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A    HISTORY 


ANCIENT  SANSKRIT  LITERATURE 


SO    FAE   AS    IT    ILLUSTRATES 


THE  PRIMITIVE  RELIGION  OF  THE  BRAHMANS. 


BY  MAX  MULLER,   M.A. 

Fellow  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford : 

Correspondant  de  l'Institut  Imperial  de  France ;  Foreign  Member  of  the  Royal  Bavarian  Academy ; 

Honorary  Member  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Literature ;  Corresponding  Member  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of 

Bengal,  and  of  the  American  Oriental  Society ;  Member  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Paris,  and  of 

the  Oriental  Society  of  Germany ;  and  Taylorian  Professor  in  the  University  of  Oxford. 


WILLIAMS    AND    NORGATE, 

U,    HENRIETTA    STREET,    COVENT    GARDEN,    LONDON; 

AND 

20,  SOUTH  FREDERICK  STREET,  EDINBURGH. 

PARIS  :   B.  DUPRAT.      LEIPZIG  :   R.  HARTMANN. 
1859. 


LONDON 

PBINTED     BY     SPOTTISWOODB     AND     CO. 

NEW-STBEET  SQUABB 


TO 


HORACE  HAYMAN  WILSON,   ESQ. 

BODEIT  FBOFESSOB  OF  SANSKBIT,  ASSOCIATE  OF  THE  INSTITUTE  OF  FEANCE,  ETC. 

&|jb  WJLoxk  h  gnacrifob 

AS   A   TOKEN   OP  ADMIRATION   AND   GRATITUDE 
BY   HIS   PUPIL  AND  PMEND 


MAX  MULLER. 


PREFACE. 


A  few  words  of  personal  explanation  are  due  to 
those  who  may  have  seen,  in  the  Preface  to  the 
First  Volume  of  my  edition  of  the  Rig- Veda*,  a  note 
announcing  as  ready  for  publication  an  Introductory 
Memoir  on  the  Literature  of  the  Veda.  Ten  sheets 
of  this  Memoir  were  printed  when,  in  the  beginning 
of  the  year  1851,  1  was  appointed  Deputy  Professor, 
and,  after  the  death  of  my  lamented  friend,  Francis 
Trithen,  in  the  year  1854,  Professor  of  Modern  Euro- 
pean Languages  and  Literature  in  the  University  of 
Oxford.  In  compliance  with  the  statutes  for  the 
Foundation  of  Sir  Robert  Taylor,  I  had  to  write 
"  Three  Courses  of  Lectures  in  every  year,  on  the 
Philology  or  Literature  of  some  of  the  principal 
Languages  of  Europe."  These  new  and  unexpected 
duties  rendered  it  necessary  for  me  to  discontinue 
for  a  time  my  favourite  studies.  And  when,  after 
the  first  years  of  my  new  office,  I  was  able  to  employ 

*  Rig- Veda- Sanhita,  the  sacred  songs  of  the  Brahmans,  together 
with  the  Commentary  of  Sayanacharya,  edited  by  Max  Muller, 
Vol.  I,  1849;  Vol.  II.,  1854;  Vol.  III.,  1856.  There  will  be 
three  more  volumes,  the  first  of  which  is  to  be  published  next  year. 
The  first  volume  of  Professor  Wilson's  Translation  was  published 
1850;  the  second,  1854;  the  third,  1857;  and  he  is  carrying 
on,  at  the  present  moment,  his  valuable  translation  of  the  next 
volume. 

a  3 


VL  PREFACE. 

a  greater  amount  of  leisure  on  the  prosecution   of 

Sanskrit  studies,  I  felt  that  I  should  better  serve  the 

i 

interests  of  Sanskrit  Philology  by  devoting  all  my 
spare  time  to  editing  the  text  and  commentary  of  the 
Veda,  than  by  publishing  the  results,  more  or  less 
fragmentary,  of  my  own  researches  into  the. language, 
literature,  and  religion  of  the  ancient  Brahmans. 

In  resuming  now,  after  the  lapse  of  nearly  ten 
years,  the  publication  of  these  Essays,  I  may  regret 
that  on  many  points  I  have  been  anticipated  by  others, 
who  during  the  interval  have  made  the  Veda  the 
special  subject  of  their  studies.  But  this  regret  is 
fully  balanced  by  the  satisfaction  I  feel  in  finding 
that,  in  the  main,  my  original  views  on  the  literature 
and  religion  of  the  Vedic  age  have  not  been  shaken, 
either  by  my  own  continued  researches  or  by  the  re- 
searches of  others ;  and  that  the  greater  part  of  this 
work  could  be  printed,  as  it  now  stands,  from  the 
original  manuscript.  It  will  be  seen,  however,  that 
in  the  notes,  as  well  as  in  the  body  of  the  work,  I  have 
availed  myself,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  of  all  the 
really  important  and  solid  information  that  could  be 
gathered  from  the  latest  works  of  Sanskrit  philologists. 
The  frequent  references  to  the  works  of  Wilson, 
Burnouf,  Lassen,  Benfey,  Roth,  Boehtlingk,  Kuhn, 
Regnier,  Weber,  Aufrecht,  Whitney,  and  others,  will 
show  where  I  have  either  derived  new  light  from  the 
labours  of  these  eminent  scholars,  or  found  my  own 
conclusions  confirmed  by  their  independent  testimony. 
Believing,  as  I  do,  that  literary  controversy  is  more 
apt  to  impede  than  to  advance  the  cause  of  truth,  I 


PREFACE.  Vll 

have  throughout  carefully  abstained  from  it.  Where  it 
seemed  necessary  to  controvert  unfounded  statements 
or  hasty  conclusions,  I  have  endeavoured  to  do  so  by 
stating  the  true  facts  of  the  case,  and  the  legitimate 
conclusions  that  may  be  drawn  from  these  facts. 

My  readers  have  to  thank  Dr.  Biihler,  a  pupil  of 
Professor  Benfey  of  Gottingen,  for  the  alphabetical 
index  at  the  end  of  this  volume.  The  same  industri- 
ous scholar  has  supplied  me  with  a  list  of  errata, 
to  which  some  remarks  of  his  own  are  appended. 

MAX   MULLEK. 


Ray  Lodge,  Maidenhead, 
Aug.  3,  1859. 


A  4 


ERRATA. 

Page  36.  line 

26. 

read 

Sakuntala. 

„       45.   line 

37. 

>» 

Dvaraka. 

„     110.   line 

21. 

5) 

Purana. 

„     160.   line 

28. 

s» 

ushman. 

„    181.  line 

24. 

J» 

Dhananjayya. 

„    200.  line 

30. 

J? 

cnrb. 

„    227.  line 

26. 

5» 

^TrT    line  30.  f%f    Ibid.  VEft' 

„    247.   line 

27. 

» 

kripitam,  kiritam. 

„    284.   line 

2. 

» 

tirita. 

„    364.   line 

27. 

»J 

Saunakins. 

„    382.   line 

14. 

» 

Kakshivateti ;  line  16.,  Dirgha. 

„    499.  line 

4. 
9. 

M 

arjfiara. 

„    573.  line 

*\xk, 

„    576.  line 

10. 

J1 

fMnT. 

„    585.  line 

5. 

>» 

^r^T^i*n<. 

Page  252.  line  26.  The  Kratusangraha  is  frequently  quoted  by  Sayann, 
in  his  Commentary  on  the  Tandya-brahmana  in  elucidation  of  obscure 
passages.  P.  252. 1.  27.  The  Viniyoga-sangraha  is  likewise  quoted  by 
Sayana  as  containing  explanations  of  the  Mantras  employed  in  the 
Tandya-brahmana. 

,  Page  325.  line  22.     There  was  no  space  left  for  printing  the  list  of  the 
Upanishads ;  it  will  be  published  in  one  of  the  Oriental  Journals. 

Page  580.  line  3.  The  statement  of  Ajigarta  intending  to  devour  his 
own  son  is  clearly  a  modern  addition  of  the  Sankhayanas. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


Page 
Preface        .......       v. 


INTRODUCTION. 


1 

8 

9 

10 

11 


Origin  and  Progress  of  Sanskrit  Philology  . 
The  true  Object  of  Sanskrit  Philology  .  . 

The  Veda  is  the  basis  of  Sanskrit  Literature 
The  Veda  represents  the  Vedic  Age 
Necessity  of  establishing  the  Antiquity  of  the  Veda 
Absence  of  Synchronistic  Dates  in  the  early  History  of  the 
Aryan  Family        .  .  .  .  .  .11 

The  earliest  History  of  the  Aryan  Family    .  .  .12 

Separation  of  the  Northern  and  Southern  Branches  of  the 
Aryan  Family       .  .  .  .  .  .12 

Their  distinctive  character    .  .  .  .  .14 

Comparison  between  the  early  Histories  of  India  and  Greece       17 
The  peculiarities  of  the  early  Colonists  of  India       .  .       18 

Their  neglect  of  the  Real  and  Historical  Elements  of  Life   .       18 
Their  interest  in  Supernatural  Problems       .  .  .19 

The  meaning  of  Atman  or  Self         .  .  .  .20 

Dialogue  between  Yajnavalkya  and  Maitreyi  .  .       22 

The  character  of  the  Indians  at  the  time  of  Alexander's  ex- 
pedition     .  .  .  .  .  .  ,25 

The  Indians  have  no  place  in  the  Political  History  of  the 
Ancient  World      .  .  .  .  .  .29 

Their  place  in  the  Intellectual  History  of  the  World  .       32 

The  influence  of  India  on  the  Religious  History  of  Asia      .       32 
The  origin  of  Buddhism        .  .  .  .  .33 

The  Buddhistic  Era  and  its  importance  for  the  Chronology 
ofludia     .......       34 


X  CONTENTS. 

Page 
Traces  of  the  Buddhistic  crisis  in  the  latest  productions  of 
the  Vedic  Literature  .  .  .  .  .35 

Distinction  between  Vedic  and  non -Vedic  works      .  .       36 

The  Epic  Poems,  the  Ramayana  and  Mahabharata,  no  au- 
thority for  the  History  of  the  Vedic  Age  •  .       36 
Traces  of  earlier  Epic  Poetry           .            .            .            .37 

Extract  from  the  &ankhayana-sutras  .  .  .37 

Meaning  of  Gatha,  Narasansi,  Itihasa,  Akhyana,  Purana, 
Kalpa,  Vidya,  Upanishad,  6loka,  Sutra,  Vyakbyana,  and 
Anuvy akhyana,  as  titles  of  Vedic  Literature         .  .       40 

Supposed  quotation  of  the  Bharata  or  Mahabharata,  in  the 
Sutras  of  Asvalayana         .  .  .  .  .42 

The  war  between  the  Kurus  and  Pandavas,  unknown  in  the 

Vedic  Age  .  .  •  .  .  .44 

The  original  Epic  Traditions  of  India  were  remodelled  by 

the  Brahmans        .  .  .  *  .  .46 

The  Five  Husbands  of  Draupadi       .  .  .  .46 

The  Two  Wives  of  Pandu,  and  the  Burning  of  M&dri  at 
his  Death  .  .  .  .  .  .48 

King  Dasaratha  killing  the  Son  of  a  Brahman  •  .       49 

The  relation  between  Parasu-Rama  and  Rama  .  .       49 

Variety  of  Local  Customs  during  the  Vedic  Age      .  .       49 

Family-laws  and  Traditions  .  .  .  .51 

Vedic  customs  differing  from  the  later  Brahmanic  Law         .       56 
The  Story  of  Kakshivat        .  .  .  .  .56 

The  Story  of  Kavasha  Ailusha         .  .  .  .58 

The  Puranas,  no  authority  for  the  History  of  the  Vedic  Age       61 
The  so-called  Laws  of  Manu,  no  authority  for  the  History  of 
the  Vedic  Age       .  .  .  .  .  .61 

The  Veda  the  only  safe  basis  of  Indian  History       .  .       62 

Importance  of  the  Veda  in  the  History  of  the  World  .       63 

Importance  of  the  Veda  in  the  History  of  India        .  .       63 

The  Veda,  the  most  Ancient  Book  of  the  Aryan  Family      .       65 

HISTORY  OF  VEDIC  LITERATURE. 

External  criteria  for  distinguishing  between  Vedic  and  non- 
Vedic  Works  ......       67 

Metre,  as  an  external  Criterion         .  .  .  .       (58 

No  wo:  k  written  in  continuous  Anushtubh-slokas  belongs  to 
the  Vedic  age         .  .  .  .  .  .68 


CONTENTS.  XI 

Tage 
Division  of  the  Vedic  Age    .  •  .  .  .       70 

The  Chhandas,  Mantra,  Brahmana,  and  Sutra  Periods  .       70 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE    SUTRA   PERIOD. 

The  peculiarities  of  the  Sutras  .  .  .  .71 

The  Paribhasha  or  key  to  the  Sutras  .  .  .72 

The  Law  of  Anuvritti  and  Nirvritti  .  .  .73 

The  system  of  Purva-paksha,  Uttara-paksha,  and  Siddha'nta       73 
The  Sutras  belong  to  the  Smriti  or  non-revealed  Literature 
of  the  Brahmans    .  .  .  .  .  .74 

The  distinction  between  &ruti  (revelation)  and  Smriti  (tradi- 
tion) was  made  by  the  Brahmans  after  their  ascendancy 
was  established      .  .  .  .  .  .76 

It  preceded  the  Schism  of  Buddha    .  .  .  .77 

Attacks  on  the  Brahmans  before  Buddha's  time        .  .       80 

Visvamitra,  Janaka,  Buddha,  all  Kshatriyas  .  .       80 

Arguments  used  by  the  Brahmans  against  the  Buddhists      .       82 
The  Brahmans  appeal  to  the  absolute  authority  of  the  6ruti 
or  revelation  .  .  .  .  .  .82 

A  similar  argument  adopted  in  later  times  by  the  Buddhists 

themselves  .  .  .  »  .  .83 

Extract  from  Kumarila  .  .  .  .  .84 

The  Admission  of  a  human  Authorship  for  the  Sutras  shows, 
that  at   the  time    of    the    Buddhistic    Controversy    the 
Sutras  were  works  of  recent  origin  .  .  .86 

Smriti  and  Smritis    .  .  .  .  .  .86 

The  Authority  of  the  Smriti  defended  .  .  .87 

Extract  from  Sayana's  Commentary  on  Parasara's  Smriti     .       87 
The  Sutras  are  not  classed  as  6ruti,  though  they  treat  on 

subjects  connected  with  the  Veda  .  .  .95 

Extract  from  Kumarila  .  .  .  .  .95 

The  Sutras  divided  into  Srauta  and  Smarta  .  .  .99 

The  Admission  of  Lost  £akhas  discussed       .  .  .     100 

Extract    from  Haradatta's  Commentary  on    the    Samaya- 
charika-sutras        .  .  .  .  .  .100 

Extract  from  Apastamba       .....     105 

Probability  of  the  loss  of  Sakhas       ....     106 

The  distinction  betweeji   6ruti  and.  Smriti  known  to  the 
authors  of  the  Sutras         .....     107 


Xll 


CONTENTS. 


The  Six  Vedangas,  or  Branches  of  Vedic  Exegesis  . 

The  Name  of  the  Vedangas  .... 

The  Number  of  the  Vedangas 

The  First  Vedanga,  Siksha  or  Pronunciation 

It  formed  part  of  the  Aranyakas 

It  became  the  principal  Subject  of  the  Pratisakhyas 

Origin  of  the  Pratisakhyas    .... 

Numerous  Authors  quoted  in  the  Pratisakhyas 

Pratisakhyas    attached    to    the    different   Sakhas    of    each 
Veda  .  ,\  .  . 

The  proper  meaning  of  Sakha  and  Pratisakhya 

Difference  between  Sakha  and  Charana 

Difference  between  Charana  and  Parishad     . 

Character  of  Parishads,  in  ancient  and  modern  Times 

Legal  Sutras,  belonging  to  the  Charanas 

The  original  sources  of  the  "  Laws  of  Manu,"  &c.    . 

The  threefold  Division  of  Law 

The  Pratisakhya  of  the  Sakala-sakha  of  the  Rig-veda  by 
Saunaka     ...... 

The  Pratisakhya  of  some  Sakha  of  the  Taittiriya-veda 
The  Pratisakhya  of  the  Madhyandina-sakha  of  the  Yajur 
veda  by  Katy&yana  .... 

The  Pratisakhya  of  some  Sakha  of  the  Atharva-veda 
List  of  Teachers  quoted  in  the  Pratisakhyas,   the  Nirukta 
and  Panini  .... 

No  Pratisakhya  required  for  the  Sama-veda 

General  character  of  the  Pratisakhyas 

The  metrical  Vedanga  on  Siksha 

The  Manduki-siksha 

The  Second  Vedanga,  Chhandas  or  Metre     . 

Treatise  by  Saunaka 

Treatise  by  Katyayana 

The  Nidana-sutra  of  the  Sama-veda 

The  Treatise  ascribed  to  Pingala 

Lost  Works  on  Metre,  by  Yaska,  and  Saitava 

Nomenclature  of  Metres 

The  Third  Vedanga,  Vyakarana  or  Grammar 

Panini  and  his  predecessors  . 

The  Unadi-sutras      .... 

The  Phitsutras  of  Santana     . 

The  Fourth  Vedanga,  Nirukfa  or  Etymology 


CONTENTS.  Xiil 

Pago 
Yaska  and  his  predecessors    .  .  .  .  .153 

Distinction  between  Yaska's  Nirukta,  and  the  Commentary 

on  the  Nirukta      ► 
Both  works  divided  into  three  parts 
Naighantuka,  Naigama  (Aikapadika),  Daivata 
History  of  the  Science  of  Language  in  India  and  Greece 
The  Fifth  Vedanga,  Kalpa  or  the  Ceremonial 
The  Kalpa-sutras,  based  on  the  Brahmanas  . 
Some  Brahmanas  resembling  Sutras,  some  Sutras  resembling 

Brahmanas 
Distinction  between  Brahmanas  and  Sutras  . 
Origin  of  the  Brahmanas       .... 
System  of  their  collection 
The  threefold  division  of  the  ceremonial  leads  to  the  threefold 

division  of  the  Brahmanas 
The  Adhvaryu  priests,  and  the  Taittiriyaka 
The  modern  Sakha  of  the  Vajasaneyins  and  their  Sanhita 
The  Udgatri  priests  and  their  Sanhita 
The  Hotri  priests      ..... 
The  Rig-veda-sanhita  .... 

The  three  collections  of  Brahmanas  . 
The  Kalpa-sutras  presuppose  the  existence  of  Brahmana- 

sakhas       ...... 

They  are  intended  for  more  than  one  Charana 

They  lead  to  the  establishment  of  new  Charanas 

They  have  no  authorised  various  readings,  like  theBrahmanas 

They  were  handed  down  in  a  different  manner 

Difference  between  ancient  and  modern  Sutras 

No  Kalpa-sutras  quoted  in  the  nominative  plural 

The  Kalpa-sutras  cause  the  extinction  of  the  Brahmanas 

They  absorb  the  ancient  Sakhas 

The  three  classes  of  Charanas 

Sanhita-charanas 

Brahmana-charanas    ..... 

Sutra-charanas  ..... 

Modern  character  of  the  Sutras 

List  of  Kalpa-sutras  .... 

The  Smarta-sutras     ..... 

The  Grihya-sutras  different  from  the  Samayacharika-sutras 
Meaning  of  Grihya  ..... 

Meaning  of  Pakayajna  *■ 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


Tago 
Character  of  the  Grihya  sacrifices     ....     204 

The  Samayacharika,  or  Dharma-sutras  .  .  .     206 

Their  modern  date     ......     208 

The  Four  Castes,  the  degradation  of  the  6udras       .  .     207 

The  Ten  Sutras  of  the  Sama-veda   ....     209 

The  Sixth  Vedanga,  Jyotisha,  or  Astronomy.  .  .210 

No  Work  on  Astronomy  written  in  Sutras  .  .211 

The  metricalJyotisha  .  .  .  .  .211 

Astronomical   elements    in    the  Hymns,    Brahmanas,    and 
Sutras        .......     212 

General  character  of  the  Vedangas  .  .  .  .214 

Their  practical  object  .  .  .  .  .214 

Their  Authors  do  not  claim  to  be  inspired     .  .  .214 

Their  peculiar  style  .  .  .  ..-,..  .214 

Their  position  as  intermediate  between  the  Vedic  and  non- 
Vedic  literature     .  .  .  .  .  .215 

How  to  fix  their  date  .  .  .  .  .215 

The  Works  ascribed  to  Saunaka  and  his  School         .  .215 

Katyayana's  Sarvanukrama  to  the  Rig-veda  .  .216 

Five  previous  Anukramanis,  ascribed  to  &aunaka     .  .216 

Their  style     .  .  .  .  .  .  .217 

The  Brihaddevata  and  its  Authors    .  .  .  .218 

Number  of  Hymns,  Verses,  and  Words,  according  to  different 
Anukramanis         .  .  .  .  .  .219 

The  three  Anukramanis  of  the  Yajur-veda   .  .  .     222 

The  Anukramanis  of  the  Sama-veda  ;  two  classes    .  .     226 

The  Brihatsarvanukramani  to  the  Atharvana  .  .     228 

How  to  fix  the  age  of  6aunaka  and  Katyayana  as  Authors 
of  the  Anukramanis  .....     229 

The  peculiarities  of  style  in  Saunaka  and  Katyayana  .     229 

Shadgurusishya's  account  of  &aunaka  and  his  Pupils  .     230 

Their  Works  .  .  .  .  .  .233 

Five  generations  of  Teachers  .  .  .  .     239 

Katyayana,  the  same  as  Vararuchi    ....     239 

Somadeva's  account  of  Katyayana  and  Panini  .  .     240 

Indian  tradition  places  Katyayana  and  Panini  contempora- 
neous with  King  Nanda     .....     242 

Nanda,  the  successor  of  Chandragupta,   the   contemporary 
of  Alexander        ......     242 

Date  of  Katyayana  in  the  second  half  of  tbe  Fourth  Century, 
B.C 243 


CONTENTS.  XV 

Pago 
Abhimanyu  adopts  the  commentary  of  Katyayana  in  the  First 

Century,  A.D.        .  .  .  .  .  .243 

Sutra  period  from  600  to  200,  B.C.  .  .  .  .244 

Objections.     Date  of  Unadi-sutras    .  .  .  .245 

The  words  dinara,  tirita,  stupa,  Jina  .  .  .    245 

The  Parisishtas,  the  latest  branch  of  Vedic  literature  .     249 

Parisishtas  of  theRig-veda,  Sama-veda,  Yajur-veda,  Atharva- 

veda  .  .  .  .  .  .  .252 

Gradual  Rise  of  the  Brahmanic  Literature   .  .  .257 

The  Parisishtas  mark  the  decline  of  Brahmanism     .  .257 

They  are  contemporary  with   the  Political  Ascendancy  of 

Buddhism.  .  .  .  •    .  .257 

Buddhism,  before  Asoka,  was  but  modified  Brahmanism  .  260 
The  Chronology  of  the  earlier  Period  of  Buddhism  is  purely 

theoretical  .  .  .  .  .  .     262 

The  Northern  Chronology,  and  its  rationale  .  .     263 

The  Southern  Chronology  and  its  rationale  .  .  .     266 

Both  Chronologies  irreconcileable  with  Greek  Chronology    .     275 
The  date  of  Chandragupta,  the  basis  of  Indian  Chronology  .     275 
Classical  Accounts  of  Sandrocyptus  .  .  .    275 

Indian  Accounts  of  Chandragupta     ....     278 

Coincidences  between  the  two  .  .  .  .     278 

Apparent  differences  explained         .  .  .  .279 

Buddhist  Fables  invented  to  exalt  Chandragupta's  descent  .  280 
Brahmanic  Fables  invented  to  lower  Chandragupta's  descent  295 
Chandragupta's  real  Date  brings  the  real  beginning  of  the 

Ceylonese  Era  to  477,  B.C.  ....     298 

All  dates  before  Chandragupta  are  merely  hypothetical  .  299 
The  compromise  between  the  different  systems  of  Chronology 

proposed  by  Lassen  .  .  .  .  .     299 

Katyayana's  real  Date  .....     300 

Other  Arguments  in  support  of  Katyayana's  Date  considered  301 
Sutra  "Works  that  cannot  be  fixed  chronologically     .  .310 

Sutras  quoted,  some  lost,  others  never  committed  to  writing  311 
Gradual  change  of  Style  in  the  Sutras  .  .  .311 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE   BRAHMANA  PERIOD. 

Aranyakas  intermediate  between  Sutras  and  Brahmanas  .  313 
Meaning  of  Aranyaka  .  .  .  .  .313 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


Page 
Aranyakas  considered  as  6ruti,  but  some  of  them  ascribed 
to  human  Authors  .  .  .  .  .314 

Aranyakas  presuppose  Brahmanas    .  .  .  .315 

The  Upanishads,  the  principal  Portion  of  the  Aranyakas     .     316 
The  Upanishads  quoted  as  the  highest  Authority  by  various 
Philosophers  .  .  .  .  .  .316 

New  Upanishads  supplied  when  required     .  .  .317 

Upanishads  in  the  Sanhitas  ...  .  .  .317 

Upanishads  in  Aranyakas  and  Brahmanas    .  .  .317 

Later  Upanishads  unattached  .  .  .  .318 

Etymology  of  Upanishad      .  .  .  .  .318 

The  Upanishads  Regarded  as  the  repositories  of  the  Highest 
Knowledge  .  .  .  .  .  .319 

Great  Variety  of  Opinion  in  the  Upanishads  .  .     320 

Growing  Number  of  Upanishads      ....     324 

The  Names  of  the  Authors  of  the  principal  Upanishads  un- 
known      .......     327 

The  Aranyakas  and  their  Reputed  Authors  .  .     329 

The  Brihadaranyaka  and  Yajnavalkya  .  .  .     329 

Attempts  at  fixing  the  age  of  Yajnavalkya  .  .  .     330 

The  Taittiriyaranyaka  .....     334 

The  Aitareyaranyaka  .....     335 

The  Kaushitaki-aranyaka      .  .  .  .  .337 

Modern  form,  but  ancient  matter      ....     338 

Literary  Works  alluded  to  in  the  Aranyakas  .  .     340 

Aranyakas,  intermediate  between  Brahmanas  and  Sutras     .     341 
The  Brahmanas         ...  .  .  .  .     342 

Definition  of  the  word  Brahmana     ....     342 

Sayana's  definition     ......     342 

Madhusudana's  definition      .  .  .  .  .     344 

Origin  of  the  Brahmanas,  &c,  &c.    ....     345 

The  Brahmanas  of  the  Bahvrichas    .  .  .  .     346 

The  Brahmanas  of  the  Aitareyins  and  Asvalayaniyas  .     347 

The  Brahmanas  of  the  Kaushitakins  and  6ankhayaniyas      .     347 
The  Brahmanas  of  the  Chhandogas  .  .  .     347 

The  Brahmanas  of  the  Adhvaryus  .  .  .     349 

The  Ancient  School  of  the  Charakas  .  .  .    350 

The  Modern  School  of  the  Vajasaneyins       .  .  .     350 

Yajnavalkya's  Authorship    .....     353 

Table  of  Contents  of  the  Vajasaneyi-sanhita  .  .     354 

Correspondence  between  the  Sanhita  and  Brahmana  .     356 


CONTENTS.  XVII 

Page 
Distinction  between  Ancient  and  Modern  Brahmanas  .     360 

Panini's  Rules  on  the  Formation   of  the   Titles  of  Ancient 
and  Modern  Brahmanas     .  .  .  .  .361 

The  Brahmana-charanas  reduced  in  number  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  Sutras         ......     365 

List  of  Charanas  from  the  Charanavyiiha     .  .  .     367 

Its  Authority  for  the  Sutra-charanas,  not  for  Brahmana  and 

Sanhita-charanas  .....     367 

How  to  distinguish  between   Sutra,  Brahmana,  and  Sanhita- 
charanas  .  ..  .  .  .  .     375 

Difference  between  Charana3  and  Gotras       .  .  .     378 

List  of  Gotras  .  .  .  .  .  .     380 

The  Rules  of  Pravara  .  .  .  .  .386 

The  general  Character  of  the  Brahmanas      .  .  .     389 

Extract  from  the  Aitareya-brahmana  (the  Diksha)  .  .     390 

Extract  from  the  Kaushitaki-brahmaiia         .  .  .     406 

Extract  from  the  Aitareya-brahmana  (the  Story  of  &unah- 
sepha)        .  .  .  .  .  .  .408 

On  the  Character  of  Human  Sacrifices  .  .  .419 

Extract  from  the  £atapatha-brahmana  (the  Story  of  Janaka)     421 
Extract  from  the  Aitareya-brahmana  (the  Story  of  Nabha- 
nedishtha)  .  .  .  .  .  .423 

Extract  from  the  6atapatha-brahmana  (the   Story  of  the 
Deluge)      .  .  .  .  .  .  .425 

The  Mimansa  Method  of  discussion  in  the  Brahmanas  .     427 

What  is  presupposed  by  the  Brahmanas  ?     .  .  .     428 

The  Threefold  Division  of  the  Ceremonial  completed  before 
the  Brahmanas      ......     430 

The  Vedic  Hymns  misinterpreted     ....     432 

Duration  of  the  Brahmana  period      ....     435 

Lists  of  Teachers       ......     435 

The  Gopatha-brahmana         .....     445 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE    MANTRA   PERIOD. 

Its  Character  .  .  .  .  .  .     456 

The  Rig-veda-sanhita,  the  only  Document  in  which  it  can  be 

studied       .  .  .  .  .  .     457 

Difference   between    the    Rig-veda-sanhita.    and  the    other 

Sanhitas     .  .  .  .  .  .  .  -    .     457 

a 


XVlll 


CONTENTS. 


Page 
Sayana's  Remarks  on  this  point         ....     458 

Principles  of  collection  followed  in  the  Rig-veda-sanhita      .     468 
The  order  of  the  Hymns  according  to  the  Deities     .  .     46 1 

The  Apri  Hymn3      .  .  .  .  .     463 

Traces  of  Priestly  influence  in  the  Rig-veda-sanhita  .     467 

Was  the  Rig-veda-sanhita  collected  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Brahman  priests?  .....     468 

The  Offices  of  the  Four  Classes  of  Priests    .  .  .468 

The  Adhvaryu  Priests  .  .  .  .  .471 

The  Udgatri  Priests  .  .  .  .  .472 

The  Hotri  Priests      .  .  .  .  .  .473 

The  Brahman  Priests  .....     475 

The  Rig-veda-sanhita,  not  intended  for  any  Class  of  Priests  .     477 
Old  Hymns  collected  during  the  Mantra  period         .  .     477 

New  Hymns  composed  during  the  Mantra  period     .  .     478 

Distinction  between  ancient  and  modern  Hymns       .  .     480 

Allusions  to  the  Ceremonial  ....     484 

The  Purohitas  .  .  .  .  .  .485 

The  Professional  Priests        .....     489 

The  Natural  Sacrifices  .....     490 

The  Artificial  Sacrifices         .  .  .  .  .491 

The  Panegyrics  or  Danastutis  ....     493 

Satirical  Hymn  ......     494 

The  Character  of  the  Mantra  period  .  .  .     496 

The  introduction  of  Writing,  an  epoch  in  the  History  of  San- 
skrit Literature     ......     497 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    CHHANDAS   PERIOD. 


Character  of  the  Chhandas  period 

Antecedent  Elements 

Specimens  of  primitive  Vedic  Poetry 

Hymn  to  the  Visve  Devas     . 

Gods  invoked  collectively 

Each  God  conceived  as  supreme 

Hymn  to  Varuna       .  . 

Moral  Truths 

The  primary  Elements  of  Religion 

Hymn  to  Varuna 


525 
526 
531 
531 
532 
532 
534 
537 
538 
540 


CONTENTS.                                            XIX 

Pago 

Law  and  Mercy 

.540 

The  Conception  of  Sin  and  Forgiven 

ess                     •            .     540 

Hymn  to  Indra 

.     542 

Hymns  to  Agni 

.    547 

Hymn  to  Ushas 

.     551 

Modern  Hymns         .             « 

.     552 

Hymn  to  the  Horse  . 

.     553 

Philosophical  Hymns 

.     556 

The  idea  of  one  God 

.     558 

The  idea  of  a  Creation 

.     559 

Antiquity  of  Philosophy 

.     564 

Hymn  to  the  Supreme  God 

.     569 

Date  of  the  Chhandas  Period 

.     570 

Appendix.     The  Story  of  Sunahsepl 

ha                                        573 

Index 

.     589 

INTRODUCTION. 

Full  seventy  years  have  passed  since  Sir  William 
Jones  published  his  translation  of  Sakuntala  \  a  work 
which  may  fairly  be  considered  as  the  starting  point 
of  Sanskrit  philology.  The  first  appearance  of  this 
beautiful  specimen  of  dramatic  art  created  at  the 
time  a  sensation  throughout  Europe,  and  the  most 
rapturous  praise  was  bestowed  upon  it  by  men  of 
high  authority  in  matters  of  taste.2  At  the  same 
time  the  attention  of  the  historian,  the  philologist, 
and    the   philosopher   was   roused  to  the   fact   that 


1  "  Sacontala  or  the  Fatal  Ring,  an  Indian  drama,  translated 
from  the  original  Sanskrit  and  Prakrit.  Calcutta,  1789."  There 
have  since  appeared  three  editions  of  the  Sanskrit  text,  and  trans- 
lations in  French,  German,  Italian,  Danish,  and  Swedish. 

A  new  and  very  elegant  English  version  has  lately  been  published 
by  Professor  Williams.     Hertford,  1856. 

2  Goethe  was  one  of  the  greatest  admirers  of  6akuntala,  as  may 
be  seen  from  the  lines  written  in  his  Italian  Travels  at  Naples, 
and  from  his  well-known  Epigram  : 


"  Willt  Du  die  Bliithe  des  fruhen,  die  Friichte  des  spateren  Jahres, 
Willt  Du,  was  reizt  und  entziickt,  willt  Du  was  sattigt  und  nahrt, 
Willt  Du  den  Himmel,  die  Erde  mit  einem  Namen  begreifen, 
Nenn  ich,  Sacontala,  Dich,  und  so  ist  Alles  gesagt." 

"  Wilt  thou  the  blossoms  of  spring  and  the  fruits  that  are  later  in  season, 
Wilt  thou  have  charms  and  delights,  wilt  thou  have  strength  and  support, 
Wilt  thou  with  one  short  word  encompass  the  earth  and  the  heaven, 
All  is  said  if  I  name  only,  Sacontala,  thee." 

B 


2  HISTORY   OF    SANSKRIT  PHILOLOGY. 

a  complete  literature  had  been  preserved  in  India, 
which  promised  to  open  a  new  leaf  in  the  ancient 
history  of  mankind,  and  deserved  to  become  the 
object  of  serious  study.  And  although  the  en- 
thusiasm with  which  works  like  Sakuntala  were  at 
first  received  by  all  who  took  an  interest  in  literary 
curiosities  could  scarcely  be  expected  to  last,  the  real 
and  scientific  interest  excited  by  the  language,  the 
literature,  the  philosophy,  and  antiquities  of  India  has 
lasted,  and  has  been  increasing  ever  since.  England, 
France,  Germany,  Italy,  Denmark,  Sweden,  Russia, 
and  Greece  have  each  contributed  their  share  towards 
the  advancement  of  Sanskrit  philology,  and  names  like 
those  of  Sir  W.  Jones,  Colebrooke,  Wilson,  in  England, 
Burnouf  in  France,  the  two  Schlegels,  W.  von  Hum- 
boldt, Bopp,  and  Lassen,  in  Germany,  have  secured 
to  this  branch  of  modern  scholarship  a  firm  standing 
and  a  universal  reputation.  The  number  of  books 
that  have  been  published  by  Sanskrit  scholars  in  the 
course  of  the  last  seventy  years  is  but  small.1  Those 
works,  however,  represent  large  and  definite  results, 
important  not  only  in  their  bearing  on  Indian  anti- 
quities, but,  as  giving  birth  to  a  new  system  of  Com- 
parative Philology,  of  the  highest  possible  importance 
to  philology  in  general.2     In  little  more  than  half  a 


1  Professor  Gildemeister  in  his  most  laborious  and  accurate 
work,  "  Bibliothecse  SanscritaB  Specimen,  Bonnse,  1847,"  brings 
the  number  of  books  that  have  been  published  up  to  that  time  in 
Sanskrit  philology  to  803,  exclusive  of  all  works  on  Indian  anti- 
quities and  Comparative  Philology.  During  the  last  twelve  years 
that  number  has  been  considerably  raised. 

2  Professor  Lassen,  in  his  work  on  Indian  Antiquities,  now  in 
course  of  publication,  is  giving  a  resume  of  the  combined  labours 
of  Indian  philologists  during  the  last  seventy  years,  sifted  critically 


HISTORY    OF    SANSKRIT   PHILOLOGY.  3 

century,  Sanskrit  has  gained  its  proper  place  in  the 
republic  of  learning,  side  by  side  with  Greek  and 
Latin.  The  privileges  which  these  two  languages 
enjoy  in  the  educational  system  of  modern  Europe 
will  scarcely  ever  be  shared  by  Sanskrit.  But  no  one 
who  wishes  to  acquire  a  thorough  knowledge  of  these 
or  any  other  of  the  Indo-European  languages,  —  no 
one  who  takes  an  interest  in  the  philosophy  and  the 
historical  growth  of  human  speech,  —  no  one  who 
desires  to  study  the  history  of  that  branch  of  man- 
kind to  which  we  ourselves  belong,  and  to  discover  in 
the  first  germs  of  the  language,  religion,  and  my- 
thology of  our  forefathers,  the  wisdom  of  Him  who  is 
not  the  God  of  the  Jews  only,  —  can,  for  the  future, 
dispense  with  some  knowledge  of  the  language  and 
ancient  literature  of  India. 

And  yet  Indian  philology  is  still  in  its  infancy,  and 
the  difficulties  with  which  it  has  had  to  contend  have 
been  great,  much  greater,  indeed,  than  those  which 
lay  in  the  way  of  Greek  philology  after  its  revival  in 
the  fifteenth  century.  Seventy  years  after  the  fall  of 
Constantinople,  the  classical  works  of  Greek  literature 
were  not  only  studied  from  manuscripts:  they  had 
been  edited  and  printed.  There  were  men  like 
Keuchlin,  Erasmus,  and  Melanchthon,  who  had  inves- 
tigated the  most  important  documents  in  the  different 
periods  of  Greek  literature,  and  possessed  a  general 
knowledge  of  the   historical   growth   of  the   Greek 

and  arranged  scientifically  by  a  man  of  the  most  extensive  learning, 
and  of  the  soundest  principles  of  criticism.  His  work  may  indeed 
be  considered  as  bringing  to  its  conclusion  an  important  period  of 
Sanskrit  philology,  which  had  taken  its  beginning  with  Sir  W. 
Jones's  translation  of  6akuntala.  Indische  Alterthums-Kunde, 
von  Christian  Lassen.     Bonn,  1847 — 1858. 

b  2 


4  HISTORY   OF    SANSKRIT   PHILOLOGY. 

mind.  Learned  Greeks  who  were  taking  refuge  in 
the  west  of  Europe,  particularly  in  Italy,  had  brought 
with  them  a  sufficient  knowledge  to  teach  their  lan- 
guage and  literature ;  and  they  were  able  and  ready 
to  guide  the  studies  of  those  who  were  afterwards  to 
contribute  to  the  revival  of  classical  learning  in 
Europe.  Men  began  where  they  ought  to  begin, 
namely,  with  Homer,  Herodotus,  and  Thucydides,  and 
not  with  Anacreontic  poetry  or  Neo-Platonist  philo- 
sophy. But  when  our  earliest  Sanskrit  scholars 
directed  their  attention  to  Indian  literature,  the  dif- 
ficulties they  had  to  struggle  with  were  far  greater. 
Not  to  mention  the  burning  and  enervating  sky  of 
India,  and  the  burden  of  their  official  occupations, 
men  like  Halhed,  Wilkins,  and  Sir  W.  Jones  could 
hardly  find  a  single  Brahman  who  would  undertake 
to  teach  them  his  sacred  idiom.  When,  after  some 
time,  learned  Pandits  became  more  willing  to  impart 
their  knowledge  to  Europeans,  their  own  views  of 
Indian  history  and  literature  were  more  apt  to  mislead 
their  pupils  than  to  guide  them,  in  a  truly  historical 
direction.  Thus  it  happened  that,  at  the  beginning 
of  Sanskrit  philology,  preference  was  given  either  to 
works  which  still  enjoyed  amongst  the  Hindus  them- 
selves a  great,  but  frequently  undeserved,  popularity, 
or  to  those  which  by  their  poetical  beauty  attracted 
the  attention  of  men  of  taste.  Everything  Indian, 
whether  Manu's  Code  of  Laws,  the  Bhagavadgita, 
Sakuntala,  or  the  Hitopadesa,  was  at  that  time  con- 
sidered to  be  of  great  and  extravagant  antiquity,  and 
it  was  extremely  difficult  for  European  scholars  to 
form  a  right  opinion  on  the  real  merits  of  Indian 
literature.  The  literary  specimens  received  from 
India  were  generally  fragments  only  of  larger  works : 


HISTORY    OF    SANSKRIT   PHILOLOGY.  5 

or,  if  not,  they  had  been  chosen  so  indiscriminately 
from  different  and  widely  distant  periods,  that  it  was 
impossible  to  derive  from  them  an  adequate  know- 
ledge of  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  national  literature  of 
India. 

Herder,  in  other  respects  an  excellent  judge  of 
ancient  national  poetry,  committed  himself  to  some 
extraordinary  remarks  on  Indian  literature.  In  his 
criticism  on  oakuntala,  written  in  the  form  of  letters 
to  a  friend,  he  says  :  "  Do  you  not  wish  with  me, 
that  instead  of  these  endless  religious  books  of  the 
Vedas,  Upavedas,  and  Upangas,  they  would  give  us 
the  more  useful  and  more  agreeable  works  of  the 
Indians,  and  especially  their  best  poetry  of  every 
kind  ?  It  is  here  the  mind  and  character  of  a  nation 
is  best  brought  to  life  before  us,  and  I  gladly  admit, 
that  I  have  received  a  truer  and  more  real  notion  of 
the  manner  of  thinking  among  the  ancient  Indians 
from  this  one  Sakuntala,  than  from  all  their  Upnekats 
and  Bagavedams." 1  The  fact  is  that  at  that  time 
Herder's  view  on  the  endless  religious  books  of  the 
Vedas,  could  only  have  been  formed  from  a  wretched 
translation  of  the  Bagavedam,  as  he  calls  it,  —  that 
is,  the  Bh&gavatapur&na,  —  a  Sanskrit  work  composed 
as  many  centuries  after  as  the  Vedas  were  before 
Christ ;  or  from  the  Ezour-vedam,  a  very  coarse  for- 
gery, if,  indeed,  it  was  intended  as  such,  written,  as 
it  appears,  by  a  native  servant,  for  the  use  of  the 
famous  Jesuit  missionary  in  India,  Roberto  de  No- 
bilibus.2 


1  Herder's  Schriften,  vol.  ix.  p.  226,  Zur  schonen  Literatur  und 
Kunst.     Tubingen,  1807. 

2  Cf.   Account  of  a  Discovery  of  a  Modern  Imitation  of  the 

B  3 


6  HISTORY    OF    SANSKRIT   PHILOLOGY. 

Even  at  a  much  later  time,  men  who  possessed  the 
true  tact  of  an  historian,  like  Niebuhr,  have  abstained 
from  passing  sentence  on  the  history  of  a  nation 
whose  literature  had  only  just  been  recovered,  and 
had  not  yet  passed  through  the  ordeal  of  philological 
criticism.  In  his  Lectures  on  Ancient  History, 
Niebuhr  leaves  a  place  open  for  India,  to  be  filled  up 
when  the  pure  metal  of  history  should  have  been 
extracted  from  the  ore  of  Brahmanic  exaggeration 
and  superstition. 

Other  historians,  however,  thought  they  could  do 
what  Niebuhr  had  left  undone;  and  after  perusing 
some  poems  of  Kalidasa,  some  fables  of  the  Hitopadesa, 
some  verses  of  the  Ananda-lahari,  or  the  mystic  poetry 
of  the  Bhagavadgita,  they  gave,  with  the  aid  of  Mega- 
sthenes  and  Apollonius  of  Tyana,  a  so-called  historical 
account  of  the  Indian  nation,  without  being  aware 
that  they  were  using  as  contemporary  witnesses, 
authors  as  distant  from  each  other  as  Dante  and 
Virgil.  No  nation  has,  in  this  respect,  been  more 
unjustly  treated  than  the  Indian.  Not  only  have 
general  conclusions  been  drawn  from  the  most  scanty 
materials,  but  the  most  questionable  and  spurious 
authorities  have  been  employed  without  the  least 
historical  investigation  or  the  exercise  of  that  critical 
ingenuity,  which,  from  its  peculiar  character,  Indian 
literature  requires  more  than  any  other.1 


Vedas,  with  Remarks  on  the  genuine  works,  by  Fr.  Ellis ;  Asiatic 
Researches,  xiv.  p.  1 — 59:  Calcutta,  1822. 

1  Professor  H.  H.  Wilson,  in  the  preface  to  his  translation  of 
the  Vishnu-Purana,  remarks  :  "  It  is  the  boast  of  inductive  philo- 
sophy t'lat  it  draws  its  conclusions  from  the  careful  observation 
and  accumulation  of  facts;  and  it  is  equally  the  business  of  all 
philosophical  research  to  determine  its  facts  before  it  ventures 


HISTORY    OF    SANSKRIT    PHILOLOGY.  7 

There  is  another  circumstance  which  has  retarded 
the  progress  of  Sanskrit  philology :  an  affectation  of 
that  learned  pedantry  which  has  done  so  much  mis- 
chief to  Greek  and  Latin  scholarship.  We  have  much 
to  learn,  no  doubt,  from  classical  scholars,  and  nothing 
can  be  a  better  preparation  for  a  Sanskrit  student 
than  to  have  passed  through  the  school  of  a  Bentley 
or  a  Hermann.  But  in  Greek  and  Latin  scholarship 
the  distinction  between  useful  and  useless  knowledge 
has  almost  disappeared,  and  the  real  objects  of  the 
study  of  these  ancient  languages  have  been  well  nigh 
forgotten.  More  than  half  of  the  publications  of  clas- 
sical scholars  have  tended  only  to  impede  our  access 
to  the  master- works  of  the  ancients ;  and  a  sanction 
has  been  given  to  a  kind  of  learning,  which,  however 
creditable  to  the  individual,  is  of  no  benefit  to  the 
public  at  large.  A  similar  spirit  has  infected  Sanskrit 
philology.  Sanskrit  texts  have  been  edited,  on  which 
no  rational  man  ought  to  waste  his  time.  Essays 
have  been  written  on  subjects  on  which  it  is  folly  to 
be  wise.  These  remarks  are  not  intended  to  disparage 
critical  scholarship  or  to  depreciate  the  results  which 
have  been  obtained  by  minute  and  abstruse  erudition. 
But  scholars  who  devote  all  their  time  to  critical  nice- 
ties and  recondite  subtleties  are  apt  to  forget  that 
these  are  but  accessories.  Knowledge  which  has  no 
object  beyond  itself  is,  in  most  cases,  but  a  pretext 
for  vanity.     It  is  so  easy,  even  for  the  most  superfi- 

upon  speculation.  This  procedure  has  not  been  observed  in  the 
investigation  of  the  mythology  and  traditions  of  the  Hindus. 
Impatience  to  generalise  has  availed  itself  greedily  of  whatever 
promised  to  afford  materials  for  generalisation  ;  and  the  most  erro- 
neous views  have  been  confidently  advocated,  because  the  guides 
to  which  their  authors  trusted  were  ignorant  or  insufficient." 

b  4 


8  AIM   OF    SANSKRIT   PHILOLOGY. 

cial  scholar,  to  bring  together  a  vast  mass  of  informa- 
tion, bearing  more  or  less  remotely  on  questions  of  no 
importance  whatsoever.  The  test  of  a  true  scholar  is 
to  be  able  to  find  out  what  is  really  important,  to 
state  with  precision  and  clearness  the  results  of  long 
and  tedious  researches,  and  to  suppress  altogether  lu- 
cubrations, which,  though  they  might  display  the 
laboriousness  of  the  writer,  would  but  encumber  his 
subject  with  needless  difficulty. 

The  object  and  aim  of  philology,  in  its  highest 
sense,  is  but  one,  — to  learn  what  man  is,  by  learning 
what  man  has  been.  With  this  principle  for  our 
pole-star,  we  shall  never  lose  ourselves,  though  en- 
gaged in  the  most  minute  and  abstruse  inquiries. 
Our  own  studies  may  seemingly  refer  to  matters  that 
are  but  secondary  and  preparatory,  to  the  clearance, 
so  to  say,  of  the  rubbish  which  passing  ages  have  left 
on  the  monuments  of  the  human  mind.  But  we  shall 
never  mistake  that  rubbish  for  the  monuments  which 
it  covers.  And  if,  after  years  of  tiresome  labour,  we 
do  not  arrive  at  the  results  which  we  expected,  —  if 
we  find  but  spurious  and  unimportant  fabrications  of 
individuals,  where  we  thought  to  place  ourselves  face 
to  face  with  the  heroes  of  an  ancient  world,  and 
among  ruins  that  should  teach  us  the  lessons  of  former 
ages, — we  need  not  be  discouraged  nor  ashamed,  for 
in  true  science  even  a  disappointment  is  a  result. 

If,  then,  it  is  the  aim  of  Sanskrit  philology  to  sup- 
ply one  of  the  earliest  and  most  important  links  in 
the  history  of  mankind,  we  must  go  to  work  histo- 
rically; that  is,  we  must  begin,  as  far  as  Ave  can,  with 
the  beginning,  and  then  trace  gradually  the  growth 
of  the  Indian  mind,  in  its  various  manifestations,  as 
far  as  the  remaining  literary  monuments  allow  us  to 


HISTORICAL   POSITION   OF   THE   VEDA.  9 

follow  this  course.  What  has  been  said  with  regard 
to  philosophy,  that  "  we  must  acquire  a  knowledge  of 
the  beginning  and  first  principles,  because  then  we 
say  that  we  understand  any  thing  when  we  believe 
we  know  its  real  beginnings,"  applies  with  equal  force 
to  history.  Now  every  one  acquainted  with  Indian 
literature,  must  have  observed  how  impossible  it  is  to 
open  any  book  on  Indian  subjects  without  being 
thrown  back  upon  an  earlier  authority,  which  is  ge- 
nerally acknowledged  by  the  Indians  as  the  basis  of 
all  their  knowledge,  whether  sacred  or  profane.  This 
earlier  authority,  which  we  find  alluded  to  in  theolo- 
gical and  philosophical  works,  as  well  as  in  poetry,  in 
codes  of  law,  in  astronomical,  grammatical,  metri- 
cal, and  lexicographic  compositions,  is  called  by  one 
comprehensive  name,  the  Veda. 

It  is  with  the  Yeda,  therefore,  that  Indian  philo- 
logy ought  to  begin  if  it  is  to  follow  a  natural  and 
historical  course.  So  great  an  influence  has  the  Vedic 
age  (the  historical  period  to  which  we  are  justified 
in  referring  the  formation  of  the  sacred  texts)  exer- 
cised upon  all  succeeding  periods  of  Indian  history, 
so  closely  is  every  branch  of  literature  connected  with 
Vedic  traditions,  so  deeply  have  the  religious  and  moral 
ideas  of  that  primitive  era  taken  root  in  the  mind  of 
the  Indian  nation,  so  minutely  has  almost  every  private 
and  public  act  of  Indian  life  been  regulated  by  old 
traditionary  precepts,  that  it  is  impossible  to  find  the 
right  point  of  view  for  judging  of  Indian  religion, 
morals,  and  literature  without  a  knowledge  of  the 
literary  remains  of  the  Vedic  age.  No  one  could 
fairly  say  that  those  men  who  first  began  to  study 
Sanskrit,  now  seventy  years  ago,  ought  to  have  begun 
with  reading  the  Veda.     The  difficulties  connected 


10  THE   VEDIC    AGE. 

with  the  study  of  the  Veda  would  have  made  such  a 
course  utterly  impossible  and  useless.  But  since  the 
combined  labours  of  Sanskrit  scholars  have  now  ren- 
dered the  study  of  that  language  of  more  easy  access, 
since  the  terminology  of  Indian  grammarians  and 
commentators,  which  not  long  ago  was  considered  un- 
intelligible, has  become  more  familiar  to  us,  and  manu- 
scripts can  be  more  readily  procured  at  the  principal 
public  libraries  of  Europe,  Sanskrit  philology  has  no 
longer  an  excuse  for  ignoring  the  Vedic  age. 

It  might  be  inferred  from  the  very  variety  of  sub- 
jects upon  which,  as  has  been  just  observed,  the  Veda 
is  quoted  as  the  last  and  highest  authority,  that  by 
Veda  must  be  understood  something  more  than  a 
single  work.  It  would  be,  indeed,  much  nearer  the 
truth  to  take  "  Veda"  as  a  collective  name  for  the 
sacred  literature  of  the  Vedic  age,  which  forms,  so  to 
speak,  the  background  of  the  whole  Indian  world. 
Many  of  the  works  which  belonged  to  that  period  of 
literature  have  been  irrecoverably  lost.  With  regard 
to  many  of  them,  though  their  existence  cannot  be 
doubted,  it  is  even  uncertain  whether  they  were  ever 
committed  to  writing.  A  large  number,  however,  of 
Vedic  works  does  still  exist ;  and  it  will  require 
many  years  before  they  can  be  edited  together  with 
their  commentaries.  Till  then  it  will  be  impossible 
to  arrive  at  definite  results  on  many  questions  con- 
nected with  Vedic  literature,  and  it  would  not  be  safe 
to  take  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  whole  Vedic  age 
before  all  the  sources  have  been  exhausted  from 
which  its  history  and  character  can  be  studied. 
Nothing  could  be  farther  from  the  purpose  of  this 
historical  essay  than  to  attempt  anything  of  this  kind 
at  present.     What  I  have  to  offer  are  but  Prolego- 


THE   VEDIC   AGE.  11 

mena  to  the  Veda,  or  treatises  on  some  preliminary 
questions  connected  with  the  history  of  the  Vedic 
age.  There  are  points  which  can  be  settled  with 
complete  certainty,  though  it  may  be  impossible  to 
bring,  as  yet,  the  whole  weight  of  evidence  to  bear 
upon  them ;  and  the  general  question  as  to  the  au- 
thenticity, the  antiquity,  and  the  different  periods  of 
Vedic  literature,  ought  to  be  answered  even  before 
beginning  an  edition  of  Vedic  works.  Again,  there 
are  many  questions  of  special  interest  for  Sanskrit 
literature,  in  which  even  now,  with  the  materials 
that  have  been  published,  and  with  the  help  of  manu- 
scripts that  are  accessible  in  the  public  libraries  of 
Europe,  it  is  possible  to  arrive  at  certain  results; 
while  other  points  are  such  that  even  after  the  com- 
plete publication  of  all  Vedic  texts  and  commentaries, 
they  will  remain  open  to  different  views,  and  will 
necessarily  become  the  subject  of  literary  discussions. 
The  principal  object  of  the  following  essays  will  be  to 
put  the  antiquity  of  the  Veda  in  its  proper  light.  By 
antiquity,  however,  is  meant,  not  only  the  chrono- 
logical distance  of  the  Vedic  age  from  our  own,  mea- 
sured by  the  revolutions  and  the  progress  of  the 
heavenly  bodies,  but  also  and  still  more,  the  distance 
between  the  intellectual,  moral,  and  religious  state  of 
men  as  represented  to  us  during  the  Vedic  age,  com- 
pared with  that  of  other  periods  of  history, — a  dis- 
tance which  can  only  be  measured  by  the  revolutions 
and  the  progress  of  the  human  mind. 

No  one  who  is  at  all  acquainted  with  the  position 
which  India  occupies  in  the  history  of  the  world,  would 
expect  to  find  many  synchronisms  between  the  his- 
tory of  the  Brahmans  and  that  of  other  nations  before 
the  date  of  the  origin  of  Buddhism  in  India.     Al- 


12  THE   ARYAN  FAMILY. 

though  the  Brahmans  of  India  belong  to  the  same 
family,  the  Aryan  or  Indo-European  family,  which 
civilised  the  whole  of  Europe,  the  two  great  branches 
of  that  primitive  race  were  kept  asunder  for  centuries 
after  their  first  separation.  The  main  stream  of  the 
Aryan  nations  has  always  flowed  towards  the  north- 
west. No  historian  can  tell  us  by  what  impulse 
those  adventurous  Nomads  were  driven  on  through 
Asia  towards  the  isles  and  shores  of  Europe.  The 
first  start  of  this  world-wide  migration  belongs  to  a 
period  far  beyond  the  reach  of  documentary  history ; 
to  times  when  the  soil  of  Europe  had  not  been  trodden 
by  either  Celts,  Germans,  Slavonians,  Romans,  or 
Greeks.  But  whatever  it  was,  the  impulse  was  as 
irresistible  as  the  spell  which,  in  our  own  times,  sends 
the  Celtic  tribes  towards  the  prairies  or  the  regions 
of  gold  across  the  Atlantic.  It  requires  a  strong  will, 
or  a  great  amount  of  inertness,  to  be  able  to  withstand 
the  impetus  of  such  national,  or  rather  ethnical  move- 
ments. Few  will  stay  behind  when  all  are  going. 
But  to  let  one's  friends  depart,  and  then  to  set  out 
ourselves  —  to  take  a  road  which,  lead  where  it  may, 
can  never  lead  us  to  join  those  again  who  speak  our 
language  and  worship  our  gods  —  is  a  course  which 
only  men  of  strong  individuality  and  great  self-de- 
pendence are  capable  of  pursuing.  It  was  the  course 
adopted  by  the  southern  branch  of  the  Aryan  family, 
the  Brahmanic  Aryas  of  India  and  the  Zoroastrians 
of  Iran. 

At  the  first  dawn  of  traditional  history  we  see 
these  Aryan  tribes  migrating  across  the  snow  of  the 
Himalaya  southward  toward  the  "  Seven  •  Rivers  " 
(the  Indus,  the  five  rivers  of  the  Panjab  and  the 
Sarasvati),  and  ever  since  India  has  been  called  their 


THE    ARYAN   FAMILY.  13 

home.  That  before  that  time  they  had  been  living 
in  more  northern  regions,  within  the  same  precincts 
with  the  ancestors  of  the  Greeks,  the  Italians,  Slavo- 
nians, Germans,  and  Celts,  is  a  fact  as  firmly  esta- 
blished as  that  the  Normans  of  William  the  Conqueror 
were  the  Northmen  of  Scandinavia.  The  evidence  of 
language  is  irrefragable,  and  it  is  the  only  evidence 
worth  listening  to  with  regard  to  ante-historical 
periods.  It  would  have  been  next  to  impossible  to 
discover  any  traces  of  relationship  between  the 
swarthy  natives  of  India  and  their  conquerors, 
whether  Alexander  or  Clive,  but  for  the  testimony 
borne  by  language.  What  other  evidence  could  have 
reached  back  to  times  when  Greece  was  not  peopled 
by  Greeks,  nor  India  by  Hindus  ?  Yet  these  are  the 
times  of  which  we  are  speaking.  W^hat  authority 
would  have  been  strong  enough  to  persuade  the 
Grecian  army,  that  their  gods  and  their  hero  ancestors 
were  the  same  as  those  of  King  Porus,  or  to  convince 
the  English  soldier  that  the  same  blood  was  running 
in  his  veins  and  in  the  veins  of  the  dark  Bengalese  ? 
And  yet  there  is  not  an  English  jury  now  a  days, 
which,  after  examining  the  hoary  documents  of  lan- 
guage; would  reject  the  claim  of  a  common  descent 
and  a  legitimate  relationship  between  Hindu,  Greek, 
and  Teuton.  Many  words  still  live  in  India  and 
in  England,  that  have  witnessed  the  first  separation  of 
the  northern  and  southern  Aryans,  and  these  are 
witnesses  not  to  be  shaken  by  crpss-examination. 
The  terms  for  God,  for  house,  for  father,  mother,  son, 
daughter,  for  dog  and  cow,  for  heart  and  tears,  for 
axe  and  tree,  identical  in  all  the  Indo-European 
idioms,  are  like  the  watchwords  of  soldiers.  We 
challenge    the   seeming   stranger;    and   whether   he 


14  THE    ARYAN   FAMILY. 

answer  with  the  lips  of  a  Greek,  a  German,  or  an 
Indian,  we  recognise  him  as  one  of  ourselves.  Though 
the  historian  may  shake  his  head,  though  the  physio- 
logist may  doubt,  and  the  poet  scorn  the  idea,  all 
must  yield  before  the  facts  furnished  by  language. 
There  was  a  time  when  the  ancestors  of  the  Celts,  the 
Germans,  the  Slavonians,  the  Greeks,  and  Italians, 
the  Persians,  and  Hindus,  were  living  together  with- 
in the  same  fences,  separate  from  the  ancestors  of 
the  Semitic  and  Turanian  races. 

It  is  more  difficult  to  prove  that  the  Hindu  was 
the  last  to  leave  this  common  home,  that  he  saw  his 
brothers  all  depart  towards  the  setting  sun,  and  that 
then,  turning  towards  the  south  and  the  east,  he 
started  alone  in  search  of  a  new  world.  But  as  in 
his  language  and  in  his  grammar  he  has  preserved 
something  of  what  seems  peculiar  to  each  of  the 
northern  dialects  singly,  as  he  agrees  with  the  Greek 
and  the  German  where  the  Greek  and  the  German 
seem  to  differ  from  all  the  rest,  and  as  no  other  lan- 
guage has  carried  off  so  large  a  share  of  the  common 
Aryan  heirloom  —  whether  roots,  grammar,  words, 
myth\s,  or  legends  —  it  is  natural  to  suppose  that, 
though  perhaps  the  eldest  brother,  the  Hindu  was 
the  last  to  leave  the  central  home  of  the  Aryan 
family. 

The  Aryan  nations  who  pursued  a  north-westerly 
direction,  stand  before  us  in  history  as  the  principal 
nations  of  north-western  Asia  and  Europe.  They 
have  been  the  prominent  actors  in  the  great  drama  of 
history,  and  have  carried  to  their  fullest  growth  all 
the  elements  of  active  life  with  which  our  nature  is 
endowed.  They  have  perfected  society  and  morals, 
and  we  learn  from  their  literature  and  works  of  art 


THE    ARYAN   FAMILY.  15 

the  elements  of  science,  the  laws  of  art,  and  the 
principles  of  philosophy.  In  continual  struggle  with 
each  other  and  with  Semitic  and  Turanian  races,  these 
Aryan  nations  have  become  the  rulers  of  history,  and 
it  seems  to  be  their  mission  to  link  all  parts  of  the 
world  together  by  the  chains  of  civilisation,  com- 
merce, and  religion.  In  a  word,  they  represent  the 
Aryan  man  in  his  historical  character. 

But  while  most  of  the  members  of  the  Aryan  family 
followed  this  glorious  path,  the  southern  tribes  were 
slowly  migrating  towards  the  mountains  which  gird 
the  north  of  India.  After  crossing  the  narrow  passes 
of  the  Hindukush  or  the  Himalaya,  they  conquered 
or  drove  before  them,  as  it  seems  without  much 
effort,  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the  Trans-Hima- 
layan countries.  They  took  for  their  guides  the  prin- 
cipal rivers  of  Northern  India,  and  were  led  by  them 
to  new  homes  in  their  beautiful  and  fertile  valleys. 
It  seems  as  if  the  great  mountains  in  the  north  had 
afterwards  closed  for  centuries  their  Cyclopean  gates 
against  new  immigrations,  while,  at  the  same  time, 
the  waves  of  the  Indian  Ocean  kept  watch  over  the 
southern  borders  of  the  peninsula.  None  of  the  great 
conquerors  of  antiquity  —  Sesostris,  Semiramis,  Ne- 
buchadnezzar, or  Cyrus,  who  waged  a  kind  of  half- 
nomadic  warfare  over  Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe,  and 
whose  names,  traced  in  characters  of  blood,  are  still 
legible  on  the  threshold  of  history1,  disturbed  the 

1  Thus  Strabo  says,  xv.  1.6.:  'H/x7j>  U  rig  av  ditcala  yevoiro 
nioTiQ  nepl  tojv  "IvdiKoJv  ek  rfjg  TOiavrrfg  arpareiaQ  rov  Kvpov  rj  rfjg  Se- 
[iipafxidog  ;  2vva7ro0cuv£rcu  Sc  7ro>£  kcu  Meyaadevrjg  rw  Xoyo)  tovtu), 
keXevwv  a.7ri(TTE~iv  tcuq  apyaiatg  TTEpl  'IvSwv  taTopiaig '  ovte  yap  Trap 
'IvSwv  e£w  ffraXrjvai  ttote  ot par  ih.v  ovt  iirE\QE~iv  e£,u)Qev  koX  Kparrjffai, 
Tr\r\v  Ttjg  /*£0'  'HpatcXiovg  ical  Awvvcrov,  fcai  ttjq  vvv  \xeto.  MaKE^ovojy. 


16  GREECE   AND   INDIA. 

peaceful  seats  of  these  Aryan  settlers.  Left  to  them- 
selves in  a  world  of  their  own,  without  a  past,  and 
without  a  future  before  them,  they  had  nothing  but 
themselves  to  ponder  on.  Struggles  there  must  have 
been  in  India  also.  Old  dynasties  were  destroyed, 
whole  families  annihilated,  and  new  empires  founded. 
Yet  the  inward  life  of  the  Hindu  was  not  changed  by 
these  convulsions.  His  mind  was  like  the  lotus  leaf 
after  a  shower  of  rain  has  passed  over  it ;  his  cha- 
racter remained  the  same,  passive,  meditative,  quiet, 
and  full  of  faith. 

The  chief  elements  of  discord  amongst  the  peaceful 
inhabitants  of  this  rich  country  were,  the  struggle 
for  supremacy  between  the  different  classes  of  so- 
ciety, the  subjugation  of  the  uncivilised  inhabitants, 
particularly  in  the  south  of  India,  and  the  pressure 
of  the  latest  comers  in  the  north  upon  the  possessors 
of  the  more  fertile  countries  in  the  south. 

These  three  struggles  took  place  in  India  at  an 
early  period,  and  were  sufficiently  important  to  have 
called  forth  the  active  faculties  of  any  but  the  Indian 

Ka/roi  2£cru)ffrpiv  fiEV  tov  Alyv-rrriov  Kal  TeapKwva  tov  AWloira  Ewg 
'EvpunrTjQ  TrpoiXQelv.  Naj3oKohp6aopov  $e  tov  irapa  XaXdaioig  ev- 
ZoKifit]aavTa  'UpatcXiovg  fiaXXov  Kal  Etog  "LTrjkibv  kXaaat'  fiE^pt.  ^v  fy 
Sevpo  Kal  TeapKiova  cKpiKeadat'  ekeivov  $e  kuI  ek  rrjg  'Ifirjplag  elg  Trjv 
QpoiKrfv  Kal  tov  Hovtov  ciyayetv  rrjv  arpariav.  'iSavdvpoov  ce  tov 
2ikv6t}v  iTTi^pafxelv  rfjg  'Aaiag  fiiyjpL  AlyyirToV  rrjg  Se  'LvdiKrjg  firfdiva 
tovtuv  cu//ac0tt(.  Kat  2iEfiipafiiv  <T  cnrodavElv  Trpb  rfjg  E7ri-)^Eipr]a£0jg. 
Ylipaag  3e  fiiaQotyopovg  fiEV  ek  rfjg  'IvdiKrjg  f^ETa7^£fl^pa(r^al"Yc*paKag^ 
ekeI  $e  fit)  (TTparEvaai,  d\\'  kyyvg  eXOeiv  fiovov,  fjviKa  Kvpog  ijXavvEV 
E7rl  MaaaayiTag.  With  regard  to  the  expeditions  of  Herakles  and 
Dionysos,  Strabo  adds  :  Kat  to.  trspl  'HpaKXiovg  Se  Kal  Autvvaov 
MEyaadEvyg  /jlev  fiET  oXiyiov  iriara  //yetrat*  t&v  <T  aXXwv  oi  TrXsiovg, 
utv  e<ttl  Kal  'JLpaToaQivrjg,  aViara  Kal  /ivflai^?/,  KadcnrEp  /cat  tcl  irapa 
ro'tg  "EXXrjcriv,  k.t.X.  Cf.  Megasthenis  Indica,  ed.  Schwanbeck. 
Bonnse,  1846. 


GREECE   AND   INDIA.  17 

nation.  In  these  struggles  we  may  recognise  almost 
the  same  elements  by  which  the  Greek  character 
was  perfected  and  matured.  But  how  different 
have  been  the  results  upon  the  Indian  mind !  The 
struggle  for  supremacy  between  the  different  classes, 
which  in  Greece  ended  with  the  downfall  of  the 
tyrannies  and  the  rising  of  well- organised  republics, 
has  its  counterpart  in  India  in  the  extirpation  of  the 
Kshatriya  race  and  the  triumph  of  the  Brahmans 
through  Parasu-Rama.1 

The  second  struggle,  or  the  war  against  the  un- 
civilised inhabitants  of  the  South,  is  represented  by 
the  Indian  poet  of  the  Ramayana  as  the  battle  of  a 
divine  hero  against  evil  spirits  and  uncouth  giants. 
What  this  is  to  India,  the  war  of  Persia  was  to 
Greece ;  the  victory  of  patriotic  valour  over  brute 
force.  The  Muses  of  Herodotus  are  the  Ramayana 
of  Hellas. 

In  the  third  of  these  parallel  struggles  the  contrast 
is  no  less  striking.  We  follow,  with  a  mournful 
interest,  the  narrative  of  international  jealousies  be- 
tween the  different  states  of  Greece ;  we  see  how  one 

1  "  Parasu-Rama  cleared  the  earth  thrice  seven  times  of  the 
Kshatriya  caste,  and  filled  with  their  blood  the  five  large  lakes  of 
Samanta-panchaka,  from  which  he  offered  libations  to  the  race  of 
Bhrigu.  Offering  a  solemn  sacrifice  to  the  king  of  the  gods, 
Parasu-Rama  presented  the  earth  to  the  ministering  priests. 
Having  given  the  earth  to  Kasyapa,  the  hero  of  immeasurable 
prowess  retired  to  the  Mahendra  mountain,  where  he  still  resides  ; 
and  in  this  manner  was  there  enmity  between  him  and  the  race 
of  the  Kshatriyas,  and  thus  was  the  whole  earth  conquered  by 
Parasu-Rama."  (Vishnu-Purana,  p.  403.)  In  the  Mahabharata 
the  earth  is  made  to  say,  "  The  fathers  and  grandfathers  of  these 
Kshatriyas  have  been  killed  by  the  remorseless  Rama  in  warfare 
on  my  account." 

C 


18  THE   INDIAN   MIND. 

tries  to  crush  the  power  of  the  other,  while  all  are 
preparing  the  common  ruin  of  the  country.  But 
what  characters  are  here  presented  to  our  analysis, 
what  statesmanship,  what  eloquence,  what  bravery! 
In  India  the  war  of  the  Mahabharata  was,  perhaps, 
more  bloody  than  the  Peloponnesian  war:  but  in 
the  hands  of  the  Brahmans  the  ancient  epic  has  been 
changed  into  a  didactic  legend. 

Greece  and  India  are,  indeed,  the  two  opposite 
poles  in  the  historical  development  of  the  Aryan  man. 
To  the  Greek,  existence  is  full  of  life  and  reality ;  to 
the  Hindu  it  is  a  dream,  an  illusion.  The  Greek  is 
at  home  where  he  is  born ;  all  his  energies  belong  to 
his  country  :  he  stands  and  falls  with  his  party,  and 
is  ready  to  sacrifice  even  his  life  to  the  glory  and 
independence  of  Hellas.  The  Hindu  enters  this  world 
as  a  stranger ;  all  his  thoughts  are  directed  to  another 
world ;  he  takes  no  part  even  where  he  is  driven 
to  act ;  and  when  he  sacrifices  his  life,  it  is  but  to  be 
delivered  from  it. 

No  wonder  that  a  nation  like  the  Indian  cared  so 
little  for  history ;  no  wonder  that  social  and  political 
virtues  were  little  cultivated,  and  the  ideas  of  the 
Useful  and  the  Beautiful  scarcely  known  to  them. 
With  all  this,  however,  they  had  what  the  Greek  was 
as  little  capable  of  imagining  as  they  were  of  realising 
the  elements  of  Grecian  life.  They  shut  their  eyes 
to  this  world  of  outward  seeming  and  activity,  to 
open  them  full  on  the  world  of  thought  and  rest. 
Their  life  was  a  yearning  after  eternity ;  their  activity 
a  struggle  to  return  into  that  divine  essence  from  which 
this  life  seemed  to  have  severed  them.  Believing  as 
they  did  in  a  divine  and  really  existing  eternal  Being 
(to  ovTcog  6v),  they  could  not  believe  in  the  existence 
of  this  passing  world.     If  the  one  existed,  the  other 


THE    INDIAN    MIND.  19 

could  only  seem  to  exist ;  if  they  lived  in  the  one, 
they  could  not  live  in  the  other.  Their  existence  on 
earth  was  to  them  a  problem,  their  eternal  life  a 
certainty.  The  highest  object  of  their  religion  was 
to  restore  that  bond1  by  which  their  own  self  (atman) 
was  linked  to  the  eternal  Self  (paramatman) ;  to  re- 
cover that  unity  which  had  been  clouded  and  ob- 
scured by  the  magical  illusions  of  reality,  by  the 
so-called  Maya  of  creation.  It  scarcely  entered  their 
mind  either  to  doubt  or  to  affirm  the  immortality  of 
the  soul2,  except  in  later  times,  and  then  only  for 
philosophical  and  controversial  purposes.3  Not  only 
their  religion  and  literature,  but  their  very  language, 
reminded  them  daily  of  that  relation  between  the  real 

1  In  one  of  the  old  hymns  of  the  Rig-veda  this  thought  seems  to 
weigh  upon  the  mind  of  the  poet,  when  he  says  : 

*reT  srwrefTr  fHf^pfs  ffr  stffc*  3>^ft  wftvx 

"  Poets  discovered  in  their  heart,  through  meditation,  the  bond  of 
the  existing  in  the  non-existing."  Rv.  x.  129.  4. 

2  In  the  Veda  life  after  death  is  not  frequently  alluded  to,  and 
it  is  more  for  the  goods  of  this  world,  for  strength,  long  life,  a 
large  family,  food,  and  cattle,  that  the  favour  of  the  gods  is  im- 
plored. One  of  the  rewards  for  a  pious  life,  however,  consists  in 
being  admitted  after  death  to  the  seat  of  the  gods.  Thus  Kakshivan 
says,  Rv.  i.  125.  5.:  "He  who  gives  alms  goes  and  stands  on  the 
highest  place  in  heaven,  he  goes  to  the  gods."  Thus  Dirghatamas 
(Rv.  i.  150.  3.),  after  having  rebuked  those  who  are  rich,  and  do 
not  give  alms,  nor  worship  the  gods,  exclaims,  "  The  kind  mortal, 
O  Sage,  is  greater  than  the  great  in  heaven ;  let  us  worship  thee, 
O  Agni,  for  ever  and  ever!" 

3  The  technical  term  "  pretyabhava,"  which  occurs  so  frequently 
in  Indian  philosophy,  and  has  generally  been  rendered  by  "  con- 
dition of  the  soul  after  death,"  means  really  the  state  in  which  we 
are  while  living  on  earth.  Our  present  life,  according  to  Indian 
notions,  is  "  bhava,"  birth  and  growth,  "  pretya,"  after  a  previous 
death. 

c   2 


20  ATMAN. 

and  the  seeming  world.  The  word  dtman,  for  instance, 
which  in  the  Veda  occurs  often  as  tman,  means  life, 
particularly  animal  life.  Thus  we  read,  Rv.  i.  63.  8., 
"  Increase,  0  bright  Indra !  this  our  manifold  food, 
like  water  all  over  the  earth ;  by  which,  0  Hero !  thou 
givest  us  life,  like  sap,  to  move  every  where."  Here 
tman  means  the  vital  principle,  and  is  compared  with 
the  juice  that  circulates  in  plants.  In  another  hymn, 
addressed  to  the  horse  which  is  to  be  sacrificed  (Rv. 
i.  162.  20.),  the  poet  says,  "  Ma  tva  tapat  priya  atma- 
piyantam,"  literally,  "  Let  not  thy  dear  self  burn  or 
afflict  thee  as  thou  approachest  the  sacrifice."  Here 
priya  dtmd  corresponds  to  the  Greek  <pl\ov  ^rop.  But 
we  find  dtman  used,  also,  in  a  higher  sense  in  the  Veda. 
For  instance,  Rv.  i.  115.  1.,  "  Surya  atm&  jagatas 
tasthushas  cha:"  "  the  sun  is  the  soul  of  all  that 
moves  and  rests." l  Most  frequently,  however,  tman 
and  dtman  are  employed  for  self,  just  as  we  say,  My 
soul  praises,  rejoices,  for  I  praise,  I  myself  rejoice. 
This  is  the  most  usual  signification  of  dtman  in  the 
later  Sanskrit,  where  it  is  used  like  a  pronoun.  Yet 
dtman  means  there  also  the  soul  of  the  universe,  the 
highest  soul  or  Self  (paramatman)  of  which  all  other 

1  In  the  same  sense  the  sun  is  called  jivo  asuh,   "  the  vital 
spirit,"  cf.  Rv.  i.  113.  16.: 

"  Rise  !  our  life,  our  spirit,  came  ;  the  darkness  went  off;  the  light 
approaches!"  Rv.  ii.  3.  14. : 

#r  tt^  to*?  ^t^tot^ot^^  ^wt  firofifi 

"  Who  has  seen  the  first  born,  when  he  who  has  no  bones  (t.  e, 
form)  bore  him  who  had  bones  ?  Where  was  the  life,  the 
blood,  the  soul  (self)  of  the  world  ?  Who  went  to  ask  this 
from  any  that  knew  it  ?  " 


ATMAN.  21 

souls  partake,  from  which  all  reality  in  this  created 
world  emanates,  and  into  which  every  thing  will  re- 
turn. Thus  a  Hindu  speaking  of  himself  (atman) 
spoke  also,  though  unconsciously,  of  the  soul  of  the 
universe  (atman)  ;  and  to  know  himself  was  to  him  to 
know  both  his  own  self  and  the  universal  Self,  or  to 
know  himself  in  the  divine  Self.  The  Sanskrit,  "  at- 
manam  atmana  pasya,"  "  see  (thy)  self  by  (thy) 
self,"  had  a  deeper  signification  than  the  Greek  yva>0L 
o-eavTov1,  because  it  has  not  only  a  moral,  but  also  a 

1  It  is  difficult  to  find  a  satisfactory  etymology  for  atma  (nomin.), 
particularly  in  its  older,  and  possibly  more  original,  form,  tma. 
Bopp  (Comp.  Grammar,  i.  §  140.)  says,  "if  atmd  stand  for  ahma, 
and  be  derived  from  a  lost  root,  ah,  to  think  (when  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  the  root  nah  also  changes  its  final  h  sometimes  into 
t,  upanah  and  upanat),  it  might  be  compared  with  the  Gothic 
ahma,  soul."  This  root,  ah,  is  afterwards  traced  by  Bopp  in  the 
Sanskrit  aha,  "he  said;"  and  he  observes  that  to  speak  and  to 
think  are  in  the  Indo-European  languages  sometimes  expressed  by 
one  and  the  same  word.  The  last  observation,  however,  is  not 
quite  proved  by  the  example  taken  by  Bopp  from  the  Zend,  man- 
thra,  speech.  For  although  the  Sanskrit  mantra  is  derived  from 
man,  to  think,  it  receives  its  causal  meaning  by  the  termination 
tra,  and  has  therefore  the  signification  of  prayer,  hymn,  advice, 
speech  (i.  e.  what  makes  us  think).  If  atma,  come  from  a  root  ah, 
the  meaning  of  this  root  is  more  likely  that  of  breathing,  which 
would  account  for  Gothic  ahma  {tzvev^xo),  as  well  as  for  Sanskrit 
aha,  Greek  r)  and  nyjo,  Latin  ajo  and  nego,  and  similar  words.  If 
we  derive  atmd,  spirit,  soul,  self,  from  this  root  ah,  we  may  also 
derive  from  it  a-ham,  I  (cuneiform  inscript.  adam,  ego,  !yu>,  ich). 
But  there  always  remains  a  difficulty  as  regards  the  elision  of  a  in 
the  old  Vedic  form  tma,  instead  of  atma,  and  the  Zend  thma- 
nangh,  which,  according  to  Prof.  Burnouf's  conjecture,  is  the 
Sansk.  tmanas  (Commentaire  sur  le  Yasna,  p.  509.)  ;  a  diffi- 
culty which  neither  European  etymologists  (Pott,  Etymologische 
Forschungen,  i.  196.;  Benfey,  Griechisches  Wurzellexicon,  i.  265.) 
nor  Indian  A.unadik  scholars  (Unadi  Sutras,  4.  152.)  have  yet 
explained. 

c   3 


22  yajnavalkya  and  maitr^yI. 

metaphysical  meaning.  How  largely  this  idea  of  the 
Atman,  as  the  Divine  Spirit,  entered  into  the  early 
religious  and  philosophical  speculations  of  the  Indians, 
may  be  seen  from  the  following  dialogue  between 
Yajnavalkya  and  Maitreyi,  which  forms  part  of  the 
Brihadar&nyaka. 

"Maitreyi1,"  said  Yajnavalkya,  "I  am  going  away 
from  this  my  house  (into  the  forest).  Forsooth,  I 
must  make  a  settlement  between  thee  and  my  other 
wife  Katyayani." 

Maitreyi  said,  "  My  Lord,  if  this  whole  earth  full 
of  wealth  belonged  to  me,  should  I  be  immortal  by 
it?" 

"  No,"  replied  Yajnavalkya;  "like  the  happy  life 
of  rich  people  will  be  thy  life.  But  there  is  no  hope 
of  immortality  by  wealth." 

And  Maitreyi  said,  "  What  should  I  do  with  that 
by  which  I  do  not  become  immortal?  What  my 
Lord  knoweth  (of  immortality)  may  he  tell  that  to 
me." 

Yajnavalkya  replied,  "  Thou,  who  art  truly  dear 
to  me2,  thou  speakest  dear  words.  Sit  down,  I  will 
explain  it  to  thee,  and  listen  well  to  what  I  say." 
And  he  said,  "A  husband  is  loved,  not  because  you 
love  the  husband,  but  because  you  love  (in  him)  the 

1  Brihadaranyaka,  2d  Adhyaya,  4th  Brahmana,  p.  28.  edit. 
Poley ;  4th  Prapathaka,  4th  Brahmana,  p.  444.  edit.  Roer. 

2  Instead  of  fjfsn"  ejrjl^  W*  Writ  Dr.  Poley  reads  fjfcjT- 
c|fti^   «H    ^nff    which  he  may  have  meant  for  "thou  Avatar, 

or  incarnation  of  our  love."  Not  to  speak,  however,  of  the  gram- 
matics1 difficulties  of  this  construction,  the  Commentary  leaves  no 

doubt  that  we   ought  to  read,    flf^TT   (^TT)   ^7f   (TW^^f" 


YAJNAVALKYA    AND   MAITR^yI.  23 

Divine  Spirit  (at  ma,  the  absolute  Self).  A  wife  is 
loved,  not  because  we  love  the  wife,  but  because  we 
love  (in  her)  the  Divine  Spirit.  Children  are  loved, 
not  because  we  love  the  children,  but  because  we  love 
the  Divine  Spirit  in  them.  This  spirit  it  is  which  we 
love  when  we  (seem  to)  love  wealth,  Brahmans, 
Kshatriyas,  this  world,  the  gods,  all  beings,  this  uni- 
verse. The  Divine  Spirit,  0  beloved  wife,  is  to  be 
seen,  to  be  heard,  to  be  perceived,  and  to  be  medi- 
tated upon.  If  we  see,  hear,  perceive,  and  know 
him,  0  Maitreyi,  then  this  whole  universe  is  known 
to  us." 

"  Whosoever  looks  for  Brahmahood  elsewhere  than 
in  the  Divine  Spirit,  should  be  abandoned  by  the 
Brahmans.  Whosoever  looks  for  the  Kshatra-power 
elsewhere  than  in  the  Divine  Spirit,  should  be  aban- 
doned by  the  Kshatras.  Whosoever  looks  for  this 
world,  for  the  gods,  for  all  beings,  for  this  universe, 
elsewhere  than  in  the  Divine  Spirit,  should  be  aban- 
doned by  them  all.  This  Brahmahood,  this  Kshatra- 
power,  this  world,  these  gods,  these  beings,  this  uni- 
verse, all  is  the  Divine  Spirit." 

"  Now,  as  we  cannot  seize  the  sounds  of  a  drum 
externally  by  themselves,  but  seize  the  sound  by  seizing 
the  drum,  or  the  beating  of  it,  —  as  we  cannot  seize 
the  sounds  of  a  conch-shell  by  themselves,  but  seize 
the  sound  by  seizing  the  conch-shell,  or  the  shell- 
blower,  —  as  we  cannot  seize  the  sounds  of  a  lute  by 
themselves,  but  seize  the  sound  by  seizing  the  lute, 
or  the  lutanist, — so  is  it  with  the  Divine  Spirit." 

11  As  clouds  of  smoke  rise  out  of  a  fire  kindled 
with  dry  fuel,  thus,  0  Maitreyi,  have  all  the  holy 
words  been  breathed  out  of  that  Great  Being." 

"  As  all  the  waters  find  their  centre  in  the  sea, 

c  4 


24  YAJNAVALKYA   AND   MAITREYi. 

so  all  sensations  find  their  centre  in  the  skin,  all 
tastes  in  the  tongue,  all  smells  in  the  nose,  all  colours 
in  the  eye,  all  sounds  in  the  ear,  all  thoughts  in  the 
mind,  all  knowledge  in  the  heart,  all  actions  in  the 
hands,  and  all  the  Holy  Scriptures  in  speech." 

"It  is  with  us,  when  we  enter  into  the  Divine 
Spirit,  as  if  a  lump  of  salt  was  thrown  into  the  sea ;  it 
becomes  dissolved  into  the  water  (from  which  it  was 
produced),  and  is  not  to  be  taken  out  again.  But 
wherever  you  take  the  water  and  taste  it,  it  is  salt. 
Thus  is  this  great,  endless,  and  boundless  Being  but 
one  mass  of  knowledge.  As  the  water  becomes  salt, 
and  the  salt  becomes  water  again,  thus  has  the  Divine 
Spirit  appeared  from  out  the  elements  and  disappears 
again  into  them.  When  we  have  passed  away,  there 
is  no  longer  any  name.  This,  I  tell  thee,  my  wife," 
said  Yajnavalkya. 

Maitreyi  said,  "  My  Lord,  here  thou  hast  bewildered 
me,  saying  that  there  is  no  longer  any  name  when  we 
have  passed  away." 

And  Yajnavalkya  replied,  "  My  wife,  what  I  say  is 
not  bewildering,  it  is  sufficient  for  the  highest  know- 
ledge. For  if  there  be  as  it  were  two  beings,  then 
the  one  sees  the  other,  the  one  hears,  perceives,  and 
knows  the  other.  But  if  the  one  Divine  Self  be  the 
whole  of  all  this,  whom  or  through  whom  should  he 
see,  hear,  perceive,  or  know  ?  How  should  he  know 
(himself),  by  whom  he  knows  every  thing  (himself)  ? 
How,  my  wife,  should  he  know  (himself)  the 
knower?1     Thus  thou  hast  been  taught,  Maitreyi; 


1  This  last  sentence  is  taken  from  the  fifth  Brahmana  of  the 
fourth  Adhyaya,  where  the  same  story  is  told  again  with  slight 
modifications  and  additions. 


THE   INDIAN    MIND.  25 

this  is  immortality."  Having  said  this  Yajnavalkya 
left  his  wife  for  ever,  and  went  into  the  solitude  of 
the  forests. 

It  must  be  observed  that  the  work  from  which  this 
dialogue  is  taken  belongs  to  a  later  period  of  Vedic 
literature.  In  the  earlier  times  which  are  represented 
to  us  in  the  hymns  of  the  Veda,  these  mystic  ten- 
dencies are  not  yet  so  strongly  developed.  In  the 
songs  of  the  Rig-veda  we  find  but  little  of  philosophy, 
but  we  do  occasionally  meet  with  wars  of  kings,  with 
rivalries  of  ministers,  with  triumphs  and  defeats,  with 
war-songs  and  imprecations.  The  active  side  of  life 
is  still  prominent  in  the  genuine  poetry  of  the  Rishis, 
and  there  still  exists  a  certain  equilibrium  between 
the  two  scales  of  human  nature.  It  is  only  after 
the  Aryan  tribes  had  advanced  southward,  and  taken 
quiet  possession  of  the  rich  plains  and  beautiful  groves 
of  Central  India,  that  they  seem  to  have  turned  all  their 
energies  and  thoughts  from  the  world  without  them 
to  that  more  wonderful  nature  which  they  perceived 
within.  • 

Such  was  their  state  when  the  Greeks  first  became 
acquainted  with  them  after  the  discovery  of  India 
by  Alexander.  What  did  these  men,  according  to 
Megasthenes,  most  think  and  speak  about  ?  Their 
most  frequent  conversations,  he  says,  were  about  life 
and  death.  This  life  they  considered  as  the  life  of  an 
embryo  in  the  womb ;  but  death  as  the  birth  to  a  real 
and  happy  life  for  those  who  had  thought,  and  had 
prepared  themselves  to  be  ready  to  die.1     Good  and 

1  Strabo,  XV.  59. :  HXeicrrovQ  h'  avroig  elvai  \6yovg  7rep\  tov 
Savarov'  vo[j.i£eiv  yap  Srj  tov  fiev  kvdaZe  @iov  ojq  av  a.K/Ai)v  Kvofiivwv 
elvai'  tov  he  Savarov  yeveaiv  elg  tov  ovtwq  (d'lov  kol  tov  evcalfiova 
toIq   <pi\ooo(p7i<Ta(ri '  Sio  Trj  uaKi)aet  TrXttorp  ^prjadcu    irpog   to  Itoi^.0' 


26  THE   INDIAN   MIND 

bad  was  nothing  to  them ;  not  that  they  denied  the 
distinction  between  good  and  bad  in  a  moral  sense. 
They  recognised  law  and  virtue,  as  we  see  in  their 
sacred  poetry1,  as  well  as  in  their  codes  of  law.  But 
they  denied  that  anything  that  happened  to  men  in 
this  life  could  be  called  either  good  or  bad,  and  they 
maintained  that  philosophy  consisted  in  removing  the 
affections  of  pleasure  as  well  as  of  pain.  Liking  pain 
and  hating  pleasure  was  what  they  considered  the 
highest  state  of  indifference  that  man  could  arrive  at.2 

Oavarov.  "  Nay,  for  aught  we  know  of  ourselves,  of  our  present 
life,  and  of  death  ;  death  may  immediately,  in  the  natural  course 
of  things,  put  us  into  a  higher  and  more  enlarged  state  of  life,  as 
our  birth  does." — Bishop  Butler. 

1  The  notion  of  sin  is  clearly  expressed,  for  instance,  in  a  song 
of  Gritsamada's  (Rv.  ii.  28.  5.) : 

"  Deliver  me  from  sin,  as  from  a  rope ;  let  us  obtain  thy  path  of 
righteousness.  May  the  thread  not  be  torn  while  I  am 
weaving  my  prayer ;  may  the  form  of  my  pious  work  not  decay 
before  its  season. 

"  Varuna,  take  all  fear  away  from  me;  be  kind  to  me,  O  just 
king!  Take  away  my  sin  like  a  rope  from  a  calf;  for  afar1 
from  thee  1  am  not  the  master  even  of  a  twinkling  of  the 
eye." 

And  again,  Rv.  ii.  29.  1. : 

"  You  quick  Adityas,  ye  who  never  fail  in  your  works,  carry 
aw~y  from  me  all  sin,  as  a  woman  does  who  has  given  birth 
to  a  child  in  secret." 

2  Strabo,  XV.  59.:  'Ayadov  c>€,  r/  kci/coj',  fxrjhey  elvcu  rwv  ovfxfiai- 


AT   THE    TIME    OE    ALEXANDER.  27 

We  are  told  by  the  same  author  that  the  Indians 
did  not  communicate  their  metaphysical  doctrines  to 
women ;  thinking  that,  if  their  wives  understood  these 
doctrines,  and  learned  to  be  indifferent  to*  pleasure 
and  pain,  and  to  consider  life  and  death  as  the  same, 
they  would  no  longer  continue  to  be  the  slaves  of 
others:  or,  if  they  failed  to  understand  them,  they 
would  be  talkative,  and  communicate  their  knowledge 
to  those  who  had  no  right  to  it.  This  statement  of 
the  Greek  author  is  fully  borne  out  by  the  later 
Sanskrit  authorities.  We  find,  for  instance,  in  the 
ceremonial  Sutras  (srauta  and  grihya-sutras),  that 
women  were  not  allowed  to  learn  the  sacred  songs 
of  the  Yedas,  the  knowledge  of  which  constituted 
one  of  the  principal  requirements  for  a  Brahman 
before  he  was  admitted  to  the  performance  of  the 
sacrifices.  Indeed,  the  whole  education  of  a  Brah- 
man consisted  in  learning  the  old  sacred  literature 
by  heart,  and  many  years  were  spent  for  this  purpose 
by  every  Brahmach&rin  in  the  house  and  under  the 
severe  discipline  of  his  Guru,  or  of  an  Acharya.  As 
it  was  necessary1,  however,  for  a  husband  to  perform 

vovtojv  avdpd)7roLS'  ov  yap  av  Tolg  avrolg  Tovg  jxev  ayQetxQai,  rovg  de 
"Xaipeiv,  kvvKViw^EiQ  viroXri^Eig  t^ovrac,  Kal  tovq  aWovg  roig  avrolg 
tote  }xev  a^8e<r0at,  tote  b*  av  "^aipEiv  fj.ETaj3aXXofxipovg.  Ibid.  xv. 
65.  i  Ta  yovv  Xe^0£vra  Elg  tovt*  E<prj  ovvteiveiv,  wg  e'it)  \6yog  dptarog 
og  rfiovijv  Kal  Xvirriv  \pv\fjg  a.(f>aiprj(TETai*  Kal  on  Xinrr)  Kal  irovog 
ZiatyipEi'  to  fxkv  yap  TroXifxiov,  to  Se  <plXov  avroig*  to.  ce  trw/xara 
cLffKOvcn  Trpog  irovoVf  Xv  ai  yva>fj.ai  pwvvvotvTO,  d^'  wv  Kal  ordccic; 
TravoiEPf  Kal  avfj,j3ovXoi  ira<nv  dya0wv  TrapEiE v,  Kal  kolvt}  Kal  iSia. 

1  Sayana,  in  his  commentary  on  the  Rig-veda,  i.  131.  3.,  ex- 
plaining the  words  f%  ^J  7\7F3   f*{V5Hl    ^Rl^t   "  Couples 

wishing  for  protection  have  magnified  thee,  O  Indra!"  quotes 
passages  from  the   Brahmanas,   the    Sutras,  and  the   Smritis,  in 


28  THE   INDIAN   MIND 

sacrifices  together  with  his  lawful  wife,  and  as  pas- 
sages of  the  hymns1,  as  well  as  of  the  Brahmanas, 
speak  clearly  of  man  and  wife  as  performing  sacrifices 
in  common,  it  was  laid  down  in  the  Sutras  that  the 
husband  or  the  priest  should,  at  the  sacrifice  itself, 
make  his  wife  recite  those  hymns  which  were  neces- 
sary for  the  ceremony.  But  although  women  were 
thus  allowed  to  participate  in  the  sacrifices  of  their 
husbands,  they  were  not  initiated,  still  less  were  they 
admitted  to  the  highest  knowledge,  the  knowledge  of 
the  Atman  or  the  Brahman.2  Cases  like  that  of 
Maitreyi  were  exceptions,  not  the  rule. 

Thus  the  account  which  Megasthenes  gives  of  the 
Indians   shows   us   the    same   abstract   and   passive 

support  of  the  law  laid  down  in  the  Purvamimansa,  that  man  and 
wife  should  perform  sacrifices  in  common.  From  the  Brahmanas 
he  quotes  the  beginning  of  the  Agnyadhana,  where  it  is  said  that 

man  and  wife  are  to  place  the  sacred  fire  in  common  :   ^STI^IMff^" 

^5f fy^TT^'^fY'fl^rf  I     Froin   the   Sutras  he  quotes   a  rule,  ij^f 

TT^J  JJ^T^I  ^T^JfTI  This  seems  to  mean,  "  Let  him,  after 
giving  the  Veda  to  his  wife,  make  her  recite  it."  The  passage  is 
taken  from  the  Asvalayana  6rauta-sutras,  i.  11.  If  the  word  veda, 
used  by  Asvalayana,  meant  the  Veda,  this  passage  would  be  most 
important,  as  proving  the  existence  of  the  Veda,  as  a  written  book, 
at  the  time  of  Asvalayana.  Veda,  however,  is  used  here  in  the 
sense  of  "  a  bundle  of  grass,"  and  is  connected  with  vedih,  an  altar 
made  of  grass  (Root  ve,  Lat.  viere).  Lastly,  Say  ana  quotes  from  the 
Smritis,  Manu,  v.  155.,  "  Women  cannot  sacrifice  without  their  hus- 
bands : »:    ifTf%  ^twf    PUVWM 

1  The  piety  and  happiness  of  a  married  couple  is  well  described 
in  a  hymn  ascribed  to  Manu  Vaivasoata,  Rv.  viii.  31.  5 — 9. 

2  Manu,  ix.  18.,  translated  by  Sir  W.  Jones.  "  Women  have  no 
business  with  the  texts  of  the  Veda,  thus  is  the  law  fully  settled ; 
having,  therefore,  no  evidence  of  law,  and  no  knowledge  of  expia- 
tory texts,  sinful  women  must  be  as  foul  as  falsehood  itself;  and 
this  is  a  fixed  rule." 


AT   THE   TIME   OF   ALEXANDER.  29 

character  which  we  find  throughout  the  whole  classi- 
cal or  post-vedic  literature  of  the  Brahmans,  and 
which,  to  a  great  extent,  explains  the  absence  of  any- 
thing like  historical  literature  among  this  nation  of 
philosophers. 

A  people  of  this  peculiar  stamp  of  mind  was  never 
destined  to  act  a  prominent  part  in  what  is  called  the 
history  of  the  world.  This  exhausting  atmosphere 
of  transcendental  ideas  could  not  but  exercise  a  de- 
trimental influence  on  the  active  and  moral  cha- 
racter of  the  Indians.  But  if  we  admire  in  classical 
history  even  those  heroes  in  whom  the  love  of  country 
was  driven  to  the  highest  pitch  of  fanaticism,  we  have 
scarcely  a  right  to  despise  a  nation,  in  whom  the  love 
of  a  purer  and  higher  life  degenerated  sometimes 
into  reckless  self-sacrifice.  No  people  certainly  made 
a  more  favourable  impression  upon  the  Greeks  than 
the  Indians.  And  when  we  read  the  account  of  their 
moral  and  intellectual  condition  at  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander, we  are  obliged  to  admit  that  if  some  of  their 
good  qualities  are  no  longer  to  be  met  with  among 
the  Indians  of  later  times,  this  is  owing,  not  entirely 
to  an  original  defect  of  character,  but  to  that  con- 
tinual system  of  oppression  exercised  upon  them  by 
foreign  conquerors,  to  whose  physical  power  they 
submitted,  while  they  could  not  help  despising  their 
masters  as  barbarians.  Of  the  demoralising  influ- 
ence of  a  foreign  occupation  we  have  an  instance  in 
the  time  of  Alexander,  in  the  story  of  Kalanas 
(Kalyana),  who  yielded  to  the  flattering  offers 
of  the  European  conqueror,  and  left  his  sacred 
home  to  follow  his  royal  master  as  a  piece  of  curi- 
osity. But  Megasthenes  was  afterwards  informed  that 
the  behaviour  of  Kalanas  was  strongly  disapproved  of 
by  his  friends,  as  ambitious  and  servile  ;  while  Man- 


30  THE    CHARACTER   OF   THE   INDIANS. 

danis  was  praised  for  his  manly  answer  to  Alexander's 
messengers,  not  only  by  his  countrymen,  but  by 
Alexander  himself.  It  was  not  long  before  Kalanas 
repented  his  unworthy  ambition,  for  he  burnt  him- 
self soon  after  at  Pasargada,  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  only  other  Brahman  who  reached  Europe 
in  ancient  times,  burned  himself  at  Athens,  to 
the  astonishment  of  the  Greeks,  who  erected  a  tomb 
to  him,  with  the  inscription,  a  Here  lies  the  Indian 
Sarman  Cheya  (Sarman  Acharya  ?),  from  Barygaza, 
who  sought  immortality  after  the' old  custom  of  the 
Indians." 

The  genius  of  the  Greek  nation  owes  its  happy 
and  healthy  growth  to  liberty  and  national  indepen- 
dence. The  Homeric  songs  were  addressed  to  a 
people,  proud  of  his  heroes,  whether  real  or  legen- 
dary. If  Persia  had  crushed  the  chivalry  of  Greece, 
we  should  never  have  heard  the  names  of  Herodotus, 
iEschylus,  Sophocles,  Phidias,  and  Pericles.  Where 
the  feeling  of  nationality  has  been  roused,  the  poet  is 
proud  to  be  listened  to  by  his  nation,  and  a  nation  is 
proud  to  listen  to  her  poet.  But  in  times  of  national 
degradation  the  genius  of  great  men  turns  away 
from  the  realities  of  life,  and  finds  its  only  con- 
solation in  the  search  after  truth,  in  science  and 
philosophy.  Socrates,  Plato,  and  Aristotle  arose 
when  the  Greek  nation  began  to  decline ;  and,  under 
the  heavy  grasp  first  of  Macedonian  sway,  then  of 
Eoman  tyranny,  the  life  of  the  Greek  genius  ebbed 
away,  while  its  immortal  productions  lived  on  in  the 
memory  of  other  and  freer  nations.  The  Indian 
never  knew  the  feeling  of  nationality,  and  his  heart 
never  trembled  in  the  expectation  of  national  ap- 
plause. There  were  no  heroes  to  inspire  a  poet, — no 
history  to  call  forth  a  historian.     The  only  sphere 


THE   CHARACTER   OF   THE    INDIANS.  31 

where  the  Indian  mind  found  itself  at  liberty  to  act, 
to  create,  and  to  worship,  was  the  sphere  of  religion 
and  philosophy ;  and  nowhere  have  religious  and 
metaphysical  ideas  struck  roots  so  deep  in  the  mind 
of  a  nation  as  in  India.  The  Hindus  were  a  nation 
of  philosophers.  Their  struggles  were  the  struggles 
of  thought ;  their  past,  the  problem  of  creation  ;  their 
future,  the  problem  of  existence.  The  present  alone, 
which  is  the  real  and  living  solution  of  the  problems 
of  the  past  and  the  future,  seems  never  to  have  at- 
tracted their  thoughts  or  to  have  called  out  their 
energies.  The  shape  which  metaphysical  ideas  take 
amongst  the  different  classes  of  society,  and  at  dif- 
ferent periods  of  civilisation,  naturally  varies  from 
coarse  superstition  to  sublime  spiritualism.  But, 
taken  as  a  whole,  history  supplies  no  second  instance 
where  the  inward  life  of  the  soul  has  so  completely 
absorbed  all  the  practical  faculties  of  a  whole  people, 
and,  in  fact,  almost  destroyed  those  qualities  by 
which  a  nation  gains  its  place  in  history. 

It  might  therefore  be  justly  said  that  India  has 
no  place  in  the  political  history  of  the  world.  While 
other  nations,  as  the  Egyptians,  the  Jews,  the  Baby- 
lonians, Assyrians,  Persians,  the  Greeks,  the  Komans, 
and  the  Teutonic  races,  have,  during  certain  periods, 
culminated  on  the  political  horizon  of  the  world, 
India  has  moved  in  such  a  small  and  degraded  circle 
of  political  existence  that  it  remained  almost  invisible 
to  the  eyes  of  other  nations.  An  expedition  like 
that  of  Alexander  could  never  have  been  conceived 
by  an  Indian  king,  and  the  ambition  of  native  con- 
querors, in  those  few  cases  where  it  existed,  never 
went  beyond  the  limits  of  India  itself. 

But  if  India  has  no  place  in  the  political  history 
of  the  world,  it   certainly  has  a  right  to  claim   its 


32  India's  place  in  history. 

place  in  the  intellectual  history  of  mankind.  The 
less  the  Indian  nation  has  taken  part  in  the  political 
struggles  of  the  world,  and  expended  its  energies  in 
the  exploits  of  war  and  the  formation  of  empires, 
the  more  it  has  fitted  itself  and  concentrated  all  its 
powers  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  important  mission 
reserved  to  it  in  the  history  of  the  East.  History 
seems  to  teach  that  the  whole  human  race  required  a 
gradual  education  before,  in  the  fulness  of  time, 
it  could  be  admitted  to  the  truths  of  Christianity. 
All  the  fallacies  of  human  reason  had  to  be  exhausted, 
before  the  light  of  a  higher  truth  could  meet  with 
ready  acceptance.  The  ancient  religions  of  the  world 
were  but  the  milk  of  nature,  which  was  in  due  time 
to  be  succeeded  by  the  bread  of  life.  After  the  pri- 
meval physiolatry,  which  was  common  to  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Aryan  family,  had,  in  the  hands  of  a  wily 
priesthood,  been  changed  into  an  empty  idolatry,  the 
Indian  alone,  of  all  the  Aryan  nations,  produced 
a  new  form  of  religion,  which  has  well  been  called 
subjective,  as  opposed  to  the  more  objective  worship 
of  nature.  That  religion,  the  religion  of  Buddha, 
has  spread,  far  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Aryan  world, 
and,  to  our  limited  vision,  it  may  seem  to  have  re- 
tarded the  advent  of  Christianity  among  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  human  race.  But  in  the  sight  of  Him 
with  whom  a  thousand  years  are  but  as  one  day,  that 
religion,  like  all  the  ancient  religions  of  the  world, 
may  have  but  served  to  prepare  the  way  of  Christ,  by 
helping,  through  its  very  errors,  to  strengthen  and 
to  deepen  the  ineradicable  yearning  of  the  human 
heart  after  the  truth  of  God. 

Though  the  religion  of  Buddha  be  of  all  religions 
the  most  hostile  to  the  old  belief  of  the  Brahmans, — 
the  Buddhists  standing  to  the  Brahmans  in  about  the 


BRAIIMANISM    AND    BUDDHISM.  33 

same  relation  as  the  early  Protestants  to  the  Church 
of  Rome,  —  yet  the  very  bitterness  of  this  opposition 
proves  that  Buddhism  is  peculiarly  Indian.  Similar 
ideas  to  those  proclaimed  by  Buddha  were  current  long 
before  his  time,  and  traces  of  them  may  be  found  even 
in  other  countries.  But  for  the  impressive  manner  in 
which  these  ideas  were  first  proclaimed  and  preached 
throughout  India,  for  the  hold  which  they  took  on 
the  Indian  mind,  for  the  readiness  with  which  they 
were  received,  particularly  by  the  lower  classes,  till 
at  last  they  were  adopted  by  the  sovereign  as  the 
religion  of  state,  —  in  a  word,  for  the  historical  and 
universal  character  which  this  doctrine  there  as- 
sumed, the  cause  must  be  sought  in  the  previous 
history  of  the  Indian  nation.  There  is  something  in 
the  doctrines  of  Buddhism  that  is  common  to  all 
systems  of  philosophy  or  religion,  which  break  with 
the  traditions  of  an  effete  idol- worship  and  a  tyranni- 
cal hierarchy.  There  is  some  truth  in  Buddhism  as 
there  is  in  every  one  of  the  false  religions  of  the  world. 
But  it  was  only  in  India,  where  people  had  been 
prepared  by  centuries  of  thought  and  meditation,  as 
well  as  by  the  very  corruption  of  the  old  Brahmanical 
system,  to  embrace  and  nurture  the  religious  ideas  of 
Buddha  Sakya  Muni ;  it  was  only  in  India,  that  those 
new  doctrines  took  an  historical  shape,  and  grew  into 
a  religion  which,  if  truth  depended  on  majorities, 
would  be  the  truest  of  all  forms  of  faith. 

Up  to  the  present  day  there  is  no  religion  of  the 
world  more  extensively  prevalent  than  the  religion 
of  Buddha J ;  and  though  it  has  been  banished  from 

1  M.  Troyer,  in  his  valuable  edition  of  the  Badjatarangini  (ii. 
399.),  gives  the  following  data  as  to  the  extent  of  the  Buddhistic 

D 


34  HISTORICAL   ORIGIN   OF   BUDDHISM. 

the  soil  of  India,  and  no  living  follower  of  this 
creed  is  now  to  be  met  with  in  that  country  l,  yet 
it  has  found  a  refuge  and  second  home  in  Ceylon, 
Siam,  Ava,  Pegu,  the  Birman  Empire,  China,  Tibet, 
Tatary,  Mongolia  and  Siberia,  and  is,  even  in  its 
present  corruption,  looked  upon  and  practised  as  the 
only  true  system  of  faith  and  worship  by  many 
millions  of  human  beings.  Truly,  then,  the  moment 
when  this  religious  doctrine  took  its  origin  in  India 
is  an  era  in  the  intellectual  history  of  the  world ;  and, 
from  an  historical  point  of  view,  India  may  be  con- 
sidered, at  that  time,  as  passing  through  the  meridian 
of  history.  The  most  accurate  observers  of  the 
progress  of  the  Indian  mind  have,  therefore,  chosen 
this  moment  as  the  most  favourable  for  fixing,  his- 
torically and  chronologically,  the  position  of  India: 
Professor  Wilson  in  his  "  Vislinu-Purana,"  Professor 
Burnouf  in  his  "  Introduction  to  the  History  of 
Buddhism,"  and  Professor  Lassen  in  his  "  Indian 
Antiquities." 

It  would  be  out  of  place  to  discuss  at  present  all 
the  arguments  by  which  the  historical  origin  of  the 
Buddhistic  religion  has  been  fixed  chronologically  in 
the  works   here  mentioned.     The  date  of  Buddha's 

religion  :  "  La  population  de  la  terre  est  evaluee  par  M.  Hassel  a 
921  millions;  par  Malte-Brun,  a  642  millions;  par  d'autres,  a  737 
millions  d'habitants.  Le  Buddhisme  est  professe  dans  presque 
tout  l'empire  de  la  Chine,  qui  seul,  d'apres  differents  computs, 
contient  de  184  a  300  millions  d'habitants.  Ajoutons-y  les 
Buddhistes  de  plusieurs  iles  de  l'Est,  de  la  Cochinchine,  du  Siam, 
du  pays  des  Birmans,  del'Inde,  du  Nepal,  du  Tibet,  et  de  la  majeure 
partie  de  la  Tartarie,  etc.,  et  Ton  trouvera  que  je  n'exagere  pas 
trop  le  nombre  des  Buddhistes  actuels." 

1  See  J.  Bird,  Historical  Researches  on  the  Origin  and  Prin- 
ciples of  the  Buddha  and  Jaina  Religion.     Bombay,  1847. 


RELATION    OF    BUDDHISM    TO    ERAIIMANISM.  35 

death,  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  b.  c,  and 
the  beginning  of  the  Ceylonese  era,  543  b.  c,  will 
have  to  be  considered  hereafter.  For  the  present  it 
will  be  sufficient  to  keep  in  mind  that  the  Buddhistic 
era  divides  the  whole  history  of  India  into  two  parts, 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  Christian  era  divides  the 
history  of  the  world.  It  is  therefore  of  the  greatest 
importance,  with  regard  to  the  history  of  Yedic 
literature.  The  rise  of  a  new  religion  so  hostile 
to  the  hierarchical  system  of  the  Brahmans  is  most 
likely  to  have  produced  a  visible  effect  on  their 
sacred  and  theological  writings.  If  traces  of  this 
kind  can  be  discovered  in  the  ancient  literature  of 
India,  an  important  point  will  be  gained,  and  it 
will  be  possible  perhaps  to  restore  to  this  vast  mass 
of  Brahmanic  lore  a  certain  historical  connection. 
After  the  rise  of  a  new  religious  doctrine  in  the  first 
centuries  after  Buddha,  it  could  not  be  expected  that 
the  Brahmanic  literature  should  cease  at  once.  On 
the  contrary,  we  should  expect  at  first  a  powerful 
reaction  and  a  last  effort  to  counteract  the  influence 
of  the  rising  doctrine.  And,  as  in  India  the  religion 
of  Buddha  addressed  itself  more  especially  to  the 
lower  classes  of  the  people,  and  found  its  strongest 
support  amongst  those  who  had  to  suffer  from  the 
exclusiveness  of  the  Brahmanic  system,  a  period  of 
transition  would  most  likely  be  marked  by  a  more 
popular  style  of  literature, —  by  an  attempt  to  sim- 
plify the  old  complicated  system  of  the  Brahmanic 
ceremonial,  till  at  last  the  political  ascendency,  se- 
cured to  the  new  doctrine  through  its  adoption  by 
the  reigning  princes,  like  Asoka,  would  cause  this 
effort  also  to  slacken. 

Before  it  can  be  shown,  however,  that  this  really 

D   2 


36  NON-VEDIC   WORKS. 

took  place  in  India,  and  that  traces  of  this  religious 
crisis  exist  in  the  Yedic  literature  of  the  Brahmans, 
it  seems  necessary  to  point  out  what  Sanskrit  works 
can  be  included  within  that  literature,  and  what 
other  books  are  to  be  excluded  altogether  when  we 
look  for  evidence  with  regard  to  the  true  history  of 
the  Yedic  age. 

Let  us  begin  by  the  negative  process,  and  endeavour 
to   separate   and   reject   those  works  which   do   not 
belong  to  the  genuine  Yedic  cycle.     If  we  examine 
the   two   epic   poems  of  India,  the  Ramayana   and 
Mahabharata,  we  shall  find  it  impossible  to  use  them 
as  authorities  for  the  Yedic  age,  because  we  are  not 
yet  able  to  decide  critically  which   parts   of  these 
poems  are  ancient,  and  which  are  modern  and  post- 
Buddhistic,  or  at  least  retouched  by  the  hands  of  late 
compilers   and   editors.      There   are   certainly   very 
ancient  traditions  and  really  Yedic  legends  in  both  of 
these  poems.     Some  of  their  heroes  are  taken  from 
the  same  epic  cycle  in  which  the  Yedic  poetry  moves. 
These,  however,  only  form  subjects  for  episodes  in  the 
two  poems,  while  their  principal  heroes  are  essentially 
different  in  their  character  and   manners.     In  fact, 
though  there  are  remains  of  the  Yedic  age  to  be 
found  in   the  epic  poems,  like  the  stories  of  Urvasi 
and    Pururavas,    of  Sakuntala    and    Dushmanta,    of 
Uddalaka,  Sunahsepha,  Janaka  Yaideha,  and  parti- 
cularly of  the  Yedic  Rishis,  like  Yasishtha,   Yisva- 
mitra,  Yajnavalkya,  Dirghatamas,  Kakshivat,  Kava- 
sha,  and  many  others,  yet  this  would  only  prove  that 
the   traditions   of  the    Yedic   age  were  still  in  the 
mouth  of  the  people  at  the  time  when  the  epic  poetry 
of  the  Hindus  was  first  composed,  or  that  they  were 
not  yet  forgotten  in  after  times,  when  the  Brahmans 


EPIC   POEMS.  37 

began  to  collect  all  the  remains  of  epic  songs  into  one 
large  body,  called  the  Mahabharata.  If  we  compare 
the  same  legends  as  exhibited  in  the  hymns  and 
Brahmanas  of  the  Veda,  and  as  related  in  the  Maha- 
bharata, Ramayana,  or  the  Puranas,  the  Yedic  ver- 
sion of  them  will  mostly  be  found  to  be  more  simple, 
more  primitive,  and  more  intelligible  than  those  of 
the  epic  and  pauranic  poems.  This  is  not  meant  as 
a  denial,  that  real  epic  poetry,  that  is  to  say,  a  mass 
of  popular  songs,  celebrating  the  power  and  exploits 
of  gods  and  heroes,  existed  at  a  very  early  period  in 
India,  as  well  as  among  the  other  Aryan  nations ;  but 
it  shows,  that,  if  yet  existing,  it  is  not  in  the  Maha- 
bharata and  Ramayana  we  have  to  look  for  these  old 
songs,  but  rather  in  the  Yeda  itself.  In  the  collec- 
tion of  the  Yedic  hymns,  there  are  some  which  may 
be  called  epic,  and  may  be  compared  with  the  short 
hymns  ascribed  to  Homer.  In  the  Brahmanas  pas- 
sages occur,  in  prose  and  verse,  celebrating  the  ac- 
tions of  old  kings. 

The  following  extract  from  the  Sankhayana-sutras 
(xvi.  1.),  throws  some  light  on  the  literature  which 
the  Brahmans  possessed,  in  addition  to  what  we  are 
accustomed  to  call  the  Yeda * :  — 

"  At  the  Horse-sacrifice,  the  Adhvaryu  calls  upon 
singers  who  sing  to  the  lute  (vinaganaginas),  and  in- 
vites them  to  celebrate  the  king,  who  then  performs 
the  sacrifice,  together  with  other  virtuous  kings  of 
old.  On  the  first  day  of  the  sacrifice,  the  priest  tells 
the  story  which  begins  with  Manu  Vaivasvata.  As 
the  people  of  Manu  were  men,  and  there  are  men  pre- 
sent at  the  sacrifice,  the  priest  teaches  these,  the 

1  The  same  account  is  given  in  the  Asvalayana-sutras,  x.  7, 
and  in  the  6atapatha-brahmana,  xiii.  3,  1,  1. 

D   3 


38  EPIC    POEMS. 

householders,  by  telling  this  story.  He  then  says, 
1  The  Rich- verses  are  the  Veda,  this  is  the  Veda/  and 
recites  a  hymn. 

"  On  the  second  day  he  tells  the  story  which  begins 
with  Yama  Vaivasvata  (from  the  iSatapatha).  As 
the  people  of  Yama  were  the  fathers,  and  there  are 
fathers  present,  he  teaches  the  elders  by  this  story. 
He  then  says,  '  The  Yajurveda  is  the  Veda ;  this  is 
the  Veda/  and  recites  an  Anuvaka  (asvamedhika) 
of  the  Yajush. 

"  On  the  third  day  he  tells  the  story  which  begins 
with  Varuna  Aditya.  As  the  people  of  Varuna  were 
the  Gandharvas,  and  as  they  are  present,  he  teaches 
the  young  and  fair  youths  by  this  story.  He  then 
says,  '  The  Atharva-veda  is  the  Veda ;  this  is  the 
Veda,'  and  recites  the  Bhishaja1,  a  work  on  medicine. 

"  On  the  fourth  day  he  tells  the  story  which  begins 
with  Soma  Vaishnava  (from  the  Satapatha).  As  the 
people  of  Soma  were  the  Apsaras,  and  as  these  are 
present,  he  teaches  the  young  and  fair  maids  by  this 
story.  He  then  says,  '  The  Angirasa-veda  is  the 
Veda;  this  is  the  Veda,'  and  recites  the  Ghora2, 
another  work  of  the  Atharvanikas. 

"  On  the  fifth  day  he  tells  the  story  which  begins 

1  The  commentator  insists  on  tins  being  a  distinct  book  of  the 
Atharvanikas,    and   not   a   hymn.        ^J     ^U^^fTT^PT^rfl 

The  6atapatha  says  ^TSJ^WTW?  *R  II  Asvalayana,  ^T^^^T 
fWfTll 

2  ^T^TRWl"  VW  II  The  6'atapatha  says  ^fr^T^T 
^11 


EPIC   POEMS.  39 

with  Arbuda  Kadraveya.  As  the  people  of  Arbuda 
were  the  Sarpas  (snakes),  and  as  these  are  present,  he 
teaches  the  Sarpas,  or  the  snake-charmers,  by  this 
story.  He  then  says,  '  The  Sarpavidya  is  the  Yeda  ; 
this  is  the  Yeda,'  and  recites  the  Sarpavidya.1 

"  On  the  sixth  day  he  tells  the  story  which  begins 
with  Kuvera  VaisravancC.  As  the  people  of  Kuvera 
were  Rakshas,  and  as  these  are  present,  he  teaches 
Selagas,  or  evil-doers,  by  this  story.  He  then  says, 
4  The  Rakshovidya  is  the  Veda,  this  is  the  Yeda,7 
and  recites  the  Rakshovidya\.2 

"  On  the  seventh  day  he  tells  the  story  which  be- 
gins with  Asita  Dhanvana.3  As  his  men  were  the 
Asuras,  and  as  these  are  present,  he  teaches  the 
usurers  (Kusidin)  by  this  story.  He  then  says,  '  The 
Asuravidya  is  the  Veda,  this  is  the  Veda,'  and  per- 
forms a  trick  by  slight  of  hand.4 

11  On  the  eighth  day  he  tells  the  story  which  begins 
with  Matsya  Sdmmada.  As  his  men  were  the  crea- 
tures of  the  water,  and  as  these  are  present,  he 
teaches  the  Matsyas  (fishes),  or  the  fishermen  by  this 


1  *TT^T      ^Npffaf      3TII     TheSatapatha:    ^tjf^iqr 

2  3n>3r^TT      T^f^^TT  II       According    to    the   6atapatha 
^*^^f*Tf%^jr^T    T^fi    ^itl   according  to   Asvalayana,  f^ITT^- 

f^TTll 

3  Asita  Dhanva,  6atapatha  and  Asvalayana. 

^T^f%^n"swii 


D   4 


40  EPIC   POEMS. 

story.  He  then  says,  *  The  Itihasa-veda  is  the  Veda 
this  is  the  Veda/  and  recites  an  Itihasa.1 

"  On  the  ninth  day  he  tells  the  story  which  begins 
with  Tdrkshya  Vaipasyata.2  As  his  men  were  the 
birds,  and  as  these  are  present,  he  teaches  the  birds, 
or  the  young  students  (brahmacharin)3,  by  this  story. 
He  then  says,  '  The  Purana-veda  is  the  Veda,  this  is 
the  Veda/  and  recites  the  Purana.4 

"  On  the  tenth  day  he  tells  the  story  which  begins 
with  Dharma  Indra  (from  the  Satapatha).  As  his 
men  were  the  gods,  and  as  these  are  present,  he 
teaches  the  young,  learned,  and  poor  priests  by  this 
story.5  He  then  says,  '  The  Samaveda  is  the  Veda, 
this  is  the  Veda/  and  sings  the  Sama.6" 

This  extract  shows  that  epic  poetry,  traditional  as 
well  as  improvised  on  the  spur  of  the  moment,  existed 
during  the  Vedic  age. 

In  several  parts  of  the  Brahmanas  and  Aran- 
yakas,  when  an  account  is  given  of  the  literature, 
known  to  the  ancient  Hindus,  we  meet  with  the 
names  of  Gatha,  Narasansi,  Itihasa,  and  Akhyana 7 
(songs,  legends,  epic   poems,  and  stories)   as   parts 

2  Vaipaschita,  according  to  Asvalayana. 

3  ^nStfiff^rT:  II    Satapatha. 

4  ^^TW  ^T^TTl WfV^i HsM^l  I  The  Vayu-purana  has  a 
more  ancient  appearance  than  the  other  Puranas. 

5  ^r  s-Rf^rr^TT^ifrf%^PTNii 

6  ^TW^lpTII    Satapatha. 

7  Cf.  Taittiriya-Aranyaka,  ii.  9.:  "^TlfWRtfd  ^  I  ^  I  «"M  <  l"- 
WTt%  3TWR   TRrr  *nTTsWt:||  Brihadaranyaka,   ii.  4.  10.: 


EPIC   TOEMS.  41 

of  the  Yedic  literature.  The  occurrence  of  titles 
of  literary  works  like  these,  has  been  made  use  of 
to  prove  the  existence,  at  that  early  period,  of  the 
writings  which  afterwards  were  designated  by  the 
same  names.  But  though  the  Mahabharata  is  called 
an  Itihasa,  and  the  Ramayana  an  Akhyana,  and 
though  many  works  have  in  later  times  become  fa- 
mous under  the  name  of  Puranas,  yet  these  enume- 
rations of  literary  works  in  the  Brahmanas  do  not 
refer  to  them.1     They  contain  only  general  names  or 

WT«Trf%  ^TT*sM  I  lU^  ll    ^id.  iv.  1,  2.,  iv.  5.  9.;  6atap.  Brahm. 

xi.    7.    1.;    Atharv.    Sanhita,    xv.  6.:     ^f^T^nf     ^TTW     "^ 

TTSTT^f  •TnC^I^t'^' II  Cf.  Aufrecht,  Indische  Studien,  p.  133. 
Sayana  himself  is  sometimes  doubtful,  and  in  his  Commentary  on 
the  Taittiriya-aranyaka,  for  instance,  he  says  that,  by  purana 
might  be  meant  the  Brahmanda,  &c. ;  and  by  itihasa,  the  Maha- 
bharata. This,  however,  is  a  mistake,  and  it  would  bring  Sayana 
into  contradiction  with  himself.  He  has  fully  proved  in  his 
Introduction  to  the  Rig-veda  that  in  this  passage  of  the  Taittiri- 
yaranyaka,  no  works  separate  from  the  Veda  could  be  understood. 
Cf.  Rig-veda  sanhita,  p.  23.  Dr.  Weber,  in  his  extracts  from 
Panini  (iv.  2.  60.),  shows  that  vyakhyana,  akhyana,  katha,  akhya- 
yika,  itihasa,  and  purana,  were  titles  of  literary  works  known  at 
the  time  of  Katyayana.  But  he  inclines  to  the  opinion  that  Ka- 
tyayana did  not  mean  the  Mahabharata,  Ramayana,  and  the  Pur- 
anas,  as  we  now  possess  them,  by  these  general  names.  Cf.  Indische 
Studien,  i.  p.  147. 

1  In  the  later  literature  also,  names  like  Itihasa,  Akhyana,  and 
Purana  are  by  no  means  restricted  to  the  Mahabharata,  Ramayana, 
and  the  Puranas.  The  Mahabharata  is  called  Purana,  Akhyana, 
and  Itihasa.  Cf.  M.  Bh.  i.  17 — 19.  Vyasa  himself  calls  his 
poem,  the  Mahabharata,  a  Kavya ;  and  Brahma  sanctions  this  as 
its  proper  title.  Cf.  M.  Bh.  i.  72.  This  passage  modifies  Pro- 
fessor Lassen's  opinion  as  to  Kavya  being  the  distinctive  title  of 
the  Ramayana.    Cf.  Indian  Antiquities,  i.  48o.    The  Mahabharata 


42  epic  toems. 

titles,  which  have  been  applied  to  certain  parts  of  the 
sacred  literature,  containing  either  stories  of  gods  or 
men,  or  cosmogonic  traditions.1  There  is  no  allusion 
to  any  of  the  titles  of  the  Puranas  or  to  the  Rama- 
yana  in  Yedic  works,  whether  Brahmanas  or  Sutras. 
But  as  in  the  Sutras  of  Asvalayana2  the  name  of  the 

is  also  called  the  fifth  Veda,  or  the  Karshna-veda ;  that  is,  the 
Veda  composed  by  Krishna  Dvaipayana  Vyasa.  Cf.  M.  Bh.  i.  2300. 
Burnouf,  Bhag.  in.  pref.  xxi.    Lassen,  Ind.  Antiq.  I.  789. 

1  Cf.  Sayana,  Introduction  to  the  Rig-veda- sanhita,  p.  23. 

2  Grihy  a- Sutras,  iii.  4.     MS.  1978,  E.  I.  H.,  reads,     *TR7T- 

^T^T^r:  instead  of  ^TT^TWTTrfWr^T^r:  the  read- 
ing adopted  by  Dr.  Roth  (Zur  Literatur,  p.  27).  Unfortunately 
the  Commentary  to  this  passage  is  very  scanty,  which  is  so  much 
the  more  to  be  regretted,  as  the  text  itself  seems  to  contain 
spurious  additions.     According  to  the  MSS.  the  passage  reads, 

^ro    ^ra:    ipTf^r    TTSTW    *T<^f>*    f^TfSHY 

■JfTcft^  ^THT  ^4t  ^Tt^f  ^r^trT^    ^^T^lrftfT^ 

According  to  the  commentator  we  have  first,  12  Rishis,  who,  as 
Rishis,  are  to  be  invoked,  when  the  Brahmanical  thread  is  sus- 
pended round  the  neck  (nivita).  These  are  indeed  the  Rishis 
of  the  Rig-veda :  first  the  6atarchins,  the  common  title  of  the 
poets  of  the  first  Mandala ;  then  Gritsamada  (2d  Mandala"),  Vis- 
vamitra  (3d  M.),  Vamadeva  (4th  M.),  Atri  (5th  M.),  Bharadvaja 
(6th  M.),  Vasishtha  (7th  M.);  then  follow  the  poets  of  the  Pra- 


MAHABHARATA.  43 

Bharata,  and  according  to  some  MSS.  even  the  name 
of  the  Mahabharata,  is  mentioned,  this  may  be  consi- 
dered as  the  earliest  trace,  not  merely  of  single  epic 
poems,  but  of  a  collection  of  them.  The  age  of 
Asvalayana,  which  will  be  approximately  fixed  after- 
wards, would,  therefore,  if  we  can  rely  on  our  MSS., 
furnish  a  limit  below  which  the  first  attempt  at  a  col- 
lection of  a  Bharata  or  Mahabharata  ought  not  to  be 
placed.  But  there  is  no  hope  that  we  shall  ever  suc- 
ceed by  critical  researches  in  restoring  the  Bharata  to 
that  primitive  form  and  shape  in  which  it  may  have 
existed  before  or  at  the  time  of  Asvalayana.  Much 
has  indeed  been  done  by  Professor  Lassen,  who,  in  his 
Indian  Antiquities,  has  pointed  out  characteristic 
marks  by  which  the  modern  parts  of  the  Mahabharata 
can  be  distinguished  from  the  more  ancient ;  and  we 
may  soon  expect  to  see  his  principles  still  farther 
carried  out  in  a  translation  of  the  whole  Mahabharata, 
which,  with  the  help  of  all  the  Sanskrit  comment- 
aries, has  been  most  carefully  prepared  by  one  of 
the  most  learned  and  laborious  scholars  of  Germany. 
If  it  were  possible  to  sift  out  from  the  huge  mass  of 
Indian  epic  poetry,  as  we  now  possess  it  in  the  Maha- 
bharata and  Ramayana,  those  old  stories  and  songs 

gatha  hymns  (8th  M.),  the  poets  of  the  Pavamanis  (9th  M.),  and 
finally,  the  authors  of  the  10th  and  last  Mandala,  who  are  called 
Kshudrasuktas  and  Mahasuktas,  authors  of  short  and  long  hymns. 
The  next  class  comprises  twenty-three  invocations,  according  to 
the  Commentary,  and  they  are  to  be  made,  when  the  Brahmanical 
cord  is  suspended  over  the  right  shoulder  (prachinaviti).  The  text, 
however,  contains  more  than  twenty-three  names,  and  it  is  likely 
that  some  of  them  have  been  added  afterwards,  while  others  are 

perhaps  to  be  taken  collectively.  ^U^ri^JTMl^K  maJ  a^s0 
be  taken  as  one  word,  in  the  sense  of  the  legal  authorities  of  the 
Bharatas. 


44  MAHABHARATA. 

which  must  have  been'  living  for  a  long  time  in  the 
mouth  of  the  people  before  they  were  collected, 
enlarged,  arranged,  and  dressed  up  by  later  hands,  a 
rich  mine  of  information  would  be  opened  for  the 
ancient  times  of  India,  and  very  likely  also  for  the 
Vedic  age.  But  the  whole  frame  of  the  two  epic 
poems  as  they  now  stand,  their  language  and  metre, 
as  well  as  the  moral  and  religious  system  they 
contain,  show  that  they  were  put  together  at  a  period 
when  the  world  of  the  Veda  was  living  by  tradition 
only,  and,  moreover,  partly  misunderstood,  and  partly 
forgotten.  The  war  between  the  Kurus  and  Pandavas, 
which  forms  the  principal  object  of  our  Mahabharata, 
is  unknown  in  the  Veda.  The  names  of  the  Kurus 
and  Bharatas  are  common  in  the  Vedic  literature,  but 
the  names  of  the  Pandavas  have  never  been  met  with. 
It  has  been  observed  l,  that  even  in  Panini's  grammar 
the  name  Pandu.  or  Pandava  does  not  occur,  while  the 
Kurus  and  Bharatas  are  frequently  mentioned,  parti- 
cularly in  rules  treating  of  the  formation  of  patro- 
nymics and  similar  words.2     If,    then,    Asvalayana 

1  Dr.  Weber,  Indische  Studien,  p.  148.  Katyayana,  however, 
the  immediate  successor  of  Panini,  knows  not  only  Pandu,  but 
also  his  descendants,  the  Pandyas. 

2  The  names  of  the  two  wives  of  Pandu,  Kunti  and  Madri,  occur 
in  the  commentary  on  Panini.  (Cf.  i.  2.  49.,  iv.  1.  65.,  iv.  1.  176. 
(text)  for  Kunti,  and  iv.  1.  177.  for  Madri).  But  both  these  names 
are  geographical  appellatives,  Kunti  signifying  a  woman  from  the 
country  of  the  Kuntas,  Madri  a  Madra-woman.  Prithd,  another 
name  of  Kunti,  stands  in  the  Gana  sivadi.  As  to  the  proper 
names  of  the  Pandava  princes,  we  find  Yudhishthira,  Pan.  vi.  1. 
134.,  vi.  3.  9.,  viii.  3.  95.  (text);  Arjuna,  Pan.  iii.  1.  119.,  iv.  3. 
64.,  v.  4.  48.,  vi,  2.  131.;  Bhima,  Pan.  vi.  1.  205.;  Ndkula,  Pan. 
vi.  3.  75.  The  name  of  Sahadeva  does  not  occur ;  but  his  de- 
scendants, the  Sahadevas,  are  mentioned  as  belonging  to  the  race 
of  Kuru,  together  with  the  Nakulas,  Pan.  iv.  1.  114.     In  the  same 


MAHABIIAKATA.     i  45 

can  be  shown  to  have  been  a  contemporary,  or  at 
least  an  immediate  successor,  of  Panini,  the  Bharata 
which  he  is  speaking  of  must  have  been  very 
different  from  the  epic  poem  which  is  known  to  us 

way  we  find  the  descendants  of  Yudhishthira  and  Arjuna  men- 
tioned as  members  of  the  eastern  Bharatas,  Pan.  ii.  4.  66.  Drau- 
padVs  name  does  not  occur  in  Panini,  but  Subhadra  the  sister  of 
Krishna  and  the  wife  of  Arjuna,  is  distinctly  mentioned,  Pan.  iv. 
2.  56.  Another  passage  in  the  commentary  on  Panini  (iv.  3.  87.) 
proves  even  the  existence  of  a  poem  in  praise  of  Subhadra,  which, 
if  we  remember  the  former  mention  of  a  war  about  Subhadra  (iv. 
2.  56.),  seems  most  likely  to  have  celebrated  this  very  conquest  of 
Subhadra  by  Arjuna.  In  the  Mahabharata  this  story  forms  a 
separate  chapter,  the  Subhadra-harana-parva  (Adiparva,  p.  288.), 
which  may  be  the  very  work  which  Panini,  according  to  his  com- 
mentator, is  alluding  to.  That  the  chapter  in  the  Mahabharata 
belongs  to  the  oldest  parts  of  this  epic,  may  be  seen  from  its 
being  mentioned  in  the  Anukramani  of  Dhritarashtra  (i.  149.). 
"  When  I  heard  that  Subhadra,  of  the  race  of  Madhu,  had  been 
forcibly  seized  in  the  city  of  Dvaraka,  and  carried  away  by  Arjuna, 
and  that  the  two  heroes  of  the  race  of  Vrislmi  had  repaired  to 
Indraprastha,  I  then,  O  Sanjaya,  had  no  hope  of  success."  The 
Mahabhashya,  however,  does  not  explain  the  former  Sutra,  (iv.  2. 
56.),  and  for  the  latter  it  gives  examples  for  the  exceptions  only, 
but  not  for  the  rule.  The  word  grantha,  used  in  the  Sutra, 
(iv.  3.  87.),  is  always  somewhat  suspicious.  That  some  of  the 
Sutras  which  now  form  part  of  Panini 's  grammar,  did  not  proceed 
from  him,  is   acknowledged   by  Kaiyyata,   (cf.  iv.  3.  131,  132.) 

^Tf%^Tf^<*J  3  l  M  l fW^ft^f^T^   Tfa  t"5re::il    Krishna 

Vasudeva,  who  is  considered  as  peculiarly  connected  with  the  tra- 
dition of  the  Pandavas,  is  quoted  as  Vasudeva,  of  the  race  of 
Vrishni  (Pan.  iv.  1.  114.);  as  Vasudeva,  together  with  Siva 
and  Aditya  (Pan.  v.  3.  99.)  ;  as  Vasudeva,  together  with  Arjuna 
(iv.  3.  98.  text).  In  the  commentary  to  Pan.  iii.  3.  156.,  and 
ii.  3.  72.,  we  have  proof  of  Krishna's  being  worshipped  as  a  god  ; 
in  i.  4.  92.  he  is  mentioned  as  a  hero.  His  residence,  Dvaraka, 
however,  does  not  occur  in  Panini. 


46  EPIC    TRADITIONS    REMODELLED. 

under  the  name  of  the  Mahabharata,  celebrating  the 
war  of  the  Kurus  and  Pandavas.1 

In  the  form  in  which  we  now  possess  the  Mahabha- 
rata  it  shows  clear  traces  that  the  poets  who  collected 
and  finished  it,  breathed  an  intellectual  and  religious 
atmosphere,  very  different  from  that  in  which  the 
heroes  of  the  poem  moved.  The  epic  character  of  the 
story  has  throughout  been  changed  and  almost  oblite- 
rated by  the  didactic  tendencies  of  the  latest  editors, 
who  were  clearly  Brahmans,  brought  up  in  the  strict 
school  of  the  Laws  of  Manu.  But  the  original  tradi- 
tions of  the  Pandavas  break  through  now  and  then, 
and  we  can  clearly  discern  that  the  races  among 
whom  the  five  principal  heroes  of  the  Mahabharata 
were  born  and  fostered,  were  by  no  means  completely 
under  the  sway  of  the  Brahmanical  law.  How  is  it, 
for  instance,  that  the  five  Pandava  princes,  who  are 
at  first  represented  as  receiving  so  strictly  Brahmanic 
an  education,  —  who,  if  we  are  to  believe  the  poet, 
were  versed  in  all  the  sacred  literature,  grammar, 
metre,  astronomy,  and  law  of  the  Brahmans, — could 
afterwards  have  been  married  to  one  wife  ?     This  is  in 

1  That  Panini  knew  the  war  of  the  Bharatas,  has  been  rendered 
highly  probable  by  Prof.  Lassen  (Ind.  Alterthumskunde,  i.  691. 
837.).  The  words  which  called  forth  Panini's  special  rule,  (iv.  2. 56.), 
can  scarcely  be  imagined  to  have  been  different  from  those  in  the 
Mahabhashya ;  viz.,  Bharatah  sangramah,  saubhadrah  sangramah. 
It  was  impossible  to  teach  or  to  use  Panini's  Sutras  without 
examples,  which  necessarily  formed  part  of  the  traditional  gram- 
matical literature  long  before  the  great  Commentary  was  written, 
and  are,  therefore,  of  a  much  higher  historical  value  than  is  com- 
monly supposed.  The  coincidences  between  the  examples  used  in 
the  Pratisakhyas  and  in  Panini,  show  that  these  examples  were  by 
no  means  selected  at  random,  but  that  they  had  long  formed  part 
of  the  traditional  teaching.  See  also  Pan.  vi.  2.  38.,  where  the 
word  "  mahabharata  "  occurs,  but  not  as  the  title  of  a  poem. 


EPIC    TRADITIONS   REMODELLED.  47 

plain  opposition  to  the  Brahmanic  law,  where  it  is  said, 
"  they  are  many  wives  of  one  man  ;  not  many  husbands 
of  one  wife."  *  Such  a  contradiction  can  only  be  ac- 
counted for  by  the  admission,  that,  in  this  case,  epic 
tradition  in  the  mouth  of  the  people  was  too  strong  to 
allow  this  essential  and  curious  feature  in  the  life  of 
its  heroes  to  be  changed.  However,  the  Brahmanic 
editors  of  the  Mahabharata,  seeing  that  they  could  not 
alter  tradition  on  this  point,  have  at  least  endeavoured 
to  excuse  and  mitigate  it.  Thus  we  are  told  in  the 
poem  itself,  that  at  one  time  the  five  brothers  came 
home,  and  informed  their  mother  that  they  had  found 
something  extremely  precious.  Without  listening 
further,  their  mother  at  once  told  them  they  ought  to 
divide  it  as  brothers.  The  command  of  a  parent  must 
always  be  literally  obeyed ;  and  as  Draupadi  was 
their  newly  discovered  treasure,  they  were  obliged, 
according  to  the  views  of  the  Brahmans,  to  obey,  and 
to  have  her  as  their  common  wife.  Indian  lawgivers 
call  this  a  knotty  point2;  they  defend  the  fact,  but 
refuse  to  regard  it  as  a  precedent. 

