ALLEGE OF AGRICULTURE
DAVIS, CALIFORNIA
ALEXANDER HAMILTON
BISTQKT
OF fne
AMEBICAN NATION
By
WILLIAM J. JACKMAN
JACOB H. PATTON
JOHN LORD
THEODORE ROOSEVELT
GEO. F. HOAR
JAMES BRYCE
GROVER CLEVELAND
CHAS. A. DANA
HORACE PORTER
ROSSITER JOHNSON
ROGER SHERMAN
JOHN HAY
HERBERT WELCH
GEO. WM. CURTIS
HENRY W. GRADY
JOHN H. VINCENT
HENRY CABOT LODGE
BENJ. F. TRACY, and Others
Edition de Luxe
VOLUME III
PRESS
CHICAGO
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
LIBRARY
COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE
DAVIS
COPYRIGHT 1911
L. W. WALTER COMPANY
REVISED AND REPRINTED 1920
WHITMAN PUBLISHING COMPANY
RACINE, WISCONSIN
CONTENTS.
VOLUME III.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
Pages 641-660
CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR— FORMATION OP
THE CONSTITUTION.
British Efforts Paralyzed. — The States Form Independent
Governments. — Indian Wars. — Massacre of the Christian
Delawares. — Battle of the Blue Lick. — Lord North. —
Commissioners of Peace. — Peace Concluded. — Dissatisfac
tion in the American Army. — The "Anoymous Address."
— British Prisoners; The Tories. — Disbandment of the
Army. — Washington Takes Leave of His Officers. — Re
signs His Commission. — Shay's Rebellion. — Interests of
the States Clash.— The Constitutional Convention.— The
Constitution. — Its Ratification. — The Territory North
west of the Ohio. — Ecclesiastical Organizations. — Father*
of the Republic.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Pages 661-682
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION.
Reception and Inauguration of the President. — An Era in
Human Progress. — The Departments of State Organized.
— Hamilton's Financial Report. — Congress Assumes the
Debts of the Nation. — National Bank. — Commercial En
terprise. — Manufacturers. — Indian War. — St. Glair De
feated. — Wayne Defeats the Indians. — Political Parties. —
Jefferson. — The French Revolution — Genet Arrives as
French Minister. — Neutrality Proclaimed by the Presi
dent. — Democratic Societies. — The Partisans of France. —
Recall of Genet.— The First Settlers of Western Pennsyl
vania. — The Whiskey Insurrection. — Special Mission to
Great Britain. — A Treaty concluded. — Other Treaties. —
Washington's Farewell Address.
CHAPTER XL.
Pages 683-690
JOHN ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION.
Serious Aspect of Relations With France. — Commissioners of
Peace. — The French Cruisers. — The Alien Act. — War Im-
636 CONTENTS
pending. — Washington Commander-in-chief. — Capture of
the Frigate L'Insurgente. — Peace Concluded. — Death of
Washington. — Eulogiums of His Character. — The City of
Washington Becomes the Seat of Government.
CHAPTER XLI.
Pages 691-707
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION.
The President's Inaugural. — Purchase of Louisiana. — Pirates
in the Mediterranean. — Burning of the Philadelphia. —
Tripoli Bombarded. — Death of Hamilton. — Aaron Burr. —
Opposition to the Navy. — Gunboats. — The Rights of Neu
trals. — Impressment of American Seamen. — Treaty With
England Rejected. — Affair of the Chesapeake. — The Em
bargo; Its Effect. — The Embargo Repealed.
CHAPTER XLII.
Pages 708-731
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION.
Condition of the Country. — Erskine's Negotiations. — Depreda
tions Upon American Commerce. — The Rambouillet De
cree. — Affair of the Little Belt. — Indian Troubles. —
Tecumseh and the Prophet. — Battle of Tippecanoe. — The
Twelfth Congress. — Henry Clay. — John C. Calhoun. —
Foreign Relations. — Debates in Congress. — John Ran
dolph. — Another Embargo. — War Declared Against Great
Britain. — West Point. — Riots at Baltimore. — Operations
in the Northwest. — Surrender of Hull. — Impressment of
American Seamen. — American Ships in English Ports. —
Failures to Invade Canada. — Missionary Societies.
CHAPTER XLIII.
Pages 732-753
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED.
Vessels of the Navy. — The Chase of the Constitution. — Cap
ture of the Alert. — The Guerriere. — Incidents. — The Mace
donian. — The Frolic. — The Java. — The Effects of These
Naval Conflicts in the United States and England. — Plan
of Operations. — Harrison Advances on Detroit. — General
Winchester a Prisoner; Indian Barbarities. — The Ken-
tuckians Fall Into an Ambuscade. — Repulse at Fort
Stephenson. — The Loss of the Chesapeake. — Perry's Vic
tory. — Battle of the Thames. — Andrew Jackson. — Leads
an Expedition; Its Termination. — York Captured; Death
of General Pike. — Failures. — Newark Burned, the Severe
Retaliation. — Ravages on Shores of Chesapeake. — Indian
War in the South.— Jackson and Others in the Field.—
Battle of the Great Horse Shoe.— Captain Porter's Cruise.
—Formation of the Bible Society.
CONTENTS 637
CHAPTER XLIV.
Pages 754-774
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED.
The Thirteenth Congress; Its Members, Daniel Webster. —
Manifesto of the Bristish Government. — Embarrassments.
— Commissioners of Peace. — Jacob Brown. — Winfield
Scott. — Wilkinson Unsuccessful. — Battle of Lundy's Lane.
— Battle on Lake Champlain. — The British on the Shores
of the Chesapeake. — Bladensburg. — Capture of Washing
ton. — Public Buildings Burned. — Defense of Fort Mc-
Henry. — Death of General Ross. — Bombardment of Ston-
ington. — Distress in New England. — Debates in Congress.
— Hartford Convention.
CHAPTER XLV.
Pages 775-786
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED.
Jackson Enters Pensacola. — New Orleans Defenseless. — The
British Land. — Jackson's Measures of Defense. — Battle of
New Orleans.— The Distress of the Country.— The Relief.
— Treaty of Peace. — Frigate President Captured. — War
With Algiers.— Treaty With the Indians.— National Bank.
—State of Indiana.— John Fitch.— Robert Fulton.— First
Steamboat.
CHAPTER XLVI.
Pages 787-798
MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION
A Return to the Earlier Policy of the Government. — The
President's Tour in the Eastern States. — The Colonization
Society. — Revolutions in the Spanish Colonies. — Indian
War. — General Jackson in the Field. — Purchase of Florida.
— The Missouri Compromise. — The Monroe Doctrine. — Fi
nancial Distress. — Increase of Tariff. — Visit of Lafayette.
CHAPTER XLVII.
Pages 799-805
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION.
Manufacturers and Internal Improvements. — Indian Lands in
Georgia. — Death of ex-Presidents Thomas Jefferson and
John Adams. — Free Masonry. — Protection to American
Industry. — Debates in Congress. — Presidential Contest.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
Pages 806-832
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION.
Appointments to Office. — Removal of the Indians From Geor
gia. — Bank Bill Vetoed. — Nullification; The Causes of. —
Extreme State Rights. — Influence of Jefferson's Theories.
638 CONTENTS
— Resolutions of '98. — Efforts to Secure Pure Morals. —
Cotton Manufacture; Its Progress. — Far-reaching Policy.
—A Protective Tariff, Constitutional.— The Twofold Ob
ject.— Slaves in Mills.— Price of Cotton Cloth.— The Mo
tives; Views on Labor and Capital. — Production of Wool.
— The Equalizing Measure. — flayne and Webster's De
bate. — The President's Proclamation. — The Compromise
Bill; Its Final Passage. — Removal of the Deposits.
CHAPTER XLLX.
Pages 833-836
VAN BUREN'S ADMINISTRATION.
Apparent Prosperity. — The Specie Circular. — Distribution of
the Surplus Funds. — Speculation. — The Sub-Treasury. —
State Indebtedness.
CHAPTER L.
Pages 837-853
HARRISON AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION.
The Inauguration. — Death of Harrison; Tyler President. —
Bankrupt Law.— The Bank Charters; Their Vetoes.— Pro
position to Treat With Great Britain. — Insurrection in
Canada. — The Caroline. — Trial of McLeod. — Boundary
Disputes in Maine. — Treaty of Wasmn£ton. — Questions
of Visit and Impressment. — Exploring Expedition. — Texas
Colonization; Struggles. — Siege of the Alamo. — Davy
Crockett. — Goliad, Siege of. — Massacre of Prisoners. —
Battle of San Jacinto. — Houston President. — Question of
Annexation in Congress. — Texas Annexed. — Disturbances
in Rhode Island. — Iowa and Florida Become States. —
Cheap Postage.
CHAPTER LI.
Pages 854-871
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION.
Difficulties With Mexico. — General Taylor at Corpus Christi.
Oregon Territory; Respective Claims to. — Settlement of
Boundary. — Taylor Marches to the Rio Grande. — Thorn
ton's Party Surprised. — Attack on Fort Brown. — Battle
of Palp Alto. — Battle of Resaca de la Palma. — Matamoras
Occupied. — Measures of Congress. — The Volunteers. —
Plan of Operations. — Mexico Declares War.
CHAPTER LH.
Pages 872-895
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED.
The President Hopes for Peace. — Santa Anna. — Hostilities to
be Renewed. — Troops Withdrawn From General Taylor. —
Volunteers arrive at Monterey. — Santa Anna's Plans and
Preparations. — Taylor Advances to Agua Nueva. — Battle
of Buena Vista. — The Mexican Chiefs Urrea and Romero.
CONTENTS 669
CHAPTER LIIL
Pages 896-910
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED.
Emigration to Oregon. — John C. Fremont; His Explorations.
— Difficulties With the Mexican Governor. — American
Settlers in Alarm. — California Free. — Monterey on the
Pacific Captured. — Commodores Sloat and Stockton. — Ex
pedition of Kearney. — Santa Fe" Taken: A Government
Organized. — Doniphan's Expedition. — El Paso Taken. —
Chihuahua Occupied. — An Insurrection; Its Suppression.
—Trial of Fremont.
CHAPTER LIV.
Pages 911-936
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED.
Movement of Troops. — Vera Cruz Invested — Its Bombard
ment and Capitulation. — Santa Anna's Energy. — Battle
of Cerro Gordo. — General Scott at Puebla. — His Misun
derstandings With the Authorities at Washington. — Dis
sensions in Mexico. — Scott's Manifesto. — Advance Upon
the Capital. — Battle of Contreras. — Of Churubusco. — At-
temps to Obtain Peace. — Conflict of Molino del Rey. — The
Castle of Chapultepec Captured. — Santa Anna Again in
the Field. — Treaty of Peace. — Conditions of the Peace. —
Discovery of Gold in California. — Death of John Quincy
Adams. — Wilmot Proviso. — The Presidential Election. —
Death of Mr. Polk.
CHAPTER LV.
Pages 937-952
TAYLOR AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATION.
Discussion on Slavery. — Wilmot Proviso. — The Powers of the
Constitution; Their Application in the Tesritories. — The
President's Message; Its Recommendations. — Debate on
the Omnibus Bill.— Death of Calhoun.— Death of Presi
dent Taylor. — Fillmore Inaugurated. — The Fugitive Slave
Law. — The Mormons; Their Origin. — Troubles. — Settle
ment in Utah. — A Disunion Convention. — Lopez Invades
Cuba. — Search for Sir John Franklin. — Dr. E. K. Kane. —
Death of Henry Clay; of Daniel Webster; the Tripartite
Treaty.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
1781—1788
CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR— FORMATION OF THE
CONSTITUTION
British Efforts Paralyzed — The States Form Independent Gov
ernments — Indian Wars — Massacre of the Christian Dela-
wares — Battle of the Blue Lick — €arleton Supersedes
Clinton — Commissioners of Peace — The Common Dis
tress — Dissatisfaction in the Army — The "Anonymous
Address" — Peace Concluded — British Prisoners; the
Tories — Disbandment of the American Army — Washington
Takes Leave of His Officers — Resigns his Commission —
Shay's Rebellion— Interests of the States Clash— The
Constitutional Convention — The Constitution Ratified by
the States— The Territory Northwest of the Ohio — Ec
clesiastical Organizations.
On the very day that Cornwallis surrendered,
Clinton sailed to his aid with seven thousand men.
When off the entrance to the Chesapeake, he learned,
to his astonishment, that all was lost. As the Brit
ish fleet was much inferior to that of the French, he
hastily returned to New York.
Washington requested Count de Grasse to co
operate with General Greene in an attack upon
Charleston, but De Grasse pleaded the necessity of
his presence in the West Indies, and excused him
self. The Americans now returned to their old quar
ters on the Hudson. The French army wintered at
Williamsburg in Virginia, while the British prisoners
were marched to Winchester.
The capture of Cornwallis paralyzed the efforts of
the British and Tories. In the South they evac
uated all the posts in their possession, except Sa
vannah and Charleston; before the latter place
Greene soon appeared, and disposed his forces so as
542 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
to confine them closely to the town. In the North,
the only place held by the enemy was New York.
Washington never for a moment relaxed his
watchfulness, but urged upon Congress and the
States to prepare for a vigorous campaign the next
year. But so impoverished had the country become,
that to raise men and money seemed almost impos
sible, while the prospect of peace furnished excuses
for delay.
The several States now took measures to form
independent governments, or to strengthen or mod
ify those already in existence. Some of these had
been hastily formed, and, consequently, were more
or less defective. The custom was introduced of
sending delegates to conventions called for the pur
pose of framing constitutions, which were submitted
to the people for their approval or rejection. The
common law of England was adopted, and made the
basis in the administration of justice in the courts.
A cruel border warfare was still continued by in
cursions of Indians against the back settlements of
Pennsylvania and Virginia, and against the fron
tiers of New York, by Indians and Tories.
Many of the Delaware Indians, under the influ
ence of Moravian teachers, had become Christian,
and so far imbibed the principles of their instructors
as to be opposed to war. Some of these, nearly twen
ty years before, had emigrated from the banks of
the Susquehanna and settled on the Muckingum,
where they had three flourishing villages, surrounded
by corn-fields. The hostile Indians from the lakes,
in their incursions against the frontiers of Pennsyl
vania and Virginia, robbed these Delawares of their
provisions. The Delawares became objects of sus
picion to both the hostile Indians and the whites.
The former accused them of revealing their plans,
the latter of conniving at the incursions of their
CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR 543
enemies, and the hostile Indians compelled them to
emigrate to the vicinity of Sandusky.
In the meantime, murders had been committed by
the Shawanees in the vicinity of Pittsburg. A com
pany of eighty or ninety backwoodsmen volunteered,
under a Colonel Williamson, to take revenge on the
supposed murderers — the Christian Delawares — a
portion of whom had returned to their old home to
gather their corn. The expedition reached the vil
lages on the Muskingum, collected the victims, it
would seem, under the pretense of friendship, then
barbarously and in cold blood murdered about ninety
of these inoffensive creatures — men, women, and
children.
This success excited to other invasions, and four
hundred and eighty men, under Colonels Williamson
and Crawford, marched from Western Pennsylvania
to surprise the remnants of the Christian Indians at
Sandusky, and also to attack the village of the hos
tile Wyandottes. The Indians learned of their ap
proach, waited for them in ambush, and defeated
them; took many prisoners, among whom were
Crawford, his son, and son-in-law. These three
they burned at the stake.
About the same time, a large body of the Indians
north of the Ohio, led by the infamous Simon Girty,
a Tory refugee, invaded Kentucky. They were met
by the Kentuckians, under Colonels Boone, Todd, and
Triggs, at the Big Blue Lick, when a bloody and des
perate encounter ensued. But overwhelmed by num
bers, nearly one-half the Kentuckians were either
killed or taken prisoners.
After the capture at Yorktown no battle occurred
between the main armies, and but one or two skir
mishes. In one of these, in the vicinity of Charles
ton, the younger Laurens was slain — a young man
of great promise, who was universally lamented.
644 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Among the English people at large the desire to
close the war had greatly increased. With them it
had ever been unpopular; they were unwilling that
their brethren beyond the Atlantic should be de
prived of the rights which they themselves so much
valued. The intelligence of tno surrender of Corn-
wallis created among them stronger opposition than
ever to the harsh measures of the Government. Yet
the war party — the King and Ministry and the ma
jority of the aristocracy — were unwilling to yield to
the pressure of public opinion. They were thunder
struck at this unexpected disaster. Says a British
writer: "Lord North received the intelligence of
the capture of Cornwallis as he would have done a
cannon-ball in his breast; he paced the room, and
throwing his arms wildly about, kept exclaiming,
'0 God! it is all over; it is all over!"' For twelve
years he had been prime minister. The pliant serv
ant of the King, he had ever been in favor of prose
cuting the war, but now the voice of the English
people compelled him to resign.
Sir Guy Carleton, whom we have seen winning the
respect of the Americans, by his upright and hon
orable conduct when Governor of Canada, was ap
pointed to succeed Sir Henry Clinton. In the fol
lowing May he arrived at New York, empowered to
make propositions for peace. He immediately ad
dressed a letter to Washington, proposing a cessa
tion of hostilities, and also issued orders, in which
he forbade the marauding incursions of the Indians
and Tories on the frontiers of Western New York.
Congress appointed five commissioners to conclude
a treaty with Great Britain. These were: John
Adams, Doctor Franklin, John Jay, Henry Laurens,
who, lately released from his confinement in the
Tower, was yet in London, and Thomas Jefferson;
the latter, however, declined to serve. They met at
CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR 645
Paris two British Commissioners, who had been au
thorized to treat with "certain colonies" named in
their instructions. The American Commissioners
refused to enter upon negotiations, unless in the
name of the "United States of America" — they
claimed the right to be recognized a power among
the nations. This right was acknowledged by Brit
ain, and on the 30th of November the parties signed
a preliminary treaty, which Congress ratified the
following April. Negotiations continued, and the
final treaty was signed on the 3rd of September fol
lowing. France and England in the meantime like
wise concluded a treaty of peace. The American
Commissioners also negotiated treaties of commerce
with Spain and Holland.
Though the war was ended, the American people
had numberless difficulties with which to contend.
The army, that through the many trials of the con
test had remained faithful, was in a deplorable con
dition. The half-pay for life, which, three years
before, Congress had promised to the officers, proved
to be only a promise. Washington wrote confiden
tially to the Secretary of War in behalf of those
about to be discharged from the service : "I cannot
help fearing the result, when I see such a number of
men about to be turned on the world, soured by
penury, involved in debts, without one farthing to
carry them home, after having spent the flower of
their days, and many of them their patrimonies, in
establishing the freedom and independence of their
country, and having suffered everything which hu
man nature is capable of enduring on this side of
death. You may rely upon it, the patience and long
sufferance of this army are almost exhausted, and
there never was so great a spirit of discontent as at
this instant." At this crisis an address, plausibly
written, was privately circulated in the camp. It
646 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
suggested to the officers and men the propriety of
taking upon themselves to redress their grievances ;
that they should intimidate Congress and compel it
to pay their just demands.
The address seems to have been the embodied sen
timents of some half dozen officers, although written
by Captain Armstrong, the son of General Arm
strong of Pennsylvania. A call was issued for a
meeting of the officers, but the next morning, in the
regular orders for the day, Washington took occa
sion to disapprove the meeting as a violation of
discipline. He also named a day for the officers to
assemble and hear the report of a committee of their
number who had been sent to lay their demands
before Congress. The next day a second anonymous
address was issued, but somewhat more moderate in
tone than the first. The officers met according to
appointment, and Gates, being second in command,
was made chairman of the meeting. Washington
presently came in, made them a soothing address,
appealed to their patriotism and to their own fair
fame in toiling for their country, and now were they
willing to tarnish their name or distrust their coun
try's justice? He pledged his word to use his influ
ence with Congress to fulfil its promises. He then
withdrew. The meeting passed resolutions which
condemned in severe terms the spirit of the anony
mous address.
Congress soon after resolved to accede to the prop
osition of the officers, and change the promise of half
pay for life, to that of full pay for five years. And
also to advance to the soldiers full pay for four
months.
This was not the only instance in which the influ
ence of Washington arrested plots designed to ruin
the prospects of the young republic. The condi
tion of the country was so desperate that many
CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR 647
feared the States could not form a permanent gov
ernment. At the suggestion of officers who thus
thought, Lewis Nicola, a foreigner, a colonel in the
Pennsylvania line, wrote Washington an elaborate
letter, in which he discussed the expediency of estab
lishing a monarchy, and finally offered him the
crown. Washington indignantly condemned the
scheme. Said he : "I cannot conceive what I have
done during my whole life, which could cause any
one to imagine that I could entertain such a propo
sition for a moment."
When these facts became known, it was not
strange that the people feared a standing army.
Intelligence came at length of the signing of the
treaty between the United States and Great Britain.
Congress issued a proclamation giving the informa
tion to the nation. On the 19th of April, precisely
eight years from the battle of Lexington, the ces
sation of hostilities was proclaimed in the camp at
Newburg.
The soldiers of Burgoyne and Cornwallis were yet
prisoners, and had been marched to New York in
order to be sent home. A general exchange of pris
oners now took place. The prospects of the Tories
were dreary indeed. The severe laws enacted
against them were still in force, and now several
thousand of them had assembled at New York, and
were compelled to leave the country. The majority
of them were wealthy. During the war many of
them had held offices in the British service, and
some had grown rich, as merchants, landowners, and
sutlers for the British army; others, the unscrupu
lous, by privateering. Those who lived in the North
emigrated to Canada and Nova Scotia, while those
of the South went chiefly to the West India Islands.
A clause was inserted in the treaty which prohib
ited the carrying away of the slaves, large numbers
648 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
of whom had fled to the British army during the
campaigns in the Carolinas and Virginia.
Carleton refused to comply with the demand, on
the ground that it would be highly dishonorable to
deliver them up since they had sought protection
under the British flag. To secure their safety, he
sent them away among the very first, while at the
same time he kept an accurate list of their number,
leaving to future negotiation indemnity for their
loss.
These negroes, now liberated, were first taken to
Nova Scotia; afterward, a large number of them
emigrated to Sierra Leone: "Their descendants, as
merchants and traders, now constitute the wealthiest
and most intelligent population of that African
colony."
Before the disbandment of the army, Washington
addressed a letter to the Governors of the several
States, urging them to guard against the prejudices
of one part of the country against another; to en
courage union among the States, and to make pro
vision for the public debt.
On the 3rd of November the army was disbanded.
These patriot soldiers returned to their homes, to
mingle with their fellow-citizens, and enjoy the
blessings which their valor had obtained for them
selves and their posterity. From that day the title
of revolutionary soldier has been a title of honor.
Before the officers of the army finally separated,
they formed a society known as the Cincinnati — a
name derived from the celebrated farmer-patriot of
Rome. The association was to be perpetuated chiefly
through the eldest male descendants of the original
members. But as this feature, in the eyes of many,
seemed to favor an hereditary aristocracy, it was
stricken out ; still the society continued to be to some
parties an object of jealousy.
CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR 649
As soon as preparations could be made, the British
evacuated the few places occupied by their troops;
New York on the 25th of November, and Charleston
in the following month. General Knox, with a small
body of troops, and accompanied by Governor George
Clinton and the State officers, entered New York as
the British were leaving.
A few days after, the officers of the army assem
bled at a public house to bid farewell to their beloved
commander. Presently Washington entered; his
emotions were too strong to be concealed. After a
moment's pause he said : "With a heart full of love
and gratitude, I now take leave of you ; I most de
voutly wish that your latter days may be as pros
perous and happy, as your former ones have been
glorious and honorable." He then added: "I can
not come to each of you to take my leave, but shall
be obliged if each of you will come and take my
hand." General Knox, being the nearest, turned to
him. Washington, affected even to tears, grasped
his hand and embraced him. In the same affection
ate manner he took leave of each succeeding officer:
"The tear of manly sensibility was in every eye ; not
a word was spoken to interrupt the dignified silence
and the tenderness of the scene. Leaving the room,
he passed through the corps of light infantry, to the
barge which was to convey him across the river.
The whole company followed in mute and solemn
procession, with dejected countenances, testifying to
feelings of delicious melancholy, which no language
can describe. Having entered the barge, he turned
to the company, and, waving his hat, bade them
a silent adieu. They paid him the same affectionate
compliment."1
On his way to Annapolis, where Congress was in
session, he left with the controller at Philadelphia an
Uudge Marshall.
650 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
accurate account of his expenses during the war;
they amounted to sixty-four thousand dollars. These
accounts were in his own handwriting, and kept in
the most perfect manner; every charge made was
accompanied by a mention of the occasion and ob
ject.
In an interview with Congress, he made a short
address. Said he: "The successful termination of
the war has verified the most sanguine expectations ;
and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence,
and the assistance I have received from my country
men, increases with every review of the momentous
contest." Then recommending to the favorable no
tice of Congress the officers of his staff, and ex
pressing his obligations to the army in general, he
continued: "I consider it as an indispensable duty
to close this last act of my official life, by commend
ing the interests of our dearest country to the pro
tection of Almighty God, and those who have the
superintendence of them, to His holy keeping/'
"Having now finished the work assigned me, I re
tire from the great theater of action, and bidding an
affectionate farewell to this august body, under
whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my
commission, and take my leave of all the employ
ments of public life."
The President of Congress, General Mif flin, who, in
the darkest hour of the revolution, had favored the
Conway Cabal, replied: "Sir, the United States, in
congress assembled, receive with emotions too af
fecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of the
authorities under which you have led their troops
with success through a perilous and doubtful war.
We join with you in commending the interests of our
dearest country to the protection of Almighty God;
and for you, we address to him our earnest prayers,
that a life so beloved may be fostered with all His
CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR 651
care ; that your, days may be as happy as they have
been illustrious ; and that he will finally give you that
reward which this world cannot give." Washington
hastened to Mount Vernon, which he had not visited
for eight years, except for a few hours while on his
way against Cornwallis.
Independence was at last attained, but at immense
sacrifices. The calamities of war were visible in the
ruins of burned towns, in the ravaged country, in
the prostration of industry, and in the accumulation
of debts. These amounted to one hundred and
seventy millions of dollars — a sum enormous in pro
portion to the resources of the country — two-thirds
of this debt had been contracted by Congress, and
the remainder by the individual States.
These were evils, but there were still greater which
came home to the domestic hearth. Frequently the
members of families had taken different sides, some
were Whigs and some were Tories ; and that re
morseless rancor which so often prevails in times of
civil discord, extended throughout the land. It is
pleasant to record, that in the course of a few years,
a forgiving spirit among the people led to the re
peal of the severe laws enacted against the Tories,
and very great numbers of them repented of their
misguided loyalty and returned to their native land.
On the conclusion of peace the English merchants,
alive to their interests, flooded the States with man
ufactured goods at very reduced prices. This opera
tion ruined the domestic manufactures, which the
non-importation association, and necessities of the
war had created and cherished, drained the country
of its specie, and involved the merchants and people
in debt. This poverty was followed by discontent,
which prevailed more or less, and excited distur
bances in several of the States.
In Massachusetts a thousand men assembled at
652 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Worcester, under the leadership of Daniel Shays, and
forced the Supreme Court to adjourn, to prevent its
issuing writs for the collection of debts.
Governor Bowdoin called out the militia, which
was put under the command of General Lincoln, who
in a few weeks suppressed the outbreak. It was
evident, however, that there was among the people
a strong feeling of sympathy with the insurgents,
for the vast majority of themselves labored under
similar grievances.
This distress was overruled for good. It was the
means of bringing all the States to view with favor
a union under the same constitution, and thus form
a government which should have power to act for
the good of the whole country.
The States made trial of independent governments,
but after an experiment of three or four years the
result proved unsatisfactory. This was especially
the case in relation to the subjects of legislation
which concerned the whole country ; such as the reg
ulation of commerce, the common defense, the ad
justment of controversies between one State and
another, and making of treaties with other nations.
These difficulties were increasing — many interests
clashed. Some of the States passed laws which con
flicted with those of their sisters ; since the close of
the war, commerce had increased very rapidly, but
American merchants were still excluded by the Brit
ish from the West India trade. They complained to
Congress, but the States had not yet conceded au
thority to that body, to regulate commerce or to leg
islate for the whole country.
Some States had good harbors, and imported mer
chandise upon which duties were imposed at the ex
pense of their neighbors; and ports competed with
each other by lowering the rate of imports. Thus
there were rival ports on the Delaware; and Mary-
CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR 653
land and Virginia competed with each other for the
trade of the Chesapeake, while New Jersey and Con
necticut were laid under contribution by their neigh
bors of New York and Massachusetts. No State
could protect itself by retaliation against the restric
tions of foreign countries, as the attempt would
throw its own trade into the hands of a sister rival.
Efforts were made to obviate these evils, and those
States bordering on the waters of the Chesapeake
and Potomac sent delegates to a convention held at
Alexandria, to establish a uniform tariff of duties on
the merchandise brought into their ports. This led
to correspondence between the prominent men of the
country and the legislatures. Another convention
was held at Annapolis, to which there were represen
tatives from only five States; finally, the people
elected delegates to meet in Convention in Philadel
phia, to revise the Articles of Confederation.
On the 14th of May the members of the Conven
tion met in the State House, in Philadelphia, in the
same hall where the Declaration of Independence was
made. Washington, who, since the war, had lived in
retirement at Mount Vernon, appeared as a delegate.
He was unanimously chosen President of the Con
vention.
The Convention resolved to sit with closed doors ;
not even a transcript of their minutes was permitted
to be made public. The articles of the old confedera
tion, found to be very defective, were thrown aside,
and the Convention addressed itself to framing an
independent constitution.
There were present about fifty delegates, represen
tatives from eleven different States, all of whom had
the confidence of their fellow-citizens, and were dis
tinguished for their intellectual and moral worth and
experience in public affairs. Some had been mem
bers of the Stamp Act Congress in 1765, some of the
054 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Continental Congress in 1774, and some were also
among the signers of the Declaration of Independ
ence. Conspicuous was the venerable Dr. Franklin,
now in his eightieth year, who, thirty years before,
at a convention at Albany, had proposed a plan of
union for the colonies.
The various disturbances in different parts of the
land had shaken the faith of many in the power of
the multitude to govern themselves. Said Elbridge
Gerry, in the Convention: "All the evils we expe
rience flow from an excess of democracy. The peo
ple do not want virtue, but are under the dupes of
pretended patriots; they are daily misled into the
most baleful measures of opinions."
It was necessary to have a central government,
which could give security to all the States, and at the
same time not conflict in its powers with their rights.
It was found very difficult to arrange satisfactorily
the representation in the two branches of the pro
posed government. The smaller States were alarmed,
lest their rights would be infringed upon by the over
whelming majority of members coming from the
larger ones. This difficulty was removed by con
stituting the Senate, in which the States were rep
resented equally without reference to their popula
tion ; each being entitled to two members, while in
the House of Representatives the States were to be
represented in proportion to their population.
After four months of labor, during which every
article was thoroughly discussed, the Constitution
was finished and signed by all the members present,
with the exception of three: Gerry of Massachu
setts, George Mason and Edmund Randolph of Vir
ginia. This result was not obtained without much
discussion; at one time, so adverse were opinions
that it was apprehended the Convention would dis
solve, leaving its work unfinished. It was then that
CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR $55
Franklin proposed they should choose a chaplain to
open their sessions by prayer. Said he: "I have
lived a long time ; and the longer I live the more con
vincing proofs I see of this truth, that God governs
the affairs of men. And if a sparrow cannot fall
to the ground without his notice, is it possible that
an empire can rise without his aid ?"
The Convention presented the Constitution thus
framed to Congress, and that body submitted it to
the people of the States for their approval or re
jection.
It was a document of compromises ; probably not
a member of the Convention was perfectly satisfied
with it. There were three prominent compromises ;
the first, the equal representation in the Senate, a
concession to the smaller States ; the second, that in
the enumeration of the inhabitants three-fifths of
the slaves were to be included in determining the
ratio of representation in the lower house of Con
gress; a concession to the slaveholders; and the
third, permission, till 1808, to the States of Georgia
and South Carolina, to receive slaves imported from
Africa, as the delegates from those two States re
fused to sign the Constitution except on that condi
tion. The great desire to secure the moral power of
a unanimous vote of the members of the Convention
in favor of their own work, alone obtained this con
cession.
In less than a year after the Constitution was sub
mitted to the people, it was adopted by all the States,
except North Carolina and Rhode Island, and by
them in less than two years.
This ratification of the Constitution was not
brought about without a struggle. The subject was
discussed in conventions and in the legislatures, and
in the newspapers. The States were for a time un-
656 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
willing to resign any of their sovereignty to a Fed
eral or National Government.
Many elaborate essays, collectively known as the
Federalist, were written by Alexander Hamilton, Jay,
and Madison, in favor of it 3 adoption. These essays
had an immense influence upon the leading minds of
the country ; and these in turn greatly influenced the
popular will.
It shows the practical wisdom of those who framed
the Constitution, that in the application of its prin
ciples for almost three-quarters of a century, it has
been found necessary to change or modify only very
few of its articles.
While the Convention which framed the Consti
tution was in session in Philadelphia, the Continen
tal Congress in New York passed a bill "for the gov
ernment of the Territory northwest of the Ohio."
That region had been ceded to the United States by
the States of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York
and Virginia. In this bill were introduced provi
sions securing the exercise of religious freedom, and
for the encouragement of schools, and also the pro
viso that "there shall be neither slavery, nor invol
untary servitude in said territory, otherwise than in
punishment for crime." The region south of the
Ohio was to be afterward regulated. Three years
before Thomas Jefferson had introduced a bill, and
urged its passage with all his influence, to exclude
slavery not only from the territory then held by the
United States, but from all which should thereafter
be ceded to Congress by the respective States. This
bill failed by only a few votes.
The people, though thus engaged in moulding their
political institutions, did not neglect to conform their
systems of ecclesiastical government to the new
order of things. The Revolution had changed the
relation of the religious denominations to the State.
CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR 657
In New England, Congregationalism was the estab
lished religion, and every citizen was required to
aid in the support of some church. In all the south
ern colonies the Episcopal Church was equally fa
vored, and partially so in New York and New Jersey.
Only in Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Delaware,
were all the Protestant sects on an equality, as to
their religious rights.
The Episcopal Church was more disorganized than
any other. It had hitherto been attached to the dio
cese of the Bishop of London, but now that authority
was not recognized.
As yet there was no American bishop, and no
means to obtain the consecration of any clergyman
to that office, except by English bishops. Accord
ingly the Reverend Samuel Seabury, of Connecticut,
at the request of the Episcopalians of that State,
visited England to obtain ordination as a bishop.
But the English bishops were prevented by law of
Parliament from raising anyone to that dignity, who
did not take the oaths of allegiance, and acknowledge
the King as head of the Church. Seabury then ap
plied to the non-juring bishops of the Episcopal
Church of Scotland, by whom he was ordained.
Some Episcopalians, however, were not satisfied with
an ordination at the hands of the Scottish bishops.
A convention of delegates, from several States, met
and formed a constitution for the "Protestant Epis
copal Church in the United States of America."
After some revision this constitution was adopted
by conventions in the separate States. Titles were
changed in order to conform to republicanism ; such
as "Lord Bishop," and all such as were "descriptive
of temporal power and precedency." The Liturgy
for the same reason was modified. A friendly letter
was addressed to the English bishops, requesting at
their hands ordination of American bishops. An
(558 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Act of Parliament gave the desired authority, and
William White of Philadelphia, Samuel Provost of
New York, and James Madison of Virginia, were
thus ordained. Soon after these ordinations, a Gen
eral Convention ratified the constitution, and the or
ganization of the Episcopal Church in the United
States was complete.
About this time came Thomas Coke, as superin
tendent or bishop in the Methodist Episcopal Church.
He had been an able laborer with Wesley, by whom
he was ordained to that office. This sect spread
very rapidly, especially in the south; in that section
of the country were a great many vacant parishes,
which 'belonged to the Episcopal Church, numbers
of whose clergymen left the country during the
troubles of the Revolution. At this time the denom
ination did not number more than ninety preachers,
and fifteen thousand members.
The institutions of the Congregational and Pres
byterian Churches required no change to adapt them
to the new order of things.
The Presbyterians took measures to organize their
Church government on a national basis. Four Sy
nods were formed out of the Synod of New York and
Philadelphia. A general Assembly, composed of
delegates from all the Presbyteries of the land, was
authorized to meet annually.
Soon after the treaty of peace with England, the
Pope's Nuncio at Paris made overtures to Congress,
through Doctor Franklin, on the subject of appoint
ing a Vicar Apostolic or bishop for the United States.
On the ground that the subject was purely spiritual,
and therefore beyond its jurisdiction, Congress re
fused to take any part in the matter. The Pope
then appointed as his vicar apostolic, John Carroll,
a brother of Charles Carroll, of Carrollton ; the same
was afterward raised to the dignity of Archbishop
CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR 659
of the Roman Catholic Church in the United States.
Almost immediately after the Declaration of Inde
pendence the Presbytery of Hanover, in Virginia,
addressed a memorial to the House of Assembly, in
which they petitioned for the separation of church
and state. They preferred that the gospel should
be supported by the free gifts of its friends; they
asked no aid from the civil power to maintain their
own churches, and were unwilling that any denom
ination should thus be favored. The movement
thus commenced was ardently seconded by the Bap
tists and Quakers, who petitioned the Assembly to
the same effect. These, petitions were met by coun
ter-memorials from the Episcopalians and Metho
dists, who urged in behalf of the Establishment, that
it was a system which "possessed the nature of a
vested right, and ought to be maintained inviolate."
The separation of church and state soon became
a prominent question in Virginia. Jefferson took
an important part in the animated contest, but the
most effective was the united influence of those who
first opposed the establishment, and who never re
laxed their efforts till the churches were declared
independent of the civil power, and every colonial
law interfering with the religious rights of the peo
ple was swept away.
The example thus set by Virginia was not without
its influence ; the unioft of church and state was dis
solved in the other States soon after the close of the
Revolution, except in Connecticut and Massachusetts,
where the system was retained many years longer.1
Thus we have seen the Fathers of the Republic
equal to every emergency as it occurred. They car
ried their country through the Revolution; then
through the trying period between its close and the
iHildreth, Vol. III. Dr. Hawkes' Contributions to Eccles
iastical History of the U. S. Dr. Baird's Religion of America.
660 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
formation and adoption of the Constitution, and the
adjustment of the difficult question of the relation
between church and state. As statesmen and pa
triots they are held in higher estimation today by
enlightened and liberal men than ever before ; while
the cause they advocated takes a deeper hold upon
the general intelligence of the world. Had they been
advocates of principles that could not bear the test
of time and experience, though equally honest and
sincere, they would still be looked upon as misguided
men. On the contrary, they were in advance of their
own age, and as time moves on they are more and
more appreciated ; their cause was commensurate in
importance with the zeal and self-denial they exer
cised in making the principles of true liberty the in
heritance of civilized man. It requires a good cause,
as well as success, to secure the respect of future
generations.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
1789—1797
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION
The Reception and Inauguration of the President — An Era in
Human Progress — The Departments of State Organized
— Hamilton's Financial Reports-Congress assumes the
Debts of the Nation — The National Bank — Commercial
Enterprise — Manufactures — Indian War-Harmer's Re
pulse— St. Clair Defeated— Wayne Defeats the Indians-
Political Parties — Jefferson — The French Revolution —
Genet Arrives as French Minister — War Between France
and England — Neutrality Proclaimed by the President —
Partisans of France — Arrogant Proceedings of Genet —
The Whiskey Insurrection — Special Mission to Great
Britain— A Treaty Concluded— Its Ratification— Other
Treaties — Washington's Farewell Address — The Policy of
the Government Established.
When two-thirds of the States had adopted the
Federal Constitution, it became the law of the land.
The Continental Congress — that body so remarkable
in its origin, in what it had accomplished, and now
about to pass out of existence — ordained that the
new government should go into operation on the 4th
of March, and also designated the city of New York
as the place where the National Congress should hold
its sessions. The same authority also named the
time for electing the President and Vice-President,
according to the manner prescribed in the Constitu
tion.
The hearts of the American people were turned to
one man. George Washington was unanimously
chosen the first President of the Republic. John
Adams received the next highest number of votes,
and was elected Vice-President. Charles Thompson,
the old Secretary of Congress, was sent to Mount
Vernon to inform Washington of his election, and
662 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
another messenger to Boston, to inform Adams of
his. The latter had just returned from a residence
of nine years in Europe, where he had been engaged
in public business; he immediately set out to enter
upon the duties of his office. As a mark of respect,
he was escorted by a troop of horse through Massa
chusetts and Connecticut, and was met at the New
York State line, and in a similar manner attended
to the city.
Washington wished to travel to New York in as
private a manner as possible. But enthusiasm and
respect drew the people in crowds to see and honor
him. The authorities of the States through which
he passed, vied with each other in testifying their
regard. The most graceful reception, and no doubt
to him the most grateful, was the one he received at
Trenton. As he came to the bridge, over which,
twelve years before, on the eve of the battle of
Princeton, he retreated with his weary and disheart
ened soldiers, he found it spanned by a triumphal
arch bearing the inscription : "The Defender of the
Mothers will be the Protector of the Daughters."
Here were assembled a company of matrons and
young girls, dressed in white, with baskets of flow
ers in their hands. As he approached they began
to sing an appropriate ode, written for the occasion.
At the close of the line, "strew your hero's way with
flowers," they suited the action to the sentiment by
strewing the flowers before him. At Elizabethport
he was met by a committee of both Houses of Con
gress, and the heads of departments, and received on
board a barge, magnificently decorated, and manned
by thirteen pilots in appropriate uniforms. The
barge was accompanied by a numerous cortege of
boats filled with citizens. Welcomed to the city,
amidst the salutes of artillery from the ships in the
harbor, American as well as foreign, and from the
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION 663
battery, he was conducted to the house prepared for
his reception, by Governor George Clinton, the State
officers, and a numerous concourse of people.
On the morning of the 30th of April, at 9 o'clock,
the churches were opened for religious services and
prayer. A little after the hour of noon, on the bal
cony of the Federal Hall, on the site of the present
Custom House, in the presence of 'a vast concourse
of people in the streets, the oath of office was ad
ministered to the President-elect, by Robert R. Liv
ingston, Chancellor of New York. At the close of
the ceremony the Chancellor exclaimed : "Long live
George Washington, President of the United States !"
The assembled multitude responded to the sentiment.
The members of both Houses returned to the Sen
ate chamber, where the President delivered an inau
gural address, replete with wisdom and with senti
ments designed to harmonize the discordant opinions
which prevailed, and with renewed expressions of
gratitude to Heaven for the favor granted the people
of America, in all their struggles. Then he closed
by announcing that he would receive no remunera
tion for his services, only asking that his expenses
might be paid. The members of Congress, accom
panied by the President, then went in procession to
St. Paul's church, where, led by Bishop Provost, the
Chaplain of the Senate, they implored the blessing
of the King of nations upon the government just
inaugurated.
The youthful nation was about to assume the pow
ers of self-government, under circumstances never
before witnessed in the history of man ; to throw off
the useless in forms and systems, retain what was
valuable, and commence a new era in human prog
ress. The people themselves established their own
government ; its Constitution was framed to secure
their own welfare, and not to make the State great
664 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
at their expense. They had learned this of their
fathers. In English history all the great advances
in securing the enjoyment of human rights, from
the day on which Magna Charta was given, to the
Declaration of Independence, had tended to protect
the rights of the subject — the individual man — and
now this principle, untrammeled by clogging forms,
was to be carried out. The individual man was to be
pre-eminent ; the State only his instrument, the mere
machine of his own contriving, designed and moulded
from time to time to protect his civil and religious
privileges. In the great empires of the Old World,
the empire was everything ; the people nothing. Now
the people were to be everything; henceforth they
were to be the fountain of power and influence. An
cient Greece and Rome had their civilization, their
literature, their art, their liberty; but they failed;
they had no elevating principle like Christianity to
permeate and influence the people, penetrate their
inmost life, and dignify the humblest by bringing
into excercise the noblest attributes of their nature.
A Christianized civilization ; the recognition of man's
dearest rights; an open field for individual enter
prise ; attachment to institutions under whose ample
shield protection was secured to all, were so many
pledges of the ultimate success of a people thus gov
erned.
The new government had before it a difficult task
to arrange the various departments of State; to ob
tain revenue, and pay off the national debt. Three
executive departments were created, the presiding
officers of which were styled secretaries — the Treas
ury, War, including that of the Navy, and Foreign
Affairs. These secretaries, the President, with the
concurrence of the Senate, could appoint to office, or
dismiss from the same. They were to constitute his
cabinet or council ; and when requested by him, were
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION 555
bound to give in writing their opinions on the sub
ject under discussion. A judiciary for the nation
was established, under the title of the Supreme Court
of the United States, having subordinate Circuit and
District courts. Washington nominated Alexander
Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury ; General Knox,
Secretary of War; Thomas Jefferson, Secretary for
Foreign Affairs; John Jay, Chief Justice of the
United States, and Edmund Randolph, Attorney-
General.
The first session of Congress, a laborious one of six
months, was spent in organizing the government. It
shows the spirit of the times, that before they ad
journed Congress passed a resolution, requesting the
President to recommend a "day of public thanksgiv
ing and prayer, in acknowledgment of the many sig
nal favors of Almighty God, and especially His af
fording the people an opportunity peaceably to estab
lish a constitution of government for their safety
and happiness."
In January, the second session of the First Con
gress commenced. The President, instead of send
ing a written message, as became the custom, made
.to Both Houses, assembled in the Senate chamber, an
address. He directed their attention to the public
defense ; to the encouragement of agriculture, manu
factures, commerce, and literature ; to the enactment
of naturalization laws, and especially to the payment
of the national debt. These various heads of busi
ness were referred to committees. During this ses
sion the official intercourse between the heads of
departments and the Houses of Congress took the
form of written communications.
Hamilton made his celebrated financial report, in
which he recommended certain measures for obtain
ing revenue to defray the current expenses of the
Government and pay off the national debt. This
<J66 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
debt was in the form of certificates or notes of obli
gation to pay for value received. During the war
they had been issued by the States as well as by
Congress, to persons who furnished supplies to the
army, and for other services. Congress assumed
these debts, and also the foreign debt. The ex
penses of two distinct governments — the Federal and
that of the separate States — were to be borne. The
revenue could be derived only from taxes on prop
erty. As the control of commerce had been trans
ferred to Congress by the States, it was fitting that
the revenue derived from the tax or duty levied on
imported merchandise should be appropriated to the
support of the Federal Government, while that aris
ing from real estate and other sources, should be as
signed to the use of the States. Hamilton proposed,
and the government adopted the system of indirect
taxation by raising revenue from the duties thus im
posed ; and to meet a certain deficiency at the time,
an excise, or tax on the manufacture of domestic
spirits.
Near the close of this session, Congress, after
much discussion, passed a bill to locate the seat of
the General Government on the banks of the Poto
mac, and authorized the President to select the spot
within certain limits, and to make arrangements for
the erection of suitable buildings. Until these
should be ready for occupation, its sessions were to
be held in Philadelphia, at which place, accordingly,
the second Congress began its first session.
The President congratulated the members on the
increasing prosperity of the country, and the unex
pected success in obtaining revenue. On the recom
mendation of Hamilton, Congress gave a charter for
twenty years for a National Bank, with the privi
lege to establish branches in any of the States. The
capital of the Bank was ten millions, of which the
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION 667
government took two millions, and individuals the re
mainder. The Bank was as beneficial to the govern
ment as it was to the commercial interests of the
country. Its bills were payable in gold or silver
when presented at its counters. This feature had a
decided effect; it raised the credit of the General
Government, and inspired confidence in the commer
cial world. The first census, just taken, showed the
population of the States to be almost four millions.
By assuming the debts contracted by the States in
the defense of their common liberties, Congress had
simply performed an act of justice ; provision was
made to pay the interest, and also in time to liqui
date the debts themselves. The duties imposed upon
imports to raise revenue, had also a beneficial effect
upon the struggling manufactures of the country.
The mutual confidence between the States and the.
Federal Government, produced a like influence upon
the minds of the people; their industry was en
couraged, and their commerce extended. American
merchantmen were seen on almost every sea; some
sailed to the northwest coast of the continent, where,
in exchange for trinkets, they obtained furs; these
they bartered for cargoes in China, and these again
they sold at home at an immense profit ; while others
were as busily employed in the trade to the East and
West Indies, and to Europe. About this time Cap
tain Gray, of Boston, returned from a voyage around
the world — the first ever made by an American. On
his second voyage he discovered, and to a certain ex
tent, explored the Columbia river.
Though the Revolution broke the fetters with
which English cupidity had bound the domestic man
ufactures of the colonies, still there were innumera
ble difficulties in the way. A coarse fabric, known
as linsey-woolsey, and dyed in various colors, derived
from the bark of trees in the forest, comprised al-
668 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
most entirely the extent of domestic cloths. At the
town of Beverly, in Massachusetts, was established
the first factory for making cotton cloth. "The pa
triotic adventurers" were not very successful in their
enterprise, though they had machines that could
"card forty pounds of cotton in a day, and spin sixty
threads at a time." Newburyport has the honor of
having the first factory for making woolen cloths,
and two years later an establishment for printing
calico. These crude efforts were not very successful,
but they were the harbingers of future triumphs.
Sir Richard Arkwright improved upon a machine
invented by a poor man named Highs, who called it
a "Jenny," in honor of his daughter, and who, amid
many discouragements, and the jeers of his ignorant
neighbors, contrived to spin a dozen threads of cot
ton at a time. He turned his machine by hand;
Arkwright arranged it to be driven by water-power.
Samuel Slater, "the father of American manufac
tures," a native of Derbyshire, an apprentice of Ark-
wright's partner, made himself familiar, not merely
with the use of the machine, but with the construc
tion of the machines themselves. The British gov
ernment did everything in its power to retain the
knowledge of the invention within the kingdom.
Slater resolved to emigrate to America, and there
introduce this art of spinning cotton. He landed at
New York, but not meeting with encouragement, he
went to Rhode Island, and at Pawtucket put in opera
tion sixty-two spindles on the Arkwright principle.
Sixteen years later he was joined by his brother,
John Slater,1 who brought with him the recent im
provements in the art.
descendant, John S. Slater, in April, 1882, had intro
duced into the N. Y. legislature a bill organizing an associa
tion to manage a fund of $1,000,000 present by him for aid
in educating the negroes of the Southern States.
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION 669
In the valley of the Ohio, Indian troubles were on
the increase. The British neglected to give up the
Western posts, according to the treaty, but retained
them with their small garrisons. The Indians be
came restless, and occasionally made incursions
against the frontier settlements, especially those in
Kentucky. It was surmised that British emissaries
had excited them to these outrages.
The year previous they had repulsed General Har-
mer, who had been sent against them, and this suc
cess increased their boldness. General St. Clair,
now Governor of the Northwest Territory, was ap
pointed to the command of another expedition
against them. In the meantime volunteers from
Kentucky made desultory expeditions into the wilder
ness north of the Ohio. They attacked all the In
dians they met, friendly or unfriendly, but the latter
generally kept out of their way; to burn empty wig
wams, and destroy cornfields, only exasperated the
savages more and more.
It was the middle of September before St. Clair,
with an army of about two thousand men, began his
march from Fort Washington, the little stockade fort
on the site of the present city of Cincinnati. It was
his object to open a way, and establish a line of posts
from the Ohio to the Maumee, and there build and
garrison a strong fort, as a check upon the maraud
ing Indians. Two of these posts he had already
established. The militia who joined the army from
Kentucky, were insubordinate, and, as the army
could move but very slowly in cutting its way
through the wilderness, they grew impatient, and
finally numbers of them returned home. The Chick-
asaw warriors also deserted, and his force was re
duced to fourteen hundred men. When he reached
the headwaters of the Wabash, his army was sur
prised by Little Turtle, a celebrated Miami chief, and
670 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
the Indians, who had hitherto contrived to keep out
of sight. The militia fled immediately, and threw
the regulars into confusion, who could not regain
their order, nor sustain the attack. St. Clair was in
his tent prostrated by illness and not able to mount
his horse, and when Colonel Butler fell, the army
commenced its retreat, or rather flight, abandoning
everything. Fortunately, plunder had more attrac
tions for the savages than pursuit of the fugitives.
The remnant of the army returned to Fort Wash
ington, and the whole frontier was again defenseless.
St. Clair resigned his command, the President ap
pointed General Wayne, whom we have seen so dar
ing in the battles of the Revolution, to lead the next
expedition ; for the sake of connection the account of
this will be given here.
An attempt was made to negotiate a peace, but
without success; in the meanwhile Wayne was at
Fort Washington, earnestly engaged in recruiting
and organizing his army. With his usual energy he
pushed his forces rapidly forward to the scene of St.
Clair's defeat, and there built a fort which he named
Recovery. This fort the Indians besieged for two
days, but were at length driven off. Six weeks after
he suddenly marched to the Maumee. The Indians
were taken by surprise. They took position amidst
some fallen timber, prostrated by a hurricane, in
order to avoid the cavalry, of which they had a great
fear. Wayne ordered the infantry to charge with
the bayonet through the timber. The Indians were
immediately routed, and scattered in all directions.
The fertile valleys of the neighborhood were covered
with cornfields ; these fields of grain were destroyed
up to the very gates of the British fort, which
Wayne could scarcely restrain his army from at
tacking. Thus, in a campaign of ninety days, he
had marched three hundred miles, the greater part
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION £7J
of the road cut by the army, had completely broken
the Indian power, destroyed their provisions for the
next winter, and established a full garrisoned fort
in the midsl of their country. He now returned to
Greenville, ? )me miles west of the Miami, to winter
quarters.
The following summer eleven hundred warriors,
representatives from the western tribes, met Wayne
at that place and made a treaty which secured peace
to the frontier. Their friends the British were about
to evacuate the western posts, and they found it
more to their advantage to submit. They ceded at
this time nearly all the territory of what is now the
State of Ohio, for which they were paid. For twenty
years the Indians had made incursions into Ken
tucky, and during that time they had carried off a
great number of captives. By this treaty all these
captives were to be restored to their friends. It was
a moving spectacle to see parents endeavoring to
find their children, who, years before, had been taken
from their homes, some of them had forgotten their
native language, some preferred to stay with their
savage captors rather than return to civilized life.
Many husbands and wives, who had been separated
for years, were restored to each other.
The conflict of opinions, in regard to the adoption
of the Constitution, had created two parties; the
Federalist and the Anti-Federalist: the one, the ad
ministration and its friends ; the other, those opposed
to its policy. As the Constitution became more and
more popular, opposition was specially made to Ham
ilton's management of the financial affairs of the
government. Time has proved the wisdom of his
policy, which has continued, in the main, to be that
of the government from that day to this.
"He was made Secretary of the Treasury; and
how he fulfilled the duties of such a place, at such
672 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
a time, the whole country perceived with delight,
and the whole world saw with admiration. He smote
the rock of the national resources, and abundant
streams of revenue gushed forth. He touched the
dead corpse of the Public Credit, and it sprang upon
its feet."1
In this opposition Jefferson, the Secretary of State,
performed a secret but active part. Having been
some years in France, as American Minister, he had
returned home thoroughly imbued with French poli
tics. He disliked Adams almost as much as he did
Hamilton, and he seems to have been haunted with
the idea that these two members of the cabinet were,
in disguise, either monarchists or aristocrats; that
they were devising plans to change the republican
form of the government ; and that Washington was
misled by them. He noticed and recorded every re
mark which seemed to him suspicious, made by these
gentlemen, when in the hours of unreserved social
intercourse. While ostensibly the friend of Wash
ington and his administration, he was in communica
tion with the opposition, and diffusing his opinions
in his private correspondence. Measures, which at
one time he himself had approved, he now feared
might have lurking in them some latent principle
which might lead to the establishment of a monar
chy. His party thought it expedient to repudiate
the name, Anti-Federalists, and assume that of Re
publican, at the same time proclaiming they were
the only true friends of the people. An incessant
warfare commenced agamst the policy of the gov
ernment, accompanied with scurrilous abuse of the
President.
The assumption of the State debts ; the national
bank ; the manner of raising the revenue ; the fund
ing system, by which provision was made to pay the
Webster.
