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rSlotAardJLI.J./'  j;  Saunders  j-a<p. 

/'/</>/////<-<!  Fe/t-ui  jSai,by  CZu&ll &J?ai'ies-,  Strand . 


THE 


HISTORY 


OF 


AMERICA. 


By  WILLIAM  ROBERTSON,  D.D. 

VKINCIPAL     OF     THE     UNIVERSITY     OF      EDINBURGH, 

HISTORIOGRAPHER    TO    HIS    MAJESTY 

FOR    SCOTLAND, 

AND    MEMBER    OF    THE    ROYAL    ACADEMY    OF 

HISTORV    AT    MADRID. 


THE  EIGHTH  EDITION, 
In  which  is  included  the  Pofthumous  Volume, 

CONTAINING 
THE  HISTORY  OF  VIRGINIA,  TO  THE  YEAR  l688j 
AND  OF  NEW  ENGLAND,  TO  THE 

IN     THREE     VO 

VOL. 


LONDON. 

Printed  by  A,  Strahan,  Printers-^nwtl, 

roR    T.    CADELL    JUN.    AND    W.    DAVIES,    STRAND, 

AND    E.    BALFOUR,   EDINBURGH. 

1  SOO.  ^ 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2011  with  funding  from 
Universidad  Francisco  Marroquin 


http://www.archive.org/details/historyofameric01robeguat 


PREFACE. 

tn  fulfilling  the  engagement  which  I  had  come 
*  under  to  the  Public  with  refpeft  to  the  Hif- 
tory  of  America,  it  wag  my  intention  not  to  have 
publifhed  any  part  of  the  work  until  the  whole 
was  completed.  The  prefent  itate  of  the  Britifh 
colonies  has  induced  me  to  alter  that  refolution. 
While  they  are  engaged  in  civil  war  with  Great 
Britain,  inquiries  and  fpeculations  concerning 
their  ancient  forms  of  policy  and  laws,  which 
exift  no  longer,  cannot  be  interefting.  The  at- 
tention and  expectation  of  mankind  are  now 
turned  towards  their  future  condition.  In  what- 
ever manner  this  unhappy  conteft  may  terminate, 
a  new  order  of  things  muft  arife  in  North  Ame- 
rica, and  its  affairs  will  affume  another  afpedt.  I 
wait,  with  the  folicitude  of  a  good  citizen,  until 
the  ferment  fubfide,  and  regular  government  be 
re-eftablifhed,  and  then  I  (hall  return  to  this  part 
of  my  work,  in  which  I  had  made  fome  progrefs. 
That,  together  with  the  hiflory  of  Portuguese 
America,  and  of  the  fettlements  made  by  the  fe* 
veral  nations  of  Europe  in  the  Weft  India  iflands, 
will  complete  my  plan. 

The  three  volumes  which  I  now  publifh,  con- 
tain an  account  of  the  difcovery  of  the  New 
World,  and  of  the  progrefs  of  the  Spanifh  arms 
and  colonies  there.  This  is  not  only  the  moft 
fplendid  portion  of  the  American  ftory,  but  fo 
much  detached,  as,  by  itfelf,  to  form  a  perfect 
whole,  remarkable  for  the  unity  of  the  fubjecl:. 
As  the  principles  and  maxims  of  the  Spaniards 
A3  in 


VI  PREFACE. 

in  planting  colonies,  which  have  been  adopted  in 
fome  meafure  by  every  nation,  are  unfolded  in 
this  part  of  my  work  ;  it  will  ferve  as  a  proper 
introduction  to  the  hiftory  of  all  the  European 
eftablifhments  in  America,  and  convey  fuch  in- 
formation  concerning  this  important  article  of 
policy,  as  may  be  deemed  no  lefs  interefting  than 
curious. 

In  defcribing  the  atchievements  and  inftitu- 
tions  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  New  World,  I  have 
departed  in  many  inftances  from  the  accounts  of 
preceding  hiftorians,  and  have  often  related  facts 
which  feem  to  have  been  unknown  to  them.  It 
is  a  duty  I  owe  the  Public  to  mention  the  fources 
from  which  I  have  derived  fuch  intelligence,  as 
juftifles  me  either  in  placing  tran factions  in  a  new 
light,  or  in  forming  any  new  opinion  with  refpe& 
to  their  caufes  and  effects.  This  duty  I  perform 
with  greater  fatisfa&ion,  as  it  will  afford  an  op* 
portunity  of  exprefling  my  gratitude  to  thofe  be* 
nefa&ors,  who  have  honoured  mc  with  their 
countenance  and  aid  in  my  refearches. 

As  it  was  from  Spain  that  I  had  to  ex  peel:  the 
moll  important  information,  with  regard  to  this 
part  of  my  work,  I  confidered  it  as  a  very  for- 
tunate circumftance  for  me,  when  lord  Gran- 
tham, to  whom  I  had  the  honour  of  being  per- 
fonally  known,  and  with  whofe  liberality  of  fen* 
timent,  and  difpofition  to  oblige,  1  was  well  ac* 
quainted,  was  appointed  ambaflador  to  the  court 
of  Madrid.  Upon  applying  to  him,  I  met  with 
fuch  a  reception  as  fatisfied  me  that  his  endea- 
vours would  be  employed  in  the  moft  proper 
manner,  in  order  to  obtain  the  gratification  of 
my  wifhes;   and  I  am  perfectly  fenfible,   that 

what 


PREFACE.  Vll 

what  progrefs  I  have  made  in  my  inquiries  among 
the  Spaniards,  ought  to  be  afcribed  chiefly  to 
their  knowing  how  much  his  lordfhip  interefted 
himfelf  in  my  fuccefs. 

But  did  I  owe  nothing  more  to  lord  Gran- 
tham, than  the  advantages  which  I  have  derived 
from  his  attention  in  engaging  Mr.  Waddilove, 
the  chaplain  of  his  embafty,  to  take  the  conduct 
of  my  literary  inquiries  in  Spain,  the  obligations 
I  lie  under  to  him  would  be  very  great.  During 
five  years,  that  gentleman  has  carried  on  re- 
fearches  for  my  behoof,  with  fuch  activity,  per- 
feverance,  and  knowledge  of  the  fubjedt,  to  which 
his  attention  was  turned,  as  have  filled  me  wjth 
no  lefs  aftonifhment  than  fatisfaction.  He  pro- 
cured for  me  the  greater  part  of  the  Spanifh 
books,  which  I  have  confulted  ;  and  as  many  of 
them  were  printed  early  in  the  fixteenth  centuiy, 
and  are  become  extremely  rare,  the  collecting  of 
thefe  was  fuch  an  occupation,  as,  alone,  required 
much  time  and  affiduity.  To  his  friendly  atten- 
tion I  am  indebted  for  copies  of  feveral  valuable 
manufcripts,  containing  facts  and  details  which  I 
might  have  fearched  for  in  vain,  in  works  that  have 
been  made  public.  Encouraged  by  the  inviting 
good-will  with  which  Mr.  Waddilove  conferred 
his  favours,  I  tranfmitted  to  him  a  fet  of  queries, 
with  refpect  both  to  the  cuftoms  and  policy  of 
the  native  Americans,  and  the  nature  of  feveral 
inftitutions  in  the  Spanifh  fettlements,  framed  in 
fuch  a  manner,  that  a  Spaniard  might  anfwer 
them,  without  difclofing  any  thing  that  was  im- 
proper to  be  communicated  to  a  foreigner.  He 
tranflated  thefe  into  Spanifh,  and  obtained  from 
various  perfons  who  had  refided  in  moft  of  the 

Spanifh 


Vlll  PREFACE. 

Spanifh  colonies,  fuch  replies  as  have  afforded 
me  much  inftrudtion. 

Notwithstanding  thofe  peculiar  advantages 
with  which  my  inquiries  were  carried  on  in 
Spain,  it  is  with  regret  I  am  obliged  to  add, 
that  their  fuccefs  mull  be  afcribed  to  the  benefi- 
cence of  individuals,  not  to  any  communication 
by  public  authority.  By  a  fmgle  arrangement 
of  Philip  II.  the  records  of  the  Spanifh  monarchy 
are  depofited  in  the  Archive*  of  Simancas,  near 
Valladolid,  at  the  diflance  of  a  hundred  and 
twenty  miles  from  the  feat  of  government,  and 
the  fupreme  courts  of  juilice.  The  papers  re- 
lative to  America,  and  chiefly  to  that  early  pe- 
riod of  its  hiflory,  towards  which  my  attention 
was  dire&ed,  are  fo  numerous,  that  they  alone, 
according  to  one  account,  fill  the  largeft  apart- 
ment in  the  Archivo  ;  and  according  to  another, 
they  compofe  eight  hundred  and  feventy-three 
large  bundles.  Confcious  of  poffefiing,  in  fome 
degree,  the  induftry  which  belongs  to  an  hifto- 
rian,  the  profpeft  of  fuch  a  treafure  excited  my 
moft  ardent  curiofity.  But  the  profpecl;  of  it,  is 
all  that  I  have  enjoyed.  Spain,  with  an  excefs 
of  caution,  has  uniformly  thrown  a  veil  over  her 
tranfactions  in  America.  From  flrangers  they 
are  concealed  with  peculiar  folicitude.  Even 
to  her  own  fubjects  the  Archivo  of  Simancas  is 
not  opened  without  a  particular  order  from  the 
crown ;  and  after  obtaining  that,  papers  cannot 
be  copied,  without  paying  fees  of  office  fo  ex- 
orbitant, that  the  expence  exceeds  what  it  would 
be  proper  to  bellow,  when  the  gratification  of 
literary  curiofity  is  the  only  object.  It  is  to  be 
hoped,  that  the  Spaniards  will  at  laft  difcover 

this 


PREFACE.  IX 

this  fyftem  of  concealment  to  be  no  Iefs  impolitic 
than  illiberal.  From  what  I  have  experienced 
in  the  courfe  of  my  inquiries,  I  am  fatisfled,  that 
upon  a  more  minute  fcrutiny  into  their  early  ope- 
rations in  the  New  World,  however  reprehenfible 
the  actions  of  individuals  may  appear,  the  con- 
duct of  the  nation  will  be  placed  in  a  more  fa- 
vourable light. 

In  other  parts  of  Europe  very  different  fen- 
timents  prevail.  Having  fearched,  without  fuc- 
cefs,  in  Spain,  for  a  letter  of  Cortes  to  Charles  V. 
written  foon  after  he  landed  in  the  Mexican  em- 
pire, which  has  not  hitherto  been  publifhed ;  it 
occurred  to  me,  that  as  the  emperor  was  fetting 
out  for  Germany  at  the  time  when  the  meflen- 
gers  from  Cortes  arrived  in  Europe,  the  letter 
with  which  they  were  intrufted  might  poffibly  be 
preferved  in  the  Imperial  library  of  Vienna.  I 
communicated  this  idea  to  fir  Robert  Murray- 
Keith,  with  whom  I  have  long  had  the  honour 
to  live  in  friend fhip,  and  I  had  foon  the  pleafure 
to  learn  that  upon  his  application,  her  Imperial 
majefty  had  been  gracioufly  pleafed  to  ifTue  an 
order,  that  not  only  a  copy  of  that  letter,  (if  it 
were  found,)  but  of  any  other  papers  in  the  li- 
brary, which  could  throw  light  upon  the  Hiflory 
of  America,  mould  be  tranfmitted  to  me.  The 
letter  from  Cortes  is  not  in  the  Imperial  library, 
but  an  authentic  copy,  attefted  by  a  notary,  of 
the  letter  written  by  the  magiftrates  of  the  co- 
lony planted  by  him  at  Vera  Cruz,  which  I  have 
mentioned,  vol.  ii.  p.  141,  having  been  found, 
it  was  tranfcribed  and  fent  to  me.  As  this  letter 
is  no  lefs  curious,  and  as  little  known  as  that 
which  was  the  object  of  my  inquiries,  I  have 

given 


X  PREFACE. 

given  fome  account,  in  its  proper  place,  of  what 
is  moil  worthy  of  notice  in  it.  Together  with 
it,  I  received  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  Cortes, 
containing  a  long  account  of  his  expedition  to 
Honduras,  with  refpect  to  which,  I  did  not 
think  it  neceflary  to  enter  into  any  particular 
detail ;  and  likewife  thofe  curious  Mexican  paint- 
ings,  which  I  have  defcribed,  vol.  iii.  p.  23. 

My  inquiries  at  St.  Peterfburg  were  carried  on 
with  equal  facility  and  fuccefs.  In  examining 
into  the  neareft  communication  between  our  con- 
tinent and  that  of  America,  it  became  of  confe- 
quence  to  obtain  authentic  information  concern- 
ing the  difcoveries  of  the  Ruffians  in  their  navi- 
gation from  Kamchatka  towards  the  coaft  of 
America.  Accurate  relations  of  their  firft  voy- 
age, in  1 741,  have  been  publifhed  by  Muller 
and  Gmelin.  Several  foreign  authors  have  enter- 
tained an  opinion,  that  the  court  of  Ruffia  ftudi- 
oufly  conceals  the  progrefs  which  has  been  made 
by  more  recent  navigators,  and  fuffers  the  Public 
to  be  amufed  with  falfe  accounts  of  their  route. 
Such  conduct  appeared  to  me  unfuitable  to  thofe 
liberal  fentiments,  and  that  patronage  of  fcience, 
for  which  the  prefent  fovereign  of  Ruffia  is  emi- 
nent 5  nor  could  I  difcern  any  political  reafon, 
that  might  render  it  improper  to  apply  for  in- 
formation concerning  the  late  attempts  of  the 
Ruffians  to  open  a  communication  between  Alia 
and  America.  My  ingenious  countryman,  Dr. 
Rogerfon,  firft  phyfician  to  the  emprefs,  pre- 
fented  my  requeft  to  her  Imperial  majefty,  who 
not  only  difclaimed  any  idea  of  concealment,  but 
inilantly  ordered  the  journal  of  captain  Krenit- 
zin,  who  conducted  the  only  voyage  of  difcovery 

made 


PREFACE.  XI 

made  by  public  authority  fince  the  year  1741,  to 
be  translated,  and  his  original  chart  to  be  copied 
for  my  ufe.  By  confulting  them,  I  have  been 
enabled  to  give  a  more  accurate  view  of  the  pro- 
grefs  and  extent  of  the  Ruffian  discoveries,  than 
has  hitherto  been  communicated  to  the  Public. 

From  other  quarters  I  have  received  inform- 
ation of  great  utility  and  importance.  M.  le 
chevalier  de  Pinto,  the  minifter  from  Portugal 
to  the  court  of  Great  Britain,  who  commanded 
for  feveral  years  at  Matagroffo,  a  fettlement  of 
the  Portuguese  in  the  interior  part  of  Brazil, 
where  the  Indians  arc  numerous,  and  their  ori- 
ginal manners  little  altered  by  intercourfe  with 
Europeans,  was  pleafed  to  fend  me  very  full  an- 
fwers  to  fome  queries  concerning  the  character 
and  inftitutions  of  the  natives  of  America,  which 
his  polite  reception  of  an  application  made  to 
him  in  my  name>  encouraged  me  to  propofe. 
Thefe  Satisfied  me,  that  he  had  contemplated 
with  a  difcerning  attention  the  curious  objects 
which  his  iituation  prefented  to  his  view,  and  I 
have  often  followed  him  as  one  of  my  beft-in- 
ftrucled  guides. 

M.  Suard,  to  whofe  elegant  tranflation  of  the 
Hiftory  of  the  Reign  of  Charles  V.  I  owe  the 
favourable  reception  of  that  work  on  the  conti- 
nent, procured  me  anfwers  to  the  fame  queries 
from  M.  de  Bougainville,  who  had  opportunities 
of  obferving  the  Indians  both  of  North  and  South 
America,  and  from  M.  Godin  le  Jeune,  who  re- 
fided  fifteen  years  among  the  Indians  in  Quito, 
and  twenty  years  in  Cayenne.  The  latter  are 
more  valuable  from  having  been  examined  by 
M.  de  la  Condamine,  who,  a  few  weeks  before 

his 


XII.  PREFACE. 

his  death,  made  fome  fhort  additions  to  them, 
which  may  be  confidered  as  the  lail  effort  of  that 
attention  to  fcience  which  occupied  a  long  life. 

My  inquiries  were  not  confined  to  one  region 
in  America.  Governor  Hutchinfon  took  the 
trouble  of  recommending  the  confideration  of 
my  queries  to  Mr.  Hawley  and  Mr.  Brainerd, 
two  proteftant  miflionaries,  employed  among  the 
Indians  of  the  Five  Nations,  who  favoured  me 
with  anfwers,  which  difcover  a  confiderable 
knowledge  of  the  people  whofe  cuiloms  they 
defcribe.  From  William  Smith,  efq.  the  inge- 
nious hiftorian  of  New  York,  I  received  fome 
ufeful  information.  When  I  enter  upon  the  Hif- 
tory  of  our  Colonies  in  North  America,  I  fhall 
have  occafion  to  acknowledge  how  much  I  have 
been  indebted  to  many  other  gentlemen  of  that 
country. 

From  the  valuable  Collection  of  Voyages  made 
by  Alexander  Dalrymple,  efq.  with  whofe  at- 
tention to  the  Hillory  of  Navigation  and  Difco- 
very  the  Public  is  well  acquainted,  I  have  re- 
ceived fome  very  rare  books,  particularly  two 
large  volumes  of  Memorials,  partly  manufcript, 
and  partly  in  print,  which  were  prefented  to  the 
court  of  Spain  during  the  reigns  of  Philip  II L 
and  Philip  IV.  From  thefe  I  have  learned  many 
curious  particulars  with  refpect  to  the  interior 
Hate  of  the  Spanifh  colonies,  and  the  various 
fchemes  formed  for  their  improvement.  As  this 
Collection  of  Memorials  formerly  belonged  to 
the  Colbert  library,  I  have  quoted  them  by 
that  title. 

All  thofe  books  and  manufcripts  I  have  con- 
fulted  with  that  attention  which  the  refpect  due 


PREFACE*  Xlli 

from  an  author  to  the  Public  required ;  and  by 
minute  references  to  them,  I  have  endeavoured 
to  authenticate  whatever  I  relate.     The  longer 
I  reflect  on  the  nature  of  hiftorical  compofition, 
the  more  I  am  convinced  that  this  fcrupulous  ac- 
curacy is  necefTary.     The  hiftorian  who  records 
the  events  of  his  own  time,  is  credited  in  pro- 
portion to  the  opinion  which  the  Public  enter- 
tains with  refped:  to  his  means  of  information 
and  his  veracity.     He  who  delineates  the  tranf- 
aclions  of  a  remote  period,  has  no  title  to  claim 
afTent,  unlefs  he  produces  evidence  in  proof  of 
his  aflertions.     Without  this,  he  may  write  an 
amufing  tale,  but  cannot  be  faid  to  have  com- 
pofed  an  authentic  hiftory.     In  thofe  fentiments 
I  have  been  confirmed  by  the  opinion  of  an 
author*,  whom  his  induftry,  erudition,  and  dif- 
cernment  have  defervedly  placed  in  high  rank 
among  the  moft  eminent  hiftorians  of  the  age. 
Emboldened  by  a  hint  from  him,  I  have  pub- 
limed  a  catalogue  of  the  Spanifh  books  which  I 
have  confulted.     This  pra&ice  was  frequent  in 
the  laft  century,  and  was  coniidered  as  an  evi- 
dence of  laudable  induftry  in  an  author ;   in  the 
prefent,  it  may,  perhaps,  be  deemed  the  effect 
of  oftentation ;  but  as  many  of  thefe  books  are 
unknown  in  Great  Britain,   I  could  not  other- 
wife  have  referred  to  them  as  authorities,  with- 
out encumbering  the  page  with  an  infertion  of 
their  full  titles.     To  any  perfon  who  may  choofe 
to  follow  me  in  this  path  of  inquiry,  the  cata- 
logue muft  be  very  ufeful. 

My  readers  will  obferve,  that  in  mentioning 
fums  of  money,  I  have  uniformly  followed  the 

*  Mr»  Gibbon. 
vol.  i.  b  Spanifh 


XIV  PREFACE. 

Spanifh  method  of  computing  by  psfos.  In 
America,  the  pefo  fuerte,  or  duro,  is  the  only 
one  known,  and  that  is  always  meant  when  any 
fum  imported  from  America  is  mentioned.  The 
pefo  fuerte,  as  well  as  other  coins,  has  varied  in 
its  numerary  value ;  but  I  have  been  advifed, 
without  attending  to  fuch  minute  variations,  to 
confider  it  as  equal  to  four  (hillings  and  fixpence 
of  our  money.  It  is  to  be  remembered,  how- 
ever, that  in  the  fixteenth  century,  the  effective 
value  of  a  pefo,  i.  e.  the  quantity  of  labour  which 
it  reprefented,  or  of  goods  which  it  would  pur- 
chafe,  was  five  or  fix  times  as  much  as  at  prefent. 


N.  B.  Since  this  edition  was  put  into  the  prefs, 
a  Hiftory  of  Mexico,  in  two  volumes  in  quarto, 
tranflated  from  the  Italian  of  the  Abbe  D.  Fran- 
cefco  Saverio  Clavigero,  has  been  publifhed. 
From  a  perfon,  who  is  a  native  of  New  Spain, 
who  has  refided  forty  years  in  that  country,  and 
who  is  acquainted  with  the  Mexican  language, 
it  was  natural  to  expect  much  new  information. 
Upon  pending  his  work,  however,  I  find  that 
it  contains  hardly  any  addition  to  the  ancient 
Hiiiory  of  the  Mexican  empire,  as  related  by 
Acofta  and  Herrera,  but  what  is  derived  from 
the  improbable  narratives  and  fanciful  conjec- 
tures of  Torquemada  and  Boturini.  Having 
copied  their  fplendid  defcriptions  of  the  high 
ftate  of  civilization  in  the  Mexican  empire,  M. 
Clavigero,  in  the  abundance  of  his  zeal  for  the 
honour  of  his  native  country,  charges  me  with 
having  miftaken  fome  points,  and  with  having 
mifreprefented    others,    in   the   Hiflory   of   it. 

When 


PREFACE, 


XV 


When  an  author  is  confcious  of  having  exerted 
induftry  in  refearch  and  impartiality  in  decifion, 
he  may,  without  prefumption,  claim  what  praife 
is  due  to  thefe  qualities,  and  he  cannot  be  in- 
fenfible  to  any  accufation  that  tends  to  weaken 
the  force  of  his  claim.  A  feeling  of  this  kind 
has  induced  me  to  examine  fuch  ftricliures  of 
M.  Clavigero  on  my  Hiftory  of  America  as  me* 
rited  any  attention,  efpecially  as  thefe  are  made 
by  one,  who  feemed  to  poffefs  the  means  of  ob- 
taining accurate  information  ;  and  to  fhew  that 
the  greater  part  of  them  is  deftitute  of  any  juft 
foundation.  This  I  have  done  in  notes  upon 
the  paflages  in  my  Hiftory,  which  gave  rife  to 
his  criticffms. 

College  af  Edinburgh, 
March  ift,  1788. 


j  1    j^t^M 


\ 


CONTENTS. 


VOLUME   THE   FIRST. 

BOOK     I. 

•pKOGREss  of  navigation  among  the  ancients.— View  of 
*  their  discoveries  as  preparatory  to  thofe  of  the  moderns— 
Imperfection  of  ancient  navigation  and  geography — Doc- 
trine of  the  zones — Farther  difcoveries  checked  by  the 
irruption  of  barbarous  nations — Geographical  knowledge 
flill  preferved  in  the  Eaft,  and  among  the  Arabians — Re- 
vival of  commerce  and  navigation  in  Europe — favoured  by 
the  Croifades — extended  by  travellers  into  the  Eaft — pro- 
rooted  by  the  invention  of  the  mariner's  compafs — Firft 
regular  plan  of  difcovery  formed  by  Portugal — State  of 
that  kingdom— Schemes  of  prince  Henry — Early  attempts 
feeble— Progrefs  along  the  weftern  coaft  of  Africa— Hopes 
of  difcovering  a  new  route  to  the  Eaft  Indies-— Attempts 
to  accomplish  this— Profpects  of  fuccefs.  Page  i 

BOOK    II. 

Birth  and  education  of  Columbus— acquires  naval  /kill  in  the 
fervice  of  Portugal — conceives  hopes  of  reaching  the  Eaft 
Indies  by  holding  a  wefterly  courfe — his  fyftem  founded  on 
the  ideas  of  the  ancients,  and  knowledge  of  their  naviga- 
tion— and  on  the  difcoveries  of  the  Portuguefe — His  nego- 
tiations with  different  courts— Obftacles  which  he  had  to 
furmount  in  Spain— «Voyage  of  difcovery — difficulties— 
fuccefs— return  to  Spain— Aftonifhment  of  mankind  on 
this  difcovery  of  a  new  world— Papal  grant  of  it— Second 
\oyage — Colony  fettled— Farther  difcoveries — War  with 
the  Indians — Firft  tax  impofed  on  them— Third  voyage- 
He  difcovers  the  continent — State  of  the  Spanifh  colony- 
Errors  in  the  firft  fyftem  of  colonizing— Voyage  of  the 
Portuguefe  to  the  Eaft  Indies  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
— Effects  of  this— Difcoveries  made  by  private  adven- 
b  3  tmers 


XVlil  CONTENTS. 

turers  in  the  new  world — Name  of  America  given  to  it- 
Machinations  againft  Columbus— Difgraced  and  fent  in 
chains  to  Europe— Fourth  voyage  of  Columbus— His  dif- 
coveries — difafters — death.  Page  65 

BOOK    III. 

State  of  the  colony  in  Hifpaniola — New  war  with  the  Indians 
—Cruelty  of  the  Spaniards — Fatal  regulations  concerning 
the  condition  of  the  Indians— Diminution  of  that  people— 
Difcoveries  and  fettlements — Firft  colony  planted  on  the 
continent — Conqueft  of  Cuba — Difcovery  of  Florida — of 
the  South  Sea — Great  expectations  raifed  by  this— Caufes 
of  difappointment  with  refpect  to  thefe  for  fome  time— . 
Controverfy  concerning  the  treatment  of  the  Indians- 
Contrary  decifions— Zeal  of  the  ecclefiaftics,  particularly 
of  Las  Cafas— Singular  proceedings  of  Ximenes— -Negroes 
imported  into  America — Las  Cafas*  idea  of  a  new  colony 
—permitted  to  attempt  it— unfuccefsful — Difcoveries  to- 

.  wards  the  Weft — Yucatan— Campeachy— New  Spain- 
Preparations  for  invading  it.  194 

BOOK.    IV. 

View  of  America  when  firft  difcovered,  and  of  the  manners 
and  policy  of  its  moft  uncivilized  inhabitants— V aft  ex- 
tent of  America — Grandeur  of  the  objects  it  prefents  to 
view—Its  mountains — rivers — lakes — Its  form  favourable 
to  commerce— Temperature— predominance  of  cold— 
Caufes  of  this— uncultivated— unwholefome— its  animals 
•—foil — Inquiry  how  America  was  peopled — various  theo- 
ries—what appears  moft  probable— Condition  and  charac- 
ter of  the  Americans — All,  the  Mexicans  and  Peruvians 
excepted,  in  the  ftate  of  favages— Inquiry  confined  to  the 
uncivilized  tribes— Difficulty  of  obtaining  information- 
various  caufes  of  this— Method  obferved  in  the  inquiry— 

I.  The  bodily  conftitution  of  the  Americans  considered— 

II.  The  qualities  of  their  minds — III.  Their  domeftic  ftate. 

271 

VOLUME   THE    SECOND. 

BOOK     IV.  concluded. 
IV.  Their  political  ftate  and  inftitutions— V.  Their  fyftem 
of  war  and  public  fecurity — VI.  The  arts  with  which 

they 


CONTENTS,  XIX 

they  were  acquainted — VII.  Their  religious  ideas  and 
inftitutions — VIII.  Such  Angular  and  detached  cuf- 
toms  as  are  not  reducible  to  any  of  the  former  heads— 
—IX.  General  review  and  eftimate  of  their  virtues  and 
defects.  page  i 

BOOK     V. 

Hiftory  of  the  conqueft  of  New  Spain,  by  Cortes.  107 

BOOK    VI. 

JJiftory  of  the  conqueft  of  Peru,  by  Pizarro— and  of  the  dif- 
fen/ions  and  civil  wars  of  the  Spaniards  in  that  country- 
origin—  progrefs — and  effects  of  thefe.  27 1 


VOLUME   THE   THIRD. 

BOOK    VII. 

View  of  the  inftitutions  and  manners  of  the  Mexicans  and 
Peruvians — Civilized  ftates  in  comparifon  of  other  Ameri- 
cans—Recent origin  of  the  Mexicans — Facts  which  prove 
their  progrefs  in  civilization— View  of  their  policy  in  its 
various  branches— of  their  arts— Facts  which  indicate  a 
fmall  progrefs  in  civilization — What  opinion  mould  be 
formed  on  comparing  thofe  contradictory  facts — Genius  of 
their  religion  —Peruvian  monarchy  more  ancient— Its  po- 
licy founded  on  religion — Singular  effects  of  this — Pecu- 
liar ft  ate  of  property  among  the  Peruvians— Their  public 
works  and  arts— roads — bridges — buildings— Their  un- 
warlike  fpirit— View  of  other  dominions  of  Spain  in  Ame- 
rica— Cinaloa  and  Sonora — California — Yucatan  and  Hon- 
duras— Chili — Tucuman—  Kingdom  of  Tierra  Firme— 
New  Kingdom  of  Granada.  I 

BOOK    VIII. 

View  of  the  interior  government,  commerce,  &c.  of  the 
Spanifh  colonies — Depopulation  of  America — firft  effect 
oi  their  fettlements— »not  the  confequence  of  any  fyftem  of 

policy 


xx  CONTENTS. 

policy— »nor  to  be  imputed  to  religion — Number  of*  Indians 
ftill  remaining — Fundamental  maxims  on  which  the 
Spanifh  fyftem  of  colonization  is  founded— Condi- 
tion of  different  orders  of  men  in  their  colonies— Cha- 
petones — Creoles— Negroes — Indians— Eccleliaftical  ftate 
and  policy — Character  of  fecular  and  regular  clergy- 
Small  progrefs  of  Christianity  among  the  natives— Mines 
chief  object  of  their  attention — Mode  of  working  thefe 
—their  produce — Effects  of  encouraging  this  fpecies  of 
induftry  — Other  commodities  of  Spanifh  America — Firft 
effects  of  tlvs  new  commerce  with  America  on  Spain- 
Why  the  Spanifh  colonies  have  not  been  as  beneficial  to 
the  parent- ftate  as  thofe  of  other  nations— Errors  in  the 
Spanifh  fyftem  of  regulating  this  commerce — confined  to 
one  port — carried  on  by  annual  fleets— Contraband  trade 
—Decline  of  Spain  both  in  population  and  wealth— Re- 
medies propofed— View  of  the  wife  regulations  of  the 
Bourbon  princes — A  new  and  more  liberal  fyftem  intro- 
duced—Beneficial effects  of  this — Probable  confequences 
— Trade  between  New  Spain  and  the  Philippines — Re- 
venue of  Spain  from  America — whence  it  arifes — to  what 
it  amounts.  Page  89 

BOOKIX. 
The  Hiftory  of  Virginia  to  the  year  1688. 

Spirit  of  adventure  awakened  in  England  by  Columbus's 
difcoveries — Checked  by  unfkilfulnefs  in  navigation- 
Expedition  from  Briftol  under  the  command  of  Cabot— 
who  difcovers  Newfoundland,  and  fails  along  the  coaft 
to  Virginia — Expedition  to  South  America  under  the 
command  of  Sebaftian  Cabot— Unfuccefsful  attempts  to 
difcover  a  north-weft  paffage  to  India — Sir  Hugh  Wil- 
loughby  fails  in  fearch  of  a  north-eaft  paffage — Wil- 
loughby  perifhes — One  of  his  fhips  anchor  at  Archangel 
—The  captain  vifits  Mofcow — Trade  opened  with  Ruflia 
—Communication  with  India  by  land — Expedition  to  the 
coaft  of  Africa — Frobifher  makes  three  attempts  to  dif- 
cover the  north-weft  paffage — Sir  Francis  Drake  fails 
round  the  world — Enthufiafm  of  difcovery — Firft  project 
of  a  colony  in  North  America— Charter  granted  by  queen 

Elizabeth—* 


CONTENTS.  XXI 

Elizabeth— Firft  expedition  fails — The  plan  refumed  by 
Ralegh — Discovery  of  Virginia — Colony  eftablifhed  there 
by    fir  Richard   Greenville — In   danger  of  perifliing  by 
famine,  returns  to  England — Ufe  of  tobacco  introduced  in 
England — Ralegh's  fecond  attempt  to  fettle  a  colony  in 
Virginia — Colony  perifhes  by  famine— Ralegh  abandons 
the  defign  of  fettling  a  colony  in  Virginia— Direct  courfc 
from  England  to  North  America  firft  attempted  by  Gof- 
nold— .Conferences  of  Gofnold'b  voyage — Hakluyt  im- 
proves the  commercial  and  naval  fkiil  of  the  age — James 
divides  the  coaft  cf  America  into  two  parts — and  grants 
charters  to  two  companies— Colonies  of  Virginia    and 
New  England— Newport  fails    for    Virginia — Difcovers 
the   Chefapeak— Sails   up   James   river — Founds   James 
Town— Suffers  from  fcarcity  and  the  unhealthinefs  of 
the  climate — Smith  called  to  the  command — He  is  taken 
prifoner  by   the  Indians — Smith  undertakes  a  furvey  of 
the    country — A  new  charter    granted — Lord    Delaware 
appointed   governor — Gates    and    Summer   appointed   to 
command  till  lord  Delaware's  arrival — Their  fhip  brand- 
ed on  the  coaft  of  Bermuda — The  colony  reduced  by 
famne—  Lord  Delaware  arrives— His  wife  adminiftration 
—His   health    obliges   him  to  return  to   England — Sir 
Thomas  Dale  appointed  governor — New  charter  iflued— • 
Treaty  with   the  natives — Rolfe  marries  the  daughter  of 
an  Indian  chief — Land  in  Virginia  firft  becomes  property 
—Culture  of  tobacco  introduced — Young  women  emi- 
giate  from  England  to  Virginia — Firft  general  afTembly 
of    reprefentatives— General    mafiacre    of    the    Englifh 
planned    by  the  Indians — Bloody  war  with  the  Indians- 
Company  at  home  divided  by  factions— Company  required 
to  furrender  its  charter,   and  refufes—Di  Ablution  of  the 
company  — Temporary  council  appointed  for  the  govern- 
ment of  Virginia — Acceflion  of  Charles   I.— His  arbi- 
trary  government   of    the    colony — Colonifts     feize    on 
Harvey  their  governor,  and  fend  him  prifoner  to  England 
—He  is  releafed    by   the    king,     and   reinftated  in    his 
government — Sir    W.    Berkeley    appointed     governor- 
Virginia  flouriihes  under  the  new  government — Parlia- 
ment makes  war  on  Virginia,  which  is  forced  to  acknow- 
ledge  the  commonwealth— Reftraints  on    the   colony— 
The  colonifts   difTatisfied — Are  the  firlt  to  acknowledge 
Charles  II. — Infurre&ion  in  Virginia  headed  by  N.  Bacon 

—who 


XXII  CONTENTS* 

— who  forces  Sir  W.  Berkeley  and  the  council  to  fly- 
Death  of  Bacon  terminates  the  rebellion— State  of  the 
colony  at  the  revolution  in  1688.  Page  195 

BOOK   X. 

The  Hiftory  of  New  England  to  the  year  1652. 

Firft  attempts  to  fettle  on  the  northern  coaft — Smith  furveys 
that  coaft,  and  calls  it  New  England — Religious  difputes 
give  rife  to  the  New  England  colony— Religious  perfecution 
by  Mary— Queen  Elizabeth — Puritans — Intolerant  fpirit  of 
the  church— Entire  feparation  of  the  Puritans  from  the 
church — Brownifts— take  refuge  in  Holland — Remove 
from  thence  to  America— Firft  attempt  to  fettle  in  MaiTa* 
chufets  Bay— Settle  at  New  Plymouth--P)an  of  government 
— Grand  council  of  Plymouth  appointed — Project  of  anew 
colony  — Charter  to  the  new  colony  of  Maflachufet?  Bay- 
Settlement  in  confequence  of  this  charter— Begin  with  efta 
blifhing  a  church — Intolerance  of  the  new  church— Emi- 
grations from  England  increafed  by  the  intolerance  of 
Laud— Charter  of  the  company  transferred  to  the  colonifts 
^—Colony  extended— None  but  members  of  the  church 
admitted  as  freemenr— Indian  territories  depopulated  by 
the  fmall-pox — Settlements  of  the  colonifts  extended — 
Freemen  meet  by  reprefentatives — Extent  of  political 
liberty  afiumed  by  the  aflembty— -New  fettlers— Antino- 
mian  feet— Their  doctrines  condemned  by  a  general 
fynod — The  fectaries  fettle  in  Providence  and  Rhode 
Jfland— Colony  of  Connecticut — of  New  Hampshire  and 
Main — War  with  the  Pequod  tribes — Deteat  of  the 
Indians — Cruelties  exercifed  againft  the  Indians— Emi- 
grations from  England — Prohibited  by  royal  proclamation 
-—Colony  of  Mafiachufets  Bay  lued  at  law,  and  found  to 
have  forfeited  its  rights— Exemption  from  certain  duties 
granted  to  the  colonies— Confederacy  of  the  New  Eng- 
land ftates — Right  of  coining  afTumed  by  the  colonifts— 
Cromwell  patronifes  the  New  England  colonies — Propofes 
to  tranfport  the  colonifts  to  Jamaica — Colonifts  decline 
accepting  this  offer.  288 


4 
CATALOGUE 


©  r 


Spanifh  Books  and  Manufcripts, 


A  car  ete  de  Bifcay,  Relation  des  Voyages  dans  la  Riviere 
de  la  Plata,  &  de  la  par  Terre  au  Perou.    Exft.    Recueil 
deThevenot,  Part  IV. 

A  Voyage  up  the  River  de  la  Plata,  and  thence 

by  Land  to  Peru,  8vo.     London,  1698. 

Acoita  (P.  Jof.  de)  Hiftoria  Natural  y  Moral  de  las  Indias, 
4to.     Madrid,   1590. 

.  (Jofeph  de)  Hiftoire  Naturelle  8c  Moral  des  Indes, 

tant  Orientales  qu'  Occidentales,  8vo.     Paris,   1600. 

Novi  Orbis  Hiitoria  Naturalis  &  Moralis. 

Ext.     in  Collea.  Theod.  de  Bry,  Pars  IX. 

De  Natura  Novi  Orbis,  Libri  duo,  &  de  pro- 

curanda  Indorum  Salute,  Libri  fex,  Salmant.     8vo.  1589. 

1  (Chriftov.)    Tratado  da  las  Drogas  y  Mede- 

cinas  de  las  Indias  Occidentales,  con  fus  Plantas  Dibuxadas  al 
vivo,  4to.     Burgos,  1578. 

Acugna  (P.  Chriftoph.)  Relation  de  la  Riviere  des  Ama- 
zones,     umo.     Tom.  ii.     Paris,  1682. 

Acugna's  Relation  of  the  great  River  of  the  Amazons  in 
South  America,  8vo.     Lond.  1698. 

Alarchon  (Fern.)  Navigatione  aScoprere  ii  Regno  di  fette 
Citta.     Ramufio,  111.   363. 

Albuquerque  Coello  (Duarte  de)   Memorial  de  Artes  de 
la  Guerra  del  Brafil,  4to.     Mad.  1634. 

Alcafarado   (Franc)  An  Hiftorical  Relation  of  the  Dif- 
covery  of  the  lile  of  Madeira,  4to,    Lond.  1675. 

Alcedo 


XXIV  A    CATALOGUE    OF    SPANISH 

Albedo  y  Herrera  (D.  Dionyfio  de)  Avifo  Hiftorico-Po- 
litico-Geografico,  con  las  Noticiasmas  particulars,  del  Peru, 
Tierra  Firme,  Chili,  y  neuvo  Reyno  de  Granada,  4to.    Mad. 

J74°*  .      . 

■  Compendi  Hiftonco  de  la  Provincia  y  Puerto  de 

Guayaquil,  4to.     Mad.  1741. 

, Memorial  fobre  diferentes  Puntos  tocantes  al  eftado 

de  la  Real  hazienda,  y  del  Comercio,  &c.  en  las  Indias,  fol. 

Aldamay  Guevara  (D.  Jof.  Auguftin  de)  Arde  dela  Len- 
gua  Mexicana,  i2mo.     Mexico,  1754. 

Alvaiado  (Pedro  de)  Dos  Relaciones  a  Hern.  Cortes 
Referiendole  fus  Expediciones  y  Conquiftas  en  varias  Pro- 
vincias  de  N.  Efpagna.  Exft.  Barcia  Hiftoriad.  Primiu 
torn.  i. 

Lettere  due,  &c.     Exft.     Ramuf.  III.  296. 

Aparicio  y  Leon  (D.  Lorenzo  de)  Difcurfo  Hiftorico- 
Politico  del  Hofpital  San  Lazaro  de  Lima,  8vo.  Lim* 
1761. 

Aranzeles  Reales  de  los  Miniftros  de  la  Real  Audiencia  de 
N.  Efpagna,   fol.     Mexica,  1727. 

Argenfola  (Bartolome  Leonardo  de)  Conquifta  de  las  Mas 
Malucas,  fol.     Mad.   1609. 

■■  Anales  de  Aragon,  fol.     Saragoca,   1630. 

Arguello  (Eman.)  Sentum  Confeffionis,  i2mo.  Mer« 
1703.  (       ; 

Arriago  (P.  Pablo  Jof.  de)  Extirpacion  de  la  Idolatria  de 
Peru,  4to.     Lima,  162 1. 

Avendagno  (Didac.)  Thefaurus  Indicus,  ceu  generalis 
Inftruclor  pro  Regimine  Confcientiae,  in  ijs  quae  ad  Indias 
fpeclant,  fol.   2. vols.     Antwerp,  1660. 

Aznar  (De  Bern.  Fran.)  Difcurfo  tocante  a  la  real  hazi- 
enda y  adminiftracion  de  ella,  4to. 

B 

Bandini  (Angelo  Maria)  Vitae  Lettere  di  Armerlgo  Vef- 
pucci,   4to.     Firenze,    1745. 

Barcia  (D.  And.  Gonzal.)  Hiftoriadores  Primkivos  de  las 
Indias  Occidentales,  foL   3  vols.     Mad.  1749. 

Barco-Centinera  (D.  Martin  de)  Argentina  y  Conquifta 
del  Rio  de  la  Plata  Poema.  Exft.  Barcia  Hiftoriad.  Pri- 
mir.  H]9 

Barros 


BOOKS    AND    MANUSCRIPTS.  XXV 

Barros  ( Joao  de)  Decadas  de  Afia,  fol.  4  vols.     Lilboa, 
1682. 

Bellefteros  (D.  Thomas  de)  Ordenanzas  del  Peru,  fol..  a 
vols.     Lima,    1685. 

Beltraa  (P.  F.  Pedro)  Arte  de  el  Jdioma  Maya  reducido 
a  fucintas  reglas,  y  Semilexicon,  410.     Mex.  1746. 

Benzo  (Hieron. )  Novi  Orbis  Hiftorae— De  Bry  America, 
Part  IV.  V.  VI. 

Betancurt  y  Figueroa  (Don  Luis)  Derecho  de  las  Iglefias 
Metropolitanas  de  las  Indias,  4to.     Mad.  1637. 

Blanco  (F.  Matias  Ruiz)  Converfiion  de  Piritu  de  Indios 
Cumanagotos  y  otros,   i2mo.     Mad.  1690. 

Boturini  Benaduci  (Lorenzo)  Idea  de  una  nueva  Hiftoria 
general  de  la  America  Septentrional,  fundada  fobre  material 
copiofa  de  Figuras,  Symbolas  Caradteres,  Cantares  y  Manu-. 
fcritos  de  Autores  Indios,  4to.     Mad.   1746. 

Botello  de  Moraes  y  Vafconcellos  (D.  Francifco  de)  El 
Nuevo  Mundo  Poema  Heroyco,  410.     Barcelona,  1701. 

Botero  Benes  (Juan)  Description  de  Todas  las  Provincias, 
Reynos,  y  Ciudades  del  Mundo,   4to.     Girona,  1748. 

Brietius  (Phil.)  Paralela  Geographise  Veteris  &  Novae, 
4to.    Paris,  1648. 


Cabeza  de  Baca  (Alvar.  Nugnez)  Relacion  de  los  Nau- 
fragios.     Exft.     Barcia  Hift.  Prim.  torn.  i. 

— — '  Examen     Apologetico     dela     Hiftorica 

Narration  da  los   Naufragios.      Exft.      Barcia  Hift.  Prim, 
torn-  i. 

■-  Commentarlos  de  lo  fuccedido  duarante 

fu  gubierno  del  Rio  de  la  Plata.     Exit.    ibid. 

Cabo  de  Vacca  Relatione  de.     Exft.  Ramuf.  III.   310. 

Cabota  (Sebaft.)  Navigazione  de.  Exft.  Ramuf.  II. 
MI. 

Cadamuftus  (Aloyfius)  Navigatio  ad  Terras  incognitas. 
Exft.     Nov.  Orb.  Grynaei,  p.  1. 

Calancha  (F.  Anton,  de  la)  Cronica  moralizada  del  Orden 
de  San  Auguftin  en  el  Peru,  fol.     Barcelona,   1638. 

California — Diario  Hiftorico  de  los  Viages  de  Mar  y  Tierra 
hechos  en  1768,  al  Norte  de  California  di  orden  del  Marques 
de  Croix  Vi-rey  de  Nueva  Efpagna,    &c.     MS. 

vol.  i.  c  Caiie 


XXVI  A    CATALOGUE    Ot    SPANISH 

Calle  (Juan  Diaz  de  la)  Memorial  Informatorio  de  lo  que 
a  fu  Mageftad  Provien   de  la  Nueva  Efpagna  y  Peru,  41:0. 

Campomanes  (D.  Pedro  Rodrig.)  Antiguedad  Maritima  de 
la  Republica  de  Cartago,  con  el  Periplo  de  fu  general  Harmon 
traducido  e  illuftrado,  4to.     Mad.  1756. 

"  Difcurfo  fobre  el  fomento  de  lalnduftria  po- 

pular, 8vo.     Mad.  1774. 

_  Difcurfo  fobre  la  Education  popular  de  los 

Artefanos,  8vo.   5  vol.  Mad.  1775,  &c. 

Caracas — Real  Cedula  de  Fundacion  de  la  real  Compagnia 
Guipufcoana  de  Caracas,   izmo.     Mad.  1765. 

Caravantes  (Fr.  Lopez  de)  Relacion  de  las  Provincias  que 
tiene  el  Govierno  del  Peru,  los  Officios  que  en  el  fe  Provien, 
y  la  Hacienda  que  alii  tiene  fu  Mageftad,  lo  que  fe  Gafta  de 
ella  y  le  queda  Libre,  &c.  &c.  Dedicado  al  Marques  de 
Santos  Claros,   Agno,  de  161 1.     MS. 

Cardenas  y  Cano  (Gabr.)  Enfayo  Cronologicoparala  Hif- 
toria  general  de  la  Florida,  fol.     Mad.  1733. 

Carranzana  (D.  Goncales)  A  Geographical  Defcription  of 
the  Coafts,  &c.  of  the  Spaniih  Weft  indies,  8vo.  Lond. 
1740. 

Cafas  (BarU  de  las)  BrevilTima  Relacion  de  la  Deftruycion 
de  las  Indias,   4to.     1552. 

—  (Bart,  delas)  Narratio  Iconibus  illuftrataper  Theod. 
de  Bry.  4to.     Oppent.  16 14. 

— »  (Bart,  de  las)  An  Account  of  the  firft  Voyages  and 
Difcoveries  of  the  Spaniards  in   America,    8vo«      Lond. 

1693* 

CaiTani  (P.  Jofeph)  Hiftoria  de  la  Provincia  de  Compagnia 
de  Jefus  del  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Granada,  fol.      Mad.  1741. 

Caftanheda  (Fern.  Lop.  de)  Hiftoria  do  Defcobrimento  8c 
Conquifta  de  India  pelos  Portuguefes*  fol.  2  vol.  Liibon, 
1552. 

Caftellanos  (Juan  de)  Primera  y  Secunda  de  las  Elegias 
de  Varones  Illuftres  de  Indias,  4to.   2  vol.     Mad.  1589. 

Caftillo  (Bernal  Dias  del)  Hiftoria  Verdaderade  la  Con- 
quifta de  Nueva  Efpagna,  fol.     Mad.  1632. 

Caftro,  Figueroa  y  Salazar  (D.  Pedro  de)  Relacion  di  fa 
ancimiento  y  fervicios,    12 mo. 

Cavallero  (D.  Jof.  Garcia)  Brieve  Cotejo  y  Valance  de  las 
pefas  y  Medidas  di  varias  Naciones,  reducidas  a  las  que  Corren 
«n  Caftilla,  ^.tcu    Mad*  j 731* 

Cepeda 


BOOKS    AND    MANUSCRIPTS.  XXVli 

Ccpeda  (D.  Fern.)  Relacion  Univerfal  del  Sitio  en  que 
cfta  fundada  la  Cjudad  de  Mexico,  fol.  1637. 

Cieca  de  Leon  (Pedro  de)  Chronica  del  Peru,  fol.  Sevill. 

1533- 

Cjfneros  (Diego)  Sitio,  Naturaleza  y  Propriedades  de  la 
Ciudad  de  Mexico,  4to.     Mexico,  1618. 

Clemente  (P.  Claudio)  Tablas  Chronologicas,  en  que 
contienen  los  Sucefos  Eccleiiafticos  y  Seculares  de  India., 
4to.    Val.  1689. 

Cogullado  (P.  Fr.  Diego  Lopez)  Hiftoria  de  Yucatan,  fol. 
Mad.  1688. 

Collecao  dos  Brives  Pontificos  e  Leyes  Regias  que  forao 
Expedidos  y  Publicadas  defde  o  Anno  1741,  fobre  a  la  Li* 
berdada  des  Peflbas  bene  e  Commercio  dos  lndos  de  Breiil. 

Collepcion  General  de  las  Providencias  haita  aqui  tomadas 
par  el  Gobierno  fobre  el  Eftragnimento,  y  Occupacion  de 
Temporalidades  de  los  Regulaies  de  la  Compagnia,  de  Ef- 
pagna,  Indias,  &c.   Partes  IV.  4to.     Mad.  1767. 

Colon  (D.  Fernando)  La  Hiftoria  del  Almirante,  D. 
Chriftoval  Colon.     Exft.     Barcia  Hift.  Prim.  I.     1. 

Columbus  (Chrift.)  Navigatio  qua  multas  Regiones 
haclenus  incognitas  invenit.  Exft.  Nov.  Orb.  Grynaei? 
p.  9Qf 

,  (Ferd.)    Life  and  Actions  of  his  Father  Ad- 

miral Chriftoph.    Columbus.     Exft.    Churchill's  Voyages, 
II.  479- 

Compagnia  Real  de  Comereio  para  las  Jilas  de  Sto.  Do- 
mingo, Puerto-rico  y  la  Margarita,    izmo. 

Compendlo  General  de  las  Contribuciones  y  gattos  que 
occafionan  todos  los  effeclos,  frutos,  caudales,  &c.  que  tra» 
fican  entre  los  reynos  de  Caftilla  y  America,  4to. 

Cpncilios  Provinciates  Primero  y  Segundo  celebrados  en 
la  muy  Noble  y  muy  leal  Ciudad  de  Mexico  en  los  Agnos 
de  1555  &  1565,  fol.     Mexico,  1769. 

Concilium  Mexicanum  Provinciale  tertium  celebratum 
Mexici,    Anno  1585,  fol.  Mexici,  1770. 

Continente  Americano,  Argonauta  de  las  coftasde  Nueva 
Efpagna  y  Tierra  Firme.      i2mo. 

Cordeyro  (Antonio)  Hiftoria  lnfulana  das  ilhas  a  Portugas 
fugeytas  no  Oceano  Occidental,  fol.   Lilb.  1717. 

Cbrita  (Dr.  Alonzo)  Breve  y  fumaria  Relacion  de  los  Seg- 

nores,  manera  y  Differencia  de  ellos,   que  havia  en  la  Nueva 

Efpagna,  y  otras  Provincias  fus  Comarcanas,  y  de  fus -Leyes, 

c  2  Ufos 


XXVlil  A    CATALOGUE    OF    SPANISH 

Ufos  y  Coftumbres,  y  de  la  Forma  que  tenian  en  Tributar 
fus  Vafallos  en  Tiempo  de  fu  Gentilidad,  &c.  MS.  4to. 
pp.  307.  I"       . 

Coronada  (Fr.  Vafq.  de)  Sommario  di  due  fue  Lettere 
del  Viaggio  fatto  del  Fra.  Marco  da  Nizza  al  fette  Citta  de 
Cevola.     Exft.  Ramufio  III.  354. 

■     ■  Relacion  Viaggio  alle  fette  Citta.     Ramufio  III. 

359- 

Cortes   (Hern.)    Quattro  Cartas  dirigidas  al  Emperador 

Carlos  V.  en  que  ha  Relacion  de  fus  Conquiftas  en  la  Nueva 
Efpagna.     Exft.  Barcia  Hift.  Prim.   torn.  i. 

Corteflii  (Ferd.)  De  infulis  nuper  inventis  Narrationes  ad 
Carolum  V.  fol.  1532. 

Cortefe  (Fern.)  Relacioni,  &c.     Exft.  Ramufio  III.  225. 

Cubero  (D.  Pedro)  Peregrination  del  Mayor  Parte  del 
Mundo,  ZaragolT.  4to.    1688. 

Cumana-Govierno  y  Noticia  de,  fol.  MS, 


Davila  Padilla  (F.  Aug.)  Kiftoria  de  laFundacion  y  Dif- 
curfo  de  Provincia  de  St.  Jago  de  Mexico,  fol.  BruiT.  1625, 

(Gil  Gonzalez)  Teatro  Ecclefiaftico  de  la  Primi- 

tiva  Iglefia  de  los  Indias  Occidentales,  fol.  2  vols.  1 649. 

Documentos  tocantes  a  la  Perfecucion,  que  los  Regulares 
de  la  Compagnia  fufcitaron  contra  Don  B.  de  Cardenas  Obifpo 
de  Paraguay,  4to.  Mad.  1768. 


Echaveri  (D.  Bernardo  lbagnez  de)  El  Reyno  Jefuitico 
del  Paraguay.  Exft.  torn.  iv.  Colleccion  de  Documentos, 
4to.     Mad.  1770. 

Echave  y  AiTu  (D.  Francifco  de)  LaEftrellade  Limacon- 
vertidaen  Sol  fobre  fur  tres  Coronas,  fol.  Amberes,  1688. 

Eguiara  El  Egueren  (D.  Jo.  Jof.)  Bibliotheca  Mexicana, 
five  Eruditorum  Hiftoria  Virorum  in  America  Boreali  -hato- 
rum,&c.  torn.  prim.  fol.  Mex.  1775.  N.  B.  No  more  than 
one  volume  of  this  work  has  been  publifhed. 

Ercilla  y  Zuniga  (D.  Alonzo  de)  La  Araucana,  Poema 
Eroico,  fol.    Mad.  1733. 

-  2  vols.   8vo.   Mad.  1777. 

Eicalona 


BOOKS    AND    MANUSCRIPTS.  XXIX 


Efcalona  (D.  Gafpar  de)  Gazophylacium  Regiurn  Peruvi- 
cum,  fol.  Mad.  1775. 


Faria y  Soufa  (Manuel  de)  Hiltoria  del  Reyno de  Portugal, 
fol.  Amber.    1730. 

Faria  y  Soufa,  Hiftory  of  Portugal  from  the  firft  Ages  to 
the  Revolution  under  John  IV.    8vo.    Lond.  169S. 

Fernandez  (Diego)   Prima  y  fecunda  Parte  de  la  Hiftoria 
del  Pern,  fol.  Seviil.    1571. 

—   (P.  Juan  Patr.)     Relacion    Hiftorial    de    las 

Mifiiones  de  los  Indias  que  daman  Chiquitos,  4to.     Mad. 
1726. 

Feyjoo  (Benit.  Geron)  Efpagnoles  Americanos— Difcurfo 
VI.  del  torn.  iv.  del  Teatro  Critico.     Mad.   1769. 

Solucion    del   gran   Problema  Hiftorico 

fobrela  Poblacion  de  la  America— Difcurfo  XV.  del  torn.  v. 
de  Teatro  Critico. 

1  .  (D.  Miguel)  Relacion  Defcriptiva  de  la  Ciudad  y 
Provincia  Truxillo  del  Peru,  fol.     Mad.  1763. 

Freyre  (Ant.)  Piratas  de  la  America,  4to. 

FraiTb  (D.Petro)    De   Regio  Patronatu  Indiarum,    fol. 
2  vols.     Matriti,  1775. 


Galvao  (Antonio)  Tratado  dos  Defcobrimentos  Antigos  y 
Modernos,  fol.     Lifboa,   173L 

Galvano  (Ant.)  The  Difcoveries  of  the  World  from  the 
firft  Original  unto  the  Year  1555.      Ofborne's  Collect.  II. 

354- 

Gamboa  (D.  Fran.  Xavier  de)  Comentarios  a  los  ordi- 
nanzas  de  Minas,  fol.     Mad.  1761. 

Garcia  (Gregorio)  Hiftoria  Ecclefiaftica  y  Seglar  de  la 
India  Oriental  y  Occidental,  y  Predicacion  de  la  Santa  Evan- 
geiia  en  ella,  i2mo.     Baeca,  1626. 

(Fr.  Gregorio)  Origen  de  los  Indios  del  Nuevo 

Mundo,    fol.     Mad.    1729. 

Gaftelu  (Anton.  Valefquez)  Arte  de  Lengua  Mexicana, 
4_to.    Puibla  de  los  Angeles.     1716. 

Gazeu  de  Mexico  pos  lbs  Annos  1728, 1729,  1730,  4to. 
C  3  Ginva 


XXX  A    CATALOGUE    OF    SPANISH 

Girava  (Hieronymo)  Dos  Libros  de  Cofmographia.  Milan, 
i5«;6. 

Godoy  (Diego  de)  Relacion  al  H.  Cortes,  que  trafa  del 
Defcubrimiento  de  diverfas  Ciudades,  y  Provincias,  y  Guer- 
ras  que  tuio  con  los  Indios.  Exft.  Barcia  Hift.  Prim, 
torn.  i. 

Godoy  Lettera  a  Cortefe,  &c.     Exft.   RamufioIII.  300. 

Gomara  (Fr.  Lopez  de)  La  Hiftoria  general  de  las  Indias, 
l2mo.     Anv.  1554. 

.     Hiftoria  general  de  las  Indias.     Exft.  Barcia  Hift, 
Prim.  torn.  ii. 

Chronica  de  la  Nueva  Efpagna  6  Conquifta  de 

Mexico.     Exit.  Barcia  Hift.  Prim.   torn.  ii. 

Guatemala— Razon  puntual  de  los  fuccelTos  mas  memora- 
biles,  y  de  los  eftragos  y  dannos  que  ha  padecido  la  rindad 
de  Guatemala,  fol.   1774. 

Gumilla  (P.  Jof.)  El  Orinoco  illuftrado  y  defendidoj 
Hiftoria  Natural,  Civil,  y  Geographica  de  efte  Gran  Rio, 
&c.  4to.  2  torn.     Mad.   I745» 

__ .  Hiftoire  Naturelle,  Civile,  &  Geogra- 

phique  de  l'Orenoque.      Traduite  par  M.  Eidous,    i2mo. 
torn.  iii.     Avig.  1758. 

Gufman  (Nugno  de)  Relacion  fcritta  in  Omitlan  Pro.- 
vincia  de  Mechuacan  della  maggior  Spagna  nell  1530.  Exft, 
Ramufio  III.  331. 

H 

Henis  (P.  Thadeus)  Ephemerides  Belli  GuiaranicI,  ab 
Anno  1754.     Exft.   Colleccion  general  de  Docum.  torn.  iv. 

Hernandes  (Fran.)  Plantarum,  Animalium  &  Mineralium 
Mexicanorum  Hiftoria,  fol.     Rom.  1 651. 

Herera  (Anton,  de)  Hiftoria  general  de  los  Hechos  de  lot 
Caftellanos  en  las  Iflas  y  Tierra  Firma  de  Mar  Oceano,  fol. 
4  vols.     Mad.  1 601. 

Hiftoria  General,  &c.    4  vols.     Mad.  1730. 

General  Hiftory,  &c.      Tranflated  by  Stephens, 

Svo.  6  vols.     Lond.  1740. 

■  Defcriptio  Indiae  Occidentalis,  fol.    Amft.  1622. 

Huemez  y  Horcafitas  (D.  Juan  Francifco  de)  Extraclo  de 
los  Autos  de  Diligencias  y  reconocimientos  de  los  rios,  lagu- 
nas,  vertientes,  y  defaguas  de  Mexico  y  fu  valle,  &c.  fol. 
Mex.  1743. 

Jefuitaa 


BOOKS    AND    MANUSCRIPTS.  XXXi 


Jefuitas— Colleccion  de  las  applicaciones  que  fe  van  hacien- 
do  de  los  Cienes,  cafas  y  Coligios  que  fueron  de  la  Compagnia 
de  Jefus,  expatriados  de  eftos  Reales  dominios,  4to.  2  vols. 
Lima,  177a  y  1773* 

Colleccion  General  de  Providencias  hafta  aqui 

tomadas  por  el  Gobierno  fobre  el  Eftrannamiento  y  Occupa- 
cion  de  temporaiidades,  de  los  Regulares  de  la  Compagnia  de 
Efpagna,  Indias,  e  Iflas  Filipinas,  4to.     Mad.  1767. 

Retrato  de  los  Jefuitas  formado  al  natural,  4to. 

a  vols.     Mad.  1768. 

__  Relacion  Abbreviada  da  Republica  que  os  Re- 
Hgiofos  Jefuitas  eftabeleceraon,  12010. 

Idea  del  Origen,  Gobierno,  &c.  de  la  Com- 
pagnia de  Jefus,  8vo.     Mad.  1768. 

L 

Laevinius  (Apollonius)  Libri  V.  de  Peruviae  Invention.  & 
rebus  in  eadem  geflis,  i2mo.     Ant.  1567. 

Leon  (Fr.  Ruiz,  de)  Hernandia,  PoemaHeroyco  de  Con- 
quifta  de  Mexico,  4to.     Mad.  1755. 

■  (Ant.  de)  Epitome  de  la  Bibliotheca  Oriental 

y  Occidental,  Nautica  y  Geograrlca,  fol.     Mad.  1737. 

Lima,  A  true  Account  of  the  Earthquake  which  happened 
there,  28th  October  1746.  Tranflated  from  the  Spanifh, 
8vo.     Lond.  1748. 

Lima  Gozofa,  Defcription  de  las  feftibas  Demonftraciones, 
con  que  efta  ciudad  Celebro  la  real  Proclamacion  de  el  Nom- 
bre  Augufto  del  Catolico  Monarcho  D.  Carlos  III.  Lima, 
4to.  1760. 

Llano  Zapata  (D.  Jof.  Eufeb.)  Preliminar  al  Tomo  I.  de 
las  Memorias  Hiftorico-Phyficas,  Critico-Apologeticas  de  la 
America  Meridional,  8vo.     Cadiz,  1759. 

Lopez  (D.  Juan  Luis)  Difcurfo  Hittorico  Politico  en  de« 
fenfo  de  la  Jurifdicion  Real,  fol.  1685. 

■  1   (Thorn.)  Atlas  Geographico  de  la  America  Sep* 
tentrional  y  Meridional,  i2mo.     Par.  1758. 

Lorenzana  (D.  Fr.  Ant.)  Arzobifpo  de  Mexico,  ahora, 
ds  Toledo,  Hiltoria  de  Nueva  Efpagna,  efcrita  por  fu  Efcla- 

recido 


XXX11  A    CATALOGUE    OF    SPANISH 

recido  Oonquiftador  Hernan  Cortes,  Aumentada  con  otros 
Documentos  y  Notas,  fol.     Mex.  1770. 

Lozano  (P.  Pedro)  Defcription  Chorographica,  del  Ter. 
retor'os,  Arboles,  Animates,  del  Gran  Chaco,  y  de  los  Ri- 
tos  y  Coftumbres,  de  las  innumcrabiles  Naciones  que  la  ha- 
bitan    4to.     Cordov.  1 73  3. 

. Hiftoria  de  la  Compagnia  de  Jefus  en  la  Pro- 

vinciadel  Paraguay,  fol.  2  vols.     Mad,  1753. 

M 

Madriga  (Pedro  de)  Defcription  de  la  Gouvernement  du 
Perou.  Exft.  Voyages  qui  ont  fervi  a  retablifiement  de  la 
comp.  des  Indes,  torn.  ix.  105. 

Mariana  (P.  Juan  de)  Difcurfo  de  las  Enfermedades  de  la 
Compagnia  de  Jefus,  4*0.      Mad.  1768. 

Martinez  de  la  Puen^e  (D.  JoC)  Compendio  de  las  Hif- 
torias  de  l<;s  Defcubnmientos,  Conquiftas,  y  Guerras  de  la 
Indb  Oriental,  y  fus  Idas,  defde  los  Tiempos  del  Infante 
Don  Enriqeu  de  Portugal  fu  inventor.  4to.     Mad.  1681. 

Mar'yr  ab  Angleria  (Petr.)  De  Rebus  Oceanicis  &  Novo 
Orbe  Decades  tres,   i2mo.     Colon  1574. 

Martyr  ab  Angleria  (Petr.)  De  Infulis  nuper  inventis,  & 
de  Moiibus  Incolarum.     Ibid.  p.  329, 

.     u  Opus  Epiftolarum,  fol.     Amft.  1670. 

■  II  Sommario  cavato  della  fua  Hiftoria  del 

Kuevo  Mundo.     Ramufio  IJI.  i. 

Mata  (1).  Ge;on.  Fern,  de)  Ideas  politicas  y  morales, 
j2mo.     Toledo,  1640. 

Mechuacan— Relacion  de  las  Ceremonias,  Ritos,  y  Po- 
blacion  de  los  Indios  de  Mechuacan  hepha  al  I.  S.  D.  Ant.  de 
Jvlendoza  Vjrrey  de  Nueva  Efpagna,  fol.  MS. 

Melendez  (Fr.  Juan)  Teforos  Verdaderos  de  las  Indias 
Hiftoria  de  la  Provincia  de  S.  Juan  Baptifta  del  Peru,  del 
Orden  de  Predicadores,  fol.  3  vols.     Rom.  1681. 

Memorial  Ajuftado  por  D.  A.  Fern,  de  Heredia  Gober- 
Dador  de  Nicaragua  y  Honduras,  fol.  1753* 

Memorial  Adjuftado  contra  los  Officiales  de  Cafa  de  Mo* 
neda  a  Mexico  de  el  anno  1729,  fol. 

Mendoza  (D.  Ant.  de)  Lettera  al  Imperatore  del  DifcoprU 
mento  della  Terra  Firma  della  N.  Spagna  verfo  Tramontano. 
Exft.  Ramufio  III.  355. 

Mendoza 


BOOKS    AND    MANUSCRIPTS.  XXX1H 

Mendoza  (Juan  Gonz.  de)  Hiitoria  del  gran  Reyno  de 
China,  con  un  Itinerario  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  8vo.  Rom* 
1585. 

Miguel  (Vic.  Jof.)  Tablas  de  los  Sucefos  Ecclefiatticos  en 
Africa,  Indias  Orientales  y  Occidentals,  4jto.     Val.  1689. 

Mifcellanea  Economico- Politico,  &c.  fol.  Pampl.  1749. 

Molina  (P.  F.  Anton.)  Vocabulario  Caftellano  y  Mexi- 
cano,  fol.   1 571. 

Monardes  (El  Dottor)  Primera  y  Segunda  y  Tercera  Parte 
de  la  Hiitoria  Medicinal,  de  lasCofas  que  fe  traen  de  nuefttaa 
Indias  Occidentales,  que  (irven  en  Medicina,  4to.     Sevilla, 

*754« 

Moncada  (Sanchode)  Reftauracion  Politica  de  Efpagna  y 
defeos  Publicos,  4 to.     Mad.  1746* 

Morales  (Ambrofiode)  Coronica  General  deEfpagnia,  fol. 
4  vols.    Alcala  1574. 

Moreno  y  Efcaudon  (D.  Fran.  Ant*)  Defcripcion  y  Ef- 
tado  del  Virreynato  de  Santa  Fee,  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Granada, 
&c.  fol.  MS. 

Munoz  (D.  Antonio)  Difcurfo  fobre  economia  politica^ 
Svo.     Mad.  1769. 

N 

Nizza  (F.  Marco)  Relatione  del  Vlaggio  fatta  per  Terra 
al  Cevole,  Regno  di  cette  Citta.    Exft.  Ramuf.  HI.   356. 

Nodal— Relacion  del  Viage  que  hicieron  los  Capitanes 
Barth.  y  Gonz.  de  Nodal  al  defcubrimiento  del  Eftrecho  que 
hoy  es  nombrado  de  Maire,  y  reconocimiento  del  de  Magel- 
Janes,  4to.     Mad. 

Noticia  Individual  de  los  derechos  fegun  Io  reglado  en  ulti- 
mo proye&o  de  1720,  4to.     Barcelona,  173Z. 

Nueva  Efpagna — Hiftoria  de  los  Indios  de  Nueva  Efpagna 
dibidida  en  tres  Partes.  En  la  primera  trata  de  los  Ritos, 
Sacrificios  y  Idolatrias  del  Tiempo  de  fu  Gentilidad.  En  la 
fegunda  de  fu  maravilloia  Converfion  a  la  Fe,  y  modo  de 
celebrar  las  Fieftas  de  Nueftra  Santa  Iglefia.  En  la  tercera 
del  Genio  y  Caracler  de  aquella  Gente  j  y  Figuras  con  que 
notaban  fus  Acontecimientos,  con  otras  patticularidades  $  y 
Noticias  de  las  principals  Ciudades  en  aquel  Reyno.  Efcrita 
en  el  Agno  1541  por  uno  de  los  doce  Religiofos  Francifcos 
que  primero  Paflaron  aentender  en  fu  Converfion.  MS.  fol. 
pp.  618. 

Ogna 


3CXX1V  A    CATALOGUE    OF    SPANISH 


Ogna  (Pedro  de)  Arauco  Domado.    Poema,  i2mo.  Mad. 
1605. 

Ordenanzas  del  Confejo  real  de  las  Indias,  fol.  Mad.  168 1. 

Ortega   (D.  Cafimiro  de)  Refumen  Hiftqrico  del  primer 
Viage  hecho  al  rededor  del  Mundo,  41:0.      Mad.  1769. 

Ofibrio  (Jerome)   Hiftory  of  the  Portuguefe,  during  the 
Reign  of  Emmanuel,  8vo.   2  vols.     Lond.  1752. 

Oflbrius  (Hieron.)  De  rebus  Emmanuelis  Lufitaniae  Re- 
gis, 8vo.  Col.  Agr.   1752. 

Ovalle  (Alonlo)  Hiftoiica  Relacion  del  Reyno  de  Chili, 
fol.     Rom.  1646. 

■      An  Hiftorical  Relation  of  the  Kingdom  of  Chili. 
Exft.  Churchill  Collect.  III.  1.  ^ 

Oviedo  y  Bagnos  (D.  Jof.)  Hiftoria  la  Conquifta  y  Pub- 
lication ce  Venezuela,  fol.     Mad.  1723. 

Oviedo  Sommaria,  &c.   Exft.  Ramulio  III.  44. 

Oviedo  (Gonz.  Fern,  de)  Relacion  Sommaria  de  la  Hif- 
toria Natural  de  los  Indias.     Exft.  Barcia  Hift.  Prim,  torn  i* 

Oviedo  Hiftoria  Generale  &  Naturale  dell  Indie  Occiden- 
tale.     Exft.  Ramufio  HI.  74. 

■  Relatione  della  Navigatione  per  la  Grandifiima 

Piume  Maragnon.     Exft.  Ramuf.  III.  415. 


Palacio  (D.  Ralm.  Mig.)  Difcurfo  Economico  Politico, 
4to.     Mad.   1778. 

Palafox  y  Mendoza  (D.  Juan)  Virtudes  del  Indios  o  Na- 
turaliza  y  Coftumbres  de  los  Indios  de  N.  Efpagna,  4to. 

Vie  de  Venerable  Dom.  Jean  Palafox  Eveque  de 

PAngelopolis,   i2mo.     Cologne,  1772. 

Pegna  (Juan  Nugnez  de  la)  Conquifta  y  Antiguedades  de 
las  I/las  de  Gran  Canaria,  4to.     Mad.  1676. 

Pegna  Montenegro  (D.  Alonfo  de  la)  Itinerario  para  Pa- 
rochos  de  Indios,  en  que  tratan  les  marerias  mas  particulars, 
tocan  es  a  ellos  para  fu  buen  admjniftracion,  4to.    Amberes, 

1754. 

Penalofa  y  Mondragon  (Fr.  Benito  de)  Cjneo  Excellencias 
del  Efpagnol  que  des  peublan  a  Efpagna,  4to.    Pampl.  1629. 

Peraita  Barnuevo  (D.  Pedro  de)  Lima  fundada  o  Conquifta 
del  Peru  JVema  Eroyco,  4to.     Lima,  1732. 

Peraita 


BOOKS    AND    MANUSCRIPTS.  XXXY 

Peralta  Calderon  (D.  Mathias  de)  El  Apoftol  de  las  Indn9 
y  nueves  gentes  San  Francifco  Xavier  de  la  Compagnia  dc 
Jefus  Epitome  de  fus  Apoftolicos  hechos,  4to.    Pampl.  1 66 5.* 

Pereira  de  Berrido  (Bernard.)  Annaes  Hiftoricos  do  eftado 
do  Maranchao,  fol.     Lifboa,   1749. 

Peru — Relatione  d'un  Capitano  Spagnuolo  del  Defcopri- 
mento  y  Conquifta  del  Peru.     Exft.  Ramuf.  III.   371. 

Peru— -Relatione  d'un  Secretario  de  Franc.  Pizzarro  dull  a 
Conquefta  del  Peru.     Exft.  Ramufio  III.   371. 

— Relacion  del  Peru,  MS. 

Pefquifa  de  los  Oydores  de  Panama  contra  D.  Jayme  Mug. 
nos,  &c.  por  haverlos  Commerciado  illicitamente  en  tiempo 
de  Guerro,  fol.  1755. 

Philipinas— Carta  que  efcribe  un  Religiofo  antiguo  de  Phi- 
lipinas,  a  un  Amigo  fuyo  en  Efpagna,  que  le  pregunta  ei 
Naturel  y  Genio  de  los  Indies  Naturales  de  Eftas  Iilas.  MS, 
4to. 

Piedrahita  (Luc.  Fern.)  Hiftoria  general  de  las  Conquiftas 
del  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Granada,  fol.     Ambres. 

Pinelo  ( Anc.  de  Leon)  Epitome  de  la  Bibliothcca  Oriental 
y  Occidental  en  que  fe  continen  los  Efcritores  de  las  Indias 
Orientales  y  Occidentales,  fol.  2  vols.    Mad.  1737. 

Pinzonius  focius  Admirantis  Columbi — N  avigatio  &  res 
per  eum  repertae.     Exft.  Nov.  Orb.  Grynaei,  p.  119. 

Pizarro  y  Orellana  (D.  Fern.)  Varones  illuftres  del  N". 
Mundo,  fol.     Mad.  1639. 

Plan&us  Judorum  Chriftianorum  in  America  Peruntina, 
l2mo. 

Puente  (D.  Jof.  Martinez  de  la)  Compendio  de  las  Hif- 
torias  de  los  Defcubrimientos  de  la  India  Oriental  y  fus  Mas, 
4to.     Mad.  1 63 1. 


Quir  (Ferd.  de)  Terra  Auftralis  Incognita;  or,  a  new 
Southern  Difcovery,  containing  a  fifth  Part  of  the  Worl4 
lateiy  found  out,  4to.     Lond.  1617. 


Ramufio  (Giov.  Battifta)  Racolto  delle  Navigationi  e  Vi« 
*ggi>  fol.  3  vols.     VeneU  1588. 

Real  Compagnia  Guipuzcoanade  Caracas,  Noticias  hiito- 
riales  Pra&kas,  de  los  Succeffos  y  Adelanumientos  de  efta 

Compagnia 


XXXVI         A    CATALOGUE    OF    SPANISH 

Compagnia  defde  fu  Fundacion  en  1728  hafta  1764,  4to, 
1765- 

Recopilacion  de  Leyes  de  los  Reynos  de  las  Indias,  fol. 
4  vols.     Mad.  1756. 

Reglamento  y  Aranceles  Reales  para  el  Comercio  de  Ef- 
pagna a  Indias,  fol.     Mad.  1778. 

Relatione  <Tun  Gentilhuomo  del  Sig.  Fern.  Cortefe 
della  gran  Citta  Temiftatan,  Mexico,  &  delle  altre  cofe 
della  Nova  Spagna.     Exft.  Ramuf.  llh  304. 

Remefal  (Fr.  Ant)  Hiftoria  general  de  las  Indias  Occiden- 
tales  y  particular  de  la  Governacion  de  Chiapa  y  Guatimala, 
fol.  Mad.  1620. 

Ribadeneyra  (D.  Diego  Portichuelo  de)  Relacion  del  Viage 
defde  que  falio  de  Lima,  hafta  que  Illego  a  Efpagna,  410. 
Mad.  1657. 

Ribandeneyra  y  Barrientos  (D.  Ant.  Joach.)  Manuel 
Compendio    de  el  Regio   Patronato  Indiano,  fol.     Mad. 

*755- 

Ribas  (Andr.  Perez  de)  Hiftoria  de  los  Triumphos  de 
Nueftra  Sta  Fe,  entre  Gentes  la  mas  Barbaras,  en  las  mif- 
liones  de  Nueva  Efpagna,  fol.     Mad.  1645. 

Riol  (D.  Santiago)  Reprefentacion  a  Philipe  V.  fobre  ei 
eftado  aclual  de  los  Papeles  univerfales  de  la  Monarchia, 
MS. 

Ripia  (Juan  de  la)  Praclica  de  la  Adminiftracion  y  co- 
branza  de  las  rentas  reales,  fol.     Mad.  1768. 

Rocha  Pitta  (Sebaftiano  de)  Hiftoria  de  America  Portou- 
gueza  des  de  o  Anno  de  1500  du  fu  Defeobrimento  ate  0  de 
I724,  fol.     Lifboa,  1730. 

Rodriguez  (  Manuel)  Explicacion  de  la  Bulla  de  la  Santa 
Cruzada,  4to.     Alcala,  1589. 

1  (P.  Man.)  El.  Maragnon  y  Amozonas,  Hifto- 

ria de  los  Defcubrimientos,  Entradas  y  Reducion  de  Naciones. 
foL  Mad.  1684. 

Roman  (Hieron)  Republicas  del  Mundo,  fol.  3  vols. 
Mad.  1595. 

Roma  y  Rofell  (De  Franc.)  Las  fegnales  de  la  felicidad 
de  Efpagna  y  medios  de  hacerlas  eflicaees,  8vo.  Mad, 
1768. 

Rofende  (P.  Ant.  Gonz.  de)  Vida  del  Juan  de  Palafox 
Arzobifpo  de  Mexico,  fol.     Mad.  167 1„ 

Rubaclava  (Don  Jof.  Gutierrez  de)  Tratado  Hiftorica 
Politico,  y  Legal  de  el  commercio  de  las  India*  Occidentales, 
izmo*  Cad.  1750. 

Ruiz 


BOOKS    AND    MANUSCRIPTS.  XXXVtt 

Ruiz  (P.  Ant.)  Conquifta  Efpiritual  hecha  por  los  Reli- 
giofos  de  la  Compagnia  de  Jeius,  en  las  Provincias  de  la 
Paraguay  Uraguay,  Parana  y  Tape,  4to.     Mad.  1639, 


Salazar  de  Mendoza  (D.  Pedro)  Monarquia  de  Efpagna, 
torn,  i,  ii,  iii.  fol.     Mad.  1770. 

—  y  Olarte  (D.  Ignacio)  Hiftoria  de  la  Conquifta 

de  Mexico— Segunda  parte,  Cordov.  1743. 

—  y  Zevallos  (D.  Alonz.   Ed.  de)  Conftitucio- 

nes  y  Ordenanzas  antiguas  Agnadidas  y  Modernas  de  la 
Real  Univerfidad  y  eftudio  general  fte  San  Marcos  de  la 
Ciudad  de  los  Reyes  del  Peru,  fol.  En  la  Ciudad  de  los 
Reyes,  1735. 

Sanchez  (Ant.  Ribero)  Diflertation  fur  POngine  de  la 
Maladie  Venerienne,  dans  laquelle  on  preuve  qu'elle  n'a  point 
ete  portee  de  l'Amerique,  izmo.    Paris,  1765. 

Sarmiento  de  Gam  boa  (Pedro  de)  Viage  al  Eftrecho  dc 
Magellanes,  4to.     Mad.  1768. 

Santa  Cruz  (El  Marques)  Comercio  Suelto  y  en  Com- 
panias  General,  izmo.     Mad.  1732. 

Santo  Domingo,  Puerto  Rico,  y  Margarita,  Real  Compag- 
nia de  Comercio,  i2mo.     1756. 

Schemidel  (Hulderico)  Hiftoria  y  Defcubrimiento  de 
Rio  de  la  Plata  y  Paraguay.  Exft.  Barcia  Hift.  Prim, 
torn.  iii. 

Sebara  da  Sylva  (Jof.  de)  Recueil  Chronologique  &  Ana- 
lytique  de  tout  ce  qu'a  fait  en  Portugal  la  Societe  dite  de 
Jefus,  depuis  fon  Entree  dans  ce  Royaume  en  1540  jufqu'a 
fon  Expulfion  1759*   ^n10*  3  vols.     Lift).  1769. 

Segni  (D.  Diego  Raymundo)  Antiquario  Noticiofa  Gene- 
ral de  Efpagna  y  fus  Indios,  1 2mo.     1769. 

Sepulveda  (Genefius)  Dialogus  de  juftis  belli  caufis,  prae- 
fertim  in  IndosNovi  Orbis.     MS. 

(Jo.  Genefius)  Epiftolarum  Libri  VII.  I2m<*» 

Salam.     1557. 

Sepulveda  de  regno,  Libri  III.  i2mo.     Ilerdae,  1570. 

Seyxas  y  Lovero  (D.  Fr.)  Theatro  Naval  Hydrographko, 
4to.  1648. 

■    ■  Defcripcion  Geographica  y  Derrotera  de  la  Re- 
gion Auftral  Magellanic*,  4to.     Mad.  1690, 

vol.  1.  d  Simon 


XXXV1U      A    CATALOGUE    OF    SPANISH 

Simon  (Pedro)  Noticias  Hiftoriaies  de  las  Conquiftas  dc 
Tierra  Firme  en  las  Indias  Occidentals,  fol.  Cuenca, 
1627. 

Solis  (D.  Ant.  de)  Hlftorias  de  las  Conquiftas  de  Mexico, 
fol.     Mad.  1684. 

— — Hiftory  of  the  Conqueft  of  Mexico. — Tranf. 

lated  by  Townfend,  fol.      1724. 

Solarzano  y  Pereyrra  (Joan.)  Politica  Indiana,  fol.  z 
vols.     Mad.  1776. 

— — De  Indiarum  jure,  five  de  jufta  Indiarum  Occi- 

dentalium  Gubernatione,  fol.  2  vols.     Lngd.  1672. 

■  Qbras  Varias  pofthumas,  fo>.     Mad.  1776. 

Soto  y  marne  (P.  Franc,  de)  Copia  de  la  Relacion  de 
Viage  que  defde  la  ciudad  de  Cadiz  a  la  Cartagena  de  Indias 
hizo,  4to.     Mad.  1753. 

Spilbergen  et  Le  Maire  Speculum  Orientalis  Occidenta. 
lifque  Navigationum,  4to.    L.  Bat.  1619. 

Suarez  de  Figueroa  (Chriftov.)  Hec.hos  de  D,  Garcia 
Huitado  de  Mendoza,  4to.     Mad.  16 13. 


Tanco  (Luis  Bezerra)  Felicidad  de  Mexico  en  la  admi- 
rable Aparicion  de  N.  Signora  di  Guadalupe,  8vo.  Mad* 
*745- 

Tarragones  (Hierom  Gir.)  Dos  Libros  de  Cofmographia, 
4to.  Milan,  1556. 

Techo  (F.  Nkhol.  de)  The  Hiftory  of  the  Province* 
Paraguay,  Tucuman,Rro  de  la  Plata,  &c.  Exft.  Churchill's 
Coll.  VI.  3.       • 

Torquemada  (Juan  de)  Monarquia  Indiana,  fol.  .  3  vols* 
Mad.  1723. 

Torres  (Sim.  Per.  de)  Viage  del  Mundo.  Exft.  Barcia 
Hift.  Prim.  III. 

■  (Franc.  Carode)  Hiftoria  de  las  Ordencs  Militares 

de  Santiago,  Calatrava  y  Alcantara,  defde  fu  Fundacion 
hafta  el  Rey  D.  Felipe  II.  Adminiftador  perpetuo  deilas, 
fol.     Mad.  1629. 

Torribio  (P.  F.  Jof.)  Aparato  para  la  Hiftoria  Natural 
Efpagnala,  fol.     Mad.  1754. 

— -  DiiTertacion   Hiftorico   Politica  y  en  mucha 
parte  Geographica  de  las  Was  Philipinas,    nmo.     Mad. 

1753- 

Totanes 


BOOKS    AND    MANUSCRIPTS.  XXXIX 

Totancs  (F.  Sebaftian  de)  Manual  Tagalog  para  auxilio  de 
Provincia  de  las  Philipinas,  4to.  Samplai  en  las  Philipinas, 
^745- 

V 

tJlloa  (D.  Ant.  de)  Voyage  Hiitorique  de  TAmerique 
Meridionale,  4to.  2  torn.     Paris,  1752. 

. (D.  Ant.  de)  Noricias  Americanas,  Entretenimien- 

tos  Phyficos-Hlitoricos,  fobre  la  America  Meridional  y  la 
Septentrional  Oriental,  4to.     Mad.  1772. 

...  (D.  Bern,  de)  Reitablecimiento  de  las  Fabricas, 
trafico,  y  comercio  maritimo  de  Efpagna,  i2mo.  2  vols. 
Mad.  1740. 

—  (Franc.)  Navigatione  per  fcoprire  ITfole  delle  Spe~ 
cierie  fmo  al  Mare  detto  Verraejo  nel  1539-  Exit.  Ramuf. 
III.  339. 

(D.  Bernardo)  RetablifTemeitt  des  Manufactures  & 

du  Commerce  d'Efpagne,  1 2mo.     Amft    1753. 

Uztariz  (D.  Geron.)  Theoria  y  Practica  de  Commercio 
&  de  Marina,  fol.     Mad.  1757. 

■  The  Theory  and  Practice  of  Commerce  and  Mari- 

time Affairs.     Svo.  2  vols.     Lond.  175 1. 

V    . 

Verages  (D.  Thorn.  Tamaio  de)  Reftauracion  de  la 
Ciudad  del  Salvador  y  Baia  de  Todos  Sanclos  en  la  Provincia 
del  Brafil,  4to.     Mad.  1628. 

Vargas  Machuca  (D.  Bern,  de)  Milicia  y  Defcripcion  de 
las  Jndias,  4. to.      Mad.  1699. 

Vega  (GarcilafTo  de  la)  Hiltoire  de  la  Conquete  de  la 
Floride.  Traduite  par  Richelet,  12 mo.  2  torn.  Leyd. 
1731. 

Royal  Commentaries   of  Peru,  by  Rvcaut,   fol. 

Lond.   1688. 

Vega  (L'Ynca  GarcilafTo  de  la)  Hiftoire  des  Guerres 
Civilts  jdos  Efpagnoles  dans  les  Indes,  par  Baudouin,  4to. 
2  torn.     Paris,  1648. 

Veitia  Linage  (Jof.)  The  Spanifli  Rule  of  Trade  to  the 
Weft  Indies,  Svo.     Lond    1701* 

Declamacion  Oratoria  en  Defenfa  de  D. 

Jof,  Fern.  Veitia  Linage,  fol.  1702. 

j>  z  Veitia 


%\  A    CATALOGUE    OF    SPANISH 

Vcitia  Linage  ( Jof.)  Norte  de  la  Contratacion  de  las  Indias 
Occidentales,  fol.   Sevill.  1672. 

Venegas  (Miguel)  A  Natural  and  Civil  Hiftory  of  Cali- 
fornia, 8vo.  2  vols.     Lond.  1759. 

Verazzano  (Giov.;  Relatione  delle  Terra  per  lui  Scoperta 
nel  1524.     Exft.  Ramufio  III.  p.  420. 

Vefputius  (Americus)  Duae  Navigationcs  fub  aufptciis 
Ferdinandi,  &c.     Exft.  DeBry  America.     Pars  X. 

Navigatio prima,  fecunda,  tertia,  quarta.  Exft. 

Nov.  Orb.  Grynaei,  p.  155. 

Viage  de  Efpagna,  nmo.  6  torn.     Mad.  1776. 

Vi&una  (Fran.)  Relationes  Theologicae  de  Indis  &  de 
jure  beili  contra  eos,  4to.     1765. 

Viera  y  Clavijo  (D.  Jof.)  Noticias  de  la  Hiftoria  general 
de  las  Iflas  de  Canaria,  4to.  3  torn.     Mad.  1 772. 

Villalobos  (D.  Juan  de)  Manifiefto  fobre  in  introduccion 
de  efclavos  negros  en  las  Indias  Occidentales,  4 to.  Sevilla, 
1682. 

Villagra  (Gafp.  de)  Hiftoria  de  Nueva  Mexico  Poema, 
nmo.  Alcala.  16 10. 

Villa  Segnor  y  Sanchez  (D.  Jof.  Ant.)  Theatro  Ameri- 
cano. Defcripcion  general  de  los  Reynos  y  Provincias  de  la 
Nueva  Efpagna,  fol.  2  torn.     Mcx.  1746. 

■  Res  puefta  fobre  el  precio  de  Asogue,  4to. 

Vocabulario  Brafiliano  y  Partugues,  4to.  MS. 


W 

Ward  (D.  Bernardo)  Proyecto  Economico  fobre  la  pobla- 
cion  de  Efpagna>  la  agricultuia  en  todos  fus  ramos,  y  de 
mas  eftablecimientos  de  induftria,  comercio  con  nueftra 
marina,  arreglo  de  nueftra  interefes  en  America,  libertad  del 
commercio  en  Indias,  &c.     2-  vols.  4to.  MS. 

X 

Xeres  (Franc,  de)  Verdadera  Relacion  de  la  Conquifta  del 
Peru  y  Provincia  de  Cuzco,  Embtada  al  Emperador  Carlos 
V.     Exft.  Barcia  Hift.  Prim,  torn-  iii. 

m  — »— — »  Relatione,  &c.  &c.     Exft.  Ramufiq  III. 
37*. 

Zarate 


BOOKS    AND    MANUSCRIPTS.  xll 


z 

Zarate  ( Au£.  de)  Hiftoria  del  Defcubrimiento  y  Conquilta 
de  la  Provincia  del  Peru.  Exft.  Barcia  Hift.  Prim.  torn.  iii. 
.  ■  Hiltoire  de  la  Decouverte  &  de  la  Conquete  du 
Perou,  nmo.  2  torn.     Paris,  1742. 

Zavala  y  Augnon  (D.  Miguel  de)  Reprefentacion  al  Rev 
N.  Segnor  IX  Phllipe  V.  dirigidaal  mas  feguro  Aumentodel 
Real  Erario.     Noplace.   1732. 

Zevallos  (D.  Pedro  Ordognez  de)  Hiftoria  y  Viage  del 
Mundo,  4to.     Mad.  1691* 


D  3  THE 


THE 

HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


BOOK    I 


The  progrefs  of  men  in  discovering  and  peo- 
pling the  various  parts  of  the  earth,  has 
been  extremely  flow.  Several  ages  elapfed  be- 
fore they  removed  far  from  thofe  mild  and  fertile 
regions  in  which  they  were  originally  placed  by 
their  Creator.  The  occafion  of  their  firft  gene- 
ral difperfion  is  known  ;  but  we  are  unacquainted 
with  the  courfe  of  their  migrations,  or  the  time 
when  they  took  poflefllon  of  the  different  coun- 
tries which  they  now  inhabit.  Neither  hiftory 
nor  tradition  furnifh  fuch  information  concerning 
thofe  remote  events,  as  enables  us  to  trace,  with 
any  certainty,  the  operations  of  the  human  race 
in  the  infancy  of  fociety. 

We  may  conclude,  however,  that  all  the  early 
migrations  of  mankind  were  made  by  land.  The 
ocean,  which  furrounds  the  habitable  earth,  as 
well  as  the  various  arms  of  the  fea  which  feparate 
one  region  from  another,  though  deftined  to  fa- 
cilitate the  communication  between  diflant  coun- 
tries, feem,  at  firft  view,  to  be  formed  to  check 
the  progrefs  of  man,  and  to  mark  the  bounds  of 
that  portion  of  the  globe  to  which  nature  had 
confined  him.  It  was  long,  we  may  believe, 
before  men  attempted  to  pafs  thefe  formidable 

2  barriers, 


2  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  I. 

barriers,  and  became  fo  fkilful  and  adventrous  as 
to  commit  themfelves  to  the  mercy  of  the  winds 
and  waves,  or  to  quit  their  native  mores  in  queft 
of  remote  and  unknown  regions. 

Navigation  and  mip-building  are  arts  fo  nice 
and  complicated,  that  they  require  the  ingenuity, 
as  well  as  experience,  of  many  fucceffive  ages  to 
bring  them  to  any  degree  of  perfection.  From 
the  raft  or  canoe,  which  firft  ferved  to  carry  a 
favage  over  the  river  that  obftru&ed  him  in  the 
chafe,  to  the  conftruftion  of  a  veffel  capable  t>f 
conveying  a  numerous  crew  with  fafety  to  a  dif- 
tant  coaft,  the  progrefs  in  improvement  is  im* 
menfe.  Many  efforts  would  be  made,  many  ex* 
periments  would  be  tried,  and  much  labour  as 
well  as  invention  would  be  employed,  before  men 
could  accomplifli  this  arduous  and  important  un- 
dertaking. The  rude  and  imperfect  ftate  in 
which  navigation  is  ftill  found  among  all  nations 
which  are  not  confiderably  civilized,  correfponds 
with  this  account  of  its  progrefs,  and  demon- 
ftrates  that,  in  early  times,  the  art  was  not  fo  far 
improved  as  to  enable  men  to  undertake  diflant 
voyages,  or  to  attempt  remote  difcoveries. 

As  foon,  however,  as  the  art  of  navigation 
became  known,  a  new  fpecies  of  correfpondence 
among  men  took  place.  It  is  from  this  sera,  that 
we  muft  date  the  commencement  of  fuch  an  in- 
tercourfe  between  nations  as  deferves  the  appel- 
lation of  commerce.  Men  are,  indeed,  far  ad- 
vanced in  improvement  before  commerce  becomes 
an  object  of  great  importance  to  them.  They 
muft  even  have  made  fome  confiderable  progrefs 
towards  civilization,  before  they  acquire  the  idea 
of  property,  and  afcertain  it  fo  perfectly  as  tQ  be 

acquainted 


W  It  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  3 

acquainted  with  the  moil  fimple  of  all  contracts, 
that  of  exchanging  by  barter  one  rude  commo- 
dity for  another.  But  as  foon  as  this  important 
right  is  eitablifhed,  and  every  individual  feels 
that  he  has  an  exclufive  title  to  poffefs  or  to  alie- 
nate whatever  he  has  acquired  by  his  own  labour 
or  dexterity,  the  wants  and  ingenuity  of  his  na- 
ture fugged  to  him  a  new  method  of  increafing 
his  acquiiitions  and  enjoyments,  by  difpofing 
of  what  is  fuperfluous  in  his  own  ftores,  in 
order  to  procure  what  is  neceflary  or  defirable 
in  thofe  of  other  men.  Thus  a  commercial  in- 
tercourfe  begins,  and  is  carried  on  among  the 
members  of  the  fame  community.  By  degrees, 
they  difcover  that  neighbouring  tribes  poffefs 
what  they  themfelves  want,  and  enjoy  comforts 
of  which  they  wifh  to  partake.  In  the  fame 
mode,  and  upon  the  fame  principles,  that  do- 
meftic  traffic  is  carried  on  within  the  fociety,  an 
external  commerce  is  eftablifhed  with  other  tribes 
or  nations.  Their  mutual  intereft  and  mutual 
wants  render  this  intercourfe  defirable,  and  im- 
perceptibly introduce  the  maxims  and  laws  which 
facilitate  its  progrefs  and  render  it  fecure.  But 
no  very  extenfive  commerce  can  take  place  be- 
tween contiguous  provinces,  whofe  foil  and  cli- 
mate being  nearly  the  fame,  yield  fimilar  pro- 
ductions. Remote  countries  cannot  convey  their 
commodities  by  land,  to  thofe  places,  where  on 
account  of  their  rarity  they  are  defired,  and  be- 
come valuable.  It  is  to  navigation  that  men  are 
indebted  for  the  power  of  tranfporting  the  fuper- 
fluous flock  of  one  part  of  the  earth,  to  fupply 
the  wants  of  another.  The  luxuries  and  bleffings 
of  a  particular  climate  are  no  longer  confined  to 

itfelf 


;: 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  3.  I. 

itfelf  alone,  but  the  enjoyment  of  them  is  com- 
municated to  the  moil  diflant  regions. 

In  proportion  as  the  knowledge  of  the  advan- 
tages derived  from  navigation  and  commerce  con- 
tinued to  fpread,  the  intercourfe  among  nations 
extended.  The  ambition  of  conquefl,  or  the 
neceflity  of  procuring  new  fettlements,  were  no 
longer  the  fole  motives  of  viiiting  diflant  lands. 
The  defire  of  gain  became  a  new  incentive  to 
activity,  roufed  adventurers,  and  fent  them  forth 
upon  long  voyages,  in  fearch  of  countries,  whofe 
products  or  wants  might  increafe  that  circula- 
tion, which  nourifhes  and  gives  vigour  to  com- 
merce. Trade  proved  a  great  fource  of  difco- 
very,  it  opened  unknown  leas,  it  penetrated  into 
new  regions,  and  contributed  more  than  any 
other  caufe,  to  bring  men  acquainted  with  the 
fituation,  the  nature,  and  commodities  of  the 
different  parts  of  the  globe.  But  even  after  a 
regular  commerce  was  eftablifhed  in  the  world, 
after  nations  were  confiderably  civilized,  and  the 
fciences  and  arts  were  cultivated  with  ardour  and 
fuccefs,  navigation  continued  to  be  fo  imperfect, 
that  it  can  hardly  be  faid  to  have  advanced  be- 
yond the  infancy  of  its  improvement  in  the  an- 
cient world. 

Among  all  the  nations  of  antiquity  the  flruc- 
ture  of  their  vefTels  was  extremely  rude,  and  their 
method  of  working  them  very  defective.  They 
were  unacquainted  with  feveral  principles  and 
operations  in  navigation,  which  are  now  confi- 
dered  as  the  firfl  elements  on  which  that  fcience 
is  founded.  Though  that  property  of  the  mag- 
net, by  which  it  attracts  iron,  was  well  known 
£o  the  ancients,  its  more  important  and  amazing 

virtue 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  $ 

virtue  of  pointing  to  the  poles  had  entirely 
efcaped  their  obfervation.  Deftitute  of  this 
faithful  guide,  which  now  conducts  the  pilot 
with  fo  much  certainty  in  the  unbounded  ocean, 
during  the  darknefs  of  night,  or  when  the  hea- 
vens are  covered  with  clouds,  the  ancients  had 
no  other  method  of  regulating  their  courfe  than 
by  obferving  the  fun  and  liars.  Their  navigation 
was  of  coniequence  uncertain  and  timid.  They 
durft  feldom  quit  fight  of  land,  but  crept  along 
the  coaft,  expofed  to  all  the  dangers,  and  re- 
tarded by  all  the  obftructions,  unavoidable  in 
holding  fuch  an  awkward  courfe.  An  incredible 
length  of  time  was  requifite  for  performing  voy- 
ages, which  are  now  finifhed  in  a  (hort  fpace. 
Even  in  the  mildeft  climates,  and  in  feas  the 
leaft  tempeftuous,  it  was  only  during  the  fum- 
mer  months  that  the  ancients  ventured  out  of 
their  harbours.  The  remainder  of  the  year  was 
loft  in  inactivity.  It  would  have  been  deemed 
moil  inconfiderate  rafhnefs  to  have  braved  the 
fury  of  the  winds  and  waves  during  winter a. 

While  both  the  fcience  and  practice  of  naviga- 
tion continued  to  be  fo  defective,  it  was  an  un- 
dertaking of  no  fmall  difficulty  and  danger  to 
vifit  any  remote  region  of  the  earth.  Under 
every  difadvantage,  however,  the  active  fpirit  of 
commerce  exerted  itfelf.  The  Egyptians,  foon 
after  the  eftablimment  of  their  monarchy,  are 
faid  to  have  opened  a  trade  between  the  Arabian 
Gulf  or  Red  Sea,  and  the  weftern  coaft  of  the 
great  Indian  continent.  The  commodities  which 
they  imported  from  the  eaft,  were  carried  by  land 

*  Vegetius  de  Re  milit,  lib.  iv. 

from 


6  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  I. 

from  the  Arabian  Gulf  to  the  banks  of  the 
Nile,  and  conveyed  down  that  river  to  the  Me- 
diterranean. But  if  the  Egyptians  in  early  times 
applied  themfelves  to  commerce,  their  attention 
to  it  was  of  fhort  duration.  The  fertile  foil  and 
mild  climate  of  Egypt  produced  the  neceffaries 
and  comforts  of  life  with  fuch  profufion,  as  ren- 
dered its  inhabitants  fo  independent  of  other 
countries,  that  it  became  an  eilablifhed  maxim 
among  that  people,  whofe  ideas  and  inftitutions 
differed  in  almoft  every  point  from  thofe  of  other 
nations,  to  renounce  all  intercourfe  with  fo- 
reigners. In  confequence  of  this,  they  never 
went  out  of  their  own  country ;  they  held  all 
feafaring  perfons  in  deteftation,  as  impious  and 
profane  ;  and  fortifying  their  own  harbours,  they 
denied  ftrangers  admittance  into  them  b.  It  was 
in  the  decline  of  their  power,  and  when  their  ve- 
neration for  ancient  maxims  had  greatly  abated, 
that  they  again  opened  their  ports,  and  refumed 
any  communication  with  foreigners. 

The  character  and  fituation  of  the  Phenicians 
were  as  favourable  to  the  fpirit  of  commerce  and 
difcovery  as  thofe  of  the  Egyptians  were  adverfe 
to  it.  They  had  no  diftinguifhing  peculiarity  in 
their  manners  and  inftitutions ;  they  were  not 
addicted  to  any  fingular  and  unfocial  form  of  fu- 
perftition  ;  they  could  mingle  with  other  nations 
without  fcruple  or  reluctance.  The  territory* 
which  they  poffeffed  was  neither  large  nor  fertile. 
Commerce  was  the  only  fource  from  which  they 
could  derive  opulence  or  power.     Accordingly, 

b  Diod.  Sicui.  lib.  I.  p.  78.  Ed.  Weflelingl.  Amft. 
2756.     Stnbo,  lib.  xvii.  p.  114Z,     Ed.  Amft.  1707. 

the 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OP   AMERICA.  J 

the  trade  carried  on  by  the  Phenicians  of  Sidon 
and  Tyre,  was  more  exteniive  and  enterprifing 
than  that  of  any  ftate  in  the  ancient  world.  The 
genius  of  the  Phenicians,  as  well  as  the  obje&  of 
their  policy  and  the  fpirit  of  their  laws,  were  en- 
tirely commercial.  They  were  a  people  of  mer- 
chants who  aimed  at  the  empire  of  the  fea,  and 
aftually  poflefled  it.  Their  fhips  not  only  fre- 
quented all  the  ports  in  the  Mediterranean,  but 
they  were  the  firft  who  ventured  beyond  the  an- 
cient boundaries  of  navigation,  and  palling  the 
Straits  of  Gades,  vifited  the  weftern  coaits  of 
Spain  and  Africa.  In  many  of  the  places  to 
-which  they  reforted,  they  planted  colonies,  and 
communicated  to  the  rude  inhabitants  fome 
knowledge  of  their  arts  and  improvements. 
While  they  extended  their  difcoveries  towards 
the  north  and  the  well,  they  did  not  neglect  to 
penetrate  into  the  more  opulent  and  fertile  re- 
gions of  the  fouth  and  eaft.  Having  rendered 
themfelves  mailers  of  feveral  commodious  har- 
bours towards  the  bottom  of  the  Arabian  Gulf, 
they,  after  the  example  of  the  Egyptians,  efta- 
blifhed  a  regular  intercourfe  with  Arabia  and  the 
continent  of  India  on  the  one  hand,  and  with 
the  eaftern  coaft  of  Africa  on  the  other.  From 
thefe  countries  they  imported  many  valuable  com- 
modities, unknown  to  the  reft  of  the  world,  and, 
during  a  long  period,  engrofled  that  lucrative 
branch  of  commerce  without  a  rival c. 

The  vaft  wealth  which  the  Phenicians  acquired 
by  monopolizing  the  trade  carried  on  in  the  Red 
Sea,  incited  their  neighbours  the  Jews,  under 
the  prbfperous  reigns  of  David  and  Solomon,  to 

c  See  Note  I.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

vol,  i.  £  aim 


8  HISTORY    OF   AMERICA.  B.  F. 

aim  at  being  admitted  to  fome  (hare  of  it.     This 
they  obtained,  partly  by  their  conqueft  of  Idu- 
mea,  which  ftretches  along  the  Red  Sea,  and 
partly  by  their  alliance   with    Hiram   king  of 
Tyre.     Solomon  fitted  out  fleets,  which,  under 
the  direction  of  Phenician  pilots,  failed  from  the 
Red  Sea  to  Tarfhifh  and  Ophir.     Thefe  it  is 
probable  were  ports  in  India  and  Africa  which 
their  conductors  were  accuflomed  to  frequent, 
and  from  them  the  Jewifh  mips  returned  with 
fuch  valuable  cargoes  as  fuddenly  diffufed  wealth 
and  fplendour  through  the  kingdom  of  lfraeld. 
But  the  fingular  inftitutions  of  the  Jews,  the  ob i 
fervance  of  which  was  enjoined  by  their  divine 
legiflator,  with  an  intention  of  preferving  them 
a  feparate  people,  uninfected  by  idolatry,  formed 
a  national  character  incapable  of  that  open  and 
liberal  intercourfe   with   ftrangers  which   com- 
merce requires.     Accordingly,  this  unfocial  ge- 
nius of  the  people,  together  with  the  difailers 
which  befel  the  kingdom  of  Ifrael,  prevented  the 
commercial  fpirit  which  their  monarchs  laboured 
to   introduce,    and  to  cherifh,   from    fpreading 
among  them.     The  Jews  cannot  be  numbered 
among  the  nations  which  contributed  to  improve 
navigation,  or  to  extend  difcovery. 

But  though  the  inftructions  and  example  of 
the  Phenicians  were  unable  to  mould  the  man- 
ners and  temper  of  the  Jews,  in  oppofition  to 
the  tendency  of  their  laws,  they  transmitted  the 
commercial  fpirit  with  facility,  and  in  full  vi- 
gour, to  their  own  defcendants  the  Carthagi- 
nians.    The  commonwealth  of  Carthage  applied 


d  Memoire  fur  le  Pays  d' Ophir  par  M.  D'Anville,  Mem 
fie  l'Academ.  des  Infcript.  &c.  torn.  xxx.  83. 


1 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  9 

to  trade  and  to  naval  affairs,  with  no  lefs  ardour, 
ingenuity,  and  fuccefs,  than  its  parent  ftate. 
Carthage  early  rivalled,  and  foon  furpafTed  Tyre, 
in  opulence  and  power,  but  feems  not  to  have 
aimed  at  obtaining  any  (hare  in  the  commerce 
with  India.  The  Phenicians  had  engrofted  this, 
and  had  fuch  a  command  of  the  Red  Sea,  as 
fecured  to  them  the  exclufive  pofFeflion  of  that 
lucrative  branch  of  trade.  The  commercial  ac- 
tivity of  the  Carthaginians  was  exerted  in  ano- 
ther direction.  Without  contending  for  the 
trade  of  the  earl  with  their  mother-country, 
they  extended  their  navigation  chiefly  towards 
the  weft  and  north.  Following  the  courfe  which 
the  Phenicians  had  opened,  they  patted  the 
Straits  of  Gades,  and  pufhing  their  discove- 
ries far  beyond  thofe  of  the  parent  ftate,  vi- 
iked  not  only  all  the  coafts  of  Spain,  but  thofe 
of  Gaul,  and  penetrated  at  laft  into  Britain* 
At  the  fame  time  that  they  acquired  knowledge 
of  new  countries  in  this  part  of  the  globe,  they 
gradually  carried  their  refearches  towards  the 
fouth.  They  made  confiderable  progrefs,  by 
land,  into  the  interior  provinces  of  Africa, 
traded  with  fome  of  them,  and  fubje&ed  others 
to  their  empire.  They  failed  along  the  weftern 
coaft  of  that  great  continent,  almoft  to  the  tro- 
pic of  Cancer,  and  planted  feveral  colonies,  in 
order  to  civilize  the  natives,  and  accuftom  thera 
to  commerce.  They  difcovered  the  Fortunate 
Iflands,  now  known  by  the  name  of  the  Cana- 
ries, the  utmoft  boundary  of  ancient  navigation 
in  the  weftern  ocean c. 

e  Plinii  Nat.  Hift.  lib.  vi.  cap.  37.  edit,  in  ufum  Detyh. 
*to.  J685. 

E  Z  Nor 


10  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  B.I. 

Nor  was  the  progrefs  of  the  Phenicians  and 
Carthaginians  in  their  knowledge  of  the  globe, 
owing  entirely  to  the  defire  of  extending  their 
trade  from  one  country  to  another.  Commerce 
was  followed  by  its  ufual  effects  among  both 
thefe  people.  It  awakened  curiofity,  enlarged 
the  ideas  and  defires  of  men,  and  incited  them 
to  bold  enterprizes.  Voyages  were  undertaken, 
the  fole  object  of  which  was  to  difcover  new 
countries,  and  to  explore  unknown  feas.  Such, 
during  the  profperous  age  of  the  Carthaginian 
republic,  were  the  famous  navigations  of  Hanno 
and  Himilco.  Both  their  fleets  were  equipped 
by  authority  of  the  fenate,  and  at  public  ex- 
pence.  Hanno  was  directed  to  lleer  towards 
the  fouth,  along  the  coaft  of  Africa,  and  he 
feems  to  have  advanced  much  nearer  the  equi- 
noctial line  than  any  former  navigator f.  Himilco 
had  it  in  charge  to  proceed  towards  the  north, 
and  to  examine  the  weftern  coafls  of  the  Eu- 
ropean continent  &.  Of  the  fame  nature  was  the 
extraordinary  navigation  of  the  Phenicians  round 
Africa.  A  Phenician  fleet,  we  are  told,  fitted 
out  by  Necho  king  of  Egypt,  took  its  departure 
about  fix  hundred  and  four  years  before  the 
Chriftian  aera,  from  a  port  in  the  Red  Sea, 
doubled  the  fouthern  promontory  of  Africa,  and, 
after  a  voyage  of  three  years,  returned  by  the 
Straits  of  Gades,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Nile h. 

f  Plinii  Nat.  Hift.  lib.  v.  c.  I.  Hannonis  Periplus  ap. 
Ccograph.  minores,  edit.  Hudfoni,  vol.  i.   p.  I. 

8  Plinii  Nat.  Hift.  lib.  ii.  c.  67.  Feftus  Avienus  apud 
Bochart.  Geogr.  Sacr.  lib.  i.  c.  60.  p.  652.  Oper.  vol. 
iii.     L.  Bat.  1707. 

b  Kero4ot,  lib.  iv.  c.  42. 

Eudoxus 


B.I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  U 

Eudoxus  of  Cyzicus  is  faid  to  have  held  the  fame 
courfe,  and  to  have  accomplished  the  fame  ardu- 
ous undertaking1. 

Thefe  voyages,  if  performed  in   the  manner 
which  I  have  related,  may  juftly  be  reckoned 
the  greateft  effort  of  navigation  in  the  ancient 
world  ;  and  if  we  attend  to  the  imperfect  Hate  of 
the  art  at  that  time,  it  is  difficult  to  determine, 
whether  we  fhould  moft  admire  the  courage  and 
fagacity  with  which  the  defign  was  formed,  or 
the  conduct  and  good  fortune  with  which  it  was 
executed.     But  unfortunately,  all  the  original 
and   authentic  accounts  of  the    Phenician  and 
Carthaginian  voyages,  whether  undertaken   by 
public  authority,  or  in  profecution  of  their  pri- 
vate  trade,    have   perifhed.       The   information 
which  we   receive    concerning   them  from   the 
Greek  and  Roman  authors,  is  not  only  obfcure 
and  inaccurate,  but,  if  we  except  a  fhort  narra- 
tive of  Hanno's  expedition,  is  of  fufpicious  au- 
thority k.     Whatever  acquaintance  with  the  re- 
mote regions  of  the  earth  the  Phenicians  or  Car- 
thaginians may  have   acquired,    was  concealed 
from  the  reft  of  mankind  with  a  mercantile  jea- 
loufy.     Every  thing  relative  to  the  courfe  of 
their  navigation  was  not  only  a  myftery  of  trade, 
but  a  fecret  of  ftate.     Extraordinary  facts  are 
•recorded  concerning  their  folicitude  to  prevent 
other  nations  from  penetrating  into  what  they 
wifhed  fhould  remain  undivulged1.       Many  of 
their  difcoveries  feem,  accordingly,  to  have  been 
fcarcely  known  beyond  the  precincts  of  their 

*  Plinii  Nat.  Hift.  lib.  ii.  c.  67.  k  See  Note  II. 

1  Strab.  Geogr.  lib.  iii.  p.  265,  lib.  xviii.  p.  1154* 

e  3  own 


12  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.I, 

own  ft  ate.  The  navigation  round  Africa,  in 
particular,  is  recorded  by  the  Greek  and  Roman 
writers,  rather  as  a  ftrange  amufing  tale,  which 
they  did  not  comprehend,  or  did  not  believe, 
than  as  a  real  tranfa£Hon,  which  enlarged  their 
knowledge  and  influenced  their  opinions"1.  As 
neither  the  progrefs  of  the  Phenician  or  Cartha- 
ginian difcoveries,  nor  the  extent  of  their  navi- 
gation, were  communicated  to  the  reft  of  man- 
kind, all  memorials  of  their  extraordinary  fkill 
in  naval  affairs  feem,  in  a  great  meafure,  to  have 
perifhed,  when  the  maritime  power  of  the  former 
was  annihilated  by  Alexander's  conqueftof  Tyre, 
and  the  empire  of  the  latter  was  overturned  by 
the  Roman  arms. 

Leaving  then  the  obfcure  and  pompous  ac- 
counts of  the  Phenician  and  Carthaginian  voy- 
ages to  the  curiofity  and  conjectures  of  antiqua- 
ries, hiftory  mull  reft  fatisfied  with  relating  the 
progrefs  of  navigation  and  difcovery  among  the 
Greeks  and  Romans,  which,  though  lefs  fplen- 
did,  is  better  afcertained.  It  is  evident  that  the 
Phenicians,  who  inftru&ed  the  Greeks  in  many 
other  ufeful  fciences  and  arts,  did  not  communi- 
cate to  them  that  extenfive  knowledge  of  naviga- 
tion which  they  themfelves  pofTeffed  ;  nor  did  the 
Romans  imbibe  that  commercial  fpirit  and  ardour 
for  difcovery  which  diftinguifhed  their  rivals  the 
Carthaginians.  Though  Greece  be  almoft  en- 
compaffed  by  the  fea,  which  formed  many  fpa- 
cious  bays  and  commodious  harbours,  though  it 
be  furrounded  by  a  great  number  of  fertile 
iflands,  yet,  notwithstanding  fuch  a  favourable 


«  See  Note  III. 


fituation, 


B.I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  13 

fituation,  which  feemed  to  invite  that  ingenious 
people  to  apply  themfelves  to  navigation,  it  was 
long  before  this  art  atta'ned  any  degree  of  per- 
fection among  them.  Their  early  voyages,  the 
object  of  which  was  piracy  rather  than  com- 
merce, were  fo  inconfiderable,  that  the  expedi- 
tion of  the  Argonauts  from  the  coafl  of  Theffaly 
to  the  Euxine  fea,  appeared  fuch  an  amazing 
effort  of  fkill  and  courage,  as  entitled  the  con- 
ductors of  it  to  be  ranked  among  the  demigods, 
and  exalted  the  veffel  in  which  they  failed  to  a 
place  among  the  heavenly  conftellations.  Even 
at  a  later  period,  when  the  Greeks  engaged  in 
their  famous  enterprize  againft  Troy,  their 
knowledge  in  naval  affairs  feems  not  to  have 
been  much  improved.  According  to  the  account 
of  Homer,  the  only  poet  to  whom  hiftory  ven- 
tures to  appeal,  and  who,  by  his  fcrupulous  ac- 
curacy in  defcribing  the  manners  and  arts  of 
early  ages,  merits  this  diftinction,  the  fcience  of 
navigation,  at  that  time,  had  hardly  advanced 
beyond  its  rudeft  flate.  The  Greeks  in  the  he- 
roic age  feem  to  have  been  unacquainted  with  the 
life  of  iron,  the  moil  ferviceable  of  all  the  metals, 
without  which  no  confiderable  progrefs  was  ever 
made  in  the  mechanical  arts.  Their  veflels 
were  of  inconfiderable  burthen,  and  moflly  with- 
out decks.  They  had  only  one  malt,  which  was 
erected  or  taken  down  at  pleafure.  They  were 
ftrangers  to  the  ufe  of  anchors.  All  their  opera- 
tions in  failing  were  clumfy  and  unikilful.  They 
turned  their  obfervation  towards  ftars,  which  were 
improper  for  regulating  their  courfe,  and  their 
mode  of  obferving  them  was  inaccurate  and  fal- 
lacious.    When  they  had  finifhed  a  voyage  they 

drew 


£4  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  U 

drew  their  paltry  barks  aihore,  as  favages  do 
their  canoes,  and  thefe  remained  on  dry  land 
until  the  feafon  of  returning  to  fea  approached. 
It  is  not  then  in  the  early  or  heroic  ages  of 
Greece  that  we  can  expect  to  obferve  the  fcience 
of  navigation,  and  the  fpirit  of  difcovery,  making 
any  confiderable  progrefs.  During  that  period 
of  diforder  and  ignorance,  a  thoufand  caufes 
concurred  in  reftraining  curiofity  and  enterprize 
within  very  narrow  bounds. 

But  the  Greeks  advanced  with  rapidity  to  a  date 
of  greater  civilization  and  refinement.  Govern- 
ment, in  its  moil  liberal  and  perfect  form,  began 
to  be  eftablifhed  in  their  different  communities  ; 
equal  laws  and  regular  police  were  gradually  in- 
troduced ;  the  fciences  and  arts  which  are  ufeful 
or  ornamental  in  life  were  carried  to  a  high  pitch 
of  improvement,  and  feveral  of  the  Grecian  com- 
monwealths applied  to  commerce  with  fuch  ar- 
dour and  fuccefs,  that  they  were  confidered,  in 
the  ancient  world,  as  maritime  powers  of  the  firft 
rank.  Even  then,  however,  the  naval  victories 
of  the  Greeks  muft  be  afcribed  rather  to  the  na- 
tive fpirit  of  the  people,  and  to  that  courage 
which  the  enjoyment  of  liberty  infpires,  than  to 
any  extraordinary  progrefs  in  the  fcience  of  na- 
vigation. In  the  Perfian  war,  thofe  exploits 
which  the  genius  of  the  Greek  hiftorians  has 
rendered  fo  famous,  were  performed  by  fleets, 
compofed  chiefly  of  fmall  veflels  without  decks"; 
the  crews  of  which  rufhed  forward  with  impetu- 
ous volour,  but  little  art,  to  board  thofe  of  the 
enemy.     In  the  war  of  Peloponnefus,  their  fhips 

*  Thucyd.  lib,  i.  c.  14. 

feem 


V.U  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  15 

feem  ftill  to  have  been  of  inconfiderable  burthen 
and  force.  The  extent  of  their  trade,  how 
highly  foever  it  may  have  been  eflimated  in  an- 
cient times,  was  in  proportion  to  this  low  condi- 
tion of  their  marine.  The  maritime  ilates  of 
Greece  hardly  carried  on  any  commerce  beyond 
the  limits  of  the  Mediterranean  fea.  Their  chief 
intercourfe  was  with  the  colonies  of  their  country- 
men, planted  in  the  leiTer  Afia,  in  Italy  and 
Sicily.  They  fometimes  vifited  the  ports  of 
Egypt,  of  the  fouthern  provinces  of  Gaul,  and 
of  Thrace  ;  or,  palling  through  the  Hellefpont, 
they  traded  with  the  countries  fituated  around 
the  Euxine  fea.  Amazing  inftances  occur  of 
their  ignorance  even  of  thofe  countries  which  lay 
within  the  narrow  precincts  to  which  their  navi- 
gation was  confined.  When  the  Greeks  had 
alTembled  their  combined  fleet  againfl  Xerxes  at 
Egina,  they  thought  it  unadvifable  to  fail  to 
Samos,  becaufe  they  believed  the  diftance  be- 
tween that  ifland  and  Egina  to  be  as  great  as  the 
diftance  between  Egina  and  the  Pillars  of  Her- 
cules °.  They  were  either  utterly  unacquainted 
with  all  the  parts  of  the  globe  beyond  the 
Mediterranean  fea,  or  what  knowledge  they  had 
of  them  was  founded  on  conjecture,  or  derived 
from  the  information  of  a  few  perfons,  whom 
curiofity  and  the  love  of  fcience  had  prompted  to 
travel  by  land  into  the  Upper  Afia,  or  by  fea 
into  Egypt,  the  ancient  feats  of  wifdom  and  arts. 
After  all  that  the  Greeks  learned  from  them, 
they  appear  to  have  been  ignorant  of  the  moil 
important  facls  on  which  an  accurate  and  fcien- 
tific  knowledge  of  the  globe  is  founded. 
0  Herodot.  lib.  viii.  c.  132. 

The 


1-6  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  Mi  U 

The  "expedition  of  Alexander  the  Great  into 
the  eaft,  confiderably  enlarged  the  fphere  of  na- 
vigation and  of  geographical  knowledge  among 
the  Greeks.  That  extraordinary  man,  notwith- 
Handing  the  violent  paflions  which  incited  him, 
at  fome  times,  to  the  wildeft  actions,  and  the 
moil  extravagant  enterprifes,  poffeffed  talents 
which  fitted  him  not  only  to  conquer,  but  to 
govern  the  world.  He  was  capable  of  framing 
thofe  bold  and  original  fchemes  of  policy,  which 
gave  a  new  form  to  human  affairs.  The  revolu- 
tion in  commerce,  brought  about  by  the  force  of 
his  genius,  is  hardly  inferior  to  that  revolution 
in  empire  occafioned  by  the  fuccefs  of  his  arms. 
It  is  probable,  that  the  oppofition  and  efforts 
of  the  republic  of  Tyre,  which  checked  him  fo 
long  in  the  career  of  his  victories,  gave  Alexan- 
der an  opportunity  of  obferving  the  vaft  refour- 
ces  of  a  maritime  power,  and  conveyed  to  him 
fome  idea  of  the  immenfe  wealth  which  the 
Tyrians  derived  from  their  commerce,  efpecially 
that  with  the  Eaft  Indies.  As  foon  as  he  had 
accomplished  the  deftruc"r.ion  of  Tyre,  and  re- 
duced Egypt  to  fubjection,  he  formed  the  plan 
of  rendering*  the  empire  which  he  propofed  to 
eftablifh,  the  centre  of  commerce  as  well  as  the 
feat  of  dominion.  With  this  view  he  founded 
a  great  city,  which  he  honoured  with  his  own 
name,  near  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  river  Nile, 
that,  by  the  Mediterranean  fea,  and  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  Arabian  Gulf,  it  might  com- 
mand the  trade  both  of  the  eaft  and  weft  P.  This 
Situation  was  chofen  with  fuch  difcernment,  that 

*>  Strab.  Geogr.  lib.  xvii.  p.  1 143.  1149- 

Alexandria 


1.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  17 

Alexandria  foon  became  the  chief  commercial 
city  in  the  world.  Not  only  during  the  fub- 
fiftence  of  the  Grecian  empire  in  Egypt  and  in 
the  eaft,  but  amidit  all  the  fucceffive  revolu- 
tions in  thofe  countries,  from  the  time  of  the 
Ptolemies  to  the  difcovery  of  the  navigation  by 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  commerce,  particularly 
that  of  the  Eafl  Indies,  continued  to  flow  in  the 
channel  which  the  fagacity  and  forefight  of 
Alexander  had  marked  out  for  it. 

