, ministers and people would be relieved and released from any
obligations by which they seemed bound to the English Church, we
should be wiser than we are now. But it is plain, from the words of
the invitation, that such a release for ministers was the subject to be
considered.
In Winthrop's letter to Dr. Gager, also, inviting him to come
over as physician to the company, he expressly speaks of " the work
we are in hand with " as " the establishing a Church in New Eng-
land." ^
It would seem, from these expressions, that the governor con-
templated the estal)lishment of a particular church, distinct from the
mother Church of England, though by no means necessarily or nat-
urally in any opposition to it. How could it fail to be distinct, three
' Printed in his " Life ami Letters," i., p. 354, and dated Oct. 27, 1629. = Ibid., p. 335.
FOUNDEUS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS COLONY. 473
thousand miles away from it, and those three thousand equal to ten
tiuK^s three thousand, in difficulty of communication, as compared with
the i)resent day ! An attempt to stretch any practical episcopal
authority across the Atlantic, at that day, would not only have been
futile in itself, but would have involved the New England churches in
endless embarrassment and confusion. Confirmations, consecrations,
orderings of priests and deacons, and everything else dependent on
Ijishops, must have been postponed indefinitely. Should the Puritans
have gone along without any religious services, — " forsaking the as-
sembling of themselves together" for the worship of God, — until
such matters could be arranged and provided for, even had they been
ever so willing for them ? Such a suggestion is its own best answer.
It is enough to say that there was a physical impossibility in any sub-
stantial subordination on one side, or any substantial supervision on
the other. OpjJosuU natura.
The Virginia colonists had, indeed, instituted a little church on
the Englisli model as early as 1607, with the services of the Prayer
Book ; and the historian Bancroft tells us that "the Church of Eng-
land was confirmed as the Church of Virginia" in 1(319. But the
early experiences of that colony in its episco|)al relations — so far as
any account of them is to be found — are hardly at variance with the
views I have suggested. Some idea of their difiiculties maybe formed
from the letter of Governor Argall to the Virginia Company, in 1617.
requesting Sir Dudle^^ Digges to obtain from the archbishop a permit
for Mr. Wickham, who was not in orders, to administer the holy com-
munion, as the Rev. Alexander Whittaker had been drowned, and as
there was no other person.' The archbishop's reply is not given ; nor
have I been able to turn to any other indication of episcopal authority
being invited or exercised in those early days of the Virginia colony.
The earliest paper in the Virginia volume of " Historical Collec-
tions relating to the .\merican Colonial Church" is : The Instructions
to Sir William Berkeley, in 1650 (from whom is not stated — j)rob-
ably from the Virginia Company) — "to bo careful Almighty God
l)e duly and daily served according to the form of religion established
in the Church of England."'^ After 1(550 there is no other paper in
that volume bearing an earlier date than 1(579. Other evidences of epis-
copal supervision in the Virginia colonial church at that da}' may per-
haps be discovered. Otherwise its history would seem to confirm the
idea that distance and infrequency of commimication rendered such
supei-vision impracticable, even where it was desired and solicited.^
It is plain that there was a necessity for much independent action,
alike in civil and iu religious affairs, both in Virginia and in Xew Eng-
land.
Winthrop's idea of the Church, in the cxpi-ession which I have
1 Neill's " Virginia Comp.iny of Loudon," p. Churches and Families of Virfriuia," is iustruc-
113. tive on this point. He mentions that other
- The acconiulished editor of the volume piayei's besides those in the Praver Book were
(BishopPerry,of Iowa) says, in his "Notes, "that freely used there, and that tiicre was an utior
similar iusti'uctions were given to .Sir Francis want of episcopal supervision. He represents
Wyat in 1G21, and renewed on each subsequent it as an attempt to carry on a churcli without a
upi)oiutmeut. bi.^hnp.
» Bishop Meade's " .Vi'ticle I.," in his "Old
474 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
quoted, must plainly have been conformable to that grand definition of
it in one of the closing prayers of the Episcopal Communion Service :
"The mystical body of thy Son, which is the blessed company of all
faithful people." Indeed, there are at least five other phrases or desig-
nations in the English Prayer Book, with which the governor must
have been familiar, which obviously mean the same thing, and must
be interpreted consistently with each other: "The Holy Catholick
Church," in the Apostles' Creed; "One Catholick and Apostolick
Church," in the Nicene Creed ; " The Holy Church throughout all
the World," in the "TeDeum"; "The Catholick Church," ^ in the
Prayer for all Conditions of Men ; and "Thy Holy Church Universal,"
in the Litany. There may be others, but they were all probaljly
taken from the ancient Uses and Liturgies ; and few persons, I imagine,
at that day, would have limited the application of either of them ex-
clusively to the Church of England. Nor would any one, I think, so
limit them at this day.
Nor did such a church depend for its existence or its continuance
on any particular forms or ceremonies. Indeed, the very preface of
the English Prayer Book, as originally published at the restoration
of Charles II., contains words which are full of significance on this
subject: "The particular forms of Divine Worsiiip, and the rites and
ceremonies appointed to be used therein, l)eing things in their own
nature indifferent, and alterable, and so acknowledged ; it is but
reasonable, that upon weighty and important considerations, accord-
inf to the various exigency of times and occasions, such changes
and alterations should be made therein, as to those that are in place
of authority should from time to time seem either necessary or ex-
pedient."
These very words were incorporated into the preface of our
American Prayer Book in 1789, and were relied on as the justifica-
tion of the changes which were adopted for the Episcopal Church in
the United States. That preface, indeed, begins by the distinct as-
sertion, that "it is a most invaluable part of that blessed liberty
wherewith Christ hath made us free, that in his worship different
forms and usages may without offence l)e allowed, provided the sub-
stance of the Faith be i^ept entire " There will be no allegation that
the Puritans did not keep entire the "substance of the Faith."
In the English preface "Of Ceremonies" it is also said, in con-
clusion : "And in these our doings we condemn no other nations, nor
prescribe anything but to our own people only ; for we think it con-
venient that every country should use such ceremonies as thej^ shall
think best to the setting forth of God's honor and glory, and to the
reducing of the people to a most perfect and godly living, without
error or superstition ; and that they should put away other things,
which ft-om time to time they perceive to be most abused, as in men's
ordinances it often chanceth diversely in divers countries."
Such expressions as these, though thirty years later than the
coming of the Massachusetts Colony, may not unreasonably be cited
' This is changed, in the American Prayer Book, into " Tliy Holy Chnnli Iluiversal."
FOUNDEKS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS COLONY. 17o
in illustr.ation of the views of some, at least, of the English church-
men at an eai'liei' period. They are plainly the very views wliich were
held and acted on in New England. And this is distinctly set forth
and maintained in "The Planter's Plea," — a tract generally ascribed
to the Rev. John White, an eminent Puritan minister, known to history
as "the Patriarch of Dorchester" (England), and published in London
in 1630, in "manifestation of the causes moving such as have lately
undertaken a plantation in New-England: — for the satisfaction
of those that question the lawfuhiesse of the Action." This tract
might well be rcprhited in some volume of historical collections, as an
original, contemporaneous cxi^osition of the motives and intentions of
the Massachnsetts colonists, both in their civil and religious relations.
And this brings me to a word or two about the Prayer Book.
My friend. Dr. Geo. E. Ellis, one of the vice-presidents of the Massa-
chusetts Historical Society, was substantially correct in wh.at he said,
at the First Church Commemoration, in regard to the absence of any
copies of the old English Prayer Book from the early inventories of
the New England colonists, and to the fact that none of them were to
be found at this day in any of our Historical or Antiquarian Libraries.
It is true that I have two of them, which undoubtedly belonged to
Governor Wiuthrop or his immediate family. One of them, however,
is bound up with the old Family Bible of the governor's father ; and
the other is bound up ^vitli a Greek Testament, and is the very one
which was nibbled by the mice, and which gave the governor occasion
to I'evive an old superstition which may be traced as far back as the
days of Cicero.' But these are excc])tional cases and hardly incon-
sistent with Dr. Ellis's statement. There are, however, two consid-
erations which may serve to explain the rarity of the Prayer Book in
New England at any earl}' period.
In the first place, it may be doubted whether the Prayer Book
was a very common Ijook, even in Old England, at the time the Mas-
sachusetts Colony came over here. During the reign of Charles 1..
even up to the year 1642,— twelve years after Winthrop's arrival, —
it is ascertained that there were printed in all 36 editions of the Prayer
Book, but of these 22 were printed in folio and quarto, and were evi-
dently for the use of churches, cathedrals, universities, and those who
officiated in them. Twelve more of the editions were in octavo, —
not the compact and portable size which would seem to have been
suited to general, popular use ; — while only two editions remain of
the smaller and cheaper and more convenient sort which would be
adapted to the common people. I may add that the smaller Prayer
Book of those early days — if I may judge by the two copies in my
own possession — was by no means easily used, or atti'active as a
manual. Some pages of it seem to be only a sort of index or direc-
tory of the Service. Thus, the Collects are all given in close sequence,
but with only numerical references to the Epistles and Gospels.
It may safely be inferred, I think, that the Prayer Book could
not have been commonly found in the homes of the great body of the
' Dc Divinationc, Lib. ii.
476 HISTORY OF TTTE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL riU'RCH.
populatiiiii al that day, — even of tliosc wlio could read. — and lliat
the larger mmilicr listened to it in their eiutrehe.s, and, perhaps, liad
some of the octavo editions in their pews, or seats, ratlier than pos-
sessed it as a treasure of their own. And, indeed, if 1 liave read
aright the Bibliographer's ^Manual of Lowndes, iis corrected and en-
laraed 1)\' IJohn, these old editions of the Prayer Book are almost as
rare al this dav in Old England as in New England. They are found
in a few i;reat librai'ies of universities or ehurclies, and of course in the
British Museum, and are occasionally sold at large prices. But the
'•reat mass of copies seems to have disappeared.
But, in the second place, it must not he forgotten that in 1644-45
the use of the Prayer Boolv in pu))lie and jjrivate was for1)idden In-
law, and all copies of it were ordered to he dcli\ered u\), and hea^■y
j)enalties imposed upon all otfenders. ' It is quite supposable, to say
the least, that the Massachusetts Puritans, who were so entirely iu
symijathy with the Counuonwealth party in England, may have given
up or got rid of their Prayer
Books, also, at this time, if
there were any here ; and this
might account for there being
few or none left to the present day. This may have been the time
when Governor Winthrop gave one of his copies to the library of
Harvard College, as having no use for it himself. There was no Har-
vard College library for him to give it to much before this date.
I nuist not forget to allude to an imi)ortant fact in connection
with the general suliject of this in(juiry. It is well i-emenibercd that
John and Samuel Browne,
who had gone out to the Salem ^^---- — —p*^ ^^
Plantation with high recom- ^.^9^^^ ' ^^r'/it^^^C^Zif
<^^^*-Vi^^ CJBj/O***.*^^
mendations from the go\ernor
and company in London, and
one or both of whom were
designated to be of Endicotfs
Council, ill 1(529, were sent back to England by him for disturbing
the ))eace of the plantation, and of the little church there, by attempt-
ing to introduce the forms and inayers of the Episcopal Church.
They must have brought their Prayer Books with them, and they
probably carried them^back again. Their case, as we know, was
brought before the Massachusetts Company in London, and was re-
ferred to a committee for consideration. It happened that Governor
Wintliroi) was on that committee, and he may have learned liy that
investigation that the Salem Plantation was not disjjosed for any
Prayer-Book service. The Puritans at Salem and the Pilgrims at
Plymouth were of one mind on that matter, and they concurred in
establishing Congregational forms. But while thei-e is no report on
the records^ from'the committee to whom the case of the Brownes was
referred, yet a letter of some sharpness and severity addressed to Mr.
Skelton and Mr. Higginsou, the Salem ministers, would certainly
'History ol'the Book ol' Common Pnivcr (p. ulso, 1 :uu hiclclncil for the statements about the
67 ) , by Rev". Clement M. Butler, D.D., to whom, early editions of the English Prayer Book.
FOUNDERS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS COLONY. 477
imply, I think, that the Massachusetts governor and company in
London, just before they transferred the chief government to New
England, were by no means inclined to sanction or approve any posi-
tive proscription of the English Church or church service at Salem.
After their arrival here, too, a similar spirit was repeatedly mani-
fested. There was at least a reverent caution in almost all tlioir
religious movements.
Thus, Roger Williams, we all remember, "refu.sed.to join with
the congregation at Boston," in 1630-31, "because (as Winthrop ex-
pressly states) they would not make a public declaration of (heir
repentance for having communion with the churches of England while
they lived there."
And when, on the 27th of August, 1630 (old style), John Wil-
son was chosen teacher, and Mr. Nowell an elder, and Mr. Gager
and Mr. Aspinwall, deacons, of the first Boston Church, Governor
Winthrop says in his Journal : " We used imposition of hands, l)ut
with this pi'otestation by all, that it was only as a sign of election and
confirmation, not of any intent that Mr. Wilson should renounce his
ministry he received in England."
And still again, when the First Church Covenant was about to be
formed, scruples were distinctly expressed and enjoined, as shown by
the letters of Wiu.slow and Fuller relating to it, about the election of
church officers. "Not then intending rashly to proceed to the choice
of officers;" this was their language.
It is true that George Phillips, the pastor of the Watertown
Church, and a signer of the Farewell Letter, took a different view at
first. He had privately told Dr. Samuel Ful-
ler, of Plymouth, — so writes Dr. Fuller to / fpim
Governor Bradford, — "that if they will have ^^^y-^ ^fj
iiim stand minister bj^ that calling which he re- «? '/^Z^gi^
ceived from the prelates in England, he will —ff^f^,^ j.^^^
leave them." But the late president of the Mas- %yj ^^'*^Lr~
sachusetts Historical Society, Mr. Savage, in
direct allusion to this statement, says emphatically: " Tliis was not the
spirit of the first settlers of Massachusetts, until they had lived some,
years in the 2oilderness ; " "and I imagine (he adds) Phillips was over-
come, by the persuasion of friends, to postpone the scruple he had
communicated to the Plymouth Colonist." ^
Nothing could be further from my purpose than to draw into
doubt the immediate and hearty adoption of Congregational forms of
worship by the founders of Massachusetts, as an historical fact ; or to
question Governor Winthrop's full share in their adoption. The only
question is, in what spirit, and under what circumstances, they were
adopted. And I have only desire to show that, at the outset, the
churches of Massachusetts were organized in no hostile opposition to
the Church of England, and in no spirit inconsistent with the affec-
tionate farewell which was addressed by the governor and company
to their brethren of that church. Everything in the character of
' Savage's " Wiutlux)p," edition 1853, p. 16, foot-note.
478 HISTORY OF THE AMEUICAN Eri.SCOl'Al. CUUllCH.
2. Brcwptcr.
Wiuftlow.
PILGIJIM RELICS.
that paper, and of the men who signed it, assures mo that it was no
politic manifesto, to conceal or cover purposes and plans already
formed ; but an honest, affectionate expression of a sincere feeling on
leaving England. On their arrival here, they conformed at once to
the condition of the colony and the exigencies of religion. In doing
so they renounced no previous convictions or relations. But Chris-
tianity was to them above all churches, and the worship of God above
all forms or ceremonies. Having adhered to the Church of England,
as the best mode of worshipping God, while there, — they united in
Congregational worship, as the best, and, as I think, the only mode,
in which that worship could, under the circumstances, have been
arranged and conducted here.
MONOGRAPH 11.
EARLY DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS ON THE COAST
OF NEW ENGLAND, UNDER CHURCH AUSPICES.
By the rev. benjamin F. DeCOSXA, D.D.,
Rector of the Church of St. John the Evangelistt Jfew York City,
EARLY ill the sixteenth ceutuiy New Eugland became known as
" Norumbega," a name never satisfactorily explained.' The
country was first styled "New England" in 1616, by Captani John
Smith. Some of the early non-conformists called it'Tatmos,"- and
others " Canaan ;"^ though Smith alluded to " Norumbega" as late as
the year 1620. Prior to receiving the name of "New Eugland," the
country was also called " North Virginia."
The first Englishman known to have visited ixwy portion of New
England was David Ingram, a sailor, who, in January, 1568, with about
one hundred companions, was landed by Hawkins on the shore of the
Gulf of Mexico. Accompanied by three of his associates, he travelled
overland to Maine, reaching the St. John's River, where he embarked
in a French ship, and finally arrived in England. ■*
Sir Humphrey Gilbert may have visited New England in 1573,
but the first known English expedition, probably made to this region,
was led by a Portuguese, Simon Ferdinando,* in 1579 ; while all that
is known of Ferdinando's ecclesiastical character is indicated by the
fact that he was once in prison on " suspicion of heressie," being bailed
out by the Vice-Admiral Herbert. In 1584—86 he was employed in
connection with South Virginia exploration. Ralph Lane attested his
character and worth, and especially his "grete skylle and grete gov-
ernment."
The first Englishman known to have conducted an English ex-
pedition to our coast was John Walker, who, during the year 1580,
' Some have regarded the word as of Indian tion of Bishop White's " Memoirs of the Prol-
origin, while others assign it to the Old North- estant Episcopal Church," where early services
eru or Icelandic language. On this subject the and sacramental celebrations are noticed. On
reader is referred to the author's discussion in Ingi-am, see the M.S. in "The Tanner CoUec-
the " Narrative and Critical History of Amer- tion," in the Bodleian Library, the " Bare Tra-
ica," Vol. III., Chapter VI. Also, to " The Lost vailes" of Job Hortop, London, 1591 ; the narra-
City of New England." live of Miles Phillips, in Hakluyt, ed. 1589, p.
= Calendar of State Papers, A mencan and 568, and " The Magazine of American History,"
the West Indies, Loudon, 1880, p. 9. March, 1883.
^ Sewall's Diary, *' Mass. Hist. Collections," '■When on that coast one of Ferdinando's
Series v., Vol. vii., p. 96. Morton's "New ships got agi-ound, which mishap Dr. Hawks im-
ICnglish Canaan." proved {" Histor}' of North Carolina," i.j 196) to
' The voyages of Cabot and John Rutt have declare that he was a Spaniard hh-ed by Ins nation
no special connection with our subject. On these to frusti'ate the designs of the colonists, calliu^
and other English voyages, see Cliapters i. and liim a "treacherous villain" and "contempti-
VI., Vol. III., of " The NaiTative and Critical ble mariner ;" whereas he was a true and stcad-
Uistory;" and for English, Spanish, and other fast friend of Englisli colonization. See the
voyages, sec the Introduction to the Third Edi- " Narrative and Critical History, " III., VI.
480
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
iu the service of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, came out with a ship to the
coast of Maine. On the banli of the Penobscot he discovered a mine
of silver. Silver is now found generally distributed on the Maine
coast, and the mining of the ore is a recognized industry. He gave a
short description of the Penobscot River, -^vhich at that time was
called the " Norumbega." He obtained a quantity of furs, and made
the return voyage in "xvii days." ^ Walker, it would appear, after-
' This cut follows a photograph of the bas- marginal entry in a paper at the " State Paper
i-elipf given iu the Hakluyt Society's edition of Office," runs as follows : " Sr. IT. Gilbert's man
the "II;i\vl;in3 Voyages." Another engraving is brought of the syds of this beast from Ihe place
given in "Harper's Magazine." Jan., 1H83, p. 221. lie iliscovered ;" while the "bcaat" referred to
■ The clue to tliis voyage is an odd one. A was of the kind mcutioued iu the pa|)er contain-
EARLY niSCOVEKlES AND SETTLEMENTS. 481
wards took Orders iu the Church. At least, in 1582, a John Walker
had some sort of a living conferred upon him. The MS. which would
have settled the point conclusively is one of the Cotton MSS., in-
jui'ed by fire.^ At the time it was written a John "Walker was upon
the point of sailing in Fcnton's expedition to the Moluccas.
The knowledge acquired by AValkcr in Norunibega insjiired Sir
Humphrey Gilbert's activity, and it was in connection with an at-
tempted expedition to New England that this brave churchman lost
his life.
After the death of Sir Humphrey, Kalcgh turned his attention
towards South Virginia, and plans for general colonization were
drawn up. Among these plans was that of Captain Christopher
Carlisle, who, in April, 1583, proposed to establish a colony near the
mouth of the Hudson, where the i)eople would Ijc free from the
power and requirements of the Eoman Church, many places coveted
as colonial sites being already secured by the agents of that faith.
A site further southward was nevertheless selected, and in 1584 the
work of colonization was begun by Ralegh and the Church of Eng-
land men, Carlisle eventually taking part in the work. The idea of
colonization was at this period the peculiar possession of the men
of the Church of England. No tendency in that direction was shown
by non-conformists, who were not alive to the subject until the seven-
teenth century. The notion that American or New England coloniza-
tion had its rise among non-conformists, being the peculiar product
of the religious dissensions, has no foundation in fact.^ In the seven-
teenth century colonization formed a jiopular theme in the Church,
while the necessities of England were great. An excessive population
with abundant manufactures demanded new fields, and these were
found. It was the example of churchmen, in connection with Virginia
ing the Examination of David Ingram, 15S2, and too and fro In foure monetlia after the first dis-
thc voyage was of recent date. The year 1580 coverie thereof.
was the only year when a voyage coukl have 2. Secondly, that one wind sufficeth to
been made for Gilbert by Wallicr. The MS. make the passage, whereas most of your other
says that " Jolm Walker and his company did voyages of like length, are subiect to 3 . or 4 .
disconer a silver mine w^jin the River Noram- winds.
bega, on the nortli shore, upon a hill not farre 3. Thirdly, that it is to be perfourmed at
from the river's side, about ix leagues from the all times of the yeere.
mouth thereof." 4. Fomthly, that the passage is vpon the
'The MS. is in the British Museum (Otlio, high sea, whereby you are not bound to the
E., VUI., fol., 130). In a letter to the E:nl of knowledge of dangers, on any other coast, more
Ijcieester, he speaks of my *' lv\ing," whicli is to then of that Countrcy, and of ours here at home.
be kept " uutyll 1 returnb fro the indyaus," that 5. Fifthly, that'those parts of England and
is, from the Indies. The record says : " The 5 day Ir-eland, which lie aptest for the proceeding out-
about 10 aclocke in the forenoo'ue, Mr. Walker ward or homeward vpon this voyage, are very
died, who had bene weakc and sicke of the well stored of goodly harbours,
bloodie fluxe 6 dayes, wee tooke a view of his 6. Sixthly, that it is to bee accounted of no
things, and, prised tlicm, and lieaved hira over- danger at all as touching the power of any
board, and shot a pccse for liis knell." — Hah- foreign prince or state, when it is compared
luyVs Principal Ifamgaiions, iii., p. 7C7. with any of the best of all other voyages before
- The propositions of Carlisle which relate to recited,
the more northern parts of the coast, are worthy 7. And to the godly minded, it hath this
of a distinct record here : — comfortable commoditie, that in this trade their
But who shall looke into the qualitie of this Factours, bee they their servants or children,
voyage, being directed to the latitude of fortie shall hauc no instructions or confessions of
degrees or tiiercaboutes, of tliat hitbermost part Idolatrous Religion enforced vpon them, but
of America, shal Und it hath as many poiuts of contrarily shall be at their free libcrtie of con-
good moment belonging vnto it, as may almost science, and shall find the same Religion cxcr-
be wished for. cised, which is most agreeable vnto their Barents
1 . As first it is to be vnderstood, that it is and Masters. — Halduyt, in., p. 1S4, and cd. 15SD,
not any long course, for it may be perfourmed p. 720.
482 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
and New England, that stimulated the Leyden Pilgrims. Nou-oon-
Ibi-mists have simply tried to secure a patent upon something that they
did not invent.
The expedition of Gosnold to New England in 1602, with its at-
tendant publication, had considerable influence, though the voyage,
as we now know, was' unauthorized, and the cargo of cedar and sassa-
fras, obtained at the Elizabeth Islands, was confiscated.' There is
no trace of non-conformity in connection with this voyage, while
Robert Salterne, the supercargo, soon after took Orders in the Church.
He was of an old church family at Bristol, and it is probable that he
performed liturgical services in New England.
In 1603 Martin Priug made his celebrated voyage, being aided in
the enterj^rise by Eicliard Plakluyt, who, with others, obtained the
sanction of Kalcgh, the patentee. With two ships Pring harbored at
Plymouth," having Salterne as his supercargo ; and here we may reason-
ably suppose that divine worship was celebrated by Church of England
men seventeen years l)efore the arrival of the Pilgrims from Holland.
We next come to the voyage of Waymouth ,^ who , in 1 605 , anchored
at Monhegan. Afterwards, putting his ship in harljor at Booth's Bay,
he ascended and explored the Kennebec. We have a distinct notice
of the church services said in the cabin of his shijD, the "Archangel,"
the savages being present, and showing great interest and respect.
The historian of this voyage declares that a "public good, and true
zeal of promulgating God's holy Church by planting Christianity, to be
the sole intent of the honorable setter-forth of this discovery ;" while
the "setter-forth" was no complaining non-conformist, but a loyal
churchman, the Earl of Arundel. Eosier's narrative of the voyage
stiiTcd the minds of the people, and attracted the notice of the Dutch ,
but one incident of the voyage was destined to have great weight. We
refer to the capture by Waymouth of five tall and intelligent natives.
They were taken to England, and put under good training, in due time
attracting the attention of Sir Ferdinando Gorges ; who says that
these Indians were the means, " imder God, of putting on foot and
giving life to all our plantations." Accordingly, in 1606, in connec-
' The general account of this voyage is Kiven Islands, was indicated by the writer, in conncc-
in an exceedingly rare work, the last copy sold tion with the voyage of Gosnold iu 1878. See
bringing #800. 'The following is its title : — " N. E. Hist, and Genealogical Register," p. 7G,
" A Briefe and true Relation of the Discou- and " Narrative and Critical History," Vol. iii.,
erie of the North part of Vu'giuia ; being a most Chap. VI. The narrative of Pring's voyage is
pleasant, fruitful!, and commodious Soile. Made found in Purchas, IV., p. 1054. See v., p. 829 ; cd.
thispresentyeare, 1602, by Captaiue Bartholomew 1626, and icprintcd in the "Mass. Hist. Collcc-
Gosnold, Captaine Bartholomew Gilbert, and tions." Purchas published editions of his work
divers other gentlemen their associats, by the inonevolumeinl()13,'14,and'17. Inl62dbepub-
pcmiission of the honourable Knight, Sir Walter lished "Purchas His Pilgrims," iu four volumes,
Ralegh, etc. Written by Mr. lohn Brereton, and iu 1626 a supplemental volume, "Purchas:
one of the voyage. Whereunto is annexed a His Pilgrimage; or. Relations of the World,"
Treatise of Mr. Edward Hayes. 4to, London, etc. Also see "Plvmouth Before the Pilgrims,"
Geor. Bishop, 1602." " Mag. of Amcr. History," Dec., 1882.
It is pooily reprinted in the thu'd series of ^ " A True Relation of the most prosperous
"Mass. Hist. Coll.," Vol. VIII. The error in the voyagemadcthispresentyeare, 1605, by Captaine
title-page of the worh was pointed out by the George Waymouth, in the Discoucry of the Land
writer iu a paper read before the New England of Virginia; where he discouered 60 miles of a
Historic Genealogical Society, and the unauthor- most cxcelleut River; together with a most
ized character of the voyage shown. See the fertile land. Written by lames Rosier, a Gentle-
Society 's Register, 1878, p. 76. Also see " Maga- man employed iu the voyage. Londini, Impen-
zine of American History," August, 1883. sis, Geor. Bishop, 1605." The copy of this book
= The fact that Pring harbored at Plymouth, in the Brinley sale was bought for $800.
and not at Gosnold's hai'bor, in the Elizabeth
EARLY DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS.
483
tion with the Chief Justice, Sir John Popham, and others, ho ol)t!uned
from the king a patent ; and two colonics were projected, one for North
and the other for South Virginia. During the same year a ship was
sent out under Martin Pring to explore the coast anew, and tliis indi-
vidual brought hack the best survey that Sir Ferdinando had ever seen.'
In 1()07 the expedition, composed of the ship "Mary and eTohn," under
Captain Gilbert, and the fly-boat, " Gift of God," commanded by Captain
George Popham, set forth, and in due time reached the coast of jNIaiuc.-
The ships, which had parted company at the Azores, met at the Island
of jNIonhegan, not far from the Kennebec, and here, on Sunday, August
19, the two ships' companies landed, with their chaplain, the Kcv. Rich-
ard Seymour, and celebrated divine service. This, indeed, was the
snip OF TIIE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
first particular act of worship to which we can point in the history of
New England, while Richard Seymour, a minister of the Church of
England, was the first Christian priest at present known to have stood
upon what is now considered New England soil.
The town l)cgun on the peninsula of Sabino, at the mouth of
' See the " Brief Karration " of Gorges, B. i.
Chap. V. Ecprintcd in tlie "Collections of the
Maine Historical Society," Vol. ii. Also, on the
river discovered by Waymonth, sec the " Reply
to Mr. Bancroft," "" Mag. of Am. History," Au'-
gust, 1SS3.
2 On the Pophani Colony, sec the writer's
work entitleil, " A Relation oi" a Voyage to Saga-
dahoc, now iirst printed from the original manu-
script in the Lambeth Palace Library," edited
with preface, notes, and appendix. Cambridge,
John Wilson & Son, University Press, 1S80. The
preface reviews the story of the settlement; and
the appendix reprints the extracts from Gorges,
Smith, Purchas, and Alexander, from which,
previous to the publication of Strachcy's account,
all knowledge of the colony was derived. Tlie
MS. containing the account of the voyage, sup-
posed by Palfrey to be lost, was found l)y the
writer. The foregoing was reprinted from the
"Mass. Hist. Coll.," Vol. xviii., 1880-81. On
this subject see also the " Memorial Volume
of the Maine Historical Society," edited by Dr.
r,allard. Also see " The Historic of Travailo
into Virginia Britannia; expressing the cosmog-
raphie and eomodities of the countiy, togitlier
with the manrei's and customes of the people:
Gathered and observed as well by those who
went first thither, as collected by William
Strachey, Gent." Edited bv R. H. Major, for the
Hakluyt Society, London, "1849. p. 159.
484 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHITRCH.
the Kennebec, was abandoned, for the reason that the president,
George Popham, died during the winter of 1607-8, Mhich proved one
of gi-eat severity ; while, in tlic spring, news came of the death of
Chief Justice Popham, together with a summons for Captain Gilbert's
return, he being required to look after some estates. The colonists,
therefore, left their fort, church, and dwelling-houses, and went home
to England. Strachey says — we know not upon what authority —
that "all'" returned ; but it docs not follow, by any means, that their
property at Sabino was never afterwards utilized. Much less are we
authorized to afiirm that the Popham colonists had no immediate suc-
cessors, as wc know only the names of the officers of the colony. No
doubt one immediate result of their return was a feeling of discour-
agement ; yet, beyond question, this feeling quickly passed away.
The experience of 1607-8 was salutary in its effects, and revealed to
Gorges and his associates the nature of the difficulties with which they
had to contend. To say that the work at Sabino had no influence in
forwarding colonization is to assume that none of the men engaged in
the enterprise ever took part in colonization, and never came out to
New England again, which is simply making ignorance the foundation
of the argument, according to the custom of those advocates who
would have us believe that the real work of colonization of New Eng-
land began in 1620, instead of having its origin in connection with
non-religious issues in the previous century, when it was clearly
recognized as a social and commercial necessity. We discover, from
the names given on Smith's map of New England, that many who
acted with the Popham Colony did not lose their interest. The
names of towns familiar to the Popham colonists were soon transferred
to the coast of Maine. The notion that the movement towards coloni-
zation died out is an unsupported assumption. Captain John Smith
says, in one place, that there were "no more speeches" for coloniza-
tion ; but the reply to his own statement, written at a season of de-
pression resulting from captivity, is found in his sul)sequent narrative
of operations, when he was appointed Admiral of New England, and
authorized to commence work in earnest, being prevented from laying
permanent foundations by head-winds, that kept him all summer from
going to sea. That the patent of New England did not lie dead he
himself proves: while, from the ^'car 1608, the coast of Maine was
alive with the English, who asserted their supremacy, — capturing
French vessels,' and l)reaking up tlie French settlement at Mount
Desert.^ Captain John Smith, too, was on the coast, which he
thoroughly explored and described in his famous book.-*
1 See Biai'd's Letter in Carayon's "Pi'omif re existed witli respect to colonization. See "A
Mission," p. 62. ' Description of New-Enjland : or, The Obsei-va-
2 See " Relations des .Jesuites," Queliee ; tions ami Discoucries of Captain lolin Smith
1858, Vol. I., p. 44 ; " Col. State P.ipers," 1574- (Admirall of that country) in the North of
1C13, Vol. I., articles 18 and 25 ; Chatnplain's America, in the year of our Lord, 1614; ivitli the
" Qi]uvi"e3," III., 17; Lescarbot's " NouvcUe successe of sixc Ships that went out the next
France," cd. 1618, Lib. iv.. Chap, xiii.; the Pop- yeare, 1C15, and the accidents befell him amons
ham "Memorial Volume;" and the writer's the French men of w.arre ; with tlie proofo of
"Scenes in the Isle of Mount Desert." New the present benefit lliiscountrcyaffoords, whither
York : 1869. this present yeare, 1616, eiglit voluntary ships are
3 Smith, in 1614, is his own historian, and gone to malio further TryaU. At London:
his wi-itings show the growth of the feeling that printed by Humfrey Lowncs, for Robert Clerke ;
EARLY DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS.
485
On the other hand, we may pause to note again the fact that
nothing was done on the coast of New England by non-conformists
previous to 1G20. The adventurers prior to that date were men-sent
out by prominent members of the Church of England. They examined
and mapped its harbors, they discovered its iishing-gTounds, and made
every preparation necessary for the occupation of the country. They
created that fiivorable state of public sentiment at home which led
oppressed religionists and others to emigrate, and turned the attention
of all classes to the advantages of the New AV^orld. In 1G20, when
driven by stress of weather to take shelter at Cape Cod, the Leyden
colonists decided to change their plan and settle at Plymouth,' so
named in IGIG, their occupation of the country was at once appi'oved
by Sir Ferdinando Gorges- and his episcopal coadjutors, who gave
the Plymouth settlers a legal right to remain, and aflbrdcd them every
encouragement.-' Other colonists followed, as the time for the con-
quest of the New England wilderness had come. If dissenters had not
entered upon the work, churchmen enough would have been found.
As it happened many did come. The Plymouth colonists even were
strongly tinctured with church sentiments, a great gulf existing be-
tween many of those people and the settlers of Massachusetts Bay, as
we know from the Seven Articles of the Church of Leyden,'' which.
and are to be soiiW at his house called the Locljre,
in Chancery lane, oner afrainst Lincohics Inne,
1616." Also," The Gcucrall Historic of Virginia,
New England, and the Summer Isles, . . .
from then' first be^nuning. An", 1584, to the
present, 1626." London : 1632. This work now
brings an enormous price, but it has been re-
printed at Richmond. .-Vrber, London, 1884,
gives a reprint of Smith's complete works.
^ See "A Relation or lournall of the begin-
ning and proceedings of the English Plantation
settled at Plimouth," London, 1622, carefully
reprinted, and edited by Dexter, as" Mourt'sRo'-
lation." Boston, 1865.
- For Sir Ferdinando's history of his actions
sec " ABriefe Nan-ation of the Originall Under-
takings of the advancement of Plantations into
the Piirts of America, especially showing the
beginning, progress and continuance of that of
New England. Written by the Right WorshipfuU
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight and Governour of
the Fort and Island of Plymouth, in Devonshire.
London. Printed by E. Brndcuell, for Natli.
Brook, at the Angell in Corn-hill, 1658." This
work is reprinted in the "Collections of tlie
Maine Ilistorical Society," S. i., Vol, ii.
' The charter granted to the colonists of
Plymouth by the " President and Council of
New England," bore date of .June 1, 1621.
It is a document issued by the Church of Eng-
land "Plymouth Company" to a singular baud
of non-conformists at Plymouth, Massachusetts,
where it is still preserved, and is described as
" the oldest document in Massachusetts officially
connected with her history." It is a church
document. — Urad/ord's Journal, p. 107.
< " Seven ,\rtikels which y Church of Ley-
den sent to 3"° Counsell of England to bee consid-
ered of in rcspeckt of their judgments occationed
about theer going to Virginia Anno 1618,
"1, To y confession of fayth pubhshcd in
y" name of y° Church of England & to eveiy
artikell thereof wee do w''' y" reformed cliurches
wheer we live & also els where assent Avholv.
" 2. As wee do acknowlidg y" doctryne of
fayth theer tawght so do wee y" fruites and
effeckts of y" same doctryne to y" begetting of
saving fayth in thousands in y laud (conform-
istes & reforraistes) as y' ar called w"* whom
also as w"' our In-ethrcu wee do desycr to keepe
sperituall communion in peace and will prackiis
in our parts all lawlull things.
" 3. The King's Majesty wee acknowlidg
for Suprcame Ciovernor in his Dominion in all
causes and over all p.arsons [persons] audy' none
may dceklyno or apealo from his authority or
judgment in any cause whatsoever, but y* in all
thingcs obedience is dewe unto him, ether active,
if y» thing commanded be not agaynst God's
woord, or passive yf itt bee, except pardon can
bee obtayned.
"4. Weejudg ittlawfuU for his Majesty to
apoynt bishops, civiU overseers, or officers in
authoryty onder hime, in y*' severall provinces,
dioses, congregations or parrishes to oversee
y" Churches and governe them civilly according
to y Lawes of y Land, imttowhom yJ ar in all
thingcs to geve an account & by them to bee
ordered according to Godlynes.
"ft. The authority of y present bishops in
j° Land wee do acknowlidg so far forth as
y" same is indeed derived from his Majesty untto
tlicm and as y? proseed in his name, whom wee
will also theerin honor in all things and hime in
them.
" 6. Wee beleeve y' no sinod, classes, con-
vocation, or assembly of Ecclcsiasticall Officers
hath any power or authoryty att all but as
y" same by y^ Majestraet gcven unto them.
" 7. Lastly, wee desycr to give untto all
Superiors dew honnor to preserve y° unity of
y" speritt w"^ all y feare God, to have peace
w*^ all men what in us lycth it wheerein wee err
to bee instructed by any." — Subscribed by John
Robinson and William Bricster.
— X. Ynrh Hist. Coll.,
S. 2, Vol. 111., Pt. 1, p. 29.3.
486 HISTORY OF THE AMKRICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
in some respects, go beyond anything that churchmen would consent
to in our day.
When Endicott left the Old World, in 1628, the language of the
company was, "Farewell the church of God in England, and all
Christian friends there ! We do not go to New England as Separatists
from the Church of England ;"i and, in 1630, Winthrop's company
" esteem it an honour to call the Church of England from whence wee
rise, our dear mother." Such men as the Brownes of Salem came over
with an implied contract in fiwor of the Cliurch. From Smith's map
of New England, 1616, it would appear that the country had been
preempted by churchmen. As is well known, the map originally was
covered with Indian names, ^ and young Prince Charles was requested
to revise them. This appears to have been done after consultation
with influential men well versed in all matters relating to New England ;
for while the prince shows in the selection of names a decided partiality
for Scotland, his native country, he nevertheless makes an intelligent
distribution of certain names with reference to the enterprise of the
Church of England men in the south and west. Except "Boston"
and "Hull," taken from Nottinghamshire and Lincolnshire, there is
nothino- to recall the homes of the non-conformists. On the other hand,
the churchmen of Bristol, always so prominent in connection with New
England, find their brave city recognized ; while "Plymouth," ^ a gi-eat
seat of Church of England enterprise, the home of Gorges and the
startino--point of the Popham colonists, displaces the aboriginal
" Accomac," pointed out as the proper site for a colony by Smith, and
surveyed by Pring in 1603; while Dermer made a peace with the
Indians in 1619, and thus opened the way for the Leyden colonists, who
found Plymouth prepared for them by churchmen and bearing its pi-cscnt
Englisli name. So, too, "Poynt Sutlift"," near the present Scituatc,
foruied a distinct recognition of that true churchman, Dr. Sutlifle, Dean
of Exeter, who took such a profound interest in colonization, and spent
his money freely in behalf of New England enterprise. The Rev.
Samuel Purchas by his publications also performed an important part
and showed great zeal.
A greater name, however, than any of those mentioned, and one that
demands special notice, is that of the Rev. Richard Hakluyt, who is not
to be confounded with Hakluyt the elder, of Yatton. It is unfortunate
that we know so little of the history of this remarkable man, who was
liorn about the year 1553, being educated at Westminster School and
Christ Church College, Oxford. By accident, while a boy at West-
minster, he visited the rooms of his cousin Richard, a gentleman of the
Middle Temple, where he " found lying vpon his boord certeinc bookes
of Cosmographie with a vniversal Mappe." These attracted the lad's
' Mather's " Magnalia," B. m., Part II., grims] received at the last EnKlish port from
Chap. I. which they had sailed, the oldest New England
= Sec on map and names, "Narrative and colony took the name of Plymouth." In 1620
Critical History," III., Chap. VI., and " Me- the harhor was well known, having been mapped
morial History of Boston," I., p. 52. hy the English ; also, by the French in 1005, and
= Notwithstanding the fact that Plymouth the Dutch in 1611. It was one of the red men
wag named iu 1616 by Prince Charles, Mr. Ban- who had associated with churchmen in Maine,
croft, in the latest revised edition of his United the Chief Samoset, who surprised the Plymouth
States (I., p. 209) , innocently says ; " In memoi-y Pilgrims, in 1620, with the salutation, " Welcome,
of the hospitalities which the company [the Pil- Englishmen."
EARLY DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS. 487
attentioa, whereupon the owner of the Cosmographie, Hulvhiyt Siiys,
began to mstruct his ignorance, and turned to the lU7th Psalm, dwell-
ing upon those who go down into the sea in ships. The seed was sown
upon good ground, and Hakluyt's course was fixed for life, since he
says : —
The words of the Prophet, together with my cousin's discourse (things of higli
and rare delight to my yoimg nature), tooke so deepe an impression that I con-
stantly resolved, if euerl were preferred to the Vniversitj', where better time and
more 'convenient place might be ministred for these studies, I would, by God's
assist:»nce, prosecute that knowledge and kinde of literature, the doores whereof
(after a sort) were so happily opened before me.
Hakluyt was a man of broad and comprehensive views. ^Vhile a
diligent preacher, and a painful student of theology, he was not un-
mindful of the humanities. His mind went out in search of all
availal)le knowledge, but especially did he delight to supplement his
sacred studies with the results of historical research ; to all of which
he gave a practical turn, and thus became eminently useful in opening
new countries to the enterprise of Englishmen, who, along the paths
of a successful commerce, bore the banner of Christ and the Chiu'ch.
The activity of Hakluyt was felt in all parts of the civilized Avorld,
but especially do we trace his influence in America ; while to-day,
among historical students, no name carries with it more authority, or
is quoted with more respect, than that of Eichard Hakluyt. New
England especially owes him a debt. Under the impulse created by
his genius and learning, and reinforced by his enterjjrise and liberal
financial benefactions, the work of colonization was stimulated to a re-
markable degree. Bitter non-conformists, who never acknowledged
any obligation, adopted his reasonings, and followed his policy. Thus,
largely under his guidance, the course of emph-e took its westward
wa3^ There were religious persecutions in those days, but there were
also churchmen who acted from a deep conviction produced by the
arguments in favor of colonization, the strongest of which were put by
Hakluji;, whose name was a power. It was Hakluyt, Sir Fcrdinaudo
Gorges, and their fellow-laborers, together with the printing-press,'
not Archbishop Laud, and the members of the Star Chamber, who
colonized New England. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, however, was the
' Hakluyt's works appear ia the following tant quarters of the Earth at any time within the
oi'der: — compasse nf these 1600 i/eres: Divided into three
Divers voyages touching the discouerie of eeverall I olumes, according to the positions 0/ the
America and the Islands adjacent vnio the same, Regions wherevnto they were directed, etc., etc.
made Jirst of all h>j our Englishmen, and after- By Richard Uakluyt, Preacher, and sometime
wards l>y the Frenchmen and Britons, etc., etc. Student of Christ-Church in Oxford. Imprinted
Imprinted at London for Tliomas Woodcocke, at London by George Bishop, Ralph Newberie,
dwelling in paules Church-Yard, at the signe of and Robert Barker, anno 1,599.
the blacke beare, 1SS2. Reprinted by the Hak- Tliis work was in three volumes folio ; the
luyt Society, ISoO. thhd printed in 1600. For the convenience of
The Principal Navigations, Voiages, and Dis- students, it may be noted that this woi'k was
coveries of the English Nation, made by Sea and reprinted with care in 1809-12, by George Wood-
Over Land, to the most remote and farthest distant fall, ecUtod by R. II. Evans, and is now so scarce
quarters of the Earth, etc. Imprinted at London that it brings £20 to £30.
by George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, Deputies Among Ir.ter pieces was the following
to Chriitopher Booker, Printer to the Queene'smost narrative, entitled: —
excellent Ilaiestie, 1589. Virginia richly valued. By the description of
The Principal Navigations, voyages, Traf- the maine land of Florida, her next neighbor, etc.,
fi:/ues, and Discovti-iesrf the English Nation made etc. London, 1009.
by Sea or overland, to the remote and farthest dis-
488 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
official representative of the movement. To him, therefore, is accorded
in a special sense the title of "Father of New England Colonization."
The names of these two churchmen, Gorges and Hakluyt, will go
down the line of the generations together. It M'as men of their stamp
who established colonization in New England, as well as in Virginia, and
also rendered the existence of non-conformity possible, by their kind-
ness and toleration clothing the opponents of the Chm"ch with a power,
ruthlessly employed at last, to strike down her sous.
Let us pass however, to notice several of the chui'chmeu who
appear in the early history of New England as colonists.
Whether at the time the Leyden Pilgrims reached Plymouth
there were any other white settlers on the coast of Massachusetts we
need not inquire, though it is now quite certain that, in INIaine, per-
manent settlers were on the ground long prior to 1G20 ; while, soon after
1620, colonists appeared in Maine in large numbers.' In the Plymouth
settlement there was an element decidedly in favor of tiie Church, as
we may conclude from the fact that at Christmas, 1621, Bradford
says, the " most of this new-company excused them selves and said it
wente against theer consciences to work on y' day."^
One of those some time afterwards associated with the people of
Plymouth was the Eev. 'NA'illiam Morrell, whom we may style "The
first Ecclesiastical Commissioner in New England." Morrell was the
minister of the colony attempted at Weymouth " Fore-river," one of
the southern arms of Boston harbor. This little stream waters a
region of great historic interest.^ Upon the banks of this river stood
the ancient " Wessagusset," a settlement commenced by the English
before Blackstone had entered the peninsula of Boston. In 1622
Weston sent a colony to that place, of which no trace remained in
March, 1623, except a solitary block-house. In the following Sep-
tember Captain Robert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinando, renewed the
attempt, having been made lieutenant-general, or " Gove"" of y"
Countrie," with large jurisdiction, both civil and ecclesiastical. He
was furnished with a council, and had Francis West for vice-admiral.
Like his father, Gorges was a churchman, and had in view the estab-
lishment of episcopacy in Massachusetts. Accordingly, with his
colony, he brought over Morrell. Though none of this second band
of colonists appear to have been massacred by the Indians, like some
of the first, in many other respects tliey fared but little better.
Gorges appears to have been disgusted with his principality. At
least Bradford says, " The Gov"" and some y' depended upon him re-
turned for England, haveing scarcly saluted ye cunti'ie in his Govern-
1 Readers of New England history -were fact of all New England, for the period of 160O-
long accustomed to the tedious iteration, that, iu 20, remains, like other portions, to be written. In
1020, there was not a single white colonist hving connection with this period it is too often for-
between Virginia and Newfoundland. This gotten that at the time the Pilgrims were st.arving
statement rested upon its basis of ignorance until at Plymouth free representative government had
the publication of the Labadist journal, proving, bccn'cstablished in Virginia, in May, 1622.
in connection with other establislied facts, that a ^ Bradford's Journal, " Collections of Massa-
colony existed at Manhattan in 16l.i, when Jean chusetts Historical Society," S. 4, Vol. iii.,
Vigne was born. In the joui-nal of the N.Y. p. 12.
Biographical Society (1885) Dr. Purple gives an ^ See. on this subject, " Bi-adford's History,"
account of four generations of Vigne descend- pp. 148-168, 149-154, " Proceedings of the Mass.
ants. Tlie story of Pemaquid. Maine, and in 1 list. Society," 1878, p. 195.
EARLY DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS. 489
mente, not finding the state of things hear to answei- his qualiitie and
condition." It has generally been supposed that after his departure
the people at once left Wessagusset, and that the remnant, with
Morrell, took up their abode at Plymouth. Bradford, however, says,
"The people dispersed them selves, some went for England, others
for Virginia, some few remained, and were helped with supplies from
hence." Bradford says that Morrell was in the country "aljout a year
after y" Gov'' returned," and finally sailed for England from Plymouth.
Bradford, as Governor of Plymouth, was, ex-officio, a member of
Gorges' Council, and the people of Plymouth, many of whom, being
attached to the Church of England, were led as well by brotherly sym-
pathy as by a common humanity to aid the people at Wessagusset.
The length of MorreU's sojourn at Pljanouth is not known. Brad-
ford gives a curious jDiece of information concerning him, sayino-,
" He had I know not what power and authority of superintendancie
over other churches granted him, and sundrie instructions for that
end ; but he never showed it, or made any use of it ; (it should seeme
he saw it was in vaine ;) ho only speake of it to some hear at his soino'
away. '
The language of Bradford is peculiar. Ho says that IMorrell had a
superintendency over other churches. Did this commission refer to the
" other churches" in Virginia, whither a portion of his flock went, or
was the commission drawn in accordance with the fourth of the Seven
Ai-ticles of Leyden, in which the intending colonists acknowledged it
" lawfull for his Majesty to apoynt bishops, civill overseers, or officers
in authoryty onder hime ... to oversee y" Churches ? " It would
appear to include the latter, as we infer, from Bradford's statement,
that Morrell saw that any attempt to exercise his functions would
prove " in vaine." Bradford, possibly, like some moderns, was not
acquainted with the existence of the Articles.
Of the general services rendered by Morrell in Massachusetts we
cannot speak. His special performance was the composition of a
Latin poem descriptive of the country. This poem was printed in a
pamphlet upon his return to England, Morrell describing himself in
the dedication as "late preacher with the Eight Wor: Capt. Rob:
Gorge late governor of New England." It would appear that cither
at Plymouth or Wessagusset he found little to do, especially in his
character as commissioner. In his address to the " Vnderstanding
Reader" he says that it was during his "melancholy leasure " that he
"conceived these rude words," which his "conscious muse censured."
The phrase " melancholy leasure " may, perhaps, be understood as
referring to the dark days of the winter of 1623-4, when he sought
to warm himself l>y the green logs of the block-house fire ; though life
there may not have been so melancholy, after all, since Morton, of
Merry Mount, resorted thither sometimes in the winter for "the
benefit of company," and was arrested there in 1028, — a circumstance
which has been used to prove that the second settlement of Wessa-
gusset did not come to an end in 1G24, when Morrell left. Of the
' Bi-adfonVs Journal, p. \7A.
490 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
truth of the latter conclusion we cannot well judge at present, but
it is certain that Morrell was much discouraged, and resigned his
semi-episcopal jurisdiction, seemingly with little regret.
Morrell's preliminary address to the lords, knights, and gentle-
men who had undertaken the colony at Wessagussct, like most docu-
ments of the kind, is more or less difluse and wordy, besides being
sprinkled with Latin, in common with the dedication and postscript.
His purpose in ^vl■iting was to furnish correct information concerning
the country and the natives. The woi'k of founding new colonies he
considered roj'al and religious employment.'
There is nothing in the poem to indicate that the colony at Wessa-
gussct was a failure ; though it is clear, even if Its continuity was
preserved, that it lost its episcopal character by its close proximity to
independency. That there was always a certain number of inhabi-
tants around Boston from 1624 to 1631 is evident from an entry in
Winthrop's journal. Of the causes which led to the failure at Wessa-
gusset we need not speak, though it would appear as though Robert
Gorges, not acting in the spirit of brave old Sir Ferdinando, was
largely responsible. If he had persevered a flourishing episcopal
community might have been formed on the south side of Boston
harbor, and possibly decided the ecclesiastical character of Massa-
chusetts.
About this period we find at Weymouth an ex-clergyman of the
Church of England, the Rev. Robert Hull, who was complicated in
aifairs connected with that place. Yet too little is known aliout him
at present to warrant any attempt to give his story.'' If space allowed,
it would be of interest here to repeat the story of Thomas ilorton,
of "Merry Mount," who, about the year 1622, established himself at
WoUaston, in the present Quincy, Massachusetts ; in the autumn of
1630 being banished to England for the second time on false and
malignant charges ; and who, upon his return to the country in 1644,
was apprehended, and condemned without law, finally dying at Aga-
menticus, the modern York, from the efiiects of the privations which he
suflered in prison at Boston. The persecution of Morton by the au-
thorities ended in judicial murder. Morton was a man of talent, a
lawyer by profession, and, according to Samuel Maverick, "a gentle-
man of good qualitie." Morton lacked discretion, and was an unmerciful
satirist, in the Third Book of his "New English Canaan" making his
enemies wince. The worst of charges were brought against him, but
in no case could they ofier any proof. His crime consisted chiefly in
his opposition to Separatism. The cruel and illegal ti'eatment which he
received will blacken the memory of his persecutors so long as New
England history is read. He had a patent for his land ; he violated
• The Massachusetts Historical Society has The Dedication is sijjned William MoircU.
a copy of Morrell's book, though it lacks the The poem is reprinted ia the "Mass. Coll.," 1792,
title-papte. We give the title from the British p. 125.
Museum copy : — " On this person see the " Con£a"e2"atioual
" New England or A hriefe ennumeration of Quarterly," April, 1877. Also Freeman's" Ilistoiy
the Ayre, Earth, Water, Fish and Fowles of of Cape Cod." Hull was evidently discountc-
thatCountiy. With a Description of the Natures, nanccd by the powers at Boston, to whom event-
Orders, Habits and Religion of the Native ; in ually he succumbed ; though it wonld pppear
l.atine and English Vei'se. Sat breve. Si sat that he came to New England to aid in render-
bene, London, Imprinted hy I>. D., 1625." ing the people obedient to the Cluuch.
EARLY DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS. 491
no law ; he lived apart Ijy himself, attending to his own interests ;
yet, being an enemy to dissent, a successful trader and an advocate
of common prayer, it was decreed that he must not be tolerated.
AVhat to some may appear the more singular is the fiict that they
objected not only to his use of Common Prayer, but to the Bible,
which the leaders among the non-conformists in New England did not
regard with the tavor now taken for granted. They were afraid to trust
the people publicly with any considerable portion without its being ex-
pounded. A curious illustration is found in the case of the Rev. Mr.
Beach, who left the Congregational ministry at Newtown, Connecticut,
after alarming the people by reading " whole chapters of the Word of
God." 1
His enemies charged Morton witli selling fire-arms to the Indians,
against which there was no law ; but the most dangerous things, after
all, were the Bible and Prayer Book ; and hence it was declared that
he must go. To add to the cruelty of their proceedings his bouse
was burnt before his eyes, and every indignity was shown him that
malice could devise.^
Another prominent churchman was Samuel Maverick, who, at a
subsequent pe-
riod, performed y M < yy
of Royal Com-
missioner. Maverick was the first white inha))itant of "Noddle's
Island," now East Boston.' Josselj'n says that he was the son of the
Rev. John Maverick, the dissenting minister of Dorchester, who came
over in 1630 ; but this, perhaps, is hardly certain.
In the side discussions, where the name of Maverick, or Mavericke,
is occasionally found, it is the custom either to speak of the date of his
arrival in Massachusetts as unknown, or to fix it at 1623, associating
him with the Weymouth colonists brought over by Gorges. Some
testimony on this point appears to have escaped notice ; for, in 1669,
he wrote to Sampson Bond that he was in New England from " the
first settling." In the same letter, however, he speaks more definitely,
saj'ing " it is 45 yeares since I came into New England." His memory,
perhaps, was accurate respecting dates, as may be inferred from his
statement of 1640, that he had had ten years' experience of the colo-
nists at Boston, who came over in 1630. If Maverick's statement of
1669 is perfectly exact, it follows that he came in 1624, and, there-
fore, had nothing to do with those who came with Robert Gorges in
' History of the Protestant Episcopal Church entitled, "New England's Vindication," printed
in America, by Wilberforce. London, 1806. for Henry Gardener, 1660. This shows that
p. 118. WoUaston, Morton's associate, also had a patent.
- See the Stoiy of Morton, in the "Magazine of See The Prince Society's edition of "The
American History," Februoi-y, 1882 ; and Charles New English Canaan," edited by Cliarles Francis
P'rancis Adams, in the "Atlantic Monthly," Adams, Boston, 4to, 1883; with a favorable
May and J unc, 1877. The "Clarendon Papers," in review of the same in " The Nation," .June 7, 1883.
tlie " New York Historical Collections," 1869, p. Consult, also, a review of an opposite character
40 ; together with Slorton's book, " The New Eng- in" The Chui-chman," August IS, 188:i ; reprinted,
lish Canaan," which forms sued a bibliographi- revised, as "A Few 01)sei-vations," etc.. New
cal puzzle. For a testimony respecting Ilie York, 1883,
realily of Morton's Patent, see a rare publication s See Sumner's " History of East Boston."
492 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
1622 aud 1G23. At all events it may be regarded as certain that be
was on the ground in 1C24 ; while the question of bis su{)posed con-
nection with Gorges, who came in September, 1623, must he decided
by other testimony, the discussion of which is of more importance
than some suppose. It may, nevertheless, be observed, that it has
l)ccn argued that Maverick came with Gorges in 1623, because, in
1629, in connection with Blackstone and otiiers, he was empowered
by the authority in England to put Oldham in possession of certain
territory in Massachusetts. We find, however, that Blackstone, also
concerned in that transaction, was empowered, in 1631, to put Hilton
in possession at Dover. If the latter fact were the only one known
concerning Blackstone, it might be concluded that, because thus
empowered, be also came over with Gorges. The evidence that
Maverick came with Gorges in 1623 is presumptive and weak, which
is equally true with respect to Blackstone. If either had come over
with Gorges, Morrell, the chaplain of the expedition, might not have
written, that "Gentlemen or Citizens" were "too lugh and not patient
enough of such services " to make good colonists. Blackstone and
Maverick were gentlemen, yet eminently practical, hard-working, and
successful. IMaverick, as we first find him in bis fortified dwelling,
literally proving that an Englishman's house is bis castle, does not
impress us as a refugee from the dismantled colony at Weymouth, but
appears in his strong keep as a man of original ideas, possessing
resources sufiicient for a large and independent undertaking. This
leads us to quote the earliest known reference to him, which is in
Johnson's " Sion's Saviour." Referring to the people who came to
Boston in 1630, Johnson says, —
On the north side of Charles River, they landed neare a small island called
NoddelVs Island, where one Samuel Mavereck. then lining, a man of very loving
and com-teous behavior, very ready to entertain strangers, yet an enemy to the
Reformation in hand, being strong for the Lordly Prelaticall power one [on] this
Island ; he had biiilt a small fort with the help of one Mr. David Thompson, placing
therein fom-e Murtlierers to protect him from the Indians. •
Maverick was a young man of superior talents and education,
and seems to have been in some respects a reflection of the romantic
baronial chief, whose halls were open to all friends, while his frown-
ing cannon was ready to salute the foe.
It is said, on fair authority, that the Thompson referred to came
to Boston harbor in 1626, and that he died about 1628. This places
the building of the fort near 1627. It is, nevertheless, argued that
Maverick could not have been at Noddle's Island then, for the reason
that he was not taxed in 1628 in connection with the rate raised for
the purpose of expelling Morton of jNIcrrymount. Those who have
thus treated the subject do not appear to have known anything of
Maverick's statement, that he had been in New England forty-nine
'Wonder-worliinf; Pi-ovklcnco of Sion's Sav- 1716, Chief .Tustice Scnall vainly tried to have
iour, in New Enjrland. Eilited by W. F. Poole, the slaves taken out of the rates applied to Cattle
Andover, 1867. Inthis work an attempt is made and Hogs. See his diary, " Mass. Hist. Coll.,"
to injure the reputation of Maveriek in connec- Series v.. Vol. VII., p. 87. Vide, also, Coffin's
tion with slavery. Maverick, in some respects, " Hist, of Newbuiy," p. 188.
was no better than his neighbors. As late as
EAELY DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS. 493
years, nor do they appear to have been acquainted with another fact,
namely, that he sympathized with Morton and denounced his enemies.
In 1638, when Josselyn arrived at Boston, he described Maverick
as " the only hospitable man in the countrey, giving entertainment to
all comers gi-a/is."^ Still, his course was necessarily one of conflict
with his neighbors, who, in various ways, confessed his importance
and worth. Winthrop's colony, which arrived in 1G30, was hardly
seated at Boston, when Maverick came forward to aid them in procur-
ing corn at Narragansett, as they were in danger of famine. His co-
operation in secular aflairs was often indispensa))le, and his mercantile
operations were conducted far and wide. In 1G30 he was admitted a
freeman. Nevertheless the later enactment confined the privilege
to members of "the Church." In 1634-5 his lavish hospitality to
strangers excited such apprehension that the court decreed that he
should "remove his habitation for himselfe and his family to Boston,
and in the meantyme shall not give entertainment to any strangers
for a longer tyme than one night, without leave from some Assistant,
and all this to be done under the penalty of £100." At this time men
at home were taking measures to dissolve the non-conformist power,
which was so outrageously al)uscd. Hence, every stranger was
jealously watched, and Maverick, Ijcing strong for the " Lordly Pre-
laticall power," was suspected. Maverick was evidently a whole-
souled, jovial Briton, and a stanch churchman, who despised the
narrowness and intolerance of the non-conformists. He was sympa-
thetic, and, perhaps, not always prudent, since in 1641 ho was
fined £10 for sheltering two convicted evil-doers. Yet the fines were
sometimes quite of the nature of black-mail, and appeared all the
more odious from the fact that Maverick contributed so liberally to
tlie public defence. For years he thus suffered a series of petty
persecutions. Affairs reached a climax, however, in 1646, as a move-
ment, which had been commenced in more liberal Plymouth, was
transferred to Boston, when, in common with a number of others,
Maverick signed "A Remonstrance and Humble Petition" to the
General Court, asking for a settled form of government, according to
the fundamental law of England, together with lil)erty to worship
God as their consciences dictated. The petitioners were summoned
before the court, and told that they were arraigned for contemptuous
and seditious expressions, and not for using the right of petition. It
was well for Boston that t'.ie home government was not then prepared
to defend the churchmen in that city, as it might have been done too
thoroughly. Some of the petitionei's were fined, and Maverick was
made to pay ten pounds. The condemned men then claimed the
right to petition the Commissioners of Planta-
tions in England. Several of the petitioners were '^^td^y /a'^A/77
seized, but others escaped by sea. In his Thursday {/' ^ ^
lecture, before the ship sailed. Master John Cotton
warned all going over of the danger of carrying petitions, as any such
document would prove a Jonas; recommending, in case a stonn arose,
■ An Account of Two Voyages to New England and London, 1674, p. 12.
494 HISTORY OF THE AMEKICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
that the trunks of the passengers should be searched, and that, if any
such document were found, it should be thrown overboard. The
storm came, and a woman who had heard Master Cotton's lecture
began to rave. Going to Mr. Vassal, one of the petitioners, she
called him up at midnight, accusing him of possessing " some writings
against the people of God." She was accordingly accommodated with
a copy of a petition drawn up by the Bostoniaus themselves, which,
with all due ceremony, was thrown overboard. At the end of four-
teen days the ship arrived, when the true Jonas was cast up in safety
at London. Nevertheless, John Cotton's wisdom was duly applauded,
and the safety of the ship was attributed to the drowning of the un-
hallowed document devised by INIaverick and his brother churchmen.
In 1G87 Maverick's daughter, in a petition to Governor Andros,
referred to a petition which her father and others addressed to " King
Charles the First, of blessed memory," in which they requested several
liberties, amongst others, that of " the baptizing of their children." This
is the petition that made the trouljle, and cost Maverick twelve days' im-
prisonment, with a fine of £100. Such was the treatment measured
out to a man, who, as Drake confesses, " I'oston could not do with-
out." Though compelled to help support the Congregational preachers,
he was deprived of the oi'dinauces he valued, steadily refusing to join
"the Church."
Eventually, being weary of contention, INIaverick sold Noddle's
Island, and went to England. "The Clarendon Papers" show that, soon
after the accession of Charles II. , he was laboring most earnestly to direct
attention to the abuses from which he had suffered. Cromwell was
dead, and, as the new power sympathized with him, he sought to have
episcopacy established in New England by law, and proposed to make
all alike pay church-rates ; but he argued in favor of toleration as re-
garded "fundamentals," his plan providing that the people should be
left to use the Prayer Book or not, as they pleased. He did not un-
derstand Toleration in Blackstone's sense, and was strong for " the pre-
laticall power," but he was in advance of the men of the times, and
especially those of New England. His letters to the Earl of Claren-
don show that he miscalculated the temper of the people, in suppos-
ing that it would be an easy matter to set up the estal)lishmentin New
England. With his plan for New England, he urged another for the
conquest of New York. The plan suggested was followed, securing
the predicted results. He argued that, upon the appearance of the
English at jNIanhattan with a suitable force,
the Dutch would surrender without a blow ;
which event transpired under his own eyes,
/^//^J( "^ 1(5()4, when he returned to America as a
/ ^^'i— <^ ' Ivoyal Commissioner. At Boston his mis-
sion was a failure, the commissioners being
resisted ; but in New York the Church was planted, the Dutch and the
English amicably using the same chapel, the rights of the Dutch being
scrupulously observed. '
' Sec the "Clavendon Papers," in the " New York Hist. Coll.," 1S70. Also consult general
index of " New York Colonial Papers " for notices of Maverick.