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION 573
interest on the national debt, were, in the eyes of the
opposition, so many cunningly-devised plans to cre
ate among the rich, and in the end subvert the lib
erties of the country.
The public interest demanded it, and after much
solicitation from the leading members of the gov
ernment, Washington consented to serve for a second
term. He was unanimously chosen. Adams was re-
elected Vice-President ; he receiving seventy-seven
electoral votes, and George Clinton, of New York,
fifty.
Two months and a half after the first inauguration
of Washington as President a bloody revolution
broke out in France. The people of the United
States looked with much interest upon the French
people struggling for liberty. But it was soon evi
dent that the state of the nation's morals, political
as well as private, forbade the success o;£ the French
republic. The remembrance of the alliance with
France, by which they had received aid in the time
of need, elicited the sympathy of the American peo
ple. The republican party wished to form an alli
ance with the new Republic, while Washington, and
the majority of his cabinet, as well as the more judi
cious statesmen, were in favor of neutrality. The
unheard-of cruelties, which, in the name of liberty,
had been practiced in France for a year or two, had
cooled the zeal of many. One party had succeeded
by guillotining the leaders of its rival ; the amiable
Louis, who had aided the Americans in their strug
gle for liberty, had been murdered by his subjects ;
and Lafayette was forced to flee. Strange that such
"excesses and horrible butcheries" found apologists
in the United States.
While the public mind was thus divided, came Ed-
mond Charles Genet, or "Citizen Genet," as he was
styled, as minister of the French Republic. He
674 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
brought the intelligence that France had declared
war against England. Now the opposition, urged
on by their hatred to the latter power, wished to
enter into an alliance with France, and thus involve
the country in war. But Washington and his cab
inet, in spite of these clamors, promptly proclaimed
neutrality as the policy of the United States, and
also warned the people not to commit acts incon
sistent with the proclamation of neutrality, nor with
the strictest impartiality towards the belligerents.
The wisdom of the Government saved the country
from a multitude of evils.
Genet took advantage of the sympathy manifested
for France by a portion of the American people, and
began to fit out privateers against English com
merce. This was an insult to the dignity of the
government, and a violation of the proclaimed neu
trality. But the partisans of France were deter
mined that the country should be committed to an
alliance with the great sister Republic in the old
world.
About this time numerous societies, modelled after
the famous Jacobin clubs in Paris, began to be
formed in various parts of the Union. The more
ultra assumed the title of Democratic, while others
preferred to call themselves Democratic Republican.
They made strenuous efforts to influence the public
mind in favor of French politics, and drive the gov
ernment from its determination not to interfere in
the quarrels of Europe. The President and his pol
icy were assailed in terms of unmeasured abuse. The
principal organ of this abuse was the Gazette news
paper, edited by Phillip Freneau, who at this time
was employed by Jefferson as translating clerk.
The Republican newspapers continued to accuse
the President and his cabinet of being enemies of
France, the only friend of the United States, and of
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION 675
being friends of England, the bitter enemy of Amer
ican liberties.
Genet mistook the clamors of a few for the senti
ments of the majority of the people. He now had
the audacity to authorize the French consuls in the
ports of the United States to receive and sell prizes
taken from the English, with whom we were at
peace. He had also other projects in view, one to
raise men in the Carolinas and Georgia and wrest
Florida from Spain, another to raise men in Ken
tucky and make an attack on Louisiana.
In his correspondence with the government he be
came more and more insolent, imputed improper mo-
tivse to its members, till finally the President trans
mitted his letters to Gouverneur Morris, American
minister at Paris, with directions to lay them before
the Executive Council — and request his recall.
When Genet received the information of this pro
cedure he was thunderstruck. He charged Jeffer
son with insincerity, as "having an official language
and a language confidential."
Though sympathizing with France in her struggles
for liberty, but not in her atrocious excesses, the
great majority of the people, when informed of the
true state of the case, began to hold meetings and
express their approbation of the measures adopted
by the President, to prevent his country from being
embroiled in European quarrels.
In due time Morris presented the request that
Genet should be recalled ; but another change had oc
curred in France. The managemer c of affairs had
passed into the hands of the Jacobins ; the Reign of
Terror had commenced. Genet was unceremoniously
recalled, and Mr. Fauchet appointed in his place.
Genet did not return home, but became a citizen of
the United States,
676 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Through much toil and danger had the fertile val
leys of the Monongahela and its tributaries been
settled. The pioneers were principally Scotch-Irish
Presbyterians, from eastern Pennsylvania and Vir
ginia. Their trials were as great as those of the
early colonists. At first their families lived in
blockhouses or forts, through fear of the Indians,
while they, as they cleared the forest or tilled the
soil, were always armed; they even carried their
rifles in their hands when on the Sabbath they as
sembled in the grove, or the rude log church, to hear
the Gospel. The untrodden mountains lay between
them and the settlements on the Atlantic slope.
Across these mountains the only road was a bridle
path; the only conveyance a pack-horse. Iron and
salt could only be obtained as these pack-horses car
ried them across the mountains. Salt was worth
eight dollars a bushel; and often twenty bushels of
wheat were given in exchange for one of salt. Their
fertile fields produced an abundance of grain, espe
cially wheat, from which they distilled the famed
Monangahela whiskey, while their orchards were
laden with apples and peaches from which they made
brandies. To find a market for these, almost their
only product, they must take a long and dangerous
journey in flat-boats down the Ohio and the Missis
sippi to New Orleans, and thence by ship to the east
ern markets.
The tax levied upon the manufacture of domestic
spirits was opposed by many. It was no doubt looked
upon as unequal, as it was appropriated to the sup
port of the Federal government, while the tax itself
fell upon only a small portion of the community.
But nowhere was it so persistently resisted as by
these settlers of the four western counties of Penn
sylvania. They rose in open rebellion ; not only re
fused to pay the tax, but drove off the officers ap-
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION 677
pointed to collect it. This opposition was not con
fined to obscure persons, but some of the most in
fluential encouraged the multitude to resist the law ;
but their ministers, to a man, exerted all their in
fluence in favor of obedience. The more violent
leaders openly boasted they would not only resist the
law, but separate from Pennsylvania, and form a new
State. They professed to have very little regard for
the Federal government, and took encouragement
from the same party that sustained Genet. To dis
cover those who sent information of their high
handed measures to the government, these rebels
robbed the mail ; they scoffed at the proclamation of
the Governor of the State and also at that of the
President. Thus matters continued for nearly two
years. It shows the excitement which prevailed,
that at one time, with only three days' notice, there
assembled on Braddock's Field nearly seven thousand
armed men. They had for their motto "Liberty and
no excise." The assemblage passed many resolu
tions, indicating an intention to resort to further acts
of violence.
This meeting was presided over by Colonel Ed
ward Cook, one of the judges of Fayette county, who
had taken an active part in resisting the enforce
ment of the law. Its secretary was Albert Gallatin,
from the same county, a native of Switzerland, who
had been in the country but a few years; a young
man of superior education; an ardent sympathizer
with the French school of politics ; a violent opposer
of the excise law. He had risen rapidly in popular
favor, had been a member of the Legislature of the
State, and also of a Convention to amend its Con
stitution.
Governor Mif flin wished to try the effect of a cir
cular addressed to the insurgents, before calling out
the militia. The circular was unheeded. The Presi-
678 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
dent issued a proclamation ordering the rebels to
desist from their illegal proceedings; at the same
time he called out the militia, who responded prompt
ly to the call.
The leaders soon found that, after all, the Federal
authority had the power and was determined to en
force the law. The leaders became anxious to screen
the people from the anger of the government, and
themselves from the anger of the people.
Only when the militia, which had crossed the
mountains, in two divisions, formed a juncture at
Union Town, did the insurgents submit. A few ar
rests were made ; the most active leaders had fled the
country. Thus ended "The Whiskey Insurrection."
The vigor and energy displayed by the Federal gov
ernment in putting down the insurgents added
strength to its authority.
The belligerents in Europe, though professing
friendship, had but little regard to the rights of
Americans. While France was detaining their ships
in her ports, England was issuing orders to her navy
to seize and detain all vessels freighted with French
goods, or laden with provisions for any French col
ony. These measures would ruin American com
merce. Congress passed a resolution which forbade
any trading vessel to leave an American port for
sixty days. This was designed to annoy the British,
by not furnishing provisions for their navy — yet it
operated just as much against the French, through
whose particular friends the bill was passed.
A war with England was impending. To avert
such a calamity, and to arrange the difficulties exist
ing between the two countries, Washington resolved
to send a special ambassador to the Court of St.
James.
To this important mission he nominated the pa
triotic and pure-minded Chief Justice Jay, Jay was
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION 679
of Huguenot descent; as to his revolutionary serv
ices second only to the President himself; of the
highest reputation as a jurist; his integrity, learn
ing and disinterestedness had won him universal re
spect. In addition, there was a propriety in the se
lection that conciliated all minds, for he was one of
the commissioners who had negotiated the first
treaty with Great Britain. It would be a very diffi
cult task to obtain all that the American people
thought they had a right to ask. There were many
assumptions of power which England would be un
willing to yield. To negotiate under such circum
stances required much skill and judgment.
On his arrival in England, Jay was treated with
great courtesy and respect, and a disposition was
manifested to amicably arrange the difficulties which
had arisen between the two countries.
Both parties had their complaints to make. The
one, that the Western posts had not been given up
according to the treaty; that their neutral rights
were not respected ; that compensation had not been
given for the slaves carried off at the close of the
war; that their merchants were excluded from the
West India trade, and that British sailors, who by
adoption had become Americans, were impressed and
forcibly taken out of American ships.
The other, that debts contracted with English
merchants prior to the Revolution could not be col
lected ; that the property of Tories had not been ac
counted for. A treaty Was finally concluded, not
such as Jay wished, nor as justice demanded, but the
best that could be obtained under the circumstances.
The Western posts were to be given up in two
years ; the West India trade was granted on certain
conditions, while free admission was given to British
ports in Europe and in the East Indies, but no com
pensation could be obtained for the negroes. On the
680 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
other hand, provision was made for the collection of
the debts complained of.
A great clamor was raised against the treaty,
which was grossly misrepresented. One party con
tended that its ratification would produce war with
France, the other that its rejection would lead to a
war with England. There were stormy debates on
the subject in Congress, and in some of the State
Legislatures. But when the difficulties that stood
in the way of obtaining more desirable conditions
became known, and when the character of the treaty
itself was understood, the more intelligent and con
servative portion of the people, were in favor of
accepting it. After a fortnight's debate in secret
session the Senate advised its ratification, and thus
was secured peace for some years; under the cir
cumstances, a very important gain.
Treaties were also negotiated with Spain, in which
the boundaries between the United States, Louisiana,
and Florida were more definitely settled. The free
navigation of the Mississippi was also secured to
both parties, and the Americans were granted for
three years the privilege of making New Orleans a
place of deposit for their trade.
American commerce, deriving its main resources
in the New England States, had increased very rap
idly; the trade to the Mediterranean was, however,
much hindered by depredations committed upon it by
Algerine pirates. Whether to purchase an exemp
tion from these annoyances, as Europe had been in
the habit of, or to send a fleet and punish the ma
rauders, was a difficult question to answer. It was
thought better, for the present, to redeem the Amer
ican sailors held as slaves by these barbarians. On
this occasion a bill was passed to build six frigates ;
this was the foundation of the Navy of the United
States. The following year a treaty was made with
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION flgl
the Dey of Algiers, and the captives released on the
payment of a heavy ransom — nearly a million of dol
lars were paid for this purpose. This money, ex
pended in fitting out an armament, and thoroughly
chastising the pirates, would have been better pol
icy, — as was proved some years afterwards.
Three more States — Vermont, Kentucky, and
Tennessee — were admitted into the Union during the
administration.
As Washington was unwilling to serve another
term, the two parties arrayed their forces for a trial
of strength. The Federalists nominated John
Adams for President and the Republicans Thomas
Jefferson. The parties were very nearly equally
divided. Adams received two more votes than Jef
ferson, and was declared to be elected President, and
the latter Vice-President.
Before retiring from public life Washington pub
lished a farewell address to the people of the United
States. They responded to it with respect and af
fection ; the outburst of a nation's gratitude. It was
a truly paternal address, warning the nation against
party strife and sectional jealousies, advising the
policy of impartial neutrality toward other nations
when at war with each other, and as a safeguard to
liberty, the preservation of the Union and the Consti
tution.
Thus ended the eight years of Washington's ad
ministration. When it commenced all was unsettled.
Now the government was established. In that short
time it had been severely tested.
The general policy of his administration became
the fixed policy of the government of the United
States. The most enduring monument of his integ
rity and wisdom ; of his patriotic and Christian prin-
682 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
ciples. Strange as it may seem, the annals of un
scrupulous political warfare do not furnish a parallel
to the scurrilous slanders that were heaped upon him,
not only during his administration, but at its close.
Such were the disreputable means used to induce the
United States to become the ally of France, and to
join in a war against the hated England.
CHAPTER XL.
1797_1801
JOHN ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION
Serious Aspect of Relations With France — Commissioners of
Peace — The French Cruisers — The Alien Act — War Im
pending — Washington, Commander-in-Chief — Capture of
the Frigate L'Insurgente — Peace Concluded — Death of
Washington — Eulogiums on His Character — The City of
Washington Becomes the Seat of Government.
The policy of the new administration was like that
of the preceding, the cabinet officers of which were
retained. The new President was not more influ
enced by love for England than by admiration for
France. He had no expectation that the latter coun
try would establish a government upon just and
righteous principles. He expressed a "determina
tion to maintain peace and inviolate faith with all
nations, and neutrality and impartiality with the bel
ligerent powers of Europe."
In the meantime relations with France assumed a
serious aspect. Nothing would satisfy that power
but a willingness on the part of the United States to
be used as a dependent. While the French partisans
were clamoring for such an alliance, the Directory
exhibited their good will by issuing orders to seize
and retain all American vessels having on board
English manufactured goods.
Washington had recalled Monroe from the French
Mission, and in his place sent Charles C. Pinckney.
The latter sent his credentials to the Minister of For
eign Affairs, but a few days after Monroe was noti
fied that a minister would not be received from the
United States until grievances were redressed ; but
084 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Monroe himseli was complimented for his devotion
to the French cause ; under the circumstances, a com
pliment somewhat equivocal.
Pinckney was treated with studied neglect, border
ing on insult ; finally he demanded his passports and
departed for Holland. During this time French pri
vateers and cruisers were capturing American mer
chantmen and treating their crews as prisoners of
war. Some of the privateers were commanded by
renegade Americans, who gloried in sailing under the
colors of the "Great Republic."
France also stimulated Holland and Spain to com
plain of the partiality of Jay's treaty with Great
Britain; and was also suspected of an intention to
rob Spain of Louisiana and Florida. With overpow
ering successes, and unscrupulous political morals,
she was making rapid strides toward becoming the
great power of the world.
Still more alarming was the fact that there existed
in the United States a large party that opposed the
neutral policy of the government, and openly favored
an alliance with the "Terrible Republic."
The President called a special session of Congress,
and laid before it a statement of the relations with
France. When it became known that in their repre
sentative the United States had been deliberately in
sulted; and that French aggressions on American
commerce were increasing, the enthusiasm of the
partisans of France somewhat declined.
Two special commissioners were appointed to pro
ceed to Paris, and, if possible, adjust the existing dif
ficulties. John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry were
selected for this mission. The former, who was a
Federalist, became afterward Chief Justice of the
United States ; the latter, a Republican in sentiment,
one of the signers of the Declaration of Independ
ence, became afterward Vice-President. They were
JOHN ADAMS* ADMINISTRATION 685
authorized to conclude a treaty ; one that should not
conflict with treaties existing with other nations ; and
to insist upon the right of the United States to re
main neutral.
The envoys joined Pinckney in Paris, and imme
diately made known to the Minister of Foreign Af
fairs the object of their mission. This minister was
no less a personage than the celebrated Talleyrand,
who some years before had been an exile in the
United States, where, not receiving the attention
which he thought he deserved, had returned home in
no very complacent humor. At first he refused an
audience to the commissioners, but soon after sent
irresponsible persons to make them propositions,
which, if found convenient, he could easily disavow.
Thus for several months they were the victims of
diplomatic trickery.
Meanwhile French cruisers captured American
vessels, and French courts confiscated their cargoes,
and imprisoned their crews. Finally the commis
sioners were given to understand, if they would ad
vance a little money for the special benefit of Talley
rand and his worthy friends, and also pledge the
United States to make France a loan, that negotia
tions would be commenced in earnest. This proposi
tion was indignantly refused. Marshall and Pinck
ney were immediately ordered to leave the country,
and Gerry, whose party at home sympathized with
France, was invited to remain and negotiate a treaty.
It was by such insults and injuries, that France hoped
to intimidate the United States, and make them as
dependent on her boasted magnanimity, as she had
already made Spain. The disrespect offered the com
missioners excited great indignation in the minds of
the American people. Strange as it may seem, the
opposition insisted that France was not to blame, but
their own government, in faithfully enforcing its
686 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
policy of neutrality. At length the correspondence
between Talleyrand's agents and the commissioners
was published. The French party offered no more
apologies. The spirit of the insulted people was
aroused. The reply of Pinckney to the corrupt emis
saries of Talleyrand — "Millions for defense, not one
cent for tribute," was echoed throughout the land.
Addresses to the President, approving his measures,
began to pour in from all parts of the nation. The
French party soon dwindled to a small minority. The
only hope Jefferson cherished was that Congress
would adjourn. "To separate Congress now," wrote
he, "will be withdrawing the fire from a boiling pot."
A large number of French exiles — it was thought
nearly thirty thousand — were, at this time, in the
country. Some of these acted as spies, at least so
thought the government; some had tampered with
the people of Kentucky to induce them to join in an
expedition against Louisiana, then belonging to
Spain, and some planned a similar expedition against
Florida. Thus did they abuse the hospitality ten
dered them by endeavoring to create divisions among
the people, and opposition to the policy of the gov
ernment.
Under these circumstances Congress passed what
was termed the "Alien Act," to continue in force two
years, by which the President was authorized to or
der out of the country aliens, who, by their plots
might endanger the interests of the government in
case of war. The law was never enforced, but nev
ertheless a large number of these exiles left the
country.
Presently Marshall returned, and confirmed all that
had been reported of the demands of the French Re
public. The President sent in a message to Con
gress, which contained a statement of the embar
rassing relations existing between the two countries.
JOHN ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION 687
Preparations were made for war. It was resolved to
raise and equip an army ; to fortify important posts
on the sea-coast ; to prepare a naval armament, and
to capture French armed vessels, but not to molest
merchantmen.
The people came forward with alacrity to assist.
Money was subscribed liberally, especially in the sea
board towns, to equip a navy. The frigates so long
building were just finished ; and the Constitution, the
United States, and the Constellation, the germ of our
present navy, were fitted for sea.
Washington was nominated as Lieutenant-General
and Commander-in-Chief of the army — a nomination
unanimously confirmed by the Senate. He heartily
approved the measures of the President, and con
demned those of France, saying that the administra
tion ought to inspire universal satisfaction, and
added, "we can with pure hearts appeal to Heaven
for the justice of our cause, and may trust the final
result to that kind Providence which has hitherto and
so often signally favored the Deople of the United
States."
When it was seen that the United States would not
submit to insult, but were preparing to repel it by
force, the Directory made overtures for peace. This
intimation came from Murray, the American Minis
ter at Holland, to whom Talleyrand had communi
cated the proposition. The President accordingly
nominated two commissioners, Oliver Ellsworth and
W. R. Davie, who were to join Murray in Paris.
President Adams took the ground that they should
not enter France, unless assurance was given that
they would be received in a "manner befitting the
Commissioners of an independent nation."
On their arrival in France they found Bonaparte
at the head of affairs, and the cunning and politic
Talleyrand still in office. Negotiations commenced,
688 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
and in due time a treaty was concluded, which in its
provisions adjusted nearly all the matters of dispute.
The fleet which had been fitted out to protect
American commerce from French depredations had
not been idle. More than three hundred private ves
sels had been licensed to carry arms and to defend
themselves from the common enemy. But the inci
dent which gave the greatest satisfaction to the
country was the capture of the French frigate
L'Insurgente, by the Constellation, under Captain
Truxton. The two vessels were about equal in their
complement of men and guns. After a severe con
test of an hour and a quarter, the L'Insurgente
struck her colors, having lost in men twenty to none
of her antagonist. This was the first time that an
American armed vessel had met one of another na
tion on equal terms. As a presage of future tri
umphs it was most grateful to the people.
Ere long intelligence came of the conclusion of
peace. The army was disbanded, but the defenses
along the coast were still maintained, and also it was
resolved to keep the navy afloat.
But before it was known in America that the Com
missioners of peace had been kindly received, an
event occurred which cast a gloom over the nation,
and for a season silenced the clamors of party spirit
— the death of Washington. In riding about his
farm he was exposed to a cold rain. The following
morning he complained of a sore throat, an inflam
mation of the windpipe followed, which speedily pro
duced death. With calm resignation he expressed
his willingness to die.
A joint committee of both Houses of Congress re
ported resolutions recommending to the people of the
United States, out of respect for his memory, to wear
badges of mourning for thirty days, and also that his
approaching birthday be celebrated "by suitable
JOHN ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION 539
eulogies, orations, and discourses, or by public pray
ers." Thus did the people honor him "who was
first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of
his countrymen."
The oration before both houses of Congress, was
pronounced by Colonel Henry Lee, whom we have
seen as the intimate though youthful friend of
Washington. In accordance with the above recom
mendation, his birthday was celebrated throughout
the land; the most eminent in the nation delighted
to honor his memory. Nor was his name honored
only in his native land. When the news reached
Europe it elicited emotions of sadness and tokens of
respect. The great British fleet of sixty ships of the
line, under the command of Lord Bridport, and at
the time lying in the English channel, lowered their
flags to half mast. In his orders of the day to the
French army, Bonaparte, then First Consul of
France, paid a tribute to his memory, and afterward
caused a funeral oration to be delivered before the
civil and military authorities, and the standards of
the army to be draped in mourning for ten days.
Such were the public tokens of respect. But he
had a higher honor — a place in the affections of the
good and humane in private life more than any man
of any age; he never received an office in the gift
of the people, or at the hands of th^ir representa
tives, that was not unanimously given. To him alone
has gone forth that heartfelt respect, that reverence
and gratitude which can be embodied only in the
endearing title, the Father of His Country.
Says an eminent British statesman and scholar
(Lord John Russell) : "To George Washington near
ly alone in modern times has it been given to accom
plish a wonderful revolution, and yet to remain to all
future times the theme of a people's gratitude, and
an example of virtuous and beneficent power." "His
590 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
intellectual, like his moral qualities, were never
brought out to display his own talent or enhance his
own glory. They were forthcoming as occasion re
quired, or the voice of the country called for them ;
largeness of combination, quickness of decision, fort
itude in adversity, sympathy with his officers, the
burst of impetuous courage, were the natural emana
tions of this great and magnanimous soul."1
The administration of Adams, now drawing to its
close, was in its policy like that of Washington. Dur
ing these twelve years, there was much opposition,
but that policy in the main has remained unchanged
from that day to this. To be free from the turmoil
of European politics was wisdom, but to carry it out
required the calm determination of Washington, as
well as the impulsive energy of Adams, "who was
not the man to quail" when he thought duty called.
During the summer the seat of the Federal Gov
ernment was removed to the City of Washington,
then "a little village in the midst of the woods," in
the District of Columbia.
The struggle for political power was renewed with
great vigor, and in the bitterness of party spirit.
The Federalists nominated Adams and Charles C.
Pinckney for President, while the Republicans nom
inated for the same office, Thomas Jefferson and
Aaron Burr. When the electors came to cast their
vo'tes it was found that Adams had sixty-five, Pinck
ney, sixty-four, and Jefferson and Burr had each
seventy-three. In accordance with the provisions of
the Constitution, it became necessary for the House
of Representatives to make the choice. After thirty-
six ballotings, during seven days, Jefferson was cho
sen President, and Burr Vice-President.
and Times of James Fox, Vol. 1, pp. 366 and 254.
CHAPTER XLI.
1801—1807
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION
The President's Inaugural — Purchase of Louisiana — The Pi
rates of the Mediterranean — Captain Bainbridge- — The
Burning of the Philadelphia — Tripoli Bombarded — Death
of Hamilton— Aaron Burr — Opposition to the Navy —
Gunboats — Rights of Neutrals Infringed Upon — The Un
just Decrees Issued by England and France — American
Merchants Demand the Right to Defend Themselves — Im
pressment of American Seamen — Treaty with England
Rejected by the President — Affair of the Chesapeake —
The Embargo; Its Effect— Public Feeling on the Subject-
Manufactures — Embargo Repealed.
On entering upon office Jefferson found the coun
try in a prosperous condition. The revenue was
abundant for current expenses; the stability of the
government had inspired the industrial interests with
confidence, commerce had increased beyond all prec
edent, and was pressing on to still higher triumphs.
The prospects of a general peace in Europe also
gave assurance that American ships would no longer
be subjected to unlawful seizures under the pretense
that they carried cargoes contraband of war. The
census just taken had shown the population to be,
within a few hundreds, double what it was at the
commencement of the revolution, the total popula
tion being 5,319,762. The number of members of the
House of Representatives was 141.
The new President professed to deprecate party
spirit: and wished to be recognized as a "moderate
republican," proclaiming as "brethren of the same
principles, we are called by different names, we are all
Republicans, we are all Federalists." But in a very
short time he began to remove those from office, who
692 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
were not of his own political opinions. The bitter
ness of party spirit was not allayed by this policy.
Immigrants had been pouring into the region
Northwest of the Ohio. In one year twenty thou
sand persons had passed into that territory to find
homes. The people of the eastern portion, presented
themselves at the door of Congress, asking permis
sion to be admitted as a State. The request was
granted, and the States of Ohio, with a population of
seventy thousand, became a member of the Union.
The Spanish Governor of Louisiana, in violation of
an existing treaty — that of 1795 — refused permis
sion to the traders on the Mississippi to deposit their
produce at New Orleans. This act, so injurious to
their commerce, caused a great commotion among
the people beyond the mountains. The government
was called upon to redress these grievances; the
Western people must have the privilege of freely nav
igating the Mississippi, or they would seize New
Orleans, and drive the Spaniards from the territory.
At this crisis intimations came from Paris that
Spain, by a secret treaty, had ceded Louisiana to
France. Bonaparte's vision of restoring the French
power on this continent had become somewhat dim,
especially as the overpowering fleet of Great Britain
would seize and occupy the mouth of the Mississippi,
whenever it was known to belong to France. To
avoid this contingency, he was willing to sell the en
tire territory of Louisiana to the United States. Ac
cordingly Robert R. Livingston, American Minister
at Paris, commenced negotiations, which resulted in
the purchase of that region for fifteen millions of dol
lars. The rights and privileges of American citizens
were guaranteed to the inhabitants of the purchased
territory.
When the sale was completed, Bonaparte is said to
have exclaimed: "This accession of territory
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION 693
strengthens forever the power of the United States ;
I have just given to England a maritime rival that
will sooner or later humble her pride."
In the midst of the turmoil of wars in Europe, the
pirates of the Mediterranean had renewed their dep
redations upon American commerce. Captain Bain-
bridge in command of the frigate George Washing
ton was sent to Algiers with the usual tribute. The
Dey ordered him to carry some presents and his am
bassador to Constantinople. Bainbridge at first re
fused. The Dey was highly indignant, "You pay me
tribute," said he, "by which you become my slaves,
and therefore I have the right to order you as I think
proper." However, as he was exposed to the guns
of the castle and batteries, and learning that English,
French, and Spanish ships of war had submitted to
similar impositions, Bainbridge thought it more pru
dent to comply with the arrogant demand, hoping at
some future time to avenge the indignity thus of
fered his country's flag. In closing his report to the
Navy Department, he wrote: "I hope I will never
again he sent to Algiers with tribute unless I am au
thorized to deliver it from the mouth of our cannon."
As these depredations continued, and, while the
tribute became more and more onerous, a squadron,
under Commodore Preble, was sent to capture the
pirates and blockade the harbor of Tripoli. The frig
ate Philadelphia, commanded by Bainbridge, when
chasing an Algerine cruiser, ran upon a sunken rock
near the shore. While thus disabled, Tripolitan gun
boats captured her after a contest, which lasted an
entire day. Bainbridge and his crew of three hun
dred men, were made prisoners, and treated as slaves,
for whom an exorbitant ransom was demanded.
Finding means, however, to communicate with the
American squadron, he suggested the possibility of
burning the Philadelphia, as she lay moored under
694 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
the guns of the castle. Lieutenant Decatur volun
teered to act on the suggestion. A small Tripolitan
trader had been captured a few days before. This
vessel, now named the Intrepid, was selected for the
enterprise. With a crew of seventy-six chosen men
— all volunteers — Decatur sailed on his perilous un
dertaking. Combustibles were prepared in bundles,
and to each man was assigned his particular duty.
Passing into the harbor, they approached the Phil
adelphia about midnight. When hailed, the interpre
ter answered they were traders, who had lost their
anchor in the late gale, and begged permission to
make fast to the frigate till morning. The request
was granted, and the Intrepid slipped alongside.
Suddenly the Turks noticed that she had her anchors,
and gave the alarm, shouting "Americanos." In a
moment more, Decatur and his brave companions
clambered up one side of the vessel, while the panic-
stricken Turks, after slight resistance, as rapidly
passed over the other into the water. The fagots
were lianded up, and carried to every part of the
ship, and in thirty minutes she was on fire from stem
to stern. So dry had the vessel and the rigging be
come in that warm climate, that with difficulty the
Americans escaped the flames. When clear of the
frigate cheers of triumph told that the daring at
tempt had been successful. The flames soon lighted
up the harbor; the castle opened with its guns upon
the Intrepid, which, urged on by the rowers, was rap
idly passing out of danger. Soon the guns of the
burning frigate began to explode and throw their
shot in all directions. This was one of the boldest
enterprises ever undertaken by our naval heroes.
The squadron continued to blockade the harbor of
Tripoli, and during the following summer bombarded
the town. The contest was severe, and there was
much hand-to-hand fighting on board gunboats. In-
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION 695
telligence came that other vessels were on their way,
and a further attack was postponed. Before the ar
rival of this reinforcement the Bashaw came to
terms, and desired to make peace ; other causes aided
in hastening this event. He had driven his elder
brother, Hamet, into exile, and usurped his throne.
Captain William Eaton, American Consul at Tunis,
concreted measures with the exiled brother to drive
the usurper from Tripoli. With four hundred troops,
only nine of whom were Americans, Eaton and
Hamet marched a thousand miles across the Libyan
desert, and suddenly appeared before Derne, which
place, with the aid of the American fleet, they cap
tured in a few days. The Bashaw sent troops against
the invaders; these troops were also defeated, then
to save himself he made proposals to negotiate.
Peace was concluded by Lear, the American Consul
at Tripoli, but not on as favorable terms as justice
demanded. After an exchange of prisoners, man for
man, there still remained two hundred Americans;
for these a heavy ransom was paid, thus conceding
the point in dispute, that the Bashaw had a right to
receive ransoms for prisoners taken by his pirates.
Jefferson was re-elected President, and, instead of
Burr, George Clinton, of New York, Vice-President.
Burr's intrigues had become known to both parties,
and he experienced the just fate of the insincere —
he was suspected by all, and trusted by none. Re
jected by his own State, his political prospects ruined,
and overwhelmed by debts, the result of unsuccessful
speculations, his cold and unrelenting spirit panted
for revenge. He looked upon the influence of Alex
ander Hamilton, as one cause of his political failure.
To retrieve his political fortunes Burr was willing
to risk his own life, if he could but kill the man whose
patriotism and integrity he well knew, and whose in
fluence he dreaded. He laid his plans to force Ham-
696 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
ilton into a duel. They met on the banks of the
Hudson, opposite New York, Hamilton previously de
claring that to fight a dual was contrary to his judg
ment and his sense of moral duty; that he wished
Burr no ill, and should make no effort to injure him.
Burr took deliberate aim, and Hamilton was mortally
wounded ; as he fell his own pistol went off acciden
tally. When the surgeon approached he said, "Doc
tor, this is a mortal wound." In twenty-four hours
he was no more. Thus fell one of the brightest intel
lects, and purest, self-sacrificing patriots of the coun
try — a victim to an unchristian custom, the relic of a
barbarous age. His loss to the country was second
only to that of Washington.
The most imposing funeral ceremony the city ever
saw revealed the depth of feeling in the public mind.
Presently the correspondence between the parties
was published ; this made known the designing man
ner in which Hamilton had been entrapped, and the
disclosure produced in the public mind still greater
indignation against Burr. The coroner's jury
brought in a verdict of wilful murder against him.
Fearful of violence he was fain to conceal himself for
a few days in New York, and then to flee to Phila
delphia, and finally to Georgia, until, as he expressed
it, "the storm would blow over."
The sacrifice of a man so eminent, merely to ap
pease the honor of a consummate villain, turned the
minds of the people more directly to the moral turpi
tude, as well as the absurdity of the custom of duel
ling. Public opinion on this subject became, hence
forth, embodied in laws, which soon banished the
custom from some of the States, and eventually it
was excluded from all the States and from the Dis
trict of Columbia.
The remaining history of Aaron Burr may be told
in a few words. His intriguing and restless nature
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION 697
impelled him to other enterprises. The year follow
ing the death of Hamilton he went west. That sec
tion of the country contained many turbulent spirits,
and had, moreover, manifested much dissatisfaction
with the General Government. It was thought Burr
had some designs for his own aggrandizement ; either
to seize upon New Orleans and draw off the people of
the valley of the Mississippi from their allegiance to
the Union, or to make a foray into Mexico, overturn
the existing government, and put himself at the head
of the one he should establish. His mysterious move
ments from place to place, and the hints concerning
his projects, which he threw out to those whom he
wished to enlist, excited the suspicion of the federal
government. After being permitted to plan and
counter-plan for a year or more, he was finally ar
rested and brought to trial. But so cunningly had he
managed the affair, that no decisive proof could be
obtained of hh designs. After a prolonged trial, he
was acquitted of the charge of treason against the
United States.
Though acquitted by the jury, public opinion
treated him as guilty. Turned upon the world a
penniless wanderer, suspected everywhere, even in
foreign lands, where he lived in the greatest poverty,
a pensioner upon the pittance doled out by a few
friends. Ordered out of England as a French spy,
and treated in France as a British emissary ; finally,
he returned home, to find his family ties all broken,
his daughter, an only and beloved child, having, un
der trying circumstances, recently perished at sea.
He made no advances to renew former friendships
or acquaintances, and would gladly have shunned the
public gaze, but he was compelled in his old age ir
resume the practice of the law as a means of support.
With a ban resting upon him, he went down in loneli-
698 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
ness to the grave, in his eighty-first year — a melan
choly instance of prostituted talents.
The country continued to be very prosperous ; the
public expenses were lessened, and the finances were
leaving every year an increasing surplus; the bel
ligerents in Europe had not yet interfered much
with American commerce, the great source of the
federal revenue. The facilities for making money
exchanges afforded by the banks had a oeneficial
effect upon the internal trade of the country. The
exportation of domestic produce had tripled in value
since the adoption of the Constitution, amounting to
forty-two millions. There was also a rapidly-
increasing, and immensely profitable trade in the
import and export of foreign merchandise, exclu
sively for the supply of foreign nations. Internal
improvements were not overlooked, and companies
were formed for the construction of roads and
bridges, and others for insurance.
Washington and Adams, in their administrations,
both endeavored to place the force of the country on
a footing to command the respect of other nations.
Hence they strongly urged the creation of a navy to
protect American commerce, and the policy of forti
fying important places along the coast. But Jef
ferson looked upon this as a useless expense. He
would prefer to have the public ships hauled out of
harm's way into harbors; instead of prosecuting
trade upon the ocean, where a cruiser of one of the
belligerents might occasionally search a vessel for
goods of contraband of war, he would lay an embargo,
and cut off all trade. Harbor fortifications were sub
jected to the same policy, falsely named economical;
gunboats were to take the place of other defenses.
Even the frames of the six ships of the line, com
menced by the previous administration, were cut up
to make gunboats.
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION 599
For more than six years not a single vessel was
added to the navy, though there were indications
that war might speedily occur. The hostility in Con
gress to that branch of the service was confined
principally to the southern members. It was avowed
that in case of war it would be good policy to abandon
the harbors and sea coast, and retire into the inte
rior; that it would be better to give up commerce
altogether than protect it by a navy.
The war between France and England had driven
from the ocean all the merchant vessels of those na
tions. This trade passed into the hands of neutrals,
the United States securing much the largest share.
The cruisers of the belligerent powers continued to
infringe upon the rights of the neutrals. The battle
of Trafalgar annihilated the fleets of Spain and
France. The dread of French cruisers had passed
away ; and the British merchants began to complain
of the vast profits made by the Americans in the
neutral trade, whose emoluments they wished to se
cure to themselves. It was suspected that the vast
amount of property carried by the Americans did not
belong to them, but that it was taken to a neutral
port merely to acquire a neutral character, and then
transshipped to the ports belonging to those nations
which were at war — a charge no doubt true in many
instances. On this ground American vessels were
seized and condemned.
The English government passed a decree which de
clared the coast of Europe from the mouth of the
river Elbe to Brest, to be in a state of blockade;
thus forbidding neutrals to trade within these pre
scribed limits. Napoleon, unable to contend with
England upon the ocean, now issued the famous Ber
lin decree, which declared the coast of Great Britain
to be in a state of blockade. In addition, he pro
hibited all trade in English merchandise. Two
700 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
months later, Great Britain forbade all trade with
France whatever. Thus these two nations wantonly
disregarded the interests and rights of the commerce
of the world. Both French and British cruisers, now
captured American trading ships, and the commerce
which extended to every sea, gradually dwindled
down to a coasting trade. Owing to the govern
ment's policy — fondly cherished as the very essence
of economy — the commerce of the nation was left
to the tender mercies of ocean despots ; there was no
way to give it protection, except a few redoubtable
gunboats, that lay in the harbors, patiently waiting
for the audacious cruisers to come within their
range.
The condemnation of vessels taken by foreign
cruisers, and the forfeiture of their cargoes to the
amount of millions, caused an intense excitement
among American merchants. In all the seaport
towns, especially, meetings were held to express the
views of the people, and petitions asking protection,
poured into Congress. These petitions only pro
duced a recommendation of the President to that
body to build more gunboats. It is strange the pol
icy, which neglected the mercantile interests of the
country, should be contrasted with the profusion in
which money was spent to purchase territory, and to
liquidate Indian claims? Said one party, it is folly
to provide a navy, which, in case of war, will fall
into the hands of the British. The hardy seamen
answered, give us the men-of-war well armed, and
we will see that they do not fall into the hands of the
enemy. Will not the same energy and spirit, which
has extended American commerce to the ends of the
earth, defend its interests, and maintain the honor
of the country? In John Adams' administration,
Congress brought to terms the French cruisers on
American commerce ; it gave the merchants liberty
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION 701
to protect themselves, and they did it — why not
grant the same permission now ?
To these complaints were added others equally as
serious. The British government maintained the
doctrine that no subject could expatriate himself, or
transfer his allegiance to another country. The
United States government maintained the reverse,
and welcomed emigrants from other nations, and as
adopted citizens afforded them protection. The com
manders of British men-of-war were accustomed to
board American merchant vessels, on the high seas,
and search for deserters, as they termed those Eng
lish or Irish sailors, who had thus entered the Amer
ican service.
In these impressments great numbers of native-
born Americans were forcibly seized and consigned
to the slavery of a British man-of-war. These high
handed measures, executed in an arrogant manner
by the English officers, produced throughout the
land a feeling of bitter hostility to England. The
English government gave as an apology for these
impressments, that in her present struggle she
needed all her seamen, and if permission were given,
they nearly all would desert, and enter American
ships. England herself was to blame for this want
of patriotism in her seamen. The iron hand of un
feeling rule had driven these men from her service ;
her cruel press-gangs had crushed out their love of
home. They had been seized when unprotected and
hurried on board men-of-war, where brutal severities
had obliterated their nobler feelings. Thus wanton
ly treated, the English seaman deserted whenever he
had the opportunity.
Events were evidently tending toward a war, to
avoid which the President sent William Pinckney, as
joint commissioner with James Monroe, who was
already minister at the court of St. James. The
702 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
English commissioners manifested a great desire not
to impress American seamen, but to redress, as
speedily as possible, any mistake of that character.
They urged, that to relinquish the right of search for
deserters, would be ruinous to the English navy in
time of war. Suggesting, also, that stringent laws
should be made by both nations, to prevent seamen
from passing from the service of the one to the
other. The prejudices of the English people would
not permit, at least for the present, any formal re-
linquishment of the right of impressment ; the com
missioners further promised, that strict orders
should be issued to the naval commanders not to
abuse the right.
With the understanding that the question of im
pressments was still open, and subject to future ad
justment, a treaty for ten years was negotiated
between the two countries. This treaty was more
advantageous, upon the whole, to the United States,
than the one negotiated by Jay, and was certainly
better than the existing irritating relations of the
two governments. France at this time, by virtue of
the Berlin decree, continued to seize and confiscate
American property, while Great Britain was anx
ious to be on as good terms with the United States
as her situation would permit. Yet the President,
and Madison, his Secretary of State, arbitrarily re
jected the treaty, without either consulting the rest
of the cabinet, or the Senate, which was in session.
The plea given for this extraordinary act was, that
the treaty was not satisfactory on the impressment
question. The rejection of the treaty left the rela
tions of the two countries in a worse condition than
ever, even endangering their peace. Washington
and his cabinet, in ratifying the Jay treaty, secured
to the country thirteen years of peace and unex
pected prosperity; the rejection of this treaty was
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION 703
succeeded by four years of ruinous evils, which re
sulted in plunging the nation into a war. Though
the English government itself was disposed to con
ciliate, and friendly in its expressions, yet its naval
commanders were exceedingly insolent in their inter
course with the Americans. The inability of the
navy to maintain the nation's honor, tempted these
unscrupulous commanders to insult its flag. Thus
far they had confined their visits to merchantmen;
presently they went a step farther.
The United States frigate Chesapeake, of thirty-
eight guns, had enlisted four men who, it was said,
were deserters from the British ship-of-war Melam-
pus. It was afterward proved that only one of them
was an Englishman. Strict orders had been issued
by the government to the recruiting officers not to
enlist British subjects, knowing them to be such.
Several English men-of-war were, at this time,
lying in Chesapeake Bay ; of the number was the frig
ate Leopard, of fifty guns. When it was known that
the Chesapeake was about to put to sea, the Leopard
passed out a few hours before, and when some miles
from the coast, she neared and hailed the Chesa
peake, under the pretense of sending despatches to
Europe. A lieutenant came on board with a demand
for the English seamen. Commodore Barron re
fused the demand, on the ground there were no such
men on board. This refusal brought a broadside
from the Leopard, which killed three men and
wounded eighteen others. As the attack was entire
ly unexpected, and Barron unprepared, he struck his
colors, after firing a single gun. The four men were
taken from the Chesapeake, and the Leopard passed
on to Halifax, while the Chesapeake returned to Nor
folk, her crew deeply mortified and thirsting for re
venge.
The indignation of the whole people was intense.
704 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
The insults of impressing men from merchantmen
were as nothing, compared with firing into a national
vessel. The President immediately issued a procla
mation, in which he complained of the outrage, and
ordered the British men-of-war out of the American
waters, but as he had not the power to enforce the
order it was disobeyed, and the people were enjoined
not to have intercourse with the British vessels. He
also called a special session of Congress, and a mes
senger was sent to England, with instructions to the
American minister to demand satisfaction for the
outrage. But a fast-sailing vessel had already left
Halifax with the intelligence. The British govern
ment immediately disavowed the act, and sent, soon
after, a special messenger to arrange the difficulty.
In the meanwhile France and England vied with
each other in issuing and enforcing decrees, which,
in their effect, would ruin all neutral commerce.
English Orders in Council required any vessel bound
to a port in France to touch at some English port,
and there obtain a license to proceed on the voyage.
Any vessel that did not comply with this despotic
decree was forbidden to export French merchandise,
unless the cargo was first brought to an English port
and paid duties before it was shipped to a neutral
country. A month later Bonaparte retaliated by an
other decree, dated at Milan, by which every vessel
that complied with the British decree, was declared
to be forfeited. Thus American commerce was prey
ed upon by both parties.
As a scheme of retaliation, and to bring the belli
gerents to terms, Congress, on the recommendation
of the President, laid an embargo, which prohibited
American commerce with France and England. A
measure lauded by its advocates as the only means,
to save to their country American seamen and car-
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION 705
goes, and at the same time compel France and Eng
land to repeal their offensive decrees. The effect,
however, was just the reverse. Bonaparte was de
lighted with the embargo, because it diminished just
so much of England's income, her means to carry on
the war against himself; on the other hand, Great
Britain was not dependent on American produce, the
trade to Spain and Portugal, and their colonies, had
both been recently opened to her merchants, who
were very willing that their enterprising rivals
should remain at home to experiment on political
theories. The embargo itself was exceedingly un
popular in the United States. The intelligent por
tion of the people was unable to see what benefit
could be derived from their ships rotting in the ports,
their seamen out of employment, the industry of the
country prostrated, and the millions of surplus prop
erty now worthless for want of a market.
Some years before Jefferson had expressed the
sentiment that the United States "should practise
neither commerce nor navigation, but stand with
respect to Europe precisely on the footing of China."
Had the people submitted implicitly to the embargo,
the system of non-intercourse with other nations
would have been complete ; as it was, on the recom
mendation of the Executive, Congress found it ne
cessary to pass stringent laws to enforce its observ
ance. The President was authorized to call out the
militia and employ ships as revenue cutters to pre
vent cargoes of American produce leaving the coun
try. When it became known that this enforcing act
had really become a law, public feeling, in many
places, could be no longer restrained. Many of the
papers announced its passage in morning columns,
under the motto, "Liberty is dead." General Lin
coln, of revolutionary memory, resigned the collec-
706 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
torship of the port of Boston rather than enforce
the law ; and great numbers of custom-house officers
in other places did the same. In the agricultural
portions of the country, the effect of the embargo
was not so immediate as in the commercial. The
planters and farmers, implicitly trusting in the wis
dom of the Executive, stored up their cotton, tobacco
and grain, hoping for a market when the belligerents
would be pleased to repeal their hostile decrees.
Some good grew out of this evil. The tens of thou
sands thrown out of employment by the effect of the
embargo and kindred measures, were compelled by
the iron hand of necessity to seek a livelihood by
other means, and their attention was somewhat di
rected to domestic manufactures.
Opposition to the embargo still continued ; in Con
gress violent debates were held from day to day upon
the exciting topic. At length even the planters and
farmers began to waiver in their faith, and to see as
well as the New Englanders that it was a futile meas
ure ; that instead of bringing the French and English
to terms it was the subject of their ridicule, while it
was becoming more and more ruinous to the nation.
Madison, who had been elected President, plainly
intimated his wish that the obnoxious measure
should, in some way, be got rid of; and three days
before the close of Jefferson's term the arbitrary act,
forced upon the country without a moment's warn
ing, and which brought ruin upon thousands in loss
of property and of employment, was, to the joy of
the nation, repealed.
Thus drew to a close Jefferson's administration.
His theories interfered with his statesmanship, and
he was unable to see that non-importation acts, so
effective in time of colonial dependence, were, in the
case of an independent nation, futile in the extreme,
JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION 707
and therefore his favorite measure to bring England
and France to terms was the embargo.1 No one of
our Presidents of Revolutionary fame was so unfor
tunate in his management of national affairs, and as
such no statesman of those times had been so much
overrated. When about to retire from the office he
was deeply mortified to find that his well-meant
theories, of which he was so tenacious, were found
wanting when reduced to practice. When Madison
was elected his successor, "he hastened to throw on
him the burden of responsibility, and withdrew him
self from all but the formalities of administration."
"He laid down the sceptre ; he had no party ; Virginia
herself ceased to be guided by his opinions."2 Said
John Randolph, one of his supporters, "Never has
there been any administration which went out of
office and left the nation in a state so deplorable and
calamitous." His timid, and, as it turned out, his
spurious peace policy so weakened the Navy that it
became nearly useless: while the coast defenses, as
a result of the same theories, became almost dis
mantled.3 The measures which he persistently
urges, and his adherents, with implicit faith in his
wisdom, carried through Congress, rendered the na
tion contemptible in the eyes of the belligerents of
Europe.
iHist. pp. 612, 613. 2Life of Gallatin (Adams), pp. 379, 380.
3Hist. pp. 606-608.
CHAPTER XLII.
1809—1882
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION.
Condition of the Country — Erskine's Negotiation — Depreda
tions Upon American Commerce — Bonaparte's Rambouil-
let Decree— Affair of the Little Belt— The Census— Indian
Troubles — Tecumseh and the Prophet — Battle of Tippe-
canoe — The Two Parties — The Twefth Congress — Henry
Clay— John C. Calhoun — Threatening Aspect of Foreign
Relations — John Randolph — Debates in Congress — Anoth
er Embargo — War Declared Against Great Britain — Op
position to the War — Riots at Baltimore — Operations in
the Northwest— Surrender of Hull — Impressment of
American Seamen — Failures to Invade Canada.
The incoming administration was virtually pledged
to continue the foreign policy of its predecessor,
though that policy had not yet accomplished what its
sanguine friends anticipated. The prediction of the
Federalists — the conservative party of those days —
that such measures would lead to a war with Eng
land, seemed to be near its fulfilment. The prospect
was gloomy indeed. The nation was totally unpre
pared for such an event. Neither army nor navy to
command respect; no munitions of war worthy the
name; the defences of the seaboard almost worth
less; the revenue, owing to the embargo and non-
intercourse acts, much diminished and diminishing
more and more. The President and his cabinet de
sired to relieve the country of these pressing evils.
To accomplish this end, negotiations were com
menced with Erskine, the resident British Minister.
The youthful Erskine was a generous and noble-
hearted man; a warm friend of the United States,
unused to the tricks of diplomacy, he really wished
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 709
to act generously for the interests of both nations,
and not selfishly for his own. He knew that Britain
would derive great advantage from the renewal of
trade with the United States, and hoped that the
latter might be induced to take sides in the present
struggle against France.
In accordance with the spirit of certain instruc
tions, Erskine thought himself authorized to offer
"a suitable provision for the widows and the orphans
of those who were killed on board the Chesapeake,"
and to announce the conditional repeal of the Orders
in Council as far as they applied to the commerce of
the United States. This repeal was to take place on
the tenth of the following June.
The President, on this assurance, issued a procla
mation, giving permission for a renewal of commer
cial intercourse with Great Britain. The news was
hailed with joy thoughout the land. In a few
weeks more than a thousand ships, laden with Ameri
can produce, were on their way to foreign markets.
This gleam of sunshine was soon obscured. Four
months after the President issued another proclama
tion; he now recalled the previous one and again
established non-intercourse between the two coun
tries.
The British ministry had disavowed the provision
al arrangement made by Erskine, giving as one rea
son that he had gone beyond his instructions. In
the communication accepting Erskine's offer to pro
vide for the sufferers in the Chesapeake affair, the
provision was spoken of as an "act of justice com
porting with what was due from his Britannic ma
jesty to his own honor." This uncourteous remark
gave offence, and furnished another pretext for
breaking off the negotiation.
The failure of this arrangement, which had prom-
710 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
ised so much, greatly mortified the President and
his cabinet, and as greatly wounded the self-respect
of the nation. In consequence of this feeling, Jack
son, the special envoy, sent soon after by England,
was not very graciously received. Negotiations
were, however, commenced with him, but after ex
changing angry notes for some months, all diplomatic
intercourse was suspended between the two coun
tries.
American commerce had now less protection than
ever. In the desperate conflict going on in Europe
it was impossible to obtain redress from any of the
belligerents. The ocean swarmed with French and
English cruisers, while Danish privateers infested
the northern seas. They all enjoyed a rich harvest
in plundering American merchantmen, under the con
venient pretence that they carried goods contraband
of war. Great numbers of ships thus pillaged were
burned at sea to destroy all traces of the robbery.
Willing to trust to their own genius to escape cap
ture, the American merchants asked permission to
arm their ships in self-defense. Congress denied the
request, on the ground that such a state of affairs
would be war! The people, however, thought there
was little to choose between actual war and a system
of active legalized piracy. Even the planters and
farmers, finding on their hands a vast amount of pro
duce, for which a market was denied, were now in
clined to strengthen the navy, that it might protect
commerce, or if necessary make an irruption into
Canada, and by that means compel Great Britain to
repeal her odious decrees.
France in the meantime was committing greater
outrages on American commerce than even England.
Bonaparte issued a decree, the Rambouillet, by which
any American vessel that entered a French port or a
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 711
port of any country under French control, was de
clared liable to confiscation. It shows the deliberate
design of this piratical decree, that it was not pro
mulgated till six weeks after its date. The first in
timation American merchants received of its exist
ence, was the seizure of one hundred and thirty-two
of their ships, in French ports. These were soon
after sold with their cargoes, and the money, amount
ing to eight millions of dollars, placed in the French
treasury. Expostulations against such high-handed
measures were treated with contempt and insult.
The French minister of foreign affairs even charged
the United States "with a want of honor, energy, and
just political views," in not defending themselves.
Bonaparte's great object was to drive them into a
war with England, and thus exclude from her Ameri
can produce. With this intention he pretended he
would revoke the Berlin and Milan decrees, on con
dition the United States would make their rights re
spected, or in other words, go to war with England.
At this time the only port in Europe really open to
American commerce was that of Archangel in Rus
sia. There American ships, after running the gaunt
let between French and Danish cruisers, landed their
cargoes of merchandise, which were thence smuggled
into France and Germany.
Ere long Bonaparte's want of money mastered his
hatred of England, and he unblushingly became the
violator of his own decrees, and sold to the Ameri
cans, at enormous prices, licenses which gave them
permission to introduce their products into French
ports.
None felt the national insult given in the Chesa
peake affair so deeply as the naval officers. They
were anxiously watching for an opportunity to re
taliate.
712 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
The frigate President, Captain Rodgers, was cruis
ing off the capes of Delaware, when a strange sloop-
of-war gave chase, but when within a few miles, her
signals not being answered, she stood to the south
ward. The President now in turn gave chase, and
in the twilight of the evening came within hailing
distance. Rodgers hailed, but was answered by the
same question ; another hail was given with a similar
result. The stranger fired a gun, which was replied
to by one from the President. These were succeeded
(by broadsides from both vessels. The action lasted
about twenty minutes, when the stranger was com
pletely disabled. Rodgers hailed again, and now was
answered that the vessel was his Majesty's sloop-of-
war Little Belt. The disparity in the injury done to
the respective vessels was quite remarkable. The
Little Belt had more than thirty of her crew killed
and wounded, while the President was scarcely in
jured, and had only one person slightly wounded.
The affair created much excitement in both nations,
and served to increase that alienation of feeling
which had been so long in existence. The statements
of the commanding officers differed very much as
to the commencement of the encounter, but as each
government accepted the testimony of its own offi
cers, the matter was permitted to drop.
The census just taken, showed the following re
sults: — the ratio of representation was fixed at
thirty-five thousand :
Free Whites. Slaves. All others. Totals. Reps.
5,862,093. 1,191,364. 186,446. 7,239,903. 182.
Events of serious interest were occurring on the
western frontier. Numbers of Indian tribes from
time to time had ceded their lands and moved farther
west. But the insatiable white man still pressed on ;
his cultivated fields still encroached upon the Indian's
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 713
hunting-grounds, and game was fast disappearing.
When is this grasping at land to end? asked the sav
ages of each other. Two brothers, twins, of the
Shawnee tribe, resolved to free their brethren from
the aggressions of the settlers. Their plans were
well laid, and showed an intimate knowledge of the
secret of influence. The one, Tecumseh, was to play
the warrior's part, the other Elskwatawa, more com
monly known as the Prophet, appealed to their super
stitions; he professed to be a wonderful medicine
man, and in communication with the Great Spirit.