His  ambition  was  not  fatisfied  with  having 
opened  to  the  Greeks  a  communication  with 
India  by  fea ;  he  afpired  to  the  fovereignty  of 
thofe  regions  which  furnifhed  the  reft  of  man- 
kind with  fo  many  precious  commodities,  and 
conducted  his  army  thither  by  land.  Enter- 
prifing,  however,  as  he  was,  he  may  be  faid 
rather  to  have  viewed,  than  to  have  conquered  that 
country.  He  did  not,  in  his  progrefs  towards 
the  ealt,  advance  beyond  the  banks  of  the  rivers 
that  fall  into  the  Indus,  which  is  now  the  weftern 
boundary  of  the  vail  continent  of  India.  Amidft 
the  wild  exploits  which  diftinguifhed  this  part  of 
his  hiftory,  he  purfued  meafures  that  mark  the 
fuperiority  of  his  genius,  as  well  as  the  extent  of 
his  views.  He  had  penetrated  as  far  into  India 
as  to  confirm  his  opinion  of  its  commercial  im- 
portance, and  to  perceive  that  immenfe  wealth 
might  be  derived  from  intercourse  with  a  coun- 
try, where  the  arts  of  elegance  having  been  more 
early  cultivated,  were  arrived  at  greater  perfec- 
tion in  any  other  part  of  the  earth  (J.     Full  of 

*  Strab.  Geogr.  lib.xv.  p.  1036..     Q^Curtms,  lib,  xviii. 

thu 


l8  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  B.I* 

this  idea,  he  refolved  to  examine  the  courfe  of 
navigation  from  the  mouth  of  the  Indus  to  the 
bottom  of  the  Perlian  Gulf;  and  if  it  mould  be 
found  practicable,  to  eftablifh  a  regular  commu- 
nication between  them.  In  order  to  effect 
this,  he  propofed  to  remove  the  cataracts,  with 
which,  the  jealoufy  of  the  Perlians,  and  their 
averfion  to  correfpondence  with  foreigners,  had 
obftrucled  the  entrance  into  the  Euphrates  r ;  to 
carry  the  commodities  of  the  ea(t  up  that  river, 
and  the  Tigris,  which  unites  with  it,  into  the 
interior  parts  of  his  Afiatic  dominions ;  while, 
by  the  way  of  the  Arabian  Gulf,  and  the  river 
Nile,  they  might  be  conveyed  to  Alexandria, 
and  diftributed  to  the  reft  of  the  world.  Near- 
chus,  an  officer  of  eminent  abilities,  was  entruftcd 
with  the  command  of  the  fleet  fitted  out  for  this 
expedition.  He  performed  this  voyage,  which 
was  deemed  an  enterprife  fo  arduous  and  im- 
portant, that  Alexander  reckoned  it  one  of  the 
moll  extraordinary  events  which  diftinguifhed 
his  reign.  Inconliderable  as  it  may  now  appear, 
it  was,  at  that  time,  an  undertaking  of  no  little 
merit  and  difficulty.  In  the  profecution  of  it, 
ftriking  in  (lances  occur  of  the  fmall  progrefs 
which  the  Greeks  had  made  in  naval  knowledge8. 
Having  never  failed  beyond  the  bounds  of  the 
Mediterranean,  where  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the 
fea  are  hardly  perceptible,  when  they  nrft  ob- 
ferved  this  phenomenon  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Indus,  it  appeared  to  them  a  prodigy  by  which 
the   gods   teflified   the   difpleafure  of    Heaven 

*  Strab.  Geogr.  lib,  xvi.  p.  1075.  *  See  Note  IV. 

again  11 


B.   I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  19. 

againft  their  enterprife  £.  During  their  whole 
courfe,  they  feem  never  to  have  loft  fight  m  of 
land,  but  followed  the  bearings  of  the  coafl  fo 
fervilely,  that  they  could  not  much  avail  them- 
felves  of  thofe  periodical  winds  which  facilitate 
navigation  in  the  Indian  ocean.  Accordingly, 
they  fpent  no  lefs  than  ten  u  months  in  perform- 
ing this  voyage,  which,  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Indus  to  that  of  the  Perfian  Gulf,  does  not 
exceed  twenty  degrees.  It  is  probable,  that 
amidit  the  violent  convulfions  and  frequent  revo- 
lutions in  the  eaft,  occaiioned  by  the  contefts 
among  the  fucceffors  of  Alexander,  the  naviga- 
tion to  India,  by  the  courfe  which  Nearchus  had 
opened,  was  difcontinued.  The  In'dian  trade 
carried  on  at  Alexandria  not  only  fubfiited,  but 
was  fo  much  extended  under  the  Grecian  mo- 
narchs  of  Egypt,  that  it  proved  a  great  fource 
of  the  wealth  which  diilinguiihed  their  king- 
dom. 

The  progrefs  which  the  Romans  made  in  navi- 
gation and  difcovery,  was  flill  more  inconfiderable 
than  that  of  the  Greeks*  The  genius  of  the 
Roman  people,  their  military  education,  and  the 
fpirit  of  their  laws,  concurred  in  eflranging  them 
from  commerce  and  naval  affairs.  It  was  the 
neceffity  of  oppofmg  a  formidable  rival,  not  the 
deiire  of  extending  trade,  which  hrft  prompted 
them  to  aim  at  maritime  power.  Though  they 
foon  perceived  that,  in  order  to  acquire  the 
univerfal  dominion  after  which  they  afpired,  it 
was  neceffary  to  render  themfelves  mailers  of  the 
fea,  they  flill  coniidered  the  naval  fervice  as  a 

•  See  Note  V.         u  Plin.  Hit.  Nat.  lib.  vi.  c.  23. 
VOL.  I.  F  fub- 


20  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  U 

fubordinate  ftation,  and  referved  for  it  fuch  citi- 
zens as  were  not  of  a  rank  to  be  admitted  into  the 
legions  x.  In  the  hiftory  of  the  Roman  republic, 
hardly  one  event  occurs,  that  marks  attention  to 
navigation  any  farther  than  as  it  was  inftrumental 
towards  conqueft.  When  the  Roman  valour  and 
difcipline  had  fubdued  all  the  maritime  ftates 
known  in  the  ancient  world ;  when  Carthage, 
Greece,  and  Egypt  had  fubmitted  to  their  power, 
the  Romans  did  not  imbibe  the  commercial  fpirit 
of  the  conquered  nations.  Among  that  people 
of  foldiers,  to  have  applied  to  trade  would 
have  been  deemed  a  degradation  of  a  Roman 
citizen.  They  abandoned  the  mechanical  arts, 
commerce,  and  navigation,  to  flaves,  to  freed- 
men,  to  provincials,  and  to  citizens  of  the  lowefl 
clafs.  Even  after  the  fubverfion  of  liberty,  when 
the  feverity  and  haughtinefs  of  ancient  manners 
began  to  abate,  commerce  did  not  rife  into 
high  cftimation  among  the  Romans.  The  trade  of 
Greece,  Egypt,  and  the  other  conquered  coun- 
tries,  continued  to  be  carried  on  in  its  ufual 
channels,  after  they  were  reduced  into  the  form  of 
Roman  provinces.  As  Rome  was  the  capital  of 
the  world,  and  the  feat  of  government,  all  the 
wealth,  and  valuable  productions  of  the  provinces 
flowed  naturally  thither.  The  Romans,  fatisfied 
with  this,  feem  to  have  fuffered  commerce  to 
remain  almoft  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  natives 
of  the  refpec\ive  countries.  The  extent,  how- 
ever, of  the  Roman  power,  which  reached  over 
the  greateft  part  of  the  known  world,  the  vigi- 
lant infpe&ion  of  the  Roman  magiftrates,  and  the 


Polyb.  lib,  v. 

fpirit 


3.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  21 

fpirit  of  the  Roman  government,  no  lefs  intelli- 
gent than  active,  gave  fuch  additional  fecurity  to 
commerce,  as  animated  it  with  new  vigour.  The 
union  among  nations  was  never  fo  entire,  nor  the 
intercourfe  fo  perfect,  as  within  the  bounds  of 
this  vail  empire.  Commerce,  under  the  Roman 
dominion,  was  not  obftructed  by  the  jealoufy  of 
rival  ftates,  interrupted  by  frequent  hoftilities,  or 
limited  by  partial  reftridtions.  One  fuperintend- 
ing  power  moved  and  regulated  the  induftry  of 
mankind,  and  enjoyed  the  fruits  of  their  joint 
efforts. 

Navigation  felt  this  influence,  and  improved 
under  it.  As  foon  as  the  Romans  acquired  a 
tafle  for  the  luxuries  of  the  eaft,  the  trade  with 
India  through  Egypt  was  pufhed  with  new 
vigour,  and  carried  on  to  greater  extent.  By 
frequenting  the  Indian  continent,  navigators 
became  acquainted  with  the  periodical  courfe  of 
the  winds,  which,  in  the  ocean  that  feparates 
Africa  from  India,  blow  with  little  variation 
during  one  half  of  the  year  from  the  earl,  and 
during  the  other  half  blow  with  equal  fteadinefs 
from  the  welt.  Encouraged  by  obferving  this, 
the  pilots  who  failed  from  Egypt  to  India 
abandoned  their  ancient  flow  and  dangerous 
courfe  along  the  coaft,  and  as  foon  as  the  weftern 
monfoon  fet  in,  took  their  departure  from  Ocelis, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Arabian  Gulf,  and  ftretched 
boldly  acrofs  the  ocean  y.  The  uniform  direc- 
tion of  the  wind  fupplying  the  place  of  the 
compafs,  and  rendering  the  guidance  of  the  ftars 
lefs  neceiTary,    conducted  them  to  the  port  of 

y  Pliiu  Nat.  Hift.  lib.  vi.  c.  23. 

f  z  Mufiris, 


22  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  U 

Mufiris,  on  the  weftern  more  of  the  Indian 
continent.  There  they  took  on  board  their 
cargo,  and  returning  with  the  eaftern  monfoon, 
finifhed  their  voyage  to  the  Arabian  Gulf  within 
the  year.  This  part  of  India,  now  known  by 
the  name  of  the  Malabar  coaft,  feems  to  have 
been  the  utmoft  limit  of  ancient  navigation  in 
that  quarter  of  the  globe.  What  imperfect 
knowledge  the  ancients  had  of  the  immenfc 
countries  which  ftretch  beyond  this  towards  the 
caft,  they  received  from  a  few  adventurers,  who 
had  vifited  them  by  land.  Such  excurfions  were 
neither  frequent  nor  extenfive,  and  it  is  probable, 
that  while  the  Roman  intercourse  with  India 
fubfifted,  no  traveller  ever  penetrated  farther 
than  to  the  banks  of  the  Ganges  e.  The  fleets 
from  Egypt  which  traded  at  Mufiris  were  loaded, 
it  is  true,  with  the  fpices  and  other  rich  com- 
modities of  the  continent  and  iflands  of  the  farther 
India  ;  but  thefe  were  brought  to  that  port, 
which  became  the  ftaple  of  the  commerce  be- 
tween the  Eaft  and  Weft,  by  the  Indians  them- 
felves,  in  canoes  hollowed  out  of  one  tree  a.  The 
Egyptian  and  Roman  merchants,  fatisfied  with 
acquiring  thofe  commodities  in  this  manner,  did 
not  think  it  necefTary  to  explore  unknown  feas, 
and  venture  upon  a  dangerous  navigation  in  quell 
of  the  countries  which  produced  them.  But 
though  the  difcoveries  of  the  Romans  in  India 
were  fo  limited,  their  commerce  there  was  fuch 
as  will  appear  confiderable,  even  to  the  prefent 
age,  in  which  the  Indian  trade  has  been  extended 

z  Strab.  Geogr.  lib.  xv.  p.  1006.  1010.     See  Mote  VI. 
•  Pun.  Nat.  Hiit.  lib.  vi.   c.  z&. 

fsLT 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  t$ 

far  beyond  the  practice  or  conception  of  any 
preceding  period.  We  are  informed  by  one  au- 
thor of  credit  b,  that  the  commerce  with  India 
drained  the  Roman  empire  every  year  of  more 
than  four  hundred  thoufand  pounds  ;  and  by 
another,  that  one  hundred  and  twenty  (hips 
failed  annually  from  the  Arabian  Gulf  to  that 
country  c. 

The  difcovery  of  this  new  method  of  failing 
to  India,  is  the  moft  confiderable  improvement 
in  navigation  made  during  the  continuance  of 
the  Roman  power.  But  in  ancient  times,  the 
knowledge  of  remote  countries  was  acquired 
more  frequently  by  land  than  by  fea  d  ;  and  the 
Romans,  from  their  peculiar  difinclination  to 
naval  affairs,  may  be  faid  to  have  neglected  to- 
tally the  latter,  though  a  more  eafy  and  expe- 
ditious method  of  difcovery.  The  progrefs, 
however,  of  their  victorious  armies  through  a 
confiderable  portion  of  Europe,  Afia,  and  Africa, 
contributed  greatly  to  extend  difcovery  by  land, 
and  gradually  opened  the  navigation  of  new  and 
unknown  feas.  Previous  to  the  Roman  conquefts, 
the  civilized  nations  of  antiquity  had  little  com- 
munication with  thofe  countries  in  Europe,  which 
now  form  its  moft  opulent  and  powerful  king- 
doms. The  interior  parts  of  Spain  and  Gaul 
were  imperfectly  known.  Britain,  feparated 
from  the  reft  of  the  world,  had  never  been  vilit- 
ed,  except  by  its  neighbours  the  Gauls,  and  by 
|  a  few  Carthaginian    merchants.     The  name  of 

Germany  had  fcarcely  been  heard  of.     Into  all 

«^ 

h  Plin.  Nat.  Hift.  lib.  vi.  c.  26.  e  Strab.  Geogr. 

1  lib.  ii.  p.  179,  d  See  Note  VJI# 

f  3  thefc 


24-  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  I. 

tbefe  countries  the  arms  of  the  Romans  pene- 
trated. They  entirely  fubdued  Spain  and  Gaul ; 
they  conquered  the  greatefl  and  moft  fertile 
parts  of  Britain  ;  they  advanced  into  Germany, 
as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  river  Elbe.  In  Africa, 
they  acquired  a  confiderable  knowledge  of  the 
provinces  which  ftretch  along  the  Mediterranean 
lea,  from  Egypt  weftwardto  the  Straits  of  Gades. 
In  Afia,  they  not  only  fubjected  to  their  power 
moft  of  the  provinces  which  compofed  the 
Pruffian  and  Macedonian  empires,  but,  after 
their  victories  over  Mithridates  and  Tigranes, 
they  feem  to  have  made  a  more  accurate  furvey 
of  the  countries  contiguous  to  the  Euxine  and 
Cafpian  feas,  and  to  have  carried  on  a  more 
extenfive  trade  than  that  of  the  Greeks  with 
the  opulent  and  commercial  nations,  then  feated 
round  the  Euxine  fea. 

From  this  fuccinct  furvey  of  difcovery  and 
navigation,  which  I  have  traced  from  the  earliell 
dawn  of  hiftorical  knowledge  to  the  full  efta- 
blifhment  of  the  Roman  dominion,  the  progrefs 
of  both  appears  to  have  been  wonderfully  flow. 
It  feems  neither  adequate  to  what  we  might  have 
expected  from  the  activity  and  enterprize  of  the 
human  mind,  nor  to  what  might  have  been  per- 
formed by  the  power  of  the  great  empires  which 
fucceffively  governed  the  world.  If  we  reject 
accounts  that  are  fabulous  and  obfeure  ;  if  we 
adhere  fteadily  to  the  light  and  information  of 
authentic  hiftory,  without  fubflituting  in  its 
place  the  conjectures  of  fancy,  or  the  dreams  of 
etymologifts,  we  muft  conclude,  that  the 
knowledge  which  the  ancients  had  acquired  of 
the  habitable    globe  was  extremely  confined. 

In 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  2£ 

In  Europe,  the  extenfive  provinces  in  the  eaflern 
part  of  Germany  were  little  known  to  them. 
They  were  almoft  totally  unacquainted  with  the 
vafl  countries  which  are  now  fubjec~l  to  the  kings 
of  Denmark,  Sweden,  Pruffia,  Poland,  and  the 
Ruffian  empire.  The  more  barren  regions,  that 
ftretch  within  the  arctic  circle,  were  quite  unex- 
plored. In  Africa,  their  refearches  did  not 
extend  far  beyond  the  provinces  which  border 
on  the  Mediterranean,  and  thofe  fituated  on  the 
weftern  fhore  of  the  Arabian  Gulf.  In  Afia, 
they  were  unacquainted,  as  I  formerly  obferved, 
with  all  the  fertile  and  opulent  countries  beyond 
the  Ganges,  which  furnifh  the  moll  valuable 
commodities. that,  in  modern  times,  have  been 
the  great  object  of  the  European  commerce 
with  India  ;  nor  do  they  feem  to  have  ever 
penetrated  into  thofe  immenfe  regions  occupied 
by  the  wandering  tribes,  which  they  called  by 
the  general  name  of  Sarmatians  or  Scythians, 
and  which  are  now  poiTefled  by  Tartars  of  various 
denominations,  and  by  the  Afiatic  fubjects  of 
Rufiia. 

But  there  is  one  opinion,  that  tmiverfally  pre- 
vailed among  the  ancients,  which  conveys  a  more 
finking  idea  of  the  fmall  progrefs  they  had  made 
in  the  knowledge  of  the  habitable  globe,  than 
can  be  derived  from  any  detail  of  their  difco- 
veries.  They  fuppofed  the  earth  to  be  divided 
into  five  regions,  which  they  diftinguifhed  by  the 
name  of  zones.  Two  of  thefe,  which  were 
neareft  the  poles,  they  termed  frigid  zones,  and 
believed  that  the  extreme  cold  which  reigned 
perpetually  there,  rendered  them  uninhabitable. 
Another,  feated  under  the  line,  and  extending 

on 


26  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  1. 

on  either  fide  towards  the  tropics,  they  called 
the  torrid  zone,  and  imagined  it  to  be  fo  burnt 
up  with  unremitting  heat,  as  to  be  equally  deili- 
tute  of  inhabitants.  On  the  two  other  zones, 
which  occupied  the  remainder  of  the  earth,  they 
bellowed  the  appellation  of  temperate,  and 
taught  that  thefe,  being  the  only  regions  in  which 
life  could  fubfifl,  were  allotted  to  man  for  his 
habitation.  This  wild  opinion  was  not  a  conceit 
of  the  uninformed  vulgar,  or  a  fanciful  fiction 
of  the  poets,  but  a  fyilem  adopted  by  the  moil 
enlightened  philofophers,  the  moil  accurate 
hiflorians  and  geographers  in  Greece  and  Rome. 
According  to  this  theory,  a  vail  portion  of  the 
habitable  earth  was  pronounced  to  be  unfit  for 
fuftaining  the  human  fpecies.  Thofe  fertile  and 
populous  regions  within  the  torrid  zone,  which 
are  now  known  not  only  to  yield  their  own  in- 
habitants the  neceffaries  and  comforts  of  life 
with  moil  luxuriant  profufion,  but  to  communis 
cate  their  fuperfluous  ilores  to  the  reft  of  the 
world,  were  fuppofed  to  be  the  manfion  of  per- 
petual ilerility  and  defolation.  As  all  the  parts 
of  the  globe  with  which  the  ancients  were  ac- 
quainted, lay  within  the  northern  temperate  zone, 
their  opinion  that  the  other  temperate  zone  was 
filled  with  inhabitants,  was  founded  on  reafoning 
and  conjecture,  not  on  difcovery.  They  even 
believed  that,  by  the  intolerable  heat  of  the 
torrid  zone,  fuch  an  infuperable  barrier  was 
placed  between  the  two  temperate  regions  of  the 
earth,  as  would  prevent  for  ever  any  intercourfe 
between  their  refpedlive  inhabitants.  Thus  this 
extravagant  theory  not  only  proves  that  the  an- 
cients were  unacquainted  with  the  true  ftate  of 

the 


OS.  U  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  2J 

the  globe,  but  it  tended  to  render  their  igno- 
rance perpetual,  by  reprefenting  all  attempts 
towards  opening  a  communication  with  the 
remote  regions  of  the  earth,  as  utterly  imprac- 
ticable f. 

But,   however    imperfect    or  inaccurate    the 
geographical  knowledge  which  the  Greeks  and 
Romans  had  acquired  may  appear,   in  refpect  of 
the  prefent  improved  ftate  of  that  fcience,  their 
progrefs  in  difcovery  will  feem  confiderable,  and 
the  extent  to  which  they  carried  navigation  and 
-commerce  mud  be  reckoned  great,  when  com- 
pared with  the  ignorance  of  early  times.      As 
long  as  the  Roman  empire  retained  fuch  vigour 
as  to  preferve  its  authority  over  the  conquered 
nations,  and  to  keep   them   united,   it  was  an 
object  of  public  police,  as  well  as  of  private  cu- 
riofity,  to  examine  and  defcribe  the  countries 
which  compofed  this  great  body.     Even  when 
the  other  fciences  began  to  decline,  geography, 
enriched  with  new  observations,  and  receiving 
fome  acceffion  from  the  experience  of  every  age, 
and  the  reports  of  every  traveller,  continued  to 
improve.     It  attained  to  the  higheft  point  of 
perfection  and  accuracy  to  which  it  ever  arrived 
in  the  ancient  world,  by  the  induftry  and  genius 
of  Ptolemy  the  philofopher.  He  flourifhed  in  the 
fecond  century  of  the  Chriftian   sera,    and  pub- 
limed  a  defcription  of  the  terreftrial  globe,  more 
ample  and  exact  than  that  of  any  of  his  pre- 
decefTors. 

But,  foon  after,  violent  convulfions  began  to 
ihake  the  Roman  ftate  ;    the  fatal  ambition  or 

f  See  Noti  VIII. 

caprice 


aS  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA*  B.  I. 

caprice  of  Conftantinej  by  changing  the  feat  of 
government,  divided  and  weakened  its  force ; 
the  barbarous  nations,  which  Providence  pre- 
pared as  inflruments  to  overturn  the  mighty- 
fabric  of  the  Roman  power,  began  to  aflemble 
and  to  mufler  their  armies  on  its  frontier ;  the 
empire  tottered  to  its  fall.  During  this  decline 
and  old  age  of  the  Roman  flate,  it  was  impoffible 
that  the  fciences  mould  go  on  improving.  The 
efforts  of  genius  were,  at  that  period,  as  languid 
and  feeble  as  thofe  of  government.  From  the 
time  of  Ptolemy,  no  confiderable  addition  feems 
to  have  been  made  to  geographical  knowledge, 
nor  did  any  important  revolution  happen  in  trade, 
excepting  thatConflantinople,byits  advantageous 
fituation,  and  the  encouragement  of  the  eaftern 
emperors,  became  a  commercial  city  of  the  firft 
note. 

At  length,  the  clouds  which  had  been  fo  long 
gathering  round  the  Roman  empire,  burfl  into 
a  florin.  Barbarous  nations  rufhed  in  from  feve- 
ral  quarters  with  irrefiftible  impetuofity,  and,  in 
the  general  wreck,  occafioned  by  the  inundation 
which  overwhelmed  Europe,  the  arts,  fciences, 
inventions,and  difcoveries  of  the  Romans,perifhed 
in  a  great  meafure,  and  difappeared  =.  All  the 
various  tribes,  which  fettled  in  the  different 
provinces  of  the  Roman  empire,  were  unciviliz- 
ed, flrangers  to  letters,  deftitute  of  arts,  unac- 
quainted with  regular  government,  fubordination, 
or  laws.  The  manners  and  inflitutions  of  fome 
of  them  were  fo  rude,  as  to  be  hardly  compatible 
with  a  flate  of  focial  union.     Europe,  when  oc- 

«  Hift,  of  Charles  V.   vol.  i.  p.  19.84. 

cupied 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OP    AMERICA.  20, 

cupied  by  fuch  inhabitants,  may  be  faid  to  have 
returned  to  a  fecond  infancy,  and  had  to  begin 
anew  its  career  in  improvement,  fcience,  and 
civility.  The  firft  effect  of  the  fettlement  of 
thofe  barbarous  invaders  was  to  difTolve  the  union 
by  which  the  Roman  power  had  cemented  man- 
kind together.  They  parcelled  out  Europe 
into  many  fmall  and  independent  ftates,  differing 
from  each  other  in  language  and  cuftoms.  No 
intercourfe  fubfifted  between  the  members  of 
thofe  divided  and  hoflile  communities.  Accuf- 
tomed  to  a  fimple  mode  of  life,  and  averfe  to 
induftry,  they  had  few  wants  to  fupply,  and  few 
fuperfluities  to  difpofe  of.  The  names  oijir -anger 
and  of  enemy  became  once  more  words  of  the 
fame  import.  Cuftoms  every  where  prevailed, 
and  even  laws  were  eftablifhed,  which  rendered 
it  difagreeable  and  dangerous  to  vifit  any  foreign 
country  h.  Cities,  in  which  alone  an  exteniive 
commerce  can  be  carried  on,  were  few,  inconfi- 
derable,  and  deftitute  of  thofe  immunities  which 
produce  fecurity  or  excite  enterprife.  The  fci- 
ences,  on  which  geography  and  navigation  are 
founded,  were  little  cultivated.  The  accounts 
of  ancient  improvements  and  difcoveries,  con- 
tained in  the  Greek  and  Roman  authors,  were 
neglected  or  mifunderftood.  The  knowledge  of 
remote  regions  was  loft,  their  fituation,  their 
commodities,  and  almoft  their  names,  were  un« 
known. 

One  circumftance  prevented  commercial  inter- 
courfe with  diftant  nations  from  ceafing  alto- 
gether. Conftantinople,  though  often  threatened 

h  Hift.  of  Charles  V.  vol.  i.  p.  S4.  321. 

by 


3°  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  «•  A 

by  the   fierce  invaders,    who    fpread  defolation 
over  the  reft  of  Europe,  was  fo  fortunate  as  to 
efcape  their  deflructive  rage*     In  that  city,  the 
knowledge  of  ancient  arts  and  difcoveries  was 
preferved  ;     a  tafte  for  fplendour  and  elegance 
fubfifled  ;  the  productions  and  luxuries  of  foreign 
countries  were  in  requefl  ;    and  commerce  con- 
tinued to    ilourifh    there    when    it    was  almoit 
extinct  in  every  other  part  of  Europe.      The 
citizens  of  Constantinople  did  not  confine  their 
trade  to  the  iflands  of  the  Archipelago,  or  to  the 
adjacent  coafls  of  Alia  ;  they  took  a  wider  range, 
and  following  the  courfe  which  the  ancients  had 
marked  out,   imported  the  commodities  of  the 
Eaft  Indies   from  Alexandria.      When   Egypt 
was  torn  from  the  Roman   empire  by  the  Ara- 
bians,  the  induftry  of  the  Greeks  difcovered  a 
new  channel,  by  which  the  productions  of  India 
might  be   conveyed   to   Conflantinople.     They 
were  carried  up  the  Indus,  as  far  as  that  great 
river  is  navigable ;  thence  they  were  transported 
by  land  to  the  banks  of  the  river  Oxus,  and  pro- 
ceeded down  its  ftream  to  the  Cafpian  fea.  There 
they  entered  the  Volga,  and  failing  up  it,  were 
carried  by  land  to  the  Tanais,  which  conducted 
them  into  the  Euxine  fea,  where  veffels  from 
Conflantinople  waited  their  arrival  *.     This  ex- 
traordinary and    tedious  mode   of    conveyance 
merits  attention,    not  only  as  a  proof    of  the 
violent  paflion  which  the  inhabitants  of  Conflan- 
tinople had  conceived  for  the  luxuries  of  the  eafl, 
and  as  a  Specimen  of  the  ardour  and  ingenuity 
with  which  they  carried  on  commerce  ;   but  be- 

*  Ramufio,  vol.  i.  p.  372,  F. 

caufe 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  £1 

caufe  it  demonftrates,  that,  during  the  ignorance 
which  reigned  in  the  reft  of  Europe,  an  extenfive 
knowledge  of  remote  countries  was  ftill  preferved 
in  the  capital  of  the  Greek  empire. 

At  the  fame  time,  a  gleam  of  light  and 
knowledge  broke  in  upon  the  eaft.  The  Ara* 
bians  having  contracted  fome  relifh  for  the  fci- 
ences  of  the  people,  whofe  empire  they  had  con- 
tributed to  overturn,  tranflated  the  books  of 
feveral  of  the  Greek  philofophers  into  their  own 
language.  One  of  the  firft  was  that  valuable 
work  of  Ptolemy,  which  I  have  already  men- 
tioned. The  fludy  of  geography  became,  of 
confequence,  an  early  object  of  attention  to  the 
Arabians.  But  that  acute  and  ingenious  people 
cultivated  chiefly  the  fpeculative  and  fcientific 
parts  of  geography.  In  order  to  afcertain  the 
figure  and  dimensions  of  the  terreftrial  globe, 
they  applied  the  principles  of  geometry,  they  had 
recourfe  to  aftronomical  obfervations,  they  em- 
ployed experiments  and  operations,  which,  Eu- 
rope, in  more  enlightened  times,  has  been  proud 
to  adopt  and  to  imitate.  At  that  period,  how- 
ever, the  fame  of  the  improvements  made  by  the 
Arabians  did  not  reach  Europe.  The  know- 
ledge of  their  difcoveries  was  referved  for  ages 
capable  of  comprehending  and  of  perfecting 
them. 

By  degrees,  the  calamities  and  defolation 
brought  upon  the  weftern  provinces  of  the  Ro- 
man empire  by  its  barbarous  conquerors,  were 
forgotten,  and  in  fome  meafure  repaired. 
The  rude  tribes  which  fettled  there,  acquiring 
infenfibly  fome  idea  of  regular  government, 
and  fome  relifh  for  the  functions  and  comforts 

VOL.  I.  G  of 


32  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.   I. 

of  civil  life,  Europe  began  to  awake  from  its 
torpid  and  unadtive  flate.  The  firtt  fymptoms 
of  revival  were  difcerned  in  Italy.  The  northern 
tribes,  which  took  pofleffion  of  this  country, 
hiade  progrefs  in  improvement  with  greater 
rapidity  than  the  people  fettled  in  other  parts  of 
Europe.  Various  caufes,  which  it  is  not  the 
object  of  this  work  to  enumerate  or  explain, 
concurred  in  reftoring  liberty  and  independence 
to  the  cities  of  Italy  k.  The  acquifition  of  thefe 
roufed  induflry,  and  gave  motion  and  vigour 
to  all  the  active  powers  of  the  human  mind. 
Foreign  commerce  revived,  navigation  was  at- 
tended to  and  improved.  Conilantinople  became 
the  chief  mart  to  which  the  Italians  reforted. 
There  they  not  only  met  with  a  favourable  re- 
ception, but  obtained  fuch  mercantile  privileges 
as  enabled  them  to  carry  on  trade  with  great 
advantage.  They  were  fupplied  both  with  the 
precious  commodities  of  the  earl,  and  with  many 
curious  manufactures,  the  product  of  ancient  arts 
and  ingenuity  which  ftill  fubiifled  among  the 
Greeks.  As  the  labour  and  expence  of  convey- 
ing the  productions  of  India  to  Conilantinople 
by  that  long  and  indirect  courfe  which  I  have 
defcribed,  rendered  them  extremely  rare,  and  of 
an  exorbitant  price,  the  induftry  of  the  Italians 
difcovered  other  methods  of  procuring  them  in 
greater  abundance,  and  at  an  eafier  rate.  They 
Sometimes  purchafed  them  in  Aleppo,  Tripoli, 
and  other  ports  on  the  coafl  of  Syria,  to  which 
they  were  brought  by  a  route  not  unknown  to 
the  ancients.  They  were  conveyed  from  India 
by  fea,  up  the  Perfian  Gulf,  and  afcending  the 

*  Hift.  of  Charles  V,  vol.  i.  p.  33. 

Euphrates 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  33 

Euphrates  and  Tigris,  as  far  as  Bagdat,  were 
I  carried  by  land  acrofs  the  defart  of  Palmyra,  and 
from  thence  to  the  towns  on  the  Mediterranean. 
But  from  the  length  of  the  journey,  and  the 
dangers  to  which  the  caravans  were  expofed,  this 
proved  always  a  tedious,  and  often  a  precarious 
mode  of  conveyance.  At  length,  the  Soldans  of 
Egypt,  having  revived  the  commerce  with  India 
in  its  ancient  channel,  by  the  Arabian  Gulf,  the 
Italian  merchants,  notwithstanding  the  violent 
antipathy  to  each  other  with  which  Chriflians 
and  the  followers  of  Mahomet  were  then  poffefled, 
repaired  to  Alexandria,  and  enduring,  from  the 
love  of  gain,  the  infolence  and  exactions  of  the 
Mahometans,  eftablifhed  a  lucrative  trade  in  that 
port.  From  that  period,  the  commercial  fpirit 
of  Italy  became  active  and  enterprifing.  Venice 
Genoa,  Pifa,  rofe  from  inconliderable  towns,  to 
be  populous  and  wealthy  cities.  Their  naval 
power  increakd ;  their  veffels  frequented  not 
only  all  the  ports  in  the  Mediterranean,  but  ven- 
turing fometimes  beyond  the  Streights,  vifited 
the  maritime  towns  of  Spain,  France,  the  Low- 
Countries,  and  England  ;  and,  by  diftributing 
their  commodities  over  Europe,  began  to  com- 
municate to  its  various  nations  fome  taflefor  the, 
valuable  productions  of  the  eaft,  as  well  as  fome 
ideas  of  manufactures  and  arts,  which  were  then 
unknown  beyond  the  precincts  of  Italy. 

While  the  cities  of  Italy  were  thus  advancing 
in  their  career  of  improvement,  an  event  hap- 
pened, the  moll  extraordinary  perhaps  in  the 
hiftory  of  mankind,  which,  inilead  of  retarding 
the  commercial  progrefs  of  the  Italians,  rendered 
it  mere  rapid.     The  martial  fpirit  of  the  Euro- 

c  2  peuns, 


34  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  I. 

peans,  heightened  and  inflamed  by  religious  zeal, 
prompted  them  to    attempt  the  deliverance  of 
the  Holy  Land  from  the  dominion  of  infidels, 
Vaft  armies,  compofed  of  all  the  nations  in  Eu- 
rope, marched  towards  Afia,  upon  this  wild  en- 
terprize.  The  Genoefe,  the  Pifans,  and  Venetians 
furnifhed  the  tranfports  which  carried  them  thi- 
ther.    They  fupplied  them  with  provisions  and 
military  ft  ores.     Befide  the  immenfe  fums  which 
they  received  on   this  account,    they  obtained 
commercial  privileges  and  eftablifhments,  of  great 
confequence  in  the  fettlements  which  the  cru- 
faders  made  in  Paleftine,  and  in  other  provinces 
of  Afia.    From  thofe  fources,  prodigious  wealth 
flowed  into  the  cities  which  I  have  mentioned. 
This  was  accompanied  with  a  proportional  in- 
creafe  of  power,  and,  by  the  end  of  the  holy 
"war,  Venice,  in  particular,  became  a  great  mari- 
time ftate,  poflefling  an  extenfive  commerce,  and 
ample    territories  K       Italy  was    not    the   only 
country  in  which  the   crufades  contributed   to 
revive  and  difFufe  fuch  a  fpirit  as  prepared  Eu- 
rope for  future  difcoveries.    By  their  expeditions 
into  Afia,   the  other  European   nations  became 
well  acquainted  with  remote  regions,  which  for- 
merly they  knew  only  by  name,  or  by  the  reports 
of  ignorant  and  credulous  pilgrims.     They  had 
an  opportunity  of  obferving  the    manners,  the 
arts,   and  the  accommodations  of  people  more 
polifhed  than  themfelves.     This  intercourfe  be- 
tween the   eaft    and   weft  fubfifted   aimoft  two 
centuries.     The  adventurers,  who  returned  from 
Alia,   communicated  to  their   countrymen    the 

1  Effai  de  THiftoire  du  Commerce  de  Venife,  p.  52,  &c. 

ideas 


B.   I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  35 

ideas  which  they  had  acquired,  and  the  habits 
of  life  they  had  contracted  by  vifiting  more  re- 
fined nations.  The  Europeans  began  to  be  fen- 
fible  of  wants  with  which  they  were  formerly 
unacquainted  :  new  deiires  were  excited  ;  and 
fuch  a  tafte  for  the  commodities  and  arts  of 
other  countries  gradually  fpread  among  them, 
that  they  not  only  encouraged  the  refort  of 
foreigners  to  their  harbours,  but  began  to  per- 
ceive the  advantage  and  neceflity  of  applying  to 
commerce  themfelves  m. 

This  communication,  which  was  opened  be- 
tween Europe  and  the  weilern  provinces  of 
Afia,  encouraged  feveral  perfons  to  advance  far 
beyond  the  countries  in  which  the  crufaders 
carried  on  their  operations,  and  to  travel  by  land 
into  the  more  remote  and  opulent  regions  of  the 
eaft.  The  wild  fanaticifm,  which  feems  at  that 
period  to  have  mingled  in  all  the  fchemes  of 
individuals,  no  lefs  than  in  all  the  counfels  of  na- 
tions, firft  incited  men  to  enter  upon  thofe  long 
and  dangerous  peregrinations.  They  were  after- 
wards undertaken  from  profpects  of  commercial 
advantage,  or  from  motives  of  mere  curioiity. 
Benjamin,  a  Jew  of  Tudela,  in  the  kingdom  of 
Navarre,  poffeiTed  with  a  fuperftitious  veneration 
for  the  law  of  Mofes,  and  folicitous  to  vifit  his 
countrymen  in  the  eaft,  whom  he  hoped  to  find 
in  fuch  a  itate  of  power  and  opulence  as  might 
redound  to  the  honour  of  his  fed,  fet  out  from 
Spain  in  the  year  1 1 60,  and  travelling  by  land 
to  Constantinople,  proceeded  through  the  coun- 
tries to  the  north  of  the  Euxine  and  Cafpian 

3  Hid.  Charles  V.  vol.i.  p.  31,  &c# 

G  3  feas, 


3^  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.I. 

feas,  as  far  as  Chinefe  Tartary.  From  thence 
he  took  his  route  towards  the  fouth,  and  after 
traverfmg  various  provinces  of  the  farther  India, 
he  embarked  on  the  Indian  ocean,  vifited  feveral 
of  its  iflands,  and  returned  at  the  end  of  thir- 
teen years  by  the  way  of  Egypt,  to  Europe,  with 
much  information  concerning  a  large  diitrict  of 
the  globe,  altogether  unknown  at  that  time  to 
the  weflern  world  n.  The  zeal  of  the  head  of 
the  Chriftjan  church  co-operated  with  the  fuper- 
ftition  of  Benjamin  the  Jew,  in  dilcovering  the 
interior  and  remote  provinces  of  Afia.  All 
Chriftendom  having  been  alarmed  with  accounts 
of  the  rapid  progrefs  of  the  Tartar  arms  under 
Zengis  Khan,  Innocent  IV.  who  entertained 
moft  exalted  ideas  concerning  the  plenitude  of 
his  own  power,  and  the  fubmiffion  due  to  his 
injunctions,  fent  father  John  de  Piano  Carpini, 
at  the  head  of  a  million  of  Francifcan  monks, 
and  father  Afcolino,  at  the  head  of  another  of 
Dominicans,  to  enjoin  Kayuk  Khan,  the  grand- 
fon  of  Zengis,  who  was  then  at  the  head  of  the 
Tartar  empire,  to  embrace  the  Chriftian  faith, 
and  to  defift  from  defolating  the  earth  by  his 
arms.  The  haughty  defcendant  of  the  greateft 
conqueror  Afia  had  ever  beheld,  aftonifhed  at 
this  ftrange  mandate  from  an  Italian  prieft,  whofe 
name  and  jurifdi&ion  were  alike  unknown  to  him, 
received  it  v  ith  the  contempt  which  it  merited, 
though  he  difmiffed  the  mendicants  who  delivered 
it  with  impunity.  But,  as  they  had  penetrated 
into  the  country  by  different  routes,  and  followed 
for  fome  time  the  Tartar  camps,  which  were 

?  Bergeron  Recueil  des  Voyages,  &c,  torn.  i.  p.  1. 

always 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  37 

always  in  motion,  they  had  opportunity  of  vifit- 
ing  a  great  part  of  Afia.  Carpini,  who  pro- 
ceeded hy  the  way  of  Poland  and  Ruflia,  tra- 
velled through  its  northern  provinces  as  far  as 
the  extremities  of  Thibet.  Afcolino,  who  feems 
to  have  landed  fomewhere  in  Syria,  advanced 
through  its  fouthern  provinces,  into  the  interior 
parts  of  Perfia  °. 

Not  long  after  [1253],  St.  Louis  of  France 
contributed  farther  towards  extending  the  know- 
ledge which  the  Europeans  had  begun  to  acquire 
of  thofe  diflant  regions.  Some  defigning  im- 
poftor,  who  took  advantage  of  the  flender  ac- 
quaintance of  Chrillendom  with  the  ftate  and 
character  of  the  Afiatic  nations,  having  informed 
him  that  a  powerful  khan  of  the  Tartars  had  em- 
braced the  Chriilian  faith,  the  monarch  liftened 
to  the  tale  with  pious  credulity,  and  inftantly 
refolved  to  fend  ambafladors  to  this  illuilrious 
convert,  with  a  view  of  inciting  him  to  attack 
their  common  enemy  the  Saracens  in  one  quarter, 
while  he  fell  upon  them  in  another.  As  monks 
were  the  only  perfons  in  that  age  who  poffefTed 
fuch  a  degree  of  knowledge  as  qualified  them  for 
a  fervice  of  this  kind,  he  employed  in  it  father 
Andrew,  ajacobine,  who  was  followed  by  father 
William  de  Rubruquis,  a  Francifcan.  With 
refpeel:  to  the  progrefs  of  the  former,  there  is  no 
memorial  extant.  The  journal  of  the  latter  has 
been  publifhed.  He  was  admitted  into  the  pre- 
sence of  Mangu,  the  third  khan  in  fucceflion  from 
Zengis,  and  made  a  circuit  through  the  interior 

?  Hakluyt,  l.zu    Bergeron,  torn»  i. 

parti 


38  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  I, 

parts  of  Afia,    more  cxtenfive  than  that  of  any- 
European  who  had  hitherto  explored  them  P. 

To  thofe  travellers,  whom  religious  zeal  fent 
forth  to  viik  Ana,  fucceeded  others  who  ventur- 
ed into  remote  countries,  from  the  profpect  of 
commercial  advantage,  or  from  motives  of  mere 
curiofity.  The  fii  ft  and  moll  eminent  of  thefe 
was  Marco  Polo,  a  Venetian  of  a  noble  family. 
Having  engaged  early  in  trade  [1269],  accord- 
ing to  the  cuftom  of  his  country,  his  afpiring 
mind  wimed  for  a  fphere  of  activity  more  exten- 
five  than  was  afforded  to  it  by  the  eftablifhed 
traffic  carried  on  in  thofe  ports  of  Europe  and 
Afia,  which  the  Venetians  frequented.  This 
prompted  him  to  travel  into  unknown  countries, 
in  expectation  of  opening  a  commercial  inter- 
courfe  with  them,  more  fuited  to  the  fanguinc 
ideas  and  hopes  of  a  young  adventurer. 

As  his  father  had  already  carried  fome  Euro- 
pean commodities  to  the  court  of  the  great  khan 
of  the  Tartars,  and  had  difpofed  of  them  to  ad- 
vantage, he  reforted  thither.  Under  the  pro- 
tection of  Kublay  khan,  the  moft  powerful  of 
all  the  fucceffors  of  Zengis,  he  continued  his 
mercantile  peregrinations  in  Afia  upwards  of 
twenty-fix  years ;  and,  during  that  time,  ad- 
vanced towards  the  eaft,  far  beyond  the  utmofl 
boundaries  to  which  any  European  traveller  had 
ever  proceeded.  Inftead  of  following  the  courfe 
of  Carpini  and  Rubruquis,  along  the  vaft  un- 
peopled plains  of  Tartary,  he  pafied  through  the 
chief  trading  cities  in  the  more  cultivated  parts 
of  Afia,  and  penetrated  to  Cambalu,  or  Peking, 

P  Hakl.  i»  71.  Recueil  des  Voyages  par  Bergeron,  torn.  i. 

the 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  39 

the  capital  of  the  great  kingdom  of  Cathay,  or 
China,  fubjecl:  at  that  time  to  the  fucceflbrs  of 
Zengis.  He  made  more  than  one  voyage,  on 
the  Indian  ocean,  he  traded  in  many  of  the 
iflands,  from  which  Europe  had  long  received 
fpiceries  and  other  commodities,  which  it  held 
in  high  eftimation,  though  unacquainted  with 
the  particular  countries  to  which  it  was  indebted 
for  thofe  precious  productions ;  and  he  obtained 
information  concerning  feveral  countries,  which 
he  did  not  vifit  in  perfon,  particularly  the  ifland 
of  Zipangi,  probably  the  fame  now  known  by 
the  name  of  Japan  *.  On  his  return,  he  aftonifhed 
his  contemporaries  with  his  defcriptions  of  vafl 
regions,  whofe  names  had  never  been  heard  of 
in  Europe,  and  with  fuch  pompous  accounts  of 
their  fertility,  their  populoufnefs,  their  opulence, 
the  variety  of  their  manufactures,  and  the  extent 
of  their  trade,  as  rofe  far  above  the  conception 
of  an  uninformed  age. 

About  half  a  century  after  Marco  Polo  [1322], 
fir  John  Mandeville,  an  Englifhman,  encouraged 
by  his  example,  vifited  molt  of  the  countries  in 
the  eaft  which  he  had  defcribed,  and,  like  him, 
publifhed  an  account  of  them  r.  The  narrations 
of  thofe  early  travellers  abound  with  many  wild 
incoherent  tales,  concerning  giants,  enchanters, 
and  monlters.  But  they  were  not,  from  that 
circumftance,  lefs  acceptable  to  an  ignorant 
age,  which  delighted  in  what  was  marvellous. 
The  wonders  which  they  told,  moftly  on  hear- 
fay,  filled  the  multitude  with  admiration.  The 
facts  which  they  related  from  their  own  obferv- 

q   Vigaggi  d»  Marco  Polo.     Ramuf.  ii.  2.      Bergeron, 
torn,  ii,  *  Voyages  and  Travels,  by  Sir  John  Mande- 

ationj 


ville. 


4P  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  I).   I. 

ation,  attracted  the  attention  of  the  more  dif- 
cerning.  The  former,  which  may  be  conhdered 
as  the  popular  traditions  and  fables  of  the  coun- 
tries through  which  they  had  paffed,  were  gra- 
dually difregarded  as  Europe  advanced  in  know- 
ledge. The  latter,  however  incredible  fomc  of 
them  may  have  appeared  in  their  own  time,  have 
been  confirmed  by  the  obfervations  of  modern 
travellers.  By  means  of  both,  however,  the  cu- 
riofity  of  mankind  was  excited  with  refpect  to 
the  remote  parts  of  the  earth,  their  ideas  were 
enlarged,  and  they  were  not  only  infenfibly  dif- 
pofed  to  attempt  new  difcoveries,  but  received 
fuch  information  as  directed  to  that  particular 
courfe  in  which  thefe  were  afterwards  carried  on. 
While  this  fpirit  was  gradually  forming  in 
Europe,  a  fortunate  difcovery  was  made,  which 
contributed  more  than  all  the  efforts  and  inge- 
nuity of  preceding  ages,  to  improve  and  to  ex- 
tend navigation.  That  wonderful  property  of 
the  magnet,  by  which  it  communicates  fuch  vir- 
tue to  a  needle  or  (lender  rod  of  iron,  as  to  point 
towards  the  poles  of  the  earth,  was  obferved. 
The  ufe  which  might  be  made  of  this  in  direct- 
ing navigation  was  immediately  perceived.  That 
valuable,  but  now  familiar  inltrument,  the  ma- 
riners compafsy  was  conftru&ed.  When,  by 
means  of  it,  navigators  found  that,  at  all  fea- 
fons,  and  in  every  place,  they  could  difcover  the 
north  and  fouth  with  fo  much  eafe  and  accuracy, 
it  became  no  longer  neceffary  to  depend  merely 
on  the  light  of  the  itars  and  the  obfervation  of 
the  fea  coal!.  They  gradually  abandoned  their 
ancient  timid  and  lingering  courfe  along  the 
fhore,  ventured  boldly  into  the  ocean,  and  re- 
lying on   this   new   guide,   could   iteer  in  the 

darkeft 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  41 

darkeft  night,  and  under  the  moll  cloudy  Iky, 
with  a  fecurity  and  precifion  hitherto  unknown. 
The  compafs  may  be  faid  to  have  opened  to  man 
the  dominion  of  the  lea,  and  to  have  put  him  m 
full  pofleflion  of  the  earth,  by  enabling  him  to 
viiit  every  part  of  it.  Flavio  Gioia,  a  citizen  of 
Amalfi,  a  town  of  coniiderable  trade  in  the  king- 
dom of  Naples,  was  the  author  of  this  great  dis- 
covery, about  the  year  one  thoufand  three  hun- 
dred and  two.  It  hath  been  often  the  fate  of 
thofe  illuflrious  benefactors  of  mankind,  who 
have  enriched  fcience  and  improved  the  arts  by 
their  inventions,  to  derive  more  reputation  than 
benefit  from  the  happy  efforts  of  their  genius. 
But  the  lot  of  Gioia  has  been  flill  more  cruel ; 
through  the  inattention  or  ignorance  of  contem- 
porary hiftorians,  he  has  been  defrauded  even  of 
the  fame  to  which  he  had  fuch  a  juft  title.  We 
receive  from  them  no  information  with  refpe£t 
to  his  profefiion,  his  character,  the  precife  time 
when  he  made  this  important  difcovery,  or  the 
accidents  and  inquiries  which  led  to  it.  The 
knowledge  of  this  event,  though  productive  of 
greater  effects  than  any  recorded  in  the  annals  of 
the  human  race,  is  tranfmitted  to  us  without  any 
of  thofe  circumftances,  which  can  gratify  the  cu- 
riofity  that  it  naturally  awakens s.  But  though 
the  ufe  of  the  compafs  might  enable  the  Italians 
to  perform  the  fhort  voyages  to  which  they  were 
accuftomed,  with  greater  fecurity  and  expedition, 
its  influence  was  not  fo  fudden  or  extenfive,  as 
immediately  to  render  navigation  adventurous, 

»  Collinas  &  Trombellus   de  Acus   nauticae  Inventore. 
Iaftit.  Acad.  Bonon.  torn.  ii.  part  iii.  p.  372. 

and 


42  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  I. 

and  to  excite  a  fpirit  of  difcovery.  Many  caufes 
combined  in  preventing  this  beneficial  invention 
from  producing  its  full  effect  inflantaneoufly. 
Men  relinquish  ancient  habits  flowly,  and  with 
reluctance.  They  are  averfe  to  new  experi- 
ments, and  venture  upon  them  with  timidity. 
The  commercial  jealoufy  of  the  Italians,  it  is 
probable,  laboured  to  conceal  the  happy  difco- 
very of  their  countryman  from  other  nations. 
The  art  of  fleering  by  the  compafs  with  fuch 
fkill  and  accuracy  as  to  infpire  a  full  confidence 
in  its  direction,  was  acquired  gradually.  Sailors, 
unaccuflomed  to  quit  fight  of  land,  durfl  not 
launch  out  at  once  and  commit  themfelves  to  un- 
known feas.  Accordingly,  near  half  a  century 
elapfed  from  the  time  of  Gioia's  difcovery,  before 
navigators  ventured  into  any  feas  which  they 
had  not  been  accuilomed  to  frequent. 

The  fir  ft  appearance  of  a  bolder  fpirit  may  be 
dated  from  the  voyages  of  the  Spaniards  to  the 
Canary  or  Fortunate  Iflands.  By  what  accident 
they  were  led  to  the  difcovery  of  thofe  fmall 
ifles,  which  lie  near  five  hundred  miles  from  the 
Spanifh  coaft,  and  above  a  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  from  the  coaft  of  Africa,  contemporary 
writers  have  not  explained.  But,  about  the 
middle  of  the  fourteenth  century,  the  people  of 
all  the  different  kingdoms  into  which  Spain  was 
then  divided,  were  accuilomed  to  make  piratical 
excurfions  thither,  in  order  to  plunder  the  inha- 
bitants, or  to  carry  them  off  as  flaves.  Clement 
VI.  in  virtue  of  the  right  claimed  by  the  holy 
fee,  to  difpofe  of  all  countries  poffeffed  by  infi- 
dels, erected  thofe  ifles  into  a  kingdom,  in  the 
year  one  thoufand  three  hundred  and  forty-four, 

and 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF   AMERICA,  43 

and  conferred  it  on  Lewis  de  la  Cerda,  defcended 
from  the  royal  family  of  Caftile.     But  that  un- 
fortunate prince,  deftitute  of  power  to  affert  his 
nominal  title,  having  never  viiited  the  Canaries, 
John   de    Bethencourt,  a   Norman    baron,    ob- 
tained a  grant  of    them  from    Henry  III.   of 
Caftile  ?.  Bethencourt,  with  the  valour  and  good 
fortune  which  diftinguifhed  the  adventurers  of  his 
country,  attempted  and  effected  the  conqueft, 
and  the  poiTefiion  of  the  Canaries  remained  for 
fome  time  in   his  family,  as  a  fief  held  of  the 
crown  of  Caftile.     Previous  to  this  expedition  of 
Bethencourt,   his  countrymen    fettled  in    Nor- 
mandy are  faid  to  have  vifited  the  coaft  of  Africa, 
and  to  have  proceeded  far  to  the  fouth  of  the 
Canary  iflands  [1365].     But  their  voyages  thi- 
ther feem  not  to  have  been  undertaken  in  confe- 
quence  of  any  public  or  regular  plan  for  extend- 
ing navigation  and  attempting  new  difcoveries. 
They  were  either  excurfions  fuggefted  by  that 
roving  piratical  fpirit,  which  deicended  to  the 
Normans  from  their  anceftors,  or  the  commercial 
cnterprizes  of  private  merchants,  which  attracted 
fo  little  notice,  that  hardly  any  memorial  of  them 
is  to  be  found  in  contemporary  authors.     In  a 
general  furvey  of  the  progrefs  of  difcovery,  it  is 
fiifficient  to  have  mentioned  this  event ;  and  leav- 
ing it  among  thofe  of  dubious  exiftence,  or  of 
fmall  importance,  we  may  conclude,  that  though 
much  additional  information  concerning  the  re- 
mote regions  of  the  eaft  had  been  received  by 
travellers  who  vifited  them  by  land,  navigation, 

*  Viera  y  Clavijo  Notic.  de  la  Hiftor.  de  Canaria,  i.  268, 
&c.     Glas.  Hift.   c.  1. 

VOL.  I*  h  at 


44  history  of  America.  ir.i. 

at  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century,  had 
not  advanced  beyond  the  ftate  to  which  it  had 
attained  before  the  downfal  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire. 

At  length  the  period  arrived,    when  Provi- 
dence decreed  that  men  were  to  pafs  the  limits 
within  which   they  had  been  fo  long  confined, 
and  open  to  themfelves  a  more  ample  field  wherein 
to  diiplay  their  talents,  their  enterprize,  and  cou- 
rage.    The  firft  conliderable  eiForts  towards  this 
were  not  made  by  any  of  the  more  powerful 
itates  of  Europe,  or  by  thofe  who  had  applied 
to  navigation  with  the  greateil  afliduity  and  fuc- 
cefs.     The  glory  of  leading  the  way  in  this  new 
career  was  referved  for  Portugal,    one   of  the 
fmallelt    and   leafl   powerful   of  the    European 
kingdoms.     As  the  attempts  of  the  Portuguefe 
to  acquire  the  knowledge  of  thofe  parts  of  the 
globe    with    which    mankind    were    then    unac- 
quainted, not  only  improved  and  extended  the 
art  of  navigation,  but  roufed  fuch  a  fpirit  of  CU- 
rioiity  and  enterprize,  as  led  to  the  difcovery  of 
the  New  World,   of  which  1  propofe  to  write 
the  hiilory,  it  is  neceflary  to  take  a  full  view  of 
the  rife,  the  progrefs,  and'fuccefs  of  their  va- 
rious naval  operations.      It  was  in  this  fchool 
that  the  difcoverer  of  America  was  trained  ;  and 
unlefs  we  trace  the  fteps  by  which  his  inilruct.ors 
and  guides  advanced,  it  will  be  impollible  to  com- 
prehend the  circumflances  which  fuggefted  the 
idea,  or  facilitated  the  execution  of  his  great 
deiign. 

Various  circumftances  prompted  the  Portu- 
guefe to  exert  their  activity  in  this  new  direc- 
tion, and  enabled  them  to  accomplim  undertak- 
ings 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  45 

Jngs  apparently  fuperior  to  the  natural  force  of 
their  monarchy.  The  kings  of  Portugal,  hav- 
ing driven  the  Moors  out  of  their  dominions,  had 
acquired  power,  as  well  as  glory,  by  the  fucccfs 
of  their  arms  againil  the  infidels.  By  their  vic- 
tories over  them,  they  had  extended  the  royal 
authority  beyond  the  narrow  limits  within  which 
it  was  originally  circumfcribcd  in  Portugal,  as 
well  as  in  other  feudal  kingdoms.  They  had 
the  command  of  the  national  force,  could  roufe 
it  to  act  with  united  vigour,  and,  after  the  ex- 
pulfion  of  the  Moors,  could  employ  it  without 
dread  of  interruption  from  any  domeilic  enemy. 
By  the  perpetual  hoftilities  carried  on  for  feveral 
centuries  againft  the  Mahometans,  the  martial 
and  adventurous  fpirit  which  diftinguifhed  ail  the 
European  nations  during  the  middle  ages,  was 
improved  and  heightened  among  the  Portuguefe. 
A  fierce  civil  war  towards  the  clofe  of  the  four- 
teenth century,  occafioned  by  a  difputed  fuccef- 
fion,  augmented  the  military  ardour  of  the  na- 
tion, and  formed  or  called  forth  men  of  fuch 
active  and  daring  genius,  as  are  fit  for  bold  un- 
dertakings. The  lituation  of  the  kingdom, 
i  bounded  on  every  fide  by  the  dominions  of  a 
more  powerful  neighbour,  did  not  afford  free 
fcope  to  the  activity  of  the  Portuguefe  by  land, 
as  the  ftrength  of  their  monarchy  was  no  match 
for  that  of  Caftile.  But  Portugal  was  a  mari- 
time ftate,  in  which  there  were  many  commo- 
dious harbours ;  the  people  had  begun  to  make 
fome  progrefs  in  the  knowledge  and  practice  of 
navigation  ;  and  the  fea  was  open  to  them,  pre- 
fenting  the  only  field  of  enterprise  in  which  they 
£Ould  diitinguifh  themfelves. 

h  2  Such 


46  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.I* 

Such  was  the  ftate  of  Portugal,  and  fuch  the 
difpofition  of  the  people,  when  John  I.  furnamed 
the  Baftard,  obtained  fecure  pofleflion  of  the 
crown  by  the  peace  concluded  with  Caftile,  in 
the  year  one  thoufand  four  hundred  and  eleven. 
He  was  a  prince  of  great  merit,  who,  by  fupe* 
rior  courage  had  abilities,  and  opened  his  way 
to  a  throne,  which  of  right  did  not  belong  to 
him.  He  inftantly  perceived  that  it  would  be 
impoflible  to  preferve  public  order,  or  dome  (lie 
tranquillity,  without  finding  fome  employment 
for  the  reftlefs  fpirit  of  his  fubjec~T.s.  With  this 
view  he  afTembled  a  numerous  fleet  at  Lifbon, 
compofed  of  all  the  fhips  which  he  could  fit  out 
in  his  own  kingdom,  and  of  many  hired  from 
foreigners.  This  great  armament  was  deftined 
to  attack  the  Moors  fettled  on  the  coaft  of  Bar- 
bary  [141 2].  While  it  was  equipping,  a  few 
veflels  were  appointed  to  fail  along  the  weftera 
fhore  of  Africa  bounded  by  the  Atlantic  ocean, 
and  to  difcover  the  unknown  countries  fituated 
there.  From  this  inconfiderable  attempt,  we 
may  date  the  commencement  of  that  fpirit  of 
difcovery,  which  opened  the  barriers  that  had 
fo  long  fhut  out  mankind  from  the  knowledge  of 
one  half  of  the  terreflrial  globe. 

At  the  time  when  John  fent  forth  thefe  fhips 
on  this  new  voyage,  the  art  of  navigation  was 
itill  very  imperfect.  Though  Africa  lay  fo  near 
to  Portugal,  and  the  fertility  of  the  countries 
already  known  on  that  continent  invited  men  to 
explore  it  more  fully,  the  Portuguefe  had  never 
ventured  to  fail  beyond  Cape  Non.  That  pro- 
montory, as  its  name  imports,  was  hitherto  con- 
fidered  as  a  boundary  which  could  not  be  pafled. 

But 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  47. 

But  the  nations  of  Europe  had  now  acquired  as 
much  knowledge,  as  emboldened  them  to  difre- 
gard  the  prejudices  and  to  correct  the  errors  of 
their  anceftors.  The  long  reign  of  ignorance, 
the  conilant  enemy  of  every  curious  inquiry,  and 
of  every  new  undertaking,  was  approaching  to 
its  period.  The  light  of  fcience  began  to  dawn. 
The  works  of  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Romans 
began  to  be  read  with  admiration  and  profit. 
The  fciences  cultivated  by  the  Arabians  were 
introduced  into  Europe  by  the  Moors  fettled  in 
Spain  and  Portugal,  and  by  the  Jews,  who  were 
very  numerous  in  both  thefe  kingdoms.  Geo- 
metry, ailronomy,  and  geography,  the  fciences 
on  which  the  art  of  navigation  is  founded,  be- 
came objects  of  iludious  attention.  The  me- 
mory of  the  difcoveries  made  by  the  ancients 
was  revived,  and  the  progrefs  of  their  navigation 
and  commerce  began  to  be  traced.  Some  of  the 
caufes  which  have  obilru&ed  the  cultivation  of 
fcience  in  Portugal,  during  this  century  and  the 
laft,  did  not  exift,  or  did  not  operate  in  the  fame 
manner,  in  the  fifteenth  century  t ;  and  the  Por- 
tuguefe,  at  that  period,  feem  to  have  kept  pace 
with  other  nations  on  this  fide  the  Alps  in  literary 
purfuits. 

As  the  genius  of  the  age  favoured  the  execu- 
tion of  that  new  undertaking,  to  which  the  pe- 
culiar ftate  of  the  country  invited  the  Portuguefe, 
it  proved  fuccefsful.  The  veffels  fent  on  the  dif- 
covery  doubled  that  formidable  cape*  which  had 
terminated  the  progrefs  of  former  navigators,  and 
proceeded  a  hundred  and  fixty  miles  beyond  it, 

*  See  Note  IX. 

H3  to 


48  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  |« 

to  Cape  Bojador.  As  its  rocky  cliffs,  which 
ftretched  a  confiderable  way  into  the  Atlantic, 
appeared  more  dreadful  than  the  promontory 
which  they  had  paiTed,  the  Portuguefe  com- 
manders durft  not  attempt  to  fail  round  it,  but 
returned  to  Lifbon,  more  fatisfied  with  having 
advanced  fo  far,  than  amamed  of  having  ven- 
tured no  farther. 

Inconfiderable  as  this  voyage  was,  it  increaferl 
the  pafhon  for  difcovery,  which  began  to  arife 
in  Portugal.  The  fortunate  iffue  of  the  king's  ex- 
pedition againfl  the  Moors  of  Barbary  [1417], 
added  ftrength  to  that  fpirit  in  the  nation,  and 
pufhed  it  on  to  new  undertakings.  In  order  to 
render  thefe  fuccefsful,  it  was  necefTary  that  they 
mould  be  conducted  by  a  perfon  who  poffefled 
abilities  capable  of  difcerning  what  was  attain- 
able, who  enjoyed  leifure  to  form  a  regular 
fyftem  for  profecuting  difcovery,  and  who  was 
animated  with  ardour  that  would  perfevere  in 
fpite  of  obllacles  and  repulfes.  Happily  for 
Portugal,  fhe  found  all  thofe  qualities  in  Henry 
duke  of  Vifeo,  the  fourth  fon  of  king  John  by 
Philippa  of  Lancafter,  fifter  of  Henry  IV.  king 
of  England.  That  prince,  in  his  early  youth, 
having  accompanied  his  father  in  his  expedition 
to  Barbary,  diftinguifhed  himfelf  by  many  deeds 
of  valour.  To  the  martial  fpirit,  which  was  the 
characteriftic  of  every  man  of  noble  birth  at  that 
time,  he  added  all  the  accomplifhments  of  a  more 
enlightened  and  polifhed  age.  He  cultivated  the 
arts  and  fciences,  which  were  then  unknown  and 
defpifed  by  perfons  of  his  rank.  He  applied 
with  peculiar  fondnefs  to  the  ftudy  of  geogra- 
phy ;  and  by  the  inftru&ion  of  able  mailers,  as 

well 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  49 

well  as  by  the  accounts  of  travellers,  he  early  ac- 
quired fuch  knowledge  of  the  habitable  globe,  as 
difcovered  the  great  probability  of  finding  new 
and  opulent  countries,  by  failing  along  the  coafl 
of  Africa.  Such  an  object  was  formed  to  awaken 
the  enthufiafm  and  ardour  of  a  youthful  mind, 
and  he  efpoufed  with  the  utmoil  zeal  the  pa- 
tronage of  a  defign  which  might  prove  as  bene- 
ficial, as  it  appeared  to  be  fplendid  and  honour- 
able. In  order  that  he  might  purfue  this  great 
fcheme  without  interruption,  he  retired  from 
court  immediately  after  his  return  from  Africa, 
and  fixed  his  refidence  at  Sagres,  near  Cape  St. 
Vincent,  where  the  profpec\  of  the  Atlantic 
ocean  invited  his  thoughts  continually  towards 
his  favourite  project,  and  encouraged  him  to  ex- 
ecute it.  In  this  retreat  he  was  attended  by 
fome  of  the  moll  learned  men  in  his  country, 
who  aided  him  in  his  refearches.  He  applied  for 
information  to  the  Moors  of  Barbary,  who  were 
accuftomed  to  travel  by  land  into  the  interior 
provinces  of  Africa,  in  quell  of  ivory,  gold-duft, 
and  other  rich  commodities.  He  confulted  the 
Jews  fettled  in  Portugal.  By  promifes,  rewards, 
and  marks  of  refpecl,  he  allured  into  his  fervice 
feveral  perfons,  foreigners  as  well  as  Portuguefe, 
who  were  eminent  for  their  fkill  in  navigation. 
In  taking  thofe  preparatory  Heps,  the  great  abi- 
lities of  the  prince  were  feconded  by  his  private 
virtues.  His  integrity,  his  affability,  his  refpect. 
for  religion,  his  zeal  for  the  honour  of  his  coun- 
try, engaged  perfons  of  all  ranks  to  applaud  his 
defign,  and  to  favour  the  execution  of  it.  His 
fchemes  were  allowed  by  the  greater  part  of 
his  countrymen  to  proceed  neither  from  ambition 

nor 


JO  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  1. 

nor  the  defire  of  wealth,  but  to  flow  from  the 
warm  benevolence  of  a  heart  eager  to  promote 
the  happinefs  of  mankind,  and  which  juftly  en- 
titled him  to  affume  a  motto  for  his  device,  that 
defcribed  the  quality,  by  which  he  wifhed  to  be 
diftinguifhed,  the  talent  of  doing  good* 

His  firft  effort,  as  is  ufual  at  the  commence- 
ment of  any  new  undertaking,  was  extremely 
inconfiderable  He  fitted  out  a  fingle  fhip 
[141 8],  and  giving  the  command  of  it  to  John 
Gonzalez  Zarco  and  Triftan  Vaz,  two  gentle- 
men of  his  houfehold,  who  voluntarily  offered  to 
conduct  the  enterprize,  he  inftructed  them  to  ufe 
their  utmoft  efforts  to  double  Cape  Bojador,  and 
thence  to  fleer  towards  the  fouth.  They,  ac- 
cording to  the  mode  of  navigation  which  flill 
prevailed,  held  their  courfe  along  the  more  ;  and 
by  following  that  direction,  they  mull  have  en- 
countered almofl  infuperable  difficulties  in  at- 
tempting to  pafs  Cape  Bojador.  But  fortune 
came  in  aid  to  their  want  of  fkill,  and  prevented 
the  voyage  from  being,  altogether  fruitlefs.  A 
fudden  fquall  of  wind  arofe,  drove  them  out  to 
fea,  and  when  they  expected  every  moment  to 
perifh,  landed  them  on  an  unknown  ifland,  which 
from  their  happy  efcape  they  named  Porto  Santo. 
In  the  infancy  of  navigation,  the  difcovery  of 
this  fmall  ifland  appeared  a  matter  of  fuch  mo- 
ment, that  they  inftantly  returned  to  Portugal 
with  the  good  tidings,  and  were  received  by 
Henry  with  the  applaufe  and  honour  due  to  fortu- 
nate adventurers.  This  faint  dawn  of  fuccefs  filled 
a  mind  ardent  in  the  purfuit  of  a  favourite  object 
with  fuch  fanguine  hopes  as  were  fufficient  in- 
citements   to   proceed.       Next   year    [14T9], 

Z  Henry 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  $t 

Henry  fent  out  three  fhips  under  the  fame 
commanders,  to  whom  he  joined  Bartholomew 
Pereftrello,  in  order  to  take  poffeflion  of  the 
ifland  which  they  had  difcovered.  When  they 
began  to  fettle  in  Porto  Santo,  they  obferved 
towards  the  fouth  a  fixed  fpot  in  the  horizon 
like  a  fmall  black  cloud.  By  degrees,  they 
were  led  to  conjecture  that  it  might  be  land, 
and  fleering  towards  it,  they  arrived  at  a  con- 
fiderable  ifland,  uninhabited  and  covered  with 
wood,  which  on  that  account  they  called 
Madeira  u.  As  it  was  Henry's  chief  object  to 
render  his  difcoveries  ufeful  to  his  country,  he 
immediately  equipped  a  fleet  to  carry  a  colony 
of  Portuguefe  to  thefe  iflands  [1420].  By 
his  provident  care,  they  were  furnifhed  not  only 
with  the  feeds,  plants,  and  domeflic  animals  com- 
mon in  Europe ;  but  as  he  forefaw  that  the 
warmth  of  the  climate  and  fertility  of  the  foil 
would  prove  favourable  to  the  rearing  of  other 
productions,  he  procured  flips  of  the  vine  from 
the  ifland  of  Cyprus,  the  rich  wines  of  which 
were  then  in  great  requeft,  and  plants  of  the 
fugar-cane  from  Sicily,  into  which  it  had  been 
lately  introduced.  Thefe  throve  fo  profperoufly 
in  this  new  country,  that  the  benefit  of  cultivating 
them  was  immediately  perceived,  and  the  fugar 
and  wine  of  Madeira  quickly  became  articles  of 
fome  confequence  in  the  commerce  of  Por- 
tugal x. 

As  foon  as  the  advantages  derived  from  this 
firft  fettlement  to  the  wed  of  the  European  con- 

u  Hiftorical  Relation  of  the  firft  Difcovery  of  Madeira, 

tranflated  from  the  Portuguefe  of  Fran.  Alcafarma,  p.  1 5,  &c. 

*  Lud.  Guicciardini  Defcrkt.  de  Paefi  Baffi,  p.  18:,  181. 

tinent 


J2  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  I* 

tinent  began  to  be  felt,  the  fpirit  of  difco very- 
appeared  lefs  chimerical,  and  became  more  ad- 
venturous. By  their  voyages  to  Madeira,  the 
Portuguefe  were  gradually  accuftomed  to  a  bolder 
navigation,  and  inftead  of  creeping  fervilely  along 
the  coaft,  ventured  into  the  open  fea.  In  con- 
fequence  of  taking  this  courfe,  Gilianez,  who 
commanded  one  of  prince  Henry's  (hips,  doubled 
Cape  Bojador  [1433],  the  boundary  of  the  Por- 
tuguefe navigation  upwards  of  twenty  years,  and 
which  had  hitherto  been  deemed  unpaflable. 
This  fuccefsful  voyage,  which  the  ignorance  of 
the  age  placed  on  a  level  with  the  moft  famous 
exploits  recorded  in  hiftory,  opened  a  new  fphere 
to  navigation,  as  it  difcovered  the  vaft  continent 
of  Africa,  ftill  warned  by  the  Atlantic  ocean, 
and  flretching  towards  the  fouth.  Part  of  this 
was  foon  explored  ;  the  Portuguefe  advanced 
within  the  tropics,  and  in  the  fpace  of  a  few  years 
they  difcovered  the  river  Senegal,  and  all  the 
coaft  extending  from  Cape  Blanco  to  Cape  de 
Verd. 

Hitherto  the  Portuguefe  had  been  guided  in 
their  difcoveries,  or  encouraged  to  attempt  them, 
by  the  light  and  information  which  they  received 
from  the  works  of  the  ancient  mathematicians 
and  geographers.  But,  when  they  began  to  enter 
the  torrid  zone,  the  notion  which  prevailed 
among  the  ancients,  that  the  heat,  which  reigned 
perpetually  there,  was  fo  exceflive  as  to  render 
it  uninhabitable,  deterred  them,  for  fome  time, 
from  proceeding.  Their  own  obfervations,  when 
they  firft  ventured  into  this  unknown  and  for- 
midable region,  tended  to  confirm  the  opinion 
of  antiquity  concerning  the  violent  operation  of 

the 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  53 

the  direct  rays  of  the  fun.     As  far  as  the  river 
Senegal,  the  Portuguefe  had  found  the  coaft  of 
Africa  inhabited  by  people  nearly  refembling  the 
Moors  of  Barbary.     When  they  advanced  to  the 
fouth  of  that  river,  the  human  form  feemed  to 
put  on  a  new  appearance.     They  beheld  men 
with  fkins  black  as  ebony,  with  fliort  curled  hair, 
flat  nofes,  thick  lips,  and  all  the  peculiar  features 
which  are  now  known  to  dillinguifh  the  race  of 
negroes.     This  furp riling  alteration  they  natu- 
rally attributed  to  the  influence  of  heat,   and  if 
they  mould  advance  nearer  to  the  line,  they  be- 
gan to  dread  that  its  efte&s  would  be  ftill  more 
violent.     Thofe  dangers  were  exaggerated,  and 
mAny  other  objections  againil  attempting  farther 
difcoveries  were  propofed  by  fome  of  the  gran- 
dees, who,  from  ignorance,   from  envy,  or  from 
that  cold  timid  prudence  which  rejedls  whatever 
has  the  air  of  novelty  or  enterprize,  had  hitherto 
condemned  all  prince  Henry's  fchemes.     They 
reprefented,  that  ii  was  altogether  chimerical  to 
expect  any  advantage  from  countries  fituateu  in 
that  region  which  the  wifdom  and  experience  of 
antiquity  had  pronounced  to  be  unfit  for   the 
habitation  of  men  ;  that  their  forefathers,  fatif- 
fied  with  cultivating  the  territory  which  Provi- 
dence  had   allotted  them,    did   not  wafte   the 
ftrength  of  the  kingdom  by  fruitlefs    projects, 
in  queft  of  new  fettlements  ;    that  Portugal  was 
I  already  exhaufted  by  the  expence  of  attempts  to 
difcover  lands  which  either   did   not   exift,  or 
which  nature  deftined  to  remain  unknown  ;  and 
was  drained  of  men,  who  might  have  been  em- 
ployeaTuTundertakings  attended  with  more  cer- 
tain fuccefs,  and  produ&ive  of  greater  benefit. 

But 


54  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  I. 

But  neither  their  appeal  to  the  authority  of  the 
ancients,  nor  their  reafonings  concerning  the 
interefts  of  Portugal,  made  any  impreiTion  upon 
the  determined  philofophic  mind  of  prince  Hen- 
ry. The  difcoveries  which  he  had  already  made 
convinced  him  that  the  ancients  had  little  more 
than  a  conjectural  knowledge  of  the  torrid  zone. 
He  was  no  lefs  fatisfied  that  the  political  argu- 
ments of  his  opponents  with  refpeel:  to  the  inte- 
reft  of  Portugal  were  malevolent  and  ill  founded. 
In  thofe  fentiments  he  was  ftrenuoufly  fupported 
by  his  brother  Pedro,  who  governed  the  king- 
dom as  guardian  of  their  nephew  Alphonfo  V. 
who  had  fucceeded  to  the  throne  during  his 
minority  [1438]  ;  and,  inftead  of  ilackening  his 
efforts,  Henry  continued  to  purfue  his  difcoveries 
with  frefh  ardour. 

But,  in  order  to  filence  all  the  murmurs  of 
oppofition,  he  endeavoured  to  obtain  the  fanclion 
of  the  highefl  authority  in  favour  of  his  opera- 
tions. With  this  view,  he  applied  to  the  pope, 
and  reprefented,  in  pompous  terms,  the  pious  and 
unwearied  zeal  with  which  he  had  exerted  him- 
felf  during  twenty  years,  in  difcovering  unknown 
countries,  the  wretched  inhabitants  of  which 
were  utter  ftrangers  to  true  religion,  wandering 
in  heathen  darknefs,  or  led  aftray  by  the  delufions 
of  Mahomet.  He  befought  the  holy  father,  to 
whom,  as  the  vicar  of  Chrift,  all  the  kingdoms 
of  the  earth  were  fubjecl:,  to  confer  on  the  crown 
of  Portugal  a  right  to  all  the  countries  poffelTed 
by  infidels,  which  mould  be  difcovered  by  the 
induilry  of  its  fubjec~rs,  and  fubdued  by  the 
force  of  its  arms.  He  intreated  him  to  enjoin 
all  Chrift  ian  powers,  under  the  highefl  penalties, 

not 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OP    AMERICA.  5£ 

not  to  moleft  Portugal  while  engaged  in  this 
laudable  enterprize,  and  to  prohibit  them  from 
fettling  in  any  of  the  countries  which  the  Portu- 
guefe  mould  difcover.  He  promifed  that,  in  all 
their  expeditions,  it  mould  be  the  chief  object 
of  his  countrymen  to  fpread  the  knowledge  of 
the  Chriiiian  religion,  to  eftablifh  the  authority 
of  the  holy  fee,  and  to  increafe  the  flock  of  the 
univerfal  parlor.  As  it  was  by  improving  with 
dexterity  every  favourable  conjuncture  for  acquir- 
ing new  powers,  that  the  court  of  Rome  had 
gradually  extended  its  ufurpations,  Eugene  IV. 
the  pontiff  to  whom  this  application  was  madey 
eagerly  feized  the  opportunity  which  now  pre- 
fented  itfelf.  He  inflantly  perceived,  that  by 
complying  with  prince  Henry's  requeft,  he  might 
exerciie  a  prerogative  no  lefs  flattering  in  its  own 
nature,  than  likely  to  prove  beneficial  in  its  con- 
fequences.  A  bull  was  accordingly  iffued,  in 
which,  after  applauding  in  the  ftrongeft  terms 
the  pafl  efforts  of  the  Portuguefe,  and  exhorting 
them  to  proceed  in  that  laudable  career  on 
which  they  had  entered,  he  granted  them  an 
excluiive  right  to  all  the  countries  which  they 
mould  difcover,  from  Cape  Non  to  the  continent 
of  India. 

Extravagant  as  this  donation,  comprehending 
fuch  a  large  portion  of  the  habitable  globe,  would 
now  appear  even  in  catholic  countries,  no  perfon 
in  the  fifteenth  century  doubted  that  the  pope, 
in  the  plenitude  of  his  apoftolic  power,  had 
a  right  to  confer  it.  Prince  Henry  was  foon 
ifeniible  of  the  advantages  which  he  derived  from 
this  tranfa&ion.  His  fchemes  were  authorifed 
and  fandtified  by  the  bull  approving  of  them. 

vol.  i,  i  The 


56  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  I 

The  fpirit  of  difcovery  was  connected  with  zeal 
for  religion,  which,  in  that  age,  was  a  principle 
of  fiich  activity  and  vigour,  as  to  influence  the 
conduct  of  nations.  All  ChrilUan  princes  were 
deterred  from  intruding  into  thofe  countries 
which  the  Portuguefe  had  difcovered,  or  from 
interrupting  the  progrefs  of  their  navigation  and 
conquefts  y. 

The  fame  of  the  Portuguefe  voyages  foon 
fpread  over  Europe.  Men,  long  accuftomed  to 
circumfcribe  the  activity  and  knowledge  of  the 
human  mind  within  the  limits  to  which  they 
had  been  hitherto  confined,  were  aftonifhed  to 
behold  the  fphere  of  navigation  fo  fuddenly  en- 
larged, and  a  profpect  opened  of  vifiting  regions 
of  the  globe,  the  exiflence  of  which  was  unknown 
in  former  times.  The  learned  and  fpeculative 
reafoned  and  formed  theories  concerning  thofe 
unexpected  difcoveries.  The  vulgar  inquired  and 
wondered  ;  while  enterpriiing  adventurers  crowd- 
ed from  every  part  of  Europe,  foliciting  prince 
Henry  to  employ  them  in  this  honourable  fervice. 
Many  Venetians  and  Genoefe,  in  particular,  who 
were,  at  that  time,  fuperior  to  all  other  nations 
in  the  fcience  of  naval  affairs,  entered  aboard 
the  Portuguefe  mips,  and  acquired  a  more  perfect 
and  exteniive  knowledge  of  their  profemon  in 
that  new  fchool  of  navigation.  In  emulation  of 
thefe  foreigners,  the  Portuguefe  exerted  their 
own  talents.  The  nation  feconded  the  defigns 
of  the  prince.  Private  merchants  formed  com- 
panies [1446],  with  a  view  to  fearch  for  un- > 
known  countries.     The  Cape  de  Verd  iflands, 

7  See  Note  X. 

which  * 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  57 

which  lie  off  the  promontory  of  that  name,  were 
difcovered  [1449],  and  foon  after  the  ifles  called 
the  Azores.  As  the  former  of  thefe  are  above 
three  hundred  miles  from  the  African  coaft,  and 
the  latter  nine  hundred  miles  from  any  continent, 
it  is  evident,  by  their  venturing  fo  boldly  into  the 
open  feas,  that  the  Portuguefe  had,  by  this  time, 
improved  greatly  in  the  art  of  navigation. 

While  the  paifion  for  engaging  in  new  under- 
takings was  thus  warm  and  afiive,  it  received  an 
unfortunate  check  by  the  death  of  prince  Henry, 
whofe  fuperior  knowledge  had  hitherto  directed 
all  the  operations  of  the  difcoverers,  and  whofe 
patronage  had  encouraged  and  protected  them. 
But  notwithstanding  all  the  advantages  which 
they  derived  from  thefe,  the  Portuguefe,  during 
his  life,  did  not  advance,  in  their  utmofl  pro- 
grefs  towards  the  fouth,  within  five  degrees  of 
the  equinodiial  line  ;  and,  after  their  continued 
exertions  for  half  a  century  [from  141 2  to  1463  ] , 
hardly  fifteen  hundred  miles  of  the  coaft  of 
Africa  were  difcovered.  To  an  age  acquainted 
with  the  efforts  of  navigation  in  its  Hate  of  ma- 
turity and  improvement,  thofe  effays  of  its  early 
years  muft  neceffarily  appear  feeble  and  unfkil- 
ful.  But,  inconfiderable  as  they  may  be  deemed, 
they  were  fufficient  to  turn  the  curiofity  of  the 
European  nations  into  a  new  channel,  to  excite 
an  enterpriling  fpirit,  and  to  point  the  way  to 
future  difcoveries. 

Alphonfo,  who  poffefTed  the  throne  of  Portu- 
gal at  the  time  of  prince  Henry's  death,  was  fo 
much  engaged  in  fupporting  his  own  pretentions 
to  the  crown  of  Caftile,  or  in  carrying  on  his 
expeditions  againlt  the  Moors  in  Barbary,  that 
1  2  the 


5?>  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  I. 

the  force  of  his  kingdom  being  exerted  in  other 
operations,  he  could  not  profecute  the  difcoveries 
in  Africa  with  ardour.  He  committed  the  con- 
duel:  of  them  to  Fernando  Gomez,  a  merchant 
in  Lifbon,  to  whom  he  granted  an  exclufive 
right  of  commerce  with  all  the  countries  of 
which  prince  Henry  had  taken  poflefiion.  Under 
the  reftraint  and  oppreflion  of  a  monopoly,  the 
fpirit  of  difcovery  languifhed.  It  ceafed  to  be 
a  national  object,  and  became  the  concern  of 
a  private  man,  more  attentive  to  his  own  gain,  i 
than  to  the  glory  of  his  country.  Some  pro- 
grefs,  however,  was  made.  The  Portuguefe 
ventured  at  length  to  crofs  the  line  [1471], 
and,  to  their  aftonifhment,  found  that  region  of 
the  torrid  zone,  which  was  fuppofed  to  be 
fcorched  with  intolerable  heat,  to  be  not  only 
habitable,  but  populous  and  fertile. 

John  II.  who  fucceeded  his  father  Alphonfo 
[1481],  poffefTed  talents  capable  both  of  form- 
ing and  executing  great  defigns.  As  part  of 
his  revenues,  while  prince,  had  arifen  from  duties 
on  the  trade  with  the  newly-difcovered  countries, 
this  naturally  turned  his  attention  towards  them, 
and  fatisfied  him  with  refpedr.  to  their  utility  and 
importance.  In  proportion  as  his  knowledge  of 
thefe  countries  extended,  the  poffemon  of  them 
apppeared  to  be  of  greater  confequence.  While 
the  Portuguefe  proceeded  along  the  coaft  of 
Africa,  from  Cape  Non  to  the  river  of  Senegal, 
they  found  all  that  extenfive  tract  to  be  fandy, 
barren,  and  thinly  inhabited  by  a  wretched  peo- 
ple, profefling  the  Mahometan  religion,  and  fub- 
jedfc  to  the  vail  empire  of  Morocco.  But  to  the 
fbuth  of  that  river,   the  power  and  religion  of 

the 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  59 

the  Mahometans  were  unknown.  The  country- 
was  divided  into  fmall  independent  principalities, 
the  population  was  confiderable,  the  foil  fertile  z, 
and  the  Portuguefe  foon  difcovered  that  it  pro- 
duced ivory,  rich  gums,  gold,  and  other  valuable 
commodities.  By  the  acquifition  of  thefe,  com- 
merce was  enlarged,  and  became  more  adventu- 
rous. Men,  animated  and  rendered  active  by  the 
certain  profpecl:  of  gain,  purfued  difcovery  with 
greater  eagernefs,  than  when  they  were  excited 
only  by  curiofity  and  hope. 

This  fpirit  derived  no  fmall  reinforcement  of 
vigour  from  the  countenance  of  fuch  a  monarch 
as  John.  Declaring  himfelf  the  patron  of  every 
attempt  towards  difcovery,  he  promoted  it  with 
all  the  ardour  of  his  grand-uncle  prince  Henry, 
and  with  fuperior  power.  The  effects  of  this 
were  immediately  felt.  A  powerful  fleet  was 
fitted  out  [1484],  which,  after  difcovering  the 
kingdoms  of  Benin  and  Congo,  advanced  above 
fifteen  hundred  miles  beyond  the  line,  and  the 
Portuguefe,  for  the  firft  time,  beheld  a  new 
heaven,  and  obferved  the  ftars  of  another  hemi- 
fphere.  John  was  not  only  folicitous  to  difcover, 
but  attentive  to  fecure  the  poffeflion  of  thofe 
countries.  He  built  forts  on  the  coaft  of  Guinea  ; 
he  fent  out  colonies  to  fettle  there  ;  he  eftablifhed 
a  commercial  intercourfe  with  the  more  power- 
ful kingdoms  ;  he  endeavoured  to  render  fuch  as 
were  feeble  or  divided,  tributary  to  the  crown  of 
Portugal.  Some  of  the  petty  princes  voluntarily 
acknowledged    themfelves  his   vaffals.      Others 

*  Navigatio  Aloyfii  Cadamufti  apud  Novum  Orbem  Gry- 
naei,  p.  2.  18.  Navigat.  all  Ifola  di  San  Tome  per  un  Pi- 
lotto  Portugh.     Ramufio,  i.115. 

1  3  were 


60  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  R.  I, 

were  compelled  to  do  fo  by  force  of  arms.  A 
regular  and  well-digefted  fyflem  was  formed  with 
refpect.  to  this  new  object  of  policy,  and  by 
firmly  adhering  to  it,  the  Portuguefe  power  and 
commerce  in  Africa  were  eftablifhed  upon  a  folid 
foundation. 

By  their  conftant  intercourfe  with  the  people 
of  Africa,  the  Portuguefe  gradually  acquired 
fome  knowledge  of  thofe  parts  of  that  country 
which  they  had  not  vifited.  The  information 
which  they  received  from  the  natives,  added  to 
what  they  had  obferved  in  their  own  voyages, 
began  to  open  profpe&s  more  extenfive,  and  to 
fugged  the  idea  of  fchemes  more  important,  than 
thole  which  had  hitherto  allured  and  occupied 
them.  They  had  detected  the  error  of  the 
ancients  concerning  the  nature  of  the  torrid 
zone.  They  found,  as  they  proceeded  fouth- 
wards,  that  the  continent  of  Africa,  inftead  of 
extending  in  breadth,  according  to  the  doctrine 
of  Ptolemy  a,  at  that  time  the  oracle  and  guide  of 
the  learned  in  the  fcience  of  geography,  appeared 
fenfibly  to  contract  itfelf,  and  to  bend  towards 
the  eait.  This  induced  them  to  give  credit  to 
the  accounts  of  the  ancient  Phenician  voyages 
round  Africa,  which  had  long  been  deemed 
fabulous,  and  led  them  to  conceive  hopes  that 
by  following  the  fame  route,  they  might  arrive 
at  the  Eait  Indies,  and  engrofs  that  commerce 
which  has  been  the  fource  of  wealth  and  power 
to  every  nation  poffeffed  of  it.  The  comprehen- 
five  genius  of  prince  Henry,  as  we  may  conjec- 
ture from  the  words  of  the  pope's  bull,  had  early 

a  Vide  Nov.  Orbis  kTabul.  Geograph.  fecund,  Ptolem. 
Amft.  1730, 

formed   J 


a.   I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  6l 

formed  fome  idea  of  this  navigation.  But  though 
his  countrymen,  at  that  period,  were  incapable 
of  conceiving  the  extent  of  his  views  and  fchemes, 
all  the  Portuguefe  mathematicians  and  pilots 
now  concurred  in  reprefenting  them  as  well- 
founded  and  practicable.  The  king  entered  with 
warmth  into  their  fentiments,  and  began  to 
concert  meafures  for  this  arduous  and  important 
voyage. 

Before  his  preparations  for  this  expedition 
were  finifhed,  accounts  were  tranfmitted  from 
Africa,  that  various  nations  along  the  coaft  had 
mentioned  a  mighty  kingdom  fituated  on  their 
continent,  at  a  great  diftance  towards  the  eaft, 
the  king  of  which,  according  to  their  defcrip- 
tion,  profeffed  the  Chriftian  religion.  The  Por. 
tuguefe  monarch  immediately  concluded,  that  this 
mull  be  the  emperor  of  Abyflmia,  to  whom  the 
Europeans,  feduced  by  a  miftake  of  Rubruquis, 
Marco  Polo,  and  other  travellers  to  the  eaft, 
abfurdly  gave  the  name  of  Prefter  or  Prefbyter 
John  ;  and  as  he  hoped  to  receive  information 
and  afliftance  from  a  Chriftian  prince,  in  profe- 
cuting  a  fcheme  that  tended  to  propagate  their 
common  faith,  he  refolved  to,  open,  if  poffible, 
fome  intercourfe  with  his  court.  With  this 
view,  he  made  choice  of  Pedro  de  Covillam  and 
Alphonfo  de  Payva,  who  were  perfect  mailers 
of  the  Arabic  language,  and  fent  them  into  the 
eaft,  to  fearch  for  the  refidence  of  this  unknown 
potentate,  and  to  make  him  proffers  of  friendmip. 
They  had  in  charge  likewife  to  procure  what- 
ever intelligence  the  nations  which  they  vifited 
could  fupply,  with  refped  to  the  trade  of  In- 
dia, 


62  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.I. 

dia,  and  the  courfe  of  navigation  to  that  con- 
tinent b. 

While  John  made  this  new  attempt  by  land, 
to  obtain  fome  knowledge  of  the  country,  which 
he  wifhed  fo  ardently  to  difcover,  he  did  not 
neglect  the  profecution  of  this  great  defign  by 
fea.  The  conduct  of  a  voyage  for  this  purpofe 
[i486],  the  moft  arduous  and  important  which 
the  Portuguefe  had  ever  projected,  was  com- 
mitted to  Bartholomew  Diaz,  an  officer  whofe 
fagacity,  experience,  and  fortitude  rendered  him 
equal  to  the  undertaking.  He  ftretched  boldly 
towards  the  fouth,  and  proceeding  beyond  the 
utmoft  limits  to  which  his  countrymen  had  hi- 
therto advanced,  difcovered  near  a  thoufand 
miles  of  new  country.  Neither  the  danger  to 
which  he  was  expofed,  by  a  fucceflion  of  violent 
tempefts  in  unknown  feas,  and  by  the  frequent 
mutinies  of  his  crew,  nor  the  calamities  of  famine 
which  he  fuffered  from  lofing  his  ftore-fhip,  could 
deter  him  from  profecuting  his  enterprize.  In 
rccompence  of  his  labours  and  perfeverance, 
he  at  laft  defcried  that  lofty  promontory  which 
bounds  Africa  to  the  fouth.  But  to  defcry  it, 
was  all  that  he  had  in  his  power  to  accomplifh. 
The  violence  of  the  winds,  the  mattered  con- 
dition of  his  mips,  and  the  turbulent  fpirit  of 
his  failors,  compelled  him  to  return,  after  a 
voyage  of  fixteen  months,  in  which  he  difco- 
vered a  far  greater  extent  of  country  than  any 
former  navigator.  Diaz  had  called  the  promon- 
tory which  terminated  his  voyage  Cabo  Tormen- 
tofo,   or  the  ftormy  Cape ;   but   the   king,   his 

b  Faria  y  Soufa  Port.  Afia,  vol.  i.   p.  26.     Lafitau    De- 
couv.  tie  Port.  i.  46. 

mailer, 


B.  I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  6$ 

mailer,  as  he  now  entertained  no  doubt  of 
having  found  the  long  defired  route  to  India, 
gave  it  a  name  more  inviting,  and  of  better  omen, 
The  Cape  of  Good  Hope  c. 

Thofe  fanguine   expectations  of  fuccefs  were 
confirmed  by  the  intelligence  which  John  received 
over  land,  in  confequence  of  his  embaify  to  Abyf- 
fmia.     Covillam  and  Payva,  in  obedience  to  their 
matter's   inft.ru6t.ions,     had  repaired   to    Grand 
Cairo.     From  that   city,   they  travelled   along 
with  a  caravan  of  Egyptian  merchants,  and  em- 
barking on  the    Red  Sea,  arrived  at  Aden  in 
Arabia.     There  they  feparated ;    Payva  failed 
directly  towards  Abyffinia  ;  Covillam  embarked 
for  the  Eaft  Indies,  and  having  vifited  Calecut, 
Goa,  and  other  cities  on  the  Malabar  coaft,  re- 
turned to  Sofala,  on  the  eaft  fide  of  Africa,  and 
thence  to   Grand  Cairo,  which  Payva  and  he 
had  fixed  upon  as  their  place  of  rendezvous.  Un- 
fortunately the  former  was  cruelly  murdered  in 
Abyfhnia,    but  Covillam   found  at   Cairo  two 
Portuguefe  Jews,  whom  John,  whofe  provident 
fagacity  attended   to    every   circumftance   that 
could  facilitate  the  execution  of  his  fchemes,  had 
difpatched  after  them,   in  order  to  receive  a  de- 
tail of  their  proceedings,  and  to   communicate 
to  them  new  inftructions.    By  one  of  thefe  Jews, 
Covillam  tranfmitted  to  Portugal  a  journal  of  his 
travels  by  fea  and  land,   his  remarks  upon  the 
trade  of  India,  together  with  exact  maps  of  the 
coafts  on  which  he  had  touched  ;  and  from  what 
he  himfelf  had  obferved,  as  well  as  from  the 
information  of  fkilful  feamen  in  different  coun- 


f  Faria  y  Soufa  Port.  Afia,   vol.  i.  p.  26. 


tries, 


64  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  I. 

tries,  he  concluded,  that  by  failing  round 
Africa,  a  paflage  might  be  found  to  the  Eail 
Indies  d. 

The  happy  coincidence  of  Covillam's  opinion 
and  report,  with  the  difcoveries  which  Diaz  had 
lately  made,  left  hardly  any  fhadow  of   doubt 
with  refpecl:  to  the  poflibility  of  failing  from  Eu- 
rope to  India.    But  the  vaft  length  of  the  voyage, 
and  the  furious  ftorms  which  Diaz  had  encoun- 
tered near  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  alarmed  and 
intimidated  the  Portuguefe  to  fuch  a  degree,  al- 
though by  long  experience  they  were  now  be- 
come adventurous  and  fkilful  mariners,  that  fome 
time  was  requifite  to  prepare  their  minds  for  this 
dangerous    and    extraordinary    voyage.       The 
courage,   however,   and    authority  of  the  mo- 
narch, gradually  difpelled  the  vain  fears  of  his 
fubjects,  or  made  it  necefTary  to  conceal  them.  \ 
As  John  thought  himfelf  now  upon  the  eve  of 
accomplifhing  that  great  defign,  which  had  been 
the  principal  object  of  his  reign,  his  earneftnefs 
in  profecuting  it  became  fo  vehement,   that  it 
occupied  his  thoughts  by  day,  and  bereaved  him 
of  fleep  through  the  night.    While  he  was  taking 
every  precaution  that  his  wifdom  and  experience 
could  fuggeft,  in  order  to  infure  the  fuccefs  of 
the  expedition,  which  was  to  decide  concerning 
the  fate  of  his  favourite  project,  the  fame  of  the 
vaft  difcoveries  which  the  Portuguefe  had  already 
made,  the  reports  concerning  the  extraordinary 
intelligence  which  they  had  received  from  the 
caft,  and  the  profpect  of  the  voyage  which  they 

d  Faria  y  Soufa  Port.  Afia,  vol.  i.  p.  27.     Lafitau  De- 
couv.  i.  48. 

now 


B.I.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  65 

now  meditated,  drew  the  attention  of  all  the 
jEuropean  nations,  and  held  them  in  fufpence  and 
expectation.  By  fome,  the  maritime  fkill  and 
navigations  of  the  Portuguefe  were  compared 
with  thofe  of  the  Phenicians  and  Carthaginians, 
and  exalted  above  them.  Others  formed  con- 
jectures concerning  the  revolutions  which  the 
fuccefs  of  the  Portuguefe  fchemes  might  occafion 
in  the  courfe  of  trade,  and  the  political  Hate  of 
Europe.  The  Venetians  began  to  be  difquicted 
with  the  apprehenfion  of  lofing  their  Indian  com- 
merce>  the  monopoly  of  which  was  the  chief 
fource  of  their  power  as  well  as  opulence,  and 
the  Portuguefe  already  enjoyed  in  fancy,  the 
wealth  of  the  eaft.  But,  during  this  interval, 
which  gave  fuch  fcope  to  the  various  workings 
of  curioiity,  of  hope  and  of  fear,  an  account 
was  brought  to  Europe  of  an  event  no  lefs  extra- 
ordinary than  unexpected,  the  difcovery  of  a 
New  World  fituated  in  the  weft  ;  and  the  eyes 
and  admiration  of  mankind .  turned  immediately 
towards  that  great  object. 


BOOK    II. 

Among  the  foreigners  whom  the  fame  of  the 
difcoveries  made  by  the  Portuguefe  had  al- 
lured into  their  fervice,  was  Chriftopher  Colon 
or  Columbus,  a  fubjecl  of  the  republic  of  Ge- 
noa. Neither  the  time  nor  place  of  his  birth  are 
known  with  certainty  a  ;  but  he  was  defcended 

»  Sec  Note  XU 

of 


66  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II, 

of  an  honourable  family,  though  reduced  to  in- 
digence by  various  misfortunes.  His  anceflors 
having  betaken  themfelves  for  fubfiitence  to  a 
feafaring  life,  Columbus  difcovered,  in  his  early 
youth,  the  peculiar  character  and  talents  which 
mark  out  a  man  for  that  profeflion.  His  parents, 
inftead  of  thwarting  this  original  propeniity  of 
his  mind,  feem  to  have  encouraged  and  confirmed 
it,  by  the  education  which  they  gave  him.  After 
acquiring  fome  knowledge  of  the  Latin  tongue, 
the  only  language  in  which  fcience  was  taught 
at  that  time,  he  was  inflructed  in  geometry, 
cofmography,  aftronomy,  and  the  art  of  drawing. 
To  thefe  he  applied  with  fuch  ardour  and  predi- 
lection, on  account  of  their  connection  with  navi- 
gation, his  favourite  object,  that  he  advanced 
with  rapid  proficiency  in  the  fludy  of  them.  Thus 
qualified,  he  went  to  fea  at  the  age  of  fourteen 
f  1 46 1 3  >  and  began  his  career  on  that  element 
which  conducted  him  to  fo  much  glory.  His 
early  voyages  were  to  thofe  ports  in  the  Medi- 
terranean which  his  countrymen  the  Genoefe 
frequented.  This  being  a  fphere  too  narrow  for 
his  aclive  mind,  he  made  an  excurfion  to  the 
northern  feas  [1467],  and  vifited  the  coails  of 
Iceland,  to  which  the  Englifh  and  other  nations 
had  begun  to  refort  on  account  of  its  fifliery. 
As  navigation,  in  every  direction,  was  now  be- 
come enterprifing,  he  proceeded  beyond  that 
ifland,  the  Thule  of  the  ancients,  and  advanced 
feveral  degrees  within  the  polar  circle.  Having 
fatisfied  his  curiofity,  by  a  voyage  which  tended 
more  to  enlarge  his  knowledge  of  naval  affairs, 
than  to  improve  his  fortune^  he  entered  into  the 
fervice  of  a  famous  fea-captain,  of  his  own  name 

and 


t.  II.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  6j 

and  family.  This  man  commanded  a  fmall 
fqnadron,  fitted  out  at  his  own  expence,  and  by 
cruiiing  fometimes  againft  the  Mahometans, 
ifometimes  againft  the  Venetians,  the  rivals  of  his 
country  in  trade,  had  acquired  both  wealth  and 
reputation.  With  him  Columbus  continued  for 
feveral  years,  no  lefs  diftinguifhed  for  his  courage, 
than  for  his  experience  as  a  failor.  At  length, 
in  an  obflinate  engagement,  off  the  coaft  of  Por- 
tugal, with  fome  Venetian  caravals,  returning 
richly  laden  from  the  Low-Countries,  the  veflel 
on  board  which  he  ferved  took  fire,  together 
with  one  of  the  enemy's  mips,  to  which  it  was 
fait  grappled.  In  this  dreadful  extremity  his 
intrepidity  and  prefence  of  mind  did  not  forfake 
him.  He  threw  himfelf  into  the  fea,  laid  hold 
of  a  floating  oar,  and  by  the  fupport  of  it,  and 
his  dexterity  in  fwimming,  he  reached  the  more, 
though  above  two  leagues  diflant,  and  faved  a 
life  referved  for  great  undertakings  b. 

As  foon  as  he  recovered  flrength  for  the  jour- 
ney, he  repaired  to  Lifbon,  where  many  of  his 
countrymen  were  fettled.  They  foon  conceived 
fuch  a  favourable  opinion  of  his  merit,  as  well  as 
talents,  that  they  warmly  folicited  him  to  re- 
main in  that  kingdom,  where  his  naval  ikill  and 
experience  could  not  fail  of  rendering  him  con- 
spicuous. To  every  adventurer,  animated  either 
with  curiofity  to  vifit  new  countries,  or  with 
ambition  to  diftinguifh  himfelf,  the  Portuguefe 
fervice  was  at  that  time  extremely  inviting. 
Columbus  liftened  with  a  favourable  ear  to  the 
advice  of  his  friends,  and  having  gained  the 
efteem  of  a  Portuguefe  lady,  whom  he  married, 

k  Life  of  Columbus,   c.  v. 

▼ol.  i.  k  fixed 


(S  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA-  "&.  Hi 

fixed  his  refidencc  in  Lifbon.  This  alliance, 
inftead  of  detaching  him  from  a  feafaring  life, 
contributed  to  enlarge  the  Sphere  of  his  naval 
knowledge,  and  to  excite  a  defire  of  extending 
it  iiill  farther.  His  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Bar- 
tholomew Pereftrello,  one  of  the  captains  em- 
ployed by  prince  Henry  in  his  early  navigations, 
and  who,  under  his  protection,  had  discovered 
and  planted  the  iflands  of  Porto  Santo  and  Ma- 
deira. Columbus  got  pofiefiion  of  the  journals 
and  charts  of  this  experienced  navigator,  and 
from  them  he  learned  the  courfe  which  the  Por- 
tuguefe  had  held  in  making  their  difcoveries,  as 
well  as  the  various  circumflances  which  guided 
or  encouraged  them  in  their  attempts.  The 
ihidy  of  thefe  foothed  and  inflamed  his  favourite 
paflion ;  and  while  he  contemplated  the  maps, 
and  read  the  defcriptions  of  the  new  countries 
which  Perellrello  had  feen,  his  impatience  to 
vilit  them  became  irrefiflible.  In  order  to  indulge 
it,  he  made  a  voyage  to  Madeira,  and  continued 
during  feveral  years  to  trade  with  that  ifland, 
with  the  Canaries,  the  Azores,  the  Settlements 
in  Guinea,  and  all  the  other  places  which  the 
Portuguefe  had  difcovered  on  the  continent  of 
Africa  c. 

By  the  experience  which  Columbus  acquired „ 
during  fuch  a  variety  of  voyages,  to  almoit  every 
part  of  the  globe  with  which,  at  that  time,  any 
intercourse  was  carried  on  by  fea,  he  was  now 
become  one  of  the  moft  fkilful  navigators  in  Eu- 
rope. But,  not  Satisfied  with  that  praife,  hi* 
ambition  aimed  at  Something  more.  The  fuc- 
\fcffi\i  progreSs  of  the  Portuguefe  navigators  had 

c  J,i&  of  Columbus,  c«  iv.  v. 

awakened 


B.  II.  HISTORY    OT    AMERICA.  69 

awakened  a  fpirit  of  curiofity  and  emulation, 
which  fet  every  man  of  fcience  upon  examining 
all  the  circumilances  that  led  to  the  difcovcries 
which  they  had  made,  or  that  afforded  a  profpeel: 
of  fucceeding  in  any  new  and  bolder  undertaking. 
The  mind  of  Columbus,  naturally  inquifitive, 
capable  of  deep  reflection,  and  turned  to  fpecula- 
tions  of  this  kind,  was  fo  often  employed  in  re- 
volving the  principles  upon  which  the  Portuguefe 
had  founded  their  fchemes  of  difcovery,  and  the 
mode  on  which  they  had  carried  them  on,  that 
he  gradually  began  to  form  an  idea  of  improving 
upon  their  plan,  and  of  accomplifhing  difco- 
vcries which  hitherto  they  had  attempted  in 
vain. 

To  find  out  a  paffage  by  fea  to  the  Eaft  Indies, 
was  the  great  object  in  view  at  that  period. 
From  the  time  that  the  Portuguefe  doubled 
Cape  de  Verd,  this  was  the  point  at  which  they 
aimed  in  all  their  navigations,  and,  in  comparifon 
with  it,  all  their  difcoveries  in  Africa  appeared 
inconfiderable.  The  fertility  and  riches  of  India 
had  been  known  for  many  ages  ;  its  fpices  and 
other  valuable  commodities  were  in  high  requeft; 
throughout  Europe,  and  the  vaft  wealth  of  the 
Venetians  arifing  from  their  having  cngroffed 
this  trade,  had  raifed  the  envy  of  all  nations. 
But  how  intent  foever  the  Portuguefe  were  upon 
discovering  a  new  route  to  thofe  defirable  regions, 
they  fearched  for  it  only  by  fleering  towards  the 
fouth,  in  hopes  of  arriving  at  India,  by  turning 
to  the  eaft,  after  they  had  failed  round  the  far- 
ther extremity  of  Africa.  This  courfe  was  ftill 
unknown,  and,  even  if  difcovered,  was  of  fuch 
immenfe  length,  that  a  voyage  from  Europe  to 
k  2  India 


7©  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

India  muft  have  appeared,  at  that  period,  an 
undertaking,  extremely  arduous,  and  of  very  un- 
certain iffue.  More  than  half  a  century  had  been  > 
employed  in  advancing  from  Cape  Non  to  the 
equator ;  a  much  longer  fpace  of  time  might 
clapfe  before  the  more  extenfive  navigation  from 
that  to  India  could  be  accomplifhed.  Thefe 
reflections  upon  the  uncertainty,  the  danger  and 
tedioufnefs  of  the  courfe  which  the  Portuguefe 
were  purfuing,  naturally  led  Columbus  to  con- 
fider  whether  a  fhorter  and  more  direcl:  paflage 
to  the  Eaft  Indies  might  not  be  found  out.  After 
revolving  long  and  ferioufly  every  circumftance 
fuggefted  by  his  fuperior  knowledge  in  the  theory 
as  well  as  practice  of  navigation,  after  compar- 
ing attentively  the  observations  of  modern  pilots 
with  the  hints  and  conjectures  of  ancient  authors, 
he  at  lafb  concluded,  that  by  failing  directly  to- 
wards the  weft,  acrofs  the  Atlantic  ocean,  new 
countries,  which  probably  formed  a  part  of 
the  great  continent  of  India,  muft  infallibly  be 
discovered. 

Principles  and  arguments  of  various  kinds,  and 
derived  from  different  fources,  induced  him  to 
adopt  this  opinion,  feemingly  as  chimerical  as  it 
was  new  and  extraordinary.  The  fpherical  figure 
of  the  earth  was  known,  and  its  magnitude 
afcertained  with  fome  degree  of- accuracy.  From 
this  it  was  evident,  that  the  continents  of  Eu- 
rope, Afia,  and  Africa,  as  far  as  they  were 
known  at  that  time,  formed  but  a  fmall  portion 
of  the  terraqueous  globe.  It  was  fuitable  to  our 
ideas  concerning  the  wifdom  and  beneficence  of 
the  Author  of  Nature,  to  believe  that  the  vaft 
fpace  ftill  unexplored,  was  not  covered  entirely 


B.  I!.    *  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  71 

by  a  wafle  unprofitable  ocean,  but  occupied  by 
countries  fit  for  the  habitation  of  man.  It  ap- 
peared likewife  extremely  probable,  that  the 
continent,  on  this  fide  of  the  globe,  was  balanced 
by  a  proportional  quantity  of  land  in  the  other 
hemifphere.  Thefe  conclufions  concerning  the 
exiftence  of  another  continent,  drawn  from  the 
figure  and  ftrudture  of  the  globe,  were  confirmed 
by  the  observations  and  conjeclures  of  modern 
navigators.  A  Portuguefe  pilot,  having  ftretched 
farther  to  the  weft  than  was  ufual  at  that  time, 
took  up  a  piece  of  timber  artificially  carved, 
floating  upon  the  fea ;  and  as  it  was  driven  to- 
wards him  by  a  wefterly  wind,  he  concluded  that 
it  came  from  fome  unknown  land,  fituated  in  that 
quarter.  Columbus's  brother-in-law  had  found, 
to  the  weft  of  the  Madeira  Ifles,  a  piece  of  timber 
fafhioned  in  the  fame  manner,  and  brought  by 
the  fame  wind  ;  and  had  feen  likewife  canes  of 
an  enormous  fize  floating  upon  the  waves,  which 
refembled  tho'fe  defcribed  by  Ptolemy  as  produc- 
tions peculiar  to  the  Eaft  Indies  d.  After  a  courfe 
of  wefterly  winds,  trees,  torn  up  by  the  roots, 
were  often  driven  upon  the  coafts  of  the  Azores, 
and  at  one  time  the  dead  bodies  of  two  men 
with  fmgular  features,  refembling  neither  the  in- 
habitants of  Europe  nor  of  Africa,  were  caft 
afliore  there. 

As  the  force  of  this  united  evidence,  arifing 
from  theoretical  principles  and  practical  obferva- 
tions,  led  Columbus  to  expect  the  difcovery  of 
new  countries  in  the  weflern  ocean,  other  rea- 
fons  induced  him  to  believe  that  thefe  muft  be 
xonne&ed  with  the  continent  of  India.    Though 

4  Lib.  i.  c.  17. 

k  3  the 


72  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.   II, 

the  ancients  had  hardly  ever  penetrated  into  India 
farther  than  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  yet  fome 
Greek  authors  had  ventured  to  defcribe  the  pro- 
vinces beyond  that  river.  As  men  are  prone,  and 
at  liberty,  to  magnify  what  is  remote  or  unknown, 
they  reprefented  them  as  regions  of  an  immenfe 
extent.  Ctefias  affirmed  that  India  was  as  large 
as  all  the  reft  of  Afia.  Oneficritus,  whom  Pliny 
the  naturalift  follows  e,  contended  that  it  was 
equal  to  a  third  part  of  the  habitable  earth, 
Nearchus  afferted,  that  it  would  take  four 
months  to  march  in  a  ftraight  line  from  one 
extremity  of  India  to  the  other  f.  The  journal 
of  Marco  Polo,  who  had  proceeded  towards 
the  eaft  far  beyond  the  limits  to  which  any  Eu- 
ropean had  ever  advanced,  feemed  to  confirm 
thefe  exaggerated  accounts  of  the  ancients.  By 
his  magnificent  descriptions  of  the  kingdoms  of 
Cathay  and  Cipango,  and  of  many  other  countries, 
the  names  of  which  were  unknown  in  Europe, 
India  appeared  to  be  a  region  of  vaft  extent. 
From  thefe  accounts,  which,  however  defective, 
were  the  moft  accurate  that  the  people  of  Eu- 
rope had  received  at  that  period,  with  refpec"l  to 
the  remote  parts  of  the  eaft,  Columbus  drew  a 
juft  conclufion.  He  contended,  that,  in  propor- 
tion as  the  continent  of  India  ftretched  out  to- 
wards the  eaft,  it  muft,  in  confequence  of  the 
fpherical  figure  of  the  earth,  approach  nearer  to 
the  iflands  which  had  lately  been  difcovered  to 
the  weft  of  Africa  ;  that  the  diftance  from  the 
one  to  the  other  was  probably  not  very  confider- 
able  ;  and  that  the  moft  direct,  as  well  as  fhort- 

e  Nat.  Hift.  lib.  vi.   c.  17. 

f  Strab.  Geogr.  lib,  xv.  p.  icii. 

eft 


B.  II.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  73 

eft  courfe  to  the  remote  regions  of  the  eaft,  was 
to  be  found  by  failing  due  weft  s.  This  notion 
concerning  the  vicinity  of  India  to  the  weftern 
parts  of  our  continent,  was  countenanced  by  fome 
eminent  writers  among  the  ancients,  the  fanction 
of  whofe  authority  was  neceffary,  in  that  age, 
to  procure  a  favourable  reception  to  any  tenet. 
Ariftotle  thought  it  probable  that  the  Columns 
of  Hercules,  or  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  were  not 
far  removed  from  the  Eaft  Indies,  and  that  there 
might  be  a  communication  by  fea  between  them  h. 
Seneca,  in  terms  ftill  more  explicit,  affirms,  that, 
with  a  fair  wind,  one  might  fail  from  Spain  to 
India,  in  a  few  days  *.  The  famous  Atlantic 
iiland  defcribed  by  Plato,  and  fuppofed  by  many 
to  be  a  real  country,  beyond  which  an  unknown 
continent  was  fituated,  is  reprefented  by  him  as 
lying  at  no  great  diftance  from  Spain,  After 
weighing  all  thefe  particulars,  Columbus,  in 
whofe  character  the  modefty  and  diffidence  of 
true  genius  was  united  with  the  ardent  enthufiafm 
of  a  projector,  did  not  reft  with  fuch  abfolute 
aflurance  either  upon  his  own  arguments  or  upon 
the  authority  of  the  ancients,  as  not  to  confult 
fuch  of  his  contemporaries  as  were  capable  of 
comprehending  the  nature  of  the  evidence  which 
he  produced  in  fupport  of  his  opinion.  As  early 
as  the  year  one  thoufand  fourhundred  andfeventy- 
four,  he  communicated  his  ideas  concerning  the 
probability  of  discovering  new  countries,  by  failing 
weftwards,  to  Paul,  a  phyfician  of  Florence, 
eminent  for  his  knowledge  of  cofmography,  and 

e  See  Note  XII.  *  Ariftot.  de  Ccelo, lib.  ii.  c.  id. 

edit.  Du  Val,  Par.  1629.  vol.  i.  p.  472.  »  Senec. 

Quaeit.  Natur.  lib.  i.  in  proem. 

who, 


74  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

who,  from  the  learning  as  well  as  candour  which 
he  difcovers  in  his  reply,  appears  to  have  been 
well  entitled  to  the  confidence  which  Columbus 
placed  in  him.  He  warmly  approved  of  the  plan, 
fuggelted  feveral  fadts  in  confirmation  of  it,  and 
encouraged  Columbus  to  perfevere  in  an  under- 
taking fo  laudable,  and  which  muft  redound 
fo  much  to  the  honour  of  his  country,  and  the 
benefit  of  Europe  k. 

To  a  mind  lefs  capable  of  forming  and  of  exe- 
cuting great  defigns  than  that  of  Columbus,  all 
thofe  reafonings,  and  obfervations,  and  autho- 
rities, would  have  ferved  only  as  the  foundation 
of  fome  plaufible  and  fruitlefs  theory,  which 
might  have  furnifhed  matter  for  ingenious  dii- 
courfe,  or  fanciful  conjecture.  But  with  his 
languine  and  enterprifing  temper,  fpeculation 
led  directly  to  action.  Fully  fatisfied  himfelf 
with  refpedl  to  the  truth  of  his  fyilem,  he  was 
impatient  to  bring  it  to  the  teft  of  experiment, 
and  to  fet  out  upon  a  voyage  of  difcovery.  The 
firfl  ftep  towards  this  was  to  fecure  the  patronage 
of  fome  of  the  confiderable  powers  in  Europe, 
capable  of  undertaking  fuch  an  enterprize.  As 
long  abfence  had  not  extinguifhed  the  affection 
which  he  bore  to  his  native  country,  he  wifhed 
that  it  mould  reap  the  fruits  of  his  labours  and 
invention.  With  this  view,  he  laid  his  fcheme 
before  the  fenate  of  Genoa,  and  making  his 
country  the  firft  tender  of  his  fervice,  offered  to 
fail  under  the  banners  of  the  republic,  in  quell  of 
the  new  regions  which  he  expected  to  difcover. 
But  Columbus  had  refided  for  fo  many  years  in 
foreign  parts,  that  his  countrymen  were  unac- 

k  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  via* 

quainted 


B.  II.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  7£ 

quainted  with  his  abilities  and  chara&er  ;  and, 
though  a  maritime  people,  were  fo  little  ac- 
cuftomed  to  diftant  voyages,  that  they  could 
!  form  no  juft  idea  of  the  principles  on  which  he 
founded  his  hopes  of  fuccefs.  They  inconfider- 
ately  rejected  his  propofal,  as  the  dream  of  a 
chimerical  projector,  and  loft  for  ever  the  oppor- 
tunity of  reftoring  their  commonwealth  to  its 
ancient  fplendour1. 

Having  performed  what  was  due  to  his  coun- 
try, Columbus  was  fo  little  difcouraged  by  the 
repulfe  which  he  had  received,  that,  inftead  of 
relinquifhing  his  undertaking,  he  purfued  it  with 
frefh  ardour.  He  made  his  next  overture  to 
John  II.  king  of  Portugal,  in  whofe  dominions 
he  had  been  long  eftablifhed,  and  whom  he  con- 
fidered,  on  that  account,  as  having  the  fecond 
claim  to  his  fervice.  Here  every  circumftance 
feemed  to  promife  him  a  more  favourable  re- 
ception. He  applied  to  a  monarch  of  an  enter- 
prifmg  genius,  no  incompetent  judge  in  naval 
affairs,  and  proud  of  patronifing  every  attempt 
to  difcover  new  countries.  His  fubjeclis  were 
the  moft  experienced  navigators  in  Europe,  and 
the  leaft  apt  to  be  intimidated  either  by  the  no- 
velty or  boldnefs  of  any  maritime  expedition. 
In  Portugal,  the  profefTional  fkill  of  Columbus, 
as  well  as  his  perfonal  good  qualities,  were 
thoroughly  known  ;  and  as  the  former  rendered 
it  probable  that  his  fcheme  was  not  altogether 
vifionary,  the  latter  exempted  him  from  the  fuf- 
picion  of  any  finifter  intention  in  propofmg  it. 
Accordingly,  the  king  liftened  to  him  in  the 
moft  gracious  manner,  and  referred  the  con- 
'   Herrera  Hift,  de  las  Indias  Occid,  dec.  i.  lib.  i.  c.  7. 

fideration 


76  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  If. 

fideration  of  his  plan  to  Diego  Ortiz,  bifhop  of 
Ceuta,  and  two  Jewifti  phyiicians,  eminent  cof- 
mographers,  whom  he  was  accuflomed  to  con- 
futt  in  matters  of  this  kind.  As  in  Genoa,  igno- 
rance had  oppofed  and  disappointed  Columbus  ; 
in  Lifbon,  he  had  to  combat  with  prejudice,  an 
enemy  no  lefs  formidable.  The  perSons,  accord- 
ing to  whofe  decifion  his  fcheme  was  to  be 
adopted  or  rejected,  had  been  the  chief  directors 
of  the  Portuguese  navigations,  and  had  advifed 
to  fearch  for  a  paflage  to  India,  by  fleering  a 
courfe  directly  oppoSite  to  that  which  Colum* 
bus  recommended  as  fhorter  and  more  certain. 
They  could  not>  therefore,  approve  of  his  pro- 
pofal,  without  fubmitting  to  the  double  morti- 
fication, of  condemning  their  own  theory,  and 
of  acknowledging  his  Superior  Sagacity.  After 
teafing  him  with  captious  queftions,  and  Starting 
innumerable  objections,  with  a  view  of  betraying 
him  into  fuch  a  particular  explanation  of  his  fyf- 
tem,  as  might  draw  from  him  a  full  difcovery  of 
its  nature,  they  deferred  palling  a  final  judgment 
with  reSpect  to  it.  In  the  mean  time,  they  con- 
Spired  to  rob  him  of  the  honour  and  advantages 
which  he  expected  from  the  fuccefs  of  his  fcheme, 
advifing  the  king  to  difpatch  a  veffel  fecretly,  in 
order  to  attempt  the  propofed  difcovery,  by  fol- 
lowing exactly  the  courfe  which  Columbus  Seem- 
ed to  point  out.  John,  forgetting  on  this  occa- 
fion  the  Sentiments  becoming  a  monarch,  meanly 
adopted  this  perfidious  counfel.  But  the  pilot, 
choSen  to  execute  Columbus's  plan,  had  neither 
the  genius,  nor  the  fortitude  of  its  author.  Con- 
trary winds  arofe,  no  Sight  oS  approaching  land 
appeared,  his  courage  Sailed,  and  he  returned  to 

Lifbon, 


B,  II.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  77 

Lifbon,  execrating  the  project  as  equally  extra- 
vagant and  dangerous  m. 

Upon  discovering  this  difhonourable  transac- 
tion, Columbus  felt  the  indignation  natural  to 
an  ingenuous  mind,  and  in  the  warmth  of  his  re- 
fentment  determined  to  break  off  all  intercourfe 
with  a  nation  capable  of  fuch  flagrant  treachery. 
He  inflantly  quitted  the  kingdom,  and  landed  in 
Spain  towards  the  clofe  of  the  year  one  thoufand  .  f  4  v  4' 
four  hundred  and  eighty-four.  As  he  was  now 
at  liberty  to  court  the  protection  of  any  patron > 
whom  he  could  engage  to  approve  of  his  plan, 
and  to  carry  it  into  execution,  he  relolved  to 
propofe  it  in  perfon  to  Ferdinand  and  Ifabella, 
who  at  that  time  governed  the  united  kingdoms 
of  Caftile  and  Aragon.  But  as  he  had  already 
experienced  the  uncertain  iflue  of  applications  to 
kings  and  minifters,  he  took  the  precaution  of 
fending  into  England  his  brother  Bartholomew*  jp 
to  whom  he  had  fully  communicated  his  ideas,  in 
order  that  he  might  negociate,  at  the  fame  time, 
with  Henry  VII.  who  was  reputed  one  of  the  moil 
lagacious  as  well  as  opulent  princes  in  Europe. 