1  ^  s^H  snsm  Jf^m  TfjY  wpst  Prefer  %3t^t 

Tjcr  qrfen   TTrre:   *if?Tll 

2  w  f%f^*:  ^^r:  mw%\   v^fafarft  ^N 

Cf.  Sayana's  Com.  on  Parasara.     MS.  Bodl.  172,  173.     Another 
explanation  is  given  by  Kumarila : 


48  EPIC   TRADITIONS   REMODELLED. 

Neither  does  the  fact  that  Pandu  is  lawfully  married 
to  two  wives,  harmonise  with  the  Brahmanic  law. 
That  law  does  not  prohibit  polygamy,  but  it  regards 
no  second  marriage  as  legal,  and  it  reserves  the  privi- 
lege of  being  burnt  together  with  the  husband  to  the 
eldest  and  only  lawful  wife.  Such  passages  in  the 
ancient  epics  are  of  the  greatest  interest.  We  see  in 
them  the  tradition  of  the  people  too  far  developed,  to 
allow  itself  to  be  remodelled  by  Brahmanic  Diaskeu- 
astes.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  polygamy,  as  we 
find  it  among  the  early  races  in  their  transition  from 
the  pastoral  to  the  agricultural  life,  was  customary  in 
India.  We  read  in  Herodotus  (v.  5.),  that  amongst 
the  Thracians  it  was  usual,  after  the  death  of  a  man, 
to  find  out  who  had  been  the  most  beloved  of 
his  wives,  and  to  sacrifice  her  upon  his  tomb.  Mela 
(ii.  2.)  gives  the  same  as  the  general  custom  of  the 
Getie.  Herodotus  (iv.  71.)  asserts  a  similar  fact  of 
the  Scythians,  and  Pausanias  (iv.  2.)  of  the  Greeks, 
while  our  own  Teutonic  mythology  is  full  of  instances 
of  the  same  feeling.1  And  thus  the  customs  of  these 
cognate  nations  explain  what  at  first  seemed  to  be 
anomalous  in  the  epic  tradition  of  the  Mahabharata, 
that  at  the  death  of  Pandu,  it  is  not  Kunti,  his  lawful 
wife,  but  Madri,  his  most  beloved  wife,  in  whose  arms 
the  old  king  dies,  and  who  successfully  claims  the 
privilege  of  being  burnt  with  him,  and  following  her 
husband  to  another  life.2 

1  Cf.  Grimm,  History  of  the  German  Language,  p.  139. 

2  Other  instances  of  Dharmavyatikrama  are : 


EPIC   TRADITIONS   REMODELLED.  49 

The  same  remark  applies  to  the  Ram  ay  ana.  In 
this  second  epic  also,  we  see  that  the  latest  editors 
were  shocked  by  the  anomalies  of  the  popular  tradi- 
tions, and  endeavoured  to  impart  a  more  Brahmanic 
polish  to  the  materials  handed  down  to  them  from  an 
earlier  age.  Thus  king  Dasaratha  kills  the  son  of  a 
Brahman,  which  would  be  a  crime  so  horrible  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Brahmans,  that  scarcely  any  penance 
could  expiate  it.1  This  is  the  reason  why  the  young 
Brahman  is  represented  as  the  son  of  a  Sudra 
woman,  and  tells  the  king  so  himself,  in  order  to 
relieve  him  from  the  fear  of  having  killed  the  son  of 
a  Brahman-  The  singular  relation,  too,  between 
Rama  and  Parasu-Rama,  was  probably  remodelled 
by  the  influence  of  the  Brahmans,  who  could  not 
bear  the  idea  of  their  great  hero,  the  destroyer  of  all 
the  Kshatriyas,  being  in  turn  vanquished  by  Rama, 
who  was  himself  a  Kshatriya. 

The  Vedic  literature,  by  the  very  sacredness  of  its 
character,  has  fortunately  escaped  from  the  remo- 
delling puritanism  of  the  later  Brahmans.  There 
must,  from  the  first,  have  been  as  great  a  variety 
in  the  intellectual,  religious,  and  moral  character 
of  the  Indians,  as  there  is  in  the  geographical 
and  physical  character  of  India.  If  we  look  at 
Greece,  and  consider  the  immense  diversity  of  local 
worship,  tradition,  and  customs,  which  co-existed 
within  that  small  tract  of  country,  and  then  turn 

T$n^*|£  mf<l!!*Hll  —  Kumarila  Bhatta. 

1  Cf.  Manu,  viii.  381.  "No  greater  crime  is  known  on  earth 
than  slaying  a  Brahman,  and  the  king,  therefore,  must  not  even 
form  in  his  mind  an  idea  of  killing  a  priest." 

E 


50  EARLY   CUSTOMS. 

our  eyes  to  the  map  of  India,  barred  as  it  is  by 
mountain-ranges  and  rivers,  it  becomes  clear  that 
the  past  ages  of  such  a  country  cannot  be  represented 
in  their  fulness  and  reality  by  the  traditions  of  the 
later  Brahmans,  which  as  we  now  possess  them  in 
the  epic  and  pauranic  poetry  of  the  Hindus,  are 
all  tinged  with  the  same  monotonous  colouring. 
Such  a  uniformity  is  always  the  result  of  an  arti- 
ficial system,  and  not  of  a  natural  and  unimpeded 
development.  It  is  indeed  acknowledged  by  the  Brah- 
mans themselves  that  different  customs  prevailed  in 
different  parts  of  India,  Some  were  even  sanctioned 
by  them,  notwithstanding  their  policy  of  monopolising 
and  (so  to  speak)  bralimanishitj  the  whole  Indian 
mind.  Although,  for  instance,  in  the  liturgic  works 
annexed  to  the  Vedas  (Srauta-sutras),  an  attempt 
was  made  to  establish  a  certain  unity  in  the  sacrifices 
of  the  people  all  over  India,  yet  in  the  performance 
of  these  sacrifices  there  existed  certain  discrepancies, 
based  on  the  traditionary  authority  of  the  wise  of  old, 
between  family  and  family.  This  is  still  more  the  case 
in  the  so-called  domestic  ceremonies  of  baptism,  con- 
firmation, marriage,  &c,  described  in  the  Grihya- 
sutras,  which,  connected  as  they  were  with  the  daily 
life  of  the  people,  give  us  much  more  real  information 
on  the  ancient  customs  of  India  than  those  grand 
public  or  private  sacrifices  which  are  prescribed  in  the 
Srauta-sutras,  and  could  only  have  been  kept  up  by 
sacerdotal  influence.  In  these  domestic  ceremonies 
everybody  is  allowed,  as  a  general  law,  to  follow  the 
customs  of  the  family  *  to  which  he  belongs,   or  of 

1  Thus  it  is  said,  for  instance,  in  the  Commentary  to  Paras- 
kara's  Grihya-sutras,  that  it  is  wrong  to  give  up  the  customs  of 
one's  own  family  and  to  adopt  those  of  others : 


EAliLY   CUSTOMS.  51 

his  village  and  country,  provided  these  customs  do  not 
too  grossly  insult  the  moral  and  religious  feelings  of 
the  Brahmans. 

Although   these   domestic   ceremonies  were   fully 
sanctioned  by  the  Brahmanic  law,  the  authority  upon 

ftfanhfaii    ^i<3i^rg<f3$T    Mw<sir5psj  <s  v:\ 

"  Vasishtha  declares  that  it  is  wrong  to  follow  the  rules  of  another 
Jsakha.  He  says,  '  A  wise  person  will  certainly  not  perform 
the  duties  prescribed  by  another  6akha ;  he  that  does  is  called 
a  traitor  to  his  6akha.  Whosoever  leaves  the  law  of  his 
Sakha,  and  adopts  that  of  another,  he  sinks  into  blind  dark- 
ness, having  degraded  a  sacred  Rishi.'  And  in  another  law- 
book it  is  said :  *  If  a  man  gives  up  his  own  customs  and 
performs  others,  whether  out  of  ignorance  or  covetousness,  he 
will  fall  and  be  destroyed.'  A.nd  again,  in  the  Parisishta  of 
the  Chhandogas  :  *  A  fool  who  ceases  to  follow  his  own  &akha, 
wishing  to  adopt  another  one,  his  work  will  be  in  vain/  " 
Only  in  case  no  special  rule  is  laid  down  for  certain  observances 

in  some  Grihyas,  it  is  lawful  to  adopt  those  of  other  families  : 

f^f^r  ^i^fHWif^fo  rrN  11      ^rr  rTCT*J  Ttwfa 

E   2 


52  EARLY   CUSTOMS. 

which  they  are  founded  does  not  lie  directly  in  the 
sacred  revelation  of  the  Brahmans  (Sruti),  but 
in  tradition  (Smriti),  a  difference,  the  historical  im- 
portance of  which  will  have  to  be  pointed  out  here- 
after. As  to  the  customs  of  countries  and  villages, 
there  can,  be  no  doubt  that  in  many  cases  they  were 
not  only  not  founded  upon  Brahmanic  authority,  but 
frequently  decidedly  against  it.  The  Brahmanic  law, 
however,  is  obliged  to  recognise  and  allow  those 
customs,  with  the  general  reservation  that  they  must 
not  be  in  open  opposition  to  the  law.  Thus  Asva- 
layana  in  his  Grihya-sutras,  says: — "  Now  the  cus- 
toms of  countries  and  places  are  certainly  manifold. 
One  must  know  them  as  far  as  marriage  is  concerned. 
But  we  shall  explain  what  is  the  general  custom.*"1 

Here  the  commentator  adds  :  — "  If  there  be  con- 
tradiction between  the  customs  of  countries,  &c.,  and 
those  customs  which  we  are  going  to  describe,  one 
must  adopt  the  custom  as  laid  down  by  us,  not  those 
of  the  country.  What  we  shall  say  is  the  general 
law,  this  is  our  meaning.  Amongst  the  Vaidehas,  for 
instance,  one  sees  at  once  that  loose  habits  prevail. 
But  in  the  domestic  laws  continence  is  prescribed  ; 
therefore  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  domestic  and  not 
the  national  customs  are  to  be  observed."2 

i  Asv.  S.  i.  7., 

to  w*pf tt*t  -sm^^T  ^rronfcg  ?TTf^^T%  T??rt- 


EARLY   CUSTOMS.  53 

In  the  Sutras  of  Gautama,  too,  a  similar  line  of  con- 
duct is  traced  out.  After  it  has  been  said  that  the 
highest  authority  by  which  a  government  ought  to  be 
guided  consists  in  the  Yedas,  Vedangas,  Sastras,  and 
old  traditions,  it  is  added  (Adhy.  11.  Sutra  20.),  that 
in  cases  where  the  customs  of  countries,  classes,  and 
families  are  not  expressly  founded  upon  a  passage  of 
the  Veda,  they  are,  notwithstanding,  to  be  observed, 
if  they  are  not  clearly  against  the  principles  of  the 
sacred  writings,  such  as  would  be,  for  instance,  marry- 
ing the  daughter  of  a  maternal  uncle.1 

There  is  an  interesting  passage  in  the  Grihya-san- 
graha-pari&ishta,  composed  by  the  son  of  Gobhila, 
which  Dr.  Roth  quotes  in  his  Essays  on  the  Yeda, 
p.  120. : — "  The  Yasishthas  wear  a  braid  on  the  right 
side,  the  Atreyas  wear  three  braids,  the  Angiras  wear 

1  The  commentator  Haradatta  here  mentions  the  following  as 
customs  that  prevailed  in  certain  territories,  and  which  had  no 
sanction  in  the  Veda: — When  the  sun  stands  in  Aries  (mesha), 
the  young  girls  would  paint  the  Sun  with  his  retinue,  on  the  soil, 
with  coloured  dust,  and  worship  this  in  the  morning  and  evening. 
And  in  the  month  Margasirsha  (November-December)  they  roam 
about  the  village,  nicely  dressed,  and  whatever  they  receive  as 
presents  they  give  to  the  god.  When  the  sun  stands  in  Cancer 
(karkata)  in  Purva  Phalguni  (February),  they  worship  Uma,  and 
distribute  sprouting  kidney-beans  and  salt.  When  the  suns  stands 
in  Aries  in  Uttara  Phalguni  (?),  they  worship  the  goddess  Sri. 

As  customs  of  classes  he  mentions  that  at  the  marriage  of  611- 
dras,  they  fix  posts  in  the  ground,  put  thousands  of  reflecting  lamps 
upon  them,  and  lead  the  bride  round  by  the  hand. 

As  customs  of  families,  again,  he  remarks,  that  some  wear  the 
sikha  (lock  of  hair)  in  front,  some  behind,  and  that  passages  of  the 
Veda  (pravachanas)  allow  both  according  to  different  times. 

e  3 


54  EARLY   CUSTOMS. 

five  locks,  the  Bhrigus  have  their  head  quite  shaved, 
others  have  a  lock  of  hair  on  the  top  of  the  head."  l 

Another  peculiarity  ascribed  to  the  V&sishthas  is 
that  they  exclude  meat  from  their  sacrifices.2 

A  similar  notice  of  the  customs  of  neighbouring 
nations,  is  found  in  Raghunand  ana's  quotation  from 
the  Harivansa,  —  that  the  Sakas  (Scythians)  have 
half  their  head  shorn,  the  Yavanas  (Greeks  ?)  and 
Kambojas  the  whole,  that  the  Paradas  (inhabitants  of 
Paradene)  wear  their  hair  free,  and  the  Pahlavas 
(Persians)  wear  beards.3 

In  the  same  way,  then,  as  different  traditions  were 
current  in  India  relative  to  such  observances,  it  is 
probable  that  different  families  had  their  own  heroes, 
perhaps  their  own  deities,  and  that  they  kept  up  the 
memory  of  them  by  their  own  poetic  traditions.  It 
is  true  that  such  a  view  is  merely  conjectural.  But 
when  we  see  that  in  some  parts  of  the  Veda,  which  are 
represented  as  belonging  to  different  illustrious  and 

2  This  we  learn  from  the  Karma-pradipa,  a  supplement  to  the 
Sutras  of  Gobhila,  i.  18. :  ^f%iY^T  ftfa:  ITc^T  ^E^IS^ 

ft<lfoq:il 

See  also  Pan.  gana  mayuravyansakadi. 


EARLY   CUSTOMS.  55 

noble   families,    certain   gods   are   more   exclusively 
celebrated ! ;    that    names   which   in   Yedic    poetry 

1  In  later  times,  when  the  sects  of  Vishnu  and  6iva  had  sprung 
up,  and  the  Indian  world  was  divided  between  them,  it  seems  as  if 
different  deities  had  been  ascribed  to  different  castes.  Thus  it  is 
said  in  the  first  Adhyaya  of  the  Vasishtha-smriti : 

*pj  ^st*H  vtw  gnwg  wffrsErfaii 
wn|  f%Jt  RrtwI  ^  *rre  gPwfnir:  11 

"  A  Brahman  versed  in  the  four  Vedas,  who  does  not  find  Vasu- 
deva,  is  a  donkey  of  a  Brahman,  trembling  for  the  heavy 
burden  of  the  Veda.  Therefore,  unless  a  man  be  a  Vaish- 
nava,  his  Brahmahood  will  be  lost ;  by  being  a  Vaishnava 
one  obtains  perfection,  there  is  no  doubt.  For  Naiayana 
(Vishnu)  the  highest  Brahma,  is  the  deity  of  the  Brahmans  ; 
Soma,  Surya,  and  the  rest,  are  the  gods  of  Kshatriyas  and 
Vaisyas ;  while  Rudra  and  similar  gods  ought  to  be  sedu- 
lously worshipped  by  the  6udras.  Where  the  worship  of 
Rudra  is  enjoined  in  the  Puranas  and  law-books,  it  has  no 
reference  to  Brahmans,  as  Prajapati  declared.  The  worship 
of  Rudra  and  the  Tripundra  (the  three  horizontal  marks 
across  the  forehead)  are  celebrated  in  the  Puranas,  but  only 
e  4 


56  VEDIC   TRADITIONS   REMODELLED. 

are  known  as  those  of  heroes  and  poets  (Puru- 
ravas,  Kutsa)  are  afterwards  considered  as  names  of 
infidels  and  heretics,  we  have  a  right  to  infer  that 
we  have  here  the  traces  of  a  widely  extended 
practice. 

In  the  hymns  of  the  Big-veda  we  meet  with  al- 
lusions to  several  legendary  stories — afterwards  more 
fully  developed  by  the  Brahmans  in  their  Brahmanas 
—  by  which  laws  that  were  in  later  times  acknow- 
ledged as  generally  binding,  and  as  based  upon  the 
authority  of  the  Yeda,  are  manifestly  violated.  It  is 
an  essential  doctrine  of  the  Brahmans,  that  the  reli- 
gious education,  and  the  administration  of  sacrifices, 
as  well  as  the  receiving  of  rewards  for  these  offices, 
.belong  exclusively  to  their  own  caste.  Kakshivat, 
however,  whose  hymns  are  found  in  the  first  and 
ninth  mandala  of  the  Rig-veda,  and  who,  whether  on 
account  of  his  name  or  for  some  better  reason,  is  said 
to  have  been  a  Kshatriya,  or  of  royal  extraction,  is 
represented  as  receiving  from  King  Svanaya  presents, 
which,  according  to  Manu1,  it  would  have  been  un- 
lawful for  him  to  accept.     In  order  to  explain  this 

for  the  castes  of  the  Kshatriyas,  Vaisyas,  and  6udras,  and 
not  for  the  others.  Therefore,  ye  excellent  Munis,  the  Tri- 
pundra  must  not  be  worn  by  Brahmans." 

1  Cf.  Manu,  x.  76. ;  and  Rig-veda-bhasbya,  ii.  p.  30.     Rosen, 

who  has  quoted  this  passage  to  Rv.  i.  18.  L,  reads  CfT^fTl  ^TRT 

"^W  t^^^TW  3|f^nj[TcF  which  he  translates  by  "  abstinere 
jubet  a  dirigendis  sacrificiis,  ab  institutione  sacra  et  ab  impuris 
donis,"  referring  to  Manu,  x.  103 — 110.  fcj^JX^I     however,    does 

not  mean  impure,  but  pure.  The  reading  of  the  commentary 
ought  to  be  fwiJ^TW  irfJfajp  for  thus  the  very  words 
of  Manu,  x.  76.,  are  restored. 


VEDIC    TRADITIONS    REMODELLED.  57 

away,  a  story  is  told,  that  although  Kakshivat  was 
the  son  of  King  Kalinga,  yet  his  real  father  was 
the  old  Rishi  Dirghatamas,  whose  hymns  have  like- 
wise been  preserved  in  the  first  mandala  of  the  Rig- 
veda.  This  poet  had  been  asked  by  the  king  to 
beget  offspring  for  him,  according  to  ancient  Indian 
custom.  The  queen,  however,  refused  to  see  the  old 
sage,  and  sent  her  servant-maid  instead.  The  son  of 
this  servant  and  the  Rishi  Dirghatamas  was  Kakshi- 
vat, and  as  the  son  of  a  Rishi  he  was  allowed 
to  perform  sacrifices  and  to  receive  presents.  This 
story  shows  its  purpose  very  clearly,  and  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  it  owes  its  origin  to  the  tender 
conscience  of  the  Brahman s,  who  could  not  bear  to 
see  their  laws  violated  by  one  of  their  own  sacred 
Rishis.  It  is  a  gratuitous  assumption  to  suppose 
that  the  poets  of  the  Veda  should  have  been  perfect  in 
the  observance  of  the  Brahmanic  law.  That  law  did 
not  exist  when  they  lived  and  composed  their  songs, 
for  which  in  later  times  they  were  raised  to  the  rank  of 
saints.  Whether  Kakshivat  was  the  son  of  a  Brah- 
man or  a  Kshatriya,  of  a  servant-maid  or  of  a  queen, 
is  impossible  to  determine.  But  it  is  certain  that  in 
the  times  in  which  he  lived,  he  would  not  have 
scrupled  to  act  both  as  a  warrior  and  priest,  if  cir- 
cumstances required  it.  This  becomes  still  more 
evident,-  if  we  accept  Professor  Lassen's  view,  who 
considers  Dirghatamas,  the  father  of  Kakshivat,  as  one 
of  the  earliest  Brahmanic  missionaries  in  the  southern 
parts  of  Bengal,  among  the  Angas  and  Kalingas.1 

1  In  this  case,  the  name  of  the  queen  also,  Sudeshna,  would  be 
significant,  for  Sudeshna  is  the  name  of  one  of  the  nations  in 


58  VEDIC    TRADITIONS    REMODELLED. 

Now,  under  circumstances  of  this  kind,  when  the 
Brahmans  were  still  labouring  to  establish  their  su- 
premacy over  different  parts  of  India,  it  can  hardly  be 
believed  that  the  different  castes  and  their  respective 
duties  and  privileges  should  have  been  established  as 
strictly  as  in  later  times.  In  later  times  it  is  con- 
sidered a  grievous  sin  to  recite  the  hymns  of  the 
Veda  in  places  where  a  iSudra  might  be  able  to  hear 
them.  In  the  Rig-veda  we  find  hymns  which  the 
Brahmans  themselves  allow  to  be  the  compositions 
of  the  son  of  a  slave.  Kavasha  Ailusha  is  the  author 
of  several  hymns  in  the  tenth  Book  of  the  Rig-veda ; 
yet  this  same  Kavasha  was  expelled  from  the  sacrifice 
as  an  impostor  and  as  the  son  of  a  slave  (da\syah 
putra),  and  he  was  readmitted  only  because  the  gods 
had  shown  him  special  favour.  This  is  acknow- 
ledged by  the  Brahmanas   of  the  Aitareyins2  and 

Bengal.  See  Vishnu-Purana,  p.  1 88.  The  word  "  godharma," 
which  occurs  in  the  story  of  Dirghatamas,  in  the  Mahabharata,  i. 
4195.,  and  which  Prof.  Lassen  translates  by  "  pastoral  law,"  must 
have  an  opprobrious  sense,  and  Indian  Pandits  explain  it  by  "  open 
and  indiscriminate  concupiscence." 
2  Aitareya-Brahmana,  II.  19. : 

qTf^tl    ^  ^f%Wt^*f:    fw^TTfrT    ^fTT^^ft- 

*h*mwit  \^rt    sr^r    Tnjrf^fni    floret     fN 


VEDIC    AND    PAURANIC    WORSHIP.  59 

Kaushitakins,  and  in  the  Mahabharata  also  Kavasha 
is  called  a  Nishada. 

The  marked  difference  between  the  Yedic  and  epic 
poetry  of  India  has  been  well  pointed  out  by  Pro- 
fessor Koth  of  Tubingen,  who  for  many  years  has 
devoted  much  time  and  attention  to  the  study  of 
the  Veda.  According  to  him,  the  Mahabharata, 
even  in  its  first  elements,  is  later  than  the  time 
of  Buddha.1      "  In  the  epic  poems,"  he  says,  "  the 

«K^<it  wm  ^frwn;ii  ?r  ^t  ^swr  swrN  f^fr 

Kaushitaki-Brahmana,  XI.  : 

*rrsmT:  wwwt  ^toton  rr^rfa  ^inrcY  *t^ 
$?N  ^^T  fJ^T^I  ft  wt^ttoi  rm  ^  %^  f%TT- 
*rf  ^j^ra  ^Vp4  faf*Rj:i  ^  ipr  ^n*w^  *rfwr 

^fv^T  ^M^cTTll 

Comment :  ^T^t    Wf    ^TT^fT:  II     f^RJTT    fTO^T 

WT  ^:  *<?1w  ^5:  II 

1  Zur  Litteratur  und  Geschichte  des  Veda.  Drei  Abhandlun<*en 
von  R.  Roth,  Doctor  der  Philosophic.     Stuttgart,  1846. 


60  VEDIC    AND   PAURANIC    WORSHIP. 

Veda  is  but  imperfectly  known  ;  the  ceremonial  is 
no  longer  developing,  it  is  complete.  The  Vedic 
legends  have  been  plucked  from  their  native  soil,  and 
the  religion  of  Agni,  Indra,  Mitra,  and  Varuna  has 
been  replaced  by  an  altogether  different  worship. 
The  last  fact,"  he  says,  "  ought  to  be  the  most  con- 
vincing. There  is  a  contradiction  running  through- 
out the  religious  life  of  India,  from  the  time  of 
the  Eamayana  to  the  present  day.  The  outer  form 
of  the  worship  is  Vedic,  and  exclusively  so  * ;  but  the 
eye  of  religious  adoration  is  turned  upon  quite 
different  regions.2  The  secondary  formation,  the 
religion  of  Vishnu  and  Brahma,  began  with  the  epic 
poetry,  and  remained  afterwards  as  the  only  living 

1  The  worship  of  the  Hindus  at  the  present  day  cannot  be 
called  exclusively  Vedic,  though  Vedic  remains  may  be  traced 
in  it.  In  the  Introduction  to  the  edition  of  the  Rig-veda,  by  the 
Tattvabodhini-sabha,  it  is  said,  on  the  contrary, 

WftS  <?tfa<>  brfw  *CCTf?  ?rf^3  ^Hl^l^M  £Jrf5T3  ttfrfj  ft- 

"  the  difference  between  the  present  received  law  and  the  early 
Vedic  law,  will  clearly  be  perceived  by  this  edition."     And  again. 

"  It  will  be  seen  exactly  what  difference  there  is  between  the 
Pauranic  worship  of  the  gods,  who,  according  to  the  Puranas,  are 
exhibited  with  the  different  bodies  of  men,  animals,  birds,  serpents, 
and  fishes ;  the  widely  spread  custom  of  tantric  ceremonies,  which 
are  the  most  modern  and  famous  on  earth  ;  and  the  performance  of 
sacrifices  as  prescribed  in  the  Veda." 

2  Professor  Burnouf  has  treated  the  same  subject  in  his  Review 
of  Prof  Wilson's  Translation  of  the  Vishnupurana,  Journal  des 
Savants,  1840,  May,  p.  296. 


MANU'S   CODE    OF   LAWS.  61 

one,  but  without  having  the  power  to  break  through 
the  walls  of  the  Vedic  ceremonial,  and  take  the  place 
of  the  old  ritual." 

And  if  it  be  unsafe  to  use  the  epic  poems  as  autho- 
rities for  the  Vedic  age,  it  will  readily  be  admitted 
that  the  same  objection  applies  with  still  greater 
force  to  the  Puranas.  Although  one  only  of  the 
eighteen  Puranas  has  as  yet  been  completely  pub- 
lished, enough  is  known  of  their  character,  partly  by 
Professor  Burnouf 's  edition  of  the  Bhagavat-purana, 
partly  by  extracts  given  from  other  Puranas  by  Pro- 
fessor Wilson,  to  justify  our  discarding  their  evidence 
with  reference  to  the  primitive  period  of  Vedic  lite- 
rature. Even  the  Manava-dharmasastra,  the  law- 
book of  the  Manavas,  a  sub-division  of  the  sect  of  the 
Taittiriyas,  or,  as  it  is  commonly  called,  the  Laws  of 
Manu,  cannot  be  used  as  an  independent  authority. 
It  cannot  be  said  that  the  compilers  of  these  laws 
were  ignorant  of  the  traditions  of  the  Vedic  age. 
Many  of  their  verses  contain  a  mere  paraphrase  of 
passages  from  the  hymns,  Brahmanas,  and  Sutras ; 
but  they  likewise  admitted  the  rules  and  customs  of 
a  later  age,  and  their  authority  is  therefore  valid 
only  where  it  has  been  checked  by  more  original 
and  genuine  texts. 

The  Code  of  Manu  is  almost  the  only  work  in  San- 
skrit literature  which,  as  yet,  has  not  been  assailed 
by  those  who  doubt  the  antiquity  of  everything 
Indian.  No  historian  has  disputed  its  claim  to  that 
early  date  which  had,  from  the  first,  been  assigned  to 
it  by  Sir  William  Jones.  It  must  be  confessed,  how- 
ever, that  Sir  William  Jones's  proofs  of  the  antiquity 
of  this  code  cannot  be  considered  as  conclusive,  and 


C2  ANTIQUITY   OF   THE   VEDA. 

no  sufficient  arguments  have  been  brought  forward  to 
substantiate  any  of  the  different  dates  ascribed  to 
Manu,  as  the  author  of  our  Law-book,  which  vary, 
according  to  different  writers,  from  880  to  1280  B.C. 

If  the  age  of  Manu  or  of  the  epic  poems  could  be 
fixed,  so  as  to  exclude  all  possible  doubt,  our  task 
with  regard  to  the  age  of  the  Veda  would  be  an 
easy  one.  The  Veda  is  demonstrably  earlier  than 
the  epic  poetry  and  the  legal  codes  of  India.  We 
do  not,  however,  advance  one  step  by  saying  that 
the  Veda  is  older  than  the  author  of  the  Manava- 
dharma-sastra,  whose  date  is  altogether  unknown,  or 
even  than  the  Mahabharata,  if  it  can  be  doubted 
whether  that  poem  in  its  first  elements  be  anterior  to 
the  Buddhistic  religion  or  not ;  while  it  is  said,  at 
the  same  time,  that  the  last  elements  which  have 
been  incorporated  into  this  huge  work  allude  to 
historical  events  later  than  the  Christian  era.1  Here, 
then,  we  must  adopt  a  new  course  of  procedure. 
We  must  try  to  fix  the  age  of  the  Veda,  which  forms 
the  natural  basis  of  Indian  history ;  and  we  must 
derive  our  knowledge  of  the  Vedic  age  from  none 
but  Vedic  works,  discarding  altogether  such  addi- 
tional   evidence    as    might    be   obtained   from    the 

1  That  the  principal  part  of  the  Mahabharata  belongs  to  a  period 
previous  to  the  political  establishment  of  Buddhism,  has  been 
proved  by  Prof.  Lassen,  Ind.  Ant.  i.  489 — 491.  Much  has  been  said 
since  to  controvert  his  views  with  regard  to  the  age  of  the  Maha- 
bharata, but  nothing  that  is  really  valuable  has  been  added  to  Prof. 
Lassen's  facts  or  reasonings.  "It  is  not  at  all  difficult,"  as  Prof. 
Lassen  remarks,  "  to  look  at  this  question  from  one  single  point  of 
view,  and  to  start  a  confident  assertion.  But  in  doing  this,  many 
persons  commit  themselves  to  inconsiderate  judgments,  and  show 
an  ignorance  of  the  very  points  which  ha\e  to  be  considered." 


ANTIQUITY   OF   THE   VEDA.  63 

later  literature  of  India.  Let  some  Vedic  dates  be 
once  established,  and  it  will  probably  be  possible 
to  draw  lines  of  connection  between  the  Vedic  and 
the  rest  of  the  Indian  literature.  But  the  world  of 
the  Yeda  is  a  world  by  itself;  and  its  relation  to 
all  the  other  Sanskrit  literature  is  such,  that  the 
Yeda  ought  not  to  receive  but  ought  to  throw  light 
over  the  whole  historical  development  of  the  Indian 
mind. 

The  Yeda  has  a  two-fold  interest  :  it  belongs  to 
the  history  of  the  world  and  to  the  history  of  India. 
In  the  history  of  the  world  the  Yeda  fills  a  gap  which 
no  literary  work  in  any  other  language  could  fill. 
It  carries  us  back  to  times  of  which  we  have  no  re- 
cords anywhere,  and  gives  us  the  very  words  of  a 
generation  of  men,  of  whom  otherwise  we  could  form 
but  the  vaguest  estimate  by  means  of  conjectures  and 
inferences.  As  long  as  man  continues  to  take  an  in- 
terest in  the  history  of  his  race,  and  as  long  as  we 
collect  in  libraries  and  museums  the  relics  of  former 
ages,  the  first  place  in  that  long  row  of  books  which 
contains  the  records  of  the  Aryan  branch  of  mankind, 
will  belong  for  ever  to  the  Rig-veda. 

But  in  the  history  of  India,  too,  the  Yeda  is  of  the 
greatest  importance.  It  has  been  a  standing  reproach 
against  our  studies  that  it  is  impossible  to  find  any- 
thing historical  in  Indian  literature.1  To  a  certain 
extent  that  reproach  is  well-founded ;  and  this  ac- 
counts no  doubt  for  the  indifference  with  which  San- 
skrit literature  is  regarded  by  the  public  at  large. 

We  may  admire  the  delicate  poetry  of  Ealidasa,  the 

1  See  Burnouf,  Introduction  a  FHistoire  du  Buddhisme,  p.  iii. 


64  ANTIQUITY   OF   THE   VEDA. 

philosophical  vigour  of  Kapila,  the  voluptuous  mys- 
ticism of  Jayadeva,  and  the  epic  simplicity  of  Yyasa 
and  Yalmiki,  but  as  long  as  their  works  float  before 
our  eyes  like  the  mirage  of  a  desert,  as  long  as  we 
are  unable  to  tell  what  real  life,  what  period  in  the 
history  of  a  nation  they  reflect,  there  is  something 
wanting  to  engage  our  sympathies  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  they  are  engaged  by  the  tragedies  of  iEs- 
chylus,  or  the  philosophical  essays  of  Cicero.  We 
value  the  most  imperfect  statues  of  Lycia  and  jEgina, 
because  they  throw  light  on  the  history  of  Greek  art, 
but  we  should  pass  by  unnoticed  the  most  perfect 
mouldings  of  the  human  frame,  if  we  could  not  tell 
whether  they  had  been  prepared  in  the  studio  of  a 
Phidias,  or  in  the  dissecting-room  of  a  London  hos- 
pital. 

In  the  following  sketch  of  the  history  of  Vedic 
literature,  I  cannot  promise  to  give  dates,  such  as  we 
are  accustomed  to  find  in  the  literary  histories  of 
other  nations.  But  I  hope  I  shall  be  able  to  prove 
that  there  exist  in  that  large  mass  of  literature  which 
belongs  to  the  Yedic  age,  clear  traces  of  an  original 
historical  articulation  ;  and  that  it  is  possible  to  re- 
store something  like  chronological  continuity  in  the 
four  periods  of  the  Yedic  literature.  If  this  can  be 
achieved,  if  we  can  discover  different  classes  of  lite- 
rary works,  and  vindicate  to  them  something  of  a 
truly  historical  character,  the  reproach  that  there  is 
nothing  historical  to  be  found  in  India  will  be 
removed,  as  far  as  the  peculiar  nature  of  that  litera- 
ture allows. 

The  modern  literature  of  India,  though  not  yet 
grouped  in  chronological  order,  will  find  in  the  lite- 


ANTIQUITY   OF   THE   VEDA.  65 

rat  lire  of  the  Yedic  age  something  like  a  past,  some 
testimony  to  prove  that  it  did  not  spring  up  in  a  day, 
but  clings  by  its  roots  to  the  earliest  strata  of  Indian 
thought.  The  Laws  of  the  Manavas,  though  no 
longer  the  composition  of  a  primeval  sage,  will  at 
least  be  safe  against  the  charge  of  being  the  invention 
of  some  unemployed  Indian  lawgiver.  Plays  like 
Sakuntala  and  Urvasi,  though  no  longer  regarded  as 
the  productions  of  a  Periclean  age,  will  be  classed 
among  the  productions  of  what  may  properly  be 
called  the  Alexandrian  period  of  Sanskrit  literature. 
But  whatever  we  may  have  to  surrender  with  regard 
to  the  antiquity  claimed  by  these  and  other  Sanskrit 
works,  that  portion  of  the  literature  of  India  which 
alone  can  claim  a  place  in  the  history  of  the  world, 
and  which  alone  can  command  the  attention  of  those 
who  survey  the  summits  of  human  intellect,  not  only 
in  the  East  but  over  the  whole  civilised  world,  will, 
we  hope,  for  the  future,  be  safe  against  the  doubts 
which  I  myself  have  shared  for  many  years.  It  is 
difficult,  no  doubt,  to  believe  that  the  most  ancient 
literary  work  of  the  Aryan  race,  a  work  more  ancient 
than  the  Zenda vesta  and  Homer,  should,  after  a  lapse 
of  at  least  three  thousand  years,  have  been  discovered, 
and  for  the  first  time  published  in  its  entirety,  not  in 
one  of  the  Parishads  on  the  borders  of  the  Ganges, 
but  in  one  of  the  colleges  of  an  English  University. 
It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  sufficient  MSS.  should 
have  been  preserved,  in  spite  of  the  perishable  nature 
of  the  material  on  which  they  are  written,  to  enable 
an  editor  to  publish  the  collection  of  the  Yedic  hymns 
in  exactly  that  form  in  which  they  existed  at  least 
800  years  before  the  Christian  era ;  and,  still  more, 
that  this  collection,  which  was  completed  at  the  time 

F 


G6  ANTIQUITY   OF   THE   VEDA. 

of  Lycurgus,  should  contain  the  poetical  relics  of  a 
pre-Horneric  age ;  an  age  in  which  the  names  of  the 
Greek  gods  and  heroes  had  not  yet  lost  their  original 
sense,  and  in  which  the  simple  worship  of  the  Divine 
powers  of  nature  was  not  yet  supplanted  by  a  worship 
of  personal  gods.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  this  ;  and 
we  have  a  right  to  be  sceptical.  But  it  is  likewise 
our  duty  to  inquire  into  the  value  of  what  has  been 
preserved  for  us  in  so  extraordinary  a  manner,  and  to 
extract  from  it  those  lessons  which  the  study  of  man- 
kind was  intended  to  teach  to  man. 


67 


HISTOEY  OF  VEDIC  LITERATURE. 

In  taking  a  survey  of  the  works  which  belong  to  the 
Vedic  literature  of  India,  our  task  would  be  greatly- 
facilitated  if  general  and  characteristic  features  could 
be  pointed  out  by  which  Vedic  and  non-Yedic  works 
might  at  once  be  distinguished.  Without  entering 
into  a  minute  analysis  of  the  individual  character  of 
a  work, — a  mode  of  criticism  which,  with  our  present 
knowledge  of  the  earliest  Indian  literature,  must  be 
very  uncertain, — it  will  often  happen  that  some  ex- 
ternal mark  presents  itself,  determining  at  once  the 
age  or  class  of  writing  to  which  it  belongs.  It  is 
true  that  there  are  certain  grammatical  forms  and 
orthographical  peculiarities  which  Indian  gramma- 
rians Restrict  to  the  Yeda,  and  which,  therefore,  might 
be  used  as  distinguishing  marks  of  works  belonging 
to  that  era.  But  Manu,  or  rather  the  author  of  the 
Manava-dharma-sastra,  has  also  employed  several 
Vedic  forms ;  because  in  transforming  Vedic  verses 
into  epic  Slokas,  he  is  sometimes  obliged  to  retain 
words  and  forms  which  are  not  in  strict  accordance 
with  the  general  character  of  his  language ;  a  fact 
which  accounts  in  some  degree  for  the  strange  ap- 
pearance of  many  of  his  verses,  which  are  stiff  and 
artificial,  and  very  inferior  in  fluency  to  the  older 
strains  which  they  paraphrase. 

There  is  a  strongly  marked  character  in  Vedic 
prose,  and  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  imitate  it  in 
later  times.     But  in  order  to  distinguish  Vedic  from 

F  2 


G8  METRE. 

non-Vedic  poetry,  we  must  attend  more  closely  to  the 
metre.  Several  Yedie  metres  have  been  imitated  by 
later  poets,  but  there  are  metres  which  never  occur  in 
Vedic  works,  and  which  may  be  used  as  criteria  for 
distinguishing  ancient  from  more  modern  poetry. 

That  difference  of  metre  should  form  a  broad  line 
of  demarcation  between  two  periods  of  literature,  is 
not  at  all  without  an  analogy  in  the  literary  history 
of  other  nations,  particularly  in  older  times.  If  once 
a  new  form  of  metre  begins  to  grow  popular  by  the 
influence  of  a  poet  who  succeeds  in  collecting  a  school 
of  other  poets  around  him,  this  new  mode  of  utterance 
is  very  apt  to  supersede  the  other  more  ancient  forms 
altogether.  People  become  accustomed  to  the  new 
rhythm  sometimes  to  such  a  degree,  that  they  lose 
entirely  the  taste  for  their  old  poetry  on  account  of 
its  obsolete  measure.  No  poet,  therefore,  who  writes 
for  the  people,  would  think  of  employing  those  old- 
fashioned  metres;  and  we  find  that  early  popular 
poems  have  had  to  be  transfused  into  modern  verse 
in  order  to  make  them  generally  readable  once 
more. 

Now  it  seems  that  the  regular  and  continuous 
Anushtubh-sloka  is  a  metre  unknown  during  the 
Yedic  age,  and  every  work  written  in  it  may  at  once 
be  put  down  as  post- Vedic.  It  is  no  valid  objection 
that  this  epic  Sloka  occurs  also  in  Yedic  hymns,  that 
Anushtubh  verses  are  frequently  quoted  in  the  Brah- 
manas,  and  that  in  some  of  the  Sutras  the  Anushtubh- 
sloka  occurs  intermixed  with  Trishtubhs,  and  is  used 
for  the  purpose  of  recapitulating *  what  had  been 
explained  before  in  prose.     For  it  is  only  the  uniform 

1  Sangraha-slokas.     Cf.  Weber,  Indische  Studien,  i.  p.  47. 


METRE.  69 

employment  of  that  metre1  which  constitutes  the 
characteristic  mark  of  a  new  period  of  literature. 
Thus  rhyme  occasionally  occurs  in  English  poetry 
before  the  Norman  period ;  yet,  when  we  find  whole 
poems  written  in  rhyme  and  without  the  old  Teutonic 
system  of  alliteration,  we  are  sure  that  they  cannot 
have  been  composed  in  an  Ante-Norman  period.  The 
elegiac  measure  seems  to  have  been  used  before 
Callinus  ;  yet  Callinus  and  Archilochus  are  always 
mentioned  as  the  inventors  of  it:  —  that  is,  they 
were  the  first  to  sanction  the  uniform  employment 
of  this  metre  for  entire  poetical  compositions.  Hence 
no  elegiac  poem  can  be  previous  to  the  close  of 
the  8th  century  B.C.  The  same  applies  to  the 
iambus,  the  invention  of  which  is  commonly  ascribed 
to  Archilochus  ;  although  iambics  occur  interspersed 
in  the  Margites,  a  poem  ascribed  to  Homer  by  no  less 
an  authority  than  Aristotle.2  In  the  history  of 
German  literature  we  have  several  instances  where 


1  It  is  remarkable  that  in  Panini  also,  the  word  sloka  is  always 
used  in  opposition  to  Vedic  literature  (Pan.  iv.  1.  66.,  iv.  3.  103. 
1.,  iv.  3.  107.).  Slokas,  even  if  ascribed  by  Indian  tradition  to 
the  same  author,  who  is  considered  as  the  Rishi  of  Vedic  hymns 
or  Brahmanas,  are  quoted  by  a  name  different  from  that  of  his 
other  works.  The  hymns  or  Brahmanas  ascribed  to  Katha,  for 
instance,  are  always  to  be  quoted  as  "  Kathah  "  (ol  irepl  Kdrdov) ; 
an  expression  which  could  never  apply  to  poetical  compositions 
ascribed  to  the  same  Katha,  if  written  in  6lokas.  Verses  written 
in  this  modern  style  of  poetry  must  be  quoted  as  "  Kathic  Slokas" 
(Kathah  slokah).  The  Brahmana  promulgated  by  Tittiri,  and 
kept  up  in  the  tradition  of  the  Taittiriyas,  is  quoted  by  the  name 
of  "  the  Taittiriyas,"  but  6lokas  composed  by  Tittiri  are  never 
included  under  this  title.  Pan.  ii.  4.  21.  Valmiki-slokas  are 
mentioned. 

2  See  Mure's  Critical  History,  vol.  iii.  ch.  i. 

r  3 


70    THE  FOUR  PERIODS  OF  VEDIC  LITERATURE. 

poems  of  the  12th  century  *  had  to  be  recast  as  early 
as  the  13th,  on  account  of  their  metre  and  language  ; 
which,  during  this  period  of  rapid  transition,  had 
already  become  obsolete  and  unreadable. 

Excluding,  then,  from  the  Vedic  period  the  Ma- 
habharata,  Ramayana,  Manu,  the  Puranas,  and  all 
the  £&stras  and  Darsanas,  we  have  now  to  see  what 
remains  of  literary  works  belonging  to  the  Vedic 
age. 

There  are  in  that  age  four  distinct  periods,  which 
can  be  established  with  sufficient  evidence.  They 
may  be  called  the  Chhandas  period,  Mantra  period, 
Brdhmana  period,  and  Sutra  period,  according  to  the 
general  form  of  the  literary  productions  which  give 
to  each  of  them  its  peculiar  historical  character. 

In  order  to  prove  that  these  four  periods  follow 
each  other  in  historical  order,  it  is  necessary  to  show 
that  the  composition  of  Sutra  works  presupposes 
the  existence  of  a  Brahmana  literature  ;  that  the 
Br&hmana  literature  again  is  only  possible  with  the 
presupposition  of  a  Mantra  literature ;  and  lastly,  that 
the  form  in  which  we  possess  the  Mantra  literature 
presupposes  a  period  of  Vedic  history  preceding 
the  collection  and  final  arrangement  of  the  ancient 
Mantras  or  hymns. 

1  For  instance,  "  Reinhard  the  Fox,"  an  old  High-German 
poem  of  the  13th  century,  is  a  new  edition  of  the  same  poem 
written  in  the  12th  century,  of  which  fragments  have  been  found 
by  Grimm.  Other  poems  which  are  supposed  to  have  been  re- 
modelled in  the  13th  century  are  "  Crescentia,"  "Duke  Ernst," 
and  the  "  Roland  Song."  Lachmann  supposed  the  same  to  have 
taken  place  with  the  "  Nibelungen  Klage." 


71 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE   StJTRA   PERIOD. 

The  Sutra  period,  with  which  we  have  to  begin, 
is  of  peculiar  importance  to  the  history  of  Indian 
literature,  inasmuch  as  it  forms  the  connecting  link 
between  the  Yedic  and  the  later  Sanskrit.  While 
on  the  one  hand  we  must  place  several  works  written 
in  Sutras  under  the  head  of  the  post-Vedic  or  modern 
Sanskrit,  we  shall  also  find  others  which,  although 
written  in  continuous  Anushtubh-slokas,  or,  more 
frequently,  intermixed  with  Trishtubh  and  other 
verses  (as,  for  instance,  some  of  the  Pratisakhyas 
and  Anukramanis,  and  the  still  more  modern  Paris- 
ishtas),  must  be  considered  as  the  last  productions  of 
the  Yedic  age,  trespassing  in  a  certain  degree  upon 
the  frontier  of  the  later  Sanskrit. 

It  is  difficult  to  explain  the  peculiarities  of  the 
style  of  the  Sutra  literature  to  any#one  who  has  not 
worked  his  way  through  the  Sutras  themselves.  It 
is  impossible  to  give  anything  like  a  literal  transla- 
tion of  these  works,  written  as  they  are  in  the  most 
artificial,  elaborate,  and  enigmatical  form.  Sutra 
means  string ;  and  all  the  works  written  in  this 
style,  on  subjects  the  most  various,  are  nothing  but 
one  uninterrupted  string  of  short  sentences,  twisted 
together  into  the  most  concise  form.  Shortness  is 
the  great  object  of  this  style  of  composition,  and  it  is 
a  proverbial  saying  (taken  from  the  Mahabhashya) 

V  4 


72  sIjtra  style. 

amongst  the  Pandits1,  that  "  an  author  rejoiceth  in  the 
economising  of  half  a  short  vowel  as  much  as  in  the 
birth  of  a  son."  Every  doctrine  thus  propounded, 
whether  grammar,  metre,  law,  or  philosophy,  is  re- 
duced to  a  mere  skeleton.  All  the  important  points 
and  joints  of  a  system  are  laid  open  with  the  greatest 
precision  and  clearness,  but  there  is  nothing  in  these 
works  like  connection  or  development  of  ideas.  "  Even 
the  apparent  simplicity  of  the  design  vanishes,"  as 
Colebrooke  remarks,  "  in  the  perplexity  of  the  struc- 
ture. The  endless  pursuit  of  exceptions  and  limi- 
tations so  disjoins  the  general  precepts,  that  the 
reader  cannot  keep  in  view  their  intended  connection 
and  mutual  relation.  He  wanders  in  an  intricate 
maze,  and  the  clew  of  the  labyrinth  is  continually 
slipping  from  his  hands."  There  is  no  life  and  no 
spirit  in  these  Sutras,  except  what  either  a  teacher 
or  a  running  commentary,  by  which  these  works  are 
usually  accompanied,  may  impart  to  them. 

Many  of  these  works  go  even  further :  they  not 
only  express  their  fundamental  doctrines  in  this  con- 
cise form  of  language,  but  they  coin  a  new  kind  of 
language,  if  language  it  can  be  called,  by  which  they 
succeed  in  reducing  the  whole  system  of  their  tenets 
to  mere  algebraic  formulas.  To  understand  these 
is  quite  impossible  without  finding  first  what  each 
algebraic  x,  y,  and  z,  is  meant  to  represent,  and 
without  having  the  key  to  the  whole  system.  This 
key  is  generally  given  in  separate  Sutras,  called 
Paribhdshd,  which  a  pupil  must  know  by  heart,  or 
always  have  present  before  his  eyes,  if  he  is  to  ad- 
vance one  step  in  the  reading  of  such  works.     But 

1  Benares  Magazine,  Oct.  1849. 


S^JTRA    STYLE.  73 

even  then  it  would  be  impossible  to  arrive  at  any 
real  understanding  of  the  subject,  without  being  also 
in  possession  of  the  laws  of  the  so-called  Anuvritti 
and    Nirvritti.     To    explain   the   meaning   of    these 
technical  words,  we  must  remember  that  the  Sutras 
generally  begin  by  putting  forward  one  proposition 
(Adhikara),  which  is  afterwards  never  repeated,  but 
always   to   be  understood,  till  a  new  subject  of  the 
same  kind  is  introduced.  After  the  statement  of  a  sub- 
ject, the  author  goes  on  by  giving  a  first  rule,  which 
may  extend  its  influence  over  the  next  following  rules, 
whether  these  be  restrictions  or  amplifications  of  it. 
These  restrictive  rules  exercise  again  their  influence 
to  a  certain  extent  over  other  rules,  so  that  the  whole 
becomes  one   continuous   chain,  each  link  held  and 
modified   by  the  others,   and  itself  holding   to   and 
modifying  the  rest.     The  influence  of  one  rule  over 
the  others  is  called  Anuvritti,  its  cessation,  Nirvritti. 
Without  knowing  the  working  of  these  two  laws,  which 
can   only  be  learnt  from  commentaries,  the   Sutras 
become  very  much  confused.     This   is   particularly 
the  case  in  those  works  where  the  so-called  Mimansa 
method  of   Purva-paksha   (reasons  contra),   Uttara- 
paksha  (reasons  pro),  and  Siddhanta  (conclusion),  is 
adopted.     Here  the  concatenation  of  pros  and  cons  is 
often  so  complicated,  and  the  reasons  on  both  sides 
defended  by  the  same  author  with  such  seriousness, 
that  we  sometimes  remain   doubtful  to   which  side 
the  author  himself  leans,  till  we  arrive  at  the  end  of 
the   whole   chapter.     It   is  indeed  one  of  the   most 
curious  kinds  of  literary  composition  that  the  hu- 
man mind  ever  conceived ;    and  though   altogether 
worthless  in  an  artistic  point  of  view,  it  is  wonderful 
that  the  Indians  should  have  invented  and  mastered 


74  StiTllA   STYLE. 

this  difficult  form,  so  as  to  have  made  it  the  vehicle  of 
expression  for  every  kind  of  learning.  To  introduce 
and  to  maintain  such  a  species  of  literature  was 
only  possible  with  the  Indian  system  of  education, 
which  consisted  in  little  else  except  implanting  these 
Sutras  and  other  works  into  the  tender  memory  of 
children,  and  afterwards  explaining  them  by  com- 
mentaries and  glosses.  An  Indian  pupil  learns  these 
Sutras  of  grammar,  philosophy,  or  theology  by  the 
same  mechanical  method  which  fixes  in  our  minds 
the  alphabet  and  the  multiplication-table  ;  and  those 
who  enter  into  a  learned  career  spend  half  their  life  in 
acquiring  and  practising  them,  until  their  memory  is 
strengthened  to  such  an  unnatural  degree,  that  they 
know  by  heart  not  only  these  Sutras,  but  also  their 
commentaries,  and  commentaries  upon  commentaries. 
Instances  of  this  are  found  among  the  learned  in 
India  up  to  the  present  day. 

These  numerous  Sutra  works  which  we  still  possess, 
contain  the  quintessence  of  all  the  knowledge  which 
the  Brahmans  had  accumulated  during  many  cen- 
turies of  study  and  meditation.  Though  they  are  the 
work  of  individuals,  they  owe  to  their  authors  little 
more  than  their  form ;  and  even  that  form  was,  most 
likely,  the  result  of  a  long-continued  system  of  tradi- 
tional teaching,  and  not  the  invention  of  a  few  indi- 
viduals. 

There  is  a  great  difference,  according  to  the  notions 
of  the  Hindus  themselves,  between  a  work  composed 
previous  to  the  Sutra  period,  and  a  Sutra  composi- 
tion. The  difference  of  style  between  a  Brahmana 
and  a  Sutra  work  (with  the  exception  of  some  Kalpa- 
Siitras,  to  be  mentioned  hereafter)  would  strike  every 


SRUTI    AND    SMRITI.  75 

body  at  first  sight,  although,  as  regards  the  gram- 
matical forms,  Vedic  irregularities  are,  according  to 
Sanskrit  grammarians,  allowed  in  Sutras  also.1  But 
there  is  another,  and  more  important  difference.  Li- 
terary works,  belonging  to  the  preceding  periods,  the 
Brahmanas  as  well  as  the  Mantras,  are  considered  by 
Indian  theologians  as  forming  the  Sruti,  or  divine 
revelation,  in  contra-distinction  to  the  Sutras  and  all 
the  rest  of  their  literature.  In  the  dogmatical  lan- 
guage of  orthodox  Hindus,  the  works,  which  contain 
the  Sruti,  have  not  been  composed,  but  have  only  been 
seen  or  perceived  by  men,  i.  e.,  they  have  been  revealed 
to  men.  The  Sutras,  on  the  contrary,  although  based 
upon  the  Sruti,  and  therefore  in  some  instances  also 
called  Srauta  Sutras,  are  yet  avowedly  composed  by 
human  authors.  Whenever  they  appear  to  be  in  con- 
tradiction with  the  Sruti,  their  authority  is  at  once 
overruled,  and  only  in  cases  where  anterior  evidence 

1  Vedic  forms  occur  in  the  Pratisakhya-  Sutras,  and  are  pointed 
out  as  such  by  the  commentators.      For  instance,  I.  Pratisakhya, 

iv.  33.     ffT  ST3f*TOTf%    instead  of   fflf%  TaPTOTftl       The 

Commentator  says,    dlPi^^^I'Rt  £&<*<♦*  I     3^3<|f^TfW 

*nrfrN  The  same  applies  also  to  the  Samayacharika- Sutras, 
for  instance,  those  of  Apastamba,  i.  53.,  where  we  read  ^R^JT- 
*J«nn"sft I       The  Commentator  explains  this  irregular  form  by 

^rotn^r  w^^sk*?T  swiY  *rn   Again,  i.  93. 

we  find  ^N<«j|4^  explained  by  the  Commentary  as  7f^T*T?$rP['~ 
qiWhrW:  I  ^MMl<Tt  ^T I  Gautama-Sutras,  p.  40. 1.  20. 
we  read  WPCfW?  *?TPf ♦'  ^WT  ^^W  TWTf^lS 
«UHlff|| 


76  BRAHMANAS   AND    SUTRAS. 

is  wanting  from  the  Sruti,  can  they  have  any  claim  to 
independent  authority. 

Now,  even  if  we  had  no  other  means  of  proving 
that  the  Sutras  could  have  been  composed  only  after 
the  composition  of  the  Brahmanas,  there  would  be  no 
reason  to  consider  this  distinction,  drawn  by  the  In- 
dians themselves  between  their  sacred  and  profane 
literature,  as  altogether  artificial  and  devoid  of  his- 
torical meaning,  particularly  if  it  can  be  shown  how 
great  an  influence  that  very  distinction  has  exercised 
on  the  religious  struggles  of  India. 

It  is  clear  that  this  distinction  has  ever  been  the 
stronghold  of  the  hierarchical  pretensions  of  the 
Brahmans.  We  can  understand  how  a  nation  might 
be  led  to  ascribe  a  superhuman  origin  to  their  ancient 
national  poetry,  particularly  if  that  poetry  consisted 
chiefly  of  prayers  and  hymns  addressed  to  their  gods. 
But  it  is  different  with  the  prose  compositions  of  the 
Brahmanas.  The  reason  why  the  Brahmanas,  which  are 
evidently  so  much  more  modern  than  the  Mantras, 
were  allowed  to  participate  in  the  name  of  Sruti,  could 
only  have  been  because  it  was  from  these  theological 
compositions,  and  not  from  the  simple  old  poetry  of 
the  hymns,  that  a  supposed  divine  authority  could  be 
derived  for  the  greater  number  of  the  ambitious  claims 
of  the  Brahmans.  But,  although  we  need  not  ascribe 
any  weight  to  the  arguments  by  which  the  Brahmans 
endeavoured  to  establish  the  contemporaneous  origin 
of  the  Mantras  and  Brahmanas,  there  seems  to  be  no 
reason  why  we  should  reject  as  equally  worthless  the 
general  opinion  with  regard  to  the  more  ancient  date 
of  both  the  Brahmanas  and  Mantras,  if  contrasted  with 
the  Sutras  and  the  profane  literature  of  India.     It 


BRAHMAN  AS    AND    SUTRAS.  77 

may  easily  happen,  where  there  is  a  canon  of  sacred 
books,  that  later  compositions  become  incorporated 
together  with  more  ancient  works,  as  was  the  case  with 
the  Brahmanas.  But  we  can  hardly  imagine  that  old 
and  genuine  parts  should  ever  have  been  excluded 
from  a  body  of  sacred  writings,  and  a  more  modern 
date  ascribed  to  them,  unless  it  be  in  the  interest  of  a 
party  to  deny  the  authority  of  certain  doctrines  con- 
tained in  these  rejected  documents.  There  is  nothing 
in  the  later  literature  of  the  Sutras  to  warrant  a  sup- 
position of  this  kind.  We  can  find  no  reason  why 
the  Sutras  should  not  have  been  ranked  as  Sruti, 
except  the  lateness  of  their  date,  if  compared  with 
the  Brahmanas,  and  still  more  with  the  Mantras. 
Whether  the  Brahman s  themselves  were  aware  that 
ages  must  have  elapsed  between  the  period  during 
which  most  of  the  poems  of  their  Rishis  were  com- 
posed, and  the  times  which  gave  rise  to  the  Brah- 
manas, is  a  question  which  we  need  hardly  hesitate  to 
answer  in  the  affirmative.  But  the  recklessness  with 
which  Indian  theologians  claim  for  these  Brahmanas 
the  same  title  and  the  same  age  as  for  the  Mantras, 
shows  that  the  reasons  must  have  been  peculiarly 
strong  which  deterred  them  from  claiming  the  same 
divine  authority  for  the  Sutras. 

To  ascribe  to  literary  compositions  such  as  the 
Mantras  and  Brahmanas  a  divine  origin,  and  to  claim 
for  them  a  divine  and  absolute  authority,  is  a  step 
which  can  hardly  pass  unnoticed  in  the  intellectual 
history  of  a  nation,  whether  for  the  circumstances 
which  led  to  it,  or  for  the  results  which  it  produced. 
Now,  in  India  the  results  of  that  fatal  step  are  pal- 
pable. It  may  have  been  intended  as  a  check  on  re- 
ligious reforms,  but  it  led  to  a  religious  revolution. 


78     THE  BBAHMAWAS    ACKNOWLEDGED    AS   REVELATION. 

Buddhism  would  be  unintelligible,  unless  as  the  over- 
throw of  a  system  which  had  tried  to  maintain  its 
position  by  an  appeal  to  a  divine  revelation  ;  and  we 
may  be  certain  that  the  distinction  between  Sruti  and 
Smriti,  between  revealed  and  profane  literature,  was 
established  by  the  Brahmans,  previous  to  the  schism  of 
Buddha. 

If  the  belief  was  once  established,  that  not  only  the 
simple  effusions  of  the  Rishis,  but  the  pointed  doc- 
trines of  the  Brahmanas  also,  emanated  from  a  divine 
source,  and  could  not  therefore  be  attacked  by  human 
reasoning,  it  is  clear  that  every  opposition  to  the  pri- 
vileges which  the  Brahmans  claimed  for  themselves, 
on  the  sacred  authority  of  the  Veda,  became  heresy ; 
and  where  the  doctrines  of  the  Brahmans  were  the 
religion  of  the  people,  or  rather  of  the  king,  such  op- 
position was  amenable  to  the  hierarchical  laws  of  the 
state.  The  Brahmans  themselves  cared  much  more 
to  see  the  divine  authority  of  the  Sruti  as  such  im- 
plicitly acknowledged,  than  to  maintain  the  doctrines 
of  the  Rishis  in  their  original  simplicity  and  purity. 
In  philosophical  discussions,  they  allowed  the  greatest 
possible  freedom ;  and,  although  at  first  three  philo- 
sophical systems  only  were  admitted  as  orthodox  (the 
two  Mimansas  and  the  Nyaya),  their  number  was 
soon  raised  to  six,  so  as  to  include  the  Yaiseshika, 
Sankhya,  and  Yoga-schools.1  The  most  conflicting 
views  on  points  of  vital  importance  were  tolerated  as 

1  Kumarila  quotes  Sankhya  and  Yoga,  together  with  other 
heretical  systems.        ^f^^^lM!  Tj<J^M|^M<iyj|cfcjf%ij^J* 

Trf<  'I ^fa V?TfcJ*?f^R^RTf%  II  As  to  the  Vaiseshikas,  see 
page  84. 


THE    AUTHORITY    OF    REVELATION   ATTACKED.       79 

long  as  their  advocates  succeeded,  no  matter  by  what 
means,  in  bringing  their  doctrines  into  harmony  with 
passages  of  the  Yeda,  strained  and  twisted  in  every 
possible  sense.  If  it  was  only  admitted  that,  besides 
the  perception  of  the  senses  and  the  induction  of  rea- 
son, revelation  also,  as  contained  in  the  Yeda,  fur- 
nished a  true  basis  for  human  knowledge,  all  other 
points  seemed  to  be  of  minor  importance.  Philo- 
sophical minds  were  allowed  to  exhaust  all  possible 
views  on  the  relation  between  the  real  and  transcen- 
dental world,  the  Creator  and  the  created,  the  divine 
and  the  human  nature.  It  was  not  from  such  lucu- 
brations that  danger  was  likely  to  accrue  to  the  caste 
of  the  Brahmans.  Nor  was  the  heresy  of  Buddha 
Sakya  Muni  found  so  much  in  his  philosophical  doc- 
trines, many  of  which  may  be  traced  in  the  orthodox 
atheism  of  Kapila.  His  real  crime  lay  in  his  opposi- 
tion to  the  exclusive  privileges  and  abuses  of  the 
Brahmans.  These  abuses  were  sanctioned  by  the 
divine  authority  of  the  Yeda1,  and  particularly  of  the 
Brahmanas.  In  attacking  the  abuses,  Buddha  at- 
tacked the  divine  authority  on  which  they  were 
founded,  and  the  argument  was  short :  he  is  a  heretic ; 
anathema  esto. 

Buddha  was  a  Kshatriya.2     He  was  of  princely 

1  The  Buddhists  say  that  the  three  Vedas  were  propounded 
originally  by  Maha  Brahma,  at  which  time  they  were  perfect 
truth ;  but  they  have  since  been  corrupted  by  the  Brahmans  and 
now  contain  many  errors.  Cf.  R.  Spence  Hardy,  Eastern  Mona- 
chism,  p.  185. 

2  Kumarila  always  speaks  of  Buddha  as  a  Kshatriya  who  tried 
to  become  a  Brahman.     For  instance, 

And  again,  W^J^l    g*i<^*i^lf^^^"  $*W<«l^fY  f%rn  I 


80   THE  AUTHORITY  OF  REVELATION  ATTACKED. 

origin,  and  belonged  to  the  nobility  of  the  land.  He 
was  not  the  first  of  his  caste  who  opposed  the  ambition 
of  the  Brahman s.  Several  centuries  before  Buddha, 
Visvamitra,  who,  like  Buddha,  was  a  member  of  the 
royal  caste,  had  to  struggle  against  the  exclusiveness 
of  the  priests.  At  that  early  time,  however,  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Brahmans  was  not  yet  impregnable  ;  and 
Visvamitra,  although  a  Kshatriya,  succeeded  in  gain- 
ing for  himself  and  his  family  the  rights  for  which  he 
struggled,  and  which  the  Brahmans  had  previously 
withheld  from  all  but  their  own  caste.  King  Janaka 
of  Videha  again,  whose  story  is  given  in  the  Brah- 
manas,  refused  to  submit  to  the  hierarchical  preten- 
sions of  the  Brahmans,  and  asserted  his  right  of  per- 
forming sacrifices  without  the  intercession  of  priests. 
However  great  the  difference  may  have  been  between 
the  personal  character  of  these  two  men  and  of  Buddha, 

^t*irs  ^f^^treKTTfa  *rrf%   *rHff  *?fa  fwtrj 

"  And  this  very  transgression  of  Buddha  and  his  followers  is  re- 
presented as  if  it  did  him  honour.  For  he  is  praised  because 
he  said,  '  Let  all  the  sins  that  have  been  committed  in  this 
world  fall  on  me,  that  the  world  may  be  delivered.'  It  is 
said  that  if  he  thus  transgressed  the  duty  of  a  Kshatriya, 
and  entered  the  life  of  a  Brahman  and  preached,  it  was  merely 
for  the  good  of  mankind ;  and  that  in  adopting  for  the  instruc- 
tion of  excluded  people  a  law  which  had  not  been  taught  by 
the.  Brahmans,  he  took  the  sin  upon  himself  and  was  benefit- 
ting others." 


THE  AUTHORITY  OF  REVELATION  ATTACKED.   81 

the  first  principle  of  their  opposition  was  the  same. 
All  three  were  equally  struggling  against  the  over- 
weening pretensions  of  a  selfish  priesthood. 

But  while  VisvaMnitra  contented  himself  with  main- 
taining the  rights  of  his  tribe  or  family,  and  became 
reconciled  as  soon  as  he  was  allowed  to  share  in  the 
profits  of  the  priestly  power,  —  while  King  Janaka 
expressed  himself  satisfied  with  the  homage  paid  to 
him  by  Yajnavalkya  and  other  Brahmans, — while,  in 
short,  successive  reformers  as  they  appeared  were 
either  defeated  or  gained  over  to  the  cause  of  the 
Brahmans, — the  seeds  of  discontent  were  growing  up 
in  the  "minds  of  the  people.  There  is  a  dark  chapter 
in  the  history  of  India,  the  reported  destruction  of  all 
the  Kshatriyas  by  Parasu-rama.  It  marks  the  be- 
ginning of  the  hierarchical  supremacy  of  the  Brahmans. 
Though  the  Brahmans  seem  never  to  have  aspired  to 
the  royal  power,  their  caste,  as  far  as  we  know  the 
history  and  traditions  of  India,  has  always  been  in 
reality  the  ruling  caste.  Their  ministry  was  courted 
as  the  only  means  of  winning  divine  favour,  their 
doctrines  were  admitted  as  infallible,  their  gods  were 
worshipped  as  the  only  true  gods,  and  their  voice  was 
powerful  enough  to  stamp  the  simple  strains  of  the 
Rishis,  and  the  absurd  lucubrations  of  the  authors  of 
the  Brahmanas,  with  a  divine  authority.  After  this  last 
step,  however,  the  triumph  of  Brahmanism  was  prepar- 
ing its  fall.  In  India,  less  than  in  any  other  country 
would  people  submit  to  a  monopoly  of  truth  ;  and  the 
same  millions  who  were  patiently  bearing  the  yoke 
of  a  political  despotism  threw  off  the  fetters  of  an 
intellectual  tyranny.  In  order  to  overthrow  one  of 
the  oldest  religions  of  the  world,  it  was  sufficient 

G 


82  BRAHMANISM   VERSUS    BUDDHISM 

that  one  man  should  challenge  the  authority  of  the 
Brahmans,  the  gods  of  the  earth,  (bhudeva),  and 
preach  among  the  scorned  and  degraded  creatures  of 
God  the  simple  truth  that  salvation  was  possible 
without  the  mediation  of  priests,  and  without  a 
belief  in  books  to  which  these  very  priests  had  given 
the  title  of  revelation.  This  man  was  Buddha  Sakya 
Muni. 

Now  if  we  inquire  how  Buddha's  doctrines  were 
met  by  the  Brahmans,  it  is  true  that  here  and  there 
in  their  philosophical  works  they  have  endeavoured  to 
overthrow  some  of  his  metaphysical  axioms  by  an 
appeal  to  reason.  An  attempt  of  this  kind  we  have, 
for  instance,  in  Vachaspati  Misra's  commentary  on  the 
Vedanta  Sutras.  In  commenting  on  the  tenet  of 
Buddha,  that  "  ideas  like  those  of  being,  and  not- 
being,  &c,  do  not  admit  of  discussion,"  l  Vachaspati 
observes  that  the  very  fact  of  speaking  of  these  ideas, 
includes  the  possibility  of  their  conception  ;  nay,  that 
to  affirm  they  do  not  admit  of  reasoning  involves 
an  actual  reasoning  on  them,  and  proves  that  the 
mind  can  conceive  the  idea  of  being  as  different  from 
that  of  not-being. 

Such,  however,  were  not  the  usual  weapons  with 
which  Brahmanism  fought  against  Buddhism.  The 
principal  objection  has  always  been,  that  Buddha's 
teaching  could  not  be  true,  because  it  did  not  derive 
its  sanction  from  Sruti  or  revelation.  The  Brah- 
mans, as  a  caste,  would  readily  have  allowed  being 
and  not-being,  and  the  whole  of  Buddha's  philoso- 
phy,   as    they    did   the    Sankhya  philosophy,   which 


BRAI1MANISM   VERSUS   BUDDHISM.  83 

on  the  most  important  points  is  in  open  opposition 
to  the  Vedanta.  But  while  Kapila,  the  founder  of 
the  Sankhya  school,  conformed  to  the  Brahmanic 
test  by  openly  proclaiming  the  authority  of  revelation 
as  paramount  to  reasoning  and  experience,  Buddha 
would  not  submit  to  this,  either  for  his  philosophi- 
cal (abhidharma),  or  for  his  much  more  important 
moral  and  religious  doctrines  (vinaya).  No  doubt 
it  would  have  been  easy  for  him  to  show  how  some 
of  his  doctrines  harmonised  with  passages  of  the 
Veda,  as  in  the  Veda  all  possible  shades  of  the  human 
mind  have  found  their  natural  reflection.  If  he  had 
done  so  only  for  some  of  his  precepts,  such,  for 
instance,  as,  "  Thou  shalt  not  murder," l  "  Thou  shalt 
not  drink,"2  "Thou  shalt  eat  standing,"3  the  Brah- 
mans  would  readily  have  passed  over  other  doctrines, 
even  such  as  came  into  practice  after  Buddha's  death, 
like  "  Who  longs  for  heaven,  shall  worship  the  holy 
sepulchre,"4  "He  shall  pull  out  his  hair,"5  &c.  As 
he  refused  to  do  so,  the  line  of  argument  taken  by  the 
Brahmans  was  simply  confined  to  an  appeal  to  reve- 
lation, in  disproof  of  the  possibility  of  the  truth  of 
Buddha's  doctrines. 

There  must  be  something  very  tempting  in  this 
line  of  argument,  for  we  see  that  in  later  times  the 

2   1  f*fac(J  fc  e-  "thou  shalt  not  drink  intoxicating  liquors." 

g2 


84  REVELATION   OF   THE   BUDDHISTS. 

Buddhists  also  endeavoured  to  claim  the  same  divine 
character  for  their  sacred  writings  which  the  Brah- 
mans  had  established  for  the  Veda.  A  curious  in- 
stance of  this  is  given  in  the  following  discussion, 
from  Kumarila's  Tantra-varttika.  Here  the  opponent 
(purva-paksha)  observes,  that  the  same  arguments 
which  prove  that  the  Veda  is  not  the  work  of  human 
authors,  apply  with  equal  force  to  (Sakya's  teaching. 
His  authority,  he  says,  cannot  be  questioned,  because 
his  precepts  are  clear  and  intelligible ;  and  as  Sakya 
is  not  the  inventor,  but  only  the  teacher  of  these  pre- 
cepts, and  no  name  of  an  author  is  given  for  Sakya's 
doctrines,  the  frailties  inherent  in  human  authors  affect 
them  as  little  as  the  Veda.1  Everything,  in  fact,  he 
concludes,  which  has  been  brought  forward  by  the 
Mimansakas  to  prove  the  authority  of  the  Yeda, 
proves  in  the  same  way  the  authority  of  Buddha's  doc- 
trine. Upon  this,  the  orthodox  Kumarila  grows  very 
wroth,  and  says :  "  These  Sakyas,  Vaiseshikas,  and 
other  heretics,  who  have  been  frightened  out  of  their 
wits  by  the  faithful  Mimansakas,  prattle  away  with 
our  own  words  as  if  trying  to  lay  hold  of  a  shadow. 
They  say  that  their  sacred  works  are  eternal;  but 
they  are  of  empty  minds,  and  only  out  of  hatred  they 
wish  to  deny  that  the  Yeda  is  the  most  ancient  book. 

to3  f^^T^rof^iN  *remn 


REVELATION    OF    THE    BUDDHISTS.  85 

And  these  would-be  logicians  declare  even  that  some 
of  their  precepts  (which  they  have  stolen  from  us), 
like  that  of  universal  benevolence,  are  not  derived 
from  the  Veda,  because  most  of  Buddha's  other  say- 
ings are  altogether  against  the  Veda.  Wishing, 
therefore,  to  keep  true  on  this  point  also,  and  seeing 
that  no  merely  human  precept  could  have  any  au- 
thority on  moral  and  supernatural  subjects,  they  try 
to  veil  their  difficulty  by  aping  our  own  arguments 
for  the  eternal  existence  of  the  Yeda.  They  know 
that  the  Mimansakas  have  proved  that  no  sayings  of 
men  can  have  any  authority  on  supernatural  sub- 
jects ;  they  know  also  that  the  authority  of  the  Veda 
cannot  be  controverted,  because  they  can  bring  for- 
ward nothing  against  the  proofs  adduced  for  its 
divine  origin,  by  which  all  supposition  of  a  human 
source  has  been  removed.  Therefore,  their  hearts 
being  gnawed  by  their  own  words,  which  are  like 
the  smattering  of  children,  and  having  themselves 
nothing  to  answer,  because  the  deception  of  their 
illogical  arguments  has  been  destroyed,  they  begin 
to  speak  like  a  foolish  suitor  who  came  to  ask  for  a 
bride,  saying,  '  My  family  is  as  good  as  your  family/ 
In  the  same  manner  they  now  maintain  the  eternal 
existence  of  their  books,  aping  the  speeches  of  others. 
And  if  they  are  challenged  and  told  that  this  is  our 
argument,  they  brawl,  and  say  that  we,  the  Miman- 
sakas, have  heard  and  stolen  it  from  them.  For  a 
man  who  has  lost  all  shame,  who  can  talk  away 
without  any  sense,  and  tries  to  cheat  his  opponent, 
will  never  get  tired,  and  will  never  be  put  down !  " 
Towards  the  end  of  this  harangue,  Kumarila  adds, 
what  is  more  to  the  point,  that  the  Bauddhas,  who 

G    3 


86  CHARACTER   OF   THE    SMRITI. 

ascribe  to  everything  a  merely  temporary  existence, 
have  no  business  to  talk  of  an  eternal  revelation. 

Now,  it  ought  not  to  be  overlooked,  that  in  all 
these  discussions  the  distinction  between  &ruti  (Man- 
tras and  Brahmanas)  and  Smriti  (Sutras)  is  always 
taken  for  granted.  If,  at  the  time  of  the  first  con- 
troversies between  Bauddhas  and  Mimansakas,  the 
authors  of  the  Mantras  or  Brahmanas,  and  particu- 
larly the  founders  of  the  so-called  ancient  Brahmanas, 
had  still  been  alive,  or  their  names  generally  known, 
even  a  Brahman  could  not  have  ventured  to  stand  up 
for  the  divine  and  eternal  origin  of  this  part  of  the 
Sruti.  On  the  other  hand,  nothing  could  have  pre- 
vented the  Brahmans  from  ascribing  the  same  super- 
natural origin  to  the  Sutras,  if  at  the  time  of  the 
rising  power  of  Buddhism  their  authors  also  had  been 
lost  in  oblivion.  The  distinction,  therefore,  between 
Sruti  (revelation)  and  Smriti  (tradition)  which  is  a 
point  of  such  vital  importance  for  the  whole  Brah- 
manic  system,  will  also  be  found  significant  in  an  his- 
torical point  of  view. 

It  must  be  observed,  however,  before  we  proceed 
farther,  that  what  is  called  Smriti  includes  not  only 
Sutras,  but  also  Sloka  works,  such  as  the  laws  of 
Manu,  Yajnavalkya,  and  Parasara  (the  Manava,  Ya- 
jnavalkya,  and  Parasara- dharma-sastras),  which  some- 
times are  called  the  Smritis,  in  the  plural.  Most  of 
these,  if  not  all,  are  founded  on  Sutras ;  but  the  texts 
of  the  Sutras  have  mostly  been  superseded  by  these, 
later  metrical  paraphrases. 

How  then  did  the  Brahmans,  after  they  had  esta- 
blished the  distinction  between  &ruti  and  Smriti, 
defend  the  authority  of  the  Smriti,  including  Sutras 
and  the  later  Sloka  works  ? 


CHARACTER    OF    THE    SM1UTI.  87 

That  the  Smriti  has  no  claim  to  an  independent 
authority,  but  derives  its  sanction  from  its  intimate 
connection  with  the  Sruti,  is  implied  by  its  very  name, 
which  means  recollection.  For,  as  Rumania  remarks 
(in  the  purva-paksha),  "  Recollection  is  knowledge, 
the  object  of  which  is  some  previous  knowledge ;  and  if 
Manu  and  other  authors  of  Smritis  had  not  originally 
been  in  possession  of  an  authoritative  knowledge,  it 
would  be  impossible  to  appeal  to  their  recollection  as 
an  authority.1  It  would  be  as  if  a  man,  omitting  his 
son  or  daughter,  was  to  appeal  to  the  son  of  a  barren 
daughter.  For  the  original  knowledge  of  Manu 
might  be  compared  to  his  son,  but  his  recollection 
-would  only  be  like  a  grandson.  Now  as  people,  if 
they  have  reason  to  doubt  the  existence  of  a  daughter, 
would  disbelieve  every  mention  of  the  son  of  a  daughter, 
thus  the  recollection  (smriti)  of  Manu  would  be  futile, 
if  he  himself  had  not  possessed  some  means  of  au- 
thoritative knowledge." 

The  following  extract  from  Sayana's  Commentary 
on  Parasara's  Code2  will  show  the  use  which  the 

<mr:  w*um  trvt^ii      And  again,  ?reT<0«i!nf5 

<*  H  <J  *i  alT^S^Tf^TW  f*nsf?T  TTrT^TII 
2  MS.  Bodl.  172,  173. 

o  4 


88 


CHARACTER   OF   THE   SMRITI. 


Brahmans  made  of  this  argument,  in  order  to  sub- 
stantiate the  authority  of  their  legal  text-books. 

"  Does  it  not  seem  after  all,"  he  says,  "  as  if  this 
Smriti  (containing  as  it  does  the  laws  of  men)  hardly 
deserved  a  commentary  of  its  own,  inasmuch  as  it  is 
difficult  to  make  out  on  what  grounds  it  claims  any 
authority  ?    For  if  we  appeal  to  a  Sutra  of  Jaimini's 
(the  founder  of  the  Purva-miinansa)  where  he  has 
proved  that  the  Veda  possesses  an  authority  irrespec- 
tive of  anything  else,  these  arguments  can  hardly  ap- 
ply to  books  which  are  evidently  the  work  of  men,  and 
entirely  dependent  on  the  authority  of  their  sources. 
These  sources  again,  if  they  be  considered  as  the  life 
and  strength  of  that  authority,   are    often  very  in- 
distinct.   First,  they  could  never  fall  under  the  cog- 
nizance of  the  senses,  because  the  very  nature  of  duty 
or  law  is  transcendental.  Nor  can  this  ultimate  reason 
or  source  be  found  in  induction,  inasmuch  as  induc- 
tion is  only  possible  after  observation.     Neither  can 
it  be  looked  for  in  the  sayings  of  other  men,  because 
man  is  exposed  to  error,  and  cannot  even  express 
things  as  he  has  really  perceived  them.     But  even  if 
man  was  free  from  error,  there  would  always  be  room 
for  doubt  and   opposition.     And   as  to  finding  the 
authority  for   these  laws  in  direct   precepts   of  the 
Sruti    (Mantras  and  Brahmanas)  this  is  out  of  the 
question,  because  such  precepts  are  not  to  be  found 
there.     We  have  never  seen  a  passage  in  the  Veda 
where  precepts  like  those  of  the  Smriti,  to  keep  the 
body  clean,  &c,  are  given.     To  admit  the  right  of 
induction  for  laws  of  this  kind  would  be  most  dan- 
gerous, for  it  would  apply  with  equal  force  to  the  pre- 
cepts of  Buddha,  to  worship  the  holy  sepulchre,  &c. 
a  However,  there  is  an  answer  to  all  these  doubts. 


CHARACTER   OF   THE    SMRITI.  89 

A  great  difference  exists  between  the  Smritis  of 
Manu  and  the  Smritis  of  Buddha,  because  Manu's 
authority  is  asserted  by  the  undeniable  Veda  itself. 
It  is  said  in  the  Veda,  'Whatever  Manu  said,  was 
medicine ;'  but  there  is  no  passage  there  in  any 
way  favourable  to  the  Smriti  of  Buddha,  and  there- 
fore the  right  of  applying  induction  cannot  be  con- 
sidered dangerous,  because  it  never  could  be  extended 
to  Buddha's  doctrines. 

11  Quod  non,"  says  the  opponent.  "  This  passage  of 
the  Veda,  '  Whatever  Manu  said,  was  medicine/  is 
only  an  Arthavada  (an  explanatory  remark),  and  has 
no  evidence  by  itself.  It  only  serves  to  illustrate  or 
recommend  another  precept,  viz.,  that  two  verses  of 
Manu's  are  to  be  used  at  a  certain  sacrifice.1  There- 
fore, there  is  no  passage  in  the  Veda  to  warrant  the 
authority  of  the  Smriti ;  and  if  £&kya's,  i.  e.  Buddha's, 
Smriti  be  exceptionable,  the  same  applies  to  the 
Smriti  of  Manu.  Thus  it  is  said,  '  As  men  speak 
often  untruth  and  are  exposed  to  error,  as  no  divine 
precept  is  given,  faith  only  can  be  authority.'     But 

1  As  dhayyas  at  the  Somaraudra  Cham,  in  the  middle  of  the 
Samidheni,  or  fire-kindling  hymns.  The  same  argument  occurs  in 
Kumarila's  Tantra-varttika,  i.  3., 

ff^t  ^  *mY^:  ^sT^ra^rr  *re?ftf^  fa^iraq^ 
wr  *t«pr  *rf^f^  c^TiSr^  irc^mT^rr  Tt^rn 

Mahadeva,  in  his  Commentary  on  the  Hiranyakesi-sutras,  says 
that  the  6ruti  bears  witness  to  the  authority  of  the  Smritis  by  de- 
claring that  whatever  Manu  said  was  medicine. 

>* 


90  CHARACTER   OF   THE    SMRITI. 

further,  even  admitting  that  there  was  a  shadow  of 
authority  for  Manu,  what  could  be  said  in  favour  of 
Parasara's  Smriti,  which  is  now  to  be  explained  ? 
For,  although  the  Yeda  may  praise  Manu,  it  never 
does  the  same  for  Parasara,  and  thus  Parasara's 
authority  at  least  can  hardly  be  defended. 

"  Against  all  this  our  answer  is :  the  Smritis  are  an 
authority,  because  that  they  should  have  authority 
is  understood  by  itself ;  and  there  is  no  reason  why 
they  should  not  be  considered  as  having  authority. 
Three  reasons  are  given  why  Manu  and  the  rest 
could  not  claim  any  authority,  viz.  i  that  men  speak 
untruth,  that  they  are  exposed  to  error,  and  that 
no  divine  precept  is  given.'  These  objections,  how- 
ever, are  entirely  out  of  order,  because  nobody  would 
ever  think  that  Manu  and  Parasara,  who  have  been 
perfect  from  their  very  birth,  could  have  spoken 
untruth,  and  could  have  erred.  So  much  for  the 
first  two  objections.  And  who  ever  denied  that 
these  sages  were  perfect  from  their  very  birth,  as 
Mantras,  Arthavadas,  Itihasas,  and  Puranas,  prove 
distinctly  not  only  the  existence  of  Parasara  and 
others,  but  also  their  perfection  ?  Nay,  even  if  we 
had  not  the  testimony  of  the  Mantras,  how  could 
the  perfection  of  Parasara  and  others  be  denied, 
which  is  involved  in  their  very  existence  ?  A  dif- 
ference of  opinion  is  quite  impossible.  And  has  it 
not  been  proved  in  the  chapter  on  the  gods l  in  the 
Uttara-mimansa,  that   the  Mantras    do   not  require 

1  If  this  refers  to  the  Sankarshanakanda,  which  is  ascribed  to 
Jaimini,  and  forms  an  appendix  to  the  Karmamimansa-sutras 
(cf.  Prasthanabheda),  we  ought  to  read  Purva-mimansa  instead  of 
Uttara-mimansa. 


CHARACTER    OF    THE    SMRITI.  91 

any  further  proof  for  what  they  say  ?  It  is  true 
that  in  the  chapter  on  the  Arthavadas  it  has  been 
admitted  that  what  the  Arthavadas  contain  is  not 
always  to  be  believed.  But  this  is  only  on  account 
of  some  impossible  things  which  are  occasionally 
mentioned  therein.  Therefore  an  Arthavada  like 
this,  '  Whatever  Manu  says  is  medicine/  although 
it  only  serves  to  recommend  another  rule,  must  yet 
be  considered  as  true  in  itself.  With  regard  to 
Sakya,  nothing  similar  can  be  brought  forward ;  and 
thus  it  is  well  said  elsewhere,  l  May  a  man  scorn 
all  the  erroneous  doctrines  of  Arhat,  Ch&rvaka,  and 
Buddha.'  As  regards  Parasara  in  particular,  it  is 
wrong  to  say  that  his  fame  is  not  equally  founded 
on  the  Yeda,  for  it  is  said  in  the  Sruti,  !  Thus  spoke 
Vyasa,  the  son  of  Parasara/  If,  therefore,  the 
famous  Veda-Vyasa  is  praised  as  the  son  of  Para- 
sara, how  much  more  famous  must  not  Parasara, 
his  father,  have  been!  In  the  genealogical  Brah- 
mana  of  the  Vajasaneyi-sakha,  the  son  also  and  the 
grandson  of  Parasara  are  mentioned  in  the  suc- 
cession of  pupils  and  teachers  who  handed  down  the 
Yeda1,  '  Ghritakausika  received  from  Parasaryayana, 
Parasaryayana  from  Parasarya,  P&rasarya  from  Ja- 
tukarnya,  &c.'  Therefore  Par&sara  stands  quite  on 
a  level  with  Manu  ;  and  the  same  applies  to  all  the 
other  Rishis,  like  Vasishtha  and  Yajnavalkya,  who 
are  authors  of  Smritis,  and  are  mentioned  in  the 
Sruti.  Thus  we  read,  '  The  Rishis  did  not  see 
Indra    clearly,   but  Vasishtha    saw    him   clearly.' 2 

1  Brihadaranyaka,  5.  6.  3. 

2  Taittiriya-Sanhita,  3.  5.  2. 


02  CHARACTER   OF   THE   SMRITI. 

4  Atri  gave  his  children  to  Aurva,  who  longed  for  a 
son.7  *  l  Yajnavalkya  had  two  wives/ 2  Therefore 
one  must  not  think  of  attacking  the  Smritis  of  Manu 
and  others  by  any  means. 

"  The  third  reason  also  which  was  brought  forward 
against   the   authority  of  the    Smriti,  viz.  that  the 

f  The  Rishis  did  not  see  Indra  clearly,  but  Vasishtha  saw  him 
clearly.     Indra  said,  *  I  shall  tell  you  a  Brahmana,  so  that  all 
men  that  are  born  will  have  thee  for  Purohita  ;  but  do  not  tell 
of  me  to  the  other  Rishis.'     Thus  he  told  him  these  parts  of 
the  hymns ;  and  ever  since,  men  were  born  having  Vasishtha 
for  their  Purohita.     Therefore  a  Vasishtha  is  to  be  chosen  as 
Brahman." 
Cf.  Tandya  Brahmana,  xv.  5.,  where  it  is  said  of  the  Bharalas 
that  they  will  always  have  a  Vasishtha  as  Purohita.      The  Com- 
mentator there  observes,  that  Bharata  may  either  mean  the  kings 
of  that  name,  or  men  in  general. 

1  Taittiriya-Sanhita,  7.  1.  8. 

f^H:  farfwr  *rid^mi  *  tjct  ^n^ro^Twr- 
W^trn  ^^TfTT  ^*Hb  ^*5fcr:  II 

"  Atri  gave  his  children  to  the  son  of  Urva,  who  longed  for  a  son. 
Then  he  felt  lonely,  and  saw  that  he  was  without  power, 
weak,  and  decrepit.  He  saw  this  Chatxiratra ;  he  took  it  and 
sacrificed  with  it.  Four  sons  were  born  to  him  from  it, — a 
good  Hotri,  a  good  Udgatri,  a  good  Adhvaryu,  and  a  good 
Brahman." 

2  6atapatha-brahmana,  xvii.  4.  5. 


CHARACTER   OF    THE    SMRITI.  93 

precepts  given  there  are  not  based  upon  passages  of 
the  Sruti,  does  not  hold  good,  because  passages  are 
met  with  which  are  the  source  of  all  the  laws  given 
in  the  Smriti.  Thus  we  read,  '  These  five  great 
sacrifices  are  every  day  commenced  and  every  day 
performed:  the  Devayajna  (to  the  gods),  the  Pi- 
triyajna  (to  the  fathers,  the  manes),  the  Bhutayajna 
(to  all  beings),  the  Manushyayajna  (to  men),  the 
Brahmayajna  (to  Brahman,  the  divine  Self)/ l 
And  although  there  is  no  distinct  precept  in  the 
Veda  for  ablutions,  &c,  yet  all  this  is  implied.  Thus 
the  Bhattaoharyas  say,  *  It  is  right  to  respect  the 
Smritis,  because  they  are  delivered  by  Vedic  au- 
thors, because  their  origin  is  well  established,  and 
because  they  derive  their  authority  from  the  Yeda, 
if  but  rightly  understood.'  The  Munis  see  the 
Sruti,  and  they  deliver  the  Smriti ;  therefore  the 
authority  of  both  is  proved  on  earth  by  full  evidence. 
A  man  who  despises  these  two,  and  adopts  fallacious 
doctrines,  is  to  be  avoided  by  good  men  as  a  heretic 
and  Veda-blasphemer. 

"  But  one  might  object  that  if  these  precepts  can 
be  learnt  from  the  Sruti,  the  Smriti  would  be  un- 
necessary, because  that  only  which  cannot  be  learnt 
from  other  sources  forms  a  fit  object  for  a  new 
work.  Here  then  we  say  that  these  precepts,  though 
they  can  be  learnt  from  the  Veda,  are  nevertheless 
put  together  in  the  Smritis  for  the  purpose  of 
making  the  order  of  their  performance  more  easy, 
by  leaving  out  the  Arthavadas,  and  by  taking  from 
some  &akhas  of  the  Veda  particular  facts  omitted 
in  others.    Now  it  might  again  be  objected  that  this 

1  Taittiriya-aranyaka,  ii.  10. 


94      SUTRAS  EXCLUDED  FROM  THE  SRUTI. 

is  done  in  the  Kalpa-sutras,  and  that  therefore  there 
was  no  necessity  for  the  Smritis.  But  this  is  wrong, 
because  there  are  two  different  kinds  of  duties  to 
be  performed,  called  Srauta  (based  on  Sruti)  and 
Smdrta  (based  on  Smriti).  The  Srauta  ceremonies 
consist  in  sacrifices  like  the  Darsa-purnamasa,  &c, 
which  can  only  be  performed  after  the  sacred  fire 
has  been  placed  in  the  house,  and  they  are  clearly 
based  upon  the  Yeda,  as  we  read  it.  The  Smdrta 
sacraments  and  traditional  customs,  on  the  contrary, 
consist  in  ablutions,  rinsing  the  mouth,  &c,  and 
they  are  to  be  considered  as  based  upon  a  Sakha  of 
the  Yeda  which  is  hidden,  but  the  existence  of 
which  must  be  inferred.  Although,  therefore,  those 
precepts  which  regard  the  placing  of  the  sacred  fire, 
&c,  are  put  together  in  the  Kalpa-sutras,  yet  as 
other  duties,  such  as  ablutions,  rinsing,  &c,  are  not 
included  in  them,  the  Smritis  have  still  their  legiti- 
mate object." 

This  discussion  has  been  given  here  at  full  length 
because  it  is  a  genuine  specimen  of  Indian  ortho- 
dox dialectics.  Whatever  may  be  thought  of  this 
style  of  argument,  we  see  at  all  events  how  great 
an  importance  has  always  been  attached  by  the  Brah- 
mans  to  the  distinction  between  Sruti  and  Smriti. 

It  may  also  have  been  observed  in  this  extract, 
that  it  is  not  quite  in  accordance  with  the  language 
of  Sayana  to  speak  of  Sutra  works  as  Smritis  in  the 
plural.  He  applies  this  term  to  metrical  codes  only, 
like  Manu,  Yajnavalkya,  and  Parasara,  but  not  to 
Sutras  or  Yedangas.1     This,  however,  does  not  affect 

1  Kumarila  remarks  that,  although  the  six  Vedangas  are  not 
called  by  the   name  of  Smriti,  they  are  Smriti  in  the  same  sense 


SUTRAS   EXCLUDED   FROM   THE    SRUTI.  95 

our  present  question,  because  even  Sayana,  though 
he  does  not  call  the  Sutras  by  the  name  of  Smritis, 
places  them  notwithstanding  in  the  same  category 
with  the  codes  of  law,  and  separates  them  from  the 
Sruti,  upon  which  they  are  founded,  but  with  which 
they  are  not  to  be  confounded.  The  Kalpa-sutras 
are  called  by  him  srauta,  i.  e.  based  on  revelation, 
but  not  Sruti  (revelation),  because  although  they 
treat  of  the  same  subjects  as  the  Sruti,  they  are 
themselves  extracts  only  from  the  sacred  writings. 
They  are  arranged  by  authors  whose  names  are 
given,  while,  according  to  Indian  notions,  Mantras 
and  Brahmanas  were  only  seen  by  the  Rishis,  but 
neither  composed  nor  arranged  by  them.1 

That  Sutras,  even  where  they  contain  Yedanga- 
doctrines,  are  distinctly  excluded  from  the  Sruti,  may 
be  seen  from  the  following  passage.  In  the  Tantra- 
varttika  (1.  3.),    Kumarila  says,   "There  is  a  great 

as  the  Dharma-sutras,  i.  3.  9.  ^frJH  «Bi'IT*lf  ^IT^^TWf 
^Tf%fl[^ll  *T?lfa  wf?nr%T  *l  HIM  I  *rfa$^fTTI  ^J^' 
WT  cf  ^^^3{^n^n^f^TTf%^Tll  Mahadeva,  in  his  Com- 
mentary on  the  Hiranyakesi-sutras,  says  distinctly,  f^^^  WT^T^ 

1  "  When  we  spoke  of  this  (the  authorship  of  Madhuchhan- 
das)  to  a  learned  Hindu  friend,  he  exhibited  very  marked  dis- 
satisfaction and  distress,,  begging  us  to  write  and  tell  Professor 
Wilson  that  the  hymn  had  no  author;  that  it  had  existed  from 
everlasting ;  and  that  Madhuchhandas  was  only  the  fortunate  seer 
to  whom,  on  the  last  occasion  of  its  revelation,  it  had  been  re- 
vealed."— Benares  Magazine  for  June  1851,  i(  On  Miiller's  Edition 
and  Wilson's  Version  of  the  Risr-Veda." 


96       SUTRAS  EXCLUDED  FROM  THE  SRUTI. 

difference  between  the  Kalpa-sutras,  which  teach  the 
performance  of  sacrifices  enjoined  by  the  Yedas,  such 
as  we  now  possess  them,  and  the  Smritis,  which  de- 
rive their  authority  from  parts  of  the  Veda  that  have 
either  disappeared  or  are  dispersed,  or  the  existence 
of  which  can  be  proved  by  induction  only.  It  is 
easier,  therefore,  to  establish  the  authority  of  the 
Kalpa-sutras  than  that  of  the  Smritis.  The  objec- 
tions which  have  been  raised  against  the  authority 
of  the  Smritis,  and  which  had  to  be  removed  by  us 
before,  cannot  be  thought  of  with  regard  to  the 
Kalpa-sutras,  not  even  if  it  were  only  for  argument's 
sake.1  The  question,  therefore,  is  only  this,  whether 
the  Kalpa-sutras  have  the  same  authority  as  the 
Veda,  or  whether  they  merely  derive  their  authority 
from  it.  As  the  Yeda  is  called  4  shadanga,'  i  having 
six  members/  these  six  members,  and  amongst 
them  the  Kalpa-sutras,  might  seem  to  be  implied  by 
the  common  name  of  Veda.  This,  however,  would 
be  wrong2;  for  the  Kalpa-sutras,  as  is  well-known,  are 
composed  by  human  authors  like  Masaka,  &c.  They 
do  not  take  their  names,  like  the  Kathaka  and  other 
Sakhas  of  the  Yeda,  from  those  by  whom  they  were 
proclaimed,  but  from  their  real  authors.  It  is  truer 
no  doubt,  that  the  authors  of  the  Kalpa-sutras  have 
the  name  of  Rishis,  and  it  might  be  said  that  as  Sisu 


^  Uc2TfTT*pi  ST*  Tp^m  ^f%WTII 


sftTKAS    EXCLUDED  FROM  THE  SRUTI.  97 

Angirasa  was  not  the  author  of  the  Saisava  hymns  in 
the  Samaveda,  the  Kalpa-sutras  too  were  not  com- 
posed, but  only  proclaimed,  by  those  whose  names 
they  bear,  particularly  as  there  are  even  Brahmanas, 
for  instance  those  of  the  Aruna  and  Parasara-sakha, 
which  have  nearly  the  same  form  as  the  Kalpa-sutras. 
Nevertheless,  nothing  can  be  more  mistaken  than  the 
opinion  of  those  who  would  put  the  Kalpa-sutras  on 
the  same  footing  as  the  Yeda,  because  people  who 
teach  and  learn  the  Kalpa-sutras  know  that  there 
was  a  time  when  these  works  did  not  exist,  and 
that  they  were  composed  by  certain  authors  like 
Masaka,  Baudhayana,  Apastamba,  Asvalayana, 
Katyayana,  and   others."1     They  are  drawn,  as  he 

1  Kumarila  expressly  observes  that  these  names  signify  certain 
individuals,  and  not  Charanas  (sects),  like  those  of  Katha,  by  which 
certain  &akhas  of  the  Veda  were  promulgated. 

u  The  branches  of  the  Veda  which  were  proclaimed  by  the  sects  of 
Katha  and  others  from  all  eternity,  have  a  fair  claim  to  be 
called  eternal.  But  this  does  not  apply  to  works  handed  down 
by  the  sects  or  families  of  Masaka  and  others,  however  lono* 
they  may  have  been  established.  For  names  like  Masaka, 
Baudhayana,  and  Apastamba,  imply  an  individual  being  which 
had  a  beginning,  and  therefore  it  is  impossible  that  a  title 
derived  from  these  names  should  ever  belong  to  an  eternal 
work." 
And  again  : 

H 


98       SUTRAS  EXCLUDED  FROM  THE  SRUTI. 

observes  in  another  place,  partly  from  the  Veda,  but 
partly  also  from  other  sources  ;  and  the  same  applies, 
according  to  him,  to  all  the  Vedangas  and  Smritis  ; 
nay,  even  to  later  works,  such  as  the  epic  and  pauranic 
poems.1 

"  For  teachers  and  pupils  do  not  only  know  by  heart  the  Kalpa- 
sutra  books,  and  the  other  Vedanga  and  Smriti  compositions, 
but  they  also  remember  Asvalayana,  Baudhayana,  Apastamba, 
Katyayana,  and  others,  as  the  authors  of  these  books." 

rprf  *rf?r:ii 
\j 

M  All  that  has  reference  to  virtue  and  final  beatitude  is  taken  from 

the  Veda,  while  other  matters3  the  purpose  of  which  consists 

in  pleasure  and  gain,  are  according  to  the  customs  of  men. 

This  distinction  applies  not  only  to  the  Vedangas,  but  also  to 

authoritative  passages  in  the  Puranas  and  Itihasas." 

Uvata,  in  his  commentary  on  the  6akala  pratisakya,  takes  the 

same  view.    He  says,  u  that  as  the  Veda  was  too  difficult  to  be  used 

by  itself,  learned  men  have  extracted  from   it  different  doctrines 

on  the  ceremonial,  the  metre,   and  grammar,   and  brought  them 

into  a  more  intelligible  form  in  the  Sutras." 

^TWT  f^Ef5T  3f*frs?  WT^Hft"*HMl*ilf%    f^SJTOT- 

And  again  : 
*l  ^T^f    *m    *N*    ***fK    **** 


SRAUTA-   ASD   SMARTA-sti'IRAS.  99 

It  might  therefore  be  best  to  distinguish  between 
Smriti  or  tradition  in  general,  and  the  Smritis  or  law- 
books in  particular.  We  might  then  speak  of  srauta- 
and  swarfa-sutras,  comprehending  by  the  former  name 
all  Sutras,  the  source  of  which  can  be  traced  in  the  Sruti ; 
by  the  latter  those  of  which  no  such  source  exists,  or  at 
least,  is  known  to  exist.1  The  title  of  Smritis  in  the 
plural  (or  Smriti-prabandhas)  might  be  left,  for  conve- 
nience sake,  to  such  works  as  Sayana  is  speaking  of, 
which  are  composed  not  in  Sutras  but  in  Slokas.  It 
ought  to  be  remembered,  however,  that  the  same  sub- 
jects which  are  treated  in  the  metrical  Smritis  of 
Manu  and  others,  had  similarly  been  treated  in  Sutras 
(srauta,  grihya,  and  s&mayacharika),  and  that  the 
principal  difference  between  the  two  lies,  not  in  their 
matter,  but  in  their  age,  and  their  style. 

1  Thus,  smdrtam  karma  is  well  defined  by  Shadgurusishya  in 
the  Sarvanukramanibhashya,  as  'nishekadi  smasanantam  smriti- 
grihyavihitam  karma.'  In  the  Commentary  on  Asvalayana's 
6rauta-sutras,  it  is  said,  that,  if  observances,  like  rinsing  the 
mouth,  &c.,  are  prescribed  in  the  6rauta-sutras  (as  they  are  for 
instance  Asval.  i.  1.  3.),  this  is  only  done  in  order  to  show  that 
such  observances  are  acknowledged  and  presupposed  by  the  Srauta- 
sutras,  though  they  belong  to  the  province  of  the  Grihya  cere- 
monies. 

H   2 


100  LOST   SAKHAS. 

An  objection  against  this  division  and  terminology, 
not  unknown  to  the  Brahraans  themselves,  is  that  it 
is  difficult  to  say  whether  certain  Smarta-sutras  may 
not  be  based  upon  some  lost  S&kha  of  the  Yeda.  The 
Srauta  portions  of  the  Kalpa-sutras,  there  can  be  no 
doubt,  are  founded  on  Sruti,  if  by  this  name  we 
understand  not  only  the  hymns,  but  also  the  Brah- 
manas  of  the  Yeda.  But  there  are  only  few  allusions, 
even  in  the  Brahmanas,  to  the  ceremonies  described 
in  the  Grihya-sutras  ;  and  the  few  passages  which  are 
quoted  from  the  Sruti  in  their  support,  are  chiefly 
taken  from  the  Aranyakas  and  Upanishads,  the  latest 
branches  of  Yedic  literature.  As  to  the  Ach&ras,  or 
the  established  rules  of  conduct  with  regard  to  particu- 
lar temporal  duties,  even  Indian  writers  admit  that 
there  are  only  very  vague  allusions  to  them  in  the 
Sruti,  and  they  try  to  prove  that  these  laws  are  based 
on  parts  of  the  Yeda  which  no  longer  exist.  This 
is  a  view  which  is  taken  for  instance  by  Haradatta 
in  his  Commentary  on  Apastamba's  Samayach&rika- 
sutras,  and  it  deserves  to  be  examined  more  closely. 
On  the  first  Sutra1,  "  Therefore  let  us  now  explain 
the  Sdmaydchdrika  duties"  he  makes  the  following 
observations. 

"  The  word  c  therefore1  implies  a  reason,  which  is  that 
as  the  srauta  (sacrificial)  and  gdrhya  (domestic)  cere- 
monies have  been  explained,  and  as  these  ceremonies 
presuppose  other  observances,  these  other  observances 
must  now  be  explained  too.  For  when  it  was  said 
before  (in  the  iSrauta  and  Grihya-sutras),  that  such 
and  such  an  act  was  to  be  performed  by  a  man  after 


1  ^wr:  *™ ^  i  ^  i ft^T^^T^T w^t*t:  11  \  w 


LOST   SAKIIAS.  101 

he  had  rinsed  his  mouth,  by  a  man  who  is  clean, 
who  holds  a  pavitra  in  his  hand,  who  is  invested 
with  the  sacred  thread,  &c,  an  acquaintance  with 
all  these  things,  such  as  rinsing,  &c,  is  presupposed. 
The  twilight  prayers,  too,  are  referred  to  in  the 
preceding  Sutras,  when  it  is  said,  that  a  man  who 
does  not  perform  his  twilight  prayers  is  impure, 
and  unworthy  of  every  sacrifice.  Several  other 
instances  occur;  and  it  is  therefore  necessary  to 
explain  now  immediately  those  other  precepts  called 
samayacharika  (temporal).  Sdmaydchdrika  is  de- 
rived from  samaya  (agreement)  and  d'chdra 
(custom).  Samaya,  a  human  agreement,  is  of  three 
kinds  :  vidhi,  injunction  ;  niyama,  restriction  ;  pra- 
tishedha,  prohibition.  Rules  founded  upon  samaya 
are  called  samaydchdras,  from  which  the  adjective 
samayacharika.  Dharma  (virtue)  is  the  quality  of 
the  individual  self,  which  arises  from  action,  leads  to 
happiness  and  final  beatitude,  and  is  called  apiwva, 
supernatural.  But,  in  our  Sutra,  dharma  means 
law,  and  has  for  its  object  dharma  as  well  as 
adharma:  things  to  be  done  and  things  to  be 
avoided. 

"  It  might  be  said,  however,"  continues  the  Com- 
mentator Haradatta,  alluding  to  the  same  controversy 
which  we  saw  before  treated  of  by  Say  ana,  "that  if 
samaya  (human  agreement)  be  the  authority  for  the 
law,  it  would  be  difficult  to  deny  the  same  authority 
to  the  Bauddhas  and  their  laws,  to  worship  the  holy 
sepulchre,  &c;  and  therefore  Apastamba  has  added 
the  next  Sutra : ] 

H   3 


102  LOST    SAKHAS. 

" '  Those  agreements  are  of  authority  which   were 
made  by  men  who  knew  the  law.' 

"  We  do  not  say,"  Haradatta  remarks,  with  regard 
to  these  words,  "  that  every  agreement  becomes  of 
authority,  but  those  only  made  by  men  like  Manu,  &c, 
who  knew  the  law.  But  then,  it  might  be  asked, 
how  it  can  be  found  out  that  Manu  knew  the  law, 
and  Buddha  did  not  ?  People  answer,  that  Buddha 
could  not  have  had  a  knowledge  of  the  divine  law. 
But  the  same  might  be  said  also  of  Manu  ;  and  if  a 
knowledge  of  divine  things  be  ascribed  to  Manu,  on 
account  of  the  excellence  which  he  acquired  by  his 
virtue,  then,  again,  it  would  be  the  same  for  Buddha. 
There  is  a  known  verse1:  c  If  Buddha  know  the 
law,  and  Kapila  does  not,  what  is  truth  ?     If  they 

Dr.  Weber,  in  his  dissertation  on  the  Upanishads,  thinks  it  is 
not  impossible  that  Kapila,  the  founder  of  the  Sankhya,  and  Buddha 
were  in  fact  one  and  the  same  person.  (Indische  Studien,  i.  436.) 
He  afterwards  qualifies  this  conjecture,  and  calls  it  not  very  pro- 
bable. It  is  true  that  the  Indians  themselves  observed  a  certain 
similarity  between  the  doctrines  of  Kapila  and  Buddha.  But  this 
would  rather  show  that  the  two  were  different  person's.  Nor 
would  the  legend  that  Buddha  was  born  at  Kapila-vastu,  the  town 
of  Kapila,  or  rather  of  the  Kapilas,  seem  to  prove  the  identity  of 
Kapila  and  Buddha.  By  another  conjecture,  the  same  ingenious 
scholar  makes  the  founder  of  the  Sankhya  (Panchasikha  Kapileya) 
the  same  person  with  Kapya  Patanchala,  who  occurs  in  the  6ata- 
patha-brahmana ;  while,  in  a  former  article  (i.  84.),  both  Kapila 
and  Patanchali  together,  the  former  as  the  founder  of  the  Sankhya, 
the  latter  as  the  author  of  the  Yoga  system,  are  merged  into  Kapya 
Patanchala.  Afterwards,  however,  this  opinion  also  is  retracted, 
because  Dr.  Weber  thinks  that  the  Yoga  system  might  be  a  later 
development  of  the  Sankhya. 


LOST   SAKIIAS.  103 

were  both  omniscient,  how  could  there  be  difference 
of  opinion  between  them?'  If  this  be  not  so,  a 
distinction  must  be  made  ;  and  this  has  been  done 
by  Apastamba  in  his  next  Sutra:  ..*  And  the  Vedas 
(are  of  authority).'  * 

This  Sutra  is  explained  by  Haradatta  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner: —  "The  Vedas  are  the  highest  au- 
thority for  good  and  bad ;  and  none  of  the  objections 
made  before  could  apply  to  the  Yedas,  which  are 
faultless  from  all  eternity,  evident  by  themselves, 
and,  as  they  were  revealed,  unaffected  by  the  faults 
of  human  authors.  Therefore,  while  to  us  those 
agreements  are  of  authority  which  were  made  by  men 
who  knew  the  law,  the  Vedas,  again,  were  the  au- 
thority for  those  men  themselves,  like  Manu,  &c. 
And  although  we  have  not  before  our  eyes  a  Veda, 
which  is  the  source  of  these  laws,  we  must  still  con- 
clude that  Manu  and  the  rest  had." 2 

2  Somesvara,  who  calls  himself  a  son  of  Madhava,  and  of  whose 
work  "  Tantra-varttikatika  "  there  is  a  manuscript  at  the  E.  I.  H. 
(No.  1030.),  dated  Sam  vat,  1552,  goes  even  a  step  farther,  and 
says  that,  although  rules  of  the  Smritis  may  be  against  the  sacred 
law,  the  Veda  must  notwithstanding  be  considered  as  their 
source,  because  the  Smritis  themselves  maintain  that  the  Veda 
is  the  highest  authority,   an   admission   which  the  followers  of 

Buddha  protest  against.     Cf.  p.  80.     «J«T     ^11  tM  ^^^TTf^f^TfR 

H   4 


104  LOST   SAKHAS. 

It  is  a  matter  of  considerable  interest  to  know 
whether  this  opinion  of  Haradatta's,  as  to  the  previous 
existence  of  a  larger  number  of  Vedic  works,  deserves 
credit  or  not.  The  opponent  of  the  orthodox  Kuma- 
rila  in  the  Tantra-varttika  remarks  very  truly,  that  to 
invoke  the  testimony  of  lost  parts  of  the  Veda  is  like 
calling  a  dead  person  as  a  witness.1  And  if  we  had 
no  better  authority  for  this  opinion  than  so  late  a 
commentator  as  Haradatta,  we  should  hardly  be  justi- 
fied in  mentioning  it  as  an  argument.  Anybody, 
however,  who  is  acquainted  with  the  character  of 
Indian   commentators,  will  admit  that  they  seldom 

f^jT  ^:  TTTVT^f  ^<^Hlf5T^rRTrTs  &c  Cf.  Yajna- 
Talkya,  ed.  Stenzler,  i.  56.,  i.  40.;  Manu,  iii.  12,  13.,  where  the 
Commentator  mentions  Vasishtha  as  having  spoken  of  the  marriage 
of  a  Brahman  with  a  6udra,  the  ceremony  not  being  accompanied 
by   sacred   hymns,   as  a  kind  of  morganatic   marriage,   kamato 

vivahah,    cfTfwrsfa    "Jf^T^TO^     *H^faf?T    *H^ft 

"If  a  man  maintain  a  lost  tradition  to  have  been  a  source,  he  may 
prove  what  he  pleases,  for  it  is  like  appealing  to  a  dead 
witness."     And  again : 

"  Why  has  a  divine  precept  not  been  established  by  Manu  and 
the  others  as  the  source  of  their  teaching,  which  would  not 
have  cost  them  more  labour  than  to  proclaim  their  own  doc- 
trine ?  Anybody  may  throw  whatever  he  likes  into  the  skull 
of  a  lost  tradition,  and  then  invoke  it  as  an  authority." 


LOST    SAKHAS.  105 

commit  themselves  to  novel  theories,  but  almost 
always  repeat  what  existed  before  in  the  tradition  of 
their  schools;  a  fact  which  at  once  increases  and 
diminishes  the  usefulness  of  their  works.  Thus  we 
find  in  the  case  before  us,  that  Apastamba  himself, 
whose  Sutras  Haradatta  explains,  entertained  a  simi- 
lar opinion  on  this  subject.  In  the  twelfth  section 
of  his  Sutras,  when  speaking  of  some  rules  on  the  Sva- 
dhyaya  (praying),  he  says1,  "  that  certain  rules  must 
be  considered  as  given  in  Brahmanas  of  which  the 
tradition  or  reading  has  been  destroyed.  Their 
.former  existence,"  he  says,  "must  be  inferred  from 

The  Commentator  says :    ^^T:tJTCTT  ^<^4^TfTJ! 

*  The  original  passages  were  lost  by  the  negligence  of  the 
students." 

Kumarila  observes:    J[T^fTTT  f^^fRftflfM^qi^f  TTTTT- 

"The  original  text  from  which  the  Smriti  was  derived  cannot 
always  be  found,  because  the  Sakhas  are  scattered  about, 
students  are  negligent,  and  because  these  rules  stand  under 
different  heads." 

And  again:   ^^  1H^    S^f^RTW   ^^THT^  II 

"  As  if  we  did  not  see  in  our  own  time  that  subjects  are  forgotten 
and  works  lost." 

u  And  it  must  not  be  said  that  their  destruction  is  impossible,  for 
we  see  it  take  place  every  day,  whether  by  negligence, 
idleness,  or  by  the  death  of  men." 


106  LOST   BRAHMANAS. 

the  simple  fact,  that  these  rules  are  still  followed  by 
men;  the  only  exception  being  where  customs  can  be 
proved  to  depend  on  selfish  motives.  In  this  case,  a 
man  who  follows  such  unauthorised  customs,  shall  go 
to  hell." 

With  regard  to  the  hymns,  it  is  in  itself  very  un- 
likely that  no  more  should  have  existed  than  those 
which  happen  to  be  collected  in  the  Rig-veda ;  and 
even  in  the  Rig-veda  we  see  that  the  number  of  hymns 
varied  in  different  communities.  The  ancient  poetry 
of  India,  however,  would  hardly  have  furnished  autho- 
ritative passages  for  legal  and  ceremonial  questions ; 
and  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  lost  tradition  which  is 
appealed  to  by  later  writers,  refers  only  to  Brahmanas. 
A  number  of  these  dogmatic  works  are  still  in  exist- 
ence ;  but  others,  which  are  always  quoted  along  with 
them,  are  now  lost,  or  known  by  extracts  only. 
There  existed  a  considerable  number  of  ancient  sages 
who  embodied  their  doctrines,  whether  on  philosophi- 
cal or  ceremonial,  on  metrical  or  grammatical  ques- 
tions, in  independent  works,  which  were  handed  down 
by  tradition  among  their  descendants.  But,  as  Ku- 
marila  observes,  through  the  carelessness  and  forget- 
fulness  of  men,  and  also  by  the  extinction  of  families, 
these  works  were  necessarily  lost ;  and  it  is,  indeed, 
less  surprising  that  many  of  these  Brahmanas  should 
have  been  lost,  than  that  so  many  should  still  have 
been  saved,  if  we  remember  for  how  long  a  time  oral 
tradition  was  in  India  the  only  means  of  preserving 
them.  Kumarila,  however,  was  too  keen-sighted  not  to 
perceive  the  danger  of  admitting  lost  Sakhas  of  the 
Yeda  as  authorities,  and  he  makes  several  reservations 
in  order  to  guard  against  a  promiscuous  use  of  this 
argument.    The  Buddhists  also  might  appeal  to  a  lost 


LOST   BRAHMANAS.  107 

£akh&,  and  thus  upset  all  the  arguments  of  the  or- 
thodox philosophers.  But  in  spite  of  the  bug-bear  of 
the  Buddhists,  the  general  fact  that  some  Sakhas  had 
perished  was  admitted  by  Kumarila,  as  well  as  by 
Apastamba,  both  endeavouring  to  prop  up  the  autho- 
rity of  the  Smriti  by  the  broken  pillars  of  the  Sruti.1 
The  evidence  which  has  been  brought  together  is 
sufficient  to  establish  the  fact,  that  the  distinction 
between  Sruti  and  Smriti,  revelation  and  tradition, 
had  been  established  by  the  Brahmans  previous  to  the 
rise  of  Buddhism,  or,  at  all  events,  previous  to  the 
time  when  the  Sutra  style  began  to  be  adopted  in  In- 
dian literature.  There  existed,  previous  to  the  Sutra 
period,  a  body  of  literary  works  propagated  by  oral 
tradition,  which  formed  the  basis  of  all  later  writings 
on  sacred  subjects,  and  which  by  the  Brahmans  was 
believed  to  be  of  divine  origin.  The  idea  expressed 
by  the  verb  sru,  to  hear,  i.  e.  to  receive  by  inspiration, 
is  known  in  the  Brahmanas.  The  name  of  Smriti 
seems  to  occur  for  the  first  time  in  the  Taittiriya- 
aranyaka2,  though  it  is  said  to  be  used  there  in  the 

*  Taitt.   Ar.  i.   1,2.:  ^f^t    W^f^^  j^H^C^  H 
The  Commentator  explains  Smriti  by     ^«i*Ji|^f?fiT^f   1T*3T- 


108  VEDANGAS. 

sense  of  Sruti.  In  the  Sutras,  however,  the  distinc- 
tion between  Sruti  and  Smriti  is  distinctly  stated. 
We  find  it  in  the  Anupada-sutras1,  which  we  have 
reason  to  reckon  amongst  the  earliest  specimens  of 
this  class  of  literature.  In  the  Nidana-siitras  also, 
ancient  tradition  is  mentioned  by  the  name  of  Smriti2 ; 
and  although  in  Panini  the  technical  distinction  be- 
tween Sruti  and  Smriti  is  not  mentioned,  it  would  be 
wrong  to  draw  any  conclusions  from  this,  as  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  Panini  is  later  than  the  Anupada- 
sutras. 

The  Six  Veddngas. 

We  shall  now  proceed  to  an  examination  of  those 
works  which  belong  to  the  Sutra-literature  of  India, 
as  far  as  they  have  reference  to  the  Veda. 

f^UJUsi  I  "  tne  laws  of  Man u  and  others  whose  source  is  a  revelation 
the  existence  of  which  must  be  inferred."  Pratyaksha  (sensuous 
impression)  is,  according  to  Sayana,  ^fo(9TOt  ^Vf^^T   'JJT^J 

3?3PV|i  " tue  word  of  the  Veda  which  all  men  can  perceive  in 

their  teacher."  Aitihya  (tradition)  is  explained  by  ^fr|^Tf!l4'(J- 

U!^^MI<r|5<l^|^Tf^f>  " legends,  Puranas,  the Mahabharata, 

and  the  Brahmanas."  Lastly  Anumana,  if  we  believe  Sayana,  does 
not  here  mean  inference,  but  customs  of  good  men,  by  which  or  from 
which  the  existence  of  an  authority,  that  is,  of  6ruti  and  Smriti,  as 

the  source  of  these  customs,  is  inferred.     ^5J«T^TT«T»    f^OTT^n^  I 

1  Anupada-sutra,  ii.    4.  ^fd^ifrl^  ^^^T«  I     Cf.  Indische 
Studien,  i.  p.  44. 

2  Nidana-sutra,  ii.  1.   ^M^WdHll     Trf^T^fT:      WffTI 
Cf.  Indische  Studien,  i.  p.  45. 


NUMBER   OF   VEDANGAS.  109 

The  Brahmans  say  that  there  are  six  members  of 
the  Veda,  the  six  Vedangas.  This  name  does  not 
imply  the  existence  of  six  distinct  books  or  treatises 
intimately  connected  with  their  sacred  writings,  but 
merely  the  admission  of  six  subjects  the  study  of 
which  was  necessary "  either  for  the  reading,  the 
understanding,  or  the  proper  sacrificial  employment 
of  the  Yeda.  Manu  calls  the  Vedangas  by  the  name 
of  Pravachanas x,  which  is  a  title  not  unusually  ap- 
plied to   the  Brahmanas.2     And   indeed,  instead  of 

1  Manu,  iii.  184. :  ^RZJT:    ^g  ^TJ   l^rR^^J   ^| 

"Those  priests  must  be  considered  as  the  purifiers  of  a  company 
who  are  most  learned  in  all  the  Vedas  and  all  their  Angas." — 
Sir  W.  Jones. 

Kulluka:    ^W^f^  ^T*f  ^frf^T  3Fr^TT^TTf%  II 

"  Because  the  meaning  of  the  Veda  is  proclaimed  by  them,  therefore 
are  the  Angas  called  Pravachanas." 

2  3n^nrf^rT*rfa  ju^I^t:  ^:  ^rrsjrei    com. 

'*  Among  the  Kalabavins  also  the  accent  exists  in  the  perusal  of 
the  Veda  enjoined  by  the  Pravachanas.  Com.     By  the  word 
pravachana  is  meant  the  Brahmana,  and  it  is  called  so  because 
it  is  proclaimed." 
There  is  a  passage  in  the  Prasthanabheda, 

"  For  each  Veda  there  are  several  6akhas  the  difference  of  which 

arises  from  different  Pravachanas." 
Here  pravachana  means  Brahmana,  because  the  difference  of  the 
Brahmana-sakhas  does  arise  from  Brahmanas  peculiar  to  each.  It 
is  possible,  however,  that  Madhusudana  used  pravachana  in  the 
sense  of  pronunciation,  the  difference  of  pronunciation  being  the 
chief  cause  of  the  Sanhita-sakhas.  Pravachana  is  used  in  the  Ka- 
thopanishad,  ii.  23.,  in  the  sense  of  "  reading." 


110  NUMBER   OF    VEDANGAS. 

looking  for  the  Vedangas  to  those  small  and  barren 
tracts  which  are  now  known  by  this  name,  it  is  in  the 
Brahmanas  and  Sutras  that  we  have  to  look  for  the 
Vedanga-doctrines  in  their  original  and  authentic 
form.  The  short  Vedangas  which  are  generally  added 
to  the  manuscripts  of  the  Veda,  and  which  by  several 
scholars  were  mistaken  for  the  real  Vedangas,  re- 
present only  the  last  unsuccessful  attempts  to  bring 
the  complicated  and  unintelligible  doctrines  of  former 
sages  into  an  easy  and  popular  form,  and  to  preserve 
at  the  same  time  the  names  which  had  been  sanc- 
tioned by  antiquity. 

A   very  clear   and  rational   statement  as   to   the 
character  of  the  Vedangas  in  early  times,  is  given 
in  the  Brihadaranyaka  and  its  commentary.    Accord- 
ing to  them  the  different  doctrines  of  the  Vedangas 
are  to  be  considered  as  integral  parts  of  the  Brah- 
manas, in  the  same  manner  as  the  Puranas  and  Iti- 
hasas.     These,  as  we  saw  before,  were  to  be  taken  in 
the  sense   of  epic  or  pauranic  stories,   incorporated 
in    the   Brahmanas,    as    illustrations    of  ceremonial 
questions.      By   Itihasa,    as   the    commentator    says, 
(Brih.  Arany.  ii.4.)  we  have  to  understand  stories  like 
those  of  Urvasi  and  Puriiravas  in  the  Satapatha-brah- 
mana ;  by  Purdna,  passages  on  creation  and  the  like, 
for  instance,  "  in  the  beginning  there  was  nothing," 
&c.     He  then  proceeds  to  quote  passages  from  the 
Brahmanas  which  he  calls  Upanishads  (mysteries), 
Slokas  (verses),   Sutras  (rules),  Anuvyakhyas   (ex- 
planations), and  Vyakhyas  (comments).     It  is  under 
these  heads  that  the   Vedangas   had   their   original 
place. 

It  is  more  difficult  to  determine  where  and  when 


NUMBER   OF   VEDANGAS.  Ill 

the  Vedangas  were  first  mentioned  as  six.  In  the 
Mundaka-upanishad  the  number  of  the  Vedangas  is 
given  as  six,  but  in  a  line  which  is  not  unlikely 
to  have  been  interpolated.  Yaska  (Nir.  i.  20.) 
quotes  only  the  Vedangas,  but  not  the  six  Ve- 
dangas. The  number  of  six  occurs  in  the  Cha- 
ranavyuha,  where  we  meet  with  the  well-known 
versus  memorialis,  containing  the  titles  of  the  six 
Vedangas.1  The  same  number  occurs  in  Manu  (iii. 
185).     There  is  a  passage  in  the  Chhandogya-Upani- 

stamba,  who  occasionally  quotes  6lokas  in  his  Sutras,  does  not  seem 
to  have  known  this  verse.    His  words  are  (ii.  4.  8.),  tr^TT  W^l 

#jr:  cir^ft  ^T^n^r  ^T^  f%^?ri  fSr^ri  what  follows,  in 

the  only  MS.  I  know,  is  eaten  away  by  worms  ;  but  then  comes  the 
word  ^TTf%n?f^>  which  was  the  title  of  a  metrical  treatise,  and 
is  quoted  as  such  before  Pingala,  in  the  £'abda-Kalpa-druma,  s.  v. 

fffH         One  of  the  Parisishtas  of  the  Samaveda  begins  with  the 

words  ^IJTcP^N^t fT^SJ  «EH '<3(  I  <$U  *J !  I  The  Parisish- 
tas, however,  are  later  than  Apastamba  and  Pingala;  for  the 
author  of  the  Parisishta  declares  that  he  made  use  of  Pingala's  work  : 

WTW  WT^t  TT*nj^?*ll  The  title  ^«ftfaf%f?T  refers, 
therefore,  most  likely  to  the  Nidana-sutra,  which  also  begins 
with    ^mrP^T^f  f^TO  ^T^T^nT:  I     Cf.   MS.  Berol. 

95.  In  the  Commentary  on  the  ^akala-pratisakhya,  at  the  end  of 
the  14th  Book,  the  Vedangas  are  enumerated  as  follows : 


112  NUMBER   OE   VEDANGAS. 

shad  where  a  mention  of  the  six  Vedangas  might  be 
expected,  at  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  Prapathaka. 
The  number  six,  however,  does  not  occur  there,  al- 
though Vedanga  doctrines  are  clearly  implied  under 
somewhat  unusual  names.1  The  earliest  mention  of 
the  number  six  in  reference  to  the  Vedangas  seems 
to  be  contained  in  one  of  the  Brahmanas  of  the 
Sama-veda.  But  there  again,  though  the  number  six 
is  given,  the  titles  of  the  several  Vedangas  are  not 
mentioned.     It  is  said  there  (Shadvinsa-Br.  iv.  7.)  of 

1  This  passage  has  heen  pointed  out  and  translated  by  Cole- 
brooke  (Miscellaneous  Essays,  i.  12.).  "Narada,  having  solicited 
instruction  from  Sanatkumara,  and  being  interrogated  by  him  as 
to  the  extent  of  his  previous  knowledge,  says,  '  I  have  learnt  the 
Rig-veda,  the Yaj  ur-veda,  the  Sama-veda,  the  Atharvana  (which  is) 
the  fourth,  the  Itihasa  and  Purana  (which  are)  a  fifth,  and  (gram- 
mar, or)  the  Veda  of  Vedas,  the  obsequies  of  the  manes  (f^cEf), 

the  art  of  computation  ("^TfiX)>  tne  knowledge  of  omens  (<^4)> 
the  revolution  of  periods  (f%f^f,  com.  IT^T^T^f^f%fV'3rnf  )> 
the  intention  of  speech  (or  art  of  reasoning)  (^T^FT^T^f)? 
the  maxims  of  ethics  (TT3Tiq«l),  the  divine  science  (or  construc- 
tion of  scriptures)  (^^fif^T,  com.  fcj^rjt),  the  sciences  append- 
ant on  holy  writ  (or  accentuation,  prosody,  and  religious  rites) 
/■^TjffiNlt),  the  adjuration  of  spirits  (?37Tf%^jt>  com-  ^iTT^"^)* 
the  art  of  the  soldier  (^T^fcj  Q  \ ,  com.  ^«Tcj^),  the  science  of  as- 
tronomy (  *r^T^f«i  *Q  i  )>  tne  charming  of  serpents  (WhI^^I)*  tne 

science  of  demigods  (or  music  and  mechanical  arts,  ^TT^^"  see 

page  39.):  all  this  I  have  studied;  yet  do  I  only  know  the  text, 
and  have  no  knowledge  of  the  soul." 


S1KSII  A.  113 

Svaha,  that  her  body  consists  of  the  four  Vedas,  and 
that  her  limbs  are  the  six  Angas,  or  members  of  the 
Veda.1  It  is  possible,  however,  that  more  ancient 
Brahmanas  allude  to  the  number  of  six ;  at  all  events 
we  see  that  it  was  sanctioned  for  the  Vedangas  before 
the  end  of  the  Brahmana  period. 

The  six  doctrines  commonly  comprehended  under 
the  title  of  Vedangas,  are  Siksha  (pronunciation), 
Chhandas  (metre),  Vyakarana  (grammar),  Nirukta 
(explanation  of  words),  Jyotisha  (astronomy),  and 
Kalpa  (ceremonial).  The  first  two  are  considered 
necessary  for  reading  the  Veda,  the  two  next  for 
understanding  it,  and  the  last  two  for  employing  it 
at  sacrifices. 

&iksha,  or  Phonetics. 

Sayana,  in  his  Commentary  on  the  Rig-veda,  de- 
fines Siksha  as  the  science  of  the  pronunciation  of 
letters,  accents,  &c. ;  and  he  quotes  from  a  work  of 
the  Taittiriyas,  who  have  devoted  a  chapter  of  their 
Aranyaka  to  this  subject.  Now  in  the  seventh  book 
of  the  Taittiriya- Aranyaka  we  still  find  the  following 
headings:  "Let  us  explain  the&iksha,"2  " On  Letters," 

cFTf  ^Y*TTf%ll  "  The  four  Vedas  are  her  body;  the  six  Angas 
her  limbs;  herbs  and  trees  her  hair."  See  also  the  text  frequently 
quoted  from  the  Veda,  5Hl|psN  ^#5ft  3^  fSr^TWl"  S^^ft 
Tf^RJII  "  The  Veda,  with  its  six  members,  ought  to  be  known 
and  understood  by  a  Brahman  without  any  further  inducement." 

2  "Sffat  ^JTWnrra:  The  i  in  6iksha  is  short  (hrasva), 
though  it  is  strong  (guru).     It  is  only  in  the  Aranyaka  that  6iksha 


114  SIKSHA. 

M  On  Accents,"  "  On  Quantity,"  "  On  the  Organs  of 
Pronunciation,"  aOn  Delivery,"  "On  Euphonic  Laws." 
Unless  we  admit  that  the  rules  on  Siksha  had 
formerly  their  place  in  this  chapter  of  the  Taittiriya- 
Aranyaka,  it  would  be  difficult  to  explain  why  all  the 
principal  subjects  of  the  Siksha  should  be  mentioned 
here,  why  the  whole  chapter  should  be  called  the 
Siksha  chapter  (ityuktah  sikshadhyayah),  and  why 
it  should  begin  with  the  words  "  Let  us  now  explain 
the  Siksha."  Sayana,  who  was  certainly  acquainted 
with  the  Vedic  tradition,  takes  the  same  view  in  his 
Commentary  on  the  Sanhiti-upanishad.1  He  states 
that  the  Taittiriya-upanishad  consists  of  three  parts  2, 
of  the  Sanhiti,  Yajniki,  and  Yaruni-upanishad.     Of 

occurs  instead  of  &iksha.  6iksha  is  derived  from  sak,  to  be  able, 
and  means  originally  a  desire  to  know.  From  the  same  root  we 
have  sakta,  a  teacher  (Rv.  vii.  103.  5.)  ;  sikshamana,  a  pupil  (Rv. 
vii.  103.  5.).  Sishya,  a  pupil,  comes  from  a  different  root.  Sa- 
yana says,  far^  ^^rr^qf^asm  ^rtjwt^tt  *nrniY 

flT^Tl     ^3  "aft^TH    The   other  headings  are,  ^TJj:  |    ^R^t  I 

1  I  owe  a  copy  of  this  Commentary  of  Sayana's  to  the  kindness 
of  Dr.  RiSer,  at  Calcutta.  Seeing,  in  the  catalogue  of  manuscripts 
published  by  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Calcutta,  a  work  of  Sayana's, 
called  6ikshabhashya,  and  imagining  this  to  be  a  commentary  on 
the  6iksha-vedanga  or  one  of  the  Pratisakhyas,  I  wrote  to  Dr.  Roer 
for  a  copy  of  it.  Though  I  was  ultimately  disappointed  when  I 
found  that  it  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Pratisakhyas,  I  still  con- 
sider the  Commentary  of  great  interest,  particularly  Sayana's  in- 
troduction to  the  Vedanta-system  in  it.  Dr.  Roer  has  since  pub- 
lished the  whole  Taittiriya-upanishad,  with  the  Commentaries  of 
&ankara  and  Ananda  Giri,  in  No.  22.  of  the  Bibliotheca  Indica. 


&KSHA.  115 

these  the  last  is  the  most  important,  because  it 
teaches  the  knowledge  of  the  Divine  Self.  The  first 
serves  as  an  introduction  or  preparation,  in  order  to 
bring  the  mind  of  the  pupil  into  a  proper  state  for 
receiving  the  doctrines  on  the  highest  subjects.  Now 
immediately  after  the  first  invocation,  the  Upanishad 
begins  with  the  Siksha  chapter  ;  and  in  order  to  ex- 
plain this,  Sayana  remarks  that  this  doctrine  is  ne- 
cessary here,  in  order  to  enable  the  pupil  to  read  and 
pronounce  the  sacred  texts  correctly,  and  thus  to  un- 
derstand their  real  meaning.1  It  might  be  objected, 
Sayana  remarks,  that  as  a  correct  pronunciation  is 
equally  required  for  the  earlier  ceremonial  portion  of 
the  Veda  (Karma-kanda),  the  Siksha  ought  to  have 
been  inserted  there.  But  then,  he  says,  this  chapter 
in  its  present  place  stands  between  the  ceremonial 
and  the  philosophical  portion  of  the  Veda,  like  a 
lamp  on  the  threshold  of  a  door  giving  light  to  both, 
lie  adds,  that  a  right  pronunciation  and  understand- 
ing is  of  greater  importance  for  the  philosophical 
part ;  because  mistakes  in  the  sacrifices  and  the  cere- 
monial can  be  made  good  by  penance,  while  there  is 
no  penance  for  a  wrong  understanding  of  philo- 
sophical principles. 

If  then  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  doctrine 

ire^Tf?nr4  f^Trs*^  fir^rsn^r  sfSnffaftii  11  ?m 

i  2 


1 1  6  PRATISAKHYAS. 

of  the  Siksha  was  formerly  embodied  in  the  Aranya- 
kas,  perhaps  even  in  the  Brahmanas1,  the  question 
is,  why  it  afterwards  lost  this  place.  This  can 
only  be  accounted  for  by  the  appearance  of  more 
scientific  treatises,  which  embraced  the  same  subjects, 
but  in  a  much  more  systematic  style  than  anything 
which  we  could  expect  to  meet  with  in  the  Brahmanas 
and  Aranyakas. 

These  were  the  Pratisakhyas,  a  branch  of  litera- 
ture which  will  claim  our  particular  attention  for 
more  than  one  reason.  If  we  compare  the  Prati- 
sakhyas with  Brahmanas  and  Aranyakas,  they  evi- 
dently indicate  a  considerable  progress  of  the  Indian 
mind.  They  were  written  for  practical  purposes ; 
their  style  is  free  from  cumbrous  ornaments,  and 
unnecessary  subtleties.  It  is  their  object  to  teach 
and  not  to  edify ;  to  explain,  not  to  discuss.  Where 
the  Brahmanas  or  Aranyakas  allude  to  grammatical, 
metrical,  or  etymological  questions,  they  give  nothing 
but  theological  and  mystical  dreams.  So  far  from 
receiving  elucidation,  the  points  in  question  generally 
become  involved  in  still  greater  darkness.  It  is  not 
unlikely  that  teachers  appealed  to  these  passages 
of  the  Brahmanas  in  order  to  derive  from  them  the 
highest  possible  sanction  for  their  doctrines.  But 
these  doctrines,  if  they  were  intended  for  use  and 
instruction,  must  have  been  delivered  in  a  more 
homely  and  more  intelligible  form.  The  origin  of  the 
Pratisakhyas  may  therefore  be  accounted  for  in  the 

1  The  passage  from  the  Pushpa-siitras  (viii.  8.)  which  was  quoted 
before,  cffreRf^TTOft  W^Tfcf%rn  ^:  WWTC,  does 
not  prove  that  the  rules  on  the  accent  were  laid  down  in  the 
Brahmana  of  the  Kalabavins,  because  it  may  also  mean  that  the 
accented  delivery  of  sacred  texts  was  enjoined  in  the  Brahmana. 


PRATISAKHYAS.  117 

following  manner  : — During  the  Brahrnana  period  the 
songs  of  the  Yeda  were  preserved  by  oral  tradition 
only :  and  as  the  spoken  language  of  India  had  ad- 
vanced and  left  the  idiom  of  the  Yeda  behind  as  a 
kind  of  antique  and  sacred  utterance,  it  was  difficult 
to  preserve  the  proper  pronunciation  of  the  sacred 
hymns  without  laying  down  a  certain  number  of  rules 
on  metre,  accent,  and  pronunciation  in  general.    The 
necessity,  however,  of  such  a  provision  could  hardly 
have  been  felt  until  certain  differences  had  actually 
arisen  in  different  seats  of  Brahmanic  learning.  Thus, 
when  the  attempt  was  made  to  prevent  a  further  cor- 
ruption, a  certain  number  of  local  varieties  in  accent 
and  pronunciation,  and  in  the  recital  of  the  hymns, 
had  actually  crept  in  and  become  sanctioned  by  the 
tradition  of  different  families  or  schools.    These  could 
not  be  given  up,  nor  was  there  any  means  of  de- 
termining which  was  the  ancient  and  most  correct 
way  of  reciting  the  sacred  songs  of  the  Veda.     Dis- 
cussions having  arisen  on  this  subject,  we  find  in  the 
Brahmanas  occasional  mention  of  verses  which,    if 
improperly   pronounced,    become   changed   in    their 
meaning.     But  even  where  the  sense  of  the  Yeda  was 
not  affected,  the  respect  paid  by  each  teacher,  by 
each  family,  and  by  each  Brahmanic  community  to 
its  own  established  oral  tradition,  was  sufficient  to 
give  an  imaginary  value  to  the  slightest  peculiarities 
of  pronunciation,  accent,  or  metre. 