Tecumseh travelled from tribe to tribe, all along
the frontiers, from north of the great lakes to the
Gulf of Mexico, and by his eloquence endeavored to
unite them in a universal conspiracy against the com
mon enemy. He knew the attempt to expel the in
vaders would be vain, but he hoped his people would
unite as one man, and refuse to sell them any more
of their lands. To accomplish their purpose the
Indians must be independent; they must dispense
with the few comforts they received from the white
man, and they must spurn the religion which mission
aries had been laboring to teach them. The Prophet
fulfilled his part, he awed his simple auditors with
imposing powwows ; the Great Spirit had given him
marvellous powers. He could at a word make pump
kins, as large as wigwams, spring out of the earth ;
or ears of corn, each large enough to feed a dozen
men ; he appealed to their reverence for the customs
of their ancestors, and sneered at their degradation
in being the slave of the white man's whiskey, or
fire-water, as he significantly called it. He must be
obeyed — they must throw aside the blanket and
dress in skins ; instead of the gun they must use the
ancient bow and arrow ; and the iron tomahawk must
give place to the stone hatchet of their fathers ; but
714 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
above all, they must discard the religion of the white
man; it was the rejection of their ancient religion,
which made the Great Spirit so angry.
Alarm spread along the frontier settlements. The
Miamis had sold a portion of their lands on both
sides of the Wabash. Tecumseh was absent at the
time, but protested afterward, contending that as all
the lands belonged equally to all the Indians, no tribe
had a right to sell a portion of them without the con
sent of the others.
General William Henry Harrison, the Governor of
the Territory of Indiana, held a conference with
Tecumseh, who at the time professed to be friendly,
but his conduct afterwards excited suspicion. Lest
the Indians should unexpectedly commence hostili
ties, Harrison marched to the town lately established
by the Prophet, at the junction of the Wabash and
Tippecanoe rivers. Messengers sent by the Prophet
met the army a few miles from the town. Though
Indians were hovering around the army on its march,
yet efforts to hold a conference with them had thus
far been unsuccessful. The messengers expressed
great surprise that the Americans should approach
their town, since the Prophet and his people were
very desirous of peace. Harrison assured them that
he had no intention to engage in hostilities, unless
they themselves should attack him, and he invited
the Prophet and his chiefs to an interview the next
day. The messengers departed apparently pleased
with the proposal, and on their part promised full
compliance.
Knowing the Indian character, Harrison suspected
treachery, and encamped with great caution; his
men, placed in a hollow square, slept upon their arms.
The next morning, about four o'clock, the Indians
suddenly attacked the camp, but failed to break the
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 715
line. For three hours the contest was very severe.
The Indians would advance with great impetuosity,
and then retreat to renew the effort. These move
ments were regulated by signals given by rattling
deers' hoofs. When daylight appeared, the mounted
men charged, and the savages fled in great haste.
The next day the Prophet's town was found to be
deserted. Tecumseh himself was not present at the
battle of Tippecanoe.
The belligerents of Europe still continued their
aggressions upon American commerce. Recent in
telligence from France indicated but little prospect
of obtaining redress for present grievances, while the
impressment question made the affairs with Great
Britain still more complicated. Differences of opin
ion prevailed, as to the best means of obtaining jus
tice for these foreign aggressions. The people of
New England, and the merchants of the commercial
cities and seaports of the other States, felt especially
aggrieved by the policy of the national government.
The embargo and non-importation acts had ruined
their commerce, and brought distress upon tens of
thousands. Upon them, almost alone, had fallen the
evils resulting from these political experiments. The
people of the West, and of the interior of the Atlantic
States, were in favor of hostilities; their territory
would be exempt from invasion, and they had no sea
port towns to suffer from bombardment. Thus there
were really two parties, the one in favor of obtaining
redress by peaceful measures, the other by resorting
to war.
In view of these threatening indications, the Presi
dent, by proclamation, convened the twelfth Congress
a month earlier than the usual time of meeting. This
Congress and the one succeeding are no less remark
able for the measures they introduced than for the
716 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
unusual number of other members, who afterward
filled a large space in the history of the country. It
was a transition period. The patriots of the revolu
tion, now venerable with age, were fast passing away
from the councils of the nation, while their places
were filled by more youthful members. Heretofore
the leaders in Congress had been moderate in their
measures, and were unwilling, unless for the best rea
son, to plunge the nation into a war.
As a member of the House of Representatives, ap
peared Henry Clay, of Kentucky. The son of a Bap
tist clergyman of Virginia, he had been left at an
early age a penniless orphan. Struggling through
many trials, his native eloquence had now placed him
in the foremost rank of his country's orators. Ard
ent and generous, bland and yet imperious, as
captivating in social life as he was frank in his public
acts, he was destined to wield a mighty influence in
the councils of the nation. John C. Calhoun, of
South Carolina, was also a member; the close student
and ardent theorist, dealing in first principles, he was
logical and eloquent. His style more suited to fo
rensic debates than to popular assemblies.
The President, in his message, directed the atten
tion of Congress to the threatening aspect of Foreign
Relations. This led to animated debates, in which
the policy of peace or war ; the defences of the coun
try ; the preliminary measures in case of a declara
tion of hostilities, came up for discussion. The
speeches of the members may be taken as the ex
ponents of the opinions of their constituents. The
people of the West were especially clamorous for war.
The recent outbreak of the Indians, on the western
frontiers, was confidently attributed to the influence
of British emissaries. This charge, though based
upon surmises, served to increase the prejudice
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 717
against England, and gave renewed life to the hatred
of her produced by the Revolution.
Finally, the Committee of Foreign Relations, in
their report to the House, recommended, in the words
of the President, "That the United States be im
mediately put into an armor and attitude demanded
by the crisis ; that an additional force of ten thousand
regulars be raised ; that the President be authorized
to accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers;
and also that the vessels of the navy worthy of re
pair be fitted up and put' in commission." Two separ
ate resolutions were offered ; one authorized the mer
chants to arm in self-defence, and the other, as a
preliminary to war, to lay an embargo for ninety
days. After an animated discussion these were both
rejected.
Felix Grundy, of Tennessee, avowed that the re
port of the Committee was designed to prepare the
public mind for war. "We are pledged," said he, "to
France to continue our restrictions against Great
Britain; we have tied the Gordian knot; we cannot
untie it; we can cut it with the sword. Though
our restrictive system operates unequally, we must
maintain it." He also advocated the invasion and
conquest of Canada, and the reception of her inhabi
tants as members of the confederacy, in order to
preserve the equilibrium of the government. "When
Louisiana," said he, "will be fully peopled, the North
ern States will lose their power ; they will be at the
discretion of others ; they can be depressed at pleas
ure." Therefore he was not only in favor of admit
ting Canada, but also Florida.
John Randolph, of Virginia, in that sarcastic man
ner peculiar to himself, characterized the embargo
and non-importation acts as most impolitic and ruin
ous measures — they had "knocked down the price of
718 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
cotton to seven cents and tobacco to nothing," while
they had increased the price of every article of first
necessity three or four hundred per cent. This is
the condition into which we have brought ourselves
by our want of wisdom. But is war the true remedy ;
who will profit by it? Speculators, commissioners
and contractors. Who must suffer by it? The peo
ple. It is their blood, their taxes, that must flow
to support it. Will you plunge the nation into war,
because you have passed a foolish and ruinous law,
and are ashamed to repeal it ?
He indignantly repelled the charge of British at
tachment made against those who were not willing
to rush into war with England. "Strange," said he,
"that we have no objection to any other people or
government, civilized or savage ; we find no difficulty
in maintaining relations of peace and amity with the
Autocrat of all the Russias ; with the Dey of Algiers
and his divan of pirates, or Little Turtle of the
Miamis, barbarians and savages, Turks and infidels
of every clime and color, with them we can trade and
treat. But name England, and all our antipathies
are up in arms against her; against those whose
blood runs in our veins, in common with whom we
claim Shakspeare and Milton, Newton and Locke,
Sidney and Chatham, as brethren. Her form of gov
ernment, the freest on earth, except our own, and
from which every valuable principle of our institu
tions has been borrowed. There are honest pre
judices growing out of the Revolution. But by whom
had they been suppressed when they ran counter to
the interests of his country? By Washington. By
whom are they most keenly felt ? By those who have
fled to this abused country since the breaking out of
the French revolution, and who have set themselves
up as political teachers." This was in allusion to the
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 719
editors of nearly all the papers in favor of war, who
were foreigners — "these are the patriots who scruple
rot to brand with the epithet of Tory, those men by
whose blood your liberties have been cemented."
Henry Clay urged, in reply, that the only means
left to obtain the recognition of our national rights
was to fight for them. A war would produce the
repeal of the Orders in Council, and give us commerce
and character; the nation by this mongrel peace
would not only lose its commerce, but its honor. If
we yield one point, presently another will be demand
ed ; our only safety is to defend the nation's rights ;
— even if the seaboard should be subdued, yet the
energy of the West would save the liberties of the
country. Shall we bear the cuffs and scoffs of Brit
ish arrogance, because we fear French subjugation?
Who ever learned, in the school of base submission,
the lessons of noble freedom, and courage, and in
dependence !"
On the other side of the House, it was admitted
that causes for war existed, but were they sufficient
to justify the government of the United States in
rushing unprepared into a contest with the most pow
erful nation on earth ? This was the question to be
decided by Congress. "What are we to gain by
war?" asked Sheffey of Virginia. "Shall we throw
away a trade of thirty-two millions with Great
Britain for two with France? Peace is our policy;
we are now the most prosperous and happy people on
earth. This is more to us, than all the Orders in
Council or the trade with France. We cannot bring
Great Britain to terms by embargo and non-importa
tion acts ; neither can we starve the world by refus
ing to export our surplus grain. Our revenue is low
enough now, in time of war it will be almost nothing.
We should be willing to fight for the rights of im-
720 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
pressed native-born Americans, but not for the right
to harbor deserters from the British service." — "Is
this embargo a preparation for war?" asked Josiah
Quincy of Massachusetts. "We have no information
that England intends war. It is her policy to con
tinue commerce with us, not to destroy it. But we
are told that the object is to protect our merchants.
Heaven help them from embargo protection! The
merchants have petitioned — not for embargo — not
for commercial embarrassment and annihilation —
but for protection."
While these debates were in progress in the House,
the same general subject was under discussion in
the Senate. In both Houses an unusual number of
southern members were now in favor of making the
navy more efficient. It was urged that the only
way to bring Great Britain to terms was by harass
ing her commerce on the ocean. To do this a fleet
was needed. "Create a fleet of thirty frigates," said
Lloyd, of Massachusetts, "and New England alone
will officer it in five weeks." "How can we contend
with the most colossal power the world ever saw, ex
cept by our navy, scattered over the ocean, requir
ing ten times as many British vessels to watch them ?
Adopt this policy, and soon the English people would
ask their government, Why this war upon our trade ?
why violate the rights of Americans?1 For whose
benefit is this war? Soon you will force the people
of the United States to become their own manufac
turers; you will stimulate them to become a naval
power, which one day may dispute with you the su
premacy of the ocean." "In a short time the English
i "They (the Orders in Council) were greviously unjust to
neutrals, and it is now (1850) generally allowed that they
were contrary to the laws of nations, and to our own municipal
laws." — Lord Chief Justice Campbell, in his Lives of the
Chancellor vol. vii. p. 218.
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 721
government would be compelled to repeal its odious
decrees." "To protect commerce is to aid agricul
ture, to benefit the northern as well as the middle
and southern States. Moreover, it is essential to the
preservation of the Union; the commercial States
will not endure that their rights should be systemat
ically trampled upon from year to year, and they
denied the defence which the God of nature has
given them."
The discussions of these five months had a great
influence upon the public mind. Though unwilling
to use harsher measures than to authorize the mer
chants to defend themselves by arming their ships,
the President sent a special message to Congress rec
ommending an embargo for sixty days. The bill was
amended by substituting ninety for sixty, in which
form it passed, debate being cut short by the rule of
the previous question.
One month and a half later, intelligence from
France made known that Bonaparte, in violation of
his word, had declared the obnoxious decrees of
Berlin and Milan henceforth the settled policy of the
Empire. Thus the Emperor had entrapped the
President. But England was as much in the wrong
as France, and if so, why not declare war against
both ? — It was openly avowed in Parliament that the
offensive decrees and blockades must be maintained,
or France could receive raw material from the United
States ; continue her manufactures, and thus obtain
the means to carry on the war. Great Britain also
wished to secure for her own people the monopoly
of commerce, as well as that manufacturing for the
world.
The President finally sent another message to Con
gress, in which he recapitulated the wrongs inflict
ed by England in her impressments and violations of
722 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
the rights of neutrals. This was plainly a war mes
sage, and in accordance with that view, a bill was
drawn up declaring war against Great Britain. It
was passed by a strictly party vote: — in the House
79 to 49, in the Senate 19 to 13.
The people were far from being unanimous in their
approbation of the declaration of war. The minority
of the Lower House of Congress published an address
to their constituents, in which the views of those op
posed to the war found expression. After a review
of the controversy between the United States and
the belligerents, they contend there was equal cause
for hostilities against both England and France ; that
it was unreasonable to expect the full recognition of
neutrals' rights while the desperate conflict in Europe
was in progress; that conflict would soon end, and
then the cause for war on our part would be removed.
The Address says, "The effect of the British orders
of blockade, is to deprive us of the commerce of
France and her dependencies, while they leave open
to us the commerce of all the rest of the world ; the
former worth yearly about six millions and a half,
and the latter worth thirty-eight millions. Shall the
latter be sacrificed for the former? A nation like
the United States, happy in its great local relations ;
removed from that bloody theatre of Europe, with a
maritime border opening vast fields of enterprise;
with territorial possessions exceeding every real
want; its firesides safe; its altars undefiled; from
invasion nothing to fear ; from acquisition nothing to
hope, how shall such a nation look to Heaven for its
smiles, while throwing away as though they were
worthless, all the blessings and joys which peace and
such a distinguished lot include ? But how will war
upon the land protect commerce? How are our
mariners to be benefited by a war which exposes
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 723
those who are free, without promising release to
those who are impressed ? But it is said that war
is demanded by honor. If honor demands a war with
England, what opiate lulls that honor to sleep over
the wrongs done us by France?"
Such was the diversity of opinion as to the expedi
ency of engaging in war, especially when the coun
try, in every respect, was so unprepared. The op
ponents of the measure were assailed as unpatriotic,
which they retorted by charging the advocates of
war with subserviency to the policy of France.
It was easier for Congress to declare war, than to
obtain the means to prosecute it. The treasury was
almost empty, the non-importation acts, and em
bargoes, had nearly ruined the revenue; the army
was very limited in number, and very deficient in
officers of experience; while the navy was wanting
in ships and munitions. Congress passed a bill to
enlist twenty-five thousand men as regulars, and
authorized the President to accept the services of
fifty thousand volunteers.
In appointing officers for the army, recourse was
had, almost exclusively, to those who had served in
the Revolution ; but the most prominent of these had
passed away, and the remainder, with but one or two
exceptions, had been engaged in civil affairs for
thirty years ; and men competent to drill the recruits
were not to be found. To remedy this want Con
gress, now for the first time, made provisions for the
constant and liberal instruction of two hundred and
fifty cadets in the military art, by establishing pro
fessorships in the Academy at West Point. Here
was another instance of the foresight of Washington.
He had, during his administration, urged upon Con
gress to establish and maintain a school in which
military tactics should be taught to officers, who in
724 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
turn could easily drill the militia. The wise policy
of the measure was amply shown in the rapidity with
which the American volunteers were drilled and made
efficient soldiers in the Mexican war. But for
the present the nation suffered severely from false
economy in not founding the Academy when first
proposed.
The first exhibition of the war spirit and the party
feeling which existed was an attempt to stifle the
freedom of the press. The editor of a paper in Balti
more, Alexander Hanson, a grandson of a president
of the continental congress, had spoken in moderate
terms in condemnation of the declaration of war. A
few days after, the mob, headed by a Frenchman,
destroyed his press and compelled him to fly for his
life. Receiving no protection in his rights, as the
magistrates connived at the outrage, Hanson and
some twenty others thought it their duty to vindicate
the liberty of the press. Among this number were
General Henry Lee, — the chivalric Light Horse Harry
of the Revolution, — the intimate friend of Washing
ton, his eulogist by appointment of Congress, after
ward Governor of Virginia, and General Lingan, also
a worthy officer of the Revolution. They determin
ed to defend the office of the paper. The mob ap
peared and stoned the house ; the magistrates mean
while made no effort to quell the riot. Thus the rab
ble raged during the night ; in their attempts to force
their way into the house, one of the ringleaders was
shot. General Lingan was killed outright, and some
of the other defenders of the office were most shame
fully mangled and abused. General Lee was maimed
for life. The leaders of the riot were never punish
ed, though afterwards brought to trial, — a mere
farce, — the district attorney even expressing his re-
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 725
gret that all the defenders of the office had not been
killed.
General William Hull, who had served with some
distinction in the Revolution, and now Governor of
Michigan Territory, was appointed commander of the
forces in that region. The Territory contained about
five thousand inhabitants, mostly of French origin.
He received orders to invade Canada, the ardent
friends of the war complacently thinking the inhabi
tants of that British province would cheerfully put
themselves under the protection of the stars and
stripes. Hull, however, found himself in a short
time surrounded by a superior force of British and
Indians ; the enemy also held possession of Lake Erie,
and had easy communication with the rest of Canada,
while between Hull's army and the settlements, in
tervened a vast and unbroken forest of two hundred
miles. He urged upon the government to secure the
command of the Lake before any attempt should be
made at invasion, and also to furnish him not less
than three thousand well provisioned troops. But
he was told that he must content himself with two
thousand men, while nothing could be done to secure
the control of th : Lake.
When Hull a; rived at Detroit, then a village of
some eight hundred inhabitants, he had but eighteen
hundred men, of whom the greater part were militia ;
there he received orders to invade Canada immedi
ately. But by a strange blunder, the intelligence of
the declaration of war, designed for Hull, and frank
ed by the Secretary of the Treasury, fell into the
hands of the British. They availed themselves of
the information, and immediately seized Mackinaw;
the first intimation the garrison of that distant post
received of the declaration of war. In a short time
726 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Hull himself was surrounded, and his communica
tions cut off.
The British general Proctor came up the Lake with
reinforcements, whilst the British Fur Company en
listed their employees and excited the Indians. To
open a road and obtain supplies, Hull sent out a de
tachment, but it fell into an ambuscade and was de
feated. He now fortified himself, and to open com
munications to the river Raisin, sent another detach
ment under Colonels McArthur and Cass; they be
came bewildered in a swamp, and were forced to find
their way back to the camp.
Presently General Brock, governor of Lower Can
ada arrived at Maiden with more reinforcements.
He passed over the river and summoned Hull to sur
render, who refused, and an attack was made upon
his position, both from the British vessels and bat
teries. Brock landed and approached with seven
hundred and fifty regulars, and as many Indians.
Hull had but eight hundred men, and, threatened
with destruction, as he imagined, by an overwhelm
ing force, he surrendered his army and all Michigan
at the same time.
Great indignation was expressed at this failure.
The difficulties of Hull's position \ are very great,
and perhaps, while no one doubted hi^ personal cour
age, he may have wanted that sternness of soul so
necessary to a successful commander. Those in au
thority screened themselves, by making the unfor
tunate general the scape-goat for their blunders, in
sending him with a force and means so inadequate.
When brought to trial, two years afterward, he
urged in defence, that all the inhabitants of the ter
ritory would have been exposed to certain massacre
had he attempted further resistance. The court,
however, found him guilty of cowardice, and sentenc-
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 727
ed him to be shot ; but in consideration of his revolu
tionary services, the President granted him a pardon.
His papers, since published, have revealed the insur
mountable difficulties that surrounded him.
It is remarkable that one of the causes of the war,
was removed within four days after its declaration.
France unconditionally repealed the Berlin and Milan
decrees, then Great Britain repealed her Orders in
Council, which had been based on the French decrees.
The impressment question still remained unsettled.
Nearly six thousand cases of alleged impressment
were on record in the State Department at Washing
ton. It was admitted on the floor of the House of
Commons, that there were probably sixteen hundred
native-born Americans held in bondage in the British
navy. Of these several hundred had already been
liberated, and a willingness was expressed to dis
charge the remainder, as soon as their nationality
was fully known. But the British naval officers com
plained that the plea of American citizenship was
very much abused ; by forged documents, or by certi
ficates, originally genuine, but transferred from one
seaman to another as occasion required. The Eng
lish government, moreover, was so trammelled by
forms that very seldom could the impressed sailor
obtain redress ; all such cases must be brought before
the Court of Admiralty in London, to reach which
was almost impossible.
This, after all, was to be a war to protect personal
freedom; to obtain security from the visits to our
ships of British press-gangs, led by insolent officers,
and as such took hold of the sympathies of the
American people. But Britain said, pass a law pro
hibiting our seamen from enlisting in your service,
and we will not search your ships. The reply was,
the flag of the United States must shield those seek-
728 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
ing its protection. This sentiment appeared to Eng
land very like an effort to seduce her seamen from
their allegiance.
When intelligence of the declaration of war reached
England, the government acted generously in rela
tion to the American vessels in its ports. Instead of
being confiscated as in France, these ships were per
mitted six weeks to load and unload, and in addition
were furnished with protections against capture by
English cruisers on their way home. Yet these very
vessels and their cargoes were liable to confiscation,
when they should arrive in theii own land, and that
by a law of Congress !
As one of the causes of the war had been removed,
Foster, the British Minister at Washington, proposed
a cessation of hostilities until another effort should
be made to arrange the impressment question. This
proposal was not accepted by the American govern
ment. Not until all hope of reconciliation was pass
ed, did the English authorities issue letters of mar
que and reprisal against American commerce; and
they still continued to grant licenses and protection
to American vessels carrying flour to Spain for the
use of the British armies in that country.
Hull's surrender threw a shadow over the prospect
of conquering Canada. Strenuous efforts were made
to increase the army on the frontiers of New York.
Major General Dearborn, who, when a youth, had
served in the Revolution, and had been Secretary of
War, under Jefferson, had under his command, in the
vicinity of Lake Champlain, five thousand troops,
three thousand of whom were regulars; and two
thousand militia were stationed at different points on
the St. Lawrence, east of Sackett's Harbor, while
another army, miscellaneous in character, being
composed of regulars, volunteers and militia, was
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 729
stationed at different points from the village of
Buffalo to Fort Niagara. The latter troops were un
der the command of General Van Rensselaer.
To insure success the Americans must have the
control of the Lakes Erie and Ontario ; on the latter
they had already a little sloop-of-war, of sixteen
guns, and manned by a regular crew. Captain
Chauncey, of the navy yard at New York, was ap
pointed to the command of the Lakes. He purchased
some merchant vessels, and fitted them out with guns
and other equipments, brought from Albany, at an
immense amount of labor. He soon however swept
the Lake of British ships, which took refuge in
Kingston harbor; the Frontenac of the times of
French rule in that quarter. Lieutenant Elliot, in
the mean time, was sent to equip a fleet on Lake
Erie. By a daring exploit he cut from under the
guns of Fort Erie, two British armed vessels, which
had just come down the Lake from Detroit.
The invasion of Canada commenced by an attempt
to obtain possession of Queenstown, on Niagara river.
Owing to a deficiency of boats, only about six hun
dred men, partly regulars and partly militia, passed
over. Colonel S. Van Rensselaer, who commanded
the militia, became separated from his men, and
Colonel Christie, who commanded the regulars, failed
on account of the rapidity of the current to reach the
shore. Those who landed were immediately attack
ed with great vigor. Rensselaer soon fell, wounded,
but he ordered Captains Ogilvie and Wool to storm
the battery, which they did in fine style, driving the
British into a strong stone house, from which they
could not be dislodged. General Brock, the same to
whom Hull surrendered a few months before, was
in command. Suddenly he headed a sortie from this
730 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
house, which was promptly repulsed, and he himself
slain.
During this time, a space of five or six hours, the
Americans were striving to pass the river, but only
five or six hundred succeeded. Suddenly a band of
Indians emerged from the woods, and joined in the
fray; these were soon put to flight by Lieutenant
Winfield Scott, who, with a company of regulars,
volunteered for the purpose. The want of boats,
and the want of system, had prevented a suitable
number of Americans from passing over. In the
mean while General Sheaf e was advancing from Fort
George, with reinforcements for the British. This
intelligence, together with the sight of the wounded,
who were brought in boats to the American side,
somewhat cooled the ardor of the militia, and they
refused to pass the river to aid their countrymen.
Their wits were also sharpened, and they suddenly
discovered that their commander had no constitu
tional authority to lead them into Canada. The re
sult was, that those who had gone over, about one
thousand in number, were compelled to surrender
themselves prisoners of war. General Van Rensse-
laer, mortified at the want of spirit manifested on
the occasion, resigned his command in disgust.
Inefficiency reigned in triumph all along the fron
tier. An expedition against Detroit, under the com
mand of Harrison, was abandoned for want of means.
The Volunteers from Kentucky, as well as others,
became mutinous and refused to advance. One fail
ure followed another in rapid succession. The offic
ers were quarreling among themselves, charging each
other with cowardice and fighting bloodless duels,
while the soldiers deserted in bands, and those who
remained were insubordinate. These failures were
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 731
unsparingly ridiculed in the newspapers opposed to
the war.
Soon after the establishment of the Government
the religious portion of the people began to inquire as
to their duty in sending the Gospel to the heathen of
other lands. Samuel J. Mills and some other stud
ents of Williams College consecrated themselves to
the work of foreign missions. A monument — a mar
ble shaft surmounted by a globe — in Mills Park, just
outside the village, marks the spot where these stud
ents met behind a haystack to confer with each other
and consecrate themselves to the work of evangeliz
ing the heathen. The result was the formation 01
the American Board of Missions, which has had a re
markable success in extending the knowledge of the
Gospel and introducing a Christian civilization in
remote heathen lands. This Society was specially
patronized by the Congregationalists and Presby
terians; the latter, after twenty-one years of co
operation, withdrew and formed the Presbyterian
Board of Foreign Missions. Meanwhile other de
nominations entered with zeal upon the work — the
Baptists (1814), the Methodist Episcopal (1819), Re
formed Dutch Church (1832), Protestant Episcopal
(1835), and afterward others; in all fifteen societies
were formed. Under the control of these societies
the missionaries and native teachers whom they have
trained now number many thousands. The exer
tions of these devoted men have been crowned with
remarkable success ; they have displayed much prac
tical wisdom in the management of the missions,
and have translated the Scriptures in the languages
of the various people with whom they labored. For
these evidences of their scholarship and their enlight
ened zeal they have oftentimes received the commen
dations and thanks of European educated men and
statesmen.
CHAPTER XLIII.
1812—1890
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED.
The Vessels of the Navy — The Chase of the Constitution-
Capture of the Alert — The Guerriere — Incidents — The
Macedonian— The Frolic— The Java— The Effects of
These Naval Conflicts in the United States and England —
Plan of Operations — Harrison Advances on Detroit — Gen
eral Winchester a Prisoner — Indian Barbarities — The
Kentuckians Fall Into An Ambuscade — Repulse at Fort
Stephenson — The Loss of the Chesapeake — Perry's Vic
tory — Battle of the Thames — Andrew Jackson — Leads An
Expedition; Its Termination — York Captured; Death of
General Pike — Wilkinson Transferred to the North — An
other Attempt to Conquer Canada— Fort George De
stroyed; Newark Burned— The Severe Retaliation— The
American Coast Blockaded — Ravages on the Shores of
Chesapeake Bay — Indian War in the South — Jackson and
Others in the Field— Battle at the Great Horse Shoe-
Captain Porter's Cruise.
While disasters recorded in the last chapter were
in progress, the despised little navy had won laurels
by a series of victories as unexpected as they were
glorious. When the war commenced, the whole navy
of the United States in commission, consisted of only
three first-class frigates ; the President, the Consti
tution, and the United States; of the second class
two, the Congress and the Essex ; the Wasp and Hor
net, sloops-of-war; and the brigs Argus, Syren,
Nautilus, Enterprise, and Vixen. The second class
frigates Chesapeake, Constellation, and John Adams,
were undergoing repairs. The fleet was ordered to
assemble at New York to be in readiness to defend
harbors, and not to venture to sea, lest it should
fall in the hands of the enemy ; a result which had
been predicted again and again. Owing to urgent
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 733
remonstrances of Captains Stewart and Bainbridge,
the intention of thus withdrawing the navy was
abandoned. Within a few hours after the declaration
of war was known in New York, a portion of the fleet
was passing out to sea, in search of the enemy.
This prompt movement was made for the double
purpose of avoiding the orders, which the officers
suspected were on the way from Washington, to de
tain them in the harbor, and to make a dash at the
Jamaica fleet, said to be passing under convoy of the
coast. When two days out, they chased and ex
changed shots with the British frigate Belvidera,
which, however, escaped and carried the news of the
commencement of hostilities to Halifax. The Ameri
cans continued the pursuit of the Jamaica fleet, even
to the entrance of the British Channel, but without
overtaking it.
Meanwhile a British squadron issued f roni Halifax,
to cruise off the port of New York. The Constitu
tion, better known as Old Ironsides, commanded by
Captain Isaac Hull, in endeavoring to enter that port
fell in with this fleet, and was chased by all its vessels
for four days — the most remarkable chase on record.
The unexampled skill with which she was managed,
elicited universal admiration. Every nautical device
was exhausted, such as during a calm carrying out
anchors and dropping them, and then pulling the
ship up ; in the mean while, when opportunity served,
exchanging shots with her adversaries. Finally she
escaped into Boston. Orders from Washington were
sent to Captain Hull to remain there ; but he antici
pated them, and put to sea before they arrived.
The Essex was the first to capture a prize — a trans
port filled with soldiers — and shortly after, the Brit
ish sloop-of-war Alert. The latter mistook the
Essex for a merchantman, and came on expecting an
734 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
easy victory, but found herself so severely handled,
that in a few minutes she was fain to strike her
colors.
Off the mouth of the St. Lawrence, Captain Hull
fell in with the British frigate Guerriere, one of the
fleet which had recently chased him. The Guerriere
was on the look-out for "Yankee craft;" on one of
her flags was the inscription, "Not the Little Belt."
Courting the combat, she shortened sail, and at long
range opened upon the approaching Constitution ; the
latter did not fire a gun, but manoeuvred to obtain a
desirable position. Thus an hour and a half was
consumed. When the Constitution secured her posi
tion, she poured in her broadsides with such rapidity
and effect, that the enemy struck his colors in thirty
minutes. So completely was the Guerriere cut to
pieces, that it was impossible to bring her into port,
and Hull ordered her to be burned. The Guerriere
had seventy-nine killed and wounded, while the Con
stitution had only seven, and was ready for action
the next day. In connection with this encounter
may be related two incidents, which show the spirit
on board the respective ships. When the Constitu
tion came within cannon-shot, the opening fire from
the Guerriere killed two men. The men were impati
ent to avenge their companions, and Lieutenant
Morris came on deck, and asked, "Can we return the
fire, sir?" "No, sir," calmly replied Hull. Soon af
ter, Morris came again, and reported that another
man was slain, and asked again, "Shall we return the
fire?" "No, sir," was still the reply. For the third
time, Morris soon appeared: "Can we fire now?"
Hull, pausing a moment to survey the position of
the ships, replied, "Yes, sir, you may fire now." The
order was promptly obeyed, and Hull, with his eye
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 735
intently fixed upon the enemy, exclaimed, when he
saw the effect, "That ship is ours !"
On board the Guerriere were ten impressed Ameri
cans. Thry refused to fight against their country
men, and were ordered below. One of them was af
terward called upon deck, and asked by Captain
Dacres if he knew the character of the approaching
ship. He answered she was a frigate. As she drew
nearer, and merely manoeuvered, and made no reply
with her guns, Dacres, somewhat puzzled, inquired
again, "What does she mean? Do you think she is
going to strike without firing a gun?" "I guess not,
sir," replied the American ; "she will get the position
she wants, and you will then learn her intentions;
with your permission, sir, I will step below."
The United States, Captain Decatur, when cruising
off the Azores, gave chase to a British frigate, which
proved to be the Macedonian. A running fight com
menced, which terminated by the Macedonian strik
ing her colors, after losing one hundred out of her
three hundred men, while the United States lost only
five men and seven wounded. The other ships made
several prizes on their cruise. The Argus escaped
by superior seamanship, after being chased three
days by six vessels, and took and manned a prize dur
ing the chase. The Wasp, Captain Jones, met the
British brig Frolic, acting as a convoy for six mer
chantmen; to protect them she shortened sail and
offered battle. The Wasp watched her opportunity,
raked her antagonist, and then immediately boarded.
The boarders found the deck of the Frolic covered
with the slain, and only one man unhurt, who was
calmly standing at the wheel, and one or two wound
ed officers, who threw down their swords. Not
twenty of the crew were unhurt. The Wasp had
only five killed and as many wounded. But before
736 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
she could make sail, the Poictiers seventy-four came
up, and took both vessels.
Hull resigned the command of the Constitution,
and Bainbridge was appointed in his place. Off the
coast of Brazil the Constitution gave chase to a Brit
ish frigate, the Java. The fight began at the dis
tance of a mile, and was continued with great spirit,
each manoeuvring to get the advantage. At length
they approached so closely as to fight yard-arm and
yard-arm. The Java's masts were shot away, and
her fire silenced. The Constitution drew off to re
pair her rigging, and then approached to renew the
conflict, which the Java prevented by striking her
flag. Nearly half of her men, numbering four hun
dred, were killed or wounded, while the Constitution
had only nine killed and twenty-five wounded ; among
the latter was her commander. There being no
friendly port in that part of the world to which he
could take his prize, Bainbridge ordered her to be
set on fire and blown up.
It is difficult to conceive the exultation with which
these victories were hailed in the United States. The
very great disparity in the losses sustained by the
respective combatants had excited surprise in both
nations. The English loss of men in killed and
wounded, compared with that of the Americans, was
as eight to one. There could be no doubt but the
ships of the latter had been better managed and bet
ter fought. The English people, we learn from the
newspapers of the day, were deeply mortified at the
loss of their frigates. One of the papers asked,
"Shall England, the mistress of the seas and dictator
of the maritime law of nations, be driven from her
proud eminence by a piece of striped bunting flying
at the mastheads of a few fir-built frigates, manned
by a handful of bastards and outlaws ?" Some were
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 737
thus abusive, but others were more respectful, and
even found consolation in the fact that the Ameri
cans were the descendants of Englishmen. Says the
London Times: "We witnessed the gloom which
that event (the capture of the Guerriere) cast over
high and honorable minds ; it is not merely that an
English frigate has been taken after a brave resist
ance, but it has been by a new enemy." And appre
hensions were expressed that their maritime su
periority was about to be challenged, if not taken
away, by this new rival, which had so suddenly
sprung into existence. "The mourning for this last
most affecting event, (the capture of the Java,) can
never be laid aside till the honor of the British flag
shall be redeemed, by establishing the same triumph
ant superiority over the Americans that we have
heretofore had over all the nations that traverse the
seas. Five hundred British vessels and three fri
gates have been captured in seven months by the
Americans. Can the English people hear this un
moved? Down to this moment not an American
frigate has struck her flag. They insult and laugh
at us; they leave their ports when they please; and
return when it suits their convenience ; they traverse
the Atlantic ; they beset the West India Islands ; they
advance to the very chops of the Channel ; they par
ade along the coast of South America; nothing
chases, nothing intercepts, nothing engages them,
but yields to them a triumph."
To account for these unexampled victories, some
said the American frigates were Seventy-fours in
disguise; others that their guns were heavier than
those of their opponents. The latter supposition
may have been true to some extent. But national
self-complacency found more consolation in the con
jecture, that the spirit of the American navy ought
738 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
to be imputed to the few runaway British sailors en
listed in it !
The American privateers maintained the honor of
the nation as much as the regular navy. Much more
would have been accomplished, but the majority of
the merchants were loth to send privateers to prey
upon the property of their commercial friends and
correspondents. As it was, more than three hundred
prizes were taken, three thousand prisoners, and a
vast amount of merchandise.
Changes were made in the President's cabinet.
General John Armstrong — the author of the famous
Anonymous Address, at the close of the Revolution —
was appointed Secretary of War in place of William
Eustis, of Massachusetts, resigned. James Monroe
still remained at the head of the State Department,
and Albert Gallatin at that of the Treasury, an office
which he held under Jefferson.
The surrender of Hull aroused the warlike spirit of
the West, and volunteers presented themselves in
great numbers. The Americans were divided into
three armies. That of the west, at the head of Lake
Erie, under General Harrison ; that of the centre, be
tween Lakes Erie and Ontario, under General Dear
born, and that of the north in the vicinity of Lake
Champlain, under General Wade Hampton. A simi
lar arrangement was made by the British. Sir George
Prevost was in chief command of the forces in Can
ada, General Proctor commanded the troops stationed
near Detroit, and General Sheafe those in the neigh
borhood of Montreal and the Sorel river.
To recover what Hull had lost, Harrison moved to
ward Detroit and Maiden; meantime General Win
chester advanced with eight hundred volunteers,
chiefly young men from Kentucky. That State
swarmed with soldiers, drawn from every rank in
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 739
society. As he drew near the Maumee Rapids, Win
chester learned that a body of British and Indians
was in possession of Frenchtown, on the river Raisin.
He sent a detachment, which routed the enemy, and
maintained its position until he himself came up.
When General Proctor learned of the approach of
Winchester, he hastened across the lake on the ice
from Maiden, with fifteen hundred British and In
dians, to cut him off, before Harrison could give aid.
The attack was made on the American camp before
daylight. In the midst of the confusion Winchester
was taken prisoner. Proctor promised him security
for the safety of his men, and thus induced him to
surrender them as prisoners. Fearing the approach
of Harrison, Proctor retreated as rapidly as possible
to Maiden, and in violation of his pledges, he left the
wounded Americans.
The Indians turned back and murdered great num
bers of them, and carried the remainder to Detroit ;
for some of these they demanded enormous ransoms,
and others they reserved for tortures. The conduct
of Proctor, in thus breaking his word, and violating
the principles of common humanity, excited against
the enemy the bitterest feelings of revenge. "Re
member the Raisin!" became the war-cry of the
Kentuckians.
Harrison advanced to the rapids, and there estab
lished a post, which in honor of the Governor of Ohio,
he named Fort Meigs. There he was besieged, in the
course of a few months, by a large force of British
and their Indian allies. Learning that General Green
Clay, of Kentucky, was descending the Maumee with
twelve hundred men in boats, Harrison sent orders
for half the men to land and seize the enemy's bat
teries on the north side of the river, spike their guns,
and then come to the Fort, whence a sortie was to be
740 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
made against the main batteries on the south side.
The first order was fulfilled, and the British routed ;
but instead of hastening to the Fort, the Kentuckians
became unmanageable and pursued a few Indians,
who led them into an ambuscade prepared by the
cunning Tecumseh. They were in turn routed by
the Indians and a detachment of British soldiers, and
of the Kentuckians only about one hundred and fifty
escaped. Nevertheless Proctor was alarmed; the
force of the Americans was unknown, and as the In
dians began to desert, he commenced a hurried re
treat across the lake to Maiden.
Two months after, Proctor again appeared before
Fort Meigs, now under the command of Clay. Not
able to take it, and having learned that Fort Stephen-
son, on the Sandusky, had a small garrison, Proctor
left Tecumseh with his Indians to besiege Ft. Meigs,
while he himself went against Fort Stephenson.
This fort had a garrison of only one hundred and
sixty men, commanded by Major George Groghan, a
youth in his twenty-second year. When summoned
to surrender, he replied that he would defend the
fort till the last man was buried in its ruins. The
siege commenced, and when a breach was made,
the British regulars, at the word of their Colonel,
who cried out, "Come on, give the Yankees no quar
ter," rushed to the assault. As they crowded into
the ditch, the only cannon in the fort opened from a
masked port hole. The gun was loaded with a double
charge of musket balls; the effect was terrific, the
enemy fled in confusion, and abandoned the siege.
The Indians at the first repulse deserted, as usual.
Meanwhile there had been other conflicts at sea.
Captain James Lawrence, in command of the Hornetf
had captured the Peacock off the coast of South
America. The ships were equal in size and equip-
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 741
merit. The action lasted but fifteen minutes. The
Peacock raised signals of distress, for' she was sink
ing rapidly, and in spite of the efforts of both crews
she went down, carrying with her some of her own
men and three of the Hornet's. On his return,
Lawrence was appointed to the command of the
frigate Chesapeake, then in Boston harbor, under
going repairs and enlisting a crew.
The British frigate Shannon, Captain Broke, had
appeared off the harbor as if offering a challenge.
The impetuous Lawrence put to sea, notwithstanding
the deficiency of his crew, some of whom were much
dissatisfied on account of back arrearages of prize
money from a former cruise. The ship was also defici
ent in officers, the first lieutenant being unable from
illness to go on board. The contest was witnessed
by thousands from the hills and house tops. When
the ships met, the Chesapeake became entangled
with the Shannon in such a manner as to be exposed
to a raking fire. Lawrence, mortally wounded at the
commencement of the battle, was carried below.
This created confusion for a few minutes, and Broke
noticing that the fire had slackened, promptly gave
orders to board, leading the men himself. The
American boarders had just been called, and but
few of them were as yet upon deck ; after a hand to
hand fight, the Chesapeake's colors were hauled
down. The captor sailed immediately to Halifax.
There Captain Lawrence died. He was buried with
military honors and marks of respect. Afterward
his remains were removed to New York. His last
command, "Don't give up the ship," has become the
watchword in the American navy.
The rejoicing in England over the capture of the
Chesapeake were so great as to become highly com
plimentary to the Americans, to whom they were as
742 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
gratifying as if the Shannon had been captured. It
was an unequivocal evidence of the respect that the
navy had inspired.
The same spirit which had done so much honor to
the nation on the ocean, displayed itself on the lakes.
The random incursions of undisciplined volunteers
accomplished nothing until the control of the lakes
was secured. A youthful lieutenant in the United
States navy, Oliver Hazard Perry, a native of New
port, Rhode Island, volunteered for that service.
Commodore Chauncey appointed him to the command
of the fleet on Lake Erie. After much labor, Perry
built and fitted out at the port of Erie, nine vessels
of various sizes, from one carrying twenty-five guns
down to those which carried only one. The Amer
ican fleet had altogether fifty-five guns ; the British
had six vessels carrying sixty-three guns. The num
ber of men was about five hundred in each fleet.
Owing to the direction of the wind at the commence
ment of the battle, Perry's flag ship, the Lawrence,
was exposed to the concentrated fire of the enemy's
entire fleet, and in a short time she was made a com
plete wreck. As the wind increased, the remaining
ships were enabled to come up. Leaping into a boat,
and in the midst of flying balls, Perry now transfer
red his flag, which bore the motto "Don't give up the
ship," to the next largest vessel, the Niagara. When
passing through the enemy's line he poured in broad
sides, right and left, within pistol-shot. The other
American vessels closed, and in less than an hour
every British ship had surrendered. The hero an
nounced the result to General Harrison, in the
memorable despatch, "We have met the enemy and
they are ours."
Harrison hastened to profit by the victory, and to
lead his men against Detroit and Maiden. The fleet
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 743
carried a portion of the troops across the lake, but
they found Maiden deserted. Proctor and Tecumseh
had destroyed their military stores, and taken with
them the horses and cattle in the neighborhood, and
were now in full retreat toward Moravian town, on
the Thames. At Detroit Harrison was unexpectedly
reinforced by about thirty-five hundred mounted
Kentuckians, under the venerable Governor Shelby,
one of the heroes of King's Mountain, and Colonel
Richard M. Johnson. The pursuit now commenced
in earnest. After a forced march of sixty miles,
they overtook the enemy. A desperate encounter
took place ; nearly all Proctor's men were either taken
or slain, he himself barely escaping with about two
hundred dragoons. The Indians fought furiously
when cheered on by Tecumseh, but when he fell, it
is said by a pistol ball fired by Colonel Johnson him
self, they broke and fled. With the life of the great
savage planner Indian hostilities in that part of the
frontier ended. The Kentuckians returned home in
triumph. Leaving Colonel Lewis Cass, who was soon
after appointed Governor of Michigan, to garrison
Detroit with his brigade, Harrison embarked with
thirteen hundred regulars for Buffalo, to assist in the
cherished project of conquering Canada.
Military enthusiasm was not confined to Kentucky
and the region north of the Ohio. In answer to a call
to defend New Orleans, volunteers in great numbers
assembled at Nashville, Tennessee. General Andrew
Jackson was their chosen commander.
Jackson was a native of North Carolina, of Scotch-
Irish descent; left fatherless at an early age: — his
mother the descendant of a Scotch Covenanter, a
woman of great energy, and a daring spirit, but soft
ened and subdued by religious principle and humane
sympathy. From here he inherited a hatred of op-
744 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
pression, and an indomitable will that never failed to
triumph. At the age of thirteen — in Revolutionary
times — he began his career under General Sumter at
the skirmish of Hanging Rock. His eldest brother
had already fallen in battle, and here, in company
with the brother next in age, he fought valiantly.
Their home broken up and pillaged, the mother and
her two sons became exiles from their own fireside.
Soon after the sons, through the plottings of Tories,
were made prisoners. The next day a British officer
ordered Andrew to clean his boots, but the young
hero indignantly refused to perform the menial serv-
ke, and steadily persisted, though his life was threat
ened and the officer struck him with the flat of his
sword.
The heroic mother at length obtained the exchange
of her sons, but only, in a year, to follow to the grave
the elder, who died of small-pox, which both the
brothers had contracted during their captivity.
That next year the mother, with some other ladies,
travelled more than one hundred miles to minister
to the wants of the unfortunate patriots, her neigh
bors, who were confined as prisoners on board of
loathsome prison ships in the harbor of Charleston.
Enfeebled by her labors of love, she contracted the
fever then raging among the prisoners and speedily
passed away. Thus at the age of fifteen Jackson was
left without a relative in his native land. (Rarely
has such harrowing misfortunes fallen to the lot of
any one.) Though young in years these trials had
their effect ; they gave him the maturity of manhood ;
they strengthened the decision of character, which
so marked his life. To his friends generous to a
fault, yet he never suffered his will to be successfully
resisted ; not from stubbornness — that stronghold of
little minds — but from his impression of right. He
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 745
early emigrated to Tennessee, then a territory, and
was the first representative from that State in the
House. He was described by a contemporary, "as
being a tall, lank, uncouth-looking personage, with
long locks of hair hanging over his face, and a cue
down his back tied in an ell-skin ; his dress singular,
his manners and deportment that of a rough back
woodsman." No eye among his associates was pro
phetic enough, under that rude aspect, to recognize
or imagine the future General and President.1
New Orleans was almost defenceless; the same
mistaken economy we have seen elsewhere, had been
exercised here. There were only sixteen hundred
men in the garrison, scarcely any ammunition, and
no means of conveyance. Though without authority
from the War Department, General Wilkinson — the
same who in the days of the Revolution was one of
the aids of General Gates — had taken measures
to survey all the water passages to the Gulf, and
partially repair their fortifications.
This expedition from Tennessee had a singular
termination. The infantry, in number sixteen hun
dred, floated in flat-boats down the Cumberland, the
Ohio and the Mississippi to Natchez, where they were
joined by four hundred horsemen, who had marched
across the country. Armstrong, the Secretary of
War, sent orders to Jackson, who had been refused a
commission in the regular army, to disband his men
at Natchez, and deliver his military stores to Gener
al Wilkinson. To implicitly obey orders which he
did not approve was not one of the virtues of Andrew
Jackson. Suspecting that this order was a pretext
to get rid of the volunteers without paying their
wages, he positively refused to obey. Indignant at
the wrong done the men, he unceremoniously drove
iffildreth, vol. iv., p. 692.
746 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
out of the camp the United States recruiting officers,
who had come, hoping to induce those volunteers to
enlist in the regular army, who had not the funds to
return home. On his own responsibility, Jackson
provided conveyances for the sick, and marched the
whole force back to Nashville, and there disbanded
them. The War Department overlooked the insub
ordination, and quietly paid the bill.
The military operations of the northern frontier
continued as unimportant, as they were inefficient in
bringing Great Britain to terms. To secure the con
trol of Lake Ontario it was necessary to destroy or
capture the ships and military stores at York, now
Toronto, then the capital of Upper Canada, and the
head-quarters of General Sheafe. When the spring
opened, Commodore Chauncey sailed with sixteen
hundred men on board his fleet. They landed a short
distance from the town, Lieutenant Scott, who had
recently been exchanged, leading the van. General
Pike led the troops to the assault. The retreating
British fired a magazine, which exploded with trem
endous power, overwhelmed the advancing Ameri
cans, and killed and wounded more than two hundred
of their number, among whom was the gallant Pike,
who died the next day. The town surrendered, and
the contents of another magazine were transferred
to Sackett's Harbor.
Just before the Americans embarked, a little one
story building, known as the Parliament House, was
burned. The British attributed the act to them, but
General Dearborn and his officers believed it was set
on fire by the disaffected Canadians, as they had
threatened to burn it.
Major Graf ton certified that no American could
have committed the deed without his knowledge, as
he had the command of the patrol in the vicinity of
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 747
the House. The Canadian Chief Justice of the dis
trict, in a communication, spoke of the humane con
duct of the Americans, "which entitled them to the
gratitude of the people of York." Yet retaliation,
for the burning of this building, was the excuse
offered afterward for the wanton destruction and
pillaging of the public buildings at Washington.
During the summer occurred a number of failures,
all traceable to the inefficiency of the commanders.
Finally certain members of Congress informally re
quested the President, through secretary Monroe, to
recall Dearborn from the command. Accordingly
Wilkinson was transferred from New Orleans to the
northern frontier. General Wade Hampton, recently
in command at Norfolk, was also appointed to a com
mand of a division; but as he and Wilkinson were
not on friendly terms, he accepted the office only on
condition that he should not be placed under the com
mand of the latter. The patriotism which would
overlook private resentment for the good of the
country must be sacrificed to the personal enmities
of these gentlemen. Hoping to remove the difficulty,
Armstrong, the Secretary of War, suddenly appeared
on the ground, and assumed the chief command him
self ; but he and Wilkinson could not agree on a plan
of operations. After refusing to accept the proffered
resignation of Wilkinson, who did not relish the un
called-for interference, the Secretary returned to his
more appropriate duties at Washington.
Another futile attempt was made to conquer Cana
da. General Wilkinson moved his army from Sack-
ett's Harbor, toward Montreal; in the mean time
General Hampton was advancing up from Lake
Champlain. The two American armies if united
would number twelve thousand men, while the whole
British force was about two thousand, and these
748 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
mostly militia. Wilkinson wrote to Hampton, in
Armstrong's name, to join him at St. Regis, but in
stead of co-operating, Hampton replied that he had
given up the expedition and was already on his re
turn to winter-quarters. Under these circumstances,
Wilkinson found it necessary to retreat, as the sea
son would be too far advanced before he could obtain
the provisions and aid which Hampton had failed to
supply. During the previous summer there had been
on the lake, as well as on its shores, several expedi
tions as unimportant in themselves as they were
trifling in their results.
When General Harrison, who soon after resigned
his commission, retired, he left a General McClure in
command at the head of Lake Ontario. Presently
McClure found himself with only a few regular
troops, as the militia under his command were return
ing home ; their term of enlistment having expired.
Not prepared to resist the advancing British, he was
forced to retire across the river to the American side.
Before leaving he destroyed Fort George, and set on
fire the village of Newark, lest the enemy, as he said,
should find comfortable winter-quarters. McClure
gave as his excuse for thus burning the homes, and
turning four hundred inoffensive people, men, women,
and children, out into the winter's storms, that he
thought he was justified by the orders of the War
Department. In truth there was no excuse for the
cruel and wanton act. Evil begets evil. Ten days
after, the enemy passed over to the American side,
surprised Fort Niagara, and put the garrison to the
sword. Then commenced the retaliation for the
burning of Newark. They burned Lewistown,
Youngstown, Manchester, Black Rock, and Buffalo,
and indeed every house that could be reached from
Lake Ontario to Erie. Prevost immediately issued
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 749
a proclamation, in which he stated that these ravages
were provoked by the burning of Newark and if the
Americans would hereafter refrain from such out
rages, he should conduct the war on humane and
civilized principles.
During the summer the whole American coast was
blockaded by the overwhelming force of the British
fleet. The Hornet, the frigates United States and
Macedonian, were shut up in the harbor of New Lon
don. The harbor of New York, the Delaware and
Chesapeake bays, the harbors of Charleston and
Savannah, the mouth of the Mississippi, were all
blockaded. In the Chesapeake alone there were
more than twenty British armed vessels, on board of
which were three or four thousand land troops.
These frequently landed and pillaged the towns, and
in some instances committed outrages upon the in
habitants, especially at Hampton, a small village on
James river. The infamy of conducting these ma
rauding expeditions belongs to Vice-Admiral Cock-
burn, whose conduct was more in accordance with
the brutality of a savage, than with the humanity
of an officer of a Christian nation. These maraud
ers were well characterized by the term, "Water
Winnebagoes."
The war was not confined to the northern frontier.
The untiring Tecumseh had visited the Creeks the
previous year, and inspired them, especially their
young warriors, with his views. The Creeks occupi
ed the greater portion of what is now the State of
Alabama, and a portion of south-western Georgia.
Numbers of the tribe had become partially civilized,
living upon the products of their fields and their
herds. The nation was divided in opinion. The in
telligent and wealthy portion were in favor of peace,
while the ignorant and poor were in favor of war.
750 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
The one party saw in a war with the United States,
the utter ruin of their nation ; the other a return to
their ancient customs, and a perfect independence of
the white man. The settlers blindly neglected the
repeated warnings given of these hostile intentions.
Then suddenly Wetherford, a celebrated half-breed
chief, surrounded Fort Mimms, on the lower Ala
bama, and put to death nearly three hundred persons,
men, women, and children. The South was speedily
roused, and soon about seven thousand volunteers
were on their march in four divisions, to penetrate
the .enemy's country, from as many points, and to
meet in the centre.
General Jackson, with his recent Natchez volun
teers, moved from Nashville; from East Tennessee,
another division, under General Cocke; one from
Georgia, and one from the Mississippi Territory. In
addition the lower Creeks took up arms against .their
brethren; and also Cherokees and Choctaws joined
in the expedition. A series of attacks commenced
upon the savage enemy. The Creeks were defeated
in every conflict ; cut down without mercy, their war
riors disdaining to ask for their lives. The divisions
penetrated the country from different points, and
drove them from place to place. In this last struggle
for their homes they were overwhelmed, but not con
quered. Thus the war continued for some months,
when the greater portion of the volunteers returned
home. Jackson was compelled to suspend offensive
operations till reinforcements should arrive. At
length they came, and he went in pursuit of the
enemy. On a peninsula formed by a peculiar bend
in the Tallapoosa river, known as Emuchfau, or the
Horse-shoe, the Indians made their last stand. They
fortified the neck of the peninsula, as much as their
rude materials would permit. Thither they trans-
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 751
ferred their wives and children, in whose defence
they resolved to die, and there in gloomy silence they
awaited the attack.
The assault was made on the breastwork, which,
after five hours' fighting, was carried. Nearly six
hundred of the warriors perished, and the women and
children were taken prisoners. Thus, after a cam
paign of six months, the power of the Creeks was
broken, and with it their spirit was crushed. The
warriors who were yet living, began to give them
selves up to the conquerors. A noble-looking chief
suddenly, at the hour of midnight, presented him
self to Jackson. "I fought at Fort Mimms ; I fought
the army of Georgia," said he; "I did you all the
harm I could. Had I been supported as I was prom
ised, I would have done more. But my warriors are
killed, and I can fight no longer; I look back with
sorrow that I have brought ruin upon my nation. I
am now in your power, do with me as you please ; I
too am a warrior." Such were the words of Wether-
ford, the destroyer of Fort Mimms. Jackson could
appreciate the man who would fight for his country ;
though the volunteers murmured, he spared the life
of the chief. The General, so stern in the perform
ance of duty, was not devoid of human sympathy.