It  was  not  without  reafon  that  Columbus  en- 
tertained doubts  and  fears  with  refpect  to  the 
reception  of  his  propofals  in  the  Spanifh  court. 
Spain  was,  at  that  juncture,  engaged  in  a  dan- 
gerous war  with  Granada,  the  laft  of  the  Moorifh 
kingdoms  in  that  country.  The  wary  and  fuf- 
picious  temper  of  Ferdinand  was  not  formed 
to  relifh  bold  or  uncommon  deiigns.  Ifabella, 
though  more  generous  and  enterprifing,  was  un- 
der the  influence  of  her  hufband  in  all  her  actions. 
The  Spaniards  had  hitherto  made  no  efforts  to 

p  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  xl.    Hertera,  decad.  i.  lib.  i.  c.  7. 

extend 


78  HlSTOttY    OV    AMERICA*  B. 

extend  navigation  beyond  its  ancient  limits,  an< 
had  beheld  the  amazing  progrefs  of  difcoven 
among  their  neighbours  the  Portuguese,  with- 
out one  attempt  to  imitate  or  to  rival  them. 
The  war  with  the  Infidels  afforded  an  ample  field 
to  the  national  activity  and  love  of  glory.  Under 
circumflances  fo  unfavourable,  it  was  impoflible 
for  Columbus  to  make  rapid  progrefs  with  a  na- 
tion, naturally  flow  and  dilatory  in  forming  all 
its  refolutions.  His  character,  however,  was  ad- 
mirably adapted  to  that  of  the  people,  whofe 
confidence  and  protection  he  folicited.  He  was 
grave,  though  courteous  in  his  deportment ;  cir- 
cumfpedt  in  his  words  and  actions ;  irreproach- 
able in  his  morals ;  and  exemplary  in  his  atten- 
tion to  all  the  duties  and  functions  of  religion. 
By  qualities  fo  refpedlable,  he  not  only  gained 
many  private  friends,  but  acquired  fuch  general 
efleem,  that,  notwithstanding  the  plainnefs  of 
his  appearance,  fuitable  to  the  mediocrity  of  his 
fortune,  he  was  not  confidered  as  a  mere  adven- 
turer, to  whom  indigence  had  fuggefted  a  vifion- 
ary  project,  .but  was  received  as  a  perfon  to  whofe 
proportions  ferious  attention  was  due. 

Ferdinand  and  Ifabella,  though  fully  occupied 
by  their  operations  againit  the  Moors,  paid  fo 
much  regard  to  Columbus,  as  to  remit  the  con- 
fideration  of  his  plan  to  the  queen's  confeffor, 
Ferdinand  de  Talavera.  He  confulted  fuch  of 
his  countrymen  as  were  luppofed  beft  qualified 
to  decide  with  refpect  to  a  fubjecl:  of  this  kind. 
But  true  fcience  had,  hitherto,  made  fo  little 
progrefs  in  Spain,  that  the  pretended  philofo- 
phers,  fele&ed  to  judge  in  a  matter  of  fuch  mo- 
ment, did  not  comprehend  the  firit  principles 

upon 


B*  If.  HISTORY    Of    AMERICA.  7<) 

upon  which  Columbus  founded  his  conjectures 
and  hopes.  Some  of  them,  from  miftaken  no- 
tions  concerning  the  dimeniions  of  the  globe, 
contended  that  a  voyage  to  thofe  remote  parts  of 
the  eaft,  which  Columbus  expected  to  difcover, 
could  not  be  performed  in  lefs  than  three  years. 
Others  concluded,  that  either  he  would  find  the 
ocean  to  be  of  infinite  extent,  according  to  the 
opinion  of  fome  ancient  philofophers ;  or,  if  he 
fhould  perfiil  in  fleering  towards  the  weft  beyond 
a  certain  point,  that  the  convex  figure  of  the 
globe  would  prevent  his  return,  and  that  he 
mull  inevitably  perifh,  in  the  vain  attempt  to 
open  a  communication  between  the  two  oppofite 
hemifpheres,  which  nature  had  for  ever  disjoined. 
Even  without  deigning  to  enter  into  any  particu- 
lar difcuffion,  many  rejected  the  fcheme  in  gene- 
ral, upon  the  credit  of  a  maxim,  under  which 
the  ignorant  and  unenterprifing  fhelter  them- 
felves  in  every  age,  "  That  it  is  prefumptuous 
in  any  perfon,  to  fuppofe  that  he  alone  pofiefTes 
knowledge  fuperior  to  all  the  reft  of  mankind 
united."  They  maintained,  that  if  there  were 
really  any  fuch  countries  as  Columbus  pretended, 
they  could  not  have  remained  fo  long  concealed, 
nor  would  the  wifdom  and  fagacity  of  former 
ages  have  left  the  glory  of  this  invention  to  an 
obfeure  Genoefe  pilot. 

It  required  all  Columbus's  patience  and  ad- 
drefs  to  negociate  with  men  capable  of  advan- 
'\  cing  fuch  ftrange  propofitions.     He  had  to  con- 
)  tend  not  only  with  the  obftinacy  of  ignorance, 
i  but  with  what  is  flill  more  intractable,  the  pride 
Vof  falfe  knowledge.      After   innumerable   con- 
ferences, and  waiting  five  years  in  fruitlefs  en- 
voi-, i.  i.  deavours 


8o  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  It. 

deavours  to  inform  and  to  fatisfy  judges  fo  little 
capable  of  deciding  with  propriety,  Talavera,  at 
lait,  made  fuch  an  unfavourable  report  to  Ferdi- 
nand and  Ifabella,  as  induced  them  to  acquaint 
Columbus,  that  until  the  war  with  the  Moors 
fhould  be  brought  to  a  period,  it  would  be  im- 
prudent to  engage  in  any  new  and  extenfive  en- 
terprize. 

Whatever  care  was  taken  to  foften  the  harfh- 
nefs  of  this  declaration,  Columbus  confidered  it 
as  a  final  rejection  of  his  propofals.  But  happily 
for  mankind,  that  fuperiority  of  genius,  which 
is  capable  of  forming  great  and  uncommon  de- 
figns,  is  ufually  accompanied  with  an  ardent  en- 
thuiiafm,  which  can  neither  be  cooled  by  delays, 
nor  damped  by  disappointment.  Columbus  was 
of  this  fanguine  temper.  Though  he  felt  deeply 
the  cruel  blow  given  to  his  hopes,  and  retired 
immediately  from  a  court,  where  he  had  been 
amufed  fo  long  with  vain  expectations,  his  con- 
fidence in  the  juftnefs  of  his  own  fyftem  did  not 
diminim,  and  his  impatience  to  demonftrate  the 
truth  of  it  by  an  actual  experiment,  became 
greater  than  ever.  Having  courted  the  pro- 
tection of  fovereign  ftates  without  fuccefs,  he 
applied,  next,  to  perfons  of  inferior  rank,  and 
addreffed  fuccefiively  the  dukes  of  Medina,  Si- 
donia,  and  Medina  Celi,  who,  though  fubjects, 
were  poflefTed  of  power  and  opulence  more  than 
equal  to  the  enterprize  which  he  projedled.  His 
negociations  with  them  proved  as  fruitlefs,  a3 
thofe  in  which  he  had  been  hitherto  engaged ; 
for  thefe  noblemen  were  either  as  little  con- 
vinced by  Columbus's  arguments  as  their  fupe- 
riors,  or  they  were  afraid  of  alarming  the  jea- 

louiy» 


B.  II.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  8l 

loufy,  and  offending  the  pride  of  Ferdinand,  by 
countenancing  a  fcheme  which  he  had  rejected  n. 

Amid  the  painful  fenfations  occafioned  by  fuch 
a  fucceffion  of  difappointments,  Columbus  had  to 
fuftain  the  additional  diftrefs,  of  having  received 
no  accounts  of  his  brother,  whom  he  had  fent  to 
the  court  of  England.  In  his  voyage  to  that 
country,  Bartholomew  had  been  fo  unfortunate 
as  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  pirates,  who  having 
dripped  him  of  every  thing,  detained  him  a  pri- 
ibner  for  feveral  years.  At  length,  he  made  his 
efcape,  and  arrived  in  London,  but  in  fuch  ex- 
treme indigence,  that  he  was  obliged  to  employ 
himfelf,  during  a  confiderable  time,  in  drawing 
and  felling  maps,  in  order  to  pick  up  as  much 
money  as  would  purchafe  a  decent  drefs,  in 
which  he  might  venture  to  appear  at  court. 
He  then  laid  before  the  king  the  propofals, 
with  which  he  had  been  entrufted  by  his  bro- 
ther, and,  notwithstanding  Henry's  excefiive  cau- 
tion and  parfimony,  which  rendered  him  averfc 
to  new  or  expenfive  undertakings,  he  received 
Columbus's  overtures,  with  more  approbation 
than  any  monarch  to  whom  they  had  hitherto 
been  prefented. 

Meanwhile,  Columbus  being  unacquainted 
with  his  brother's  fate,  and  having  now  no 
profpect  of  encouragement  in  Spain,  refolved 
to  vifit  the  court  of  England  in  perfon,  in  hopes 
of  meeting  with  a  more  favourable  reception 
there.  He  had  already  made  preparations  for 
this  purpofe,  and  taken  meafures  for  the  difpofal 
of  his  children  during  his  abfence,  when  Juan 
Perez,  the  guardian  of  the  monaftery  of  Rabida, 

?  Life  of  Columb.  c.  13.    Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  i.  c.  7.  ' 
h  2  near 


?2  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  XI. 

near  Palos,  in  which  they  had  been  educated, 
earneftly  folicited  him  to  defer  his  journey  for  a 
fhort  time.  Perez  was  a  man  of  conliderable 
learning,  and  of  fome  credit  with  queen  Ifabella, 
to  whom  he  was  known  personally.  He  was 
warmly  attached  to  Columbus,  with  whofe  abi- 
lities as  well  as  integrity  he  had  many  opportu- 
nities of  being  acquainted.  Prompted  by  cu- 
riofity  or  by  friendship,  he  entered  upon  an  ac- 
curate examination  of  his  fyftera,  in  conjunction, 
with  a  phyfician  fettled  in  the  neighbourhood, 
who  was  a  confiderable  proficient  in  mathema- 
tical knowledge.  This  invefligation  fatisfied 
them  fo  thoroughly,  with  refpec"t.  to  the  fo- 
lidity  of  the  principles  on  which  Columbus 
founded  his  opinion,  and  the  probability  of  fuc- 
cefs  in  executing  the  plan  which  he  propofed, 
that  Perez,  in  order  to  prevent  his  country  from 
being  deprived  of  the  glory  and  benefit,  which. 
mull  accrue  to  the  patrons  of  fuch  a  grand  en- 
terprife,  ventured  to  write  to  Ifabella,  conjuring 
her  to  eonfider  the  matter  anew,  with  the  atten- 
tion which  it  merited. 

Moved  by  the  reprefentations  of  a  perfon 
whom  (he  refpecled,  Ifabella  defired  Perez  to 
repair  immediately  to  the  village  of  Santa  Fe,  in 
which,  on  account  of  the  fiege  of  Granada,  the 
court  refided  at  that  time,  that  (he  might  confer 
with  him  upon  this  important  fubjecl:.  The  firft 
effect  of  their  interview  was  a  gracious  invitation 
of  Columbus  back  to  court  [1491  ]>  accompanied 
with  the  prefent  of  a  fmall  fum  to  equip  him  for 
the  journey.  As  there  was  now  a  certain  pro- 
Xpcft,  that  the  war  with  the  Moors  would  fpeedily 
be  brought  to  an  happy  iffue  by  the  reduction  of 

Granada, 


B.  IT.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  2$ 

Granada,  which  would  leave  the  nation  at  liberty 
to  engage  in  new  undertakings ;  this,  as  well  as 
the  mark  of  royal  favour,  with  which  Columbus 
had  been  lately  honoured,  encouraged  his  friends 
to  appear  with  greater  confidence  than  formerly 
in  fupport  of  his  fchcme.  The  chief  of  thefe, 
Alonfo  de  Quintanilla,  comptroller  of  the  fi« 
nances  in  Carfile,  and  Luis  de  Santangel,  re- 
ceiver of  the  ecclefiaftical  revenues  in  Aragon, 
whofe  meritorious  zeal  in  promoting  this  great 
defign  entitles  their  names  to  an  honourable 
place  in  hiftory,  introduced  Columbus  to  many 
perfons  of  high  rank,  and  intereited  them  warmly 
in  his  behalf. 

But  it  was  not  an  eafy  matter  to  infpire  Fer- 
dinand with  favourable  fentlments.  He  frill  re- 
garded Columbus's  project  as  extravagant  and 
chimerical ;  and  in  order  to  render  the  efforts  of 
his  partizans  ineffectual,  he  had  the  addrefs  to 
employ  in  this  new  negociation  with  him,  fome 
of  the  perfons  who  had  formerly  pronounced  his 
fcheme  to  be  impracticable.  To  their  aftonifh- 
ment,  Columbus  appeared  before  them  with  the 
fame  confident  hopes  of  fuccefs  as  formerly, 
and  infilled  upon  the  fame  high  recompence. 
He  propofed  that  a  fmall  fleet  mould  be  fitted 
out,  under  his  command,  to  attempt  the  difco* 
tery,  and  demanded  to  be  appointed  hereditary 
admiral  and  viceroy  of  all  the  feas  and  lands 
which  he  mould  difcover,  and  to  have  the  tenths 
of  the  profits  arifing  from  them,  fettled  irre- 
vocably upon  himfelf  and  his  defcendants.  At 
the  fame  time,  he  offered  to  advance  the  eighth 
part  of  the  fum  neceffary  for  accomplifhing  his 
tkfign,  on  condition  that  he  fhould  be  entitled 
l  3  to 


64  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  B.  n# 

to  a  proportional  mare  of  benefit  from  the  ad- 
venture. If  the  enterprife  mould  totally  mif- 
carry,  he  made  no  ftipulation  for  any  reward  or 
emolument  whatever.  Inftead  of  viewing  this 
conduct  as  the  clearefL  evidence  of  his  full  per- 
fuafion  with  refpect  to  the  truth  of  his  own  fyf- 
tem,  or  being  ftruck  with  that  magnanimity 
which,  after  fo  many  delays  and  repulfes,  would 
ftoop  to  nothing  inferior  to  its  original  claims, 
the  perfons  with  whom  Columbus  treated,  began 
meanly  to  calculate  the  expence  of  the  expedi- 
tion, and  the  value  of  the  reward  which  he  de- 
manded. The  expence,  moderate  as  it  was, 
they  reprefented  to  be  too  great  for  Spain,  in 
the  prefent  exhaufted  ftate  of  its  finances.  They 
contended,  that  the  honours  and  emoluments 
claimed  by  Columbus  were  exorbitant,  even  i 
he  mould  perform  the  utmoft  of  what  he  had 
promifed ;  and  if  all  his  fanguine  hopes  mould 
prove  illufive,  fuch  vaft  concefiions  to  an  adven- 
turer would  be  deemed  not  only  inconfiderate, 
but  ridiculous.  In  this  impofing  garb  of  cau- 
tion and  prudence,  their  opinion  appeared  fo 
plaufible,  and  was  fo  warmly  fupported  by  Fer 
dinand,  that  Ifabella  declined  giving  any  coun- 
tenance to  Columbus,  and  abruptly  broke  off  the 
negociation  with  him  which  fhe  had  begun. 

This  was  more  mortifying  to  Columbus  than 
all  the  difappointments  which  he  had  hitherto 
met  with.  The  invitation  to  court  from  Ifa- 
bella, like  an  unexpected  ray  of  light,  had 
opened  fuch  profpe&s  of  fuccefs,  as  encourage 
him  to  hope  that  his  labours  were  at  an  end; 
but  now  darknefs  and  uncertainty  returned,  and 
his  mind,  firm  as  it  was,  could  hardly  fupport 

the 


B.  IT.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  8$ 

the  fhock  of  fuch  an  unforefeen  reverfe.  He 
withdrew  in  deep  anguifh  from  court,  with  an 
intention  of  profecuting  his  voyage  to  England, 
as  his  laft  refource. 

About  that  time  Granada  furrendered,  and 
Ferdinand  and  Ifabella,  in  triumphal  pomp, 
took  poiTeflion  of  a  city  [Jan.  2,  1492]*  the 
reduction  of  which  extirpated  a  foreign  power 
from  the  heart  of  their  dc minions,  and  rendered 
them  matters  of  all  the  provinces,  extending 
from  the  bottom  of  the  Pyrenees  to  the  fron- 
tiers of  Portugal.  As  the  flow  of  fpirits  which 
accompanies  fuccefs  elevates  the  mind,  and  ren- 
ders it  enterprifing,  Quintanilla  and  Santangel, 
the  vigilant  and  difcerning  patrons  of  Columbus, 
took  advantage  of  this  favourable  fituation,  in 
order  to  make  one  effort  more  in  behalf  of  their 
friend.  They  addreiTed  themfelves  to  Ifabella, 
and  after  expreffing  fome  furprife,  that  fhe,  who 
had  always  been  the  munificent  patronefs  of  ge- 
nerous undertakings,  mould  hefitate  fo  long  to 
countenance  the  moil  fplendid  fcheme  that  had 
ever  been  propofed  to  any  monarch  ;  they  re- 
prefented  to  her,  that  Columbus  was  a  man  of  a 
found  underitanding  and  virtuous  character,  well 
qualified,  by  his  experience  in  navigation,  as  well 
as  his  knowledge  of  geometry,  to  form  juft  ideas 
with  refpeel:  to  the  {tincture  of  the  globe  and  the 
fituation  of  its  various  regions  ;  that,  by  offering 
to  rifk  his  own  life  and  fortune  in  the  execution 
of  his  fcheme,  he  gave  the  moil  fatisfying  evi- 
dence both  of  his  integrity  and  hope  of  fuccefs  ; 
that  the  fum  requifite  for  equipping  fuch  an  ar«. 
mament  as  he  demanded  was  inconfiderable,  an4 
tlic  advantages  which  might  accrue  from  his  ui> 

deitaking 


86  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

dertaking  were  immenfe  ;  that  he  demanded  no 
recompence  for  his  invention  and  labour,  but 
what  was  to  arife  from  the  countries  which  he 
mould  difcover  ;  that,  as  it  was  worthy  of  her 
magnanimity  to  make  this  noble  attempt  to  ex« 
tend  the  fphere  of  human  knowledge,  and  to 
open  an  intercourfe  with  regions  hitherto  un- 
known, fo  it  would  afford  the  higheft  fatisfac- 
tion  to  her  piety  and  zeal,  after  re-eftablifhing 
the  Chriftian  faith  in  thofe  provinces  of  Spain 
from  which  it  had  been  long  banifhed,  to  difco- 
ver a  new  world,  to  which  fhe  might  communi- 
cate the  light  and  bleffings  of  divine  truth  ;  that 
if  now  (he  did  not  decide  inftantly,  the  op- 
portunity would  be  irretrievably  loft ;  that  Co- 
lumbus was  on  his  way  to  foreign  countries, 
where  fome  prince,  more  fortunate  or  adven- 
turous, would  clofe  with  his  propofals,  and 
Spain  would  for  ever  bewail  the  fatal  timidity 
which  had  excluded  her  from  the  glory  and  ad- 
vantages that  fhe  had  once  in  her  power  to  have 
enjoyed. 

Thefe  forcible  arguments,  urged  by  perfons 
of  fuch  authority,  and  at  a  juncture  fo  well 
chofen,  produced  the  defired  effect.  They  dis- 
pelled all  Ifabella's  doubts  and  fears  ;  fhe  ordered 
Columbus  to  be  inftantly  recalled,  declared  her 
refolution  of  employing  him  on  his  own  terms, 
and  regretting  the  low  eftate  of  her  finances, 
gencroufly  offered  to  pledge  her  own  jewels,  in 
order  to  raife  as  much  money  as  might  be  needed 
in  making  preparations  for  the  voyage.  Sant- 
angel,  in  a  tranfport  of  gratitude,  kiffed  the 
queen's  hand,  and  in  order  to  fave  her  from  hav- 
ing recourfe  to  fuch  a  mortifying  expedient  for 

procuring 


*4920  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  $7 

procuring  money,  engaged  to  advance  immedi- 
ately the  fum  that  was  requifite  °. 

Columbus  had  proceeded  fome  leagues  on  his 
journey,  when  the  mefTenger  from  Ifabella  over- 
took him.     Upon  receiving  an  account  of  the 
unexpected  revolution  in  his  favour,  he  returned 
directly  to  Santo  Fe,  though  fome  remainder  of 
diffidence  ftill  mingled  itfelf  with  his  joy.     But 
the  cordial  reception  which  he  met  with   from 
Ifabella,  together  with  the  near  profpeft  of  fet- 
ting  out  upon  that  voyage  which  had  fo  long 
been  the  object  of  his  thoughts  and  wifhes,  foon 
effaced  the  remembrance  of  all  that  he  had  fuf- 
fered  in  Spain,  during  eight  tedious  years  of  fo- 
iicitation  and  fufpenie.      The  negociation  now 
went  forward  with  facility  and  difpatch,  and  a     *Y  | 
treaty  or  capitulation  with  Columbus  was  figned-W*vA, 
on  the  feventeenth  of  April,  one  thoufand  four 't  ?/U 
hundred  and  ninety-two      The  chief  articles  of 
it  were,  I.  Ferdinand  and  Ifabella,  as  fovereigns 
of  the  ocean,  conftituted  Columbus  their  high 
admiral  in  all  the  feas,  iflands,  and  continents 
which  mould  be  difcovered  by  his  induftry  ;   and 
ftipulated  that  he  and  his  heirs  for  ever  mould 
enjoy  this  office,  with  the  fame  powers  and  pre- 
rogatives which  belonged  to  the  high  admiral 
of  Caftile,  within  the  limits  of  his  jurifdiction. 
2.  They  appointed  Columbus  their  viceroy  in  all 
the  iflands  and  continents  which  he  mould  disco- 
ver ;    but  if,  for  the  better  adminiftration  of  af- 
fairs, it  mould  hereafter  be  neceflary  to  eflablifh 
a  feparate  governor  in  any  of  thofe  countries, 
they  authorised  Columbus  to   name  three  per- 
sons, of  whom  they  would  choofe  one  for  that 
0  Hcrrejra,  dec,  j,  lib*  i.  c.  8. 

office  J 


83  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II* 

office  ;  and  the  dignity  of  viceroy,  with  all  its 
immunities,  was  likewife  to  be  hereditary  in  the 
family  of  Columbus.  3.  They  granted  to  Co- 
lumbus and  his  heirs  for  ever,  the  tenth  of  the 
free  profits  accruing  from  the  productions  and 
commerce  of  the  countries  which  he  mould  dis- 
cover. 4.  They  declared,  that  if  any  contro- 
verfy  or  law-fuit  (hall  arife  with  refpeel:  to  any 
mercantile  tranfa&ion  in  the  countries  which 
fhould  be  difcovered,  it  fhould  be  determined 
by  the  fole  authority  of  Columbus,  or  of  judges 
to  be  appointed  by  him.  5.  They  permitted 
Columbus  to  advance  one-eighth  part  of  what 
fhould  be  expended  in  preparing  for  the  expedi- 
tion, and  in  carrying  on  commerce  with  the 
countries  which  he  mould  difcover,  and  entitled 
him,  in  return,  to  an  eighth  part  of  the  profit  P. 

Though  the  name  of  Ferdinand  appears  con- 
joined with  that  of  Ifabella  in  this  tranfaction, 
his  diftruft  of  Columbus  was  ftill  fo  violent  that 
he  refufed  to  take  any  part  in  the  enterprife  as 
king  of  Aragon.  As  the  whole  expence  of  the 
expedition  was  to  be  defrayed  by  the  crown  of 
Caftile,  Ifabella  referved  for  her  fubjefts  of  that 
kingdom  an  exclufive  right  to  all  the  benefits 
which  might  redound  from  its  fuccefs. 

As  foon  as  the  treaty  was  figned,  Ifabella,  by 
her  attention  and  activity  in  forwarding  the  pre- 
parations for  the  voyage,  endeavoured  to  make 
fome  reparation  to  Columbus  for  the  time  which 
he  had  loft  in  fruitlefc  Solicitation.  By  the 
twelfth  of  May,  all  that  depended  upon  her  was 
adjufted  ;  and  Columbus  waited  on  the  king  and 
queen,  in  order  to  receive  their  final  inftrucuons. 
*  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  15,     Herrera,  dec.  I.  lib*  i.  c.  9. 

Every 


I4920  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  89 

Every  thing  refpe&ing  the  deftination  and  con- 
duel:  of  the  voyage,  they  committed  implicitly 
to  the  difpofal  of  his  prudence.     But  that  they 
might  avoid  giving  any  jull  caufe  of  offence  to 
the  king  of  Portugal,  they  ftriclily  enjoined  him 
not  to  approach  near  to  the  Portuguefe  fettle- 
ments  on  the  coafl  of  Guinea,  or  in  any  of  the 
other  countries  to  which  the  Portuguefe  claimed 
right  as  difcoverers.     Ifabella  had  ordered  the 
fhips,  of  which  Columbus  was  to  take  the  com- 
mand, to  be  fitted  out  in  the  port  of  Palos, 
a  fmall  maritime.,  town  in  the  province  of  Anda- 
j  lufia.     As  the  guardian  Juan  Perez,  to  whom 
j  Columbus  had  already  been  fo  much  indebted, 
refided  in  the  neighbourhood  of  this  place,  he, 
■  by  the  influence  of  that  good  eccleiiaflic,  as  well 
as  by  his  own  connection  with  the  inhabitants, 
i  not  only  raifed  among  them  what  he  wanted  of 
I  the  fum  that  he  was  bound  by  treaty  to  advance, 
•  but  engaged  fcveral  of  them  to  accompany  him 
1  in  the  voyage.      The  chief  of  thefe  aflbciates 
i  were  three  brothers  of  the  name  of  Pinzon,  of 
i  confiderable  wealth,  and  of  great  experience  in 
I  naval  affairs,  who  were  willing  to  hazard  their 
1  lives  and  fortunes  in  the  expedition. 

,  But,  after  all  the  efforts  of  Ifabella  and  Co» 
I  lumbus,  the  armament  was  not  fuitable,  either 
i  to  the  dignity  of  the  nation  by  which  it  was 
equipped,  or  to  the  importance  of  the  fervice 
for  which  it  was  deftined.  It  coniifted  of  three 
veflels.  The  largeft,  a  fhip  of  no  confiderable 
burden,  was  commanded  by  Columbus,  as  ad- 
miral, who  gave  it  the  name  of  Santa  Maria* 
out  of  refpect  for  the  BlerTed  Virgin,  whom  he 
honoured  with  fingular  devotion.     Of  the  fe- 

cond, 


; 


90  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II 

cond,  called  the  Pinta,  Martin  Pinzon  was  cap- 
tain, and  his  brother  Francis  pilot.  The  third 
named  the  Nigna,  was  under  the  command  of 
Vincent  Yanez  Pinzon.  Thefe  two  were  light 
veffcls,  hardly  fuperior  in  burden  or  force  to 
large  boats.  This  fquadron,  if  it  merits  that 
name,  was  victualled  for  twelve  months,  and  had 
on  board  ninety  men,  moftly  failors,  together 
with  a  few  adventurers  who  followed  the  for- 
tune of  Columbus,  and  fome  gentlemen  of  Isa- 
bella's court,  whom  fhe  appointed  to  accompany 
him.  Though  the  expence  of  the  undertaking 
was  one  of  the  circumftances  which  chiefly  alarm- 
ed the  court  of  Spain,  and  retarded  fo  long  the 
negociation  with  Columbus,  the  fum  employed 
in  fitting  out  this  fquadron  did  not  exceed  four 
thoufand  pounds. 

As  the  art  of  fhip-building  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury was  extremely  rude,  and  the  bulk  of  veflels 
was  accommodated  to  the  fhort  and  eafy  voyages 
along  the  coaft  which  they  were  accufiomed  to 
perform,  it  is  a  proof  of  the  courage  as  well  as 
enterprifing  genius  of  Columbus,  that  he  ven- 
tured, with-  a  fleet  fo  unfit  for  a  diftant  naviga- 
tion, to  explore  unknown  feas,  where  he  had  no 
chart  to  guide  him,  no  knowledge  of  the  tides 
and  currents,  and  no  experience  of  the  dangers 
to  which  he  might  be  expofed.  His  eagernefs 
to  accomplifh  the  great  defign  which  had  fo  long 
engrofled  his  thoughts,  made  him  overlook  or 
difregard  every  circumflance  that  would  have  in- 
timidated a  mind  lefs  adventurous.  He  pufhed 
forward  the  preparations  with  fuch  ardour,  and 
was  feconded  fo  effectually  by  the  perfons  to 
whom  Ifabella  committed  the  fuperintendence  of 
2  this 


F492-]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  91 

this  bufinefs,  that  every  thing  was  foon  in  readi- 
nefs  for  the  voyage.  But  as  Columbus  was 
deeply  imprefled  with  fentiments  of  religion,  he 
would  not  fet  out  upon  an  expedition  fo  arduous, 
and  of  which  one  great  object  was  to  extend  the 
knowledge  of  the  Chriitian  faith,  without  im- 
ploring publicly  the  guidance  and  protection  of 
Heaven.  With  this  view,  he,  together  with  all 
the  perfons  under  his  command,  marched  in  • 
folemn  proceffion  to  the  monaftery  of  Rabida. 
After  confefling  their  fins,  and  obtaining  abfolu- 
tion,  they  received  the  holy  facrament  from  the 
hands  of  the  guardian,  who  joined  his  prayers  to 
theirs  for  the  fuccefs  of  an  enterprife  which  heT^i^r 
had  fo  zealoufly  patronized.  £       0 

Next  morning,  being  Friday  the  third  day  6fA\* 
■  Auguft,  in  the  year  one  thoufand  four  hundred V^TtX 
and  ninety-two,  Columbus  fet  fail,  a  little  before 
fun-rife,  in  prefence  of  a  vail  crowd  of  fpectators, 
who  fent  up  their  fupplications  to  Heaven  for 
the  profperous  iffue  of  the  voyage,  which  they 
wiihed  rather  than  expected.  Columbus  {leered 
directly  for  the  Canary  Iflands,  and  arrived  there 
£  Aug.  13]  without  any  occurrence  that  would 
have  deferved  notice  on  any  other  occafion.  But, 
in  a  voyage  of  fuch  expectation  and  importance, 
every  circumftance  was  the  object  of  attention. 
The  rudder  of  the  Pinta  broke  loofe,  the  day 
after  me  left  the  harbour,  and  that  accident 
alarmed  the  crew,  no  lefs  fuperflitious  than  un- 
(kilful,  as  a  certain  omen  of  the  unfortunate 
deftiny  of  the  expedition.  Even  in  the  fhort 
run  to  the  Canaries,  the  mips  were  found  to  be 
fo  crazy  and  ill  appointed,  as  to  be  very  impro- 
per for-  a  navigation  which  was  expected  to  be 

Vol.  1.  m  both 


L 


92  HISTORY    OP    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

both  long  and  dangerous.  Columbus  refitted 
them,  however,  to  the  beft  of  his  power,  and 
having  fupplied  himfelf  with  frefh  provifions,  he 
took  his  departure  from  Gomera,  one  of  the 
moll  wefterly  of  the  Canary  Iflands,  on  the  fixth 
day  of  September. 
>  ^Here  the  voyage  of  difcovery  may  properly  be 
\  **  faid  to  begin  ;  for  Columbus  holding  his  courfe 
iu&X  ^ue  we^>  k^  immediately  the  ufual  track  of 
navigation,  and  ftretched  into  unfrequented  and 
unknown  feas.  The  fird  day,  as  it  was  very  calm, 
he  made  but  little  way ;  but  on  the  fecond,  he 
loft  fight  of  the  Canaries  ;  and  many  of  the 
failors,  dejected  already  and  difmayed,  when  they 
contemplated  the  boldnefs  of  the  undertaking, 
began  to  beat  their  breads,  and  to  fhed  tears,  as 
if  they  were  never  more  to  behold  land.  Co- 
lumbus comforted  them  with  aflurances  of  fuc- 
cefs,  and  the  profpe&  of  vail  wealth,  in  thofe 
opulent  regions  whither  he  was  conducting  them. 
This  early  difcovery  of  the  fpirit  of  his  follow- 
ers taught  Columbus,  that  he  mull  prepare  to 
ilruggle,  not  only  with  the  unavoidable  difficul- 
ties which  might  be  expected  from  the  nature  of 
his  undertaking,  but  with  fuch  as  were  likely  to 
arife  from  the  ignorance  and  timidity  of  the 
people  under  his  command;  and  he  perceived  that 
the  art  of  governing  the  minds  of  men  would 
be  no  lefs  requifite  for  accomplishing  the  difco- 
veries  which  he  had  in  view,  than  naval  fkill 
and  undaunted  courage.  Happily  for  himfelf, 
and  for  the  country  by  which  he  was  employed, 
he  joined  to  the  ardent  temper  and  inventive 
genius  of  a  projector,  virtues  of  another  fpecies, 
which  are  rarely  united  with  them.  He  poffefTed 

a  tho- 


T492']  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  93 

thorough  knowledge  of  mankind,  an  infinuating 
addrefs,  a  patient  perfeverance  in  executing  any 
plan,  the  perfect  government  of  his  own  paffions, 
and  the  talent  of  acquiring  an  afcendant  over 
thofe  of  other  men.  All  thefe  qualities,  which 
formed  him  for  command,  were  accompanied 
with  that  fuperior  knowledge  of  his  profeflion, 
which  begets  confidence  in  times  of  difficulty* 
and  danger.  To  unfkilful  Spanifh  failors,  accuf- 
tomed  only  to  coatting  voyages  in  the  Medi- 
terranean, the  maritime  fcience  of  Columbus,  the 
fruit  of  thirty  years  experience,  improved  by  an 
acquaintance  with  all  the  inventions  of  the  Portu- 
guese, appeared  immenfe.  As  foon  as  they  put 
to  fea,  he  regulated  every  thing  by  his  fole  au- 
thority ;  he  fuperintended  the  execution  of  every 
order ;  and  allowing  himfelf  only  a  few  hours 
for  fleep,  he  was  at  all  other  times  upon  deck. 
As  his  courfe  lay  through  feas  which  had  not 
formerly  been  vifited,  the  founding-line,  or  in- 
ftruments  for  obfervation,  were  continually  in 
his  hands.  After  the  example  of  the  Portuguefe 
difcoverers,  he  attended  to  the  motion  of  tides 
and  currents,  watched  the  flight  of  birds,  the 
appearance  of  fifhes,  of  fea- weeds,  and  of  every 
thing  that  floated  on  the  waves,  and  entered  every 
occurrence,  with  a  minute  exa&nefs,  in  the  jour- 
nal which  he  kept.  As  the  length  of  the  voyage 
could  not  fail  of  alarming  failors  habituated  only 
to  fhort  excurfions,  Columbus  endeavoured  to 
conceal  from  them  the  real  progrefs  which  they 
made.  With  this  view,  though  they  run  eighteen 
leagues  on  the  fecond  day  after  they  left  Go- 
mtra,  he  gave  out  that  they  had  advanced  only 
fifteen,  and  he  uniformly  employed  the  fame 
M  2     •  artifice 


94  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.   II, 

jd>  artifice  of  reckoning  fhort  during  the  whole 
i\  Jjf  voyage.  By  the  fourteenth  of  September,  the 
j  ^  ^fleet  was  above  two  hundred  leagues  to  the  well 
u«**l.  °^  t^ie  Canary  I^e8>  at  a  greater  diftance  from 
"  land  than  any  Spaniard  had  been  before  that 
time.  There  they  were  flruck  with  an  appear- 
ance no  lefs  aftonifhing  than  new.  They  obferved 
that  the  magnetic  needle,  in  their  companes,  did 
not  point  exactly  to  the  polar  liar,  but  varied 
towards  the  weft  ;  and  as  they  proceeded,  this 
variation  increafed.  This  appearance,  which  is 
now  familiar,  though  it  Hill  remains  one  of  the 
mylleries  of  nature,  into  the  caufe  of  which  the 
fagacity  of  man  hath  not  been  able  to  penetrate, 
filled  the  companions  of  Columbus  with  terror. 
They  were  now  in  a  boundlefs  and  unknown 
ocean,  far  from  the  ufual  courfe  of  navigation  ; 
nature  itfelf  feemed  to  be  altered,  and  the  only 
guide  which  they  had  left  was  about  to  fail  them. 
Columbus,  with  no  lefs  quicknefs  than  ingenuity, 
invented  a  reafon  for  this  appearance,  which, 
though  it  did  not  fatisfy  himfelf,  feemed  fo  plau- 
fible  to  them,  that  it  difpelled  their  fears,  or 
iilenced  their  murmurs. 

He  Hill  continued  to  fteer  due  well,  nearly  in 
the  fame  latitude  with  the  Canary  Iflands.  In 
this  courfe  he  came  within  the  fphere  of  the 
trade  wind,  which  blows  invariably  from  eall  to 
well,  between  the  tropics  and  a  few  degrees  be- 
yond them.  He  advanced  before  this  Heady 
gale  with  fuch  uniform  rapidity,  that  it  was  fel* 
dom  neceflary  to  Ihift  a  fail.  When  about  four 
hundred  leagues  to  the  well  of  the  Canaries,  he 
found  the  lea  fo  covered  with  weeds,  that  it 
jrefembled  a  meadow  of  vail  extent,  and  in  fome 

place* 


I492-]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  95 

places  they  were  fd  thick,  as  to  retard  the  mo- 
tion of  the  veffels.  This  ftrange  appearance  occa- 
fioned  new  alarm  and  difquiet.  The  failors  ima- 
gined that  they  were  now  arrived  at  the  utmoit 
boundary  of  the  navigable  ocean  ;  that  thefe 
floating  weeds  would  obftruct  their  farther  pro- 
grefs,  and  concealed  dangerous  rocks,  or  fome 
large  tract  of  land,  which  had  funk,  they  knew 
not  how,  in  that  place.  Columbus  endeavoured 
to  perfuade  them,  that  what  had  alarmed,  ought 
rather  to  have  encouraged  them,  and  was  to  be 
confidered  as  a  figrt  of  approaching  land.  At 
the  fame  time,  a  brifk  gale  arofe,  and  carried 
them  forward.  Several  birds  were  feen  hover- 
ing about  the  fhip  P,  and  directed  their  flight 
towards  the  weft.  The  defponding  crew  re- 
fumed  fome  degree  of  fpirit,  and  began  to  enter-  ^  * 
tain  frefh  hopes.  q   * 

Upon  the  nrft  of  October  they  were,  accord- 
ing to  the  admiral's  reckoning,  feven  hundred  /*"& 
and  feventy  leagues  to  the  well  of  the  Canaries  ; 
but  left  his  men  fhould  be  intimidated  by  the 
prodigious  length  of  the  navigation,  he  gave  out  A*  '  « 
that  they  had  proceeded  only  live  hundred  and 
eighty-four  leagues  ;  and,  fortunately  for  Co- 
lumbus, neither  his  own  pilot,  nor  thofe  of  the 
other  fhips,  had  Ikill  fufficient  to  correct  this 
trror,  and  difcover  the  deceit.  They  had  now 
been  above  three  weeks  at  fea  ;  they  had  pro- 
ceeded far  beyond  what  former  navigators  had 
attempted  or  deemed  poiTible  ;  all  their  prog- 
tioftics  of  difcovery,  drawn  from  the  flight  of 
birds  and  other  circumftances,  had  proved  falla- 
cious ;  the  appearances  of  land,  with  which  their 
p  See  Notk  XIII. 

m  3  own 


96  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II, 

own  credulity  or  the  artifice  of  their  commander 
had  from  time  to  time  flattered  and  amufed 
them,  had  been  altogether  illufive,  and  their 
profpect  of  fuccefs  feemed  now  to  be  as  diftant 
as  ever.  Thefe  reflections  occurred  often  to 
men  who  had  no  other  object  or  occupation  than 
to  reafon  and  difcourfe  concerning  the  intention 
and  circumftances  of  their  expedition.  They 
made  impreffion,  at  firft,  upon  the  ignorant  and 
timid,  and  extending,  by  degrees,  to  fuch  as 
were  better  informed  or  more  refolute,  the  con* 
tagion  fpread  at  length  from  {hip  to  fhip.  From 
fecret  whifpers  or  murmurings,  they  proceeded 
to  open  cabals  and  public  complaints.  They 
taxed  their  fovereign  with  inconfiderate  credulity, 
in  paying  fuch  regard  to  the  vain  promifes  and 
ram  conjectures  of  an  indigent  foreigner,  as  to 
hazard  the  lives  of  fo  many  of  her  own  fubjects, 
in  profecuting  a  chimerical  fcheme.  They  af- 
firmed that  they  had  fully  performed  their  dutyf 
by  venturing  fo  far  in  an  unknown  and  hopelefs 
courfe,  and  could  incur  no  blame,  for  refuting 
to  follow,  any  longer,  a  defperate  adventurer  to 
certain  deftruction.  They  contended,  that  it 
was  neceffary  to  think  of  returning  to  Spain, 
while  their  crazy  veffels  were  ftill  in  a  condition 
to  keep  the  fea,  but  exprefled  their  fears  that 
the  attempt  would  prove  vain,  as  the  wind  which 
had  hitherto  been  fo  favourable  to  their  courfe, 
muft  render  it  impoifible  to  fail  in  the  oppofite 
direction.  All  agreed  that  Columbus  Ihould  be 
compelled  by  force  tp  adopt  a  meafure  on  which 
.their  common  fafety  depended.  Some  of  the 
more  audacious  propofed,  as  the  moll  expeditious 
and  certain  method  for  getting  rid  at  once  of  his 

remon* 


1  I492'3  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  97 

remonftrances,  to  throw  him  into  the  fea,  being 
perfuaded  that,  upon  their  return  to  Spain,  the 
death  of  an  unfuccefsful  projector  would  excite 
little  concern,  and  be  inquired  into  with  no 
curiofity- 

Columbus  was  fully  fenfible  of  his  perilous 
fituation.  He  had  obferved,  with  great  uneafi- 
nefs,  the  fatal  operation  of  ignorance  and  of  fear 
in  producing  difaffection  among  his  crew,  and 
faw  that  it  was  now  ready  to  burft  out  into  open 
mutiny.  He  retained,  however,  perfect  prefence 
of  mind.  He  affected,  to  feem  ignorant  of  their 
machinations.  Notwithstanding  the  agitation  and 
folicitude  of  his  own  mind,  he  appeared  with  a 
cheerful  countenance,  like  a  man  fatisfied  with 
the  progrefs  he  had  made,  and  confident  of 
fuccefs.  Sometimes  he  employed  all  the  arts  of 
infinuation,  to  footh  his  men.  Sometimes  he 
endeavoured  to  work  upon  their  ambition  or 
avarice,  by  magnificent  defcriptions  of  the  fame 
and  wealth  which  they  were  about  to  acquire. 
On  other  occafions,  he  afTumed  a  tone  of  autho- 
rity, and  threatened  them  with  vengeance  from 
their  fovereign,  if,  by  their  daflardly  behaviour, 
they  mould  defeat  this  noble  effort  to  promote 
the  glory  of  God,  and  to  exalt  the  Spanifh  name 
above  that  of  every  other  nation.  Even  with 
feditious  failors,  the  words  of  a  man  whom  they 
had  been  accuftomed  to  reverence,  were  weighty 
and  perfuafive,  and  not  only  reftrained  them  from 
thofe  violent  exceffes,  which  they  meditated,  but 
prevailed  with  them  to  accompany  their  admiral 
for  fome  time  longer. 

As  they  proceeded,  the  indications  of  ap- 
proaching laud  feemed  to  be  more  certain,  and 

excited 


98  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

Excited  hope  in  proportion.  The  birds  began 
to  appear  in  flocks,  making  towards  the  fouth- 
weft.  Columbus,  in  imitation  of  the  Portuguefe 
navigators,  who  had  been  guided,  in  feveral 
of  their  discoveries,  by  the  motion  of  birds,  altered 
his  courfe  from  due  weft  towards  that  quarter 
whither  they  pointed  their  flight.  But,  after 
holding  on  for  feveral  days  in  this  new  direction, 
without  any  better  fuccefs  than  formerly,  having 
feen  no  object,  during  thirty  days,  but  the  fea 
and  the  fky,  the  hopes  of  his  companions  fub- 
fided  fafter  than  they  had  rifen  ;  their  fears  re- 
vived with  additional  force  ;  impatience,  rage, 
and  defpair,  appeared  in  every  countenance.  All 
fenfe  of  fubordinatioh  was  loft  :  the  officers,  who 
had  hitherto  concurred  with  Columbus  in  opinion, 
and  fupported  his  authority,  now  took  part  with 
the  private  men  ;  they  affembled  tumultuoufly 
on  the  deck,  expoftulated  with  their  commander, 
mingled  threats  with  their  expostulations,  and 
required  him  inftantly  to  tack  about  and  to  re* 
turn  to  Europe.  Columbus  perceived  that 
would  be  of  no  avail  to  have  recourfe  to  any  o\ 
his  former  arts,  which  having  been  tried  fo  often, 
had  loft  their  effect  ;  and  that  it  was  impoflibh 
to  rekindle  any  zeal  for  the  fuceefs  of  the  expe- 
dition among  men,  in  whofe  breafts  fear  had 
extinguifhed  every  generous  fentiment.  He  faw 
that  it  was  no  lefs  vain  to  think  of  employing 
either  gentle  or  fevere  meafures  to  quell  a  mutiny 
fo  general  and  fo  violent*  It  was  necelTary,  oh 
all  thefe  accounts,  to  footh  paffions  which  he 
could  no  longer  command,,  and  to  give  way  to 
a  torrent  too  impetuous  to  be  checked.  He 
Jpromifed  Solemnly  to  his  men  that  he  would 

comply 


I4920  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  99 

comply  with  their  requeft,  provided  they  would 
accompany  him,  and  obey  his  commands  for 
three  days  longer,  and  if,  during  that  time, 
land  were  not  difcovered,  he  would  then  aban- 
don the  enterprize,  and  direct  his  courfe  towards 
Spain  r. 

Enraged  as  the  failors  were,  and  impatient  to 
turn  their  faces  again  towards  their  native  coun- 
try, this  proportion  did  not  appear  to  them  un- 
reasonable.    Nor  did  Columbus  hazard  much  in 
confining  himfelf  to  a  term  fo  fhort.     The  pre- 
fages  of  difcovering  land  were  now  fo  numerous 
and  promising,  that  he  deemed  them  infallible. 
For  fome  days  the  founding  line  reached   the 
bottom,  and  the  foil  which  it  brought  up  indi- 
cated land  to  be  at  no  great  diftance.  The  flocks 
of  birds  increafed,  and  were  compofed  not  only 
of  fea-fowl,  but  of  fuch  land  birds  as  could  not 
be  fuppofed  to  fly  far  from   the  fhore.      The 
crew  of  the  Pinta  obferved  a  cane  floating,  which 
feemed  to  have  been  newly  cut,  and  likewife  a 
piece  of  timber  artificially  carved.     The  failors 
aboard  the  Nigna  took  up  the  branch  of  a  tree 
with  red  berries,  perfectly  frefh.      The  clouds 
around  the  fetting-fun  affumed  a  new  appear- 
ance ;    the  air  was  more  mild  and  warm,   and, 
during  night,   the   wind  became   unequal   and 
variable.     From  all  thefe  fymptoms,  Columbus    <0 
was  fo  confident  of  being  near  land,  that  on  the  $<*t 
evening  of  the  eleventh  of  October,  after  public  / 1$ 
prayers  for  fuccefs,  he  ordered  the  fails  to  be       7' 
furled,  and  the   fhips  to  lie-to,   keeping   ftrid      " 
watch,  left  they  fhould  be  driven  afhore  in  the 
night.      During   this  interval  of  fufpenfe  and 
r  OviedoHift^p.  Ramuf.  vol.  iii,  p,  8i.   E. 

expectation, 


lOO  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  B.  II. 

expe&ation,  no  man  fhut  his  eyes,  all  kept  upon 
deck,  gazing  intently  towards  that  quarter  where 
they  expected  to  difcover  the  land,  which  had 
been  fo  long  the  object  of  their  wifhes. 

About  two  hours  before  midnight,  Colum- 
bus Handing  on  the  forecaftle,  obferved  a  light  at 
&  diftance,  and  privately  pointed  it  out  to  Pedro 
Guttierez,  a  page  of  the  queen's  wardrobe. 
Guttierez  perceived  it,  and  calling  to  Salcedo, 
Comptroller  of  the  fleet,  all  three  faw  it  in  mo- 
tion, as  if  it  were  carried  from  place  to  place.  A 
little  after  midnight  the  joyful  found  of  land,  land, 
was  heard  from  the  Pinta,  which  kept  always 
ahead  of  the  other  mips.  But,  having  been  fo 
often  deceived  by  fallacious  appearances,  every 

T«tiAr- s  .*nan  was  now  Decome  flow  of  belief,  and  waited,  in 

all  the  anguifh  of  uncertainty  and  impatience, 

**  \.  for  the  return   of  day.     As  foon  as  morning 

3oG  dawned  [Friday,  061.  12],  all  doubts  and  fears 
~~  Were  difpelled.  From  every  fliip  an  ifland  was 
-  feen  about  two  leagues  to  the  north,  whofe  flat 
and  verdant  fields,  well  ftored  with  wood,  and 
watered  with  many  rivulets,  prefented  the  afpedt 
of  a  delightful  country.  The  crew  of  the  Pinta 
inftantly  began  the  Te  Deum,  as  a  hymn  of 
thankfgiving  to  God,  and  were  joined  by  thofe 
of  the  other  fhips,  with  tears  of  joy  and  tranf- 
ports  of  congratulation.  This  office  of  grati- 
tude to  Heaven  was  followed  by  an  «£  of  juit ice 
to  their  commander.  They  threw  themfelves  at 
the  feet  of  Columbus,  with  feelings  of  felf-con- 
demnation  mingled  with  reverence.  They  im- 
plored him  to  pardon  their  ignorance,  incredu- 
lity, and  infolence,  which  had  created  him  fo 
jnuch  unrieceflary  difquiet,  and  had  fo  often  ob- 

ftrufted 


TbliJPap 


*«t$0uaj'c6jia0aitty  OtdUtUJ^Kuufinvul . 


Z&mu/ca 


I492*]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  lOt 

ilructed  the  profecution  of  his  well-concerted 
plan  ;  and  pafling,  in  the  warmth  of  their  ad- 
miration, from  one  extreme  to  another,  they 
now  pronounced  the  man,  whom  they  had  fo 
lately  reviled  and  threatened,  to  be  a  perfon  in- 
fpired  by  Heaven  with  fagacity  and  fortitude 
more  than  human,  in  order  to  accomplifh  a  defign 
fo  far  beyond  the  ideas  and  conception  of  all 
former  ages. 

As  foon  as  the  fun  arofe,  all  their  boats  were 
manned  and  armed.  They  rowed  towards  the 
ifland  with  their  colours  difplayed,  with  warlike 
muiic,  and  other  martial  pomp.  As  tKey  ap- 
proached the  coaft,  they  faw  it  covered  with  a 
multitude  of  people,  whom  the  novelty  of  the 
fpe&acle  had  drawn  together,  whofe  attitudes 
and  geftures  expreffed  wonder  and  aftonifhment 
at  the  ftrange  objects  which  prefented  themfelves 
to  their  view.  Columbus  was  the  fir  ft  European 
who  fet  foot  in  the  New  World  which  he  had 
difcovered.  He  landed  in  a  rich  drefs,  and  with 
a  naked  fword  in  his  hand.  His  men  follow- 
ed, and  kneeling  down,  they  all  kifTed  the 
ground  which  they  had  fo  long  defired  to  fee. 
They  next  ereded  a  crucifix,  and  proftrating 
themfelves  before  it,  returned  thanks  to  God 
for  conducting  their  voyage  to  fuch  an  happy 
lime.  They  then  took  folemn  pofTefiion  of  the 
country  for  the  crown  of  Caftile  and  Leon,  with 
all  the  formalities  which  the  Portuguefe  were 
accuftomed  to  obferve  in  ads  of  this  Jdnd,  in 
their  new  difcoveries  *. 

1  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  22, 23.    Hcrrcra,  dec,  u  lib.  ?• 
c.  13. 

The 


102  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II, 

The  Spaniards,  while  thus  employed,  wen 
furrounded  by  many  of  the  natives,  who  gazed, 
in  iilent   admiration,   upon  actions  which  they 
could  not  comprehend,  and  of  which  they  die 
not    forefee   the    confequences.     The    drefs    o 
the  Spaniards,  the  whitenefs  of  their  fkins,  theii 
beards,  their  arms,  appeared  ftrange  and    fur 
prifing.     The  vaft  machines  in  which  they  hac 
traverfed  the  ocean,  that  feemed  to  move  upon 
the  waters  with  wings,*  and  uttered  a  dreadfu 
found  ^  refembling   thunder,    accompanied   with 
lightning  and  fmoke,  ftruck  them  with  fuch  ter- 
ror,  that  they  began  to  refpeft  their  new  guefts 
as  a  fuperior  order  of  beings,  and  concluded  that 
they  were  children  of  the  Sun,    who    had   de 
fcended  to  vifit  the  earth. 

The  Europeans  were  hardly  lefs  amazed  at 
the  fcene  now  before  them.  Every  herb,  an< 
fhrub,  and  tree,  was  different  from  thofe  whicl 
flourifhed  in  Europe.  The  foil  feemed  to  b, 
rich,  but  bore  few  marks  of  cultivation.  The 
climate,  even  to  the  Spaniards,  felt  warm,  though 
extremely  delightful.  The  inhabitants  appeared 
in  the  fimple  innocence  of  nature,  entirely  naked 
Their  black  hair,  long  and  uncurled,  floated  upoi 
their  moulders,  or  was  bound  in  treffes  aroum 
their  heads.  They  had  no  beards,  and  ever 
part  of  their  bodies  was  perfe&ly  fmooth.  Thei' 
complexion  was  of  a  dufky  copper  colour,  thei 
features  fingular,  rather  than  difagreeable,  thei. 
afpect.  gentle  and  timid.  Though  not  tall,  they 
were  well  fhaped,  and  aftive.  Their  faces,  and 
feveral  parts  of  their  body,  were  fantastically 
painted  with,  glaring  colours.  They  were  fir 
at  firft  through  fear,  but  foon  became  familia 


efhy 

niliar 
with 


I492']  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  10$ 

with  the  Spaniards,  and  with  tranfports  of  joy 
received  from  them  hawks-bells,  glafs  beads,  or 
other  baubles,  in  return  for  which  they  gave 
fuch  provilions  as  they  had,  and  fome  cotton 
yarn,  the  only  commodity  of  value  that  they 
could  produce.  Towards  evening,  Columbus 
returned  to  his  fhip,  accompanied  by  many  o£ 
the  iflanders  in  their  boats,  which  they  called 
canoes,  and  though  rudely  formed  out  of  the 
trunk  of  a  fingle  tree,  they  rowed  them  with 
furprifing  dexterity.  Thus,  in  the  firft  interview 
between  the  inhabitants  of  the  old  and  new 
worlds,  every  thing  was  conducted  amicably,  and 
to  their  mutual  fatisfaclion.  The  former,  en- 
lightened and  ambitious,  formed  already  vaft  ideas 
with  refpecl:  to  the  advantages  which  they  might 
derive  from  the  regions  that  began  to  open  to 
their  view.  The  latter,  fimple  and  undifcerning, 
had  no  forefight  of  the  calamities  and  defolation 
which  were  approaching  their  country. 

Columbus,  who  now  affumed  the  title  and 
authority  of  admiral  and  viceroy,  called  the  ifland 
which  he  had  difcovered  San  Salvador.  It  is 
better  known  by  the  name  of  Guanahani,  which 
the  natives  gave  to  it,  and  is  one  of  that  large 
clufter  of  iflands  called  the  Lucaya  or  Bahama 
ifles.  It  is  fituated  above  three  thoufand  miles 
to  the  weft  of  Gomera,  from  which  the  fquadron 
took  its  departure,  and  only  four  degrees  to  the 
fouth  of  it ;  fo  little  had  Columbus  deviated 
from  the  wefterly  courfe,  which  he  had  chofen 
as  the  moll  proper. 

Columbus  employed  the  next  day  in  vifiting 
the  coafts  of  the  ifland ;  and  from  the  univerfal 
poverty  of  the  inhabitants,  he  perceived  that  this 
was  not  the  rich  country  for  which  he  fought. 

vol.  i.  n  But, 


104  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA*  13.  II. 

But,  conformably  to  his  theory  concerning  the 
difcovery  of  thofe  regions  of  Afia  which  ftretchsd 
towards  the  eaft,  he  concluded  that  San  Salvador 
was  one  of  the  ifles  which  geographers  defcribed 
as  fituated  in  the  great  ocean  adjacent  to  India *. 
Having  obferved  that  molt  of  the  people  whom 
he  had  feen  wore  fmall  plates  of  gold,  by  way 
of  ornament,  in  their  noftrils,  he  eagerly  in- 
quired where  they  got  that  precious  metal. 
They  pointed  towards  the  fouth,  and  made  him 
comprehend  by  figns,  that  gold  abounded  in 
countries  fituated  in  that  quarter.  Thither  he 
immediately  determined  to  direct  his  courfe,  in 
full  confidence  of  finding  there  thofe  opulent 
regions  which  had  been  the  object  of  his  voyage,, 
and  would  be  a  recompence  for  all  his  toils  and 
dangers.  He  took  along  with  him  feven  of  the 
natives  of  San  Salvador,  that,  by  acquiring  the 
Spanifh  language,  they  might  ferve  as  guides 
and  interpreters  ;  and  thofe  innocent  people  con- 
fidered  it  as  a  mark  of  diftinction  when  they  were 
felected  to  accompany  him. 

He  faw  feveral  iflands,  and  touched  at  three  of 
the  largeft,  on  which  he  bellowed  the  names  of 
St.  Mary  of  the  Conception,.  Fernandina,  and 
Ifabella.  But  as  their  foil,  productions,  and  in- 
habitants, nearly  refembled  thofe  of  San  Salva- 
dor, he  made  no  flay  in  any  of  them.  He  in- 
quired every  where  for  gold,  and  the  figns  that 
-were  uniformly  made  by  way  of  anfwer,  confirmed 
him  in  the  opinion  that  it  was  brought  from  the 
fouth.  He  followed  that  courfe,  and  foon  dif- 
covered  a  country  which  appeared  very  exten- 
five,  not  perfectly  level,  like  thofe  which  he  had 
Already  vifited,  but  fo  diverfified  with  rifmg 
J  Pet.  Mart,  epiit.  135. 

grounds, 


I492*]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  IO£ 

grounds,  hills,  rivers,  woods,  and  plains,  that  he 
was  uncertain  whether  it  might  prove  an  ifland, 
or  part  of  the  continent.     The  natives  of  San 
Salvador,  whom  he  had  on  board,  called  it  Cuba  ; 
Columbus  gave  it  the  name  of  Juanna.     He  en- 
tered the  mouth  of  a  large  river  with  his  fqua- 
dron,   and  all  the  inhabitants  fled  to  the  moun- 
tains as  he  approached  the  fhore.     But  as  he 
refolved  to  careen  his  (hips  in  that  place,  he  fent 
fome  Spaniards,  together  with  one  of  the  people 
of  San  Salvador,  to  view  the  interior  part  of  the 
country.      They,  having  advanced  above  fixty 
miles  from  the  fhore,  reported,  upon  their  re- 
turn, that  the  foil  was  richer  and  more  culti- 
vated than  any  they  had  hitherto   difcovered ; 
that,  befides  many  fcattered  cottages,  they  had 
found  one  village,  containing  above  a  thoufand 
inhabitants ;    that  the   people,   though    naked, 
feemed  to  be  more  intelligent  than  thofe  of  San 
Salvador,  but  had  treated  them  with  the  fame 
refpedful  attention,  killing  their  feet,  and  ho* 
nouring  them  as  facred  beings  allied  to  Heaven  ; 
that  they  had  given  them  to  eat  a  certain  root, 
the  taite  of  which  refembled  roafted  chefnuts, 
and  likewife  a  fmgular  fpecies  of  corn  called 
maize,    which,    either   when   roafted   whole    of 
ground  into   meal,    was  abundantly  palatable  ; 
that  there  feemed  to  be  no  four-footed  animals 
in  the  country,    but  a  fpecies  of  dogs,   which 
could  not  bark,  and  a  creature  refembling  a  rab- 
bit, but  of  a  much  fmaller  iize  ;   that  they  had 
obferved   fome   ornaments  of  gold   among  the 
people,  but  of  no  great  value  u. 

u  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  24— 28.     Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  i. 
c.  14. 

n  2  Thefe 


ICO  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  13.  II. 

Thefe  mefTengers  had  prevailed  with  fome  of 
the  natives  to  accompany  them,  who  informed 
Columbus,  that  the  gold  of  which  they  made 
their  ornaments  was  found  in  Cubanacan.     By 
this  word  they  meant  the  middle  or  inland  part 
of  Cuba  ;  but  Columbus,  being  ignorant  of  their 
language,  as  well  as  unaccuftomed  to  their  pro- 
nunciation, and  his  thoughts  running  continually 
upon  his  own  theory  concerning  the  difcovery  of 
the  Eaft  Indies,  he  was  led,  by  the  refemblance 
of  found,  to  fuppofe  that  they  fpoke  of  the 
Great   Khan,    and  imagined   that   the   opulent 
kingdom  of  Cathay,  defcribed  by  Marco  Polo, 
was  not  very  remote.     This  induced  him  to  em- 
ploy fome  time  in  viewing  the  country.     He 
vifited  almoft   every  harbour,   from   Porto   del 
Principe,    on  the  north  coaft  of  Cuba,    to  the 
eaftern  extremity  of  the  iiland :  but,  though  de- 
lighted with  the  beauty  of  the  fcenes  which 
every  where  prefented  themfelves,  and  amazed 
at  the  luxuriant  fertility  of  the  foil,  both  which, 
from  their  novelty,  made  a  more  lively  imprefiion 
upon  his  imagination  x,  he  did  not  find  gold  in 
fuch  quantity  as  was  fufficient  to  fatisfy  either 
the  avarice  of  his  followers,  or  the  expectations 
©f  the  court  to  which  he  was  to  return.     The 
people  of  the  country,  as  much  aftonifhed  at  his 
eagernefs  in  queft  of  gold,  as  the   Europeans 
were  at  their  ignorance  and  fimplicity,  pointed 
towards  the  eaft,  where  an  iiland  which  they 
called  Hayti  was  iituated,  in  which  that  metal 
was  more  abundant  than  among  them.  Columbus 
ordered  his  fquadron  to  bend  its  courfe  thither ; 
but  Martin  Alonfo  Pinzon,  impatient  to  be  the 

*  See  Note  XIV. 

firft 


I492,l  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  107 

firft  who  fhould  take  poffeflion  of  the  treafurea 
which  this  country  was  fuppofed  to  contain, 
quitted  his  companions,  regardlefs  of  all  the  ad- 
miral's fignals  to  flacken  fail  until  they  fhould 
come  up  with  him. 

Columbus,  retarded  by  contrary  winds,  .did 
not  reach  Hayti  till  the  fixth  of  December.  He 
called  the  port  where  he  firft  touched  St.  Nicho- 
las, and  the  ifland  itfelf  Efpagnola,  in  honour  of 
the  kingdom  by  which  he  was  employed  ;  and  it 
is  the  only  country,  of  thofe  he  had  yet  disco- 
vered, which  has  retained  the  name  that  he  gave 
it.  As  he  could  neither  meet  with  the  Pinta,  nor 
have  any  intercourfe  with  the  inhabitants,  who 
fled  in  great  conlternation  towards  the  woods, 
he  foon  quitted  St.  Nicholas,  and  failing  along 
the  northern  coafl  of  the  ifland,  he  entered 
another  harbour,  which  he  called  Conception* 
Here  he  was  more  fortunate ;  his  people  over- 
took a  woman  who  was  flying  from  them,  and 
after  treating  her  with  great  gentlenefs,  difmifled 
her  with  a  prefent  of  fuch  toys  as  they  knew 
were  moil  valued  in  thofe  regions.  The  de- 
fcription  which  fhe  gave  to  her  countrymen  of 
the  humanity  and  wonderful  qualities  of  the 
ftrangers  ;  their  admiration  of  the  trinkets,  which 
(lie  ihewed  with  exultation  ;  and  their  eagernefs 
to  participate  of  the  fame  favours  ;  removed  all 
their  fears,  and  induced  many  of  them  to  repair 
to  the  harbour.  The  flrange  objects  which  they 
beheld,  and  the  baubles,  which  Columbus  be- 
ftowed  upon  them,  amply  gratified  their  curiofity 
and  their  wifhes.  They  nearly  refembled  the 
people  of  Guanahani  and  Cuba.  They  were 
naked  like  them,  ignorant,  and  fimple ;  and 
n  3  feerned 


108  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II, 

feemed  to  be  equally  unacquainted  with  all  the 
arts  which  appear  molt  neceflary  in  polifhed  fo- 
cieties  :  but  they  were  gentle,  credulous,  and 
timid,  to  a  degree  which  rendered  it  eafy  to  ac- 
quire the  afcendant  over  them,  efpecially  as  their 
exceflive  admiration  led  them  into  the  fame  error 
with  the  people  of  the  other  iflands,  in  believ* 
ing  the  Spaniards  to  be  more  than  mortals,  and 
delcended  immediately  from  Heaven.  They 
poffefTed  gold  in  greater  abundance  than  their 
neighbours,  which  they  readily  exchanged  for 
bells,  beads,  or  pins  ;  and  in  this  unequal  traffic 
both  parties  were  highly  pleafed,  each  confidering 
themfelves  as  gainers  by  the  tranfaction.  Here 
Columbus  was  vifited  by  a  prince  or  caziqtie  of 
the  country.  He  appeared  with  all  the  pomp 
known  among  a  fimple  people,  being  carried  in 
a  fort  of  palanquin  upon  the  moulders  of  four 
men,  and  attended  by  many  of  his  fubjecls,  who 
ferved  him  with  great  refpecl.  His  deportment 
was  grave  a'nd  {lately,  very  referved  towards  his 
own  people,  but  with  Columbus  and  the  Spaniards 
extremely  courteous,.  He  gave  the  admiral  fome 
thin  plates  of  gold,  and  a  girdle  of  curious  work- 
manfhip,  receiving  in  return  prefents  of  fmall  va-r 
lue,  but  highly  acceptable  to  him?". 

Columbus,  ilill  intent  on  difcovering  the  mines 
which  yielded  gold,  continued  to  interrogate  all 
the  natives  with  whom  he  had  any  intercourfe 
concerning  their  fituation.  They  concurred  in 
pointing  out  a  mountainous  country,  which  they 
called  Cibao,  at  fome  diftance  from  the  fea,  and 
farther  towards  the  eaft.  Struck  with  this  found, 
which  appeared  to  him  the  fame  with  Clpangor 

y  Lire  of  Columbus,  c,  3a.  Herrera,  dec.  1,  lib.  i.  c.  1 5,  &c« 

the. 


I492']  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  IO9 

the  name  by  which  Marco  Polo,  and  other  tra- 
vellers to  the  eaft,  diftinguifhed  the  ifland  of  Ja- 
pan, he  no  longer  doubted  with  refpect  to  the 
vicinity  of  the  countries  which  he  had  difcovered 
to  the  remote  parts  of  Afia ;  and,  in  full  ex- 
pectation of  reaching  foon  thofe  regions  which 
had  been  the  object  of  his  voyage,  he  directed 
his  courfe  towards  the  eaft.  He  put  into  a  com- 
modious harbour,  which  he  called  St.  Thomas, 
and  found  that  di Uriel;  to  be  under  the  govern- 
ment of  a  powerful  cazique,  named  Guacanahari> 
who,  as  he  afterwards  learned,  was  one  of  the 
five  fovereigns  among  whom  the  whole  ifland 
was  divided.  He  immediately  fent  meiTengers 
to  Columbus,  who,  in  his  name,  delivered  to 
him  the  prefent  of  a  mafk  curioufly  fafhioned, 
with  the  ears,  nofe,  and  mouth  of  beaten  gold, 
and  invited  him  to  the  place  of  his  refidence, 
near  the  harbour  now  called  Cape  Francois, 
fome  leagues  towards  the  eaft.  Columbus  dif- 
patched  fome  of  his  officers  to  vifit  this  prince, 
who,  as  he  behaved  himfelf  with  greater  dignity, 
feemed  to  claim  more  attention.  They  return- 
ed, with  fuch  favourable  accounts  both  of  the 
country  and  of  the  people,  as  made  Columbus 
impatient  for  that  interview  with  Guacanahari  to 
which  he  had  been  invited. 

He  failed  for  this  purpofe  from  St.  Thomas, 
on  the  twenty-fourth  of  December,  with  a  fair 
wind,  and  the  fea  perfectly  calm  ;  and  as,  amidft 
the  multiplicity  of  his  occupations,  he  had  not 
fhut  his  eyes  for  two  days,  he  retired  at  mid- 
night in  order  to  take  fome  repofe,  having  com- 
mitted the  helm  to  the  pilot,  with  ftric~r.  injunc- 
tions not  to  quit  it  for  a  moment,,     The  pilot, 

dreading 


TIO  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.I 

dreading  no  danger,  carelefsly  left  the  helm  to  ail 
unexperienced  cabin-boy,   and  the  fhip,  carried 
away  by  a  current,  was  darned  againit  a  rock. 
The  violence  of  the  (hock  awakened  Columbus. 
He  ran  up  to  the  deck.     There,  all  was  con- 
fufion  and  defpair.     He  alone  retained  prefence 
of  mind.   He  ordered  fome  of  the  failors  to  take  a 
boat,  and  carry  out  an  anchor  allern  ;    but,  in- 
Head  of  obeying,  they  made  off  towards  the 
Nigna,  which  was  about  half  a  league  diftant. 
He  then  commanded  the  mails  to  be  cut  down, 
in  order  to  lighten  the  fhip  ;   but  all  his  endea- 
vours were  too  late  ;    the  vefTel  opened  near  the 
keel,   and  filled  fo  fail  with  water  that  its  lofs 
was  inevitable.     The  fmoothnefs  of  the  fea,  and 
the  timely  afiHlance  of  boats  from  the  Nigna, 
enabled  the  crew  to  fave  their  lives.     As  foon  as 
the  inlanders  heard  of  this  difafter,  they  crowded 
to  the  more,  with  their  prince  Guacanahari  at 
their  head.     Inftead  of  taking  advantage  of  the 
diftrefs  in  which  they  beheld  the  Spaniards,  to 
attempt  any  thing  to  their  detriment,  they  la- 
mented  their  misfortune   with  tears  of  fincerc 
condolence.     Not  fatisfied  with  this  unavailing 
expreflion  of  their  fympathy,  they  put  to  fea 
a  number  of  canoes,  and,  under  the  direction  of 
the  Spaniards,  aflifted  in  faving  whatever  could 
be  got  out  of  the  wreck ;  and  by  the  united  la- 
bour of  fo  many  hands,    almofl  every  thing  of 
value  was  carried  afhore.     As  faft  as  the  goods 
were  landed,  Guacanahari  in  perfon  took  charge 
of  them.     By  his  orders  they  were  all  depofited 
in  one  place,  and  armed  centinels  were  polled, 
who  kept  the  multitude  at  a  diflance,  in  order 
to  prevent  them  not  only  from  embezzling,  but 

from 


I492»]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  Ill 

from  infpe£ting  too  curioufly  what  belonged  to 
their  guefts  z.  Next  morning  this  prince  vifited 
Columbus,  who  was  now  on  board  the  Nigna, 
and  endeavoured  to  confole  him  for  his  lofs,  by 
offering  all  that  he  poffeffed  to  repair  it a. 

The  condition  of  Columbus  was  fuch,  that  he 
flood  in  need  of  confolation.  He  had  hitherto 
procured  no  intelligence  of  the  Pinta,  and  no 
longer  doubted  but  that  his  treacherous  affociate 
had  fet  fail  for  Europe,  in  order  to  have  the 
merit  of  carrying  the  firft  tidings  of  the  extraor* 
dinary  difcoveries  which  had  been  made,  and  to 
pre-occupy  fo  far  the  ear  of  their  fovereign,  as 
to  rob  him  of  the  glory  and  reward  to  which  he 
was  juftly  entitled.  There  remained  but  one 
veffel,  and  that  the  fmalleft  and  moft  crazy  of 
the  fquadron,  to  traverfe  fuch  a  vaft  ocean,  and 
carry  fo  many  men  back  to  Europe.  Each  of 
thofe  circumftances  was  alarming,  and  filled  the 
mind  of  Columbus  with  the  utmoft  folicitude. 
The  defire  of  overtaking  Pinzon,  and  of  effacing 
the  unfavourable  impreffions  which  his  mifrepre- 
fentations  might  make  in  Spain,  made  it  necef- 
fary  to  return  thither  without  delay.  The  dif- 
ficulty of  taking  fuch  a  number  of  perfons  aboard 
the  Nigna,  confirmed  him  in  an  opinion,  which 
the  fertility  of  the  country,  and  the  gentle  tem- 
per of  the  people,  had  already  induced  him  to 
form.  He  refolved  to  leave  a  part  of  his  crew 
in  the  ifland,  that,  by  refiding  there,  they  might 
learn  the  language  of  the  natives,  ftudy  their 
difpofition,  examine  the  nature  of  the  country, 
fearch  for  mines,  prepare  for  the  commodious 
fettlement  of  the  colony,  with  which  he  pro- 

?  See  N0T2  XV.         a  Herrera,  dec.  i.  lib.  i.  c.  18. 

pofed 


112  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

pofed  to  return,  and  thus  fecure  and  facilitate 
the  acquisition  of  thofe  advantages  which  he  ex- 
pected from  his  difcoveries.  When  he  men- 
tioned this  to  his  men,  all  approved  of  the  de- 
iign  ;  and  from  impatience  under  the  fatigue  of 
a  long  voyage,  from  the  levity  natural  to  failors, 
or  from  the  hopes  of  amafling  wealth  in  a  coun- 
try, which  afforded  fuch  promifmg  fpecimens  of 
its  riches,  many  offered  voluntarily  to  be  among 
the  number  of  thofe  who  mould  remain. 

Nothing  was  now  wanting  towards  the  execu- 
tion of  this  fcheme,    but  to  obtain  the  confent 
of  Guacanahari ;    and  his  unfufpicious  fimplicity 
foon  prefented  to  the  admiral  a  favourable  op- 
portunity of  propofing  it.     Columbus  having,  in 
the  bell  manner  he  could,  by  broken  words  and 
figns,  expreffed  fome  curiofity  to  know  the  caufe 
which  had  moved  the  iflanders  to  fly  with  fuch 
precipitation   upon  the   approach  of  his   mips, 
the  cazique  informed  him  that  the  country  was 
much  infefled  by  the  incurfions  of  certain  peo- 
ple, whom  he  called  Carribeans,  who  inhabited 
feveral  iflands  to  the  fouth-eaft.     Thefe  he  de* 
fcribed  as  a  fierce  and  warlike  race  of  men,  who 
delighted  in  blood,  and  devoured  the  flefh  of  the 
prifoners  who  were  fo  unhappy  as  to  fall  into 
their  hands  ;  and  as  the  Spaniards,  at  their  firft 
appearance,    were    fuppofed   to   be   Carribeans, 
whom  the  natives,  however  numerous,  durfl  not 
face  in  battle,  they  had  recourfe  to  their  ufual 
method  of  fecuring  their  fafety,  by  flying  into 
the  thickeft  and  mofl  impenetrable  woods.     Gua- 
canahari,   while  fpeaking  of  thofe   dreadful  in- 
vaders,  difcovered  fuch  fymptoms  of  terror,  as 
well  as  fuch  confeioufnefs  of  the  inability  of  his 

own 


1492.}  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  11$ 

own  people  to  refill  them,  as  led  Columbus  to 
conclude  that  he  would  not  be  alarmed  at  the 
proportion  of  any  fcheme  which  afforded  him 
the  profpe£t  of  an  additional  fecurity  againfl 
their  attacks.  He  inflantly  offered  him  the 
affiitance  of  the  Spaniards  to  repel  his  enemies  ; 
he  engaged  to  take  him  and  his  people  under 
the  protection  of  the  powerful  monarch  whom 
he  ferved,  and  offered  to  leave  in  the  ifland  fuch 
a  number  of  his  men  as  mould  be  fufficient,  not 
only  to  defend  the  inhabitants  from  future  in- 
curfions,  but  to  avenge  their  part  wrongs. 

The  credulous  prince  clofed  eagerly  with  the 
propofal,  and  thought  himfelf  already  fafe  under 
the  patronage  of  beings  fprung  from  Heaven, 
and  fuperior  in  power  to  mortal  men.  The 
ground  was  marked  out  for  a  fmall  fort,  which 
Columbus  called  Navidad,  becaufe  he  had  land- 
ed there  on  Chriflmas-day.  A  deep  ditch  was 
drawn  around  it.  The  ramparts  were  fortified 
with  pallifades,  and  the  great  guns,  faved  out  of 
the  admiraPs  fliip,  were  planted  upon  them.  In 
ten  days  the  work  was  flnifhed  ;  that  fimple  race 
of  men  labouring  with  inconfiderate  afliduity  in 
erecting  this  firlt  monument  of  their,  own  fer- 
vitude.  During  this  time,  Columbus,  by  his- 
careffes  and  liberality,,  laboured  to  increafe  the 
higli  opinion  which  the  natives  entertained  of 
the  Spaniards.  But  while  he  endeavoured  to 
mfpire  them  with  confidence  in  their  difpofition 
to  do  good,  he  wifhed  likewife  to  give  them 
fome  linking  idea  of  their  power  to  punifh  and 
deflroy  fuch  as  were  the  objects  of  their  in- 
dignation* With  this  view,  in  prefence  of  a  vail 
aflembly,  he  drew  up  his  men  in  order  of  battle* 

and 


114  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

and  made  an  oftentatious  but  innocent  difplay  of 
the  fharpnefs  of  the  Spanifh  fwords,  of  the  force 
of  their  fpears,  and  the  operation  of  their  crofs- 
bows.  Thefe  rude  people,  ftrangers  to  the  ufe 
of  iron,  and  unacquainted  with  any  hoftile  wea- 
pons, but  arrows  of  reeds  pointed  with  the  bones 
of  fifties,  wooden  fwords,  and  javelins  hardened 
in  the  fire,  wondered  and  trembled.  Before  this 
furprife  or  fear  had  time  to  abate,  he  ordered  the 
great  guns  to  be  fired.  The  fudden  explofion 
iiruck  them  with  fuch  terror,  that  they  fell  flat 
to  the  ground,  covering  their  faces  with  their 
hands  ;  and  when  they  beheld  the  aftonifhing 
effect  of  the  bullets  among  the  trees,  towards 
which  the  cannon  had  been  pointed,  they  con- 
cluded that  it  was  impoffible  to  refill  men,  who 
had  the  command  of  fuch  deftructive  inftruments, 
and  who  came  armed  with  thunder  and  lightning 
againft  their  enemies. 

After  giving  fuch  impreflions  both  of  the  be- 
nificence  and  power  of  the  Spaniards,  as  might 
have  rendered  it  eafy  to  preferve  an  afcendant 
over  the  minds  of  the  natives,  Columbus  ap- 
pointed thirty-eight  of  his  people  to  remain  in 
the  ifland.  He  entrufted  the  command  of  thefe 
to  Diego  de  Arada,  a  gentleman  of  Cordova, 
invelling  him  with  the  fame  powers  which  he 
himfelf  had  received  from  Ferdinand  and  Ifa- 
bella  ;  and  furnifhed  him  with  every  thing  re- 
quifite  for  the  fubfiftence  or  defence  of  this  in- 
fant colony.  He  ftriftly  enjoined  them  to  main- 
tain concord  among  themfelves,  to  yield  an  unre- 
ferved  obedience  to  their  commander,  to  avoid 
giving  offence  to  the  natives  by  any  violence 
or  exaction,  to  cultivate  the  friendfhip  of  Gua- 

canahari, 


[492*3 


HISTORY    OF    AMERTCA, 


"5 


nahari,  but  not  to  put  themfelves  in  his  power, 

y  flraggling  in  fmall  parties,  or  marching  too 

r  from  the  fort.  He  promifed  to  revifit  them 
Loon,  with  fuch  a  reinforcement  of  ftrength  as 

ight  enable  them  to  take  full  pofleflion  of  the 
:ountry,  and  to  reap  all  the  fruits  of  their  difco- 
rcries.  In  the  mean  time,  he  engaged  to  men- 
tion their  names  to  the  king  and  queen,  and  to 

tee  their  merit  and  fervices  in  the  moil  advan- 

igeous  light b. 

1493.]  Having  thus  taken  every  precaution  for 
thefecurity  of  the  colony,  he  left  Navidadon  the 
~>urth  of  January  one   thoufand  four  hundred 

id  ninety-three,  and  fleering  towards  the  eafi, 
difcovered,  and  gave  names  to  moil  of  the  har- 
bours on  the  northern  coafl  of  the  ifland.  On 
the  fixth,  he  defcried  the  Pinta,  and  foon  came 
up  with  her,  after  a  feparation  of  more  than  fix 
weeks.  Pinzon  endeavoured  to  juflify  his  con- 
duel,  by  pretending  that  he  had  been  driven 
from  his  courfe  by  flrefs  of  weather,  and  pre- 
vented from  returning  by  contrary  winds.  The 
admiral,  though  he  Hill  fufpedled  his  perfidious 
intentions,  and  knew  well  what  he  urged  in  his 
own  defence  to  be  frivolous  as  well  as  falfe,  was 
fo  fenfible  that  this  was  not  a  proper  time  for 
venturing  upon  any  high  ilrain  of  authority,  and 
felt  fuch  fatisfaftion  in  this  junction  with  his 
confort,  which  delivered  him  from  many  dif- 
quieting  apprehenfions,  that  lame  as  Pinzon's 
apology  was,  he  admitted  of  it  without  difficulty, 
and  reflored  him  to  favour.  During  his  abfence 
from  the  admiral,  Pinzon  had  vifited  feveral  har- 

b  Oviedo  ap.  Ramufio,  iii.  p.  82.  E.  Herrcra,  dec.  1. 
lib.  i«  c.  20.     Life  of  Columbus,  c.  34. 

vol.  i.  o  bonis 


Il6  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  12. 

bours  In  the  lfland,  had  acquired  fome  gold  by 
trafficking  with  the  natives,  but  had  made  no  dis- 
covery of  any  importance. 

From  the  condition  of  his  mips,  as  well  as  the 
temper  of  his  men,  Columbus  now  found  it  ne- 
ceffary  to  haften  his  return  to  Europe.    The  for- 
mer, having  fuffered  much  during  a  voyage  of 
fuch  an  unufual  length,  were  extremely  leaky. 
The  latter  exprefied  the  utmoft  impatience  to 
revifit  their  native  country,  from  which  they  had 
been  lb  long  abfent,  and  where  they  had  things 
fo  wonderful  and  unheard-of  to  relate.    Accord- 
ingly, on  the  fixteenth  of  January,  he  directed 
his  conrfe  towards  the  north-earl,    and  foon  loit 
fight  of  land.    He  had  on  board  fome  of  the  na- 
tives, whom  he  had  taken   from  the  different 
iflands   which    he   difcovered ;    and  befides  the 
gold,  which  was  the  chief  object  of  refeareh,  he 
had  collected  fpecimens  of  all  the  productions 
which  were  likely  to  become  fubje&s  of  com- 
merce in  the  feveral  countries,  as  well  as  many 
unknown  birds,    and  other   natural    curiofities, 
which  might  attract  the  attention  of  the  learned, 
or  excite  the  wonder  of  the  people.    The  voyage 
was  profperous  to  the  fourteenth  of  February, 
and  he  had  advanced  near  live  hundred  leagues 
acrofs  the  Atlantic  ocean,  when  the  wind  began 
to  rile,  and  continued  to  blow  with  increaling 
rage,  which  terminated  in  a  furious  hurricane. 
Every  thing  that  the  naval  fkill  and  experience 
of  Columbus  could  devife  was  employed,  in  or- 
der to  fave  the  (hips.     But  it  was  impoflible  to 
withftand  the  violence  of  the  ftorm,  and,  as  they 
\\\re  Hill  far  from  any  land,  deftru&ion  feemed 
inevitable.     The  failors  had  recourfe  to  prayers 

to 


X493*]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  II7 

to  Almighty  God,  to  the  invocation  of  faints, 
to  vows  and  charms,  to  every  thing  that  religion 
dictates,  or  fuperftition  fuggefls,  to  the  affrighted 
mind  of  man.     No  profpect  of  deliverance  ap- 
pearing, they  abandoned  themfelves  to  defpair, 
and  expected  every  moment  to  be  fwallowed  up 
in  the  waves.     Beiides  the  paffions  which  natu- 
rally agitate  and  alarm  the  human  mind  in  fuch 
awful  fituations,  when  certain  death,  in  one  of 
his  moil  terrible  forms,  is  before  it,  Columbus 
had  to   endure  feelings  of  diltrefs  peculiar  to 
himfelf.     He  dreaded  that  all  knowledge  of  the 
amazing  difcoveries  which  he  had  made  was  now 
to  perim  ;  mankind  were  to  be  deprived  of  every 
benefit  that  might  have  been  derived  from  the 
happy  fuccefs  of  his  fchemes,  and  his  own  name 
would  defcend  to  poflerity  as  that  of  a  rafh  de- 
luded adventurer,   inftead  of  being  tranfmitted 
with  the   honour  due  to  the  author  and  con- 
ductor of  the  moll  noble  enterprize  that  had 
ever  been  undertaken.     Thefe  reflections  extin- 
guifhed  all  fenfe  of  his  own   perfonal  danger. 
Lefs  affected  with  the  lofs  of  life,  than  folicitous 
to   preferve   the  memory  of  what  he  had  at- 
tempted and  atchieved,  he  retired  to  his  cabin, 
and  wrote,  upon  parchment,  a  fhort  account  of 
the  voyage  which  he  had  made,  of  the  courfe 
which  he  had  taken,  of  the  fituation  and  riches 
of  the  countries  which  he  had  difcovered,   and 
of  the  colony  that  he  had  left  there.     Having 
wrapped  up  this  in  an  oiled  cloth,   which  he  in* 
clofed  in  a  cake  of  wax,  he  put  it  into  a  cafk 
carefully  flopped  up,  and  threw  it  into  the  fea, 
in  hopes  that  fome  fortunate  accident  might  pre- 
o  z  fervc 


Il8  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

ferve  a  depoiit  of  fo  much  importance  to  the 
world  c. 

At  length  Providence  intcrpofed,  to  fave  a 
life  referred  for  other  fervices.  The  wind 
abated,  the  fea  became  calm,  and  on  the  evening 
of  the  fifteenth,  Columbus  and  his  companions 
difcovered  land ;  and  though  uncertain  what  it 
was,  they  made  towards  it.  They  foon  knew 
it  to  be  St.  Mary,  one  of  the  Azores  or  weftern 
iiks,  fubjedl  to  the  crown  of  Portugal.  There, 
after  a  violent  conteft  with  the  governor,  in 
which  Columbus  difplayed  no  lefs  fpirit  than 
prudence,  he  obtained  a  fupply  of  frefh  pro- 
vifions,  and  whatever  elfe  he  needed.  One  cir- 
cumftance,  however,  greatly  difquieted  him. 
The  Pinta,  of  which  he  had  loll  fight  on  the 
firft  day  of  the  hurricane,  did  not  appear ;  he 
dreaded  for  fome  time  that  (he  had  foundered  at 
fea,  and  that  all  her  crew  had  perifhed :  after- 
wards, his  former  fufpicions  recurred,  and  he 
became  apprehenfive  that  Pinzon  had  borne 
away  for  Spain,  that  he  might  reach  it  before 
him,  and  by  giving  the  firft  account  of  his  dis- 
coveries, might  obtain  fome  mare  of  his  fame. 

In  order  to  prevent  this,  he  left  the  Azores 
as  foon  as  the  weather  would  permit  [Feb.  24]. 
At  no  great  diftance  from  the  coaft  of  Spain, 
when  near  the  end  of  his  voyage,  and  feemingly 
beyond  the  reach  of  any  difafter,  another  itorm 
arofe,  little  inferior  to  the  former  in  violence ; 
and  after  driving  before  it  during  two  days  and 
two  nights,  he  was  forced  to  take  fhelter  in  the 

c  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  37.  Hcrrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  ii» 
c.  i,  2.     bee  Not*  XVI. 

river 


I493'J  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  1 19 

river  Tagus  [March  4].  Upon  application  to 
the  king  of  Portugal,  he  was  allowed  to  come 
up  to  Lifbon  ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  envy 
which  it  was  natural  for  the  Portuguefe  to  feel, 
when  they  beheld  another  nation  entering  upon 
that  province  of  difcovery  which  they  had 
hitherto  deemed  peculiarly  their  own,  and  in  its 
firft  effay,  not  only  rivalling,  but  eclipfing  their 
fame,  Columbus  was  received  with  all  the  marks 
of  diftinction  due  to  a  man  who  had  performed 
things  fo  extraordinary  and  unexpected.  The 
king  admitted  him  into  his  prefence,  treated 
him  with  the  higheft  refpect,  and  liflened  to  the 
account  which  he  gave  of  his  voyage  with  ad- 
miration mingled  with  regret.  While  Columbus, 
on  his  part,  enjoyed  the  fatisfa&ion  of  defcribing 
the  importance  of  his  difcoveries,  and  of  being 
now  able  to  prove  the  folidity  of  his  fchernes  to 
thofe  very  perfons,  who,  with  an  ignorance  dif- 
graceful  to  themfelves,  and  fatal  to  their  country, 
had  lately  rejected  them  as  the  projects  of  a 
vifionary  or  defigning  adventurer  d. 

Columbus  was  fo  impatient  to  return  to  Spain, 
that  he  remained  only  five  days  in  Lifbon.  On 
the  fifteenth  of  March  he  arrived  in  the  port  of 
Palos,  feven  months  and  eleven  days  from  the 
time  when  he  fet  out  thence  upon  his  voyage. 
As  foon  as  the  fhip  was  difcovered  approaching 
the  port,  all  the  inhabitants  of  Palos  ran  eagerly 
to  the  more,  in  order  to  welcome  their  relations 
and  fellow-citizens,  and  to  hear  tidings  of  their 
voyage.  When  the  profperous  iflue  of  it  was 
known,  when  they  beheld  the  ft  range  people, 

d  Life  of  Columbia,  c.  40,  41.     Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.ii. 
03  the 


MO  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

the  unknown  animals,  and  fingular  productions 
brought  from  the  countries  which  had  been  dis- 
covered, the  effufion  of  joy  was  general  and  un- 
bounded. The  bells  were  rung,  the  cannon 
fired ;  Columbus  was  received  at  landing  with 
royal  honours,  and  all  the  people,  in  folemn 
proceflion,  accompanied  him  and  his  crew  to  the 
church,  where  they  returned  thanks  to  Heaven, 
which  had  fo  wonderfully  conducted  and  crown- 
ed with  fuccefs,  a  voyage  of  greater  length  and 
of  more  importance  than  had  been  attempted 
in  any  former  age.  On  the  evening  of  the  fame 
day,  he  had  the  fatisfa&ion  of  feeing  the  Pinta, 
which  the  violence  of  the  tempeft  had  driven  far 
to  the,  north,  enter  the  harbour. 

The  firft  care  of  Columbus  was  to  inform  the 
king  and  queen,  who  were  then  at  Barcelona,  of 
his  arrival  and  fuccefs.  Ferdinand  and  Ifabella, 
no  lefs  aftonifhed  than  delighted  with  this  unex- 
pected event,  defired  Columbus,  in  terms  the 
moil:  refpedtful  and  flattering,  to  repair  immedi- 
ately to  courty  that  from  his  own  mouth  they 
might  receive  a  full  detail  of  his  extraordinary 
fervices  and  difcoveries.  During  his  journey  to 
Barcelona,  the  people  crowded  from  the  adjacent 
country,  following  him  every  where  with  admi- 
ration and  applaule.  His  entrance  into  the  city 
was  conducted,  by  order  of  Ferdinand  and  Ifa 
bella,  with  pomp  fuitable  to  the  great  event, 
which  added  fuch  diilinguifhing  luftre  to  their 
reign.  The  people  whom  he  brought  along 
with  him  from  the  countries  which  he  had  dif- 
covered,  marched  firft,  and  by  their  fingulaf 
complexion,  the  wild  peculiarity  of  their  features, 
and  uncouth  finery,  appeared  like  men  of  an- 
other 


TStDttiartlJ&jLdel?  Cfiivcrs  sculpt 

Tubli/haLTeb'ji  jSo^b}-  £hd£ll&-JDa>'ics,  Strand, . 


I 


I493-]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  121 

other  fpecies.  Next  to  them  were  carried  the 
ornaments  of  gold  fafhioned  by  the  rude  art  of 
the  natives,  the  grains  of  gold  found  in  the 
mountains,  and  duft  of  the  fame  metal  gathered 
in  the  rivers.  After  thefe,  appeared  the  various 
commodities  of  the  new-difcovered  countries, 
together  with  their  curious  productions.  Co- 
lumbus himfelf  clofed  the  procefiion,  and  at- 
tracted the  eyes  of  all  the  fpe&ators,  who  gazed 
with  admiration  on  the  extraordinary  man, 
whofe  fuperior  fagacity  and  fortitude  had  con- 
ducted their  countrymen,  by  a  route  concealed 
from  pall  ages,  to  the  knowledge  of  a  new 
world.  Ferdinand  and  Ifabella  received  him 
clad  in  their  royal  robes,  and  feated  upon  a 
throne,  under  a  magnificent  canopy.  When  he 
approached,  they  flood  up,  and  raifmg  him  as 
he  kneeled  to  kifs  their  hands,  commanded  him 
to  take  his  feat  upon  a  chair  prepared  for  him, 
and  to  give  a  circumftantial  account  of  his 
voyage.  He  delivered  it  with  a  gravity 
and  compofure  no  lefs  fuitable  to  the  difpo- 
fkion  of  the  Spanifh  nation,  than  to  the  dig- 
nity o  the  audience  in  which  he  fpoke,  and  with 
that  modeft  fimplicity  which  characterifes  men 
of  fuperior  minds,  who,  fatisfied  with  having 
performed  great  actions,  court  not  vain  applaufe 
by  an  oftentatious  difplay  of  their  exploits. 
When  he  had  finifhed  his  narration,  the  king 
and  queen,  kneeling  down,  offered  up  folemn 
thanks  to  Almighty  God  for  the  diicovery  of 
thofe  new  regions,  from  which  they  expected  fo 
many  advantages  to  flow  in  upon  the  kingdoms 
fubjecl  to  their  government e.  Every  mark  of 
*  bee  Note  XVl{. 

honour 


122  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA*  B.  II. 

honour  that  gratitude  or  admiration  could  fug- 
geft  was  conferred  upon  Columbus.  Letters 
patent  were  iffued,  confirming  to  him  and  to 
his  heirs  all  the  privileges  contained  in  the  capi- 
tulation concluded  at  Santa  Fe  ;  his  family  was 
ennobled ;  the  king  and  queen,  and,  after  their 
example,  the  courtiers,  treated  him,  on  every 
occafion,  with  all  the  ceremonious  refpect  paid 
to  perfons  of  the  higheft  rank.  But  what 
pleafed  him  moft,  as  it  gratified  his  active  mind, 
bent  continually  upon  great  objects,  was,  an 
order  to  equip,  without  delay,  an  armament  of 
fuch  force,  as  might  enable  him  not  only  to  take 
poffefiion  of  the  countries  which  he  had  already 
difcovered,  but  to  go  in  fearch  of  thofe  more 
opulent  regions,  which  he  llill  confidently  ex- 
pected to  find f. 

While  preparations  were  making  for  this  ex- 
pedition, the  fame  of  Columbus's  fuccefsful 
voyage  fpread  over  Europe,  and  excited  general 
attention.  The  multitude,  (truck  with  amaze- 
ment when  they  heard  that  a  new  world  had 
been  found,  could  hardly  believe  an  event  fo 
much  above  their  conception.  Men  of  fcience, 
capable  of  comprehending  the  nature,  and  of 
difcerning  the  effects  of  this  great  difcovery, 
received  the  account  of  it  with  admiration  and 
joy.  They  fpoke  of  his  voyage  with  rapture, 
and  congratulated  one  another  upon  their  felicity 
in  having  lived  in  the  period  when,  by  this  ex- 
traordinary event,  the  boundaries  of  human 
knowledge  were  fo  much  extended,  and  fuch  a 
new  field  of  inquiry  and  obfervation  opened,   as 

f  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  42.  43.     Herrera,  dec.  i«  lib.  ii. 

would 


149-3*1  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  t£$ 

would  lead   mankind  to  a  perfect  acquaintance 
with  the  flru£f.ure  and  productions  of  the  habit- 
able globe  8.     Various  opinions  and  conjectures 
were  formed  concerning  the  new-found  countries, 
and  what  divifion  of  the  earth  they  belonged  to. 
Columbus   adhered   tenacioufly  to  his   original 
opinion,  that  they  mould  be  reckoned  a  part  of 
thofe  vail  regions  in  Afia,  comprehended  under 
the  general  name  of  India.     This  fentiment  was 
confirmed  by  the  observations'  which  he  made 
concerning  the  productions  of  the  countries  he 
had  difcovered.     Gold  was  known  to  abound  in 
India, ,  and  he  had   met  with   fuch   promifing 
famples  of  it  in  the  iflands  which  he  viiited,  as 
led  him  to  believe  that  rich  mines  of  it  might  be 
found.     Cotton,  another  production  of  the  Eafl 
Indies,  was  common  there.    The  pimento  of  the 
iflands,  he  imagined  to  be  a  fpecies  of  the  Eall 
Indian  pepper.     He  miftook  a  root,  fomewhat 
refembling    rhubarb,     for  that   valuable   drug, 
which  was  then  fuppofed  to  be  a  plant  peculiar 
to  the  Eait  Indies  h.     The  birds  brought  home 
by  him  were  adorned  with  the  fame  rich  plumage 
which  diftinguifhes  thofe  of  India.    The  alliga- 
tor of  the  one  country  appeared  to  be  the  fame 
with  the  crocodile  of  the  other.    After  weighing 
all  thefe  circumftances,  not  only  the  Spaniards, 
but  the  other  nations  of  Europe,  feem  to  have 
adopted  the  opinion  of  Columbus.   The  countries 
which  he  had  difcovered  were  confidered   as  a 
part  of  India.     In  confequence  of  this  notion, 
the  name  of  Indies  is  given  to  them  by  Ferdi- 
nand  and   Ifabella,    in   a   ratification   of  their 

*  P.  Mart,  epift.  133,  134,  135.     See  Note  XVIII. 
b  Herrera,  dec.  j.  \l\it  i.  c.  20,     Gomara  Hift.  c.  17. 

former 


*H  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  n 

former  agreement,  which  was  granted  to  Co- 
lumbus upon  his  return  *.  Even  after  the  error 
which  gave  rife  to  this  opinion  was  dcte&ed, 
and  the  true  pofition  of  the  New  World  was 
afcertained,  the  name  has  remained,  and  the 
appellation  of  JVeft  Indies  is  given  by  all  the 
people  of  Europe  to  the  country,  and  that  of 
Indians  to  its  inhabitants. 

The  names  by  which  Columbus  diftinguifhed 
the  countries  which  he  had  difcovered  was  fo 
inviting,   the  fpecimens  of  their  riches  and  fer- 
tility, which  he  produced,  were  fo  confiderable, 
and  the  reports  of  his  companions,  delivered  fre- 
quently with  the  exaggeration  natural  to   tra- 
vellers,   fo  favourable    as    to  excite  a  wonder- 
ful  fpint  of  enterprise  among  the   Spaniards. 
1  hough  little  accullomed  to  naval  expeditions, 
they  were  impatient  to  fet  out  upon  the  voyage. 
Volunteers  of  every  rank  folicited  to  be  em- 
ployed.      Allured    by    the    inviting     profpeds 
which  opened   to  their   ambitiou   and   avarice, 
neither  the  length  nor  danger  of  the  navigation 
intimidated  them.     Cautious  as  Ferdinand  was, 
and  averfe   to  every  thing  new  or  adventurous, 
he  feems  to  have   catched  the  fame  fpirit  with 
his  fubje&s.     Under  its  influence,  preparations 
for  a  lecond  expedition  were  carried  on  with  a 
rapidity  unufual  in  Spain,  and  to  an  extent  that 
would  be  deemed  not  inconfiderable  in  the  pre- 
sent age.     The  fleet  coniiited  of  feventeen  (hips, 
fome  of  which  were  of  good  burden,     It  had 
on  board  fifteen  hundred  perfons,   among  whom 
were  many  of  noble  families,  who  had  ferved  in 
honourable  llations.     The  greater  part  of  thefe 
f  Life  of  Columbus,  c,  4. 4, 

being 


I 


*493»]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  12£ 

being  deftined  to  remain  in  the  country,  were 
furnifhed  with  every  thing  requifite  for  conqueft 
or  fettlement,  with  all  kinds  of  European  do- 
meflic  animals,  with  fuch  feeds  and  plants  as 
were  moil  likely  to  thrive  in  the  climate  of  the 
"Weft  Indies,  with  utenfils  and  inftruments  of 
every  fort,  and  with  fuch  artificers  as  might  be 
moil  ufeful  in  an  infant  colony  k. 

But,  formidable  and  well- provided  as  this 
fleet  was,  Ferdinand  and  Ifabella  did  not  reft 
their  title  to  the  pofTeflion  of  the  newly-dif- 
covered  countries  upon  its  operations  alone. 
The  example  of  the  Portuguefe,  as  well  as  the 
fuperftition  of  the  age,  made  it  neceffary  to 
obtain  from  the  Roman  pontiff  a  grant  of  thofe 
territories  which  they  wifhed  to  occupy.  The 
pope,  as  the  vicar  and  reprefentative  of  Jefus 
Chrilt,  was  fuppofed  to  have  a  right  of  dominion 
over  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth.  Alexander 
VI  a  pontiff  infamous  for  every  crime  which 
difgraces  humanity,  filled  the  papal  throne  at 
that  time.  As  he  was  born  Ferdinand's  fubjedt., 
and  very  folicitous  to  fecure  the  protection  of 
Spain,  in  order  to  facilitate  the  execution  of  his 
ambitious  fchemes  in  favour  of  his  own  family, 
he  was  extremely  willing  to  gratify  the  Spanifh 
monarchs.  By  an  act  of  liberality  which  coft 
him  nothing,  and  that  ferved  to  eftablifh  the 
jurifdic~tion  and  pretenfions  of  the  papal  fee,  he 
granted  in  full  right  to  Ferdinand  and  Ifabella 
all  the  countries  inhabited  by  Infidels,  which 
they  had  difcovered,  or  mould  difcover;  and, 
in  virtue  of  that  power  which  he  derived  from 
Jefus    Chrirl,    he   conferred  on   the   crown  of 

k  Herrera,  dec,  i.  lib*  ii.  c.  5.    Life  of  Columbus,  c.45. 

Caftile 


126  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.I 

Caftile  vail  regions,  to  the  pofleffion  of  which 
he  himfelf  was  fo  far  from  having  any  title,  tha 
he  was  unacquainted  with  their  fituation,  anc 
ignorant   even  of  their   exiftence.      As  it  wa 
neceflary  to  prevent  this  grant  from  interfering 
with  that  formerly  made. to  the  crown  of  Portu 
gal,  he  appointed  that  a  line,  fuppofed  to  b 
drawn  from  pole  to  pole,  a  hundred  leagues  t 
the  weftward  of  the  Azores,  mould  ferve  as 
limit  between  them ;  and,  in  the  plenitude  o 
his  power,  beftowed  all  to  the  eaft  of  this  ima- 
ginary line  upon  the  Portuguefe,  and  all  to  the 
weft  of  it,  upon  the  Spaniards  m.     Zeal  for  pro 
pagating  the  Chriftian  faith  was  the  confideratio 
employed  by  Ferdinand  in  foliciting  this  bull 
and   is   mentioned  by  Alexander   as   his  chie 
motive  for  iffuing  it.     In  order  to  manifeft  foni 
concern  for  this  laudable  object,  feveral  friars 
under  the  direction  of  father  Boyl,  a  Catalonian 
monk  of  great  reputation,  as  apoftolical  vicar 
were  appomted  to  accompany  Columbus,  and  to 
devote  themfelves  to  the  inftruction  of  the  na 
lives.      The     Indians,    whom    Columbus    hac 
brought  along  with  him,  having  received  fomc 
tincture  of  Chriftian  knowledge,  were  baptifed 
with    much   folemnity,    the  king   himfelf,    the 
prince  his    fon,    and   the  chief  perfons  of  his 
court,  Handing  as  their  godfathers.     Thofe  firfl 
fruits  of  the  New  World  have  not  been  followed 
by  fuch  an  increafe  as  pious  men  wifhed,  and 
had  reafon  to  expect. 

Ferdinand  and  Ifabella  having  thus  acquired 
a  title,  which  was  then  deemed  completely  valid, 

m  Herrera,  dec,  i.  lib.  ii.  c.  4.     Torquemeda  Mon.  Ind 
lib.  xviii.  c.  3. 


: 


H93']  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  127; 

to  extend  their  difcoveries  and  to  eftablifh  their 
dominion  over  fuch  a  confiderable  portion  of  the 
globe,  nothing  now  retarded  the  departure  of 
•  the  fleet.  Columbus  was  extremely  impatient 
to  revifit  the  colony  which  he  had  left,  and  to 
jpurfue  that  career  of  glory  upon  which  he  had 
entered.  He  fet  fail  from  the  bay  of  Cadiz  on 
the  twenty-fifth  of  September,  and  touching 
again  at  the  ifland  of  Gomera,  he  fleered  farther 
toward  the  fouth  than  in  his  former  voyage. 
By  holding  this  courfe,  he  enjoyed  more  fteadily 
the  benefit:  of  the  regular  winds,  which  reign 
within  the  tropics,  and  was  carried  towards  a 
large  clutter  of  iflands,  fituated  considerably  tc* 
the  eaft  of  thofe  which  he  had  already  difcovered. 
On  the  twenty-fixth  day  after  his  departure  from 
Gomera  [Nov.  2],  he  made  land".  It  was  one 
of  the  Caribbee  or  Leeward  iflands,  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  of  Defeada,  on  account  of  the 
impatience  of  his  crew  to  difcover  fome  part 
of  the  New  World.  After  this  he  vifited  fuc- 
ceflively  Dominica,  Marigalante,  Guadaloupe, 
Antigua,  San  Juan  de  Puerto  Rico,  and  feveral 
other  iflands,  fcattered  in  his  way  as  he  ad- 
vanced towards  the  north-weft.  All  thefe  he 
'  found  to  be  inhabited  by  that  fierce  race  of 
;  people  whom  Guacanahari  had  painted  in  fuch 
frightful  colours.  His  defcriptions  appeared 
not  to  have  been  exaggerated.  The  Spaniards 
never  attempted  to  land  without  meeting  with 
fuch  a  reception,  as  difcovered  the  martial  and 
daring  fpirit  of  the  natives  ;  and  in  their  habita- 
tions were  found  relics  of  thofe  horrid  feails 
which  they  had  made  upon  the  bodies  of  their 
enemies  taken  in  war. 

a  Oviedo  ap,  Ramuf.  Hi.  35,  B. 

voi<.  1.  p  But 


128  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  13,1 

But  as  Columbus  was  eager  to  know  the  ftate  < 
the  colony  which  he  had  planted,  and  to  fuppl 
it  with  the  neceffariesof  which  he  fuppofed  it  to  b 
In  want,  he  made  no  ftay  in  any  of  thofe  iflands 
and  proceeded  directly  to  Hifpaniola0  [Nov.  22 
When  he  arrived  off  Navidad,    the  itation 
which  he  had  left  the  thirty-eight  men  under  th 
command  of  Arada,  he  was  aftonifhed  that  non 
of  them  appeared,  and  expected  every  momen 
to  fee  them  running  with  tranfports  of  joy  t 
welcome  their  countrymen.     Full  of  folicituc 
about  their  fafety,  and  foreboding  in  his  min 
what  had  befallen  them,  he  rowed  inftantly 
land.      All  the  natives  from  whom  he  migh 
have  received  information  had  fled.      But  th 
fort  which  he  had  built  was  entirely  demolifhec 
and  the  tattered  garments,  the  broken  arms  an< 
uteniils  fcattered  about  it,  left  no  room  to  doub 
concerning  the  unhappy  fate  of  the  garrifon 
While  the  Spaniards  were  fhedding  tears  ov 
thofe  fad  memorials  of  their  fellow-citizens, 
brother  of  the    cazique    Guacanahari    arrived 
From  him  Columbus  received  a  particular  detail 
of  what  had  happened  after  his  departure  from 
the   ifland.      The    familiar    intercourfe  of   the 
Indians  with  the  Spaniards  tended  gradually  to 
diminifh  the  fuperftitious  veneration  with  which 
their  firft  appearance  had  infpired  that  fimple 
people.     By  their  own  indifcretion  and  ill-con- 
duct,   the   Spaniards   fpeedily  effaced  thofe   fa- 
vourable impreflions,    and    foon    convinced  the 
natives,  that  they  had  all  the  wants,  and  weak- 


0  P.  Martyr,  dec.    p.   15.  18.     Herrera,  dec.  I.  lib.  1 
c.  7.     Life  of  Columbus,  c.  46,  &c. 
p-  Hift.  de  Cura  ds  los  Palacios.     MS. 

nefles 


I493*]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  120, 

nefles,    and  pafllons  of  men.     As  foon  as  the 
powerful    reftraint     which    the    prefence    and 
authority     of    Columbus     impofed    was    with- 
drawn,  the  garriion  threw  off  all  regard  for  the 
officer  whom  he   had  inverted  with  command. 
Regardlefs  of   the    prudent   inftru&ions   which 
he    had  given   them,    every  man  became  inde- 
pendent, and  gratified  his  defires  without  con- 
trol.      The  gold,    the  women,    the   provifions 
of    the  natives,    were    all    the    prey  of  thofe 
licentious  oppreffors.      They   roamed   in   fmall 
parties  over   the    ifland,    extending     their    ra- 
pacity and  infolence  to  every  corner  of  it.    Gen- 
;  tie  and  timid  as  the  people  were,  thofe  unpro- 
!  voked  injuries  at  length  exhaufted  their  patience, 
and   roufed   their   courage.       The    cazique    of 
1  Cibao,  whofe  country  the  Spaniards  chiefly  in- 
;  felled  on  account  of  the  gold  which  it  contained, 
furprifed  and  cut  off  feveral  of  them,  while  they 
ftraggled  in  as  perfect  fecurity  as  if  their  conduct 
had  been  altogether  inoffeniive.     He  then  af- 
fembled  his  fubje&s,  and  furrounding  the  fort, 
fet  it  on   fire.      Some  of  the  Spaniards  were 
i  killed  in  defending  it,  the  reft  periihed  in  at- 
tempting to  make  their  efcape  by  crofiing  an 
:  arm  of  the  fea*     Guacanahari,  whom  all  their 
;  exactions  had  not  alienated  from  the  Spaniards, 
'  took  arms  in  their  behalf,  and,  in  endeavouring 
to  protect  them,  had  received  a  wound,  by  which 
he  was  Hill  confined  % 

Though  this  account  was  far  from  removing 
the  fufpicions  which  the  Spaniards  entertained 
with   refpect    to    the  fidelity  of    Guacanahari, 

*  P.  Martyr,  decad.  p.  22,  &c.  Herrera,  dec.  I.  lib.  ii. 
c.  7.  9.     j,ife  of  Columbus,  c  49,  50, 

p  2  Columbus 


t$0  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

Columbus  perceived  fo  clearly  that  this  was  not 
a  proper  juncture  for  inquiring  into  his  condudt 
with  fcrupulous  accuracy,  that  he  rejected  the 
advice  of  feveral  of  his  officers,  who  urged  him 
to  feize  the  perfon  of  that  prince,  and  to  revenge 
the  death  of  their  countrymen  by  attacking  his 
fubjects.     He  reprefented  to  them  the  neceffity 
of  fecuring  the  friendfhip  of  fome  potentate  of 
the  country,  in  order  to  facilitate  the  fettlement 
which  they  intended,  and  the  danger  of  driving 
the  natives  to  unite  in  fome  defperate  attempt 
againft  them,  by  fuch  an  ill-timed  and  unavail- 
ing exercife  of  rigour.     Inftead  of  wafting  his 
time  in  pun  idling  pall  wrongs,  he  took  precau- 
tions for  preventing  any  future  injury.     With 
this  view  he  made  choice  of  a  fituation  more 
healthy  and  commodious  than  that  of  Navidad. 
He  traced  out  the  plan  of  a  town  in  a  large  plain 
near  a  fpacious  bay,  and  obliging  every  perfon 
to  put  his  hand  to  a  work  on  which  their  com- 
mon fafety  depended,  the  houfes  and  ramparts 
were  foon  fo  far  advanced  by  their  united  labour, 
as  to  afford  them  fhelter  and  fecurity.      This 
rifmg    city,     the     lirft    that    the     Europeans 
founded    in  the  New  World,    he    named  Ifa- 
bella,  in  honour  of  his  patronefs  the  queen  of 
Caftile'. 

In  carrying  on  this  necefTary  work,  Columbus 
had  not  only  to  fuftain  all  the  hardfhips,  and  to 
encounter  all  the  difficulties,  to  which  infant 
colonies  are  expofed  when  they  fettle  in  an  un- 
cultivated country,  but  he  had  to  contend  with 
what  was  more  infuperable,  the  lazinefs,  the  im- 
patience,   and  mutinous  difpofition  of  his  fol- 

r  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  51.  Herrera,  dec.  x.  lib.  ii.  c.  10. 

lowers. 


1493*]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  I3I 

!  lowers.     By  the  enervating  influence  of  a  hot 
climate,  the  natural  inactivity  of  the   Spaniards 
feemed  to  increafe.     Many  of  them  were  gentler 
men,  unaccuftomed  to  the  fatigue  of  bodily  la- 
bour, and  all  had  engaged  in  the  enterprize  with 
the  fanguine  hopes  excited  by  the  fplendid  and 
exaggerated    description    of   their    countrymen 
who  returned  from  the  firft  voyage,  or  by  the 
miftaken  opinion  of  Columbus,  that  the  country 
which  he  had  difcovered  was  either  the  Cipango 
of    Marco   Polo,    or  the  Ophirs,    from  which 
Solomon  imported  thofe  precious  commodities 
which     fuddenly    diffufed     fuch     extraordinary 
riches  through  his  kingdom.     But  when,  inflead 
of  that  golden  harveft  which  they  had  expected 
to  reap  without  toil  or  pains,  the  Spaniards  faw 
that  their  profpect  of  wealth  was  remote  as  well 
as  uncertain,  and  that  it  could  not  be  attained 
but  by  the  flow  and  perfevering  efforts  of  in- 
duftry,  the  difappointment  of  thofe   chimerical 
hopes  occafioned  fuch  dejection  of  mind  as  bor- 
dered on  defpair,  and  led  to  general  difcontent. 
In  vain  did  Columbus  endeavour  to  revive  their 
fpirits  by  pointing  out   the  fertility  of  the  foil, 
and    exhibiting    the    fpecimens   of  gold   daily 
brought  in   from  different  parts  of  the  ifland. 
They  had  not  patience  to  wait  for  the  gradual 
returns  which  the  former  might  yield,  and  the 
latter  they  defpifed  as  fcanty  and  inconfiderable. 
The  fpirit  of  difaffe&ion  fpread,  and  a  confpiracy 
was  formed,    which  might  have  been  fatal  to 
Columbus  and  the  colony.     Happily  he  difco- 
vered it,  and  feizing  the  ringleaders,  punifhed 
fpme  of  them,  fent  others  prifoners  into  Spain, 

J  P.  Martyr,  dec.  p,  29* 

?  3  whither 


132  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

whither  he  difpatched  twelve  of  the  fhips  which 
had  ferved  as  tranfports,  with  an  earned  requeft 
for  a  reinforcement  of  men  and  a  large  fupply  of 
provifions r. 

1494.]  Meanwhile,  in  order  to  banifh  that 
idlenefs,  which,  by  allowing  his  people  leiiure  to 
brood  over  their  difappointment,  nourifhed  the 
fpirit  of  difcontent,  Columbus  planned  feveral 
expeditions  into  the  interior  part  of  the  country. 
He  fent  a  detachment,  under  the  command  of 
Alonfo  de  Ojeda,  a  vigilant  and  enterprifing 
officer,  to  vifit  the  diftricl;  of  Cibao,  which  was 
faid  to  yield  the  greateft  quantity  of  gold,  and 
followed  him  in  perfon  with  the  main  body  of  his 
troops  [March  12].  In  this  expedition  he  dis- 
played all  the  pomp  of  military  magnificence 
that  he  could  exhibit,  in  order  to  itrike  the 
imagination  of  the  natives.  He  marched  with 
colours  flying,  with  martial  mufic,  and  with  a 
fmall  body  of  cavalry  that  paraded  fometimes  in 
the  front  and  fometimes  in  the  rear.  As  thofe 
were  the  firft  horfes  which  appeared  in  the  New 
World,  they  were  objects  of  terror  no  lefs  than 
of  admiration  to  the  Indians,  who  having  no 
tame  animals  themfelves,  were  unacquainted  with 
that  vaft  acceflion  of  power,  which  man  hath 
acquired  by  fubje&ing  them  to  his  dominion. 
They  fuppofed  them  to  be  rational  creatures. 
They  imagined  that  the  horfe  and  the  rider 
formed  one  animal,  with  whofe  fpeed  they  were 
aftonifhed,  and  whofe  impetuofity  and  ftrength 
they  confidered  as  irrefiftible.  But  while  Co- 
lumbus endeavoured  to  infpire  the  natives  with  a 
dread  of  his  power,  he  did  not  neglect  the  arts 

1  Kerrera,  dec*  1.  lib.  ii.  c.  io,  II* 

of 


I494-]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  133 

of  gaining  their  love  and  confidence.  He  ad- 
hered fcrupuloufly  to  the  principles  of  integrity 
and  juftice  in  all  his  tranfactions  with  them,  and 
treated  them  on  every  occafion,  not  only  with 
humanity,  but  with  indulgence.  The  diftri£t  of 
Cibao  anfwered  the  defcription  given  of  it  by  the 
natives.  It  was  mountainous  and  uncultivated, 
but  in  every  river  and  brook  gold  was  gathered 
either  in  duft  or  in  grains,  fome  of  which  were 
of  confiderable  fize.  The  Indians  had  never 
opened  any  mines  in  fearch  of  gold.  To  pene- 
trate into  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  and  to  refine 
the  rude  ore,  were  operations  too  complicated 
and  laborious  for  their  talents  and  induitry,  and 
they  had  no  fuch  high  value  for  gold  as  to  put 
their  ingenuity  and  invention  upon  the  ftretch  in 
order  to  obtain  it u.  The  fmall  quantity  of  that' 
precious  metal  which  they  poiTefled,  was  either 
picked  up  in  the  beds  of  the  rivers,  or  warned 
from  the  mountains  by  the  heavy  rains  that  fall 
within  the  tropics.  But,  from  thofe  indications, 
the  Spaniards  could  no  longer  doubt  that  the 
country  contained  rich  treafures  in  its  bowels,  of 
which  they  hoped  foon  to  be  mafters  w.  In  order 
to  fecure  the  command  of  this  valuable  pro- 
vince, Columbus  erected  a  fmall  fort,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Thomas,  by  way  of 
ridicule  upon  fome  of  his  incredulous  followers, 
who  would  not  believe  that  the  country  pro- 
duced gold,  until  they  faw  it  with  their  own 
eyes>  and  touched  it  with  their  hands  \ 

The  account  of  thofe  promifing  appearances 
of  wealth  in  the  country  of  Gibao  came  very  fea~ 

u  Oviedo,  lib.  ii.  p.  90.  A.  w  P.  Martyr,  dec.  p.  32, 

*  Herrera,  dec.  1,  lib.  ii.  c.  12.    Life  of  Columbus,  c.  52. 

fonably 


*34  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II, 

fonably  to  comfort  the  defponding  colony,  which 
was   affected   with   diftrefles  of  various    kinds. 
The  flock  of  provifions  which  had  been  brought 
from  Europe  was  moflly  confumed  ;  what  remain- 
ed was  fo  much  corrupted  by  the  heat  and  moif. 
ture  of  the  climate,  as  to  be  almoft  unfit  for  ufe  ; 
the  natives  cultivated  fo  fmall  a  portion  of  ground, 
and  with  fo  little  fkill,  that  it  hardly  yielded 
what  was  fufficient  for  their  own  fubfillence  ; 
the  Spaniards  at  Ifabella  had  hitherto   neither 
time  nor  leifure  to  clear  the  foil,  fo  as  to  reap 
any  confiderable  fruits  of  their  own  induftry.  On 
all  thefe  accounts,  they  became  afraid  of  perifh- 
ing  with  hunger,  and  were  reduced  already  to  a 
fcanty  allowance.  At  the  fame  time,  the  difeafes 
predominant  in  the  torrid  zone,  and  which  rage 
chiefly  in  thofe  uncultivated  countries,  where  the 
hand  of  induftry  has  not   opened  the   woods, 
drained  the    marfhes,   and  confined   the   rivers 
within  a  certain  channel,  began  to  fpread  among 
them.  Alarmed  at  the  violence  and  unufual  fymp^ 
toms  of  thofe  maladies,  they  exclaimed  againft 
Columbus  and   his    companions   in    the  former 
voyage,   who,  by  their   fplendid   but    deceitful 
descriptions  of  Hifpaniola,  had  allured  them  to 
quit   Spain   for  a  barbarous  uncultivated  land, 
where  they  muft  either  be  cut  off  by  famine,   or 
ctie  of   unknown    diftempers.      Several   of  the 
officers  and  perfons  of  note,  inftead  of  checkings 
joined  in   thofe   feditious    complaints.      Father 
Boyl,  the  apoftolical  vicar,  was  one  of  the  mofl 
turbulent  and  outrageous.     It  required  all  the 
authority  and  addrefs  of  Columbus  to  re-efta- 
blifh  fubordination  and  tranquillity  in  the  colony. 
Threats  and  promifes  were  alternately  employed 
2  for 


1494-1  HISTORY    OP    AMERICA.  13$ 

for  this  purpofe  ;  but  nothing  contributed  more 
to  footh  the  malcontents,  than  the  profpect  of 
finding,  in  the  mines  of  Cibao,  fuch  a  rich  ftore 
of  treafure  as  would  be  a  recompence  for  all  their 
fufFerings,  and  efface  the  memory  of  former  dis- 
appointments. 

When,  by  his  unwearied  endeavours,  concord 
and  order  were  fo  far  reftored,   that  he  could 
venture  to  leave  the  ifland,  Columbus  refolved  to 
purfue  his  discoveries,  that  he  might  be  able  to 
afcertain  whether  thofe  new  countries  with  which 
he  had  opened  a  communication  were  connected 
with  any  region  of  the  earth  already  known,  or 
whether  they  were  to  be  confidered  as  a  fepaiate 
portion  of  the  globe  hitherto  unvifited.     He  ap- 
pointed his  brother  Don  Diego,  with  the  affiit- 
ance  of  a  council  of  officers,  to  govern  the  ifland 
in  his  abfence  ;  and  gave  the  command  of  a  body 
of  foldiers  to  Don  Pedro  Margarita,  with  which 
he  was  to  vifit  the  different  parts  of  the  ifland, 
and  endeavour  to  eftablifh  the  authority  of  the 
Spaniards  among  the  inhabitants.     Having  left 
them  very  particular  inftructions  with  refpedr.  to 
their  conduct,  he  weighed  anchor  on  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  April,   with  one   fhip   and  two   fmall 
barks  under  his  command.     During  a  tedious 
voyage   of  full  five  months,  he  had  a  trial  of 
almoit  all  the  numerous  hardfhips  to  which  per- 
fons  of  his  profefiion  are  expofed,  without  making 
any  difcovery  of  importance,    except  the  ifland 
of  Jamaica.     As  he  ranged  along  the  fouthern 
coail  of  Cuba  yy  he  was  entangled  in  a  labyrinth 
formed  by  an  incredible  number  of  fmall  iflands, 
to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  the  Queen's  Gar- 

y  See  Note   XIX., 

den. 


I36  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II, 

den.      In  this  unknown   courfe,  among  rock* 
and  fhelves,  he  was  retarded  by  contrary  winds, 
afiaulted  with  furious  florins,   and  alarmed  with 
the  terrible  thunder  and  lightning  wThich  is  often 
almoft  inceiTant  between  the  tropics.    At  length 
his  provifions  fell  fhort ;  his  crew,  exhaufted  with 
fatigue  as  well  as  hunger,  murmured  and  threat- 
ened, and  were  ready  to  proceed  to  the  moft 
defperate  extremities  againft  him.     Befet  with 
danger  in  fuch  various  forms,  he  wras  obliged  to 
keep  continual  watch,   to  obferve  every  occur- 
rence with  his  own  eyes,  to  iflue  every  order, 
and  to  fuperintend  the  execution  of  it.     On  no 
occafion,  was  the  extent  of  his  fkill  and  experi- 
ence as  a  navigator  fo  much  tried.     To  thefe 
the  fquadron  owed  its  fafety.     But  this  unre- 
mitted fatigue  of  body,  and  intenfe  application 
of  mind,  overpowering  his  conftitution,  though 
naturally  vigorous  and    robuft,    brought    on  a 
feverifh  diforder,  which  terminated  in  a  lethargy, 
that  deprived  him  of  fenle  and  memory,  and  had 
almoft  proved  fatal  to  his  life  z. 