EARLY DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS. 4!l,5
In October, 1GG9, he received from the Duke of York the "-ift
of a "house in tlie Brood way," and, though we occasionally hear of
him as visiting ^Massachusetts, he appears to have died in New York
prior to May, 1G7G.
The well-known story of the brothers John and Samuel Browne
may here be treated briefly. They came in 1G29 to Salem, as members
of Endicott's Council, expecting that the Church would be adhered to
in good faith. But when they found that the most of the people were
untrue, they commenced services themselves, using the "Book of Com-
mon Prayer." Hence wo read in Nathaniel Morton's book that Endicott
"convented the two brothers before him," when "they accused the minis-
ters as departing from the orders of the Church of England, that they
were separatists, and would be analinptists, &c. but for tiiemsclves,
they would hold to the ordei's of the Churcii of England. The ministers
answered for themselves, tiiat they were neither separatists nor anal)ap-
tists, they did not separate from the Church of England, nor from the or-
dinances of God there but only from the corruptions and disorders
there ; and that they came away from the common prayer and
ceremonies, and had suflered much for their non-conformity in their
native land ; and, therefore, being in a place ^vhere they might have
their liberty, they neither could nor would use them, because they judged
the imposition of these things to be sinful corruptions in the worship
of God." After this attempt to meet the charge of being Separatists,
the Governor told them, that "New England was no place for such as
they ; and therefore he sent them both back for England, at the re-
turn of the ships the same year."' In other cases, the action of these
people is susceptible of some explanation, but here we can refer their
course to no respectable consideration, it being characterized by
flagrant dishonesty. Yet, in the face of this treatment of the Browne
brothers, we are told that Thomas iMorton was not persecuted because
he advocated the Episcopal order and the "Book of Common Prayer."'
'New EnglantVs Jlemonal : ov a Brief Tic- izcd " in no hostile spirit to the Church of Enif-
lution of the most memorable and Eemarliable land." Theii- action was predicted at home, and
Passages in the Providence of God, manifested it was necessary for men to acquiesce or leave the
to the Planters of New l-^ngland in America ; countiy. Rather than to allow the whole move-
With Special reference to the first Colony thereof ment to miscariy Governor Winthrop acceded,
called New-Plimouth. By Nathaniel Morton, In fact, he had come out to New England to stay.
Secretary to the Court, for the .Jurisdiction of and if originally he was an Erastian, so far as lie
New-Plimouth. Cambridge, printed by S. G. may have been concerned the setting up of re-
and M. J. for John Usher, of Boston, 1G69. ligion in a new form was sutKcicntly logical. As
We quote from the Fifth Edition, Boston, 1S26, forthereallcaders,menlikeSkclton, they claimed
p. 14S. to act on different principles. See the paper on
- Salem appeai-s to have been the stronghold this point bv the lion. Robert C. Winthrop, in tlie
of that violent dissent which finally shaped the " Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Society, 1881,"
policy of Massachusetts. Skelton was the leader, p. 2S8. In Felt's " New England," i., p. 143, we
and iie boldly refused the Sacrament to the (iov- find some light on the means employed to per-
ernorandothcrsof the Church party. When Win- suatle those who stood aloof for a time from
throp arrived, in 1630, the conseiTative clement Skelton. John Cotton writes from England
was strong, but the Separatists were decided, to Skelton at Salera : "It hath not a little troubled
Smith says that Winthrop and his council were me that you should deny the Lord's Supper to
put " to their utmost wits." The struggle was so such Godly and faithful servants of Christ as Mr.
hot that, according to Smith, " some two hundred Governor, Mr. Johnson. Mr. Dudley and Mr.
of the colonists went home." Winthrop recog- Coddington. . . . Jly grief increased upon
nized the gravity of the situation and speaks of me when I heard you denied baptism unto Mr.
*' the no small company left out of church fellow- Coddington's Child, and that upon a reason worse
ship and civill office and frecdome." Under the than the fact. And that which added wonder to
circumstances we need not make any mystery of my grief was, that I heard you admitted one of
the change effected in everything relating to the Mr. Lothrop's Congregation not only to the
Church, nor to argue that the Separatists organ- Lord's supper but his Child to Baptism, upon
496
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Anothci" character to l)e mentioued is Thomas Walford, of
Charlestown, the ancient Mishawam, who established the first Eng-
lish home on that peninsula. How and when he came over we cannot
say, though it may be taken for granted, perhaps, that he came with
Maverick and Blackstone.
It is evident that a serious purpose was entertained I)}' this trio
in taking possession of three separate, yet contiguous and important
positions, like those they occupied at the junction of the Mystic and
Charles rivers. Walford's name is in the list of those registered in
1629, when Mishawam was "brought into the denomination of an
English towne." He is described by the new-comers as " Tho.
Walford, smith, y' lived heere alone liefore." In 1630 he found a
person capable of sympathizing with him. This was the Rev.
Francis Bright, who came with Winthrop's company. Ilubl^ard
confesses that Mr. Bright was a " godly minister ; " ' but, upon
favoring episcopacy, he was obliged to leave and go back to Eng-
land, his associates at once playing false. Dudley shows that Mr.
Bright was not the only one to protest against the abandonment
of the Church by the Winthrop party, as others went back to
Enghuid, or else resorted to the settlement in Maine. Possibl3\ Win-
throp, himself, yielded at last to the defection, to save his influence
with the people. It is certain that Roger Williams charges him with
going with the stream for his banishment.^ After the retiu'n of Bright
and his friends, AValford was the oni^^ churchman left in Charlestown.
He, however, was destined to go, as a charge was soon trumped
up against him. From the records of the General Court, May 3d,
1631, we learn that, "Tho: Walford, of Charlton, is flyned xl%
and inioyned, hee and his wife, to depte^ out of the lymits of this
pattent before the 20"' day of October nexte, vnder paine of confis-
cacon of his goods, for his contempt of authoritie & confrontinge
officers, &c." One may readily imagine what contempt of authority
might mean, as well as the " so forth." It is clear, however, that he
did not pay his fine, as seven years later the court, in attcmjjting to
save its own dignity, discovered that AValford had paid his fine " by
Killing a AYolfe." * Sir Richard Saltonstall's fine was remitted at the
same time, showing that the " crimes " they committed were mcon-
venient, rather than discreditable. Walford, no doubt, was a worthy
risbl of Testimony fioin bis Churcli, whereas Mr.
Codclin<rton bringing tlie same i'rom tbe cbicf of
our congrefration, was not accepted. Two things
I concieve herein to be erroneous ; first that you
think no man may be admitted to tlic Sacrament,
though a member of the Catholic Church, unless
lie be a member of Some reformed Cluirch ; sec-
ondly, that none of the Congregations of England
arc particular reformed churches but Mr. Loth-
rop's and sucli as his. . . . You went hence
of another judgment, and I am afraid your change
balli sprung from the Plymouth men." Cotton
refutes Skelton, defends the Church of England,
and says : " Till Christ give us a bill of divorce-
ment, do not you divorce yourselves from us."
Nevertheless, Cotton went to Salem himself, in
1636, and formally recanted his sounil doctrine
and joined the revolt, thus divorcing himself.
I A General History of New England, from
the Discovery to mdclxxx. pp. 112, 113.
' Williams sa^'S in his letter, " The Rhode
Island Tracts," No. 14, that " John Winthrop,
the grandfather, " was carried with the stream
for my banishment." Personally they were
friends.
It is quite as reasonable to infer from the
kindly relations he sustained to Maverick, that he
was ** carried with the stream " in th.at case, also.
Evidently the course of his associates did not
really have his approval, and wlicn Ratcliff's
ears were cut off, Winthrop stayed the sentence
of banisliment decreed by the court. — Mass.
Hec, I., p. 88.
s Records of Mass., Vol. I.. I62S-41, p. 8G.
< Ibid., p. 243.
EARLY DISCOVEIUES AND SETTLEMENTS. 497
man, though they drove him out before he could pay his debts.'
When he had gone they seized his cflects. The refugee went to
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, then known as Strawberry Bank, where
lo.yal members of the Church of England were free, and where, in
1G40, he became warden of the church.
In this connection we may notice the minister of the church at
Portsmouth, who, in 1642, is described by Winthrop in his journal
as "one Eichard Gibson, a Scholar, sent some three or four years
since to Eichman's Island to be a minister to a fishing plantation
there belonging to one Mr. Trelawney of Plimouth [England],
He removed thence to Pascataquack, and this year was Entertained by
Fishermen at the Isle of Shoals to preach to them. He, Ijeing wholly
addicted to the hierachy and discipline of England, did exercise a
ministerial function in the same way, and did marry and baptise at
the Isle of Shoals." ^
Gibson was denounced by the non-conformist minister, Larkham,
of Dover, as a "hireling; " whereupon, Gibson wrote him an open
letter. Afterwards, when passing through Boston, Gibson was
seized and fined, it being understood that he was to leave the
country. In those days contempt of authority consisted in standing
upon one's manhood.
We now turn to another and very different character, the Eev.
William Blaxton, or Blackstone, who, with \\'alford and Maverick,
early found a home near the same spot. About the year 1624 this
man might have been found living alone in a little cottage on the pen-
insula of Boston. Of his personal history we have few details, though
we know that he took his master's desrrco at Cambridge in 1621, and
soon after came to Boston, sequestering himself in the wilderness. It
is not probable, as already indicated, that he came over in 1623 with
Gorges and Morrell. The first mention we have of Blackstone is
that June 9, 1628, he was assessed twelve shillings towards the
expense of arresting Thomas Morton, though there is nothing to
prove that he paid the tax, while even if forced to pay it he could
not have sympathized with the proceeding.' In 1630 Winthrop and
his party arrived at Charlestown, where the water was not good, and,
accordingly, Blackstone invited the people to cross over to Shawmut,
as Boston was then called. By what authoi'ity he acted we cannot
say; yet it appears that, April 29, 1629, he had been empowered by
Gorges to put Oldham in possession of lands near Boston ; while in
1631 he performed a similar act in connection with Hilton, at Dover.
Winthrop immediately began to organize a government, and the Court
of Assistants decreed, August 7, 1630, that " Tri-Mountain be called
Boston." October 19, 1630, Blackstone was admitted a Freeman, —
a privilege accorded to Maverick. But the following May the reaction
came, and men who had expected toleration found themselves sti'ug-
gling hopelessly in what Eogor AVilliams called " the Stream." Hence
it was voted that none should be freemen, except those who joined
> Mas3. Recoi-ds, p. 167. ' It would lie n jri-ave reflection upon such
'The Hist, of New England from 1630 to a ninn to suppose that he had any sympalliy with
leiO. IJditecl by Savage. Boston, 1S26. Vol. the pci-secution of Morton. See "" A Few Obser-
II., p. 66. vations."
498
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
" the church." ' Thus, soon did they recede from their first principles.
Tliis was a high-handed act ; and even Hutcliinson declared it a law
which, if enacted by Parliament, might well have been "the first in
the roll of grievances." Hubbard sneers at Blackstone and his " Canon-
ical! Coate ; "- butMather, in his "Magnalia," speaks of him as one of the
"godly Episcopalians." This worthy also says that Blackstone ex-
plained his position as follows : " I came from England because I did
not like the Lord-Bisliops ; but I can't join you, because I would not
be under the Lord Brethren ! " ^ In the end he was obliged to leave the
rising town on the pen-
insula, which he had
found a dense forest.
It was about the year
1635 that he plunged
into the ^\nlderness,
taking his course south-
ward, to find a new
home in Rhode Island,
of which State he was
the first English inhabi-
tant. He built a house
in \\hat is now the town
of Cumberland, where he
lived and died ; though,
in 1G59, he returned to
Boston to marry ]\Iis-
tress Sarah Stevenson,
the ceremony being \>ex-
formed by Governor En-
dicott. His death took
place in 1(573.
Blackstone was an
earnest and devout
churchman, gentle and
genial in his manners, retiring and studious in his tastes, and altogether
unfitted to struggle with the violent non-conformists with whom he
Co
BLACKSTONES LOT.
» New Enrrland Historical and Genealogical
Kegistcr, Vol. iii., p. 41.
2 General History, p. 113.
^ Magnalia, ill.. Chap. ii.
' It is l;no\vn that Blackstone, in 1634, I'e-
seiTing only six acres, sold ont to tlie colonists
his right to tlie remainder of tlic peninsnla, and
tliat at tliis date lie removed to an estate, whicli
he named " Study Hill," situated near tlie rail-
road station in the present town of Lonsdale,
Rhode Island, where he hccaine, as stated in the
text, the first white inhaliitant of that State. The
six-acre lot is here hounded hy Beacon street, the
dotted line, and the original shore line. In
lCS-1, Francis Hudson, ferryman, aged sixty-
eight; John Odlin, aged eighty-two; William
Lythcrland, aged seventy-six ; and Rohert Wal-
licr, aged seventy-eight, — all made deposition as
to the purchase of the peninsula from Blackstone.
This document is indorsed, *'.Tohn Odlin,
&c., their depositions ah' Blackstou'a Sale of his
Land in Boston," and is printed by Shurtleff,
*' Dcsc. of Boston," p. 296, as follows : —
'* The Deposition of John Odlin, aged about
Eighty-two yeares; Robert Walker, aged about
Seventy-eight yeares ; Francis Hudson, aged
about Sixty-eight yeares ; and William Lytlier-
jand, aged about Seventy-six yeaics. These
Deponents being ancient dwellers and Inhabi-
tants of the Town of Boston, in New England,
from the time of first planting and settling
thereof, and continuing so at this day, do jointly
testify and depose that in or about the ycare of
our Lord One thousand Six hundred thirty and
fibur, the then present Inhabitants of s'' Town
of Boston (of wliome the Ilono'''' John Win-
throp, Esq'-' Govcrno' of the Colony, was
Cheife) did treate and agree with M'- William
Blackstone for the purcliase of his Estate and
right in any Laiuls lying within the s'^ neck of
Land called Boston : and for S'' purchase asrrced
that every householder should pay Six Shillings,
EARLY DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS. 499
came in contact. He was moderate in his opinions, and no doubt
found the extreme prelacy of his times distastelVd. Hence his jirefer-
enco for a Hie in the wilderness, where he could enjoy the charms of
nature, and indulge in those simple pursuits that he loved so well. A
fondness for children was one of his marked characteristics, while the
story of his old age suggests the last years of the disciple St. John.
Blackstone, however, is not yet appreciated, and inferior names have
been set forward to obscure his fame, both in Massachusetts and
Rhode Island. There is, however, Drake's prophecy on record, that
Boston will yet " build his monument."
In closing, it is hardly necessary to characterize, as a whole, the
treatment meted out to the men of the Church of England by non-con-
formists. The illegal measures used to stay the advance of church
principles need not be dwelt upon, thougli it may be observed that in
this respect Boston achieved preeminence, while Plymouth showed the
more tolerant mood. Leaving out Bradford, the course of Plymouth
was often kindly and hospitable. As a rule, however, no churchman
could live comfortably, especially if he possessed marked individuality
and refused to temporize, or go "with the stream." Manliness
and outspoken conviction were signs of a contempt for authority.
Culture and refinement, godly simplicity and unobtrusiveness were of
no avail, and Blackstone left Massachusetts to seek a new home in the
pathless woods.
jNIather aflbrds the somewhat singular example of a public man
recognizing the fact that members of the Church of England might pos-
sess claims to religious character. The statement that Blackstone
was one of the " Godly Episcopalians " evidently indicates that,
in his opinion at least, there were others.
Beyond question these early churchmen around Massachusetts Bay
had an influence, though public worship according to the forms of the
Church was proscribed, freedom of conscience at this period being re-
stricted to Rhode Island and Maine, where churchmen were free. It
is probable that the Prayer-Book was largely employed in private,
though, from the extreme rarity of early copies of the "Liturgy," it has
been argued that no one cared for the book, and that it was left to
perish by decay. This point has been pressed with considerable anima-
tion, notwithstanding the fact that copies of the early "New England
which was accordingly Collected, none paying dwelt near Providence, whcie lie liv'd till y' day
less, some considerably more than Six Shillings, of his dcaili.
and the s*^ snrae Collected was delivered and " Deposed this 10th of June, 1684, by John
paid to M'- Blackstone to bis full content and Odiin, Robert Walker, Francis Hudson, and
satisfaction; in consideration whereof bee Sold WilliLini hytlicrland, according to tbeir respcc-
unto the then Inhabitants of s'' Town and tbeir tive Testimonyc.
heire3 and assignees for ever his whole right "Ijcforeus,
and interest in all and every of the l^auds lying S. Bkadstueet, Gou' n' .
within s'' neck. Reserving onely unto bimselfe Sam. Sew,vll, Assist."
about Six acres of Land on the point commonly
called Blackston's Point, on part whereof his ShnrtlcfT notes that OdIin was a cutler by
then dwelling bouse stood ; after which purchase trade, and died Dec. IS, 16S.). Hudson was the
the Town laid out a place for a tr.ayuing field, fishei-man who gave his name to the point of
which ever since and now is used lor that pur- the peninsula nearest Cbarlestown. Walker
pose and for the feeding of Cattell. Pioliert was a weaver, and died May 29, IGS7. Lyibcr-
Walker & W'"- Lj'therland further testify that land was an Antinoniian, who removed to Rhode
M'- Blackstone bought a Stock of Cows with Island and became town clerk of Newport, and
the Money he rec* as above, and Removed and died veiy old.
500
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Primei','' once as plenty as leaves in Vallombrosa, are now so rare that
of the tirst two editions not a single copy is known, while the earliest
copy yet pointed out — an imperfect one — ])ears the late date of 1727.
Yet at the best the early period was for the Church a day of small
things, brute force being employed to suppress whatsoever was opposed
to the will of the majority, until a power beyond the sea, brushing
aside the pretence of separatism , that toleration was fraught with dan-
ger to the body politic, gave liberty of conscience and fi-eedom of
worship to all.
. p^ yW^ C.£^~^>^ae^
MONOGRAPH III.
PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND AND THE EPISCOPAL
CHURCH.
By the rev. THOMAS WINTHROP COIT, D.D., LL.D.,
Professor in the Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown, Conn.
THE attitude of the Puritans towards the Episcopal Churcli cannot
be understood, cannot certainly he ajjpreciated, unless one has a
vivid idea of what maybe styled the genius of Puritanism. Many
of its advocates claim that Puritanism is no new thing, and never should
have been treated by the Church of England as if a novelty, and uprear-
ing its head as an intruder. They claim antiquity for it, nay, high an-
tiquity. They say it has had its succession, indeed, its apostolic
succession, as well as Episcopacy, and so should have been regarded
by Episcopacy as a coequal, and not as an upstart and an interferer.
Weil, if it be true, as Sir Thomas Overbury said (and he was
one who knew it thoroughly ; he died in l(il3) , that the genius of Puri-
tanism consists in opposition and contradiction ; and if his judgment
has been alErmed by very many others, who have had experience of
its qualities, then this genius consists in the sturdy and unyielding
assertion of the light of private judgment.^ And if this be so, then
undoubtedly the very highest antiquity can be conceded to Puritanism
without a moment's hesitation.
But to abstain from researches amid what maj^ be called preform-
ative Puritanism, which would require the history of self-assertion
from the days of Cain, and to come to its acknowledged beginnings in
Enghmd, and its direful conflicts with England's Episcopal Church ;
we are glad to discover in Dr. Dexter's bibliography, that he places
them fairly and squarely in the person of Robert Browne, who
died in 1(531, "eighty years old or more." Modern and timorous
Puritans are apt to be nervous over Browne's eccentric history, as
not very glorifying to the professions they are apt to make, when
comparing themselves with other people. But Dr. Dexter prides
himself on his Puritan spirit, and does not hesitate to say of him,
as follows : " It is very clear, that Browne's mind took tiie load, and
that here at Norwich, following the track of thought which he had
long been elaborating, he thoroughly discovered and restated the
original congregational way, in all its simplicity and symmetry. And
here in this, or the following year [about 1580], by his prompting
' Tlie well-known Owen Feltliam, who died i-ebel ; or one tliat would exclude order, that his
about 1078, Rihc this as his experience of a brain mi?ht rule." — Resoloes, cd. 1840, p. 8.
Puritan : " As he is more generally in these Twelve editions of the Resolves were published
times taken, I suppose we may call him a church- by 1 709.
502 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
and under his guidance, was formed the first church in modern days
of which I have any l^nowledgc, which was intelligently, and as one
might say philosophically, congregational in its platform and processes ;
he becoming its pastor." ^
The plague-spot in this bold and foremost champion of English
Puritanism, however, is, that he was not true to his colors. He re-
coiled, and died the rector of an Episcopal parish ! But Dr. Dexter
summons good old Thomas Fuller to the rescue, to show that Browne
held fast to his Puritanism, and died changed only on the outside.
Let the decision stand. If it is a true one, then Browne was a miser-
able hypocrite ; and with this stain on his escutcheon, the originating,
the inaugurating, the polemical defender of Puritanism in England
may be passed by without further comment.
The cause survived, no doubt, its recreant champion ; and one of
its worst and most intolerable features it now becomes necessary to
bring forward. Perhaps the worst and most intolerable feature of
Popery is its assumption, that not the Church only, but the state also,
must be subject to, and conformed unto, itself; that there is no such
thing as a legitimate civil authority unless sanctioned liy itself; and
that, in consequence, it has a perfect right to excommunicate any civil
government which will not comply with its demands ; and thus deprive
its officials of their accredited rights and personal safety, delivering
them over to ruin in this world, and perdition in the world which is
to come. Now, in this respect, in these claims, Puritanism and
Romanism are complete, though by no means intimate, parallels. The
explanation comes from the old adage, that, "Two of a ti-ade cannot
agree ; " or, as the philoso)ihical historian of Rome explains the
matter, "Cruel the wars of brethren are."^
It must be carefully understood that it was not bare endurance,
or simple toleration, which the Puritans asked of England in the
sixteenth century. Unquestionably it is the opinion of multitudes
that it was so, and that such consideration was all which the Puritans
desired, or wanted. And this impression has been prolonged and
deepened by those who knew better, because it was for their interest
and their gratification to have it so. The Pope is denounced and
upbraided without stint, because he undertook his uttermost, and
excommunicated the Queen of England. But if the Puritans did not
do as much actually, they claimed the full authority to do so. "The
presbytery and eldership may for some causes, after admonition,
' if there ensue no cause of reformation, excommunicate the Queen." ^
Now surely this was claiming (just what the Pope did) the right to
subvert and prostrate the actual constitution of England, and to
erect their own upon its humiliation and extinction. They without
flinching carried their theory out, says Dr. Nichols, in his defence of
the Chvu-ch of England, for they proceeded to " anoint Hackett, in the
name of the Lord Jesus, with the Holy Ghost, the Queen having for-
feited her crown, and being worthy to be deprived ; and in the same
manner, as is used in the inauguration of princes, he is proclaimed by
' Dexter, p. 70. ' Tacitus's Hist., rv., Chap. 70. = Coil's " Puritanism," p. 58.
PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 503
his followers through Cheapsido, not only king of this nation, but of
all Europe" ! ! True enough, this seems a freak of solemn madness,
as the good divine pi'oclaims it. But the issue was ti'emendous. The
freak became a bloody reality, when, on the 30th of January, 1648, the
head of Charles I. fell from a block, and the old government of England
■was for a time extinguished. And it might have been extmguished for
all time, if the advice of the shrewd Hugh Peters to
those who condemned and slew him had been fl ^; i- /
accepted. Peters proposed the burning of the 7* / ^^
national records in the Tower. "Let us," said he,
" rub out, and begin anew." And, if the conflagration had followed,
old England would have encountered her funeral pile.'
The rubl)ing-out process was liegiui by Pius V., in 1570, and was
followed up, with a full intention of carrying it on unto perfection, by
Philip II. with his " invincible Armada," in 1588. It was begun by
the Puritans in 1580, and tiuished (as was triumphantly hoped and
boasted) by Cromwell and his minions, in the execution of Charles I.
in 1648. The parallel is singularly complete, and the two histories
run side by side ; the one being the quicker f\iilure, and that is all.
Had Philip II. been successful, Puritanism, though it looked on with
secret aspirations, would have found itself "rubbed out" on the rack,
or in the dungeons of the Inquisition. Yet it would have suffered
with grim contentment, had the government of England, and its "de-
tested hierarchy," been companions in its desolation. For, as Dr.
Dexter contends, the founder of Puritanism in England was no demo-
crat,^ although ten pages previously he had admitted that he was.^
Doubtless he was a much better churchman than his portrait-painter,
who ignobly compares the Church to a great hulk cut across by water-
tight diaphragms. '' He believed in a spiritual monarchy as stiffly as
an ultramontane Romanist; and, if his own monarchy could not be up-
permost, he was content that a parallel should take its place, for he could
not endure the bastard monarchy of the Church and state of England.
All this became clear enough as soon as Puritanism could open
its mouth widely. Browne, e.g., went to Scotland, to see if he
could find shelter under the wings of Presbyterianism. " Alas ! "
he was inspired to saj% "I have seen all mamier of wickedness
to abound much more in their best places in Scotland than in our
worser places here in England." He added, if Presbyterianism
should become ascendant, "that then, instead of one Pope, we should
have a thousand, and of some Lord Bishops, in name a thousand,
lordly tyrants in deed who now do disdain the names." ^ That is to say,
Browne's experience with Presbyterianism was precisely that of Wil-
liam Blackstone's with the New England Puritans of a later day ; who
said (honest, outspoken soul) that he fled to JMassachusetts to escape
the Lord Bishops, and then fled to Ilhode Island to escape the
Lord Brethren ! Wherefore there was no salvation for Puritanism
unless it took to itself a kingdom, and wielded its own sword.
Accordingly it had to do as Romanism does, pi-oclaim the right to
• Lilc by Samuel Peters, p. 71. ' Dexter, p. 106. ^Jhid., p. 96. * Ibid., p. 110.
e/ii(/., pp. 78, 79.
504 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
persecute, — a doctrine which is avowed by even the amiable Ley den
Pilgrims.' And their aptitude in wielding this formidable instrument
was so unsparing, that Dr. Dexter wincingly confesses it had in it,
and about it, "a severe minuteness," and an "inquisitorial flavor."
They split, ho says, upon this rock. We were not aware before, that
Puritanism, by its own confession, had gone upon the breakers.^
So Puritanism started with a platform as stern and frowning as
if it had come out of the school of St. Dominic in Spain. But it suc-
ceeded badly in its pugnacious warfare. The government had tines and
imprisonments for open and threatening opposition. And therefore it
tried, what the infidels do (as our own country's history illustrates)
when they cannot put down Christianity by " bodily exercise." It tried
lampoons and ridicule ; and this brings us to the JVIartin Mar-prelate
controversy. Such a controversy needs but the naming of it for its
ample condemnation ; though it may be well enough to add, that the
Church had some champions as able as its remorseless enemies.
These satellites, agreeably to Solomon's counsel, answered fools
according to their folly ; and Puritanism was defeated in her campaign
of libels.
Finally, when rebellion and ridicule were both found insufficient,
it tried petition and not uncourteous remonstrance. These efforts
made their appearance in 1604, when Queen Elizabeth had passed off
the stage, and high hopes were entertained of James I., since he came
from a Presbyterian zone, and was considered as leaning half-way
towards "The Pure." But King James, though he had had a toler-
able Presbyterian schooling, Mas sufficiently awake to see that men
who cried out lustily, " We will have no bishops," would soon cry out
full loudly, "We will also have no king;" and they were wofully dis-
appointed in him. He would not listen to their cant about the relics
of Popery, strewed all over the prayer-book. " Why," exclaimed
he, in good vernacular, " if we must have nothing whatever in conunon
Avith Roman Catholics we must go barefoot, for Roman Catholics wear
shoes and stockings ! "
Yet he was complaisant enough about matters open to reasonable
reformation. He allowed " The Short Catechism " to be lengthened,
and to have something in it about the sacraments. Strange that
churchmen who are supposed to magnify sacraments unduly, should
have neglected them in their cathechetical instructions, and that their
remissness should be corrected by Puritanic criticism ! But Fas
est ab hoste doceri ; only some may think it fully good Bishop Hall's
" hard measure " to have one's ancestors chastised roundly for want
of churchliness, and then be chastised himself for laying in a stock
of the same commodity. However, this is the self-consistency of
Puritans ; for they openly declared, in their " Apologeticall Narra-
tion " ^ that they would not be bound to-morrow by the opinions of
to-day.
Then as to the Bible itself. It needed a revised translation.
> De\ter,p. 85. old h'ick of the licretics, accoi-din? to St. Basil,
' Ibid., p. 108. to be always chaugius and rechauginy, and pro-
'Edwards's "Antapologia," p. 85. It was an fessiug a liberty oi' future ehanging. — Epist. 72.
PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 505
Pcrliaps "the Saints" were not without hope of iutcrwcavinij many
a thread into a new translation, from the Bible concocted at (Jeneva,
and which was circulating in England, though not permitted "to I)e
read in churches." Yet the king again, and with royal grace, submit-
ted, and inaugurated the time-honored volume of 1611. If Puritans
now disavow this, they should have the grace to remember, that they
lower a work to which their own ancestry virtually gave birth. May
1)0 there was a sting in the dedication to King James, the smart of
which still survives, and I'ankles in tlicir memories. They are alluded
to in the words, " self-conccitcd Ijrcthrcn, who run their own ways,
and give liking unto nothing ])ut what is framed l)y themselves,
and Jiammercd on their own anvil." The description may be too
life-like ; but the dedication has been abandoned in America, and
its causticity ought to be forgotten.
Not to speak of other matters, condescension as to a catechism,
and the Bible itself, ought to have satistied reasonable men that by
pursuing a course of moderation they could obtain enough to meet
desires proper to be gratified ; especiallj' when they had a champion in
the \cvj highest position in the Church of England, — the Archbishop-
ric of Canterbury. George Al)bot, a Puritan to his bones and marrow,
was Archbishop of Cautcrlmry nearly a quarter of a century, from
1610 to 1G33. And if he had made Puritanism as attractive and winning
as he might have done, and especially if he had been as judicious and
courteous as he might have been, such a sharp corrective for his fail-
ures as was supplied in the person of his successor, William Laud,
quite probably would not have been wanted or attempted ; and then
the mountainous heap of calumny which has been cast upon this
notorious name might have been unborn forevermore. But Puritan-
ism was impracticable, and Laud was impracticable too ; especially
when he discovered that he could not rely on Puritanical veracity.
Irascible and impatient, if he were, ho was eminently truthful. But
he said Puritans paltered with him, like so many
Jesuits; aud he became as intolerant as they were '^^.' f/CtkarS^
insincere. Thomas Shepard, afterwards the minister /
of Cambridge, near Boston, I\Iass., admitted that
Laud made this one of his specific grounds of discipline against his
Puritanic In-ethren, and that, open-mouthed as well as open-hearted,
he charged this fault upon them to their very faces. Perhaps the
archbishop was not over-much mistaken ; for, at a later day, the colony
of New Haven actually enacted a law against the sin of lying ; and it
must have been sadly prevalent to require civil interference, since we
have heard a lawyer say in open court that, at common law, lying was
no offence whatever.
Even before Laud's time, and he was not archbishop till 1633,
Puritanism was so uncomforta1)le and fidgety in England that it
sought a refuge across the British Channel, and nestled down in Hol-
land. And there, if toleration and spiritual freedom were all it wanted,
— " freedom to worship God," as the hackneyed phrase goes, — it had
them to overflowing. If Calvinism was what it languished for, the
Synod of Dort had supplied it, incorrupt and undefiled. And why,
506 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
then, was it not content and restful among the pacific and good-natured
Dutcli? It had a congenial home among them, and had it been dis-
posed to keep the golden rule, and treat otiiers as it would itself be
treated, it might have retained that home for generations. Why, then,
were the Puritans not quiescent and suljinissive, not to say grateful and
aflectionate ? Did the old notion of ascendancy and a spiritual monarchy,
with themselves as kings therein, return ; and did they pant to estab-
lish such a government on a soil totally their own ? We cannot com-
prehend their dissatisfaction with Holland on any other supposition,
for their aspirations were indescribably lofty. They meant to regcn-
ei'ate revelation itself. As Robinson, their viceroy, said, in his farewell
address, neither lAither nor Calvin had reached theology's wide circum-
ference, and there was yet more truth to break forth out of God's holy
word. They meant to have a territory and a religion over which they
might rule as aljsolutely as the pretended autocrats of the terraqueous
elobe rcclininii in the chamliers of the Vatican.
And their behavior, the moment they could claim anj'thing like
governmental independence, proved this to demonstration. They came
to this country ostensibly under a charter, which made them nothing
but a commercial company, like that of the East Indies. That charter's
legitimate home, like the charter of the East India Company, was the
central city of London. But they smuggled it out of London, bi-ought
it across the ocean, and converted it at once (one might say trans-
substantiated it) into a charter of civil and churchly independence.
They claimed under it, as lawyer Lechford said in his " Plaine Deal-
ing," "the power of Parliament, King's Bench, Common Pleas, Chan-
cery, High Commission, and Star Chamber, and all other courts in
England," and under it had proceeded, "for ecclesiasticall and civil
ofiences," to fine, to imprison, to whip, to cut ofl^ ears, to banish, to put
to death, " without sufficient record." This last item of Lechford's is
most momentous, and genuinely Poj)ish ; for Romanists well under-
stand the art of putting telltale records out of sight.*
Unquestionalily these matters would have been looked into by
careful eyes, and that charter vacated by a writ quo warranto; but the
commotions of the rebellion intervened, and the charter lived an un-
expected age. That they were endowed with such an instrument
certainly did not show that the English government was disposed to
ti'eat them with contempt, or inconsidcration, or a spiteful charity.
They professed that the charter was an enormous boon, and a sort of
irrevocable privilege. Have they ever shown one j^article of grati-
tude for the princely endowment?
Not a pennyworth of thanksgiving ever reached a royal ear for
such a priceless, yet unbought, gift. 13ut now we arc to see something
of the avowed temper with which they hied themselves away from
England, with a jewel fit to adorn a royal diadem in their good
custody. Why, they almost cried their eyes out over their self-exile
from Britain's maternal shores, as the famous (so called) Arbella
letter, written on l)oard their barque, pathetically testifies : " We
' Plaine Dealing, Trumbull's edition, p. 63.
PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 507
desire you would be pleased to tukc notice of the principals and bod}'
of our company, as those who esteem it an honor to call the Church of
England, from whence we rise, our dear mother, and cannot pai-tfrom
our native country, where she specially rcsideth, without much sadness
of heart and many tears in our eyes; ever acknowledging, that such
hope and part as we have obtained in the comniou salvation, we have
received in her bosom and sucked it from her breasts. We leave it
not, therefore, as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished
there, but, blessing God for the parentage and education, as members
of the same body, shall always rejoice in her good, and unfeiguedl}''
grieve for any sorrow that shall ever betide her ; and, while we have
breath, sincerely desire and endeavor the continuance and abundance
of her welfare, and the enlargement of her bounds in the kingdom of
Christ Jesus." <■
One might easily suppose that people using such a yearning dialect,
were actually emissaries of the Church of England, to establish her in
a foreign land, as the most loveh' and sacred benediction which they
could possibly bestow upon it. If they established a religious body in
"these goings down of the sun," that body should have been part and
parcel of the Church of England, — an offshoot from the parent stock,
but still belonging to its formal jurisdiction. One could hardly con-
ceive the possibility of speaking of the Church of England, in the
tenderly filial tone of this eloquent epistle, and then of an acting in
fearful contravention to it, by honest and Christ-like men.
But we are now to see how the Church of England was treated in
the persons of those who joined in that epistle with undoubted ear-
nestness of heart. Unsophisticated men, like the Brownes of Salem
and their associates, ventured to worship God in a city whose name
was jicace, according to the rites and ceremonies of the Church of
England, and, too, in an huml)lcand unpretending way, not at all fault-
ing or discountenancino; those who chose to treat those rites and cere-
monies with open neglect, not to say absolute disdain. Of course
they might reasonably expect to receive the treatment which Puritans
in England bitterly complained they did not receive from the govern-
ment of England. Alas, the old Horatian adage —
" When o'er the world we range,
'Tis but our climate, not our minds, we change," —
would seem, in their case, to have been read backwards. For when
the Puritans had put a broad, and then hardly passable ocean, between
themselves and those whom in words they glorify, it is manifest that
a change has come over them, such as Papists would call a very
change of substance. They lost their homebred character entirely,
lost the temper which was so tender and touching in the cabin of the
" Arbella," and became as un-English and as unchurchly as if they
had never known the country which brought them forth, or the Church
which had put upon their foreheads the seal of baptism. They were
anti-English in their civil tastes, anti-Church of England in their
' Hubbard's "New Ensland," pp. 126, 127.
508 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
tastes ecclesiastical. They were a kingdom and a church exclusively
and sovereignly their own.
Wherefore, the Brownes, and their prayer-book (for, of course,
they had no ministerial aid) were despatched back to England, as
utterly unfit for an atmosphere too pure for schismatical intrusion.
Their very letters {proh j)udor/) were broken open, as if they were
spies or traitors.
And not only did they presume to be supreme, and beyond the
brook of contradiction, iu matters ecclesiastical ; they aspired to the
same ascendancy in matters temporal and civil. Eoger Williams did
not construe the famous charter as ))roadly as they presumed to do,
according to the testimony of Thomns Leohford, an eye and ear wit-
ness who listened with a lawyer's practised faculties. Williams
strenuously maintained that it gave them no territorial rights. They
wei"e not, he contended, the original proprietors of the soil, and could
not be made such by a piece of royal parchment. The King of Eng-
land could no more give away North America to Englishmen than the
Pope of Rome could give away South America to Spaniards. Accord-
ingly Williams was treated with summary severity, as a conspirator or
a vile incendiary. He had to flee for his very life, and beyond the
outermost limits of their presumptive jurisdiction. He had to go, too,
in the dead of winter, and bury himself among the more compassionate
savages of Ehode Island.
It is perfectly clear then, it is as demonstraljly clear as history
can make it, that the Puritans came to these far-away shores not for
mere liberty to worship God, agreeably to their own modes and
fancies, but to establish a church and a state which should be exclu-
sively and potentially their own. We say church and state, after the
old European and Romish fashions ; because, while they prated loudly
about the tyranny of popes and kings, they followed popes and kings
implicitly in putting the Church before the state in rank, and above
the state in authority and power. We are almost talked deaf about
this matter by their valorous eulogists, who contend that they are
the absolute founders of civil liberty. Why, it was one of their earli-
est laws that no one should be permitted to cast a vote who did not
belong to their church-communion. And it was one of their famous
one hundred elementary decretals that the man who attempted to
change or I'cform their government should pay for his presumption
with his life. It was a law levelled, no doubt, against such desperate
logicians as Roger Williams. This dauntless Anabaptist taught them
its indispensable necessity for their governmental safet3^ And the
old crime of lese-majesty was as virtually, if not as technically,
embodied in their statutes as in the codes of the Roman emperoi's.
The formal inauguration, it may be, of Puritan supremacy and
infiillibility was made by James Cranford, who, while the Long Par-
liament and the Westminster Assembly were in vigorous action,
preached a high-toned, trenchant sermon in St. Paul's (or Paul's, as
the printed title is), London, as the mouth-piece of bot/t, Feb. 1, 1645.
He called it " Haereseo-Machia ; or, The ^liscliiefs of Heresy." In
that inaugurating sermon, after declaiming against what he pro-
PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 509
nounced heresy, with every possible argument, he solemnly appealed
to magistrates to join in the eventful battle against a hideous foe.
He told these congregated authorities of England, sitting within the
compass probably of a ringing and penetrating voice, — and told them,
too, full plainly, — "That there was never in the world any godly
emperor or king, that can be produced, but thought the care of relig-
ion did appertain to him, that it was his duty to suppress idolatries,
HERESIES, SCHISMS, and accordingly hath been acting more or less to
this purpose." 1 And again, heightening his appeal: "That those
emperors and kings who arc recorded voluntarihj to have tolerated all
religious, or carelessly to have neglected the growth of heresies and
schisms in the church, have been, the former, apostates, atheists, here-
tics ; the latter, branded for their neglect." ' While he crowned his
Demosthenian philippic, and tried to palsy any commiserating tongue,
by adding that, " Never did any orthodox divine constantly deny this
power to the magistrate, or plead for a toleration of all sects." ^
This was all which Now England wanted to justify the hail-storm
of persecution which had been rained upon the hapless opponents of
Puritanism on this side of the Atlantic. And one of the governors
of Massachusetts — one, too, of her most eminent and admired ones —
echoed the positions of Master Cranford ; not to say that the echo was,
if possiljle, louder than the prototype. Cranford preached in 1045;
this governor (Thomas Dudley) died in 1653, and after his death a
sonnet was found upon his person, from which we quote the follow-
ing lines : "^ —
" Let men of God in courts anil churebcs watch,
O'er such as <lo a toleration liateh,
Lest that ill egg bring fortli a cockatrice,
To poison all with heresy and vice.
If men he left, and otherwise combine,
My Epitaph's I died no libertine."
Said President Oakcs, of Harvard University, in an election ser-
mon before an assembly of Massachusetts magnates, "I look upon
toleration as the lirst-born of all abominations." Mr. Ward, author
of "The Simple Cobliler of Agawam," surpasses President Oakes.
First, he calls toleration "room for hell above ground ; " and then
takes a flight, the mtitch of which probably history cannot produce,
unless she brings it from the records of the Inquisition : " To author-
ize an untruth by a toleration of State is to build a sconce against the
walls of heaven to batter God out of his chair." And it would be a
very easy task to multiply such blighting, blistering examples. No
wonder that John Seldcn, whom some have ventured to pronounce a
Puritan, l)ut who was sometimes one of their keenest critics, should
sum up the aim of Puritan jiastors in the following predictive sentence :
"The people must not think a thought towards God but as their
pastors will put it into their mouths. They will make right sheep of
us." 1
' Hubbard's " New Ensland," ii. 19. = Mather's " MasaaUa." I., p. 122. Hartford, 1820.
'^ Table Talk. Prayer No. 8.
510 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Selden knew them, to "the joints and marrow." At one time
they were his butt, and, at another, his mockery. Now he scarified,
and now he scorched, them.
Still, even such openings admit a climax; and, if so, they had it
in two books, written b}^ John Cotton, on the power of the keys,
and the absolute righteousness of persecution. The first ought to have
been published at llome, with the Pope for an editor. The second,
which claimed to wash white, in the blood of the Lamb, "the bloody
tenent" of persecution, should have been published at Madrid, with
(had he been living) Philip II. for an editor. A man who delighted
to see heretics burning at the stake, and put his own son to death
because tainted with Protestantism, would have gloried in this volume,
and pei'haps have recommended its author for the honors of canoniza-
tion.
Having opened a holy war, a crusade against all opponents to
their sacred and inspired Commonwealth, the Puritans proceed to
carry out the programme of Cranford, and to stigmatize every senti-
ment they could not sanction with their infallible approval. They
went to such enormous lengths that, says one of the profoundest
jurists New England skies have ever covered, " The arm of the civil
government was constanthj employed in support of the denunciations
of the Church ; and without its forms the Inquisition existed in
substance, with a full share of its terrors and its violence." *
I cannot, however, dwell upon their envenomed hostility against
Quakers, whom they styled " cursed " even in their statute law ; against
Baptists ; against even old-fashioned Presbyterians ; and the poor Indian,
whom their idolized charter bound them to commiserate and Christian-
ize, and whom they might have easily got along with, had they
treated them as they were treated by the inhabitants of one of their
own townships, well named Concoi'd ! ^
My immediate Ijusiness is to show how they demeaned them-
selves towards the representatives in New England of that church,
towards which, so far as words went, they most filially and lo3^ally paid
homage in the Arbclla letter.
And, even with such a plan in view, so broad is the ground which
might be covered, tliat it is necessary for me to restrict my observa-
tions, and then to take up illustrative cases for a multitude of others,
leaving long details unmentioned. Characteristic facts, sufficient to
sustain my i)ositions, must answer ; and those positions are the fol-
lowing : First, the treatment which Episcopalians received when they
remonstrated with Puritan authorities for decent, if not courteous,
consideration. Next, the contempt and disparagement manifested by
Puritans for English ordinations. Lastly, their eiforts to suppress
English missions, and to stave oITan American episcopate.
(1.) Their treatment of Episcopal remonstrances.
On the other side of the ocean it was taking too low a stand for
Puritanism to deal in simple remonstrances. It took higher, immensely
higher, ground. It admonished those with whom it came in contact
■ Stoiy's " Miscellanies," p. <>6.
" .See Shattuck's " Concord ;" also, " Mass. Ilist. Coll.," 1st Scr., i., p. 241.
PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 511
as its civil and ecclesiastical superiors. And if it aimed at an individ-
ual, and wrote such a folio as William Prynnc did, styling it "Canter-
bury's Doom," and endeavored to extinguish an ecclesiastic as liercely
hated as William Laud was, wo might not have been much astonished.
But it took a loftier, a uuicii more tlaring, ilight. It admonished Par-
liament I It took to most serious task the supreme authority of Eng-
land itself, as a law-maker. It talked to sovereign England as if it
were the contriver of a Justinian code, or the compiler of a national
constitution. The demeanor of these admonitions became so truculent,
that the judicious Hooker felt called u[)on, in the preface to his elaborate
"Polity," to show the sweeping temper they enkindled and deepened.
"Under the happy reign of her Majesty which now is, the greatest
matter a while contended for was the cap and surplice, till there came
Admonitions directed unto the High Court of Parliament, ])y men
who. concealing their names, thought it glory enough to discover their
minds and atl'cctions, which were now bent even against all the laws
and orders wherein this Church is found unconformal)le to the platform
of Geneva." '■ The Puritans, in Hooker's estimation, had at last l)ccome
root and l)ranch men. To speak in their own adopted rhetoric, not
a hoof of England's body politic was to be left behind.
Now, surely, if such dashing admonition were admissible in Old
England, a moderate remonstrance at least might be endured in New
England. So reasoned the churchmen of New England, who, some-
how or other, had clustered together, after the ignominious expulsion
of the Brownes. The sermon of Cranford had perhaps made its ap-
pearance in the latitude of Boston, and was thought by the timid "a
token of perdition." Wherefore, in the year after its deliver}^ in 1 646,
sundry Episcopalians veutui'cd to indite a petition to the General Court
(as it was called) , begging for a tritle of Christian forljearance and toler-
ation. Tliey "prayed that civil liberty and freedom might l)c granted
to all truly English, and that all members of the Church of England
or Scotland, not scandalous, might be admitted to the privileges of the
churches of New England ; or, if these civil and I'cligious liberties
were refused, that they might be freed from the heavy taxes imposed
upon them, and from the impresses made of them, or their children,
or servants, into the war."^
It will be seen that the petition covered the case of Presbyterians
as well as Episcopalians. And now let us remark how those who
could scold Parliament I'eceived, not a harsh tale of grievances, and a
demand for overturning reformation, but a moderate and harmless re-
quest to I)ethink themselves as Christian men for Christians generalhj.
Did they receive the petition ? Oh, yes ; they did as much as that. Did
they answer it? Oh, yes ; as we might have been thoroughly assured.
They had not to deal with jNIartin-AIar-Prelate libels, l)ut with a regu-
lar and respectful legal document; for the right of petition is one
about which New England once thundered at the doors of Congress,
in days when the abolition of slavery was a burning theme. They
turned it over and over, shuffled it backwards and forwards, weighed
> Prcf., Ch. 2, { 10. 2 Hutchinson's Ilist., I., p. 137.
512 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
it in the balances of prudence and of policy, for four long months.
But even then they could not get cool enough to brook it. Their con-
sultations over it seemed to fester like a cancer, and at last threw out
their attainted venom. The petition was treated as factious and i-ebel-
lious ; or, as Dr. Morse said, in one of the early editions of liis
"Geography," "The colony was clisturl)ed l)y some of its principal in-
habitants, who had conceived a dislike of some of the laws and the
government. Several of these disaffected persons were imprisoned, and
the rest compelled to give secui'ity for their future good behaviour."
People put under bail or imprisoned for exorcising the inalienable
right of petition! And this, too, when to ward otf sundry remon-
strances from England, about their treatment of Anabaptists and Pres-
byterians, they appoint a committee to proclaim, as with the thunders
of Niagara, " their utter disaffection to arbitrary government." ' If
they had belonged to the old colony of New Haven, could they have
been indicted under the statute against fibbing?
(2.) The next point is their estimate of English ordinations.
If there be one matter in regard to which Congregationalists and
their parallels are sensitive beyond all others, it is the matter of ordi-
nation. And this sensitiveness is easily explained. When a man is
liable to censure for a particular weakness, any censure directed against
that weakness touches him, rouses him, inflames him, ten times more
than censure levelled against him on a side where he is invulnerable.
Our neighboi's are heavily displeased at our inappreciation of their
ordinations, because they know we have good reason for it. If the
general practices of antiquity may be a guide about disputed ques-
tions, we know there is world-wide testimony to show that in the
days of the Council of Nice, Episcopacy was the church government
of Christendom ; and if all who believe the doctrine of the Trinity
is now, as it was then, the groat central doctrine of Christendom,
and consider this fact as one of its grand historic proofs, — if all
such would accept the Episcopal discipline which went along with
it, there would be such a prospect of unity as has not dawned on us
for many a weary, disheartening century.
But, to turn from such a vein of thought, however inevitable,
could it a priori be doomed a possibility, that those who could not
endure for a moment any cheapening of their own ministerial standing
would turn around and cheapen the same thing in those whose minis-
terial standing is unquestionable? Should I be credited, if I said
openly and broadly, that Congregationalists neither believed in, nor
would acknowledge as valid, Episcopal oi'dinations ? Nay, should I
not be told that my assertion was a gross and palpable, not to say a
highly discreditable, error? Nevertheless, whatever may be the pres-
ent state of Congregational opinion, " fnmi the beginning it was not
so." They, doubtless, had some qualms al)out the formidable stop, as
the ordination of a Mr. Wilson demonstrates, ))ut their spirits were
soon clarified, and made full strong. They then disavowed the ordi-
' Felt's " Salem," i., pp. 172-176.
PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 513
nations of England, on principle, because the laity had no share in thera.
And now ior the proof of this stout allegation.
Many instances rise to my recollection, but one is as good as
twenty, and especially such an one as it is proposed to quote. John
Cotton wrote that awiul liook, in which he professed to have washed
white in the blood of the Lamb, "the bloody tenent" of persecution,
and made it as clean as the white linen of the saints in glory. Cotton
Mather, in his " Magnalia," slips by the treatise in half a line ! And
yet, say Morse and Parish, in their compendious history of New Eng-
land, "Mr. Cotton is said to have been more useful and influential
in settling the civil as well as ecclesiastical policy of New England
than any other person." ^ Notwithstanding, this foremost personage,
though an ordained clergyman of the Church of England, was ordained
over again, when, after "flying from the deprivations of Europe to
the American strand," he found himself at home. And, what is very
surprising, he is ordained with a formality not surpassed in the fonns
of the Church which was repudiated I The account may be found by
the curious in Governor Winthrop's journal.^
Great and incessant complaint is made of the prayer-book, be-
cause a bishop says, when a presbyter is ordained, " Receive the
Holy Ghost." ' But it appears, from the Cottonian ordination, that a
Puritan pastor, laying on hands with a couple of laymen, can do the
same thing (virtually, if not technically) ; nor so only, but they can
claim an actual communication of the gifts of the Holy Ghost, and a
sanction of their act "as by a sign from God ; " in other words, by an
invisible, if not a visible, miracle 1 How any higher assumptions could
be taken we cannot see. How it could be proclaimed more strongly
that the official gifts of the Holy Ghost had not previously endowed a
candidate for ordination we cannot see ; but if there be the least
doubt about the fact that any previous ordination was nullified with
holy scorn, such doubt can be removed by the requisition, that the
candidate for the prerogatives of a puritanic ministry should humble
himself, and acknowledge any previous ordination as a sin ! •* Could
any device be a completer protest and denunciation against any pre-
vious (so-called) ordination? It ti'eated such ordination as a sacri-
lege, and stigmatized it as a crime. In some of its flights of fancy
Puritanism hooted at ordination by bishops as a forge of Popery, and
blackened with the smoke of the bottomless pit.'
Certainly such a case will answer as a test-case, if any one can.
It is the case of the foremost and most unblenching defender of Puritanic
persecutions, and of a man whom his own satellites and admirers pro-
nounce (to use a modern term) the evolver of New England's civil
and ecclesiastical polity.
If anything could heighten this tragi-comedy to the uttermost
it would be the marvellous fact that such a tissue of assumptions could
' p. 100. sumption when they use it in communicating
"Savage's edition, 1823, Vol. I., pp. Hi, holy orders. — Selden's Table-Talk.
115. * S.avajre's " Winthrop," i., p. 217. Felt's
» Selden makes light of the phi'ase, and " Salem," pp. 104, 105.
says the Jews used it in making a lawyer. Sure- ° Lechlbrd's " Plain Dealing," p. 17, notes.
ly, then, Christians are not gnuty of profane as-
514 fflSTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
be gone through with, and be enacted by any seven individuals, and
perhaps by two! The question about the fluxionary number necessary
to constitute a religious society (or, as we now say, a church) is a
radical one. It made trouble in New England as far back as 1635, at
the ordination of Thomas Shepard, another unfrocked Episcopalian.
After serious debate seven was selected as the critical figure, because
Wisdom's house was erected with seven pillars.' Governor Winthrop
says that Mr. Shepard and six others constituted an ecclesias-
tical body poUtic, which possessed as much inherent power as any
diocese in Christendom ; perhaps more, for those seven constituted an
independent sovereignty.^ And the descendants of such men, looking
down upon the Church of England and her most solemn acts as farces
or presumptions, nay, possibly sins, now turn squarely round and
complain that Episcopalians do not honor their ordinations as highly
as their own.
" O Judgment! thou art fled to brutish beasts,
And men have lost their reason."
(3.) There is but one point more which can be embraced in these
short sketches. This is the treatment of the missionaries of the
English Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and the efforts
to stave off the establishment of an American episcopate.
As to the treatment of Episcopal missionaries, as good an idea as
the case admits can be obtained from a notice of the first resident
Episcopal clergyman in the city of Boston, and his reception in the
centre of a Puritan dominion. It was not till the old charter was
annihilated, and a royal governor gained foothold in Massachusetts,
that an Episcopal clergyman could safely follow. Most graphically
does the poetic Mr. Greeiawood, in his " History of King's Chapel," open
this inauspicious era in the romantic history of New England's eccle-
siastical " Remarkables" : " The Rose frigate must have seemed to the
greater part of the Bostonians, or Bostoneers, as Randolph called them,
freighted heavily with woe, bearing, as it did, the Rev. Robert Rat-
cliffe, of the Church of England, with his surplice and his 'Book of
Common Prayer,' to say nothing of the commission which appointed a
president over them by the king's sole authority."^
It was, doubtless, Mr. Ratcliffe's inevitable fate to be made as
comfortless as might be, by the denial of a pulpit, and even of a bell
to summon a congregation to offer
that Litany which teaches church-
men to pray for " enemies, persecu-
tors and slanderers," that God may
pardon them, and turn their hearts
into the ways of charity and peace.
The grievances of such people were
ingeniously and industriously mul-
tiplied till they had to cry out for deliverance to "William HI.,
who, though a Dutchman from the purlieus of the Synod of Dort, was
' Prov. uc. 1. - Savage's "Wiuthrop," I., p. 180. ' P. 15.
PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 515
not given over to Cnlvinistic implacability. They soberly declared,
in a petition addressed to him, (hat they had been " injured and abused
both in their civil and religious concernments, our Church bj' their
rage and fury having been greatly hurt and damnified, and daily
threatened to be pulled down and destroyed, our minister hindered
and obstructed in the discharge of his duty and office, and wo now
put under the burthen of most excessive rates and taxes, to support
the interest of a disloyal prevailing party amongst us, who under pre-
tence of the public good design nothing but ruin and destruction to
us and the whole country." ' The only wonder about this petition is,
tiiat it was not united in by Quakers, Baptists, Presbyterians, and
others, who could have widened its arguments and deepened its lam-
entations. Perhaps churchmen were somewhat nervous about having
others associated with them, lest their own chances of success be there-
by lessened. The government might have hearkened to a clan when
they would shrink from unloosing an army.
As to the eflbrts of Puritans to stave oflT the introduction of
bishops, perhaps no better idea of them can be communicated than
by introducing the name and fortunes of John Checkley, an individual
whom, for his sleepless industry in relation to this subject, the Puritans
accounted an emissary of the prince of darkness. Checkley was born
in 1680, and died in 1753, in his seventy-fourth year. He was a
Bostonian by birth, educated, it is said at Oxford, and later a traveller
on the Continent, bringing home with him curiosities of art and val-
uable manuscripts. So he was a scholar and a cosmopolite, and his
attainments ought to have made him worthy of notice and cultivation ;
but, alas ! he was " destitute of vital piety."
Checkley, it is altogether probable, had intercourse with the ec-
clesiastical authorities of England, and kept them informed of the state
of aftau's on this side of the ocean. He published, in 1723, a pamphlet
which was the forerunner of the Episcopal controversy in America.
He followed it with Leslie's " Short and Easy Method," to which he
subjoined a discourse concerning Episcopacy. This was quite too
much ; he was getting to be positively alarming, and accordingly the
strong arm of law was laid upon him. He was arrested, and tried as
a public libeller and peace-disturber, was fined fifty pounds and bonded
in a hundred pounds to keep the peace, and doomed withal to pay the
costs of his own prosecution. Hapless mortal I he was fined fifty
pounds for defending the king's religion, and yet breaking the royal
peace, and within earshot of Faneuil Hall, the cradle of libei'ty !
Checkley was not at all dismayed. With the assistance of Dr.
Cutler, who gave up the Presidency of Yale College, and became an
Episcopalian in 1723, he contrived to defeat the assemliling of a Puri-
tanic Council, which was to assemble in 1724—5. This atrocious crime
was never forgiven or forgotten. When he afterwards went to Eng-
land, to obtain hoi}' orders, he was pursued by representations which
pictured him out as a traitor to the Ilouse of Hanover.
Luckless, but unintimidated, he never remitted his efforts to
' Mas3. Hist. Coll., 3d series, vn., p. 194.
516 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
become a clergyman, and was ordained a deacon, at last, at an
age never known before for such promotion, — in his sixtieth year.
He lived a minister, in Providence, R.I., some fourteen years;
and if any names deserve inscription on our church's roll of honor,
Checkley's should be among the foremost. It is deeply to be lamented
that he left no "history of his own times." He had a lively imagina-
tion and a trenchant wit, as was evinced by his " Dissenter's Cate-
chism ; " and we should have had an " Apology for the Introduction of
Bishops into British Colonies " as famous among ourselves as Tertul-
lian's keen one in long-departed days.*
The controversy respecting Episcopal missions between Chauncy
and Mayhew on the Puritan side, and Abp. Seeker, with Apthorp and
Chandler, on the Episcopal side, cannot be reviewed for want of space ;
nor the cruel insinuation that zeal for the introduction of a monarchi-
cal Episcopacy was one of the causes of the American Ee volution.
That Episcopalians could be patriots, let this memorable proof be a
sufficient attestation. "It is possible, also, that a majority of the
signers of the Declaration of Independence are Episcopalians."**
And now, finally, to show that the Pm-itans, while endeavoring to
uproot Episcopacy, and plant their theocracy in its stead, as the best
possible of exchanges, made a huge eflbrt and a corresponding failure,
I will close with quotations from two distinguished Puritan authors, to
prove that the elements of unsettleduess, division, and theological
uncertainty which we now see on all sides in Puritanical quarters,
started and abounded in England before they developed themselves
still fui-ther upon, as Cotton Mather calls it, " the American strand."
Though never overfond of the Apocrypha, the Puritans could
justify its estimate of thoroughness : —
" There be spirits that are created for vengeance,
Wliich in their fury lay on sore strokes."^
And now, by the testimony of their own authors, let us see how
much their " sore strokes " accomplished.
Here is a panorama of Puritanism, by Thomas Reeve, B.D.,
drawn out under the droppings of its primitive sanctuaries in London,
the fostering home of the Long Parliament, and the " Most Sacred "
Westminster Assembly : —
Every corporation hath a new brotherhood of believers, every pulpit new coin
coming hot out of the mint, every secret meeting a secret rule of faith, and a
secret form of worship. Oh, what variety of Saviours have we ! Every man is
for his particular Redeemer, his distinct messeno;cr of the Covenant. Here is
Christ, and there is Christ. Now who shall calm this troubled sea, raise up these
ruins, new-joint these dislocated bones, reduce these mutineers ? *
And, again, p. 146 : —
God would be ashamed to walk before you in such ways, or to prescribe to
you such paths. K your eyes be open, what repentance do ye see amongst us, but
• See Updike's " Narragansett," pp. 205-11. " Ecclus. xxxis. 28.
' Updike, ut supra, p. 246. ' Reeve's " Plea for Nineveh," 1657, p. 16.
PimiTANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 517
beating down of crosses, crashing of church-windows, demolishing a font, new-
placing acommunion-table, and phicking oil" that same abominable rochet ? iJuthatli
this Reformation cleansed away one sinP Hath it made us more moral than Turks,
or more pure than many Paynims and infidels ? Are our evil motions, our evil
lusts, and our evil ways gone ? Is there not as much pride and riot, and covetous-
ness and slander, and theft and craft, peevishness and perfidiousness, cozenage and
contention, as there is this day among Scythians and Barbarians? A nimble voyage
then that we have made, who are not sailed beyond the Land's End ; a long journey
that we have travelled, who are not gotten out of our old ways ! '
Once more, to show his close circumspection, and wonderful com-
mand of language, pp. 150, 151 : —
For all the noise of our sermon-bells, and the mysteries of the Kingdom of
Heaven preached among us, here is nothing but shaveing and fleeceing, pinching
and biting, catching and crushing, supplanting and circumventing, consuming and
confounding, decocting and despoiling, slaying and flajring, prosecuting and perse-
cuting, mingling and powderino;, glozing and varnishing, sophisticating and adul-
terating, lengthening out of suits, and spinning out of quarrels, siding and shoul-
dering, trampling and shivering, dreadful decrees in the Court of Conscience, and
horrid orders divers times, in the best Court of Judicature, as if oppression were a
science, and tyranny a trade. . . . Oh, if I should lead you into the forest
itself, where all the wild beasts and ravenous serpents do range, ye would think
this were the land of tigers and dragons! And for all this, yet are we the just
Nation ?
One is tempted to give his full-length portrait of Puritan parsons,
on p. 104 ; but the fear it may be considered the work of a mechanic,
dealing in " untempered mortar," induces me to pass it by. Eeeve's
folio, of more than 350 pages, will richly repay a laborious explorer.
And now, lastly, let us listen to a few words from Richard Baxter,
one of the choicest of Puritanic saints. His work on " CathoHc
Unity" will be the one quoted, since, to do him but justice, he knew
how to use the word "Catholic" in a non-Roman sense, — no mean at-
tainment for his day, and especially amid his surroundings. He gave
a pitiful list of the sects which thrived in the rebellion, till he cried
out, mind-sick and heart-sick, " I am weary of mentioning these des-
perate errors ;" so he wound up with the following burst of Baxterian
rhetoric: "The Anabaptist hath a scab, and the Separatist hath a
wound ; but the common ungodly multitude have the leprosy and
plague-sores from top to toe. Profaueness is a hodge-podge and galli-
mawfry, of all the heresies in the world in one." No wonder that
Henry Foulis, M.A., who could produce according to Isaac d'Israeli,
"au extraordinary folio," who was once inclined to be a Puritan, and
who knew his old comrades ab ovo usque ad malum, should describe
them in rhetoric quite as peculiar as Mr. Baxter's, only rather more
scholarly : "The Teneriif or Pico shall sooner shrink to mole-hills, the
name of the Escurial be forgotten, and the gi-eat tun at Heidelberg
filled with Rhenish wine be a draught to a pigmy, than a non-con-
formist cease from being disobedient, or our disciplinarians from hating
and persecuting our lawful government of Bishops." ^ Perhaps one
' Compare Reeve's " Plea for Nineveh," pp. 2d ed., 1674, p. 145, with some language left
74, 75. out, which might be thought hai-sher than that
- Foulis's " Plots of our Pretended Saints," which is quoted.
518 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
cannot better close than in the language of Roger Williams to John
Cotton : " Oh that it may please the Father of Lights to awaken both
himself, and other of my honored countrymen, to see how, though
their hearts wake, in respect of personal grace and life of Jesus, yet
they sleep, insensible of much concerning the purity of the Lord's
worship, or the sori'ows of such, whom they style brethren and beloved
in Christ, afflicted by them ! " '
sr^W: ^o^vtr-
I Answer to Cotton on the " Bloody tenent of persecution." Hanserd Knolly 's Society ed., 1848,
p. 383.
MONOGRAPH IV.
DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERICA, 1729-1731.
By the rev. MOSES COIT TYLER, LL.D.,
Professor of American History, in Cornell University, New York.
ON the 23d of Juiuuuy, 1729, a Britisli sliip of ahoiit two hundred
and fifty tons was seen hovering oft' the coast of Rhode Island
and making signals for a pilot. In response to these signals
two pilots boarded the ship. It jnoved to be the hired vessel of an
eminent Englisli clergyman, the Eev. George Berkeley, Dean of
Derry, who had with him his wife and a small party of friends, and
was desirous of landing somewhere in Rhode Island. The pilots in-
formed him that the harbor of Newport was near, and that in the town
there was an Eiiiscopal church, the minister of which was the Rev.