When walking on the field of battle his attention was
arrested by the wail of an Indian babe. He himself
was a childless man, yet his heart was touched. Or
dering the infant to be brought to the camp, he ask
ed the Indian women to take care of it. "Its mother
is dead, let it die too," was their reply. The General
took the child himself, carried it to his home, and
reared it in his own family.
The Essex, Captain Porter, passed round Cape
Horn, expecting to meet the Constitution in the
Pacific ; but she, as has already been noted, returned
752 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
home after the capture of the Java. When he arriv
ed at Valparaiso, Porter was gratified to be received
as a friend. Chili had thrown off her allegiance to
Spain, and was no longer an ally of England. Learn
ing there that the viceroy of Peru had, in expecta
tion of war between Spain and the United States, au
thorized cruisers against American whalers, he put
to sea in order to chastise these cruisers, one of
whom he captured and disarmed. He then went in
pursuit of the British whalers, who were all armed,
and carried commissions from their own government
to capture American whaling vessels. In a few
months he captured twelve of these whalers. Hear
ing that the British frigate Phoebe had been sent in
pursuit of him, he returned early in the year to
Valparaiso, in search of the enemy. Soon the Phoebe
appeared, accompanied by the sloop-of-war Cherub.
In guns and men the Phoebe was a full match for the
Essex. The two hostile vessels took their position
off the harbor. Porter determined to avoid the un
equal contest by escaping to sea; but when passing
out of the harbor a sudden squall carried away his
main-top-mast, and, as he could not return to port,
he was at the mercy of the Phoebe and Cherub. Af
ter an encounter, perhaps the most desperate of any
naval engagement during the war, he was forced
to surrender; but he did not strike his flag until he
had lost the unusual number of fifty-eight killed and
sixty-six wounded. In giving an account of the af
fair to the Secretary of the Navy, he wrote: "We
have been unfortunate, but not disgraced."
Efforts had been made by local societies, small and
limited in their influence, to circulate the Bible, but
not until the formation of a large association, with
more means and greater facilities, could much be
accomplished in publishing and distributing the
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 753
Scriptures. Sixty delegates, men of influence and
representing thirty-five of these local associations,
met in New York City, and formed the American
Bible Society. During the first year eighty-four
local societies became auxiliary to it; now the aux
iliaries, directly or indirectly connected with the In
stitution, number over seven thousand. During the
first year of its existence the members of the British
Bible Society sent in their congratulations and a
donation of twenty-five hundred dollars. The Soci
ety publishes the Bible without note or comment, and
has the confidence of all the Protestant denomina
tions. It publishes more than one hundred and forty
varieties in other languages. At various times the
Society, as far as possible, has supplied every family
in the Union destitute of the Bible with a copy.
CHAPTER XLIV.
1813—1814
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED.
The Thirteenth Congress; its Members. — Daniel Webster. —
Manifesto of the British Government. — Embarrassments.
— Commissioners of Peace appointed. — Britain offers to
negotiate. — Jacob Brown. — Winfield Scott. — E. W. Ripley.
— Wilkinson unsuccessful; his Misfortunes. — Capture of
Fort Erie. — Battle of Lundy's Lane. — Its effect. — British
repulsed at Fort Erie; their Batteries captured — Battle
on Lake Champlain. — British marauding Expeditions on
the Shores of the Chesapeake. — Bladensburg. — Capture of
Washington. — The Public Buildings burned. — Defence of
Fort McHenry. — Death of General Ross. Bombardment
of Stonington. — Distress in New England. Debates in
Congress. — Embargo and Non-importation Act repealed,
— Hartford Convention.
The thirteenth Congress, in obedience to the call
of the President, met in special session, some months
before the usual time. The last census had increas
ed the number of Representatives in the House to
182. Of the present members a greater portion than
in the last Congress were opposed to the war, and,
indeed, its own advocates on that subject were by
no means harmonious among themselves.
In this Congress, as well as in the last, appeared
many new men, whose influence was afterward great
ly felt, not only in their respective States, but in
moulding the future policy of the nation itself.
Among these were John Forsyth of Georgia, William
Gaston of North Carolina, John McLean of Ohio, and
Daniel Webster of New Hampshire, who now com
menced that career so marked in our national coun
cils. Born on the frontiers of that State, his privi
leges were limited. The quiet, thoughtful boy, fond
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 755
of books, read all within his reach. His father, a
man of strong sense and sterling integrity; his
mother, a woman of more than ordinary intellect and
force of character; to their judicious guidance may
be traced the best elements of his education. The
father noticed his expanding intellect, the calm pow
er of mind that intuitively grasped thoughts far be
yond his years. His resolution was taken; though
very limited in means, he must educate his son. At
length he informed Daniel of his determination to
send him to college. At this first intimation that
the dreams which had been floating before his imagi
nation were to be realized, the boy's emotions were
too deep for utterance; he threw himself upon his
father's neck and wept for joy.
In Congress stirring debates ensued. Not only
was the policy of the war severely criticized, but the
manner in which it had been conducted. Its advo
cates were surrounded with difficulties; the means
to carry it on were exhausted; the revenue derived
from commerce had dwindled to one million, with a
prospect of still greater reduction; enormous boun
ties were offered to obtain recruits for the army, but
very few enlisted. The clashing of opinions on the
subject had arrayed the people definitely on one
side or the other.
The British government issued to the world a mani
festo, in which certain charges industriously circu
lated in the United States were utterly denied — such
as that they had instigated the Indians to hostilities,
or that they had endeavored to seduce the people of
the Eastern States from the Union ; but on the con
trary, they protested that the English people were
actuated by a spirit of forbearance, and were truly
desirous to be at peace and amity with the people of
the United States. As to the question of search,
756 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
they were unwilling to give up the right to recover
their deserting seamen, unless the United States
would remove the necessity for impressments, by
enacting laws forbidding British sailors to enlist in
the American service. This document had a great
effect in influencing the minds of the people in Eng
land, as well as upon those in the United States.
The disasters of the last campaign, and the want
of money, a sufficiency of which could not be obtain
ed by loans, were not as embarrassing to the govern
ment, as the opposition to the war which prevailed in
the New England States. The Legislature of Massa
chusetts sent a remonstrance to Congress. They de
nounced the war as unreasonable, for Great Britain
had repealed the obnoxious Orders in Council, and
also offered to negotiate in relation to impressments.
Undue influences in the councils of the nation had led
to measures opposed to their interests, and had
brought ruin upon them by war. It was a duty to
their constituents to make this remonstrance. They
appealed to the Searcher of hearts for the purity of
their motives, and their devotion to their country.
The people of New England complained that for the
last twelve years, their influence in the national gov
ernment had not been in proportion to their popula
tion, intelligence and wealth, — that their best and
ablest men had been designedly excluded from posi
tions of influence in the councils of the nation.
In less than a year after the declaration of war,
President Madison, influenced by an offer of medi
ation on the part of Russia, appointed Albert Galla-
tin, his Secretary of the Treasury, and James A. Bay
ard, commissioners to negotiate a peace. They were
to act in concert with John Quincy Adams, then min
ister at the court of St. Petersburg. The offered
mediation by Russia was declined by England ; and
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 757
nothing was accomplished by the commissioners.
Nearly a year afterward, the British government
made a direct overture to treat of peace, either at
London or at Gottenburg in Sweden. This offer was
made in the face of the ultimate downfall of Bona
parte, who had just been defeated at the battle of
Leipsic. The President gladly accepted the offer,
though he complained that the English government
had rejected the mediation of Russia, which had been
offered there several times. Accordingly, Henry
Clay and Jonathan Russell, recently minister to Eng
land, were appointed additional commissioners of
peace. In a month's time, they had received their
instructions, and were on their way to Europe.
These instructions took decided ground on the im
pressment question. "That degrading practice must
cease," said they. "Our flag must protect the crew,
or the United States cannot consider themselves an
independent nation." Yet the promise was quietly
made to enact a law forbidding the enlistment of Brit
ish sailors, either in the United States navy or in the
mercantile service. Still, more, the commissioners
were privately authorized "to go further, to prevent
a possibility of failure." It will be remembered that
this was the very law or assurance in effect, that
Britain asked of Congress at the commencement of
the war.
Engrossed with the affairs of Europe, England as
yet could spare but few men or ships for the Amer
ican war. Bonaparte having abdicated and retired
to Elba, she had on her hands a large veteran army
unemployed. Of this army, fourteen thousand sold
iers were sent to Canada, while other portions were
sent to different places in the United States. This
acquisition changed the face of affairs on the north
ern frontier.
758 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
The failures in that quarter, had thrown the ad
ministration at Washington into despair. The sold
iers had but little confidence in officers, who were
continually quarrelling with each other, and never
acting in concert, and this favorite measure was
about to be given up, from sheer want of proper
persons to lead the enterprise. New men were com
ing on the stage. The most promising of these was
Colonel Jacob Brown, a Pennsylvanian by birth, a
Quaker by descent, who, when a school teacher in
the city of New York, attracted the attention of
Hamilton, who made him his military secretary in
the army of 1798. Brown subsequently removed to
the northern part of New York State, and there, in
his defence of Ogdensburg, as well as on other occa
sions, exhibited military talents of a high order.
There was another youthful hero, destined to fill an
honorable space in the military annals of his coun
try. Winfield Scott, a native of Virginia, originally
bred for the bar; he also belonged to the army of
'98. At the commencement of the war he raised and
commanded a company of volunteers. To these may
be added Eleazar W. Ripley, of Maine, who possessed
talents of a high order.
These young and enthusiastic officers believed
that if the Americans were drilled, and led by com
manders in whom they had confidence, they would
meet the British regulars without fear for the result.
Owing to their solicitations, another invasion of Can
ada was planned. Nothing, however, was gained by
the effort, except the verification of their theory.
Early in the spring, Wilkinson, who had been ill for
months, moved with four thousand men, from winter
quarters, to repel a British detachment. His pro
gress was arrested near I /a Colle, at a stone mill, held
as an outpost. The single heavy cannon brought to
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 759
batter down the mill, sunk in the mire. An unusual
thaw commencing, flooded the whole country, and
opened Lake Champlain, of which the Britsh had
control. The Americans were fain to retire from the
danger as soon as possible. Wilkinson was so much
abused and ridiculed on account of this failure, that
he indignantly resigned, and demanded an inquiry
into his conduct by a court-martial.
One year from that time, he was honorably acquit
ted by the court. But the government, which he had
faithfully served for forty years, on the reduction of
the army after the war, dismissed him from its serv
ice. Thus in his old age he experienced the hardship
of being turned upon the world without a competency.
The State of Maryland came forward, and generously
granted him a pension.
When spring further opened, a concentration of
forces on both sides resulted in a series of movements
and counter-movements accomplishing nothing of im
portance. The first point resolved upon, was to seize
Burlington Heights, at the head of Lake Ontario, be
fore aid could come from York. In the mean time,
Commodore Chauncey was to get the command of
the lake.
Having obtained permission from the government,
General Brown, with thirty-five hundred men, some
regulars and some volunteers, passed in the night
from Buffalo to Canada, presented himself in the
morning before Fort Erie, and summoned the garri
son to surrender. In the course of the day, the fort
complied.
The British General Riall, with an army equal in
number to that of Brown, was stationed behind the
Chippewa, distant fifteen miles. Colonel Scott, the
next day, led the advance against the enemy, whose
outposts he drove in; the remainder of the army
760 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
came up at midnight. Brown here gave an indica
tion of what he expected of his officers ; he cashiered
one of their number for untimely retreating in a
skirmish. On the following day, Riall left his in-
trenchments and crossed the Chippewa. The volun
teers could not resist the attack, but fled, leaving
Scott's brigade exposed. The latter charged the re
treating enemy with the bayonet, and forced them to
retreat ; as they passed the bridge they destroyed it.
Riall immediately abandoned his camp and Queens-
town, and leaving a strong force in Fort George, re
treated to a favorable position twelve miles distant.
The British loss in these engagements was about five
hundred, the Americans about three hundred. This
first victory, after a fair trial of strength, was very
gratifying to the Americans, privates as well as of
ficers. Brown took possession of Queenstown, but
found he had not the proper cannon to successfully
attack Fort George, and that the fleet could not co
operate. After maintaining his position three weeks,
he fell back to the Chippewa.
The British were not idle. On the very day that
Brown reached the Chippewa, General Drummond
arrived from York at Fort George, with large rein
forcements. To prevent them from sending a de
tachment to destroy his stores at Schlosser, Brown
made an advance upon the enemy. Scott led his
brigade, accompanied by the artillery commanded by
Towson. General Riall was advancing in force in an
opposite direction, intending on the following morn
ing to attack the Americans. About sunset, when
directly opposite the falls of Niagara, these parties
unexpectedly met. The British took position on a
rising ground, and there placed their artillery, con
sisting of seven pieces. These began to play upon
Scott's brigade, while, because of their position on
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 751
the hill, balls from Towson's guns could scarcely
reach them., The loss of the Americans was great,
yet they maintained their position, expecting Brown
with the main army. When it was quite dark, he
arrived. One of Scott's regiments under Major
Jessup drove the Canadian militia before them, and,
gaining the rear of the enemy, captured a number of
prisoners, among whom was General Riall himself,
who having been wounded, was retiring. It was seen
that the key of the position was the park of artillery
on the hill. Said Ripley to Colonel James Miller:
"Can you take that battery ?" "I'll try, sir," was the
prompt reply. Then silently • leading his regiment,
which was partially concealed by the fence of a
churchyard, along which they passed, Miller rushed
upon the artillerists, and drove them from their guns
at the point of the bayonet. Presently General
Drummond advanced in the darkness to recover the
guns; but his men quailed before the terrible fire
which they encountered. He rallied them again ; and
again they were forced from the hill. With the
energy of desperation, for the third time they ad
vanced, and were again met with a resistance equal
ly obstinate, — the opposing forces fighting hand to
hand with the bayonet. It was now midnight. The
British sullenly retired. The Americans had main
tained their ground, supplying their own exhausted
ammunition from the cartridge-boxes of the slain
foes. The men were almost perishing with hunger,
thirst and fatigue. They had marched during the
day fifteen miles, and contended with the enemy five
hours. Exhausted, they sank upon the ground. The
silence was broken only by the groans of the wounded
and dying, and the roar of the mighty cataract,
whose moaning tones was a fit requiem for the dead
on that field of blood.
7(J2 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
The Americans at length retired to their camp, not
having horses or any means to carry off the guns
which they had captured. The scouts of the enemy
soon discovered that they had retired, and a strong
detachment was sent to reoccupy the hill and recover
their artillery.
Such was the midnight battle of Bridgewater, or
Lundy's Lane. The Americans lost nearly seven
hundred and fifty men — and the British nearly nine
hundred ; an unprecedented loss, when compared with
the number engaged. Brown and Scott were both
wounded ; as well as nearly all the regimental offic
ers. The next morning there were but sixteen hun
dred effective men in the American camp. It was
now seen that the Americans, when properly led,
could and would fight. They had met the veterans
who fought under Wellington in Spain, and repulsed
them in the three desperate encounters. This battle
stood out in bold relief, when compared with the im
becility hitherto so characteristic of the campaigns
on the northern frontier. It acquired a national in
terest, as important in its effect as the first naval
victories.
The American army fell back to Fort Erie, the com
mand of which Brown instructed to Colonel Edmund
P. Gaines. In the course of a fortnight, Drummond
advanced with four thousand men, and after bom
barding the fort, attempted at midnight to carry it by
assault. The British, in the face of a destructive
fire,charged again and again, even within a few feet
of the intrenchments. They were finally forced to
retire, after sustaining a loss of nearly a thousand
men — the Americans not losing a hundred. In a few
weeks the energetic Brown, now partially recovered
from his wounds, assumed the command. He deter
mined to make a dash at the enemy's batteries, which
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 763
were two miles in advance of their camp. The time,
mid-day, was well chosen. Rushing out from the
fort, before assistance could come from the British
camp, he stormed the batteries, fired the magazines,
spiked the guns, captured four hundred prisoners,
and returned to the fort, leaving six hundred of the
enemy killed and wounded. But this brilliant ex
ploit cost him nearly three hundred men. Drum-
mond immediately raised the siege and retreated
beyond the Chippewa.
Stirring events occurred on another part of the
frontier. The little navy on Lake Champlain emu
lated the deeds of the one on Lake Erie just a year be
fore. General Prevost, himself, marched from Cana
da with twelve thousand veteran troops to invade the
State of New York — the town of Plattsburg was the
special object of attack. There on the south bank of
the Saranac, General Macomb was intrenched with an
army of three thousand men, many of whom were in
valids. The main body of the American forces was
under General Izard, at Sackett's Harbor. Macomb
called upon the militia of Vermont and New York for
aid ; three thousand of whom nobly responded, as did
their fathers thirty-seven years before, when Bur-
goyne was moving in the same direction, and for the
same purpose. Commodore Macdonough, after lab
oring incessantly, had at last equipped a fleet. It
consisted of a ship, the Saratoga, of twenty-six guns,
a brig of twenty guns, an armed schooner, and a sloop,
besides some gun-boats, in all eighty-six guns and
eight hundred and fifty-six men. The British soon
appeared, and began to prepare batteries in order to
assault Macomb's position. It was useless to force
the Saranac, unless the command of the lake was se
cured. Captain Downie had a fleet of one ship and
thirty-seven guns, a brig of twenty-four, two sloops
764 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
each of eleven, and a number of gun-boats, in all
ninety-five guns and one thousand men. Macdo-
nough moored his fleet across the entrance of Platts-
burg Bay. A strange scene was witnessed on board
the Saratoga. As the British fleet drew near, Mac-
donough knelt in prayer in the presence of his men,
and implored the blessing of Heaven upon his coun
try, and especially upon those about to engage with
him in the coming conflict.
Downie stood directly into the harbor, reserving
his fire for a close action, but his largest vessel be
came so disabled that he was obliged to cast anchor
a quarter of a mile from the American line. During
this time one of his sloops was so cut up as to become
unmanageable, and drifting within reach, was se
cured, while the other sloop for a similar cause drift
ed ashore. All the guns on one side of Macdonough's
largest ship were disabled, but he managed to wind
her around, and presented a whole side and guns to
her antagonist. Downie attempted the same man
oeuvre, but failing he struck his flag ; the entire fleet
was captured with the exception of a few gun-boats.
When the battle began on the lake, Prevost ad
vanced to storm Macomb's position; he delayed the
main attack till a detachment could cross the river
above, but before that waS accomplished, the fleet
had surrendered. The following night, in the midst
of a raging storm, the enemy, stricken with a sudden
panic, commenced their retreat, abandoned their sick
and wounded, and the greater part of their stores.
Thus again the navy of the lake had given a decisive
blow.
Their great number of vessels enabled the British
still to blockade the ports of the United States, and
effectually prevent their ships of war from getting
to sea. The Wasp was their only one afloat. She
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 765
was known to have lately captured the British sloop-
of-war Avon, and subsequently three other prizes.
All trace of her was now lost; she had gone down,
carrying with her the only American flag which
waved on the ocean from a national vessel. Chesa
peake Bay became the favorite rendezvous for the
British fleet ; its shores affording great facilities for
marauding expeditions. As a defence, the gun-boats
were of no service, except to make a bold front till the
enemy came near, and then to run up the creeks, out
of harm's way.
In the waters of the Chesapeake and its tributaries,
there were now sixty ships of war under the com
mand of Admirals Cockburn and Cochrane. On
board this fleet was a land force of five thousand
troops, under General Robert Ross. The greatest
alarm prevailed in that region in consequence of a
proclamation, signed by Cochrane, which promised
to persons desirous of emigrating from the United
States, employment in the British army and navy,
or transportation as "free settlers" to the West India
Islands or to Canada. Still more alarming was the
rumor, based on the proposition of some British offic
ers, that the enemy were about to seize the peninsula
between the Chesapeake and Delaware Bays, and
there form and drill an army of runaway slaves.
General Winder, who was appointed to the com
mand in the emergency, was authorized to call out
fifteen thousand militia from the neighboring States.
This he proposed to do some weeks before the enemy
appeared, and to place them in a central position, that
they might be able to march to the defence of either
Washington, Baltimore, or Annapolis, as the case
might require. This judicious plan was not adopted.
Armstrong, the Secretary of War, opposed it on the
ground that with an empty treasury it would be un-
766 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
justifiable to incur the expense; and, moreover, he
was of the opinion that Washington would not be at
tacked by an enemy who were without horses or can
non, and that Baltimore could defend itself. Presi
dent Madison seems to have been at a loss what to
do or advise. In the midst of these discussions the
enemy appeared, one portion of their fleet coming up
the bay, and another up the Potomac.
At this late hour word was sent, not by express,
but by tardy mail, to the authorities of Pennsylvania
and Virginia, asking them to forward their requisi
tion of militia. It was now impossible for them to
reach the scene of action. In the mean time at Bene
dict, on the Patuxent, about fifty miles from Wash
ington, General Ross landed five thousand troops,
without meeting the least opposition from the militia
of the neighborhood. He commenced his march to
ward the capital, moving very slowly, not more than
ten miles a day, the marines, for want of horses,
dragging their field-pieces, only three or four. The
soldiers were enervated from the effects of their voy
age, and from the excessive heat of the weather. A
few spirited troops could have easily checked them.
A company of armed and trained negroes marched in
front, cautiously exploring the country, and receiving
from runaway slaves information of the Americans.
The soul of the enterprise was the notorious Cock-
burn, who had been fer a year engaged in pillaging
that region. The planters were so much alarmed for
their own safety, lest the slaves, much more numer
ous than their masters, should rise in insurrection
and join the enemy, that they permitted the invaders
to advance for four days without making the least
opposition. They might have been delayed on their
march much longer, if trees had been felled at certain
points where the roads crossed swamps, or if the
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 757
numerous bridges on the route had been broken
down.
Commodore Barney, who was in command of the
flotilla of gun-boats, ran them up the Patuxent as far
as possible, then set them on fire, and marched with
five hundred marines to join the militia concentrat
ing in the vicinity of Bladensburg. Here he was put
in command of some heavy guns brought from the
navy yard. The President himself, accompanied by
his cabinet, visited the camp, where all was in con
fusion. The divisions of militia were stationed by
General Winder in such positions as to support each
other, but these had been changed by self -constituted
officers, who accompanied the President. It was
ascertained that the enemy was moving toward
Bladensburg. Rumor had magnified their number
to ten thousand; all veterans. The discreet militia
began to retreat, some with permission and some
without. On learning this General Winder sent or
ders for them to make a stand at the bridge and fight.
The village was abandoned, and on the other side of
the east branch of the Potomac the marines and mi
litia were arranged. Barney had placed his men in
a position to sweep the road with the guns. About
the middle of the afternoon the enemy prepared, but
so excessive had been the heat, that they were com
pletely exhausted. When Ross reconnoitred the mi
litia stationed on the rising ground, he was somewhat
alarmed at their formidable appearance. But he
had gone too far to retreat ; the order was given to
move forward. His alarm was of short continuance.
A few Congreve rockets put the Maryland militia to
flight ; the riflemen followed ; the artillery, after fir
ing not more than twice, rapidly retreated ; then the
Baltimore regiment, on which some hopes were plac
ed, fled also, carrying with them the President and
768 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
his cabinet. The British now moved slowly on until
they were checked by the guns manned by the ma
rines under Barney. Finding it impossible to force
the position of the marines and sailors in front, de
tachments filed by the right and left and passed up
ravines. At the head of one was stationed the
Annapolis regiment, which fled at the first fire. At
the head of the other ravine were placed some regu
lars and militia ; they also showed their discretion by
getting out of harm's way as soon as possible. The
sailors and marines, thus deserted, and in danger of
being surrounded, retired, their guns and wounded
companions falling into the hands of the enemy.
Owing to the vigorous fire of the marines, the British
lost a large number of men, and others died from
fatigue and heat, and it was absolutely necessary to
wait some hours before they could march on Wash
ington. Thus ended the battle of Bladensburg, — in
one respect the most famous in American annals.
In the cool of the evening the British advanced
into Washington, which they found almost entirely
deserted by its male inhabitants. The enemy pro
ceeded to disgrace themselves by fulfilling the in
structions which Admiral Cochrane had previously
officially announced, which were "to destroy and lay
waste all towns and districts of the United States
found accessible to the attack of British armaments."
They burned the capitol, and with it the Congres
sional Library, and the buildings used for the Treas
ury and State Departments, in revenge, as it was
said, for the Parliament House at York. Many im
portant papers were lost, but the most valuable had
been removed some days before. Mrs. Madison had
left the President's mansion, taking with her the
plate and valuables, and also a portrait of Washing
ton — which was taken from the frame and rolled up.
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 769
The mansion was pillaged and set on fire, as were
some private dwellings, and stores were also plund
ered. A complete destruction followed at the navy
yard.
In the midst of a hostile country, General Ross,
with a handful of exhausted men, was ill at ease.
Perhaps he had read of Concord and Lexington, and
was alarmed lest "the indignant citizen soldiery"
would turn out and harass him on his retreat. Early
the following night he kindled the camp fires, and
leaving behind him the sick and wounded, he com
menced a stealthy retreat to his ships. His alarm was
needless ; in a march of four days not the least op
position did he experience. Four days after the tak
ing of the capital, the British frigates, passing by
Fort Washington, which offered but little resistance,
came up the Potomac and anchored opposite Alexan
dria, which town saved itself from a bombardment
by paying an enormous tribute.
When his men were refreshed, General Rosr moved
with the fleet up the Chesrx>eake, toward Baltimore.
The militia of Maryland by this time had assembled
for the defence of the city; and also several com
panies of volunteers had arrived from Pennsylvania.
The enemy, eight thousand strong, landed at North
Point, at the mouth of the Patapsco. The land forces
commenced their march, and the fleet to ascend the
river, intending to capture Fort McHenry, situated
two miles below the city. An advance party of
Americans were thrown forward. In a skirmish
with this party, General Ross was killed, yet the
invaders pressed on ; the militia, after a spirited en
counter, retired in good order. The next morning
the enemy advanced, yet hesitatingly, as the neigh
boring hills were covered with soldiers, field works
and artillery, which altogether made a formidable
770 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
appearance. They were under the veteran General
Samuel Smith, the same who so gallantly defended
Fort Mifflin in the Revolution. The British hesitat
ed to commence the attack without the co-operation
of the fleet, which was then busily engaged in bom
barding Fort McHenry, but without much success, as
the fort was replying with great spirit. When it was
ascertained that the fleet could not pass the fort, the
invaders silently retired in the night and re-embark
ed.
It was amid the excitement of this cannonade that
Francis Key composed the popular song of the "Star
Spangled Banner." He had gone to ask the release
of certain prisoners, and had been detained during
the attack on board the British fleet.
From Eastport in Maine to Sandy Hook, the whole
Eastern coast was liable to these marauding expedi
tions. One of the most serious of these was, the
bombardment of Stonington in Connecticut, which
continued for four days, but after throwing shells
and rockets, and several attempts to land, the enemy
retired. They were rep<Jled in every instance by the
sturdy militia. Field works, garrisoned by the yeo
manry of the country, were thrown up at all points
along the coast likely to be an object of attack. This
was done by the State authorities, the national gov
ernment being so completely enfeebled, as to be un
able to afford the least aid to any of the States.
The people of New England, with very few excep
tions, continued to complain of their grievances.
Their distress was great ; the embargo, enforced by
severe penalties, ruined their fisheries and their
coasting trade, and had deprived them of many ne
cessaries of life. They looked upon these restric
tions as "more odious and unfeeling than the Boston
Port Bill, which roused the colonies to independence ;
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 771
a gross and palpable violation of the principles of the
Constitution, not to be submitted to without a pusil
lanimous surrender of their rights and liberties."
Petitions poured in to the legislature of Massachus
etts, asking it to take measures to redress these
grievances. A committee to whom these petitions
were referred, reported in terms expressive of the
general sentiment of the petitioners. They believed
that the war, so fertile in failures, and so threaten
ing as to its results, was uncalled for and wrong in
principle. They saw in the future the people impov
erished, deprived of their comforts, and their hopes
blasted. And the committee recommended a conven
tion of delegates from the commercial States, to ob
tain amendments to the constitution that would se
cure them against such evils.
These manifestations of discontent had their ef
fect, and the President himself proposed the aban
donment of the restrictive system, not only the em
bargo, but the non-importation act. In order to en
courage domestic manufacturers, instead of the lat
ter he recommended that for three years after the
close of the war double duties be imposed upon im
ported goods, and that the exportation of specie be
prohibited.
The advocates of the war in Congress, annoyed at
the failures of the last two years, attributed their
want of success to the influence of those opposed to
the war ; instead of acknowledging their own imprud
ence, in thus rushing, without preparation, into
hostilities, or ceasing to be infatuated with the idea
of conquering Canada. In the discussion on a bill to
procure enlistments for the army, Daniel Webster in
reply to these charges, no doubt expressed the gen
eral sentiment of those opposed to the war. In those
sections of the country where the population was
772 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
most numerous, the war was unpopular because of
its impolicy; — it was no detraction from their pat
riotism that they did not join heart and hand in
measures which they deemed the extreme of folly.
He continued, — "Give up your futile projects of in
vasion. Extinguish the fires which blaze on your
inland frontiers. Establish perfect safety and de
fence there by adequate force. Let every man that
sleeps on your soil sleep in security. Having per
formed this work of beneficence and mercy on your
inland border, turn and look with the eye of justice
and compassion on your vast population along the
coast. Unclench the iron grasp of your embargo.
Take measures for that end before another sun sets
upon you. With all the war of the enemy upon your
commerce, if you would cease to make war upon it
yourselves, you would still have some commerce.
That commerce would give you some revenue. Ap
ply that revenue to the augmentation of your navy.
Let it no longer be said, that not one ship of force,
built by your hands since the war, yet floats upon the
ocean. If the war must continue, go to the ocean.
If you are seriously contending for maritime rights,
go to the theatre where alone those rights can be de
fended. Thither every indication of your fortune
points you. There the united wishes and exertions
of the nation will go with you. Even our party divi
sions, acrimonious as they are, cease at the water's
edge. They are lost in attachment to the national
character, on the element where that character is
made respectable. In time you may be able to re
dress injuries in the place where they may be offer
ed; and, if need be, to accompany your own flag
throughout the world with the protection of your
own cannon."
The embargo and non-importation act were repeal-
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 773
ed, while action on the other recommendations of the
President was postponed.
The delegates to the convention recommended by
the legislature of Massachusetts, met upon the ap
pointed day at Hartford. In accordance with the
sentiments expressed in the call for the convention,
the members were enjoined not to propose measures
"repugnant to their obligations, as members of the
Union." They met in a time of trial and distress to
confer with each other on the best means to relieve
the country of a ruinous war, and secure the bless
ings of a permanent peace. The Convention, consist
ing of but twenty-six members, sat with closed doors.
After a session of twenty days it adjourned, and, as
the result of their deliberations, published an address
to the people. The address disappointed the more
violent opponents of the war, who thought the occa
sion demanded more decided measures. The Presi
dent and his cabinet had been much alarmed ; in the
Convention, they imagined lurked some terrible plot
of treason; they breathed more freely when they
read this address and the resolutions.
After recapitulating the evils which the war had
brought upon the people whom they represented,
they expressed their sentiments upon other wrongs ;
such as the enlistment of minors and apprentices;
the national government assuming to command the
State militia ; and especially the proposed system of
conscription for both army and navy. "Strange pro
positions for a government professedly waging war
to protect its seamen from impressment!" "The
conscription of the father with the seduction of the
son, renders complete the power of the national ex
ecutive over the male population of the country, thus
destroying the most important relations of society."
"A free constitution administered by great and in-
774 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
comparable statesmen realized the fondest hopes of
liberty and independence, under Washington and his
measures. The arts flourished, the comforts of life
were universally diffused, nothing remained but to
reap the advantages and cherish the resources flow
ing from this policy."
"Our object is to strengthen and perpetuate the
union of these States, by removing the causes of
jealousies."
In furtherance of these views they proposed amend
ments to the Constitution ; among others, to equalize
the representation in the lower House of Congress,
by basing it on free population; against embargoes
and non-intercourse laws ; to make the President in
eligible for a second term. These amendments were
never adopted by the States. The existence of the
Convention showed the intense feeling on the subject
of the war and its consequences, and its deliberations
exhibit no other spirit than that of wishing to redress
grievances by constitutional means.
Shortly after the adjournment of the Convention,
the legislatures of Massachusetts and Connecticut,
viewing the law of Congress which authorized the
enlistment of minors and apprentices, as a violation
of their rights and unconstitutional, passed laws that
subjected the recruiting officers to fine and imprison
ment; and required the State judges to release any
such minor or apprentice on application of the parent
or guardian. Fortunately the war was soon after
brought to a close, and the necessity for enlistments
under this oppressive and demoralizing law, was re
moved.
CHAPTER XLV.
1814—1838
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION— CONCLUDED
Jackson enters Pensacola. — New Orleans defenceless. — The
British land. — Jackson's Measures of Defence. — Battle of
New Orleans. — The Distress of the Country and Embar
rassment of the Government. — The Relief. — Treaty of
Peace. — The Frigate President captured. — Success at Sea.
— War with Algiers. — Treaty with that Power. — Treaty
with the Indians. — Financial Disorders. — State of Indiana.
— John Fitch. — Robert Fulton. — First Steamboat.
When arranging affairs with the Creeks, General
Jackson learned that the Spaniards at Pensacola had
welcomed the hostile Indians, and also that a British
man-of-war had furnished them with arms. Intel
ligence of this was sent to Washington, whence or
ders were transmitted to Jackson to seize Pensacola.
That these orders were six months on the way, may
illustrate the efficiency with which the War Depart
ment was conducted. Meantime some British men-
of-war arrived in the harbor, from which a Colonel
Nichols landed men and began to enlist the Creeks.
Jackson now sent urgent appeals to his favorite
Tennessee mounted men to hasten to his aid. The
British soon after attacked Fort Bowyer on the east
shore of Mobile Bay. The fort was defended by one
hundred and thirty men, under Major Lawrence.
The vigorous defence soon repulsed the enemy, one
of whose ships blew up and the rest were fain to de
part. This success encouraged the people of Louisi
ana and Mississippi in their efforts to defend New
Orleans themselves, without depending upon the
General Government. Jackson wrote repeatedly to
776 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Washington for orders and received none, but when
the three thousand Tennesseeans, under General Cof
fee, arrived, he took the responsibility to enter Pen-
sacola and demand that the British should leave the
place. He also intimated in emphatic terms to the
Spanish governor, that he would hold him responsible
for permitting the British to occupy his territory,
for the purpose of encouraging the Creeks in their
hostility. The British immediately blew up a fort
which they had erected seven miles below the town,
and took to their ships.
Confident that the enemy designed to direct their
efforts against New Orleans, Jackson sent in advance
General Coffee to some point on the Mississippi, with
the mounted men, while he himself followed, as soon
as circumstances would permit. The defences of
New Orleans were in a deplorable condition; since
Wilkinson left, nothing further had been done to re
pair them. The city contained nearly twenty thou
sand inhabitants, not one-half of whom were whites.
These were principally of French origin, and others
of foreign birth, none of whom were ardently attach
ed to the United States. Jackson hastened to the
point of danger. He availed himself of every possi
ble aid; he released the convicts in the prisons, and
enrolled them for the occasion ; accepted the offered
services of Lafitte, the head of the Baratarian buc
caneers. He also issued an address to "the noble-
hearted, generous, free men of color," to enroll them
selves for the defence of their country. To this call,
under an act of the Louisiana Legislature, they
heartily responded.
While he was thus unprepared, the British fleet
cast anchor off the entrance of Lake Borgne. It had
on board twelve thousand land troops, besides four
thousand sailors and marines. These troops had re-
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 777
cently been under the Duke of Wellington, in the
Peninsular war, and were commanded by able and ex
perienced generals ; Sir Edward Pakenham, a broth
er-in-law of the Duke of Wellington, Gibbs, Keene,
and Lambert. Three days later, after a severe con
test, they captured the entire American flotilla on
Lake Borgne.
The Louisiana militia were immediately called out,
but they were ill supplied with arms. Some months
previous, Jackson, anticipating this very emergency,
had urged upon the War Department at Washington
to send a supply of arms from the arsenal at Pitts-
burg. The government agent, unwilling to pay the
usual freight on the only steamboat then running to
New Orleans, shipped the arms on board keel boats.
Thus twenty-five cents on a hundred pounds of
freight was saved by the Government, and Jackson
received the muskets after the battle !
General Coffee had reached Baton Rouge, at which
place he received orders to hasten with all speed to
the scene of action. vWith eight hundred of his best
mounted men — all unerring marksman, armed with
rifles and tomahawks — he made the extraordinary
march of one hundred and fifty miles in two days.
Thus, by similar exertions, in the space of a fort
night, Jackson had five thousand men, four-fifths of
whom were militia. Other difficulties presented
themselves. Owing to the want of co-operation on
the part of the legislature, and the necessities of the
times, he proclaimed martial law.
The enemy landed two thousand light armed
troops, under General Keene. Jackson marched to
meet them with the regulars, and Coffee's men dis
mounted. Soon after dark the battle began; the
enemy were driven from one point to another, till
finally they found protection behind a levee. Good
778 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
service was done in this conflict by the armed schoon
er Carolina, which ran in near the shore, and with
her guns swept their ranks. This successful repulse
of the invaders greatly encouraged the Americans.
The next day Jackson took a position on solid
ground nearly a mile in breadth ; the river protecting
one flank, and a swamp the other. Though strongly
reinforced, the British made no attempt the follow
ing day to retrieve what they had lost, being deterred
by the reports of prisoners, who greatly exaggerated
the strength of Jackson's force. This delay was pro
fitably occupied in strengthening the defences ; bales
of cotton were used as a rampart, and the ditch was
extended to the swamp. Five days later the enemy
advanced and drove in the American outposts, and
when within half a mile of the ramparts opened with
artillery and Congreve rockets. Yet Jackson replied
with so much vigor, with his five heavy guns, that
after a cannonade of seven hours the enemy with
drew, having suffered considerable loss.
Within three days after this repulse, they made
another attack with much heavier artillery. Their
movements were concealed by a dense fog, and the
intimation of their approach was given only by their
cannon balls crashing through the American camp,
but Jackson had so strengthened his works, that the
British — their guns dismounted and silenced — were
again compelled to retire ; but it was to make prepara
tions for a grand assault.
Presently twenty-two hundred Kentucky riflemen
arrived ; of whom unfortunately one-half were with
out arms, and could not be supplied. These Jackson
placed to throw up a second line of intrenchments in
the rear of the first line.
When prepared, the British moved to the assault,
under the cover of a battery of six eighteen-pounders,
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 779
which had been erected the previous night. The
main column was led by Pakenham in person, intend
ing to storm the centre, one column moved along the
river and carried a redoubt, another, led by Gibbs
and Keene, advanced along the edge of the swamp.
As the advancing columns came within range, the
American artillery opened upon them with deadly
effect, yet they filled up their ranks and moved stead
ily on. Presently they reached the range of the
Kentucky and Tennessee rifles, which poured in a
continuous stream of unerring bullets. The heads of
the columns faltered. While endeavoring to rally
them, Pakenham fell; Keene and Gibbs were both
wounded, the latter mortally. The command then
devolved on General Lambert, who made two more
unsuccessful attempts to storm the works, but was
forced to retire, leaving, on the field two thousand
men killed and wounded. Jackson had taken the
precaution to send General Morgan across the river
to throw up intrenchments directly opposite his own.
The night previous to the battle, Pakenham sent a
detachment under Colonel Thornton, who drove Mor
gan from his position, but when the main body was
defeated he took to his boats and hastily retreated.
In this battle the Americans lost seven men killed
and as many wounded.
Taking every precaution to guard against surprise,
Lambert gradually fell back to the first landing place,
and then, in the course of twenty days, re-embarked.
Thus virtually ended the war of 1812. The only
battles well fought on land, were those directed by
new men called into active service by the war itself.
The victories at Lundy's Lane and New Orleans were
gained by soldiers who had been trained but a short
time, but they were under commanders in whom they
had implicit confidence.
780 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Though these successful events were transpiring
in that distant region, yet on the Atlantic coast, and
at Washington, it was the gloomiest period of the
war. Affairs were almost desperate. The treasury
exhausted, the national credit gone, the terrible law
of conscription, like an ominous cloud hanging over
the people, civil discord seemingly ready to spring up
between the States ; the coasts of South Carolina and
Georgia yet subject to the marauding expeditions of
the infamous Cockburn, while the inhabitants were
crying in vain to the General Government for assist
ance. Nothing favorable had yet been heard from
the commissioners of peace at Ghent, nor even from
New Orleans. It was known that a very large force
of British veterans was in the vicinity of that place,
and that Jackson was very ill-prepared to meet them.
As a gleam of sunshine in intense darkness, a
rumor, by way of Canada, proclaimed that peace had
been concluded ; at the same time came another from
the southwest that the enemy had been defeated.
While all were tremblingly anxious for the truth of
these rumors, late of a Saturday night, a British
sloop-of-war, the Favorite, commissioned for the pur
pose, arrived at New York, bringing the treaty of
peace, already ratified by the British government.
The cry of PEACE! PEACE! ran through the city.
As if by one impulse the houses were illuminated, and
the citizens, without distinction of party, thronged
the streets to congratulate each other. In the midst
of their own rejoicing they did not forget their
brethren who were yet ignorant of the welcome news,
and messengers were sent in every direction. In
thirty-two hours, the express with the tidings reach
ed Boston. There the excitement was almost un
bounded. The people assembled in crowds to hear
the news, which had so unexpectedly brought relief
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 781
to their distresses. The bells rang their merriest
peal, and the schools received a holiday. Flags and
streamers were soon displayed on the vessels which
had lain so long idle at the wharf. Before night,
carpenters and riggers were at work, sailors were
engaged, cargoes were passing on board ; Boston was
herself again in commercial activity. The reception
of the news was followed by similar rejoicings all
along the coast, and throughout the country. To
add still more to the happiness, as well as the grati
fication of the nation, in a few days was confirmed
the rumor of the total defeat of the British before
New Orleans.
The Senate unanimously ratified the treaty within
thirty hours after it was laid before them. The
President speedily issued a proclamation, announcing
the fact, that once more peace reigned throughout
the land. A day for thanksgiving to Almighty God
for the blessing, was observed by the nation.
The treaty provided for the mutual restoration of
all places taken during the war ; also for determining
the northern boundary, and other matters of minor
importance were amicably arranged. But not a word
was said on the impressment question, for the settle
ment of which the war had ostensibly been continued
after the first two months. Both parties seem to
have been heartily tired of fighting; though Great
Britain wished to restrain what she thought an
alarming grasping spirit in the New Republic, as
evidenced in the acquisition of Louisiana and the
attempts on Canada.
A few days after the ratification of the treaty, the
President recommended to Congress the passage of a
law to guard against incidents which, during the
periods of war in Europe, might tend to interrupt
peace, enjoining that "American vessels be navigated
782 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
exclusively by American seamen, either natives or
such as are already naturalized," thus endeavoring
to gain by legislation what could not be obtained by
war. Yet one object had been secured — we hear no
more of the impressment of American seamen.
Previous to the announcement of peace, the com
manders of some of the national vessels determined
to evade the blockading enemy and escape to sea.
Commodore Decatur, on board the frigate President,
commanding the sloops Hornet and Peacock to follow,
attempted to evade the blockade of the port of New
York. Passing out in the night, after being unfor
tunately aground for some hours, in the morning he
fell in with the British squadron, by whom he was
chased. One of the enemy, the frigate Endymion,
commenced an engagement, but after a running fight,
she was effectually disabled, and fain to haul off.
The President unfortunately was also crippled, and
the other British vessels coming up, Decatur was
compelled to strike his colors.
A few days after, the Hornet and Peacock avoided
the blockade, and proceeded to their rendezvous, off
the Cape of Good Hope. On her way the Hornet,
Captain Biddle, fell in with and captured the British
brig Penguin. The latter was made a complete
wreck, and as such was set on fire. The Peacock
joined her consort, and in company they sailed to the
Indian Ocean. The Hornet was soon after chased by
a British seventy-four, and in order to escape, she
was compelled to throw her guns and nearly all her
armament overboard, in which condition she return
ed to New York. The Peacock, Captain Warrington,
continued on to the East Indies, where she captured
the cruiser Nautilus.
The Constitution, Captain Stewart, also evaded the
blockade off Boston harbor. On a moonlight night
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 783
she fell in with two war vessels off the port of Lisbon.
They prepared to engage, but the Constitution ma
noeuvred to keep the wind at about an equal distance
from her antagonists. Captain Stewart, seizing a
favorable opportunity, directed all his force upon the
vessel nearest, which almost immediately struck;
then he captured the other in a similar manner. The
prizes proved to be the British sloops-of-war Cyane
and Levant. These captures were all made after the
articles of peace were signed.
Soon after the commencement of the war with
Britain, the Dey of Algiers, thinking the Americans
would have no means of punishing him, renewed his
old practice of piracy. Pretending to be dissatisfied
with the presents he had received from the American
government, he dismissed Lear, the consul, threaten
ing to reduce him and his family, and all the Amer
icans in Algiers, to slavery, a fate which Lear escap
ed by paying a large ransom. Some American ves
sels were afterward seized by the pirates, and their
crews reduced to slavery.
Two months after the conclusion of peace, an
American squadron, under Decatur, consisting of
three large frigates and seven other vessels of war,
sailed for the Mediterranean. Six weeks later, Bain-
bridge followed with the Independence, the new
seventy-four, accompanied by other war vessels ; on
the way he was also joined by the Congress frigate.
But before his arrival in the Mediterranean, the ener
getic Decatur had brought the Dey to terms. On the
second day after passing through the Straits of
Gibraltar, he fell in with the largest frigate of the
Dey, under his high Admiral, on a cruise for Amer
ican merchantmen. After a fight of less than thirty
minutes the Algerine was captured ; two days after
another cruiser shared a similar fate. When the
784 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
squadron appeared before Algiers, the intelligence
of these disasters, by which he had lost his best ship,
and six hundred men, had greatly humbled the Dey.
To escape a worse punishment, he gladly submitted
to the indignity of signing, on Decatur's quarter
deck, a humiliating treaty. He bound himself to
make indemnities for his extortions ; to surrender all
his prisoners without ransom, and to renounce all
claim for tribute from the American government, as
well as his barbarous practice of piracy and reducing
prisoners to slavery.
Decatur proceeded immediately to Tunis an$ Tri
poli, where he demanded and received indemnity for
some American vessels, at whose captures, in their
harbors, by the English, they had connived. Thus,
in a few weeks, these barbarians were taught a les
son which they have not forgotten. When Bain-
bridge arrived, he found all the diif iculties arranged.
The united navy, consisting of fourteen vessels, visit
ed the principal ports of the Mediterranean. Their
victories over the mistress of the ocean, secured them
treatment manifesting high respect.
The autumn following the close of the war, a great
council of the North-western Indian tribes was held,
at which they made peace with each other. After
ward they all made peace with the United States.
Thus apprehensions of future Indian hostilities were
removed.
The war left the finances of the country in a very
confused state. The banks in existence, except those
in New England, were unable to redeem their notes
in specie, and confidence in their promises to pay was
wanting. The national debt, in consequence of the
war, was known to be more than one hundred mil
lions of dollars. In order to remove some of the
burdens resting upon the people, the Secretary of the
MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 785
Treasury, A. J. Dallas, proposed to remit some of the
internal taxes, which had been levied during the last
few years. Instead of which he advised the imposi
tion of duties on imports, not merely to secure a
revenue, but also to protect the manufacturers which
had sprung into existence during the war. The
President likewise, in his annual message, urged the
adoption of such a policy.
To aid in rectifying the financial disorders in the
country, Congress chartered, for twenty years, a Na
tional Bank, with a capital of thirty-five millions of
dollars. It commenced operations at Philadelphia,
and, in connection with its branches in other States,
afforded the people a uniform currency redeemable
at all times with gold and silver.
A bill designed to compel the local banks to pay
specie was passed, ordering that all dues to the gov
ernment should be paid in gold and silver, or "in
treasury notes, notes of the Bank of the United
States, or in notes of banks payable and paid on de
mand in specie."
The Territory of Indiana having adopted a consti
tution, presented herself for admission into the
Union, and was received.
John Fitch, an uneducated watchmaker of Phila
delphia, conceived the design of propelling boats by
steam. He applied to Congress for assistance, but,
unfortunately, was refused ; then, with a similar re
sult, he applied to the Spanish authorities of Louisi
ana. Some years later he found means to construct
a boat, and to make a trial trip on the Delaware. The
boat went at the rate of eight miles an hour, but un
fortunately the boiler exploded. One disaster follow
ed another, and poor John Fitch died, the victim of
disappointment, but full of faith that others would
yet perfect his intention: he desired to be buried
786 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
on the banks of the Ohio, that boats propelled by
steam might pass near his last resting place. In less
than twenty years after his death the steamer Cler-
mont passed up the Hudson from New York to Al
bany.
The Clermont was the work of Robert Fulton, a na
tive of Pennsylvania, once a pupil of West, the paint
er. He had a decided turn for mechanics, and had
studied the subject many years in Europe, where he
received pecuniary aid and encouragement from
Robert R. Livingston, then American minister at
Paris.
To American enterprise is due the honor of launch
ing the first steamboat and the first Ocean steamer
— the Savannah — that crossed the Atlantic. She
left New York, went to Savannah, and thence to Eu
rope, where she was an object of great interest.
Twenty years later the British steamer Great West
ern came to New York in fourteen days.
Madison's Administration, so full of important
events, drew to a close. James Monroe, also from
Virginia, had been elected his successor, and Daniel
D. Tompkins, of New York, Vice-President. The lat
ter had been Governor of that State, and in that
capacity had been most efficient in aiding the country
in the war just closed. At one time he sustained the
garrison of the city by his own private credit.
CHAPTER XLVI.
1817—1825
MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION
A Return to the earlier Policy of the Government. — The Presi
dent's Tour in the Eastern States. — The Colonization
Society. — Revolutions in the Spanish Colonies. — Indian
War; the Seminoles — General Jackson in the Field. — Pur
chase of Florida. — The Missouri Compromise. — Manufac
tures. — Increase of Tariff. — Visit of Lafayette.
Since the close of the war, party distinctions were
fast losing their influence. In the minds of the great
majority of the people, names were giving place to
ideas. The nation was prepared for the quiet revival
of the leading principles of Washington's administra
tion. The people had not in so many words thus
formally decided ; — but to return to the policy of the
earlier days of the Government seemed the only
means to remedy existing evils, and to guard against
their recurrence in the future. This may be said in
relation to the revenue as arising from commerce,
the finances, the policy toward foreign nations, and
in the means of national defence both by sea and
land.
The new President in his inaugural address fully in
dorsed these doctrines, and they were echoed and re
echoed throughout the land as the true policy, while
some of the old Republicans characterized them as be
ing veritable Federalism under another name. The
President pointed to the experience of the nation in
the last struggle, and unhesitatingly advised not only
fortifications on the coast with garrisons, but a navy
strong enough to maintain the dignity and neutrality
788 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
of the United States, as well as protect commerce;
he also recommended that a knowledge of naval and
military science should be kept up. In addition, that
domestic manufacturers be protected by imposts on
foreign merchandise, and also, internal improve
ments be aided by the national government, if such
expenditure was in accordance with the spirit of the
Constitution.
Though professing to be much gratified that the
party spirit lately so rampant was allayed, the Presi
dent took good care to appoint none but his most de
voted adherents to the offices within his gift. John
Quincy Adams was recalled from the court of St.
James to become Secretary of State. The other
members of his cabinet were William H. Crawford of
Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury ; Crowningshield
of Massachusetts, Secretary of the Navy; John C.
Calhoun, Secretary or War, and William Wirt, Attor
ney-General.
The President, some months after his inaugura
tion made a tour through the Eastern States. The
sentiments of his address had become diffused, and
prepared the way for his receiving a warm reception
in the Federal town of Boston, and throughout New
England generally. It was enthusiastically proclaim
ed that the people were once more to be harmonious
in their views of national policy.
During the following session of Congress the
American Colonization Society was formed at Wash
ington. It was designed to provide a home beyond
the limits of the United States for the free people of
color who should desire to emigrate. The condition
of these people in the slaveholding States, as well as
the laws in some of the others, that forbade their
settling within their borders, led to the formation of
the Society. The enterprise was ardently advocated
MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION 789
by Henry Clay, Judge Washington, John Randolph,
and other southern statesmen. This Society estab
lished the now flourishing Colony of Liberia on the
west coast of Africa.
The influence of the Revolution had not been with
out effect upon other nations. The Spanish colonies
of South America threw off their allegiance to the
mother country, and declared themselves independ
ent. Under the pretence of having commissions
from these new Republics, a company of adventurers,
principally drawn from Charleston and Savannah,
seized Amelia Island, off the harbor of St. Augustine.
These worthies soon began to smuggle merchandise
and slaves into the United States. Yet, as a cloak
to their deeds, they proclaimed they were blockading
the port of St. Augustine. A similar haunt for buc
caneers had existed for some time at Galveston in
Texas. Both these establishments were broken up
by order of the United States Government.
The condition of the South American republics ex
cited great sympathy in the minds of the people.
Some were advocates for giving them aid, while oth
ers were anxious that Congress should, at least, ac
knowledge their independence. In defiance of the
President's proclamation to the contrary, cruisers,
bearing the flag of these Republics, were fitted out in
some of the ports of the United States to prey upon
Spanish commerce.
These difficulties, combined with other causes, led
to a new Indian war in the South. Numbers of Semi-
no; s, refugee Creeks, and runaway negroes, living in
the Spanish Territory, south of Flint river, began to
pillage the Georgia settlements north of that river.
General Gaines, who was in command at the nearest
fort, demanded that these murderers and robbers
should be given up. The Indians refused, on the
790 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
ground that they were not the aggressors. Soon af
ter a collision occurred, in which several Indians were
killed. The death was terribly revenged upon the
people on board a boat ascending the Apalachicola,
with supplies for Fort Scott. More than forty per
sons, consisting of men, women, and children, were
massacred. The War Department ordered General
Jackson to invade the Indian Territory, and "bring
the war to a speedy and effectual close." In three
months he was on the ground, with an army com
posed of Georgians and Tennesseeans. He moved to
the vicinity of where Tallahassee now stands; the
savages made little resistance, but abandoned their
towns, and their cattle and grain. With his usual
energy, Jackson pressed on, and, without ceremony
seized St. Mark's, on Appalachee Bay, the only Span
ish fort in that part of Florida, on the ground that
its officers were aiding and abetting the Indians in
their hostilities to the United States. One of the
American armed vessels on the coast hoisted British
colors, and two of the hostile Creek chiefs were de
coyed on board. These chiefs Jackson unceremoni
ously hanged. On one of the incursions against the
enemy, two British subjects, Robert C. Ambrister
and Alexander Arbuthnot, traders among the In
dians, were taken prisoners. These two men were
put on trial for their lives before a court-martial, on
the charge of aiding the Indians. They were found
guilty and sentenced to death, and immediately ex
ecuted. The measure was much censured as unne
cessary and unwarranted. Notwithstanding ne
protest of the Spanish governor against his inva? on
of Florida, Jackson soon appeared before Pensarula,
which place surrendered. The governor in the mean
time fled to a fort further down the bay, and finally
to Havana.
MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION 791
These arbitrary proceedings were protested against
by Don Onis, the Spanish Minister at Washington.
The matter however was not pressed, as negotiations
were soon after entered upon to purchase the terri
tory in dispute.
American citizens had claims amounting to five
millions of dollars against the Spanish government.
Don Onis received instuctions from home, that au
thorized him to cede Florida to the United States for
these claims. The purchase was thus made, the
American Government assuming the debt. Two
years later Spain ratified the Treaty. Florida was
then organized as a Territory, and General Jackson
was appointed its first Governor.
The American people have never been indifferent
to the political as well as the moral aspects of slav
ery. From the adoption of the Constitution till the
time of which we write, the conscience and the sym
pathy of the religious portion of the nation, both
North and South, found their expression on the sub
ject in memorials addressed to the ecclesiastical as
semblies, whose resolutions in reply condemned the
system.