But,  on  his  return  to  Hifpaniola  [Sept.  27], 
the  fudden  emotion  of  joy  which  he  felt  upon 
meeting  with  his  brother  Bartholomew  at  Isa- 
bella, occafioned  fuch  a  flow  of  fpirits  as  contri- 
buted greatly  to  his  recovery.  It  was  now 
thirteen  years  fince  the  two  brothers,  whom  fimi- 
larity  of  talents  united  in  clofe  friendlhip,  had 
feparated  from  each  other,  and  during  that  long 
period  there  had  been  no  intercourfe  between 
them.  Bartholomew,  after  finifhing  his  negotia- 
tion in  the  court  of  England,  had  fet  out  for 

z  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  54,  &c.    Herrera,  dec*  i.  lib,  ii. 
C.  13,  14.     P.  Martyr,  dec.  p.  34,  &c. 

Spain 


1494']  HISTORY   OF    AMERICA.  Itf 

Spain  by  the  way  of  France.  At  Paris  he  re- 
ceived an  account  of  the  extraordinary  discove- 
ries which  his  brother  had  made  in  his  firft 
voyage,  and  that  he  was  then  preparing  to  em- 
bark on  a  fecond  expedition.  Though  this 
naturally  induced  him  to  purfue  his  journey  with 
the  utmoft  difpatch,  the  admiral  had  failed  for 
Hifpaniola  before  he  reached  Spain.  Ferdinand 
and  Ifabella  received  him  with  the  refpect  due 
to  the  neareft  kinfman  of  a  perfon  whofe  merit 
and  fervices  rendered  him  fo  confpicuous  ;  and  as 
they  knew  what  confolation  his  prefence  would 
afford  to  his  brother,  they  perfuaded  him  to  take 
the  command  of  three  mips,  which  they  had 
appointed  to  carry  provifions  to  the  colony  at 
Ifabella2. 

He  could  not  have  arrived  at  any  juncture 
when  Columbus  flood  more  in  need  of  a  friend 
capable  of  afiifting  him  with  his  counfels,  or  of 
dividing  with  him  the  cares  and  burden  of  go- 
vernment. For  although  the  provifions  now 
brought  from  Europe  afforded  a  temporary  relief 
to  the  Spaniards  from  the  calamities  of  famine, 
the  fupply  was  not  in  fuch  quantity  as  to  fupport 
them  long,  and  the  ifland  did  not  hitherto  yield 
what  was  fufficient  for  their  fuftenance.  They 
were  threatened  with  another  danger,  ftill  more 
formidable  than  the  return  of  fcarcity,  and  which 
demanded  more  immediate  attention.  No  fooner 
did  Columbus  leave  the  ifland  on  his  voyage  of 
difcovery,  than  the  foldiers  under  Margarita,  as 
if  they  had  been  fet  free  from  discipline  and  fub- 
prdination,  fcorned  all  reftraint.  Inftead  of  con- 
forming to  the  prudent  iaftructions  of  Columbus, 
*  Herrera,  dec.  i.  lib.  ii.  c.  15. 

they 


138  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II 

they  -  difperfed  in  ftragglmg  parties  over  th 
ifland,  lived  at  difcretion  upon  the  natives,  walled 
their  provifions,  feized  their  women,  and  treated 
that  inoffenfive  race  with  all  the  infolence  of 
military  opprefiion  a. 

As  long  as  the  Indians  had  any  profpedl  that 
their  fufFerings  might  come  to  a  period  by  the 
voluntary  departure  of  the  invaders,  they  fub- 
mitted  in  filence,  and  diflembled  their  forrow ; 
but  they  now  perceived  that  the  yoke  would  be 
as  permanent  as  it  was  intolerable.  The  Spa 
niards  had  built  a  town,  and  furrounded  it  with 
ramparts.  They  had  erected  forts  in  diffeient 
places.  They  had  inclofed  and  fown  feveral 
fields.  It  was  apparent  that  they  came  not  to. 
vifit  the  country,  but  to  fettle  in  it.  Though 
the  number  of  thofe  ftrangers  was  inconfiderable, 
the  Hate  of  cultivation  among  this  rude  people 
was  fo  imperfect,  and  in  fuch  exact  proportion 
to  their  own  confumption,  that  it  was  with  dif- 
ficulty they  could  afford  fubfiflence  to  their  new 
guefts.  Their  own  mode  of  life  was  fo  indolent 
and  inactive,  the  warmth  of  the  climate  fo  ener-r 
vating,  the  conftitution  of  their  bodies  naturally 
fo  feeble,  and  fo  unaccuflomed  to  the  laborious 
exertions  of  induflry,  that  they  were  fatisfied 
with  a  proportion  of  food  amazingly  fmall.  A 
handful  of  maize,  or  a  little  of  the  infipid  bread 
made  of  the  caiTada-root,  was  fufficient  to  fup- 
port  men,  whofe  flrength  and  fpirits  were  not 
exhaufted  by  any  vigorous  efforts  either  of  body 
or  mind.  The  Spaniards,  though  the  moil  ab- 
flemious  of  all  the  European  nations,  appeared 
to  them  .  exceflively  voracious.      One  Spaniard 

a  P.  Martyr,  dec.  p. 47* 
,  confumed 


1494*]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  1^9 

confumed  as  much  as  feveral  Indians.  This 
keennefs  of  appetite  furprifed  them  fo  much, 
and  feemed  to  be  fo  infatiable,  that  they  fup- 
pofed  the  Spaniards  had  left  their  own  country, 
becaufe  it  did  not  produce  as  much  as  was  re- 
quisite to  gratify  their  immoderate  defire  of  food, 
and  had  come  among  them  in  queft  of  nourifh- 
ment  b.  Self-prefervation  prompted  them  to 
wifh  for  the  departure  of  guefls  who  wafted  fo 
fail  their  {lender  ftock  of  provifions.  The  in- 
juries which  they  fuffered,  added  to  their  impa- 
tience for  this  event.  They  had  long  expected 
that  the  Spaniards  wrould  retire  of  their  own 
accord.  They  now  perceived  that  in  order  to 
avert  the  deft  ruction  with  which  they  were 
threatened,  either  by  the  flow  confumption  of 
famine,  or  by  the  violence  of  their  oppreffors,  it 
was  neceffary  to  aflume  courage,  to  attack  thofe 
formidable  invaders  with  united  force,  and  drive 
them  from  the  fettlements  of  which  they  had 
violently  taken  poftefuon. 

Such  were  the  fentiments  which  univcrfally 
prevailed  among  the  Indians,  when  Columbus  re- 
turned to  Ifabella.  Inflamed  by  the  unprovoked 
outrages  of  the  Spaniards,  with  a  degree  of  rage 
of  which  their  gentle  natures,  formed  to  fuffer 
and  fubmit,  feemed  hardly  fufceptible,  they 
waited  only  for  a  fignal  from  their  leaders  to  fall 
upon  the  colony.  Some  of  the  caziques  had 
already  furprifed  and  cut  off  feveral  ftragglers. 
The  dread  of  this  impending  danger  united  the 
Spaniards,  and  re-eftablifhed  the  authority  of 
Columbus,  as  they  faw  no  profpect  of  fafety  but 
in  committing  themfelves  to  his  prudent  guid- 

b  Herrera,  dec,  i.  lib.  ii.  c.  17. 

vol.  1.  q^  ance. 


I4O  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II 

ance.  It  was  now  neceffary  to  have  recourfe 
arms,  the  employing- of  which  againft  the  Indian 
Columbus  had  hitherto  avoided  with  the  greateit 
folicitude.  Unequal  as  the  conflict  may  feem, 
between  the  naked  inhabitants  of  the  New  World, 
armed  with  clubs,  flicks  hardened  in  the  fire, 
wooden  fwords,  and  arrows  pointed  with  bones 
or  flints ;  and  troops  accuilomed  to  the  difci- 
pline,  and  provided  with  the  inllruments  of  de-  ; 
ftru&ion  known  in  the  European  art  of  war,  the 
fituation  of  the  Spaniards  was  far  from  being 
exempt  from  danger.  The  vaft  fuperiority  of 
the  natives  in  number,  compenfated  many  defects. 
An  handful  of  men  was  about  to  encounter  a 
whole  nation.  One  adverfe  event,  or  even  any 
unforefeen  delay  in  determining  the  fateof  the  war, 
might  prove  fatal  to  the  Spaniards.  Confcious 
that  fuccefs  depended  on  the  vigour  and  rapidity 
of  his  operations,  Columbus  inftantly  afTembled 
his  forces.  They  were  reduced  to  a  very  fmall 
number.  Difeafes,  engendered  by  the  warmth 
and  humidity  of  the  country,  or  occaiioned  by  their 
own  licentioufnefs,  had  raged  among  them  with 
much  violence  ;  experience  had  not  yet  taught 
them  the  art  either  of  curing  thefe,  or  the  pre- 
cautions requifite  for  guarding  againft  them ; 
two-thirds  of  the  original  adventurers  were  dead, 
and  many  of  thofe  who  furvived  were  incapable 
of  fervice  c.  The  body  which  took  the  field 
[March  24,  1495]  confifted  only  of  two  hun- 
dred foot,  twenty  horfe,  and  twenty  large  dogs  ; 
and  how  flrange  foever  it  may  feem,  to  mention 
the  lafl  as  compoiing  part  of  a  military  force,  they 
were  not  perhaps  the  lead  formidable  and  de* 

f  Life  of  Columbus*  Ct  6i« 

ftruftivc 


! 


1I495']  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  I4I 

Ijftru6live  of  the  whole,   when  employed  again  ft 
■naked  and  timid  Indians.     All  the  caziques  of 
Bthe  ifland,   Guachanari  excepted,  who  retained 
II  an  inviolable  attachment  to  the  Spaniards,  were 
I;  in  arms  to  oppofe  Columbus,  with  forces  amount- 
II  ing,  if  we  may  believe  the  Spanifh  hiftorians,  to 
I  a  hundred  thoufand  men.     Inftead  of  attempt- 
ing to  draw  the   Spaniards  into  the    faftnefles 
1  of  the    woods    and    mountains,    they  were   fo 
imprudent  as  to  take  their  ftation  in  the  Vega 
Real,  the  molt  open  plain  in  the  country.     Co- 
ll lumbus  did  not  allow  them  time  to  perceive  their 
I   error,  or  to  alter  their  pofition.     He  attacked 
them  during  the  night,  when  undifciplined  troops 
are  leaft  capable  or  acting  with  union  and  con- 
cert, and  obtained  an  eafy  and  bloodlels  victory. 
The  confternation  with  which  the  Indians  were 
filled  by  the  noife  and  havoc  made  by  the  fire- 
arms, by  the  impetuous  force  of  the  cavalry,  and 
the  fierce  onfet  of  the  dogs,  was  fo  great,   that 
they  threw  down  their  weapons,  and  fled  with- 
out attempting   refinance.      Many  were  flain  ; 
more  were  taken  prifoners,  and  reduced  to  fervi* 
j    tude  d  ;  and  fo  thoroughly  were  the   reft  intimi- 
i    dated,  that  from  that  moment  they  abandoned 
themfelves  to  defpair,   relinquishing  all  thoughts 
[    of  contending  with  aggreffors  whom  they  deemed 
>  i    invincible. 

Columbus  employed  feveral  months  in  march- 
ing through  the  ifland,  and  in  fubjecting  it  to 
Ithe  Spanifh  government,  without  meeting  with 
any  oppofition.  He  impofed  a  tribute  upon  all 
the  inhabitants  above  the  age  of  fourteen.  Each 
pcrfon  who  lived  in  thofe  diilridls  where  gold 
*  See  Note  XX. 

Q^2  was 


I  1 


142  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  H# 

was  found,  was  obliged  to  pay  quarterly  as  muc 
gold  dull  as  filled  a  hawk's  bell ;    from  thofe  i 
other  parts  of  the  country,  tweiity-five  pound 
of  cotton  were  demanded.  ,   This  was  the  fir' 
regular  taxation  of  the  Indians,  and  ferved  as 
precedent   for    exactions  ftill  more  intolerable* 
Such  an  impofition  was    extremely  contrary  to 
thofe  maxims  which  Columbus  had  hitherto  m 
culcated,  with  refpect  to  the  mode  of  treating 
them.     But  intrigues  were  carrying  on  in  the 
court  of  Spain  at  this  juncture,  in  order  to  un 
determine  his  power,    and  difcredit  his    opera- 
tions, which  conftrained  him  to  depart  from  hia 
own  fyftem  of  adminiftration.  Several  unfavour 
able  accounts  of  his  conduct,  as  well  as  of  the 
countries  difcovered  by  him,  had  been  tranfmittec 
to  Spain.     Margarita  and  father  Boyl  were  now 
at  court ;  and  in  order  to  juftify  their  own  con- 
duct, or  or  gratify  their  refentment,  watchec 
with  malevolent  attention  for  every  opportunity 
of  fpreading  infinuations  to  his  detriment.  Many 
of  the  courtiers  viewed  his  growing  reputation 
and  power  with  envious  eyes.     Fonfeca,  arch 
deacon  of  Seville,  who  was  entruited  with  thi 
chief  dire&ion  of  Indian  affairs,   had  conceived 
fuch  an  unfavourable  opinion  of  Columbus,   fo: 
fome   reafon    which   the    contemporary  writer 
have  not  mentioned,  that  he  liftened  with  par 
tiality  to  every  invective  againft  him.   It  was  no 
cafy  for  an  unfriended  ftranger,  unpra&ifed  ir 
courtly  arts,  to  counteract  the  machinations  o 
fo  many  enemies.     Columbus  faw  that  there  was 
but  one  method  of  fupporting  his  own  credit, 
and  of  filencing  all   his  adverfaries.     He  muft 
produce  fuch  a  quantity  of  gold  as  would  not 
r  only 


I495«l  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  143 

only  j  uftify  what  he  had  reported  with  refpect 
to  the  richnefs  of  the  country,  but  encourage 
Ferdinand  and  Ifabella  to  perfevere  in  profecut- 
ing  his  plans.  The  necedky  of  obtaining  it, 
forced  him  not  only  to  impofe  this  heavy  tax 
upon  the  Indians,  but  to  exact  payment  of  it 
with  extreme  rigour ;  and  may  be  pleaded  in  ex- 
cufe  for  his  deviating  on  this  occafion  from  the 
mildnefs  and  humanity  with  which  he  uniformly 
treated  that  unhappy  people  e. 

The  labour,  attention,  and  forefight,  which 
the  Indians  were  obliged  to  employ  in  procuring 
the  tribute  demanded  of  them,  appeared  the  moft 
intolerable  of  all  evils,  to  men  accuitomed  to 
pafs  their  days  in  a  carelefs,  improvident  in- 
dolence. They  were  incapable  of  fuch  a  regular 
and  perfevering  exertion  of  indufhy,  and  felt  it 
fuch  a  grievous  rellraint  upon  their  liberty,  that 
they  had  recourfe  to  an  expedient  for  obtaining 
deliverance  from  this  yoke,  which  demonftrates 
the  excefs  of  their  impatience  and  defpair.  They 
formed  a  fcheme  of  ilarving  thofe  oppreffors 
whom  they  durft  not  attempt  to  expel ;  and 
from  the  opinion  which  they  entertained  with 
refpecl:  to  the  voracious  appetite  of  the  Spaniards 
they  concluded  the  execution  of  it  to  be  very 
practicable.  With  this  view  they  fufpended  all 
the  operations  of  agriculture ;  they  fowed  no 
maize,  they  pulled  up  the  roots  of  the  manioc  or 
cafiada  which  were  planted,  and  retiring  to  the 
moil  inaccefllble  parts  of  the  mountains,  left  the 
uncultivated  plains  to  their  enemies.  This  def- 
perate  refolution  produced  in  fome  degree  the 
eftedts   which  they  expected.      The   Spaniards 

£  Herrera,  dec.  i.  lib.  ii«  c.  17. 

0^  3  were 


■ 


I44  history  of  America.  b.  i 

were  reduced  to  extreme  want ;  but  they  re- 
ceived fuch  feafonable  fupplies  of  proviiions  from 
Europe,  and  found  fo  many  refources  in  their 
own  ingenuity  and  induftry,  that  they  fuffered  no 
great  lofs  of  men.  The  wretched  Indians  were 
the  victims  of  their  own  ill-concerted  policy.  A 
great  multitude  of  people,  fhut  up  in  the  moun- 
tainous or  wooded  part  of  the  country,  without 
any  food  but  the  fpontaneous  productions  of  the 
earth,  foon  felt  the  utmoft  diftrefles  of  famine. 
This  brought  on  contagious  difeafes ;  and,  in 
the  courfe  of  a  few  months,  more  than  a  third 
part  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  ifland  perifhed, 
after  experiencing  mifery  in  all  its  various 
forms  f. 

But  while  Columbus  was  eftablifhinp;  th 
foundations  of  the  Spanifh  grandeur  in  the  New 
World,  his  enemies  laboured  with  unwearied  afli- 
duity  to  deprive  him  of  the  glory  and  rewards, 
which  by  his  fervices  and  Sufferings  he  was  en- 
titled to  enjoy.  The  hardfhips  unavoidable  in  a 
new  fettlement,  the  calamities  occaiioned  by  an 
unhealthy  climate,  the  difafters  attending  a  voyage 
In  unknown  feas,  were  all  represented  as  the 
effects  of  his  refllefs  and  inconfiderate  ambition. 
His  prudent  attention  to  preferve  difcipline  and 
fubordination  was  denominated  excefs  of  rigour  ; 
the  punifhments  which  he  inflicted  upon  the 
mutinous  and  disorderly  were  imputed  to  cruelty. 
Thefe  accufations  gained  fuch  credit  in  a  jealous 
court,  that  a  commifiioner  was  appointed  to  re- 

f  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  xi.  C;  18.  Life  of  Columbus, 
c.  61.  Oviedo,  lib.  Hi.  p.  93.  D.  Bcnzon  Hift.  Novi 
Orbis,  lib.  i,    c.  9.     P-  Martyr,  dec.  p.  48. 

z  pair 


1495*]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  1^ 

pair  to  Hifpaniola,  and  to  infpedt  into  the  con- 
duel  of  Columbus.  By  the  recommendation  of 
his  enemies,  Aguado,  a  groom  of  the  bed- 
chamber, was  the  perfon  to  whom  this  important 
trufl  was  committed.  But  in  this  choice  they 
feem  to  have  been  more  influenced  by  the  ob- 
fequious  attachment  of  the  man  to  their  interefl, 
than  by  his  capacity  for  the  liation.  Puffed  up 
with  fuch  fudden  elevation,  Aguado  difplayed,  in 
the  exercife  of  this  office,  all  the  frivolous  felf- 
importance,  and  acted  with  all  the  difguiling  in- 
folence,  which  are  natural  to  little  minds,  when 
raifed  to  unexpected  dignity,  or  employed  in 
functions  to  which  they  are  not  equal.  By  liflen- 
ing  with  eagernefs  to  every  accufation  againft 
Columbus,  and  encouraging  not  only  the  mal- 
content Spaniards,  but  even  the  Indians,  to  pro- 
duce their  grievances,  real  or  imaginary,  he  fo- 
mented the  fpirit  of  difTenfion  in  the  illand,  with- 
out eflablifhing  any  regulation  of  public  utility, 
or  that  tended  to  redrefs  the  many  wrongs,  with 
the  odium  of  which  he  wifhed  to  load  the  ad- 
miral's adminiflration.  As  Columbus  felt  fen- 
fibly  how  humiliating  his  fituation  mufl  be,  if 
he  fhould  remain  in  the  country  while  fuch  a 
partial  infpector  obferved  his  motions,  and  con- 
trolled his  jurisdiction,  he  took  the  refolution  of 
returning  to  Spain,  in  order  to  lay  a  full  account 
of  all  his  tranfactions,  particularly  with  refpect 
to  the  points  in  difpute  between  him  and  his 
adverfaries,  before  Ferdinand  and  Ifabella,  from 
whofe  juflice  and  difcernment  he  expected  an 
equal  and  a  favorable  decifion.  [1496]  He 
committed  the  adminiflration  of  affairs,  during 
his  abfence,  to  Don  Bartholomew  his  brother, 

with 


J46  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA*  B.I 

with  the  title  of  Adelantado,  or  licutenant-gove 
nor.  By  a  choice  lefs  fortunate,  and  which 
proved  the  fource  of  many  calamities  to  the  co- 
lony, he  appointed  Francis  Roldan  chief  juftice, 
with  very  extenlive  powers  *; 

In  returning  to  Europe,  Columbus  held  a 
courfe  different  from  that  which  he  had  taken  in 
his  former  voyage.  He  fteered  almoft  due  eaft 
from  Hifpaniola,  in  the  parallel  of  twenty,  two 
degrees  of  latitude  ;  as  experience  had  not  yet 
difcovered  the  more  certain  and  expeditious  me- 
thod of  flretching  to  the  north,  in  order  to  fall 
in  with  the  fouth-weft  winds.  By  this  ill-advifed 
choice,  which,  in  the  infancy  of  navigation  be- 
tween the  new  and  old  worlds,  can  hardly  be  im* 
puted  to  the  admiral  as  a  defect  in  naval  fkill, 
he  was  expofed  to  infinite  fatigue  and  danger, 
in  a  perpetual  ftruggle  with  the  trade  winds, 
which  blow  without  variation  from  the  eaft  be- 
tween the  tropics.  Notwithftanding  the  almoft 
infuperable  difficulties  of  fuch  a  navigation,  he 
perli fted  in  'his  courfe  with  his  ufual  patience 
and  firmnefs,  but  made  fo  little  way,  that  he  was 
three  months  without  feeing  land.  At  length 
his  provifions  began  to  fail,  the  crew  was  reduced 
to  the  fcanty  allowance  of  fix  ounces  of  bread 
a-day  for  each  perion.  The  admiral  fared  no 
better  than  the  meaneft  failor.  But,  even  in  this 
extreme  diftrefs,  he  retained  the  humanity  which 
diftinguifhes  his  character,  and  refufed  to  comply 
with  the  earneft  folicitations  of  his  crew,  fome  of 
whom  prppofed  to  feed  upon  the  Indian  prifoners 
whom  they  were  carrying  over,  and  others  infilled 
to  throw  them  overboard,  in  order  to  leffen  the 

f  Heirera,  decf  i»  lib.  ii9   c,  18.  lib. ui.  c.  1. 

confumption 


: 


I49^»]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  I47 

confumption  of  their  fmall  Hock.  He  repre- 
fented  that  they  were  human  beings,  reduced  by 
a  common  calamity  to  the  fame  condition  with 
themielves,  and  entitled  to  (hare  an  equal  fate. 
His  authority  and  remonftrances  difiipated  thofe 
wild  ideas  fuggefted  by  defpair.  Nor  had  they 
time  to  recur,  as  he  came  foon  within  fight  of 
the  coaft  of  Spain,  when  all  their  fears  and  fufFer- 
ings  ended  h. 

Columbus  appeared  at  court  with  the  modeft 
but  determined  confidence  of  a  man  confcious  not 
only  of  integrity,  but  of  having  performed  great 
fervices.  ,  Ferdinand  and  Ifabella,  afhamed  of 
their  own  facility  in  lending  too  favourable  an 
ear  to  frivolous  or  ill-founded  accufations, received 
him  with  fuch  diilingufhed  marks  of  refpecl:  as 
covered  his  enemies  with  (name.  Their  cenfures 
and  calumnies  were  no  more  heard  of  at  that 
juncture.  The  gold,  the  pearls,  the  cotton, 
and  other  commodities  of  value  which  Columbus 
produced,  feemed  fully  to  refute  what  the  mal- 
contents had  propagated  with  refpect  to  the  po- 
verty of  the  country.  By  reducing  the  Indians 
to  obedience,  and  impofing  a  regular  tax  upon 
them,  he  had  fecured  to  Spain  a  large  acceflion 
of  new  fubjects,  and  the  eftablifhment  of  a  re- 
venue that  promifed  to  be  confiderable.  By  the 
mines  which  he  had  found  out  and  examined,  a 
fource  of  wealth  ftill  more  copious  was  opened. 
Great  and  unexpected  as  thofe  advantages  were, 
Columbus  represented  them  only  as  preludes  to 
future  acquisitions,  and  as  the  earneft  of  more  im- 
portant difcoveries,  which  he  ftill  meditated,  and 

h  Herrera,    dec.  1,    lib.  iii#    c,  j.     Life  of  Columbus, 
c.  64. 

to 


i'4$  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II, 

to  which  thofe  he  had  already  made  would  con- 
duel:  him  with  eafe  and  certainty  *. 

The  attentive  confideration  of  all  thefe   cir- 
cumftances  made  fuch  imprefllon,  not  only  upoi 
Ifabella,  who  was  flattered  with  the  idea  of  bein^ 
the  patronefs  of  all  Columbus's  enterprizes,  bul 
even   upon   Ferdinand,   who,    having  originalb 
cxpreffed  his  difapprobation  of  his  fchemes,  was 
Hill  apt  to  doubt  of  their  fuccefs,  that  they  re- 
folved  to  fupply  the  colony  in  Hifpaniola  witl 
every  thing  which  could  render  it  a  permaneu 
eftablifhment,  and  to  furnifh  Columbus  with  fuel 
a  fleet,  that  he  might  proceed  to  fearch  for  thofe 
new  countries,  of  whofe  exiftence  he  feemed  t< 
be  confident.     The  meafures  molt  proper  for  ac« 
complifhing  both  thefe  defigns  were  concertei 
with  Columbus.     Difcovery  had  been  the  foL 
obje£t  of  the  flrfl  voyage  to  the   New  World 
and  though,  in  the  fecond,  fettlement  had  beei 
propofed,  the  precautions  taken  for  that  purpofe 
had  either  been   infufficient,    or  were  rendered 
ineffectual  by  the  mutinous  fpirit  of  the   Spa« 
niards,  and  the  unforefeen  calamities  ariiing  from 
various  caufes.     Now  a  plan  was  to  be  formed 
of  a  regular  colony,  that  might  ferve  as  a  model 
in  all  future  eflablifhments.      Every  particular 
was  confidered  with  attention,  and  the  whole  ar-  j 
ranged  with  fcrupulous  accuracy.     The  precife 
number  of  adventurers  who  fhould  be  permitted 
to  embark  was  fixed.     They  were  to  be  of  dif- 
ferent ranks  and  profeflions  ;  and  the  proportion 
of  each  was  eilablifhed,  according  to  their  nfe- 
fulnefs  and  the  wants  of  the  colony.     A  fuitable 
number  of  women  was  to  be  choien  to  accompany 

*  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  65.  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  iii.  c.  1. 

thefe 


1496-]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  I49 

efe  new  fettlers.  As  it  was  the  firft  object  to 
[fe  provifions  in  a  country  where  fcarcity  of 
food  had  been  the  occafion  of  fo  much  diftrefs,  a 
considerable  body  of  hufbandmen  was  to  be  car- 
ried over.  As  the  Spaniards  had  then  no  con- 
ception of  deriving  any  benefit  from  thofe  pro- 
ductions of  the  New  World  which  have  fmce 
yielded  fuch  large  returns  of  wealth  to  Europe, 
but  had  formed  magnificent  ideas,  and  entertained 
fanguine  hopes  with  refpect  to  the  riches  con- 
tained in  the  mines  which  had  been  difcovered,  a 
band  of  workmen,  {killed  in  the  various  arts  em- 
ployed in  digging  and  refining  the  precious  me- 
tals, was  provided.  All  thefe  emigrants  were  to 
receive  pay  and  fubfiftence  for  fome  years,  at  the 
public  expencek 

Thus  far  the  regulations  were  prudent,  and 
well  adapted  to  the  end  in  view.  But  as  it  was 
forefeen  that  few  would  engage  voluntarily  to 
fettle  in  a  country,  whofe  noxious  climate  had 
been  fatal  to  fo  many  of  their  countrymen,  Co- 
lumbus propofed  to  tranfport  to  Hifpaniola  fuch 
malefactors  as  had  been  convicted  of  crimes, 
which,  though  capital,  were  of  a  lefs  atrocious  na- 
ture ;  and  that  for  the  future  a  certain  proportion 
of  the  offenders  ufually  fent  to  the  galHes,  mould 
be  condemned  to  labour  in  the  mines  which  were 
to  be  opened.  This  advice,  given  without  due 
reflection,  was  as  inconfiderately  adopted.  The 
prifons  of  Spain  were  drained,  in  order  to 
collect  members  for  the  intended  colony;  and 
the  judges  empowered  to  try  criminals,  were  in- 
itructed  to  recruit  it  by  their  future  fentences. 
It  is  not,  however,  with  fuch  materials  that  the 


J6  Herrera,  dec,  x*  lib*  ill*  c.  2. 


found* 


\$0  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  E.  II, 

foundations  of  a  fociety,  deftined  to  be  perma« 
nent,  fhould  be  laid.  Induftry,  fobriety,  pa- 
tience,  and  mutual  confidence  are  indifpenfabb 
requiiite  in  an  infant  fettlement,  where  purity  oi 
morals  mult  contribute  more  towards  eftablimin{_ 
order,  than  the  operation  or  authority  of  laws. 
But  when  fuch  a  mixture  of  what  is  corrupt 
admitted  into  the  original  conftitution  of  the  po- 
litical body,  the  vices  of  thofe  unfound  and  in- 
curable  members  will  probably  infect  the  whole, 
and  muft  certainly  be  productive  of  violent  an< 
unhappy  effects.  This  the  Spaniards  fatally  ex- 
perienced ;  and  the  other  European  nations 
having  fucceflively  imitated  the  practice  of  Spaii 
in  this  particular,  pernicious  confequences  hav< 
followed  in  their  fettlements,  which  can  be  im- 
puted to  no  other  caufe  ]. 

Though  Columbus  obtained,  with  great  faci- 
lity and  difpatch,  the  royal  approbation  of  evei 
meafure  and  regulation  that  he  propofed,  his  en- 
deavours to  carry  them  into  execution  were  fc 
long  retarded,  as  mull:  have  tired  out  the  patiena 
of  any  man,  kfs  accuflomed  to  encounter  and  t< 
fu mount  difficulties.     Thofe  delays  were  occa- 
fioned  partly  by  that  tedious  formality  and  fpiril 
of  procraflination,  with  which  the  Spaniards  coi 
duct  bufinefs ;  and  partly  by  the  exhaufted  ftat< 
of  the  treafury,  which  was  drained  by  the  e: 
pence  of  celebrating  the  marriage  of  Ferdinand  an< 
IfabehVs  only  fon  with  Margaret  of  Auftria,  anc 
that   of  Joanna,    their  fecond  daughter,    witl 
Philip   archduke    of    Auftria m ;     but   muft   b< 
chiefly  imputed  to  the  malicious  arts  of  Colui 
Herrera,   dec.  i.  lib.  in,  3.  c.  2.     Touron  Hift.  Gene 


de  rAmerique/i.  p.  51 


P,  Martyr,  epift.  168. 


00. 


il49^0  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  I5I 

bus's  enemies.  Aftonifhed  at  the  reception 
which  he  met  with  upon  his  return,  and  over- 
awed by  his  prefence,  they  gave  way,  for  fome 
time,  to  a  tide  of  favour  too  ftrong  for  them  to 
cppofe.  Their  enmity,  however,  was  too  in- 
veterate to  remain  long  inactive.  They  refumed 
their  operations,  and  by  the  affiftance  of  Fon- 
feca,  the  minifter  for  Indian  affairs,  who  was 
jnow  promoted  to  the  bifhopric  of  Badajos,  they 
threw  in  fo  many  obftacles  to  protract  the  pre- 
parations for  Columbus's  expedition,  that  a 
year  elapfed  before  hen  could  procure  two  fhips 
to  carry  over  a  part  of  the  fupplies  deilined  for 
the  colony,  and  almoll  two  years  were  fpent  be- 
fore the  (mall  fquadron  was  equipped,  of  which 
he  himfelf  was  to  take  the  command0. 

T49^0  This  fquadron  confifted  of  fix  (hips 
|only,  of  no  great  burden,  and  but  indifferently 
provided  for  a  long  or  dangerous  navigation. 
The  voyage  which  he  now  meditated  was  in  a 
courfe  different  from  any  he  had  undertaken. 
; As  he  was  fully  perfuaded  that  the  fertile  regions 
of  India  lay  to  the  fouth-wefl  of  thofe  countries 
which  he  had  difcovered,  he  propofed  as  the 
tnoll  certain  method  of  finding  out  thefe,  to  Hand 
.directly  fouth  from  the  Canary  or  Cape  de  Verd 
iflands,  until  he  came  under  the  equinoctial  line, 
and  then  to  ftretch  to  the  weft  before  the  favour- 
able wind  for  fuch  a  courfe,  which  blows'invariably 
between  the  tropics.  With  this  idea  he  fet  fail 
[May  30],  and  touched  firft  at  the  Canary,  and 
then  at  the  Cape  de  Verd  iflands  [July  4].  From 
the  former  he  difpatched  three  of  his  fhips  with  a 

Life  of  Columbus,  c«  6^.  °  Herrera,  dec.  1. 

in.  c.  9. 

vol.  u  r  fupply 


I52  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

fupply  of  provifions    for    the   colony   in    Hif- 
paniola  :  with  the  other  three,  he  continued  hu 
voyage  towards  the  fouth.     No  remarkable  oc- 
currence happened  until  they  arrived  within  fivi 
degrees  of  the  line  [July  19].    There  they  wei 
becalmed,  and  at  the  fame  time  the  heat  becamt 
fo   exceflive,    that   many   of   their   wine   calk* 
burft,  the  liquor  in  others  foured,  and  their  pn 
viiions  corrupted  P.      The   Spaniards,  who   ha< 
never  ventured  fo  far  to  the  fouth,  were  afraid 
that  the  mips  would  take  fire,  and  began  to  a] 
prehend  the  reality  of  what  the  ancients  hac 
taught  concerning   the   deflructive  qualities  oj 
that  torrid  region  of  the  globe.     They  were  r< 
lieved,  in  fome  meafure,  from  their  fears  by 
feafonable  fall  of  rain.     This,  however,  thougl 
fo  heavy  and  unintermitting  that  the  men  couk 
hardly  keep  the  deck,  did  not  greatly  mitigat< 
the  intenfenefs  of  the  heat.     The  admiral,  wh< 
with  his  ufual  vigilance  had  in  perfon  direct 
every  operation    from    the    beginning   of    the 
voyage,  was  fo  much  exhaufted  by  fatigue  anc 
want  of  fleep,  that  it  brought  on  a  violent  fit  ol 
the  gout,  accompanied  with  a  fever.     All  thefe 
circumflances  conllrained  him  to  yield  to  the  ii 
portunities  of  his  crew,  and  to  alter  his  courfe  U 
the  north-weft,  in  order  to  reach  fome  of  th< 
Caribbee  iilands,  where  he  might  refit,  and  b( 
fupplied  with  provifions. 

On  the  firft  of  Augufl,  the  man  flationed  11 
the  round  top  furprifed  them  with  the  joyful  ci 
of  land.     They  flood  towards  it,  and  difcoveret 
a  coniiderable  ifland,  which  the  admiral  caliec 
Trinidad,  a  name  it  ftill  retains.     It  lies  on  th( 


p  P.  Martyr,  dec.  p.  70, 


ccafl 


149^. ]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  I53 

coaft  of  Guiana,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco. 
This,  though  a  river  only  of  the  third  or  fourth 
magnitude  in  the  New  World,  far  furpafTes  any 
of  the  ftreams  in  our  hemifphere.  It  rolls  to- 
wards the  ocean  fuch  a  vaft  body  of  water,  and 
nifties  into  it  with  fuch  impetuous  force,  that 
when  it  meets  the  tide,  which  on  that  coaft  rifes 
to  an  uncommon  height,  their  collifion  occafions 
2  fwell  and  agitation  of  the  waves  no  lefs  fur- 
priling  than  formidable.  In  this  conflict,  the 
irrefiftible  torrent  of  the  river  fo  far  prevails,  that 
it  frefhens  the  ocean  many  leagues  with  its 
flood  <*.  Columbus,  before  he  could  perceive  the 
danger,  was  entangled  among  thofe  adverfe  cur- 
rents and  tempeftuous  waves,  and  it  was  with  the 
utmoft  difficulty  that  he  efcaped  through  a  nar- 
row ftrait,  which  appeared  fo  tremendous,  that 
lie  called  it  La  Boca  del  Drago.  As  foon  as 
the  conilernation  which  this  occailoned,  per- 
mitted him  to  reflect  upon  the  nature  of  an  ap- 
pearance fo  extraordinary,  he  difcerned  in  it  a 
fource  of  comfort  and  hope.  He  juftly  con- 
cluded, that  fuch  a  vaft  body  of  water  as  this 
river  contained,  could  not  be  fupplied  by  any 
ifland,  but  muft  flow  through  a  country  of  im- 
menfe  extent,  and  of  confequence  that  he  was 
now  arrived  at  that  continent  which  it  had  long 
been  the  object  of  his  wifhes  to  difcover.  Full 
of  this  idea,  he  Hood  to  the  weft  along  the  coaft 
of  thofe  provinces  which  are  now  known  by  the 
names  of  Paria  and  Cumana.  He  landed  in 
feveral  places,  and  had  fome  intercourfe  with  the 
people,  who  refembled  thofe  of  Hifpaniola  in 
their   appearance   and    manner  of  life.      They 

?  GumillaHift.de  TOrenoque,  torn.  1.  p.  14. 

r.  2  wore, 


154  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

wore,  as  ornaments,  fmall  plates  of  gold,  ai 
pearls  of  coniiderable  value,  whieh  they  willingly 
exchanged  for  European  toys.  They  feemed  t< 
poffefs  a  better  underilanding,  and  greater  cou- 
rage, than  the  inhabitants  of  the  iflands.  Th< 
country  produced  four-footed  animals  of  feve 
ral  kinds,  as  well  as  a  great  variety  of  fowls  an< 
fruits r.  The  admiral  was  fo  much  delighte< 
with  its  beauty  and  fertility,  that,  with  the  wan 
enthufiafm  of  a  difcoverer,  he  imagined  it  to  b< 
the  paradife  defcribed  in  fcripture,  which  the  Al 
mighty  chofe  for  the  refidence  of  man,  while  h< 
retained  innocence  that  rendered  him  worthy 
fuch  an  habitation s.  Thus  Columbus  had  th< 
glory  not  only  of  difcovering  to  mankind  the  ex- 
ifience  of  a  New  World,  but  made  confiderabh 
progrefs  towards  a  perfect  knowledge  of  it ;  an< 
was  the  firft  man  who  conducted  the  Spaniard 
to  that  vail  continent  which  has  been  the  chiei 
feat  of  their  empire,  and  the  fource  of  their  tre< 
fures  in  this  quarter  of  the  globe.  The  fhattere< 
condition  of  his  mips,  fcarcity  of  provilions,  b| 
own  infirmities,  together  with  the  impatience 
his  crew,  prevented  him  from  purfuing  his  dis- 
coveries any  farther,  and  made  it  neceilary  t( 
bear  away  for  Hifpaniola.  In  his  way  thithei 
he  difcovered  the  iflands  of  Cubagua  and  Marga- 
rita, which  afterwards  became  remarkable  foi 
their  pearl-flfhery.  When  he  arrived  at  Hif- 
paniola [Aug.  30],  he  was  walled  to  an  extreme 
degree  with  fatigue  and  ficknefs ;  but  found  the 
affairs  of  the  colony  in  fuch  a  fituation,  as  afforded 

r  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  iii.  c.  9,  10,  11.  Life  of  Colum- 
bus, c.  66 — 73.  s  Herrera,  dec.  I.  lib.  iii.  c.  izt 
£omara,  c.  84.       See  No?£  XXIf 

frim 


149^-1  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  *     \$$ 

him  no  profpeft  of  enjoying  that  repofe  of  which 
he  Hood  fo  much  in  need. 

Many  revolutions  had  happened  in  that  coun- 
try during  his  abfence.  His  brother,  the  ade- 
lantado,  in  confequence  of  an  advice  which  the 
admiral  gave  before  his  departure,  had  removed 
the  colony  from  Ifabella  to  a  more  commodious 
ftation,  on  the  oppofite  fide  of  the  ifland,  and 
laid  the  foundation  of  St.  Domingo",  which 
was  long  the  moil  confiderable  European  town 
in  the  New  World,  and  the  feat  of  the  fupreme 
courts  in  the  Spanifh  dominions  there.  As  foon 
as  the  Spaniards  were  eftablifhed  in  this  new 
fettlement,  the  adelantado,  that  they  might 
neither  languifh  in  inactivity,  nor  have  leifure 
to  form  new  cabals,  marched  into  thofe  parts 
of  the  ifland  which  his  brother  had  not  yet 
vifited  or  reduced  to  obedience.  As  the  people 
were  unable  to  refill:,  they  fubmitted  every  where 
to  the  tribute  wich  he  impofed.  But  they  foon 
found  the  burden  to  be  fo  intolerable,  that,  over- 
awed as  they  were  by  the  fuperior  power  of 
their  opprefibrs,  they  took  arms  againft  them. 
Thofe  infurre&ions,  however,  were  not  formid- 
able. A  conflict  with  timid  and  naked  Indians 
was  neither  dangerous  nor  of  doubtful  ifliie. 

But  while  the  adelantado  was  employed  againft 
them  in  the  field,  a  mutiny,  of  an  afpect  far 
more  alarming,  broke  out  among  the  Spaniards. 
The  ringleader  of  it  was  Francis  Roldan,  whom 
Columbus  had  placed  in  a  llation  which  required 
him  to  be  the  guardian  of  order  and  tranquillity 
in  the  colony.  A  turbulent  and  inconfiderate 
ambition  precipitated  him  into  this  defperate 
u  P.  Martyr,  dec*  p.  56. 

r  3  meafure, 


l$6  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

meafure,  fo  unbecoming  his  rank.  The  argu- 
ments which  he  employed  to  feduce  his  country- 
men were  frivolous  and  ill-founded.  He  accufed 
Columbus  and  his  two  brothers  of  arrogance  and 
feverity  ;  he  pretended  that  they  aimed  at  ef- 
tablifhing  an  independent  dominion  in  the 
country ;  he  taxed  them  with  an  intention  of 
cutting  off  part  of  the  Spaniards  by  hunger  and 
fatigue,  that  they  might  more  ealily  reduce  the 
remainder  to  fubjection  ;  he  reprefented  it  as  un- 
worthy of  Caftilians,  to  remain  the  tame  and 
paflive  (laves  of  three  Genoefe  adventurers.  As 
men  have  always  a  propenfity  to  impute  the 
hardfhips  of  which  they  feel  the  preflure,  to  the 
mifconduct.  of  their  rulers  ;  as  every  nation  views 
with  a  jealous  eye  the  power  and  exaltation  of 
foreigners,  Roldan's  infmuations  made  a  deep 
impreflion  on  his  countrymen.  His  character 
and  rank  added  weight  to  them.  A  confider- 
able  number  of  the  Spaniards  made  choice  of 
him  as  their  leader,  and  taking  arms  againfl 
the  adelantado  and  his  brother,  feized  the  king's 
magazine  of  provifions,  and  endeavoured  to  fur- 
priie  the  fort  at  St.  Domingo.  This  was  pr( 
ferved  by  the  vigilance  and  courage  of  D01 
Diego  Columbus.  The  mutineers  were  oblige< 
to  retire  to  the  province  of  Xaragua,  wher 
they  continued  not  only  to  difclaim  the  adelan- 
tado's  authority  themfelves,  but  excited  the  In 
dians  to  throw  off  the  yoke w. 

Such  was  the  diffracted  Hate  of  the  colon 
when  Columbus  landed  at  St.  Domingo.  H 
was  aftonifhed  to  find  that  the  three  fhips  whic 

w  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  iii.  c.  5—8.     Life  of  Columbus 
c.  74. — 77.     Gomara,  c.  23.     P.  Mar'vr,  p.  78, 

h 


• 


J49^0  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  I57 

he  had  difpatched  from  the  Canaries  were  not 
yet  arrived.  By  the  unfkilfulnefs  of  the  pilots, 
and  the  violence  of  currents,  they  had  been  car- 
ried a  hundred  and  fixty  miles  to  the  welt  of  St. 
Domingo,  and  forced  to  take  fhelter  in  a  har- 
bour of  the  province  of  Xaragua,  where  Roldan 
and  his  feditious  followers  were  cantoned.  Roldan 
carefully  concealed  from  the  commanders  of  the 
■fhips  his  infurrection  againft  the  adelantado,  and 
employing  his  utmoll  addrefs  to  gain  their  con- 
fidence, perfuaded  them  to  fet  on  fhore  a  conii- 
derable  part  of  the  new  fettlers  whom  they 
brought  over,  that  they  might  proceed  by  land 
to  St.  Domingo.  It  required  but  few  argu- 
ments to  prevail  with  thofe  men  to  efpoufe  his 
caufe.  They  were  the  refufe  of  the  jails  of 
Spain,  to  whom  idlenefs,  licentioufnefs,  and 
deeds  of  violence  were  familiar ;  and  they  re- 
turned eagerly  to  a  courfe  of  life  nearly  re- 
fembling  that  to  which  they  had  been  accuftom- 
cd.  The  commanders  of  the  (hips  perceiving, 
when  it  was  too  late,  their  imprudence  in  difem- 
barking  fo  many  of  their  men,  Hood  away  for 
St.  Domingo,  and  got  fafe  into  the  port  a  few 
days  after  the  admiral ;  but  their  Hock  of  pro- 
▼ifions  was  fo  waited  during  a  voyage  of  fuch 
long  continuance,  that  they  brought  little  relief 
to  the  colony  x. 

By  this  junction  with  a  band  of  fuch  bold  and 
defperate  aiTociates,  Roldan  became  extremely 
formidable,  and  no  lefs  extravagant  in  his  de- 
mands. Columbus,  though  filled  with  refent- 
ment  at  his  ingratitude,  and  highly  exafperated 


x   Herrera,    dec.  I.   lib.  iii.    c.   iz. 

Life  of  Columbus,. 

C.  7S,  79. 

by 

158  HISTORY    OS    AMERICA.  B.  II 

by  the  infolence  of  his  followers,  made  no  hail< 
to  take  the  field.  He  trembled  at  the  thought 
of  kindling  the  flames  of  a  civil  war,  in  which, 
whatever  party  prevailed,  the  power  and  ftrength 
of  both  muft  be  fo  much  wafted,  as  might  en- 
courage the  common  enemy  to  unite  and  com- 
plete their  deftru&ion.  At  the  fame  time,  he 
obferved,  that  the  prejudices  and  paflions  which 
incited  the  rebels  to  take  arms,  had  fo  far  in- 
fected thofe  who  ftill  adhered  to  him,  that  many 
of  them  were  adverfe,  and  all  cold  to  the  fervice. 
From  fuch  fentiments,  with  refpecl:  to  the  pub- 
lic intereft,  as  well  as  from  this  view  of  his  own 
fituation,  he  chofe  to  negotiate  rather  than  to 
fight.  By  a  feafonable  proclamation,  offering 
free  pardon  to  fuch  as  mould  merit  it  by  return- 
ing to  their  duty,  he  made  imprefiion  upon  fome 
of  the  malcontents.  By  engaging  to  grant  fuch 
as  mould  defire  it  the  liberty  of  returning  to 
Spain,  he  allured  all  thofe  unfortunate  adven- 
turers, who,  from  ficknefs  and  difappointment, 
were  difgufted  with  the  country.  By  promifing 
to  re-eftablifh  Roldan  in  his  former  office,  he 
foothed  his  pride  ;  and,  by  complying  with  mod 
of  his  demands  in  behalf  of  his  followers,  he 
fatisfied  their  avarice.  Thus,  gradually  and 
without  bloodfhed,  but  after  many  tedious  nego- 
tiations, he  diffolved  this  dangerous  combination 
which  threatened  the  colony  with  ruin  ;  and  re- 
ftored  the  appearance  of  order,  regular  govern- 
ment, and  tranquillity  y. 

In  confequence  of  this  agreement  with  the 
mutineers,  lands  were  allotted  them  in  different 

y  Herrera,  ded  I.  lib.  Hi.  C.  13,  14.     Life  of  Columbus, 
c.  80,  &c. 

parts 


1498.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  I59 

i  parts  of  the  ifland,  and  the  Indians  fettled  in 
each  diftricl:  were  appointed  to  cultivate  a  certain 
portion  of  ground  for  the  ufe  of  thofe  new  maf. 
ters.  [H99]  The  performance  of  this  work 
was  fubflituted  in  place  of  the  tribute  formerly 
Impofed  ;  and  how  neceflary  foever  fuch  a  regu- 
lation might  be  in  a  fickly  and  feeble  colony,  it 
introduced  among  the  Spaniards  the  Reparti- 
mientos,  or  distributions  of  Indians  ertablifhed  by 
them  in  all  their  fettlements,  which  brought 
numberlefs  calamities  upon  that  unhappy  peo- 
ple, and  fubjected  them  to  the  moil  grievous 
oppreffion  z.  This  was  not  the  only  bad  effect 
of  the  infurre&ion  in  Hifpaniola  ;  it  prevented 
Columbus  from  profecuting  his  difcoveries  on  the 
continent,  as  felf-prefervation  obliged  him  to  keep 
near  his  perfon  his  brother  the  adelantado,  and 
the  failors  whom  he  intended  to  have  employed 
in  that  fervice.  As  foon  as  his  affairs  would 
permit,  he  fent  fome  of  his  fhips  to  Spain  with 
a  journal  of  the  voyage  which  he  had  made,  a 
delcription  of  the  new  countries  which  he  had 
difcovered,  a  chart  of  the  coaft  along  which  he 
had  failed,  and  fpecimens  of  the  gold,  the  pearls, 
and  other  curious  or  valuable  productions  which 
he  had  acquired  by  trafficking  with  the  natives. 
At  the  fame  time  he  tranfmitted  an  account  of 
the  infurreftion  in  Hifpaniola  ;  he  accufed  the 
mutineers  not  only  of  having  thrown  the  colony 
into  fuch  violent  convulfions  as  threatened  its 
diflblution,  but  of  having  obftru&ed  every  attempt 
towards  difcovery  and  improvement,  by  their 
unprovoked  rebellion  againft  their  fuperiors,  and 
propofed  feveral  regulations  for  the  better  go- 

■  Herrera,  dect  1.  life,  ill*   c.  14,  &c. 

vernment 


l6o  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II, 

vernment  of  the  ifland,  as  well  as  the  extinctioi 
of  that  mutinous  fpirit,  which,  though  fupprefle< 
at  prefent,  might  foon  burft  out  with  addition; 
rage.     Roldan  and  his  affociates  did  not  negle^ 
to  convey  to  Spain,  by  the  fame  fhips,  an  apolo^ 
for  their  own  conduct,   together  with  their  re 
criminations  upon  the  admiral  and  his  brothers. 
Unfortunately  for  the  honour  of  Spain,  and  th< 
happinefs  of  Columbus,  the  latter  gained  mof 
credit  in  the  court  of  Ferdinand  and  Ifabella,  an: 
produced  unexpected  effects  a. 

But,  previous  to  the  relating  of  thefe,  it  i! 
proper  to  take  a  view  of  fome  events,  whicl 
merit  attention,  both  on  account  of  their  ow 
importance,  and  their  connection  with  the  hiftoi 
of  the  New  World.  While  Columbus  was  en- 
gaged  in  his  fuccefllve  voyages  to  the  weft,  th< 
fpirit  of  difcovery  did  not  languifh  in  Portugal, 
the  kingdom  where  it  firfl  acquired  vigour,  an( 
became  enterprifing.  Self-condemnation  an< 
regret  were  not  the  only  fentiments  to  which 
the  fuccefs  of  Columbus,  and  reflection  upon 
their  own  imprudence  in  rejecting  his  propofals, 
gave  rife  among  the  Portuguefe.  They  excited  a 
general  emulation  to  furpafs  his  performances, 
and  an  ardent  defire  to  make  fome  reparation  to 
their  country  for  their  own  error.  With  this 
view,  Emanuel,  who  inherited  the  enterprifing 
genius  of  his  predeceffors,  perfifted  in  their  grand 
fcheme  of  opening  a  paffage  to  the  Eaft  Indies 
by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  foon  after  his 
accefiion  to  the  throne,  equipped  a  fquadron  for 
that  important  voyage.     He  gave  the  command 

a  Herrera,    dec.  i.   lib.  Hi.   c. 
Orb.   lib.  I.   c,  2. 


14.     Benzon.  Hift.  Nov. 
of 


.1499']  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  l6l 

of  it  to  Vafco  de  Gama,    a  man  of  noble  birth, 
poffeiTed  of  virtue*  prudence,  and  courage,  equal 
to  the  fiation.  The  fquadron,  like  all  thofe  fitted 
out  for  difcovery  in  the  infancy  of  navigation, 
was  extremely  feeble,  confiding  only  of  three 
veflels,  of  neither  burden  nor  force  adequate  to 
the  fervice.     As  the  Europeans  were  at  that  time 
little  acquainted  with  the  courfe  of  the  trade- 
winds  and  periodical   monfoons,  which  render 
navigation  in  the  Atlantic  ocean,  as  well  as  in  the 
fea  that  feparates  Africa  from  India,  at  fome  fea- 
fons  eafy,  and  at  others  not  only  dangerous,  but 
almoft  impracticable,  the  time  chofen  for  Ga- 
ma's  departure  was  the  moft  improper  during  the 
whole  year.     He  fet  fail  from  Lifbon  on  the 
ninth  of  July  [1497]*  and  Handing  towards  the 
fouth,   had  to  ftruggle  for  four  months   with 
contrary  winds,  before  he  could  reach  the  Cape 
of  Good  Hope.     Here  their  violence  began  to 
abate   [Nov.  20]  ;    and  during    an    interval  of 
calm  weather,  Gama  doubled  that  formidable 
promontory,  which  had  fo  long  been  the  bound- 
ary of  navigation,   and    directed  his  courfe  to- 
wards the  north-eaft,  along  the  African  coaft. 
He  touched  at  feveral  ports  ;    and  after  various 
adventures,  which  the  Portuguefe  hiitorians  re- 
late with  high  but  juft  encomiums  upon  his  con* 
duct  and  intrepidity,  he  came  to  anchor  before 
the  city  of  Melinda.     Throughout  all  the  vail 
countries  which  extend  along  the  coail  of  Africa, 
from  the  river  Senegal  to  the  confines  of  Zan- 
guebar,  the  Portuguefe  had  found  a  race  of  men 
rude  and  uncultivated,  ftrangers  to  letters,   to 
arts,  and  commerce,  and  differing  from  the  in- 
habitants of  Europe,   no  lefs  in  their  features 

and. 


3b- 


l62  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  3, 

and  complexion,  than  in  their  manners  and  in. 
tutions.  As  they  advanced  from  this,  they  o„~ 
ferved,  to  their  inexprerTible  joy,  that  the  human 
form  gradually  altered  and  improved  ;  the  Aiiatic 
features  began  to  predominate,  marks  of  civiliz- 
ation appeared,  letters  were  known,  the  Maho- 
metan religion  was  eftablifhed,  and  a  commerce, 
far  from  being  inconiiderable,  was  carried  on. 
At  that  time  feveral  veflels  from  India  were  in 
the  port  of  Melinda.  Gama  now  purfued  his 
voyage  with  almoit  abfolute  certainty  of  fuccefs, 
and,  under  the  conduct  of  a  Mahometan  pilot, 
arrived  at  Calecut,  upon  the  coaft  of  Malabar, 
on  the  twenty-fecond  of  May  one  thoufand  four 
hundred  and  ninety-eight.  What  he  beheld  of 
the  wealth,  the  populoufnefs,  the  cultivation,  the 
induitry  and  arts  of  this  highly  civilized  country, 
far  furpaiTed  any  idea  that  he  had  formed,  from 
the  imperfect  accounts  which  the  Europeans  had 
hitherto  received  of  it.  But  as  he  poffeffed 
neither  fufficient  force  to  attempt  a  fettlement, 
nor  proper  •  commodities  with  which  he  could 
carry  on  commerce  of  any  confequence,  he  haf- 
tened  back  to  Portugal,  with  an  account  of  his 
fuccefs  in  performing  a  voyage,  the  longed,  as 
well  as  molt  difficult,  that  had  ever  been  made, 
fmce  the  firit  invention  of  navigation.  He  landed 
at  Lifbon  on  the  fourteenth  of  September  one 
thoufand  four  hundred  and  ninety-nine,  two 
years  two  months  and  five  days  from  the  time  he 
left  that  port  a. 

Thus,  during  the  courfe  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, mankind  made  greater  progreis  in  explor- 
ing the  Itate  of  the  habitable  globe,  than  in  all; 
*  Ramufio,  vol,  i.   119,  D. 

the 


1499']  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  l6j 

the  ages  which  had  elapfed  previous  to  that  pe- 
riod.    The  fpirit  of  difcovery,  feeble  at  fir  11  and 
cautious,  moved  within  a  very  narrow    fphere, 
and  made  its  efforts  with  hefitation  and  timidity. 
Encouraged  by  fuccefs,  it  became  adventurous, 
and  boldly  extended    its  operations.       In    the 
courfe  of  its  progreffion,    it   continued  to    ac- 
quire vigour,   and  advanced   at   length  with  a 
rapidity  and  force  which  burn;  through  all  the 
limits  within  which  ignorance  and  fear  had  hi- 
therto circumfcribed  the  activity  of  the  human 
race.     Almoft  fifty  years  were  employed  by  the 
Portuguefe  in  creeping  along  the  coait  of  Africa 
from  Cape  Non  to  Cape  de  Verd,  the  latter  of 
:  which  lies  only  twelve  degrees  to  the  fouth  of 
'•  the  former.     In  lefs  than  thirty  years  they  ven- 
tured beyond  the  equinoctial  line  into  another 
;  hemifphere,  and  penetrated  to  the  fouthern  ex- 
i  tremity  of  Africa,  at  the  diftance  of  forty-nine 
degrees  from  Cape  de  Verd.     During  the  laft 
I  feven  years  of  the  century,  a  New  World  was 
I  difcovered  in  the  weft,  not  inferior  in  extent  to  all 
i  the  parts  of  the  earth  with  which  mankind  were 
j  at  that  time  acquainted.     In  the  eaft,  unknown 
I  feas  and  countries  were  found  out,  and  a  com- 
,  munication,  long  deiired,  but  hitherto  concealed, 
:  was  opened  between  Europe   and  the  opulent 
|  regions  of  India.     In  comparifon  with  events  fo 
wondeiful  and  unexpected,  all  that  had  hitherto 
been  deemed  great  or  fplendid,  faded  away  and 
dii'appeared.     Vaii  objedts  now  prefented  them* 
felves.     The  human  mind,  roufed  and  interefted 
by  the  profpecl,  engaged  with  ardour  in  purfuit 
j  of  them,  and  exerted  its  active  powers  in  a  new 
'  direction.  .     . 

vol.  j,  $  This 


164  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  E.  I; 

This  {pint  of  enterprize,  though  but  new] 
awakened  in  Spain,  began  foon  to  operate  e: 
tenfively.  All  the  attempts  towards  difcovery 
made  in  that  kingdom,  had  hitherto  been  carried 
on  by  Columbus  alone,  and  at  the  expence  of 
the  fovereign.  But  now  private  adventurers, 
allured  by  the  magnificent  defcriptions  he  gave 
of  the  regions  which  he  had  vilited,  as  well  as 
by  the  fpecimens  of  their  wealth  which  he  pro- 
duced, offered  to  fit  out  fquadrons  at  their  own 
rifle,  and  to  go  in  queft  of  new  countries.  The 
Spanifh  court,  whofe  fcanty  revenues  were  ex- 
haufted  by  the  charge  of  its  expeditions  to  the 
New  World,  which,  though  they  opened  alluring 
profpe&s  of  future  benefit,  yielded  a  very  fparing 
return  of  prefent  profit,  was  extremely  willing  to 
devolve  the  burden  of  difcovery  upon  its  fubjedls. 
It  feized  with  joy  an  opportunity  of  rendering 
the  avarice,  the  ingenuity,  and  efforts  of  projec- 
tors, infrrumental  in  promoting  defigns  of  certain 
advantage  to  the  public,  though  of  doubtful 
fuccefs  with  refpect  to  themfelves.  One  of  th( 
firft  proportions  of  this  kind  was  made  b] 
Alonfo  de  Ojeda,  a  gallant  and  active  officei 
who  had  accompanied  Columbus  in  his  feconc 
voyage.  His  rank  and  character  procured  hii 
fuch  credit  with  the  merchants  of  Seville,  the 
they  undertook  to  equip  four  fhips,  provided  he 
could  obtain  the  royal  licence,  authorifmg  the 
voyage.  The  powerful  patronage  of  the  bifhop 
of  Badajos  eafily  fecured  fuccefs  in  a  fuit  fo 
agreeable  to  the  court.  Without  confulting 
Columbus,  or  regarding  the  rights  and  jurifdi&ion 
which  he  had  acquired  by  the  capitulation  in  one 
thoufand  four  hundred  and  ninety-two,  Ojeda 

was 


I499-]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  l6"$ 

was  permitted  to  fet  out  for  the  New  World. 
In  order  to  direct  his  courfe,  the  bifhop  com- 
municated to  him  the  admiral's  journal  of  his  kit 
voyage,  and  his  charts  of  the  countries  which  he 
had  difcovered.  Ojeda  ftruck  out  into  no  new 
path  of  navigation,  but  adhering  fervilely  to  the 
route  which  Columbus  had  taken,  arrived  on 
the  coaft  of  Paria  [May].  He  traded  with  the 
natives,  and  Handing  to  the  weft,  proceeded  as 
far  as  Cape  de  Vela,  and  ranged  along  a  confider- 
able  extent  of  coaft  beyond  that  on  which  Co- 
lumbus had  touched.  Having  thus  afcertained 
the  opinion  of  Columbus,  that  this  country  was 
a  part  of  the  continent,  Ojeda  returned  by  way 
of  Hifpaniola  to  Spain  [October],  with  fome 
reputation  as  a  difcoverer,  but  with  little  bene- 
fit to  thofe  who  had  raifed  the  funds  for  the 
expedition  b. 

Amerigo  Vefpucci,  a  Florentine  gentleman, 
accompanied  Ojeda  in  this  voyage.  In  what 
ftation  he  ferved,  is  uncertain  ;  but  as  he  was  an 
experienced  failor,  and  eminently  fkilful  in  all  the 
fciences  fubfervient  to  navigation,  he  feems  to 
have  acquired  fuch  authority  among  his  com- 
panions, that  they  willingly  allowed  him  to  have 
a  chief  fhare  in  directing  their  operations  during 
the  voyage.  Soon  after  his  return,  he  tranf- 
mitted  an  account  of  his  adventures  and  difco^ 
veries  to  one  of  his  countrymen  ;  and  labouring 
with  the  vanity  of  a  traveller  to  magnify  his 
own  exploits,  he  had  the  addrefs  and  confidence 
to  frame  his  narrative,  fo  as  to  make  it  appear 
that  he  had  the  glory  of  having  full  difcovered 
the  continent  in  the  New  World,     Amerigo's 

_b  Herrera,    dec.  i.  lib.  iv.  c.  i,  2,  3. 

s  2  account 


l66  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  t 

account  was  drawn  up  not  only  with  art,  bi 
with  fome  elegance.  It  contained  an  amufin^ 
hiftory  of  his  voyage,  and  judicious  obfervations 
upon  the  natural  productions,  the  inhabitants, 
and  the  cuftoms  of  the  countries  which  he  had 
•viiited.  As  it  was  the  firft  description  of  any 
part  of  the  New  World  that  was  published,  a 
performance  fo  well  calculated  to  gratify  the 
paflion  of  mankind  for  what  is  new  and  marvel- 
lous, circulated  rapidly,  and  was  read  with  ad- 
miration. The  country  of  which  Amerigo  was 
fuppofed  to  be  the  difcoverer,  came  gradually 
to  be  called  by  his  name.  The  caprice  of  man* 
kind,  often  as  unaccountable  as  unjuft,  has  per- 
petuated this  error.  By  the  univerfal  confent 
of  nations,  America  is  the  name  bellowed  on 
this  new  quarter  of  the  globe.  The  bold  pre- 
tenfions  of  a  fortunate  impoflor  have  robbed  the 
difcoverer  of  the  New  World  of  a  diflin&ion 
which  belonged  to  him.  The  name  of  Amerigo 
has  fupplanted  that  of  Columbus  ;  and  mankind 
may  regret'  an  a£t  of  injuftice,  which,  having 
received  the  fan&ion  of  time,  it  is  now  too  late 
to  redrefs  c. 

During  the  fame  year,  another  voyage  of 
difcovery  was  undertaken.  Columbus  not  only 
introduced  the  fpirit  of  naval  enterprize  into 
Spain,  but  all  the  firft  adventurers  who  dif- 
tinguifhed  themfelves  in  this  new  career,  were 
formed  by  his  inftructions,  and  acquired  in  his 
voyages  the  fkill  and  information  which  qualified 
them  to  imitate  his  example.  Alonfo  Nigno, 
who  had  ferved  under  the  admiral  in  his  lail  ex- 
pedition, fitted  out  a  fingle  fhip,  in  conjunction 

f  See  Not*  XXII. 

with 


1499-1  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  l6j 

with  Chriflopher  Guerra,  a  merchant  of  Seville, 
and  failed  to  the  coafl  of  Paria.  This  voyage 
feems  to  have  been  conducted  with  greater  at- 
tention to  private  emolument,  than  to  any  gene- 
ral or  national  object.  Nigno  and  Guerra  made 
no  difcoveries  of  any  importance  ;  but  they 
brought  home  fuch  a  return  of  gold  and  pearls, 
as  inflamed  their  countrymen  with  the  deiire  of 
engaging  in  fimilar  adventures  d, 

Soon  after  [Jan.  13,  1500],  Vincent  Yanez 
Pinzon,  one  of  the  admiral's  companions  in  his 
firfl  voyage,  failed  from  Palos  with  four  mips. 
He  Hood  boldly  towards  the  fouth,  and  was 
the  firll  Spaniard  who  ventured  to  crofs  the 
equinoctial  line  ;  but  he  feems  to  have  landed  on 
no  part  of  the  coafl  beyond  the  mouth  of  the 
Maragnon,  or  river  of  the  Amazons.  All  thefe 
navigators  adopted  the  erroneous  theory  of  Co- 
lumbus, and  believed  that  the  countries  which 
they  had  difcovered  were  part  of  the  vail  con- 
tinent of  India  c. 

During  the  Jail  year  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
that  fertile  diflricl:  of  America,  on  the  confines 
of  which  Pinzon  had  ilopt  fhort,  was  more  fully 
difcovered.  The  fuccefsful  voyage  of  Gama  to 
the  Eafl  Indies  having  encouraged  the  king  or 
Portugal  to  fit  out  a  fleet  fo  powerful,  as  not 
only  to  carry  on  trade,  but  to  attempt  conquefl, 
he  gave  the  command  of  it  to  Pedro  Alvarez 
Cabral.  In  order  to  avoid  the  coafl  of  Africa, 
where  he  was  certain  of  meeting  with  variable 
breezes,  or  frequent  calms,  which  might  retard 
his  voyage,  Cabral  flood  out  to  fea,  and  kept  fQ 

d  P.  Martyr,  dec.  p.  87.     Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  iv.  c.  5* 
£  Herrera,  dec.  j.  lib.  iv,  c.  6.     P.  Martyr,  dec.  p.  95. 

§  3  far 


l6B  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  1 

far  to  the  weft,   that,  to  his  furprife,  he  foun< 
himfelf  upon  the  jfhore  of  an  unknown  country, 
in  the  tenth  degree  beyond  the  line.     He  ima- 
gined,  at   firft,  that  it  was  fome  ifland  in  the 
Atlantic  ocean,  hitherto  unobferved ;  but,  pro- 
ceeding  along  its  coaft  for  feveral  days,  he  was 
led  gradually  to  believe,   that  a  country  fo  ex- 
ten  five   formed  a  part  of  fome   great  continent. 
This  latter   opinion    was  well   founded.      Th< 
country  with  which  he  fell  in  belongs  to  thai 
province  in  South  America,  now  known  by  the 
name  of  Brafil.    He  landed  ;  and  having  formed 
a  very  high  idea  of  the  fertility  of  the  foil,   and 
agreeablenefs  of  the  climate,  he  took  poffeflion 
of  it  for  the  crown  of  Portugal,  and  difpatched  a 
fhip  to  Lifbon  with  an  account  of  this   event, 
which  appeared  to  be  no  lefs  important  than  it 
was  unexpected  f.     Columbus's  difcovery  of  the 
New  World  was  the  effort  of  an  active  genius, 
enlightened  by  fcience,  guided  by  experience,  ant 
acting  upon  a  regular  plan,  executed  with  no  lefs 
courage  than  perfeverance.     But  from  this  ad- 
venture  of  the  Portuguefe,  it  appears  that  chance 
might  have  accomplished  that  great  defign  whicl 
it  is  now  the  pride  of  human    reafon  to  have 
formed  and  perfected.     If  the  fagacity  of  C< 
lumbus  had  not  conducted  mankind  to  America, 
Cabral,  by  a  fortunate  accident,  might  have  led 
them,  a  few  years  later,  to  the  knowledge  of  that 
extenfive  continent  ?. 

While  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguefe,  by  thofe 
fuccefllve  voyages,  were  daily  acquiring  more 
enlarged  ideas  of  the  extent  and  opulence  of  that 
quarter  of  the  globe  which  Columbus  had  made 

5  Herrera,  dec.  i.  lib.  iv.  c.  f9     s  Id.  lib.  vii.  c   5. 

known 


1500.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  169 

known  to  them,  he  himfelf,  far  from  enjoying 
the  tranquillity  and  honours  with  which  his  fer- 
viees  mould  have  been  recompenfed,  v/as  ftrug- 
gYmg  with  every  diflrefs  in  which  the  envy  and 
malevolence  of  the  people  under  his  command* 
or  the  ingratitude  of  the  court  which  he  ferved, 
could  involve  him.  Though  the  pacification 
with  Roldan  broke  the  union  and  weakened  the 
force  of  the  mutineers,  it  did  not  extirpate  the 
feeds  of  difcord  out  of  the  ifland.  Several  of 
the  malcontents  continued  in  arms,  refufing  to 
fubmit  to  the  admiral.  He  and  his  brothers 
were  obliged  to  take  the  field  alternately,  in 
order  to  check  their  incurfions,  or  to  punifh 
their  crimes.  The  perpetual  occupation  and 
difquiet  which  this  created,  prevented  him  from 
giving  dueattentiontothedangerous  machinations 
of  his  enemies  in  the  court  of  Spain.  A  good 
number  of  fuch  as  were  molt  difTatisfied  with  his 
administration,  had  embraced  the  opportunity  of 
returning  to  Europe  with  the  mips  which  he 
difpatched  from  St.  Domingo.  The  final  difap- 
pointment  of  all  their  hopes  inflamed  the  rage 
of  thefe  unfortunate  adventurers  againil  Colum- 
bus to  the  utmoft  pitch.  Their  poverty  and 
diftrefs,  by  exciting  companion,  rendered  their 
accufations  credible,  and  their  complaints  inte- 
resting. They  teazed  Ferdinand  and  Ifabella 
inceffantly  with  memorials,  containing  the  detail 
of  their  own  grievances,  and  the  articles  of  their 
charge  againil  Columbus.  Whenever  either  the 
king  or  queen  appeared  in  public,  they  fur- 
rounded  them  in  a  tumultuary  manner,  inilfting 
with  importunate  clamours  for  the  payment  of 
the  arrears  due  to  them,  and  demanding  ven- 
geance 


17°  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

geance  upon  the  author  of  their  fufferings. 
They  infulted  the  admiral's  fons  wherever  they 
met  them,  reproaching  them  as  the  offspring  of 
the  projector,  whofe  fatal  curiofity  had  difcovered 
thofe  pernicious  regions  which  drained  Spain  of 
its  wealth,  and  would  prove  the  grave  of  its 
people.  Thefe  avowed  endeavours  of  the  mal- 
contents from  America  to  ruin  Columbus,  were 
feconded  by  the  fecret,  but  more  dangerous  in- 
finuations  of  that  party  among  the  courtiers, 
which  had  always  thwarted  his  fchemes  and  en- 
vied his  fuccefs  and  credit  h. 

Ferdinand  was  difpofed  to  liflen,  not  only  with 
a  willing,  but  with  a  partial  ear,  to  thefe  accu-r 
fations.  Notwithffanding  the  flattering  accounts 
which  Columbus  had  given  of  the  riches  of 
America,  the  remittances  from  it  had  hitherto 
been  fo  fcanty,  that  they  fell  far  fliort  of  defray., 
Ing  the  expcnce  of  the  armaments  fitted  out, 
The  glory  of  the  difcovery,  together  with  th< 
profpect  of  remote  commercial  advantages,  wi 
all  that  Spain  had  yet  received  in  return  for  th< 
efforts  which  me  had  made.  But  time  had  al- 
ready diminifhed  the  firft  fenfations  of  joy  which 
the  difcovery  of  a  New  World  occafioned,  and 
fame  alone  was  not  an  object  to  fatisfy  the  cold 
Interefled  mind  of  Ferdinand.  The  nature  of 
commerce  was  then  fo  little  underflood,  that, 
where  immediate  gain  was  not  acquired,  the  hope 
of  diflant  benefit,  or  of  flow  and  moderate  returns, 
wras  totally  difregarded.  Ferdinand  confidered 
Spain,  on  this  account,  as  having  loll  by  the  en- 
terprife  of  Columbus,  and  imputed  it  to  his 
nufcondudt  and  incapacity  for  government,  that 

£  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  %$. 

$ coun* 


I5OO.]  HISTORY    07    AMERICA.  I7.I 

a  country  abounding  in  gold  had  yielded  nothing 
of  value  to  its  conquerors.  Even  Ifabella,  who, 
from  the  favourable  opinion  which  (he  entertained 
of  Columbus,  had  uniformly  protected  him,  was 
fliaken  at  length  by  the  number  and  boldnefs  of 
his  accufers,  and  began  to  fufpect  that  a  difarTec- 
tion  fo  general  muil  have  been  occafioned  by 
real  grievances,  which  called  for  redrefs.  The 
bifhop  of  Badajos,  with  his  ufual  animoiity 
againft  Columbus,  encouraged  thefe  fufpicions* 
and  confirmed  them. 

As  foon  as  the  queen  began  to  give  way  to 
the  torrent  of  calumny,    a  refolution  fatal   to 
Columbus  was  taken.     Francis  de  Bovadilla,  a 
knight  of  Calatrava,  was  appointed  to  repair  to 
Hifpaniola,  with  full  powers  to  inquire  into  the 
conduct  of  Columbus,  and,  if  he  mould  find  the 
charge  of  mal-adminiitration  proved,  to  fuper- 
£ede  him,    and  afTume  the   government  of  the 
iiland.     It  was  impoflible  to  efcape  condemna- 
tion, when  this  prepofterous  commiffion   made  it 
the  intereft  of  the  judge  to  pronounce  the  perfon 
whom  he  was  fent   to    try,    guilty.      Though 
Columbus  had  now  compofed  all  the  difTeniions 
in  the  iHand  ;  though  he  had  brought  both  Spa- 
niards and  Indians  to   fubmit  peaceably  to  his 
government  ;  though  he  had  made  fuch  effectual 
provifion  for  working  the  mines,  and  cultivating 
the  country,    as  would  have  fecured  a  confider- 
able  revenue  to  the  king,  as  well  as  large  profits 
to  individuals,    Bovadilla,  without   deigning  to 
attend  to  the  nature   or  merit  of  thofe  fervices, 
difcovered,  from  the  moment  that  he  landed  in 
Hifpaniola,     a  determined    purpofe  of  treating 
him  as  a  criminal.     He  took  poffeffion  of  the  ad- 
miral's 


172  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

miral's  houfe  in  St.  Domingo,  from  which  its 
mailer  happened  at  that  time  to  be  abfent,  and 
feized  his  effects,  as  if  his  guilt  had  been  already 
fully  proved;  he  rendered  himfelf  matter  of  the  fort 
and  of  the  king's  ftores  by  violence  ;  he  required  I 
all  perfons  to  acknowledge  him  as  fupreme  go- 
vernor ;  he  fet  at  liberty  the  prifoners  coniined 
by  the  admiral,  and  fummoned  him  to  appear 
before  his  tribunal,  in  order  to  anfwer  for  hh 
conduct  ;  tranfmitting  to  him,  together  with  the 
fummons,  a  copy  of  the  royal  mandate,  by  which 
Columbus  was  enjoined  to  yield  implicit  obedience 
to  his  commands. 

Columbus,  though  deeply  affected  with  the 
ingratitude  and  injuftice  of  Ferdinand  and  Ifa- 
bella,  did  not  hefitate  a  moment  about  his  own 
conduct.     He  fubmitted  to  the  will  of  his  fove- 
reigns  with  a  refpectful  filence,  and  repaired  di- 
rectly to  the  court  of  that  violent  and  partial 
judge  whom  they  had  authorized  to  try  him. 
JBovadilla,  without  admitting  him  into  his  pre- 
fence,  ordered  him  inftantly  to  be  arretted,  to  b 
loaded  with  chains,  and  hurried  on  board  a  mi 
Even  under  this  humiliating  reverfe  of  fortun 
the  firmnefs  of  mind  which  diftingui flies  the  ch 
racter  of  Columbus,  did  not  forfake  him.     Con 
fcious  of  his  own  integrity,  and  folacing  himfe 
■with  reflecting  upon  the  great  things  which  h 
had  atchieved,   he  endured  this  infult  offered  t 
his  character,  not  only  with  compofure,  but  wit 
dignity.     Nor  had  he  the  confolation  of  fym 
pathy  to  mitigate  his  fufferings.     Bovadilla  ha 
already  rendered  himfelf  fo   extremely  popular, 
by  granting  various  immunities   to  the  colony, 
by  liberal  donations  of  Indians  to  all  who  applied 

for 


1500.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  173 

for  them,  and  by  relaxing  the  reins  of  difcipline 
and  government,  that  the  Spaniards,   who  were 
moltly  adventurers,   whom   their   indigence   or 
crimes    had    impelled   to  abandon   their  native 
country,  exprefled  the  moft  indecent  fatisfaction 
with  the  difgrace  and  imprifonment  of  Colum- 
bus.    They  flattered  themfelves,  that  now  they 
mould  enjoy  an  uncontrolled  liberty,  more  fuit- 
able  to  their  difpofition   and   former  habits  of 
life.     Among  perfons  thus  prepared  to  cenfure 
the  proceedings,  and  to  afperfe  the  character  of 
Columbus,    Bovadilla  collected   materials  for  a 
charge  againit  him.     All  accufations,  the  moll 
improbable,  as  well  as  inconiiflent,  were  receiv- 
ed.     No    informer,     however    infamous,     was 
rejected.     The  refult  of  this  inqueft,    no    lefs 
indecent  than  partial,  he  tranfmitted  to  Spain. 
At    the    fame    time,     he    ordered    Columbus, 
with    his  two  brothers,   to   be  carried  thither 
in    fetters ;    and   adding   cruelty   to  infult,    he 
confined  them  in  different  fhips,  and  excluded 
them  from  the  comfort  of  that  friendly  inter- 
course which  might  have  foothed  their  common 
dillrefs.     But  while  the  Spaniards  in  Hifpaniola 
viewed  the  arbitrary  and  infolent  proceedings  of 
Bovadilla  with  a  general  approbation*  which  re- 
flects difhonour  upon  their  name  and  country, 
one  man  {till  retained  a  proper  fenfe  of  the  great 
a:tions  which   Columbus  had   performed,    and 
was  touched  with  the  fentiments  of  veneration 
and  pity  due  to  his  rank,  his  age,  and  his  merit. 
Alonfo  de  Vallejo,  the  captain  of  the  veffel  on 
board  which  the  admiral  was  confined,  as  foon. 
I  as  he  was  clear  of  the  ifland,  approached  his 
prifoner  with  great  refpect,  and  offered  to  releafe  . 

him 


174  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  K.  II 

him  from  the  fetters  with  which  he  was  unjuitl 
loaded.  "  No,"  replied  Columbus,  with  a  ge" 
nerous  indignation,  "  I  wear  thefe  irons  in  con* 
fequence  of  an  order  from  my  fovereigns.  They 
mall  find  me  as  obedient  to  this  as  to  their  other 
injunctions.  By  their  command  I  have  been 
confined,  and  their  command  alone  mail  fet  me 
at  liberty1." 

Nov.  23.]    Fortunately  the  voyage  to  Spain 
was  extremely  fhort.     As  foon  as  Ferdinand  and 
Ifabella    were     informed    that    Columbus    was 
brought  home  a  prifoner,  and  in    chains,  they 
perceived  at   once  what  univerfal    aftonifhmenfc 
this  event  mult  occaiion,  and  what  an  impref- 
fion   to  their  difadvantage  it  mult  make.      All 
Europe,     they  forefaw,    would  be    filled  with 
indignation    at  this    ungenerous    requital  of  a 
man    who    had    performed   actions   worthy   of 
the    higheit    recompenee,    and    would    exclai 
againfl  the  injuflice  of  the  nation,  to  which 
had  been  luch  an  eminent  benefactor,  as  wel 
as  againlt  the  ingratitude  of  the   princes  who 
reign   he  had  rendered  illuftrious.     Afhamed 
their  own  conduct,  and  eager  not  only  to  ma 
fome  reparation  for  this  injury,  but  to  efface  t 
ftain  which  it  might  fix  upon  their  characle 
they  inflantly  iffued  orders  to  fet  Columbus 
liberty  [Dec.  17],  invited  him  to  court,  and  r 
mitted  money  to  enable  him  to  appear  there  in 
manner  fuitable  to  his  rank.     When  he  entere 
the  royal  prefence,  Columbus  threw  himfelf  a 
the   feet  of  his   fovereigns.      He  remained  fo 
fome    time   filent ;    the  various   pafiions    whiV 

*  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  86.     Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  iv.  c 
8— 11.     GomaraHift.c.  513.     Oviedo,  lib.  iii.  c.  6. 

agitate 


; 


TpllJPagcjj./.. 


IHffSOdT^XEJF^  ttfiTrng-to  release  (DOMTMBITS 


,//?////  ///.;•  jFc/trrs. 


ardlLd-dt/' 


Titbli/htd  JFeb  jz-udoj^fy'  Cadi/l PDayics,  Strand ' . 


1500.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  I75 

agitated  his  mind  fupprefiing  his  power  of  utter* 
ance.  At  length  he  recovered  himfelf,  and  vin- 
dicated his  conduct  in  a  long  difcourfe,  pro- 
ducing the  molt  fatisfying  proofs  of  his  own  in- 
tegrity, as  well  as  good  intention,  and  evidence, 
no  lefs  clear,  of  the  malevolence  of  his  enemies, 
who,  not  fatisfied  with  having  ruined  his  for- 
tune, laboured  to  deprive  him  of  what  alone  was 
now  left,  his  honour  and  his  fame.  Ferdinand  re- 
ceived him  with  decent  civility,  and  Ifabella  with 
tendernefs  and  refpedt..  They  both  expreffed 
their  forrow  for  what  had  happened,  difavowed 
their  knowledge  of  it,  and  joined  in  promifing 
him  protection  and  future  favour.  But  though 
they  inftantly  degraded  Bovadilla,  in  order  to  re- 
move from  themfelves  any  fufpicion  of  having 
authorized  his  violent  proceedings,  they  did  not 
reftore  to  Columbus  his  jurifdiction  and  privi- 
leges as  viceroy  of  thofe  countries  which  he  had 
diicovered.  Though  willing  to  appear  the 
avengers  of  Columbus's  wrongs,  that  illiberal 
jealoufy  which  prompted  them  to  inveft  Bovadilla 
with  fuch  authority  as  put  it  in  his  power  to 
treat  the  admiral  with  indignity  ftill  fubfifted. 
They  were  afraid  to  truft  a  man  to  whom  they* 
had  been  fo  highly  indebted,  and  retaining 
him  at  court  under  various  pretexts,  they  ap- 
pointed Nicholas  de  Ovando,  a  knight  of  the 
military  order  of  Alcantara,  governor  of  Hif- 
paniola  k. 

Columbus  was  deeply  afFe&ed  with  this  new 
injury,  which  came  from  hands  that  feemed  to 
be  employed  in  making  reparation  for  his  pad 

k  Herrera,  dec.  I.  lib.  iv.  c.  10— ix.  Life  of  Colum- 
bus,  c.  87, 

vol.  1.  x  fuffer* 


1>]G  HISTORY    OF   AMERICA.  3.  II. 

fufferings.  The  fenfibility  with  which  great 
minds  feel  every  thing  that  implies  any  fufpicion 
of  their  integrity,  or  that  wears  the  afpe£t  of  an 
affront,  is  exquifite.  Columbus  had  experienced 
both  from  the  Spaniards ;  and  their  ungenerous 
conduct  exafperated  him  to  fuch  a  degree,  that 
he  could  no  longer  conceal  the  fentiments  which 
it  excited.  Wherever  he  wrentr  he  carried  about 
with  him,  as  a  memorial  of  their  ingratitude, 
thofe  fetters  with  which  he  had  been  loaded. 
They  were  conflantly  hung  up  in  his  chamber, 
and  he  gave  orders  that  when  he  died  they  fhould 
be  buried  in  his  grave  l. 

1 50 1.]  Meanwhile,  the  fpirit  of  difcovery, 
notwithilanding  the  fevere  check  which  it  had 
received  by  the  ungenerous  treatment  of  the  man, 
who  firft  excited  it  in  Spain,  continued  active 
and  vigorous.  [January]  Roderigo  de  Baftidas, 
a  perfon  of  diflindlion,  fitted  out  two  fhips  in  c 
partnery  with  John  de  la  Cofa,  who  havi 
ferved  under  the  admiral  in  two  of  his  voyages, 
was  deemed  the  moft  fkilful  pilot  in  Spain. 
They  iteered  directly  towards  the  continent,  ar- 
rived on  the  coalt  of  Paria,  and  proceeding  to 
the  weft,  difcovered  all  the  coaft  of  the  province 
now  known  by  the  name  of  Tierra  Firme,  from 
Cape  de  Vela  to  the  gulf  of  Darien.  Not  long 
after  Ojeda,  with  his  former  afibciate  Amerigo 
Vefpucci,  fet  out  upon  a  fecond  voyage,  and 
being  unacquainted  with  the  deftination  of 
Baftidas,  held  the  fame  courfe,  and  touched  at 
the  fame  places.  The  voyage  of  Baftidas  was 
profperous  and  lucrative,  that  of  Ojeda  unfor- 
tunate. But  both  tended  to  increafe  the  ardour 
1  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  36.  p.  577. 

of 


I50I.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  I77 

of  difcovery  ;  for  in  proportion  as  the  Spaniards 
acquired  a  more  extenfive  knowledge  of  the 
American  continent,  their  idea  of  its  opulence 
and  fertility  increaied  m. 

Before  thefe  adventurers  returned  from  their 
voyages,  a  fleet  was  equipped,  at  the  public  ex- 
pence,  for  carrying  over  Ovando,  the  new  go- 
vernor, to  Hifpaniola,     His  prefence  there  was 
extremely  requilite,  in  order  to  flop  the  incon- 
fiderate  career  of  Bovadilla,  whofe  imprudent  ad- 
miniftration  threatened  the  fettlement  with  ruiiv 
Confcious  of  the  violence  and  iniquity  of  his 
proceedings  againfl  Columbus,  he  continued  to 
make  it  his  fole  object  to  gain  the  favour  and 
fupport  of  his  countrymen,  by  accommodating 
himfelf  to  their  paflions  and  prejudices.     With 
this  view,    he  eltablifhed  regulations,    in  every 
point    the    reverfe   of   thole   which    Columbus 
deemed  effential  to  the  profperity  of  the  colony. 
Initead  of  the  fevere  difcipline,  neceffary  in  order 
to  habituate  the  diffolute  and  corrupted  members 
of  which  the  fociety  was  compofed,  to  the  re- 
ftraints  of  law  and   fubordination,    he   fuffered 
them  to  enjoy  fuch  uncontrolled  licence,  as  en- 
couraged trie  wildefl  "exceffes.     Inilead  of  pro- 
tecting the  Indians,  he  gave  a  legal  fandlion  to 
the  oppreffion  of  that  unhappy  people.    He  took 
the  exact  number  of  fuch  as  lurvived  their  pall 
calamities,  divided  them  into  dillinct  claries,  dif- 
tributed  them  in  property  among  his  adherents, 
and  reduced  all  the  people  of  the  ifland  to  a  (late 
of  complete  fervitude.     As  the  avarice  of  the 
Spaniards  was   too  rapacious  and   impatient  to 
try  any  method  of  acquiring  wealth  but  that  of 

,u  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  iv.  c.  u. 

t  2  fearching 


I78  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA*  B.  II. 

Searching  for  gold,  this  fervitude  became  as 
grievous  as  it  was  unjuft.  The  Indians  were 
driven  in  crowds  to  the  mountains,  and  compelled 
to  work  in  the  mines  by  mafters,  who  impofed 
their  tafks  without  mercy  or  difcretion.  Labour, 
fo  difproportioned  to  their  ftrength  and  former 
-  habits  of  life,  wafted  that  feeble  race  of  men  with 
fuch  rapid  confumption,  as  mull  have  foon  ter- 
minated in  the  utter  extinction  of  the  ancient 
inhabitants  of  the  country  n. 

The  neceflity  of  applying  a  fpeedy  remedy  to 
thofe  diforders,  haftened  Ovando's  departure. 
He  had  the  command  of  the  moft  refpe&able 
armament  hitherto  fitted  out  for  the  New  World. 
It  confifted  of  thirty-two  mips,  on  board  of 
which  two  thoufand  five  hundred  perfons  em- 
barked, with  an  intention  of  fettling  in  the 
country.  [1502]  Upon  the  arrival  of  the  new 
governor,  with  this  powerful  reinforcement  to 
the  colony,  Bovadilla  refigned  his  charge,  and 
was  commanded  to  return  inftantly  to  Spain,  in 
order  to  anfwer  for  his  conduft.  Roldan,  and 
the  other  ringleaders  of  the  mutineers,  who  had 
been  moft  active  in  oppofing  Columbus,  were 
required  to  leave  the  ifland  at  the  fame  time, 
A  proclamation  was  ifTued,  declaring  the  natives 
to  be  free  fubje&s  of  Spain,  of  whom  no  fervice 
was  to  be  exacted  contrary  to  their  own  incli- 
nation, and  without  paying  them  an  adequate 
price  for  their  labour.  With  refpect  to  the 
Spaniards  themfelves,  various  regulations  were 
made  tending  to  fupprefs  the  licentious  fpirit 
which  had  been  fo  fatal  to  the  colony,  and  tq 

*  Herrera,   dec*  1.    lib.  iv.    c.  11,    &c.      Oviedo  Hift. 
lib.  iii.  c.  C.  p.  Q7»    Benzon,  Hift.  lib.  i.  c,  12.  p.  $1. 

eftablifh 


1502.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  179 

eftablifh  that  reverence  for  law  and  order  on 
which  fociety  is  founded,  and  to  which  it  is  in- 
debted for  its  increafe  and  liability.  In  order 
to  limit  the  exorbitant  gain  which  private  perfons 
were  fuppofed  to  make  by  working  the  mines,  an  or- 
dinance was  published,  directing  all  the  gold  to  be 
brought  to  a  public  fmelting-houfe,  and  declaring 
one  half  of  it  to  be  the  property  of  the  crown  °. 
While  thefe  Heps  were  taking  for  fecuring  the 
tranquillity  and  welfare  of  the  colony  which 
Columbus  had  planted,  he  himfelf  was  engaged 
in  the  unpleafant  employment  of  foliciting  the  fa- 
vour of  an  ungrateful  court,  and,  notwithstanding 
all  his  merit  and  fervices,  he  folicited  in  vain. 
He  demanded,  in  terms  of  the  original  capitula- 
tion in  one  thoufand  four  hundred  and  ninety- 
two,  to  be  reinftated  in  his  office  of  viceroy  over 
the  countries  which  he  had  discovered.  By  a 
ilrange  fatality,  the  circumftance  which  he  urged 
in  fupport  of  his  claim,  determined  a  jealous 
monarch  to  reject  it.  The  greatnefs  of  his  dif- 
coveries,  and  the  profpeel:  of  their  increafmg 
value,  made  Ferdinand  confider  the  conceflions 
in  the  capitulation  as  extravagant  and  impolitic. 
He  was  afraid  of  entrufting  a  fubjeel:  with  the 
exercife  of  a  jurifdi&ion  that  now  appeared  to 
be  fo  extremely  extenfiye,  and  might  grow  to  be 
no  lefs  formidable.  He  infpired  Ifabella  with 
the  fame  fufpicions  ;  and  under  various  pretexts 
equally  frivolous  and  unjuft,  they  eluded  all  Co- 
lumbus's requifitions  to  perform  that  which  a 
folemn  compact,  bound  them  to  accomplifh. 
After  attending  the  court  of  Spain  for  near  two 

°  Solorzano   Politica  Indiana,    lib.  U    c.  12.     Herrera, 
dec.  i.  lib.  iv.  c.  it. 

t  3  year*, 


ISO  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA*  &  I 

years,  as  an  humble  fuitor,  he  found  it  impoi 
fible  to  remove  Ferdinand's  prejudices  and  aj_ 
prehenfions  ;  and  perceived,  at  length,  that  he 
laboured  in  vain,  when  he  urged  a  claim  of 
juftice  or  merit  with  an  interefled  and  unfeeling 
prince. 

But  even  this  ungenerous  return  did  not  dif- 
courage  him  from  purfuing  the  great  object 
which  firft  called  forth  his  inventive  genius,  and 
excited  him  to  attempt  difcovery.  To  open  a 
new  paflage  to  the  Eaft  Indies  was  his  original 
and  favourite  fcheme.  This  Hill  engrofled  his 
thoughts;  and  either  from  his  own  obfervations_ 
in  his  voyage  to  Paria,  or  from  fome  obfeure 
hint  of  the  natives,  or  from  the  accounts  given 
by  Baftidas  and  de  la  Cofa,  of  their  expedition, 
he  conceived  an  opinion  that,beyond  the  conti- 
nent of  America,  there  was  a  fea  which  extended 
to  the  Eaft  Indies,  and  hoped  to  find  fome 
Itrait  or  narrow  neck  of  land,  by  whicli  a  com- 
munication might  be  opened  with  it  and  the  part 
of  the  ocean  already  known.  By  a  very  fortu- 
nate conjecture,  he  fuppofed  this  itrait  or  ifthmus 
to  be  fituated  near  the  gulf  of  Darien. 

Full  of  this  idea,  though  he  was  now  of  an 
advanced  age,  worn  out  with  fatigue,  and 
broken  with  infirmities,  he  offered,  with  the 
alacrity  of  a  youthful  adventurer,  to  undertake 
a  voyage  which  would  afcertain  this  important 
point,  and  perfect  the  grand  fcheme  which 
from  the  beginning  he  propofed  to  accomplifh, 
Several  circumftances  concurred  in  difpofing 
Ferdinand  and  Ifabella  to  lend  a  favourable  ear 
to  this  propofal.  They  were  glad  to  have  the 
pretext  of  any  honourable  employment  for  rt-< 

moving 


-1502.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  l8l 

moving  from  court  a  man  with  whofe  demands 
they  deemed  it  impolitic  to  comply,  and  whofe 
fervices  it  was  indecent  to  neglect.    Though  un- 
willing to  reward  Columbus,  they  were  not  in- 
fenfible  of  his  merit,  and  from  their  experience 
of  his  fkill  and  conduct,  had  reafon  to  give  credit 
to  his  conjectures,  and  to  confide  in  his  fuccefs. 
To  thefe  confiderations,  a  third  mull  be  added 
of  Hill   more  powerful  influence.      About  this 
time  the  Portuguefe  fleet,  under  Cabral,  arrived 
from  the  Indies ;    and,  by  the  richnefs  of  its 
cargo,  gave  the  people  of  Europe  a  more  perfect 
idea  than  they  had  hitherto  been  able  to  form, 
of  the  opulence  and  fertility  of  the  eaft.     The 
Portuguefe  had  been  more  fortunate  in  their  dis- 
coveries than  the  Spaniards.     They  had  opened 
a  communication  with  countries  where  induftry, 
arts,  and  elegance   flourifhed ;  and  where  com- 
merce had  been  longer  eftabliihed,  and  carried 
to  greater  extent,    than  in  any  region  of  the 
earth.    Their  firfl  voyages  thither  yielded  imme- 
diate as  well  as  vafl  returns  of  profit,  in  com- 
modities extremely  precious  and  in  great  requeft. 
Liibon    became   immediately  the   feat  of  com- 
merce and  wealth  ;  while  Spain  had  only  the  ex- 
pectation of  remote  benefit,  and  of  future  gain, 
from  the  weftern  world.     Nothing,  then,  could 
be  more  acceptable  to  the  Spaniards  than  Co- 
lumbus's offer  to  conducl:  them  to  the  eaft,  by  a 
route  which  he  expected  to  be  fhorter,  as  well  as 
lefs  dangerous,  than  that  which  the  Portuguefe 
had  taken.    Even  Ferdinand  was  roufed  by  fuch 
a  profpect,  and  warmly  approved  of  the  under* 
taking. 

But 


I§2  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  ir„ 

But  intcrefting  as  the  object  of  this  voyage 
was  to  the  nation,  Columbus  could  procure  only- 
four  fmall  barks,"  the  largeft  of  which  did  not  ex- 
ceed feventy  tons  in  burden,  for  performing  it. 
Accuftomed  to  brave  danger,  and  to  engage  in 
arduous  undertakings  with  inadequate  force,  he 
did  not  hefitate  to  accept  the  command  of  this 
pitiful  fquadron.  His  brother  Bartholomew, 
and  his  fecond  fon  Ferdinand,  the  hiftorian  of 
his  actions,  accompanied  him.  He  failed  fro 
Cadiz,  on  the  ninth  of  May,  and  touched,  a 
ufual,  at  the  Canary  iflands ;  from  thence  he  pro 
pofed  to  have  Hood  directly  for  the  continent 
but  his  largefl  veffel  was  fo  clumfy  and  unfit  fo 
fervice  as  conftrained  him  to  bear  away  for  Hifpa- 
i)iola,  in  hopes  of  exchanging  her  for  fome  fhip 
of  the  fleet  that  had  carried  out  Ovando.  When 
he  arrived  at  St.  Domingo  [June  29],  he  found 
eighteen  of  thefe  mips  ready  loaded,  and  on 
the  point  of  departing  for  Spain.  Columbus 
immediately  acquainted  the  governor  with  the 
deflination  of  his  voyage,  and  the  accident  which 
had  obliged  him  to  alter  his  route,  He  requefte " 
permiffion  to  enter  the  harbour,  not  only  that 
he  might  negotiate  the  exchange  of  his  fhip 
but  that  he  might  take  fhelter  during  a  violent 
hurricane,  of  which  he  difcerned  the  approach 
from  various  prognoftics,  which  his  experience 
and  fagacity  had  taught  him  to  obferve.  On  that 
account,  he  advifed  him  likewife  to  put  off  fo 
fome  days  the  departure  of  the  fleet  bound  for 
Spain.  But  Ovando  refufed  his  requeft,  and 
defpifed  his  counfel.  Under  circumftances  in 
which  humanity  would  have  afforded  refuge  to  a 
Granger,  Columbus  was  denied  admittance  into  a 

country 


: 


1502.]  filSTORY    OF    AMERICA.  l8$ 

country  of  which  he  had  difcovered  the  exiftence 
and  acquired  the  poffefiion.  His  falutary  warn- 
ing, which  merited  the  greateft  attention,  was 
regarded  as  the  dream  of  a  viiionary  prophet, 
who  arrogantly  pretended  to  predict  an  event 
beyond  the  reach  of  human  forefight.  The  fleet 
fet  fail  for  Spain.  Next  night  the  hurricane 
came  on  with  dreadful  impetuofity.  Columbus, 
aware  of  the  danger,  took  precautions  againft 
it,  and  faved  his  little  fquadron.  The  fleet  def- 
tined  for  Spain  met  with  the  fate  which  the* 
rafhnefs  and  obftinacy  of  its  commanders  defend- 
ed. Of  eighteen  {hips  two  or  three  only  ef- 
caped.  In  this  general  wreck  perifhed  Bova- 
difia,  Roldan,  and  the  greater  part  of  thofe  who 
had  been  the  moft  active  in  perfecuting  Colum- 
bus, and  oppreffing  the  Indians.  Together  with, 
themfelves,  all  the  wealth  which  they  had  ac- 
quired by  their  injuftice  and  cruelty  was  {wallowed 
up.  It  exceeded  in  value  two  hundred  thoufand 
pejbs  ;  an  immenfe  fum  at  that  period,  andifufli- 
cient  not  only  to  have  fcreened  them  from  any 
fevere  fcrutiny  into  their  conduct,  but  to  have 
fecured  them  a  gracious  reception  in  the  Spanifh 
court.  Among  the  fhips  that  efcaped,  one  had 
on  board  all  the  effects  of  Columbus  which  had 
been  recovered  from  the  ruins  of  his  fortune.  Hifto- 
rians,  (truck  with  the  exact  discrimination  of  cha- 
racters, as  wrell  as  the  jufl  diftribution  of  rewards 
and  punifhments,  confpicuous  in  thofe  events,  unk 
verfally  attribute  them  to  an  immediate  interpo- 
fition  of  Divine  Providence,  in  order  to  avenge 
the  wrongs  of  an  injured  man,  and  to  punifh  the 
oppreflbrs  of  an  innocent  people.  Upon  the 
ignorant  and  fuperftitious  race   of  men,   who 

were 


: 


X$4  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  K. 

were  witnefles  of  this  occurrence,  it  made 
different  impreffion.  From  an  opinion  which 
vulgar  admiration  is  apt  to  entertain  with  refpeft 
to  perfons  who  have  diftinguifhed  themfelves 
by  their  fagacity  and  inventions,  they  believed 
Columbus  to  be  poffeffed  of  fupernatural  powers, 
and  imagined  that  he  had  conjured  up  this  dread- 
ful ilorm  by  magical  arts  andincantations,  in  order 
to  be  avenged  of  his  enemies  P. 

Columbus  foon  left  Hifpaniola  [July  14], 
where  he  met  with  fuch  an  inhofpitable  reception, 
and  flood  towards  the  continent.  After  a  tedious 
and  dangerous  voyage,  he  difcovered  Guanaia,  an 
ifland  not  far  diflant  from  the  coaft  of  Honduras. 
There  he  had  an  interview  with  fome  inhabitants 
of  the  continent,  who  arrived  in  a  large  canoe. 
They  appeared  to  be  a  people  more  civilized,  and 
who  had  made  greater  progrefs  in  the  knowledge 
of  ufeful  arts,  than  any  whom  he  had  hitherto 
difcovered.  In  return  to  the  inquiries  which  the 
Spaniards  made,  with  their  ufual  eager nefs,  co 
cerning  the  places  where  the  Indians  got  t 
gold  which  they  wore  by  way  of  ornamen 
they  diredled  them  to  countries  lituated  to  the 
weft,  in  which  gold  was  found  in  fuch  profufion, 
that  it  was  applied  to  the  moll  common  ufes. 
Inftead  of  fleering  in  queft  of  a  country  fo  in- 
viting, which  would  have  conducted  him  along 
the  coaft  of  Yucatan  to  the  rich  empire  of 
Mexico,  Columbus  was  fo  bent  upon  his  favourite 
fcheme  of  finding  out  the  ftrait  which  he  fup- 
pofed  to  communicate  with  the  Indian  ocean, 
that  he  bore  away  to  the  eaft  towards  the  gulf  of 

P  Oviedo,  lib.  iii.   c.  7.  9.      Herrera,     dec.  1.    lib.  V; 
ff«  I,  if     Life  of  Columbus,  c.  88. 

Darien. 


he 

S 

It, 


1502.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  185 

Darien.  In  this  navigation  he  difcovered  all  the 
coatt  of  the  continent,  from  Cape  Gracias  a 
Dios,  to  a  harbour  which,  on  account  of  its 
beauty  and  fecurity,  he  called  Porto  Bello.  He 
fearched,  in  vain,  for  the  imaginary  ftrait,  through 
which  he  expected  to  make  his  way  into  an  un- 
known fea  ;  and  though  he  went  on  more  feveral 
times,  and  advanced  into  the  country,  he  did  not 
penetrate  fo  far  as  to  crofs  the  narrow  iilhmus 
which  feparates  the  gulf  of  Mexico  from  the 
great  fouthern  ocean.  He  was  fo  much  delight- 
ed, however,  with  the  fertility  of  the  country, 
and  conceived  fuch  an  idea  of  its  wealth,  from 
the  fpecimens  of  gold  produced  by  the  natives, 
that  he  refolved  to  leave  a  fmall  colony  upon  the 
river  Belem,  in  the  province  of  Veragtia,  under 
the  command  of  his  brother,  and  to  return  him- 
ftlf  to  Spain  [1503],  in  order  to  procure  what 
was  requifite  for  rendering  the  eftablifhment  per- 
manent. But  the  ungovernable  fpirit  of  the 
people  under  his  command,  deprived  Columbus 
of  the  glory  of  planting  the  iirft  colony  on  the 
continent  of  America.  Their  infolence  and  ra- 
pacioufnefs  provoked  the  natives  to  take  arms, 
and  as  thefe  were  a  more  hardy  and  warlike  race 
of  men  than  the  inhabitants  of  the  iflands,  they 
cut  off  part  of  the  Spaniards,  and  obliged  the 
reft  to  abandon  a  ftation  which  was  found  to  be 
untenable  % 

This  repulfe,  the  firft  that  the  Spaniards  met 
with  from  any  of  the  American  nations,  was  not 
the  only  misfortune  that  befel  Columbus  ;  it  was 
followed  by  a  fucceffion  of  all  the  difafters  to 

1  Herrera,  dec.  I.  lib.  v.  c.  5,  &c.  Life  of  Columbus, 
C.  89,   &c.     Ovicdoj  lib,  iii.  c.  9. 

which 


lS6  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  ft,  I 


; 


which  navigation  is  expofed.  Furious  hurricane 
with  violent  ftorms  of   thunder  and   lightnin 
threatened    his  leaky  veflels   with    deftru&ion  ; 
while  his  difcontented  crew,   exhaufted  with  fa- 
tigue, and  deftitute  of  proviiions,  was  unwilling 
or  unable  to  execute  his  commands.     One  of  his 
fhips  perifhed ;    he  was  obliged  to  abandon  an- 
other, as  unfit  for  fervice  ;    and  with  the  two 
which  remained,  he  quitted  that  part  of  the  con* 
tinent  which  in  his  anguifh  he  named  the  Coaft 
of  Vexation  T,    and  bore  away  for  Hifpaniola. 
New  diftreffes  awaited  him  in  this  voyage.     He 
was  driven  back  by  a  violent  tempeft  from  the 
coaft  of  Cuba,  his  fhips  fell  foul  of  one  another, 
and  were  fo  much  mattered  by  the  (hock,  that 
with  the  utmoft  difficulty  they  reached  Jamaica 
"June  24],  where  he  was  obliged  to  run  them 
aground,  to  prevent  them  from  finking.     The 
meafure  of  his  calamities  feemed  now  to  be  full. 
He  was  caft  afhore  upon  an  ifland  at  a  coniider- 
able  diftance  from  the    only  fettlement  of  the 
Spaniards  in  America.     His  fhips  were  ruined 
beyond  the  poflibility  of  being  repaired.     To 
convey  an  account  of  his  fituation  to  Hifpaniola, 
appeared  impracticable  ;  and  without  this  it  was 
vain  to  expect  relief.     His  genius,  fertile  in  re- 
fources,  and  moft  vigorous  in  thofe  perilous  ex- 
tremities when  feeble  minds  abandon  themfelve9 
to  defpair,  difcovered  the  only  expedient  which 
afforded  any  profpec~t  of  deliverance.     He  had 
recourfe  to  the  hofpitable  kindnefs  of  the  natives, 
who  considering  the  Spaniards  as  beings  of  a 
fuperior  nature,  were  eager,  on  every  occafion, 
to  minifter  to  their  wants.     From  them  he  ob- 

*  La  Cofta  de  los  Centrales, 

z  tained 


I503-]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  187 

tained  two  of  their  canoes,  each  formed  out  of 
the  trunk  of  a  iingle  tree  hollowed  with  fire,  and 
fo  mis-fhapen  and  awkward  as  hardly  to  merit  the 
name  of  boats.  In  thefe,  which  were  fit  only 
for  creeping  along  the  coaft,  or  croffing  from  one 
fide  of  a  bay  to  another,  Mendez,  a  Spaniard, 
and  Fiefchi,  a  Genoefe,  two  gentlemen  particu- 
larly attached  to  Columbus,  gallantly  offered  to 
fet  out  for  Hifpaniola,  upon  a  voyage  of  above 
thirty  leagues  s.  This  they  accomplifhed  in  ten 
days,  after  furmounting  incredible  dangers,  and 
enduring  fuch  fatigues,  that  feveral  of  the  In- 
dians who  accompanied  them  funk  under  it,  and 
died.  The  attention  paid  to  them  by  the  go- 
vernor of  Hifpaniola  was  neither  fuch  as  their 
courage  merited,  nor  the  diftrefs  of  the  perfons 
from  whom  they  came  required.  Ovando,  from 
a  mean  jealoufy  of  Columbus,  was  afraid  of  al- 
lowing him  to  fet  foot  in  the  ifland  under  his 
government.  This  ungenerous  paflion  hardened 
his  heart  againft  every  tender  fentiment,  which 
reflection  upon  the  fervices  and  misfortunes  of 
that  great  man,  or  compaflion  for  his  own  fel- 
low-citizens involved  in  the  fame  calamities,  muft 
have  excited.  Mendez  and  Fiefchi  fpent  eight 
months  infoliciting  relief  for  their  commander  and 
affociates,  without  any  profpect  of  obtaining  it. 

During  this  period,  various  paffions  agitated 
the  mind  of  Columbus,  and  his  companions  in 
adveriity.  At  firfl  the  expectation  of  fpeedy 
deliverance,  from  the  fuccefs  of  Mendez  and 
Fiefchi's  voyage,  cheered  the  fpirits  of  the  mofl 
defponding.  After  fome  time  the  more  timorous 
began  to  fufpect  that  they  had  mifcarried  in 
•  Oviedo,  lib.  iii.  c.  9. 

vol.  i.  u  their 


l88  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B. 

their  daring  attempt.     [1504]  At  length,  ev 
the  moft  fanguinc  concluded  that  they  had  p 
rifhed.      The  ray  of  hope  which  had  broke  in. 
upon   them,  made    their  condition  appear  now 
more  difmal.   Defpair*  heightened  by  difappoint- 
ment,  fettled  in  every  brealt.   Their  laft  refource 
had  failed,  and  nothing  remained  but  the  pro- 
fpedt.  of  ending   their    miferable    days   among 
naked  favages,   far  from  their  country  and  their 
friends.     The    feamen,  in  a  tranfport  of  rage, 
rofe  in  open  mutiny,  threatened  the  life  of  Co- 
lumbus, whom  they  reproached  as  the  author  of 
all  their  calamities,  feized  ten  canoes,  which  he 
had  purchafed  from  the  Indians,   and  defpifing 
his  remonftrances  and  entreaties,   made  off  with 
them  to  a  diflant  part  of  the  ifland.      At  the 
fame   time  the  natives  murmured   at  the  long 
refidence  of  the  Spaniards  in  their  country.     As 
their  induilry  was  not  greater  than  that  of  their 
neighbours  in  Hifpaniola,  like  them  they  found 
the  burden,  of  fupporting  fo  many  ftrangers  to  be 
altogether  intolerable.     They  began  to  bring  in 
provifions  with  reludlance,  they  furnifhed  them 
with  a  fparing  hand,  and  threatened  to  withdraw 
thofe  fupplies  altogether.  Such  a  refolution  mult 
have  been  quickly  fatal  to  the  Spaniards.    Their 
fafety  depended  upon  the  good- will  of  the  In* 
dians ;    and  unlefs  they  could  revive  the  adrmV 
ration  and  reverence  with  which  that  iimple  people 
had  at  firft  beheld  them,  deftruftion  was  unavoid- 
able.    Though  the  licentious  proceedings  of  the 
mutineers  had,  in  a  great  meafure,  effaced  thofe 
impreflions  which  had  been  fo  favourable  to  the 
Spaniards,  the  ingenuity  of  Columbus  fuggefted 
a  happy  artifice,   that   not    only   redored   but 

heightened 


I5C4.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  189 

heightened  the  high  opinion  which  the  Indians 
had  originally  entertained  of  them.  By  his  fkill 
in  aftronomy  he  knew  that  there  was  fhortly  to 
be  a  total  eclipfe  of  the  moon.  He  affembled 
all  the  principal  perfons  of  the  diftrict  around 
him  on  the  day  before  it  happened,  and,  after 
reproaching  them  for  their  ficklenefs  in  with- 
drawing their  affection  and  afiiftance  from  men 
whom  they  had  lately  revered,  he  told  them,  that 
the  Spaniards  were  Servants  of  the  Great  Spirit 
who  dwells  in  heaven,  who  made  and  governs 
the  world  ;  that  he,  offended  at  their  refufing  to 
fupport  men  who  were  the  objects  of  his  peculiar 
favour,  was  preparing  to  punifh  this  crime  with 
exemplary  feverity,  and  that  very  night  the  moon 
fhould  withhold  her  light,  and  appear  of  a 
bloody  hue,  as  a  fign  of  the  divine  wrath,  and 
an  emblem  of  the  vengeance  ready  to  fall  upon 
them.  To  this  marvellous  prediction  fome  of 
them  liflened  with  the  carelefs  indifference  pe- 
culiar to  the  people  of  America  ;  others,  with 
the  credulous  aftonifhment  natural  to  barbarians. 
But  when  the  moon  began  gradually  to  be 
darkened,  and  at  length  appeared  of  a  red  co- 
lour, all  were  ilruck  with  terror.  They  ran 
with  confirmation  to  their  houfes,  and  returning 
inflantly  to  Columbus  loaded  with  provifionst 
threw  them  at  his  feet,  conjuring  him  to  inter- 
cede with  the  Great  Spirit  to  avert  the  deftruc- 
tion  with  which  they  were  threatened.  Colum- 
bus, feeming  to  be  moved  by  their  entreaties, 
promifed  to  comply  with  their  defire.  The 
eclipfe  went  off,  the  moon  recovered  its  fplen- 
dour,  and  from  that  day  the  Spaniards  were  not 
only  furniflied  profufely  with  provifions,  but  the 
v  z  natives, 


: 


190  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

natives,  with  fuperftitious  attention,  avoided  eve 
thing  that  could  give  them  offence c. 

During  thofe  tranfa&ions,  the  mutineers  ha 
made  repeated  attempts  to  pafs  over  to  Hifpa- 
niola  in  the  canoes  which  they  had  feized.  But, 
from  their  own  mifconduft,  or  the  violence  of 
the  winds  and  currents,  their  efforts  were  all  un- 
fuccefsful.  Enraged  at  this  difappointment,  they 
marched  towards  that  part  of  the  ifland  where 
Columbus  remained,  threatening  him  with  new 
infults  and  danger.  While  they  were  advancing, 
an  event  happened,  more  cruel  and  afflicting  than 
any  calamity  which  he  dreaded  from  them.  The 
governor  of  Hifpaniola,  whofe  mind  was  ftill 
filled  with  fome  dark  fufpicions  of  Columbus, 
fent  a  fmall  bark  to  Jamaica,  not  to  deliver  his 
diltreffed  countrymen,  but  to  fpy  out  their  con- 
dition. Left  the  fympathy  of  thofe  whom  he 
employed  mould  afford  them  relief,  contrary  to 
his  intention,  he  gave  the  command  of  this  veffel 
to  Efcobar,  an  inveterate  enemy  of  Columbus, 
who  adhering  to  his  inftructions  with  malignant 
accuracy,  caft  anchor  at  fome  diftance  from  the 
ifland,  approached  the  fhore  in  a  fmall  boat,  ob- 
ferved  the  wretched  plight  of  the  Spaniards,  de- 
livered a  letter  of  empty  compliments  to  the  ad- 
miral, received  his  anfwer,  and  departed.  When 
the  Spaniards  firft  defcried  the  veffel  ftanding 
towards  the  ifland,  every  heart  exulted,  as  if 
the  long-expected  hour  of  their  deliverance  had 
at  length  arrived  ;    but  when  it  difappeared  fo 


fuddenly,  they  funk  into  the  deepeft  dejection 
and  all  their  hopes  died  away.    Columbus  alone, 

t  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  103.     Herrera,    dec.  1.  lib.  vi. 
C*  5>  6.     BtnzoRs  Hift.  lib.  i.   C,  14. 

though 


I5°4«]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  I9I 

though  he  felt  moll  fenfibly  this  wanton  infult 
which  Ovando  added  to  his  pall  neglect,  retained 
fuch  compofure  of  mind,   as  to  be  able  to  cheer 
his  followers.     He  allured  them,  that  Mendez 
and  Fiefchi  had   reached  Hifpaniola  in  fafety  ; 
that  they  would  fpeedily  procure  fhips  to  carry 
them  off;  but  as  Efcobar's  vefTel  could  not  take 
them  all  on  board,  that  he  had  refufed  to  go  with 
her,  becaufe  he  was  determined  never  to  abandon 
the  faithful  companions  of  his  dillrefs.     Soothed 
with  the  expectation  of  fpeedy  deliverance,  and 
I    delighted  with  his  apparent  generofity  in  attend- 
ing more  to  their  prefervation  than  to  his  own 
fafety,  their  fpirits  revived,  and  he  regained  their 
confidence  u. 

Without  this  confidence,  he  could  not  have 
refilled  the  mutineers,  who  were  now  at  hand. 
All  his  endeavours  to  reclaim  thofe  defperate 
men  had  no  effect  but  to  increafe  their  frenzy. 
Their  demands  became  every  day  more  extrava- 
gant,   and   their    intentions   more   violent  and 
bloody.      The  common  fafety  rendered  it   ne- 
ceflary  to  oppofe  them  with  open  force.     Co- 
lumbus,  who  had  been  long  afflicted  with  the 
gout,  could  not  take  the  field.    His  brother,  the 
adelantado,    marched  againfl  them   [May  20]. 
They  quickly  met,  The  mutineers  rejected  with 
fcorn  terms  of  accommodation,  which  were  once 
more  offered  them,  and  rufhed  on  boldy  to  the 
attack.     They  fell  not  upon  an  enemy  unpre- 
pared to  receive  them.     In  the  firfl  fhock,  feve- 
ral  of  their  moll  daring  leaders  were  /lain.     The 
adelantado,   whofe  flrength   was   equal    to  his 

■  Life  of  ColumbuF,  c.  104.  .  Herreia,   dec.  l«  lib.  vi. 
c  17, 

v  3  courage* 


I92  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

courage,  clofed  with  their  captain,  wounded,  di 
armed,  and  took  him  prifoner  x.  At  fight  of 
this,  the  reft  fled  with  a  daftardly  fear,  fuitable 
to  their  former  infolence.  Soon  after,  they  fub- 
mitted  in  a  body  to  Columbus,  and  bound  them- 
felves  by  the  moft  folemn  oaths  to  obey  all  his 
commands.  Hardly  was  tranquillity  re-eftablifh- 
ed,  when  the  fhips  appeared,  whofe  arrival  Co- 
lumbus had  promifed  with  great  addrefs,  though 
he  could  forefee  it  with  little  certainty.  With 
tranfports  of  joy,  the  Spaniards  quitted  an  ifland 
in  which  the  unfeeling  jealoufy  of  Ovando  had 
fuffered  them  to  languifh  above  a  year,  expofed 
to  mifery  in  all  its  various  forms. 

When  they  arrived  at  St.  Domingo  [Aug.  13], 
the  governor,  with  the  mean  artifice  of  a  vulgar 
mind,  that  labours  to  atone  for  infolence  by  fer- 
vility,  fawned  on  the  man  whom  he  envied,  and 
had  attempted  to  ruin.  He  received  Columbus 
with  the  moft  ftudied  refpect,  lodged  him  in  his 
own  houfe,  and  diftinguifhed  him  with  eve 
mark  of  honour.  But  amidft  thofe  over-acl 
demonft rations  of  regard,  he  could  not  conceal 
the  hatred  and  malignity  latent  in  his  heart.  He 
fet  at  liberty  the  captain  of  the  mutineers,  whom 
Columbus  had  brought  over  in  chains,  to  be  tried 
for  his  crimes,  and  threatened  fuch  as  had  ad- 
hered to  the  admiral  with  proceeding  to  a  judicial 
inquiry  into  their  conduct.  Columbus  fubmitted 
in  iilence  to  what  he  could  not  redrefs ;  but  dif- 
covered  an  extreme  impatience  to  quit  a  country 
which  was  under  the  jurifdi&ion  of  a  man  who 
had  treated  him,  on  every  occafion,  with  inhu- 

*  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  107.     Herrera,  dec.  j.  lib.  vi. 
c.  II* 

inanity 


I5°4*]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  10$ 

manity  and  injuftice.  His  preparations  were  foon 
finimed,  and  he  fet  fail  for  Spain  [Sept.  12], 
with  two  fhips.  Difafters  (imilarto  thofe  which 
had  accompanied  him  through  life  continued  to 
purfue  him  to  the  end  of  his  career.  One  of 
his  veflels  being  difabled,  was  foon  forced  back 
to  St.  Domingo  ;  the  other,  mattered  by  violent 
ftorms,  failed  feven  hundred  leagues  with  jury- 
mafts,  and  reached  with  difficulty  the  port  of 
St.  Lucar  [December]  K 

There  he  received  the  account  of  an  event  the 
moll  fatal  that  could  have  befallen  him,  and 
which  completed  his  misfortunes.  This  was  the 
death  of  his  patronefs  queen  Ifabella  [Nov.  9], 
in  whofe  juftice,  humanity,  and  favour,  he  con- 
fided as  his  laft  refource.  None  now  remained 
to  redrefs  his  wrongs,  or  to  reward  him  for  his 
fervices  and  fufferings,  but  Ferdinand,  who  had 
fo  long  oppofed  and  fo  often  injured  him.  To 
folicit  a  prince  thus  prejudiced  againft  him,  was 
an  occupation  no  lefs  irkfome  than  hopelefs.  In 
this,  however,  was  Columbus  doomed  to  employ 
the  clofe  of  his  days*  As  foon  as  his  health  was 
in  fome  degree  re-eflablifhed,  he  repaired  to 
court ;  and  though  he  was  received  there  with 
civility  barely  decent,  he  plied  Ferdinand  with 
petition  after  petition,  demanding  the  punifh- 
ment  of  his  oppreffors,  and  the  reititution  of  all 
the  privileges  bellowed  upon  him  by  the  capitu- 
lation of  one  thoufand  four  hundred  and  ninety- 
two.  Ferdinand  amufed  him  with  fair  words 
and  unmeaning  promifes.  Inflead  of  granting 
his  claims,  he  propofed  expedients  in  order  to 

y  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  108.     Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  vi. 

C.  12. 

dude 


194  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  II. 

elude  them,  and  fpun  out  the  affair  with  fuch 
apparent  art,  as  plainly  difcovered  his  intention 
that  it  fhould  never  be  terminated.  The  de- 
clining health  of  Columbus  flattered  Ferdinand 
with  the  hopes  of  being  foon  delivered  from  an 
importunate  fuitor,  and  encouraged  him  to  per- 
fevere  in  this  illiberal  plan.  Nor  was  he  deceived 
in  his  expectations.  Difgufted  with  the  ingra- 
titude of  a  monarch  whom  he  had  ferved  with 
fuch  fidelity  and  fuccefs,  exhaulled  with  the  fa* 
tigues  and  hardfhips  which  he  had  endured, 
and  broken  with  the  infirmities  which  thefe 
had  brought  upon  him,  Columbus  ended  his  life 
at  Valladolid  on  the  twentieth  of  May  one  thou- 
fand  live  hundred  and  (ixf  in  the  fifty-ninth  year 
of  his  age.  He  died  with  a  compofure  of  mind 
fuitable  to  the  magnanimity  which  diftinguifhed 
his  chara&er,  and  with  fentiments  of  piety  be* 
coming  that  fupreme  refpeel:  for  religion,  which 
he  manifefted  in  every  occurrence  of  his  life  z. 


BOOK    III. 


•TT7HILE  Columbus  was  employed  in  his  laft 
*  voyage,  feveral  events  worthy  of  notice  hap- 
pened in  Hifpaniola,  The  colony  there,  the  parent 
and  nurfe  of  all  the  fubfequent  eftablifhments 
of  Spain  in  the  New  World,  gradually  acquired 
the  form  of  a  regular  and  profperous   fociety. 

z  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  io8*    Herrcra,  dec*  I.  lib.  vi 

c  i3>  i4»  *5«  _ 

The 


. 


*5°4']  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  I95 

The  humane  folicitude  of  Ifabella  to  protect 
the  Indians  from  oppreflion,  and  particularly  the 
proclamation  by  which  the  Spaniards  were  pro- 
hibited to  compel  them  to  work,  retarded,  it  is 
true,  for  fome  time,  the  progrefs  of  improve- 
ment. The  natives  who  coniidered  exemption 
from  toil  as  fupreme  felicity,  fcorned  every  allure- 
ment and  reward  by  which  they  were  invited  to 
labour.  The  Spaniards  had  not  a  fufficient 
number  of  hands  either  to  work  the  mines  or 
to  cultivate  the  foil.  Several  of  the  firfl  colo- 
iiifts,  who  had  been  accuftomed  to  the  fervice 
of  the  Indians,  quitted  the  idand,  when  deprived 
of  thofe  inilruments,  without  which  they  knew 
not  how  to  carry  on  any  operation.  Many  of 
the  new  fettlers  who  came  over  with  Ovando, 
were  feized  with  the  diftempers  peculiar  to  the 
climate,  and  in  a  (hort  fpace  above  a  thoufand  of 
them  died.  At  the  fame  time,  the  exacting  one 
half  of  the  product  of  the  mines  as  the  royal 
ihare,  was  found  to  be  a  demand  fo  exorbitant, 
that  no  adventurers  would  engage  to  work  them 
upon  fuch  terms.  In  order  to  fave  the  colony 
from  ruin,  Ovando  ventured  to  relax  the  rigour 
of  the  royal  edicts.  [1505]  He  made  a  new 
diftribution  of  the  Indians  among  the  Spaniards, 
and  compelled  them  to  labour  for  a  ftated  time, 
in  digging  the  mines,  or  in  cultivating  the 
ground  ;  but,  in  order  to  fcreen  himfelf  from 
the  imputation  of  having  fubjefted  them  again 
to  fervitude,  he  enjoined  their  mailers  to  pay 
them  a  certain  fum,  as  the  price  of  their  work. 
He  reduced  the  royal  mare  of  the  gold  found  in 
the  mines  from  the  half  to  the  third  part,  arid 
foon  after  lowered  it  to  a  fifth,  at  which  it  long 

remained. 