A  twofold  advantage  was  gained  when  the  rules 
and  exceptions  of  the  old  sacred  dialect  were  first  re- 
duced to  a  system.  First,  ancient  dialectical  dif- 
ferences, many  of  which  are  not  so  much  attributable 
to  corruptions  as  to  the  freedom  of  the  old  spoken 
language,  were  carefully  preserved,  and  even  apparent 


118  PRATISAKHYAS. 

irregularities  and  exceptions  were  handed  down  as 
such,  instead  of  being  eliminated  and  forgotten. 
Secondly,  a  start  was  made  towards  a  scientific  study 
of  language ;  by  the  collection  of  a  large  number  of 
similar  passages,  general  laws  were  elicited  which 
afterwards  served  as  the  phonetic  basis  of  a  grammar 
like  that  of  Panini; — a  work  which,  although  ascribed 
to  one  author,  must  have  required  ages  of  observation 
and  collection  before  its  plan  could  be  conceived  or 
carried  out  by  one  individual.  Even  the  Pratisakhyas, 
though  they  do  not  refer  to  grammar  properly  so  called, 
but  principally  to  the  phonetic  laws  of  language, 
presuppose  a  long-continued  study  of  grammatical 
subjects  previous  to  the  time  of  their  composition. 
The  best  proof  of  this  lies  in  the  great  number  of  au- 
thors quoted  in  the  Pratisakhyas,  whose  opinions  are 
frequently  at  variance  with  the  precepts  contained  in 
the  Pratisakhyas  themselves.  Though  we  are  not 
now  in  possession  of  the  works  of  these  earlier  authors, 
yet  we  have  a  right  to  assume  that  their  doctrines 
existed  formerly  in  the  shape  of  Pratisakhyas.  In 
the  same  way  as  one  only  of  the  different  Sakhas  or 
recensions  of  the  Rig-veda  has  been  preserved  to  us  in 
manuscript,  the  Sakala-sakha,  which  was  followed  by 
Saunaka,  we  may  understand  how  one  only  of  the 
Pratisakhyas  of  the  Rig-veda  has  come  down  to  us ; 
particularly  as  its  composition  is  ascribed  to  the  same 
Saunaka  who  is  said  to  have  united  the  Bashkala  and 
the  Sakala-sakhas,  and  who,  as  far  as  the  Sanhita  is 
concerned,  was  a  follower  of  the  Saisira-sakha.  6au- 
naka's  Pratisakhya  of  the  iSakalas,  being  one  of  the 
latest  compositions  of  this  kind,  was  probably  also 
the  most  perfect  and  complete.  As  Saunaka  states 
the  different  opinions  of  Sakala  grammarians  on  im- 


PRATISAKHYA  S.  119 

portant  points,  where  he  himself  differs  from  them, 
his  work  was  the  more  likely  to  supersede  previous 
Pratisakhyas,  particularly  at  the  time  when  the  Vedic 
religion  was  on  its  decline,  and  Brahmanic  doctrines 
daily  losing  in  influence.  Though  it  is  true  that 
as  yet  only  one  Pratisakhya  belonging  to  each  Yeda 
has  been  found  in  manuscript,  yet  they  all  belong 
not  to  one  of  the  four  Yedas  in  general,  but  to  one 
Sakha  of  each  of  them.  Pratisakhya,  therefore,  does 
not  mean,  as  has  been  supposed,  a  treatise  on  the 
phonetic  peculiarities  of  each  Veda,  but  a  collection 
of  phonetic  rules  peculiar  to  one  of  the  different 
branches  of  the  four  Yedas,  i.  e.  to  one  of  those  dif- 
ferent texts  in  which  each  of  the  Yedas  had  been 
handed  down  for  ages  in  different  families  and  dif- 
ferent parts  of  India.  The  differences  between  the 
Sakhas  of  the  same  Yeda,  as  far  as  the  words  of  the 
hymns  are  concerned,  seem  certainly  not  to  have  been 
very  great,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  few  instances  in 
which  different  Sakhas  of  the  same  Yeda  have  been 
preserved  in  manuscripts.  Most  Sakhas  do  not  differ 
in  the  general  arrangement  of  the  Sanhitas,  or  collec- 
tions of  hymns,  but  merely  in  single  words  or  verses. 
In  a  few  cases  only  one  Sakha  contains  some  hymns 
more  than  another.  The  Sakhas  were  not  indepen- 
dent collections  of  the  old  hymns,  but  different  edi- 
tions of  one  and  the  same  original  collection,  which 
in  the  course  of  a  long  continued  oral  tradition  had 
become  modified  by  slight  degrees.  The  texts  of 
the  Yeda  as  they  existed  and  lived  in  the  oral  tra- 
dition of  various  sets  of  people  became  Sakhas  dif- 
fering from  other  Sakhas  somewhat  in  the  same  way 
as  the  MSS.  of  the  New  Testament  differ  from  each 
other.      The   Pratisakhyas,   besides    giving   general 

i  4 


120  PRATISAKHYAS. 

rules  for  the  proper  pronunciation  of  the  Vedic 
language  in  general,  were  intended  to  record  what 
was  peculiar  in  the  pronunciation  of  certain  teachers 
and  their  schools.  Even  in  cases  where  these  schools 
had  become  extinct,  we  find  the  names  of  their 
founders,  preserved  as  authorities  on  matters  con- 
nected with  the  pronunciation  of  certain  letters  or 
words. 

The  real  object  of  the  Pratisakhyas,  as  shown  be- 
fore, was  not  to  teach  the  grammar  of  the  old  sacred 
language,  to  lay  down  the  rules  of  declension  and 
conjugation,  or  the  principles  of  the  formation  of 
words.  This  is  a  doctrine  which,  though  it  could  not 
have  been  unknown  during  the  Vedic  period,  has  not 
been  embodied,  as  far  as  we  know,  in  any  ancient 
work.  The  Pratisakhyas  are  never  called  Vyakaranas, 
grammars1,  and  it  is  only  incidentally  that  they 
allude  to  strictly  grammatical  questions.  The  perfect 
phonetic  system  on  which  Panini's  grammar  is  built, 
is  no  doubt  taken  from  the  Pratisakhyas;  but  the 
sources  of  Panini's  strictly  grammatical  doctrines 
must  be  looked  for  elsewhere. 

Although,  then,  there  is  no  necessity  to  suppose  that 
every  one  of  the  numerous  Vedic  Sakhas  possessed 
full  and  complete  Pratisakhyas,  like  that  belonging 

1  According  to  the  first  Pratisakhya,  i.  58.,  IJT^T^^f^  WI 
their  rules  would  seem  to  affect  passages  of  the  Brahmanas  too,  like 
TtffT  ^JfT  i  &c. :  and  the  Commentator  adds,   ^^J   ^^^T|f 

fffJJ^^fq  |     Most  of  these  Praishas,  however,  are  taken  from  the 

hymns;  as,  for  instance,  the  words  ^tffT  ^Tsjfl^l     Rv«  *•  139.  10. 

This  is  different  for  the  Yajur-veda  where  the  general  rules  of  the 
Pratisakhya  extend  their  influence  to  the  sacrificial  invocations. 


PRATISAKHYAS.  121 

to  the  Sakala-sakha,  which  was  finally  collected  by 
Saunaka,  yet  the  great  number  of  previous  autho- 
rities quoted  in  our  Pratisakhyas  makes  it  likely 
that  a  large  number  of  similar  works  did  actually 
exist  for  the  principal  Sakhas  that  are  mentioned  in 
earlier  writings.  In  the  Pratijnaparisishta1  it  is  stated 
that  there  were  fifteen  codes  of  law  for  the  fifteen 
Sakhas  of  the  Vajasaneyins :  and  Kumarila  says  that 
the  text  of  these  Codes  of  law  and  of  the  Grihyas  was 
peculiar  in  each  Charana,  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
formal  rules  of  the  Pratisakhyas.2  Madhusudana 
Sarasvati's  definition  of  Pratisakhya  is  perfectly  in 
accordance  with  this  view  of  the  subject.  He  says : 
— "  The  Yeda 3  consists  of  two  parts :  one  teaching 
the  sacrifice,  the  other  teaching  Brahman,  or  the  Su- 

»  MS.  Bodl.  W.  510. : 

^wf  M^<ai  *tot^t  JfffreT:  Jrf^n§  ^  spwfr: I 

The  meaning  of  u  Yathasvaram  pratishthas"  is  doubtful.  Should  it 
mean  "  rules  with  reference  to  accents  ?"  If  so,  they  would  be  the 
rules  of  Pratisakhyas.  That  the  6akhas  differed  about  the  accents  is 
seen  in  the  case  of  the  Mandukeyas  and  6akalas.  Pratisakhya  1. 200. 

Katyayana,  as  the  author  of  a  Pratisakhya,  is  called   ^fTW^KT** 

2  Tantra  V.  I.  3.  (MS.  Bodl.  W.  325.  p.  15  b.) 

3  Veda  is  taken  here  in  the  general  sense  of  sacred  literature, 
as  Uvata  says, 

T<spsmi 

u  Every  single  collection  of  hymns  which  existed  at  anytime,  and 
in  any  place,  without  reference  to  the  divisions  in  each  Charana 
(sect),  is  called  Veda." 


122  PRATISAKHYAS. 

preme  Being.  As  there  are  three  different  branches 
of  the  ceremonial,  the  Veda  is,  for  the  better  per- 
formance of  the  sacrifices,  divided  into  three:  the 
Eig-Yeda,  Yajur-Veda,  and  Sama-Veda.  The  cere- 
monial of  the  Hotri  priests  is  performed  with  the 
.Rig- Veda;  that  of  the  Adhvaryu  priests  with  the 
Yajur-Veda;  that  of  the  Udgatri  priests  with  the 
S&ma-Veda.  The  duties  of  the  Brahman  priests,  and 
of  him  for  whom  the  sacrifice  is  offered,  are  also  con- 
tained in  these  three  Vedas.  The  Atharva-Veda  is 
not  used  for  solemn  sacrifices,  and  is  very  different 
from  the  others,  as  it  teaches  only  expiatory,  pre- 
servative, or  imprecatory  rites.  For  each  Veda 
there  are  several  Sakhas,  and  their  differences  arise 
from  various  readings." x  Afterwards  he  goes  on  to 
observe  that  "  the  rules  of  pronunciation  (siksha), 
which  apply  to  all  the  Vedas  in  general,  have  been 
explained  by  Panini,  but  that  the  same  rules,  as  they 
apply  to  the  Sakhas  of  each  Veda,  have  been  taught 
by  other  sages  under  the  title  of  Pratisakhyas."  2    If 

1  According  to  Madhusudana,  the  Brahman  part  of  the  Veda,  by 
which  he  can  only  mean  the  Upanishads,  is  not  affected  by  the 
peculiarities  of  the  Sakhas.  If  this  were  true,  it  would  only  prove 
the  late  origin  of  the  Upanishads.  Some  Upanishads,  however, 
show  traces  of  various  readings,  which  must  properly  be  attributed 
to  various  Sakhas.  This  is  admitted,  for  instance,  by  Sayana,  in 
his  Commentary  on  the  Yajniki  or  Narayaniya-upanishad.  "  Ta- 
diyapathasampradayo  desavisesheshu  bahuvidho  drisyate ;  tatra 
yadyapi  sakhabhedah  karanam  tathapi  Taittiriyadhyayakais  tat- 
taddesanivasibhih  sishtair  adritatvat,  sarvo'pi  patha  upadeya  eva." 
Ind.  Stud.  i.  76. ' 

2  See  also  Somesvara's  Tantra-varttikatika.  (MS.  E.  I.  II. 
1030.  p.  95.) 


TRATISAKHYAS.  123 

we  here  take  the  word  sakhas  (branches)  in  the  sense 
of  different  traditionary  texts  of  the  four  Yedas, 
Madhusiidana's  words  do  not  require  any  alteration ; 
they  would  become  obscure  if,  as  has  been  proposed, 
we  took  sakha  either  in  the  sense  of  "  a  school "  or 
of  "  a  portion  of  the  Veda." 

The  word  sakha  is  used,  however,  by  some  writers 
in  so  vague  a  manner  that  we  need  not  wonder  if  its 
meaning  has  sometimes  been  misapprehended.  "  Tra- 
ditional text  (recension)  of  the  Yeda  "  is  perhaps  the 
nearest  approach  to  its  real  meaning. 

The  word  is  sometimes  applied  to  the  three  original 
Sanhitas,  the  Rig-veda-sanhita,  Yajur-veda-sanhita, 
and  Sama-veda-sanhita1,  in  their  relation  to  one  an- 
other, and  without  any  reference  to  subordinate  sakhas 

ttctct:  irfw^  Trf?nT<  tTwttw  f%*r^WT  to^t- 

"  There  are  two  kinds  of  Siksha,  a  general  and  one  which  has 
regard  to  particulars.  It  is  true  that  the  authority  of  the 
general  Siksha,  is  established,  on  account  of  its  belonging  to 
the  Vedangas ;  but  in  order  to  remove  all  doubt  as  to  the 
authority  of  the  particular  6ikshas,  published  by  Katyayana 
and  others,  which  determine  the  pronunciation  of  each 
sentence  and  each  word,  it  is  clear  that  it  is  not  different 
from  the  other,  inasmuch  as  both  are  one  by  their  common 
character  of  Siksha,  although  they  are  spoken  of  separately. 
1  It  is  said  of  Sayana  that  he  wrote  commentaries  on  each  of 

the  6akhas  of  the  Rich,  Yajush  and  Sama. 

Ekaika  could  hardly  mean  "  one  from  among  the  Sakhas  of  each 
Veda." 


124  rRATISAKHYAS. 

belonging  to  each  of  them.  They  may  be  called  the 
original  branches  or  the  three  stems  of  the  Veda-tree, 
each  of  them  branching  off  again  in  a  number  of  other 
sakhas.  The  "  branches,"  as  Kumarila  says,  have  all 
the  same  root,  revelation  (sruti),  and  they  bear  all 
the  same  fruit,  the  sacrifice  (karma).  If  otherwise, 
they  would  be  different  trees,  not  different  branches.1 
In  the  same  acceptation  the  word  is  used  for  instance 
by  Apastamba,  where  he  is  giving  rules  as  to 
the  time  and  place  where  the  Veda  ought  not  to 
be  read.  He  says  there  (Sam.  Sutra,  3.  44,  45,)  that 
it  ought  not  to  be  rehearsed  where  music  or  Sama- 
hymns  are  performed,  and  he  adds,  that  Sama- 
hymns  ought  not  to  be  practised  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  another  sakh&,  that  is,  as  the  commentator 
observes,  of  another  Veda.2 

More  frequently,  however,  sakh&  is  used  to  signify 
the  various  editions,  or,  more  properly,  the  various 
traditions,  that  branched  off  from  each  of  the  three 
original  branches  of  the  Veda.  In  this  latter  sense 
sakha  seems  sometimes  synonymous  with  charana. 
But  there  was  originally  an  important  difference  in 
the  meaning  of  these  two  terms. 

3Tni  ^TITT  TPSftTII  The  first  Sutra  is  paraphrased  by  the 
Manavas,  iv.  123.,  €r*r^TT|^sft  ■infWfa  ^?T^I 


PRATISAK1IYAS.  125 

In  order  to  appreciate  the  difference  between  sakha 
and  charana,  it  need  only  be  remembered  that  we 
find  "  sakham  adhite,"  "he  reads  a  certain  recension  of 
the  Veda,"  but  never  "charanam  adhite,"  still  less  "pa- 
rishadam  adhite,"  "he  reads  a  Charana  or  a  Parishad." 
Hence  it  is  clear  that  sakha  means  originally  a  lite- 
rary work,  and  that  Charana  does  not.  If  sakha  is 
sometimes  used  in  the  sense  of  charana  or  sect,  this  is 
because  in  India  the  sakhas  existed  in  reality  not  as 
written  books,  but  only  in  the  tradition  of  the 
Charanas,  each  member  of  a  Charana  representing 
what,  in  our  modern  times,  we  should  call  the  copy 
of  a  book. 

The  Brahmans  themselves  were  fully  aware  of  this 
difference  between  sakha  and  charana.  In  a  Yarttika 
to  Panini,  iv.  1.  63.,  we  find  charana  explained  by 
sakhadhyetri,  &c,  "  the  readers  of  a  sakM."  In  a 
passage  of  Jagaddhara's  Commentary  on  Malatima- 
dhava,  Charana  is  said  to  mean  "  a  number  of  men 
who  are  pledged  to  the  reading  of  a  certain  sakhd  of 
the  Yeda,  and  who  have  in  this  manner  become  one 
body." 1  Panini 2  speaks  of  Charanas  as  constituting 
a  multitude,  that  is  to  say,  as  comprising  a  number 
of  followers.  In  Apastamba's  Samayacharika-siitras, 
where  rules  are  given  as  to  the  relative  age  of  persons 
who  ought  to  be  saluted,  the  Charanas  or  members  of 
the  same  Charana  are  mentioned  immediately  after 
the  Paurasakhyam,  or  town  acquaintances ;   and  in 

Cf.  Zur  Litteratur,  p.  57 

2  Pan.  iv.  2.  46.  ^R^faiV  ^*foffN  scil.  ^^T^. 


126  PRATISAKH  YAS. 

the  third  place  stand  the  Srotriya-Brahmans.1 
Panini  speaks  of  the  Kathaka  and  Kalapaka  as 
works  belonging  to  the  Charanas  of  the  Kathas  and 
Kalapas.2  In  a  Yarttika  to  iv.  1.  63.,  women  are 
mentioned  as  belonging  to  a  Charana;  for  Kathi 
is  the  wife  or  daughter  of  a  Brahman  who  belongs 
to  the  Charana,  or  reads  the  Sakha,  of  the  Kathas. 
A  sakha,  which  is  always  a  portion  of  the  Sruti, 
cannot  properly  include  law  books.  But  followers  of 
certain  Sakhas  might  well,  in  the  course  of  time, 
adopt  a  code  of  laws,  which,  as  it  was  binding  on  their 
Charana  only,  would  naturally  go  by  the  name  of 
their  Charana.  That  this  actually  took  place  may  be 
seen  from  a  Yarttika  to  Pan.  iv.  3.  120.,  where  it  is 
said  that  Kathaka  may  be  used  not  only  for  the  sacred 
traditions,  but  also  for  the  laws  of  the  Kathas.  Thus 
the  Pratisakhyas  also  were  called  by  the  name  of  the 
Charanas,  because  they  were  the  exclusive  property 
of  the  readers  of  certain  sakhas,  and  even  more 
so  than  the  Kuladharmas  or  family-laws. 

As  a  sakh&  consisted  of  a  Sanhita  as  well  as  a 
Brahmana,  at  all  events  in  later  times,  differences  in 
the  text  of  the  hymns,  as  well  as  discrepancies  in 
the  Brahmanas,  might  lead  to  the  establishment  of 
new  Charanas,  founded  as  they  were  on  sacred  texts 
peculiar  to  themselves.3     Sakhas  of  this  kind,  which 

1  Ap.  i.  4.  4.  The  Commentator  says  that  "^T^W^®^*  "3TT" 
Vminj  ^*^  I  Charana,  therefore,  means  a  member  of  a 
Charana.  Lassen  (Ind.  Alterthumsk.  i.  640.)  takes  Charana  in  the 
sense  of  wandering  poets,  so  named  still  in  Western  India. 

2  Pan.  iv.  3.  126.  "jflr^^TWT^^T    scil.  TT^TO- 

3  Mahadeva's  Hiranyakesibhashya : 


PRATIS  AKH  YAS.  127 

differed  through  the  various  readings  of  the  Sruti, 
were  considered  by  the  Brahmans  as  eternal  sakhas, 
and  the  Charanas,  to  which  they  belonged,  were  not 
supposed  to  have  been  founded  by  human  authors.1 
It  will  be  seen  hereafter  that  the  Brahmans  ad- 
mitted another  class  of  sakhas,  which  were  founded 
on  Sutras2  and  derived  their  names  from  historical 
personages.     They  were  confessedly  of  a  later  date. 

But  although,  after  a  careful  examination  of  these 
passages,  we  cannot  doubt  that  there  was  an  ori- 
ginal difference  between  sakha  and  charana,  it  is  not 
the  less  certain  that  these  two  words  were  frequently 
used  synonymously3;  in  the  same  way  as  we  may 
speak  of  the  Jews  when  we  mean  the  Old  Testament, 
or  of  the  Koran  when  we  mean  the  Mohammedans. 

wmu 

"  Any  portion  of  oral  tradition  consisting  of  Mantras  and  Brah- 
manas  is  called  a  sakha,  and  it  is  clear  that  differences  of 
either  the  Mantras  or  Brahmanas  will  necessarily  lead,  in  the 
Veda,  to  a  variety  of  subordinate  sakhas." 

1  ^psrSIW^  I  ^T^tJ^T  STTf^:i  "  The  various  sakhas 
which  arise  from  various  readings  are  eternal." 

TTTT  ^"^TfW  I  Mahadeva's  Commentary  on  the  Hiranyakesi- 
sutra. 

3   Cf.  Nirukta,  i.   17.,  where   IJe^^TjrrcfT    is   explained   by 

^SlUslirKlWI     and  Pan.  ii.  4.  3.  ^R^:  TTnsTTI     P&nu  vi. 

3.86. 


128  PRATISAKHYAS. 

After  having  established  the  difference  between  sa- 
kha  and  charana,  we  have  still  to  inquire  how  both  dif- 
fer from  parishad,  in  order  to  determine  the  meaning 
of  Parshada,  another  title  which  is  frequently  applied 
to  the  Pratisakhyas.  Here  it  is  important  to  observe 
that  although  every  Pratisakhya  may  be  called  a 
Parshada1,  I.  e.  a  work  belonging  to  a  Parishad,  not 
every  Parshada  can  be  called  a  Pratisakhya,  but 
those  only  which  contain  the  rules  of  pronunciation 
for  a  particular  sakha  or  text  of  the  Vedic  hymns, 
studied  and  taught  in  certain  Parishads.2  Amara 
explains  parishad  by  sabha  or  goshthi,  an  assembly ; 
but  the  codes  of  law  lay  down  more  accurately  the 
number,  age,  and  qualifications  of  the  Brahman s, 
necessary  to  form  such  an  assembly  as  should  be 
competent  to  give  decisions  on  all  points  on  which 
the  people,  or,  if  we  may  say  so,  the  parishioners, 
might  demand  advice.  That  such  Parishads  or 
Brahmanic  settlements  existed  in  old  times,  we  see  in 
the  Brihadaranyaka3,  where  it  is  said  that  Svetaketu 

1  Parshada,  instead  of  Parishada.     Cf.  Pan.  iv.  3.  123. 

2  I  doubt  the  existence  of  a  word  like  "JTH^f^/T'Tnif^fj  which 
Dr.  Roth  mentions  (Zur  Litteratur,  p.  16.).  One  may  speak  of 
M^IHl«lt  ITftN^  or  ^IQrPft  tff^Cj^  &c,  and  a  Pratisakhya 
current  in  one  of  these  Parishads  may,  perhaps,  be  called 
^JtPTPvT*  But  TP2rf^r*T  is  not  the  name  of  a  Parishad,  but  of 
a  6akha ;  and  therefore  the  Commentary  on  Gobhila  speaks  of  a 
^TP^f^  *l  3^ I  *sTl *4  Hjf^^T^l  I   Dut  could  not  weH  nave  spoken 

of  a  W3Tn!t^TfTOTT3ill 

3  Lrih.  Ar.  vi.  2.  ipfVcff  wt  ^rr^fa:  *HT*rr«rf  *rfr- 


PHATISAKHYAS.  129 

went  to  the  Parishad  of  the  Panchalas,  and  many 
similar  passages.  The  character  of  a  Parishad  is 
described  in  Manu's  Code  of  Laws,  xii.  110 — 113., 
and  by  Yajnavalkya,  i.  9.,  where  we  have  the  con- 
tracted form  Parshad  instead  of  Parishad.  According 
to  the  ideas  of  these  modern  writers  a  Parishad  ought 
to  consist  of  twenty-one  Brahmans  well  versed  in 
philosophy,  theology,  and  law.1  This  number,  how- 
ever, can  be  reduced  according  to  circumstances,  as 
will  be  seen  from  passages  of  Parasara's  Dharmasastra. 
It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  rules  laid  down  in 
these  law-books  have  always  been  observed  in  the 
formation  of  a  Parishad,  particularly  as  regards  the 
early  times  of  India ;  yet  we  may  be  able  to  form 
some  conception  of  their  original  character,  by  seeing 
what  has  become  of  them  in  later  times.  Parasara 
says 2 :  "  Four,  or  even  three  able  men  from  amongst 
the  Brahmans  in  a  village,  (gramamadhye)  who 
know  the  Veda,  and  keep  the  sacrificial  fire,  form  a 
Parishad. 


130  pkatisakiiyas. 

M  Or,  if  they  do  not  keep  the  sacrificial  fire,  five  or 
three  who  have  studied  the  Vedas  and  Vedangas, 
and  know  the  law,  may  well  form  a  Parishad. 

"  Of  old  sages  who  possess  the  highest  knowledge  of 
the  Divine  Self,  who  are  twice-born,  perform  sacri- 
fices, and  have  purified  themselves  in  the  duties  of 
the  Yeda,  one,  also,  may  be  considered  as  a  Parishad. 

u  Thus,  iive  kinds  of  Parishads  have  been  described 
by  me ;  but  if  they  all  fail,  three  independent  men 
may  form  a  Parishad." 

Madhava,  in  his  Commentary  on  Parasara,  quotes 
a  similar  passage1  from  Brihaspati's  Code : — "  Where 
seven,  live,  or  three  Brahmans,  who  know  the  customs 
of  the  world,  the  Vedangas  (or  the  Vedas  and  the 
Angas),  and  the  law,  have  settled,  that  assembly  is 
like  a  sacrifice."  The  real  difference,  therefore,  be- 
tween a  Charana  and  a  Parishad,  seems  to  be  that  the 
former  signifies  an  ideal  succession  of  teachers  and 
pupils  who  learn  and  teach  a  certain  branch  of  the 
Veda ;  while  the  latter  means  a  settlement  of 
Brahmans,  a  community  or  college  to  which  members 
of  any  Charana  might  belong.  Thus  members  of 
the  same  Charana  might  be  fellows  of  different 
Parishads,  and  fellows  of  the  same  Parishad  might 
be  members  of  different  Charanas.2 

2  See  Goblrilabhashya,  MS.  W.  72.  p.  71.  a.  WTT*5  ^jft^r^ 

^Y^^r^Tf^gti    com.  tts   uRt^t    fspsR^N 


PRATISAKHYAS.  131 

Now  as  Parshada  may  be  used  as  the  title  of  any 
work  that  belonged  to  a  Parishad,  or  formed,  so  to 
say,  the  traditional  library  of  the  Parishadyas,  it  is 
clear  that  this  title  could  not  be  confined  to  the  Pra- 
tisakhyas, though  it  would  necessarily  include  them. 
If  a  follower  of  the  6  akala- charana  was  a  fellow  of  the 
Vatsa-parishad,  the  Sakala-pratisakhya  would  neces- 
sarily be  one  of  the  Parshada  works  of  the  Yatsas, 
and  the  Parishad  of  the  Yatsas  would  through  this 
fellow  be  connected  with  the  Sakala- charana.  This  is 
what  Durga  means  when  in  the  Commentary  on  the 
Nirukta1  he  says  "that  those  Parshadas  only  are  called 
Pratisakhyas  which  are  adopted  in  a  Parishad  of  one's 
own  Charana  for  teaching  certain  grammatical  doc- 
trines connected  with  the  reading  of  the  Yeda  ac- 
cording to  one  or  the  other  Sakha."  The  Pratisakhyas 
are  in  fact  a  subdivision  of  the  Parshada  books,  and 

Sf^nft^TfT  I)  The  expression  Tf^T^  "  thus  say  some,"  which 
occurs  frequently  in  the  Sutras,  is  stated  to  refer  to  different 
Sakhas,    \JTHjfa«J%||    Com.   "S^faifV    ?nf%*f    ^TTl?:  I 

*T*4of  «T  *nf*Rr  Tf^Hh  I  Narayana's  Commentary  on  Gobhila, 
MS.  W.  72.  page  23.  b. 

i  Nir.  i.  i7.  f%  qT^rrt^i  ^twRN  ^:  iffitsrra 

"  Those  Parshada  books  by  which  in  a  Parishad  (parish  or  college) 
of  one's  own  Charana  (sect),  the  peculiarities  of  accent,  Sanhita 
and  Krama-reading,  of  Pragrihya-vowels  and  separation  of 
words,  are  laid  down  as  enjoined  for  and  restricted  to  certain 
6akhas  (branches  or  recensions  of  the  Veda),  are  called  Pra- 
tisakhyas." 

K   2 


132  PRATISAKHYAS. 

in  this  sense  it  might  well  be  said  that  Pratisakhya 
is  an  adjective  to  Parshada.1 

After  the  true  meaning  of  Sakha,  Charana,  and 
Parishad,  of  Pratisakhya  and  Parshada,  has  thus 
been  determined,  we  have  still  to  inquire  about  those 
other  works,  which  together  with  the  Pratisakhyas 
were  mentioned  as  the  peculiar  property  of  the 
Charanas.  I  mean  the  Kula-dharmas,  or  law  books. 
They  of  course  could  not  be  called  Pratisakhyas,  but 
they  might  claim  the  title  of  Charanas,  (a  name 
which  has  not  been  met  with,)  or  Parshadas.  Now 
we  saw  before  that  Apastamba  actually  refers  to  the 
Parishads  in  his  Samayacharika-sutras  (1.  11.), 
where,  after  having  pointed  out  the  days  on 
which  the  Veda  ought  not  to  be  repeated,  he  re- 
marks, that  farther  particulars  on  this  point  are  to 
be  found  in  the  Parishads.2  What  does  this  mean  ? 
All  that  Haradatta  has  to  say  in  the  commen- 
tary on  this  very  passage,  is  that  by  Parishads 
must  here  be  understood  the  Manava,  Vasishtha, 
and  other  Dharmasastras.3  These  Dharmasastras, 
however,  as  we  now  possess  them,  betray  their 
comparatively  modern  origin  by  their  form  and  metre, 
and  occasionally  by  their  matter  also.  As  many  of 
them  have  been  printed  at  Calcutta,  it  may  be  seen 
that  the  majority  of  these  small  &loka  works  are 
utterly  worthless.    They  were  probably  made  up  only 

1  See  Dr.  Roth,  Zur  Litteratur,  p.  58. 


FRATISAKIIYAS.  133 

in  order  to  fill  the  gap  which  had  been  occasioned  by 
the  loss  of  ancient  legal  works.  This  loss  was  felt  the 
more  severely  because  the  names  of  the  old  authors 
retained  their  celebrity,  and  were  still  quoted  in 
common  practice  and  courts  of  law.  I  have  suc- 
ceeded, however,  in  recovering  in  manuscript  large 
portions  of  the  Kula-dharmas,  which  are  written  in 
Sutras,  as  might  be  expected  in  works  contempo- 
raneous with  the  Pratisakhyas.  It  has  been  thought 
that  the  sources  of  Manu  and  other  Dharmasastras 
must  be  looked  for  in  the  Grihya-sutras.  This  is  not 
quite  correct.  The  Grihya-sutras  are  concerned 
chiefly  with  the  Sanskaras,  or  domestic  sacraments,  ex- 
tending from  the  birth  to  the  marriage  of  a  man,  and 
in  so  far  only  as  these  sacraments  form  a  portion  of 
the  subjects  treated  in  the  Dharmasastras,  the  Grihya- 
sutras  might  be  considered  as  their  original  sources. 
But  then  the  same  might  be  said  of  the  Srauta-sutras, 
because  the  solemn  sacrifices  prescribed  by  them  are 
likewise  alluded  to  in  the  Codes  of  Law.  By  far 
the  greater  portion,  however,  of  these  codes  is  taken 
up  with  Ach&ra,  i.  e.  laws,  manners,  and  customs. 
The  difference  between  these  observances  and  the 
ceremonies  laid  down  in  the  other  two  branches  of 
Sutras  is  this :  the  domestic  sacraments  (grihya),  as 
well  as  the  solemn  sacrifices  (srauta),  are  administered 
by  parents  or  priests  for  the  good  of  their  children 
and  pupils,  while  the  Achara  comprises  all  the  duties 
which  are  to  be  performed  by  an  individual  on  his 
own  behalf.'  These  duties  refer  to  the  different  castes, 

i  *  The  threefold  division  of  Dharma  is  pointed  out  by  the  Prayo- 
gavaijayanti.     (MS.  Bodl.  W.  68,  p.  16.  a.)   ^:     Ifi^    fafft 

K    3 


134  PRATISAKHYAS. 

and  to  the  respective  occupations  of  each.  The  rules 
of  discipline  for  the  young  student,  the  occupations  of 
the  married  man,  the  law  of  inheritance,  the  duties  of 
the  king,  the  administration  of  the  law,  are  accurately 
detailed  in  these  Sutras.  They  are  of  great  im- 
portance for  forming  a  correct  view  of  the  old  state 
of  society  in  India,  and  the  loss  of  the  larger  num- 
ber of  them  is  greatly  to  be  regretted.  Their  general 
title  is  Samayacharika-sutras,  or  Dharmasutras,  and 
they  form  the  third  part  to  the  Srauta  and  Grihya- 
sutras.  Thus  we  have,  besides  the  Srauta  and 
Grihya-sutras  of  Apastamba,  a  collection  of  Sama- 
yacharika-sutras belonging  to  the  same  Charana  of 
the  Apastambas,  the  members  of  which,  as  Kumarila 
tells  us,  followed  one  of  the  Sakhas  of  the  Taittiriya- 
veda.  Another  collection  of  Dharmasutras,  which, 
however,  is  liable  to  critical  doubts,  belongs  to  the 
Gautamas,  a  Charana  of  the  Sama-veda.  It  has 
been  printed  at  Calcutta.  A  third  one  bears  the 
name  of  Vishnu,  and  has  been  printed  at  Calcutta, 
enlarged  by  modern  additions  written  in  Slokas. 
The  Yasishtha-dharma-sastra,  printed  at  Calcutta, 
belongs  likewise,  at  least  in  part,  to  this  class  of  Dhar- 
masutras. Whether  we  shall  succeed  in  finding  still 
more  of  these  Sutra  works  is  questionable,  though 
prose  quotations  from  other  Dharmasastras  would 
justify  this  expectation.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  how- 
ever, that   all  the  genuine   metrical   Dharmasastras 

*r:i  wtfk;i\  *nf:  yftfet  wt«t  sftwwto:  (sic-)i 
writ  fWtai  fiterfrsa^N  xfiU 

"  B  ludhayaiia  says,  the  highest  law  is  that  contained  in  each 
Veda,  which  we  shall  follow  in  our  explanation  ;  the  second  is 
the  traditional  law ;  the  third,  the  customs  of  eminent  sages." 


PRATISAKHYAS.  135 

which  we  possess  now,  are,  without  any  exception, 
nothing  but  more  modern  texts  of  earlier  Sutra- works 
or  Kula-dharmas  belonging  originally  to  certain  Vedic 
Charanas.1 

To  return  to  those  works  of  the  Parshada  litera- 
ture which  are  known  by  the  name  of  Pratisakhyas, 
I  may  refer  for  further  particulars  to  Dr.  Roth's 
valuable  observations  on  this  branch  of  literature. 
To  him  belongs  the  merit  of  having  first  pointed  out 
in  manuscript  four  of  these  works.  The  first  is 
ascribed  to  Saunaka,  and  belongs  to  the  Sakala-sakhft 
of  the  Rig-veda.  I  call  it  the  Sakala-pratisakhya, 
not  the  Saisira-pratisakhya,  though  it  pretends  to 
follow,  like  Saunaka's  Anukramani,  the  Sanhita  of 
the  Saisiriya-sakh&,  which  is  itself  a  subordinate 
branch  of  the  Sakala-sakha.2  Sisira,  however,  is 
never  mentioned  in  this  or  any  other  Pratisakhya, 
as  an  authority  on  grammatical  questions. 

It  is  doubtful  how  far  the  rules  given  by  Saunaka 

1  See  Prof.  Stenzler's  Introduction  to  his  edition  of  Yajna- 
valkya,  and  his  remarks  on  Indian  Law-books  in  Indische  Studien, 
i.  232. 

tot  g^TO  ^i  *pr^T  'rr^^r  Ttm*  fifsp*;: 
farfaw^i  ^^  ttttot:  f^-srr:  in^rrH^TT^ff^T 
Tfiti  tot  ^  ^t^t  fifoffarai  *jfl<iT*nf*Tf?tl  tot 

^7^   MKl±JUJl*l3    ^T^%  fffscfta^fafft  ^Tl     The 

verses  to  which  the  commentary  refers  are  not  in  the  MS.  See 
also  Vishnu  Parana,  p.  277.  n.^nf^  ?lftnf^|*H   ^f%rn^?t 

k  4 


136  PRATISAKHYAS, 

in  his  Pratisakhya,  can  be  considered  as  representing 
the  general  opinion  of  the  Sakalas.  Saunaka,  no 
doubt,  wrote  for  the  Sakalas,  to  whom  he  likewise 
addresses  his  Anukramani.  But  the  author  of  the 
Pratisakhya  occasionally  quotes  the  opinions  of  the 
Sakalas,  as  different  from  his  own,  and  speaks  of 
them  in  the  same  manner  as  he  alludes  to  the 
opinions  of  other  grammarians.  He  mentions  (i. 
65.)  the  iSakalas  as  observing  a  certain  peculiar 
pronunciation  out  of  respect  for  their  master,  who 
seems  to  have  sanctioned  it  in  his  own  rules.  Who 
this  master  was  is  difficult  to  say.  But  it  is  most 
likely  the  same  who  (i.  52.)  is  called  the  Master, 
Yedamitra  (friend  of  the  Veda),  and  who  (i.  223.) 
is  called  SakalyapitEi,  the  father  of  S&kalya.  His 
opinions,  if  we  may  judge  by  i.  232.,  differed  from 
those  of  the  younger  Sakalya.  In  i.  185.  we  meet 
with  him  again  under  the  name  of  Sakalya  Sthavira, 
S&kalya  the  elder,  and  he  is  there  represented  as  ad- 
vocating a  pronunciation  from  which  Saunaka,  the 
author  of  the  Pratisakhya,  dissents.  In  i.  199. 
Saunaka  adopts  the  opinion  of  !§akalya,  and  in  i.  208. 
he  likewise  mentions  him  with  approbation.  But  all 
this  would  only  tend  to  show  that  Saunaka  does  not 
consider  himself  bound  to  follow  either  Sakalya  or 
the  father  of  Sakalya,  implicitly.1 

There  is  not  a  single  MS.  at  present  existing  of  the 
Kig-veda  in  which  the  rules  of  our  Pratisakhya  are 
uniformly  observed,  and  the  same  applies  to  the  MSS. 

*r*rnrti  Jmnro^niMi  K^i^fw  ^t^^tt:!!  com. 

1  In  xiii.  12.  Sakalya  is  mentioned  as  one  of  three  Acharyas, 
Vyali,  6akalya,  Gargya. 


PRATISAKIIYAS.  137 

of  the  other  Vedas.  The  rules  of  the  Pratisakhyas 
were  not  intended  for  written  literature,  they  were 
only  to  serve  as  a  guide  in  the  instruction  of  pupils 
who  had  to  learn  the  text  of  the  Veda  by  heart,  and 
to  repeat  it,  as  part  of  their  daily  devotions.  As  Sau- 
naka  was  himself  a  member  of  the  Sakalas,  we  may 
quote  his  Pratisakhya  as  the  Sakala-pratisakhya.  But 
strictly  speaking  it  could  only  be  called  one  of  the 
Sakala-pratisakhyas,  preserved  by  the  pupils  of 
Saunaka,  who,  soon  after,  formed  themselves  into  a 
new  Charana,  under  the  name  of  Saunakiyas.1 

The  second  Pratisakhya  belongs  to  the  ancient 
text  of  the  Yajur-veda.  There  is  only  one  MS.  of  it 
at  the  Bodleian  Library,  together  with  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  Commentary,  the  Tribhashyaratna. 
Professor  Wilson,  in  his  catalogue  of  the  Mackenzie 
Collection  (i.  7,  No.  xxxiii.)  mentions  another  MS., 
"  The  Pratisakhya  of  the  Yajur-veda,  with  a  Bh&- 
shya  or  comment,  entitled  Tribhashyaratna,  from 
its  being  said  to  be  the  substance  of  the  works  of 
three  celebrated  sages,  Atreya,  Mahisha,  and  Ya- 
raruchi."  To  what  particular  Sakha  of  the  Black 
Yajur-veda  this  Pratisakhya  belonged  it  is  difficult  to 
determine.  It  quotes  several  of  the  Charanas,  be- 
longing to  the  Black  Yajur-veda,  such  as  Taittiriyakas, 
Ahvarakas,  Ukhya,  the  founder  of  the  Aukhiyas,  and 
Bharadvaja,  the  founder  of  the  Bharadvajins.  It  also 
alludes  to  Mimansakas,  a  school  of  philosophers,  men- 
tioned in  none  of  the  other  Pratisakhyas.  Until  we 
receive  some  more  complete  MSS.  of  this  work  we  can 
only  say  that  it  belongs  to  some  Sakha  of  the  Tait- 
tiriya  or  Black  Yajur-veda.     Its  grammatical  termi- 

1  This  Pratisakhya  has  lately  been  edited  by  M.  A.  Regnier,  in 
the  "  Journal  Asiatique." 


138  PRATISAKHYAS. 

nology,  as  might  be  expected,  is  less  advanced  and 
less  artificial  than  that  of  the  Pratisakhya  of  the 
modern  or  White  Yajur-veda. 

The  third  Pratisakhya  is  ascribed  to  the  Sakha  of 
the  M&dhyandinas,  one  of  the  subdivisions  of  the 
Yajasaneyins1 ;  though,  perhaps,  on  the  same  grounds 
as  those  stated  above  with  regard  to  the  iSakala-prati- 
sakhya,  it  might  seem  more  correct  to  call  it  the  Pra- 
tisakhya of  the  Katyayaniyas,  a  subdivision  of  the 
IMadhyandinas.  It  was  composed  by  Katyayana,  and 
shows  a  considerable  advance  in  grammatical  techni- 
calities. There  is  nothing  in  its  style  that  could  be 
used  as  a  tenable  argument  why  Katyayana,  the 
author  of  the  Pratisakhya  should  not  be  the  same  as 
Katyayana,  the  contemporary  and  critic  of  Panini. 
It  is  true  that  Panini's  rules  are  intended  for  a  lan- 
guage which  was  no  longer  the  pure  Sanskrit  of  the 
Yedas.  The  Vedic  idiom  is  treated  by  him  as  an  ex- 
ception, whereas  Katyayana's  Pratisakhya  seems  to 
belong  to  a  period  when  there  existed  but  one  recog- 
nised literature,  that  of  the  Rishis.  This,  however, 
is  not  quite  the  case.  Katyayana  himself  alludes  to 
the  fact  that  there  were  at  least  two  languages. 
"  There  are  two  words,"  he  says  (i.  17.)  2,  "  om  and 
atha,  both  used  in  the  beginning  of  a  chapter ;  but  om 
is  used  in  the  Yedas,  atha  in  the  Bh&shyas."  As  Ka- 
tyayana himself  writes  in  the  Bhashya  or  the  common 
language,  there  is  no  reason  why  he  should  not  have 
composed  rules  on  the  grammar  of  the  profane  San- 
skrit, as  well  as  on  the  pronunciation  of  the  Yedic 
idiom. 
■    Some  of  Katyayana's  Sutras  are   now   found   re- 

1  It  has  been  edited  by  Prof.  Weber,  Indischo  Studien,  vol.  iv. 

2  Indische  Studien,  iv.  p.  103. 


A »A 


PEATISAKHYAS.  139 

pcated  ipsissimis  verbis  in  Panini's  grammar.  This 
might  seem  strange  ;  but  we  know  that  not  all  the 
Sutras  now  incorporated  in  his  grammar  came  from 
Panini  himself,  and  it  is  most  likely  that  Katyayana, 
in  writing  his  supplementary  notes  to  Panini,  simply 
repeated  some  of  his  Pratisakhya-sutras,  and  that,  at 
a  later  time,  some  of  these  so-called  Varttikas  became 
part  of  the  text  of  Panini. 

The  fourth  Pratisakhya  belongs  to  the  Atharva- 
veda.  It  is  called  Saunakiya  Chaturadhyayika,  and 
was,  therefore,  no  doubt  the  property  of  the  Sauna- 
kiyas,  a  Charana  of  the  Atharva-veda.  The  name  of 
the  author  is  unknown,  and  we  possess  as  yet  but  one 
MS.,  and  that  a  very  imperfect  one,  in  the  Koyal 
Library  at  Berlin.  That  it  belongs  to  a  Sakha  of  the 
Atharvana,  is  indicated  by  its  very  beginning1,  and 
one  of  its  first  rules  is  quoted  by  the  commentator  on 
the  Sakala-pratisakhya  as  belonging  to  an  Atharvana- 
pratisakhya.2  Besides,  in  the  fourth  chapter  of  the 
fourth  and  last  book  special  reference  is  made  to 
Atharvana  sacrifices.3  We  can  hardly  sjuppose  that 
iSaunaka,  the  author  of  the  Pratisakhya  of  the  Rig- 
veda,  was  at  the  same  time  the  author  of  this  Sau- 
nakiya  Chaturadhyayika.  iSaunaka,  whose  name 
never  occurs  in  the  Sakala- pratisakhya4,  is  quoted  in 

4  I  still  doubt  the  genuineness  of  the  first  verse  of  the  6akala- 
pratisakhya  where  &uunaka's  name  has  been  foisted  in  at  the  end. 
The  emendation  which  I  proposed  in  my  edition  of  the  6akala- 
prfitisfikhya,  requires  the  admission  of  a  so-called  ij  adipurana  in 
tvddi. 


140  PRATISAKIIYAS, 

the  Chaturadhyayika,  i.  1.  8.1  The  grammatical  ter- 
minology of  this  little  tract  is  far  in  advance  of  the 
technical  terms  used  by  Saunaka.  Yet  there  is  a  cer- 
tain connection  between  the  two  books,  and  it  is  most 
likely  that  the  author  of  the  Chaturadhyayika  was  a 
member  of  the  Saunakiya-charana,  founded  by  the 
author  of  the  Sakala-pratisakhya.  Nay  it  seems  as  if 
its  author  had  retained  something  of  the  allegiance 
which  Saunaka  owed  to  Sakalya  and  the  iSakalas. 
In  one  instance,  where  Panini  quotes  the  opinions  of 
Sakalya,  the  original  is  found  in  the  Chaturadhyayika, 
and  not  in  the  J§akala-pratisakhya.  We  are  told  by 
Panini,  that  Sakalya  pronounced  the  o  of  the  voca- 
tive to  be  unchangeable  (pragrihya),  if  followed  by 
the  particle  iti?  Exactly  the  same  rule,  and  in  the 
very  same  words,  is  given  in  the  Atharvana-prati- 
sakhya3,  whereas  the  Sakala-pratisakhya  teaches  first, 
that  the  o  of  the  vocative  is  pragrihya  (i.  69)4;  se- 
condly, that  it  is  liable  to  certain  changes  (i.  132, 
135) ;  and  lastly,  that  all  pragrihya  vowels  are  un- 
changeable,, if  followed  by  iti  (i.  155).  In  none  of 
these  Sutras  do  we  find  the  exact  words  which  Panini 
quotes,  and  which  are  found  in  the  Atharvana-prati- 
sakhya.  Again,  Panini  (viii.  3,  19.)  ascribes  the 
dropping  of  y  and  v  in  vishna  iha  instead  of  vishnav 
iha,  in  hara  ehi  instead  of  haray  ehi,  to  Sakalya. 
Now  it  is  true  that  this  process  is  not  unknown  in  the 
Sakala-pratisakhya,  but  it  there  assumes  quite  a  dif- 

1  The  quotation  refers  to  6akala-pr.  i.  114. 

^  l  1. 16.  *N^fV  in^r^^ffT^n^ii 

3  I-  3.  19.   ^T^f^rff^rTTwill 

«  i.  69.  ^cjth  wff^cra:  mm:  i 


PRATISAKHYAS.  141 

ferent  aspect  (i.  129. 132. 135) ;  whereas,  in  the  Cha- 
turadhyayika the  explanation  is  very  much  the  same 
as  in  Panini.1  Panini  quotes  in  the  same  place  (viii. 
3.  18.)  the  spelling  adopted  in  these  cases  by  Sakata- 
yana.2  This  is  mentioned  likewise  in  'immediate  con- 
nection with  the  rules  which  precede  it  in  the  Athar- 
vana-pratisakhya ;  it  is  not  mentioned  at  all  in  the  Sa- 
kala- pratisakhya.  It  has  been  supposed3  that  a  rule, 
which  in  Katy  ay  ana's  Pratisakhya  is  ascribed  to  &au- 
naka,  was  taken  from  the  Chaturadhyayika,  and  that 
therefore  Katyayana' s  Pratisakhya  was  later  than  that 
of  the  Atharva-veda.  But  the  rule  ascribed  to  Saunaka 
by  Katyayana  is,  that  a  final  tenuis,  if  followed  by  a 
sibilant  of  a  different  class,  is  changed  into  the  aspirate, 
whereas  according  to  the  Chaturadhyayika  (II.  1.6.)  a 
tenuis,  followed  by  a  sibilant  of  its  own  class,  would 
have  to  be  aspirated.4  It  must  be  admitted,  however, 
that  no  such  rule  as  that  ascribed  by  Katyayana  to 
Saunaka  is  found  in  the  Sakala-pratisakhya,  and, 
in  other  respects,  the  Pratisakhya  of  Katyayana  shows 
traces  of  more  modern  origin  than  the  Chatura- 
dhyayika. 

i  ii.  i.  2i.  ^ki«h3i:  ^trr^T:  n  ttt  x&i  *xm:  11 

ii.  1.   22.    «HchKl3<ftK<al|     ^TTf^Tll     ».  I-  23.   l\f^J 

TT^^TJT  ^f^T  tJ||  Forms  like  ubha  u,  instead  of  ubhav  u,  sanc- 
tioned by  the  &akala-pr.  i.  129,  would  offend  against  the  rule  of 
the  Atharvana-pratisakhya. 

2  ^^frKfW33  TTT3Tdl*M^II 

3  Indische  Studien,  iv.  249. 

4  Katyayana   would   write   "^"^TT    *TRJ>    f=Kld"    W§\     the 

Chaturadhyayika,    "^fW^  *TTO    f^<li5    W§\\ 


142 


PKATISAKIIYAS. 


The  following  list  gives  the  names  of  the  principal 
authorities  quoted  in  the  gakala-pratisakhya,  the 
Taittiriya-pratisakhya,  the  Katyayaniya-pratisakhya, 
the  Chaturadhyayika,  the  Nirukta,  and  Panini.  I 
have  availed  myself  of  the  lists  given  by  1  loth,  Weber, 
and  Bbhtlingk ;  and  though  I  do  not  pretend  that  my 
own  list  is  complete,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  show 
the  active  interest  which  was  taken  in  grammatical 
subjects  at  that  early  period: — 


1.  Agnivesya.  T. 

2.  Agnivesyayana.  T. 

3.  Agrayana.  N. 

4.  Atreya.  T. 

5.  Anyatareya.  g.  Ch. 

6.  Apisali.  P. 

7.  Ahvarakas.  T. 

8.  TJkhya.  T. 

9.  Uttamottariyas.(?)T. 

10.  Udichyas.  P. 

11.  Audumbarayana.  N. 

12.  Aupamanyava.  N. 

13.  Aupasivi.  K. 

14.  Aurnavabha.  N. 

15.  Kandamayana,  T. 

16.  Kanva.  K. 

17.  Katthakya.  N. 

18.  Kasyapa.  K.  P. 

19.  Kaundinya.  T. 

20.  Kautsa.  N. 

21.  Kauhaliputra.  T. 

22.  Kraushtuki.  N. 

23.  Gargya*  g.  K.  N.  P. 

24.  Galava.  N.  P. 


25.  Gautama.  T. 

26.  Charm asiras.  N. 

27.  Chakravarmana.  P. 

28.  Jatukarnya.  K. 

29.  Taitiki.  N. 

30.  Taittiriyakas.  T. 

31.  Dalbhya.  K. 

32.  Panchalas.  S. 

33.  Paushkarasadi.  T.  P. 

(vart.) 

34.  Praxihyas.  g.  P. 

35.  Plakshi.  T. 

36.  Plakshayana.  T. 

37.  Babhravya    (Krama- 

krit).  g.- 

38.  Bharadvaja.  T.  P. 

39.  Mandukeya.  g. 

40.  MasYkiy&.  T. 

41.  Mimansakas.  T. 

42.  Yaska.  g. 

43.  Yatabhikcara.  T. 

44.  Yatsapra.  T. 

45.  Yatsya.  Ch.  (?) 

46.  Yarshyayani.  N. 


PRATIS  AKIIY  AS .  143 

47.  Yaliniki.  T.  56.  J§akalya-pitri     (stha- 

48.  Vedamitra.  6.  vira).  8. 

49.  Vyali.  S.  57.  &ankhayana.  T.          ; 

50.  Satabalaksha    Maud-  58.  Saityayana.  T. 

galya.  N.  59.  &aunaka,    g   (?).    K. 

51.  Sakatayana.  S.  K.  Ch.  Ch. 

Jj/P.  60.  Sankritya.  T. 

52.  S&kapuni.  N.  61.  Senaka.  P. 

53.  6akala  (padakrit).  ►§.  62.  Sthaulashthivi.  N. 

54.  Sakalas.  6.  63.  Sphotayana.  P. 

55.  Sakalya.  &.  K.  P.  64.  Harita.  T. 

For  the  Saraa-veda  no  Pratisakhya  has  as  yet  been 
discovered.  There  is  a  small  treatise  which  I  found  in 
the  same  manuscript  of  the  Bodleian  Library  which 
contains  the  Taittiriy a- pratisakhya,  and  which  might 
be  called  a  Pratisakhya  of  the  Sama-veda.  But  it  is 
so  badly  written,  and  so  unintelligible  without  a  com- 
mentary, that  little  use  can  be  made  of  it  at  present. 
It  is  called  Sama-tantra  \  and  evidently  treats  of 
the  same  subjects  which  usually  occur  in  the  Prati- 

1  It  begins  (MS.  Bodl.  W.  505.)  ^TW^TT^  *\WA\  W^tf- 

f^t^i  w^i  wethii  ^Tin  wi  *rai  f^ffa- 
f%i  fwi  Xf^fi<y4u  ^ttt  w  ^i  ^m  i^rrei 

^<2J|  7[fTT  I  f^JTT  II  &c.  From  my  notes  taken  in  the  Royal 
Library  of  Berlin,  I  see  that  the  same  work  exists  there  with  a 
commentary  (?)  in  13  Prapathakas.  ^^rUFf^F^  st^fYT^Nf^T 
^TTft^Tf5T^T*f   ^TT3fTW  I-     Tlie  same  work  I  find  mentioned 


H4  PRATISAKHYAS. 

sakhyas.  Its  authenticity  is  supported  by  the  Charana- 
vyiiha,  where  a  Sama-tantra  is  mentioned,  but  without 
any  further  particulars. 

If  it  be  asked  now  why  all  these  works,  so  dif- 
ferent in  appearance,  are  to  be  ascribed  to  one  period 
of  literature,  the  Sutra-period,  the  reasons  for  it  are 
as  follows :  first,  that  the  style  of  the  majority  of 
these  works  is  the  old  Sutra  style,  for  instance,  in  the 
Taittiriya-pratisakhya,  the  Katyayaniya-pratisakhya, 
and  the  Chaturadhyayika1 ;  secondly,  that  the  ma- 
nuscripts call  these  works  Sutras;  thirdly,  that 
even  works,  written  in  mixed  Slokas,  like  those  of 
Saunaka,  are  quoted  as  Sutras2,  a  title  which  would 
never  be  given  to  works  like  the  Manava-dharma- 
sastra,  &c. ;  and  fourthly,  that  the  same  men  to  whom 
these  works  are  ascribed  are  known  to  have  com- 
posed other  works,  generally  written  in  the  style  of 

in  Dr.  Weber's  interesting  article  on  the  Sama-veda.  (Indische 
Studien,  i.  48.)  It  is  curious  that  this  Samatantra  is  called  Vya- 
karana,  grammar.  The  same  name  is  also  given  to  the  Rik- 
tantra,  a  imall  Siksha  treatise,  MS.  Bodl.  W.  375.  This  MS. 
contains  several  small  treatises  on  6iksha  matters  connected  with 
the  Sama-veda,  but  more  in  the  form  of  Parisishtas :  one  on 
Avagraha,  or  division  of  words;  another  called  Samasankhya; 
and  a  third  called   Stobhanusanhara,  beginning  with  the  words 

1  The  title  put  at  the  end  of  the  chapters  of  the  Taittiriya- 
pratisakhya  is  u  iti  pratisakhya-sutre  prathamah  prasnah  samaptah, 
&c." 

2  Shadgurusishya,  in  his  Commentary  on  the  Anukramani,  says 
that  6aunaka  first  composed  a  Kalpa-sutra,  consisting  of  1000  parts 
and  resembling  a  Brahmana.  ^^ftcf^  ^^rf  ~^k  ^V^W^" 
f%*f.  This  was  afterwards  destroyed  by  himself;  but  his  few 
remaining  works,  which  are  written  in  verse,  are  equally  called 
Sutras,   ^pl^3F*l 


PRATISAKHYAS.  145 

Sutras.  That  the  Pratisakhya  of  the  Sakalas  should  be 
written  in  Slokas  and  yet  be  ascribed  to  Saunaka, 
the  teacher  of  Katyayana,  is  no  objection.  It  would 
have  to  be  excluded  from  the  Sutra  period,  if  written 
in  regular  Anushtubh-slokas  like  those  of  Manu. 
But  the  mixture  of  the  Sloka  with  other  ancient 
metres  indicates  better  than  anything  else  the  trans- 
ition from  one  period  to  another,  and  is  quite  in  ac- 
cordance with  that  position  which,  as  will  be  seen, 
Saunaka  occupies  in  the  literary  history  of  India. 

By  comparing  Saunaka's  chapters  on  Siksha  in  his 
first  Pratisakhya  with  the  small  Sloka  compilation 
which  is  generally  quoted  as  the  Yedanga,  the  dif- 
ference of  old  and  modern  Slokas  will  at  once  be 
perceived.  This  modern  tract  which  has  been 
printed  in  India,  contains  scarcely  more  than  the 
matter  of  the  Siva  or  Samkara-sutras  brought 
into  Slokas.  It  mentions  the  Prakrit  dialects,  and 
represents  itself  as  written  after  Panini,  but  not,  as 
Madhusudana  Sarasvati  pretends,  by  Panini.1  Yet 
it  is  curious  to  see  how  great  a  reputation  this  small 
work  must  have  gained,  because  Sayana,  who  knows 
the  Pratisakhyas  and  quotes  both  from  the  Sakala 
and  Taittiriya-pratisakhya,  regards  this  small  tract 
as  the  real  Vedanga.  In  a  Mimansa  work,  which 
has   been    mentioned    before,    Somesvara's    Tantra- 

and  again  : 


146  PRATISAKHYAS. 

varttika-tika,  it  seems  even  as  if  greater  authority 
had  been  attributed  to  this  short  Siksha  tract  than  to 
the  more  developed  and  evidently  older  works  of  Sau- 
naka,  Katyayana,  and  others. 

Besides  these  works  on  Siksha  which  have  been 
enumerated,  from  the  Taittiriyaranyaka  down  to  the 
so-called  Vedanga,  we  possess  another  tract  on  Siksha, 
called  the  Manduki-siksha.1  But  this  also  is  probably 
a  production  later  than  the  Sutra  period,  and  it  is 
important  only  in  so  far  as  it  bears  the  name  of 
another  Charana  of  the  Rig-veda,  theMandukayanas2, 
and  thus  confirms  what  was  pointed  out  before,  that 
each  of  the  old  Sakhas  had  originally  its  own  Pratisa- 
khya,  although  the  greater  number  of  them,  as  well  as 

1  Another  work  on  6iksha  is  mentioned  by  Raja  Radhakanta 
in  the  article  which  he  has  dedicated  to  the  Vedangas  in  his 
6abda-ka1pa-drumn,  and  for  which  Amara  and  Bharata  are  quoted 

as  authorities,     rp^     ^^CTf^WT«Tf     W«HTTWT?^'€Y- 

f^TT   ^   of   TT   ^  fwsHfaT:    3fhlT    T<4|lR*T  far^T 

The  Commentary  on  the  &akala-pratisakhya  also  seems  to  speak 
of  two  Sikshas.     ^JT    fTT^f^^T^lf    ^"*T^?T    ^?^TT* 

2  Mandukeya  is  quoted  in  the  &akala-pratisakhya,  I.  200. 


CHHANDAS.  147 

their  Mantra  texts,  are  now  lost  or  preserved  only 
under  a  more  modern  form,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  case 
of  this  Manduki-siksha. 

Chhandas,  or  Metre. 

The  second  Yedanga  doctrine,  Chhandas  or  metre, 
stands  very  much  in  the  same  position  as  the  Siksha. 
Some  names  which  have  been  afterwards  adopted  as 
the  technical  designations  of  metres,  occur  in  some  of 
the  Mantras  of  the  Rig-veda,  and  there  are  frequent 
allusions  to  metres  in  the  Brahmanas.  What  is 
said,  however,  in  the  Brahmanas  with  reference  to 
metres,  is  generally  so  full  of  dogmatic  and  mystical 
ingredients  as  to  be  of  scarcely  any  practical  use. 
In  the  Aranyakas  and  Upanishads  whole  chapters 
are  devoted  to  this  subject.  Yet  it  is  again  in 
the  Sutras  only  that  a  real  attempt  has  been  made 
to  arrange  these  archaic  metres  systematically.  We 
have  some  chapters  on  metres  at  the  end  of  the 
Sakala-pratisakhya,  written  in  Saunaka's  usual  style 
of  mixed  Slokas.  This  treatise  is  anterior  to  that 
of  Katyayana  which  we  find  in  the  introduction 
to  his  Sarvanukrama,  because  Katyayana  is  the 
pupil  of  Saunaka,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter.  For 
the  metres  of  the  Sama-veda  we  have  the  Ni- 
dana-sutra  in  ten  prapathakas,  which,  after  ex- 
plaining the  nature  and  different  names  of  all  the 
Vedic  metres,  gives  a  kind  of  index  (anukramani) 
to  the  metres  as  they  occur  in  the  hymns  em- 
ployed at  the  Ekaha,  Ahina,  and  Sattra  sacrifices. 
As  to  Pingalanaga's  work  on  Chhandas,  which  is 
most  frequently  quoted  under  the  title  of  Yedanga, 
it  does  not  pretend  to  be  of  greater  antiquity  than 

L   2 


148  CHHANDAS. 

the  Mahabhashya,  supposing  it  were  admitted  that 
Patanjali,  the  author  of  this  famous  commentary 
on  Panini,  was  the  same  as  Pingala.1  There  would 
be  nothing  extraordinary  in  the  fact  that  Pingala 
treats  of  Prakrit  as  well  as  Sanskrit  metres.  For 
we  have  the  instance  of  Katyayana-Yararuchi,  who 
wrote  the  Yarttikas  on  Panini  and  lived  before  Pa- 
tanjali, and  is  said  to  be  the  same  who  wrote  a  gram- 
mar of  the  Prakrit  dialects.  It  must  be  admitted, 
however,  that  Pingalanaga's  Metric  is  one  of  the  last 
works  that  could  possibly  be  included  in  the  Sutra 
period ;  though  there  is  no  sufficient  ground  for  exclud- 
ing it  from  this  period  altogether,  merely  because  those 
rules  which  refer  to  metres  not  yet  employed  in  the 
Veda  are  ascribed  to  the  same  Pingala.  Besides,  Pin- 
gala is  quoted  as  an  authority  on  metres  in  the  Pa- 
risishtas2,  a  class  of  literature  which  does  not  seem  to 
be  separated  from  the  Sutra  period  by  a  long  interval. 
To  the  same  class  of  Chhandas  works  to  which  Pin- 
gala's  treatise  belongs,  and  which  are  not  restricted 
to  certain  Sakhas,  but  are  intended  for  the  Veda  in 
general,  two  other  works  are  added  by  the  com- 
mentator on  the  Sakala-pratisakhya,  the  one  ascribed 
to  Yaska,  the  other  to  Saitava.3  Both  these  works, 
however,  seem  to  be  lost  at  present. 

1  Colebrooke,  Miscellaneous  Essays,  ii.  63. 

2  MS.  Bodl.  W.  466.  *T*TTTTT   W^l  I     sn^WTTff^lp* 

^NjTTrT^HYw  ^T^W  I-     See  Dr.  Roth's  preface  to  the  Nirukta, 


CHEIANDAS.  149 

The  difference  between  aChhandas  work  belonging 
to  one  of  the  Sakhas,  and  those  treatises  which  are 
occupied  with  metre  in  general,  may  be  seen  from 
the  following  instance. 

According  to  Pingala's  Sutras,  a  metre  of  seventy- 
six  syllables  is  called  Atidhriti,  a  metre  of  sixty- 
eight  syllables  Atyashti.  Now  Ev.  i.  127,  6.  a  verse 
occurs  of  sixty-eight  syllables  which  ought  therefore 
to  be  called  an  Atyashti.  According  to  Pingala  him- 
self, however,  some  syllables  may  be  pronounced  as 
two  *,  and  if  we  follow  his  rules  on  this  point,  the  same 
verse  consists  of  seventy-six  instead  of  sixty-eight  syl- 
lables. In  order,  therefore,  to  remove  the  uncertainty 
attached  to  the  metre  of  this  verse,  the  Chhandas  chapter 
in  the  Sakala-pratisakhya  (towards  the  end  of  the  16th 
Patala)  declares  that  according  to  the  tradition  of  the 
Sakala  or  Saisira-sakha,  this  verse  is  to  be  pronounced 
as  an  Atidhriti,  i.  e.  with  seventy-six  syllables.  The 
same  direction  is  given  in  Katyayana's  index  to  the 
Sakala-sanhita. 

p.  10. ;  and  quaere  whether  in  the  £akala-pratis.  xvii.  25.  one  might 
read  ^f^f  ^  ^J^Ft  instead  of  "^frf  ^FSTRsRI  as  the  com- 
mentator proposes.  Saitava  is  the  pupil  of  Parasarya  and  divided 
by  thirteen  teachers  from  Yaska.  Cf.  Brih.  Arany.  Kanva.  ii.  6. 
2,  3.;  Indische  Studien,  i.  p.  156.  n. 

i  Pingala,    3.    1.     X(J^     T^TTf^TW:  II     T^Tf^":      ^ft 

^Rfw^fofir  f^r  1^  "^r:  ^ 

L    3 


150  VYAKARANA. 


Yyakarana,  or  Grammar. 

The  third  Vedanga  is  Vyakarana  or  Grammar. 
According  to  the  account  which  Indian  authors  give 
of  their  literature,  this  branch  of  Yedic  learning 
would  be  represented  by  the  Grammar  of  Panini. 
Here  the  contradiction  becomes  even  more  glaring. 
In  Pingala's  Sutras  the  Yedic  metres  were  at  least 
treated  in  the  same  way  as  the  non-Vedic.  But  in 
Panini,  the  rules  which  refer  to  Yedic  grammar  in 
particular,  form  only  the  exceptions  to  all  the  other 
rules  which  treat  of  the  regular  or  classical  lan- 
guage. Instead,  therefore,  of  considering  the  third 
Yedanga  doctrine  as  represented  by  the  grammarians 
beginning  with  Panini  (Paninyadayah),  as  Indian 
authors  do,  it  would  be  more  correct  to  say  that  it  is 
represented  by  the  grammarians  ending  with  Panini 
(Paninyantah).  It  unfortunately  happened  that  Pa- 
nini's  work  acquired  by  its  great  merits  such  a  cele- 
brity as  to  supersede  almost  all  that  had  been  written 
on  grammar  before  him,  so  that,  except  the  names 
and  some  particular  rules  of  former  grammarians, 
we  have  little  left  of  this  branch  of  literature,  except 
what  occurs  occasionally  in  the  Pratisakhyas,  That 
Panini  knew  the  Pratisakhyas  had  been  indicated  long 
ago  by  Professor  Bohtlingk ;  and  it  can  be  proved 
now  by  a  comparison  of  Panini's  Sutras  with  those  of 
the  Pratisakhyas,  that  Panini  largely  availed  himself 
of  the  works  of  his  predecessors,  frequently  adopting 
their  very  expressions,  though  he  quotes  their  names 
only  in  cases  where  they  have  to  serve  as  authorities 
for  certain  rules. 

There  are  two  separate  treatises  on  grammatical 


vyAkahana.  151 

subjects,  which  belong  to  a  period  anterior  to  Panini : 
the  Sutras  on  the  Unadi  affixes,  and  the  Sutras  of 
Santanacharya  on  accents.  The  Unadi  affixes  are 
those  by  which  nouns  are  formed  from  roots,  the 
nouns  being  used  in  a  conventional  sense,  and  not  in 
strict  accordance  with  their  radical  meaning.  They 
are  called  Unadi,  because,  in  the  Sutras  as  we  now  pos- 
sess them,  uji  is  the  first-mentioned  affix.  That 
Panini  was  acquainted  with  the  same  arrangement  of 
these  formative  affixes  cannot  be  doubted,  because 
he  uses  the  same  technical  name  (unadi)  for  them. 
We  do  not  know  by  whom  these  Unadi  affixes 
were  first  collected,  nor  by  whom  the  Unadi-sutras, 
as  we  now  possess  them,  were  first  composed.  All 
we  can  say  is,  that,  as  Panini  mentions  them,  and 
gives  several  general  rules  with  regard  to  them,  they 
must  have  existed  before  his  time.  But  how  many 
of  the  Sutras  existed  before  the  time  of  Panini, 
and  how  many  were  added  afterwards,  is  a  question 
that  can  hardly  be  solved.  In  their  present  form  the 
Sutras  seem  to  treat  the  Vedic  words  as  exceptions, 
at  least  they  give  now  and  then  a  hint  that  a  certain 
derivation  applies  to  the  Chhandas  only.  Neverthe- 
less it  is  curious  to  observe  that  the  greater  number 
of  words,  explained  by  the  genuine  Unadi-sutras,  are 
Vedic,  some  of  them  exclusively  so.  If  the  author  of 
the  Sutras  had  intended  his  rules  for  the  Bhasha,  there 
would  have  been  no  reason  why  he  should  have  paid 
such  prominent  regard  to  words  of  a  purely  Vedic 
character.  In  fact,  I  believe,  that  originally  the 
Unadi-sutras  were  intended  for  the  Veda  only,  and 
that  they  were  afterwards  enlarged  by  adding  rules 
on  the  formation  of  non- Vedic  words.  At  last  the 
non- Vedic  or  laukika  words  assumed  such  a  prepon- 

i.  4 


152  NIRUKTA. 

derance  that  some  rules,  affecting  Vedic  words  only, 
had  actually  to  be  inserted  as  exceptions.  If  a  clear 
line  could  be  drawn  between  words  purely  Vedic,  and 
words  never  used  in  the  Yeda,  and  if  the  Sutras 
referring  to  the  former  were  separated  from  those  of 
the  latter  class,  we  might  perhaps  arrive  at  the  ori- 
ginal text  of  this  interesting  work.  This,  however, 
is  an  undertaking  which  would  require  a  more  com- 
prehensive and  more  critical  knowledge  of  the  history 
of  the  languages  of  India,  than  any  scholar  at  present 
is  likely  to  command. 

As  to  Santana's  Phitsutras,  we  know  with  less  cer- 
tainty to  what  period  they  belong.  A  knowledge 
of  them  is  not  presupposed  by  Panini,  and  the 
grammatical  terms  "used  by  Santana  are  different 
from  those  employed  by  Panini,  —  a  fact  from  which 
Professor  Bbhtlingk  has  ingeniously  concluded,  that 
Santana  must  have  belonged  to  the  eastern  school  of 
grammarians.1  As,  however,  these  Sutras  treat  only 
of  the  accent,  and  the  accent  is  used  in  the  Vedic  lan- 
guage only,  the  subject  of  Santana's  work  would  lead 
us  to  suppose  that  he  was  anterior  to  Panini,  though 
it  would  be  unsafe  to  draw  any  further  conclusions 
from  this. 

Nirukta,  or  Etymology. 

The  fourth  Vedanga  is  Nirukta  or  Etymology.  In 
the  same  way  as,  according  to  Indian  authors,  Gram- 
mar, as  a  Vedanga,  was  represented  by  Panini's 
Grammar,  we  find  Nirukta  also  represented  by  but 
one  work,  generally  known  by  the  name  of  Yaska's 

1  Cf.  Bohtlingk,  Ein  erster  Versuch  iiber  den  Accent  im  San- 
skrit, p.  64. ;  and  Panini,  page  xii. 


NIRUKTA.  153 

Nirukta.  Nirukta,  however,  has  had  this  advan- 
tage over  Vyakarana,  that  Yaska's  work  applies 
itself  exclusively  to  Vedic  etymologies.  In  the 
same  way  as  we  considered  Panini's  Grammar  as 
the  work  where  Vyakarana,  as  a  Vedanga,  took  its 
final  shape,  so  Yaska  also  would  seem  to  be  one  of 
the  last  authors  who  embodied  the  etymological  lexico- 
graphy of  Vedic  terms  in  one  separate  work.  Niruk- 
takaras,  or  authors  of  Niruktas,  are  mentioned  by 
Yaska ;  and  some  of  them  must  have  been  as  famous 
as  Yaska  himself,  because  we  find  that  their  merits 
in  this  respect  were  not  forgotten  even  at  the  time  of 
the  compilation  of  the  Puranas.1  For  explanations 
of  old  Vedic  words,  for  etymologies  and  synony- 
mous expressions,  the  Brahmanas  contain  very  rich 
materials,  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  Kalpa,  no 
other  Vedanga  has  a  better  claim  than  the  Nirukta 
to  be  considered  as  founded  upon  the  Brahmanas. 
Whole  verses  and  hymns  are  shortly  explained  there ; 
and  the  Aranyakas  and  Upanishads,  if  included, 
would  furnish  richer  sources  for  Vedic  etymologies 
than  even  the  Nirukta  itself.  The  beginning  of  the 
Aitareya-aranyaka  is  in  fact  a  commentary  on  the 

1  Thus  6akapurni  is  mentioned  as  a  Niruktakrit  in  the  Vishnu- 
purana  (p.  277.  n.  9.) ;  but  this  is  no  reason  why  6akapurni  should 
be  the  same  as  Yaska,  as  Colebrooke  supposed.  (Miscell.  Essays, 
i.  15.)  In  fact  6akapuni  is  quoted  by  Yaska  himself,  for  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  Sakapurni  is  the  same  name  as  Sakapuni. 
In  later  times,  also,  Yaska  and  6akapuni  are  regarded  as  distinct 
persons ;  for  instance,  in  a  verse  ascribed  to  Parasara  (Anukr.  Bh. 

iv.   5.  7.),   which  occurs    in   the   Brihaddevata,  JJA*H  f%^f^?F 

*ttw^  ^  ^fiff  <s  *rair  m^fwfrfir  win::  i 

Another  Niruktakrit  mentioned  by  Sayana  is  the  son  of  Sthula- 
shthivi,  or,  as  Yaska  calls  him,  Sthaulashthivi. 


154  NIRUKTA. 

beginning  of  the  Kig-veda ;  and  if  all  the  passages 
of  the  Brahmanas  were  collected  where  one  word  is 
explained  by  another  with  which  it  is  joined  merely 
bv  the  particle  vai,  they  would  even  now  give  a  rich 
harvest  for  a  new  Nirukta.  It  is  important,  however, 
not  to  confound  Yaska' s  Nirukta  with  Yaska' s  Com- 
mentary on  the  Nirukta,  although  it  has  become  usual, 
after  the  fashion  of  modern  manuscripts,  to  call  that 
commentary  Nirukta,  and  to  distinguish  the  text  of  the 
Nirukta  by  the  name  of  Nighantu.  The*  original 
Niruktas  that  formed  an  integral  part  of  the  Vedanga 
literature,  known  to  Yaska  himself,  can  have  con- 
sisted only  of  lists  of  words  arranged  according  to  their 
meaning,  like  that  upon  which  Yaska's  Commentary 
is  based.  Whether  the  same  Yaska  who  wrote 
the  Commentary  had  some  part  in  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  lists  of  words,  is  unknown ;  probably 
these  lists  existed  in  his  family  long  before  his 
time,  as  Yaska  implies  himself  (Nir.  i.  20.).  But, 
as  he  preserved  them  by  his  Commentary,  it  was 
natural  that  their  authorship,  too,  should  have 
been  ascribed  to  him.  Sayana  gives  the  following 
account  of  this  matter:  — "  Nirukta  is  a  work 
where  a  number  of  words  is  given,  without  any 
intention  to  connect  them  in  a  sentence.  In  that 
book,  where  a  traditional  number  of  words  is  taught, 
which  begin  with  Gauh,  gma,  and  end  with  Va- 
savah,  Vajinah,  Devapatnyah,  there  is  no  intention 
to  state  things  which  are  to  be  understood  *,  because 

1  If  Sayana  means  to  give  in  these  lines  an  etymology  in- 
stead of  a  simple  definition  of  Nirukta,  the  attempt  would  be 
very  unsuccessful.  Nirukta  comes  from  nirvach,  to  explain.  His 
definition,  however,  is  right,  in  so  far  as  the  Nirukta  does  not 


NIRUKTA.  155 

it  is  only  said  there  that  l  so  many  are  the  names  of 
earth/  '  so  many  the  names  of  gold,'  "  &c. 

This  Nirukta  consists  of  three  parts,  as  may  be  seen 
from  the  Commentary  on  the  Anukramanika.  Here 
we  read : 

"  The  first  part  is  the  Naighantuka,  the  second 
the  Naigama,  and  the  third  the  Dai  vat  a,  and  thus 
must  this  traditional  doctrine  be  considered  as  con- 
sisting of  three  parts. 

"  The  Naighantuka  begins  with  Gaah,  and  goes  as 
far  as  Ap&re.1  The  Naigama  begins  with  Jahci,  and 
goes  as  far  as  Ulbam  Ribisam.2  The  third,  or  Deity- 
chapter,  begins  with  Agni  and  ends  with  the  Deva- 
patnis.3  Here  the  gods  from  Agni  to  Devi  Urjahuti4 
are  gods  of  the  earth  ;  from  Vayu  to  Bhaga 5,  gods 
of  the  air ;  from  Surya  to  the  Devapatnis6,  gods  of 

contain  a  connected  string  of  ideas,  but  merely  an  enumeration 
of  words.  There  is  another  definition  of  Nirukta,  which  is  quoted 
by  Radhakant  in  his  6abdakalpadruma,  and  occurs  as  one  of  the 
Karikas  in  the  Kasikavritti  (Pan.  vi.  3.  109.): 

"  A  Nirukta  contains  the  doctrine  of  five  things  ;  of  the  addition, 
transposition,  change,  and  dropping  of  letters,  and  of  the 
use  of  one  particular  meaning  of  a  root." 
Instances  of  this  are  given  in  another  verse : 

"  Hansa  is  formed  by  an  addition,  Sinha  by  a  transposition,  Gu- 
dhotma  by  a  change,  Prishodara  by  a  dropping  of  letters." 
1   1  —  3  Adhyaya.  2  4  Adhyaya. 

3  5  Adhyaya.  4  §§  1—3. 

5  §§  4—6.  6  §  6. 


156  NIRUKTA. 

the   sky.     People  learn  the  whole  traditional  number 
of  words,  from  Gauh  to  Devapatnyah. 

u  The  word  Nighantu  applies  to  works  where, 
for  the  most  part,  synonymous  words  are  taught. 
Thus,  ten  Nighantus  are  usually  mentioned;  and 
this  title  has  been  applied  to  such  works  as  Amara- 
sinha,  Vaijayanti,  Halayudha,  &c.  Therefore1,  the 
first  part  of  this  work  also  has  been  called  Naighan- 
tuka,  because  synonymous  words  are  taught  there. 
In  this  part  there  are  three  lectures :  in  the  first,  we 
have  words  connected  with  things  of  time  and  space 
in  this  and  the  other  worlds  ;  in  the  second,  we  have 
words  connected  with  men  and  human  affairs ;  and, 
in  the  third,  words  expressing  qualities  of  the 
preceding  objects,  such  as  thinness,  multitude,  short- 
ness, &c. 

"  Nigama  means  Veda.  As  Yaska  has  quoted  many 
passages  from  the  Veda,  which  he  usually  introduces 
by  the  words,  '  For  this  there  is  also  a  Nigama  ; '  and 
as,  in  the  second  part,  consisting  of  the  fourth  Adh- 
yaya,  words  are  taught  which  usually  occur  in  the 
Veda  only,  this  part  is  called  Naigama. 

"Why  the  third  part,  consisting  of  the  fifth  Adhyaya, 
is  called  Daivata  is  clear.  The  whole  work,  consisting 
of  ^wq  Adhyayas  and  three  parts,  is  called  Nirukta, 
because  the  meaning  of  words  is  given  there  irre- 
spective of  anything  else.     A  commentary  on  this 

1  Sayana  inverts  here  the  historical  order  of  things,  because 
Yaska' s  Nighantu  must  have  been  called  by  this  name  before  the 
time  of  Amara's  Dictionary.  Several  Koshas  are  quoted  which 
have  not  yet  been  met  with  in  manuscript :  6arva  Kosha,  Ranti  or 
Rantideva  Kosha,  Yadava  Kosha,  Bhaguri  Kosha,  Bala  Kosha,  all 
of  which  must  have  been  in  existence  as  late  as  the  Commentary 
on  the  Meghaduta. 


NIRUKTA-  157 

has  been  composed  by  Yaska  in  twenty  Adhyayas. 
This  also  is  called  Nirukta,  because  the  real  meaning 
conveyed  by  each  word  is  fully  given  therein."1 
The  Nirukta,  together  with  the  Pratisakhyas  and 

1  I  have  translated  this  passage  of  Sayana,  because  Dr.  Roth 
has  adopted  a  different  division  of  the  Nirukta  in  his  edition, 
where  he  calls  the  first  five  books,  containing  the  list  of  words,  Nai- 
ghantuka;  the  first  six  books  of  Yaska's  Commentary,  Naigama; 
and  the  rest  Daivata.  It  would  have  been  better  to  preserve  the 
old  divisions,  which  are  based  not  only  upon  the  authority  of 
Yaska  himself,  but  also  of  his  commentators,  with  this  exception 
only  that,  according  to  them,  the  Naigama  may  also  be  called  the 
Aikapadika.     Thus  Durga  says, 

Again,  after  having  defined  the  third  part,  the  Daivata,   Durga 
goes  on  saying : 

And  further  on  : 

*m%  3^^^Tf%  i^rf%  tnmTft  wftf% 

He  afterwards  seems  to  imply  that  the  whole  may  also  be  called 


158  HISTORY    OF    GRAMMAR. 

Paiiini's  Grammar,  supply  the  most  interesting  and 
important  information  on  the  growth  of  grammatical 
science  in  India.  It  would  be  out  of  place  to  enter 
here  into  this  subject,  but  I  cannot  pass  it  over  with- 
out at  least  pointing  out  the  valuable  materials 
preserved  in  these  works,  for  tracing  the  origin  of 
one  of  the  most  ancient  branches  of  philosophy, 
Grammar. 

There  are  only  two  nations  in  the  whole  history  of 
the  world  which  have  conceived  independently,  and 
without  any  suggestions  from  others,  the  two  sciences 
of  Logic  and  Grammar,  the  Hindus  and  the  Greeks. 
Although  the  Arabs  and  Jews,  among  the  Semitic 
nations,  have  elaborated  their  own  system  of  grammar, 
in  accordance  with  the  peculiar  character  of  their 
language,  they  owe  to  the  Greeks  the  broad  outlines 
of  grammatical  science,  and  they  received  from  Aris- 
totle the  primary  impulse  to  a  study  of  the  categories 


Nighantu,  but  there  is  no  authority  whatever  for  calling  the  first 
part  of  Yaska's  Commentary,  as  Dr.  Roth  does,  Naigama.  Deva- 
raja  also  takes  the  same  view  when  he  says, 

^TT^rrr  *rr^§FT   wrere    %^^r*i  *\  «i^  <*  m  * f ^ w 

0 


7TTf%  ^rf^  "sr^gmTTC  fovwft  Tfwf%  f^TT- 


HISTORY    OF    GRAMMAR.  159 

of  thought  and  speech.  Our  own  grammatical  terms 
came  to  us  from  the  Greeks  ;  and  their  history  is 
curious  enough,  if  we  trace  them  back  through  the 
clumsy  and  frequently  erroneous  translations  of  the 
literary  statesmen  of  Rome,  to  the  scholars  and  critics 
of  Alexandria,  and  finally  to  the  early  philosophers  of 
Greece,  the  Stoics,  Aristotle,  Protagoras  and  Pytha- 
goras. But  it  is  still  more  instructive  to  compare 
this  development  of  the  grammatical  categories  in 
Greece  with  the  parallel,  yet  quite  independent,  history 
of  grammatical  science  in  India.  It  is  only  by  means 
of  such  a  comparison  that  we  can  learn  to  understand 
what  is  organic,  and  what  is  merely  accidental,  in  the 
growth  of  this  science,  and  appreciate  the  real  diffi- 
culties which  had  to  be  overcome  in  the  classification 
of  words  and  the  arrangement  of  grammatical  forms. 
The  Greeks  and  Hindus  started  from  opposite  points. 
The  Greeks  began  with  philosophy,  and  endeavoured 
to  transfer  their  philosophical  terminology  to  the 
facts  of  language.  The  Hindus  began  with  collecting 
the  facts  of  language,  and  their  generalisations  never 
went  beyond  the  external  forms  of  speech.  Thus  the 
Hindus  excel  in  accuracy,  the  Greeks  in  grasp.  The 
grammar  of  the  former  has  ended  in  a  colossal 
pedantry;  that  of  the  latter  still  invigorates  the 
mind  of  every  rising  generation  throughout  the  civil- 
ised world. 

Language  had  become  with  the  Hindus  an  object  of 
wonder  and  meditation  at  a  very  early  period.  In  the 
hymns  of  the  Veda  we  meet  with  poetical  and  philo- 
sophical speculations  on  speech,  and  Sarasvati,  the  god- 
dess of  speech,  is  invoked  as  one  of  the  most  powerful 
deities.  The  scientific  interest  in  language,  however, 
dates  from  a  later  period.     It  was  called  forth,  no 


160  HISTORY   OF   GRAMMAR. 

doubt,  by  the  careful  study  of  a  sacred  literature, 
which  in  India,  as  elsewhere,  called  into  life  many  an 
ancient  science.  In  India  the  sacred  strains  of  the 
Rishis  were  handed  down  with  the  greatest  care,  the 
knowledge  of  these  songs  constituted  the  only  claim 
and  hope  of  man  for  a  higher  life,  and  from  a  very 
early  time  they  were  looked  upon  with  such  a  super- 
stitious awe,  that  a  mere  error  of  pronunciation  was 
supposed  to  mar  their  miraculous  power.1  We  need 
not  wonder,  therefore,  that  the  minutest  rules  were 
laid  down  as  to  the  pronunciation  of  these  hymns,  and 
that  the  thoughts  of  the  early  teachers  were  led  to 
dwell  on  the  nature  of  language  and  its  grammatical 
organisation.  Where  so  much  depended  on  letters,  it 
was  natural  that  words  also  and  their  grammatical  vari- 
ations should  attract  attention.  A  number  of  letters, 
or  even  a  single  letter,  as  Katyayana  says,  may  form  a 
syllable  (akshara),  a  number  of  syllables  or  even  a 
single  syllable  may  form  a  word  (pada).2  There  are 
many  lucubrations  on  letters,  syllables,  and  words  in 
the  Brahmanas,  and  there  are  numerous  expressions, 
occurring  in  the  Brahmanas,  which  mark  a  certain 
advance  of  grammatical  knowledge.3  In  the  Br&h- 
mana  of  the  Vajasaneyins  (xiii.  5.  1.  18)  we  meet 
with  the  names  for  Singular,  Dual,  and  Plural.  In 
the  Chhandogya-upanishad  (p.  135,  ed.  Roer)  we  find 
a  classification  of  letters,  and  technical  terms  such  as 
sparsa,  consonants  ;  svara,  vowels ;  ashman,  sibilants. 
However,  we  must  not  expect  in  those  treatises  to  find 
anything  sound  and  scientific.     It  is  in  the  Sutra  lite- 

1  An  analogous  feeling^unong  the  Polynesians  is  mentioned  in 
Sir  0-.  Grey's  Polynesian  Mythology,  p.  32. 

2  Kat.-pr.  viii.  98. 

3  Ind.  Studien,  iv.  p.  76. 


HISTORY   OF    GRAMMAR.  161 

rature  that  we  meet  with  discussions  on  language  of  a 
purely  scientific  character ;  and  what  we  do  find  in 
the  Pratisakhya,  in  the  Nirukta  and  Pa\nini,  is  quite 
sufficient  to  show  that  at  their  time  the  science  of  lan- 
guage was  not  of  recent  origin.  I  can  only  touch  upon 
one  point.  It  is  well  known  how  long  it  took  before 
the  Greeks  arrived  at  a  complete  nomenclature  for 
the  parts  of  speech.  Plato  knew  only  of  Noun  (ovofxa) 
and  Yerb  (p%,a),  as  the  two  component  parts  of 
speech,  and  for  philosophical  purposes  Aristotle  too 
did  not  go  beyond  that  number.  It  is  only  in  dis- 
cussing the  rules  of  rhetoric  that  he  is  led  to  the 
admission  of  two  more  parts  of  speech,  the  a-w^so-poi 
(conjunctions)  and  dpQpot  (articles).  The  pronoun 
dvTMvvfjLioL  does  not  come  in  before  Zenodotos,  and  the 
preposition  (7rp66s<ng)  occurs  first  in  Aristarchos. 
In  the  Pratisakhya,  on  the  contrary,  we  meet  at  once 
with  the  following  exhaustive  classification  of  the 
parts  of  speech  (xii.  5.) 

"  The  noun  (nama),  the  verb  (akhyata),  the  prepo- 
sition (upasarga),  and  the  particle  (nipata)  are  called 
by  grammarians   the  four  classes  of  words.1     The 

rr^nr  ^Tfa^rrfa  w  crcererTfT  ^^^  ^Trj:  11 
^m*hit  f^arfd<^n<*T:  ^%fTTrwrrfaf?T  foreran  11 

WBH! :  is  if  f^fa: ;  it  means  ^Tfii^Til    Hlf^H) 

M 


162  HISTORY   OF   GRAMMAR. 

noun  is  that  by  which  we  mark  a  being,  a  verb  that 
by  which  we  mark  being ;  the  latter  is  called  a  root 
(dhatu).  There  are  twenty  prepositions,  and  these 
have  a  meaning,  if  joined  with  nouns  or  verbs.  The 
rest  of  the  words  are  called  particles.  The  verb  ex- 
presses an  action ;  the  preposition  defines  it ;  the  noun 
marks  a  being ;  particles  are  but  expletives.  There 
are,  however,  besides  the  particles  which  have  no 
meaning,  others  which  have,  for  we  see  that  some  par- 
ticles are  used  on  account  of  their  sense :  but  it  is 
impossible  to  say  how  many  there  are  of  each  class, 
whether  they  are  used  in  measured  or  in  prose 
diction."1 

The  same  division  is  adopted  by  most  grammarians, 
and  it  is  more  fully  explained  by  the  author  of  the 
Nirukta.  After  stating  that  there  are  four  kinds  of 
words,  Yaska  says  that  the  verb  is  chiefly  concerned 
with  being,  nouns  with  beings.  He  then  brings  in  a 
new  definition  which  reminds  us  of  the  first  introduc- 
tion of  the  7rpoo-rj7op/a,  as  distinct  from  the  oi/o^aa,  by 
the  Stoics.  u  The  verb,"  he  says,  "  when  it  expresses 
being,  expresses  a  kind  of  being  which  lasts  from  an 
earlier  to  a  later  time,  such  as  "  he  walks,"  "  he  cooks" ; 
the  nouns,  if  they  express  being  (and  not  a  being), 
express  a  kind  of  being  that  has  become  embodied  in 
one,  from  beginning  to  end,  such  as  "  a  walking," 
"  a  cooking."  Here  the  chief  difference  between  the 
verb  and  the  noun  appellative,  is  established  on  a 
similar  ground  to  that  on  which  Aristotle  ascribes  to 
the  verb  a  temporal  character,  and  denies  it  to  the 
noun.2 

1  The  name  for  pronoun,  sarvanaman,  occurs  in  the  Nirukta, 
vii.  2,  and  in  the  Chaturadhyayika. 

2  Poet.  C.  20.   ovofxa  &  earl  <pu>vt]  (Tvvdirr),  arj^xavriKri  avev  xpotov, 


HISTORY    OF    GRAMMAR.  163 

The  distinction  of  the  numbers  was  first  pointed 
out  by  Aristotle,  but  the  technical  terms  for  singular 
and  plural  (aptQ[JLog  svixog,  TrXySuvTixog)  date  from  a 
later  time.  In  India  the  terms  for  the  three  num- 
bers, Singular,  Plural,  and  Dual,  were  known  in  the 
Brahmana  period. 

Aristotle  had  no  clear  conception  of  cases,  in  the 
grammatical  sense  of  the  word.  Ptosis,  with  him, 
refers  to  verbs  as  well  as  nouns.  The  introduction 
of  the  five  cases,  in  our  sense  of  the  word,  is  due  to 
the  Stoics.  In  the  Pratisakhyas  we  find  not  only  a 
name  for  case,  restricted  to  nouns  (vibhakti,  i.  e. 
x^'uris)  but  the  number  of  cases  also  is  fixed  at  seven. 

The  distinction  of  the  genders  is  the  only  point 
on  which  the  Greeks  may  claim  a  priority  to  the 
Hindus.  It  was  known  in  Greece  to  Protagoras; 
whereas  in  India  the  Pratisakhyas  seem  to  have 
passed  it  over,  and  it  appears  first  in  Panini.1 

There  are  some  discussions  in  the  beginning  of  the 
Nirukta  which  are  of  the  highest  interest  with  regard 
to  etymology.  While  in  Greece  the  notions  of  one 
of  her  greatest  thinkers,  as  expressed  in  the  Cratylus, 
represent  the  very  infancy  of  etymological  science, 
the  Brahman  s  of  India  had  treated  some  of  the  vital 
problems  of  etymology  with  the  utmost  sobriety.  In 
the  Pratisakhya  of  K&tyayana  we  find,  besides  the 
philosophical  division  of  speech  into  nouns,  verbs, 
prepositions  and  particles,  another  division  of  a 
purely  grammatical  nature,  and  expressed  in  the  most 
strictly  technical  language.     "  Verbs  with  their  con- 

r/e  fiipoQ  oi/Ser  earl  tcad'  avro  irrjfxavriKoy  '    prjfia  $e  tyiavri  vvvdirr},  arj- 
fxavTLKri   fiETU    )(p6vov,  rig  ovSev  fxepOQ    arifxaivEL    KCL&  aVTOy    WffTTEp  KCtl 

ETTt  TUJV    OVO^-CiTltiV. 

1  Katyayaniya  Pratisakhya,  iv.  170. 


161  HISTORY   OF   GRAMMAR. 

jugational  terminations,  Nouns,  derived  from  verbs 
by  means  of  krit-suffixes,  Nouns,  derived  from  nouns 
by  means  of  taddhita-suffixes,  and  four  kinds  of  Com- 
pounds, —  these  constitute  language."  * 

In  the  Nirukta  this  division  is  no  longer  considered 
sufficient.  A  new  problem  has  been  started,  one  of 
the  most  important  problems  in  the  philosophy  of 
language,  whether  all  nouns  are  derived  from  verbs? 
No  one  would  deny  that  certain  nouns,  or  the  majority 
of  nouns,  were  derived  from  verbs.  The  early  gram- 
marians of  India  were  fully  agreed  that  kartri,  a  doer, 
was  derived  from  kri,  to  do ;  pdchaka,  a  cook,  from 
pach,  to  cook.  But  did  the  same  apply  to  all  words  ? 
Sakatayana,  an  ancient  grammarian  and  philosopher, 
answered  the  question  boldly  in  the  affirmative,  and 
he  became  the  founder  of  a  large  school,  called  the 
Nairuktas  (or  Etymologists),  who  made  the  verbal 
origin  of  all  words  the  leading  principle  of  all  their 
researches.  They  were  opposed,  and  not  without 
violence,  by  another  school,  emphatically  called  the 
Vaiydkaranas  or  Analysers,  who,  following  the  lead 
of  Gargya,  the  etymologist2,  admitted  the  verbal 
origin  of  those  words  only  for  which  an  adequate 
grammatical  analysis  could  be  given.  The  rest  they 
left  unexplained.  Let  us  hear  how  Yaska  states  the 
arguments  on  both  sides.  After  having  explained  the 
characteristics  of  the  four  classes  of  words,  he  says : 
u  Sakatayana  maintains  that  nouns  are  derived  from 
verbs,  and  there  is  an  universal  agreement  of  all  Ety- 
mologists (Nairukta)  on  this  point.  Gargya,  on  the 
contrary,  and  some  of  the  grammarians  say,  not  all 

>  i.27.  ft^Trf%?!^?jg*ro*Tm:  ^^rr^ii 

2  WfiTg   Iffltftfl    Durga. 


HISTORY   OF    GRAMMAR.  165 

(nouns  are  derived  from  verbs).  For  first,  if  the 
accent  and  formation  were  regular  in  all  nouns  and 
agreed  entirely  with  the  appellative  power  (of  the 
root),  nouns  such  as  go  (cow),  asva  (horse),  purusha 
(man),  would  be  in  themselves  intelligible.1  Se- 
condly, if  all  nouns  were  derived  from  verbs,  then  if 
any  one  performed  a  certain  action,  he  would,  as  a 
subject,  be  called  in  the  same  manner.  For  instance,  if 
asva,  horse,  were  derived  from  as,  to  get  through,  then 
any  one  who  got  through  a  certain  distance,  would 
have  to  be  called  as'va,  horse.  If  trina,  grass,  were 
derived  from  trid,  to  pierce,  then  whatever  pierces 
would  have  to  be  called  trina.  Thirdly,  if  all  nouns 
were  derived  from  verbs,  then  everything  would  take 
as  many  names  as  there  are  qualities  belonging  to  it. 
A  pillar,  for  instance,  which  is  now  called  sthuna,  might 
be  called  daresay  a,  hole-rest,  because  it  rests  in  a  hole; 
or  sanjani,  joiner,  because  there  are  beams  joined  to  it. 
Fourthly,  people  would  call  things  in  such  a  manner 
that  the  meaning  of  nouns  might  be  at  least  intelli- 
gible, whatever  the  regular  formation  may  be  by 
which  the  actions  of  these  things  are  supposed  to  be 
expressed.  Instead  of  purusha,  man,  which  is  sup- 
posed to  be  formed  from  purisaya,  dwelling  in  the 
body,  they  would  say  purisaya,  body-dweller ;  instead 
of  asva,  horse,  ashtri,  pervader;  instead  of  trina, 
grass,  tardana,  piercer.  Fifthly,  after  a  noun  has 
been  formed,  these  etymologists  begin  to  discuss  it, 
and  say  for  instance  that  the  earth  is  called  prithivi, 
broad,  from  prathana,  stretching.  But,  who  stretched 
it,  and  what  was  his  resting-place  while  he  stretched 

1  This  construction  is  against  the  Commentary,  but,  if  the 
MS.  such  as  we  have  it,  is  correct,  it  seems  to  me  the  only 
possible  construction. 

m  8 


166  HISTORY    OF    GRAMMAR. 

the  earth  ?  Sixthly,  where  the  meaning  cannot  be 
discovered,  no  modification  of  the  root  yielding 
any  proper  signification,  Sakatayana  has  actually 
taken  whole  verbs,  and  put  together  the  halves  of 
two  distinct  words.  For  instance,  in  order  to  form 
satya,  true,  he  puts  together  the  causal  of  i,  to 
go,  which  begins  with  ya,  as  the  latter  half,  and 
the  participle  of  as,  to  be,  which  begins  with  sa. 
Lastly,  it  is  well  known,  that  beings  come  before 
being,  and  it  is  therefore  impossible  to  derive  the 
names  of  beings  which  come  first,  from  being,  which 
comes  after. 

"  Now  all  this  arguing,"  Yaska  continues,  "  is 
totally  wrong.  For  however  all  this  may  be,  first, 
with  regard  to  what  was  said,  namely  that,  if  Sakata- 
yana's  opinion  were  right,  all  words  would  be  signi- 
ficative, this  we  consider  no  objection l,  because  we 
shall  show  that  they  are  all  significative.  With 
regard  to  the  second  point,  our  answer  is,  that  we 
see  as  a  matter  of  fact  that  it  is  not  so,  but  that  of 
a  number  of  people  who  perform  the  same  action, 
some  only  take  a  certain  name,  and  others  do  not. 
Not  every  one  that  shapes  a  thing  is  called  takshan, 
a  shaper,  but  only  the  carpenter.  Not  every  one 
that  walks  about  is  called  a  parivrdjaka,  but  only 
a  religious  mendicant.  Not  everything  that  enlivens 
is  called  jivana,  but  only  the  sap  of  the  sugar- 
cane. Not  everything  that  is  born  of  Bhumi  (earth) 
is  called  Bhumija,  but  only  the  planet  Mars  (an- 
garaka).2     And  the  same  remark  serves  also  as  an 

1  The  Commentator  translates,  "  even  if  it  were  so,  even  if  some 
remained  inexplicable,  this  would  be  no  objection  ; "  for  boni  gram- 
matici  est  nonnulla  etiam  nescire. 

8  The  remarks   of  the    Commentator  on  this  passage  are   so 


HISTORY    OF    GRAMMAR.  167 

answer  to  the  third  objection.  With  regard  to  the 
fourth  objection,  we  reply,  We  did  not  make  these 
words,  we  only  have  to  explain  them ;  and  there  are 
also  some  nouns  of  rare  occurrence,  which  you,  gram- 
marians, derive  by  means  of  krit-sufiixes,  and  which 
are  liable  to  exactly  the  same  objection.  For  who 
could  tell,  without  some  help  from  etymologists,  that 
some  of  the  words  mentioned  in  the  Aikapadika- 
chapter  mean  what  they  do  mean  ?  Vratati  is  derived 
by  you  from  vrinati,  he  elects,  but  it  signifies  a 
garland.  The  same  applies  to  your  grammatical 
derivations  of  such  words  as  damunas,  jatya,  dtndra, 

curious,  that  they  deserve  to  be  copied.  "  You  may  well  ask,  (he 
says)  why  this  is  so.  But,  my  friend,  go  and  ask  the  world. 
Quarrel  with  the  world,  for  it  is  not  I  who  made  this  law.  For 
although  all  nouns  are  derived  from  verbs,  yet  the  choice  of  one 
action  (which  is  to  be  predicated  in  preference  to  others)  is 
beyond  any  control.  Or  it  may  be  that  there  is  a  certain  law 
with  regard  to  those  who  perform  certain  actions  more  exclusively. 
A  man  who  performs  one  particular  action  more  exclusively,what- 
ever  other  actions  he  may  perform,  will  have  his  name  from  that 
particular  action.  Nor  do  we  say  that  he  who  at  one  time  and 
in  one  place  shapes  things  is  a  carpenter,  but  he  who  at  any  time 
or  any  place  is  a  carpenter,  him  we  always  call  carpenter.  This 
is  not  a  predicate  restricted  to  one,  it  may  freely  be  given  to 
others.  Now  and  then  there  may  be  other  actions,  more  peculiar 
to  such  persons,  and  they  may  take  other  names  accordingly,  yet 
their  proper  name  remains  carpenter."  And  with  regard  to  the 
next  problem  the  Commentator  says :  "  A  carpenter  may  well 
perform  other  actions,  but  he  need  not  therefore  take  his  name 
from  them.  If  it  is  said,  several  things  might  have  one  and  the 
same  name,  and  one  and  the  same  thing  might  have  different 
names,  all  we  can  answer  is,  that  this  is  not  proved  by  the 
language  such  as  it  is.  Words  are  fixed  in  the  world  we  cannot 
say  how  (svabhavatah,  by  nature)."  This,  together  with  the 
text,  shows  a  clearer  insight  into  the  nature  of  Homonyma  and 
Synonyma,  or,  as  the  Peripatetics  called  the  latter,  Polyonyma, 
than  anything  we  find  in  Aristotle. 

M   4 


168  HISTORY   OF    GRAMMAR. 

jctgaruka,  darvihomin.  In  answer  to  the  fifth  objec- 
tion we  say,  Of  course  we  can  discuss  the  etymolo- 
gical meaning  of  such  words  only  as  have  been 
formed.  And  as  to  the  questions,  who  stretched  the 
earth,  and  what  was  his  resting-place,  all  we  can  say 
is,  that  our  eyes  tell  us  that  the  earth  is  broad,  and 
even  though  it  has  not  been  stretched  out  by  others,  yet 
all  men  speak  as  they  see.  With  respect  to  the  sixth 
objection,  we  admit,  that  he  who  combines  words 
without  thereby  arriving  at  their  proper  meaning,  is  to 
be  blamed.  But  this  blame  attaches  to  the  individual 
etymologist,  not  to  the  science  of  etymology.  As  to 
the  last  objection,  we  must  again  appeal  to  the  facts 
of  the  case.  Some  words  are  derived  from  qualities, 
though  qualities  maybe  later  than  subjects, others  not." 
I  doubt  whether  even  at  present,  with  all  the  new 
light  which  Comparative  Philology  has  shed  on  the 
origin  of  words,  questions  like  these  could  be  dis- 
cussed more  satisfactorily  than  they  were  by  Yaska. 
Like  Yaska,  we  maintain  that  all  nouns  have  their  de- 
rivation, but,  like  Yaska,  we  must  confess  that  this  is 
a  matter  of  belief  rather  than  of  proof.  We  admit 
with  Yaska  that  every  noun  was  originally  an  appel- 
lative, and,  in  strict  logic,  we  are  bound  to  admit  that 
language  knows  neither  of  homonymes  nor  synonymes. 
But  granting  that  there  are  such  words  in  the  history 
of  every  language,  granting  that  several  objects, 
sharing  in  the  same  predicate,  may  be  called  by  the 
same  name,  and  that  the  same  object,  possessing 
various  predicates,  may  be  called  by  different  names, 
we  shall  find  it  as  impossible  as  Yaska  to  lay  down 
any  rule  why  one  of  the  many  appellatives  became 
fixed  in  every  dialect  as  the  proper  name  of  the 
sun,  the  moon,  or  any  other  object ;  or  why  generic 


KALPA.  169 

words  (homonymes)  were  founded  on  one  predicate 
rather  than  another.  All  we  can  say  is  what  Yaska 
says,  it  was  so  svabhavatah,  by  itself,  from  accident, 
through  the  influence  of  individuals,  of  poets  or  law- 
givers. It  is  the  very  point  in  the  history  of  language 
where  languages  are  not  amenable  to  organic  laws, 
where  the  science  of  language  ceases  to  be  a  strict 
science,  and  enters  into  the  domain  of  history. 

We  leave  this  subject  not  without  reluctance,  and 
hope  to  return  to  it  in  some  more  appropriate  place. 

Kalpa,  or  the  Ceremonial. 

The  most  complete  Vedanga  is  the  fifth,  the  Kalpa, 
for  which  we  have  not  only  the  Brahmanas  of  the 
different  Yedas,  but  also  their-  respective  Sutras. 
The  Sutras  contain  the  rules  referring  to  the  sacri- 
fices1, with  the  omission  of  all  things  which  are  not 
immediately  connected  with  the  performance  of  the 
ceremonial.  They  are  more  practical  than  the  Brah- 
manas, which  for  the  most  part  are  taken  up  with 
mystical,  historical,  mythological,  etymological,  and 

1  Kumarila  Tantravarttika,  i.  3.  1. 

fw:  II 

"  Thus  the  real  sense  has  been  ascertained  in  the  Sutras  by  means 
of  collecting  the  commandments  which  were  to  be  obtained 
systematically  as  they  were  dispersed  in  different  6akhas  and 
mixed  up  with  Arthavadas,  &c.  One  or  the  other  authority 
was  selected,  and,  to  afford  greater  facility,  some  performances 
of  the  priests  which  are  connected  with  worldly  matters  were 
also  taken  in." 


170  KALPA. 

theological  discussions.  Thus  Sayana  says,  in  his 
Commentary  on  the  Baudhayana-sutras :  "  The  whole 
mass  of  Yedic  literature  consists  of  three  parts: 
Mantras,  Yidhis,  and  Arthavadas.  The  Vidhis  en- 
join an  act,  the  Arthavadas  recommend  it,  the 
Mantras  record  it.  In  order  to  make  the  under- 
standing of  the  prescribed  ceremonies  more  easy,  the 
Reverend  Baudhayana  composed  the  Kalpa.  For 
the  Brahmanas  are  endless,  and  difficult  to  under- 
stand, and  therefore  have  old  masters  adopted  tjie 
Kalpa-sutras  according  to  different  Sakhas.  These 
Kalpa-sutras  have  the  advantage  of  being  clear, 
short,  complete,  and  correct."  * 

^^T^^l<^M*<Ui^^|f^f5r:  T^f^^^T  &c.  MS. 
E.  I.  H.  104.  In  the  beginning  of  the  Commentary  on  Apastamba's 
Sutras,  it  is  said  that  the  author  is  going  to  explain  the  Yaj  urvaidika 
performance  of  the  whole  vaitanika  sacrifice,  which  is  detached  in 
many  6akhas  and  scattered  in  different  parts  of  the  Veda. 

TTftw^ncTf^fT  ^  f^r^t^TW  ^tw*ti 

"  To  explain  means  to  separate,  for  instance,  the  new  moon  and 
the  full  moon  sacrifices,  which  in  the  Veda  are  thrown  to- 
gether, and  to  make  them  intelligible  by  comprehending  dif- 
ferent &akhas." 


KALPA.  171 

It  is  true  that  some  of  the  Brahmanas  also  have  a 
more  practical  tendency,  and  might  almost  betaken  for 
productions  of  the  Sutra  period.  We  saw  before  that 
Kumarila  in  his  Tantravarttika  spoke  of  some  Brah- 
manas, for  instance  those  of  the  Aruna  and  Parasara- 
sakhas  \  as  having  the  form  of  Kalpa  works.  Nay, 
there  are  passages  in  the  Brahmanas  which,  though 
properly  they  ought  to  be  called  Kalpa  or  vidhi,  are 
quoted  by  the  Commentators,  under  the  name  of 
Sutra.2  The  same  name  is  used,  in  the  late  books  of 
the  Satapatha-brahmana,  as  the  title  of  literary  com- 
positions, which  must  then  have  formed  part  of  the 
Brahmana  literature.3 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Sutras,  composed  by  Sau- 
naka,  were  called  Brahmana-sannibha,  "  having  the 
appearance  of  a  Brahmana,"  an  assertion,  which,  to  a 
certain  extent,  is  true,  as  may  be  seen  by  comparing 
the  Bigvidhana,  which  is  ascribed  to  Saunaka,  with  the 
Samavidh  ana- brahmana.  The  same  might  be  said  of 
the  Sankhayana-sutras,  particularly  of  the  last  books, 
where  we  sometimes  meet  with  considerable  portions 
identically  the  same  as  in  the  Aitareya-brahmana. 
But  no  orthodox  Brahman  would  for  a  moment  admit 
that  Brahmanas  and  Sutras  belonged  to  the  same  class 
of  literature.     They  fear  the  danger  of  such  an  ad- 

1  ^IT^^J M <  1  *K ^T^TT^TU1^^!  ^fr^^MHI  See  also  Sa- 
yana's    Introduction  to  the  Aitareya-brahmana,  where  he   says, 

3f^rtSrT  ^f  ^T  ^fiH   T^f3"f?U       Might  not  the  name 

^H^lKl^ft,  Pan. iv.  3.  105.,  be  meant  for  ^||^UJM<[3iO  ? 

2  Indische  Studien,  i.  149.  n. 

3  See  &atapatha-brahmana,  xiv.  4.  4.  10.  The  word  is  not 
used  in  a  similar  passage,  xi.  3.  8.  8.    See  page  40,  note  7. 


172  KALPA. 

mission,  because,  as  Kumarila  says,  If  the  name  of 
Sruti  were  once  granted  to  the  Sutras,  it  would  with 
difficulty  be  denied  to  the  sacred  writings  of  Bud- 
dhists arid  other  heretics.  It  would  be,  as  he  ex- 
presses himself  in  his  graphic  language,  "  Like  letting 
in  the  heretics  on  the  high  road,  after  having  driven 
them  out  of  the  village  with  sticks  and  fists." 

Originally  a  Brahrnana  was  a  theological  tract,  and 
it  was  called  br&hmana,  not  because  it  treated  of  the 
Brahman,  the  Supreme  Spirit,  or  of  sacrificial  prayers, 
sometimes  called  brahmani,  but  because  it  was  com- 
posed by  and  for  Brahmans.  These  Brahmanas  or 
dicta  theologica,  were  gradually  collected  in  different 
families  or  Parishads,  and  gave  rise  to  greater  works, 
which  were  equally  called  by  the  name  of  Brahrnana. 
Such  a  collection  became  a  more  or  less  comprehen- 
sive repository  of  theological  lore,  and  no  consider- 
ation as  to  practical  usefulness  seems  to  have  influ- 
enced either  the  original  contributors  or  the  later 
collectors.  In  the  course  of  time,  however,  and  par- 
ticularly during  periods  of  theological  controversy, 
these  works  began  to  assume  a  practical  importance, 
and  it  was  then  that  the  want  of  proper  arrange- 
ment was  felt  as  a  serious  inconvenience.  Hence, 
when  new  additions  were  made  to  the  ancient  stock 
of  Brahmanic  learning,  or  when,  as  in  the  case  of  a 
controversy  or  a  schism,  the  founders  of  a  new  com- 
munity were  called  upon  to  compose  a  Brahmanic 
code  different  from  that  which  belonged  to  their 
adversaries,  a  more  systematic  and  business-like  spirit, 
such  as  afterwards  led  to  the  composition  of  Sutras, 
began  to  show  itself  in  the  arrangement  of  these  later 
Br&hmanas. 

There   was,   however,    a   certain    general   system 


KALPA.  173 

which  regulated  the  composition  of  the  Brahmanas 
from  the  very  first.  Long  before  the  different  Brah- 
manas were  composed,  the  sacrificial  system,  which 
they  were  chiefly  intended  to  illustrate,  had  been 
definitely  arranged,  and  the  duties  of  the  three  or 
four  classes  of  priests  engaged  at  the  great  sacrifices, 
had  been  finally  agreed  upon.  This  division  of  priests 
and  the  general  order  of  the  sacrifices  must  have  been 
settled  previously  even  to  the  composition  of  the  San- 
hitas  of  the  Sama  and  Yajur-vedas;  for  both  follow  the 
established  order  of  the  sacrifices,  and  are  neither  more 
nor  less  than  collections,  containing  the  verses  which 
the  second  and  third  classes  of  priests,  the  Chhandogas 
and  Adhvaryus,  had  to  employ  at  various  sacrifices. 
They  are  liturgical  song-books,  adapted  to  an  already- 
existing  sacrificial  canon.  The  case  is  different  with 
the  Eig-veda.  The  Rig-veda-sanhita  was  collected 
without  any  reference  to  sacrificial  purposes.  The 
Brahmanas,  however,  of  all  the  three  Yedas,  the  Rig- 
veda  as  well  as  the  Sama  and  Yajur-vedas,  pre-sup- 
pose  the  final  division  of  the  three  classes  of  priests. 
This  division,  to  which  we  shall  have  to  revert 
hereafter,  may  be  shortly  described  as  follows  :  —  The 
chief  part,  or,  as  the  Brahman s  say,  the  body  of  each 
sacrifice,  had  to  be  performed  by  the  Adhvaryu- 
priests.  The  preparing  of  the  sacrificial  ground,  the 
adjustment  of  the  vessels,  the  procuring  of  the 
animals,  and  other  sacrificial  oblations,  the  lighting  of 
the  fire,  the  killing  of  the  animal,  in  short,  all  that 
required  manual  labour,  was  the  province  of  the 
Adhvaryu  priests.  They  stood  lowest  in  the  estima- 
tion of  the  Brahmans,  and,  as  the  proper  pronuncia- 
tion of  the  sacred  texts  required  considerable  study, 
they  were  allowed  simply  to  mutter  the  verses  which 


174  KALPA. 

they  used  during  the  sacrifice.  The  recitation  of 
Vedic  verses  was  considered  as  so  subordinate  a  part 
of  their  duty,  that  their  Sanhita,  at  least  the  most 
ancient  Sanhita1  of  the  Adhvaryu-veda  priests,  is  not 
a  collection  of  hymns,  but  rather  a  complete  descrip- 
tion of  the  sacrifice,  as  performed  by  the  Adhvaryus, 
interspersed  with  such  verses  and  formulas  as  had  to 
be  muttered  by  the  officiating  priests.     It  was  at  a 

1  According  to  some  commentaries,  this  ancient  collection  of  the 
Adhvaryu  priests  was  called  Krishna,  or  the  dark  Yajur-veda. 
owing  to  its  motley  character,  whereas  the  more  recent  version  of 
the  Yajur-veda  was  called  hikla  or  bright,  on  account  of  the 
clear  separation  of  hymns  and  rules,  or,  according  to  others,  on 
account  of  its  enabling  the  reader  to  distinguish  clearly  between 
the  offices  belonging  to  the  Hotri  and  the  Adhvaryu.  A  more 
popular  explanation  is  given  by  Colebrooke  from  Mahidhara's 
Commentary  on  the  Vajasaneyi-sanhita.  It  occurs  also  in  the 
Puranas :  "  The  Yajush,  in  its  original  form,  was  at  first  taught 
by  Vai&ampayana  to  twenty-seven  pupils.  At  this  time,  having 
instructed  Yajnavalkya,  he  appointed  him  to  teach  the  Veda  to 
other  disciples.  Being  afterwards  offended  by  the  refusal  of 
Yajnavalkya  to  take  on  himself  a  share  of  the  sin  incurred  by 
Vaisampayana,  who  had  unintentionally  killed  his  own  sister's 
son,  the  resentful  preceptor  bade  Yajnavalkya  relinquish  the 
science  which  he  had  learnt.  He  instantly  disgorged  it  in  a 
tangible  form.  The  rest  of  Vaisampay ana's  disciples  receiving 
his  command  to  pick  up  the  disgorged  Veda,  assumed  the  form 
of  partridges,  and  swallowed  the  texts  which  were  soiled,  and  for 
this  reason  termed  u  black ;  "  they  are  also  denominated  Taittiriya, 
from  tittiri,  the  name  of  a  partridge.  Yajnavalkya,  overwhelmed 
with  sorrow,  had  recourse  to  the  sun ;  and  through  the  favour  of 
that  luminary,  obtained  a  new  revelation  of  the  Yajush  which  is 
called  "  white  "  or  pure,  in  contradistinction  to  the  other,  and  is 
likewise  named  Vajasaneyin,  from  a  patronymic,  as  it  should  seem, 
of  Yajnavalkya  himself ;  for  the  Veda  declares,  "  these  purer 
texts,  revealed  by  the  sun,  are  published  by  Yajnavalkya,  the 
offspring  of  Vajasani?  But,  according  to  the  Vishnu-purana,  the 
priests  who  studied  the  Yajush  are  called  Vajins,  because  the 
sun,  who  revealed  it,  assumed  the  form  of  a  horse  (vajin)."     It  is 


KALPA.  17') 

much  later  time,  and  probably  in  imitation  of  the 
Sama-veda-sanhita,  that  a  separate  collection  of  the 
hymns  of  the  Adhvaryu  priests  was  made,  and  this 
we  possess  in  the  various  Sakhas  of  the  Vajasaneyins, 
who  have  embodied  the  rules  and  the  description  of 
the  sacrifice  in  a  separate  Brahmana,  known  by  the 
name  of  the  Satapatha.  According  to  the  same  me- 
taphor, which  assigns  to  the  Adhvaryu  priests  the 
body  of  the  sacrifice,  its  two  most  essential  limbs  fall 
to  the  lot  of  two  other  classes,  the  Hotri  and  Udgatri 
priests ;  or,  as  Say  ana  says,  in  his  introduction  to  the 
Taittiriya-sanhita :  "  The  E-ig-veda  and  Sama-veda 
are  like  fresco-paintings  whereas  the  Yajur-veda  is  the 
wall  on  which  they  stand."  The  Udgatri  priests  have 
little  to  do  with  the  actual  performance  of  the  sacrifice. 
Their  chief  duty  is  to  chant  their  hymns  in  a  loud 
melodious  voice,  and  these  hymns,  in  the  order  in 
which  they  had  to  be  chanted,  were  collected  in  a 
book  of  songs,  called  the  Sama-veda-sanhita.  The 
third  class  of  priests,  who  were  equally  free  from 
purely  manual  labour,  had  to  recite  the  sacrificial 
hymns,  according  to  the  strict  and  difficult  rules  of 
the  ancient  pronunciation  and  accentuation,  but  with- 
out chanting.  No  collection,  however,  was  made  for 
them,  containing  the  hymns  in  their  sacrificial  order ; 
because  the  Hotri  priests  were  supposed  to  be  so 
thoroughly  versed  in  the  ancient  Vedic  poetry,  as 
contained  in   the  Rig-veda-sanhita,  that   they  were 

clear  that  these  are  nothing  but  late  etymological  legends.  Tittiri 
and  Vajin  were  proper  names.  Tittiri  was  the  pupil  of  Yaska, 
the  pupil  of  Vaisampayana,  and  it  is  through  them  that  the  old 
or  dark  Yajur-veda  was  handed  down.  Yajnavalkya,  of  the 
family  of  the  Vajasaneyins,  was  the  founder  of  the  more  modern 
or  bright  Yajur-veda. 


176  KALPA. 

expected  to  know  the  whole  of  it,  and  to  be  able  to 
repeat  readily,  without  the  help  of  a  manual,  whatever 
hymn  was  enjoined  at  any  part  of  the  sacrifice. 

This  distribution  of  the  ceremonial  between  the  three 
classes  of  priests,  which,  after  the  collection  of  the 
ancient  Sanhita  of  the  Rig-veda,  called  forth  the  two 
Sanhitas  of  the  Sama-  andYajur-vedas,  regulated  from 
the  first  the  composition  of  the  Brahmanas.  Instead 
of  one  code  of  theology,  we  find  three  collections  of 
Brahmanas,  treating  respectively  of  the  performance 
of  those  rites,  which  each  of  the  three  classes  of  priests 
was  more  particularly  concerned  with.  The  Adhvar- 
yu  priests  had  originally,  as  we  saw,  no  Brahmana  in 
the  usual  sense  of  the  word,  and  what  is  called  their 
Brahmana  is  in  reality  a  mere  supplement  and  conti- 
nuation of  their  Sanhita ;  originally,  therefore,  neither 
of  these  names  was  correctly  applicable  to  the  Yajur- 
veda  of  the  Charakas.  In  later  times,  however,  the 
duties  of  the  Adhvaryu  were  incorporated  in  a  se- 
parate Br&hmana,  the  Satapatha,  at  the  same  time 
that  their  hymns  were  collected  in  a  small  manual, 
the  later  SanhitA,  of  the  Yajur-veda.  In  a  similar 
manner  the  sacrificial  duties  of  the  Hotri  priests  were 
discussed  in  the  Bahvricha-brahmanas,  and  those  of 
the  Udgatri  priests,  in  the  Chhandoga-brahmana. 

Thus  we  see  that  the  collection,  if  not  the  original 
composition,  of  the  Brahmanas,  was  not  entirely  with- 
out system ;  and  that  the  remarks  on  certain  parts  of 
the  sacrifice,  although  sometimes  extremely  diffuse, 
and  mixed  up  with  extraneous  matter,  were  not 
thrown  together  at  random.  As  most  of  the  sacrifices 
were  to  be  performed  by  two  or  three  classes  of  priests 
in  common,  the  same  ceremony  may  be  described  in 
different  Brahmanas.  The  Agnishtoma,  for  instance, 
begins  with  the  ceremony  of  the  Ritvig-varana,  the 


KALPA.  177 

election  of  priests.  This  ceremony  is  performed  by 
the  Adhvaryu  priests  alone,  and  it  was  not  necessary 
to  explain  it  in  the  Brahmana  of  the  Hotri  priests. 
It  is  wanting  therefore  in  the  Bahvricha-brahmanas. 
The  next  following  ceremony,  the  Dikshaniyeshti,  is 
likewise  performed  by  the  Adhvaryus  together  with 
the  Chhandoga  priests ;  but  as  here  the  Hotri  priests 
also  have  to  take  a  part  (the  yajyas  and  anuvakyas), 
it  is  described  in  the  beginning  of  the  Aitareya- 
brahmana.1 

The  Kalpa-sutras,  with  which  we  are  at  present 
concerned,  follow  the  same  system  as  the  Brahmanas. 
They  presuppose,  however,  not  only  the  existence  of 

1  "  The  Aitareya- brahmana  consists  of  forty  Adhyayas ;  the 
Aranyaka  also  is  reckoned  part  of  the  Aitareya,  and  is  equally 
ascribed  to  Mahidasa,  the  son  of  Itara. 

"  In  the  Brahmana,  the  first  subject  is  the  Jyotishtoma  (cha- 
tuhsamstha) ;  then  the  Gavam-ayana,  the  Adityanam-ayana,  the 
Angirasam-ayana,  and  the  Dvadasaha.  The  Jyotishtoma 
stands  first  among  the  Somayagas,  (such  as  the  Goshtoma  and 
Ayushtoma),  and  it  comprises  seven  sacrifices  (saptasamstha.) 
Four  of  these  are  the  Agnishtoma,  Ukthya,  Shodasin,  and  Atiratra ; 
and  among  these  four  the  Agnishtoma  is  the  model,  the  whole 
ceremony  being  here  fully  detailed,  while  for  the  other  sacrifices 
the  peculiar  rules  only  are  given,  the  rest  being  supplied  from  the 
model.  The  Agnishtoma  ought  therefore  to  be  explained  first. 
Now  it  is  very  true,  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  Agnishtoma  the 
Ritvij  priests  are  to  be  elected,  for  Apas'tamba  says  in  his  Sutras, 
*  he  who  is  going  to  sacrifice  with  Soma,  let  him  choose  Arsheya- 
brahmans  for  Ritvij  ; '  but  as  the  Hotri  priests  have  nothing 
to  do  in  the  ceremony  of  this  election,  and  as  the  Rig-veda  is  only 
concerned  with  rules  for  the  Hotri  priests,  the  Dikshaniyeshti  is 
explained  first.  For  although  the  Ishti,  or  the  sacrifice  itself,  is 
performed  by  Adhvaryus,  yet  the  Yajyas  and  Anuvakyas  belong 
to  the  Hotri  priests.  In  the  Rig-veda  we  find  the  Yajyas,  Puronu- 
vakyas,  &c. ;  in  the  Yajur-veda  the  Dohanas,  Nirvapas,  &c.  ;  in 
the  Saraa-veda  the  Ajyastotras,  Prishthastotras,  &c." — Say  ana. 

N 


178  KALPA. 

three  distinct  collections  of  Brahmanas,  but  of  dif- 
ferent Sakhas  or  recensions,  which,  in  the  course  of 
time,  had  branched  off  from  each  of  them. 

It  is  a  characteristic  peculiarity  of  the  Sutras, 
that  they  were  intended  by  their  authors  for  more 
than  one  Charana,  or  adapted  to  more  than  one 
Sakha.  This  is  remarked  upon  by  Kumarila,  when 
he  says:  "  All  authors  of  Kalpa-sutras  join  with  the 
rules  of  their  own  Sakha,  the  optional  command- 
ments of  other  Sakhas,  a  proceeding  approved  of  by 
Jaimini." 1  Or  again,  "  Not  one  of  the  Sutrakaras 
was  satisfied  with  comprehending  his  own  Sakha 
only." 2  The  same  is  maintained  still  more  strongly 
by  the  author  of  the  Hiranyakesi-bhashya.  "  No 
single  Sakha,"  he  says,  "  contains  a  complete  account 
of  the  ceremonial,  and  a  reference  to  other  Sakhas  is 
absolutely  necessary." 3  That  this  means  a  reference  to 
other  Sakhas  of  the  same  Yeda,  and  not  a  reference  to 
other  Yedas,  may  be  seen  from  a  passage  of  Kausika 
Rama4,  where  he  establishes  the  general  principle, 

1  Kumarila,   i.   3.      ^au<STf^frs<1^lf?      'StrTWirnT^T- 

f^ffaj     snsranrT  f^nrfir  *#  t^c   f^rf%raT\n 

2     Kumarila,   ii.    4.   2.   ^     "^      ^^TTTWTOfa      ^f^ 

3  wn£  ^  ^refaftw^TTT  s^t%?r:i   «r  9^t 


KALPA.  179 

that  in  a  Sutra  a  quotation  from  a  different  Sakha 
makes  a  rule  optional,  whereas  a  quotation  from  a 
different  Veda  confirms  it  as  generally  binding.  It 
was  not  usual  that  a  common  Brahman  knew  more 
than  one  Sakha.  He  might,  if  he  liked,  study  each  of 
the  three  Vedas,  but,  as  Kumarila  says :  "  It  is  not 
necessary  that  one  man  should  read  different  Sakhas, 
because  one  Sakha  only  is  comprehended  in  that 
study  of  the  sacred  texts  which  every  Brahman  is 
bound  to  pass  through.  Therefore,  if  a  very  clever 
man  should  read  different  Sakhas  of  one  Yeda,  he 
may  do  so,  but  he  might  as  well,  if  very  rich, 
sacrifice  at  the  same  time  with  rice  and  barley." l 
But,  even  if  a  Brahman  had  studied  the  Sanhitas 
and  Brahmanas  of  the  three  Vedas,  according  to  their 
various  Sakhas,  he  would  still  have  found  it  extremely 
difficult  to  learn  from  them  the  correct  performance 
of  every  sacrifice.     It   was,  therefore,   in  order  to 

1  Kumarila,  T.  V.  ii. ;  Jainiini  Sutra,  ii.  4.  2.  34  [  *o|  ( r\  i^  [  "^^•f 

^"^fq  f^-^qoirt  II  This  does  not  exclude,  however,  the  obli- 
gation  of  reading  different  Vedas.  «f  (Efcj  c|<^  M^^I^T^T  «T 
TW%rf  T  T^^Trftw  TrfFnT^RTf^l  ^PSJT  ^fT  %T" 
$f*T  cHST  ^^T^ftcq"  ^^fl"  ^f?t  WT3II  See  also  Mitak- 
shara,  p.  17.  a.  b.  T^aunrSTER^t  ^<MI<JK  I) 

N    2 


180  KALPA. 

obviate  this  difficulty,  that  the  Sutras  were  called  into 
existence,  as  a  kind  of  grammar  of  the  Yedic  cere- 
monial, useful  for  members  of  all  Charanas. 

The  Kalpa-sutras  for  the  Hotri  priests,  which  were 
composed  by  Asvalayana,  were  intended  both  for 
the  Sakala-  and  Bashkala-sakhas  \  and  they  contain 
occasional  references  to  other  Charanas  also.  Sa- 
yana,  in  his  introduction  to  the  Rig-veda  (i.  p.  34.) 
says  distinctly,  that  Asvalayana  teaches  the  employ- 
ment of  hymns,  which  do  not  occur  in  the  Sakala- 
sakha.  "  These,"  he  says,  "  have  been  taken  from  an- 
other oakha,  and  their  employment,  therefore,  rests  on 
the  authority  of  a  different  Brahmana,  although  the 
sacrifice  itself  (karma)  must  be  considered  as  one  and 
the  same  for  all  Sakhas,  in  spite  of  some  differences 
in  its  performance  (prayoga)."2 

There  is  a  second,  and  more  ancient,  collection  of 
Sutras  for  the  Hotri  priests,  written  by  Sankhayana. 
They  were  intended  for  members  of  the  Kaushitaki- 
sakha,  a  Sakha  of  which  we  still  possess  the  Brahmana 
and  the  Aranyaka.  The  Brahmana  is  sometimes 
quoted  under  the  name  of  the  Sankhayana-brahmana, 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  Aitareya  is  sometimes 

T&f%W    ^T^^RT    cTTfcch^^l    ^TOT^ *|^d4l  WT^T- 

"311^  *\\H  TpEHT'SJ'Plh  Narayana  Gargya's  Commentary 
on  Asvalayana. 

2  Hiranyakesi-bhashya :    ^4aU<Sm<3^nN7     3iT?f^     •3T- 

*rf%  ii^tfTTTfTfiT:  wtw:  3fiwfr$f%ii 


KALPA.  181 

quoted  as  Asvalayana-brahmana.  This  Sankhayana 
text  of  the  Kaushitaki-brahmana  may  be  more  mo- 
dern  than  the  Aitareya-brahmana,  but  the  Sutras  of 
Sankhayana  are  more  ancient  than  the  Sutras  of  As- 
valayana. 

The  Sutras  for  the  Adhvaryu  priests  were  composed 
by  Katyayana,  and  adopted  by  the  Kanva  and  Ma- 
dhyandina-S&khas.1 

The  ceremonial  of  the  Udgatri  priests  who  followed 
the  Sama-veda,  was  likewise  composed  by  authors 
who  were  free  from  the  exclusive  influence  of  one  par- 
ticular Sakha.  The  Latyayana-sutras  were  not  origi- 
nally the  Sutras  of  a  Latyayana-sakha,  but  they  were 
written  by  Latyayana,  and  afterwards  adopted  by  the 
numerous  branches  of  the  Kauthuma-sakha.  Another 
collection  of  Sutras,  almost  identical  with  the  former, 
was  composed  by  Drahyayana,  and  was  adopted  by  the 
different  Charanas  of  the  Eanayaniyas.2  Both  Sutras 
follow  the  same  authority,  the  Tandya-brahmana,  its 
old  as  well  as  its  more  modern  portion,  and  they 
quote  not  only  the  traditional  literature  of  various 
Charanas,  such  as  the  Satyayanins,  SaMankayanins,  but 
the  works  of  individuals  also,  such  as  Sandilya,  han- 
dily ayana,  Dhananjaya,  Kautsa,  Kshairakalambhin, 
two  Gautamas,  Bhanditayana,  Ranayaniputra,  Lama- 
k  ay  an  a,  Sauchivrikshi,  &c.3 

^K^^^"*  "^rn^nT^T^H  II  Mahadeva's  Commentary  on  the 
Hiranyakesi-siitra. 

2  In  a  MS.  of  the  Drahyayana-sutras,  E.  I.  H.  363.  they  are 

called  ^WT^irnrH  ^T^TW^II 

3  See  Weber,  Vorlesungen,  p.  74.  The  Kauthumas  seem  to  be 
a  later  Charana  than  the  Ranayaniyas.  Latyayana  quotes  a 
Eunayaniputra  ;  Kauthumas  are  quoted  in  the  Pushpa-sutra. 

n  3 


182  KALPA. 

But  although  the  Sutras  were  adopted  by  dif- 
ferent Charanas,  existing  previous  to  the  composition 
of  the  Sutras,  and  although  the  author  of  a  new  code 
of  Sutras  might  himself  become  the  founder  of  a  new 
Charana  or  sect,  the  text  of  these  short  rules  seems 
never  to  have  changed.  The  text  of  the  Asvalayana- 
sutras  was  one  and  the  same  for  a  follower  of  the  old 
Sakala,  Bashkala  or  Aitareyi-sakhas.  We  meet  with 
no  authorized  varice  lectiones  as  we  do  in  the  Brah- 
manas. As  late  as  the  time  of  Sayana  the  various 
readings  of  the  Brahmanas  were  known,  and  he  refers 
to  them  frequently  in  his  Commentary  on  the  Aita- 
reyi-brahmana.  Nothing  of  the  kind  ever  occurs 
in  the  commentaries  on  the  Sutras ;  still  less  were 
the  Sutras  liable  to  those  more  important  changes 
which  the  Brahmanas  underwent,  as  they  became  the 
property  of  distinct  Charanas  or  sects. 

Kumarila's  argument,  therefore,  by  which  he  en- 
deavoured to  establish  a  distinction  between  the 
Brahmanas  and  Sutras1,  is  fully  confirmed  by  those 
traces  which  can  still  be  discovered  by  philological 
criticism.  We  have  only  to  translate  what  he  calls 
sruti,  or  revelation,  by  "  ancient  literature  handed  down 
by  oral  tradition/'  and  the  distinction  between  Brah- 
manas, as  sruti,  and  Sutras,  as  smriti,  holds  perfectly 
good.  There  is  no  doubt  a  distinction  to  be  made 
between  the  manner  in  which  the  hymns  and  the 
Brahmanas,  both  included  under  the  name  of  sruti, 

1  Kumarila  i.  3.  7.  ^13^1  «T  ^ifa^^Wf  "^f   WT^fTt  I 

H\i,  ^l^l^|U!^tf^4ld<4*iM*ll^dll  "The  mistake  of  sup- 
posing the  Sutras  to  be  Brahmanas,  which  arose  from  their  iden- 
tity of  object  and  occasional  literal  coincidences,  has  thus  been 
removed. 


KALPA.  183 

were  preserved.  But,  in  spite  of  Wolf's  maxim,  that 
prose  literature  marks  everywhere  the  introduction 
of  writing,  we  must  claim  for  the  Brahmanas,  as  well 
as  for  the  hymns,  a  certain  period  during  which  they 
were  preserved  by  means  of  oral  tradition  only.  With- 
out the  admission  of  an  oral  tradition,  carried  on  for 
several  generations  and  in  several  places  by  different 
families  and  Brahmanic  colonies,  it  would  seem  im- 
possible to  account  for  the  numerous  recensions  of 
the  same  Brahmana,  and  for  the  various  readings 
of  each  recension.  How  the  changes,  the  additions, 
the  rearrangements  of  the  original  collections  of  the 
Brahmanas  were  effected,  we  have  no  means  of  ascer- 
taining ;  but  we  can  see,  that  the  Kanva  and  Madhy- 
andina  recensions  of  the  Sathapata-brahmana  pre- 
suppose some  point  from  whence  they  both  started 
in  common.  The  same  applies  to  the  Bahvricha- 
brahmana  in  the  widely  differing  recensions  of  the 
Aitareyins,  the  Sankhayanins  or  the  Kaushitakins. 
There  is  a  common  stock  in  the  Brahmanas  of  each 
Veda.  The  same  ceremonial  is  described,  the  same 
doubts  are  raised,  similar  solutions  are  proposed,  and 
many  chapters  are  repeated  in  the  same  words. 
Before  each  recension  took  its  present  shape — and 
few  only  of  these  numerous  recensions  have  been  pre- 
served to  us  —  they  must  have  rolled  from  hand  to 
hand,  sometimes  losing  old,  sometimes  gathering  new 
matter ;  now  broken  to  pieces,  now  rearranged,  till  at 
last  the  name  of  their  author  became  merged  in  the 
name  of  the  Charana  that  preserved  his  work.  No 
traces  of  this  kind  can  be  discovered  in  the  Sutras. 
We  probably  read  them  in  our  MSS.  exactly  as  they 
were  written  down  at  first  by  Katyayana,  Asvalayana 
and  others.     They  are  evidently  the  works  of  indivi- 

K    4 


184  KALPA. 

dual  writers,  the  result  of  careful  and  systematic  re- 
search. They  presuppose  the  Sanhitas  and  the  Sakhas 
of  the  Sanhitas  ;  they  presuppose  the  Brahmanas  and 
the  Sakhas  of  the  Brahmanas.  And  they  also  refer 
to  individual  writers,  whether  they  had  become  the 
founders  of  Charanas,  or  whether  they  enjoyed  an 
authority  as  teachers  of  law  and  other  subjects  con- 
nected with  the  intellectual  pursuits  of  the  early 
Brahmans. 

There  is,  however,  one  fact  that  seems  to  militate 
against  the  distinction  between  the  Brahmanas  and 
Sutras,  in  so  far  as  it  assigns  a  very  early  origin, 
and  a  traditionary  character,  to  at  least  some  works 
which  were  written  in  Sutras.  At  the  time  of 
Katyayana,  if  not  at  the  time  of  Panini,  there  ex- 
isted Sutras,  which  were  not  then  considered  as 
the  works  of  modern  or  at  least  well-known  au- 
thors, like  Asvalayana  or  Katyayana,  but  indicated 
by  their  very  name,  that  they  had  formed,  for  a  time, 
part  of  the  traditional  literary  property  of  a  Charana, 
or  of  some  learned  school.  Their  titles  are  formed 
on  the  same  principle  as  the  titles  of  ancient  Brah- 
manas. The  affix  in  (nini)  is  added  to  the  names 
of  their  reputed  authors,  and  this,  as  we  know,  is  a 
mark  that  their  authors  were  considered  as  Rishis  or 
inspired  writers.1  Their  works  are  not  quoted  in 
the  singular,  like  all  modern  Sutras  (for  instance, 
"  this  is  the  ceremonial  of  Asmaratha,"  iti  kalpa  as- 
marathah),  but, — and  this  is  a  characteristic  feature 
of  the  ancient  traditional  literature  of  India — in  the 
masculine  plural,  the  literary  works  being  supposed 

1  Cf.  Pan.  iv.  3.  103—110.  The  Sutras  from  106  are  not  ex- 
plained in  the  Mahabhashya  according  to  the  Calcutta  edition. 