The Continental Congress legislated specially on
the subject in adopting the ordinance by which the
region north of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi
was consecrated to freedom. During the second ses
sion of the First Congress, petitions were presented
to that body, praying it to take measures to free the
nation of the system. The committee to whom these
memorials were referred, reported that Congress was
not authorized by the Constitution to interfere with
slavery as existing in the individual States. In ac
cordance with this view, that body has ever acted,
when disposing of the numerous memorials on the
792 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
subject that have, from time to time, been presented
to it.
The Northern States, for a quarter of a century,
had been gradually freeing themselves of the institu
tion, or making provision to that effect, while in the
Southern States a different sentiment had been on
the increase. The acquisition of Louisiana had giv
en to them a vast region in which slave labor was
profitable, especially in the cultivation of cotton.
These antagonist opinions were suddenly brought
into collision, and a strong sectional feeling was
elicited.
The territory of Missouri asked permission to form
a constitution, preparatory to her admission into the
Union as a State. When the question was before the
House of Representatives, James W. Tallmadge, a
member from New York, proposed to insert a clause,
prohibiting the further introduction of slaves into
the territory, and also another clause granting free
dom to the children of slaves already there, when
they should attain the age of twenty-five years.
After a spirited debate both these propositions
were adopted. The day following the passage of this
bill came up a similar one to organize the Territory
of Arkansas. This bill, after a strenuous effort to
insert similar clauses, was finally passed without any
restriction as to slavery.
The States admitted into the Union, since the adop
tion of the Constitution, had happened to come in
alternately as non-slaveholding, and as slaveholding
— Vermont and Kentucky; Tennessee and Ohio;
Louisiana and Indiana ; Mississippi and Illinois. As
Alabama had applied for admission as a slave State,
it was urged that Missouri should be admitted as
free. This proposition soon lost its force by the ap
plication of Maine, the northeastern part of Massa-
MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION 793
chusetts, presenting herself to be admitted as a free
State. Here was an offset to Alabama, leaving Mis
souri to make the next slave State.
In the consideration of these bills the subject of
slavery restriction in the territories came up for dis
cussion. The members from the Southern States
insisted that any restriction upon Missouri would
violate the pledge given to the inhabitants of Louis
iana, at the time of its purchase, that they should
enjoy "all the privileges of citizens of the United
States ;" that such a restriction would eventually in
terfere with State rights ; that the citizens of slave-
holding States had the right to take their property
into the territories of the Union. It was urged that
it would be an act of humanity and a blessing to the
poor slave, whose lot was so hard in the old exhaust
ed States, to transfer him to the fertile plains of
the West; that this would only be the diffusion of
the system, but not its extension, as the number of
slaves would not be increased thereby ; and that the
prohibition of slavery would diminish emigration
from the South into the territories.
To these arguments it was replied : it was true that
Congress was forbidden by the Constitution to inter
fere with slavery in the original thirteen States, but
that this did not apply to the territories. They were
the property of the Union, and Congress had the con
trol of their organization. Would Congress be justi
fied in spreading over them an institution which even
its advocates on the floor of the house had again and
again deplored as an evil?
It was contended that slave labor and free labor
could not coexist on the same soil ; and should the in
troduction of a few thousands of slaves exclude mil
lions of freemen from the territories?1
!The Debates in Congress, Niles's Register, Vols. 16, 17,
and 18.
794 HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN NATION
The debate was conducted with great animation,
mingled with much bitterness, and threats to dissolve
the Union. The intense excitement was not limited
to the National Legislature ; it extended throughout
the country, and it was by no means diminished by
the speeches made on the subject on the floor of Con
gress, nor by the fact, which the discussion revealed,
that during the previous year more than fourteen
thousand slaves had been smuggled into the United
States, from Africa and the West Indies.
The legislatures of some of the Northern States ex
pressed their wish that slavery should not go beyond
the Mississippi, while the people held conventions
and memorialized Congress. Opposite views were as
strongly expressed by some of the Southern States.
Thus the country was agitated for nearly two years,
and the difficulty was still unsettled. When the bill
came before the Senate, Jesse B. Thomas of Illinois
moved as an amendment, a clause forbidding the in
troduction of slavery into the Louisiana Territory
north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north
latitude, and west of the proposed State of Missouri.
This was the line of the famous Missouri Compro
mise. The House, however, would not at first agree
to this arrangement; but finally, through means of
a committee of conference, Maine was admitted and
Missouri, on these conditions, after she should adopt
a constitution.
The following year, when the constitution of Mis
souri was presented to Congress, it was found to con
tain a clause that prohibited free people of color from
settling in the State. Though this clause "was adop
ted for the sake of peace — for the sake of internal
tranquility — and to prevent the agitation of the
slave question," lyet it was viewed far differently in
iBenton's Thirty Years' View, Vol. i. p. 8.
MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION 795
Congress, and was the occasion of opening the re
striction question with all its bitterness. The in
sertion of the offensive clause, under the circum
stances, seemed to manifest as little regard for the
Constitution of the United States, as respect for the
opinions of those opposed to the extension of slavery.
The citizens of any one State were, by the Constitu
tion, entitled to the privileges of citizens in the other
States. Free people of color were thus recognized in
some of the States, but by this clause they were de
prived of their rights. Another committee of con
ference, of which Henry Clay was the prime mover,
was appointed by the Senate and House of Represen
tatives. The difficulty was again compromised by
which Missouri was to be admitted on the express
condition that she would expunge the obnoxious
clause, and then the President was authorized to
admit her by proclamation. The Missouri Legisla
ture complied, and the fact was communicated to the
President, who proclaimed her admission to the fami
ly of States. Thus the slavery agitation was allayed
for a time, but the same question, under different
phases, has returned again and again, and will no
doubt continue thus to do till the conscience of the
nation is fully satisfied on the subject — for questions
involving the moral and political relations of so many
millions cannot be lightly passed over.
A new interest was awakened in behalf of the
South American Republics. Great efforts had been
made by Henry Clay, during their struggle, to induce
Congress to acknowledge their independence, but it
was then thought premature ; now the bill was pass
ed. The next year the President declared in his
message that "as a principle the American Conti
nents, by the free and independent position which
they have assumed and maintained, are henceforth
796 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
not to be considered as subjects for future coloniza
tion by any European power." This has since been
known as the Monroe Doctrine, though its author
ship, it would seem, belongs rather to his Secretary
of State, John Quincy Adams.
Great financial distress prevailed during this period
throughout the land. The immense amount of fore
ign, especially English, merchandise sent, at reduced
prices, into the country, paralyzed its industry.
These goods were thus sent for the express purpose
of ruining the American manufacturers, called into
existence by the necessities of the war — an object
which they effectually accomplished. The distress
of the people, reacted upon the general government.
When they refused to buy, because unable to pay,
the importations fell off, and as a consequence, the
revenue was so diminished that the government,
from necessity, resorted to loans in order to obtain
means of defraying its current expenses. The gen
eral distress was not1 a little increased by the meas
ures of the National Bank. Indeed no confidence
could be placed in the banks except those of New
England, which redeemed their notes in specie when
presented, while those in other parts of the Union
became bankrupt. The density of the population of
the New England States enabled them to engage
with advantage in manufactures, and also in ship
ping, and the coasting trade, which was especially
profitable. For these reasons they withstood the
financial crisis, while the agricultural and manufac
turing interest of the other States were overwhelm
ed.
The country, by its own innate energy, began to re
cover from these financial difficulties. As a means
to accomplish that desirable object, an increase of
tariff was imposed on imported merchandise, thus to
MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION 797
protect domestic industry from undue foreign com
petition, to create a diversity of pursuits, and develop
the resources of the nation.
Congress also manifested its sense of justice by
making provision for the wants of the surviving of
ficers and soldiers of the Revolution, and for the
widows and orphans of those deceased.
The last year of Monroe's administration was sig
nalized by an event highly gratifying to the people,
an event linking the past with the present, the days
of conflict and trial with the days of peace and pros
perity. The venerable Lafayette came to the United
States, the invited guest of the nation. Around ev
ery fireside tradition had fondly cherished his mem
ory, and the people loved him as the noble and gen
erous stranger who, in the days of their fathers, had
sacrificed his fortune and shed his blood in their
country's cause. They vied with each other in do
ing him honor. His journey from State to State was
one continued triumphal procession; compared with
this spontaneous expression of a nation's gratitude,
how insignificant the proudest triumph of Roman
consul or emperor! The vessel designated to carry
him home was the new frigate Brandywine, a name
— given by the new President, John Quincy Adams —
that conveyed a delicate compliment, as on the banks
of that little stream he was wounded in his first bat
tle in the cause of American freedom. The American
people wished to manifest still further their sense oi
obligation, and Congress conferred upon him two
hundred thousands dollars and a township of land.
When the time came to choose a\ successor to Mon
roe — now in his second term — four candidates were
put in nomination ; John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay,
General Jackson, and William H. Crawford. No one
of the candidates received a majority of the popular
798 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
vote, and the election devolved upon the House of
Representatives, by whom Adams was chosen. John
C. Calhoun had been chosen Vice-President by the
popular vote.
This election gave the death-blow to the custom of
nominating candidates for the Presidency by a cau
cus held by certain members of Congress. Previous
to this, for twenty-four successive years, the candi
dates had been thus nominated, and consequently
chosen from a single State.
CHAPTER XLVII.
1825—1828
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION.
Manufacturers and Internal Improvements. — Indian Lands in
Georgia. — Death of ex-Presidents Thomas Jefferson and
John Adams. — Free Masonry. — Protection to American
Industry. — Debates in Congress. — Presidential Contest.
The new President invited able and experienced
men to form his cabinet, at the head of which was
Henry Clay, as Secretary of State. This adminis
tration was one of remarkable prosperity ; the nation
was gradually advancing in wealth and happiness,
gaining strength at home, and securing more and
more of the respect of nations abroad. Every
branch of industry was increasing in prosperity;
agriculture, commerce, and manufactures.
Numerous companies had been formed for the pur
pose of making iron nails, and also for the manufac
ture of broadcloths, though the latter were soon in
volved in ruin by "a deluge of English cloths." In
those days fine wool was worth a dollar and a half a
pound, while badly made broadcloth cost from eight
to twelve dollars a yard.
The wars of Europe opened a wide field for enter
prise in the carrying trade. American genius and
art produced the style of ship known as the clipper.
These far out-stripped all others in sailing ; they made
rapid voyages, and, what was important in those
days, they were able very often to evade the French
and English cruisers. At first, the United States
had but little of their own products to send to the old
world, but presently Eli Whitney invented the cotton-
800 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
gin, by which the seed was separated from the cot
ton, and that gradually became the most important
article of export.
The great National Road — the work of the General
Government — extending across the Alleghany Moun
tains, from Cumberland, Maryland, to Wheeling, on
the Ohio, and tc be continued to the Mississippi, had
just been completed, at an expense of one million
seven hundred thousand dollars. It was commenced
in Jefferson's administration, and had been fourteen
years in building. Its beneficial effects upon the
country were very great, in thus connecting the val
ley of the Ohio with the seaboard.
A still more important work was also finished —
the Erie Canal, uniting the Hudson and the waters of
the great lakes. It was the work of the State of
New York, and was completed after a labor of eight
years. The project was at first deemed visionary
and impracticable; but owing principally to the en
ergy of De Witt Clinton, privately, as well as a mem
ber of the Legislature and as Governor, the work
was carried through. The completion and success of
these improvements encouraged the construction of
others in various parts of the Union — one, the Ohio
Canal, from Lake Erie to the Ohio river. The first
railway was the Quincy, in Massachusetts, designed
to transport granjte to the sea-shore. The first lo
comotive used in the United States was on the Hud
son and Mohawk Railroad.
A difficult question arose in relation to the removal
of the Creeks and the Cherokees, from their lands in
Georgia and Alabama, to the region beyond the Mis
sissippi. Georgia claimed jurisdiction over the In
dians within her territory. Originally claiming the
region west of her boundary, she ceded it to the
United States, on condition that the latter should, by
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION 801
purchase, extinguish the title of the Indian lands
reserved within her own limits. The national gov
ernment promised to fulfil its part of the agreement
"as early as the same could be peaceably obtained
on reasonable terms." Twenty-five years had pass
ed, and these titles had not been purchased. The
Indians were not willing to sell their territory. How
ever, a treaty had been recently made by some of the
chiefs, who ceded the lands, but the great majority
of the Indians declared these chiefs had no authority
to sell the property of the nation. Thus, according
to the original contract, the national government
could not extinguish the Indian titles.
The government cancelled this treaty, but the State
of Georgia determined to enforce it. The latter sent
surveyors into the Indian country, to divide the lands
into portions suitable for farms, before distributing
them by lottery to the citizens of the State. The
Federal government took the part of the poor In
dians, and the President proclaimed that he would
enforce the laws committed to his trust, while Troup,
the bellicose Governor of Georgia, wrote to the Secre
tary of War : "From the first decisive act of hostility,
you will be considered and treated as a public enemy."
The matter for the present was adjusted by the
Creeks consenting to dispose of their lands, and to
emigrate. Rather than be thus harrassed they were
willing to remove from their happy homes, and give
up their hopes of civilization.
This year was marked by the deaths of two dis
tinguished men, whose names are identified with the
history of the government — John Adams and Thomas
Jefferson. Both were men of liberal education, and
both chose the profession of the law ; both had been
consistent and strenuous advocates of national inde
pendence, and were upon the committee which pro-
802 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
posed that famous declaration. The one drew it up,
and the other was its most efficient supporter ; both
signed it ; both had been on foreign missions ; both
were first Vice-Presidents, and then became Presi
dents. "They ended their earthly career at the same
time and in the same way ; in the regular course of
nature, in the repose and tranquility of retirement,
in the bosoms of their families, on the soil which
their labors had contributed to make free," and with
in a few hours of each other, on the fiftieth anniver
sary of American independence.
A certain William Morgan, of Western New York,
a member of the society of Free Masons, suddenly
disappeared, he having been seized and forcibly car
ried off. He had proposed to publish a book reveal
ing the secrets of the order, some of whose members
were charged with his murder. The affair created a
great excitement, which led to the formation of a
political party, whose avowed object was to exclude
Free Masons from office. In several of the States
the party polled a large number of votes, but in a
year or two it disappeared.
The manufacturing interests were still laboring to
sustain themselves against foreign competition. The
sentiment prevailed, especially in northern States
and in some of the southern, that measures should
be taken to protect the industry of the nation. In
accordance with this view, a convention of delegates
from twenty-two States of the Union assembled at
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Four of the slave States
did not send delegates.
The Convention memorialized Congress to grant
protection to American industry; to impose a tariff
on imported goods, sufficiently high to shield Amer
ican producers of the same articles from the ruinous
effects of foreign competition; and they also asked
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION gQ3
that this policy should be fixed, and thus give stabi
lity to the enterprise of the country. Capital would
not be invested in domestic manufacturers, if they
were liable at any time to be ruined either by the
combination of foreign competitors or by change of
policy at home. The people of New England had
complained of these changes. Their climate and soil
forbade their becoming rivals of their sister States in
agriculture, and their industry had been turned into
other channels, especially those of commerce and the
fisheries. Upon them had fallen nearly all the losses
inflicted by the cruisers of France and England, and
yet they had been more discouraged and had suffer
ed more loss by the embargoes and other restrictions
of their own government. During this period, the
central postion of New York had been gradually
drawing to herself much of the commerce and ship
ping that once belonged to Boston. A territory so
extensive, and climates so diverse, brought into ex
istence many kinds of industry that were liable to
be injured or ruined by foreign competition. At first
New England was opposed to the policy of protection,
and the Middle and Southern States were in its favor.
Now this was reversed. New England had been
forced to adapt her industry to the change of na
tional policy, while the South had changed her views.
Said Webster, when this bill was under discussion
in Congress : "New England held back and labored
to restrain the General Government from the adop
tion of this policy, but when it was adopted she then
adapted herself to it, and turned herself to manufac
tures, but now just as she is successful, another
change is to be brought about, and she set adrift in
another direction."
The South, on the other hand, expected to reap the
harvest, not merely from the exports of the raw ma-
g04 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
terial, but also a due share of the profits arising from
manufactures. She was disappointed in seeing
northern towns becoming cities, and southern cities
decaying; the North a money lender, the South a
borrower. Before the Revolution she was pre-emin
ently the richest part of the colonies, a position which
she fully expected to retain after that period. Hers
were the only exports from the land ; the North was
dependent upon commerce and fisheries; both pre
carious. Since the Revolution, the South had export
ed more in value than three times all that the mines
of Mexico had produced for the same period, yet she
did not prosper. This effect she attributed to the
protective tariffs of the National Government. She
failed to notice that this decline began before these
tariffs were imposed. Other causes aided in the re
sult.1 A bill passed Congress, imposing higher du
ties upon cottons and woolens, and also other foreign
articles, which would come into competition with
those of domestic origin. The dissatisfaction felt in
South Carolina led, two years after, to the open avow
al on her part, of the doctrine of nullification and
secession, based upon the ground that the act was
unconstitutional.
The contest for the office of President was between
Adams and General Jackson. The "era of good feel
ing" had passed away, and party lines were string
ently drawn. The spirit of the contest was more
violent than ever before ; and the whole nation seem
ed moved to its very centre. The denunciation of
the candidates and their principles was, on both sides,
unjust, unreasonable and disgraceful. The choice
fell upon Jackson as President and Calhoun as Vice-
President. The election over, the excitement calmed
down. This fact, as usual, was adduced as an evi-
iBenton's Thirty Years' View, Chap, xxxiv., Vol. i.
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION 80S
dence of the stability of our institutions, and of the
willingness of the people to submit to the will of the
majority. Yet who does not lament such exhibitions
of party strife, or their demoralizing effects ?
The nation had never been in a condition so pros
perous as at this time. The national debt was much
diminished, and a surplus of more than five millions
of dollars was in the public treasury. The blessings
of peace had been showered upon the land, and it was
rejoicing in prosperity and abundance — the rewards
of active industry.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
1829—1836
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION.
Appointments to Office. — Removal of the Indians from Geor
gia. — Bank of the United States. — Hayne and Webster's
Debate. — Nullification. — the Compromise Bill; its final
Passage. — Removal of the Deposits. — Effect upon the
Country. — Indian Wars. — Black Hawk; Osceola. — Indem
nity for French Spoilations.
The new President nominated the members of his
cabinet, at the head of which he placed Martin Van
Buren as Secretary of State. The Postmaster-Gen
eral was now for the first time admitted as a Cabinet
Officer.
The President professed to take the Constitution
as the chart by which he should be governed in ful
filling the duties of his office ; rather, it would seem,
as he himself understood it, than as expounded by
the Supreme Court of the United States. His vigor
ous arm was immediately exerted in favor of his poli
tical friends, and this gave to his administration a
decided partisan character. The former Presidents,
during a period of forty-four years, had removed
sixty-four persons from office; during his rule of
eight years, Jackson removed six hundred and ninety,
and put in their places his political friends. These
sweeping removals secured ardent partisans, as well
as produced bitter opponents ; but regardless of eith
er friend or foe, the President pursued the course he
had marked out, with his wonted determination.
During his administration, an unusual number of
exciting questions came up for consideration, and
the many interests thus involved affected the people
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION 807
in every State in the Union. The first important
measure was the removal of the Cherokee Indians
from the State of Georgia. They had been protect
ed by the General Government, under Adams. The
Supreme Court of the United States had decided in
their favor, and against the action of the State ; but
that decision had little influence with the President.
He did not rebuke the State, when she began to drive
them from their homes, and to distribute their lands,
many of them cultivated farms, among her own citi
zens. He sent General Scott with troops to remove
them, and his kindness and persuasions induced them
to migrate peacefully; yet with lamentations, they
took leave of "the beloved land."
Their sacrifices as a people were very great, not
only in the loss of property, but in the check given to
their industrial and moral progress. The self-deny
ing labors of missionaries and teachers had enabled
them to advance rapidly toward a Christianized civi
lization. They derived their sustenance from their
own cultivated fields ; they clothed themselves almost
entirely with the fabrics which their women spun
and wove ; they lived in settled habitations, some of
wood and some of brick; they made provisions for
the education of their children — five hundred of
whom were in schools — besides endowing a National
Academy for the youth further advanced. They also
established a newspaper, printed partly in English,
and partly in their own language. "We hope," said
they, "that with God's blessing the time will soon
come when the words war-whoop and scalping-knif e
will be heard no more."
Two of their missionaries, the Rev. S. A. Worcester
and Dr. Elisur Butler, were ruthlessly imprisoned in
the penitentiary by the authority of the State of
Georgia, though they acted in accordance with the
808 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
law of the land, as interpreted by the Supreme Court
of the United States, in refusing to take the oath of
allegiance to the State.
Chief Justice Marshall, in pronouncing the opinion
of the court, declared the act of the State to be "re
pugnant to the Constitution, treaties and laws of the
United States; and therefore void, and ought to be
reversed and annulled," and the prisoners discharged.
Yet these men obtained no redress on their appeal to
the General Government, either for themselves or
the Indians.
When at length liberated from prison, the mission
aries accompanied the Indians to their distant homes
beyond the Mississippi, there to labor for their good.
The President, in his first message to Congress, in
timated his hostility to the Bank of the United States,
and his design of refusing his signature to any bill
renewing its charter.
However, when the stockholders of the Bank ap
plied to Congress, a bill to renew its charter passed
both Houses, and the President refused to sign it.
He gave as a reason his opinion that Congress had
no constitutional authority to charter such an insti
tution, and moreover he deemed it inexpedient to con
tinue the Bank.
As the bill could not obtain the requisite two-thirds
vote to become a law, the Bank was forced to close its
affairs, when its charter should expire.
To understand the causes which led to the attempt
at Nullification by South Carolina it is necessary, for
the reader's convenience, to notice in a consecutive
form certain influences that had been at work from
the commencement of the government under the
Presidency of George Washington. When the Con
stitution of the United States was submitted to the
people for their approval or rejection, objections were
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION 809
made to it by a small minority, principally on the
ground that its powers were too great over the
States. This minority consisted mostly of statesmen
belonging to Virginia, two of whose delegates to the
convention to frame the Constitution refused to sign
it when finished. These were Edmund Randolph and
George Mason, with only one other, Elbridge (Jerry
of Massachusetts. These gentlemen, and those who
sympathized with them in their views, made strenu
ous efforts in several of the States to prevent the
acceptance of the Constitution by the people, nor
even after it was adopted and the Government in
augurated did they cease in their opposition, though
they were unable to have the organic law of the na
tion changed to suit their views. They were now
joined by the most efficient opponent of certain prin
ciples of the Constitution — Thomas Jefferson — who
had been in France on official duties while the Con
stitution was being framed and acted upon by the
votes of the people ; but he had since returned, hav
ing been invited by President Washington to enter
his Cabinet as Secretary for Foreign Affairs or of
State, which office he was now holding.
The Constitution says (Article VI.) : "This Consti
tution, and the laws of the United States which shall
be made in pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme
law of the land." Some of the States, in order to es
tablish a National Government, were unwilling to
give up scarcely any portion of the sovereignty which
they had hitherto exercised. This was especially
the case in the Southern States — Virginia, the prin
cipal one, taking the lead. This opposition in later
times developed into extreme views in relation to
State Rights or Sovereignty, whose insidious influ
ence has wrought so much harm to the Nation, in as
suming that in some way, though indefinable, the
810 HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN NATION
General Government would injure the individual
States. The advocates of this theory — "strict con-
structionists" they called themselves — were morbidly
suspicious of the National Government, and were
continually deprecating its influence upon the States.
In accordance with their interpretation, the Constitu
tion would be as inflexible as a cast-iron frame ; no
permission was given for that instrument — so com
prehensive in its principles — to adapt itself to the
exigencies of a nation industrious and progressive in
its development. Hence the habit of these theorists
to exclaim "Unconstitutional!" whenever measures
were proposed in Congress that would in their influ
ence extend to the States; for that body to charter
a bank was deemed unconstitutional, because, per
haps, in being useful to the general commerce and
the industries of the country, it must have branches
at commercial centers within the States. Their
views were similar in respect to internal improve
ments made by the National Government.
On the subject of the United States Bank the oppo
sition in this respect came principally from Virginia
and those States further south; they being nearly
altogether agricultural, there was not so much neces
sity for a medium of mercantile exchange as in the
more commercial and manufacturing free States.
We have already seen Thomas Jefferson secretly
exerting his influence against the policy of Washing
ton's administration, and to which he was presumed
to be friendly, at least, while holding the most import
ant position in the Cabinet — that of Secretary of
State. Instead, he encouraged opposition to its most
important measures, which, from their intrinsic
merits, have since become the fixed policy of the na
tion. He stimulated this antagonism in various
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION $11
ways, but principally by diffusing his sentiments
privately in letters to his friends, under pledges of
secrecy, and by means of the Democratic clubs, whose
origin has been noted. Though Vice-President at
the time, Jefferson was not in perfect accord with the
policy of John Adams' administration, in its efforts
to defend the country against the machinations of
foreign refugees, who with the clubs, wished to em
broil the country in the wars then in progress in Eu
rope. Says Albert Gallatin, when writing of this
period, "I know that nothing can be more injurious
to an administration than to have in that office Vice-
Presidency, a man in hostility to that administration,
as he will always become the most formidable rally-
ing-point for the opposition."1
At one time Jefferson was greatly exercised lest
the Government should become a monarchy; and
some of his friends professed to be alarmed because
the people honored Washington's birthday, but he
soothingly suggested the theory that, perhaps, the
day was celebrated as that of "a General and not of
a President." Yet he was desponding ; in one of his
letters he says, "The State governments are the best
in the world," but that of the United States "has be
come so arbitrary in the rapid course of nine or ten
years, and has swallowed up more of the public lib
erty than even that of England itself." This para
graph alludes to what is known as the "Sedition
Law," which was enacted to punish libel on the
Government, or the exciting of "unlawful combina
tions against the laws." This law, which expired in
two years by limitation, was directed in self-defense
against a class of foreign adventurers, who as writ
ers in the newspapers were most abusive in denuncia
tion of the administration of John Adams, which, in
iLife of Gallatin, p. 606.
812 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
respect to the policy of neutrality, followed that of
Washington. The law itself, perhaps, was injudici
ous, and in its brief existence could do little harm,
but the political furor — bordering on the ridiculous —
which it occasioned among its opponents is not par
alleled in American history.
To remedy these supposed evils, Jefferson drew up
a series of resolutions embodying sentiments that
have been often alluded to in our history ; these are
familiarly known as the "Resolutions of '98." He
managed to have them introduced into the Legislature
of Virginia, and passed by that body, though their
most objectionable features were modified through
the influence of James Madison. In the same secret
manner he had similar resolutions passed by the
Legislature of the recently admitted State of Ken
tucky. This was accomplished by one of his friends,
a Mr. Nicholas, a native of Virginia, but who at this
time was a citizen of the new State and a member of
its Legislature. It was not known for twenty years
that Jefferson was the author of these resolutions,
as he had the "solemn assurance that it should not
be known from what quarter the resolutions came."1
These resolutions were sent to the Legislatures of
several of the States, and the political principles they
endeavored to disseminate elicited much discussion,
but little favor from these bodies. Their influence
was to show itself in future years. John C. Calhoun
was consistent when he characterized Jefferson as
"the Apostle of State Rights;"2 that is of the ex
treme view, since all advocate the legitimate rights
of the States under the Constitution, just as munici
pal rights of cities chartered by State authority ; but
that does not imply that these municipalities should
dominate the State itself.
i Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. ii., p. 448. 2\Vorks, vol. ii.,
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION g!3
The eighth of these resolutions announces the the
ory that "where powers are assumed" (alluding to
the United States Government) "which have not been
delegated, a nullification o± tne act is the rightful
remedy; that every State has a natural right, in
cases not within the compact, to nullify their [its]
own authority all assumptions of power of others
within their [its] limits1 On the principles thus en
unciated South Carolina determined to "nullify" a
United States law, because she of her own authority
decided that a tariff, said to be protective to Amer
ican industry, was "unconstitutional," and thirty
years later in a more serious effort to "nullify" the
union of the States.
There seems to have been an impression on the
minds of great numbers of the American people that
the operatives in large factories in Europe were
peculiarly degraded as to their morals, and that the
temptations to vice were very great in such establish
ments. It was also added that this was specially the
case in the mills for manufacturing cotton and wool,
as in these, the work being comparatively light, fe
males and boys were much employed. This was giv
en as one reason why the system of such manufac
turing should not be introduced into the United
States. Measures, however, were taken to prevent
such evils, and when mills were founded at Lowell
and afterward at Lawrence, Mass., special efforts
were made to secure the influence of pure morals
among those employed.
In Lowell the corporation or owners, to prevent
evil influences in their mills, provided comfortable
boarding places for the young women, usually farm
ers' daughters, who were in their employ. These
boarding-houses were under the control of worthy
iRandall's Life of Jefferson, vol. ii., p. 450.
814 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
and judicious matrons selected for the purpose, and
to whose protection the parents in the vicinity were
willing to intrust their daughters. These young peo
ple had been educated in the public schools, and had
acquired a taste for reading; to meet this demand
the owners provided libraries and reading-rooms ; to
the latter the operatives also contributed to cover
incidental expenses. At one time the young women
who worked in the mills issued a periodical, "The
Lowell Offering/* These facts show the moral tone
and mental requirements of a community that would
demand proper guaranties before the parents would
permit their young people, especially their daughters,
to labor in the cotton and woolen mills of the day.
In nearly all of the earlier mills founded in New Eng
land similar efforts were made to protect and elevate
those whom they employed. A change has been in
progress, and the reading-rooms and libraries are not
so well attended as formerly; the native employees
have given way to foreigners, who, unfortunately,
care not so much for reading and mental improve
ment.
A great advancement was made in the process of
manufacturing cotton by the energy of Francis C.
Lowell of Boston, who conceived the idea of using
water-power in the various operations. He visited
Europe and examined the machinery used there,
especially that in the mills of England, but to obtain
models of which he found impossible, as their ma
chinery was carefully watched lest it should be copi
ed, and he was compelled to depend upon his memory
and his own inventive genius. The policy of Eng
land in that day, in relation to preserving the secrets
of her machinery, was virtually the same as it was
forty years before. With the aid of a practical me-
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION 815
chanic, Mr. Lowell constructed the machinery accord
ing to his own designs. This was crude indeed, but
he contrived to put in motion 1,700 spindles in a small
mill at Waltham, Mass. Here under the same roof
cotton was carded, spun, and woven ; and it is said to
have been the first mill in the world in which all the
operations of that manufacture were performed.
Mr. Lowell, from time to time, made improvements
in his machinery, and so great was his success that a
few enterprising gentlemen formed a company, and
at a certain point purchased the land along the banks
of the Merrimac, thus securing its entire water-pow
er. On this purchase now stands the flourishing city
of Lowell — thus named in honor of its indefatigable
projector. Here was inaugurated on a firm basis the
American system of manufacturing cotton. Within
a dozen years from that time there were nearly 800
cotton factories — some of these were very small — in
the Union ; 738 were in the Free States, and of these
508 were in New England alone.1 From that time
forward the increase has been enormous.
During this period the industry of printing calicoes
was carried on but in a crude form ; since then it has
grown to large proportions under the influence of
American inventions and improvements. At that
time four colors was the highest number impressed
at one movement; this has since been increased to
twenty.
The war of 1812 threw the American people upon
their own mechanical resources to furnish themselves
the needed manufactured articles, which for the
greater part had hitherto been supplied by the work
shops of England. During this period of about three
years the native ingenuity in the invention and ap
plication of machinery to manufacturing purposes
^Industrial Hist. U. S., p. 412.
816 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
of various kinds developed rapidly. The war itself
afforded sufficient protection from the skill of Eng
land and the low wages paid her operatives. In less
than two years after the restoration of peace and
the renewal of trade the American manufacturers
found themselves utterly ruined by the immense in
flux of English merchandise, which had been accumu
lating for years, and was now thrown upon the Amer
ican market at prices sometimes even below their
original cost. The English merchants had two ob
jects in view : one to stifle the manufacturing indus
tries that had received an impulse during the war,
and the other to keep permanent control of the Amer
ican market. This they hoped to accomplish by
means of English skill and the low wages paid their
workmen. The latter item gave the foreigner an
immense advantage, as the American must pay high
er wages because of the much fewer number willing
to be thus employed.
The statesmen of that day, who had far-reaching
views, saw that the alternative was either to abandon
the policy of advancing the mechanical industries of
the people altogether, or counterbalance the advant
ages of the European manufacturer in his skill and
the low wages paid his operatives. They chose Ci-i
latter policy. This was to impose a tariff sufficiently
high to equalize the cost of production and nable the
American manufacturer to compete with the Europe
an on equal terms, and at the same time to afford
an opportunity for employment to those of our own
people who worked for wages; to introduce diversi
ties of industry, and develop the natural resources of
the country, even then supposed to be enormous.1
When the question of revising the tariff came be
fore Congress some of the "strict constructionists"
Natural Resources of the United States, by J. Harris Pat-
ton.
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION 817
suggested that the Constitution authorized a tariff
for "revenue alone ;" that is an imposition of duty in
such a manner as to produce the most revenue to the
industrial interests of the people. A question arose
which has puzzled Congress ever since: "Where
does the rate of tariff for 'revenue alone' terminate,
and that for 'protection' begin?" On this occasion
John C. Calhoun of South Carolina argued that a
tariff sufficiently high to protect the industries of the
people was constitutional, saying, "manufactures
ought to be countenanced by the Government," and
"they will arrive at a certain perfection under its
fostering care ;" and he urged Congress to "afford to
ingenuity and industry immediate and ample protec
tion." Afterward in the days of Nullification he
said, "I, in common with the almost entire South,
gave my support to the tariff of 1816." J Senator
George McDuffie of the same State, in speaking of
this tariff, says, "I most perfectly accord in the policy
which dictated that measure." James Madison wish
ed the commercial laws revised to "protect and foster
the several branches of manufactures." "The con
stitutionality of the procedure is not at all thought
of, the expediency of it is warmly recommended."2
With this understanding a tariff was imposed upon
coarse cottons, woolens, and many other manufactur
ed articles, which tariff was amended from time to
time during twelve years. This had ever been the
national policy ; the first tariff imposed by Congress
and signed by Washington in its preamble says it was
required, "for the support of the Government, and
for the encouragement and protection of domestic
manufactures."
During the war of 1812, to cover the unusual ex
pense, and to supply the deficiency caused by the f all-
iWorks, vol. ii., pp. 166-170. 2Niles Reg., vol. xxxvi., p. 82.
818 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
ing off of import duties which had nearly ceased alto
gether, taxes were imposed on many home-made
articles. It was now proposed to relieve the people
of these burdensome taxes on their own manufac
tures, and supply the deficiency by increasing the
duties on the corresponding foreign-made articles.
Thus the object was twofold: to raise the needed rev
enue, and to encourage domestic industry; of this
policy Henry Clay was the ardent advocate. In ac
cordance with this a tariff was imposed on certain
classes of articles ; "1st, those of which a full domes
tic supply could be produced ; 2d, those of which only
partial domestic supply could be afforded; and 3d,
those produced at home very slightly, or not at all."1
The cotton-growing States "at that time had a par
ticular interest in encouraging the domestic manu
facture of cotton." Such were the views of Calhoun
and Lowndes, of South Carolina — the latter report
ing the bill to Congress. A heavy duty was imposed
on woolen and cotton cloths of various grades ; also
on iron in all its forms, on spirits, on sugars — the
latter to encourage the Louisiana sugar-planter; on
hemp and lead to aid the Kentucky farmer and the
Illinois miner. The proposed duty on indigo unfor
tunately failed, as that article was a valuable product
of the low lands of South Carolina and Georgia.2
Neither the cereals nor raw cotton needed protection
— the latter staple having virtually the monopoly
of the world, both as to quantity and quality. After
the acquisition of Louisiana the southern portion of
the country was deemed by many the richest portion
of the Union in its agricultural products — cotton,
tobacco, and sugar; the first especially, since the in
vention of the cotton-gin, had become greatly en
hanced in value as a most important export. This
iHildreth, vol. vi., p. 585. Anton's Thirty Years' View,
vol. i., p. 97.
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION 819
theory seemed to pervade the minds of some of the
leading men of that section. So little did these
statesmen know or even suspect of the inherent
though thus far latent power of intelligent and in
dustrious communities as those in the Free States,
where labor as such was reckoned respectable. This
power was wonderfully developed, when manufac
tures were introduced into these States under the
"fostering care" of the legislation of 1816 and on
ward.
It was then supposed the slaves could be taught to
manufacture the coarser grades of cotton cloth, with
which they themselves were for the most part cloth
ed. It was therefore important to the masters to in
troduce that manufacture among the employments of
their slaves, who could thus have work through the
entire year. But after a few years of trial it was
found that from their ignorance, want of persever
ance, and lack of interest in their work they were in
efficient in manufacturing cotton; they could only
hoe and pick it, and that under the harsh supervision
of overseers. Similar measures failed to succeed in
the factory, where more intelligence and skill were
required. Hence the complaints made against the
tariff (in Nullification times) , that it ruined the South
or cotton-producting States. This statement does
not seem correct in the light of facts, for the decline
commenced many years before.1 It is also inconsist
ent with statistics which show that in 1815 the coarse
cotton sheetings, with which the slaves were mostly
clothed, cost forty cents a yard — being made chiefly
on hand looms — while a better material in 1829 cost
but eight and one-half cents, thus cheapened by the
advance made in manufacturing by machinery.2
iBenton's Thirty Years' View, vol. i., p. 101.
'Industrial Hist. U. S., p. 414.
820 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Meanwhile the fall in the price of raw cotton was only
about two-fifths as much as that of the woven ma
terial — this advantage accruing to the planter. A
writer1 states that at this time (1829) "The cost of
a good cotton summer suit for a field hand, taking six
yards, was seventy-five cents, and that a winter suit
of negro cloth cost three dollars;" other expenses
were at an equally low rate. Yet the Nullifiers pro
claimed that their section was ruined by tariffs, and
they entered upon a crusade against any policy that
aided the mechanical industries of the country. This
was on the ground that such aid was unconstitution
al.2 The protest of South Carolina pronounced pro
tective duties "Unconstitutional, oppressive, and un
just." As the tariff, however low, is to that extent
a protection to the American manufacturer of the
same kind of article, it would follow from this that
Free Trade alone was constitutional. By a similar
process of reasoning, extremists among the slave-
owning statesmen argued that the best social con
dition was for the capitalist to own those whom he
employed; in other words, that "all laborers should
be slaves." Such were the views of John C. Calhoun
and George McDuffie, and others. The motives that
influenced the minds of these legislators were radic
ally different. The statesmen of the Slave States,
from the nature of the case, had reference alone to
the advantages that would accrue to the masters;
while those of the Free States had reference as much
to that large class who obtained their support from
wages as to the capitalist who invested his money in
manufacturing industries.
At the commencement of the war of 1812 England
was buying our raw cotton and sending it back in the
form of cloth made by machines driven by steam,
Wiles Register.
2Debates in Congress, vol. x., pp. 243-245.
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION g2f
while at that time in the United States were very
few, perhaps no factories for weaving cotton-cloth,—
the mill at Beverly having failed. There were in the
country a few small mills for spinning cotton yarn,
and the weaving was done by hand on domestic
looms; hence this product was termed "domestics."
Our statesmen then desired to encourage the manu
facture of cottons and woolens in all their forms ; but
to do so the people must contend with the acquired
skill and machinery of England, and the low wages
paid her operatives. The same causes gave an im
pulse to the manufacture of woolens, though this in
dustry remained for a long time in the hands of the
household. Not till 1816 and onward was a definite
impetus given to the manufacture of woolen goods
in its varied forms. The supply of native wool was
not sufficient, and to obtain which great exertions
were made to induce the farmers to raise sheep for
its production. To secure the finest quality merino
sheep were imported from Spain, and wool-growing
became an important industry. The pioneer woolen
mills only wove the yarn spun in the household in the
vicinity. Carding and fulling mills came into exist
ence to aid and complete the domestic manufacture,
and finally in the course of years the work was per
formed, or nearly so, under the same roof by means
of machinery. The advance, however, was not so
rapid in the woolen as in the cotton manufacture.
The States of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and
Connecticut took energetic measures to advance the
manufacture of wool. Vermont became the producer
of the finest wool in New England, yet it remained
for another State — Tennessee — to exhibit the finest
specimen wool at the World's Fair at London.
Our manufacture of wool has come oftener than
any other of our industries in competition with the
822 HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN NATION
skill and the low wages paid operatives in England,
Belgium, and France, and in consequence has had
unusual difficulties to overcome.
The depression in the industrial interests of the
country after the war of 1812 was very great. Henry
Clay estimated the property of the United States to
have sunk in value one-half in the course of four
years. This estimate was no doubt in respect to the
States outside New England. The people of that sec
tion by their industrial enterprise and economy had
secured success in many respects, especially in their
shipping interest, including the carrying trade be
tween foreign nations during the wars of Napoleon,
the coasting trade of their own country, the fisheries
along their coasts, and for whales in the Arctic seas.
In consequence of this accumulation of capital their
finances were in a good condition, and their banks
were sound and able to redeem their notes in specie
when presented at their counters, while in the rest
of the Union financial distress more or less prevailed.
The term protection is unfortunate, inasmuch that
many are led astray, thinking that those who manu
facture were protected or aided by the Government
at the expense of the other portion of the people.
The term is a misnomer; it should be designated as
equalizing measure, designed to put our own work
men and those who employ them on equal terms as
manufacturers with the foreigners, who have the
advantage in acquired skill, low rate of interest on
capital and more than all, in the small amount of
wages paid their operatives. Making the terms thus
equal to the manufacturers of both lands, if the
American, by means of his energy and mechanical in
ventions, and the better education of his workmen in
industrious habits, is more successful, he and the
people have a right to the advantages thus acquired.
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION S23
The "strict constructionists" thought Congress had
no authority to levy a tariff so as to equalize the ex
pense of manufacturing in the United States with
that in Europe.
Senator Foote of Connecticut submitted a resolu
tion of inquiry as to the disposal of the public lands.
The debate on the resolution took a wide range, in
the course of which the young and brilliant Senator,
Robert Y. Hayne, of South Carolina, avowed the opin
ion that any State had a right, as a sovereign power,
to declare null and void any act of Congress which
that State deemed unconstitutional. This was the
first time that the doctrine of nullification had been
openly maintained in the councils of the nation — the
sentiments rather of Calhoun the Vice-President
than of the speaker himself; a doctrine based upon
the assumption that the National Government was
a compact between the States, and that any of them
could at pleasure recede from the Union.
Daniel Webster at once pointed out the injurious
results to the Union if these principles were acted
upon.
This debate, continued for several days, and not
only from the masterly manner in which it was con
ducted, but from the influence it exerted upon the
minds of the American people, was one of the most
important that ever occurred in the Halls of Con
gress. Webster clearly exposed the fallacy of the
argument adduced to prove that the National Gov
ernment was a compact of sovereign, independent
States ; or that any of them were at liberty to with
draw from the Union, without the consent of the
others. On the contrary, he urged that the Consti
tution was the work of the people themselves, not as
members of each independent State, but as members
of all the States ; and that the Supreme Court was the
g24 HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN NATION
tribunal authorized to decide in cases of conflict be
tween the States and the General Government. Says
the venerable Chancellor Kent in reference to the
discussion, and especially Webster's speech: "It
turned the attention of the public to the great doc
trines of national rights and national union. Consti
tutional law was rescued from the archives of our tri
bunals and the libraries of our lawyers, placed under
the eye, and submitted to the judgment of the Amer
ican people." And heartily did they respond to the
sentiment that the "Union must be preserved." The
importance of the subject awakened an intense inter
est in the nation, and the reports of the discussion
were read and commented upon by millions. This
debate really settled the question of nullification;
and its influence upon the public mind created a moral
power which gave a death-blow to the dangerous
design then in existence.
Congress, in revising the tariff, instead of dimin
ishing, increased the duties on many articles. This
gave still greater offence to the cotton-growing
States, who complained, that they in consequence
paid exorbitant prices, especially for cottons and
woolens. The question became in some respects a
sectional one. The North on the one hand had ac
commodated her industry to manufactures ; she had
acquired skill, and was unwilling to sacrifice this and
also an immense amount of invested capital. She
thought it unjust that her interests should be in
jured, if not ruined, by a change of the policy under
which she had been compelled to turn her attention
to that particular sphere of industry. On the other
hand, the South, pointing to her exhausted fields, es
pecially in the Atlantic States, and their diminution
of population, exclaimed: See what the tariff has
done ! Says McDuff ie of South Carolina, on the floor
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION 825
of Congress: "Look, sir, at the present aspect of
the Southern States. In no part of Europe will you
see the same indications of decay. Deserted vilages,
houses falling to ruin, impoverished lands thrown out
of cultivation." The reason that the South did not
derive benefit from the imposition of a tariff was
admitted by Hayne himself. "The slaves," said he
in the Senate, "are too improvident, too incapable of
minute, constant, delicate attention, and the persever
ing industry which is essential to the success of
manufacturing establishments." Similar sentiments
v/ere expressed by other members of Congress.
The States of Virginia, Georgia and South Carolina
were the most opposed to the measure, but only the
latter took the responsibility of openly resisting the
collection of duties imposed by this law of Congress.
She published an ordinance to that effect, and denied
the authority of the General Government to enforce
what she deemed an unconstitutional law.
The President immediately issued a proclamation,
moderate in its language but determined in tone. In
plain terms he expressed his views upon the subject,
and intimated that he would vindicate the power in
trusted to his hands. He appealed "to the under
standing and patriotism of the people of the State,
and warned them of the consequences that must in
evitably result from obeying the dictates of the con
vention," which had advised resistance to the law.
Previous to this, Calhoun had resigned the vice-
presidency, and now appeared in the Senate in the
place of Hayne, who had retired to take the office of
Governor of South Carolina, and who now replied to
the President by a counter proclamation. He warn
ed the people of the State against "the dangerous
and pernicious doctrines" in that document, and call
ed upon them to disregard "those vain menaces" of
826 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
military force, "to be fully prepared to sustain the
dignity and protect the liberties of the State, if need
be, with their lives and fortunes."
Nothing daunted, South Carolina proclaimed her
self hostile to the Union, and resolved to maintain
her rights as a Sovereign State, by organizing troops
and providing munitions of war. Meantime her
Legislature passed laws which forbade the collection
of United States revenue within her boundaries ; and
intimated that if an attempt was made by the Gen
eral Government to enforce the collection of such
duties, she would exercise her right to secede from
the Union, and "forthwith proceed to organize a sep
arate government." The attitude of the State was
imposing and resolute. But the President was equ
ally as decided in his measures to enforce the laws.
Soon a national vessel, with troops on board, appear
ed in the harbor of Charleston ; they came to aid the
officers in the collection of the revenue. The State
receded from her defiant position, and the storm
calmed down; the famous Tariff Compromise, just
passed by Congress, furnished a convenient reason
for that act of prudence.
Henry Clay was the principal author of the meas
ure, and to him belongs the honor of introducing it
into the Senate. The Compromise consisted in grad
ually diminishing for ten years the imposts, till they
should arrive at a uniform rate of twenty per cent,
the revenue standard for which the opponents of the
tariff contended.
The secret history of the final passage of that Com
promise bill in the Senate is singular. Its opponents
had denounced the principle of protection to Amer
ican industry, as unconstitutional. In order to pre
vent opposition to the bill on that ground, after it
had become a law, it was necessary that those oppos-
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION 827
ing it should be induced to vote for it ; to vote, not
only fov the bill as a whole, but for its separate arti
cles. The crisis was near. The President had de
termined to enforce the law; he scouted the idea of
compromise, and stood ready to arrest the leaders,
especially Calhoun, and bring him to trial for treason.
John M. Clayton, of Delaware, privately gave the
parties to understand that he should move to lay
the bill on the table, where it should lie, unless the
nullifiers should one and all give it their individual
support. He assured them that there was a suffici
ent number of senators (whose names he refused to
give), to prevent its passage, if this condition was
not complied with. The amendments to the bill had
all passed but the last ; the one which embodied the
principle of home valuation. This Calhoun and his
friends opposed with great vehemence. Clayton
moved to lay the bill on the table, and no persuasion
could induce him to withdraw the motion. The op
ponents of the measure withdrew from the hall for a
few minutes, to consult. One of their number pres
ently returned and requested Clayton to withdraw
his motion, to give time to consider the amendment.
He consented, with the understanding that, if neces
sary, he would renew it. That night, consultations
were held by the Southern members. The next day,
when the bill was under consideration, it was intimat
ed that it could be passed without the aid of Cal-
houn's vote. But Clayton was inflexible — his vote
must be given for the bill, or nothing would be se
cured by it. It was the last day of the session —
another Congress would not meet for months. It
was a solemn hour. If the impending collision be
tween the State and the Government should occur,
who could tell what would be the result ? How could
South Carolina be extricated from the difficulties of
828 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
her position? Calhoun remained to the last, his
friends one by one voting for the amendment. After
making a few remarks on the conditions upon which
he should act, he also voted for the amendment, and
afterward for the bill as a whole.1
On the fourth of March, General Jackson entered
upon his second term of office, with Martin Van
Buren, of New York, as Vice-President. The princi
pal opposing candidate was Henry Clay.
According to its charter, the Bank of the United
States was the legal depository of the public funds.
The Secretary of the Treasury only, with the sanc
tion of Congress, had authority to remove them. By
resolution, Congress had expressed the opinion that
the public moneys were safe in the keeping of the
Bank. The President thought differently. When
Congress was not in session, he made known to the
Cabinet his intention to remove the public funds from
the custody of the Bank, and to transfer them to cer
tain State Banks. The majority of the Cabinet were
opposed to the measure. As he could not reach the
money except through the Secretary of the Treasury,
William J. Duane, he directed him to remove the de
posits; but the Secretary viewing the measure as
"unnecessary, unwise, arbitrary, and unjust," refus
ed. The President immediately dismissed him from
office, and appointed Roger B. Taney, afterward
Chief Justice, in his place, who hastened to issue an
order to the collectors, forbidding them to deposit the
public moneys in the Bank of the United States.
The intention being to withdraw the funds already
in its possession, as they should be needed in defray
ing the current expenses of the government.
The measure spread distrust through the whole
mercantile community, and destroyed that confidence
thirty Years' View, Vol. i. Chap. Ixxxv.
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION 829
which is essential to the success of business transac
tions. The notes of the Bank were at par through
out the Union, but now the whole system of exchange
was thrown into confusion. Universal distress pre
vailed. The wages of daily laborers were especially
depressed. Memorials from all parts of the country
poured into Congress, asking it to adopt measures
that would give relief. After a time, the State banks
endeavored to relieve the monetary distress by liber
al loans. These loans, in turn, were the occasion of
exciting a spirit of speculation that produced still
greater evils.
The Administration was not exempt from Indian
troubles. Some of the north-western tribes, led by
Black Hawk, a chief of the Sac nation, made incur
sions against the frontier settlements of Illinois.
The government sent troops, under General Atkin
son, who soon, with the aid of the militia, drove the
savages beyond the Mississippi. In one of the skirm
ishes, Black Hawk himself was captured. To im
press him with the greatness of the nation, he was
first taken to Washington, and then to visit the prin
cipal eastern cities.
Two years afterward an attempt was made by the
government to remove the Seminole Indians beyond
the Mississippi River. They refused to emigrate,
and another Indian war was the consequence. Skulk
ing through the swamps and woods of Florida, the
savages would suddenly dash into the settlements to
murder and destroy. Many valuable lives were thus
lost. Among these were Major Dade, and more than
a hundred men, who all perished by falling into an
ambuscade. On the same day, the United States'
agent, Mr. Wiley Thompson, and five of his friends
were killed and scalped by Osceola, the leading chief
of the Seminoles. The year before, Thompson had
830 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
injudiciously offended the savage, by confining him
in irons for a day. Though he feigned friendship,
his proud spirit thirsted to revenge the insult. The
Creeks joined the Seminoles, and attacked several
villages, both in Georgia and Alabama. The un
healthy vapors of the swamps, the bites of poisonous
snakes and insects, inflicted intense suffering upon
the troops. It was impossible to subdue the Indians,
who, after their attacks upon the Whites, would re
treat to their hiding-places in the swamps. Led by
Osceola, the war, or rather skirmishing, continued
for years; the troops were baffled again and again.
At length his own policy, of making treaties only to
break them, was practised upon himself. One day
he appeared under a flag of truce at the American
camp. General Jessup, who was in command, im
mediately made him prisoner, with all his followers.
Osceola was sent to Charleston, and while there con
fined in Fort Moultrie, a fever terminated his event
ful life.
Colonel Zachary Taylor, afterward President of the
United States, was sent to succeed Jessup. Taylor,
by great exertions, brought the war to a close, but
not till it had lasted altogether seven years, and cost
the nation many lives, and thirty millions of dollars.
During this administration, died John Marshall,
one of the most remarkable men of the time, at the
age of four-score. He had served in the army of the
Revolution, and won the esteem of Washington ; had
been a member of the House of Representatives, Sec
retary of State, Secretary of War, and Minister to
France. President John Adams nominated him Chief
Justice of the Supreme Court, over which for thirty-
five years he presided "with native dignity and un
pretending grace." His solidity of judgment, his
reasoning power, his acute and penetrating mind,
JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION 831
were remarkable, and none the less striking were the
purity of his Christian life and his simplicity of man
ner.
The maxim of foreign policy acted upon by the
President was "to ask nothing but what was right,
and to submit to nothing that was wrong." Amer
ican merchants had claims, amounting to five millions
of dollars, against the French government. They
had remained unsettled for twenty years. These in
demnities were for "unlawful seizures, captures, and
destruction of vessels and cargoes" during the wars
of Napoleon. The government of Louis Philippe ac
knowledged their justice, and by treaty engaged to
pay them. But the Chamber of Deputies, at differ
ent times during three years refused to appropriate
the money. The President sent a message to Con
gress, recommending reprisals upon French property
if the treaty was not complied with. The French
Chambers took offence at the tone of the message,
and although Congress had not acted upon its sug
gestions, they refused to pay the money unless the
obnoxious proposal was withdrawn. This brought
another message, in which the President reviewed
the difficulties existing between the governments.
Said he: "Come what may, the explanation which
France demands can never be accorded ; and no arma
ment (alluding to a French fleet then on our coast),
however powerful and imposing, will, I trust, deter
us from discharging the high duties which we owe
to our constituents, to our national character, and to
the world." He suggested to Congress to prohibit
the entrance of French imports into our ports, and
the interdiction of all commercial intercourse.
The Chamber of Deputies soon after paid the
money to satisfy the claims and fulfill the treaty.
Equally successful was the President in arranging
832 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
other difficulties of long standing ; claims for similar
seizures and spoliations against Spain, Naples, and
Denmark. Also treaties of commerce and friendship
were negotiated with Russia and the Ottoman Em
pire — the American treaty with the latter power.
Two States, Arkansas and Michigan, were added to
the Union ; the original thirteen had now doubled.
After a spirited contest Martin Van Buren, of New
York, was elected President by the people, and Rich
ard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, Vice-President, not by
the electoral vote, but by the Senate.
General Jackson's administration will ever be
memorable for its measures and for its influence.
The nation was greatly agitated by conflicts of opin
ion in relation to his official acts, since he professed
to be governed by the Constitution, not as interpreted
by the United States Supreme Court, but as he him
self understood it — a disrespect for constituted law
which in after years was not without malign influ
ence. He introduced extensively the vicious system
of removing persons from minor offices for political
purposes alone, filling their places with partisans.
From that day this custom has been a corrupting ele
ment in the nation's politics. Arbitrary in the ex
treme, he had quarrels with his Cabinet for reasons
unworthy the record of history. Though intensely
patriotic, and not famed for legal acquirements, he
had little respect for law or decisions of courts if
they did not coincide with his own notions and pre
judices; but his energy and determined will enabled
him to carry his points in defiance of opposition and
established usages.
CHAPTER XLIX.
1837—1840
VAN BUREN'S ADMINISTRATION.
Apparent Prosperity. — The Specie Circular. — The Surplus
Funds. — Suspension of Specie Payments. — Speculation.—
Special Sessions of Congress. — The Sub-Treasury. — State
Indebtedness.