James Honj'man. At once the dean wrote a letter to Mr. Hony-
man, notifying him of his approach. What followed is best told in
the picturesque narrative of a local historian of the event. The
pilots took the dean's letter "on shore at Conanicut Island, and called
on Mr. Gardner and Mr. Martin, two members of Mr. Honyman"s
church, informing them that a great dignitary of the Church of Eng-
land, called Dean, was on board the ship, together with other gentle-
men passengers. They handed them the letter from the dean, which
Gardner and Martin brought to Newport with all possil)le despatch.
On their arrival tiiey found Mr. Honyman was at church, it being a
holiday on which divine service was held there. They then sent the
letter by a servant, who delivered it to Mr. Honyman in his pulpit.
He opened it, and read it to the congregation, from the contents of
which it appeared the dean might be expected to land in Newport
every moment. The clnu'ch Mas dismissed with tlic l)lessing, and
Mr. Honyman, with the wardens, vestry, and congregation, male and
female, repaired immediately to the wharf, where they arrived a little
before the dean, his family, and friends."
On the day after this notable event a Newport correspondent of
" The New England Weekly Courier " thus announced the news to
the people of Boston : " Yesterday arrived here Dean Berkeley, of
Londonderry, in a pretty large ship. He is a gentleman of middle
stature, of an agreeable, pleasant, and erect aspect. He was ushered
into the town with a great number of gentlemen, to whom he behaved
himself after a very complaisant manner. 'Tis said he proposes to
tarry hero with his family al)out three months."'
Instead of tarrying there only al)<)ut three months the deau
' Cited iu Fraser's " Life and Letters of George Bei-keley," p. 154.
520
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
tarried there nearly three years. He soon purchased a farm three or
four miles from Newport, near the sea ; and he built there a large
house, which he named "Whitehall." He had brought with him, not
only ample wealth in money and in personal and household goods,
but a library of several thousand volumes. During the whole time
of his sojourn in America he lived very quietly, and in almost un-
broken retirement. He was kindly and fomiliar Mith people of all
religious faiths in Newport. Occasionally he preached in the New-
port church, or went with the faithful missionary, Mr. Honyman,
among the Narragansett Indians. He was the highest officer of the
"WHITEHALL," THE RESIDENCE OF DEAN BERKELEY WHILE IN
RHODE ISLAND.
Anglican Church who had ever been in America ; and his coming hither
and his long stay here were a mystery to the pulilic, and to some of
them, likewise, a source of alarm. It was said that he intended to
found a college at the Bermudas ; but, if so, why did be not go to the
Bermudas, and set about it? There were some who suspected that
he might be an emissary of the English Church, and that he had come
to New England with the subtle purpose of laying some kind of pre-
latical mine for the l1lo^ving up and destruction of the ecclesiastical
system already established there. Several years before Berkeley's
arrival, Timothy Cutler, the president of Yale College, Daniel Brown,
its tutor, together with two prominent Congregational pastors in Con-
necticut, Samuel Johnson and James Wetmore, had gone over in a
body to the English Church. The event had produced no little con-
DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERICA. 521
sternation. Was it not likely that the astute and plausible Dean of
Derry had come out to America to entice others of the New England
ministry into a similar defection ? At any rate the proceedings of the
dean would bear watching.
And, on his part, there seemed to be not the least objection to their
being watched. Ho had nothing to conceal. It did appear somewhat
strange that an ambitious and dangerous ecclesiastical emissary, instead
of pushing out into the colonies, and making acquaintances among the
people, should have retired to the solitude of an island on the coast,
and should have spent his time there after the manner of a philosophical
hermit. Certainly he was affable to all whom by any accident he fell
in with ; and he courteously received all, whether distinguished or un-
distinguished, who chose to call upon him ; but he solicited no man's
company ; he interfered with no man's opinions. In the way of charity
he gave much, but himself had no favors to ask. Excepting occasional
missionary tours among the Indians, and a single visit to Boston for
the purpose of taking ship for England, he made no journeys into the
country that he was credited with the design of subjugating ; and when
at last he took his leave of America, and returned to England, he left
after him here only a beautiful and gracious memory, — the memory of
a blameless, wise, benignant, and helpful presence upon these shores.
Here was born to him his eldest sou, Henry ; and here also was born,
and here died, his second child, Lucia, and her body was laid tenderly
in Trinity church-yard, at Newport ; here he wrote his greatest and
most famous literary work, the philosophical dialogue called "Alci-
phron ; " and here, by the disinterested and catholic love which he
manifested for America, by the stimulus he gave to philosophical and
classical studies in this country, and especially by the magnanimous
and inspiring faith he uttered in the destinies of the Christian Church
and of the Christian commonwealth in America, he won for himself a
title to our perpetual remembrance and gratitude.
As has been already mentioned Berkeley's visit to America, and
his long and seemingly purposeless residence here, were not understood
in his own time by the pul>lic on either side of the Atlantic ; and it
may be added that, though the materials for understanding the
reasons both for his coming and for his going have at last been fully
spread before the public,' there still lingers over the subject something
of the mystery which invested it a hundred and fifty years ago. To
persons who have not yet taken the pains to study carefully the ma-
terials just referred to, it still seems strange that a devout and earnest
clergyman of the English Church, holding the high office of dean, in
the prime of his life, and in the full vigor of his health, should have
withdrawn himself from his duties at home, and with his wife, his house-
hold goods, his books, and a few friends, should have settled down in a
secluded spot on the coast of America ; should have there sauntered
' The chief depositai'ieg of materials i-elatin<; 1881, containiug biographical facts broucfht to
to Berkeley are the following: "The Works liffht since 1871; and the series of admirahle
of Georije Berkeley," edited hy A. C. Fraser, 3 liistorical and biographical works produced by
vols., Oxford, 1871 ; " Life and Letters of George the Reverend E. E. Beardsley, of New Haven,
Berkeley," by A. C. Fraser, 1871 ; " Berkeley," particularly his " Life and Correspondence of
by A. C. Fraser, Edinburgh and Philadelphia, Samuel Johnson, D.U.," New York, 187i.
522 HISTORY OF TIIE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
and loitered for nearly three j'ears, and then, apparently without
achieving, or trying to achieve, any visible result which he could not
have accomplished as well by staying at home, should have gathered
up his effects, and have sailed back to England.
In reality, however, Berkeley's American visit was, in its plan, its
execution, and its fruit, much more than it seemed to the pubHc eye,
either at that time or since ; and while it was a thing that could have
been projected only by an idealist and a moral enthusiast — such as
Berkeley was — it must be pronounced, even on cool survey, amission
of chivalric benevolence certainly, but also of profound and even creative
sagacity. In its boldness and its generosity it was dictated by an
apostolic disinterestedness and courage, to which, of course, that age
was unaccustomed, and which places it in the light of an almost comic
incongruity with the spirit of the age in which it occuri'ed. In the
history of our colonial period it forms a romantic chapter. But, in
order to understand it we need first to understand Berkeley himself,
as well as his attitude towards the times he lived in.
George Berkeley was born in Ireland, County Kilkenny, on the
12th March, 1685, being descended from Cavalier English ancestry,
and particularly related to the family of Lord Berkeley, of Stratton.
He studied at the famous Kilkenny School, which has been called "the
Eton of Ireland;" and in 1700 he entered Trinity College, Dublin,
where he continued to reside as student and fellow for the next thirteen
years, and where he achieved the highest distinction for scholarship, and
especially for original philosophic thought.
From childhood he had been an unusual person. To his associates
in particular he had been an object of wonder or of mirth, by the
eccentricity of his enthusiasms, and by his marvellous fertility in the
dreaming of gorgeous and impossible dreams for the impi'ovement of
mankind in knowledge, virtue, and happiness. As he ripened into
manhood he became a person of extraordinary attractions. He was
of singular beauty and geniality ; his learning was great ; he had un-
common genius for scientific and metaphysical speculation ; as a con-
versationalist he was remarkable even in an age in which conversation
was cultivated as a fine art ; and all these l^rilliant qualities in him were
crowned by the mildness, the tender and earnest charity, of a devout
Christian. In 1709 he received his first ordination ; and thencefor
ward to the end of his days, though he never had regular service as a
parish priest, he was a frequeutauda very impressive preacher ; indeed,
he was a great and an eloquent jihilosopher in the pulpit, taking his
place in that illustrious line of mighty thinkers in the Christian minis-
try in which stand Butler, Cudworth, Barrow, Hooker, Fenelon,
Malebranche, Aquinas, Augustine, Origeu, and Saint Paul, — men to
whom theology was " the highest form of philosophy, and the reverential
spirit of religion its noisiest consecration."
Even before his ordination, in 1709, Berkeley had begun to pro-
duce those philosophical writings in which he gradually unfolded his
celebrated ideal theory of the universe.^ This theory begins with a
'The \mtinor9 particularly refeiTcd to are 419-502; "An E«a^ towards a Xew Tlieorv of
" Commonplace Book," in " I'^ifc anil Letters," Vision," published in 1709; " A Treatise con-
DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERICA.
523
negative i)ropositioii, — a denial of Uk; existence of matter inde-
pendent of spirit. But it at once proceeds to an affirmative proposi-
tion, involving a "trutli of unsurpassed grandeur, simplicity, pro-
eeiniug the Principles of Human Kuowlcdge," is progreasivcly stated and defended; and the
1710; "Three Dialogues betnceu Ilylas and last of them is what Eraser calls it, — " the gem
Philomis," 1713. In these writings his theory of British metaphysical literature."
524 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
fundity, and weight," namely, that the only true substance is spirit;
that the only true cause is an intelligent will ; therefore, that what>-
ever exists, or appears to exist, can be philosophically explained only
through the powers and qualities of spirit.
The special use which Berkeley made of his theory was in refuta-
tion of the anti-religious philosophy of his time. He thought that
a belief in the absolute existence of matter leads to atheism. Against
this tendency he set his own theory, — one of great subtlety and logi-
cal power, — wherein the so-called material universe is but a vast sys-
tem of symbols " through which the Deity makes His being and His
attriljutes known to man. What seems, or is taken to be, the mate-
rial universe is simply the manifested ideas of God." ' Since our
sensible perceptions "must be caused, and since they cannot be caused
by non-causative, and hence non-existent, matter, they must be ascribed
to the agency of God, the Supreme Spirit. The world is God's voice.
His language, a set of symbols or signs. Physical science, neglecting
the questions of essential lieing and causation, has but to ascertain and
record these symbols in their observable order of coexistence and
sequence. Philosophy shows that through them we are in communion
with, and gracious dependence on, an omnipresent Deity." ^
Thus, down to the year 1713, when he had reached his twenty-third
j'ear, the life of George Berkeley had passed in studious retirement,
mainly in Trinit}^ College, Dublin. He had got well acquainted with
books; he knew little of men, of cities, of the ways of society in the
great world outside the walls of his college. Now began the epoch in
his life, nearly eight years long, in which he devoted himself to travel,
and to the direct study of human nature and human society. He had
already begun to reap some portion of his great fame as a metaphysi-
cian. Moreover, he had won the es])ecial friendship of Dean Swift, who
in the same year became dean of Saint Patrick's, and who was destined
directly and indirectly' to have a decisive influence on Berkeley's fortunes.
Early in January, 1713, young Berkeley went over to London, in
order, as he said at the time, to print his " new book of Dialogues
and to make acquaintance with men of merit." ^ From the first he
was under the powerful patronage of Dean Swift, and by him was
soon presented at the court of Queen Anne, as well as at the more
illustrious court of the poets, wits, and philosophers who were shed-
ding lustre upon that period. By his extraordinary conversational
powers and by the indescribable charm of his character he at once
made his way there into universal favor. Addison and Steele took
him to their hearts. At Steele's request he wrote several papers for
"The Guardian." By Pope and his troop of literary friends he was
welcomed with aflectionate admiration ; and Pope himself formed for
Berkeley that friendship which prompted him, years afterward, when
Berkeley had risen to be Bishop of Cloyne, to pay to the prelate an
immortal poetic tribute : —
' F. Ueberweg, " A Histoiy of Philosophy," of Berkeley's theory is givea by Fr4ser in hh
II., pp. 383, 384. edition of iJerkeley's Works, i., pp. 118-121.
' Georse S. Morris, " British Thought and a Berkeley , p. 97.
Thinkers," pp. 221-222. A condensed exposition
DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERICA. 525
" Even in a bishop I can spy desert.
Seeker is decent; Rnndle lias a lioart;
Manners with candor are to Benson given ;
To Berkeley ^ every virtue under heaven."
One of the great figures in London society, at the time of Berke-
ley's entrance into it, was Francis Atterbnry, Bisbop of Rochester. He
had been hearing, on all hands, praises of the brilliant young Dublin
philosopher and divine, who had made a sudden and brilliant dash
into the elegant world of Loudon, and he expressed a desire to see
him. Accordingly, one day, the Earl of Berkeley introduced his
kinsman to the bishop, and after the interview was over, the Earl
said, "Does my cousin answer your lordship's expectations ? " The
bishop, lifting up his hands, said fervently, " So much understanding,
so much knowledge, so much innocence, and such humility, I did not
think had been the portion of any but angels, till I saw this gentle-
man." '
After a few months spent by him in these splendid scenes in Lon-
don Berkeley's mind seemed eager to inspect still more of the life and
manners of men ; and accordingly, in the autumn of 1713, he accepted
the position of chaplain and secretary to the Earl of Peterborough,
who was then setting out as ambassador to the King of Sicily. Thus
began Berkeley's long sojourn upon the continent, — first, for a single
year, and afterward for four years, — a sojourn which gave him the
opportunity of making profound and extensive studies into the condi-
tion of European society.
Upon his final return to England from the continent, in 1720,
Berkeley found there nearly everything that could shock and grieve
him. The famous South-Sea speculations had just before reached their
summit of madness and corruption, and had fallen to the ground with
a great crash, spreading almost inconceivable distress over England.
The appalling spectacle of personal and social profligacy which then
met the eye of Berkeley in his own country came to him as a dreadful
sequel to all the revelations of folly and of crime which his life upon
the continent had made to him ; and upon his sensitive and meditative
spirit this wrought an impression that fixed the direction of his
thoughts for the next ten years of his life. It was amid these mourn-
ful scenes of misery and wrong in Eui'ope that he conceived the mag-
nificent project that thenceforward for a long time absorbed him, and
that brought liim at last to America to attempt its realization.
By a pamphlet of Berkeley's, published anonymously in London
in 1721, and entitled " An Essay towards preventing the Ruin of Great
Britain," we are enabled to ascertain that in that year he had become
well-nigh convinced that the political and moral diseases of the Old
^Vorld, and especially of liis own country, had at last reached the vital
organs of civilization, and were incurable. " I know it is an old folly to
make peevish complaints of the times, and charge the common failures
of human nature on a particular age. One may nevertheless venture
to afiirm that the present hath brought forth new and portentous
' Life and Letters of Berkeley, p. 59.
526 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
villanies, not to be paralleled in our own or any other history. Wc have
been lon<T preparing for some gi'eat catastrophe. Vice and villany have
by degrees grown reputable among us. . . . We have made a jest
of public spirit, and cancelled all respect for whatever our laws and
religion repute sacred. The old English modesty is quite worn off;
and, instead of blushing for our crimes, we are ashamed only of piety
and virtue. In short, other nations have been wicked, but we are the
first who have been wicked upon principle. The truth is, our symptoms
are so liad that, notwithstanding all the care and vigilance of the legis-
lature, it is to be feared the final period of our state approaches." '
These being his fears respecting the future of civilization in the Old
World, he seems to have concluded that there was no hope for the
human race except in a gradual transfer of itself from the Old World to
the New, where, freed from the clogs and goads of evil tradition, —
freed from the palsy and Ijlindness and Imrrenness of society in its
dotage, mankind might, at any rate, begin its career over again ; and,
avoiding the follies and crimes that had brought Europe to the verge
of destruction, might build for itself a future higher, broader, nobler,
than its past. AVhatever we may now think of this brave scheme, it was
the scheme of no sordid or conmionplace natui-e : it was the scheme
. of a profound thinker and of a most lienevolent enthusiast. As he
brooded over this great thought his mind had to utter itself in some
expression loftier fhan even such noble prose as he could command.
In those years it was, probably, that he composed that curious and now
celebrated poem, on the decay, the helplessness, the hopelessness, of
the Old World, and on the approach of a new and a grander era for
human nature in the world beyond the sea, — a poem which will last
among us as long as civilization shall hold out in this hemisphere, — a
poem that utters, perhaps, the most generous and the most inspiring
word about America ever spoken by any European. In the light of our
present narrative we may be glad to read once more these familiar
verses, as now having for us, it may be, the force of a fresh and a
richer meaning : —
" The muse, disgusted at an age and clime
Barren of every glorious theme,
In distant lands now waits a better time.
Producing subjects worthy fame.
" In happy climes, where, from the genial sun
And virgin earth such scenes ensue.
The force of art by nature seems outdone.
And fancied beauties by the true.
" In happy climes, the seat of innocence.
Where nature guides and virtue rules,
Where men shall not impose for truth and sense
The pedantry of courts and schools.
" There shall be sung another Golden Age,
The rise of empire and of arts,
The good and great inspiring epic rage,
The wisest heads and noblest hearts.
' Berkeley's Works, iii., p. 210.
DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERICA. 527
" Not such as Europe hrocds in her decay;
Such as she bred wlieu t'resli and young,
When heavenly flame did animate her ohiy,
By future poets shall be sung.
" Westward the course of empire take.s its way;
The four first acts already past,
A fifth shall close the drama with the day ; —
Time's noblest offspring is the last." '
Such was George Berkeley's superb and generous dream. To
his spiritual and prophetic genius it seemed to be revealed, like a
picture painted on the air, that the next great shifting in the central
seat of the world's civilization was to be from the eastern hemisphere
to the western, — from Europe to America. But when that event
should take place what was to prevent American civilization from going
over the steps, and finally reaching the fatal end of civilization in
Europe ? In Berkeley's opinion nothing could avert this result but
these two things : religion and education, — the two walking hand in
hand. The Old World was advancing to its doom, because the people
of the Old World had lost the old-fashioned virtues of ftiith, reverence,
and simplicity ; had, consequently, ceased to be a " religious, brave, sin-
cere people, of plain, uncorrupt manners, respecting inbred worth
rather than titles and appearances ; " had ceased to be " assertors of
liberty, lovers of their country, jealous of their own rights, and un-
willing to infringe the rights of others ; " had ceased to be " improvers
of learning and useful arts, enemies to luxury, tender of other men's
lives, and prodigal of their own ; " ' and had become idlers, gamblers,
spendthi'ifts, mockers, libertines, and atheists. Of coiu'se, the only
way to save the New World, when it should finally become the seat
of civilization, from advancing to the same doom, was to save it from
falling into the same degeneracy ; and this could be accomplished in
no other waj' than by the prompt, wise, and efficient organization in
America, first, of religious training, second, of intellectual training, —
in short, of the Christian Church, and of the Christian university.
The former had been already in some measure provided for, in
Berkeley's opinion, by the partial establishment of the Colonial Church
in America, largely through the eflbrts of the noble "Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts." It was to the second
need of the New World — its educational need — that Berkeley resolved
to devote his powers ; and to this end he wrought out his scheme of a
great American university. His idea was to estaljlish this university
at some spot that should be favorable to the health, industry, and
morals of the students, and at the same time central and commodious
for all the English possessions in the Western hemisphere, both insu-
lar and continental ; and with this view, he fixed upon the islands of
Bermuda. There he would begin by the erection of a single college,
to be called "The College of St. Paul ; " to be governed by a presi-
1 Berkeley's Works, nr., p. 232. In " I?. I. ment; and it seems to have been carelessly made.
Hi^t. Sec. Coll.," rv., p. 36, Professor Romeo All internal and collateral evidence points to the
Elton stales ih.it these verses " were written by place and period suggested in the text.
Bishop Berkeley during his residence in New- ' Berkeley's Works, iir., p. Jll.
port." Elton gives no authority for his state-
o
528 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
dent and nine fellows, who were to form the corporation. His own
life he would devote to the great work, by going out personally as
president ; and he hoped to take with him as fellow-laborers the
requisite number of accomplished and earnest scholars, whom he
might be able to enlist for the task. The Bishop of London was to be
the ofScial visitor to the college ; and the secretary of state for the
American Colonies was to be its chancellor. In the charter which he
drew up, the college was declared to be " for the instruction of
students in literature and theology, with a view to the promotion
of Christian civilization alike in the English and in the heathen parts of
America." ^ In a letter to his friend, Lord Percival, written in March,
1723, ho revealed his purpose of giving his life to that object, men-
tioning, likewise, his reasons for preferring the Bermuda Islands ; at
the same time presenting "the bright vision of an academic home in
those fair lands of the West, whose idyllic bliss poets had sung, and
from which Christian civilization might now be made to radiate over
the vast continent of America, with its magnificent possibilities in the
future history of the race of man. Berkeley seemed to see a better
republic than Plato's, and a grander Utopia than More's, as the issue
of his ideal university in those Summer Isles." ^
Of course, the realization of this scheme would require a large en-
dowment. Berkeley himself had not sufficient fortune for the purpose ;
but he had what was more than equivalent to a fortune, — a wonderful
power of imparting to others his own ideas, and even his own en-
thusiasms. Evidently his true course was to take such promotion in
the Church at home as should come to him ; and then, using all his
opportunities for winning over men of wealth and influence, to keep
steadily at work, and to bide his time. This course he took.
In the latter part of 1721 he had returned to Dublin, as chap-
lain to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and at once had resumed his
old relations in Trinity College — in which he was soon made divinity
lecturer, Greek lecturer, Hebrew lecturer, senior proctor, and uni-
versity preacher. Early in the following year he had been made
Dean of Dromore — a non-resident incumbency, the value of which
was probably about fourteen hundred pounds. In 1723 Esther Van-
homrigh — the "Vanessa" of Dean Swift's love scandals — died, and
in her will she surprised Berkeley by leaving him a legacy of about
four thousand pounds. In 1724 good fortune still pursued him; for
in that year he was given the deanery of Derry, which both he and
Dean Swift described as "the best preferment in Ireland." Thus he
was well advanced on the glittering highway of promotion in the
Church ; but, instead of pursuing that path, he was still swayed by his
eager purpose of giving up all and of going out into the American
wilderness to spend his life in founding a university there. He now
thought that the time was fully ripe for him to go over to Loudon,
and to press for the accomplishment of his project. His success
in London was promoted in no small measure by Dean Swift,
who, among other friendly acts, wrote from Dublin on behalf of
1 Life iuicl Letters of BerkGlcy, p. 108. '■ Berkeley, pp. 121-122.
DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERICA. 529
Berkeley a letter to Lord Carteret, a statesman whose great in-
fluence Berkeley particularly wished to secure. This letter of Deau
Swift's is an amusing revelation, both of his own character
and of Berkeley's, — the one woi'ldly, ambitious, and with-
out enthusiasm, yet steady and hearty in friendship ; the other,
spiritual, self-forgetting, and lost in daring schemes of doing some
great service in the world for God and man. After mentioning to
Lord Carteret Berkeley's personal history, and especially his recent
promotion to be Dean of Deny, Swift continues : " Your Excellency
will be frightened when I tell you all this is but an introduction ; for
I am now to mention his errand. He is an absolute philosopher with
regard to money, titles, and power; and for three years past has
been struck with a notion of founding a university at Bermudas, by a
charter from the crown. He has seduced several of the hopefullest
young clergjnmen and others here, many of them well provided for,
and all in the fairest way for preferment ; but in England his con-
quests are greater, and I doubt will spread very far this winter. Ho
showed me a little tract which he designs to publish ; and there your
Excellency will see his whole scheme of a life academico-philosophi-
cal, ... of a college founded for Indian scholars and missionaries ;
where he most exorbitantly proposes a whole hundred pounds a year
for himself, fifty pounds for a Fellow, and ten for a student. His heart
will break if his Deanery be not taken from him, and left to your
Excellency's disposal. I discouraged him by the coldness of courts
and ministers, who will interpret all this as impossible and a vision ;
but nothing will do. And therefoi'e, I humbly entreat your Excel-
lency either to use such persuasions as will keep one of the first men
in the kingdom, for learning and virtue, quiet at home, or assist him
by your ci'edit to compass his romantic design ; which, however, is
very noble and generous, and directly proper for a person of your
excellent education to encourage." *
On reaching London one of the first things that Berkeley did
was to publish the " little tract " to which Swift had refeiTed. ^ In
order to raise the endowment necessary for the college therein
described his original purpose probably was to depend on voluntary
gifts rather than on an appropriation from the government. Had he
steadily adhered to this plan it is likely that he would have succeeded,
and would have saved himself the bitter disappointment that came in
after years. No doubt the intellectual indiifereuce of London society
at that period, its frivolity, and its sordid spirit, would have been
barriers to his immediate success in an appeal for pecuniary aid for
such a project as his ; yet even those barriers could not long have
resisted the magic of his brilliant and contagious earnestness. Several
anecdotes have come down to us illustrating the incomparable
powers of persuasion with which he prosecuted his undertaking. For
example, the famous club of wits, " the Scriblerus Club," met one
' lAte and Letters of Berkeley, pp 102-103. itj, by a Collej^c to be erected in the Summer
^ " A Proposal for the Better Supplying of Islands, otherwise called the Isles of Bennuda."
Churches in our Foreign Plantations, and for — Berkeley's PFbris, iii., pp. 213-231.
Converting the Savage Americans to Christian-
530 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
day for dinner at the house of Lord Bathurst, and before Berkeley
came in the members agreed among themselves that they would rally
him on his wild scheme of going out to Bermuda. Lord Bathurst says
that they fully carried out their programme ; but that " Berkeley, hav-
ing listened to all the lively things they had to say, begged to be heard
in his turn ; and displayed his plan with such an astonishing and
animating force of eloquence and enthusiasm that they were struck
dumb, and, after some pause, rose up all together with earnestness,
exclaiming, 'Let us all set out with him immediately.'"
He also captivated many other distinguished persons ; and he
raised by subscription more than five thousand pounds, — a sum which
might have been greatly increased had he not been tempted to seek a
government appropriation. He even made his way to the ear and the
heart of King George the First ; and, more diiScult still, to the friend-
ly forbearance of Sir Robert Walpole, from whom he got, not only a
pei'sonal subscription of two hundred pounds, but the promise of not
opposing in the House Berkeley's scheme of an appropriation. Besides
a charter for his college Berkeley procured the introduction of a bill
wherein a suitable portion of the proceeds arising from the sale of
certain lands in the West Indies was to be bestowed upon the coUege.
Evidently Walpole consented to this bUl, fully believing that in the
nature of things, and without any effort on his part, it would fail of
passing the House of Commons. But he did not rightly estimate the
energy and the persuasiveness of Berkeley. In May, 1726, the bill
was carried through the House, "none having the confidence to speak
against it, and not above two giving their negative, which was done in
so low a voice as if they themselves were ashamed of it."^
Accordingly, Walpole gave to Berkeley a promise of twenty
thousand pounds. Thus far all seemed prosperous ; but Berkeley had
still to learn that it was one thing to get from a statesman like Walpole
a promise of twenty thousand pounds, and quite another thing to get
the twenty thousand pounds. He was, however, full of hope. He
spent the next two years in completing his preparations for going, and
especially in waiting for the promised grant. Berkeley's long delay
in England began to be the occasion of a new embarrassment. " Had
I continued there," he wi'ote, "the report would have obtained (which
I had found beginning to spread) that I had dropped the design after
it had cost me and my friends so much trouble and expense.
This obliged me to come away. . . . Nothing less could have
convinced the world that I was in eai'nest."^ Moreover, Walpole is
said to have told him that the grant could not be paid until he had
actually made some investment in America for the college.'
In this lies the secret of all his subsequent proceedings, and of his
final failure. He had put his trust in Walpole, who had too much use
for money at home, in adapting to members of parliament his favorite
methods of political persuasion, for him to be willing to waste twenty
thousand pounds in a fantastic educational project in the Bermudas.
Nothing was left for Berkeley but to start, to get to the other side
1 Life and Lettci-s of Berkeley, p. 125. = Life and Letters of Berkeley, p. 153.
2 Berkeley, p. 13.1.
DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERIOA. 531
of the Atlantic, and to buy there land enough to constitute an actual
investment for the college. He thought it best to go first to New Eng-
land, and there to await the further proceedings of the prime minister ;
and his purchase of the farm near Newport and all his long delay
there were due to the necessity of deferring to the inclinations of that
great officer.
All this it was that gave to his movements an air of mystery, of
incertitude, of fickleness ; and all this could not at that time be public-
ly explained. Month after month passed over him in Rhode Island,
as he waited for the fulfilment of Walpole's promise. He wrote letters
of entreaty, of expostulation. Nothing was done. A whole year passed
by. He then wrote to his friend, Lord Percival : "I wait here, with
all the anxiety that attends suspense, until I know what I can depend
upon, and what course I am to take. I must own the disappointments
I have met with have really touched me, not without much affecting
my health and spirits. If the founding of a college for the spread of
religion and learning in America had l^een a foolish project, it cannot
be supposed the court, the ministers, and the parliament could have
given such encouragement to it ; and if, after that encouragement, they
who engaged to endow and protect it let it drop, the disappointment
indeed may be to me, but the censure, I think, will light elsewhere."'
At last came a message from Wal[X)le, which crushed out of him the
last spark of hope for the success of his plan. The Bishop of London,
who was a friend of Berkeley's, pressed upon Walpole the direct question
respecting the payment of the money. "If,"' said Walpole, "you
put this question to me as a minister, I must and can assure you that
the money shall most undoubtedly be paid as soon as suits with public
convenience ; but, if you ask me as a friend whether Dean Berkeley
should continue in America, expecting the payment of twenty thousand
pounds, I advise him by all means to return home to Europe, and to
give up his present expectations." ^
This cniel word drove a dagger into the heart of Berkeley's hope-
fulness. Even to him it was now obvious that his beautiful project
was dead. There was but one thing left for him to do, namely, to
bury it, and then to turn to other tasks. After lingering a few months
longer in the soothing quiet of his Rhode Island hermitage. Berkeley
went back to London. This was in the autumn of 1731. In 1734 he
was made Bishop of Cloyne. In 1753 he died.
Such is the true secret of Berkeley's celebrated visit to America,
— an incident in his life which was misunderstood and ridiculed at the
time, and was in some quarters the occasion of groundless suspicion
and of needless alarm. Its real meaning, with what it contained of
saintly enthusiasm, and of a wiser than worldly statesmanship, is made
apparent by being simply and truthfully narrated. The years during
which Berkeley was in personal presence upon these shores will be
forever ennobled in our annals by that splendid and gracious memory.
Although Berkeley returned from his American visit he never
I Berkeley, p. 133. In the latter part of this obvious typogiaphical errors therein, which make
sentence I have deviated from the text from nonsense of the jpassage.
which T quote, by venturing to con-ect two i Life and Letters of Berkeley, p. 186.
532 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
recovered from it. He was a changed man ever afterwards. AVitli
the shattering of that gorgeous and eager dream of his against the
rough touch of reality something of the bloom of being went from
him, — something, too, of his old elasticity in hope and joy; and in
their place camethe sadness of a riper wisdom, and the sweetness of
having drunken of a bitter cup. And if in him and his family and
his best writings one can trace the eflects of his contact with America,
so still, in a hundred benignant ways, one can trace in America the
effects of its contact with him.
But few wi'itten memorials remain of Berkeley's preaching any-
where ; but by far the larger number of these memorials are the rough
notes made for sermons preached by him in America.' In looking
over these jagged memoranda, one cannot help reading between the
lines Berkeley's own criticisms, always acute and delicate, and some-
times almost satirical, upon the tone of life and thought in New Eng-
land in the iirst half of the eighteenth century ; upon its prevailing
dissent from the Anglican Church ; upon the discordance and the
pettiness of its sectarian divisions ; upon its Puritanic moroseness ;
upon the incipient stages of that reaction which took place somewhat
later in New England, from believing too much to believing too little ;
upon the duties of Christian masters in a relation of religious responsi-
bility to their slaves ; and especially upon the vices peculiar to a people
distinguished for sobriety. The population of Newport, at the time
of Berkeley's residence there, was probably even more variegated in
religious opinions than were other towns in New England. It con-
sisted, as Berkeley wrote, " of many sorts and subdivisions of sects.
Here are four sorts of Anabaptists, besides Presbyterians, Quakers,
Independents, and many of no profession at all," — not to mention
Moravians, Jews, and several other religious bodies which, doubtless,
Berkeley had not then heard of as being there. " They all agree," he
adds, " in one point, — that the Church of England is the second best."^
And yet the manly, reasonable, and conciliatory way in which Berkeley
met all these people, mottled as they were with their manifold badges
of disagi-eement, won for him among them gi-eat liking and respect.
" All sects," we are told, " mshed to hear him ; even the Quakers with
their broad-brimmed hats came and stood in the aisles." ^ Evidently
Berkeley found as much interest in studying them as they did in study-
ing him ; and, observing the several topics discussed by him in the
sermons which he preached there, we can see how wisely, how frankly,
with how catholic and gentle a fidelity, he adjusted his teaching to their
spiritual and intellectual needs : —
"Divisions into essentials and circumstantials in religion. Cir-
cumstantials of less value (1) from the nature of things ; (2) from
their being left undefined ; (3) from the concession of our Church,
which is foully misrepresented." "•
" Sad that religion, which requires us to love, should become the
cause of our hating one another. But it is not religion, it is," etc.
> These are published in the volume of " Life 2 Life iuij Lettera of Berkeley, p. 160.
aud Letters of Berkeley," pp. 629-649. » Ibid. ■* Uid., p. 632.
DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERICA.
533
"Joy in the Holy Ghost, not sullen, sour, morose, joyless, but
rejoicing."
" Since we have so great things in view, let us overlook petty
differences ; let us look up to God our common Father ; let us bear
one another's infirmities ; instead of quarrelling about those things
wherein we differ, let us practise those things wherein we agree.'"
It is possible that he may even then have detected in Newport
tlie early New England tendency toward Unitarianism ; for he has left
DEAN BERKELEY S FAVORITE RESORT AT >fEWTORT, NOW CALLED
BEEKJSLEr'S SEAT."
the outline of a very careful and a very powerful sermon on the
divinity of our Saviour.^ It is certain that ho met there loose doctrines
on church organization, and narrow doctrines on the rite of baptism ;
and that he chose to inculcate from the pulpit, with reference to both
these subjects, higher and nobler conceptions of the truth.''
Two of the remarkable sermons which he has thus left us are
significant of his penetrating study into the characteristic vices of a
community neither sensual nor frivolous, — vices born of the ungen-
erous activity of a legion of unbridled tongues. ' These sermons fur-
nish us with examples of his aptitude for social criticism, — criticism
' Lift and Letters of Berkeley, p. G33.
' While sitting upon these roclcs, traditiou
says, he composed his *' Aleiphrou."
= Life and Letters of Berkeley, pp. 634-636.
* Ibid., pp. 636-610.
° Ihid., pp. 645-6i8.
534 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
SO finely edged as to culminate into something like satire. "Vices,
like weeds, diiferent in different countiies ; national vice familiar ;
intemperate lust in Italy ; drinking in Germany ; tares wherever
there is good seed ; though not sensual, not less deadly ; e.g., detrac-
tion : would not steal 6d. , but rob a man of his reputation ; they who
have no relish for wine have itching ears for scandal ; this vice often
observed in sober people ; praise and blame natural justice ; where we
know a man lives in habitual sin unrepented, we may prevent hypo-
crites from doing evil ; but to judge without enquuy, to show a facility
in believing and a readiness to report evil of one's neighbor ; frequency,
little horror, great guilt." ^ Satan "tempts men to sensuality, but he
is in his own natui-e malicious and malignant ; pride and ill-nature, two
vices most severely rebuked by our Saviour. All deviations sinful,
but those upon dry purpose more so ; malignity of spirit like an ulcer
in the nobler parts . . . ; age cures sensual vices, this grows with
age; . . . more to be guarded against, because less scandalous; im-
posing on others and even on themselves as religion and a zeal for
God's service, when it really proceeds only from ill-will to man, and
is no part of our duty to God, but directly contrary to it."^
These passages from Berkeley's sermons are probably enough to
indicate for that branch of his writings the reaction upon his mind
of his American visit. But in his more elaborate compositions, espe-
cially in " Alciphron " and in " Siris," the tokens of this reaction are
far more distinct and impressive. Indeed, the former of these works,
as it was Ijegun and ended in America, so is it pervaded by allusions
to his life in America, — to his home here, to his sea-side study, to the
beautiful scenery about him, to the notable traits and customs of the
people in the neighborhood, to his own daily employments, to the
friends who visited him or whom he visited, and especially to the
great and bitter disappointment wlaich had overtaken him on these
shores. The writing of " Alciphron " was a wholesome diversion of
his mind from the grief caused by that disappointment ; and its first
sentences are a tender and a manly acknowledgment of the gi-ief from
which his new literary task was to enable him in some measure to
work himself free : —
I flattered myself, Theages, that before this time I might have been able to
have sent yoii an agreeable accoimt of the success of the aftair which brought me
into this remote corner of the country. But instead of this, I should now give you
the detail of its misoamage, if I did not rather choose to entertain you with some
amusing incidents, which have helped to make me easy imder a circumstance I
could neither obviate nor foresee. Events are not in oiu- power ; but it always is
to make a good use even of the very worst. And, I must needs own, the com-se
and event of tliis affair gave opportunity for reflections that make me some amends
for a gi-eat loss of time, pains, and expense. A life of action, which takes its issue
from the counsels, passions, and views of other men, if it doth not draw a man to
imitate, will at least teach him to obsei-ve. And a mind at liberty to reflect on its
own observations, if it produce nothing useful to the world, seldom fails of enter-
tainment to itself. For several months past I have enjoyed such liberty and leisure
in this distant retreat, far beyond the verge of that great whirlpool of business,
faction, and pleasure, which is called the woi-ld.s
' Life aud Lettei-3 of Berkeley, p. G46. ' Berkeley's Works, ii., pp. 23-24.
2 7Ji<i., pp. 647-648.
DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERICA. 535
In 1744, thirteen years after his return from America, Berkeley
pubhshed liis wonderful little treatise, entitled " Siris : A Chain of
Philosojihical Eeflections and Enquiries concerning the Virtues of Tar-
Water, and Divers other Subjects connected together and arising one
from Another."! «Qq ^j^q whole," says the latest editor of Berkeley's
writings, "the scanty speculative literature of these islands in the last
century contains no other work nearly so remarkable. . . . There is
the unexpectedness of genius in its whole movement. It bi-eathes the
spirit of Plato and the Neoplatonists in the least Platonic generation
of English history since the revival of letters ; and it draws this Platonic
spirit from a thing so commonplace as Tar. It connects Tar with the
highest thoughts in metaphysics and theology, by links which involve
some of the most subtle, botanical, chemical, physiological, optical,
and mechanical speculations of its time. Its immediate aim is to con-
firm rationally the benevolent conjecture that Tar yields a ' water of
health ' fitted to remove, or, at least, to mitigate, all the diseases of our
organism in this mortal state, and to convey fresh supplies of the very
vital essence itself into the animal creation. Its successive links of
physical science are gradually connected, first, with the ancient and
modern literature of the philosophy of fire, and, next, with the medi-
tations of the greatest of the ancients, about the substantial and casual
dependence of the universe upon conscious mind."^
Berkeley's confidence in the medicinal efficacy of tar-water thus
became the master enthusiasm of the last twelve years of his life :
and, as usual, the enthusiasm which he himself felt upon the subject
he succeeded in communicating to the public. His book rose into
instant celebrity. It I'an through several editions in England. Trans-
lations of it into French, Dutch, German, Portuguese were published
on the Continent. Tar-water " became the rage in England as well
as in Ireland. Manufactories of Tar-water were established in lion-
don, Dublin, and other places in the course of the summer. The
anger of the professional physicians was aroused against the ecclesias-
tical intruder into their province. Pamphlets were written against
the new medicine, and other pamphlets were wi'itten in reply. A
Tar-water controversy ensued. . . . The infection spread to other
countries. . . . Tar-water establishments were set a going in various
parts of Europe and America."* All this was another of the effects
upon him and his whole after-life produced by his American visit ;
for it was in America, and among the NaiTagansett Indians, that he
had first learned of the invigorating and curative properties of tar.
There can be little doubt that when, in 1731, Dean Berkeley took
ship in Boston harbor, and sailed out into the sea for England, he felt
that his visit to America had l)een a failure, and that he was returning
home a baffled man, — the golden hope of his life blighted. What
gladness it would have brought to him could he but have had a glimpse
into the far future, and could have seen how all along its unfolding
centuries that seemingly bafiled visit of his was to keep on bearing
fruit in the innumerable benign eflects it was to have upon civilization
' Berkeley's Works, n., pp. 341-608. •" Life and Lettei-s of Berkeley, p. 294.
= Ibul., II., pp. 343-344.
536 HISTOEY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
in the New World, — upon the establishment of universities here ;
upon the cultivation of all liberal studies ; upon the improvement of
society in morals and in manners, and especially upon the upbuilding
ofthe Church of God ! He had not, indeed, accomplished the immediate
object of his expedition — the founding of an American university in
the Bermuda Islands ; but, by methods different from those intended
by him, and in ways more manifold than even he could have dreamed
of, he has since accomplished, and through all coming time, by a
thousand ineffaceable influences, he will continue to accomplish, the
very results — the beneficent, beautiful, superb results — which he had
aimed at by the founding of his university. It is the old story over
again — the tragedy of a Providence wiser than man's foresight, God
giving the victory to His faithful servant, even through the bitterness
of overruling him and defeating him.
To trace with proper fulness of detail the direct and indirect
effects which Berkeley's sojourn in America has wrought upon the in-
tellectual life of this country, in philosophy, in literature, in learning,
in the spirit and method of higher education, would require a chapter
devoted to that single topic. A mere grouping of hints is all that can
be attempted in this place.
Of course, in those days of diflScult and dangerous ocean-travel,
when the spectacle of a distinguished European visitor in America was
something to awaken awe in the colonial mind, it was an immediate and
an immense intellectual stimulus to have as an actual visitor among us
for two or three years a ripe European scholar, of great genius, of
exquisite accomplishments, of noble ideals, of fascinating gifts in ex-
pression. Naturally the cultivated society of Newport was the first to
feel the intellectual effect of his visit ; and from it sprang the philo-
sophical society of that town, and ultimately the- Redwood Library, —
an institution at once the parent and the model of many others in
America, and still prosperous and useful now in the second century of
its existence.' Then, too, there soon began to come to Berkeley, in
his new home, various American pilgi'ims to seek his counsel, — men
of letters, like John Adams, the poet ; and men of science, like Samuel
Johnson, the metaphysician ; all of whom seem to have found inspira-
tion and guidance in the great man's brotherly and brilliant words.
Johnson, indeed, became Berkeley's avowed disciple in philosophy :
and for many years afterward, in his books, his sermons, his academic
lectures, he kept alight and he held aloft, in this land, the torch of
Berkeley's radiant and consoling idea.^ Moreover, during those years
of Berkeley's sojourn in Rhode Island there was in a frontier western
parish in Massachusetts a young theologian, trained only in a small
colonial college, already beginning to droop under the burdens of
poverty, of public care, and of ill-health, but endowed with a philo-
sophical genius not unworthy to be matched with that of Berkeley
himself. We have no evidence that Jonathan Edwards ever made the
rugged journey from Northampton to Newpoil to see George Berkeley ;
' W. Updike, " Memoira of the K. I. Bar," =E.E. Beardsley, " Lifeand Coirespondence
pp. 61-62 ; " Public Libraries of tlieU. S.," Part of Samuel Johuson,'' pp. 67, 70, 75, 77, 82, 131,
I., pp. 15-16. 132, 169.
DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOUKN IN AMERICA. 537
but the Xorthampton pastor had already, several years before, worked
his way, perhaps by an independent process, to Berkeley's very
doctrine ; and it can hardly be doubted that the celebrity of Berkeley's
visit hei'e, and the keen attention to his philosophy which his visit
awakened amonnr thouniitful New Ensjlanders, were felt as a boon of
intellectual sj'mpath}' by that lonely student in the wilds of Western
Massachusetts, and may have helped somewhat to strengthen him for
liis service as a " defender of Berkeley's great philosophical conception
in its application to the material world." ^
Undoubtedly the great intiucncc of Berkeley on the intellectual
life of this country is seen most conspicuously in the stimulus which he
gave to higher education here. The mere fact that such a man as
Berkeley, with such inducements as he had to remain in his place at
home, had been willing to give up time, and wealth, and chosen studies,
and official advancement, and the charms of an ancient society, and had
brought hither across the sea into the wilderness nearly all that was
sacred and precious to him in the world, and that he here stood ready,
year after year, to devote his life, his genius, all his energies to the
promotion of higher education in America, was itself a dramatic
demonstration, at least of his ov/n sense of the vast importance to
America of higher education. Though he did not succeed, in his own
person, in founding an American college, that spectacle of his noble
failure to found one stands for all time in its pathos, bearing witness
to an imperishable and an unsurpassal)le duty.
Moreover, almost as soon as ]3erkeley touched land, he began to
give out sympathy and counsel and help to the men who were already
workinc: in American colleijes, or who were working for them. It did
not hinder him that the colleges nearest to him were under the control of
dissenters from his church ; and yet, even in his purpose to befriend
these colleges, he found himself the object of some sectarian suspicion.
" Pray let me know," he wrote to Samuel Johnson in March, 1730,
" whether they would admit the writings of Hooker and Chillingworth
into the library of the college in New Haven."- Two years afterward,
when Berkeley had returned to England, and had sent thence to Yale
Collese a munificent gift of books, a famous Boston preacher, Benjamin
Colman, wrote to the president of the college urging that the gift be
not accepted, if it be " clogged with any conditions that directly or in-
directly tend to the introduction of Episcopacy."*
But tokens of suspicion like these — not unnatural under the cir-
cumstances — did not chill the fiow of Berkeley's kind feeling toward
the New England colleges, or his desire to help them. When he was
upon the point of embarking for England he sent to Johnson some
Greek and Latin books to he given, if it should seem best, to Yale
College ; and he accompanied the gift by the promise of still trying to
help, even after his return to the Old World, the cause of education in
America. " My endeavors shall not be wanting, some way or other,
'Life and Letters of Berkeley, p. 182; « Life and CoiTespondence of Samuel John-
George P. Fisher, " Discussions in IliitoiT and son, p. 73.
■philosophy," pp. 229-234. See, also, the anthor's =■ E. Turell's " Life of Beryamin Colman."
" History of American Literature," li., pp. 82- pp. 59-6L
183.
538 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
to be useful ; and I should be very glad to be so in particular to the
College at New Haven." ' This promise was not forgotten. In less
than a year after his departure he ti'ansmitted to the President of Yale
College a deed - conveying to that institution his farm in Rhode Island ;
"the yearly rents and protits " from which wore to be spent, not only
for the purchase of Ijooks in Greek and Latin, as prizes for proficiency
in those languages, but also as scholarships for the maintenance of
three Bachelors who should be selected for their excellence in Latin and
Greek, and should reside in the college in post-graduate studies for
three years. It would be hard to enumerate all the eflects of this gift
in stimulating classical culture in this country. This single fact may
be mentioned, however, that in the long roll of the Berkeleyan "schol-
ars of the house," ^ from 1733 to the present, one finds many names that
have become distinguished for classical learning, for literary talent, and
especially for service in the higher educational work of the country :
Eleazer Wheelock, the founder and first President of Dartmouth Col-
lege ; Aaron Burr, President of Princeton College ; William Samuel
Johnson, President of Columbia College ; Naphtali Daggett and
Timothy Dwight, Presidents of Yale College ; Al)raham Baldwin,
founder and President of the University of Georgia ; Samuel Austin,
President of the University of Vermont ; Jeremiah Atwater, President
of Middlebury and of Dickinson Colleges ; Sereno Edwards Dwight,
President of Hamilton College ; Joel Jones, first President of Girard
College ; Edward Beecher, President of Illinois College ; besides
jurists, statesmen, scholars, and writers, like Jared IngersoU, James
Abraham Hillhouse, Silas Deane, John Trumbull, Joseph Buckminster,
Abiel Holmes, James Murdoch, Norman Pinney, William Moseley
Holland, and Charles Astor Bristed.
In 1733, the year following that of his gift of land to Yale Col-
lege, Berkeley proved his undiminished remembrance of the struggling
young colleges in America by sending over both to Yale and to
Harvard valuable pi'csents of books. The collection which he thus
gave to Yale College was the larger one of the two. It consisted of
about a thousand volumes, and included well-chosen works in Greek
and Latin literature, in the Fathers, in church history, in divinity, in
philosophy, in mathematics, medicine and natural history, in English
and French literature, and in history, — altogether, according to an
early historian of Yale, "the l)est collection of books which had ever
been brought at one time to America." "^
Perhaps it may be said, also, that his help to higher education in
Amenca was quite as efi'cctive in the form of sympathy and of good
counsels as it was in that of good gifts. To the very end of his life
he kei)t up his correspondence with America, and even handed down
to his widow and to his children a legacy of American friendships ; and
in nearly all his letters sent hither there breathes the same glowing
' Ijifo and CoiTospondence of Samuel < President Clap, cited in " Life and Letters
Johnson, p. 78. of Berkeley," p. 194. A copy of the invoice of
" Given in fidl in "Life and Letters of the books sent hy Berkeley to Yale College h:is
Berkelej ," pp. 193-194, note. been published by President Daniel C. Gilman in
' A list of these scholars from 1733 to 1851 is " New Uaven Col. Historical Society Transac-
piven in " The Yale Literary Magazine," for tions."
Feb., 1852, pp. 152-154.
DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERICA. 539
and affectionate zeal for the cause of good letters in America, and,
tlirou"li that, of noble thinking and of noble living, to be promoted
by the young colleges of the New World. So long as he lived tidings
were regularly sent to him from Yale College respecting the progress
of learning there, particular!}' under the impulse given by his endow-
ment. In 1750 he writes: "I tind also by a letter from Mr. Clap
that learning continues to make notable advances in Yale College.
This gives me great satisfaction."^ In 1751 he writes: "I am
glad to find by Mr. Clap's letter, and the specimens of literature
enclosed in his packet, that learning continues to make a progress in
Yale College, and hope that virtue and Christian charity may keep
pace with it."^ In the same year he writes to President Clap him-
self: "The daily increase of religion and learning in your seminary
of Yale College gives me very sensible pleasure, and an ample recom-
pense for my poor endeavors to further these good ends."^ And
when, but a few years before his death, his advice was asked by Samuel
Johnson, respecting plans for a college at New York, he wrote back a
letter of wise and faitliful counsel, which did much to mould the organi-
zation both of King's College* and of the College of Philadelphia.^
Indeed, as respects King's College, we have documentary evidence
that it was formed by its first trustees explicitly and consciously upon
the model thus conveyed to them, through Samuel Johnson, from
Bishop Berkeley.® This fact has not been sufficiently known. The
true spiritual founder of Columbia College was the Bishop of Cloyne.
To one who loves the memory of that wise and saintly prelate, and
who has been touched by the grief he suffered over the apparent dis-
comfiture of his hope of founding " a college for the spread of relig-
ion and learning in Amei'ica," it must give pleasure to learn that
before Bishop Berkeley passed away from this earth he had the con-
soling assurance that the college at New York was to be founded upon
the model furnished by him. So that, after all, the beautiful dream
of Berkeley's life was granted to him, and in a way wiser than he had
thought of. Not, indeed, in the Bermuda Islands, — which would
have been too remote and too isolated a spot for a great American
university, — but in the very heart of the future metropolis of the New
World ; not, indeed, by the labor of his own hand, and yet according
to the express directions of his most mature judgment ; not, indeed,
under his own presidency, and yet under the presidency of his
most beloved American friend and of his most devoted American
disciple, was Berkeley finally permitted to establish a college for
" the promotion of Christian civilization alike in the English and in
the heathen parts of America." And there can be little doubt that
from the first the college should have been named for Berkeley i-ather
than for the king. And, without any doubt, when, just after the
Revolutionary war, the original roj'alist name of the college was neces-
sarily dropped, and a new name was sought for, nothing could have
' Life and CoiTCspondence of Samuel John- *Xotv Columbia Collep'C.
son, p. 170. 'Now the University of Pennsylvania.
- Hid., p. 171. ° Life and Corrcspoiidcuce of Samuel John-
* Life and Lettci-s, p. 327. son, pp. 154-155 ; 170.
540 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
been more appropriate than that the college should then have been
re-christened with the beautiful and significant name of Berkeley.
But though Berkeley's own college in America has not been
called by his name, Berkeley's effort for " the spread of religion and
learning in America " has not been without tokens of commemoration
among us. In the college at New Haven, of which he was so gener-
ous a benefactor, his name is woven into imperishaljle association
with the noblest and the most stimulating studies ; while from a memo-
rial window in its chapel that name beams like a benediction upon
all who, like him, unite sincere piety with sincere love of truth. In
the oldest college-town in America a street has been named in honor
of Berkeley, l)y an eminent writer • who was devoted to the studies
which Berkeley loved, and to the Church of which Berkeley was an illus-
trious champion. In the cities of New York and Providence, in recent
years, institutions for the higher secondary education had been named in
memory of Berkeley, as " a missionary who crossed the seas to bring
to this land the torch of knowledge."- And far away upon the west-
ern verge of this continent, — a continent which Berkeley believed to
be the predestined seat of the last and most glorious act in the drama
of Man's History upon Earth, — over against the very gleam of the
Golden Gate of San Fi-ancisco, and almost within sound of the surf
crashing upon the sands of the Pacific, a great State has founded a
great university ; and, while it has given its own name to the univer-
sity, it has bestowed upon the university-town the name of Berkeley,
in remembrance of " one of the very best of the early friends of col-
lege education in America." At Trinity College, in Hartford, — a
college that was founded and has been faithfully reared in the very
spirit of Berkeley's ideas upon education, — the president, at the
annual commencement, sits in the chair in which Berkeley used to sit
at Newport, in which Berkeley is believed to have written his
"Alciphron," and from which Berkeley must have dreamed many a
dream and prayed many a prayer " for the spread of religion and
learning in America." And, finally, we may hope that "The Berke-
ley Divinity School," at Middletown, will be for many ages a monument
— and something more productive than a monument — to the sacred and
dear memory of that apostolic scholar, who, in an age of sensualists
and of self-seekers, gave up all earthly pleasures and gains, and came
forth over the sea, that he might found in America a college of which
the chief purpose should be to train up young men worthily for the
service of God's Church in this New World.
Hju "^odr-i
' Richard II. Dana, the yoiinfrer. schools by President Oilman, of Johns Hopkins
^Tiie name w.13 given to the first of these University, whose words I quote above.
MONOGRAPH V.
THE NON-JURING BISHOPS IN AMERICA.
By the rev. JOHN FULTON, D.D., LL.D.,
Hector of Si. George's Church, St. Louis, Mo.
THE subject of tlie non-jurors in America is rather of interest to
the antiquary than of importance to the historian ; because,
whether it bo asserted or denied that bishops of the non-juring
sect did actually visit or reside in the colo-
nies, it is certain that they exercised no
episcopal jurisdiction and left behind them
no perceptible inlluence in the Colonial
Church. The anti(iuarian interest of the sub-
ject, however, which was always notaljle,
has of late years been greatly increased liy
the publication, in 1876, of an elaborate and
very valuable "History of the Church in
Burlington, New Jersey," by the Eev. Dr.
Hills, rector of St. ilary's, Burlington. -
Dr. Hills has prefixed to his work an inscrip-
tion or dedication, as follows: "To the
Kev. John Tall)ot, M.A., founder and
first rector of the church in Burlington,
who, after twenty years of missionary toil, with ceaseless but ineffeet-
EPTSCOPAL SEAL liEAKING
THE NAME OF TALBOT.'
* The oriirin of the non-jurors' scliisra mav
be brieHy told. After the levohition of 16S9,
Sancroft, Archbisliop of Cantei-bury, the Bisli-
ops of Ely, Norwirli, Gloncestef, Chichester,
Peterborough, and Ken of Bath aud Wells, to-
gether with some four hundred cleri^ymen and
members of the uuiversities, refused to take the
lc<jal oaths of allen^iance to W^illiani of Orancje.
Ileuce their name of non-jurors. For a year
the bishops were permitted to oecupy their official
residences thou^jh they refrained from the exer-
cise of their episcopal functions. The g-overn-
ment endeavored to conciliate them, offeriuf^ to
introiluce a bill in parliament to excuse tiiem from
the oaths, provided they would consent to per-
form tlie duties of their office. This they refused
to do because of the prayers, in almost every
service of the Church, requiring the names of
William and Mary to lie mentioned as kinj? and
queen. They were thereupon deprived and
others appointed to their sees, Tillotson bcin^
appointed primate. Ken thereupon retired to
private life; hut .Sancroft and the deprived
bishops of Xonvich,Peterborou<^h, and Ely main-
tained that they were the only true hierarchy of
the Church of Enf;hind, and that, the Church of
England as by law cstal.ilished beinp: schismatical,
it was at once their rijlit and their duty to ex-
tend their own episcopate and provide for its
continuance. They therefore proceeded to con-
secrate two other bishops in 1093. In 1713 three
more were consecrated, in 1716 two, in 1720 or
21 two others, and then occurred the first dis-
ruption of the non-jurors, on the dis])uted ques-
tion of the " Usages," some of them dcsirin;;, and
others i-cfusinji:, to adopt the mixed chalice,
prayers for the dead, and the invocation and
oblation in the Eucharist. From the first the
sect was small; it was never sustained by more
than a h.andful of lay people ; it was rent by
division after division, and dwindled away until
it totally disappeared. The last survivor of the
non-juring episcopate is said to have died iu
obscurity in 1S05.
2 Trenton, N..T., William S. Sharp, Printer,
1876. Though the writer of these pages cannot
adopt the opinions nor admit the conclusions of
Dr. Hills in certain matters, he can bear personal
testimony to the accuracy with whicli the "History
of the Church in Burlington " reproduces the docu-
ments it cont,ains. Without exception all of these
relating to John Talbot have beencarefnllycom-
pared with original authorities, to which the
references — few of which arc given in the
history — are all given in this paper. Dr. Hills'
monograph, read before tlie Historical Society of
Pennsylvania, gives no references.
^ From an enlarged photograph.
542 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
ual entreaties that a bishop might be given to America, was incluccd
to receive consecration from a line of non-jui'ors in England ; and re-
turned to Burlington, wlicre, after three years more of ministration,
followed by two of inliil)ition, he died, and was buried within the walls
of the church which he had built,' A.D. 1727." In November, 1878,
a mural tablet was ei'ccted in St. Mary's, Burlington, on the upper
part of which appears the enlarged figure of a seal bearing a mitre.
Under the mitre is a monogram in script characters which shows the
letters "T. A. L." interlaced with the letters "T. O. B.," so that by
reading the first syllable of the monogram forwards and the second
T)ackwards we discover the name Talbot. Around and beneath the
seal is this inscription : " Enlarged Fac-sdiile of the seal of
JOHN TALBOT, founder of this church, 1703. A BISHOP by
non-juror consecration 1722. Died in Burlington November 29th,
1727. Beloved and Lamented. St. John ii., 17." Some two hundred
and fifty pages of Dr. Hills' history are devoted to the life and labors
of John Talbot, and it is assumed that the facts and documents pre-
sented are suiBcicnt to support the very general tradition set forth in
the inscription, and the briefer assertion of the mural tablet. The
volume contains also a few documents concerning the residence in
Philadelphia (1724-172G) of the rather notorious non-juror. Dr.
Welton. Of Dr. Welton's irregular eonseci'ation, and of his visit to
Philadelphia, there is no doubt ; that a person bearing the surname of
Talbot was consecrated at the same time as Welton, or shortly after-
wards, is not denied ; but that John Talbot of Burlington was in sym-
pathy with the political principles, or an adherent of the schismatical
sect of the non-jurors, can only be proved by admitting the unsupported
accusations of a few malignant enemies, and at the same time rejecting
the evidence of his friends and his own solemn protestations of loyalty
to the sovereigns of the Protestant succession and fidelity to the
Church of England as by law established, both of which asseverations
are supported by the unbroken testimony of his whole life.
THE case of dr. WELTON.'
Dr. Welton, though a Jacobite, was not originally one of the
non-jurors, but held preferment in the Church of England as rector
of the important and populous parish of Whitechapel. At the time
of the Sachevei'ell impeachment, in 1710, he made himself uncnviably
conspicuous bj' setting up as an altar-piece in his church a painting of
the Lord's Supper, in which Dean Kennet's portrait, in gown and
bands, appeared in the place of Judas Iscariot. It is said that Bishop
Burnet was the person first intended to be vilified by this picture, but
> In a paper read by Dr. Ilill'!, in 1S78, before it may be saiti, ' No man knowcth of liis sepulchre
the Pennsylvania Historical Society, entitled unto this day.' "
"John Talbot, the first Bishop in North America," ^ it is curiously sussestive of the imperfec-
wc find these words : " But where is the spot in tion of existing memoranda concernin;j the non-
which this holy pair repose ? (i. (., Talbot and his jurors that while Pcrcival and Lathbury. and
wife). Where is the decent, plain monument all who follow them, give Dr. Welton's Christian
wliich Mrs. Talbot ordered in her will V Her as- name as Robert, the Rawliuson MS., which con-
sets were ample to cover its cost. But no monu- tains the only contemporary list of non-juror
meat can be found, and — no grave ! Of Talbot consecrations accessible to the public, gives it as
Bic, i.e., Eicardua or Richard.
THK NON-JURING BISHOPS IN AMERICA. 543
that the painter, apprehending prosecution, preferred to select a, less
powerful opponent of Sachcvcrell. ' Crowds are said to have flocked daily
to examine the picture until its removal was oi'dered l:)y the Bishop of
London. Then, or shortly afterwards, Wciton preached a seditious
sermon, which led the government to interfere ; he was deprived of
his living of AVhitechapel, left the Church of England, and became
preacher to a congregation of non-jurors, thus, for the first time,
uniting with their secf.- When the first disruption of the non-jurors
took place on the question of the "Usages," each of the contending
factions j)roceeded to continue its succession of bishops. In 1720
Kalph Taylor and, in 1720 or 1721, Hilkiah Bedford were consecrated
by Spinckes, Ilawes, andGandy, who rejected the "Usages."* Other
minor disruptions rapidly ensued, and, in 1723-4, Taylor alone, and of
his own sole authority, proceeded to consecrate Welton. This act
was so manifestly uncanonical and so violently irregular according
to the principles of the non-jurors themselves, that neither Taylor
nor Welton was ever recognized as a bishop by any of the non-jurors
in England ; but Lathbury says that both of them " exercised the
episcopal functions in the American colonies."'' That Taylor ever
exercised episcopal functions in any of the colonies may be doubted
in the absence of contemporaneous evidence, but it is possible that
he may have spent a short time in some part of America. A rumor
certainly prevailed thsit another non-juror Ijcsides Dr. Welton had
gone to America,^ and concerning Welton thei'e is no doubt whatever.
He went to Philadelphia in June or July, 1724;^ and under date of
August 3, 1724, Governor Burnet wrote to the Bishop of London:
"I am informed that the present incumbent at Philadelphia is Dr.
Welton, formerly rector of Whitechapel."'' From a memorial ad-
dressed by Peter Evans, a vestryman of Philadelphia, to the Bishop
of London, * it appears that on the credit of "English printed news-
papers " the vestrj' were induced to believe that \Velton had taken
the oath of alleijiance and had conformed to the government . As the
church was then vacant, and no services liad been held in it for some
months, Welton was invited to officiate until a missionary should be
sent by the Bishop of London. Though he had no license from the
bishop," Welton complied, apparently against the governor's desire.'"
He was naturally obnoxious to the governor and ot;hers,'' and it was
not long before he became involved in disputes with the clergy who
were supposed to l)e in sympathy with his Jacobite views. '^ There is
no evidence that Talbot and Welton ever met ; but a correspondence
which h.'id been opened between them was broken otf Ijy Talbot,
because of Welton's " rash and chimerical projects," long before the
iLecky's "England in the XTVlIIth Ccn- Johnson," p. Co ; see, also, Peirv's "Hist. Coll.
tuiy," I., p. G2. Am. Col. Church " (Pcnn.), p. ftS.
' Latlibuiy, pp. 2.")^, 2.57. ■•• Perry's " Hist. CoU. Am. Col. Church "
3Lathbm-y, p. 3G3: Pcicival (^Vm. cil.), (Md.),p. 243.
p. 133. -■ llills's Hist., p. 188.
« Lathbuiy, p. 364. "Pcriy's "Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Chui-cL "
' Letter from Rev. John Berriman, of Lon- (Penn.), pp. 139-142.
don, to the Rev. Sam. .Johnson, of Connecticut, "Ibid., p. 136.
dated Fcbruaiy 17, 172,"), "Wc hear of two >» /Wrf., pp. 143, 144.
non-juring Bishops (Dr. Welton for one) who "Ibid., pp. liS, 148, 151.
are gone into America." "Bcardsley's Life of 'Ibid. (Md.), p. 255.