KALPA.  185 

to  have  their  only  substantial  existence  in  the  minds 
or  memories  of  those  persons  who  read  or  taught 
them.  We  find,  for  instance,  "  thus  say  the  Para- 
larins,  the  Sailalins,  the  Karmandins,  the  Krisasvins," 
whereas  the  work  even  of  Panini  himself  is  quoted 
as  "  the  Paniniyam,"  as  it  were  "  Panineum,"  not  as 
"  the  Panineyins."  *  But  although  these  quotations 
refer  to  Sutras,  it  ought  to  be  observed  that  not  one 
of  them  refers  to  Kalpa,  or  ceremonial  Sutras.  Where 
P&nini  (iv.  3.  105.),  or  rather  his  commentator, 
quotes  works  on  Kalpa  in  a  similar,  though  not  in  ex- 
actly the  same  manner,  we  must  bear  in  mind  that 
expressions  like  "  Paingi  kalpah,"  "  the  ceremonial 
taught  by  the  old  sage  Pinga,  "  Kausiki  kalpah," 
"  the  ceremonial  taught  by  the  old  sage  Kusika," 
may  refer  to  portions  of  the  Brahmanas  which  are 
called  kalpa,  ceremonial,  in  contradistinction  to  the 
brahmana  or  the  purely  theological  discussions 2 ;  and 
it  is  nowhere  said  that  these  old  Kalpas  were  written  in 


1  Kalpa-sutras  were  composed  contemporaneously  with  Panini, 
and  even  after  his  time,  as,  for  instance,  the  Sutras  of  Asvalayana 
and  Katyayana,  which  we  still  possess,  and  those  of  Asmarathya, 
which  are  lost.  The  last  are  quoted  in  the  commentary  to  Panini 
(iv.  3.  105.),  as  a  modern  work  on  Kalpa ;  yet  Asvalayana  in  his 
Sutras,  v.  13.,  refers  to  Asmarathya  as  an  authority,  whom  he 
follows  in  opposition  to  other  teachers  whose  opinion  he  rejects. 
Cf.  Asv.  Sutra,  v.  13. ;  Indische  Studien,  i.  45. 

2  The  wording  of  the  Sutra,  "Puranaprokteshu  brahmanakal- 
peshu"  seems  to  confirm  this  interpretation.  The  Paingins  must 
be  considered  as  a  Brahmana-charana,  for  there  is  a  Paingyam,  the 
work  of  a  Paingin,  quoted  in  the  Kaushitaki-brahmana,  and  in  a 
doubtful  passage  of  the  Aitareya-brahmana.  It  is  difficult  to  say 
anything  equally  positive  about  the  Kausiki  kalpah,  an"?  expres- 
sion which  may  possibly  refer  to  the  Kausika-sutras  of  the 
Atharva-veda. 


186  KALPA. 

Sutras.  Unless,  therefore,  a  quotation  can  be  brought 
forward  previous  to  Katyayana,  and  referring  to  a 
collection  of  Kalpa-sutras,  such  quotation  calling  the 
Sutras  not  by  the  name  of  their  author,  but  by  the 
name  of  a  Charana,  not  in  the  singular,  but  in  the 
masculine  plural,  Kumarila's  distinction  between 
Brahmanas  and  Sutras  remains  unshaken,  and  we  are 
justified  in  maintaining  that  the  Kalpa-sutras,  in  spite 
of  some  apparent  similarity  with  the  later  Brahmanas, 
belong  to  a  period  of  literature  different  in  form  and 
character  from  that  which  preceded  it,  and  which 
gave  rise  to  the  traditionary  literature  of  the  Brah- 
manas. 

The  Kalpa-sutras  are  important  in  the  history  of 
Vedic  literature  for  more  than  one  reason.  They 
not  only  mark  a  new  period  of  literature,  and  a  new 
purpose  in  the  literary  and  religious  life  of  India, 
but  they  contributed  to  the  gradual  extinction  of  the 
numerous  Brahmanas,  which  to  us  are  therefore  only 
known  by  name.  The  introduction  of  a  Kalpa-sutra 
was  the  introduction  of  a  new  book  of  liturgy.  If  it  was 
adopted  by  different  Charanas,  smaller  differences  in 
the  ceremonial  and  its  allegorical  interpretation,  which 
had  been  kept  up  by  the  Brahmanas  of  each  Charana, 
would  gradually  be  merged  in  one  common  ceremonial; 
or,  if  they  were  considered  of  sufficient  importance,  a 
short  mention,  such  as  we  find  here  and  there  in  the 
Sutras,  would  suffice,  and  render  the  tedious  discus- 
sions of  the  Brahmanas  on  the  same  points,  super- 
fluous. If  the  Sutras  were  once  acknowledged  as 
authoritative,  they  became  the  most  important  part 
of  the  sacred  literature  which  a  Brahman  had  to 
study.  Those  who  had  to  perform  the  sacrifices 
might   do   so  without  the  Veda,  simply  by  means 


KALPA.  187 

of  the  Kalpa-sutras ;  but  no  one  could  learn  the 
ceremonial  from  the  hymns  and  Brahmanas  alone, 
without  the  help  of  the  Sutras.1  There  remained, 
indeed,  the  duty  of  every  Brahman  to  learn  his  Sva- 
dhyaya,  which  comprised  the  hymns  and  the  Brah- 
manas. But  complaints  were  made,  at  least  at  a 
later  time,  that  the  hymns  and  the  Brahmanas  were 
neglected  on  account  of  the  Sutras,  and  one  of  the 
reasons  why  the  Hotri  priests  were  never  allowed 
to  have  a  prayer-book,  such  as  the  hymn-books  of 
the  Yajur-veda  and  Sama-veda,  was  the  fear  that  they 
would  then  neglect  their  Svadhyaya,  and  learn  only 
those  hymns  which  were  enjoined  for  the  sacrifices 
by  the  Kalpa-sutras.  We  need  not  wonder,  there- 
fore, if,  after  a  short  time,  the  authors  of  Kalpa- 
sutras  became  themselves  the  founders  of  new  Chara- 
nas, in  which  the  Sutras  were  considered  the  most 
essential  portion  of  the  sacred  literature ;  so  that 
the  hymns  and  Brahmanas  were  either  neglected,  or 
kept  up  under  the  name  of  "  the  hymns  and  Brah- 
manas of  the  new  Charana,"  having  ceased  to  form  by 
themselves  the  foundation  of  an  independent  tradi- 
tion or  school. 

In  order  to  make  quite  clear  the  influence  which 
the  Sutras  exercised  on  the  final  constitution  of  the 
Vedic  Charanas  we  ought  to  distinguish  between 
three  classes  of  Charanas:  1.  Those  which  originated 
with  the  texts  of  Sanhit&s;  2.  Those  which  originated 
with  the  texts  of  Brahmanas ;  3.  Those  which  ori- 
ginated with  the  Sutras. 

Sr^rf^TT  ^f^^JW^Uj^MchldLJI   Kumarila. 


188  KALPA. 

We  need  not  enter  here  into  the  question,  whether 
originally  there  was  but  one  Veda,  and  whether  this 
original  Veda  became  afterwards  divided  into  three 
branches  or  Sakhas,  the  Rig-veda,  Yajur-veda,  and 
Sama-veda.  This  is  the  view  adopted  by  the  Brah- 
mans,  and  they  consider  these  three  divisions  as  the 
three  most  ancient  Sakhas,  and  their  propagators  or 
pravartakas  as  the  three  most  ancient  Charanas.  This 
is  a  natural  mistake.  It  is  the  same  mistake  which 
leads  to  the  assumption  of  a  common  literary  lan- 
guage previous  to  the  existence  of  the  spoken  dia- 
lects, whereas  in  fact  the  various  dialects  existed 
previous  to  the  establishment  of  the  classical  lan- 
guage. The  first  collection  of  Vedic  hymns  is  that 
which  we  have  in  the  Rig-veda,  a  collection,  not 
made  with  any  reference  to  the  threefold  division 
of  the  later  ceremonial,  and  therefore  not  one  of  three 
branches,  but  the  original  stock,  to  which  the  other 
two,  the  Yajur-veda  and  Sama-veda,  were  added  at  a 
much  later  period. 

The  most  ancient  Sakhas  and  Charanas  of  which 
we  have  any  knowledge  are  those  which  arose  from 
differences  in  the  text  of  the  Rig-veda-sanhita,  such 
as  the  Bashkalas  and  Sakalas.  We  never  hear  of 
either  Brahmanas  or  Sutras  peculiar  to  these  sakhas, 
and  the  natural  conclusion,  confirmed  besides  by 
native  authority,  is  that  they  diverged  and  became 
separated  on  the  strength  of  various  readings  and 
other  peculiarities,  affecting  the  texts  of  their  San- 
hitas.  There  is  no  evidence  as  to  the  existence  of 
similar  Sanhita-sakhas  for  the  Yajur-veda  or  Sama- 
veda.  If  we  take  the  two  sakhas  of  the  Yajur-veda- 
sanhita,  that  of  the  Kanvas  and  that  of  the  Madhy- 
andinas,  both  presuppose  the  existence    of  a  Vaja- 


KALPA.  189 

saneyi-sanhita,  and  this  Vajasaneyi-sanhita  would  have 
been  perfectly  useless  without  a  Brahmana.  It  was 
not  the  Sanhita,  but  the  Brahmana  of  the  Vajasa- 
neyins,  handed  down  as  it  was  in  various  texts,  which 
gave  rise  to  the  fifteen  Charanas  of  the  Vajasaneyins, 
and  among  them  to  the  Kanva  and  Madhyandina- 
charanas.  Their  Sanhitas  were  of  secondary  im- 
portance, and  startling  as  such  an  opinion  might 
sound  to  an  orthodox  Brahman,  were  probably  not 
put  together  till  after  the  composition  of  the  Vaja- 
saneyi-brahmana  in  its  original  and  primitive  form. 
The  peculiar  differences  in  the  text  of  the  Mantras  of 
the  Kanvas  and  Madhyandinas  depend  on  the  differ- 
ences occurring  in  their  respective  Brahmanas,  and 
not  vice  versd.  On  the  same  ground  we  must  doubt 
the  existence  of  ancient  Sanhita-sakhas  for  the  Sama- 
veda. 

The  next  step  which  led  to  the  formation  of  Chara- 
nas was  the  adoption  of  a  Brahmana,  and  we  therefore 
call  this  second  class  the  Brahmana-charanas.  When 
the  growth  of  a  more  complicated  ceremonial  led  to 
the  establishment  of  three  or  four  classes  of  priests, 
each  performing  peculiar  duties,  and  requiring  a 
special  training  for  their  sacerdotal  office,  there  must 
have  been  a  floating  stock  of  Brahmanas,  or  dicta  theo- 
logica,  peculiar  to  each  class  of  priests.  They  treated 
of  the  general  arrangement  of  the  sacrifice.  They 
handed  down  the  authoritative  opinions  of  famous 
sages :  they  gave  the  objections  raised  against  such 
opinions  by  other  persons :  and  gradually  they  clothed 
these  contradictory  statements  in  the  form  of  a 
logical  argument.  Occasionally  an  allegorical  inter- 
pretation was  given  of  the  meaning  of  certain  rites, 
the  simple  and  natural  import  of  which  had  been  for- 


190  KALPA. 

gotten.  Kewards  were  vouchsafed  to  the  pious  wor- 
shipper, and  instances  were  recorded  of  such  rewards 
having  been  obtained  by  the  faithful  of  former  ages. 
All  these  sayings  and  discussions  were  afterwards  col- 
lected as  three  distinct  Brahmanas,  belonging  to  the 
three  classes  of  priests.  We  still  meet  with  the  general 
names  of  Bahvricha-brahmanas  for  the  Rig-veda,  of 
Adhvaryu- brahmanas  for  the  Yajur-veda,  and  of 
Chhandoga-brahmanas  for  the  Sama-veda,  without  any 
further  reference  to  particular  Charanas  by  which  these 
Brahmanas  were  collected  or  adopted.  But  those 
Brahmanas  are  no  longer  met  with  in  their  original 
form.  They  have  come  down  to  us,  without  excep- 
tion, as  the  Brahmanas  of  certain  Charanas  of  each 
Veda.  Instead  of  one  Bahvricha-brahmana  of  the  Rig- 
veda,  we  only  find  the  Bahvricha-brahmana  of  the 
Aitareyins,  or  the  Kaushitakins,  or  the  Sankhayanins. 
Instead  of  one  Chhandoga-brahmana  or  Chhandogyam, 
we  have  the  Chhandoga-brahmana  of  the  T&ndins  or 
the  Tandya,  and  we  find  quotations  from  other 
Charanas,  such  as  the  Satyayanins1  or  the  Kauthumas. 

1  In  one  of  the  most  interesting  Brahmanas  of  the  Chhandogas, 
the  Samavidhana-brahmana,  we  see  how  the  two  last  in  a  series 
of  teachers  became  the  founders  of  a  Charana,  by  teaching  this 
Brahmana,  which  had  been  handed  down  to  them  through  a  suc- 
cession of  nine  or  at  least  six  masters,  to  a  multitude  of  followers. 


KALPA.  191 

Instead  of  one  Adhvaryu-brahmana,  we  have  the  dark 
code  of  the  old  Charakas,  or  the  Taittiriyas  and  the 
kathas,  and  the  new  Brahmana  of  the  Vajasaneyins, 
and  their  descendants,  the  Kanvas  and  Madhyandi- 
nas.  We  nowhere  find  the  original  collection  from 
which  the  various  recensions  might  be  supposed  to 
have  branched  off  and  deviated  in  time.  In  most  cases, 
where  we  possess  the  texts  of  a  Brahmana,  preserved 
by  different  iSakhas,  the  variations  are  but  small, 
and  they  point  clearly  to  one  and  the  same  original 
from  which  they  descended.  Sometimes,  however, 
the  variations  are  of  a  different  kind,  so  much  so  that 
we  are  inclined  to  admit  several  independent  collec- 
tions of  that  floating  stock  of  Brahmanic  lore,  which 
went  on  accumulating  in  different  places  and  through 
various  generations.  If  we  compare  the  Brahmanas 
of  the  Aitareyins  and  the  Kaushitakins,  we  find  their 
wording,  even  where  they  treat  of  the  same  matters, 
very  different.  The  order  in  which  the  sacrifices  are 
described  is  not  always  the  same,  nor  are  the  ceremo- 
nial rules  always  identical.  Illustrations  and  legends 
are  interspersed  in  the  Brahmana  of  the  Kaushitakins 
of  which  no  trace  can  be  found  in  the  Brahmana  of 
the  Aitareyins.  And  yet,  with  all  these  differences, 
the  literal  coincidence  of  whole  chapters,  the  frequent 
occurrence  of  the  same  sentences,  the  same  compari- 
sons and  illustrations,  render  it  impossible  to  ascribe 
to  each  of  these  Brahmanas  a  perfectly  independent 
origin.  The  two  Brahmanas  of  the  Kanvas  and 
Madhyandinas,  in  spite  of  their  differences,  in  spite  of 

f^Wfl  rrff%arr^l*jfa«iY  ^jPSf:  II  On  the  &atyayanins  and 
their  relation  to  the  Saraa-veda,  see  Indische  Studien,  i.  49. 


192  KALPA. 

additions  and  omissions  that  have  been  pointed  out  in 
either,  compel  us  to  admit  that  they  had  a  common 
starting-point.  To  judge  from  frequent  quotations, 
the  number  of  Brahmanas,  differing  from  each  other 
more  or  less  considerably,  and  the  number  of  Charanas, 
founded  on  these  Brahmanas,  must  have  been  very 
large.  We  can  easily  imagine  how  this  happened.  The 
name  of  a  famous  teacher,  who  gathered  a  number 
of  students  around  himself  in  a  village,  or  who  lived 
under  the  protection  of  some  small  Raja,  was  preserved 
by  his  pupils  for  generations.  The  sacred  litera- 
ture which  he  was,  perhaps,  the  first  to  teach  in  a 
newly-founded  colony,  was  afterwards  handed  down 
under  the  sanction  of  his  name,  though  differing  but 
slightly  from  the  traditional  texts  kept  up  in  the 
community  from  which  he  himself  had  started.  He 
might,  perhaps,  add  a  few  chapters  of  his  own  compo- 
sition, a  change  quite  sufficient,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Brahmans  to  constitute  a  new  work,  or  at  least  to 
disqualify  it  for  claiming  any  longer  its  original  title. 
When  these  new  Charanas  had  once  been  founded,  it 
was  but  natural,  though  they  originated  chiefly  with 
a  Brahmana  of  their  own,  that  the  text  of  their 
Sanhitas  also  should  be  slightly  modified.  This 
was  not  the  case  necessarily.  The  Aitareyins,  for 
instance,  and  the  Kaushitakins,  though  they  differed 
in  their  Brahmanas,  preserved,  as  far  as  we  know,  the 
same  sakha  of  the  Sanhita,  and  preserved  it  each  with 
the  same  minute  accuracy.  No  Sanhita  peculiar  to  the 
Kaushitakins  and  Aitareyins  is  ever  mentioned,  and 
the  points  on  which  they  differed  were,  from  the  very 
first,  connected  with  the  subject  matter  of  the  Brah- 
manas. Students  following  different  sakhas,  as  far 
as  their  Brahmana  was  concerned,  might  very  well 


KALPA.  193 

follow  one  and  the  same  Sakha  of  the  Sanhita, 
though  they  would  no  longer  call  it  by  its  own  ori- 
ginal name.  In  most  cases,  however,  and  particularly 
in  the  Charanas  of  the  Yajur-veda,  a  difference  in  the 
Brahmanas  would  necessitate,  or,  at  least,  naturally 
lead  to,  corresponding  differences  in  the  Sanhita,  such 
as  we  find,  for  instance,  in  the  hymns  of  the  Kanvas 
and  Madhyandinas.1 

These  Brahmana-charanas  existed  previous  to  the 
first  composition  of  the  Sutras,  and  in  the  Sutras 
belonging  to  the  Sama-veda,  which  are  the  earliest 
Sutras  we  possess,  they  are  quoted.  No  Sutra  is  ever 
quoted  in  any  of  the  Brahmanas,  but  there  is  no 
collection  of  Sutras  in  which  the  various  Sakhas  of 
the  Brahmanas  are  not  referred  to  by  name.  The 
authorities  quoted  in  the  Sutras  on  doubtful  points 
of  the  Vedic  ceremonial,  are  invariably  taken  from 
the  Brahmana-charanas.  In  the  commentary  on  Pa- 
nini,  such  names  as  "  the  Aitareyins,  the  Satyayanins, 
and  Bhallavins "  are  distinctly  explained  as  sup- 
porters of  ancient  Brahmanas  ;  and  the  antiquity  of  the 
two  last  is  still  further  confirmed  by  the  fact  of  their 
being  quoted  as  Brahmanic  authorities  in  the  Sata- 
patha  brahmana.2 

The  third  and  most  modern  class  of  Charanas  con- 
sists of  those  which  derive  their  origin  from  the  in- 
troduction of  a  new  body  of  Sutras,  such  as  the  Asva- 
layaniyas,  the  Katyayaniyas,  and  many  of  the  subdi- 
visions of  the  Taittiriyas.  It  is  not  always  possible 
to  determine  with  certainty  whether  a  Charana  dates 

1  The  differences  of  these  schools  may  be  seen  in  Weber's 
edition  of  the  Yajur-veda  at  the  end  of  each  Adhyaya. 

2  See  Weber's  Indische  Studien,  ii.  44. 

O 


194  KALPA. 

from  the  Brahmana  period,  or  from  the  Sutra  period, 
because  so  many  of  the  Brahmanas  and  Sutras  have 
been  lost,  and  some  of  the  Brahmanas  have  been 
handed  down  to  us  under  the  names  of  more  modern 
Sutra-charanas,  by  which  they  were  adopted.  It  is 
easy  to  determine  that  the  Kaushitakins  date  from  the 
Brahmana  period,  because  there  is  neither  a  Kaushi- 
taki-sutra  nor  a  Kaushitaki-sanhita,  but  only  a  Kaushi- 
taki-brahmana ;  but  in  other  instances  our  knowledge 
of  the  ancient  literature  of  India  is  too  fragmentary 
to  enable  us  to  ^x  the  age  of  the  numerous  Charanas 
which  are  quoted  by  later  authorities.  Some  of  the 
Sutras  again,  as  we  saw  before,  are  older  than  others, 
and  seem  almost  to  trespass  on  the  frontiers  of  the 
Brahmana  period.  How  are  we  to  determine,  for  in- 
stance, whether  the  Sankhayanas  were  originally  a 
Brahman a-charana,  and  had  their  Sutras  written  by 
one  of  their  own  sect,  or  whether  the  foundation  of 
their  Charana  rested  on  the  text  of  the  Sutras1,  a  new 
text  of  the  original  Brahmana  of  the  Bahvrichas  being 
adopted  by  them  in  later  times,  and  thenceforth  quoted 
as  the  JSankhayana-brahmana  ?  In  some  instances 
the  relative  age  of  certain  Sutras  has  been  preserved 
by  the  tradition  of  the  schools.  Thus  the  most 
ancient  Sutra  of  the  Taittiriyas  is  said  to  have  been 
that  of  Baudhayana,  who  was  succeeded  by  Bhara 
dvaja,  Apastamba,  Satyashadha  Hiranyakesin,  Va- 
dhuna,  and  Vaikhanasa ;  all  of  whom,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  two  last,  have  lent  their  names  to  dif- 
ferent Charanas  of  the  dark  Yajur-veda. 

1  It  should  be  observed,  that  in  some  MSS.  of  the  Charana vyuha 
the  two  Charanas,  which  belong  most  likely  to  the  Sautra  period, 
those  of  Asvalayana  and  &ankhayana,  are  not  mentioned. 


KALPA.  195 

Although  none  of  the  Sutras  seem  to  have  been 
written  with  the  distinct  purpose  of  founding  a  new 
Charana,  it  can  easily  be  imagined  how  different 
communities,  after  adopting  a  collection  of  Sutras  as 
the  highest  authority  for  their  ceremonial,  became 
inclined  to  waive  minor  points  of  difference  in  the 
Sanhitas  and  Brahmanas,  and  thus  coalesced  into  a  new 
Charana  under  the  name  and  sanction  of  their  Sutra- 
kara.  After  these  new  Sautra-charanas  had  once  been 
started,  we  find  that  the  Sanhitas  and  Brahmanas,  cur- 
rent among  their  members,  were  designated  by  the 
name  of  the  new  Charanas.  Thus  we  may  explain  the 
title  of  Asvalayana-brahmana  given  to  the  Aitareya- 
brahmana  in  one  of  the  MSS.  of  the  Bodleian  library1; 
and  we  shall  not  hesitate  to  ascribe  the  same  meaning 
to  an  Asvalayana-brahmana,  said  to  be  quoted  by 
Yajnikadeva  in  his  commentary  on  Katyayana.2  Why 
such  a  Brahmana  should  not  be  quoted  by  early 
writers,  such  as  the  authors  of  Sutras,  is  easily  un- 
derstood. Its  title  was  necessarily  of  late  origin,  and 
it  is  important  as  marking  the  progressive  changes  in 
the  nomenclature  of  Indian  literature.  We  have  a 
similar  and  still  better  authenticated  instance  in  the 
so-called  Apastamba-brahmana,  which  is  but  a  dif- 
ferent title  of  the  Taittiriya-brahmana,  as  adopted  by 
the  followers  of  the  Apastamba-sutras.  It  is  in  this 
manner  that  the  Sutras  may  be  said  to  have  contri- 
buted partly  to  the  formation  of  new  Charanas,  some  of 
which  are  not  mentioned  in  the  ancient  lists,  as,  for 
instance,  the  K&tyayaniyas  ;  partly  to  the  extinction  of 

1  MS. Wilson,  473.     The  title  is  ^TOCTlFrar     sflipr  (sic)  J 
it  contains  the  fifth  Book  of  the  Aitareya-brahmana. 

2  Katyayana,  ii.  5. 18.;  vi.  6.  5.    Indische  Studien,  i.  230. 

o  2 


196  KALPA. 

the  more  ancient  Brahmana-charanas  and  Sanhita  cha- 
ranas,  many  of  which  are  now  known  to  us  by  name 
only. 

That  the  introduction  of  the  Sutras  and  the  founda- 
tion of  Sutra- charanas  was  felt  as  an  innovation  by 
the  Brahmans  themselves,  we  perceive  from  the  man- 
ner in  which  even  modern  writers  speak  of  them ; 
half  objecting  to  their  authority,  yet  glad  to  admit 
and  even  to  defend  what  could  no  longer  be  prevented. 
The  Sutras  were  not,  indeed,  admitted  as  part  of  the 
Sruti,  yet  they  were  made  part  of  the  Svadhyaya, 
and  had  to  be  learned  by  heart  by  the  young  student. 
They  might,  therefore,  like  the  Sanhitas  and  Brah- 
manas,  claim  a  kind  of  sacred  character,  and  in  time 
become  the  charter  of  a  new  Charana.  Thus  we  read 
in  Mahadeva's  Commentary  on  the  Hiranyakesi-su- 
tras l : ."  The  Kalpa-sutra  is  sometimes  different  for 
different  Sakhas,  sometimes  it  is  not.  The  difference 
of  the  Sakhas  arises  partly  from  a  difference  of  the 
sacred  texts  (adhyayana  being  used  in  the  sense  of 
svddhyaya,  perhaps  with  reference  to  the  peculiar 
pronunciation  taught  in  the  Pratisakhyas),  partly 
from  a  difference  in  the  Sutras.  The  Sutras  of  Asva- 
layana  and  Katyayana,  for  instance,  are  the  same  for 


KALPA.  197 

two  Sakhas  whose  respective  texts  are  different,  while 
in  the  Taittiriya-veda  we  find  Sakhas  with  different 
Sutras,  but  no  differences  in  their  sacred  texts.  Hence 
it  may  be  said l,  that  sometimes,  where  there  is  a  dif- 
ference in  the  Sutras,  there  is  also  a  difference  of 
6akha ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  where  there  is  a  dif- 
ference of  Sakha,  there  may  be  a  difference  in  the 
Sutras."  Mahadeva  goes  even  further,  and  tries  to 
show  that,  like  all  the  revealed  literature  of  the  Brah- 
mans,  the  Sutras  also  existed  previous  to  the  beginning 
of  time  and  had  no  historical  origin.2  "As  the  various 
Sakhas,"  he  says,  "  which  arise  from  various  readings 
of  the  sacred  texts  are  without  a  beginning,  or  eternal, 
so  are  also  the  various  oakhas  which  arise  from  dif- 
ferent Sutras.  For  the  titles  of  certain  Sutras,  derived 
from  their  authors,  are  not  modern  ;  but  being  eternal, 
as  inherent  in  individual  Rishis,  whose  names  occur  in 
certain  Kalpas  or  ceremonials,  and  retaining  the  same 
character  when  applied  to  the  Sutras,  which  have  been 
promulgated  by  the  Rishis,  they  hold  good  as  titles  for 

1  Afterwards  he  says  again  :   ff^Tr  ^3^1  ^rfrTCfalU  <o|| «( i 

^"fSTrf t  II     "It  has  been  shown  in  the  Charanavyuha,    that   in 

the  Taittiriya-sakha,  where  there  is  but  one  and  the  same  sacred 
text,  subordinate  Sakhas  arise  from  different  Sutras." 

"  Nanakalpa-gatasu  "  cannot  refer  to  the  chronological  Kalpas, 
because  these  are  after  the  beginning  of  time. 

o  3 


198  KALPA. 

Sakhas,  which  apparently  are  marked  by  the  names 
of  men."  l  We  may  now  understand  in  what  sense 
the  same  Mahadeva  gives  to  the  word  Charana  the 
meaning  both  of  Sakha  and  Sutra.  "  It  is  true,"  he 
says,  "that  sakha  means  a  part  of  the  sacred  tradition, 
consisting  of  Mantras  and  Brahmanas,  and  that  the 
subordinate  sakhas  of  the  Yeda  owe  their  origin  to 
the  differences  of  either  Mantras  or  Brahmanas. 
Nevertheless,  as  Veda  means  the  sacred  tradition, 
together  with  the  Angas  or  subsidiary  doctrines,  a 
sakha  may  include  the  Angas  and  yet  remain  Yeda, 
and  as  such  become  different  from  other  sakhas,  owing 
to  a  difference  in  the  Angas.  If,  therefore,  the  Sutra, 
which  is  an  Anga,  differs,  there  will  be  difference  in 
the  sacred  tradition;  and  thus  a  difference  in  the 
Sutras  may  well  become  the  cause  of  a  different  name 
of  a  Sakha."  2 

The  following  list,  though  far  from  being  complete, 
contains  some  of  the  Kalpa-sutras  which  are  best 
known  to  us  either  from  MSS.  or  otherwise :  — 

1  Cf.  p.  97,  n. 

2  ^^m^:i   thtstt:  ^t^tt:  ^rcf%  ^i  ^ft  f%- 

ww^;:    ^Tf^fnr  ^j   top   *tot  *rhr:    ^rrsmsft 
^n^^msT  t^  "arn^rTf^r  *f*N  ^f^r  m^rtrTT^ 

ft^u%  *re?s  ^tw^t  <W  ^TWH^refr  ^  i  ?tot 
^f  *tot  nT^rsr^  turner  rf^T  ^^pg^mf^ii 


KALPA. 


199 


I.  Yajur-veda. 
A.  Old,  or  Dark  Text 

1.  Apastamba,  text  and  commentary  existing. 

2.  Baudhayana,  text  and  commentary  existing. 

3.  Satyashadha  Hiranyakesin,  text  and  commen- 

tary existing. 

4.  Manava-sutra,  large  fragments  of  text  existing. 

5.  Bharadvaja-sutra,  quoted. 

6.  Yadhuna-sutra,  quoted. 

7.  Yaikhanasa-sutra,  quoted. 

8.  Laugakshi-sutra,  quoted. 

9.  Maitra-sutra,  quoted. 

10.  Katha-sutra,  quoted. 

11.  Varaha-sutra,  quoted. 

B.  New,  or  Bright  Text. 
1.  Katyayana,  text  and  commentary  existing. 

II.  Sama-veda. 

1.  Masaka's  Arsheya-kalpa,  text  and  commentary 
existing. 

2.  Latyayana-sutra  (Kauthuma),  ditto. 

3.  Drahyayana-sutra  (Ranayaniya),  ditto. 

III.  Eig-veda. 

1.  Asvalayana-sutra,  text  and  commentary  existing. 

2.  Sankhayana-sutra,  ditto. 

3.  Saunaka-sutra,  quoted. 

IY.  Atharva-veda. 
1.  Kusika-sutra,  text  existing. 


o  4 


200  GRIHYA, 

Two  other  classes  of  Sutras  have  already  been  men- 
tioned as  belonging  to  the  same  branch  of  literature 
with  the  Srauta-sutras,  viz.  the  Grihya,  and  Sama- 
yacharika-sutras.  Both  are  included  under  the  common 
title  of  Sinarta-sutras,  in  contradistinction  totheSrau- 
ta~sutfas ;  the  latter  deriving  their  authority  from  the 
Sruti  (the  Mantras  and  Brahmanas),  the  former  from 
Smriti,  or  immemorial  tradition.  The  Grihya  and  Sa- 
niayacharika-sutras  have  frequently  been  confounded 
by  European  scholars ;  but  the  Brahmans  distinguish 
strictly  between  the  Grihya  ceremonies,  performed  by 
the  married  house-holder,  chiefly  for  the  benefit  of  his 
family,  and  the  Samayacharika  rules,  which  are  to  be 
observed  by  the  rising  generation,  and  which  regulate 
the  various  relations  of  every-day  life.  It  is  chiefly  in 
the  Samayacharikn,- or,  as  they  are  sometimes  called, 
Dharma-sutras,  that  we  have  to  look  for  the  originals 
of  the  later  metrical  law-books,  such  as  Manu,  Yajna- 
valkya,  and  the  rest ;  and  the  statement  of  Mega- 
sthenes,  that  the  Hindus  at  his  time  administered 
law  from  memory  (dwro  jav^Tj^)1  can  only  refer  to  the 
Smarta-sutras  of  the  Charanas,  and  not  to  the  modern 
Smriti- sanh  it  as  of  Manu,  Yajnavalkya,  Parasara,  &c. 

1  Strabo,  xv.  1.  53,  seq.,  quotes  Megasthenes:  Tevofievovg  cT  olv 
kv  Tto  ^avZpoKOTTOv  (TTpaToneco),  <j)ri<j\v  6  Meyaadevrjg,  TtTTapaKovra 
ixvpiadwv  -rrXrjdovQ  idpvfxivov,  firjdefilav  fj^iipav  Idea'  avr]veyfxiva  KXifi- 
fiara  7r\ei6vi*)V  ij  ZiaKoaioJV  Zpay^jiibv  ci£ia,  aypa<f>oiQ  kcu  ravra  vo- 
fxoiQ  yjpionivoiq.  Ovde  yap  ypafifxara  eldivai  avrov<;,  aW  cnrb  [Avi'ifxrjQ 
EKaara  ZioikeloQcli.  Schwanbeck  suggests  that  only  the  last  words 
ct/ro  f.iy))fir)Q  iKaoTa  dioiKtladai  contain  the  truth,  fivrjfxr}  being  a 
vague  interpretation  of  smriti,  memory  or  tradition  ;  and  that  the 
first  part  was  a  wrong  conclusion  of  the  Greeks.  The  question 
whether  the  Hindus  possessed  a  knowledge  of  the  art  of  writing 
during  the  Sutra  period,  will  have  to  be  discussed  hereafter. 


GRIHYA.  201 

The  Grihya-sutras,  belonging  to  the  old  Yajur-veda, 
are  numerous.  Quotations  have  been  met  with  from 
Baudhayana,  Bharadvaja,  Hiranyakesin,the  Kathaka1, 
and  the  Maitrayaniyas2,  all  names  connected  with  the 
Taittiriya-veda,  and  proving  the  existence  of  distinct 
collections  of  Grihya-sutras.  The  number  of  similar 
Sutras  for  the  bright  Yajur-veda  seems  to  have  been 
still  more  considerable.  Every  one  of  the  fifteen 
Charanas  of  the  Vajasaneyins  is  said  to  have  been  pos- 
sessed of  Kula  dharrnas,  which  may  have  been  either 
Grihya  or  Dharma-siitras.3  The  only  collection,  how- 
ever, which  has  come  down  to  us,  is  that  of  Paras- 
kara.4  Another,  ascribed  to  Yaijavapin,  is  quoted, 
but  has  not  yet  been  discovered  in  manuscript.  Con- 
nected with  the  Sama-veda,  the  Grihya-sutras  of  Go- 
bhila,  adopted  both  by  the  Banayaniyas  and  the  Kau- 
thumas,  seem  to  have  obtained  the  greatest  celebrity, 
there  being  but  one  other  collection,  the  Khadira- 
grihya,  which  is  sometimes  quoted  as  a  parallel  au- 
thority of  the  Chhandogas.5  The  Grihya-sutras  of  the 
Big-veda  or  the  Bahvrichas  were  written  by  Saunaka, 
and  he  is  quoted  as  an  authority  on  legal  subjects  by 
as  late  a  writer  as  the  author  of  the  Manava-dharma- 
sastra  (iii.  16.)  The  only  two  collections,  however, 
which  have  been  preserved  in  MS.  are  those  of  Asva- 
layana  and  Sankhayana. 

1  See  Stenzler  "  On  Indian  Law  Books,"  Ind.  Stud.  i.  232,  and 
iii.  159. 

2  Weber,  Vorlesungen,  p.  97. 

3  See  p.  121,  n.  1. 

4  In  a  MS.  (Wilson,  451.)  Paraskara's  Grihya-sutras  are  as- 
cribed to  the  Madhyandini-sakha. 

5  See  Asaditya  in  his  "  Commentary  on  the  Karma- pradipa," 
Ind.  Stud.  i.  58.  This  Karma-pradipa,  a  work  ascribed  to  Ka- 
tyayana,  is  intended  as  a  supplement  to  Gobhila. 


202  GRIHYA. 

Various  opinions  are  expressed  by  the  Brahmans 
themselves  as  to  the  meaning  of  grihya.  Griha,  ac- 
cording to  the  commentary  on  Asvalayana,  signifies 
not  only  house,  but  also  wife.  In  support  of  the 
latter  meaning  he  quotes  a  passage,  sagriho  griliam 
dgatah,  "  he  is  gone  to  the  house  with  his  wife." 
According  to  this  derivation  the  grihya  ceremonies 
would  be  those  which  are  performed  with  the  sacred 
fire,  first  lighted  by  a  husband  on  the  day  of  his 
marriage.  This  fire,  or  the  altar  on  which  it  is  kept, 
is  called  grihya,  and  the  grihya  sacrifices  are  all 
performed  on  that  altar.  But  it  is  doubtful  whether 
griha  can  ever  mean  wife.  In  the  passage  quoted 
above,  it  rather  means  house  or  family.  Besides,  as 
the  Hindus  themselves  admit,  this  domestic  fire  has 
sometimes  to  be  lighted  by  a  Brahman  }  before  his 
marriage,  in  case  his  father  should  die  prematurely.2 
Grihya,  therefore,  probably  meant  originally  the  house 
or  the  family-hearth,  from  griha,  house ;  and  it  was 
in  opposition  to  the  great  sacrifices  for  which  several 
hearths  were  required,  and  which  were  therefore 
called  vaitaniha 3,  that  the  domestic  ceremonies  were 

1  W^Tf^Tf^TT^Tf^T  ^^WTOtfa  'falU:  I  This 
is  taken  from  Gautama,  v.  1. 

2  A  Brahmacharin  who  has  not  yet  finished  his  religious  educa- 
tion, possesses  no  sacred  fires  of  his  own,  and  if  he  is  obliged  to 
perform  ceremonies  with  burnt-offerings,  he  must  do  so  with  com- 
mon fire  and  without  sacred  vessels.     Thus  the  Katyayana-sutra- 

paddhati  says  :  ^V^^<=l^fMJV34^     ^rf%$S^V     H^" 


GRIHYA.  203 

called  grihya,  as  performed  by  means  of  the  one  do- 
mestic fire.  It  should  be  stated,  however,  in  favour 
of  the  former  interpretation,  that  in  Gobhila's  Sutra 
these  domestic  ceremonies  are  not  called  grihya,  but 
grihya-karmani,  and  that  here  also  the  commentator 
admits  grihya  in  the  sense  of  housewife  or  tradition.1 
The  general  name  of  the  sacrifices  performed,  ac- 
cording to  the  Grihya-sutras,  is  Pakayajna,  where 
pdka  is  not  to  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  cooking, 
but  signifies,  according  to  Indian  authorities,  either 
small  or  good.  That  pdka  is  used  in  the  first  sense 
appears  from  such  expressions  as  "  yo'smatpakatarah," 
"  he  who  is  smaller  than  we."  But  the  more  likely 
meaning  is  good  or  excellent  or  perfect;  because,  as 
the  commentators  remark,  these  ceremonies  impart 
to  every  man  that  peculiar  fitness  without  which 
he  would  be  excluded  from  the  sacrifices,  and  from 
all  the  benefits  of  his  religion.  As  it  is  neces- 
sary that  the  marriage  ceremonies  should  be  rightly 
performed,  that  the  choice  of  the  bride  should  be  made 
according  to  sacred  rules,  prescribed  in  the  Sutras  or 
established  by  independent  tradition  in  various  fa- 
milies and  localities,  the  first  ceremony  described  in 

^5?f?RTSn1%  3f*TrT$fteHh  ll  Narayana  on  Asv.  Grihya- 
sutra.  The  three  fires  are  the  Garhapatya,  Ahavaniya,  and  Da- 
kshina ;  the  one  fire  is  the  Avasathya  or  Grihya. 

^  ^t^jii  ^^a  wt  wf^:\  rrerf  *jTf*r  grwfwii 

^F*T  TUT  vtft\     <TOT  *f%<TO  *nf%  ^Tfwil 


204  GRIHYA. 

the  Grihya-sutras  is  Marriage.  Then  follow  the  Sans- 
karas,  the  rites  to  be  performed  at  the  conception 
of  a  child,  at  various  periods  before  his  birth,  at 
the  time  of  his  birth,  the  ceremony  of  naming  the 
child,  of  carrying  him  out  to  see  the  sun,  of  feeding 
him,  of  cutting  his  hair,  and  lastly  of  investing  him 
as  a  student,  and  handing  him  to  a  Guru,  under 
whose  care  he  is  to  study  the  sacred  writings,  that  is 
to  say,  to  learn  them  by  heart,  and  to  perform  all  the 
offices  of  a  Brahmacharin,  or  religious  student.  It  is 
only  after  he  has  served  his  apprenticeship  and  grown 
up  to  manhood,  that  he  is  allowed  to  marry,  to  light 
the  sacrificial  fire  for  himself,  to  choose  his  priests, 
and  to  perform  year  after  year  the  solemn  sacrifices, 
prescribed  by  the  Sruti  and  the  Smriti.  The  latter 
are  described  in  the  later  books  of  the  Grihya-sutras, 
and  the  last  book  contains  a  full  account  of  the 
funeral  ceremonies  and  of  the  sacrifices  offered  to 
the  spirits  of  the  departed. 

There  is  certainly  more  of  human  interest  in  these 
domestic  rites  than  in  the  great  sacrifices  described 
in  the  Srauta-sutras.  The  offerings  themselves  are 
generally  of  a  simple  nature,  and  the  ceremonial  is 
such  that  it  does  not  require  the  assistance  of  a  large 
class  of  professional  priests.  A  log  of  wood  placed 
on  the  fire  of  the  hearth,  an  oblation  poured  out  to 
the  gods,  or  alms  given  to  the  Brahmans,  this  is 
what  constitutes  a  paka-yajna.  Asvalayana  quotes 
several  passages  from  the  Yeda,  in  order  to  show 
that  the  gods  do  not  despise  those  simple  offerings, 
nay,  that  a  mere  prayer  will  secure  their  favour, 
and  that  a  hymn  of  praise  is  as  good  as  bulls  and 
cows.  He  quotes  from  Rv.  viii.  19.  5.  and  6. :  "  The 
mortal  who  sacrifices  to  Agni  with  a  log  of  wood,  with 


GRIHYA.  205 

an  oblation,  with  a  bundle  of  grass  l  with  a  reverence, 
careful  in  his  performance,  his  horses  will  press  on 
quickly,  his  fame  will  be  the  brightest  ;  nowhere 
will  mischief,  whether  wrought  by  the  gods  or 
wrought  by  men,  reach  him."  Another  verse  is 
quoted  from  Rv.  viii.  24.  20.,  where  men  are  called 
upon  "  to  speak  a  mighty  speech  which  is  sweeter 
to  Indra  than  milk  (ghrita,  ghee)  and  honey."  And 
lastly,  reference  is  made  to  a  passage  (Rv.  vi.  16.  47.), 
where  the  poet  says :  "  With  this  hymn  of  praise,  0 
Agni,  we  bring  thee  a  sacrifice  that  is  fashioned 
by  the  heart ;  may  these  be  thy  bulls,  thy  oxen,  and 
thy  cows."  All  these  passages  are  more  applicable  to 
the  Grihya  than  to  the  Srauta  ceremonies,  and  though 
the  latter  may  seem  of  greater  importance  to  the 
Brahmans,  to  us  the  former  will  be  more  deeply  inter- 
esting, as  disclosing  that  deep-rooted  tendency  in  the 
heart  of  man  to  bring  the  chief  events  of  human  life 
in  connection  with  a  higher  power,  and  to  give  to  our 
joys  and  sufferings  a  deeper  significance  and  a  re- 
ligious sanctification.2 

1  The  Commentator  explains  veda  as  the  sacred  code.  Such  a 
code  wa3  not  known  to  the  authors  of  the  hymns.  On  the  mean- 
ing of  veda,  see  page  27.  note  1 . 

2  In  addition  to  a  list  of  literary  names  quoted  in  the  Grihya- 
sutras  of  Asvalayana  (see  p.  42),  I  subjoin  a  larger  list  of  a  similar 
character  from  the  6ankhayana-grihya-sutras,  of  which  a  copy 
exists  at  Berlin.  (Weber,  "  Catalogue  of  Sanskrit  MSS."  p.  33.) 
Sumantuh,  Jaimini  -  Vaisampayana-Pailasiitrabhashya-  Gargya- 
Babhru-Babhravya-Mandu-Mandavyah,  Gargi  Vachaknavi,  Va- 
dava  Pratitheyi,  Sulabha  Maitreyi;  Kaholam,  Kaushitakim, 
Mahakaushitakim,  Suyajnam,  ^ankhayanam,  Asvalayanam,  Aita- 
reyam,  Mahaitareyam,  Bharadvajam,  Jatukarnyam,  Paingyam, 
Mahapaingyam,  Bashkalam,  Gargyam,  6akalyam,  Mandukeyam, 
Mahadamatram,  Audavahim,    Mahaudavahim,    Sauyamim,    Sau- 


206  SAMAYACHAEIKA. 

The  third  class  of  the  Sutras,  the  Samayaeharika  or 
Dharma-sutras,  are  equally  interesting  on  account  of 
the  light  which  they  throw  on  the  every  day  life  of 
the  early  Brahmans.  According  to  the  commenta- 
ries on  these  works,  the  existence  of  the  Dharma- 
sutras  is  presupposed  by  the  Srauta  and  Grihya-sutras. 
It  is  said,  for  instance,  in  the  former,  that  a  certain 
act  of  the  sacrifice  is  to  be  performed  by  a  man,  after 
he  has  adjusted  his  sacrificial  cord  (yajnopavitin) : 
but  in  what  peculiar  manner  a  man  ought  to  adjust  that 
cord  is  not  stated,  but  is  supposed  to  be  known  from 
the  Dharma-sutras.  The  same  remark  is  made  with 
reference  to  the  exact  manner  of  rinsing  the  mouth 
(achanta),  and  of  performing  the  morning  and  even- 
ing prayers  (sandhyavandana).  These  matters  are 
spoken  of  as  generally  known  from  the  Sutras,  and, 
according  to  Hindu  commentators,  they  could  only 
be  known  from  the  Dharma-sutras.  This  argument, 
however,  can  hardly  be  considered  conclusive  as  to 
the  historical  priority  of  the  Dharma-sutras.  On  the 
contrary,  it  seems  more  likely  that  these  matters, 
such  as  adjusting  the  sacrificial  cord,  &c.,  were  sup- 
posed to  be  so  well  known  at  the  time  when  the 
iSrauta  and  Grihya-sutras  were  first  composed,  that 
they  required  no  elucidation.  Instead,  therefore,  of 
considering  the  Dharma-sutras  as  earlier  in  time,  the 
evidence,  as  far  as  it  is  known  at  present,  would 
rather  point  in  the  opposite  direction,  and  make  us 
look  upon  these  Dharma-sutras  as  the  latest  of  the 
three  branches  of  Sutras.  This  impression  is  con- 
firmed by  other  reflections.  In  neither  of  the  other 
Sutras   is   the   position    of  the   Siidra   so  definitely 

nakim,    Gautaraim,   Sakapunim,   ye  chanya    acharyas,    te    sarve 
tripyantv  iti.     See  also  Karmapradipa,  MS.  W.  465.  p.  16.  b. 


sAmayacharika.  207 

marked  as  in  the  Dharma-sutras.  Apastamba,  in  his 
Samayacharika-sutras,  declares  distinctly  that  there 
are  four  Varnas,  the  Brahmana,  the  Kshatriya,  the 
Vaisya,  the  Sudra,  but  that  the  initiatory  rites,  the 
Upanayana  in  particular,  are  only  intended  for  the 
three  first  classes.  The  same  is  implied,  no  doubt, 
in  the  other  Sutras,  which  give  the  rules  as  to  the 
proper  time  when  a  young  Brahman,  a  young  Ksha- 
triya, or  a  young  Vaisya  should  be  apprenticed  with 
their  spiritual  tutors,  but  never  say  at  what  age 
this  or  similar  ceremonies  should  be  performed  for  one 
not  belonging  to  these  three  Varnas.  Yet  they  never 
exclude  the  Sudra  expressly  \  nor  do  they  represent 
him  as  the  born  slave  or  client  of  the  other  castes.  In 
the  Dharma-sutras  the  social  degradation  of  the  Sudra 
is  as  great  as  in  the  later  Law-books,  and  the  same 
crime,  if  committed  by  a  Brahman  and  a  iSudra,  is 
visited  with  very  different  punishments.  Thus,  if  a 
member  of  the  three  Varnas  commits  adultery  with 
the  wife  of  a  Sudra,  he  is  to  be  banished ;  if  a  iSudra 
commits  adultery  with  the  wife  of  a  member  of  the 
three  Varnas,  he  is   to   be  executed.2     If  a  Sudra 

I  Apast.  i.  6.    ^^WT^^WW^R    W^rSTSH- 

3WT*rril  In  later  works,  such  as  the  Sanskara-ganapati,  this 
Sutra  of  Apastamba,  which  excludes  the  6udras  from  initiation, 
has  been  so  altered  as  to  admit  them.     MS.  E.  I.  H.  912,  p.  16. 

■  ms.  p.  163.  b.   crro  ^t*i:  spr^rf  w®c  j$%  ^rr- 


208  SAMAYACHARIKA. 

abuses  an  honest  member  of  the  three  Varnas,  his 
tongue  is  to  be  cut  out.1  He  is  to  be  flogged  for  not 
keeping  at  a  respectful  distance.  For  murder,  theft, 
and  pillage  the  Sudra  is  executed  ;  the  Brahman,  if 
caught  in  the  same  offences,  is  only  deprived  of  his 
eye-sight.  This  is  the  same  iniquitous  law,  which  we 
find  in  the  later  Law-books.  But  although  the  dis- 
tinction between  the  Siidras  and  the  other  Varnas  is 
so  sharply  drawn  by  Apastamba,  he  admits  that  a 
Sudra,  if  he  obeys  the  law,  may  be  born  again  as  a 
Vaisya,  the  Vaisya  as  a  Kshatriya,  and  the  Kshatriya 
as  a  Brahman  2 ;  and  that  a  Brahman,  if  he  disre- 
gards the  law,  will  be  born  again  as  a  Kshatriya,  the 
Kshatriya  as  a  Vaisya,  and  the  Vaisya  as  a  iSudra. 

It  might  be  supposed  that  the  Dharma-sutras 
formed  merely  an  appendix  to  the  Srauta  and  Grihya- 
sutras,  and  that  they  should  be  classed  with  the 
Parisishta  literature.  But  such  a  supposition  is  con- 
tradicted by  the  fact,  that  the  Dharma-sutras  occa- 
sionally treat  of  the  same  subjects  as  the  Grihya- 
sutras,and  employ  almost  the  same  words  in  explaining 
some  of  the  initiatory  rites,  the  Sanskaras.  They 
must,  therefore,  be  considered  as  independent  collec- 
tions of  Sutras,  later  perhaps  than  the  Srauta  and 

»  ms.  P.  164*.  f^n-i^i  ■s^st^  vf^*?wr*mYi 
2  ms.  p.  125*.  wgw  *?wr  sw:   ^n*5  tot- 


sAMA-StJTKAS.  209 

Gyihya-sutras,  but  enjoying  the  same  authority  on 
matters  belonging  to  Smriti  or  tradition,  as  theGrihya- 
sutras. 

We  have  still  to  mention  the  Ten  Sutras  of  the 
Sama-veda.1  These  Sutras  2  do  not  all,  strictly  speak- 
ing, treat  of  the  Kalpa,  or  the  ceremonial.  Some 
of  them  are  little  more  than  lists,  such  as  we  find  in 
the  Anukramanis  or  Indices,  appended  to  the  other 
Vedas.  Their  style,  however,  approaches  the  style 
of  the  Sutras ;  and,  as  they  are  quoted  together  as 
the  Ten  Sutras,  and  as  some  of  them  belong  decidedly 
to  the  earliest  productions  of  the  Sutra  literature,  it 
will  be  more  convenient  to  place  them  here,  than  to 
refer  them  to  the  Parisishta  literature,  with  which 
they  have  little  or  nothing  in  common.     They  are  : 

I.  The  Kalpa-sutra,  or  Arsheya-kalpa  of  Masaka, 
an  index  of  the  hymns  used  by  the  Chhandoga  priests, 
in  the  order  in  which  the  sacrifices  are  described  in 
the  Tandya-brahmana.  Eleven  Prapathakas:  1 — 5, 
on  the  sacrifices  called  Ekdha ;  6 — 9,  on  the  sacri- 

1  The  most  important  among  them  were  first  noticed  and  de- 
scribed by  Dr.  Weber,  on  whose  authority  some  of  our  statements 
must  rest. 

2  ms.  chamb.  ioo.  ^rT^rr^m^1^  f^R  3r^m3  "^l 

Varadaraja,  in  his  Commentary  on  Katyayana's  Pratihara  (MS. 

Bodl.  W.  394.).  tVm  ^mW^^^TT^IJTW:  I 
and    again  :     \^%    Tcf^f    vj  U<j  Vqch^g^T^JT^^Tcff   o^tf^- 


210  JYOTISIIA. 

fices  called  Ahina;  10 — 12,  on  the  sacrifices  called 
Sattra.    Commentary  by  Varadaraja. 

II.  The  Anupada-siitra,  a  gloss  to  the  Tandya- 
brahniana,  in  ten  Prapathakas. 

III.  The  Kalpa-sutra,  already  mentioned,  either  of 
Latyayana  or  Drahyayana.  Latyayana  quotes  Ma- 
saka,  and  follows  the  order  of  the  Tandya-brahmana. 

IV.  The  Nidana-sutra,  on  Metres,  in  ten  Prapa- 
thakas. 

V.  The  Upagrantha-sutra,  a  treatise  on  the  per- 
formance of  some  of  the  Sama-veda  sacrifices,  com- 
monly ascribed  to  Katyayana.1 

VI.  The  Kshudra-sutra  or  Kshaudra,  in  three  Pra- 
pathakas, equally  treating  of  the  ceremonial  of  the 
Sama-veda.2 

VII.  The  Tandalakshana-sutra. 

VIII.  The  Panchavidha-sutra  3,  in  two  Prapathakas. 

IX.  The  Kalpanupada,  and 

X.  The  Anustotra-sutra  4,  in  two  Prapathakas. 
"We  miss  in  this  list  the  Pushpa-sutra,  ascribed  to 

Gobhila,   and  containing  rules  on  the  adaptation  of 
the  text  of  the  hymns  to  their  musical  performance. 

Jyotisha,  or  Astronomy. 
The  last  of  the   Vedangas  is  called  Jyotisha,  or 

1  Cf.  Ind.  Studien,  i.  43.  54.  56.  58  ;  MS.  E.  I.  H.  121.  m+^K 
\d Mil  ^4^4  copied  Samvat,  1586=1530  a.d.  by  Pandita  Sri  La- 

kshmidhara,  son  of  griBhima,  ^rfJMJJ^^"^  ^TJ^J:   W  \'6<%l  II 

2  MS.  Bodl.  W.  375. 

3  MS.  Bodl.  W.  375.     Begins  WT^llfteref^  1 0  M^  ^f%- 

^mPr  wf&:   fTrcrNt^  wH  ^tw^tomi   one  of 

these  five  Bhaktis,  the  Pratihara,  is  described  in  the  Pratihara- 
sutra,  ascribed  to  Katyayana,  and  explained  by  Varadaraja. 

4  MS.  Bodl.  W.  375. 


JYOTISIIA.  211 

Astronomy.  Its  literature  is  very  scanty,  and  the 
small  treatise,  generally  quoted  as  the  Jyotisha,  be- 
longs to  the  same  class  of  works  as  the  Siksha. 
Colebrooke  speaks  of  different  Jyotishas  for  each 
Veda,  and  he  calls  one,  which  has  a  commentary,  the 
Jyotisha  of  the  Rig-veda.  Among  his  MSS.,  how- 
ever, which  are  now  deposited  at  the  East  India 
House,  there  is  but  one  work  of  this  kind.  It  exists 
in  various  MSS.  (Nos.  1378,  1743,  1520),  and  the 
differences  between  these  MSS.  are  so  small  that  we 
could  hardly  consider  them  as  distinct  works.  This 
tract  is  later  than  the  Sutra  period,  and  we  possess  as 
yet  no  work  on  ancient  astronomy,  composed  in  the 
style  of  the  early  Sutras.  Notwithstanding  its 
modern  form,  however,  the  doctrines  which  are  pro- 
pounded in  this  small  treatise  represent  the  earliest 
stage  of  Hindu  astronomy.  The  theories  on  which 
it  is  founded,  and  the  rules  which  it  lays  down,  are 
more  simple,  less  scientific,  than  anything  we  find 
in  other  astronomical  treatises.  Nor  is  it  the  object 
of  this  small  tract  to  teach  astronomy.  It  has  a 
practical  object,  which  is  to  convey  such  knowledge 
of  the  heavenly  bodies  as  is  necessary  for  fixing  the 
days  and  hours  of  the  Vedic  sacrifices.  It  was  the 
establishment  of  a  sacred  Calendar,  which  in  India, 
as  elsewhere,  gave  the  first  impulse  to  astronomical 
studies.  Thus  we  meet  in  the  Brahmanas  and 
Aranyakas  with  frequent  allusions  to  astronomical 
subjects,  and  even  in  the  hymns  we  find  traces  which 
indicate  a  certain  advance  in  the  observation  of  the 
moon,  as  the  measurer  of  time.  The  fact  that  the 
name  of  the  moon  is  the  same  in  Sanskrit,  Greek, 
and  German;  and  that  it  is  derived  from  a  root  which 

p  2 


212  JYOTISHA. 

originally  means  to  measure,  shows  that  even  before 
the  separation  of  the  Indo-European  family,  the  moon 
had  been  looked  upon  as  the  chief  means  of  measuring 
time.  And  the  close  connection  between  the  names 
of  moon  and  month  proves  that  a  certain  knowledge 
of  lunar  chronology  existed  during  the  same  early 
period.  In  one  passage  of  the  Rig-veda  l  the  moon  is 
mentioned  in  connection  with  the  Nakshatras,  and  we 
can  hardly  doubt  that  this  is  an  allusion  to  the 
Nakshatras,  the  well-known  name  of  the  Lunar  Man- 
sions or  the  Lunar  Zodiac.  In  the  hymns 2  the 
phases  of  the  moon  have  not  only  received  proper 
names,  but  they  have  been  personified,  and  are  in- 
voked as  deities  to  grant  progeny  to  their  wor- 
shippers. Again,  there  is  a  passage  in  the  first  book 
of  the  Rig-veda,  where,  in  addition  to  the  twelve 
months,  a  thirteenth  or  intercalary  month  is  men- 
tioned. The  poet  says  there  (Rv.  i.  25.  8.),  "  He 
( Yaruna),  firm  in  his  work,  knows  the  twelve  months 
with  their  offspring,  and  knows  the  month  which  is 
produced  in  addition. "  It  has  been  objected  that 
the  idea  of  an  intercalary  month  was  too  scientific 
for  the  early  poets  of  the  Veda,  and  a  different  trans- 
lation has  been  proposed  :  "  Varuna,  who  knows  the 
twelve  months,  and  knows  those  which  are  to  come." 
But  the  poet  would  not  have  used  the  singular  of  the 
verb,  if  he  meant  the  plural.     He  could  not  have 

1  Rv.  viii.  3.  20 :  "  atho  nakshatranam  esha  m  upasthe  soma 
a'hitah,"  "  Soma  is  placed  in  the  lap  of  these  Nakshatras." 

2  Rv.  ii.  32.  Raka,  the  full  moon  ;  Sinivali,  the  last  day  before 
the  new  moon  ;  and  Gungu,  the  new  moon,  are  mentioned.  Rv. 
v.  42.  12,  Raka  occurs  again  ;  and  x.  48.  8.  we  read  Gungubhyah. 
In  both  these  passages,  however,  the  poet  is  speaking  of  rivers,  and 
not  of  the  moon. 


JYOTISHA.  213 

said,  "  the  twelve  months  and  those  which  are  to 
come,"  if  he  meant  to  say,  "  the  past  months  and 
those  which  are  to  come."  No  doubt  the  acquaint 
ance  with  an  intercalary  month  presupposes  a  certain 
knowledge  of  lunar  and  solar  astronomy,  but  not 
more  than  what  a  shepherd  or  a  sailor  might  gain  in 
the  course  of  his  life.  The  whole  idea  expressed  by 
the  poet  is,  that  Varuna  maintains  the  established 
order  of  the  world,  and  therefore  knows  the  twelve 
months  and  also  the  thirteenth.  In  the  hymns  of 
the  Yajur-veda  the  thirteenth  month  is  changed  al- 
ready into  a  deity.  Oblations  are  offered  (Vajasan.- 
sanhita,  vii.  30.,  xxii.  31.)  to  each  of  the  twelve 
months,  and  at  the  end  one  oblation  is  made  to  An- 
hasaspati,  the  deity  of  the  intercalary  month.  In 
the  Brahmanas1  likewise  the  thirteenth  month  is 
mentioned,  and  in  the  Jyotisha  the  theory  of  inter- 
calation is  fully  explained.  Two  names  for  "  an  astro- 
nomer," Nakshatra-darsa  and  Ganaka,  occur  as  early 
as  the  Taittiriyaka  and  the  Sanhita  of  the  Yajur- 
veda  2 ;  and  among  the  sciences  of  the  early  Brah- 
mans,  Nakshatra-vidya  or  Astronomy  is  mentioned  in 
the  Chhandogyopanishad.  In  the  Ganapatha,  ap- 
pended to  Panini's  Grammar 3,  the  title  of  Jyotisha 
occurs  together  with  the  titles  of  other  Yedic  works  ; 
and  in  the  Charanavyuha  we  meet  not  only  with  the 
Jyotisha,  but  with  an  Upajyotisha,  or  a  supplemen- 

1  Sayana,  in  his  Commentary  on  Rv.  ii.  40.  3,  says,  that  the 
thirteenth  month  was  called  the  seventh  season,  and  he  quotes 
from  a  Brahmana  a  passage  :  asti  trayodaso  masa  iti  sruteh. 

2  Taitt.-brahm.  iv.  5  ;  Vaj.-sanh.  xxx.  10;  20. 

3  Gana  ukthadi.  Pan.  iii.  1.  143,  graha,  planet,  is  mentioned  as 
different  from  graha. 

p  3 


214  SUTRA  LITERATURE   IN   GENERAL. 

tary  treatise  on  astronomy.  This  supplementary 
treatise  is  one  of  the  Parisishtas,  and  in  the  same 
class  of  writings  we  meet  with  other  tracts  on  astro- 
nomical subjects,  such  as  the  Gobhiliya  Navagraha- 
santi-parisishta 1  belonging  to  the  Sama-veda,  and 
several  more  belonging  to  the  Atharva-veda.2 

If  now  we  take  a  comprehensive  view  of  that  class 
of  literature  which  we  have  just  examined,  we  find 
some  characteristic  features  throughout.  All  these 
works  were  written  with  a  practical  object,  quite  a 
new  phase  in  the  literature  of  such  a  nation  as  the 
ancient  Hindus.  The  only  authority  which  the  Sutra- 
karas,  the  authors  of  the  Sutras,  claimed  for  their 
works  was  the  authority  of  that  ancient,  and,  as  it 
was  then  already  considered,  revealed  literature  on 
which  their  works  were  founded.  These  men  claimed 
no  inspiration  for  themselves.  They  had  made  a 
scientific  study  of  the  literature  handed  down  to 
them  by  former  generations,  and  they  wished  to 
make  that  study  easier  to  their  contemporaries  and 
to  future  generations.  The  style  which  they  adopted 
for  that  purpose  was  business-like  in  the  extreme. 
It  was  the  curt  and  dry  style  of  the  Sutras,  a  style 
peculiar  to  India,  which  can  only  be  compared  with 
the  elaborate  tables  of  contents,  or  the  marginal 
notes,  of  some  of  our  own  early  writers.  It  has  its 
first  beginnings  in  the  Brahmanas,  where  some  sub- 
jects, particularly  those  which  had  given  rise  to  early 
controversy,  are  stated  with  all  the  conciseness  and 
neatness  of  the  Sutra  style.     But  whereas  the  authors 

1  MS.  Chambers,  404. 

2  Nakshatrakalpa,  Grahayuddha,  Rahuchara,  Ketuchara,  Rituke- 
tulakshana,  Nakshatragrahotpatalakshana.  "Weber,  Ind.  Stud, 
i.  87.  100. 


ANUKRAMANis.  215 

of  the  Brahmanas  screened  their  poverty  behind  a 
constant  display  of  the  most  inane  verbosity,  the 
writers  of  the  Sutras  gloried  in  every  word  they  could 
save  without  endangering  the  practical  usefulness  of 
their  manuals.  In  some  instances  they  adopted  a 
poetical  form,  and  they  succeeded  in  combining  the 
conciseness  of  their  prose  with  the  rhythm  of  their 
early  metres,  the  mixed  &lokas.  Thus  their  position 
is  marked  by  the  very  form  of  their  works,  as  inter- 
mediate between  the  antique  style  of  the  Brahmanas, 
and  the  modern  style  of  the  metrical  Sastras.  Their 
works  form  a  distinct  and  compact  class  of  literature, 
and  if  we  succeed  in  fixing  the  relative  age  of  any  one 
of  these  Sutrakaras  or  writers  of  Sutras,  we  shall  have 
fixed  the  age  of  a  period  of  literature  which  forms  a 
transition  between  the  Vedic  and  the  classical  litera- 
ture of  India. 

THE    ANUKRAMANis. 

Several  of  the  works  mentioned  before  were 
ascribed  to  Saunaka  and  his  two  pupils,  Katyayana 
and  Asvalayana.  But  we  have  not  yet  mentioned  a 
number  of  treatises,  ascribed  to  the  same  authors, 
and  belonging  to  the  same  sphere  of  literature  as  the 
Sutras,  which,  however,  on  account  of  their  technical 
character,  could  not  lay  claim  to  the  title  of  Vedanga, 
or  "  member  of  the  Veda."  They  are  known  by  the 
name  of  the  Anukramanis,  from  anu,  along,  and  Jcram, 
to  step.  They  are  systematic  indices  to  various  por- 
tions of  the  ancient  Yedic  literature. 

The  most  perfect  Anukramani  is  that  of  the  Sanhita 
of  the  Rig-veda.  It  is  ascribed  to  Katyayana,  an 
author  chiefly  known  by  his  works  on  the  Yajur- 
veda  and  Sama-veda.     Its  name  is  Sarvanukramani 

p  4 


216  anukramanIs. 

or  Sarvanukrama,  i.  e.  the  index  of  all  things.1  It 
gives  the  first  words  of  each  hymn,  the  number  of 
verses,  the  name  and  family  of  the  poets,  the  names 
of  the  deities,  and  the  metres  of  every  verse.  Before 
the  time  of  Katyayana,  there  had  been  separate 
indices  for  each  of  these  subjects,  and  it  was  with 
reference  to  them  that  Katyayana  called  his  own 
index  the  general  or  comprehensive  index.  Our  au- 
thority for  this  is  Shadgurusishya,  the  author  of  a 
commentary  on  the  Index  of  Katyayana ;  a  man  who 
like  Devarajayajvan,  the  author  of  a  commentary  on 
the  Nighantu,  was  not  without  a  certain  apprecia- 
tion of  the  historical  progress  of  Indian  literature. 
He  tells  us  in  his  Yedarthadipika,  that  before  Katya- 
yana, there  existed  one  index  of  the  poets,  one  of  the 
metres,  one  of  the  deities,  one  of  the  Anuvakas,  the 
old  chapters  of  the  Rig-veda,  and  one  of  the  hymns  ; 2 
and  that  these  indices  were  composed  by  Saunaka. 
Now  we  know  the  style  of  Saunaka,  and  as  by  a 
happy  accident  some  of  these  former  indices  have 
been  preserved,  some  complete,  others  in  fragments, 
we  are  able  to  test  Shadgurusishya's  accuracy. 

We  remarked  before,  as  a  distinctive  peculiarity 
of  the  style  of  Saunaka,  as  contrasted  with  that  of 
Katyayana,  that  the  Pratisakhja  ascribed  to  the 
former  is  composed  in  mixed  Slokas,  whereas  the 
Pratisakhya  of  Katyayana  is  written  in  prose  or  in 
Sutras.     The  same  observation  applies  to  the  Anu- 


ANUKRAMANIS.  217 

kramanis.  Those  ascribed  to  Saunaka  are  com- 
posed in  mixed  metres,  as  far  as  we  can  judge  from 
quotations ;  the  Anukramani  of  his  pupil  Katyayana 
is  in  prose,  and  exhibits  all  the  artificial  appliances 
of  a  Sutra  composition.  There  is  one  of  Saunaka's 
Anukramanis,  the  Anuvaka-anukramani,  which  can 
be  restored  completely  from  MSS.1  ;  and  this  work 
bears  the  most  manifest  traces  of  Saunaka's  style, 
partly  in  the  mixture,  partly  in  a  peculiar  rude- 
ness, of  its  metres.  The  other  Anukramanis  as- 
cribed to  Saunaka  are  lost  to  us,  but  they  must  have 
existed  at  the  time  of  Shadgurusishya.  He  quotes 
not  only  from  the  Anuvaka-anukramani  (Bhashya, 
viii.  1.),  but  also  from  the  Deva-anukrama  (Bha- 
shya, viii.  4.),  and  he  distinguishes  this  work  from 
the  Brihaddevata,  another  work  attributed  to  Sau- 
naka,  of  which  there  is  one  MS.  in  Europe  at  the 
Eoyal  Library  of  Berlin.2  Sayana  also,  though  later 
than  Shadgurusishya,  was  still  in  possession  of  Sau- 
naka's    works,  and  he  quotes  particularly  the   Bri- 

1  Several  MSS.  contain  portions  of  the  Anuvakanukramani ; 
and  with  the  help  of  Shadgurusishya' s  Commentary,  contained  in 
the  introduction  to  his  commentary  on  Katyayana's  Sarvanukrama, 
(MS.  Bodl.  "Wilson,  379.),  the  text  might  be  published  in  a 
critical  edition. 

2  Dr.  Kuhn  gives  the  following  description  of  this  MS.  in 
Haupt's  "  Zeitschrift  fur  Deutsches  Alterthum."  The  Brihadde- 
vata (Chambers,  192.)  composed  in  epical  metre,  is  ascribed  to 
6aunaka,  and  contains  an  enumeration  of  the  deities  invoked  in 
each  hymn  of  the  Rig-veda.  It  gives  much  mythological  and 
other  information  as  to  the  character  of  the  gods  of  the  Veda. 
The  text  of  the  MS.  is  so  corrupt  that  we  can  scarcely  think  of 
restoring  it  without  the  help  of  other  MSS."  Another  MS.  has 
since  been  found  in  India,  and  a  distinguished  Sanskrit  scholar  is 
preparing  an  edition  of  it. 


218  ANUKRAMANis. 

haddevata,  in  several  of  his  own  commentaries.  Sau- 
naka's  Arsha-anukramani  is  quoted  by  Sayana  in  his 
Commentary  on  the  Rig-veda,  i.  100.  1.  If  we  add 
to  these  quotations  a  reference  to  Saunaka's  Chhando- 
'nukramani,  which  is  found  in  Shadgurusishya's 
Vedarthadipika  (MS.  E.I.H.  1823,  p.  7.'  a.),  we  may 
consider  the  authenticity  of  these  works  sufficiently 
established ;  and  it  is  hardly  unreasonable  to  suppose 
that  the  fifth  Anukramani  also,  of  which  no  quota- 
tions have  as  yet  been  met'  with,  the  Suktanukramani, 
was  in  existence  as  late  as  Sayana' s  time.1 

This  would  give  us  for  the  Rig-veda  five  Anukra- 
manis  by  Saunaka,  one  by  Katyayana,  and  one  by  an 
unknown  author.  The  Brihaddevata  is  a  work  of 
too  large  a  compass  to  be  called  an  Anukramani,  and 
it  is  even  doubtful  whether  we  possess  this  work  in 
the  same  form  in  which  iSaunaka  left  it.  To  judge 
from  Dr.  Kuhn's  extracts,  the  author  of  the  Brihad- 
devata follows  indeed  the  Sakala-sakha,  but  his  text 
must  have  differed  from  that  of  our  MSS.  The 
author  may  have  followed  one  of  the  subdivisions  of 
the  Sakalas,  the  Saisira-sakha,  for  instance,  which  we 
know  was  followed  by  Saunaka.  The  division  of  the 
Sanhita  which  is  adopted  in  the  Brihaddevata,  is  that 
of  Mandalas,  Anuvakas,  and  Suktas ;  but  the  other 
division  into  Ashtakas  is  equally  known,  and  even 
the  Khilas  are  taken  into  account,  whereas  both  i§au- 
naka  and  Katyayana  exclude  these  later  hymns  dis- 

1  Another  Anukramani,  containing  the  last  verses  of  each 
Mandala,   is    quoted   by    Shadgurusishya   (Anukr.  Bh.  viii.    1.). 

Cf.  Iiv.  Mand.  vii.  6.  15 ;  Asht.  v.  7.  9. 


ANUKRAMANis.  219 

tinctly  from  their  indices.  Dr.  Kuhn  concludes 
from  a  passage  in  Shadgurusishya's  Commentary,  to 
which  we  shall  revert  hereafter,  that  not  Saunaka, 
but  Asvalayana,  was  the  author  of  our  Brihaddevata. 
This  conclusion,  however,  is  not  borne  out  by  suf- 
ficient evidence,  nor  is  the  fact  that  Saunaka  is 
quoted  by  name  in  the  work  itself  a  sufficient  argu- 
ment against  (Saunaka's  authorship.  According  to 
the  line  of  argument  adopted  by  Dr.  Kuhn,  it  would 
be  equally  objectionable  to  ascribe  the  Brihaddevata 
to  Asvalayana;  for  in  one  passage,  according  to 
Dr.  Kuhn's  own  emendations,  the  name  of  Asva- 
layana also  occurs  in  it.  Other  authorities  which 
are  quoted  in  this  curious  work  are  the  Aitareyaka, 
the  Kaushitakins,  the  Bhallavi-brahmana,  the  Ni- 
dana  (nidanasanjnake  granthe),  Sakalas,  Bashkalas, 
Madhuka,  Svetaketu,  Galava,  Gargya,  Rathitara, 
Rathantarin,  iSakatayana,  Sandilya,  Romakayana 
Sthavira,  Kathakya,  Bhagurin,  Sakapuni,  Bharm- 
yasva  Mudgala,  Aurnavabha,  Kraushtukin,  Matrin, 
and  Yaska.  The  last  is  most  frequently  mentioned, 
and  the  whole  book  is  dedicated  to  him.  To  judge 
from  the  style  of  the  Brihaddevata,  the  work  as  we 
now  possess  it,  though  originally  written  by  Saunaka, 
seems  to  have  been  recast  by  a  later  writer. 


The  following  figures,  taken  from  Saunaka's  Anu- 
kramanis,  will  serve  to  give  an  idea  of  the  minute- 
ness with  which  the  Yeda  was  studied  at  his  time. 
According  to  iSaunaka,  the  Sakala-sakha  of  the  Rig- 
veda-sanhita  consists  of  10  Mandalas,  or  64  Adhya- 
yas. 


220 

ANUKRAMANIS. 

Mandalas. 

Anuvakas. 

Hymns. 

The  1st 

contains    24    and 

191      • 

2nd 

jj 

4       „ 

43 

3rd 

ii 

5       i, 

62 

4th 

?? 

^       » 

58 

5th 

>? 

6     i, 

87 

6th 

?> 

6     „ 

75 

7th 

V 

6     „ 

104 

8th 

v 

10     „ 

92(+llValakhilyas) 

9th 

>> 

7     i, 

114 

10th 

>> 

12     „ 

191 

The  10  have 

85  and 

1017+11  =  1028. 

The  Bashkala-sakha  had  8  hymns  more=1025  hymns. 
The  64  Adhyayas  have  2006  Vargas.     These  are 


arranged  as  follows: 


Verses. 

Vargas. 

Verses. 

msisting  of  1 

=         1  = 

1 

«                 2 

=       2  = 

4 

3 

=     97  = 

291 

4 

=   174  = 

696 

ii                 ^ 

=  1207  = 

6035 

6 

=  346*= 

2076 

n                  7 

=   119  = 

833 

8 

=     59  = 

472 

9 

=       1  = 

9 

64  Adhyayas  =  2,006  =  10,417 

Here  we  have  to  observe  a  difference  between  the 
number  of  verses,  as  deduced  from  the  Vargas,  and 
the  number  stated  by  Saunaka.     The  latter  gives  the 

1  Trim  satani  shatkanam  chatvarinsat  shat  cha  vargah. 


ANUKRAMANfS.  221 

sum  total  of  verses=10,580|,  but,  immediately  after- 
wards, the  sum  total  of  half  verses=21,232i=  10,616 
verses. 

How  this  difference  arose  it  is  difficult  to  say  ;  but 
it  should  be  observed  that,  if  we  divide  the  sum  total 
of  half  verses,  21,232,  by  2,  we  get  10,616  verses, 
and  this  number  comes  very  near  to  10,622,  which 
the  Charanavyuha  gives  as  the  sum  total  of  the 
verses  of  the  Rig-veda.  According  to  the  Charana- 
vyuha (MS.  Ch.  785.)  the  64  Adhyayas  of  the  Rig- 
veda  have :  — 


Yargas  consisting  of 


rses 

Vargas. 

Verses, 

1 

=83                   1     = 

1 

2 

=         2  = 

4 

3 

=       93  = 

279 

4 

=     176  = 

704 

5 

==  1228  = 

6140 

6 

==     357  = 

2142 

7 

=     129  = 

903 

8 

===       55  = 

440 

9 

==         1  = 

9 

2042     10,622 

The  number  of  padas  or  words  in  the  Rig-veda- 
sanhita  is  stated  as  153,826,  which  gives  an  average 
of  between  14  to  15  words  to  each  verse.  Another 
computation  brings  the  number  of  the  charcha-padas 
(i.e.  words  which  are  used  in  the  Kramapatha,  omit- 
ting the  repeated  passages  or  galitas)  to  110,704, 
and  the  number  of  syllables  to  432,000. 

In  another  Anukramani,  Saunaka  gives  a  list  of 
verses,  arranged  according  to  the  metres  in  which 
they  are  written ;  and  at  the  end  he  states  the  sum 


222 


ANUKRAMANIS. 


total  of  verses  as  10,402  ;  but  here  again,  if  we  cast 
up  the  number  of  verses  in  each  metre,  according  to 
his  own  statement,  we  get  10,409  instead  of  10,402. 
These  differences  are  startling  if  we  consider  the 
general  accuracy  of  the  exegetical  works  of  the 
Brahmans;  but  they  may  arise  either  from  faults 
in  the  MSS.  of  the  Anukramanis,  or  from  the  fact 
that  some  of  the  Khilas  were  included,  though,  ac- 
cording to  their  own  professions,  both  Saunaka  and 
Katyayana  would  seem  to  exclude  these  later  hymns 
from  their  Anukramanis.  The  following  table  will 
show  the  distribution  of  metres  according  to  Sau- 
naka : — 


G&yatri 

2,451 

Brought  forward 

9793 

Ushnih 

341 

Ashti 

6 

Anushtubh   - 

855 

Atyashti    - 

84 

Brihati 

181 

Dhriti 

2 

Pankti 

312 

Atidhriti   - 

1 

Trishtubh     - 

4,253 

Ekapada    - 

6 

Jagati 

1,348 

Dvipada     - 

17 

Atijagati 

17 

Pragatha  Barhata     194 

Sakvari 

26 

Kakubha   - 

55 

Atisakvari    - 

9 
9793 

Mahabarhata 

-      251 

Carried  forward 

10,409 

For  the  Yajur-veda  we  have  three  Anukramanis, 
one  for  the  Atreyi-sakha  of  the  Taittiriyas,  the  other 
for  the  Sakha  of  the  Charayaniyas,  the  third  for 
the  Madhyandina-sakh&  of  the  Vajasaneyins.  The 
former x  differs  from  other  Anukramanis  in  so  far  as 
it  contains  an  index  not  of  the   Sanhita  only,  but 

1  MS.  E.  I.  H.  1623,  965. 


ANUKRAMANIS.  223 

also  of  the  Brahmana  and  the  Aranyaka.  Its  object 
is  not  simply  to  enumerate  the  Kandas  (Ashtakas), 
Prasnas,  Anuvakas,  and  Kandikas  as  they  follow  in 
the  text,  but  rather  to  indicate  the  chief  subjects  of 
this  Yeda,  and  to  bring  together  the  different  pas- 
sages where  the  same  sacrifice  with  its  supplements 
is  treated.  Though  we  do  not  possess  a  MS.  of  the 
Atreyi-sakha,  it  is  possible  to  identify  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  Index  with  the  text  of  the  Sanhita  l, 
the  Brahmana  2,  and  the  Aranyaka 3  which  we  pos- 
sess. The  Atreyi-sakha,  though  not  mentioned  in 
the  Charanavyuha,  must  be  considered  as  a  sub- 
division of  the  Aukhiya-sakha ;  and  the  Anukramani 
says  that  Vaisampayana  handed  it  down  to  Yaska 
Paingi,  Y&ska  to  Tittiri,  Tittiri  to  Ukha,  and  Ukha 
to  Atreya,  who  was  the  author  of  a  Pada-text4, 
while  Kundina  composed  a  commentary  (vritti)  on 
the  same  Sakha.  The  Apastamba-sakha,  of  which 
we  possess  the  complete  Brahmana,  is  a  subdivision 
of  the  Khandikeyas. 

There  is  a  curious  tradition,  preserved  in  the  Ivan- 
danukrama,  that,  although  the  greater  portion  of  the 
Atreyi-sakha  was  originally  taught  by  Tittiri,  some 
chapters  of  it  owed  their  origin  to  Katha,  the  founder 
of  the  Kathaka-sakha.  This  assertion  is  confirmed 
by  Sayana  in  his  Commentary  on  the  Taittiriy aran- 
yaka. The  chapters  ascribed  to  Katha  and  called 
the  Kathakam,  are  found  at  the  end  of  the  Brahmana 
and  the  beginning  of  the  Aranyaka.    They  contain 

1  MS.  E.  I.  H.  1701,  1702;  name  of  Sakha  unknown. 

2  MS.  E.  I.  H.  293,  containing  the  three  books  of  the  Apastam- 
ba-brahmana. 

3  MS.  E.  I.  H.  1690,  &c. 

4  See  MS.  Bodl.  Wilson,  361. 


224  ANUKRAMANfs. 

1.  The  Savitragnichayana  with  the  Brahmana, 
Tait.-brahm.  iii.  10. 

2.  The  Nachiketachayana,  Tait.-br.  iii.  11. 

3.  Divahsyenaya  ishtayah.  Tait.-br.  iii.  12. 
1  &2. 

4.  Apadya  ishtayah.     Tait.-br.  iii.  12.  3  &  4. 

5.  Chaturhotrachiti.     Tait.-br.  iii.  12.  5. 

6.  Yaisvasrijachiti.  Tait.-br.  iii.  12.  6 — 9,  end  of 
Brahmana. 

7.  Arunaketukachiti.     Tait.-aranyaka,  i.  1. 

8«  Svadhyaya-brahmana.     Tait.-aranyaka,  i.  2. 

They  are  given  here  as  they  follow  one  another  in 
the  text  of  the  Apastamba-Sakha,  and  this  order  is  con- 
firmed in  every  particular  by  Say  ana's  Commentary 
(MS.  E.  I.  H.  1145),  which  is  in  fact  a  commentary 
intended  for  the  Apastamba-sakha  of  the  Taittiriya- 
brahmana.  According  to  his  introductory  remarks 
prefixed  to  each  Anuvaka,  the  Savitrachiti  occupies  the 
tenth,  the  Nachiketachiti  the  eleventh  Prapathaka.  In 
the  twelfth  Prapathaka,  he  remarks,  the  Chaturhotra 
and  Yaisvasrija  should  be  explained.  But  as  the 
ishtis,  called  the  Divahsyenis  and  Apadyas,  form  part 
of  the  complete  Chaturhotra  (they  stand  either  in  the 
middle  or  at  the  end  of  it),  they  are  explained  first. 
Thus  we  find  in  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  Prapa- 
thaka (iii.  12.  1.),  the  pratikas  of  the  Yajyanuvakyas 
of  the  Divahsyenis ;  in  iii.  12.2.  the  rules  for  the  same 
ishtis  ;  and  in  the  same  manner,  the  Yajyanuvakyas 
of  the  Apadyas  in  iii.  12.  3.,  and  the  rules  in  iii. 
12.  4.  Then  follows  the  Chaturhotra-chayana  in  iii. 
12.  5  ,  and  in  the  last  four  Anuvakas  the  Yaisvasrija- 
chayana, 

A  different  order  seems  to  have  been  observed  in 
the  Atreyi-sakha  of  the  Taittiriya-brahmana,  for, 
although  the   same   chapters   are   here    ascribed   to 


ANUKRAMANis.  225 

Katha,  their  arrangement  must  have  differed,  unless 
we  suppose  that  the  author  of  the  Kandanukrama  in- 
troduced an  alteration.  He  writes  :  "  Tavat  Tittirih 
provacha.  (Tittiris  Taittiriyasakhapravartako  'nye- 
bhyo  munibhyah  sishyebhyah  provacha.)  Athashtau 
Kathakani  (athanantaram  KathakasakMpravartakena 
Kathakamunina  proktany  uchyante) : 

1.  Savitra,  Taittiriya-brahmana,  iii.  10. 

2.  Mchiketa  „  „         iii.  11. 

3.  Chaturhotra       „  „         iii.  12. 5. 

4.  Yaisvasrija         „  „  iii.  12.  6 — 9. 

5.  Aruna,  Taittiriya-aranyaka,  i.  1. 

6.  Divahsyenis,  Taittiriya-brahmana,  iii.  12.  1 — 2. 

7.  Apadyas  „  „  iii.  12.  3 — 4. 

8.  Svadhy&ya-br&hmana,  Taittiriya-aranyaka,  i.  2." 
The  second  Anukramani  of  the  Yajur-veda  which 

we  possess,  belongs  to  the  Charayaniya-sakha,  and  is 
called  the  Mantrarshadhyaya.1  The  only  copy  which 
we  have  of  it  is  found  in  the  same  MS.  which  con- 
tains the  Charaka-sakha,2and  it  is  evidently  intended 
as  an  index  to  this  sakha.  Nor  is  there  anything 
anomalous  in  this,  if  we  remember  that  the  Cha- 
rayaniya-sakh&  is  a  subdivision  of  the  Charaka-sakha. 
But  what  is  less  intelligible  is  the  title  given  to  the 
text,  which  instead  of  Yajur-veda,  is  called  in  the  MS. 
Yajur-veda-kathaka.  This  title,  Kathaka,  cannot  well 
refer  to  the  sakha  of  the  Kathas,  for  this  is  itself  a 
subdivision  of  the  Charakas.  It  must  most  likely  be 
taken  in  the  same  sense  in  which  Kathaka  was  explained 
before,  L  e.  "  Kathakamunina  proktam ; "  though  it  is 
strange  that  the  very  chapters  which  in  theApastamba- 

1  See  Catalogue  of  the  Berlin  MSS.,  No.  142. 

2  The     title      is    "  Ekottarasatadhvaryusakhaprabhedabhinne 
Yaj  urvedakat hake  Charakasakha." 


226  ANUKRAMANts. 

sakha  of  the  Taittiriyaka  are  ascribed  to  Katha,  are 
wanting  in  our  Sakha,  while  all  the  other  sacrifices 
which  are  described  in  the  Taittiriya-sanhita  and  Brah- 
mana,  are  laid  down  in  very  much  the  same  order. 

The  third  Anukramani,  that  of  the  Madhyandina- 
sakha  of  the  Vajasaneyaka,  is  ascribed  to  Katya- 
yana,  who  is  mentioned  also  as  the  author  of  an 
Anuvakanukramani.  It  gives  the  names  of  the  poets, 
the  deities,  and  the  metres,  for  all  the  verses  of  the 
Sanhita,  including  the  Khila  (Adhyaya  26-35.)  and 
the  Sukriya  portions.  (Adhy.  36-40.) 

For  the  Sama-veda  we  have  two  classes  of  Anukra- 
manis,  the  former  more  ancient,  the  latter  more  modern 
than  those  of  the  other  Vedas  which  we  have  hitherto 
examined.  One  index  to  the  hymns  of  the  Sama-veda 
(following  the  order  of  the  Veyagana  and  Aranyagana) 
has  been  preserved  under  the  name  of  Arsheya-brah- 
mana l,  a  title  by  which  this  work  is  admitted  within 
the  pale  of  the  revealed  literature  of  the  Brahmans. 
Allusions  to  the  names  of  poets  and  deities  of  different 
hymns  occur  in  the  Brahmanas  of  other  Yedas  also  ; 
but  in  none,  except  the  Sama-veda,  have  these  scat- 
tered observations  been  arranged  into  regular  Anukra- 
manis  before  the  beginning  of  the  Sutra  period,  or 
been  incorporated  in  the  body  of  their  revealed  lite- 
rature. What  the  Brahmans  call  Sruti  or  revelation, 
signifies,  as  we  saw,  what  is  more  ancient  than  the 
Sutras ;  and  that  the  Arsheya-brahmana  is  earlier  at 
least  than  Katyayana,  can  be  proved  by  the  fact  of 
Katyayana's  quoting  passages  from  it.2  It  has  been 
pointed  out  as  a  distinguishing  mark  of  the  Brah- 

1  See  Benfey,  Saina-veda,  p.  vii. 

2  In   the   first  chapter   of  the   Arsheya-brahmana ,  we  read : 


ANUKRAMANfs.  227 

manas  of  the  Sama-veda  that  they  are  never  ac- 
cented, but  it  is  doubtful  whether  any  conclusion 
could  be  drawn  from  this  as  to  their  being  of  later 
origin  than  the  Brahmanas  of  the  other  Vedas.1 

But  while  the  existence  of  an  Arsheya-brahmana 
shows  that  the  Chhandogas  were  the  first  to  compose 
an  index  to  their  sacred  literature,  we  find  that  their 
regular  Anukramanis  are  more  modern  than  those  of 
the  Rig-veda,  and  must  be  referred  to  a  class  of 
works  known  by  the  name  of  Parisishtas.  They 
are  contained  in  MS.  Bodl.  Wilson  466,  where  they 
form  the  fifth  and  sixth  of  the  twenty  Parisishtas 
attached  to  the  Sama-veda.  Their  title  is,  "  Nai- 
geyanam  rikshv  arsham,"  and  "  Naigeyanam  rikshu 
daivatam,"  and  they  give  respectively  the  names  of 
the  poets  and  the  deities  for  the  verses  composing  the 
Archika  of  the  Chhandogas  according  to  the  Sakha 

wrf?i  wr®tTVFifa  3T  ^t^  *HH?r  *m  wiwak  (ms. 

689.  *T7T  c||M^d)  IT   3T   *ffa?T    M I  Ml  *4 1  -*T^f^T   M\<\M\- 

*il«*Jt£J  l5^tf%  H^f?T I  This  passage  is  referred  to  by  Ka- 
tyayana,    when   he   says:    ^^Hlf^V     ^M*JI**l(%     ^^tf% 

«|  i  «-<h  c|  r|^f^"  H^Ql€|(Y|     See   also   Katyayana's   Introduction 

to  his  Anukramani  of  the  Madhyandina-sakha,  and  Rig-veda- 
bhashya,  p.  40. 

1  Kumarila  says :  ^  *?1^<*K*U  <$K  I  *f  H  |  f^  <tj  qf^pEf- 

Q  2 


228  ANUKRAMANfs. 

of  the  Naigeyas,  a  subdivision  of  the  Kauthumas. 
It  agrees  on  the  whole,  but  not  in  all  particulars  \ 
with  the  Sakha  published  by  Stevenson  and  Benfey, 
and  it  has  been  supposed  that  their  text  is  taken 
from  MSS.  belonging  to  the  Ranayaniya  Sakha.  The 
most  characteristic  difference  between  these  Parisish- 
tas  and  the  Arsheya-brahmana  seems  to  lie  in  this, 
that  the  latter  refers  to  the  original  prayer-books  of 
the  Chhandogas,  the  Yeyagana,  and  Aranyagana, 
while  the  former  follow  the  Sanhitii,  including  Archika 
and  Staubhika,  or  as  they  are  also  called,  Purvarchika 
and  Uttararchika. 

For  the  fourth  Veda,  the  Atharvana,  or  Brahma- 
veda,  an  Anukramani  has  been  discovered  by  Pro- 
fessor Whitney  in  a  MS.  of  the  British  Museum, 
prepared  for  Col.  Polier.  A  copy  of  this  MS.  is 
found  in  MS,  2142  of  the  East  India  House.  It  is  a 
complete  index  to  the  Sanhita  in  10  Patalas,  written 
in  a  simple  and  intelligible  style.  Its  title  is  Brihat- 
sarvanukramani. 

It  is  evident,  that  if  it  was  possible  to  determine 
the  age  of  the  Anukramanis,  we  should  have  a  ter- 
minus ad  quern  for  the  Vedic  age.  The  index  of  the 
Rig-veda  enables  us  to  check  almost  every  syllable 
of  the  hymns ;  and  we  may  safely  say  that  we  possess 
exactly  the  same  number  of  verses,  and  words,  and 
syllables  in  our  MSS.  of  the  Rig-veda  as  existed  at 
the  time  of  Katyayana.  The  index  of  the  Atreyi- 
sakh&  (by  Laugakshi  ?)  authenticates  our  MSS.  not 
only  of  the  Sanhita,  but  also  of  the  Brahmana  and 
Aranyaka  of  the  Taittiriya-veda,  and  the  index  to 
the  Kathaka  refers  to  a  work  exactly  the  same  as  that 
of  which  we  possess  the  text  in  MS.    The  Arsheya- 

1  Cf.  Sama-veda,  ed.  Benfey,  p.  xx. 


ANUKRAMANfs.  229 

brahmana  presupposes  the  existence  of  the  Ganas  of 
the  Sama-veda,  and  the  Anukramanis  of  the  Naigeyas 
could  only  have  been  written  after  the  text  of  the 
more  modern  Archika  had  branched  off  into  diffe- 
rent Sakhas. 

The  only  Anukramanis  of  which  the  authors  are 
known  are,  the  Anukramanis  of  Saunaka  to  the  Rig- 
veda,  and  the  two  Sarvanukramas  of  Katyayana,  one 
to  the  Rig-veda,  the  other  to  the  white  Yajur-veda. 
We  shall  see  whether  it  is  possible  to  fix  the  age  of 
these  two  writers. 

We  remarked  before,  that  the  Anukramani  of 
Katyayana,  if  compared  with  the  Anuvakanukraraani 
of  Saunaka,  shows  the  same  progress  in  style  which 
we  may  always  observe  between  these  two  writers. 
Saunaka  writes  in  mixed  Slokas,  and  takes  great 
liberties  with  the  metre  ;  Katyayana  writes  in  prose, 
and  introduces  the  artificial  contrivances  of  the  later 
Sutras.  Again,  Saunaka's  index  follows  the  origi- 
nal division  of  the  Rig-veda  into  Mandalas,  Anuva- 
kas,  and  Suktas ;  Katyayana  has  adopted  the  more 
practical  and  more  modern  division  into  Ashtakas, 
Adhyayas,  and  Vargas.  The  number  of  hymns  is  the 
same  in  Saunaka  and  Katyayana.  They  both  follow 
the  united  Sakha  of  the  Sakalas  and  Bashkalas,  and 
bring  the  number  of  hymns,  exclusive  of  all  Khilas, 
to  1017.  Before  this  union  took  place,  the  Bash- 
kalas counted  eight  hymns  more  than  the  &&ka- 
las,  t.  e.  1025  instead  of  1017 ;  and  they  read  some  of 
the  hymns  in  the  first  Mandala  in  a  different  order.1 

1  In  the  6akala-sakha,  the  hymns  of  Gotama  are  followed  by 
those  of  Kutsa,  Kakshivat,  Paruchchhepa,  and  Dirghatamas ;  in 
the  Bashkala-sakha  their  order  was,  Gotama,  Kakshivat,  Paruch- 
chhepa, Kutsa,  Dirghatamas. 

q  3 


230  SAUNAKA. 

The  Khilas,  or  supplementary  hymns,  are  omitted  in 
the  Anukramanis  of  Saunaka  and  Katyayana,  though 
they  were  known  to  both;  Saunaka,  however,  ex- 
cludes them  more  strictly  than  Katyayana. *  The 
latter  has  admitted  the  eleven  Valakhilya-hymns, 
and  thus  brings  the  total  number  of  hymns  to  1028. 

From  all  these  indications  we  should  naturally  be 
led  to  expect  that  the  relation  between  Saunaka  and 
Katyayana  was  very  intimate,  that  both  belonged  to 
the  same  Sakha,  and  that  Saunaka  was  anterior  to 
Katyayana.  We  know  of  only  one  other  writer 
whose  works  are  equally  intended  for  the  united 
Sakha  of  the  Sakalas  and  Bashkalas ;  this  is  Asva- 
layana,  the  author  of  twelve  books  of  Srauta-sutras, 
of  four  books  of  Grihya-sutras,  and  of  some  chapters 
in  the  Aitareyaranyaka.2 

Let  us  see  now,  whether  these  indications  can  be 
supported  by  other  evidence. 

Shadgurusishya  in  his  Commentary  on  Katyayana's 
Sarvanukrama,  says :  — 

"  fSunahotra,  the  great  Muni,  was  born  of  Bharad- 
vaja,  and  of  him  was  born  Saunahotra,  all  the  world 
being  a  witness.  Indra  himself  went  to  the  sacrifice 
of  the  Rishi  in  order  to  please  him.  The  great 
Asuras,  thinking  that  Indra  was  alone,  and  wishing 

1  ^f%^TRTTr^f^fl"Sf%T^raS^«l  1  <*  1 1  i  >  or,  according 

to  MS.  o02.,  S^RT^T^Tftpf  Wrr:  II 

2  Thus  it  is  said:     -QTp^     (^TT^TW)     T^TST®^"    f^~ 

IT^Tirr^f^3TW'Rf%^  ^hrf^ifa  ^TfT^fnll  ^rauta- 
sutra-bbasbya,  i.  1. 


SAUNAKA.  231 

to  take  him,  surrounded  the  sacrificial  inclosure. 
Indra,  however,  perceived  it,  and  taking  the  guise  of 
the  Rishi,  he  went  away.  The  Asuras  seeing  the  sa- 
crificer  again,  seized  Saunahotra,  taking  him  for  Indra. 
He  saw  the  god  that  is  to  be  worshipped,  and  saying, 
1  I  am  not  Indra,  there  he  is,  ye  fools,  not  1/  he 
was  released  by  the  Asuras.  Indra  called  and  spake 
to  him  :  i  Because  thou  delightest  in  praising,  there- 
fore thou  art  called  Gritsamada,  0  Rishi  ;  thy  hymn 
will  be  called  by  the  name  of  Indrasya  indriyam,  the 
might  of  Indra.  And  thou,  being  born  in  the  race  of 
Bhrigu,  shalt  be  Saunaka,  the  descendant  of  Sunaka, 
and  thou  shalt  see  again  the  second  Mandala,  together 
with  that  hymn.'  He,  the  Muni  Gritsamada,  was 
born  again,  as  commanded  by  Indra.  It  was  he  who 
saw  the  great  second  Mandala  of  the  Rig-veda  as 
it  was  revealed  to  him  together  with  the  hymn  j§a- 
janiya ;  it  was  he,  the  great  Rishi,  to  whom  at  the 
twelve  years'  sacrifice,  Ugrasravas,  the  son  of  Rorna- 
harshana,  the  pupil  of  Vyasa,  recited,  in  the  midst  of 
the  sacrifice,  the  story  of  the  Mahabharata,  together 
with  the  tale  of  the  Harivansa,  a  story  to  be  learnt 
from  Vyasa  alone,  full  of  every  kind  of  excellence, 
dear  to  Hari,  sweet  to  hear,  endowed  with  great 
blessing.  It  was  he  who  was  the  lord  of  the  sages, 
dwelling  in  the  Naimishiya  forest ;  he,  who  to  the 
King  Satanika,  the  son  of  Janamejaya,  brought  the 
laws  of  Vishnu,  which  declare  the  powers  of  Hari. 
That  Saunaka,  celebrated  among  the  Rishis  as  the 
glorious,  having  seen  the  second  Mandala,  and  heard 
the  collection  of  the  Mahabharata,  being  also  the 
propagator  of  the  laws  of  Vishnu,  the  great  boat 
on  the  ocean  of  existence,  wTas  looked  upon  by  the 
great  Rishis  as  the  only  vessel  in  which  worshippers 

q  4 


232  SAUNAKA. 

might  get  over  the  Bahvricha,  with  its  twenty-one 
iSakhas,  like  one  who  had  crossed  the  Rig-veda. 
There  was  one  Sakha  of  iSakala,  another  of  Bashkala : 
taking  these  two  Sanhitas,  and  the  twenty-one  Brah- 
manas,  the  Aitareyaka,  and  completing  it  with  others, 
Saunaka,  revered  by  numbers  of  great  Rishis,  com- 
posed the  first  Kalpa-sutra." 

It  need  hardly  be  pointed  out  that  this  passage 
contains  a  strange  and  startling  mixture  of  legendary 
and  historical  matter,  and  that  it  is  only  the  last 
portion  which  can  be  of  interest  to  us.  The  story  of 
Saunahotra,  the  son  of  Sunahotra,  and  grandson  of 
Bharadvaja,  being  born  again  as  Gritsamada-Sau- 
naka,  may  have  some  historical  foundation,  and  the 
only  way  in  which  it  can  be  interpreted,  is,  that 
the  second  Mandala,  being  originally  seen  by  Grit- 
samada,  of  the  family  of  Bhrigu,  was  afterwards 
preserved  by  Saunahotra,  a  descendant  of  Bharadvaja, 
of  the  race  of  Angiras,  who  entered  the  family  of 
Bhrigu,  took  the  name  of  Saunaka,  and  added  one 
hymn,  the  twelfth,  in  praise  of  Indra.  This  is  partly 
confirmed  by  Katyayana's  Anukramani1,  and  by 
the  Rishyanukramani  of  Saunaka.2  It  would  by 
no  means  follow  that  Saunaka  was  the  author  of  the 
hymns  of  the  second  Mandala.  The  hymns  of  that 
Mandala  belong  to  Gritsamada  of  the  Bhrigu  race. 
But  Saunaka  may  have  adopted  that  Mandala,  and 


SAUNAKA.  233 

by  adding  one  hymn,  may  have  been  said  to  have 
made  it  his  own.  Again,  it  does  not  concern  us  at 
present  whether  Saunaka,  the  author  of  the  Kalpa- 
sutra,  was  the  same  as  Saunaka,  the  chief  of  the  sages 
in  the  Naimishiya  forest,  to  whom,  during  the  great 
twelve-years'  sacrifice,  Ugrasravas  related  the  Ma- 
habharata,  and  who  became  the  teacher  of  Sat&nika, 
the  son  of  Janamejaya.  If  this  identity  could  be 
established,  a  most  important  link  would  be  gained, 
connecting  Saunaka  and  his  literary  activity  with 
another  period  of  Indian  literature.  This  point  must 
be  reserved  for  further  consideration.  At  present  we 
are  only  concerned  with  Saunaka,  the  'author  of  the 
Kalpa-sutras  and  other  works  composed  with  a  view  of 
facilitating  the  study  of  the  Rig-veda. 

Shadgurusishya  continues : 

"  The  pupil  of  Saunaka  was  the  Reverend  Asvala- 
yana.  He,  having  learned  from  Saunaka  all  sacred 
knowledge,  made  also  a  Sutra  and  taught  it,  thinking 
it  would  improve  the  understanding  and  please  < 
Saunaka.  Then,  in  order  to  please  his  pupil,  Saunaka 
destroyed  his  own  Sutra1,  which  consisted  of  a  thou- 
sand parts  and  was  more  like  a  Brahmana.  '  This 
Sutra,'  he  said,  ■  which  Asvalayana  has  made  and 
taught,  shall  be  the  Sutra  for  this  Veda.'     There  are 

1  fircrff^Tf   means  "torn,"  and  corresponds  with   Sutra,  "a 

thread."    A  similar  expression  is  f^f^gj^,  which  is  applied,  for 

instance,  to  the  Mahabhashya,  when  it  fell  into  disuse  in  Kashmir. 
See  Rajatarangini,  Histoire  des  Rois  du  Kashmire,  traduite  et 
commentee  par  M..  A.  Troyer,  iv.  487. ;  and  Bohtlingk,  Panini, 
p.  xvi.     The  true  sense  seems  to  be  that  in  which  Devarajayajvan 

uses  f^f^"^  in  such  passages  as  rf  qfPST^R  3ff%PSJ?T  "RT^F 

f%f^*«5FTO<^  I  ^  <HT*ft<\  II  A  work  was  lost  when  the  chain  of 
the  oral  tradition  was  broken. 


234  SAUNAKA. 

altogether  ten  books  of  Saunaka,  written  for  the  pre- 
servation of  the  Big-veda  ;  1.  The  index  of  the 
Rishis ;  2.  The  index  of  the  Metres ;  3.  The  index 
of  the  Deities ;  4.  The  index  of  the  Anuvakas  ;  5. 
The  index  of  the  Suktas ;  6.  The  Vidhana  (employ- 
ment) of  the  Rich-verses  ;  7.  The  employment  of  the 
Padas1;  8.  The  Barhaddaivata ;  9.  The  Pratisakhya2 
of  the  Saunakas;  10.  His  Smarta  work  on  matters  of 
law.3  Asval&yana  having  learnt  all  these  ten  Sutras, 
and  knowing  also  the  Gotras,  (genealogies4),  became 
versed  in  all  the  sacrifices  by  the  favour  of  Saunaka. 
The  sage  Katyayana  had  thirteen  books  before  him  : 
ten  of  Saunaka  and  three  of  his  pupil  Asvalayana.5 
The  latter  consisted  of  the  Sutras  in  twelve  chapters, 

1  I  read  f^VT^  ^»  because  these  must  be  two  different 
works,  the  Rigvidhfma  and  Padavidhana,  in  order  to  complete  the 
number  of  ten.  The  Rigvidhana  exists  in  MS.  (E.  I.  H.  1723), 
and  is  not  only  written  in  Saunaka's  mixed  6lokas,  but  distinctly 

ascribed  to  him  in  the  second  verse :  q>  *i  ^  [  *if?f^~"§T*rf  f^f^l 
JpfaT^  "3flr*ran  I      The  book  ends  with  the  words  ^cfcfT"^ 

•fjj;  |  Nevertheless,  in  the  form  in  which  we  have  it,  it  is  later 

than  6aunaka.  The  term  Rigvidhana  is  mentioned  in  the  Taitti- 
riyaranyaka. 

2  This  must  be  the  Pratisakhya  of  the  Rig-veda,  and  not  of  the 
Atharva-veda,  which  is  likewise  ascribed  to  6aunaka,  the  Cbatu- 
radhyayikam  Saunakiyam. 

3  See  Stenzler,  Indische  Studien,  i.  p.  243. 

4  *n*rH?f^K  is  unintelligible.     Should  it  be  ^n'A'rT'u"- 

1  All  the  works  of  Asvalayana  still  exist,  as  Shadgurusishya 
describes  them.    Instead  of  "^fJ'^'^'^J)  it  would  be  better  to  read 


SAUNAKA.  235 

(Srauta-sutra),  the  Grihya-sutras  in  four  chapters, 
and  the  fourth  Aranyaka  (of  the  A  itarey  aranyaka) 
by  Asvalayana.  The  sage  Katyayana,  having  mas- 
tered the  thirteen1  books  of  Saunaka  and  of  his  pupil, 
composed  several  works  himself;  the  Sutras  of  the 
Vajins2,  the  Upagrantha3  of  the  Sama-veda,  the 
Slokas4  of  the  Smriti  (the  Karmapradipa),  the  Brahma- 
Karikas  of  the  Atharvans5,  and  the  Mahavarttika6, 
which  was  like  a  boat  on  the  great  ocean  of  Panini's 
Grammar.  The  rules  promulgated  by  him  were  ex- 
plained by  the  Reverend  Patanjali7,  the  teacher  of  the 
Yoga-philosophy,  himself  the  author  of  the  Yoga-sastra 
and  the  Nidana,  a  man  highly  pleased  by  the  great 
commentary,  the  work  of  the  descendant  of  Santanu. 
Now  it  was  Katyayana,  the  great  sage,  endowed  with 
these  numerous  excellencies,  who  composed,  by  great 
exertion,  this  Sarvanukramani.  And  because  it  gives 
the  substance  of  all  the  works  composed  by  Saunaka 
and  his  pupils,  therefore  the  chief  among  the  Bahvri- 
chas  have  called  it  the  General  Index." 

1  If  this  number  is  right,  6aunaka's  Srauta-sutra  could  not  have 
been  destroyed  at  the  time  of  Katyayana. 

2  The  Kalpa-sutras  of  the  Yajur-veda.  On  the  Vajins  or 
Vajasaneyins,  see  Colebrooke,  Essays,  i.  16. 

3  See  page  210.  Upagrantha  is  not  to  be  taken  in  the  sense  of 
Parisishta. 

4  Bhrajamana,  is  unintelligible ;  it  may  be  Parshada. 
'  6  These  Karikas  have  not  yet  been  met  with. 

6  The  Varttikas  to  Panini. 

7  Patanjali,  the  author  of  the  Mahabhashya,  according  to  tradi- 
tion called  by  the  name  of  Bhartrihari  also,  was  the  reputed 
author  of  the  Yoga-sutras.  On  these  a  commentary  was  written 
by  Vyasa,  who  might  be  called  a  descendant  of  6antanu.  The 
reading  may  not  be  quite  correct,  and  Mahabhashya  is  more 
likely  to  refer  to  Pat  an j  all's  own  work  ;  but  the  dental  n  of  the 
MSS.  speaks  rather  in  favour  of  the  reading  mahabhagyeua. 


236  SAUNAKA. 

'  t^rsfa  ^*ihm^  ^Vritc  f^pfcr:  11 
irsmri  j^t^t  wzwm  t^tt:  i 

^W^^f^"  ^T^Nw^  ^11 

*o;dr^^^ft  w  fttfrl  *re*r  to  ii 
^  t?^rf^?Y  ^tttt:  j^r^^Y  *rf%:  i 
^sfcftWr  *rr  %  fefffa  *re*r  ^r^ii 
^nr  ^  ^Rir  ^  4143] ^f^i 

1  ^r^Sffi   Ch.  192.  Weber,  Catalogue,  p.  12. 

2  ^  Ch.  192.,  W.  379.     %jf  ? 

3  ^^   Ch.,  W. 

4  fT  ^TW  Ch.,  W. 

5  Rv.  II.  12.,  the  Sukta  with  the  refrain,  "  sa  janasa  indrah. 

*^nrir  ch,  w. 


SAUNAKA.  237 

*NMKd+flW^  ^R^<*vyif^?t« 
^^TR^%^  ^HJUHRTTf^rn 
^f^frr^  ^f?f^§   ^WHS  ^Tff^^ll 
^rtt^Pftwl  %  ^f^TCKWlftdll 

*  ^>  *rf*m<?Y  ^wwV  ^r^snn:  n 
f%3te  #s*r  t^t  ^KruiRfi:  I 

WTTTf^TU^dfa^4iHT?<*:  II 

ITT^^ra  *fed<*l    <Nlt*h*ra   d^!M<ll 
^  ^f%^  wrf%3T   jrr^WT^iqifi^fTnil 

^nar^  ^cjnrrei  *r^TO^farT:  II 

i  ^  <$  Ch.,  w. 

3  ^rrf  ch.,  w.  «  f-^T  w. 

5  cTT  W.,  Ch.  *  ?3TO  W,  Ch. 

7  «n  w.  8  ^j  ch.,  w. 

9  *nir  ch.,  w.  ,o  ^  ch.,  w. 


238  SAUNAKA. 

1  ^  ?r  w.  ch.       2  7f^T  w.  Ch. 
3  wrarr^rH^:  w.,  ^rarRV^^r  ch. 


VARARUCHI.  239 

^5[^ftrTTf%  3T^fl1%  WT^Nf  ^t%:  I 

If  we  accept  this  statement  of  Shadgurusishya, — 
and  it  certainly  seems  to  agree  in  the  main  with  what 
we  might  have  guessed  from  the  character  of  the 
works,  ascribed  respectively  to  Saunaka,  Asvalayana 
and  Katyayana, — we  should  have  to  admit  at  least 
five  generations  of  teachers  and  pupils  :  first  Saunaka; 
after  him  Asvalayana,  in  whose  favour  Saunaka  is 
said  to  have  destroyed  one  of  his  works ;  thirdly, 
Katyayana,  who  studied  the  works  both  of  Saunaka 
and  Asvalayana;  fourthly  Patanjali,  who  wrote  a 
commentary  on  one  of  Katy&yana's  works ;  and 
lastly  Vyasa,  who  commented  on  a  work  of  Patanjali. 
It  does  not  follow  that  Katyayana  was  a  pupil  of 
Asvalayana,  or  that  Patanjali  lived  immediately  after 
Katyayana,  but  the  smallest  interval  which  we  can 
admit  between  every  two  of  these  names  is  that  be- 
tween teacher  and  pupil,  an  interval  as  large  as  that 
between  father  and  son,  or  rather  larger.  The  ques- 
tion now  arises :  Can  the  date  of  any  one  of  these 
authors  be  fixed  chronologically  ? 

Before  we  attempt  to  answer  this  question,  it  will 
be  necessary  to  establish  the  identity  of  Katyayana 

1  7T^Tf%:  Ch.  W.     ^  ^frpEpfi^TT  W.,  ^ffTC^T  Ch. 

3  w£N  or  *mifa? 


240  VARARUCHI. 

and  Vararuchi.  Katyayana  was  the  author  of  the 
Sarvanukramani,  and  the  same  work  is  quoted  as  the 
Sarvanukramani  of  Vararuchi  \  the  compiler  of  the 
doctrines  of  (Saunaka.  In  Professor  Wilson's  Cata- 
logue of  the  Mackenzie  Collection,  a  Pratisakhya  is 
ascribed  to  Vararuchi,  and  this  can  hardly  be  anything 
else  but  the  Madhyandina-pratibakhya  of  Katyayana. 
Hemachandra  in  his  Dictionary  gives  Yararuchi  as  a 
synonyme  of  Katyayana  without  any  further  com- 
ment, just  as  he  gives  Sala-turiya  as  a  synonyme  of 
Panini. 

Let  us  now  consider  the  information  which  we  re- 
ceive about  Katyayana  Vararuchi  from  Brahmanic 
sources.  Somadevabhatta  of  Kashmir  collected  the 
popular  stories  current  in  his  time,  and  published 
them  towards  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century 
under  the  title  of  Katha-sarit-sagara2,  the  Ocean  of 
the  Rivers  of  Stories.     Here  we  read  that  Katyayana 

1  MS.  E.  I.  H.  576.  contains  a  commentary  on  the  Rig-veda, 
where  a  passage  from  the  Sarvanukramani  is  quoted  as  ^ET^ 
"aft^rf<  ^  d  ^  il  ^ fP^^^T*pfi*U%3n"  ll  This  commentary 
of  Atmananda  seems  anterior  to  Sayana.  In  the  introduction 
different  works  and  commentaries,  connected  with  the  Veda  are 
quoted,  but  Madhava  and  Sayana  are  never  mentioned.  We  find 
the  Skandabhashya,  and  commentators  such  as  Udgitha-bhaskara, 

mentioned  (^ri^TTSJTf^g  W^^f^lftsiW^r^f^lSf:) 

by  Atmananda,  and  the  same  works  were  known  also  to  Devara- 
jayajvan.  Devarajayajvan,  however,  quotes  not  only  Skanda- 
svamin  and  Bhatta-bhaskara-misra,  but  also  Madhava.  He  there- 
fore was  later  than  Madhava.  Skandasvamin,  and  Bhaskara,  on 
the  contrary,  were  anterior  to  Madhava,  being  quoted  in  his  com- 
mentary. Atmananda,  though  not  quoted  by  Madhava,  seems 
anterior  to  Madhava,  and  the  authorities  which  he  quotes  are 
such  as  rfaunaka,  Vedamitra  (6akalya),  the  Brihaddevata,  Vishnu- 
dharmottara,  and  Yaska. 

2  Katha-sarit-sagara,  edited  by  Dr.  Hermann  Brockhaus.  Leip- 
sig,  1839. 


VARARUCIII.  241 

Vararuchi,  being  cursed  by  the  wife  of  Siva,  was  born 
at  Kausambi,  the  capital  of  Vatsa.  He  was  a  boy  of 
great  talent  and  extraordinary  powers  of  memory. 
He  was  able  to  repeat  to  his  mother  an  entire  play, 
after  hearing  it  once  at  the  theatre ;  and  before  he  was 
even  initiated  he  was  able  to  repeat  the  Pratisakhya 
which  he  had  heard  from  Vyali.  He  was  afterwards 
the  pupil  of  Varsha,  became  proficient  in  all  sacred 
knowledge,  and  actually  defeated  Panini  in  a  gram- 
matical controversy.  By  the  interference  of  Siva, 
however,  the  final  victory  fell  to  Panini.  Katyayana 
had  to  appease  the  anger  of  Siva,  became  himself  a 
student  of  Panini's  Grammar,  and  completed  and 
corrected  it.  He  afterwards  is  said  to  have  become 
minister  of  King  Nanda  and  his  mysterious  successor 
Yogananda  at  Pataliputra. 

We  know  that  Katyayana  completed  and  corrected 
Panini's  Grammar,  such  as  we  now  possess  it.1  His 
Varttikas  are  supplementary  rules,  which  show  a  more 
extensive  and  accurate  knowledge  of  Sanskrit  than 
even  the  work  of  Panini.  The  story  of  the  contest 
between  them  was  most  likely  intended  as  a  mythical 
way  of  explaining  this  fact.  Again  we  know  that 
Katyayana  was  himself  the  author  of  one  of  the 
Pratisakhyas,  and  Yyali  is  quoted  by  the  authors  of 
the  Pratisakhyas  as  an  earlier  authority  on  the  same 
subject.2  So  far  the  story  of  Somadeva  agrees  with 
the  account  of  Shadgurusishya  and  with  the  facts  as 

1  The  same  question  with  regard  to  the  probable  age  of  Panini, 
has  been  discussed  by  Prof.  Bohtlingk  in  his  edition  of  Panini. 
Objections  to  Prof.  Bohtlingk's  arguments  have  been  raised  by- 
Prof.  Weber  in  his  Indische  Studien.  See  also  Rig-yeda,  Leipzig, 
1857,  Introduction. 

2  Cf.  Rig-veda,  Leipzig,  1857,  p.  lxvii. 

R 


242  DATE    OF   KATYAYANA. 

we  still  find  them  in  the  works  of  Katyayana.  It 
would  be  wrong  to  expect  in  a  work  like  that  of 
Somadeva  historical  and  chronological  facts  in  the 
strict  sense  of  the  word ;  yet  the  mention  of  King 
Nanda,  who  is  an  historical  personage,  in  connection 
with  our  grammarian,  may,  if  properly  interpreted, 
help  to  fix  approximately  the  date  of  Katyayana 
and  his  predecessors,  Saunaka  and  Asvalayana.  If 
Somadeva  followed  the  same  chronological  system  as 
his  contemporary  and  countryman,  Kalhana  Pandita, 
the  author  of  the  Rajatarangini  or  History  of  Kashmir, 
he  would,  in  calling  Panini  and  Katyayana,  the  con- 
temporaries of  Nanda  and  Chandragupta,  have  placed 
them  long  before  the  times  which  we  are  wont  to  call 
historical.1  But  the  name  of  Chandragupta  fortunately 
enables  us  to  check  the  extravagant  systems  of  Indian 
chronology.  Chandragupta,  of  Pataliputra,  the  suc- 
cessor of  the  Nandas,  is  Sandrocottus,  of  Palibothra, 
to  whom  Megasthenes  was  sent  as  ambassador  from 
Seleucus  Nicator ;  and,  if  our  classical  chronology  is 
right,  he  must  have  been  king  at  the  turning  point  of 
the  fourth  and  third  centuries  B.C.  We  shall  have  to 
examine  hereafter  the  different  accounts  which  the 
Buddhists  and  Brahmans  give  of  Chandragupta  and 
his  relation  to  the  preceding  dynasty  of  the  Nandas. 
Suffice  it  for  the  present  that  if  Chandragupta  was 
king  in  315,  Katyayana  may  be  placed,  according  to 
our  interpretation  of  Somadeva's  story,  in  the  second 
half  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.  We  may  disregard 
the  story  of  Somadeva,  which  actually  makes  Katya- 
yana himself  minister  of  Nanda,  and  thus  would  make 
him  an  old  man  at  the  time  of  Chandragupta's  ac- 
cession to  the  throne.     This  is,  according  to  its  own 

1  Lassen,  Indische  Alterthumskunde,  ii.  18. 


DATE    OF    KATYAYANA.  243 

showing,  a  mere  episode  in  a  ghost  story1,  and  had  to 
be  inserted  in  order  to  connect  Katyayana's  story 
with  other  fables  of  the  Katha-sarit-sagara.  But 
there  still  remains  this  one  fact,  however  slender  it 
may  appear,  that  as  late  as  the  twelfth  century  a.d., 
the  popular  tradition  of  the  Brahmans  connected  the 
famous  grammarians  Katyayana  and  Panini  with  that 
period  of  their  history  which  immediately  preceded 
the  rise  of  Chandragupta  and  his  Sudra  dynasty  ;  and 
this,  from  an  European  point  of  view,  we  must  place 
in  the  second  half  of  the  fourth  century  B.C. 

The  question  now  arises,  can  this  conjectural  date, 
assigned  to  Katyayana,  be  strengthened  by  additional 
evidence  ?  Professor  Bohtlingk  thought  that  this 
was  possible  ;  and  he  endeavoured  to  show  that  the 
great  Commentary  of  Patanjali,  which  embraces  both 
the  Varttikas  of  Katyayana  and  the  Sutras  of  Panini, 
was  known  in  the  middle  of  the  second  century  B.C. 
It  is  said  in  the  history  of  Kashmir,  that  Abhimanyu, 
the  king  of  Kashmir,  sent  for  Brahmans  to  teach  the 
Mahabhashya  in  his  kingdom.  Abhimanyu,  it  is  true, 
did  not  reign,  as  Professor  Bohtlingk  supposed,  in 
the  second  century  B.C.,  but,  as  has  been  proved  from 
coins  by  Professor  Lassen,  in  the  first  century  A.  d. 
But  even  thus  this  argument  is  important.  In  the 
history  of  Indian  literature  dates  are  mostly  so  pre- 
carious that  a  confirmation  even  within  a  century  or 
two  is  not  to  be  despised.  The  fact  that  Patanjali's 
immense  commentary  on  Panini  and  Katyayana  had 
become  so  famous  as  to  be  imported  by  royal  autho- 
rity into  Kashmir  in  the  first  half  of  the  first  century 

1  According  to  the  southern  Buddhists  it  was  Chandragupta,  and 
not  Nanda,  whose  corpse  was  reanimated.     As.  Res.  xx.  p.  167. 

r  2 


244  SUTRA   PERIOD. 

A.D.,  shows  at  least  that  we  cannot  be  very  far  wrong 
in  placing  the  composition  of  the  original  grammar 
and  of  the  supplementary  rules  of  Katyayana  on  the 
threshold  of  the  third  century  B.C.  At  what  time 
the  Mahabhashya  was  first  composed  it  is  impossible  to 
say.  Patanjali,  the  author  of  the  Great  Commentary, 
is  sometimes  identified  with  Pingala ;  and  on  this  view, 
as  Pingala  is  called  the  younger  brother,  or  at  least 
the  descendant  of  Panini1,  it  might  be  supposed  that 
the  original  composition  of  the  Mahabhashya  belonged 
to  the  third  century.  But  the  identity  of  Pingala 
and  Patanjali  is  far  from  probable,  and  it  would  be 
rash  to  use  it  as  a  foundation  for  other  calculations. 

It  will  readily  be  seen  how  entirely  hypothetical 
all  these  arguments  are.  If  they  possess  any  force 
it  is  this,  that  in  spite  of  the  conflicting  statements 
of  Brahmanical,  Buddhist,  and  European  scholars, 
nothing  has  been  brought  forward  as  yet  that  would 
render  the  date  here  assigned  to  Katyayana  impos- 
sible. Nay  more ;  —  if  we  place  Katyayana  in  the 
second  half  of  the  fourth  century,  Asvalayana,  the 
predecessor  of  Katyayana,  about  350,  and  Saunaka, 
the  teacher  of  Asvalayana,  about  400  ;  and  if  then, 
considering  the  writers  of  Sutras  anterior  to  Saunaka 
and  posterior  to  Katyayana,  we  extend  the  limits  of 
the  Sautra  period  of  literature  from  600  to  200,  we 
are  still  able  to  say,  that  there  is  no  fact  in  history 
or  literature  that  would  interfere  with  such  an  ar- 
rangement. As  an  experiment,  therefore,  though  as 
no  more  than  an  experiment,  we  propose  to  fix  the 
years    600    and    200  b.c.   as   the  limits  of  that  age 


!   Shadgurusishya:    r^T  ^    ^Pf    f%  ^T^ffT     fifTOR 


SUTKA   TERIOD.  245 

during  which  the  Brahmanic  literature  was  carried  on 
in  the  strange  style  of  Sutras. 

In  order  to  try  the  strength  of  our  supposition  we 
shall  ourselves  attempt  the  first  attack  upon  it. 

There  is  a  work  called  the  Unadi-sutras,  which,  as 
it  is  quoted  under  this  name  by  Panini,  must  have 
existed  previous  to  his  time.  The  author  is  not 
known.  Among  the  words  the  formation  of  which 
is  taught  in  the  Unadi-sutras,1  we  find  (iii.  140)  di- 
ndrakj  a  golden  ornament ;  (iii.  2)  Jinah,  synony- 
mous with  Arhat,  a  Buddhist  saint;  (iv.  184)  liri- 
tam,  a  golden  diadem;  (iii.  25)  stupah,  a  pile  of 
earth. 

The  first  of  these  words,  dindra,  is  derived  by  the 
author  of  the  Unadi-sutras  from  a  Sanskrit  root,  din. 
By  other  grammarians  it  is  derived  from  dina,  poor, 
and  n,  to  go,  what  goes  or  is  given  to  the  poor.  It 
is  used  sometimes  in  the  sense  of  ornaments  and  seals 
of  gold.  These  derivations,  however,  are  clearly  fan- 
ciful, and  the  Sanskrit  dmdra  is  in  reality  the  Latin 
denarius.2  Now,  if  Panini  lived  in  the  middle  of  the 
fourth  century  B.C.,  and  if  the  Unadi-sutras  were  an- 
terior to  Panini,  how  could  this  Roman  word  have 
found  its  way  into  the  Unadi-sutras  ?     The  word  de- 

1  A  new  and  more  correct  edition  of  the  Unadi-sutras  has  lately 
been  published  by  Dr.  Aufrecht,  Bonn,  1859. 

2  J.  Prinsep  says :  "  The  Roman  denarius,  from  which  Dinar 
was  derived,  was  itself  of  silver,  while  the  Persian  Dirhem  (a 
silver  coin)  represents  the  Drachma,  or  dram  weight,  of  the 
Greeks.  The  weight  allowed  to  the  Dinar  of  32  ratis,  or  64 
grains,  agrees  so  closely  with  the  Roman  and  Greek  unit  of  60 
grains,  that  its  identity  cannot  be  doubted,  especially  when  we  have 
before  us  the  actual  gold  coins  of  Chandragupta  (?)  (didrachmas), 
weighing  from  120  to  130  grains,  and  indubitably  copied  from 
Greek  originals,  in  device  as  well  as  weight." 

r  3 


246  SUTRA   PERIOD. 

narius  is  not  of  so  late  a  date  in  India  as  is  generally- 
supposed.  Yet  the  earliest  document  where  it  occurs 
is  the  Sanchi  inscription  JSTo.  I.1  Burnouf  remarked 
that  he  never  found  the  word  dindra  used  in  what  he 
considered  the  ancient  Buddhist  Sutras.  It  occurs 
in  the  Avadana-sataka,  and  in  the  Divyavadana.  It 
would  seem  to  follow,  therefore,  either  that  the  Una- 
di-sutras  and  Panini  must  be  placed  later  than  Chan- 
dragupta,  or  that  the  Sutra  in  which  this  word  is 
explained  is  spurious.  It  would  not  be  right  to 
adopt  the  latter  supposition  without  showing  some 
cause  for  it.  It  is  well  known  that  in  a  literature 
which  is  chiefly  preserved  by  oral  tradition,  correc- 
tions and  additions  are  more  easily  admitted  than  in 
works  existing  in  MS.  The  ancient  literature  of 
India  was  continually  learnt  by  heart ;  and  even  at 
the  present  day,  when  MSS.  have  become  so  common, 
some  of  its  more  sacred  portions  must  still  be  ac- 
quired by  the  pupil  from  the  mouth  of  a  teacher,  and 
not  from  MSS.  If  new  words,  therefore,  had  been 
added  to  the  language  of  India  after  the  first  com- 
position of  the  Unadi- sutras,  there  would  be  nothing 
surprising  in  a  Sutra  being  added  to  explain  such 
words.  Happily,  however,  we  are  not  left  in  this 
instance  to  mere  hypothesis.  Ujjvaladatta,  the 
author  of  a  commentary  on  the  Unadi-sutras,  forms 
a  favourable  exception  to  most  Sanskrit  commen- 
tators, in  so  far  as  he  gives  us  in  his  Commentary 
some  critical  remarks  on  the  readings  of  MSS.  which 
he  consulted.  He  states  in  his  introduction  that  he  had 
consulted  old  MSS.  and  commentaries,  and  he  evi- 
dently feels  conscious  of  the  merit  of  his  work,  when 

i  Journal  A.  S.  B.,  vol.  vi.  p.  455.      Notes  on  the  facsimiles 
of  the  inscriptions  from  Sanchi  near  Bhilsa,  by  James  Prinsep. 


SUTRA  PERIOD.  247 

he  says,  "  If  anybody,  after  having  studied  this  com- 
mentary of  mine,  suppresses  my  name  in  order  to 
put  forth  his  own  power,  his  virtuous  deeds  will 
perish."1  Now  in  his  remarks  on  our  Sutra,  Ujjvala- 
datta  says,  "  Dinara  means  a  gold  ornament,  but  this 
Sutra  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  Sutivritti  and  Deva- 
Vl*itti3a  If,  therefore,  the  presence  of  this  word  in 
the  Unadi-sutras  would  have  overthrown  our  calcu- 
lations as  to  the  age  of  Panini  and  his  predecessor 
who  wrote  the  Sutras,  the  absence  of  it  except  in  one 
Sutra,  which  is  proved  to  be  of  later  date,  must  serve 
to  confirm  our  opinion.  Cosmas  Indicopleustes  re- 
marked that  the  Roman  denarius  was  received  all 
over  the  world  ;  and  how  the  denarius  came  to  mean 
in  India  a  gold  ornament  we  may  learn  from  a  pas- 
sage in  the  "  Life  of  Mahavira."3  There  it  is  said 
that  a  lady  had  around  her  neck  a  string  of  grains  and 
golden  dinars,  and  Stevenson  adds  that  the  custom 
of  stringing  coins  together,  and  adorning  with  them 
children  especially,  is  still  very  common  in  India. 

That  Ujjvaladatta  may  be  depended  upon  when  he 
makes  such  statements  with  regard  to  MSS.  or  com- 
mentaries, collated  by  himself,  can  be  proved  by 
another  instance.  In  the  Unadi-Sutras  IV.  184,  we 
read:  "  kritrikripibhyah  kitan."  Out  of  the  three 
words  of  which  the  etymology  is  given  in  this  Sutra, 
Icripitam,  water,  and  kiritam,  a  crest,  are  known  as 
ancient   words.      The   former    occurs    in    the    Gana 

2  w^fot  3?fanft  (*mterh ?)\^rr^r  ^  *r  t7^  ii 

3  Kalpa-sutra,  translated  by  Stevenson,  p.  45. 

k  4 


248  SUTRA   PERIOD. 

Kripanadi  (Pan.  VIII.  2.  18.  1.);  the  other  in  the 
Gana  arddharchadi.  The  third  word,  however,  tirita, 
a  tiara,  has  never  been  met  with  in  works  previous  to 
Panini.  Now,  with  regard  to  this  word,  Ujjvaladatta 
observes  that  it  is  left  out  in  the  Nyasa.1  The  au- 
thority of  this  work,  a  commentary  by  Jinendra 
on  the  K&sikavritti,  would,  by  itself,  be  hardly  of 
sufficient  weight ;  but  on  referring  to  the  MS.  of 
Mahabhashya  at  the  Bodleian  Library,  I  find  that 
there  also  the  Sutra  is  quoted  exactly  as  Ujjva- 
ladatta said,  l;  e.  without  the  root  from  which  tirita 
is  derived.  Having  thus  found  Ujjvaladatta  trust- 
worthy and  accurate  in  his  critical  remarks,  we  feel 
inclined  to  accept  his  word,  even  where  we  cannot 
control  him,  or  where  the  presence  of  certain  words 
in  the  Sutras  might  be  explained  without  having 
recourse  to  later  interpolations.  Thus  stupah,  which 
occurs  III.  25,  might  be  explained  as  simply  meaning 
a  heap  of  earth.  Nay,  it  is  a  word  which,  in  its  more 
general  sense,  is  found  in  the  Veda.  Yet  the  most 
common  meaning  of  stupa  is  a  Buddhist  monument, 
and  as  we  are  told  by  Ujjvala,  that  this  word  does 
not  occur  in  the  Sativritti,  and  that  in  the  Sarvasva 
it  is  derived  in  a  different  manner,  we  can  have  little 
doubt  that  it  was  not  added  till  after   the  general 

Colebrooke,  Miscellaneous  Essays,  ii.  40,  mentions  this  work  in 
his  list  of  Sanskrit  grammars :  "  Nyasa  or  Kasika  vritti  pan- 
jika  by  Jinendra :  another  exposition  of  the  Kasika  vritti,  with 
explanatory  notes  by  Rakshita."  He  adds,  however,  with  his 
usual  caution  :  "  I  state  this  with  some  distrust,  not  having  yet 
seen  the  book.  The  Nyasa  is  universally  cited ;  and  the  Bo- 
dhinyasa  is  frequently  so.  Vopadeva's  Kavyakamadhenu  quotes  the 
Nyasa  of  Jinendra  and  that  of  Jinendrabuddhi." 


PARISISHTAS.  249 

spreading  of  Buddhism  and  the  erection  of  Topes  in 
India ;  a  negative  argument  which  gives  additional 
strength  to  the  supposition  that  the  original  Unadi- 
sutras  were  composed  before  that  period.1 

To  add  one  more  instance.  In  all  the  editions 
of  the  Unadi-sutras,  Jina  occurs  as  the  name  of 
the  founder  of  a  Bauddha  sect.  As  many  scholars 
have  assigned  to  Jina  and  the  Jains  a  very  modern 
date,  the  presence  of  this  name  might  seem  to  throw 
considerable  doubt  on  the  antiquity  ascribed  to  the 
Unadi-sutras.  In  a  passage  of  Say  ana,  however  (Rv. 
i.  61.  4.),  where  he  has  occasion  to  quote  the  Sutra 
containing,  among  other  words,  the  etymology  of 
Jina,  all  the  MSS.  omit  the  root  ji,  from  which  Jina 
is  said  to  be  derived.  It  is  equally  omitted  in  Nrisinha's 
Svaramanjari. 

The  test  which  has  thus  been  applied  to  our  chrono- 
logical arrangement  of  the  Sutra  literature  in  general, 
in  the  case  of  the  Unadi-sutras,  so  far  from  invali- 
dating, has  rather  strengthened  our  argument  for 
placing  the  whole  literature  of  the  Sutras,  at  least  of 
those  which  are  connected  with  the  Vedas,  between  the 
years  600  and  200  B.C. 

Parisishtas. 

There  is  one  class  of  works  which  must  be  men- 
tioned before  we  leave  the  Sutra  period,  the  so-called 
Parisishtas.  They  are  evidently  later  than  the  Sutras, 
and  their  very  name,  Paralipomena,  marks  their 
secondary  importance.  They  have,  however,  a  cha- 
racter of  their  own,  and  they  represent  a  distinct 
period    of   Hindu  literature,  which,  though  it  is  of 

1  The  word  stupa  does  not  occur  in  Panini  or  the  Ganapatha. 
Sayana  to  Rv.  i.  24.  7.  does  not  quote  the  Unadi-siitra,  but  de- 
rives stupa  from  a  root  styai,  affix  pa. 


250  PARISISHTAS. 

less  interest  to  the  student,  and  though  it  shows  clear 
traces  of  intellectual  and  literary  degeneracy,  is  not 
on  that  account  to  be  overlooked  by  the  historian. 
Some  of  the  more  substantial  Parisishtas  profess  to 
be  composed  by  authors  whose  names  belong  to  the 
Sutra  period.  Thus  iSaunaka  is  called  the  author  of 
the  Charanavyuha  by  the  commentator  of  Paraskara's 
Grihya-sutras,  Rama-krishna  1  (MS.  E.T.H.  440.  577. 
912.)  ;  a  writer  no  doubt  quite  untrustworthy  where 
he  gives  his  own  opinions,  but  yet  of  some  import- 
ance where  he  quotes  the  opinions  of  others.  Ka- 
tyayana  is  quoted  as  the  author  of  the  Chhandoga- 
parisishta.2  The  same  Kusika,  who  is  known  as  the 
author  of  the  Sutras  for  the  Atharvana,  is  mentioned 
as  the  author  of  the  Atharvana-parisishtas  also. 
Other  Parisishtas,  though  not  ascribed  to  Katyayana, 
are  said  to  be  composed  in  accordance  with  his  opi- 
nions.3 Again,  while  the  Grihya-sutras  of  the 
Chhandogas  are  acknowledged  as  the  work  of  Go- 
bhila,  a  Parisishta  on  the  same  subject  is  ascribed  to 
the  son  of  Gobhila.4  The  names  of  Saunaka  and 
Katyayana  are  frequently  invoked  at  the  beginning 
or  end  of  these  works,  and  though  some  of  them  ap- 

3  MS.  Bodl.  W.  510.    ^"gT^TI  TtftftlTf%  Tf^V^t  *Tq*f- 
*  MS.  Bodl.  W.  504.   ^^     ?TT*T     ^RfW     ^rtf*T- 

^r^^u^ll 


TARISISHTAS.  251 

pear  to  us  simply  useless  and  insipid,  it  is  not  to  be 
denied  that  others  contain  information  which  we 
should  look  for  in  vain  in  the  Sutras.  Their  style  is 
less  concise  than  that  of  the  Sutras.  The  simple 
Anushtubh  Sloka  preponderates,  and  the  metre  is 
more  regular  than  that  of  the  genuine  Anushtubh 
compositions  of  Saunaka.  Their  style  resembles  that 
of  the  Barhaddaivata  and  Rig-vidh&na,  works  ori- 
ginally composed  by  Saunaka,  but  handed  down  to 
us,  as  it  would  seem,  in  a  more  modern  form.  But 
on  the  other  side  the  Parisishtas  have  not  yet  fallen 
into  that  monotonous  uniformity  which  we  find  in 
works  like  the  Manava-dharma-s&stra,  the  Paddhatis, 
or  the  later  Puranas ;  and  passages  from  them  are 
literally  quoted  in  the  Pur&nas.  The  Parisishtas, 
therefore,  may  be  considered  the  very  last  outskirts 
of  Vedic  literature,  but  they  are  Yedic  in  their  cha- 
racter, and  it  would  be  difficult  to  account  for  their 
origin  at  any  time  except  the  expiring  moments  of 
the  Yedic  age. 

The  following  argument  may  serve  to  confirm  the 
favourable  view  which  I  take  of  some  of  the  Pari- 
sishtas. Besides  the  MSS.  of  the  Charanavyuha, 
there  is  a  printed  edition  of  it  in  Raja  RMhakanta 
Deva's  Sabdakalpadruma.  This  printed  text  is  evi- 
dently taken  from  more  modern  MSS.  It  quotes  seven- 
teen instead  of  fifteen  Sakh&s  of  the  Yajasaneyins ; 
whereas  the  original  number  of  fifteen  is  confirmed  by 
our  MSS.  of  the  Charanavyuha,  by  the  Pratijna-pari- 
sishta,  and  even  by  so  late  a  work  as  theYishnu-purana 
(p.  281.).  We  may  therefore  suppose  that  at  the 
time  when  the  Parisishta,  called  the  Charanavyuha, 
was  originally  composed,  these  two  additional  Sakhas 
did  not  yet  exist.  Now  one  of  them  is  the  Sakha  of 
the  Katyayaniyas,  a  Sakha,  like  many  of  those  men- 


252  PARISISHTAS. 

tioned  in  the  Puranas,  founded  on  Sutras,  not  on 
Brahmanas.  The  fact,  therefore,  of  this  modern  Sakha 
not  being  mentioned  in  the  original  Charanavyuha 
serves  as  an  indication  that  at  the  time  of  the  original 
composition  of  that  Parisishta,  sufficient  time  had 
not  yet  elapsed  to  give  to  Katyayana  the  celebrity  of 
being  the  founder  of  a  new  Sakha. 