The last year of Jackson's administration appeared
to be one of very great national prosperity. The
public debt had been cancelled two years before, and
there were nearly forty millions of dollars of surplus.
This prosperity was fallacious in the extreme.
The State Banks, called in derision the "Pets," with
whom the deposits had been placed, loaned money
freely, with the expectation that they should con
tinue to have the use of the public funds until they
were called for by the Government. That time seem
ed to be distant, as its revenue was greater than its
current expenses.
Other banks sprang into existence, until the num
ber amounted, throughout the land, to seven hundred
and fifty. These institutions had very little gold or
silver in their vaults, as a means to redeem the notes
with which they flooded the country, giving a fictiti
ous value to every thing that was bought or sold.
They rivalled each other in affording facilities for
the wildest schemes of speculation.
The public lands became an object of this specula
tion, until the sales amounted to millions in a month.
Two acts — the one of the late President; the other
of Congress — combined to hasten the crisis. Presi
dent Jackson, in order to restrain the undue sales of
834 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
the public lands, had issued, through the Treasury
Department, an order known as the Specie Circular,
requiring the collectors at the offices to receive only
gold and silver in payments for land. Six months
later, Congress passed a law to distribute among the
States the government funds, on deposit in the banks.
They were thus forced to call in their loans to meet
this demand, while the Specie Circular arrested the
circulation of their notes, and brought them back to
their counters, to be exchanged for gold and silver.
Within six months after this distribution was order
ed, the business of the whole country was prostrated :
all improvements ceased, and twenty thousand labor
ing men were, within a few weeks, thrown out of
employment in New York City alone, where the fail
ures amounted to one hundred millions of dollars,
while those of New Orleans were as great in pro
portion, being twenty-seven millions. A few weeks
later, the banks of New York City suspended specie
payment ; an example which the other banks of the
country hastened to follow.
Previous to the suspension of payments, a large
and respectable committee of merchants of New York
visited Washington, to lay before the new President
the state of the country. Similar representations
went from almost every section of the land. The
President denied the request of the committee to re
scind the Specie Circular, but proposed to call a
Special Session of Congress, on the first Monday of
the following September.
The extent to which speculation raged seems al
most fabulous. The compromise tariff had nearly
run its course, and the duty arrived at its minimum ;
foreign merchandise was imported in unheard-of
quantities, thus ruining domestic industry; internal
improvements, because of the facility in obtaining
VAN BUREN'S ADMINISTRATION 835
loans, were projected to an extent almost without
limit; the public lands were bought by the millions
of acres, and cities and villages were multiplied on
paper by hundreds; and stranger still, the sites of
these prospective cities, divided into lots, were fre
quently made the basis of money transactions.
A few months before, the General Government was
free from debt, and had a surplus of forty millions.
Now the surplus had been given to the States ; the
importers had neither gold nor silver to pay duties,
and the Government itself was deprived of the means
to defray its current expenses.
When Congress assembled, the President made no
suggestion as to the manner in which the commercial
embarrassments of the country might be relieved, on
the ground that the General Government was unau
thorized by the Constitution to afford such relief.
He was therefore in favor of the people taking care
of themselves. The message contained, however,
two recommendations; one the issue of Treasury
notes, to relieve the Government's own embarrass
ments, the other an Independent Treasury for the
public funds. The object of the latter was to avoid
the liability of loss by depositing the public moneys
in banks. These treasuries were to be located at
suitable places; the sub-treasurers to be appointed
by the President, and to give bonds for the proper
fulfillment of their duties.
The measure was opposed, lest the withdrawal of
so much gold and silver from circulation would in
jure commercial operations. The bill failed in the
House, though it passed the Senate. Three years
later it was established; the next year repealed —
then re-enacted, five years after, and is still the law
of the land.
The Legislatures of many of the States became im-
836 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
bued with the spirit of speculation, and as a means
to obtain loans, issued State stocks to the amount of
one hundred millions. This was done under the laud
able pretext of developing their resources, by inter
nal improvements. Eight of the States failed to pay
the interest on these loans or stocks. In time they
recovered from the shock, and but one of them,
Mississippi, and one territory, Florida, repudiated
their debt and defied their creditors. These loans
were principally obtained in Europe, where, on the
subject of these failures to pay, great indignation
was expressed. The whole nation was dishonored;
— two years later, when the National Government
wished to obtain a loan, her agents could not induce
a capitalist in all Europe to risk a dollar in such in
vestment.
As the administration of Van Buren drew to a
close, the financial condition of the country did not
much improve. However, his party nominated him,
as well as Vice-President Johnson, for a second term.
The opposing candidate was William Henry Harrison,
of Ohio, whom we have seen as a popular general of
the northwest during the last war, as well as filling
many civil offices with honor to himself and profit to
the country. On the same ticket was John Tyler of
Virginia, as the candidate for Vice-President. Har
rison was elected by a very large majority. The
commercial disasters of the country were generally
attributed to the interference of the Government
with the currency; this belief had caused a great
revulsion in the public mind.
CHAPTER L.
1841—1842
HARRISON AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION.
The Inauguration. — Death of Harrison. — Tyler President. —
Sub-Treasury Act repealed. — Bankrupt Law. — The Bank
Charters; their Vetoes. — Proposition to treat with Great
Britain. — Insurrection in Canada. — The Caroline. — Trial
of McLeod. — Boundary Disputes in Maine. — Lord Ashbur-
ton. — Treaty of Washington. — Questions of Visit and Im
pressment. — Exploring Expedition. — Texas Colonization;
Struggles. — Independence. — Siege of Goliad and the Ala
mo. — Davy Crockett. — Massacre of Prisoners. — Battle of
San Jacinto. — Houston President. — Question of Annexa
tion in Congress. — Texas Annexed. — Disturbances in
Rhode Island. — Iowa and Florida become States.
An immense concourse of people, many of them
from distant parts of the Union, assembled at Wash
ington to witness the inauguration of General Harri
son. His address on that occasion was replete with
wisdom; liberal and generous, and patriotic in its
tone ; a transcript of the sincerity of his own heart.
His selection of officers to compose his Cabinet was
unanimously confirmed by the Senate; at its head
was Daniel Webster, as Secretary of State.
The certainty of a change of policy in the measures
of the General Government inspired confidence in the
commercial world, and the nation, made wiser by ad
versity, began to hope. But the expectations of the
President's friends were doomed to be sadly disap
pointed. His first official act was to issue a procla
mation, calling a special session of Congress, to meet
on the 31st of the following May, to take into consid
eration the condition of the country. Before that
day arrived, the President was no more. Suddenly
taken ill, all human remedies failed to give relief, and
838 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
he expired, just one month after his inauguration, in
his sixty-ninth year. For the first time, death had
removed the Chief Magistrate of the Union when in
office. The loss came home to the hearts of the peo
ple. Throughout the length and breadth of the
land they vied with each other in doing honor to his
memory. Since the death of Washington, the nation
had not mourned a loss with such imposing ceremon
ies. This deep and pervading sentiment of sorrow
was the tribute due the memory of a good man ; one
who had served his country with most scrupulous in
tegrity for more than forty years ; whose whole life,
public and private, was without reproach. Though
in public office the greater part of his life, his salaries
had passed away in charities and hospitalities ; to his
house the humblest of the land^s well as the most
exalted, had been welcomed ; the poor man's friend,
he himself died poor. At its very first session after
his death, Congress, "out of consideration of his ex
penses in removing to the seat of government, and
the limited means which he had left behind," granted
his widow one year's presidential salary — twenty-five
thousand dollars.
JOHN TYLER.
The Vice-President became the President, accord
ing to the provisions of the Constitution. He retain
ed the Cabinet of his predecessor, giving them assur
ances of his respect. Congress convened for the
extra session at the time designated. One of its first
measures was to repeal the Sub-Treasury act of the
last administration. To this regulation for the keep
ing of the public funds much of the pressure in the
money market was attributed.
The failures in the mercantile world had brought
ruin upon thousands of upright and enterprising
HARRISON AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION 839
men. They had become hopelessly bankrupt, in
many instances, by circumstances beyond their con
trol; involved in debts, which would forever crush
their energies without benefiting their creditors,
themselves, or the country. To relieve persons thus
insolvent, Congress passed a general bankrupt law.
The effect of the measure was beneficial, and when
the necessity for its existence had passed away, it
was repealed.
One of the issues involved in the last presidential
election, was the policy of establishing a United
States Bank or "Financial Agent," which should faci
litate mercantile exchanges throughout the Union.
The result of the election had shown that the ma
jority of the people were in favor of such an institu
tion. In compliance with this expression of the popu
lar will, both Houses of Congress passed a bill char
tering such a National Bank. Contrary to expecta
tion, the President refused to give it his signature.
Another bill was passed, modified in its provisions to
accord with his own suggestions. This he also re
fused to sign. These successive vetoes raised a ter
rible storm of indignation against their author,
though when nominated he was known to be opposed
to the United States Bank. The great party, by
whose votes he held his high position, charged him
with double dealing; with betraying the trust they
had committed to his hands. The members of his
cabinet immediately resigned their places, and gave
the country their reasons for so doing. Daniel Web
ster alone remained, lest the public interests would
suffer by his withdrawal before the completion of
certain negotiations upon which he was then en
gaged.
Between the United States government and that of
great Britain two important questions of controversy
840 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
remained unadjusted. One growing out of certain
revolutionary disturbances along the Canada bord
ers; and the other in relation to the north-eastern
boundary between the State of Maine and the British
province of New Brunswick. The former of these
had been pending during the previous administra
tion, the latter for fifty years.
Soon after entering upon his duties as Secretary of
State, Mr. Webster, with the sanction of the Presi
dent, intimated to the British Minister at Washing
ton, that the Government of the United States was
desirous to arrange the boundary dispute by agree
ing on a line by compromise, or convention. The
proposition was received in the friendly spirit in
which it had been given, and the British ministry
deputed Lord Ashburton, as special minister to the
United States, with full powers to settle all points of
controversy between the two governments.
During the first year of Van Buren's administra
tion the people of both the Canadas endeavored to
throw off their allegiance to England, and to declare
themselves independent. This movement enlisted
the sympathies of great numbers in the neighboring
States. In northern New York associations were
formed, called "Hunters' Lodges," whose object was
to aid the patriots. These illegal combinations flour
ished in spite of the efforts made by the President
and Governor of New York to suppress them.
About seven hundred of these "sympathizers,"
with some of the patriots, took possession of Navy
Island, in Niagara river, near the Canada shore, to
which province it belonged. Thither the steamboat
Caroline was employed in transporting men, arms, and
provisions from Schlosser, on the American shore.
The British authorities determined to destroy this
boat. Accordingly a detachment was sent on a dark
HARRISON AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION 841
night in December for that purpose ; the officer in
command not finding the boat at Navy Island, as ex
pected, passed over to Schlosser, where she was
moored at the dock. He captured the boat, and in
the short struggle which ensued, an American was
killed. The Caroline was taken out into the middle
of the stream, there set on fire, and left to pass over
the falls in a blaze. The British Minister at Wash
ington, Mr. Fox, immediately avowed the act, and
justified it on the ground that it was done in self-de
fence. This avowal changed the aspect of the con
troversy — it was now between the governments.
The excitement was by no means allayed, nor the
activity of the "lodges" diminished. Three years
afterward a still stronger feeling of hostility sprang
up between the two countries. A certain Alexander
McLeod, a British subject, living in Canada, it was
rumored, had boasted of being at the taking of the
Caroline, and also that he himself had killed the
American. McLeod visited the State of New York
at the time just mentioned, the authorities of which
immediately arrested him on the charge of murder.
The British government demanded his release, un
conditionally, on the ground that he was obeying the
orders of his government, which alone was responsi
ble. The St£te refused to relinquish, either to the
National Government or to Great Britain, her right
to bring the prisoner to trial, for the crime it was
alleged he had committed on her soil. The trial came
on, and McLeod was acquitted, he having proved that
he was not present at the affray at all. In order to
prevent, for the future, clashings of State jurisdic
tion with that of the National Government, Congress
passed a law requiring similar cases to be transferred
to the United States courts.
While these events were in progress in the State of
842 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
New York, difficulties, equally ominous, were brew
ing on the north-eastern boundary. The inhabitants
on either side undertook to say where the line should
be ; as they could not agree, the more belligerent were
in favor of fighting, and consequently some trifling
collisions took place. The Legislature of Maine even
appropriated money for the defence of her territorial
rights — and further collisions were prevented only
by the conciliatory and judicious policy of General
Scott, who was sent by the President to maintain
the peace.
These disputes so long unsettled, very greatly dis
turbed the harmony existing between the two na
tions. The correspondence between their govern
ments shows that at this time the controversy had
assumed a serious and delicate character, and that it
required the exercise of great wisdom, and a mutual
conciliatory spirit to prevent actual war.
When negotiations commenced, commissioners
from the States of Maine and Massachusetts were
invited to Washington, that they might be consulted
on the subject. The treaty was soon concluded.
The United States obtained the navigation of the
river St. John's to its mouth, and the very important
military position — Rouse's Point, at the outlet of
Lake Champlain. In exchange for these were given
a small territory of swamps, heath, and rocks, and
barren mountains, covered with snow the greater
part of the year. A territory valuable to Great
Britain only because it enabled her to make a direct
road from the province of New Brunswick to the St.
Lawrence. Both nations were benefited by the ar
rangement, and the vexatious question of more than
half a century's standing was amicably settled.
Another article provided for the mutual rendition
of fugitives from justice; but only those who had
HARBISON AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION $43
committed acts which would be deemed criminal in
the country where they had taken refuge. This im
portant measure has given general satisfaction to
both the contracting parties, and has served since as
a model for similar treaties between some of the
European powers. The two governments also agreed
to maintain each a certain number of armed vessels
on the coast of Africa to aid in suppressing the slave-
trade.
After the treaty was concluded two important sub
jects unexpectedly came up for discussion. One was
the right assumed by British cruisers to visit, and if
necessary search, merchant vessels belonging to oth
er nations. In a letter to the American minister at
London, and designed for the English secretary of
Foreign Affairs, Webster denied the "right," and sus
tained his opinions against its exercise by arguments
that have not yet been invalidated.
The other subject was the impressment of seamen
by British cruisers from American merchant vessels.
In a letter to Lord Ashburton the Secretary of State
assumed that it did not comport with the self-respect
of the United States to enter into stipulations in rela
tion to the right of impressment ; as if for a moment
the existence of such a right could be admitted. On
the contrary, that the exercise of impressment should
be deemed an aggression and repelled as such. In
an able and conciliatory discussion he pointed out the
inconsistency of such a right with the laws of na
tions. Yet in the happiest language expressed the
desire that for the welfare of both countries, all occa
sions of irritation should be removed. He announc
ed as the basis of the policy of the United States:
"Every merchant-vessel on the high seas is rightful
ly considered as a part of the territory of the coun
try to which it belongs;" that "in evej^y regular!"
844 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
documented American merchant-vessel the crew who
navigate it will find their protection in the flag which
is over them," and that "the American Government,
then, is prepared to say that the practice of impress
ing seamen from American vessels cannot hereafter
be allowed to take place."1 In the same just and
conciliatory spirit was the reply of Lord Ashburton.
An apology was impliedly given for the invasion of
the territory of the United States in the "affair of
the Caroline." The negotiators conferred informally
upon the subject of the northern boundary of Oregon,
but for the present agreed to postpone its settlement.
The treaty of Washington marks an important era in
our history : — the time when the United States took
that position among the nations, to which they were
entitled by their power and influence. Four years
after, Webster said on the floor of the Senate: — "I
am willing to appeal to the public men of the age,
whether, in 1842, and in the city of Washington,
something was not done for the suppression of crime,
or the true exposition of public law, for the freedom
and security of commerce on the ocean, and for the
peace of the world ?"
The government had not been forgetful of the ad
vancement of science. It sent out an exploring ex
pedition, under Lieutenant Charles Wilkes of the
United States navy, accompanied by a corps of scien
tific men, to make discoveries in the Antarctic and
Pacific oceans. After four years it returned bring
ing the results of investigations in Natural History,
not valuable to our own country alone, but to the
world. It sailed ninety thousand miles, seventeen
hundred of which were along the coast of a great
Antarctic Continent never seen before by civilized
man.
Works of Daniel Webster, vol. vi. p. 325.
HARRISON AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION g45
The four years of this administration was a period
fruitful in measures, destined, in their remote conse
quences, to have a varied and almost unlimited in
fluence upon the nation. A more important question
never came before the Houses of Congress, than
when the young Republic of Texas presented herself
at their doors, and asked to be annexed to the Union.
She came offering a fertile territory almost sufficient
in extent to make five such States as Pennsylvania or
New York. The "annexation," led to the Mexican
war, and that in turn to the acquisition of California.
The region known as Texas had been claimed, but
on doubtful grounds, as a part of the already pur
chased territory of Louisiana. This claim however,
was waived, and when Florida was obtained Texas
was tacitly admitted to belong to Spain, and when
Mexico revolted from the mother country, she be
came one of the confederated States which formed
the Mexican republic.
The American who originated the plan of coloniz
ing Texas, was Moses Austin, a native of Durham,
Connecticut. He was engaged in working the lead
mines in upper Louisiana, when, in his explorations,
he became acquainted with the fertile soil and de
lightful climate of Texas. The Spanish Government
encouraged immigration to that part of the Mexican
territory, and it gave Austin large grants of land, on
condition that he would introduce as colonists three
hundred Catholic families from Louisiana. Within a
month after these arrangements were completed,
Austin himself died, but appointed his son Stephen
F. Austin to superintend the planting of the colony
according to the agreement with the Spanish govern
ment. To his energy and perseverance may be at
tributed the success of the enterprise.
Little was known at Mexico of what was in pro-
846 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
gress in that remote region. The Americans, at
tracted by the liberal grants of land and the fine
climate, were pouring in. In a few years they num
bered twenty thousand, very few of whom were
Catholics, nor did they all come from Louisiana, but
from the other Southern and Western States.
Meantime in Mexico other great changes were in
progress. First came the revolution by which she
declared herself no longer under the jurisdiction of
Spain. This was succeeded by a confederation of
States. In that unhappy country one revolution suc
ceeded another in rapid succession, till finally, Santa
Anna, overthrowing the existing republic, made him
self dictator and tyrant of the people. During this
time the Texans did not revolt, nor did they ac
quiesce. They formed a constitution, and sent Aus
tin to Mexico to ask admission into the confederacy
of the republic as a State. This request was denied,
and their messenger thrown into prison. Still Texas
retained her State officers, and asked that her rights
might be respected; when an armed Mexican vessel
appeared off the coast, and proclaimed that her ports
were blockaded ; near the same time a Mexican army
appeared on her western borders, with the intention
of arresting her State officers, and disarming the in
habitants. It was much easier to demand the Texan
rifles than to get them. The attempt was made at
a place named Gonzales, where the Mexicans met
with a severe repulse. The Texans, though few in
number, flew to arms throughout the entire country,
and in a few months drove the invaders from their
soil, and captured and garrisoned the strong forts
of the Goliad and the mission house of Alamo. Thus
they manfully resisted the designs of Santa Anna to
make them submit to his usurped authority, and the
struggle commenced for their rights, their liberties
and their lives.
HARRISON AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION §47
There were no bonds of sympathy between the
Texans and Mexicans : neither in religion nor in cus
toms, nor in form of government. The Texan de
spised the Mexican, and the Mexican hated and fear
ed the Texan.
Six months after these reverses Santa Anna invad
ed Texas with a numerous army. The character of
the war he intended to wage may be inferred from
his cruel orders to shoot every prisoner taken. The
Alamo was invested by Santa Anna himself. The
garrison numbered only one hundred and eighty men,
while their enemies were as sixteen to their one.
When summoned to surrender, they, knowing the
treacherous character of the Mexican Chief, refused.
The latter immediately raised the blood-red flag, to
indicate that he would give no quarter. After re
pulsing the besiegers several times, the Texans, worn
out with watchings and labors, were overcome, and
when calling for quarter, the survivors — only seven
— were mercilessly butchered.
Here, surrounded by the bodies of Mexicans who
had fallen by his hand, perished the eccentric Davy
Crockett. Born on the frontiers of Tennessee, his
only education was that received during two months
in a common school. Though singular in his mental
characteristics, his strong common sense and un
daunted spirit, won him the respect of his fellow-
citizens, and they sent him several times to repre
sent them in Congress. When he heard of the strug
gle in which the people of Texas were engaged, he
hastened to their aid, and with untiring energy de
voted himself to their cause.
At Goliad the little garrison defended itself with
unexampled bravery; not until its resources failed,
ammunition exhausted, and famine was staring it
in the face, did the men accept the terms offered by
848 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
the Mexican in command, and surrendered. Their
lives were to be spared, and they, aided to leave the
country. Other small parties of Texans in different
places had been surprised and taken prisoners. The
following night a courier arrived from Santa Anna,
bringing orders to put the prisoners to death the
next morning.
They were marched in little companies outside the
town, and there shot; those attempting to escape
were cut down by the cavalry. The wounded prison
ers were then murdered in the same cruel manner;
among the wounded who thus suffered, was Colonel
Fanning, their commander. Thus perished three
hundred and thirty men, the last words of some of
whom were cheers for the liberty of Texas.
A Texan physician, Dr. Grant, was among the
prisoners, but his life was spared on condition that
he would attend the wounded Mexican soldiers. He
was also promised that he should have a passport to
leave the country as soon as they needed his services
no more. He faithfully performed his part, but
when the soldiers were cured, he was tied upon a wild
horse, and told to take "his passport and start for
home." The cords were cut, and the frightened
animal rushed to the woods, where, some time after,
the mangled body of the poor man was found.
Santa Anna, with an army of seven thousand men,
moved on toward the San Jacinto river. General
Samuel Houston had only seven hundred and fifty
men, their only weapons rifles, pistols and bowie-
knives; in their element when fighting, they were
impatient to attack the enemy. The advance divi
sion, consisting of fifteen hundred men, under the
command of Santa Anna himself, was the flower of
the Mexican army. The Mexicans were well posted,
and their front, before which was an open grassy
HARBISON AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION 849
space, was carefully fortified. Houston had great
difficulty in restraining his men. At three o'clock
in the afternoon, when Santa Anna and his officers
were enjoying a sleep, and their men engaged in play
ing cards, Houston passed information along the line
that the only bridge by which the enemy could escape
was cut down, with the order to move rapidly to the
attack. The surprise was complete. In twenty
minutes their position was forced, and the panic
stricken Mexicans leaving every thing, fled in con
fusion. More than six hundred were slain, and al
together more than eight hundred taken prisoners.
The following day a Mexican was found skulking in
the grass. He asked to be led to head-quarters.
When brought to the Oak under which were the
Texan head-quarters, he made himself known as
Santa Anna. He complimented Houston on the re
nown he had acquired in "conquering the Napoleon
of the West." Such was the battle of San Jacinto ;
the number engaged were comparatively few, yet it
virtually ended the contest. Santa Anna, at the re
quest of Houston, ordered the Mexican army to retire
from the Territory of Texas. He also acknowledged
the independence of Texas, but the Mexican Congress
refused to ratify his act.
A month previous to this battle, a convention of
delegates met at a place named Washington, and de
clared themselves independent of Mexico. The con
vention then proceeded to form a Constitution, which
in due time was adopted by the people. Six months
later Houston was inaugurated President of the Re
public of Texas ; and its first Congress assembled.1
When its people threw off their allegiance to Mex
ico, they naturally turned to more congenial associa
tions ; they desired to annex themselves to the United
States.
lYoakum's Hist, of Texas.
850 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
One of the last official acts of General Jackson had
been to sign a bill recognizing their independence,
and now the question of their annexation became the
absorbing topic of political discussion in the United
States, in every section of which many opposed the
measure only on the ground that it would incur a
war with Mexico, whose government still persisted in
fruitless efforts to reduce the Texans to obedience.
The interminable question of slavery, as usual, was
involved in the controversy. The South was almost
unanimously in favor of annexation. The genial
climate, the fertile soil, and the varied productions of
Texas, were so many pledges that slave labor would
there be profitable. A strong party in the North was
opposed to the measure, lest it should perpetuate
that institution, while one in the South was devising
plans. to preserve the balance of power existing be
tween the States .in the Senate.
The subject of annexation, with its varied conse
quences, was warmly discussed in both Houses of
Congress, in the newspapers, and in the assemblies of
the people.
Calhoun gave his views by saying: "There were
powerful reasons why Texas should be a part of this
Union. The Southern States, owning a slave popula
tion, were deeply interested in preventing that coun
try from having power to annoy them." Said Web
ster: "That while I hold to all the original arrange
ments and compromises under which the Constitu
tion und'ir which we now live was adopted, I never
could, and never can, persuade myself to be in favor
of the admission of other States into the Union, as
slave States, with the inequalities which were allow
ed and accorded by the Constitution to the slavehold-
ing States then in existence."
Under the auspices of Calhoun, who was now Sec-
HARRISON AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION 35 J
retary of State, a treaty was secretly made with
Texas, by which she was to be admitted into the
Union. But the Senate immediately rejected it by
a vote more than two to one, on the ground that to
carry out its provisions would involve the country in
a war with Mexico. This rejection was the signal
for raising a great clamor throughout the land. An
nexation was made a prominent issue in the pend
ing presidential election — the Democratic party in
favor of the measure, and the Whigs opposed. To
influence the credulous, it was boldly asserted that
England was negotiating with Texas to buy her
slaves, free them, and, having quieted Mexico, to take
the republic under her special protection. This story
General Houston said was a pure fabrication ; yet it
served a purpose. In certain portions of the South
conventions were held, in which the sentiment "Tex
as or Disunion," was openly advocated. The threats
of secession and uniting with Texas, unless she was
admitted to the Union, had but little effect, however,
upon the great mass of the people.
The following year it was proposed to receive Tex
as by a joint resolution of Congress. The House of
Representatives passed a bill to that effect, but the
Senate added an amendment, appointing commission
ers to negotiate with Mexico on the subject. Thus
manifesting desire to respect the rights of Mexico as
a nation with whom we were at peace, and at least
make an effort to obtain the annexation with her con
sent, and also the settlement of boundaries.
By a clause in the resolutions the President was
authorized to adopt either plan. The joint resolu
tions were passed on Saturday, the 2d of March;
Tyler would leave office two days later. The Presi
dent elect, James K. Polk, had intimated that if the
question came before him he should adopt the Sen-
852 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
ate's plan, by which it was hoped an amicable ar
rangement could be made with Mexico.1 The retir
ing President, and his Secretary of State, chose to
adopt the mode of annexation proposed in the .House
resolutions. A messenger was sent on Sunday night
the 3d, to carry the proposition with all speed to the
Legislature of Texas.
The opposition to annexing slaveholding territory
to the Union was so great that Texas came in by com
promise. Provision was made that four additional
States might be formed out of the Territory when it
should become sufficiently populous. Those States
lying north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees thirty
minutes, north latitude — the Missouri Compromise
line — were to be free States ; those south of the line,
to "be admitted into the Union with or without slav
ery as the people of each State asking admission may
desire." To the original State, the right was accord
ed to prevent any State being formed out of her terri
tory, by refusing her consent to the measure. Texas
acceded to the proposition, and thus became one of
the United States. Her population now amounted
to two hundred thousand.
For nearly two hundred years the people of Rhode
Island had lived under the charter granted by Charles
II. This instrument was remarkable for the liberal
provisions it contained. The desire to change this
charter gave rise to two parties, the "Suffrage," and
"The Law and Order;" each determined to secure to
their own party the administration of affairs, and
each elected State officers. Thomas W. Dorr, elected
governor by the Suffrage party, tried to seize the
State arsenal ; the militia were called out by the oth
er party, and he was compelled to flee. In a second
attempt his party was overpowered by citizen sold-
iBenton's Thirty Years' View, Chap, cxlviii. Vol. ii.
HARRISON AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION 853
iers, and he himself arrested, brought to trial, con
victed of treason, and sentenced to imprisonment for
life; but some time afterward he was pardoned. A
free constitution was in the mean time adopted by
the people, under which they are now living.
Almost the last official act of President Tyler was
to sign the bill for the admission of Iowa and Florida
into the Union. "Two States which seem to have
but few things in common to put them together — one
the oldest, the other the newest territory — one in the
extreme northwest of the Union, the other in the ex
treme south-east — one the land of evergreens and
perpetual flowers, the other the climate of long and
rigorous winter — one maintaining, the other repuls
ing slavery."
In addition to passing a tariff bill, under whose in
fluence the industries of the country greatly revived,
this progressive Congress conferred a lasting benefit
on the Nation by cheapening the postage on letters,
then a burdensome tax on the social correspondence
of the people and the business of the country. This
measure was persistently opposed from session to
session, especially by the members from that section
that never paid its own postage. When the first bill
passed, the letter which now costs two cents cost
from two to ten times as much and even more, ac
cording to the distance carried. It took twenty-one
years of gradual reduction to bring the rate of post
age down to what it is to-day. This frequent and
cheap intercourse by letters and newspapers is of
immense value to a nation constituted as we are.
CHAPTER LI.
1845—1846
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION.
The Presidential Canvass. — Difficulties with Mexico. — General
Taylor at Corpus Christi. — Oregon Territory; respective
Claims to. — Settlement of Boundary. — Taylor marches to
the Rio Grande. — Thornton's Party surprised. — Attack on
Fort Brown. — Battle of Palo Alto; of Resaca de la Palma.
— Matamoras occupied. — Measures of Congress. — The
Volunteers. — Plan of Operations. — Mexico declares War.
— General Wool. — General Worth. — The Capture of Mon
terey.
On the 4th of March, James Knox Polk, of Tennes
see, was inaugurated President, and George Mafflin
Dallas, of Pennsylvania, Vice-President, James Buch
anan was appointed Secretary of State.
The canvass had been one of unusual interest and
spirit. The candidates of the Whig party were
Henry Clay and Theodore Frelinghuysen. The ques
tions involved were the admission of Texas, and the
settlement of the boundary line on the north-west,
between the British possessions and Oregon. The
latter — for the Whigs were also in favor of its settle
ment — thrown in by the successful party.
The result of the election was assumed to be the
expression of the will of the people in relation to the
admission of Texas, which measure, as we have seen,
the expiring administration had already consummat
ed. We have now to record the events, the conse
quences in part of that measure.
Though France and England, as well as the United
States, acknowledged the independence of Texas,
Mexico still claimed the territory, and threatened to
maintain her claim by force of arms. In accordance
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 855
with this sentiment, two days after the inauguration
of the new President, General Almonte, the Mexican
minister at Washington, formerly protested against
the "joint resolutions" of Congress, then demanded
his passports and left the country.
There were other points of dispute between the
two governments. American merchants residing in
Mexico complained that their property had been ap
propriated by that government; that their ships,
trading along the shores of the Gulf, had been plun
dered, and they could obtain no redress. The United
States government again and again remonstrated
against these outrages. The Mexican government,
poverty-stricken and distracted by broils, was almost
in a state of anarchy ; each party as it came into pow
er repudiated the engagements made by its pre
decessor.
A treaty had been signed by which redress for
these grievances was promised ; the promise was not
fulfilled, and the aggressions continued. Nine years
later the Mexican government again acknowledged
the justness of these demands, which now amounted
to six millions of dollars, and pledged itself to pay
them in twenty installments, of three hundred thou
sand dollars each. Three of these had been paid,
when the annexation of Texas took place, and, in con
sequence of that event, Mexico refused further com
pliance with the treaty.
Even if Mexico gave her consent for the annexa
tion of Texas, another question arose: What was
the western boundary of that territory; the Nueces
or the Rio Grande ? Both parties claimed the region
lying between these two rivers. The Legislature of
Texas, alarmed at the warlike attitude assumed by
Mexico, requested the United States government to
protect their territory. Accordingly the President
856 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
sent General Zachary Taylor, with fifteen hundred
men, called the "Army of Occupation," "to take posi
tion in the country between the Nueces and the Rio
Grande, and to repel any invasion of the Texan terri
tory." General Taylor formed his camp at Corpus
Christi, a small village at the mouth of the Nueces.
There he remained till the following spring. Also a
portion of the Home squadron, under Commodore
Conner, was sent into the Gulf to co-operate with the
army. Both "were ordered to commit no act of hos
tility against Mexico unless she declared war, or was
herself the aggressor by striking the first blow."1
Though Mexico, in her weakness and distraction,
had temporized and recently rejected an American
minister, yet it was understood that she was now
willing to receive one, and accordingly he had been
sent. It was plain that upon the pending negotia
tions war or peace between the two republics depend
ed. Meanwhile it was known that Mexico was mar
shalling her forces for a conflict.
The unsettled question in relation to the boundary
of Oregon now engaged the attention of the Presi
dent and his Secretary of State. Great Britain was
from the first desirous to arrange the difficulty,
though, as has been stated, the subject was passed
over in the negotiations of the Washington treaty.
A few months after the ratification of that treaty,
Mr. Henry S. Fox, the British minister at Washing
ton, addressed a note to Daniel Webster, Secretary of
State under Mr. Tyler, in which note he proposed to
take up the subject of the Oregon boundary. The
proposal was accepted, but for some reason negotia
tions were not commenced. Two years later, Sir
Richard Packenham, then British minister at Wash
ington, renewed the proposition to Mr. Upshur, Sec
retary of State. It was accepted, but a few days
President's Message, Dec. 1845.
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 857
after Upshur lost his life by the lamentable explosion
on board the Princeton. Six months later Packen-
ham again brought the matter to the notice of Mr.
Calhoun, then Secretary of State. The proposition
was promptly accepted, and the next day named for
taking up the subject.
The claims of the respective parties may be briefly
noticed. The region known as Oregon lay between
the parallels of forty-two and fifty-four degrees and
forty minutes north latitude, the Rocky Mountains
on the east, and the Pacific Ocean on the west. By
the Florida Treaty, Spain had ceded to the United
States all her territory north of the parallel mention
ed ; commencing at the sources of the Arkansas and
thence to the Pacific, and Mexico, having thrown off
the yoke of Spain, since confirmed by treaty the
validity of the same boundary. The parallel of fifty-
four degrees forty minutes was agreed upon by the
United States, Great Britain and Russia as the south
ern boundary of the possessions of the latter power.
The American claim was based upon the cession of
Spain, who was really the first discoverer; the dis
covery of Captain Gray, already mentioned ; the ex
plorations of Lewis and Clarke, sent by the govern
ment of the United States; and the settlement es
tablished at the mouth of the Columbia River, by
John Jacob Astor of New York. Lewis and Clarke,
during Jefferson's administration, crossed the Rocky
Mountains, came upon the southern main branch of
the Columbia, and explored that river to its mouth.
The British claim was also based on discovery, and
actual settlement founded by the North-West Com
pany, on Fraser's River, and also another on the
head-waters of the north branch of the Columbia.
Calhoun came directly to the point, and proposed
as the boundary the continuation of the forty-ninth
858 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
degree of north latitude to the Pacific. This line had
already been agreed upon between the United States
and Great Britain by the treaty made at London, as
the boundary of their respective territories from the
Lake of the Woods to the summit of the Rocky Moun
tains. Packenham, unwilling to accept that line,
proposed to follow the forty-ninth degree from the
mountains — some three hundred miles — until it
should strike the north branch of the Columbia river,
and thence down that stream to the ocean. The
American Secretary declined this, and as the British
minister had no further instructions, the considera
tion of the subject was postponed.
Meantime the Presidential canvass was in pro
gress, and "all of Oregon or none" became one of the
watchwords of the Democratic party. So long as
these sentiments were proclaimed by partisan lead
ers and newspapers, they were harmless; but when
the new President in his inaugural address, asserted
that our title to "Oregon Territory" "was clear and
indisputable," and moreover intimated that it was
his intention to maintain it by arms, the question as
sumed a far different aspect.
The position thus officially taken, when the sub
ject of the boundary was under negotiation, took the
British Government by surprise, especially since
hitherto each party had courteously recognized the
other's claim to a portion of the territory. Four
months passed. Meantime the good feeling existing
between the two governments was seriously disturb
ed; England did not again offer to negotiate. A
mere partisan watchword was in danger of involving
both nations in war. At length the President him
self, directed the Secretary of State to reopen nego
tiations by offering as the boundary the forty-ninth
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 859
parallel ; but the proposition was not accepted by the
British minister.
To prepare the way for further negotiation, the
President then recommended that the joint occupa
tion of the territory should be abrogated, by giving
the twelve months' notice, according to a provision
in the treaties of 1818 and 1828. Congress voted to
give the notice.
Sir Robert Peel expressed in Parliament his regret
that the last offer of the American Secretary had not
been accepted, and soon after the British minister,
Packenham, communicated to the Secretary of State
the information that his government would accept
the parallel of forty-nine, as recently offered.
The case admitted of no delay. The President was
anxious to relieve himself of the responsibility of act
ing on the proposition. On the suggestion of Sen
ator Benton, of Missouri, he, following the example
of Washington, consulted the Senate on the pro
priety of accepting this last proposition, pledging
himself to be guided by their decision. That body
decided to accept it, "and gave the President a faith
ful support against himself, against his cabinet, and
against his peculiar friends."
Presently the treaty was sent into the Senate,
when, after a spirited debate for two days, it was
ratified.1 By this treaty, the parallel of forty-nine
degrees North latitude was agreed upon as the
boundary to the middle of the channel between Van
couver's Island and the Continent, and thence south
erly through the middle of the Straits of Fuca to the
ocean: — also the navigation of the Columbia River,
and its main northern branch, was left free to both
parties.
We left General Taylor at Corpus Christi on the
iBenton's Thirty Years' View. Vol. ii. Chaps. 156-7-8-9.
860 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
west bank of the Nueces. He now received orders
from Washington, to move to the Rio Grande, and
establish a fortified camp and fort on the bank oppo
site the town of Matamoras, as in the vicinity of that
place Mexican troops were assembling in great num
bers, with the intention, it was said, of invading
Texas. Leaving the main portion of his stores under
a guard at Point Isabel, he marched to the Rio
Grande, and, within cannon shot of Matamoras, es
tablished a camp and built a fort. These movements
called forth from Mexico strong protests and threats
of war.
When the dispute between the two Republics be
gan, Herra was President of Mexico. He was desir
ous of arranging the difficulties by negotiation ; but
the war spirit prevailed, and at a recent election the
Mexican people chose for President, Paredes, an un
compromising enemy of peace. When he assumed
office he sent a large force under General Ampudia,
to whom he gave orders to drive the Americans be
yond the Nueces. That officer soon after sent a
communication to General Taylor, in which he warn
ed him of his danger in thus provoking the anger of
"the magnanimous Mexican nation," and demanded
that he should "break up his camp and retire beyond
the Nueces" within twenty-four hours. Taylor re
plied that he should maintain his position, and carry
out the instructions of his government, which alone
was responsible for his presence on the Rio Grande.
He continued to strengthen his fortification, and tc
closely watch the movements of the Mexicans. Am
pudia was at a loss how to act; both commanders
were unwilling to light the flame of war.
Paredes, dissatisfied with Ampudia, sent General
Arista to supersede him. The latter immediately or
dered detachments of Mexican soldiers to occupy
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 861
positions between Point Isabel and the American
camp, thus cutting off communication with their
stores.
General Taylor had sent Captain Thornton with a
party of sixty dragoons to reconnoitre; the party
was surprised, sixteen of their number killed, the
remainder captured. Thornton alone escaped. Here
was shed the first blood in the Mexican war.
A few days later, Captain Walker, the celebrated
Texan ranger, who with a select company was en
gaged in keeping up the communication with Point
Isabel, came into camp with information that a large
force of Mexicans was threatening the latter place.
Leaving Major Brown with three hundred men to de
fend the fort, Taylor hastened to the aid of Point
Isabel, which place, after a march of twenty-one
miles, he reached without opposition.
The Mexicans self-complacently attributed this
movement to fear, and they immediately made pre
parations to attack the fort. Taylor had concerted
with Major Brown that if the latter should be sur
rounded or hard pressed, he should, at certain inter
vals, fire heavy signal guns.
The Mexicans opened with a tremendous cannon
ade from a battery at Matamoras, while a large force
took position in the rear of the fort, and began to
throw up intrenchments. The little garrison defend
ed themselves with great bravery, and not until
Major Brown fell mortally wounded, did the next in
command, Captain Hawkins, begin to fire the signal
guns.
The cautious Taylor first put Point Isabel in a state
of defence, and then set out with a provision train
guarded by two thousand two hundred and eighty-
eight men to relieve Fort Brown — thus afterwards
named in honor of its commander. The little army
862 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
was truly in peril; an overwhelming force of the
enemy — three to its one — had taken a strong posi
tion to intercept its march. The booming of signal
guns still continued, and Taylor ardently pressed on
with the determination to cut his way through.
Presently he came in sight of the enemy, posted in
front of a chaparral — in which were their reserves —
near a small stream, the Palo Alto. The train was
immediately closed up, and the soldiers refreshed
themselves from the stream, and filled their can
teens. As soon as the exact position of the Mexicans
was ascertained, the American line was formed,
Major Ringgold's battery was placed on the right, and
Duncan's on the left, while the eighteen-pounders
were in the centre on the main road. The Mexicans
commenced the action with their artillery, but at too
great distance to reach the American line. The lat
ter moved slowly and silently up till within suitable
range, then the artillery opened, and displayed great
skill in the rapidity as well as in the accuracy with
which each gun was handled. The eighteen-pound
ers riddled the Mexican centre through and through,
while Duncan scarcely noticed their artillery, but
poured an incessant stream of balls upon their in
fantry. Presently the long grass in front was set
on fire, by the wadding from the guns, and the smoke
obscured the position of the Mexicans. The Amer
ican batteries groped their way for three-fourths of
an hour through the burning grass, and when the
smoke cleared away, they found themselves within
range of the enemy ; in another moment they opened
their guns with renewed vigor. At this crisis night
came on; the contest had continued for five hours,
and was a conflict of artillery alone. The only in
stance when an effort was made to change the form
of the battle, was when the Mexican cavalry endeav-
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 863
ored to turn the American flank; but the infantry,
with bayonets fixed stood firm and awaited the
shock ; as the cavalry hesitated to make the onset, a
discharge from the American artillery decided them
to wheel and rapidly leave the field.
Such vas the first battle in the Mexican war; a
presage of those which were to follow. The enemy
lost four hundred men, while the Americans had only
nine killed and forty-four wounded; but among the
former was Major Ringgold, universally lamented,
both as an efficient officer and a Christian gentle
man. As his officers offered him assistance, he said :
"Leave me alone, you are wanted forward." To him
was due much of the credit for that perfection of
drill and rapidity of movement which the American
Flying Artillery exhibited on battle-fields during this
war. The Mexicans manifested here no want of
courage; they stood for four or five hours under
these murderous discharges of grape.
The Americans encamped on the spot, and at three
o'clock the next morning were on their march to
ward Fort Brown. Meantime the Mexicans, leaving
their dead unburied, had disappeared; but on the
afternoon of that day they were discovered posted in
a strong position beyond a ravine, known as the Dry
River of Palms or Resaca de la Palma. They had
been reinforced during the night, and now numbered
seven thousand men. Their right and left were pro
tected by dense brush and chaparral, while their ar
tillery, placed behind a breastwork and beyond the
ravine, swept the road for some distance.
General Taylor placed his artillery on the road in
the centre, and ordered divisions on the right and left
to grope their way through the chaparral and ferret
out with the bayonet the Mexican sharpshooters,
g£4 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
who were swarming in the brush which protected
them.
No order could be observed; the officers became
separated from the men ; each soldier acted for him
self, as he broke his way through the chaparral and
probed for the Mexicans. The sharp twang of the
rifle, the dull sound of the musket, the deep mutter-
ings of the cannon, the shrill cries of the Mexicans,
so in contrast with the vigorous shouts of the Amer
icans, produced a tremendous uproar. The right and
left had gradually forced their way through the
chaparral almost to the ravine, but the Mexican bat
tery, handled with great coolness and execution, still
swept the road at every discharge, and held the cen
tre in check. That battery, the key of the Mexican
position, must be taken. General Taylor turned to
Captain May, of the dragoons, and pointing to the
battery, said: "You must take it." The captain
wheeled his horse and shouted to his troops, "Men,
we must take that battery !" Just then Lieutenant
Ridgely suggested to May to wait until he would
draw the Mexican fire. The moment a portion of
their guns were fired, the bugle was heard high above
the din, to sound a charge. The attention of the
combatants was arrested, all eyes were turned to
ward the road, along which dashed the horsemen, led
by their gallant leader. A cloud of dust soon hid
them from view; a discharge of the Mexican guns
swept away one-third of their number, but in a mom
ent more, the clashing sabres and the trampling of
men under the horses' feet, proclaimed that the bat
tery was taken. The Mexican cannoneers were para
lyzed at the sudden appearance of the approaching
foe, and before they could recover, the dragoons were
upon them. May, with his own hands, captured
General La Vega, the commander, who was in the
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 865
act of applying a match to a gun. The dragoons
then charged directly through the Mexican centre.
A shout of triumph arose from the American lines,
the infantry pressed on and took possession of the
guns, from which the dragoons had driven the men.
The entire Mexican force, panic-stricken at the sud
den onset, broke and fled in confusion to the nearest
point of the Rio Grande ; in their haste to pass over
which, numbers of them were drowned.
It was a complete victory. General Arista fled,
and without a companion, leaving his private papers,
as well as his public correspondence. All the Mexi
can artillery, two thousand stand of arms, and six
hundred mules, fell into the hands of the Americans.
The latter lost one hundred and twenty-two, and the
Mexicans twelve hundred.
We may well imagine the emotions with which the
little garrison, exhausted by the exertions of six
days' incessant bombardment, listened to the sound
of the battle, as it drew nearer and nearer ; first was
heard the cannon then the musketry ; then the smoke
could be seen floating above the distant trees; now
Mexicans here and there appeared in full flight ; pres
ently the victorious American cavalry came in sight,
and the men mounted the ramparts and shouted a
welcome.
General Taylor advanced to Fort Brown, then in a
few days crossed the Rio Grande, and took possession
of Matamoras. The Mexicans had withdrawn the
previous evening and were in full march toward
Monterey. The American commander took pains
not to change or interfere with the municipal laws
of the town ; the people enjoyed their civil and reli
gious privileges. They were paid good prices for
provisions, which they furnished in abundance; yet
866 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
there was evidently in their hearts a deep-toned feel
ing of hatred toward the invaders.
Meanwhile intelligence of the capture of Captain
Thornton's reconnoitring party had reached the Unit
ed States, and the rumor that Mexican soldiers, in
over-powering numbers, were between the Nueces
and the Rio Grande.
The President immediately sent a special message
to Congress, in which he announced that "war exist
ed by the act of Mexico ;" but surely it was an "act"
of self-defence on the part of the Mexicans, and made
so by the advance of an American army upon disput
ed soil that had been in their possession and that of
their fathers' fathers.
The President called upon Congress to recognize
the war, to appropriate the necessary funds to carry
it on, and to authorize him to call upon the country
for volunteers. Congress, anxious to rescue the
army from danger, appropriated ten millions of dol
lars, and empowered the President to accept the serv
ices of fifty thousand volunteers ; one-half of whom
to be mustered into the army, and the other half
kept as a reserve. War was not formally declared,
yet the war spirit aroused was unprecedented.
Throughout the land public meetings were held, and
in a few weeks two hundred thousand volunteers had
offered their services to rescue the gallant little army
from its perils, and, if necessary, to prosecute the
war. Nothwithstanding these warlike indications,
great diversity of opinion prevailed among the peo
ple, both as to the justness of the war, or the ex
pediency of appealing to that terrible arbiter, when
all the results demanded might be obtained by nego
tiation.
On the suggestions of Major-General Scott, a plan
of operations, remarkably comprehensive in its out-
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 867
lines, was resolved upon by the government. A pow
erful fleet was to sail round Cape Horn, and to attack
the Mexican ports on the Pacific coast in concert with
a force, styled the "Army of the West," which was
to assemble at Fort Leavenworth, on the Missouri,
then to cross the great plains and the Rocky Moun
tains, and in its progress reduce the northern prov
inces of Mexico. Another force, "The Army of the
Centre," was to penetrate to the heart of the Re
public by way of Texas, and if deemed best, co-oper
ate with the force under Taylor, known, as we have
said, as the "Army of Occupation." The latter part
of the plan was afterward modified, and the country
was penetrated by way of Vera Cruz.
The apprehensions of the people for the safety of
their little army, gave way to a feeling of exultation,
when the news reached them that it had met and re
pelled its numerous assailants. The war spirit was
not diminished but rather increased by this success.
Congress manifested its gratification by conferring
upon Taylor the commission of Major-General by
brevet.
On the other hand the Mexican people and govern
ment were aroused, and on the intelligence of 'these
disasters, war was formally declared against the
United States, and the government commenced to
prepare for the contest.
General John E. Wool, a native of New York, who
had seen service in the war of 1812, and distinguish
ed himself at Queenstown Heights, was commission
ed to drill the volunteers. By the most untiring
diligence he had, in the short space of six weeks, in
spected and taken into the service twelve thousand
men, nine thousand of whom were hurried off to rein
force General Taylor, while the remainder marched
under his own command to San Antonio, in Texas,
868 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
there to be in readiness to act according to circum
stances.
General Taylor remained three months at Mat-
amoras, his operations restricted for want of men, but
as soon as reinforcements reached him, he prepared
to advance into the country, in accordance with or
ders received from Washington. He sent in advance
General William J. Worth, with the first division to
ward Monterey, the capital city of New Leon. Worth
took his first lessons in warfare in 1812. From love
of military life, when a mere youth he enlisted as a
common soldier, but his ready talents attracted the
attention of Colonel, now General Scott, and from
that day his promotion began. A fortnight later,
leaving General Twiggs in command at Matamoras,
Taylor himself moved with the main division, — more
than six thousand men, — and the entire army en
camped within three miles of the doomed city.
Monterey was an old city built by the Spaniards
nearly three centuries ago. In a fertile valley, hedg
ed in by high mountains, it could be approached only
in two directions ; from the north-east toward Mat
amoras, and from the west by a road, which passed
through a rocky gorge, toward Saltillo. The city,
nearly two miles in length by one in breadth, had
three large plazas or squares ; the houses, built in the
old Spanish style, were one story high, with strong
walls of masonry rising three or four feet above their
flat roofs. The city itself was fortified by massive
walls, and on its ramparts were forty-two pieces of
heavy artillery, while from the mountain tops, north
of the town, the Americans could see that the flat
roofs of the stone houses were converted into places
of defence, and bristled with musketry, and that the
streets were rendered impassable by numerous bar
ricades. On the one side, on a hill, stood the Bishop's
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 869
Palace, a massive stone building, strongly fortified,
on the other were redoubts well manned, in the rear
was the river San Juan, south of which towered
abrupt mountains. Such was the appearance and
strength of Monterey, garrisoned as it was by ten
thousand troops, nearly all regulars, under the com
mand of General Ampudia. It was now to be assail
ed by an army of less than seven thousand men.
Ten days elapsed before the vicinity of the town
could be thoroughly reconnoitred. In the afternoon,
General Worth was ordered, with six hundred and
fifty men, to find his way around the hill occupied by
the Bishop's Palace, gain the Saltillo road, and carry
the works in that direction, while a diversion would
be made against the centre and left of the town, by
batteries erected during the night. The impetuous
Worth, by great exertions, accomplished his purpose,
by opening a new road over the mountains. In one
instance he came to a small stream in a deep gully,
the bridge over which had been broken down. A
neighboring field furnished the material; his men
soon filled the chasm, and passed over on a cornstalk-
bridge.
The next morning the batteries erected the night
before opened upon the enemy, who replied with a
hearty good will. At length, after hard fighting, one
of the Mexican works of great strength, situated
in the lower part of the town, was captured. The
brigade under General Quitman, of the Mississippi
Volunteers, "carried the work in handsome style, as
well as the strong building in its rear." General
Butler had also entered the town on the right ; both
of these positions were maintained.
While these operations were in progress, General
Worth succeeded in gaining the Saltillo road, and
thus cut off the enemy's communication with the
870 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
west. He carried, in succession, the heights south
of the river and road, and immediately turned the
guns upon the Bishop's Palace.
During the night, the Mexicans evacuated their
works in the lower town ; but the next day they kept
up a vigorous fire from the Citadel. The following
morning at dawn of day, in the midst of a fog and
drizzling rain, Worth stormed the crest overlooking
the Bishop's Palace, and at noon, the Palace itself fell
into the hands of the Americans. Yet the city, with
its fortified houses, was far from being taken. "Our
troops advanced from house to house, and from
square to square, until they reached a street but one
square in the rear of the principal plaza, in and near
which the enemy's force was mostly concentrated."1
The Americans obtained the plaza, then forced the
houses on either side, and, by means of crowbars,
tore down the walls, ascended to the roofs, then drew
up one or two field-pieces, and drove the enemy from
point to point till the city capitulated.
The carnage was terrible. The shouts of the com
batants, mingled with the wail of suffering women
and children, presented a scene so heart-rending that
even the demon of war might be supposed to turn
from it in horror.
The Mexicans had effectually barricaded their
streets, but these were almost undisturbed, while the
invaders burrowed from house to house. The con
flict continued for almost four days, in which the
Mexicans fought desperately from behind their bar
ricades on the house-tops, where they did not hesi
tate to meet the invaders of their hearthstones hand
to hand.
The following morning Ampudia surrendered the
town and garrison. The Mexican soldiers were per-
mi^tted to march out with the honors of war.
. Taylor's Report.
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 871
General Taylor was assured that those in authority
at the city of Mexico were desirous of peace. In con
sequence of these representations, and also of his
want of provisions, he agreed to a cessation of hosti
lities for eight weeks, if his government should sanc
tion the measure.
He now left General Worth in command of the city,
and retired with the main force of the army to Wal
nut Springs, about three miles distant, and there en
camped.
CHAPTER LII.
1846—1849
FOLK'S ADMINSTRATION— CONTINUED
The President hopes for Peace. — Santa Anna. — Hostilities to
be renewed. — Troops withdrawn from General Taylor. —
Letter from General Scott. — Volunteers arrive at Mon
terey. — Despatches intercepted. — Santa Anna's Plans and
Preparations. — Taylor advances to Agua Nueva. — Battle
of Buena Vista. — Its Consequences.
Those in power at Washington had hoped, indeed,
it was confidently predicted, that the war would be
ended within "ninety" or "one hundred and twenty
days" from its commencement, and a peace conclud
ed, that "should give indemnity for the past and se
curity for the future." These desirable ends were
to be attained by treaty, through the means of that
incomparable patriot, Santa Anna, then an exile in
Havana, who promised, for a certain consideration,
if restored to authority in Mexico, to exert his influ
ence in favor of peace. A secret messenger from
Washington had made to the "illustrious exile" over
tures to this effect, about the time that General Tay
lor was ordered to the Rio Grande; the special act
which led to hostilities.1
In his next annual message the President gives
some information on this subject. "Santa Anna,"
said that document, "had expressed his regret that
he had subverted the Federal Constitution of his
country," and "that he was now in favor of its re
storation." He was also opposed to a monarchy, or
"European interference in the affairs of his coun
try." The President cherished the hope that the
iBenton's "Thirty Years' View," Vol. ii.pp. 561 and 681-2.
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 873
exiled chief would "see the ruinous consequences to
Mexico of a war with the United States, and that it
would be his interest to favor peace ;" and further the
Message said, that Paredes, then President of Mex
ico, was "a soldier by profession, and a monarchist
in principle ;" the sworn enemy of the United States,
and urgent to prosecute the war. Santa Anna, on
the contrary, was in favor of peace, and only wanted
a few millions of dollars to bring about that object
so dear to his patriotism ; hence the hopes that the
war would be brought to a close in three or four
months. It was with this expectation that the
President, in a special message, asked of Congress
an appropriation of two millions of dollars "in order
to restore peace, and to advance a portion of the con
sideration money, for any cession of territory" which
Mexico might make. It was also in accordance with
this arrangement, that, on the very day Congress, at
his suggestion, recognized the "existence of the war,"
he issued an order to Commodore Connor, who was
in command of the fleet in tl: •> Gulf, to permit Santa
Anna and his suite to return to Mexico. The latter
availed himself of this passport to land at Vera Cruz.