I<)6  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  III. 

remained.  Notwithftanding  Ifabella's  tender 
concern  for  the  good  treatment  of  the  Indians, 
and  Ferdinand's  eagernefs  to  improve  the  royal 
revenue,  Ovando  perfuaded  the  court  to  approve 
of  both  thefe  regulations  a. 

But  the  Indians,  after  enjoying  refpite  from  1 
oppreflion,  though  during  a  fhort  interval,   now  ' 
felt  the  yoke  of  bondage  to  be  fo  galling,  that  : 
they  made   feveral   attempts   to  vindicate  their  • 
own  liberty.     This  the  Spaniards  confidered  as  . 
rebellion,  and  took  arms  in  order  to  reduce  them 
to  fu  ejection.     When  war  is  carried  on  between 
nations  whofe  ftate  of  improvement  is  in  any  de- 
gree^fimilar,  the  means  of  defence  bear  fome  pro- 
portion to  thofe  employed  in  the  attack  ;  and 
in  this  equal  contefl  fuch  efforts  mud  be  made, 
fuch   talents    are  difplayed,   and   fuch   paflions 
roufed,  as  exhibit  mankind  to  view  in  a  fituatiori \. 
no  lefs  ftriking  than  interefting.     It  is  one  of 
the  nobleft    functions    of    hiftory,    to    obferve 
and  to  delineate  men  at  a  juncture  when  their 
minds    are'  moil    violently   agitated,     and    al" 
their  powers  and  paffions  are  called  forth.  Hen 
the  operations  of  war,  and  the  itruggles  betwe 
contending  ftates,  have  been  deemed  by  hifto- 
rians,  ancient  as  well  as  modern,  a  capital  and 
important  article  in  the  annals  of  human  actions. 
But  in  a  contefl:  between  naked  favages,    and 
one  of  the  mod  warlike  of  the  European  na- 
tions, where  fcience,  courage,  and  discipline  on 
one  fide,  were  oppofed   by  ignorance,  timidity, 
and  diforder  on  the  other,  a  particular  detail  of 
events  would  be  as  unpleafant  as  uninftru6tive. 
If  the  fimplicity  and  innocence  of  the  Indians 


*  Herrera,   dec.  1,   lib.  v.  c.  3, 


- 


15°5-1  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  I97 

had  infpired  the  Spaniards  with  humanity,  had 
foftened  the  pride  of  fuperiority  into  compaflion, 
and  had  induced  them  to  improve  the  inhabitants 
of  the  New  World,  inftead  of  opprefling  them, 
fome  fudden  ac"ls  of  violence,  like  the  too  rigor- 
ous chaftifements  of  impatient  inftructors,  might 
have  been  related  without  horror.  But,  un- 
fortunately, this  confcioufnefs  of  fuperiority 
operated  in  a  different  manner.  The  Spaniards 
were  advanced  fo  far  beyond  the  natives  of  Ame- 
rica in  improvement  of  every  kind,  that  they 
viewed  them  with  contempt.  They  conceived 
the  Americans  to  be  animals  of  an  inferior  na- 
ture, who  were  not  entitled  to  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  men.  In  peace,  they  fubjected  them 
to  fervitude.  In  war,  they  paid  no  regard  to 
thofe  laws,  which,  by  a  tacit  convention  be- 
tween contending  nations,  regulate  hoftility, 
and  fct  fome  bounds  to  its  rage.  They  con- 
fidered  them  not  as  men  fighting  in  defence  of 
their  liberty,  but  as  flaves,  who  had  revolted 
againft  their  mailers.  Their  caziques,  when 
taken,  were  condemned,  like  the  leaders  of  ban- 
ditti, to  the  moft  cruel  and  ignominious  punifh- 
ments  ;  and  all  their  fubjects,  without  regarding 
the  diftinction  of  ranks  eftablifhed  among  them, 
were  reduced  to  the  fame  ft  ate  of  abject  flavery. 
With  fuch  a  fpirit  and  fentiments  were  hoftilities 
carried  on  againfl  the  cazique  of  Higuey,  a 
province  at  the  eaftern  extremity  of  the  ifland. 
This  war  was  occafioned  by  the  perfidy  of  the 
Spaniards,  in  violating  a  treaty  which  they  had 
made  with  the  natives,  and  it  was  terminated 
by  hanging  up  the  cazique,  who  defended  his 

people 


, 


I9B  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.I 

people  with  bravery  fo  far  fuperior  to  that  of  his 
countrymen,  as  entitled  him  to  a  better  fate  b. 

The  conduct  of  Ovando,  in  another  part  of 
the  ifland,  was  ftill  more  treacherous  and  cruel. 
The  province  anciently  named  Xaragua,  which 
extends  from  the  fertile  plain  where  Leogane  is 
now  fituated,  to  the  weftern  extremity  of  the 
ifland,  was  fubject  to  a  female  cazique,  named 
Anacoana,  highly  refpedfced  by  the  natives.  She, 
from  that  partial  fondnefs  with  which  the  women 
of  America  were  attached  to  the  Europeans, 
(the  caufe  of  which  (hall  be  afterwards  ex- 
plained,) had  always  courted  the  friendship  of 
the  Spaniards,  and  loaded  them  with  benefits. 
But  fome  of  the  adherents  of  Roldan  having 
fettled  in  her  country,  were  fo  much  exafperated 
at  her  endeavouring  to  reilrain  their  excefles, 
that  they  accufed  her  of  having  formed  a  plan 
to  throw  off  the  yoke,  and  to  exterminate  the 
Spaniards.  Ovando,  though  he  knew  well  what 
little  credit  was  due  to  fuch  profligate  men, 
marched,  without  further  inquiry,  towards 
Xaragua,  with  three  hundred  foot  and  feventy 
horfemen.  To  prevent  the  Indians  from  taking 
alarm  at  this  holtile  appearance,  he  gave  out  that 
his  fole  intention  was  to  vifit  Anacoana,  to  whom 
his  countrymen  had  been  fo  much  indebted,  in 
the  moll  refpectful  manner,  and  to  regulate  with 
her  the  mode  of  levying  the  tribute  payable  tp 
the  king  of  Spain.  Anacoana,  in  order  to  re- 
ceive this  illuilrious  guefl  with  due  honour,  af- 
fembled  the  principal  men  in  her  dominions,  to 
the  number  of  three  hundred,  and  advancing  at 
*  Herrera,  dec.  x.  lib.  vi.  c.  9,  10. 


^S°S'l  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA*  I99 

ftie  headofthefe,  accompanied  by  a  great  crowd 
tf  perfons  of  inferior  rank,  fhe  welcomed  Ovando 
with  fongs  and  dances,  according  to  the  mode 
bf  the  country,  and  conducted  him  to  the  place 
rf  her  residence.  There  he  was  feafted  for  fome 
lays,  with  all  the  kindnefs  of  iimple  hofpitality, 
and  amufed  with  the  games  and  fpectacles  ufual 
imong  the  Americans  upon  occafions  of  mirth 
md  feftivity.  But,  amidft  the  fecurity  which 
:his  infpired,  Ovando  was  meditating  the  deftruc- 
:ion  of  his  unfufpicious  entertainer  and  her  fub- 
ects  ;  and  the  mean  perfidy  with  which  he  exe- 
cuted this  fchemc,  equalled  his  barbarity  in 
Forming  it.  Under  colour  of  exhibiting  to  the 
Indians  the  parade  of  an  European  tournament, 
:ie  advanced  with  his  troops,  in  battle  array, 
:owards  the  houfe  in  which  Anacoana  and  the 
chiefs  who  attended  her  were  affembled.  The 
infantry  took  pofleffion  of  all  the  avenues  which 
led  to  the  village.  The  horfemen  encompafled 
iht  houfe.  Thefe  movements  were  the  object: 
:>f  admiration  without  any  mixture  of  fear,  un- 
:il,  upon  a  fignal  which  had  been  concerted,  the 
Spaniards  fuddenly  drew  their  fwords,  andrufhed 
jpon  the  Indians,  defencelefs,  and  aftonifhed  at 
an  act  of  treachery  which  exceeded  the  concep- 
tion of  undefigning  men.  In  a  moment  Anaco- 
ana was  iecured.  All  her  attendants  were  feized 
and  bound.  Fire  was  fet  to  the  houfe  ;  and, 
without  examination  or  conviction,  all  thefe  un- 
happy perfons,  the  moll  llluftrious  in  their  own 
country,  were  confumed  in  the  flames.  Ana- 
coana was  referved  for  a  more  ignominious  f ate. 
She  was  carried  in  chains  to  St.  Domingo,  and, 
after  the  formality  of  a  trial  before  Spanifh 
vol.  j.  x  judges, 


200  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.III. 

judges,  fhe  was  condemned,  upon  the  evidence 
of  thofe  very  men  who  had  betrayed  her,  to  be 
publicly  hanged  c. 

Overawed  and  humbled  by  this  atrocious  treat- 
ment of  their  princes  and  nobles,  who  were  ob- 
jects of  their  higheft  reverence,  the  people  in 
all  the  provinces  of  Hifpaniola  fubmitted,  with- 
out  farther  reiiftance,  to  the  Spanifh  yoke. 
Upon  the  death  of  Ifabella,  all  the  regulations 
tending  to  mitigate  the  rigour  of  their  fervitude 
were  forgotten.  The  fmall  gratuity  paid  to 
them  as  the  price  of  their  labour  was  withdrawn  ; 
and  at  the  fame  time  the  tafks  impofed  upon 
them  were  increafed.  [1506]  Ovando,  with- 
out  any  rellraint,  diftributed  Indians  among  his 
friends  in  the  ifland.  Ferdinand,  to  whom  the 
queen  had  left  by  will  one  half  of  the  revenue 
ariiing  from  the  fettlements  in  the  New  World, 
conferred  grants  of  a  fimilar  nature  upon  his 
courtiers,  as  the  lead  expenfive  mode  of  reward- 
ing their  fervices.  They  farmed  out  the  Indians, 
of .  whom  they  were  rendered  proprietors,  to 
their  countrymen  fettled  in  Hifpaniola  ;  and  that 
wretched  people,  being  compelled  to  labour  in 
order  to  fatisfy  the  rapacity  of  both,  the  exac- 
tions of  their  oppreffbrs  no  longer  knew  any 
bounds.  But,  barbarous  as  their  policy  was, 
and  fatal  to  the  inhabitants  of  Hifpaniola,  it 
produced,  for  fome  time,  very  conliderable  ef- 
fects. By  calling  forth  the  force  of  a  whole 
nation,  and  exerting  it  in  one  direction,  the  work 
ing  of  the  mines  was  carried  on  with  amazing 


c  Oviedo,  lib.  iii.  c.  iz.  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  vi.  c.  4* 
Oviedo,  lib.  iii.  c.  12.  Relacion  de  deftruyc.  de  las  Indias, 
por  Bart,  de  las  Caias,  p.  8» 

rapidity 


I506.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  201 

rapidity  and  fuccefs.  During  feveral  years,  the 
gold  brought  into  the  royal  fmelting-houfes  in 
Hifpaniola  amounted  annually  to  four  hundred 
and  fixty  thoufand  pefos,  above  a  hundred  thou- 
If  and  pounds  fterling  ;  which,  if  we  attend  to  the 
.great  change  in  the  value  of  money  iince  the  be- 
ginning of  the  fixteenth  century  to  the  prefent 
times,  mud  appear  a  confiderable  fum.  Vafl  for- 
tunes were  created,  of  a  fudden,  by  fome.  Others 
difiipated  in  oftentatious  profufion,  what  they 
acquired  with  facility.  Dazzled  by  both,  new 
adventurers  crowded  to  America,  with  the  moil 
eager  impatience,  to  (hare  in  thofe  treasures  which 
had  enriched  their  countrymen  ;  and,  notwith- 
ftanding  the  mortality  occafioned  by  the  un- 
Ihealthinefs  of  the  climate,  the  colony  continued 
I  to  increafe  d. 

Ovando  governed  the  Spaniards  with  wifdom 
andjuftice,  not  inferior  to  the  rigour  with  which 
he  treated  the  Indians.  He  eftablifhed  equal 
laws,  and,  by  executing  them  with  impartiality, 
accuftomed  the  people  of  the  colony  to  rever- 
ence them.  He  founded  feveral  new  towns  in 
[different  parts  of  the  ifland,  and  allured  inhabit- 
ants to  them,  by  the  conceflion  of  various  immu-. 
pities.  He  endeavoured  to  turn  the  attention  of 
;the  Spaniards  to  fome  branch  of  induftry  more 
jufeful  than  that  of  fearching  for  gold  in  the 
;  mines.  Some  flips  of  the  fugar-cane  having  been 
[brought  from  the  Canary  iflands  by  way  of  ex- 
periment, they  were  found  to  thrive  with  fuch 
i  increafe  in  the  rich  foil  and  warm  climate  to 
which  they  were  tranfplanted,  that  the  cultiva- 
tion of  them  foon  became  an  object  of  commerce. 

a  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  y\.  c.  18,  &c. 

x  2  Extenfive 


202  HISTORY    GV    AMERICA.  B.  III. 

Extenfive  plantations  were  begun  ;  fugar-works, 
which  the  Spaniards  called  ingenious ,  from  the 
various  machinery  employed  in  them,  were  erect- 
ed, and  in  a  few  years  the  man u failure  of  this 
commodity  was  the  great  occupation  of  the  in- 
habitants  of  Hifpaniola,  and  the  moft  confider- 
able  fource  of  their  wealth  c. 

The  prudent  endeavours  of  Ovando,  to  pro- 
mote the  welfare  of  the  colony,  were  powerfully 
feconded  by  Ferdinand.  The  large  remittances 
which  he  received  from  the  New  World  opened 
his  eyes,  at  length,  with  refpec"l  to  the  im- 
portance of  thofe  difcoveries,  which  he  had 
hitherto  affected  to  undervalue.  Fortune,  and 
his  own  addrefs,  having  now  extricated  him  out 
of  thofe  difficulties  in  which  he  had  been  in- 
volved by  the  death  of  his  queen  [1507],  and 
by  his  difputes  with  his  fbn-in-law  about  the 
government  of  her  dominions f,  he  had  full  leifure 
to  turn  his  attention  to  the  affairs  of  America. 
To  his  provident  fagacity,  Spain  is  indebted  for 
many  of  thofe  regulations  which  gradually  formed 
that  fyftem  of  profound,  but  jealous  policy  by 
which  (he  governs  her  dominions  in  the  New  World. 
He  erected  a  court,  diftinguifhed  by  the  title  of 
the  Cnfa  de  Contrataciony  or  Board  of  Trade, 
compofed  of  perfons  eminent  for  rank  and  abi- 
lities, to  whom  he  committed  the  adminiftration 
of  American  affairs.  This  board  aflembled  re- 
gularly in  Seville,  and  was  inverted  with  a  diftincl: 
and  extenfive  jurifdi&ion.  He  gave  a  regular 
form  to  ecclefiaftical  government  in  America, 
by  nominating  archbifhops,  bifhops,  deans,  toge- 

e  Oviedo,   lib.  iv.    c.  8. 

f  Hill,  of  the  Reign  of  Charles  V.  Yohii.  pi  7,  Ac. 

ther 


I5°7'l  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  20J 

ther  with  clergymen  of  fubordinate  ranks,  to 
take  charge  of  the  Spaniards  eftablifhed  there, 
as  well  as  of  the  natives  who  mould  embrace  the 
Chriftian  faith.  But,  not withltan ding  the  ob- 
fequious  devotion  of  the  Spanifh  court  to  the 
papal  fee,  fuch  was  Ferdinand's  folicitude  to 
prevent  any  foreign  power  from  claiming  juris- 
diction, or  acquiring  influence,  in  his  new  do- 
minions, that  he  referved  to  the  crown  of  Spain 
the  fole  right  of  patronage  to  the  benefices  in 
America,  and  ftipulated  that  no  papal  bull  or 
mandate  mould  be  promulgated  there,  until  it 
was  previously  examined  and  approved  of  by 
his  council.  With  the  fame  fpirit  of  jealoufy, 
he  prohibited  any  goods  to  be  exported  to  Ame- 
rica, or  any  perfon  to  fettle  there,  without  a 
fpecial  licence  from  that  council g. 

But  notwithstanding  this  attention  to  the  police 
and  welfare  of  the  colony,  a  calamity  impended 
which  threatened  its  diflblution.  The  original 
inhabitants,  on  whofe  labour  the  Spaniards  in 
Hifpaniola  depended  for  their  profperity,  and 
even  their  exiftence,  wafted  fo  faft,  that  the  ex- 
tinction of  the  whole  race  feemed  to  be  inevitable. 
When  Columbus  difcovered  Hifpaniola,  the 
number  of  its  inhabitants  was  computed  to  be 
at  lead  a  million  h.  They  were  now  reduced  to 
fixty  thoufand  in  the  fpace  of  fifteen  years. 
This  confumption  of  the  human  fpecies,  no  lefa 
amazing  than  rapid,  was  the  effecl:  of  feveral  con- 
curring caufes.  The  natives  of  the  American 
iflands  were  of  a  more  feeble  conftitution  than 
the  inhabitants  of  the  other  hemifphere.     They 

«  Herrera,  dec.  I.  lib.  vi.  c.  19,  20. 
*  Ibid,  dect  i«  lib.  x.  c>  iz, 

x  3  could 


1©4  History  op  America.  s.  hi. 

could  neither  perform  the  fame  work,  nor  en- 
dure the  fame  fatigue,  with  men  whofe  organs 
were  of  a  more  vigorous  conformation,  Tke 
liftlefs  indolence  in  which  they  delighted  to  pais 
their  days,  as  it  was  the  effect  of  their  debility, 
contributed  likewife  to  increafe  it,  and  rendered 
them,  from  habit  as  well  as  conflitution,  inca- 
pable of  hard  labour.  The  food  on  which  they 
iubfifted  afforded  little  nourifhment,  and  they 
Were  accuftomed  to  take  it  in  fmall  quantities, 
not  fufficient  to  invigorate  a  languid  frame,  and 
render  it  equal  to  the  efforts  of  active  induftry. 
The  Spaniards,  without  attending  to  thofe  pe- 
culiarities in  the  conftitution  of  the  Americans, 
impofed  tafks  upon  them,  which,  though  not 
greater  than  Europeans  might  have  performed 
with  eafe,  were  fo  difproportioned  to  their 
ftrength,  that  many  funk  under  the  fatigue,  and 
ended  their  wretched  days.  Others,  prompted 
by  impatience  and  defpair,  cut  fhort  their  own 
lives  with  a  violent  hand.  Famine,  brought  on 
by  compelling  fuch  numbers  to  abandon  the  cul- 
ture of  their  lands,  in  order  to  labour  in  the 
jhlnes,  proved  fatal  to  many.  Difeafes  of  various 
kinds,  fome  oCcafioned  by  the  hardships  to  which 
they  were  expofed,  and  others  by  their  inter- 
courfe  with  the  Europeans,  who  communicated 
fo  them  fome  of  their  peculiar  maladies,  com- 
pleted the  defolation  of  the  ifland.  The  Spaniards 
being  thus  deprived  of  the  inftruments  which 
they  were  accuftomed  to  employ,  found  it  im- 
poffible  to  extend  their  improvements,  or  even  to 
carry  on"  the  works  which  they  had  already  be- 
gun. [1508]  In  order  to  provide  an  immediate 
remedy  for  an  evil  fo  alarming,   Ovando  pro- 

pofed 


I^OH.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  20$ 

pofcd  to  tranfport  the  inhabitants  of  the  Lucayo 
iflands  to  Hifpaniola,  under  pretence  that  they 
might  be  civilized  with  more  Facility,  and  in- 
ilru&ed  to  greater  advantage  in  the  Chriltian  re- 
ligion, if  they  were  united  to  the  Spanifh  colony, 
and  placed  under  the  immediate  inflection  of  the 
mifiionaries  fettled  there.  Ferdinand,  deceived 
by  this  artifice,  or  willing  to  connive  at  an  a£l  of 
violence  which  policy  reprefented  as  necefTary, 
gave  his  afient  to  the  propofal.  Several  veffels 
were  fitted  out  for  the  Lucayos,  the  com- 
manders of  which  informed  the  natives,  with 
whofe  language  they  were  now  well  acquainted, 
that  they  came  from  a  delicious  country,  in 
which. the  departed  anceftors  of  the  Indians  re- 
fided,  by  whom  they  were  fent  to  invite  their 
defcendants  to  refort  thither,  to  partake  of  the 
blifs  enjoyed  there  by  happy  fpirits.  That 
fimple  people  liflened  with  wonder  and  credu- 
lity ;  and,  fond  of  vifiting  their  relations  and 
friends,  in  that  happy  region,  followed  the 
Spaniards  with  eagernefs.  By  this  artifice,  above 
forty  thoufand  were  decoyed  into  Hifpaniola,  to 
fhare  in  the  fufferings  which  were  the  lot  of  the 
inhabitants  of  that  ifland,  and  to  mingle  their 
groans  and  tears  with  thofe  of  that  wretched 
race  of  men1. 

The  Spaniards  had,  for  fome  time,  carried 
on  their  operations  in  the  mines  of  Hifpaniola 
with  fuch  ardour  as  well  as  fuccefs,  that  thefe 
feemed  to  have  engroffed  their  whole  attention. 
The  fpirit  of  difcovery  languifhed ;  and,  fince 
the  laft  voyage  of  Columbus,  no  enterprife  of 

1  Herrera,  dec.  I.  lib*  \lu  c.  3*  Oviedo,  lib.  Iii.  c.  6* 
Camara  Hill.  c.  41* 

any 


loS  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  B.  III. 

ftny  moment  had  been  undertaken.  But  as  the 
decreafe  of  the  Indians  rendered  it  impoffible  to 
acquire  wealth  in  that  ifland  with  the  fame  ra- 
pidity as  formerly,  this  urged  fome  of  the  more 
adventurous  Spaniards  to  fearch  for  new  coun- 
tries, where  their  avarice  might  be  gratified 
with  more  facility.  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon,  who 
commanded  under  Ovando  in  the  eaftern  diftrift 
of  Hifpaniola,  pafied  over  to  the  ifland  of 
St.  Juan  de  Puerto  Rico,  which  Columbus  had 
<lifcovered  in  his  fecond  voyage,  and  penetrated 
into  the  interior  part  of  the  country.  As  he 
found  the  foil  to  be  fertile,  and  expected,  from 
fome  fymptom8,  as  well  as  from  the  information 
of  the  inhabitants,  to  difcover  mines  of  gold  in 
the  mountains,  Ovando  permitted  him  to  at- 
tempt making  a  fettlement  in  the  ifland.  This 
was  eafily  effected  by  an  officer  eminent  for  con- 
duel:  no  lefs  than  for  courage.  In  a  few  years 
Puerto  Rico  was  fubjeclced  to  the  Spaniih  go- 
vernment, the  natives  were  reduced  to  fervitude  ; 
and,  being  treated  with  the  fame  inconfiderate 
rigour  as  their  neighbours  in  Hifpaniola,  the 
race  of  original  inhabitants,  worn  out  with  fatigue 
and  fufFerings,.  was  foon  exterminated  k, 

About  the  fame  time,  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis,  in 
conjunction  with  Vincent  Yanez  Pinzon,  one  of 
Columbus's  original  companions,  made  a  voyage 
to  the  continent.  They  held  the  fame  courfe 
which  Columbus  had  takeq,  as  far  as  to  the 
ifland  of  Guanaios ;  but,  {landing  from  thence 
to  the  well,  they  discovered  a  new  and  extenfive 
province,    afterwards   known   by  the    name  of 

k  Heirera,  4ec.  i.  lib.  vii.  c.  1—4.  Gomara  Hift.  c.  44. 
JUlacion  de  B.  de  las  Cafas,  p.  iot 

Yucatan, 


I508.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA*  20?" 

Yucatan,  and  proceeded  a  confiderable  way  along 
the  coail  of  that  country1.  Though  nothing 
memorable  occurred  in  this  voyage,  it  deferves 
notice,  becaufe  it  led  to  difcoveries  of  greater 
importance.  For  the  fame  reafon,  the  voyage 
of  Sebaftian  de  Ocampo  mull  be  mentioned. 
By  the  command  of  Ovando,  he  failed  round 
Cuba,  and  firft  difcovered  with  certainty,  that 
this  country,  which  Columbus  once  fuppofed 
to  be  a  part  of  the  continent,  was  a  large 
ifland  m. 

This  voyage  round  Cuba  was  one  of  the  laft 
occurrences  under  the  adminiftration  of  Ovando. 
Ever  fince  the  death  of  Columbus,  his  fon  Don 
Diego  had  been  employed  in  foliciting  Ferdinand 
to  grant  him  the  offices  of  viceroy  and  admiral 
in  the  New  World,  together  with  all  the  other 
immunities  and  profits  which  defcended  to  him 
by  inheritance,  in   confequence  of  the  original 
capitulation  with  his  father.     But  if  thefe  dig- 
nities and  revenues  appeared  fo  confiderable  to 
Ferdinand,  that,  at  the  expence  of  being  deemed 
unjuft  as  well  as  ungrateful,  he  had  wrefted  them 
from   Columbus,    it  is   not    furprifing   that   he 
(hould  be  unwilling  to  confer  them  on  his  fon. 
Accordingly,  Don  Diego  wafted  two  years  in 
incefiant  but  fruitlefs  importunity.     Weary  of 
this  he  endeavoured  at  length  to  obtain,  by  a 
legal  fentence,  what  he  could  not  procure  from 
the  favour  of  an  interefted  monarch.     He  com- 
menced a  ;fuit  againft  Ferdinand  before  the  coun- 
cil which  managed  Indian  affairs,  and  that  court, 
with  integrity  which   reflects  honour  upon  its 

1  Herrera,  dec.  T.  lib.  vi.  c.  17. 
u\  Ibid.  dec.  i.  tyb.  .vii.  c.  1. 

proceed- 


208  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  III. 

proceedings,  decided  againft  the  king,  and  fuf- 
tained  Don  Diego's  claim  of  the  viceroyalty, 
together  with  all  the  other  privileges  ftipulated 
in  the  capitulation.  Even  after  this  decree, 
Ferdinand's  repugnance  to  put  a  fubjecl:  in 
poflefiion  of  fuch  extenfive  rights,  might  have 
thrown  in  new  obftacles,  if  Don  Diego  had  not 
taken  a  ftep  which  intereiled  very  powerful  per- 
fons  in  the  fuccefs  of  his  claims.  The  fentence 
of  the  council  of  the  Indies  gave  him  a  title  to  a 
rank  fo  elevated,  aud  a  fortune  fo  opulent,  that 
he  found  no  difficulty  in  concluding  a  marriage 
with  Donna  Maria,  daughter  of  Don  Ferdinand 
de  Toledo,  great  commendator  of  Leon,  and 
brother  of  the  duke  of  Alva,  a  nobleman  of  the 
firlt  rank,  and  nearly  related  to  the  king.  The 
duke  and  his  family  efpoufed  fo  warmly  the 
caufe  of  their  new  ally,  that  Ferdinand  could 
not  refill  their  folicitations,  [1509]  He  recalled 
Ovando,  and  appointed  Don  Diego  his  fuc- 
ceflor,  though,  even  in  conferring  this  favour, 
he  could  not  conceal  his  jealoufy ;  for  he  al- 
lowed him  to  affume  only  the  title  of  governor, 
not  that  of  viceroy,  which  had  been  adjudged  to 
belong  to  him  n.. 

Don  Diego  quickly  repaired  to  Hifpaniola, 
attended  by  his  brother,  his  uncles,  his  wife, 
whom  the  courtefy  of  the  Spaniards  honoured 
with  the  title  of  vice- queen,  and  a  numerous  retinue 
of  perfons  of  both  fexes,  born  of  good  families. 
He  lived  with  a  fplendour  and  magnificence 
hitherto  unknown  in  the  New  World ;  and  the 
family  of  Columbus  feemecl  now  to  enjoy  the 
honours  and  rewards  due  to  his  inventive  genius, 

a  Henera,  dec.  i.  lib.  vii.  c.  4,  &c. 


*5°9-]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  209 

of  which  he  himfelf  had  been  cruelly  defrauded. 
The  colony  itfelf  acquired  new  luitre  by  the 
acceflion  of  fo  many  inhabitants,  of  a  different 
rank  and  character  from  molt  of  thofe  who  had 
hitherto  migrated  to  America,  and  many  of 
the  moll  illuftrious  families  in  the  Spanifh  fet- 
tlements  are  defcended  from  the  perfons  who 
at  that  time  accompanied  Don  Diego  Co- 
lumb 


us 


No  benefit  accrued  to  the  unhappy  natives 
from  this  change  of  governors.  Don  Diego 
was  not  only  authorized  by  a  royal  edicl:  to  con- 
tinue the  repartimientos,  or  diitrib.ution  of  Indians, 
but  the  particular  number  which  he  might  grant 
to  every  perfon,  according  to  his  rank  in  the 
colony,  was  fpecified.  He  availed  himfelf  of 
that  permiflion,  and  foon  after  he  landed  at 
St.  Domingo,  he  divided  fuch  Indians  as  were 
ftill  unappropriated,  among  his  relations  and 
attendants  p. 

The  next  care  of  the  new  governor  was  to 
comply  with  an  inflru&ion  which  he  received 
from  the  king,  about  fettling  a  colony  in  Cu- 
bagua,  a  fmall  ifland  which  Columbus  had  dis- 
covered in  his  third  voyage.  Though  this  bar- 
ren fpot  hardly  yielded  fubfiftence  to  its  wretched 
inhabitants,  fuch  quantities  of  thofe  oyfters 
which  produce  pearls  were  found  on  its  coaft, 
that  it  did  not  long  efcape  the  inquifitive  avarice 
of  the  Spaniards>  and  became  a  place  of  con- 
fiderable  refort.  Large  fortunes  were  acquired 
by  the  fifhery  of  pearls,  which  was  carried  on 
with  extraordinary  ardour.      The  Indians,  ef- 

°  Oviedo,  lib.  iii.   c.  t.  P  Recopilacion  de  Leycs, 

lib,  vi.  tit.  S.  1.  i,  2.     Herrera,  dec,  i.  lib.  vii.  c.  io 

pecially 


5JO  HLSTORV    OF    AMERICA.  E.  !II> 

pecially  thofe  from  the  Lucayo  iflands,  were 
compelled  to  dive  for  them  ;  and  this  dangerous 
and  unhealthy  employment  was  an  additional 
calamity,  which  contributed  not  a  little  to  the 
extinction  of  that  devoted  race  3. 

About  this  period,  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis  and 
Pinzon  fet  out,  in  conjunction,  upon  a  fecond 
voyage.  They  flood  directly  fouth,  towards 
the  equinoctial  line,  which  Pinzon  had  formerly 
crofled,  and  advanced  as  far  as  the  fortieth  de- 
gree of  fouthern  latitude.  They  were  aflonifhed 
to  find  that  the  continent  of  America  flretched 
on  their  right  hand,  through  all  this  vail  ex- 
tent of  ocean.  They  landed  in  different  places, 
to  take  pofTeflion  in  name  of  their  fovereign  ; 
but  though  the  country  appeared  to  be  extremely 
fertile  and  inviting,  their  force  was  fo  fmall, 
having  been  fitted  out  rather  for  difcovery  than 
making  fettlements,  that  they  left  no  colony  be- 
hind them.  Their  voyage  ferved,  however,  to 
give  the  Spaniards  more  exalted  and  adequate 
ideas  with  refpect  to  the  dimenfions  of  this  new 
quarter  of  the  globe r. 

Though  it  was  about  ten  years  finee  Co- 
lumbus had  discovered  the  main  land  of  Ame- 
rica, the  Spaniards  had  hitherto  made  no  fet- 
tlement  in  any  part  of  it.  What  had  been  fo 
long  neglected  was  now  ferioufly  attempted,  and 
with  considerable  vigour,  though  the  plan  for 
this  purpofe  was  neither  formed  by  the  crown, 
nor  executed  at  the  expence  of  the  nation,  but 
carried  on  by  the  enterprifing  fpirit  of  private 
adventurers.      This  fcheme  took  its  rife   from 

3  Herrera,  dec.  I.  Jib.  vii.  c.  9.  Gomara  Hift.  c.  78. 
'Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  vii.  c.  9. 

Alonfo 


I569O  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  fit 

Alonfo  de  Ojeda,  who  had  already  made  two 
Voyages  as  a  difcoverer,  by  which  he  acquired 
Confiderable  reputation,  but  no  wealth.  But 
his  character  for  intrepidity  and  conduct  eafily 
procured  him  affociates,  who  advanced  the  mo- 
ney requifite  to  defray  the  charges  of  the  expe- 
dition. About  the  fame  time,  Diego  de  Nicu- 
effa,  who  had  acquired  a  large  fortune  in  Hif- 
paniola,  formed  a  fimilar  defign.  Ferdinand  en- 
couraged both  ;  and  though  he  refufed  to  ad- 
vance the  fmalleft  fum,  was  extremely  liberal  of 
titles  and  patents.  He  erecled  two  govern- 
ments on  the  continent,  one  extending  from 
Cape  de  Vela  to  the  gulf  of  Darien,  and  the 
other  from  that  to  Cape  Gracias  a  Dros,  The 
former  was  given  to  Ojeda,  the  latter  to'  Nicu- 
effa.  Ojeda  fitted  out  a  fhip  and  two  brigan- 
tines,  with  three  hundred  men ;  NicuefTa,  fix 
veffels,  with  feven  hundred  and  eighty  men. 
They  failed  about  the  fame  time  from  St.  Do- 
mingo for  their  rcfpe£fcive  governments.  In 
order  to  give  their  title  to  thofe  countries  fome 
appearance  of  validity,  feveral  of  the  moil  emi- 

inent  divines  and  lawyers  in  Spain  were  employed 
to  prefcribe  the  mode  in  which  they  mould  take 
poifeffion  of  them s.  There  is  not  in  the  hiftory 
of  mankind  any  thing  more  lingular  or  extra- 
vagant than  the  form  which  they  devifed  for 
this  purpofe.  They  inftru&ed  thofe  invaders, 
as  foon  as  they  landed  on  the  continent,  to  de- 
clare to  the  natives  the  principal  articles  of  the' 
Chriilian  faith  ;  to  acquaint  them,  in  particular, 
with  the  fupreme  jurifdiction  of  the  pope  over 
all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth  ;  to  inform  them 
8  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  vn.  c.  15, 
VOL.  I.  X  of 


21Z  KISTORV    OF    AMERICA.  1\.  Ill, 

of  the  grant  which  this  holy  pontiff  had  made 
of  their  country  to  the  king  of  Spain  ;  to  re- 
quire them  to  embrace  the  doctrines  of  that  reli- 
gion which  the  Spaniards  made  known  to  them  my 
and  to  fubmit  to  the  fovereign  whofe  authority 
they  proclaimed.  If  the  natives  refufed  to  com- 
ply with  this  requifition,  the  terms  of  which 
muft  have  been  utterly  incomprehenfible  to  un- 
inflructed  Indians,  then  Ojeda  and  NicuefTa 
were  authorifed  to  attack  them  with  fire  and 
fword  ;  to  reduce  them,  their  wives  and  children, 
to  a  Hate  of  fervitude  ;  and  to  compel  them  by 
force  to  recognize  the  jurifdi&ion  of  the  church, 
and  the  authority  of  the  monarch,  to  which  they 
would  not  voluntarily  fubjecl:  themfelves*. 

As  the  inhabitants  of  the  continent  could  not 
at  once  yield  affent  to  doctrines  too  refined  for 
their  uncultivated  underflandings,  and  explained 
to  them  by  interpreters  imperfedly  acquainted 
with  their  language ;  as  they  did  not  conceive 
how  a  foreign  prielt,  of  whom  they  had  never 
heard,  could  have  any  right  to  difpofe  of  their 
country,  or  how  an  unknown  prince  mould  claim 
juriidiction  over  them  as  his  fubjects;  they 
fiercely  oppoftd  the  new  invaders  of  their  terri- 
tories. Ojeda  and  NicuefTa  endeavoured  to  effect 
by  force  what  they  could  not  accomplifh  by  per- 
fuafion.  The  contemporary  writers  enter  into  a 
very  minute  detail  in  relating  their  tranfa&ions  ; 
but  as  they  made  no  difcovery  of  importance, 
nor  eflablifhed  any  permanent  fettlement,  their 
adventures  are  not  entitled  to  any  coniiderable 
place  in  the  general  hiftory  of  a  period,  where 
Tomuntic    valour,     flruggling    with    incredible 

1  See  Not*  XXIII. 

hard- 


f5°9*l  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  fclj 

hardfhips,  diflinguifh  every  effort  of  the  Spanifh 
arms.  They  found  the  natives  in  thofe  coun- 
tries of  which  they  went  to  alTume  the  govern- 
ment, to  be  of  a  character  very  different  from 
that  of  their  countrymen  in  the  iflands.  They 
were  fierce  and  warlike.  Their  arrows  were 
dipped  in  a  poifon  fo  noxious,  that  every  wound 
was  followed  with  certain  death.  In  one  en- 
counter they  flew  above  feventy  of  Ojeda's  fol- 
lowers, and  the  Spaniards,  for  the  firft  time,  were 
taught  to  dread  the  inhabitants  of  the  New 
World.  NicuelTa  was  oppofed  by  people  equally 
refolute  in  defence  of  their  poiTeffions.  Nothing 
could  foften  their  ferocity.  Though  the  Spa- 
niards employed  every  art  to  footh  them,  and 
to  gain  their  confidence,  they  rcfufed  to  hold 
any  intercourse,  or  to  exchange  any  friendly 
office,  with  men  whofe  refidencc  among  them 
they  coniidered  as  fatal  to  their  liberty  and  in- 
dependence. [1510]  This  implacable  enmity 
of  the  natives,  though  it  rendered  an  attempt  to 
eftablifh  a  fettlement  in  their  country  extremely 
difficult  as  well  as  dangerous,  might  have  been 
furmounted  at  length  by  the  perfeverance  of  the 
Spaniards,  by  the  fuperiority  of  their  arms,  and 
their  fkill  in  the  art  of  war.  But  every  difafter 
which  can  be  accumulated  upon  the  unfortunate, 
combined  to  complete  their  ruin.  The  lofs  of 
their  fhips  by  various  accidents  upon  an  unknown 
coaft,  the  difeafes  peculiar  to  a  climate  the  molt 
noxious  in  all  America,  the  want  of  provifions, 
unavoidable  in  a  country  imperfectly  cultivated, 
diiTenfion  among  themfelves,  and  the  incelTant 
hoitilities  of  the  natives,  involved  them  in  a  fuc- 
ceilion  of  calamities,  the  bare  recital  of  which 
y  2  itrikes 


214  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  B.  III? 

ilrikes  one  with  horror.  Though  they  received 
two  confiderable  reinforcements  from  Hifpaniola, 
the  greater  part  of  thofe  who  had  engaged  in 
this  unhappy  expedition,  perifhed,  in  lefs  than 
a  year,  in  the  moll  extreme  mifery.  A  few  who 
furvived,  fettled  as  a  feeble  colony  at  Santa 
Maria  el  Antigua,  on  the  gulf  of  Darien,  under 
the  command  of  Vafco  Nugnez  de  Balboa,  who, 
in  the  moll  defperate  exigencies,  difplayed  fuch 
courage  and  conduct,  as  firft  gained  the  confi- 
dence of  his  countrymen,  and  marked  him  out  as 
their  leader  in  more  fplendid  and  fuccefsful  un- 
dertakings. Nor  was  he  the  only  adventurer  in 
this  expedition  who  will  appear  with  luftre  irj 
more  important  fcenes.  Francifco  Pizarrp  was 
one  of  Ojeda's  companions,  and  in  this  fchool  of 
adverfity  acquired  or  jmproved  the  talents  which 
fitted  him  for  the  extraordinary  actions  which  he, 
afterwards  performed.  Hernan  Cortes,  whofe 
name  became  Hill  more  famous,  had  likewife  en- 
gaged early  in  this  enterprife,  which  roufed  all 
the  active  youth  of  Hifpaniola  to  arms  ;  but 
the  good  fortune  that  accompanied  him  in  his 
fubfequent  adventures?  interpofed  to  fave  him 
from  the  diftafters  to  which  his  companions  were 
expofed.  fie  was  taken  ill  at  St.  Domingo  be- 
fore the  departure  of  the  fleet,  and  detained 
there  by  a  tedious  indifpofition  u. 

Notwithstanding  the  unfortunate  ifTue  of  this 
expedition,  the  Spaniards  were  not  deterred  from 
engaging  in  new  fchemes  of  a  fimilar  nature. 
When  wealth  is  acquired  gradually  by  the  per- 

«  Herrer2,  dec.  I.  lib.  vii.  c.  n,  &c.  Gomara  Hift. 
c  57>  5S>  59*  Benzon  Hift.  lib.  i.  cap.  19— 23.  P.  Martyr, 
tjecad.  122. 

fevering 


I5I0.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA*  2I£ 

fevering  hand  of  induftry,  or  accumulated  by  the 
flow  operations  of  regular  commerce,  the  means 
employed  are  fo  proportioned  to  the  end  attain- 
ed, that  there  is  nothing  to  ftrike  the  imagina- 
tion, and  little  to  urge  on  the  active  powers  of 
the  mind  to  uncommon  efforts.     But  when  large 
fortunes    were    created    almoft  inflantaneoufly ; 
when  gold  and  pearls  were  procured  in  exchange 
for  baubles  ;  when  the  countries  which  produced 
thefe  rich  commodities*  defended  only  by  naked 
favages,  might  be  feized  by  the  firft  bold  invader ; 
objects  fo  lingular  and  alluring,  roufed  a  wonder- 
ful fpirit  of  enterprife  among  the  Spaniards,  who 
rivfhed  with  ardour  into  this  new  path  that  was 
opened  to  wealth  and  diliinclion.     While  this 
fpirit  continued  warm   and  vigorous,  eveiy  at- 
tempt either  towards  difcovery  or  conqueft  was 
applauded,  and  adventurers  engaged  in  it  with 
emulation.     The  paffion  for  new  undertakings, 
which  chara&erifes  the  age  of  difcovery  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  and  beginning  of  the 
Sixteenth  century,  would  alone  have  been  fuffi- 
cient  to  prevent  the  Spaniards  from  flopping  fhort 
in  their  career-     But  circumstances  peculiar  to 
Hifpaniola  at  this  juncture,  concurred  with  it  in 
extending  their  navigation  and  conquefls.     The 
rigorous  treatment  of  the   inhabitants  of  that 
ifland  having  almoft  extirpated  the  race,  many 
of  the  Spanifh  planters,  as  I  have  already  ob- 
served, finding  it  impoflible  to  carry  on   their 
works  with  the  fame  vigour  and  profit,  were 
obliged   to   look    out  for   fettlements   in    fomc 
country  where  people   were  not  yet  wafted  by 
oppreffion.     Others,  with  the  inconfiderate  levity 
natural  to  men  upon  whom  wealth  pours  in  with 
y  3  a  fud- 


2l6  H?8T0RY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  UU 

a  fudden  flow,   had  fquandered  in  thoughtlefs 
prodigality,  what   they  acquired  with  eafe,  and 
were  driven  by  neceffity  to  embark  in  the  moil 
defperate  fchemes,  in  order  to  retrieve  their  affairs. 
From  $11  thefe  caufes,  when  Don  Diego  Colum- 
bus prppofed  [15U]  to  conquer  the  ifland  of  Cu- 
ba, and  to  eftablilh  a  colony  there,  many  perfons  of- 
chief  distinction  in  Hifpaniola  engaged  with  ala- 
crity in  the  meafure.  He  gave  the  command  of  the 
troops  deftined  for  that  fervice  to  Diego  Velaf- 
cruez,  one  of  his  father's  companions  in  his  fe- 
cond  voyage,  and  who,  having  been  long  fettled 
in  Hifpaniola,  had  acquired  an  ample  fortune, 
with  fuch  reputation  for  probity  and  prudence, 
that  he  feemed  to  be  well  qualified  for  conduct- 
ing an  expedition  of  importance.    Three  hundred 
men  were  deemed  fufficient  for  the  conqueft  of 
an  ifland  of  above  feven  hundred  miles  in  length, 
and  filled  with  inhabitants.     But  they  were  of 
the  fame  unwarlike  character  with  the  people  of 
Hifpaniola.     They  were  not  only  intimidated  by 
the  appearance  of  their  new  enemies,   but  un- 
prepared to  refift  them.     For  though,  from  the 
time  that  the  Spaniards  took  poffeilion  of  the 
adjacent  ifland,    there    was  reafon  to  expect  a 
defcent  on  their  territories,  none  of  the  fmall 
communities  into  which  Cuba  was  divided,  had 
cither  made  any  proviiion  for  its  own  defence,  or 
had  formed  any  concert  for  their  common  fafety. 
The  only  obftruction  the  Spaniards  met  with  was. 
from  Hatuey,  a  cazique,  who  had  fled  from  Hif* 
paniola,  and  had  taken  poiTeifion  of  the  eallern 
extremity  of  Cuba.   He  flood  upon  the  defenfive 
at  their  firit  landing,  and  endeavoured  to  drive 
them  back  to  their  fhips.     His  feeble  troops, 

however^ 


)$H.']  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  217 

Jiowever,  were  foon  broken  and  difperfed ;  and, 
he  himfelf  being  taken  prifoner,  Velafquez, 
according  to  the  barbarous  maxim  of  the  Spa- 
niards, coniidered  him  as  a  flave  who  had  taken 
arms  againil  his  mailer,  and  condemned  him  to 
the  flames.  When  Hatuey  was  fattened  to  the 
flake,  a  Francifcan  friar  labouring  to  convert 
him,  promifed  him  immediate  admittance  into 
the  joys  of  heaven,  if  he  would  embrace  the 
Chriftian  faith,  "  Are  there  any  Spaniards," 
fays  he,  after  fome  paufe,  "  in  that  region  of 
"  blifs  which  you  defcribe  ?" — "  Yes,"  replied 
the  monk,  "  but  only  fuch  as  are  worthy  an4 
"  good." — "  The  bell  of  them,"  returned  the 
indignant  cazique,  "  have  neither  worth  nor 
i*  goodnefs  5  I  will  not  go  to  a  place  where  I 
"  may  meet  with  one  of  that  accurfed  racex." 
This  dreadful  example  of  vengeance  flruck  the 
people  of  Cuba  with  fuch  terror,  that  they 
fcarcely  gave  any  oppqfition  to  the  progrefs  of 
their  invaders  ;  and  Velafauez,  without  the  lofs 
of  a  man,  annexed  this  extfcnfive  and  fertile  iiland 
to  the  Spanifh  monarchy  -y. 

The  facility  with  which  this  important  conquefl 
was  completed,  ferved  as  an  incitement  to  other 
undertakings.  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon,  having 
acquired  both  fame  and  wealth  by  the  reduction 
of  Puerto  Rico,  was  impatient  to  engage  in  fome 
new  enterprife.  He  fitted  outthree  mips  at  his  own 
expence,  for  a  voyage  of  difcovery  [i5i2]]>  ancj 
Jris  reputation  foon  drew  together  a  refpe&able 
body  of  followers.  He  directed  his  courfe  towards 
the  Lucayo  iflands  ;  and  after  touching  at  feveral 

x  B.  delas  Cafas,  p.  40.  y  Herrera,  dec.  J*  lib.  i*. 

p.  2>  3>  &c.     OviedQ,  lib,  xvii.  c«  3.  j>.  1751. 

Of 


2  IS  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  III. 

of  them,  as  well  as  of  the  Bahama  ifles,  he  flood 
to  the  fouth-weft,  and  difcovered  a  country  hi- 
therto unknown  to  the  Spaniards,  which  he  called 
Florida,  either  becaufe  he  fell  in  with  it  on  Palm 
Sunday,  or  on  account  of  its  gay  and  beautiful 
appearance.  He  attempted  to  land  in  different 
places,  but  met  with  fuch  vigorous  oppofition 
from  the  natives,  who  were  fierce  and  warlike, 
as  convinced  him  that  an  increafe  of  force  was 
requiiite  to  effect  a  fettlement.  Satisfied  with 
having  opened  a  communication  with  a  new 
country,  of  whofe  value  and  importance  he  con- 
ceived very  fanguine  hopes,  he  returned  to  Puerto 
Rico,  through  the  channel  now  known  by  the 
name  of  the  Gulf  of  Florida. 

It  was  not  merely  the  paffion  of  fearching  for 
new  countries  that  prompted  Ponce  de  Leon  to 
undertake  this  voyage  r  he  was  influenced  by  one 
of  thofe  vilionary  ideas,  which  at  that  time  often 
mingled  with  the  fpirit  of  difcovery,  and  rendered 
it  more  active.  A  *adition  prevailed  among 
the  natives  of  Puerto  Rico,  that  in  the  ifle  of 
Bimini,  one  of  the  Lucayos,  there  was  a  fountain 
of  fuch  wonderful  virtue  as  to  renew  the  youth, 
and  recal  thevvigour  of  every  perfon  who  bathed 
in  its  falutary  waters.  In  hopes  of  finding  this 
grand  reftorative,  Ponce  de  Leon  and  his  follow- 
ers ranged  through  the  iflands,  fearching,  with 
fruitlefs  folicitude  and  labour,  for  the  fountain, 
which  was  the  chief  object  of  their  expedition. 
That  a  tale  fo  fabulous  fhould  gain  credit  among 
fimple  uninflru&ed  Indians  is  not  furprifmg. 
That  it  fhould  make  any  impreflion  upon  art 
enlightened  people  appears,  in  the  prefent  age, 
altogether  incredible.      The  fad,   however,  is 

certain  ; 


i;i2.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  2ig, 

certain  ;    and  the  moll  authentic  Spanifh  hiflor 
rians  mention  this  extravagant  fally  of  their  cre- 
dulous countrymen.      The   Spaniards,  at    that 
period,   were   engaged   in   a  career  of  adhyity 
.which  gave  a  romantic  turn  to  their  imagination, 
and  daily  prefentcd  to  them  Grange  and  marvel- 
lous objedts,     A  New  World  was  opened  to  their 
yiew.     They  vifited  iflands  and    continents,   of 
whofe  exiftence  mankind  in  former  ages  had  no 
conception.     In  thofe  delightful  countries  nature 
feemed  to  affume  another  form  :    every  tree  and 
plant  and  animal  was  different  from  thofe  of  the 
ancient  hemifphere.     They  feemed  to  be  trank 
ported  into  enchanted  ground  ;    and,   after  the 
wonders  which  they  had  feen,   nothing,   in  the 
warmth  and  novelty  of  their  admiration,  appeared 
to  them  fo  extraordinary  as.  to  be  beyond  belief. 
Jf  the    rapid   fucceffion  of    new    and   {hiking 
fcenes  made  fuch  impreffion  even  upon  the  found 
undemanding  of  Columbus,  that  he  bpafted  of 
having  found  the  feat  of  Paradife,  it  will  not  ap* 
pear  itrange  that  Ponce  de  Leon  mould  dream  of 
difcovering  the  fountain  of  youth  ?. 

Soon  after  the  expedition  to  Florida,  a  dis- 
covery of  much  greater  importance  was  made  in 
another  part  of  America.  Balboa  having  been 
raifed  to  the  government  of  the  fmall  colony  at 
Santa  Maria  in  Darien,  by  the  voluntary  fuf- 
frage  of  his  affociatesa  was  fo  extremely  defirous 
to  obtain  from  the  crown  a  confirmation  of  their 
cledion,  that  he  difpatched  one  of  his  officers 

■  P.  Martyr,  decad.  p.  202.  Enfayo  Chronol.  para  la 
Hift.  de  la  Florida,  por  D.  Gab.  Cardenas,  p.  1.  Oviedo, 
lib.  xvl.  c.  11.  Herrera,  dec.  I.  lib.  ix.  0  Ji  Hift.  de  I4 
Conq.  de  la  Florida,  par  Garc.  de  la  Vega,  lib.  i.  c.  3. 

18 


220  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  b.  IIT. 

to  Spain^  in  order  to  folicit  a  royal  commiffion, 
which  might  mveft  him  with  a  legal  title  to  the 
fupreme  command.     Confcious,   however,    that 
he  could  not  exped  fuccefs  from  the  patronage 
or  Ferdinand's  minifters,  with  whom  he  was  un- 
conne&ed,  or  from  negociating  in  a  court  to  the 
arts  of  which  he  was  a  ltranger,  he  endeavoured 
to  merit  the  dignity  to  which  he  afpired,   and 
aimed  at  performing  fome    fignal   fervice    that 
would  fecure  him  the  preference  to  every  com- 
petitor.     Full  of  this  idea,  he  made  frequent  in- 
roads  into  the  adjacent  country,  fubdued  feveral 
of  the  caziques,    and   colle&ed   a  confiderable 
quantity  of  gold,  which  abounded  more  in  that 
part  of  the  continent  than  in  the  iflands.    In  one 
of  thofe  excurfions,  the  Spaniards  contended  with 
iuch  eagernefs  about  the  diviiion  of  fome  gold, 
that  they  were  at  the  point  of  proceeding  to  ads 
of  violence  againftone  another.  A  young  cazique, 
who  was  prefent,  aftonifhed   at  the  high  value 
which  they  fet  upon  a  thing  of  which  he  did  not 
dilcern   the  ufc,  tumbled  the  gold  out  of  the 
balance  with  indignation;    and,   turning  to  the 
Spaniards,     "  Why  do  you  quarrel    (lays  he) 
about  fuch  a  trifle  i    If  you   are  fo  paffionately 
fond  of  gold,  as  to  abandon  your  own  country, 
and  to  difturb  the  tranquillity  of  diftant  nations 
for   its    fake,    I    will  condud  you  to  a  region 
where  the  metal  which  feems  to  be  the  chief 
objed  of  your  admiration  and  defire,   is  fo  com- 
mon  that  the  meaneft  utenfils  are  formed  of  it**' 
Tranfported  with  what  they  heard,  Balboa  and 
his    companions     inquired    eagerly  where    this 
happy  country  lay,  and  how  they  might  arrive 
at  it.     He  informed  them  that  at  the  diftance 

of 


I5T2-3  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  22T 

of  fix  fans,  that  is  of  fix  days  journey  towards 
the  fou th,  they  fhould  difcover  another  ocean, 
near  to  which  this  wealthy  kingdom  was  fit  u- 
ated  ;  but  if  they  intended  to  attack  that  power- 
ful Hate,  they  mull  affemble  forces  far  fuperior  in 
number  and  llrength  to  thofe  with  which  they 
now  appeared  a. 

This  was  the  iirft  information  which  the  Spa- 
niards received  concerning  the  great  fouthern 
ocean,  or  the  opulent  and  exteniive  country 
known  afterwards  by  the  name  of  Peru.  Balboa 
had  now  before  him  objects  fuited  to  his  bound- 
lefs  ambition,  and  the  enterprifing  ardour  of  his 
genius.  He  immediately  concluded  the  ocean 
which  the  cazique  mentioned,  to  be  that  for 
which  Columbus  had  fearched  without  fuccefs  in 
this  part  of  America,  in  hopes  of  opening  a  more 
direct  communication  with  the  Earl  Indies  ;  and 
he  conjectured  that  the  rich  territory  which  had 
been  defcribed  to  him,  mull  be  part  of  that  van; 
and  opulent  region  of  the  earth.  Elated  with 
the  idea  of  performing  what  fo  great  a  man  had 
attempted  in  vain  ;  and  eager  to  accomplifh  a 
difcovery  which  he  knew  would  be  no  lefs  ac- 
ceptable to  the  king  than  beneficial  to  his  country, 
lie  was  impatient  until  he  could  fet  out  upon 
this  enterprife,  in  comparifon  of  which  all  his 
former  exploits  appeared  inconfiderable.  But 
previous  arrangement  and  preparation  were  re- 
quiiite  to  enfure  fuccefs.  He  began  with  court- 
ing and  fecuring  the  friendfhip  of  the  neighbour- 
ing caziques.  He  fent  fome  of  his  officers  to 
Hifpaniola  with  a  large  quantity  of  gold,  as  a 

a  Herrera,    dec.  1.  lib.  ix.   c.  2.     Gomara,   c.  60.     P. 
Martyr,  decad.  p.  149. 

proof 


222  HISTORY    OT    AMERICA.  TS.  lit.' 

proof  of  his  pall  fuccefs,  and  an  earneft  of  his  fu- 
ture hopes.  By  a  proper  dillribution  of  this, 
they  fecured  the  favour  of  the  governor,  and 
allured  volunteers  into  the  fervice.  A  confider- 
able  reinforcement  from  that  ifland  joined  him, 
and  he  thought  himfelf  in  a  condition  to  attempt 
the  difcovery. 

The  ifthmus  of  Darien  is  not  above  fixty  miles 
in  breadth  ;  but  this  neck  of  land,  which  binds 
together  the  continents  of  North  and  South 
America,  is  flrengthened  by  a  chain  of  lofty 
mountains  ftretching  through  its  whole  extent, 
which  render  it  a  barrier  of  folidity  fufficient  to 
refill  the  impulfe  of  two  oppofite  oceans.  The 
mountains  are  covered  with  forefts  almoft  inac- 
ceffible.  The  valleys  in  that  moift  climate, 
where  it  rains  during  two-thirds  of  the  year,  arc 
marfhy,  and  fo  frequently  overflowed,  that  the 
inhabitants  find  it  neceffary,  in  many  places,  to 
build  their  houfes  upon  trees,  in  order  to  be 
elevated  at  fome  diftance  from  the  damp  foil, 
and  the  odious  reptiles  engendered  in  the  putrid 
waters  b.  Large  rivers  rufh  down  with  an  inw 
petuous  current  from  the  high  grounds.  In  a* 
region  thinly  inhabited  by  wandering  favages,- 
the  hand  of  induftry  had  done  nothing  to  miti- 
gate or  correcl:  thofe  natural  difadvantages.  To 
march  acrofs  this  unexplored  country,  with-no  other 
guides  but  Indians,  whofe  fidelity  could  be  little 
trufled,  was,  on  all  thofe  accounts,  the  boldelt 
enterprife  on  which  the  Spaniards  had  hitherto 
ventured  in  the  New  World.  But  the  intrepidity 
of  Balboa  was  fuch  as  diftinguifhed  him  among 
his  countrymen,  at  a  period  when  every  adven- 

5  P.  Martyr,  decad.  p.  158, 

turer 


I513.]  HISTOfcV    OF   AMERICA.  21% 

turer  was  confpicuous  for  daring  courage  [1513]. 
Nor  was  bravery  his  only  merit ;  he  was  prudent 
in  conduct,  generous,  affable,  and  poffeffed  of 
thofe  popular  talents  which,  in  the  moll  defperate 
undertakings,  infpire  confidence  and  fecure  at- 
tachment. Even  after  the  junction  of  the  vo- 
lunteers from  Hifpaniola,  he  was  able  to  mufter 
only  an  hundred  and  ninety  men  for  his  expe- 
dition. But  they  were  hardy  veterans,  inured  to 
the  climate  of  America,  and  ready  to  follow  him 
through  every  danger.  A  thoufand  Indians 
attended  them  to  carry  their  provifions  ;  and  to 
complete  their  warlike  array,  they  took  with  them 
feveral  of  thofe  fierce  dogs,  which  were  no  lefs 
formidable  than  destructive  to  their  naked 
enemies. 

Balboa  fet  out  upon  this  important  expedition 
en  the  firft  of  September,  about  the  time  that 
the  periodical  rains  began  to  abate.  He  pro- 
ceeded by  fea,  and  without  any  difficulty,  to  the 
territories  of  a  cazique  whofe  friendship  he  had 
gained ;  but  no  fooner  did  he  begin  to  advance 
into  the  interior  part  of  the  country,  than  he 
was  retarded  by  every  obilacle,  which  he  had 
reafon  to  apprehend,  from  the  nature  of  the 
territory,  or  the  difpofition  of  its  inhabitants. 
Some  of  the  caziques,  at  his  approach,  fied  td 
the  mountains  with  all  their  people,  and  carried 
off  or  deftroyed  whatever  could  afford  fubfiftence 
to  his  troops.  Others  collected  their  fubjectd, 
in  order  to  oppofe  his  progrefs,  and  lie  quickly 
perceived  what  an  arduous  undertaking  it  was, 
to  conduct  fuch  a  body  of  men  through  hoftile 
nations,  acrofs  fwamps  and  rivers,  and  woods, 
which  had  never  been  paffed  but  by  ftraggliag 

vol.  1.  %  Indians* 


224  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  Ill* 

Indians.  But  by  {haring  in  every  hardfhip  with 
the  meanefl  foldier,  by  appearing  the  foremoft 
to  meet  every  danger,  by  promifing  confidently 
to  his  troops  the  enjoyment  of  honour  and  riches 
fuperior  to  what  had  been  attained  by  the  moft 
fuccefsful  of  their  countrymen,  he  infpired  them 
with  fuch  enthuiiaftic  refolution,  that  they  fol- 
lowed him  without  murmuring.  When  they  had 
penetrated  a  good  way  into  the  mountains,  a 
powerful  cazique  appeared  in  a  narrow  pafs, 
with  a  numerous  body  of  his  fubje&s,  to  obftruft 
their  progrefs.  But  men  who  had  furmounted 
fo  many  ob  (lacks,  defpifed  the  oppofition  of  fucji 
feeble  enemies.  They  attacked  them  with  impe- 
tuofity,  and  having  difperfed  them  with  much 
eafe  and  great  (laughter,  continued  their  march. 
Though  their  guides  had  reprefented  the  breadth 
of  the  ilthmus  to  be  only  a  journey  of  fix  days, 
they  had  already  fpent  twenty-five  in  forcing 
their  way  through  the  woods  and  mountains. 
Many  of  them  were  ready  to  fink  under  fuch 
uninterrupted  fatigue  in  that  fultry  climate, 
feveral  were  taken  ill  of  the  dyfentery  and  other 
difeafes  frequent  in  that  country,  and  all  became 
impatient  to  reach  the  period  of  their  labours  an< 
fufferings.  '  At  length  the  Indians  aiTured  them, 
that  from  the  top  of  the  next  mountain  they 
mould  difcover  the  ocean  which  was  the  object 
of  their  wifhes.  When,  with  infinite  toil,  they 
had  climbed  up  the  greater  part  of  that  ileep 
afcent,  Balboa  commanded  his  men  to  halt,  anc 
advanced  alone  to  the  fummit,  that  he  might  be 
the  firft  who  fhould  enjoy  a  fpe&acle  which  he 
had  fo  long  defired.     As  foon  as  he  beheld  th 


o  — —      "  --„_—     _ —  _ 

South  Sea  ftretching  in  endlefs  profpect  below 

him. 


Vol I  fOffC 2?A '. 


Tui>ty?icdrd?fiij0oj,  bt>  CadM  &JPavic*r,  Straw/ . 


J5I3O  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  225 

him,  he  fell  on  his  knees,  and  lifting  up  his  hands 
to  Heaven,  returned  thanks  to  God,  who  had 
conducted  him  to  a  difcovery  fo  beneficial  to  his 
country,  and  fo  honourable  to  himfelf.  His 
followers,  obferving  his  tranfports  of  joy,  ruOied 
forward  to  join  in  his  wonder,  exultation,  and 
gratitude.  They  held  on  their  courfe  to  the 
ihore  with  great  alacrity,  when  Balboa  advancing 
up  to  the  middle  in  the  waves  with  his  buckler 
and  fword,  took  poflefTion  of  that  ocean  in 
the  name  of  the  king  his  mailer,  and  vowed 
to  defend  it,  with  thefe  arms,  againft  all  his 
enemies  c. 

That  part  of  the  great  Pacific  or  Southern 
Ocean,  which  Balboa  firft  difcovered,  Hill  retains 
the  name  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Michael,  which  he 
gave  to  it,  and  is  fituated  to  the  eafl  of  Panama. 
From  feveral  of  the  petty  princes,  who  governed 
in  the  diitric~T.s  adjacent  to  that  gulf,  he  extorted 
provifions  and  gold  by  force  of  arms.  Others 
fent  them  to  him  voluntarily.  To  thefe  accept- 
able prefents,  fome  of  the  caziques  added  a 
confiderable  quantity  of  pearls  ;  and  he  learned 
from  them,  with  much  fatisfaclion,  that  pearl 
oyfters  abounded  in  the  fea  which  he  had  newly 
difcovered. 

Together  with  the  acquisition  of  this  wealth, 
which  fcrved  to  footh  and  encourage  his  follow- 
ers, he  received  accounts  which  confirmed  his 
fanguine  hopes  of  future  and  more  extenfive  bene* 
fits  from  the  expedition.  All  the  people  on  the 
coaft  of  the  South  Sea  concurred  in  informing 
him  that  there  was  a  mighty  and  opulent  king- 

c  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  x.  c.  1,  &c.  Gomaia,  c.  62,  &c. 
P.Maitvr,  dccad.  p.  205,  &c. 

%  z  dom 


22$  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  III. 

dom  fituated  at  a  confiderable  diftance  towards 
the  fouth-ealt,  the  inhabitants  of  which  had  tame 
animals  to  carry  their  burdens.  In  order  to 
give  the  Spaniards  an  idea  of  thefe,  they  drew 
upon  the  fand  the  figure  of  the  Llamas  or 
fheep,  afterwards  found  in  Peru,  which  the 
Peruvians  had  taught  to  perform  fuch  fervices 
as  they  defcribed.  As  the  Llama,  in  its  form, 
nearly  refembles  a,  camel,  a  beait  of  burden 
deemed  peculiar  to  Afia,  this  circumitance,  in 
conjunction  with  the  difcovery  of  the  pearls,  an- 
other noted  production  of  that  country,  tended 
to  confirm  the  Spaniards  in  their  miitaken  theory 
with  refpecl:  to  the  vicinity  of  the  New  World 
to  the  Eait  Indies  d. 

But  though  the  information  which  Balboa 
received  from  the  people  on  the  coaft?  as  well 
as  his  own  conjectures  and  hopes,  rendered  him 
extremely  impatient  to  vifit  this  unknown  coun- 
try, his  prudence  retrained  him  from  attempt- 
ing to  invade  it  with  an  handful  of  men,  ex- 
haufted  by  fatigue,  and  weakened  by  difeafes  e. 
He  determined  to  lead  back  his  followers,  at  pre- 
fent,  to  their  fettlement  at  Santa  Maria  in  Darien, 
and  to  return  next  feafon  with  a  force  more  ade- 
quate to  fuch  an  arduous  enterprife.  In  order 
to  acquire  a  more  extenftve  knowledge  of  the 
iilhmus,  he  marched  back  by  a  different  route, 
which  he  found  to  be  no  lefs  dangerous  and 
difficult  than  that  which  he  had  formerly  taken. 
But  to  men  elated  with  fuccefs,  and  animated 
with  hope,  nothing  is  in furmoun table.  Balboa 
^turned  to  Santa  Maria  [15 14],  from  which  he 
Jiad  been  abfent  four  months,  with  greater  glory 

?  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  10.  c,  2.       3  See  Note  XXIV. 

and 


1514']  HISTORY    0£    AMERICA.  22J 

and  more  treafure  than  the  Spaniards  had  acquired 
in  any  expedition  in  the  New  World.  None  of 
Balboa's  officers  diftinguifhed  themlelves  more  in 
this  fervice  than  Francifco  Pizarro,  or  aflllted 
with  greater  courage  and  ardour  in  opening  a 
communication  with  thofe  countries,  in  which 
he  was  deftined  to  act  foon  a  moll  illullrious 
part  f. 

Balboa's  firft  care  was  to  fend  information  to 
Spain  of  the  important  difcovery  wliich  he  had 
made  ;  and  to  demand  a  reinforcement  of  a  thou- 
fand  men,  in  order  to  attempt  the  conqueft  of 
that  opulent  country,  concerning  which  he  had 
received  fuch  inviting  intelligence.  The  firft 
account  of  the  difcovery  of  the  New  World 
hardly  occafioned  greater  joy,  than  the  unex- 
pected tidings  that  a  paffage  was  at  laft  found  to 
the  great  Southern  Ocean.  The  communication 
with  the  Eaft  Indies,  by  a  courfe  to  the  weftward 
of  the  line  of  demarcation,  drawn  by  the  pope, 
feemed  now  to  be  certain.  The  vaft  wealth 
which  flowed  into  Portugal  from  its  fettlements 
and  conquefts  in  that  country,  excited  the  envy 
and  called  forth  the  emulation  of  other  ftates. 
Ferdinand  hoped  now  to  come  in  for  a  (hare  in 
this  lucrative  commerce,  and  in  his  eagernefs  to 
obtain  it,  was  willing  to  make  an  effort  beyond 
what  Balboa  required.  But  even  in  this  exertion, 
his  jealous  policy,  as  well  as  the  fatal  antipathy 
of  Fonfeca,  now  bifhop  of  Burgos,  to  every  man 
of  merit  who  diftinguifhed  himftlf  in  the  New 
World,  were  confpicuous.  Notwithftanding 
Balboa's  recent  fervices,  which  marked  him  out 

f  Herrera,  dec.  I.  lib.  x.  c4  3—6.  Gomara,  c.  64. 
P.  Martyr,  dec.  p.  229,  &c. 

1$  as 


%%%  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  Hit 

as  the  mod  proper  perfon  to  finifh  that  great 
undertaking  which  he  had  begun,  Ferdinand  was 
fo  ungenerous  as  to  overlook  thefe,  and  to  ap- 
point Pedrarias  Davila  governor  of  Darien.  He 
gave  him  the  command  of  fifteen  flout  veflels, 
and  twelve  hundred  foldiers.  Thefe  were  fitted 
put  at  the  public  expence,  with  a  liberality  which 
Ferdinand  had  never  difplayed  in  any  former 
armament  deftined  for  the  New  World  ;  and 
fuch  was  the  ardour  of  the  Spaniih  gentlemen  to 
follow  a  leader  who  was  about  to  conduct  them 
to  a  country,  where,  as  fame  reported,  they  had 
only  to  throw  their  nets  into  the  fea  and  draw 
put  gold  s,  that  fifteen  hundred  embarked  on 
board  the  fleet,  and  if  they  had  not  been  re- 
Grained,  a  much  greater  number  would  have  en- 
gaged in  the  fervice  h. 

Pedrarias  reached  the  gulf  of  Darien  without 
any  remarkable  accident,  and  immediately  fent 
fome  of  his  principal  officers  afhore  to  inform 
Balboa  of  his  arrival,  with  the  king's  commiffion, 
to  be  governor  of  the  colony.  To  their  altonifh- 
ment,  they  found  Balboa,  of  whole  great  ex* 
ploits  they  had  heard  fo  much,  and  of  whofe 
opulence,  they  had  formed  fuch  high  ideas,  clad 
in  a  canvas  jacket,  and  wearing  coarfe  hempen 
fandals  ufed  only  by  the  meaneft  peafants,  em- 
ployed, together  with  fome  Indians,  \n  thatching 
his  own  hut  with  reeds.  Even  in  this  fimple 
garb,  which  correfponded  fo  ill  with  the  ex* 
pe&ations  and  wifhes  of  his  new  guefts,  Balboa 
received  them  with  dignity.  The  fame  of  his 
difcpveries  had  drawn  fo  many  adventurers  from 

*  Herrera,  dec.  I.  lib.  x.  c.  14.  h  J  bid.  dec.  j.  lib.  x. 
€,  6,  7.    P.  Martyr,  dec.  p.  177.  296, 

the 


Iyl^B  HTSTORY    OF    AMERICA.  22£ 

the  iflands,  that  he  could  now  mufter  four  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men.  At  the  head  of  thofe  daring 
veterans,  he  was  more  than  a  match  for  the  forces 
which  Pedrarias  brought  with  him.  But  though 
his  troops  murmured  loudly  at  the  injuftice  of 
the  king  in  fuperfeding  their  commander,  and 
complained  that  Grangers  would  now  reap  the 
fruits  of  their  toil  and  iuccefs,  Balboa  fubmitted 
with  implicit  obedience  to  the  will  of  his  fove- 
reign,  and  received  Pedrarias  with  all  the  defer- 
ence due  to  his  character  K 

Notwithstanding  this  moderation,  to  which 
Pedrarias  owed  the  peaceable  porTefiion  of  his 
government,  he  appointed  a  judicial  inquiry  to 
be  made  into  Balboa's  conduct,  while  under  the 
command  of  NicuefTa,  and  impofed  a  confiderable 
fine  upon  him,  on  account  of  the  irregularities  of 
which  he  had  then  been  guilty.  Balboa  felt 
fenfibly  the  mortification  of  being  fubjected  to 
trial  and  to  punifhment  in  a  place  where  he  had 
fo  lately  occupied  the  firft  itation.  Pedrarias 
could  not  conceal  his  jealoufy  of  his  fuperior 
merit ;  fo  that  the  refentment  of  the  one,  and 
the  envy  of  the  other,  gave  rife  to  diffenfions 
extremely  detrimental  to  the  colony.  It  was 
threatened  with  a  calamity  flill  more  fatal.  Pe- 
drarias  had  landed  in  Darien  at  a  moll  unlucky 
time  of  the  year  [July],  about  the  middle  of 
the  rainy  feafon,  in*  that  part  of  the  torrid  zone 
where  the  clouds  pour  down  fuch  torrents  as 
are  unknown  in  more  temperate  climates  k.  The 
village  of  Santa  Maria  was  feated  in  a  rich  plain, 
environed  with  marfhes  and  woods.     The  con-* 

*  Herrera,    dec.  l.  lib.  x.    c.  13,  14. 
*  Richard  Hift.  Nsuurelle  de  TAir,  torn,  i,  p.  $04. 

ftitutioi^ 


2JO  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  III. 

ftitution  of  Europeans  was  unable  to  withftand 
the  pellilential  influence  of  fuch  a  fituation,  in  a 
climate  naturally  fo  noxious,    and  at  a  feafon  fo 
peculiarly  unhealthy.    A  violent  and  deftructive 
malady  carried   off  many  of  the  foldiers    who 
accompanied  Pedrarias.     An  extreme  fcarcity  of 
provifions  augmented  this  diftrefs,  as  it  rendered 
it  impoflible  to  find  proper  refrefhment  for  the 
fick,  or  the  necefTary  fuftenance  for  the  healthy  K 
In  the  fpace  of  a  month,  above  fix  hundred  per- 
fons  periihed  in  the  utmoll  mifery.     Dejection 
and  defpair  fpread  through  the  colony.     Many 
principal  perfons  folicited  their  difmiilion,   and 
were  glad  to  relinquifh  all  their  hopes  of  wealth, 
in  order  to  efcape  from  that  pernicious  region. 
Pedrarias  endeavoured  to  divert  thofe  who  re- 
mained from  brooding  over   their  misfortunes, 
by  finding  them  employment.     With  this  view, 
he  fent  feveral  detachments  into  the  interior  parts 
of  the  country,  to  levy  gold  among  the  natives, 
and  to    fearch  for   the  mines  in    which  it  was 
produced.     Thofe  rapacious  adventurers,  more 
attentive  to  prefent  gain  than  to  the  means  of  faci- 
litating their  future  progrefs,  plundered  without 
diftindlion  wherever  they  marched.     Regardlefs 
of  the  alliances  which  Balboa  had  made  with 
feveral  of  the  caziques,   they  llripped  them  of 
every  thing  valuable,  and  treated  them,  as  well 
as  their  fubje&s,  with  the  utmoil  infolence  and 
cruelty.     By  their  tyranny  and  exactions,  which 
Pedrarias,    either  from  want  of  authority  or  of 
inclination,    did    not    reftrain,    all  the    country 
from  the  gulf  of  Darien  to  the  lake  of  Nicaragua 
was  defolated,  and  the   Spaniards  were  incon- 

1  Herrera,  dec.  i.  lib.x.  c.  14.     P.  Martyr,  dec.  p.  272. 

fiderately 


I514O  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  23I 

fiderately  deprived  of  the  advantages  which  they 
might  have  derived  from  the  friendfhip  of  the 
natives,  in  extending  their  conquefls  to  the 
South  Sea.  Balboa,  who  faw  with  concern  that 
fuch  ill-judged  proceedings  retarded  the  execu- 
tion of  his  favourite  {cheme,  fent  violent  remon- 
fcrances  to  Spain  againfl  the  imprudent  govern- 
ment of  Pedrarias,  which  had  ruined  a  happy 
and  flourifhing  .colony.  Pedrarias,  on  the  other 
hand,  accufed  him  of  having  deceived  the  king, 
by  magnifying  his  own  exploits,  as  well  as  by 
a  falfe  reprefentation  of  the  opulence  and  value 
of  the  country  m. 

Ferdinand  became  fenfible  at  length  of  his 
imprudence  in  fuperfeding  the  moft  active  and 
experienced  officer  he  had  in  the  New  World, 
and,  by  way  of  compenfation  to  Balboa,  ap- 
pointed him  adelantado,  or  lieutenant-governor 
of  the  countries  upon  the  South  Sea,  with  very 
extenfive  privileges  and  authority.  At  the  fame 
time  he  enjoined  Pedrarias  to  fupport  Balboa  in 
all  his  operations,  and  to  confnlt  with  him  con- 
cerning every  meafure  which  he  himfelf  purfued. 
[15 15]  But  to  effect  fuch  a  fudden  tranlition 
from  inveterate  enmity  to  perfect  confidence, 
exceeded  Ferdinand's  power.  Pedrarias  con- 
tinued to  treat  his  rival  with  neglect ;  and  Bal- 
boa's fortune  being  exhaufted  by  the  payment  of 
his  fine,  and  other  exactions  of  Pedrarias,  he 
could  not  make  fuitable  preparations  for  taking 
pofleflion  of  his  new  government.  At  lengthy 
by  the  interpolation  and  exhortations  of  the  bifhop 

m  Kerrera,  dec.  I.  lib.  x.  c.  15.  dec.  2.  c.  1,  &c. 
Comara,  c.  66.  P.  Martyr,  dec.  3.  c.  10.  Kelacion  «c 
£.  .de  las  Cafas,  p.  12. 


2$Z  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  III. 

of  Darien,  they  were  brought  to  a  reconciliation; 
and,  in  order  to  cement  this  union  more  firmly, 
Pedrarias  agreed  to  give  his  daughter  in  marriage 
to  Balboa.  [15 16]  The  firft  effed  of  their 
concord  was,  that  Balboa  was  permitted  to  make 
feveral  fmall  incurfions  into  the  country.  Thefe 
he  conducted  with  fuch  prudence,  as  added  to  the 
reputation  which  he  had  already  acquired. 
Many  adventurers  reforted  to  him,  and,  with  the 
countenance  and  aid  of  Pedrarias,  he  began  to 
prepare  for  his  expedition  to  the  South  Sea. 
In  order  to  accomplifh  this,  it  was  necefTary  to 
build  vefTels  capable  of  conveying  his  troops  to 
thofe  provinces  which  he  purpofed  to  invade. 
[15 1 7]  After  furmounting  many  obftacles,  and 
enduring  a  variety  of  thofe  hardmips  which 
were  the  portion  of  the  conquerors  of  America, 
he  at  length  flnifhed  four  fmali  brigantines.  In 
thefe,  with  three  hundred  chofen  men,  a  force 
fuperior  to  that  with  which  Pizarro  afterwards 
undertook  the  fame  expedition,  he  was  ready  to 
fail  towards  Peru,  when  he  received  an  unex- 
pected meflage  from  Pedrarias  n.  As  his  recon- 
ciliation with  Balboa  had  never  been  cordial,  the 
progrefs  which  his  fon-in-law  was  making  revived 
his  ancient  enmity,  and  added  to  its  rancour. 
He  dreaded  the  profperity  and  elevation  of  a 
man  whom  he  had  injured  fo  deeply,  He  ful- 
pe&ed  that  fuccefs  would  encourage  him  to  aim 
at  independence  upon  his  jurifdi6tion  ;  and  fo 
violently  did  the  paflions  of  hatred,  fear,  and 
jealoufy  operate  upon  his  mind,  that,  in  order  to 
gratify  his  vengeance,  he  fcrupled  not  to  defeat 
an  enterprife  of  the  greateft  moment  to  his 
_w  Herrera,  dec.  2.  lib.  i.  c.  3.  Jib.  ii.  c.  11.  13.  21. 

country. 


I517*3  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA*  233 

country.     Under  pretexts  which  were  falfe,  but 
plaufible,  he  defired  Balboa  to  poflpone  his  voyage 
for  a  fhort  time,  and  to  repair  to  Acla,  in  order 
that    he   might   have    an    interview   with   him. 
Balboa,  with  the  unfufpicious  confidence  of  a 
man  confcious  of  no  crime,  inftantly  obeyed  the 
fummons  ;    but  as  foon  as  he  entered  the  place, 
he  was  arretted  by  order  of  Pedrarias,  whole  im- 
patience to  fatiate  his  revenge  did  not  fuffer  him 
to  languifh  long  in  confinement.     Judges  were 
immediately  appointed  to  proceed  to   his  trial. 
An  accufation  of  dilloyalty  to  the  king,  and  of 
an  intention  to  revolt  againil  the  governor,  was 
preferred  againft  him.     Sentence  of  death  was 
pronounced  ;  and  though  the  judges  who  paffed 
it,  feconded  by  the  whole   colony,    interceded 
warmly  for  his  pardon,    Pedrarias  continued  in- 
exorable ;  and  the  Spaniards  beheld,  with  afto- 
nifhment  and  forrow,   the    public  execution  of 
a  man  whom  they  univerfally  deemed  more  ca- 
pable than  any  who   had   borne   command   in 
America,  of  forming   and  accomplifhing  great 
defigns  °.    Upon  his  death,  the  expedition  which 
he  had  planned  was  relinquished.    Pedrarias,  not- 
withftanding  the  violence  and  injuftice  of  his  pro- 
ceedings, was  not  only  fcreened  from  punifhment 
by  the  powerful   patronage  of    the    bifliop  of 
Burgos  and  other   courtiers,  but  continued  in 
power.     Soon  after,    he  obtained  permiflion  to 
remove  the  colony  from  its  unwholefome  flation 
of  Santa  Maria  to  Panama,  on  the  oppofite  fide 
of  the   ifthmus  ;    and   though  it  did   not  gain 
much  in  point  of  healthfulnefs  by  the  change, 
the  commodious  fituation   of    this  new   fettle* 

tt  Herrera,  dec.  2,  lib.  ii.  c.  21,  22. 

ment 


234  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B. in, 

inent  contributed  greatly  to  facilitate  the  fubfe- 
quent  conquefts  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  ex- 
tenfive  countries  iituated  upon  the  Southern 
Ocean  P. 

During  thefe  tranfa&ions  in  Darien   ["15 15], 
the  hiftory  of  which  it  was  proper  to  carry  on  ia 
an  uninterrupted  tenour,  feveral  important  events 
occurred  with  refpect  to  the  difcovery,  "the  con- 
quell,  and  government,  of  other  provinces  in  the 
New  World.      Ferdinand    was   fo  intent   upon 
opening  a  communication  with  the  Molucca  or 
Spice  Iflands  by  the  welt,  that,  in  the  year  one 
thoufand  five  hundred  and  fifteen,  he  fitted  out 
two  (hips  at  his  own  expence,   in  order  to  at- 
tempt fuch  a  voyage,  and   gave  the  command 
of  them   to   £ian   Diaz  de    Solis*    who    was 
deemed   one  of  the  mod   ikilful  navigators   ia 
Spain.      He  Hood   along   the  coail  of    South 
America,  and  on  the  firft  of  January  one  thou- 
fand dwe  hundred  and  fixteen,    entered  a  river 
which  he     called  Janeiro,    where  an    extenfivc 
commerce  is  now  carried  on.-     From  thence  he 
proceeded  to  a  fpacious  bay,  which  he  fuppofed 
to  be  the  entrance  into  a  ftrait  that  communi- 
cated with  the  Indian  Ocean  ;  but  upon  advan- 
cing farther,  he  found  it  to  be    the  mouth  of 
Rio  de  Plata,  one  of  the  vail  rivers  by  which 
the  fouthern  continent  of  America  is  watered* 
In  endeavouring    to    make    a   defeent   in    this 
country,  De  Solis  and  feveral  of  his  crew  were 
ilain  by  the  natives,  who,  in  fight  of  the  mips, 
cut  their  bodies  in  pieces,  roafted  and  devoured 
them.     Difcouraged  with  the  lofs  of  their  com- 
mander, and  terrified  at  this  (hocking  fpectacle,  the 

p  Jierrera,  dec.  2.  lib.  iv.  c.  u 

fur* 


I5X7*]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  2J^ 

furviving  Spaniards  fet  fail  for  Europe,  without 
aiming  at  any  farther  difcovery  *.  Though  this 
attempt  proved  abortive,,  it  was  not  without  be- 
nefit. It  turned  the  attention  of  ingenious  men1 
to  this  courfe  of  navigation,  and  prepared  the 
way  for  a  more  fortunate  voyage*  by  which,  a 
few  years  pofterior  to  this  period,  the  great  de- 
fign  that  Ferdinand  had  m  view  was  accom- 
plifhed. 

Though  the  Spaniards  were  thus  actively  em- 
ployed in  extending  their  difcoveries  and  fettle- 
ments  in  America,  they  ftill  confidered  Hifpa- 
niola  as  their  principal  colony,  and  the  feat  of 
government,      Don    Diego    Columbus   wanted 
neither  inclination  nor  abilities  to  have  rendered 
the  members  of  this  colony,  who  were  moft  im- 
mediately under  his  jurifdiction,  profperous  and 
happy.      But  he  was  circumfcribed  in  all  his 
operations  by  the  fufpicious  policy  of  Ferdinand, 
who  on  every  occalion,  and  under  pretexts  the 
moft  frivolous,  retrenched  his  privileges,  and  en- 
couraged the  treafurer,  the  judges,   and  other 
fubordinate  officers,  to  counteradl  his  meafures, 
and  to  difpute  hrs  authority.     The  moft  valuable 
prerogative  which  the  governor  pofTefTed,  was 
that  of  diftributing  Indians  among  the  Spaniards 
fettled    in  the  Hland.      The  rigorous  fervitude 
of  t ho fe  unhappy  men  having  been  but  little  miti- 
gated by  all  the  regulations  in  their  favour,  the 
power  of  parcelling  out  fuch  neceflary  inftru- 
ments  of  labour  at  pleafure,  fecured  to  the  go- 
vernor great  influence  in  the  colony.     In  order 
to  ftrip  him  of  this,  Ferdinand  created  a  new 
office,  with  the  power  of  diftributing  the  In- 

*  Herrera,  dec.  2.  lib.  i.  C  7.    P.  Martyr,  decad.  p.  317. 

vol.  i.  a  A  dians*. 


236  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  III. 

dians,    and   beftowed   it  upon    Rodrigo  Albu- 
querque, a  relation  of  Zapata,  his  confidential.  , 
minifier.     Mortified  with  the  injuftice,  as  well  • 
as  indignity,  of  this  invafion  upon  his  rights,  in 
a  point  fo  eflential,  Don  Diego  could  no  longer 
remain  in  a  place  where  his  power  and  confe-  ■■{ 
quence  were  almofl  annihilated.      He  repaired 
to  Spain  with  the  vain  hopes  of  obtaining  re- 
drefs r.     Albuquerque    entered  upon    his    office  ' 
with  all  the  rapacity  of  an  indigent  adventurer, 
impatient   to  amafs  wealth.      He   began    with 
taking  the  exacl:  number  of  Indians  in  the  ifland, 
and  found,  that  from  fixty  thoufand,  who,  in 
the  year  one  thoufand  five  hundred  and  eight, 
furvived  after  all  their  fufFerings,  they  were  now 
reduced  to  fourteen  thoufand.     Thefe  he  threw 
into  feparate  diviiions  or  lots,  and  beftowed  them  - 
upon  fuch  as  were  willing  to  purchafe  them  at 
the  higheft  price.     By  this  arbitrary  diftribution 
feveral  of  the  natives  were  removed  from  their 
original  habitations,  many  were  taken  from  their 
ancient  mailers,    and  all  of  them  fubjefted  to 
heavier  burdens,  and  to  more  intolerable  labour, 
in    order    to  reimburfe    their   new  proprietors.  \ 
Thofe    additional     calamities     completed    the 
mifery,  and  haftened  on  the  extinction  of  this 
wretched  and  innocent  race  of  men  s. 

The  violence  of  thefe  proceedings,  together 
with  the  fatal  confequences  which  attended 
them,  not  only  excited  complaints  among  fuch 
as  thought  themfelves  aggrieved,  but  touched 
the  hearts  of  all  who  retained  any  fentiments  of 
humanity.      From   the    time   that   ecclefiaftics 

r  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  ix.  e.  5.  lib.  x.  c.  12. 
*  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  x.  c.  12. 

2  were 

.  * 


I517.]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  237 

were  fent  as  inftru£tors  into  America,  they  per- 
ceived that  the  rigour  with  which  their  country- 
men treated  the  natives,  rendered  their  miniftry 
altogether  fruitlefs.  The  miflionaries,  in  con- 
formity to  the  mild  fpirit  of  that  religion  which 
they  were  employed  to  publifh,  early  remon- 
ftrated  again  it  the  maxims  of  the  planters  with 
refpect  to  the  Americans,  and  condemned  the 
repartlmienfoS)  or  di/lributionr,  by  which  they 
were  given  up  as  flaves  to  their  conquerors,  as 
no  lefs  contrary  to  natural  juftice  and  the  pre- 
cepts of  Chriftianity,  than  to  found  policy. 
The  Dominicans,  to  whom  the  inflru&ion  of 
the  Americans  was  originally  committed,  were 
moil  vehement  in  teftifying  againft  the  repartu 
mientos.  In  the  year  one  thoufand  live  hundred 
and  eleven,  Montefino,  one  of  their  moft  emi-» 
nent  preachers,  inveighed  againft  this  practice 
in  the  great  church  at  St.  Domingo,  with  all 
the  impetuofity  of  popular  eloquence.  Don 
Diego  Columbus,  the  principal  officers  of  the 
colony,  and  all  the  laymen  who  had  been  his 
hearers,  complained  of  the  monk  to  his  fupe- 
riors ;  but  they,  inftead  of  condemning,  ap- 
plauded his  docVine,  as  equally  pious  and  fea* 
ibnable.  The  Francifcans,  influenced  by  the 
fpirit  of  oppofition  and  rivalihip  which  fubfifts 
between  the  two  orders,  difcovered  fome  incli- 
nation to  take  part  with  the  laity,  and  to  ef- 
poufe  the  defence  of  the  repartimientos.  But  as 
they  could  not  with  decency  give  their  avowed 
approbation  to  a  fyftem  of  oppreflion,  fo  repug- 
nant to  the  fpirit  of  religion,  they  endeavoured 
to  palliate  what  they  could  not  juftify,  and  al- 
leged, in  excufe  for  the  conduct  of  their  coun- 
A  a  z  trymen, 


frjS  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  III. 

try  men,  that  it  was  impofiible  to  carry  on  any 
improvement  in  the  colony,  unlefs  the  Spaniards 
pofFefTed  fuch  dominion  over  the  natives,  that 
they  could  compel  them  to  labour c. 

The  Dominicans,  regardlefs  of  fuch  political 
and  interefted  confederations,  would  not  relax 
in  any  degree  the  rigour  of  their  fentiments, 
and  even  refufed  to  abfolve,  or  admit  to  the 
facrament,  fucn  °f  their  countrymen  as  continued 
to  hold  the  natives  in  fervitude  u.  Both  parties 
applied  to  the  king  for  his  decifion  in  a  matter 
of  fuch  importance.  Ferdinand  empowered  3 
committee  of  his  privy-council,  affiiled  by  fome 
of  the  mod  eminent  civilians  and  divines  in 
Spain,  to  hear  the  deputies  fent  from  Hifpaniola 
in  fupport  of  their  refpe&ive  opinions.  After 
a  long  difcufiion,  the  fpeculative  point  in  con- 
troverfy  was  determined  in  favour  of  the  Do- 
minicans, the  Indians  were  declared  to  be  a  free 
people,  entitled  to  all  the  natural  rights  of  men  ; 
but,  notwithftanding  this  decifion,  the  reparti- 
mientos  were  continued  upon  their  ancient  foot- 
ing x.  As  this  determination  admitted  the  prin- 
ciple upon  which  the  Dominicans  founded  their 
ppinion,  they  renewed  their  efforts  to  obtain 
relief  for  the  Indians  with  additional  boldnefs 
and  zeal.  At  length,  in  order  to  quiet  the 
polony,  which  was  alarmed  by  their  remonftrances 
and  cenfures,  Ferdinand  iflued  a  decree  of  his 
privy  council  [15 13],  declaring,  that  after  mature 
confideration  of  the  apoftolic  bull,  and  other 
titles  by  which  the   crown  of  Callile  claimed 

t  Herrera,  dec.  I.  lib.  viii.  c.  11.  Oviedo,  lib.  ill-  c.  6. 
p.  97.  u  Oviedo,  lib.  iii.  c.  6.  p.  97. 

*  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  viii.  c.  12.  lib,  ijc.  c.  5. 

a  right 


1517-]         history  of  America.  239 

a  right  to  its  poflefllons  in  the  New  World, 
the  fervitude  of  the  Indians  was  warranted 
both  by  the  laws  of  God  and  of  man  ;  that 
unlefs  they  were  fubje&ed  to  the  dominion  of 
the  Spaniards,  and  eompelled  to  refide  under 
their  infpe&ion,  it  would  be  impofiible  to  re- 
claim them  from  idolatry,  or  to  inftrudl  them  in 
the  principles  of  the  Chriftian  faith ;  that  no 
farther  fcruple  ought  to  be  entertained  concern- 
ing the  lawfulnefs  of  the  repariimientos,  as  the 
king  and  council  were  willing  to  take  the  charge 
of  that  upon  their  own  confciences ;  and  that 
therefore  the  Dominicans,  and  monks  of  other 
religious  orders,  mould  abftain,  for  the  future, 
from  thofe  invectives,  which,  from  an  excefs  of 
charitable  but  ill-informed  zeal,  they  had  uttered 
againfl  that  practice  y. 

That  his  intention  of  adhering  to  this  decree 
might  be  fully  underftood,  Ferdinand  conferred 
new  grants  of  Indians  upon  feveral  of  his  cour- 
tiers*. But  in  order  that  he  might  not  feem 
altogether  inattentive  to  the  rights  of  humanity, 
he  publifhed  an  edicTt,  in  which  he  endeavoured 
to  provide  for  the  mild  treatment  of  the  Indians 
under  the  yoke  to  which  he  fubjected  them  ; 
he  regulated  the  nature  of  the  work  which  they 
Ihould  be  required  to  perform,  he  prefcribed 
the  mode  in  which  they  mould  be  clothed  and 
fed,  and  gave  directions  with  refpeel:  to  their  in- 
ftrudlion  in  the  principles  of  Chriftianity a. 

But  the  Dominicans,  who,  from  their  experi- 
ence of  what  was  part,  judged  concerning  the 
future,    foon  perceived  the  inefficacy  of  thofe 

y  Herrera,  dec.  i.  lib.  ix.   c.  14.        *  See  No? e  XXV. 
*  Herrera,  dec.  2.  lib*  ix.  c.  14. 

A  A  3  pro- 


%<\S  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  Ill* 

provifions,  and  foretold,  that  as  long  as  it  was 
the  intereft  of  individuals  to  treat  the  Indians 
with  rigour,  no  public  regulations  could  render 
their  fervitude  mild  or  tolerable.  They  confidered 
it  as  vain  to  watte  their  own  time  and  ftrength 
in  attempting  to  communicate  the  fublime  truths 
of  religion  to  men,  whofe  fpirits  were  broken, 
and  their  faculties  impaired  by  opprefiion.  Some 
of  them,  in  defpair,  requefted  the  permiflion  of 
their  fuperiors  to  remove  to  the  continent,  and 
to  purfue  the  object  of  their  million  among  fuch 
of  the  natives  as  were  not  hitherto  corrupted  by 
the  example  of  the  Spaniards,  or  alienated  by 
their  cruelty  from  the  Chriflian  faith.  Such  as 
remained  in  Hifpaniola  continued  to  remonftrate, 
with  decent  firmnefs,  againlt  the  fervitude  of  the 
Jndians  b. 

The  violent  operations  of  Albuquerque,  the 
new  diftributor  of  Indians,  revived  the  zeal  of 
the  Dominicans  agairift  the  repartlmientost  and 
called  forth  an  advocate  for  that  oppreffed 
people,  who  pofreffed  all  the  courage,  the 
talents,  and  activity  requifite  in  fupporting 
fuch  a  defperate  caufe.  This  was  Bartholomew 
de  las  Cafas,  a  native  of  Seville,  and  one  of  the 
clergymen  fent  out  with  Columbus  in  his  fecond 
voyage  to  Hifpaniola,  in  order  to  fettle  in  that 
ifland.  He  early  adopted  the  opinion  prevalent 
among  ecclefiaftics,  with  refpect  to  the  unlaw- 
fulnefs  of  reducing  the  natives  to  fervitude ;  and 
that  he  might  demonftrate  the  fincerity  of  his 
conviction,  he  relinquished  all  the  Indians  who 
had  fallen  to  his  own  fhare  in  the  divilion  of  the 

£  Hen-era,  dec.  i.  lib.  ix.  c.  14.  Touroru  Hift.  Gener. 
«&  TAmerique,  torn,  u  p.  253, 

inha? 


I5I70  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  24I 

inhabitants  among  their  conquerors,  declaring 
that  he  mould  ever  bewail  his  own  misfortune 
amd  guilt,  in  having  exercifed  for  a  moment 
this  impious  dominion  over  his  fellow-creatures  c. 
From  that  time,  he  became  the  avowed  patron 
of  the  Indians  ;  and  by  his  bold  interpofitions  in 
their  behalf,  as  well  as  by  the  refpedfc  due  to  his 
abilities  and  character,  he  had  often  the  merit 
of  fetting  fome  bounds  to  the  excefles  of  his 
countrymen,  He  did  not  fail  to  remonllrate 
warmly  againft  the  proceedings  of  Albuquerque, 
and,  though  he  foon  found  that  attention  to  his 
own  intereft  rendered  this  rapacious  officer  deaf  to 
admonition,  he  did  not  abandon  the  wretched 
people  whofe  caufe  he  had  efpoufed.  He  in- 
ftantly  fet  out  for  Spain,  with  the  moil  fan- 
guine  hopes  of  opening  the  eyes  and  foftening 
the  heart  of  Ferdinand,  by  that  ftriking  picture 
of  the  oppreflion  of  his  new  fubjects,  which  he 
would  exhibit  to  his  view  d. 

15 1 6.]  He  eafily  obtained  admittance  to  the 
king,  whom  he  found  in  a  declining  Hate  of 
health.  With  much  freedom,  and  no  lefs  elo- 
quence, he  reprefented  to  him  all  the  fatal  ef* 
fects  of  the  repartimientos  in  the  New  World, 
boldly  charging  him  with  the  guilt  of  having 
authorised  this  impious  meafure,  which  had 
brought  mifery  and  deftrudtion  upon  a  numerous 
and  innocent  race  of  men,  whom  Providence  had 
placed  under  his  protection.     Ferdinand,  whofe 

c  Fr.  Aug.  Davila  Padilla  Hift;  de  la  Fundacion  de  la 
Provincia  de  St.  Jago  de  Mexico,  p.  303,  304.  Herrera, 
dec.  1.  lib.  x.  c.  12.  d  Herrera,  dec.  1*  lib.  *.  c.  12. 

Dec.  2.  lib.  i.  c.  Il«  Davila  Padilla  Htf*.  p.  304. 

mind 


2^2  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  Ill, 

■mind  as  well  as  body  was  much  enfeebled  by  his 
diftemper,  was  greatly  alarmed  at  this  charge  of 
impiety,  which  at  another  juncture  he  would 
have  defpifed.  He  liftened  with  deep  compunc-  , 
tion  to  the  difcourfe  of  Las  Cafas,  and  promifed 
to  take  into  ferious  confideration  the  means  of 
redrefling  the  evil  of  which  he  complained. 
But  death  prevented  him  from  executing  his 
refolution.  Charles  of  Auftria,  to  whom  all  his 
crowns  devolved,  refided  at  that  time  in  his 
paternal  dominions  in  the  Low-Countries.  Las 
Cafas,  with  his  ufual  ardour,  prepared  immedi- 
ately to  fet  out  for  Flanders,  in  order  to  occupy 
the  ear  of  the  young  monarch,  when  cardinal 
Ximenes,  who,  as  regent,  afiumed  the  reins  of 
government  in  Caflile,  commanded  him  to  defift 
from  the  journey,  and  engaged  to  hear  his  com-, 
plaints  in  perfon. 

He  accordingly  weighed  the  matter  with  at- 
tention equal  to  its  importance  $  and  as  his  im- 
petuous mind  delighted  in  fchemes  bold  and  un- 
common, he  foon  fixed  upon  a,  plan  which  alto- 
m'fhcd  the  miniilers,  trained  up  under  the  formal 
and  cautious  adminiftration  of  Ferdinand.  With- 
out regarding  either  the  rights  of  Don  Diego 
Columbus,  or  the  regulations  eilabliflied  by  the 
late  king,  he  refolved  to  fend  three  perfons  to 
America  as  iuperintendants  of  all  the  colonies 
there,  with  authority,  after  examining  all  circum- 
ilances  on  the  fpot,  to  decide  finally  with  refpe& 
to  the  point  in  queftion.  It  was  a  matter  of 
deliberation  and  delicacy  to  choofe  men  qualified 
for  fuch  an  important  ftation.  As  all  the  laymen 
fettled  in  America,  or  who  had  been  confulted  in 
the  adminiflration  of  that  department^  had  given 

their 


I5I7'D  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.   -  243 

their  opinion  that  the  Spaniards  could  not  keep 
poffeflion  of  their  new  fettlements,   unlefs  they 
were  allowed  to  retain  their  dominion  over  the 
Indians,  he  faw  that  he  could  not  rely  on  their 
impartiality,  and  determined  to  commit  the  trull 
to  ecclefiallics.     As  the  Dominicans  and  Fran- 
cifcans  had  already  efpoufed  oppofite  fides  in  the 
controverfy,  he,  from  the  fame  principle  of  impar- 
tiality,  excluded  both  thefe  fraternities  from  the 
commiflion.      He   confined   iiis   choice   to  the 
monks  of  St.  Jerome,  a  fmall,  but   xefpe&able 
order  in  Spain.     With   the   afiiilance  of  their 
general,  and  in  concert  with  Las  Cafas,  he  foon 
pitched  upon   three  perfons  whom   he  deemed 
equal  to  the  charge.     To  them  he  joined  Zuazo, 
a  private  lawyer  of  diftinguifhed  probity,  with 
unbounded  power  to  regulate  all  judicial  pro- 
ceedings in  the  colonies.      Las  Cafas  was  ap- 
pointed to  accompany  them,  with  the  title  of 
protector  of  the  Indians  e. 

To  veil  fuch  extraordinary  powers,  as  might 
at  once  overturn  the  fyilem  of  government  eita- 
bliftied  in  the  New  World,  in  four  perfons,  who, 
from  their  humble  condition  in  life,  were  little 
entitled  to  poflefs  this  high  authority,  ap- 
peared to  Zapata,  and  other  miniilers  of  the 
late  king,  a  meafure  fo  wild  and  dangerous,  that 
they  refufed  to  iflue  the  difpatches  neceffary  for 
carrying  it  into  execution.  But  Ximenes  was 
not  of  a  temper  patiently  to  brook  oppofition  to 
any  of  his  fchemes.  He  fent  for  the  refractory 
miniilers,  and  addreifed  them  in  fuch  a  tone, 
that  in  the  utmoil  conilernation  they  obeyed  his 
orders  f.     The  fuperintendants,  with  their  aifo- 

5  Herrera,  dec.  2.  lib.  ii.  c.  3.  f  Id.  ibid.  c.  6. 

ciate 


244  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  lit. 

elate  Zuazo,  and  Las  Cafas,  failed  for  St.  Do- 
mingo.    Upon  their  arrival,  the  firil  act  of  their 
authority  was  to  fet  at  liberty  all  tlie  Indians 
who  had  been  granted  to  the  Spaniih  courtiers, 
or  to  any  perfon  not  refiding  in  America.  This, 
together  with  the  information  which  had  been 
received  from  Spain  concerning  the  object  of  the 
commifiion,  fpread  a  general  alarm.     The  colo- 
nifts  concluded  that  they  were  to  be  deprived  at 
once  of  the  hands  with  which  they  carried  on 
their  labour,  and  that,  of  confequence,  ruin  was 
unavoidable.     But  the  fathers  of  St.  Jerome  pro* 
ceeded  with  fuch  caution  and  prudence,  as  foon 
diffipated  all   their  fears.     They  difcovered,  in 
every  ftep  of  their  conduct,  a  knowledge  of  the 
world,  and  of  affairs,  which  is  feldom  acquired 
in  a  cloifter  ;  and  difplayed  a  moderation  as  well 
as  gentlenefs  flill  more  rare  among  perfons  trained 
up  in  the  folitude  and  auflerity  of  a  monaftiq 
life.     Their  ears  were  open  to  information  from 
every  quarter,  they  compared  the  different  ao* 
counts  which  they  received,  and,  after  a  mature 
confideraticn  of  the    whole,    they  were    fully 
fatisfied  thatthe  Hate  of  the  colony  rendered  it 
impoflible  to  adopt   the  plan  propofed  by  Las 
Cafas,  and  recommended  by  the  cardinal.  They 
plainly  perceived  that  the  Spaniards  fettled  m 
America  were  fo  few  in  number,  that  they  could 
neither  work  the  mines  which  had  been  opened, 
nor  cultivate  the  country  ;  that  they  depended  for 
effecting  both,  upon  the  labour  of  the  natives, 
and  if  deprived  of  it,   they  mull  inftantly  relin- 
quifh  their  conquefls,  or  give  up  all  the  advantages 
which  they  derived  from  them  ;   that  no  allure- 
ment wati  fo  powerful  as  to  furmount  the  natura 

averiion 


I517.]  HISTORY   OF    AMERICA.  245 

averfion  of  the  Indians  to  any  laborious  effort, 
and  that  nothing  but  the  authority  of  a  matter 
could  compel  them  to  work ;  and  if  they  were 
not  kept  conftantly  under  the  eye  and  difcipline 
of  a  fuperior,  fo  great  was  their  natural  liftlefT- 
nefs  and  indifference,  that  they  would  neither 
attend  to  religious  inftru&ion,  nor  obferve  thofe 
rites  of  Chriftianity  which  they  had  been  already 
taught.  Upon  all  thofe  accounts,  the  fuper- 
intendants found  it  neceflary  to  tolerate  the  re- 
partirmmtosy  and  to  fuffer  the  Indians  to  remain 
under  fubje&ion  to  their  Spanifh  mailers.  They 
ufed  their  utmoft  endeavours,  however,  to  pre- 
vent the  fatal  effe&s  of  this  eftablifhment,  and  to 
fecure  to  the  Indians  the  confolation  of  the  beft 
treatment  compatible  with  a  flate  of  fervitude. 
For  this  purpofe.  they  revived  former  regulations, 
they  prefcribed  new  ones,  they  neglected  no  cir- 
cumttance  that  tended  to  mitigate  the  rigour  of 
the  yoke  ;  and  by  their  authority,  their  exam- 
pie,  and  their  exhortations,  they  laboured  to 
infpire  their  countrymen  with  fentimentsof  equity 
and  geutlenefs  towards  the  unhappy  people  upon 
whofe  induftry  they  depended.  Zuazo,  in  his 
department,  feeonded  the  endeavours  of  the 
fuperintendants.  He  reformed  the  courts  of 
juitice,  in  fuch  a  manner  as  to  render  their  de- 
cifions  equitable  as  well  as  expeditious,  and  in- 
troduced  various  regulations  which  greatly  im- 
proved the  interior  police  of  the  colony.  The 
fatisfa&ion  which  his  conduct,  and  that  of  the 
fuperintendants  gave,  was  now  univerfal  among 
the  Spaniards  fettled  in  the  New  World,  and  all 
admired  the  boldnefs  of  Ximenes,  in  having  de- 
parted from  the  ordinary  path   of   bufinefs^  in 

forming 


246  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  III. 

forming  his  plany  as  well  as  his  fagacity,  in 
pitching  upon  perfons,  whofe  wifdom,  mode- 
ration, and  difmtereilednefs  rendered  them  wor- 
thy of  this  high  truil  9. 

Las  Cafas  alone  was  diffatisfied.  The  pru- 
dential confiderations  which  influenced  the  fuper^ 
intendants,  made  no  impreflion  upon  him.  He 
regarded  their  idea  of  accommodating  their  con- 
duel:  to  the  ftate  of  the  colony,  as  the  maxim  of 
an  unhallowed  timid  policy,  which  tolerated  what 
was  unjuft,  becaufe  it  was  beneficial.  He  con- 
tended, that  the  Indians  were  by  nature  free, 
and,  as  their  prote&or,  he  required  the  fuper- 
intendants  not  to  bereave  them  of  the  eommon 
privilege  of  humanity.  They  received  his  moll 
virulent  remonftrances  without  emotion,  but  ad- 
hered firmly  to  their  own  fyflem.  The  Spanifh 
planters  did  not  bear  with  him  fo  patiently,  and 
were  ready  to  tear  him  in  pieces  for  infilling  in 
a  requifition  fo  odious  to  them.  Las  Cafas,  in 
order  to  fcreen  himfelf  from  their  rage,  found  it 
neceflary  to  take  fhelter  in  a  convent ;  and  per- 
ceiving that  all  his  efforts  in  America  were 
fruitlefs,  he.  foon  fet  out  for  Europe,  with  a 
fixed  refolution  not  to  abandon  the  protection 
of  a  people  whom  he  deemed  to  be  cruelly 
opprefled  h. 

Had  Ximenes  retained  that  vigour  of  mind 
with  which  he  ufually  applied  to  bufinefsy  Las 
Cafas  mull  have  met  with  no  very  gracious  recep- 
tion upon  his  return  to  Spain.  But  he  found 
the  cardinal  languifhing  under  a  mortal  diflem- 
per,  and  preparing  to  refign  his  authority  to  the 

«  Herrera,  dec.  2.  lib,  ii.  c.  15.  Remefal  Hift.  Gener» 
lib.  ii.  c.  14,  15, 16.  ft  Herrera,  dec.  2.  lib.  ii.  c. ■  i_6» 

young 


*5!7«]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  2tf 

young  king,   who  was  daily  expeded  from  the 
Low-Countries.    Charles  arrived,  took  poffeffion 
!  of  the  government,  and,  by  the  death  of  Xime- 
nes,  loll  a  minifter,  whofe  abilities  and  integrity 
entitled  him  to  dired  his  affairs.     Many  of  the 
Flemifh  nobility  had  accompanied  their  fbvereiga 
to  Spain.     From  that  warm  prediledion  to  his 
countrymen,  which  was  natural  at  his  age,  he 
confulted  them  with  iefped  to  all  the  tranfao 
tions  in  his  new  kingdom,  and  they,  with  an 
indifcreet    eagernefs,    intruded   themfelves  into 
every  bufinefs,  and  feized   almoft  every  depart- 
ment   of   adminiftration  *.      The    diredipn    of 
American  affairs  was  an  objed  too  alluring  to 
efcape  their  attention.     Las  Cafas  obferved  their 
growing  influence,  and   though   projectors  are 
ufuallytoo  fanguine  to   condud  their  fchemes 
with  much  dexterity,  he  poffeffed  a  buttling  in- 
defatigable  activity,  which  fometimes  accomplices 
its  purpofes  with  greater  fuccefs,  than  the  moil 
exquifite  difcernment  and  addrefs.     He  courted 
the  Flemifh  minifters  with  afTiduity.     He  repre- 
fented  to  them  the  abfurdity  of  all  the  maxims 
hitherto  adopted  with  refped  to  the  government 
of  America,  particularly  during  the  adminiftra- 
tion of  Ferdinand,  and  pointed  out  the  deteds 
of  thofe  arrangements  which  Ximenes  had  intro- 
duced.    The  memory  of  Ferdinand  was  odious 
to  the  Flemings.     The  fuperior  virtue  and  abili- 
ties of  Ximenes  had  long  been  the  objedof  their 
envy.     They  fondly  wiihed  to  have  a  plauiible 
pretext  for  condemning  the  meafures,  both  of  the 
monarch  and  of  the  minifter^  and  of  reflecting 
fome  difcredit  on  their  political  wifdom.     The 
1  Hift.  of  Charles  V.  vol.  U.  p.  50. 
vol.  i.  fc  b  friend* 


248  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  S.  Ilf. 

friends  of  Don  Diego  Columbus,  as  well  as  the 
Spanifh  courtiers,  who  had  been  dhTatisfied  with 
the  cardinal's  administration,  joined  Las  Cafas  in? 
cenfuring  the  fcheme  of  fendingfuperintendants  to 
America.  This  union  of  fo  manyinterefts  andpaf- 
fions  was  irrefiftible  ;  and,  in  confequence  of  it,  the 
fathers  of  St.  Jerome,  together  with  their  aflb- 
ciate  Zuazo,  were  recalled.  Roderigo  de  Figu- 
•eroa,  a  lawyer  of  fome  eminence,  was  appointed 
chief  judge  of  the  ifland,  and  received  inftruc-* 
tions,  in  compliance  with  the  requeft  of  Las 
Cafas,  to  examine  once  more,  with  the  utmoil 
attention,  the  point  of  controverfy  between  him 
and  the  people  of  the  colony,  with  refpeel:  to  the 
treatment  of  the  natives  y  and  m  the  mean 
time  to  do  every  thing  in  his  power  to  alleviate 
their  fufferings,  and  prevent  the  extinction  of 
the  race  *• 

This  was  all  that  the  zeal  of  Las  Cafas  could 
procure,  at  that  juncture,  in  favour  of  the  In- 
dians. The  impoflibilky  of  carrying  on  any 
improvement  in  America,  unlefs  the  Spanifh 
planters  could  command  the  labour  of  the  na- 
tives, was  an  infuperable  objection  to  his  plan 
of  treating  them  as  free  fubjects.  In  order  to> 
provide  fome  remedy  for  this,  without  which  he 
found  it  was  in  vain  to  mention  his  fcheme,  Las 
Cafas  propofed  to  purchafe  a  fufficient  number 
of  negroes  from  the  Portuguefe  fettlements  oft 
the  coaft  of  Africa,  and  to  tranfport  them  to 
America,  in  order  that  they  might  be  employed 
as  flaves  in  working  the  mines  and  cultivating  the 
ground.  Gne  of  the  firft  advantages  which  the 
Portuguefe  had  derived  from  their  difcoveries 

1  Kerrera,  dec.  2.  lib.  ii.  c.  16.  J$*  3rt«  lib.  iii.  c.7,  8% 
2  in 


I517O  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  24^ 

in  Africa,  arofe  from  the  trade  in  flaves.  Va- 
rious circumftances  concurred  in  reviving  this 
odious  commerce,  which  had  been  long  aboliflied 
in  Europe,  and  which  is  no  lefs  repugnant  to  the 
feelings  of  humanity,  than  to  the  principles  of 
religion.  As  early  as  the  year  one  thoufand  five 
hundred  and  three,  a  few  negro  flaves  had  been 
fent  into  the  New  World  k.  In  the  year  one 
thoufand  five  hundred  and  eleven,  Ferdinand  per- 
mitted the  importation  of  them  in  greater  num- 
bers *.  They  were  found  to  be  a  more  rob u ft 
and  hardy  race  than  the  natives  of  America. 
They  were  more  capable  of  enduring  fatigue, 
more  patient  under  fervitude,  and  the  labour  of 
one  negro  was  computed  to  be  equal  to  that 
of  four  Indians  m.  Cardinal  Ximenes,  however, 
when  folicited  to  encourage  this  commerce,  pe- 
remptorily rejected  the  propoiition,  becaufe  he 
perceived  the  iniquity  of  reducing  one  race  of 
men  to  flavery,  while  he  was  confulting  about 
the  means  of  reftoring  liberty  to  another  n.  But 
Las  Cafas,  from  the  inconfiftency  natural  to  men 
who  hurry  with  headlong  impetuofity  towards  a 
favourite  point,  was  incapable  of  making  this 
diilin&ion.  While  he  contended  earneftly  for 
the  liberty  of  the  people  born  in  one  quarter  of 
the  globe,  he  laboured  to  enflave  ihe  inhabitants 
of  another  region  ;  and  in  the  warmth  of  his 
zeal  to  fave  the  Americans  from  the  yoke,  pro- 
nounced it  to  be  lawful  and  expedient  to  impofe 
one  ftill  heavier  upon  the  Africans.  Unfortu- 
nately for    the  latter,    Las  Cafas's   plan    was 

k  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  V.   c.  12.  *   lb.  lib.  viii   c.  9. 

•*  lb.  lib.  ix.  c.  5.  n  lb.  dec.  2.  lib.  ii.  c.  8. 

b  li  2  adopted. 


%$0  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  B.  III. 

adopted.  Charles  granted  a  patent  to  one  of 
his  Flemifti  favourites,  containing  an  exclufive 
right  of  importing  four  thoufand  negroes  into 
America.  The  favourite  fold  his  patent  to  fome 
Oenoefe  merchants  for  twenty-five  thoufand 
ducats,  and  they  were  the  find  who  brought 
into  a  regular  form  that  commerce  for  flaves 
between  Africa  and  America,  which  has  fmce 
been  carried  on  to  fuch  an  amazing  extent  °. 

15 1 8.]   But  the  Genoefe  merchants,  conduct- 
ing their  operations,  at  firft,  with  the  rapacity  of 
monopolies,   demanded  fuch  an  high  price  for 
negroes,  that  the  number   imported  into   Hif- 
paniola  made  no  great  change  upon  the  ftate  of 
the  colony.     Las  Cafas,  whofe  zeal  was  no  lefs 
inventive  than  indefatigable,  had  recourfe  to  an- 
other expedient  for  the  relief  of  the  Indians.   He 
obferved,  that  mod  of  the  perfons  who  had  fet« 
tied  hitherto  in  America  were  failors  and  foldiers 
employed  in    the  difcovery  or  conqueft  of  the 
country ;    the   younger  fons  of  noble  families, 
allured   by  the    profpecr.  of   acquiring    fudden 
wealth  ;   or  defperate  adventurers,   whom  their 
indigence    or   crimes    forced   to    abandon    their 
native  land.     Inflead  of  fuch  men,    who  were 
diflblute,  rapacious,  and  incapable  of  that  fober 
perfevering  induflry  which  is  requifite  in  form- 
ing new  colonies,  he  propofed  to  fupply  the  fet- 
tlements  in  Hifpaniola  and  other  parts  of  the 
New  World  with  a  fufficient  number  of  labourers 
and  hufbandmen,  who  mould  be  allured  by  fuitable 
premiums  to  remove  thither.     Thefe,  as    they 
were  accuflomed  to  fatigue,  would  be  able  to 
perform  the  work,  to   which  the  Indians,  from 

0  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  ii.  c.  ao. 

the 


I5l7»l  HISTORV    OF    AMERICA.  2$l 

the  feeblenefs  of  their  conftitution,  were  unequal, 
and  might  foon  become  ufeful  and  opulent  citi- 
zens. But  though  Hifpaniola  flood  much  in 
need  of  a  recruit  of  inhabitants,  having  beea 
viiited  at  this  time  with  the  fmall-pox,  which 
fwept  off  almoft  all  the  natives  who  had  fur- 
vived  their  long-continued  oppreflion,  and  though 
Las  Cafas  had  the  countenance  of  the  Flemifh 
minifters,  this  fcheme  was  defeated  by  the  bifhop 
of  Burgos,  who  thwarted  all  his  proje&s  P. 

Las  Cafas  now  defpaired  of   procuring  any 
relief  for  the  Indians  in  thofe  places  where  the 
Spaniards  were  already  fettled.     The  evil  was 
become  fo  inveterate   there,  as  not  to  admit  of 
a  cure.     But  fuch  difcoveries  were  daily  making 
in  the  continent,  as  gave  an  high  idea  both  of 
its  extent  and  populoufnefs.     In  all  thofe  vail 
regions  there  was  but  one  feeble  colony  planted ; 
and  except  a  fmall  fpot  on  the  ifthmus  of  Darien, 
the  natives   Hill  occupied  the   whole   country. 
This  opened  a  new  and  more  ample  field  for  the 
humanity  and  zeal  of  Las  Cafas,  who  flattered 
himfelf  that  he  might  prevent  a  pernicious  fyitem 
from  being   introduced  there,    though  he   had 
failed  of  fuccefs  in  his  attempts  to  overturn  it, 
where   it  was  already  eftablifhed.     Full  of  this 
idea,  he  applied  for  a  grant  of  the  unoccupied 
country,  llretching  along  the  fea-coaft  from  the 
gulf  of  Paria  to  the  weftern  frontier  of  that  pro- 
vince now  known  by  the  name  of  Santa  Martha. 
He  propofed  to  fettle  there  with  a  colony  com- 
pofed  of  hufbandmen,  labourers,  and   ecclefiaf- 
tics.     He  engaged,  in  the  fpace  of  two  years, 
to  civilize  ten  thoufand  of  the  natives,  and  to 

9  Herrcra,  dec.  a.  lib.ii.  c.  *x« 

s  3  3  inftruft 


*$l  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  B.  HI. 

inftrucT;  them  fo  thoroughly  in  the  arts  of  focial 
life,  that,  from  the  fruits  of  their  induflry,   an 
annual  revenue  of  fifteen  thoufand  ducats  fhould 
arife  to  the  king.     In  ten  years  he  expected  that 
his  improvements  would  be  fo  far  advanced,  as  to 
yield  annually  fixty  thoufand  ducats.     He  ftipu- 
lated,  that  no  failor  or  foldier  fhould  ever  be  per- 
mitted to  fettle   in  this  diftridt ;    and   that  no 
Spaniard  whatever  fhould   enter  it  without  his 
permifllon.      He  even  projected  to   clothe  the 
people  whom  he  took  along  with  him  in  fome 
diflinguifhing  garb,  which  did  not  refembje  the 
ISpanifh  drefs,    that  they  might   appear  to  the 
natives  to  be  a  different  race  of  men  from  thofe 
who  had  brought  fo  many  calamities  upon  their 
country  *?.     From  this  fcheme,  of  which  I  have 
traced  only  the  great  lines,  it  is  manifefl  that  Las 
Cafas  had  formed  ideas  concerning  the   method 
of  treating  the  Indians,  fimilar  to  thofe  by  which 
the  Jefuits   afterwards    carried   on    their   great 
operations  in  another  part  of  the  fame  continent. 
He  fuppofed  that  the  Europeans,  by  availing 
themfelves  of  that  afcendant  which  they  poffeffed 
in  confequence  of  their  fuperior  progrefs  in  fci 
cnce  and  improvement,  might  gradually  form  the 
minds  of  the  Americans  to  relifh  thofe  comforts 
of  which  they  were'  deflitute,  might  train  them 
to  the  arts  of  civil  life,  and  render  them  capable 
of  its  functions. 

But  to  the  bifhop  of  Burgos  and  the  council 
of  the  Indies  this  projecl:  appeared  not  only  chi- 
merical, but  dangerous  in  a  high  degree.  They 
deemed  the  faculties  of  the  Americans  to  be 
naturally  fo  limited,   and  their  indolence  fo  ex- 

J  Herrera,  dec.  2.  lib,  iv.  c.  2. 

ceflive-i 


I51?']  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  2$$ 

ceflive,   that  every  attempt  to  inftrud  or  to  im- 
prove them  would  be  fruitlefs.    They  contended, 
that  it  would  be  extremely  imprudent  to  give  the 
command  of  a  country  extending  above  a  thoufand 
miles  along  the  coaft,  to  a  fanciful  prefumptuous. 
enthnfiaft,  a  ftranger  to  the  affairs  of  the  world, 
and  unacquainted  with  the  arts  of  government. 
Las  Cafas,  far  from  being  difcouraged  with  a 
repulfe,  which  he  had  reafon  to  exped,  had  re- 
courfe  once  more  to  the  Flemifh  favourites,  who 
zealoufly  patronized  his  fcheme,  merely  becaufe 
k  had  been  rejected  by  the  Spaniih  minifters. 
They  prevailed  with  their  mailer,  who  had  lately 
been  raifed  to  the  Imperial  dignity,  to  refer  the 
confideration  of  this  meafure  to  a  feleft  number 
of  his  privy-counfellors  ;    and  Las  Cafas  haying 
excepted  againft  the  members  of  the  council  of 
the  Indies,  as  partial  and  interefted,   they  were 
all  excluded.     The  decifion  of  men  chofen  by 
recommendation  of  the  Flemings,   was  perfe&ly 
conformable  to  their  fentiments.  They  warmly 
approved  of  Las  Cafas's  plan  ;    and  gave  orders 
for  carrying  it  into  execution,  but  reftri&ed  the 
territory  allotted  him  to   three   hundred  miles 
along  the  coaft  of  Cumana,   allowing  him,  how- 
ever, to  extend  it  as  far  as  he  pleafed  towards 
the  interior  part  of  the  country r. 