On  the  other  hand  it  should  be  stated  that  Panini 
does  not  seem  to  have  known  literary  works  called 
Parisishtas.1 

The  number  of  Parisishtas  is  frequently  stated  at 
eighteen.  This  may  have  been  their  number  at  some 
time,  or  for  one  particular  Veda,  but  it  is  now 
considerably  exceeded.  The  Charanavyuha,  itself  a 
Parisishta,  gives  the  same  number;  but  it  seems  to 
speak  of  the  Parisishtas  of  the  Yajur-veda  only.  There 
is  a  collection  of  Parisishtas  for  each  Veda.  Works, 
such  as  the  Bahvricha-parisishta,  Sankhayana-pari- 
sishta,  Asvalayana-grihya-parisishta,  must  be  ascribed 
to  the  Rig-veda.  A  MS,  (Bodl.  466.)  contains  a 
collection  of  Parisishtas  which  belong  to  the  Sama- 
veda.  At  the  end  of  the  first  treatise  it  is  said :  "  iti 
Samaganam  chhandah  samaptam,"  "  here  end  the 
metres  of  the  Sama-singers."  2  Other  treatises  be- 
gin with  the  invocation,  "  Namah  Samavedaya."  The 
second  is  called  Kratusangraha,  on  sacrifices;  the 
third,  Viniyoga-sangraha,  on  the  employment  of 
hymns ;  the  fourth,  Somotpattih,  on  the  origin  of 
Soma.  The  fifth  and  sixth  treatises  contain  the  index 
to  the  Archika  of  the  Sama-veda  after  the  Naigeya- 
sakha.     As  no  pointed  allusions  to  other  Yedas  occur 

1  Parisishta  occurs  only  as  a  pratyudaharana  in  Pan.  iv.  1.  48, 
but  it  is  used  there  as  a  feminine,  and  in  quite  a  different  sense. 

2  It  is  also  called  chhandasain  vichayah,  and  contains  quotations 
from  the  Tandya-brahmana,  Pingala,the  Nidana,  and  Ukthasastra. 


PARISISHTAS.  253 

in  these  tracts,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
whole  collection  of  these  Parisishtas  may  be  classed 
as  Sama-veda  literature.  The  Chhandoga-parisishta, 
however,  which  is  commonly  ascribed  to  Katyayana, 
is  not  found  in  this  MS.  The  Parisishtas  of  the  Yajur- 
veda  are  enumerated  in  the  Charanavyuha,  and  will 
have  to  be  examined  presently.  Those  of  the  Athar- 
vana  are  estimated  by  Professor  Weber  at  seventy- 
four1,  and  are  said  to  be  written  in  the  form  of 
dialogues,  in  a  style  similar  to  that  of  the  Puranas, 
and  sometimes,  we  are  told,  agreeing  literally  with 
chapters  of  the  astrological  Sanhitas. 

According  to  the  Charanavyuha2  the  following  are 
the  eighteen  Parisishtas  of  the  Yajur-veda: 

1.  The  Yupalakshanam ;  according  to  Yyasa's 
Charanavyuha,  the  Upajyotisham. 

2.  The  Chhagalakshanam ;  Mangalalakshanam, 
(Yyasa). 

3.  ThePratijna;  Pratijnanuvakyam  ?  (Yyasa). 

4.  The  Anuvakasankhya\ ;  Parisankhya  (Yyasa). 

5.  The  Charanavyuhah ;  Charanavyiihah  (Yyasa). 

6.  The  Sraddhakalpah  ;  Sraddhakalpah  (7yasa). 

7.  The  Sulvikani  or  SuMni. 

8.  The  Parshadam. 

1  According  to  a  passage  in  the  Charanavyuha,  belonging  to  the 
Atharvana,  the  number  of  the  Kausikoktani  Parisishtani  would 
amount  to  70. 

2  Besides  the  MS.  of  the  E.  I.  H.,  and  collations  of  some  of  the 
MSS.  at  Berlin,  I  have  used  the  printed  edition  of  the  Charana- 
vyuha in  Radhakanta's  Sanskrit  Encyclopaedia.  The  MSS.  differ 
so  much  that  it  would  be  hazardous  to  correct  the  one  by  the 
other.  They  probably  represent  different  versions  of  the  same 
text.  The  name  of  the  author  varies  likewise.  Sometimes  he  is 
called  6aunaka,  sometimes  Katyayana,  and  in  Radhakanta's  edi- 
tion, Vyasa.  The  last  is,  perhaps,  meant  for  the  same  whom  we 
found  mentioned  before  as  the  author  of  a  Commentary  on  Patan- 
j  ali's  Yoga.     The  text  has  since  been  published  by  Prof.  Weber. 


254  PARISISHTAS. 

9.  The  Rigyajunshi. 

10.  The  Ishtakapuranam. 

11.  The  Pravaradhy ayah ;  Pravaradhayah  (Vyasa, 
No.  7.) 

12.  The  Uktha-sastram  ;  Sastram  (Vyasa,  No.  8). 

13.  The  Kratusankhya;  Kratu  (Vyasa,  No.  9). 

14.  The  Nigamah ;  Agamah  (Vyasa,  No.  10). 

15.  The  Yajnaparsve  or  parsvam  ;  Yajnam  (Vyasa, 
No.  11)  ;  Parsvan  (Vyasa,  No.  12). 

16.  The  Hautrakam;  Hautrakam  (Vyasa,  No.  13). 

17.  The   Prasavotthanam ;    Pasavah    (Vyasa,   No. 
14);  Ukthani,  (Vyasa,  No.  15). 

18.  The       Kurmalakshanam ;       Kurmalakshanam, 
(Vyasa,  No.  16). 

A  similar  order  has  evidently  been  followed  in  a 
collection  of  the  Parisishtas,  forming  part  of  Professor 
Wilson's  valuable  collection  of  MSS.,  now  deposited 
in  the  Bodleian  Library.  The  MS.,  however,  is 
incomplete,  and  seems  to  have  been  copied  by  a 
person  ignorant  of  Sanskrit  from  another  MS.,  the 
leaves  of  which  had  been  in  confusion.  Most  of  the 
MSS.  of  these  Parisishtas  are  carelessly  copied,  whereas 
the  MSS.  of  the  Sutras  are  generally  in  excellent 
condition.  The  MSS.  which  Raja  Radhakantadeva 
used  seem  to  have  been  in  an  equally  bad  state,  if 
we  may  judge  from  the  various  readings  which  he 
occasionally  mentions.1  But  although  the  Bodleian 
MS.  leaves  much  to  desire,  it  serves  at  least  to  support 
the  authenticity  of  the  titles  given  in  the  MS.  of  the 
Charanavyuha  against  the  blunders  of  the  printed 
text.     We  find  there : 

1  For  instance    M K  ^  I  H^V^fTjf^  V\~<51  I    instead  of  TJT- 


PARISISHTAS.  255 

1.  The  Yupalakshanam,1  a  short  treatise  on  the 
manner  of  preparing  the  sacrificial  post. 

2.  The  Chhagalakshanam,2  on  animals  fit  for  sacri- 
fice. 

3.  The  Pratijna,3  begins  with  giving  some  defini- 
tion of  sacrificial  terms,  but  breaks  off  with  the  fourth 
leaf,  whereas  the  Pravaradhyaya  (No.  11)  had  already 
been  commenced  on  the  third,  and  is  afterwards 
carried  on  on  the  fifth  leaf.  Thus  we  lose  from  the 
fourth  to  the  eleventh  Parisishta,  which  formed  part 
of  the  original  MS.  if  we  may  judge  from  the  fact 
that  the  Pravaradhyaya  is  here  also  called  the 
eleventh  Parisishta. 

4.  The  Anuvakasankhya  exists  in  MS.  E.I.H.  965. 

5.  The  Charanavyuhah  is  found  in  numerous  copies. 

6.  The  Sraddhakalpah  exists  in  MS.  E.  I.  H.  1201, 
and  MS.  Chambers  66.  It  is  there  ascribed  to  Katya- 
yana.  There  is  also  among  the  Chambers  MSS.  at 
Berlin  (292 — 294)  a Sraddha-kalpa-bhashya  ascribed 
to  Gobhila. 

7.  The  Sulvikani  are  found  in  MS.  Chambers  66, 
and  a  gulvadipika,  MS.  E.  I.  H.  1678. 

8.  The  Parshadam.  This  must  not  be  mistaken 
for  a  Pratisakhya,  nor  would  it  be  right  to  call  the 
Pratisakhyas  Parisishtas.  The  Parshada  is  a  much 
smaller  work,  as  may  be  seen  from  a  MS.  in  the 
Royal  Library  at  Berlin,  Chambers  378. 

9.  The  Rigyajiinshi  is  the  only  Parisishta  that  can- 
not be  verified  in  MS. ;  there  is  no  reason  for  sup- 
posing that  it  was  an  Anukramani  either  of  the 
Yajur-veda  or  Rig-veda. 

10.  The  Ishtakapuranam  has  been   preserved   in 

1  MS.  Chambers,  66. 

2  MS.  Chambers,  66. 

3  Called  Pratishthalakshanam  in  MS.  Chambers,  66. 


256  PARISISHTAS. 

MS.  Chambers  389  with  a  commentary  by  Karka, 
and  in  MS.  Chambers  392,  with  a  commentary  by 
Yaj  nikadeva. 

11.  The  Pravaradhyayah  is  found  again  in  our  own 
MS.,  and  is  followed  by  a  small  tract,  the  Gotranir- 
nayah.  The  seven  principal  Pravaras  are  those  of 
the  Bhrigus,  Angiras,  Visvamitras,  Vasishthas,  Kasya- 
pas,  Atris,  and  Agastis.  The  eight  founders  of  Gotras 
or  families  are  Jamadagni,  Bharadvaja,  Visvamitra, 
Atri,  Gautama,  Vasishtha,  Kasyapa  and  Agastya.1 
The  whole  treatise,  of  which  more  hereafter,  is 
ascribed  to  Katyayana.2 

12.  The  Uktha-£astram  is  found  in  our  MS.    So  is 

13.  The  Kratusankhya,  which  gives  an  enumeration 
of  the  principal  sacrifices. 

14.  The  Nigama-parisishta  is  the  last  in  our  MS. 
It  contains  a  number  of  Yedic  words  with  their  ex- 
planations, and  forms  a  useful  appendix  to  Yaska's 
Nirukta.  It  alludes  not  only  to  the  four  castes,  but 
the  names  of  the  mixed  castes  also,  according  to  the 
Anuloma  and  Pratiloma  order,  are  mentioned. 

The  four  last  Parisishtas  are  wanting  in  our  MS. 

The  fifteenth,  however,  the  Yajnaparsvam  is  found 
in  MS.  E.  I.  H.  1729,  Chambers,  358 ;  the  sixteenth, 
the  Hautrakam,  exists  with  a  commentary  in  MS. 
Chambers  669.  The  two  last  Parisishtas  have  not 
yet  been  met   with  in  MS.,  but  we  may  probably 


DECLINE    OF    BRAHMANISM.  257 

form  some  idea  of  the  last,  the  Kurmalakshanam,  from 
some  chapters  of  Varahamihira's  Brihatsanhita,  where 
we  find  both  a  Kurrnavibhagah.  and  a  Kurmala- 
kshanam, the  last  being  there  followed  by  a  chapter, 
called  by  the  same  name  as  the  second  Parisishta, 
Chhagalakshanam. 

Although  there  is  little  of  real  importance  to  be 
learned  from  these  Parisishtas,  the  fact  of  their  exist- 
ence is  important  in  the  history  of  the  progress  and 
decay  of  the  Hindu  mind.  As  in  the  first  or  Chhandas 
period,  we  see  the  Aryan  settlers  of  India  giving  free 
utterance  to  their  thoughts  and  feelings,  and  thus 
creating  unconsciously  a  whole  world  of  religious, 
moral,  and  political  ideas ;  as  we  find  them  again 
during  the  second  or  Mantra  period,  carefully  collect- 
ing their  harvest ;  and  during  the  third  or  Brahmana 
period  busily  occupied  in  systematising  and  interpret- 
ing the  strains  of  their  forefathers,  which  had  already 
become  unintelligible  and  sacred ;  as  in  the  fourth  or 
Sutra  period  we  see  their  whole  energy  employed  in 
simplifying  the  complicated  system  of  the  theology  and 
the  ceremonial  of  the  Brahmanas  ;  so  we  shall  have  to 
recognise  in  these  Parisishtas  a  new  phase  of  the  Indian 
mind,  marked  by  a  distinct  character,  which  must 
admit  of  historical  explanation.  The  object  of  the 
Parisishtas  is  to  supply  information  on  theological  or 
ceremonial  points  which  had  been  passed  over  in  the 
Sutras,  most  likely  because  they  were  not  deemed  of 
sufficient  importance,  or  because  they  were  supposed 
to  be  well  known  to  those  more  immediately  concerned. 
But  what  most  distinguishes  the  Parisishtas  from  the 
Sutras  is  this,  that  they  treat  everything  in  a  popular 
and  superficial  manner  :  as  if  the  time  was  gone,  when 
students  would  spend  ten  or  twenty  years  of  their  lives 

s 


258  DECLINE   OF   BRAHMANTSM. 

in  fathoming  the  mysteries  and  mastering  the  intrica- 
cies of  the  Brahmana  literature.  A  party  driven  to 
such  publications  as  the  Parisishtas,  is  a  party  fighting 
a  losing  battle.  We  see  no  longer  that  self-compla- 
cent spirit  which  pervades  the  Brahmanas.  The 
authors  of  the  Brahmanas  felt  that  whatever  they 
said  must  be  believed,  whatever  they  ordained  must 
be  obeyed.  They  are  frightened  by  no  absurdity,  and 
the  word  "  impossible  "  seems  to  have  been  banished 
from  their  dictionary.  In  the  Sutras  we  see  that  a 
change  has  taken  place.  Their  authors  seem  to  feel 
that  the  public  which  they  address  will  no  longer 
listen  to  endless  theological  swaggering.  There  may 
have  been  deep  wisdom  in  the  Brahmanas,  and  their 
authors  may  have  sincerely  believed  in  all  they  said ; 
but  they  evidently  calculated  on  a  submissiveness 
on  the  part  of  their  pupils  or  readers,  which  only 
exists  in  countries  domineered  over  by  priests  or  pro* 
fessors.  The  authors  of  the  Sutras  have  learned  that 
people  will  not  listen  to  wisdom  unless  it  is  clothed  in 
a  garb  of  clear  argument  and  communicated  in  in- 
telligible language.  Their  works  contain  all  that  is 
essential  in  the  Brahmanas,  but  they  give  it  in  a 
practical,  concise  and  definite  form.  These  works 
were  written  at  a  time  when  the  Brahman s  were 
fighting  their  first  battles  against  the  popular  doctrines 
of  Buddha.  They  were  not  yet  afraid.  Their  lan- 
guage is  firm,  though  it  is  no  longer  inflated. 
"  Buddhism,"  as  Burnouf  says,1  "  soon  grew  into  a 
system  of  easy  devotion,  and  found  numerous  recruits 
among  those  who  were  frightened  by  the  difficulties 
of  Brahmanical   science.     At   the    same    time   that 

1  Burnouf,  Introduction  a  l'Histoire    du  Buddhisme.     Roth, 
Abhandlungen,  p.  22. 


DECLINE    OF    BRAHMANISM.  259 

Buddhism  attracted  the  ignorant  among  theBrahmans, 
it  received  with  open  arms  the  poor  and  the  miserable 
of  all  classes."  It  was  to  remove,  or  at  least  to  sim- 
plify, the  difficulties  of  their  teaching,  that  men  like 
Saunaka  and  Katyayana  adopted  the  novel  style  of 
the  Sutras.  Such  changes  in  the  sacred  literature  of 
a  people  are  not  made  without  an  object,  and  the  ob- 
ject of  the  Sutras,  as  distinct  from  that  of  the  Brah- 
manas,  could  be  no  other  than  to  offer  practical 
manuals  to  those  who  were  discouraged  by  too  elabo- 
rate treatises,  and  who  had  found  a  shorter  way  to 
salvation  opened  to  them  by  the  heretical  preaching 
of  Buddha.  After  the  Sutras  there  is  no  literature 
of  a  purely  Yedic  character  except  the  Parisishtas. 
They  still  presuppose  the  laws  of  the  Sutras  and  the 
faith  of  the  Brahmanas.  There  is  as  yet  no  trace  of 
any  definite  supremacy  being  accorded  to  Siva  or 
Vishnu  or  Brahman.  New  gods,  however,  are  men- 
tioned ;  vulgar  or  popular  ceremonies  are  alluded  to. 
The  castes  have  become  more  marked  and  multiplied. 
The  whole  intellectual  atmosphere  is  still  Yedic,  and 
the  Vedic  ceremonial,  the  Yedic  theology,  the  Yedic 
language  seem  still  to  absorb  the  thoughts  of  the 
authors  of  the  Parisishtas.  Any  small  matter  that 
had  been  overlooked  by  the  authors  of  the  Sutras  is 
noted  down  as  a  matter  of  grave  importance.  Subjects 
on  which  general  instructions  were  formerly  con- 
sidered sufficient,  are  now  treated  in  special  treatises, 
intended  for  men  who  would  no  longer  take  the 
trouble  of  reading  the  whole  system  of  the  Brah- 
manic  ceremonial.  The  technical  and  severe  lan- 
guage of  the  Sutras  was  exchanged  for  a  free  and 
easy  style,  whether  in  prose  or  metre ;  and  however 
near  in  time  the  Brahmans  may  place  the  authors  of 

s  2 


260  RISE    OF   BUDDHISM. 

the  Sutras  and  some  of  the  Parisishtas,  certain  it  is 
that  no  man  who  had  mastered  the  Sutra  style  would 
ever  have  condescended  to  employ  the  slovenly  dic- 
tion of  the  Parisishtas.  The  change  in  the  position 
and  the  characters  of  the  Brahman s,  such  as  we  find 
them  in  the  Sutras,  and  such  as  we  find  them  again 
in  the  Parisishtas,  has  been  rapid  and  decisive.  The 
men  who  could  write  such  works  were  aware  of  their 
own  weakness,  and  had  probably  suffered  many  de- 
feats. The  world  around  them  was  moving  in  a  new 
direction,  and  the  old  Vedic  age  died  away  in  im- 
potent twaddle. 

Considerations  like  these,  in  addition  to  what  we 
found  before  in  inquiring  into  the  age  of  Katyayana, 
tend  to  fix  the  Sutra  period,  as  a  phase  in  the  literary 
history  of  India,  as  about  contemporaneous  with  the 
first  rise  of  Buddhism ;  and  they  would  lead  us  to 
recognise  in  the  Parisishtas  the  exponents  of  a  later 
age,  that  had  witnessed  the  triumphs  of  Buddhism 
and  the  temporary  decay  of  Brahmanic  learning  and 
power.  The  real  political  triumph  of  Buddhism  dates 
from  Asoka  and  his  council,  about  the  middle  of  the 
third  century  B.C.,  and  while  most  of  the  Yedic  Sutras 
belong  to  this  and  the  preceding  centuries,  none  of 
the  Parisishta  were  probably  written  before  that  time. 

Before  the  Council  of  Pataliputra  the  Buddhists 
place,  indeed,  300  years  of  Buddhist  history,  but  that 
history  was  clearly  supplied  from  their  own  heads  and 
not  from  authentic  documents.  Buddhism,  up  to  the 
time  of  Asoka,  was  but  one  out  of  many  sects  esta- 
blished in  India.  There  had  been  as  yet  no  schism, 
but  only  controversy,  such  as  we  find  in  the  Brah- 
manas  themselves  between  different  schools  and  par- 
ties.    There  were  as  yet  no  Brahmans  as  opposed  to 


KISE    OF  BUDDHISM.  261 

Buddhists,  in  the  later  serfse  of  the  word.  No  separa- 
tion had  as  yet  taken  place,  and  the  greatest  reformers 
at  the  time  of  Buddha  were  reforming  Brahmans.  This 
is  acknowledged  in  the  Buddhist  writings,  though 
they  probably  were  not  written  down  before  Asoka's 
Council.  But  even  then  Buddha  is  represented  as 
the  pupil  of  the  Brahmans,  and  no  slur  is  cast  on  the 
gods  and  the  songs  of  the  Yeda.  Buddha,  according 
to  his  own  canonical  biographer,  learned  the  Kig- 
veda  and  was  a  proficient  in  all  the  branches  of 
Brahmanic  lore.  His  pupils  were  many  of  them 
Brahmans,  and  no  hostile  feeling  against  the  Brah- 
mans finds  utterance  in  the  Buddhist  Canon.  This 
forms  a  striking  contrast  with  the  sacred  literature  of 
the  Jains.  The  Jains,  who  are  supposed  to  have  made 
their  peace  with  the  Brahmans,  yet  in  their  sacred 
works,  written  towards  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  cen- 
tury a.d«,  treat  their  opponents  with  marked  disrespect. 
Their  great  hero  Mahavira,  though  at  first  conceived 
by  a  Brahman  woman,  is  removed  from  her  womb 
and  transferred  to  the  womb  of  a  Kshatriya  woman, 
for  "surely,"  as  Sakko  (Indra)  says1,  "such  a  thing 
as  this  has  never  happened  in  past,  happens  not  in 
present,  nor  will  happen  in  future  time,  that  an 
Arhat,  a  Chakravarti,  a  Baladeva,  or  a  Yasudeva 
should  be  born  in  a  low  caste  family,  a  servile  family, 
a  degraded  family,  a  poor  family,  a  mean  family,  a 
beggar's  family,  or  a  Brahman's  family ;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  in  all  time,  past,  present,  and  to  come,  an 
Arhat,  a  Chakravarti,  a  Yasudeva,  receives  birth  in 
a  noble  family,  an  honourable  family,  a  royal  family, 
a  Kshatriya  family,  as  in  the  family  of  Ikshvaku,  or 
the  Harivansa,  or  some  such  family  of  pure  descent." 
1  Kalpa-sutra,  p.  35. 
s  3 


262  RISE    OF    BUDDHISM. 

Now  this  is  mere  party  insolence,  intelligible  in  the 
fifth  century  a.  d.,  when  the  Brahmans,  as  a  party, 
were  re-establishing  their  hierarchical  sway.  Nothing 
of  the  kind  is  to  be  found  in  the  canonical  books  of  the 
Buddhists.  Buddha  had  his  opponents,  and  among 
them  chiefly  the  Tirthakas ;  but  so  had  all  eminent 
sages  of  whom  we  read  in  the  Brahmanas.  But  Buddha 
had  also  his  friends  and  followers,  and  they  likewise 
were  Brahmans  and  Rishis ;  some  of  them  accepted 
his  doctrines,  not  excluding  the  abolition  of  caste. 
Buddhism,  in  its  original  form,  was  only  a  modifica- 
tion of  Brahmanism.  It  grew  up  slowly  and  imper- 
ceptibly, and  its  very  founder  could  hardly  have  been 
aware  of  the  final  results  of  his  doctrines.  Before 
the  time  that  Buddhism  became  a  political  power,  it 
had  no  history,  no  chronology,  it  hardly  had  a  name. 
We  hear  nothing  of  Bauddhas  in  the  Brahmanas, 
though  we  meet  there  with  doctrines  decidedly  Bud- 
dhistic. The  historical  existence  of  Buddhism  be- 
gins with  Asoka,  and  the  only  way  to  fix  the  real 
date  of  Asoka  is  by  connecting  him  with  Chandra- 
gupta,  his  second  predecessor,  the  Sandrocottus  of 
the  Greeks.  To  try  to  fix  it  according  to  the  early 
Buddhist  chronology  would  be  as  hopeless  as  fixing 
the  date  of  Alexander  according  to  the  chronology  of 
the  Puranas. 

It  is  possible  to  discover  in  the  decaying  literature 
of  Vedic  Brahmanism  the  contemporaneous  rise  of  a 
new  religion,  of  Buddhism.  Every  attempt  to  go 
beyond,  and  to  bring  the  chronology  of  the  Buddhists 
and  Brahmans  into  harmony  has  proved  a  failure. 
The  reason,  I  believe,  is  obvious.  The  Brahmans  had 
a  kind  of  vague  chronology  in  the  different  capitals  of 
their  country.  They  remembered  the  names  of  their 
kings,  and  they  endeavoured  to  remember  the  years 


CHRONOLOGY.  263 

of  their  reigns.  But  to  note  the  year  in  which  an 
individual,  such  as  Gautama  iSakyasinha,  was  born, 
however  famous  he  may  have  been  in  his  own  neigh- 
bourhood or  even  in  more  distant  Parishads,  would 
have  entered  as  little  into  their  thoughts  as  the 
Romans,  or  even  the  Jews,  thought  of  preserving  the 
date  of  the  birth  of  Jesus  before  he  had  become  the 
founder  of  a  religion.  Buddha's  immediate  followers 
may  have  recollected  and  handed  down,  by  oral  com- 
munication, the  age  at  which  Buddha  died ;  the  age 
of  his  disciples  too  may  have  been  recollected,  to- 
gether with  the  names  of  some  local  Rajas  who  pa- 
tronised Buddha  and  his  friends;  but  never,  until 
the  adoption  of  Buddhism  as  the  state  religion  by 
Asoka,  could  there  have  been  any  object  in  connect- 
ing the  lives  of  Buddha  and  his  disciples  with  the 
chronology  of  the  Solar  or  Lunar  Dynasties  of  India. 
When,  at  the  time  of  Asoka,  it  became  necessary  to 
give  an  account  of  the  previous  history  of  Buddhism, 
the  chronology  then  adopted  for  the  early  centuries 
of  that  faith  was  necessarily  of  a  purely  theoretical 
kind.  We  possess  more  than  one  system  of  Bud- 
dhist chronology,  but  none  of  them  can  be  considered 
authentic  with  regard  to  the  times  previous  to  Asoka, 
the  second  successor  of  Chandragupta.  There  is  the 
system  of  the  Southern  Buddhists,  framed  in  Ceylon  ; 
there  are  the  various  systems  of  the  Northern  Bud- 
dhists, prevalent  in  Nepal,  Tibet,  and  China ;  and  the 
system  of  the  Puranas,  if  system  it  can  be  called,  in 
which  &akya  is  made  the  father  of  his  father,  and 
grandfather  of  his  son.  To  try  to  find  out  which  of 
these  chronological  systems  is  the  most  plausible 
seems  useless,  and  it  can  only  make  confusion  worse 
confounded   if   we   attempt    a    combination   of  the 

s  4 


264  CHRONOLOGY. 

three.  It  has  been  usual  to  prefer  the  chronology  of 
Ceylon,  which  places  Buddha's  death  in  543  B.C. 
But  the  principal  argument  in  favour  of  this  date  is 
extremely  weak.  It  is  said  that  the  fact  of  the  Cey- 
lon ese  era  being  used  as  an  era  for  practical  purposes 
speaks  in  favour  of  its  correctness.  This  may  be 
true  with  regard  to  the  times  after  the  reign  of 
Asoka.  In  historical  times  any  era,  however  fabu- 
lous its  beginning,  will  be  practically  useful ;  but  no 
conclusion  can  be  drawn  from  this,  its  later  use,  as  to 
the  correctness  of  its  beginning.  As  a  conventional 
era,  that  of  Ceylon  may  be  retained,  but  until  new 
evidence  can  be  brought  forward  to  substantiate  the 
authenticity  of  the  early  history  of  Buddhism  as  told 
by  the  Ceylonese  priests,  it  would  be  rash  to  use 
the  dates  of  the  Southern  Buddhists  as  a  corrective 
standard  for  those  of  the  Northern  Buddhists  or  of 
the  Brahmans.  Each  of  these  chronological  systems 
must  be  left  to  itself.  They  start  from  different  pre- 
mises, and  necessarily  arrive  at  different  results. 
The  Northern  Buddhists  founded  their  chronology 
on  a  reported  prophecy  of  Buddha,  that  "  a  thousand 
years  after  his  death  his  doctrines  would  reach  the 
Northern  countries." l  Buddhism  was  definitely  in- 
troduced into  China  in  the  year  61  a.d.  ;  hence  the 
Chinese  fix  the  date  of  Buddha's  death  about  one  thou- 
sand years  anterior  to  the  Christian  era.  The  varia- 
tions of  the  date,  according  to  different  Chinese  au- 
thorities, are  not  considerable,  and  may  easily  be 
explained  by  the  uncertainty  of  the  time  at  which 
Buddhism  found  its  way  successively  into  the  various 
countries  north  of  India,    and   at  last    into  China. 

1  Lassen,  Indian  Antiquities,  ii.,  p.  58.     Schiefner,  Melanges 
Asiatiques,  i.  436. 


CHRONOLOGY.  265 

Besides  950  or  949  B.C.1,  which  are  the  usual  dates 
assigned  to  Buddha's  death  by  Chinese  authorities, 
we  may  mention  the  years  1130,  1045,  767,  for  each 
of  which  the  same  claim  has  been  set  up.  The 
year  1130  rests  on  the  authority  of  Tchao-chi,  as 
quoted  by  Matouanlin  in  the  annals  of  the  Sou!.2 
Fabian,  also,  seems  to  have  known  this  date ;  for, 
according  to  his  editor,  he  placed  the  death  of  Buddha 
towards  the  beginning  of  the  dynasty  Tcheu,  and 
this,  according  to  Chinese  chronology,  took  place  in 
1122.3  In  another  place,  however,  Fahian,  speaking 
of  the  spreading  of  Buddhism  towards  the  north,  places 
this  event  300  years  after  Buddha's  Nirvana,  or  in 
the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Phing-Wang.  As  this  em- 
peror reigned  770  —  720,  Fahian  would  seem  to  have 
dated  the  Nirvana  somewhere  between  1070  and 
1020.  The  date  767  rests  on  the  authority  of  Ma- 
touanlin.4 From  Tibetan  books  no  less  than  fourteen 
dates  have  been  collected  5  ;  and  the  Chinese  pilgrims 
who  visited  India  found  it  impossible  to  fix  on  any 
one  date  as  established  on  solid  evidence.  The  list  of 
the  thirty-three  Buddhist  patriarchs,  first  published 
by  "Remusat  (Melanges  Asiatiques,  i.  p.  113),  gives 
the  date  of  their  deaths  from  Chakia-mouni,  who 
died  950  B.C.,  to  Soui-neng,  who  died  713  a.d.,  and 
bears,  like  everything  Chinese,  the  character  of  the 
most  exact  chronological  accuracy.     The  first  link, 

1  Lassen,  ii.  52.     Foucaux,  Rgya  Tcher  Rol  Pa,  p.  xi. 

2  Foucaux,  1.  c.  note  communicated  by  Stan.  Julien. 

3  Neumann,  Zeitschrift  fur  die  Kunde  des  Morgenlandes,  ii.  117; 
Lassen,  ii.  54. 

4  Foucaux,    1.    c.    According   to   Klaproth    Matouanlin   places 
Buddha  688  to  609. 

s  Csoma,  Tibetan  Grammar,  p.  199—201.  They  are:  2422,  2148, 
2139,  2135,  1310,  1060,  884,  882,  880,  837,  752,  653,  576,  546. 


266  CHRONOLOGY. 

however,  in  this  long  chain  of  patriarchs  is  of  doubt- 
ful character,  and  the  lifetime  of  Buddha,  from  1029 
to  950,  rests  on  his  own  prophecy,  that  a  Millennium 
would  elapse  from  his  death  to  the  conversion  of 
China.  If,  therefore,  Buddha  was  a  true  prophet  he 
must  have  lived  about  1000  B.C.,  and  this  date  once 
established,  everything  else  had  to  give  way  before 
it.  Thus  Nagarjuna,  called  by  the  Chinese  Naga 
Ivoshuna,  or  Loung-chou,  is  placed  in  their  own  tradi- 
tional chronology,  which  they  borrowed  from  the  Bud- 
dhists in  Northern  India,  400  years  after  the  Nirvana.1 
The  Tibetans  assign  the  same  date  to  him.2  In  the 
list  of  the  patriarchs,  however,  he  occupies  the  four- 
teenth place,  and  dies  738  years  after  Buddha.  The 
twelfth  patriarch,  Maning  (Deva  Bodhisatva),  is  tra- 
ditionally placed  by  the  Chinese  300  years  after 
Buddha.  In  the  list  of  the  patriarchs  he  dies  618 
years  after  the  Nirvana. 

But  if  in  this  manner  the  starting  point  of  the 
Northern  Buddhist  chronology  turns  out  to  be  merely 
hypothetical,  based  as  it  is  on  a  prophecy  of  Buddha, 
it  will  be  difficult  to  avoid  the  same  conclusion  with 
regard  to  the  date  assigned  to  Buddha's  death  by  the 
Buddhists  of  Ceylon  and  of  Burmah  and  other  coun- 
tries which  received  their  canonical  books  from  Cey- 
lon. The  Ceylonese  possess  a  trustworthy  and  intel- 
ligible chronology  beginning  with  the  year  161  B.C.3 
Before  that  time  their  chronology  is  traditional,  and 
full  of  absurdities.  According  to  Professor  Lassen, 
we  ought  to  suppose  that  the   Ceylonese,   by   some 

1  Lassen  ii.  58.     Burnouf,  Introduction,  i.  p.  350.  n.  51. 

2  As  they  place  Vasumitra  more  than  400  after  Buddha,  the 
date  for  Nagarjuna  ought  to  be  about  450. 

3  Tumour,  Examination  of  the  Pali  Buddhistical  Annals, 
Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  vi.  p.  721. 


CHRONOLOGY.  267 

means  or  other,  were  in  possession  of  the  right  date 
of  Buddha's  death  ;  and  as  there  was  a  prophecy 
of  Buddha  that  Vijaya  should  land  in  Ceylon  on  the 
same  day  on  which  Buddha  entered  the  Mrvana,1 
we  are  further  asked  to  believe  that  the  Ceylonese 
historians  placed  the  founder  of  the  Vijayan  dynasty 
of  Ceylon  in  the  year  543,  in  accordance  with  their 
sacred  chronology.  "We  are  not  told,  however, 
through  what  channel  the  Ceylonese  could  have  re- 
ceived their  information  as  to  the  exact  date  of 
Buddha's  death,  and  although  Professor  Lassen's  hy- 
pothesis would  be  extremely  convenient,  and  has 
been  acquiesced  in  by  most  Sanskrit  scholars,  it 
would  not  be  honest  were  we  to  conceal  from  our- 
selves or  from  others  that  the  first  and  most  impor- 
tant link  in  the  Ceylonese,  as  well  as  in  the  Chinese 
chronology,  is  extremely  weak.  All  we  know  for 
certain  is,  that  the  Ceylonese  had  an  historical  chro- 

1  Mahavanso,  p.  46.  The  Mahavansa  was  written  in  Pali  by 
Mahanama.  He  was  a  priest  and  uncle  of  king  Dasenkelleya  or 
Dhatusena,  who  reigned  from  a.d.  459  to  477.  Mahanama  made  use 
of  earlier  histories,  and  mentions  among  them  the  Dipavansa. 
This  work,  also  called  Mahavansa,  and  written  in  Pali,  is  supposed 
to  be  still  in  existence,  and  carries  the  history  to  the  reign  of 
Mahasena,  who  died  a.  d.  S02.  Mahanama,  though  he  lived 
more  than  a  hundred  years  after  Mahasena's  death,  does  not  seem 
to  have  carried  the  history  much  further.  His  work  ends  with 
the  account  of  Mahasena's  reign.  It  terminates  with  the  48th  verse 
of  the  37th  chapter  of  what  is  now  known  as  the  Mahavansa,  and 
it  is  only  from  conjecture  that  Tumour,  the  editor  and  translator 
of  the  first  38  chapters  of  the  Mahavansa,  ascribes  the  end  of 
the  37th,  and  the  whole  of  the  38th  chapter,  to  the  pen  of  Ma- 
hanama. Mahanama' s  work  was  afterwards  continued  by  dif- 
ferent writers.  It  now  consists  of  100  chapters,  and  carries  the 
history  of  Ceylon  to  the  middle  of  the  18th  century.  He  is 
likewise  the  author  of  a  commentary  on  his  own  work,  which 
commentary  ends  at  the  48th  verse  of  the  37th  chapter. 


268  CHRONOLOGY. 

nology  after  the  year  161  B.C.,  that  is  to  say,  long 
before  the  Brahman s  or  Buddhists  of  the  North  can 
show  anything  but  tradition.  If,  then,  the  exact 
Ceylonese  chronology  begins  with  161  B.C.,  it  is  but 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  there  existed  in  Ceylon 
a  traditional  native  chronology  extending  beyond 
that  date  ;  and  that,  at  all  events,  the  first  conquest 
of  Ceylon,  the  establishment  of  the  first  dynasty,  had 
some  date,  whether  true  or  false,  assigned  to  it  in  the 
annals  of  the  country.  Vijaya,  the  founder  of  the 
first  dynasty,  means  Conquest,  and  such  a  person 
most  likely  never  existed.  But  his  name  and  fame 
belong  to  Ceylon ;  and  even  the  latest  traditions  have 
never  connected  him  with  the  Buddhist  dynasties  of 
India.  He  is  called  in  the  Mahavansa,  the  son  of 
Sinhabahu,  the  sovereign  of  Lala  (supposed  to  be  a 
subdivision  of  Magadha,  near  the  Gandaki  river),  and 
he  is  connected  by  a  miraculous  genealogy  with  the 
kings  of  Banga  (Bengal)  and  Kalinga  (Northern 
Circars),  but  not  with  the  Buddhist  dynasties  of 
Magadha.  The  only  trace  of  Buddhism  that  can  be 
discovered  in  the  legends  of  Vijaya  consists  in  the 
fact  that  his  head,  and  the  heads  of  his  seven  hundred 
companions,  were  shaved  when  they  were  sent  adrift 
in  a  ship  that  was  ultimately  to  bring  them  to  Ceylon. 
But  the  author  of  the  Mahavansa  takes  care  to  say 
that  this  shaving  of  their  heads  was  part  of  the  pun- 
ishment inflicted  on  Vijaya  by  his  father,  who,  when 
asked  by  the  people  to  execute  his  own  son  for  num- 
berless acts  of  fraud  and  violence,  preferred  to  send 
him  and  his  companions  adrift  on  the  ocean,  after  their 
heads  had  been  shaved.  Supposing  then  that  before 
Dushtagamani,  i.  e.  before  161  B.C.,  the  Ceylonese 
possessed  a  number  of  royal  names,  and  that  by  as- 


CHRONOLOGY.  269 

signing  to  each  of  them  a  more  or  less  fabulous  reign, 
they  had  arrived  at  the  year  543  as  the  probable 
date  of  the  Conquest,  we  can  well  understand  how, 
under  the  influence  of  the  later  Buddhists,  exactly  the 
same  thing  took  place  in  Ceylon  which  took  place 
in  China.     Various  temples  in  Ceylon  had  their  le- 
gends, by  which  their  first  foundation  was  ascribed 
to  Buddha   himself.     Hence  the  Mahavansa  begins 
with  relating  three  miraculous  visits  which  Buddha, 
during  his  lifetime,  paid  to  Ceylon.     At  that  time, 
however,  it  is  said  that  Ceylon  was  still  inhabited  by 
Yakshas.     If  thus  the  very  earliest  history  of  the 
island  had  been  brought  in  connection  with  Buddha, 
it  is  but  natural  that  some  sanction  of  a  similar  kind 
should  have  been  thought  necessary  with  regard  to 
the  Conquest.     A  prophecy  was,  therefore,  invented. 
"  The  ruler  of  the  world,  Buddha,"  so  says  the  Maha- 
vansa,  "  having   conferred   blessings   on   the   whole 
world,  and  attained  the  exalted,  unchangeable  Nir- 
vana,   seated  on   the   throne   on  which  Nirvana  is 
achieved,  in  the  midst  of  a  great  assembly  of  devatas, 
the  great  divine  sage  addressed  this  celebrated  in- 
junction to  Sakra,  who  stood  near  him :  (  One  Vijaya, 
the  son  of  Sinhabahu,  king  of  the  land  of  Lala,  to- 
gether  with   seven   hundred   officers   of   state,    has 
landed  on  Lanka.     Lord  of  Devas  !   my  religion  will 
be  established  in  Lanka.    On  that  account  thoroughly 
protect,  together  with  his  retinue,  him  and  Lanka.' 
The  devoted  King  of  Devas  having  heard  these  in- 
junctions of  the  successor  (of  former  Buddhas),  as- 
signed the  protection  of  Lanka  to  the  Deva  Utpala- 
varna  (Vishnu).     He,  in  conformity  to  the  command 
of  Sakra,  instantly  repaired  to  Lanka,   and  in  the 
character  of  a  parivrajaka  (devotee)  took  his  station 
at  the  foot  of  a  tree. 


270  CHRONOLOGY. 

"  With  Vijaya  at  their  head  the  whole  party  ap- 
proaching him,  inquired,  '  Pray,  devotee,  what  land 
is  this  ? '  he  replied,  '  The  land  Lanka/  Having 
thus  spoken,  he  blessed  them  by  sprinkling  water  on 
thern  out  of  his  jug,  and  having  tied  (charmed) 
threads  on  their  arms,  departed  through  the  air." 

At  the  end  of  the  preceding  chapter,  the  date  of 
the  event  is  still  more  accurately  fixed.  "  This 
prince  named  Vijaya,"  we  read  there,  "  who  had  then 
attained  the  wisdom  of  experience,  landed  in  the  di- 
vision Tamraparni  of  this  land  Lanka,  on  the  day 
that  the  successor  of  former  Buddhas  reclined  in  the 
arbour  of  the  two  delightful  sal-trees,  to  attain  Nir- 
vana." In  this  manner  the  conquest  of  Ceylon  was 
invested  with  a  religious  character,  and  at  the  same 
time  a  connection  was  established  between  the  tra- 
ditional chronology  of  Ceylon  and  the  sacred  history 
of  Buddha.  If  Buddha  was  a  true  prophet,  the  Cey- 
lonese  argue  quite  rightly  that  he  must  have  died  in 
the  year  of  the  Conquest,  or  543  b.  c. 

This  synchronism  once  established,  it  became  ne- 
cessary to  accommodate  to  it,  as  well  as  possible,  the 
rest  of  the  legendary  history  of  the  Buddhists.  It  con- 
tained but  few  historical  elements  previous  to  Asoka's 
Council,  but  that  council  had  again  to  be  connected 
with  the  history  of  Ceylon.  Asoka  was  the  cotem- 
porary  of  Devanampriya  Tishya,  King  of  Ceylon. 
This  king  adopted  Buddhism,  and  made  it,  like  Asoka, 
the  state  religion  of  the  island.  Now,  according  to 
the  traditional  chronology  of  Ceylon,  Devanampriya 
Tishya  came  to  the  throne  236  years  after  the  landing 
of  Vijaya 1,  and  he  reigned  forty  years  (307 — 267  B.C. ) 
He  was  intimately  connected  with  Asoka,  as  we  shall 

1  Mahavanso,  Pref.  p.  lii. 


CHRONOLOGY.  271 

see,  and  it  was  necessary  that  the  same  interval 
which  in  the  historical  traditions  of  Ceylon  separated 
Devanampriya  Tishya  from  Vijaya  should  separate 
Asoka  from  Buddha.  This  was  achieved  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner :  One  Asoka  is  supposed  to  have 
come  to  the  throne  ninety  years  after  Buddha,  and 
a  council  (the  second,  as  it  is  called)  is  supposed 
to  have  taken  place  in  the  tenth  year  of  his  reign, 
or  just  one  hundred  years  after  Buddha.  At  that 
second  council  a  prophecy  was  uttered  that  in  118 
years  a  calamity  would  befall  the  Buddhist  religion. 
This  refers  to  the  reign  of  the  so-called  second  Asoka, 
who  was  at  first  a  great  enemy  to  religion.  Now 
the  first  Asoka  is  represented  to  have  reigned  18 
years  after  the  Council  (100  anno  Buddhse),  and  if 
we  cast  up  these  118  years,  the  22  years  of  Asoka's 
sons,  the  22  years  of  the  Nine,  the  24  years1  of 
Chandragupta,  the  28  years  of  Bindusara,  and  the  4 
years  which  elapsed  before  Asoka's  inauguration 2, 
we  find  that  Asoka's  inauguration  would  fall  just 
118  years  after  the  second  Council,  218  years  after 
Buddha,  or  325  B.  c.  The  Council  of  this  real 
Asoka  was  held  in  the  17th  year  of  his  reign,  or  235 
after  Buddha.  Mahendra,  the  son  of  Asoka,  pro- 
ceeded to  Ceylon  in  the  next  year,  or  236  years  after 
Buddha ;  and  in  this  manner  the  arrival  of  Mahendra 
in  Ceylon,  and  the  inauguration  of  Devanampriya 
Tishya  as  King  of  Ceylon,  are  brought  together  in 
the  same  year.  It  is  true  that  in  order  to  achieve 
this,  it  has  become  necessary  to  add  a  first  Asoka  3, 

1  Not  thirty-four  years  as  printed  in  the   Mahavanso.     See 
Lassen,  ii.  62.  n. 

2  As.  Res.,  xx.  p.  167. 

3  This  first  Asoka  is  called  Kalasoka,  a  name  which  it  would  be 
too  bold  to  explain  as  the  chronological  Asoka. 


272  CHRONOLOGY. 

of  whom  the  Northern  Buddhists  know  nothing ;  it 
has  become  necessary  to  admit  another  Moggali- 
putto,  and  another  Council,  all  equally  unknown  ex- 
cept in  the  traditional  chronology  of  Ceylon.  The 
Northern  Buddhists  know  but  one  Asoka,  the  grand- 
son of  Chandragupta ;  they  know  but  one  Council, 
besides  the  Assembly  following  immediately  on  the 
death  of  Buddha,  viz.  the  Council  of  Pataliputra 
under  Dharmasoka,  and  this  they  place  110  years 
after  Buddha's  Nirvana.1  Pindola,  a  contemporary  of 
of  Buddha,  was  seen  as  an  old  man  by  Asoka.  But 
who  was  to  contradict  the  Ceylonese  historians?  They 
possessed,  what  the  Buddhists  of  Magadha  did  not 
possess,  a  history  of  their  island  and  their  sovereigns. 
They  valued  historical  chronology  for  its  own  sake, 
forming  an  exception  in  this  respect  to  all  other 
nations  of  India.  They  were  a  colony,  and  like  most 
colonies,  they  valued  the  traditions  of  the  past.  The 
Buddhists  of  Magadha,  as  far  as  we  are  able  to 
judge,  preserved  but  a  few  historical  recollections, 
frequently  in  the  form  of  prophecies,  which  they 
afterwards  forced  into  the  loose  frame  of  the  Brah- 
manic  chronology.  The  Buddhists  of  Ceylon  did  not 
borrow  the  outlines  of  their  history  either  from  the 
Brahmans  or  from  the  Buddhists  of  Magadha  ;  and 
this  is  a  point  which  has  never  been  sufficiently 
considered.  Their  outlines  of  history  were  not  con- 
structed originally  in  order  to  hold  the  Buddhist 
traditions  of  the  North.  They  may  have  been 
slightly  modified,  so  as  to  avoid  glaring  inconsisten- 

1  In  some  instances  that  date  is  changed  to  200  a.b.,  by 
means  of  a  reaction  exercised  by  the  literature  of  Ceylon  on 
the  chronology  of  the  Continental  Buddhists.  Burnouf,  Introduc- 
tion, p.  436.  578. 


CHRONOLOGY.  27 


cies  between  the  profane  history  of  Ceylon  and  the 
sacred  history  of  Buddhism.  But  there  is  evidence  to 
show  that,  on  the  other  hand,  the  historical  legends  of 
Magadha  had  to  yield  much  more  considerably, — the 
framers  of  the  final  chronology  finding  it  impossible 
to  ignore  the  annals  of  their  island  and  the  reigns  of 
their  ancient  half-fabulous  kings.  The  chronology 
of  the  Mahavansa  is  a  compromise  between  the  chro- 
nology of  Ceylon  and  that  of  Magadha,  but  the  latter 
was  the  more  pliant  of  the  two.  There  is  nothing 
to  prove  that  the  terminus  a  quo  of  the  chronology  of 
Ceylon, — the  date  of  Vijaya's  landing — was  borrowed 
from  the  North.  There  wrere  Buddhist  traditions 
connecting  Vijaya's  landing  with  the  death  of  Bud- 
dha, but  the  date  543  B.  c.  is  never  found  in  the 
sacred  chronology  of  Buddhism,  before  it  was  bor- 
rowed from  the  profane  chronology  of  Ceylon.  There 
were  similar,  and,  as  it  would  seem,  better  founded 
traditions,  connecting  Devanampriya  Tishya  with  the 
great  Asoka ;  but  the  date  of  Devanampriya  Tishya 
was  not  determined  by  the  date  of  the  great  Asoka, 
nor  was  the  date  of  Asoka' s  Council,  as  110  after 
Buddha,  accepted  in  Ceylon.  On  the  contrary,  the 
interval  between  Vijaya  and  Devanampriya  Tishya 
was  allowed  to  remain  as  it  stood  in  the  Ceylonese 
annals,  and  the  Buddhist  traditions  were  stretched  in 
order  to  suit  that  interval.  An  intermediate  Asoka 
and  an  intermediate  Council  were  admitted,  which 
were  unknown  to  the  Northern  Buddhists.  The  pro- 
phecy that  Nagarjuna  should  live  400  years  after  Bud- 
dha \  had  been  altered  by  the  Chinese  so  as  to  suit 
their  chronology.     They  placed  him  800  years  after 

1  As.  Res.  xx.  513. 
T 


274  CHANDRAGUPTA. 

Buddha.  In  like  manner  the  Ceylonese  Buddhists, 
having  fixed  Buddha's  death  at  543  B.C.,  changed  the 
traditional  date  of  Nagarjuna  from  400  to  500  after 
Buddha.1  All  this  is  constructive  chronology,  and 
whether  we  follow  the  Chinese  or  Ceylonese  date  of 
Buddha,  we  must  always  remember  that  in  both  the 
terminus  a  quo  is  purely  hypothetical.  This  does  not 
interfere  with  the  correctness  of  minor  details,  such 
as  the  number  of  years  assigned  to  each  king,  and  in 
particular  the  chronological  distance  between  certain 
events.  These  may  have  formed  part  of  popular 
tradition,  long  before  any  system  of  chronology  was 
established.  A  very  old  man,  Pindola,  was  repre- 
sented in  a  popular  legend  to  have  been  a  contem- 
porary both  of  Buddha  and  of  Dharm&soka.  Hence 
the  interval  between  the  founder  and  the  royal  patron 
of  Buddhism  would  naturally  be  fixed  at  about  100 
years.  This  is  a  tradition  which  may  be  used  for 
historical  purposes.  Again,  when  we  see  that  a  date 
like  that  of  Nagarjuna  fixed  in  the  North  of  India  at 
400  after  Buddha,  is  altered  to  800  and  500,  so  as  to 
suit  the  requirements  of  two  different  systems  of 
chronology,  we  may  feel  inclined  to  look  upon  the 
unsystematic  date  as  the  most  plausible.  But  in 
order  to  make  use  of  such  indications  we  must  first 
of  all  establish  a  7rou  ctco,  and  this  can  only  be  found 
in  Chandragupta.  Everything  in  Indian  chronology 
depends  on  the  date  of  Chandragupta.  Chandragupta 
was  the  grandfather  of  Asoka,  and  the  contemporary 
of  Seleucus  Nicator.  Now,  according  to  Chinese 
chronology,  Asoka  would  have  lived,  to  waive  minor 

1  Tumour,    Examination   of   some  points  of  Buddhist   Chro- 
nology, Journal  of  the  As.  S.  B.,  v.  530.     Lassen,  ii.  58. 


CHANDRAGUPTA.  275 

differences,  850  or  750  B.C.,  according  to  Ceylonese 
chronology,  315  B.C.  Either  of  these  dates  is  im- 
possible, because  it  does  not  agree  with  the  chrono- 
logy of  Greece,  and  hence  both  the  Chinese  and 
Ceylonese  dates  of  Buddha's  death  must  be  given  up 
as  equally  valueless  for  historical  calculations. 

There  is  but  one  means  through  which  the  history 
of  India  can  be  connected  with  that  of  Greece,  and 
its  chronology  be  reduced  to  its  proper  limits. 
Although  we  look  in  vain  in  the  literature  of  the 
Brahmans  or  Buddhists  for  any  allusion  to  Alexander's 
conquest,  and  although  it  is  impossible  to  identify 
any  of  the  historical  events,  related  by  Alexander's 
companions,  with  the  historical  traditions  of  India, 
one  name  has  fortunately  been  preserved  by  classical 
writers  who  describe  the  events  immediately  follow- 
ing Alexander's  conquest,  to  form  a  connecting  link 
between  the  history  of  the  East  and  the  West.  This 
is  the  name  of  Sandracottus  or  Sandrocyptus,  the 
Sanskrit  Chandragupta. 

We  learn  from  classical  writers,  Justin,  Arrian, 
Diodorus  Siculus,  Strabo,  Quintus  Curtius  and  Plu- 
tarch, that  in  Alexander's  time  there  was  on  the 
Ganges  a  powerful  king  of  the  name  of  Xandrames, 
and  that  soon  after  Alexander's  invasion,  a  new  empire 
was  founded  there  by  Sandracottus  or  Sandrocyptus. 
Justin  says  :  "  Sandracottus  gave  liberty  to  India 
after  Alexander's  retreat,  but  soon  converted  the  name 
of  liberty  into  servitude  after  his  success,  subjecting 
those  whom  he  had  rescued  from  foreign  dominion  to 
his  own  authority.  This  prince  was  of  humble  origin, 
but  was  called  to  royalty  by  the  power  of  the  gods ; 
for,  having  offended  Alexander  by  his  impertinent  lan- 

T   2 


276  CHANDRAGUPTA. 

guage,1  he  was  ordered  to  be  put  to  death,  and  escaped 
only  by  flight.  Fatigued  with  his  journey  he  lay  down 
to  rest,  when  a  lion  of  large  size  came  and  licked  off 
the  sweat  that  poured  from  him  with  his  tongue,  and 
retired  without  doing  him  any  harm.  The  prodigy 
inspired  him  with  ambitious  hopes,  and  collecting 
bands  of  robbers  he  roused  the  Indians  to  rebellion. 
When  he  prepared  for  war  against  the  captains  of 
Alexander,  a  wild  elephant  of  enormous  size  ap- 
proached him,  and  received  him  on  his  back  as  if  he 
had  been  tamed.  He  was  a  distinguished  general  and  a 
brave  soldier.  Having  thus  acquired  power,  Sandra- 
cottus  reigned  over  India  at  the  time  when  Seleucus 
was  laying  the  foundation  of  his  greatness,  and  Seleucus 
entered  into  a  treaty  with  him,  and  settling  affairs  on 
the  side  of  India  directed  his  march  against  Anti- 
gonus."  2 

Besides  this  we  may  gather  from  classical  writers 
the  following  statements,  bearing  on  Xandrames  and 
Sandrocyptus  :  "  When  Alexander  made  inquiries 
about  the  interior  of  India,  he  was  told  that  beyond 
the  Indus  there  was  a  vast  desert  of  12  (or  11,  accord- 
ing to  Curtius,)  days'  journey,  and  that  at  the  farthest 
borders  thereof  ran  the  Ganges.  Beyond  that  river, 
he  was  told,  the  Prasii  (Prachyas)  dwelt,  and  the  Gan- 
garidas.  Their  king  was  named  Xandrames,  who  could 
bring  into  the  field  20,000  horse,  200,000  foot,  2,000 
chariots,  and  4,000  (or  3,000,  Curtius,)  elephants. 
Alexander  who  did  not  at  first  believe  this,  inquired 
from  king  Porus  whether  this  account  of  the  power 

1  Flutarch,  Vita  Alex.  c.  62,  says  that  Sandracottus  saw 
Alexander  when  he  was  a  fxtipaKiou. 

2  Justini  Hist.  Philipp.  Lib.  xv.  cap.  iv. 


CHANDRAGUPTA.  277 

of  Xandrames  was  true;  and  he  was  told  by  Poms 
that  it  was  true,  but  that  the  king  was  but  of  mean 
and  obscure  extraction,  accounted  to  be  a  barber's 
son  ;  that  the  queen,  however,  had  fallen  in  love  with 
the  barber,  had  murdered  her  husband,  and  that 
the  kingdom  had  thus  devolved  upon  Xandrames."  } 
Quintus  Curtius  says2,  "  that  the  father  of  Xandrames 
had  murdered  the  king,  and  under  pretence  of  acting 
as  guardian  to  his  sons,  got  them  into  his  power  and 
put  them  to  death  ;  that  after  their  extermination  he 
begot  the  son  who  was  then  king,  and  who,  more 
worthy  of  his  father's  condition  than  his  own,  was 
odious  and  contemptible  to  his  subjects."  Strabo 
adds3,  "  that  the  capital  of  the  Prasii  was  called  Pali- 
bothra,  situated  at  the  confluence  of  the  Ganges  and 
another  river,"  which  Arrian4  specifies  as  the  Eran- 
noboas.  Their  king,  besides  his  birth-name,  had  to  take 
the  name  of  the  city,  and  was  called  the  Palibothrian. 
This  was  the  case  with  Sandracottus  to  whom  Mega- 
sthenes  was  sent  frequently.  It  was  the  same  king  with 
whom  Seleucus  Nicator  contracted  an  alliance,  ceding 
to  him  the  country  beyond  the  Indus,  and  receiving  in 
its  stead  500  elephants.5  Megasthenes  visited  his  court 
several  times6;  and  the  same  king,  as  Plutarch  says7, 

1  Diodorus  Siculus,  xvii.  93.  The  statement  in  Photii  Biblioth. 
p.  1579,  that  Porus  was  the  son  of  a  barber,  repeated  by  Libanius, 
torn.  ii.  632.,  is  evidently  a  mistake.  Plutarch,  Vita  Alexandri, 
c.  62,  speaks  of  80,000  horse,  8,000  chariots,  and  6,000  elephants. 

2  Quintus  Curtius,  ix.  2. 

3  Strabo,  xv.  1.  36. 

4  Arrian,  Indica,  x.  5. 
6  Strabo,  xv.  2.  9. 

6  Arrian,  Exped.  v.  6,  Indica,  v.  3. 

7  Plutarch,  Vita  Alexandri,  c.  62. 

t  3 


278  CHANDRAGUPTA. 

"  traversed  India  with  an  army  of  600,000  men,  and 
conquered  the  whole." 

These  accounts  of  the  classical  writers  contain  a 
number  of  distinct  statements  which  could  leave  very- 
little  doubt  as  to  the  king  to  whom  they  referred. 
Indian  historians,  it  is  true,  are  generally  so  vague 
and  so  much  given  to  exaggeration,  that  their  kings 
are  all  very  much  alike,  either  all  black  or  all  bright. 
But  nevertheless,  if  there  ever  was  such  a  king  as  the 
king  of  the  Prasii,  an  usurper,  residing  at  Pataliputra, 
called  Sandrocyptus  or  Sandracottus,  it  is  hardly 
possible  that  he  should  not  be  recognized  in  the  his- 
torical traditions  of  India.  There  is  in  the  lists  of 
the  kings  of  India  the  name  of  Chandragupta,  and  the 
resemblance  of  this  name  with  the  name  of  Sandra- 
cottus or  Sandrocyptus  was  first,  I  believe,  pointed 
out  by  Sir  William  Jones.1  Wilford,  Professor  Wilson, 
and  Professor  Lassen  have  afterwards  added  further 
evidence  in  confirmation  of  Sir  W.  Jones's  conjecture  ; 
and  although  other  scholars,  and  particularly  M. 
Troyer,  in  his  edition  of  the  Rajatarangini,  have 
raised  objections,  we  shall  see  that  the  evidence  in 
favour  of  the  identity  of  Chandragupta  and  Sandro- 
cyptus is  such  as  to  admit  of  no  reasonable  doubt. 
It  is  objected  that  the  Greeks  called  the  king  of  the 
powerful  empire  beyond  the  Indus,  Xandrames,  or 
Aggramen.  Now  the  last  name  is  evidently  a  mere 
misspelling  for  Xandrames,  and  this  Xandrames  is  not 
the  same  as  Sandracottus.  Xandrames,  if  we  under- 
stand the  Greek  accounts  rightly,  is  the  predecessor 
of  Chandragupta  or  rather  the  last  king  of  the  empire 
conquered  by  Sandracottus.    If,  however,  it  should  be 

1  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  iv.  p.  11. 


CHANDRAGUPTA.  279 

maintained,  that  these  two  names  were  intended  for 
one  and  the  same  king,  the  explanation  would  still  be 
very  easy.  For  Chandragupta  (the  protected  of  the 
moon),  is  also  called  Chandra1,  the  Moon ;  and  Chandra- 
mas,  in  Sanskrit,  is  a  synonyme  of  Chandra.  Xandra- 
mes,  however,  was  no  doubt  intended  as  different 
from  Chandragupta.  Xandrames  must  have  been 
king  of  the  Prasii  before  Sandracottus,  and  during 
the  time  of  Alexander's  wars.  If  this  Xandrames  is 
the  same  as  the  last  Nanda,  the  agreement  between 
the  Greek  account  of  his  mean  extraction,  and  the 
Hindu  account  of  Nanda  being  a  Siidra,  would  be 
very  striking.  It  is  not,  however,  quite  clear  whether 
the  same  person  is  meant  in  the  Greek  and  Hindu 
accounts.  At  the  time  of  Alexander's  invasion 
Sandracottus  was  very  young,  and  being  obliged  to 
fly  before  Alexander,  whom  he  had  offended,  it  is 
said  that  he  collected  bands  of  robbers,  and  with  their 
help  succeeded  in  establishing  the  freedom  of  India. 
Plutarch  says  distinctly  that  Sandracottus  reigned 
soon  after,  that  is  soon  after  Xandrames,  and  we 
know  from  Justin,  that  it  was  Sandracottus,  and  not 
Xandrames,  who  waged  wars  with  the  captains  of 
Alexander.  Another  objection  against  the  identifica- 
tion of  Chandragupta  and  Sandracottus  was  the  site 
of  their  respective  capitals.  The  capital  of  Chandra- 
gupta, Pataliputra,  was  no  doubt  the  same  as  the  Pali- 
bothra  of  Sandracottus,  the  modern  Patna.  But  ex- 
ception was  taken  on  the  ground  that  Patna  is  not 
situated  near  the  confluence  of  the  Ganges  and  the 
Sone  or  Erannoboas,  where  the  ancient  Palibothra 
stood.    This,  however,  has  been  explained  by  a  change 

1  See  Wilson's  notes  on  the  Mudra  Rakshasa,  p.  132. 
t  4 


280 


CHANDRAGUPTA. 


in  the  bed  of  the  river  Sone,  which  is  established  on 
the  best  geographical  evidence. 

There  are  several  other  points  on  which  the  his- 
tories of  Chandragupta  and  Sandracottus  agree.  San- 
dracottus  founded  a  new  empire  at  Palibothra.  Chan- 
dragupta was  the  founder  of  a  new  dynasty,  the 
Mauryas1  at  Pataliputra.  Sandracottus  gained  the 
throne  by  collecting  bands  of  robbers.  Chandragupta 
did  the  same.  Sandracottus  was  called  to  royalty  by 
the  power  of  the  gods  and  by  prodigies.  So  was 
Chandragupta,  although  the  prodigy  related  by  Jus- 
tin is  not  exactly  the  same  as  the  prodigies  related 
by  Hindu  authors.  So  far,  therefore,  there  is 
nothing  in  the  Greek  accounts  that  is  not  confirmed 
by  Hindu  tradition.  That  there  should  be  a  great 
deal  more  in  Hindu  tradition  than  was  known  to  the 
Greeks  is  but  natural,  particularly  as  many  of  the 
Hindu  stories  were  evidently  invented  at  a  later  time 
and  with  a  certain  object.  As  the  grandson  of  Chan- 
dragupta was  the  great  patron  of  the  Buddhists, 
attempts  were  naturally  made  by  Buddhist  writers  to 
prove  that  Chandragupta  belonged  to  the  same  race 
as  Buddha;  while  on  the  other  hand  the  Brahmanic 
writers  would  be  no  less  fertile  in  inventing  fables 
that  would  throw  discredit  on  the  ancestor  of  the 
Buddhist  sovereigns  of  India.  Some  extracts  from 
the  writings  of  these  hostile  parties  will  best  show 

1  The  name  of  Maurya  seems  to  have  been  known  to  the  Greeks. 
See  Cunningham,  Journal  of  the  As.  Soc.  of  Bengal,  xxiii.  p.  680. 

The  wooden  houses  in  which  the  tribe  of  the  Morieis  are  said 
to  have  lived,  may  refer  to  the  story  of  the  Mauryas  living  in  a 
forest.     See  Mahavanso,  p.  xxxix. 

The  statement  of  Wilford,  that  Maurya  meant  in  Sanskrit 
the  offspring  of  a  barber  and  a  6udra-woman,  has  never  been 
proved. 


CHANDRAGUPTA.  281 

how  this  was  achieved.  In  the  Mahavanso1  we  read  : 
"Kalasoko  had  ten  sons:  these  brothers  (conjointly) 
ruled  the  empire  righteously  for  twenty- two  years. 
Subsequently  there  were  nine  brothers  :  they  also  ac- 
cording to  their  seniority  reigned  for  twenty-two 
years.  Thereafter  the  Brahman  Chanakko,  in  grati- 
fication of  an  implacable  hatred  borne  towards  the 
ninth  surviving  brother,  called  Dhana-nando,  having 
put  him  to  death,  installed  in  the  sovereignty  over 
the  whole  of  Jambudipo,  a  descendant  of  the  dynasty 
of  Moriyan  sovereigns,  endowed  with  illustrious  and 
beneficent  attributes,  and  surnamed  Chandagutto.  He 
reigned  24  (not  34)  years." 

The  commentary  on  this  passage  adds  the  following 
details2:  "  Subsequent  to  Kal&soko,  who  patronised 
those  who  held  the  second  convocation,  the  royal  line 
is  stated  to  have  consisted  of  twelve  monarchs  to  the 
reign  of  Dhammasoko,  when  they  (the  priests)  held 
the  third  convocation.  Kal&soko's  own  sons  were  ten 
brothers.  Their  names  are  specified  in  the  Attha- 
katha.  The  appellation  of  l  the  nine  Nandos '  origi- 
nates in  nine  of  them  bearing  that  patronymic  title. 

"  The  Atthakatha  of  the  Uttaraviharo  priests  sets 
forth  that  the  eldest  of  these  was  of  an  extraction 
(maternally)  not  allied  (inferior)  to  the  royal  family; 
and  that  he  dwelt  in  one  of  the  provinces3 ;  it  gives 

1  Mahavanso,  p.  21.  The  Pali  orthography  has  been  preserved 
in  the  following  extracts. 

2  Mahav.,  p.  38. 

3  It  would  seem  that  the  eldest  son  of  Asoka  did  not  participate 
in  the  general  government  of  the  country,  but  received  a  pro- 
vincial vice-royalty.  But  in  the  Burmese  histories  it  is  stated 
distinctly  that  the  eldest  son,  named  Bhadrasena,  reigned  with 
nine  of  his  brothers  during  a  period  of  twenty-two  years. 


282  CHANDRAGUPTA. 

also  the  history  of  the  other  nine.  I  also  will  give 
their  history  succinctly,  but  without  prejudice  to  its 
perspicuity. 

"  In  aforetime,  during  the  conjoint  administration 
of  the  (nine)  sons  of  Kalasoko,  a  certain  provincial 
person  appeared  in  the  character  of  a  marauder, 
and  raising  a  considerable  force,  was  laying  the 
country  waste  by  pillage.  His  people,  who  committed 
these  depredations  on  towns,  whenever  a  town  might 
be  sacked,  seized  and  compelled  its  own  inhabitants 
to  carry  the  spoil  to  a  wilderness,  and  there  securing 
the  plunder,  drove  them  away.  On  a  certain  day, 
the  banditti  who  were  leading  this  predatory  life 
having  employed  a  daring,  powerful,  and  enterprizing 
individual  to  commit  a  robbery,  were  retreating  to 
the  wilderness,  making  him  carry  the  plunder.  He 
who  was  thus  associated  with  them,  inquired:  'By 
what  means  do  you  find  your  livelihood  ? '  '  Thou 
slave'  (they  replied)  'we  are  not  men  who  submit 
to  the  toils  of  tillage,  or  cattle  tending.  By  a  pro- 
ceeding precisely  like  the  present  one,  pillaging  towns 
and  villages,  and  laying  up  stores  of  riches  and  grain, 
and  providing  ourselves  with  fish  and  flesh,  toddy 
and  other  beverage,  we  pass  our  lives  jovially  in 
feasting  and  drinking.'  On  being  told  this,  he 
thought :  '  This  mode  of  life  of  these  thieves  is  surely 
excellent ;  shall  I,  also,  joining  them,  lead  a  similar 
life  ?  '  and  then  said,  '  I  also  will  join  you,  I  will  be- 
come a  confederate  of  yours.  Admitting  me  among 
you,  take  me  (in  your  marauding  excursions).' 
They  replying  '  sadhu,'  received  him  among  them. 

"  On  a  subsequent  occasion,  they  attacked  a  town 
which  was  defended  by  well  armed  and  vigilant  inha- 
bitants. As  soon  as  they  entered  the  town  the  people 


CHANDRAGUPTA.  283 

rose  upon  and  surrounded  them,  and  seizing  their 
leader,  and  hewing  him  with  a  sword,  put  him  to 
death.  The  robbers  dispersing  in  all  directions  re- 
paired to,  and  reassembled  in  the  wilderness.  Dis- 
covering that  he  (their  leader)  had  been  slain;  and 
saying,  l  In  his  death  the  extinction  of  our  prosperity- 
is  evident;  having  been  deprived  of  him,  under  whose 
control  can  the  sacking  of  villages  be  carried  on  ? 
even  to  remain  here  is  imprudent ;  thus  our  disunion 
and  destruction  are  inevitable:'  they  resigned  them- 
selves to  desponding  grief.  The  individual  above 
mentioned,  approaching  them,  asked :  '  What  are  ye 
weeping  for  ?  '  On  being  answered  by  them,  f  We  are 
lamenting  the  want  of  a  valiant  leader,  to  direct  us 
in  the  hour  of  attack  and  retreat  in  our  village  sacks/ 
!  In  that  case,  my  friends,'  (said  he)  '  ye  need  not 
make  yourselves  unhappy  ;  if  there  be  no  other  person 
able  to  undertake  that  post,  I  can  myself  perform  it 
for  you  :  from  henceforth  give  not  a  thought  about  the 
matter.'  This  and  more  he  said  to  them.  They, 
relieved  from  their  perplexity  by  this  speech,  joyfully 
replied,  '  sadhu,'  and  conferred  on  hirn  the  post  of 
chief. 

"From  that  period  proclaiming  himself  to  be  Nando, 
and  adopting  the  course  followed  formerly  (by  his 
predecessor),  he  wandered  about,  pillaging  the  country. 
Having  induced  his  brothers  also  to  co-operate  with 
him,  by  them  also  he  was  supported  in  his  marauding 
excursions.  Subsequently  assembling  his  gang,  he 
thus  addressed  them :  ?  My  men !  this  is  not  a  career 
in  which  valiant  men  should  be  engaged ;  it  is  not 
worthy  of  such  as  we  are;  this  course  is  only  befitting 
base  wretches.  What  advantage  is  there  in  persever- 
ing in  this  career,  let  us  aim  at  supreme  sovereignty  ?  ' 


284  CHANDRAGUPTA. 

They  assented.  On  having  received  their  acquies- 
cence, attended  by  his  troops  and  equipped  for  war, 
he  attacked  a  provincial  town,  calling  upon  (its  in- 
habitants) either  to  acknowledge  him  as  sovereign,  or 
to  give  him  battle.  They  on  receiving  this  demand  all 
assembled,  and  having  duly  weighed  the  message,  by 
sending  an  appropriate  answer,  formed  a  treaty  of 
alliance  with  them.  By  this  means  reducing  under 
his  authority  the  people  of  Jambudipo  in  great  num- 
bers, he  finally  attacked  Patiliputta1  (the  capital  of 
the  Indian  empire),  and  usurping  the  sovereignty, 
died  there  a  short  time  afterwards,  while  governing 
the  empire. 

"  His  brothers  next  succeeded  to  the  empire  in  the 
order  of  their  seniority.  They  altogether  reigned 
twenty-two  years.  It  was  on  this  account  that  (in 
the  Mahavanso)  it  is  stated  that  there  were  nine 
Nandos. 

11  Their  ninth  youngest  brother  was  called  Dhana- 
nando,  from  his  being  addicted  to  hoarding  treasure. 
As  soon  as  he  was  inaugurated,  actuated  by  miserly 
desires  the  most  inveterate,  he  resolved  within  him- 
self, *  It  is  proper  that  I  should  devote  myself  to 
hoarding  treasure ; '  and  collecting  riches  to  the 
amount  of  eighty  kotis,  and  superintending  the  trans- 
port thereof  himself,  and  repairing  to  the  banks  of  the 
Ganges,  by  means  of  a  barrier  constructed  of  branches 
and  leaves  interrupting  the  course  of  the  main  stream, 
and  forming  a  canal,  he  diverted  its  waters  into  a 
different  channel ;  and  in  a  rock  in  the  bed  of  the 

1  Pataliputra  was  then  governed  by  the  youngest  son  of  Asoka, 
called  Pinjamakh,  and  the  robber-king,  who  first  called  himself 
Nanda,  is  said  to  have  reigned  a  short  time  under  the  title  of 
Ugrasena.     As.  Res.  xx.  p.  170. 


CIIANDRAGUPTA.  285 

river  having  caused  a  great  excavation  to  be  made, 
he  buried  the  treasure  there.  Over  this  cave  he  laid 
a  layer  of  stones,  and  to  prevent  the  admission  of 
water,  poured  molten  lead  on  it.  Over  that  again 
he  laid  another  layer  of  stones,  and  passing  a  stream 
of  molten  lead  (over  it),  which  made  it  like  a  solid 
rock,  he  restored  the  river  to  its  former  course. 
Levying  taxes  even  on  skins,  gums,  trees,  and  stones, 
among  other  articles,  he  amassed  further  treasures, 
which  he  disposed  of  similarly.  It  is  stated  that  he 
did  so  repeatedly.  On  this  account  we  call  this  ninth 
brother  of  theirs,  as  he  personally  devoted  himself 
to  the  hoarding  of  treasure,  *  Dhananando.' 

"  The  appellation  of  !  Moriyan  sovereigns'  is  de- 
rived from  the  auspicious  circumstances  under  which 
their  capital,  which  obtained  the  name  of  Moriya, 
was  called  into  existence. 

"  While  Buddha  yet  lived,  driven  by  the  misfortunes 
produced  by  the  war  of  (prince)  Vidhudhabo,  cer- 
tain members  of  the  Sakya  line  retreating  to  Hima- 
vanto,  discovered  a  delightful  and  beautiful  location, 
well  watered,  and  situated  in  the  midst  of  a  forest  of 
lofty  bo  and  other  trees,  Influenced  by  the  desire  of 
settling  there,  they  founded  a  town  at  a  place  where 
several  great  roads  met,  surrounded  by  durable  ram- 
parts, having  gates  of  defence  therein,  and  embel- 
lished with  delightful  edifices  and  pleasure  gardens. 
Moreover  that  (city),  having  a  row  of  buildings 
covered  with  tiles,  which  were  arranged  in  the  pat- 
tern of  the  plumage  of  a  peacock's  neck,  and  as  it 
resounded  with  the  notes  of  flocks  of  l  konchos ' 
and  *  mayuros '  (pea-fowls),  was  so  called.  From  this 
circumstance  these  Sakya  lords  of  this  town,  and  their 
children  and  descendants,  were  renowned  throughout 


286  CH  ANDK  AGUPTA . 

Jambudipo  by  the  title  of  '  Moriya.'     From  this  time 
that  dynasty  has  been  called  the  Moriyan  dynasty." 

After  a  few  isolated  remarks,  the  Tika  thus  pro- 
ceeds in  its  account  of  Chanakko  and  Chandagutto  : 

"  It  is  proper  that  in  this  place  a  sketch  of  these 
two  characters  should  be  given.  Of  these,  if  I  am 
asked  in  the  first  place,  '  Where  did  this  Chanakko 
dwell  ?  Whose  son  was  he  ? '  I  answer,  '  he  lived  at 
the  city  of  Takkasila.  He  was  the  son  of  a  certain 
Brahman  at  that  place,  and  a  man  who  had  achieved 
the  knowledge  of  the  three  Vedas;  could  rehearse 
the  mantos ;  skilful  in  stratagems ;  and  dexterous  in 
intrigue  as  well  as  policy.  At  the  period  of  his 
father's  death  he  was  already  well  known  as  the 
dutiful  maintainor  of  his  mother,  and  as  a  highly 
gifted  individual  worthy  of  swaying  the  chhatta. 

"  On  a  certain  occasion,  approaching  his  mother, 
who  was  weeping,  he  inquired,  *  My  dear  mother, 
why  dost  thou  weep  ? '  On  being  answered  by  her, 
1  My  child,  thou  art  gifted  to  sway  a  chhatta.  Do 
not,  my  boy,  endeavour  by  raising  the  chhatta,  to 
become  a  sovereign.  Princes  everywhere  are  un- 
stable in  their  attachments.  Thou  also,  my  child, 
wilt  forget  the  affection  thou  owest  me.  In  that  case, 
I  should  be  reduced  to  the  deepest  distress.  I  weep 
under  these  apprehensions.'  He  exclaimed:  4  My 
mother,  what  is  that  gift  that  I  possess  ?  On  what 
part  of  my  person  is  it  indicated  ? '  and  on  her  re- 
plying, c  My  dear,  on  thy  teeth,'  smashing  his  own 
teeth,  and  becoming  '  Kandhadatto '  (a  tooth-broken 
man)  he  devoted  himself  to  the  protection  of  his 
mother.  Thus  it  was  that  he  became  celebrated 
as  the  filial  protector  of  his  mother.  He  was  not 
only  a  tooth-broken  man,  but  he  was  disfigured  by  a 


CIIANDltAGUPTA.  28  7 

disgusting  complexion,  and  by  deformity  of  legs  and 
other  members  prejudicial  to  manly  comeliness. 

"  In  his  quest  of  disputation,  repairing  to  Puppha- 
pura,  the  capital  of  the  monarch  Dhana-nando,  (who, 
abandoning  his  passion  for  hoarding,  becoming  im- 
bued with  the  desire  of  giving  alms,  relinquishing 
also  his  miserly  habits,  and  delighting  in  hearing  the 
fruits  that  resulted  from  benevolence,  had  built  a 
hall  of  alms-offering  in  the  midst  of  his  palace,  and 
was  making  an  offering  to  the  chief  of  the  Brahmans 
worth  a  hundred  kotis,  and  to  the  most  junior  Brah- 
man an  offering  worth  a  lac,)  this  Brahman  (Ch&- 
nakko)  entered  the  said  apartment,  and  taking 
possession  of  the  seat  of  the  chief  Brahman,  sat  him- 
self down  in  that  alms  hall. 

11  At  that  instant  Dhana-nando  himself — decked  in 
regal  attire,  and  attended  by  many  thousands  of 
'  siwaka '  (state  palanquins),  glittering  with  their 
various  ornaments,  and  escorted  by  a  suite  of  a  hun- 
dred royal  personages,  with  their  martial  array  of 
the  four  hosts,  of  cavalry,  elephants,  chariots,  and 
infantry,  and  accompanied  by  dancing-girls,  lovely 
as  the  attendants  on  the  devos,  himself  a  person- 
ification of  majesty,  and  bearing  the  white  parasol 
of  dominion,  having  a  golden  staff  and  golden  tassels, 
with  this  superb  retinue  repairing  thither,  and 
entering  the  hall  of  alms-offering,  beheld  the  Brah- 
man Chanakko  seated.  On  seeing  him,  this  thought 
occurred  to  him  (Nando) :  '  Surely  it  cannot  be 
proper  that  he  should  assume  the  seat  of  the  chief 
Brahman.'  Becoming  displeased  with  him,  he  thus 
evinced  his  displeasure.  He  inquired:  '  Who  art 
thou,  that  thou  hast  taken  the  seat  of  the  chief 
Brahman?'  and  being  answered  (simply),  'It  is  I;' 


288  CHANDRAGUPTA. 

4  Cast  from  hence  this   cripple  Brahman  ;  allow  him 
not  to  be  seated,'  exclaimed  Nando;  and  although 
the  courtiers  again  and  again  implored  of  him,  say- 
ing, l  Devo !  let  it  not  be  so  done  by  a  person  pre- 
pared to   make   offerings    as   thou   art,  extend  thy 
forgiveness  to  this  Brahman ; '  he  insisted  upon  his 
ejection.     On  the   courtiers  approaching   Chanakko, 
and  saying,  '  Achariyo !  we  come,  by  the  command 
of  the   raja,    to   remove   thee  from  hence ;  but  in- 
capable of  uttering  the  words,    "  Achariyo,    depart 
hence/'  we   now   stand   before  thee  abashed.'     En- 
raged against  him  (Nando),  rising  from  his  seat  to 
depart,  he  snapt  asunder  his  Brahmanical  cord,  and 
dashed  down  his  jug  on  the  threshold,  and  thus  in- 
voking malediction  :  l  Kings  are  impious  :  may  this 
whole   earth,  bounded  by  the  four  oceans,  withhold 
its  gifts  from  Nando,'  he  departed.     On   his  sallying 
out,    the   officers   reported   this    proceeding  to   the 
raja.     The   king,  furious    with  indignation,  roared, 
4  Catch,  catch,  the  slave.'      The  fugitive,   stripping 
himself  naked,  and  assuming  the  character  of  an  aji- 
vako,  and  running  into  the  centre  of  the  palace,  con- 
cealed himself  in  an  unfrequented  place,  at  the  San- 
kharathanan.     The  pursuers,  not  having  discovered 
him,  returned  and  reported  that  he  was  not  to  be 
found. 

"  In  the  night  he  repaired  to  a  more  frequented  part 
of  the  palace,  and  meeting  some  of  the  suite  of  the 
royal  prince  Pabbato,  admitted  them  into  his  con- 
fidence. By  their  assistance  he  had  an  interview 
with  the  prince.  Gaining  him  over  by  holding  out 
hopes  of  securing  the  sovereignty  for  him,  and  at- 
taching him  by  that  expedient,  he  began  to  search 
the  means  of  getting  out  of  the  palace.     Discovering 


CHANDKAGUPTA.  289 

that  in  a  certain  place  there  was  a  ladder  leading  to 
a  secret  passage,  he  consulted  with  the  prince,  and 
sent  a  message  to  his  (the  prince's)  mother  for  the 
key  of  the  passage.  Opening  the  door  with  the  ut- 
most secresy,  he  escaped  with  the  prince,  and  they 
fled  to  the  wilderness  of  Vinjjh&  (Vindhya). 

"While  dwelling  there,  with  the. view  of  raising 
resources,  he  converted  (by  recoining)  each  kah&- 
pana  into  eight,  and  amassed  eighty  kotis  of  kaha- 
panas.  Having  buried  this  treasure,  he  commenced 
to  search  for  a  second  individual  entitled  (by  birth) 
to  be  raised  to  sovereign  power,  and  met  with  the 
aforesaid  prince  of  the  Moriyan  dynasty  called 
Chandagutto. 

M  His  mother,  the  queen  consort  of  the  monarch  of 
Moriya-nagara,  the  city  before  mentioned,  was  preg- 
nant at  the  time  that  a  certain  powerful  provincial 
raja  conquered  that  kingdom,  and  put  the  Moriyan 
king  to  death.  In  her  anxiety  to  preserve  the  child 
in  her  womb,  she  departed  for  the  capital  of  Puppha- 
pura  under  the  protection  of  her  elder  brothers,  and 
under  disguise  she  dwelt  there.  At  the  completion  of 
the  ordinary  term  of  pregnancy  she  gave  birth  to  a 
son,  and  relinquishing  him  to  the  protection  of  the 
devos,  she  placed  him  in  a  vase,  and  deposited  him 
at  the  door  of  a  cattle  pen.  A  bull  named  Chando 
stationed  himself  by  him,  to  protect  him  ;  in  the  same 
manner  that  Prince  Ghoso,  by  the  interposition  of 
the  devata,  was  watched  over  by  a  bull.  In  the 
same  manner,  also,  that  the  herdsman  in  the  instance 
of  that  Prince  Ghoso  repaired  to  the  spot  where  that 
bull  planted  himself,  a  herdsman,  on  observing  this 
prince,  moved  by  affection,  like  that  borne  to  his  own 
child,  took  charge  of  and  tenderly  reared  him;  and 

u 


290  CHANDRAGUPTA. 

in  giving  him  a  name,  in  reference  to  his  having  been 
watched  by  the  bull  Chando,  he  called  him  i  Chan- 
dagutto,'  and  brought  him  up.  When  he  had  at- 
tained an  age  to  be  able  to  tend  cattle,  a  certain  wild 
huntsman,  a  friend  of  the  herdsman,  becoming  ac- 
quainted with  the  boy,  and  attached  to  him,  took  him 
from  (the  herdsman)  to  his  own  dwelling,  and  esta- 
blished him  there.  He  continued  to  dwell  in  that 
village. 

"  Subsequently,  on  a  certain  occasion,  wrhile  tending 
cattle  with  other  children  in  the  village,  he  joined 
them  in  a  game  called  '  the  game  of  royalty.'  He 
himself  was  named  Raja ;  to  others  he  gave  the  offices 
of  sub-king,  &c.  Some  being  appointed  judges,  were 
placed  in  a  judgment  hall;  some  he  made  officers  of 
the  king's  household ;  and  others,  outlaws  or  robbers. 
Having  thus  constituted  a  court  of  justice,  he  sat  in 
judgment.  On  culprits  being  brought  up,  when  they 
had  been  regularly  impeached  and  tried,  on  their  guilt 
being  clearly  proved  to  his  satisfaction,  according  to  the 
sentence  awarded  by  his  judicial  ministers,  he  ordered 
the  officers  of  the  court  to  chop  off  their  hands  and 
feet.  On  their  replying,  *  Devo!  we  have  no  axes;' 
he  answered  :  '  It  is  the  order  of  Chandagutto  that  ye 
should  chop  off  their  hands  and  feet,  making  axes  with 
the  horns  of  goats  for  blades,  and  sticks  for  handles.' 
They  acted  accordingly  ;  and  on  striking  with  the 
axe,  the  hands  and  feet  were  lopped  off.  On  the 
same  person  commanding,  l  Let  them  be  reunited,'  the 
hands  and  feet  were  restored  to  their  former  condition. 

"  Chanakko  happening  to  come  to  that  spot,  was 
amazed  at  the  proceeding  he  beheld.  Accompanying 
(the  boy)  to  the  village,  and  presenting  the  huntsman 
with  a  thousand  kahapanas,  he  applied  for  him  ;  say- 
ing, '  I  will  teach  your  son  every  accomplishment ; 


CHANDRAGUPTA.  2  9 1 

consign  him  to  me.'  Accordingly,  conducting  him 
to  his  own  dwelling,  he  encircled  his  neck  with  a 
single  fold  of  a  woollen  cord,  twisted  with  gold  thread, 
worth  a  lac. 

"  The  discovery  of  this  person  is  thus  stated  (in 
the  former  works) :  '  He  discovered  this  prince  de- 
scended from  the  Moriyan  line.' 

"  He  (Chanakko)  invested  Prince  Pabbato,  also, 
with  a  similar  woollen  cord.  While  these  youths 
were  living  with  him,  each  had  a  dream,  which 
they  separately  imparted  to  him.  As  soon  as  he 
heard  each  (dream),  he  knew  that  of  these  Prince 
Pabbato  would  not  attain  royalty ;  and  that  Chan- 
dagutto  would,  without  loss  of  time,  become  para- 
mount monarch  in  Jambudipo.  Although  he  made 
this  discovery,  he  disclosed  nothing  to  them. 

"On  a  certain  occasion  having  partaken  of  some 
milk-rice  prepared  in  butter,  which  had  been  received 
as  an  offering  at  a  brahmanical  disputation,  they  re- 
tired from  the  main  road,  and  lying  down  in  a  shady 
place,  protected  by  the  deep  foliage  of  trees,  fell  asleep. 
Among  them  the  Achariyo  awakening  first,  rose,  and 
for  the  purpose  of  putting  prince  Pabbato' s  qualifica- 
tions to  the  test,  he  gave  him  a  sword,  and  telling 
him :  l  Bring  me  the  woollen  thread  on  Chandagutto's 
neck,  without  either  cutting  or  untying  it,'  sent  him 
off.  He  started  on  the  mission,  and  failing  to  accom- 
plish it,  he  returned.  On  a  subsequent  day,  he  sent 
Chandagutto  on  a  similar  mission.  He  repairing  to 
the  spot  where  Pabbato  was  sleeping,  and  considering 
how  it  was  to  be  effected,  decided :  '  There  is  no 
other  way  of  doing  it ;  it  can  only  be  got  possession 
of,  by  cutting  his  head  off.'  Accordingly  chopping 
his  head  off,  and  bringing  away  the  woollen  thread,  he 

u  l 


292  CHANDRAGUPTA. 

presented  himself  to  the  Brahman,  who  received  him 
in  profound  silence.  Pleased  with  him,  however,  on 
account  of  this  (exploit),  he  rendered  him  in  the 
course  of  six  or  seven  years  highly  accomplished, 
and  profoundly  learned. 

"  Thereafter,  on  his  attaining  manhood,  he  decided  : 
*  From  henceforth  this  individual  is  capable  of  form- 
ing and  controlling  an  army ; '  so  he  repaired  to 
the  spot  where  his  treasure  was  buried,  and  took 
possession  of  it,  and  employed  it,  enlisting  forces 
from  all  quarters,  and  distributing  money  among 
them ;  and  having  thus  formed  a  powerful  army,  he 
entrusted  it  to  him.  From  that  time  throwing  off  all 
disguise,  and  invading  the  inhabited  parts  of  the 
country,  he  commenced  his  campaign  by  attacking 
towns  and  villages.  In  the  course  of  their  (Chanak- 
ko  and  Chandagutto's)  warfare,  the  population  rose 
to  a  man,  and  surrounding  them,  and  hewing  their 
army  with  their  weapons,  vanquished  them.  Dispers- 
ing, they  re-united  in  the  wilderness  ;  and  consulting 
together,  they  thus  decided  :  '  As  yet  no  advantage 
has  resulted  from  war ;  relinquishing  military  opera- 
tions, let  us  acquire  a  knowledge  of  the  sentiments  of 
the  people.'  Thenceforth,  in  disguise,  they  travelled 
about  the  country.  While  thus  roaming  about,  after 
sunset  retiring  to  some  town  or  other,  they  were  in 
the  habit  of  attending  to  the  conversation  of  the  in- 
habitants of  those  places. 

"  In  one  of  these  villages,  a  woman  having  baked 
some  '  appalapuva '  (pancakes)  was  giving  them  to 
her  child,  who  leaving  the  edges  would  only  eat  the 
centre.  On  his  asking  for  another  cake,  she  remark- 
ed :  '  This  boy's  conduct  is  like  Chandagutto's  in  his 
attempt  to  take  possession  of  the  kingdom.'  On  his 
inquiring :  '  Mother,  .  why,   what    am    I    doing  ;  and 


CHANDRAGUPTA.  293 

what  has  Chandagutto  done  ?'  i  Thou,  my  boy,'  said 
she,  '  throwing  away  the  outside  of  the  cake,  eatest  the 
middle  only.  Chandagutto  also  in  his  ambition  to 
be  a  monarch,  without  subduing  the  frontiers,  before 
he  attacked  the  towns,  invaded  the  heart  of  the 
country,  and  laid  towns  waste.  On  that  account, 
both  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  and  others,  rising, 
closed  in  upon  him,  from  the  frontiers  to  the  centre, 
and  destroyed  his  army.     That  was  his  folly/ 

"  They,  on  hearing  this  story  of  hers,  taking  due 
notice  thereof,  from  that  time  again  raised  an  army. 
On  resuming  their  attack  on  the  provinces  and  towns, 
commencing  from  the  frontiers,  reducing  towns,  and 
stationing  troops  in  the  intervals,  they  proceeded  in 
their  invasion.  After  a  respite,  adopting  the  same 
system,  and  marshalling  a  great  army,  and  in  regular 
course  reducing  each  kingdom  and  province,  then 
assailing  Patiliputta  and  putting  Dhana-nando  to 
death,  they  seized  that  sovereignty. 

"  Although  this  had  been  brought  about,  Chanakko 
did  not  at  once  raise  Chandagutto  to  the  throne ;  but 
for  the  purpose  of  discovering  Dhana-nando's  hidden 
treasure,  sent  for  a  certain  fisherman  (of  the  river) ; 
and  after  deluding  him  with  the  promise  of  raising 
the  chhatta  for  him,  and  securing  the  hidden  trea- 
sure, within  a  month  from  that  date,  put  him  also  to 
death1,  and  inaugurated  Chandagutto  monarch. 

"  Hence  the  expression  (in  the  Mahavanso)  '  a  de- 
scendant of  the  dynasty  of  Moriyan  sovereigns ; '  as 
well  as  the  expression  '  installed  in  the  sovereignty.' 
All  the  particulars  connected  with  Chandagutto,  both 
before  his  installation  and  after,  are  recorded  in  the 

1  This  is  probably  the  Kaivarta-nanla  of  the  Rajaratnakara. 

u  3 


294  CHANDRAGUPXA. 

Atthakatha  of  the  Uttaraviharo  priests.  Let  that 
(work)  be  referred  to,  by  those  who  are  desirous  of 
more  detailed  information.  We  compile  this  work  in 
an  abridged  form,  without  prejudice  however  to  its 
perspicuity. 

"  His  (Chandagutto's)  son  was  Bindusaro.  After 
his  father  had  assumed  the  administration,  (the  said 
father)  sent  for  a  former  acquaintance  of  his,  a  Jati- 
lian,  named  Maniyatappo,  and  conferred  a  commission 
on  him.  c  My  friend,  (said  he)  do  thou  restore  order 
into  the  country;  suppressing  the  lawless  proceedings 
that  prevail.'  He  replying  *  sadhu,'  and  accepting 
the  commission,  by  his  judicious  measures,  reduced  the 
country  to  order. 

"  Chanakko,  determined  that  to  Chandagutto — a 
monarch,  who  by  the  instrumentality  of  him  (the 
aforesaid  Maniyatappo)  had  conferred  the  blessings 
of  peace  on  the  country,  by  extirpating  marauders 
who  were  like  unto  thorns  (in  a  cultivated  land) — 
no  calamity  should  befall  from  poison,  decided  on 
inuring  his  body  to  the  effects  of  poison.  Without 
imparting  the  secret  to  any  one,  commencing  with 
the  smallest  particle  possible,  and  gradually  increasing 
the  dose,  by  mixing  poison  in  his  food  and  beverage, 
he  (at  last)  fed  him  on  poison,  at  the  same  time 
taking  steps  to  prevent  any  other  person  participating 
in  his  poisoned  repasts. 

"At  a  subsequent  period  his  queen  consort  was  pro- 
nounced to  be  pregnant.  Who  was  she  ?  Whose 
daughter  was  she  ?  '  She  was  the  daughter  of  the 
eldest  of  the  maternal  uncles  who  accompanied  the 
raja's  mother  to  Pupphapura.' *  Chandagutto  wed- 
ding this  daughter  of  his  maternal  uncle,  raised  her 
to  the  dignity  of  queen  consort. 
1  See  page  289. 


CHANDRAGUPTA.  295 

"  About  this  time,  Chanakko,  on  a  certain  day 
having  prepared  the  monarch's  repast  sent  it  to  him, 
himself  accidentally  remaining  behind  for  a  moment. 
On  recollecting  himself,  in  an  agony  of  distress,  he  ex- 
claimed, '  I  must  hasten  thither,  short  as  the  interval 
is,  before  he  begins  his  meal ; '  and  precipitately 
rushed  into  the  king's  apartment,  at  the  instant  that 
the  queen  who  was  within  seven  days  of  her  confine- 
ment, was  in  the  act,  in  the  raja's  presence,  of  placing 
the  first  handful  of  the  repast  in  her  mouth.  On 
beholding  this,  and  finding  that  there  was  not  even 
time  to  ejaculate  *  Don't  swallow  it,'  with  his  sword 
he  struck  her  head  off ;  and  then  ripping  open  her 
womb,  extricated  the  child  with  its  caul,  and  placed 
it  in  the  stomach  of  a  goat.  In  this  manner,  by 
placing  it  for  seven  days  in  the  stomach  of  seven  dif- 
ferent goats,  having  completed  the  full  term  of  gesta- 
tion, he  delivered  the  infant  over  to  the  female  slaves. 
He  caused  him  to  be  reared  by  them,  and  when  a 
name  was  conferred  on  him  —  in  reference  to  a  spot, 
(Bindu)  which  the  blood  of  the  goats  had  left — he 
was  called  Bindusaro." 

This  Bindusara  succeeded  his  father  as  king,  and, 
after  a  reign  of  28  years,  he  was  succeeded  by  the 
great  Asoka.  In  this  manner  the  Buddhists  prove  that 
through  the  Mauryas,  Asoka  belonged  to  the  same 
family  as  Buddha,  to  the  royal  family  of  the  Sakyas. 

The  Brahmans,  on  the  contrary,  endeavour  to 
show  that  Chandragupta  belonged  to  the  same  con- 
temptible race  as  the  Nandas.  Thus  we  read  in 
the  Vishnu-purana1 :  — 

"  The  last  of  the  Brihadratha  dynasty,  Ripunjaya, 
will  have  a  minister  named  Sunika  (Sunaka,  Bh.  PA 

1  Vishnu-purana,  translated  by  H.  H.  Wilson,  p.  466.    . 
u  4 


296  CHANDRAGUPTA. 

who  having  killed  his  sovereign,  will  place  his  son 
Pradyota  upon  the  throne  (for  23  years,  Yayu  and 
Matsya  P.).  His  son  will  be  Palaka  (24  years,  V. ; 
Tilaka  or  Balaka,  28  years,  M.P.).  His  son  will  be 
Yisakhayupa  (50  years  V. ;  53  M.P.).  His  son  will 
be  Janaka  (Ajaka,  21  years  V. ;  Suryaka,  21  years 
M.  ;  Rajaka,  Bh.  P.).  And  his  son  will  be  Nandi- 
vardhana  (20  years  Y.  and  M.  P.).  These  five  kings 
of  the  house  of  Pradyota  will  reign  over  the  earth  for 
138  years  (the  same  number  in  Y.  and  Bh.  P.). 

"  The  next  prince  will  be  Sisunaga 1 ;  his  son  will 
be  Kakavarna  (36  years  Y.  and  M.)  ;  his  son  will  be 
Kshemadharman  (Kshemakarman,  20  years  V., 
Kshemadharman,  36  years  M.);  his  son  will  be 
Kshatraujas  (40  years  Y.  ;  Kshemajit  or  Kshe- 
marchis,  36  years  M. ;  Kshetrajna,  Bh.  P.);  his  son 
will  be  Yidmisara  (Yimbisara,  28  years  Y. ;  Yin- 
dusena  or  Vindhyasena,  28  years  M. ;  Yidhisara, 
Bh.);  his  son  will  be  Ajatasatru2;  his  son  will  be 
Dharbaka  (Harshaka,  25  years  Y. ;  Yansaka,  24 
years  M.)  ;  his  son  will  be  Udayasva  (33  years  Y. ; 
Udibhi  or  Udasin,  33  years  M.)3;  his  son  also  will 
be  Nandivardhana ;  and  his  son  will  be  Mahananda 
(42  and  43  years  Y. ;  40  and  43  years  M.).  These 
ten  Saisunagas  will  be  kings  of  the  earth  for  362  years. 

u  The  son  of  Mahananda  will  be  born  of  a  woman 
of  the  Sudra-class;  his  name  will  be  Nanda,  called 
Mahapadma,  for  he  will  be  exceedingly  avaricious. 
Like  another  Parasu-rama,  he  will  be  the  annihilator 

1  6isunaka,  who,  according  to  the  Vayu  and  Matsya  Purana, 
relinquished  Benares  to  his  son,  and  established  himself  at 
Girivraja  or  Rajagriha  in  Behar,  reigned  40  years,  V.  and  M.  P. 

2  25  years  V. ;  27  years  M. :  the  latter  inserts '  a  Kanvayana, 
9  years,  and  Bhumimitra  or  Bhumiputra,  14  years,  before  him. 

3  According  to  the  Vayu,  Udaya  or  Udayasva  founded  Patali- 
putra,  on  the  southern  angle  of  the  Ganges. 


CHANDRAGUPTA.  297 

of  the  Kshatriya  race,  for  after  him  the  kings  of  the 
earth  will  be  JSudras.  He  will  bring  the  whole  earth 
under  one  umbrella,  he  will  have  eight  sons,  Sumalya, 
and  others,  who  will  reign  after  Mahapadma ;  and  he 
and  his  sons  will  govern  for  a  hundred  years.  The 
Brahman  Kautilya  will  root  out  the  nine  Nandas. 

"  Upon  the  cessation  of  the  race  of  Nanda,  the 
Mauryas  will  possess  the  earth.  Kautilya  will  place 
Chandragupta *  on  the  throne ;  his  son  will  be  Vin- 
dusara2;  his  son  will  be  Asokavardhana ;  his  son 
will  be  Suyasas ;  his  son  will  be  Dasaratha ;  his  son 
will  be  Sangata ;  his  son  will  be  iSalisuka ;  his  son 
will  be  Somasarrnan ;  his  son  will  be  Sasadharman, 
and  his  successor  will  be  Vrihadratha.  These  are 
the  ten  Mauryas  who  will  reign  over  the  earth  for 
137  years." 

The  title  of  Maurya,  which  by  the  Buddhists  was 
used  as  a  proof  of  Asoka's  royal  descent,  is  explained 
by  the  Brahmans3  as  a  metronymic,  Mura  being 
given  as  the  name  of  one  of  Nanda's  wives. 

If  now,  we  survey  the  information  here  brought  to- 
gether from  Buddhist,  Brahmanic,  and  Greek  sources, 
we  shall  feel  bound  to  confess  that  all  we  really  know 
is  this  : — 

1  The  length  of  this  monarch's  reign  is  given  uniformly  by  the 
Puranas  and  the  Buddhist  histories,  as  24  years.  The  number  is 
given  by  the  Vayu-Purana,  the  Dipavansa,  the  Mahavansa  (where 
34  is  a  mistake  for  24),  and  in  Buddhaghosha's  Arthakatha.  Cf. 
Mahav.  p.  lii. 

2  The  Vayu-Purana  calls  him  Bhadrasara,  and  assign  25  years 
to  his  reign. 

a  Vishnu-purana,  p.  468.  n.  21.  This  rests  only  on  the  autho- 
rity of  the  commentator  on  the  Vishnu-purana;  but  Chandra- 
gupta's  relationship  with  Nanda  is  confirmed  by  the  Mudra- 
rakshasa. 


298  CHANDRAGUPTA. 

Chandragupta  is  the  same  person  as  Sandrocyptus, 
or  Sandracottus.  This  Sandracottus,  according  to 
Justin  (xv.  4.),  had  seized  the  throne  of  India  after 
the  prefects  of  Alexander  had  been  murdered  (317 
B.C.).  Seleucus  found  him  as  sovereign  of  India 
when,  after  the  taking  of  Babylon  and  the  conquest 
of  the  Bactrians,  he  passed  on  into  India.  Seleucus, 
however,  did  not  conquer  Sandracottus,  but  after 
concluding  a  league  with  him,  marched  on  to  make 
war  against  Antigonus.  This  must  have  taken  place 
before  312,  for  in  that  year,  the  beginning  of  the 
Seleucidan  era,  Seleucus  had  returned  to  Babylon. 

We  may  suppose  that  Chandragupta  became  king 
about  315,  and  as  both  the  Buddhist  and  Brahmanic 
writers  allow  him  a  reign  of  24  years,  the  reign  of  Bin- 
dusara  would  begin  291  B.C.  This  Bindusara  again  had 
according  to  both  Brahmanic  and  Buddhistic  authors, 
a  long  reign  of  either  twenty-five  or  twenty-eight 
years.  Taking  the  latter  statement  as  the  better  au- 
thenticated, we  find  that  the  probable  beginning  of 
Asoka's  reign  took  place  263  B.C. ;  his  inauguration  259 
B.  c  ;  his  Council  either  246  or  242  b.  c.  At  the  time 
of  Asoka's  inauguration,  218  years  had  elapsed  since 
the  conventional  date  of  the  death  of  Buddha.  Hence 
if  we  translate  the  language  of  Buddhist  chronology 
into  that  of  Greek  chronology,  Buddha  was  really  sup- 
posed to  have  died  477  B.C.,  and  not  543  B.C.  Again, 
at  the  time  of  Chandragupta' s  accession,  162  years  were 
believed  to  have  elapsed  since  the  conventional  date  of 
Buddha's  death.  Hence  Buddha  was  supposed  to  have 
died  315+162  =  477  B.C.  Or,  to  adopt  a  different  line 
of  argument,  Kanishka,  according  to  the  evidence  of 
coins,1  must  have  reigned  before  and  after  the  Christian 

1  Lassen,  Indische  Alterthumskunde,  ii.  413. 


CHANDRA GUPTA.  299 

era.  In  the  Stupa  of  Maniky  ala,  which  was  built  by  Ka- 
nishka1,  Roman  coins  have  been  found  of  as  late  a  date 
as  33  B.C.  How  long  before  that  date  this  Turushka  or 
Indoscythian  king  may  have  assumed  the  sovereignty 
of  India  it  is  difficult  to  determine.  But  under  him  the 
Northern  Buddhists  place  a  new  Council  which  was 
presided  over  by  Vasumitra2,  and  the  date  of  which  is 
fixed  at  more  than  400  after  Buddha's  Nirvana.3  If 
we  add  400  and  33,  and  take  into  account  that  the 
Council  took  place  more  than  400  years  after  Buddha, 
and  that  Kanishka  must  have  reigned  some  years 
before  he  built  his  Stupa,  we  find  again  that  477  B.  c. 
far  more  likely  than  543,  as  the  conventional  date  of 
Buddha's  death.  All  the  dates,  however,  before 
Chandragupta  are  to  be  considered  only  as  hypotheti- 
cal. The  second  council  under  Kalasoka  is  extremely 
problematical,  and  the  date  of  Buddha's  death,  as  218 
before  Asoka,  is  worth  no  more  than  the  date  of 
Vijaya's  landing  in  Ceylon,  fixed  218  before  Deva- 
nampriya  Tishya.  Professor  Lassen,  in  order  to  give 
an  historical  value  to  the  date  of  543  assigned  to  the 
death  of  Buddha,  adds  66  years  to  the  22  years  of  the 
reign  of  the  Nandas,  and  he  quotes  in  support  of  this 
the  authority  of  the  Puranas  which  ascribe  88  years 
to  the  first  Nanda.  The  Puranas,  however,  if  taken 
in  their  true  meaning,  are  entirely  at  variance  with 
the  Buddhist  chronology  before  Chandragupta,  and  it 
is  not  allowable  to  use  them  as  a  corrective.     As  to 

1  A.  Cunningham  in  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
Bengal,  xviii.  p.  20. 

2  Asiatic  Researches,  xx.  297. 

3  Nagarjuna,  who  must  be  somewhat  later  than  Vasumitra,  is 
roughly  placed  400  years  after  Buddha  by  the  Northern,  500  after 
Buddha  by  the  Southern  Buddhists. 


300  CHANDRAGUPTA. 

the  chronology  of  the  Ceylonese  Buddhists,  so  far 
from  becoming  more  perfect  by  the  addition  of  those 
sixty-six  years,  it  would  really  lose  all  consistency. 
The  most  useful  portions  of  that  chronology  are  the 
prophecies  of  Buddha  and  others,  as  to  the  number 
of  years  intervening  between  certain  events.  All 
these  dates  would  have  to  be  surrendered  if  we 
adopted  Professor  Lassen's  correction.  The  great 
Council  would  not  fall  218  years  after  Buddha's 
death,  Chandragupta  would  not  come  to  the  throne 
162  years  after  the  Nirvana :  Buddha,  in  fact,  as  well 
as  his  apostles,  would  be  convicted  as  false  prophets 
by  their  very  disciples. 

Whatever  changes  may  have  to  be  introduced  into 
the  earlier  chronology  of  India,  nothing  will  ever 
shake  the  date  of  Chandragupta,  the  illegitimate 
successor  of  the  Nandas,  the  ally  of  Seleucus,  the 
grandfather  of  Asoka.  That  date  is  the  sheet- 
anchor  of  Indian  chronology,  and  it  is  sufficient 
for  the  solution  of  the  problem  which  occupies  us  at 
present.  It  enables  us  to  place  Katyayana  before 
Chandragupta,  the  successor  of  the  Nandas,  or,  at  all 
events,  the  founder  of  a  new  dynasty,  subsequent  to 
the  collapse  of  Alexander's  empire.  It  enables  us  to 
fix  chronologically  an  important  period  in  the  litera- 
ture of  India,  the  Sutra  period,  and  to  extend  its 
limits  to  at  least  three  generations  after  Katyayana, 
to  about  200  b.  c.  In  doing  so,  I  am  far  from  main- 
taining that  the  evidence  which  connects  the  names  of 
Katyayana  and  Nanda  is  unexceptionable.  Nowhere 
except  in  Indian  history  should  we  feel  justified  in 
ascribing  any  weight  to  the  vague  traditions  con- 
tained in  popular  stories  which  were  written  down 
more  than  a  thousand  years  after  the  event.  The  most 
that  can  be  said  in  favour  of  these  traditions  is,  first, 


CHRONOLOGY.  301 

that  there  was  no  object  in  inventing  them ;  secondly, 
that  they  are  not  in  contradiction  with  anything  we 
know  of  the  early  history  of  India  from  other  sources ; 
and  thirdly,  that  the  date  which  from  their  sugges- 
tions we  assign  to  the  literary  works  of  Katyayana 
and  his  predecessors  and  successors,  harmonises  with 
the  conclusions  derived  from  the  literature  of  the 
Brahmans,  as  to  the  probable  growth  and  decay 
of  the  Hindu  mind  previous  to  the  beginning  of 
our  era. 

Although  these  chronological  discussions  have  oc- 
cupied so  much  of  our  space,  it  is  necessary  to  add 
a  few  words  of  explanation.  It  might  seem  as  if,  in 
brinsfmp;  together  all  the  evidence  available  for  our 
purpose,  certain  authorities  had  been  overlooked 
which  might  have  confirmed  our  conclusions.  Pro- 
fessor Bohtlingk,  whose  researches  with  regard  to 
the  age  of  Panini  deserve  the  highest  credit,  has 
endeavoured  to  fortify  his  conclusions  by  some  ad- 
ditional evidence,  derived  from  the  works  of  Chinese 
travellers;  and  other  writers  on  the  same  subject  have 
followed  his  example,  though  they  have  given  a  dif- 
ferent interpretation  to  the  statements  of  those  tra- 
vellers, and  have  arrived  at  different  results  as  to  the 
probable  date  of  Panini.  The  evidence  of  these  Bud- 
dhist pilgrims,  however,  yields  no  real  results,  either 
for  or  against  the  date  assigned  to  Panini  and  Katya- 
yana, and  it  is  for  this  reason  that  it  has  been  entirely 
discarded  in  the  preceding  pages.  Professor  Bohtlingk 
relied  on  the  testimony  of  Hiouen-thsang,  a  Buddhist 
pilgrim  who  travelled  through  India  in  the  years  629 
— 645  after  Christ,  and  whose  travels  have  lately  been 
translated  by  M.  Stanislas  Julien.     There  we  read *  : 

1  Memoires  sur  les  Contrees  occidentals  par  Hiouen-thsang, 
liv.  iv.  p.  200. 


302  CHRONOLOGY 

"  Apres  avoir  fait  environ  cinq  cent  li,  au  sud-est  de 
la  capitale  (de  Chinapati),  il  arriva  au  couvent  ap- 
pele  Ta-mo-sou-fa-na-seng-kia-lan  (  Tamasavana-san- 
gharama),  ou  le  couvent  de  la  Foret  Sombre.  On  y 
comptait  environ  trois  cent  religieux  qui  suivaient 
les  principes  de  l'ecole  des  Sarvastivadas.  lis  avaient 
un  exterieur  grave  et  imposant,  et  se  distinguaient 
par  la  purete  de  leur  vertu  et  l'elevation  de  leur  carac- 
tere.  lis  approfondissaient  surtout  l'etude  du  petit 
Vehicule.  Les  mille  Buddha  s  du  Kalpa  des  Sages 
(Bhadrakalpa)  doivent,  dans  ce  lieu,  rassembler  la 
multitude  des  Devas  et  leur  expliquer  la  sublime 
loi.  Dans  la  trois  centieme  annee  apres  le  Nir- 
vana de  Sakya  Tathagata,  il  y  eut  un  maitre  des 
Sastras,  nomine*  Katyayana,  qui  composa,  dans 
ce  couvent,  le  Fa-tchi-lun  (Abhidharma-jnana-pra- 
sthana).', 

At  first  sight  this  might  seem  a  very  definite  state- 
ment as  to  the  age  of  Katyayana,  placing  him,  if  we 
accept  the  conventional  date  of  Buddha's  death,  about 
243  b.  c.  But  how  can  we  prove  that  Hiouen-thsang 
was  speaking  of  Katyayana  Vararuchi  ?  It  might  be 
said  that  the  Katyayana,  so  simply  mentioned  by 
Hiouen-thsang,  must  be  a  person  of  note.  Hiouen- 
thsang  does  not  mention  ancient  authors  except  men 
of  note,  and  the  Katyayana  whose  dates  he  gives  in 
this  place,  cannot  be  a  chance  person  of  that  name, 
but  must  be  some  well-known  author.1  It  could  hardly 
be  meant  for  Mahakatyayana,  because  he  was  the 
pupil  of  Buddha,  and  could  not  be  placed  300  years 
after  his  Nirvana.  Besides  Mahakatyayana,  there  is 
certainly  no  person   of  the   same    name   of  greater 

1  Foucaux,  Lalitavistara,  pp.  3.  415.  417. 


CHRONOLOGY.  303 

literary  fame  than  Katyayana  Vararuchi.  But  the 
Katyayana  of  whom  Hiouen-thsang  speaks  was  a 
Buddhist,  and  the  author  of  a  work  on  metaphysics, 
which  Hiouen-thsang  himself  translated  from  San- 
skrit into  Chinese.  Making  all  possible  allowance  for 
the  tendency  of  later  Buddhist  writers  to  refer  the 
authorship  of  certain  works  to  names  famous  in 
ancient  Brahmanic  history,  we  can  hardly  build  much 
on  the  supposition  that  the  author  meant  by  the 
Chinese  traveller  was  the  old  Katyayana  Vararuchi, 
the  contemporary  of  Panini.  But,  even  if  all  these 
objections  could  be  removed,  what  use  could  Ave 
make  of  Hiouen-thsang's  chronology,  who  follows  the 
system  of  the  Northern,  and  not  of  the  Ceylonese, 
Buddhists,  who  makes  Asoka  to  reign  100  years 
after  Buddha,  Kanishka  400,  the  king  of  Himatala 
600,  and  so  on  ?  We  should  first  have  to  deter- 
mine what,  according  to  Hiouen-thsang,  was  the  real 
date  of  Buddha's  Nirvana,  and  what  was  the  era 
used  at  his  time  in  the  monasteries  of  Northern 
India ;  whether  he  altered  the  dates,  assigned  by  the 
Buddhists  of  India  to  the  various  events  of  their 
traditional  history,  according  to  the  standard  of  the 
Chinese  Buddhist  chronology,  or  whether  he  simply 
repeated  the  dates,  such  as  they  were  communicated 
to  him  in  the  different  places  which  he  visited.  All 
these  questions  would  have  to  be  answered,  and  if 
they  could  be  answered,  we  should  in  the  end  only 
arrive  at  the  date  of  a  Katyayana,  but  not  of  the 
Katyayana  with  whom  we  are  concerned. 

There  is  another  passage  in  Hiouen-thsang  which 
has  been  frequently  discussed,  and  according  to 
which  it  would  seem  that  we  should  have  to  place 
Panini  much  later,  and  that  Katyayana,  the  critic  of 


304  CHRONOLOGY. 

Panini,  could  not  have  lived  before  the  first  century 
after  Christ. 

M.  Reinaud,  in  his  excellent  work,  "  Memoire 
Geographique,  Historique  et  Scientifique  sur  Nnde, 
anterieurement  au  milieu  du  XIe.  siecle,  d'apres  les 
ecrivains  arabes,  persans  et  chinois  (Paris,  1849)," 
was  the  first  to  call  attention  to  this  passage.  He  says 
(p.  88. ) :  "  Ainsi  que  pour  plusieurs  autres  personnages 
notables  du  bouddhisme,  Hiouen-thsang  attribue  a 
Panini  deux  existences,  la  premiere  a  une  epoque  ou 
la  vie  de  Thomme  etait  plus  longue  qu'a  present,  et 
la  seconde  vers  l'an  500  apres  la  mort  de  Bouddha, 
c'est-a-dire  au  temps  du  second  Vikramaditya,  un 
siecle  environ  apres  le  regne  de  Kanika.  Dans  sa 
premiere  existence,  Panini  professait  le  brahmanisme; 
mais  dans  la  seconde  il  se  convertit  avec  son  pere  au 
bouddhisme."  M.  Reinaud  pointed  out  with  great 
sagacity  the  various  consequences  which  would  follow 
from  such  a  statement,  and  he  remarked  besides  that 
the  fact  of  the  Yavanani  (lipi),  the  writing  of  the 
Ionians  or  the  Greeks,  being  mentioned  in  Panini, 
would  likewise  tend  to  place  that  grammarian  rather 
later  than  was  commonly  supposed. 

The  same  legend,  thus  partially  translated  from 
Hiouen-thsang,  was  made  by  Professor  Weber  the 
key-stone  of  a  new  system  of  Indian  chronology. 
Admitting  the  double  existence  of  Panini,  he  says 
that  his  second  existence  falls  500  years  after  Buddha, 
or  100  after  Kanishka,  whom  Hiouen-thsang  places 
400  after  Buddha.  The  date  assigned  by  Hiouen- 
thsang  to  Kanishka  is  rejected  by  Professor  Weber. 
He  takes,  however,  the  real  date  of  Kanishka,  as  es- 
tablished on  numismatic  evidence,  about  40  a.  d.  ; 
he   then   adds  to  it  the  hundred  years,  which,  ac- 


TANINl'S    DATE.  305 

cording  to  the  constructive  chronology  of  the  Northern 
Buddhists,  elapsed  between  Kanishka  and  Panini, 
and  thus  deduces  140  a.d.  as  a  new  date  for  Panini. 

Without  entering  into  the  merits  of  these  calcula- 
tions, we  are  enabled  by  the  publication  of  the  com- 
plete translation  of  Hiouen-thsang  to  show  that,  in 
reality,  the  Chinese  pilgrim  never  placed  Panini  so 
late  as  500  after  Buddha.  On  the  contrary,  he  re- 
presents the  reputation  of  that  old  grammarian  as 
firmly  established  at  that  time,  and  his  grammar  as 
the  grammar  then  taught  to  all  children.  I  subjoin 
the  extracts  from  Hiouen-thsang :  — 

"  Apres  avoir  fait  environ  vingt  li  au  nord-ouest  de 
la  ville  de  Ou-to-kia-han-tfcha  (Udakhanda  ?),  il 
arriva  a  la  ville  de  P 'o-lo-tou-lo  (Salatura)  qui  donna 
le  jour  au  Rishi  Po-ni-ni  (Panini),  auteur  du  Traite 
Ching-ming-lun  (Vyakaranam). 

"  Dans  la  haute  antiquite,  les  mots  de  la  langue 
etaient  extremement  nombreux ;  mais  quand  le 
monde  eut  ete  detruit,  l'univers  se  trouva  vide  et 
desert.  Des  dieux  d'une  longevity  extraordinaire 
descendirent  sur  la  terre  pour  servir  de  guides  aux 
peuples.  Telle  fut  Torigine  des  lettres  et  des  livres. 
A  partir  de  cette  epoque,  leur  source  s'agrandit  et 
depassa  les  bornes.  Le  dieu  Fan  (Brahman)  et  le  roi 
du  ciel  (Indra)  etablirent  des  regies  et  se  confor- 
merent  au  temps.  Des  Rishis  heretiques  compo- 
serent  chacun  des  mots.  Les  hommes  les  prirent  pour 
modeles,  continue  rent  leur  oeuvre,  et  travaillerent  a 
l'envi  pour  en  conserver  la  tradition ;  mais  les  £tudi- 
ants  faisaient  de  vains  efforts,  et  il  leur  etait  difficile 
d'en  approfondir  le  sens. 

"  A  l'epoque  oil  la  vie  des  hommes  etait  reduite  a 
cent  ans,  on  vit  paraitre  le  Rishi  Po-ni-ni  (Panini), 


306  PANlNl'S   DATE. 

qui  etait  instruit  des  sa  naissance  et  possedait  un 
vaste  savoir.  Afflige  de  l'ignorance  du  siecle,  il 
voulut  retrancher  les  notions  vagues  et  fausses,  de- 
barrasser  la  langue  des  mots  superflus  et  en  fixer  les 
lois.  Comme  il  voyageait  pour  faire  des  recherches  et 
s'instruire,  il  rencontra  le  dieu  Tseu-thsdi  (lsvara 
Deva),  et  lui  exposa  le  plan  de  l'ouvrage  qu'il  me- 
ditait. 

"  c  A  merveille !'  lui  dit  le  dieu  Tseu-Thsdi  (lsvara 
Deva) ;   l  vous  pouvez  compter  sur  mon  secours.' 

M  Apres  avoir  re9u  ses  instructions,  le  Rishi  se 
retira.  II  se  livra  alors  a  des  recherches  profondes, 
et  d^ploya  toute  la  vigueur  de  son  esprit.  II  re- 
cueillit  une  multitude  d'expressions,  et  composa  un 
livre  de  mots1  qui  renfermait  mille  slokas ;  chaque 
sloka  etait  de  trente-deux  syllabes.  11  sonda,  jusqu'a 
leurs  dernieres  limites,  les  connaissances  anciennes  et 
nouvelles,  et  ay  ant  rassemble,  dans  cet  ouvrage,  les 
lettres  et  les  mots,  il  le  init  sous  une  enveloppe 
cachet^e  et  le  pr^senta  au  roi,  qui  en  con  cut  autant 
d'estime  que  d'admiration.  II  rendit  un  decret  qui 
ordonnait  a  tous  ses  sujets  de  l'etudier  et  de  Ten- 
seigner  aux  autres.  II  ajouta  que  quiconque  pourrait 
le  reciter,  d'un  bout  a  Tautre,  recevrait,  pour  recom- 
pense, mille  pieces  d'or.  De  la  vient  que,  grace  aux 
lecons  successives  des  maitres,  cet  ouvrage  est  encore 
aujourd'hui  en  grand  honneur.  C'est  pourquoi  les 
Brahmanes  de  cette  ville  ont  une  science  solide  et  des 
talents  eleves,  et  se  distinguent  a  la  fois  par  l'etendue 

1  "  Livre  de  mots  "  is  intended  as  the  title  of  Panini's  grammar, 
which  was  "Sabdanusasanam."  This  title  is  left  out  in  the  Calcutta 
edition,  and  likewise  in  Professor  Bohtlingk's  edition  of  Panini. 
See  Zeitschrift  der  Deutschen  Morgenlandischen  Gesellschaft,  vii. 
162. 


pAnini's  date.  307 

Je    leurs    connaissances    et    la     riehesse    de     leur 
memoire. 

"Dans  la  ville  de  Po-lo-tou-lo  (lisez  So-lo-tou-lo  — 
Salatura),  il  y  a  un  Stupa.  Ce  fut  en  cet  endroit 
qu'un  Lo-han  (un  Arhat)  convertit  un  disciple  de 
Po-ni-ni  (Panini).  Cinq  cents  ans  apres  que  Jou-lai 
(le  Tathagata)  eut  quitte  le  monde,  il  y  eut  un  grand 
'O-lo-han  (Arhat)  qui,  venant  du  royaume  de  Kia- 
chi-mi-lo  (Cachemire),  voyageait  pour  convertir  les 
hommes.  Quand  il  fut  arrive  dans  ce  pays,  il  vit  un 
Fan-tchi  (un  Brahmacharin)  occupe  a  foqetter  un 
petit  garcon  qu'il  instruisait.  '  Pourquoi  maltraitez- 
vous  cet  enfant?'  dit  Y  Arhat  au  Fan-tchi  (Brah- 
macharin). 

"  '  Je  lui  fais  etudier,'  repondit-il,  l  le  Traite  de  la 
Science  des  Sons  (Ching-ming — Vy&karanam),  mais 
il  ne  fait  aucun  progres.' 

11  V Arhat  se  derida  et  laissa  echapper  un  sourire. 
Le  vieux  Fan-tchi  (Brahmacharin)  lui  dit:  '  Les 
Cha-men  (Sramanas)  ont  un  coeur  affectueux  et  com- 
patissant,  et  s'apitoient  sur  les  creatures  qui  souffrent. 
L'homme  plein  d'humanite  vient  de  sourire  tout  a 
Theure ;  je  desirerais  en  connaitre  la  cause.' 

"  '  11  n'est  pas  difficile  de  vous  l'apprendre,'  repon- 
dit  1' Arhat,  'mais  je  crains  de  faire  naitre  en  vous  un 
doute  d'incredulite.  Vous  avez,  sans  doute,  entendu 
dire  qu'un  Rishi,  nomrae  Po-ni-ni  (Panini)  a  compose 
le  Traite*  Ching-ming-lun  (Vyakaranam),  et  qu'il  l'a 
laisse,  apres  lui,  pour  l'instruction  du  monde.'  Le 
Po-lo-men  (le  Brahmane)  lui  dit :  '  Les  enfants  de 
cette  ville,  qui  sont  tous  ses  disciples,  reverent  sa 
vertu,  et  la  statue,  61ev£e  en  son  honneur,  subsiste 
encore  aujourd'hui.' 

*  '  Eh  bien ! '  repartit  V Arhat,  c  cet  enfant,  a  qui 


308  PANINI'S   DATE. 

vous  avez  donne  le  jour,  est  precisement  ce  Rishi. 
(Dans  sa  vie  anterieure,)  il  employait  sa  forte  me- 
moire  a  etudier  les  livres  profanes ;  il  ne  parlait  que 
.  des  trails  heretiques  et  ne  cherchait  point  la  verite. 
Son  esprit  et  sa  science  deperirent,  et  il  parcourut, 
sans  s'arreter,  le  cercle  de  la  vie  et  de  la  mort,  Grace 
a  un  reste  de  vertu,  il  a  obtenu  de  devenir  votre  fils 
bien-aime.  Mais  les  livres  profanes  et  l'eloquence  du 
siecle  ne  donnent  que  des  peines  inutiles.  Pourrait- 
on  les  comparer  aux  saintes  instructions  de  Jou-la'i 
(du  TatMgata),  qui,  par  une  influence  secrete  pro- 
curent  l'intelligence  et  le  bonheur  ? 

"  '  Jadis,  sur  les  bords  de  la  mer  du  midi,  il  y  avait 
un  arbre  desseche  dont  le  tronc  -creux  donnait  asile  a 
cinq  cents  chauves-souris.  Des  marchands  s'arre- 
terent  un  jour  au  pied  de  cet  arbre.  Comme  il  regnait 
alors  un  vent  glacial,  ces  hommes,  qui  £taient  tour- 
mentes  par  la  faim  et  le  froid,  amasserent  du  bois  et 
des  broussailles  et  allumerent  du  feu  au  pied  de 
Tarbre.  La  fiamme  s^ccrut  par  degres  et  embrasa 
bientftt  Tarbre  desseche. 

"  i  Dans  ce  moment,  il  y  eut  un  des  marchands  qui, 
apres  le  milieu  de  la  nuit,  se  mit  a  lire,  a  haute  voix, 
le  Kecueil  de  V O-pi-ta-mo  (de  TAbhidharma).  Les 
c  auves-souris,  quoique  tourmentees  par  l'ardeur  du 
feu,  e'couterent  avec  amour  les  accents  de  la  loi, 
supporterent  la  douleur  sans  sortir  de  leur  retraite, 
et  y  terminerent  leur  vie.  En  consequence  de  cette 
conduite  vertueuse,  elles  obtinrent  de  renaitre  dans 
la  classe  des  hommes.  Elles  quitterent  la  famille,  se 
livrerent  a  l'etude,  et,  grace  aux  accents  de  la  loi, 
qu'elles  avaient  jadis  entendus,  elles  acquirent  une 
rare  intelligence,  obtinrent  toutes  ensemble  la  dignite 
d'Arhat,  et  cultiverent,  de  siecle  en  siecle,  le  champ 


PANINI'S    DATE.  309 

du  bonheur.  Dans  ces  derniers  temps,  le  roiKia-ni- 
se-kia  (Kanishka)  etl'honorable  Hie  (Arya  Parsvika) 
con  voque  rent  cinq  cents  sages  dans  le  royaume  de 
Kia-chi-mi-lo  (Cachemire),  et  composerent  le  Pi-po- 
cha-lun  (le  VibMsha-sastra).  Tous  ces  sages  etaient 
les  cinq  cents  chauves-souris  qui  habitaient  jadis  le 
creux  de  l'arbre  desseche.  Quoique  j'aie  un  esprit 
borne,  j'etais  moi-meme  lrune  d'elles.  Mais  les  hom- 
ines different  entre  eux  par  la  superiorite  ou  la  m6- 
diocrite  de  leur  esprit;  les  uns  prennent  leur  essor, 
tandis  que  les  autres  rampent  dans  Tobscurite.  Main- 
tenant,  6  homme  plein  d'humanite,  il  faut  que  vous 
permettiez  a  votre  fils  bien-aime  de  quitter  la  famille. 
En  quittant  la  famille  (en  embrassant  la  vie  reli- 
gieuse),  on  acquiert  des  merites  ineffables.' 

a  Lorsque  VArhat  eut  acheve  ces  paroles,  il  donna 
une  preuve  de  sa  puissance  divine  en  disparaissant  a 
l'instant  meme. 

"  Le  Brahmane  se  sentit  penetre  de  foi  et  de 
respect,  et  apres  avoir  fait  £clater  son  admiration,  il 
alia  raconter  cet  evenement  dans  tout  le  voisinage. 
II  permit  aussitot  a  son  fils  d'embrasser  la  vie  re- 
ligieuse  et  de  se  livrer  a  Tetude.  Lui-meme  se  con- 
vertit  immediatement,  et  montra  la  plus  grande 
estime  pour  les  trois  Precieux.  Les  hommes  de  son 
village  suivirent  son  exemple,  et,  aujourd'hui  encore, 
les  habitants  s'affermissent  de  jour  en  jour  dans  la  foi. 

"  En  partant  au  nord  de  la  ville  de  Ou-to-kia-han- 
fcha  ( Udakhanda  ?),  il  franchit  des  montagnes, 
traversa  des  vallees,  et,  apres  avoir  fait  environ  six 
cents  li,  il  arriva  au  royaume  de  Ou-tchang-na1 
(Udyana).2 


Inde  du  nord. 

les  contrees 

x  3 


2  Memoires  sur  les  contrees  occidentales,  traduits  du  Sanscrit 


310  PANINl'S   DATE. 

Whatever  the  historical  value  of  this  legend  may 
be,  it  is  quite  clear  that  it  lends  no  support  of  any 
kind  to  the  opinion  of  those  who  would  place  the 
grammarian  Panini  500  years  after  Buddha,  or  100 
years  after  Kanishka. 

It  is  possible  that  the  inquiries  into  the  ancient 
literature  of  Buddhism,  particularly  in  China,  may 
bring  to  light  some  new  dates,  and  help  us  in  un- 
ravelling the  chronological  traditions  of  the  Brah- 
mans  of  India.  The  services  already  .rendered  to 
Sanskrit  archaeology  by  the  publications  of  M.  Stanis- 
las Julien  are  of  the  highest  value,  and  they  hold  out 
the  promise  of  a  still  larger  harvest;  but  for  the 
present  we  must  be  satisfied  with  what  we  possess, 
and  we  must  guard  most  carefully  against  rash  con- 
clusions, derived  from  evidence  that  would  break 
down  under  the  slightest  pressure.  Even  without  the 
support  which  it  was  attempted  to  derive  from 
Hiouen-thsang,  Katyayana's  date  is  as  safe  as  any  date 
is  likely  to  be  in  ancient  Oriental  chronology ;  and  the 
connection  between  Katyayana  and  his  predecessors 
and  successors,  supported  as  it  is  not  only  by  tradi- 
tion but  by  the  character  of  their  works  which  we 
still  possess,  supplies  the  strongest  confirmation  of 
our  chronological  calculations.  As  to  other  works 
of  the  Sutra  period,  there  are  no  doubt  many, 
the  date  of  which  cannot  be  fixed  by  any  external 
evidence.  Tradition  is  completely  silent  as  to  the 
age  of  many  of  their  authors.     With  regard  to  them 

en  Chinois,  en  Tan  648,  par  Hiouen-thsang,  et  du  Chinois  en 
Francais  par  M.  Stanislas  Julien,  Membre  de  l'lnstitut ;  tome  i.  p. 
125 ;  Voyages  des  Pelerins  Bouddhistes,  vol.  ii.  See  also  the 
author's  edition  of  the  Rig-veda  and  Pratisakhya,  Introduction, 
p.  12. 


RESUME.  311 

we  must  trust,  at  least  for  the  present,  to  the  simi- 
larity of  their  style  and  character  with  the  writings 
of  those  authors  whose  age  has  been  fixed.  It  is 
possible  that  the  works  of  earlier  authors  quoted  by 
Yaska  and  Panini  and  others  might  still  come  to  light, 
if  any  systematic  search  for  ancient  MSS.  was  made 
in  different  parts  of  India.  Many  works  are  quoted 
by  Sayana,  Devaraja,  Ujjvaladatta,  and  other  modern 
writers,  which  are  not  to  be  found  in  any  European 
Library.  Some  of  them  may  still  be  recovered.1  We 
must  not,  however,  expect  too  much.  Vast  as  the 
ancient  literature  of  India  has  been,  we  must  bear  in 
mind  that  part  of  it  existed  in  oral  tradition  only, 
and  was  never  consigned  to  writing.  In  India,  where 
before  the  time  of  Panini  we  have  no  evidence  of 
any  written  literature,  it  by  no  means  follows  that, 
because  an  early  Rishi  is  quoted  in  support  of  a 
theory,  whether  philosophical  or  grammatical,  there 
ever  existed  a  work  written  by  him  with  pen  and  ink. 
His  doctrines  were  handed  down  from  generation 
to  generation ;  but,  once  erased  from  the  tablets 
of  memory,  they  could  never  be  recovered. 

In  the  Sutras  which  we  still  possess,  it  is  most 
important  to  observe  the  gradual  change  of  style, 
oaunaka's  style,  when  compared  with  that  of  his 
successors,  is  natural,  both  in  prose  and  verse.  His 
prose  more  particularly  runs  sometimes  so  easily  and 
is  so  free  from  the  artificial  contrivances  of  the  later 
Sutras,  that  it  seems  a  mistake  to   apply  to  it  the 

1  According  to  the  opinion  of  M.  Fitz-Edward  Hall,  a  scholar 
of  the  most  extensive  acquaintance  with  Sanskrit  literature,  the 
number  of  distinct  Sanskrit  works  in  existence  is,  probably,  not 
less  than  ten  thousand.  (Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal, 
1858,  p.  305.) 

x  4 


312  RESUME. 

name  of  Sutra.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  this  title  was 
assigned  to  his  works  at  a  time  when  its  meaning  had 
not  yet  been  restricted  either  to  the  long  "  yarns  " 
of  the  Buddhists  or  to  the  compendious  paragraphs 
of  the  Brahman s,  and  we  may  well  believe  the  state- 
ment that  Saunaka's  works  on  the  ceremonial  re- 
sembled more  the  Brahmanas  than  the  later  Sutras. 
Asvalayana's  style  is  still  intelligible,  and  less 
cramped  by  far  than  the  style  of  the  Nirukta,  a  work 
commonly  ascribed  to  Yaska,  the  collector  of  the 
Nighantus.  Panini  is  more  artificial.  He  is  no 
longer  writing  and  composing,  but  he  squeezes  and 
distils  his  thoughts,  and  puts  them  before  us  in  a  form 
which  hardly  deserves  the  name  of  style.  Katyayana 
is  still  more  algebraic;  but  it  is  in  Pingala  that  the 
absurdity  of  the  Sutras  becomes  complete.  If  any 
writers  succeeded  him,  they  could  hardly  have  ex- 
celled him  in  enigmatic  obscurity,  and  we  may  well 
believe  that  he  was  one  of  the  last  writers  of  Sutras. 
The  authors  of  the  Parisishtas,  unwilling  to  wear 
the  strait-jacket  of  the  Sutrakaras,  and  unable  to 
invent  a  more  appropriate  dress,  adopted  the  slovenly 
metre  of  epic  poetry,  well  adapted  for  legendary 
narration,  but  unfit  for  scientific  discussion. 


313 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE   BRAHMANA   PERIOD. 

Having  assigned  to  the  Sutra  literature  of  India 
the  wide  limits  of  a  period  extending  from  600  to 
200  B.C.,  we  have  now  to  examine  another  and  con- 
fessedly more  ancient  class  of  Vedic  writings,  differ- 
ing in  style  both  from  the  Sutras,  which  are  posterior, 
and  from  the  Mantras,  which  are  anterior  to  them. 
These  are  called  by  the  comprehensive  name  of 
Brahmanas.  But  as  between  the  Sutras  and  the 
later  Sanskrit  literature  we  discovered  a  connecting 
link  in  the  writings  known  under  the  name  of  Pari- 
sishtas,  so  we  meet  on  the  frontier  between  the  Brah- 
mana  and  the  Sutra  literature,  with  a  class  of  works, 
intermediate  between  the  Brahmanas  and  Sutras, 
which  claim  to  be  considered  first.  These  are  the 
Aranyakas,  or  "  The  Treatises  of  the  Forest." 

The  Aranyakas. 

The  Aranyakas  are  so  called,  as  Sayana  informs 
us,  because  they  had  to  be  read  in  the  forest.1     It 

1    Sayana   on   the   Taittiriyaranyaka.    ^Sf< U£|l >gT*H f^ rte  l* 

And  again,  HrKKWJ   *f  TTspft  ^Y?S^tf^ll     Parts  of 
the  Taittiriyaranyaka  are  exempted  from  the  restriction  that  they 


314:  ARANYAKAS. 

might  almost  seem  as  if  they  were  intended  for  the 
Vanaprasthas  only,  people  who,  after  having  per- 
formed all  the  duties  of  a  student  and  a  householder, 
retire  from  the  world  to  the  forest  to  end  their  days 
in  the  contemplation  of  the  deity.  Thus  it  is  said 
in  the  Arunikopanishad,  that  the  Sannydsin,  the  man 
who  no  longer  recites  the  Mantras  and  no  longer 
performs  sacrifices,  is  bound  to  read,  out  of  all  the 
Vedas,  only  the  Aranyaka  or  the  Upanishad.  In 
several  instances  the  Aranyakas  form  part  of  the 
Br&hmanas,  and  they  are  thus  made  to  share  the 
authority  of  Sruti  or  revelation.  We  have  seen, 
however,  that  part  of  an  Aranyaka  was  ascribed  to 
a  human  author,  to  Asvalayana.  Another  part  is 
quoted  by  Sayana,  in  his  Commentary  on  the  Eig- 
veda l,  as  being  a  Sutra  work  of  Saunaka's.  Cole- 
brooke  found,  in  one  transcript  of  this  Aranyaka, 
that  it  was  ascribed  to  Asvalayana ;  but  he  remarks, 
"  probably  by  an  error  of  the  transcriber."  This  is 
not  the  case;  and  it  is  a  good  proof  of  a  certain 
critical  conscience  even  amongst  the  orthodox  dog- 
should  be  read  in  the  forest  only:  *J [ ^ HgT^ftf^rf^fT *  *TTf%- 
■^Tf^T^fJ'g^T  I  '  an(l  nence  tuey  are  ranged  with  the  Brahmanas, 

i  p.  112.  MHWK«gqr  ^fc'M4i4Mftftf4  ^  ift- 

ftf^  ^  Tt^T  I     These  words  occur  in  the  Aitareyaranyaka,  v.  2. 

ii.   ^crensj^^  Tf?r  a$%  *TRfi  Tfafafa  ^  i 

Other  passages  quoted  by  Sayana  from  this  Aranyaka  can  always 
be  identified  in  the  Aitareyaranyaka.  Cf.  Colebrooke,  Misc. 
Essays,  i.  46. 