President Polk had been duped. Santa Anna never
intended to fulfil his promise, except so far as to for
ward his own selfish ends. Instead of endeavoring
to conciliate the hostile countries and obtain peace,
he devoted all his energies to arouse the war spirit
of his countrymen ; called upon them to rally under
his banner and save their nationality ; issued flaming
manifestos expressing the most intense hatred of the
people of the United States and his righteous indig
nation at the wrongs imposed on his country by the
"perfidious Yankees."
His extravagant professions of patriotism were not
without effect ; his countrymen deposed Paredes, and
874 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
elected him President. Though they had been un
fortunate in the field, their spirits revived, and in a
few months he had an army of twenty thousand men
concentrated at San Luis Potosi.
Meanwhile General Wool had marched from San
Antonio. His indefatigable labors had converted the
volunteers under his care into well-drilled soldiers.
Part of their way was through a region but thinly
inhabited and without roads, and across a desert in
which they suffered much for water. A laborious
march of six weeks brought him to Monclova, seven
ty miles from Monterey — here he learned of the cap
ture of the latter place. It was now arranged that
he should take position in a fertile district in the
province of Durango, that would enable him to ob
tain supplies for his own men, and the army under
General Taylor. The inhabitants cheerfully furnish
ed provisions, for which they were paid promptly,
and in truth received more favor than they had re
cently experienced at the hands of their own rules,
as General Wool kept his men under strict discipline
and scrupulously protected the persons and property
of the Mexicans.
The cessation of hostilities, by orders from Wash
ington, ceased on the 13th of November. Two days
later General Worth took possession of Saltillo, the
capital of Coahuila, and General Taylor himself, leav
ing a garrison in Monterey under General Butler,
marched toward the coast in order to attack Tamp-
ico, but as that place had already surrendered to
Commodore Connor, he took possession of Victoria,
the capital of Tamaulipas.
The United States government now prepared to in
vade Mexico by way of Vera Cruz. Just as General
Taylor was ready to commence active operations,
General Scott was about to sail for that place with
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 875
the intention of capturing it, and then, if peace could
not be obtained, to march upon the city of Mexico
itself.
To carry out the plan of operations, it was neces
sary to increase the force under General Scott's im
mediate control. Troops in sufficient numbers could
not be drawn from the United States, and a portion
of Taylor's army was ordered to join him before Vera
Cruz. He thus in a private letter expresses his gen
erous sympathies with the latter: "My dear Gen
eral," says he, "I shall be obliged to take from you
most of the gallant officers and men whom you have
so long and so nobly commanded. I am afraid that
I shall, by imperious necessity — the approach of the
yellow fever on the Gulf coast — reduce you, for a
time, to remain on the defensive. This will be in
finitely painful to you, and, for that reason, distress
ing to me. But I rely upon your patriotism to sub
mit to the temporary sacrifice with cheerfulness.
No man can better afford to do so. Recent victories
place you on that high eminence."
General Taylor, though deeply disappointed, at
once complied with the orders of the government,
and detached Generals Worth and Quitman with
their divisions and the greater part of the volunteers
brought by General Wool : in truth, the flower of his
army. These troops were speedily on their march
from Saltillo toward the Gulf coast. Thus Taylor
was left with a very small force. During the month
of January, and a part of February, reenf orcements
of volunteers arrived from the United States, in
creasing his army to about six thousand ; but after
garrisoning Monterey and Saltillo, he had only four
thousand seven hundred effective men, of whom only
six hundred were regulars.
General Scott sent Lieutenant Richey and a guard
876 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
of men with a despatch to General Taylor. The Lieu
tenant imprudently left his men, went near a Mexi
can village, was lassoed, dragged from his horse and
murdered, and his despatches sent to Santa Anna.
From these the Mexican chief learned the plan for
invading his country. lie promptly decided upon his
course of action — a judicious one. Trusting that the
strength of Vera Cruz, and of the Castle San Juan
d'Ulloa, would long resist the enemy, and even if they
both should be captured, that the fortified places
along the road would still retard the advance of the
Americans upon the capital, he determined to direct
all his forces against Taylor, who was now weakened
by the loss of the greater part of his army.
Santa Anna's difficulties were almost insurmount
able. The city of Mexico was in confusion, torn by
factions. He took most extraordinary and illegal
measures to enlist men and obtain the means for
their support; raised money by forced loans; made
the church property contribute its share of the pub
lic expense; the Priests protested and appealed to
the superstitions of the people ; he immediately seiz
ed one of their number, the most factious, and threw
him into prison, and the rest were intimidated.
Thus, for nearly four months, he exercised an arbi
trary energetic, and iron rule. With a well-organiz
ed army of twenty-three thousand men, and twenty
pieces of artillery, he commenced his march for San
Luis Potosi in the direction of Saltillo, and within
sixty miles south of that place he halted and pre
pared for battle.
Rumors reached General Wool that Santa Anna
was approaching Saltillo. Major Borland was sent
with thirty dragoons to reconnoitre; he was joined
on his way by Major Gaines and Captain Cassius M.
Clay, with another company of thirty-five men. No
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 877
enemy appeared, and they pushed on during the day,
and carelessly encamped for the night, but, in the
morning, found themselves surrounded by one thou
sand horsemen under the Mexican General Minon.
They were taken prisoners, and Santa Anna sent
them, as the first fruits of the campaign, to be
paraded through the streets of the city of Mexico.
General Taylor now advanced from Monterey, and
established his head-quarters at Saltillo. Leaving
there his stores, he made a rapid march to Agua
Nueva, eighteen miles in advance, on the road to
San Potosi, thus to secure the southern extremity of
the defile through the Sierra Nevada, rather than
the northern one at Monterey. At the former point
the Mexicans must fight or starve, because of the
barrenness of the country in their rear ; while, had he
remained at Monterey, Santa Anna could have had
his head-quarters at Saltillo, and drawn his supplies
from that comparatively fertile district.
Scouts reported that General Minon with a large
body of cavalry was to the left of Agua Neuva, and
that the American position could be turned. Com
panies of dragoons from time to time were sent in
different directions to reconnoitre. They at length
learned from a "Mexican, dressed as a peon," that
Santa Anna had arrived in the neighborhood with
twenty thousand men, and that he intended to attack
the Americans the next morning.
The clouds of dust toward the east, and the signal
fires that blazed upon the tops of the distant hills,
seemed to confirm the report. But that daring
Texan ranger, Major McCulloch, was not satisfied;
and, accompanied by some dozen volunteers, he de
termined to ascertain the truth of the "peon's" story.
They pushed on across a desert of thirty-six miles to
Encarnacion, where they arrived at midnight, and
878 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
found the enemy in force. Sending back all his men,
save one, McCulloch entered their lines, and, unde
tected, went from point to point, obtained more cor
rect information of their numbers, then passed out,
and escaped to Agua Nueva.
On the reception of this intelligence, Taylor, leav
ing a small guard as an outpost, retired upon the
valley in expectation that Santa Anna in hot haste
would pursue him, while he himself should await his
approach at a point, which, in passing, he had al
ready noticed. The conjecture was correct.
Santa Anna knew well the position of the Amer
icans. He thought they would not retreat, and he
resolved to surprise them. But between him and
Agua Nueva there intervened fifty miles, the last
thirty-six of which were across a desert. His sold
iers were each supplied with water and provisions;
in the morning the march commenced, and at noon
they entered the desert ; in the night they halted for
a while to refresh, and at dawn they were to attack
the unsuspecting foe. The march was rapid and
secret ; the silence of the desert was not disturbed —
not a signal was used, not a drum beat. After so
much toil he was sadly disappointed ; his enemy had
disappeared. He firmly believed the Americans were
in full flight, in order to avoid a battle. Some days
before he had sent General Minon with his cavalry
across the mountains, to their rear, and he now hop
ed that Minon would be able to hold the fugitives in
check until he himself could come up with his full
force. He halted only to refresh his wearied sold
iers, and then pursued with all his vigor.
The ground chosen by General Taylor on which to
make a stand, was the pass — since so famous — known
among the Mexicans as Las Angosturas, or the Nar
rows. It was at the north end of a valley, about
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 879
twelve miles long, and formed by mountains on either
side. Here an ascent rises to a plateau, a little more
than a mile wide, on each side of which rugged moun
tains, inaccessible to artillery or cavalry, rise from
two to three thousand feet. Numerous ravines or
deep gullies, formed by the torrents rushing from the
mountains during the rainy season, rendered the sur
face in front and on the sides very uneven. Neither
flank could be turned except by light troops clamber
ing up the mountains. The plateau was somewhat
rough, with here and there open and smooth places,
as well as clumps of thorny chaparral. The road
through the defile passes much nearer to the west
than to the east side of the Narrows. On this plat
eau, one mile south of the hacienda or plantation
known as Buena Vista, the American army awaited
the approach of the Mexicans.
Early the following morning clouds of dust, ex
tended far down the valley to the south, made known
that its cavalry came in sight and halted for the in
fantry and artillery to come up.
The long roll of the drum called the Americans to
arms; they obeyed the call with hearty cheers. It
was the anniversary of the birth of Washington, and
on the impulse his name was adopted as their watch
word. They were placed under peculiar circum
stances. A few months before, they were quietly
engaged in the avocations of civil life; enthusiasm
had induced them to volunteer, and now they were
on foreign soil, far from their homes. With the
exception of a few hundreds, they were all for the
first time going into battle, with the prospect that
to meet an army, in its numbers nearly five to one of
their own. In the unequal contest, their only hope
was in their own bravery, and in the skill of their
commander.
880 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
The cautious Taylor had gone to Saltillo, six miles
distant, to superintend in person the defences de
signed to secure the stores from capture. General
Wool was left in temporary command at the Nar
rows, and he directed the arrangements of the troops.
Captain Washington's battery was placed to com
mand the road or pass, the key to the position of the
army. Colonel Hardin's First Illinois regiment was
on a ridge to the left of the pass, and Colonel McKee's
Second Kentucky on another ridge in their rear. To
the left beyond these was posted the Second Illinois,
under Colonel Bissell, while still further in the same
direction, under the mountain, were stationed Col
onels Yell and Humphrey Marshall, with the Arkan
sas and Kentucky volunteers. The remainder of the
army, including Lane's Indiana brigade; the Mis
sissippi riflemen, Colonel Jefferson Davis ; two squad
rons of dragoons, and Sherman and Bragg's batteries
of flying artillery, were placed in reserve on the rear
of the plateau.
During the morning, and beyond the range of the
American artillery, the main body of the Mexicans
was also arranged in order of battle. Their right, a
battery of sixteen-pounders, rested on the base of
the mountains. These guns were manned by the
San Patricio regiment, composed of Irish and Ger
man deserters from the American army. Two divi
sions, Pacheco's and Lombardini's, extended in the
rear of this battery; guns, twelve and eight-pound
ers, were posted to the left, and a battalion occupied
a hill in advance of the main line, directly opposite
the pass. Their cavalry was stationed in the rear of
either flank, and to be unencumbered, the baggage
of the whole army was left many miles in the rear.
About noon a Mexican officer brought a note to
General Taylor. In pompous terms Santa Anna sum-
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 881
moned him to surrender at discretion, and trust him
self to be treated "with the consideration belonging
to the Mexican character." In a brief and courteous
note the American commander declined the proposal.
Santa Anna noticed that the mountains to the east,
beyond the American left, were unguarded, and he
sent General Ampudia, with light troops, around a
spur to ascend them from the south side. The move
ment was observed, and Colonel Marshall dismounted
his own riflemen and those of the Indiana battalion,
and commenced to ascend to the crest of the ridge.
As the lines gradually approach each other, skirm
ishing began. The Mexicans kept up a continuous
roar of musketry, while the Americans lay among
the rocks, whence could be heard the sharp crack of
their rifles.
The Mexican batteries occasionally threw a shot,
but the Americans on the plateau remained silent;
they wished a closer conflict. They were not idle,
however, but threw up temporary works to protect
Washington's battery in front, and also to the right
of the pass close up to the base of the mountain.
Thus passed the afternoon, with only severe skirm
ishing on the mountain sides. When night came on
the Americans were recalled to the plain. The Mexi
cans remained in position, and the night passed with
out any important demonstration on either side.
General Minon had passed through the defile, Palo-
mas Adentro, and in the afternoon appeared with his
numerous cavalry upon the plains north of Saltillo.
Here Santa Anna sent him orders to remain, and be
in readiness to fall upon the American forces, which
he promised to either capture or put to flight the
next morning.
The appearance of Minon caused no little anxiety,
and General Taylor, after night-fall, hastened to
882 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Saltillo with aid, to assure himself that any attack
upon the stores would be repelled.
During the night Ampudia was reenf orced ; and at
dawn he renewed the attack, and stretched his line
farther to the right; but Colonel Marshall, with a
portion of the Illinois volunteers, maintained his
position, though pressed by superior numbers.
Soon after sunrise, movements in the Mexican
ranks indicated that a grand attack was in contemp
lation. Their strength was nearly all thrown toward
the American left, where, owing to the smallness of
their number and the extent of the ground, the
troops were placed at greater intervals. The San
Patricio battery was also brought forward and plac
ed on the ridge in front of the plateau, while three
powerful columns of attack were arranged — columns
composed of the best soldiers of the army, and led
by its most experienced leaders. As the foremost
column advanced, General Lane ordered Captain
O'Brien to hold them in check with his guns, and the
Second Indiana regiment to support him. O'Brien's
shot ploughed through their ranks from front to
rear, yet the Mexicans crowded on till the head of the
column was literally broken, and thrown into con
fusion, and refused to advance. Lane now ordered
O'Brien to move forward fifty yards nearer the
enemy. The Indiana regiment followed, but came
within range of a Mexican battery, which opened
upon their flank. They were ordered to retreat from
the face of such overpowering numbers ; the retreat
unfortunately soon became a flight, which extended
quite beyond the enemy's guns. Now upon O'Brien's
artillery was concentrated the entire fire of the Mexi
can battery and Pacheco's column. His horses were
soon disabled; not a man of his company but was
either killed or wounded ; he was forced to fall back
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 883
and leave to the enemy one of his guns as a trophy
— a trophy which they seemed to appreciate very
highly.
These forces now advanced and formed a juncture
with the division of Lombardini; the entire body
then moved against the plateau, and opened a heavy
fire upon the Second Illinois regiment under Colonel
Bissell. Four companies of Arkansas volunteers had
been directed to dismount and gain the plateau.
They reached it in the midst of this conflict, but they
soon became panic-stricken and fled. The Illinoians,
now unsupported, slowly fell back. While this was
in progress, a portion of the Kentuckians were forc
ed back, and Ampudia, with his light troops, came
down the mountain and completely turned the Amer
ican left. The third heavy column, under Mora y
Villamil, pressed on against Washington's battery
on the road. He waited till they came within close
range, then poured in his shot with surprising ra
pidity and terrible effect; the head of the column
melted away before the storm, the whole mass was
thrown into confusion, swayed from side to side, then
broke and fled, leaving the plain covered with a multi
tude of slain and wounded.
Just as the three columns of the enemy had failed
to force the American centre on the plateau, General
Taylor, accompanied by fresh troops, arrived upon
the field ; his presence was needed. He brought with
him every available man that could be spared from
Saltillo. They were Colonel May's dragoons, a por
tion of the Mississippi riflemen, and of the Arkansas
cavalry.
The natural advantages of the position had been
lost ; success depended alone upon the bravery of the
troops; many of the officers had fallen, and whole
companies of the volunteers, both infantry and horse,
884 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
had left the field, and were in disastrous retreat to
ward Buena Vista, in spite of the efforts of General
Wool and Colonel Davis, and other officers to re
strain them.
The Mexican infantry, supported by their fine cav
alry, right and left, which made shock after shock,
continued to press on. By great exertions Davis
rallied the majority of his regiment, and a part of
the Second Indiana; they advanced at a quick step,
but silent until within rifle shot; then gave the ap
proaching foe a destructive fire. The Mexicans did
not slacken their pace till they came almost to the
edge of the last ravine between them and their ene
my, when they halted. The Americans came up to
the opposite edge; thus for a while the two forces
confronted each other and fired across the ravine.
Presently a shout along the American line rose high
and clear above the din; they delivered their fire,
dashed into the ravine, lingered a moment to reload,
then rose upon the opposite crest, in the face of the
enemy, and with defiant shouts urged home their fire
more fearfully than ever. The Mexicans, apparently
astounded at the apparition which was sending death
through their ranks, wavered for a few minutes, and
then in utter confusion rolled back upon the column
which was advancing to their support.
Scarcely was Colonel Davis free from this when he
was assailed by a force coming in another direction.
A thousand lancers who had not been engaged ap
proached along the broad ridge ; they were well sup
ported by infantry. To meet this new enemy, Davis
was aided by the Second and Third Indiana regi
ments. He extended his line across the ridge, sta
tioned Captain Sherman on his left, and placed his
men in the form of the letter V, the opening toward
the approaching lancers. They commenced to ad-
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 885
vance at a gallop as if to charge their way through
the centre. But as they drew near they gradually
slackened their pace; they expected the Americans
would fire, and then they would ride them down be
fore they could reload their pieces. The latter fired
not a gun, but awaited their approach. At length
the lancers came to a walk at the opening of the
angle. The silence seemed to fill them with awe;
they were within eight yards of a thousand marks
men, every one of whom could take deliberate aim.
At the word, every musket and rifle was poised — a
moment intervened — then went forth the messengers
of death. The entire front ranks of the lancers
were riddled, not a ball appeared to have failed of its
errand. This was followed by grape and canister
from Sherman's battery. The dead and wounded
men and horses made a barricade of struggling life,
over which they could not pass. Even at this time,
their overpowering numbers, had it not been for this
obstruction, might have enabled them to break
through the line and gain the road in the rear of the
plateau, and thus have modified or changed the for
tune of the day. But those in the rear were appalled
at the destruction of their companions, and the whole
mass fled headlong from the field. As in every other
instance the Americans, for want of numbers and
cavalry, could not pursue them, and the fugitives
passed south of the plateau to be re-formed for an
other attack.
Meantime a squadron of cavalry under Torre j on
skirted the mountain base to the left, and penetrated
to Buena Vista, whither the commands of Marshall
and Yell had retired. General Taylor sent all the
cavalry he could spare, under Colonel May, to reen-
force that point. Torre j on fell back on his approach,
and May returned to the plateau. Then Torre j on
886 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
advanced again: this time the volunteers received
him with a scattering fire ; but the Mexicans, confi
dent in numbers, rode on rapidly toward the hacien
da; there they were held in check by a portion of
the two battalions. It was here that Colonel Yell,
as he made a charge, was killed at the head of his
men. Torre j on himself was wounded, and Colonel
May made his appearance again, this time with two
field-pieces, and the Mexicans separated into two
divisions and retreated out of danger.
On the plateau the battle had raged in one con
tinuous cannonade: the Mexicans had on the ridge
in front, a battery of eighteen and twenty-four
pounders, principally manned by the San Patricio
regiment, yet they could not silence the American
guns. At this point there was a temporary lull in
the storm.
But on the east side of the valley, to the rear of
the plateau, a severe conflict was in progress. One
of the Mexican divisions retreating from Buena
Vista, had united with a large force sent by Santa
Anna to make its way on the extreme left round to
the American rear.
Colonel May with his dragoons and a portion of the
Illinoians and Indianians was engaged in the unequal
contest. General Taylor sent to his aid a portion of
the artillery and the dragoons, with some of the vol
unteer cavalry.
They soon accomplished the object by cutting off
the retreat of the Mexicans who had passed so far
beyond the American left. They were driven against
the base of the mountain and thrown into inextric
able confusion. Bragg advanced within close canis
ter range, and with their wonted rapidity his guns
played upon them : the shot tore and crashed through
the bewildered multitude, and those next the moun-
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 887
tain endeavored to escape by clambering up its sides.
The whole force, about five thousand became utterly
helpless, while the wounded and dying were increas
ing at a fearful rate: the horses frantic with pain
and terror added to the confusion. A few minutes
more and they must have laid down their arms; at
this crisis, as if to stay the arm of death, a white
flag was seen approaching from General Taylor's
position. When it came near the artillery ceased to
fire.
Three Mexican officers had appeared as if for a
parley; they professed to bear a message from the
Mexican chief. When brought into the presence of
General Taylor they wished to know "what he want
ed." The reply was the surrender of the Mexican
army. They asked time for consideration ; the trick
was not suspected, and the request was granted. A
messenger bearing a white flag was hastened with
orders to Captain Bragg to cease firing, as the Mexi
cans were about to lay down their arms.
General Wool was deputed to accompany the offc-
ers to Santa Anna, who took care not to be seen. As
Wool perceived that the Mexicans continued to fire,
though the Americans had ceased, he declared the
conference at an end, and returned to his own army.
Meanwhile, under the protection of the flag of
peace, the body of Mexicans in trouble stealthily
crept along the base of the mountain out of danger,
and joined their main army south of the plateau.
Thus, whether designed or not, Santa Anna had ex
tricated his soldiers, and had also learned from his
spies — the Mexican officers — the small number of
American troops — only three regiments of infantry
and three guns — on the plateau, and that their main
portion was far to the left, whither they had driven
the Mexican right wing. Shielding his men from
888 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
sight by ravines and spurs of the mountains, he had
for hours been concentrating all his strength for a
final assault upon the American central position at
the pass. At several points he had met with partial
success ; but in the main his plans had been frustrat
ed by the idomitable courage, rapid movements, and
hard fighting of his opponents.
Having concentrated his forces, he now brought
his reserve into action, aided by the troops of the
right wing which had just been rescued from peril.
The whole force — twelve thousand strong — the front
regiments composed of veterans, with General Perez
at their head, moved up the ascent from the valley.
The scattered companies (Illinois and Kentucky vol
unteers) in advance of the line were taken by sur
prise at the sudden appearance of the enemy in such
numbers; the enemy, which an hour or two before
they had seen in utter confusion, retreating from
the field. The multitude, pouring in volley after
volley of musketry, pressed on and compelled these
companies to retire toward the lines. O'Brien was
left almost alone with his artillery, yet for a time he
maintained his place. His shot buried themselves in
the ranks of the approaching enemy; but the mass
closed up the gaps and steadily came nearer and
nearer. For round shot he substituted canister, and
they were checked for a time ; but it was their last
struggle to secure the field. Trusting to numbers
and heedless of death, the mass again moved on.
Presently there was not an infantry soldier to sup
port the guns, nor a horse to draw them; still the
gunners stood to their places, and retreated only as
their pieces recoiled. At length overtaken, every
officer or gunner either killed or wounded, O'Brien
himself among the latter, they abandoned them to
the enemy.
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 889
Meanwhile the companies of volunteers took refuge
in a deep ravine to the right of the pass. 'The Mexi
cans lined its crest and kept upon them a continuous
volley of musketry, to which they could scarcely re
ply, while their cavalry dashed forward to the mouth
of the ravine to cut off their retreat. Fortunately
the route of the cavalry brought them within range
of Washington's battery at the pass. His guns were
immediately brought to bear upon them ; they recoil
ed, relinquished their object, and began to retreat,
while, by throwing shot over the heads of the volun
teers who were now moving out, he harassed them
exceedingly. The Mexican infantry, now unopposed,
descended into the ravine, and cruelly murdered ev
ery wounded man they could find.
It was in this desperate encounter that Colonels
Hardin, McKee, and Henry Clay, junior, (son. of the
distinguished statesman,) and great numbers of
brave and generous men were slain.
The crisis of the conflict was near. O'Brien over
come there was no one to oppose; and, encouraged
by their success, the Mexicans pushed on with un
usual vigor. At the commencement of this last at
tack the Americans were more or less scattered over
the plateau and on the extremes of the field ; but the
heavy roar of the battle made known that the issue
of the day was about to be determined, and they
hastened, of their own accord, to the post of danger.
It was an hour of intense anxiety to General
Taylor, as he saw this unexpected host advance in
such order and with such determination. The battle
had already lasted eight hours ; the toil of so many
rapid movements over the rough field had wearied his
men, while the approaching enemy's force was fresh,
and in number four to one of his own. Was it possi
ble to hold them in check till his own troops could
890 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
come up? He sent messenger after messenger to
urge them'on. In one direction could be seen Bragg,
and in another Sherman, driving with whip and spur
the jaded horses attached to their batteries ; while in
the distance to the left of the pass, could be seen the
Mississippians and Indianians, under their officers
Davis and Lane, rapidly advancing, now in sight and
now disappearing as they crossed the deep ravines.
Bragg was the first to come up. As he drew near
he sent to ask for infantry to support his guns ; but
Taylor could only send him word that not a man
could be had ; he must fight to the death. The Mexi
cans were rushing on, and before he could unlimber
his guns they were within a few yards of their
muzzles ; but his men seemed to be inspired with an
energy beyond human, and with a rapidity greater
than ever, discharge followed discharge. The
enemy faltered, as if waiting for them to cease but
for a moment, that they might rush forward and cap
ture them. No such moment was granted ; they still
hesitated and were thrown into confusion. By this
time Sherman came up and opened with his wonted
effect ; in a few minutes more Washington's battery
at the pass moved forward and did the same. Davis
and Lane had just closed with the enemy's right
flank and commenced to pour in their fire. The
Mexicans recoiled on all sides ; they could not carry
the pass; hope seemed to desert every breast, and
pell-mell they rushed from the field.
Thus ended the battle of Buena Vista. It had
lasted ten hours ; had been a series of encounters, in
different parts of the field, each one severe in itself,
but indecisive in result. Never before had an Amer
ican army contended with such odds, and under dis
advantages so great. It was won by the superior
handling of the flying artillery, which thinned and
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 891
broke the foremost ranks of the enemy before they
could bring their superior numbers to bear. When
repulsed, they invariably fell back out of danger, to
be again re-formed for another attack, while the
Americans, for want of cavalry and sufficient num
bers, could not pursue and disperse them beyond the
power of rallying. On the part of the latter the day
was one of unremitting toil; their fewness of num
bers, the extent of the field, the roughness of the
ground, and the numerous attacks, forced them to
be continually in rapid and laborious motion. Gen
eral Taylor was in the midst of flying balls for eight
hours, only one of which passed through his coat.
He was ably seconded by his officers, not one of
whom swerved from a post of dange'r nor neglected
a duty — especially could this be said of General Wool,
who seemed to be at every point where he was spe
cially needed. The superior skill with which the
American guns were handled was due to the exer
tions of the West Point officers, who spared no effort
to infuse into the ranks their own spirit of discipline ;
and equal honor is due to the volunteers, who, with
but few exceptions, cheerfully submitted to the re
quisite drudgery of drill.
The Mexicans hoped to win the battle by musketry
and charges of cavalry; their heavy guns they did
not bring upon the field, but placed them in battery
in front of the pass.
The influence of this battle was more important
than any one of the war. It destroyed that fictitious
prestige which Santa Anna had obtained over his
countrymen by his vain boastings and unsparing
censure of their previous commanders, and it greatly
increased their dread of the invader's artillery;
henceforth they met them only from behind defences,
and avoided them in the open field.
892 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Night closed in. The Americans took every pre
caution to repel the attack which was expected the
next morning. Strong pickets were posted to pre
vent the enemy from passing round to the right or
left. The troops having been supplied with their ra
tions, remained on the field for the night. Fresh
companies were brought from the rear to supply the
place of those who took charge of the wounded, who
were carried in wagons to Saltillo. The loss of the
day had been two hundred and sixty-seven killed, and
four hundred and fifty-six wounded.
The morning dawned, but not a Mexican could be
seen. Santa Anna had retreated, leaving his wound
ed to their fate, and his dead unburied. More than
two thousand of his men, including many officers of
high rank, lay scattered over the field.
Scouts hurried on to reconnoitre ; in an hour or two
they returned with information that he was far on
his way toward Agua Nueva. General Taylor and
his staff immediately moved on in the same direction,
but sent in advance Major Bliss, with a proposition
to Santa Anna for an exchange of prisoners, and a
request that he would send for his wounded, as well
as another assurance that the American government
was desirous of peace. An exchange of prisoners
took place, but as Santa Anna professed to have no
means to remove his wounded, he left them to be
cared for by the Americans; as to the proposition
for peace he replied, in his usual style of bravado,
that he should prosecute the war until the invaders
had left his country.
The Mexican soldiers were in a truly deplorable
condition; they were without hospital supplies, and
almost literally without food, and no means to ob
tain it — a desert before them, and a victorious enemy
in their rear. Santa Anna urged on his retreat to-
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 893
ward San Luis Potosi, whence one month before he
had set out sure of victory ; desertions had now re
duced his great army to a mere remnant, and that
discouraged by defeat, while confidence in his gener
alship was gone. In addition, signs of another revo
lution were appearing in the city of Mexico, by which
his enemies might triumph.
General Taylor advanced to Agua Nueva; thence
two days later he detached Colonel Belknap, with
the dragoons and a regiment of infantry — transport
ed in wagons across the desert — to surprise the rear
guard of the Mexican army at Encarnacion. The
feat was successfully accomplished. All along the
way from the battle-field were found multitudes of
poor Mexican soldiers, left by their heartless com
panions to die of their wounds, hunger, and fatigue.
As soon as possible the humane Taylor sent them
provisions, and had those that could be removed con
veyed to Saltillo and placed under the care of the
American surgeons.
While these operations were in progress, the two
Mexican generals, Urrea and Romero, with their
corps of cavalry, had appeared on the line of com
munication between Saltillo and the Rio Grande.
They had captured some wagons, taken some prison
ers, and spread alarm all along the line. A sufficient
force was now sent to chastise them, but they rapidly
retreated out of danger by the pass of Tula, leaving
the valley of the Rio Grande to the Americans.
General Taylor, by easy stages, retraced his steps,
and encamped once more at the Walnut Surings, near
Monterey.
Whilst the line of communication was broken,
vague rumors reached the United States, first, that
Santa Anna was approaching Monterey with a large
army, then, that the American army had been over-
894 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
powered. These apprehensions were greatly in
creased by a volunteer Colonel at Camargo, who, in
his alarm, sent an urgent appeal for fifty thousand
men to be sent immediately to the seat of war. Pres
ently came intelligence of the battle of Buena Vista ;
and the intense anxiety of the people was changed to
admiration for the men, who, under such trying cir
cumstances, had maintained the honor of their coun
try. Gen. Taylor, of whom so little had been known
before the commencement of this war, rose higher
and higher in public estimation. Some months later,
when he returned to the United States, he was re
ceived with demonstrations of the highest respect.
It was an era in the education of young women in
the United States, when in 1837 Mount Holyoke
Seminary, in Massachusetts, began its grand work.
This institution was the outgrowth of the untiring
and consecrated zeal of Miss Mary Lyon, who was
born in the town of Buckland in that State. Miss
Lyon was very remarkable for her power of acquir
ing knowledge, and also for her skill in imparting the
same to pupils. Because of limited means, her very
hard lot in obtaining an education — which she did by
her own exertions — suggested the field of her use
fulness and appealed to her generous nature, and she
devised a plan by which she hoped that girls situated
as she had been could in part support themselves
while being educated, by performing a portion of
the household work of the institution.
In that day — to their shame be it said — legisla
tures appropriated funds only to colleges for young
men, and Miss Lyon was forced to appeal to private
Christian benevolence. After years of her persist
ent efforts, funds were secured ; a substantial build
ing was erected and equipped; and Holyoke opened
its first session with eighty pupils. Miss Lyon pre-
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION S95
sided over the institution till her death in 1849 ; this
was after thirty-five years of active teaching and un
remitting toil.
The reasons for founding Holyoke Seminary still
remained, and that this fact elicited the practical
sympathy of the benevolent, let our Vassars, Welles-
leys, Smiths, Pittsburg College, and many other in
stitutions for young women bear witness.
CHAPTER LIII.
1842—1848
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED.
Emigration to Oregon. — John C. Fremont; his Explorations;
his difficulties with the Mexican Governor. — American
Settlers in alarm. — California free from Mexican Rule. —
Monterey on the Pacific captured. — Commodores Sloat
and Stockton. — Kearney's Expedition. — Santa Fe taken; a
Government organized. — Doniphan's Expedition. — Various
Conflicts. — Chihauhau occupied. — An Insurrection; its
Suppression. — Trial of Fremont.
The importance of securing Oregon by settlement
had especially attracted the attention of the people
of the Western States. The stories of hunters, and
the glowing descriptions given in the newspapers of
that distant region, imbued the minds of the adven
turous with an enthusiasm as ardent as that which
glowed in the breasts of the earlier explorers and
settlers of this country two and a half centuries be
fore. A thousand emigrants, consisting of men
their wives and children, driving before them their
flocks and herds, their only weapon the trusty rifle —
alike to protect from savage violence and to procure
sustenance from the wandering droves of buffalo and
deer — set out from the confines of Missouri. They
passed up the long eastern slope of the Rocky Moun
tains, over them through the South Pass, thence to
Lewis' River and down it to the Columbia, on whose
shores they found a resting place, after a toilsome
journey of six months, through an untrodden moun
tainous region.
These emigrants were followed the next year by
another company, consisting of two thousand, who
passed over the same route.
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 897
These enterprising settlers, with the few who had
preceded them, labored under many difficulties, as
the United States government did not exercise the
jurisdiction which it claimed over the territory. A
bill introduced into the Senate, granted lands to ac
tual settlers, and made provisions to maintain their
rights as citizens by extending over them the laws
of the territory of Iowa. Though this bill passed
only the Senate, it gave encouragement to those per
sons who desired to emigrate to the banks of the
Columbia. A colony thus planted by private enter
prise, and thus slightly encouraged by the govern
ment, became the germ of another State, (Oregon)
now added to the Union.
It was in connection with this weakened spirit of
emigration that Colonel John C. Fremont, then a
lieutenant, made his first exploring expedition. He
was a young man, once friendless and unknown, but
had risen by his own talents and industry, and on the
recommendation of Poinsett, then Secretary of War,
had been appointed in the Topographical Engineers
by President Jackson. Fremont solicited and obtain
ed permission from the government to explore the
Rocky Mountains and their passes, but at this time
with special reference to the South Pass and its vici
nity. In six months he returned ; he had accurately
determined the location of that Pass, which now be
came a fixed point in the path of emigration to Ore
gon.
Soon after his return, Fremont again asked for
orders to prosecute still further explorations in that
distant region. They were given ; but after his pre
parations were made, and he and his party had reach
ed the frontiers of Missouri, the government counter
manded his orders, on the singular plea that he had
armed his party, in addition to their rifles, with
898 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
a small mountain howitzer. But fortunately for
science and the country, the letter containing the
order came to Mrs. Fremont, whom he had requested
to examine his letters and forward only those he
ought to receive. She deemed the government coun
termand one that he ought not to receive, and Fre
mont knew nothing of its existence until he had re
turned from his eventful tour. On his return he was
received with honor, his conduct approved, and on
the recommendation of the Secretary of War, William
Wilkins, the brevet of captain was conferred upon
him by President Tyler.
He had received special orders to survey the route
of travel from the frontiers of Missouri to the tide
waters of the Columbia. This was accomplished by
the first of November, after six months' labor, though
often he diverged from the main route to make use
ful observations. He now resolved to return im
mediately, and when on the way to explore the vast
territory which must lie between the route he had
lassed over and the Pacific. To pass through this
region in midwinter was no easy matter. Soon deep
snow appeared on the highlands, and the party de
scended into the valley, now known as the Great
Basin, out of which flows no stream. On the west,
the mountains loomed up with their snowy tops;
everything was strange ; the Indians, terrified at the
approach of white men, fled : a desert appeared, and
with it the vision of starvation and death. No place
could they find, as they had hoped, where they
might winter and derive their sustenance from hunt
ing the animals of the forest. They passed down to
the latitude of San Francisco, as found by astronomi
cal observations; but between them and that place,
the nearest point where they could obtain aid from
civilized man, rose mountains, their snowy tops pierc-
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 399
ing the clouds ; their sides frowning precipices thou
sands of feet high. No Indian would act as a guide
through their passes. The whole party, by excessive
toil and want of food, were reduced to skeletons, both
men and horses. Finally they "crawled over the
Sierra Nevada," and arrived at the head-waters of
the Sacramento. "In this eventful exploration, all
the great features of the western slope of our conti
nent were brought to light — the Great Salt Lakes, the
Utah Lake, the Little Salt Lake — at all which places,
then desert, the Mormons now are; the Sierra Ne
vada, then solitary in the snow, now crowded with
Americans, digging gold from its banks ; the beauti
ful valleys of the Sacramento and San Joaquin, then
alive with wild horses, elk, deer, and wild fowls, now
smiling with American cultivation. The Great Basin
itself, and its contents ; the Three Parks ; the approxi
mation of the great rivers which, rising together in
the central region of the Rocky Mountains, go off
east and west towards the rising and the setting sun,
— all these, and other strange features of a new
region, more Asiatic than American, were brought
to light, and revealed to public view in the results of
this exploration."1
In May, Fremont set out on his third expedition to
explore still further the Great West. There were
now indications that war would soon result between
Mexico and the United States. But to avoid exciting
the suspicions of the Mexicans, he obtained permis
sion from General De Castro, commandant at Monte
rey on the Pacific, to pass the following winter in the
uninhabitable portion of the valley of the San Joa
quin. But before long, De Castro professed to be
lieve that his object was not scientific exploration,
but to excite a rebellion among the American set-
iBenton's Thirty Years' View, Vol. ii. Chap. 134.
900 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
tiers, and he undertook to either drive him out of
the country or capture the whole party. A messeng
er, secretly sent by the United States consul at
Monterey, Mr. Larkin, suddenly appeared in his camp
and informed him of these unfriendly designs. Fre
mont immediately chose a strong position on a moun
tain, raised the American flag, and he and his sixty
determined followers resolved to sell their lives as
dearly as possible. After waiting four days, as De
Castro hesitated to attack his camp, he came down
from the mountain and set out for Oregon through
the region of the Tlamath lakes.
During the former part of May he was overtaken
by a United States officer, Lieutenant Gillespie, who
brought a letter of introduction from James Buchan
an, Secretary of State, and verbal instructions to the
effect that he should counteract any foreign scheme
on California, and conciliate the good will of the in
habitants toward the United States.
Fremont was now on the confines of Oregon, but
at once he turned back to California. When he ar
rived in the valley of the Sacramento, he found the
whole community in a state of great excitement.
Among the Mexicans two projects were in contemp
lation: one to massacre the American settlers; the
other to place California under British protection,
and thus shield themselves against the arms of the
United States in case of a war with Mexico.
A deputation from the American settlers hastened
to lay before him a statement of these facts ; and, in
addition, that the Indians had been incited against
them; that General De Castro was on his march to
attack them, and also that a British fleet was daily
expected upon the coast.
Though the countries were at peace when he left
home, the approach of De Castro with a hostile army
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 901
demanded decisive measures, and Fremont accepted
the trust in self-defence. The American settlers
flocked to his camp, brought their horses, their am
munition, their provisions, and submitted cheerfully
to the strictness of military discipline.
In one month's time, after a few conflicts, Mexican
rule was at an end in northern California. The flag
of independence was raised, its device a grizzly bear
— indicative of indomitable courage — while General
De Castro was retreating, and all other schemes en
tirely prostrated.
Commodore Sloat, commanding on the Pacific, re
ceived directions from the Secretary of the Navy,
George Bancroft. "If you ascertain with certainty,"
said the Secretary, "that Mexico has declared war
against the United States, you will at once possess
yourself of the port of San Francisco, and blockade or
occupy such other ports as your force may permit."
The commodore was at Mazatlan, and a British
squadron, under Admiral Seymour, was there also.
The former, from certain indications, suspected he
was watched ; if so, he determined to foil the admiral.
Accordingly, he weighed anchor and sailed west as
if going to the Sandwich Island, Seymour followed,
but in the night Sloat tacked and ran up the coast
to Monterey, while Seymour continued on to the
islands. Sloat arrived at Monterey and offered the
usual civilities to the town ; they were declined on a
frivolous excuse. It was evident that his presence
was not agreeable. Five days later he heard of the
movements of Fremont and the settlers, and he at
once took possession of the town. Then he sent a
courier to the latter, who hastened with his mounted
men to join the commodore. They were mutually as
tonished on finding that neither of them had acted
under direct orders from their own government.
902 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
The flag of independent California was not supplant
ed by the colors of the United States.
Commodore Stockton in a few days came into the
harbor, to whom Sloat turned over the command, as
he himself intended to return home. The next day
came Admiral Seymour in his flag-ship. He saw
with surprise the American flag floating over the
town, the American riflemen encamped nearby, and
an American fleet in the harbor. One month later
Stockton and Fremont took possession of Los Ange
les, the capital of Upper California.
California had been for some time in a half revolu
tionary state. The inhabitants were dissatisfied
with Mexican rule. Some wished to join the United
States, and some to seek the protection of Great Brit
ain. The conciliatory course pursued by Fremont
did much in winning the Californians to the Amer
ican standard.
In the latter part of July the "Army of the West,"
under Colonel Kearney, consisting of eighteen hun
dred men, was concentrated near Bent's Fort on the
Arkansas. The Secretary of War, William L. Marcy,
had given him instructions to take possession of New
Mexico and Upper California, to establish therein
temporary civil governments, to make known to the
inhabitants the designs of the United States to pro
vide them with free government, and that they would
be called upon to elect representatives to their own
territorial Legislatures.
The expedition moved rapidly toward Santa Fe,
the capital of New Mexico. The population of that
province was miscellaneous in its character ; Indians,
New Mexicans, (a mixture of Spanish and Indian)
some American settlers, and a few Spanish blood.
The mass of the population was half-civilized, by
whom honor and morality were reckoned of little
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 903
worth. They were cowardly, treacherous and cruel ;
ignorant and superstitious. The Indians, for the
most part, held the idolatrous notions of the ancient
Aztecs, and were so debased that a slight reward
would insure the committal of almost any crime.
The governor, Armigo, a bad man and a bad ruler,
made an effort to meet the invaders. He assembled
about four thousand men, of all grades, and, with
six field-pieces, took position in a mountain gorge
some fifteen miles in advance of Santa Fe; but for
some reason, best known to himself, he abandoned
his strong post and rapidly retreated southward,
carrying off his own property, and leaving the people
and the public interests to take care of themselves.
Kearney entered Santa Fe and was courteously re
ceived by the lieutenant governor, Vigil. The follow
ing day the people assembled in the plaza and had
made known to them the designs of the United States
government. The majority professed themselves
pleased with the change. In a few days the chiefs
of the Pueblo Indians also gave in their adhesion to
the new order of things.
Kearney erected and garrisoned a fort, and in the
meanwhile made an excursion one hundred and fifty
miles to the south to meet a force which a false
rumor said was marching against him. On his re
turn he established a government, at the head of
which he placed Charles Bent, a worthy citizen of
the territory, as governor. After pledging himself
to protect the inhabitants against the inroads of the
Eutaw and Navajoe Indians, he set out for California.
His company consisted of only three hundred dra
goons, but on the route, when near the river Gila, he
met a messenger — the celebrated guide and pioneer
Kit Carson — who brought intelligence of what had
recently taken place in California under Stockton and
f)04 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Fremont. He now sent back two companies of dra
goons under Major Sumner, and continued on himself
with the remainder.
Thus, within three months after the orders had
been issued at Washington, a force had been organiz
ed ; a march of a thousand miles accomplished ; and
territory subdued, and a new government establish
ed on apparently a stable foundation. A half -civiliz
ed and vicious population are not fit subjects for self-
government, and this in a short time proved a fail
ure. Had Kearney remained to preserve discipline,
that result might have been different, or at least de
layed. The town was filled with gambling-houses,
and grog-shops, and haunts of every vice, while the
free manners of the volunteers excited against them
selves the hatred of the inhabitants, who laid their
plans for revenge, and only waited an opportunity
to carry them into effect.
Colonel Kearney gave directions to Colonel Doni-
phan, whom he left at Santa Fe, to enter the country
of the Navajoe Indians, living on the waters of the
Gulf of California, and induce them to make peace.
Doniphan, with a thousand Missouri volunteers, in
three divisions and by as many routes, entered the
territory of the hostile tribe, and obtained from them
a treaty, by which they agreed to refrain from de
predations upon the people of New Mexico. This
march, so remarkable, was made in the winter, across
mountains covered with snow, and through an un
known region inhabited by barbarous tribes. Doni
phan delayed but a short time in negotiating with
the Indians, then he passed on to the southeast to
meet General Wool at Chihuahua.
The absence of so many men with Doniphan afford
ed the looked-f or opportunity to commence an insur
rection in New Mexico. The plot was deep laid and
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 905
kept a profound secret. Suddenly Governor Bent
was murdered, with five other officers of the terri
tory, some of whom were Mexicans, at Taos, fifty
miles north of Santa Fe. The same day witnessed
the murder of many others in the upper valley of
the Rio Grande.
Colonel Price, of the Missouri mounted volunteers,
was at Santa Fe with the main force, while detach
ments were scattered over the country grazing their
horses on the plains. With only three hundred and
fifty men, Price hastened to meet the insurgents, in
the valley of Taos. They, numbered about fifteen
hundred, took position in a pass of the road through
the highlands. Price routed them and continued his
march up the valley ; but the insurgents made a stand
at another pass, still stronger by nature, so narrow
that three men could scarcely march abreast, while it
was protected by rugged mountains covered with
cedars growing in the crevices of the rocks. An ad
vance party clambered up through the cedars, and
the terrified Mexicans took to flight.
Their principal place of defence was taken in a few
days, and the rebellion suppressed. Peace was pro
mised only on the condition that the ringleaders
should be given up ; this was complied with, and sev
eral of them were hanged at San Fernando : a hard
fate for those who were fighting against the invad
ers of their country.
Colonel Doniphan, accompanied by a large number
of merchant wagons, crossed without loss a region
destitute of water or grass — a desert ninety miles in
extent, known as the Jornada del Muetro, or Journey
of Death — the road marked by the graves of former
travellers and the bones of beasts of burden. In one
instance his men and animals nearly gave out from
thirst, when providentially a rain relieved them; a
906 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
remarkable occurrence in itself, as at that season of
the year rain seldom falls in that region.
He learned that the Mexicans, under General Her-
redia, who commanded in the Northwestern Depart
ment, were awaiting his approach ; nothing daunted
he dashed on. His force, including merchants, num
bered but eight hundred and fifty-six effective men,
nearly all backwoodsmen; all mounted, armed with
rifles, and good marksmen ; untrammelled by discip
line, each one fought as he listed. Near Brazito, in
the valley of the Rio Grande, they dismounted and
were scattered seeking wood and water, when the
scouts brought word that the Mexicans were ap
proaching. The alarm was sounded ; all flew to arms,
and amid a din of shouts fell into ranks as best they
could. The Mexicans — more than twelve hundred
strong, and with a piece of artillery — drew near ; an
officer bearing a black flag made his appearance, and
in a magniloquent speech, declaring that no quarter
would be given, summoned the Missourians to sur
render. Doniphan's answer was characteristic and
defiant.
The Mexican cavalry extended far to the right and
left, while the infantry, firing volleys of musketry,
advanced in front. Presently they came within rifle
range, and the backwoodsmen threw away scarcely a
shot. The whole body of the enemy broke and fled —
they lost nearly two hundred men, killed and wound
ed, in a few minutes. Only seven Americans were
wounded.
Two days later Doniphan entered the beautiful
village of El Paso, "where a neat cultivation, a com
fortable people, fields, orchards, and vineyards, and
a hospitable reception, offered the rest and refresh
ment which toils, and dangers, and victory had won."
There he waited till artillery could join him from
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 907
Santa Fe, and then commenced his march upon Chi
huahua.
The Mexicans kept out of the way; but after a
march of nineteen days it was ascertained that they
had taken position at a pass of the Sacramento, a
small branch of the Rio Grande. Here General Her-
redia made a stand with a force of four thousand
men, protected by intrenchments across the pass,
and on the neighboring hills, but defences were
of little avail against men who never hesitated to at
tack an enemy. Doniphan suddenly diverted his
route from the main road, forced his way round to
the flank of their advance, and before the Mexicans
could bring their guns to bear, he was in full play
upon them with his own artillery. Their cavalry as
well as artillery, fell back and retired across the river.
Now the intrenchments were to be forced ; this was
done in true backwoods style. Each man rushed on
and fought on his own responsibility; some rode
along the intrenchments seeking a place to enter,
while others dismounted and crept up to pick off their
defenders. The Mexicans fled from the presence of
their assailants, who leaped over the works and se
cured every place within reach. Meanwhile a party
of mounted volunteers crossed the river to storm, on
horseback, a battery which crowned the hill on the
opposite side. This singular engagement cost the
Mexicans three hundred killed and a greater number
wounded, while the Missourians lost but one killed,
one mortally wounded, and a few disabled. The ene
my, completely routed, abandoned every thing; the
officers fled toward the south, and the common sold
iers to the mountains.
The following day Doniphan, without opposition,
entered Chihuahua — a city of nearly thirty thousand
inhabitants — raised the American flag on its citadel,
908 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
and, in the name of his government, took possession
of the province. He was in a very perilous situation,
with only a thousand men, from among whom almost
every vestige of discipline had vanished. In this
city were many American merchants, most of whom
were wealthy. Doniphan's measures were prudent
and just, and they conciliated the inhabitants.
On the 27th of April he set out for Saltillo, where
he arrived in a month without opposition, except
from a few Indians. From Saltillo he marched to
Matamoras ; and as the term of his men was about
to expire, they were taken to New Orleans and there
discharged.
The most remarkable expedition on record. They
had passed over nearly five thousand miles, three
thousand of which was a march through an unknown
and hostile country swarming with foes. They re
turned in one year ; no body of troops had ever in so
short a time passed over so much space or surmount
ed so many obstacles.
Fremont was the military commandant of Califor
nia, under a commission from Commodore Stockton.
Soon after the Commodore sailed from San Francisco
to Monterey, and thence to San Diego. The recently
established government was placed in peril; a deep
laid plot was in train, and only a favorable oppor
tunity was wanting to commence the insurrection.
Fremont, by a rapid and secret march of one hundred
and fifty miles, surprised and captured the main lead
er of the insurgents, Don J. Pico, who had been a
prisoner, and had violated his parole. A court mar
tial sentenced him to death. Fremont remitted the
sentence, and thus won Pico's influence and aid in
tranquilizing the country. He also endeavored to
conciliate the inhabitants, and made no attack upon
the hostile parties, which hovered around his march.
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 909
He came up with the main Mexican force, under Don
Andreas Pico, brother of the one whom he had just
pardoned. He sent them a summons to surrender,
and they agreed to deliver up their artillery and pro
mised to return to their homes. They were not re
quired to take the oath of allegiance, until a treaty
of peace should be concluded between the United
States and Mexico.
Commodore Stockton now learned of the approach
of General Kearney. The latter had experienced
great difficulties on his march ; attacked by the ene
my, he was placed in desperate circumstances at San
Pasqual; his provisions gone, his horses dead, his
mules disabled, and most of his men sick, while the
enemy in great numbers completely surrounded his
camp and held possession of all the roads. Three
brave men — Kit Carson, Lieutenant Beales, of the
Navy, and an Indian — volunteered to find their way
to San Diego, thirty miles distant, and inform Com
modore Stockton of Kearney's peril. The Commo
dore promptly sent assistance, at whose appearance
the enemy retired and Kearney was enabled to reach
San Diego. ^
A month later took place the battle at the river
San Gabriel. Then General Flores, chief of the in
surgents, sent a flag of truce, proposing a cessation
of hostilities in California, and to let the sovereignty
of the territory be determined by the result of the
war between the United States and Mexico. Stock
ton refused to accede to the request, and continued
his march. Another flag of truce came in. Now it
was offered to surrender the town of Los Angeles, if
the rights of the people and their property should be
preserved. On these conditions the capital of Upper
California was surrendered a second time, and the
910 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
possession of the country more firmly established
than before the insurrection.
Difficulties now arose among the officers in rela
tion to the question who should be governor. But
recent orders from Washington relieved Stockton of
his civil functions, which devolved upon General
Kearney as he happened to be on the ground. In
truth, the civil government was only in name beyond
the range of the American cannon.
Fremont, however, refused to recognize the au
thority of Kearney, and was brought to trial charged
with disobedience of orders and mutiny. The court
found him guilty and sentenced him to be dismissed
from the service. The President did not approve of
all the findings of the court; but, because of "the
peculiar circumstances of the case and his previous
meritorious and valuable services," remitted the sent
ence and restored him to his rank in the army. Fre
mont would not accept the clemency of the President,
and thus admit that the proceedings of the court
were just ; he at once resigned his commission. In a
few weeks he set out at his own expense on his fourth
tour of exploration in the Rocky Mountains.
CHAPTER LIV.
1846—1848
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION— CONCLUDED.
Movement of Troops. — Vera Cruz invested. — Its Bombardment
and Capitulation. — Santa Anna Energy. — Battle of Cerro
Gordo. — General Scott at Puebla. — His Misunderstandings
with the Authorities at Washington. — Commissioner
Trist. — Dissensions in Mexico. — Scott's Manifesto. — Reen-
forcements. — Advance upon the Capital. — El Penon turn
ed. — Battle of Contreras; of Churubusco. — Attempts to
obtain Peace. — Conflict of Molino del Rey. — The Castle of
Chapultepec captured. — The American Army enters the
City. — Santa Anna again in the Field; dismissed from
the Mexican Service. — Treaty of Peace. — Its Conditions.
— Evacuation of Mexico. — Misunderstanding among the
American Officers. — Discovery of Gold in California. —
The Effects.— Death of John Quincy Adams.— The Wilmot
Proviso. — The Presidential Election.
While these events were in progress, plans were
formed and partially executed to invade Mexico from
the east ; to secure Vera Cruz, the best harbor on the
coast, and then, if peace could not be obtained, to
march upon the capital itself.
Numerous delays impeded operations, and it was
near the end of November before General Scott left
Washington for the seat of war. The quarter-mas
ter, General Jessup, was already at New Orleans
preparing transports for the troops ; and communica
tions were held with Commodore Connor in relation
to the co-operation of the fleet. The troops, as al
ready mentioned, drawn from Taylor's command,
were speedily concentrated at convenient points on
the coast, but the want of transports prevented their
embarkation. The place of rendezvous was at the
island of Lobos, about one hundred and twenty-five
912 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
miles north of Vera Cruz. At length the transports
were ready, the troops, about twelve thousand strong,
embarked, and, on the morning of the 9th of March,
began to land near Vera Cruz. No enemy appeared
to dispute the movement.
That city contained about fifteen thousand inhabi
tants. It was protected on its land side by numerous
defences, while on the side of the Gulf, upon a reef,
stood the Castle of San Juan d'Ulloa, garrisoned by a
thousand men, who manned one hundred and twenty-
eight heavy guns ; the strongest fortification on the
continent, with the exception of Quebec.
The next morning General Worth was ordered to
commence the line of investment, which extended
nearly six miles. The Mexicans appeared to oppose,
but a few shot from the cannon dispersed them. The
weather was excessively hot and sultry, and the
march through the deep sand laborious and tedious.
The Governor of the State of Vera Cruz now is
sued a proclamation, calling upon the inhabitants of
the town to defend themselves, while he should retire
to harass the invaders and cut off their supplies. He
soon appeared among the hills, but after a short
skirmish, he thought it prudent to keep out of sight.
The cannonading from the town and castle was in
cessant, but without much execution, owing to the
distance. The men kept close in their trenches and
did not reply. The munitions which had recently ar
rived were now landed, and the Americans were
ready to commence the bombardment. General Scott
summoned the city to surrender, stipulating, in or
der to save the lives and property of the inhabitants,
that no batteries should be placed in the town to at
tack the Castle, unless the latter fired upon the Amer
icans. General Morales, the commander of both the
city and castle refused to comply with the summons.
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 913
At 4 o'clock in the afternoon the bombardment
commenced. The Mexicans replied with every gun
and mortar that could be brought to bear from the
city and castle. Some of the smaller American ves
sels crept near and with their heavy guns added to
the uproar ; thus through the night the contest last
ed. Other guns were brought, and other batteries
erected within a thousand yards of the devoted city.
They were hidden behind the chaparral; this was
cleared away, and revealed to the besieged a new foe
— battery of Paixhan guns. Their astonishment
was great; upon this new enemy who had dared to
take position so near, they resolutely directed all
their force for many hours. They fired rapidly and
with precision, but failed to silence this battery.