544 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
goveriDueiit had taken notice of them. ^ Whatever Welton's treason-
able plans may have been, or however they were brought to the
knowledge of the government, he was served, in 172G, with the King's
AVrit of Priv}' Seal, commanding him, on his allegiance, to return to
Great Britain forthwith. ^ In ]\larch of that year he sailed for Lisbon,
Avhere he died of dropsj^ during the ensuing summer, refusing on his
death-bed to commune with the English clergyman. After his death
an episcopal seal, which he was thought to have used in America, was
found among his effects. ^ From the abundant references to contem-
poraneous documents which have Ijeen given, and to which more
might be added, there can be no doul)t of "VVelton's residence in Phila-
delphia from June or Jul^', 1724, till March, 1726. It will be observed,
however, that there is no evidence whatever that he exercised or
claimed episcopal jurisdiction, or that he performed a single act per-
taining to the episcopal office, during the time of his residence in
America.
JOHN TALBOT OF BURLINGTON.'*
John Talbot of Burlington, as he will always be known in the
annals of a grateful church, was born and baptized in the parish of
Wymondham, Norfolk, England, in 1645. His parents were Thomas
Talbot, gentleman, of Gonville Hall, in that county, and Jone (lone?) ,
his wife, who was the daughter of Sir John Medc, of Loffts, in the
county of Essex. He was educated at Elmden, Essex, and was ad-
mitted as a sizar in Christ's College, Cambridge, in February, 1660,
matriculating in the following July. He passed B.A., 1663, became a
Fellow of Peter House, 1664, and was admitted M.A. in 1671, by
royal mandate from Charles II., as the Cambridge registry shows,
though the reason why such a mandate was given or requu-ed is not
known. In June, 1695, he was instituted to the rectory of Fretherne,
Gloucestershire, as appears from the bishops' registers at Gloucester.
His parish was very small, containing only twenty houses and about
a hundred and twenty-Kve inhabitants. So small a field furnished but
scant scope for a man of his energy, and we next find him mentioned
in George Keith's Journal as chaplain of the " Centurion." Keith writes
under date of "June 28, Sunday (1702). The Reverend Mr. John
Talbot, who had been Chaplain in the Centurion preached there," i.e.
at " the Queen's Chapel" in Boston.^ The chaplain, who was now fifty-
seven years of age, became the missionary companion of Keith in the
service of the S.P.G., travelling or cooperating with him till 1705,
when Keith left America.® Their journeys extended through nine or
•Perry's "Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Church" scnted. The facts concerning his parentage, ecUi-
(Pcnn.). p- 149. cation, institution as rector of Fretherue and
^ Ibid., pp. 146, 235. loss of that rectory, noiv first printed in this
= ILilis's Hist., pp. 205, 206. country, are learned from a notice of Dr. Hills's
' It is not proposed in what follows to relate History contained in tlie " Transactions of the
the labors of John Talbot. Neither is it intended Bristol and Gloucestershire Archffiol. Soc," Vol.
to show the frequency with which he, like many v. ; and as they have been gathered from pa-
othcr colonial churchmen, prayed for the erection rochial, diocesan, and university' records, they
of a colonial episcopate. The single matter to be are undoubtedly authentic. For this iuformatio'u
investigated in this connection is, whether John the writer is indebted to Dr. Hills.
Talbot of Burlington was a bishop by Non-Juror ' Keith's Journal, in " Collections of Prot. Ep.
consecration. It will be believed that every Hist. See," 1851, p. 6.
relevant fact known to the writer is fairly pre- « Ihiil., p. 55.
THE NON-JURING BISHOPS IN AMERICA. 545
ten provinces,' and though they were mostly together, Talbot was often
alone. His alTcction for Keith was very great. He writes to the
secretary of Keith's " true and laudable service " in glowing terms ;
and, after Keith's departure, he writes to Keith himself: "Ah, Mr.
Keith, I have wanted you but once, and that is ever since you left."
"When Keith returned to England, Talbot had eligible oilers made to
him to leave the society's service and to take easier duty, with twice or
thrice the stipend,^ elsewhere ; but he could not be induced to desert
his work. A flourishing congregation, mostly gatiiered from the
Quakers,^ had been formed in Burlington. Talipot laid the corner-
stone of St. Mary's Church there on Lady-day, 1703 ; ■• and, the people
desiring him for their permanent minister,* he settled, in 1704, in a
city, and in charge of a church, with which his name will be forever
connected.^ When Talbot left England he had put his small parish
of Fretherne in charge of a curate, and in July, 1704, it was seques-
trated on account of his non-residence, his curate being instituted to
the rectory.'' Thenceforward John Talbot belonged exclusively to the
colonial church.
From the very beginning of his missionary work Talbot saw that
the vital necessity of the colonial church was the estal)lishment of a
colonial episcopate, and for nearly twenty years he continued, in
season and out of season, to urge in earnest and sometimes very touch-
ing language that a bishop of their own, or, at least, a suffi-agan of the
Bishop of London, might be given to the acephalous churches in the
colonies.* None of his letters betray the least thought of obtaining
the episcopal office for himself; but one of them, addressed to Keith
in 1705, warmly recommends another clergyman for sutfragan.^ In
the winter of 1705-6 he went to England as the bearer of an address
to the queen praying for a suffragan bishop. He had no other business
in England, and he was not successful in that.'" He was about to
return home to his labors when he was hindered by some slanderous
accusations" made against him, from which, however, he soon cleared
himself. He was not alone in the persecution he endured. The
Church had been so successful in regaining her people from the dis-
senters that her clergy for a time were bitterly assailed. On his
return home he mentions four who had been "outed" or "scouted"
from the provinces of New York and New Jersey.'^ There is every
reason to believe that the " lies and slanders" raised against Talbot and
his brethren included the charge of secret disloyalty. Nothing could be
easier to allege, nothing more difficult to disprove, and hardly any-
thing more damaging to a missionary working under a Whig bishop,
than an imputation of Jacobitism. Slanders need only to be iterated
and reiterated in order to do damage some time or other, and it is not
•Keith's Journal, in "CoUeotions of Prot. Hills's Histoid in " Transactions of the Bristol
Epis. Hist. Soc," 1S51, p. 68. and Gloucestershire Archa?ol. Soc.," Vol. v.
^ Ibid., p. 58. 8 It is needless to multiply quotations on this
2 Ibid., XXX., pp. 49, 50. point; the list of references would contain a list
* Ibid., XXXVI. of nearly all John Talbot's letters.
■> Ibid., xsxi. » Coll. of Prot. Ep. Hist. Soc. (1851), p. 58.
« Ibid., p. 58. '» Ibid., pp. 88, 59.
' Ibid., p. 59. See, also, a review of Dr. " Ibid., p. 59. '= Ibid., pp. GO.. 61.
546 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
impossible, nor even improbable, that the evil seed sown iu 1706
brought forth its bitter fruit in 1724.
The tii'st distinct intimation of disloyal tendencies or practices at-
tributed to Talbot is contained in a letter of Governor Hunter, which
was written in February, 1711, under circumstances which have not
heretofore been fully investigated. In the parish of Jamaica, N.Y.,
a controversy had arisen which led to serious complications, extending
through several years. ^ The governor's course in this case was gravely
objectionable to the rector of Jamaica and to clergymen elsewhere,
who thought that the pi'cccdent established at Jamaica would have
serious consequences for the Church throughout the colonies. A mis-
sionary called Henderson was discovered to have secretly circulated
among the clergy some sort of "representation" against the governor
to bo transmitted to the home authorities. Talbot was at tliat time
about to make a second voyage to England, and had requested Henderson
to supply his place in Burlington. While he was in New York, the
fact that Henderson's " representation " had been prepared became
known to the governor, who, nevertheless, remained in ignorance of its
contents, its signers, and the person or persons to whom it was ad-
dressed. Governor Hunter thereupon wrote to the seci'etary an ener-
getic letter in which he mentions Talbot in connection with Hender-
son.^ "Col. Quary," he says, "acquainted me that in his passage
through Burlington he found that poor congregation all in a flame. Mr.
Henderson it seems had thought fit in performing Divine Service to
leave out that prayer in the Litany for Victory over all her Maj'^*
Enemies, and the prayer appointed to be said in time of War ; the chiefs
of that Congregation had took exceptions at this, but he gave them no
other reasons for so doing but that INIr. Talbot had done so, they re-
ply'd that having been long acquainted with Mr. Talbot's exemplary life
they were willing to bear with his scruples, but ho could pretend none
having formerly never omitted them, & further that this would look as
if that congregation could not bear any such prayers, which was a thing
very far from their hearts. Mr. Quary desu-ed me to speak to Mr.
Talbot upon this head ; I begg'd of kim first to do so, and then if there
was any necessity I wou'd ; he did so, and the result was that Mr.
Talbot went back to Burlington and Mr. Henderson came hither
to go for London in his place, having in charge the secret Kep°
mentioned." It does not appear that Mr. Talbot ever heard of this
letter, and hence we do not know what he might have said in reply to
the statement it contains concerning him ; but, to say the least, that
statement appears to be hardly credible. In the first place it is very
unlikely that the " poor congregation " of Burlington should be "all in
a flame " because a visiting clergyman read the service precisely as they
were accustomed to hear it read by their own minister. In the next
place the prayer appointed by the English Church for use in time of war
is couched in such terms that it might have been used by the most
scrupulous Jacobite even during a war between Queen Anne and the
Pretender; " save and deliver ws . . . that t^e may be preserved,"
' Doc. Hist, of N.Y., m., pp. 224-304 ; Col. ' Col. Hist, of N.T., v., p. 401 ; Doc. Hist, of
Hist, of X.Y., v., pp. 310-319. N.Y., ui., pp. 250-256.
THE NON-JURING BISHOPS IN AMERICA. 547
etc. ; — such is its phraseology ; the sovereign is not mentioned in it
at all. In the third place it is difficult to conceive how any English-
man, even a Jacobite, and much more an Englishman who, as will pres-
ently he seen, professed to have been a Whig from the beginning,
could have any scruple at that time in using the supplication in the
litany which prayed that the queen might have "victory over all her
enemies." For the war then waging, and which had been waging ever
since Talbot settled in Burlington, was the war of the Spanish succes-
sion, in which England, Holland, Austria, and the German Empire were
contending against France. It was a war, not between Anne and the
Pretender, but between Europe and England's hereditary enemy. Still
further, if Hunter had positively known, or if he had thought himself
able to prove, that Talbot had been mutilating the service of the Church
in a disloyal way, it is much more likely that a man of his violent
temper and strong anti-Jacobite views would have demanded Talbot's
dismissal by the society than that he should send him quietly back to
his cure. It seems more reasonable to suppose that the governor, not
knowing at the moment whether or not Talbot had been concerned in
the "representation," very adroitly availed himself of a story, about
which he was careful not to converse with Talbot himself, and wrote
of him to the secretary in a way which made it easy to attack or de-
fend him at a future time as subsequent events might require. It
turned out that Talbot actually had signed the "representation," but
hastily, when travelling, and without having read its contents or know-
ing, as it seems, that it contained an attack upon the governor.' He
at once disavowed all responsibility for it, and was indignant at the
clergyman by whom he had been induced to sign it when lie was " tak-
ing the boat." ^ The governor forthwith took Talljot into his good
graces. " j\Ir. Talbot," he Avrote to the secretary on the 7th of IMay,
" I have found to be a perfect honest man, and an indefatigable Laborer :
If he had less warmth he might have more success but that's the efl'ect
of constitution." ^
Mr. Talbot did not long retain the governor's good opinion, for
his regret at having been misled into signing the representation of the
Jamaica case without due consideration did not prevent his joining de-
liberately with other clergymen in a second memorial concerning the
same case. The second memorial was drawn up in the month of
November, 1711, and was signed by Poyer, rector of Jamaica ; Vesey,
rector of New York ; Bartow, rector of AVestchester ; Evans, rector of
Philadelphia ; Talbot, of Burlington ; Henderson, minister of Dover
Hundred ; McKenzie, of Staten Island, and Thomas, rector of Hemp-
stead . ■* This elaborate document narrates the Jamaica case in a manner
which must have been exasperating to the governor; and the fact that
Talbot was one of its signers sufficienth' explains Hunter's subsequent
enmity to him.
If Talbot had no opportunity to deny the governor's statement
concerning him in 1711, he was destined to have ample occasion, four
'Col. Hist, of N.Y., v., p. 324; Doc. Hist, of sHiHs's Hist., p. 101 (no reference).
X.Y., III., p. 249. •■ Doc. Hist, of N.Y., m., pp. 224-233.
= Col. Hist, of N.Y., v., p. 324.
548 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
years later, to repel a virulent attack made upon him by the same
person. On April 9th, 1715, Governor Hunter, who had mightily
changed his former favoral)Ie opinion of him, wrote to the secretary
as follows : " Mr. Talbot has incorporated the Jacobites in the Jerseys
under the name of a church, in order to sanctify his Sedition and Inso-
lence to the Government. That stale pretence is now pretty much
discussed. ... If the Society talies not more care for the future,
than has been taken hitherto, in the choice of their missionaries,
instead of estalilishing Religion, they'll destroy all government and
good manners." ' An extract from this letter was at once communi-
cated by the secretary to Talbot, ^ who wrote to the Bishop of Lon-
don saying : " I am sorry I should be accused of sedition in my old
age, ^ after I iiave travelled more than anybody to keep the peace in
Church and state. My lord, please to ask Mr. Secretary Hall and he
will tell 3'ou that /?c«.s' a Williamite from the heyinniwj. ■• Let them
consult the admiralty office and they will find that / tooh all the oaths
that were necessary to qualify me for the seiwice which I have per-
formed faithfully abroad and at home. As soon as I have time I will
call the church together to answer for themselves and me too to the
illustrious Society for propagating the Gospel. Meanwhile, the Lord
rebuke the evil spirit of lyinf/ and slander that is gone out against the
Church."*' Jeremiah Bass, warden of the church in Burlington, who
was clerk of the council, secretary of the province, and prothonotary
of the supreme court, also wrote expressing his amazement at the
charge of Governor Hunter, which he declared to be " entireli/ false."
He protested that the minister, churchwardens, and vestrymen of
Burlington were " no Jacobites," and he affirmed that they prayed
daily in their families and in their churches for the king's prosperity. ^
No less indignant is the address of the churchwardens and vestry-
men to the society. '' They pay the highest tribute to Mr. Talbot as a
"pious and apostolic person" whose exemplary life and labors "are
the best recommendation of tlie religion he professes ; " they affirm
that they have "never heard cither in his public discourses or his
private conversation anything that might encourage sedition ; " and
they dismiss the governor's accusation with this contemptuous denial :
" What could induce this gentleman to endeavor to fix so barbarous, so
calumnious, so vert/ false and f/roundlrss a scandal is to us altogether un-
accountable, to which we think the shortest answer that can be given is
that of Nehemiah to Sanballat, 'There are no such things done as thou
saycst, but tliou feignest them out of thine own heart.' " Then Talbot
himself addressed the society,^ thanking them for the opportunity of
defence which had been afforded to him. In this letter he betrays
some of that wamnth of constitution which Governor Hunter had ob-
served some years before. "To ))e an accuser," he says, "is bad, to
be a false accuser is worse, but a false accuser of the brethren is liter-
•Collcctinn of Pi-ot. Epis. Hist. Soc, 18.")!, 'Pciir's "Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Church"
p. 75. -Ilji,l., )). 7'i. (Penn.), pp. 93, 94.
sAt that time ho was about seveuty years "HiUs's Hi'^t., p. IW. 141.
of afro. ' Col. of Protestant Episcopal Historical
<At the time of the Revolution of lfiS9 Society, ISol, p. 7G.
which brou<ilit William to the throne, Talliot ' jliid., p. 77.
was forty-four years of age.
THE NON-JURING BISHOPS IN AMERICA. 549
ally a Devil. I make no difference, for T call God to witness, I know
no soul, in the Church of Burlington, nor in any other Church I have
planted, but is irell affected to tlie Protestant Church of England and
present Government in the House ofJIanover; therefore he that accused
us all for Jacobites hath the gi'catcr sin. I can compare it to
nothing more or less than Doeg, thoEdomite, who stalihcd the Priests'
characters and then cut all their throats." After a due consideration of
these documents it will hardly l)e possil)le to give credence to either
of the accusations of Governor Hunter. Both of them arc more
than sufficiently answered by the rej)iies to the second.
Mr. Tallxit was suffering from slanders with whicii others of the
clergy were equally assailed. In the following year accusations were sent
to the society charging the Rev. Messrs. Ross and Humphreys, the only
missionaries at tliat time in Pennsylvania, with disloyalty and with
omitting the iirayers for the king appointed in the prayer-book. The
society at once made these charges known to the missionaries. Mr.
Ross replied giving hearty thanks to "the Venerable Society for their
generous and above-board dealing with their Missionaries." He said
that ]\Ir. Humphreys and himself were alone in Pennsylvania, except
that Mr. Tall)ot, though of a distinct government, " resides now mostly
at Philadeli)hia" (assisting them, Mr. Humphre3's said).^ Ross con-
tinued : " Now as to our affection to the Government of King George,
our demeanor we think has been such at all times and in all places,
that our loyalty and love for King George cannot be questioned or com-
jjlaincd of. If it is, we are ready to answer whatever may be alleged
to the contrary-. Wc have never presumed to vary from the prayers
of the Church by adding or ciu'tailing in one jot or tittle ; and if any
complaints are made, they are false and groundless."^ While these
charges were pending, the society re-
(juested Col. Ciookin. Ijieut. -Governor ^ — . ^
of Pennsylvania, to give information of /^J^^ - />ilr^v>>
any disloyalty on the part of mission- yj^^oQ • C/ffiZ/xCrC^
aries, and at the same time to give a J j^^
copy of anv such accusation to the ac- /^ ' jb
cused party. 3 Col.Gookiuiu reply for- h Oty^/ort/tM
wai'detl a charge that Talbot was disaf- ^
fected and had refused the oaths of
allegiance, though it is to be observed that he preferred no charge
against him of nuitilating or omitting any of the prayers of the Church.
The secretary, in August, 1717, forwarded a copy of Col. Gookin's
charges to Talbot, requiring of him an immediate reply, and demanding
that, if he had not already taken the oaths of allegiance, he should
forthwith transmit to the society an authentic certificate of having so
done.'' Talbot's reply is not known, but it requires little ingenuity to
conceive that it would be in the form of an authentic certificate that lie
had taken the required oaths at his proper domicile in the province of
New Jersey, when the law required him to do so on the accession of
King George, three years before. If he had not taken them at that
' Perry's " Hist. CoU. Am. Col. Church " - UmL, pp. 103, 103.
(Penn.), p. 103. » Ibid., p. 104. < Ihid., p. 112.
550 HISTORY OF THE AMEUICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
time the fact would have been ofEcially reported to his enemj-, Govern-
or Hunter, wlio would certainly have alleged so conclusive a proof of
disloyalty in his attack on Talbot in 1715. There was no reason why
Talbot should not take the oaths when lawfully required, since he called
God to witness that he was well affected to the House of Hanover.
And there is direct evidence that he did take the oaths ; for the letter
of Secretary Bass, already quoted, contains a sentence which amounts
to a declaration that Talbot, whom he was defending, was well known
to have taken them. " God grant," he says in that letter, " that he
(the king) had none worse inclined amongst his (Gov. Hunter's) most
intimate friends, one of w'^'' to my knowledge //as refused the oath
when tendered."^ If Talbot himself had refused the oath, it is very
certain that Secretary Bass would not have alluded to such a refusal as
evidence of disloyalty. The truth seems to be that Talbot, having
promptly taken the oath of allegiance to King George when it was
lawfully required at the time of his accession to the throne in 1714, had
very properly declined to submit to the imputation of disloyalty which
was implied in its being tendered to him a second time three years after-
wards, when the law did not require it, and when he was temporarily resi-
dent in another province. At all events, his answer to Col. Gookin's
charge must have been entirely satisfactory to the society, since nothing
more seems to have been said on the subject. Even in Pennsylvania he
was not injured by Col. Gookin's accusation ; for, within a fewmonths, we
find that he was one of the clergymen nominated by Governor Sir Will iam
Keith to supply Christ Church, Philadelphia, which was then vacant. -
Talbot's excellent standing in the estimation of the society and of
his bishop was signally proved a few years later. In the latter part of
1720, being then seventy-five years of age, he went to England and ap-
plied for the interest on "Archbishop Tenison's legacy " of £1,000, which
that prolate hud bequeathed towards the settlement of bishops in Ameri-
ca, and, till such time as bishops should be lawfully appointed, to the
maintenance of deserving missionaries of the province of Canterbury. In
April, 1721, the interest which had already accrued on this legacy, and,
at a later date, the income derived therefrom, were directed by an order
in chancery to be paid to Mr. Talbot on account cf his long service as a
missionary of the societ}', the true pains he had exhibited in his holy
function, his zeal, his exemplary life and conversation, and his great
service to the Church.' Testimonials to this effect must, of course,
have been presented by the Bishop of London and by the society
l)efore such an order could have been issued. TaI))ot remained in
England nearly or quite two yeai-s, and it is during this time, when
he was seventy-six or seventy-seven years old, that he is said to have
received consecration from the non-jurors. Indeed, it is the only
lime at which he could possibly have received such consecration. It
is not denied that a person surnamed Talljot (Christian name unknown)
was consecrated in 1723 or 1724, that is, a year or two 3'ears after
Talbot's return to America ; but even supposing that the consecration
of that person had taken place in 1721 or 1722, it would require the
' Hills's Hi^t., p. 141. =Cf)l. of Prot. Ep. Hist. Soc. (ISol), pp.
'Dorr's " Hist. of Chvist Church," pp. 44, 4.'). 70, SO.
THE NON-JURING BISHOPS IN AMERICA. 551
strongest evidence to identify Lira with John Talbot of Burlington,
an original AVilliamitc and Ilanovci'ian, at the very time when he was
seeking and obtaining from the Hanoverian government, tlirough the
Bishop of London and the S.P.G., a sum of money in lump and a
pension for life besides. Independently of the duplicity towards
the government, the bishop, and the society which such a proceeding
would iiavo involved, it is obvious that the instinct of self-interest
alone would guard a man so old as Talbot was from a course which
was not only contrary to his principles, but likely to involve him in
very serious difficulties.
Towards the end of 1722 ' Talbot returned to Burlington full of
zeal for his work, and evidently happy in it. His letters to the secre-
tary (at that time) are bright and chatty, showing his cheerful assur-
ance of his good standing with his correspondent. ^ Incidentally, too,
he furnishes evidence that he had no apprehension of trouble from
colonial authorities. Governor Burnet, son of the famous bishop of
that name, and equally pronounced in his Whig principles, spent some
three months in Burlington while Talbot was temporarily absent in
Philadelphia. " Mr. Burnet," he writes, " has been here this quarter
almost, & he says 'tis more pleasant than Salisbury in England."
Thus far there was no sign of the storm which was soon to break upon
the old man's head.
But the storm was about to break, nevertheless, and it was
brought about very simply, as will appear on a critical examination of
the facts. No such examination has heretofore been satisfactorily
made. After the death of the Eev. Mr. Vicary, Christ Church, Phila-
delphia, was filled by the Rev. Mr. Urmston, a clergyman whose char-
acter had apparently been disreputable in North Carolina and else-
where. His conduct in Philadelphia was described by a member of
the vestry as " not proper to be mentioned or allowed in any sober
society."^ He had no license from the Bishop of London except his
former license for Carolina, and no testimonials from that province ; ''
and on account of his scandalous behavior the vestry dismissed him, as
thej' had a perfect right to do. He was not easily got rid of. Though
the vestiy refused to support him, they were obliged at last to pay
him to go away. ^ He removec^ to Maryland, ^ where he was drunk
at a convocation of the clergy,^ and was deprived for ill conduct by
the Bishop of London's commissary. He was at length accidentally
burnt to death in 1731, while in a state of intoxication.^ Such was the
man whose enmity wrought the crowning sorrow of Talbot's days.
When the vestry of Philadelphia had dismissed Urmston, a con-
vocation of the clergy was held at Chichester, Pennsylvania, in October,
1723,^ at which the missionaries present appointed a deputation to the
vestry of Philadelphia to express their readiness to concur in the dis-
missal of Urmston if the matter should be properly brought before
them. Talbot was one of the deputation, and his name appears at the
1 Col. of Pi-ot. Ep. Hist. Soc. (1851), p. 80. « Ihid. (Md.), p. 296.
'PenT's "Ilist. Coll. Am. Col. Church" n /AjV/. (Pcun.), p. 133.
(Penn.), pp. 133, 134; Collections of Prot. Ep. "Ihid. (IMcl.), p. 296.
Hist. Soc. (1851), pp. 180-84. ' I/,i,l. p. 296.
'Peny's "Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Church" »/Wf/., p. 302.
(Penn.), p. 141. "Ibid. (Penn.), p. 141.
552 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
bead of the list of signers of the memorandum of the convocation con-
cerning Urmston. The vestry were much gratified, and requested the
clergymen who had thus sustained them to supply the church until a
settled missionary should arrive.' Shortly afterwards Talliot was
taken ill while performing services at Burlington ; and, for a time, his
"head-quarters" were in Philadcl[)hia.^ While regaining his health he
supplied the vacancy in Christ Church. Urmston's wrath was bound-
less. He declared that Talbot had "caused him to be turned out of
Philadelphia to make room for himself." His "ravings," as Dr. Hills
rightly calls thcm,^ betray the most malignant spirit of revenge. The
previous charges against Talbot by Governors Hunter and Gookin
readily suggested the one point of attack against a man whose general
life and conversation had extorted commendation even from his ene-
mies. The old charges of disloyalty, of refusing oaths of allegiance,
and of omitting or garbling prayers, were revived and renewed.
Urmston wrote repeatedly to Dr. Bray, of London, representing
himself as a loyalist persecuted by a malicious and unscrupulous
Jacobite. It seems to be probaljle that he wrote in a similar strain to
Governor Burnet, and that Burnet then very naturally explained Tal-
bot's absence from Burlington during the governor's three-months' visit
to that place, and on other occasions, by supposing that the disloyal
missionary was anxious to avoid him. To these stories, however,
Urmston added a new feature in June, 1724. " Some of his (Tall)ot's)
confidants," he wrote, " have discovered that he is in " ■* orders,
as many more rebels are. I have heard of no ordinations he has made
as yet ; but doubtless he'll persuade all the clergy who are his creatures
to be ordained liy him." A month later Urmston's drunken malignity
quickened his invention, and his accusations became more specific and
circumstantial. Referi-ing to the convocation of clergy which had
sustained his dismissal from Christ Church ten months before, he said
that Talbot "convened all the clergy to meet, put on his robes, and
demanded episcopal obedience from them ; one wiser than the rest
refused, acquainted the Governor with the ill consequences thereof,
the danger he would I'un of losing his Government, whereupon the
Governor ordered the Church to be shut up." This absurd statement is
sufficiently contradicted by a letter of iSir William Keith, the governor,
dated July 24, 1724. " It is confidently reported here," he says, "that
some of these non-juring Clergymen pretend to the authority and ofiice
of bishops in the Church which, however, they do not own." ' It would
have been impossil)le for Sir William to write in these terms if a formal
accusation had Ijcen laid licfore him by a clergyman and an eye-witness
that Talbot had both declared himself to be a bishop, and had demanded
canonical obedience from the other clergy ; therefore this letter of the
governor is a peremptory denial of Urmston's foolish story. The Rev.
• Don's " nist. of Chi-ist Church, Philadel- these extracts by " commancl " of the bishop, and
phia," pp. 61, 52. without a word of iudorsement of their con-
' Peny's " Ilist. Coll. Am. Col. Church" XcnU. — Perry's Jlist. Coll. Am. Col. Church
(Penn.), p. 133. (J/<?.), pp. 236-238; (/"ran.) 142, 143. Col. of
" Urmstou's extant letters are dated June Prot. Fp. Hut.lSoc. (1851), p. 89.
ult., 1724, and .Tuly 29, 1724, but he had written ' A blank occura here in the manuscript,
others previously. Evtracts from his letters were 'Perry's "Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Church
forwarded to the Bishop of London by ilr. (Penn.), p. 138.
Stiibbs, in April, 1725. Mr. Stubbs communicated
THE NON-JUKING BISHOPS IN AMERICA. 553
INIr. Henderson, however, writing from Maryland, and evidently on
the credit of Urmston who had gone to Maryland after his dismissal
from Philadelphia, writes, in August, 1724,' that "Mr. Talbot, minister
of Burlington, returned from England a1)out two years ago in Ejiis-
copal orders, though his orders till now of late" (i.e. till the time of
Urmston's removal to Maryland) " have been kept a great secret."^ In
the same month Governor Burnet wrote that Talbot had " had the folly
to confess to some that have published it that he is a Bishop.'"-' Hen-
derson and Burnet were evidently repeating Urmston's slander, so that
Urmston alone is absolutely the only contemporary witness to prove
that Talbot ever pretended to be, or ever admitted that he was, a bishop
by non-juror consecration. Even Urmston did not pretend to be an
original witness, and the only circumstance alleged by him in support
of his malignant calumnj^ is clearly dispi-ovcd by the evidence of
Governor Keith, whom Urmston declared to have been a principal
party to the alleged transaction. A flimsier or more disreputable sup-
port for a malicious slander against a venerable man it would be difficult
to conceive.
Unfortunately for Talbot, the true character of Urmston was not
yet known to any of his correspondents. Unfortunately, too, the
Bishop of London, under whose patronage Talbot had received the
Tenison legacy, was dead. Still more unfoi'tunately, the members
of the board of managers of the S.P.G. were new men, unac-
quainted with his jirevious history, and ignorant of his previous vindi-
cation fiom false charges of disloyalty. * It was the old story ampli-
fied : "Another king arose which knew not Joseph." The allegations
against Talbot went to the new bishop, and from the new bishop to
the new board, Avith all the startling freshness of novelty. The hear-
say e\'idence of Burnet and Henderson, M'hich was really based upon
Urmston's slanders, seemed to Ijc confii'med by Urmston himself as
an independent and competent witness ; and Urmston's representation
that he was the victim of a Jacobite intrigue was apparently sustained
by the authenticated fact that Weltou had succeeded him, and was
actually officiating as minister of Christ Church, Philadelphia. The
society acted somewhat hastilj'. To (he charge of Talbot's non-
juror consecration it paid no attention, the members of the board
probably considering the notion that a man of nearly eighty should
seek or obtain Episcopal consecration too idle to be seriously enter-
tained; but, on October 16, 1724, they recorded the following order:
"The Society being informed that their Missionary at Burlington, in
New Jersey, would never take the oaths to the king, and never prays
for him by name in the Liturg}^ — Ordered, that the Secretary acquaint
him that the Society have received the said information from a person
of very good credit, and therefore have suspended i)ayment of his
salarj' till he can clear himself of these facts laid to his charge." At
the same session the board took steps to prevent any further payment
' PeriT's " IILst. Coll. Am. Col. Church " then existing board, dated Dec. 18, 1724, stating
(Md.),p. 543. that tlie charpres then made were " the first in-
^ Thid. timation they received of Mr. Talbot's disaffec-
" Hills 's Hist,, p. 188. tion to the Government."
' This is evident from a memorandum of the
554
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
to Talbot of tlie interest on the Tenison legacy. ' This action of the
vencral)le society may be justified on the ground that if Talljot were
really guilty of the charges against him, ho was not entitled to receive
a salary from the society he had I)ecn deceiving, and had no claim
whatever to the Tenison legacy ; but, to say the least, the course
pursued contrasts unfavorably with the "generous and above-board
dealing with their missionaries" which had characterized the previous
administration at a much more critical time. Then the secretary pre-
sumed the innocence of their missionaries in the face of very influen-
tial representations made against them. On this occasion the board
presumed that Talbot was guilty. They proceeded on the presumption
of his guilt, and, in the matter of the Tenison legacy, they took steps
which implied an entire prejudgment of his case.
It docs not appear that Talbot had ever heard of the communica-
tion of Urmston's slanders to the Bishop of London. Indeed, it is
very doubtful whether he ever heard of them at all, for they were
propagated from Maryland and New York, not from Burlington or Phila-
delphia. In March, 1725, ho was going on bravely and cheerily with
his work, ^ reading daily morning and evening prayer in his church ;
making a deed of gift of land for its support ; bequeathing his library
to his parish ; providing a parsonage and glebe for his successors,
" they conforraiug to and complying with the rubrics and canons of
the Church of England," and reading the "Book of Common Prayer"
"as by law established," — when he received the official letter of the
•As the final action of the S.P.G. in the
case of Talbot has not, so far as the writer knows,
been published in any previous work, it is here
subjoined, a certified copy from the minutes of
the board having been kindly furnished for this
work by the Rev. Henry W. Tucker, secretary
of the venerable society.
"16 October, 1724:" — "9. Tlie Society be-
ing informed that Mr. Talbot their Jlissionaiy at
Burlington, in New Jersey, would never take the
oaths to the king and never prays for him by
name in the Liturgy : Ordered that the Secie-
taiy acquaint him that the Society have received
the said information from a Person of very good
credit, and tUcieforo have suspended any farther
payment of his salary till he can clear himself
from the facts laid to his charge.
" 10. Ordered that the Secretary wait on Mr.
Bennett the Master in Chanceiy to ivuow how
far tlie said Mr. Talbot has received the interest
of tlie £1000 left by the late Archbishop Teni-
son for the Estalilishmcnt of Bishops in America,
and to desire him to put a stop to any future pay-
ment of the same. " [.Journal 5, page 9.]
" 20 Nov., 1724.'" " The Secrctaiy ac-
quainted the Board ... he finds that Mr. Tal-
bot has received the interest of the £1000 . . .
to Midsummer last, and that Mr. Bennett has
promised that no further payment shall be made
to him. ..." [.lournal 5, page 12.]
" 18 Dec, 1724." " 6. Upon reading the
Minute of the Society at last Meeting relating
to Mr. Talbot, and a letter without name to Dr.
Bray dated Cecil County in Maryland 29 July
1724 sent to the Board l>v the Lord Bishop of
London complaining of Mr. Tali)0t*3 disatfcc-
tion to the present Government, etc,, and the
board being informed that Dr. Welton is arrived
at Philadelphia, in Pcnnsilvania : Ordered tliat
letters be wrote to the Goveruoi-s of New York
and Pcnnsilvania acquainting them with the
accounts the Society have received of the lie-
haviour of Mr. Talbot and Dr. Welton and par-
ticularly acquainting tiovernor Burnet that the
Society have, upon the first information they re-
ceivecf of Mr. Talbot's disaffection to the Gov-
ernment, suspended tlie payment of his salary
from this Board and stopt the furllicr payment of
the Interest of the late Archbishop Tenison's
Thousand Pound bequeathed for settling Bishops
in America." [-Jourual 5, page 19.]
"17 Sep., Ii25." "6. The Secret.ary laid be-
fore the Board a letter from Mr. Edwards inti-
mating what's necessary to be done to discharge
the order in chancery for the payment of the In-
terest of the late Archbishop T'enison's legacy to
Mr. Talbot ; Agreed l)y the Society tliat they .are
of opinion that it is not proper any more interest
sliould be paid to Mr. Talbot, anci that Mr. Ed-
wards be desireil to proceed in tlic proper man-
ner in the Court of Chancery for discharging
said order." [Journal 5, page 57.]
" 15 Oct., 1725." " 2. A letter from Mr.
Talbot dated Burlington 8 July 1725 was read
praying tliat he may be paid his salary to Lady
Day last for wliicli iie hath drawn a Bill payable
to Mr. Thomas Tovey : Agreed that this matter
be suspended till the Society can be informed
where his residence has been and how he has
performed Divine Service since Lady Day 1721
and that Mr. Tovey to whom his bills are pay-
able be acquainted that the Society expect be-
fore anj" money be paid to Mr. Talbot he should
transmit proper certificates of such his residence
and performance of Divine Service." [Jom'nal
0, pacre 58.]
2"PcnVs "Hist. CoU. Am. Col. Church"
(Penn.), pp. 133, 134; Col. of Prot. Ep. Hist.
Soc. (1851),pp. 80-S4.
THE NON-JURING BlSUOrS IN AMERICA. 655
secretary advising him of his virtual dismissal by the society in whose
service he had spent nearly quarter of a century, equalled by few and
excelled by none in the abundance of his labors and the exemplary
piety of his holy life. Shortly afterwards his draft for the amount of
his salary was returned protested. The action of the society having
been taken on the complaint of the Bishop of London, Talbot wrote
to the bishop a manly, but sorrowfully touching, leiter of protest. '
" I understand," he said, " from some friends in England that I have
been discharged the Society for Exercising Acts of Jurisdiction over
my brethren, the Missionaries, etc. This is very strange to me, for
I knew nolhing about it, nor anijhody elue in all the icorld. I could
disprove it hij 1000 ivitnesftes. ... As your lordship has done me
the wrong, so I hope you will do mc the right, upon better informa-
tion, to let me be in statu quo, — for indeed I have suffered great wrong
for no offence or fault that I hnoiv of. A long, long penance have I
done for crimes, alas/ to me unkmnvn, but God has been with
me, and made all things work together for my good ; meanwhile I
hope your lordship will hear the right, and do nothing rashly, but
upon your authority, for the editication and not for the destruction of
this poor Church."
Tall)ot's affecting remonstrances were of no avail ; thej' seem to
have rocei\ed no reply, and without the favorable judgment of the
bishop he knew it would be useless to remonstrate with the society.
If he had really been a secret non-juror and a bishop he might have
been expected to declare himself now at last when he had nothing more
to hope either from the Church or from the government. He did no
such thing. Ho rested meekly from his labors. He did not strive
nor cry. Deeply as he felt his wrongs, he made no complaint, and he
never dreamed of making a schism. He behaved, we are told, "very
modestly, avoided talking very much, resolved to submit to the ordei's
sent from England," an<l would not "set up separate meetings."^ A
touching petition in his favor was sent from Philadelphia, New Bristol,
and Burlington, signed by all the wardens and vestrymen,^ in which
they affirmed that they were not privy to the conduct by which he had
become " disagreeable to his superiors." The Bishop of London's own
commissary when he arrived could not resist the general impor-
tunity, but likewise wrote in Talbot's behalf, as a man " universally lie-
loved even by the dissenters."* It was all in vain; and in less than
two years from the time of his dismissal the " American Weekly
Mirror," for Nov. 23-30, 1727, contained the following notice : "Phil-
adelphia, Novemljcr 30th, 1727. Yesterday, died at "Burlington, the
Reverend Mr. John Talbot, formerly minister of that place, who was
a pious, good man, and much lamented." ^ By reason of great strength
Talbot had come to fourscore and two years before he " fell on sleep."
The whole of the contemporary evidence that has ever been pre-
sented to prove that John Talbot asserted or confessed that he had
been consecrated by the non-jurors has now been considered ; and it
must certainly be admitted that the evidence does not sustain the as-
■Col. of Prot. Ep. Hi5t. Soc. (1851), pp. 83, » /j;^ p_ gs, ^ yj^ 97
»i. ^/j;y.,p. 97. « niiisViiist., p. 211. ^
556
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
sertion. Tall)ot's consecration is not proved, but is emphatically denied
out of his own mouth. Evidence of the fact, if fact it was, must be
sought for elsewhere ; and the justice of history must demand that
evidence to prove that John Talbot's last years were j'cars of habitual
prevarication and duplicity, and that his last sorrowful letter to his
bishop was a masterpiece of disingenuous paltering in a double sense,
shall be indisputable in its authority and unequivocal in its declarations.
No such evidence has been produced.
Dr. Hills's statement' is inexact. The only authorities cited by him,
cither in the text or in the foot-note of the single page devoted to tliis
part of the evidence of John Talbot's consecration, are " Percival on the
Apostolical Succession " ^ and Latlibury 's " History of the Non- Jui'ors." ^
On the credit of these wi'iters Dr. Hills says : " Taylor, singly, conse-
crated Dr. Robert Welton — who had been deprived of the rectorship
of Whitcchapel, London, for his adhesion to the Non-Jurors "* — and
Ralpli Taylor AuA Robert Welton together, consecrated JoiiN Talbot."*
A glance at the works of Percival and Lathbury suffices to show that
they do not say so. The Christian name Joim does not appear in
either of them. PercivaFs table of non-juror consecrations reads: —
NAME OF BISHOP.
George Hickes, ob. Dec. 15, 1715. \
Thomas WagstafEe, ob. Oct. 17, 1712. /
ob. May 2G, 1726. ")
b. Sept. 22, 1722. \
2S, ob. July 28, 1727. J
Jeremiah Collier, ob. May 2G, 172G.
Samuel Hawes, ob.
Nathaniel Spinckes,
Henry Gandy, ob. Feb. 26, 1733. I
Thomas Brett, ob. March 5, 17-13-4. J
Hilkiah Bedford, ob. Nov. 25, 1724. I
Ralph Taylor, ob. Dec, 26, 1722. J
Robert Welton,
Talbot,
Dale of Consecration.
February 24, 1693
June 3, 1713.
June 26, 1716.
April 6, 1721.
March 22, 1720.
1723-4.
1723-4.
Naraee of Consecrators.
'Vhomas Peterborough.
William Norwich.
Francis Ely.
{Georije Hickes, 1.
.Vrcliibald Campbell.
James Gadderar.
f Jeremiah Collier, 3.
Samuel Hawes, 4.
Nathaniel Spinckes, 5.
.Archibald C'amplicll.
James Gadderar.
{Samuel Hawes, 4.
Nathaniel Spinckes, 5.
Henry GanJy, 6.
Ralph Taylor, 9.
f Ralph Taylor.
\ Robert Welton.
It will be readily seen that " Talbot " cannot be read John
Talbot. It means a person surnamed Talbot, but of whose christian
name there is no record. Lathl)ury speaks of the person consecrated
simply as " Talbot." To suggest the identity of Percival's "
Talbot" and Lathbury's "Talbot" with John Talbot of Burlington,
1 Hist., p. 168.
" Am. cil., pp. 132-134.
« Ibid., p. 364.
* EiTor. M^clton joined the non-jurors
after lie was deprived.
■■' HilU's Ilist., p. 168. The quotation is typo-
graphically iis Dr. IliUs prints it.
THE NON-JUKING BISHOPS IN AMERICA. 557
there is absolutely nothing except that Percival says that " Welton and
Talbot both went to the colonies in North America . . . and ex-
ercised the episcopal functions ; " while Lathbury says that " Taijlor
and Welton • . . both exercised the episcopal functions in the
American colonies." Beyond these contradictory statements there is
no evidence whatever that any of the three " exercised episcopal func-
tions " in America. But the authority of historians who write a hun-
dred and twenty years after an event, depends, of course, on the value
of their sources of information ; and Percival is careful to distinguish
his "memoranda of the ecclesiastical history of the Non-Jurors" from
the authentic history contained in the rest of his valualjle work. His
memoranda, he says, "are drawn partly from some curious printed
documents in my own possession, and partly from information furnished
by" two clergymen who were still living in 1839 I Such memoranda
are exceedingly valuable, but they are not conclusive ; and it is not to be
wondered that the documents and the information fail to agree, as Per-
cival's notes show ; nor is it surprising that the consecrations of "Wel-
ton and " Talbot " should be said in the table to have taken place
in 1723-4, while the sole consecrator of Welton is said in the pre-
vious line to have died in 1722. Which of these dates is erroneous is
not of supreme importance in this connection. If " Talbot "
was consecrated in 1723-4, it was a physical impossibility that he
should have been John Talbot of Burlington, who was then in Amer-
ica. But, admitting that Ralph Ta3dor died in 1722, and that "
Talbot" was consecrated in 1721 or 1722, it would still bo impossible,
in the absence of all evidence, and at the cost of denying the sincerity
and veracity of a saintly man, to affirm that " Talbot" was John
Talbot of Burlington.
One contemporaneous record, and that of very high authority,
has been discovered in the MSS. of Dr. Rawlinson, which are pre-
served in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. These jNISS. contain a list
of non-juror consecrations and ordinations. The Rev. W. D. JMacray,
who first pulilished the list of consecrations,' remarks that "Dr. Raw-
linson being himself one of the' non-juring' episcopal college (although
he appears to have taken all possible precautions to conceal the fact
of his even being in orders) the memoranda he furnishes may be
regarded as in the highest degree authentic." For the most part they
agree with Percival's first tal)le, though, in detail, more closely with
Bowdler's MSS. to which Percival refers. But so far as John Talbot
is concerned they throw no additional light on our inquiry. Rawlin-
son's entries concerning Welton and Talbot are as follows: — ^
" Ric. AVilton, D.D., was consecrated by Dr. Taylor alone in a clandestine
manner." ■( » * * Talbot, INI. A., was consecrated by the same person, at the
same time, and as irregularly." ^
•NotesanelQueries, 3d Scrics.Vol. I., p. 225. date of consecration, in the Clii-istian n.ime of
' Ibid., p. 248. Welton, and also in addin;; M.A. to 'Jalliot's
'It will be seen that Rawlinson a'p'ces with name. The date, if it had been given, .as it is
Perciva| and Lathbury in omittino; the Christian in most of Rawlinson's list, would have been very
name of Talbot. He differs from all of Percival's valuable. The addition of the nnivei-sity dciri'ee
authorities, and also from Lathbury, in making to ■' • * • Talbot's " name is of small moment,
Talbot and Welton to have been consecrated to- since none of the non-jiirors (whose clerical
gethcr. He varies from them in omitting the adherents were .almost, if not quite, all univer-
558 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
There remains to be noticed only a curious incident which might
(or might not) he of consideralile weight if we knew more about it.
Tlio seal represented on the mural tablet recently erected in St. Mary's
Church, Burlington, has been already described. The inscription on
the tal)let declares it to have been John Talbot's seal. This is not
strictly correct. ^ It is needless to point out the circumstance that John
Talbot is not known to have ever seen this seal, ■while it is morally
certain that he never used it. But supposing him to have owned it, as
is certainly proba)>le, it does not follow by any means that it was his
own official seal, or was intended to represent his own episcopal rank.
At that very time there was living in England William Talbot, the only
bishop of that name who had been elevated to the episcopate of the
Church of luigland since the Eeformation. He \vas appointed to the
see of Oxford in 1G99, was translated to Salisbury in 1V15, was further
promoted to Durham in 1722, and remained there till his death in
1730. Now, John Talbot Avas a man of gentle l)irth, and it is perfectly
possible that he may have been a kinsman of the bishop. Even if he
were not, it is very likely that he would seek some occasion to meet a
liishop of his own name while he was in England ; and it is also possible
that the bishop may have given a seal-ring to his venerable kinsman
or namesake as a memento of their meeting. If he did so, it would
not, of course, be his official seal, which would have borne the arms
of his see; but a private ring, such as that which ISIrs. Talbot used,
bearing simply a mitre with the monogram of the bishop's surname,
TALBOT. Thus, without violating proliability in the least degree,
Mrs. Talbot's seal can lie easily accounted for Avithout assuming that
her husband claimed episcopal rank.
To sum up the case of John Talliot : —
1 . It is almost absurd to imagine that a man nearly eighty years of
age would seek the episcopate, or that any sane man would consecrate him.
2. The evidence that John Talbot was ever a Jacobite is merely
trivial when set against his own solemn declaration, confirmed by the
imequivocal testimony of those who best knew him, that he was "a
Williamito from the beginning," and "well affected towards the House
of Hanover." Clearly he had nothing in common with the political
principles which were the sole foundation for the non-juror schism.
If it be said that Talbot might, nevertheless, have sought non-
juror consecration in order to obtain for the colonial churches the
sity men") would have been likely to thinlv of and the cut in the history, shows that the mono-
consecratinjj any man who had not a university gram contains not one letter of the name "John,"
dejrree. Nevertheless, to make the most of this not even the letler .1, but simply the letters T,
limitation, it must still be said tiiat unless it could A, "L, interlaced with T, O, B. It is true that
be provcil that no person of the name of Talbot the cnjj^raving: in the pamplilet ditfers consider*
was admitted M.A. in any of the universities of ably from the cut in the history, by making part
England or Scotland between the years of, say, of the double initial letter resemble a J, while in
1666 and 171"i, Rawlinson's "* * » Talbot, the cut it is clearly a T. But if that letter is
M.A.," cannot be identilied with .John Talbot. read .T, there is not a stroke to suggest the final
'All that is knownof the seal is that it was used T of Talbot; the O is placed at hap-hazard ; and
byTall)ot's widow in making her will threeyears the monogi*ara is without method. Head as
after his death. In his iiistory (p. .5), Dr. ilills above suggested, every line is .accounted for, and
says that the monogram on the seal represents the idea ot the monogram is clear and consistent,
"the full name, 'J. Talbot.' " In his paper read It represents TAIjBUT, neither less nor more.'
before the Historical Society of Pennsvlvania,
two years hater, he savs th;rt it contains " all the , gi„^^ ,^5, monograph loft the writer's hands,
letters of the name John Talbot. A careful the engraving of the nenl, which is given on p. 541.
exammation ot the engraving in the pamphlet, has been correctly made for this work.
THE NON-JUIUNG BISHOPS IN AMERICA. 559
inestimable benefits of the episcopate, tlic answer is: (1st.) That he
certainly carried no such plan into operation. We have his own
emphatic declaration that he did not pretend to any sort of jurisdic-
tion ; and as to episcopal acts, there is not even a pretence of i)roof
that ho ever performed one.' (2d.) Such a plan would have been
the scheme of a madman. The introduction of a schismatical non-
juror episcopate into the colonies could have had but one of two
clfccts : either to rend the feel)lo colonial churches into contending
factions, or to bring about a general schism from the Church of P>ng-
land. What Talltot labored for was the unity of the colonial churches,
and, therefore, he praj'cd for the establishment of a regular colonial
episcopate. But he desired not less earnestly that the colonial
churches should be and remain part of the established Church of Eng-
land. He never contemplated anything else. At the very time^
when Urmston was defaming him he was securing a glebe and par-
sonage to his successors with the stringent provision that each of them
should be a "presbyter of the Church of England, as by law now
established" and that ho should " perform Divine Service and other
duties in the said church, according to the Lyturgie of the Church of
England, as is now appointed," " confoi-ming to and complying with
the Rubrics and Canons of the Church of England, as aforesaid."-'
It is plainly inconceivable that a man who was thus ensuring con-
formity to the Church of England in his own church after his own
approaching death, should himself have been a non-conformist of the
most dangerous kind, and actually engaged in a wild scheme, which, if
successful, must involve a schism from the Church of England. (3d.)
It may be briefly said that not one contemporary line or letter exists
to show that John Talbot ever entertained such a purpose.
If it be said that Talbot might have received consecration from
non-jurors without entertaining non-juror principles, the answer is
that he could have done so only by deceiving his consecrators with a
pretence of non-juror principles. It is very certain that Taylor, who
could not maintain communion even with non-jurors from whom he
dificred, would not have consecrated a man who did not profess to
agree with him ; and it is no less certain that the violent Wclton, who
had been deprived of his preferments, and is said to have been impris-
oned for his practices, and who, on his very death-bed, refused com-
munion with a clergyman of the Church of England, would never
have consented to the consecration of another man who did not un-
equivocally profess the principles for which Welton suflcred. Thus,
if this hypothesis were true, Talliot must have been guilty of deceit,
not only towards the Bishop of London, but towards the very men
whose consecrating hands were laid upon his head ; an infamy too
monstrous, surol}^ to be ci'cditod. Furthermore, he could not have so
deceived Taylor and ^Yeltou. His very position as a missionary of
the S.P.G., which he never resigned, proved him not to be a non-
' Dr. Ilills, in Ins monosraph, p. 2G, says : be well omittctl. " Ahsolutclr nothing " of the
" There is absolutely nothing that can be shown kinil has over Ijcen cliscovcrcJ.
beyond question to have been, on his part, an - fluly 17, 1724.
Episcopal act." The qualifying phrase might ^ Hills' Hist., pp. 180-185.
560 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
juror ; since the society required its missionaries to talie the oaths, ^
and to ))e in conmuuiion with the Church of Enfflaiid.
3. The only source of the contemporary assertion that he claimed
non-juror consecration was the malignant invention of the drunken
Urmston, whose absurd slander is contradicted in its only circumstance
by the testimony of Sir William Keith.
4. The meagre accounts of Percival and Lathbury. and of the later
writers who have Idindly followed them, are too late and of too uncer-
tain authority to be conclusive ; they are mutually contradictory in
one important point ; Percival's chronology contradicts itself in a mat-
ter of vital moment to this investigation ; Rawlinson differs greatly
from i)oth Lathltury and Percival ; and, if all these objections were
disposed of, the identity of liawlinson's " * * * Talbot," Percival's
" Talbot," and Lathbury's "Talbot," with John Talbot of Bur-
lington would still remain to l)e proved.
5. The incident of the seal is too easily accounted for to be
received as proof of an assertion not otherwise sustained.
Such, and such alone, is the evidence that this saintly man
throughout the latter years of his life (and, if then, probablj' before)
was a habitual ])revaricator ; a dissembler with the bishop to whom he
owed and professed obedience ; a deceiver of the society whose
appointment he held ; and a secret schismatic from the Church at whose
altars he ministered. The hidden mitre of a short-lived schism would
have been dearly purchased at such a cost of character ; and to com-
pel one to believe that a man of spotless reputation, of the highest
standing, and of nearly fourscore years of age, secretly sought from
the almost solitary representative of a schism within a schism the
doubtful honor of a spurious and clandestine episcopate which he never
had the courage to avow : to compel one to believe, moreover, that
the last most touching letter of remonstrance to his bishop written by
this venei'able man was a tissue of disingenuous evasion, one would
need to have some evidence more trustworthy than the slanders of
declared enemies, the ravings of a disreputable priest, a contempo-
raneous record which leaves personal identification impossible, self-
contradictory memoranda of unknown origin published more than a
century after his death, or the impression of a seal which he never
used and the significance of which cannot now be ascertained. jNIost
assuredly the consecration of John Talbot of Burlington l)y the non-
jurors has not yet been proved ; and if the discovery of further
evidence shall hereafter pi'ove it to have actually been a fact, the
w'orld will be obliged thenceforward to admit the old French paradox
that nothing is certain except the impossible.
V(Ma..va/ KiZ^JcJi-0-x^
'PciTy'3 " Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Church" (Peim.), p. 104.
MONOGRAPH VI.
YALE COLLEGE AND THE CHURCH.
Bt the EEV. E. EDWARDS BEARDSLEY, D.D., LL.D.,
Hector of St. Thomaa^a Church, New Haven.
THERE hangs in my study a small engraving, of cabinet size, pre-
sented to me twelve years ago by the Secretary of the Venerable
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. It
is a portrait of the Rev. George Keith, the first missionary sent out
m 1702, under the auspices of that society, to make observation and
report the condition and prospects of the Church of England in North
America. Keith was a native of Aberdeen, Scotland, of good talents
and respectable attainments, " with whom," says Bishop Burnet, in his
" History of his Own Time," ^ " I had my first education." He emigrated
to this country and appeared in 1682 in East Jersey, where he held the
office of sui-veyor-general, and zealously maintained the religious tenets
of the Quakers, among whom ho was a bright luminary, and exercised
his preaching faculty with much acceptance. Remembering the former
persecutions of his people in New England, he made a visit to Boston,
and, believing the champions of Puritanism to be teaching false doctrine,
he boldly attacked them, and challenged them to a public disputation,
which they declined, " having," as they said, " neither list nor leisure
to attend his motions."
He afterwards removed to Philadelphia, and soon became' involved
in a more momentous controversy with the Quakers themselves, the
great body of whom he accused of Deism, and of departing from the
principles originally held by the Society of Friends. The final result
of this controversy was a separation from his enthusiastic and bigoted
brethren, with whom he had fellowshipped for upwards of thirty years ;
and in 1G94 he went to England, when he conformed to the Church,
was admitted to holy orders, and on the 28th day of April, ] 702,
sailed for America in the interests of the Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel in Foi'eign Parts. This society had been established by
royal charter on June 16, A.D. 1700.
Landing at Boston, he proceeded in company with the Rev. John
Talbot, who had been chaplain of the ship, to the work of his mission,
and extended his travels from New Hampshire into New York and the
provinces farther south, — presenting with evident vigor and earnest-
ness the order and doctrines of the Church, and lifting up his voice
against the errors of Quakerism and the evils of sect. He was in New
London on Sunday the 13th of September, 1702, and was enteilained
' Vol. IV., Oxfoid ecUaon, 1823, p. 446.
502 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
by Gurdon Saltonstall, the Congregational minister of the place, who
"expressed his good affection to the Church of England," and desired
both him and his companion in labors to preach, — an opportunity
which they never failed to improve when courteously tendered. Col.
Winthrop, (he governor of the colony, had his residence here, and
also extended to them a generous hospitality. Keith is not known to
have pressed his feet upon the soil of any other place within the limits
of Connecticut, and this is believed to have been the first public
occasion on which a recognized minister of the Church of England
officiated in the colony.
It is a singular coincidence that while a few great and good prel-
ates, divines, lords, and laymen were preparing in London to establish
a society to provide for the care and instruction of English churchmen
in the colonies first, and then for the conversion of Indian savages and
the negroes, a number of the principal Congregational ministers in
Connecticut gathered together to take the initiative steps towards
founding a collegiate school, and obtaining for it a charter from the
colonial legislature. There was no visible or necessary connection
between the two movements. The parties who orfginated them dwelt
three thousand miles apart, and acted on ditferent lines of thought, and
with diflcrent ends in view.
According to Keith, who kept a journal of his travels for the in-
formation of the society, the religious condition of the colonies was
distracted, variable, and, under the umbrage of liberty of conscience,
mixed up with great licentiousness in form and practice. The drift
from the Church of England had carried the settlers, for the most part,
beyond wholesome restraint ; and her half a dozen clergymen in all
North America could do little towards turning and keeping men in
"the old paths and the good way." Where civil enactments required
from the people the support of schools and public worship, the direction
was in the hands of those who were unfriendly to the usages and
religious instruction M'hich prevailed in the mother-country. JNIany
loving subjects of Great Britain, sighing for the ancient order of things,
and the prayer-book, with its positive teaching, were ready, with some
assistance from their friends at home, to welcome and support ministers
of the Church of England, "learned and orthodox," who might be
sent to them ; and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel was
formed primarily to answer their appeals, and it did answer them
according to the terms of its charter and the wealth of its resources.
The estaljlishment of a college in the colony of Connecticut was
intended to provide the advantages of a higher education and perpet-
uate the order of the Congregational ministry. " By this means,"
says Trumbull,^ the inhabitants and churches "might educate young
men, from among themselves, for the sacred ministry, and for the
various departments in civil life and diffuse literature and piety more
generally among the people. The clergy and people in general, by
long experience, found the great inconvenience of educating their sons
at so great a distance as Cambridge, and in carrying so much
•Hist, of Conn., Vol. i., p. 472.
YALE COLLEGE AND THE CHUliCII. 563
money out of the Colony, which otherwise might be a considerable
emolument to the Commonwealth. A well-founded college might not
only serve the interests of the churches in this government, but in the
neighboring colonies."
The charter ol)taincd from the General Assembly at its October ses-
sion, in 1701, "ordained that the corporation should consist of ministers
only," resident in Connecticut, which meant Congregational ministers, as
no others were then to be found in the colony. A majority of the original
number dwelt in the sea-side towns from Fairtield to Stonington, and
met at Saybroolc a month after the granting of the charter, where,
"upon mature consideration," they decided to locate the college. They
chose at the same meeting one of the board, Abraham Pierson, pastor
of the Congregational church in the adjoining town of Killiugworth,
to be the rector, and prescribed rules and regulations for his guidance
and that of the students. They took good care to guard and foster
the Puritan system of religious belief by forbidding any other theo-
logical instruction to be given except such as might he directed and
appointed by the trustees. Weekly recitations in the Westminster
Assembly's Catechism, Ames' Medulla Theologia, and Cases of Con-
science and expositions from the head of the institution were among
the requirements prescribed and enforced.
The college was launched under these general conditions and
privileges and began its eventful career, regulated and governed with
the wisdom and learning of Pierson, a Harvard graduate, until his
death in 1707. Then Sanuiel Andrew, another graduate of Harvard,
one of the board and pastor of iMilford, was appointed rector pro
tempore, and a poi'tion of the students, four in all, was transferred to
his immediate oversight, and the remainder was left in charge of two
tutors at Say brook.
It is no part of the pui'pose of this article, and it would not
become me, to detail the troubles which sprung from dissatisfaction
with the location of the college and the efforts to remove it to a more
central position in the colony. It will be enough to mention that
complaint was made of the want of proper accommodations at Say-
brook ; and towards the end of the year 1715 a reljellion broke out
against the tutors and the students from towns on the Connecticut
river, — encouraged and led by Timothy Woodbridge and Thomas
Buckingham, ministers at Hartford and trustees of the college, — col-
lected together in AVethersfield, where instruction was dispensed to
them, and in which place or in Hartford these trustees wished the insti-
tution to be permanently located. The agitation of tlie question
stuTed up a violent opposition in Sa3'brook, and the final decision, in
the autumn of 1710, to establish it in New Haven, was followed by
obstructions quite inconsistent with the principles of common law and
order. The sanction' of the General Assembly, which met shortly
after this action, was invoked and obtained for the I'cmoval, and the
trustees proceeded to choose Samuel Johnson, two years a graduate,
to be one of the tutors, and with a view of conciliating the dissen-
tients, Samuel Smith, who was a tutor of the Wethersfield party, was
Belected to be the other. But he declined the appointment, though
564 HISTORY OF THE AMEEICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Johnson was commissioned by the trustees to wait on him and induce
him to accept the office and bring his scholars with him to New
Haven.
While the conflicthig interests were yet unreconciled, a college
building was erected, "that stupendous architectural moustrosity,"
says Professor Dexter, ' " which stood till the Revolution," and Daniel
Browu — a classmate of Johnson — was chosen (o be his colleague ; and
now the institution found now frieuds, and was acquiring a good repu-
tation. The interposition of the General Assembly was again
sought, cowponere lites, and at last the differences were compro-
mised in this way : the scholars should return to their duty and
abide at New Haven; and, in case they did, the degrees which had
been given at Wethcrsficld should be allowed good, "and a State-
House should be buUt at the public ex[)ense at Hartford." Liberal
donations of money and of books had been already received, and
Governor Elihu Yale, born in New England, but emigrating early
and making a fortune as agent or president — which gave him his
title — of the East India Company of London merchants, chartered
by Queen Elizabeth, had been so munificent in his benefactions that
the trustees overwhelmed him with thanks and gave him immortal
honor by fixing on the college the name it has ever since borne and
gloried in.
Governor Yale was a churchman, if not of the most saintly kind,
yet good enough to be a generous patron of religion and learning,
and to find his charitable gifts peculiarly acceptable to those who were
far from his way of thinking and acting. Jeremiah Dummer, agent
for the colony of Connecticut, writing to Governor Saltonstall, from
Middle Temple, London, April 14, 1719, said :- "I heartily congratu-
late you upon the happy union of the colony in fixing the college at
New Haven, after some diiferences which might have 1)ecn attended
with ill consequences. Mr. Yale is very much rejoiced at this good
news, and more than a little pleased with his being the patron of such
a seat of the muses : saving that he expressed at first some kind of
concern, whether it was well in him, being a churchman, to promote
an academy of dissenters. But, when we had discoursed that point
freely, he appeared convinced that the business of good men is to
spread religion and learning among mankind without being too fondly
attached to particular tenets, about which the world never was, nor
never will be, agreed. Besides, if the discipline of the Church of
England be most agreealilo to Scripture and primitive practice, there's
no better way to make men sensible of it tlian by giving them good
learning."
Johnson and Brown appear to have canied on the instruction
successfully together under the oversight of the rector jtro tempore,
but the former was ready to retire and devote himself to the work of
the ministry ; and the friends of the institution, now that its library
and appointments were so ample, were desirous of seeing it placed
under an active, efficient, and resident head. Timothy Cutler, of
' N.n. Colony Ilistorical Society Papers, ' State Libraiy, Hartford, MS. Documents,
Vol. III., p. 241. Vol. n.
YALE COLLEGE AND THE CHURCH. 565
Massachusetts birth, and a Harvard graduate, had been settled nearly
ten years over the Congregational church in Stratford. He was a man
of varied culture and extensive acquirements, of commanding presence
and dignit}^, and possessed the qualities of an instructive and popu-
lar preacher. Soon after his settlement in Stratford he married a
daughter of Samuel Andrew, of JNIilford, the acting head of the col-
lege, and through his influence he was presented to the favorable
notice of the trustees and elected to the office of rector in 1719. He
" looked upon it as nothing less than a call of Providence," and ac-
cepted, to the great grief of the Stratford people, who were reluctant
to part with him, and Avho demanded and obtained some pecuniary
consideration for the disappointment and loss which his removal would
occasion the town.
Mr. Cutler established himself with his family at New Haven in
the autumn, and with the assistance of Daniel Brown, who was retained
in the tutorship, began his classic career as rector of Yale College.
Theology was the study to which Johnson had always intended to
devote himself; and the people of West Haven, at that time an out-
lying village within the town of New Haven, earnestly desired him to
become their pastor, and, yieldhig to their solicitations, he was ordained
there in the Congregational way on the 20th of March, 1720, "having
been," according to his own statement, "a preacher occasionally ever
since he was eighteen." This position left him in the neighborhood
of the college and of his literary friends, and afforded him easy access
to the library, which contained the works of some of the most eminent
writers of the Church of England in that day, both clergymen and
laymen. A good man in Guilford, his native place, had given him a
prayer-book, and this, in connection with the previous perusal of
Archbishop King " on the Inventions of men in the Worship of God,"
weakened his prejudices against the Cimrch, and confirmed him in the
opinion that the use of precomposed forms in public worship was
both more devotional and more edifying, and showed greater reverence
for the Divine Majesty.