ARANYAKAS.  315 

matists  of  the  Hindus,  that  they  acknowledged  a  cer- 
tain difference  between  the  Brahmanas  and  Aran- 
yakas, although  it  was  of  great  importance  to  them, 
particularly  in  their  orthodox  philosophy,  to  be  able 
to  appeal  to  passages  from  the  Aranyakas  as  in- 
vested with  a  sacred  authority.  The  most  important 
Upanishads,  which  are  full  of  philosophy  and  theo- 
sophy,  form  part  of  the  Aranyakas,'  and  particularly 
in  later  times  the  Aranyaka  was  considered  the  quint- 
essence of  the  Vedas.1  Nevertheless  it  is  acknow- 
ledged by  Indian  authors2  that  a  mistake  may  be 
made,  and  the  work  of  a  human  author  may  be  er- 
roneously received  as  a  part  of  the  sacred  book  by 
those  who  are  unacquainted  with  its  true  origin. 
An  instance,  they  say,  occurs  among  those  who  use 
the  Bahvrich,  a  sakha  of  the  Rig-veda,  by  whom  a 
ritual  of  Asvalayana  has  been  admitted,  under  the 
title  of  the  fifth  Aranyaka,  as  a  part  of  the  Rig-veda. 
That  the  Aranyakas  presuppose  the  existence  of 
the  Brahmanas  may  be  clearly  seen  from  the  Bri- 
hadaranyaka,  of  which  we  possess  now  a  complete 
edition  by  Dr.  Roer,  of  Calcutta,  together  with  two 

1  Mahabharata  i.  258. :  "  This  body  of  the  Mahabharata  (the 
index)  is  truth  and  immortality ;  it  is  like  new  butter  from  curds, 
like  the  Brahman  among  men,  like  the  Aranyaka  from  the  Vedas, 
like  nectar  from  medicinal  plants,  like  the  sea,  the  best  among  lakes, 
like  the  cow,  the  highest  among  animals."  Thus  the  Upanishad 
is  called  the  essence  of  the  Veda;  6atap.-brahm.   x.  3.  5.    12. 

TO  3T  T?TO  *^Y  T*  T^Hprt^l 

2  This  is  taken  from  Colebrooke's  extracts  from  the  Purva- 
mimansa ;  a  system  of  philosophy  of  which  it  would  be  most 
desirable  to  have  a  complete  edition.  (Miscellaneous  Essays,  i. 
307.)  Dr.  Goldstiicker,  of  Konigsberg,  has  collected  large  ma- 
terials for  such  a  work  ;  and  I  trust  he  will  shortly  find  an  op- 
portunity of  publishing  the  important  results  of  his  studies. 


316  UPANISHADS. 

Sanskrit  commentaries.  If  we  take  for  instance  the 
story  of  Janaka,  who  promised  a  large  prize  to  the 
wisest  Brahman  at  his  sacrifice,  and  compare  this 
story,  as  it  is  given  in  the  Satapatha-brahmana  (xi. 
4.  6.)  with  the  third  Adhyaya  of  the  Brihadaraiiyaka 
where  the  same  subject  occurs,  we  find  in  the  Aran- 
yaka  all  the  details  given  almost  in  the  same  words 
as  in  the  Brahmana,  but  enlarged  with  so  many  addi- 
tions, particularly  with  respect  to  the  philosophical 
disputations  which  take  place  between  Yajnavalkya 
and  the  other  Brahmans,  that  we  cannot  hesitate  for  a 
moment  to  consider  the  Aranyaka  as  an  enlargement 
upon  the  Brahmana. 

The  chief  interest  which  the  Aranyakas  possess  at 
the  present  moment  consists  in  their  philosophy. 
The  philosophical  chapters  well  known  under  the 
name  of  Upanishads  are  almost  the  only  portion  of 
Vedic  literature  which  is  extensively  read  to  this  day. 
They  contain,  or  are  supposed  to  contain,  the  highest 
authority  on  which  the  various  systems  of  philosophy 
in  India  rest.  Not  only  the  Vedanta  philosopher, 
who,  by  his  very  name,  professes  his  faith  in  the  ends 
and  objects  of  the  Veda,1  but  the  Sankhya,  the  Vaise- 
shika,  the  Nyaya,  and  Yoga  philosophers,  all  pretend 
to  find  in  the  Upanishads  some  warranty  for  their 
tenets,  however  antagonistic  in  their  bearing.  The 
same  applies  to  the  numerous  sects  that  have  existed 
and  still  exist  in  India.     Their  founders,  if  they  have 

1  Vedanta  is  used,  but  not  yet  in  its  technical  sense,  Taittiriya- 
aranyaka,  x.  12. ;  a  verse  frequently  repeated  elsewhere. 

ft  ^u^fg  ircm^T^  M<njdi:  irf^p^r  *"in 


UPANI  SHADS.  317 

any  pretensions  to  orthodoxy,  invariably  appeal  to 
some  passage  in  the  Upanishads  in  order  to  substan- 
tiate their  own  reasonings.  Now  it  is  true  that  in 
the  Upanishads  themselves  there  is  so  much  freedom 
and  breadth  of  thought  that  it  is  not  difficult  to  find 
in  them  some  authority  for  almost  any  shade  of  phi- 
losophical opinion.  The  old  Upanishads  did  not  pre- 
tend to  give  more  than  u  guesses  at  truth,"  and 
when,  in  course  of  time,  they  became  invested  with 
an  inspired  character,  they  allowed  great  latitude  to 
those  who  professed  to  believe  in  them  as  revelation. 
Yet  this  was  not  sufficient  for  the  rank  growth  of 
philosophical  doctrines  during  the  latter  ages  of  In- 
dian history ;  and  when  none  of  the  ancient  Upa- 
nishads could  be  found  to  suit  the  purpose,  the 
founders  of  new  sects  had  no  scruple  and  no  diffi- 
culty in  composing  new  Upanishads  of  their  own. 
This  accounts  for  the  large  and  ever  growing  number 
of  these  treatises.  Every  new  collection  of  MSS., 
every  new  list  of  Upanishads  given  by  native  writers, 
adds  to  the  number  of  those  which  were  known  be- 
fore; and  the  most  modern  compilations  seem  now 
to  enjoy  the  same  authority  as  the  really  genuine 
treatises. 

The  original  Upanishads  had  their  place  in  the 
Aranyakas  and  Brahmanas.  There  is  only  one  in- 
stance of  a  Sanhita  containing  Upanishads  —  the 
Vajasaneyi-sanhita,  which  comprises  the  Isa-upa- 
nishad,  forming  the  40th  book,  and  the  Sivasankalpa, 
forming  part  of  the  34th  book.  This,  however,  so 
far  from  proving  the  greater  antiquity  of  that  Upa- 
nishad,  only  serves  to  confirm  the  modern  date  of  the 
whole  collection  known  under  the  name  of  Vajasa- 


318  UPANISHADS. 

neyi-sanhita.1  But  though  the  proper  place  of  the 
genuine  Upanishads  was  in  the  Brahmanas,  and  here 
chiefly  in  those  secondary  portions  commonly  called 
Aranyakas,  yet  in  later  times,  the  Upanishads  ob- 
tained a  more  independent  position,  and  though  they 
still  professed  to  belong  more  particularly  to  one  or 
the  other  of  the  four  Yedas,  that  relationship  became 
very  lax  and  changeable. 

The  true  etymological  meaning  of  the  word  Upa- 
nishad  had  been  forgotten  in  India.  It  is  generally 
explained  by  rahasya,  or  guhyd  ddesdh,  mystery ;  and 
an  artificial  etymology  is  given,  according  to  which 
Upanishad  would  mean  u  destruction  of  passion  or 
ignorance,  by  means  of  divine  revelation."2  The  ori- 
ginal signification  of  the  word,  however,  must  have 
been  that  of  sitting  down  near  somebody  in  order  to 
listen,  or  in  order  to  meditate  and  worship.  Thus 
we  find  up  +  sad  used  in  the  sense  of  sitting  and 
worshipping : 

Kv.  ix.  11.  6.  —  Namasa  it  lipa  sidata,  "  Approach 
him  with  praise." 

Ev.  x.  73.  11. — Vayali  suparna/h  lipa  sedur  Fn- 
dram  priyamedhah  rishayah  na/dhamanah,  "  The 
poets  with  good  thoughts  have  approached  Indra 
begging,  like  birds  with  beautiful  wings." 

The  root  ds,  which  has  the  same  meaning  as  sad, 
to  sit,  if  joined  with  the  preposition  upa,  expresses 
the  same  idea  as  upa  sad,  i.  e.  to  approach  respect- 
fully, to  worship  (Rv.  x.  153.  1).  It  is  frequently 
used  to  express  the  position  which  the  pupil  occupies 

1  Mahidhara  maintains  that  some  parts  of  the  Upanishad  were 
aimed  at  the  Buddhists,  who  denied  the  existence  of  an  intelligent 
Self,  called  life  a  water  bubble,  and  knowledge  intoxication. 

2  Colebrooke,  Essays,  i.  92. 


UPANISIIADS.  319 

when  listening  to  his  teacher,1  and  it  clearly  expresses 
a  position  of  inferiority  in  such  passages  as,  Sat.- 
br&hmana,  i.  3.  4.  15  :  "tasmad  upary&sinam  ksha- 
triyam  adhastad  imah  praja  upasate,"  "  therefore 
those  people  below  (the  Vis  or  Vaisyas)  sit  under,  or 
pay  respect  to  the  Kshatriya  who  sits  above.,,  Still 
more  decisive  is  another  passage  in  the  same  work 
(ix.  4.  3.  3),  where  upanishddin  is  used  in  the  sense 
of  subject :  "  kshatraya  tad  visam  adhastad  upanisha- 
dinim  karoti,"  "  he  thus  makes  the  Vis  below  subject 
to  the  Kshatriya."  There  can  be  little  doubt  there- 
fore that  Upanishad  meant  originally  the  act  of 
sitting  down  near  a  teacher,2  of  submissively  listening 
to  him ;  and  it  is  easy  to  trace  the  steps  by  which  it 
came  to  mean  implicit  faith,3  and,  at  last,  truth  or 
divine  revelation. 

The  songs  of  the  Veda  contained  but  little  of 
philosophy  or  theosophy,  and  what  the  Brahmans 
call  the  higher  knowledge  is  not  to  be  sought  for  in 
the  hymns  of  the  Rishis.  "What,"4  says  the  author 
of  the  Svetasvatara-upanishad,  "  what  shall  a  man 
do  with  the  hymns,  who  does  not  know  that  eternal 
word  of  the  hymns  in  the  highest  heaven,  that  in 
which  all  the  gods  are  absorbed  ?  Those  who  know 
it,  they  are  blessed."     The   same  sentiment  is  fre- 

1  Pan.  iii.  4.  72.  comment. :  Upasito  gurum  bhavan ;  and  upa- 
sito  gurur  bhavata. 

2  In  this  sense  Upanishad  is  frequently  used  in  the  plural,  and 
signifies  sessions. 

3  Chhandogya-upanishad,   i.    1.  9.      '4J^'c|      fifpfl      «RT^"fW 

^nnJfafa^l  <T^  efH«lTK  I  " What  a  man  performs 
with  knowledge,  trust,  and  faith,  that  is  effectual." 

4  Svetasvatara-upanishad,  ed.  Roer,  Bibliotheca  Indica,  vii. 
339. 


320  UPANISHADS. 

quently  expressed,  but  nowhere  with  greater  force 
than  in  a  passage  of  the  Katha-upanishad1,  a  passage 
most  remarkable  in  many  respects.  "  That  divine 
Self,"  the  poet  says,  "  is  not  to  be  grasped  by  tra- 
dition2, nor  by  understanding,  nor  by  all  revelation  ; 
by  him  whom  He  himself  chooses,  by  him  alone  is 
He  to  be  grasped ;  that  Self  chooses  his  body  as  his 
own,"  Kammohun  Roy  when  he  visited  the  British 
Museum  and  found  the  late  Dr.  Rosen  engaged  in 
preparing  an  edition  of  the  hymns  of  the  Yeda,  ex- 
pressed his  surprise  at  so  useless  an  undertaking. 
But  the  same  philosopher  looked  upon  the  Upani- 
shads  as  worthy  to  become  the  foundation  of  a  new 
religion,  and  he  published  several  of  them  himself 
with  notes  and  translations.  "  The  adoration  of  the 
invisible  Supreme  Being,"  he  writes,  "  is  exclusively 
prescribed  by  the  Upanishads  or  the  principal  parts 
of  the  Veda,  and  also  by  the  Vedant,"  and  if  other 
portions  of  the  Veda  seem  to  be  in  contradiction  with 
the  pure  doctrine  of  the  Upanishads,  he  hints  that 
the  whole  work  must  not  only  be  stripped  of  its  autho- 
rity, but  looked  upon  as  altogether  unintelligible.3 

The  early  Hindus  did  not  find  any  difficulty  in 
reconciling  the  most  different  and  sometimes  con- 
tradictory opinions  in  their  search  after  truth  ;  and  a 
most  extraordinary  medley  of  oracular  sayings  might 
.be  collected  from  the  Upanishads,  even  from  those 
which  are  genuine  and  comparatively  ancient,  all 
tending  to  elucidate  the  darkest  points  of  philosophy 
and  religion,  the  creation  of  the  world,  the  nature  of 

1  II.  23.     It  is  also  found  in  the  Mundaka. 

*  Pravachana,  tradition,  the  Brahmanas  ;  see  p.  109.  Commen- 
tary :  "  ekavedasvikaranena,"  "  by  learning  one  Veda." 

3  Translation  of  the  Kena-upanishad  by  Rammohun  Roy,  Cal- 
cutta, 1816,  p.  6. 


UPANISHADS.  321 

God,  the  relation  of  man  to  God,  and  similar  subjects. 
That  one  statement  should  be  contradicted  by  another 
seems  never  to  have  been  felt  as  any  serious  difficulty. 
Thus  we  read  in  the  first  verse  of  the  Svetasvatara- 
upanishad :  "  Is  Brahman  the  cause  ?  Whence  are  we 
born  ?  By  what  do  we  live  ?  Where  do  we  go  ? 
At  whose  command  do  we  walk  after  the  Law,  in 
happiness  and  misery  ?  Is  Time  the  cause,  or  Na- 
ture, or  Law,  or  Chance,  or  the  Elements  ?  Is  Man 
to  be  taken  as  the  source  of  all  ?  Nor  is  it  their 
union,  because  there  must  be  an  independent  Self, 
and  even  that  independent  Self  has  no  power  over 
that  which  causes  happiness  and  pain." !  The  an- 
swers returned  to  such  questions  are  naturally  vague 
and  various.  Thus  Madhava  in  his  Commentary  on 
Parasara,  quotes  first  from  the  Bahvricha-upanishad. 
"  In  the  beginning  this  (world)  was  Self  alone,  there 
was  nothing  else  winking.  He  thought,  Let  me  create 
the  worlds,  Bnd  he  created  these  worlds."  From  this 
it  would  follow  that  the  absolute  Self  was  supposed 
to  have  created  everything  out  of  nothing.  But  im- 
mediately afterwards  Madhava  quotes  from  another 
Upanishad,  the  iSvetasvatara  (IV.  10.),  where  Maya 
or  delusion  is  called  the  principle,  and  the  Great 
Lord  himself,   the  deluded.2     This  is  evidently  an 

'srfvfefTT:  5N  ^%n^5  snfro%  "sTuf^fr  ^nsrfli 

Y 


322  UPANISHADS. 

allusion  to  Sankhya  doctrines,  but  Madhava  explains 
it  in  a  different  sense.  He  maintains  that  here  also 
the  Divine  Self  is  meant  by  the  Great  Lord,  and  that 
Delusion  is  only  one  of  his  powers,  as  heat  is  a  power 
of  fire.1  And  he  appeals  to  another  passage  in  the 
same  Upanishad  (I.  3.),  where  it  is  said  "  that  sages 
endowed  with  meditation  and  intuition,  saw  the 
power  of  the  Divine  Self,  concealed  by  his  own 
qualities."  This  same  interpretation  is  adopted  in 
the  Sutras  of  the  Vedanta- philosophy,  but  it  by  no 
means  follows  that  therefore  it  is  the  true  one. 
The  principal  interest  of  the  older  Upanishads  con- 
sists in  the  absence  of  that  systematic  uniformity 
which  we  find  in  the  later  systems  of  philosophy,  and 
it  is  to  be  regretted  that  nearly  all  scholars  who  have 
translated  portions  of  the  Upanishads  have  allowed 
themselves  to  be  guided  by  the  Brahmanic  commen- 
tators. The  commentators  wrote  all,  more  or  less, 
under  the  influence  of  philosophical  systems,  and 
thought  themselves  justified  in  explaining  the  Upani- 
shads in  such  a  manner  that  they  should  agree,  even 
in  the  most  minute  points,  with  the  Sutras  of  the 
philosophical  schools.  But  the  authors  of  the  Upani- 
shads were  poets  rather  than  philosophers.  Truth 
itself  assumed,  in  their  eyes,  an  aspect  varying  ac- 


UPANISHADS.  323 

cording  to  their  own  feelings  and  misgivings.  We  saw- 
that  the  Bahvricha-upanishad  placed  Atman  or  the 
Self  at  the  beginning  of  all  things.  The  Taittiriya- 
upanishad1  speaks  of  Brahman  the  true,  omniscient, 
and  infinite,  and  derives  from  it  the  ether,  the  air, 
fire,  water,  earth,  plants,  food,  seed,  and  body.2  This, 
in  the  eyes  of  the  later  commentators,  may  appear 
substantially  the  same  doctrine  as  that  of  the  Bahv- 
richa-upanishad. But  to  us  it  is  of  interest  to  mark 
the  difference,  and  to  watch  the  various  attempts 
which  were  made  to  express  the  idea*  of  a  creator. 
The  Bahvrichas,  by  calling  him  Atman  in  the  mascu- 
line, showed  that  they  were  impressed  more  strongly 
with  the  idea  of  a,  personal  Being;  the  Taittiriyas, 
speaking  of  Brahman  as  neuter,  gave  more  promi- 
nence to  the  idea  of  a  Power.  It  was  an  epoch  in 
the  history  of  the  human  mind  when  the  identity  of 
the  masculine  Self  and  the  neutral  Brahman  was  for 
the  first  time  perceived,  and  the  name  of  the  dis- 
coverer has  not  been  forgotten.  It  was  Sandilya 
who  declared  that  the  Self  within  our  heart  is  Brah- 
man (Chhand.-up.  iii.  4.  14.  p.  208.),  and  this  tenet, 
somewhat  amplified,  is  quoted  as  "Sandilya's  wis- 
dom "  by  the  author  of  the  Satapatha-brahmana  (x. 
6.  3.).     Other  sages  among  the  Chhandogas3  again 


■  Bibl.  Ind.  vii.  56. 

2  Purusha   is   body   rather   than   man.      Madhava   says:    cT^f 

3  Chhand.-up.  vi.   2. ;  Bibl.  Ind.  iii.   394.  ^q^  Tp)^^ 

Y    2 


324  UPANISHADS. 

speak  simply  of  a  Sat,  or  a  Being,  which  desired  to  be 
many,  and  created  the  light,  the  light  flowing  into 
water,  the  water  into  food,  and  so  on.  The  Athar- 
vanikas  speak  of  the  Creator  as  Akshara,  and  it  must 
remain  doubtful  whether  they  connected  with  this 
word  the  idea  of  the  Indestructible  or  of  Element.1 
The  term  used  by  the  Vajasaneyins  is  Avydkrita,  or 
the  Undeveloped.  Every  one  of  these  terms  had 
originally  a  meaning  of  its  own,  and  though  in  later 
times  they  may  all  be  used  synonymously,  they  ought 
to  be  kept  distinct  when  we  are  tracing  the  history 
of  the  human  mind.  Some  of  the  ancient  sages, 
after  having  arrived  at  the  idea  of  Avyakrita,  Un- 
developed, went  even  beyond,  and  instead  of  the  Sat 
or  to  oj/,  they  postulated  an  Asat,  to  pr)  ov,  as  the 
beginning  of  all  things.  Thus  we  read  in  the 
Chhandogya-upanishad 2 :  "  And  some  say,  in  the 
beginning  there  was  Asat  (not  being),  alone,  without 
a  second;  and  from  this  Asat  might  the  Sat  be 
born." 

But  in  spite  of  the  great  variety  of  philosophical 
thought  on  this  and  similar  subjects  that  was  to  be 
found  in  the  Upanishads,  the  want  of  new  Upanishads 
was  felt  by  the  sects  which  sprang  up  in  every  part  of 

fT^S^rrn    fT%5T    XN?T    *T1?    fit    T^rT^fw     <T^"- 

1  See  Gold  stacker's  Dictionary,  s.  v.     Madhava  says  :    ^C^Tf 

2  Chhand.-up.  vi.  1.  ?T^f    ^l3K<i\^*TO    ^mff^m- 
^Tf^rfN  WITUfT:   ^^TT^rTI 


UPANISHADS.  325 

India.1  The  old  Upanishads,  however,  were  not  re- 
jected, and  to  the  present  day  the  ten  which  are  chiefly 
studied  in  Bengal  are  the  Brihadaranyaka,  the  Aitareya, 
Chhandogya,  Taittiriya,  Isa,  Kena,  Katha,  Prasna, 
Mundaka  and  Mandukya-upanishads.  Every  one  of 
these  has  been  published,  and  we  possess  an  excellent 
edition  both  of  text  and  commentary  by  Dr.  Roer  in 
the  volumes  of  the  Bibliotheca  Indica.  The  whole 
number  of  Upanishads,  however,  known  to  be  or  to 
have  been  in  existence,  is  much  larger.  It  was  com- 
monly stated  at  62 2,  but  it  has  lately  been  brought  as 
high  as  108  3,  and  even  higher.  Some  of  the  titles 
given  in  various  lists  belong  most  likely  to  smaller 
portions  of  certain  Upanishads,  and  these  extracts, 
adopted  by  some  sect  or  other,  were  afterwards  quoted 
as  independent  treatises.4  Many  are  of  very  modern 
origin,  and  have  no  right  to  be  mentioned  in  connec- 
tion with  Vedic  literature.  In  order,  however,  to 
have  this  whole  mass  of  literature  together,  every  work 
that  claims  the  title  of  Upanishad  on  any  ground 
whatsoever,  has  been  incorporated  in  an  alphabetical 
list,  which  will  be  printed  as  an  Appendix.  There  are 
several  works  which  had  to  be  consulted  in  drawing 
up  this  list.  First,  Anquetil  Duperron's  Oupnekhat5,  a 

1  Ward,  A  View  of  the  History,  Literature,  and  Mythology  of 
the  Hindus,  ii.  61. 

2  Ward,  loc.  cit.  p.  61. 

3  W.  Elliot,  Journal  of  the  As.  Soc.  of  Bengal,  1851,  p.  607. 

4  The  Maitreyi-upanishad  (29.  89.)  is  probably  meant  for  the 
Dialogue  between  Yajnavalkya  and  Maitreyi  in  the  Brihadaran- 
yaka. The  6andilya-upanishad  (57.  105.)  seems  to  be  a  portion  of 
the  Chhandogya-upanishad. 

5  Oupnekhat,  id  est,  Secretum  tegendum :  opus  ipsa  in  India 
rarissimum  continens  antiquam  et  arcanam,  seu  theologicam  et 
philosophicam  doctrinam,   e  quatuor  sacris  Indorum  libris,  Kak 

y  3 


326  UPANISHADS. 

work  which  contains  the  translation  of  fifty  Upani- 
shads  from  Persian  into  Latin.  [The  author  of  this 
Persian  translation  is  supposed  to  be  Ddrd  ShaJcoh, 
the  eldest  son  of  Shah  Jehan,  and  pupil  of  Babu  Lai ; 
but  in  reality  the  work  seems  to  have  been  per- 
formed by  several  Pandits,  whom  that  enlightened 
prince  called  from  Benares  to  Delhi,  ordering  them 
to  translate  some  of  their  sacred  works  into  Persian. 
Three  years  after  the  accomplishment  of  their  work, 
their  patron  was  put  to  death  by  his  brother  Aurung- 


beid,  Djedjer  baid,  Sam  baid,  Athrban  baid,  excerptara ;  ad  ver- 
bum,  e  Persico  idiomate,  Samskreticis  vocabulis  intermixto,  in 
Latinum  conversum ;  Dissertationibus  et  Annotationibus  diffici- 
liora  explanantibus,  illustratum  :  studio  et  opera  Anquetil  Du- 
perron,  Indicopleustse.  Argentorat*,  typis  et  impensis  fratrum 
Levrault,  vol.  i.  1801 :  vol.  ii.  1802. 

Duperron  received  a  MS.  of  the  Persian  translation  of  the 
Upanishads  from  M.  Gentil,  the  French  resident  at  the  court  of 
Soudjaeddaulah.  It  was  brought  from  Bengal  to  France  by  M. 
Bernier,  in  the  year  1775.  Duperron,  after  receiving  another 
MS.,  collated  the  two,  and  translated  the  Persian  into  French  (not 
published)  and  into  literal  Latin. 

The  Persian  translation,  of  which  several  other  MSS.  exist, 
bears  the  following  title  in  Duperron's  translation:  "  Hanc  inter- 
pretationem  rwv  Oupneknathai  quorumvis  quatuor  librorum  Beid, 
quod,  designatum  cum  secreto  magno  (per  secretum  magnum)  est, 
et  integram  cognitionem  luminis  luminum,  hie  Fakir  sine  tristitia 
(Sultan)  Mohammed  Dara  Schakoh  ipse,  cum  significatione  recta, 
cum  sinceritate,  in  tempore  sex  mensium,  (postremo  die,  secundo 
rov  Schonbeh,  vigesimo,)  sexto  mensis  rov  Ramazzan,  anno  1067 
tov  Hedjri  (Christi,  1657)  in  urbe  Delhi,  in  mansione  nakhe  nou- 
deh,  cum  absolutione  ad  finem  fecit  pervenire." 

The  MS.  was  copied  by  Atma  Ram  in  the  year  1767  a.d. 
Duperron  adds :  Absolutum  est  hoc  Apographum  versionis  Latina3 
tG)v  quinquaginta  Oupnekhatha,  ad  verbum,  e  Persico  idiomate, 
Samscreticis  vocabulis  intermixto,  factaa,  die  9  Octobris,  1795, 
18  Brumaire,  anni  4,  Reipubl.  Gall.  Parisiis. 


UFANISHADS.  327 

zeb.1]  Secondly,  there  is  Colebrooke's  Essay  on  the 
Vedas,  which  gives  a  more  complete  enumeration  of 
the  Upanishads.  Thirdly,  Weber's  Analysis  of  Duper- 
ron's  translation  of  the  Upanishads,  in  his  "  Indian 
Studies."  Fourthly,  an  article  by  Mr.  W.  Elliot  in 
the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  1851, 
giving  an  account  of  Upanishads  known  in  the  South 
of  India,  among  the  Telugu  Brahmans.  Fifthly, 
Dr.  Eoer's  introductions  to  the  various  Upanishads, 
edited  and  translated  by  him  in  the  volumes  of  the 
Bibliotheca  Indica.  There  are  other  works,  the  well- 
known  pamphlets  of  Rammohun  Roy,  the  Essays  of 
Pauthier,  Poley,  d'Eckstein,  Windischmann,  and  the 
publications  of  the  Tattvabodhini  Society,  '  all  of 
which  had  to  be  consulted  in  drawing  up  our  own 
alphabetical  list. 

The  names  of  the  authors  of  the  principal  Upa- 
nishads2 are  unknown.  This  is  owing  to  the  very 
character  of  these  works.  They  contain  authorita- 
tive statements  on  the  highest  questions,  and  such 
statements  would  lose  all  authority  if  they  were  re- 
presented to  the  people  at  large  as  the  result  of 
human  reasoning  and  imagination.  They,  in  a 
higher  degree  than  any  other  part  of  the  Vedas,  must 

1  Elphinstone,  History  of  India,  ii.  446.  An  earlier  instance 
of  a  translation  of  the  Upanishads  is  mentioned  in  Elliot's  His- 
torians of  India,  i.  260.  "  Abdul  Kadir,  author  of  the  Tarikh- 
badaum,  who  died  at  the  close  of  the  16th  century,  says  that  he 
was  called  upon  to  translate  the  Atharvana-veda  from  the  Hindi, 
which  he  excused  himself  from  doing  on  account  of  the  exceeding 
difficulty  of  the  style  and  abstruseness  of  meaning ;  upon  which 
the  task  devolved  on  Haji  Ibrahim  Sirhindi,  who  accomplished  it 
satisfactorily." 

2  Some  of  the  most  modern  Upanishads  are  confessedly  the 
works  of  Gaudapada,  6ankara,  and  other  more  recent  philosophers. 

Y   4 


328  UPANISHADS. 

have  been  considered  from  the  very  beginning  as  re- 
velation, and  as  directly  communicated  to  the  world 
by  the  Supreme  Spirit.  This  sentiment  is  clearly 
expressed  in  the  beginning  of  the  Mundaka-upanishad: 
"  Brahman  (masc),  the  creator  of  the  universe,  the 
preserver  of  the  world,  appeared  first  among  the  gods. 
He  taught  the  knowledge  of  Brahman  (neuter),  the 
foundation  of  all  knowledge,  to  Atharvan,  his  eldest 
son.  Atharvan  long  ago  imparted  the  knowledge  of 
Brahman,  which  Brahman  had  explained  to  him,  to 
Angis;  he  told  it  to  Satyavaha  Bharadvaja,  Bharad- 
vaja  in  succession  to  Angiras.  Saunaka,  the  great 
lord,  approached  Angiras  respectfully,  and  asked : 
i  What  is  it  through  which,  if  known,  all  this  becomes 
known  ? ' "  l  It  is  stated  that  the  text  of  the  Upa- 
nishads,  after  it  had  once  been  revealed,  was  never 
affected  by  differences,  arising  from  the  oral  tradition 
of  various  Sakhas ;  and  in  one  instance  where  various 
texts  of  the  same  Upanishad  have  been  noted  by  the 
Brahmans,  they  are  ascribed  to  various  localities,  but 
not  to  various  Sakhas.  Each  Sakha,  however,  was 
supposed  to  be  possessed  of  an  Upanishad,  and  the 
Muktika  states  boldly  that,  as  there  are  1180  Sakhas, 
there  ought  properly  to  be  as  many  Upanishad s. 

Another  reason  why  we  never  hear  of  the  authors 
of  Upanishads  as  we  hear  of  the  Rishis  of  hymns  is 
that  in  many  instances  the  Upanishads  are  mere 
compilations  from  other  works.  Verses  from  the 
hymns  are  incorporated  into  various  Upanishads, 
and  stories  originally  propounded  in  the  Brahmanas, 
are  enlarged  upon  by  the  compilers  of  these  philo- 
sophical tracts. 

1  See  Mimdaka-up.  ed.  Roer. 


BUIHADARANYAKAS.  321) 

In  cases  only  where  the  Upanishads  form  part  of 
an   Aranyaka,   the  reputed   authors   of    the   larger 
works  might  likewise  be  considered  as  the  authors  of 
the  Upanishads.     This  authorship,   however,  is  dif- 
ferent from  the  authorship  of  a  Gaudapada  and  iSan- 
kara.      As  the   Brihadaranyaka   forms  part  of    the 
Satapatha-brahmana,   Yajnavalkya,  the  reputed  au- 
thor of  the  Brahmana,  might  well  be  considered  as 
the  author  of  the  Upanishad  known  by  the  name  of 
Brihadaranyaka.     It  forms  the  last  five  Prapathakas 
of  the  14th  book  of  the  Satapatha-brahmana  in  the 
Madhyandina-sakha,  whereas  in  the  Kanva-sakha\  the 
whole  of  the  17th  book  is  comprised  under  the  name 
of  Upanishad.     Yajnavalkya  Vajasaneya  is  mentioned 
towards  the  end  of  the  Brihadaranyaka  as  the  person 
who   received   the   whole  of  the  White  Yajur-veda 
from  Aditya  or  the  Sun.     His  influential  position  at 
the  court  of  Janaka,  king  of  Yideha,  is  alluded  to 
several  times,  and  one  portion  of  the  Brihadaranyaka 
is  called   the   Yajnavalkiyam   Kandam,  as  specially 
celebrating  the  victories  gained  by  that  sage  over  all 
his  rivals.     But  even   if  we   accept   the   traditional 
opinion   that    Yajnavalkya   was   the    author   of  the 
Brahmana   and   the   Aranyaka,   such   a  supposition 
would   be   of  very  little  help  to  us  in  determining 
the  probable  age  of  the  Upanishad  portion  of  the 
Satapatha-brahmana.     We  need  not  enter  at  present 
into  the  question  whether  the  supposed  authorship 
of  Yajnavalkya  implies  that  he  actually  composed,  or 
only  that  he  collected  and  arranged  the  sacred  code 
of  the  Yajasaneyins.     That   code   is,  no  doubt,  in 
some   peculiar   sense,    considered    as    Yajnavalkya's 
own  work.     At  the  time  of  Panini  it  was  called  by  a 
name  which,  by  its  very  character,  indicated  that  the 


330  BRIIJADARANYAKAS. 

Satapatha-brahmana  was  a  work  due  to  the  exertion 
of  one  individual,  and  that  it  was  not,  like  other 
Br&hmanas,  simply  proclaimed  by  him  (prokta),  or 
formed  the  traditional  property  of  an  ancient  Vedic 
Sakha  bearing  his  name.  This,  together  with  a  re- 
mark in  the  Varttika  to  Panini,  iv.  3.  105.,  may  be 
interpreted  as  indicating  the  more  modern  date  of 
this  Brahmana  and  its  Aranyaka,  as  compared  with 
the  Brahmanas  and  Aranyakas  of  other  Vedas.  But 
beyond  this,  the  name  of  Vajasaneya  Yajnavalkya, 
as  the  reputed  author  of  these  works,  will  not  help 
us  in  fixing  the  age  of  the  Yajasaneyi-brahmana- 
upanishad. 

Attempts  have  been  made  to  fix  the  age  of  Ya- 
jnavalkya, as  the  author  of  a  Law-book,  and  to  trans- 
fer this  date  to  the  author  of  the  Vedic  works,  just 
mentioned.  The  versifier,  however,  of  these  laws  is  as 
distinct  from  the  original  Yajnavalkya,  as  the  poetical 
editor  of  the  Laws  of  the  Manavas  is  from  the  mythic 
Manu,  the  founder  of  the  Manava-sakha. 

Although  the  poetical  editor  of  this  code  of  laws 
speaks  of  the  Aranyaka1  as  his  own  work,  nobody 
will  be  misled  by  an  assertion  of  this  kind.2     But 

1  This  can  only  mean  the  Brihadaranyaka,  as  the  commentator 
also  observes. 

2  Yajn.  Dh.  iii.  110. 

^mvm  ^  wr#  iN  ^wft^rTTii 

"  He  who  wishes  to  attain  Yoga  (union  with  the  Divine  Spirit) 
must  know  the  Aranyaka,  which  I  have  received  from  Aditya, 
and  the  Yoga-sastra,  which  I  have  taught."  I  thought,  at  first, 
that  there  might  have  been  old  Dharina-sutras  of  Yajnavalkya, 
and  that  the  versifier  of  these  Sutras  took  this  sentence  simply 


YAJNAVALKYA.  331 

even  the  age  of  the  versifier  of  the  Yajnavalkiya 
code  of  laws  is  difficult  to  determine.  Professor 
"Wilson,  in  his  "Ariana  Antiqua"  (page  364),  ob- 
serves that  the  word  Nanaka,  a  gold  or  silver  coin 
having  upon  it  the  figure  of  Siva,  may  be  derived  from 
Nana,  a  term  which  occurs  on  the  coins  of  Kanerki, 
and  is  supposed  to  be  a  the  name  of  a  goddess ; 
probably  the  same  as  the  Anaitis  or  Anahid  of  the 
Persians,  or  the  tutelary  goddess  of  Armenia,  Anaia, 
or  Nanaca."  If  so  (and  I  think  the  explanation  ex- 
tremely doubtful)  the  age  of  Yajnavalkya's  legal  dicta 
in  which  the  word  Nanaka  occurs,  would  be  subse- 
quent to  the  era  of  Kanerki,  and,  as  Professor  Stenz- 
ler  remarks  in  his  edition  of  Yajnavalkya,  the  second 
century  after  Christ  would  be  the  earliest  date  that 
could  be  assigned  to  Yajnavalkya.  Now  the  identi- 
fication of  Nanaka  and  Nana  (Nanaia,  Nana  Rao,)  is 
a  very  ingenious  conjecture,  but  no  more.  Even  if 
admitted  to  be  true,  we  should  still  have  to  prove  that 
the  same  goddess  did  not  occur  in  the  same  way  on 
more  ancient  oriental  coins.     As  the  Hindus  derived 

from  the  Sutras.  I  have  not  yet  found,  however,  Yajnavalkya- 
sutras  on  Achara.  The  so-called  Vaishnava-dharma-sastra,  or  Sri- 
bhagavad-Vishnu-sanhita,  which  has  been  printed  at  Calcutta, 
contains  large  portions  of  Sutras  which  have  been  worked  up  in 
a  very  crude  manner  into  a  law  treatise.  The  whole  chapter  on 
the  anatomy  of  the  human  body,  which  in  the  Yajnavalkiya  Code 
precedes  the  verse  in  question  (Hi.  110.),  a  chapter  which  does  not 
stand  in  the  Manava  code,  exists,  still  in  prose,  in  the  Vishnu-sanhita 
(fol.  28.  a.  line  11.).  The  simile  of  the  lamp,  also,  representing 
the  mind  in  the  middle  of  the  body,  is  borrowed  by  the  editor  of 
the  Yajnavalkiya  Code  from  the  Vishnu-sanhita  (fol. 29.  a.  line  1.). 
Yet,  although  the  Vishnu-sanhita,  like  the  Code  of  Yajnavalkya, 
goes  on  describing  the  Yoga,  no  mention  is  made  here  of  the  Aran- 
yaka,  nor  does  the  author  speak  of  himself  in  the  first  person,  as 
the  author  of  the  metrical  Code  does. 


332  YAJNAVALKYA. 

their  knowledge  of  coined  money  from  foreign  nations, 
Nanakas  may  have  been  current  in  India  long  before 
the  time  of  Kanerki,  though  the  Nanakas  of  Kanerki 
may  be  the  first  known  to  us  as  coined  in  India. 
The  occurrence  of  a  word  like  Nanaka1,  therefore,  is 
not  sufficient  by  itself  to  prove  that  the  second  cen- 
tury after  Christ  is  the  earliest  date  of  the  Yajnaval- 
kiya  Code,  still  less  of  Yajnavalkya,  as  Professor 
Stenzler  supposes.  But  whatever  date  may  be  as- 
signed to  this  Sloka  work,  the  date  of  Yajnavalkya, 
the  author  of  the  Aranyaka  and  the  Satapatha-brah- 
mana,  would  not  be  affected  by  it  in  any  way,  and 


1  In  the  same  way  it  might  be  said  that  the  Rig-veda-sanhita 
could  not  have  been  collected  before  the  second  century  after 
Christ,  because  the  word  Nishka  occurs  in  the  hymns.  Nishka  is 
a  weight  of  gold,  or  gold  in  general,  and  it  certainly  has  no  satis- 
factory etymology  in  Sanskrit.  Nothing  seems  to  be  more  likely 
than  that  it  should  be  derived  from  Kanishka,  the  Sanskrit  name 
of  Kanerki,  as  we  speak  of  a  "  Sovereign,"  the  French  of  a 
"  Louis."  The  first  syllable  Ka  may  be  taken  as  the  usual  royal 
prefix,  particularly  as  Fahian  calls  the  same  king  Kanika  and 
Nika.  (Cf.  Reinaud,  Memoire  sur  l'lnde,  p.  76.)  Yet  nobody 
would  draw  from  this  the  conclusion  that  the  Veda  was  written 
after  the  time  of  Kanishka.  If  Nishka  be  really  derived  from  the 
name  of  Ka-Nishka,  Kanishka  must  have  been  the  name  or  title 
of  more  ancient  kings,  whose  money  became  known  in  India, 
But  Nishka  may  have  a  very  different  etymology,  and  at  all 
events  it  does  not  furnish  any  solid  basis  for  chronological  conclu- 
sions. Nishka  does  once  occur  in  Panini's  Sutras,  v.  2.  119.; 
and  it  is   frequently  quoted  as  an   example.     Pan.  iv.   3.   156. 

f^^Tjr  sftfi  trfe^  i  f%r«fi^  f^FTr:  ^fs&^:  i  f%rnzfi:  i 

f^f^M    Pan.  i.  4.  87.   ^XJ  f%^  ^TCTW  I     v.  2.  119. 

%T*&*rf?far:i  vi.  2.  55.  f^^rrem  ^.  3.  153.  ^tzsTY 
f^n  cf.  v.  1. 37. 


YAJNAVALKYA.  333 

the  Satapatha-brahmana  is  the  only  work  from  which 
we  may  expect  information  on  this  point. 

Another  attempt  has  been  made  to  fix  the  ag§  of 
Yajnavalkya,  or,  at  least,  to  assign  certain  chronolo- 
gical limits  to  the  first  origin  of  the  Sakha  of  the 
Madhyandinas,  a  subdivision  of  the  Vajasaneyins. 
Arrian,  when  speaking  of  the  course  of  the  Ganges, 
mentions  among  the  rivers  falling  into  the  Ganges, 
the  "Andomatis,  flowing  from  the  country  of  the 
Mandiadini,  an  Indian'  people."  l  Lassen  thought  he 
discovered  in  this  the  Sanskrit  word  Madhyandina, 
meridional ;  and,  as  a  mere  conjecture,  such  a  re- 
mark was  valuable.  Professor  Weber,  however,  went 
beyond  this,  and,  taking  for  granted  the  identity  of 
Mandiadini  and  Madhyandina,  taking  for  granted  also 
the  identity  of  this  Indian  people  with  the  Madhyan- 
dina, a  subdivision  of  the  Sakha  of  the  Vajasaneyins, 
he  concluded  that  the  text  of  this  Sakha,  i.  e.  the 
Sanhitaand  Brahmana  of  the  White  Yajur-veda,  pub- 
lished by  himself,  must  have  existed  in  the  third  cen- 
tury B.C.  Such  rapid  conclusions  are  rarely  safe. 
There  may  have  been  such  a  people  as  the  Madhyan- 
dinas at  any  time  before  or  after  Christ,  and  there  may 
have  been  such  a  Sakha  as  that  of  the  Madhyandinas 
at  any  time  before  or  after  Christ,  but  the  people 
need  not  have  had  any  connection  with  that  Sakha,  as 
little  as  the  Prachyas  or  Prasii  had  anything  in  com- 
mon with  the  Sakha  of  the  Prachya-Kathas,  or  the 
KaixGlo-QoKoi,  another  Indian  people,  mentioned  by 
Greek  writers,  with  the  Sakha  of  the  Kapishthalas. 
Granted,  however,  that  the  Sakha  was  formed  in  the 
country  of  the  Madhyandinas,  and  derived  its  name 

1  Indische  Alterthumskunde,  i.  130.;  Schwanbeck,  Megasthenis 
Indica,  p.  106. 


334  TAITTIRfYA-ARANYAKA. 

from  it,  nothing  whatever  would  follow  from  this  as 
to  the  exact  date  when  this  was  effected. 

A  second  Aranyaka  is  that  of  the  Taittiriyas.  As 
the  Taittiriya-veda  (or  the  Black  Yajur-veda)  is 
always  represented  as  anterior  to  the  White  Yajur- 
veda,  the  Taittiriya-aranyaka  also  might  be  expected 
to  be  older  than  the  Brih  ad  aranyaka.  It  is  more 
likely,  however,  that  the  Taittiriya-aranyaka  did  not 
yet  exist  at  the  time  when  Yajnavalkya,  after  seceding 
from  his  master,  founded  a  new  school,  and  endowed 
it  with  a  new  Sanhita  and  Brahmana.  The  Aranyaka 
of  the  Taittiriyas  may  have  been  added  to  their 
Brahmanas  subsequently  to  this  schism,  in  the  same 
way  as  the  Brihadaranyaka  is  certainly  later  than 
many  portions  of  the  Satapatha-brahmana.  At 
all  events  the  Taittiriya-aranyaka  represents  the 
latest  period  in  the  development  of  the  Yedic  reli- 
gion, and  shows  a  strong  admixture  of  post-vedic 
ideas  and  names.  The  same  applies  also  to  several 
parts  of  the  Taittiriya-brahmana,  the  last  part  of 
which  does  not  belong  to  Tittiri,  but  is  ascribed  to 
Katha,  the  same  Muni  to  whom  the  beginning  of  the 
Aranyaka  is  said  to  have  been  revealed.1  There 
are  some  traces  which  would  lead  to  the  supposition 
that  the  Taittiriya-veda  had  been  studied,  particu- 
larly in  the  south  of  India,  and  even  among  people 
which  are  still  considered  as  un-Aryan  in  the 
Brahmana  of  the  Rig-veda,  In  the  Taittiriya-aran- 
yaka different  readings  are  mentioned,  which  are 
no  longer  ascribed  to  different  iSakhas  but  to  certain 
countries  in  the  south  of  India,  like  those  of  the  Dra- 
vidas,  Andhras,  and  Karnatakas.     This  fact  by  itself 

1  See  page  224. 


AITAREYA- ARANYAKA.  335 

would  throw  some  doubt  on  the  antiquity  and  gen- 
uineness of  this  class  of  Vedic  writings  \  at  least 
in  that  form  in  which  we  now  possess  them. 

The  Taittiriya-aranyaka  consists  of  ten  books,  of 
which  the  four  last  are  devoted  to  Upanishad  doctrines. 
No  author  is  mentioned,  and  Tittiri,  who  might  seem  to 
hold  the  same  position  for  the  Taittiriyaranyaka  which 
Yajnavalkya  holds  for  the  Brihadaranyaka,  is  repre- 
sented by  the  Brahmans  themselves  neither  as  the 
author  nor  as  the  first  teacher.  He  received  the  tra- 
dition from  Yaska  Paingi,  who  received  it  from  Vai- 
sampayana.  Tittiri  himself  handed  it  on  to  Ukha, 
and  he  to  Atreya.  Tittiri,  therefore,  was  believed  to 
be  the  founder  of  a  Sakha,  but  not  the  author  of  the 
Aranyaka. 

A  third  Aranyaka  is  the  Aitareya-aranyaka,  be- 
longing to  the  Eig-veda.  It  forms  a  work  by  itself, 
and  is  not  counted  as  part  of  the  Aitareya-brahmana. 
This  is  an  important  point.  The  work  consists  of  five 
books  or  Aranyakas  2,  the  second  and  third  of  which 

1  I  find  that  Harisvamin  also,  in  his  commentary  on  the  6ata- 
patha-brahmana,  quotes  the  Dakshinatyas  and  Saurashtras,  to- 
gether with  the  Kanvas,  as  authorities  on  Vedic  subjects.  See 
Dr.  Weber's  Ind.  Studien,  i.  77.  In  the  same  place  Dr.  "Weber 
attempts  to  prove  the  late  origin  of  this  work  by  the  contraction 
of  sa  indrah  into  sendrah.  This  contraction,  however,  occurs 
already  in  the  Rig-veda-sanhita.     See  also  Pan.  vi.  1.  134. 

2  The  first  Aranyaka  consists  of  five  Adhyayas  and  twenty-two 
Khandas.  The  second  Aranyaka  consists  of  seven  Adhyayas  and 
twenty-six  Khandas.  The  Upanishad  begins  with  the  fourth 
Adhyaya  and  the  twenty-first  Khanda.  The  third  Aranyaka 
consists  of  two  Adhyayas  and  twelve  Khandas.  The  fourth  Ara- 
nyaka consists  of  one  Adhyaya  and  one  Khanda  (ascribed  to 
Asvalayana  in  Shadgurusishya's  commentary  on  the  Sarvanu- 
krama).  The  fifth  Aranyaka  consists  of  three  Adhyayas  and 
fourteen  Khandas  (ascribed  to  6aunaka). 


336  AITAREYA-ARANYAKA. 

form  the  Bahvricha-upanishad,  if  by  this  name  we  like 
to  distinguish  the  complete  Upanishad  from  a  portion 
of  it,  viz. :  Adhyayas  4 — 6,  of  the  second  Aranyaka, 
commonly  quoted  as  the  Aitareyopanishad.  If  we  ask 
for  the  name  of  the  author,  we  find  again  the  same  un- 
certainty as  in  the  Brihadaranyaka  and  the  Taittiri- 
y aranyaka.  All  we  know  for  certain  is  that  there 
was  a  Sakha,  of  the  Aitareyins,  which  was  in  the  pos- 
session of  a  Brahmana  and  an  Aranyaka.  Both  these 
works  were  afterwards  adopted  by  the  later  Sakhas  of 
the  Rig-veda,  so  that  we  actually  hear  of  an  Asvalayana 
text  of  the  Aitareyakam.  We  also  know  from  the 
Chhandogya-upanishad  (iii.  16.)  that  there  was  a 
Mahidasa  Aitareya,  who,  by  means  of  his  sacred  know- 
ledge was  supposed  to  have  defied  death  for  1,600 
years ;  and  in  the  Aitareya-aranyaka,  not  in  the  Brah- 
mana, he  is  several  times  quoted  by  the  same  name 
as  an  authority.  In  the  later  commentaries,  a  story 
is  mentioned  according  to  which  the  Brahmana  and 
Aranyaka  of  the  Rig-veda  were  originally  revealed 
to  one  Aitareya,  the  son  of  Itara.  This  story,  how- 
ever, sounds  very  apocryphal,  and  had  a  merely 
etymological  origin.  Itara,  in  Sanskrit,  means  not 
only  the  other  of  two,  but  also  low,  rejected.  Thus, 
if  the  patronymic  Aitareya  was  to  be  accounted 
for,  it  was  extremely  easy  to  turn  it  into  a  me- 
tronymic, and  to  make  Aitareya  the  son  of  an  Itara, 
a  rejected  wife.  Thus  Sayana,  in  his  introduc- 
tion to  the  Aitareya-brahmana,  tells  us  that  there 
was  once  a  great  Rishi  who  had  many  wives.  One 
of  them  was  called  Itara,  and  she  had  a  son  called 
Mahidasa.  His  father  preferred  the  sons  of  his  other 
wives  to  Mahidasa,  and  once  he  insulted  him  in  the 
sacrificial     hall,     by     placing    all    his    other    sons 


KAUSH1TAKI- ARANYAKA.  337 

oh  his  lap.  Mahidasa's  mother,  seeing  her  son 
with  tears  in  his  eyes,  prayed  to  her  own  tutelary 
goddess,  the  Earth  (sviyakuladevata  Bhumih),  and 
the  goddess  in  her  heavenly  form  appeared  in  the 
midst  of  the  assembly,  placed  Mahidasa  on  a  throne, 
and  gave  him  on  account  of  his  learning  the  gift  of 
knowing  the  Brahmana,  consisting  of  forty  Adhya- 
yas,  and,  as  Say  ana  calls  it,  another  Brahmana,  treat- 
ing "  of  the  Aranyaka  duties." 

This,  and  similar  stories  mentioned  by  Colebrooke1, 
are  not  calculated  to  inspire  much  confidence.  On 
the  contrary  we  feel  inclined  to  attach  more  value 
to  the  accidental  admissions  of  the  Brahmans  who 
ascribe  the  later  portions  of  the  Aitareyaranyaka  to 
such  well  known  authors  as  Saunaka  and  Asvalayana. 
There  may  have  been  an  Aitareya,  the  founder  of  the 
Sakha  of  the  Aitareyins,  and  himself  the  expounder 
of  those  ceremonial,  philological,  and  philosophical 
tracts  which  are  incorporated  in  the  Brahmana  and 
the  Aranyaka  of  the  Aitareyins.  He  is  quoted  him- 
self as  an  authority  in  those  works,  but  nothing  is 
said  in  them  of  his  degraded  descent,  nor  of  the  eru- 
dition granted  to  him  by  the  goddess  of  the  earth. 

Another  Aranyaka,  belonging  to  another  Sakha  of 
the  Rig-veda,  is  the  Kaushitaki-aranyaka.  Colebrooke 
stated  in  his  Essay  on  the  Yeda  that  "  the  original 
of  the  Kaushitakam  was  among  the  portions  of  the 
Veda  which  Sir  Robert  Chambers  collected  at  Be- 
nares, according  to  a  list  which  he  sent  to  me  some 
time  before  his  departure  from  India."  According 
to  the  catalogue  of  Sir  Robert's  MSS.  which  are  now 
at  the  Royal  Library  at  Berlin,  there  is  in  that  col- 

1  Miscellaneous  Essays,  i.  16.  n. 
Z 


338  KAUSHlTAKI-ARANYAKA. 

lection  not  only  the  text  and  commentary  of  the 
Kaushitaki-brahmana,  but  likewise  the  Aranyaka,  in 
three  Adhyayas,  of  which  the  third  constitutes  the 
Kaushitaki-upanishad.  Here  again  wre  know  nothing 
as  to  the  name  of  an  author,  Kaushitakin  being 
simply  the  name  of  that  sect  in  which  the  text  of 
these  works  was  handed  down  from  teacher  to  pupil. 

There  are  no  Aranyakas  for  the  Sama-veda,  nor  for 
the  so-called  fourth  Veda,  the  Atharvana. 

Traces  of  modern  ideas  are  not  wanting  in  the 
Aranyakas,  and  the  very  fact  that  they  are  destined 
for  a  class  of  men  who  had  retired  from  the  world 
in  order  to  give  themselves  up  to  the  contempla- 
tion of  the  highest  problems,  shows  an  advanced, 
and  already  declining  and  decaying  society,  not  un- 
like the  monastic  age  of  the  Christian  world.  The 
problems,  indeed,  which  are  discussed  in  the  Aran- 
yakas and  the  old  Upanishads  are  not  in  them- 
selves modern.  They  had  formed  the  conversation 
of  the  old  and  the  young,  of  warriors  and  poets,  for 
ages.  But  in  a  healthy  state  of  society  these  ques- 
tions were  discussed  in  courts  and  camps:  priests 
were  contradicted  by  kings,  sages  confounded  by 
children,  women  were  listened  to  when  they  were 
moved  by  an  unknown  spirit.1  This  time,  which  is 
represented  to  us  by  the  early  legends  of  the  Aran- 
yakas, was  very  different  from  that  which  gave  rise 
to  professional  anchorites,  and  to  a  literature  composed 
exclusively  for  their  benefit.  As  sacrifices  were  per- 
formed long  before  a  word  of  any  Brahmana  or  Sutra 

1  A  Kumari  gandharvagrihita  is  quoted  as  an  authority  in  the 
Kaushitaki-brahmana,  and  it  is  explained  by  "  viseshabhijna." 
Kaush.-br.   ii.  9.;    Ait-br.  v.  29.      Ind.  Studien,  i.  84.  217. 


ARANYAKAS.  339 

had  been  uttered,  so  metaphysical  speculations  were 
carried  on  in  the  forests  of  India  long  before  the  names 
of  Aranyaka  or  Upanishad  were  thought  of.  We 
must  carefully  distinguish  between  a  period  of  growth, 
and  a  period  which  tried  to  reduce  that  growth  to 
rules  and  formulas.  In  one  sense  the  Aranyakas  are 
old,  for  they  reflect  the  very  dawn  of  thought ;  in 
another,  they  are  modern,  for  they  speak  of  that 
dawn  with  all  the  experience  of  a  past  day.  There 
are  passages  in  these  works,  unequalled  in  any  lan- 
guage for  grandeur,  boldness,  and  simplicity.  These 
passages  are  the  relics  of  a  better  age.  But  the  ge- 
neration which  became  the  chronicler  of  those  Titanic 
wars  of  thought,  was  a  small  race  :  they  were  dwarfs, 
measuring  the  footprints  of  departed  giants. 

Chronologically  we  can  see  with  great  clearness 
that  the  Aranyakas  are  anterior  to  the  Sutras.  It 
is  only  in  their  latest  portions  that  they  show  traces 
of  the  style  of  Sutra  compositions.  We  can  likewise 
see  that  they  are  later  than  the  Brahmanas,  to  which 
they  themselves,  in  several  instances,  form  a  kind  of 
appendix.  Beyond  this  we  cannot  go,  and  an  im- 
partial consideration  of  the  arguments  adduced  in 
favour  of  a  much  earlier  or  a  much  later  date  for 
this  class  of  Vedic  literature,  will  show  a  complete 
absence  of  facts  and  arguments,  such  as  are  required 
for  historical  inductions.  Whether  Panini  knew 
the  Aranyakas  as  a  branch  of  sacred  literature  is 
uncertain.  Although  he  mentions  the  word  "  aran- 
yaka," he  only  uses  it  in  the  sense  of  "  living  in  the 
forest;'7  and  it  is  the  author  of  the  Varttikas1  who 
first  remarks  that  the  same  word  is  also  used  in  the 

1  IV.  2.  129. 

z  2 


340  '   ARANYAKAS. 

sense  of  "  read  in  the  forest/'  The  word  Upanishad, 
besides  being  used  in  the  Upanishads  themselves1, 
occurs  in  the  Sutras  of  Panini  (i.  4.  79),  but  there  is 
nothing  to  prove  that  Panini  knew  Upanishad  as  the 
name  of  a  class  of  sacred  writings. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  remark  that  at  the  time 
when  the  Aranyakas  were  written,  the  hymns  of  the 
Sanhitas  were  not  only  known,  but  known  in  the 
same  form  in  which  we  now  possess  them.2  The 
Rig-veda  is  quoted  as  a  whole,  and  as  consisting  of 
ten  Mandalas.  Though  the  name  of  Mandala  is  not 
used,  the  names  assigned  to  each  of  the  ten  books 
are  the  same  as  those  used  in  the  Anukramanis,  and 
they  follow  each  other  in  the  same  succession.  Nay, 
these  names  had  evidently  been  current  for  some 
time  before,  for  the  author  of  the  Aranyaka  assigns 
the  most  extraordinary  etymologies  to  them,  and 
uses  them  in  support  of  the  wildest  speculations. 
He  first  mentions  the  Satarchins  or  the  poets  of  the 
first  Mandala.  He  then  comprehends  the  poets  of 
Mandala  II.  to  IX.  under  the  common  name  of  the  M&- 
dhyamas,  assigning  to  the  poets  of  the  tenth  and  last 
Mandala  the  name  of  Kshudrasiiktas  and  Mahasuktas. 
The  middle  books  are  enumerated  more  in  detail  under 
their  usual  names,  Gritsamada,  (ii.),  Yisvamitra  (iii.)> 
Yamadeva  (iv.),  the  Atris  (v.),  Bharadvaja  (vi.), 
Yasishtha  (vii.),  the  Pragathas  (viii.  j,  the  Pavamanis 
(ix.)  The  names  also  of  Rig-veda,  Yajur-veda,  and 
Saina-veda  occur  as  literary  titles  in  this  Aranyaka.3 

1  Ait.-ar.  iii.  ].;  ibid,  i.  11.  Upanishasada. 

2  Ait.-ar.  ii.  9. 

3  Ait.-ar.  i.  10. :  Bhur  bhuvah  svar  ityeta  vava  vyahritaya 
irae  trayo  veda,  bhur  ityeva  Rig-veda,  bhuva  iti  Yajur-vedah, 
svar  iti  Sama-vedah. 


ARANYAKAS.  341 

The  etymologies  assigned  to  these  names  are  not 
perhaps  more  absurd  than  those  which  we  find  in 
the  Brahmanas.  But  there  are  other  etymological 
explanations  in  the  Aranyakas  such  as  we  scarcely 
find  in  any  genuine  Brahmana.  Part  of  the  first 
Aranyaka  (i.  4.)  reads  almost  like  a  commentary  on 
the  first  hymns  of  the  Rig-veda,  and  the  short  glosses 
scattered  about  in  these  books  of  the  forest  might  well 
be  considered  as  the  first  elements  of  a  Nirukta. 

The  grammatical  study  of  the  hymns  of  the  Yeda 
was  evidently  far  advanced,  and  scholastic  pedantry 
had  long  taken  the  place  of  sound  erudition,  when  the 
early  portions  of  the  Aranyaka  were  composed.  Not 
only  the  ten  books  of  the  Rig-veda  are  mentioned,  but 
likewise  their  subdivisions,  the  hymns  (siikta),  verses 
(rich),  half- verses  (arddharcha),  feet  (pada),  and  syl- 
lables (akshara).  Sometimes  the  syllables  of  certain 
hymns  and  classes  of  hymns  are  counted,  and  their 
number  is  supposed  to  possess  a  mysterious  signifi- 
cance. In  one  passage  (ii.  12.)  speculations  are 
propounded  on  the  division  of  letters  into  consonants 
(vyanjana),  vowels  (ghosha),  and  sibilants  (ushman). 

Admitting,  therefore,  that  the  Aranyakas  repre- 
sent the  latest  productions  of  the  Brahmana  period, 
and  that  in  some  cases  their  authors  belong  to  the  age 
of  Saunaka,  in  others  even  to  a  more  modern  age, 
we  have  now  to  consider  the  character  of  the  genuine 
Brahmanas,  in  order  to  point  out  the  differences 
which  distinguish  the  Brahmanas  from  the  Sutras 
by  which  they  are  followed,  and  from  the  Mantras  by 
which  they  are  preceded. 


z  3 


342  BKAHMANAS, 


THE  BRAHMANAS. 


The  difficulty  of  giving  an  exhaustive  definition  of 
what  a  Brahmana  is,  has  been  felt  by  the  Brahmans 
themselves.  The  name  given  to  this  class  of  litera- 
ture does  not  teach  us  more  than  that  these  works 
belonged  to  the  Brahmans.  They  were  brahman  ic, 
t.  e.  theological  tracts,  comprising  the  knowledge 
most  valued  by  the  Brahmans,  bearing  partly  on 
their  sacred  hymns,  partly  on  the  traditions  and 
customs  of  the  people.  They  profess  to  teach  the 
performance  of  the  sacrifice ;  but  for  the  greater 
part  they  are  occupied  with  additional  matter ;  with 
explanations  and  illustrations  of  things  more  or  less 
distantly  connected  with  their  original  faith  and 
their  ancient  ceremonial. 

Say  ana,  in  his  introduction  to  the  Rig-veda  l,  has 
given  such  extracts  from  the  Purva-mimansa  philo- 
sophy as  may  furnish  a  pretty  correct  idea  of  the 
Brahmanas,  and  he  has  treated  the  same  subject 
again  in  his  Introduction  to  the  Aitareya-brahmana. 

"  A  Brahmana,"  he  says,  "  is  twofold,  containing 
either  commandments  (vidhi),  or  additional  explana- 
tions (arthavada).  This  is  confirmed  by  Apastamba, 
saying :  '  The  Brahmanas  are  commandments  for 
the  sacrifices ;  all  the  rest  consists  of  additional 
explanations.'  The  commandments,  too,  are  of  two 
kinds,  either  causing  something  to  be  done,  which 
was  not  done  before,  or  making  something  known 
which  was  not  known  before.  Of  the  former  kind 
are  all  those  commandments  occurring  in  the  prac- 

1  Rig-veda-bhashya,  p.  11. 


BKAHMANAS.  343 

tical  part,  such  as,  f  At  the  Dikshaniya  ceremony  he 
presents  a  purodasa  oblation  to  Agni  and  Vishnu.' 
Of  the  latter  kind  are  all  philosophical  passages, 
such  as,  '  Self  was  all  this  alone  in  the  beginning.' 

"  But  how  can  it  be  said,"  Sayana  goes  on,  "  that 
the  Veda  consists  of  Mantras  and  Brahmanas,  as  the 
essential  qualities  neither  of  the  one  nor  of  the  other 
part  can  be  satisfactorily  defined  ?  For  if  it  be  said 
that  a  Mantra  alludes  to  those  things  which  are  com- 
manded, this  definition  would  not  comprehend  all 
Mantras,  because  there  are  some  which  are  them- 
selves commandments,  as,  for  instance,  c  He  takes 
Kapinjalas  for  the  Spring.'  Again,  if  it  be  said  that 
a  Mantra  is  what  makes  one  think  (man,  to  think), 
this  definition  would  comprehend  the  Brahmanas 
also.  Other  definitions  have  been  given,  that  a  Mantra 
ends  with  the  word  '  thou  art,'  or  that  it  ends  with 
the  first  person  plural ;  but  none  of  these  definitions 
can  be  considered  as  exhaustive.  The  only  means, 
then,  by  which  Mantras  can  be  distinguished  from 
Brahmanas  lies  in  their  general  sacrificial  appellation, 
which  comprehends  the  most  different  things  under 
the  one  common  name  of  Mantras.  There  are  some 
recording  the  performance  of  sacrifices;  some  contain 
praises,  some  end  with  the  word  thee  (tva),  some  are 
invocations,  some  are  directions,  some  contain  deliber- 
ations, some  contain  complaints,  some  are  questions, 
some  are  answers,  &c.  All  these  attributes  are  so 
heterogeneous,  that  none  of  them  can  be  used  for  a 
definition.  Knowing,  however,  that  the  Veda  consists 
only  of  two  parts,  we  may  say  that  whatever  does  not 
come  under  the  name  of  Mantra  is  Brahmana,  whether 
it  contain  reasons,  explanations,  censures,  recommen- 
dations, doubts,  commandments,  relations,  old  stories, 

z  4 


344  BRAHMAN  AS. 

or  particular  determinations.  Not  one  of  these  sub- 
jects belongs  to  the  Brahmanas  exclusively,  but  they 
occur  more  or  less  frequently  in  the  Mantras  also,  and 
could  therefore  not  be  used  as  definitions  of  the  Brah- 
manas. The  same  objection  applies  to  all  other  defi- 
nitions which  have  been  attempted.  Some  have  said 
that  the  frequent  occurrence  of  the  particle  iti  (thus) 
constitutes  a  Brahmana  ;  others,  that  a  Brahmana 
closes  with  the  words  itydha  (thus  he  said) ;  others 
that  a  Brahmana  contains  stories,  &c. ;  but  all  this 
would  apply  with  equal  force  to  some  of  the  Man- 
tras. The  only  division  therefore  of  the  Yeda  that 
holds  good  consists  in  comprehending  one  part  under 
the  old  traditional  appellation  of  Mantra,  and  con- 
sidering all  the  rest  as  Brahmanas. 

"But  it  might  be  objected,"  Sayana continues, "that 
for  instance  in  the  chapter  on  the  Brahmayajna,  other 
parts  of  the  Veda  are  mentioned  besides  the  Brahma- 
nas and  Mantras,  under  the  title  of  Itihasas,  (epic 
stories)  Puranas  (cosmogonic  stories),  Kalpas  (cere- 
monial rules),  Gathas  (songs),  Narasansis,  (heroic 
poems).  This  however  would  be  the  same  mistake, 
as  if  we  should  place  a  Brahman  coordinate  with  a 
Brahman  who  is  a  mendicant.  For  all  these  titles, 
like  Itihasa,  &c,  apply  only  to  subdivisions  of  the 
Brahmanas.  Thus,  passages  from  the  Brahmanas, 
like  l  The  gods  and  the  Asuras  were  fighting,'  &c., 
would  be  called  Itihasas ;  other  passages  like  c  In  the 
beginning  there  was  nothing,'  would  be  called  Pura- 
nas; therefore  we  may  safely  say,  that  the  Veda 
consists  of  two  parts  only,  of  Mantras  and  Brah- 
manas" l 

1  According  to  Madhusiidana's  view,  the  Brahmanas  consist  of 
three  pares  ;  of  commandments,  additional  explanations,  and  Ve- 


BRAHMANAS.  345 

If  after  these  not  very  satisfactory  definitions  of 
what  a  Brahmana  is,  and  how  it  differs  from  a 
Mantra,  we  turn  to  the  Brahmanas  themselves,  such 
as  we  possess  them  in  MS.,  we  find  that  their  number 
is  much  smaller  than  we  should  have  expected. 

If  every  Sakha  consisted  of  a  Sanhita  and  a  Brah- 
mana, the  number  of  the  old  Brahmanas  must  have 
been  very  considerable.  It  must  not  be  supposed,  how- 
ever, that  the  Brahmanas  which  belonged  to  different 
Sakhas,  were  works  composed  independently  by  dif- 
ferent authors.  On  the  contrary,  as  the  Sanhitas  of 
different  Sakhas  were  nothing  but  different  recensions 
of  one  and  the  same  original  collection  of  hymns,  and 
could  be  distinguished  from  each  other  only  by  a  number 
of  authorised  varies  lectiones  or  by  the  addition  and 
omission  of  certain  hymns,  the  Brahmanas  also,  which 
were  adopted  by  different  Charanas  of  the  same  Veda, 
must  be  considered  not  as  so  many  independent 
works,  but  in  most  instances  as  different  recensions 
of  one  and  the  same  original.  There  was  originally 
but  one  body  of  Brahmanas  for  each  of  the  three 
Yedas ;  for  the  Rig-veda,  the  Brabmanas  of  the 
Bahvrichas,  for  the  Sama-veda  the  Brahmanas  of  the 
Chhandogas,  and  for  the  Yajur-veda  in  its  two  forms, 
the  Brahmanas  of  the  Taittiriyas,  and  the  Satapatha- 
brahmana.  These  works  were  not  written  in  metre, 
like  the  Sanhitas,  and  were  therefore  more  exposed  to 

danta  doctrines,  the  latter  being  more  particularly  represented  by 
theUpanishads.  The  sameauthor  speaks  of  four  classes  of  command- 
ments. "  A  commandment  may  consist,"  he  says,  "either  in  a  sim- 
ple definition  ('the  oblation  to  Agni  is  given  in  eight  cups,') ;  or  it 
may  include  the  aim  ('he  who  wishes  for  life  in  heaven  may 
perform  the  sacrifices  of  the  new  and  full  moon ') ;  or  it  may 
detail  the  means  by  which  the  sacrifice  is  performed  ('let  him 
sacrifice  with  rice ') ;  or  it  may  contain  all  this  together." 


346  BRAHMANAS   OF   THE   BAHVRICHAS. 

alteration  in  the  course  of  a  long  continued  oral  tra- 
dition. 

We  possess  the  Brahmana  of  the  Bahvrichas,  in  the 
iSakhas  of  the  Aitareyins  and  the  Kaushitakins.  The 
various  readings  of  other  Sakhas,  quoted  by  the 
commentator  on  the  Aitareya-brahmana,  show  evi- 
dently that  there  were  other  Sakhas  of  the  Bahvri- 
chas, which  differed  but  little  in  the  wording  of 
their  Brahmanas.  But  even  the  Brahmana  of  the 
Kaushitakins  which  has  been  preserved  to  us  as 
a  distinct  work,  different  from  the  Brahmana  of  the 
Aitareyins,  can  only  be  considered  as  a  branch  of 
the  original  stock  of  Brahmana  literature,  current 
among  the  Bahvrichas.  Its  arrangement  differs  con- 
siderably from  that  of  the  Aitareya-brahmana.  The 
sacrifice  described  in  the  beginning  of  the  Aitareya- 
brahmana  forms  the  seventh  Adhyaya  of  the  Kaushi- 
taki-brahmana1,  and  most  of  the  other  sacrifices  are 
equally  displaced.  Others  which  are  discussed  in 
the  Aitareya-brahmana  are  altogether  wanting  in  the 
Kaushitaki-brahmana,  and  must  be  supplied  from  the 
Sutras  of  the  6ankhayana-sakha,  a  subdivision  of  the 
Kaushitakins.  But  whenever  parallel  passages  occur, 
it  becomes  clear  that  the  coincidences  in  the  descrip- 
tion of  sacrifices  and  the  wording  of  legends  cannot 
be  accidental. 

Most  of  the  Brabmanas  which  are  left  to  us  are 
collective  works.  A  tradition  has  been  preserved  in 
confirmation  of  this  fact.      The  Brahmana  of  the 

1  Aitareya-br.  i.  1.   ^rftjcf  \tRT*TWI"  f^K    *PC^*>  &c- 

Kaush.-br.  vii.  i.  ^rt^l  \^T^rra=i <  i ^1  f^:  ^rgh, 

&c.  Ait  -brahra.  ii.  2.  =  Kaush.-br.  x.  2. ;  ii.  6.  =  x.  4.  (&ankh.- 
sutra,  v.  17.)  ;  ii.  3.=xii.  1. 


BRAHMANAS  OF  THE  CHHANDOGAS.      347 

Taittiriyas,  in  the  Sakhas  both  of  the  Apastambiyas 
and  the  Atreyas,  contains  some  portions  which  bear 
the  name  of  Katha,  and  were  formerly  the  property  of 
his  followers.  The  component  parts  are  frequently 
called  Brahmanas,  instead  of  chapters  or  sections. 
The  same  applies  to  the  Aranyakas  and  Upanishads. 
In  some  cases,  these  smaller  Brahmanas  are  quoted 
by  their  special  titles1 ;  and  in  their  collected  form 
they  are  handed  down,  not  always  by  the  name  of  the 
Charana  by  which  they  were  adopted,  but  more  fre- 
quently by  that  of  the  Charana  in  which  their  original 
collection  took  place.  Thus  the  Aitareya-brahmana, 
though  adopted  by  the  Asvalayamyas,  is  more  fre- 
quently quoted  by  its  original  name  than  by  that  of 
Asvalayana-brahmana.2  The  Brahmana  of  Kaushi- 
takin  or  the  Kaushitakins  is  more  usually  referred 
to  by  this  name  than  by  that  of  the  later  Charana  of 
the  Sankhayanas. 

In  the  Brahmana  of  the  Chhandogas  it  is  evident 
that,  after  the  principal  collection  was  finished  (called 
the  praudha  or  panchavinsa-brahmana,  i.  e.  consisting 
of  twenty-five  sections),  a  twenty-sixth  Brahmana 
was  added  which  is  known  by  the  name  of  Shadvinsa- 
brahmana.  This  Brahmana  together  with  the  Ad- 
bhuta-brahmana  must  be  of  very  modern  date.     It 

1  Maitreyi-brahmana  is  the  title  given  to  that  portion  of  the 
Brihadaranyaka  which  contains  the  dialogue  between  Yajnavalkya 
and  Maitreyi.  The  Saulabhani  brahrnanani,  quoted  by  Asvala- 
yana  and  Panini  as  modern  compositions,  may  refer  to  sections  con- 
taining a  dialogue  similar  to  that  between  Janaka  and  Sulabha, 
which  exists  in  the  Mahabharata,  III.  v.  11,854,  Cf.  Lasso  a,  Jnd. 
Alterth.  xv.  note.  According  to  Panini,  however,  they  ought  to  be 
taken  as  Brahmanas  composed  by  Sulabha. 

2  Quoted  as  such  by  Yajnikadeva  on  Katy.  2.  5.  IS. ;  6.  6.  25. 
Weber,  Ind.  Stud.  i.  230. 


348  brIiimanas  of  the  chhandogas. 

mentions  not  only  temples  (Devayatanani),but  images 
of  gods  (daivata-pratima)   which  are  said  to  laugh, 
to  cry,  to  sing,  to  dance,  to  burst,  to  sweat,  and  to 
twinkle.      These  two  have  long  been  supposed  to  be 
the  only  Brahmanas  of  the   Chhandogas,   and  they 
constitute,  no  doubt,  the  most  important  part  of  that 
class  of  literature.     It  is  curious,  however,  that  when- 
ever the  Brahmanas  of  the  Chhandogas  are  quoted, 
their  number  is  invariably  fixed  at  eight.     Kumarila 
Bhatta,  i.  31,  says,  "in  the  eight  Brahmanas,  together 
with  the  Upanishads,  which  the  Chhandogas  read,  no 
single  accent  is  fixed."     Still  more  explicit  is  a  state- 
ment by  Sayana  which  I  quoted  in  the  introduction 
to  the  first  volume  of  my  edition  of  the  Rig-veda.2 
Here  Sayana  says:  "There  are  eight  Brahmanas ;  the 
Praudha  is  the  first,  (this  means  the  large  Brahmana, 
or   the  Panchavinsa) ;   the  one  called  Shadvinsa  or 
Shadvinsad-brahmana,  is  the  second;  then  follows  the 
Samavidhi;  then  the  Arsheya-brahmana,  the  Devata- 
dhyaya-brahmana,  and  the  Upanishad.  These  with  the 
Sanhitopanishad  and  the  Yansa  are  called  the  eight 
books."     Of  these  the   Samavidhana-brahmana  was 
well  known,  the  very  quotation  of  Sayana  being  taken 
from  his  commentary  on  this  very  curious  work.     It 
might  have  been  difficult,  however,   to  identify  the 
other  five  works  if  there  had  not  been  among  the 
MSS.   of  Professor  Wilson's  collection  at  the  Bod- 
leian Library,  one  (No.  451)  containing  four  of  these 
small  tracts,  the  Sanhitopanishadam-brahmanam,  the 
Devatadhyayah,     the    Vansa-brahmanam,    and    the 

1  Brahmanani  hi  yany  ashtau  sarahasyany  adhiyate  Chhandogas 
teshu  sarveshu  na  kaschin  niyatah  svarah. 

2  P.  xxvii.  note. 


BRAIIMANAS    OF    THE   VAJASANEYINS.  349 

Arsheya-brahmanam.1  The  only  Brahmana,  there- 
fore, on  which  any  doubt  could  remain,  was  the 
Upanishad,  and  here  we  shall  probably  not  be  wrong 
if  we  adopt  one  of  Professor  Weber's  less  bold 
conjectures,  that  Sayana  intended  this  for  the  Chhan- 
dogya- upanishad.2  With  the  exception  of  this  and 
the  Samavidhana,  which  contains  most  important  in- 
formation on  questions  connected  with  Achara  or  cus- 
toms, all  the  other  tracts  are  of  comparatively  small 
importance. 

It  is  in  the  !§atapatha-brahmana,  however,  that  we 
can  best  observe  the  gradual  accumulation  of  various 
theological  and  ceremonial  tracts  which  were  to  form 
the  sacred  code  of  a  new  Charana.  The  text  of  this 
work  has  been  edited  by  Professor  Weber,  and  we 
can  likewise  avail  ourselves  of  several  essays  on  this 
branch  of  Vedic  literature,  published  from  time  to 
time  by  that  industrious  scholar.  According  to  In- 
dian traditions,  Yajnavalkya  Vajasaneya,  the  founder 
of  the  new  Charana  of  the  Vajasaneyins  is  himself, 
if  not  the  author,  at  least  the  first  who  proclaimed 
the  Sanhita  and  Brahmana  of  the  Vajasaneyins.  We 
can  see  clearly  that  the  composition  of  both  the  San- 
hita and  Brahmana  was  guided  by  the  same  spirit, 
and  it  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  in  this,  the  most 
modern  of  all  Yedas,  the  final  arrangement  of  the 
Sanhita  may  have  been  contemporaneous  with,  or 
even  later  than,  the  composition  of  the  Brahmana. 

First  of  all,  it  ought  to  be  remarked  that  the  story 

1  See  also  "A  Catalogue  Raisonee  (sic)  of  Oriental  Manuscripts 
in  the  Library  of  the  late  College  Fort  St.  George,"  by  the  Rev. 
W.  Taylor,  Madras,  1857,  p.  69. 

2  The  Vansa-brahmana  has  lately  been  printed,  with  some 
valuable  remarks,  by  Prof.  A.  Weber,  Ind.  Stud.  iv.  371. 


350  BRAIIMANAS   OF   THE    VAJASANEYINS. 

which  has  been  preserved  by  tradition  of  the  schism 
introduced  by  Yajnavalkya  among  the  followers  of 
the  Adhvaryu  or  Yajur-veda  is  confirmed  by  internal 
evidence.  The  general  name  of  the  ancient  iSakhas 
of  the  Yajur-veda  is  Charaka,  and  the  Taittiriyas, 
therefore,  together  with  the  Kathas,  and  others  are 
called  by  a  general  name,  Charaka-sakhas.  This  name 
Charaka  is  used  in  one  of  the  Khilas  of  the  Ya- 
jasaneyi-sanhita  as  a  term  of  reproach.  In  the 
30th  Adhyaya  a  list  of  people  is  given  who  are 
to  be  sacrificed  at  the  Purushamedha,  and  among 
them  we  find  the  Charakacharya,  the  teacher  of  the 
Charakas,  as  the  proper  victim  to  be  offered  to  Dush- 
krita  or  Sin.  This  passage,  together  with  similar 
hostile  expressions  in  the  Satapatha-brahmana,  were 
evidently  dictated  by  a  feeling  of  animosity  against 
the  ancient  schools  of  the  Adhvaryus,  whose  sacred 
texts  we  possess  in  the  Taittiriya-veda,  and  from 
whom  Yajnavalkya  seceded  in  order  to  become  him- 
self the  founder  of  the  new  Charanas  of  the  Vajasa- 
neyins. 

If  we  compare  the  Sanhita  and  Brahmana  of  the 
Yajasaneyins  with  those  of  the  Charakas,  we  see  that 
the  order  of  the  sacrifices  is  on  the  whole  the  same, 
and  that  the  chief  difference  between  the  two  consists 
in  the  division  of  Mantras  and  Brahmanas,  which  is 
carried  out  more  strictly  by  Yajnavalkya  than  in  the 
ancient  text  of  the  Taittiriyas.  This  was  most  likely 
the  reason  why  the  text  of  Yajnavalkya  was  called 
Sukla  Yajur-veda,  which  is  generally  translated  by 
the  White  Yajur-veda.  But  some  commentators  ex- 
plain iSukla  more  correctly  by  suddha1,  and  translate 

1  Dvivrdaganga  explains   SpftTf^T   ^*ff%  b7  3J^Tf%  ^H5T 


CODE    OF   THE   TAITTmiYAS.  351 

it  by  "cleared,"  because  in  this  new  text  the  Mantras 
had  been  cleared  and  separated  from  the  Brahmanas, 
and  thus  the  whole  had  been  rendered  more  lucid 
and  intelligible.  In  opposition  to  this  they  suppose 
that  the  old  text  was  called  Krishna  or  dark,  because 
in  it  the  verses  and  rules  are  mixed  together,  and 
less  intelligible;  or  because,  as  Vidyaranya  says,  it 
contained  the  rules  of  the  Hotri  as  well  as  of  the 
Adhvaryu  priests,  and  thus  bewildered  the  mind  of 
the  student.1 

It  was  in  the  nature  of  the  duties  which  the 
Adhvaryus  had  to  perform  at  the  sacrifices,  that 
their  hymns  and  invocations  could  hardly  be  sepa- 
rated from  the  rules  (vidhi),  contained  in  the  Brah- 
manas. It  was  not  a  mere  accident  therefore  that  in 
the  Yeda  of  the  ancient  Adhvaryus  the  hymns  and  rules 
were  mixed  up,  and  it  must  be  considered  as  a  mere 
innovation  if  what  is  now  called  the  Sanhita  of  the 
Black  Yajur-veda  is  distinguished  by  this  name  from 
the  Brahmana,  which  in  reality  is  a  continuation  of 
the  same  work.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  it  was  the  very 
wish  to  have,  like  the  Bahvrichas  and  Chhandogas,  a 
Sanhita,  i.  e.  a  collection  of  hymns  distinct  from  the  ce- 
remonial rules,  which  led  to  the  secession  of  the  Vaja- 
saneyins,  and,  by  a  kind  of  reaction,  to  the  absurd  adop- 
tion of  the  titles  of  Sanhita  and  Brahmana  among 
the  Taittiriyas.  In  the  new  code  of  the  Vajasaneyins 
the  most  important  part  was  nevertheless  the  Brah- 
mana, the  Sanhita  being  a  mere  collection  of  verses, 

makrishna's  Sanskaraganapati.     Weber,  Ind.  Stud.  i.  27.  84. 


352  CODE    OF   THE   TAITTIKIYAS. 

extracted  and  collected  for  the  convenience  of  the 
officiating  priest.  The  differences  in  the  text  of  these 
verses  and  formulas  would  be  marked  in  the  Brah- 
mana, and  transferred  from  the  Brahmana  into  the 
SanhitA.  This  is,  therefore,  the  very  opposite  of  what 
happened  with  the  text  of  the  Sanhit&  and  Brah- 
mana of  the  Bahvrichas.  Here  the  Sanhita  existed 
long  before  the  Brahmana,  and  it  had  diverged  into 
different  Sakhas,  before  the  Brahmana  of  the  Aita- 
reyins  was  composed.  The  Vajasaneyi-sanhita  may 
possibly  represent  various  readings  which  existed  in 
the  ISakhas  of  the  Taittiriyas ;  but  these  verses  were 
collected  and  formed  into  a  Sanhita  only  as  an  ap- 
pendix to  the  Satapatha  brahmana,  the  real  code  of 
the  Yajasaneyins.  Where  the  sacrificial  invocations  of 
the  Yajasaneyins  differ  from  those  of  the  Taittiriyas, 
we  ought  to  recognise  in  those  differences  the  last  traces 
of  Sakhas  which  existed  previous  to  the  establishment 
of  the  Vajasaneyins.  In  the  beginning,  for  instance, 
of  the  Darsa-purnamasa  sacrifice,  the  Adhvaryu 
priest,  having  called  the  cows  and  calves  together, 
has  to  touch  the  calves  with  a  branch.  This  act  of 
the  sacrifice  was  originally  accompanied  by  the  words 
"  vayava  stha,  upayava  stha,"  "  you  are  like  the 
winds,"  —  and  the  whole  ceremony,  together  with 
these  invocations,  is  contained  in  the  Taittiriya- 
sanhita.  In  the  Madhyandina-sakha,  on  the  con- 
trary, not  only  are  the  words  "  upayava  stha  " 
omitted  in  the  Sanhita,  but  a  distinct  warning  is 
given  in  the  Brahmana  not  to  use  these  words,  be- 
longing to  a  different  Sakha.1 

1  Cf.  Sayana,  Rig-veda-bliashya,  p.  12.;  &atapatha-brahmana, 


BRAHMANAS  OF   THE    VAJASANEYINS.  353 

A  comparison  of  the  texts  of  the  Taittiriyas  and 
Vajasaneyins  shows  that  it  would  be  a  mistake  to 
call  Yajnavalkya  the  author,  in  our  sense  of  the 
word,  of  the  Yajasaneyi-sanhita  and  the  Satapatha- 
brahmana.  But  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
it  was  Yajnavalkya  who  brought  the  ancient  Man- 
tras and  Brahmanas  into  their  present  form,  and, 
considering  the  differences  between  the  old  and  new 
text,  we  must  admit  that  he  had  a  greater  right 
to  be  called  an  author  than  the  founders  of  the 
Charanas  of  other  Yedas  whose  texts  we  possess. 
In  this  sense,  Katyayana  says,  in  his  Anukramani, 
that  Yajnavalkya  received  the  Yajur-veda  from  the 
Sun.1  In  the  same  sense  the  Satapatha-brahmana 
ends  with  the  assertion  that  the  White  Yajur-veda  was 
proclaimed  by  Yajnavalkya  Vajasaneya2 ;  and  in  the 
same  sense  P&nini,  or  rather  his  editor,  says  in  the 
first  Varttika  to  iv.  3.  105.  that  there  were  modern 

Rrn^tS^rftf^  ff^  fTST  T  ^^rnrTjl  In  the  commentary 
on  Baudhayana's  Sutras,  a  passage  from  a  Brahmana  is  quoted, 
which  may  have  belonged  to  the  Baudhayanlya-sakha.   X^f   ^M% 

TJT^n^lf^r  II  The  Baudhayana-siitras  enjoin  the  first  sentence  for 
male  calves,  the  second  for  female  ones,  ^T^  ^f^f  Tfaj  ^W^T 

^wttw^ii 

A  A 


354  BRAHMANAS   OF   THE   VAJASANEYINS. 

Brahmanas  proclaimed  by  Yajnavalkya,  and  that 
their  title  differed  by  its  formation  from  the  title 
given  to  more  ancient  Brahmanas.  At  the  time  when 
these  titles  were  framed  Yajnavalkya  was  still  alive ; 
and  his  work,  therefore,  was  not  yet  considered  as  one 
handed  down  by  tradition  through  several  genera- 
tions. There  might  seem  to  be  some  difficulty  in 
making  Yajnavalkya  the  author  or  editor  of  the 
whole  Yajur-veda,  because  there  are  several  portions 
of  the  Brahmana  where  Yajnavalkya  himself  is  intro- 
duced as  one  of  the  chief  interlocutors,  so  much  so 
that  part  of  the  Brihadaranyaka,  the  last  book  of  the 
datapath a-brahmana,  is  designated  by  the  name  of 
Yajnavalkiyam  kandam.  But  similar  instances  occur 
in  several  of  the  traditional  works  of  the  Brahmans, 
and  in  this  case  the  decided  traces  of  a  later  origin 
which  are  to  be  found  in  the  Brihadaranyaka,  would 
justify  us  in  supposing  that  these  portions  were 
added  after  Yajnavalkya's  decease,  particularly  as  it 
is  called  Yajnavalkiya,  not  Yajnavalkya-kanda.1 

That  Yajnavalkya,  though  deserting  the  Charakas, 
derived  great  advantage  from  their  Yeda,  is  seen  at 
once  by  the  whole  arrangement  of  his  work.  I  give 
a  list  of  the  various  subjects'  treated  in  the  Yajasa- 
neyi-sanhita,  according  to  Mahidhara.  The  Sanhita 
of  the  Yajasaneyins  begins  with 
The  Darsapurnamasamantras,  Adhyaya,  i. — ii.  28. 

Then  follow':— 
Pitriyajnamantras,  ii.  29  —  34. 
Agnyadheyamantras,  iii.  1  —  8. 
Agnihotram,  iii.  9  — 10. 
Agnyupasthanam,  iii.  11  —  43. 

1  See  Pan.  v.  4.  105,  on  the  purport  of  this  difference. 


BRAHMANAS   OF   THE   VAJASANEYINS.  355 

Chaturmasyani,  iii.  44  —  63. 

Soma.     Agnishtomas,  iv.  1 — viii.  23. 
Salapravesas,  iv.  1  —  37. 
Atithyeshtau    havirgrahanadimantras,     (yupanirma- 

nara),  v.  1 — fin. 
Yiipasanskara  (agnishomiyapasu)  -somabhishavaman- 

tras,  vi.  1 — fin. 
Grahagrahanamantras    (upansvadi-pradananta),    vii. 

1— fin.     ^ 
Tritiyasavanagata  adityagrahadimantras,  viii.  1 — 23. 
Prasangikas,  viii.  24 —  63. 
Yajapeyas,  ix.  1  —  34. 
Rajasuyas,  ix.  35 — 40. 
Rajasuya  abhishekarthajaladanadirajasuyaseshas,  Cha- 

rakasautramani  cha,  x.  1 — fin. 

Agnichayanam,  ix.  —  xviii. 
Ukhasambharanadimantras,  xi. 
Ukhadharana,  garhapatyachayana,    kshetrakarshana, 

aushadhavapanadi,  xii. 
Pushkaraparnadyupadhanamantras  (prathama  chitih), 

xiii. 
Dvitiyadichititrayam,  xiv. 
Panchamachitih,  xv. 
iSatarudriyakhyahomamantras,  xvi. 
Chityaparishekadimantras,  xvii. 
Vasordharadimantras,  xviii. 

Sautrdman%  xix. — xxi. 
Suradindrabhishekantam,  xix. 
Sekasandyadi-hautrantam,  xx. 
Yajyadi-preshanantam,  xxi. 

Asvamedhas,  xxii. — xxv. 
Homamantras,  xxii. 
Sishtam  asvamedhikam,  xxiii.1 

1  According  to  the  forty-eighth  Atharvaparisishta,  the  thirty* 

aa  2 


356  BRAHMANAS   OF   THE   VAJASANEYINS. 

Srutirupamantra  asvamedhikanam  pasunam,  xxiv. 

Khildni,  xxvi. — xxxv. 
Anuktamantrakathanam,  xxvi. 
Panchachitikamantras,  xxvii. 
Sautramanisambandhiprayajanuyajapraishanirupa- 

nam,  xxviii. 
Sishtasvamedhamantras,  xxix. 
Purushamedhas,  xxx — xxxi. 
Sarvamedhas,  xxxii.  —  xxxiii.  54. 
Brahmayajnas,  xxxiii.  55 — xxxiv.  fin. 
Pitrimedhas,  xxxv. 

Suhriyam  (panchadhy&yi),  xxxvi. — xl.1 
Pravargya  Santipathas,  xxxvi. 
Abhryadi-rauhinantam,  xxxvii. 
Mahaviraniriipanam,  xxxviii. 
Gharmadinishkritis,  lxi. 

Jndnakdndam,  xl. 

According  to  this  list  the  Vajasaneyi-sanhita  may 
be  divided  into  different  sections.  The  first  section 
comprises  the  Darsapurnamasa,  &c,  i. — iii. ;  the 
second  the  Soma  sacrifices,  iv. — x. ;  the  third  the 
Agnichayanas,  xi. — xviii. 

These  eighteen  Adhyayas,  which  correspond  to 
the  Taittiriya-sanhita,  are  explained  in  the  first 
nine  books  of  the  Satapatha-brahmana  and  the  first 
eighteen  chapters  of  Katyayana's  Sutras.  They  form, 
no  doubt,  the  most  important  part  of  the  Adhvaryu- 
veda,  but  there  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  they  ever 
existed  in  a  separate  form.  It  has  been  well  re- 
second  verse  of  the  twenty-third  Adhyaya  would.be  the  last  verse 
of  the  Sanhita.     See  Weber,  Ind.  Stud.  iv.  p.  432. 

1  According  to  the  Mitakshara  commentary  on  Yajnavalkya's 
Dharma-sastra,  xxxvi.  1.  forms  the  beginning  of  an  Aranyaka. 
Weber,  Vorlesungen,  p.  103. 


BRAHMANAS   OF   THE   VAJASANEYINS.  357 

marked,  however,  by  the  editor  of  the  Satapatha- 
brahmana,  that  the  first  nine  books  consist  altogether 
of  sixty  Adhyayas1,  and  that  the  name  of  Shashti- 
patha,  the  Sixty  Paths,  which  is  mentioned  in  the 
V&rttika  to  Pan.  iv.  2.  60.,  may  refer  to  this  portion, 
whereas  the  whole  Brahmana,  consisting  of  one  hun- 
dred Adhyayas,  received  the  title  of  Satapatha,  the 
Hundred  Paths. 

The  Sautramani  ceremony,  which  begins  with  the 
19th  Adhyaya,  has  nothing  corresponding  to  it  in  the 
Taittiriya-sanhita,  but,  like  the  following  sacrifices, 
it  has  been  incorporated  in  the  Taittiriya-brahmana. 
There  is  a  difference  also  in  the  treatment  which 
this  sacrifice  receives  in  the  Satapatha-brahmana. 
Adhyaya  xix.  and  xx.  are  indeed  explained  there, 
in  the  12th  book,  but  they  do  not  receive  the  same 
careful  explanation  which  was  given  to  the  preceding 
sacrifices.  The  last  Adhyaya,  containing  verses  of 
the  Hotri,  is  not  explained  at  all.  K&tyayana  treats 
these  three  Adhyayas  in  the  19th  book  of  his  Sutras. 

The  Asvamedha,  which  fills  Books  xxii.  —  xxv.  of 
the  Vajasaneyi-sanhita,  is  but  partially  contained  in 
the  Taittiriya-sanhita;  and  the  Satapatha  also,  though 
it  devotes  to  this  ceremony  a  considerable  part  of  the 
13th  book,  treats  it  in  a  much  more  superficial  manner 
than  the  former  sacrifices.  Katyayana  explains  it  in 
his  20th  book. 

1  A  similar  ingenious  remark  has  been  made  by  the  same 
savant  with  regard  to  the  Aitareya  and  Kaushitaki,  or,  as  he  calls 
it,  6aukhayana-brahmana.  The  former  consists  of  forty,  the  latter 
of  thirty  Adhyayas,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  rule  in  Panini, 
v.  1.  62,  how  to  form  the  names  of  Brahmanas,  consisting  of 
thirty  and  forty  Adhyayas,  had  special  reference  to  these  works. 
The  names  are  "trainsani  and  chatvarinsani  brahraanani;"  the 
explanation,  "trinsad  adhyayah  parimanam  esham  brahmananam." 


358  BRAHMANAS    OF    THE   VAJASANEYINS. 

The  Adhyayas,  which  follow  the  Asvamedha,  are 
distinctly  called  Khilas  or  supplements  by  Katyayana. 
They  are  relegated  to  the  Brahmana  by  the  Taitti- 
riyas, and  explained  with  less  detail  in  the  oatapatha- 
brahmana.  Adhyaya  xxvi — xxix.  contain  some 
hymns  belonging  to  sacrifices  previously  explained, 
and  they  are  passed  over  entirely  by  the  Satapatha- 
brahmana  and  by  Katyayana.  Adhyaya  xxx.  and 
xxxi.  contain  the  Purushamedha,  which  the  Taitti- 
riyas  treat  in  their  Brahmana.  The  Satapatha-brah- 
mana  devotes  but  a  short  space  to  it  in  its  13th  book, 
and  Katyayana  explains  Adhyaya  xxxi.  in  his  21st 
book. 

The  ceremonies  comprised  in  the  three  following 
Adhyayas,  xxxii.  to  xxxiv.,  Sarvamedha  and  Brahma- 
yajna,  are  passed  over  by  the  Satapatha-brahmana 
and  Katyayana.  The  Taittiriyas  allow  them  no 
place  in  their  Brahmana,  but  include  them  in  their 
Aranyaka. 

The  Pitrimedha  which  follows  in  the  xxxvth 
Adhyaya,  finds  its  place  in  the  Brahmana  of  the 
Taittiriyas.  The  oatapatha  and  Katyayana  explain 
it,  the  former  in  the  13th,  the  latter  in  the  21st  book. 

The   Sukriya   portion  of    the  Vajasaneyi-sanhita, 

xxxvi xl.,  is  excluded  from  the  Brahmana  of  the 

Taittiriyas,  and  treated  in  their  Aranyaka.  The  Sa- 
tapatha-brahmana  explains  three  of  these  Adhyayas, 
xxxvii. — xxxix.,  in  full  detail  in  its  17th  Kanda,  and 
Katyayana  devotes  to  them  the  Sutras  of  his  last  book. 

Those  who  only  take  into  account  the  general  object 
of  the  Satapatha-brahmana,  have  called  it  a  running 
commentary  on  the  Yajasaneyi-sanhita.  But  this  ap- 
plies strictly  to  the  first  nine  books  only,  and  with 
the  tenth  book  the  Brahmana  assumes  a  new  and  more 


BRAHMANAS    OF   THE    VAJASANEYINS.  359 

independent  character.  The  tenth  book  is  called  the 
Agnirahasyam,  the  mystery  of  the  fire,  and  it  refers 
to  no  particular  portion  of  the  Sanhita,  but  enlarges 
on  the  ceremonies  which  have  been  described  in  the 
four  preceding  books.  Towards  the  end  (x.  4.  6.), 
it  contains  two  chapters,  which,  in  the  Kanvasakha, 
form  the  beginning  of  the  Brihadaranyaka-upanishad, 
and  are  there  followed  by  the  Madhu-kanda,  the  Ya- 
jnavalkiya-kanda,  and  Khila-kanda  of  the  14th  book  of 
the  Madhyandina-sakha.  The  tenth  book  or  Agnira- 
hasyam closes  with  its  own  genealogy  or  Vansa. 

With  the  11th  book  begins,  according  to  Sayana, 
the  second  part  of  the  oatapatha-brahmana.  It  is 
called  Ashtadhyayi,  and  gives  additional  information 
on  all  the  sacrifices  mentioned  before,  beginning  with 
the  Agnyadhana. 

The  12th  book,  which  is  called  Sautramani,  treats 
of  prayaschitta,  or  penance  in  general,  and  it  is  only 
in  its  last  portion  that  it  refers  to  the  text  of  the 
Sanhita,  and  to  that  ceremony  in  particular  from 
which  it  has  derived  its  name.  Besides  this  name  of 
Sautramani,  the  12th  book  is  also  known  by  the  name 
of  Madhyama  or  the  middle  book,  and  this  title  can 
only  be  explained  if  we  begin  the  second  part  of  the 
Satapatha,  not,  as  Sayana  suggests,  with  the  11th, 
but  with  the  10th  book. 

The  13th  book  is  chiefly  concerned  with  the  Asva- 
medha,  and  its  first  three  Adhyayas  may  again  be 
considered  as  a  kind  of  commentary  on  the  Sanhita. 
Towards  the  end  some  sacrifices,  beginning  with  the 
Purushamedha,  which  the  Sanhita  treats  in  its  Khila 
portion,  are  explained,  but  other  ceremonies  also  are 
mentioned,  for  which  there  is  no  precedent  in  the 
Sanhita.     The  Brihadaranyaka,  the  last  book  of  the 

A  A  4 


360      ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  BRAHMANAS. 

Satapatha,  contains  in  its  first  three  Adhyayas,  a 
close  commentary  on  the  Pravargya  of  the  Sanhita, 
but  becomes  quite  independent  afterwards.  Its  ob- 
ject is  no  longer  the  sacrifice,  but  the  knowledge  of 
Brahman,  without  any  particular  reference,  however, 
to  the  last  Adhyaya  of  the  Sanhita,  which,  as  we  saw, 
was  equally  devoted  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Upanishads. 
It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  the  iSatapatha-brahmana 
was  not  simply  a  running  commentary  on  the  San- 
hita ;  nay  there  is  nothing  to  prove  that  the  hymn- 
book  of  the  Vajasaneyins  existed  previous  to  their 
Brahmana.  The  Satapatha-brahmana  may  have  been 
edited  by  Yajnavalkya,  but  its  component  parts,  like 
the  component  parts  of  the  other  Brahmanas,  must 
have  been  growing  up  during  a  long  period  of  time 
in  different  localities  before  they  were  collected.  The 
collection  of  ancient  *Brahmanas  must  always  have 
been  the  work  of  individual  teachers,  and  their  Brah- 
manas, in  their  new  and  complete  form,  were  at  first 
the  exclusive  property  of  that  one  Charana  to 
which  the  collectors  belonged,  or  of  which  they  became 
the  founders.  Afterwards  these  collective  Brahmanas 
were  adopted  by  the  members  of  other  Charanas, 
who  either  added  some  chapters  of  their  own,  or 
introduced  certain  modifications,  by  which  we  now 
find  that  different  texts  of  one  and  the  same  Brah- 
mana differ  from  one  another.  We  must  distin- 
guish, therefore,  between  old  and  new  Brahmanas, 
the  former  being  those  wmich  from  time  immemorial 
had  been  living  in  the  oral  tradition  of  various 
Charanas,  the  latter  comprising  the  great  collective 
-works.  Some  of  the  latter  vary  slightly  in  the  edi- 
tions adopted  in  various  Charanas  ;  others,  and  these 
the    most    modern,    show    the  distinct  influence  of 


ANCIENT   AND   MODERN   BRAHMAN  AS.  361 

individual  editors.  Panini,  whose  views  are  not 
shackled  by  the  inspiration-doctrine  which  blinded 
and  misled  all  the  followers  of  the  orthodox  Mimansa 
school,  broadly  states  the  fact,  that  there  are  old  and 
new  Brahmanas ;  whereas,  according  to  the  doctrine 
of  later  divines,  the  Brahmanas  are  neither  old  nor 
new,  but  eternal,  and  of  divine  origin.  Panini,  who 
is  a  grammarian,  rests  his  opinion  as  to  the  different 
dates  of  the  Brahmanas  on  the  evidence  of  language. 
"A  book,"  he  says,  "composed  by  a  certain  author,  may 
be  called  by  an  adjective  derived  from  the  author's 
name."1  For  instance,  a  book  composed  by  Yararuchi, 
may  be  called  "  Yararucho  granthah."  A  work,  on  the 
contrary,  which  has  only  been  taught  and  promul- 
gated2 by  a  person,  is  not  to  be  called  his  book 
(grantha),  but  bears  its  own  title,  such  as  "gram- 
mar," or,  whatever  else  it  may  be,  together  with  an 
adjective,  derived  from  the  author's  name.  Panini's 
grammar,  for  instance,  is  not  to  be  called  "  Paniniyo 
granthah,"  but  "Paniniyam  vyakaranam" ;  because  it 
is  a  canonical  work,  revealed  to  Panini,  but  not  invented 
by  him.  It  may  also  be  called  "  Paniniyam,"  in  the 
singular  neuter ;  i.  e.  Panineum.3  In  the  same  way 
it  is  perfectly  correct  to  speak  of  an  "  Apisalam,"  a 
work  composed  by  Apisala,  of  a  "  Paingi  Kalpah,"  an 
old  ceremonial  of  Pinga's,  of  a  "  Madhuri  Yrittih,"  a 
commentary  of  Madhura4,  and  of  "Charakah  Slokah," 

1  Pan.  iv.  3.  116.   ^ffi    TTOH    Kaiyyata   says  that  this   Sutra 
does  not  belong  to  Panini.    See  page  184. 

2  Pdn.  iv.  3.  115.   W^l    Bhashya:  fi^H^N  ^Tftll 
iv.  3.  101.   ^if  ^Vjri    Bhashya:  ^*f   lft#  «f  ^  ^rf  fHTII 

3  Cf.  iv.  3.  101  ;  iv.  2.  64. 

4  Cf.  Pan.  iv.  3.  108. 


3G2  ANCIENT   AND   MODERN   BrAiIMANAS. 

verses  composed  by  Charaka.  "  But,"  says  Panini,  "if 
the  work  referred  to  consists  either  of  Vedic  hymns 
(Chhandas),  or  of  old  Brahmanas  (puranaprokteshu 
Brahmaneshu),  then  it  is  not  correct  to  use  these 
derivative  adjectives  in  the  singular  (unless  we  employ 
secondary  derivatives,  such  as  Taittiriyakam,  Katha- 
kam),  but  it  is  necessary  to  use  the  masculine 
plural."  It  is  wrong  to  use  the  word  Katham 
as  an  adjective  from  Katha,  in  the  sense  of  hymns 
promulgated  by  Katha ;  or  to  use  Taittiriyam 
(from  Tittiri,  like  Paniniyam  from  Panini),  or 
Taittiriyam  Brahmanam,  in  the  sense  of  a  Brahmana 
promulgated  by  Tittiri.  Even  Kalpas  and  Sutras  like 
the  Kalpas  of  Kasyapa,  and  Kausika,  or  the  Sutras  of 
Parasarya,  Silala,  Karmanda,  and  Krisasva,  are  better 
quoted  as  uthe  Kasyapins"  &c.  if  they  are  old  works.1 
According  to  Panini,  we  must  speak  of  "  the  Kathas," 
i.  e.  those  who  study  and  know  the  hymns  promulgated 
by  Katha  2 ;  of  "  the  Taittiriyas,"  those  who  study 
and  know  the  Brahmana  promulgated  by  Tittiri. 
This  peculiarity  of  the  Sanskrit  language,  which  re- 
minds us  of  the  Greek  expression  of  ol  7rsp),  admits 
of  a  very  natural  explanation,  if  we  remember  that 
in  these  old  times  literary  works  did  not  exist  in 
writing,  but  were  handed  down  by  oral  tradition  in 
different  communities,  which  represented,  so  to  say, 
different  works,  or  even  different  recensions  of  one 
and   the   same  work,  like   so  many  manuscripts  in 

»  Cf.  Pan.  iv.  2.  66.    ^ff%   JTTHWTf^  ^  ^T^^C^^t^T- 

2  That  the  Kathas  were  an  old  Charana,  possessing  their  own 
tradition  and  laws,  is  seen  from  the  11th  Varttika  to  Pan.  iv. 
3.  120.  and  from  Pan.  iv.  3.  126. 


ANCIENT    AND   MODERN   BRAHMANAS.  363 

later  times.  It  was  much  more  natural,  therefore, 
to  say,  "  the  Taittiriyas  relate,"  than  to  speak  of  a 
Taittiriyam,  a  work  proclaimed  by  Tittiri,  who  was 
perhaps  a  merely  nominal  ancestor  of  the  Taittiriyas, 
or  to  refer  to  a  Taittiriya  grantha,  i.  e.  Tittiri's  book, 
which  in  reality  never  existed.  That  this  is  the  real 
ground  for  this  Sanskrit  idiom  becomes  more  evi- 
dent by  the  exceptions  mentioned  by  Panini  himself. 
There  are  no  exceptions  with  regard  to  the  names  of 
hymns,  or  rather  of  the  supporters  of  their  texts; 
but" there  are  Brahmanas,  Kalpas,  and  Sutras  spoken 
of  in  the  same  way  as  Panini' s  own  work.  It  is 
wrong,  for  instance,  to  speak  of  the  Yajnavalkyas  in 
the  same  sense  as  we  speak  of  the  Taittiriyas,  and  the 
works  promulgated  by  Yajnavalkya,  although  they  are 
Brahmanas,  are  called  Yajnavalkyani  Brahmanani.1 
"And  why?  "says  Katyayana;  "because  they  are  of 
too  recent  an  origin ;  that  is  to  say,  they  are  almost 
contemporaneous  with  ourselves."  Here,  then,  we  see 
that  as  early  as  Panini  and  Katyayana  a  distinction 
was  made,  not  only  by  learned  men,  but  in  common 
language,  between  old  and  modern  Brahmanas.  We 
see  that  the  Brahmanas  of  Yajnavalkya,  whose  works, 
as  those  of  a  seceder,  we  had  reason  to  consider  as 
modern,  are  by  their  very  name  classed  as  modern. 
What  other  Brahmanas  belong  to  the  same  class,  it  is 
not  so  easy  to  say  2,  because  the  only  other  instance 
quoted,  besides  the  Brahmanas  of  Yajnavalkya,  are 
the  Saulabhani  Brahmanani ;  and  they  have  not  yet 
been  met  with.     It  is  not  unlikely,  however,  that 

i  Pan.  iv.  3.  105.  1.     ^H^R^TTf^TSi:    ITf^W^T^^^FT^f- 
2  There  is  no  Gana,  Yajnavalkyadili. 


364  ANCIENT   AND   MODERN  BRAHMANAS. 

the  so-called  Anubrahmanani l,  or  supplementary 
Brahmanas,  which  we  have,  for  instance,  in  the 
Sama-veda 2,  may  come  under  this  category.3 

That  different  Brahmanas  existed  at  the  time  when 
the  great  collective  Brahmanas  were  composed,  might 
be  proved,  even  without  the  testimony  of  Panini,  by 
quotations  occurring  in  the  Brahmanas  themselves. 
The  original  Charanas  were  not  all  rival  sects,  and  it 
was  natural  that  one  Charana  should  be  ready  to  ac- 
cept Brahmanas  of  another,  if  they  contained  any 
additional  traditions  or  precepts  which  seemed  to  be 
valuable.  Thus  we  find  the  Brahmanas  of  the 
Kathas  added  to  the  Brahmanas  of  the  Taittiriyas. 
In  other  cases  we  find  that  one  Brahmana  quotes 
the  opinion  of  another  Sakha,  not  in  support  of 
its  own  doctrines,  but  in  order  to  refute  it.  Thus 
the  Kaushitakins  are  frequently  attacked  in  the 
Tandya-brahmana.  Now,  if  these  quotations  of  diffe- 
rent authorities,  which  we  meet  with  in  Brahmanas, 
alluded  only  to  the  opinions  of  certain  individuals 
we  might  still  be  doubtful  whether  these  opinions 
had  formerly  been  laid  down  in  separate  Brahmana 

1  Cf.  Pan.  iv.  2.  62. 

2  The  Anubrahmaninah  are  mentioned  in  the  Nidana-sutra 
belonging  to  the  Sama-veda.     Cf.  Ind.  Stud.  i.  45. 

3  Ancient  Chhandas  (Sanhita-sakhas)  are  those  of  the  Kathas, 
Charakas,  Maudas,  and  Paippaladas,  Saunakins,  Vajasaneyins,  &c, 
iv.  2.  66.  Ancient  Brahmanas  are  those  of  the  Bhallavins, 
Taittiriyas,  Varatantaviyas,  Khandikiyas,  Aukhiyas ;  the  Alambins, 
Palangins,  Kamalins,  Archabhins,  Arunins,  Tandins,  6yamayanins, 
Kathas,  and  Kalapas  (these  descended  from  the  nine  pupils  of  Vai- 
sampayana);  the  Haridravins,  Taumburavins,  Aulapins,  and 
Chhagaleyins  (these  derived  their  origin  from  the  four  pupils  of 
Kalapin);  the  ^atyayanins.  Old  Kalpas  are  those  of  the  Kasyapins, 
Kausikins,  the  Paingi  and  Arunaparaji  Kalpah.  Old  Sutras 
those  of  the  Parasarins,  6ailalins,  Karmandins,  and  Krisasvins. 


BRAHMANA-   AND    S^TRA-CHARANAS.  365 

works.  But  when  we  see  quotations  like  "  iti  Kau- 
shitakam,"  "  iti  Paingyam,"  "  so  says  the  work  of  the 
Kaushitakins  or  Paingins,"  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  separate  Brahmanas,  propagated  by  separate 
Charanas,  are  here  intended,  whatever  commentators 
may  say  to  the  contrary.1 

What  became  of  these  numerous  Brahmana-charanas 
which  are  quoted  both  in  the  Brahmanas  and  in  the 
Sutras,  is  not  quite  clear.  Most  likely  they  were 
absorbed  or  replaced  by  a  more  modern  class  of  Cha- 
ranas, the  Sutra-charanas.  When  the  Sutras  once 
came  to  be  regarded  as  part  of  the  sacred  canon, 
they  gave  rise  to  a  large  number  of  new  Charanas.2 
Their  members  would  preserve  the  text  of  the 
Sanhita  and  Brahmana  of  an  earlier  Charana  from 
which  they  originally  branched  off.3  The  ground 
of  division  being  in  the  Sutras,  the  minor  dif- 
ferences   between   the  texts    of  the    Sanhitas    and 

1  Indische  Studien,  i.  393. 

2  Colebrooke  has  taken  a  different  view  with  respect  to  the 
Sutras.  He  says,  "  But  those  numerous  6akhas  did  not  differ  so 
widely  from  each  other  as  might  be  inferred  from  the  mention  of 
an  equal  number  of  Sanhitas,  or  distinct  collections  of  texts.  In 
general,  the  various  schools  of  the  same  Veda  seem  to  have  used 
the  same  assemblage  of  prayers ;  they  differed  more  in  their 
copies  of  the  precepts  or  Brahmanas ;  and  some  received  into 
their  canon  of  scripture  portions  which  do  not  appear  to  have 
been  acknowledged  by  others.  Yet  the  chief  difference  seems 
always  to  have  been  the  use  of  particular  rituals  taught  in  apho- 
risms (sutras)  adopted  by  each  school ;  and  these  do  not  consti- 
tute a  portion  of  the  Veda,  but,  like  grammar  and  astronomy,  are 
placed  among  its  appendages."     Misc.  Essays,  i.  18. 


366  BrAhMANA-  AND   sftTRA-CHARANAS. 

Brahmanas  might  be  waived  in  these  modern 
Charanas,  and  this  would  gradually  lead  to  the  loss 
of  many  of  the  old  Sakhas.  We  saw  before,  in  the 
case  of  the  Sakalas  and  Bashkalas,  that  at  the  time 
when  Sutras  began  to  be  composed  there  was  a  ten- 
dency to  reunite  different  Sakhas  into  one.  That  the 
introduction  of  Sutras  encroached  on  the  study  of  the 
Brahmanas  and  Sanhitas  in  the  schools  of  the  Brah- 
mans,  becomes  evident  from  passages  in  which  the 
custom  of  performing  sacrifices  after  the  prescriptions 
of  Sutras  only  is  declared  to  be  without  merit  and 
without  effect.  Kumarila  in  one  passage  simply 
states  the  fact  that  priests  perform  sacrifices  by  means 
of  the  Kalpa-sutras  only,  and  without  the  Veda,  but 
that  they  could  not  do  the  same  by  means  of  the 
Mantras  and  Brahmanas,  and  without  the  Kalpas.1 
In  another  place2  he  declares  that  the  reason  why  the 

1  Kumarila,  i.  3. 

2  Kumarila,  i.   3.  1.   ^tT   f%^    ^^TlW^fa    ^TW^- 


CHARANA-VYdflA.  367 

Smritis  or  law-books,  which  he  considers  to  be 
founded  on  the  Yeda,  had  not  been  made  up  of 
literal  extracts,  was  because  this  would  have  endan- 
gered the  sacred  study  of  the  whole  Yeda.  The 
Yeda  would  thus  have  been  read  in  a  different  order, 
or  small  extracts  only  would  have  been  studied  in- 
stead of  the  whole  Veda.  Now  this  is  what  seems  to 
have  happened  to  a  certain  extent  by  the  introduction 
of  the  Sutras,  and  it  would  account  for  the  loss  of  many 
of  the  old  Sakhas,  Sanhitas  as  well  as  Brahmanas. 

In  order  to  show  more  clearly  to  how  great  an 
extent  the  Yedic  literature  was  fostered  by  means 
of  the  Charanas,  I  shall  give  a  list  from  the  Chara- 
navyuha.  This  Parisishta  is  a  document  of  a  com- 
paratively late  period,  though  it  may  be  one  of  the 
oldest  works  belonging  to  this  class  of  literature.1 
It  is,  therefore,  no  good  authority  as  to  the  number 
of  the  old  Sanhita-charanas  and  Brahmana-charanas, 
many  of  which  were  lost  or  merged  into  others 
during  the  Sutra  period ;  but  it  is  of  interest  as  the 
first  attempt  at  a  complete  enumeration  of  all  Chara- 
nas, and  may  be  trusted  particularly  with  regard  to 
the  Sutra-charanas,  which,  at  the  time  of  its  composi- 
tion, were  still  of  recent  origin.  The  number  of  the  old 
Charanas  would,  no  doubt,  have  to  be  increased  con- 
siderably, if  the  quotations  of  different  Sakhas  were 

1  It  has  been  printed  by  Prof.  Weber  in  his  Indische  Studien. 
I  possess  the  collation  of  some  of  the  Berlin  MSS.,  but  not  of  all. 
In  addition  to  the  MSS.  collated  by  Prof.  Weber,  I  have  used  the 
text  and  various  readings  given  in  Radhakantadeva's  6abdakalpa- 
druma. 


368  CHARANAS. 

taken  into  account,  which  occur  in  the  Brahmanas  as 
well  as  in  the  Sutras.  But  at  the  same  time  we  may- 
conclude  from  the  lists  given  in  the  Charanavyuha 
that  most  of  these  old  Charanas  were  extinct  shortly 
after  the  Sutra-period,  and  that  their  works  as  well 
as  their  names,  began  to  be  forgotten. 

Of  the  Rig-veda  five  Charanas  are  mentioned : 

1.  The  Sakalas.1 

2.  Bashkalas.2 

3.  Asvalayanas.3 

4.  Sankhayanas.4 

5.  Mandukayanas.5 

We  miss  the  names  of  several  old  Sakh&s  such  as 
the   Aitareyins,     Saisiras6,    Kaushitakins,    Paingins, 

1  Pan.  iv.  3.  128.:  iv.  2.  117. 

2  Bashkala.  Not  mentioned  in  Panini.  As  to  its  etymology, 
cf.  Pan.  ii.  1.  65. 

3  Pan.  iv.  1.  99. :  Gana  nadadi. 

4  This  6akha  is  spelt  Sankhyayana,  Sankhyayana,  Sankha- 
yana  and  Sankhayana.  The  last,  however,  is  the  most  correct 
spelling.  See  Panini,  Ganapatha,  asvadi,  and  kunjadi.  This 
6akha  is  omitted  by  accident  in  MS.  E.  I.  H. 

6  Pan.  iv.  1.  19  (text).  Manduka ;  derivative,  Mandukayana. 
See  also  Pan.  iv.  1.  119. 

6  The  Saisira  sakba,  however,  may  perhaps  be  considered  as  a 
subdivision  of  the  Sakala-sakha.  Saisira,  or  Sisira,  is  mentioned 
in  the  Puranas  as  one  of  the  five  6akala  pupils,  who  propagated 
different  Sakhas  of  the  Rig-veda,  all  of  them  derived  from  the 
original  recension  of  Sakalya  Vedamitra.  In  the  Vishnu-purana 
these  five  pupils  or  descendants  of  Sakalya  Vedamitra  are  called 
Mudgala,  Gosvalu,  Vatsya,  Saliya,  and  6isira.  (Vishnu-pur.  277.) 
In  the  Vayu-purana  their  names  are  Mudgala,  Golaka,  Khaliya, 
Matsya,  Saisireya.  In  the  commentary  on  the  Sakala-pratisakhya 
they  are  called  Mudgala,  Gokula,  Vatsya,  Saisira,  and  Sisira, 
according  to  the  Paris  MS. ;  or  Mudgala,  Gokhula,  Vatsya,  Sarira, 
and  Saisira,  according  to  the  MS.  at  the  E.  I.  H, 


CHARANAS.  369 

while  the  Asvalayanas,  who  are  mentioned,  must  be 
considered  as  the  founders  of  one  of  the  latest  Sakhas 
of  the  Rig-veda.    . 

The  number  of  Sakhas  of  the  Yajur-veda  is  stated 
at  eighty-six.  We  have  first  the  twelve  Charanas 
comprehended  under  the  common  name  of  Charakas. 
They  are,  according  to  the  MS.  of  the  Charanavyuha : 

1.  Charakas.1 

2.  Ahvarakas.2 

3.  Kathas.3 

4.  Prachya-kathas.4 

5.  Kapishthala-kathas.5 

6.  Charayaniyas.6 

^ret  ^f%fTT^Tf^r^^:  i  frfirct  ^fiWT  ffrfoTTS^Trrj 
?tot   jt?:tw   ^i   *j?r«ft  ?rr^rY  ^n^n   frfinc: 

The  verses  to  which  this  commentary  refers  are  not  in  the 
MS. 

1  Pan.  iv.  3.  107.  text;  v.  1.  11.  text.     Gana  Kshipakadi. 

2  Ahvarakas,  6.  K.  D.  Ahurakas,  Sansk.  G.  P.  Hvarakas, 
MS.  Berol.  785.  Cf.  Pan.  ii.  4.  20.  ;  vi.  2.  124.  ;  iii.  2.  135. 
comment.     Several  of  these  names  are  very  problematical. 

3  Pan.  iv.  3.  107.  text;  ii.  1.  65.  com.;  vii.  4.  38.  text;  vi. 
3.  42.  com. ;  ii.  4.  3.  com. ;  i.  3.  49.  com. ;  ii.  1.  163.  com. 

«  Cf.  Pan.  vi.  2.  10. 

5  Pan.  viii.  3.  91.  Kapishthalah  and  Kapisthalam.  Gana  krau- 
dyadi  and  upakadi.  As  to  Ka/x&VJo\ot,  see  Megasthenes,  edit. 
Schwanbeck,  p.  33.  note,  and  p.  108. 

6  Pan.  iv.  1.  89.  com.;  iv.  1.  63.  com.  ;  iv.  1.  99.  com.  ;  iv.  3. 
80.  com.     Gana  nadadi. 

BB 


370 


CHARANAS. 


7.  Yaratantaviyas.1 

8.  Svetasvataras.2 

9.  Aupamanyavas.3 

10.  Patas.4 

11.  Aindineyas.5 

12.  Maitrayaniyas.6 

The  Maitrayaniyas  are  subdivided  into  seven  Cha- 
ranas :  — 

13.  Manavas.7 

14.  Yarahas.8 

15.  Dundubhas. 

16.  Chhagaleyas.9 

17.  Haridraviyas.10 

18.  Syamas.11 

1  Vartantaviya,  MSS.     See,  however,  Pan.  iv.  3.  102. 

2  A  different  reading  is  mentioned  in  the  6.  K.  D.,  namely, 
6veta  6vetatarah.  MS.  Chamb.  785.,  has  Svetah  Svetantarah ; 
376.  6veta  Asvatarah.     Sansk.  G.  P.,  &vetah  &vetatarah. 

3  See  Gana  Vidadi. 

4  Ashthalakathas,  &.  K.  D.     Patandiniyas,  Chamb.  785. 

5  Varayaniyas,  3.  K.  D. 

6  See  Ganapatha,  arihanadi. 

7  Pan.  iv.  1.  105.  Gana  Gargadi,  unless  the  reading  be 
manutantu. 

8  Pan.  iv.  2.  80.     Gana  Varahadi.     Pan.  iv.  1.  78. 

9  Chaikeyas  &  K.  D.  MSS.  Chamb.  376.  785,  have  Chhageyas. 
MS.  785.  places  the  Haridraviyas  at  the  end,  adding  five  new- 
divisions,  rnr  ^if<£4faT  ?rra  x^  i^r  *r4f%i  ^rft- 

Sf«RJ^nrn  I  Pan.  iv.  1.  117,  Chhagala,  atreyas"  chet,  chhagalir 
anyah ;  iv.  3.  109,  Chhagaleyinah  ;  vii.  1.  2,  Gana  takshasiladi. 
Chhagaleyah,  Pan.  iv.  2.  30,  Gana  Sakhyadi. 

10  Pan.  iv.  3.  104,  Haridru   and  haridravinah  ;  iv.  4.  53,  Gana 
kisaradi. 

11  Gana  asvadi. 


CHARANAS.  371 

19.  Syamayaniyas.1 
Then  follow 

20.  Taittiriyas,  subdivided  into 

21.  Aukhiyas2  and 

22.  Khandikiyas.3 

The  Khandikiyas  are  again  subdivided  into: — 

23.  Kaleyas.4 

24.  Satyayanins. 

25.  Hiranyakesins. 

26.  Bharadvajins. 

27.  Apastambins. 

This  gives  altogether  twenty-seven  jSakhas,  the  same 
number  which  is  mentioned  in  the  Yishnu-purana5, 
although  the  manner  of  computing  them  is  different. 

Then  follow  the  fifteen  Sakhas  of  the  Yajasaneyins, 
a  number  which  is  confirmed  by  the  Pratijna-pari- 
sishta,  and  has  also  been  preserved  in  the  Vishnu- 
purana,  while  the  Charanavyuha  of  the  Sabda- 
kalpa-druma  brings  their  number  to  seventeen. 
They  are :  — 

28.  Jabalas.6 

1  Pan.  iv.  3.  104. 

2  Aukshyas  and  Aukhyas,  6.  K.  D.  ;  Aukhiyas,  Ch.  785. ;  Au- 
sheyas,  Ch.  376.     Cf.  Pan.  iv.  3.  102. 

3  Khandikiyas,  Ch.  785.  ;  Shandikeyas,  Ch.  376.  ;  Pan.  iv.  3. 
102. 

4  The  Charanavyuha  of  the  6.  K.  D.  has,  —  23.  Apastambins  ; 
24.  Baudhayanins ;  25.  Satyashadhins  ;  26.  Hiranyakesins ;  27. 
Aukheyas  or  Audheyins.  MS.  Ch.  785.  has,  —  23.  Kaleyas  (Ka- 
leyah,  Pan.  iv.  2.  8.);  24. &atyayanas  (Pan.  iv.  3.  105.);  25.  Hiran- 
yakesas ;  26.  Bharadvajas ;  27.  Apastambiyas.  MS.  376.,  Ka- 
letas,    Satyayinins,    Hiranyakesins,   Bharadvajins,   Apastambins. 

5  P.  279.  "  Of  the  tree  of  the  Yajur-veda  there  are  twenty-seven 
branches,  which  Vaisampayana,  the  pupil  of  Vyasa,  compiled  and 
taught  to  as  many  disciples." 

•  Pan.  vi.  2.  38.  text  ;  ii.  4.  58.  1. 

BB   2 


372  CIIARANAS. 

29.  Baudheyas.1 

30.  Kanvas.2 

31.  Madhyandinas.3 

32.  Sapheyas.4 

33.  Tapaniyas.5 

34.  Kapolas.6 

35.  Paundravatsas.7 

36.  Avatikas.8 

37.  Paramavatikas.9 

38.  P&rasaryas.10 

39.  Yaineyas.11 

40.  Vaidheyas.12 

41.  Audheyas.13 

42.  Mauneyas.14 

Though  the  number  of  the  Sakhas  of  the  Yajur- 
veda  is  stated  as  eighty-six  by  the  Charanavyuha, 

1  Baudheyas,  P.-p.  Ch.  785.  ;  Augheyas,  6.  K.  D. ;  Gaudheyas, 
S.  G.  P. ;  Baudhayanas,  Ch.  376.  E.  I.  H. ;  Baudhih,  Pan.  ii.  4. 
58.  1. 

2  Pan.  iv.  2.  111.  text. 

3  Madhyandineyas,  Ch.  376.     See  Gana  utsadi. 

4  &apeyas,  P.-p.  ;  6apiyas,  6.  K.  D. ;  6apeya,  Gana  saunakadi. 

5  Tapayaniyas,  6.  K.  D. ;  Ch.  376. ;  Tapayanas,  Ch.  785. 

6  Kalapas,  P.-p. ;  Kapalas,  6.  K.  D. ;  Ch.  785. ;  Kapolas,  Ch. 

376. 

7  Paundravachhas,  P.-p. ;  Ch.  376.     Cf.  Pan.  vii.  3.  24. 

8  Cf.  Gana  gargadi,  Pan.  iv.  1.  17.;  iv.  1.  75,  text. 

9  Pamavatikas  or  Paramavatikas,  6.  K.  D. 

10  Parasaras,  P.-p. ;  Ch.  785.  376. ;  Parasariyas,  6.  K.  D.;  Gana 
krisasvadi ;  gargadi. 

'  »  Vaidheyas,  Ch.  785. ;  Vaineyas,  Ch.  376. 

12  Vaidheyas,  Ch.  376. ;  Vaineyas,  Ch.  785. 

»  Aukhyas,  P.-p. ;  Addhas,  Ch.  376. ;  Ugheyas,  6.  K.  D. ;  See 
Pan.  ii.  4.  7. ;  Aukhiyas,  Ch.  785. 

14  Baudhyasvas,  P.-p. ;  Mauneyas,  Ch.  785. ;  Bodheyas,  Ch.  376. 
The  £.  K.  D.  adds  here, — 42.  Galavas;  43.  Vaijaras  ;  44.  Katya- 
yaniyas. 


CHABANAS.  373 

the  names  given,  including  the  Vajasaneyins,  amount 
only  to  forty-three,  exactly  half  the  number  expected.1 
It  is  difficult  to  account  for  this,  for  although  some 
other  names  are  mentioned,  for  instance  the  Prachya, 
Udichya  and  Nairritya  Kathas,  yet  this  would  not  in- 
crease the  number  of  Sakhas  sufficiently. 

The  largest  number  of  Sakhas  is  ascribed  to  the 
Sama-veda.  It  is  said  to  have  been  a  thousand.  The 
author  of  the  Charanavyuha,  however,  confesses  that 
the  greater  part  of  them  no  longer  exist.  Those 
remaining  at  the  time  when  the  Charanavyuha  was 
composed  were  the  seven  Sakhas  of  the 

1.  Ranayaniyas.2 

2.  Satyamugryas.3 

3.  Kalapas.4   ' 

4.  Mahakalopas.5 

5.  Langalayanas.6 

6.  Sardulas.7 

7.  Kauthumas.8 

The  Kauthumas  are  again  subdivided  into  the 

8.  Asurayanas.9 

9.  Vatayanas.10 


1  In  a  MS.  of  the  Charaka-sakha  of  the  Kathaka,  101  &akhas 
of  the  Yajur-veda  are  mentioned.  Catalogue  of  the  Berlin  MSS.,  p. 
38.  "Ekottarasatadhvaryusakhaprabhedabhinneyajurvedakathake." 

2  Gana  pailadi. 

3  Satyamurgyas  and  6atyamurgryas,  Ch.  785. ;  6atyamurgryas, 
Ch.  376.;  Pan.  iv.  1.81.  " 

4  Kalopas,  Ch.  785.  376. ,  Pan.  iv.  3.  108. 

5  Mahakalopas,  Ch.  785.  376. ;  probably  Mahakalapas. 

6  Langalas,  Ch.  785. 

7  &irdulas,  Ch.  376. ;  wanting  in  Ch.  785. 

8  Gana  Kartakaujapadi. 

9  Kauthumas,  Ch.  785. ;  Gana  taulvalyadi. 

10  Sardulas,  Ch.  785. 

BB   3 


374  CHARANAS 

10.  Pranjalidvaitabhrits.1 

11.  Prachinayogyas.2 

12.  Naigeya-Kauthnmas.3 

The  account  given  by  the  S.  K.  D.  is  very  different 
and  in  many  places  corrupt.  Here  we  have,  1.  the 
Asurayaniyas  or  Surayaniyas,  2.  Vartantaveyas, 
3.  Pranjalas,  4.  Rigvarnabhedas,  5.  Prachinayogyas, 
6.  Jnanayogyas,  7.  Ranayaniyas.  The  Ranayaniyas 
are  subdivided  into  nine  ;  Ranayaniyas,  8.  Sathyaya- 
niyas  (or  Sarayaniyas,  Sathyamugryas),  9.  Satvalas 
(or  Satyamudbhavas),  10.  Maudgalas  (not  mentioned 
in  the  Bhashya),  11.  Khallalas,  12.  Mahakhallavas, 
13.  Langalas,  14.  Kauthumas,  15.  Gautamas,  16. 
Jaiminiyas. 

Of  the  Atharva-veda  nine  divisions  are  mentioned, 
but  the  names  given  are  incomplete  and  corrupt. 
They  are  given  here,  with  some  conjectural  emenda- 
tions from  the  MSS.4 

1.  Paippaladas.5 

1  Surfmayaniyas,  Ch.  785. 

2  Prajvalanadvaitabhrits,    Ch.   785. ;  Prtinjalidvenabhrits,   Ch. 
376.     Gana  Gargadi. 

3  Prachinayogyas  and  Naigeyas. 

4  The  text  in  the  6.  K.  D.  has   thWH  I    ^"frfTI  I    Tf^frTT:  I 

^Hft^ft  ^ft  Tfa  *tt^  ^rnrffTtii   MS-  Ch-  785. 

reads     ^f^T    ^T?fan"     t^tU^T    ^TT^T^fT    sf^WT 
^*T  Wt  \sRpff  ^TTWf^JT%f^l      MS.  Ch.  376.  reads, 

5  Pan.  iv.  2.  66. 


CHAR  ANAS.  375 

2.  Saunakas.1 

3.  Damodas. 

4.  Tottayanas. 

5.  Jay  alas. 

6.  Brahmapaliisas. 

7.  Kaunakhins. 

8.  Devadarsanins.2 

9.  Charanavidyas. 

This  list  makes  no  distinction  between  old  and  new 
Charanas.  If  we  had  the  whole  Vedic  literature 
before  us,  as  it  was  living  during  ancient  times  in  the 
tradition  of  numerous  Brahmanic  families,  it  would  be 
possible  to  determine  which  of  these  Charanas  owe 
their  origin  to  Sutras,  which  to  Brahmanas  or  San- 
hitas.  As  it  is.  we  can  only  infer  that  some  Charanas, 
like  those  of  the  Asvalayanas,  Hiranyakesins,  Bhara- 
dvajins,  Apastambins,  Baudhayanas,  Parasaryas,  &c, 
are  in  all  probability  of  modern  origin,  because  the 
only  works  ascribed  to  their  founders  are  Sutra  com- 
pilations. Their  Sanhitas  and  Brahmanas,  when- 
ever they  are  mentioned,  seem  to  be  the  same  as 
those  of  older  Charanas,  with  but  small  modifications. 
Other  Charanas,  like  those  of  the  Paingins,  Kaushita- 
kins,  Aitareyins,  Satyayanins,  &c,  are  not  mentioned 
in  connection  with  any  Sutras  composed  by  authors 
bearing  these  names ;  and  it  is  most  likely,  therefore, 
that  they  derive  their  origin  from  authors  whose 
names  have  been  perpetuated  in  the  titles  of  certain 
Brahmanas.  Whether  these  Charanas  were  in  posses- 
sion of  Sutras  is  doubtful,  nor  have  we  any  means  of 
determining  whether,  for  instance,  a  member  of  the 
Aitareyi-charana,  after  adopting  the  Kalpa-sutras  of 
1  Pan.  iv.  3.  106.  2  £ana  j^aunakadi. 

B  B   4 


376  CHARANAS. 

Saunaka,  would  retain  his  allegiance  to  the  Aitareyins 
or  not.  The  ancient  Sanhitas  used  in  these  Brahmana- 
charanas,  and  originally  adopted  from  older  Cha- 
ranas, were  not  likely  to  be  affected  by  considerable 
differences  after  their  adoption.  The  fact  that  we 
never  find  a  Kaushitaki-sanhita  or  Paingi-sanhita 
quoted  tends  to  show  that  the  Charanas,  which  owe 
their  independent  constitution  to  the  introduction 
of  a  Brahmana,  retained  in  most  instances  the 
original  text  of  their  Sanhitas.  Charanas,  lastly, 
like  those  of  the  Sakalas,  Bashkalas,  Saisiras,  &c, 
whose  names  are  connected  neither  with  Sutras  nor 
Brahmanas,  but  with  Sanhitas  only,  must  be  referred 
to  the  earliest  period  of  the  formation  of  Vedic 
communities,  and  must  have  existed,  as  the  bearers 
of  their  own  traditional  collection  of  hymns,  before 
the  composition  of  either  Brahmanas  or  Sutras.  With 
regard  to  many  Charanas,  however,  it  will  remain 
doubtful  to  which  of  these  three  classes  they  belong, 
until  a  larger  number  of  Vedic  works  peculiar  to 
each  Charana  becomes  available.  Charanas  like 
those  of  the  Madhyandinas  and  Kanvas  must  be  re- 
ferred to  the  Brahmana  period,  because  their  San- 
hitas and  Brahmanas  are  ascribed  to  one  and  the 
same  teacher.  This  teacher,  Yajnavalkya,  is  repre- 
sented as  the  author  of  modern  Brahmanas,  and  we 
saw  that,  in  all*  probability,  his  Sanhit4  was  even 
more  modern  than  his  Brahmanas.  The  fact,  how- 
ever, that  the  Sutras  adopted  by  the  Madhyandina 
and  K an va- charanas  are  ascribed  to  Katyayana, 
shows  that  these  Charanas  existed  certainly  previous 
to  the  Sutra  period.  With  regard  to  the  Sanhita- 
charanas  it  will  always  be  difficult  to  determine  how 
far   the-'r   differences   were   fixed,    if  not  originally 


CHARANAS.  377' 

called   forth  by  the  introduction  of  the  Brahmanas. 
Most  likely  the    Sanhita-charanas   are  restricted  to 
the  Rig-veda.     It  is  certain,  at  least,  that  no  Brah- 
mana  belonging  to  any  Veda  was  composed  before 
the  division    of  priests  into    Hotris,   Udgatris,   and 
Adhvaryus, — had  taken  place.     Before  that  division 
there  was  but  one  collection  of  hymns,  that  of  the 
Bahvrichas,    and  it   is   among  the   Bahvrichas   only 
that  we  have  any  distinct  traces  of  Sanhita-charanas. 
It  will  always  be  very  difficult  to  assign  a  distinct 
meaning  to  such  terms  as  Charana  and  Sakha,  because 
we  have  nothing  that  exactly  corresponds  to  them  in 
our  own  experience.     Literary  works,  such  as  the 
Sakhas  were,  have  assumed  with  us  a  much  more 
tangible  shape.     They  exist  as  books,  and  not  merely 
as  a  body  of  thought  handed  down  in   schools,   or 
in  families.     To  read  a  sakha  meant  not  only  to  go 
over  it,  but  to  take  possession  of  it,  to  guard  it  in  the 
memory,  and  to  enable  others  to  read  it  by  repeating 
it  to  them.     A  man  who  had  read  a  book  was  him- 
self the  book :  the  song  of  a  poet  had  no  outward 
existence  except  through  those  who  heard  and  re- 
membered it.     A  work,  once  composed,  might  either 
wither  for  want  of  an  audience,  or  grow,  like  a  tree,  of 
which  every  new  listener  would  become  a  new  branch. 
The  idea  of  representing  what  we    should  call    an 
edition  of  a  hundred  copies,  by  the  simile  of  a  branch, 
was  a  very  natural  one,  and  if  we  once  adopt  it  and 
enter  into  the  spirit  of  this  Sanskrit  idiom,  we  see  that 
it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  between  the  branch,  as 
the  book,   and  the  branch,   as  the  reader ;  between 
the  trust,   and  the  trustee.     It  would  be  well,  how- 
ever, to  speak  of  the  former  only  as  sakha,  and  of 
the  latter  as  the  reader  of  a  sakha,  while  we  should 


378  CHAR  ANAS. 

reserve  the  name  of  Charana  for  those  ideal  succes- 
sions or  fellowships  to  which  all  those  belonged  who 
read  the  same  sakha. 