How terrific was this storm! Twenty-one heavy
guns pouring forth an incessant stream of balls and
shells ; the heavy shot broke through the solid walls
and crashed through the houses, while the shells, still
more terrible, scattered ruin and death in the streets,
and burned every building that would burn. With
scarcely any intermission, for four days this horrid
work continued. The inhabitants, to be out of range,
left their homes, and helplessly crowded upon the
mole at the north part of the town, but ere long the
balls began to come nearer and nearer. For twelve
days the town had been invested, and its provisions
were now nearly exhausted. The foreign residents
implored their consuls to aid them. The latter ob
tained permission of Morales to send a flag of truce
to General Scott. They asked a cessation of hostili
ties till the foreigners, with their families, and the
Mexican women and children could leave the place.
The request was properly refused, on the ground that
permission had once been offered the foreign resi
dents to leave the town, and that the petition to re-
914 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
ceive attention must come from the Mexican gover
nor.
The American batteries re-opened as soon as the
flag entered the city, and continued during the night.
At break of day another flag was seen approaching.
The firing ceased. Negotiations commenced, and
were terminated by the surrender of Vera Cruz, the
Castle, the armaments and stores of each, and the
soldiers as prisoners of war. These terms were
agreed to by General Scott and Commodore Perry,
who was in command of the squadron. The soldiers
were to march out, with the honors of war, lay
down their arms and be dismissed on their parole.
The inhabitants were guaranteed in their civil and
religious rights.
General Worth was appointed governor of Vera
Cruz. The advance division, under General Twiggs,
soon commenced the march for the city of Mexico
by way of Jalapa. The whole army amounted to
only eight thousand five hundred men, but there pre
ceded them an influence, that threw a shadow of
despondency over the minds of the Mexicans.
Santa Anna had been very active since his defeat
at Buena Vista, (which he labored hard to prove to
his countrymen was not a defeat at all ; he only re
treated for want of provisions,) in collecting another
army, and he had already arrived with twelve thou
sand men at Cerro Gordo, a mountain pass at the
eastern edge of the Cordilleras. In the midst of
revolutions and distractions, he marched to this, the
first of the "Thermopylses," which he promised his
countrymen to defend. Within two months after a
disastrous defeat, without money, without the pres
tige of success, he had quelled an insurrection and
established his own power, raised an army, portions
of which had marched from three to six hundred
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 915
miles; had constructed the fortifications at Cerro
Gordo, and made a ditch twelve miles long to supply
the camp with water.
The positions of the Mexicans were reconnoitred,
and the attack commenced by the division under Gen
eral Twiggs, sent to turn their position. Presently
the whole front was assailed. The Americans seized
another hill, El Telegrapho, up the sides of which
they dragged heavy cannon, and began to play
upon the defences of Cerro Gordo. The Mexicans
replied with great vigor. During this mutual can
nonade, Colonel Harney led his men rapidly down into
the valley between the hills, and began to ascend the
slope toward the defences on the top. The declivity
was steep and rugged, and soon the entire fire of the
battery was directed against these new assailants,
but fortunately the balls for the most part passed
over their heads. But without wavering they press
ed up, carried one breastwork after another, until
they presented themselves at the last, the strongest
on the summit. Santa Anna, a short hour before,
had ordered General Vasquez to defend this post to
the last extremity, and he bravely stood his ground,
and fell while encouraging his men; confusion en
sued, and the struggle was soon ended. The Amer
icans poured in a stream of balls, forced their way
through the breastwork, and then charged with ba
yonet. The garrison fled down the western slope in
the direction of Jalapa. Twiggs had passed round
the hill, their retreat was cut off and they made
prisoners. At this moment Santa Anna returned.
He was enraged beyond bounds at seeing the discom
fiture of his troops in a position which he was cer
tain could have been maintained. He ordered Gen-
eneral Canalizo to charge up the hill and recapture
Cerro Gordo; the latter absolutely refused to obey,
916 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
but led off his cavalry. Then Santa Anna mounted
a mule taken from his carriage, and fled, leaving as
trophies to his enemies his travelling equipage and
his private papers.
The Mexican army was annihilated and scattered
in all directions, they had lost more than a thousand
men, killed and wounded, three thousand prisoners,
five generals, all their artillery and military stores.
This was not obtained without a severe loss to the
invaders, who, in their rash and headlong charges in
the face of batteries, and well protected musketeers,
had lost four hundred and thirty-one, killed and
wounded, of whom thirty-three were officers.
Possession was taken of Jalapa, three days later
of Perote, a stronghold on the summit of the Cor
dilleras, which was abandoned almost without a
struggle, and then the city of Puebla — containing
eighty thousand inhabitants. At the latter city
General Scott established his head-quarters.
The volunteers' term of enlistments would expire
in one month. They refused to re-enlist, but urged
that they should be permitted to return to the United
States, and there be disbanded, rather than on the
soil of Mexico. They greatly dreaded the vomito, or
yellow fever, as the season in which it was most se
vere was near at hand. Though they had no claims
to be thus dismissed, General Scott indulged them, as
it would be impossible to secure the capital, if the
volunteers insisted on returning home at the end of
their term of enlistments. Thus situated he was
forced to remain inactive three months, till reenf orce-
ments arrived from the United States.
During this interval several circumstances occur
red which embarrassed the General-in-Chief's move
ments as well as disturbed his equanimity. First
was the effort made, as he thought, to degrade him
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 917
from his position in the army. This was to be ac
complished by appointing over him a Lieutenant-
General, a rank never held in the service except by
Washington. The measure failed to pass the Senate.
The same end was apparently aimed at in another
measure by which power was given the President to
appoint officers to any position in the army, without
regard to their previous rank.
Instead of money to buy provisions, came an order
from the Secretary of War to authorize the collection
of duties levied on merchandise entering the Mexican
ports. In the same communication was another or
der to levy contributions upon the Mexican people.
This Scott absolutely refused to obey, as General
Taylor had also done, giving as a reason the poverty
of that part of the country. Says Scott in a letter to
the Secretary : "If it is expected at Washington, as
is now apprehended, that this army is to support it
self by forced contributions upon the country, we
may ruin and exasperate the inhabitants and starve
ourselves ; for it is certain they would sooner remove
or destroy the products of their farms, than allow
them to fall into our hands without compensation.
Not a ration for man or horse would be brought in ex
cept by the bayonet, which would oblige the troops
to spread themselves out many leagues to the right
and left in search of subsistence, and stop all military
operations."1 And he continued to buy provisions
for the army at the regular prices of the country,
and thus did much to allay a rising feeling of hatred
toward the Americans.
The Secretary had given as a reason for this order,
that the Mexican people thus laid under contribution,
and compelled to bear the expenses of the war, would
soon become willing to conclude a treaty of peace.
1 Gen. Scott's letter to the Sec. of War. as quoted by Ripley;
Vol. ii., p. 95.
918 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
This might apply to the public revenues, and that
part of the order the General took measures to have
complied with.
Other difficulties arose. After the capture of
Vera Cruz General Scott suggested to the President
the sending of commissioners to head-quarters to
treat for peace, should an opportunity occur. For
this important duty, the President appointed Mr.
N. P. Trist, whose qualifications were that he had
been Consul at Havana, could speak Spanish and pro
fessed to understand the Mexican character, his skill
as a diplomatist could be inferred only from the fact
that he was "Chief Clerk" in the State Department.
Having in his possession the draft of a treaty fully
drawn out at the department of State, he left Wash
ington and arrived at Vera Cruz. He also bore a
despatch from the Secretary of State, Mr. Buchanan,
to the Mexican Minister of Foreign Relations. The
plan of the treaty and his instructions he was direct
ed to make known confidentially both to General
Scott and Commodore Perry. The Secretary of War,
Mr. Marcy, wrote to the General-in-Chief, informing
him of the mission, but in general terms, and directed
him to suspend active military operations till further
orders, unless he was attacked.
Instead of making known to General Scott the de
signs of his mission as directed, Mr. Trist sent a short
note to head-quarters from Vera Cruz, and transmit
ted the sealed despatch to be forwarded to the Mexi
can Minister, and the letter from Secretary Marcy ;
the latter could not be understood without the ex
planations which Mr. Trist alone could give. The
general could only see in this an underhand attempt
to degrade him by making him in some way subordi
nate to the "Chief Clerk." However, in a few days
he wrote to Mr. Trist, what he knew of the views of
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 919
the Mexican people and government in relation to a
treaty of peace, to which at present they were op
posed. In conclusion, he remarked, that the suspen
sion of hostilities belonged properly to the military
commander on the field, and not to a Secretary of
War a thousand miles distant.
In reply Trist gave full explanation of his mission,
but in disrespectful and arrogant terms, assumed to
be the aide-de-camp of the President, and in that
capacity to order the General-in-Chief. 1 This cor
respondence led to much harsh feeling and retarded
the advancement of the cause. At length explana
tions to the commissioner of peace came to the gen
eral from the authorities at Washington. The Sec
retary of State severely censured Mr. Trist "for his
presuming to command the General-in-Chief."
Santa Anna fled from Cerro Gordo to Orizaba,
where he remained some time to organize bands of
guerillas to harass the American trains, which would
be on their way from Vera Cruz. Afterward he re
turned to Mexico to find his popularity on the wane.
For a time the Mexicans were paralyzed with con
sternation. Their army on which they had depended
so much had been totally routed at Cerro Gordo.
The invincible enemy was pressing on ; not a barrier
intervened between them and the capital. The city
was filled with factions; the national councils were
divided; ambitious men forgot their patriotism in
their desire for self-aggrandizement. The treasury
was bankrupt, its only resource forced loans. Yet in
the face of all these difficulties, Santa Anna did suc
ceed in raising an army of twenty-five thousand men
with sixty pieces of artillery, and in having the city
fortified. After all he was the best commander the
nation could afford, and the soldiers once more put
1 Ripley's War with Mexico, Vol. ii., pp. 100, 147.
920 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
themselves under his direction, to repel the invaders
of their country and their sacred homes. They did
not flock to his standard from a prestige of victory,
for even when his boasts were still ringing in their
ears, he had been ignominiously defeated ; nor were
they induced by the confidence reposed in the in
tegrity of a great and good man, to whom, as if to a
superior being, the multitude turn in times of great
peril ; but from sheer necessity.
Santa Anna understood the Mexican character.
By intrigue and the exercise of a vigorous arm, he
seized property, and imprisoned or banished his op
ponents; by pretending to be desirous of peace he
gained time, and dishonestly entered upon negotia
tions ; offered himself to be bribed, and was accepted.
His plans were cunningly devised : if they succeeded,
the glory would all redound to his name ; if they fail
ed, the censure could be thrown upon others.
Thus he employed the three months that General
Scott was forced to wait for the arrival of reenf orce-
ments. Had the volunteers consented to remain in
the service six months longer, in all probability the
capture of Mexico and a treaty of peace would have
ended the campaign, and the blood spared which was
shed in such profusion in the subsequent conflicts.
When at Jalapa General Scott issued a proclama
tion to the people of Mexico. This manifesto, in its
tone and spirit, was well adapted to the state of
affairs of the country, in showing that the true policy
of the Mexican people was to conclude a treaty on the
liberal terms offered by the government of the United
States. The proclamation was issued at the instance
of several Mexican gentlemen of influence, one of
whom composed it in original Spanish, as it was dic
tated by the general. It was well received by the
people in the country; but Santa Anna captured a
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION • 921
courier, who was bearing copies of it to the capital.
He at once discovered by the style that it was not a
translation, and he proclaimed with his usual virtu
ous indignation, that it was the production of some
Mexican traitor, and thus neutralized its effects on
the people of the city.
At this time, he had by secret agent intimated to
Mr. Trist that he was desirous of peace, and plainly
that money would be still more acceptable : if a mil
lion of dollars were placed at his disposal something
might be done. That this proposition might be con
sidered, a reconciliation took place between the gen
eral and the commissioner ; as neither could well act
without the other. General Pillow, who had just ar
rived at Puebla, was also admitted to these confer
ences. He was a particular friend of the President,
and, owing to the "informal and confidential re
quest" sent from Washington, this participation was
granted. Communications were continued with Santa
Anna, but with no more important result than that
the latter received ten thousand dollars of the secret
service money at the disposal of General Scott.
As might have been anticipated, it was soon seen
that Santa Anna's only object was to obtain money
and gain time, and General Scott made preparations
to advance upon the city as soon as reenforcements
under Brigadier-General Franklin Pierce would ar
rive from Vera Cruz. Meantime, the way to the city
had been thoroughly reconnoitred, and General Worth
sent forward with the first division. The whole
army consisted of not more than ten thousand men,
as great numbers had been left in the hospitals at
Perote.
The region through which they marched was a
high table land beautiful in the extreme, well water
ed, interspersed with valleys and mountains, whose
922 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
dopes were covered with the richest verdure, while
in the distance their snow-capped summits glittered
in the bright sunshine of August. Almost from the
same spot where more than three hundred years be
fore Cortez and his followers viewed the distant
temples of the city of Montezuma, the Americans
hailed with cheers the city of Mexico.
The passes on the direct route had been well forti
fied, and were well garrisoned in the confident ex
pectation that their positions could not be turned.
The strongest of these was El Penon, to capture
which the American engineers stated would require
the loss of three thousand lives. General Scott was
proverbially careful of the lives of his soldiers ; the
sacrifice must be avoided. The vicinity of the city
was reconnoitred in the most daring manner; and it
was discovered that the defences south and west
were not so strongly fortified.
The general diverted his course to the left and
turned El Penon on the south side, and under the
direction of skilful engineers crossed the chasms and
ravines deemed impassable, and therefore but imper
fectly guarded. General Twiggs led the advance,
and encamped at Chalco on the lake of the same name.
Worth followed, took the lead, and with his division
halted at the town of San Augustin, about eight miles
from the city. In his front was the strong fortress
of San Antonio, now the head-quarters of Santa
Anna, who left El Penon, when he found that the
Americans were on their march round to the south
side of the city. Northwest of San Antonio and
four miles from the city was the village of Churu-
busco, rendered strong by a series of intrenchments.
Not far to the west of the village of San Augustin
was the fortified camp of Contreras, which contained
six thousand men ; in the rear between the camp and
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 923
the city were placed twelve thousand men in reserve.
The whole number of Mexicans in these various de
fences was about thirty-five thousand, with nearly
one hundred pieces of artillery of various sizes.
General Persifer F. Smith proposed to attack the
camp at Contreras, which was under the command of
General Valencia. The night had been one of cold
rain and storm and intense darkness, except when
enlivened by the fitful glare of the lightning. At
three o'clock in the morning, the expedition set out ;
the soldiers, lest they should become separated on
the march, were directed to take hold of each other —
at sunrise the conflict commenced. The Mexicans
were but partially surprised, still the impetuous at
tack effectually routed them ; three thousand of their
number were made prisoners, eighty officers and
thirty-five pieces of artillery. Among the latter
were two pieces taken at Buena Vista, now recap
tured by a portion of the regiment to which they
originally belonged. Thus commenced this eventful
day — severer conflicts were yet to come.
Generals Shields and Pierce had, during the night,
thrown their divisions between Santa Anna and Con
treras. The fugitives from the latter place had fled
to Churubusco, and there fresh troops had also ar
rived from the city ; it seemed from the preparations,
that here a desperate defence was to be made.
A convent, a very strong stone building, was well
fortified and pierced for muskets and cannon, also
the head of the bridge over the river was well de
fended.
In an hour or two General Scott arrived ; as he rode
along through the army he was received with hearty
cheers. The morning's success had filled the soldiers
with enthusiasm, and they hoped on that day to end
the war.
924 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Santa Anna himself was busily engaged in arrang
ing his men beyond the Churubusco River — whose
banks were lined with the maguey plant, which
shielded nearly all his force from view.
The rain of the previous night had flooded the low
lands in the vicinity ; the fortifications were masked
by trees and fields of corn; the latter flooded, and
every part well known to the enemy, whose guns
were so arranged as to sweep them perfectly. When
the Americans commenced the attack, their officers,
In the face of these batteries, would advance and re
connoitre the ground, then the men would march up
to that point, the officers would again advance, and
the same process be repeated. During this time the
cannon balls from the unseen enemy came crashing
through the corn, the men and officers fell rapidly,
yet as if impelled by some all powerful influence, they
moved steadily on until the works of Churubusco
were in their hands.
General Scott sent round to the other side a divi
sion under General Pillow; they waded through the
mud and water, in some instances waist deep, before
they could reach the enemy. Several companies
were entirely broken up, Captain Taylor's artillery
men were cut up, his horses killed, when suddenly the
Mexicans rushed out of the convent to charge; but
at this moment a company of American infantry
came up and repulsed the assailants.
The ground was intersected by causeways, and it
was impossible to preserve military order ; also owing
to their ignorance of the position of the enemy, as
well as their own, the Americans were constantly in
danger of firing upon their own friends. The battle
raged in every direction. General Worth carried
San Antonio, and General Twiggs another fortress.
The Mexicans fought bravely, they were more than
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 925
three to one of their foes, and they made every effort
to repel them.
For two hours the battle had raged. The smoke
completely enshrouded the position of the Mexicans.
The roar of their twenty thousand muskets seemed
to down the noise of the artillery, and to render the
din of the conflict peculiarly terrific.
The Americans could but feel their way through
the corn, and across causeways and ditches, ignorant
at what moment they might come upon concealed
batteries. At length a party were enabled to cross
the river Churubusco, and presented themselves in
the rear of the enemy, at the same moment Worth's
division emerged from the cornfields in their front;
those in the rear rushed across ditches and over the
parapets and carried the works, while the Mexicans
at the head of the bridge abandoned it; their guns
were immediately seized and turned upon them.
Both divisions pressed forward with the bayonet, the
Mexicans recoiled in confusion, and finally fled; the
dragoons pursuing them to the very gates of the
city.
The victory was won, but it had cost the Americans
dear; a thousand had fallen or been disabled, among
these were seventy-six officers. The coolness, the in
domitable courage and perseverance of both men and
officers were never better displayed. The ground
was unknown, and they were thrown upon their own
resources ; there was no wavering ; each one perform
ed his part, and adapted himself to the emergency.
In no battle did the Mexicans fight better ; they strug
gled hard, and the number cf their slain and wounded
and missing — nearly seven thousand — testifies that
they were brave.
Santa Anna fled to the city. The night after the
battle several persons connected with the British em-
926 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
bassy in Mexico appeared at the American head-quar
ters, and informed General Scott that the Mexican
authorities were disposed to conclude a peace, and ad
vised that the capital should not be assaulted, lest
the members of the government should be dispersed,
and leave no acknowledged authority to enter upon
negotiations.
A flag of truce came the next day and presented
the request for hostilities to cease preparatory to
negotiating a treaty. In accordance with this re
quest, and the representations made the previous
evening, Mr. Trist went to the capital and presented
his conditions of peace — the same drawn up at Wash
ington. After protracted delays, evidently designed
to gain time, the Mexican commissioners announced
that they would not accede to these conditions, and
in turn they proposed others, which they well knew
would not be acceptable.
Mr. Trist returned with this intelligence, and also
that contrary to the terms of the armistice, Santa
Anna was fortifying the city, and in other respects
had violated his pledges.
Indignant at the continued treachery, General
Scott now ordered the army to march upon the capi
tal.
On the way were two strong positions: the one
Molino del Key, (the King's Mill,) a foundry, where,
it was said, the bells of the churches were being
rapidly converted into cannon; near by was the
strong castle of Chapultepec, which could not be
turned, but must be taken, before the city could be
reached.
It was resolved to capture Molino del Rey ; and at
three in the morning General Worth sent forward
the different corps of his division to commence the
attack at dawn of day. While it was yet dark, the
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 927
two twenty-four pounders opened and sent their balls
through the walls of masonry. There was no reply,
and it was thought the Mexicans had abandoned the
building. Instead, they had changed their position
during the night, and now had their guns in readi
ness to pour grape and round shot upon the flank of
the advancing Americans. From the manifest pre
parations, it is thought, Santa Anna, who was on the
ground, knew of the intended attack. His advant
ages in number and position were great, and when his
guns opened, their effect was terrible. In a few
minutes the front of the American advance was cut
down ; of fourteen officers, eleven were either killed
or wounded, and a like proportion of the men. The
company was forced to fall back, and the Mexicans,
as usual, with savage ferocity, rushed out and mur
dered all the wounded they could find.
Worth ordered forward other companies, and these
were seconded by another brigade, who vigorously
attacked the Mexican flank. Though exposed to a
cross fire which did fearful execution, these all
fought desperately; it would seem that the idea of
retreating from the face of such overwhelming odds,
never occurred to them; they held on and steadily
advanced.
Presently General Leon himself headed a strong
sortie from the Molino del Rey, but it was driven
back; Leon was mortally wounded, and several offi
cers of high rank were slain. The attack was con
tinued in a desultory manner, the assailants sought
in various ways to gain access to the enemy; they
crept along the sides and fired into the apertures,
climbed to the top of the building and tore down the
walls with their hands or pried the stones loose with
bayonets. At length they broke through the south
ern gate, and rushing in with loud shouts engaged in
928 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
close combat. The Mexicans did not yield, but con
tinued to fire upon them, from the building into the
courtyards. The Americans burst open door after
door, reached the roof, and with the bayonet met the
enemy hand to hand. In a few minutes the north
west gate was in like manner forced. A portion of
the Mexicans held out a white flag in token of sur
render, while others made their way to Chapultepec.
This has been deemed the hardest contested con
flict of the entire war. The enemy were in numbers
three to one, and in a strong position. After the
commencement of the attack, the Americans had
scarcely any aid from their heavy guns, but were
forced to depend upon their rifles and muskets. Still
they carried the place, and captured eight hundred
prisoners, and lost themselves seven hundred and
eighty-seven killed and wounded, of whom fifty-nine
were officers — nearly one-fourth of the whole num
ber engaged in the battle. The loss of so many
brave men shed a gloom over the entire army.
The Castle of Chapultepec stood on a high and pre
cipitous hill, very steep and rocky, on the south side
toward the Americans; on the west the slope was
more gradual, but covered with dense wood and rough
with rocks. Here, shielded by these, was a large
force of Mexicans.
At the earliest dawn the full force of the American
cannon was concentrated upon the walls of the castle,
and at the west side, storming parties were waiting
anxiously for a breach to be made, by which they
might carry it by assault. They groped their way
from tree to tree and rock to rock, driving the Mexi
cans before them, when suddenly, on the crest of the
hill, the whole force came out on the open space in
the presence of ramparts frowning with cannon and
musketry. They approached cautiously, returning
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 929
only a few shots, but still drawing nearer and nearer.
Presently an ensign bearing the standard of his regi
ment, rushed forward to the rampart, a shout arose,
a few followed with ladders, placed them against the
wall and with a cheer bounded over. The Mexicans,
taken by surprise, stood but a few minutes, then
scrambled over the side and down the precipitous
rocks out of danger. This was the only instance dur
ing the war where the Americans so far forgot them
selves as not to cease their fire at the submission of
the foe, and even now it continued only for a few
minutes. Their provocations had been great. Only
a few days before, as on every other occasion, they
had seen their wounded companions, found on the
field of battle, barbarously murdered by the Mexi
cans. The exulting shouts, the disregard of disci
pline, which continued for an hour, only manifested
the deep emotions which prevailed.
The castle was a mass of ruins; so effective had
been the shots and shells, that it was battered to
pieces. Here had been the national military school,
and here the young students had bravely stood their
ground. All of their number, who were not slain,
were taken prisoners, with the aged General Bravo
their commander.
While the conflict was in progress General Quit-
man was engaged in capturing the defences thrown
over the causeways which led through a marsh — a
lake in the days of Cortez — to the city. They were
taken in succession; each one gave more or less re
sistance. At nightfall the Mexicans were driven
within the city, and the Americans held two of its
gates.
At midnight commissioners came with propositions
of peace, and to surrender the city ; they stated that
Santa Anna was marching out with his army. Gen-
930 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
eral Scott refused to listen again to terms of accom
modation; when his kindness of feeling had been
grossly deceived. The following morning, with six
thousand men, he marched into the city, drew up his
army upon the great plaza, and hoisted the stars and
stripes over the National Palace.
For several days the troops were occasionally fired
upon from windows and the tops of houses ; the work,
it was said, of convicts, two thousand of whom had
just been liberated; but stringent measures were
taken to insure safety.
Santa Anna, with three or four thousand troops,
had gone toward Puebla. He devolved his authority
upon Pena y Pena, the President of the Supreme
Court of Justice. The other prominent Mexicans
went in different directions.
Colonel Childs had been left in command at Puebla
with a small garrison only five hundred men, to pro
tect eighteen hundred sick and disabled American
soldiers. The Mexicans, encouraged by false reports
of success at the capital, made frequent desultory
attacks upon the garrison, but by great exertions
Colonel Childs held them at bay for nine days, when
Santa Anna, with a remnant — some four or five thou
sand — of his discomfited army, appeared, and in a
pompous manner summoned Childs to surrender.
The summons was disregarded. The Mexican chief
blockaded the town for seven days and then marched
to intercept a train, on its way from Vera Cruz.
General Lane was in command of his convoy — troops
from Taylor's army, composed of Indiana and Ohio
volunteers.
Santa Anna took position at Huamantla, a town
some miles north of the main pass El Pinal, intend
ing to attack the Americans when they should be
come entangled in the defile. But Lane was not thus
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 931
to be entrapped. He at once set out, surprised Santa
Anna himself, and compelled him, after some loss, to
abandon the town. The train unmolested moved on
the following day to Puebla, and the garrison, after
a month's siege, was relieved.
Within ten days it was ascertained that Santa
Anna was concentrating another force at Alixo.
Lane, by a forced march, suddenly fell upon them,
and dispersed them beyond recovery. Almost im
mediately after his failure to prevent the capture of
the city of Mexico, Santa Anna resigned the presi
dency of the republic, but still retained his office as
commander-in-chief of the Mexican armies. Now
he was mortified to receive a note from Senor Rosa,
the Minister of War, informing him that his services
were no longer required by the government, which
had just been inaugurated. He took the hint, and
was soon on his way to the Gulf Coast, thence to the
West Indies to be ere long again engaged in intrigues
to disturb his unfortunate country.
In a few weeks after the capture of the city of
Mexico, the seat of government was removed to
Queretaro. Soon after members for a new Congress
were elected, and that body commenced its session.
At the town of Guadalupe Hidalgo, commissioners
and Mr. Trist were negotiating a treaty of peace. It
was concluded on the 2d of February, and now it only
remained to be ratified by the authorities at Wash
ington to formally close the war, which, from the
battle of Palo Alto to the capture of the city of
Mexico, had lasted one year and five months.
In this brief period, armies, of their own free will,
had flocked to the standard of their country; had
been organized, had marched into a foreign land, dis
similar to their own in climate and in feature, some
across deserts and through districts infected with
932 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
direful disease, others in mid-winter passed over un
trodden mountains, covered with snow, and then in
turn over arid plains, and met the enemy in conflict
many hundreds of miles from their homes, while
fleets were fitted out, which swept round Cape Horn,
and were in time to perform their part. The rapidi
ty with which cannon were manufactured and mu
nitions of war prepared and transported to the scene
of action, was astonishing.
During the time of the occupation of the city of
Mexico, difficulties arose between some of the offic
ers of the army. From misunderstandings hasty
charges were made, and recriminations followed.
Two of the officers, Pillow and Worth, made charges
against the General-in-Chief, and he ordered them
under arrest for insubordination. They appealed to
the War Department, and made representations, in
consequence of which the venerable commander, who
had been a worthy leader from Lundy's Lane to
Mexico, was superseded by an order from Washing
ton, and the temporary command given to another.
Subsequently the charges were virtually withdrawn,
and they resumed their respective ranks. It is not
expedient to go into detail ; let the matter sink into
oblivion. But never before — and may it never be
again — in the history of the country, when its in
terests were so deeply involved, did the terms of
"party," democrat or whig, of "friends" or "oppon
ents" of the "administration," have so much in
fluence.
Certainly, in truth it has been said, that those
who served their country well in this war fared badly.
Taylor, who was victorious from Palo Alto to Buena
Vista, was quarrelled with; Scott, who marched
triumphant from Vera Cruz to Mexico, was super
seded ; Fremont, who secured California, was court
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 933
martialled, and Trist, who made the treaty, which
secured the objects of the war, was recalled and dis
missed.
The war had been an unceasing source of disap
pointment to those whose measures brought it on.
Santa Anna, who was to have been a harbinger of
peace, had to be beaten from point to point, and not
until he was finally driven from power did those of
his countrymen, who were in favor of an amicable
arrangement, dare to act.
When the commissioners, appointed by the Presi
dent to supersede Trist, arrived at Mexico, they
found the treaty negotiated and signed by the par
ties. In substance it was the same that had been
prepared by the Cabinet. When brought to Wash
ington it was at once laid before the Senate, and af
ter a short discussion ratified. The President by
proclamation, on the 4th of July, 1848, made known
to the nation that the war was at an end, and a
satisfactory treaty had been concluded.
New Mexico and Upper California were ceded to
the United States, and the lower Rio Grande, from
its mouth to El Paso, was taken as the boundry of
Texas. Mexico was to receive fifteen millions of dol
lars ; the claims of American citizens against her —
amounting to three and a quarter millions of dollars
— were assumed by the United States. In a few
months not an American soldier was on Mexican soil.
On the 4th of July, 1845, the annexation of Texas
was consummated; and thus within three years a
territory four times as large as France, had been
added to the United States — regions hitherto imper
fectly known, but having in store the elements of
great wealth.
At the very time that the commissioners were
negotiating the treaty, a laborer engaged at work
934 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
upon a mill-race belonging to Captain Sutter, on one
of the tributaries of the Sacramento river, noticed in
the sand some shining particles. They proved to be
gold. By the time the treaty was ratified rumors
of the discovery reached the United States. The ex
citement produced was unprecedented. In a short
time thousands were on their way to the land of
gold. Every means of conveyance was called into
requisition, from the emigrant's pack-horse and
wagon, to the sailing-vessel and the steam-ship.
Some went in caravans over the plains and the
Rocky Mountains ; some crossed the Isthmus of Pana
ma, and found their way up the Pacific coast ; others
took ship and passed Cape Horn. The sufferings of
the great majority of these adventures were intense ;
hundreds of them met untimely deaths on the way,
or by disease, privations, and improvidence, when
they reached their journey's end. The ferment ex
tended throughout the civilized world. Multitudes
of gold-seekers were soon on their way from the dif
ferent countries of Europe and South America, and
even distant China sent her thousands. The tide of
immigration was directed to San Francisco, which,
from a miserable village of a few huts, soon became a
city of fifteen thousand inhabitants, now to have
about sixteen times that number, and to be the great
entrepot of the Pacific.
The influence of this discovery of gold mines, has
been incalculable in its effects, not merely upon the
United States, but has extended to other nations.
"It touched the nerves of industry throughout the
world," infused new life into commerce, and awaken
ed a spirit of adventure and individual exertion never
before known.
On the 21st of February, the venerable John Quincy
Adams, when in his seat in the House of Representa
tives, was struck by paralysis. Two days later he
FOLK'S ADMINISTRATION 935
expired. His last words were, "This is the last of
earth : — I am content." Born in revolutionary times :
"The cradle hymns of the child were the songs of
liberty." He had associated with the fathers of the
republic, and was the representative of the memories
of that heroic age. For more than sixty years he
had been constantly engaged in public affairs. At
the age of fourteen, private secretary to Francis
Dana, American minister to Russia ; at twenty-seven
appointed minister to Holland by Washington, who
styled him "the ablest of all our diplomatic corps."
Afterward successively, United States Senator; pro
fessor in Harvard College; minister to Russia; one
of the negotiators of the treaty of Ghent ; Secretary
of State under Monroe ; President, and then member
of the House till his death, at the age of fourscore.
Old in years but buoyant in spirit, he never lagged
behind his age; but with careful eye watched the
progress of his country, and sympathized with its
youthful energies.
The administration of Mr. Polk was drawing to a
close. Its great event had been the Mexican war,
the train for which was laid under his predecessor.
The tariff of 1842, under which the industry of the
country had rapidly recovered from its prostration,
after an existence of four years was so modified, as
to afford less protection to American manufactures.
David Wilmot, a member of the House from Penn
sylvania, introduced a proposition into Congress,
since known as the "Wilmot Proviso," by which slav
ery should be prohibited in all territory obtained by
treaty. The "Proviso" did not become a law, but the
subject of slavery was once more brought up for dis
cussion.
The Democratic convention met at Baltimore to
nominate a candidate for the office of President.
936 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
Two sets of delegates appeared from New York, both
claiming to be the true representatives of the Demo
cracy of that State.
No compromise could reconcile the parties, and the
convention solved the difficulty by excluding to nomi
nate Senator Lewis Cass, of Michigan, for President,
and General William 0. Butler, of Kentucky, for
Vice-President.
The delegates representing the Whig party, and
those opposed to the measures of the administration,
met at Philadelphia, and nominated General Zachary
Taylor for President, and Millard Fillmore, of New
York, for Vice-President.
One portion of the Democracy of New York ac
cepted the nominations of the Baltimore convention ;
another portion rejected them. The latter called a
convention, at Buffalo of those who were opposed to
the extension of slavery into free territory. They
adopted a platform in favor of "Free Soil," and nomi
nated ex-president Van Buren for the Presidency and
Charles Francis Adams (son of John Quincy Adams)
for the Vice-Presidency.
A spirited canvass followed, and the candidates of
the Whig party were elected.
During the last year of this administration, Wis
consin was admitted into the Union as a State, and
Minnesota organized as a Territory.
A new Department, that of the Interior, was creat
ed by Congress, to relieve the Secretary of the Treas
ury of part of his duties.
On the fifth of March, the fourth occurring on the
Sabbath, the new President was inducted into office.
Mr. Polk, broken down in health, retired to his
home in Nashville, Tennessee, where in a few months
he was numbered with the dead. A man of exem
plary character ; he was lamented by the people.
CHAPTER LV.
1849—1850
TAYLOR AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATION.
Discussion on Slavery. — Wilmot Proviso. — The Powers of the
Constitution; their Application in the Territories. — Thirty-
first Congress. — President's Message; its Recommenda
tions. — Debate on the Omnibus Bill. — Death of Calhoun.
— Death of President Taylor. — Fillmore Inaugurated. —
The Fugitive Slave Law. — The Mormons; their Origin;
Troubles; Settlement in Utah. — A Disunion Convention. —
Lopez invades Cuba. — The Search for Sir John Franklin.
Dr. E. K. Kane.— Death of Henry Clay; of Daniel Web
ster. — The Tripartite Treaty. — Presidential Election.
General Zachary Taylor was a native of Virginia ;
but when he was very young, his father removed to
Kentucky, and on the frontiers of that State he spent
his youth as a farmer. At the age of twenty-four
he received a commission in the army from President
Jefferson, and entered upon a career more congenial
to his tastes than cultivating the soil. For forty
years he was in the military service of his country ;
his sphere of duty was on the frontiers; and thus
situated he had never even voted at an election.
Honest and frank, blest with common sense and firm
ness of purpose, he was withal unselfish and patrio
tic, and uncontaminated with political intrigues.
His inaugural address on taking the office of Presi
dent, was brief, and confined to a declaration of gen
eral principles. His cabinet, at the head of which
was John M. Clayton of Delaware, was at once con
firmed by the Senate.
The question of slavery had appeared under differ
ent phases. For twelve years after the passage of
the Missouri Compromise, the subject had not been
938 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
agitated in Congress, but now attention was drawn
to it by the presentation of memorials, praying that
body to abolish the slave-trade and slavery in the
District of Columbia. Meantime others, who looked
upon the system as an evil to be remedied at all haz
ards, sent through the mail to the South publications,
addressed to the slave-owners themselves, and de
signed to influence them in favor of emancipation;
but there were others who sent papers that contain
ed engravings by no means calculated to make the
slave contented with his lot. The fear was great lest
the latter might become the occasion of insurrections
and blood-shed. President Jackson recommended
to Congress to pass a law prohibiting the use of the
mail for the circulation of "incendiary publications."
But the bill to that effect did not become a law. The
excitement was great, both North and South : in the
former sometimes developing itself in violent meas
ures against the abolitionists; in the latter, some
broke into the postoffices and destroyed the obnoxi
ous papers, and others raised the cry of disunion,
while, so embittered had the feeling become in Con
gress, that for a time memorials on the subject would
not be received.
Now the slavery agitation was a legacy left by the
previous administration — a question which over
shadowed' all others, and almost exclusively engaged
the attention of Congress and the nation. Three
years before the Wilmot Proviso had initiated the
discussion, which was fast acquiring a tone of bitter
ness hitherto unknown. The contents of the news
papers showed that the question had penetrated into
every nook and corner of the land — in social circles
and in the retirement of the fireside — all were alive
to the importance of the subject at issue; the emo-
TAYLOR AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATION 939
tions of a nation swayed in the storm of clashing
opinions.
The annexation of Texas and the consequent war
with Mexico, came to be looked upon as designed to
further the interests of slavery, and to commit the
nation to the policy of extending that system. Those
opposed to such measures endeavored to counteract
them by means of the Proviso, but that had failed to
receive the sanction of Congress. With the excep
tion of Texas proper, it was uncertain whether the
newly-acquired territories would admit slavery; the
indications were that they would reject it. And this
feature of the controversy gave rise to another ques
tion ; how to introduce the system into free territory.
Would Congress subvert the law of Mexico, which
had long since prohibited human bondage within her
limits ? That body never at any time had interfered
with slavery as existing in the States, neither had it
directly legislated it into free territory: the policy
had rather been not to interfere with the inhabitants
in deciding the question for themselves.
The last Congress, absorbed in the turmoil of the
discussion, had dissolved without providing govern^
ments for the territories. To remedy this evil, Presi
dent Taylor instructed the Federal officers in these
territories to encourage the people to organize tem
porary government for themselves.
President Polk in his last message had recommend
ed that the Missouri Compromise line of thirty-six
degrees thirty minutes north latitude, be extended
to the Pacific, and thus leave the territory south of
that line liable to be made slaveholding. Motions to
that effect failed in Congress. That line had been
adopted for the Louisiana territory alone, which was
slave, and it made one side free, but if it was pro-
940 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
duced to the Pacific it would pass through free terri
tory, and therefore make one side slave.
The advocates of the system contended that they
had a right to go into any of the territories and take
with them their property, meaning slaves. That was
admitted, but only under the laws of Congress, which
so far protected such property, but it was denied that
the slaveholder could carry with him the municipal
law of the States from which he emigrated, any more
than the emigrant from a free State could take with
him its peculiar laws.
The same object was sought by attempting to "ex
tend the constitution of the United States to the
territories," and this under the form of an amend
ment attached to the general appropriation bill, pro
viding a temporary government for the ceded terri
tories, and extending to them certain acts of Con
gress. The proposition elicited a discussion in which
Calhoun and Webster each took part. The former
argued that the Constitution recognized slavery ; that
it was the supreme law of the land; therefore
it was superior to every law in opposition to slavery,
not only overriding any territorial law to that effect,
but even superior to any law of Congress designed
to abolish it; and that i the property of the South,
meaning Slaves, would thus be protected by the Con
stitution in the territories into which Calhoun openly
avowed his intention to thus carry the institution of
slavery. "The Constitution/' said he, "pronounces
itself to be the supreme law of the land ;" the States
as well as the Territories.
Mr. Webster replied that the Constitution was
made for the States and not for the Territories ; that
Congress governed the latter independently of the
Constitution, and often contrary to it, and was con
stantly doing things in the Territories that it could
TAYLOR AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATION 94 1
not do in the States ; and that the Constitution could
not operate of itself in the Territories. "When new
territory has been acquired," said he, "it has always
been subject to the laws of Congress, to such laws as
Congress thought proper to pass for its immediate
government and preparatory state in which it was to
remain until it was ready to come into the Union as
one of the family of States." He quoted the Consti
tution itself, which declares that "it and the laws of
Congress passed under it shall be the supreme law of
the land." Thus it required a definite law of Con
gress to establish slavery in the Territories under
the Constitution, as shown by the words of that in
strument itself.
The amendment failed in both houses ; it became
but the germ of another doctrine, that the Constitu
tion of the United States, independently of an act
of Congress, but in spite of it, not only goes of itself
to the territories but carries with it a shield protect
ing slavery.
During this session of Congress meetings were
held at Washington, attended by a majority of the
members of Congress from the slave-holding States,
to take into consideration the measures best adapted
to secure southern rights.
They published an Address to the people of the
South. It was drawn up by Calhoun, and by no
means was it conciliatory in its tone and sentiments,
and for that reason it failed to enlist in its favor all
the delegates from the South. In truth it became
a party measure. Only forty members, all from the
slaveholding States, signed their names to the Ad
dress: of these, thirty-eight belonged to the Demo
cratic party.
This manifesto was soon followed by a Southern
Convention to dissolve the Union. The Legislatures
942 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
of two of the States, South Carolina and Mississippi,
issued a call for a "Southern Congress," to frame a
government for a "United States South."
The agitation was not limited to the South; the
North was as busily engaged in canvassing the ex
citing question, and both parties were summoning
their energies for the conflict in the new Congress
about to meet.
The thirty-first Congress, called a month earlier
than the usual time, met in its first session. Parties
were nearly equally divided. The House spent three
weeks, and balloted sixty times for a speaker, and
only succeeded by changing the rule by which a
majority of the whole is required to elect, to that of
a plurality. Mr. C. Howell Cobb, of Georgia, was
elected ; his competitor was Mr. Robert C. Winthrop,
of Massachusetts.
The first and only annual message of President
Taylor was sent in. He saw the difficulties which
lay in his path. The bitterness of party had been
increased by sectional feelings. The President felt
the responsibility of his position; but he fearlessly
yet temperately gave his views, and plainly intimat
ed that he should not shrink from his duty to the
Union itself; deprecated sectional controversies, and
referred to Washington in confirmation of this senti
ment.
The points at issue were various, and he recom
mended a plan to settle each. As California, whose
population had increased so rapidly, had framed a
Constitution, he advised that she should be at once
admitted into the Union ; that New Mexico and Utah
should be organized as territories, and when they
were prepared to come into the Union as States, be
permitted to decide the question of slavery for them
selves ; and that the dispute between Texas and New
TAYLOR AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATION 943
Mexico, in relation to their boundaries, should be
settled by the judicial authority of the United States.
Early in the session Henry Clay moved in the Sen
ate a series of resolutions designed to settle these
disputes by a compromise. A committee of thirteen
was appointed, to whom these resolutions and the
various plans which had been proposed were refer
red. In due time Mr. Clay, as chairman, reported.
The spirit of the resolutions was combined in one
measure, which, from its character and the dissimi
lar objects it was designed to accomplish, was styled
the Omnibus Bill. It proposed the admission of
California; the organization, without mention of
slavery, of the territories of New Mexico and Utah ;
the arrangement of the Texas boundary, by paying
the latter ten millions of dollars; the abolition of
the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and the
enactmenti of a more stringent fugitive slave law.
Senator Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, insisted
that the bill was not equal in its provisions, because
the South gained nothing by the measure; and he
urged that the Missouri line of compromise should
be extended to the Pacific, "with the specific recogni
tion of the right to hold slaves in the Territory be
low that line."
To this Clay replied, that "no earthly power could
induce him to vote for a specific measure for the in
troduction of slavery where it had not existed, either
north or south of that line." "I am unwilling," con
tinued he, "that the posterity of the present inhabi
tants of California and of New Mexico should re
proach us for doing just what we reproach Great
Britain for doing to us." "If the citizens of those
Territories come here with Constitutions establish
ing slavery, I am for admitting them into the Union ;
but then it will be their own work and not ours, and
944 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
their posterity will have to reproach them and not
us."
Calhoun, now near to death, in a speech read by a
friend, urged that if the Union would be preserved,
it must be by an equal number of slave and free
States, to maintain the number of senators equal in
the Senate.
"The incurability of the evil," said Senator Benton,
of Missouri, "is the greatest objection." "It is a
question of races, involving consequences which go
to the destruction of one or the other; this was seen
fifty years ago, and the wisdom of Virginia balked
at it then. It seems to be above human reason. But
there is a wisdom above human ! and to that we must
look. In the meantime do not extend the evil."
Soon after this occurred the death of John C. Cal
houn. He first entered Congress in 1811, and during
almost forty years had filled various offices in the
service of his country. A man of primitive taste and
simple manners, uniting the kindliest of feelings with
unflinching integrity and devotion to duty. The lat
ter portion of his public career was marked by the
most strenuous advocacy of States' rights and South
ern institutions.
A few months later President Taylor was also num
bered with the dead. He suddenly became ill with a
violent fever, which terminated his life in a few days,
after he had held office sixteen months. He had
shown himself equal to the emergency ; and his death
was a public calamity indeed. Though elected by
one party, his policy and acts were approved by all,
and the whole nation mourned his loss.
MILLARD FILLMORE.
The Vice-President, on the 10th of July, took the
oath, and was inaugurated as President. It was done
without show or parade ; merely a joint committee of
TAYLOR AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATION 945
three from each House of Congress, and the members
of the cabinet, attended him. The oath was admin
istered by the venerable William Cranch, Chief Jus
tice of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia,
who, Was appointed by John Adams, had held the
office for fifty years. Not an unnecessary word was
spoken ; the ceremony was one of deep solemnity.
The first official act of Mr. Fillmore was to call upon
Congress to take suitable measures for the funeral of
the late President, "who had been so recently raised
by the unsolicited voice of the people to the highest
civil authority in the government." An impressive
funeral service was performed, and eulogies pro
nounced upon him by many of the leading statesmen
of the country. The Cabinet resigned, and the Presi
dent nominated another, at the head of which was
Daniel Webster as Secretary of State.
Four months had nearly elapsed since Henry Clay
reported his Compromise Bill. Its provisions had
been thoroughly discussed by the members of both
Houses. It was then taken up article by article and
passed — the last the Fugitive Slave law. The simi
lar law which had been enacted in 1787, as part of
the ordinance prohibiting slavery in the Territory
north-west of the Ohio, and also a law to the same
effect passed during Washington's administration,
were thought to be defective, and a new one was
framed.
The Supreme Court of the United States held the
opinion that justices of the peace in the respective
States, were not called upon to enforce the law for
the rendition of slaves. Since the agitation of the
slavery question in Congress, a dislike to enforcing
that law had greatly increased in the free States.
The feeling reached the Legislatures and some of
them, by law, prohibited the use of their jails for the
946 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
confinement of fugitive slaves, and the justices of
the peace refused to act on the subject. To obviate
the latter difficulty the present bill provided for the
appointment of United States' commissioners, before
whom such cases could be tried.
When the vote on the reception of California was
taken, and she admitted to the Union, her senators,
Wm. M. Gwin and John C. Fremont, who had been
in waiting, immediately took their seats.
The vast region known as Utah, was in the posses
sion of the Indians and the Mormons or Latter Day
Saints, a religious sect. It was founded by Joseph
Smith, a native of Vermont, but at that time a resi
dent of Central New York ; illiterate and superstiti
ous, cunning and unprincipled; when a youth he
loved to dupe his companions; at the age of fifteen
he pretended that he had seen visions ; and at twenty-
two he had received a direct revelation from heaven ;
that he had been directed to a certain hill, where he
would find golden plates, covered with Egyptian char
acters, which he alone, as a prophet, was empowered
to decipher. This was the famous "Book of Mor
mon." It professed to give a new system of religion,
and to chronicle events which occurred on this con
tinent long anterior to the Christian era.
It is said a man named Spaulding, when laboring
under ill health wrote the story to alleviate his hours
of ennui ; after his death the manuscript fell into the
hands of Smith, who unscrupulously used it to de
ceive his fellow-men.
His system of polygamy led to gross immoralities ;
and the vicious, as well as the ignorant, some of
whom may have been honest, became his disciples.
In five years he had twelve hundred followers. At
this time the whole sect removed to Jackson county,
Missouri. As they professed to be the true saints,
TAYLOR AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATION 947
by virtue of which they were to become the inheri
tors of the western country, they became objects of
distrust to the Missourians. The militia were called
out, but the Mormons avoided a conflict by crossing
the river to Illinois.
They prepared to make that State their home. On
a bluff, overlooking the Mississippi, they founded a
city, Nauvoo, and erected an imposing temple.
Thefts and robberies were numerous in the vicinity,
and these crimes were attributed to the Mormons,
some of whom were arrested. The saints, it was
said, controlled the courts, for the prisoners were
speedily liberated. An intense excitement was pro
duced in the country by these proceedings. At
length the Prophet himself, and a brother, were ar
rested and thrown into prison in the town of Carth
age. A mob collected a few days after, and in the
melee the brothers were slain. The spirit aroused
against them was so violent that the Mormons could
find safety alone in flight, and the following year
they sold their possessions, left their beautiful city,
which contained ten thousand inhabitants, and under
chosen elders emigrated away across the plains and
over the Rocky Mountains, and finally found a rest
ing place in the Great Basin. As they were now
upon the soil of Mexico, they hoped their troubles
were at an end. They significantly called their new
home, Desert — the land of the Honey Bee. To re
cruit their numbers they sent missionaries to every
quarter of the globe ; that these zealous apostles have
met with astonishing success in obtaining proselytes,
is a sad reflection.
Meantime they labored with great zeal in founding
a city on the shores of the Great Salt Lake. It is
on ground four thousand three hundred feet above
the level of the ocean, and planned on a large scale ;
948 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
its streets eight rods wide, and every house sur
rounded by a garden.
Presently came the war with Mexico, and the ced
ing of all that region to the United States. The
Mormons were the first to organize themselves as a
territory under the name of Deseret, but Congress
saw proper to change the name to Utah. President
Fillmore appointed Brigham Young, one of their
elders, the first governor.
After the passage of the Compromise Bill, the agi
tation by no means ceased in the south. The design
of seceding from the Union was openly avowed. A
Disunion Convention met at Nashville, Tennessee.
It invited the assembling of a "Southern Congress,"
but the legislatures of only two States responded to
the call — South Carolina and Mississippi. The form
er elected their quota of representatives to the Con
gress. The great mass of the people were moved but
little by these appeals, and the country breathed
more freely in the confident belief that the vexed
question was really at rest.
In no previous discussion of the subject did the
great majority of the people of the Union manifest
so much interest, not because it had become more
important, but a great change had been wrought,
since, thirty years before, the country was agitated
by the discussions, which led to the enactment of the
Missouri Compromise. The number of newspapers
had increased at an unprecedented rate, and with
them the facilities for publishing general intelligence
and reporting the debates in Congress, and now was
added the telegraph, which seemed almost to bring
the ears of the nation to the Halls of Legislation.
Yet in still greater proportion had the numbers of
intelligent readers increased, millions of whom be
came familiar with the question and the principles
TAYLOR AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATION 949
involved, and watched with increasing interest every
new phase the subject assumed. This may account
for the earnestness which characterized this conflict
of opinions ; the mass of the people read ancj judged
for themselves. The philanthropist may not dread
the response of their hearts ; — they may be slow to
act, but they are untrammelled by pledges and un
influenced by political aspirations.
About the commencement of Taylor's administra
tion, General Lopez, a Spaniard, endeavored to create
a revolution in Cuba. He represented that the peo
ple of that island were anxious and prepared to throw
off the yoke of the mother country; and by this
means he persuaded large numbers of adventurous
spirits in the United States to engage in the enter
prise. The pretext was to aid the Cubans ; but the
real object was to secure the annexation of the island
to the United States. President Taylor promptly is
sued a proclamation forbidding citizens of the Union
to engage in the expedition. The warning was un
heeded, and a company of six hundred men, under the
lead of Lopez, eluded the United States' authorities,
and landed at Cardenas. But not meeting with sym
pathy from the people whom they professed to have
come to liberate, they re-embarked, and sailed for
Key West, Florida, barely escaping capture on the
way by a Spanish steam-vessel of war.
The following year the attempt was renewed. A
party of four hundred and eighty men landed on the
island, but were almost immediately overpowered
and captured. Lopez and a number of his deluded
followers were put to death by the Spanish authori
ties at Havana.
In 1845, Sir John Franklin sailed from England in
quest of the long sought for north-west passage.
No tidings had ever been received from him, and the
950 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
several efforts to send him aid had been unsuccess
ful. The sympathies of the humane were enlisted
in behalf of the daring navigator. Mr. Henry Grin-
nell, a noble-hearted New York merchant, fitted out,
at his own expense, an expedition which, under the
command of Lieutenant De Haven, of the United
States' navy, sailed for the Arctic regions in May,
1850. With De Haven went Dr. E. K. Kane, in the
capacity of surgeon and naturalist. The search was
unsuccessful, and the vessels returned.
The United States' Government now sent another
expedition on the same errand of mercy in connection
with Mr. Grinnell. The control of this was given to
Dr. Kane, whose scientific attainments were of a high
order, and whose prudence and indomitable energy
excited high hopes of the success of the enterprise.
The search was fruitless; the results of the discov
eries made have been embodied and given to the
world. Sir John had no doubt long since perished,
while his unknown friend Dr. Kane, broken down in
health because of his labors and privations, has also
closed his life.
Two of our greatest statesmen, with whose names
for a third of a century are associated some of the
most important measures of the government, passed
away. Henry Clay and Daniel Webster: The one
at Washington, the other at his home at Marshfield.
No two men were more endeared to the American
people. Henry Clay, by his generous frankness and
nobleness of character, won their love. Daniel Web
ster in his mighty intellect towered above his peers,
and commanded their respect; of him they were
proud.
Spain became alarmed at the attempts of lawless
adventurers striving to wrest Cuba from her hands.
France and England sympathized with her, and pro-
TAYLOR AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATION 951
posed to the United States to join with them in a
"tripartite treaty," in which each should disclaim
any intention of seizing upon that island, but. on the
contrary, should guarantee its possession to Spain.
A correspondence to this effect had already com
menced, and to the proposal Edward Everett, who
since the death of Webster was Secretary of State,
replied iri the negative. "The President," said he,
"does not covet the acquisition of Cuba for the Unit
ed States." Yet he "could not see with indifference
that island fall into the possession of any other Eu
ropean Government than Spain." It was shown that
this was a question peculiarly American, from the
situation of the island itself; its proximity to our
shores ; its commanding the approach to the Gulf of
Mexico, and to the entrance to the Mississippi, which
with its tributaries forms the largest system of in
ternal water-communication in the world, and also its
the celebrated Monroe doctrine, that the United
States did not recognize European interference in
ability to interfere with the passage to California
by the Isthmus route. It was another statement of
questions purely American.
For President the Whigs nominated General Scott,
and the Democrats, Franklin Pierce, of New Hamp
shire. The latter was elected, in connection with
William R. King, of Alabama, as Vice-President.
Mr. King had been United States' Senator from that
State — with the exception of four years, when he
was American minister at the court of France — since
1819 ; compelled by declining health he went to Cuba,
where he took the oath of office. Then he returned
home, not to enter upon the duties of the Vice-Presi
dency, but to die.
To avoid the inconvenience of too great a number
of members in the House of Representatives, as well
952 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NATION
as to present the waste of time in arranging the ratio
of its members to the population, it was enacted that
after the third of March, 1853, "The House of Repre
sentatives, under the next or any subsequent census,
a new State or States shall be admitted into the
Union, the Representatives assigned to such new
State shall be in addition to the number of Represen
tatives herein limited, which excess over two hun
dred and thirty-three shall continue until the next
succeeding census."
Thereafter, when each "subsequent census" is of
ficially known, the House determines by law the num
ber of its own members "until the next succeeding
census," and in proportion to that the number of its
Representatives is assigned to each State. The Sen
ate, in accordance with Article L, Section 3, of the
Constitution, is divided into three classes, and when
Senators are elected from a new State, first in order
is the distribution of the times they are to serve into
long and short terms. This is determined by lot,
and ever after on the rolls of the Senate that distinc
tion is preserved. A member of the House of Repre
sentatives serves two years, a President four, and a
Senator six. This overlapping of terms is designed
to secure deliberate legislation. The Representa
tives under the Census of 1910 number 391.
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1 JUN'65
\965
LIBRARY, COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE, DAVIS
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
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