This  determination  did  not  pafs  uncenfured. 
Almoft  every  perfon  who  had  been  in  the  Weft 
Indies  exclaimed  againft  it,  and  fupported  their 
opinion  fo  confidently,  and  with  fuch  plaufible 
reafons,  as  made  it  advifable  to  paufe  and  to 
review  the  fubjed  more  deliberately,     Charles 

r  Gomara  Hift.  Gener.  c.  77.     Herrera,  dec.  2.  lib.  iv. 

c.  3.     Oviedo,  lib.  xix,  c.  5.  . 

hnnlelr, 


254  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  E.  Ill 

himfelf,  though  accuftomed,  at  this  early  period 
of  his  life,  to  adopt  the  fentiments  of  his  mi- 
niilers,  with  fuch  fubmiffive  deference  as  did  not 
promife  that  decifive  vigour  of  mind  which  dif- 
tinguifhed  his  riper  years,  could  not  help  fuf- 
pedting  that  the  eagernefs  with  which  the  Fle- 
mings took  part  in  every  affair  relating  to  Ame- 
rica, flowed  from  fome  improper  motive,  and 
began  to  difcover  an  inclination  to  examine  in 
perfon  into  the  ftate  of  the  queflion  concerning 
the  character  of  the  Americans,  and  the  proper 
manner  of  treating  them.  An  opportunity  of 
making  this  inquiry  with  great  advantage  foon 
occurred  [June  20].  Quevedo,  the  bifhop  of 
Darien,  who  had  accompanied  Pedrarias  to  the 
continent  in  the  year  one  thoufand  five  hundred 
and  thirteen,  happened  to  land  at  Barcelona, 
where  the  court  then  refided.  It  was  quickly 
known,  that  his  fentiments  concerning  the  talents 
and  difpofition  of  the  Indians  differed  from  thofe 
of  Las  Cafas  ;  and  Charles  naturally  concluded 
that  by  confronting  two  refpeftable  perfons,  who, 
daring  their  refidence  in  America,  had  full  leifure 
to  obferve  the  manners  of  the  people  whom  they 
pretended  to  defcribe,  he  might  be  able  to  dif- 
cover which  of  them  had  formed  his  opinion 
with  the  greateft  difcernment  and  accuracy. 

A  day  for  this  folemn  audience  was  appoint- 
ed. The  emperor  appeared  with  extraordinary 
pomp,  and  took  his  feat  on  a  throne  in  the  great 
hall  of  the  palace.  His  principal  courtiers 
attended.  Don  Diego  Columbus,  admiral  of  the 
Indies,  was  fummoned  to  be  prefent.  The  bi- 
fhop of  Darien  was  called  upon  iirfl  to  deliver 
his  opinion.     He,  in  a  ihort  difcourfe,  lamented 

the 


! 


IjI7%]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  1$$ 

the  fatal  defolation  of  America,  by  the  extin&ion 
of  fo  many  of  its  inhabitants  ;  he  acknowledged 
that  this  muft  be  imputed,  in  fome  degree,  to 
the  excefii  ve  rigour  and  inconfiderate  proceedings 
of  the   Spaniards  ;    but  declared,   that  all   the 
people  of  the  New  World,  whom  he  had  feen 
either  in  the  continent  or  in  the  iflands,  appeared 
to  him  to  be  a  race  of  men  marked  out,  by  the 
inferiority  of  their  talents,   for  fervitude,    and 
whom  it  would  be  impoffible  to  inilruft  or  im- 
prove, unlefs  they  were  kept  under  the  continual 
infpection  of  a  matter.     Las  Cafas,  at  greater 
length,  and  with  more  fervour,  defended  his  own 
fyftem.     He  rejefted  with  indignation^  the  idea 
that  any  race  of  men  was  born  to  fervitude,   as 
irreligious  and  inhuman.     He  averted,  that  the 
faculties  of  the  Americans  were  not   naturally 
defpicable,  but  unimproved  ;  that  they  were  ca-r 
pable  of  receiving  inftru&ion  in  the  principles  of 
religion,  as  well  as  of  acquiring  the  induftry  and 
arts  which  would  qualify  them  for  the  various 
offices  of  focial  life  ;  that  the  mildnefs  and  timi- 
dity of  their  nature  rendered  them  fo  fubmifiive 
and  docile,  that  they  might  be  led  and  formed 
with  a  gentle  hand.     He  profefled,  that  his  in- 
tentions in  propofing  the  fcheme  now  under  con- 
fideration    were    pure   and    difinterefted ;     and 
though,  from  the  accomplifhment  of  his  defigns, 
ineftimable  benefits  would  refult  to  the  crowu  of 
Caftile,  he  never  had  claimed,  nor  ever  would 
receive,  any  recompence  on  that  account. 

Charles,  after  hearing  both,  and  confulting 
with  his  minifters,  did  not  think  himfelf  fuffi-. 
ciently  informed  to  eftablifh  any  general  arrange- 
ment with  refped  to  the  ftate  of  the  Indians  ^ 

but 


256  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  III. 

but  as  he  had  perfect  confidence  in  the  integrity 
of  Las  Cafas,  and  as  even  the  bifhop  of  Darien 
admitted  his  fcheme  to  be  of  fuch  importance, 
that  a  trial  fhould  be  made  of  its  effects,  he  iffued 
a  patent  [1520],  granting  him  the  diftrict  in 
Cumana  formerly  mentioned,  with  full  power 
to  eftablifh  a  colony  there  according  to  his  own 
plan  s. 

Las  Cafas  pufhed  on  the  preparations  for  his 
voyage  with  his  ufual  ardour.  But,  either  from 
his  own  inexperience  in  the  conduct  of  affairs, 
or  from  the  fecret  oppofition  of  the  Spanifh  no- 
bility, who  univerfally  dreaded  thefuccefs  of  an 
inftitution  that  might  rob  them  of  the  induftrious 
and  ufeful  hands  which  cultivated  their  eftates, 
his  progrefs  in  engaging  hufbandmen  and  labour- 
ers was  extremely  flow,  and  he  could  not  prevail 
on  more  than  two  hundred  to  accompany  him 
to  Cumana. 

Nothing,  however,  could  damp  his  zeal.  With 
this  (lender  train,  hardly  fufficient  to  take  pof- 
feflion  of  fuch  a  large  territory,  and  altogether 
unequal  to  any  effectual  attempt  towards  civiliz- 
ing its  inhabitants,  he  fet  fail.  The  firil  place 
at  which  he  touched  was  the  ifland  of  Puerto 
Rico.  There  he  received  an  account  of  a  new 
obftacle  to  the  execution  of  his  fcheme,  more 
infuperable  than  any  he  had  hitherto  encounter- 
ed. When  he  left  America  in  the  year  one 
thoufand  five  hundred  and  fixteen,  the  Spaniards 
had  little  intercourfe  with  any  part  of  the  con- 
tinent, except  the  countries  adjacent  to  the  gulf 
of  Darien.     But  as  every  fpecies  of  internal  in- 

8  Herrera,  dec.  a.  lib.  iv.  c.  3,  4,  5.  Argenfola  Annales 
<TAragon,  74.  97.     RemifalHift.  Gener*  lib.  ii.  c.  19,  20. 

duftry 


I517O  HISTORY    OF    AMERrCA.'  257 

duftry  began  to  flagnate  in  Hifpaniola,  when,  by 
the  vapid  decreafe  of  the  natives,  the  Spaniards 
were  deprived  of  thofe  hands  with  which  they 
had  hitherto  carried  on  their  operations,  this 
prompted  them  to  try  various  expedients  for 
fupplying  that  lofs.  Coniiderable  numbers  of 
negroes  were  imported ;  but,  on  account  of 
their  exorbitant  price,  many  of  the  planters 
could  not  afford  to  purchafe  them.  In  order  to 
procure  flaves  at  an  eafier  rate,  fome  of  the 
Spaniards  in  Hifpaniola  fitted  out  veffels  to  cruize 
along  the  coaft  of  the  continent.  In  places 
where  they  found  tbemfelves  inferior  in  ftrength, 
they  traded  with  the  natives,  and  gave  European 
toys  in  exchange  for  the  plates  of  gold  worn  by 
them  as  ornaments  ;  but,  wherever  they  could 
furprife  or  overpower  the  Indians,  they  carried 
them  off  by  force,  and  fold  them  as  flaves *„ 
In  thofe  predatory  excurfions,  fuch  atrocious 
a&s  of  violence  and  cruelty  had  been  commit- 
ted, that  the  Spanifh  name  was  held  in  detefta- 
tion  all  over  the  continent.  Whenever  any  fhips 
appeared,  the  inhabitants  either  fled  to  the 
woods,  or  rufhed  down  to  the  more  in  arms,  to 
repel  thofe  hated  difturbers  of  their  tranquillity* 
They  forced  fome  parties  of  the  Spaniards  to 
retreat  with  precipitation  ;  they  cut  off  others  ; 
and  in  the  violence  of  their  refentment  againft  the 
whole  nation,  they  murdered  two  Dominican; 
mifiionaries,  whofe  zeal  had  prompted  them  to 
fettle  in  the  province  of  Cumana  u.  This  out- 
rage againft  perfons  revered  for  their  fanc~T.ity> 
excited  fuch  indignation  among  the  people  of 

1  Herrera,  dec.  3.  lib  ii.  c.  3, 
tt  Ov4edo  Hilt.  lib.  xix.  c.  3. 

Hifpaniola* 


258  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.   III. 

Hifpaniola,  who,  notwithstanding  all  their  licen- 
tious and  cruel  proceedings,  were  poflefled  with 
a  wonderful  zeal  for  religion,  and  a  fuperflitious 
refpect  for  its  minifters,  that  they  determined  to 
inflict  exemplary  punifhment,  not  only  upon  the 
perpetrators  of  that  crime,  but  upon  the  whole 
race.  With  this  view,  they  gave  the  command 
of  live  mips  and  three  hundred  men  to  Diego 
Ocampo,  with  orders  to  lay  wafte  the  country  of 
Cumana  with  fire  and  fword,  and  to  tranfport  all 
the  inhabitants  as  flaves  to  Hifpaniola.  This 
armament  Las  Cafas  found  at  Puerto  Rico,  in 
its  way  to  the  continent ;  and  as  Ocampo  refufed 
to  defer  his  voyage,  he  immediately  perceived 
that  it  would  be  impoffible  to  attempt  the  execu- 
tion of  his  pacific  plan  in  a  country  deltined  to 
be  the  feat  of  war  and  defolation  x. 

In  order  to  provide  againfl  the  effects  of  this 
unfortunate  incident,  he  fet  fail  directly  for  St. 
Domingo  [12th  April],  leaving  his  followers 
cantoned  out  among  the  planters  in  Puerto  Rico. 
From  many  concurring  caufes,  the  reception 
which  Las  Cafas  met  with  in  Hifpaniola  was 
very  unfavourable.  In  his  negotiations  for  the 
relief  of  the  Indians,  he  had  cenfured  the  con- 
duct of  his  countrymen  fettled  there  with  fuch 
honefl  feverity  as  rendered  him  univerfally  odious 
to  them.  They  confidered  their  own  ruin  as 
the  inevitable  confequence  of  his  fuccefs.  They 
were  now  elated  with  hope  of  receiving  a  large 
recruit  of  flaves  from  Cumana,  which  mull  be 
relinquifhed  if  Las  Cafas  were  aflifled  in  fettling 
his  projected  colony  there.  Figueroa,  in  confe- 
rence of  the  inftructions  which  he  had  received 

*  Herrera,  dec.  »•  lib.  ix.  c.  8,  9. 

ill 


1$l'Ji']  HISTORY    OF   AMERICA*  2$9 

in  Spain,  had  made  an  experiment  concerning  the 
capacity  of  the  Indians,  that  was  reprefented  as 
decifive  againft  the  fyftem  of  Las  Cafas.  He 
collected  in  Hifpaniola  a  good  number  of  the 
natives,  and  fettled  them  in  two  villages,  leaving 
them  at  perfect  liberty,  and  with  the  uncon- 
trolled direction  of  their  own  actions.  But  that 
people,  accuftomed  to  a  mode  of  life  extremely 
different  from  that  which  takes  place  wherever 
civilization  has. made  any  confiderable  progrefs, 
were  incapable  of  affuming  new  habits  at  once.  De- 
jected with  their  own  misfortunes  as  well  as  thofe 
of  their  country,  they  exerted  fo  little  induftry 
in  cultivating  the  ground,  appeared  fo  devoid  of 
folicitude  or  forefight  in  providing  for  their  own 
wants,  and  were  fuch  ilrangers  to  arrangement 
in  conducting  their  affairs,  that  the  Spaniards 
pronounced  them  incapable  of  being  formed  to 
live  like  men  in  focial  life,  and  conlidered  them 
as  children,  who  mould  be  kept  under  the  per- 
petual tutelage  of  perfons  fuperior  to  themfelves 
in  wifdom  and  fagacity  ?. 

Notwithstanding  all  thofe  circumftances, 
which  alienated  the  perfons  in  Hifpaniola  to 
whom  Las  Cafas  applied  from  himfelf  and  from 
his  meafures,  he,  by  his  activity  and  perfevcrance, 
by  fome  conceffions,  and  many  threats,  obtained 
at  length  a  fmall  body  of  troops  to  protect  him 
and  his  colony  at  their  firft  landing.  But  upon 
his  return  to  Puerto  Rico,  he  found  that  the 
difeafes  of  the  climate  had  been  fatal  to  feveral 
of  his  people  ;  and  that  others  having  got  em- 
ployment in  that  ifland,  refufed  to  follow  him. 
With  the  handful  that  remained,  he  fet  fail  and 

*  Henera,  dec.  2.  lib.  x%  c.  5. 
.     vol.  i,  c  c  landed 


20*0  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA*  B*  HI. 

landed  in  Cumana.  Ocampo  had  executed  his 
commiifion  in  that  province  with  fuch  barbarous 
rage,  having  maiTacred  many  of  the  inhabitants, 
fent  others  in  chains  to  Hifpaniola,  and  forced 
the  reft  to  fly  for  fhelter  to  the  woods,  that  the 
people  of  a  fmall  colony,  which  he  had  planted 
at  a  place  which  he  named  Toledo,  were  ready  to 
perifh  for  want  in  a  defolated  country.  There, 
however,  Las  Cafas  was  obliged  to  fix  his  refi- 
dence,  though  deferted  both  by  the  troops  ap- 
pointed to  protect  him,  and  by  thofe  under 
the  command  of  Ocampo,  who  forefaw  and 
dreaded  the  calamities  to  which  he  muft  be  ex- 
pofed  in  that  wretched  flation.  He  made  the 
beft  provifion  in  his  power  for  the  fafety  and  fub- 
fillence  of  his  followers  ;  but  as  his  utmoft  efforts 
availed  little  towards  fecuring  either  the  one  or 
the  other,  he  returned  to  Hifpaniola,  in  order  to 
folicit  more  effe&ual  aid  for  the  prefervation  of 
men,  who  from  confidence  in  him  had  ventured 
into  a  poft  of  fo  much  danger.  Soon  after  his 
departure,  the  natives,  having  difcovered  the 
feeble  and  defencelefs  ftate  of  the  Spaniards, 
affembled  fecretly,  attacked  them  with  the  fury 
natural  to  men  exafperated  by  many  injuries,  cut 
off  a  good  number,  and  compelled  the  reft  to 
fly  in  the  utmoft  confternation  to  the  ifland  of 
Cubagua.  The  fmall  colony  fettled  there,  on 
account  of  the  pearl  fifhery,  catching  the  panic 
with  which  their  countrymen  had  been  feized, 
abandoned  the  ifland,  and  not  a  Spaniard  remained 
in  any  part  of  the  continent,  or  adjacent  iflands, 
from  the  gulf  of  Paria  to  the  borders  of  Darien. 
Aftonifhed  at  fuch  a  fucceflion  of  difafters,  Las 
Cafea  was  afhamed  to  fhcw  his  face  after  this 

fatal 


I517O  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  26t 

fatal  termination  of  all  his  fplendid  fchemes. 
He  fhut  himfelf  up  in  the  convent  of  the  Do- 
minicans at  St.  Domingo,  and  foon  after  afTumed 
the  habit  of  that  order  z. 

Though  the  expulfion  of  the  colony  from 
Cumana  happened  in  the  year  one  thoufand  five 
hundred  and  twenty-one,  I  have  chofen  to  trace 
the  progrefs  of  Las  Cafas's  negotiations  from 
their  firit  rife  to  their  final  iffue  without  interrup- 
tion. His  fyftem  was  the  objec\  of  long  and 
attentive  difcuflion  ;  and  though  his  efforts  in 
behalf  of  the  oppreffed  Americans,  partly  from 
his  own  rafhnefs  and  imprudence,  and  partly 
from  the  malevolent  oppoiition  of  his  adverfaries, 
were  not  attended  with  that  fuccefs  which  he 
promifed  with  too  fanguine  confidence,  great 
praife  is  due  to  his  humane  activity,  which  gave 
rife  to  various  regulations  that  were  of  fome 
benefit  to  that  unhappy  people.  I  return  now 
to  the  hiftory  of  the  Spanifh  difcoveries,  as  they 
occur  in  the  order  of  time  a. 

Diego  Velafquez,  who  conquered  Cuba  in 
the  year  one  thoufand  five  hundred  and  eleven, 
ilill  retained  the  government  of  that  ifland,  as 
the  deputy  of  Don  Diego  Columbus,  though  he 
feldom  acknowledged  his  fuperior,  and  aimed  at 
rendering  his  own  authority  altogether  independ- 
ent b.  Under  his  prudent  adminiflration,  Cuba 
became  one  of  the  moft  flourifhing  of  the  Spa- 
nifh fettlements.     The  fame  of  this  allured  thi- 

z  Herrera,  dec.  2.  lib.  x.  c.  5.  dec.  3.  lib.  ii.  c.  3,  4,  5. 
Oviedo  Hift.  lib.  xix.  c.  5.  Gomara,  c.  77.  Davila  Pa- 
dilla,   lib.  i.    c.  97.     Remifal  Hift.  Gen.  lib.  xi.  c.  22,  23, 

a  Herrera,  dec.  2,  lib.  x.  c.  5.  p.  329. 

*  Ibid.  lib.  ii,   c.  19. 

c  c  2  thcr 


%6l  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  B.  Ill, 

ther  many  perfons  from  the  other  colonies,  in 
hopes  of  finding  either  fome  permanent  eftablifh* 
mcnt  or  fome  employment  for  their  activity. 
As  Cuba  lay  to  the  weft:  of  all  the  iflands  occu* 
pied  by  the  Spaniards,  and  as  the  ocean,  which 
llretches  beyond  it  towards  that  quarter,  had 
not  hitherto  been  explored,  thefe  circumftances 
naturally  invited  the  inhabitants  to  attempt  new 
difcoveries.  An  expedition  for  this  purpofe,  in 
which  activity  and  refolution  might  conduct  to 
fudden  wealth,  was  more  fuited  to  the  genius  of 
the  age,  than  the  patient  induftry  requifite  in 
clearing  ground,  and  manufacturing  fugar.  In-» 
ftigated  by  this  fpirit,  feveral  officers,  who  had 
ferved  under  Pedrarias  in  Darien, "  entered  into 
an  aflbciation  to  undertake  a  voyage  of  difcovery. 
They  perfuaded  Francifco  Hernandez  Cordova, 
an  opulent  planter  in  Cuba,  and  a  man  of  did 
tinguifhed  courage,  to  join  with  them  in  the  ad- 
venture, and  chofe  him  to  be  their  commander! 
Velafquez  not  only  approved  of  the  defign,  but 
aflifted  in  carrying  it  on.  As  the  veterans  from 
Parien  were  extremely  indigent,  he  and  Cordova 
advanced  money  for  purchaling  three  fmall  vef- 
fels,  and  furnifhing  them  with  every  thing  requi* 
fite  either  for  traffic  or  for  war.  A  hundred  and 
ten  men  embarked  on  board  of  them,  and  failed 
from  St.  Jago  de  Cuba  on  the  eighth  of  February 
one  thoufand  five  hundred  and  feventeen.  By  the 
advice  of  their  chief  pilot,  Antpnio  Alaminos, 
who  had  ferved  under  the  firft  admiral  Columbus, 
they  flood  directly  weft,  relying  on  the  opinion' 
of  that  great  navigator,  who  uniformly  main- 
tained that  a  wefterly  courfe  would  lead  to  the 
inoit  important  difcoveries. 

On 

i 


15*7-1  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  *CJ 

On  the  twenty-nrft  day  after  their  departure" 
from  St.  Jago,  they  faw  land,  which  proved  to 
be  Cape  Catoche,  the  eaftern  point  of  that  large 
peninfula  projecting  from  the  continent  of  Ame- 
rica, which  {till  retains  its  original  name  of 
Yucatan.  As  they  approached  the  more,  five 
canoes  came  off  full  of  people  decently  clad  in 
cotton  garments ;  an  aftonifhing  fpe&acle  to  the 
Spaniards,  who  had  found  every  other  part  of 
America  poffcffed  by  naked  favages.  Cordova 
endeavoured  by  fmall  prefents  to  gain  the  good- 
will of  thefe  people.  They,  though  amazed  at 
the  ftrange  objects  now  prefented  for  the  firft 
time  to  their  view,  invited  the  Spaniards  to  vifit 
their  habitations,  with  an  appearance  of  cordi- 
ality. They  landed  accordingly,  and  as  they 
advanced  into  the  country,  they  obfcrved  with 
new  wonder  fome  large  houfes  built  with  ftone. 
But  they  foon  found  that,  if  the  people  of  Yu- 
catan had  made  progrefs  in  improvement  beyond 
their  countrymen,  they  were  likewife  more  artful 
and  warlike.  For  though  the  cazique  received 
Cordova  with  many  tokens  of  friendfhip,  he  had 
potted  a  confiderable  body  of  his  fubje&s  in  am- 
bufh  behind  a  thicket,  who,  upon  a  fignal  given 
by  him,  ruihed  out  and  attacked  the  Spaniards 
with  great  boldnefs,  and  fome  degree  of  martial 
order.  At  the  lirlt  flight  of  their  arrows,  fif- 
teen of  the  Spaniards  were  wounded  ;  but  the  In- 
dians were  (truck  with  fuch  terror  by  the  fudden 
explofion  of  the  fire-arms,  and  fo  furprifed  at  the 
execution  done  by  them,  by  the  crofs-bows,  and 
by  the  other  weapons  of  their  new  enemies, 
that  they  fled  precipitately.  Cordova  quitted  a 
country  where  he  had  met  with  fuch  a  fierce 
c  c  3  reception, 


f64  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  B.  Ill, 

reception,  carrying  off  two  prifoners,  together 
with  the  ornaments  of  a  fmall  temple,  which  he 
plundered  in  his  retreat. 

He  continued  his  courfe  towards  the  weft, 
without  lofing  fight  of  the  coaft,  and  on  the 
fixteenth  day  arrived  at  Campeachy,  There  the 
natives  received  them  more  hofpitably  ;  but  the 
Spaniards  were  much  furprifed,  that  on  all  the 
extenfive  coaft  along  which  they  had  failed,  and 
which  they  imagined  to  be  a  large  ifland,  they 
had  not  obferved  any  river  c.  As  their  water 
began  to  fail,  they  advanced,  in  hopes  of  finding 
a  fupply  ;  and  at  length  they  difcovered  the 
mouth  of  a  river  at  Potonchan,  fome  leagues 
beyond  Campeachy. 

Cordova  landed  all  his  troops  in  order  to  pro* 
tec~l  the  failors  while  employed  in  filling  the 
cafks  ;  but  notwithftanding  this  precaution,  the 
natives  rufhed  down  upon  them  with  fuch  fury, 
and  in  fuch  numbers,  that  forty-feven  of  the 
Spaniards  were  killed  upon  the  fpot,  and  one 
man  only  of  the  whole  body  efcaped  unhurt. 
Their  commander,  though  wounded  in  twelve 
different  places,  directed  the  retreat  with  prefence 
of  mind  equal  to  the  courage  with  which  he  had 
led  them  on  in  the  engagement,  and  with  much 
difficulty  they  regained  their  (hips.  After  this 
fatal  repulfe,  nothing  remained  but  to  haften 
back  to  Cuba  with  their  mattered  forces.  In 
their  paffage  thither  they  fuffered  the  moft  ex- 
quifite  diftrefs  for  want  of  water,  that  men 
wounded  and  fickly,  fhut  up  in  fmall  veffels,  and 
cxpofed  to  the  heat  of  the  torrid  zone,  can  be 
fuppofed  to  endure.     Some   of  them,   finking 

f  See  Not*  XXVL 

tinder 


I5*7»]         history  of  America,  265 

finder  thefe  calamities,  died  by  the  way  ;  Cor- 
dova, their  commander,  expired  foon  after  they 
landed  in  Cuba  d. 

Notwith [landing  the  difailrous  conclufion  of 
this  expedition,  it  contributed  rather  to  animate 
than  to  damp  a  fpirit  of  enterprife  among  the 
Spaniards,  They  had  discovered  an  extenfive 
country,  fituated  at  no  great  diftance  from  Cuba* 
fertile  in  appearance,  and  pofTefTed  by  a  people 
fir  fuperior  in  improvement  to  any  hitherto 
known  in  America.  Though  they  had  carried 
on  little  commercial  intercourfe  with  the  natives, 
they  had  brought  off  fome  ornaments  of  gold, 
not  considerable  in  value,  but  of  fingular  fabric, 
Thefe  circumftances,  related  with  the  exaggera- 
tion natural  to  men  defirous  of  heightening  the 
merit  of  their  own  exploits,  were  more  than 
fnfficient  to  excite  romantic  hopes  and  expect- 
ations. Great  numbers  offered  to  engage  in  a 
new  expedition.  Velafquez,  folicitous  to  dif- 
tinguiflr  himfelf  by  fome  fervice  fo  meritorious  as 
might  entitle  him  to  claim  the  government  of  Cuba 
independent  of  the  admiral,  not  only  encouraged 
their  ardour,  but  at  his  own  expence  fitted  out 
four  mips  for  the  voyage  *Two  hundred  and 
forty  volunteers,  among  whom  were  feveral  per- 
form of  rank  and  fortune,  embarked  in  this  en- 
terprife. The  command  of  it  was  given  to  Juan 
de  Grijalva,  a  young  man  of  known  merit  and 
courage,  with  inftru&ions  to  obferve  attentively 
the  nature  of  the  countries  which  he  fhould  dif- 

6  Herrera,  dec.  2.  lib.  ii.  0.17,1?.  Hiftotv  Verdadera 
dela  Conquifta  de  la  Nueva  Efpana  porBernal  Diaz  del  Caf- 
tiilo,  cap.  1—7.  Oviedo,  lib.xvii.  c  3.  Gomara,  c.  52. 
P.  Martyr  de  Infulis  nuper  inventis,  p.  329. 

cover, 


265  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  III. 

eover,  to  barter  for  gold,  and,  if  circumftances 
were  inviting,  to  fettle  a  colony  in  fome  proper 
ftation.  He  failed  from  St.  Jago  de  Cuba  on  the 
eighth  of  April  one  thoufand  five  hundred  and 
eighteen.  The  pilot  Alaminos  held  the  fame 
courfe  as  in  the  former  voyage  ;  but  the  violence 
of  the  currents  carrying  the  mips  to  the  fouth, 
the  firft  land  which  they  made  was  the  ifland  of 
Cozumel,  to  the  eaft  of  Yucatan.  As  all  the 
inhabitants  lied  to  the  woods  and  mountains  at 
the  approach  of  the  Spaniards,  they  made  no 
long  Hay  there,  and  without,  any  remarkable 
occurrence  they  reached  Potonchan  on  the  oppO- 
fite  fide  of  the  peninfula.  The  defire  of  avenging 
their  countrymen  who  had  been  flain  there,  con- 
curred with  their  ideas  of  good  policy,  in  prompt- 
ing them  to  land,  that  they  might  chailife  the 
Indians  of  that  diflricl  with  fuch  exemplary 
rigour,  as  would  ftrike  terror  into  all  the  people 
around  them.  But  though  they  difembarked 
all  their  troops,  and  carried  aihore  fome  field- 
pieces,  the  Indians  fought  with  fuch  courage, 
that  the  Spaniards  gained  the  victory  with 
difficulty,  and  were  confirmed  in  their  opinion 
that  the  inhabitants  of  this  country  would  prove 
more  formidable  enemies  than  any  they  had  met 
with  in  other  parts  of  America.  From  Poton- 
chan, they  continued  their  voyage  towards  the 
weft,  keeping  as  near  as  poffible  to  the  more, 
and  calling  anchor  every  evening,  from  dread 
of  the  dangerous  accidents  to  which  they  might 
be  expofed  in  an  unknown  fea.  During  the  day, 
their  eyes  were  turned  continually  towards  land, 
with  a  mixture  of  furprife  and  wonder  at  the 
beauty  of  the  country,  as  well  as  the  novelty  of 

the 


J5l8,}  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  267 

the  objects  which  they  beheld.  Many  villages 
were  Scattered  along  the  coaft,  in  which  they 
could  diftinguifh  houfes  of  Hone  that  appeared 
white  and  lofty  at  a  diftance.  In  the  warmth 
of  their  admiration,  they  fancied  thefe  to  be 
cities  adorned  with  towers  and  pinnacles  ft  and 
one  of  the  foldiers  happening  to  remark  that  this 
country  refembled  Spain  in  its  appearance,  Gri-* 
jalva,  with  univerfal  applaufe,  called  it  New 
Spain,  the  name  which  Hill  diflinguifhes  this, 
extenfive  and  opulent  province  of  the  Spani/h  erjlt 
pire  in  America  e.  They  landed  in  a  river  which 
the  natives  called  Tabafco  [June  9],  and  the  fame 
of  their  victory  at  Potonchan  having  reached  this 
place,  the  cazique  not  only  received  them  amir 
cably,  but  beftowed  prefents  upon  them  of  fuch 
value,  as  confirmed  the  high  ideas  which  the 
Spaniards  had  formed  with  refpect  to  the  wealth 
and  fertility  of  the  country.  Thefe  ideas  were 
railed  ftill  higher  by  what  occurred  at  the  place 
where  they  next  touched,  This  was  consider- 
ably to  the  weft  of  Tabafco,  in  the  province  fince 
known  by  the  name  of  Guaxaca.  There  they 
were  received  with  the  refpecl:  paid  to  fuperior 
beings.  The  people  perfumed  them  as  they 
landed,  with  incenfe  of  gum  copal,  and  prefented 
to  them  as  offerings  the  choiceft  delicacies  of 
their  country.  They  were  extremely  fond  of 
trading  with  their  new  vifitants,  and  in  fix  days 
the  Spaniards  obtained  ornaments  of  gold*  of 
curious  workmanfliip,  to  the  value  of  fifteen; 
thoufand  pefos,  in  exchange  for  European  toys 
of  fmall  price.  The  two  prifoners  whom  Cor- 
dova had  brought  from  Yucatan,  had  hitherto 

f  See  Note  2£XVH. 

ferve4 


268  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  III. 

ferved  as  interpreters  ;  but  as  they  did  not  under- 
ftand  the  language  of  this  country,  the  Spaniards 
learned  from  the  natives  by  iigns,  that  they  were 
fubjects  of  a  great  monarch  called  Montezuma, 
whofe  dominion  extended  over  that  and  many 
other  provinces.  Leaving  this  place,  with  which 
he  had  fo  much  reafon  to  be  pleafed,  Grijalva 
continued  his  courfe  towards  the  weft.  He 
landed  on  a  fmall  ifland  [June  19],  which  he 
named  the  Ifle  of  Sacrifices,  becaufe  there  the 
Spaniards  beheld,  for  the  firft  time,  the  horrid 
fpectacle  of  human  vidlims,  which  the  barbarous 
fuperftition  of  the  natives  offered  to  their  gods. 
He  touched  at  another  fmall  ifland,  which  he 
called  St.  Juan  de  Ulua.  From  this  place  he 
difpatched  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  one  of  his  officers; 
to  Velafquez,  with  a  full  account  of  the  im- 
portant difcoveries  which  he  had  made,  and  with 
all  the  treafure  that  he  had  acquired  by  traffick- 
ing with  the  natives.  After  the  departure  of 
Alvarado,  he  himfelf,  with  the  remaining  veffels, 
proceeded  along  the  coaft  as  far  as  the  river 
Panuco,  the  country  ftill  appearing  to  be  well 
peopled,  fertile,  and  opulent. 

Several  of  Grijalva's  officers  contended,  that 
it  was  not  enough  to  have  difcovered  thofe  de- 
lightful regions,  or  to  have  performed,  at  their 
different  landing-places,  the  empty  ceremony  of 
taking  poffeffion  of  them  for  the  crown  of  Caf- 
tile,  and  that  their  glory  was  incomplete,  unlef3 
they  planted  a  colony  in  fome  proper  ftation, 
which  might  not  only  fecure  the  Spanifh  nation 
a  footing  in  the  country,  but,  with  the  rein- 
forcements which  they  were  certain  of  receiving, 
might  gradually  fubject  the  whole  to  the  do- 
minion 


IGI&]  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  269 

minon  of  their  fovercign.  But  the  fquadron 
had  now  been  above  five  months  at  fea  ;  the 
greater!  part  of  their  provifions  was  exhaufted, 
and  what  remained  of  their  ftores  fo  much  cor- 
rupted  by  the  heat  of  the  climate,  as  to  be  al- 
moft  unfit  for  ufe  ;  they  had  loft  fome  men  by 
death ;  others  were  fickly  ;  the  country  was 
crowded  with  people  who  feemed  to  be  intelli- 
gent as  well  as  brave  ;  and  they  were  under  the 
government  of  one  powerful  monarch,  who 
could  bring  them  to  a&  againft  their  invaders 
with  united  force.  To  plant  a  colony  under  fo 
many  circumftances  of  difadvantage,  appeared  a 
fcheme  too  perilous  to  be  attempted.  Gnjalva, 
though  poffeffed  both  of  ambition  and  courage, 
was  dcftitute  of  the  fuperior  talents  capable  of 
forming  or  executing  fuch  a  great  plan.  He 
judged  it  more  prudent  to  return  to  Cuba,  having 
fulfilled  the  purpofe  of  his  voyage,  and  accom- 
plished all  that  the  armament  which  he  com- 
mmded  enabled  him  to  perform.  He  returned 
to  St.  Tago  de  Cuba  on  the  twenty-fixth  of  Octo- 
ber, from  which  he  had  taken  his  departure 
about  fix  months  before  f. 

This  was  the  longeil  as  well  as  the  molt  luo 
cefsful  voyage  which  the  Spaniards  had  hitherto 
made  in  the  New  World.  They  had  difcovered 
that  Yucatan  was  not  an  iiland  as  they  had  fup- 
pofed,  but  part  of  the  great  continent  of  Ame- 
rica. From  Potonchan  they  had  purfued  their 
courfe  for  many  hundred  miles  along  a  coaft 
formerly  unexplored,  ftretching  at  firft  towards 
the  weft,  and  then  turning  to  the  north  ;  all  the 

<  Herrera,  dec.  II.  lib.  iii.  c  I,  2.  9,  10.  Bernal  Diaz, 
c,  E.  17.     Qviedo  Hift,  lib,  xvii.  c,  9.  20.  Gomara,  c.  49- 

country 


270  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  lit. 

country  which  they  had  difcovered  appeared  to 
be  no  lefs  valuable  than  extenfive.  As  foon  as 
Alvarado  reached  Cuba,  Velafquez,  tranfported 
with  fuccefs  fo  far  beyond  his  moil  fanguine 
expectations,  immediately  difpatched  a  perfon  of 
confidence  to  carry  this  important  intelligence 
to  Spain,  to  exhibit  the  rich  productions  of  the 
countries  which  had  been  difcovered  by  his 
means,  and  to  folicit  fuch  an  increafe  of  autho- 
rity as  might  enable  and  encourage  him  to  at- 
tempt the  conquefl  of  them.  Without  waiting 
for  the  return  of  his  meflenger,  or  for  the  arrival 
of  Grijalva,  of  whom  he  was  become  fo  jealous 
or  diftruilful  that  he  refolved  no  longer  to  em- 
ploy him,  he  began  to  prepare  fuch  a  powerful 
armament,  as  might  prove  equal  to  an  enterprife 
of  fo  much  danger  and  importance. 

But  as  the  expedition  upon  which  Velafquez 
was  now  intent,  terminated  in  conquefls  of 
"greater  moment  than  what  the  Spaniards  had 
hitherto  atchieved,  and  led  them  to  the  know- 
ledge of  a  people,  who,  if  compared  with  thofe 
tribes  of  America  with  whom  they  were  hitherto 
acquainted*  may  be  confidered  as  highly  civil- 
ized ;  it  is  proper  to  paufe  before  we  proceed  to 
the  hiftory  of  events  extremely  different  from 
thofe  which  we  have  already  related,  in  order 
to  take  a-  view  of  the  ftate  of  the  New  World 
when  firft  difcovered,  and  to  contemplate  the 
policy  and  manners  of  the  rude  uncultivated  tribes 
that  occupied  all  the  parts  of  it  with  which  the 
:  Spaniards  were  at  this  time  acquainted. 


IS.  If.  HISTORY    OF   AMERICA*  2j)i 


BOOK    IV. 

npWENTY-six  years  had  elapfed  fi  nee  Columbus 
•*■  conduced  the  people  of  Europe  to  the  New 
World.  During  that  period  the  Spaniards  had 
made  great  progrefs  in  exploring  its  various 
regions.  They  had  vifited  all  the  iflands  fcattered 
in  different  clutters  through  that  part  of  the 
ocean  which  flows  in  between  North  and  South 
America.  They  had  failed  along  the  eaftern 
coafl  of  the  continent  from  the  riveiDe  la  Plata  to 
the  bottom  of  the  Mexican  gulf,  and  had  found 
that  it.ftretched  without  interruption  through 
this  vaft  portion  of  the  globe.  They  had  dis- 
covered the  great  Southern  Ocean,  which  open- 
ed new  profpects  in  that  quarter.  They  had 
acquired  fome  knowledge  of  the  coafl:  of  Florida, 
which  led  them  to  obferve  the  continent  as  it  ex- 
tended in  an  oppofite  direction  ;  and  though  they 
pufhed  their  difcoveries  no  farther  towards  the 
north,  other  nations  had  vifited  thofe  parts 
which  they  neglected.  The  Englifh,  in  a  voyage, 
the  motives  and  fuccefs  of  which  ihall  be  related 
in  another  part  of  this  Hiflory,  had  failed  along 
the  coaft  of  America  from  Labrador  to  the  con- 
fines of  Florida ;  and  the  Portuguefe,  in  quell 
of  a  fhorter  pafTage  to  the  Eaft  Indies,  had  ven- 
tured into  the  northern  feas,  and  viewed  the  fame 
regions  a.  Thus,  at  the  period  where  I  have 
chofen  to  take  a  view  of  the  ftate  of  the  New- 
World,  its  extent  was  known  almoft  from  its 
northern  extremity  to  thirty -five  degrees  fouth 

*  JHevrera,  dec.  x.  lib.  yi.  c.  i£». 
VOL.1.  DD  Of 


&>]2  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV. 

of  the  equator.  The  countries  which  ftretch 
from  thence  to  the  fouthern  boundary  of  Ame- 
rica, the  great  empire  of  Peru,  and  the  inteiior 
ftate  of  the  extenfive  dominions  fubject  to  the 
fovereigns  of  Mexico,  were  frill  undiscovered.   , 

When  we  contemplate  the  New  World,  the 
firft  circumftance  that  ftrikes  us  is  its  immenfe 
extent*  It  was  not  a  fmall  portion  of  the  earth, 
fo  inconfiderable  that  it  might  have  efcaped  the 
observation  or  refearch  of  former  ages,  which 
Columbus  difcovered.  He  made  known  a  new 
fiemifphere,  larger  than  either  Europe,  or  Afia, 
or  Africa,  the  three  noted  divifioiisS  of  the  ancient 
continent,  and  not  much  inferior  in  dimenfions  to 
a  third  part  of  the  habitable  globe. 

America  is  remarkable  not  only  for  its  mag- 
nitude, but  for  its  pofition.  It  Itretches  from 
the  northern  polar  circle  to  a  high  fouthern 
latitude,  above  fifteen  hundred  miles  beyond  the  : 
fartheft  extremity  of  the  old  continent  on  that 
fide  of  the  line.  A  country  of  fuch  extent 
pafTes  through  all  the  climates  capable  of  becom- 
ing the  habitation  of  man,  and  fit  for  yield* 
ing  the  various  productions  peculiar  either  to 
the  temperate  or  to  the  torrid  regions  of  the 
earth. 

Next  to  the  extent  of  the  New  World,  the 
grandeur  of  the  objects  which  it  prefents  to  view 
is  mod  apt  to  ftrike  the  eye  of  an  obferver.  Na* 
ture  feems  here  to  have  carried  on  her  operations 
ypon  a  larger  fcale,  and  with  a  bolder  hand,  an4  I 
to  have  diilinguifhed  the  features  of  this  country 
by  a  peculiar  magnificence.  The  mountains  of  I 
America  are  much  Superior  in  height  to  thofe 
in  the  other  divifions  of  the  globe.     Even  the 

plain 


3.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  2J$ 

plain  of  Quito,  which  may  be  confidered  as  the 
bafe  of  the  Andes,  is  elevated  farther  above  the 
fea  than  the  top  of  the  Pyrenees.  This  ftupen- 
dous  ridge  of  the  Andes,  no  lefs  remarkable  for 
extent  than  elevation,  rifes  in  different  places 
more  than  one  third  above  the  Pike  of  Teneriffe, 
the  higheft  land  in  the  ancient  hemifphere.  The 
Andes  may  literally  be  faid  to  hide  their  heads 
in  the  clouds  ;  the  ftorms  often  roll,  and  the 
thunder  burlts  below  their  fummits,  which, 
though  expofed  to  the  rays  of  the  fun  in  the 
centre  of  the  torrid  zone,  are  covered  with  ever* 
lafting  fnows  b. 

From  thefe  lofty  mountains'  defcend  rivers, 
proportionably  large,  with  which  the  ftreams  in 
the  ancient  continent  are  not  to  be  compared* 
either  for  length  of  courfe,  or  the  vail  body  of 
water  which  theyroll  towards  the  ocean.  The  Ma- 
ragnon,  the  Orinoco,  the  Plata  in  SouthAmerica, 
the  Miffiflippi  and  St.  Laurence  in  North  Ame- 
rica, flow  in  fuch  fpacious  channels,  that,  long 
before  they  feel  the  influence  of  the  tide,  they 
refemble  arms  of  the  fea  rather  than  rivers  of  frefh 
water  c. 

The  lakes  of  the  New  World  are  no  lefs  con- 
fpicuous  for  grandeur  than  its  mountains  and 
rivers.     There  is  nothing  in  other  parts  of  the 

flobe  which  refembles  the  prodigious  chain  of 
tkes  in  North  America.  They  may  properly 
be  termed  inland  feas  of  frefh  water  ;  and  even 
thofe  of  the  fecond  or  third  clafs  in  magni- 
tude, are  of  larger  circuit  (the  Cafpian  Sea  ex- 
cepted) than  the  greatell  lake  of  the  ancient 
continent. 
*  Sec  Note  XXVIII.  c  See  Note  XXIX. 

S02  The 


374  History  of  America.  b.  iv. 

The  New  World  is  of  a  form  extremely  fa- 
vourable %to  commercial   "mtercourfe.       Wben   a 
continent  is   formed,   like   Africa,  of  one  van: 
folid  mafs,  unbroken  by  arms  of  the  fea  pene- 
trating into  its  interior  parts,  with    few   large 
rivers,  and  thofe  at  a  confiderable  diftance  from 
each  other,  the  greater  part  of  it  feems  deilined 
to  remain  for  ever  uncivilized,  and  to  be  debarred 
from  any  active  or  enlarged  communication  with 
the  reft  of  mankind.     When,  like   Europe,    a 
continent  is  opened  by  inlets  of  the   ocean  of 
great  extent,  fuch    as    the  Mediterranean    and 
Baltic  ;    or  when,  like  Afia,  its  coaft  is  broken 
by  deep  bays    advancing   far  into  the  country, 
fuch  as  the  Black  Sea,  the  gulfs  of  Arabia,  of 
Perfia,  of  Bengal,  of  Siam,  and  of  Leotang  ; 
when  the  furrounding  feas  are  filled  with  large 
and  fertile  iilands,  and  the  continent  itfelf  wa- 
tered with  a  variety  of  navigable  rivers,  thofe 
regions    may  be   faid  to   pofTefs   whatever  can 
facilitate   the   progrefs  of  their   inhabitants  111 
commerce  and  improvement.     In   all  thefe  re- 
fpecfcs  America  may  bear  a  comparifon  with  the 
other  quarters  of  the  globe.     The  gulf  of  Mext 
jco,  which  flows  in  between   North  and  South 
America,  may  be  confidered  as  a  Mediterranean 
fea,  which  opens  a  maritime  commerce  with  all 
the  fertile   countries  by  which  it  is  encircled. 
The  iilands  lcattered  in  it  are   inferior  only  to 
thofe  in  the  Indian  Archipelago,  in   number,  in 
magnitude,  and  in  value.     As  we  ftretch  along 
the  northern    divifion   of  the  American    hemi- 
fphere,  the   Bay  of  Ghefapeak  prefents  a  fpa- 
cious  inlet,  which  conduces  the    navigator   far 
into  the  interior  parts  of  provinces  no  lefs  fertile 

than 


t.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  2J $ 

than  extenfive  ;  and  if  ever  the  progrefs  of  cul- 
ture and  population  fhall  mitigate  the  extreme 
rigour  of  the  climate  in  the  more  northern  dif- 
tri&s  of  America,  Hudfon's  Bay  may  become 
as  fubfervient  to  commercial  intercourfe  in  that 
quarter  of  the  globe,  as  the  Baltic  is  in  Europe. 
The  other  great  portion  of  the  New  World  is 
encompaffed  on  every  fide  by  the  fea,  except  one 
narrow  neck,  which  feparates  the  Atlantic  from 
the  Pacific  Ocean  ;  and  though  it  be  not  opened 
by  fpacious  bays  or  arms  of  the  fea,  its  interior 
parts  are  rendered  acceflible  by  a  number  of  large 
rivers,  fed  by  fo  many  auxiliary  ltreams,  flowing 
in  fuch  various  directions,  that,  almoft.  without 
any  aid  from  the  hand  of  induftry  and  art,  an 
inland  navigation  may  be  carried  on  through 
all  the  provinces  from  the  river  De  la  Plata  to 
the  gulf  of  Paria.  Nor  is  this  bounty  of  Nature 
Confined  to  the  fouthern  divifion  of  America  ; 
its  northern  continent  abounds  no  lefs  in  rivers 
which  are  navigable  almoft  to  their  fources,  and 
by  its  immenfe  chain  of  lakes  provifion  is  made 
for  an  inland  communication,  more  extenfive  and 
commodious  than  in  any  quarter  of  the  globe. 
The  countries  ftretching  from  the  gulf  of  Darien 
on  one  fide,  to  that  of  California  on  the  other, 
which  form  the  chain  that  binds  the  two  parts 
of  the  American  continent  together,  are  not 
deftitute  of  peculiar  advantages.  Their  coaft  on 
one  fide  is  warned  by  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  on  the 
other  by  the  Pacific.  Some  of  their  rivers  flow 
into  the  former,  fome  into  the  latter,  and  fecure 
to  them  all  the  commercial  benefits  that  may 
refult  from  a  communication  with  both. 

But  what  moil    diftinguifhes  America   from 

other  parts  of  the  earth,  is  the  peculiar  temper- 

d  d  3  ature 


Z*]6  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B,  IT* 

ature  of  its  climate,  and  the  different  laws  to 
which  it. is  fubjecl:  with  refpeft  to  the  diftribu- 
tion  of  heat  and  cold.  We  cannot  determine  with 
precifion  the  portion  of  heat  felt  in  any  part  of 
the  globe,  merely  by  meafuring  its  diftanee 
from  the  equator.  The  climate  of  a  country  is 
affected,  in  fome  degree?  by  its  elevation  above 
the  fea,  by  the  extent  of  continent,  by  the  na- 
ture of  the  foil,  the  height  of  adjacent  mountains* 
and  many  other  circumflances.  The  influence  of 
thefe,  however,  is,  from  various  eaufes,  lefs  con- 
fiderable  in  the  greater  part  of  the  ancient  con- 
tinent ;  and  from  knowing  the  pofition  of  any. 
country  there,  we  can  pronounce  with  greater 
certainty,  what  will  be  the  warmth  of  its  climate, 
and  the  nature  of  its  productions. 

The  maxims  which  are  founded  upon  obfer- 
vation  of  our  hemifphere  will  not  apply  to  the 
other.  In  the  New  World,  cold  predominates. 
The  rigour  of  the  frigid  zone  extends  over  half 
of  thofe  regions,  which  mould  be  temperate  by 
their  pofition.  Countries  where  the  grape  and 
the  fig  mould  ripen,  are  buried  under  fnovv  one 
half  of  the  year  ;  and  lands  iituated  in  the  fame 
parallel  with  the  moil  fertile  and  beft  cultivated 
provinces  in  Europe,  are  chilled  with  perpetual 
frofts,  which  almofl  deftroy  the  power  of  vegeta- 
tion d.  As  we  advance  to  thofe  parts  of  Ame-? 
rica  which  lie  in  the  fame  parallel  with  provinces, 
of  Afia  and  Africa,  blefTed  with  an  uniform  en- 
joyment of  fuch  genial  warmth  as  is  moll  friendly 
to  life  and  to  vegetation,  the  dominion  of  cold 
continues  to  be  felt,  and  winter  reigns,  though 
during  a  fhort  period,  with  extreme  feverity.  If 
\ye  proceed  along  the  American  continent  into 
d  See  Note  XXX.. 


S,IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  *77 

the  torrid  zone,  we  {hall  find  the  cold  prevalent 
in  the  New  World  extending  itfelf  alfo  to  this 
region  of  the  globe,  and  mitigating  the  ex- 
cefs  of  its  fervour.  While  the  negro  on  the 
coaft  of  Africa  is  fcorched  with  unremitting  heat, 
the  inhabitant  of  Peru  breathes  an  air  equally- 
mild  and  temperate,  and  is  perpetually  fhaded 
under  a  canopy  of  grey  clouds,  which  intercepts 
the  fierce  beams  of  the  fun,  without  obftru&ing 
his  friendly  influence6.  Along  the  eaftern  coait 
of  America,  the  climate,  though  more  fimilar 
to  that  of  the  torrid  zone  in  other  parts  of  the 
earth,  is  nevertheless  confiderably  milder  than 
in  thofe  countries  of  Afia  and  Africa  which  lie 
in  the  fame  latitude.  If  from  the  fouthern 
tropic  we  continue  our  progrefs  to  the  extra*, 
mity  of  the  American  continent,  we  meet  with 
frozen  feas,  and  countries  horrid,  barren,  and 
fcarcely  habitable  for  cold,  much  fooner  than 
in  the  north  ?. 

Various  caufes  combine  in  rendering  the  cli- 
mate of  America  fo  extremely  different  from 
of  the  ancient  continent.  Though  the  utmoft 
extent  of  America  towards  the  north  be  not  yet 
difcovered,  we  know  that  i%  advances  much 
nearer  to  the  pole  than  either  Europe  or  Alia. 
Both  thefe  have  large  feas  to  the  north,  which 
are  open  during  part  pf  the  year;  and  even 
when  covered  with  ice,  the  wind  that  blows  over 
them  is  lefs  intenfely  cold  than  that  which  blows 
over  land  in  the  fame  high  latitudes.     But  in 

e  Voyage  de  Ulloa,  torn.  i.  p.  453.  Anfon's  Voyage, 
p.  184.  f  Anfon's  Voyage,  p.  74;  and  Voyage  de 

Qairos,  chez  Hirt.   de  Gen.  des  Voyages,  torn.  xiv.  p.  83. 
Richard  Hift,  Natur,  de  TAir,  tf,  305;  &c« 

America 


27$  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV« 

America  the  land  ftretches  from  the  river 
St.  Lawrence  towards  the  pole,  and  fpreads  out 
immenfely  to  the  weft.  A  chain  of  enormous 
mountains,  covered  wTith  fnow  and  ice,  runs 
through  all  this  dreary  region.  The  wind,  in 
palling  over  fuch  an  extent  of  high  and  frozen 
land,  becomes  fo  impregnated  with  cold,  that  it 
acquires  a  piercing  keennefs,  which  it  retains  in 
its  progrefs  through  warmer  climates,  and  is  not 
entirely  mitigated  until  it  reach  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico.  Over  all  the  continent  of  North 
America,  a  north-wefterly  wind  and  exceflive 
cold  are  fynonimous  terms.  Even  in  the  moil 
fultry  weather,  the  moment  that  the  wind 
veers  to  that  quarter,  its  penetrating  influence 
is  felt  in  a  tranfition  from  heat  to  cold,  no  lefs 
violent  than  fudden.  To  this  powerful  caufe 
we  may  afcribe  the  extraordinary  dominion  of 
cold,  and  its  violent  inroads  into  the  fouthern 
provinces  in  that  part  of  the  globe  s. 

Other  caufes,  no  lefs  remarkable,  diminifh 
the  active  power  of  heat  in  thofe  parts  of  the 
American  continent  which  lie  between  the 
tropics.  In  all  that  portion  of  the  globe,  the 
wind  blows  in  an  invariable  direction  from  eaft 
to  weft.  As  this  wind  holds  its  courfe  acrofs 
the  ancient  continent,  it  arrives  at  the  countries 
which  ft  retch  along  the  weft  em  mores  of  Africa, 
inflamed  with  all  the  fiery  particles  which  it  hath 
collected  from  the  fultry  plains  of  Alia,  and 
the  burning  fands  in  the  African  deferts.  The 
coaft  of  Africa  is,  accordingly,  the  region  of  the 
earth  which  feels  the  moft  fervent  heat,  and  is 

*  Charlevoix  Hilt,  de  Nov,  Fr.  ill*  J 65.  Hift.  generalc 
Voyages,  torn.  xv.  %  J  5,  &c. 

expofed 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  279 

cxpofed  to  the  unmitigated  ardour  of  the  torrid 
zone.     But  this  fame  wind  which  brings  fuch  an 
acceflion  of  warmth  to  the  countries  lying  be- 
tween the  river  of  Senegal  and  Cafraria,  traverfes 
the  Atlantic  Ocean,  before  it  reaches  the  Ame- 
rican fliore.     It  is  cooled  in  its  paflage  over  this 
vail  body  of  water,  and  is  felt  as  a  refrefhing 
gale  along   the  coafl  of  Brafilh,  and  Guiana, 
rendeiing   thefe  countries,   though  among   the 
warmer!  in  America,  temperate,  when  compared 
with  thofe  which  lie  oppofite  to  them  in  Africa  K 
As  this  wind  advances  in  its  courfe  acrofs  Ame- 
rica, it  meets  with  immenfe  plains,  covered  with 
impenetrable  forefls,  or  occupied  by  large  rivers, 
marfnes,    and  ftagnating  waters,   where   it  can 
recover   no  confiderable    degree  of  heat.     At 
length  it  arrives  at  the  Andes,  which  run  from 
north   to  fouth  through   the  whole  continent. 
In  palling  over  their  elevated  and  frozen  fummits, 
it  is  fo  thoroughly  cooled,  that  the  greater  part 
of  the  countries  beyond  them  hardly  feel  the 
ardour  to  which   they  feem  expofed  by  their 
fituation  k.     In  the  other  provinces  of  America, 
from   Tierra  Ferme   weftward   to  the  Mexican 
empire,  the  heat  of  the  climate  is  tempered,  in 
fome  places,  by  the  elevation  of  the  land  above 
the    fea,  in  others,  by  their  extraordinary  hu- 
midity, and  in  all,  by  the    enormous  mountains 
Scattered  over  this  tract.     The  iflands  of  Ame- 
rica   in    the    torrid    zone   are    either   fmall  or 
mountainous,  and  are  fanned  alternately  by  re- 
frefhing fea  and  land  breezes. 

ft  See  Note   XXXI.  *  See  Note  XXXII. 

*  Acofta  Hift.  Novi  Orbis,  lib.  ii.  c.  11.  Buffon  Hift> 
Naturelle,  &c.  torn.  ii.  512,  &c,  ix.  107,  &c.  Ofb3rn'6 
Collect,  of  Voyages,  ii.  p.  868. 

The 


38o  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV, 

The  caufes  of  the  extraordinary  cold  towards 
trie  fouthern  limits  of  America,  and  in  the  feas 
beyond  it,  cannot  be  afcertained  in  a  manner 
equally  fatisfying.     It  was  long  fuppofed  that 
a  vaft  continent,  diftinguifhed  by  the  name  of 
Terra  Auflralis  Incognita,  lay  between  the  fouthern 
extremity  of  America  and  the  Antarctic  pole. 
The  fame  principles  which  account  for  the  ex- 
traordinary degree  of  cold  in  the  northern  re- 
gions of  America,  were  employed  in  order  to 
explain  that  which  is  felt  at  Cape  Horn  and  the 
adjacent  countries.     The  immenfe  extent  of  the 
fouthern  continent,  and  the  large  rivers  which 
it  poured  into  the  ocean,  were  mentioned  and 
admitted  by  philofophers  as  caufes  fufficient  to 
occafion  the  unufual  fenfation  of  cold,  and  the 
Hill  more  uncommon  appearances  of  frozen  feas 
in  that  region  of  the  globe.     But  the  imaginary- 
continent  to  which  fuch  influence  was  afcribed, 
having  been  fearched  for  in  vain,  and  the  fpace 
which  it  was  fuppofed  to  occupy  having  been 
found  to  be  an  open  fea,  new  conjectures  muft 
be  formed  with  refpect  to  the  caufes  of  a  tem- 
perature of  climate,  fo  extremely  different  from 
that  which  we  experience  in  countries  removed 
at  the  fame  diitance  from  the  oppofite  pole1. 

After  contemplating  thofe  permanent  and 
characterise  qualities  of  the  American  conti- 
nent, which  arife  from  the  peculiarity  of  its 
fituation,  and  the  difpofition  of  its  parts,  the 
next  object  that  merits  attention  is  its  condition 
when  firil  difcovered,  as  far  as  that  depended 
upon  the  induftry  and  operations  of  man.  The 
effects  of  human  ingenuity  and  labour  are  more 

t  See  Note  XXXIII. 

extenfive 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  2§t 

cxtenfive  and  confiderable,  than  even  our  own 
vanity  is  apt  at  firft  to  imagine.  When  we  fur- 
vey  the  face  of  the  habitable  globe,  no  fmall 
part  of  that  fertility  and  beauty  which  we  afcribe 
to  the  hand  of  nature,  is  the  work  of  man. 
His  efforts,  when  continued  through  a  fucceffion 
of  ages,  change  the  appearance  and  improve  the 
qualities  of  the  earth.  As  a  great  part  of  the 
ancient  continent  has  long  been  occupied  by  na- 
tions far  advanced  in  arts  and  induftry,  our  eye 
is  accuftomed  to  view  the  earth  in  that  form 
which  it  affumes  when  rendered  fit  to  be  the 
refidence  of  a  numerous  race  of  men,  and  to 
fupply  them  with  nourifhment. 

But  in  the  New  World,  the  ftate  of  mankind 
was  ruder,  and  the  afpect  of  nature  extremely 
different.  Throughout  all  its  vaft  regions,  there 
were  only  two  monarchies  remarkable  for  extent 
of  territory,  or  diftinguifhed  by  any  progrefs 
in  improvement.  The  reft  of  this  continent 
was  pofTefTed  by  fmall  independent  tribes,  defti- 
tute  of  arts  and  induftry,  and  neither  capable 
to  correct  the  defects,  nor  defirous  to  meliorate 
the  condition  of  that  jrart  of  the  earth  allotted 
to  them  for  their  habitation.  Countries,  occu- 
pied by  fuch  people,  were  almoft  in  the  fame 
ftate  as  if  they  had  been  without  inhabitants. 
Immenfe  forefts  covered  a  great  part  of  the  un- 
cultivated earth ;  and  as  the  hand  of  induftry 
Jiad  not  taught  the  rivers  to  run  in  a  proper 
channel,  or  drained  off  the  ftagnating  water, 
many  of  the  moft  fertile  plains  were  overflowed 
with  inundations,  or  converted  into  marfhes.  la 
the  fouthern  provinces,  where  the  warmth  of 
the  fun,  the  moifture,  oi  the  climate,  and  the 

fertility 


2$2  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV". 

fertility  of  the  foil,  combine  in  calling  forth  the 
moll  vigorous  powers  of  vegetation,  the  woods 
are  fo  choked  with  its  rank  luxuriance,  as  to  be 
almoft  impervious,  and  the  furface  of  the  ground 
is  hid  from  the  eye  under  a  thick  covering  of 
fhrubs  and  herbs  and  weeds.     In  this  ftate  of 
wild  unaffifted  nature,  a  great  part  of  the  large 
provinces  in  South  America,  which  extend  from 
the  bottom  of  the  Andes  to  the  fea,  Hill  remain. 
The  European  colonies  have  cleared  and  culti- 
vated a  few  fpots  along  the  coaft,  but  the  origi- 
nal race  of  inhabitants,  as  rude  and  indolent  as 
ever,  have  done  nothing  to  open  or  improve  a 
country,    poffefling   almoft   every   advantage  of 
fituation  and  climate.     As  we  advance  towards 
the  northern  provinces  of  America,  nature  con- 
tinues to  wear  the  fame  uncultivated  afpec~t,  and 
in  proportion   as  the  rigour  of  the  climate  in- 
creafes,     appears    more     defolate    and    horrid. 
There  the  forefts,  though  not  encumbered  with 
the  fame  exuberance  of  vegetation,  are  of  im- 
menfe    extent ;    prodigious    marines   overfpread 
the  plains,  and  few  marks  appear  of  human  ac- 
tivity in   any  attempt'^P  cultivate  or  embellifh 
the  earth.     No  wonder  that  the  colonies  fent 
from   Europe  were  aflonifhed  at  their  firft  en- 
trance into  the  New  World.     It  appeared  to 
them  wafte,    folitary,  and    uninviting.      When 
the   Englifh  began  to  fettle  in  America,  they 
termed  the  countries  of  which  they  took  pof- 
feflion,  The  Wilder  nefs.    Nothing  but  their  eager 
expectation  of  finding    mines   of   gold,    could 
have  induced  the  Spaniards  to  penetrate  through 
the  woods  and  marmes  of  America,  where,   at 
every  ftep,  they  obferved  the  extreme  difference 

between 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  283 

between  the  uncultivated  face  of  Nature,  and 
that  which  it  acquires  under  the  forming  hand 
of  induftry  and  art m. 

The  labour  and  operations  of  man  not  only 
improve  and  embelliih  the  earth,  but  render  it 
more  wholefome,  and  friendly  to  life.  When 
any  region  lies  neglected  and  dellitute  of  culti- 
vation, the  air  ftagnates  in  the  woods,  putrid 
exhalations  arife  from  the  waters ;  the  furface  of 
the  earth,  loaded  with  rank  vegetation,  feels 
not  the  purifying  influence  of  the  fun  or  of  the 
wind  ;  the  malignity  of  the  diflempers  natural 
to  the  climate  increafes,  and  new  maladies  no 
lefs  noxious  are  engendered.  Accordingly,  all 
the  provinces  of  America,  when  firfl  difcovered, 
were  found  to  be  remarkably  unhealthy.  This 
the  Spaniards  experienced  in  every  expedition 
into  the  New  World,  whether  deftined  for  con- 
quell  or  fettlement.  Though  by  the  natural 
conflitution  of  their  bodies,  their  habitual  tem- 
perance, and  the  perfevering  vigour  of  their 
minds,  they  were  as  much  formed  as  any  people 
in  Europe  for  active  fervice  in  a  fultry  climate, 
they  felt  feverely  the  fatal  and  pernicious  qua- 
lities of  thofe  uncultivated  regions  through 
which  they  marched,  or  where  they  endeavoured 
to  plant  colonies.  Great  numbers  were  cut  off 
by  the  unknown  and  violent  difeafes  with  which 
they  were  infected.  Such  as  furvived  the  de- 
finitive rage  of  thofe  maladies,  were  not  ex- 
empted from  the  noxious  influence  of  the  cli- 
mate. They  returned  to  Europe,  according  to 
the  defcription  of  the  early  Spanifh  hiftorians, 
feeble,  emaciated,  with  languid  looks,  and  com- 

«  See  Not*  XXXIV. 
vol.  1.  e  e  plexions 


284  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV. 

plexions  of  fuch  a  fickly  yellow  colour,  as  indi- 
cated the  unwholefome  temperature  of  the 
countries  where  they  had  reiided  n. 

The  uncultivated  ftate  of  the  New  World 
affected  not  only  the  temperature  of  the  air,  but 
the  qualities  of  its  productions.  The  principle 
of  life  feems  to  have  been  lefs  active  and  vigor- 
ous there,  than  in  the  ancient  continent.  Not- 
withstanding the  vaft  extent  of  America,  and 
the  variety  of  its  climates,  the  different  fpecies 
of  animals  peculiar  to  it  are  much  fewer  in  pro- 
portion, than  thofe  of  the  other  hemifphere.  In 
the  iflands,  there  were  only  four  kind  of  qua- 
drupeds known,  the  largeft  of  which  did  not  ex- 
ceed the  lize  of  a  rabbit.  On  the  continent,  the 
variety  was  greater ;  and  though  the  individuals 
of  each  kind  could  not  fail  of  multiplying  ex- 
ceedingly, when  almoft  unmolefted  by  men,  who 
neither  fo  numerous,  nor  fo  united  in  fo- 
ciety,  as  to  be  formidable  enemies  to  the  animal 
creation,  the  number  of  diftinc~t  fpecies  rnuft  itili 
be  confidered  as  extremely  fmall.  Of  two  hun- 
dred different  kinds  of  animals  fpread  over  the 
face  of  the  earth,  only  about  one  third  exifted 
in  America,  at  the  time  of  its  difcovery".  Na- 
ture was  not  only  lefs  prolific  in  the  New  World, 
but  flie  appears  like  wile  to  have  been  lefs  vigor- 
ous in  her  productions.  The  animals  originally 
belonging  to  this  quarter  of  the  globe  appear 
to  be  of  an  inferior  race,  neither  fo  robuft,  nor 
fo  fierce,  as  thofe  of  the  other  continent.  Ame- 
rica gives  birth  to  no  creature  of  fuch  bulk  as 

1  n  Gom*ra  Hift.  c.  20.'  22.     Oviedo  Hift.  lib.  ii.  c,  13.. 
lib.  v.   c.  10.     P.  Mart.  Epift.  545.     Decad.  p,  176. 
•  Buffon  Hift.  Naturelle,  torn,  ix,  p.  $6; 

to 


B.  IV.'  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  2$f 

to  be  compared  with  the  elephant  or  rhinoceros, 
or  that  equals  the  lion  and  tiger  in  ilrength  and 
ferocity  P.      The    Tapyr  of  Brafil,    the  largeft 
quadruped  of  the  ravenous  tribe  in  the    New 
World,  is  not  larger  than  a  calf  of  fix  months 
old.     The  Puma  and  Jaguar,  its  fierceft  beafts 
of  prey,  which  Europeans  have  inaccurately  de- 
nominated lions   and  tigers,  poffefs  neither  the 
undaunted    courage    of    the    former,    nor   the 
ravenous  cruelty  of  the  latter  1.     They  are  inac- 
tive and  timid,  hardly  formidable  to  man,  and 
often  turn  their  backs  upon  the  leaft  appearance 
of  refiHance r.     The  fame  qualities  in  the  climate 
of  America  which  ftinted  the  growth,   and  en- 
feebled the  fpirit,  of  its  native  animals,    have 
proved  pernicious  to  fuch  as  have  migrated  into 
it  voluntarily  from  the  other  continent,  or  have 
been   tranfported   thither   by  the    Europeans 8. 
The  bears,  the  wolves,    the  deer  of  America, 
are  not  equal  in  flze  to  thofe  of  the  Old  World *. 
Moll  of  the  domeftic  animals,  with  which   the 
Europeans  have    flored   the   provinces  wherein 
they   fettled,    have     degenerated   with    refpect 
either  to  bulk,  or  quality,  in   a  country  whofe 
temperature  and  foil  feem  to  be  lefs  favourable 
to  the  ftrength  and  perfection  of  the  animal  cre- 
ation u. 

p  See  Note  XXXV.  <1  Buffbn  Hift.  Natur.  torn. 

ix»  p,  S7.     Margravii  Hift.  Nat.  Brafil,  p.  229. 

r  Buffbn  Hift.  Natur.  ix.  13.  203.  Acofta  Hift.  lib.  iv. 
c.  34..  Pifonis  Hift.  p.  6.  Herrera,  dec.  4.  lib.  iv.  c.  1. 
lib.  x.  c.  13.  s  Churchill,  v.  p   691.     Ovalle  Relat. 

of  Chili,  Church,  iii.   p.  10.      Sommario  de   Oviedo,    c. 
14 — 22.     Voyage  du  Des  Marchais,  iii.  299.  *  Buffoa 

Hilt.  Natur.   ix.    103.       Kalm's  Travels,  i.    102.       Bier. 
Voy.  de  France  Equinox,  p.  339.         u  See  Notje  XXXVI. 
E  E  2  ThlS 


286  HISTORY   OF    AMERICA.  B.  It. 

The  fame  caufes,  which  checked  the  growth 
and  the  vigour  of  the  more  noble  animals,  were 
friendly  to  the  propagation  and  increafe  of  rep- 
tiles and  infects.     Though  this  is  not  peculiar 
to  the   New  World,    and  thofe  odious  tribes, 
.nourifhed  by  heat,  moifture,  and  corruption,  in- 
feft  every  part  of  the  torrid  zone  ;  they  multiply 
falter,  perhaps,  in  America,  and  grow  to  a  more 
monftrous  bulk.      As  this  country  is,  on  the 
whole,   lefs  cultivated,    and  lefs  peopled,  than 
the  other  quarters  of  the  earth,  the  active  prin- 
ciple of  life  waftes  its  force  in  productions  of 
this  inferior  form.     The  air  is  often  darkened 
with  clouds  of  infects,  and  the  ground  covered 
with  mocking  and  noxious  reptiles.  The  country 
around  Porto-Bello  fwarms  with  toads  in  fuch 
multitudes,  as  hide  the  furface  of  the  earth.    At 
Guyaquil,  fnakes  and  vipers  are  hardly  lefs  nu- 
merous.    Carthagena  is  infeiled  with  numerous 
Hocks  of  bats,  which  annoy  not  only  the  cattle 
but  the  inhabitants  x.     In  the  iflands,  legions  of 
ants  have,    at  different  times,  confumed  every 
vegetable  production  /,    and  left  the  earth  en- 
tirely bare,  as  if  it  had  been  burnt  with  lire. 
The  damp  foreits,  and  rank  foil  of  the  countries 
on  the  banks  of  the   Orinoco  and  Maragnon, 
teem  with  almolt  every  ofrenlive  and  poifonous 
creature,  which  the  power  of  a  fultry  fun  can 
quicken  into  lifez. 

The  birds  of  the  New  World  are  not  diilin 
guifhed  by  qualities  fo  confpicuous  and  charac 

x  Voyage  de  Ulloa,  torn.  i.  p.  89.    Id.  p.  147.  Herrera, 

dec.  11.  lib.  iii.  c.  3.  19.  v  See  Note  XXXVII. 

2  Voyage  de  Condamine,  p.  167.    Gumilla,  iii.  120,  &c. 

Kift.  Gener.  des  Voyages,  xiv.  317.     Dumont  Mcmoires  fur 

la  Louiiiane,  i.  iq8.     Sommario  de  Oviedo,  c.  52 — 62. 

teriitical 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  287 

teriftical,  as  thofe  which  we  have  obferved  in  its 
quadrupeds.  Birds  are  more  independent  of 
man,  and  lefs  affected  by  the  changes  which  his 
induftry  and  labour  make  upon  the  ftate  of  the 
earth.  They  have  a  greater  propenfity  to  mi- 
grate from  one  country  to  another,  and  can 
gratify  this  inftinct  of  their  nature  without  dif- 
iiculty  or  danger.  Hence  the  number  of  birds 
common  to  both  continents  is  much  greater  than 
that  of  quadrupeds ;  and  even  fuch  as  are  pe- 
culiar to  America  nearly  refemble  thofe  with 
which  mankind  were  acquainted  in  fimilar  regions 
of  the  ancient  hemifphere.  The  American  birds 
of  the  torrid  zone,  like  thofe  of  the  fame  climate 
in  Afia  and  Africa,  are  decked  in  plumage, 
which  dazzles  the  eye  with  the  beauty  of  its 
colours  ;  but  Nature,  fatisfied  with  clothing  them 
in  this  gay  drefs,  has  denied  mod  of  them  that 
melody  of  found,  and  variety  of  notes,  which 
catch  and  delight  the  ear.  The  birds  of  the 
temperate  climates  there,  in  the  fame  manner  as 
in  our  continent,  are  lefs  fplendid  in  their  ap- 
pearance, but,  in  compenfation  for  that  defect, 
they  have  voices  of  greater  compafs,  and  more 
melodious.  In  fome  diftridts  of  America,  the 
unwholefome  temperature  of  the  air  feems  to  be 
unfavourable  even  to  this  part  of  the  creation. 
The  number  of  birds  is  lefs  than  in  other 
countries,  and  the  traveller  is  flruck  with  the 
amazing  folitude  and  filence  of  its  forefts a.  It 
is  remarkable,   however,    that  America,  where 

a  Bourguer  Voy.  au  Perou,  17.  Chanvalon  Voyage  a  la 
Martinique,  p.  96.  Warren  Defcript.  Surinam.  Ofborn's 
Colled,  ii.  924.  Lettres  Edif.  xxiv.  p.  339.  Charlev.  Hift. 
«lc  la  Nouv.  France,  iii.  155. 

223  the 


2$8  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B,  I 


• 


the  quadrupeds  are  fo  dwarfifh  and  daftardly, 
fhould  produce  the  Condor,  which  is  entitled  to 
pre-eminence  over  all  the  flying  tribe,  in  bulk, 
in  ftrength,  and  in  courage  b. 

The  foil,  in  a  continent  fo  extenfive  as  Ame- 
rica, muft,  of  courfe,  be  extremely  various.  In 
each  of  its  provinces,  we  find  fome  diftinguifhing 
peculiarities,  the  defcription  of  which  belongs 
to  thofe  who  write  their  particular  hiftory.  In 
general,  we  may  obferve,  that  the  moifture  and 
cold,  which  predominates  fo  remarkably  in  all 
parts  of  America,  muft  have  great  influence 
upon  the  nature  of  its  foil ;  countries  lying  in 
the  fame  parallel  with  thofe  regions  which  never 
feel  the  extreme  rigour  of  winter  in  the  ancient 
continent,  are  frozen  over  in  America  during  a 
great  part  of  the  year.  Chilled  by  this  intenfe 
cold,  the  ground  never  acquires  warmth  fuflicient 
to  ripen  the  fruits,  which  are  found  in  the  cor- 
refponding  parts  of  the  other  continent.  If  we 
wifh  to  rear  in  America  the  productions  which 
abound  in  any  particular  diitricTfc  of  the  ancient 
■world,  we  muft  advance  feveral  degrees  nearer 
to  the  line  than  in  the  other  hemifphere,  as  it 
requires  fuch  an  increafe  of  heat  to  counterba- 
lance the  natural  frigidity  of  the  foil  and  cli- 
mate c.  At  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  feveral  of 
the  plants,  and  fruits  peculiar  to  the  countries 
within  the  tropics,  are  cultivated  with  fuccefs ; 
whereas,  at  St.  Auguftine,  in  Florida,  and 
Charles-Town,  in  South  Carolina,  though  con- 
fiderably  nearer  the  line,  they  cannot  be  brought 

b  Voyage de  Ulloa,  i.  363.  Voyage de  Condamine,  175, 
Euffbn  Hift.  Nat.  xvi.  184.  Voyage  du  Des  Marchais,  iii. 
3*0.  «  See  Note  XXXV1JI, 

to 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  289 

to  thrive  with  equal  certainty  d.  But,  if  allow- 
ance be  made  for  this  diverfity  in  the  degree  of 
heat,  the  foil  of  America  is  naturally  as  rich 
and  fertile  as  in  any  part  of  the  earth.  As  the 
country  was  thinly  inhabited,  and  by  a  people 
of  little  induftry,  who  had  none  of  the  domeftic 
animals,  which  civilized  nations  rear  in  fuch  vaft 
numbers,  the  earth  was  not  exhaufted  by  their 
confumption.  The  vegetable  productions,  to 
which  the  fertility  of  the  foil  gave  birth,  often 
remained  untouched,  and  being  fuffered  to  cor- 
rupt on  its  furface,  returned  with  increafe  into 
its  bofom  e.  As  trees  and  plants  derive  a  great 
part  of  their  nourifhment  from  air  and  water,  if 
they  were  not  deftroyed  by  man  and  other  ani- 
mals, they  would  render  to  the  earth  more, 
perhaps,  than  they  take  from  it,  and  feed  rather 
than  impoverish  it.  Thus  the  unoccupied  foil  of 
America  may  have  gone  on  enriching  for  many 
ages.  The  vaft  number  as  well  as  enormous 
fize  of  the  trees  in  America,  indicate  the  ex- 
traordinary vigour  of  the  foil  in  its  native  Hate. 
When  the  Europeans  firft  began  to  cultivate 
the  New  World,  they  were  aftonifhed  at  the 
luxuriant  power  of  vegetation  in  its  virgin 
mould ;  and  in  feveral  places  the  ingenuity  of 
the  planter  is  ftill  employed  in  diminifhing  and 
wafting  its  fuperfluous  fertility,  in  order  to  bring 
it  down  to  a  ftate  fit  for  profitable  culture  f. 

Having  thus  furveyed  the  ftate  of  the  New 
World  at  the  time  of  its  difcovery,    and  con- 

d  See  Note  XXXIX.         e  Button  Hift.  Natur.  i.  242. 
Kalm,  i.  151.  f  Charlevoix,  Hift.  de  Nouv.  Fran, 

iii.  405.  Voyage  du  Des  Marchais,  iii.  229.  Lery  ap  de 
Bry,  part  iii.  p.  174.    Sec  Not*  XL. 

fidered 


2<)0  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV. 

fidered  the  peculiar  features  and  qualities  which 
diftinguiih  and  chara&erife  it,  the  next  inquiry 
that  merits  attention  is,  How  was  America 
peopled  ?  By  what  courfe  did  mankind  migrate 
from  the  one  continent  to  the  other  ?  and  in 
what  quarter  is  it  mod  probable  that  a  commu- 
nication was  opened  between  them  ? 

We  know  with  infallible  certainty,  that  all 
the  human  race  fpring  from  the  fame  fource, 
and  that  the  descendants  of  one  man,  under  the 
protection,  as  well  as  in  obedience  to  the  com- 
mand of  Heaven,  multiplied  and  replenifhed  the 
earth.  But  neither  the  annals  nor  the  traditions 
of  nations  reach  back  to  thofe  remote  ages,  in 
which  they  took  pofTefiion  of  the  different 
countries.,  where  they  are  now  fettled.  We 
cannot  trace  the  branches  of  this  firft  family,  or 
point  out  with  certainty  the  time  and  manner 
in  which  they  divided  and  fpread  over  the  face 
of  the  globe.  Even  among  the  moil  enlightened 
people,  the  period  of  authentic  hiftory  is  ex- 
tremely ihort,  and  every  thing  prior  to  that  is 
fabulous  or  obfcure.  It  is  not  furprifing,  then, 
that  the  unlettered  inhabitants  of  America,  who 
have  no  folicitude  about  futurity,  and  little  cu- 
riofity  concerning  what  is  paft,  ihould  be  alto* 
gether  unacquainted  with  their  own  original. 
The  people  on  the  two  oppohte  coads  of  Ame- 
rica, who  occupy  thofe  countries  in  America  which 
approach  neareft  to  the  ancient  continent,  are  fo 
remarkably  rude,  that  it  is  altogether  vain  tofearch 
among  them  for  fuch  information  as  might  dis- 
cover the  place  from  whence  they  came,  or  the 
auceilors  of  whom  they  are  defcended?.     What- 

s  Venega's  Hilt,  of  California,  i.  6o# 

ever 


*.  iv.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  20,1 

ever  light  has  been  thrown  on  this  fubjec"t,  is  de- 
rived, not  from  the  natives  of  America,  but  from 
the  inquifitive  genius  of  their  conquerors. 

When  the  people  of  Europe  unexpectedly  dif- 
covered  a  New  World,  removed  at  a  ^  vaft 
diitance  from  every  part  of  the  ancient  continent 
which  was  then  known,  and  filled  with  inhabit- 
ants whofe  appearance  and  manners  differed  re- 
markably from  the  reft  of  the  human  fpecies,  the 
queilion  concerning  their  original  became  natu- 
rally an  object  of  curiofity  and  attention.  The 
theories  and  fpeculations  of  ingenious  men  with 
refpeft  to  this  fubjeft,  would  fill  many  volumes  * 
but  are  often  fo  wild  and  chimerical,  that  I 
mould  offer  an  infult  to  the  underftanding  of  my 
readers,  if  I  attempted  either  minutely  to  enu- 
merate or  to  refute  them.  Some  have  prefump- 
tuoufly  imagined,  that  the  people  of  America 
were  not  the  offspring  of  the  fame  common  pa- 
rent with  the  reft  of  mankind,  but  that  they 
formed  a  feparate  race  of  men,  diftinguifhable  by 
peculiar  features  in  the  conftitution  of  their 
bodies,  as  well  as  in  the  characteriftic  qualities 
of  their  minds.  Others  contend,  that  they  are 
defcended  from  fome  remnant  of  the  antediluvian 
inhabitants  of  the  earth,  who  furvived  the  deluge, 
which  fwept  away  the  greateft  part  of  the  hu* 
man  fpecies  in  the  days  of  Noah;  and  pre- 
pofteroufly  fuppofe  rude,  uncivilized  tribes, 
fcattered  over  an  uncultivated  continent,  to  be 
the  moft  ancient  race  of  people  on  the  earth. 
There  is  hardly  any  nation  from  the  north  to  the 
fouth  pole,  to  which  fome  antiquary,  in  the  ex* 
travagance  of  conje&ure,  has  not  afcribed  the 
honour  of  peopling  America.     The  Jews,  the 

Canaanites, 


292  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA  B.  IV. 

Canaanites,  the  Phoenicians,  the  Carthagenians,. 
the  Greeks,  the  Scythians  in  ancient  times,  are 
fuppofed  to  have  fettled  in  this  weftern  world. 
The  Chinefe,  the  Swedes,  the  Norwegians,  the 
Welfh,  the  Spaniards,  are  faid  to  have  fent  co-> 
lonies  thither  in  later  ages,  at  different  periods, 
and  on  various  occafions.      Zealous   advocates 
{land  forth  to  fupport  the  refpective  claims  of 
thofe  people ;    and  though  they  reft  upon  no 
better  foundation  than  the  cafual  refemblance  of 
fome  cuftoms,  or  the  fuppofed  affinity  between 
a  few  words  in  their  different  languages,  much 
erudition  and  more  zeal  have  been  employed, 
to  little   purpofe,    in   defence   of  the  oppofite 
fy items.     Thofe  regions  of  conjecture  and  con- 
troverfy  belong  not  to  the  hiitorian.     His  is  a 
more    limited    province,     confined   to   what    is 
eftablifhed  by  certain   or  highly  probable   evi- 
dence.     Beyond   this  I  mall   not  venture,    in 
offering  a  few  obfervations,  which  may  contri- 
bute to  throw  fome  light  upon  this  curious  and 
much  agitated  queftion. 

1.  There,  are  authors  who  have  endeavoured 
by  mere  conjectures  to  account  for  the  peopling 
of  America.  Some  have  fuppofed  that  it  was 
originally  united  to  the  ancient  continent,  and 
disjoined  from  it  by  the  fhock  of  an  earthquake, 
or  the  irruption  of  a  deluge.  Others  have  ima- 
gined, that  fome  veffel  being  forced  from  its 
courfe  by  the  violence  of  a  weiterly  wind,  might 
be  driven  by  accident  towards  the  American 
coaft,  and  have  given  a  beginning  to  population 
in  that  defolate  continent11.  But  with  refpect 
h  Parfon's  Remains  of  Japhet,  p.  240.  Ancient  Univerf. 
Kift.  vol.  xx.  p.  164*  P.  Feyjoo  Teatro  Critico,  torn.  v. 
p.  304,55c.  Acofta  Hift.  Moral.  Novi  Orbis,  lib.  i.  c.  16,  19. 

to 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  293 

to  all  thofe  fyftems,  it  is  vain  either  to  reafon  or 
inquire,  becaufe  it  is  impoflible  to  come  to  any 
deciiion.  Such  events  as  they  fuppole  are  barely 
poflible,  and  may  have  happened.  That  they 
ever  did  happen,  we  have  no  evidence,  either 
from  the  clear  teltimony  of  hifiory,  or  from  the 
obfcure  intimations  of  tradition. 

2.  Nothing  can  be  more  frivolous  or  uncertain 
than  the  attempts  to  difcover  the  original  of  the 
Americans,  merely  by  tracing  the  refemblance 
between  their  manners  and  thoie  of  any  particular 
people  in  the  ancient  continent.  If  we  fuppofe 
two  tribes,  though  placed  in  the  moft  remote 
regions  of  the  globe,  to  Jive  in  a  climate  nearly 
of  the  fame  temperature,  to  be  in  the  fame  ilate 
of  fociety,  and  to  refemble  each  other  in  the  de- 
gree of  their  improvement,  they  mull  feel  the 
fame  wants,  and  exert  the  fame  endeavours  to 
fupply  them.  The  fame  objects  will  allure,  the 
fame  paflions  will  animate  them,  and  the  fame 
ideas  and  fentiments  will  arife  in  their  minds. 
The  character  and  occupations  of  the  hunter  in 
America  mull  be  little  different  from  thofe  of  an 
Afiatic,  who  depends  for  fubiiftence  on  the 
chace.  A  tribe  of  favages  on  the  banks  of  the 
Danube  muft  nearly  refemble  one  upon  the  plains 
warned  by  the  Miffifrppi.  Inftead  then  of  pre- 
fuming  from  this  fimilarity,  that  there  is  any 
affinity  between  them,  we  mould  only  conclude, 
that  the  difpofition  and  manners  of  men  are 
formed  by  their  fituation,  and  arife  from  the  ft  ate 
of  fociety  in  which  they  live.  The  moment  that 
begins  to  vary,  the  character  of  a  people  muft 
change.  In  proportion  as  it  advances  in  im- 
provement^ their  manners  refine,  their  powers 

and 


294  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA*  B.  IV. 

and  talents  are  called  forth.  In  every  part  of 
the  earth  the  progrefs  of  man  hath  been  nearly 
the  fame,  and  we  can  trace  him  in  his  career 
from  the  rude  fimplicity  of  favage  life,  until  he 
attains  the  induftry,  the  arts,  and  the  elegance 
of  polifhed  fociety.  There  is  nothing  wonder- 
ful then  in  the  fimilitude  between  the  Americans 
and  the  barbarous  nations  of  our  continent.  Had 
Lafitau,  Garcia,  and  many  other  authors,  at- 
tended to  this,  they  would  not  have  perplexed 
a  fubject  which  they  pretend  to  illuilrate,  by 
their  fruitlefs  endeavours  to  eftablifh  an  affinity 
between  various  races  of  people  in  the  old  and 
new  continents,  upon  no  other  evidence  than 
fuch  a  refemblance  in  their  manners  as  neceffarily 
arifes  from  the  fimilarity  of  their  condition. 
There  are,  it  is  true,  among  every  people,  fome 
cuftoms,  which,  as  they  do  not  flow  from  any 
natural  want  or  delire  peculiar  to  their  iituation, 
may  be  denominated  ufages  of  arbitrary  inltitu- 
tion.  If  between  two  nations  fettled  in  remote 
parts  of  the  earth,  a  perfect  agreement  with  re- 
fpecl:  to  any  of  thefe  mould  be  difcovered,  one 
might  be  led  to  fufpecl:  that  they  were  connected 
by  fome  affinity.  If,  for  example,  a  nation  were 
found  in  America  that  confecrated  the  feventh 
day  to  religious  worfhip  and  reft,  we  might 
juftly  fuppofe  that  it  had  derived  its  knowledge 
of  this  ufage,  which  is  of  arbitrary  inftitution, 
from  the  Jews.  But,  if  it  were  difcovered  that 
another  nation  celebrated  the  firft  appearance  of 
every  new  moon  with  extraordinary  demonftrations 
of  joy,  we  mould  not  be  entitled  to  conclude 
that  the  obfervation  of  this  monthly  feitival  was 
borrowed  from  the  Jews,  but  ought  to  confider 

) 


fi.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  29$ 

it  merely  as  the  expreffion  of  that  joy  which  is 
natural  to  man  on  the  return  of  the  planet  which 
guides  and  cheers  him  in  the  night.  The  in- 
ilances  of  cuftoms,  merely  arbitrary,  common  to 
the  inhabitants  of  both  hemifpheres,  are,  indeed, 
fo  few  and  fo  equivocal,  that  no  theory  concern- 
ing the  population  of  the  New  World  ought  to 
be  founded  upon  them. 

3.  The  theories  which  have  been  formed  with 
refpect  to  the  original  of  the  Americans,  from 
obfervation  of  their  religious  rites  and  practices, 
are  no  lefs  fanciful,  and  deflitute  of  folid 
foundation.  When  the  religious  opinions  of  any 
people  are  neither  the  refult  of  rational  inquiry, 
nor  derived  from  the  inftru&ions  of  revelation, 
they  mull  needs  be  wild  and  extravagant.  Bar- 
barous nations  are  incapable  of  the  former,  and 
have  not  been  bleffed  with  the  advantages  arifing 
from  the  latter.  Still,  however,  the  human 
mind,  even  where  its  operations  appear  moft 
wild  and  capricious,  holds  a  courfe  fo  regular, 
that  in  every  age  and  country  the  dominion  of 
particular  pafilons  will  be  attended  with  fimilar 
effe&s.  The  favage  of  Europe  or  America, 
when  filled  with  fuperftitious  dread  of  invifible 
beings,  or  with  inquifitive  folicitude  to  pene- 
trate into  the  events  of  futurity,  trembles 
alike  with  fear,  or  glows  with  impatience. 
He  has  recourfe  to  rites  and  practices  of  the 
fame  kind,  in  order  to  avert  the  vengeance 
which  he  fuppofes  to  be  impending  over  him,  or 
to  divine  the  fecret  which  is  the  objecl:  of  his 
curiofity.  Accordingly,  the  ritual  of  fuperfti- 
tion,  in  one  continent,  feems,  in  many  par- 
ticulars, to  be  a  tranfcript  of  that  eftablifhed  in 

vol.  1.  f  f  the 


2C}G  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV. 

the  other,  and  both  authorife  ilmilar  inflitutions, 
fometimes  fo  frivolous  as  to  excite  pity,  Come* 
times  fo  bloody  and  barbarous  as  to  create  horror. 
But  without  fuppoiing  any  confanguinity  between 
fuch  diitant  nations,  or  imagining  that  their  reli- 
gious ceremonies   were  conveyed   by    tradition 
from  the  one  to  the  other,  we  may  afcribe  this 
uniformity,  which  in  many  initances  feems  very 
amazing,  to  the  natural  operation  of  fuperitition  and 
enthufjafm  upon  the  weaknefs  of  the  human  mind. 
4.  We  may  lay  it  down  as  a  certain  principle 
:n  this  inquiry,    that  America  was  not  peopled 
by  any  nation  of  the  ancient  continent,  which 
had  made  coniiderable  progrefs  in  civilization. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  New  World  were  in  a 
flate  of  fociety  fo  extremely  rude,  as  to  be  un- 
acquainted with  thofe  arts  which  are  the  fird 
effays  of  human  ingenuity  in  its  advance  towards 
improvement.     Even  the  moil  cultivated  nations 
of  America  were    llrangers   to    many   of  thofe 
fimple  inventions,  which  were  almoil  coeval  with 
fociety  in   other  parts  of  the  world,   and  were 
known  in  the  earliefl  periods  of  civil  life  with 
which  we  have  any  acquaintance.     From  this  it 
is  manifeit,  that  the  tribes  which  originally  mi* 
grated  to  America,  came  off  from  nations  which 
mud  have  been    no    lefs    barbarous  than    their 
pofterity,   at  the  time  when  they  were  iiril  dis- 
covered by  the  Europeans.     For,  although  the 
elegant  and  refined  arts  may  decline  or  perifh, 
amidft  the  violent  (hocks  of  thofe  revolutions  and 
difafters   to    which    nations   are    expofed,     the 
necelTary  arts  of  life,  when  once  they  have  been 
introduced  among  any  people,    are  never  loft. 
None  of  the  viciffitudes  in  human  affairs  aftecl 

thefe, 


3.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  297* 

thefc,  and  they  continue  to  be  pracUfed  as  long* 
as  the  race  of  men  exifts.  If  ever  the  ufe  of 
iron  had  been  known  to  the  favages  of  America, 
or  to  their  progenitors,  if  ever  they  had  em- 
ployed a  plough,  a  loom,  or  a  forge,  the  utility 
of  thofe  inventions  would  have  preferved  them, 
and  it  is  impoflible  that  they  mould  have  been 
abandoned  or  forgotten.  We  may  conclude 
then,  that  the  Americans  fprung  from  fome 
people,  who  were  themfelves  in  fuch  an  early 
and  unimproved  flage  of  fociety,  as  to  be  unac- 
quainted with  all  thofe  neceffary  arts,  which, 
continued  to  be  unknown  among  their  pofterity, 
when  flrft  vifited  by  the  Spaniards. 

5.  It  appears  no  %lefs  evident  that  America 
was  not  peopled  by  any  colony  from  the  more 
fouthern  nations  of  the  ancient  continent.  None 
of  the  rude  tribes  fettled  in  that  part  of  our 
hemifphere  can  be  fuppofed  to  have  vifited  a 
country  fo  remote.  They  poffeffed  neither  en- 
terprife,  nor  ingenuity,  nor  power,  that  could 
prompt  them  to  undertake,  or  enable  them  to 
perform,  fuch  a  diflant  voyage.  That  the  more 
civilized  nations  in  Aha  or  Africa  are  not  the 
progenitors  of  the  Americans  is  manifeft,  not 
only  from  the  obfervations  which  I  have  already 
made  concerning  their  ignorance  of  the  mod 
fimple  and  neceffary  arts,  but  from  an  additional 
circumftance.  Whenever  any  people  have  ex- 
perienced the  advantages  which  men  enjoy,  by 
their  dominion  over  the  inferior  animals,  they 
can  neither  fubfift  without  the  nourifhment  which 
thefe  afford,  nor  carry  on  any  considerable  ope- 
ration independent  of  their  miniftry  and  labour. 
Accordingly,  the  firft  care  of  the  Spaniards, 
f  f  1  when 


298  HISTORY    OP    AMERICA.  B.  IV. 

when  they  fettled  in  America,  was  to  flock  it 
with  all  the  domeftic  animals  of  Europe ;  and 
if,  prior  to  them,  the  Tyrians,  the  Carthaginians, 
the  Chinefe,  or  any  other  polifhed  people,  had 
taken  poffefiion  of  that  continent,  we  mould 
have  found  there  the  animals  peculiar  to  thofe 
regions  of  the  globe  where  they  were  originally 
feated.  In  all  America,  however,  there  is  not 
one  animal,  tame  or  wild,  which  properly  belongs 
to  the  warm,  or  even  the  more  temperate  conn- 
tries  of  the  ancient  continent.  The  camel,  the 
dromedary,  the  horfe,  the  cow,  were  as  much 
unknown  in  America,  as  the  elephant  or  the 
lion.  From  which  it  is  obvious,  that  the  people 
who  firft  fettled  in  the  weftern  world  did  not 
iflue  from  the  countries  where  thofe  animals 
abound,  and  where  men,  from  having  been  long 
accuftomed  to  their  aid,  would  naturally  confider 
it,  not  only  as  beneficial,  but  as  indifpenfably 
neceffary  to  the  improvement,  and  even  the  pre* 
fervation,  of  civil  fociety. 

6.  From-  confidering  the  animals  with  which 
America  is  ftored,  we  may  conclude  that  the 
neareft  point  of  contact  between  the  old  and 
new  continents  is  towards  the  northern  extremity 
of  both,  and  that  there  the  communication  was 
opened,  and  the  intercourfe  carried  on  between 
them.  All  the  extenfive  countries  in  America 
which  lie  within  the  tropics,  or  approach  near 
to  them,  are  filled  with  indigenous  animals  of 
various  kinds,  entirely  different  from  thofe  in 
the  correfponding  regions  of  the  ancient  conti- 
nent. But  the  northern  provinces  of  the  New 
World  abound  with  many  of  the  wild  animals 
which  are  common  in  fuch  parts  of  our  hemi- 

fphere 


•B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  299 

fphere  as  lie  in  a  fimilar  fituation.  The  bear, 
the  wolf,  the  fox,  the  hare,  the  deer,  the  roe- 
buck, the  elk,  and  feveral  other  fpecies  frequent 
the  forefts  of  North  America,  no  lefs  than  thofe 
in  the  north  of  Europe  and  Alia  h.  It  feems  to 
be  evident  then,  that  the  two  continents  approach 
each  other  in  this  quarter,  and  are  either  united, 
or  fo  nearly  adjacent,  that  thefe  animals  might 
pafs  from  the  one  to  the  other. 

7.  The  actual  vicinity  of  the  two  continents 
is  fo  clearly  eftablimed  by  modern  difcoveries, 
that  the  chief  difficulty  with  refpec~t.  to  the 
peopling  of  America  is  removed.  While  thofe 
immenfe  regions,  which  ftretch  eaftward  from 
the  river  Oby  to  the  fea  of  Kamchatka  were 
unknown,  or  imper fe&ly  explored,  the  north- 
eaft  extremities  of  our  hemifphere  were  fuppofed 
to  be  fo  far  diftant  from  any  part  of  the  New 
World,  that  it  it  was  not  eafy  to  conceive  how 
any  communication  mould  have  been  carried  on 
between  them.  But  the  Ruffians,  having  fub- 
Je&ed  the  weflern  part  of  Siberia  to  their  em- 
pire, gradually  extended  their  knowledge  of  that 
vail  country,  by  advancing  towards  the  eaft  into 
unknown  provinces.  Thefe  were  difcovered 
by  hunters  in  their  excurfions  after  game,  or  by 
foldiers  employed  in  levying  the  taxes,  and  the 
court  of  Mofcow  eftimated  the  importance  ^  of 
thofe  countries  only  by  the  fmall  addition  which 
they  made  to  its  revenue.  At  length  Peter  the 
Great  afcended  the  Ruffian  throne.  His  en- 
lightened, compvehenfive  mind,  intent  upon  every 
circumltance  that  could  aggrandize  his  empire* 
or  render  his  reign  illuflrious,  difcerned  confe- 
rences of  thofe  difcoveries,  which  had  efcaped 
*  Buffim  Hift.  Nat.  5x.  p.  97,  &c% 


f  f  3  tke 


300  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  T>.  It. 

the  obfervation  of  his  ignorant  predecefTors. 
He  perceived,  that  in  proportion  as  the  regions 
of  Afia  extended  towards  the  eaft,  they  mull 
approach  nearer  to  America  ;  that  the  communi- 
cation between  the  two  continents,  which  had 
long  been  fearched  for  in  vain,  would  probably 
be  found  in  this  quarter,  and  that  by  opening  it, 
fome  part  of  the  wealth  and  commerce  of  the 
weftern  world  might  be  made  to  flow  into  his 
dominions  by  a  new  channeL  Such  an  objeft 
fuited  a  genius  that  delighted  in  grand  fchemes. 
Peter  drew  up  inftru&ions  with  his  own  hand  for 
profecuting  this  defign,  and  gave  orders  for  car- 
rying it  into  execution  K 

His  fucceflbrs  adopted  his  ideas,  and  purfued 
his  plan.  The  officers  whom  the  Ruffian  court 
employed  in  this  fervice,  had  to  flruggle  with 
fo  many  difficulties,  that  their  progrefs  was  ex* 
tremely  flow.  Encouraged  by  fome  faint  tra- 
ditions among  the  people  of  Siberia,  concerning 
a  fuccefsful  voyage  in  the  year  one  thoufand  fix 
hundred  and  forty-eight,  round  the  north-eait. 
promontory*  of  Afia,  they  attempted  to  follow 
the  fame  courfe.  VefTels  were  fitted  out,  with 
this  view,  at  different  times,  from  the  rivers 
L.ena  and  Kolyma  ;  but  in  a  frozen  ocean,  which 
nature  feems  not  to  have  deftined  for  naviga- 
tion, they  were  expofed  to  many  difafters,  with-* 
out  being  able  to  accomplifh  their  purpofe.  No 
vcffel  fitted  out  by  the  Ruffian  court  ever  doubled 
this  formidable  cape  k ;  we  are  indebted  for 
what  is  known  of  thofe  extreme  regions  of  Afia, 
to  the  difcoveries  made  in  excurfions  by  land. 

1  Muller  Voyages  ct  Decouvertes  par  les  Ruffes,  torn.  i. 
P»  4>  5-  Hl<  *  See  Not*  XLI. 

In 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  301 

In  all  thofe  provinces  an  opinion  prevails,  that 
there  are  countries  of  great  extent  and  fertility, 
which  lie  at  no  confiderable  diftance  from  their 
own  coafts.  Thefe  the  Ruffians  imagined  to  be 
part  of  America  ;  and  feveral  circumftances  con- 
curred  not  only  in  confirming  them  in  this  belief, 
but  in  perfuading  them  that  fome  portion  of  that 
continent  could  not  be  very  remote.  Trees  of 
various  kinds,  unknown  in  thofe  naked  regions 
of  Afia,  are  driven  upon  the  coaft  by  an  eallerly 
wind.  By  the  fame  wind,  floating  ice  is  brought 
thither  in  a  few  days  ;  flights  of  birds  arrive 
annually  from  the  fame  quarter ;  and  a  tradition 
obtains  among  the  inhabitants,  of  an  intercourfe 
formerly  carried  on  with  fome  countries  fituated 
to  the  eaft, 

After  weighing  all  thefe  particulars,  and  com- 
paring the  pofition  of  the  countries  in  Alia 
which  had  been  difcovered,  with  fuch  parts  in 
the  north -weft  of  America  as  were  already  known, 
the  Ruffian  court  formed  a  plan,  which  would 
have  hardly  occurred  to  a  nation  lefs  accuflomed 
to  engage  in  arduous  undertakings,  and  to  con- 
tend with  great  difficulties.  Orders  were  iffued 
to  build  two  veffels  at  the  fmall  village  of  Ochotz, 
fituated  on  the  fea  of  Kamchatka,  to  fail  on  a 
voyage  of  difcovery.  Though  that  dreary  un- 
cultivated region  furnifhed  nothing  that  could 
be  of  ufe  in  conftru&ing  them,  but  fome  larch 
trees ;  though  not  only  the  iron*  the  cordage, 
the  fails,  and  all  the  numerous  articles  requisite 
for  their  equipment,  but  the  provifions  for  vic- 
tualling them  were  to  be  carried  through  the 
immenfe  deferts  of  Siberia,  down  rivers  of  diffi- 
cult navigation,  and  along  roads  almoft  impaff- 

ablea 


J02  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  ISl  IV. 

able,  the  mandate  of  the  fovereign,  and  the  per- 
feveranee  of  the  people,  at  lafh  furmounted  every 
obftacle.     Two  veffels  were  fmifhed,  and,  under 
the  command  of  the  captains  Behring  andTfchi* 
rikow,  failed  from  Kamchatka    [June  4,  1741], 
in  queft  of  the  New  World,  in  a  quarter  where 
it   had    never  been  approached.     They  fhaped 
their   courfe  towards   the  eaft  ;    and  though  a 
ftorm  foon  Separated  the  veffels,  which  never  re- 
joined,   and  many  difafters  befel  them,   the  ex« 
pe&ations  from  the  voyage  were  not  altogether 
fruftrated.     Each  of  the  commanders  difcovered 
land,  which  to  them  appeared  to  be  part  of  the 
American  continent ;    and,   according  to  their 
obfervations,  it  feems  to  be  fituated  within  a  few 
degrees  of  the  north-weft  coaft  of  California.  Each 
fet  fome  of  his  people  afhore  ;    but  in  one  place 
the  inhabitants  fled  as  the  Ruffians  approached  ; 
in  another,  they  carried  off  thofe  who  landed, 
and  deftroyed  their  boats.     The  violence  of  the 
weather,  and  the  diftrefs  of  their  crews,  obliged 
both  captains  to  quit  this  inhofpitable  coaft.     In 
their   return    they   touched   at   feveral    iflands, 
which  ftretch  in  a  chain  from  eaft  to  weft  be- 
tween the  country  which  they  had   difcovered 
and  the  coaft  of  Afia.  They  had  fome  intercourse 
with  the  natives,  who  feemed  to  them  to  refemble 
the  North  Americans.     They  prefented  to  the 
Ruffians  the  calumet,  or  pipe  of  peace,  which  is 
a  fymbol  of  friendfhip  univerfal  among  the  people 
of  North  America,  and  an  ufage  of  arbitrary 
inftitution,  peculiar  to  them. 

Though  the  iflands  of  this  New  Archipelago 
have  been  frequented  ftnce  that  time  by  the  Ruf- 
fian hunters,  the  court.of  St.  Peterfburgh,  during 

a  pe- 


S.  IT.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  303 

&  period  of  more  than  forty  years,  feems  to  have 
lelinquifhed  every  thought   of  profecuting  dif- 
coveries  in  that  quarter.     But  in  the  year  one 
thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fixty-eight,  it  was 
unexpectedly  refumed.     The  fovereign,  who  had 
been  lately  feated  on   the  throne  of  Peter  the 
Great,  pofiefTed  the  genius  and  talents  of  her 
jlluftrious  predeceffor.      During  the  operations 
cf  the  moll  arduous  and  extenfive  war  in  which 
the  Ruffian  empire  was  ever  engaged,  fhe  formed 
fchemes   and  executed  undertakings,  to  which 
inore  limited  abilities  would  have  been  incapable 
©f  attending  but  amidft  the   leifure  of  pacific 
times.     A  new  voyage  of    difcovery  from  the 
eaitern  extremity  of  Alia  was  planned,  and  cap- 
tain  Krenitzin    and   lieutenant   Levafheff  wrere 
appointed  to  command  the  two  vefTels  fitted  out 
for  that  purpofe.     In  their  voyage  outward  they 
held  nearly  the   fame  courfe   with  the   former 
pavigators,    they  touched  at  the  fame  iflands, 
obferved  their  fituation  and  productions   more 
carefully,  and  difcovered  feveral  new  iflands,  with 
which  Behring  and  Tfchirikow  had  not  fallen  in. 
Though  they  did  not  proceed  fo  far  to  the  eaft 
as  to  revifit   the   country  which    Behring  and 
Tfchirikow  fuppofed  to  be  part  of  the  American 
continent,  yet,  by  returning  in  a  courfe  confider- 
ably  to  the  north  of  theirs,  they  corrected  fome 
capital  miftakes  into    which  their    predeceffors 
had  fallen,  and  have  contributed  to  facilitate  the 
progrefs  of  future  navigators  in  thofe  feas  h 

Thus  the  poflibility  of  a  communication  be- 
tween the  continents  in  this  quarter  refts  no 
longer  upon  mere  conjecture,  but  is  eftablifhed 

1  See  Note  XLII. 

by 


304  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV* 

by  undoubted  evidence  m.  Some  tribe,  or  fome 
families  of  wandering  Tartars,  from  the  reftlefs 
fpirit  peculiar  to  their  race,  might  migrate  to 
the  neareft  iflands,  and,  rude  as  their  knowledge 
of  navigation  was,  might,  by  palling  from  one 
to  the  other,  reach  at  length  the  coaft  of  Ame- 
rica, and  give  a  beginning  to  population  in  that 
continent.  The  diftance  between  the  Marian  or 
Ladrone  iflands  and  the  neareft  land  in  Afia,  is 
greater  than  that  between  the  part  of  America 
which  the  Ruffians  difcovered,  and  the  coaft  of 
Kamchatka  ;  and  yet  the  inhabitants  of  thofe 
iflands  are  manifeftly  of  Aflatic  extract.  If,  not- 
withstanding their  remote  fituation,  we  admit 
that  the  Marian  iflands  were  peopled  from  our 
continent,  diilance  alone  is  no  reafon  why  we 
mould  hefitate  about  admitting  that  the  Ame- 
ricans may  derive  their  original  from  the  fame 
fource.  It  is  probable  that  future  navigators 
in  thofe  feas,  by  fleering  farther  to  the  north, 
may  find  that  the  continent  of  America  ap- 
proaches Hill  nearer  to  Afia,  According  to  the 
information  of  the  barbarous  people  who  inhabit 
the  countiy  about  the  north-eaft  promontory  of 
Afia,  there  lies,  off  the  coaft,  a  fmall  ifland,  to 
which  they  fail  in  lefs  than  a  day.  From  that 
they  can  defcry  a  large  continent,  which,  ac- 
cording to  their  defcriptiou,  is  covered,  with 
forefts,  and  poffeffed  by  people  whofe  language 
they  do  not  underftand  n.  By  them  they  are 
fupplied  with  the  fkins  of  martens,  an  animal 
unknown  in  the  northern  parts  of  Siberia,  and 
which  is  never  found  but  in  countries  abounding 

ni  Muller'S  Voyages,  torn.  i.  p.  248,  &c.  267.  276. 
n  Muller's  Voyages  &  Decouv.  i.  166. 

with 


: 


B.  ir.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  30$ 

with  trees.  If  we  could  rely  on  this  account, 
we  might  conclude,  that  the  American  continent 

•  isfeparated  from  ours  only  by  a  narrow  ftrait, 
and  all  the  difficulties  with  refped  to  the  com- 

•  munication  between  them  would  vanifh.  What 
could  be  offered  only  as  a  conjeaure  when  this 
Hiitory  was  firft  publifhed  is  now  known  to  be 
certain.  The  near  approach  of  the  two  conti- 
nents to  each  other  has  been  difcovered  and 
traced  in  a  voyage  undertaken  upon  principles 
fo  pure  and  fo  liberal,  and  condu&ed  with  fo 

much  profeffional  Ml,  as  refied  luftre  upon  the 
reiVn  of  the  fovereign  by  whom  it  was  planned, 
and  do  honour  to  the  officers  entrufted  with  the 
execution  of  it  °. 

It  is  likewife  evident  from  recent  diicovenes, 
that  an  intercourfe  between  our  continent  and 
America  might  be  carried  on  with  no  lefs  facility 
from  the  north-weft  extremities  of  Europe.  As 
early  as  the  ninth  century  [A.  D.  830],  the 
Norwegians  difcovered  Greenland,  and  planted 
colonies  there.  The  communication  with  that 
country,  after  a  long  interruption,  was  renewed 
in  the  laft  century.  Some  Lutheran  and  Mo- 
ravian  miffionaries,  prompted  by  zeal  for  pro- 
pagating the  Chriftian  faith,  have  ventured  to 
fettle  in  this  frozen  and  uncultivated  region  P. 
To  them  we  are  indebted  for  much  curious  in- 
formation with  refped  to  its  nature  and  inhabit- 
ants. We  learn,  that  the  north-well  coalt  or. 
Greenland  is  feparated  from  America  by  a  very 
narrow  ftrait ;  that,  at  the  bottom  of  the  bay 

o  See  Note  XLI1I.  *  Crantz'  Hift.  of  Greenl. 

i.  242.  244.  Prevot  Hift.  Gen.  des  Voyages,  torn.  xv.  152, 
not.   (96).  .nto 


3©6  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.I?. 

into  which  this  ftrait  conduces,  it  is  highly  pro* 
bable  that  they  are  united  <i ;  that  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  two  countries  have  fome  intercourfc 
with  one  another  ;  that  the  Efquimaux  of  Ame- 
rica perfectly  refemble  the  Greenlanders  in  their 
afpecr.,  drefs,  and  mode  of  living;  that  fome 
failors,  who  had  acquired  the  knowledge  of  a 
few  words  in  the  Greenlandifh  language,  report- 
ed that  thefe  were  underftood  by  the  Efqui- 
maux; that,  at  length  [A.  D.  1764],  a  Moravian 
miffionary,  well  acquainted  with  the  language  of 
Greenland,  having  vifited  the  country  of  the 
Efquimaux,  Tound,  to  his  aftoniihment,  that 
they  fpoke  the  fame  language  with  the  Green- 
landers,  that  they  were  in  every  refpect  the 
fame  people,  and  he  was  accordingly  received 
and  entertained  by  them  as  a  friend  and  a  bro- 
ther r. 

By  thcfe  decifive  facts,  not  only  the  confan- 
guinity  of  the  Efquimaux  and  Greenlanders  is 
eitablifhed,  but  the  poflibility  of  peopling  Ame- 
rica from  the  north  of  Europe  is  demon  fixated. 
If  the  Norwegians,  in  a  barbarous  age,  when 
fcience  had  not  begun  to  dawn  in  the  north  of 
Europe,  poffelfed  fuch  naval  flcill  as  to  open  a 
communication  with  Greenland,  their  ancellors 
as  much  addicted  to  roving  by  fea,  as  the  Tar- 
tars are  to  wandering  by  land,  might,  at  fome 
more  remote  period,  accomplifh  the  fame  voyage, 
and  fettle  a  colony  there,  whofe  defcendants 
might,  in  progrefs  of  time,  migrate  into  America. 
But  if,  inllead  of  venturing  to  fail  directly 
from  their  own  coaft  to  Greenland,  we  fuppofe 
that  the  Norwegians  held  a  more  cautious  courfe, 

<l  Eggede,  p.  2,  3.     »  Crams'  Hift.  of  Greenl,  p.  261,  262. 

i 


8.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  307 

and  advanced  from  Shetland  to  the  Feroe  Iflands, 
and  from  them  to  Iceland,  in  all  which  they  had 
planted  colonies,  their  progrefs  may  have  been 
fo  gradual,  that  this  navigation  cannot  be  con- 
fidered  as  cither  longer  or  more  hazardous,  than 
thofe  voyages  which  that  hardy  and  enterprifing 
race  of  men  is  known  to  have  performed  in 
every  age. 

8.  Though  it  be  poflible  that  America  may 
have  received  its  iirft  inhabitants  from  our  con- 
tinent, either  by  the  north-weft  of  Europe  or 
the  north-eaft  of  Afia,  there  feems  to  be  good 
reafon  for  fuppofing  that  the  progenitors  of  all 
the  American  nations,  from  Cape  Horn  to  the 
fouthern  confines  of  Labrador,  migrated  from 
the  latter  rather  than  the  former.  The  Efqui- 
maux  are  the  only  people  in  America,  who,  in 
their  afpedt.  or  character,  bear  any  refemblance 
to  the  northern  Europeans.  They  are  mani- 
feltly  a  race  of  men,  diftindt.  from  all  the  nations 
of  the  American  continent,  in  language,  in  dif- 
pofition,  and  in  habits  of  life.  Their  original, 
then,  may  warrantably  be  traced  up  to  that 
fource,  which  I  have  pointed  out.  But,  among 
all  the  other  inhabitants  of  America,  there  is  fuch 
a  ftriking  limilitude  in  the  form  of  their  bodies, 
and  the  qualities  of  their  minds,  that,  notwith- 
standing the  diverfities  occafioned  by  the  influ- 
ence of  climate,  or  unequal  progrefs  in  improve- 
ment, we  muft  pronounce  them  to  be  defcended 
from  one  fource.  There  may  be  a  variety  in  the 
(hades,  but  we  can  every  where  trace  the  fame 
original  colour.  Each  tribe  has  fomethmg  pe- 
.  culiar  which  diftinguifhes  it,  but  in  all  of  thiro. 
we  difcern  certain  features  common  to  the  whole 

vol.  1.  g  G  race. 


308  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  3.  IV, 

race.  It  is  remarkable,  that  in  every  peculiarity, 
whether  in  their  perfons  or  difpofitions,  which 
characterise  the  Americans,  they  have  fome  re- 
femblance  to  the  rude  tribes  fcattered  over  the 
north-eaft  of  Afia,  but  almoft  none  to  the  nations 
fettled  in  the  northern  extremities  of  Europe. 
We  may,  therefore,  refer  them  to  the  former 
origin,  and  conclude  that  their  Afiatic  progeni- 
tors, having  fettled  in  thofe  parts  of  America, 
where  the  Ruffians  have  discovered  the  proximity 
of  the  two  continents,  fpread  gradually  over  its 
various  regions.  This  account  of  the  progrefs  of 
population  in  America  coincides  with  the  tra- 
ditions of  the  Mexicans  concerning  their  own 
origin,  which,  imperfect  as  they  are,  were  pre- 
ferved  with  more  accuracy,  and  merit  greater 
credit,  than  thofe  of  any  people  in  the  New 
World.  According  to  them,  their  anceilors 
came  from  a  remote  country,  fituated  to  the 
north-weft  of  Mexico.  The  Mexicans  point  out 
their  various  ftations  as  they  advanced  from  this, 
into  the  interior  provinces,  and  it  is  precifely  the 
fame  route  which  they  mult  have  held,  if  they  had 
been  emigrants  from  Alia.  The  Mexicans,  in 
defcribing  the  appearance  of  their  progenitors, 
their  manners  and  habits  of  life  at  that  period, 
exactly  delineate  thofe  of  the  rude  Tartars, 
from  whom  I  fuppofe  them  to  have  fprung  r. 

Thus  have  I  finifhed  a  difquifition  which  has 
been  deemed  of  fo  much  importance,  that  it 
would  have  been  improper  to  omit  it  in  writing 

r  Acofta  Hift.  Nat.  &  Mor.  lib.  vii.  c.  2,  &c.  Garcia 
Origen  de  Jos  Indios,  lib.  v.  c.  3,  Torquemada  Monar. 
Ind.  lib.  i.  c.  2,  &c.  Boturini  Benaduci  Idea  de  una  Hilt, 
de  la  Amer.  Septentr.     §  xvii,  p.  127. 

the 


B.   IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  30<X 

the  hiftory  of  America.  I  have  ventured  to  in- 
quire, but  without  prefuming  to  decide.  Satif- 
fied  with  offering  conjectures,  I  pretend  not  to 
eftablifh  any  fyflem.  When  an  invefligation  is, 
from  its  nature,  fo  intricate  and  obfcure,  that  it 
is  impofSble  to  arrive  at  conclufions  which  are 
certain,  there  may  be  fome  merit  in  pointing  out 
fuch  as  are  probable  s. 

The  condition  and  character  of  the  American 
nations,  at  the  time  when  they  became  known 
to  the  Europeans,  deferve  more  attentive  con- 
fideration,  than  the  inquiry  concerning  their 
original.  The  latter  is  merely  an  object  of  curi- 
ofity,  the  former  is  one  of  the  moll  important 
as  well  as  inftrudlive  refearches  which  can  occupy 
the  philofopher  or  hiftorian.  In  order  to  com- 
plete the  hiftory  of  the  human  mind,  and  attain 
to  a  perfect  knowledge  of  its  nature  and  ope- 
rations, we  muft  contemplate  man  in  all  thofe 
various  fituations  wherein  he  has  been  placed. 
We  mull  follow  him  in  his  progrefs  through  the 
different  ftages  of  fociety,  as  he  gradually  ad- 
vances from  the  infant  ftate  of  civil  life  towards 
its  maturity  and  decline.  We  muft  obferve,  at 
each  period,  how  the  faculties  of  his  understand- 
ing unfold ;  we  muft  attend  to  the  efforts  of  his 
adive  powers,  watch  the  various  movements  of 
deiire  and  affection,  as  they  rife  in  his  breaft, 
and  mark  whither  they  tend,  and  with  what 
ardour  they  are  exerted.  The  philofophers  and 
hiftorians  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome,  our 
guides  in  this  as  well  as  every  other  difquifition, 
had  only  a  limited  view  of  this  fubjecl:,  as  they  had 

s  Memoires   fur  1*  Louifiane,     par    Dumont,    torn,   i,' 

gg  z  hardly 


JIO  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  E.  IV. 

hardly  any  opportunity  of  furveying  man  in  his 
rudeft  and  molt  early  Hate.  In  all  thofe  regions 
of  the  earth  with  which  they  were  well  acquaint- 
ed, civil  fociety  had  made  considerable  advances, 
and  nations  had  finifhed  a  good  part  of  their 
career  before  they  began  to  obferve  them.  The 
Scythians  and  Germans,  the  rudeft  people  of 
whom  any  ancient  author  has  tranfmitted  to  us 
an  authentic  account,  poffeffed  flocks  and  herds, 
had  acquired  property  of  various  kinds,  and, 
when  compared  with  mankind  in  their  primitive 
Hate,  may  be  reckoned  to  have  attained  to  a 
great  degree  of  civilization. 

But  the  difcovery  of  the  New  World  enlarged 
the  fphere  of  contemplation,  and  prefented  na- 
tions to  our  view,  in  ftages  of  their  progrefs, 
much  lefs  advanced  than  thofe  wherein  they  have 
been  pbferved  in  our  continent.  In  America, 
man  appears  under  the  rudeft  form  in  which  we 
can  conceive  him  to  fubfift.  We  behold  com- 
munities juft  beginning  to  unite,  and  may  exa- 
mine the  fentiments  and  actions  of  human  beings 
in  the  infancy  of  focial  life,  while  they  feel  but 
imperfectly  the  force  of  its  ties,  and  have  fcarcely 
relinquifhed  their  native  liberty.  That  Hate  of 
primaeval  fimplicity,  which  was  known  in  our 
continent  only  by  the  fanciful  defcription  of 
poets,  really  exifted  in  the  other.  The  greater 
part  of  its  inhabitants  were  ftrangers  to  induftry 
and  labour,  ignorant  of  arts,  imperfectly  ac- 
quainted with  the  nature  of  property,  and  en- 
joying almoft  without  reftriction  or  con- 
troul  the  bleffings  which  flowed  fpontaneoufly 
from  the  bounty  of  nature.  There  were  only 
two  nations  in  tin's  vail   continent   which   had 

emerged 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  3IT 

emerged  from  this  rude  ftate,  and  had  made  any 
confiderable  progrefs  in  acquiring  the  ideas,  and 
adopting  the  inflitutions,  which  belong  to  po- 
lifhed  focieties.  Their  government  and  manners 
will  fall  naturally  under  our  review  in  relating 
the  difcovery  and  conqueft  of  the  Mexican  and 
Peruvian  empires ;  and  we  ihall  have  there  an 
opportunity  of  contemplating  the  Americans  in 
the  ftate  of  highefl  improvement  to  which  they 
ever  attained. 

At  prefent,  our  attention  and  refearches  mail 
be  turned  to  the  fmall  independent  tribes  which 
occupied  every  other  part  of  America.  Among 
thefe,  though  with  fome  diverfity  in  their  cha- 
racter, their  manners,  and  inflitutions,  the  ftate 
of  fociety  was  nearly  fimilar,  and  fo  extremely 
rude,  that  the  denomination  of  Savage  may 
be  applied  to  them  all.  In  a  general  hiilory  of 
America,  it  would  be  highly  improper  to  de- 
fcribe  the  condition  of  each  petty  community,  or 
to  inveftigate  every  minute  circumftance  which 
contributes  to  form  the  character  of  its  members. 
Such  an  inquiry  would  lead  to  details  of  immea- 
furable  and  tirefome  extent.  The  qualities  be« 
longing  to  the  people  of  all  the  different  tribes 
have  fuch  a  near  refemblance,  that  they  may  be 
painted  with  the  fame  features.  Where  any  cir- 
cumftances  feem  to  conftitute  a  diverfity  in  their 
character  and  manners  worthy  of  attention,  it; 
will  be  fufficient  to  point  thefe  out  as  they 
occur,  and  to  inquire  into  the  caufe  of  fuch 
peculiarities. 

It  is  extremely  difficult  to  procure  fatisfying 

and    authentic    information    concerning    nations 

while  they  remain  uncivilized.    To  difcover  their 

G  g  3  true 


312  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV. 

true  character  under  this  rude  form,  and  to 
felect  the  features  by  which  they  are  diflinguifh- 
ed,  requires  an  obferver  pofTefTed  of  no  lefs  im- 
partiality than  difcernment.  For,  in  every  ftage 
of  fociety,  the  faculties,  the  fentiments  and  de- 
fires  of  men  are  fo  accommodated  to  their  own 
fcate,  that  they  become  ftandards  of  excellence 
to  themfelves,  they  affix  the  idea  of  perfection 
and  happinefs  to  thofe  attainments  which  re- 
femble  their  own,  and  wherever  the  objects  and 
enjoyments  to  which  they  have  been  accuitomed 
are  wanting,  confidently  pronounce  a  people  to 
be  barbarous  and  miferable.  Hence  the  mutual 
contempt  with  which  the  members  of  communis 
ties,  unequal  in  their  degrees  of  improvement, 
regard  each  other.  Polifhed  nations,  confcious 
of  the  advantages  which  they  derive  from  their 
knowledge  and  arts,  are  apt  to  view  rude  nations 
with  peculiar  fcorn,  and,  in  the  pride  of  fupe- 
riority,  will  hardly  allow  either  their  occupa- 
tions, their  feelings,  or  their  pleafures,  to  be 
worthy  of  men.  It  has  feldom  been  the  lot  of 
communities,  in  their  early  and  unpolifhed  ftate, 
to  fall  under  the  obfervation  of  perfons  endow*- 
ed  with  force  of  mind  fuperior  to  vulgar  preju- 
dices, and  capable  of  contemplating  man,  under 
whatever  afpecl:  he  appears,  with  a  candid  and 
difcerning  eye. 