If  it  is  difficult  to  describe  what  a  Sakha  and  a 
Charana  were,  it  is  all  the  more  necessary  to  state 
what  they  were  not.  Now  a  Charana  was  not  the 
same  as  a  Gotra  or  Kula.  Gotra  or  Kula  means  a 
family,  and  the  number  of  families  that  had  a  right  to 
figure  in  the  Brahmanic  Peerage  of  India  was  very 
considerable.  The  Brahmans  were  proud  of  their 
ancestors,  and  preserved  their  memory  with  the  most 
scrupulous  care,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  numerous 
treatises  on  the  subject  which  are  preserved  to  the 
present  day.  Madhava,  for  instance,  after  stating 
who  his  father,  mother,  and  brothers  were,  what 
Sakha  he  followed,  what  Sutra  he  had  adopted,  adds  at 
the  end  that  his  family  descended  from  Bharadvaja.1 
Gotras,  or  families  existed  among  Kshatriyas  and 
Vaisyas  as  well  as  among  Brahmans.2  Charanas  were 
confined  to  the  priestly  caste.  Gotras  depended  on  a 
real  or  imaginary  community  of  blood,  and  thus  cor- 
respond to  what  we  call  families.  Charanas  de- 
pended on  the  community  of  sacred  texts.  They 
were  ideal  fellowships,  held  together  by  ties,  more 
sacred  in  the  eyes  of  a  Brahman  than  the  mere 
ties  of  blood.  They  were  the  living  depositaries  of 
the  most  sacred  texts,  and  with  the  extinction  of  a 

1  ^t^nft  sMt  to  ^ftfSWrour:  fqrTTi 
WT^>  HtiUfRW  *H>pTr  ^1 
*rer  *rr*rT*R  $r*  ^Hstt  to  ^  *rr^fti 

2  Baudhayana-sutra-bhashya.     MS.  E.I.  H.  104,  p.  91. 


GOTRAS.  379 

Charana,  the  words  which  were  believed  to  be  the 
breath  of  God  would  have  been  lost  without  the 
hope  of  recovery.  Members  of  different  Gotras 
might  belong  to  the  same  Charana.  Where  the 
member  of  a  Gotra  became  the  founder  of  a  new 
Charana,  the  new  Charana  might  bear  the  name  of 
its  founder,  and  thus  become  synonymous,  but  not 
identical,  with  a  Gotra. 

The  names  of  the  Charanas  were  naturally  pre- 
served as  long  as  the  texts  which  they  embodied  con- 
tinued to  be  studied.  The  names  of  the  Gotras  were 
liable  to  confusion,  particularly  in  later  times,  when 
their  number  had  become  very  considerable.  But 
the  respect  which  the  Brahmans,  from  the  very  earliest 
time,  paid  to  their  ancestors,  and  the  strictness  with 
which  they  prohibited  marriages  between  members  of 
the  same  family,  lead  us  to  suppose  that  the  gene- 
alogical lists,  such  as  we  find  in  the  Brahmanas,  *in 
the  Sutras,  in  the  Mahabharata,  in  the  Puranas,  and 
even  at  the  present  day,  present  in  their  general 
outlines  a  correct  account  of  the  priestly  families  of 
India.  All  Brahmanic  families  who  keep  the  sacred 
fires  are  supposed  to  descend  from  the  Seven  Rishis. 
These  are: — Bhrigu,  Angiras,  Visvamitra,  Vasishtha, 
Kasyapa,  Atri,  Agasti.  The  real  ancestors,  however, 
are  eight  in  number :  —  Jamadagni,  Gautama  and 
Bharadvdja,  Vwvamitra,  Vasishtha,  Kasyapa,  Atri, 
Agastya.  The  eight  Gotras,  which  descend  from 
these  Rishis,  are  again  subdivided  into  forty-nine 
Gotras,  and  these  forty-nine  branch  off  into  a  still 
larger  number  of  families.  The  names  gotra,  vansa, 
varga,  paksha,  and  gana  are  all  used  in  the  same 
sense,  to  express  the  larger  as  well  as  the  smaller 
families,  descended  from  the  eight  Rishis. 


380  GOTRAS. 

A  Brahman,  who  keeps  the  sacrificial  fire,  is  obliged 
by  law  to  know  to  which  of  the  forty-nine  Gotras  his 
own  family  belongs,  and  in  consecrating  his  own  fire 
he  must  invoke  the  ancestors  who  founded  the  Gotra 
to  which  he  belongs.  Each  of  the  forty-nine  Gotras 
claims  one,  or  two,  or  three,  or  five  ancestors,  and  the 
names  of  these  ancestors  constitute  the  distinctive 
character  of  each  Gotra.1  A  list  of  these  forms  part  of 
most  of  the  Kalpa-sutras,  and  I  here  give  one  of  them 
from  the  12th  Book  of  Asvalayana's  Srauta-siitras.2 


List  of  the  Forty-nine  Gotras,  according  to 
Asvalayana,  xii.  10.  seq. 

1.  The  Bhrigus. 

Name  of  Gotra.  No.  of  Ancestors.         Invocation  of  Ancestors. 

1.  Jamadagna  Vatsah     5     Bhargava,       Chy&vana, 

Apnavana,  Aurva,  J&- 
madagneti. 

2.  Jamadagnyah  or         5     Bhargava,       Chyavana, 

Jamadagnah.  Apnavana,    Arshtishe- 

na,  Aniipeti. 

2  These  lists  vary  considerably  in  the  different  Sutras.  Puru- 
shottama,  in  his  Pravaramanjari,  has  made  an  attempt  at  collect- 
ing and  explaining  them.  He  uses  the  Kalpa-sutras  of  Baudhayana, 
Apastamba,  Satyashadha,  Kundina,  Bharadvaja,  Laugakshi,  Ka- 
tyayana,  and  Asvalayana  ;  the  Matsya-purana,  the  Bharata,  Manu's 
Law-book  and  their  commentaries.  For  Baudhayana  he  quotes  a 
commentary  by  Amala ;  for  Apastamba,  Dlmrtasvamin,  Kapar- 
disvamin,  Gurudevasvamin  ;  for  Asvalayana,  Devasvamin. 


GOTRAS. 


381 


Bhargava,    Vaitahavya, 
Savetaseti. 


Name  of  Gotra.  No.  of  Ancestors.        Invocation  of  Ancestors. 

3.  Bidah  5     Bhargava,       Chyavana, 

Apnavana,  Aurva,  Bai- 
deti. 

4.  Yaska 
Badhaula 
Mauna 
Mauka 
Sarkarakshi 
Sarshti 
Savarni 
(Salankayana 
Jaimini 
Devantyayanah 

5.  Syaitah  3     Bhargava,  Yainya,  Par- 

theti. 
1     Badhryasveti. 
or 
3     Bhargava,      Daivodasa, 

Badhryasveti. 
1     Gartsamadeti. 
or 
3     Bhargava,     Saunahotra, 

Gartsamadeti. 

II.  The  Angirasas. 
II.  a.  The  Gotamas. 

8.  Gotaraah  3     Angirasa,  Ayasya,  Gau- 

tameti. 

9.  Uchathyah  3     Angirasa,      Auchathya, 

Gautameti. 

10.  Rahuganah  3     Angirasa,      Rahuganya, 

Gautameti. 

11.  Somarajakayah  3     Angirasa,       Somarajya, 

Gautameti. 


6.  Mitrayuvah 


7.  Sunakah 


382 

Name  of  Gotra. 

12.  Yamadevah 

13.  Brihadukthah 


14.  Prishadasvah 

15.  Rikshah 

16.  Kakshivantah 


17.  Dirghatamasah 


GOTRAS. 

No.  of  Ancestors.         Invocation  of  Ancestors. 


3     Angirasa,     Yamadevya, 

Gautameti. 
3     Angirasa,        Barhaduk- 

thya,  Gautameti. 
'  3     Angirasa,    Parshadasva, 
or     Yairupeti. 
3     Ashtadanshtra,    Parsha- 
dasva, Yairupeti. 
5     Angirasa,    Barhaspatya, 

Bharadvaja,    Vandana, 

Matavachaseti. 
5     Angirasa,       Auchathya, 

Gautama,  Ausija,  Kak- 

shivateti. 
3     Angirasa,      Auchathya, 

Dairghatamaseti. 


II.  b.  The  Bharadvajas. 


19.  Mudgalah 


20.  Yishnuvriddhah 


18.  Bharadvajagnive-     1  3     Angirasa,    Barhaspatya, 
syah  Bharadvajeti. 

3     Angirasa,    Bharmyasva, 

or     Maudgalyeti. 

3     Tarkshya,   Bharmyasva, 

Maudgalyeti. 
3     Angirasa,  Paurukutsya, 

Trasadasyaveti. 
5     Angirasa,    Barhaspatya, 

Bharadvaja,       G&rgya, 

oainyeti. 
3     Angirasa,    Sainya,   Gar- 

gyeti. 


21.  Gargah 


Name  of  Gotra. 

22.  Harita 
Kutsa 
Pinga 
Sankha 
Darbhya 
Bhaimagavah 

23.  Sankriti 
Putimasha 
Tandi 
Sambhu 
Saivagavak 

24.  Kanvah 

25.  Kapayak 


gotras.  383 

No.  of  Ancestors.         Invocation  of  Ancestors. 


3     Angirasa,      Ambarisha, 
or     Yauvanasveti. 
3     M&ndhatra,  Ambarisha, 
Yauvanasveti. 


Angirasa, 


Gaurivita, 


• 


or     Sankrityeti. 
"3     Saktya,  Gaurivita,  San- 
krityeti, 

"  3     Arigirasa,         Ajamilha, 
or     Kanveti. 

3     Angirasa,  Ghaura,  Kan- 
veti. 
3     Angirasa,        Mahiyava, 

Urukshayaseti. 
5     Angirasa,    Barhaspatya, 


26.  Saunga-Saisirayali  -!  or     Bharadvaja,  Katya,  At- 


kileti. 


III.  The  Atris. 


27.  Atrayah 

28.  Gavishthirah 


3     Atreya,       Archananasa, 

Syavasveti. 
3     Atreya,         Gavishthira, 

Paurvatitheti. 


IV.  The  Visvamitras. 


29.  Chikita- 
G&lava- 
Kalabava- 
Manutantu- 
Kusikah 


«     Yaisvaniitra,    Devarata, 
Audaleti. 


384 


GOTRAS 


Name  of  Gotra.  No.  of  Ancestors.         Invocation  of  Ancestors. 

30.  Sraumata-kamaka-  )  3     Vaisvamitra,  Devasrava- 

yanah  J  sa,  Daivataraseti. 

31.  Dhananjayah  3     Vaisvamitra,        Madhu- 

chhandasa,  Dhananjay- 
yeti. 

32.  Ajah  3     Vaisvamitra,       Madhu- 

chhandasa,  Ajyeti. 

33.  Rohinah  3     Vaisvamitra,        Madhu- 

chhandasa,  Rauhineti. 

34.  Ashtakah  3     Vaisvamitra,        Madhu- 

chhandasa,  Ashtaketi. 

35.  Purana-Varidhapa- 1  3     Vaisvamitra,     Devarata, 


yantah 

36.  Katah 

37.  Aghamarshanah 

38.  Renavah 

39.  Venavah 

40.  Salankayana- 
i§alaksha- 
Lohitaksha- 
Lohitajahnavah 


Pauraneti. 
3     Vaisvamitra,  Katya,  At- 

kileti. 
3     Vaisvamitra,    Aghamar- 

shana,  Kausiketi. 
3     Vaisvamitra,       Gathina, 

Rainaveti. 
3     Vaisvamitra,      Gathina- 

Vainaveti. 

3     Vaisvamitra,      Salanka- 
yana,  Kausiketi. 


V.  The  Kasyapas. 

41.  Kasyapah  3     Kasyapa,  Avatsara,  Asi- 

teti. 

42.  Nidhruvah  3     Kasyapa,  Avatsara, 

Naidhruveti. 

43.  Rebhah  3     Kasyapa,  Avatsara,  Rai- 

bhyeti. 


GOTRAS.  385 

Name  of  Got  ra.  No.  of  Ancestors.         Invocation  of  Ancestors. 

3     Sandila,  Asita,  Daivaleti. 


44.  &andil&h 


or 

3     Kasyapa,  Asita,    Daiva- 
leti. 


VI.  The  Vasishthas. 

45.  Vasishthah  1     Vasishtheti. 

46.  Upamanyavah  3     Vasishtha,Abharadvasu, 

lndrapramadeti. 

47.  Parasarah  3     Vasishtha,   Saktya,    Pa- 

rasaryeti. 

48.  Kundinah  3     Vasishtha,     Maitravaru- 

na,  Kaundinyeti. 

VII.  The  Agastis. 

{3     Agastya,  Dardhacliyuta, 
or     Idhmavaheti. 
3     Agastya,  Dardhachyuta, 
Somavaheti. 

There  are  other  lists  of  much  greater  extent,  which 
may  become  useful  in  time  for  chronological  calcula- 
tions. In  them  the  first  branch  of  the  Bhrigus,  the 
Vatsas,  count  73  names ;  among  them  such  names  as 
Saunakayanah  (8),  Pailah  (13),  Paingalayanah  (14), 
Paninih  (29),  Valmikayah  (30).  The  Vidas  com- 
prise 13,  the  Arshtishenas  8,  the  Yaskas  20,  the  Mi- 
trayus  11,  the  Vainyas  3,  and  the  Sunakas  9  names. 
It  would  occupy  too  much  space  to  print  these  lists 
here. 

In  order  to  prove  that  these  lists  were  not  merely 
arbitrary  compositions,  their  practical  bearing  on  two 
very  important  acts  of  the  ancient  Brahmanic  society, 

c  c 


386  GOTRAS. 

the  consecrating  of  the  sacrificial  fires,  and  marriage, 
should  be  borne  in  mind. 

When  the  fire  is  to  be  consecrated,  Agni  Havya- 
vahana,  the  god  who  carries  the  libations  to  heaven, 
must  be  invoked.  This  invocation  or  invitation  of 
Agni,  is  called  pravara.1  Agni  himself  or  the  fire  is 
called  Arsheya,  the  offspring  of  the  Rishis,  because  the 
Rishis  first  lighted  him  at  their  sacrifices.  He  is  the 
Hotri  as  well  as  the  Adhvaryu  among  the  gods. 
Like  the  Hotri  and  Adhvaryu  priests,  he  is  supposed 
to  invite  the  gods  to  the  sacrifice,  and  to  carry  him- 
self the  oblation  to  the  seat  of  the  immortals.  When 
therefore  a  Brahman  has  his  own  fire  consecrated,  he 
wishes  to  declare  that  he  is  as  worthy  as  his  ancestors 
to  offer  sacrifices,  and  he  invites  Agni  to  carry  his 
oblations  to  the  gods  as  he  did  for  his  ancestors.  The 
names  of  these  ancestors  must  then  be  added  to  his 
invitation,  and  thus  the  invitation  or  invocation  of 
the  ancestors  came  to  be  called  pravara.  For  in- 
stance, if  a  Brahman  belongs  to  the  family  of  the  Man- 
dukeyas,  he  must  know  that  the  Mandukeyas  belong 
to  the  Vatsas,  and  that  the  Yatsas  are  descended  from 
Bhrigu,  and  invoke  five  ancestors.  He  must,  therefore, 
like  all  members  of  the  Vatsa-gotra,  invoke  Agni  by 
the  names  of  Bhargava,  Chyavana,  Apnavana,  Aurva, 
and  Jamadgna.  If  he  belong  to  the  family  of 
Yajnavalkya,  a  branch  of  the  Kusikas,  descendants 
of  Visvamitra,  he  must  invoke  Agni  by  the  name  of 
Visvamitra,  Devarata  and   Udala.     This,  at  least,  is 


GOTRAS.  387 

the  rule  laid  down  in  the  Baudhayana-sutra,  with 
which  the  Asvalayana-sutra  coincides,  except  that  it 
does  not  mention  the  Yajnavalkyas  as  a  subdivision 
of  the  Kusikas.  This  custom  was  known  at  the  time 
of  the  composition  of  the  Brahmanas,  and  we  have  no 
reason  to  doubt  that  ever  since  the  first  establish- 
ment of  Vedic  sacrifices,  the  forty-nine  families  pre- 
served the  tradition  of  their  sacred  pedigree,  and  that 
their  genealogies  possess  a  certain  historical  value.1 

This  is  confirmed  still  further  if  we  consider  the 
ancient  Brahmanic  marriage  laws.  To  marry  a 
woman  belonging  to  the  same  Gotra,  or  having  the 
same  Pravara,  was  considered  incest,  and  visited  with 
severe  penance.  Asvalayana  (xii.  15.)  says  :  "  Asa- 
manapravarair  vivahah."  "Marriage  takes  place  with 
persons  who  have  not  the  same  Pravara,  i.  e.  who  do 
not  invoke  the  same  Rishis  as  their  ancestors." 
Apastamba  says:  "Sagotraya  duhitaram  na  prayach- 
chhet,"  "  Thou  shalt  not  give  thy  daughter  to  a  man 
belonging  to  the  same  Gotra  or 'family."  Yajnavalkya 
says :  " Aroginim  bhratrimatirn  asamanarshagotrajam 
udvahet."  "  Let  a  man  marry  a  woman  who  is  free 
from  disease,  who  has  brothers,  and  who  is  not 
the  daughter  of  a  man  having  the  same  ancestors 
and  belonging  to  the  same  Gotra  as  himself."  In 
each  case  severe  punishments  are  threatened  if  a  man 

1  Thus  we  read  in  the  Srauta-sutras  of  the  Manavas,  that  the 
Dikshita  must  say  his  name,  the  name  of  his  Gotra,  of  his  father, 
grandfather,  and  great  grandfather ;  a  custom  which,  if  observed 
as  a  sacred  law,  must  have  preserved  a  genealogical  knowledge  for 

many  generations.    ^tf%rfrS*nTCTf%f7f  ^T*T   "^WTf^l    ^T~ 

c  c  2 


388  GOTRAS. 

transgress  these  rules  knowingly,  or  even  unknow- 
ingly. There  are  some  special  rules  with  regard  to 
marriage,  which  differ  again  according  to  different 
Sutras;  of  which  the  following,  taken  from  Asva- 
layana,  may  serve  as  a  specimen : 

1.  Persons  who  have  the  same  Pravara  must  not 
intermarry.  Hence  a  Parasara  must  not  marry  the 
daughter  of  a  Parasara. 

2.  Persons  belonging  to  the  same  Gotra  must  not 
intermarry.  Hence  a  Visvamitra  must  not  marry 
the  daughter  of  a  Visvamitra. 

3.  There  are  exceptions  to  this  rule  among  the 
Bhrigus  and  Angi rasas.  As  a  general  rule,  persons 
are  called  sagotra,  if  but  one  of  the  Rishis  whom  they 
invoke  is  the  same.  Hence  an  Upamanyu  must  not 
marry  the  daughter  of  a  Parasara,  because  the  name 
of  Vasishtha  occurs  in  the  tryarsheya  pravara  of  both. 
But  the  three  Gotras  of  the  Bhrigus,  from  the  Syaitas 
to  the  &unakas,  may  intermarry.  The  first  four 
Gotras  of  the  Bhrigus  must  not,  neither  the  six  first 
Gotras  of  the  Gotamas.  The  Prishadasvas,  Mudgalas, 
Yishnuvriddhas,  Kanvas,  Agastyas,  Haritas,  San- 
kritis,  Kapis  and  Yaskas  may  intermarry  among 
themselves,  and  with  the  Jamadagnyas,  &c.  Dhir- 
ghatamas',  on  the  contrary,  Auchathyas  and  Kak- 
shivats  are  to  be  considered  as  members  of  one  Gotra, 
nor  are  marriages  allowed  between  the  Bharadvajag- 
nivesis,  Rikshas,  £unga-&aisiris,  (or  Sungas,  Saisiris), 
Katas,  and,  according  to  some,  the  Gargas. 

It  is  clear  from  this  that  the  science  of  genealogy, 
being  so  intimately  connected  with  the  social  and 
ecclesiastical  system  of  the  Brahmans,  must  have  been 
studied    with    great    care   in    India,    and    that  the 


BRAHMANAS.  389 

genealogical  lists  which  have  been  preserved  to  us 
in  ancient  works  represent  something  real  and  his- 
torical. 

After  we  have  thus  gained  an  insight  into  the 
system  by  which  the  Brahmanas  were  handed  down 
from  generation  to  generation,  we  now  return  to 
a  consideration  of  the  literary  merits  of  these  works. 
The  Brahmanas  represent  no  doubt  a  most  interest- 
ing phase  in  the  history  of  the  Indian  mind,  but 
judged  by  themselves,  as  literary  productions,  they 
are  most  disappointing.  No  one  would  have  supposed 
that  at  so  early  a  period,  and  in  so  primitive  a  state 
of  society,  there  could  have  risen  up  a  literature 
which  for  pedantry  and  downright  absurdity  can 
hardly  be  matched  anywhere.  There  is  no  lack  of 
striking  thoughts,  of  bold  expressions,  of  sound  reason- 
ing, and  curious  traditions  in  these  collections.  But 
these  are  only  like  the  fragments  of  a  torso,  like  pre- 
cious gems  set  in  brass  and  lead.  The  general  cha- 
racter of  these  works  is  marked  by  shallow  and  insipid 
grandiloquence,  by  priestly  conceit,  and  antiquarian 
pedantry.  It  is  most  important  to  the  historian 
that  he  should  know  how  soon  the  fresh  and  healthy 
growth  of  a  nation  can  be  blighted  by  priestcraft 
and  superstition.  It  is  most  important  that  we 
should  know  that  nations  are  liable  to  these  epidemics 
in  their  youth  as  well  as  in  their  dotage.  These 
works  deserve  to  be  studied  as  the  physician  studies 
the  twaddle  of  idiots,  and  the  raving  of  madmen. 
They  will  disclose  to  a  thoughtful  eye  the  ruins  of 
faded  grandeur,  the  memories  of  noble  aspirations. 
But  let  us  only  try  to  translate  these  works  into  our 
own  language,  and    we    shall    feel   astonished    that 

c  c  3 


390  BRAHMANAS. 

human  language  and  human  thought  should  ever 
have  been  used  for  such  purposes.  The  following 
is  a  small  specimen,  and  it  has  not  been  chosen  to 
give  an  unfavourable  idea  of  the  Brahmanas.  It 
is  the  beginning  of  the  Aitareya-brahmana,  and  ex- 
plains a  sacrificial  act  in  itself  full  of  meaning.  Ori- 
ginally the  Dikshaniya,  as  this  ceremony  is  called, 
was  meant  to  represent,  by  simple  and  natural  emblems, 
the  new  birth  through  which  a  man,  on  his  first  ad- 
mission to  the  sacrifice,  was  believed  to  enter  a  new 
life.  Let  us  see  what  became  of  this  act  in  the  hands 
of  the  Brahmans. 


Aitareya-brahmana. — Dikshaniya. 

Agni  is  the  first  among  the  Gods,  Vishnu  the 
last.1     Between  them  stand  all  the  other  deities. 

They  offer  a  Purolasa  to  Agni  and  Vishnu  which 
has  been  prepared  for  the  Dikshaniya  in  eleven  jars.2 

\3rTT:il 

The  commentator  says  that  the  gods  among  whom  Agni  and 
Vishnu  are  the  first  and  last,  are  the  gods  to  whom  prayers  are 
offered  at  the  ceremonies  belonging  to  the  Agnishtoma.  There  are 
12  prayers  (sastra),  and  the  first  is  addressed  to  Agni  (bhiir 
Agnir  jyotih)  ;  the  last,  which  is  an  agnimaruta,  contains  a  verse 
in  praise  of  Vishnu  (Vishnor  nu  kam).  See  Kaushitaki-brahmana, 
viii.  1.  This  passage  proves  nothing  as  to  the  relative  dignity  of 
Agni  and  Vishnu.  In  the  Kaush.-br.  Agni  is  called  avararddhya, 
Vishnu  pararddhyas,  and  the  Com.  explains  these  terms  as  signi- 
fying the  first  in  the  former,  and  the  first  in  the  latter  half. 

A  pui  ojasa  is  a  baked  flour  cake  (pakvah  pishtapindah),  and 
nirvap,  to  strew,  means  originally  to  take  four   handfuls  of  rice 


BRAHMAN  AS.  391 

They  offer  it  indeed  to  all  the  deities  of  this  cere- 
mony, without  any  difference.1 

For  Agni  is  all  the  deities,  Vishnu  is  all  the  dei- 
ties.2 

They  are  the  two  extremities  of  the  sacrifice,  Agni 
and  Vishnu.  Thus  when  men  offer  the  Purolasa  to 
Agni  and  Vishnu,  they  worship  the  deities  at  both 
ends.3 

Here  they  say,  if  there  be  a  Purojasa  prepared  in 
eleven  jars,  and  there  be  two  gods,  Agni  and  Vishnu, 
what  rule  is  there  for  the  two,  or  what  division  ?  4 

The  Puro]asa  of  eight  jars  belongs  to  Agni,  for  the 
Gayatri  verse  consists  of  eight  syllables,  and  the 
Gayatri  is  Agni's  metre.  That  of  three  jars  belongs 
to  Vishnu,  for  Vishnu  strode  thrice  through  this 
universe.  This  is  their  rule  here,  and  this  the 
division.5 

from  the  cart  and  throw  them  into  a  winnowing  basket.  Here, 
however,  it  means  the  offering  of  the  oblation  which  has  been 
prepared  in  that  manner.  The  original  meaning  of  Diksha  is  said 
to  be  "  shaving  or  cleansing." 

^^f%3rwr  %^f%ffcf  f^^ff^^^rr  l^r^r^ 

c  c  4 


392  BKAHMANAS. 

He  who  thinks  himself  without  wealth,  may  offer 
a  Charu  in  ghee  (clarified  butter).1 

On  this  earth  no  one  succeeds  who  has  no  wealth.2 
The  ghee  in  the  Charu,  is  the  milk  of  the  woman, 
the  grains  belong  to  the  man ;  both  together  are  a 
pair.    Thus  the  Charu  increases  him  by  this  very  pair 
with  progeny  and  cattle,  so  that  he  may  prosper.3 
He  who  knows  this  is  increased  with  progeny.4 
He  who  performs  the  New-moon  and  Full-moon  sa- 
crifices, has  commenced  with  the  sacrifice  and  with  the 
gods.5     After  having  sacrificed  with  the  new  moon 
or  full-moon  oblation,  he  may    perform  the  Diksha 
on  the  same  oblation  and  the  same  sacrificial  seat.6 

^hWI^t  rpR^rr  mjfir:  "R^reffr  wraN 

The  commentator  tries  to  show  that  the  Darsa-piirna-masa 
sacrifices  are  connected  with  all  other  rites.  Although  the  Soma 
sacrifice  is  not  a  modification  of  the  Dai  sa-purna-masa.  still  the 
Ishtis,  as,  for  instance,  the  Dikshaniya  and  PrayanJya,  are,  and 
they  form  part  of  the  Soma  sacrifice.  The  Agnihotra  also,  with 
all  its  parts,  does  not  follow  the  rule  of  the  D.  P.,  but  it  has 
reference  to  the  Ahavaniya  and  the  other  sacred  fires,  and  these 
fires  must  be  placed  by  means  of  the  Pavamana-ishti.  Now,  as 
all  the  Ishtis  are  modifications  of  the  D.  P.,  the  relation  is  esta- 
blished ;  and  therefore  the  D.  P.  may  be  called  the  beginning  of 


sacrifices. 


c 


The  commentator  says:  havih  means  the  sacrifice,  and  barhih 


BRAHMANAS.  393 

This  is  one  Diksha.1 

The  Hotri  must  recite  seventeen  Samidheni  verses.2 

The  Prajapati,  the  Lord  of  the  World,  is  seventeen- 
fold,  the  months  are  twelve,  and  the  seasons  five,  by 
putting  the  Hemanta  and  Sisira  seasons  as  one.  So 
much  is  the  year,  and  the  year  is  Prajapati.3 

He  who  knows  this  prospers  by  those  verses  which 
reside  in  Prajapati.4 

The  sacrifice  went  away  from  the  gods.  They 
wished  to  find  it  by  means  of  the  Ishtis.  The  Ishtis 
are  called  Ishtis  because  with  them  they  wished  (ish, 
to  wish)  to  find  it.5     They  found  it.6 

means  the   same,  and  he  takes  the  two  locatives  in  the  sense  of 
"after  this  new  moon  and  full  moon  sacrifice  has  been  performed." 

1  The  last  words,  "  this  is  one  Diksha,"  indicate  that  there  is  an- 
other ;  that  is  to  say,  some  allow  the  Soma  sacrifice,  which  begins 
with  the  Diksha,  before  the  Darsa-purna-masa. 

The  number  is  stated,  because  generally  the  Samidhenis  are 
only  fifteen  in  number.  These  fifteen  were  originally  but  eleven 
verses,  of  which  the  first  and  last  are  repeated  three  times. 

5  The  Brahmana  gives  here  three  fanciful  etymologies  of  ishti, 
the  technical  name  of  the  sacrifice  ;  ofahuti,  the  oblations  enjoined 
at  the  sacrifice  ;  and  of  uti,  another  name  for  the  same.  The  real 
etymology  of  ishti  is  not  ish,  to  wish,  but  yaj,  to  sacrifice ;  of 
ahuti,  not  hvayati,  to  call,  but  juhoti,  to  offer ;  of  uti,  not  ayati, 
to  come,  but  avati,  to  protect. 

6  ^rsft  V^>s  ^T^TOTrfafsft:  ^m^^frfsfa: 


394  BRAHMANAS. 

He  who  knows  this  prospers  after  having  found 
the  sacrifice.1 

What  are  called  oblations  (ahuti)  are  invocations 
(ahuti)  ;  with  them  the  sacrificer  calls  the  gods, 
this  is  why  they  are  called  ahutis.2 

They  are  called  tltis,  for  by  their  means  the  gods 
come  to  the  calling  of  the  sacrificer  (dyanti,  they 
come).  Or  because  they  are  the  paths  and  the  ways, 
they  are  called  utis ;  for  they  are  the  way  to  heaven 
for  the  sacrificer.3 

There  they  say,  as  another  priest  makes  the  obla- 
tion (scil.  the  Adhvaryu),  then  why  do  they  call  him 
the  Hotri  (the  offerer),  who  recites  the  prayers  and 
formulas  ?4 

Because  he  causes  the  deities  to  be  brought  near 


The  commentator  says,  that  the  proper  name  for   the  Hotri 
would  seem  to  be  Anuvaktri  or  Yashtri,  because  TJTt'RTWf 


BRAHMAN  AS.  395 

according  to  their  station,  saying,  "  Bring  him,  bring 
him,"  this  is  the  reason  why  he  is  called  Hotri ;  he  is 
a  Hotri  (from  dvah,  to  bring  near.)  x 

He  who  knows  this,  is  called  a  Hotri.2 

He  whom  the  priests  initiate  (by  means  of  the 
Diksha  ceremony),  he  is  made  again  to  be  an  embryo 
(he  is  born  again.)3 

They  sprinkle  him  with  water.4 

Water  is  seed  ;  having  thus  given  this  to  him, 
they  initiate  him.5 

They  anoint  him  with  fresh  butter  (navanita). 
Clarified  butter  for  the  gods  is  (called)  Ajya ;  for 
men  Surabhighrita ;  for  the  manes  Ayuta ;  for  the 
embryos  Navanita.  Therefore  by  anointing  him  with 
navanita,  they  increase  him  with  his  own  portion.6 

4  ^rftfiNfaii 

The  commentator  quotes  a  verse  to  the  effect  that  molten  ghee 
is  called  ajya  ;  hardened,  it  is  called  ghrita  ;  slightly  molten,  it  is 
called  ayuta;  and  well  seasoned,  it  is  called  surabhi.  But  the 
Taittiriyas  say,  "ghrita  is  for  the  gods,  astu  for  the  manes,  nish- 
pakva  for  men."  Astu  is  here  the  same  as  ayuta,  slightly  molten, 
and  nishpakva,  quite  liquid. 


39  G  BRAHMANAS. 

They  anoint  his  eyes  with  a  collyrium.1 

Anointing  is  light  for  the  eyes.  Having  thus  im- 
parted light  to  him,  they  initiate  him.2 

They  rub  him  clean  with  twenty-one  handfuls  of 
Kusa  grass.3 

Him  who  is  pure  and  has  thus  been  cleaned,  they 
initiate.4 

They  take  him  to  the  hall.5 

The  hall  is  the  womb  for  the  pupil  (dikshita). 
By  taking  him  to  the  hall  they  take  him  (who 
was  before  represented  as  an  embryo)  into  his 
womb.6 

In  this  true  womb  he  sits,  and  hence  he  departs.7 

Therefore  the  fruit  is  borne  in  the  true  womb  and 
brought  forth  from  it.8 

Therefore  let  not  the  sun  shine  upon  him  in  its 

1  ^rnraNii 

3  T^fa^T   <T^f^t:   ^Tq^ftll 

5  ftf%rrf%f*m  W^f?Tll 

The  hall  is  called  Dikshita-vimita,  because  it  was  made  (vi- 
mita)  for  the  initiated  (dikshita).  It  is  commonly  called  Piachi- 
navansa. 

3 

8    WT^T^^Mt  Vfap  ^  *  ^  smwil 

6 


BRAHMANAS.  397 

rising  or  setting  away  from  the  hall,  nor  let  the 
priests  speak  to  him.1 

They  cover  him  with  a  cloth.2 

This  cloth  is  the  caul  in  which  the  pupil  is  to  be 
born  ;  thus  they  cover  him  with  the  caul.3 

The  skin  of  a  black  antelope  is  his  next  cloak.4 

Next  to  the  caul  is  the  Jarayu;  thus  they  cover 
him  with  the  Jarayu.5 

He  closes  his  hands.6 

With  closed  hands  the  embryo  lies,  with  closed 
hands  the  child  is  born.  As  he  closes  his  hands,  he 
holds  the  sacrifice,  and  all  its  gods  between  his 
hands.7 

They  say,  there  is  no  confusion  for  him  who  has 
first  finished  his  Diksha ;  for  his  sacrifice  is  held  fast 
(between  his  hands),  and  the  gods  are  so  likewise. 
Therefore  there  can  be  no  loss  for  him,  like  that 
which  falls  on  him  whose  Diksha  was  finished  later.8 

5  ^rrrt  ^t  ^^T^rTra  ^n:rew%*T  rrsfHhffirii 
8  ct^ti^    ^hftfaw:    *nHYsf%    ^f^ftrrt    ^t 


398  BRAHMANAS. 

After  having  put  off  his  cloak,  he  descends  to  the 
bath.  Therefore  an  embryo  is  born  after  he  is  sepa- 
rated from  the  Jarayu.1 

He  descends  together  with  his  cloth  —  therefore  a 
child  is  born  together  with  the  caul.2 

For  him  who  has  not  offered  a  sacrifice  before,  let 
(the  Hotri)  recite  two  puronuvakyas,  "  tvam  agne 
sapratha  asi,"  (v.  13.  4.)  for  the  first,  "soma  yas  te 
mayobhuvah"  (i.  9L  9.)  for  the  second  portion  of 
the  ghee.3 

(The  third  line  of  the  first  verse  is)  "through  thee 
they  carry  out  the  sacrifice  ; "  and  by  reciting  this 
line  the  Hotri  carries  out  the  sacrifice  for  the  pupil.4 

It  is  said  by  the  commentator  that  if  two  or  more  Brahmans 
perform  the  Soma  sacrifice  on  the  same  spot  and  at  the  same  time, 
they  commit  a  sin,  which  is  called  sansava,  confusion  of  libations. 
They  ought  to  be  separated  by  a  river  or  a  mountain.  He,  how- 
ever, who  has  finished  his  Diksha  first  and  holds  the  gods  between 
his  closed  hands,  is  not  exposed  to  the  consequences  of  the  san- 
sava,  because  the  gods  will  be  with  him  and  not  with  the  other 
man  whose  Diksha  was  finished  later. 

*n?t:  ^rrV^T^r  ^fW^i:  n^brfterR:  wtpItii 

After  the  general  remarks  on  the  Dikshaniyeshti  which  were 
given  in  the  first  three  sections,  without  any  particular  regard  to 
the  offices  of  the  Hotri,  the  fourth  section  begins  with  the  cere- 
monial rules  for  the  Hotri.  The  Hotri  has  to  recite  certain  verses 
on  being  ordered  to  do  so  by  the  Adhvaryu. 


BRAHMANAS.  399 

For  him  who  has  offered  a  sacrifice  before,  let  the 
Hotri  recite  instead  "Agnih  pratnena  manmana," 
(viii.  44.  12.)  and  "soma  girbhish  tva  vayam " 
(i.  91.  II.)1 

By  saying  "  pratnam  n  (former)  a  word  which  oc- 
curs in  the  first  verse,  he  alludes  to  the  former 
sacrifice.2 

Both  these  rules  (of  using  certain  verses  for  a  man 
who  has  not,  and  for  a  man  who  has,  sacrificed  before) 
are  not  to  be  observed.3 

Let  him  rather  use  the  two  verses  on  the  destruc- 
tion of  Vritra  "Agnirvritranijanghanat,"  (vi.  16.  24.) 
and  "  tvam  Somasi  satpatih  "  (i.  91.  5.)4 

For  he  whom  the  sacrifice  approaches  destroys 
Vritra ;  therefore  verses  on  the  destruction  of  Vritra 
are  to  be  used.5 

Having  enjoined  these  two  verses  for  the  introduc- 
tory ceremony  of  the  offering  of  ghee,  the  Brahmana 
now  proceeds  to  detail  the  yajyanuvakyas  for  the 
principal  offering. 

^hftwnr:  wrrtiii 
3  frrrwTWH 

5  t^  3T  ipr  Ufa  %  5*  ^RHf^r  rrw^wr^ 
cinferrf^tii 

The  reason  which  the  commentator  gives  for  this  extraordinary 
proceeding  is,  that  in  each  of  the  two  couples  of  verses  which 
were  first  recommended,  the  first  verse  only  contained  an  allusion 
to  the  peculiarities  of  the  sacrifices,  while  the  two  verses  now 
enjoined  both  treat  of  the  destruction  of  Vritra. 


400  BRAHMANAS. 

"  Agnir  mukham  prathamo  devatanam,"  &c.,  is  the 
Puronuvakya,  "  Agnis  cha  Vishno  tapa  uttamam 
mahah,"  etc.  the  Yajya  verse.  These  two  verses  on 
Agni  and  Vishnu  are  correct  in  form.  The  correctness 
of  a  sacrifice  consists  in  its  correctness  of  form  ;  it 
consists  in  this  that  the  verse  recited  alludes  to  the 
act  performed.1 

Agni  and  Vishnu  are  the  guardians  of  the  Diksha 
among  the  gods.  They  are  the  lords  of  the  Diksha. 
Therefore  as  the  oblation  is  to  Agni  and  Vishnu,  they 
who  are  the  lords  of  the  Diksha  are  pleased  and  grant 
the  Diksha,  saying,  Let  those  who  perform  this  rite 
be  initiated.2 

They  are  Trishtubhs  (by  their  metre),  in  order 
that  they  may  give  bodily  strength.3 

Having  explained  the  verses  used  by  the  Hotri  at 
the  principal  part  of  the  sacrifice,  the  Brahmana  adds 
some  rules  on  the  Svishtakrit  verses. 

%mwt  ^w*j%  tjtt%  *rsre  w*?^  ij^to^i  ^^^ 

Instead  of  saying  "  anuvakyayajye,"  because  the  anuvakya 
comes  before  the  yajya,  the  compound  yajyanuvakye  is  formed,  the 
shorter  word,  according  to  grammar,  standing  first  in  a  Dvandva 
compound.  The  verses  are  not  in  the  6akala-sakha  of  the 
Rig-veda. 

t*rT?r   crornn^ri  ^fwrfir   *rr   ^^tct  turn 

^fTTfrrfnil 


BliAUMANAS.  401 

He  who  wishes  for  beauty  and  for  wisdom,  let  him 
use  the  two  Gayatri  verses  *  of  the  Svishtakrit.2 

The  Gayatri  is  beauty,  full  of  wisdom.3 

He  who  knowing  this  uses  the  two  Gayatris  be- 
comes possessed  of  beauty  and  wisdom.4 

He  who  desires  long  life,  let  him  use  two  Ushnih 
verses.5 

Ushnih  is  life.6 

He  who  knowing  this  uses  the  two  Ushnihs,  arrives 
at  any  age.7 

He  who  desires  heaven,  let  him  use  two  Anush- 
tubhs.8 

There  are  sixty-four  syllables  in  the  two  Anush- 
tubhs,  and  three  are  these  worlds,  (earth,  sky  and 
heaven)  each  of  twenty-one  parts.  With  each 
twenty-one  syllables  he  ascends  to  these  worlds,  and 
with  the  sixty-fourth  he  stands  firm  in  heaven.9 

1  They  are  "  Sa  havyaval  amartyah,"  (iii.  11.  2.)  and  "  Agnir 
liota  purohitah."  (iii.  11.  1.) 

They  are  "Agne  vajasya  gomatah,"  (i.  79. 4.)  and  "Sa  idhano 
vasush  kavih."  (i.  79.  5.) 

8  ^*Pg*?Y  ^^TO:    ^ffrfll 

They  are  "Tvam  Agne  vasun."  (i.  45.  1.) 

DD 


402  BRAHMANAS. 

He  who  knowing  this  uses  the  two  Anushtubhs 
stands  firm.1 

He  who  desires  wealth  and  glory,  let  him  use  two 
Brihatis.2 

The  Brihati  is  wealth  and  glory.3 

He  who  knowing  this  uses  two  Brihatis,  gives  him- 
self wealth  and  glory.4 

He  who  loves  the  sacrifice,  let  him  use  two 
Panktis.5 

The  sacrifice  is  like  a  Pankti.6 

The  sacrifice  comes  to  him  who,  knowing  this,  uses 
two  Panktis.7 

Let  him  who  desires  strength,  use  two  Trishtubhs.8 

Trishtubh  is  strength,  which  is  vigour  and  power.9 

He  who  knowing  this  uses  two  Trishtubhs,  becomes 
strong,  vigorous  and  powerful.10 


1  irf?rf?ref%  ^  Tr^T*T«jwt  3^11 

2  ^wr  ^sPfanft  *nrw*r:  ^faii 

They  are  "Ena  vo  agnim  (vii.  16.  1.),  and  Udasya  sochih."  (vii. 
16.  3.) 

They  are  "  Agnim  tam  manye."  (v.  6.  1.) 

6  Trnrr  %  *rsi:ii 

7  ^t  wr  TRft  ^  iwfH'i^  ^tft  ^^ii 

8  f*wr  ft^T^R:  ^ffrTll 

They  are  "Dve  virupe  charatah."  (i.  95.  1.) 


BRAIIMANAS.  403 

Let  him  who  desires  cattle,  use  two  Jagatis.1 

Cattle  is  Jagati-like.2 

He  who  knowing  this  uses  two  Jagatis,  becomes 
rich  in  cattle.3 

Let  him  who  desires  food,  use  two  Viraj  verses.4 

Viraj  is  food.5     (vir&j,  to  shine.) 

Therefore  he  who  has  the  largest  food  here  shines 
most  on  earth  ;  this  is  the  reason  why  it  is  called 
Vir&j  (shining).6 

He  who  knows  this  shines  forth  among  his  own 
people;  he  is  the  best  of  his  friends.7 

All  these  are  voluntary  verses.  We  now  come  to 
those  which  are  always  to  be  used. 

Now  the  metre  Viraj  possesses  five  powers. 

Because  it  has  three  lines,  therefore  it  is  Gayatri 
and  Ushnih  (which  also  have  three  lines).  Because 
its  lines  have  each  eleven  syllables,  therefore  it  is 
Trishtubh.  Because  it  has  thirty- three  syllables, 
therefore  it  is  Anushtubh.  ( If  it  be  said  that  the  two 
Viraj  verses  in  question,  i.  e.  "  preddho  agne,"  &c. 
and  "  imo  agne,"  &c.,  have  only  thirty-one  and  thirty- 

They  are  "  Janasya  gopa."  (v.  11.  1.) 

2  srFTfTT  %  wr:  ii 

They  are  "Preddho  agne"  (vii.  1.  3.),  "Imo  agne."  (vii.  1.  18.) 
5  ^%f^TJII 

f^TT^ffH  fTf%TT^T  f^TT^^H 

7  fa  %  TT^fir  ^f:  wr*n  *rcf?t  v  q#  ^11  hji 

DD   2 


404  BRAHMATSTAS. 

two  syllables,  it  must  be  remembered  that)  metres  do 
not  change  by  one  syllable  or  by  two.  The  fifth  power 
is  that  it  is  Yiraj  (shining).1 

He  who  knowing  this  uses  the  two  Yiraj  verses,  ob- 
tains the  power  of  all  metres,  retains  the  power  of  all 
metres,  obtains  union,  uniformity  and  unison  with 
all  metres,  eats  and  has  to  eat,  has  food  together  with 
his  family.2 

Therefore  the  two  Yiraj  verses  are  certainly  to  be 
used,  those  which  begin  with  "  Preddho  agne  "  and 
"  Imo  agne."3 

Diksha  is  right,  Diksha  is  truth,  therefore  a  man 
who  performs  the  Diksha  must  speak  the  truth.4 

Now  they  say,  what  man  can  speak  all  truth  ? 
Gods  are  full  of  truth,  men  are  full  of  falsehood.5 

2  wit  w^f  ^t^FR^ir  wrf  w^f  ^Nrspr  w- 
"iwt  ^^wt  hvq&\  w^Pft  ¥^r^rn^^s^rfts^rfn- 

Right  (rita)  and  truth  (satya)  are  said  to  differ,  inasmuch  as 
rita  means  a  true  conception,  satya,  a  true  speech. 


BRA1IMANAS.  405 

Let  him  make  each  speech  with  the  word  "  Vicha- 
kshana." (which  means,  let  him  put "  vichakshana  ?  at 
the  end  of  the  name  of  a  person  whom  he  addresses.)1 

The  eye  is  vichakshana,  for  with  it  he  sees  clearly 
(vi-chaksh,  to  perceive.)2 

The  eye  is  established  as  truth  among  men.3 

Therefore  people  say  to  a  man  who  tells  something, 
"  Hast  thou  seen  it  ?  "  And  if  he  says  "  I  saw  it," 
then  they  believe  him.  And  if  one  sees  a  thing  one- 
self, one  does  not  believe  others,  even  many.4 

Therefore  let  a  man  make  each  speech  with  the 
word  "Vichakshana";  then  his  uttered  speech  be- 
comes full  of  truth.5 

For  instance,  instead  of  saying,  "  Devadatta,  bring  the  cow  ; " 
let  him  say,  "  Devadatta,  vichakshana,  bring  the  cow."  According 
to  Apastamba,  vichakshana  ought  to  be  used  after  the  names  of  a 
Kshatriya  and  Vaisya,  but  "chanasita"  after  the  name  of  a  Brah- 
man. 

2  ^g|  fa^W  f%  %^T  trcnftfftll      Kaush.-br.    ^^ 


DD   3 


406  BRAHMANAS. 

The  next  extract  is  from  the  Kaushitaki-brah- 
mana  (xxvi.  5.).  It  will  show  how  completely  the  true 
character  of  the  sacrifice  had  been  forgotten,  and  how 
much  importance  was  attached  to  mere  trifles.1  It  is 
intelligible,  wherever  there  is  an  established  ceremo- 
nial, and  priests  appointed  to  watch  over  it,  that  cer- 
tain rules  should  be  laid  down  for  remedying  any 
mistake  that  may  have  occurred  in  the  performance 
of  a  sacrifice.  The  chapter  of  accidents  is  a  large 
one,  and  the  Brahmans  have  spared  no  pains  in  laying 
down  the  most  complicated  rules,  how  to  counteract 
the  consequences*  of  a  real  mistake.     The  rules  of  pe- 

vfrim*  flftflrut  *m  ^rd^frr^  *n^>  wt- 

^TT^lt  3T   M'$  I  ^\wk  rf^^T "sreTf^rfTT  TOWfTf^Wl  rfT- 
fTTf^W  "3?<crf?T  d<d£  ^l^jf^TTII 


BRAHMANAS.  407 

nance  or  prayaschitta  occupy,  in  several  instances,  one 
third  of  the  whole  collections  of  ceremonial  rules. 
But  this  was  not  enough.  Discussions  were  raised, 
not  only  how  to  remedy  mistakes,  that  had  been  ob- 
served at  the  time  ;  but  how  to  counteract  the  effects 
of  mistakes,  unobserved  during  the  performance  of 
the  sacrifice.  To  settle  this  question,  the  Kaushita- 
kins  quote  the  following  story:  — 

"  And  then  Pratardana,  the  son  of  Divodasa,  (a 
famous  king)  having  gone  to  the  sacrifice  of  the 
Rishis  of  Nimisha,  sat  down  in  their  presence  and  asked 
the  question:  '  If  the  Saclasya  (the  superintending 
priest,  according  to  the  ceremonial  of  the  Kaushita- 
kins)  should  make  known  a  past  blunder,  or  any  one  of 
the  priests  should  observe  it,  how  would  you  be  free 
from  sin  ? '  The  priests  were  silent.  Their  Brahman 
was  Alikayu,  the  descendant  of  Vachaspati.  He  said,  '  I 
do  not  know  this,  alas!  Let  us  ask  the  teacher  of  our 
fathers,  the  elder  Jatukarnya.'  He  asked  him :  l  If 
the  performer  himself  should  observe  a  past  blunder, 
or  some  one  else  should  make  it  known,  how  could 
that  blunder  become  not  a  blunder  ?  by  saying  the 
passage  again,  or  by  an  offering  ? '  Jatukarnya  said, 
4  The  passage  must  be  said  again.'  Alikayu  asked 
him  again :  l  Should  he  say  again  the  Sastra,  the 
Anuvachana,  the  Nigada,  the  Yajya,  or  whatever  else 
it  may  be,  from  beginning  to  end  ? '  Jatukarnya 
said :  c  As  far  as  the  blunder  extends,  so  far  let  him 
say  it  again,  whether  a  verse,  a  half  verse,  a  foot,  a 
word,  or  a  letter.'  Then  said  Kaushitaki:  'Let  him 
not  say  the  passage  again,  nor  let  him  perform  a  pe- 
nance offering  (Kaush.-br.  vi.  11.).  It  is  not  a 
blunder,'  so  said  Kaushitaki ;  *  for,  whatever  blunder 
the  Hotris  commit   at   the   sacrifice   without   being 

D  D    4 


408  BRAIIMANAS. 

aware  of  it,  all  that,  Agni,  the  divine  Hotri,  makes 
whole ;  and  this  is  confirmed  by  a  verse  from  the 
Rig-veda.' " 

There  are,  however,  other  passages  in  the  Br&h- 
manas,  full  of  genuine  thought  and  feeling,  and  most 
valuable  as  pictures  of  life,  and  as  records  of  early 
struggles,  which  have  left  no  trace  in  the  literature 
of  other  nations.  The  story  of  Sunahsepha,  for  in- 
stance,  which  we  find  in  the  Aitareya-brahmana,  and 
in  the  Sankhayana-sutras  is  interesting  in  many 
respects.  It  shows  that,  at  that  early  time,  the  Brah- 
mans  were  familiar  with  the  idea  of  human  sacrifices, 
and  that  men  who  were  supposed  to  belong  to  the 
caste  of  the  Brahmans  were  ready  to  sell  their  sons 
for  that  purpose.  The  text  of  this  story,  together 
with  the  various  readings,  as  gathered  from  the 
Sankhayana-sutras  will  be  printed  in  the  appendix.1 

"Harischandra2,  the  son  of  Vedhas,  of  the  family 
of  the  Ikshvakus,  was  a  king  without  a  son.  He  had 
a  hundred  wives,  but  had  no  son  by  them.  In  his 
house  lived  Parvata  and  Narada.  He  asked  Narada : 
'  Tell  me,  0  Narada,  what  do  people  gain  by  a 
son,  whom  they  all  wish  for,  as  well  those  who  reason 
as  those  who  do  not  reason  ? ' 

Being  asked  by  one  verse,  Narada3  replied  in  ten 
verses : 

1  See  Professor  Wilson's  Essay  on  Human  Sacrifices  in  the 
Veda,  and  Professor  Roth,  in  Weber's  Ind.  Studien,  i.  p.  457. 

2  Harischandra  was,  according  to  the  Puranas,  the  son  of  Tri- 
sanku,  king  of  Ayodhya,  whom  Vasishtha  had  cursed,  and  who 
made  Visvamitra  his  Purohita.  Visvamitra  in  the  Brahmana  is 
represented  as  one  of  Harischandra's  priests,  but  the  office  of 
Brahman  is  held  by  Vasishtha.  In  the  Ramayana,  the  sacrifice 
of  Sunahsepha  takes  place  under  King  Ambarisha. 

3  Narada   is   known   as   a    frequent  interlocutor  in   the  epic 


BRAHMAN  AS..  409 

'If  a  father  sees  the  face  of  a  son,  born  alive, 
he  pays  a  debt  in  him,  and  goes  to  immortality. 

1  The  pleasure  which  a  father  has  in  his  son  is 
greater  than  all  the  pleasures  that  are  from  the  earth, 
from  the  fire,  and  from  the  waters. 

'Always  have  the  fathers  overcome  the  great 
darkness  by  a  son  ;  for  a  Self  is  born  from  his  Self ; 
it  (the  new-born  Self,  the  son)  is  like  a  ship,  full  of 
food,  to  carry  him  over. 

1  What  is  the  flesh  ?  What  is  the  skin  ?  What 
are  the  hairs  ?  What  the  heat  ?  Try  to  get  a  sou, 
you  Brahmans ;  he  is  undoubtedly  the  world. 

'  Food  is  life  for  men,  clothing  his  protection,  gold 
his  beauty,  cattle  his  strength.  His  wife  is  a  friend, 
his  daughter  is  a  pity1 ;  but  the  son  is  his  light  in  the 
highest  world. 

4  As  husband   he  embraces  a  wife,  who  becomes 

and  puranic  poetry,  particularly  in  dialogues  where  moral  and 
legal  precepts  are  given.  Cf.  Burnouf,  Bhagavat-purana,  vol.  iii. 
preface. 

1  The  commentator  gives  a  very  different  version  of  this  line. 
He  takes  mala,  which  usually  means  matter,  or  mud,  to  signify 
the  state  of  life  of  a  Grihastha,  or  householder.  Ajina,  the  skin, 
particularly  of  the  antelope  (aja),  he  takes  as  a  symbol  of  the 
Brahmachdrin  state,  because  the  pupil  wears  a  skin.  Smasruni, 
used  in  the  singular  for  beard,  he  takes  as  a  symbol  for  the  Vana- 
prastha,  because  he  does  not  shave  any  more ;  and  tapas  he  ex- 
plains to  mean  the  penance  practised  by  the  Parivrajaka. 

Why  the  birth  of  a  daughter  was  considered  a  pity  we  learn 
from  the  following  verse  (metre  Rathoddhata)  :  — 


410  BRAHMAN  AS. 

his  mother,  when  he  becomes  her  child.  Having  been 
renewed  in  her,  he  is  born  in  the  tenth  month. 

1  A  wife  is  a  wife  (jaya)  because  man  is  born 
(jayate)  again  in  her.  She  is  a  mother  (abhuti) 
because  she  brings  forth  (abhuti)  ;  a  germ  is  hidden 
in  her. 

1  The  gods  and  the  old  ages  brought  great  light 
unto  her.  The  gods  said  to  men  :  "  In  her  you  will 
be  born  again." 

'  There  is  no  life  for  him  who  has  no  son,  this  the 
animals  also  know. 

1  The  path  which  those  follow  who  have  sons  and 
no  sorrows,  is  widely  praised  and  happy.  Beasts 
and  birds  know  it,  and  they  have  young  ones  every- 
where.7 

Having  thus  spoken,  he  said  to  him  :  *  Go  to  Va- 
runa the  king,  and  say  :  May  a  son  be  born  to  me, 
and  I  shall  sacrifice  him  to  you.7  The  king  assented, 
he  went  to  Varuna  the  king,  and  said  :  4  May  a  son 
be  born  to  me  and  I  shall  sacrifice  him  to  you.7 
Varuna  said,  '  Yes.7  A  son  was  born  to  him,  called 
Rohita.  Then  Varuna  said  to  Harischandra :  '  A  son 
is  born  to  thee,  sacrifice  him  to  me.7  Harischandra 
said :  '  When  an  animal  is  more  than  ten  days  old, 
it  can  be  sacrificed.  May  he  be  older  than  ten  days 
and  I  shall  sacrifice  him  to  you.7 

Varuna  assented.  The  boy  was  more  than  ten  days 
old,  and  Varuna  said  :  '  He  is  older  now  than  ten  days, 
sacrifice  him  to  me.7  Harischandra  said :  '  When 
an  animal7s  teeth  come,  then  it  can  be  sacrificed.  May 
his  teeth  now  come,  and  I  shall  sacrifice  him  to  you.' 

Varuna  assented.  His  teeth  came,  and  Varuna 
said  :  '  His  teeth  have  come,  sacrifice  him  to  me.7 
Harischandra   said  :    c  WThen  an   animal's  teeth    fall 


BRAI1MANAS.  411 

out,  then  it  can  be  sacrificed.  May  his  teeth  fall  out, 
and  I  shall  sacrifice  him  to  you.' 

Varuna  assented;  his  teeth  fell  out,  and  Varuna 
said  :  l  His  teeth  have  fallen  out,  sacrifice  him  to 
me.'  Harischandra  replied :  '  When  an  animal's 
teeth  come  again,  then  it  can  be  sacrificed.  May  his 
teeth  come  again,  and  I  shall  sacrifice  him  to  you/ 

Varuna  assented.  His  teeth  came  again,  and 
Varuna  said :  '  His  teeth  have  come  again,  sacrifice 
him  to  me.'  Harischandra  said :  '  When  a  warrior 
(kshatriya)  is  girt  with  his  armour,  then  he  can  be 
sacrificed.  May  he  be  girt,  and  I  shall  sacrifice  him 
to  you.' 

Varuna  assented.  He  was  girt,  and  Varuna  said : 
1  He  has  been  girt,  let  him  be  sacrificed  to  me.' 

Harischandra  assented.  He  addressed  his  son  and 
said :  '  Child,  he  gave  you  to  me ;  Death !  that  I 
sacrifice  you  to  him.'  The  son  said,  '  No ! '  took  his 
bow,  and  went  to  the  forest,  and  lived  there  for  a 
year. 

And  Varuna  seized  Harischandra,  and  his  belly 
swelled.  This  Rohita  heard  and  went  from  the 
forest  to  the  village  (grama).  Indra,  in  the  form  of 
a  man,  went  round  him,  and  said  :  '  For  a  man  who 
does  not  travel  about  there  is  no  happiness,  thus  we 
have  heard,  0  Rohita  !  A  good  man  who  stays  at 
home  is  a  bad  man.  Indra  is  the  friend  of  him  who 
travels.     Travel.' 

Rohita  thought,  a  Brahman  has  told  me  to  travel, 
and  thus  he  travelled  a  second  year  in  the  forest. 
When  he  went  from  the  forest  to  the  village,  Indra, 
in  the  form  of  a  man,  went  round  him,  and  said : 

'  A  traveller's  legs  are  like   blossoming  branches, 


412  brahmanas. 

he  himself  grows  and  gathers  the  fruit.  All  his 
wrongs  vanish,  destroyed  by  his  exertion  on  the  road. 
Travel ! ' 

Rohita  thought,  a  Brahman  has  told  me  to  travel, 
and  thus  he  travelled  a  third  year  in  the  forest. 
When  he  went  from  the  forest  to  the  town,  Indra,  in 
the  form  of  a  man,  went  round  him,  and  said : 

i  The  fortune  of  a  man  who  sits,  sits  also ;  it  rises, 
when  he  rises ;  it  sleeps,  when  he  sleeps ;  it  moves 
well  when  he  moves.     Travel ! ' 

Rohita  thought,  a  Brahman  has  told  me  to  travel, 
and  thus  he  travelled  a  fourth  year  in  the  forest. 
When  he  went  from  the  forest  to  the  town,  Indra,  in 
the  form  of  a  man,  went  round  him,  and  said : 

1  A  man  who  sleeps  is  like  the  Kali  age * ;  a  man 
who  awakes  is  like  the  Dvapara  age ;  a  man  who  rises 
is  like  the  Treta  age ;  a  man  who  travels  is  like  the 
Krita  age.     Travel ! ' 

Rohita  thought,  a  Brahman  has  told  me  to  travel, 
and  thus  he  travelled  a  fifth  year  in  the  forest. 
When  he  went  from  the  forest  to  the  town,  Indra,  in 
the  form  of  a  man,  went  round  him,  and  said : 

1  A  traveller  finds  honey,  a  traveller  finds  sweet 
figs.  Look  at  the  happiness  of  the  sun,  who  travel- 
ling never  tires.     Travel ! ' 

Rohita  thought,  a  Brahman  has  told  me  to  travel, 
and  thus  he  travelled  a  sixth  year.  He  met  in  the 
forest  a  starving  Rishi,  Ajigarta,  the  son  of  Suyavasa. 
He  had  three  sons,  Sunahpuchha,  Sunahsepha,  and 
SunolangCda.  Rohita  said  to  him :  '  Rishi,  I  give 
you   a   hundred   cows,    I  ransom   myself  with   one 

1  This  is  one  of  the  earliest  allusions  to  the  four  ages  of  the 
world. 


BRAHMAN  AS.  413 

of  these  thy  sons.'  The  father  embraced  the  eldest 
son,  and  said :  c  Not  him.*  '  Nor  him/  said  the 
mother,  embracing  the  youngest.  And  the  parents 
bargained  to  give  Sunahsepha,  the  middle  son. 
Eohita  gave  a  hundred,  took  him,  and  went  from  the 
forest  to  the  village.  And  he  came  to  his  father,  and 
said :  '  Father,  Death !  I  ransom  myself  by  him.' 
The  father  went  to  Varuna,  and  said  :  1 1  shall  sacri- 
fice this  man  to  you/  Varuna  said,  c  Yes,  for  a 
Brahman  is  better  than  a  Kshatriya/  And  he  told 
him  to  perform  a  Rajasu}ra  sacrifice.  Harischandra 
took  him  to  be  the  victim  for  the  day,  when  the 
Soma  is  spent  to  the  gods. 

Visvdmitra  was  his  Hotri  priest,  Jamadagni  his 
Adhvaryu  priest,  Vasishtha,  the  Brahman,  Ayasya,  the 
Udgatri  priest.  When  Sunahsepha  had  been  pre- 
pared, they  found  nobody  to  bind  him  to  the  sacri- 
ficial post.  And  Ajigarta,  the  son  of  Suyavasa  said : 
1  Give  me  another  hundred,  and  I  shall  bind  him.'1 
They  gave  him  another  hundred,  and  he  bound  him. 
When  he  had  been  prepared  and  bound,  when  the 
Apri  hymns  had  been  sung,  and  he  had  been  led 
round  the  fire,  they  found  nobody  to  kill  him.  And 
Ajigarta,  the  son  of  Suyavasa  said :  '  Give  me  an- 
other hundred,  and  I  shall  kill  him.,  They  gave 
him  another  hundred,  and  he  came  whetting  his 
sword.  Then  Sunahsepha  thought,  '  They  will  really 
kill  me,  as  if  I  was  not  a  man.2     Death !  I  shall  pray 

1  Langlois,  in  his  translation  of  the  Harivansa  (i.  124.),  takes  a 
different  view  of  this  circumstance.  According  to  his  translation 
6unahsepha  "  avait  ete  dans  une  autre  existence  un  des  coursiers 
atteles  au  char  du  soleil."  Langlois  reads  in  the  text  Haridasva, 
which  he  takes  as  a  name  of  the  sun  with  green  horses. 

2  The  commentator  observes  here,  that  although  at  a  sacrifice 
men   and   wild  beasts  were  bound  to  the  post,  yet  both  beasts 


414  BRAHMANAS. 

to  the  gods.'  He  went  with  a  hymn  to  Prajdpati 
(Lord  of  the  World),  the  first  of  gods.  Prajapati 
said  to  him :  *  Agni  (fire)  is  the  nearest  of  gods,  go 
to  him.'  He  went  with  a  hymn  to  Agni,  and  Agni 
said  to  him :  '  Savitri  (the  progenitor)  rules  all 
creatures,  go  to  him.'  He  went  with  a  hymn  to 
Savitri,  and  Savitri  said  to  him :  '  Thou  art  bound 
for  Varuna  the  king,  go  to  him.'  He  went  with  a 
hymn  to  Varuna  the  king,  and  Varuna  said  to  him : 

*  Agni  is  the  mouth  of  the  gods,  the  kindest  god, 
praise  him,  and  we  shall  set  thee  free.'  Thus  he 
praised  Agni,  and  Agni  said  to  him :  '  Praise  the 
Visve  Devah,  and  we  shall  set  thee  free.'  Thus  he 
praised   the   Visve   Devah,  and  they  said   to   him : 

*  Indra  is  the  greatest,  mightiest,  strongest,  and 
friendliest  of  the  gods,  praise  him,  and  we  shall  set 
thee  free/  Thus  he  praised  Indra,  and  Indra  was 
pleased,  and  gave  him  in  his  mind  a  golden  car,  which 
Sunahsepha  acknowledged  by  another  verse.  Indra 
said  to  him ;  l  Praise  the  A&vinau,  and  we  shall  set 
thee  free/  Thus  he  praised  the  Asvinau,  and  they 
said  to  him :  l  Praise  Ushas  (dawn),  and  we  shall 
set  thee  free.'  Thus  he  praised  Ushas  with  three 
verses.  While  each  verse  was  delivered,  his  fetters 
were  loosed,  and  Harischandra's  belly  grew  smaller, 
and  when  the  last  verse  was  said,  his  fetters  were 
loosed,  and  Harischandra  well  again." 

This  story  is  chiefly  interesting  as  revealing  to 
us  three  distinct  elements  in  the  early  social  life 
of  India.     These   are  represented  by  the  royal   or 


and  men  were  set  free  immediately  after  the  Paryagni-karanam 
(purification  by  fire,  carried  round),  and  only  animals  like  sheep, 
&c,  were  killed. 


BRAIIMANAS.  415 

reigning  family  of  the  Ikshvakus,  by  their  priests 
or  ministers  belonging  to  several  famous  Brah- 
manical  races,  and  by  a  third  class  of  men,  living  in 
the  forests,  such  as  Ajigarta  and  his  three  sons.  It 
is  true  that  Ajigarta  is  called  a  Rishi,  and  one  of 
his  sons  a  Brahman.  But  even  if  we  accept  the 
Aryan  origin  of  Ajigarta,  the  seller  and  butcher  of 
his  own  son,  it  is  important  to  remark  how  great  a 
difference  there  must  have  been  between  the  various 
Aryan  settlers  in  India.  Whether  we  ascribe  this 
difference  to  a  difference  in  the  time  of  immigration, 
or  whatever  other  reason  we  may  assign  to  it,  yet 
there  remains  the  fact,  that,  with  all  the  vaunted 
civilisation  of  the  higher  Aryan  classes,  there  were 
Aryan  people  in  India  to  whom  not  only  a  young 
prince  could  make  the  offer  of  buying  their  children, 
but  where  the  father  offered  himself  to  bind  and  kill 
the  son,  whom  he  had  sold  for  a  hundred  cows.  This 
was  a  case  so  startling  to  the  later  Brahman s,  that  the 
author  of  the  Laws  of  Manu  was  obliged  to  allude  to 
it,  in  order  to  defend  the  dignity  of  his  caste.1  Manu 
says,  that  hunger  is  an  excuse  for  many  things,  and 
that  Ajigarta,  although  he  went  to  kill  his  own  son,  was 
not  guilty  of  a  crime,  because  he  did  so  to  appease 
his  hunger.  Now  the  author  of  the  Aitareya-brah- 
mana  certainly  does  not  adopt  this  view,  for  Ajigarta 
is  there,  as  we  shall  see,  severely  abused  for  his 
cruelty,  so  much  so,  that  his  son,  whom  he  has  sold, 
considers  himself  at  liberty  to  leave  the  family  of  his 
parents,  and  to  accept  the  offer  made  by  Visvamitra 
of  being  adopted  into  his  family.  So  revolting,  in- 
deed, is  the  description  given  of  Ajigarta's  behaviour 

1  Manu,  x.  105. 


416  BRAHMANAS. 

in  the  Brahmana,  that  we  should  rather  recognise  in 
him  a  specimen  of  the  un- Aryan  population  of  India. 
Such  a  supposition,  however,  would  be  in  contradic- 
tion with  several  of  the  most  essential  points  of  the 
legend,  particularly  in  what  regards  the  adoption  of 
Sunahsepha  by  Visvamitra.  Visvamitra,  though 
arrived  at  the  dignity  of  a  Brahman,  clearly  considers 
the  adoption  of  Sunahsepha  Devarata,  of  the  famous 
Brahmanic  family  of  the  Angirasas,  as  an  •  advantage 
for  himself  and  for  his  descendants ;  and  the  Deva- 
ratas  are  indeed  mentioned  as  a  famous  branch  of 
the  Visvamitras.  (Y.-P.  p.  405,  23.).  Sunahsepha  is 
made  his  eldest  son,  and  the  leader  of  his  brothers, 
evidently  as  the  defender  and  voucher  of  their 
Brahmahood,  which  must  have  been  then  of  very 
recent  date,  because  Visvamitra  himself  is  still  ad- 
dressed by  Sunahsepha  as  Rdja-putra,  and  Bharata- 
rishabha. 

The  Aitareya-brahmana  goes  on  to  state  that  the 
priests  asked  Sunahsepha  to  perform  the  sacrifice  of  the 
day.  (Sunahsepha  then  invented  the  ceremony  called 
Anjahsava,  and  prepared  the  Soma,  accompanied  by 
four  verses.1  He  poured  the  Soma  into  the  Drona-ka- 
lasa  vessel  with  one  verse,  and  made  the  libations  with 
the  four  first  verses  of  the  same  hymn,  accompanied 
by  Svaha  exclamations,  as  the  sacrifice  had  been 
begun  by  Harischandra.  Afterwards  he  carried  out 
all  the  things  belonging  to  the  Avabritha  ceremony, 
employing  two  verses,  and  made  Harischandra  go  to 
the  Ahavaniya  fire  with  another  hymn. 

"  When  the  sacrifice  had  thus  been  performed  Su- 
nahsepha  sat  down  on  the  lap  of  Visvamitra.  Ajigarta, 

1  These  verses  are  to  be  found  in  the  sixth  Anuvaka  of  the 
first  Mandala  of  the  Ricr-veda. 


BRAIIMANAS.  417 

the  son  of  Suyavasa,  said :  u  Rishi,  give  me  back  my 
son."  Visvamitra  said,  "  No ;  for  the  gods  have 
given  him  to  me."  He  became  Devarata  (Theodotus) 
the  son  of  Visvamitra,  and  the  members  of  the  fami- 
lies of  Kapila  and  Babhru  became  his  relations. 
Ajigarta  the  son  of  Siiyavasa  said :  H  Come  thou,  0 
son,  we,  both  I  and  thy  mother  call  thee  away." 
Ajigarta  the  son  of  Siiyavasa  said  :  u  Thou  art  by 
birth  an  Angirasa,  the  son  of  Ajigarta,  celebrated  as 
a  poet.  0  Rishi,  go  not  away  from  the  line  of  thy 
grandfather,  come  back  to  me."  Sunahsepha  replied  : 
"  They  have  seen  thee  with  a  knife  in  thy  hand,  a  thing 
that  men  have  never  found  even  amongst  Sudras ;  thou 
hast  taken  three  hundred  cows  for  me,  0  Angiras." 
Ajigarta  the  son  of  Suyavasa  said:  "  My  old  so»,  it 
grieves  me  for  the  wrong  that  I  have  done ;  I  throw 
it  away,  may  these  hundred  cows  belong  to  thee." 
ounahsepha  replied  :  "  Who  once  commits  a  sin  will 
commit  also  another  sin ;  thou  wilt  not  abstain  from 
the  ways  of  Sudras;  what  thou  hast  committed 
cannot  be  redressed."  "  Cannot  be  redressed,"  Visva- 
mitra repeated.  "  Dreadful  stood  the  son  of  Suyavasa 
when  he  went  to  kill  with  his  knife.  Be  not  his 
son,  come  and  be  my  son."  Sunahsepha  said:  " Tell 
us  thyself,  0  son  of  a  king,  thus  as  thou  art  known  to 
us,  how  I,  who  am  an  Angirasa,  shall  become  thy 
son."  Visvamitra  replied  :  "  Thou  shalt  be  the  eldest 
of  my  sons,  thy  offspring  shall  be  the  first,  thou  shalt 
receive  the  heritage  which  the  gods  have  given  me, 
thus  I  address  thee."  Sunalisepha  replied :  "  May 
the  leader  of  the  Bharatas  say  so,  in  the  presence  of 
his  agreeing  sons,  for  friendship's  and  happiness'  sake, 
that  I  shall  become  thy  son."     Then  Visvamitra  ad- 

E  E 


418  BRAHMANAS. 

dressed  his  sons :  u  Hear  me,  Madhuchhandas,  Rishabha, 
Renu,  Ashtaka,  and  all  ye  brothers  that  you  are, 
believe  in  his  seniority." 

This  Visvamitra  had  a  hundred  sons,  fifty  older  than 
Madhuchhandas,  and  fifty  younger.  The  elder  did  not 
like  this,  and  Visvamitra  pronounced  a  curse  upon 
them,  that  they  should  become  outcasts.  They 
became  Andhras,  Pundras,  Sabaras,  Pulindas,  Miiti- 
bas,  and  many  other  outcast  tribes,  so  that  the 
descendants  of  Visramitra  became  the  worst  of  the 
Dasyus.  But  Madhuchhandas,  together  with  the 
other  fifty  sons,  said :  "  What  our  father  tells  us,  in 
that  we  abide;  we  place  thee  before  us  and  follow  thee." 
When  Visvamitra  heard  this,  he  praised  his  sons  and 
said  :  "  You  sons  will  have  good  children  and  cattle, 
because  you  have  accepted  my  will,  and  have  made 
me  rich  in  brave  sons.  You,  descendants  of  Gathin  *, 
are  to  be  honoured  by  all,  you  brave  sons,  led  by 
Devarata ;  he  will  be  to  you  good  counsel.  You, 
descendants  of  Kusika,  follow  Devarata,  he  is  your 
hero,  he  will  give  you  my  riches,  and  whatever  know- 
ledge I  possess.  You  are  wise,  all  you  sons  of  Vis- 
vamitra together ;  you  are  rich,  you  stood  to  uphold 
Devarata,  and  to  make  him  your  eldest,  descendants  of 
Gathin.     Devarata2  (Sunahsepha)  is  mentioned  as  a 

1    Pururavas 
Jahnu 
.     .     .     .  x      Gathin  Kausika  (Bhrigus) 

J  I  I 

Visvamitra.  Satyavati        x        Richika     (Ikshvakus) 

Jamadagni        x  Renuka 

Parasu-rama.     . 
2  This  last  verse,  which  is  also  attributed  to  Visvamitra,  ought 


BRAHMAVAS.  419 

Rislii  of  both  families,  in  the  chiefdom  of  the  Jahnus, 
and  in  the  divine  Veda  of  the  Gathins." 

The  same  chapter  of  the  Aitareya-brahmana,  where 
this  story  of  Sunahsepha  is  told,  contains  many  cu- 
rious details  on  the  mutual  relation  of  the  Brahmans 
and  the  Kshatriyas.  The  story  of  Sunahsepha  is  said  to 
form  a  part  of  the  inauguration  of  a  king,  to  whom  it 
is  related  by  the  Hotri  priests,  the  Adhvaryu  priest 
acting  the  second  part ;  perhaps  an  early  attempt  at 
dramatic  representation. 

It  does  not  necessarily  follow  from  this  legend  that 
the  Rishis,  the  authors  of  the  Vedic  hymns,  offered 
human  sacrifices.  No  one  would  conclude  from  the 
willingness  of  Abraham  to  sacrifice  his  own  son  in 
obedience  to  a  supposed  command  from  Jehovah,  that 
the  Jews  had  been  in  the  habit  of  offering  their  sons 
as  victims.  It  is  not,  however,  because  human  sacri- 
fices seem  to  belong  only  to  the  most  savage  races  of 
men,  that  we  doubt  the  prevalence  of  this  custom 
among  the  ancient  Hindus.  Human  sacrifices  are 
not  incompatible  with  a  higher  stage  of  civilization, 
particularly  among  people  who  never  doubted  the 
immortality  of  the  soul,  and  at  the  same  time  felt  a 
craving  to  offer  whatever  seemed  most  valuable  on 
earth  to  the  gods  in  whom  they  believed.  There  are 
few  nations  in  the  history  of  the  world  whose  early 
traditions  do  not  exhibit  some  traces  of  human  sacri- 
fices. And  though  I  doubt  the  continuance  of  that , 
custom  during  the  Chhandas  period,  I  see  no  reason 

to  be  taken  rather  as  a  recapitulation  of  the  whole  story.  Jahnu 
is  one  of  the  ancestors  of  Visvamitra,  belonging  to  the  Lunar 
Dynasty  ;  Gathin  is  considered  as  Visvamitra's  father.  The  com- 
mentator gives  Jahnu  as  a  Rishi  of  the  family  of  Ajigarta,  which 
seems  better  to  agree  with  the  Vedic  story. 


420  BRAHMANAS. 

to  doubt  its  previous  existence.  A  passage  from  the 
Aitareya-brahmana  offers  a  striking  confirmation  of 
this  opinion.  It  is  said  there  (Ait.-br.  6.  8.)  that 
the  gods  took  man  for  their  victim.  "  As  he  was  taken, 
medha,  (the  sacrifice  or  the  spirit,)  went  out  of  him. 
It  entered  the  horse.  Therefore  the  horse  became  the 
sacrificial  animal.  Then  the  gods  took  the  horse, 
but  as  it  was  taken,  the  medha  went  out  of  him.  It 
entered  the  ox.  Therefore  the  ox  became  the  sacrifi- 
cial animal.  The  same  happened  with  the  ox.  After- 
wards the  sheep,  then  the  goat,  and  at  last  the  earth 
became  the  victim.  From  the  earth  rice  was  produced 
and  rice  was  offered  in  the  form  of  purolasa,  in  lieu 
of  the  sacrificial  animal.  The  other  beings  which  had 
formerly  been  offered  and  then  been  dismissed,  are 
supposed  to  have  become  changed  into  animals  unfit 
for  sacrifice  :  man  into  a  savage,  the  horse  into  a 
Bos  Gaurus,  the  ox  into  a  Gayal  ox,  the  sheep  into  a 
camel  (ushtra),  the  goat  into  a  sarabha.  All  these 
animals  are  amedhya  or  unclean,  and  should  not  be 
eaten." 

The  drift  of  this  story  is  most  likely  that  in  former 
times  all  these  victims  had  been  offered.  We  know 
it  for  certain  in  the  case  of  horses  and  oxen,  though 
afterwards  these  sacrifices  were  discontinued.  As  to 
sheep  and  goats  they  were  considered  proper  victims 
to  a  still  later  time.  When  vegetable  offerings  took 
the  place  of  bloody  victims,  it  was  clearly  the  wish  of 
the  author  of  our  passage  to  show  that,  for  certain 
sacrifices,  these  rice-cakes  were  as  efficient  as  the 
flesh  of  animals.  He  carries  out  his  argument  still 
further,  and  tries  to  show  that  in  the  rice  the  beard 
corresponds  to  the  hair  of  animals  ;  the  husk. to  the 


BR  AH  MANAS.  421 

skin  ;  the  phalikaranas  to  the  blood ;  the  meal  to  the 
flesh  ;  the  straw  to  the  bones. 

The  next  story,  from  the  Satapatha-brahmana 1 
serves  to  illustrate  the  relations  between  the  priestly 
and  royal  families  in  the  early  history  of  India, 
and  allows  us  an  insight  into  the  policy  of  the  Brah- 
mans  in  their  struggle  for  political  influence. 

"  Janaka  of  Videha  once  met  with  some  Brahmans 
who  had  just  arrived.  They  were  Svetaketu  Aru- 
neya,  Somasushma  Satyayajni,  and  Yajnavalkya.  He 
said  to  them  :  i  How  do  you  perform  the  Agnihotra  V 
Svetaketu  replied :  '  0  king,  I  sacrifice  to  two  heats 
in  one  another,  which  are  ever  shining,  and  pervading 
the  world  with  their  splendour.'  '  How  is  that  ? !  said 
the  king.  Svetaketu  replied :  c  Aditya  (the  sun)  is 
heat ;  to  him  do  I  sacrifice  in  the  evening  in  the 
fire  (Agni).  Agni  is  heat  ;  to  him  do  I  sacrifice  in 
the  morning  in  the  sun  (Aditya).'  '  What  becomes 
of  him  who  sacrifices  thus  ? '  said  the  king.  The 
Brahman  replied :  4  He  becomes  evershining  with 
happiness  and  splendour,  and  has  his  dwelling  with 
these  two  gods  and  is  one  with  them.' 

Then  Somasushma  began  :  40  king,  I  sacrifice  to 
light  in  light.'  '  How  is  that  ? '  said  the  king.  Soma- 
sushma  replied:  }  Aditya  is  light,  to  him  do  I  sacrifice 
in  the  evening  in  Agni.  Agni  is  light,  to  him  do  I 
sacrifice  in  the  morning  in  Aditya.'  i  What  becomes 
of  him  who  sacrifices  thus  ? '  said  the  king.  The 
Brahman  replied :  *  He  becomes  full  of  light  and 
splendour  in  this  life,  and  has  his  dwelling  with 
these  two  gods  and  is  one  with  them.' 

1  Satapatha-brahmana,  Madhyandina-sakha,  xi.  4.  5.  The  same 
story  is  alluded  to  in  the  Brihadaranyaka,  iv.  3.  1. 

e  e  3 


422  BRAUMANAS. 

Tqen  said  Yajnavalkya:  'I  offer  the  Agnihotra 
in  taking  out  the  fire  (from  the  house-altar)  ;  for 
when  Aditya  sets,  all  the  gods  follow  him,  and  if  they 
see  that  I  take  out  the  fire,  they  come  back,  and, 
after  having  cleaned  the  sacrificial  vessels,  having 
filled  them  again,  and  after  having  milked  also  the 
sacred  cow,  I  shall  delight  them,  when  I  see  them 
again,  and  they  see  me.' 

Janaka  said:  -Thou,  0  Yajnavalkya,  hast  come 
very  near  to  the  Agnihotra;  I  shall  give  thee  a  hundred 
cows.  But  thou  dost  not  know  what  becomes  after- 
wards of  these  two  libations  (in  the  morning  and 
evening).,  So  he  said,  then  mounted  his  car  and 
went  away. 

The  priests  said :  (  This  fellow  of  a  Raj  any  a  has 
insulted  us;  let  us  call  him  out  for  a  Brahman-dis- 
pute.' Yajnavalkya  observed,  l  We  are  Brahmans, 
lie  a  fellow  of  a  Rajanya.  If  we  vanquished  him, 
whom  should  we  say  we  had  vanquished  ?  But  if  he 
vanquished  us,  people  would  say  of  us  that  a  Rajanya 
had  vanquished  Brahmans.  Do  not  think  of  this.' 
They  allowed  what  he  said,  and  Yajnavalkya  mounted 
his  car,  and  followed  the  king.  He  reached  the  king, 
and  the  king  said  to  him,  *  Yajnavalkya,  dost  thou 
come  to  know  the  Agnihotra  ?'  l  The  Agnihotra, 
0  king,'  replied  Yajnavalkya." 

Here  the  king  begins  to  explain  to  Yajnavalkya  his 
own  view  of  the  two  morning  and  evening  libations, 
called  Agnihotra.  He  says,  that  these  two  sacrifices 
rise  into  the  air,  and  are  there  again  performed ;  the 
wind  being  the  fuel,  and  the  rays  the  bright  libation. 
Then  he  goes  on  explaining  how  these  two  sacrifices, 
after  having  delighted  the  air,  enter  the  sky,  where 
they  are  performed  by  sun   and   moon;   how  they 


BRAHMANAS.'  423 

come  back  to  the  earth,  and  are  performed  by  fire 
(warmth)  and  plants  ;  how  they  enter  the  man,  and 
are  performed  by  his  tongue  and  food  ;  how  they  enter 
the  woman,  and  a  son  is  born.  "'This  is  the  true 
Agnihotra,  0  Yajnavalkya,'  said  the  king ;  '  there  is 
nothing  higher  than  this.'  Yajnavalkya  granted 
him  a  boon ;  and  the  king  said,  i  May  I  be  allowed, 
Yajnavalkya,  to  ask  thee  what  I  wish.'  Since  then 
Janaka  became  a  Brahman." 

The  two  following  stories  are  of  a  more  mytho- 
logical character,  and  contain  curious  traditions  about 
Manu,  the  supposed  ancestor  of  mankind.  The  first 
is  from  the  Aitareya-brahmana,  v.  14. 

"  Nabhanedishtha,  the  son  of  Manu,  had  been  de- 
prived of  his  paternal  share  by  his  brothers,  while  he 
was  pursuing  his  studies  (in  the  house  of  his  Guru). 
When  he  came  home,  he  said,  f  What  is  my  share  ?' 
They  replied  (pointing  to  Manu),  '  The  father,  who 
is  our  governor  and  arbitrator.'  (Therefore  sons 
call  now  their  father,  governor  (nishthava1)  and  ar- 
bitrator (avavaditri)  ).  He  went  to  his  father  and 
said,  '  Father,  they  have  made  thee  to  be  my  share.' 
The  father  replied,   l  Do  not  believe  it,  my  son,  by 

1  The  commentary  explains,   f%ITRt    by  ^Jrff^HIl^^^- 

S£  4 


424  #BRA  HM  ANAS. 

any  means.  The  Angiras'  there  perform  a  sacrifice 
in  order  to  go  to  heaven,  but  every  time  they  come 
to  the  sixth  day,  they  get  confused.  Let  them  recite 
these  two  hymns  (of  thine1)  on  the  sixth  day,  and 
when  they  go  to  heaven  they  will  give  thee  all  the 
great  riches  which  they  have  brought  together  for 
the  sacrifice.,  The  son  said,  4  Yes ;'  went  to  them, 
and  spoke :  *  Ye  sages,  receive  me,  the  son  of  Manu.'2 
They  replied,  *  What  is  thy  wish  that  thou  speakest 
thus  ?!  He  answered,  '  I  shall  teach  you  this  sixth 
day,  and  you  shall  give  me,  when  you  go  to  heaven,  all 
these  great  riches  which  you  have  brought  together 
for  the  sacrifice.'  They  agreed,  and  he  recited  for 
them  these  two  hymns  on  the  sixth  day.  Thus  the 
Angiras'  understood  the  sacrifice  and  the  life  in 
heaven.  Therefore,  when  the  Hotri  priest  recites 
these  two  hymns  on  the  sixth  day,  it  leads  to  an  un- 
derstanding of  the  sacrifice  and  of  the  life  in  heaven. 
When  the  Angiras'  were  going  to  heaven  they 
said,  "  All  these  great  riches  are  thine,  0  Brah- 
man."3 Wrhile  he  was  putting  them  together,  a 
man4  in  dark  dress  came  up  from  the  north,  and  said, 

1  Two  hymns  ascribed  to  Nabhanedishtha,  occur  in  the  Rig- 
veda,  Mandala,  x.  5.  1.  &  2. 

2  These  words  are  taken  from  the  second  hymn  of  Nabha- 
nedishtha. 

3  The  text  is  T^rf  t{  WT^fW  *nHlff*u%  1  but  tne  commentator 
says,  it  is  to  be  understood  of  a  thousand  cows  or  animals,  left  on  the 
spot  of  the  sacrifice,  and  that  in  a  different  6akha  of  this  Brah- 

mana  the  text  is   r{  ^i\     Wtift    ^fff    ^    TJT^f   TJTT^  ^T~ 

4  The  commentator  says,  that  this  is  Rudra,  the  lord  of  animals, 
and  that  this  is  clearly  indicated  in  a  different  &akha,  where  the 

text  is  ?f  xnjfirgtH  ^rn^T^r  ^5-  ^T*r^ftf?tii 


BKAHMANAS.  425 

4  This  is  mine,  mine  is  what  is  left  on  the  sacred 
spot/  Nabhanedishtha  replied,  *  They  gave  it  to 
me.'  The  man  said,  c  Then  let  us  ask  thy  father 
about  it.'  He  went  to  his  father,  and  the  father  said, 
'Have  they  given  thee  nothing,  my  son  V  Nabhane- 
dishtha replied,  '  They  gave  me  a  portion,  but  then  a 
man  in  dark  dress  came  up  from  the  north,  and  said, 
"  This  is  mine ;  mine  is  what  is  left  on  the  sacred  spot," 
and  took  it.'  The  father  said, t  It  belongs  to  him,  in- 
deed, my  son,  but  he  will  give  it  to  thee/  There- 
upon Nabhanedishtha  went  back,  and  said,  i  This  is 
thine  indeed,  0  reverend  sir ;  thus  spoke  my  father.' 
1  This  I  give  to  thee/  replied  the  man,  4  who  hast 
spoken  the  truth.  Therefore  the  truth  must  be 
spoken  by  a  man  who  knows  it.  These  verses  of 
Nabhanedishtha  give  great  riches.  They  give  great 
riches ;  and  he  understands  on  the  sixth  day  the  life 
in  heaven  who  knows  this.'  " 

The  next  extract  is  taken  from  the  Satapatha- 
brahmana,  i.  8.  1.  1.  (Prap.  vi.  3.  1.): — 

"  To  Manu  they  brought  in  the  morning  water  to 
wash.  As  they  bring  it  with  their  hands  for  the 
washing,  a  fish  comes  into  the  hands  of  Manu  as  soon 
as  he  has  washed  himself. 

He  spoke  to  Manu  the  word :  —  c  Keep  me,  I 
shall  preserve  thee.'  Manu  said,  '  From  what  wilt 
thou  preserve  me  ? '  The  fish  said,  f  The  flood  will 
carry  away  all  these  creatures.  I  shall  preserve 
thee  from  it.'  \  How  canst  thou  be  kept  V  said 
Manu. 

The  fish  replied,  c  As  long  as  we  are  small  there 
is  much  destruction  for  us ;  fish  swallows  fish.  First, 
then,  thou  must  keep  me  in  a  jar.  If  I  outgrow  it 
dig  a  hole,  and  keep  rne  in  it.     If  I  outgrow  this, 


426 


BRAHMANAS. 


take  me  to  the  sea,  and  I  shall  be  saved  from  de- 
struction.J 

He  became  soon  a  large  fish.  He  said  to  Manu, 
'  When  I  am  full-grown,  in  the  same  year  the  flood 
will  come.  Build  a  ship  then,  and  worship  me,  and 
wThen  the  flood  rises  go  into  the  ship,  and  I  shall  pre- 
serve thee  from  it.7 

Manu  brought  the  fish  to  the  sea,  after  he  had 
kept  him  thus.  And  in  the  year  which  the  fish  had 
pointed  out  Manu  had  built  a  ship,  and  worshipped 
the  fish.  Then  when  the  flood  had  risen,  he  went 
into  the  ship.  The  fish  came  swimming  to  him,  and 
Manu  fastened  the  rope  of  the  ship  to  a  horn  of  the 
fish.  The  fish  carried  him  by  it  over  the  northern 
mountain. 

The  fish  said,  '  I  have  preserved  thee.  Bind  the 
ship  to  a  tree.  May  the  water  not  cut  thee  asunder 
while  thou  art  on  the  mountain.  As  the  water  will 
sink,  thou  wilt  slide  down.'  Manu  slid  down  with 
the  water ;  and  this  is  called  the  Slope  of  Manu  on 
the  northern  mountain.  The  flood  had  carried  away 
all  these  creatures,  and  thus  Manu  was  left  there 
alone. 

He  went  along  meditating  a  hymn,  and  wishing 
for  offspring.  And  he  sacrificed  there  also  (a  paka- 
yajna).  Taking  clarified  butter,  coagulated  milk, 
whey  and  curds,  be  made  an  offering  to  the  waters. 
In  a  year  a  woman  was  brought  forth  from  it.  She 
rose  unctuous  and  trickling ;  and  where  she  stood 
there  was  clarified  butter.  Mitra  and  Varuna  came 
to  meet  her. 

They  said  to  her,  'Who  art  thou?'  She  said, 
'  The  daughter  of  Manu.'  '  Say  thou  art  ours,'  they 
said.     i  No,'  she  replied ;   '  he  who  has  begotten  me 


■* 


BRAHMAN  AS.  427 

to  him  I  belong.'  Then  they  asked  her  to  be  their 
sister,  and  she  half  agreed  and  half  did  not  agree. 
She  went  off  and  came  to  Manu. 

Manu  said  to  her,  *  Who  art  thou  V  She  said, 
*  I  am  thy  daughter.'  l  How  art  thou  my  daughter  V 
he  asked.  She  replied,  '  The  oblations  which  thou 
hast  thrown  into  the  waters,  clarified  butter,  coagu- 
lated milk,  whey  and  curds,  by  them  thou  hast  be- 
gotten me.  I  am  a  blessing.  Praise  me  at  the  sacri- 
fice. If  thou  praise  me  at  the  sacrifice,  thou  wilt  be 
rich  in  offspring  and  cattle.  Whatever  blessing  thou 
wilt  ask  by  me,  will  all  be  given  to  thee.'  Thus  he 
praised  her  in  the  middle  of  this  sacrifice;  for  the 
middle  of  the  sacrifice  is  that  which  comes  between 
the  introductory  and  the  final  prayers  (prayajas  and 
anuyajas). 

Manu  went  along  with  her,  meditating  a  hymn, 
and  wishing  for  offspring  ;  and  by  her  he  begat  this 
offspring,  which  is  called  the  offspring  of  Manu, 
and  whatever  blessing  he  asked  was  all  given  to 
him. 

She  is  indeed  Ida.  Whoever  knows  this,  and 
goes  with  Ida,  he  begets  the  offspring  which  Manu 
begat ;  and  whatever  blessing  he  asks  by  her,  is  all 
given  to  him." 

These  extracts  from  the  Brahmanas  will  be  suffi- 
cient to  show  that  there  is  much  curious  information 
to  be  gathered  from  these  compilations.  In  spite  of 
their  general  dreariness,  the  Br&hmanas  well  deserve 
to  be  preserved  from  destruction,  which  can  only  be 
done  by  the  help  of  European  editors.  It  is  true 
that  the  ceremonial,  the  vidhis,  can  be  better  studied 
in  the  Sutras,  but  if  we  want  to  know  what  meaning 
was  assigned  to  every  act  of  the  sacrifice,  such  as  it 


428  BRAHMANAS. 

had  been  handed  down  and  become  fixed  in  the 
Brahmanic  society  of  India,  long  before  the  composi- 
tion of  any  Brahmana,  we  must  consult  these  works. 
Though  their  professed  object  is  to  teach  the  sacrifice, 
they  allow  a  much  larger  space  to  dogmatical,  exege- 
tical,  mystical  and  philosophical  speculations,  than  to 
the  ceremonial  itself.  They  appeal  continually  to 
earlier  authorities,  and  in  some  of  them,  particularly 
in  the  Kaushitaki-brahmana,  the  conflicting  opinions 
of  ancient  sages,  are  so  well  confronted,  and  theii> 
respective  merits  so  closely  discussed,  that  we  some- 
times imagine  ourselves  reading  the  dogmatic  philo- 
sophy of  Jaiinini.  According  to  the  views  of  native 
commentators,  the  characteristic  feature  of  the  Brah- 
mana s  consists  in  doubt,  deliberation,  and  discussion, 
and  the  word  Mimans&,  which  afterwards  became  the 
title  of  Jaimini's  philosophy,  is  frequently  used  in  the 
Brahmanas  to  introduce  the  very  problems  which 
occupy  the  attention  of  Jaimini  and  his  followers. 
Of  course  the  discussion  is  not  a  bond  fide  discussion. 
The  two  sides  of  every  question  are  stated,  but  they 
only  serve  to  lead  us  on  to  the  conclusion  which  the 
author  of  the  Brahmana  considers  in  the  light  of  a 
divine  revelation.  AVe  are  reminded  of  the  disputa- 
tions of  two  Doctors  of  Theology  who  defend  for  a 
time  the  most  heretical  propositions  with  the  sharpest 
weapons  of  logic  and  rhetoric,  though  they  would 
extremely  regret  the  final  victory  of  that  cause  which, 
for  argument's  sake,  they  are  called  upon  to  maintain. 
Never  was  dogmatism  more  successfully  veiled  under 
the  mask  of  free  discussion  than  in  the  Mim&nsa  or 
discussion  of  the  Brahmanas. 

The  fact  of  so  many  authorities  being  quoted  by 


ORIGIN    OF    THE    BRAHMANAS.  429 

name  in  these  works  shows  that  the  Brahmanas  ex- 
hibit the  accumulated  thoughts  of  a  long  succes- 
sion of  early  theologians  and  philosophers.  But  the 
very  earliest  of  these  sages  follow  a  train  of  thought 
which  gives  clear  evidence  of  a  decaying  religion. 
The  Brahmanas  presuppose,  not  only  a  complete  col- 
lection of  the  ten  Mandalas  of  the  Rig-veda,  not  only 
the  establishment  of  a  most  complicated  ceremonial, 
not  only  the  distribution  of  the  ceremonial  offices 
among  three  or  four  classes  of  priests,  but  a  complete 
break  in  the  primitive  tradition  of  the  Aryan  settlers 
of  India.  At  the  time  when  the  law  was  laid  down 
about  the  employment  of  certain  hymns  at  certain 
parts  of  the  sacrifice,  the  original  meaning  of  these 
hymns,  and  the  true  conception  of  the  gods  to  whom 
they  were  addressed,  had  been  lost.  The  meaning 
also  of  the  old  and  sacred  customs  by  which  their 
forefathers  had  hallowed  the  most  critical  epochs  of 
life  and  the  principal  divisions  of  the  year,  had  faded 
away  from  the  memory  of  those  whose  lucubrations 
on  the  purport  of  the  sacrifices  have  been  embalmed 
in  the  so-called  Arthavadas  of  the  Brahmanas.  It  is 
difficult  to  determine  whether,  before  the  beginning 
of  the  Brahmana  period,  there  existed  various  Sakhas 
among  the  Bahvrichas.  The  collection  of  the  Rig- 
vedasanhita  must  no  doubt  have  been  completed 
long  before  the  age  which  led  to  the  composition  of 
Brahmanas.  Various  readings  also  may  have  found 
their  way  into  that  collection  before  the  Brahmana 
period.  But  the  scrupulous  preservation  of  such 
variations,  which  were  the  natural  result  of  oral  tra- 
dition, seems  more  akin  to  the  spirit  of  the  Brah- 
manas than  to  that  of  an  earlier  age.     There  is  less 


430  ORIGIN    OF    THE    BRAHMANAS. 

room  for  doubt  as  to  the  date  of  the  Sakhas  of  the 
Adhvaryus  and  Chhandogas.  They  belong  to  the 
Brahmana  period.  What  is  called  the  Taittiriya- 
sanhita  is  no  Sanhita,  in  the  usual  sense  of  the  word, 
but  was  originally  the  Brahmana  of  the  ancient 
Adhvaryus.  It  contains  the  description  of  the  sacri- 
fice, such  as  it  would  be  required  by  the  Adhvaryus. 
The  composition  of  a  separate  Sanhita  in  their  be- 
half, the  so-called  Sanhita  of  the  White  Yajur- 
veda,  is  contemporaneous  with,  if  not  later  than,  the 
collection  of  the  Satapatha-brahmana.  We  therefore 
consider  all  the  Sakhas  of  the  Adhvaryus,  with  the 
exception  of  their  Sutra-fcakhas,  as  Brahmana-fcakhas 
which  had  grown  up  during  the  Brahmana  period. 
And  if  we  feel  more  hesitation  with  regard  to  the 
Sanhita  of  the  Chhandogas,  it  is  not  with  reference 
to  what  is  usually  called  the  Sama-veda- sanhita,  but 
with  regard  to  the  Ganas.  These  collections  of  hymns, 
though  they  have  a  purely  ceremonial  object,  have  an 
air  of  antiquity,  and  we  could  hardly  understand  how 
the  Tandy  a- brahmana,  even  in  its  original  component 
parts,  could  have  arisen,  unless  we  suppose  that  there 
existed  previously  collections  and  groups  of  hymns, 
comprised  under  special  names,  such  as  we  find  in  the 
Ganas.  Without,  therefore,  pronouncing  a  definite 
opinion  on  the  existence  of  any  Sakhas  of  the  two 
minor  Vedas,  previous  to  the  first  appearance  of  Brah- 
mana literature,  we  confine  ourselves  to  the  assertion, 
that  not  one  line  of  any  of  the  Bi  ahmanas  which  we 
possess  could  have  been  composed,  until  after  the  com- 
plete collection  of  the  Rig-veda,  and  after  the  three- 
fold division  of  the  ceremonial.  Not  one  of  the  Brah- 
manas  was  composed  by  a  Brahman  who  was  not 
either  a   Bahvricha,   an    Adhvaryu,  or   Chhandoga. 


THE  THREEFOLD  CEREMONIAL.         431 

There  was  a  fourth  class  of  superintending  priests, 
who  were  supposed  to  be  cognisant  of  the  duties 
of  all  the  three  other  classes:  but  there  was,  as 
we  shall  see,  neither  Brahmana  nor  Sanhita  for 
their  special  benefit.  According  to  the  opinion  of 
some,  the  superintendent  or  Brahman  might  indeed 
be  an  Adhvaryu,  or  even  a  Chhandoga,  but  the  gene- 
ral rule  is  that  he  should  be  a  Bahvricha1,  because 
the  Bahvricha  had  the  widest  knowledge  of  Yedic 
hymns.  There  must  have  been  a  time  when  every 
Brahman  who  had  to  act  as  a  priest,  whatever  offices 
he  had  to  perform  at  the  sacrifice,  was  acquainted  with 
the  complete  body  of  the  sacred  hymns,  collected  in  the 
Rig-veda.  But  of  that  time  no  traces  are  left  in  our 
Brahmanas.  Our  Brahmanas  know  of  no  hymns 
which  are  not  the  property  of  Hotri,  Adhvaryu,  or 
Udgatri ;  they  know  of  no  priests,  except  the  four 
classes  which  have  divided  between  themselves  all  the 
sacrifices,  and  have  distinct  duties  assigned  to  them, 
whether  they  officiate  singly  or  jointly.  Such  a 
system  could  only  have  been  carried  out  by  a  power- 
ful and  united  priesthood  ;  its  origin  and  continuance 
can  hardly  be  conceived,  without  the  admission  of 
early  councils  and  canons.  Originally  every  sacrifice 
was  a  spontaneous  act,  and  as  such  had  a  meaning. 
When  the  sacrifices  fell  into  the  hands  of  priests,  the 
priest  was  at  first  the  minister,  afterwards  the  repre- 

i  Kaush.-br.  vi,  11.  fT^Tl?:  ffife?  f*^K^  "^pTW  ^ft<T 

Tar^ftraj^  *  trf^fWTwt  %^ifr  ^recftfTT  WKto- 

^jr^f^jf^"  ^^  f%<TI  Some  allowance  must  be  made  for  the 
fact  that  the  Kaushitakins  are  Bahvrichas. 


432  MISCONCEPTIONS    IN    THE    BRAHMANAS. 

sentative,  of  those  who  offered  the  sacrifice.  But  it 
is  only  in  the  last  stage  of  priestcraft  that  the  spoils 
are  divided,  and  certain  acts  made  the  monopoly 
of  certain  priests.  All  this  had  taken  place  before 
the  rising  of  what  we  call  the  Brahmana  literature, 
and  we  may  well  conceive  that  but  few  traces  are 
left  in  these  works  of  the  thoughts  and  feelings  which 
had  suggested  the  first  spontaneous  acts  of  the  early 
worshippers  of  India. 

The  transition  from  a  natural  worship  to  an  arti- 
ficial ceremonial  may  take  place  gradually.  It  had 
taken  place  long  before  the  beginning  of  the  Brah- 
mana period,  and  the  process  of  corruption  continued 
during  this  and  the  succeeding  periods,  till  at  last  the 
very  corruption  became  a  principle  of  new  life. 
But  there  is  throughout  the  Brahmanas  such  a  com- 
plete misunderstanding  of  the  original  intention  of 
the  Vedic  hymns,  that  we  can  hardly  understand 
how  such  an  estrangement  could  have  taken  place, 
unless  there  had  been  at  some  time  or  other  a 
sudden  and  violent  break  in  the  chain  of  tradi- 
tion. The  author  of  the  Brahmanas  evidently 
imagined  that  those  ancient  hymns  wTere  written 
simply  for  the  sake  of  their  sacrifices,  and  whatever 
interpretation  they  thought  fit  to  assign  to  these  acts, 
the  same,  they  supposed,  had  to  be  borne  out  by  the 
hymns.  This  idea  has  vitiated  the  whole  system  of 
Indian  exegesis.  It  might  be  justified,  perhaps,  if  it 
had  only  been  applied  to  the  purely  sacrificial  hymns, 
particularly  to  those  which  are  found  in  the  Sanhitas 
of  the  Sama-veda  and  Yajur-veda.  But  the  Rig- 
veda  too  has  experienced  the  same  treatment  at  the 
hands  of  Indian  commentators,  and  the  stream  of 
tradition,  flowing  from  the  fountain-head  of  the  ori- 


ka.  433 

ginal  poets,  has,  like  the  waters  of  the  Sarasvati,  dis- 
appeared in  the  sands  of  a  desert.  Not  only  was  the 
true  nature  of  the  gods,  as  conceived  by  the  early 
poets,  completely  lost  sight  of,  but  new  gods  were 
actually  created  out  of  words  which  were  never 
intended  as  names  of  divine  beings.  There  are 
several  hymns  in  the  Rig-veda  containing  questions 
as  to  who  is  the  true  or  the  most  powerful  god.  One 
in  particular  is  well  known,  in  which  each  verse 
ends  with  the  inquiring  exclamation  of  the  poet; 
"  Kasmai  devaya  havisha  vidhema  ?"  "  To  which  god 
shall  we  sacrifice  with  our  offering?"  This,  and 
similar  hymns,  in  which  the  interrogative  pronoun 
occurred,  were  employed  at  various  sacrifices.  A 
rule  had  been  laid  down,  that  in  every  sacrificial 
hymn,  there  must  be  a  deity  addressed  by  the  poet. 
In  order  to  discover  a  deity  where  no  deity  existed, 
the  most  extraordinary  objects,  such  as  a  present,  a 
drum,  stones,  plants,  were  raised  to  the  artificial 
rank  of  deities.  In  accordance  with  the  same  system, 
Ave  find  that  the  authors  of  the  Brahmanas  had  so 
completely  broken  with  the  past,  that,  forgetful  of 
the  poetical  character  of  the  hymns,  and  the  yearning 
of  the  poets  after  the  unknown  god,  they  exalted  the 
interrogative  pronoun  itself  into  a  deity,  and  acknow- 
ledged a  god  Ka  or  Who  ?  In  the  Taittiriya-sanhita1 
(i.  7.  6.  6.),  in  the  Kaushitaki-brahmana  (xxiv.  4.), 
in  the  Tandya-brahmana  (xv.  10.),  and  in  the  Sata- 
patha-brahmana,  wherever  interrogative  verses  occur, 
the  author  states,  that  Ka  is  Prajapati,  or  the  Lord 
of  Creatures  (prajapatir  vai  Kah).  Nor  did  they 
stop  here.     Some  of  the  hymns  in  which  the  inter- 

1  See  Bblitlingk  and  Roth's  Dictionnry,  s.  v. 
F  F 


434  MISCONCEPTIONS    IN   THE    BKAHMANAS. 

rogative  pronoun  occurred  were  called  Kadvat,  i.  e. 
having  had  or  quid.  But  soon  a  new  adjective  was 
formed,  and  not  only  the  hymns,  but  the  sacrifice 
also,  offered  to  the  god,  were  called  Kay  a,  or  who-ish. 
This  word,  which  is  not  to  be  identified  with  the 
Latin  cujus,  cuja,  cujum,  but  is  merely  the  artificial 
product  of  an  effete  mind,  is  found  in  the  Taittiriya- 
sanhit&  (i.  8.  3.  1.),  and  in  the  Vajasaneyi-sanhita 
(xxiv.  15.).  At  the  time  of  Panini  this  word  had 
acquired  such  legitimacy  as  to  call  for  a  separate  rule 
explaining  its  formation  (Pan.  iv.  2. 25.).  The  Com- 
mentator here  explains  Ka  by  Brahman.  After  this, 
we  can  hardly  wonder  that  in  the  later  Sanskrit  lite- 
rature of  the  Puranas,  Ka  appears  as  a  recognised 
god,  as  the  supreme  god,  with  a  genealogy  of  his 
own,  perhaps  even  with  a  wife ;  and  that  in  the  laws 
of  Manu,  one  of  the  recognised  forms  of  marriage, 
generally  known  by  the  name  of  the  Prajapati-mar- 
riage,  occurs  under  the  monstrous  title  of  Kaya. 

What  is  more  natural  than  that  the  sun  should  be 
called  in  the  hymns,  golden-handed  ?  The  Brahmana, 
however,  affected  with  a  kind  of  voluntary  blindness, 
must  needs  explain  this  simple  epithet  by  a  story  of 
the  sun  having  lost  his  hand,  and  having  received 
instead  a  hand  made  of  gold. 

It  would  be  useless  to  multiply  these  instances,  as 
every  page  of  the  Brahmanas  contains  the  clearest 
proof  that  the  spirit  of  the  ancient  Vedic  poetry,  and 
the  purport  of  the  original  Vedic  sacrifices,  were 
both  beyond  the  comprehension  of  the  authors  of  the 
Brahmanas.  But  although  we  thus  perceive  the  wide 
chasm  between  the  Brahmana  period  and  that  period 
by  which  it  is  preceded,  we  have  still  to  answer  the 
question  whether  any  probable  limits  can  be  assigned 


DATE    OF    THE    BUAEIMANAS.  435 

to  the  duration  of  this  literary  period.  The  Brah- 
manas are  not  the  work  of  a  few  individuals.  By 
whomsoever  they  were  brought  into  that  form  in 
which  we  now  possess  them,  no  one  can  claim  the 
sole  authorship  of  the  dogmas  which  are  incorporated 
in  each  Brahrnana.  The  Brahmanas  represent  a 
complete  period  during  which  the  whole  stream  of 
thought  flowed  in  one  channel,  and  took,  at  least  in 
that  class  which  alone  sustained  intellectual  activity, 
the  form  of  prose,  never  before  applied  to  literary 
productions.  There  are  old  and  new  Brahmanas, 
but  the  most  modern  hardly  differ  in  style  and  lan- 
guage from  the  most  ancient.  The  old  Brahmanas 
passed  through  several  changes,  represented  by  the 
Brahmana-sakhas,  and  even  the  most  modern  were 
not  exempt  from  these  modifications.  Considering, 
therefore,  that  the  Brahrnana  period  must  com- 
prehend the  first  establishment  of  the  threefold 
ceremonial,  the  composition  of  separate  Brahmanas, 
the  formation  of  Brahrnana- charanas,  and  the  schism 
between  old  and  new  Charanas,  and  their  various 
collections,  it  would  seem  impossible  to  bring  the 
whole  within  a  shorter  space  than  200  years.  Of 
course  this  is  merely  conjectural;  but  it  would  re- 
quire a  greater  stretch  of  imagination  to  account  for 
the  production  in  a  smaller  number  of  years  of  that 
mass  of  Brahmanic  literature  which  still  exists,  or  is 
known  to  have  existed.  Were  we  to  follow  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  Brahmanas  themselves,  we  should  have 
much  less  difficulty  in  accounting  for  the  great  variety 
of  authors  quoted,  and  of  opinions  stated  in  the  Brah- 
manas. They  contain  lists  of  teachers  through  whom 
the  Brahmanas  were  handed  down,  which  would 
extend  the  limits  of  this  age  to  a  very  considerable 


436  BRAHMANIC   TEACHERS. 

degree.  The  Chhandogas  have  assigned  a  separate 
Brahmana  to  the  list  of  their  teachers,  viz.  the  Yansa- 
brahmana,  a  work  the  existence  of  which  ought  not  to 
have  been  called  into  question,  as  a  copy  of  it  existed 
in  the  Bodleian  Library.1  In  the  Satapatha-brah- 
mana  these  lists  are  repeated  at  the  end  of  various 
sections.  There  seems  to  be  no  imaginable  object  in 
inventing  these  long  lists,  as  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Brahmans  they  would  have  been  much  too  short  for 
the  extravagant  antiquity  assigned  to  their  sacred 
books.  With  the  exception  of  the  highest  links  in 
each  chain  of  teachers,  the  lists  have  an  appearance 
of  authenticity  rarely  to  be  met  with  in  Indian  com- 
positions. The  number  of  teachers  in  the  Yansa- 
brahmana  amounts  to  53,  the  last  of  them,  Kasyapa, 
the  father,  having  received  the  tradition  from  Agni, 
or  the  god  of  fire.  From  Agni  the  tradition  is 
further  traced  to  Indra,  Yayu  (wind),  Mrityu 
(death),  Prajapati  (the  Lord  of  Creation),  and  lastly 
to  Brahman,  the  Self-existing.  From  Kas}~apa,  down 
to  Radha  Gautama,  his  26th  successor,  the  line  of 
teachers  seems  to  have  been  undivided.  Radha 
Gautama  had  two  pupils,  who  apparently  became  the 
founders  of  different  schools.  One  is  called  Ansu 
Dhananjayya,  who  received  instruction  from  Radha 
Gautama  and  Amavasya  Sandilyayana ;  the  other, 
Gobhila,  had  no  teacher  besides  Radha.  The  suc- 
cessors of  Gobhila  are  eleven  in  number,  while  those 
of  Ansu  Dhananjayya  are  twenty-five. 

In  the  Satapatha-brahmana  we  find  four  Yansas. 

1  Prof.  Weber's  recent  edition  of  this  tract,  is  the  best  amende 
he  could  have  made  for  his  former  scepticism  with  regard  to  the 
existence  of  this  and  other  Brahmanas  of  the  Sama-veda. 


BftAIIMANIC    TEACHERS.  437 

The  most  important  of  them  stands  at  the  end  of  the 
whole  work,  and  consists  of  fifty-five  names  ;  the  last 
of  the  human  teachers  being  again  Kasyapa,  who 
here  is  supposed  to  have  received  his  revelation  from 
Vach,  the  goddess  of  speech.  She  received  it  through 
Ambhini  from  Aditya,  the  sun.  Among  the  succes- 
sors of  Kasyapa  we  mark  the  10th,  Yajnavalkya,  the 
pupil  of  Uddalaka  and  the  teacher  of  Asuri ;  and 
the  15th,  Sanjiviputra.  Sanjiviputra  seems  to  have 
united  two  lines  of  teachers  ;  he  was  the  pupil  of 
Karsakeyiputra,  and,  according  to  the  Vansa  of  the 
10th  book,  he  was  likewise  the  pupil  of  Mandukayani, 
the  9th  successor  of  Tura  Kavasheya,  who  is  fabled 
to  have  received  his  revelation,  not  through  the  agency 
of  Vach,  Ambhini,  and  Aditya,  but  direct  from  Praja- 
pati  and  the  self-existing  Brahman.  There  are  two 
other  Vansas,  one  at  the  end  of  the  Madhukanda,  the 
other  at  the  end  of  the  Yajnavalkiya-kanda.  Both  are, 
in  reality,  varieties  of  one  and  the  same  Vansa,  their 
differences  arising  from  the  confusion  caused  by  the 
recurrence  of  similar  names.  That  of  the  Madhu- 
kanda consists  of  sixty  names,  only  forty-five  or 
forty-six  of  which  have  an  historical  appearance. 
The  principal  divine  teachers  after  Brahman,  the 
Self-existing,  are  Parameshthin  (Prajapati  ?),  Mrityu 
(death),  Dadhyach  Atharvana,  and  the  two  Asvins. 

At  the  end  of  the  Khila-kanda  a  fifth  list  is  found, 
not  a  Vansa,  but  a  list  of  teachers  who  handed  down 
the  Vansa.  This  seems  to  be  ascribed  to  Uddalaka 
Aruneya,  the  teacher  of  Yajnavalkya,  as  its  original 
author. 


FF    3 


438  LISTS    OF    TEACHERS. 


Lists  of  Teachers  from  the  Satapatha-brahmana. 

Madhukanda.  Yajnavalkiya-kanda. 

1.  Saurpanayya.  The   same  as  in  the  Ma- 

2.  Gautama.  dhukanda. 

3.  Vatsya. 

4.  Vatsya  and  Parasarya. 1 

5.  Sankritya    and    Bha- 

radvaja. 

6.  Audavahi    and    &an- 

dilya. 

7.  Vaijavapa    and    Gau- 

tama. 

8.  Vaijavapayana       and 

Vaishtapureya. 

9.  Sandilya  and  Rauhi- 

nayana. 

10.  Saunaka  and  Atreya,     Jaivantayana  instead  ot 

and  Raibhya.  Atreya. 

11.  Pautimashyayana  and     The  same  as  in  the  Ma- 

Kaundinyayana.  dhukanda. 

Kaundinyau. 
Aurnavabh&h. 

12.  Kaundinya.  Kaundinya. 

13.  Kaundinya.  Kaundinya. 

14.  Kaundinya   and   Ag-      Kaundinya    and    Agni- 

nivesya.  vesya. 

15.  Saitava.  Saitava. 

16.  P&rasarya.  The  same  as  in  the  Ma- 

17.  J&tukarnya.  dhukanda. 

1  When  there  are  two  teachers,  it  is  always  the  second  through 
whom  the  tradition  was  carried  on,  except  in  No.  28.  where  there 
has  evidently  been  a  great  confusion. 


LISTS   OF   TEACHERS. 


439 


Madhukanda. 

Yajnavalkiya-kanda. 

18.  Bharadvaja. 

19.  Bharadvaja  and  Asu- 

rayana  and  Gauta- 

ma. 

20.  Bharadvaja. 

21.  Vaijavapayana. 

Valakakausika. 

22.  Kausikayani. 

Kashayana. 

23.  Ghritakausika. 

Saukarayana. 

24.  Parasaryayana.             - 

25.  Parasarya. 

26.  Jatukarnya. 
►27.  Bharadvaja. 

h  desunt. 

28.  Bharadvaja  and  Asu- 

rayana,  and  Y&ska,  - 

29.  Traivani. 

Traivani. 

30.  Aupajandhani. 

Aupajandhani.1 

31.  Asuri. 

Asuri. 

32.  Bharadvaja. 

33.  Atreya. 

34.  Manti. 

35.  Gautama. 

36.  Gautama. 

■ 

37.  Vatsya. 

1  The  Yajnavalkiya-kanda  inserts 

s  here :  Sayakayana. 

Kausikayani  (22). 

Ghritakausika  (23). 

Parasaryayana  (24). 

Parasarya  (25). 

Jatukarnya  (26). 

Bharadvaja  (27). 

Bharadvaja  and 

Asurayana  and  Yaska  (28) 

Traivani  (29). 

Aupajandhani  (30). 

F  F 

4 

440  LISTS   OF   TEACHERS. 

Madhukanda. 

38.  Sandilya. 

39.  Kaisorya  Kapya. 

40.  Kumaraharita. 

41.  Galava. 

42.  Yidarbhikaundinya. 

43.  Yatsanapat  Babhrava. 
4.4.  Pathas  Saubhara. 

45.  Ayasya  Angirasa. 

46.  Abhuti  Tvashtra. 

47.  Yisvarupa  Tvashtra. 

48.  The  two  Asvins. 

49.  Dadhyach  Atharvana. 

50.  Atharvan  Daiva. 

51.  Mrityu  Pradhvansana. 

52.  Pradhvansana. 

53.  Ekarshi. 

54.  Yiprajitti. 

55.  Yyashti, 

56.  Sanaru. 

57.  Sanatana. 

58.  Sanaga. 

59.  Parameshthin. 

60.  Brahman  Svayambhu. 

Last  Booh 

1.  Bharadvaji-putra. 

2.  Yatsimandavi-putra. 

3.  Par&sari-putra. 

4.  Gargi-putra. 

5.  Parasari-kaundini-putra. 

6.  Gargi-putra. 

7.  Gargi-putra. 

8.  Badeyi-putra. 


LISTS    OF    TEACHERS.  441 


9.  Maushiki-putra. 

10.  Harikarni-putra. 

11.  Bharadvaji-putra. 

12.  Paingi-putra. 

13.  Saunaki-putra. 

14.  Kasyapivalakyam^thari-putra. 

15.  Kautsi-putra. 

16.  Baudhi-putra. 

17.  iSalankayani-putra. 

18.  Varshagani-putra. 

19.  Gautami-putra. 

20.  Atreyi-putra. 

21.  Gautami-putra. 

22.  Vatsi-putra. 

23.  Bharadvaji-putra. 

24.  Parasari-putra. 

25.  Varkaruni-putra. 

26.  Artabhagi-putra. 

27.  Saungi-putra. 

28.  Sankriti-putra. 

29.  Alambi-putra. 

30.  Alambayani-putra. 

31.  Jayanti-putra. 

32.  Mandukayani-putra. 

33.  Maiiduki-putra. 

34.  Sdndili-putra. 

35.  Rathitari-putra. 

36.  Kraunchiki-putrau. 

37.  Vaidabhriti-putra. 

38.  Bhaluki-putra. 

39.  Prachinayogi-putra.  Xth  Book. 

40.  Sanjivi-putra.  Sanfivi-putra. 

41.  Karsakeyi-putra.  Maridukayani. 

42.  Prasni-putra  Asurivasin.  Mandavya. 


442  LISTS   OF   TEACHERS. 

43.  Asurayana.  Kautsa. 

44.  Asuri.  Mahitthi. 

45.  Yajnavalkya.  (Yaja-  Yamakakshayana. 
saneya  Yajnavalkya,  Kh.) 

46.  Uddalaka.     (Udda-  Yatsya. 
laka  Aruneya,  Kh.) 


47.  Aruna. 

Sandilya. 

48.  Upavesi. 

Kusri. 

49.  Kusri. 

Yajnavachas  Rajastamba 

yana. 

50.  Yajasravas. 

Tura  Kdvasheya.1 

51.  Jihvavat  Badhyoga. 

Prajapati. 

52.  Asita  Yarshagana. 

Brahman  Svayambhu. 

53.  Harita  Kasyapa. 

54.  Silpa  Kasyapa. 

55.  Kasyapa  Naidhruvi. 

56.  Vach. 

57.  Ambhini. 

58.  Aditya. 

Khila-Mnda. 

Satyakama  Jabala. 
Janaki  Ayasthuna. 
ChMa  Bhagavitti. 
Madhuka  Paingya. 
Yajasaneya  Yajnavalkya. 
Uddalaka  Aruneya. 

Vansa  of  the  Sdma-veda, 

1.  Sarvadatta  Gargya. 

2.  Rudrabhuti  Drahyayani. 

3.  Trata  Aishumata. 

1  The  priest  of  Janamejaya  Parikshita,  at  his  Abhisheka  sacri. 
fice,  is  called  Tura  Kavasheya  in  the  Ait.-br.  viii.  21. 


LISTS    OF    TEACHERS.  443 

4.  Nigada  Parnavalki. 

5.  Girisarman  Kantheviddhi. 

6.  Brahmavriddhi  Chhandogamahaki. 

7.  Mitravarchas  Sthairakayana. 

8.  Supratita  Aulundya. 

9.  Brihaspatigupta  Sayasthi. 

10.  Bhavatrata  Sayasthi. 

11.  Kustuka  Sarkaraksha. 

12.  Sravanadatta  Kauhala. 

13.  Susarada  Salankayana. 

14.  Urjayat  Aupamanyava. 

15.  Bhanurnat       Aupa-  Aryamabhiiti  Kalabava. 
manyava. 

16.  Anandaja  Chandha-  Bhadrasarman  Kausika. 
nay  ana. 

17.  Samba         Sarkara-  Pushyayasas  Audavraji. 
ksha,  and  Kamboja  Aupa- 
manyava. 

18.  Madragara  Saunga-  Sankara  Gautama, 
yani. 

19.  Sati  Aushtrakshi.       Aryamaradha  Gobhila  and 

Pushamitra  Gobhila. 

20.  Su&ravas       Y&rsha-  Asvamitra  Gobhila. 
ganya. 

21.  Pratarahn a  Kauhala.  Yarunamitra  Gobhila. 

22.  Ketu  Yajya.  Mulamitra  Gobhila. 

23.  Mitravinda  Kauhala.  Yatsamitra  Gobhila. 

24.  Sunitha  Kapatava.     Gaulgulaviputra  Gobhila. 

25.  Sutemanas      Sandi-  Brih  ad  vasu  Gobhila  (pita), 
lyayana. 

26.  Ansu  Dhananjayya.  Gobhila. 

27.  Amavasya  Sandilyayana  and  Badha  Gautama. 

28.  Gatri  Gautama. 


444  LISTS    OF    TEACHERS. 

29.  Samvargajit  Lamakayana. 

30.  Sakadasa  Bhaditayana. 

31.  Vichakshana  Tandya. 

32.  Gardabhimukha  Sanclilyayana. 

33.  Udarasandilya  (the  father). 

34.  Atidhanvan  Saunaka  and  Masaka  Gargya. 

35.  Sthiraka  Gargya  (the  father). 

36.  Vasishtha  Chaikitaneya. 

37.  Vasishtha  Araihanya  (a  prince). 

38.  Sumantra  Babhrava  Gautama. 

39.  Susha  Vahneya  Bharadvaja. 

40.  Arala  Darteya  Saunaka. 

41.  Driti  Aindrota  Saunaka  (the  father). 

42.  Indrota  Saunaka  (the  father).1 

43.  Vrishasushna  Vatavata. 

44.  Nikothaka  Bhayajatya. 

45.  Pratithi  Devataratha. 

46.  Devataras  Savasayana  (the  father). 

47.  Savas  (the  father). 

48.  Agnibhu  Kasyapa. 

49.  Indrabhu  Kasyapa. 

50.  Mitrabhu  Kasyapa. 

51.  Vibhandaka  Kasyapa  (the  father). 

52.  Rishyasringa  Kasyapa  (the  father). 

53.  Kasyapa  (the  father). 

54.  Agni  (fire). 

55.  Indra. 

56.  Vayu  (wind). 

57.  Mrityu  (death). 

58.  Prajapati  (Lord  of  Creation.) 

59.  Brahman  Svayambhu. 

1  The  priest  of  JanamejayaParikshita,  at  his  Horse  sacrifice,  is 
called  Indrota  (Daivapa)  6aunaka  in  the  6atapatha,  xiii.  5.  4.  1., 
and  in  the  Mahabh.  xii.  5595.  seq.  Cf.  Weber,  Ind.  Stud.  i.  pp. 
203.  483. 


THE   GOPATHA-BKAIIMANA.  445 

It  would  be  difficult  to  tell  how  these  long  strings 
of  names  are  to  be  accounted  for,  whatever  system  of 
chronology  we  adopt.  If  we  were  in  possession  of  the 
Vansas  of  the  Bahvrichas  and  the  ancient  Adhvar- 
yus,  we  might  perhaps  see  more  clearly.  But  it  is 
important  to  observe  that  these  two,  which  are  deci- 
dedly the  two  most  ancient  Vedas,  seem  to  have  had 
no  Vansas  at  all.  However  this  may  be  explained 
hereafter,  certain  it  is, — and  these  long  lists  of  names 
teach  at  least  this  one  thing, — that  the  Brahmans  them- 
selves looked  upon  the  Brahmana  period  as  a  long 
continued  succession  of  teachers,  reaching  from  the 
time  when  these  lists  were  made  and  recited  to  the 
most  distant  antiquity,  back  to  the  very  dynasties  of 
their  gods.  If,  therefore,  Ave  limit  the  age  of  the 
Brahmanas  to  the  two  centuries  from  600  to  800  b.  c, 
it  is  more  likely  that  hereafter  these  limits  will  have 
to  be  extended  than  that  they  will  prove  too  wide. 

There  is  one  work  which  ought  to  be  mentioned 
before  we  leave  the  Brahmana  period,  the  Gopatha- 
brahmana.  It  is  the  Brahmana  of  the  Brahma-veda, 
the  Veda  of  the  Atharvangiras'  or  Bhrigu-Angiras'. 
This  Veda  does  not  properly  belong  to  the  sacred 
literature  of  the  Brahmans,  and  though  in  later  times 
it  obtained  the  title  of  the  fourth  Veda,  there  was 
originally  a  broad  distinction  between  the  magic 
formulas  of  the  Atharvangiras'  and  the  hymns  of 
the  Bahvrichas,  the  Chhandogas,  and  the  Adhvaryus. 
Madhusudana  states  the  case  simply  and  clearly. 
"  The  Veda,"  he  says,  "  is  divided  into  Rich,  Yajush 
and  Saman  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  sacri- 
fice under  its  three  different  forms.  The  duties  of  the 
Hotri  priests  are  performed  with  the  Rig-veda,  those 
of  the  Adhvaryu  priests  with  the  Yajur-veda,  those 
of  the  Udgatri  priests  with  the  Sama-veda.  The  duties 


446  THE    GOPATHA-BRAHMANA. 

of  the  Brahman  and  the  sacrificer  are  contained  in  all 
the  three.  The  Atharva-veda,  on  the  contrary,  is  totally 
different.  It  is  not  used  for  the  sacrifice,  but  only 
teaches  how  to  appease,  to  bless,  to  curse,  &c."  But 
although  the  hymns  of  the  Atharvans  were  not  from  the 
first  looked  upon  as  part  of  the  sacred  literature  of  the 
Brahmans,  the  Brahmana  of  the  Atharvans  belongs 
clearly  to  the  same  literary  period  which  saw  the  rise 
of  the  other  Brahmanas  ;  and  though  it  does  not  share 
the  same  authority  as  the  Brahmanas  of  the  three 
great  Vedas,  it  is  written  in  the  same  language,  and 
breathes  the  same  spirit.  The  MSS.  of  this  work  are 
extremely  scarce,  and  the  copy  which  I  use  (E.  I.  H. 
2142)  is  hardly  legible.  The  remarks,  therefore, 
which  I  have  to  offer  on  this  work  will  necessarily 
be  scanty  and  incomplete. 

The  original  division  of  the  Yeda,  and  of  the  Vedic 
ceremonial,  was,  as  we  have  seen,  a  threefold  division. 
The  Brahmans  speak  either  of  one  Veda  or  of  three ;  of 
one  officiating  priest,  or  of  three.  "  Trayi  vidya,"  the 
threefold  knowledge,  is  constantly  used  in  the  Brah- 
manas1 with  reference  to  their  sacred  literature.  This, 
however,  proves  by  no  means  that  at  the  time  when  the 
Brahmanas  were  composed  the  songs  of  the  Atharvan- 
giras'  did  not  yet  exist.  It  only  shows  that  originally 
they  formed  no  part  of  the  sacred  literature  of  the  Brah- 
mans. In  some  of  the  Brahmanas,  the  Atharvangiras' 
are  mentioned.  The  passage  translated  before  (p.  38.) 
shows  that  at  the  time  when  the Satapatha-brahmana 
was  composed  the  songs  of  the  Atharvangiras'  were  not 
only  known,  but  had  been  collected,  and  had  actually 
obtained  the  title  of  Veda.  Their  original  title  was  the 
Atharvangiras'  or  the  Bhrigvangiras',  or  the  Atharvans, 

1  Nirukta-parisishta,   I,   10. 


THE    GOPATIIA-BKAIIMANA.  447 

and  these  very  titles  show  that  songs  which  could  be 
quoted  in  such  a  manner1,  must  have  been  of  ancient 
date,  and  must  have  had  a  long  life  in  the  oral  tradition 
of  India.  Their  proper  position  with  reference  to  the 
other  Vedas  is  well  marked  in  a  passage  of  the  Tait- 
tiriyaranyaka  (viii.  3.),  where  the  Yajush  is  called 
the  head,  the  Rich  the  right,  the  Saman  the  other 
side,  the  Adesa  (the  Upanishad)  the  vital  breath,  and 
the  Atharvangiras'  the  tail. 

The  songs  known  under  the  name  of  the  Atharvan- 
giras' formed  probably  an  additional  part  of  the  sacri- 
fice from  a  very  early  time.  They  were  chiefly  in- 
tended to  counteract  the  influence  of  any  untoward 
event  that  might  happen  during  the  sacrifice.  They 
also  contained  imprecations  and  blessings,  and  various 
formulas,  such  as  popular  superstition  would  be  sure 
to  sanction  at  all  times  and  in  all  countries.  If  once 
sanctioned,  however,  these  magic  verses  would  soon 
grow  in  importance,  nay,  the  knowledge  of  all  the  other 
Yedas  would  necessarily  become  useless  without  the 
power  of  remedying  accidents,  such  as  could  hardly  be 
avoided  in  so  complicated  a  ceremonial  as  that  of  the 
Brahmans.  As  that  power  was  believed  to  reside  in 
the  songs  of  the  Atharvangiras',  a  knowledge  of  these 
songs  became  necessarily  an  essential  part  of  the 
theological  learnino;  of  ancient  India. 

According  to  the  original  distribution  of  the  sacri- 
ficial offices  among  the  four  classes  of  priests,  the 
supervision  of  the  whole  sacrifice,  and  the  remedying  of 
any  mistake  that  might  have  happened  belonged  to  the 
Brahman.  He  had  to  know  the  three  Yedas,  to  follow  in 
his  mind  the  whole  sacrifice,  and  to  advise  the  other 
priests  on  all  doubtful  points.2     If  it  was  the  office 

1  See  page  362.  2  Sayana's  Introduction  to  the  Rig-veda,  p.  3. 1.  3. 


448  THE   GOPATHA-BRAHMANA. 

of  the  Brahman  to  remedy  mistakes  in  the  perform- 
ance of  the  sacrifice,  and  if,  for  that  purpose,  the 
formulas  of  the  Atharvangiras'  were  considered  of 
special  efficacy,  it  follows  that  it  was  chiefly  the 
Brahman  who  had  to  acquire  a  knowledge  of  these 
formulas.  Now  the  office  of  the  Brahman  was  con- 
tested by  the  other  classes  of  priests.  The  Bahvrichas 
maintain  that  the  office  of  Brahman  should  be  held 
by  a  Bahvricha  (Hotri),  the  Adhvaryus  maintain 
that  it  belongs  to  one  of  their  own  body,  and  the 
Chhandogas  also  preferred  similar  claims.  It  was 
evidently  the  most  important  office,  and  in  many  in- 
stances, though  not  always,  it  was  held  by  the  Puro- 
hita,  the  hereditary  family  priest.  Certain  families 
also  claimed  a  peculiar  fitness  for  the  office  of  Brah- 
man, such  as  the  Vasishthas  and  Visvamitras.  (See 
p.  92) 

Because  a  knowledge  of  the  songs  of  the  Atharvan- 
giras' was  most  important  to  the  Brahman  or  Purohita1, 
these  songs  themselves,  when  once  admitted  to  the 
rank  of  a  Yeda,  were  called  the  Veda  of  the  Brahman, 
or  the  Brahma-veda.  In  the  Gopatha-brahmana  the 
title  of  Brahma-veda  does  not  occur.2  But  the  songs 
of  the  Atharvangiras'  are  mentioned  there.  They  are 
called  both  Atharvana-veda  (L  5.),  and  Angirasa- 
veda  (i.  8.),  and  they  are  repeatedly  represented  as 
the  proper  Veda  for  the  Brahman.  Thus  we  read 
(iii.  1.):  "  Let  a  man  elect  a  Hotri  who  knows  the 
Rich,  an  Adhvaryu  who  knows  the  Yajush,  an 
Udgatri  who  knows  the  Saman,  a  Brahman  who 
knows  the  Atharvangiras'."  It  seems  in  fact  the 
principal  object  of  the  Gopatha  to  show  the  necessity 

1  Yajnavalkya's  Lawbook,  i.  312. 

2  See,  however,  i.  22. 


THE   GOPATHA-BRAHMANA.  449 

of  four  Vedas.  A  carriage,  we  are  told,  does  not 
proceed  with  less  than  four  wheels,  an  animal  does 
not  walk  with  less  than  four  feet,  nor  will  the  sacrifice 
be  perfect  with  less  than  four  Vedas.1  But  although 
a  knowledge  of  the  fourth  Yeda  is  thus  represented 
as  essential  to  the  Brahman,  it  is  never  maintained 
that  such  a  knowledge  would  be  sufficient  by  itself 
to  enable  a  person  to  perform  the  offices  of  a  Brah- 
man. Like  the  Chhandogas  (Rv.  Bh.  vol.  i.  page  3.), 
the  Atharvanikas  also  declare  that  the  whole  sacrifice 
is  performed  twice,  once  in  words,  and  once  in 
thought.  It  is  performed  in  words  by  the  Hotri, 
Udgatri,  and  Adhvaryu  separately ;  it  is  performed 
in  thought  by  the  Brahman  alone  (Gop.  Br.  vol.  iii.  2.) 
The  Brahman,  therefore,  had  to  know  all  the  three 
Vedas  and  in  addition  the  formulas  of  the  Athar- 
vangiras'.  It  is  a  common  mistake  in  later  writers  to 
place  the  Atharva-veda  coordinate  with  the  other 
Vedas,  and  to  represent  it  as  the  Veda  of  the  Brah- 
man. The  Gopatha-brahmana  raises  no  such  claims  ; 
when  it  describes  the  type  of  the  sacrifice,  it  says  : 

Agni  (fire)  was  the  Hotri, 
Vayu  (wind)  the  Adhvaryu, 
Surya  (sun)  the  Udgatri, 
Chandramas  (moon)  the  Brahman, 
Parjanya  (rain)  the  Sadasya, 

Oshadhi   and   Vanaspati    (shrubs  and   trees)  the 
Chamasadh  vary  u  s, 

1  At  the  end  of  the  fifth  Prapathaka  we  read:  "^fi^ft  "^f^ft 

G   G 


450  the  gopatha-brahmana. 

The  Visve  Devas  were  the  Hotrakas, 

The  Atharvangiras',  the  Goptris  or  protectors. 

In  another  place  (v.  24.)  the  persons  engaged  in 
the  sacrifice  are  enumerated  as  follows : 

Hotri,  Maitravaruna,  Achhavaka,  Gravastut  (Rig- 
veda),  1  —  4. 

Adhvaryu,  Pratiprasthatri,  Neshtri,  Unnetri 
(  Yajur-veda),  5  —  8. 

Udg&tri,  Prastotri,  Subrahmanya,  Pratihartri 
(SaMna-veda),  9  —  12. 

Brahman,  Brahmanachhansin,  Potri,  Agnidhra 
(Atharvangiras'),  13 —  16. 

Sadasya,  17. 

Patni  dikshita  (the  wife),  18. 

Samitri  (the  immolator),  19. 

Grihapati  (the  lord),  20. 

Angiras,  21. 

Here  we  see  that  besides  the  four  Brahman* priests 
to  whom  a  knowledge  of  the  Atharvangiras'  is  recom- 
mended, there  were  other  priests  who  are  called 
Goptris,  t,  e.  protectors  or  Angiras',  and  whose  special 
office  it  was  to  protect  the  sacrifice  by  means  of  the 
magical  formulas  of  the  Atharvangiras',  against  the 
effects  of  any  accidents  that  might  have  happened. 
Such  was  the  original  office  of  the  Atharvans  at  the 
Vedic  sacrifices,  and  a  large  portion  of  the  Gopatha- 
braiimana  (i.  13.  ;  i.  22.)  is  taken  up  with  what  is 
called  the  Virishta,  the  frna,  the  Yatayama,  or  what- 
ever else  the  defects  in  a  sacrifice  are  called  which 
must  be  made  good  (sandhana)  by  certain  hymns, 
verses,  formulas,  or  exclamations.  There  are  long 
discussions  on  the  proper  way  of  pronouncing  these 
salutary  formulas,  on  their  hidden  meaning,  and  their 
miraculous  power.     The  syllable   Om,  the  so-called 


THE    GOPATHA-BRAHMANA.  451 

Vyahritis,  and  other  strange  sounds  are  recommended 
for  various  purposes,  and  works  such  as  the  Sarpa- 
veda,  Pisacha-veda,  Asura-veda,  Itihasa-veda,  Purana- 
veda,  are  referred  to  as  authorities  (i.  10.). 

Although,  however,  the  Gopatha-brahmana  is  more 
explicit  on  the  chapter  of  accidents  than  the  Brah- 
manas of  the  other  Vedas,  the  subject  itself  is  by  no 
means  peculiar  to  it.  The  question  of  expiation  or 
penance  (prayaschitta)  is  fully  discussed  in  the  other 
Vedas,  and  remedies  are  suggested  for  all  kinds  of 
mishaps.  The  ceremonial  in  general  is  discussed  in 
the  Gopatha  in  the  same  manner  as  in  the  other 
Brahmanas.  There  is,  in  fact,  very  little,  if  any,  dif- 
ference between  the  Gopatha  and  the  other  Brah- 
manas, and  it  is  not  easy  to  discover  any  traces  of  its 
more  recent  origin.  It  begins  with  a  theory  of  the 
creation  of  the  world,  such  as  we  find  in  many  places 
of  the  other  Brahmanas.  There  is  nothing  remark- 
able in  it  except  one  idea,  which  I  do  not  remember 
to  have  seen  elsewhere.  Brahman  (neuter),  the  self- 
existing,  burns  with  a  desire  to  create,  and  by  means 
of  his  heat,  sweat  is  produced  from  his  forehead,  and 
from  all  the  pores  of  his  body.  These  streams  of 
sweat  are  changed  into  water.  In  the  water  Brahman 
perceives  his  own  shadow,  and  falls  in  love  with  it. 
This,  however,  is  only  one  phase  in  the  progress  of 
creation,  which  is  ultimately  to  lead  to  the  birth  of 
Bhrigu  and  Atharvan.  Atharvan  is  represented  as 
the  real  Prajapati,  or  Lord  of  Creation.  From  him 
twenty  classes  of  poets,  the  same  as  those  mentioned 
in  the  Anukramani,  are  produced,  and  their  poems 
are  said  to  have  formed  the  Atharvana-veda. 