About the time of his settlement at AVest Haven Johnson com-
menced a catalogue of the books which he had studied carefully. And
curiously enough at the head of this list stands the Liturgy of the
Church of England, followed immediately by Potter on " Church Gov-
ernment" and Patrick's "Devotions," and then by " the AVliole Duty
of Man," Wall on "Infimt Baptism," Echard's "Church History,"
and Hooker's "Ecclesiastical Polity." The shelves of the well-selected
library — this was before the day of Berkeley's benefactions — con-
tained other books in English theology, among them the works of
Barrow, Beveridge, Ball, Burnet, Hoadly, Pearson, Sharp, Sherlock,
South, Taylor, Tillotson, Wake, and Whitbj', and all were included in
the list of those which passed under his review and consideration dur-
ing his settlement at West Haven.
Such a course of reading could not fail to affect and influence his
candid and inquiring mind. It threw new light over subjects that had
long embarrassed him, and he was unable to discover any sufficient
support for the Congregational form of church government, or for the
566 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
rigid Calnnistic tenets in which he had been educated. He spoke his
doubts to his literary friends, and they shared them with him ; so that
from first meeting in a fratei'nal way, at the residences of each other,
or in the college library, and examining the doctrines and practices of
the primitive Church, they had l)egan to be uneasy and anxious about
the form and authority of their own discipline and worship. How to
conduct themselves under the circumstances was a difficult and delicate
question. There were six of these earnest inquirers, besides Johnson,
and they occupied responsil)le positions in and around New Haven.
Cutler and Brown carried on the college ; John Hart was the minister
at East Guilfoi'd, now Madison ; Jared Eliot was the minister at Kil-
lingworth ; Samuel Whittelse3'^ at Wallingford, and James AVetmore
at North Haven. With the exception of Cutler all were graduates of
the college, and three of them were classmates who had been brought
into very intimate association with each other. Their conferences and
readings led them to the conclusion that the Church of England was
the nearest to the apostolic model, and, if conformity to it had been an
easy thing, they would undoubtedly all have relinquished at once their
positions and made the change.'
It is to be observed that these conferences were the spontaneous
growth of self-directed investigations. At that date there was not a
house of worship in the coloiiy belonging to the Church of England,
and no settled minister or missionary. The Rev. George Muirson, of
Scottish birth, was ordained by tiie Bishop of London, in 1705, and
sent over by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel as a mis-
sionary at Rye, — a town originally included within the jurisdiction
of Connecticut, but finally annexed to the province of New York. In
company with a distinguished lay gentleman he set out, in the summer
of 1706, to explore the sea-side towns from Greenwich eastward, but
did not cross the Housatonio river, or go any nearer New Haven than
Stratford. Here he found "a considerable number of professors of
the Church of England" who desired him to repeat his visit, which he
did the next year ; and the society was importuned to appoint him a
missionary to that place, but Muirson died in Octo))er, 1708, too soon
to hear of his transfer, if not too soon for the Church in Connecticut.
It was in September of this year that " the Reverend Ministers
and Messengers of all the Churches" in Connecticut met at Saybrook
and adopted " a Confession of faith, Heads of Agreement and Regula-
tion in the administration of Church discipline," which the general
assembly fully approved and " ordained that all the churches within
the Government that are or shall he thus united in Doctrine, worship
and discipline for the future shall be owned and acknowledged estab-
lished by law," — provided that any society or church soberly difiering
or dissenting therefrom should be allowed to " exercise worship and
discipline in their own way according to their Conscience." This pro-
viso did not exempt the solierly dissenting bodies from the pa3'ment
of taxes for the support of the established order.
The little handful of churchmen at Stratford was unfortunate in
' Aiitlioi''s " Life and CoiTcspoudcncc of Sanmcl Jolinson, D.D.," pp. 13, 14.
YALE COLLEGE AND THE CHURCH. 5(!7
the next missionary sent to them, and the first who pretended to
reside in the phice, and yet was away much of the time for the sake
of his own indulgence. He pi'oved to be unworthy of liis office, and
set things l)acliward and not forward. But in the spring of 1722
there appeared among tlicm a difl'crcnt missionary, in the person of the
Rev. Georire Pisrot, who was earnest, energetic, and consistent in his
walli and conversation. He moved the people to proceed vigorously
to complete the building of a church, which had been projected years
before and was interrufited by various discouragements and embar-
rassments. But he suddenly became more deeply interested in the
grander movement going on in New Haven. Johnson had made him
an early visit and both surprised and gratified him by informing him
of the direction in which some of the leading minds in the colony
were drifting. After a private conference with the inquirers, held by
special invitation at New Haven, "great expectations of a glorious
revolution of the ecclesiastics in this country " were raised in Mr.
Pigot . He was a little too sanguine perhaps as to the extent of the final
result, but he had seen and heard enough to be convinced that a start-
ling movement was near at hand. He found a majority of the inquir-
ers determined to declare their conformity to the Church of England ;
and yet they complained much of the necessity which compelled them
to cross the ocean to obtain the valid ordination which their course of
reading led them to desire.
Johnson, who was the leader among them and the most active,
appears to have kept himself open to conviction to the last moment,
for, after making an entry in the catalogue of books before referred
to of the works of Cyprian, he added immediately under it the words :
" Which, with other ancient and modern author's read for the last
three years, have proved so convincing of the necessity of Episcopal
Ordination to me and my friends, that this Commencement, September
13, 1722, we found it necessary to express our doubts to the minis-
ters, from whom, if we receive not satisfaction, we shall be obliged
to desist."
Just twenty years to a day had passed since Keith was cour-
teously entertained at New London by Gurdon Saltonstall, then the
Congregational minister of the place, but now in civil life, having laid
aside the duties of the sacred office, and, from 1707, been chosen gov-
ernor of the colony. He was present at the Commencement when
the seven gentlemen made their declaration to the trustees in the
library of the college, representing that they labored under difficul-
ties in "relation to their continuance out of the visible communion of
an Episcopal church," and " signifying that some of them doubted the
validity, and the rest were more fully persuaded of the invalidity of
the Presbyterian ordination, in opposition to the Episcopal." They
desired "satisfaction," and o[)portunity was allowed for' further in-
quiry and consultation, in the hope that they might get rid of their
scruples, or at least become quiet and contented in their positions.
No official action of the board was taken, but, as the General Assem-
bly was to meet in New Haven the ensuing October, Governor Salton-
stall suggested that a debate should be held in the college library the
568 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
day aftei' the session commenced for the purpose of discussing the
whole subject and disposing of questions that had created serious
alarm in the public mind throughout the colony.
Preparations for this debate were entered upon with great ear-
nestness and not a little anxiety. Outside advice and help were so-
licited. One simple-minded man wrote to his clerical brother in
Boston, and, confessing that he had not read much upon the contro-
versy, said he would be "very glad to have some books that do
nervously handle this point concerning ordination by Presbyters,
whether good or not." The trustees at Norwalk and Stamford,
Buckingham and Davenport, poured out their sorrows in a joint
letter to the JNIathers of the same city, " bemoaning the dark provi-
dence" which hung over them, and not only asking their Christian
sympathy and prayers, but their "assistance in a conjoined testimony
in the cause of Christ to the government and people " of Connecticut.
The debate was held according to appointment. If the ten
trustees were all present, and the ministers directly concerned, and
others who took a deep interest in the result, it is not difScult to bring
to our minds a scene in the college library as exciting as it was
singular. No nimble reporter was there to take down the words, as
they fell from the lips of the earnest disputants. But we have two ac-
counts of it ; one by Trumbull, who says : " Governor Saltonstall was
a great man, and well versed in the Episcopal Conti'oversy, and the
tradition has been that he judged it of such general importance, in the
then circumstances of the colony, that the point should be well under-
stood that he publicly disputed it with Mr. Cutler at the Commence-
ment, and that he was judged by the clergy and spectators in general,
to have been superior to him as to argument, and gave them much
satisfaction relative to the subject. It was supposed that several other
gentlemen of considerable character among the clergy were in the
scheme of declaring for Episcopacy, and of carrying over the people
of Connecticut in general to that persuasion. But as they had been
more private in their measures, and had made no open profession of
Episcopacy, when they saw the consequences with respect to the rector
and the other ministers, that the people would not hear them, but dis-
missed them from their service, they were glad to conceal theu' former
purposes, and to continue in their respective places." ^
The other account is I)y Johnson, which is in no sense traditional,
but is the statement of an eye-witness and participant in the contro-
versy. He is the only one of the numlicr M'ho has left a manuscript
record of the proceedings ; at least, no other has been brought to light ;
and he has detailed so minutely and faithfully his personal trials and
conflicting interests, and the successive steps which led him to renounce
Congregationalism and accept the Church of England, that he is to be
believed in what he relates of himself, of his companions, and of the
debate. Gov. Saltonstall, says he, " moderated very genteely " on the
occasion ; but the " gentlemen on the Dissenting side " had not directed
their studies this ^vay, and hence when they came to the deliate they
1 Hist, of Conn., Vol. II., p. 33.
YALE COLLEGE AND THE CHURCH. 5G9
were not so well prepared to cope with their opponents and answer
their arguments. They rested their principal objection to Episcopacy
on the promiscuous use of the words bishop and presbyter in the New
Testament; but this olijection was met by citing such Scrijiture facts
as the evident superintcndency of Timothy over the clergy and people
at Ephesus, and of Titus in Crete, and of tiie angels of the seven
churches in Asia. The history of the first and purest ages of Clms-
tianity was also appealed to, and " at length," he adds, " an old minister
got up and made an harangue against them in a declamatory way to
raise an odium ; but he had not gone far before Mr. Saltonstall got up
and said he only designed a friendly argument, and so i)ut an end to
the conference." ^ Johnson made a record of the state of his mind and
heart three days before the debate took place, which shows that he
did not expect any new light to rise from it and shine through his doubts.
The result was that of those who signed the declaration sent in to
the trustees, on commencement day, four were inflexible in their
purpose to go forward and pursue the path into which they had been
led bv their consciences and the li<rht of Anglican theolojrv. The
other three, not being able to withstand the alternate displeasure and
entreaties of their friends, and putting their scruples to one side,
quietly settled back into their pastoral relations, and continued to the
end of their days in the service of the Congregational ministry.
Chandler saj's, in his Life of Johnson : "Amidst all the controversies
in which the Church was engaged during their lives, they were never
known to act or say or insinuate anything to her disadvantage."^
After the dispute in the college library, and all pleadings had been
fully closed, the trustees met to deliberate and act. Mr. Cutler was
"excused from further services, as rector of Yale College," and the
resignation of ]Mr. Brown as tutor was accepted. To prevent the
recurrence of a like sorrowful occasion, and "continue the repository
of truth and the reservoir of pure and sound principles, doctrine and
education," the trustees then voted, "that all such persons as shall
hereafter be elected to the office of rector or tutor in this college,
shall before they are accepted therein, before the trustees, declare
their assent to the confession of faith owned and assented to by the
elders and messengers of the churches in this colony of Connecticut,
assembled by delegation at Saybrook, September 9, 1708 ; and con-
firmed by act of the General Assembly ; and shall particularly give
satisfaction to them, of the soundness of their faith, in opposition to
Armenian and prelatical corruptions, or of any other of dangerous
consequence to the purity and peace of our churches." ' The power
was given to two trustees with the rector to institute this examination
in the case of a tutor, when the whole boai-d could not be assembled.
And still further it was voted, " that upon just grounds of suspicion
of the rector's or a tutor's inclination to Armenian or prelatical prin-
ciples, a meeting of the trustees shall be called to examine into the
case."
The displacement of Rector Cutler from his office after deelar-
'Jolmsou MSS. 2 P. 31. = Hist, of Conn., Vol. ir., p. 34.
570 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
ing for Episcopacy was a natural proceeding to be expected under the
circumstances ; few will be bold enough to censure it even at this
late day ; but, as we look at it now, we are amazed that a centuiy was
sutl'cred to go by before the law, which prohibited members of the
faculty from entertaining " Armenian or prclatic principles," was
completely eliminated from the statutes of the college. ^
The important step which was to follow ecclesiastical separation
from their friends was taken without delay. On the 13th of Octo-
ber, not expecting then to get any satisfaction from the debate,
and uninfluenced l)y "the frowns or applauses, the pleasures or prof-
its of the world," Johnson made this entry in his diary : "It seems
to be my duty to venture myself in the arms of Almighty Providence
to cross the ocean for the sake of that excellent church, the Chui'ch of
England ; and God preserve mo, and if I err God forgive me." Ten
days later he and his two friends, Cutler and Brown, were on their
journey to Boston to emliark for the shores of the Old World. After
a boisterous and uncomfortable voyage of five weeks and four days
they arrived at their destination in England, where the knowledge of
their aflair had preceded them and prepared the way for a most cordial
reception. Their errand served as an introduction to remarkable per-
sons and places, and the many civilities shown them were both pleas-
ant and encouraging. But mingled with these were unexpected trials
and sorrows. That dreadful disease, the small-pox, fell first upon the
eldest of the number, Mr. Cutler, and scarcely had he recovered
and all been admitted to the priesthood by the Bishop of Norwich,
acting at the desire of the Archl^ishop of Canterbury and the Bishop
of London, when Brown was taken with the same disease, and, after
an illness of nine days, he died on the 13th of April, and was interred
in St. Dunstan-in-tlae-West, his funeral being "attended by about
thirty clergy of the town."
The constantly changing scenes through which they afterwards
passed could not put this great disappointment and affliction from their
minds, and especially from the mind of Johnson, who, as Brown's
classmate and intimate friend, knew him l)est and loved him with a
gentle and afl'ectionate heart. Before the occurrence of this sad event it
was the agreement of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel that
Brown should be appointed to a mission which was to become vacant
at Bristol in Rhode Island. Cutler was to have the charge of a new
church about to be opened in Boston, a scanty living for him with a
wife and seven children, and Johnson was to go to Stratford in Con-
necticut, to fill the place which INIr. Pigot would vacate by removing to
Providence. The annual income of the society at this time was about
£2,000, and the usual stipend allowed to each missionary was £50 or
£60 a year, sometimes less, according to the expcnsiveness and
requirements of the field to which he was sent.
Almost the whole time of their sojourn abroad was passed in Lon-
don, and after they reached the metropolis the longest journeys they
1 It was repealed at a special meeting of the presented to the General Assetnbly. The estab-
eorporatiou of Yale College, licld in liarlford, lishment of a second college in the State was
May, 1823, on the day before the petition for the strongly opposed,
charter of a second (now Trinity) College was
YALE COLLEGE AND THE CHTJKCH. 571
mado out of it were to Oxford aud Cambridge, where tbey were re-
ceived with many demonstrations of liindly feeling, and each univer-
sity conferred upon them its public honors.
On the morning of the 4th of Jul}', 1723, Cutler and Johnson
were surprised at their lodgings in London by the arrival of James
Wetmorc from New England. He stood up side by side with them in
the college libi'ary, and tirmly delivered his testimony for Episcopacy ;
but not ha\ing made suitable arrangements for the voyage, and relin-
quished his pastoral charge at North Haven, he was left behind when
they embarked, aud had now come to receive ordination and take the
humblest duty which might be assigned him as a minister of the
Church of England.
In just three weeks from his arrival he was admitted to holy
orders, and was ready to return with them to America in the same
ship. It was two months after leaving London, when they arrived at
Boston, September 24, 1723, and Wetmorc preached on the following
Sunday in King's Chapel from the text : " Blessed is that servant
whom his lord, when he cometh, shall find so doing." ^ He was sent
as amissionary to New York, but at a later date was transferred to
llye, where he died of the small-pox in 1700, having faithfully served
the church in that place for nearly thirty-four years.
Johnson reached Stratford on the 5th of November, and found
the work of Iniilding a house of pul)lic worship for churchmen, which
had been revived by Mv. Pigot, but little advanced towards comple-
tion. His coming inspired it with new life, and after many hindrances
the edifice was opened for divine service on Chi-istmas dajs 1724. He
made Stratford the centre from which he carried his ministrations to
other towns in the colony. These ministrations were not called for
in New Haven, and he did not, as the sole missionary of the Church of
England in Connecticut, attempt by any aggressive steps to establish
services where he knew he would encounter an opposition sharpened
by the remembrance of recent and exciting events. He continued his
interest in the college, however, which was still feeling the shock of
its astonishment at the declarations for Episcopacy, and, so far as we
can learn, the trustees manifested no particular hostility to him in view
of the change in his ecclesiastical relations. They had done their best
to reverse its influence, and probably thought that the Church of Eng-
land, with a single representation in the clerical ofiice, could make no
perceptible gain upon the aff'ections of the people of the colony as
against the estaljlished order of religion.
At the Commencement in 1724, graduated Henry Caner, a son
of the builder of the first college edifice, the " architectural mon-
strosity " before refen-cd to ; and for three years after leaving the
institution he lived under the eye of Johnson and assisted him aud
did good service for the Church at Fairfield as a catechist and school-
master. His father, of the same baptismal name, was enrolled among
the communicants at Stratford by Mr. Pigot, September 2, 1722, and
evidently went to that place to commune, as many churchmen scat-
' Foote's " Annals of Kin^^'s Chapel," 1., p. 323.
572 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
tered in the neighboring towns were accustomed to do when tlie only
Episcopal clergyman in Connecticut was stationed there. The son
was enrolled by Johnson, Easter day, 1715. He went to England for
holy orders, and returned in the autumn of 1727, with an appoint-
ment to Fairfield, where a church had been erected and was now
awaiting the ministrations of a resident missionary.
From this onward for a century there was not an average of one
graduate a year from Yale College who entered the ministry of the
Episcopal Church. John Beach and Jonathan Arnold, whose names
appear in classes of an earlier date, were settled as pastors over Con-
gregational churches in Connecticut ; but, subsequently, becoming dis-
satisfied with their ordination and form of church government, they
suiTendered their positions and went to England to obtain what seemed
to them to be valid authority to preach the gospel and administer the
sacraments. Their change, no doubt, was largely due to the instrumen-
tality of Johnson, one of whom — Arnold — had been his successor
in the pastorate at West Haven, and the other was a native of Strat-
ford and a pupil of his during a part of the collegiate course.
It has been sometimes said that these men in relinquishing their
connections and taking up new ones in the Chui'ch of England made no
very great sacrifices. But not to mention other things, the voyage
across the Atlantic, at that period, not in luxurious and palatial steam-
ships as now, but in the close and narrow caljins of sailing-vessels, was
a monotonous and awful undertaking. Business rather than pleasure
impelled men to attempt it, and strong health was needed to l3ear the
hardships of being tossed for weeks and months on the ocean. Surely a
conscientious regard for what they believed to be the truth, and not ambi-
tion, or the spirit of adventure, must have been theu- governing motive.
They took their lives in their hands when they went forth, and of
those who embarked for England to obtain ordination prior to 1766
one in every five was lost at sea or fell by sickness. " Plow long, O
Lord, holy and true ! " was the pathetic exclamation of Johnson when
tidings reached him of the death of two promising young missiona-
ries returning to this country, and already nearing "the haven where
they would be," — "How long shall the appointment of bishops for the
American Colonies be hindered by the policy of secular rulers at
homo, and the Church be suffered to bleed and mourn?"
Yale College and the Church cannot be grouped and considered
together without bringing prominently to view the benefactions of
Bishop Berkeley. His scheme of founding an institution in the Ber-
mudas, where not only English youth of the plantations might be
trained to " supply American churches \vith pastors of good morals and
good learning," but where a "number of young American savages
might also be educated till they had taken the degree of Master of
Arts," was projected with sanguine hopes of success ; and he undertook
to realize it by leaving the rich deanery of Dcrry behind and coming
to America to set in motion the living machinery to work it. Thus he
did not publish his scheme as the speculation of a benevolent philoso-
pher for others to take up and act upon, if they thought best, but
he put his resources and personal energies into it, and, besides a royal
YALE COLLEGE AND THE CHURCH. 573
charter and a government grant of £20,000, he obtained handsome
subscriptions in England to carry it into execution. His arrival at
Ne\v|Dort, Rhode Island, near the end of January, 1729, his purchasing
a farm, building a house which he named Whitehall, and tarrying
there for almost three years, only to be disappointed and mortified by
the treachery of the prime minister. Sir Robert Walpole, who practi-
cally refused to pay the money wliich had been promised, are circum-
stances too well known to require repetition in this article. Ho was
not, however, idle during his recluse life at Newport. It furnished
him an opportunity to become personally acquainted with several of the
clergy in New England ; with men who studied his philosophy, imbibed
his principles, and sympathized with him in his benevolent cnteq:)rise.
Johnson was so much of a convert to his system that ho opened
a correspondence with him, visited him at Whitehall, where not only
great metaphysical questions were exanxincd, but other subjects con-
sidered bearing on Christian education, and on the way to do something
to repair in a fractional measure the injury occasioned by the fivilure
of the Bermuda scheme. In the summer of 1731 he paid Berkeley a
final visit, received from him several valuable books, and directed his
attention to the good fruits that might flow from increasing the library
of Yale College. The dean was then preparing to leave the country,
and two months later, September 7th, ho wrote him : "I am now upon
the point of setting out for Boston in order to embark for England.
But the hurry I am in could not excuse my neglecting to acknowledge
the favor of j-our letter. . . . My endeavors shall not be wanting,
some way or other, to be useful ; and I shall lie very glad to bo so in
particular to the College at New Haven, and the more so as you were
once a member of it, and have still an influence there. Pray return
my service to those gentlemen who sent their compliments by you."
Berkeley reappeared in London, February, 1732, and soon pub-
lished his " Alciphron ; or. The Minute Philosopher," a work in seven
dialogues, largely written at Newport, and designed to meet the ques-
tionings of the freethinkers whom he had personally known, and to
check, if possible, the growi;h of scepticism and irreligion. Having
set himself right about the Bermuda scheme, and made a satisfactory
disposition of the private suljscriptions received in its support, he
remembered his promise to Johnson, and in midsummer of this year
wrote to him, enclosing "the instrument of conveyance in form of
law,'" which deeded his farm in Rhode Island to the trustees of Yale
College. Twelve months passed away, and he had interested some of
tlie Bemiuda subscribers to such a degree in the institution that, with
their assistance, ho was enabled to send a donation to the library of
nearly one thousand volmnes, valued at about £500 ; "the finest col-
lection of books," according to Rector Clap, "which had then ever
been brought to America."
Johnson, in his autobiogi-aphy, mentions that "the Trustees,
though they made an appearance of much thankfulness, were almost
afraid to accept the noble donation," suspecting a design to proselyte,
and thinking, perhaps, the gift might prove a Trojan horse, letting
out new disasters over the quieted colony. President Stiles, who was
5T4: HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
not disposed to credit Johnson witli the sole agency in the matter,
says, in liis diary, he " persuaded the Dean to believe that Yale Col-
lege would soon become Episcopal, and that they had received his
immaterial pliilosophy. This, or some other motive, caused the Dean
to make a gift of his Ifhodo Island farm, ninety-six acres, with a library
of aliout a thousand volumes, to Yale College, in 1733."'
The dust of a century and a half rests on the "motive," and if we
could brush it away we would doubtless tind nothing in the thought
of Berkeley but a desire to promote the interests of religion and sound
learning, mingled with a hope "to inform their judgment and dispose
men lo think better of the Church."'' Ho wished to break down the
inherited prejudices of New England people, and open a door for the
attainment of "more liberal improvements of learning." A sharp
religious controversy sprung up aliout this time, and was attended or
followed by efforts of Congregational ministers in Connecticut and
]\Iassachusctts to depreciate the work of the missionaries of the
Church of England. It was a da}' of persecutions when it was
believed that the end would sanctify the means. In a letter to Arch-
bishop Seeker, written many years later, and referring to this period,
Johnson said : " I maintained all along a very friendly correspondence
■with the chief men among them, and endeavored to do them all the
good oiBces I could, and in particular I procured a noble donation
from Bishop Berkeley for their college in land and books to the value
of nigh £2,000 sterling. But behold the gratitude of these men. At
the same time that I was doing them these good oflSces they were
contriving and did send to the Bishop of London a long letter, full of
gross falsehoods and misrepresentations, of complaint against us with
a view to get all the church people deprived of their miuisters, and
then of their subsistence, which he laid before the society, and which
I believe your Grace may find among papers of the year 1735. In
reply to which the society gave them leave to produce evidence to
make good their complaints against us, which they endeavored to do,
but could make nothing of it."
After Berkeley was promoted (1734) to the see of Cloyne, a
secluded bishopric in the southern [)art of his native Ireland, where
he was almost as much out of the world as he had been at Newport,
he did not cease to be concerned about the result of his benefactions
or fail to keep up, by letter, a toleralily frequent intercourse with his
congenial friend at Stratford. Johnson was faithful to inform him of
the progress of the college, and Rector Clap occasionally sent him
"agreeable specimens of learning," to show that the scholars on his
foundation deserved the honors which they won. He intended "his
great donation should be equally for a common benefit, without respect
to parties," and that intention ajipears to have been fulfilled.
All this time the Church of England was steadily gaining in the
colony ; and when Whitcfield arrived, and produced an excitement
never liefore known in its religious history, the president and tutors
of Yale College signed a declaration condemnatory of his principles
' See " Life anil CoiTesponJcnee of Samuel = Anderson's "Hist, of the Colonial Churcli,"
Jolmson," pp. 79, 81. Vol. in., p. 375.
e
YALE COLLEGE AND THE CHURCH. 575
and purposes ; and, without expressing it, really sympathizing more
with the sober and godly teaching of the society's missionaries than
with the intentions and extravagancies of the great revivalist. Care
was taken, however, not to encourage the growth of Episcopacy, but
rather to perpetuate the estal)lishcd oi-der of religion. So far from
being favored in any way by the various acts of the General AssemJjly,
modifying or extending the powers of the college under its charter,
churchmen had reason to complain that their sons were denied the
privilege of attending on Sundays the worship which they desired and
conscientiously preferred. It was a hardship that thej' were obliged
to ask leave for every attendance of this kind, — a hardship that, after
a church had been erected in New Haven and a minister appointed to
it, the law, with the penalty of a tine attached, still hung over them,
which required them to worship in the college chapel on all Sundays,
except Communion Sundays. So late as the beginning of the present
centurjr, when Bishop Jaivis was about to place his son at Yale, he
called upon Dr. Dwight, then president, to settle the preliminaries,
and among other things, said, "I shall expect my son to attend
Church." — "Certainly," was the I'cjily, "it is his right ; only he will
be obliged constantly to ask leave." — "If it is his right," said the
bishop, "he ought not to ask leave." — "Oh," answered the jiresident,
" that is a measure of precaution. Young gentlemen might make their
exemption a pretext to attend no public woi'ship." " The bishop was
willing to trust his son, and insisted upon his not being required con-
stantly to ask leave, and Dr. Dwight yielded the point. But every
Monday morning, when the list of delinquents of the past week was
called over, the requisition, " Jarvis, absent from the chapel on the
Sabbath," was invariably followed by the response, " Sir, I was at
Church." This is believed to be the first instance where the son of a
churchman was allowed, as a matter of right, to absent himself from
the services of the Congregational chapel on Sundays.' Students who
came from what were called the "minor sects," if any such there were,
made no sacrifice in going to the chapel, for they were not accustomed
to the use of a liturgy, and found the form of worship near enough to
their own to be content. Besides, there was no Baptist or Methodist
meeting-house in New Haven prior to 1800.
The change of the charter, brought about under the administra-
tion of President Stiles, whereby, in 1792, the governor of the State,
lieut. -governor, and six assistants, or senators, were introduced into
the corporation, was evidently intended to restrain the ecclesiastical
power, and give civilians a chance to participate in the oversight and
management of the interests and funds of the college. It did not
cease to recognize the established order of religion interpreted sum-
marily by what was known as the Saybrook Platform, nor did it
modify the tests required of members of the faculty, or touch the
religious predilections of the students.
Up to this time the degree of Doctor of Divinity had not been
conferred upon any Episcopal clergyman ; t)ut at the Commencement
' See " Memoir of Bishop Janis," liy bis Son. Eveigi'een. Vol. in., p. 175.
57G HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
ill 1702, Richard Mansfield, the patriarchal priest, who held the rec-
torship of his parish in Derby seventy-two years, and died 1820, in
the ninety-seventh year of his age, received the distinction, and was
the first churchman honored in this way by his Alma Hater. The
audiorities had shown wisdom in not sprinkling the degree very freely
among graduates who attained celebrity as learned Congregational
divines, — a wisdom, be it spoken to their praise, which continues to
mark their policy to the present day.
The political i-evolution in the state which resulted in the over-
throw of the old charter of King Charles 11., and the adoption of a
new constitution in 1818, removed the last restriction upon the con-
sciences of men, so that religion in every denominational form was
thereafter left to the free acceptance or deliberate rejection of the in-
habitants of Connecticut. The union of church and state, which had
existed from the settlement of the colony, was broken, and taxation
for the support of public worship was superseded by the voluntary
system. The Episcopal Church felt the influence of this revolution
at once, and, increasing in numbers and respectability, began to take
and occupy a higher place in the social state. Of the fifty-eight
graduates from Yale, in the class of 1820, four entered her ministry, —
two of them being from Connecticut and the other two from South
Carolina. The college could not aflbrd to pursue an illilieral policy
while the spirit of liberality was spi'eading so thoroughly in the com-
monwealth, and the repeal, by the corporation, of all religious tests for
the members of the facultjs in 1823, was followed five years later by
appointing to a tutorship a churchman, George Jones, who was sub-
sequently admitted to holy orders by Bishop Browncll and served
as a chaplain in the United States navy until his death in 1870. More
than a century had elapsed since the trustees readily accepted the
resignation of Daniel Brown, for t-he reason that he with others had
declared for Episcopacy, and this graduate was the fir.st churchman
introduced into the faculty under a broader view of religious tolera-
tion. Among the officers of instruction at the present time are repre-
sentatives of the principal religious denominations in the land, the
Roman Catholic'not excepted, and, according to Professor Baldwin, '
"very possibly some who belong to no religious denomination at all."
•N.H. Colony Historical Society Papoi-s, Vol. UI., p. 435.
MONOGRAPH VII.
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. —NEW ENGLAND.
ST. JOHN'S CnUliCH, PORTSMOUTH, N.H.
By thk key. henry E. HOVEY, M.A., Rectoh.
THE first public religious services of any kind held in Poi'tsmouth,
N.H. (then knowu by the fragrant name of Strawberry Bank)
were those of the Church of England. In the year 1G38 the
Rev. Richard Gibson (A.B., Cantab., 1636) appears as the minister
of the infant colony. He exercised his office with diligence and
fidelit}' until 1642, when he was summoned to Boston by the General
Court of Massachusetts to defend himself against the charge of baptiz-
ing infants and solemnizing marriages at the Isles of Shoals (off this
harl)or) according to the ritual of the Church of England. He never
returned to Portsmouth, and for ninety years there is no evidence of
the services of the Church of England being held in Portsmouth.
In 1732 the site of the present St. Joim's, on the crest of Church
Hill, was given by a Mr. Hope, of London, and a wooden church
erected, and named Queen's Chapel, in honor of Queen Caroline,
consort of George II., who gave it several folio prayer-books, and a
service of plate for the altar, consisting of two large flagons, a chalice,
a paten, antl a christening-basin stamped with the royal arms.
In 173G the Rev. Arthur Browne (M.A., Trin. Coll., Dublin,
1729), a native of Drogheda in Ireland, was inducted as rector, and
so continued until his death in 1773. His rectorship, of nearly forty
years, appears to have been one of quiet and uneventful prosperity.
In 1744 he writes to the Society for Propagating the Gospel in
Foreign Parts, that "he has a large parish, who behave well, and show
an uncommon regard to the Church."
In 1761 INIajor Mason, of the British Mai'ine Corps, and his
daughters Sarah, Catherine, and Anne Elizabeth, presented to the
church the font of variegated porphyritic marl)le, which is in use at
the present day. It had been captured from the French in a naval
battle off the coast of Senegal, Africa, by a British expedition. It was
said to have l)een on its way from a cathedral in Portugal to a Roman
Catholic mission in Senegal, and to have been of great a^e at the time
of its capture. It is oval in shape, of large size, and a striking and
beautiful object in the interior of the church.
In 1763 the Rev. Mr. Browne (as is related in Longfellow's
familiar poem^) was called upon suddenly, at a dinner party at the
' Tales of a Wayside Inn. The Poet's Talc.
578 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAIi CHURCH.
Wentworth Mansion, to unite in marriage Governor Benning Went-
worth, and the servant-maid, Martha Hilton, who afterward gracefully
bore the honors of Lady Wentworth : —
The Governor rising from his chair
Played slightly with liis ruffles, then looked down,
And said unto the Reverend Arthur Browne :
" This is my birthday ; it shall lilsewise be
My wedding day ; and you shall marry me ! "
The listening guests were greatly mystified,
None more so than the Rector, who replied :
" Marry you? Yes, that were a pleasant task.
Your Excellency; but to whom? I ask."
The Governor answered : "To this lady here ; "
And beckoned Martha Hilton to draw near.
She came and stood, all blushes, at his side.
The Rector paused. The impatient Governor cried :
" This is the lady; do you hesitate?
Then I command you as Chief Magistrate."
The Rector read the service loud and clear :
" Dearly beloved, we are gathered here,"
And so on to the end. At his command
On the fourth finger of her fair left hand
The Governor placed the ring. And that was all !
Martha was Lady Wentworth of the Hall.
The poet states that the rector "hesitated." The record shows
no evidence of anything of the sort. The stout-hearted rector no
doubt remembered at once that the Church could know no difference
in social rank between the governor and the servant, and that here
were two parties, both of age, both of sound minds, and both desirous
of matrimony. The marriage was didy solemnized, and the husband
and wife each loved, honored, and cherished the other, until the
death of the governor, in 1770, did them part.
In June, 1773, the Rev. Arthur Browne finished his course and
was gathered to his fathers, in a good old age. The local historian of
the time thus speaks of him : ' " He was strongly attached to the cere-
monies of the Church and observed them with scrupulous exactness.
He claimed some prerogatives as a parson which, though usual in the
English Church, had never been assumed by the other ministers here.
This circumstance rendered him unpopular with the dissenters, and
caused them to charge him with bigotry. He was beloved by his
parish, who lamented hi.s death."
After 1773 there followed the troublous times of the American
Revolution. No rector was settled liere until 178G. During the in-
terval Rev. Edward Bass, afterward first Bishop of Massachusetts,
frequently supplied the vacancy.
In 1779 Hon. Theodore Atkinson died, leaving a legacy of about
£200 to St. John's Church, the interest of which was to be expended
in bread, to be distributed to the poor in church every Sunday morn-
ing. The trust has been faithfully executed for more than one hun-
dred years, and so continues to the present day. Every Sunday-
morning, the dole of bread piled upon the brass covers of the font,
and ready to be distributed to poor women after service, is an
attractive and pleasant sight.
' Annals of Poi-tsmouth. By Nathaniel Adams, p. 236.
SOME HISTOIUC CHURCHES.— NEW ENGLAND.
579
In 1786 the Rev. John Cosen Ogden, ordained by Bi.shop Sea-
bury, of Connecticut, became rector, and remained until 1793.
In 1795 the Rev. Josepii Willard, ordainedby Bi!^hopProvoost, of
New York, was elected rector, and exercised a paternal and useful min-
istry until Eustcr, ISUO, when he removed to Newark, New Jersey.
On Christmas-eve, 180(5, the old church was consumed by tire during a
THE INTERIOR OF ST. JOHNS CHURCH.
great conflagration which swept through that part of the town. On
St. John the Bajjtist's day, 1807, the corner-stone of the present edifice
was laid. The church, which contains portions of the materials of the
earlier structure, was opened for divine service on May 29, 1808, on
which occasion a sermon was preached by Rev. James Morss, of New-
buryport. The building is of brick, and with good pi'oportions. Its
architecture, in ISOfi, was much superior to that by which it was sur-
rounded, and the church is to-day a jileasing and dignified structure.
The Rev. Mr. Morss thus speaks of it : " On entering the superb Edifice
and observing the elegance of its structure, the beauty and simplicity
580 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
of its decorations, together with its happy accommodation to the pur-
pose for which it is intended, emotions of delight and sentiments of
gratitude naturally arise."
At the time of the fh'e and the subsequent rebuilding of St.
John's, the parish was without a rector, the Kev. jNIr. Willard having
resigned in the spring of 180G. In 1810, under the l)right auspices
of the nevy church-building, with health and youthful vigor, the Rev.
Charles Burroughs, DD., began his long and happj^ rectorship of
nearly half a century.
In 183G the "Brattle Organ" came into the possession of St.
John's. As far as known it is the oldest organ in America. It was
imported about 1710 by Hon. Thomas Brattle, treasurer of Harvard
College. By will he bequeathed it to the Bnittle-street Church in Bos-
ton, under certain conditions, which not being fulfilled, the instrument
went to King's Chapel, Boston, where it was in constant use until
1756. It was then sold to St. Paul's Church, A'ewburyport, where it
was used for eighty years, until 1836. In that year St. John's Chapel
was erected, on State street, Portsmouth, and the venerable organ
was purchased by Rev. Dr. Burroughs, and placed therein. It is still
in constant use at the chapel services, and in the Sunday-school.
Dr. Burrouglis's resignation, in 1857, brings the history of St.
John's at once down to modern times. Since then the rectors have
been Rev. William A. Hitchcock, D.D., Rev. Thomas F. Davies, D.D.,
Rev. Rufus W. Clark, Jr., Rev. Joel F. Bingham, D.D., Rev. Charles
A. Hollirook, and Rev. Henry E. Hovey.
For the ten or fifteen years last past Portsmouth has not grown
in population, and has somewhat fallen ofl' in commercial importance,
but old St. John's continues to fill its place and do its work. During
the rectorship of Rev. Mr. Ilolbrook a Children's Home was estab-
lished, which is now in prosperous operation, and within the present
year (1884) a Cottage Hospital has been opened, which, it is hoped,
may be of some service to the community.
^^i^
^•r.
rh^
UNION CHURGH, WEST CLAREMONT, N.H.
Bv TiiK KEV. FRANCIS CHASE, M.A.,
Rector of the Church of St. James the Less, Searsdale , N. Y-
So far as is known the parish of Union Church, AVest Clareraont,
was the first one organized in the Connecticut river valley, north of
the Massachusetts line. The town of Claremont was settled in 1767
liy a company of emigrants from Farmington, Conn. Several of
these, with their leader, Capt. Samuel Brooks, were churchmen.
They took with them Samuel Cole, as lay-reader and school-master.
The Rev. Samuel Peters visited Claremont ofBcially in 1770, and
probably organized the parish. In June, 1773, the Rev. Rimna
SOME HISTOUIC CHURCHES. — NEW ENGLAND.
581
Cossit, the first rector, was duly collated into the parish by Gov.
Wentworth. The church edifice, now known as Union Church, was
commenced in September, 1773. Its length was fifty-five feet, its
breadth forty feet, and its heioht, twenty feet. The plan is said to
have been furnished by Gov. Wentworth, who promised to give the
nails and glass needed, and also a bell and organ. These jiromises
could not be kept. The building was enclo.'^ed, however, a floor laid,
and a desk and "deacon's seat " made. In this condition it was used
1^/4
UNION CHURCH. WEST CL.\REirONT.
for divine service, during the summer months, .until 17)^.S, M'hen the
outside was finished. In 1S2() an acklition of twenty-five feet was
made to the length of the church.
The Rev. Mr. Co.ssit, who was loyal to the crown, with two of
his principal parishioners, was confined within the limits of the town
during the war, except so far as the ministrations of religion were
concerned. In nsf^ he resigned the parish.
The ministrations of other clergymen were lirief until 1795, when
the Eev. Daniel Barber was chosen rector. He was prominent in the
movement (1800-1808) to form a diocese in the valley of Connecticut
river. He became, in advanced years, perverted to Romanism, and
was for that cause obliged to leave the j)arish in 1818. The next
582 HISTORV OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
rector was the Rev. James B. Howe, who continued till 184;^. The
church grew under his care, and immediately after his departure a
separate parish was formed of its numerous members in Claremont
village. The old church chose the Eev. Henry S. Smith for its
rector. He held this office, respected and beloved, until his death, in
1872, and was followed, after a brief interval, by liis son, the Eev. "\V.
B. T. Smith, the present rector.
CHRIST CHURCH, BOSTON.
Bv THE REV. HEXRY BURROUGHS, D.D.,
l.atf Ri^i:tor vf Christ Church, Boston.
Christ Church is the oldest house of worship, and with, perhaps,
a single exception, the oldest public liuilding in Boston. The first
stone was laid on the 15th of April, 1728, by the Rev. Samuel Myles,
incuml)ent of King's Chapel, who concluded the impressive ceremony
with the words, " May the Gates of Hell never prevail against it."
The church was opened for divine service on Sunday the 29th of
Decemlier in the same year, when the Rev. Dr. Cutler preached from
the 7th verse of the .Tlith chapter of Isaiah, "For mine house shall be
called a house of jn'ayer for all peoi)le." It is seventy feet long, fifty
feet wide, and thirty-five feet high. The walls, which are of In-ick,
are two and a half feet in thickness. The tower is twenty-four feet
square, and its walls are three and a half feet thick. The spire rises
to the height of one hundred and seventy-five feet. The architect is
not known, ])ut the building was evidently constructed after one of the
designs of Sir Christopher Wren. The steeple was not finished until
1740. It was blown down in 1804, and rebuilt in 1807. The spire
was lowered to the ground in 1847 for repairs, and restored to its
place. There were at first three aisles, and the pews were square.
The pulpit, reading-desk, and clerk's desk were on the north side of
the middle aisle. The present pulpit, desk, and pews are of more
recent date. The steeple Mas rebuilt after the original plan, and in
other respects the church remains sul)stantiall_y the same as it was Ijefore
the revolution.
On the 2d of October, 1722, the committee appointed to collect
money for building the new church wrote to the Rev. Dr. Timothy
Cutler, congratulating him and his friends on account of their late
declaration of l)elief that the Church of England is a true l)ranch of
the Catholic Church, and in\iting him to come to Boston and proceed
to London for holy orders. They promised to pay for the passages of
Cutler, Johnson, and Brown, to provide a sum for Dr. Cutler's support
in England, and to send a jjctition to the Bishop of London to license
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES— NEW ENGLAND. 583
him to preach in the church about to be erected. The invitation was
accepted, and Dr. Cutler was ordained in London in JNIarch, 1723, and
arrived in Boston on the 24th of September. He was appointed a
missionary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts, and his reports to that society furnish a history of his parish
during his incumbency of foily-two years. His first letter, dated Jan.
4, 1724, describes the opening service on the preceding Sunday, when
the church, not yet finished, was crowded with hearers. There were
eighty families and forty communicants. Many were drawn into the
Church under his ministry, especially the young. The congregation
increased to eight hundred persons, who were very constant and devout
at public worship, and the parish was in peace. The number of com-
municants was ninety-four. In 1750, after Trinity Church was built,
Christ Church was the smallest of the three Episcopal churches in
Boston. It was never, during the colonial times, able to maintain its
rector without the aid of the Society for Propagating the Gospel. To
that venerable society the parish is indebted not only for pecuniary
assistance, but also for a handsome theological library now in its pos-
session.
Dr. Cutler wrote in 1724 that this church had but one piece of
silver for the communion service. That is the smaller of the two
chalices, and it is marked, "The gift of Captain Thomas Tudor to
Christ Church, in Boston, 1724." Two of the large flagons were pro-
cured with the gold and silver received in the offertory, and on them
are the words, " Belonging to Christ Church, Boston, New England,
1729." The name and arms of Leonard Vassall are on a paten given
by him in 1730. The massive christening-basin bears the inscription,
■'The gift of Arthur Savage, Esq., to Christ Church in Boston, 1730,"
with the arms of his family. On two of the flagons, the larger chalice,
a paten, and a receiver for the offertory, may be seen the royal arms
with the words, "The gift of His jNlajesty King George II. to Christ
Church at Boston in New England, at the request of his excellency
governour Belcher, 1733." There is also an oval vessel with a cover
which was presented by Mrs. Hannah Smith in 1815.
Besides the silver, George II. gave to this church a folio Bible,
printed at Oxford by John Baskett in 1717, and celebrated for the
elegance of the printing and engravings, fourteen large prayer-books,
cushions, carpets, damask, and two surplices of fine Holland. Three
of these prayer-books, adapted to the American service, the Bible and
the silver, are now in use. Gov. Belcher, to whose favorable rep-
resentations the parish is indebted for the king's generous gifts, was a
Congregationalist, and his interest in the church was founded upon his
regard for Dr. Cutler.
The bells are eight in number, the lightest weighing 620 lbs. , and
the heaviest 1 ,545 lbs. They cost £560 in England. We will let them
speak for themselves. The first, tenor, has this inscription: "This
peal of eight bells is the gift of a number of generous persons to Christ
Church in Boston, New England, Anno 1744, A.R." On the second
are the words : " This Church was founded in the year 1723. Timothy
Cutler, Doctor in Divinity, the first Rector, A.R. 1744." The third
584 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPIwSCOPAL CHURCH.
says : " We are the first ring of bells cast for the British Empire in
North America, A.R. 1744." The fom-th exclaims, " God preserve tiic
Church of England ! 1744." The fifth commemorates, " William Shirley,
Esq., Governour of the Massachusetts Bay in N.E. Anno 1744."
The sixth tells us: "The subscription for these bells was begun liy
lohn Hammock, and Robt. Temple, Church Wardens, Anno 1743.
Completed by Robert lenkins, and Ino. Gould, Church Wardens,
1744." The seventh adds, " Since generosity has opened our mouths,
our tongues shall ring aloud its praise, 1744." And the eighth con-
cludes, " Al)el Rudhall of Gloucester cast us all. Anno. 1744."
These bells are provided witii wheels for round ringing, but they
are now struck by means of cords attached to the tongues, instead of
being rung as they were foi'merly. They are remarkable for purity
of tone, sweetness, and harmony. They may still be heard, as in the
olden time, for two weeks at the Christmas season, filling the night air
with the glad tidings that angels l)rought in the night to the shepherds
in the field.
The first oi'gan was brought from Newport in 1736. The second
was made in 17.59 by Thomas Johnston. The interior was rebuilt by
Mr. Goodrich about fifty years ago.
The four figures of cherubim, and the two chandeliers, were pre-
sented, in 1740, by the captain, John Grushea, and the owners of the
British ship "Queen of Hungary," and were taken from a French
vessel.
Dr. Cutler founded the church at Dedham, took care of Christ
Church, Braintree, and preached frequently in towns where there was
no Episcopal church. He contended for the rights of the clergy of the
Church of England, and engaged actively in measures for the defence
of those who were prosecuted for marrying according to the usage in
the " Book of Common Prayer," and for the relief of Episcopalians who
were fined and imprisoned for not supporting the Independent teach-
ers, and paying for building and repairing their houses of worship.
He never ceased to urge the appointment of a l^ishop for the Ameri-
can colonies. Under all the difficulties arising from the want of Epis-
copal oversight, and from the hostility of the dominant sect in New
England, he laliored without ceasing until the infirmities of age com-
pelled him to rest. During the last nine years of his life he was unable
to perform public duty. He died on the 17th of August, 1765, at the
age of eighty-one years, and was buried under the chancel of his church.
During Dr. Cutler's long illness James Greaton acted at first as
lay-reader, and was afterwards ordained, upon the recommendation of
the vestry, by the Bishop of London, and appointed assistant to the
rector. An unpleasant controversy, which sadly disturbed the peace
and harmony of the congregation, for a long time, ended in a request
from Mr. Greaton to the Society for Propagating the Gospel, on the
28th of August, 1767, that he might be removed from the mission.
On Easter jNIonday, 1768, the vestr}' invited Dr. Mather Byles,
Junior, who had been a Congregationalist minister in Connecticut, and
had entered the Episcopal Church, to become their rector. They also
raised a sum of money to assist in paj'ing his expenses in going to
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — NEW ENGLAND. .585
England for holy orders, and agreed to give him £100 per annum.
He accepted the invitation, was ordained in England and appointed
missionary, and returned to Boston on the 28th of September. He
found one hundred families and fifty communicants. Ninety-eight
baptisms are recorded by him in a single year. He was an acceptable
preacher and a faithful and laborious pastor, but he was a stanch
loyalist, and the revolutionary spirit was already at work in his con-
gregation. Feeling himself bound l\y his oath of allegiance to the
king and his promise of conformity to the English Prayer-Book, he
could not join with the friends of liberty, and he I'esigned his charge.
Dr. Byles's resignation was accepted on Easter Tuesday, April
18, 1775, and it was on the evening of that day that the signal lan-
terns of Paul Revere, from the church steeple, announced the begin-
ning of those hostilities which ended in the establishment of the
independence of the United States.
It was suspected that General Gage was preparing an expedition
to Concord to cajjture the stores and ammunition collected there by
the Americans, and Dr. Joseph Warren remained in Boston, ^vhile
the Provincial Congress was in session at Concord, to Avatch the move-
ments of the British, and communicate them to Hancock and Adams,
who were attending the Congress, and were staying at the house of
the Rev. Jonas Clark, in Lexington. On the 15th of April there were
discovered signs of an early movement of the troops, and Paul Revei'e,
by Dr. Warren's request, rode to Lexington and gave notice to the
patriots. On his return it occurred to him that when it should become
necessary to send word that the British were actually on the march it
might be impossible for a messenger to leave Boston, and he agreed
with Colonel Conant and other friends whom he saw in Charlestown,
that — in his own words — "if the British went out by water we
would show two lanterns in the North Church steeple, and if by land
one, as a signal."
On the evening of the 18th, Dr. Warren, finding that the troops
were preparing to cross in boats, sent for Revere in great haste,
and begged him to set out for Lexington immediately. Revere went
to the North End, made his preparations, and was rowed with muffled
oars, under the guns of a British vessel, to the Charlestown shore,
where he met Conant and others, who said "they had seen our sig-
nals." "I told them what was acting," writes Revere, "and went to
get me a horse." During the interval between the 15th and the 18th
of April he arranged for the lanterns to be shown from the steeple of
Christ Church, then and for many years commonly called the Nortli
Church. He selected this building because its lofty tower and spire
overlook the town of Charlestown ; and the lanterns were probably
held at the window long enough to be seen by those who were look-
ing out for them, and were not displayed in such a manner as to be
visible to any one in the street below. His purpose was, that by them
the information which he was to communicate to the patriots might be
made known to his friends on the opposite shore in case he should be
prevented from crossing. He does not mention the name of the per-
son whom he employed to make the appointed signal. It seems most
586 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
natural aud probable ibut he would intrust the task to the sexton,
Robert Newman, who was his friend and neighbor, like himself a
North-End mechanic, and a friend of liberty, and who was young,
active, and familiar with the difficult ascent of the steeple, where he
had to climb by pegs driven into the upright timbers. As sexton he
had the keys of the church, and was least likely to excite suspicion
if seen entering the building at night. And the tradition, universally
received among those living near the church, and strengthened by the
testimony of persons who knew Revere aud his friends, agrees with
this supposition. It is, however, believed by some that it was not
Robert Newman, but John Pulling, a meml>er of the vestry, who car-
ried up the lanterns to the windows in the steeple.
This interesting incident was commemorated on the evening of the
I8th of April, 1875, by services and historical addresses; and two
lanterns were carried up to the steeple bj^ the venerable Samuel H.
Newman, the youngest and only suiwiving son of Robert Newman,
attended by the pi'esent sexton, and displayed to thousands, who,
unable to enter the crowded church, filled the neighboring streets. At
the first sight of this simple memorial the vast multitude bowed their
heads, as it" impressed by its solemnity, aud then filled the air with ac-
clamations.
By order of the city government a tablet has been placed in the
front wall of the tower with the following inscription : " The signal
lanterns of Paul Revere, displayed in the steeple of this church, April
18, 1775, warned the country of the march of the British Troops to
Lexington and Concord."
Dr. Byles remained in Boston while it was occupied by the British,
and offered to preach in his old church ; but his proposal, he says, was
treated with neglect. He went to Halif^ix in 1776, and in 1778 became
rector of St. John's, New Brunswick, where he died March 12, 1814,
in his eightieth year. In 1778 the "French Congregation" received
from the American government leave to use Christ Church, which had
been closed since 1775, and it would have been lost to our communion
had not the Rev. Samuel Parker, of Trinity Church, by invitation of
those of the parish who remained in town, preached in it every Sunday
afternoon. The Rev. Mr. Lewis afterwards officiated. He was desired
by a vote of the vestry in 1779 "to prepare a proper form of Prayer
for the Congress of the United States, for the several States, and for
their Success in the present important Contest, to be used daily in the
Church." The Rev. William Montague and others officiated until 1792,
when the Rev. Dr. William Walter accepted the rectorship. He was
rector of Trinity Church before the Revolution, but left Boston after
the war begun, and resided in Shelburne, N.S., where he was
appointed rector of St. George's Church. He returned to Boston, and
remained in charge of Christ Church until his death, on the 5th of
December, 1800. His successor was the Rev. Samuel Haskell, who left
in 1803. Asa Eaton, who was graduated that year at Harvard College,
and who is supj)osed, while a student, to have had in view the ministry
of the Congregationalists, was then engaged as lay-reader. He soon
became convinced of the truth of the claims of the Episcopal Church,
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — NEW ENGLAND. 587
and prepared himself for holy orders. There being no bishop in Mas-
sachusetts at the time, he was ordained deacon on the 31st of July, and
priest on the 2d of August, 1805, by Bishop Benjamin Moore, in
Trinity Church, New York. By the divine blessing on his faithful
labors, continued for twenty-four years, this parish rose from the
depression that followed the separation from England to a high state
of prosperity. The Rev. Dr. Edson writes that "in standing this
parish had become at least the second in the State. In point of life
and efficiency, as a member of the whole, it was first." Dr. Eaton
introduced a third service on Sundays, at a time when " Evening
lectures " were regarded with distrust by the more conservative of our
clergy. He devoted one evening in the week to a meeting for prayer
and pastoral instruction, and, with the aid of Shubael Bell, one of the
wardens, he established a Sunday-school when there was no other in
Boston, nor, as far as they knew, in America. This was not a mere
class for Bible instmction, but a school regularly organized after the
model of the Sunday-schools in England. This school went into opera-
tion on the 15th of June, 1815.
Shubael Bell presented the bust of Washington, which was said
by La Fayette, who went to see it in 1825, to be a faithful likeness.
The artist is unknown.
Dr. Eaton took a prominent part in the formation of the Eastern
diocese and the election of Bishop Griswold. He held at one time the
rectorship of Christ Church in Cambridge, and maintained services
there and at St. Mary's, Newton. He aided in keeping alive the old
parishes that survived the Revolution, and in the establishment of new
churches. He resigned the rectorship in 1829, on account of an in-
firmity of the voice. He was succeeded by the Rev. Dr. William
Croswell, then a young man in deacon's orders, who was ordained
priest on the 24th of June, 1829, in Christ Church. His poems will
preserve to many generations the memory of his connection with the
church that he so dearly loved. In the memoir, wiitten by his father,
may be found a full record of his pastorate of eleven years.
^\'e have space only to enumerate his successors. The Rev. John
Woart was rector from 1840 to 1851 ; the Rev. W. T. Smithett from
1852 to 1859; the Rev. J. T. Burrill from 1860 to.1868, and the
Rev. Henry Burroughs, D.D., from 1868 to 1881. During the last
forty years large numbers have been baptized and confirmed, and there
has been a great deal of good done among the poor of the North End.
The Sunday-school continues to draw large numbers into the church.
But, in consequence of the removal of Protestant families from that
part of the city whei'e the church is situated, there has been a decrease
in the attendance upon the public services. During the last thirteen
years three hundred and twenty have been baptized, one hundred and
sixty-two confirmed, and two hundred and sixty-two added to the com-
munion, while, during the same period, one hundred and seventy com-
municants have died or removed. Some of the families who have
removed to other parts of Boston, or to the neighboring cities, continue
to attend the church, and at present no one of the vestry, and less than
half of the Sunday-school teachers, reside at the North End.
588 IIISTOKV OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOl'AL CHURCH.
We cannot conclude this"brief sketch without aUuding to the bene-
factors of tliis parish : Mrs. Jane Keen Richardson, who left to it her
estate in Chambers street ; Mrs. Catharine Hay, the widow of the
youngest son of Lord Hay, who gave $1,000 to accumulate for the
purpose of procuring a parsonage ; Miss Eliza Burroughs, the foundei-
of the Burroughs Fund, the income of which, $70 per annum, is given
to the poor ; WilHam Price, l)y whose will the rector of Christ Church
yn-caches two of the Lent lectures in Trinity Church, and the poor of
tiie parish receive one-half of the collections at the lectures, and tiie
nol)le-hearted, gracious. Christian ladies, Betsey and Lydia Loring,
without whose constant and most generous gifts this church would long-
ago have been closed and its services discontinued. With the income
from the funds thus established, and the liberal aid of memliers of
other parishes, services are still maintained in this \'enerable and
liistorical church, which must be always full of interest as a monument
of the colonial period, and of the revolutionary war.
oP/^ytr-o-o^^-^^U.
CHRIST CHURCH, CAMBRIDGE.
By the REV. NICHOLAS IIOPPIN, D.D.,
Formerly Rector of Clirifit Church.
The archives of the venerable society contain the following
account of the introduction of the Church in Camliridge : " Several
worthy gentlemen of the town of Caml)ridgc, in the Province of
Massachusetts Bay, memlicrs of tlie Church of England, having peti-
tioned the Society to grant them a missionary', who may officiate not
only to them and the adjacent towns, but also to such students of
Harvard University who are of the Church of England, and are at
jiresent obliged at great inconvenience to go to Boston for an oppor-
tunity of public worship according to the liturgy of the Church, and
setting forth in their petition that
the Rev. Mr. Apthorp, Fellow of
Jesus College in the University
of Cambridge, England, is every
way qualified for the advance-
ment of religion among them, in
Holy Orders, and on a visit to his friends in Boston, the Society, out
of a peculiar regard to the merit and approved aliilities of Mr. Apthorp,
which will enable him very much to promote religion and learning in that
his native colony, have appointed him their missionary to the Church of
Cambridge, in the colony of Massachusetts Bay ; and the gentlemen
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — NEW ENGLAND.
589
of that Church, by a letter dated November 20th, 1759, return their
hearty thanks to the Society for this appointment, and promise that
they will neglect nothing in their power to render themselves worthy
of its patronage."
The original subscription for building the church is dated at Bos-
ton, April 25, 1759. The petition to the society was signed by
Henry Vassal, Joseph Lee, John Vassal, Ralph Inman, Thomas Oliver,
David Phips, Robert Temple, James Apthorp. At a meeting held at
Boston Sei)tember 29, 1759, the six tirst-named gentlemen were
chosen as the liuilding committee. In their letter of thanks to the society
for establishing the mission at Cambridge, dated November 24, 1759,
the committee say : " We have applied to a masterly architect for a
plan, and purpose to build a handsome church of wood." The architect
alluded to was Mr. Peter Hari'ison, then residing at Newport, Rhode
Island, whose designs of pub-
lic buildings have been much
admired for correct taste . He
was the architect of the Red-
wood Library, Newport, and
of the King's Chapel, Boston.
Christ Church, built from his
designs, at a cost, not includ-
ing the land, of about £1 ,300
sterling, seems to have been
always regarded as an edifice
of superior elegance. In his
sermon at the opening of the
church, which took place
Thursday, October 15, 17()1,
Mr. Apthorp says of it :
" Much has been done already
by your munificence towards
completing a structure, the
least merit of which is the
honor it does to our country by adding to the few specimens we have of
excellence in the fine arts." The " Massachusetts Magazine" for July,
1792, which gives an engraved view of the building, speaks of it as
" commodious and elegant." The Rev. Dr. Holmes, in his history of
Cambridge, says : "It is considered by connoisseurs in architecture as
one of the best constructed churches in New England." The vener-
able Andrew Burnaby, archdeacon of Leicester, England, in bis
"Travels through the Middle Settlements of North America" (1760,
p. 141), says : " A church has been lately erected at Cambridge within
sight of the College. The building is elegant, and the minister of it,
the Rev. Mr. Apthorp, is a very amial)]e young man of shining parts,
and pure and engaging manners."
The missions of the society in this country, though demanded of
the Church of England by so many considerations of duty to her
children, had been, on political as well as theological grounds, for
some lime regarded with alarm, particularly in New England. The
CHIilST CHURCH, CAMBRIDGE.
great learning;
590 HISTORY OF THE AiMKUICAN El^ISCOPAL CHURCH.
founding of the church at Cambridge, in the immediate neighborhood
of the college, and the appointment of so able and accomplished a
missionary, seems to have given rise to renewed distrust with regard
to the ulterior ol)jects of the society. Mr. Apthorp felt called u})()ii
to defend its proceedings, and pulilished, in 17()3, "Considerations on
the Institution and Conduct of the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel." This led to a sharp reply from the Rev. Jonathan Mayliew,
D.D., pastor of the West Church, in Boston. Dr. Thomas Seeker,
then Archbishop of Canterbury, published, in 1764, without his name,
a temperate and dignified answer to Dr. Mayhew, to which Dr. May-
hew replied ; and his reply was reviewed in 1765 by Mr. Apthorp,
then in England.
It was thought that the bitterness with which he was assailed in
this controversy was the reason of Mr. Apthorp's abandoning his
original purpose of returning to America. It was hinted that he had
an eye to the episcopate, in case bishoprics should be established in
the colonies. Upon settling in Cambridge he built a spacious and
costly mansion, the unwonted splendor of which caused many remarks.
Said the Rev. Dr. Mayhew, in one of his pamphlets : " Since the mis-
sion was established in Cambridge, and a very sumptuous dwelling-
house (for this country) erected there, that town hath been often
talked of by the Episcopalians, as well as others, as the proposed place
of residence for a bishop." In another he amusingly surmised that
" a certain superb edifice near Harvard College was even from the foun-
dation designed for the palace of one of the humble successors of the
Apostles."
No doubt, Mr. Apthorp's situation in Cambridge was rendered
uncomfortable by this controversy, and he the more readily embraced
the opportunity of preferment in England. In 1765 Archbishop
Seeker gave him the vicarage of Croydon, near London. For twenty-
eight years he continued vicar of Croydon, performing the duties of a
parish priest with exempfary diligence, and to the great satisfaction
of the inhabitants, by whom he was very justly revered, and who
showed their regard for him when he had lost his sight, by a noble
present of nearly £2,000 sterling. Here he foimd time for his
favorite classical and historical studies, and here, early in 1778,
he entered the list against the historian Gibbon by the publication of
" Letters on the Prevalence of Christianity before its Civil Establish-
ment, with Observations on a late History of the Roman Empire."
Soon after the appearance of this work Archbishop Cornwallis con-
ferred on him the degree of D.D., and collated him to the rectorship
of St. Mary-le-Bone, London. In 1790 he was made a prebendary of
St. Paul's Cathedral, and had the offer of the bishopric of Kildare,
which he declined on account of the state of his health. In 1793
Bishop Porteus, on the recommendation of Archbishop Moore, gave
him the ver^^ valuable prebend of Finsbuiy, attached to St. Paul's.
The remainder of his days were passed at Cambridge, England. After
bearing patiently a long sickness of six years he died at the advanced
age of eighty-four, and was buried with great honor in the chapel of
Jesus College, Cambridge.
SOME HISTORIC CHUIICHES. — NEW ENGLAND. 591
After the removal of Mr. Apthorp, the Rev. Mr. Griffith officiated
from December, 1764, till May, 1765. In the summer of 1766 the
parish obtained tlie consent of the Rev. Winwood Serjeant to become
their missionary, and requested the Rev. William Agar to officiate till
Mr. Serjeant's arrival. On September 1, 1767, Mr. Serjeant wrote
to the society informing them that he had entered upon his new cure.
He remained as missionary till the breaking out of the war. The Rev.
Dr. Cancr, writing from Boston to the society, June 2, 1775, says :
" Mr. Serjeant, of Cambridge, has been obliged, with his family, to
fly for the safety of their Vwqs, nor can I learn where he is concealed.
His fine church is turned into barracks by the rebels, and a beautiful
organ that was iu it broke to pieces." The Rev. Mr. Weeks, writing
from Marblchead in 1778, says : "Mr. Serjeant's parish at Cambridge
is wholly broken up. The elegant houses of those gentlemen who
once belonged to it are now occupied by the rebels." Mr. Serjeant
did not long survive his misfortunes, and the dispersion of his congre-
gation. He died September 20, 1780, at Bath, England, whither his
family had removed.
A large body of the tumultuous and unorganized provincial forces,
which crowded into the environs of Boston after the battle of Lexing-
ton, took ]iossession of the church, the colleges, and private houses in
Cambridge. At the time of the battle of Bunker Hill Capt. Chester's
company, from Wetherslield, Conn., seems to have been quartered in
the building. Geuei'al Washington arrived in Cambridge on Sunday,
July 2, 1775. On the 10th of July he wrote to the president of the
Continental Congress that the army suffered great disadvantages for
the want of tents. Their barracks for the winter were not completed
in the latter part of November, so that it miglit have been December
before the church was vacated. Mrs. Washington arrived at Cam-
bridge ou Monday, December 11th. On Sunday, the last day of the
year 1775, Colonel William Palfrey, "at the request of Mrs. Wash-
ington, performed Divine service at the church at Cambridge. There
were present the general and lady, Mrs. Gates, Mrs. Custis, and a
number of others." It is more than probable that service was per-
formed in the church on other occasions while the head-quarters
of the army were at Cambridge. Thei'e has always been a tradition
that General Washington was in the habit of worshipping there ; and
when the church was repaired in 1825, a pew which he occupied was
pointed out by a person who had been present.