The  Spaniards,  who  firil  vifited  America,  and 
who  had  opportunity  of  beholding  its  various 
tribes  while  entire  and  unfubdued,  and  before 
any  change  had  been  made  in  their  ideas  or  man- 
ners by  intercourfe  with  a  race  of  men  much  ad- 
vanced beyond  them  in  improvement,  were  far 
from  pofTefling  the  qualities  requifite  for  observ- 
ing 


B.VI.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  $1$ 

fatg  the  flriking  fpeftacle  prefented  to  their  view. 
Neither  the  age  in  which  they  lived,  nor  the 
nation  to  which  they  belonged,  had  made  fuch 
progrefs  in  true  fcience,  as  infpires  enlarged  and 
liberal  fentiments.  The  conquerors  of  the  New 
World  were  moftly  illiterate  adventurers,  deftitute 
of  all  the  ideas  which  mould  have  directed  them 
in  contemplating  objects,  fo  extremely  different 
from  thofe  with  which  they  were  acquainted. 
Surrounded  continually  with  danger,  or  ftrug- 
gling  with  hardfhips,  they  had  little  leifure,  and 
lefs  capacity,  for  any  fpeculative  inquiry.  Eager 
to  take  poffeffion  of  a  country  of  fuch  extent 
and  opulence,  and  happy  in  finding  it  occu- 
pied by  inhabitants  fo  incapable  to  defend  it, 
they  haftily  pronounced  them  to  be  a  wretched 
order  of  men,  formed  merely  for  fervitude  ; 
and  were  more  employed  in  computing  the  pro- 
fits of  their  labour,  than  in  inquiring  into  the 
operations  of  their  minds,  or  the  reafons  of  their 
cuftoms  and  inftitutions.  The  perfons  who  pene- 
trated at  fubfequent  periods  into  the  interior 
provinces,  to  which  the  knowledge  and  devalua- 
tions of  the  firfl  conquerors  did  not  reach,  were 
generally  of  a  fimilar  character  ;  brave  and  enter- 
prifmg  in  an  high  degree,  but  fo  uninformed  as 
to  be  little  qualified  either  for  obferving  or  de- 
fcribing  what  they  beheld. 

Not  only  the  incapacity,  but  the  prejudices  of 
the  Spaniards,  render  their  accounts  of  the 
people  of  America  extremely  defective.  Soon 
after  they  planted \  colonies  }m  their  new  con- 
quefts,  a  difference  in  opinion  arofe  with  refpecl 
to  the  treatment  of  the  natives.  One  party, 
folicitous  to  render  their  fervitude   perpetual, 

reprefented 


3^4  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  B.  IV. 

reprefented  them  as  a  brutifh,  obftinate  race, 
incapable  either  of  acquiring  religious  knowledge, 
or  of  being  trained  to  the  functions  of  focial 
life.  The  other,  full  of  pious  concern  for  their 
converfion,  contended  that,  though  rude  and 
ignorant,  they  were  gentle,  affectionate,  docile, 
and  by  proper  inftructions  and  regulations  might 
be  formed  gradually  into  good  Chriftians  and 
ufeful  citizens.  This  controverfy,  as  I  have 
already  related,  was  carried  on  with  all  the 
warmth  which  is  natural,  when  attention  to  in- 
tereft  on  the  one  hand,  and  religious  zeal  on  the 
other,  animate  the  difputants.  Mod  of  the  laity 
cfpoufed  the  former  opinion  ;  all  the  ecclefiaftics 
were  advocates  for  the  latter ;  and  we  fhall 
•uniformly  find  that,  accordingly  as  an  author 
belonged  to  either  of  thefe  parties,  he  is  apt  to 
magnify  the  virtues  or  aggravate  the  defects  of 
the  Americans  far  beyond  truth.  Thofe  repug- 
nant accounts  increafe  the  difficulty  of  attaining 
a  perfect  knowledge  of  their  character,  and  rentier 
it  neceffary  to  perufe  all  the  defcriptions  of  them 
by  Spanifh  writers  with  diflruft,  and  to  receive 
their  information  with  fome  grains  of  allow- 
ance. 

Almoft  two  centuries  elapfed  after  the  difco- 
very  of  America,  before  the  manners  of  its  in- 
habitants attracted,  in  any  conliderable  degree, 
the  attention  of  philofophers.  At  length,  they 
difcovered  that  the  contemplation  of  the  con- 
dition and  character  of  the  Americans  in  their 
original  ftate,  tended  to  complete  our  knowledge 
of  the  human  fpecies,  might  enable  us  to  fill 
up  a  confiderable  chafm  in  the  hiflory  of  its 
progrefsj  and  lead  to  fpeculations  no  lefs  curious 
Z  than 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  315 

than  important.     They  entered  upon  this  new 
field  of  iludy  with  great  ardour  ;  but,  inftead  of 
throwing  light  upon  the  fubject,  they  have  con- 
tributed, in  fome  degree,  to  involve  it  in  addi- 
tional obfcurity.     Too  impatient  to  inquire,  they 
haftened  to  decide  ;  and  began  to  ere£t  fy Items, 
when  they  mould  have  been  fearching  for  facts  on 
which  to    eftablifh  their   foundations.      Struck 
with  the  appearance  of  degeneracy  in  the  human 
fpecies  throughout  the   New  World,  and  afto- 
nifhed  at  beholding  a  vail  continent  occupied  by 
a  naked,    feeble,    and    ignorant   race  of  men, 
fome  authors  of  great  name  have  maintained, 
that  this  part  of  the  globe  had  but  lately  emerged 
from  the  fea,  and  become  lit  for  the  refidence  of 
man  ;  that  every  thing  in  it   bore  marks  of  a 
recent  original ;  and  that  its  inhabitants,  lately 
called  into  exiflence,  and  ftill  at  the  beginning 
of  their  career,  were  unworthy  to  be  compared 
with  the  people  of  a  more  ancient  and  improved 
continent '.     Others  have  imagined,  that,  under 
the   influence  of  an   unkindly   climate,    which 
checks  and  enervates  the  principle  of  life,  man 
never  attained  in  America  the  perfection  which 
belongs  to  his  nature,  but  remained  an  animal  ot 
an  inferior  order,  defective  in  the  vigour  of  his 
bodily  frame,  and  deftitute  of  fenfibility,  as  well 
as  offeree,  in  the  operations  of  his  mind".     In 
oppofition  to  both  thefe,  other  philosophers  have 
fuppofed  that  man  arrives  at  his  higheft  dignity 
and  excellence  long  before  he  reaches  a  ftate  of 
refinement ;  and,  in  the  rude  fimplicity  of  favage 
life,  difplays  an  elevation  of  fentiment,   and  in- 

*  M.  de  Buffbn  Hift.  Nat.  iii.  484,  &c.  ix.  103.  114. 
J  M.  de  P.  Recheifhes  Philof.  iux  les  Americ.  paffim. 

dependence 


Jl6  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  3.  IV. 

dependence  of  mind,  and  a  warmth  of  attach, 
ment,  for  which  it  is  vain  to  fearch  among  the 
members  of  polifned  focieties  x.  They  feem  to 
confider  that  as  the  moll  perfect  ftate  of  man 
which  is  the  leafl  civilized.  They  defcribe  the 
manners  of  the  rude  Americans  with  fuch  rap- 
ture,  as  if  they  propofed  them  for  models  to  the 
reft  of  the  fpecies.  Thefe  contradictory  theories 
have  been  propofed  with  equal  confidence,  and 
uncommon  powers  of  genius  and  eloquence  have 
been  exerted,  in  order  to  clothe  them  with  an 
appearance  of  truth. 

As  all  thofe  circumftances  concur  in  rendering 
an  inquiry  into  the  ftate  of  the  rude  nations  in 
America  intricate  and  obfcure,  it  is  neceffary  to 
carry  it  on  with  caution.  When  guided  in  our 
researches  by  the  intelligent  obfervations  of  the 
few  philosophers  who  have  vifited  this  part  of  the 
globe,  we  may  venture  to  decide.  When  obliged 
to  have  recourfe  to  the  fuperficial  remarks  of 
vulgar  travellers,  of  failors,  traders,  buccaneers, 
and  miflionaries,  we  muft  often  paufe,  and,  com- 
paring detached  facts,,  endeavour  to  difcover 
what  they  wanted  fagacity  to  obferve.  Without 
indulging  conjecture,  or  betraying  a  propenfity 
to  either  fyftem,  we  muft  ftudy  with  equal  care 
to  avoid  the  extremes  of  extravagant  admiration, 
or  of  fupercilious  contempt  for  thofe  manners 
which  we  defcribe. 

In  order  to  conduct  this  inquiry  with  greater 
accuracy,  it  fhould  be  rendered  as  fimple  as  pof- 
fible.  Man  exifted  as  an  individual  before  he 
became  the  member  of  a  community  ;  and  the 
qualities  which  belong  to  him  under  his  former 

*  M.  RoufTeaij. 

capacity 


I 


,.*.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  3T7 

capacity  mould  be  known,  before  we  proceed 
to  examine  thofe  which  arife  from  the  latter 
relation.  This  is  peculiarly  neceffary  in  ih- 
veftigating  the  manners  of  rude  nations.  Their 
political  union  is  fo  incomplete,  their  civil  infti- 
ilutions  and  regulations  fo  few,  fo  fimple,  and  of 
fuch  flender  authority,  that  men  in  this  ftate 
ought  to  be  viewed  rather  as  independent  agents, 
than  as  members  of  a  regular  fociety.  The  cha- 
racter of  a  favage  refults  almoft  entirely  from 
his  fentiments  or  feelings  as  an  individual,  and 
is  but  little  influenced  by  his  imperfect  fubjectioa 
to  government  and  order.  I  mail  conduct  my 
refearches  concerning  the  manners  of  the  Ame- 
ricans in  this  natural  order,  proceeding  gra- 
dually from  what  is  fimple  to  what  is  more 
complicated. 

I  mall  confider,  I.  The  bodily  conftitution 
of  the  Americans  in  thofe  regions  now  under  re- 
view. II.  The  qualities  of  their  minds.  III.  Their 
domeftic  Hate.  IV.  Their  political  ftate  and  in- 
flitutions.  V.  Their  fyftem  of  war,  and  public 
fecurity.  VI.  The  arts  with  which  they  were 
acquainted.  VII.  Their  religious  ideas  and  in- 
ftitutions.  VIII.  Such  lingular  detached  cuftoms 
as  are  not  reducible  to  any  of  the  former  heads. 
IX.  I  fhall  conclude  with  a  general  review  and 
eftimate  of  their  virtues  and  defects. 

I.  The  bodily  conftitution  of  the  Americans, 
— The  human  body  is  lefs  affected  by  climate 
than  that  of  any  other  animal.  Some  animals 
are  confined  to  a  particular  region  of  the  globe, 
and  cannot  exift  beyond  it ;  others,  though  they 
may  be  brought  to  bear  the  injuries  of  a  climate 
foreign  to  them,  ceafe  to  multiply  when  carried 

out 


318  HISTORY    OF    2U1ERICA.  B.  IT. 

out  of  that  diilrid  which  Nature  deflined  to  be 
their  man  lion.  Even  fuch  as  feem  capable  of 
being  naturalized  in  various  climates,  feel  the  ef- 
fect of  every  remove  from  their  proper  itation, 
and  gradually  dwindle  and  degenerate  from  the 
vigour  and  perfection  peculiar  to  their  fpecies. 
Man  is  the  only  living  creature  whofe  frame  is 
at  once  fo  hardy  and  fo  flexible,  that  he  caa 
fpread  over  the  whole  earth,  become  the  inhabitant 
of  every  region,  and  thrive  and  multiply  under 
every  climate.  Subject,  however,  to  the  general 
law  of  nature,  the  human  body  is  not  entirely  ex- 
empt from  the  operation  of  climate ;  and  when 
expofed  to  the  extremes  either  of  heat  or  cold, 
its  iize  or  vigour  diminifhes. 

The  firft  appearance  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
New  World,  filled  the  difcoverers  with  fuch  af- 
tonifhment,  that  they  were  apt  to  imagine  them 
a  race  of  men  different  from  thofe  of  the  other 
hemifphere.  Their  complexion  is  of  a  reddifh 
brown,  nearly  refembling  the  colour  of  copper  >". 
The  hair  of  their  heads  is  always  black,  long, 
coarfe,  and*  uncurled.  They  have  no  beard,  and 
-every  part  of  their  body  is  perfectly  fmooth. 
Their  perfons  are  of  a  full  iize,  extremely  flraight 
and  well  proportioned  z.  Their  features  are  re- 
gular, though  often  diilorted  by  abfurd  endea- 
vours to  improve  the  beauty  of  their  natural 
form,  or  to  render  their  afpeel:  more  dreadful  to 
their  enemies.  In  the  iflands,  where  four-footed 
animals  were  both  few  and  fmall,  and  the  earth 
yielded  her  productions  almoft  fpontaneoufly, 
the  eonftitution  of  the  natives,  neither  braced  by 

?  Oviedo  Somario,  p.  46,  D.    Life  of  Columbus,  c.  24^ 
a  See  Not*  X.LIV. 

the 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  319 

the  active  exercifes  of  the  chace,  nor  invigorated 
by  the  labour  of  cultivation,  was  extremely 
feeble  and  languid.  On  the  continent,  where 
the  forefts  abound  with  game  of  various  kinds, 
and  the  chief  occupation  of  many  tribes  was  to 
purfue  it,  the  human  frame  acquired  greater 
firmnefs.  Still,  however,  the  Americans  were 
more  remarkable  for  agility  than  llrength.  They 
refembled  beads  of  prey,  rather  than  animals 
formed  for  labour  a.  They  were  not  only  averfe 
to  toil,  but  incapable  of  it ;  and  when  roufed 
by  force  from  their  native  indolence,  and  com- 
pelled to  work,  they  funk  under  tafks  which 
the  people  of  the  other  continent  would  have 
performed  with  eafeb.  This  feeblenefs  of  con- 
flitution  was  univerfal  among  the  inhabitants  of 
thofe  regions  in  America  which  we  are  furvey- 
ing,  and  may  be  confidered  as  chara&eriftic  of 
the  fpecies  there  c. 

The  beardlefs  countenance  and  fmooth  (kin 
of  the  American  feems  to  indicate  a  defect  of 
vigour,  occafioned  by  fome  vice  in  his  frame. 
He  is  deftitute  of  one  fign  of  manhood  and  of 
llrength.  This  peculiarity,  by  which  the  inha- 
bitants of  the  New  World  are  diftinguifhed 
from  the  people  of  all  other  nations,  cannot  be 
attributed,  as  fome  travellers  have  fuppofed,  to 
their  mode  of  fubfiftence d.  For  though  the 
food  of  many  Americans  be  extremely  iniipid,  as 
they  are  altogether  unacquainted  with  the  ufe 

a  See  Note  XLV.  b  Oviedo  Som.  p.  51,  C.   Voy. 

de  Correal,  ii.  138.     Wafer's  Description,  p.  131. 

c  B.  Las  Cafas  Brev.  Relac.  p.  4.  Torquem.  Monar.  i. 
580.  Oviedo  Somario,  p.  41.  Hiftor,  lib.  iii.  c,  6.  Herrera, 
dec.  1.  lib.  ix.  c.  5.    Simon,  p.  41. 

d  Charlev.  Hift.  de  Nouv.  Fr.  iii.  310. 
VOL.  I.  •  H  H  of 


320  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV. 

of  fait,  rude  tribes  in  other  parts  of  the  earth 
have  fublifted  on  aliments  equally  iimple,  with- 
out this  mark  of  degradation,  or  any  apparent 
fymptom  of  a  diminution  in  their  vigour. 

As  the  external  form  of  the  Americans  leads 
us  to  fufpecl:  that  there  is  fome  natural  debility 
in  their  frame,  the  fmallnefs  of  their  appetite 
for  food  has  been  mentioned  by  many  authors 
as  a  confirmation  of  this  fufpicion.  The  quan- 
tity of  food  which  men  confume  varies  according 
to  the  temperature  of  the  climate  in  which  they 
live,  the  degree  of  activity  which  they  exert* 
and  the  natural  vigor  of  their  conilitutions. 
Under  the  enervating  heat  of  the  torrid  zone, 
and  when  men  pafs  their  days  in  indolence  and 
eafe,  they  require  lefs  nourifhment  than  the  ac- 
tive inhabitants  of  temperate  or  cold  countries. 
But  neither  the  warmth  of  their  climate,  nor 
their  extreme  lazinefs,  will  account  for  the  un- 
common defect  of  appetite  among  the  Ameri- 
cans. The  Spaniards  were  aftonifhed  with  ob- 
ferving  this,  not  only  in  the  iilands,  but  in  fe- 
veral  parts  of  the  continent.  The  conltitutional 
temperance  of  the  natives  far  exceeded,  in  their 
opinion,  the  abflinence  of  the  moft  mortified 
hermits e;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  appe- 
tite of  the  Spaniards  appeared  to  the  Americans 
infatiably  voracious  ;  and  they  affirmed,  that  one 
Spaniard  devoured  more  food  in  a  day  than  was 
fufficient  for  ten  Americans f* 

A  proof  of  fome  feeblenefs  in  their  frame,  Hi 
more  finking,  is  the  infeniibility  of  the  Ame- 
ricans to  the  charms  of  beauty,  and  the  power 

1  *  Kamufio,  iii.  304,  F.  306,  A»   Simon  Conquifta,  &( 
j>.   39.  Hakluyt,  iii.  468.  508.  f  Hertera,  dec. 

lib.  ii.  €.  16. 

of 


3.  IV*  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  32I 

of  love.      That  paflion  which  was  deflined  to 
perpetuate  life,  to  be  the  bond  of  foeial  union, 
and  the  fource  of  tendernefs  and  joy,  is  the  molt 
ardent  in  the  human  breaft.     Though  the  perils 
and  hardfhips  of  the  favage  ftate,  though  excef- 
five  fatigue,  on  fome  occafions,  and  the  difficulty 
at  all  times  of  procuring  fubfiilence,  may  feem 
to  be  adverfe  to  this  paffion,  and  to  have  a  ten- 
dency to  abate  its  vigour,  yet  the  rudeft  nations 
iu  every  other  part  of  the  globe  feem  to  feel 
its  influence  more  powerfully  than  the  inhabitants 
of  the   New  World.      The   negro  glows  with 
all  the  warmth  of  ^delire  natural  to  his  climate  ; 
and  the  moft  uncultivated  Afiatics  difcover  that 
fenlibility,  which,    from  their  fituation  on  the 
globe,  we  mould  expect  them  to  have  felt.  But 
the   Americans    are,    in    an    amazing    degree, 
llrangers  to  the  force  of  this  firft  inftincl:  of  na- 
ture.    In    every  part  of  the  New  World  the 
natives  treat  their  women  with  coldnefs  and  in- 
difference.     They   are    neither   the    objects  of 
that  tender  attachment  which  takes  place  in  civil- 
ized fociety,  nor  of  that  ardent  defire  confpi- 
cuous  among  rude  nations.     Even  in   climates 
where  this  paflion  ufually  acquires  its  greatefl: 
vigour,  the  favage  of  America  views  his  female 
with    difdain,    as    an    animal  of    a    lefs   noble 
fpecies.       He   is    at    no  pains   to  win   her  fa- 
vour by  the  afliduity  of  courtihip,  and  ftill  lefs 
folicitous  to  preferve  it  by  indulgence  and  gen- 
tlenefs  &.     Miflionaries  themselves,  notwithitand- 

B  Hennepin  Mceurs  des  Sauvages,  32,  &c.  Rochefort 
Hift.  deslfles  Antilles,  p.  461.  Voyage  de  Coreal,  ii.  141. 
Ramufio,  iii.  309.  F.  Lozano  Defer,  del  Gran  Chaco,  71. 
Falkner's  Defer,  of  Patagon.  p.  125.  Letters  di  P.  Cataneo 
ap.  Muratori  II  Chriitian*     Felice,  i.  305* 

HH2  ing 


$22  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B. 

ing  the  aufterity  of  monaftic  ideas,  cannot  refrain 
from  exprefling  their  aftonifhment  at  the  dif- 
paffionate  coldnefs  of  the  American  young  men 
in  their  intercourfe  with  the  other  fex  h.  Nor 
is  this  referve  to  be  afcribed  to  any  opinion  which 
they  entertain  with  refpect  to  the  merit  of  female 
chaftity.  That  is  an  idea  too  refined  for 
favage,  and  fuggefted  by  a  delicacy  of  fentiment 
and  affection  to  which  he  is  a  flranger. 

But  in  inquiries  concerning  either  the  bodily 
or  mental  qualities  of  particular  races  of  men, 
there  is  not  a  more  common  or  more  feducing 
error,  than  that  of  afcribing  to  a  fingle  caufe, 
thofe  chara&eriftic  peculiarities,  which  are  the 
effect  of  the  combined  operation  of  many  caufes. 
The  climate  and  foil  of  America  differ,  in  fo 
many  refpedts,  from  thofe  of  the  other  hemifph ere, 
and  this  difference  is  fo  obvious  and  linking, 
that  philofophers  of  great  eminence  have  laid 
hold  on  this  as  fumcient  to  account  for  what  is 
peculiar  in  the  conftitution  of  its  inhabitants. 
They  reft  on  phyfical  caufes  alone,  and  confider 
the  feeble  frame  and  languid  defire  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, as  confequences  of  the  temperament  of 
that  portion  of  the  globe  which  they  occupy. 
But  the  influences  of  political  and  moral  caufes 
ought  not  to  have  been  overlooked.  Thefe 
operate  with  no  lefs  effect  than  that  on  which 
many  philofophers  reft  as  a  full  explanation  of  the 
fingular  appearances  which  have  been  mentioned. 
Wherever  the  ftate  of  fociety  is  fuch  as  to 
create  many  wants  and  deiires,  which  cannot  be 
fatisfied  without  regular  exertions  of  induflry, 
the  body  accuftomed  to  labour  becomes  robuft 
h  Chanvalon.  p.  ex.  Lettr.  Edif.  torn.  xxiv.  318.  Tertre, 
iU  377.  Venegas,  i.  81.  Ribas  Hill,  de  ios  Triumf.  p.  Ji. 

anq! 


3.  iy.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  323 

and  patient  of  fatigue.  In  a  more  fimple 
fate,  where  the  demands  of  men  are  fo^  few 
and  fo  moderate,  that  they  may  be  gratified, 
almoft  without  any  effort,  by  the  ipontaneous 
produ&ions  of  nature,  the  powers  of  the  body 
are  not  called  forth,  nor  can  they  attain  their 
proper  ftrength.  The  natives  of  Chili  and  of 
North-America,  the  two  temperate  regions  in 
the  New  World,  who  live  by  hunting,  may  be 
deemed  an  active  and  vigorous  race,  when  com- 
pared with  the  inhabitants  of  the  ifles,  or  of 
thofe  parts  of  the  continent  where  hardly  any 
labour  is  requifite  to  procure  fubfiftence.  The 
exertions  of  a  hunter  are  not,  however,  fo  re- 
gular,  or  fo  continued,  as  thofe  of  perfons  em- 
ployed in  the  culture  of  the  earth,  or  in  the 
various  arts  of  civilized  life,  and  though  his 
agility  may  be  greater  than  theirs,  his  ftrength 
is  on  the  whole  inferior.  If  another  diredion 
were  given  to  the  a&ive  powers  of  man  in  the 
New  World,  and  his  force  augmented  by  exer- 
cife,  he  might  acquire  a  degree  of  vigour  which 
he  does  not  in  his  prefent  ftate  ^  poifefs.  The 
truth  of  this  is  confirmed  by  experience.  Where- 
ever  the  Americans  have  been  gradually  ac- 
cuftomed  to  hard  labour,  their  conftitutions  be- 
come  robuft,  and  they  have  been  found  capable 
of  performing  fuch  tafks,  as  feemed  not  only  to 
exceed  the  powers  of  fuch  a  feeble  frame  as  ha* 
been  deemed  peculiar  to  their  country,  but  to 
equal  any  effort  of  the  natives,  either  of  Africa 
or  of  Europe  K 

The  fame  reafoning  will  apply  to  what  ha* 
beea  obferved  concerning  their  flender  demand 
1  See  Note  XLVI. 

H  H  3  *»* 


3^4  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  *V. 

for  food.  As  a  proof  that  this  fhould  be  afcribed 
as  much  to  their  extreme  indolence,  and  often 
total  want  of  occupation,  as  to  any  thing  pecu- 
liar in  the  phyfical  ilrucfure  of  their  bodies,  it 
has  been  obierved,  that  in  thofe  difiricts,  where 
the  people  of  America  are  obliged  to  exert  any 
unufual  effort  of  activity,  in  order  to  procure 
fubfiftence,  or  wherever  they  are  employed  in 
fever e  labour,  their  appetite  is  not  inferior  to 
that  of  other  men,  and,  in  fome  places,  it  has 
ftruck  obfervers  as  remarkably  voracious  k. 

The  operation  of  political  and  moral  caufes 
is  Hill  more  confpicuous,  in  modifying  the  de- 
gree'of  attachment  between  the  fexes.      In  a 
ilate  of  high  civilization,  this  paflion,  inflamed 
by  reftraint,  refined  by  delicacy,  and  cherifhed 
by  fafhion,  occupies  and  engroffes  the  heart.     It 
Is  no  longer  a  fimple  inftincl:  of  nature  ;  fentiment 
heightens  the  ardour  of  defire,  and  the  moll  tenr 
tier  emotions  of  which  our  frame  is  fufceptible, 
footh  and  agitate  the  foul.      This  description, 
however,  applies  only  to  thofe,  who,  by  their 
fituation,  are  exempted  from  the  cares  and  la- 
bours of  life.     Among  perfons  of  inferior  order, 
who  are  doomed  by  their  condition  to  inceffant 
toil,   the    dominion  of  this   paflion  is  lefs  vio- 
lent ;  their  folicitude  to  procure  fubfiftence,  and 
to  provide  for  the  firft  demand  of  nature,  leaves 
little"  leifure  for   attending   to  its   fecond  call. 
But  if  the  nature  of  the  intercourfe  between  the 
lexes  varies  fo  much  in  perfons  of  different  rank 
in    polifhed   focieties,    the    condition   of    man, 
while  he  remains  uncivilized,  muft  occafion  a  va- 

k  Gumiila,  ii.  12.  70.  247.     Lafitau,  i.   515.     Ovalle 
Church,  ii.  81.     Muratori,  i.  295, 

nation 


B,  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  3?$ 

riation  ftill  more  apparent.  We  may  well  Cup- 
pofe,  that  amidft  the  hardfhips,  the  dangers 
and  the  fimplicity  of  favage  life,  where  fubfift- 
ence  is  always  precarious,  and  often  fcanty, 
where  men  are  almolt  continually  engaged  in  the 
purfuit  of  their  enemies,  or  in  guarding  againft 
their  attacks,  and  where  neither  drefs  nor  re- 
ferve  are  employed  as  arts  of  female  allurement, 
that  the  attention  of  the  Americans  to  their 
women  would  be  extremely  feeble,  without  im- 
puting this  folely  to  any  phyfical  defect  or  degra- 
dation in  their  frame. 

It  is  accordingly  obferved,  that  in  thofe  coun- 
tries of  America,  where,  from  the  fertility  of 
the  foil,  the  mildnefs  of  the  climate,  or  fome 
farther  advances  which  the  natives  have  made  in 
improvement,  the  means  of  fubfiftence  are  more 
abundant,  and  the  hardfhips  of  favage  life  are 
lefs  feverely  felt,  the  animal  paflion  of  the  fexes 
becomes  more  ardent.  Striking  examples  of 
this  occur  among  fome  tribes  feated  on  the  banks 
of  great  rivers  well  flored  with  food,  among 
others  who  are  mailers  of  hunting-grounds 
abounding  fp  much  with  game,  that  they  have 
a  regular  and  plentiful  fupply  of  nourifhment 
with  little  labour.  The  fuperior  degree  of  fecu- 
rity  and  affluence  which  thefe  tribes  enjoy,  is 
followed  by  their  natural  effects.  The  paffions 
implanted  in  the  human  frame  by  the  hand  of 
Nature  acquire  additional  force  ;  new  taftes  and 
defires  are  formed  ;  the  women,  as  they  are  more 
valued  and  admired,  become  more  attentive  to 
drefs  and  ornament;  the  men,  beginning  to 
feel  how  much  of  their  own  happinefs  depends 
upon  them,  no  longer  difdain  the  arts  of  winning 

their 


3^6  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV* 

their  favour  and  affe&ion.  The  intercourfe  of 
the  fexes  becomes  very  different  from  that  which 
takes  place  among  their  ruder  countrymen ; 
and  as  hardly  any  reflraint  is  impofed  on  the 
gratification  of  defire,  either  by  religion,  or 
laws,  or  decency,  the  diffolution  of  their  man- 
ners is  exceffive1. 

Notwithstanding  the  feeble  make  of  the 
Americans,  hardly  any  of  them  are  deformed, 
or  mutilated,  or  defective  in  any  of  their  fenfes. 
All  travellers  have  been  flruck  with  this  cir- 
cumftance,  and  have  celebrated  the  uniform 
fymmetry  and  perfection  of  their  external  figure. 
Some  authors  fearch  for  the  caufe  of  this  ap- 
pearance in  their  phyfical  condition.  As  the 
parents  are  not  exhaufted  or  over-fatigued  with 
hard  labour,  they  fuppofe  that  their  children 
aie  born  vigorous  and  found.  They  imagine, 
that  in  the  liberty  of  favage  life,  the  human 
body,  naked  and  unconfined  from  its  earlleft 
age,  prefer ves  its  natural  form  ;  and  that  all  its 
limbs  and  members  acquire  a  julter  proportion, 
than  when  fettered  with  artificial  reflraints, 
which  flint  its  growth,  and  diftort  its  fhape  m. 
Something,  without  doubt,  may  be  afcribed  to 
the  operation  of  thefe  caufes ;  but  the  true 
reaions  of  this  apparent  advantage,  which  is 
common  to  all  favage  nations,  lie  deeper,  and 
are  clofely  interwoven  with  the  nature  and  ge- 
nius of  that  ftate.  The  infancy  of  man  is  fo 
long  and  fo  helplefs,  that  it  is  extremely  dif- 
ficult to  rear  children  among  rude  nations. 
Their  means  of  fubfiflence  are  not  only  fcanty, 

1  Biet   389.      Charley.  Hi.  423.     Dumont  Mem,  fur 
Louiiiane,  i.  155.  •  Pii'o,  p.  0. 

2  but 


B,  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  327 

but  precarious.  Such  as  live  by  hunting  mutt 
range  over  extenfive  countries,  and  fhift  often 
from  place  to  place.  The  care  of  children,  as 
well  as  every  other  laborious  talk,  is  devolved 
upon  the  women.  The  dillreffes  and  hardfhips 
of  the  favage  life,  which  are  often  fuch  as  can 
hardly  be  fupported  by  perfons  in  full  vigour, 
mud  be  fatal  to  thofe  of  more  tender  age, 
Afraid  of  undertaking  a  tafk  fo  laborious,  and 
of  fuch  long  duration,  as  that  of  rearing  their 
offspring,  the  women,  in  fome  parts  of  America, 
procure  frequent  abortions  by  the  ufe  of  cer- 
tain herbs,  and  extinguifh  the  iirfl:  fparks  of 
that  life  which  they  are  unable  to  cherim n. 
Senfible  that  only  ftput  and  well-formed  children 
Jiave  force  of  conftitution  to  llruggle  through 
fuch  an  hard  infancy,  other  nations  abandon  or 
deitroy  fuch  of  their  progeny  as  appear  feeble 
pr  defective,  as  unworthy  of  attention  °.  Even 
when  they  endeavour  to  rear  all  their  children 
without  diftindt-ion,  fo  great  a  proportion  of  the 
whole  number  perifhes  under  the  rigorous  treat- 
ment which  mult  be  their  lot  in  t^e  favage  Hate, 
that  few  of  thofe  who  laboured  under  any  original 
frailty  attain  the  age  of  manhood  P.  Thus,  in 
polifhed  focieties,  where  the  means  of  fubfiftencc 
are  fecured  with  certainty,  and  acquired  with 
eafe  ;  where  the  talents  of  the  mind  are  often  of 
more  importance  than  the  powers  of  the  body ; 
children  are  preferved  notwithstanding  their 
defects  or  deformity,  and  grow  up  to  be  ufe- 

n  Ellis's  Voyage  to  HudforVs  Bay,  198.  Herrera,  dec.  7. 
lib.  ix.  c.  4.  °  Gumilla  Hift.   ii.   234.     Techo's 

#iit.  of  Paraguay,  Sec.     Churchill's  Collect,  vi.  Io8, 

**  Creuxii  Hilt.  Can?d.  p.  57, 

ful 


328  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV. 

ful  citizens.  In  rude  nations,  fuch  perfons  arc 
cither  cut  off  as  foon  as  they  are  born,  or  be- 
coming a  burden  to  themfelves  and  to  the  com- 
munity, cannot  long  protract  their  lives.  But 
in  thofe  provinces  of  the  New  World  where,  by 
the  ellablifhment  of  the  Europeans,  more  regular 
provilion  has  been  made  for  the  fubfillence  of  its 
inhabitants,  and  they  are  reilrained  from  laying 
violent  hands  on  their  children,  the  Americans 
are  fo  far  from  being  eminent  for  any  fuperior 
perfection  in  their  form,  that  one  mould  rather 
fufpect  fome  peculiar  imbecility  in  the  race, 
from  the  extraordinary  number  of  individuals 
who  are  deformed,  dwarfifh,  mutilated,  blind, 
or  deafs. 

How  feeble  foever  the  conftitution  of  the 
Americans  may  be,  it  is  remarkable,  that  there 
is  lefs  variety  in  the  human  form  throughout 
the  New  World,  than  in  the  ancient  continent. 
When  Columbus  and  the  other  difcoverers  flrfl 
vifited  the  different  countries  of  America  which 
lie  within  the  torrid  zone,  they  naturally  ex- 
pected to  find  people  of  the  fame  complexion 
with  thofe  in  the  correfponding  regions  of  the 
other  hemifphere.  To  their  amazement,  how- 
ever, they  difcovered  that  America  contained 
no  negroes r ;  and  the  caufe  of  this  fingular  ap- 
pearance became  as  much  the  object  of  curiofity, 
as  the  fact  itfelf  was  of  wonder.  In  what  part 
or  membrane  of  the  body  that  humour  relides 
which  tinges  the  complexion  of  the  negro  with 
a  deep  black,  it  is  the  bufinefs  of  anatomifts  to 
inquire  and  defcribe.  The  powerful  operation 
of  heat  appears  manifeftly  to  be  the  caufe  which 

4  Voyage  de  Ulloa,  i.  232.  f  P.  Martyr,  dec.  p.  71. 

produces 


• 


5.  If.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  32(J 

produces  this  firiking  variety  in  the  human 
fpecies.  All  Europe,  a  great  part  of  Afia,  and 
the  temperate  countries  of  Africa,  are  inhabited 
by  men  of  a  white  complexion.  All  the  torrid 
zone  in  Africa,  fome  of  the  warmer  regions  ad- 
jacent to  it,  and  feveral  countries  in  Afia,  are 
filled  with  people  of  a  deep  black  colour.  If 
we  furvey  the  nations  of  our  continent,  making 
our  progrefs  from  cold  and  temperate  coun- 
tries towards  thofe  parts  which  are  expofed 
to  the  influence  of  vehement  and  unremitting 
heat,  we  mall  find,  that  the  extreme  whitenefs 
of  their  fkin  foon  begins  to  diniinifh  ;  that  its 
colour  deepens  gradually  as  we  advance ;  and 
after  pafling  through  all  the  fucceffive  gradations 
of  (hade,  terminates  in  an  uniform  unvarying 
black.  But  in  America,  where  the  agency  of 
heat  is  checked  and  abated  by  various  caules, 
which  I  have  already  explained,  the  climate 
feems  to  be  deftitute  of  that  force  which  pro- 
duces fuch  wonderful  effects  on  the  human 
frame.  The  colour  of  the  natives  of  the  torrid 
zone,  in  America,  is  hardly  of  a  deeper  hue 
than  that  of  the  people  in  the  more  temperate 
parts  of  their  continent.  Accurate  obfervers. 
who  had  an  opportunity  of  viewing  the  Ameri- 
cans in  very  different  climates,  and  in  provinces 
far  removed  from  each  other,  have  been  liruck 
with  the  amazing  fimilarity  of  their  figure  and 
afpec\ s. 

But  though  the  hand  of  Nature  has  deviated 
fo  little  from  one  ftandard  in  fafhioning  the 
human  form  in  America,  the  creation  of  fancy 
hath  been  various  and  extravagant.     The  fame 

J  See  No  t«  XL VII. 

fables 


330  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV 

fables  that  were  current  in  the  ancient  continent 
have  been  revived  with  refpect  to  the  New 
World,  and  America  too  has  been  peopled  with 
human  beings  of  monftrous  and  fantaftic  appear- 
ance. The  inhabitants  of  certain  province* 
were  defcribed  to  be  pigmies  of  three  feet  high 
thofe  of  others  to  be  giants  of  an  enormous 
fize.  Some  travellers  publifhed  accounts  of 
people  with  only  one  eye,  others  pretended 
to  have  difcovered  men  without  heads,  whofe 
eyes  and  mouths  were  planted  in  their  breafls. 
The  variety  of  Nature  in  her  productions  is  in- 
deed, fo  great,  that  it  is  prefumptuous  to  fet 
bounds,  to  her  fertility,  and  to  reject  indiscrimi- 
nately every  relation  that  does  not  perfectly  ac- 
cord with  our  own  limited  observation-  and  ex- 
perience. But  the  other  extreme,  of  yielding 
a  halty  afTent,  on  the  flightell  evidence,  to  what- 
ever has  the  appearance  of  being  ftrange  and 
marvellous,  is  itill  more  unbecoming  a  philo- 
fophical  inquirer,  as,  in  every  period,  men  are 
more  apt  to  be  betrayed  into  error,  by  their 
weaknefs  in  believing  too  much,  than  by  their 
arrogance  in  believing  too  little.  In  propor- 
tion as  fcience  extends,  and  nature  is  examined 
with  a  difcerning  eye,  the  wonders  which 
amufed  ages  of  ignorance  difappear.  The  tales 
of  credulous  travellers  concerning  America  are 
forgotten ;  the  monfters  which  they  defcribe 
have  been  Searched  for  in  vain ;  and  thofe  pro- 
vinces where  they  pretend  to  have  found  inha- 
bitants of  fingular  forms,  are  now  known  to 
be  pofTeffed  by  people  nowife  different  from  the 
other  Americans. 

Though  thofe  relations  may,  without  difcuf- 
fipn,  be  rejected  as  fabulous,   there  are   other 

accounts 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  33I 

accounts  of  varieties  in  the  human  fpecies  in  fomc 
parts  of  the  New  World,  which  reft  upon  better 
evidence,  and  merit  more  attentive  examination. 
This   variety  has  been  particularly  obferved  in 
three  different  diftricts.      The  firft  of  thefe  is 
fituated  in  the  ifthmus  of  Darien,  near  the  centre 
of  America.     Lionel  Wafer,  a  traveller  poiTeiTed 
of  more  curiofity  and  intelligence  than  we  mould 
have  expected  to  find  in  an  afTociate  of  Bucca- 
neers, difcovered  there    a  race  of  men    few  in 
number,  but  of  a  fingular  make.     They  are  of 
low  ftature,  according  to  his  description,   of  a 
feeble   frame,   incapable  of     enduring   fatigue. 
Their  colour  is  a  dead  milk  white  ;    not  refem- 
bling  that  of  fair  people  among  Europeans,  but 
without"  any  tincture  of  a  blufh  or  fanguine  com- 
plexion.    Their  fkin  is  covered  with  a  tine  hairy- 
down  of  a  chalky  white,  the  hair  of  their  heads, v 
their  eye-brows,  and  eye-lafhes,  are  of  the  fame 
hue.     Their  eyes  are  of  a  fingular  form,   and  fo 
weak,  that  they  can  hardly  bear  the  light  of  the 
fun  ;    but  they  fee  clearly  by  moon-light,   and 
are  moft  active  and  gay  in  the  night ".     No  race 
fimilar  to  this  has  been  difcovered  in  any  other 
part  of  America.     Cortes,  indeed,  found  fome 
perfons  exactly  refembling  the  white  people  of 
Darien,  among  the  rare  and  monltrous  animals 
which  Montezuma  had  collected  w.     But  as  the 
power  of  the  Mexican  empire  extended  to  the 
provinces  bordering  on  the  ifthmus  of  Darien, 
they  were  probably  brought  thence.  Singular  as 
the  appearance  of  thofe  people  may  be,  they  can- 
not be  confidered  as  conftituting  a  diftinct  fpecies. 

u  Wafer  Defcript.  of  Ifth.  ap.  Dampier,  iii.  p.  346. 
w  Cortes  ap,  Ramuft  Hi.  p.  241,  £• 

vol.  i.  i  1  Among 


:; 

les 


332  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  15.  IV, 

Among  the  negroes  of  Africa,  as  well  as  t 
natives  of  the  Indian  iilands,  nature   fometimes- 
produces  a  fmall  number  of  individuals,  with  all 
the  characteriitic  features  and   qualities  of  the 
white  people  of  Darien.     The  former  are  called 
Albinos  by  the  Portuguefe,  the  latter  Kackerlahs 
by  the  Dutch.     In  Darien  the  parents  of  thofe 
Whites  are  of  the  fame  colour  with  the  other 
natives  of  the  country  ;   and  this  obfervation  ap- 
plies equally  to  the  anomalous   progeny  of  the 
negroes  and   Indians.     The  fame   mother  who 
produces  fome  children  of  a  colour  that  does  not 
belong  to  the  race,  brings  forth  the  reft  with  the 
complexion  peculiar  to  her  country  x.    One  con- 
clufion  may  then  be  formed  with  refpecl:  to  the 
people  defcribed  by  Wafer,  the  Albinos  and  the 
Kackerlakes  ;  they  are  a  degenerated  breed,  not  a 
feparate  clafs  of  men  ;  and  from  fome  difeafe  or 
defect  of  their  parents,  the  peculiar  colour  and 
debility  which  mark  their  degradation  are  trans- 
mitted to  them.     As  a  decifive  proof  of  this,  it 
has  been  obferved,  that  neither  the  white  people 
of  Darien,  nor  the  Albinos  of  Africa,  propagate 
their  race  :  their  children  are  of  the  colour  and 
temperament  peculiar  to    the  natives   of    their 
refpeclive  countries  *". 

The  fecond  diilrict  that  is  occupied  by  in- 
habitants differing  in  appearance  from  the  other 
people  of  America,  is  fituated  in  a  high  northern 
latitude,  extending  from  the  coaft  of  Labrador 
towards  the  pole,  as  far  as  the  country  is  habit- 
.  able.     The  people  fcattered  over  thofe  dreary 

*  Margrav.  Hift.  Rer.  Nat.  Braf.  lib.  viii.  c.  4. 
y  Wafer,  p.  348.     Demanet  Hift.  de  I'Afrique,  ii.  234. 
Recherch,  Philof,  fur  les#Amcr.  ii.  i,  &c.  Note  XLVIil. 

regions, 


*.  IV.  HISTORY    Or    AMERICA*  333 

regions,  are  known  to  the  Europeans  by  the 
name  of  Efquimaux*  They  themfelves,  with  that 
idea  of  their  own  fuperiority,  which  confoles  the 
rudeft  and  nioft  wretched  nations,  affume  the 
name  of  Keralit  or  Men.  They  are  of  a  middle 
fize,  and  robuft,  with  heads  of  a  difproportioned 
bulk,  and  feet  as  remarkably  fmall.  Their 
complexion,  though  fwarthy,  by  being  conti- 
nually expofed  to  the  rigour  of  a  cold  climate, 
inclines  to  the  European  white,  rather  than  to 
the  copper  colour  of  America,  and  the  men  have 
beards  which  are  fometimes  bumy  and  long  ym 
From  thefe  marks  of  diftin&ion,  as  well  as  from 
one  Hill  lefs  equivocal,  the  affinity  of  their  lan- 
guage to  that  of  the  Greenlanders,  which  I 
have  already  mentioned,  we  may  conclude,  with 
fome  degree  of  confidence,  that  the  Efqui- 
maux  are  a  race  different  from  the  reft  of  the 
Americans. 

We  cannot  decide  with  equal  certainty  con- 
cerning the  inhabitants  of  the  third  diftric~t,  fitu- 
ated  at  the  fouthern  extremity  of  America. 
Thefe  are  the  famous  Patagonians,  who,  during 
■two  centuries  and  a  half,  have  afforded  a  fubjecl: 
of  controverfy  to  the  learned,  and  a  object  of 
wonder  to  the  vulgar.  They  are  fappofed  to  be 
one  of  the  wandering  tribes,  which  occupy  that 
vaft,  but  leaft  known  region  of  America,  which 
extends  from  the  river  De  la  Plata  to  the  Straits 
of  Magellan.  Their  proper  ftation  is  in  that 
part  of  the  interior  country  which  lies  on  the 
banks  of  the  river  Negro ;    but  in  the  hunting 

y  Ellis  Voy.  to  Hudf.  Bay,  p.  131.  139.  De  la  Potherie, 
torn.  i.  p.  79.  Wales7  journ.  of  a  Voy.  co  Churchill  River. 
]Phil.  Tt&{.  vol.  lx.  109, 

I  j  z  feafon 


334  History  of  America.  b.  iv, 

feafon  they  often  roam  as  far  as  the  ftraits  which 
feparate  Tierra  del  Fuego  from  the  main-land, 
The  firit  accounts  of  this  people  were  brought 
to  Europe  by  the  companions  of  Magellan  z, 
who  defcribed  them  as  a  gigantic  race,  above 
eight  feet  high,  and  of  ftrength  in  proportion  to 
their  enormous  fize.  Among  feveral  tribes  of 
animals,  a  difparity  in  bulk,  as  confiderable,  may 
be  obferved.  Some  large  breeds  of  horfes  and 
dogs  exceed  the  more  diminutive  races  in  ftature 
and  ftrength,  as  far  as  the  Patagonian  is  fuppofed 
to  rife  above  the  ufual  ftandard  of  the  human 
body.  But  animals  attain  the  highefl  perfection 
of  their  fpecies,  only  in  mild  climates,  or  where 
they  find  the  moll  nutritive  food  in  greatefl 
abundance.  It  is  not  then  in  the  uncultivated 
wafte  of  the  Magellanic  regions,  and  among  a 
tribe  of  improvident  favages,  that  we  mould 
expect  to  find  man,  poffeffing  the  highefl:  ho- 
nours of  his  race,  and  diftinguifhed  by  a  fupe- 
riority  of  fize  and  vigour,  far  beyond  what  he 
has  reached  in  any  other  part  of  the  earth.  The 
moft  explicit  and  unexceptionable  evidence  is 
requifite,  in  order  to  eftablifh  a  facl:  repugnant 
to  thofe  general  principles  and  laws,  which  feetn 
to  affect  the  human  frame  in  every  other  inftance, 
and  to  decide  with  refpe£t  to  its  nature  and  quali- 
ties. Such  evidence  has  not  hitherto  been  pro- 
duced. Though  feveral  perfons,  to  whofe  tefti- 
mony  great  refpe6l  is  due,  have  vifited  this  part 
of  America  fince  the  time  of  Magellan,  and  have 
fiad  interviews  with  the  natives  ;  though  fome 
have  affirmed,  that  fuch  as  they  faw  were  of 
gigantic  ftature,    and  others  have   formed  the 

f  Falkner's  Defcription  of  Patagonia,  p.  102. 

fame 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  335 

fame  conclufion  from  meafuring  their  footfteps, 
or  from  viewing  the  fkeletons  of  their  dead  ; 
yet  their  accounts  vary  from  each  other  in  fo 
many  efTential  points,  and  are  mingled  with  fo 
many  circumftances  manifeftly  falfe  or  fabulous, 
as  detract  much  from  their  credit.  On  the  other 
hand,  fome  navigators,  and  thofe  among  the  moll 
eminent  of  their  order  for  difcernment  and  ac- 
curacy, have  afTerted  that  the  natives  of  Pata- 
gonia, with  whom  they  had  intercourfe,  though 
ftout  and  well-made,  are  not  of  fuch  extraordinary 
fize  as  to  be  diftinguifhed  from  the  reft  of  the 
human  fpecies  a.  The  exiftence  of  this  gigantic 
race  of  men  feems,  then,  to  be  one  of  thofe 
points  in  natural  hiftory,  with  refpeft  to  which 
a  cautious  inquirer  will  hefitate,  and  will  choofe 
to  fufpend  his  affent  until  more  complete  evi- 
dence (hall  decide,  whether  he  ought  to  admit  a 
fact,  feemingly  inconiiftent  with  what  reafon  and 
experience  have  discovered  concerning  the  ftruc- 
ture  and  condition  of  man,  in  all  the  various 
fltuations  in  which  he  has  been  obferved. 

In  order  to  form  a  complete  idea  with  refpecl 
to  the  constitution  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  and 
the  other  hemifphere,  we  mould  attend  not  only 
to  the  make  and  vigour  of  their  bodies,  but  con- 
fider  what  degree  of  health  they  enjoy,  and  to 
what  period  of  longevity  they  ufuaily  arrive.  In 
the  fnnplicity  of  the  favage  ftate,  when  man  is 
not  oppreifed  with  labour,  or  enervated  by  lux- 
ury, or  difquieted  with  care,  we  are  apt  to 
imagine  that  his  life  will  flow  on  almoll  un- 
troubled by  difeafe  or  fuffering,  until  his  days 
be  terminated,  in  extreme  old  age,  by  the  gradual 

•  See  Note  XL1X. 

1 1  3  decays 


336  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  If* 

decays  of  nature.  We  find,  accordingly,  among 
the  Americans,  as  well  as  among  other  rude  peo- 
ple, perfons,  whofe  decrepit  and  fhrivelled  form 
fee*ms  to  indicate  an  extraordinary  length  of  life. 
But  as  moft  of  them  are  unacquainted  with  the 
art  of  numbering,  and  all  of  them  as  forgetful 
of  what  is  paft,  as  they  are  improvident  for 
what  is  to  come,  it  is  impoflible  to  afcertain 
their  age,  with  any  degree  of  preciiion  b.  It 
is  evident,  that  the  period  of  their  longevity 
muft  vary  confiderably,  according  to  the  diver- 
fity  of  climates,  and  their  different  modes  of  fub- 
fiftence.  They  feem,  however,  to  be  every 
where  exempt  from  mapy  of  the  diftempers  which 
afflict  polifhed  nations.  None  of  the  maladies, 
which  are  the  immediate  offspring  of  luxury,  j 
ever  viiited  them  ;  and  they  have  no  names  in 
their  languages  by  which  to  diftinguifh  this  nu- 
merous train  of  adventitious  evils. 

But,  whatever  be  the  fituation  in  which  man 
is  placed,  he  is  born  to  fuffer  ;  and  his  difeafes, 
in  the  favage  flate,  though  fewer  in  number,  are, 
like  thofe  of  the  animals  whom  he  nearly  re- 
fembles  in  his  mode  of  life,  more  violent,  and 
more  fatal.  If  luxury  engenders  and  nourifhes 
diftempers  of  one  fpecies,  the  rigour  and  dif- 
trefTes  of  favage  life  bring  on  thofe  of  another. 
As  men,  in  this  ilate,  are  wonderfully  improvi- 
dent, and  their  means  of  fubfiflence  precarious, 
they  often  pafs  from  extreme  want  to  exuberant 
plenty,  according  to  the  viciffitudes  of  fortune 
in  the  chace,  or  in  confequence  of  the  various 
degree  of  abundance  with  which  the  earth  af- 

*  Ulloa  Notic.  Ametic  323.  Bancroft  Nat,  Hifr.  of 
Guiana,  334. 

fords 


5.  IV.  HISTORY    OP    AMERICA.  337 

fords  to  them  its  productions,  in  different  feafons. 
Their  inconfiderate  gluttony  in  the  one  fituation, 
and  their  fevere  abitinence  in  the  other,  are 
equally  pernicious.  For,  though  the  human 
conflitution  may  be  accuftomed  by  habit,  like 
that  of  animals  of  prey,  to  tolerate  long  famine, 
and  then  to  gorge  voracioufly,  it  is  not  a  little 
affe&ed  by  fuch  fudden  and  violent  traniitions. 
The  ftrength  and  vigour  of  favages  are,  at  fome 
feafons,  impaired  by  what  they  fuffer  from  fear- 
city  of  food ;  at  others  they  are  afflicted  with 
diforders  arifing  from  indigeilion  and  a  fuper- 
fluity  of  grofs  aliment.  Thefe  are  fo  common, 
that  they  may  be  confidered  as  the  unavoidable 
confequence  of  their  mode  of  fubfifting,  and  cut 
off  confiderable  numbers  in  the  prime  of  lifef 
They  are  likewife  extremely  fubjec\  to  consump- 
tions, to  pleuritic,  afthmatic,  and  paralytic  dif- 
orders c,  brought  on  by  the  immoderate  hard- 
ihips  and  fatigue  which  they  endure  in  hunting 
and  in  war ;  or  owing  to  the  inclemency  of 
the  feafons  to  which  they  are  continually  ex- 
pofed.  In  the  favage  ftate,  hardfhips  and  fatigue 
violently  affault  the  conftitution.  In  polifhed 
focieties,  intemperance  undermines  it.  It  is  not 
eafy  to  determine  which  of  them  operates  with 
moil  fatal  effect,  or  tends  mod  to  abridge  human 
life.  The  influence  of  the  former  is  certainly 
moll  extenfive.  The  pernicious  confequences 
of  luxury  reach  only  a  few  members  in  any 
community,  the  diflreffes  of  favage  life  are  felt 
by  all.  As  far  as  I  can  judge,  after  very  minute 
inquiry,    the  general   period  of  human  life   is 

c  Charlcv.  N.  Fr.  iii.  364.    Lafitau,  ii.  360.    De  la  Po» 
♦iheiie,  ii.  37. 

fhorter 


J3&  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  B.  IV. 

fhorter  among  favages,  than  in  well-regulated 
and  induftrious  focieties. 

One  dreadful  malady,  the  fevereft  fcourge,  with 
which,  in  this  life,  offended  Heaven  chaftens  the 
indulgence  of  criminal  deiire,  feems  to  have  been 
peculiar  to  the  Americans.  By  communicating 
it  to  their  conquerors,  they  have  not  only  amply 
avenged  their  own  wrongs,  but  by  adding  this 
calamity  to  thofe  which  formerly  embittered  hu- 
man life,  they  have,  perhaps,  more  than  counter- 
balanced all  the  benefits  which  Europe  has  de- 
rived from  the  difcovery  of  the  New  World. 
This  diftemper,  from  the  country  in  which  it 
firft  raged,  or  from  the  people  by  whom  it  was 
fuppoftd  to  have  been  fpread  over  Europe,  has 
been  fometimes  called  the  Neapolitan,  and  fome- 
times  the  French  difeafe.  At  its  firft  appear- 
ance, the  infection  was  fo  malignant,  its  fymp- 
toms  fo  violent,  its  operation  fo  rapid  and  fatal, 
as  to  baffle  all  the  efforts  of  medical  fkill. 
Aftonifhment  and  terror  accompanied  this  un» 
known  affliction  in  its  progrefs,  and  men  began 
to  dread  the  extinction  of  the  human  race  by 
fuch  a  cruel  vifitation.  Experience,  and  the  in- 
genuity of  phyficians,  gradually  difcovered  reme- 
dies of  fuch  virtue  as  to  cure  or  to  mitigate  the 
evil.  During  the  courfe  of  two  centuries  and 
a  half,  its  virulence  feems  to  have  abated  con- 
fiderably.  At  length,  in  the  fame  manner  with 
the  leprofy,  which  raged  in  Europe  for  fome 
centuries,  it  may  wafte  its  force  and  difappear  j 
and  in  fome  happier  age,  this  weftern  infection, 
like  that  from  the  Eaft,  may  be  known  only  by 
defcription  d. 

?  Sec  Note  L< 

II.  After 


Pi.  it.  History  of  America.  339 

II,  After  confiderlng  what  appears  to  be 
peculiar  in  the  bodily  conftitution  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, our  attention  is  naturally  turned  towards 
the  powers  and  qualities  of  their  minds.  As 
the  individual  advances  from  the  ignorance  and 
imbecility  of  the  infant  ftate,  to  vigour  and  ma- 
turity of  underftanding,  fomething  fimilar  to 
this  may  be  obferved  in  the  progrefs  of  the 
fpecies.  With  refpedt.  to  it,  too,  there  is  a 
period  of  infancy,  during  which  feveral  powers 
of  the  mind  are  not  unfolded,  and  all  are  fee- 
ble and  defective  in  their  operation.  In  the 
early  ages  of  fociety,  while  the  condition  of  man 
is  fimple  and  rude,  his  reafon  is  but  little  exer- 
cifed,  and  his  defires  move  within  a  very  narr 
row  fphere.  Hence  arife  two  remarkable  cha* 
racteriftics  of  the  human  mind  in  this  Hate.  Its 
intellectual  powTers  are  extremely  limited  ;  its 
emotions  and  efforts  are  few  and  languid.  Both 
thefe  diftinctions  are  confpicuous  among  the 
rudeft  and  moft  unimproved  of  the  American 
tribes,  and  conftitute  a  linking  part  of  their 
defcription. 

What,  among  polifhed  nations,  is  called  fpe- 
culative  reafoning  or  refearch,  is  altogether  uiir 
known  in  the  rude  Hate  of  fociety,  and  never 
becomes  the  occupation  or  amufement  of  the 
human  faculties,  until  man  be  fo  far  improved 
as  to  have  fecured,  with  certainty,  the  means 
of  fubfiftence,  as  well  as  the  poffeflion  of  leifure 
and  tranquillity.  The  thoughts  and  attention  of  a 
favage  are  confined  within  the  fmall  circle  of 
objects,  immediately  conducive  to  his  preferva- 
tion  or  enjoyment.  Every  thing  beyond  that, 
efcapes  his  obfervation,  or  is  perfectly  indif- 
ferent 


340  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  3.  IV* 

ferent  to  him.  Like  a  mere  animal,  what  is  be- 
fore his  eyes  interefts  and  affects  him  ;  what  is 
out  of  fight,  or  at  a  diftance,  makes  little  im- 
preflion  e.  There  are  feveral  people  in  America 
whofe  limited  understandings  feem  not  to  be 
capable  of  forming  an  arrangement  for  futurity  ; 
neither  their  folicitude  nor  their  forefight  ex- 
tend fo  far.  They  follow  blindly  the  impulfe 
of  the  appetite  which  they  feel,  but  are  entirely 
regardlefs  of  diftant  confequences,  and  even  of 
thofe  removed  in  the  lead  degree  from  imme* 
diate  apprehenrion.  While  they  highly  prize 
fuch  things  as  ferve  for  prefent  ufe,  or  minifter 
to  prefent  enjoyment,  they  fet  no  value  upoij 
thofe  which  are  not  the  object  of  fome  imme- 
diate want  f.  When,  on  the  approach  of  the 
evening,  a  Caribbee  feels  himfelf  difpofed  to  go 
to  reft,  no  confideration  will  tempt  him  to  fell 
his  hammoc.  But,  in  the  morning,  when  he  is 
Tallying  out  to  the  bufinefs  or  paftime  of  the 
day,  he  will  part  with  it,  for  the  flighted  toy 
that  catches  his  fancy  s.  At  the  clofe  of  win- 
ter, while  the  impreffion  of  what  he  has  fuffered 
from  the  rigour  of  the  climate  is  frefh  in  the  mind 
of  the  North  American,  he  fets  himfelf  with 
vigour  to  prepare  materials  for  erecting  a  com- 
fortable hut  to  protect  him  againil  the  incle- 
mency of  the  fucceeding  feafon  ;  but  as  foon  as 
the  weather  becomes  mild,  he  forgets  what  is 
paft,  abandons  his  work,  and  never  thinks  of  it 


c  UJJoa  Noticias  Americ.  222.  f  Venegas  Hift.  of 

palif.  i.  66.     Supp.  Church.  Coll.  v.  693.     Borde  Defer, 
des  Caraibes,  p.  16.     Ellis  Voy.  194..  £  Labat  Voy- 

ages, ii,  114,  1 1 5,     Tertre,  ii.  385? 

more 


• 


fc#  jv-  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA*  34t 

ipore,.  until   the  return  of  cold  compels  him, 
when  too  late,  to  refume  it  h. 

If  in  concerns  the  moil  interefting,  and  feem- 
ingly  the  moft  fimple,  the  reafon  of  man,  while 
rude  and  deftitute  of  culture,  differs  fo  little 
from  the  thoughtlefs  levity  of  children,  or  the 
improvident  inftind  of  animals,  its  exertions  in 
father  diredions  cannot  be  very  confiderable. 
The  objefts  towards  which  reafon  turns,  and 
the  difquifitions  in  which  it  engages,  mud  de- 
pend upon  the  {late  in  which  man  is  placed,  and 
are  fuggefled  by  his  neceffities  and  defires. 
Difquifitions,  which  appear  the  moft  neceffary 
and  important  to  men  in  one  flate  of  fociety, 
never  occur  to  thofe  in  another.  Among  civil- 
ized nations,  arithmetic,  or  the  art  of  number- 
ing, is  deemed  an  effential  and  elementary  fcience, 
and  in  our  continent,  the  invention  and  ufe  of 
k  reaches  back  to  a  period  fo  remote  as  is  be- 
yond the  knowledge  of  hiftory.  But  among 
favages,  who  have  no  property  to  eftimate,  no 
hoarded  treafures  to  count,  no  variety  of  ob- 
lefts  or  multiplicity  of  ideas  to  enumerate,  arith- 
metic is  a  fuperfluous  and  ufelefs  art.  Accord- 
ingly, among  fome  tribes  in  America  it  feems  to 
be  quite  unknown.  There  are  many  who  can- 
not reckon  farther  than  three  ;  and  have  no 
denomination  to  diftinguifh  any  number  above 
it  *.  Several  can  proceed  as  far  as  ten,  others 
to  twenty.  When  they  would  convey  an  idea 
of  any  number  beyond  thefe,  they  point  to  the 
hair  of  their  head,  intimating  that   it  is  equal 

*  Adair's  Hiit.  of  Amer.  Indians,  417.  |  Condam. 

p.  67.      Stadius  ap.  de  Bry,  ix.  i»8.     Lery.  ibid.  251. 
feict.  16a,     Uttr.  Edif.  *y  3H» 
.  to 


i 


342  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  I 

to  them,  or  with  wonder  declare  it  to  be  * 
great  that  it  cannot  be  reckoned  T.  Not  only 
the  Americans*  but  all  nations,  while  extremely 
rude,  feem  to  be  unacquainted  with  the  art  of 
computation  z.  As  foon,  however,  as  they  ac- 
quire fuch  acquaintance  or  connection  with  a3L 
variety  of  objects,  there  is  frequent  occafion  to 
combine  or  divide  them,  their  knowledge  of  num- 
bers increafes,  fo  that  the  ilate  of  this  art  among 
any  people  may  be  confidered  as  one  ftandard, 
by  which  to  eftimate  the  degree  of  their  im- 
provement. The  Iroquois,  in  North -America, 
as  they  are  much  more  civilized  than  the  rude 
inhabitants  of  Brafil,  Paraguay,  or  Guiana,  have 
likewife  made  greater  advances  in  this  refpeft ; 
though  even  their  arithmetic  does  not  extend' 
beyond  a  thoufand,  as  in  their  petty  tranfaclions 
they  have  no  occafion  for  any  higher  number  a. 
The  Cherokee,  a  lefs  confiderable  nation  on  the 
fame  continent,  can  reckon  only  as  far  as  a  hun- 
dred, and  to  that  extent  have  names  for  the  feveral 
n  ..mbers  ;  the  fmaller  tribes  in  their  neighbour- 
hood can  rife  no  higher  than  ten  b. 

In  other  refpe&s,  the  exercife  of  the  under- 
ftanding  among  rude  nations  is  ftill  more  limited. 
The  firft  ideas  of  every  human  being  muft  be 
fuch  as  he  receives  by  the  fenfes.  But,  in  the 
mind  of  man,  while  in  the  favage  Hate,  there 
feem  to  be  hardly  any  ideas  but  what  enter  by 

y  Dumont  Louif.  i.  187.  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  fii.  c.  3. 
Biet.  396.     Borde,6.  z  This  is  the  cafe  with  the 

Greenlanders,  Crantz,   1.  225.  and  with  Kamchatkadales, 
M.  TAbbe  Chappe,  III-  17.  a  Charlev.  Nouv.  Franc, 

iii.  402.  b  Adair's  Hi  ft.  of  Amer.  Indians,  77.     See 

Note  LI, 

this 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  34$ 

this  avenue.  The  objects  around  him  are  pre- ' 
fented  to  his  eye.  Such  as  may  be  fubfervient 
to  his  ufe,  or  can  gratify  any  of  his  appetites, 
attract  his  notice  ;  he  views  the  reft  without 
curiofity  or  attention.  Satisfied  with  confider- 
ing  them  under  that  fimple  mode,  in  which  they 
appear  to  him  as  feparate  and  detached,  he  nei* 
ther  combines  them  fo  as  to  form  general  claffes, 
nor  contemplates  their  qualities  apart  from  the 
fubjeel:  in  which  they  inhere,  nor  bellows  a 
thought  upon  the  operations  of  his  own  mind 
concerning  them.  Thus,  he  is  unacquainted 
with  all  the  ideas  which  have  been  denominated 
univerfal9  or  abjlrad,  or  of  reflection.  The  range 
of  his  underltanding  mull,  of  courfe,  be  very 
confined,  and  his  reafoning  powers  be  em- 
ployed merely  on  what  is  fenfible.  This  is  fo 
remarkably  the  cafe  with  the  ruder  nations  of 
America,  that  their  languages  (as  we  fhall  after- 
wards find)  have  not  a  word  to  exprefs  any  thing 
but  what  is  material  or  corporeal.  TiW,  Jpace9 
fubj}ance>  and  a  thoufand  other  terms  which  re- 
brefent  abllraft  and  univerfal  ideas,  are  altoge- 
ther unknown  to  them  c.  A  naked  favage, 
cowering  over  the  fire  in  his  miferable  cabin,  or 
ilretched  under  a  few  branches  which  afford  him 
a  temporary  fhelter,  has  as  little  inclination  as 
capacity  for  ufelefs  fpeculation.  His  thoughts 
extend  not  beyond  what  relates  to  animal  life, 
and  when  they  are  not  directed  towards  fome  of 
its  concerns,  his  mind  is  totally  inactive.  In 
fituations  where  no  extraordinary  effort  either 
of  ingenuity  or  labour  is  requifite,  in  order  ta 
iatisfy  the  fimple  demands  of  nature,  the  powers 

*  Condam.  p.  54* 
VOL.  I.  i;  K  of 


344  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  3.  IV. 

of  the  mind  are  fo  feldom  roufed  to  any  exertion, 
that  the  rational  faculties  continue  almoll  dor- 
mant and  unexercifed.  The  numerous  tribes 
fcattered  over  the  rich  plains  of  South-America, 
the  inhabitants  of  fome  of  the  iflands,  and  of 
feveral  fertile  regions  on  the  continent,  come 
under  this  defcription.  Their  vacant  counte- 
nance," their  flaring  unexprefllve  eye,  their  lifllefs 
inattention,  and  total  ignorance  of  fubje&s, 
which  feem  to  be  the  firil  which  fhould  occupy 
the  thoughts  of  rational  beings,  made  fuch  im- 
prefhon  upon  the  Spaniards,  when  they  firft  be- 
held thofe  rude  people,  that  they  confidered 
them  as  animals  of  an  inferior  order,  and  could 
not  believe  that  they  belonged  to  the  human 
fpecies  d.  It  required  the  authority  of  a  papal 
bull  to  counteract  this  opinion,  and  to  convince 
them  that  the  Americans  were  capable  of  the 
fundions,  and  entitled  to  the  privileges  of  hu- 
manity6. Since  that  time,  perfons  more  en- 
lightened and  impartial  than  the  difcoverers  or 
conquerors  of  America,  have  had  an  opportunity 
of  contemplating  the  moil  favage  of  its  in- 
habitants, and  they  have  been  aflonifhed  and 
humbled,  with  obferving  how  nearly  man,  in 
this  condition,  approaches  to  the  brute  creation. 
But  in  feverer  climates,  where  fubfiftence  cannot 
be  procured  with  the  fame  eafe,  where  men 
mull  unite  more  clofely,  and  ad  with  greater 
concert,  neceflity  calls  forth  their  talents,  and 
fharpens  their  invention,  fo  that^  the  intelle&ual 
powers  are  more  exercifed  and  improved.  The 
North-American  tribes  and  the  natives  of  Chili, 


d  Herrera,   dec.  2.   lib.  ii.  c.  15. 
c  Torquem.  Mon.  Ind.  in.  198. 

wh 


, 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  34£ 

who  inhabit  the  temperate  regions  in  the  two 
great  diftricts  of  America,  are  people  of  culti- 
vated and  enlarged  understandings,  when  viewed 
in  comparifon  Avith  fome  of  thofe  feated  in  the 
iflands,  or  on  the  banks  of  the  Maragnon  and 
Orinoco.  Their  occupations  are  more  various, 
their  fyftem  of  policy,  as  well  as  of  war,  more 
complex,  their  arts  more  numerous.  But, 
even  among  them,  the  intellectual  powers  are 
extremely  limited  in  their  operations,  and  unlefs 
when  turned  directly  to  thofe  objects  which  in- 
tereil:  a  favage,  are  held  in  no  eftimation.  Both 
the  North- Americans  and  Chilefe,  when  not  en- 
gaged in  fome  of  the  functions  belonging  to  a 
warrior  or  hunter,  loiter  away  their  time  in 
thoughtlefs  indolence,  unacquainted  with  any 
other  fubject  worthy  of  their  attention,  or  capable 
of  occupying  their  minds f.  If  even  among 
them,  reafon  is  fo  much  circumfcribed  in  its  ex- 
ertions, and  never  arrives,  in  its  higheit  attain- 
ments, at  the  knowledge  of  thofe  general  prin- 
ciples and  maxims,  which  ferve  as  the  foundation 
of  fcience,  we  may  conclude,  that  the  intellec- 
tual powers  of  man  in  the  favage  ftate  are 
deftitute  of  their  proper  object,  and  cannot  ac- 
quire any  confiderable  degree  of  vigour  and  en* 
largement. 

From  the  fame  caufes,  the  active  efforts  of 
the  mind  are  few,  and,  on  moll:  occafions,  lan- 
guid. If  we  examine  into  the  motives  which 
roufe  men  to  activity  in  civilized  life,  and 
prompt  them  to  perfevere  in  fatiguing  exertions 
of  their  ingenuity  or  ftrength,  we  mall  find  that 
they  arift  chiefly  from  acquired  wants  and  ap- 
f  Lafitau,  ii.  2. 

g  k  3  petite* 


346  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV. 

petite.s.  Thefe  are  numerous  and  importunate ; 
they  keep  the  mind  in  perpetual  agitation,  and, 
in  order  to  gratify  them,  invention  mufl  be  always 
on  the  ftretch,  and  induftry  muft  be  incefiantly 
employed.  But  the  defires  of  fimple  nature  are 
few,  and  where  a  favourable  climate  yields  almoftY 
fpontaneouily  what  fuffices  to  gratify  them, 
they  fcarcely  ftir  the  foul,  or  excite  any  violent 
emotion.  Hence  the  people  of  feveral  tribes  in 
America  wafte  their  life  in  a  liftlefs  indolence. 
To  be  free  from  occupation,  feems  to  be  all 
the  enjoyment  towards  which  they  afpire.  They 
will  continue  whole  days  ftretched  out  in  then? 
hammocs,  or  feated  on  the  earth  in  perfect  idle- 
nefs,  without  changing  their  pofture,  or  raifing 
their  eyes  from  the  ground,  or  uttering  a  fmgle 
words. 

Such  is  their  averfion  to  labour,  that  neither 
the  hope  of  future  good,  nor  the  apprehenfion  of 
future  evil,  can  furmount  it.  They  appear  equally 
indifferent  to  both,  difcovering  little  folicitude, 
and  taking  no  precautions  to  avoid  the  one,  or  to 
fecure  the  other.  The  cravings  of  hunger  may 
roufe  them  ;  but  as  they  devour,  with  little  dis- 
tinction, whatever  will  appeafe  its  inftindtive  de- 
mands, the  exertions  which  thefe  occafion  are 
of  fhort  duration.  Deftitute  of  ardour,  as 
well  as  variety  of  defire,  they  feel  not  the  force 
of  thofe  powerful  fprings  which  give  vigour  to 
the  movements  of  the  mind,  and  urge  the  pa- 
tient hand  of  induftry  to  perfevere  in  its  efforts. 
Man,  in  fome  parts  of  America,  appears  in  a 
form  fo  rude,  that  we  can  difcover  no  effects  of 
his  activity,  and  the  principle  of  underitanding 

s  Boguer  Voy.  au  Perou,  102.     Borde,  15. 

which 


B.   IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  347 

which  fhould  direct  it,  Teems  hardly  to  be  un- 
folded. Like  the  other  animals,  he  has  no 
fixed  refidence ;  he  has  erected  no  habitation  to 
fhelter  him  from  the  inclemency  of  the  weather  ; 
he  has  taken  no  meafures  for  fecuring  certain 
fubfiftence ;  he  neither  fows  nor  reaps ;  but 
roams  about  as  led  in  fearch  of  the  plants 
and  fruits  which  the  earth  brings  forth  in  fuc- 
cefilon  ;  and  in  quell  of  the  game  which  he  kills 
in  the  forefts,  or  of  the  fifh  which  he  catches 
in  the  rivers. 

This  defcription,  however,  applies  only  to 
fome  tribes.  Man  cannot  continue  long  in  this 
ftate  of  feeble  and  uninformed  infancy.  He  was 
made  for  induftry  and  action,  and  the  powers 
of  his  nature,  as  well  as  the  necefiity  of  his 
condition,  urge  him  to  fulfil  his  deftiny.  Ac- 
cordingly, among  moil  of  the  American  na- 
tions, efpecially  thofe  feated  in  rigorous  climates, 
fome  efforts  are  employed,  and  fome  previous 
precautions  are  taken,  for  fecuring  fubfiftence. 
The  career  of  regular  induftry  is  begun,  and 
the  laborious  arm  has  made  the  firft  eflays  of 
its  power.  Still  however  the  improvident 
and  flothful  genius  of  the  favage  ftate  pre- 
dominates. Even  among  thofe  more  improved 
tribes,  labour  is  deemed  ignominious  and  de- 
grading. It  is  only  to  work  of  a  certain  kind 
that  a  man  will  deign  to  put  his  hand.  The 
greater  part  is  devolved  entirely  upon  the 
women.  One  half  of  the  community  remains 
inactive  while  the  other  is  opprefied  with  the 
multitude  and  variety  of  its  occupations.  Thus 
their  induftry  is  partial,  and  the  forefight  which 
k  k  3  regulates 


34-8  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  3.  IV. 

regulates  it,  is  no  lefs  limited.  A  remarkable 
inftance  of  this  occurs  in  the  chief  arrangement 
with  refpecl:  to  their  manner  of  living.  They 
depend  for  their  fubfiftence,  during  one  part  of 
the  year,  on  fifliing  ;  during  another,  on  hunt- 
ing ;  during  a  third,  on  the  produce  of  their 
agriculture.  Though  experience  has  taught 
them  to  forefee  the  return  of  thoie  various  fea- 
fons,  and  to  make  fome  provifion  for  the  re- 
fpeclive  exigencies  of  each,  they  either  want 
fagacity  to  proportion  this  provifion  to  their  con- 
fumption,  or  are  fo  incapable  of  any  command 
over  their  appetites,  that,  from  their  inconfider- 
ate  wafte,  they  often  feel  the  calamities  of  famine 
as  feverely  as  the  rudefl  of  the  favage  tribes. 
What  they  fuller  one  year  does  not  augment 
their  induftry,  or  render  them  more  provident  to 
prevent  ilmilar  diftreffes  h.  This  inconfiderate 
thoughtleffnefs  about  futurity,  the  effecl:  of  ig- 
norance and  the  caufe  of  floth,  accompanies  and 
characterizes  man  in  every  llage  of  favage  life  * ; 
and  by  a  capricious  iingularity  in  his  operations, 
he  is  then  leaft  folicitous  about  fupplying  his 
wants,  when  the  means  of  fatisfying  them  are 
moft  precarious,  and  procured  with  the  grcateft 
difficulty  K 

III.  After  viewing  the  bodily  conftitution  of 
the  Americans,  and  contemplating  the  powers 
of  their  minds,  we  are  led,  in  the  natural  order 
of  inquiry,  to  confider  them  as  united  together 

h  Charlev.  N.  Fr.  iii.  338.  Lettr.  Edif.  23.  298. 
Defcript.  of  N.  France,  Oiborn's  Colled,  ii.  880.  De  la 
Potherie,  ii.  63.  *  Bancroft's  Nat,  Hift.  of  Guiana, 

3*6.  333.  k  Sec  Note  LIJ. 

ill 


\ 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  S49 

in  fociety.  Hitherto  our  refearchcs  have  been 
confined  to  the  operations  of  underftandmg 
refpefting  themfelves,  as  individuals,  now  they 
will  extend  to  the  degree  of  their  fallibility  and 
affection  towards  their  fpecies. 

The  domeftic  ftate  is  the  firft  and  molt  fimple 
form  of  human  affociation.  The  union  of  the 
fexes,  among  different  animals,  is  of  longer  or 
fhorter  duration  in  proportion  to  the  eafe  or  dif- 
ficulty of  rearing  their  offspring.  Among  thofe 
tribes  where  the  feafon  of  infancy  k  fhort,  and 
the  young  foon  acquire  vigour  or  agility,  no  per- 
manent union  is  formed.  Nature  commits  the 
care  of  training  up  the  offspring  to  the  mother 
alone,  and  her  tendernefs,  without  any  other  af- 
fiftance,  is  equal  to  the  tafk.  But  where  the 
ftate  of  infancy  is  long  and  helplefs,  and  the  joint 
afiiduity  of  both  parents  is  requifite  in  tending 
their  feeble  progeny,  there  a  more  intimate  con- 
nexion takes  place,  and  continues  until  the  pur- 
pofe  of  nature  be  accomplifhed,  and  the  new  race 
grow  up  to  full  maturity.  As  the  infancy  of  man  is 
more  feeble  and  helplefs  than  that  of  any  other 
animal,  and  he  is  dependent,  during  a  much  longer 
period,  on  the  care  and  forefight  of"  his  parents, 
the  union  between  hufband  and  wife  came  early 
to  be  confidered  not  only  as  a  folemn,  but  as  a 
permanent  contraft.  A  general  ftate  of  pro- 
mifcuous  intercourfe  between  the  fexes  never 
exifted  but  in  the  imagination  of  poets.  In 
the  infancy  of  fociety,  when  jmen,  deftituteof 
arts  and  induftry,  lead  a  hard  precarious  life, 
the  rearing  of  their  progeny  demands  the  at- 
tention and  efforts  of  both  parent*  :  and  if  their 

union 


350  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  IV. 

union  had  not  been  formed  and  continued  with 
this  view,  the  race  could  not  have  been  preferved* 
Accordingly,  in  America,  even  among  the  rudeft 
tribes,  a  regular  union  between  human  d  and 
wife  was  univerfal,  and  the  rights  of  marriage 
were  underflood  and  recognized.  In  thofe  dif- 
tri&s  where  fubfiftence  was  fcanty,  and  the 
difficulty  of  maintaining  a  family  was  great,  the 
man  confined  himfelf  to  one  wife.  In  warmer 
and  more  fertile  provinces,  the  facility  of  pro- 
curing food  concurred  with  the  influence  of 
climate,  in  inducing  the  inhabitants  to  increafe 
the  number  of  their^  wives1.  In  fome  countries, 
the  marriage  union  fubfifted  during  life ;  in 
others,  the  impatience  of  the  Americans  under 
reftraint  of  any  fpecies,  together  with  their  na- 
tural levity  and  caprice,  prompted  them  to  dif- 
folve  it  on  very  flight  pretexts,  and  often  without 
aligning  any  caufe  m. 

But  in  whatever  light  the  Americans  confidered 
the  obligation  of  this  contract,  either  as  per- 
petual, or  only  as  temporary,  the  condition  of 
women  was  equally  humiliating  and  miferable. 
Whether  man  has  been  improved  by  the  progrefs 
of  arts  and  civilization  in  fociety,  is  a  queftion, 
which,  .  in  the  wantonnefs  of  deputation,  has 
been  agitated  among  philofophers.  That  women 
are  indebted  to  the  refinements  of  polifhed  man- 
ners for  a  happy  change  in  their  flate,  is  a  point 

1  Lettr.  Edif.  23.  318.  Lafitau  Mceurs,  i.  554.  Lery 
ap.  de  Bry,  iii  234.   Journal  de  Grillet  et  Bechamel,  p.  88. 

m  Lafitau,  i.  580-  Joutel  Journ.  Hiftor.  345.  Lozano 
Defer,  del  Gran  Chaco,  70.  Hennepin  Mceurs  des  Sauvagea, 
p.  30.  33. 

which 


*B.  IT."  •  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  35I 

which  can  admit  of  no  doubt.     To  dcfpife  and 
to  degrade  the  female  fex,  is  the  characterise 
of  the  favage  ftate  in  every  part  of  the  globe. 
Man,  proud  of  excelling  in  ftrength  and  in  cou- 
rage, the  chief  marks  of  pre-eminence^  among- 
rude    people,    treats    woman,    as    an   inferior, 
with  difdain.     The  Americans,    perhaps  from 
that  coldnefs  and  infenlibility  which  has  been 
confidered  as  peculiar  to  their  conllitution,  add 
neglect  and  harfhnefs  to  contempt.     The  moil 
intelligent  travellers  have  been  llruck  with  this 
inattention  of  the  Americans  to  their  women, 
It  is  not,    as  I  have   already  obferved,    by  a 
.  ftudied  difplay  of  tendernefs   and    attachment, 
that  the  American  endeavours  to  gain  the  heart 
of  the  woman  whom  he  wiihes  to  marry.     Mar- 
riage itfelf,    inftead  of   being  an  union  of  af- 
fection and  interefls  between  equals,  becomes, 
among  them,    the  unnatural   conjunction  of  a 
mailer  with  his  fb.ve.     It  is  the  obfervation  of 
an   author,     whofe  opinions  are  defervedly  of 
great    weight,     that   wherever  wives   are   pur- 
chafed,  their  condition  is  extremely  depreffed  n. 
They  become  the  property  and  the  flaves  of  thofe 
who  buy  them.     In  whatever  part  of  the  globe 
this  cuftom  prevails,  the  obfervation  holds.     In 
countries  where  refinement  has  made  fome  pro- 
grefs,  women,  when  purchafed,  are  excluded  from 
fociety,   fhut  up  in  fequeftered  apartments,  and 
kept  under  the  vigilant  guard  of  their  matters.  In 
ruder  nations,  they  are  degraded  to  the  meaneft 
functions.      Among  many  people  of  America, 
the   marriage  contract  is  properly  a   purchafe. 

u  Sketches  of  Hilt,  of  Man,  i.  184, 

The 


... 


352  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

The  man  buys  his  wife  of  her  parents.  Though 
unacquainted  with  the  ufe  of  money,  or  with 
fuch  commercial  tranfa&ions  as  take  place  in 
more  improved  fociety,  he  knows  how  to  give 
an  equivalent  for  any  object  which  he  defires  to 
pofTefs.  In  fome  places,  the  fuitor  devotes  his 
fervice  for  a  certain  time  to  the  parents  of  the 
maid  whom  he  courts ;  in  others  he  hunts  for 
them  occaiionally,  or  aflilts  in  cultivating  their 
fields,  and  forming  their  canoes ;  in  others,  he 
offers  prefents  of  fuch  things  as  are  deemed  moil 
valuable  on  account  of  their  ufefulnefs  or  rarity  °. 
In  return  for  thefe,  he  receives  his  wife  ;  and  this 
circumitance,  added  to  the  low  eftimation  of  wo- 
men among  favages,  leads  him  to  confider  her  as  a 
female  fervant  whom  he  has  purchafed,  and  whom 
he  has  a  title  to  treat  as  an  inferior.  In  all  unpoliih- 
cd  nations,  it  is  true,  the  functions  in  domeilic 
ccconomy,  whiich  fall  naturally  to  the  (hare  of 
women,  are  fo  many,  that  they  are  fubjected  to 
hard  labour,  and  muft  bear  more  than  their  full 
portion  of  the  common  burden.  But  in  Ame- 
rica their  condition  is  fo  peculiarly  grievous, 
and  their  deprefllon  fo  complete,  that  fervitude 
is  a  name  too  mild  to  defcribe  their  wretched 
Hate.  A  wife,  among  moil  tribes,  is  no  better 
than  a  beail  of  burden,  deilined  to  every  office 
of  labour  and  fatigue.  While  the  men  loiter 
out  the  day  in  iloth,  or  fpend  it  in  amufement, 
the  women  are  condemned  to  inceflant  toil. 
Taiks  are  impofed  upon  them  without  pity,  and 
fervices    are   received   without   complacence   or 

°  Lafitau  Mceurs,  &c.  i.  560,  &c.  Charlev.  iii.  285,  &c. 
Hsrrera,  dec.  4.  lib.  iv.  c.  7.    Dumonr,  ii.  156. 

gratitude. 


B.  iv.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  353 

gratitude  P.    Every  circumftance  reminds  women 
of  this  mortifying  inferiority.     They  mufl  ap- 
proach their  lords  with  reverence;    they  mud 
regard  them  as  more  exalted  beings,  and  are  not 
permitted  to  eat  in  their  prefence  %     There  are 
diftri&s  in  America  where  this  dominion  is  fo 
grievous,  and  fo  fenfibly  felt,  that  fome  women, 
in  a  wild  emotion  of  maternal  tendernefs,  have 
deftroyed  their  female  children  in  their  infancy, 
in  order  to  deliver  them  from  that  intolerable 
bondage  to  which  they  knew  they  were  doomed1-. 
Thus  the  firft  inftitution  of  fociaHife  is  per- 
verted.    That  Hate  of  domeftic  union  towards 
which  nature  leads  the  human  fpecies,  in  order 
to  foften  the  heart  to  gentlenefs  and  humanity, 
is  rendered  fo  unequal,  as  to  eftablifh  a  cruel 
diftindion  between  the  fexes,  which  forms  the 
one  to  be  harfh  and  unfeeling,  and  humbles  the 
other  to  fervility  and  fubje&ion. 

It  is  owing,  perhaps,  in  fome  meafure,  to  this 
ftate  of  depreflion,  that  women  in  rude  nations 
are  far  from  being  prolific5.  The  vigour  of 
their  conltitution  is  exhaufted  by  exceflive 
fatigue,  and  the  wants  and  diftrefles  of  favage 
life  are  fo  numerous,  as  to  force  them  to  take 
various  precautions  in  order  to  prevent  too  rapid 
an  increafe  of  their  progeny.  Among  wandering 
tribes,  or  fuch  as  depend  chiefly  upon  hunting 

p  Tertre,  ii.  382.  Borde  Relat.  des  Moeurs  des  Caraibes, 
p.  2r.     Biet.357.     Condamine,  p    113.     Fermin.  i.  79. 

Q  Gumilla,  i.  153.  Barrere,  164.  Labat  Voy.  11.  78. 
Chanvalon,  51.     Tertre,  ii.  300.    #  *  Gumilla,  11. 

233.  238.     Herrera,    dec.  7,  lib.  ix.    c.  4, 

s  Lafitau,  i.  590.     Charlevoix,  hi.  304. 

for 


354  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  E.  I 

for  fubfiftence,  the  mother  cannot  attempt  to 
rear  a  fecond  child,  until  the  firft  has  attained 
fuch  a  degree  of  vigour  as  to  be  in  fome  meafure 
independent  of  her  care.  From  this  motive,  it 
is  the  univerfal  practice  of  the  American  women 
to  fuckle  their  children  during  feveral  years1; 
and  as  they  feldom  marry  early,  the  period  of 
their  fertility  is  over,  before  they  can  finifh  the 
long  but  neceffary  attendance  upon  two  or 
three  children u.  Among  fome  of  the  lead 
polifhed  tribes,  whofe  induftry  and  forefight 
do  no  extend  fo  far  as  to  make  any  regular 
provifion  for  their  own  fubfiftence,  it  is  a 
maxim  not  to  burden  themfelves  with  rearing 
more  than  two  children x  ;  and  no  fuch  nu- 
merous families,  as  are  frequent  in  civilized 
focieties,  are  to  be  found  among  men  in  the 
favage  ftate?.  When  twins  are  born,  one  of 
them  commonly  is  abandoned,  becaufe  the 
mother  is  not  equal  to  the  tafk  of  rearing 
bothz.  When  ti  mother  dies  while  fhe  is 
nurfing  a  child,  all  hope  of  preferving  its 
life  fails,  and  it  is  buried  together  with  her 
in  the  fame  grave a.  As  the  parents  are 
frequently  expofed  to  want  by  their  own  im- 

1  Herrera,  dec.  6.   lib.  i.  c.  4. 

u  Charlev.  iii.  303.  Dumont  Mem.  fur  Louifiane,  ii. 
270.  Denys  Hift.  Natur.  de  l'Amerique,  &c.  ii.  365. 
Charlev.    H/ft.    de   Parag.    ii.    422.  x  Techo's 

Account  of  Paraguay,  &c.  Church.  Collect,  vi.  108.     Lett. 
Bdif.  24.  200.    Lozano  Defer.  92.  y  MaccleurY 

Journal,  63.  z  Lett.  Edif.  x.  200.     See 

Note  LIII.  a  Charlev.  iii.  368.     Lett.  Edif.  x. 

200.    P.  Melch.  Hernandez  Memor.  de  Cheriqui.     Colbert, 
Collect.  Orig.  Pap.  i. 

provident 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF   AMERICA.  355 

provident  indolence,  the  difficulty  of  fuflaining 
their  children  becomes  fo  great,  that  it  is  not 
uncommon  to  abandon  or  deftroy  themb. 
Thus  their  experience  of  the  difficulty  of 
training  up  an  infant  to  maturity,  amidft  the 
hardfhips  of  favage  life,  often  ftifles  the  voice 
of  nature  among  the  Americans,  and  fuppreffes 
the  ftrong  emotions  of  parental  tendernefs. 

But,  though  neceffity  compels  the  inha- 
bitants  of  America  thus  to  fet  bounds  to  the 
increafe  of  their  families,  they  are  not  deficient 
in  affection  and  attachment  to  their  offspring. 
They  feel  the  power  of  this  inftindt  in  its  full 
force,  and  as  long  as  their  progeny  continue 
feeble  and  helplefs,  no  people  exceed  them  in 
tendernefs  and  care  c.  But  in  rude  nations,  the 
dependence  of  children  upon  their  parents  is  of 
fhorter  continuance  than  in  polifhed  focieties. 
When  men  mull  be  trained  to  the  various  func- 
tions of  civil  life  by  previous  difcipline  and  edu- 
cation, when  the  knowledge  of  abilrufe  fciences 
muft  be  taught,  and  dexterity  in  intricate  art* 
mufl  be  acquired,  before  a  young  man  is  pre- 
pared to  begin  his  career  of  action,  the  atten- 
tive feelings  of  a  parent  are  not  confined  to  the 
years  of  infancy,  but  extend  to  what  is  more 
remote,  the  eflablifhment  of  his  child  in  the 
world.  Even  then,  his  folicitude  does  not  ter- 
minate. His  protection  may  (till  be  requifite,  and 
his  wifdom  and  experience  ilill  prove  ufeful  guides. 
Thus  a  permanent  connexion  is  formed ;  parental 
tendernefs  is  exercifed,  and  filial  refpect  re- 
turned,   throughout  the  whole  courfe  of  life, 

b  Venega's  Hift.  of  Californ.  i.  82. 
■  Gu nulla,  i.  211.     Diet.  390. 
?0L.  1*  LI  But 


356  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  B.  ivjf 

But  in  the  fimplicity  of  the  favage  Hate, 
the  affection  of  parents,  like  the  inftinfiivfl 
fondnefs  of  animals,  ceafes  almoft  entirely  as 
foon  as  their  offspring  attain  maturity.  Little 
inftruction  fits  them  for  that  mode  of  life  to 
which  they  are  deftined.  The  parents,  as  if 
their  duty  were  accomplifhed,  when  they  have 
conducted  their  children  through  the  helplefs 
years  of  infancy,  leave  them  afterwards  at  entire 
liberty.  Even  in  their  tender  age,  they  feldcm 
advife  or  admonifh,  they  never  chide  or  chaf- 
tife  them.  They  fuffer  them  to  be  abfolute. 
mailers  of  their  own  actions  d.  In  an  American 
hut,  a  father,  a  mother,  and  their  pofterity, 
live  together  like  perfons  affembled  by  accident, 
without'  feeming  to  feel  the  obligation  of  the 
duties  mutually  arifmg  from  this  connection0 
As  filial  love  is  not  cherifhed  by  the  continu- 
ance of  attention  or  good  offices,  the  recollection 
of  benefits  received  in  early  infancy  is  too  faint 
to  excite  it,  Confcious  of  their  own  liberty, 
and  impatient  of  reftraint,  the  youth  of  America 
are  accuftomed  to  act  as  if  they  were  totally 
independent.  Their  parents  are  not  objects  of 
greater  regard  than  other  perfons.  They  treat 
them  always  with  neglect,  and  often  with  fuch 
harfhnefs  and  infolence,  as  to  fill  thofe  who  have 
been  witneffes  of  their  conduct  with  horror f. 

d  Charlev.  iii.  272.  Biet.  390.  Gumilla,  i.  212. 
Lafitau,  i.  602.  Creuxii  Hifr.  Canad.  p.  71.  Fernandez, 
Relac.  Hilt  de  los  Chequit.  33.  e  Charlev.  Hift. 

N.  Fr.  iii.  273.  f  Gumilla,  i.  212.    'Tertre,  ii. 

376.  Charlev.  Hift.  de  N.  France,  iii.  309.  Charley. 
Hift.  de  Parag.  i.  it 5.  Lozano,  Defcript.  del  Gran  Chaco, 
p.  68.  ioo,  ioi.     Fernand.  Relac.  Hiftor.  de  los  Chequit. 

.Thus 


B.  IV.  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  357 

Thus  the  ideas  which  feem  to  be  natural  to  man 
in  his  favage  ftate,  as  they  refult  neceflarily 
from  his  circumftances  and  condition  in  that 
period  of  his  progrefs,  affect  the  two  capital 
relations  in  domeftic  life.  They  render  the 
union  between  hufband  and  wife  unequal.  They 
fhorten  the  duration,  and  weaken  the  force,  of 
the  connexion  between  parents  and  children. 


ll2  NOTES 


NOTES 

AND 

ILLUSTRATIONS, 


NOTE    I.    p.  7. 

''jpYRE  was  fituated  at  fuch  a  diftance  from  the  Ara- 
•*-  bian  Gulf,  or  Red  Sea,  as  made  it  impracticable 
to  convey  commodities  from  thence  to  that  city  by 
land  carriage.  This  induced  the  Phenicians  to  render 
themfelves  matters  of  Rhimcrura,  or  Rhinocolura,  the 
rjeareft  port  in  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Red  Sea.  They 
landed  the  cargoes  which  they  purchafed  in  Arabia, 
Ethiopia,  and  India,  at  Elath,  the  fafefl  harbour  in  the 
Red  Sea  towards  the  North.  Thence  they  were  carried 
by  land  to  Rhinocolura,  the  diftance  not  being  very  con- 
fiderable  5  and  being  refhippe  i  in  that  port,  were  tranf- 
ported  to  Tyre,  and  distributed  over  the  world.  Strabon. 
Geo.zr.  Edit.  Cafaub.  lib.  xvi.  p.  ua8.  Diodor.  Sicul. 
Biblioth.  Hiaor.Edit.Weffelingi,  lib,  I.  p.  70, 

NOTE   II.    p.  11, 

The  Periplus  Hannonis  is  the  only  authentic  monu- 
ment of  the  Carthaginian  (kill  in  naval  affairs,  and  one 
of  the  moft  curious  fragments  tranfmitted  to  us  by  an» 
tiquity.  The  learned  and  induftrious  Mr.  Dodwell,  in 
a  diflertation  prefixed  to  the  Periplus  of  Hanno,  in  the 
edition  of  the  Minor  Geographers,  published  at  Oxford, 
endeavours  to  prove  that  this  is  a  fpurious  work,  the 
composition  of  fome  Greek,  who  aflfumed  Hanno's  name. 
But  M.de  Monteftjuieu,  in  his  PEfprit  des  Loix,  liv,  xxi. 

I  L  3  C  8. 


3^0  KOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

c.  8.  and  M.  de  Bougainville,  in  a  diflertation  published, 
tom.xxvi.  of  the  Memoires  de  l'Academie  des  Infcrip- 
tions,  &c.  have  eftablifhed  its  authenticity  by  arguments 
which  to  me  appear  unanfwerable.  Ramuiio  has  ac- 
companied his  translation  of  this  curious  voyage  with 
a  differtation  tending  to  illuftrate  it.  Racolte  de  V?, 
aSgi*  V°J»  L  P»  H2.  M.  de  Bougainville  has,  with  great 
learning  and  ability,  treated  the  fame  fubjecl.  It  appears 
that  Hanno,  according  to  the  mode  of  ancient  naviga- 
tion, undertook  this  voyage  in  fmall  vefTels/fo  conftruct- 
cd,  that  he  could  keep  clofe  in  with  the  coaft.  He 
failed  from  Gades  to  the  ifland  of  Cerne  in  twelve  days. 
This  is  probably  what  is  known  to  the  moderns  by  the 
name  of  the  ifle  of  Arguim.  It  became  the  chief  ftation 
of  the  Carthaginians  on  that  coafl: ;  and  M.  de  Bougain- 
ville contends,  that  the  citterns  found  there  are  monu- 
ments of  the  Carthaginian  power  and  ingenuity.  Pro- 
ceeding from  Cerne,  and  ftill  following  the  winding  of 
the  coaft,  he  arrived,  in  feventeen  days,  at  a  promon- 
tory which  he  called  The  Weft  Horn,  probably  Cape 
Palmas.  From  this  he  advanced  to  another  promon- 
tory, which  he  named  The  South  Horn,  and  which  is 
manifeftly  Cape  de  Tres  Puntas,  about  five  degrees  north 
of  the  line.  All  the  circumftahces  contained  in  the  fliort 
abftract  of  his  journal,  which  is  handed  down  to  us, 
concerning  the  appearance  and  ftate  of  the  countries  on 
tiie  coaft  of  Africa,  are  confirmed  and  illuftrated  by  a 
comparifon  with  the  accounts  of  modern  navigators, 
Even  thofe  circumftances,  which,  from  their  feeming 
improbability,  have  been  produced  to  invalidate  the  cre- 
dibility of  his  relation,  tend  to  confirm  it.  He  obferves, 
that  in  the  country  to  the  fouth  of  Cerne,  a  profound 
tilence  reigned  through  the  day  j  but  during  the  night  innu- 
merable fires  were  kindled  along  the  banks  of  the  rivers, 
and  the  air  refounded  with  the  noife  of  pipes  and  drums, 
and  cries  of  joy.  The  fame  thing,  as  Ramufio  obferves, 
ftill  takes  place.  The  excefiive  heat  obliges  the  negroes 
to  take  fhelter  in  the  woods,  or  in  their  houfes,  during 
the  day.  As  foon  as  the  fun  fets,  they  fally  out,  and 
by  torch-light  enjoy  th»  pleafure  of  mufic  and  dancing, 

in 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  36t 

!n  which  they  fpend  the  night.      Ramuf.  i.  113.  F. 
In  another  place,  he  mentions  the  fea  as  burning  with 
torrents  of  fire.     What  occurred  to  M.  Adanfon,  on-tne 
fame  coaft,  may  explain  this:    "As  foon,"   fays  he 
"  as  the  fun  dipped  beneath  the  horizon,  and  night 
overfpread  the  earth  with  darknefs,  the  fea  lent  us  its 
friendly  light.     While  the  prow  of  our  vefifel  ploughed 
the  foaming  furges,  it  feemed  to  fet  them  all  on  fire. 
Thus  we  failed  in  a  luminous  inclofure,   which  fur- 
rounded  us  like  a  large  circle  of  rays,    from  whence 
darted  in  the  wake  of  the  ftiip  a  long  ftream  of  light. 
Voy.  to  Senegal,  p.  176.     This  appearance  of  the  fea 
obferved  by  Hunter,  has  been  mentioned  as  an  argument 
againft  the  authenticity  of  the  Periplus.    It  is,  however, 
a  phenomenon  very  common  in  warm  climates.     Capt. 
Cook's  Second  Voyage,  vol.  i.  p.  15-     The  Periplus  of 
Hanno  has  been  tranfiated,  and  every  point  with  refpett 
to  it  has  been  illuftrated  with  much  learning   and  in- 
eenuity  in  a  work  publiflied  by  Don  Pedr.  Rodrig.  Cam- 
pomanes,   intitled,    Antiguedad  maritima  de  Cartago, 
con  ei  Periplo  de  fu  General  Hannon  traducido  e  llluf- 
trado.     Mad.  1736.  40. 

NOTE  III.  p.  12. 

Long  after  the  navigation  of  the  Phenicians  and  of 
Eudoxus  round  Africa,  Polybius,  the  moft  intelligent 
and  beft  informed  hiftorian  of  antiquity,  and  particularly 
I  diftinguifhed  by  his  attention  to  geographical  refearches, 
affirms,  that  it  was  not  known,  in  his  time,  whether 
Africa  was  'a  continued  continent,  flretching  to  the 
fouth,  or  whether  it  was  encompaflTed  by  the  fea.  Po- 
lybii  Hift.  lib.  ill-  Pliny  the  naturalift  afierts,  that 
there  can  be  no  communication  between  the  foutherri 
and  northern  temperate  zones.  Plinii  Hift.  Natur. 
edit,  in  ufum  Delph.  4to.  lib.  ii.  c.  68.  If  they  had 
given  full  credit  to  the  accounts  of  thofe  Voyages,  the 
former  could  not  have  entertained  fuch  a  doubt,  the 
latter  could  not  have  delivered  fuch  an  opinion.  Strabo 
mentions  the  voyage  of  Eudoxus,  but  treats  it  as  a 
■  fabulous 


g62  NOTES    AMD    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

fabulous  tale,  lib.  11.  p.  1555  and,  according  to  his 
account  of  it,  no  other  judgment  can  be  formed  with 
refpeft  Jto  it,  Strabo  feems  not  to  have  known  any 
thing  with  certainty  concerning  the  form  and  ftate  of 
the  fouthern  parts  of  Africa.  Geogr.  lib.  xvii.  p.  11 80. 
Ptolemy,  the  mod  inquifitive  and  learned  of  all  the  an- 
cient geographers,  was  equally  unacquainted  with  any 
part  of  Africa  fituated  a  few  degrees  beyond  the  equi- 
noctial line  ;  for  he  fuppofes  that  this  great  continent 
was  not  furrounded  hy  the  fea,  but  that  it  ftretcbed, 
without  interruption,  towards  the  fouth  pole  :  and  he  fo 
far  miftakes  its  true  figure,  that  he  defcribes  the  conti- 
nent as  becoming  broader  and  broader  as  it  advanced 
towards  the  fouth.  Ptolemaei  Geogr.  lib.  iv.  c.  9,  BrU 
etii  Parallela  Geogr.  veteris  et  novae,  p.  86. 

NOTE  IV,  p,  x8. 

A  fact,  recorded  by  Strabo,  affords  a  very  ftrong 
and  lingular  proof  of  the  ignorance  of  the  ancients  with 
refpefl  to  the  fituation  of  the  various  parts  of  the  earth. 
When  Alexander  marched  along  the  banks  of  the  Hy- 
dafpes  and  Acefine,  two  of  the  rivers  which  fall  into 
the  Indus,  he  obferved  that  there  were  many  crocodiles 
in  thofe  rivers,'  and  that  the  country  produced  beans  of 
the-  fame  fpecies  with  thofe  which  were  common  in 
Egypt.  From  thefe  circumttances,  he  concluded  that 
he  had  difcovered  the  fource  of  the  Nile,  and  prepared  a 
fleet  to  fail  down  the  Hydafpes  to  Egypt.  Strab.  Geogr. 
Jib.  xv.  p.  1 010.  This  amazing  error  did  not  arife  from 
any  ignorance  of  geography  peculiar  to  that  monarch  ; 
for  we  are  inforrned  by  Strabo,  that  Alexander  applied 
with  particular  attention  in  order  to  acquire  the  know- 
ledge of  this  fcience,  and  had  accurate  maps  or  defcrip- 
ticns  of  the  countries  through  which  he  marched, 
X*ib.  ii.  p.  120.  But  in  his  age,  the  knowledge  of  the 
Greeks  did  not  extend  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Med;* 
^rranean. 

% 


KOTSS    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  363 

NOTE  V.    p.  19. 

As  the  flux  and  reflux  of  the  fea  is  remarkably  great 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Indus,  this  would  render  the 
phenomenon  more  formidable  to  the  Greeks.  Varen 
Geogr.  vol.i.  p.  %Sl* 

NOTE    VI.     p.  22. 

It  is  probable  that  the  ancients  were  feldom  induced 
to  advance  fo  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Ganges,  either  by 
motives  of  curiofity,  or  views  of  commercial  advantage. 
In  confequence  of  this,  their  idea  concerning  the  pofition 
of  that  great  river  was  very  erroneous.  Ptolemy  places; 
that  branch  of  the  Ganges  which  he  diftinguifhes  by  the 
name  of  the  Great  Mouth,  in  the  hundred  and  forty - 
fixth  degree  of  longitude  from  his  firft  meridian  in  the 
Fortunate  Wands.  But  its  true  longitude,  computed 
from  that  meridian,  is  now  determined  by  aftronomical 
obfervations  to  be  only  a  hundred  and  five  degrees.  ^  A 
geographer  fo  eminent  muft  have  been  betrayed  into 
an  error  of  this  magnitude  by  the  imperfection  of  the 
information  which  he  had  received  concerning  thofe 
diftant  regions  5  and  this  affords  a  ftriking  proof  of  the 
intercourfe  with  them  being  extremely  rare.  With  re- 
fpeft  to  the  countries  of  India  beyond  the  Ganges,  his 
intelligence  was  ftill  more  defeftive,  and  his  errors  more 
enormous.  I  (hall  have  occafion  to  obferve  in  another 
place,  that  he  has  placed  the  country  of  the  Seres,  or 
China,  no  lefs  than  fixty  degrees  farther  eaft  than  its 
true  pofition.  M.  d'Anville,  one  of  the  moft  learned 
and  intelligent  of  the  modern  geographers,  has  fet  this 
matter  in  a  clear  light,  in  two  differtations  published  in 
Mem.  de  1*  Academ.  des  Infcript.  &c.  torn,  xxxiw 
P-  573.604. 

NOTE  VII.   p.  23, 

It  is  remarkable,  that  the  difcoveries  of  the  ancients 
were  made  chiefly  by  land  ;    thofe  of  the  moderns  are 

carried 


364  2<0TES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

carried  on  chiefly  by  fea.  The  progrefs  of  conqueft  led 
to  the  former,  that  of  commerce  to  the  latter.  It  is  a 
judicious  obfervation  of  Strabo,  that  the  conquells  of 
Alexander  the  Great  made  known  the  Eaft,  thofe  of 
the  Romans  opened  the  Weft,  and  thofe  of  Mithridates 
king  of  Pontus  the  North,  Lib.  i.  p.  26.  When  dif- 
covery  is  carried  on  by  land  alone,  its  progrefs  mull  be 
flow,  and  its  operations  confined.  When  it  is  carried 
on  only  by  fea,  its  fphere  may  be  more  extenfive,  and 
its  advances  more  rapid  ;  but  it  labours  under  peculiar 
defects.  Though  it  may  make  known  the  pofuion  of 
different  countries,  and  afcertain  their  boundaries  as  far 
as  thefe  are  determined  by  the  ocean,  it  leaves  us  in 
ignorance  with  refpeft  to  their  interior  ftate.  Above 
two  centuries  and  a  half  have  elapfed  fince  the  Euro- 
peans failed  round  the  fouthern  promontory  of  Africa, 
and  have  traded  in  moft  of  its  ports  5  but,  in  a  con- 
fiderable  part  of  that  great  continent,  they  have  done 
little  more  than  furvey  its  coafts,  and  mark  its  capes 
and  harbours.  Its  interior  regions  are  in  a  great  mea- 
fure  unknown.  The  ancients,  who  had  a  very  imper- 
fect knowledge  of  its  coafts,  except  where  they  are 
warned  by  the  Mediterranean  or  Red  Sea,  were  accuf- 
tomed  to  pene.trate  into  its  inlancj  provinces,  and,  if  we 
may  rely  on  the  teftimony  of  Herodotus  and  Diodorus 
Siculus,  had  explored  many  parts  of  it  now  altogether 
unknown.  Unlefs  both  modes  of  difcovery  be  united, 
the  geographical  knowledge  of  the  earth  muft  remain 
incomplete  and  inaccurate, 

NOTE    VIII.    p.  27. 

The  notion  of  the  ancients  concerning  fuch  an  ex- 
ceflive  degree  of  heat  in  the  torrid  zone,  as  rendered  it 
uninhabitable,  and  their  perfifting  in  this  error  long 
after  they  began  to  have  fome  commercial  intercourse 
with  feveral  parts  of  India  lying  within  the  tropics, 
muft  appear  fo  lingular  and  abfurd,  that  it  may  not  be  I 
Unacceptable  to  fome  of  my  readers  to  produce  evidence 
tff  their  holding  this  opinion,  and  to  account  for  the 

apparent 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  365 

apparent  inconfiftence  of  their  theory  with  their  expe- 
rience. Cicero,  who  had  bellowed  attention  upon  every 
part  of  philofophy  known  to  the  ancients,  feems  to  have 
believed  that  the  torrid  zone  was  uninhabitable,  and, 
of  confequence,  that  there  could  be  no  intercourfe  be- 
tween'the  northern  and  fouthern  temperate  zones.  He 
introduces  Africanus  thus  addrelfing  the  younger  Sci- 
pio  :  "  You  fee  this  earth  encompafied,  and  as  it  were 
bound  in  by  certain  zones,  of  which,  two,  at  the  greateft 
diitance  from  each  other,  and  fuftaining  the  oppoiite 
poles  of  heaven,  are  frozen  with  perpetual  cold  ;  the 
middle  one,  and  the  largeft  of  all,  is  burnt  with  the  heat 
of  the  fun  j  two  are  habitable,  the  people  in  the  fouthern 
one  are  antipodes  to  us,  with  whom  we  have  no  con- 
nection." Sommum  Sclpioms^  c.  6-  Geminus,  a  Greek 
philofopher,  contemporary  with  Cicero,  delivers  the 
fame  doctrine,  .  not  in  a  popular  work,  but  in  his 
Etrxyuyt)  itf  <paivousvct,  a  treatife  purely  fcientifk. 
44  When  we  fpeak,"  fays  he,  "  of  the  fouthern  tem- 
perate zone,  and  its  inhabitants,  and  concerning  thofe 
who  are  called  antipodes,  it  mud  be  always  understood,* 
that  we  have  no  certain  knowledge  or  information  con- 
cerning the  fouthern  temperate  zone,  whether  it  be  in- 
habited or  not.  But  from  the  fpherical  figure  of  the 
earth,  and  the  courfe  which  the  fun  holds  between  the 
tropics,  we  conclude  that  there  is  another  zone,  fituated 
to  the  fouth,  which  enjoys  the  fame  degree  of  tempera- 
ture with  the  northern  one  which  we  inhabit."  Cap.  xiii. 
p.  31.  ap.  Petavii  Opus  de  Doclr.  Tempor.  in  quo  Ura- 
nologium  five  Syftemata  var.  Auctorum.  Amft.  1705, 
vol.  lii.  The  opinion  of  Pliny  the  naturaliit,  with  refpect 
to  both  thefe  points,  was  the  fame  :  "  There  are  five, 
divifions  of  the  earth,  which  are  called  zones.  All  that 
portion  which  lies  near  to  the  two  oppofite  poles  is  op-, 
preffed  with  vehement  cold,  and  eternal  froft.  There, 
-unbleft  with  the  afpedt  of  milder  ftars,  perpetual  dark- 
nefs  reigns,  or  at  the  utmoft  a  feeble  light  reflected  from, 
furrounding  fnows.  The  middle  of  the  earth,  in  which 
is  the  orbit  of  the  fun,  is  fcorched  and  burnt  up  with 
flames  and   fiery  vapour.      Between  thefe   torrid   and 

frozen 


366  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

frozen  diftri&s  lie  two  other  portions  of  the  earth,  which 
are  temperate ;  but,  on  account  of  the  burning  region 
interpofed,  there  can  be  no  communication  between 
them.  Thus  Heaven  has  deprived  us  of  three  parts  of 
the  earth."  Lib.  ii.  c.  68.  Strabo  delivers  his  opinion 
to  the  fame  effect,  in  terms  no  lefs  explicit:  <e  The 
portion  of  the  earth  which  lies  near  the  equator,  in 
the  torrid  zone,  is  rendered  uninhabitable  by  heat." 
Lib.  ii.  p.  154.  To  thefe  I  might  add  the  authority  of 
many  other  refpeclable  philofophers  and  hiftorians  of 
antiquity. 

In  order  to  explain  the  fenfe  in  which  this  doctrine 
was  generally  received,  we  may  obferve,  that  Parme- 
nides,  as  we  are  informed  by  Strabo,  was  the  firft  who 
divided  the  earth  into  five  zones,  and  he  extended  the 
limits  of  the  zone  which  he  fuppofed  to  be  uninhabitable 
on  account  of  heat,  beyond  the  tropics.  Ariftotle,  as 
we  learn  likewife  from  Strabo,  fixed  the  boundaries  of 
the  different  zones  in  the  fame  manner  as  they  are  de- 
fined by  modern  geographers.  But  the  progrefs  of  dif- 
covery  having  gradually  demonftrated  that  feveral  re- 
gions of  the  earth  which  lay  within  the  tropics  were  not 
only  habitable,  but  populous  and  fertile,  this  induced 
later  geographers  to  circumfcribe  the  limits  of  the  torrid 
zone.  It  is  not  eafy  to  afcertain  with  precifion  the 
boundaries  which  they  allotted  to  it.  From  a  paflage 
in  Strabo,  who,  as  far  as  I  know,  is  the  only  author  of 
antiquity  from  whom  we  receive  any  hint  concerning 
tills  fubjeel,  I  mould  conjecture,  that  thofe  who  calcu- 
lated according  to  the  meafurement  of  the  earth  by 
Eratofthenes,  fuppofed  the  torrid  zone  to  comprehend 
near  fixteen  degrees,  about  eight  on  each  fide  of  the 
equator  5  whereas  fuch  as  followed  the  computation  of 
Pofidonius  allotted  about  twenty»four  degrees,  or  fome- 
what  more  than  twelve  degrees  on  each  fide  of  the 
equator  to  the  torrid  zone.  Strabo,  lib.  ii.  p.  151. 
According  to  the  former  opinion,  about  two- thirds  of 
that  portion  of  the  earth  which  lies  hetween  the  tropics 
was  confidered  as  habitable  5  according  to  the  latter, 
about  one  half  of  it.     With  this  reftriclion,  the  doctrine 

of 


.NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  367 

of  the  ancients  concerning  the  torrid  zone  appears  lefs 
abfurd  ;  and  we  can  conceive  the  reafon  of  their  afiert- 
ing  this  zone  to  be  uninhabitable,  even  after  they  had 
opened  a  communication  with  feveral  places  within  the 
tropics.  When  men  of  fcience  fpoke  of  the  torrid  zone, 
they  confidered  it  as  it  was  limited  by  the  definition  of 
geographers  to  fixteen,  or  at  the  utmoft  to  twenty-four 
degrees ;  and  as  they  knew  almoft  nothing  of  the 
countries  nearer  to  the  equator,  they  might  ftill  fuppofe 
them  to  be  uninhabitable.  In  loofe  and  popular  difcourfe, 
the  name  of  the  torrid  zone  continued  to  be  given  to  all 
that  portion  of  the  earth  which  lies  within  the  tropics. 
Cicero  feems  to  have  been  unacquainted  with  thofe  ideas 
of  the  later  geographers,  and  adhering  to  the  divifion  of 
Parmenides,  defcribes  the  torrid  zone  as  the  largeft  of 
the  five.  Some  of  the  ancients  rejecled  the  notion  con- 
cerning the  intolerable  heat  of  the  torrid  zone  as  a  po- 
pular error.  This,  we  are  told  by  Plutarch,  was  the 
fentiment  of  Pythagoras,  and  we  learn  from  Strabo, 
that  Eratorlhenes  and  Polybius  had  adopted  the  fame 
opinion,  lib.  ii.  154-  Ptolemy  feems  to  have  paid  no 
regard  to  the  ancient  doctrine  and  opinions  concerning 
the  torrid  zone. 

NOTE   IX.  p.  47. 

Tke  court  of  inquifition,  which  effectually  checks  a 
fpirit  of  liberal  inquiry,  and  of  literary  improvement, 
wherever  it  is  eftablimed,  was  unknown  in  Portugal  in 
the  fifteenth  century,  when  the  people  of  that  kingdom 
began  their  voyages  of  difcovery.  More  than  a  century 
elapfed,  before  it  was  introduced  by  John  III.  whofe 
reign  commenced  A.  D.  1511. 

NOTE  X.   p.  56. 

An  inftance  of  this  is  related  by  Hakluyt,   upon  the 

authority  of  the  Portuguefe  hiftorian  Garcia  de  Refende. 

Some  Englifh    merchants   having    refolved    to  open  a 

trade  with  the  coaft  of  Guinea,  John  II.  of  Portugal  dif- 

vol.  1.  m  m  patched 


36&  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

patched  ambafiadors  to  Edward  IV.  in  order  to  lay 
before  him  the  right  which  he  had  acquired  by  the  Pope's 
bull  to  the  dominion  of  that  country,  and  to  requeft  of 
him  to  prohibit  his  fubje&s  to  profecute  their  intended 
voyage.  Edward  was  fo  much  fatisfied  with  the  exclu- 
sive title  of  the  Portuguefe,  that  he  itfued  his  orders  in 
the  terms  which  they  defired.  Hackluyt,  Navigations, 
Voyages,  and  Traffics  of  the  Englifh,   vol.  ii.   part  ii. 

tt0^  •  The  time  of  Columbus's  death  may  be  nearly  afcer- 
tained  by  the  following  circumftances.  It  appears  from 
the  fragment  of  a  letter,  addreffed  by  him  to  Ferdinand 
and  Ifabella,  A.  D.  1 50 1 ,  that  he  had,  at  that  time,  been 
engaged  forty  years  in  a  fea*faring  life.  In  another 
letter,  he  informs  them,  that  he  went  to  fea  at  the  age 
of  fourteen  5  from  thofe  facts  it  follows,  that  he  was 
born  A.  D.  144 7.  Life  of  Chrift.  Columbus,  by  his  fort 
Don  Ferdinand.  Churchill's  Collection  of  Voyages, 
vol.  ii.  p.  484)  485. 

.NOTE    XII.    p.  73. 

The  fpherical  figure  of  the  earth  was  known  to  the 
ancient  geographers.  They  invented  the  method,  (till 
in  ufe,  of  computing  the  longitude  and  latitude  of  differ- 
ent places.  According  to  their  dodrine,  the  equator,  I 
or  imaginary  line  which  encompafTes  the  earth,  contained 
three  hundred  and  fixty  degrees  $  thefe  they  divided  into 
twenty-four  parts,  or  hours,  each  equal  to  fifteen  de- 
grees. •  The  country  of  the  Seres  or  Sinte,  being  the 
fartheft  part  of  India  known  to  the  ancients,  was  fup«* 
pofed,  by  Marinus  Tyrius,  the  moft  eminent  of  the 
ancient  geographers  before  Ptolemy,  to  be  fifteen  hours, 
or  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  degrees  to  the  eaft  of 
the  firft  meridian,  pafiing  through  the  Fortunate  Ifiands. 
Ptolemsei  Geogr.  lib.  i.  c.  11.  If  this  fuppofition  was 
well-founded,  the  country  of  the  Seres,  or  China,  was 
only  nine  hours,  or  one  hundred  and  thirtyfive  degrees 

welt 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  369 

weft  from  the  Fortunate  or  Canary  Iflands  5  and  the 
navigation,  in  that  direction,  was  much  fhorter  than  by 
the  courfe  which  the  Portuguefe  were  purfuing.  Marco 
Polo,  in  his  travels,  had  defcribed  countries,  particularly 
the  ifland  of  Cipango  or  Zipangri,  fuppofed  to  be  Japan, 
considerably  to  the  eaft  of  any  part  of  Afia  known  to 
the  ancients.  Marcus  Paulus  de  Region.  Oriental, 
lib.  ij.  c.  70.  lib.  iii.  c.  *.  Of  courfe,  this  country,  as  it 
extended  further  to  the  eaft,  was  ftill  nearer  to  the 
Canary  Iflands.  The  conditions  of  Columbus,  though 
drawn  from  inaccurate  obfervations,  were  juft.  If  the 
fuppofitions  of  Marinus  had  been  well  founded,  and  if 
the  countries  which  Marco  Polo  vifited  had  been  fitu- 
ated  to  the  eaft  of  thofe  whofe  longitude  Marinus  had 
ascertained,  the  proper  and  neareft  courfe  to  the  Eaft 
Indies  muft  have  been  to  fteer  directly  weft.  Herrera, 
dec.  i .  lib.  i.  c.  2.  A  more  extenfive  knowledge  of  the 
globe  has  now  difcovered  the  great  error  of  Ma/inus,  in 
iupppfing  China,  to  be  fifteen  hours,  or  two  hundred  and 
twenty-five  degrees  eaft  from  the  Canary  Iflands,  and 
that  even  Ptolemy  was  miftaken,  when  he  reduced  the 
longitude  of  China  to  twelve  hours,  or  one  hundred  and 
eighty  degrees.  The  longitude  of*  the  weftern  frontier 
of  that  vaft  empire  is  feven  hours,  or  one  hundred  and 
fifteen  degrees  from  the  meridian  of  the  Canary  Iflands. 
But  Columbus  followed  trje  light  which  his  age  afforded, 
and  relied  upon  the  authority  of  writers,  who  were,  at 
that  time,  regarded  as  the  inftructors  and  guides  of  man- 
Kind  in  the  fcience  of  geography. 

NOTE   XIII.  p.  95. 

As  the  Portuguefe,  in  making  their  difcoveries,  did 
not  depart  far  from  the  coaft  of  Africa,  they  concluded 
that  birds,  whofe  flight  they  obferved  with  great  atten- 
tion, did  not  venture  to  any  confiderable  diftance  from 
land.  In  the  infancy  of  navigation,  it  was  not  known, 
that  birds  often  ftretched  their  flight  to  an  immenfe  dis- 
tance from  any  fhore.  In  failing  towards  the  Weft- 
Jndian  iflands,  birds  are  often  feen  at  the  diilance  of  two 
m  m  z  hundred 


37Q  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS'. 

hundred  leagues  from  the  neareft  coaft.  Sloane's  Nat. 
Hift.  of  Jamaica,  vol.  i.  p.  30.  Catefby  faw  an  owl  at 
fea,  when  the  (hip  was  fix  hundred  leagues  diftant  from 
land.  Nat.  Hift.  of  Carolina,  pref.  p.  7.  Hift.  Naturelle 
de  M.  BurTon,  torn,  xvi*  p,  32.  From  which  it  appears, 
that  this  indication  of  land,  on  which  Columbus  feems 
to  have  relied  with  fome  confidence,  was  extremely 
uncertain.  This  obfervation  is  confirmed  by  Capt. 
Cook,  the  moft  extenfive  and  experienced  navigator  of 
any  age  or  nation.  "  No  one  yet  knows  (fays  he)  to 
what  diftance  any  of  the  oceanic  birds  go  to  fea  ;  for 
my  own  part,  I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  one  in  the 
whole  tribe  that  can  be  relied  on  in  pointing  out  the 
vicinity  of  land.**  Voyage  towards  the  South  Pole, 
vol.  i.  p.  275. 

NOTE    XIV.   p.  106. 