For fifteen years from the breaking out of the revolutionary war,
or rather from the time when General Washington, with his house-
hold and others, solemnized the departing year by attending public
worship, Deceml>er 31, 1775, the church lay neglected and disgraced,
the doors shattered, and all the windows broken out exposed to rain
and every sort of depredation, its beauty gone, its sanctuary defiled,
the wind howling through its deserted aisles and about its stained and
decaying walls. No eflbrt appears to have been made for the renewal of
divine worship till the beginning of the year 1790. On the 14th of July
the church was again opened for service, when the Rev. Dr. Parker,
I'ector of Ti-inity Church, Boston, preached from Ephes. ii. 19-22.
592 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
The Rev. Joseph Warren had been "put into Deacon's orders "' by
Bishop Sealmry, for Christ Church, and officiated till Easter, 1791. The
Eev. Dr. "Walter and the Rev. William Montague, as assistant, then
served conjointly for a time. Readers were employed, amono; them
Theodore Dohon, aftei-ward Bishop of South Carolina, and Jonathan
Mayhcw Waiiiwright, afterward Provisional Bishop of New York. In
182.5 the Inulding, which had fallen into decay, was repaired and re-
opened July 30, 1826, a sermon being preached by the Rev. George
Otis, A.M. , one of the faculty of Harvard College. Of those who have
in later days served this ancient parish as rectors, two are now bishojjs
of the Church, — the Right Rev. Drs. Vail and M. A. DeAVolfe Howe.
Of those who have temporarily served in this congregation the Rev.
Dr. John Williams is now Bishoj) of Connecticut, and the Rev.
Horatio Southgate was the Missionary' Bisliop in Turkey. The Rev.
Dr. Thomas AVinthrop Coit, D.D., the Rev. Nicholas Hoppin, D.D.,
the Rev. Wm. Chauncey Langdon, D.D., and the Rev. James F.
Spalding, have been rectors of this historic church. It has been
recently repaired and restored to its former beauty.
^^Ck-^/^,^.
TRINITY CHURCH, NEWPORT, R.I., AND ST. PAUL'S CHURCH,
KINGSTON, R.I.
By the RT. rev. THOMAS MARCH CLARK, D.U., LL.l)., Cantab.,
Bishop (if Rhode Island.
TRINri'Y CUUKCll.
The Episcopal Church was established in Newport, R.I., by the
instrumentality of Sir Francis Nicholson, in 1698, and in 1702 what
was at that time called a " a handsome church " was completed and
occupied. A bell was presented to the church by Queen Anne, in
1709. It is a fact worth noticing that, in 171o, " the Minister, church-
wardens, and vestry, petitioned the Queen for the estal)lishment of
Bishops in America, setting forth the great benefits that would result
to the Church from such a measure."
In 1724 the number of conununicants, and other attendants uj)on
public worship, had so far increased as to call for the erection of a new
church, and in 1726 the tirst service was held in the edifice now stand-
ing. The building was originally seventy feet long and forty-six
wide, and was regarded by the people of that da}' as the most lieauti-
ful timber structure in America. In 1 762 the church was divided in the
centre and an addition made, lengthening the building thirty feet. No
other change has ever been made either in the interior or the exterior.
The spacious square pews, the lofty jiulpit, surmounted by the old-
fashioned sounding-board, with the large reading-desk and clerk's pew
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — NEW ENGLAND. ^)i)ii
lit its base, the hijrh galleries on three sides of the Ituildiiig, the tablets
on the chancel wall, — all remain as they were moi'e than a hundred and
tit'ty year.s ago. It is probably the only ecclesiastical edifice in the
land, of the same dale, which has never been touched by the ruthless
hand of innovation ; even the royal crown continues to glisten at the
to]i of the spire, which is explained by the fact that from 177G to
1771) the British fleet and army had possession of the island of lihode
Island. After the evacuation of Newport by the king's troops, the
church was entered and d('s})oilcd of the altar-})iece, consisting of the
king's arms, the lion and the unicorn, which was set up for a target:
but the other eml)lems of roj^alty, the crown on the spire and another
on the top of the organ, not being very accessible, were allowed to re-
main. The wardens' poles still stand in their place, indicating the pews
which were occupied by those high functionaries. The church appears
to be as sound and substantial as ever, and is likely to continue for
many yeans to come. Although the pews are not veiy convenient,
and the view of the chancel is nuich obscured hy the cumbersome pul-
pit and reading-desk, which occupy the middle aisle, there is no dispo-
sition to disturb the existing arrangement, and the church will probably
continue as it is until it falls a prey to the elements.
The connection of Bishop Berkeley with this ancient church, and
the fact that for some time he occn])ied the pulpit and ministered the sac-
rament in the chancel, just as tlicy now are, gives to the place a special
hallowed interest. He arrived in the harbor on the 2d of Sep-
tember, 1729, and notice was sent at once to the minister of Trinity
Church, who was at the time holding service, as it was a holy daj% and
after the l)euediction, the minister, wardens, vestry, and congregation
proceeded to the wharf to welcome the distinguished dean. The house
which he built on the outskirts of Newport and named White-Hall is
still standing, and the cleft in the " Hanging Rocks," on the shore,
which he fitted uj) with a chair and writing-desk, and where he is said
to have written " The Minute Philosopher,"' now goes by his name. The
organ, with its crown and two gilded mitres, which he gave to the church ,
occupies the same place where it stood nearly a century and a half ago,
and the remains of his child still slumber in Trinity church-yard, where
this inscription may to-day lie read, "Joining to the south of this tomb,
lies Lucia Berkeley, daughter of Dean Berkeley, Obit, the 5th of
September, 1 731 ." So long as he remained in Newport, the preaching
of the dean, as might have been expected, attracted great crowds to the
church. Some of our older churches here have of late been restored
to their original condition, as far as was practical ; but it is peculiar
to Trinity, Newport, that all things remain as they were in the begin-
ning. There may be a little warmer color on the walls, some slight
adornments, here and there, to suit the more florid taste of the times ;
but this is all, — steeple, and spire, and organ, and aisles, and pews,
and desks, and pulpit, and chancel, have seen no change. The men
and women of olden time, if they should rise from their graves, could
find their way to the old seat in tlie old pew without a guide, and hear
the same old clock strike the hour in the belfty, and walk by the same
winding way to take their places at the chancel rail.
594 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
ST. PATJL'8 church.
Before the year 1700 a number of families attached to the Church
of England had settled in what was known as the Narragansett country,
and worship was held in private houses until the year 1707, when the
church was built, which is now known as St. Paul's, Kingston. The
date of its erection is still legible over the main door, and it is I^elieved
to be the oldest Episcopal church now standing in the northern part
of the United States. It was erected on a site five miles north of the
place where it now stands, and removed to its present position in
the year 1800. The original burying-ground is still presei-ved, with
the sexton's house at the entrance, and a few years since a massive
granite cross was placed on the spot, once occupied by the chancel of
the church, in memory of the Rev. Dr. McSparran, for many years the
minister of the parish. A new church has been erected in the village
of Wickford, not far from the ancient edifice which occupies a position
on an eminence commanding the bay. Occasional services are held
in the old building, which is carefully protected from decay. Like
Trinity Church, Newport, no changes have been made in the Narra-
gansett church, as it used to be called, except that the chancel, which
formerly stood on the east side, has been removed to the north side,
where the pulpit and reading-desk stood. Some vestiges of the
drapery that once adorned this part of the church still remain, ))ut the
faded and blackened fragments give no token even of their original
color. All the arrangements of the interior of the building are
clumsy, unsightly, and inconvenient ; it is evident that timber was very
abundant when this church was built, a hundred and seventy-five years
ago, and architecture in that region a thing unknown. The time was
when roads did not exist in the Nan-agansett country, that sixty or
seventy horses might be seen tethered about the church premises on
a pleasant Sunday morning, each with its pillion for the accommoda-
tion of the women and children, and it was a very aristocratic as-
semblage that gathered there for worship. Several distinguished
clergymen officiated there from time to time ; among them may be
mentioned Dr. McSparran, author of a work on the colonies, entitled
"America Dissected." Printed in Dublin, 1753. The Eev. Mr.
Fayerweather, who died in 1781, and whose body lies beside the re-
mains of Dr. McSparran, in the old church-yard; the Rev. William
Smith who succeeded him, and from whose pen we have the office in
the "Book of Common Prayer," for the "Institution of Ministers into
Parishes or Churches," and who, perhaps, did more than any one else to
introduce chanting into our services.
The early records of this parish are very full and in excellent
preservation. They contain a great deal of material which no rector
in our times would think of entering in his parochial record-book, and
some of which might, with much propriety, have been omitted.
^^^;2?^iL<ct ^ ^^^<c.^.
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — NKW ENGLAND.
595
THE OLD NARRAQANSETT CHURCH.
liv T1I13 KEV. DANIEL GOODWIN, M.A.,
Rector of St. Luke's Church, East Greenioich, if./.
The section known in coloniiil times as "the NaiTagan.sett Coun-
try" lay in the sonthern portion of the present State of Rhode Island,
upon tiie mainland, west of ^'arragansett Bay. Sometime previously
to the year 1700 several families attached to the worshij) of the Church
of England had settled within this territory, and held occasional
services in private
houses. In the year ^^_
1 706 the Rev. Ciu-is- ^ "
toplier Bridge liecame
their first ])astor, and
in the following year
was ereet(^d, liy the
voluntary subscrip-
tions of the residents,
the Xarragansett
Church, the oldest
Eitiscopal ecclesiasti-
cal structure still
standing in New
England.
Tiie church was
constructed ( )f timber,
after the familiar pre-
vailing Puritanical
meeting-house style
of architecture, with
two tiers of win(low>
entirely around it inid
a broad door oi)ening
directly into the inte-
rior. A lofty pulpit,
surmounted by a
canopy, with a mod-
est reading-desk in
front, stood at the head of the middle alley, while roomy, square pews
occupied most of the floor. Above was a broad gallery extending
around tlne(» sides and affording almost as much seating space as there
was below.
The most distinguished of the rectors of St. Paufs Church was
the Rev. ,Janies McSparran, D.D., a missionary of the venerable so-
ciety, judged by some to lie the ablest .sent out to America during the
colonial period. He was appointed to the position in 172(1. and re-
mained in it until his death, in 1757.
In those days the Narrasransett countrv was noted for its exten-
ini; OLD N.vRH.^OANSErr CHmicn.
59(5 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
sive plantations, its retinues of slaves, and its profuse hospitalitj'.
Prominent among the families was that of the Gardiners, from which
the young missionary chose his wife, a sister of Dr. Sylvester Gardi-
ner, the founder of the city of that name upon the Kennebec.
On a bright Sunday morning, one hundred and lifty years ago,
the quaint church must have been the centre of a scene most pleasant
to behold, and of a character of which the memory has almost van-
ished. There were then no carriages of any consequence owned in
NaiTagansett, the narrow roads being little fitted to their use, and
almost everybody depended upon the saddle as the means of convey-
ance. At an early hour, perhaps, arrived the portly doctor upon the
back of one of the famous Narragansett pacers, with his fair consort
upon a pillion behind, the two having ridden leisurely from their com-
fortable glebe-house, a couple of miles away. Thick and fast follows
the congregation, — the Phillipses and the Ballburs, and the Updikes
and the Gai-diners. Not impossibly Ga))riel Bernon, one of the tirst
vestrymen, has come down the twenty-seven miles from Providence
to worship once more with his former neighbors.
The prevailing sect in the colony at this period is the Quaker,
))ut it is no ])lain company in dral) and brown that is gathering within the
walls of this rural sanctuary. Gay cavaliers in scarlet coats escort
richly dressed dames, such as look down upon us from the canvases
of Smil^ert and Copley. Casting your eye up into the ample gallery,
you oljserve groups of ebony-skinned servants, in the defence of
whose right to all the privileges of the church the good doctor is
strenuous. If our Sunday is one not later than 1731, it may be that
the genial Dean Berkeley, often a visitor in Narragansett, has come
over from Newport to delight the congregation with one of his philo-
sophical sermons or l)ring a smile to their faces by his honest declara-
tion, "Give the devil his due, John Calvin was a great man."'
But sad days were in store for the quiet temple on the Narragan-
sett hill-side. Ere the century was over the sound of strife penetrated
the region from the great world without, and for years the doors
were shut, the Church of England sharing the unpopularity of every-
thing associated with the mother-country. The house of God was
turned into a barrack for rude soldiers, and patriotic songs leplaced
those of Zion.
After the smoke and din of war had passed away, and the cen-
tury was nearing its close, the church was reopened, a little congrega-
tion was gathered and ministered to by such men as Fayerweatherand
William Smith, the compiler of the Institution office, while the newly
consecrated Bishop Seabury sometimes favored it with his presence.
It was soon found, however, that the population around the old
church had so largely changed and diminished that a new site had
become desirable. Accordingly, in the last month of the last year of
the eighteenth century, it was voted that the edilicc, which had main-
tained its position for nearly a hundred years, should be removed to
the more thriving village of Wickford, iive miles to the nortliwai'd.
But the enterprise was not accomplished without considerable opposi-
tion. The surrounding inhabitants could ill bear to lose the venerable
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. - NEW ENULANI). 597
landmark with wliicli tliey and their t'atlicrs for tliree or four irenera-
tions had been familiar. Strange superstitions had grown up and
mingled with more enlightened and hallowed associations. It was
conlidently believed that when a member of one of the neighl)oring
families was to be removed by death duo and awful warning of the
fact was always given by the Hashing of weird spectre lights from the
windows of the tenantless temple at night. Even when the removal
was actually undertaken there is a tnidition that the jiowers of the air
intervened to hinder the desecration, tiie workmen, who liad l)egun to
make prepai'ations, being more than once driven away by a tierce tem-
pest. But tinally the plan prevailed and the anti(]ue editice was set
up where it now stands, with the addition of a neat tower and spire.
For two or three generations the old church-yard, whence the sanc-
tuary had been removed, lay neglected antl almost forgotten. There,
beneath the tall grass, slumliei'ed, in one common level, the brave
master and the humble slave of the regime which had passed away
forever. The grave of Dr. McSparran, who had been buried under
the communion-table, was left utterly unmarked and liare, save as
kindly Nature spread over it her soft, green turf. At length, how-
ever, in 18(39, the diocese of Rhode Island, tardily acknowledging
her del)t to the mother-church of P^ngiand. erected over the si)ot a
massive memorial cross of granite, with suitaltle inscrii>tions.
For nearly a iialf century after its removal the old church con-
tinued to be used by St. Paul's parish, A\'ickford. until a new house
of woi'ship was erected. Not to mention others who ministered
within its walls, it should l)e rememl)ered that the saintly Griswold
fre([uently hallowed it by his presence. For the last thirty-tive ^^ears
the \'enerMble editice has been only occasionally opened tor services in
mild summer weather. At such times the re{)resent:itives of the
original families have joyfully gathered in large munl)ers, and
thronged the old familiar pews of their ancestors. The ancient, well-
worn service-books ha\e been brought out from their hiding-j)laces
and laid u]ion the flesk, and again the antiipiated structure has re-
sounded with prayer and praise and Scripture and sermon.
About fifteen years ago the steeple, although nearly a century
newer than the rest of the church, fell on a perfectly windless night.
Subsecjuently, some repairs were made ui)on the building, and an in-
scrij)tion recounting the main dates in its history placed over the cen-
tral door. Now "the old Xarragansett Church," already become a
shrine whither the eager feet of many a pious piigi'im are wont to hasten,
bids fair to stand a half century, or even a century longer, as a witness
of the zeal of the fathers for tiie w'orshiji of the living God.
598 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — THE MIDDLE STATES.
THE HISTORIC AND ANTE-REVOLVTIONABY CHURGHES OF LONO
ISLAND.
El- HENRY ONDERDONK, Jr., A.B., Cantab.,
Author of thf " Antiquities of the Parish Churches of Hempstead and Jnmaiva, L.J."
The parish church of Jamaica dates from 1702, being the first
Church of England on Long Island, and the earliest recipient of the
bounty of the iSociet}' for the Propagation of the Gospel. That so-
ciety sent over the Rev. Patrick Gordon, with an allowance of £50 per
annum, as rector of Queen's County. Unfortunately Mr. Gordon
died at Jamaica the day ))efore he was to have officiated, and was
buried beneath the pulpit of the church, on the 28th of July, 1702. By
a law of the colony, as then interpreted, the stone edifice (erected
in 16'J9 by the town) became the property of the Church of England,
and as such was occupied for divine worship till 1728. After the
death of Mr. Gordon, Lord Cornbury, the governor, appointed the
Eev. James Honyman to the cure, Avho served till the arrival of the
society's second missionary, the Rev. William Urquhart, who was in-
ducted July 27, 1704, and lived in undisturbed possession of the church
and parsonage till his death, the last of August, 1709. Public services
were kept up in the church by the neighboring clergy till the arrival
of the society's third missionary, the Rev. Thomas Poyer, who, having
been sliipwrecked on the south shore of Long Island, had to journey
one himdred miles by land to his parish, where he was inducted July 8,
1710. Mr. Poyei"'s faithful labors were continued here, through much
trial and suffering, till the 15th of January, 1732, when he went where
the weary are at rest. He had never been allowed to set foot in the
parsonage, and, in the eighteenth year of his ministry, was ousted
from the church, in a suit brought by the town, \vherein the judge was
charged with unfair ruling. The majority of his ijarishiouers, being
dissenters, annoyed him in many ways, often refusing to pay his
salary, and in his recourse to law he sometimes lost his suit.
The Rev. Thomas Colgau, having been recommended to the
society by the rector and wardens of Trinity Church, became their
foin-th missionary at Jamaica. He continued public worship in the
county court-house, as his predecessor had done, till 1734, when, by
the favor and liberality of Governor Crosby and other contributors, a
half acre of land was bought, and a building erected thereon, which was
opened, April 5th, with considerable ceremony, for divine worship,
by the name of Grace Church. It Avas thought to be one of the
handsomest churches in North America. In 1737 the pews (thirty)
were sold. In 1747 a bell was liought from the proceeds of a lottery.
After a peaceable and pros})erous ministry Mr. Colgan ceased from his
labors in December, 1755, and was buried in the chancel of his church.
In January, 1757, after some difficulties, fomented by the dissent-
ers, a suitable successor to Mr. Colgan was found in the Rev. Samuel
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. —MIDDLE STATES. 599
Seabui-y, Jr., who was transferred from New Brunswick to the living
of Jamaica, and remained till 1766, when he left for lack of sufficient
support, and was instituted, Deceml)er 3, in St. Peter's Church, West-
chester.
In 17(il the church obtained a charter, which empowered it to
receive legacies and gifts, manage its temporal affairs, and have a vestry
of its own, elected by and out of its communicants. There was now
a doul)le set of vestrymen, — one elected by the voters of the three
towns of the parish, the otiier by those in communion of the Church
of England. The parish vestry, with the justices of the peace, levied
and disbursed the minister's and poor tax, as heretofore.
Newtown was a component ]Mni of the parish of Jamaica till the
close of the revolutionary war. In I7t>4 a place of worship had been
erected, and repaired by tax levied on all the inhabitants of the town
alike ; but the dissenting minister having gone elsewhere, by the favor
of the gover;K)r, it was put in possession of the Eev. William Urquhart.
Services were held monthly. In 1715 the building was much dilapidated.
In May, 1735. a building was erected on a lot of twenty square rods,
given by the town for a church in 1733. In 1760 it was repaired and
the steeple reltuiU, in which was hung a l)ell given by Mr. Provoo.st, a
relative of the future l)ishop. William Saekett, by will, left the
church a house and laud of the yearly value of £30 or £40.
The church erected in 1735, though altered, is still standing, and
is used as a Sunday school-room.
Flushing was also n component part of tlie parish of Jamaica, till
the close of the revoiutionarj^ war. Being inhabited chiefly by
Quakers it had no house of worship other than a Friends' meeting-
house, and when the society's missionaries held their monthly ser-
vices there they were forced to occupy the town-hall or an old guard-
house west of the village pond.
In 1746 Capt. Hugh Went worth gave money and half an acre of
land to set a church upon. At tirst it was enclosed barely sufficient to
keep out the weather ; but in 1760 it was finished with a steeple and boll.
^•^vWxz:^ /^ ^^^w:^**^^^
niSTORIC CHURCHES OF NEW JERSEY.
Bv THE REV. GEORGE M0RG4N HILLS, D.D.,
Rector 0/ St. .)fary'a C/iiircfi, Burlington, 2T. J.
ST. Mary's church.
On the i3th of July, 1695, "several persons. Inhabitants in and
about Burlington, together with John Tatham, Edward Hunloke and
Nathaniel Westland," bought a piece of land on Wood street near
000 IIISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUUCH.
Broad, tor a "Christian burying ground. " On tlie 16th of Septem-
l)er, 1702, this ground was enlarged, and tlic whole fenced in. On the
29th of October, the missioners, Keith and Talbot, reached Burlington.
Keith's " Journal " says : —
November 1, Sunday. We preached at the Toun-IIousu, at Burlington (the
Chm'ch not being then built) and we had a great Auditory of diverse sorts, some
of the (Jhureh, and some of the late Converts from Quakerism. Mr. Talbot
[n-eached before Noon, and 1 in the Afternoon. My text was John 17, ;!. t'ol.
liamilton, then Governour, of AVest .Jersey, wa-s present both Forenoon and After-
noon, and at his Invitation, we dined with him.
Feb. 21, Sunday, 171)2. I preached at lUirliiigton, in West .Tersey, on Rorn.
10, 7, 8, 9 and Feb. 22, I baptized the wife of Mr. Rob. Wheeler and his three
children and fi\e others : in all, 9 persons. He and his wife had been Quakers,
but are c(jme over to the (_'hm-eh.
Feb. 20, 1702-3, Keith writes to the Bishop of London : —
The people well affected to the Church, have gathered two hundred pounds
towards building a Church at Burlington, in W. Jersey; they are to begin to build
as they have told me, this Spring.
On the 6th of March, the land adjoining the "Christian Iturying
ground" on the south, being the lot on the corner of AVood and
Broad streets, was liought by Nathaniel Westland. Robert Wlieeler
and Hugh Huddy, as " fleotiees in Trust, for the Erecting a Church and
other buildings, as occasion may serve for Charitable uses," "for the
sum of Twenty Pounds of Currant Silver money within the Province."
On the 10th April, 1703, Mr. Talbot writes : —
Last Lord's day 1 was at Burlington, the chief town in West Jersey, where I
have preached many times in a house hard by the Quakers meeting . . " after Ser-
mon I went out with the rest of the people, and laid the corner stone of Saint
Mary's Church.
May 3d, he writes : —
I was at Burlington last Lady day, and after prayers we went to the Ground
where they were going to build a Church, and I laid the first stone, which I hope
will be none other than the House of God and Gate of Heaven to the People. Coll.
Nicholson, Governor here, was the chief founder of this as well as many more;
and indeed he has lieen the Ijcnefactor to all the Churches on this land of North
America. God bless this C'hurch, and let them prosper that love it. We called
this Church St. Mary's, it being upon her day.
Keith's " Journal " says : —
August 22, Simday, 170i'). I preached at the New Church at Burlington, on
2 Sam. 23. 3, i. My l^ord Cornbury was present and many Gentlemen who accom-
])anied him, both from New York, and the two Jcrscyx, having liad his ("'ommission
to be Governour of Wc^t and East Jersey, Read at the Town House there, some;
Days before. It was the first Sermon that was preached in that Church.
On the 2d April, -J^4, Nath. Westland, Hugh Huddy, Robert
Wheeler, William Budd, and thirteen other men, sent a petition to
England, in which ihey say : —
The Reverend Mr. Keith on his first arrivall appointed a time and place to
road out of the Quakers' authors their grosse errors l)ut they refused to lie.ar him
and continue to revile and reproaeh him for exposing them, but we of the Chui'ch
SOMK HISTORIC CHURCHES.— MIDDLE STATES. 601
of Engl.aml members have a ^'eat value forliim for liis good instructions and great
Pains amongst us to confirm us in tlio true ortliodox doctrine, and hatli also bi-ought
over sundry of liis former friends Quakers who are now joined witli us. These
encom-agcments caused us sometime since to joyn in a subscription to build a
churcli here, which tho' not as yet near finished, have heard many good sermons in
it from the Rev. Mi'. Keith and the Rev. Mr. Jno. Talbot whom next to Mr. Keitli
we liavc a very great esteem for, and do in all hmnility, beseech j-our Lordships
ho may receive orders from you to settle ^\ath us, and indeed he is generally so
respected by us that we should esteem it a great happiness to enjoy him, and we
liave great ho])es God Almighty will make him very Insti'umentall not only to con-
firm and build us up in the true orthodox doctrine, but also to bring many over
from the Quakers, lie being so very well qualifyed as we presume thereto. Our
circumstances att present arc so that we cannot without the assistance of your Lord-
ships maintain a minister, tho' we are in hopes as Quakerism decreases our
church members will enerease so that in time we may be enabled to allow a Rev-
erend Minister such a competency as to have a comfortable subsistence amongst us.
On the 4th October, 1704, Lord Cornbury granted his Warrant
for a Patent to Incorporate Chnrch- Wardens and Vestrymen under
" the name of St. Anne's Church in BurHngton." This charter, signed
"J. Bass, by His Excellency's command," JNlr. Bass subsequently in-
forms us "by some unaccountable neglect, had omitted to pass."
October 20, 1705, Mr. Talbot "writes to Mr. Keith, who had
returned to England : —
Coll. Nicholson took Bills of Mr. Bass for the money in hand, £70, Pensylva-
nia money, and gave it all to the Churches in these Provinces, v.'ith Bills of Ex-
change to make it up to £100 sterling, besides what he subscribed to the Churches
to be erected at Hopewell, Elizabeth Town, Amboy and Salem. We have made it
appear that he has exhibited to the Chm'ches in these Provinces about £1,000;
besides, what he has given to particular persons and the poor would amount to
some hundreds more, which we did not think fit to mention. He is a man of as
much prudence, temperance, justice, and fortitude as any Governor in America,
without disparagement to any, and of much more zeal for the house and service of
God. I have seen four of them together at Church ia Burlington, but in the after-
noon their place had been empty had it not been for the Honorable Governor
Nicholson ; so that I can't but obsei-ve tho example of his piety in the Church,
is as rare as his bounty towards it ; no wonder then that all that love the Church of
England are fond of Governor Nicholson, who is a true son, or rather a nursing
father of her in America.
Keith's " Journal " has this minute : —
Mr. Talbot has Baptized most of them who have been Baptized since our Arri-
val among them, and particularly all the Children, both Males and Females of Wil-
liam Budd, who foi-merly was a Quaker-Preacher, but is come over from Quakerism,
to the Church, with diverse others of the Neighbourhood, in the Comitiy about the
Town of Burlington, who come usually to the Church at Burlington on the Lord's-
Da}^ ; some of them Six, Eight, and some of them Ten, or Twelve Miles, and some
of them more.
On the 2d November, 1705, fifteen of the clergy, including several
of the Church of Sweden, met in Burlington, when an address was
drawn up, signed, and sent, under cover to the Bishop of London, to
the S. P. G.
This address, with a letter commendatory of Mr. Talliot, was sent
by his hand to England. He returned to America in 17U7-8, and
"acquainted us that he had presented our humble Address to Her
602 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Majesty, and the other Letters that we sent ; and that Her Majesty
had been graciously pleased to give us Lead, and Glass, and Pulpit
Cloth, and Altar Cloth, and a Silver Chalice, and Salver for the Com-
munion Table and a Brocade Altar Cloth ; and that she had also sent
Lead, and Glass, and Pulpit Cloths, and Altar Cloths for the Churches
of Hopewell and Salem, which we received by the hands of the
Honorable Col. Robert Quarry. He also brought us an Embossed
Silver Chalice and Patten, the gift of Madame Catharine Bovey, of
Flaxley."
Jan. 25, 1700, a charter was granted to "The Minister, Church-
wardens and Vestrymen of the Church of St. Mary in Burlington,"
by which " the Rev. Mr. John Talbot, Rector, Mr. Robert Wheeler,
and Mr. Geoi'ge Willis, Church-Wardens, and Col. Daniel Coxe,
Lieut. Col. Huddy, Alexander Gritfith, Her Majesty's Attorney
General, Jeremiah Bass, Her Majesty's Secretaiy of this Pi'ovince,
and sundry others, were constituted a Body Corporate."
In Ajjril, 1711, the church received from the Hon. Col. Roljert
Quarry " the gift of a large silver Beaker vv'ith a cover well-engraved
for the use of the Communion."
Oct. 29, 1712, Governor Hunter, in behalf of the S. P. G., con-
summated the purchase, for "£G00, sterling money of England," of
"the mansion-house and lands," for a bishop's seat. This property a
few years before was described as " the Great and Stately Palace of
John Tateham, Esq., pleasantly situated on the North side of the Town,
having a very fine and delightful Garden and Orchard adjoyning to it."
Its domain, of fifteen acres, was bounded on the north by the Delaware
river, on the east by Assiscunk creek, on the south l)y Broad st., and
on the west by what was afterwards called St. JNIary st. It was " as
level as a bowling green." The posts of its fences were cedar ; the
covering of its roof, lead ; and there were offices and a coach-house
and staljles, and every appointment to make it at once the grandest and
— for want of a purchaser — the cheapest establishment in America.
A bill was ordered to be drafted to be offered in parliament for estab-
lishing bishoprics in America ; but, before its introduction, its great
patroness. Queen Anne, died. Jlr. Talbot, who, for twenty years,
had been incessant in toils, and importunate in appeals for what he
deemed the chief need of the provinces, sailed for England in 1720,
leaving the parish with ex-Governor Bass as lay-reader.
Returning to America in 1722, Talbot, on the 13th of July, 1724,
made over for the use of his successors, the rectors of St. Mary's Church,
forever, more than two hundred acres of land, which he had pui'chased,
with a legacy of £100 left by Dr. Frampton, the deprived Bishop of
Gloucester.
Sept. 7, 1724, Talbot writes : —
I pro;\ch once on Sunday morn and Catechise or Homilize in the afternoon. I
read the prayers of the Church, in the Church, decently, according to the order of
Jloming and Evening Prayer, daily througli the year, and that is more than is done
in any Church that I know, apud Americanos.
In 1725 Talbot was discharged from the service of the S. P. G.,
SOME IIISTOKIC CHUECHES. — MIDDLE STATES. 003
and ordered by the Governor to "surcease officiating." He died in
Burlington, Nov. 20, 1727, universally beloved and lamented.
In 1730 the Rev. Rol)ert \V"cyman became rector of St. INIary's, and
remained till his death, Nov. 28, 1737, "leaving this world with an uni-
versal good character as a true and faithful lal)orcr in God's vineyard."
On the 10th of May, 1738, the Ilcv. Colin Campbell, M.A., arrived
in Burlington as minister of the i)arish. In 1712 he founded the
church at Mt. IIoll}^, and served it together with St. Mary's. His mis-
sionary rectorship continued until his death, Aug. 9, 17G(!, — a period
of nearly twenty-nine years. " He was faithful in the Discharge of
every Trust, and particularly of his most Sacred Trust, as a Minister
of the Gospel of Jesus."
On the 25th of July, 1767, the Rev. Jonathan Odell, M.A.,
reached Burlington, and the next day was inducted into the rectorship
by His Excellency William Franklin, Esq., Governor of New Jersey.
In 1768-9 Mr. Odell was a leading spirit in founding the Corpora-
tion for the Relief of Widows and Orphans of deceased Clergymen,
and was its first secretary. In 1769 he enlarged St. Mary's Church
by an addition of twenty-three feet westward ; placing a new bell in
the l)elfry, and silk hangings, furnished by the wife of Governor
Franklin, on "the pulpit, desk, and taljlc." In 1771 he resumed the
practice of medicine, for which he was educated, declining the salary
from the parish till the dcl)t for enlarging the church should Ije paid.
At the out])reak of the Revolution, as a subject of Great Britain
and a clergyman of the Church of England, he used all efforts to pre-
seiTe peace. In October, 1775, two letters of his were seized and
referred to the " Council of Safety," and afterwards to the Provincial
Congress, who declined to pass censure against him.
A few days after the Declaration of Independence, Dr. Odell's
parole was taken, restricting him to a circle within eight miles of
Burlington. In December, 1776, he was hidden by a Quakeress, in a
secret chamber of her house, from a party of aimed Tory-hunters ;
and in the evening was placed in other lodgings, whence he escaped,
leaving his wife and three children, (he youngest not five weeks old.
The vestry, on the following Easter, voted that his salaiy be contin-
ued, notwithstanding his absence, — a pleasing proof of their attach-
ment. During his ministr}^ — a period of nine years and five months
— the "Parish Register" has twenty-six closely filled pages of neatly
and accurately kept records ; the totals of which arc : Baptisms, 249 ;
ISIarriages, 122 ; Burials, 131 ; — a very large exhibit. The first ten of
these pages are "attested" at the foot of each by "Jon. Odell, Min-
ister, William Lyndon, Abrm. Ilewlings, Wardens." This rare, if not
the only, instance of this kind in this country, originated under Canon
70, James I., 1603.
Under date "New York, January 25, 1777," Dr. Odell wi'ites : —
Since the cteolaration of Independency the alternative has been either to make
such alterations in the Liturgy, as both honor and conscience must lie alarmed at,
or else to shut up our Churches and discontituie our attendance on the public Worshi|).
It was impossiljle for me to hesitate a moment in such a case, and 1 tind that many
of the Clergy in Pennsylvania, and every one in New Jersey (Mr. Blackwell only
C04 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
accepted) have thought it their indispensable duty in tliis perplexing situation
to suspend our public Ministrations rather than make any alteration in the established
Liturgy. At tlie same time, we were persuaded tliat in every other respect to
pui'sue a conduct inoffensive, if possible, even in the eye of om- Knemies, was what
the Society both wislied and expected from us & what we owed to our own char-
acters as Ministers of the Gospel.
CHRIST CHURCH, SHREWSBURY.
The first services of the Church of England in jNIonmouth county
were held by the Rev. Alexander Innes, of Middletown, East Jersey.
Feb. 2(5, 1702-3, Keith writes to the Bishop of London : —
Col. Morris is a very good friend to the Church, and a promoter of it, and was
very kind and assistant to us, and is veiy regular in his family, and his Lady is
a very pious and good Woman, his family is a little Church ; he useth the Common
Prayer hi his family daily, and on Sundays his neighbours come to his house as to
a Church, and at times Mr. Innes pveacheth in his liouse. I suppose your Lord-
ship remembereth Mr. Innes, a good man, but a nonjuror.
Keith's " Journal " says : —
October 24, Sunday, 1702. I preached at Shrewsbury, in East Jersey, at a
House near the Quakers' meeting-house, and it happened that it was the Time of
the Quakers' Yearly Meeting at Shrewsbury: My Text was 2 Pet. 2, 1, 2. The
Church Prayers being read before Sermon, we Iiad a great Congregation, generally
well affected to the Chm'ch, and diverse of theiu were of the Church.
December 25, Friday, bein^ Clu-istmas day, I preaclied at the House of Mr.
Morris, on Luke 2, 10, 11. And after Sermon diverse of the Auditory received
with us the Holy Sacrament ; both Mr. Morris and his Wife, and diverse others.
Mr. Talbot did administer it.
October 17, 1703, Srmday. I preached at Shrewsbury, near the Quakers
Meeting there, on Psal. 103, 17, 18.
October 24, Sunday. I preached again there on Heb. 8, 10, 11. And Mr.
Innesse baptized two Men and a Child.
Between 1703 and 1705 a church building was erected.
October 20, 1734, the Eev. Mr. Forbes, missionary for Mon-
mouth county, reports, " that upon his arrival he found many Persons
zealous for the Church of England worship ; that he hath baptized
about seventy Persons, one a Alan upwards of thirty years of age, a
young Woman of about nineteen, and several Children of five and six
Years of Age : that in that County where he is the only Missionary,
there is one very fair and handsome Building for a Church, and besides
that three other Places for the Accommodation of People who live at
a Distance ; where he is oI)liflred to ofiiciate not without Fatiijue and
Expense."
In 1744-5 the Society's "Report " says, " The Churches in Mon-
mouth County are placed under the Rev. Mr. [Thomas] Thompson, a
Fellow of Christ College in Camln-idge."
In 1747-S jNIr. Thompson reports, "that they have almost finished
a neat Church, and that in the year he has baptized sixty-one Children
and sixteen white Adults, one Nogroe Adult, and two Mulattos, and
received fifty new Communicants."
This was the second church building. It was of stone.
In 1751 the Rev. Samuel Cooke, a graduate of Cambridge, Eng-
land, became the missionary. In 1765 he had the care of the churches
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. —MIDDLE STATES. G05
at Shrewsbury, Middletown, and Freehold, but afterwards gave up
the last. The corner-stone of a third edifice was laid in 1769, the
building being constructed after plans furnished by the Rev. William
Smith, D.D., pi-ovost of the College and Academy of Philadelphia.
In 1773-4 Mr. Cooke reports "that the Church at Shrewsliury
is so far finished as to be made use of; that it cost upwards of 800/.
and the inside will cost 200Z. more."
c^^, c^^^2^.
TEE UNITED CHURCHES OF CUEIST CHURCH AND ST. PETER'S,
PHILADELPHIA.
By the rev. THOMAS F. DAVIES, D.D.,
Rector of St. Peter's, Philadelphia.
CHEIST CIITJECH.
The historj' of Christ Church, Philadelphia, is far more than that
of a local church, or an individual parish. It is interwoven with that
of the colonial days and the revolutionary struggle ; there were
ofiered up the prayers of the gi'eat founders of the republic, and there
were accomplished the unification of the Church and the ratification of
the prayer-book.
It was in the year 1695, twelve years after the founding of Phila-
delphia, that measures were first taken to erect in the growing city a
building for the worship of Almighty God after the fonns of the
Church of England. A lot 140 feet by 132 w^as obtained on the west
side of Second street above High, and a church of moderate size was
completed within the year. " The population of Philadelphia," says
Dr. Dorr, " at that time could not have been more than four or five
thousand, and the building then erected, though humble in its size and
architecture, must have been a goodly structure for a city then in its
infancy."
No authentic traditions enable us to determine its plan or dimen-
sions, or even the material of which it was built. It was probably
partly of wood and partly of Ijrick. The congregation increased so
rapidly that the cliureli required enlargement in 1711, and on the 27th
of Api'il, 1727, the corner-stone of the present church was laid by the
Honora1)le P. Gordon, governor of the province of Pennsylvania.
The walls of the new building rose around those of the old in which
the congregation still worshipped, and the edifice was completed in its
present form in 1744. The architect was Dr. John Kearsley, and its
stately l)eauty and admirable proportions do lasting honor to his skill
and taste. The chime of bells, proverbial for the sweetness of its
tones, was placed in the tower in 1754.
Interesting memorials of the colonial days are found in the valuable
library which began to be gathered in 1695, and was subsequently en-
t;06 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
riched by gifts from Queen Anne, and by the generous contribution of
Ludovic Christian Sprogell in 1728 ; in the coraraunion plate, which
bears upon one of its flagons and chalices the inscription "Anxa Regina
in usum Ecclesiae AaglicancB apud Philadelphium A.D. 1708;" in
the royal arms carved in wood whicli adorned the pew of the governor
of the province; in the medallion bass-relief of George II., which
had its place until the Declaration of Independence in the eastern gable
of the church, and in the funeral escutcheon or hatchment of Robert
Smythe, sometime Chief Justice of New Jersey by appointment of the
Crown.
It would require far more than our permitted space to recall the
many hallowed associations which cluster around this sacred edifice
and render it dear to the heart of every American churchman. It will
suffice to mention a few.
Here, for six years, while President of the United States, Wash-
ington was an habitual worshipper. Hither, upon Thursday, the 20th
July, 1775, upon the day set apart Ijy its authority to be observed
through all the American provinces as one of humiliation, fasting, and
prayer, the Continental Congress came in a body from the State-House
to attend divine service and listened to a sermon founded upon the
14th verse of the 80th Psalm ("the American Vine"), from the Rev.
Jacob Duche, assistant minister of the parish.
Here, upon the 27th September, 1785, was held the first General
Convention of the American Church, and also the second, in June of
the following year. Here, upon the 14th September, 1787, the con-
vention of the diocese elected the Rev. Dr. William White, Bishop
of Pennsylvania. Here, also, assembled the General Convention of
1789, when the whole American Church was for the first time rep-
resented, the illustrious Seal)ury, the first in the line of American
bishops, lieing in attendance, with clerical deputies representing New
Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut. This convention will be
ever memorable in our history for the ratification of the prayer-book
in its present form, and for the happy accomplishment of that which
had been ardently desired rather than confidently expected by all true
churchmen, — the unification of the Church in all the dioceses under one
constitution.
It is worthy of mention also that three of the signers of the
Declaration of Independence were pew-holders of Christ Church, viz.,
Benjamin Franklin, who served for several years as a vestry-man ;
Francis Hopkinson, the rector's warden, who gave his services for a
period as organist, and received the thanks of the vestry " for his labour
of love," and Rolwrt Morris, the financier of the Revolution, and
brother-in-law of Bishop White.
During its history of nearly two hundred years Christ Church has
been presided over by twelve rectors, — jjcrhaps it would be more
accurate to say by eleven, for the death of the Rev. Mr. James ensued
almost immediately upon his accession to the rectorship. The list is
headed l)y the Rev. Thomas Clayton, who was sent out by Dr.
Compton, Bishop of London, in 1G95. He is described as "a zealous
and faithful pastor," and died after a ministry of some three years from
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. —MIDDLE STATES. G07
a contagious disease contracted in the discliarge of his pastoral duty.
The Eev. Evan Evans, D.D., 1700-1718, was unwearied in his hibors
both in his parish and in all the surrounding country. lie retired with
impaired health to a smaller cure in Maryland in 1718, and died in
1721. The vcneral)lo society recorded upon its minutes "tiiat he had
been a faithful missionary, and had proved a great instrument towards
settling religion and tlie Church of England in those wild parts." The
Rev. John Vicary, 1719-1722, was succeeded by the Rev. Ralph
Welton, D.D., who had received Episcopal consecration from one of
the non-juring bishops. lie was recalled to England in 1726, and
was succeeded by the Rev. Archibald Cummings, who fuKiilcd his
ministry " with good success and great satisfaction to the people " until
his death in 1741. Tlic next rector, the Rev. Rol)crt Jenncy, LL.D.,
had for many years done good service as a missionary of the venerable
society in Westchester county, N.Y. , and at Hempstead, L.I. He died
in January, 1762, in the 7Gth year of his age and the 53d of his
ministry, having been rector of Christ Church more than nineteen years.
The Rev. Richard Peters, D.D., 1762-1775, was a liberal benefactor
of the parish. He resigned, on account of the infirmities of age, in
September, 1775, and was followed by the Rev. Jacob Duche, the
senior assistant, who had already acquired, from his perfect elocution
and fine voice, great reputation as a reader and preacher. It was he
who ofl'ered the first prayer in the Continental Congress on the 5th
September, 1774. Becoming disheartened as to the success of the
American cause he withdrew and went to England in December, 1777.
His successor was the Rev. William White, D.D., who had served for
seven years as an assistant minister in the parish. He was elected
rector on the 15th April, 1779, and held the otEce until his death in
July, 1836. He was a native of Philadelphia, and was l)aptized in
infancy in Christ Church. The whole of his long life was passed in the
city of his birth, and before the eyes of the same community which has
never ceased to hold him in most profound and filial veneration. Dr.
White was consecrated Bishop of Pennsylvania at Lambeth, 4th
February, 1787.
The successor of Bishop White in the rectorship was the Rev.
John Waller James, who lived but four weeks after his accession to
office. The Rev. Benjamin Dorr, D.D., was elected rector on the 9th
March, 1837, and fulfilled his duties with distinguished ability and
purity until his death, 18th September, 1869. The Church is indebted
to him for the scheme of its endowment fund, to which he left a liberal
bequest, as well as for the gift of his valuable library. He was suc-
ceeded l)y his assistant, the Rev. Dr. Edward A. Foggo, under whose
faithful labors the endowment fund has been completed, and the
vigorous life of the parish maintained.
ST. PETEIl'S CHURCH.
Among the valuable papers of the Penn fiimily preserved in the
Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania is a document
which throws light upon the origin of St. Peter's Church, Philadelphia.
It is a petition bearing date August 1, 1754, signed by a number of
608 HISTORY OF THE AMEKICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCII.
the leading citizens of Philadelphia and addressed to the proprietors
of the province. Its prayer was for the grant of a lot on the south-
west corner of Third and Pine streets for a church and church-yard
for the use of members of the Church of England. The proprie-
tors generously responded by the donation of the valuable lot extend-
ing from Third to Fourth street.
No farther steps, or at least no decisive ones, were taken until
June 20, 1758, when the following entry is found in the minutes of
the Vestry of Christ Church : " It is unanimously agreed that another
church is much wanted ; and it is proposed that the taking and col-
lecting the suljscriptions, and conducting of the affairs relating to the
building and finishing the said intended church, shall be under the
management of the IMinister, Church- Wardens and Vestry of Christ
Church for the time being." Mr. Joseph Sims was appointed treas-
urer, and Dr. John Kearsley, the architect of Christ Church, was chair-
man of the committee charged with the duty of securing subscrip-
tions and preparing a plan for the new church. At a meeting of the
vestry held a week later, June 27th, the plan was submitted and ap-
proved, and the work directed to be entered upon without delay. The
dimensions were to be the same as those of Christ Church, ninety feet
by sixty, with the pulpit and reading-desk at the west end and the
chancel at the east. The organ was to be placed in the middle of the
north gallery, facing the pew in the south gallery reserved for the
honorable proprietaries, and in the cupola were to be hung the two
bells originally used in Christ Church.'
In accordance with those plans St. Peter's Church was erected,
and in August, 1761, the announcement was made to the vestry that
it was ready for the opening service. The aged rector. Dr. Jenney,
was so far incapacitated by age and infirmity as to be unal^Ie to give
his personal attendance, but he was requested by the vestry to name
the preacher for the occasion. His choice fell upon the Eev. Dr.
Richard Peters. Dr. Peters' engagements not permitting him to
undertake the duty, the rector's choice next fell on the Rev. Dr.
William Smith, provost of the College of Philadelphia. The sen-ice
was held September 4, 1761. The sermon by Dr. Smith, which was
subsequently printed, was founded upon 1 Kings viii. 13, 27, 57, 60.
The history of St. Peter's Church until 1832, when it became a
separate corporation, is identical with that of Christ Church. Neither
church was willing to sever its connection with the venerable rector.
Bishop White, who accordingly remained rector of each until his death
in 1836. The Rev. Dr. William H. De Lancey, then provost of the
University of Pennsylvania, had been chosen assistant minister of
St. Peter's Church in 1833, with the right of succession, and entered
upon his office as rector directly upon the death of Bishop White.
Dr. De Lancey vacated the rectorship upon his consecration as
the first Bishop of Western New York, i\Iay 0, 1830. His ministry
was marked by the erection of a building for the Sunday-school
(which gave place to a larger one in 1872) , and by the establishment of
' The larprer of these hells now hanfrs in the the smaller in that of Ghi-ist Church Chapel, Pine
lower of the Chapel of Christ Church Hospital, street, above 19th.
SOME IirSTOIUC CHURCHES.— MIDDLE STATES. 609
the parish day-school, which still continues in successful operation.
Dr. Do Lancey was succeeded by his assistant the Eev. Dr. William
H. Odenheimer, who discharged his office with unsurpassed energy,
ability, and faithfulness, until his consecration as Bishop of New Jersey,
Oct. 13, 1859. He was succeeded by the Itev. Dr. Geoi'ge Leeds, now
rector of Grace Church, Baltimore, in April, 18G0. The present rector,
the Rev. Dr. Thomas F. Davies, was elected February 22, 18G8.
The I'ectorship of Dr. Odenheimer is memorable from the fact that
he was the first to restore, with the cordial and unanimous concurrence
of his vestry, to the American Church the daily service of morning
and evening jjrayer, and the celebration of the holy communion on
every Sunday and holy day throughout the year. During his rector-
ship the to'wer and spire at the western end of the church ^vere built,
a chime of eight bells having been presented in 1842 by Benjamin C.
Wilcocks, Esq., a member of the congregation. This is the only
architectural change in the exterior of St. Peter's Church since its first
erection. The only internal change was made in 1785, when a galler}'
for the organ was built over the chancel, the space occupied by it in
the north gallery being required for additional pews. With the ex-
ception of Independence Hall, St. Peter's Church is the only building
of the last century in Philadelphia which retains its original features.
The square pews with their high, straight backs, the aisles paved with
stone and marble, the lofty pulpit with the sounding-board above, and
the reading-desk beneath — all endeared to the congi'egation by un-
numbered and most hallowed memories, remain as they were in the
beginning. The prosperity of the parish has suffered little abatement
ti'om the lapse of time, and its future maintenance is secured by an
endowment fund, the plan of which was prepared by the Hon. Horace
Binney in April, 1872.
Among the distinguished clergymen who have served as assistant
ministers may be named the Rev. Robert Blaclcwell, D.D., 1781—1811 ;
the Rev. James Abercrombie, D.D., 1794-1832; the Rev. Jackson
Kemper, D.D., 1811-1831; the Rev. James Milnor, D.D., 1814-
1816; and the Rev. William A. Mulilenberg, D.D., 1817-1820.
Two or three facts of interest may be added. It is recorded by
Bishop White, in a letter dated Nov. 28, 1832, that Washington,
during one winter before his presidency, while in Philadelphia, at-
tended regularly at St. Peter's Church.
The first sermon by Bishop White, on his return from England as
bishop, was preached from the pulpit of St. Peter's, and there he also
preached his last sermon on the Sunday three weeks before his death.
It was in this church that he held his first confirmation, Nov. 10,
1787, and also his second, Dec. 12th of the same year, the first class
numbering forty-four, and the second thirty-five. The largest
confirmation ever held by him was in St. Peter's, Easter eve,
INIarch 28, 1812, when the number confirmed was one hundred and
seventy -five.
We are permitted to make the following extract from " Notes of
the White family." by Thomas H. Montgomery, Esq., a great- gi'and-
son of the bishop : —
610 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
The early part of the married life of Bishop White was passed in the house
at the South West comer of Pine and Front Sti-eets, upon the site of which now
stands St. Peter's House, that noble establishment of St. Peter's Church. Some
months before his marriage he had been appointed one of the Assistant Ministers of
Christ Church and St Peter's, — and as junior Assistant his duties may have been
given principally to St. Peter's Chiu-ch, — hence the reason for establishing himself
in its near vicinity. In his study in this house were planned upon the close of the
War all the measures looking to a Union of the Clergy and Congregations of the
Commonwealth, out of which grew the federate IJnion of the Chm-ches in all
the States forming the American Church.
In .1 letter to Bishop John Inglis, of Nova Scotia, Feb. 11, 1826,
Bishop White says : —
It is as you suppose a great gratification to me to behold our Church so in-
creased and increasing, since its organization was begim in my parlor in the spring
of 1784.
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES.
MARYLAND (DIOCESE OF EASTON).
By the RT. rev. HENRY C. LAY, D.D., LL.D.,
Bishop of Eaaton.
KMMANUEL CHURCH, CHESTERTO'SVN.
This church was ordered to be built in 1768, but it was not
6nished till after 1770, when another act was passed assessing £360
on the parish to be applied to the finishing it, and enclosing the bury-
ing ground. It was l)uilt of brick, sixty feet long by forty wide,
two stories high, with a stone foundation. This was, at first, a chapel
of ease, — the parish church being about five miles north-west of
Chestertown. In 1801, 1834, and 1845 this church was repaired, and
on the 8th of February, 1882, after having been "remodelled and
changed from an inconvenient building, difficult to speak in, into a
church of admirable acoustic properties," it was consecrated by Bishop
Lay, by the name of Emmanuel Church. There was neither record
nor tradition to show that it had ever had a name till the time of its
consecration.
ST. ANDREW'S CHURCH, SOMERSET PARISH, PRINCESS ANNE.
It having been represented to the General Assembly of Maryland
that "The Chapel of Ease, called King's Mill Chapel, is much decayed
and will in a little time be dangerous," the vestry were authorized
to sell King's Mill Chapel, and purchase two acres in Princess Anne,
and build a chapel thereon. On the 31st of March, 1767, the
vestry agreed that the new chapel should be sixty feet by forty, exclu-
sive of the chancel arch, and the contract for building it was made.
May 12, 1767, the vestry paid for the lot. The bricks for the church
were made on the lot.
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES. 611
March 6, 1770, the vestry refused to receive the chapel, the work
not havinj; been done accordino; to agreement. But on the 9th of
July, 1771, it was received by them.
On the 11th of November, 1845, the church was consecrated by
Bishop VVhittingham.
ST. PAUIi'S CHURCH, ST. PAUL's PARISH, KENT COUNTY.
On the 27th of August, 1711, " a brick church" (the one then
and since known as St. Paul's, Kent) " was ordered to be built just
by the former one," which was of wood, "to be 40 feet by 30, with a
circle at the east end." On the 2d of February, 1713, the builder
delivered the church to the vestry.
During the ministry of the Rev. James Sterling, between 1740
and 1763, an addition was made on the north, doubling the size. It be-
came cruciform, but without a head to the cross. The pulpit was over
the south door. It was consecrated by Bishop Whittingham in 1843.
ALL-HALLOWS, ALL-HALLOWS PARISH, SNOW HILL, WORCESTER COUNTY.
In June, 1748, was passed an Act to levy on the taxable inhab-
itants of All- Hallows Parish eighty thousand pounds of tobacco, to
build a parish church of brick, on part of the ground laid out for pub-
lic use, in Snow Hill town.
The building was probably begun in 1749, but could not have
been finished until after 1756, as in May of that year another Act was
passed levying a further tax of forty-five thousand pounds of tobacco
towards the completion of Snow Hill Church. It is rectangular, and
very plain. Within are two tablets, with inscriptions in gilt letters.
The lettering, even now, is fresh and bright. One is to the memory
of the daughter, who died in 1769, and the other of the wife, who
died in 1771, of the rector of the parish. The dead of six generations
lie in the church-yard, and it is still used as a burying-ground.
A wooden church was formerly on or very near the site of this.
ST. Luke's church, st. luke's parish, queen anne county.
In 1728 this parish was taken from St. Paul's, and made a
separate cure. A chapel of ease was then in use, which stood within
the present chm"ch-yard, and hard by the site of the present church.
The work upon this — henceforth to be the parish church — began in
the summer of 1730, and was finished by the end of 1731. With the
close of the Revolution, the glory of this church began to wane, and
though we find that in 1 793 Bishop Claggett confirmed here a class of
thirty, yet darkness soon settled upon it.
In 1826 Bishop Kemp reported it was in a ruinous condition.
In 1841 Bishop Whittingham speaks of the " venerable, but
dilapidated edifice." The next year, 1842, he records that he "ofii-
ciated with deep thankfulness to God ... in the partially
repaired and reopened Church of St. Luke's, at Church Hill." Forty
years afterwards it was thoroughly' restored. The old walls stand as
they were originally built one hundred and fifty years ago. The spa-
612 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
cious apsidal chancel, the lofty, arched ceiling, the hip roof, have all
been retained: and the 7th of March, 1881, it was reopened, and
rededicated by Bishop Lay. In the church-yard around lie buried the
dead of nearly two centuries.
ST. LUliE'S, WYE, TALBOT COUNTY.
In 1694 this church was a chapel of ease within St. Paul's par-
ish, which embraced the whole of Queen Anne and Caroline and part
of Talbot county. As AVye chapel very soon after needed renewal
it must have been standing for a number of years, even at that earlj'
date. The present church was built between 1717 and 1721.
Between 1830 and 1836 this church became so dilapidated that it
could no longer be used as a place of worship. A few years later '' it
became necessary that Bishop Whittingham and three friends should
reach a certain steamboat landing, very early in the morning. The
way led them near this old church. Going to it they found that the
church had become a stable. The cattle were driven out, and then,
standing in the desecrated chancel, in the gray light of the morning,
the bishop said ' Let us pray,' and the four brethren knelt together.
He poured out his soul in supplication, entreating the Lord to revive
his work, to build the old waste places and make the sound of praise
to be again heard in this house called by his name. The service ended,
the}^ liarred the entrance with fence-rails and went their way. But.
before they had left the building they contributed what was the
foundation of a fund for the restoration of the church,"^ and on the
20th day of July, 1854, this ancient temple was set apart, by Bishop
Whittingham, to the worship of God, and has since been in constant
use. It is surrounded by a grove of the most venerable oaks.
ST. MARY'S church, NORTH ELK.
The earliest known document relating to this church is a manu-
script letter from the vestry of the parish (North Elk) to the Bishop
of London, in 1715. They say that "notwithstanding we have been
made a Parish by the laws of our Country about nine years and, in the
time, have buildcd a Church," they are destitute of a minister. In
1742 an act was passed authorizing the inhabitants of St. Mary Anne
(North Elk) parish to raise £800 for building " a new church of ])rick
in the same place where the old one stands." In 1743 the church was
built. It is fifty-five feet by thirty, the walls thirteen feet high and
eighteen inches thick.
From 1706 to 1835 this parish, with very partial exceptions, was
vacant. In 1836 it was reported to the convention that " St. Mavy
Anne's Church, which for many years had been neglected, was dilapi-
dated, and the vestry room was fitted up for service."
In the report to the convention of 1845, we learn that " St.
Mary's, the ancient and venerable parish church, having never been
consecrated, tho' built more than one hundred years ago, was conse-
crated by Bishop Whittingham, Sept. 3, 1844.""
'Abbreviated from Braud's "Life of Bp. Whittingham."
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES.
t)13
TRINITY' CHUKCH, CHURCH CREEK, DORCHESTER PARISH, DORCHESTER
COUNTY.
In l(i!l4 tlic council ordered the vestries of the parisiies Ijcloug-
ing to Dorchester county to l)uild a chapel of ease in each parish, in
some place lying most convenient to the parishioners. This was at
that time one of the parish churches. In 1801 Dr. (afterwards Bishop)
Kemp reported that "the Parish Church is in ruins." In l.S(),S, "that
the Church lias lately been partially repaired, but is hardly comfort-
able. Since the Revolution they have never had a regularly settled
minister, but one year." In 1841 Bishop Whittinoham reports to his
convention that "the venerable ))uilding greatly needs the completion
of repairs, begun a few years ago." It was repaired in 1852, and,
April 17, 1858, was consecrated by Bishop Whitehouse, acting for
the Bishop of Maiyland. In his report of the consecration he says,
" This building is one of the oldest in Maryland, and, having fallen into
decay, has been now judiciously restored. The old Bil)le and one
piece of Connnunion plate go back to the reign of Queen Anne. The
cushion on Avhich I knelt at the Lord's table was used, it is said, in the
coronation of that Sovereign. It is of rich crimson velvet, of large
size, and, the tradition is, was presented by Bishop Spratt."
I^AaO^ C. . '^COA^
MARYLAND.
Bt the rev. GEORGK A. LEAKIN, A.M.,
Rector of Triniti/ Church, BaUimore, Md.
ALL-HALLOWS CHURCH, ALL-HALLOWS PARISH, ANNE ARUNDEL COUNTY.
This quaint structure is one of the few buildings remaining as
originally con-
structed about the
3^ear 1692. The
walls are the same,
and nothing, save
repair necessary to
its preservation , has
interfered witli its
original design.
The bell bears date
of 1727, and it is
proposed in the res-
toration to rebuild
the tower taken
down early in the
present century.
.;>»"•
■»^».' \'ti'
ALI.-HAI.I.OWS PARISH CnriUll, MAKYL.VND, lUILT 1692
and give voice again to those tones which have, for more than one
614 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
hundred and fifty years, called the faithful to prayer throughout the
surrounding country.
ST. Margaret's, Westminster parish, anne arundel county.
The old Marley Chapel is the only ante-Revolution church edifice
in this parish of which there is the slightest visible trace, and that has
for years been given over to the owls and bats. It is about nine miles
from Baltimore, near the bridge, over Marley Creek, which empties
into Curtis Ci'eek, a tributary of the Patapsco. It is in the woods,
built of brick ; its walls are in good preservation, but the interior is
greatly a1)used. The walls are discolored ; the roof broken ; the
doors and shutters unftistened ; the pews and furniture removed.
Returning from the deserted sanctuary, with some gathered wild-flow-
ers, we could unite in the Psalmist's grief: "Thy servants think upon
her stones, and it pitieth them to see her in the dust." May the time
soon come when the long-suspended worship of our ancestors shall be
resumed by their descendants.
^ ^ e?C£cU4^
COLONIAL VIRGINIA.
Bv TUE REV. PHILIP SLAUGHTER, D.D.,
historiographer of the Dioceae of Virginia.
JAMESTOWN.
The picturesque ruin at Jamestown, on the James river, in
the parish and county of James City, marks the site of the first
fort, the first town, the first church, and the scene of the first legis-
lature, the first baptism, the first holy communion, and the first mar-
riage, in the first colony, permanently planted by Englishmen on the
continent of America.
Although this ruin does not represent the church in which good
Master Hunt officiated (1607-8), yet it is the last link in a chain
which connects it with that " Church in the Wilderness." As we look
back we see the landing of the pioneer pilgrims, prominent among
whom were Newport, "Master of Transportation," Capt. Smith, the
first hero and historian of Virginia, and the gallant Percy, who fixes
the 14th May as the day of the first landing. We see the Indian
warriors, "armed for strife," lurking in the forest, and springing at the
war-whoop from every bush and glen. We see the flames of sedition
quenched by the gentle Hunt, with "the water of patience," followed
by the holy communion. We see the worshippers, in their first temple,
sitting ui)on unhewn logs, within walls of rails, and Master Hunt
standing upon a bar of wood nailed to two trees telling of the " Good
News," and making the forest resound with the burning words of the
old liturgy.
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES. 615
Such was the first church in the wilderness until " they built a
homely tiling on crochets, and covered with sedge and earth." And
yet they had daily " comniou prayer ; every Sunday two sei-mons,
and every three months the communion, till our minister died."
The next winter this humble place of worship was burned, and
though the preacher " lost his library and everything he had but the
clothes on his back, yet none heard him repine, and, till he could not
speak, he never ceased to urge us to persevere." Upon these facts
the comment of the chronicler is, "Questionless his soul is with God."
In the spring " the Palace stayed," as a thing needless ; and the
church was repaired (or rebuilt).
On the 23d day of June, 1610, Sir Thomas Gates arrived from the
Bermudas with the ships " Patience " and "Deliverance," two cedar ves-
sels, bringing with him another clergyman. Rev. Richard Bucke.
He found the colony reduced by starvation and pestilence to fifty
persons. The first place he visited was the "ruined church," "and
having the bell rung, such of the people as could crawl, joined in the
sorrowful prayers of Mr. Bucke." Gates embarked the sui-vivors and
fell down the river with the tide, " none dropping a tear" at bidding,
as they thought, a final farewell to Jamestown. But being met by
Governor De La War, they returned. His lordship's first act on
landing was to fall upon his knees on the ground in prayer. Thence
he went in procession to the church and heard a sermon from Mr.
Bucke. The captain-general gave orders (says Strachey) "for repair-
ing the Church." De La War's health failing, he was succeeded. by
Sir Thomas Dale, who was attended by Whittaker, a graduate of
Cambridge, who "left his warm nest in England for the high and
heroical end of preaching the Gospel to the Gentiles," and who earned,
by his devotion unto death, the title of the "Apostle of Virginia." It
was he who baptized and married Pocahontas.
When Sir Thomas Argall reached James City, May, 1617, he
found " five or six houses and a ruinated Church." Say the planters,
in their " Declaration : " "The store-house was used for a Church."
In 1619, when the captain-general arrived, " he found a Church
50 feet by 30, built of timber at the sole charge of the inhabitants,"
so that this could not have been the church which De La War visited
with so much ceremony, and which he caused to be kept "so sweet
and clean and trimmed with flowers ; " as that church was sixty feet
by twenty-four.
Sir George Yardley convoked the tk'st legislative body on this
continent, and it met in the church. "The most convenient place we
could find to sit in was the Quire of the Church, where Sir George
Yardley sat in his usual place — the Council on either side, the Sec-
retary before him, the Sergeant at the Bar — and forasmuch as men's
afiiiirs do not prosper when God's service is neglected, all the Burgesses
took their place in the Quire until prayer was said by Mr. Bucke, that
God w* sanctify all our proceeding to his own glory and the good of
this plantation. They then passed into the Church and were sworn."
They took measures for erecting a university and college, and for the
education of the Indians.
616 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Next followed in succession Governors West, Pott, Sir John
Harvey, and Sir Francis Wyatt, when, in 1640 (says Neill, who does
not cite his authority), twelve houses were built, one of brick by
Secretary Kemp, " the fairest in the colony," and, at the same time,
"the first brick Church in Virginia was commenced."
We know but little of the history of this church but that it
is associated with the successive governors, Sir Francis Wyatt, Sir
William Herkeley, Kempc, Burnett, Digges, ^Matthews, and Berkeley
(again), till the burning of Jamestown by the so-called rebel, Nathan-
iel Bacon. We know little of the ministers who filled the interval.
The truth is, the clergy had been the occasion of so much scandal
that lay-readers were preferred. Governor Berkeley said: "The
worst are sent over to us, until the persecution in Cromwell's time
drove divers worthy ministers hither;" and Godwyn, grandson of
a bishop of Hereford, says that " two-thirds of the pulpits in Virginia
were filled with leaden lay-priests of the vestries' ordination ; " and
adds that " with short intervals, Jamestown was without an ordained
minister for twenty years."
When "the metropolis" was burned by Bacon, it is described by
a contemporary as "running east and west about f of a mile
upon the river, and having some 16 or 18 houses, most (as is
the Church) of Brick, faire & large, & in them is about a dozen
families (all the houses not being occupied) who get their living
by keeping ordinaries at extra-ordinary prices." The town was laid
in ashes, including the church. The Assembly met at Green Spring
in 1676, and at the private house of Mr. Thorpe, at Middle Planta-
tion, in 1677, and returned to James City in 1679, where it continued
to meet until 1699, when it sat at the college. There is nothing in the
Acts of Assembly about building another State-house at Jamestown ;
and Hugh Jones says, as late as 1724, "that the town consisted of
heaps of Ijrick rubbish, with thi"ee or four dwellings." There was an
old church, two miles from Jamestown, called " The Church in the
Maine." Under this church was a brick vault, in which had been
divers coffins ; on the plate of one was the name of Elizabeth, wife of
Rev. Mr. Bland and daughter of William Yates, once president of the
college. In the yard was the tomb of " Rev. William Gough, died
January 1683-4, minister of this place," as says the epitaph.
It may be that this church was substituted for the one burned,
and that when the church of " James City, or Jamestown" (by both
of which names the town was called), was spoken of, this one Avas
meant. Bishop Madison, who was one of the ministers of Jamestown,
certainly ofiSciated at this church after his removal to Williamsburg.
The original graveyard contained half an acre, covered with
sycamore and mulberry trees. The bricks of the old enclosure, and
some from the church, were used about 1796 b}^ Wm. Lee, of Green
SiJring, and John Ambler, in protecting the tombstones. The tower is
eighteen feet square, and the foundations of the church are still marked
by the bricks.
President Tyler said that " when a boy of sixteen he was present
at the Centennial Celebration of 1807, and saw Bishop Madison, stand-
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES. 617
iug OH a tomb, open the services with prayer. The occasion, the
scenery, the broken .spire, the tombs, the tall and graceful form of the
suppliant and the full tones of his sonorous voice, made an impression
which time in no deo;ree cilaced." The Travis house and the Ambler
house are gone. The fragments of the tomlis have been carried off by
remorseless relic-hunters. The river is uearing the ruin, and soon the
metropolis of the ancient Colony and Dominion of Virginia will live
only in story and in song.
HENRICO CITY (HENRICOPOLIS) , CHARLES CITTIE (ciTY POINT), AND
THE CITV OF RICHMOND.
Another line of radiation from Jamestown was up the river to
the city of Henrico, at Farrar's Island (Dutch Gap), and Charles City,
and Bermuda, at the mouth of the Appomattox. Here churches were
built of wood, and the foundations laid of a brick church, at Hen-
ricopolis (named in honor of the Prince of Wales), which was to be the
seat of a university for the education of Virginian and Indian youths.
The proposed university and preparatory scliool opened the hearts of
bishops, presbyters, and eminent laymen of England. Collections
were ordered in every diocese. Thousands of acres of river-bottom,
overlooked by the imposing site, were appropriated. Carpenters,
bricklayers, and other artisans, young men and maidens (for wives),
were sent there. Donations, in money, plate, Bibles, and church or-
naments, were poured into the college coffers. A church of wood was
erected, and the foundations of a brick church laid. The pastor, Whit-
taker, and Superintendent Thorpe were earnest and active, and all
things seemed ready for realizing the hopes of the adventurers.
But the brilliant promise was blighted in a single night by the tragic
massacre of li!22. The timely warning of a faithful Christian Indian,
who revealed the plot to Pace, with whom he lived, alone saved the
colony from utter extirpation. Henrico City developed into Henrico
parish and county, with the court-house at Varina, and the mother-
church at Curies. It was at Varina that Stith, the rector of the parish,
wrote the history of Virginia. The fine lands of the col lege ultimately be-
came the property of the Randolphs, whose seats, Turkey Island, Varina,
Curies, Wilton, Chats worth, etc., ran along the river with the progress
of population towards the present site of the city of Richmond.'
In 17.39 it was decided to build a church on the hill called "Indian
Town," probably because it was near '"Powhatan," one of the seats of
the Indian chieftain of that name. The site was given by Colonel
Byrd. The dimensions were to be sixty by twenty-five feet, and the
pitch fourteen feet; the cost £.317 10s. current money.
The first meeting of the vestry recorded in the books wns in 1750,
the church having been finished some years (proba]>ly in 1740) and
supplied with lay-readers. It was then known as the " Upper Church,"
by wliich name, as also "Richmond Church," and the " Church on
Richmond Hill," it was alternately called until 1829, when it first ap-
pears in the vestry roll as " St. John's Church."
' Bancroft iuadvei-tently (we suppose) makes the present site of Richmond the site of Hcd-
ricopolis.
OlS IIISTOKV OF THE AMEUICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
It is ii plain structure of wood, in the form of the letter T, with a
sharply-ridged roof; it has a spire of modern construction, and a hell
of surpassing melody. The yard, filling a square, is enclosed hy a
wall of brick. It is furrowed with graves, historical with tombs and
inscriptions, and embowered in fine trees.'
Three wars have raged around the old church, and still it stands,
the pride of Kichmond, and a shrine to which pilgi-ims and strangers,
as well as citizens, often wend their way. It has survived its mother.
Curies, and, indeed, every other colonial church on the north bank of
the river to Jamestown, with the exception of old Wcstover ; and on
the south side every edifice to " old Merchant's Hope," in Martin's Bran-
don parish. It overlooks the seat of Powhatan, and the "Falls" of
the river, where Newport and Smith erected a cross, with the inscrip-
tion, "Jacobus Rex, 1607."
St. John's still possesses the baptismal font which belonged at
Curies. The sounding-board which reflected the voice of Buchanan
has done the like office for his successors. The old bell calls to prayer
with a voice as sweet as when it first waked the echoes of the neigh-
boring hills. l)ut independently of the services and memories which
endear old St. John's to the Christian heart, it has a world-wide
interest as the scene of the convention of 1775, which met to concert
measures for putting in motion the American Revolution, and that
of 1789, for ratifying the Constitution of the United States.
wood's church, dale parish ; SAPPONY CHURCH, BATH PARISH, AND
BLANDFORD CHURCH, BKISTOL PAP.ISH.
The tide of population which ran up James river, depositing
settlers at intervals upon its banks, was in part deflected at the mouth
of the Appomattox and ascended that river (rivers being the only
roads) and its tributaries, meeting towards the north currents of colo-
nists who had come from the upper James, and like currents from
Surrey and Isle of Wight, and combining with them flowed onward
to the Blue Mountains. In this area, comprehending what is now
known as the " South side " (of James river) , new parishes were in-
stituted, and new churches erected, to keep pace with the onward
progress of the population. Most of these structures have perished.
Some have been restored, and others are tottering to their fall. It
would l)e a sad talc to tell of the sacrilegious hands which have l)een
laid upon some old altars, and of the base uses that have been made
of fonts and sacramental chalices and patens. Of the colonial edifices
which remain I have only space to note a few. Old AVood's Church
(named for a prominent pioneer) is one of the oldest of all wooden
churches extant, having been built in 1707. Its frame, which has out-
lasted several restorations of its outer coverings, is still sound. It
stands in Dale parish, about five miles from Petersburg. It has been
appropriated by the Methodists, and is notable as having been, in days
gone by, under the care of the Rev. William Leigh, father of the jurist
and statesman, Benjamin Watkins Leigh.
' Services at Ciii'les and at Chiipcl seem to have been kept up till 1773, when the earliest
extant vestrv-book ends.
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES. 619
Sappony Church is in Bath parish, and is worthy of commemora-
tion as the scene of the Inhors of the Rev. Devereux Jai'ratt, who, in
the dark days of the Church (1768-94), when the iircs on her altars
burned low, by his elocjuence and evangelical fervor, rekindled the
smouldering embers on many hearths and in many hearts. After the
Revolution, he never lost his faith, but predicted that "the old
Church would rise from the dust and again be a praise in the
land." It was of this man and this church' (Sappony) that Bishop
Moore was speaking when he said to the convention of 1818 : "When
I entered within its walls I felt that I was treading on holy ground,
and I could not forbear supplicating Heaven that the mantle of this
holy man of God might fall on me." -
BLANDFORD CHURCH, BRISTOL PARISH.
The town of Blandford, which has been absorbed by Petersburg,
was for many years the centre of commerce, of society, and of relig-
ion. It owed its prosperity to the trade in tobacco (chiefly) with
Glasgow, whose merchants kept factories in Blandford, Dumfries, and
other towns in Virginia. These " Tobacco Lords " were the great folk
of Glasgow. They promenaded the Irongate in long scarlet robes and
portentous wigs, and other men gave way as they passed. Virginia
street, in Glasgow, perpetuates the memory of these merchant princes.
Blandford shared this prosperity, and the Scottish Gordons, Ramsays,
Murrays, j\Iaitlands, and others were leading men "on change," and
in the church, and, intermarrying with our Virginian maidens, have
transmitted their blood to many of our best people. Among the law-
yers who illustrated the bar of Blandford were William Davies, grand-
son of Samuel, president of Princeton, and the grandfather of the
present Bishop of Virginia : and George Keith Taylor, who married
the sister of Chief Justice iNIarshall. There are those now living who
have dim memories of sumptuous dinners, merry marriages, and
shining equipages, which made Blandford the centre around which the
social circle revolved.
But a change has come over her. The sounds of revelry are no
more heard in her halls, nor the voices of her merchants "on change,"
nor the pleas of lawyers at her bar, nor the words of preachers in the
old pulpit ; and a poet of Petersburg, William Murray Robinson, has
sung her dirge in lines that will live after him.^
As our Virginia "Old jMortality" (Charles Campbell) long ago
said, " Blandford is now chiefly remarkable for the melancholy charm
of a moss-velveted and ivy-embroidered colonial church, whose yard
is the Petersburg cemetery, at present in the most picturesque phase
of dilapidation." This church was begun in 1734, Colonel Robert
Boiling, Major William Poythress, and Captain William Starke, were
the building committee, and Thomas Ravenscroft^ was the contractor.
1 Sappony CIhutIi was built by ordci- of the 'Whittle, and Bcclvwith were associated with the
vestiT of 13ristol parish, which then included it, south side of James river by their having been
in 17^7 ; a f;ood substantial frame building, forty born or having lived within it.
by twenty feet, underpinned with rock-stone and ^This poem may be seen in the author's
fm-nished with fitting ornaments. " Bristol Parish."
2 It is wortliy of being noted that Bishops ' Bishop Ravenscroft was born near Bland-
Ravenscroft, Otey, Cobbs, Atkinson, Lay, ford.
620 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
The church is always called in the vestry books, " The Brick Church
on Wells Hill."
In 1752 an addition was made "to the North side of the Church
of thirty by twenty feet & James Murray, Kobert Boiling & Col.
Bland wore authorized to build pews in the South end of the addition,
for their families, at their own expense, & the Churcii was enclosed
with a l)rick wall five feet hiijh." Col. Richard Bland was the con-
tractor for £400, and Col. William Poythress was given leave to enclose
a place within the church-jard as a burial place for his family.
During the last century the heights of the Appomattox were
crowned with country seats, where higli-ljred planters and I'ich mer-
chants kept open house, and dispensed an elegant hospitality to all
comers.
Cawson's, conuuanding a view of the two rivers, with their wooded
isles, of Bei-muda Hundred, City Point, and in the distance Shirley,
was the seat of the Blands. The spacious mansion, with its wings and
ofEces ; its broad avenues and winding walks ; its green turf and
shrubbery, represented in the Kew World the baronial seats of Old
England. Here was born the celebrated John Randolph, of Roanoke,
the gTandson of the proprietor. Col. T. Bland.
Not far off was Kippax, the seat of Robert Boiling, who married
Jane Rolfe, granddaughter of Pocahontas.
On the other side of the river was Cobbs, the seat of John Boil-
ing, and of his descendants, and here was thej^rs^ institution /or teach-
ing deaf mutes in America.
Higher up on the same side was Matoax, whei'e still, under old
oaks, are to be seen the tombs of John Randolph and of his wife, the
parents of John of Roanoke.
Then within sight of the church, was Green-Croft, the seat of Sir
William Skipwith. " Conjuror's Neck," of the Kennons ; BoUingbrook
of the Boilings ; Puddledock of the Herberts and Harrisons ; Mans-
field Athold, Branchester, and others, were near at hand.
These with the Fcilds, Mays, Joneses, Murrays, Robertsons, Poy-
threses, Atkinsons, Mores, Maitlands, Shores, Stiths, RufEns, Walkers,
Armisteads, Taylors, etc., etc., were the successive vestrymen and
members of Blandford Church, justices of the peace, and leading
l)oliticians.
The town of Blanchford declined with the declining century, and
as it went down the old church was left alone in her glory, — a sad and
silent sentinel at the gates of the citadel of tombs.'
ST. John's church, hampton.
Another line of radiation from Jamestown, the original centre,
was (1610) to Kecoughtan (variously spelled). It is said l)y all our
authors that this Indian village, visited by the English at their first
coming, was the site of the present town of Hampton ; but in Captain
Smith's map Kecoughtan is set down on the eastern bank of the river,
whereas Hampton is on the western bank. The settlers petitioned
' See the writer's " History of Bristol Parish."
SOJfE HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES. 621
the first legislature (1619) to change the savage name Kiccowtan.
At the next session it appears in the journals as 'Elizabeth cittic"
(town), around which grew up Elizabeth City County. Notwitii-
standing the change of name, the village continued to be called
" Kecoughtan " until Hampton was made a town by law.
George Keith, the convert from Quakerism, who ti'avclled from
New England to North Carolina, speaks in his diary of preaching
repeatedly at Kicketan (as he spells it) in 1703-4. It is worthy of
nole that his fellow-laborer, Talbot, preached at Kicketan, and that
he preached at Hampton Church ; so that there was as late as 1704
a church at Hampton, and one at Kicketan.
A ]\Ir. Baker had Ijceu buried in the new church (Hampton), and
Mr. Brough in the old church at Kicketan, as early as 1(567. In the
yard of the old church was also found the epitaphs of Admiral Neville,
who died in 1697 ; of Thomas Curie, 1700; and of Andrew Thomp-
son, minister of the parish, 1719.
It seems to have escaped the notice of authors that John Rolfe,
who married Pocahontas, states in his letter to King James, that in
1616 the Kev. Wm. Mays (Mease) was the minister at Kiccowtan
(sic), and there were only twenty inhabitants there. In 1644, perhaps,
Philip Mallory was minister at Hampton. By a law of the colony it
was provided that each minister, M'ith six persons of his family, should
be free from taxes, provided he be examined by P. Mallory and John
Green, and produce their certificates of his abilities, and in 1660-61
Mallory was sent by the General Assembly to " solicit our Church
atfairs in England." Bishop Meade was of the opinion that the present
church was built between 1660 and 1667. This opinion is strength-
ened by the fiict that this w-as an era of church extension.
This antique church has survived the so-called Rebellion of Bacon,
the war of the Revolution, and the sacking and plundering of Hamp-
ton. In the last war with Great Britain the church l)ecame a barrack.
The bats and owls held their revels in its hallowed courts, and faithful ^
ones wept when they remembered the temple in its first glory.
About 1824-5 a vestry was chosen, and it was resolved to
repair the church which was then standing with bare walls and without
a door or window or floor. To give impetus to the work, the interior
was cleansed, and Bishop Moore was persuaded to come and hold
service. He came, and the old walls resounded with prayer and
praise, and no one who ever heard that " old man eloquent," with
streaming eyes and hands tremulous with emotion, speak of " the
hallowed courts our fathers trod," could doubt the result.
" I sat on the bare tiles," said our informant, ' " but what a scene,
and what a day ! It was manifest to all that the glory of the Lord
filled the house."
The church was repaired, and in December, 1829, Bishop Moore
had the privilege of consecrating it from all unhallowed uses. I may
add, in conclusion, that this church has lately been the scene of an
' R. B. Sei-vant, anoW secrctaiT of the ves- a dissenter in the family, which was kept
try, who said in 1856, " My graiidlathei- was the together by the habitual use of the prayer-
commandant at Old Point one hundred and book and family prayer,"
eighty years ago, and there has not since been
622 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
event of supassing interest, when a class of Indian boys were con-
finned by the Bishop of Virginia. They, and perhaps those who
witnessed it, little knew that he who laid his hand upon their heads
was himself a lineal descendant of the aboriginal ruler of this realm, —
the imperial Powhatan.
BRUTON PARISH, WILLIAMSBURG.
Another line of radiation from Jamestown was to Williamsburg.
In 1632 the General Asseml)ly ordered every fortieth man between
Queen's Creek and Archer's Hope Creek to the newly-built plantation
of Dr. Pott, to be emploj^ed in building houses, and otFered every
man who seated there fifty acres of land and freedom from ta.ves.
In 16.57 the parish of Middle Plantation and Havrop parish wei'e
united, and the new parish called " Middletown parish." Soon after-
wards this parish was reorganized and called " Bruton," doubtless by
the Sud wells, who came from Bruton parish, England.
The vestry-book began 1667, and came down to 1769. There
were then two cliurches in the parish which needed repair ; but the
vestry decided to liuild a new church of brick. The first incumlient
was Kev. Rowland Jones, who died in 1688. He also ofiiciated
at Mai'tin's Hundred parish. Mr. Jones had a pew in the chancel of
the new church, as also had John Page and Edward Jennings.
There being no bishop to consecrate the church, Mr. Jones was re-
quested "to dedicate it." Those facts suggest the inquiry whether
the present venerated edifice is the same referred to in the foregoing
acts of the vestry of Bruton parish. Opinions dlfier as to its age.
It thus appears that the church of Bruton was in a very ruinous
condition in 1710 ; that it was the desire and purpose of the vestry to
build a new church, and that to this end they humbly asked the aid
of the General Assembly. What response was made to the petition is
not known. However, it would seem, from a document in the calen-
dar of Virginia State Papers, that the cross on "the wings " was added
to the church in or after 1713.
The city of Williamsburg, the college of William and Mary,
and Christ Church, are so intimately blended that to treat them apart
is a difiicult operation. For the college, I must refer to its history
published by the Faculty in 1874, to Bishop Meade's " Old Churches
and Families," to Hugh Jones, to Henning's Statutes, to Gov. Wise's
"Decades," the general histories of the State, and to Grigsby's
"Historical Picture" of the Convention of 1776. No one can tread
the streets of Williamsburg, whose very names are suggestive of
other times and other men, without bringing before his mind a
picture of the city in her first glory, before
" Decay's effacing fingers
Had swept the lines wliere beauty lingers."
This church possesses three pieces of a " Communion Service " which
was presented to the church at Jamestown by Governor Morrison in
1661. The motto is, "Mixe not holy things with profane." Inscrip-
tion : "For the use of James City Parish Church."
o
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES. G23
The Bi'uton parish service (proper) consists of a tanliard,
stamped with a crown, G. III. R. , a gold i)aten, a gold cup, with two
handles, a cover and plate ; also, two silver alms basins, from an
" alumnns of W" & Mary College, Class 1815." On the linen is :
"Randolph — Brutou Parish Church." In the church-yard are many
handsome tombs, with armorial bearings and quaint devices and
inscriptions. M}' space will only allow a brief abstract of a few of
them. "His Excellency Governor Nott, a good OhriHtian & a good
Governor, died Aug. 23, 1766, aged 44. Tlie Gen. Assembly
of this Colony raised this monument in grateful memory of his many
virtues." — 'Sacred to the memory of John Blair of tlie Council,
Judge of the Court of Appeals of V" & of the Supreme Court.
He died as he had lived, a pious & sincere Christian, d. Aug. 31,
1800, aged 68 yrs. & 10 mos." Judge Blair, a man of singular
purity, was the nephew of the commissary. There are also the
tombs of Judge Blair's wife and son and daughter, and one " to
Roland Jones, Minister of the Parish, died 1688," and one to the
great lawyer " Barradall." The first and second capitols, and the
successive college buildings at the opposite ends of the grand Gloces-
ter avenue ; the successive palaces, with their grounds and gardens ;
the Braflerton house, with good Mr. Griffin and his Indian boys ; the
]irivate mansions, associated with the names of Washington, Wythe,
Wirt, the Randolphs and Tuckers, rise up before one, and the scenes
in the dramas of which they have been the theatre pass in review before
the mind's eye. The irate Nicholson and the gentle Nott, the knightly
Spotswood and Sir Hugh Drysdale, Governors Gooch, Dinwiddie,
and Fauquier ; Lords Botetourt and Dunmore ; the Commissaries
Blair, Dawson, Stith, Horrocks, Camm,and Robinson ; the chancellors,
presidents and professors of the college ; the crowds of students who
have sported upon the green and thronged these halls of learning, on
their way to the pulpit, the bar, the bench, and the halls of legislation ;
the colonial clergy in convention, and the pastors of the parish in
their daily labors ; Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Harri-
son, Tyler, the Randolphs and Lees, the Nicholsons and the Careys,
Pendleton, Henry, Marshall, Nelson, and the many statesmen sitting
in committees at the old " Raleigh " tavern and makin<; the halls resound
with grave debate and luminous with flashes of wit and oratory ; and
finally, the files of British, French, Federal, and Confederate soldiers
camping on the college green, and marching through the streets, —
make up the grand procession ot nearly two centuries.
ST. LUICE'S church, NEWPORT PARISH, ISLE OF WIGHT COUNTY.
Another point in the circumference of the circle of which James-
town was the centre was Warrosgueake, spelled in many various
ways.i Smith discovered it December 29, 1608. It was represented in
House of Burgesses from 1629 to 1634, when it was made a county.
The name was changed to Isle of Wight in 1637. Most of the early
records of its parishes were destroyed at Tarleton's invasion, and the
1 Smith spells it Warroskarae ami WaiTo- Stitli, WaiTosqueake; Henning, Wanosquocack.
squiack; on Fiy's map it is Warricqueack ;
624
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
remuining fragments used for cartridges in the war of 1812. The only
extant records are from 1724 to 1771. One of its colonial churches
of brick was on Burwell's Bay, on the land of Colonel Burwell, colo-
nial clerk. About 1810 this church was pulled down, and the materials
used for building a barn, which was struck by lightning and consumed.
ST. LUKE S CUUllCH, NEAR SMrnil'IELD, VA.
The bell was exchanged for a "Brandy Still." But the pride of the
county is the grand old church, St. I^uke's, still standing, though a
"mere empty shell," not far from Smithficld on the road to Suffolk.
St. Luke's is regarded by the citizens witii something like the enthu-
siasm with which the islanders of Wight, in England, look u]X)n the
ruins of the churches illustrated by the genius of Legh Kichmond.
This is a very old church, prol)al)]y the oldest standing in Virginia.
The tradition is that it was built in 1632, and the writer would not sug-
gest a doubt about it but for the difficulty of reconciling it with a fact
stated on one of the extant tombstones. General Bridgers is said'
' See Bishop Meade's "Old Churches," Vol. I., p. 305.
SOME HISTORIC CIIUECHES. — SOUTHERN STATES. 625
to have been the son of Hon. Joseph Bridgers, "who superintended the
building of St. Luke's Church ; " but, according to the inscription on
the tomb of Hon. Joseph Bridgers, he died in 1088, ayed fifty-eight
years. If this be so he was only two years old when the church was
built. If, therefore, ho superintended the building of the church, it
must have been built some time later (say twenty or more years),
as he would hardly have performed that office before he was of age.
It is said of this church, and of St. John's, Hampton, and of
many other public and priA ate cditices, that they were built of im-
ported brick. But there seems to have been no occasion for
importing bricks. Bricks were certainly made in Virginia as early as
1611, when Sir Thomas Dale founded Henricopolis and Bermuda.
"Hei-e," says a tract published by the authority of the council, "the
spade-men fell to digging, the brick-men burned their bricks and have
built competent houses, the first story all of brick." ^ Many such
testimonies might be adduced, and bills for burning brick are still ex-
tant. The writer has consulted many persons most familiar with our
history, and all of them agree in sa^nng that they have never seen any
proof that any church was built of imported bricks.
St. Luke's was one of the oldest as well as most elegant
churches in the colony. Its massive walls and loft}' tower were of the
best material of brick and oak, faithfully and skilfully wrought, and
the east window of stained glass, twenty-tive feet high, made it a marvel
in the wilderness of woods in the midst of which it was placed. Ac-
cording to the vestry-book, a new roof was put on the church in 1737.
ST. Paul's church, Norfolk.
Elizabeth river was one of the water-ways by which the first
settlers penetrated the interior of Virginia. The banks of Elizabeth
river and its tri])utarics were settled very early, and parishes were
instituted and churches built along them. The date of Elizabeth-river
parish is not known, but it had a minister as early as 1637. The par-
ishes of Lower Norfolk, including what is now Princess Anne County,
were represented in the House of Bui'gesses in 1042-3. Lynhaven
river now runs through the burying-ground of an old church (now gone) ,
and there are tombstones at the bottom of the stream. The old
Donation Church, too, still stands in ruins in Princess Anne County.
In 1680 Rev. Wm. Nern was minister of Elizabeth-river parish,
and James Porter of Lynhaven parish. In 1682 the town was laid
out. In 1686 Lord Howard gave one hundred acres of land for a
glebe. In 1700 Samuel Boush gave a chalice to the "Parish Church
of Norfolk Town." In 1705 the town was incorporated. In 1736
Norfolk borough was established bj' royal charter. In 1739 the pres-
ent church was built. The date of the oldest vestry-book of Eliza-
beth-river parish is 1749. In 1751 Capt. Whitwell, counuander of
his majest3''s ship "Triton," presented a piece of silver plate to the
church in " compliment to his wife being buried there." In 1762
Christopher Perkins gave a large silver flagon " in honour of his wife
I Vide the " New Life of Virginia," in Vol. i., in Force's Tracts (1612).
626 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
buried there." In 17G4 an Act was passed by the Assembly, requiring
"the minister of this parish to live in Norfolk and have his salary in
money, the lands l)cing too poor to bring tobacco to advantage." In
17G4 the pastor of the old church (Mr. Davis) was chairman of the
"Sons of Liberty." When the Revolution came, Norfolk was bom-
barded, and on New Year's day, 1776, a ball was lodged in the wall
of the church, and is still preserved. The Communion plate was car-
ried to Scotland by the enemy.
With the rebuilding of the city after the war the church was re-
paired, and the services resumed. Services in commemoration of the
death of Washington were held in the church on the 22d of Feln-uary,
1800. In the same year a new (Christ) church was organized. In
1803 the pastor of the old church, Mr. Bland, died, and the congre-
gation "was scattered like a flock without a Shepherd." In 183l"the
old church, which had been in a state of suspended animation, was
revived under the name of "St. Paul's," having hitherto been called
"the Old Church," and the "Borough Church." It was consecrated
by Bishop Moore, and has renewed its youth.
CHUECHES ox YORK AND RAPPAnANNOCK PIVERS.
Another line of radiation from Jamestown was to Charles (now
York) river. Charles Church is gone, and the colonial church at
Yorktown, to which Governor Nicholson subscribed £20 sterling in
1G9G, was burned in 1814. The bell of 1725 has been preserved, and
a new church has l)een built on the site of the old one. Some old tombs,
specially of the Nelsons, are the only relics of the old rkjime. Gov-
ernor Spottswood was buried in " the Temple " at Temple farm ; but
even the fraorments of his tomb are gone.
Passing up York river to New Kent, we find one venerable church
(St. Peter's) in use. It is an imposing edifice, built in 1703, and cost
one hundred and foi-ty-six thousand pounds of tobacco. Its spacious
courts were once filled by the Bassetts, Lewises, Claytons, Bacons,
Custises, Dandridges, and others.
Among the ministers of this church was the Rev. David Mossom,
fi'om whose epitaph 1 quote the following lines : —
Reverendus David Mossom prope jacet
Collcgii St. Joannis Cantabrigiaj olira Alumnua
Hujus Parochia; Rector Annos Quadraginta
Omnibus Ecclcsite Anglicanae Presljytcriis
Inter Americanos Ordine Presbyteratus Primus ;
Londini Natus 25 Martci, 1690.
Obiit 4<> Janii. 17G7.
A notable minister of the parish was Moreau, who wrote the Bishop
of London : " If ministers here were as they ought to be we should
have no dissenters. An eminent Bishop being sent over here would
make Hell tremble, and settle the Church of England here forever."
St. Paul's parish, Hanover, was cut off from St. Peter's, 1704,
and in time other jjarishes and counties were erected in Louisa, Albe-
marle, and to the Blue Mountains. Of the colonial churches built in
them, a very few remain, conspicuous among which is "The Fork
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTUERN STATES. (527
Church," in St. Murtin's purish, Hanover ; its old silv^er communion
service, when in custody of Mrs. Berkeley, of Airwell, vras demanded
by a British oiEcer, and she sent him word defiantly " to come and take it."
If now we return to the bay, and survey the County of Matthews,
we shall not find a sini>le colonial church remaininij. In Gloccstor, old
Poplar Spring Church, in Petsworth parisii, built in 1723, to supply the
place of one in ruins, with costly pulpit and appurtenances of crimson
damask and lace, and with a fine picture of the " Last Judgment " over
thechancel, where the AVashingtons, Lewises, Porteuscs, audXhrockmor-
tons once worsliipped, has perished. Old Ware Church, once in ruins,
but restored by the Taliafcrros, Smiths, Tabbs, etc., is now in use, <as is
also the noble Abington Church, built in 1765, upon or near the site of an
old edifice, and restored by the exertions of Colonel Lewis, of Eagle
Point. In Glocestcr are the graveyards of the Manns, of Timberneck
Bay ; of the Bidwclls, of Carter's Creek ; of the Pages at Eoscwell.
In this county, too, is the classic Werowocomico, royal seat of the Em-
peror Powhatan. If sve cross the Pinkatank into Middlesex we find
what used to be called "the Great Church," which was built in 1712,
on the site of one built in 1666. It was midway between Rosegill
and Brandon, the seats of the Wormlcys and Grymes. After being
in use for a century it was deseited, and the roof fell in. A sycamore
shrub sprung up between the walls and grew to be a great tree, its
boughs spreading over the walls. When, in 1840, it was decided to
reopen the church, the tree had first to be cut out, and two feet of
earth removed, before the stone aisles were reached. Sir Henry
Checkley, knight and governor of the colony, and Madame Catherine
Wormley, wife of the first Ralph Wormley, Rev. J. Shepherd, and
others, were buried within it. Around it lie frngments of tombs and
graves of the Grymes and other families. The plate was presented to
the church by Ralph AA'ormley.
Sir Gray and Sir William Sldpwith, and Sir Henry Checkley,
baronets, were vestry-men of this church.
These, with the Wormlcj^s, Gr}Tnes, Berkelej^s, Beverlys, Church-
ills, Robinsons, Corbins and others, vestry-men and meml)ers of this
church, were leaders in society, in the Church, and in the State, rival-
ling in style the rich barons of England.
KING AND QUEEN COUNTY.
In the County of King and Queen were several very fine colonial
churches, one of which (Stratton-Major) was eighty by fifty feet in
size, and cost £1,300. In the vestry-book are the names of two hun-
dred and fifty families, to whom pews were assigned in this church.
Among these were Speaker Robinson, Commissary Robinson, and
many of the leading people of the colony. Another, St. Stephen's,
still stands, and has, I think, ))ecn long used b}' the Baptists. In the
adjoining county. King William, four colonial churches have survived,
in two of which, West Point, or St. John's and St. David's, church
services have 1)een resumed ; and the other two, Acquisition and Man-
gohock, have been taken possession of by others. In South Farnham,
Essex, were two colonial churches, which, in the days of the church's
628 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
humiliation, were ruthlessly destroyed, one pulled down and the other
burned. The very flag-stones of the aisles were used for walks, and
tombstones were converted into grindstones, on which parts of inscrip-
tions have been recognized. The Communion plate, though a private
gift, was confiscated. In St. Anne's parish, old Vauter's Church was
preserved from spoliation by the firmness of Mrs. IMuscoe Garnett,
who, when persons came to carry off the tlag-stones, claimed it as her
own upon the ground that it was upon her land.
In the neighboring county of Caroline the Mount Church was
converted into an academy, and a fine-toned organ and the glebe sold
by Act of Assembly. The organ, said to be the first imported
into Virginia, is, or was, in a lloman Catholic chapel in George-
town, D C.
THE NORTHERN NECK.
This section was a cradle of the American Revolution. The first
protest against the Stamp Act was written by Richard Henry Lee and
signed by one hundred and sixteen gentlemen at Leeds, in April, 17G5.
In Northumberland County were three colonial churches, attended by
the Lees, Thorntons, Presleys, Poythresses, Kenners, etc. One of
these, Wycomico Church, was cruciform, and measured seventy-five
feet in each direction. It was the last survivor of the three, and its
site is now enclosed and cultivated with an adjoining field.
In Lancaster County stands in a green old age the far-famed Christ
Church, l)uilt in 1732 (on the site of an older one) by Robert Carter
(commonly called " King Carter" ) , President of the Council, at his own
expense. The walls are three feet thick, and the roof so steep and
high that the want of a tower for eflect is not felt. The form (a
cross) and the proportions are admirable. But for a defect in the
gutters it would not have needed the new roof wliich was put upon it
some years since. Only the cornices were renewed, the broken glass
supplied, and the pulpit and pews painted. The pews had high backs
and a railing of brass rods, with damask curtains. When Bishop
Meade visited it, about 1855, the freestone aisles had been untouched
by time. The walnut Communion table was unimpaired, and the
chancel rails perfect. The marble font was there, and the cedar dial-
post, with the name of John Carter, which had belonged to the old
church on whose site this one M'as built, was preserved. .The bishop
said, " It was peculiai'ly delightful to raise the voice in a house whose
form and l)cautiful aisles seemed to give force and music to the feeblest
tongue beyond any building in which he ever said or heard the hallowed
services of the Sanctuary. Where is the house," he exclaimed, "in
these degenerate days of slight architecture that can compare, either
within or without, with old Christ Church ?" The tombs of the Carters
and others, within and without this l)uilding, add to its historic charm.
The oldest is that of the common ancestor, John Carter, who died in
16G9. Another church, yet in use in Lancaster, is White Chapel, built
on the site of an older one in 1740. Nearly all the tombs around this
church were inscribed with the name "Ball," the maternal famil}' of
Washington.
ROME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHEKN STATES. 629
YEOCOMICO AND WASHINGTON PARISHES, 'WESTMORELAND COTTNTr.
Westmoreland is classic cn'ound. It has been called the "Athens
of Virginia." It is the hirthplacc of Washington, and of his favorite
nephew, Judge Bushrod Washington, the devisee of Mt. Vernon;
of the colonial governor, Thomas Lee ; of IJichard Henry and Francis
Lightfoot Lee, signers of the Declaration of Independence ; of Arthur
Lcc ; of Light Horse Harry Lee, General and Governor of Virginia,
and father of Robei-t E. Leo ; of James Monroe ; and of John Payne,
first bishop of Cape Palmas. Here was the home, and here are the
crumbled vaults of the Washingtons and the Lees.
Stratford, Mt. Pleasant, Wakefield, wake mournful memories.
The first, Stratford, rebuilt by Caroline, Queen of England, out of her
private purse, is the only relic of these baronial mansions. Here, too,
was Pope's Creek Church, where Washington was baptized, and where
he learned from the catechism those duties to God and to his neighbor
which he so well illustrated in his life. And here were Noraini, Leeds,
and Yeocomico churches, of which the last, only, built in 170G,
remained, of M^hose profanations, and of whose restoration, we must
refer to Bishop Meade's "Old Churches."
NORTH FARNHAM PARISH, RICHMOND COUNTY.
In this parish wei'e three colonial churches. One of these, near
the court-house, was built in 1737. It was cruciform and surrounded
by a brick wall. In 1813 its walls were crushed ])y the falling roof.
A minister of this church (Giberne) had a prayer-book which had been
used l)y Queen Anne in her private chapel. Its massive tankard, gob-
let, and plate were sold by order of the court and purchased by Colo-
nel John Taylor, of Mount Airy, who presented them to St. John's
Church, Washington, D.C. They have been returned to the parish
since its revival, and are now used in old Farnham Chui'ch, the only
one of the three which survived the wreck. This church, on the main
road from Riclimond court-house to Lancaster court-house, is in the
form of a cross, and in the best style of colonial architectui'e. It
was built about 1725-30. After 1802 it Avas deserted. The brick
wall which guarded the dead was used for hearths and chimneys.
The interior was stripped. It became a granary and stable, and lior-
ribile dictu! a distillery, and the font was profaned into a festive bowl,
until it was found battered and bruised in the cellar of a deserted tav-
ern. But the walls stood not only "a monument of the fidelity of
ancient architecture, but as signals of Providence to the faithful to
repair the desolation." Those signals were heeded. The church has
been restored. The font resumed its place, and the pulpit, desk, and
sounding-ljoard, M'hich were once in Clu-ist Church, Baltimore, are now
in old Farnham, which was consecrated by Bishop ileade in 1837, and
has again been repaired and beautified by the descendants of the Car-
ters, of Sabine Hall ; the Taylors, of Mount Airy ; the Chinns and
Fauntlcroys ; the Peaclys, Brockenburghs, and others who saw this
church in her first glory.
630 IlISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
ST. PAULS CHURCH, KING GKORGE COUNTY.
This church was erected about 176G. In 1812 Messrs. Meade
and Norris visited this parish. They found the church in ruius.
There was no window, door, or pew, and the roof was ready to fall.
A stand was raised at one angle of the cross, and services were held,
the people standing amidst pools of water. By an Act of the Legisla-
ture it was converted into an academy. The academy failing, it was
restored to its rightful owners. One-fourth of it was fitted up for a
rectory, and the remainder into one of the most convenient places of
worship in the diocese.
An old negi-o woman, a pious member of the church, used, after it
was deserted, to go every Sundaj^ and sit amidst the ruins, sajing it
" did her more good to think over the old prayers than to go into
the new ways."
The Washingtons, Taj'lors, Grymes, Alexanders, Tennants,
Fitzhughs, Stuarts, Stiths, Dades, Hoocs, Turners, Ashtons, Thorn-
tons, and Taliaferros, etc., were the chief church families which kept
alive the fitful fires upon these old altars.
ACQUIA CHURCH, STAFFORD COUNTY.
The first church was burned in 1751. The present church was
finished in 1757. The names of the minister and vestrj'^ are still to be
seen painted on the gallery: "Rev. Jno. Moncure, minister; Peter
Hourcman, Jno. Mercer, John Lee, Mott Donephan, Henry Tyler,
Wm. Mountjoy, Benj. Strother, Thos. Fitzhugh, Peter Daniel, Travers
Cooke, John Fitzhugh, John Peyton, vestry-men."
The church is a two-storied building in the form of a cross. It
is on a commanding site, near the old stage road from Dumfries to
Fredericksburg. When Bishop Meade visited it, in 1837, he said it
was a sad sight to see the space about the church, which used to be
filled with horses, carriages, and footmen, now overgrown with
bushes and trees, thrusting their branches through the broken win-
dows. When he visited it again, in 1856, the house had been re-
paired, chiefly by the descendants of the old minister (Moncure).
" The light of Heaven had been let in upon the gloomy sanctuary, the
dingy walls looked new and fresh, and it seemed to him one of the
most inspiring temples in the land."
POHICK CHURCH, FAIRFAX COUNTY.
This is the church so intimately connected with the name of
Washington, who was a vestry-man at the same time in Truro and in
Fairfax parishes, both in Fairfax County. In the interval between the
French war and the American Revolution Washington was specially
interested in church aflairs, and suflered no company to keep him from
the house of prayer. When the old church, a frame buikliug, on the
south side of Pohick run, decayed, and it was decided to biiikl a new
church, George Mason advocated the old site, in consideration of its
associations; but AVashington, who was a practical surveyor, made a
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES. 631
map of the parish, showing the relations of the dwellings to the two
proposed sites, which settled the question in favor of the north side of
the run, as being more central. An inscription on one of the columns
of the chancel shows the date of its being finished, 177o. A deed
dated February 24, 1774, from George Washington, George Mason,
and other vestry-men, conveying a pew to the rector (Massey) in the
"new church, latelj built near Pohiek," confirms the inscription.
From a book entitled "Four years and a-half in America," pub-
lished in 1803, by Davis, who had been a teacher in this section, I
quote the following: "About eight miles from Occoquon mills is a
house of worship, called 'Powheek' church, a name it claims from a
run which Hows near its walls. Thither I rode on Sundays, and joined
the Congregation of Parson Weems, who was cheerful in his mien,
that he might win men to religion. A Virginian church-j'ard on Sun-
day resembles rather a race-course, than a sepulchral ground. The
ladies come to it in carriages, and the men, dismounting from their
horses, tie them to the trees. The steeples of Virginian churches are
designed not for utility, but for ornament, for the bell is suspended
from a tree. It is also observable that the gate is always carefully
locked by the Sexton, who retires last. I was confounded on first
entering the church-yard to hear,
" ' Steed threaten steed with high and boastful neigh.'
Nor was I less stunned with the rattling of carriage wheels, the crack-
ing of whips, and the vociferations of the gentlemen to the negroes
who attend them. But the discourse of Parson Weems calmed my
perturbation, for he presented the great doctrines of salvation as one
who had experienced their power. About one-half of the congrega-
tion were negroes who gave evidence of sincere piety, an artless sim-
plicity, and passionate aspirations after Christ."
Thiiiy-three years passed, and Bishop Meade says of it, in 1837 ;
" It was raining, and I found no one there. The wide open doors invited
me to enter, as they did the beasts of the field and the fowls of the
air. The interior having been well built, is good. The chancel, Com-
munion table, and tables of the law, are in good order. The roof only
is decaying, and the water was dropping upon the sacred places. On
the doors of the pews in gilt letters are the names of the families
who once occupied them. How could I while traversing these long
aisles, entering the sacred chancel and ascending the lofty pulpit,
forbear to ask, Is this the House of God built by the Washingtons,
Masons, McCartys, Fairfaxes, Grahams, and Lewises? Is this also
doomed to moulder piecemeal away, or when some signal is given,
to become the prey of spoilers? Surely, reverence for the greatest
of patriots, if not for religion, might be effectually appealed to in
behalf of this one Temple of God. The families who worshipped here
are nearly all gone, but there are immortal beings around it, which
would be forever blessed l)y the fliithful preaching of the "Word."
Thirty-eight j'cars roll round, and again the scene changes.
Bishop Whittle, in 1876, says : "On the 3d of last October I conse-
632 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
crated Pohick Church. This venerable building, in the locatioa and
erection of which General Washington was so active, was for many
years the parish church of the family at Mount Vernon. It was dur-
ing the late war left to crumble under the wasting influence of the
weather, and l)e carried off at pleasure by any one who fancied its
materials for private use. So, after the war of the Revolution, disap-
'pearcd the church in which 'the father of his country' is said to have
been christened, and such seemed to be the doom of the church of
his manhood ; but its sad condition came to the knowledge of a gen-
erous Christian gentleman in New York, who inquired, then came and
looked, and then never remitted liis eflbrts until the ruin was repaired.
A new chancel, with all its appropriate furniture, and a handsome
communion service was provided, a font in front, and a convenient
robing-room on one side of the chancel and a good pipe organ on the
other. The restoration was complete."
CHRIST CHURCH, ALEXANDRIA.
In 17G4 Fairfax parish was cut off from Truro parish, both in the
County of Fairfax. Within the limits of the new parish were already
two new churches, — one at the Little Falls of the Potomac, on the
land of Thomas Lee ; and the other at or near Hunting Creek ware-
house (Alexandria), established by Act of Assembly in 174{^.
The vestry-book of Fairfax parish begins in 1765. In 1766 the
vestry decided to build two new churches — one at the Falls, and the
other at Alexandria.
The church at Alexandria cost £600, and it was finished in
1773. Washington, . who was a vestry-man of Pohick Church, and
had a pew there, was also a vestry-man of this new church, and bought
the first pew (No. 5) in it, for which he gave the highest price, i.e.,
£36 10s. After the war Washington attended this church, and when,
tithes having ceased, the church was supported by pew-rents and
voluntary subscriptions, Washington, with others, pledged an annual
tax of £5. This pledge, signed with his own hand, is on the record.
This pew has been occupied by some of his fiimily ever since, and
among them by General R. E. Lee, Mho married the granddaushtcr
of his step-son, George AVashington Parke Custis, who presented to
the church a family Bible which had belonged to \\'ashington.
General Lee was confirmed in the church in 1853, and it has on its
walls twin tablets to George Washington and Robert E. Lee. The
large old-fashioned pews were divided in 1821, but Washington's was
restored in 1837. It was again divided and again restored.
Dr. Griffith, the rector after the war, had been chaplain in the
army, and was the personal friend of Washington, and a welcome
visitor at Mt. Vernon. He originated the first movement for a con-
vention in Virginia after the overthrow of the Church by the Revolution,
and was the first bishop-elect of Virginia. His successor Avas the heir
of the title of Lord Fairfax, who once owned the whole Northern Neck.
William (afterwards bishop) Meade took charge of this church in his
twenty-first year, and attracted to its congregation many members of
Congress, who received lasting impressions from his ministry.
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES. 633
Conspicuous iunong these were John Randolph, of Roanoke, and
the Hon()ia1)l(' (afterwaids) the Rev. Dr. Mihior.
In l.S7;> the church celebrated its centennial. The rector, Rev.
Di'. McKini, delivered a historical discourse, and the writer of those
skctclies delivered an unwritten poem.
C.A>\^
JlX^
DIOCESE OF EAST CAROLINA, ST. PAUVS PARISH, EDENTON,
CHOWAN COUNTY. N.G.
By the rev. ROBERT B. DRAKE, M.A.,
Qf the JHocesii of Eaat Carolina.
From the old book of Records of the Proceedings of the Vestry
of St. Paul's Parish, Chowan Precinct, Province of North Carolina,
beginning December 15, 1701, and ending in the year 1776, 1 extract
the following particulars relating to the church edifices of the parish : —
At the tirst meeting of the vestry, December 15, 1701: "It
being debated where a Church should be built, Mr. Edward Smithwick
undertakes to give one Acre of Land upon his old plantation and to
give a conveyance for the same to the Church Wardens."
" It is appointed that Coll. William Wilkinson and Cap'. Thomas
Lenten shall be Church Wardens for the following j^ear who shall
agree with a workman for building a Church 25 feet long posts
in the ground and held to the Collar beams and to find all manner of
Iron AVork, Vizt. Nails and Locks, &c. with full power to contract
and agree with the said workman as to their discretion shall seem
meet and convenient."
December 15, 1702. "The Chappel being this day viewed by
all the Vestry here present and are satisfyed therewith and do receive
the House and Key from Mr. John Porter."
"At a Vestry held at the Chappel the ilth day of March, 170| "
— "Ordered that the Church Wardens do speedily agree with a Work-
man to make Pulpit and Pew for t he Reader with Desks fitting for the
same and in as decent a manner as may he. and what they shall agree
for the Vestry do oblige themselves to see paid."
In 170S it was "Ordered that the Church Wardens endeavour to
have the Pulpit finished w\{\\ all possilile speed as likewise the Desk
and what other things belong to it, as likewise to have the Church Floor
laid with Brick, l)ut upon further Dcliate of the Matter it's agreed upon
that the floor shall be laid with Plank, as being the cheapest and
Most expeditious way of having it done."
" At a Meeting of the Vestiy holdeu at the Chappell on Sunday
the 25th of July, 1708 — ' Whereas it hath been taken into our mature
634
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
consideration tl:e many and great Inconveniences which attend the
Chappell which is ah'eady built, both in Respect of its ill situation,
Smallness and rough and unfit Workmanship : —
" ' We therefore to shew our true Zeal for the Gloiy of God and
propagating so good a work do unanimously agree that a Church of
Forty feet long and twenty-four wide, fourteen Feet from Tenant to
Tenant for Hight, the remaining part of the work to be proportionable;
the Roof to be first Plankt and then shingled with good Cypress
shingles and the whole to be ceiled with plank.'"
In a letter to the society, written March 2d, 1713-4, the vestry
say : " We have but one sorry Church on the North Shore of the Sound,
never finished. No ornaments lielonging to a Church."
"At a Vestry held at Edenton the 31st (?) Day of November
1724 — 'Ordered that the Church wardens desire the Commissioners
f o r b u i 1 d i ng the
Court House &c to
draw out of the
hands of the Lds.
Propts. Receiver
Gene ral the Sum
of Two Hundred
Pounds Sterling and
also the Sum of two
hundred Pounds out
of the Hands of the
P u b 1 i ck Treasurer
the same being ap-
propriated for the
building a Cluu'ch at
P^denton , and that
the Commissioners
be desired to pro-
ceed on the same
building.'"'
" the tenth dav
of May 173(5. 'Or-
dered that to con-
tribute towards de-
fraying the Expenses of Building a Church at Edenton ... a tax
or levey be levied on each Tithable in the Parish for the ensuing year.' "
July 1, 1738. It is ordered that moneys shall be paid to
"Thomas Luton to be by him applied towards compleating a Church
now begun at Edenton."
June 28, 1744. "On motion of Mr. Henry Baker that as he has
given one acre of Land & Timber to build a Chappie on Knotty Pine
Swamp, whereon the Chappie now stands, in consideration thereof it
is ordered that he shall have Liberty to Imild a Pew in any Part of the
sd Chappie he pleases."
On May 19, 1750, action was taken to raise "money to be ap-
plyedtowards the Inclosing and Finishing the Church at Edenton."
ST. PAUL S, EDENTON, NORTH CAROLINA.
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES. 635
In 17.'')2 the salary of the minister. Rev. Clement ILiIl, was
reduced to "50 pounds proclamation mone}'," in order to raise money
" for finishing the Church and other necessary charges."
In 1753 a tax is levied for finishing the church at Edenton.
On Monday, 28th of October, 1765, it was "Ordered that Mr.
Hance Holler Tile the Chancel and Glaze the windows of the Church
and Repair the Doors."
May 18, 1774. It is " Ordered that Thos. Williams be allowed
eight pounds proc. for building the pillors of the Church."
" Thomas Hunter agrees to finish all the inside wooden work of
the Church and the doors in a good decent workmanlike manner "
— "the same work to be compleated in three months from this
date."
The dimensions of the church are as follows : Length of nave,
sixty feet ; width, forty feet three inches. The chancel is apsidai , width,
twenty -two feet three inches ; depth, nine feet : tower, height of
brick-work, forty feet, of spire, about forty feet; total about eighty
feet ; base of tower, fifteen feet nine inches by eighteen feet three
inches. All of these are measurements of the outside of the build-
ing. The walls of the tower are three feet thick ; of the nave two
feet four inches thick. The church is placed east and west, chancel
in the east, regardless of the course of the streets of the town, which
are not parallel with sides of the church.
The edifice is in a state of good preservation. There are four
windows on each side of the church, one in the chancel, and two in
the tower.
There are persons now living who can remember when the church
floor was in tiles, and " intra-mural" burials were frequent. All the
floor is now laid in wood. Gallei-ies extend along three sides of the
l)uilding.
St. Paul's Parish, Chowan Precinct, Province of North Carolina,
was organized Dec. 15, 1701, by the meeting of those who had been
appointed ve.stry-men by the Act of Assembly, Nov. 12th, preceding.
The minutes of the vestry are still preserved, from which the follow-
ing extracts are made : —
" AVhereas Dr. John Blair presenting himself before the Vestry as
a Minister of the Gospel and having the approbation of the D.
Govcrnour he is received as a Minister of the Gospel, and the Church
Wardens for and in behalf of the Vestry do assume to pay to the
said Dr. John Blair 30 pounds (as the Law provides) per Annum
The year to begin the first day of this instant March (1703/4)."
In May, 1704 or 5 (it is indistinct): "The Revd. John Blair
serving as Minister of the Gospel out of his charitable gift hath given
what salery is due to him to the poor, for which the gentlemen of the
Vestry return him thanks."
In September, 1705, "Mr. Henry Gerrard presenting himself to
the Vestry as a Minister of the Gospel and he having the Hono""'
Deputy Gov", approbation is received by the Vestry into this Precinct,
and the said Mr. Henry Gerrard declaring that by reason of the great
distance betwixt this Precinct and Pequimins and the diilyness of the
636 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
roads he is not able to serve iu the two Precincts and therefore is
willing to attend in this Precinct wholly and decline his intentions of
sei-ving in Pequimons. And the Church Wardens for and in behalf
of the Vestry do undertake to jiay to the aforesaid Mr. Henry Ger-
rard thirty pounds per annum, as the Law directs, besides these
voluntary subsci-iptions viz' : — £25: 8.s: "
From time to time "readers" arc appointed, and paid for their
services. The reader's duties are thus defined : to " keep the keys of
the church and keep the church clean, and keep the woods fired, at
the time of the year, round the chappel, also to provide water for the
baptizing of children, and to attend the chappel every Lord's day, when
the Minister is here to officiate as a clerk, and when the Minister is
absent to read Divine service and a Sermon, etc., to keep the Vestiy
Journal and to attend the Vestry at their jNleetings. He promising
to the Vestry to lead a soljer and exemjilary life in his station."
In 1708, May 5th, the Rev. AVilliam Gordon is chosen " to
officiate in this Precinct," who is spoken of July 28th. 1708, as
"speedily designed for England," and a reader is ap23ointed.
In 1708 it is ordered that £45 be paid to the Rev. i\lr. Urmstou
" for having officiated in this Precinct from the time of his first coming
into this government till the 25th inst."
In 1712-13 a Bible is presented thi'ough Mr. Urmston.
May 1st, 1723. "Ordered that the 'Reverend Mr. Newman,
Missionary be [mid the sum of ten pounds out of the next year's
collection to make good the sum of Twenty pounds which was prom-
ised by the Vestry for his officiating part of the last year."
November 18th, 1723. "The Rev. Mr. Newman, Missionary,
having officiated but one-half of the year, and being departed this
life ; the vestry in consideration of the said Mr. Newman's pious and
good behaviour during the time of his Mission among us. and also
being willing to contribute towards the accommodation of his widow's
intended Voiage to Great Britain, it is ordered that the whole year's
sallary be paid to his widow, notwithstanding his decease."
In 1724 action was taken to use the £400 in the hands of the
lords proprietors' receiver-general, and of the public treasurer, for the
building of a church, which is the one now standing.
August 18th, 1725, "the Reverend Doct'. John Blacknall wlio
is received Minister Resident Avas accordingly qualified."
" We have now in use a Chalice and Paten, in Silver, inscribed,
'The Gift of Colonell Edward Mosely. for y' use of y'= Church in
Edenton, in the year 1725.'"
Feb. 23d, 1728-8, "Five pounds to the Revd. Mr. Fountain.
Five pounds to the Revd. Mr. Marsden, for their officiating .at Eden-
ton, and forty shillings pd. to the Revd. Mr. Marsden's clerk."
In 1731's accounts, " To the Revd JNIr. Marsden for a sermon 5£.'"
ditto Revd. Mr. Robinson, ditto Revd Mr. Jones.
Easter Monday, 1732, "The Revd. Mr. Granvile having per-
formed Divine Service in this Parish beorininff one fortnioht before
Easter Sunday, and the Vestry being willing to encourage him to con-
tinue as well as that he be pay'd for the time past, it is ordered that
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES. (J37
lie l)c paid from the sd. time he hegun for one year the aforesd. sum
to be raised by the Parish Tax now lay'd excepting sixteen pounds pr.
annum to l)e allowed to Mr. llountree for coutinuii:g as Reader and
the same to Mr. Sagg to continue Reader and what other accidental
charges shall arise in yo Parish. And that the said Mr. Granvile be
allowed pro rata for the time he officiates, if ho serves less than a
year : — and that he officiate two Sundays out of five in the upper parts
of the Parish, vizt. one at the Cha|)pell, 4 other Sundays in ye five at
or near Abraham Mills and the remaining Sundays at Edenton."
Accounts for April, 1732, "To pd. for washing Doct^ Boyd's
Surplice, 10 shillings." In May, pd Docf. Boyd for preaching, 5£.
In 1736 Rev. John Garzia is mentioned as having officiated.
There is now in the possession of tiie Parish, a large silver chalice in-
scribed, " D. 1). Johannes Garzia Eeclesite Angiicanaj Presbyter."
February. 1745, Rev. Clement Ilall was " allowed sixty pounds
Proclamation money per annum for officiating two Sundays in three at
Edenton." In 1746-47 vestry "continued" Rev. Mr. Hall adminis-
ter. In 1750 "Resolved agreed tliat the Revd. Mr. Clem'. Hall be
retained as clerk and rector of this Parish."
In 175o it is ordered that the Rev. Mr. Hall be allowed "Fifty
Pounds Proclamation Money for performing Devine Service, and
officiating as Clerk and Rector of this Parish this present year, and
that he officiate 21 Sundays at Sarum, Constants, and Farlees Chappels
and the rest of his time at Edenton, except when absent on the duty
of his mission."
In 1756 the vestry "continued" Rev. Mr. Hall on condition he
would do tiie duty as they defined it, otherwise that he be discharged.
In 175[), Feliruary 24th, Rev. Daniel Earl is agreed with to act as
rector, the Rev. Clement Hall having died.
(£>-^f^. Aa-e.^.
BT. THOMAS'S CHURCH, BATH, BEAUFORT COUNTY, N.C.
By the rev. JOSEPH RLOUNT CHESHIRE, Jr., A.M.,
Rector of St. Peter's Church, Charlotte, North Carolina.
The oldest l)uilding in the State, probably. It is a substantial
brick I)uildiiig, the floor of which is also laid with large, square, well-
made brick. I noticed on the outside front, imliedded in the wall,
a marl)le tal)lct bearing the following inscription : " William Wallinw,
in memory of John Lawsou,' Joel Martin, and Simon Anderson,
' The .Julm Lawson mentioncil above wa,'! released, but Lawson was put to death with hor-
s>u-veyor-general of North Carolina, and was, rible tortures, hciug stuck full of lifrht wood
with Baron DeGrali'enreid, captured by the In- splinters and burned to death. His " iTistoiy of
dians in the war of 1711. DeUrafl'cnreid wa.s North Carolina" is one of the rare" Americana."
638 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
founders of Bath town in 1706." Above this is another marble tablet
with the following: "8t. Thomas, built in 1734." The belfry sets
unadorned on the back and lower part of the building ; it is neither
in taste nor unique, yet it contains the bell presented by Queen
Anne.
There is another building, probably built before the Revolution,
which is used as a church. This is Trinity Church, Chockowinit}',
Beaufort County, but more commonly known as " Parmn Blount's
Chapel." It was built by the Rev. Nathaniel Blount, a native of
Beaufort County, of a distinguished family in the State, who was
ordained about 177.3, and was the last survivor of our colonial clergy,
dying about 1812. I have never seen his name as a missionary of
the society, and so I suppose he must have had means of his own or a
large and intluential connection to sustain liim. No one knows when
the chapel was built, but it is believed to have been erected shortly
after his return from England. It is about two miles from Washing-
ton, N.C., on the other side of Pamlico river, and, with St. Paul's,
Edenton, and St. Thomas's, Bath, makes up the "historic churches"
of North Carolina.
HI8T0MIC GHVRCHE8 IN SOUTE CAROLINA.
Bt J. .1. PRINGLE SMITH,
0/ Charleaton, Stmtfi Carolina.
ST. James's, goosecreek.
This parish was created, and its boundaries defined, by Act of
Assembly, November, 1706. Before that date the region about
Gooseereek had become thickly settled, and a clergyman, Rev. William
Corbin, A.M., officiated there in 1700. It was also the scene of the
labors of Rev. Samuel Thomas, the first missionary sent to South
Carolina by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. He arrived
in 1702. Mr. Thomas labored with much zeal and success among
both whites and lilacks ; teaching many of the latter to read. He died
in 170.5. In conformity with the "church act" the parishioners met in
April, 1707, and elected ehurch-wardens and vestry-men ; and soon after
a church was built. Dr. Le Jau was the successor of Mr. Thomas.
Under his ministry the congregation ))ecame too large for the church,
and a new one was built, — a handsome edifice of brick, and rough-cast.
It stands near Gooseereek bridge. As Dr. Le Jau died in 1717, this
church is a very old one. It was the only country church not profaned
by the Biitish army in the revolutionary war. This was attributed
to the ftict that the roval arms were allowed to remain o\ er the east
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES. 639
window. They arc there to this day. The church is in good preser-
vation.
ST. James's, santee.
This parish at first consisted chiefly of French refugees conform-
ing to the worship of the Church of England. The church was l)uilt
at James-Town, the exact site of whicli is now doubtful. " The
inhabitants of James-Town finding their situation too narrow, spread
over the country, abandoning the town" (Ramsay). It is not known
exactly when this church was built. Its ruins still reuiained when
Dalcho wrote, in 1820. The inhabitants petitioned the Assemltly in
170G to make their settlement a parish, expressing their desire to be
united to the Church of England. Accordingly an act to that efl'ect
was passed April 9, 170t). This was afterwards repealed, and the
parish was established l)y the church act of November, 1706 ; the
church at James-Town being declared to be the parish church.
June 12, 1714, an act was passed "to erect a parochial chapel of
ease in the parish of St. James," at Echaw. This gave place to a
larger and better building of brick, in 1748, which was declared to be
the parish church, James-Town being deserted. The situation of the
church at Echaw becoming inconvenient to many of the -parishioners,
an act was passed. April, 1768, directing another to bo built at or near
Wambaw bridge, to be called the Parish Church of St. James, Santee.
Thereupon the church at Echaw again I>ecame a ciiapel of ease. The
first three rectors of St. James's were French clergymen : Rev. P. de
Richbourg (died in 1717), Rev. Mr. Ponderous (died in 1730), and
Rev. S. Coulet (died in 1748). The second named was licensed for
this cure by Dr. Robinson, Bishop of London, and the third (originally
a priest of Rome), by Bishop Gibson. The Bible and prayer-book
were given in 1773 by Mrs. Rebecca Motte, of revolutionary fame.
ST. .John's, parish Berkeley,
created by Actof 1706 ; boundaries described by Act of December, 1 708.
In 1707 the Rev. Robert Maule, a missionary sent by the Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel, was appointed by the governor and
council to the cure of this parish. No church being yet built, Mr.
Maule held divine service in the church of the French Protestants, l)y
invitation of their minister, Rev. Mr. Tuilliard.
In 1710 a church l)uilding was begun, and finished the next year.
Two glebes belonged to this parish, and a parsonage. The parish
being of large extent, many of the jiarishioners were prevented, by dis-
tance, from attending public worship. They built, by subscription, a
neat brick chapel, near Strawberry ferry. This, by Act of 1725, was
established as a chapel of ease. By bequests of James Child and Fran-
cis Williams, increased by subscriptions of the parishioners, a free
school was erected. The parish church was accidentally burnt in 175.5,
and the next year an act was passed for building another. The site
chosen was near Biggin creek, whence the name Biggin Church. It is
sixty feet by forty. Both church and chapel being at the lower end of the
parish, an act was passed in 1770 for building a chapel in the upper part.
640 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
A garrison of British troops was stationed in Biggin Church in
1781. When compelled to aljiiudon it they set it on lire. The de-
struction was, however, but partial ; and afterwards it was thoroughly
restored, and was used until the late war. \Vheu that ended it was
found to have been much uijured in the interior, and to be in need of
repairs. These •were delayoil in conseqLience of changes and removals
of parishioners, and the impoverishment of those who remained. Mean-
time, decay has pi-ogressed, and the elements are doing their work ; but
means are still wanting for its repair.
CHRIST CHURCH PARISH,
created by "church act" of 1706; boundaries defined by Act of
1708. The foundation of the church was laid in 1707. The first
I'ector (Rev. Richard Marsden) was chosen in 1708, and wardens
and vestry in the same year. Two grants of money from the Assem-
bly enabled the vestry to finish the church, to purchase a glebe, and
build a parsonage. The church was accidentally burnt in 1724 ; but
arrangements were immediately made to rebuild it ; and this second
edifice was dedicated in March, 1727. In 1750 the number of com-
municants was sixty. The interior of the church suflered greatly from
abuse and fire in 1782 by the British. In the late war it was used as
a hospital, and again the interior ^vas much damaged. Afterwards,
through "neglect, the hand of time, and depredations," it was well-
nigh in a state of ruin, scarcely anything left but its walls and part of
the roof.
By great efforts this ancient sanctuary has been repaired. It was
consecrated by Bishop Howe in 1874.
ST. Andrew's parish,
created by Act of 1706 ; boundaries defined by Act of 1708.
The first rector. Rev. Alexander Wood, A.M., began his duties
in 1707. The church was built of brick, forty feet by twenty-five. A
parsonage house was added on a glebe of twenty-six acres, to which
sixty were added. In 1723 an addition was made. The original struct-
ure was left to form the length of a cross, and arms were now built,
making the dimensions forty feet one way and fifty-two the other, with
a handsome chancel twelve feet by twenty-four. At the west end was
a gallery appropriated to colored people.
In 1733 the rector. Rev. JNIr. Guy, reported his parish as in a
flourishing condition, with a chapel on James Island. As an evi-
dence of the large means and the Christian liberality of the parishioners,
it may be mentioned that in 1740 the sum of £368 14*'. Gd. was col-
lected at the doors of the churcJi for the relief of the sufferers by a
great fire in Charles-Town. In 1756 the chapel on James Island was
established by Act of Assembly as a chapel of ease to St. Andrew's
parish. In 1764 a fire destroyed the interior of the church, but small
portions only of the walls. It was soon restored by subscriptions of the
inhabitants.
This fine old country church has always been noted for its solidity
SOME HISTORIC CHURCHES. —SOUTHERN STATES. (141
iiud its solemn beauty. It has been, with but Httle interruption, in use
for a century and thi-ee-quarters. The longest intcirruption was caused
during the late war, and for pome time after, by the injuries to the inte-
rior. These have been sufficiently repaired to allow the resumption of
public worship.
ST. HELENA, BEAUFORT.
The parish of St. Helena was created by Act of June, 1712.