In  a  letter  of  the  admiral's  to  Ferdinand  and  Ifabella, 
he  defcribes  one  of  the  harbours  in  Cuba,  with  all  the 
enthufiaftic  admiration  of  a  difcoverer.— "  I  difcovered 
a  river  which  a  galley  might  eafily  enter;  the  beauty  of 
it  induced  me  to  found,  and  I  have  found  from  five  to 
eight  fathoms  of  water.  Having  proceeded  a  consider- 
able way  up  the  river,  every  thing  invited  me  to  fettle 
there.  The  beauty  of  the  river,  the  clearnefs  of  the 
water,  through  which  I  could  fee  the  fandy  bottom, 
the  multitude  of  palm  trees  of  different  kinds,  the 
talleft  and  fineft  I  had  feen,  and  an  infinite  number 
of  other  large  and  flourifhing  trees,  the  birds,  and  the 
verdure  of  the  plains,  are  fo  wonderfully  beautiful,  that 
this  country  excels  all  others  as  far  as  the  day  furpaflfes 
the  night  in  brightnefs  and  fplendour,  fo  that,  I  often 
faid,  that  it  would  be  in  vain  for  me  to  attempt  to  give 
your  highnefles  a  full  account  of  it,  for  neither  my  tongue 
nor  my  pen  could  come  up  to  the  truth  ;  and  indeed  I  am 
fo  much  amazed  at  the  fight  of  fuch  beauty,  that  I  know 
fiot  how  to  defcribe  it."     Life  of  Columb.  c.  30. 


,  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS,  37I 

NOTE    XV.   p.  m. 

The  account  which  Columhus  gives  of  the  humanity 
and  orderly  behaviour  of  the  natives  on  this  occafion  is 
very  finking.  "  The  king  (fays  he,  in  a  letter  to 
Ferdinand  and  Ifabella)  having  been  informed  of  our 
misfortune,  exprefTed  great  grief  for  our  lofs,  and  im- 
mediately fent  aboard  all  the  people  in  the  place  in 
many  large  canoes  $  we  foon  unloaded  the  /hip  of  every 
thing  that  was  upon  deck,  as  the  king  gave  us  great 
afMance :  he  himfelf,  with  his  brothers  and  relations,, 
took  all  poflible  care  that  every  thing  ftiould  be  properly 
^<3one,  both  aboard  and  on  fhore.  And,  from  time  tp 
time,  he  fent  fome  of  his  relations  weeping,  to  beg  of 
me  not  to  be  dejected,  for  he  would  give  me  all  that  lit 
had.  I  can  affure  your  highneffes,  that  fo  much  care 
would  not  have  been  taken  in  fecuring  our  effects  in 
any  part  of  Spain,  as  all  our  property  was  put  together 
in  one  place  near  his  palace,  until  the  houfes  which  he 
wanted  to  prepare  for  the  cuftody  of  it,  were  emptied. 
He  immediately  placed  a  guard  of  armed  men,  who 
watched  during  the  whole  night,  and  thofe  on  fliore 
lamented  as  if  they  had  been  much  interefted  in  our 
Jofs.  The  people  are  fo  affe&ionate,  fo  tradable,  and 
fo  peaceable,  that  I  fwear  to  your  highnefies,  that  there 
is  not  a  better  race  of  men,  nor  a  better  country  in  the 
world.  They  love  their  neighbour  as  themfelves;  their 
converfation  is  the  fweeteft  and  mijdeft  in  the  world, 
cheerful,  and  always  accompanied  with  a  fmile.  And 
although  it  is  true  that  they  go  naked,  yet  your  highnefies 
may  be  affured  that  they  have  many  very  commendable 
cuftoms ;  the  king  is  ferved  with  great  ftace,  and  his 
behaviour  is  fo  decent,  that  it  is  pleafant  to  fee  him,  as 
it  is  likewife  to  obferve  the  wonderful  memory  which 
thefe  people  have,,  and  their  defire  of  knowing  every 
thing,  which  leads  them  to  inquire  into  its  caufes  and 
.effects. "  Life  of  Columbus,  c.  31.  It  is  probable, 
that  the  Spaniards  were  indebted  for  this  officious  atten- 
tion to  the  opinion  which  the  Indians  ,  entertained  of 
.  them  as  a  fuperior  order  of  beings, 
m  m  3 


372         notes  And  illustrations. 
NOTE    XVI.   p.  118. 

Every  monument  of  fuch  a  man  as  Columbus  is 
valuable.  A  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Ferdinand  and 
Ifabella,  defcribing  what  pafied  on  this  occafion,  ex- 
hibits a  mod  ftriking  picture  of  his  intrepidity,  his 
humanity,  his  prudence,  his  public  fpirit,  and  courtly 
addrefs.  "  I  would  have  been  lefs  concerned  for  this 
misfortune,  had  I  alone  been  in  danger,  both  becaufe 
my  life  is  a  debt  that  I  owe  to  the  Supreme  Creator,  j 
and  becaufe  I  have  at  other  times  been  expofed  to  the 
mod  imminent  hazard.  But  what  gave  me  infinite 
grief  and  vexation  was,  that  after  it  had  pleafed  our 
Lord  to  give  me  faith  to  undertake  this  enterprife,  in 
which  I  had  now  been  fo  fuccefsful,  that  my  opponents 
would  have  been  convinced,  and  the  glory  of  your  high- 
hefies,  and  the  extent  of  your  territory  increafed  by  3 
me  j  it  fhould  pleafe  the  Divine  Majefty  to  flop  all  by 
my  death.  All  this  would  have  been  more  tolerable,  had 
it  not  been  attended  with  the  lofs  of  thofe  men  whom  I 
had  carried  with  me,  upon  promife  of  the  greateft  pro- 
fperity,  who  feeing  themfelves  in  fuch  diftrefs,  curfed 
not  only  their,  coming  along  with  me,  but  that  fear  and 
awe  of  me,  which  prevented  them  from  returning  as 
they  often  had  refolved  to  have  done.  But  befides  all 
this,  my  forrovv  Was  greatly  increafed,  by  recollecting  , 
that  I  had  left  my  two  fons  at  fchool  at  Cordova,  defti- 
tute  of  friends,  in  a  foreign  country,  when  it  could  no't 
in  all  probability  be  known  that  I  had  done  fuch  fer- 
vices  as  might  induce  your  highnefles  to  remember 
them.  And  though  I  comforted  myfelf  with  the  faith 
that  our  Lord  would  not  permit  that,  which  tended  fo 
much  to  the  glory  of  his  church,  and  which  I  had  brought  ' 
about  with  fo  much  trouble,  to  remain  imperfect,  yet  I 
confidered,  that  on  account  of  my  fins,  it  was  his  will 
to  deprive  me  of  that  glory,  which  I  might  have  at* 
tained  in  this  world.  While  in  this  confufed  ftate,  t 
thought  on  the  good  fortune  which  accompanies  your 
highnefles,  and  imagined,  that  although  I  mould  perifh, 
and  the  veifd  be  loft,  it  was  pofiible  that  you  might  j 

fomehow 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  373 

fomehow  come  to  the  knowledge  of  my  voyage,  and  the 
fuccefs  with  which  it  was  attended.  For  that  reafon  I 
wrote  upon  parchment  with  the  brevity  which  the  fnu- 
ation  required,  that  I  had  difcovered  the  lands  which 
I  promifed,  in  how  many  days  I  had  done  it,  and  what 
courfe  I  had  followed.  I  mentioned  the  goodnefs  of  the 
country,  the  character  of  the  inhabitants,  and  that  your 
rughnefTes  fubjetts  were  left  in  pofieflion  of  all  that  I  had 
difcovered.  Having  fealed  this  writing,  I  addreffed  it 
to  your  highnefles,  and  promifed  a  thoufand  ducats  to 
any  perfon  who  mould  deliver  it  fealed,  fo  that  if  any 
"foreigners  found  it,  the  promifed  reward  might  prevail 
on  them  not  to  give  the  information  to  another.  I  then 
caufed  a  great  calk  to  be  brought  to  me,  and  wrapping 
"up  the  parchment  in  an  oiled  cloth,  and  afterwards  in 
a  cake  of  wax,  I  put  it  into  the  caik,  and  having  ftopt 
it  well,  I  call  it  into  the  fea.  All  the  men  believed  that 
it  was  fome  a&  of  devotion.  Imagining  that  this 
might  never  chance  to  be  taken  up,  as  the  (hips  ap- 
proached nearer  to  Spain,  I  made  another  packet  like 
the  firft,  and  placed  it  at  the  top  of  the  poop,  fo  that 
if  the  (hip  funk,  the  calk  remaining  above  water  might 
be  committed  to  the  guidance  of  fortune.'* 

NOTE   XVII.   p.  i2i. 

Some  Spanifh  authors,  with  the  meannefs  of  national 
jealoufy,  have  endeavoured  to  detract  from  the  glory 
of  Columbus,  by  inimuating  that  he  was  led  to  the  dif- 
covery  of  the  New  World,  not  by  his  own  inventive  or 
enterpriiing  genius,  but  by  information  which  he  had 
received.  According  to  their  account,  a  veffel  having 
been  driven  from  its  courfe  by  eafterly  winds,  was  car- 
ried before  them  far  to  the  weft,  and  landed  on  the  coaft 
of  an  unknown  country,  from  which  it  returned  with 
difficulty  ;  the  pilot  and  three  failors  being  the  only 
perfons  who  furvived  the  diftrerTes  which  the  crew  fuf- 
fered,  from  want  of  provifions,  and  fatigue  in  this  long 
Voyage.  In  a  few  days  after  their  arrival,  all  the  four 
died  ;  but  the  pilot  having  been  received  into  the  houfe 

of 


374  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS, 

of  Columbus,  his  intimate  friend,  difclofed  to  him,  be 
fore  his  death,  the  fecret  of  the  difcovery  which  he  had 
accidentally  made,  and  left  him  his  papers  containing  a 
journal  of  the  voyage,  which  ferved  as  a  guide  to  Co- 
lumbus in  his  undertaking.  Gomara,  as  far  as  I  know, 
is  the  firft  author  who  published  chis  rtory,  Hift.  c.  13, 
Every  circumrtance  is  dertitute  of  evidence  to  fupport  it. 
Neither  the  name  of  the  veflel  nor  its  deftination  is 
known.  Some  pretend  that  it  belonged  to  one  of  the 
fea-port  towns  in  Andalufia,  and  was  failing  either  to 
the  Canaries,  or  to  Madeira  $  others,  that  it  was  a  Bif- 
cayner  in  its  way  to  England  ;  others,  a  Portuguefe 
fhip  trading  on  the  coaft  of  Guinea.  The  name  of  the 
pilot  is  alike  unknown,  as  well  as  that  of  the  port  in 
which  he  landed  on  his  return.  According  to  fome,  it 
was  in  Portugal  ;  according  to  others,  in  Madeira,  or 
the  Azores.  The  year  in  which  this  voyage  was  made 
is  no  k(s  uncertain.  Monfon's  Nav.  Trafts.  Churchill, 
iii.  371.  No  mention  is  made  of  this  pilot  or  his  dif- 
coveries,  by  And.  Bernaldes,  or  Pet.  Martyr,  the  con- 
temporaries of  Columbus.  Herrera,  with  his  ufual  judg- 
ment, partes  over  it  in  filence.  Oviedo  takes  notice  of 
this  report,  but  confiders  it  as  a  tale  fit  only  to  amufe  the 
vulgar.  Hift.  lib.  ii.  c.  2.  As  Columbus  held  his  courfe 
directly  weft  from  the  Canaries,  and  never  varied  it, 
fome  later  authors  have  fuppofed,  that  this  uniformity  is 
a  proof  of  his  being  guided  by  fome  previous  informa- 
tion. But  they  do  not  recollect  the  principles  on  which 
he  founded  all  his  hopes  of  fuccefs,  that  by  holding  a 
wefterly  courfe,  he  muft  certainly  arrive  at  thofe  regions 
of  the  eaft  defcribed  by  the  ancients.  His  firm  belief  of 
his  own  fyftem  led  him  to  take  that  courfe,  and  to  pur- 
fue  it  without  deviation. 

The  Spaniards  are  not  the  only  people  who  have 
called  in  queftion  Columbus's  claim  to  the  honour  of 
having  difcovered  America.  Some  German  authors 
afcribe  this  honour  to  Martin  Behaim,  their  countryman. 
He  was  of  the  noble  family  of  the  Behaims  of  Schwartz! 
bach,  citizens  of  the  firft  rank  in  the  Imperial  town 
of  Nuremberg.     Having  ftudied  under  the  celebrated 

John 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  375 

John  Muller,  better  known  by  the  name  of  Regiomon- 
tanus,  he  acquired  fuch  knowledge  of  cofmography,  as 
excited  a  defire  of  exploring  thofe  regions,  the  fituation 
and  qualities  of  which  he  had  been  accuftomed,  under 
that   able  matter,  to  inveftigate  and  defcribe.     Under 
the  patronage  of  the  duchefs  of  Burgundy  he  repaired  to 
Lifbon,  whither  the  fame  of  the  Portuguefe  difcoveries 
invited  all  the  adventurous  fpirits  of  the  age.     There,  as 
we  learn  from  Herman  Schedel,  of  whofe  Chronkon  Mun- 
di  a  German   translation    was   printed   at   Nuremberg 
A.  D.  1493,  his  merit  as  a  cofmographer  raifed  him,  in 
conjunaion  with  Diego  Cano,    to  the  command  of  a 
fquadron  fitted  out  for  difcovery  in  the  year  1483.     In 
that  voyage,  he  is  faid  to  have  difcovered  the  kingdom 
;  of  Congo.     He  fettled  in  the  ifland  of  Fayal,  one  of  the 
Azores,  and  was  a  particular  friend  of  Columbus.    Her- 
rera,  dec.  1.   lib.  i.   c.a.      Magellan   had  a   terreftrial 
globe  made  by  Behaim,  on  which  he  demonftrated  the 
courfe  that  he  purpofed  to  hold  in  fearch  of  the  com- 
munication with  the   South  Sea,    which  he  afterwards 
difcovered.      Gomara  Hift.  c.  19.      Herrera,   dec.  11, 
lib.  ii.  c.  19.     In   the  year  1492,    Behaim  vifited   his 
relations  in  Nuremberg,  and  left  with  them  a  map  drawn 
with  his  own  hand,  which  is  ftill  preferved  among  the 
archives  of  the  family.     Thus  far  the  ftory  of  Martin 
Behaim  feems  to  be  well  authenticated  ;  but  the  account 
of  his  having  difcovered  any  part  of  the  New  World  ap- 
pears to  be  merely  conjectural. 

In  the  nrft  edition,  as  I  had  at  that  time  hardly  any 
knowledge  of  Behaim  but  what  1  derived  from  a  frivo- 
lous Diflertation  de  vero  Novi  Orbis  Inventore,  published 
at  Francfort,  A.  D.  1714,  by  Jo.  Frid.  Stuvenius,  I  was 
induced,  by  the  authority  of  Herrera,  to  fuppofe  that 
Behaim  was  not  a  native  of  Germany  ;  but  from  more 
full  and  accurate  information,  communicated  to  me  by 
the  learned  Dr.  John  Reinhold  Forfter,  I  am  now  fatif- 
fied  that  I  was  miftaken.  Dr.  Forfter  has  been  likewife 
fo  good  as  to  favour  me  with  a  copy  of  BehainVs  rhapf, 
as  publifhed  by  Doppelmayer  in  his  account  of  the  Ma- 
thematicians  and  Artifts  of   Nuremberg.      From   this 

map* 


$76  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

ipap,  the  imperfection  of  cofmographical  knowledge  at 
that  period  is  manifeft.  Hardly  one  place  is  laid  down 
in  its  true  fituation.  Nor  can  I  difcover  from  it  any 
reafon  to  fuppofe  that  Behaim  had  the  Jeaft  knowledge 
of  any  region  in  America.  He  delineates,  indeed,  an 
ifland  to  which  he  gives  the  name  of  St.  Brandon.  This, 
it  is  imagined,  may  be  fome  part  of  Guiana,  fuppofed  at 
firft  to  be  an  ifland.  He  places  it  in  the  fame  latitude 
with  the  Cape  Verd  ifles,  and  I  fufpeft  it  to  be  an  ima- 
ginary ifland  which  has  been  admitted  into  fome  an- 
cient maps  on  no  better  authority  than  the  legend  of 
the  Irifli  St.  Brandon  or  Brendan,  whofe  ftory  is  fo 
childiflily  fabulous  as  to  be  unworthy  of  any  notice* 
Girald.  Cambrienfis  ap,  Miflingham  Florilegium  San<5io» 
rum,  p,  427. 

The  pretentions  of  the  Welfli  to  the  difcovery  of 
America  feem  not  to  reft  on  a  foundation  much  more 
folid.  In  the  twelfth  century,  according  to  Powell, 
a  difpute  having  arifen  among  the  fons  of  Owen 
Cuyneth,  king  of  North-Wales,  concerning  the  fuccef- 
fion  to  his  crown,  Madoc,  one  of  their  number,  weary 
of  this  contention,  betook  himfelf  to  fea  in  queft  of  a 
more  quiet  fettlement.  He  fleered  due  weft,  leaving 
Ireland  to  the  north,  and  arrived  in  an  unknown 
country,  which  appeared  to  him  fo  defirable,  that  he 
returned  to  Wales,  and  carried  thither  feveral  of  his 
adherents  and  companions.  This  is  faid  to  have  hap- 
pened about  the  year  1170,  and  after  that,  he  and  his 
colony  were  heard  of  no  more.  But  it  is  to  be  obferv- 
ed,  that  Powell,  on  whofe  teftimony  the  authenticity 
pf  this  ftory  refts,  published  his  hiftory  above  four 
centuries  from  the  date  of  the  event  which  he  relates. 
Among  a  people  as  rude  and  as  illiterate  as  the  Welfli  at 
that  period,  the  rnempry  of  a  tranfa&ion  fo  remote  muft 
Jiave  been  very  imperfectly  preferved,  and  would  require 
to  be  confirmed  by  fome  author  of  greater  credit,  and 
nearer  to  the  sera  of  Madoc's  voyage  than  Powell.  Later 
antiquaries  have  indeed  appealed  to  the  teftimony  of 
Meredith  ap  Rhees,  a  Welfli  bard,  who  died  A.  D.  147 7. 
JSfut  he  too  lived  at  fuch  a  diftance  of  time  frorn  the 

event, 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  377 

event,  that  he  cannot  be  confidered  as  a  witnefs  of  much 
more  credit  than  Powell.  Beildes,  his  verfes,  published 
by  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  I.  convey  no  information,  but 
that  Madoc,  difiatisfied  with  his  domeftic  fituation, 
employed  himfelf  in  fearching  the  ocean  for  new  pof- 
feffions.  But  even  if  we  admit  the  authenticity  of  Pow- 
ell's ftory,  it  does  not  follow  that  the  unknown  country 
which  Madoc  difcovered  by  (leering  weft,  in  fuch  a  courfc 
as  to  leave  Ireland  to  the  north,  was  any  part  of  Ame- 
rica. The  naval  (kill  of  the  Welfh  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury was  hardly  equal  to  fuch  a  voyage.  If  he  made 
any  difcovery  at  all,  it  is  more  probable  that  it  was 
Madeira,  or  fome  other  of  the  weftern  ifles.  The  affi- 
nity of  the  Welfh  language  with  fome  dialetfs  fpoken 
in  America,  has  been  mentioned  as  a  circumftance  which 
confirms  the  truth  of  Madoc's  voyage.  But  that  affi- 
nity has  been  obferved  in  fo  few  initances,  and  in  fome 
of  thefe  is  fo  obfeure,  or  fo  fanciful,  that  no  conclufion 
can  be  drawn  from  the  cafual  refemblance  of  a  fmall 
number  of  words.  There  is  a  bird,  which,  as  far  as  is 
vet  known,  is  found  only  on  the  coafts  of  South  Ame- 
rica, from  Port  Defire  to  the  Straits  of  Magellan.  It  is 
diitinguifhed  by  the  name  of  Penguim  This  word  in  the 
Welfh  language  fignifies  Whitehead.  Almoft  all  the 
authors  who  favour  the  pretenfions  of  the  Welfh  to  the 
difcovery  of  America,  mention  this  as  an  irrefragable 
proof  of  the  affinity  of  the  Welfh  language  with  that 
fpoken  in  this  region  of  America.  But  Mr.  Pennant, 
who  has  given  a  fcientific  defcription  of  the  penguin, 
obferves,  that  all  the  birds  of  this  genus  have  black 
heads,  *'  fo  that  we  mud  refign  every  hope  (adds  he) 
founded  on  this  hypothecs  of  retrieving  the  Cambrian 
race  in  the  New  World."  Philof.  Tranfacl.  vol.  Iviii. 
p.  91,  &c.  Befide  this,  if  the  Welfh,  towards  the  clofe 
of  the  twelfth  century,  hed  fettled  in  any  part  of  Ame- 
rica, fome  remains  of  the  Chriftian  doctrine  and  rites 
muft  have  been  found  among  their  defcendants,  when 
they  were  difcovered  about  three  hundred  years  pofte- 
rior  to  their  migration  }  a  period  fo  (hort,  that,  in  the 
courfe  of  it>  we  cannot  well  fuppofe  that  all  European 

ideas 


378  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

ideas  and  arts  would  be  totally  forgotten.  Lord  Lyttel- 
ton,  in  his  notes  to  the  fifth  book  of  his  Hiftory  of 
Henry  II.  p.  371.  has  examined  what  Powell  relates 
concerning  the  difcoveries  made  by  Madoc,  and  invali- 
dates the  truth  of  his  ftory  by  other  arguments  of  great 
weight. 

The  pretentions  of  the  Norwegians  to  the  difcovery 
of  America,  feem  to  be  better  founded  than  thofcof  the 
Germans  or  Welfh.  The  inhabitants  of  Scandinavia 
were  remarkable  in  the  middle  ages  for  the  boldnefs  and 
extent  of  their  maritime  excursions.  In  S74,  the  Nor- 
wegians difcovered,  and  planted  a  colony  in  Iceland. 
In  982,  they  difcovered  Greenland,  and  eftabliihed 
fettlements  there*  From  that,  fome  of  their  navigators 
proceeded  towards  the  weft,  and  difcovered  a  country 
more  inviting  than  thofe  horrid  regions  with  which  they 
were  acquainted.  According  to  their  reprefentation, 
this  country  was  fandy  on  the  coafts,  but  in  the  inte- 
rior parts  level  and  covered  with  wood,  on  which  ac- 
count they  gave  it  the  name  of  Helic-land,  and  Mart- 
land,  and  having  afterwards  found  fome  plants  of  the 
vine  which  bore  grapes,  they  called  it  Win-land.  The 
credit  of  this  ftory  refts,  as  far  as  I  know,  on  the  au- 
thority of  the  'fagay  or  chronicle  of  king  Olaus,  com- 
pofed  by  Snorro  Sturlonides,  or  Sturlufons,  published  by 
Perinfkiold  at  Stockholm  A.  D.  1697.  As  Snorro  was 
born  in  the  year  1:79,  his  chronicle  might  be  compiled 
about  two  centuries  after  the  event  which  he  relates. 
His  account  of  the  navigation  and  difcoveries  of  Blora9 
and  his  companion  Lief,  is  a  very  rude  confufed  tale, 
p.  104,  no.  326.  It  is  impoffible  to  cifcover  from  him, 
what  part  of  America  it  was  in  which  the  Norwegians 
landed.  According  to  his  account  of  the  length  of  the 
days  and  nights,  it  muft  have  been  as  far  north  as  the 
fifty -eighth  degree  of  latitude,  on  fome  part  of  the  coait 
of  Labradore,  approaching  near  to  the  entry  of  Hud- 
son's Straits.  Grapes,  certainly,  are  not  the  production 
of  that  country.  Torfeus  fuppofes  that  there  is  an 
error  in  the  text,  by  rectifying  of  which,  the  place 
where  the  Norwegians  landed  may  be  fuppofed  to  be 

fnuated 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  379 

fituatcd  in  latitude  490.  But  neither  is  that  the  region 
of  the  vine  in  America.  From  perufing  Snorro's  tale,  I 
fhould  think  that  the  iituation  of  Newfoundland  corre- 
fponds  beft  with  that  of  the  country  difcovered  by  the 
Norwegians.  Grapes,  however,  are  not  the  produc- 
tion of  that  barren  ifhnd.  Other  conjectures  are  men- 
tioned by  M.  Mallet,  Introd.  a  l'Hift.  de  Dennem.  175, 
&c.  I  am  not  fufficiently  acquainted  with  the  literature 
of  the  north,  to  examine  them.  It  feems  manifeft,  that 
if  the  Norwegians  did  difcover  any  part  of  America  at 
that  period,  their  attempts  to  plant  colonies  proved 
unfuccefsful,  and  all  knowledge  of  it  was  foon  loft. 

NOTE    XVIII.    p.  123. 

Peter  Martyr,  ab  Angleria,  a  Milanefe  gentle* 
man,  refiding  at  that  time  in  the  court  of  Spain,  whofe 
letters  contain  an  account  of  the  transactions  of  that 
period,  in  the  order  wherein  they  occurred,  defcribes 
the  fentiments  with  which  he  himfelf  and  his  learned 
correspondents  were  affected,  in  very  ftriking  terms. 
"  Pne  laetitia  profiluifie  te,  vixque  a  lachrymis  pras  gau- 
dio  temperaffe,  quando  literas  adfpexifli  meas  quibus, 
de  antipodum  orbe  latenti  hactenus,  te  certiorem  feci, 
mi  fuaviflime  Pomponi,  infinuarti.  Ex  tuis  ipfe  Uteris 
colligo,  quid  fenferis.  Senfifti  autem,  tantique  rem 
fecifti,  quanti  virum  fumma  doctrina  infignitum  decuit. 
Quis  namque  cibus  fublimibus  praeftari  poteft  ingeniis, 
illo  fuavior  ?  quod  condimentum  gratius  ?  A  me  facio 
conjecluram,  Beari  fentio  fpiritus  meos,  quando  accitos 
ailoquor  prudentes  aliqucs  ex  his  qui  ab  ea  redeunt 
provincia.  Implicent  animos  pecuniarum  cumulis  au- 
gendis  miferi  avari,  libidinibus  obfeceni  ;  noftras  nos 
mentes,  poftquam  Deo  pleni  aliquando  fuerimus,  con- 
templando,  hujufcemodi  rerum  notitia  demulciamus.,, 
Epift.  1^2.     Pomponio  Laeto. 

NOTE   XIX.    p.  135. 

So  firmly  were  men  of  fcience,  in  that  age,  perfuaded 

that  the  countries  which  Columbus  had  difcovered  wera 

vol,  1.  fl.fl  connected 


3§0  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

connected  with  the  Eaft  Indies,  that  Bernaldes,  the 
Cura  de  los  Palacios,  who  feems  to  have  been  no  incon- 
siderable proficient  in  the  knowledge  of  cofmography, 
contends  that  Cuba  was  not  an  ifland,  but  a  part  of  the  j 
continent,  and  united  to  the  dominions  of  the  Great 
Khan.  This  he  delivered  as  his  opinion  to  Columbus 
himfelf,  who  was  his  gueft  for  fome  time  on  his  return 
from  his  fecond  voyage ;  and  he  fupports  it  by  feveral 
arguments,  moftly  founded  on  the  authority  of  Sir  John  ■ 
Mandeville.  MS.  penes  me,  Antonio  Gallo,  who  was 
fecretary  to  the  magistracy  of  Genoa  towards  the  clofe 
of  the  fifteenth  century,  published  a  Ihort  account  of  th< 
navigations  and  difcoveries  of  his  countryman  Colum- 
bus, annexed  to  his  Opufcula  Hiftorica  de  rebus  popul; 
Genuenfis  j  in  which  he  informs  us  from  letters  of  Co- 
lumbus which  he  himfelf  had  feen,  that  it  was  liis 
opinion,  founded  upon  nautical  obfervations,  that  one 
of  the  iflands  he  had  difcovered  was  diftant  only  twe 
hours  or  thirty  decrees  from  Cattigara,  which,  in  the 
charts  of  the  geographers  of  that  age,  was  laid  down, 
upon  the  authority  of  Ptolemy,  lib.  vii.  c,  3.  as  the 
moft  eafterly  place  in  Afia.  From  this  he  concluded, 
that  if  fome  unknown  continent  did  not  obftruct  th< 
navigation,  there  muft  be  a  fhort  and  eafy  accefs,  b) 
holding  a  wefterly  courfe,  to  this  extreme  region  of  th< 
laft.  Muratori  Scriptores  Rer,  Italicarum,  vol.  xxiii. 
p.  304. 

NOTE    XX.   p.  141. 

Bernaldes,  the  Cura  or  Re&or  de  los  Palacios, 
contemporary  writer,  fays,  that  five  hundred  of  thefe 
captives  were  fent  to  Spain,  and  fold  publicly  in  Seville 
as  flaves  5  but  that,  by  the  change  of  climate  and  theii 
inability  to  bear  the  fatigue  of  labour,  they  all  died  in  2 
ihort  time.     MS.  penes  me. 


NOTE   XXI.   p.  154. 

Columbus   feems  to  have  formed  fome  very  fingula 
opinions  concerning  the  countries  which  he  had  no 

difcovered 


: 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  381 

discovered.  The  violent  fwell  and  agitation  of  the 
waters  on  the  coaft  of  Trinidad  led  him  to  conclude  this 
to  be  the  higheft  part  of  the  terraqueous  globe,  and  he 
imagined  that  various  circumftances  concurred  in  proving 
that  the  fea  was  here  vinbly  elevated,  Having  adopted 
this  erroneous  principle,  the  apparent  beauty  of  the 
country  induced  him  to  fall  in  with  a  notion  of  Sir  John 
Mandeville,  c.  102.  that  the  terreftrial  paradife  was  the 
higheft  land  in  the  earth  ;  and  he  believed  that  he  had 
been  fo  fortunate  as  to  difcoverthis  happy  abode.  Nor 
ought  we  to  think  it  ftrange  that  a  perfon  of  fo  much 
fagacity  mould  be  influenced  by  the  opinion  or  reports 
of  fuch  a  fabulous  author  as  Mandeville.  Columbus  anp! 
the  other  difcoverers  were  obliged  to  follow  fuch  guides 
as  they  could  find  ;  and  it  appears  from  feveral  pafTages 
in  the  manufcript  of  Andr,  Bernaldes,  the  friend  of  Co,- 
Jumbus,  that  no  incopfiderable  degree  of  credit  was 
given  to  the  teftimony  of  Mandeville  in  that  age.  Ber«? 
fialdes  frequently  quotes  him,  and  always  with  refpe#t 

NOTE    XXII.    p.  166, 

It  is  remarkable,  that  neither  Gomara  nor  Oviedo, 
the  mod  ancient  Spanifli  hiftorians  of  America,  nor 
Herrera,  confider  Ojeda,  or  his  companion  Vefpucci,  as 
the  firft  difcoverers  of  the  continent  of  America.  They 
uniformly  afcribe  this  honour  to  Columbus.  Some  have 
fuppofed  that  national  refentment  againft  Vefpucci,  for 
deferring  the  fervice  of  Spain,  and  entering  into  that  of 
Portugal,  may  have  prompted  thefe  writers  to  conceal 
the  actions  which  he  performed.  But  Martyr  and  Ben- 
zoni,  both.  Italians,  could  not  be  warped  by  the  fame 
prejudice.  Martyr  was  a  contemporary  author  j  he 
refided  in  the  court  of  Spain,  and  had  the  heft  oppor- 
tunity to  be  exa&ly  informed  with  refpecl:  to  all  public 
tranfaclions  ;  and  yet,  neither  in  his  Decads,  the  firft 
general  hiftory  publifhed  of  the  New  World,  nor  in  his 
Epiftles,  which  contain  an  account  of  all  the  remarkable 
events  of  his  time,  does  he  afcribe  to  Vefpucci  the  ho- 
nour of  having  firft  difcovered  the  continent.  Benzoni 
N  N  %  wen$ 


382  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

went  as  an  adventurer  to  America  in  the  year  r  54. 19 
and  refided  there  a  confiderable  time.     He  appears  to 
have  been   animated  with  a  warm  zeal  for  the  honour 
of  Italy,   his  native  country,  and  yet  does  not  mention 
the  exploits  and  difcoveries  of  Vefpucci.     Herrera,  who 
compiled  his  general  hiftory  of  America  from  the  moft 
authentic  records,  not  only  follows  thofe  early  writers, 
but  accufes  Vefpucci  of  falfifying  the  dates  of  both  the 
voyages  which  he  made  to  the  New  World,  and  of  con- 
founding the  one  with  the  other,  in  order  that  he  might 
arrogate  to  himfelf  the  glory  of  having  difcovered  the 
continent.     Hen  dec,  1.  lib.  iv,  c.  2.     He  afifcrts,  that 
a  judicial  inquiry  into  this  matter  by  the  royal  nfcai,  it 
was  proved  by  the  teftimony  of  Ojeda  himfelf,  that  he 
touched  at  Hifpaniola  when  returning  to  Spain  from  his 
firft  voyage;  whereas  Vefpucci  gave  out  that  they  re- 
turned direclly  to  Cadiz  from   the  coaft  of  Paria,  and 
touched  at  Hifpaniola  only  in  their  fecond  voyage  ;  and 
that  he  had  finimed  the  voyage  in  five  months  ;  where- 
as, according  to  Vefpucci's  account,   he  had   employed 
feventeen  months  in  performing  it.     Viaggio  primo  de 
Am.  Vefpucci,  p.  56.     Viag.  fecundo,  p.  45.     Herrera 
gives   a  more  full  account  of  this  inqueft  in  another 
part  of  his  Decads,   and  to  the  fame  effect.    Her.  dec.  1. 
lib.  vii.  c.  5.     Columbus  was  in  Hifpaniola  when  Ojeda 
arrived  there,  and  had  by  that  time  come  to  an  agree- 
ment  with   Roldan,  who  oppofed  Ojeda's  attempt  to 
excite  a  new  infurreclion,    and,    of  confequence,  his 
voyage  muft  have  been  pofterior  to  that  of  the  admiral. 
Life  of  Columbus,  c.  84.     According  to  Vefpucci's  ac- 
count,  he  fet  out  on  his  firft  voyage  May  10th,  I497« 
Viag.  primo,  p.  6.     At  that  time  Columbus  was  in  the 
court  of  Spain  preparing  for  his  voyage,  and  feems  to 
have  enjoyed   a  confiderable  degree  of  favour.      The 
affairs  of  the  New  World  were  at  this  juncture  under  the 
direction  of  Antonio  Torres,  a  friend  of  Columbus.     It 
is  not  probable,  that  at  that  period  a  commitfion  would 
be  granted  to  another  perfon,  to  anticipate  the  admiral, 
by  undertaking  a  voyage  which  he  himfelf  intended  to 
perform.     Fonfeca,  who  patronized  Ojeda,  and  granted 

the 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  j8j 

the  licence  for  his  voyage,  was  not  recalled  to  court, 
and  reinftated  in  the  direction  of  Indian  affairs,  until 
the  death  of  prince  John,  which  happened  September 
I497,  P.  Martyr,  Ep.  182,  feveral  months  poflerior  to 
the  time  at  which  Vefpucci  pretends  to  have  fet  out 
Upon  his  voyage.  A  life  of  Vefpucci  was  publifhed  at 
Florence  by  the  Abate  Bandini,  A.  D.  1 745,  4to.  It  is 
a  work  of  no  merit,  written  with  little  judgment,  and 
lefs  candour.  He  contends  for  his  countryman's  title  to 
the  difcovery  of  the  continent  with  all  the  blind  zeal  of 
national  partiality,  but  produces  no  new  evidence  to 
fupport  it.  We  learn  from  him  that  Vefpucci's  account 
of  his  voyage  was  publifhed  as  early  as  the  year  1510, 
and  probably  fooner.  Vita  di  Am.  Vefp,  p.  52.  At 
what  time  the  name  of  America  came  to  be  firft  given 
to  the  New  World,  is  not  certain. 

NOTE   XXIII.  p.  212. 

The  form  employed  on  this  occasion  ferved  as  a 
model  to  the  Spaniards  in  all  their  fubfequent  conquefts 
in  America.  It  is  fo  extraordinary  in  its  nature,  and 
gives  us  fuch  an  idea  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Spa- 
niards, and  the  principles  upon  which  they  founded 
their  right  to  the  extenfive  dominions  which  they  ac- 
quired in  the  New  World,  that  it  well  merits  the  atten- 
tion of  the  reader.  "  I  Alonfo  de  Ojeda,  fervant  of  the 
moft  high  and  powerful  kings  of  Caftile  and  Leon,  the 
conquerors  of  barbarous  nations,  their  mefTenger  and 
captain,  notify  to  you  and  declare,  in  as  ample  form  as 
I  am  capable,  that  God  our  Lord,  who  is  one  and 
eternal,  created  the  heaven  and  the  earth,  and  one  man 
and  one  woman,  of  whom  you  and  we,  and  all  the 
men  who  have  been  or  mall  be  in  world,  are  defcend- 
ed.-  But  as  it  has  come  to  pafs,  through  the  number 
of  generations  during  more  than  five  thoufand  years, 
that  they  have  been  difperfed  into  different  parts  of  the 
world,  and  are  divided  into  various  kingdoms  and  pro- 
vinces, becaufe  one  country  was  not  able  to  conrain 
t^em,  nor  could  they  have  found  in  one  the  means  of 
tf  N  3  fubfift- 


3^4  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

fubfiftence  and  prefervation  5  therefore  God  our  Lord 
gave  the  charge  of  all  thofe  people  to  one  man,  named 
St.  Peter,  whom  he  conftituted  the  lord  and  head  of  all 
the  human  race,  that  all  men,  in  whatever  place  they 
are  born,  or  in  whatever  faith  or  place  they  are  edu- 
cated, might  yield  obedience  unto  him.  He  hath  fuh- 
jecled  the  whole  world  to  his  jurifdiction,  and  com- 
manded him  to  eftablifh  his  refidence  in  Rome,  as  the 
mod  proper  place  for  the  government  of  the  world. 
He  likewife  promifed  and  gave  him  power  to  eftablifh 
his  authority  in  every  other  part  of  the  world,  and  to 
judge  and  govern  all  Chriftians,  Moors,  Jews,  Gentiles, 
and  all  other  people,  of  whatever  fed  or  faith  they  may 
be.  To  him  is  given  the  name  of  Pope,  which  fignifies 
admirable,  great  father  and  guardian,  becaufe  he  is  the 
father  and  governor  of  all  men.  Thofe  who  lived  in  the 
time  of  this  holy  father  obeyed  and  acknowledged  him 
as  their  lord  and  king,  and  the  fuperior  of  the  univerfe* 
The  fame  has  been  obferved  with  refpecl  to  them  who, 
fince  his  time,  have  been  chofen  to  the  pontificate. 
Thus  it  now  continues,  and  will  continue  to  the  end  of 
the  world. 

"  One  of  thefe  pontiffs,  as  lord  of  the  world,  hath 
made  a  grant  of  thefe  iflands,  and  of  the  Tierra  Firme 
of  the  ocean  fea,  to  the  catholic  kings  of  Caflile,  Don 
Ferdinand  and  Donna  Ifabella,  of  glorious  memory, 
and  their  fucceflbrs,  our  fovereigns,  with  all  they  con- 
tain, as  is  more  fully  exprefTed  in  certain  deeds  pafTed 
upon  that  occafion,  which  you  may  fee  if  you  defire  it. 
Thus  his  majefty  is  king  and  lord  of  thefe  iflands,  and 
of  the  continent,  in  virtue  of  this  donation  5  and,  as 
king  and  lord  aforefaid,  moft  of  the  iflands  to  which 
his  title  hath  been  notified,  have  recognifed  his  majefty, 
and  now  yield  obedience  and  fubjeclion  to  him  as  their 
lord,  voluntarily  and  without  refiftance  5  and  inftantly 
as  foon  as  they  received  information,  they  obeyed  the 
religious  men  fent  by  the  king  to  preach  to  them,  and 
to  inftrucl  them  in  our  holy  faith  5  and  all  thefe,  of 
their  own  freewill,  without  any  recompence  or  gratuity, 
became  Chriftians,    and  continue  to  be  foj    and  his 

majefty 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  385 

majefty  having  received  them  gracioufly  under  his  pro- 
tection, has  commanded  that  they  mould  be  treated  in 
the  fame  manner  as  his  other  fubjects  and  vaflals.  You 
are  bound  and  obliged  to  act  in  the  fame  manner. 
Therefore  I  now  entreat  and  require  you  to  confider 
attentively  what  I  have  declared  to  you  ;  and  that  you 
may  more  perfectly  comprehend  it,  that  you  take  fuch 
time  as  is  reafonable,  in  order  that  you  may  acknow- 
ledge the  church  as  the  fuperior  and  guide  of  the  uni- 
verfe,  and  likewife  the  holy  father  called  the  pope,  in 
his  own  right,  and  his  majefty  by  his  appointment,  as 
king  and  fovereign  lord  of  thefe  iflands,  and  of  the 
Tierra  Firme  ;  and  that  you  confent  that  the  aforefaid 
holy  fathers  mail  declare  and  preach  to  you  the  doctrines 
above  mentioned.  If  you  do  this,  you  act  well,  and 
perform  that  to  which  you  are  bound  and  obliged  ;  and 
his  majefty,  and  I  in  his  name,  will  receive  you  with 
love  and  kindnefs,  and  will  leave  you,  your  wives  arid 
children,  free  and  exempt  from  fervitude,  and  in  the 
enjoyment  of  all  you  porTefs,  in  the  fame  manner  as  the 
inhabitants  of  the  iflands.  Befides  this,  his  majefty  will 
beftow  upon  you  many  privileges,  exemptions,  and  re- 
wards. But  if  you  will  not  comply,  or  malicioufly 
delay  to  obey  my  injunction,  then,  with  the  help  of 
God,  I  will  enter  your  country  by  force,  I  will  carry 
on  war  againft  you  with  the  utmoft  violence,  I  will 
fubject  you  to  the  yoke  of  obedience  to  the  church  and 
the  king,  I  will  take  your  wives  and  children,  and 
will  make  them  flaves,  and  fell  or  difpofe  of  them  ac» 
cording  to  his  majefty's  pleafure;  I  will  feize  your 
goods  and  do  you  all  the  mifchief  in  my  power,  as  re- 
bellious fubjects,  who  will  not  acknowledge  or  fubmit 
to  their  lawful  fovereign.  And  I  proteft,  that  all  the 
bloodftied  and  calamities  which  (hall  follow  are  to  be 
imputed  to  you,  and  not  to  his  majefty,  or  to  me,  or 
the  gentlemen  who  ferve  under  me  j  and  as  I  have  now 
made  this  declaration  and  requisition  unto  you,  I  require 
the  notary  here  prefent  to  grant  me  a  certificate  of  this, 
fubfcribed  in  proper  form/'  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  viu 
p.  14. 


386  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

NOTE   XXIV.    p.  226. 

Balboa,  in  his  letter  to  the  king,  obferves,  that  of 
the  hundred  and  ninety  men  whom  he  took  with  him, 
there  were  never  above  eighty  fit  for  fervice  at  one  time. 
So  much  did  they  fuffer  from  hunger,  fatigue,  and  fick- 
nefs.  Herrera,  dec,  I,  lib.  x.  c.  16.  P.  Mart. 
decad.  226, 

NOTE   XXV.    P.  239. 

Fonseca,  bifhop  of  Palencia,  the  principal  direclor 
©f  American  affairs,  had  eight  hundred  Indians  in  pro- 
perty ;  the  commendator  Lope  de  Conchillos,  his  chief 
afToaatein  that  department,  eleven  hundred  ;  and  other 
favourites  had  confiderable  numbers.  They  fent  over- 
feers  to  the  iflands,  and  hired  out  thofe  flaves  to  the 
planters,     Herr.  dec.  1.  lib.  ix.  c.  14.  p.  325. 

NOTE   XXVI.    p.  264. 

Though  America  is  more  plentifully  fupplied  with 
water  than  the  other  regions  of  the  globe,  there  is  no 
river  or  ftream'of  water  in  Yucatan.  This  peninfula 
projects  from  the  continent  a  hundred  leagues,  but, 
where  broadeft,  does  not  extend  above  twenty-five 
leagues.  It  is  an  extenfive  plain,  not  only  without 
mountains,  but  almoft  without  any  inequality  of  ground. 
The  inhabitants  are  fupplied  with  water  from  pits,  and 
wherever  they  dig  them,  find  it  in  abundance.  It  is 
probable,  from  all  thofe  circumftances,  that  this  country 
was  formerly  covered  by  the  fea.  Herrerae  Defcriptio 
India?  Occidentalis,  p.  14.  J-Jjftoire  Naturelle,  par  M, 
de  Buffon,  torn.  i.  p.  593, 

NOTE    XXVII.    p.  267. 

M,  Clavigero  cenfures  me  for  having  reprefented 
the  Spaniards  who  failed  with  Cordova  and  Grijalva,  as 
fancying,  in  the  warmth  of  their  imagination,  that  they 

faw 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  387 

faw  cities  on  the  coaft  of  Yucatan  adorned  with  towers 
and  cupolas.  I  know  not  what  translation  of  my  hif- 
tory  he  has  confulted,  (for  his  quotation  from  it  is  not 
taken  from  the  original,)  but  I  never  imagined  that  any 
building  erected  by  Americans  could  fugged  the  idea  of 
a  cupola  or  dome,  a  ftru&ure  which  their  utmoft  (kill 
in  arthitecture  was  incapable  of  rearing.  My  words  are, 
that  they  fancied  the  villages  which  they  faw  from  their 
fhips  "  to  be  cities  adorned  with  towers  and  pinacles."" 
By  pinacla  I  meant  fome  elevation  above  the  reft  of  the 
building ;  and  the  paflage  is  translated  almoft  literally 
from  Herrera,  dec.  2.  lib.  iii.  c.  1.  In  almoft  all  the 
accounts  of  new  countries  given  by  the  Spanifh  difco- 
verers  in  that  age,  this  warmth  of  admiration  is  con- 
fpicuous  ;  and  led  them  to  defcribe  thefe  new  objects  in 
the  moft  fplendid  terms.  When  Cordova  arid  his  com- 
panions firft  beheld  an  Indian  village  of  greater  mag- 
nitude than  any  they  had  beheld  in  the  iflands,  they  dig- 
nified it  by  the  name  of  Grand  Cairo,  B.  Diaz.  C  2. 
From  the  fame  caufe  Grijalva  and  his  afTociates  thought 
the  country  along  the  coaft  of  which  they  held  their 
courfe,  entitled  to  the  name  of  New  Spain. 

NOTE  XXVIII.    p.  273. 

The  height  of  the  moft  elevated  point  in  the  Pyrenees 
is,  according  to  M.  Caffini,  fix  thoufand  fix  hundred 
and  forty-fix  feet.  The  height  of  the  mountain  Gemmi, 
in  the  Canton  of  Berne,  is  ten  thoufand  one  hundred 
and  ten  feet.  The  height  of  the  Peak  of  TenerifFe, 
according  to  the  meafurement  of  P.  Feuille,  is  thirteen 
thoufand  one  hundred  and  feventy- eight  feet.  The 
height  of  Chimborazzc,  the  moft  elevated  point  of  the 
Andes,  is  twenty  thoufand  two  hundred  and  eighty 
feet;  no  lefs  than  feven  thoufand  one  hundred  and  two 
feet  above  the  higheft  mountain  in  the  ancient  conti- 
nent. Voyage  de  D.  Juan  Ulloa,  Obfervatiojis  Aftron. 
et  Phyfiq.  torn.  ii.  p.  114.  The  line  of  congelation  on 
Chimborazzo,  or  that  part  of  the  mountain  which  is 
covered  perpetually  with  fnow,  is  no  lefs  than  two 
thoufand  four  hundred  feet  from  its  fummit.  Prevot. 
Hift.  Gener.  des  Voyages,  vol.  xiii.  p.  636- 


388  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

NOTE   XXIX.    p.  273. 

As  a  particular  defcription  makes  a  Wronger  impref- 
fion  than  general  alTertions,  I  (hall  give  one  or  Rio  de  la 
Plata    by    an   cye-witnefs,   P.   Cattaneo,    a   Modenefe 
Jefuit,  who  landed  at  Buenos  Ayres  in  1749,  anc'  t'ius 
reprefents  what  he  felt  when  fuch  new  objects  were  flrft 
prefented  to  his  view.     "  While  I  refided  in   Europe, 
and   read  in   books  of  hiftory  or  geography   that  the 
mouth  of  the  river  De  la  Plata  was  an  hundred   and 
fifty  miles  in  breadth,  Iconfidered  it  as  an  exaggeration, 
becaufe  in  this  hemifphere  we  have  no  example  of  fuch 
vait  rivers.     When  I  approached  its  mouth,  I  had  the 
moil  vehement  defire  to  afcertain  the  truth  with  my 
own  eyes  5  and  I  have  found  the  matter  to  be  exactly 
as  it  was  reprefented.     This  I  deduce  particularly  from 
one  circumftance  :    when  we  took  our  departure  from 
ftlonte  Video,  a  fort  fityated  more  than  a  hundred  miles 
from  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  where  its  breadth  is 
considerably  diminifhed,  we  failed  a  complete  day  before 
we  difcovered  the  land  on  the  oppcfite  bank  of  the  river ; 
and  when  we  were  in  the  middle  of  the  channel,  we 
could  not  difcern   land  on  either  fide,  and  faw  nothing 
but  the  fk'y  and  water,  as  if  we  had  been  in  fome  great 
ocean.     Indeed,  we  fhould  have  taken  it  to  be  fea,   if 
the  frefli  water  of  the  river,  which  was  turbid  like  the 
Po,  had  not  fatistied  us  that  it  was  a  river.     Moreover, 
at  Buenos  Ayres,  another  hundred  miles  up  the  river, 
and  where  it  is  ftill  much  narrower,  it  is  not  only  im- 
pofTible  to  difcern   the  oppofite  coaft,  which   is  indeed 
very  low  and  flat  5  hut  one  cannot  perceive  the  houfes 
or  the  tops  of  the  fteeples  in  the  Portuguefe  fettlement 
at  Colonia  on   the   other   fide   of  the   river."     Lettera 
prima,  published  by  Muratori,  II  Chriftianefimo  Felice, 
&c.  i.  p.  257. 


! 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  389 

NOTE    XXX.    p.  276. 

Newfoundland,  part  of  Nova  Scotia  and  Canada, 
are  the  countries  which  lie  in  the  fame  parallel  of  lati- 
tude with  the  kingdom  of  France  j  and  in  every  part  of 
thefe  the  water  of  the  rivers  is  frozen  during  winter  to> 
the  thicknefs  of  feveral  feet  3  the  earth  is  covered  witti 
fnow  as  deep  ;  almoft  all  the  birds  fly,  during  that  fea- 
fon,  from  a  climate  where  they  could  not  live.  The 
country  of  the  Elkimaux,  part  of  Labrador,  and  the 
countries  on  the  fouth  of  Hudfon's  Bay,  are  in  the  fame 
parallel  with  Great  Britain  ;  and  yet  in  all  thefe  the  cold 
is  fo  intenfe,  that  even  the  induftry  of  Europeans  his 
not  attempted  cultivation. 

NOTE    XXXI.    p.  279. 

Acosta  is  the  firft  philofopher,  as  far  as  I  know, 
who  endeavoured  to  account  for  the  different  degrees  of 
heat  in  the  old  and  new  continents,  by  the  agency  of 
the  winds  which  blow  in  each.  Hift.  Moral.  Sec.  lib.  ii. 
and  iii.  M.  de  Button  adopts  this  theory,  and  has  noc 
only  improved  it  by  new  obfervations,  but  has  employed 
his  amazing  powers  of  defcriptive  eloquence  in  embel- 
lifhing  and  placing  it  in  the  moft  ftriking  light.  Some 
remarks  may  be  added,  which  tend  to  illuftrate  more 
fully  a  doctrine  of  much  importance  in  every  inquiry 
concerning  the  temperature  of  various  climates. 

When  a  cold  wind  blows  over  land,  it  muft  in 
its  paffage  rob  the  furface  of  fome  of  its  heat.  By 
means  of  this,  the  coldnefs  of  the  wind  is  abated.  But 
if  it  continue  to  blow  in  the  fame  direction,  it  will  come, 
by  degrees,  to  pais  over  a  furface  already  cooled,  and 
will  fuffer  no  longer  any  abatement  of  its  own  keen- 
ttefs.  Thus  as  it  advances  over  a  large  tract  of  land,  it 
brings  on  all  the  feverity  of  intenfe  froft. 

Let  the  fame  wind  blow  over  an  extenfive  and  deep 
fea  j  the  fuperficial  water  muft  be  immediately  cooled 
to  a  certain  degree,  and  the  wind  proportionally  warm- 
ed. 


39°  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

cd.  But  the  fuperficial  and  colder  water  becoming 
fpecifically  heavier  than  the  warmer  water  below  it 
defcends  5  what  is  warmer  fupplies  its  place,  which,  as 
it  comes  to  be  cooled  in  its  turn,  continues  to  warm  the 
air  which  partes  over  it,  or  to  diminish  its  cold.  This 
change  of  the  fuperficial  water,  and  fucceffive  afcent  of 
that  which  is  warmer,  and  the  confequent  fucceffive 
abatement  of  coldnefs  in  the  air,  is  aided  by  the  agita- 
tion caufed  in  the  fea  by  the  mechanical  action  of  the 
wind,  and  alfo  by  the  motion  of  the  tides.  This  will 
go  on,  and  the  rigour  of  the  wind  will  continue  to  di- 
minish until  the  whole  water  is  fo  far  cooled,  that  the 
water  on  the  furface  is  no  longer  removed  from  the  ac- 
tion of  the  wind,  faft  enough  to  hinder  it  from  being 
arretted  by  froft.  Whenever  the  furface  freezes,  the 
wind  is  no  longer  warmed  by  the  water  from  below, 
and  it  goes  on  with  undiminished  cold. 

From  thofe  principles  may  be  explained  the  feverity 
of  winter  frofts  in  extenfive  continents  3  their  mildnefs 
in  fmall  iflands  j  and  the  fuperior  rigour  of  winter  in 
thofe  parts  of  North  America  with  which  we  are  beft 
acquainted.  In  the  north-weft  parts  of  Europe,  the 
feverity  of  winter  is  mitigated  by  the  welt  winds, 
which  ufually  blow  in  the  months  of  November,  Decem- 
ber, and  part  of  January. 

On  the  other  hand,  when  a  warm  wind  blows  over 
land,  it  heats  the  furface,  which  muft  therefore  ceafe  to 
abate  the  fervour  of  the  wind.  But  the  fame  wind 
blowing  over  water,  agitates  it,  brings  up  the  colder 
water  from  below,  and  thus  is  continually  lofing  forne- 
what  of  its  own  heat. 

:  But  the  great  power  of  the  fea  to  mitigate  the  heat 
of  the  wind  or  air  palling  over  it,  proceeds  from  the 
following  circumftance,  that  on  account  of  the  tranfpa- 
rency  of  the  fea,  its  furface  cannot  be  heated  to  a  great 
degree  by  the  fun's  rays  $  whereas  the  ground,  fubjecled 
to  their  influence,  very  foon  acquires  great  heat.  When, 
therefore,  the  wind  blows  over  a  torrid  continent,  it  is 
foon  raifed  to  a  heat  almoft  intolerable  :  but  during  its 
paffage  over  an  extenfive  ocean,  it  is  gradually  cooled  ; 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  39 1 

fo  that  on  its  arrival  at  the  fartheft  fliore,  it  is  again  fit 
for  refpiration. 

Thofe  principles  will  account  for  the  fultry  heats  of 
large  continents  in  the  torrid  zone  ;  for  the  mild  climate 
of  iflands  in  the  fame  latitude;  and  for  the  fuperior 
warmth  in  fummer  which  large  continents,  fituated  in  the 
temperate  or  colder  zones  of  the  earth,  enjoy,  when  com- 
pared with  that  of  iflands.  The  heat  of  a  climate  depends 
not  only  upon  the  immediate  effect  of  the  fun's  rays, 
but  on  their  continued  operation,  on  the  effect  which 
they  have  formerly  produced,  and  which  remains  for 
fome  time  in  the  ground.  This  is  the  reafon  why  the 
day  is  warmeft.  about  two  in  the  afternoon,  the  fummer 
warmeft  about  the  middle  of  July,  and  the  winter 
coldeft  about  the  middle  of  January. 

The  forefts  which  cover  America,  and  hinder  the 
fun-beams  from  heating  the  ground,  are  a  great  caufe 
of  the  temperate  climate  in  the  equatorial  parts.  The 
ground,  not  being  heated,  cannot  heat  the  air;  and  the 
leaves,  which  receive  the  rays  intercepted  from  the 
ground,  have  not  a  mafs  of  matter  fufficient  to  abforh 
heat  enough  for  this  purpofe.  Betides,  it  is  a  known' 
fact,  that  the  vegetative  power  of  a  plant  occafions  % 
perfpiration  from  the  leaves  in  proportion  to  the  heac 
to  which  they  are  expofed  5  and,  from  the  nature  of 
evaporation,  this  perfpiration  produces  a  cold  in  the 
leaf  proportional  to  the  perfpiration.  Thus  the  effect 
of  the  leaf  in  heating  the  air  in  contact  with  it,  is  pro- 
digioufly  diminished.  For  thofe  obfervations,  which 
throw  much  additional  light  on  this  curious  fubject,  I 
am  indebted  to  my  ingenious  friend,  Mr.  Robifon,  pro- 
fefibr  of  natural  philofophy  in  the  univerfity  of  Edin- 
burgh. 

NOTE   XXXII.    p.  279* 

The  climate  of  Brafil  has  been  defcribed  by  two  emi- 
nent naturalifts,  Pifo  and  Margrave,  who  obferved  it 
with  a  philofophical  accuracy,  for  which  we  fearch  in 
vain  in  the  accounts  of  many  other  provinces  in  Ame- 

vol.  I.  00  ric*« 


392  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

rica.  Both  reprefent  it  as  temperate  and  mild,  when 
compared  with  the  climate  of  Africa.  They  afcribe  this 
chiefly  to  the  refreshing  wind  which  blows  continually 
from  the  fea.  The  air  is  not  only  cool,  but  chilly 
through  the  night,  infomuch,  that  the  natives  kindle 
fires  every  evening  in  their  huts.  Pifo  de  Medicina 
Brafilienfi,  lib.  i.  p.  i,  &c.  Margravius  Hiftor.  Re  rum 
Natural.  Brasilia?,  lib.  viii.  c.  3.  p.  264.  Nieuhoff, 
who  resided  long  in  Brafil,  confirms  their  defciiption. 
Churchill's  Collection,  vol.  ii.  p.  26.  Gumilla,  who 
was  a  missionary  many  years  among  the  Indians  upon 
the  river  Oronoco,  gives  a  similar  defcription  of  the 
temperature  of  the  climate  there.  Hist,  de  POrenoque, 
torn.  i.  p.  26.  P.  Acugna  felt  a  very  considerable  de- 
gree of  cold  in  the  countries  on  the  banks  of  the  river 
Amazons.  Relat.  vol.  ii.  p.  36.  M.  Biet,  who  lived  a 
considerable  time  in  Cayenne,  gives  a  fimilar  account 
cf  the  temperature  of  that  climate,  and  afcribes  it  to 
the  fame  caufe.  Voyage  de  la  France,  Equinox,  p.  330. 
Nothing  can  be  more  different  from  thefe  defcriptions 
than  that  of  the  burning  heat  of  the  African  coaft  given 
by  M.  Adanfon.     Voyage  to  Senegal,  paflim. 

NOTE   XXXIII.    p.  280. 

Two  French  frigates  were  fent  upon  a  voyage  of 
difcovery  in  the  year  1739.  In  latitude  44.0  fouth, 
they  began  to  feel  a  considerable  degree  of  cold.  In 
latitude  48°,  they  met  with  iflands  of  floating  ice. 
Hiftoire  des  Navigations  aux  Teries  Auftrales,  torn.  ii. 
^56,  &c.  Dr.  Halley  fell  in  with  ice  in  la:itude  590. 
Id.  torn.  i.  p.  47.  Commodore  Byron,  when  on  the 
coaft  of  Patagonia,  latitude  500  33'  fouth,  on  the  fif- 
teenth of  December,  which  is  midfummer  in  that  part 
of  the  globe,  the  twenty-firft  of  December- being  the 
longed  day  there,  compares  the  climate  to  that  of 
England  in  the  middle  of  winter.  Voyages  by  Hawkef- 
worth,  i.  25.  Mr.  Banks  having  landed  on  Terra  del 
Fuego,  in  the  Bay  of  Good  Succefs,  latitude  53°,  on 
the  fzxteenth  of  January,    which  corresponds  to- the 

month 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  39J 

month  of  July  in  our  hemifphere,  two  of  his  attendants 
died  in  one  night  of  extreme  cold,  and  all  the  party 
were  in  the  moft  imminent  dinger  of  perifhing.  Id.  ii. 
51,  52.  By  the  fourteenth  of  March,  correfponding  to 
September  in  our  hemifphere,  winter  was  fet  in  with 
rigour,  and  the  mountains  were  covered  with  fnow. 
Ibid.  72.  Captain  Cook,  in  his  voyage  towards  the 
South  pole,  furnimes  new  and  ftriking  inftances  of  the 
extraordinary  predominance  of  cold  in  this  region  of  the 
globe.  "  Who  would  have  thought  (fays  he)  that  an 
ifland,  of  no  greater  extent  than  feventy  leagues  in  cir- 
cuit, fituated  between  the  latitude  of  540  and  550, 
mould  in  the  very  height  of  fummer  be,  in  a  manner, 
wholly  covered,  many  fathoms  deep,  with  frozen  fnow  ; 
but  more  efpecially  the  S.  W.  coaft  ?  The  very  fummlts 
of  the  lofty  mountains  were  cafed  with  fnow  and  ice  5 
but  the  quantity  that  lay  in  the  valleys  is  incredible  ; 
and  at  the  bottom  of  the  bays,  the  coaft  was  terminated 
by  a  wall  of  ice  of  considerable  height.'*  Vol.  ii. 
p.  217. 

In  fome  places  of  the  ancient  continent,  an  extraordi- 
nary degree  of  cold  prevails  in  very  low  latitudes.     Mr. 
Bogle,  in  his  embafiy  to  the  court  of  the  Delai  Lama, 
pafled  the  winter  of  the  year  1774  at  Chamnanning,  in 
latitude  3 1°  39/  N.     He  often  found  the  thermometer  in 
his  room  twenty  nine  degrees  under  the  freezing  point 
by  Fahrenheit's  fcale  ;   and  in  the  middle  of  April  the 
ftanding  waters  were  all  frozen,  and  heavy  ihowers  of 
fnow  frequently  fell.    The  extraordinary  elevation  of  the 
country  feems  to  be  the  caufe  of  this  exceflive  cold.     In 
travelling  from  Indoftan  to  Thibet,  the  afcent  to  the 
fummit  of  the  Boutan  Mountains  is  very  great,  but  the 
defcent  on  the  other  fide  is  not  in  equal  proportion.  . 
The  kingdom  of  Thibet  is  an  elevated  region,  extremely 
bare  and  defolate.     Account  of  Thibet,  by  Mr.  Stewart, 
read  in  the  Royal  Society,  p.  7.    The  extraordinary  cold 
in  low  latitudes  in  America  cannot  be  accounted  for  by 
the  fame  caufe.     Thofe  regions  are  not  remarkable  for 
elevation.     Some  of  them  are  countries,  depreflfed  and 
level. 

00a  The 


394  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

The  moft  obvious  and  probable  caufe  of  the  fuperior 
degree  of  cold,  towards  the  fouthem  extremity  of  Ame- 
rica, feems  to  be  the  form  of  the  continent  there.     Its 
breadth   gradually  decreafes  as  it  ftretches  from  St.  An- 
tonio fouthwards,  and  from  the  bay  of  St.  Julian  to  the 
Straits  of  Magellan  its  dimensions  are  much  contracted. 
On  the  eaft  and  weft  fides,  it  is  warned  by  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific  Oceans.     From  its  fouthem  point  it  is  pro- 
bable that  a  great  extent  of  fea,  without  any  confiderable 
trad  of  land,  reaches  to  the  Antarctic  pole.     In  which- 
ever of  thefe  directions  the  wind  blows,  it  is  cooled  be- 
fore it  approaches   the  Magellanic  regions,  by  pafiing 
over  a  vaft  body  of  water,  nor  is  the  land  there  of  fuch 
extent  that  it  can   recover  any  confiderable  degree  of 
heat  in  its  progrefs  over  it.     Thefe  circumftances  con- 
cur in  rendering  the  temperature  of  the  air  in  this  dif. 
trict  of  America,  more  fimilar  to  that  of  an  infular,  than 
to  that  of  a  continental  climate,  and  hinder  it  from  ac- 
quiring the  fame  degree  of  fummer  heat  with  places  in 
Europe  and  Afia,   in  a  correfponding  northern  latitude. 
The  north  wind  is  the  only  one  that  reaches  this  part  of 
America,   after  blowing  over  a  great  continent.     But 
from  an  attentive  furvey  of  its  pofition,    this  will  be 
found  to  have  a  tendency,  rather  to  diminim  than  aug- 
ment the  degree  of  heat.     The   fouthern   extremity  of 
America  is  properly  the  termination  of  the  immenfe  ridge 
of  the  Andes,    which  ftretches  nearly  in  a  direct  line 
from  north  to  fouth,  through  the  whole  extent  of  the 
continent.     The  moft  fultry  regions  in  South  America, 
Guiana,  Brafil,  Paraguay,  and  Tucuman,   lie  many  de- 
grees to  the  eaft  of  the  Magellanic  regions.     The  level 
country  of   Peru,    which  enjoys  the  tropical  heats,  is 
fituated  confiderably  to  the  weft  of  them.     The  north 
wind  then,  though  it  blows  over  Jand,  does  not  bring  to 
the  fouthern  extremity  of  America  an  increafe  of  heat 
collected  in  its  paffage  over  torrid  regions  $   but  before 
it  arrives  there,  it  muft  have  fwept  along  the  fummits 
of  the  Andes,  and  comes  impregnated  with  the  cold  of 
that  frozen  region. 

Though 


I 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  39? 

Though  it  be  now  demonftrated  that  there  is  no 
fouthern  continent  in  that  region  of  the  globe  which  it 
was  fuppofed  to  occupy,  it  appears  to  be  certain  from 
Captain  Cook's  difcoveries,  that  there  is  a  large  traft  of 
land  near  the  fouth  pole,  which  is  the  fource  of  moft  of 
the  ice  fpread  over  the  vaft  fouthern  ocean.  Vol.  ii. 
p.  130.  239,  &c.  Whether  the  influence  of  this  remote 
frozen  continent  may  reach  the  fouthern  extremity  of 
America,  and  affec"l  its  climate,  is  an  inquiry  not  un- 
worthy of  attention, 

NOTE  XXXIV.    p.  283. 

M.  Condamine  is  one  of  the  lateft  and  moft  accu- 
rate obfervers  of  the  interior  ftate  of  South  America 
"  After  defcending  from  the  Andes  (fays  he),  one  be- 
holds a  vaft  and  uniform  profpeft  of  water  and  verdure, 
and  nothing  more.  One  treads  upon  the  earth,  but 
does  not  fee  it  ;  as  it  is  fo  entirely  covered  with  luxu- 
riant plants,  weeds,  and  fhrubs,  that  it  would  require  a 
considerable  degree  of  labour  to  clear  it,  for  the  fpace 
of  a  foot.**  Relation  abrege  d'un  Voyage,  &c.  p.  48. 
One  of  the  Angularities  in  the  forefts  is  a  fort  of  ofiers, 
or  withs,  called  bejucos  by  the  Spaniards,  Hams  by  the 
French,  and  nibbes  by  the  Indians,  which  are  ufually 
employed  as  ropes  in  America.  This  is  one  of  the  para- 
fitical  plants,  which  twifts  about  the  trees  it  meets  with, 
and  rifing  above  their  higheft  branches,  its  tendrils  de- 
fcend  perpendicularly,  ftrike  into  the  ground,  take  root, 
rife  up  around  another  tree,  and  thus  mount  and  defcend 
alternately.  Other  tendrils  are  carried  obliquely  by  the 
wind,  or  fome  accident,  and  form  a  confufion  of  inter- 
woven cordage,  which  refembles  the  rigging  of  a  ftiip. 
Bancroft,  Nat.  Hift.  of  Guiana,  99.  Thefe  withs  are 
often  as  thick  as  the  arm  of  a  man.  lb.  p.  75.  M. 
Bouguer's  account  of  the  forefts  in  Peru  perfectly  re- 
fembles this  description.  Voyage  au  Peru,  p.  16. 
Oviedo  gives  a  rlmilar  description  of  the  forefts  in  other 
parts  of  America.  Hift.  lib.  ix.  p.  144.  D.  The  coun- 
try of  the  Moxos  is  fo  much  overflowed,  that  they  are 
003  obliged 


39&  tfOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS* 

obliged  to  reiide  on  the  fummit  of  fome  ruing  ground 
during  fome  part  oi  the  year,  and  have  no  communi- 
cation with  their  countrymen  at  any  diftance,  Lettres 
itdifiantes,  torn.  x.  p.  187.  Garcia  gives  a.  full  and  juft 
<Jefcription  of  the  rivers,  lakes,  woods,  and  marfhes  in 
thofe  countries  of  America  which  lie  between  the  tro- 
pics. Origen  de  los  Indios,  lib.  ii.  c.  5.  §  4,  5.  Th$ 
incredible  hardships  to  which  Goncalez  Pizarro  was  ex- 
pofed  in  attempting  to  march  into  the  country  to  the 
carl  of  the  Andes,  convey  a  very  ftriking  idea  of  that 
part  of  America  in  its  original  uncultivated  ftate.  Gar- 
cil.  de  la  Vega,  Royal,  Comment,  of  Peru,  part  ii. 
fcook.  iii.  c.  2 — 5. 

NOTE   XXXV.    p.  285. 

The  animals  of  America  feem  not  to  have  beei 
always  of  a  fize  inferior  to  thofe  in  other  quarters  of 
the  globe.  From  antlers  of  the  moofe-deer  which  hav< 
been  found  in  America,  it  appears  to  have  been  ar 
animal  of  great  fize.  Near  the  banks  of  the  Ohio, 
considerable  number  of  bones  of  an  immenfe  magnitud( 
have  been  found.  The  place  where  this  difcovery  ha* 
been  made  lies  about  one  hundred  and  ninety  miles  be- 
low the  junction  of  the  river  Scioto  with  the  Ohio, 
is  about  four  miles  diftant  from  the  banks  of  the  latter, 
on  the  fide  of  the  marfti  called  the  Salt  Lick.  The  bones 
lie  in  vail  quantities  about  five  or  fix  feet  under  ground, 
and  the  ftratum  is  vifible  in  the  bank  on  the  edge  of 
the  Lick.  'Journal  of  Colonel  George  Croglan,  MS.  penes 
r/ie.  This  fpot  feems  to  be  accurately  laid  down  by 
Evans  in  his  map.  Thefe  bones  muft  have  belonged  to 
animals  of  enormous  bulk  ;  bur.  naturalifts  being  ac- 
quainted with  no  living  creature  of  fuch  fize,  were  at 
firil  inclined  to  think  that  they  were  mineral  fubrtances. 
Upon  receiving  a  greater  number  of  fpecimens,  and 
after  inspecting  them  more  narrowly,  they  are  new 
allowed  to  be  the  bones  of  an  animal.  As  the  elephant 
is  the  larger!:  known  quadruped,  and  the  tufks  which 
•ivere  found  nearly  refembled,  b;th  in  form,  and  quality, 

the 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  397 

the  tufks  of  an  elephant,  it  was  concluded  that  the  car- 
cafes  depoiited  on  the  Ohio  were  of  that  fpecies.  But 
Dr.  Hunter,  one  of  the  perfons  of  our  age  beft  qualified 
to  decide  with  refpedt  to  this  point,  having  accurately 
examined  feveral  parcels  of  tuflcs,  and  grinders,  and  jaw- 
bones, fern  from  the  Ohio  to  London,  gives  it  as  his 
opinion,  that  they  did  not  belong  to  an  elephant,  but 
to  fome  huge  carnivorous  animal  of  an  unknown  fpe- 
cies. Phil.  Tranfacl.  vol.  lviii.  p.  34.  Bones  of  the 
fame  kind,  and  as  remarkable  for  their  fize,  have  been 
found  near  the  mouths  of  the  great  rivers  ©by,  Jeni- 
feia,  and  Lena,  in  Siberia.  Stralhrenberg,  Defcript.  of 
North  and  Eaji  Parts  of  Europe  and  jijia,  p.  4.0*,  &c.  The 
elephant  feems  to  be  confined  in  his  range  to  the  torrid 
zone,  and  never  multiplies  beyond  it.  In  fuch  cold 
regions  as  thofe  bordering  on  the  frozen  fea,  he  could 
not  live.  The  exiftence  of  fuch  large  animals  in  Ame- 
rica might  open  a  wide  field  for  conjecture.  The  more 
we  contemplate  the  face  of  nature,  and  confider  the 
variety  of  her  productions,  the  more  we  muft  be  fatif- 
fied  that  aftoniftiing  changes  have  been  made  in  the 
terraqueous  globe  by  convulfions  and  revolutions,  of 
which  no  account  is  preferved  in  hiflory. 

NOTE   XXXVI.   P.  285. 

This  degeneracy  of  the  domeftic  European  animals 
in  America  may  be  imputed  to  fome  of  thefe  caufes. 
In  the  Spanim  fettlements,  which  are  fituated  either 
within  the  torrid  zone,  or  in  countries  bordering  upon 
it,  the  increafe  of  heat,  and  diverfity  of  food,  prevent 
Iheep  and  horned  cattle  from  attaining  the  fame  fize  as 
in  Europe.  They  feldom  become  fo  fat,  and  their 
fleih  is  not  fo  juicy,  or  of  fuch  delicate  flavour.  In 
North  America,  where  the  cHmate  is  more  favourable, 
and  fimilar  to  that  of  Europe,  the  quality  of  the  grafles 
which  fpring  up  naturally  in  their  pafture-grounds  is 
not  good.  Mitchell,  p.  151.  Agriculture  is  ftill  fo 
much  in  its  infancy,  that  artificial  food  for  cattle  is  not 
raifed  in  any  quantity.    During  a,  winter,  long  in  many. 

provinces, 


398  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS, 

provinces,  and  rigorous  in  all,  no  proper  care  is  taken 
of  their  cattle.  The  general  treatment  of  their  horfes 
and  horned  cattle  is  injudicious  and  harm  in  all  the 
Englifli  colonies.  Thefe  circumftances  contribute  more, 
perhaps,  than  any  thing  peculiar  in  the  quality  of  the 
climate,  to  the  degeneracy  of  breed  in  the  horfes,  cows, 
and  flieep,  of  many  of  the  North  American  provinces. 

NOTE   XXXV1L    p.  286. 

In  the  year  1518,  the  ifland  of  Hifpaniola  was  af- 
flicted with  a  dreadful  vifitation  of  thofe  deftruc"tive  in- 
fects, the  particulars  of  which  Herrera  defcribes,  and 
mentions  a  lingular  inftance  of  the  fuperrtition  of  the 
Spanim  planters.  After  trying  various  methods  of  ex- 
terminating the  ants,  they  refolved  to  implore  protec- 
tion of  the  faints  ;  but  as  the  calamity  was  new,  they 
were  at  a  lofs  to  find  out  the  faint  who  could  give  them 
the  moft  effectual  aid.  They  caft  lots  in  order  to  dif- 
cover  the  patron  whom  they  mould  invoke.  The  lots 
decided  in  favour  of  St.  Saturninus.  They  celebrated  his 
feftival  with  great  folemnity,  and  immediately,  adds  the 
hiftorian,  the  calamity  began  to  abate.  Herrera,  dec.  2. 
Jib.  iii.  c.  15.  p.  107. 

NOTE    XXXVIII.    p.  288. 

The  author  of  Recherches  Philofophiques  fur  les 
Americains  fuppofes  this  difference  in  heat  to  be  equal 
to  twelve  degrees,  and  that  a  place  thirty  degrees  from 
the  equator  in  the  old  continent,  is  as  warm  as  one 
fituated  eighteen  degrees  from  it  in  America,  torn,  i, 
p.  11.  Dr.  Mitchell,  after  obfervations  carried  on  du- 
ring thirty  years,  contends  that  the  difference  is  equal 
to  fourteen  or  fifteen  degrees  of  latitude.  Piefent  State, 
&c.  p.  257. 

NOTE    XXXIX.   p.  289. 

Januar-y  3d,  1765,  Mr.  Bertram,  near  the  head  of 
St.  John's  river  in  Eaft  Florida,  obferved  a  frofi  fo  in- 

tenfe, 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  399 

tenfe,  that  in  one  night  the  ground  was  frozen  an  inch 
thick  upon  the  banks  of  the  river.  The  limes,  citrons, 
and  banana  trees,  at  St.  Auguftin,  were  deftroyed. 
Bertram's  Journal,  p.  20.  Other  inftances  of  the  ex- 
traordinary operations  of  cold  in  the  fouthern  provinces 
of  North  America  are  collected  by  Dr.  Mitchell.  Prefent 
State,  p.  206,  &c.  February  7th,  1747,  the  froft  at 
Charleftown  was  fo  intenfe,  that  a  perfon  having  car- 
ried two  quart  bottles  of  hot  water  to  bed,  in  the 
morning  they  were  fplit  to  pieces,  and  the  water  con- 
verted into  folid  lumps  of  ice.  In  a  kitchen,  where 
there  was  a  fire,  the  water  in  a  jar  in  which  there  was 
a  large  live  eel,  was  frozen  to  the  bottom.  Almoft  all 
the  orange  and  olive  trees  were  deftroyed.  Defcriptioa 
of  South  Carolina,  8vo.  Lond.  1761* 

NOTE    XL.    p.  289. 

A  remarkable  inftance  of  this  occurs  in  Dutch 
Guiana,  a  country  every  where  level,  and  fo  low,  that 
during  the  rainy  feafons  it  it  ufually  covered  with 
water  near  two  feet  in  height.  This  renders  the  foil  fo 
rich,  that  on  the  furface,  for  twelve  inches  in  depth,  it 
is  a  ftratum  of  perfect  manure,  and  as  fuch  has  been, 
tranfported  to  Barbadoes.  On  the  banks  of  the  Efie- 
quebo,  thirty  crops  of  ratan  canes  have  been  raifed 
fucceffively,  whereas  in  the  Weft  Indian  iflands  not 
more  than  two  is  ever  expected  from  the  richeft  land. 
The  expedients  by  which  the  planters  endeavour  to  di- 
minish this  exceflive  fertility  of  foil  are  various.  Ban- 
croft, Nat.  Hift.  of  Guiana,  p.  10,  &c. 

NOTE   XLI.    p.  300. 

Muller  feems  to  have  believed,  without  fufficient 
evidence,  that  the  Cape  had  been  doubled,  torn,  i, 
p.  11,  &c.  ;  and  the  Imperial  Academy  of  St.  Peterf- 
burgh  give  fome  countenance  to  it,  by  the  manner  in 
which  Tfcbukofjkoi-tws  is  laid  down  in  their  charts.  But 
I  am  afiured,  from  wndoubtcd  authority,  that  no  Ruffian 

vetiel 


400  NOTES     AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

veflel  has  ever  failed  round  that  cape,  and  as  the 
country  of  Tfcbutki  is  not  fubject  to  the  Ruffian  empire, 
it  is  very  imperfectly  known. 

NOTE   XLII.    p.  503. 

Were  this  the  place  for  entering  into  a  long  and 
intricate   geographical   difquifnion,    many  curious   ob- 
fervations  might  arife  from  comparing  the  accounts  of 
the  two  Ruffian  voyages,  and  the  charts  of  their  refpec- 
tive  navigations.     One  remark  is*  applicable  to  both. 
We  cannot  rely  with  abfolute  certainty  on  the  pofition 
which  they  affign  to  feveral  of  the  places  which  they 
vifned.     The  weather  was  fo  extremely  foggy,  that  they 
feldom  faw  the  fun  or  ftars,   and  the  pofition  of  the 
iflands  and  fuppofed  continents  was  commonly  deter- 
mined by  reckoning,  not  by  obfervation.     Behring  and 
Tfchirikow  proceeded  much  farther  towards  the  eaft 
than  Krenitzin.  The  land  difcovered  by  Behring,  which 
he  imagined  to  be  part  of  the  American  continent,  is 
in  the  236th   degree  of  longitude  from  the  firfl  meri- 
dian in  the  ifle  of  Ferro,  and  in  580  28'  of  latitude. 
Tfchirikow  came  upon  the  fame  coaft  in  longit.  24 1°, 
lat.  560.     Muller,  i,  248,  249.     The  former  muM  have 
advanced  60  degrees  from  the  Port  of  Petropawlowfki, 
from  which  he  took  his  departure,  and  the  latter  65 
degrees.     But  from  the  chart  of  Krenitzin's  voyage,    it 
appears  that  he  did  not  fail  farther  towards  the  eaft 
than  the  208th  degree,  and  only  32  degrees  from  Petro- 
pawlowfki.    In  1 741,  Behring  and  Tfchirikow,  both  in 
going  and  returning,  held  a  courfe  which  was  mortly  to 
the  fouth  of  that  chain  of  iflands,  which  they  difcover- 
ed 5  and  obferving  the  mountainous  and  rugged  afpeel: 
of  the  head -lands   which    they   defcried    towards    the 
north,   they  fuppofed  them  to  be  promontories  belong- 
ing to  fome  part  of  the  American  continent,  which,   as 
they  fancied,  ftretched  as  far  fouth  as  the  latitude  $6. 
In  this  manner  they  are  laid  down  in  the  chart  published 
by  Muller,  and  likewife  in  a  manufcript  chart  drawn  by 
U  mate  of  Behring's  fhip,  communicated  to  me  by  Mr. 

Profetfbr 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  40! 

Profeflbr  Robifon.  But  in  1769,  Krenitzin,  after 
wintering  in  the  ifland  Alaxa,  flood  Co  far  towards  the 
north  in  his  return,  that  his  courfe  lay  through  the 
middle  of  what  Bearing  and  Tfchirikow  had  fuppofed 
to  be  a  continent,  which  he  found  to  be  an  open  fea, 
and  that  they  had  miftaken  rocky  ifles  for  the  head-lands 
of  a  continent.  It  is  probable,  that  the  countries  dif- 
covered  in  174  J,  towards  the  eaft,  do  not  belong  to 
the  American  continent,  but  are  only  a  continuation  of 
the  chain  of  iflands.  The  number  of  volcanos  in  this 
region  of  the  globe  is  remarkable.  There  are  feveral 
in  Kamchatka,  and  not  one  of  the  iflands,  great  or 
fmall,  as  far  as  the  Ruffian  navigation  extends,  is  with- 
out them.  Many  are  actually  burning,  and  the  moun- 
tains in  all  bear  parts  of  having  heen  once  in  a  ftate  of 
eruption.  Were  I  difpofed  to  admit  fuch  conjectures  as 
have  found  place  in  other  inquiries  concerning  the  peo- 
pling of  America,  I  might  fuppofe  that  this  part  of  the 
earth,  having  manifeftly  fuffered  violent  convulsions  from 
earthquakes  and  volcanos,  an  ifthmus,  which  may 
have  formerly  united  Afia  to  America,  has  been  broken, 
and  formed  into  a  clufter  of  iflands  by  the  mock. 

It  is  Angular,  that  at  the  very  time  the  Ruffian  naviga- 
tors were  attempting  to  make  difcoveries  in  the  north- 
weft  of  America,  the  Spaniards  were  profecuting  the 
fame  defign  from  another  quarter.  Jn  1769,  two  fmall 
veffiels  failed  from  Loretto  in  California  to  explore  the 
coafts  of  the  country  to  the  north  of  that  peninfula. 
They  advanced  no  farther  than  the  port  of  Monte  Rey 
in  latitude  36.  But,  in  feveral  fucceffive  expeditions 
fitted  out  from  the  port  of  St.  Bias  in  New  Galicia,  the 
Spaniards  have  advanced  as  far  as  the  latitude  58.  Ga- 
acta  de Madrid  March  19,  and  May  14,  1776.  But  as 
thw  journals  of  thofe  voyages  have  not  yet  been  publish- 
ed, 1  cannot  compare  their  progrefs  with  that  of  the 
Ruffians,  or  fhew  how  near  the  navigators  of  the  two 
nations  have  approached  to  each  other.  It  is  to  be 
hoped,  that  the  enlightened  minifler  who  has  now  the 
direction  of  American  affairs  in  Spain,  will  not  with- 
hold this  information  from  the  public. 


402'  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

NOTE  XLIII.   p.  305. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  vicinity  of  the  two  continents 
of  Afia  and  America,  which  was  very  imperfect  when 
I  publifhed  the  hiftory  of  America  in  the  year  1777,  is 
now  complete.  Mr.  Coxe's  Account  of  the  Ruffian  Dif- 
coveries  between  Afia  and  America,  printed  in  the  year 
1780,  contains  many  curious  and  important  facts  with 
refpect  to  the  various  attempts  of  the  Ruffians  to  open 
a  communication  with  the  New  World.  The  hiftory 
of  the  great  voyage  of  difcovery,  begun  by  Captain 
Cook  in  1776,  and  completed  by  Captains  Clerk  and 
Gore,  publi/hed  in  the  year  1780,  communicates  all  the 
information  that  the  curiofity  of  mankind  could  defire 
with  regard  to  this  fubject. 

At  my  requeft,  my  friend  Mr.  Playfair,  profefibr  of 
mathematics  in  the  univerfity  of  Edinburgh,  has  com- 
pared the  narrative  and  charts  of  thofe  illullrious  navi- 
gators, with  the  more  imperfect  relations  and  maps  of 
the  Ruffians.  The  refult  of  this  comparifon  I  commu- 
nicate in  his  own  words,  with  much  greater  confidence 
in  his  fcientific  accuracy  than  I  could  have  ventured  to 
place  in  any  obfervations  which  I  myfelf  might  have 
made  upon  the  fubject. 

"  The  difcoveries  of  Captain  Cook  in  his  laft  voyage 
have  confirmed  the  conclufions  which  Dr.  Robertfon 
had  drawn,  and  have  connected  together  the  facts 
from  which  they  were  deduced.  They  have  now  ren* 
dered  it  certain  that  Behring  and  Tfchirikow  touched 
on  the  coaft  of  America  in  174I.  The  former  difco- 
vered  land  in  lat.  5S0  28',  and  about  2360  eaft  from 
Ferro.  He  has  given  fuch  a  defcription  of  the  bay  in 
which  he  anchored,  and  the  high  mountain  to  the  weft- 
ward  of  it,  which  he  calls  St.  Elias,  that  though  the 
account  of  his  voyage  is  much  abridged  in  the  Englifh 
tranflation,  Captain  Cook  recognized  the  place  as  he 
failed  along  the  weftern  coaft  of  America  in  the  year 
1778.  The  ifle  of  St.  Hermogenes,  near  the  mouth  of 
Cook's  river,  Schumagins  Ifles  on  the  coaft  of  Alafhka, 
and  Foggy  Ifle,  retain  in  Captain  Cook's  chart  the  names 
2  which 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  40J 

which  they  had  received  from  the  Ruffian  navigator. 
Cook's  Voy.  vol.  ii.  p.  34.7. 

"  Tfchirikow  came  upon  the  fame  coaft  about  %° 30' 
further  fouth  than  Behring,  near  the  Mount  Edgecumbe 
of  Captain  Cook. 

"  With  regard  to  Krenitzin,  we  learn  from  Coxe's 
Account  of  the  Ruffian  Difcoveries,  that  he  failed  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Kamtchatka  river  with  two  fhips  in 
the  year  1768.  With  his  own  fhip  he  reached  the: 
ifland  Oonolafhka,  in  which  there  had  been  a  Ruffian 
fettlement  fince  the  year  1762,  where  he  wintered  pro- 
bably in  the  fame  harbour  or  bay  where  Captain  Cook 
afterwards  anchored.  The  other  (hip  wintered  at  Alafh- 
ka,  which  was  fuppofed  to  be  an  ifland,  though  it  be 
in  facl  a  part  of  the  American  continent.  Krenitzin, 
accordingly,  returned  without  knowing  that  either  of 
his  mips  had  been  on  the  coaft  of  America  j  and  this  is 
the  more  furprifing,  becaufe  Captain  Cook  has  in- 
formed us  that  Alafhka  is  underftood  to  be  a  great 
continent  both  by  the  Ruffians  and  the  natives  at 
Oonolafhka. 

"  According  to  Krenitzin,  the  fhip  which  had  win- 
tered at  Alamka  had  hardly  failed  3  a0  to  the  eailward 
of  the  harbour  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  in  Kamtchat- 
ka 5  but,  according  to  the  more  accurate  charts  of  Cap- 
tain  Cook,  it  had  failed  no  lefs  than  3  70  17'  to  the 
eaftward  of  that  harbour.  There  is  nearly  the  fame 
miftake  of  50  in  the  longitude  which  Krenitzin  affigns 
to  Oonolafhka.  It  is  remarkable  enough,  that  in  the 
chart  of  thofe  feas,  put  into  the  hands  of  Captain 
Cook  by  the  Ruffians  on  that  ifland,  there  was  an 
error  of  the  fame  kind,  and  very  nearly  of  the  fame 
extent. 

"  But  what  is  of  moft  confequence  to  be  remarked 
on  this  fubject  is,  that  the  difcoveries  of  Captain  Cook 
have  fully  verified  Dr.  Robertfon's  conjecture,  '  that  it 
is  probable  that  future  navigators  in  thofe  feas,  by 
fleering  farther  to  the  north  than  Behring  and  Tfchiri- 
kow or  Krenitzin  had  done,  may  find  that  the  con- 
tinent of  America  approaches  ftill  nearer  to  that  of 

vol.  i,  pp  Afia.* 


404  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Ana,*    Vol.  ii.   p.  44.     It  has  accordingly  been   found 
that  thefe  two  continents,  which  in  the  parallel  of  5  $c>, 
or  that  of  the  (buthern  extremity  of  Alafhka,  are  about 
four  hundred  leagues  afunder,  approach  continually  to 
one  another  as  they  ftretch  together  toward  the  north, 
until,  within  lefs  than  a  degree  from   the  polar  circle, 
they  are  terminated  by  two  capes,  only  thirteen  leagues 
dirtant.    The  ealt  cape  cf  Afia  is  in  latitude  66°  6',  and 
in  longitude  190°  xV  eaft  from  Greenwich  ;   the  weftenr 
extremity  of  America,  or  Prince  of  Wales  Cape,  is  in 
latitude  650  4'./,  and  in  longitude  p  910  45'.     Nearly  in 
the  middle  of  the  narrow  ftrait  (Behring's  Strait)  which 
feparates  thefe  capes,  are  the  two  iflands  of  St.  Diomede, 
from   which  both    continents  may   be  (cen.      Captain 
King  informs  us,   that  as  he  was  failing  through  this 
ftrait  July  5,    1779,   the  fog  having  cleared  away,  he 
enjoyed  the  pleafure  of  feeing  from  the  fhip  the  conti- 
nents of  Afia  and  America  at  the  fame  moment,  toge- 
ther with  the  iflands  of  St.  Diomede  lying  between  them. 
Cook's  Voy.  vol.  iii.  p.  244. 

"  Beyond  this  point  the  ftrait  opens  towards  the 
Arctic  Sea,  and  the  coafts  of  Afia  and  America  diverge 
fo  faft  from  .one  another,  that  in  the  parallel  of  690 
they  are  more  than  one  hundred  leagues  afunder.  lb. 
p.  277.  To  the  fouth  of  the  ftrait  there  are  a  number 
of  iflands,  Clerke's,  King's,  Anderfon's,  &c.  which, 
as  well  asthofeof  St.  Diomede,  may  have  facilitated  the 
migrations  of  the  natives  from  the  one  continent  to 
the  other.  Captain  Cook,  however,  on  the  authority 
of  the  Ruffians  at  Oonolafhka,  and  for  other  good  rea- 
fons,  has  diminished  the  number  of  iflands  which  had 
been  inferred  in  former  charts  of  the  northern  Archi- 
pelago. He  has  alfo  placed  Alafhka,  or  the  promontory 
which  ftretches  from  the  continent  of  America  S.  W. 
towards  Kamtchatka,  at  the  diftsnce  of  five  degrees  of 
longitude  farther  from  the  coaft  of  Afia  than  it  was 
reckoned  by  the  Ruffian  navigators. 

"  The  geography  of  the  Old  and  the  New  World  is 
therefore  equally  indebted  to  the  difcoveries  made  in 
this  memorable  voyage  ,    and  as  many  errors  have  been 

corrected, 


KOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  40£ 

corre&ed,  and  many  deficiencies  fupplied  by  means  of 
thefe  difcoveries,  (o  the  accuracy  of  fome  former  obfer- 
vations has  been  eftablifhed.  The  bafis  of  the  map  of 
the  Ruffian  empire,  as  far  as  regarded  Kamtchatka,  and 
the  country  of  the  Tfchutzki,  was  the  pofition  of  four 
places,  Yakutfli,  Ochotz,  Bolcherelk,  and  Petropaw- 
Jowfld,  which  had  been  determined  by  the  aftronomer 
Krafiilnicow  in  the  year  174.4.  Nov.  Coment.  Petrop. 
vol,  iii.  p.  465,  &c.  But  the  accuracy  of  his  observa- 
tions was  contefted  by  M.  Engel,  and  M.  Robert  de 
Vaugondy ;  Coxe  Append,  i.  No.  2.  p.  267.  27*. ;  and 
the  former  of  thefe  geographers  ventured  to  take  away 
no  lefs  than  28  degrees  from  the  longitude,  which,  on 
the  faith  of  Krafiilnicow's  observations,  was  affigned 
to  the  eaftern  boundary  of  the  Ruffian  empire.  With 
how  little  reafon  this  was  done,  will  appear  from  con- 
sidering that  our  Hritim  navigators,  having  determined 
the  portion  of  Petropawlowflci  by  a  great  number  of 
very  accurate  obfervations,  found  the  longitude  of  that 
port  15S0  4.3'  E.  from  Greenwich,  and  its  latitude 
53°  >'j  agreeing,  the  flrft  to  lefs  than  feven  minutes, 
and  the  fecond  to  lefs  than  half  a  minute,  with  the  cal- 
culations of  the  Ruffian  aftronomer :  a  coincidence 
which,  in  the  fituation  of  fo  remote  a  place,  does  not 
leave  an  uncertainty  of  more  than  four  Englifh  miles, 
and  which,  for  the  credit  of  fcience,  deferves  to  be 
particularly  remarked.  The  chief  error  in  the  Ruffian 
maps  has  been  in  not  extending  the  boundaries  of  that 
empire  Efficiently  towards  the  eaft.  For  as  there  was 
nothing  to  connect  the  land  of  the  Tfchutzki  and  the 
north-eaft  point  of  Afia  with  thofe  places  whereof  the 
pofition  had  been  carefully  afcertained,  except  the  im- 
perfect accounts  of  Behring's  and  Synd's  voyages,  con- 
siderable errors  could  not  fail  to  be  introduced,  and  that 
point  was  laid  down  as  not  more  than  X30  2'  eaft  of 
the  meridian  of  Petropawlowfki.  Coxe  App.  i.  No.  1. 
By  the  obfervations  of  Captain  King,  the  difference  of 
Jongitude  between  Petropawlowlki  and  the  Eaft  Cape 
is  310  9/  j  that  is  8°  7'  greater  than  it  was  fuppofed  to 
to  be  by  the  Ruffian  geographers.'* — It  appears  from 
f  n  Cook's 


406  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Cook's  and  King's  Voy.  iii.  p.  272.  that  the  continents 
of  Aria  and  America  are  ufually  joined  together  by  ice 
daring  winter.     Mr.  Samweil  confirms  this  account  of 
his   fuperior    officer.     *'  At   this  place,  viz.    near  the 
latitude  of  66°  N.    the  two  coafts  are   only    thirteen 
leagues  afunder,  and  about  midway  between  them  lie 
two  iflands,   the  diftance  from  which  to  either  fhore  is 
fhort  of  twenty  miles.     At  this  place,   the   natives  of 
Afia  could  find  no  difficulty  in  parting  over  to  the  oppo- 
fite  coaft,  which  is  in  figqt  of  their  own.     That  in  a 
courfe   of  years    fuch  an  event  would  happen,   either 
through  defign  or  accident,  cannot  admit  of  a   doubt. 
The  canoes  which  we  faw  among  the  Tfchutzki  were 
capable  of   performing   a  much  longer  voyage ;     and, 
however  rude  they  may  have  been  at  fome  diftant  pe- 
riod, we  can  fcarcely  fuppofe  them  unequal  to  a  paffage 
of  fix  or    feven   leagues.      People   might   have   been 
carried  over  by  accident  on  floating  pieces  of  ice.  They 
might  alfo  have  travelled  acrofs  on  fledges  or  on  foot ; 
for  we  have  reafon  to  believe  that  the  ftrait  is  entirely 
frozen  over  in  the  winter;  fo  that  during  that  feafon,  the 
continents,  with  refpect  to  the  communication  between 
them,  may  be  confidered  as  one  land.'*     Letter  from 
Mr.  Samweil,  Scots  Magazine  for  1788,   p.  604.     It  is 
probable  that    this  interefting  portion  of  geographical 
knowledge  will,  in  the  courfe  of  a  few  years,  receive 
farther  improvement.      Soon   after  the   publication  of 
Captain  Cook's  laft  voyage,  the  great  and  enlightened 
fovereign  of  Ruffia,   attentive  to  every  thing  that  may 
contribute  to  extend  the  bounds  of  fcience,  or  to  render 
it  more  accurate,  formed  the  plan  of  a  new  voyage  of 
difcovery,  in  order  to  explore  thofe  parts  of  the  ocean 
lying  between  Afia  and  America,   which  Captain  Cook 
did  not  vifit,    to  examine  more  accurately  the  iflands 
which  ftretch  from  one  continent  almoft  to  the  other,  to 
furvey  the  north-eaft  coaft  of  the  Ruffian  empire,  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Kovyma,  or  Kolyma,  to  the  North 
Cape,  and  to  fettle,   by  aftronomical  obfervations,    the 
pofition  of  each  place  worth  notice.     The  conduct  of 
this  important  enterprize  is  committed  to  Captain  Bil- 

lingsj 


1 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  407 

lings,  an  Englifh  officer  in  the  Ruffian  fervice,  of  whofe 
abilities  for  that  ftation  it  will  be  deemed  the  heft  evi- 
dence, that  he  accompanied  Captain  Cook  in  his  laft 
voyage.  To  render  the  expedition  more  extenfively 
ufeful,  an  eminent  naturalift  is  appointed  to  attend  Cap- 
tain Billings.  Six  years  will  be  requifite  for  accom- 
plishing the  purpofes  of  the  voyage.  Coxe  Supplement 
to  Ruflian  Difcoveries,  p.  27,   &c. 

NOTE   XLIV.    p.  318. 

Few  travellers  have  had  fuch  opportunity  of  obferv- 
ing  the  natives  of  America,  in  its  various  diftricls,  as  Don 
Antonio  Ulloa.  In  a  work  lately  published  by  him,  he 
thus  defcribes  the  characteriftical  features  of  the  race : 
4(  A  very  fmall  forehead,  covered  with  hair  towards  its 
extremities,  as  far  as  the  middle  of  the  eyebrows  5 
little  eyes  ;  a  thin  nofe,  fmall  and  bending  towards  the 
upper  lip  ;  the  countenance  broad  ;  the  ears  large  ;  the 
hair  very  black,  lank,  and  coarfe  ;  the  limbs  well 
turned,  the  feet  fmall,  the  body  of  juft  proportion  5 
and  altogether  fmooth  and  free  from  hair,  until  old  age, 
when  they  acquire  fome  beard,  but  never  on  the  cheeks. " 
Noticias  Americanas,  &c.  p.  307.  M.  le  chevalier  de 
Pinto,  who  refided  feveral  years  in  a  part  of  America 
which  Ulloa  never  vifited,  gives  a  (ketch  of  the  general 
afpect  of  the  Indians  there.  "  They  are  all  of  copper 
colour,  with  fome  diverfity  of  made,  not  in  proportion 
to  their  diftance  from  the  equator,  but  according  to  the 
degree  of  elevation  of  the  territory  which  they  inhabit. 
Thofe  who  live  in  a  high  country  are  fairer  than  thofe 
in  the  marmy  low  lands  on  the  coaft.  Their  face  is 
round,  farther  removed,  perhaps,  than  that  of  any  people 
from  an  oval  mape.  Their  forehead  is  fmall,  the  ex- 
tremity of  their  ears  far  from  the  face,  their  lips  thick, 
their  nofe  flat,  their  eyes  black,  or  of  a  chefnut  colour, 
fmall,  but  capable  of  difcerning  objects  at  a  great  dif- 
tance.  Their  hair  is  always' thick  and  fleek,  and  with- 
out any  tendency  to  curl.  They  have  no  hair  on  any 
part  of  their  body  but  the  head.  At  the  firft  afpeft,  a 
r  v  3  fouthern 


408  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

fouthern  American  appears  to  be  mild  and  innocent, 
but  on  a  more  attentive  view,  one  difcovers  in  his 
countenance  fomething  wild,  diftruftful,  and  fallen." 
MS.  penes  me.  The  two  portraits  drawn,  by  hands  very 
different  from  thofe  of  common  travellers,  have  a  near 
refemblance.    • 

NOTE   XLV.   p.  319. 

Amazing  accounts  are  given  of  the  perfevering 
fpeed  of  the  Americans.  Adair  relates  the  adventures 
of  a  Chikkafah  warrior,  who  run  through  woods  and 
over  mountains,  three  hundred  computed  miles,  in  a 
day  and  a  half  and  two  nights.   Hift.  of  Amer.  Ind.  396. 

NOTE    XLVI.   p.  323. 

M.  God  in  le  Jeune,  who  refided  fifteen  years 
among  the  Indians  of  Peru  and  Quito,  and  twenty  years 
in  the  French  colony  of  Cayenne,  in  which  there  is  a 
conftant  intercourfe  with  the  G alibis  and  other  tribes 
on  the  Orinoco,  obferves,  that  the  vigour  of  conftitu- 
tion  among  the  Americans  is  exactly  in  proportion  to 
their  habits  of  labour.  The  Indians,  in  warm  climates, 
fuch  as  thofe  on  the  coafts  of  the  South  Sea,  on  the  river 
of  Amazons,  and  the  river  Orinoco,  are  not  to  be 
compared  for  ftrength  with  thofe  in  cold  countries  5 
and  yet,  fays  he,  boats  daily  fet  out  from  Para,  a  Por- 
tuguefe  fettlement  on  the  river  of  Amazons,  to  afcend 
that  river  againft  the  rapidity  of  the  ftream,  and  with 
the  fame  crew  they  proceed  to  San  Pablo,  which  is  eight 
hundred  leagues  diftant.  No  crew  of  white  people,  or 
even  of  negroes,  would  ,be  found  equal  to  a  tafk  of 
fuch  perfevering  fatigue,  as  the  Portuguefe  have  ex- 
perienced, and  yet  the  Indians,  being  accuitomed  to  this 
labour  from  their  infancy,  perform  it.     MS.  penes  me. 

NOTE    XLVIL   p.  329. 

Don  Antonio  Ulloa,  who  vifited  a  great  part  of 
Peru  and  Chili,  the  kingdom  of  New  Granada,  and 

feveral 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  409 

feveral  of  the  provinces  bordering  on  the  Mexican 
gulf,  while  employed  in  the  fame  fervice  with  the 
French  mathematicians  during  the  fpace  of  ten  years, 
and  who  afterwards  had  an  opportunity  of  viewing  the 
North-Americans,  afTerts,  M  that  if  we  have  feen  one 
American,  we  may  be  faid  to  have  feen  them  all,  their 
colour  and  make  are  fo  nearly  the  fame/*  Notic. 
Americanas,  p.  308.  A  more  early  obferver,  Pedro 
de  Cieca  de  Leon,  one  of  the  conquerors  of  Peru,  who 
had  likewife  traverfed  many  provinces  of  America, 
affirms,  that  the  people,  men  and  women,  although 
there  is  fuch  a  multitude  of  tribes  or  nations  as  to  be 
almoft  innumerable,  and  fuch  diverfity  of  climates,  ap- 
pear neverthelefs  like  the  children  of  one  father  and 
mother.  Chronica  del'  Peru,  parte  i.  c.  19.  There  is, 
no  doubt,  a  certain  combination  of  features,  and 
peculiarity  of  afpect,  which  forms  what  may  be  called  a 
European  or  Afiatic  countenance.  There  muft  likewife 
be  one  that  may  be  denominated  American,  common  to 
the  whole  race.  This  may  be  fuppofed  to  ftrike  the 
traveller  at  flrft  fight,  while  not  only  the  various  fhades 
which  diftinguifh  people  of  different  regions,  but  the 
peculiar  features  which  difcriminate  individuals,  efcape 
the  notice  of  a  transient  obferver.  But  when  perfons 
who  had  refided  fo  long  among  the  Americans  concur  in 
bearing  teftimony  to  the  fimilarity  of  their  appearance  in 
every  climate,  we  may  conclude  that  it  is  more  remark- 
able than  that  of  any  other  race.  See  likewife  Garcia 
Origen  de  los  Indies,  p.  54.  34*.  Torquemada  Mo- 
narch. Indiana,  ii.  571. 

NOTE  XLVIII.   p.  332. 

M.  i»e  chevalier  de  Pinto  obferves,  that  in 
the  interior  parts  of  Brafil,  he  had  been  informed  that 
Come  perfons  refembling  the  white  people  of  Darien  hav® 
been  found  j  but  that  the  breed  did  not  continue,  and 
their  children  became  like  other  Americans.  This  race, 
however,  is  very  imperfectly  known.     MS.  t-tnct  me. 


4IO  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS* 

NOTE  XLIX.   p.  335. 

The  teftimonies  of  different  travellers,  concerning 
the  Patagonians,  have  been  colle&ed  and  ftated  with  a 
confiderable  degree  of  accuracy  by  the  author  of  Re- 
cherches  Philofophiques,  &c.  torn.  i.  281,  &c.  iii.  181, 
fee.  Since  the  publication  of  his  work,  feveral  naviga- 
tors have  vifited  the  Magellanic  regions,  and,  like  their 
predeceflfors,  differ  very  widely  in  their  accounts  of  its 
inhabitants.  By  Commodore  Byron  and  his  crew,  who 
failed  through  the  Straits  in  1764,  the  common  fize  of 
the  Patagonians  was  eftimated  to  be  eight  feet,  and 
many  of  them  much  taller.  Phil.  Tranfact.  vol.  Ivii. 
p.  78.  By  Captains  Wallis  and  Carteret,  who  actually 
meafured  them  in  1766,  they  were  found  to  be  from 
fix  feet  to  fix  feet  five  and  feven  inches  in  height. 
Phil.  Tranf.  vol.  lx.  p.  22.  Thefe,  however,  feem  to 
have  been  the  very  people  whofe  fize  had  been  rated  fo 
high  in  the  year  1764;  for  feveral  of  them  had  beads 
and  red  baize  of  the  fame  kind  with  what  had  been  put 
aboard  Captain Wallis's  (hip,  and  he  naturally  concluded 
that  they  had  got  thefe  from  Mr.  Byron.  Hawkefw.  i. 
In  1767  they  wer"e  again  meafured  by  M.  Bougainville, 
whofe  account  differs  little  from  that  of  Captain  Wallis. 
Voy.  129.  To  thefe  I  mall  add  a  teftimony  of  great 
weight.  In  the  year  1762,  Don  Bernardo  Ibagnez  de 
Echavarri  accompanied  the  Marquis  de  Valdelirios  to 
Buenos  Ayres,  and  refided  there  feveral  years.  He  is 
a  very  intelligent  author,  and  his  reputation  for  veracity 
unimpeached  among  his  countrymen.  In  fpeaking  of 
the  country  towards  the  fouthern  extremity  of  Ame- 
rica, "  By  what  Indians,"  fays  he,  *€  is  it  poffeffed  ? 
Not  certainly  by  the  fabulous  Patagonians,  who  are 
fuppofed  to  occupy  this  diftridt.  I  have  from  many 
eye-witneffes,  who  have  lived  among  thofe  Indians, 
and  traded  much  with  them,  a  true  and  accurate  de- 
fcription  of  their  perfons.  They  are  of  the  fame  ftature 
with  Spaniards,  I  never  faw  one  who  rofe  in  height 
two  varas  and  two  or  three  inches,1'   u  e.  about  80  or 

81.33* 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  4U 

8r.312  inches  Englifh,  if  Echavarri  makes  his  compu- 
tation according  to  the  -vara  of  Madrid.     This  agrees 
nearly  with  the  meafurement  of  Captain  Wallis.    Reyno 
Jefuitico,  238.     Mr.  Falkner,  who  refided  as  a  miflion- 
ary  forty  years  in  the  fouthern  parts  of  America,  fays, 
"  that  the  Patagonians,  or  Puelches,  are  a  large-bodied 
people  ;  but  I  never  heard  of  that  gigantic  race  which 
others  have  mentioned,  though  I  have  feen  perfons  of 
all  the  different  tribes  of  fouthern  Indians."     Introd. 
p.  26.     M.  Dobrizhofrer,  a  Jefuit,  who  refided  eighteen 
3 ears  in  Paraguay,  and  who  had  feen  great  numbers  of 
the  various  tribes  which  inhabit  the  countries  fituated 
vpon  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  confirms,  in  every  point, 
the  teftimony  of  his  brother-mifiionajy  Falkner.     Do- 
brizhoffer  enters  into  fome   detail  with  refpecT:  to    the 
opinions  of  feveral  authors  concerning  the  ftature  of  the 
Patagonians.     Having   mentioned  the   reports  of  fome 
early  travellers   with   regard  to  the  extraordinary  fize 
of    fome   bones    found    on    that  coaft,    which    were 
fuppofed  to  be    human  ;    and  having  endeavoured    to 
<hew  that  thefe  bones  belonged  to  fome  large  marine  or 
land  animal,    he  concludes,    «  de  hifce  offibus  crede 
quicquid   libuerit,   dummodo,     me  fuafore,    Patagones 
pro  gigantibus  deiinas  hahere."  Hiftoria  de  Abiffonibus, 
vol.  ii.  p.  19,  &c. 

NOTE   L.  p.  338, 

Antonio  Sanchez  Ribeiro,  a  learned  and  in- 
genious phyfician,  publifaed  a  diflertation  in  the  year 
1765,  in  which  he  endeavours  to  prove,  that  this  dif- 
eafe  was  not  introduced  from  America,  but  took  its 
rife  in  Europe,  and  was  brought  on  by  an  epidemical  and 
malignant  diforder.  Did  I  choofe  to  enter  into  a  diC 
quifnion  on  this  fubjeft,  which  I  mould  not  have  men- 
tioned, if  it  had  not  been  intimately  connefted  with  this 
part  of  my  inquiries,  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  point 
out  fome  miftakes  with  refped  to  the  fads  upon  which 
he  founds,  as  well  as  fome  errors  in  the  confequences 
which  he  draws  from  them.     The  rapid  communication 

of 


412  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

of  this  difeafe  from  Spain  over  Europe,  feems  however 
to  refemble  the  progrefs  of  an  epidemic,  rather  than 
that  of  a  difeafe  tranfmitted  by  infection.  The  flrft 
mention  of  it  is  in  the  year  1493,  anc*  Def°re  tne  year 
1497  it  had  made  its  appearance  in  moft  countries  of 
Europe,  with  fuch  alarming  fymptoms  as  rendered  it 
necefiary  for  the  civil  magiftrate  to  interpofe,  in  order 
to  check  its  career. — Since  the  publication  of  this  work, 
a  fecond  edition  of  Dr.  Sanchez's  DifTertation  has  been 
communicated  to  me.  It  contains  feveral  additional 
facts  in  confirmation  of  his  opinion,  which  is  fupported 
with  fuch  plaufible  arguments,  as  render  it  a  fubjecT: 
of  inquiry  well  deferving  the  attention  of  learned 
phyficians. 

NOTE   LI.    p.  342. 

The  people  of  Otaheite  have  no  denomination  for  any 
number  above  two  hundred,  which  is  fufficient  for  their 
transactions.     Voyages,  by  Hawkefwortb,  ii.  zz%. 

NOTE   LIL   p.  348. 

As  the  view  which  I  have  given  of  rude  nations  is 
extremely  different  from  that  exhibited  by  very  refpecl- 
able  authors,  it  may  be  proper  to  produce  fome  of  the 
many  authorities  on  which  I  found  my  defcription. 
The  manners  of  the  favage  tribes  in  America  have 
never  been  viewed  by  perfons  more  capable  of  obferving 
them  with  difcernment,  than  the  philofophers  employed 
by  France  and  Spain,  in  the  year  1735,  to  determine 
the  figure  of  the  earth.  M,  Bouguer,  D.  Antonio  d'Ul- 
loa,  and  D,  Jorge  Juan,  refided  long  among  the  natives 
of  the  leaft  civilized  provinces  in  Peru.  M.  de  la  Con- 
damine  had  not  only  the  fame  advantages  with  them 
for  obfervation,  but,  in  his  voyage  down  the  Maragnon, 
he  had  an  opportunity  of  infpedting  the  ftate  of  the 
various  nations  feated  on  its  banks,  in  its  vail  courfe 
acrofs  the  continent  of  South  America.  There  is  a 
wonderful  refemblance  in   their  representation  of  the 

chara&er 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  413 

character  of  the  Americans.  H  They  are  all  extremely 
indolent,"  fays  M.  Bouguer,  "  they  are  ftupid,  they  pafs 
whole  days  fitting  in  the  fame  place,  without  moving, 
or  fpeaking  a  fingle  word.  It  is  not  eafy  to  deferibe 
the  degree  of  their  indifference  for  wealth,  and  all  its 
advantages.  One  does  not  well  know  what  motive  to 
propofe  to  them,  when  one  would  perfuade  them  to 
perform  any  fervice.  It  is  vain  to  offer  them  money  j 
they  anfwer,  that  they  are  not  hungry."  Voyage  au 
Perou,  p.  102.  "  If  one  confiders  them  as  men,  the 
nanownefs  of  their  underftanding  feems  to  be  incom- 
patible with  the  excellence  of  the  foul.  Their  imbe- 
cility is  fo  vifible,  that  one  can  hardly  form  an  idea 
of  them  different  from  what  one  has  of  the  brutes* 
Nothing  difturbs  the  tranquillity  of  their  fouls,  equally 
infenfible  to  difafters  and  to  profperity.  Though  half- 
naked,  they  are  as  contented  as  a  monarch  in  his  mod 
fplendid  array.  Riches  do  not  attract  them  in  the 
fmalleft  degree,  and  the  authority  or  dignities  to  which 
they  may  afpire  are  fo  little  the  objects  of  their  ambition, 
that  an  Indian  will  receive  with  the  fame  indifference 
the  office  of  a  judge  (Alcade)  or  that  of  a  hangman,  if 
deprived  of  the  former  and  appointed  to  the  latter* 
Nothing  can  move  or  change  them.  Intereft  has  no 
power  over  them,  and  they  often  refufe  to  perform  a 
fmall  fervice,  though  certain  of  a  great  recompence. 
Fear  makes  no  impreflion  upon  them,  and  refpect  as 
little.  Their  difpofition  is  fo  Angular  that  there  is  no 
method  of  influencing  them,  no  means  of  roufing  them 
from  that  indifference,  which  is  proof  againft  all  the 
endeavours  of  the  wifeft  perfons  j  no  expedient  which 
can  induce  them  to  abandon  that  grofs  ignorance,  or  lay 
afide  that  carelefs  negligence,  which  difconcert  the  pru- 
dence and  difappoint  the  care  of  fuch  as  are  attentive 
to  their  welfare."  Voyage  d'Ulloa,  torn.  i.  335.  356. 
Of  thofe  fmgular  qualities  he  produces  many  extraor- 
dinary inftances,  p- 336~-347-  "  Infenfibility,"  fays 
M.  de  la  Condarnine,  M  is  the  bafis  of  the  American 
character.  I  leave  others  to  determine,  whether  this 
fixould  be  dignified  with  the  name  of  apathy,  or  dif- 

graced 


4I4  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS, 

graced  with  that  of  ftupidity.  It  arifes,  without  doubt* 
from  the  fmall  number  of  their  ideas,  which  do  not  ex- 
tend beyond  their  wants.  Gluttons  even  to  voracity, 
when  they  have  wherewithal  to  fatisfy  their  appetite. 
Temperate,  when  neceiTity  obliges  them  to  fuch  a  de- 
gree, that  they  can  endure  want  without  feeming  to 
defire  any  thing.  Pufillanimous  and  cowardly  to  excefs, 
unlefs  when  they  are  rendered  defperate  by  drunkennefs. 
Averfe  to  labour,  indifferent  to  every  motive  of  glory, 
honour,  or  gratitude  ;  occupied  entirely  by  the  object 
that  is  prefent,  and  always  determined  by  it  alone, 
without  any  folicitude  about  futurity  j  incapable  of 
forefight  or  of  reflection  ;  abandoning  themfelves,  when 
under  no  reftraint,  to  a  puerile  joy,  which  theyexprefs 
by  frifldng  about,  and  immoderate  fits  of  laughter  j 
without  objecT:  or  defign,  they  pafs  their  life  without 
thinking,  and  grow  old  without  advancing  beyond  child- 
hood, of  which  they  retain  all  the  defects.  If  this  de« 
fcription  were  applicable  only  to  the  Indians  in  fome 
provinces  of  Peru,  who  are  (laves  in  every  refpect  but 
the  name,  one  might  believe,  that  this  degree  of  de- 
generacy was  occasioned  by  the  fervile  dependence  to 
which  they  are  reduced  5  the  example  of  the  modern 
Greeks  being  proof  how  far  fervitude  may  degrade  the 
human  fpecies.  But  the  Indians  in  the  millions  of  the 
Jefuits,  and  the  favages  who  ftill  enjoy  unimpaired 
liberty,  being  as  limited  in  their  faculties,  not  to  fay  as 
ftupid  as  the  other,  one  cannot  obferve,  without  humi- 
liation, that  man,  when  abandoned  to  firnple  nature, 
and  deprived  of  the  advantages  refulting  from  education 
and  fociety,  differs  but  little  from  the  brute  creation. *• 
Voyage  de  la  Riv.  de  Amaz.  52,  53.  M.  de  Chanvalon, 
an  intelligent  and  philofophical  obferver,  who  vifned 
Martinico  in  1 751,  and  refided  there  fix  years,  gives  the 
following  defcription  of  the  Caraibs  s  "  It  is  not  the  red 
colour  of  their  complexion,  it  is  not  the  Singularity  of 
their  features,  which  conftitutes  the  chief  difference 
between  them  and  us.  It  is  their  exceiTive  fimplicity  ; 
it  is  the  limited  degree  of  their  faculties.  Their  reafor* 
is  not  more  enlightened  or  more  provident  than  tho 

inflina 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  41$ 

faftinft  of  brutes.     The  reafon  of  the  moft  grofs  pea- 
fants,  that  of  the  negroes   brought  up  in  the  parts  of 
Africa  moft  remote  from  intercourfe  with  Europeans, 
is  fuch  that  we  difcover  appearances   of  intelligence, 
which,  though  imperfect,  is  capable  of  increafe.     But  of 
this  the  underftanding  of  Caraibs  feems  to  be  hardly  fuf- 
ceptible.     If  found  philofophy  and  religion  did  not  af- 
ford us  their  light,  if  we  were  to  decide  according  to 
the  firit  impreflion  which  the  view  of  that  people  makes 
upon  the  mind,  we  mould  be  difpofed  to  believe  that 
they  did  not  belong  to  the  fame  fpecics  with  us.     Their 
ftupid  eyes  are  the  true  mirrour  of  their  fouls  j  it  ap- 
pears to  be  without  functions.     Their  indolence  is  ex- 
treme j    they  have  never  the  leaft  folicitude  about  the 
moment  which  is  to  fucceed  that  which  is  prefent.'* 
Voyage   a   la   Martinique,   p.  44,    45.  51.       M- de  la 
Borde,  Tertre,  and  Rochefort,  confirm  this  defcription. 
*'  The  characleriftics  of  the  Californians,"  fays  P.Vene- 
gas, u  as  well  as  of  all  other  Indians,  are  ftupidity  and 
infenfibility  ;  want  of  knowledge  and  reflection  ;    in- 
conftancy,  impetuofity,   and  blindnefs  of  appetite  ;  an 
exceffive  floth,  and  abhorrence  of  all  labour  and  fa- 
tigue ;  an  exceflive  love  of  pleafure  and  amufement  of 
every  kind,  however  trifling  or  brutal ;    pufillanimity, 
and,  in  fine,  a  moft  wretched  want  of  every  thing  which 
conftitutes  the  real  man,   and  renders  him  rational,  in- 
ventive, traceable,  and  ufeful   to  himfelf  and  fociety. 
It  is  not  eafy  for  Europeans,  who  never  were  out  of 
their  own  country,  to  conceive  an  adequate  idea  of 
thofe  people  :  for,  even  in  the  leaft  frequented  corners 
of  the  globe,  there  is  not  a  nation  fo  ftupid,  of  fuch 
contracted  ideas,  and  fo  weak  both  in   body  and  mind, 
as  the  unhappy  Californians.    Their  underftanding  com- 
prehends little  more  than  what  they  fee  j  abftracl  ideas, 
and  much  lefs  a  chain  of  reafoning,   being  far  beyond 
their  power  ;  fo  that  they  fcarce  ever  improve  their  firft 
ideas,  and  thefe  are  in  general  falfe,  or  at  leaft  inade- 
quate.    It  is  in  vain  to  reprefent  to  them  any  future 
advantages  which  will  refult  to  them  from  doing  or  ab- 
ftaining  from  this  or  that  particular  immediately  pre- 
voli  j.  <^o^  fent  j 


416  NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS, 

fent ;  the  relation  of  means  and  ends  being  beyond  the 
ilretch  of  their  faculties.  Nor  have  they  the  Jeaft  no- 
tion of  purfuing  fuch  intentions  as  will  procure  them- 
felves  fome  future  good,  or  guard  them  againft  future 
evils.  Their  will  is  proportional  to  their  faculties,  and  all 
their  pafiions  move  in  a  very  narrow  fphere.  Ambition 
they  have  none,  and  are  more  defirous  of  being  accounted 
ftrong  than  valiant.  The  objects  of  ambition  with  us, 
honour,  fame,  reputation,  titles,  ports,  and  diftinctions 
of  fuperiority,  are  unknown  among  them  ;  fo  that  this 
powerful  fpring  of  action,  the  caufe  of  fo  much  feeming 
good  and  real  evil  in  the  world,  has  no  power  here. 
This  difpofition  of  mind,  as  it  gives  them  up  to  an 
amazing  languor  and  laffitude,  their  lives  fleeting  away 
in  a  perpetual  inactivity  and  deteftation  of  labour,  fo  it 
likewife  induces  them  to  be  attracted  by  the  firft  object 
which  their  own  fancy,  or  the  perfuafion  of  another, 
places  before  them  ;  and  at  the  fame  time  renders  them 
as  prone  to  alter  their  refolutions  with  the  fame  facility. 
They  look  with  indifference  upon  any  kindnefs  done 
them ;  nor  is  even  the  bare  remembrance  of  it  to  be 
expected  from  them.  In  a  word,  the  unhappy  mortals 
may  be  compared  to  children,  in  whom  the  develope- 
ment  of  reafon  is  not  completed.  They  may  indeed  be 
called  a  nation  who  never  arrive  at  manhood."  Hift. 
of  Californ.  Engl.  Tranfl.  i.  64.  67.  Mr.  Ellis  gives  a 
fimilar  account  of  the  want  of  forefight  and  incon- 
siderate difpofition  of  the  people  adjacent  to  Hudfon's 
Bay.      Voyage,  p.  194,  195. 

The  incapacity  of  the  Americans  is  {o  remarkable, 
that  negroes  from  all  the  different  provinces  of  Africa 
are  obferved  to  be  more  capable  of  improving  by  in- 
fraction. They  acquire  the  knowledge  of  feveral  par- 
ticulars which  the  Americans  cannot  comprehend. 
Hence  the  negroes,  though  flaves,  value  themfelves  as  a 
fuperior  order  of  beings,  and  look  down  upon  the 
Americans  with  contempt,  as  void  of  capacity  and  of 
rational  difcernment.    Ulloa  No  tic*  Americ.  332,  323. 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS.  417 

NOTE    LIII.    p.  354. 

Dobkizhotfer,  the  laft  traveller,  I  know,  who 
has  redded  among  any  tribe  of  the  ruder  Americans, 
has  explained  fo  fully  the  various  reafons  which  have 
induced  their  women  to  fuckle  their  children  long,  and 
never  to  undertake  rearing  fuch  as  were  feeble  or  dis- 
torted, and  even  to  deftroy  a  confiderable  number  of 
their  offspring,  as  to  throw  great  light  on  the  obferva- 
tions  I  have  made,  p.  72,  73.  Hift.  de  Abifibnibus, 
vol.  ii.  p.  107.  421.  So  deeply  were  thefe  ideas  im- 
printed in  the  minds  of  the  Americans,  that  the  Peru- 
vians, a  civilized  people,  when  compared  with  the  bar- 
barous tribes,  whofe  manners  I  am  defcribing,  retained 
them  j  and  even  their  intercourfe  with  the  Spaniards 
has  not  been  able  to  root  them  out.  When  twins  are 
born  in  any  family,  it  is  dill  considered  as  an  ominous 
event,  and  the  parents  have  recourfe  to  rigorous  acts  of 
mortification,  in  order  to  avert  the  calamities  with 
which  they  are  threatened.  When  a  child  is  born  with 
any  deformity,  they  will  not,  if  they  can  poflibly  avoid 
it,  bring  it  to  be  baptized,  and  it  is  with  difficulty  they 
can  be  brought  to  rear  it.  Arriaga  Extirpac.  de  la 
Idolat.  del  Peru,  p*  32,  33, 


END   OF    THE    FIRST    VOLUME. 


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