"With the consent of Commissary Johnson, the inhabitants invited the
Rev. William Guy, assistant minister of St Philip's, Charleston, to
become rector. They wrote also to the Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel and obtained the appointment of Mr. Guy as missionary.
Services were at first held in private houses. The Indian war of 1 7 1.5 in-
terrupted further proceedings. In 1724 a brick church was built, —
forty feet by thirty, — with a chancel ten feet deep. The Rev. Lewis
Jones was appointed to this cure in 1725 by the society. He served
until 1745. Through a legacy from Mr. Jones a free school was
opened in the town of Beaufort in 1749. In 1736 an act was passed
authorizing the erection of a chapel near Hoospa Neck, in which the
rector of St. Helena was to perform service at .stated times. At an
early date a church was built, of brick and tapia, on St. Helena Island,
a chapel of ease to the church in Beaufort. After the Revolution this
was made -a separate parish. The church in Beaufort claims the
maternity of no less than "eleven churches and chapels" on the neigh-
boring mainland and islands. Among these was a very large and
commodious house of worship erected for colored people, "several
hundred of whom were wont to assemble therein on Sundays " for
divine worship.
PRINCE GEORGE, AVINYAH PARISH,
established by Act of Assembly, 10th March, 1721. A church
and parsonage was ordered to be built in such place as the governor
and council should approve, with the consent of a majority of the in-
habitants, who were of the Church of England, the rector to be chosen
in conformitj' with the church act, and to have a salary of £150 per
annum. Subsequently two parishes were formed from parts of Prince
George, viz. : Prince Frederick in 1734, and All-Saints in 1767.
A subscription for the church of the original, undivided parish
was opened. Governor Nicholson giving £100, and the building was
began in 1726. It stood near the ferry over Black river.
The inhabitants applied to the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel stating that the Assembly had granted a salary of £100 procla-
mation money for maintenance of a minister, and requesting the society
to send one. /Vfter several applications the society removed the Re\".
Thomas Morritt from the free school in Charles-Town to this parish. The
register contains entries of bapti.sms by this clergyman in 1726. The
first pages of this register, containing the elections and acts of the
vestiy, are lost. The earliest record is for Easter Monday, April,
1729, giving the names of the parish officers chosen. From that
time (lie journal is complete until 1734, when the pari.sh was divided.
642 HISTORY or THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
In 1730 the church was completed. In 1734 the division of the
parish was effected. The Rev. Mr. Morritt continued as rector of the
new parish, Prince Frederick's. The church fell within the limits of
the last-named parish ; consequently a new church and parsonage
house were ordered to be built for Prince George's. By an Act of
March, 1741-2, an appropriation was made of "all such monies as
should be paid into the public treasuiy by virtue of the General Duty
Act, for duties on goods imported into Georgetown for five years."
But the amount provided proving insufficient, £1,000 were appro-
priated by the Assembly from other sources. Occasional services
were performed by Rev. John Fordyce (successor of Mr. Morritt in
Prince Frederick's) until 1746, when Rev. Alexander Keith arrived
from England, having I^ieen licensed by the Bishop of London to offi-
ciate in this parish.
The parish was served by a succession of missionaries until 1766.
The vestry then offered a salary of £108 per annum, and the expenses
of the passage from England. Soon after the Rev. James Stuart, of
Maryland, entered on his duties in 1771-2.
During the revolution the interior of the church was burned. It
was, however, completely repaired, and improvements were added.
It is a substantial, old-iashioned edifice of brick.
FKiNCE William's paiush.
Separated from St. Helena and made a distinct parish by Act of
May 25, 1745. Occasional services were held until 1758, when a rector
was elected, the Rev. Robert Cooper. Sheldon Church was named
after Gilbert Sheldon, Archbishop of Canterbury, but previously
Bishop of London, and therefore diocesan of the American churches.
It is supposed to have been begun in 1751. It was probably com-
pleted in 1753, as an act was passed in that year authorizing the
commissioners to sell the pews to enable them " to finish and adorn
the church." In ancient times the bronze statue of Prince William
of Cumberland on horseback surmounted the portico. Just within the
door of the church there stood originall}^ a large font supported by
lion's feet, in bronze. This font was descriJied by an aged lady who
had seen it in her childhood, and had been told that the negro
children born on her ftither's place (Gen. Stephen Ball, grandson of
Lieut. -Governor Ball) were baptized at this font. This no doubt
had been the custom of the family, carrying out the instructions of
Bishop Gibson, in his pastoral letter in 1726, addressed to the "Mas-
ters and Mistresses of Families in the English plantations abroad,
exhorting them to encourage and promote the instruction of their
Negroes in the Christian faith." Lieut. -Governor Ball largely assisted
in the building and endowment of Sheldon Church.
It has been the fate of this venerable church to pass through two
wars, and in both cases nothing was left but its massive walls. The
interior was burnt by the British in 1780 on their march from Savan-
nah to Charleston. From 1780 to 1830 it remained a desolate ruin.
In or about the last-mentioned year it was restored, and was well main-
tained and attended until the war of 1861. In 1865, when that war
SOME HISTOKIC CHURCHES. — SOUTHERN STATES. (143
ended, nothing remained, save as before, the bare walls. The interior,
pnlpit, desk, organ, pews, flooring, were all gone.
ST. Michael's, Charleston.
Charles-Town having by the middle of the last century greatly
increased in size and population, the General Assembly found it nec-
essary, from considerations both religious and civil, to divide the
town into two parishes, and to provide for another church. An act
to this eflect was passed in June, 1751, and the new parish was named
St. Michael. The parish church was ordered to be built "on or near
the place where the old St. Philip's Church formerly stood." Tn the
next year the corner-stone was laid by Governor Glf^n.
On the 16th April, 1759, the parishioners met and elected wardens
and vestry, and the church was opened for public worship on 1st Feb-
ruary, 1761, Rev. Robert Cooper, rector. It is of brick, rough-cast,
extreme length one hundred and thirty feet by sixty in breadth. The
steeple rises from the roof about one hundred and eighty-five feet from
the ground, and is reniarkal)lc "for the lightness of its architecture,
the chasteness of its ornaments and the symmetry of its parts." There
is a fine chime of bells, imported from England. Bishops Dehon and
Bowen were successively rectors of this parish.
ST. Stephen's.
Taken from St. James's, Santee, and established by Act of Assem-
bly, 11th May, 1754.
A chapel of ease of St. James's parish fell within the limits of the
new parish, and was declared to be the parish church of St. Stephen's.
Rev. Alexander Keith (who had been assistant minister at St.
Philip's, Charles-Town) was the first rector. He officiated in the
above-mentioned church. This becoming decayed, and too small, the
parishioners petitioned for a new parish church, and an act was passed
19th May, 1762, appointing commissioners to receive subscriptions, etc.
The chui'ch is built of brick, and is ornamented with Doric pilasters.
It has a handsome mahogany pulpit. The floor is tiled.
all-saints', waccamaw.
Taken from Prince George Winyah, by Act of 23d May, 1767.
The church is of brick, and in good condition. This was one of the
most wealthy of the rural parishes. It was the cure for thirty years
of that zealous and faithful servant of God, Rev. Alexander Glennie,
whose work here ^vas among Aft'ica's sons, in whose behalf he
labored most diligently. His efforts for their spiritual improvement
brought forth, l)y God's blessing, fruit an hundredfold. Large num-
bers of the slaves were communicants ; hundreds of colored children
learned and recited intelligently the catechism. The planters made
liberal provision for the spiritual instruction of their slaves, and aided
in supplying them and their families with systematic teaching.
644
HISTOKV OF THE AMERICAK EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
ST. David's, cheraw.
Established by Act of 12th April, 1768. Wardens Jind vestry were
chosen in August followinij:.
The church l)uihlino- was erected at Cheraw Hill, upon land
given for the purpose by Ely Kershaw. It was not quite completed
until 1774, but was opened for public worship in December, 1772.
ST. DAVIDS, CIIEKAW, S.C.
Descri))ed as a "frame building on a l)rick foundation, fifty-three feet
long, thirty wide, and sixteen feet high, with a coxed ceiling and arched
windows ; chancel, ten feet by six."
For some time in 1781 it was occupied by British soldiers, of
whom several, falling victims to the climate, lie buried near by.
"The veneral)le l)uilding slill stands. It was erected with the
care befitting such a work, and on a sure foundation."
Jr/^^z^^^-^^^^^--^
MONOGRAPH VIII.
THE CHURCH CHARITIES OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURV.
THE BOSTON EPISCOPAL CHARITABLE SOCIETY.
Founded, 1724.
By MR. THOMAS C. AMORY, A.JI.,
Vict- President of th^. Society.
" Dare qiiam acciperc." Acta 20 : 35.
TIIE scanty comforts of the early settlers on these shores rendered
them all the more considerate of each others necessities. This
was exemplitied by the last loaf shared by Winthrop with his
less fortunate neighbor. Few, however, had left home in penury,
and instances of extreme destitution were rare. As they multiplied
later, legal relief was provided, and, becoming a burden, the towns in
some of the colonies warned off new-comers, lest by continued residence
they might gain a settlement and a pennanent and hereditary claim to
support. Still, the colonists generally were too devout and diligent
students of the Bible not to obey its precepts. Churches and minis-
ters, from their limited resources, spared what they could. Farmers
gave bread to the hungry, shelter to the homeless, for the most part
without compensation. Wayfarers, whether lofty or lowly, Indians
or Quakers, and other schismatics, when banished or menaced with
penalty ; even Gofl' and Whalley, fugitives from royal resentment,
whose visits were dangerous or compromising, received cordial wel-
come and hospitable treatment.
Work was plenty for willing hands, and in case of age or in-
firmity, kinsfolk helped. If pestilence, famine, war, or conflagration
pressed heavily on such obligations, appeals to wider sympathies
afforded adequate relief. The gathering of the distafis on Boston
Common in 1709 is one memorable instance of coml)ined action under
common calamity; and that terrible scourge the small-pox, unmiti-
gated then by vaccination, had been rife in Boston not long be-
fore our society was founded. It was not the first association for
charitable purposes in New England. The earliest of which wo have
any tradition was the Scotch Charital)le, of Boston, in 1(365. The
second, in the same place, sixty 3'ears later, in 1724, owed its origin to
our own church, as its name implies.
Its founders, atHuent and influential, had taken a leading part in
building up the two then existing }iarishes of our church in Boston,
King's Chapel and Christ's, and helped to form that of Trinity, con-
secrated ten years later. Several of their names are associated with
many another work of utility, or charity, and their example has been
G4() HISTOHY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
transmitted through their successive generations. Peter Faneuil gave
the town its market-house and hall, well known alike by his own
name and as the cradle of liberty. Charles Apthorp, rich and bounti-
ful, was the father of East Apthorp, designed for our first Anglican
diocese : at least his elegant abode at Cambridge, which remains, is still
familiarly known to many as the " Episcopal palace." William Price, in
1772, left his estate to King's Chapel, or Trinity, for lectures, charity,
and parochial purposes, the income, now $9,000, being divided between
them; though the former by its change of creed, in 1809, when the
estate vested, could no longer assume the conditions. The memory
of Thomas Greene, from Nari'agansett, attaches as a principal con-
tributor to a fund belonging to Trinity, now $100,000, for the sup-
port of its assistant ministers.
The original associates consisted largely of recent comers to the
province. The provincial charter of 1692 sulijecting the northern
colonies more directly to the crown, its officials took up their abode
in the principal towns. Lechmere, Fi'ankland, Jekyl, and, later.
Governor Shirley, wei-e on its rolls. Increasing wealth and numbers,
the struggle for supremacy on this continent with France, and its
attendant armaments, quickened trade and intercourse with the Old
World. Among the earliest members are found the names of Amory,
Aston, Ballard, Blount, Gibbs, Lambert, Kilby, Comberton, Cowell,
Waldo, Winslow, and Wendell, engaged in foreign commerce ; Crease,
Freeman, and Gibbon, eminent physicians; Tyng, Brinley, Vassal,
Lyde, Ilyslop, Holker, Gordon, Grainger, Ivers, Inman, Coffin,
Auchmuty, King, Phillips, Sterling, and many besides, in various
ways entitled to consideration. The Channel Islands gave Duma-
resque, and, later, Sohier and Brimmer. The Huguenots, besides
Faneuil, added Boutineau, Bayard, Bethune, De Blois, Johonnot, Mas-
carene, Rideout, Rachel, and the publican, LukeVardy. These well-
known names, and many more who were distinguished then, or have
been since, in our local annals or on wider theatres, prove that the
founders of our society, and of the several parishes of the English
Established Church in Boston, were the compeers of any of their con-
temporai'ies in character, education, pulilic service, or practical piety.
It is of common remark that an especial blessing attends chari-
table entei-prises, and our society has not proved an exception. The ad-
mission fees, now $100 each, and the annual assessments, are invested ;
and Mrs. ^Nlarriot, 1793, IMrs. Howard, 1802, and Mrs. Sprague
have given legacies exceeding $10,000, and Ihcro have been other con-
sideralile bequests and donations. The income has been generally all
distributed, yet the present amount of the fund is $70,000. By its
act of incoi'poration in 1784, the society was empowered to hold prop-
ei-ty yielding an income of £900, extended in 1853 to $100,000 :
and again in 1880 to $250,000, a large addition to its funds having
been generously promised by will to establish a home for church mem-
bers wiio have seen better days.
^}i^^>^ eA d. Jl
eA 'Q,. A-v^*-^-^
CHURCH CHARITIES OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 647
TRE aonPORATION FOll THE liELIEF OF WIDOWS AND GIIILDUEN
OF CLERGYMEN OF THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CUORCU.
Br THE LATE JOHN WILLIAM WALLACE, LL.D.,
0/ Philadelphia.
I. PRE-KEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY.
The distressed condition to which the Episcopal clergy in the
more northern of the then British provinces of America found them-
selves reduced by advanced years, infirmity of health, and other casu-
alties, early attracted notice from benevolent members of the English
Church. As early as December, 1715, Archbishop Teuison left £1,000
sterling to his executors to })ut it out " to interest upon sure public
funds," and until the happening of an event which never occun-ed ' —
" to apply the interest to the benefit of such missionaries, being English-
men, and of the province of Canterbury, as they should find, upon good
information, to have taken true pains in the respective places which have
lieen committed ))y the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in
Foreign Parts, to their care in the said foreign plantations, and have
been by unavoidable sickness or other infirmities of the body, or old age,
disabled from the performance of their duties in the said places or pre-
cincts, and forced to return to England." But this bequest made no
provision for the helpless widows and the unprotected children whom
the clergy leave behind them when summoned to their promised re-
wards. The condition of such survivors in our early British provinces,
settled as they mostly were " in the dissidence of dissent," we may
well believe to have been distressing in the extreme. But prior to
the middle of the last century I am not aware that any attempt was
made to provide relief against it. In October, 1767, it was resolved
at a meeting of the clergy at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, "to appoint
a committee to frame some plan of provision" for them. And in pur-
suance of the appointment, the Ivev. Dr. Auchmuty, rector of Trinity
Church, New York ; the E.e^'. Dr. ]Myles Cooper, President of King's
College ; the Eev. Mr. Cooke, missionary at Shrewsbury in New Jer-
sey, and the Rev. Dr. AVilliam Smith, provost of the college and acade-
my in Philadelphia, drew up a scheme for insurance on lives of the
clergy in the provinces of New York, Penusjdvania, and New Jersey,
and recommended to them to solicit charters in each of the provinces
named. The result of this meeting was the establishment of" The Cor-
poration for the Relief of the Widows and Children of Clergymen in the
Communion of the Church of England in xYmerica ; " a society whose
funds, then common to the clergy in the three provinces of New York,
Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, amounted in its origin to £407 10s. in
Pennsylvania money, about $1,106 of our Federal money, but which,
after paying every lawful claim ever presented to it in the way of con-
tract, and after having distributed to those entitled to its benefits thou-
sands upon thousands of dollars above what they were entitled to
1 The consecration of two bishops, "one foi' Archbishop Seeker's Letter to the Right Hon.
the Continent, another for the Isles of North UoratioWalpoleconcerningBishopsin America."
America." See "A Critical Commentary on Philadelphia, 1771, p. 21.
648 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
demand of right, finds itself aftei* a century of existence, in the Penn-
sylvania branch of it alone, the possessor of nearly $300,000 ; its
obligations being less than a third of this sum.
The design of the coi'poratiou having obtained the approbation of
the clergy, and a draft of a charter being settled, two persons were
appointed in each province to solicit the passing thereof, viz., the Rev.
Dr. Auchmuty and Dr. Cooper in New York, the Rev. Mr. Cooke
and the Rev. Mr. Odell in New Jersey, and the Rev. Mr. Peters and
Dr. Smith in Pennsylvania. The charter for Pennsylvania was ob-
tained on the 7th of February, 17G9 ; the Honorable John Penn, Es-
quire, the Governor, having ordered the seal to be put to it on the
first appUcation. His Excellency Governor Fi'anklin showed the
same readiness, and the charter of New Jersey was completed in
May. That for New York, although cheerfully assented to by His
Excellency Sir Henry Moore, Bart., was delayed by his indisposition
and death ; but the passing of it was one of the first acts of his succes-
sor, the Honorable Lieutenant-Governor Colden, who put the seal to it
on the 29th of September.' The corporation was one and the same
in each of the three provinces ; the objects of the three charters, the
trusts, the powers, and the funds, were the sam;e ; and the concerns of
the corporation were regulated by the same managei's or officers, meet^
ing in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York.^ Each recited that
the clergy of the Church of England were with great difficulty able
to provide for their families, so that their widows and children were
often left in great distress, and that, to provide a remedy, application
had been made to the proprietaries to erect a corporation for receiv-
ing, managing, and dispensing of such sums of money as might be
subscribed and paid in from time to time by the clergy and mission-
aries themselves, and such benefactions as might be given by charitable
and well-disposed persons as a fund towards the support and relief of
their widows and children. And the patent of incorporation thereupon
GAVE and GRANTED that certain persons designated should be a body
politic, by the name of " The Corporation for the Relief of the Widows
and Children of Clergymen in the Communion of the Church of Eng-
land in America." Power was given to the corporators and their suc-
cessors to meet on the first Tuesday after the Feast of St. Michael in
every year. The charter constituted the Rev. Richard Peters, of
Philadelphia, the first pi'esident of the corporation, the Rev. Dr.
Thomas Bradbury Chandler, the first treasurer, and the Rev. Jonathan
Odell, the first secretary. It was ordained that the accounts and
transactions of the society should be laid from time to time before the
Archbishops of Canterlniry and York, and the Bishop of London.
The first Tuesday after the Feast of St. Michael, the charter day,
as fixed by the letters-patent, fell, in the year 1769, upon the 3d of
October ; and in that month of " pathetic loveliness," in the tranquil
town of Burlington, New Jersey, our corporation first asseml)led.
Clerical memliers had travelled from New York, Pennsylvania, and
from several parts of New Jersey, to be pi'esent ; and it may be interest-
1 29th September, 1769. iipyl to the fundameutal By-Laws and Tables
'See tlic preface (by the Hon. Iloi-aeo Kin- of Hales, ete., Pliiladelphia, 1851.
CHURCH CHARITIES OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
G49
ingto-notc that among the representatives from New Jersey was John
Lawrence, Mayor of lUu'lington, and father, I believe, of Captain
James Lawrence, wliose gaUant, though unsuceessfui, bravery during
our second war with England has made his name so well known.
With a view of having a larger number of corporators than
■were present at Burlington tlie meeting proceeded to Philadelphia,
without breaking up. A committee composed of Doctors Smith,
Auchmuty, Chandler, and Cooi)er. with Benjamin Chew, Joseph Gallo-
way, John Koss, and Cortland Skinner, Esquires, was appointed to
prepare business for the meeting to be held there : and it was
" liesolved, That at every annual meeting of the Corporation, a sermon, suitable
to the ooeasion, be preached by some one of the members ; and that each clerical
member be prepared to preach in his tm'u, according to the order in which he is
named in tlie cliarters."
lington.
On the 10th of October a number of persons assembled at Bur-
A contemporar}' printed record presents them thus :
Revekend RICHARD PETERS, President.
Hon. John Penn, Esq., Lieutenant-
Governor of Penus3"lvania.
Hon. James Hamilton, Esq.
Benjamin Cuew, Esq., Attorney-Gen-
eral of Ponn.sylvania.
James Tilguman, Esq.
Charles Read, Esq.
Frederick Smytue, Esq., Chief Jus-
tice of New Jersey.
Joseph Galloway, Esq., Speaker of
the Assembly of Pennsylvania.
Alexander Stedman, '\
John Ross, I ,:^„„, -,. „
Richard Hocklf.y, Esqmres.
Samuel Johnson, J
Thomas Willing, Esq., one of the
Judges of the Supreme Court of Pemi-
sylvania.
John Swift, "\
Samuel Powel, iFsnmrp.?
Francis Hopkinson, ^^^qmres.
Dr. John Kearsley, J
Daniel Coxe, Esq., of Trenton, New
Jersey.
■ D.D.
1
LL.D.
John Lawrence, Esq., Mayor of Bur-
lington, New Jersey.
Rev. William Smith, ")
" Samuel Auchmuty, I
" Thomas Bkaduury i
ClIAJTOLER, J
" ]\Iyles Cooper . .
" William Currie,
" Richard Charlton,
" George Craig,
" Samuel Cooke,
" Thomas Barton,
" William Thompson,
" Jacob Duciii5.
" Leonard Cutting,
" Ale.xandeu Murray,
" Jonathan Odell,
" Samuel Magaw,
" John Andrews,
" Abraham Beach,
" William Ay res,
" William Frazer,
" Henry Muhlenberg.
Clerks.
The first action of the society seems to have bceti attendance on
divine worship in Christ Church, in which venerable temple, historic
in the annals of the Church and State alike, Dr. Smith, whose name
stood lirst in order among those of the clergy in the charter, and who
was the preacher for the year, proceeded to deliver his discourse.
At the conclusion of the sermon, a collection, called in the
pi'inted account of the day, "a very generous one," and amounting to
£40 10s. Pennsylvania money, — equivalent. I believe, to about $140,
— was made " at the church doors for the benefit of the charity." And
the members of the corporation having continued in church till the con-
gregation was dispersed, went then in a body to wait on the Gov-
650 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
ernor, with an address of thanlis for his having granted them a charter
of incoi'poratiou.
This proceeding being ended, the gentlemen present " dined to-
gether," and proceeded to estabhsh their fundamental laws. They
were reenactcd without important change in 1814, and have been often
printed. The eldest Mr. Binney has summed up their character thus : —
They allowed of one mode of contribution only, by annual payments to the
coi-poration of either eight, sixteen, or twenty-four dollars, at the option of tlie
clergymen contributing; and it stipulated to give relief to his surviving widow
and children, and to either if there were not botli descriptions of sunuvors, accord-
ing to one uniform rule. The clergyman was bound to make his jxayment regu-
larly in each year during his life, and to make fifteen annual contributions certainly,
to entitle his widow and children to the largest rate of relief, namely, if he left a
widow, only, to an annuity of iivefold the amount of the annual payment during
her widowhooil, and, if she maiTied again, to one-half of the quintnjile annuity for
her life ; if he left both widow and children the annuity was divided between them,
— one-third to the widow, as aforesaid, and two-thirds of it to the cliildren for
thirteen years; if he left a widow and one child the annuity was divided between
the widow and child, — one-half to the widow, as aforesaid, and the other half to
the child for thirteen years ; and if he left a child or children and no widow the
child or children took the whole annuity for the term of thirtceu years. If the
clergyman paid any nmiiber less than five annual contributions, liis widow and
children were entitled only to ten per cent, per annum on the amount of his contri-
butions, for thirteen years; and if he paid five or more, and loss than fifteen annual
contributions, they were entitled to only half the amount of the full annuity, until
the amount of the half retained by the corporation, added to the five or more pay-
ments made by the deceased, without computing interest, should, together, make
a sum equal to fifteen annual payments, at which time the fall annuity became
payable.
Bishop White informs us that great pains were bestowed on the
formation of the society, and "especially in the obtaining of correct
principles of calculation, Avarranted by extensive observation of the
duration of lives." To whom was the society and the science of life
insurance indebted for this effort, so far in advance of most on this
continent, to ascertain those principles of reversionary payment by
which the society could best and most safely afford its relief ?
No effort in such a matter could have been well made at Phila-
delphia in the year 1769, by such gentlemen as then represented our
province in the board of managers, without some consultation with
the great " economist and calculator " of his day, Dr. Benjamin Frank-
lin. His tastes led him to inquiries of this class ; and, though Dr.
Smith had licen estranged from him, and charged him, in 1762, with
want of truth, and with malignant tempers,^ Franklin was not the
less, in 17(i9, in frequent correspondence with some of the citizens of
Philadelphia wlio formed the early members of the society, and, as one
of the trustees of the College of Philadelphia, was, to some degi-ee,
in associations, probably, with Dr. Smith himself. It is remarkable,
that in the very year of the society's incorporation, Dr. Price addressed
to Franklin his well-known " Observations on the Expectations of Lives,
the Increase of Mankind, the numl)er of Inhaliitants of London, and
the influence of Great Towns on Health and Population,"- and tliatthe
' See Stille's " Jlfmoir of Dr. Smith," pp. ' See " Obsei-vations on Revci-sionaiy Pay-
29, 30. ments," by Richard Price. I^oiulon, 1772.
CHURCH CHARITIES OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. G51
minutes of 17 To show tb:it Dr. Price, at the request of Franl^lin, had
I)cen considering the scheme of annuities of wliich we are spealcing, and
gave his judgment upon them. The fact of Franlcliu's hand in llie
original formation of it seems to be rendered almost certain l)y tlie
further fact that Mr. Galloway, a close and confidential friend of
Pranklin, and eminent as a lawyer of the province, was a member of
the committee appointed at the first meeting to prepare business for
the meeting at Pliiladcdphia, where these laws were resolved on, and
that in a contemporaiy printed account it is mentioned that " the
great attention paid to it by the lay members, the accuracy and
care with which all the proposed articles and fundamental rules were
examined, digested, and corrected, enpeckdlij hy (jenllemcn of the law,
deserve to be held continually in grateful remembrance by the clergy."
Application had been made, apparently, in the very incipiency
of the scheme, to the venerable Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel, praying their countenance and assistance in carrying the new
design into execution. Their answer, signed by their secretary, the
Rev. Dr. Burton, was as follows : —
That, as a mark of tlieir earnest desire to for^rard so benevolent an under-
taking', they willingly charge themselves witli an animal contribution of £20 ster-
ling to tlie scheme, for each of the Provinces of New York, New Jersey, and
Pennsylvania ; that is, £G0 sterling per annum in the whole ; for which the treasurer
of the Corporation for the Relief of the Widows, &c., may draw on the treasurer
to the Society for Propagating the Gospel, commencing from the time that the
charters shall be obtamed, and the subscriptions of the clergy themselves take
place.
"The thanks due to the venerable society for such a mark of their
goodness and kindness to the Episcopal clergy in these parts" were
ordered to be properly transmitted to them ; and M'erc presented in
a letter from the President, Dr. Peters.
The meeting of 1770 was in New York, and the annual sermon
was preached by Dr. Auchmut}^ The minutes contain the following
record of a layman's liberality : —
Upon a motion made that a jjroper seal might be ordered for the corpora-
tion, Mr. Le Koy generously oifereil to pay the expense of any seal that shall be
agi'ced upon ; the price not exceeding teu guineas.
Tlie meeting of 1771 was at Perth Amboy, New Jersey; Dr.
Chandler preaching the annual sermon. Governor Golden, of New
York, had now given place to Governor Tryon. The minutes thus
record the fact, with the action of the corporation upon it : —
Dr. Smith, Dr. Auchmuty, and Dr. Chandler were appointed a committee to
di'aw up immediately a proper address to his Excellency Governor Tryon, con-
gratulating him upon his safe an-ival in liis government, and acquainting him that
the corporation had done themselves the honor of choosing his Excellency a
member.
In 1772, the meeting being for this year in Pennsylvania, at Phil-
adelphia, a similar proceeding took place in regard to " the Honorable
Richard Peun, Esquire, Governor of Pennsylvania, who was unani-
mouslj' elected a member of the corporation."
652 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Such, within foui* years of the Dechiratioii of Independence, in
New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, where the spiritual stands
now so independent, was the relation of the Church to powers
temporal.
The records of 1772, at Philadelphia, present no event of inter-
est. Some little incidents arc thus quaintly recorded : —
The corporation proceeded to Christ Church, and as the Rev. Dr. Cooper,
President of Ring's C'<}no<i:e in New York, whoso turn it was to preacli, could not
attend, the annnal sermon was preached by tlie Rev. Dr. Peters, Rector of Christ
Cliurch and St. Peter's, Phihrdelphia, and a liberal collection made for the charity.
After sermon, Mr. Ilopkinson, one of the treasurers, acquainted the Corpora-
tion that Richard Hockley, Esq., one of the members, had generously subscribed
five pounds per amium, Pennsylvania money, during his natural life, for the bene-
fit of the fund, for which the corporation requested him to accept their sincere
thanks.
As Dr. Cooper, whose turn it was to preach at this meeting, could not attend :
Agreed, That he has not thereljy lapsed his turn, and that he be jjrepared to
preach at the next animal meeting.
Agreed, That the thanks of this corporation be given to their wortliy Presi-
dent, for his sermon preached this day before them, at which £120 35. 4(f. was col-
lected.
The minutes of 1773 record, in a style of similar simplicity, an
evidence of the ever ready service of the venerable president. They
tell us that "as the Rev. Mr. Reading, missionary at Apoquiniminck,
in Pennsylvania, who had undertaken to preach the annual sermon,
was prevented from attending by a sudden and severe indisposition,
the Rev. Dr. Peters, in this necessity, was pleased to preach the same
sermon which he had preached (but not printed) the former 3'ear at
Philadelphia ; " and a handsome collection was made in the church.
By whatever person — whether by Dr. Franklin, or l)y some other
man less disposed to such studies — the scheme of annual payments
and annuities was settled, and whether it was or was not settled on a
true estimate of the rates of life and death, it is certain that the mana-
gers of the corporation from its origin did not trust to the payments
made by persons contracting with it, to make good the promi.sed annu-
ities. A " sermon suitable to the occasion," to l)e preached at each
annual meeting, was a matter meant to be tixed, as we have seen, as
a permanent arrangement at the first meeting held 1iy the society ;
and a collection followed as of course. In 1772 it is "recommended
to the clergy, who are members of this corporation, to take all
convenient opportunities in their respective parishes, both pul)licly
and privately, to solicit benefiictions to this charitable institution."
And in 1774, with obvious perception, even at that early day, of the
shadows which coming events were casting before them, we find the
foimders of the corporation, while acknowledging a gift of £13 lO.s.
from John Dickinson, Esq., of £(5 from Dr. Alexander Ross, of
Jamaica, of £20 from the lion. James Hamilton, of Pennsylvania,
and of £5 from Mr. James Nixon, endeavoring to place its beneficent
purpose upon a base of less varying strength, by an endowment of
land from the crown. The minutes of October, in that year, contain
the following entry : —
CHURCH CHAKITIES OF THK EIGHTEENTH CENTUKY. G53
liesolvcd, That this corporation ought luimbly to solicit a grant of a quantity
of land iVom llis RIa.tksty, for the t'nrthcr sui>i)oi't of this cliaritablo institution;
tliat tliey tliink sucli grant ccjultl bu advantageously located in (_;anada, on the far
side of the Oliio, near or adjoining the western boundary of Feunsylvania, and that
the following gentlemen, viz.,
The lliglit Honorable the Earl of Sterling, the Ilonoraljle Mr. (Miicf Justice
Smith, and the llev. Dr. Chandler, of New Jersey; Goldsb(u-ough lianj-ar and
James Dnane, Kscjs., with the llev. Ur. Auehmuty, of Now York; and the lion.
James Hamilton and iJcnjamiu Chew, K.sq., with the llev. Dr. Smith, of Pennsyl-
vania,
Be and they are hereby nominated a committee, with jiowcrs to locate the
lands, determine the proper ijuantity tcj be jirayetl for, and also to pri^pan; and send
home the petition, at siieh time as Ihey may think i)roper. And it is the opinion of
this board that such application should be spccdilij made.
Whether the application was "speedily made" or not, the min-
utes do not sliow us. If it was not so made it was proI)al)ly not made
at all. The Revolution was soon upon us. The Church of England,
and the missionaries which it sent us, were associated largely with
England hcr.sclf, and came in for a share of the odium merited by her
rulers. Many of the missionaries, abandoning tlic country, returned
to the mother-country, and the society for the relief of their widows
and children seemed in danger of extinction, l)y the failure alike of the
conditions and the necessities for which it had been incorporated.
There was no meeting subsequently to 1775. The contributors,
who in 1771 numbered twenty-seven, had l)y October, 1775, decreased,
if an entry of payments on the minutes represents them all, to four.
One of the treasurers. Dr. Chandler, remained faithful to Great
Britain, and retired from this country. And it is a curious incident
that the earliest president of the society, its faithful friend and very
liberal benefactor, Ur. Peters, died six days after the Declaration of
Independence was read from the steps of the State-House. After
the minutes of the meeting of 1774 — whose proceedings seem to have
been more than usually full, and to have been very fully recorded —
we find in the records a short and expressive entry : —
The minutes of the proceedings of the corporation for the year 1775 have
been lost in the confusion of the war, which commenced in th.at year. During the
war the corporation did not meet.
The whole corporation stock in October, 1774, was, in Pennsyl-
vania currency, £2,572 12.s. lOcZ. ; that is to say, in their own, or some
other currency, not all of it Pennsylvanian : —
For Pennsylvania £1,411 6. 10.
For New York 1,00C 7. 8-|.
For New Jersey 232 6. 8.
So ends the pre-revolutionary history of the corporation. For
nearly ten years — during parts of wliich the British army was in the
possession of New York, Philadeliihia, and of many jjarts of Xew
Jersey — the corporation was without any corporate head, and, as
respected the State of New Jersey, without a treasurer. It lay, in-
deed, through the whole war, in a state so hitent and inactive that
but for three or four persons it might have been regarded as in a state
more of death than of dormancy.
654 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
II. POST-REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY.
With the returu of peace, the thoughts of a few members of
the corporation who had remained upon this continent were directed
to the resuscitation and reoi'ganization of the body.
The members, who, till the war, or shortly prior to it, had taken
an interest in the corporation were numerous. At the meeting of
October 3, 1773, there were present: Dr. Peters, Dr. Smith, Dr.
Auchmuty, Dr. Chandler, Dr. Cooper, Dr. Ogilvie, Mr. Craig,
Mr. Seabury, Mr. luglis, Mr. Duche, Mr. Cutting, Mr. Beach,
Mr. Frazer, Mr. Sayre, Mr. Bloomer, Mr. Provoost, Mr. Coombe,
Mr. White, Mr. Ayres. And at that meeting Mr. William Stringer
and Mr. Robert Blackwell were chosen members. In previous
records we find, in addition, the names of Mr. Charlton, iMr.
Eeading, INIr. Cooke, Mr. Preston, Mr. Browne, Air. Magaw, Mr.
Andrews, and Mr. Frazer; twenty-nine clergy in all of the Church
of England, belonging to one or other of the three States; and being,
I suppose, most of the clergy of the Church of England in them.
Of all these, full two-thirds disappear from the records in the
revolutionary term ; and I suppose that the year 1784 probably found
few alive, and on this hemisphere, other than Dr. Smith, Dr. AVhite,
Dr. Blackwell, Dr. Magaw, Dr. Provoost, Dr. Beach, Dr. Andrews,
Mr. Cutting, ]Mr. Bloomer, and Mr. Frazer.
The first action by members of the society towards reestablishing
it, after the peace, was a meeting of a few clergymen at New Bruns-
wick, New Jersey, on the 13th and 14th of May, 1784. ^ Here it was
determined to i^rocure a larger meeting on the 5th of October, at
New York.
At the meeting, reassembled in New York, "on the Tuesday of
October proposed, being the first Tuesday after the feast of St.
Michael," the work of reestablishment was proceeded in. The late
president, Dr. Peters, having died July 10, 1776, and "it being
now proposed to appoint a chairman to open the business, the
Rev. Dr. Smith was chosen for that purpose." The Rev. Benjamin
INIoore, afterwards Bishop of New York, acted as the secretary.
The first thing was the appointment of a committee of three
clerical and three lay members, — Drs. Smith, White, and Pi'ovoost,
and Messrs. Duane, Peters, and Livingston, — "to examine into
the aflairs of this corporation since the last meeting at Philadelphia,
on Tuesday after the feast of St. Michael, in the year 1775, and to
report thereon as soon as may be." Having adjourned to attend
jilivine service, at St. Paul's Church, New York, on Wednesday the
6th, where the annual sermon was preached by Dr. Magaw, the
rector of St. Paul's Church, Philadelphia, the meeting was reassembled
on the 8lh, the committee being ready to report.
The minutes tell us that the Hon. Mr. Duane, in behalf of the
committee, submitted the following, " its observations and advice" : —
1 Bishop White's "Memoirs," 2d ed., p. 21. date as " 11th May, 1784." Vide Peixy's " Hist.
This is the date Kivon by Bishop White. Tlie Notes and Documents," pp. 6-8.
original MS. in the hands of the editor gives tlie
CHURCH CHARITIES OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 655
That it is expedient that the objections -vvliich miglit bo made, on account of
the ncm-uscr of tlie powers jrraiitcd by the eharter, be I'cmovcd.
That the respective l^egishiturcs of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania
be applied to for this purpose.
That the last clause of the charter shall bo so far altered as, instead of sub-
jecting the accounts and proceedings of the corporation to the revisal and ratifica-
tion therein specified, the same accounts and proceedings shall hereafter be revised,
checked, and confirmed in the manner expressed in the said charter by thefiovernor.
Chancellor, and C'liief ,Iustice of the State of New York, or any two of them; and
by the Governor, or President, (he Chief Justice, and the Atlorney-Gcneral of tho
States of Pennsj'lvania and New Jersey respectively, or by any two of them. And
that the title of the corporaticm shall be altered as follows: " The Corporation for
the Relief of Widows and Vhildrcn of Clergymen of the Protestant Episcopal Church
in the United States of Ayiierica."
And, also, that the following clause in the proviso of tho said charter bo an-
nulled or repealed, viz. : " And not contrary to the laws of that jxirt of Great
Britain called England."
That committees be ajipointcd for each of the said three States, with power to
represent and act for this eorijoration in tho premises.
That in full confidence that the benevolent design for which this corporation
was instituted will bo encouraged by the said Legislatures, this corporation ought
to proceed to the election of the usual and necessary officers for conducting their
business, as well as of members for tilling up vacancies. And also to examine
into the state of their funds, and all other matters which require immediate at-
tention.
The corporation now proceeded to ballot for twenty-nine new
members. Their names ajipear upon the roll of corporators under the
date of 1784. It is interesting to note the names of General Alexan-
der Hamilton, then in his twenty-seventh year, and of John Jay,
among those from New York, and of both Robert and Gouverneur
Morris among those from Pennsjdvania. OfScers were also elected ;
Dr. Smith was appointed president; and the Rev. Benjamin Moore,
secretary. The treasurers were, for JVew York, John Alsop ; for
JVew Jersey, Joshua Maddox Wallace ; and/b?' Pennsijlvania , Samuel
Powel, this last reappointed. Standing committees of correspondence,
and for obtaining an alteration and confirmation of the charter, were
also elected ; Dr. White, and JNIr. Peters, for Pennsijlvania ; Messrs.
John Stevens and J. M. AVallacc. for New Jersey ; and Messrs. Duane,
Robert R. Livingston, with the Rev. Mr. Provoost, for JVew York.
The assets of the society were found in different degrees of sound-
ness in the difl'erent States. Those in Pennsylvania, which had lieen
under the care of Samuel Powel, Esq., were solid and forthcoming.
Mr. Powel reported in 1786, that since the 4th of October, 1775, he
had —
Received on account of the corporation, the sum of . . , £1,359. 5. 6.
And had jiaid away . 1,354. 4. 2.
Balance in favor of the Treasury £5. 1. 4.
And that the total amount of the corporation's stock in Pennsyl-
vania, including mortgages, was £2,795 10s. Qd. Claiming the fulfil-
ment of a promise made to him at some former meeting, for leave to
resign his olEce, he was discharged from the trust after thirteen years'
service — from 1773 to 1786 — "with the thanks of the corporation
656 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
for his fidelity, accuracy, and attention to the interests of the institu-
tion under oircumstances of peculiar difEculty."
The fluid in Xcw York was in a condition not quite so satisfactory.
A proposition of the treasurer, made apparently in 1785, that he should
give landed security for £1,237 lO.s. 7|(/. ftjKcie principal, with interest
in future, was accepted by the corporation, and the sum above named
may ))c taken as the property of the corporation in New York.
With the retirement " beyond seas," as it is called in the minutes,
of Dr. Chandler, the wdiole fund (£232 G.s. 8cZ.) existing for New
Jersey, in 1777, was lost.
At the close of the Revolution the aggregated funds of the cor-
poration consisted of the —
Fund in Pennsylvania £2,79.5. 10. 6.
" New York £1,237. 10. 7|.
" New Jersey; moneys received from 1775 to 1784, from
the Kev. Mr. Blackwell, Frazur, Beach, and Odell,
subscribers for that State 18. 14. 3.
"With this capital, surviving the shock of the Revolution, the cor-
poration renewed its meetings, its annual sermons, and its business ; Dr.
Smith, after the adjournment of the meeting at New York, remained
in that city to preach on the following Sunday, both morning and after-
noon, which added £112 19,s. lOcZ. to the corporate moneys. The next
meeting was fixed for Trenton, but the minutes of 17cS") inform us that,
owing to the bad weather and other incidents, the meml)crs could not
be asseml)led in sufEcieut numbers to do business, and that certain of
the members, who met in Philadelphia, sent some of those present to
Trenton to procure an adjournment, to meet on the 20th of June in
the next ycAV at Philadelphia, and that those who met at Trenton ad-
journed accordingly. The meeting of 1786 was so held ; and, among
its agreeable incidents, was the announcement, l)y the Rev. Dr. Moore,
that Mr. James De Blez, of New York, had bequeathed to the cor-
poration a no less sum than £400.
With the return of peace the ol^ligations of the corporation to
its various subscribers, several of whom had died since the last meet-
ing in 1775, and whose families stood, therefore, in special relations to
the body, made matter of some difEculty. How fir the loyalist clergy
who abandoned the country, and had died in England, were to be
regarded on the same footins; as those who followed the fortunes of
the colonies, and withstood invading arms, — how far and on whom
the cesser of payments for ten years should operate to destroy prior
rights, or how far and for whom the penalties of forfeiture were
suspended by the war, these, and many questions of difEculty, both in
the principles and details of computing the annuities, may have natu-
rally embarrassed the resy)ective treasurers. A committee, composed of
Rev. Drs. Smith and White from the clergy, and of Messrs. Wilcox,
Wallace, and Chaloner from the laity, was appointed to settle the
annuities, and, on their report it was
Eesolvcd, That the respective treasurers be instructed to settle with the sev-
CHURCH CHARITIES OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 657
eral annuitants who aru entitlod to relief from the funds of this corporation,
accordino; to tiie tenor and intent of the fundamental articles.
That is to say, that they shall pay, as soon as they .shall bo enabled, their
respective annuities, accordins; to the classes to which they belonc;, or to such
as shall demand tlie same, deducting such forfeitures as may have been incurred by
the respective subscribers.
But, whereas, the general calamities of war have prevented the subscribers
from making any payments after the Tuesday immediately preceding the feast of
St. Michael, in the j-ear 177G, it is
Uesolvcd, That no linos or forfeitures shall lie deemed to have been incurred
after that time, or be deducted from the annuities due.
The matter being one of contract, where the war had but sus-
pended remedies, and not anuUed the ol)li<;ation, no distinction ap-
jiears to have been made between the families of the loyalist cleriry
and those who adhered to the colonies. And in the following year,
at a meeting composed of men, most of whose names are found in the
early councils of the Church in America, the continuing identity of
the Church in England with the Church in America would appear
to have been recognized in a resolution somewhat striking, thus : —
That .an address be made to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel,
soliciting the p.ayment of arrearages of their annual contribution to this corpo-
ration, with which they generously charged themselves.
The year 1789 is to be signalized by the retirement of Dr. Smith
from the presidency of the corporation. The thanks of the corporation
were given to him for his long and faithful services as president ; and
the Rev. Dr. AVhite, who had been a member since 1772, and had
now recently been consecrated to the episcopate, was elected to the place.
In the same year the corporation had the gratiiieation of receiv-
ing, by request, from Andrew Doz, one of its members, the largest
sum ever received from one individual. He left his property, on the
death of his wife and widowed daughter, and, as it is recorded by
the latter, " with their entire approbation," almost wholly to institutions
of the Church ; one-seventh part of his estate, this share producing, so
far as can be ascertained, about $4,000,' coming to the society.
The corporation continued its annual meetings through the years
1790 and 1791. At the meeting of the former year we tind Hamilton, at
that time Secretary of the Treasury, consulting with White and Pro-
voost upon the wisdom of a change in a fundamental rule of the cor-
poration, suggested, we are told, " on account of the calamities of the
late war." In any such council we may l)elicve that the voice of the
first secretary was potential. The member of the body who records
his presence and his action was the excellent Benjamin Moore, D.D.,
then and long secretary of the corporation ; no stranger to his sincerity
in all things, or to his interest in what concerned the ministers of
religion, when summoned, fourteen years afterwards to the bedside of
the expiring patriot, there to administer to him a sacrament of the
Church, and. to receive from his lips, amidst the agony of a mortal
wound, the solemn assurance that he had "no ill will" against the man
' Mr. Binncy's Preface, p. 8.
658 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
who sought imd took his life ; and lliat " he forgave all that had
happened."
The minutes of this year, 1791, tell us tliat the meeting was at
Trenton, and after making mention of the election of officers, that
The corporation then proceeded to the church, where a sermon hi2;hly suitable
to the occasion was preached by the Rev. Dr. Blackwell to a number of the re-
spectable inluibitants of Trenton and its vicinity. The collection was £7 12s. Id.
This, I believe, was the last sermon preached before the society,
and the last collection made in its ))clialf.
From 1791 to 1796 the minutes record no meetings, except one
in 1793, and for several years, up to 1813, there were many interrup-
tions of them. Without doul)t the frequent joiu'ncyings of the
members, performed by some of them most faithfully to Philadel-
phia, New York, and to diiferent towns in New Jersey, must have
been found greatly laborious, accomplished as they were before
the days of either steamboats or railways, and when the transport was
to be made across the arid sands of New Jersey, either in the common
stage, or the less expeditious private carriage of the owner ; the only
variation to such a conveyance being by the " periaguas " of that day
on water at the e.xtremities of the road, and where storms and calms
were as frequent as the more grateful zephyrs. The aggregation
of the society had been made in the days of the church's infancy and
feebleness on this continent. With bishops of its own, and with
increasing strength, a separation and independent action were better.
The minutes of May, 1796, accordingly disclose to us, that at a meet-
ing held in Trenton, it was the opinion of the members present that
three distinct corporations ought to be formed ; one for each of the
three States. And a separation was then resolved on, with a division
of funds on these principles : —
1. That an estimate should be made of all moneys conti'ibuted in the States
I'espectively, whether by subscription or donation.
2. That an estimate should be made of all moneys contributed by corpora-
tions, or by individuals not residing in any of the three States.
3. That an exact statement of the funds of the present corporation should
be made, from which it might be ascert;uned how far they fell short of the sums
wliich had been received.
4. That a new fund should be raised in each State by a dem.and on the pres-
ent aggregate fund, in a ratio compounded of a right to one-third of what should
apjiear on Article 2, and to a share in what should appear on Article 1, propor-
tioned to the moneys which had been contributed in each State, whether by sub-
scription or by donation.
Under these resolutions, a committee, of whom the acting mem-
bers were Bishop White and Dr. Blackwell, for Pennsylvania, Dr.
Beach, for New York, and Mr. Joshua INladdox Wallace, for New
Jersey, was appointed to effect the division of the corporate funds on
the foregoing plan. They found, on the 27tli November, 1806, that the
whole fund consisted of $26,485, and that there would be to be assigned
To the separate corporation in New York .... $11,806
Pennsylvania . . . 10,390
" " " New Jersey . . . 4,289
$2C.4S5
CHURCH CHARITIES OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 659
And the legi.slaturcs of New York, Pennsylvania, and New Jer-
sey, having created new corporations in their States respectively,'
to whom the powers and duties of the aggregate corporations were
transferred, the several portions of the fund were paid to them respec-
tively ; provision being made for the rights of existing contractors
with the corporation, who had, of course, a claim on the whole fund.
Upon this transfer the principal actoi's in the events by which the
division was accomplished, prepared and executed with solemnity a
paper which was intended as a perpetual record and counsel. It thus
declares : —
Philadelphia, November 27th, 1806.
We, the subscribers, having this day ratified a phiii of division of the fund
of the Corporation for tlie Relief of tlie Widows and Children of Clergymen of
the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America, embrace the
opportunity of recording our unanimous opinion, intending to deliver the same to
the members of the said corporation in tlie States in -wliioh we respectively I'cside,
that it will be incumbent on the contemplated corporations in the distinct States to
continue their respective funds on tlie general principles on which the aggi'cgate
fund was established, and especially to keep in ^iew the principle that contribu-
tions duly paid, agreeably to the fundamental laws, are the price of the purcliase
of an annuity, which should be rendered as secure as the nature of human affairs
will permit, and that in regard not only to former but also to future contributors,
the aggi-egatc corporation liaving pledged themselves, and as far as they could,
their successors, to that effect.
AVm. WniTE,
Abm. Beach,
PiOiiEUT Blackwell,
J. M. Wallace.
The drafts of proper instruments were prepared in form. They
confirmed the proceedings of the members who met at Trenton in INIay,
1796, and the acts of the committee at Philadelphia, on the 27th
November, 1806, and the separation, apportionment, and division of
the aggregate funds, and they approved of the creation of the three
new corporations, and of the payments made. Each member sever-
ally released and acquitted each and every other from all claim and
responsibility for any matter in the premises, and each declared his
assent and agi'eement to the dissolution of the aggregate corporation,
and directed that its common seal might be affixed by the president to
the presents. And they thereupon surrendered up all rights under
the old corporation, and declared that thenceforth it should cease.
The draft, being engrossed, was signed by twenty-four meml)ers
of the corporation, and subsequently sealed with the common seal ;
the last use to which that seal — which the generosity of Mr. Le Roy
had provided for in the year 1770, and whose legend and devices its
lilieral donor, with INIr. Kempe, Dr. Auchmuty, and Dr. Cooper,
were then appointed to prescribe — was ever applied. The seal being
affixed, it was afterwards solemnly 1n-oken by the Rt. Rev. Dr. White,
president of the corporation.
So ended the formal existence of the ancient corpor-ation of the
colonies and of the revolutionary epoch. The names of the twenty-
four who signed the act of dissolution comprised, with the Rev. John
»The Act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania was passed 28th JIarch, 1797.
660
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
Campbell, of Pennsylvania, and a very few others, perhaps, of New
York and New Jersey, all the surviving members of that day. They
had been faithful guardians of their trust, and now delivered it up
strengthened and enriched for much greater usefulness than when
they had received it. As we have given the names of those by
whom, in its first meeting, the society was constituted, so we may
properly record the names of these last. They were : —
Fob Pennsylvania.
The
The
Rt. Rev. William White, D.D.
Rev. Robert Blaokwell, D.D.
" Joseph Pilmore, D.D.
" James Abeucromme, D.D.
" Joseph Hutcihns.
" Joseph Clarkson.
Edward Tilghmax, Esq.,
The Hon. Richard Peters.
" John D. Coxe.
Gen. Francis Gurnet.
Matthew Clarkson, Esq.
Tench Coxe, Esq.
James Ash, Esq.
Benjamin Smith Barton, M.D.
Fob New York.
The Rt. Rev. Benjamin Moore, D.D.
" Saml. Provoost, D.D.
The Rev. Abraham Beach, D.D.
Richard Channing Moore, D.D.
The Rev. William IIammel.
Fob New Jersey.
The Rev. Charles Henry Wharton,
D.D.
Joshua Maddox Wallace, Esq.
William Coxe, Esq.
xJ^^^^J^..:.^^
CHRIST CHURCH HOSPITAL, PHILADELPHIA.
Bt the rev. EDWARD A. EOGGO, D.D.,
Rector of Christ Church,
CHRIST CHURCH HOSPITAL, PHILADELPHIA.
This institution was founded A.D. 1772 by Dr. John Kearsley,
who died in January of that year, and who, for fifty-three years,
served on the vestry of Christ Church. In the language of his will,
dated April 29, 1769, "for the support of ten or more poor or
distressed women of the Communion of the Church of England, or
such as the said corporation and their successors shall deem such ;
prefeiTing clergymen's widows before others, and supplying them with
meat, drink, and lodging, and the assistance of persons practising phys-
ic and surgery, I give and bequeath such and such properties to the
Cori)oration of the United Churches of Christ Church and St. Peter's,
to found 'Christ Church Hospital.'" Dr. Kearsley was the architect
of the present building of Christ Church, and, as some think, of In-
dependence Hall also. The first building was on Arch street, above
Third, and could accommodate only eight persons. This was pulled
down in 1785, and a larger building erected on the spot. In 1818 a
CHURCH CHARITIES OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 6G1
spacious edifice was ei'ectod on Cherry street. This contained twenty
rooms. In 1856 a tract of hind of one hundred and twenty-six acres
was purchased on Bchuont avenue, West Philadelphia, on which a
magnificent fire-proof building has been erected, at a cost of over
$135,000. It has a front of two hundred and thirty-seven feet, with
a wing of one hundred feet in depth. A beautiful chapel, nicely fur-
nished, forms a part of this wing, and regular services are held on the
chui-ch's holydays.
In January, 1789, Joseph Dobbins, Esq., of South Carolina,
gave to the institution £500, and two lots of land in the city
of Philadelphia. These lots in time increased very much in value,
and the sale of them furnished the money with which to i)urchaso the
farm. De Lanccy place, between Spruce and Pino streets, above
Eighteenth, now occupies what was then teraied " pasture lots." Mr.
Dobbins died in Columbia, S.C., on the 29th of May, 1804, leaving
all his estate, real and personal, "to the poor and distressed widows
supported by the bounty of Dr. Kearsley, in Christ Church Hospital."
There are at present about seventy inmates, who are most comfort-
ably provided for. A well-furnished room is provided for each, and the
parlor and library are open to all, Mhere they meet as members of a
Christian household. We have no doubt that in the future, as the en-
dowment by judicious administration increases, it will support one
hundred and fifty or more, in the noble structure provided for the pur-
pose.
THE ORPHAN HOUSE AT BETHESDA, OA.
Er THE RT. REV. JOHN WATROUS BECKWITH, D.D., LL.D.,
Bishop of Georgia.
The history of Bethesda, so for as that history is known, forms
but a brief chapter in the life of the Rev. George Whitefield. He laid
its foundations; under him, and owing to his devotion, it flourished;
and after his death it gradually weakened, passed away, and, except
the mere outline of its story, was forgotten. It is of special interest
as being, probably, the first institution of charity for the protection
and education of orphan children established in this country ; and as
being the work of a clergyman of the Church.
The idea of establishing an orphan's home in Georgia was already
in the minds of the llev. Charles Wesley and General Oglethorpe, and
was by them imparted to Whitefield. In a letter written by him in
1745_6 he says : "Some have thought that the erecting such a build-
ing was only the produce of ni}' own brain, but they arc much mis-
662 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCU.
taken, for it was first proposed to me by my dear friend, the Rev.
Charles Wesley, who, with His Excellency General Oglethorpe, had
conceived a scheme for carrying on such a scheme Ijefore I had any
thoughts of going abroad myself."
Having determined that his duty lay in Georgia, he at once went
to work to raise funds for the poor children of the colony. On the
28th of December, 1737, aged twent^'-three, he sailed on board the
"Whitakcr"for the New World. On the 5th of May, 1738, the
"Whitakcr" anchored oif Tyl)ee, and George Whitetield, having
preached to the crew a farewell sermon, went forward to Savannah,
accompanied by his devoted friend, Mr. James Habersham, afterwards
president of the colony of Georgia, who had come to Georgia " only
from motives of warm friendship for Mr. Whitefield, and his deep love
for the missionary work." The condition of the children, especially
those who were orphans, at once claimed his attention. Such was the
destitution of these poor waifs that, instead of attempting the erection
of an orphan house, he used the money collected in England to provide
thera a temporary home and proper care and superintendence, and, in
September of the same year, returned to England and busied himself
raising funds. The trustees of Georgia oflered him a salary to labor
in Savannah ; but this he declined, asking instead that they would
grant him a tract of land, on which he might erect an orphan house.
In consequence of this request five hundred acres of land were donated
him, and thus was secured the original tract upon which was to be
placed the " Whitefield Orphan House."
In less than one year, we are told, the young missionary collected
in England more than one thousand pounds, and, with this amount in
hand, he left his home, August 14, 1739, and returned to Georgia,
attended by eight men and three children. On the 25th of March,
17'40, the first brick was laid of the main building, which was then
named by him "Bethesda"or "The House of Mercy." In December,
1741, Mr. Whitefield, writing of " the great house," says : "It is now
weather-boarded and shingled, and a piazza of 10 foot wide built all
around it, which will be wonderfully convenient in the heat of sum-
mer. One part of the house would have been entirely finished had
not the Spaniards lately taken from us a schooner loaded witli ten
thousand bricks, and a great deal of provisions, with one of our fam-
ily. And therefore I could not, till lately, procure another boat to
fetch brick from Charlestown. Notwithstanding this and many other
hindrances, the work has been carried on with great success and speed.
There are no less than 4 frame houses, a large stable and cart-house, be-
side the great house. In that there will be, I think, 16 commodious
rooms, besides a large cellar of GO feet long and 40 wide. Near 20
acres of land are cleared round about it, and a large road from Savan-
nah to the Orphan House, 12 miles in length : a thing not before done
since the Province was settled." At this time INIr. Whitefield and the
children were living in the out-houses above mentioned. Of these chil-
dren , he says in a letter dated December 23, 1 741 , there were forty-nine,
of whom twenty-three were English, ten Scotch, four Dutch, five French,
andseven Americans. " Twenty-two of these are fatherless and mother-
CHURCH CHARITIES OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 663
less ; — IG boys and 6 girls. The others arc some of thcra fatherless, and
some without mothers : all oI)jects of charity, except three, whose friends
recompense the Orphan House for tiicir maintenance." His design iu
founding the Orphan House was, as he says, " to l)uild up souls for
God." He endeavored " to preach most of all to the children's hearts."
But, that they might be able to give a reason for the hope that was in
them, he constantly instructed them out of the Church of England
articles which ho turned into catechetical questions.
The girls were taught to " spin, sew, wash, knit, clean the house,
get up linen," and "general housewifery." Both boys and girls were
emplo3'ed in picking cotton. An infirmary was attached to the insti-
tution, where a woman was in constant attendance. Including two
school-masters and their wives, — acting as school-mistresses, — a
superintendent, a surgeon and his wife, a shoemaker and spinstress,
laborers and hired servants, there were upwards of eighty persons
attached to the establishment. Bethesda at this time owned "200
hogs and 100 head of cattle," under the charge of a man who was paid
£40 sterling to take care of them. The lands were cultivated by
hired white servants and the larger boys, but JNIr. Whitetield doubts
whether such labor can be made profitable, and he suggests the ex-
pediency of the introduction of negroes, who, at that time, were pro-
hibited in the colony of Georgia, but allowed iu South Carolina. J\Ir.
Whitefield states that up to this time (1741 ) there had been expended
in behalf of the Orphan House, £3,358. 7s. 5\d.
In 1745 he writes : " JMany boys have been put out to trades,
and many gii'ls put out to service. One that I brought from New
England is handsome!}' settled in Carolina, and another from Phila-
delphia is married and lives comfortably in Savannah." The zeal of
this godly man seems at times to have seriously interfcrred with the
comfort of his neighboi's. Mr. William Stephens, in its "Journal of
Proceedings," etc.. Vol. II., page 248, complains that Mr. Whitefiold
was so zealous in his ari'angements for the construction of the Orphan
House and other liuildings belonging to it, that he monopolized the
services of every bricklayer, sawyer, and carpenter in the province,
and so determined was he to fill his house with orphans that he became
involved in serious disputes, and finally Gen. Oglethorpe thought it
necessary to forbid his taking away any orphans from their masters.
In 1748-9 he remained in England as chaplain to Lady Huntingdon.
In 1750 his views seem to have greatly enlarged. So encouraged was
he by the success of the Orphan House that he determined to make
Bethesda a college, wherein the sons of Carolina and Georcia ffentle-
men might " be initiated in academic exercises." A charter was prayed
for " upon the plan of the New Jersey College." In this memorial
Whitefield declares himself "ready to give up his present trust and
make a free gift of all lands, negroes, goods and chattels, which he
then stood possessed of in the Province of Georgia, for the iiresent
founding and towards the future support of a college, to be called by
the name of Bethesda College, in the Province of Georgia." ^ In the
' A Letter to His Excellency Gov. Wrisht, etc., page 6. LonJon : 17GS.
664 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CIIUHCH.
same memorial hepraystbat two thousand acres of land "might l>c granted
in trust towards carrying on the desirable end of founding a college."
At this time the Orphan House had been in existence about twenty-six
years, and over £12,000 had been expended in its maintenance. The
lands prayed for were located " on the north fork of Turtle Iviver,
called the Lesser Swamp, if vacant, or where lauds may be found
vacant south of the Eiver Altamaha."
In a letter addressed by Mr. Whiteficld to the Archl)ishop of
Canterbury, under date, London, July 4, 17G7, he thus alludes to the
condition of the Orphan House, and its propert}'^ : " Upon a moderate
computation, may it please j^our Grace, I believe its pi-esent annual
income is between four and five hundred pounds sterling. The House
is surrounded with eighteen hundred acres of land, a plan of which
and likewise of the House itself I herein inclose, and humbl}^ pre-
sent for your Grace's perusal. The numl)er of negroes, young and
old, employed on various parts of these lands, in sawing timber, rais-
ing rice for exportation, and corn, with all other kinds of provisions
for the family, is about thirty. Besides these the college will l)e im-
mediately possessed of two thousand acres of land, near Altamaha,
which were granted me liy the Governor and Council, when I was last
in Georgia, and a thousand acres more, left, as I am informed, by the
late liev. and worthj- Mr. Zouberbuhler. So that, liy laying out only a
thousand pounds in purchasing an additional number of negroes, and
allowing another thousand for repairing the House, and building the
two intended wings, the present annual income may very easily
and speedily be augmented to a thousand pounds per annum. .
At present I would only further propose that the negro children be-
longing to the College shall be instructed, in their intervals of labour,
by one of the poorer students, as is done now by one of the scholars
in the present Orphan House. Aud I do not see why an adilitioual
provision may not likewise be made for educating and maintaining a
number of Indian children, which, I imagine, may easily be procured
from the Creeks, Cliocktaws, Cherokecs and the other neighbour-
ing nations. Hence the whole will bo a free gift to the Colony of
Georgia, — a complex, extensive charit}' be established, and at the
same time not a single person obliged, by any publick act of Assem-
bly, to pay an involuntary forced tax towards the support of a
Seminar}' for which many of the more distant and poorer Colonists'
children cannot possibly receive any immediate advantage, and yet
the whole Colony by the Christian and liberal education of a great
number of its individuals be universally benefited." Such was ^Yhite-
field's plan and such were his hopes. His plan was a noble one, and
his hopes were such as became a wise and Christian man working in the
present and building for the future. But his zeal could rouse no enthu-
siasm in the distant home government ; his humble praj'er was re-
fused him ; the charter could not be obtained, and the dream of his
life, for the realization of which much of that life had been spent,
perished, and he was compelled to content himself with caring for the
few orphans whom he had collected. Three years later and this
genuine philanthropist, worn out by cares and labor, entered into
CHURCH CHARITIES OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
665
rest. He died at Newburyport, Mass., September 30, 1770.
The history of Bethesda, after the death of Whitelicld, is bolh brief
and sad. When his will was opened it was found that he had be-
queathed "the Orphan House in Bethesda, and likewise all the build-
ings, land, books and furniture belonging thereto, to that elect Lady,
that mother in Israel, that mirror of true and undetiled religion, the
Right Honorable Selina, Countess of Huntingdon ; ' and in case she
should enter upon her glorious rest before my decease, to Honourable
James Habersham, a merchant of Savannah." Lady Huntingdon at
once undertook the charge committed to her by her dead friend.
" But her plans and efforts, in reference to the Ori)han House, were
suddenly arrested by the destruction of the Ijuildings bj^ lightning."
" By liberal contribution of her own private means and the assistance
of others, she soon restored buildings capacious enough to accommo-
date the few pupils now in attendance ; " but the life of the insti-
tution seemed to have departed. Lady Huntingdon died June 17,
17SI1. At her death the school was discontinued, the estate reclaimed
l)y the State legislature, and the management of it committed to a
board of trustees. "In 1805 one of the wings of the building was
destroyed, and other parts so injured, by fire, as to render repair im-
jiossible ; and the out-l)uildings were so damaged l)y a hurricane as to
render them valueless." In 1809 the property was sold, by order of
the legislature, and the Bethesda of Whitefield ceased to exist.
' In the Georgia Historical Society builtlin>r, to believe that this painting once adorned the
in Savannah, there is a large portrait ol' the walls of " the Great House " iu Bethesda.
Countess of Huntingdon. Tliere is good reason
BX5880 .P46 v.l
The history of the American Episcopal
Princeton Theological Semmary-Speer Library
1 1012 00149 4808