Then  follows  a  new  series  of  creation.  Brahman 
creates  the   earth  from  his  feet,  the   sky  from  his 

G  G  2 


452  THE    GOPATHA-BRAHMANA. 

belly,  heaven  from  his  skull.  He  then  creates  three 
gods:  Agni  (fire)  for  the  earth,  Vayu  (wind)  for  the 
sky,  and  Aditya  (sun)  for  the  heaven.  Lastly,  he 
creates  the  three  Vedas :  the  Eig-veda  proceeds  from 
Agni,  the  Yajur-veda  from  Vayu,  the  S&ma-veda  from 
Aditya.  The  three  Vyahritis  also,  or  sacred  sylla- 
bles {bMih  bhuvah  svar),  are  called  into  existence. 
It  is  important  to  remark,  that  nothing  is  here  said  of 
the  fourth  Veda;  its  origin  is  described  separately, 
and  its  second  name,  Angirasa,  is  explained  in  detail. 
We  look  in  vain  for  any  traces  of  more  modern  ideas 
in  the  Gopatha-brahmana,  till  we  come  to  the  end  of 
the  fifth  Prapathaka.  This  is  the  last  Prapathaka  of 
the  Gopatha-brahmana,  properly  so  called.  The  text 
is  very  corrupt,  but  it  seems  to  contain  an  admission 
that,  besides  the  twenty- one  sacrifices  which  are  ac- 
knowledged in  all  the  Yedic  writings,  the  Angiras' 
had  some  new  sacrifices  of  their  own.1  That  the  Go- 
patha-brahmana was  composed  after  the  schism  of  the 
Charakas  and  Vajasaneyins,  and  after  the  completion 
of  the  Vajasaneyi-sanhita,  may  be  gathered  from 
the  fact  that  where  the  first  lines  of  the  other 
Yedas  are  quoted  in  the  Gopatha,  the  first  line  of  the 

1  ^rr  ^spr:  WR  ^  mi**iw  ^R4tJi:  ^tt  rrtj^r- 

^fa      ^     ^     WT:      gTT^MI     And  again  ^J^     ^TT^ 


THE    GOPATHA-BRAHMANA.  453 

Yajur-veda  is  taken  from  the  Vajasaneyins,  and  not 
from  the  Taittiriyas. 

The  five  Prapathakas  which  we  have  hitherto  dis- 
cussed, form  only  the  first  part  of  the  Gopatha-brah- 
raana.  There  is  a  second  part,  called  the  Uttara- 
brahmana,  which  consists  of  more  than  five  Prapa- 
thakas. It  is  impossible  to  fix  their  exact  numbers, 
as  the  MS.  breaks  off  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth 
book.  It  is  likewise  reckoned  as  belonging  to  the 
Atharva-veda,  and  quoted  by  the  name  of  Gopatha. 
In  this  second  part  we  meet  repeatedly  with  long 
passages  which  are  taken  from  other  Brahmanas. 
Sometimes  they  coincide  literally,  sometimes  the  dif- 
ferences are  no  greater  than  what  we  find  in  different 
Sakhas  of  the  same  Brahmana.  Thus  the  legend  of 
the  sacrifice  running  away  from  the  gods,  which  is 
told  in  the  Aitareya-brahmana,  i.  18,  is  repeated 
in  the  Uttara-brahmana,  ii.  6.  The  story  of 
Vasishtha  receiving  a  special  revelation  from  Indra 
which  is  told  in  the  Taittiriyaka1  (iii.  5.  2.)  is  repeated 
in  the  Uttara-brahmana,  (ii.  13.).  And  here  a  dif- 
ference occurs  which  is  characteristic.  The  Taittiri- 
yas  relate  that  owing  to  this  special  revelation  which 
Vasishtha  had  received  from  Indra,  the  Vasishthas  had 
always  acted  as  Purohitas.  So  far  both  the  Taittiriyas 
and  the  Atharvans  agree.  But  when  the  Taittiriyas 
continue  that  therefore  a  Vasishtha  is  to  be  chosen  a 
Brahman,  the  Atharvans  demur.  The  sentence  is 
left  out,  and  it  is  inculcated  on  the  contrary  that  the 
office  of  Brahman  belongs  by  right  to  a  Bhrigu,  or  to 
one  cognisant  of  the  songs  of  the  Atharvangiras',2 

1  See  page  91,  note. 

2  See   also   Uttara-brahmana  ii.  I. -as  Ait.-br.  iii.    5.  ;  Utt.-br. 

g  g  3 


454  the  gopatha-brAhmana. 

If,  as  we  have  little  reason  to  doubt,  these  passages 
in  the  second  part  of  the  Gopatha-brahmana  were 
simply  copied  from  other  Brahmanas,  we  should  have 
to  assign  to  the  Uttara-brahmana  a  later  date  than 
to  the  Brahmanas  of  the  other  Yedas.  But  this 
would  in  no  way  affect  the  age  of  the  original  Gopa- 
tha-brahmana. In  it  there  is  nothing  to  show  that 
it  was  a  more  modern  composition  than,  for  instance, 
that  iSatapatha-brahmana.  In  the  Sanhita  of  the 
Atharva-veda  we  find  something  very  similar.1  Here 
also  the  last,  if  not  the  last  two  books,  betray  a  more 
modern  origin,  and  are  full  of  passages  taken  from 
the  Rig-veda.  The  Anukramani  calls  the  nineteenth 
book  the  Brahma-kanda,  and  the  hymns  of  the  last 
bookyajniyasansanamantras,  i.e.  hymns  for  sacrificial 
recitations.  The  collection  of  the  Sanhita  was  pro- 
bably undertaken  simultaneously  with  the  composition 
of  the  Gopatha-brahmana,  at  a  time  when  through 
the  influence  of  some  of  the  families  of  the  Bhrigus 
and  Angiras'  the  magic  formulas  of  the  Atharvans  had 
been  acknowledged  as  an  essential  part  of  the  solemn 
ceremonial.  With  the  means  at  present  at  our  dis- 
posal it  is  impossible  to  trace  the  history  of  these 
verses  back  to  the  earlier  period  of  Yedic  literature, 
and  I  shall  not  return  to  them  again.  What  is 
known  of  their  origin  and  character  has  been  stated 
by  Professor  Whitney  in  several  very  careful  articles 
in  the  Journal  of  the  American  Oriental  Society.2 
"  The  Atharvana,"  he  says,  "  is,  like  the  Rich,  a  his- 

v.    14.  =  Ait.-br.  vi.   17.;    Utt.-br.  vi.    1.  =  Ait.-br.     vi.     18.; 
Utt.-br.  vi.  3.  =  Ait.-br.  vi.  21. 

1  Atharva-veda-sanhita,  herausgegeben  von  Roth  und  Whitney. 
Berlin,  1855,  and  1856. 

2  Journal  of  the  American  Oriental  Society,  iv.  p.  254. 


THE    GOPATHA-BRAIIMANA.  455 

torical  and  not  a  liturgical  collection.  Its  first 
eighteen  books,  of  which  alone  it  was  originally  com- 
posed, are  arranged  upon  a  like  system  throughout : 
the  length  of  the  hymns,  and  not  either  their  subject 
or  their  alleged  authorship,  being  the  guiding  prin- 
ciple :  those  of  about  the  same  number  of  verses  are 
combined  together  into  books,  and  the  books  made 
up  of  the  shorter  hymns  stand  first  in  order.  A  sixth 
of  the  mass,  however,  is  not  metrical,  but  consists  of 
longer  or  shorter  prose  pieces,  nearly  akin  in  point 
of  language  and  style  to  passages  of  the  Brahmanas. 
Of  the  remainder,  or  metrical  portion,  about  one- 
sixth  is  also  found  among  the  hymns  of  the  Rich,  and 
mostly  in  the  tenth  book  of  the  latter :  the  rest  is 
peculiar  to  the  Atharvana."  And  again1,  "  The  most 
prominent  characteristic  feature  of  the  Atharvana  is 
the  multitude  of  incantations  which  it  contains ;  these 
are  pronounced  either  by  the  person  who  is  himself 
to  be  benefitted,  or,  more  often,  by  the  sorcerer  for 
him,  and  are  directed  to  the  procuring  of  the  greatest 
variety  of  desirable  ends ;  most  frequently,  perhaps, 
long  life,  or  recovery  from  grievous  sickness,  is  the 
object  sought :  then  a  talisman,  such  as  a  necklace,  is 
sometimes  given,  or  in  very  numerous  cases  some 
plant  endowed  with  marvellous  virtues  is  to  be  the 
immediate  external  means  of  the  cure  ;  further,  the 
attainment  of  wealth  or  power  is  aimed  at,  the  down- 
fall of  enemies,  success  in  love  or  in  play,  the  removal 
of  petty  pests,  and  so  on,  even  down  to  the  growth  of 
hair  on  a  bald  pate." 

1  Loc.  cit.  iii.  p.  308. 


G   G  4 


456 


CHAPTER  III. 

MANTRA   PERIOD. 

Having  ascribed  to  one  period  the  first  establishment 
of  the  three-fold  ceremonial  (trayi  vidya),  the  compo- 
sition, and  collection  of  the  Brahmanas,  and  the  rami- 
fication of  the  Brahmana-charanas,  we  have  now  to  see 
whether  we  can  extend  our  view  beyond  the  limits 
of  this  period  and  trace  the  stream  of  Yedic  literature 
still  further  back  to  its  source  and  its  earliest  diffusion. 
According  to  its  general  character,  the  Brahmana 
period  must  be  called  a  secondary  period.  It  ex- 
hibits a  stratum  of  thought,  perfectly  unintelligible 
without  the  admission  of  a  preceding  age,  during 
which  all  that  is  misunderstood,  perverted,  and  ab- 
surd in  the  Brahmanas,  had  its  natural  growth,  its 
meaning,  and  purpose.  But  can  it  be  supposed  that 
those  who  established  the  threefold  ceremonial,  and 
those  who  composed  the  threefold  Brahmanas,  fol- 
lowed immediately  upon  an  age  which  had  known 
poets,  but  no  priests,  prayers,  but  no  dogmas,  wor- 
ship, but  no  ceremonies  ?  Or  are  there  traces  to 
show  that,  even  previous  to  the  composition  of  the 
Brahmanas,  a  spirit  was  at  work  in  the  literature  of 
India,  no  longer  creative,  free,  and  original,  but 
living  only  on  the  heritage  of  a  former  age,  collecting, 
classifying,  and  imitating  ?  I  believe  we  must  de- 
cidedly adopt  the  latter  view.  The  only  document 
we  have,  in  which  we  can  study  the  character  of  the 


RIG-VEDA-SANIIITA.  457 

times,  previous  to  the  Brahmana  period,  is  the  Rig- 
veda-sanhita.  The  other  two  Sanhitas  were  more 
likely  the  production  of  the  Brahmana  period.  These 
two  Vedas,  the  Yajur-veda  and  Sama-veda,  were,  in 
truth,  what  they  are  called  in  the  Kaushitaki-brah- 
mana,  the  attendants  of  the  Rig-veda.1  The  Brah- 
manas  presuppose  the  Trayi  vidya,  the  threefold 
knowledge,  or  the  threefold  Veda,  but  that  Trayi 
vidya  again  presupposes  one  Veda,  and  that  the  Rig- 
veda.  We  cannot  suppose  that  the  hymns  which  are 
found  in  the  Rig-veda,  and  in  the  Sanhitas  of 
the  two  supplementary  Yedas,  the  Sama  and  Yajur- 
veda,  were  collected  three  times  by  three  independent 
collectors.  If  so,  their  differences  would  be  much 
greater  than  they  are.  The  differences  which  do 
exist  between  the  same  hymns  and  verses  as  given 
in  the  three  Sanhitas,  are  such  as  we  should  expect 
to  find  in  different  Sakhas,  not  such  as  would  natur- 
ally arise  in  independent  collections  or  Sanhitas. 

The  principle  on  which  the  Sanhita  of  the  Rig- 
veda  was  made  is  different  from  that  which  guided 
the  compilers  of  the  Sanhitas  of  the  Adhvaryus  and 
Udgatris.  These  two  Sanhitas  follow  the  order  of 
an  established  ceremonial.  They  presuppose  a  fixed 
order  of  sacrifices.  This  is  not  the  case  in  the  San- 
hita of  the  Bahvrichas.  There  is,  as  we  shall  see,  a 
system  in  that  Sanhita  also,  but  it  has  no  reference 
to  the  ceremonial. 

The  different  character  of  the  Rig-veda-sanhita,  as 
compared  with  the  Sanhitas  of  the  other  two  Yedas, 
has  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Brahmans,  and  we 

'  fPgftWTftrP^  ^||     vi.  11. 


458  RIG-VEDA-SANHITA. 

may  quote  on  this  subject  the  remarks  of  Say  ana,  in 
his  Introduction  to  the  Kig-veda.1 

"  Has  Asvalayana,"  he  says,  "  when  composing  his 
ceremonial  Sutras,  followed  the  order  of  the  Sanhita 
of  the  Rig-veda,  or  of  the  Brahmana  ?  He  could 
not  have  followed  the  order  of  the  hymns,  because  he 
says  at  the  beginning  of  his  Sutras,  that  first  of  all 
he  is  going  to  explain  the  new  and  full-moon  sacri- 
fices (Darsa  purnamasa),  while  the  first  hymns  of  the 
Rig-veda  are  never  used  at  that  sacrifice.  Nor  does 
he  seem  to  have  followed  the  Brahmana.  For 
the  Brahmana  begins  with  the  Dikshaniya  cere- 
mony. Here  then  it  must  be  observed  that  the 
collection  of  hymns  follows  the  order  which  is  ob- 
served at  the  Brahmayajna  and  on  other  occasions 
where  prayers  are  to  be  recited.  It  does  not  follow 
the  order  in  which  hymns  are  employed  at  the 
different  sacrifices.  Brahmayajna  is  the  name 
given  to  the  act  of  repeating  by  heart  one's  own 
sacred  text  or  even  a  single  verse  of  it,  whether 
a  Rich,  Yajush  or  Saman.  This  repeating  of  all  the 
Rich,  Yajush  or  Saman  verses  is  enjoined  by  many 
passages  of  the  Brahmanas,  and  whenever  hymns  are 
thus  enjoined  to  be  repeated,  that  order  is  to  be  ob- 
served in  which  they  have  been  handed  down  by  an 
uninterrupted  tradition.  But  as  Asvalayana  teaches 
the  particular  employment  of  particular  hymns, 
basing  it  upon  the  authority  of  what  are  termed 
indicative  passages  of  the  revelation,  it  is  but  natural 
that  he  can  not  follow  the  order  of  the  hymns  of  the 
Rig-veda.  The  texts  of  the  Yajur-veda,  however, 
are  given,  from  the  first  beginning,  according  to  their 

1  P.  34. 


rig-veda-sanhitA.  459 

order  at  the  performance  of  sacrifices,  and  thus  have 
Apastamba  and  others  proceeded  in  the  same  order  in 
the  composition  of  their  Sutras.  As  this  order  has 
once  been  received,  it  is  likewise  adopted  in  the  Brah- 
mayajna.  That  Asvalayana  should  explain  in  the 
first  place  the  Darsapurnamasa  sacrifice,  while  the 
Brahmana  begins  with  the  Dikshaniya  sacrifice,  is  no 
objection,  because  the  Dikshaniya  is  only  a  modifica- 
tion of  the  Darsapurnamasa,  and  many  of  its  rules 
must  be  supplied  from  the  typical  sacrifice.  Thus 
the  Kalpa-sutra  of  Asvalayana  assists  in  teaching  the 
performance  of  the  sacrifice  by  showing  the  employ- 
ment of  the.  hymns.  That  Asvalayana  should  teach 
the  employment  of  passages  which  do  not  occur  in 
the  Sanhita  of  the  Rig-veda1,  is  no  fault,  because  these 

1  Our  MSS.  represent,  according  to  tradition,  the  text  of  the 
6akala-sakha,  and  the  same  text  is  followed  by  Asvalayana  in  his 
Sutras.  Now,  whenever  Asvalayana  quotes  any  verses  which 
form  part  of  the  6akala-sakha,  he  only  quotes  the  first  words. 
Every  member  of  his  Charana  was  supposed  to  know  the  hymns 
of  the  6akala-sakha  by  heart,  and  it  was  sufficient,  therefore,  to 
quote  them  in  this  manner.  But  when  he  has  occasion  to  refer  to 
the  verses  which  are  found  in  the  Brahmana  of  the  Aitareyins, 
without  being  part  of  the  6akala-sanhita,  Asvalayana  quotes  them 
in  full.  As  these  verses  are  not  quoted  in  full  in  the  text  of  the 
Aitareya-brahmana,  we  may  fairly  suppose  that  the  text  of  the 
Rig-veda-sanhita,  current  among  the  Aitareyins,  was  different  from 
that  of  the  6akala-sakha,  and  contained  the  full  text  of  these 
hymns.  Sayana,  in  his  Commentary,  does  not  state  that  these 
additional  verses  belonged  to  the  &akha  of  the  Aitareyins,  but 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  at  his  time  the  text  of  their  Sanhita 
was  lost  and  forgotten.  He  says,  however,  that  these  verses  be- 
longed to  a  different  6akha,  and  that  they  must  be  supplied 
from  Asvalayana' s  Sutras,  where,  for  this  very  reason,  they  were 
given  in  full.  At  the  time  of  Asvalayana,  therefore,  the  text  of 
the  Sanhita  of  the  Aitareyins  was  still  in  existence,  and  he  like- 
wise notices  in  his  Sutras  peculiarities  in  the  ceremonial  of  the 


460  THE    RIG- VEDA. 

hymns  occur  in  different  Sakhas,  and  their  employ- 
ment is  prescribed  by  a  different  Brahmana,  so  that 
their  being  mentioned  can  only  increase  the  value  of 
his  Sutras.  Those  who  know  the  logic  of  this  subject 
say,  that  there  is  but  one  sacrifice  and  that  it  is  to 
be  learnt  from  all  the  different  Sakhas." 

Here  then  we  see  that  even  so  late  a  writer  as 
Say  ana  is  fully  aware  of  the  peculiar  character  of 
the  Rig-veda,  as  compared  with  the  other  Vedas.  In 
his  eyes  the  collection  of  hymns,  preserved  in  the 
Rig-veda,  has  evidently  something  anomalous.  He, 
brought  up  in  the  system  of  a  stiff  liturgical  religion, 
looks  upon  the  Sanhitas  simply  as  prayer-books  to  be 
used  at  the  sacrifices.  The  sacrifices  as  taught  in 
the  Brahmanas  and  Sutras,  are  to  him  a  subject  of 
far  greater  importance  than  the  religious  poetry  of 
the  Rishis.  It  is  but  natural,  therefore,  that  he  should 
ask,  what  is  the  use  of  this  collection  of  hymns,  in 
which  there  is  no  order  or  system,  as  in  the  hymn- 
books  of  the  Yajur-veda  and  Sama-veda  ?  His  answer, 
however,  is  most  unsatisfactory.  For  if  the  other 
two  collections  of  hymns  can  be  used  for  private  de- 
votion although  they  follow  the  order  of  the  sacri- 
fices, why  should  not  the  same  apply  to  the  hymns 
of  the  Rig-veda? 

Whenever  we  find  in  the  ancient  literature  and 

Aitareyins.  Dr.  Roth  has  pointed  out  one  of  these  verses  (Nirukta, 
xlv.).  The  passage  in  the  Aitarey a  -brahmana  from  which  the  verse 

is  taken,  is,  i.  4.  2. ;  and  Sayana  says  there :     rff    HcfT^pHJ 

a  similar  manner  the  modern  Sutras  of  the  Fratres  Attidii 
(Tab.  vi.  vii.)  contain  the  Mantras  in  full,  which  in  the  ancient 
statutes  (Tab.  i.)  are  only  indicated  as  generally  known.  See 
Aufrecht  und  KirchhofF,  Die  Umbrischen  Sprachdenkmaler. 


PRINCIPLE   OF   COLLECTION.  461 

theology  of  the  Brahmans  anything  that  is  contrary 
to  their  general  rules,  anything  that  seems  anomalous 
to  them  and  is  yet  allowed  to  exist,  we  may  be  sure 
that  it  contains  some  really  historical  elements,  and 
that  it  was  of  too  solid  a  nature  to  receive  the  smooth 
polish  of  the  Brahmanic  system.  It  is  so  with  the 
Rig-veda-sanhita.  It  belongs  to  a  period  previous  to 
the  complete  ascendancy  of  the  Brahmans;  it  was 
finished  before  the  threefold  ceremonial  had  been 
worked  out  in  all  its  details. 

And  yet  there  is  some  system,  there  is  some  priestly 
influence,  clearly  distinguishable  in  that  collection  also. 
It  is  true  that  the  ten  books  of  the  Rig-veda  stand  be- 
fore us  as  separate  collections,  each  belonging  to  one 
of  the  ancient  families  of  India  ;  but  were  these  collec- 
tions undertaken  independently  in  each  of  these 
families,  at  different  times,  and  with  different  objects  ? 
I  believe  not.  There  are  traces,  however  faint,  of  one 
superintending  spirit. 

Eight  out  of  the  ten  Mandalas  begin  with  hymns 
addressed  to  Agni,  and  these  hymns,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  tenth  Mandala,  are  invariably  followed  by 
hymns  addressed  to  Indra.1     After  the   hymns   ad- 

1  First  Mandala,  Anuvaka  l.=Agni. 

Anuvaka  2.  3.=Indra. 
Second  Mandala,  Anuvaka  l.=Agni  ( — 11). 

Anuvaka  2.=Indra. 
Third  Mandala,  Anuvaka  1.  2.=  Agni. 
Anuvaka  3.  A.  —  Indra. 
Fourth  Mandala,  Anuvaka  1. — 2,  5.  =  Agni. 

Anuvaka  2.  3.= Indra. 
Fifth  Mandala,  Anuvaka  1.— 2,  14.= Agni. 

Anuvaka  2,  15. — 3,  8.  =  Indra. 
Sixth  Mandala,  Anuvaka  1. — 2,  l.  =  Agni. 

-4,  4.  =  Indra. 


462  APRl    HYMNS. 

dressed  to  these  two  deities  we  generally  meet  with 
hymns  addressed  to  the  Visve  Devali.  This  cannot 
be  the  result  of  mere  accident,  nor  is  there  anything 
in  the  character  of  the  two  gods,  Agni  and  Indra, 
which  would  necessitate  such  an  arrangement.  Agni 
is  indeed  called  the  lowest  of  the  gods,  but  this  neither 
implies  his  inferiority  nor  his  superiority.1  It  simply 
means  that  Agni,  as  the  god  of  fire  on  the  hearth,  is 
the  nearest  god,  who  descends  from  his  high  station 
to  befriend  men,  and  who,  in  the  form  of  the  sacrifi- 
cial fire,  becomes  the  messenger  and  mediator  between 
god  and  men.2  This  would  not  be  sufficient  to  account 
for  the  place  assigned  to  him  at  the  beginning  of  eight 
out  of  the  ten  Mandalas  of  the  Rig-veda.  Indra,  again, 
is  certainly  the  most  powerful  of  the  Vedic  gods3,  but 
he  never  enjoys  that  supremacy  which  in  Greece  and 
Rome  was  allowed  to  Zeus  and  Jupiter.  We  can 
hardly  doubt,  therefore,  that  the  place  allowed  to 
hymns  addressed  to  Agni  and  Indra,  at  the  beginning 

Seventh  Mandala,  Anuvaka  l.=Agni. 
Anuvaka  2.  =  Indra. 
Eighth  Mandala,  Pragatha  hymns. 
Ninth  Mandala,  Soma  hymns. 
Tenth  Mandala,  Anuvaka  l.=Agni. 

1  Schol.  ad  Pind.  Nem.  x.  59.  Kat  yap  to  irpioTov  tayarov  nore 
hvvarai  yeviadai,  kcu  to  toyaxov  7rpioT0V,  Keyjp-qTui  teal  2o0okA%  i"« 
k<T-xaT<j)  a.VTL  tov  7rpu)T0v,  "Hdrj  yap  eopa  Zevg  kv  ktrylirn  S'eoiv  (e'x£l 
yap  e$pav.     Brunek.) 

^  Rv.  iv.  i. 5,-q  <sf  ift  ^$$wr  Hfr?ft  ^ii  ^^T 

^"^^Y  ^(Wt  II  "  Come  down  to  us,  O  Agni,  with  thy  help,  be 
thou  most  near  to  us  to-day  as  the  dawn  flashes  forth." 

3  ^j^Y  3"  ^ <=ll «U  ^Ttf^TSTf  Wf%"8"«  I  Kaushitaki-brahmana, 
vi.  14. 


APR1   HYMNS.  463 

of  the  Mandalas,  was  the  result  of  a  previous  agree- 
ment, and  that  the  Mandalas  themselves  do  not  re- 
present collections  made  independently  by  different 
families,  but  collections  carried  out  simultaneously  in 
different  localities  under  the  supervision  of  one  central 
authority. 

Another  indication  of  the  systematic  arrangement 
of  the  Mandalas,  is  contained  in  the  Apri  hymns. 

There  are  ten  Apri-suktas  in  the  Rig-veda  :  — 

1.  I.  13.,  by  Medhatithi,  of  the  family  of  the 
Kanvas  (ii.  b.)  ;  12  verses. 

2.  I.  142,  by  Dirghatamas,  son  of  Uchathya,  of  the 
family  of  the  Angirasas  (ii.  a.)  ;  13  verses.    (Indra.) 

3.  I.  188,  by  Agastya,  of  the  family  of  the  Agastis 
(vii.);  11  verses.    (Tanunap&t.) 

4.  II.  3,  by  Gritsamada,  son  of  Sunahotra,  (Angi- 
rasa),  adopted  by  Sunaka  (Bh&rgava)  (i.  7.);  11 
verses.     (Narasansa.) 

5.  III.  4,  by  Visvamitra,  son  of  Gathin,  of  the 
family  of  the  VisvaMnitras  (iv.)  ;  11  verses.  (Tanu- 
napat. ) 

6.  Y.  5,  by  Vasusruta,  son  of  Atri,  of  the  family 
of  the  Atreyas  (iii.)  ;  11  verses.    (Narasansa.) 

7.  VII.  2,  by  Vasishtha,  son  of  Mitravarunau,  of 
the  family  of  the  Vasishthas  (vi.)  ;  11  verses.  (Nara- 
sansa.) 

8.  IX.  5,  by  Asita  or  Devala,  of  the  family  of  the 
Kasyapas  (v.)  ;  11  verses.      (Tanunapat.) 

9.  X.  70,  by  Sumitra,  of  the  family  of  the  Badhrya- 
svas  (i.  6.);  11  verses.     (Narasansa.) 

10.  X.  110,  by  Raina,  the  son  of  Jamadagni,  or  by 
Jamadagni,  of  the  family  of  the  Jamadagnyas  (i.  2.); 
11  verses.    (Tanunapat.) 

These  hymns  consist  properly  of  11  verses,  each  of 


464  APRl    HYMNS. 

which  is  addressed  to  a  separate  deity.  Their  order  is 
as  follows  :  — 

First  verse,  to  Agni  Idhma  or  Susamiddha,  the 
lighted  fire. 

Second  verse,  to  Tanunapat,  the  sun  hidden  in  the 
waters  or  the  clouds,  or  to  Narasansa,  the  rising  sun, 
praised  by  men. 

Third  verse,  to  the  lias,  the  heavenly  gifts,  or  Ijita^ 
Agni,  implored  to  bring  them. 

Fourth  verse,  to  Barhish,  the  sacrificial  pile  of  grass. 

Fifth  verse,  to  Devir  dvarah,  the  gates  of  heaven. 

Sixth  verse,  to  Ushasa-naktau,  dawn  and  night. 

Seventh  verse,  to  Daivyau  hotarau  prachetasau 
(it  e.  Agni  and  Aditya,  or  Agni  and  Varuna,  or 
Varuna  and  Aditya ;  Shadgurusishya). 

Eighth  verse,  to  the  three  goddesses  Sarasvati,  Ila, 
Bharati. 

Ninth  verse,  to  Tvashtri,  the  creator. 

Tenth  verse,  to  Vanaspati,  the  tree  of  the  sacrifice. 

Eleventh  verse,  to  the  SvaMkritis.  ( Visve  Devah, 
Shadgurusishya. ) 

The  only  differences  in  the  ten  Apri  hymns  of  the 
Rig-veda  arise  from  the  name  by  which  the  second 
deity  is  invoked.  It  is  Tanunapat  in  hymns  3,  5,  8, 
10  ;  Narasansa  in  hymns  4,  6,  7,  9  ;  whereas  in  hymns 
1  and  2  the  second  deity  is  invoked  under  either 
name  in  two  separate  verses.  This  raises  the  number 
in  these  two  hymns  to  twelve,  and  this  number  is 
again  raised  to  thirteen  in  hymn  2,  by  the  addition  at 
the  end  of  a  separate  invocation  of  Indra. 

The  whole  construction  of  these  hymns  is  clearly 
artificial.  They  share  the  character  of  the  hymns 
which  we  find  in  the  Sama  and  Yajur-vedas,  being 
evidently  composed  for  sacrificial  purposes.     Never- 


apr!  hymns.  465 

theless,  we  find  these  artificial  hymns  in  seven  out  of 
the  ten  Mandalas,  in  L,  II.,  III.,  V.,  VIL,  IX.,  X. 
This  proves  a  previous  agreement  among  the  col- 
lectors. For  some  reason  or  other,  each  family 
wished  to  have  its  own  Apri  hymn,  a  hymn  which 
had  to  be  recited  by  the  Hotri  priest,  previous  to  the 
immolation  of  certain  victims1,  and  such  a  hymn  was 
inserted,  not  once  for  all  in  the  Sanhita,  but  ten 
times  over.  Some  of  the  verses  in  the  Apri  hymns 
are  mere  repetitions,  and  even  families  so  hostile  to 
each  other  as  the  Vasishthas  and  Yisvamitras  have 
some  verses  in  common  in  these  Apri  hymns. 
But,  if  on  one  side  the  presence  of  the  Apri  hymns  in 
different  Mandalas  proves  a  certain  advance  of  the 
ceremonial  system  in  the  Mantra  period,  and  the  in- 
fluence of  a  priestly  society  even  in  the  first  collection 
of  the  hymns ;  it  proves  likewise,  that  the  traditional 
distribution  of  the  Mandalas  among  various  Vedic 
families  is  not  a  merely  arbitrary  arrangement.  These 
families  insisted  on  having  each  their  own  Apri 
hymn  recorded,  and  whereas  for  the  general  ceremo- 
nial, as  fixed  in  the  Brahmanas  and  Sutras,  the  family 
of  the  poet  of  certain  hymns  employed  at  the  sacri- 
fices, is  never  taken  into  account,  we  find  an  exception 
made  in  favour  of  the  Apri  hymns.  If  a  verse  of 
Yisvamitra  is  once  fixed  by  the  Brahmanas  and 
Sutras  as  part  of  any  of  the  solemn  sacrifices,  no 
sacrifi cer,  even  if  he  were  of  the  family  of  the  Vasish- 
thas, would  have  a  right  to  replace  that  verse  by  an- 
other. But  with  regard  to  the  Apri  hymns  that 
liberty  is  conceded.     The  Aitareya-brahmana  records 

1  Burnouf,   Journal  Asiatique,  1850,  p.    249.    Roth,  Nirukta, 
p.  xxxvi. 

H   H 


466  Apirf    HYMNS. 

this  fact  in  the  most  general  form.1  "  Let  the  priest 
use  the  Apris  according  to  the  Rishi.  If  he  uses 
the  Apris  according  to  the  Rishi,  he  does  not  allow 
the  sacrificer  to  escape  from  the  relationship  of  that 
Rishi."  Asvalayana  enters  more  into  details.2  He 
says  that  those  who  belong  to  the  Sunakas,  should 
use  the  hymn  of  Gritsamada ;  those  who  belong  to  the 
Yasishthas,  that  of  Yasishtha.  The  Apri  hymn  of 
Rama  or  Jamadgni  he  allows  to  be  used  by  all  fami- 
lies, (excepting  the  Sunakas  and  Yasishthas)  but,  he 
adds,  that  each  family  may  choose  the  Apri  hymn  of 
its  own  Rishi.  How  this  is  to  be  done  is  explained 
in  a  Sloka,  ascribed  to  Saunaka.3  He  ascribes  the 
first  Apri  hymn  to  the  Kanvas ;  the  second  to  the 
Angiras',  with  the  exception  of  the  Kanvas;  the 
third  to  the  Agastis;  the  fourth  to  the  Sunakas  ;  the 
fifth  to  the  Yisvamitras  ;  the  sixth  to  the  Atris ;  the 
seventh  to  the  Yasishthas ;  the  eighth  to  the  Kasyapas ; 
the  ninth  to  the  Badhryasvas;  the  tenth  to  the 
Bhrigus,  with  the  exception  of  the  Sunakas  and 
Badhryasvas.4 

The  original  purpose  of  the  Apri  hymns,  and  the 

rr^rrr^rr  ^t r^rfcr  i  Ait.-br.  ii.  4. 

2  Asv.-sutra,  iii.  2. 

3  ?T^r   *r*TCfTT  ttW^i   sraftnre  ^srnftft^i^ite 
srf%^r:  3T3in?r  srspsY  VKli<<fl*i«ui 

4  Wf^TWT^    f*I^n^r«3ra^rcn7^     Narayana  on  Asv. 

&rauta-su.  iv.  1. 


CHARACTER   OF   THE    RIG- VEDA.  467 

motive  for  allowing  the  priest  to  ehoose  among  them 
according  to  the  family  to  which  his  client  belonged, 
are  difficult  to  discover.  An  ancient  author  of  the 
name  of  Ganagari  \  endeavoured  to  prove  from  the 
fact  that  one  and  the  same  Apri  hymn  may  be  used 
by  all,  that  all  people  belong  really  and  truly  to  one 
family.  It  is  possible,  indeed,  that  the  Apri  hymns 
may  have  been  songs  of  reconciliation,  and  that  they 
were  called  dpn,  i.e.  appeasing  hymns,  not  from  their 
appeasing  the  anger  of  the  gods,  but  the  enmities  of 
members  of  the  same  or  different  families.  However 
that  may  be,  they  certainly  do  prove  that  there  bad 
been  an  active  intercourse  between  the  ancient  fami- 
lies of  India  long  before  the  final  collection  of  the  ten 
books,  and  that  these  ten  books  were  collected  and 
arranged  by  men  who  took  more  than  a  merely 
poetical  interest  in  the  ancient  sacred  poetry  of  their 
country. 

Although  we  see  from  these  indications  that  the 
collection  of  the  hymns  which  we  possess  in  the  Rig- 
veda  took  place  during  a  period  when  the  influence 
of  the  Brahmans,  as  a  priestly  caste,  had  made  itself 
felt  in  India,  we  must  claim,  nevertheless,  for  this 
collection  a  character  not  yet  exclusively  ceremonial. 
Not  only  is  the  order  of  the  hymns  completely  inde- 
pendent of  the  order  of  the  sacrifices,  but  there 
are  numerous  hymns  in  our  collection  which  could 
never  have  been  used  at  any  sacrifice.     This  is  not 


-*T^:  |    Asv.-sutras,  xii.  10.     See  also  Anuvakanukramani-blia- 
shya,  sloka  7.    %     in^rT:  |   \    ^  I     ^Ifaf  ITTcir^ra  ^5fT- 

H  ii  2 


468  CHARACTER  OF  THE  RIG- VEDA. 

the  case  with  the  other  Vedas.  Every  hymn,  every 
verse,  every  invocation  in  the  Sanhit&s  of  the  Sama 
and  Yajur-vedas  are  employed  by  the  Udg&tris  and 
Adhvaryus,  whereas  the  hymns  of  the  Rig-veda  are 
by  no  means  intended  to  be  all  employed  by  the 
Hotri  priests.  If  we  speak  of  the  sacred  poetry  of 
the  Brahmans,  that  of  the  S&ma  and  Yajur-vedas  is 
sacred  only  because  it  is  used  for  sacrificial  purposes, 
that  of  the  Rig-veda  is  sacred,  because  it  had  been 
handed  down  as  a  sacred  heir-loom  from  the  earliest 
times  within  the  memory  of  man.  The  sacredness 
of  the  former  is  matter  of  system  and  design,  that 
of  the  latter  is  a  part  of  its  origin. 

There  is  an  objection  that  might  be  raised  against 
this  view,  and  which  deserves  to  be  considered.  No 
one  acquainted  with  the  ceremonial  of  the  Brahmans 
could  well  maintain  that,  after  the  final  division  of 
that  ceremonial  among  the  three  classes  of  priests, 
a  collection  like  that  of  the  Rig-veda  could  have  been 
conceived.  The  Rig-veda  is  not  a  Veda  for  the 
Hotri  priest,  in  the  same  sense  in  which  the  Sama  and 
Yajur-vedas  are  for  the  Udgatri  and  Adhvaryu  priests. 
But  it  might  be  said  that  there  is  a  fourth  class  of 
priests,  the  Brahman  class,  and  that  the  Rig-veda 
might  have  been  collected  for  their  special  benefit. 
In  order  to  answer  this  objection,  we  shall  have  to 
examine  more  closely  the  real  character  of  the  four 
classes  of  priests. 

Asvalayana  (iv.  1.),  says  that  there  are  four  priests, 
each  having  three  men  under  him.     These  are : 

I.  Hotri,  with  Maitr&varuna,  Achhavaka,  Gra- 
vastut.1 

1  This  is  not  the  order  as  given  in  Asvalayana  ;  he  places  the 
Brahman  and  his  three  men  before  the  Udgatri  and  his  attendants. 


THE   RITVIJ.  469 

II.  Adhvaryu,  with  Pratiprasthatri,  Neshtri,  Un- 
netri. 

III.  Udgatri,  with  Prastotri,  Agnidhra  or  Agnidh, 
Potri. 

IV.  Brahman,  with  Brahmanachhansin,  Pratihar- 
tri,  Subrahmanya. 

These  sixteen  priests  are  commonly  called  by  the 
name  of  Ritvij,  and  are  chosen  by  the  man  in  whose 
favour  the  sacrifice  is  offered,  the  Yajamana  or  Svamin. 
There  are  other  priests,  such  as  the  Samitri,  (the 
slayer,)  the  Vaikartas,  (the  butchers,)  the  Chama- 
sadhvaryus,  (the  assistants  of  the  Adhvaryus,)  but 
they  do  not  rank  as  Ritvij.  The  Kaushitakins  admit 
a  seventeenth  Ritvij,  the  so-called  Sadasya,  who  is  to 
superintend  the  whole  sacrifice.1     This  large  array  of 

Some  would  seem  to  place  the  Brahman  first  of  all,  but  Asvala- 
yana  (Grihya,  i.  22.)  remarks  that  the  Brahman  is  first  chosen 
when  there  is  an  election  of  four  priests  only.  If  all  the  sixteen 
are  chosen,  then  the  Hotri  comes  first,  afterwards  the  Brahman, 
thirdly  the  Adhvaryu,  and  lastly  the  Udgatri. 

i  Asv.-Grihya,  i.  22.   ff^jj  ^^TJ    ^nftrrf^T:    ^TTO" 

*f«lfft(d    tH'-HT^II    This  is  confirmed  by  the  Kaushitaki-brah- 

mana.  Other  authorities  admit  several  Sadasyas.      (51jl  ^ITTTS  " 

*Wt  <*  £10  For  tne  Sattra  sacrifices  a  seventeenth  priest, 
called  the  Grihapati,  lord  of  the  house,  is  admitted.  He  is  not 
considered  as  the  Yajamana,  but  seems  to  be  the  actual  sacrificer. 

T}?£EfT?T  ^rf%?TTt  Narayana  on  Asv.  &rauta-sutra,  iv.  1.)  In 
the  Aitareya-brahmana  (vii.  1.),  where  the  division  of  the  animal 
among  the  various  priests  is  described,  we  have  the  sixteen  Ritvij, 
and  besides  one  Sadasya,  three  Grihapatis  (probably  the  sacri- 

h  h  3 


470  RITVIJ. 

priests  was  only  wanted  for  certain  grand  sacrifices. 
In  the  Gautama-sutra-bhashya  (p.  30.)  we  are  told 
that  for  the  Agnihotra  and  Aup&sana  one  priest,  the 
Adhvaryu,  was  sufficient ;  for  the  Darsapurnamasa, 
four  ;  for  the  Chaturmasyas  five  ;  for  the  Pasubandha 
six ;  for  the  Jyotishtoma  sixteen.  Asvalayana  pre- 
scribes the  sixteen  priests  for  the  sacrifices  called 
Ahina  (sacrifices  lasting  from  two  to  eleven  days), 
and  Ekaha  (sacrifices  of  one  day),  and  restricts  the 
seventeen  priests  to  the  Sattras  (sacrifices  lasting 
from  thirteen  to  one  hundred  days).  Each  of  the  four 
classes  of  these  priests  had  peculiar  duties  to  perform. 
These  duties  were  prescribed  in  the  Brahman  as.  The 
duties  of  the  Hotri  are  laid  down  in  the  Brahma- 
nas of  the  Bahvriehas,  such  as  the  Kaushitaki  and 
Aitareya-brahmanas ;  those  of  the  Adhvaryu  in  the 
Brahmanas  of  the  Charakas  (the  Taittiriyaka)  and 
in  the  Brahmanas  of  the  Vajasaneyins  (the  data- 
path a);  those  of  the  Udgatri  in  the  Brahmanas  of 
the  Chhandogas  (the  Tandya.)  Apastamba,  who  de- 
scribes the  sacrifice  in  his  Paribhasha-sutras1,  says 
that  it  is  prescribed  by  the  three  Vedas,  the  Rig-veda, 
Yajur-veda  and  Sama-veda.2     "  The  Hotri,"  he  says, 

ficer  himself,  one  who  acts  for  him,  and  one  who  acts  for  his  wife), 
one  &araitri  (a  slayer,  who  need  not  be  a  Brahman),  two  Vai- 
kartas  (butchers),  several  Upagatris  (choristers),  and  an  Atreya. 
Other  wives  (patnis),  besides  the  bharya,  are  mentioned  as  present. 
In  the  Tandya-brahmana  (25.  15.)  the  Pratiprasthatri  is  left  out, 
but  two  Adhvaryus,  two  Unnetris,  and  two  Abhigarapagarau  are 
mentioned. 

1  Translated  by  me  in  the  ninth  volume  of  the  German  Oriental 
Society. 


ADHVARYUS.  471 

"performs  his  duties  with  the  Rig-veda,  the  Udgatri 
with  the  Sama-veda,  the  Adhvaryu  with  the  Yajur- 
veda  ;  the  Brahman  with  all  the  three  Vedas." 

The  Adhvaryus  were  the  priests  who  were  intrusted 
with  the  material  performance  of  the  sacrifice.  They 
had  to  measure  the  ground,  to  build  the  altar  (vedi), 
to  prepare  the  sacrificial  vessels,  to  fetch  wood  and 
water,  to  light  the  fire,  to  bring  the  animal  and  im- 
molate it.  They  formed,  as  it  would  seem,  the 
lowest  class  of  priests,  and  their  acquirements  were 
more  of  a  practical  than  an  intellectual  character. 
Some  of  the  offices  which  would  naturally  fall  to  the 
lot  of  the  Adhvaryus,  were  considered  so  degrading, 
that  other  persons  besides  the  priests  were  frequently 
employed  in  them.  The  iSamitri,  for  instance,  who 
had  to  slay  the  animal,  was  not  a  priest,  he  need  not 
even  be  a  Brahman1,  and  the  same  applies  to  the 
Vaikartas,  the  butchers,  and  the  so-called  Chamasa- 
dhvaryus.  The  number  of  hymns  and  invocations 
which  they  had  to  use  at  the  sacrifices  was  smaller 
than  that  of  the  other  priests.  These,  however,  they 
had  to  learn  by  heart.  But  as  the  chief  difficulty 
consisted  in  the  exact  recitation  of  hymns,  and  in  the 
close  observance  of  all  the  euphonic  rules,  as  taught  in 
the  Pratisakhyas,  the  Adhvaryus  were  allowed  to 
mutter  their  hymns2,  so  that  no  one  at  a  distance  could 

1  Ait-brahmana,  vii.  1. 

2  ^iaj  w}^ni<ui    ^Tws^ar^w:  Tret*ro- 


H   H  4 


472  UDGATRIS. 

either  hear  or  understand  them.  Only  in  cases  where 
the  Adhvarj'u  had  to  speak  to  other  officiating  priests, 
commanding  them  to  perform  certain  duties1,  he  was 
of  course  obliged  to  speak  with  a  loud  and  distinct 
voice.  All  these  verses  and  all  the  invocations  which 
the  Adhvaryus  had  to  use,  were  collected  in  the 
ancient  liturgy  of  the  Adhvaryus  together  with  the 
rules  of  the  sacrifice.  In  this  mixed  form  they  exist 
in  the  Taittiriyaka.  Afterwards  the  hymns  were 
collected  by  themselves,  separated  from  the  ceremonial 
rules,  and  this  collection  is  what  we  call  the  Yajur- 
veda-sanhitd,  or  the  prayer-book  of  the  Adhvaryu 
priests. 

There  were  some  parts  of  the  sacrifice,  which  ac- 
cording to  ancient  custom,  had  to  be  accompanied  by 
songs,  and  hence  another  class  of  priests  arose  whose 
particular  office  it  was  to  act  as  the  chorus.  This 
naturally  took  place  at  the  most  solemn  sacrifices  only. 
Though  as  yet  we  have  no  key  as  to  the  character 


1  An  instance  of  this  occurs  in  a  passage  of  the  Aitareya-brah- 
mana,  translated  by  Prof.  Roth.     The  first  words  (ii.  2.)     ^v»4ft 

^TWTsff%   are  spoken  by  the  Adhvaryu,  and  not,  as  Professor 

Roth  supposes,  by  the  Hotri.  It  is  the  Adhvaryu  only  who  can 
say,  "  We  anoint  the  sacrificial  stake,  do  thou  accompany  us  with 
the  hymns."  A  passage  like  this,  as  it  is  addressed  to  another 
priest,  the  Adhvaryu  would  have  to  pronounce  with  a  loud  voice. 

The  Brahmana  itself  says,  ^rtj  l^T^ef^  "  so  says  the  Adhvaryu." 

The  presha,  or  command,  "  anubruhi,"  can  only  be  addressed  to 
the  Hotri,  and  there  was  no  ground  for  placing  the  following 
verses  in   the  mouth  of  the  Adhvaryu.     Roth,  Nirukta,  xxxiv. 


HOTRIS.  473 

of  the  music  which  the  Udg&tris  performed,  we 
can  see  from  the  numerous  and  elaborate  rules, 
however  unintelligible,  that  their  music  was  more 
than  mere  chanting.  The  words  of  their  songs  were 
collected  in  the  order  of  the  sacrifice,  and  this  libretto 
is  what  we  possess  under  the  name  of  Sdma-veda~san~ 
hitd,  or  the  prayer-book  of  the  Udgatri  priests.1 

Distinct  from  these  two  classes,  we  have  a  third 
class  of  priests,  the  Hotris,  whose  duty  it  was  to  re- 
cite certain  hymns  during  the  sacrifice  in  praise  of  the 
deities  to  whom  any  particular  act  of  the  sacrificer 
was  addressed.  Their  recitation  was  loud  and  dis- 
tinct, and  required  the  most  accurate  knowledge  of 
the  rules  of  euphony  or  Siksha.  The  Hotris,  as  a 
class,  were  the  most  highly  educated  order  of  priests. 
They  were  supposed  to  know  both  the  proper  pro- 
nunciation and  the  meaning  of  their  hymns,  the  order 
and  employment  of  which  was  taught  in  the  Brah- 
manas  of  the  Bahvrichas.  But  while  both  the  Adhvar- 
yus  and  Udgatris  were  confessedly  unable  to  perform 
their  duties  without  the  help  of  their  prayer-books, 
the  Hotris  were  supposed  to  be  so  well  versed  in  the 
ancient  sacred  poetry,  as  contained  in  the  ten  Mandalas 
of  the  Rig-veda,  that  no  separate  prayer-book  or 
Sanhita  was  ever  arranged  for  their  special  benefit. 


1  The  Sanhita  consists  of  two  parts ;  the  Archika  and  Stau- 
bhika.  The  Archika,  as  adapted  to  the  special  use  of  the  priests, 
exists  in  two  forms,  called  Ganas,  or  Song-books,  the  Veyagana 
and  Aranyagana.  The  Staubhika  exists  in  the  same  manner  as 
Ohagana  and  Uhyagana.  Cf.  Benfey,  Preface  to  his  edition  of 
the  Sama-veda- archika,  Leipzig,  1848,  and  Weber,  Ind.  Studien, 
i.  30.  The  supposition  that  the  modern  origin  of  some  of  the 
hymns  of  the  Rig-veda  could  be  proved  by  their  not  occurring  in 
the  Sama-veda,  has  been  well  refuted  by  Dr.  Pertsch. 


474  HOTRIS, 

There  is  no  Sanhita  for  the  Hotris  corresponding  to 
the  Sanhitas  of  the  Adhvaryus  and  Udgatris.  The 
Hotri  learnt  from  the  Brahmana,  or  in  later  times, 
from  the  Sutra,  what  special  duties  he  had  to  perform. 
He  knew  from  those  sources  the  beginnings  or  the 
names  of  the  hymns  which  he  had  to  recite  at  every 
part  of  the  service.  But  in  order  to  be  able  to  use 
these  indications,  he  had  previously  to  know  the  whole 
body  of  Yedic  poetry,  so  as  to  be  ready  to  produce 
from  the  vast  store  of  his  memory  whatever  hymn  or 
verse  was  called  for  at  the  sacrifice.  There  exists 
among  the  MSS.  of  Walker's  Collection  a  work  en- 
titled, Asvalayana-sakhoktamantra-sanhita,  a  collec- 
tion  of  hymns  of  the  Asvalayana-sakha,  which  contains 
the  hymns  as  required  according  to  the  Grihya-sutras 
of  Asvalayana.  It  would  have  been  easy  to  construct 
a  similar  collection  for  the  Srauta-sutras,  but  such  a 
collection  was  never  made,  and  it  is  never  alluded 
to  in  the  ancient  literature  of  the  Brahmans.1 

1  Sayana  (Rv.  Bh.  i.  p.  23.)  remarks  that  some  verses  of  the  Ya- 
jur-veda  are  called  Rich  in  the  Brahmanas  of  the  Adhvaryus.  Thus 

the  verse  <5^t  <^f5dl  rM*U<4  *s  called  a  Rich  addressed  to 
Savitri.  Samans  also  are  mentioned,  as  when  it  is  said,  "  Singing 
the  Saman  he  sits  down."     In  the  Sama-veda  there  are  not  only 

Rich  verses,  but  also  Yajush  invocations,   such   as  ^jf%?f^n%, 

■=5f-«i]r|*|(%,  Mmi^f*{rj4jf% |  The  Hotri  priests  have  likewise 
to  use  invocations  which  would  more  properly  be  called  Yajush, 
such  as  ^r^fTS^^n*^  "  Adnvarvu>  nast  tnou  Sot  tne 
water  ?  "  to  which  the  Adhvaryu  replies  :  \3fT*T*TiTOt  "  Yes,  it 
has   come."      Here   the    Commentator   says,      ^(J^^il  flH^F 


CHARACTER   OF    THE    RIG-VEDA.  475 

If  then  the  Rig-veda-sanhita  was  not  composed  for 
the  special  benefit  of  the  Hotris,  much  less  of  the 
other  two  classes  of  priests,  it  might  be  supposed  that 
it  had  nevertheless  a  sacrificial  character,  and  was  in- 
tended to  assist  the  fourth  class  of  priests,  or  the 
Brahman,  properly  so  called.  The  Brahman,  as  we 
saw,  had  to  watch  the  three  classes  of  priests  and  to 
correct  any  mistake  they  might  commit.  He  was 
therefore,  supposed  to  know  the  whole  ceremonial  and 
all  the  hymns  employed  by  the  Hotri,  Adhvaryu, 
and  Udgatri.  Now  the  Rig-veda  does  contain  most 
of  the  hymns  of  the  other  two  Vedas1,  and  in  several 
places  it  is  maintained  that  the  Brahman  ought  pro- 
perly to  be  a  Hotri.  All  this  would  render  it  not 
improbable  that  the  Rig-veda-sanhita  belonged  to  the 
same  age  as  the  other  two  Sanhitas,  that  its  collection 
was  suggested  by  the  same  idea  which  led  to  the  col- 
lection of  the  hymns  of  the  other  two  classes  of  priests, 
and  that,  for  the  special  benefit  of  the  Brahman,  it 
comprehended  in  one  body  all  the  hymns  which  the 
Hotri,  the  Adhvaryu,  and  Udgatri  were  expected 
to  know  singly.     In  this  case  the  Rig-veda-sanhita, 

1  The  invocations,  properly  called  Yajush,  are  of  course  not  to 
be  found  in  the  Rig-veda.  Some  of  the  hymns  of  the  Sama  and 
Yajur- vedas,  which  have  a  more  modern  appearance,  are  to  be 
found  in  the  tenth  Mandala  of  the  Rig-veda,  or  among  the  latest 
additions,  such  as^the  Valakhilyas.  There  are,  however,  some, 
which,  though  they  occur  in  the  Sama  and  Yajur-vedas,  are  not 
to  be  found  in  the  Rig-veda.  This  may  possibly  be  accounted 
for  by  the  fact  that  we  do  not  possess  all  the  Sakhas  of  the  Rig- 
veda.  The  difference's  also  in  the  text  of  hymns,  as  read  in  the 
three  Vedas,  must  be  ascribed  to  the  influence  of  early  &akhas, 
and  cannot  be  used  as  an  argument  for  determining  the  more  or 
less  ancient  date  of  the  three  Vedas. 


476  CHARACTER   OF   THE   RIG-VEDA. 

instead  of  being  more  ancient,  would  in  fact  represent 
the  latest  collection  of  a  sacred  poetry. 

It  would  be  of  no  avail  to  appeal  to  the  testi- 
mony of  later  authorities,  such  as  the  Puranas,  in 
order  to  refute  this  theory.  The  Vishnu-purana  (p. 
276),  for  instance,  has  the  following  remarks  on  this 
subject :  "  Vy&sa,"  it  is  said,  "  divided  the  one  sacri- 
ficial Veda  into  four  parts,  and  instituted  the  sacri- 
ficial rite  administered  by  the  four  kinds  of  priests, 
in  which  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Adhvaryu  to  recite 
the  Yajush  verses  or  direct  the  ceremony ;  of  the 
Hotri  to  repeat  the  Rich  ;  of  the  Udgatri  to  chaunt 
the  Saman ;  and  of  the  Brahman,  to  pronounce  the 
formula  called  Atharvan.  Then  the  Muni,  having 
collected  together  the  hymns  called  Rich,  composed 
the  Rig-veda,  &c.,  and,  with  the  Atharvans,  he  com- 
posed the  rules  of  all  the  ceremonies  suited  to  kings, 
and  the  function  of  the  Brahman  agreeably  to  prac- 
tice." This  passage  only  serves  to  show  that  the 
authors  of  the  Puranas  were  entirely  ignorant  of  the 
tone  and  character  of  the  Vedic  literature.  For 
although  the  Brahman  priest  was  the  only  Ritvij 
who  had  occasionally  to  use  passages  from  the  Athar- 
va-veda,  blessings,  imprecations,  etc. ;  yet  the  so- 
called  Atharva-veda  had  nothing  in  common  with 
the  three  ancient  Yedas,  and  contained  no  informa- 
tion on  the  general  features  of  the  great  sacrifices, 
such  as  would  have  been  indispensable  to  the  super- 
intendent of  the  other  priests.1 

1  Prasthana-bheda,  p.  16.,  1.  10.  ^5P&Hf^"^J  '^TjMM*^ 
Against  this  statement  that  of  Kuraarila  should  be  taken    into 


THE    MANTRA    PERIOD.  477 

The  real  answer  to  a  supposition  which  would 
assign  the  Rig-veda-sanhita  to  the  Brahman  is,  that  to 
him  also  that  collection  of  hymns  would  have  been 
of  no  practical  utility.  He  would  have  learnt  from 
it  many  a  hymn  never  called  for,  never  used  at  any 
sacrifice ;  and  he  would  have  had  to  unlearn  the 
order  both  of  hymns  and  verses  whenever  he  wished 
to  utilise  his  knowledge  for  the  practical  objects  of 
his  station. 

We  may,  therefore,  safely  ascribe  the  collection  of 
the  Rig-veda,  or,  as  Professor  Roth  calls  it,  the  histo- 
rical Veda,  to  a  less  practical  age  than  that  of  the 
Brahmana  period ;  to  an  age,  not  entirely  free  from  the 
trammels  of  a  ceremonial,  yet  not  completely  enslaved 
by  a  system  of  mere  formalities  ;  to  an  age  no  longer 
creative  and  impulsive,  yet  not  without  some  power 
of  upholding  the  traditions  of  a  past  that  spoke  to 
a  later  generation  of  men  through  the  very  poems 
which  they  were  collecting  with  so  much  zeal  and 
accuracy. 

The  work  of  the  Mantra  period  is  not  entirely 
represented  by  the  collection  of  the  ancient  hymns. 
Such  a  work  would  be  sufficient  in  itself  to  give  a 
character  to  an  age,  and  we  might  appeal,  in  the  his- 
tory of  ancient  Greek  literature,  to  the  age  of  the 
Diaskeuasts.  A  generation  which  begins  to  collect 
has  entered  into  a  new  phase  of  life.  Nations,  like 
individuals,  become  conservative  when  they  cease  to 
trust  implicitly  in  themselves,  and  have  learnt  from 
experience    that    they   are    not    better    than   their 


account :  (i.  3.)     ^ifr|H8yf*Hnj4l       ^^W^f^TTf^fTT: 


478  THE    MANTRA    PERIOD. 

fathers.  But  though  the  distinctive  feature  of  the 
Mantra  period  consisted  in  gathering  the  fruits  of 
a  bye-gone  spring,  this  was  not  the  only  work 
which  occupied  the  Brahmans  of  that  age.  Where 
poems  have  to  be  collected  from  the  mouth  of 
the  people,  they  have  likewise  to  be  arranged. 
Corrections  are  supposed  to  be  necessary ;  whole 
verses  may  have  to  be  supplied.  After  collecting 
and  correcting  a  large  number  of  poems,  many  a 
man  would  feel  disposed  to  try  his  own  poetical 
powers ;  and  if  new  songs  were  wanted,  it  did  not 
require  great  talent  to  imitate  the  simple  strains 
of  the  ancient  Rishis.  Thus  we  find  in  the  Rig-veda, 
that,  after  the  collection  of  the  ten  Mandalas  was 
finished,  some  few  hymns  were  added,  generally  at 
the  end  of  a  chapter,  which  are  known  by  the 
name  of  Khilas.  We  can  hardly  call  them  successful 
imitations  of  the  genuine  songs ;  but  in  India  they 
seem  to  have  soon  acquired  a  certain  reputation.  They 
found  their  way  into  the  Sanhitas  of  the  other  Vedas ; 
they  are  referred  to  in  the  Brahmanas  ;  and  though 
they  are  not  counted  in  the  Anukramanis,  together 
with  the  original  hymns,  they  are  there  also  men- 
tioned as  recognised  additions. 

Besides  these  hymns,  which  were  added  after  the 
collection  of  the  ten  books  had  been  completed,  there 
is  another  class  of  hymns,  actually  incorporated  in  the 
sacred  Decads,  but  which  nevertheless  must  be  ascribed 
to  poets  who  were  imitators  of  earlier  poets,  and 
whose  activity,  whether  somewhat  anterior  to,  or 
contemporaneous  with  the  final  edition  of  the  Rig- 
veda-sanhita,  must  be  referred  to  the  same  Mantra 
period.  We  need  not  appeal  to  the  tradition  of  the 
Brahmans,   who,  in  matters   of  this  kind,   are    ex- 


THE   MANTRA    PERIOD.  479 

tremely  untrustworthy.  They  place  a  very  small 
interval  between  the  latest  poets  of  the  hymns  and 
the  final  collection  of  the  ten  books.  The  latter 
they  ascribe  to  Krishna  Dvaipayana  Vyasa,  the  em- 
bodiment of  the  Indian  &ao-xeuij,  whereas  one  of  the 
poets  whose  hymns  form  part  of  the  Sanhita,  is 
Parasara,  the  reputed  father  of  Vyasa. 

But  we  have  better  evidence  in  the  hymns  them- 
selves, that  some  of  their  authors  belonged  to  a  later, 
generation  than  that  of  the  most  famous  Rishis. 
The  most  celebrated  poets  of  the  Veda  are  those 
who  are  now  called  the  Madhyamas  \  from  the  fact  of 
their  hymns  standing  between  the  first  and  the  last 
books  of  our  collection.  They  are  Gritsamada,  (2d 
Mandala),  Visvamitra  (3d  Mandala),  Vamadeva  (4th 
Mandala),  Atri  (5th  Mandala),  Bharadvaja  (6th 
Mandala),  and  Vasishtha  (7th  Mandala).  Added  to 
these  are,  in  the  beginning,  the  hymns  of  various  poets, 
collected  in  the  first  Mandala,  called  the  book  of  the 
oatarchins,  from  the  fact  that  each  poet  contributed 
about  a  hundred  verses  ;  and  at  the  end,  the  book  of 
the  Pragatha  hymns  (8th  Mandala),  the  book  of  the 
iSoma  hymns  (9th  Mandala),  and  the  book  of  long 
and  short  hymns,  ascribed  to  the  Kshudrasukta  and 
Mahasukta  poets,  which,  in  accordance  with  its  very 
name,  is  a  miscellaneous  collection. 

It  by  no  means  follows  that  all  the  hymns  of 
the  seven  middle  Rishis  are  more  ancient  than 
those  of  the  first  and  the  last  books ;  or  that  these 
books  contain  nothing  but  modern  hymns.  But  the 
very  name  of  Mddhyama,  given  to  the  poets  of  the 
books  from  the  second  to  the  seventh,  shows  that 
they  were  considered,  even  by  the  Brahmans,  as  dis- 

1  See  page  42,  note  2,  and  page  59. 


480  THE    MANTRA   PERIOD. 

tinct  from  the  first  and  the  three  last  books.  They 
are  not  the  middle  books  numerically,  but  they  are 
called  so  because  they  stand  by  themselves,  in  the 
midst  of  other  books  of  a  more  miscellaneous  cha- 
racter. 

Traces,  however,  of  earlier  and  later  poems  are  to 
be  found  through  the  whole  collection  of  the  Rig- 
veda;  and  many  hymns  have  been  singled  out  by 
different  scholars  as  betraying  a  later  origin  than 
the  rest.  All  such  hymns  I  refer  to  the  Mantra 
period,  to  an  age  which,  though  chiefly  occupied  in 
collecting  and  arranging,  possessed  likewise  the 
power  of  imitating,  and  carrying  on  the  traditions 
of  a  former  age. 

It  is  extremely  difficult  to  prove  the  modern  origin 
of  certain  hymns,  and  I  feel  by  no  means  convinced 
by  the  arguments  which  have  been  used  for  this 
purpose.  At  present,  however,  I  need  not  enter 
into  the  minutia3  of  this  critical  separation  of  an- 
cient and  modern  poetry.  It  is  not  my  object  to 
prove  that  this  or  that  hymn  is  more  modern  than 
the  rest ;  but  I  only  wish  to  establish  the  general  fact 
that,  taken  as  a  whole,  the  hymns  do  contain  evi- 
dence of  having  been  composed  at  various  periods. 

In  order  to  guard  against  misconceptions,  it  should 
be  understood  that,  if  we  call  a  hymn  modern,  all  that 
can  be  meant  is  that  it  was  composed  during  the  period 
which  succeeded  the  first  spring  of  Vedic  poetry, 
i.e.  during  the  Mantra  period.  There  is  not  a  single 
hymn  in  the  Rig-veda  that  could  be  ascribed  to  the 
Brahmana  period.  Even  a  few  of  the  Khilas,  modern 
as  they  appear  to  us,  are  presupposed  by  the  Brah- 
manas  and  quoted,  together  with  other  more  ancient 
hymns.     The  most  modern  hymns  in  the  Rig-veda- 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  HYMNS.  481 

sanhita,  if  our  calculations  are  right,  must  have  been 
composed  previous  to  800  B.C.,  previous  to  the  first 
introduction  of  prose  composition. 

In  order  to  prove  that  the  hymns  which  are  now- 
thrown  together  into  one  body  of  sacred  poetry,  were 
not  the  harvest  of  one  single  generation  of  poets,  we 
have  only  to  appeal  to  the  testimony  of  the  poets 
themselves,  who  distinguish  between  ancient  and 
modern  hymns.  Not  only  has  the  tradition  of  the 
Brahmans,  which  is  embodied  in  the  Anukramanis, 
assigned  certain  hymns  to  Rishis,  who  stand  to  each 
other  in  the  relation  of  father  and  son,  and  grandson, 
but  the  hymns  themselves  allude  to  earlier  poets,  and 
events  which  in  some  are  represented  as  present,  are 
mentioned  in  others  as  belonging  to  the  past.  The 
argument  which  Dr.  Roth1  has  used  in  order  to  prove 
the  comparatively  modern  date  of  the  Atharvana, 
applies  with  equal  force  to  some  of  the  hymns  of 
the  Rig-veda.  Here,  also,  the  names  of  Purumilha, 
Vasishtha,  Jamadagni,  and  others,  who  are  known 
as  the  authors  of  certain  hymns,  are  mentioned  in 
other  hymns  as  sages,  who  in  former  times  enjoyed 
the  favour  of  the  gods. 

a  As  our  ancestors  have  praised  thee,  we  will  praise 
thee,"  is  a  very  frequent  sentiment  of  the  Vedic  poets. 
A  new  song  was  considered  a  special  honour  to  the 
gods.  The  first  hymn  of  the  Rig-veda  gives  utter- 
ance to  this  sentiment.  "  Agni,"  says  Madhuchhan- 
das,  "  thou  who  art  worthy  of  the  praises  of  an- 
cient, and  also  of  living  poets,  bring  hither  thou 
the  gods." 

Yisvamitra,    the    father   of  Madhuchhandas,    and 

1  Abhandlungen,  p.  43. 
I  I 


482         ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  HYMNS. 

himself  one  of  the  ancient  Rishis,  concludes  his 
first  hymn x  with  the  words,  "  I  have  proclaimed, 
0  Agni,  these  thy  ancient  songs2,  and  new  songs 
for  thee  who  art  old.  These  great  libations  have 
been  made  to  him  who  showers  benefits  upon  us: 
the  sacred  fire  has  been  kept  from  generation  to 
generation." 

In  another  hymn3,  Visvamitra  distinguishes  be- 
tween three  classes  of  hymns,  and  speaks  of  Indra 
as  having  been  magnified  by  ancient,  middle,  and 
modern  songs. 

The  sacrifice  itself  is  sometimes  represented  as  a 
thread  which  unites  the  living  with  the  departed, 
and  through  them,  with  the  first  ancestors  of  man, 
the  gods.4  The  son  carries  on  the  weaving  which 
was  interrupted  by  the  death  of  his  father5,  and 
the  poet,  at  the  beginning  of  a  sacred  rite 6,  exclaims, 
M  I  believe  I  see,  with  the  eye  of  the  mind,  those 
who  in  byegone  days  performed  this  sacrifice."  With 
a  similar  feeling,  Visvamitra,  in  his  morning  prayer, 
looks  back  to  his  fathers,  who  have  gazed  on  the 
rising  sun  before  him,  and  have  exalted  the  power_of 
the  gods  : 7 

"  To  Indra  goes  my  thought,  spoken  out  from'  the 
heart,  to  him,  the  Lord,  it  goes,  fashioned  by  the 
bard.     It  awakes  thee  when  it  is  recited  at  the  sa- 


1  Rv.  iii.  l.  20. 

2  Janima,   originally  creations,  7rot^ara ;    it  is   likewise    ex- 
plained as  works.     Cf.  iii.  39.  1. 

3  Rv.  iii.  32.  13. 

4  See  my  Essay  on  the  Funeral  Ceremonies,  p.  xxii.  note. 

5  Rv.  x.  130.  1. 

6  Rv.  x.  130.  7. 

7  Rv.  iii.  39. 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  HYMNS.         483 

crifice;  Indra,  take  heed  of  that  which  is  made  for 
thee! 

11  Rising  even  before  the  day,  awakening  thee 
when  recited  at  the  sacrifice,  clothed  in  sacred  white 
raiments  *,  this  is  our  prayer,  the  old,  the  prayer  of 
our  fathers, 

"  The  Dawn,  the  mother  of  the  twins,  has  given 
birth  to  the  twins  (/.  e.  Day  and  Night) — the  top  of 
my  tongue  fell,  for  he  (the  Sun)  came.  The  twins, 
who  have  come  near  the  root  of  the  Sun,  assume 
their  bodies  as  they  are  born  together,  the  destroyers 
of  darkness. 

11  Amongst  men  there  is  no  one  to  scoff  at  them 
who  were  our  fathers,  who  fought  among  the  cattle. 
Indra,  the'  mighty  and  powerful,  has  stretched  out 
their  firm  folds."  2 

Vasishtha,  another  of  the  ancient  Rishis,  speaks 
likewise  of  ancient  and  modern  hymns  by  which 
others,  besides  his  own  family,  secured  the  favour 
of  the  gods.3  "  Whatever  poets,  ancient  or  modern, 
wise  men,  made  prayers  to  thee,  0  Indra,  ours  may 
be  thy  propitious  friendship :  protect  us,  0  gods, 
always  with  your  blessings  !  " 

One  of  the  greatest  events  in  the  life  of  Vasishtha 
was  the  victory  which  King  Sud&s  achieved  under 
his  guidance.  But  in  the  Mandala  of  the  Vasishthas, 
the  same  event  is  sometimes  alluded  to  as  belonging 


1  The  Visvamitras  wore  white  raiments.  Their  colour,  called 
arjuna,  can  hardly  be  distinguished,  however,  from  the  colour  of 
the  dress  of  the  Vasishthas,  which  is  called  sveta. 

2  Gotra,  originally  a  hurdle,  then  those  who  live  within  the 
same  hurdles  or  walls ;  a  family,  a  race. 

3  Rv.  vi.  23.  9. 

i  i  2 


484  CEREMONIAL    HYMNS. 

to  the  past,  and  in  one  of  the  hymns  ascribed  to 
the  same  Vasishtha  we  read  :  "  Commit  ting  our  sons 
and  offspring  to  the  same  good  protection  which 
Aditi,  Mitra,  and  Varuna,  like  guardians,  give  to 
Sudas,  let  us  not  make  our  gods  angry." 

These  passages,  which  might  be  greatly  increased, 
will  be  sufficient  to  show  that  there  were  various 
generations  of  Yedic  poets.  The  traces  of  actual 
imitations  are  less  considerable  than  we  might  ex- 
pect under  such  circumstances;  and  where  we  do 
meet  with  stereotyped  phrases,  it  is  often  difficult 
to  say  which  poet  used  them  for  the  first  time. 
When  we  find  Dirghatamas  Auchathya,  beginning  a 
hymn  to  Vishnu  with  the  words,  "  Let  me  now  pro- 
claim the  manly  deeds  of  Vishnu ;  "  and  another 
hymn  of  Hiranyastupa  Angirasa  to  Indra,  beginning 
with,  "  Let  me  now  proclaim  the  manly  deeds  of 
Indra,"  we  may  suppose  that  the  one  hymn  was 
composed  with  a  pointed  reference  to  the  other ;  but 
Ave  cannot  tell  which  of  the  two  was  the  original, 
and  which  the  copy. 

The  fact,  however,  of  ancient  and  modern  hymns 
being  once  admitted,  we  may  hope  to  arrive  gra- 
dually at  some  criteria  by  which  to  fix  the  relative 
age  of  single  hymns.  Some  of  the  hymns  betray 
their  comparatively  modern  origin  by  frequent  allu- 
sion to  ceremonial  subjects.  I  do  not  mean  to  say 
that  the  sacrifice  as  such,  was  not  as  old  and  primi- 
tive an  institution  as  sacred  poetry  itself.  Most  of 
the  hymns  owe  their  origin  to  sacrifices,  to  public 
or  domestic  holy-days.  But  those  sacrifices  were  of 
a  much  more  simple  nature  than  the  later  Vedic  cere- 
monial. When  the  father  of  a  family  was  priest, 
poet,  and  king,  in  one  person,  there  was  no  thought 


PUROHITAS.  485 

as  yet  of  distributing  the  ceremonial  duties  among 
sixteen  priests,  each  performing  his  own  peculiar 
office,  or  of  measuring  the  length  of  every  log  that 
should  be  put  on  the  fire,  and  determining  the 
shape  of  every  vessel  in  which  the  libations  should 
be  offered.  It  was  only  after  a  long  succession  of 
sacrifices  that  the  spontaneous  acts  and  observances 
of  former  generations  would  be  treasured  up,  and 
established  as  generally  binding.  It  was  only  after 
the  true  meaning  of  the  sacrifice  was  lost,  that  un- 
meaning ceremonies  could  gain  that  importance 
which  they  have  in  the  eyes  of  priests.  If  a  hymn 
addressed  to  the  gods  had  been  heard,  if  a  famine 
had  ceased  after  a  prayer,  an  illness  been  cured  with 
a  charm,  an  enemy  been  vanquished  with  war  songs ; 
not  only  would  these  songs,  however  poor,  be  kept 
and  handed  down  in  a  family  as  the  most  precious  heir- 
loom, but  the  position  in  which  the  poet  recited  them, 
the  time  of  the  day,  the  most  minute  circumstances 
of  every  act,  would  be  supers titkmsly  preserved, 
in  order  to  insure  the  future  efficiency  of  the  prayer. 
This  was  the  origin  of  a  ceremonial  so  complicated  as 
that  of  the  Brahmans.  Now,  we  find  in  some  of  the 
hymns  allusions  which  refer,  not  to  a  naturally  grow- 
ing, but  to  an  artificial  and  a  decaying  ceremonial. 

The  most  ancient  name  for  a  priest  by  profession 
was  Purohita,  which  only  means  propositus  or 
prases.  The  Purohita,  however,  was  more  than  a 
priest.  He  was  the  friend  and  counsellor  of  a  chief, 
the  minister  of  a  king,  and  his  companion  in  peace 
and  war.  Vasishtha  and  Visvamitra,  who  with  their 
families  have  both  been  the  Purohitas  of  King  Sudas, 
did  more  for  the  king  than  chaunting  hymns  to  im- 
plore the  aid  of  their  gods.     Vasishtha  was  with  the 

i  I  3 


486  PUROHITAS. 

army  of  Sudas  when  that  king  conquered  the  ten 
kings  who  had  crossed  the  Parushni  (Hydraotis, 
Rawi)  ;  Visvamitra,  when  Sudas  himself  crossed  the 
Vipas  (Hyphasis,  Beyah)  and  the  Satadru  (Hesudrus, 
Sutlej).1  The  importance  of  their  office  is  best 
shown  by  the  violent  contest  which  these  two  families 
of  the  Vasishthas  and  Visvamitras  carried  on,  in 
order  to  secure  for  themselves  the  hereditary  dig- 
nity of  Purohita.  There  was  a  similar  contest  be- 
tween the  priests  at  the  Court  of  Asamati,  a  de- 
scendant of  Ikshvaku.  He,  not  satisfied  with  his  four 
Purohitas,  Bandhu,  Subandhu,  Srutabandhu,  and 
Viprabandhu,  who  were  brothers  and  belonged  to 
the  family  of  the  Gaupayanas,  dismissed  them,  and 
appointed  two  new  priests  (mayavinau).  These  new 
Purohitas,  seeing  that  the  Gaupayanas  used  incanta- 
tions against  the  life  of  King  Asamati,  retaliated, 
and  caused,  by  their  charms,  the  death  of  one  of 
them,  Subandhu.  Thereupon  the  other  three  bro- 
thers composed  a  song  to  appease  the  wrath  of  the 
two  priests,  and  to  save  their  own  lives.  This  song 
and  some  others  connected  with  the  same  contest, 
form  part  of  the  8  th  Ashtaka  of  the  Rig-veda. 

The  very  fact  of  the  office  of  Purohita  being  here- 
ditary shows  that  it  partook  of  a  political  character. 
It  seems  to  have  been  so  at  an  early  time.  In  a  hymn 
of  the  Rig-veda,  i.  94.  6,  where  Agni  is  invoked  under 
several  priestly  names,  he  is  called,  Janusha  Purohita 
or  Purohita  by  birth.  Cf.  i.  102.  8.  And  we  find 
several  instances  where  priests,  if  once  employed  by 
a  royal  family,  claim  to  be  employed  always.  When 
Janamejaya  Parikshita  ventured  to  perform  a  sacrifice 

1  See  Prof.  Roth's  excellent  essay  on  Vasishtha  and  Visvamitra, 
iu  his  work,  "  Zur  Literatur  und  Geschichte  des  Veda,"  published 
as  early  as  1816. 


PUROIIITAS.  487 

without  the  Kasyapas,  he  was  forced  by  the  Asita- 
mrigas,  a  family  of  the  Kasyapas  to  employ  them  again. 
When  Visvantara  Saushadmana  drove  away  the  Sya- 
parnas  from  his  sacrifice,  he  was  prevailed  upon  by 
Rama  Margaveya  to  call  them  back.1  All  this  shows 
that  the  priestly  office  was  of  great  importance  in 
the  ancient  times  of  India. 

The  original  occupation  of  the  Purohita  may  simply 
have  been  to  perform  the  usual  sacrifices ;  but,  with 
the  ambitious  policy  of  the  Brahmans,  it  soon  became 
a  stepping-stone  to  political  power.  Thus  we  read 
in  the  Aitareya-brahmana :  "  Breath  does  not  leave 
him  before  time ;  he  lives  to  an  old  age  ;  he  goes  to 
his  full  time,  and  does  not  die  again,  who  has  a  Brah- 
man as  guardian  of  his  land,  as  Purohita.  He  con- 
quers power  by  power  ;  obtains  strength  by  strength  ; 
the  people  obey  him,  peaceful  and  of  one  mind." 

Vamadeva,  in  one  of  his  hymns2,  expresses  the 
same  sentiment ;  and  though  he  does  not  use  the 
word  Purohita,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
Aitareya-brahmana  is  right  in  explaining  the  words 
Brihaspati  and  Brahman  by  Purohita. 

"  That  king  withstands  his  enemies  with  strong 
power  who  supports  a  Brihaspati3  in  comfort,  praises 
him,  and  honours  him  as  the  first. 

1  Aitareya-br.  vii.  27.  Roth,  Abhandlungen,  p.  1 18.  Weber, 
Ind.  Studien,  i.  39.  Margaveya  is  a  difficult  name.  It  may  be 
simply,  as  Sayana  says,  the  son  of  his  mother  Mrigu  ;  but  Mrigu. 
may  be  a  variety  of  Bhrigu,  and  thus  confirm  Lassen's  conjecture 
that  this  Rama  is  Rama,  the  son  of  Jamadagni,  of  the  race  of 
Bhrigu,  commonly  called  Parasu-rama.  Cf.  Weber,  Ind.  Stud.  i. 
216.  Marghu  is  the  name  of  Margiana  in  the  Cuneiform  Inscrip- 
tions. 

2  Rv.  iv.  50.  7. 

3  "  Brihaspati,"  says  the  Aitareya-brahmana,  "  was  the  Purohita 
of  the  gods,  and  the  Purohitas  of  human  kings  are  his  successors.* 

i  i  4 


488  PUROHITAS. 

"  The  king  before  whom  there  walks  a  priest,  lives 
well  established  in  his  own  house  ;  to  him  the  earth 
yields  for  ever,  and  before  him  the  people  bow 
of  their  own  accord. 

"  Unopposed  he  conquers  treasures,  those  of  his 
enemies  and  his  friends,  himself  a  king,  who  makes 
presents  to  a  Brahman  :  the  gods  protect  him." 

This  shows  that  the  position  of  the  Brahmans 
at  the  courts  of  the  Kshatriya  kings  was  more  influ- 
ential than  that  of  mere  chaplains.  They  walked 
before  the  king,  and  considered  themselves  superior 
to  him.  In  later  times,  when  the  performance 
of  the  ceremonies  no  longer  devolved  on  the  Pu- 
rohita,  the  chief  priest  took  the  place  of  the  so- 
called  Brahman  priest,  who  was  the  episcopos  of 
the  whole,  though  he  himself  took  little  active  part 
in  it.  Thus  at  the  sacrifice  of"  Harischandra ,  de- 
scribed in  the  Aitareya-brahmana  (vii.  16.),  Ayasya 
acts  as  Udgatri,  Jamadagni  as  Adhvaryu,  Visvamitra 
as  Hotri,  and  Vasishtha,  who  is  known  as  the  Pu- 
rohita  of  the  Ikshvaku  dynasty,  as  Brahman.  In  the 
Taittiriya-sanhita  (iii.  5.  2),  we  read:  "Men  were 
born,  having  a  Vasishtha  for  Purohita,  and  there- 
fore a  Vasishtha  is  to  be  chosen  as  Brahman."  In 
the  Aitareya-brahmana  again  the  Brahman  is  iden- 
tified with  Brihaspati,  who  was  the  Purohita,  or 
pura-etri  of  the  gods. 

The  original  institution  of  a  Purohita,  as  the 
spiritual  adviser  of  a  king  or  a  chief,  need  not 
be  regarded  as  the  sign  of  a  far  advanced  hier- 
archical system.  The  position  of  the  Brahmans 
must  have  been  a  peculiar  one  in  India  from  the 
very  beginning.  They  appear  from  the  very  first 
as  a  class  of  men  of  higher  intellectual  power  than 


EARLIEST  INDICATIONS  OF  THE  CEREMONIAL.       489 

the  rest  of  the  Aryan  colonists ;  and  their  general 
position,  if  at  all  recognised,  could  hardly  have  been 
different  from  that  of  Vasishtha  in  the  camp  of 
Sudas.  The  hymns,  therefore,  which  only  allude  to 
a  Purohita,  or  priests  in  general,  need  not  be 
ascribed  to  a  late  age.  But  when  we  meet  in  certain 
hymns,  not  only  with  these,  but  with  various 
grades  of  priests,  we  may  be  sure  that  such  hymns 
belong  to  the  Mantra  period,  and  not  to  the  age  of 
primitive  Vedic  poetry. 

This  is  a  question  of  degree.  If  we  find  such 
verses  as  "  the  singers  sing  thee,  the  chaunters  chaunt 
thee  *,"  where  the  singers  are  called  not  by  their  tech- 
nical name  of  Udgatri,  but  Gayatrins,  and  the  chaun- 
ters not  by  their  technical  name  of  Hotri,  but  Arkins, 
all  we  can  say  is  that  the  later  division  of  the  sacrifice 
between  Hotri  and  Udgatri  priests  is  here  found  in 
its  first  elements.  It  does  not  follow  that  there 
existed  at  that  time  two  recognised  classes  of  priests, 
still  less  that  the  Udgatris  were  then  in  possession 
of  their  own  Sanhita.  But  in  Rv.  v.  44.  14.  we 
read  : 

"  The  Rich  verses  long  for  the  god  who  watches  ; 
the  Saman  verses  go  to  him  who  watches ;  this  Soma 
libation  calls  for  him  that  watches :  I,  0  Agni,  am  at 
home  in  thy  friendship."  2 

Here  it  is  clear  that  the  distinction  between  Rich 
verses,  that  were  recited,  and  Saman  verses,  that  were 

«  Rv.  i.  10.     TTPqfa  c^T  TT^^tS^W^f^W:  I 

sft"  5RIT  fW*r  ^N?  ^T^  fT3r^?f%T  ¥^  ^fafTMl 
Rv.  viii.  3.  22.  v«*iraTOtll 


490     EARLIEST  INDICATIONS  OF  THE  CEREMONIAL. 

sung,  must  have  been  established,  though  again  we 
need  not  go  so  far  as  to  maintain  the  actual  exist- 
ence of  a  prayer-book  for  the  Udgatri  priests. 

The  third  class  of  priests,  the  Adhvaryus,  who 
performed  the  principal  acts  of  the  sacrifice,  are  like- 
wise alluded  to  in  the  hymns.  We  read,  Rv.  iii.  36. 
10 :  "  Accept,  0  Indra,  what  is  offered  thee  from  the 
hand  of  the  Adhvaryu,  or  the  sacrifice  of  the  libation 
of  the  Hotri." 

There  are  several  hymns  which  contain  allusions  to 
the  Darsapurnamasa,  the  famous  New  and  Full  Moon 
sacrifices.  These  sacrifices  in  themselves  may  have 
been  of  the  greatest  antiquity,  as  old  as  any  attempt 
at  a  regulated  worship  of  the  gods.  Passages  there- 
fore, where  we  only  meet  with  allusions  to  the  phases 
of  the  moon,  and  their  recurrent  appeal  to  the  human 
heart  to  render  thanks  to  the  unknown  Powers  that 
rule  the  changes  of  nature,  and  the  chances  of  human 
life,  prove  by  no  means,  as  the  Indian  commentators 
suppose,  that  at  the  time  of  the  ancient  Yedic  poets 
the  lunar  ceremonies  were  of  the  same  solemn  and 
complicated  nature  as  in  later  times.  We  read,  Rv.  i. 
194.  4:  "  Let  us  bring  fuel,  let  us  prepare  oblations 
remembering  thee  at  each  conjunction  of  the  moon.1 

1  I  translate  parva  by  conjunction,  because  parvani,  the  dual, 
is  used  for  the  full  and  new  moon  ;  Asvalayana-sutras,  i.  3.  12. 
Mr.  Weigle,  in  his  interesting  article  on  Canarese  literature  (Zeit- 
schrift  der  Deutschen  Morgenlandischen  Gesellschaft),  states  that 
habba  or  pabba  means  a  festival  in  Canarese,  whereas  in  Sanskrit 
its  usual  signification  is  a  chapter  of  a  book.  Mr.  Weigle  there- 
fore refers  pabba  to  a  class  of  words,  which,  in  being  transferred 
from  the  Sanskrit  into  the  Dravidian  languages,  have  changed 
their  meaning.  We  see,  however,  that  the  old  meaning  of  parva 
new  and  full  moon,  would  account  very  well  for  the  meaning  at- 
tached to  pabba  in  Canarese,  a  festival. 


INDICATIONS  OF  THE  CEREMONIAL.  491 

Do  thou  perfect  our  sacred  acts  that  we  may  live 
long.  Let  us  not  fail  in  thy  friendship,  0  Agni." } 
Passages  like  this  do  not  necessitate  the  admission  of 
a  full-grown  ceremonial,  they  only  point  to  its  natural 
beginnings.  The  same  remark  applies  to  the  three 
daily  prayers,  at  sun-rise,  noon,  and  sun-set.  Nature 
herself  suggests  these  three  periods  as  the  most  appro- 
priate for  rendering  thanks  to  the  heavenly  givers  of 
light  and  life.  Thus  Manu  Vaivasvata2  alludes  several 
times  to  the  three  periods  of  the  day  which  the  gods 
themselves  have  fixed  for  their  sacrifice,  sun-rise 
(surya  udyati,  or  sura  udite),  mid-day  (madhyandine 
divah,  or  madhyandine),  and  sun-set  (nimruchi,  or 
atuchi),  and  he  calls  this  established  order  of  the 
sacrifice  rita,  the  law  or  the  truth. 

But  when  these  sacrifices  are  mentioned  with  their 
technical  names,  when  the  morning,  and  noon,  and 
evening  prayers  are  spoken  of  as  first,  second,  and 
third  libation,  we  feel  that  we  move  in  a  different  at- 

1  wjiNr  wu^ro  ^ftf%  ^  fwm:  *rwt  tpfwT  ^h 

2  Rv.  viii.  27.  19 :  — 

sra  rift  *rc#r  f^^^  ^q  -m^r*  *rsi  ^tii^°ii 
<=rm  ^rer  *re^  f^^spft  ^¥ttt^  ^fmii^ii 


492  INDICATIONS  OF  THE  CEREMONIAL. 

mosphere,  and  that  we  are  listening  to  priests  rather 
than  to  poets.    Thus  Rv.  iii.  28.  1 : 

"  Agni,  accept  our  offering,  the  cake,  0  Jatavedas, 
at  the  morning  libation,  thou  rich  in  prayer. 

"The  baked  cake,  0  Agni,  is  prepared  for  thee 
alone  indeed ;  accept  it,  0  youngest  of  all  the 
gods. 

u  Agni,  eat  the  cake,  offered  to  thee  when  the  day 
is  over,  thou  art  the  son  of  strength,  stationed  at  the 
sacrifice. 

"  At  the  mid-day  libation,  0  Jatavedas,  accept  here 
the  cake,  0  sage !  Agni,  the  wise  do  not  diminish  at 
the  sacrifices  the  share  of  thee,  who  art  great. 

11  Agni,  as  thou  lovest  at  the  third  libation  the  cake, 
0  son  of  strength,  that  is  offered  to  thee,  therefore, 
moved  by  our  praise,  take  this  precious  oblation  to 
the  immortal  gods  to  rouse  them. 

"  Agni,  thou  who  art  growing,  accept,  0  Jatavedas, 
the  offering,  the  cake,  at  the  close  of  day" 

This  hymn  contains  in  reality  nothing  but  a  set 
of  invocations  for  the  three  daily  libations ;  it  uses  the 
very  words  used  in  the  ceremonial,  and  it  would 
hardly  have  been  written  except  by  some  pious  priest 
brought  up  under  the  system  of  the  Brahmanic  cere- 
monial. 

The  technical  names  of  the  priests  are  of  frequent 
occurrence.  The  name  of  Ritvij  would  not  prove 
a  great  development  of  the  ceremonial.  It  would 
only  mean  the  priest  who  officiates  at  the  various 
seasons.  It  was  then  that  the  sacred  fire  was  kindled 
by  friction.  It  was  lighted  in  the  morning  day  after 
day  (dive  dive),  it  was  lighted  at  the  full  and- new 
moon,  and  it  was  lighted  likewise  at  each  of  the  great 
natural  divisions  of  the  year.     Thus  it  is  said,  Rv. 


DANASTUTIS.  493 

iii.  29.  10  :  "  This  wood  is  thy  mother  every  season, 
born  from  which  thou  shonest.  Do  thou  sit  there,  as 
thou  knowest  it,  and  make  our  prayers  prosper." 

There  is  nothing  artificial  in  this.  But  when  we 
meet  with  the  names  of  the  Ritvij  priests,  such  as 
Potri,  Agnidhra,  Prasastri,  Neshtri,  Hotri,  Adhvaryu, 
Brahman  *,  we  can  no  longer  doubt  that  here  we  have 
to  deal  with  late  and  artificial  poetry.  These  names 
of  priests  are  afterwards  still  further  generalised,  and 
transferred  to  Agni,  who,  as  the  god  of  fire,  is  sup- 
posed to  carry  the  offerings  of  men  to  the  seats  of  the 
gods.  He  is  called  the  Purohita,  or  high-priest. 
Sapta-hotri  also,  and  sapta-manusha,  acting  as  seven 
priests2,  are  names  applied  to  the  god  of  the  sacrificial 
flame. 

There  is  a  whole  class  of  hymns  commonly  called 
ddnastutis,  or  praises  of  gifts.  They  are  the  thanks- 
givings of  certain  priests  for  presents  received  from 
their  royal  patrons.  All  of  these,  like  the  Latin  pa- 
negyrics, betray  a  modern  character,  and  must  be 
referred  to  the  Mantra  period.  In  the  Brahmana 
period,  however,  not  only  are  these  panegyrics  known, 
but  the  liberality  of  these  royal  patrons  is  held  up  to 
the  admiration  and  imitation  of  later  generations  by 
stories  which  had  to  be  repeated  at  the  sacrifices.  In 
the  Saiikhayana-sutras  (xvi.  11.),  the  following  stories 
called  Narasansa  (neuter),  are  mentioned  as  fit  for 
such  occasions.  The  story  of  Sunahsepha ;  of  Ivakshi- 
vat  Ausija  who  received  gifts  from  Svanaya  Bha- 
-vyaya ;  of  Syavasva  Archananasa  who  received  gifts 
from  Vaidadasvi ;  of  Bharadvaja  who  received  gifts 

*  Rv.  ii.  36. ;  ii.  37. 

2  These  seven  priests  seem  to  be  Hotri,  Potri,  Neshtri,  Agnidh, 
Prasastri,  Adhvaryu  and  Brahman 


494  SATIRICAL  HYMNS. 

from  Bribu  the  carpenter,  and  Prastoka  Sarnjaya ;  of 
Vasishtha  who  was  Purohita  of  King  Sudas  Paijavana ; 
of  Medhathi,  and  how  Asanga  Playogi  having  been  a 
woman  became  a  man  ;  of  Vatsa  Kanva  who  received 
gifts  from  Tirindira  Parasavyaya;  of  Vasa  Asvya 
who  received  gifts  from  Prithusravas  Kanina;  of 
Praskanva  who  received  gifts  from  Prishadhra  Me- 
dhya  Matarisva  (sic) ;  of  Nabhanedishtha  Manava, 
who  received  gifts  from  the  AngirasV  All  these  acts 
of  royal  liberality  are  recorded  in  the  hymns  of  the 
Kig-veda,  but  the  hymns  themselves  may  safely  be 
referred  to  the  second  age  of  Vedic  poetry. 

Another  and  most  convincing  proof  that  some  of 
our  hymns  belong  to  a  secondary  period  of  Vedic 
poetry,  is  contained  in  a  song,  ascribed  to  Vasishtha, 
in  which  the  elaborate  ceremonial  of  the  Brahmans 
is  actually  turned  into  ridicule.  The  103rd  hymn  in 
the  7th  Mandala,  which  is  called  a  panegyric  of  the 
frogs,  is  clearly  a  satire  on  the  priests ;  and  it  is 
curious  to  observe  that  the  same  animal  should 
have  been  chosen  by  the  Vedic  satirist  to  represent 
the  priests,  which  by  the  earliest  satirist  of  Greece 
was  selected  as  the  representative  of  the  Homeric 
heroes. 

"  After  lying  prostrate  for  a  year,  like  Brahmans 
performing  a  vow,  the  frogs  have  emitted  their  voice, 
roused  by  the  showers  of  heaven.  When  the  hea- 
venly waters  fell  upon  them  as  upon  a  dry  fish  lying 
in  a  pond,  the  music  of  the  frogs  comes  together,  like 
the  lowing  of  cows  with  their  calves. 

"When,  at  the  approach  of  the  rainy  season,  the  rain 
has  wetted  them,  as  they  were  longing  and  thirsting, 
one  goes  to  the  other  while  he  talks,  like  a  son  to  his 
father,  saying,  akkhala  (fipsxsxs!;  xoa£xoa£.) 


SATIRICAL  HYMNS.  495 

"  One  of  them  embraces  the  other,  when  they  revel 
in  the  shower  of  water,  and  the  brown  frog  jumping 
after  he  has  been  ducked,  joins  his  speech  with  the 
green  one. 

"  As  one  of  them  repeats  the  speech  of  the  other, 
like  a  pupil  and  his  teacher,  every  limb  of  them  is  as 
it  were  in  growth,  when  they  converse  eloquently  on 
the  surface  of  the  water.. 

"  One  of  them  is  Cow-noise,  the  other  Goat-noise, 
one  is  brown,  the  other  green ;  they  are  different 
though  they  bear  the  same  name,  and  modulate  their 
voices  in  many  ways  as  they  speak. 

M  Like  Brahmans  at  the  Soma  sacrifice  of  Atiratra, 
sitting  round  a  full  pond  and  talking,  you,  0  frogs, 
celebrate  this  day  of  the  year  when  the  rainy  season 
begins. 

"  These  Brahmans  with  their  Soma  have  had  their 
say,  performing  the  annual  rite.  These  Adhvaryus, 
sweating  whilst  they  carry  the  hot  pots,  pop  out  like 
hermits. 

"  They  have  always  observed  the  order  of  the  gods 
as  they  are  to  be  worshipped  in  the  twelvemonth; 
these  men  do  not  neglect  their  season ;  the  frogs 
who  had  been  like  hot  pots  themselves  are  now 
released  when  the  rainy  season  of  the  year 
sets  in. 

"  Cow-noise  gave,  Goat-noise  gave,  the  Brown  gave, 
and  the  Green  gave  us  treasures.  The  frogs  who 
give  us  hundreds  of  cows,  lengthen  our  life  in  the 
rich  autumn." 

There  seems  thus  to  be  little  room  for  doubt,  if  we 
consider  the  character  of  this  and  similar  hymns,  that 
we  must  make  a  distinction  between  two  periods  in 
the  history  of  Vedic  poetry,  the  one  primitive,  the 


496  DATE  OF  THE  MANTRA  PERIOD. 

other  secondary.     Poems,  like  those  which  we  have 
just  examined,  are  not  the  result  of  an  original,  free, 
and   unconscious   inspiration.      They   belong   to  an 
imitative,  reflecting,  and  criticising  age.     An  exact 
division  between    the  ancient  and  the  modern  por- 
tions of  the  Rig-veda  will  probably  be   impossible 
even   after   these   ancient   relics  have  been  studied 
with    a   much    more   searching   accuracy   than    hi- 
therto.    The  language  which  might  be  expected  to 
contain  the  safest  indications  of  the  more  ancient  or 
more  modern  date  of  certain  hymns,  has,  owing  to 
the  influence  of  oral  tradition,  assumed  an  uniformity 
which  baffles  the  most  careful  analysis.     Nor  would  it 
be  safe  to  trust  to  our  preconceived  notions  as  to  the 
peculiar  character  of  genuine  and  of  artificial  poetry. 
Some  of  the  very  latest  poets  may  have  been  endowed 
with  a  truly  poetical  genius,  when  the  originality  and 
freshness  of  their  thoughts  would  seem  to  place  them 
in  a  better  age.     Nor  is  the  fact  that  the   ancient 
poets   enunciate   thoughts  entirely   their  own,    and 
with  the  full  consciousness  that  what  they  say  has 
never   been   said    before,    sufficient   to   give   to   all 
their    productions    so    deep  a   stamp    of   truth  and 
faith  that  our  weakened  eyes  should  always  discern 
it.      But   although   we    may   hesitate   about   single 
hymns,  whether  they  are  the  productions  of  ancient 
or  modern  Rishis,  we  cannot  hesitate  as  to  the  ge- 
neral fact  that  the  ten  books  of  the  Rig-veda  at  the 
time  they  were  finally  collected,  comprised  the  poetry 
of  two  different  periods.     This  is  the  only  important 
point  for  our  purpose.     We  ascribe  the  later  poets  of 
the  Yeda  to  the  Mantra  period,  so  that  we  comprise 
within  that  period    two  apparently  distinct,  yet,  in 
reality,  very  cognate  tendencies.  We  suppose  that  the 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  497 

Mantra  period  was  an  age  of  Epigonoi,  occupied  at 
first  in  imitating  the  works  of  their  fathers,  and  to- 
wards the  end  engaged  in  the  more  useful  employment 
of  collecting  all  that  was  within  reach,  modern  as 
well  as  ancient,  and  handing  it  down  to  the  careful 
guardianship  of  later  generations.  Two  hundred 
years  will  not  be  too  long  a  time  for  the  gradual  pro- 
gress of  this  work.  There  are  several  generations  of 
modern  poets,  and  probably  two  classes  of  collectors 
to  be  accommodated,  and  the  work  of  the  last  col- 
lectors, the  collectors  of  the  Mandalas,  could  not  have 
commenced  before  the  last  line  of  every  poem  which 
now  forms  part  of  the  ten  Mandalas  was  written.  I 
therefore  fix  the  probable  chronological  limits  of  the 
Mantra  period  between  800  and  1000  b.  c. 

Before  we  leave  the  Mantra  period  there  is  one  ques- 
tion which,  if  it  cannot  be  fully  answered,  requires  at 
least  to  be  carefully  discussed.  Was  the  collection  of 
the  ten  books  of  Yedic  hymns  the  work  of  persons 
cognisant  of  the  art  of  writing  or  not  ?  Were  the  1017 
hymns  of  the  Rig-veda,  after  they  had  been  gathered 
into  one  body,  preserved  by  memory  or  on  paper  ? 

We  can  hardly  expect  to  find  an  answer  to  this 
question  in  the  hymns  themselves.  Most  persons 
acquainted  with  the  history  of  popular  poetry  among 
the  principal  nations  of  antiquity  would  be  ready  to 
admit  that  the  original  composition  and  preservation 
of  truly  national  poetry  were  everywhere  due  to  the 
unaided  efforts  of  memory.  Where  writing  is  known, 
it  is  almost  impossible  to  compose  a  thousand  hymns 
without  bringing  in  some  such  words  as,  writing,  read- 
ing, paper,  or  pen.  Yet  there  is  not  one  single  allusion 
in  these  hymns  to  anything  connected  with  writing. 

KK 


498  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

Let  us  consider  the  Old  Testament. 

The  Ten  Commandments  were  not  only  proclaimed 
by  the  voice  of  God,  but  Moses  "  went  down  from 
the  mount,  and  the  two  tables  of  the  testimony  were 
in  his  hand :  the  tables  were  written  on  both  their 
sides  ;  on  the  one  side  and  on  the  other  were  they 
written.  And  the  tables  were  the  work  of  God,  and 
the  writing  was  the  writing  of  God,  graven  upon  the 
tables."  (Exodus  xxxii.  15,  16.)  Here  we  can  have  no 
doubt  that  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Exodus,  and  the 
people  to  whom  it  was  addressed,  were  acquainted 
with  the  art  of  writing.  Again  we  read  (Exodus 
xxiv.  7.),  that  "  Moses  took  the  book  of  the  covenant, 
and  read  in  the  audience  of  the  people  ;"  and  (Exodus 
xxv.  16.),  the  Lord  commanded  Moses,  saying,  "Thou 
shalt  put  into  the  ark  the  testimony  which  I  shall 
give  thee."  The  covenant  here  spoken  of  must  have 
existed  as  a  book,  or,  at  least,  in  some  tangible  form. 

A  nation  so  early  acquainted  with  letters  and 
books  as  the  Jews  would  naturally  employ  some  of  the 
terms  connected  with  writing  in  a  metaphorical  sense. 
Thus  we  read  in  the  Psalms  (lvi.  8.),  "  Put  thou 
my  tears  into  thy  bottle  :  are  they  not  in  thy  book  ?  " 

lxix.  28.  u  Let  them  be  blotted  out  of  the  book  of 
the  living,  and  not  be  written  with  the  righteous." 

xl.  7.  "  Then  said  I,  Lo  I  come :  in  the  volume 
of  the  book  it  is  written  of  me." 

xlv.  1.  "  My  tongue  is  the  pen  of  a  ready  writer." 

In  the  Book  of  Job  (xix.  23.),  we  actually  read, 
"  Oh  that  my  words  were  now  written  !  oh  that  they 
were  printed  in  a  book  !  That  they  were  graven 
with  an  iron  pen  and  lead  in  the  rock  for  ever  ! " 
"Printed"  here  can  only  mean  " written." 

Proverbs  iii.  3.  "  Write  them  upon  the  table  of 
thine  heart." 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  499 

In  the  Homeric  poems,  on  the  contrary,  where  the 
whole  Grecian  life  lies  before  us  in  marvellous  com- 
pleteness and  distinctness,  there  is  not  a  single  men- 
tion of  writing.  The  kuypa  o^eta,  carried  by  Belle- 
rophon  instead  of  a  letter,  are  the  best  proof  that, 
even  for  such  purposes,  not  to  speak  of  literary  com- 
position, the  use  of  letters  was  unknown  to  the 
Homeric  age.  The  art  of  writing,  when  it  is  not 
only  applied  to  short  inscriptions  but  to  literature, 
forms  such  a  complete  revolution  in  the  history  of  a 
nation,  and  in  all  the  relations  of  society,  both  civil 
and  political,  that,  in  any  class  of  ancient  literature, 
the  total  absence  of  any  allusion  to  writing,  may 
safely  be  supposed,  to  prove  the  absence  of  the  art  at 
the  time  when  that  literature  arose.  We  know  the 
complete  regeneration  of  modern  Europe  which  was 
wrought  by  the  invention  of  printing.  Every  page 
of  the  literature  of  the  sixteenth  century,  every 
pamphlet  or  fly-sheet  of  the  Reformation,  tells  us 
that  printing  had  been  invented.  The  discovery 
of  writing,  and  more  especially  the  application  of 
writing  to  literary  purposes,  was  a  discovery  infi- 
nitely more  important  than  that  of  printing.  And 
yet  we  are  asked  to  believe  that  Homer  has  hidden 
his  light  under  a  bushel,  and  erased  every  expression 
connected  with  writing  from  his  poetical  dictionary ! 

But  though  it  is  certain  that  the  Homeric  poets  did 
not  write,  or,  if  we  are  to  adopt  the  legendary  lan- 
guage of  certain  critics,  though  it  is  certain  that 
blind  Homer  did  not  keep  a  private  secretary,  there 
is  no  doubt  that,  at  the  time  of  Peisistratos,  when  the 
final  collection  of  the  Homeric  poems  took  place,  this 
collection  was  a  collection  of  written  poems.  Peisi- 
stratos possessed  a  large  library,  and,  though  books 

K    K    9. 


500  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

were  not  so  common  in  his  time  as  they  were  in  the 
time  of  Alcibiades,  when  every  schoolmaster  had  his 
Iliad1,  yet,  ever  since  the  importation  of  paper  into 
Greece,  writing  was  a  common  acquirement  of  the 
educated  classes  of  Greeks.  The  whole  civilisation 
of  Greece,  and  the  rapid  growth  of  Greek  literature, 
has  been  ascribed  to  the  free  trade  between  Egypt 
and  Greece,  beginning  with  the  Saidic  dynasty.2 
Greece  imported  all  its  paper  from  Egypt ;  and  with- 
out paper  no  Greek  literature  would  have  been  pos- 
sible. The  skins  of  animals  were  too  rare,  and  their 
preparation  too  expensive,  to  permit  the  growth  of  a 
popular  literature.  Herodotus  mentions  it  as  a  pe- 
culiarity of  the  barbarians,  that  at  his  time  some  of 
them  still  wrote  on  skins  only.  Paper  (papyrus  or 
byblus)  was  evidently  to  Greece  what  linen  paper 
was  to  Europe  in  the  middle  ages.3 

Now,  if  we  look  for  any  similar  traces  in  the  his- 
tory of  Indian  literature,  our  search  is  completely 
disappointed.  There  is  no  mention  of  writing- 
materials,  whether  paper,  bark,  or  skins,  at  the  time 
when  the  Indian  Diaskeuasts  collected  the  songs  of 
their  Rishis  ;  nor  is  there  any  allusion  to  writing 
during  the  whole  of  the  Brahmana  period.  This  up- 
sets the  common  theories  about  the  origin  of  prose 
literature.  According  to  Wolf4,  prose  composition  is 
a  safe  sign  of  a  written  literature.     It  is  not  so  in 

1  Plutarch,  Alcibiades,  c.  vii. 

2  See  Grote,  History  of  Greece,  ii.  p.  201. 

3  Plin.  Hist.  Nat.  xiii.  13.  §  27. :  "  Cum  chartse  usu  maxime  hu- 
manitas  vitae  eonstet  etmemoria." 

4  Wolf,  Prolegomena,  lxx — lxxiii. :  "  Scripturam  tentare  et  com- 
muni  usui  aptare  plane  idem  videtur  fuisse  atque  prosam  tentare 
et  in  ea  excolenda  se  ponere." 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  501 

India.  The  whole  of  the  Br&hmana  literature,  how- 
ever incredible  it  may  seem,  shows  not  a  single  ves- 
tige of  the  art  of  writing.  Nay,  more  than  this,  even 
during  the  Sutra  period  all  the  evidence  we  can 
get  would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  even  then,  though 
the  art  of  writing  began  to  be  known,  the  whole  lite- 
rature of  India  was  preserved  by  oral  tradition  only. 
It  is  of  little  avail  in  researches  of  this  kind  to  say 
that  such  a  thing  is  impossible.  We  can  form  no 
opinion  of  the  powers  of  memory  in  a  state  of  society 
so  different  from  ours  as  the  Indian  Parishads  are 
from  our  universities.  Feats  of  memory,  such  as  we 
hear  of  now  and  then,  show  that  our  notions  of  the 
limits  of  that  faculty  are  quite  arbitrary.  Our  own 
memory  has  been  systematically  undermined  for 
many  generations.  To  speak  of  nothing  else,  one  sheet 
of  the  "  Times"  newspaper  every  morning  is  quite  suffi- 
cient to  distract  and  unsettle  the  healthiest  memory. 
The  remnants  of  our  own  debilitated  memory  cannot 
furnish  us  with  the  right  measure  of  the  primitive 
powers  of  that  faculty.  The  Guaranies,  who  are 
represented  by  Missionaries  as  the  lowest  specimens 
of  humanity,  evinced  such  powers  of  memory  when 
they  were  once  taught  to  listen  and  to.  reason,  that  it 
became  a  custom  to  make  the  chief  Indian  of  the 
town,  or  one  of  the  magistrates,  repeat  the  sermon 
just  delivered  from  the  pulpit  before  the  people  in  the 
street,  or  in  the  court-yard  of  a  house;  and  they 
almost  all  did  it  with  the  utmost  fidelity,  without 
missing  a  sentence.1  Even  at  the  present  day, 
when  MSS.  are  neither  scarce  nor  expensive,  the  young 
Brahmans  who  learn  the  songs  of  the  Veda  and  the 

1  Dobrizhoffer's  Account  of  the  Abipones,  vol.  ii.  p.  63. 
k  k  3 


502  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

Brahmanas,  and  the  Sutras,  invariably  learn  them 
from  oral  tradition,  and  know  them  by  heart.  They 
spend  year  after  year  under  the  guidance  of  their 
teacher,  learning  a  little,  day  after  day,  repeating 
what  they  have  learnt  as  part  of  their  daily  devotion, 
until  at  last  they  have  mastered  their  subject,  and 
are  able  to  become  teachers  in  turn.  The  ambition  to 
master  more  than  one  subject  is  hardly  known  in  India. 
This  system  of  education  has  been  going  on  ever  since 
the  Brahmana  period,  and  as  early  as  the  Pratisakhyas 
we  find  the  most  minute  rules  on  the  mnemonic  system 
to  be  followed  by  every  teacher.  The  only  difference 
in  modern  times,  after  the  invention  of  writing,  is 
that  a  Brahman  is  not  only  commanded  to  pass  his 
apprenticeship  at  the  house  of  his  Guru,  and  to  learn 
from  his  mouth  all  that  a  Brahman  is  bound  to  know, 
but  the  fiercest  imprecations  are  uttered  against  all 
who  would  presume  to  acquire  their  knowledge  from 
written  sources.  In  the  Mahabharata  we  read, 
"  Those  who  sell  the  Vedas,  and  even  those  who  write 
them,  those  also  who  defile  them,  they  shall  go  to 
hell." l  Kumarila  says,  "  That  knowledge  of  the 
truth  is  worthless  which  has  been  acquired  from  the 
Veda,  if  the  Veda  has  not  been  rightly  comprehended, 
if  it  has  been  learnt  from  writing,  or  been  received 
from  a  6udra." 2 


2  Kumarila,  Tantra-Varttika,  i.  3.  p.  86. : 
tj§c|  [  «^ref^TrTK4 1  ^^Tf^4*  I  r^  I     "3^WTfv*raT- 


5Tfa  vwetri  «r  **rau 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  503 

How  then  was  the  Veda  learnt  ?  It  was  learnt  by 
every  Brahman  during  twelve  years  of  his  student- 
ship or  Brahmacharya.  This,  according  to  Gautama, 
was  the  shortest  period,  sanctioned  only  for  men 
who  wanted  to  marry,  and  to  become  Grihasthas. 
Brahmans  who  did  not  wish  to  marry  wera  allowed 
to  spend  forty-eight  years  as  students.  The  Pra- 
tis&khya  gives  us  a  glimpse  into  the  lecture-rooms  of 
the  Brahmanic  colleges.  "  The  Guru,"  it  is  said1,  "  who 
has  himself  formerly  been  a  student,  should  make  his 
pupils  read.  He  himself  takes  his  seat  either  to  the 
east,  or  the  north,  or  the  north-east.  If  he  has  no 
more  than  one  or  two  pupils,  they  sit  at  his  right 
hand.  If  he  has  more,  they  place  themselves  accord- 
ing as  there  is  room.  They  then  embrace  their 
master,  and  say,  l  Sir,  read ! '  The  master  gravely 
says  '  Om,'  i.  e.  '  Yes.'  He  then  begins  to  say  a 
prasna  (a  question),  which  consists  of  three  verses.2 
In  order  that  no  word  may  escape  the  attention  of 
his  pupils,  he  pronounces  all  with  the  high  accent 3, 

1  Pratisakhya  du  Rig-veda,  par  A.  Regnier,  Journal  Asiatique, 
1856.  Chapitre  XV. 

2  If  the  metre  is  pankti,  the  prasna  may  consist  of  two  or  three 
verses;  if  the  metre  is  longer  than  pankti,  two  verses  only  consti- 
tute a  prasna  ;  if  a  hymn  consists  of  one  verse,  that  by  itself  forms 
a  prasna.  Samayas,  i.  e.  passages  which  have  occurred  before  (and 
are  sometimes  left  out  in  the  MSS.),  are  counted,  if  they  consist 
of  a  complete  verse.  Two  Dvipadas  are  counted  as  one  verse,  and, 
as  the  Commentator  adds  (v.  12.),  the  two  half-verses  of  each  Dvi- 
pada-line  are  to  be  joined  in  recitation,  and  only  if  there  is  one  odd 
Dvipada-line  remaining,  a  pause  is  to  be  made  at  the  end  of  the 
first  half-verse.  If  there  are  some  verses  remaining  at  the  end  of  a 
hymn,  they  may  be  joined  to  the  last  prasna  ;  if  there  are  more 
than  two  verses,  this  is  optional. 

3  The  only  words  which,  in  the  Sanhita-patha,  would  be  likely 
to  escape  the  pupil's  attention  are  monosyllables  consisting  of 

K   K   4 


504  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

and  repeats  certain  words  twice,  or  he  says  i  so  ' 
(iti)  after  these  words." 

The  chief  difficulties  in  the  pronunciation  of  the 
Veda  are  the  changes  of  the  final  and  initial  letters.1 
The  pupils  are  instructed  in  these  euphonic  rules  in- 
dependently (the  Siksha),  but  whenever  a  difficult 
case  of  sandhi  occurs,  the  Guru  examines  his  audience 
and  explains  the  difficulties.  And  here  the  method 
followed  is  this.  After  the  Guru  has  pronounced  a 
group  of  words,  consisting  of  three  or  sometimes  (in 
long  compounds)  of  more  words,  the  first  pupil  repeats 
the  first  word,  and  when  anything  is  to  be  explained, 
the  teacher  stops  him,  and  says,  "  Sir."2  After  it  has 
been  explained  by  the  pupil  who  is  at  the  head  of  the 
class,  the  permission  to  continue  is  given  with  the 

one  vowel  only,  and  that  a  vowel  not  changed  into  a  semi-vowel, 
in  which  form  it  would  be  more  audible.  This  would  restrict 
the  rule  regarding  repetition  to  the  two  words  a  and  u.  Thus 
for  pra,  which  is  pra  +  a,  the  Guru  would  have  to  say  pra,  a,  or 
pra,  a  iti.  Instead  of  ud  u  shy  a  deva,  ud  u  u  shy  a  deva.  This 
repetition  would  not  take  place  in  udv  eti,  because  u  is  changed 
into  v.  If  sarvodatta  could  mean  a  word  being  wholly 
udatta,  then  u  would  be  excluded,  and  the  rule  would  refer  to 
a  only.  But  sarvodatta  means  recitation  when  the  accent  is  dis- 
regarded, and  all  syllables  are  pronounced  with  a  high  tone.     The 

Commentary   construes    the    rule   differently.     I   construe     "^^ 

1  These  are  chiefly  the  change  of  a  final  m  into  Anusvara  before 
r  and  the  ushmans  ;  the  common  sandhi  of  the  xishmans ;  the  sup- 
pression of  a  final  n  ;  its  transition  into  r  ;  its  transition  into  a  sibi- 
lant ;  the  absence  of  sandhi  where  ri  follows  ;  the  sandhi  of  r,  and 
the  hiatus. 

2  The  text  is   f^HjHr    7$  &c. 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  505 

words,  "  Well,  Sir."  After  the  words  of  the  teacher 
have  thus  been  repeated  by  one,  the  next  pupil  has 
to  apply  to  him  with  the  word,  "  Sir."  x  When  there 
is  no  difficulty,  the  rule  seems  to  be  that  the  Guru 
says  two  words  at  a  time,  which  are  then  repeated  by 
the  pupil.  If  it  is  a  compound,  one  word  only  is  to  be 
pronounced  by  the  Guru,  and  to  be  repeated  by  the 
pupil.  After  a  section  of  three  verses  has  thus  been 
gone  through,  all  the  pupils  have  to  rehearse  it  again 
and  again.  When  they  have  mastered  it,  they 
have  to  recite  the  whole  without  any  break,  with  an 
even  voice,  observing  all  the  rules  of  sandhi,  marking 
slightly  the  division  in  the  middle  of  compounds,  and 
pronouncing  every  syllable  with  the  high  accent.2  It 
does  not  seem  as  if  several  pupils  were  allowed  to 
recite  together,  for  it  is  stated  distinctly  that  the 
Guru  first  tells  the  verses  to  his  pupil  on  the  right, 
and  that  every  pupil,  after  his  task  is  finished,  turns 
to  the  right,  and  walks  round  the  tutor.  This  must 
occupy  a  long  time  every  day,  considering  that  a  lec- 
ture consists  of  sixty  and  more  prasnas,  or  of  about 
180  verses.  The  pupils  are  not  dismissed  till  the 
lecture  is  finished.  At  the  end  of  the  lecture,  the 
tutor,  after  the  last  half-verse  is  finished,  says,  "  Sir," 

1  Here  again  I  differ  frpm  the  Commentator,  who  takes  parasya 
as  an  adjective  referring  to  etad,  t.  e.  guroh.  At  the  end  of  a  half- 
verse,  this  address,  bho !  is  to  be  dropped ;  at  the  end  of  an 
Adhyaya  it  is  optional. 

2  According  to  some  Sakhas,  not  the  Sakalas,  certain  words 
(prepositions)  are,  in  this  final  recitation  also,  to  be  followed  by 
the  particle  iti ;  abhi  is  even,  in  some  cases,  to  be  pronounced 
abhityabhi.  Some  other  rules  are  given,  all  of  which  are  optional. 
The  text  of  the  Veda,  as  repeated  in  the  lecture-room,  is  neither 
Sanhita,  Pada,  nor  Krama-text.  Some  few  Sakhas  only  maintain 
that  the  Sanhita-text  should  be  used  pure  et  simple. 


506  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

the  pupil  replies,  "  Yes,  Sir."  He  then  repeats  the 
proper  verses  and  formulas,  which  have  to  be  re- 
peated at  the  end  of  every  reading,  embraces  his 
tutor,  and  is  allowed  to  withdraw. 

These  rules  speak  for  themselves.  They  show  that 
at  the  time  when  such  rules  were  necessary,  and  when 
young  Brahmans  had  to  spend  from  twelve  to  forty- 
eight  years  of  their  life  in  doing  nothing  but  learning 
and  rehearsing  the  Veda1,  such- a  system  must  have 
had  an  object  worthy  of  such  efforts.  Such  an  object 
existed,  if,  in  the  absence  of  writing,  the  sacred  songs, 
which  were  believed  to  be  the  only  means  to  salvation 
were  to  be  preserved  and  guarded  against  loss  and  cor- 
ruption. If,  at  the  time  of  the  Pratisakhyas,  writing 
had  been  known,  some  mention  of  a  book  as  a  sacred 
object  would  surely  have  occurred  somewhere.  We 
know  from  the  Grihya-sutras  every  event  in  the  life  of 
a  Brahman,  from  his  birth  to  his  death.  Not  a  word 
is  ever  said  about  his  learning  to  write. 

The  earliest  allusion  to  this  system  of  oral  teaching 
occurs  in  a  hymn  of  the  Rig-veda  which  must  be  as- 
cribed to  the  Mantra  period.  In  the  primitive  poetry 
of  the  Chhandas  period  there  is  no  mention  either  of 
writing  or  teaching.  But  in  a  satirical  hymn  of  the 
Vasishthas  (vii.  103.  5),  in  which  the  frogs  are  com- 
pared with  Brahmans,  teaching  their  pupils,  it  is  said : 
"  One  frog  repeats  the  words  of  another,  like  a  pupil 
who  repeats  the  words  of  his  teacher."  (See  p.  495.) 
No  similar  allusion  to  writing  is  to  be  found  even 
in  the  latest  hymns,  the  so-called  Khilas.     If  writ- 

1  Caesar  (de  Bello  Gallico,  vi.  14),  speaking  of  the  Druids, 
says  :  "  Magnum  ibi  numerum  versuum  ediscere  dicuntur,  itaque 
nonnulli  annos  vicenos  in  disciplina  permanent,  neque  fas  esse 
existimant  ea  Uteris  mandare." 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  507 

ing  had  been  known  during  the  Brahmana  period, 
is  it  likely  that  these  works,  which  are  full  of 
all  kinds  of  mystic  lucubrations  on  the  origin  of  all 
things,  should  never  with  a  single  word  have  alluded 
to  the  art  of  writing,  an  art  so  wonderful  that  the 
Greeks  would  fain  ascribe  its  discovery  to  one  of  the 
wisest  gods  of  the  wisest  nation  on  earth  ?  If  letters 
had  been  known  during  the  period  when  men  in  India 
were  still  able  to  create  gods,  the  god  of  letters  would 
have  found  his  place  in  the  Vedic  pantheon  side  by 
side  with  Sarasvati  the  goddess  of  speech,  and  Pushan, 
the  god  of  agriculture.  No  such  god  is  to  be  found 
in  India,  or  in  any  of  the  genuine  mythologies  of  the 
Aryan  world. 

But  there  are  stronger  arguments  than  these  to 
prove  that,  before  the  time  of  Panini,  and  before  the 
first  spreading  of  Buddhism  in  India,  writing  for 
literary  purposes  was  absolutely  unknown. 

If  writing  had  been  known  to  Panini,  some  of  his 
grammatical  terms  would  surely  point  to  the  graphical 
appearance  of  words.  I  maintain  that  there  is  not  a 
single  word  in  Panini's  terminology  which  presup- 
poses the  existence  of  writing.  The  general  name 
for  letters  is  varna.  This  does  not  mean  colour  in 
the  sense  of  a  painted  letter,  but  the  colouring  or 
modulation  of  the  voice.1  AJcshara,  which  is  used  for 
letter  and  syllable,  means  what  is  indestructible,  radi- 
cal, or  an  element.  We  speak  of  stops  as  signs  of  in- 
terpunction ;  P&nini  only  speaks  of  virdmas,  stop- 
pages of  the  voice.  The  names  of  the  letters  are  not 
derived  from  their  shape,  as  in  the  Semitic  names  of 
Alpha,  Beta,  Gamma.     With  the  exception  of  the  r, 

1   Aristotle,  Probl.  X.  39.:  ret  St  ypa/ujuara  nadi]  tori  rijtj  (puvrjc. 


508  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

their  names  are  their  sounds.  The  name  for  r,  Rep  ha, 
does  not  occur  in  Panini.  Katyayana,  however  (iii. 
3,  108,  4),  explains  the  derivation  of  Repha,  and  in 
iv.  4,  128,  2,  he  uses  it  for  ra.  In  the  PratMkhyas 
likewise,  the  word  is  well  known,  and  as  the  participle 
riphita  is  used  in  the  same  works,  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  Repha  is  derived  from  a  root  riph,  to  snarl 
or  hiss. 

The  terms  for  the  three  accents  show  no  traces  of 
writing,  such  as  the  Latin  word  "  circumflexus." 

What  would  have  been  more  natural,  if  writing  had 
been  known  in  P&nini's  time,  than  that  he  should 
have  called  the  dot  of  the  Anusvara,  vindu,  i.  e.  dot, 
and  the  Visarga,  dvivindu,  the  double  dot  ?  Let  us 
take  a  later  grammarian,  Vopadeva,  and  we  find  such 
words  at  once.  In  Vopadeva,  the  Anusv&ra  is  called 
vindu,  the  Visarga,  dvivindu.  What  the  Pr&tisakhyas 
and  Panini  called  the  Jihvamuliya,  the  sibilant  formed 
near  the  base  of  the  tongue,  and  Upadhmdniya,  the 
labial  flatus,  Vopadeva  calls  Vajrdkriti,  having  the 
shape  of  the  thunderbolt  (x),  and  Gajakumbhdkriti, 
having  the  shape  of  an  elephant's  two  frontal  bones 
(£),  The  term  arddhachandra,  or  half- moon,  belongs 
to  the  same  class  of  grammatical  terms.  Why  should 
these  words  occur  in  later  grammarians,  and  not  one 
of  them  be  found  in  the  Pratis&khyas  or  Panini  ? 

Another  class  of  words  which  would  be  sure  to 
betray  the  existence  of  writing  where  writing  was 
known,  are  the  words  expressive  of  reading,  compos- 
ing, book,  chapter,  paragraph,  &c.  The  most  usual 
word  for  reading  in  Sanskrit  is  adhyeti  or  adhite,  and 
at  first  sight  the  very  existence  of  such  a  word  might 
seem  to  prove  the  existence  of  books  that  could  be 
read.    But  we  have  seen  in  the  Pratisakhyas  what  was 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  509 

■ 

meant  when  the  pupils  asked  their  tutor  to  make 
them  read.  Adhyeti  and  adhite,  from  adhi,  over,  and 
i,  to  go,  mean  "  he  goes  over  a  thing,  he  conquers  it, 
acquires  it ;  "  and  the  very  expression  "  to  read  a  work 
from  the  mouth  of  the  tutor,"  would  be  sufficient  to 
show  that  the  work  existed,  not  as  a  book,  but  in 
men's  memory.  Another  expression  of  the  same 
kind  is  found  in  Manu  (x.  1):  "All  the  three 
castes  may  read  the  Yeda,  but  the  Brahman  alone 
is  allowed  to  proclaim,  i.  e.  to  teach  it  (prabru- 
yat).  To  teach  is  expressed  by  the  causative  of 
the  verb  adhyeti,  adhydpayati,  he  makes  read,  i.  e. 
he  teaches.1  The  ancient  Hindus  distinguish  be- 
tween two  kinds  of  reading,  the  grahanddhyayana, 
the  acquisitive  reading,  and  the  dhdranddhyayana, 
the  conservative  reading ;  the  former  being  the  first 
acquisition  of  a  work,  the  latter  its  rehearsing  in 
order  not  to  lose  a  volume  that  once  belonged  to 
one's  mental  library.  This  rehearsing,  or  svddhydya, 
self-reading,  was  as  sacred  a  duty  as  the  first  acquisi- 
tion. It  was  by  means  of  this  svadhyaya  alone  that 
works  could  be  said  to  live.  We  meet  with  similar 
expressions  iu  other  literatures  of  the  ancient  world. 
Ahura  masd&,  when  he  wishes  his  law  to  live  among 
men,  requires  Jima  to  be  not  only  the  "rememberer" 
(meret&),  but  the  bearer  and  preserver  (bheret&),  of 
the  Zarathustrian  revelation.  And  many  centuries 
later,  Mahavira  2,  the  founder  of  the  Jaina  religion,  is 
called  same,  vdrae,  and  dhdraS  of  sacred  knowledge, 
t.  e.  smdraka,  a  rememberer,  vdraka,  a  guardian  who 
keeps  it  from  profane  eyes,  and  dhdraka,  a  holder 

1  Apastamba,  Dharina-sutra,  iii.  86. 

2  Kalpa-sutra,  ed.  Stevenson,  p.  29. 


510  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

* 

who  does  not  forget  the  knowledge  which  he  once 
acquired. 

Even  so  late  a  writer  as  Kum&rila,  when  he  speaks 
of  the  material  existence  of  the  Veda,  can  only  con- 
ceive of  it  as  existing  in  the  minds  of  men.  "  The 
Veda,"  he  says,  "  is  distinctly  to  be  perceived  by 
means  of  the  senses.  It  exists,  like  a  pot  or  any  other 
object,  in  man.  Perceiving  it  in  another  man,  people 
learn  it  and  remember  it.  Then  others  again  perceiv- 
ing it,  as  it  is  remembered  by  these,  learn  it  and  re- 
member it,  and  thus  hand  it  on  to  others.  Therefore, 
the  theologian  concludes,  the  Veda  is  without  a  be- 
ginning." l  These  theological  arguments  may  be  passed 
over :  but  immediately  afterwards,  in  order  to  show 
that  the  Veda  has  a  material  existence,  Kum&rila 
uses  another  curious  expression,  which  shows  again 
that  to  him  the  Veda  existed  only  in  the  memory  of 
men.  "  Before  we  hear  the  word  Veda,"  he  says,  "  we 
perceive,  as  different  from  all  other  objects,  and  as 
different  from  other  Vedas,  something  in  the  form  of 
the  Rig-veda  that  exists  within  the  readers,  and  things 
in  the  form  of  Mantras  and  Brahmanas,  different  from 

WTW*rfwp*rfaj:    *hrer?tf?t    fa4*MUi    ih^H- 
whir  ^t^ttt^:  ^t:ii 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  511 

others."  Such  arguments  would  not  occur  to  people 
who  were  accustomed  from  time  immemorial  to  ap- 
peal to  a  book  as  the  sacred  authority  of  their  faith. 
When  contemporaneously  with  our  Reformation, 
Nanak  founded  the  religion  of  the  Sikhs,  we  find  in 
India,  as  well  as  elsewhere,  that  a  book,  a  real  book, 
was  considered  as  the  firmest  foundation  of  a  new 
faith.  "  At  their  assemblies,  when  the  chiefs  and  prin- 
cipal leaders  are  seated,  the  Adi- Granth.  (the  first 
book)  and  Dasama  Padshabka  Granth  are  placed 
before  them ;  they  all  bend  their  heads  before  these 
scriptures,  and  exclaim,  Wa  !  Gurujika  Khalsa  !  Wa ! 
Gurujiki  Fateh  !  A  great  quantity  of  cakes,  made  of 
wheat,  butter,  and  sugar,  are  then  placed  before  the 
volumes  of  their  sacred  writings,  and  covered  with  a 
cloth.  These  holy  cakes,  which  are  in  commemoration 
of  the  injunction  of  Nanak,  to  eat  and  to  give  to  others 
to  eat,  next  receive  the  salutation  of  the  assembly, 
who  then  rise,  and  the  Acalis  pray  aloud,  while  the 
musicians  play.  The  Acalis,  when  the  prayers  are 
finished,  desire  the  council  to  be  seated.  They  sit 
down,  and  the  cakes  being  uncovered  are  eaten  of  by 
all  classes  of  Sikhs ;  those  distinctions  of  original 
tribes,  which  are  on  other  occasions  kept  up,  being 
on  this  occasion  laid  aside,  in  token  of  their  general 
and  complete  union  in  one  cause.  The  Acalis  then 
exclaim,  "  Sirdars  !  (chiefs)  this  is  a  Gurumata  "  (a 
great  assembly) ;  on  which  prayers  are  again  said 
aloud.  The  chiefs,  after  this,  sit  closer,  and  say  to 
each  other :  "  The  sacred  Granth  (book)  is  betwixt  us, 
let  us  swear  by  our  scriptures  to  forget  all  external 
disputes,  and  to  be  united." 1 

1  Asiatic  Researches,  xi.  255. 


512  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

Such  a  scene  would  be  impossible  among  pure 
Brahmans.  They  never  speak  of  their  granthas  or 
books.  They  speak  of  their  Veda,  which  means 
"knowledge."  They  speak  of  their  Sruti,  which 
means  what  they  have  heard  with  their  ears.  They 
speak  of  Smriti,  which  means  what  their  fathers  have 
declared  unto  them.  We  meet  with  Brdhmanas,  i.  e. 
the  sayings  of  Brahmans  ;  with  Sutras,  i.  e.  the  strings 
of  rules;  with  Veddngas,  i.  e.  the  members  of  the 
Veda  ;  with  Pravachanas,  i.  e.  preachings  ;  with 
Sdstras,  i.  e.  teachings  ;  with  Dar'sanas,  i.  e.  demon- 
strations ;  but  we  never  meet  with  a  book,  or  a  vo- 
lume, or  a  page. 

If  we  take  the  ordinary  modern  words  for  book, 
paper,  ink,  writing,  &c,  not  one  of  them  has  as  yet 
been  discovered  in  any  Sanskrit  work  of  genuine  an- 
tiquity. Book,  in  modern  Sanskrit,  is  pus  tarn  or  pus- 
takam,  a  word  most  likely  of  foreign  origin.1  It  occurs 
in  such  works  as  the  Hitopadesa,  where  we  read  of  a 
person,  "  neither  read  in  books  nor  taught  by  a  tutor." 
The  Hitopadesa  itself  is  said  to  be  written  (likhyate)  as 
an  extract  from  the  Panchatantra  and  another  book.2 

To  write  is  likh  and  lip,  the  former  originally  used 
in  the  sense  of  scratching,  whether  on  stone  or  leaves, 
the  latter,  in  the  sense  of  covering  a  surface  with 
ink.  Thus  in  Sakuntala,  the  chief  heroine,  when 
advised  to  write  a  love-letter  (madanalekha),  com- 
plains that  she  has  no  writing-materials  (lekhana- 
sddhandni),  and  her  friend  tells  her  to  take  a  lotus- 
leaf  as  smooth  as  the  breast  of  a  parrot,  and  with  her 

1  Could  it  be  apestak,  originally  the  Sanskrit  avasthana  ?     See 
Spiegel,  Grammar  of  the  Parsi  Language,  p.  204. 

2  T^fT^TTTm^W^^Tira  faWI$« 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  513 

nails  to  scratch  the  letters  on  it.  This  is  clearly  writ- 
ing. In  the  Vikramorvasi,  again,  Urvasi,  not  daring 
to  face  her  lover,  writes  a  letter  (lekha)  on  a  birch- 
leaf  (bhurjapatra).  The  king,  who  sees  it,  calls  it 
bhurjagato  aksharavinyasa,  "  letters  put  down  on  a 
birch  leaf; "  and  when  he  reads  it,  he  is  said  to  make 
the  leaf  speak  (yachayati).  The  leaf  (patra)  is  used 
here  not  in  the  sense  in  which  we  found  it  in  the  £a- 
kuntala,  as  the  leaf  of  a  tree,  but  as  a  leaf  or  sheet  of 
paper.  This  paper  was  made  of  the  bark  of  the  birch- 
tree  ;  and  hence,  when  the  queen  picks  up  the  love- 
letter,  she  thinks  "  it  is  a  strip  of  fresh  bark  which 
the  south  wind  has  blown  thither."  1 

Passages  like  these,  to  which  we  might  add  the  well- 
known  introduction  to  the  Mahabharata,  leave  little 
doubt  that,  at  the  time  when  these  modern  plays  were 
composed,  writing  was  generally  practised  by  women 
as  well  as  men.  Why  should  there  be  no  such  pas- 
sage in  any  of  the  genuine  early  Sanskrit  works,  if 
writing  had  then  been  equally  known  ? 

In  Manu's  Code  of  Laws  we  read  (viii.  168.)  : 
"  What  is  given  by  force,  what  is  by  force  enjoyed, 
by  force  caused  to  be  written  (lelchita),  and  all  other 
things  done  by  force,  Manu  has  pronounced  void." 
Here  again  we  have  clearly  writing.  But  this  is  only 
another  proof  that  this  metrical  paraphrase  of  the  laws 
of  the  Manavas  is  later  than  the  Vedic  age. 

In  the  Laws  of  Yajnavalkya  also  written  docu- 
ments are  mentioned;  and  the  Commentator  (ii.  22.) 
quotes  Narada  and  other  authorities,  all  in  Slokas,  on 

1  There  are,  I  believe,  but  two  Sanskrit  MSS.  in  Europe  which 
are  written  on  birch  bark  ;  one  in  the  Royal  Library  of  Berlin,  the 
other  in  the  Library  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford. 

L  L 


514  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

several  minor  points  connected  with  the  signing 
(chihnita)  of  papers,  and  the  treatment  of  witnesses 
who  cannot  write  (alipijna).  But  I  have  found  no 
such  traces  of  written  documents  in  any  of  the  ancient 
Dharmasutras. 

The  words  for  ink  (masi1,  kdl%  mela,  gold)  and  pen 
{kalama)  2,  have  all  a  modern  appearance  ;  and,  as  to 
Kdyastha,  the  name  of  the  writer-caste,  proceeding 
from  a  Kshatriya  father  and  a  Sudra  mother,  it  does 
not  even  occur  in  Manu. 

Another  class  of  words  which  would  be  likely  to 
contain  allusions  to  writing  are  those  used  for  the  va- 
rious subdivisions  of  literary  compositions  :  but  these 
too  point  to  a  literature  kept  up  by  oral  tradition  only. 
We  observed  before  that  a  lecture  (adhydya)  consisted 
of  sixty  questions  or  prasnas.  We  find  these  very 
words  used  instead  of  chapters  and  paragraphs  in  the 
Sanhita3,  Brahrnanas,  and  Sutras.  In  the  Kig-veda 
we  have  the  ancient  division  into  suktas,  hymns ;  anu- 
vdkas,  chapters  (i.  e.  repetition)  ;  and  mandalas, 
books  {i.e.  cycles)  :  and  the  later  division  into  vargas, 
classes;  adhydyas,  lectures;  and  Ashtakas,  Ogdoads. 
In  the  Taittiriyaka,  the  division  is  into  Kandikds 
(sections),  amivdkas,  prdmas,  and  ashtakas.  In  the 
Kathaka  we  have  granthas,  compositions,  and  sthd- 
nakas,  places.  The  name  of  the  batapatha-brdhmana  is 
derived  from  its  100  pathas  or  walks;  and  Shashti- 
patha  is  used  for  a  work  consisting  of  sixty  walks  or 
chapters.  Other  words  of  the  same  kind  are  prapd- 
thaka,  a  reading,  a  lecture ;  dhnika,  a  day's  work  ; 
parvan,  a  joint,  &c.     We  look  in  vain  for  such  words 

1  Lalita  Vistara,  adhyaya,  ix.  p.  139.  1.  17. 

2  Unadi-sutras,  iv.  84.  calamus,  reed. 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  515 

as  volumen,  a  volume,  liber,  i.  e.  the  inner  bark  of  a 
tree ;  or  fiifikos,  i.  e.  fivfiXos,  the  inner  bark  of  the 
papyrus  ;  or  book,  i.  e.  beech -wood. 

It  is  clear,  from  the  evidence  which  we  have  exa- 
mined, that  it  is  far  easier  to  prove  the  absence  of 
writing  during  the  early  period  of  Sanskrit  literature, 
than  to  discover  any  traces  of  writing  even  at  the 
time  when  we  are  inclined  to  suppose  that  it  was 
known  in  India.  Writing  wras  practised  in  India 
before  the  time  of  Alexander's  conquest ;  and,  though 
it  may  not  have  been  used  for  literary  purposes,  we 
can  hardly  doubt  that  a  written  alphabet  was  known 
during  the  greater  part  of  the  Sutra  period.  The 
Greek  writers  tell  us  exactly  what  wre  should  expect 
under  these  circumstances.  Megasthenes  declared 
that  the  Indians  did  not  know  letters,  that  their  laws 
were  not  written,  and  that  they  administered  justice 
from  memory.1  This  is  perfectly  true,  if,  as  has  been 
pointed  out2,  we  restrict  their  ignorance  of  letters 
to  the  fact  that  they  did  not  employ  them  for  literary 
purposes.  Strabo  himself,  when  quoting  the  state- 
ment of  Nearchus  that  the  Indians  wrote  letters  on 
cotton  that  had  been  well  beaten  together,  points  out 
the  contradiction  between  this  author  and  others  (i.  e. 
Megasthenes),  who  declared  that  the  Indians  used 
no  letters  at  all.3  There  is,  however,  no  real  contra- 
diction between  these  two  statements,  if  we  only  dis- 
tinguish between  the  knowledge  of  letters  and  their 
use  as  a  vehicle  of  literature.    Nearchus  fully  agrees 

1  Strabo,  xv.  53. :    .  .  .  .   'Aypcupoig  ecu  raiira  vufxoiQ   ypiopivoiQ. 
Ovde  yap  ypajj.f.ia.Ta.  elfievai  avrovg,  a\A'  ci7ro  jj.%y)fir}Q  etcaff-a  dtoiKeiadai. 

2  Schwanbeck,  Megasthenis  Fragmenta,  p.-  50. 

3  Strabo,  xv.  67. :  'FjIThttoXciq   3e  ypa^eip  kv  (Tidoffi  Xiav  KtKporr]- 
/.livatr,  twv  aX\(ov  ypcifipaoiv  avrovg  pr}  xpfjvdai  tyafitvtov, 

l  l  2 


516  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

with  Megasthenes ;  for  he  also  states  that  the  laws  of 
the  Indians  were  not  reduced  to  writing.1  And  Me- 
gasthenes agrees  with  Nearchus ;  for  he  also  shows 
himself  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  fact  that  the 
Indians  used  letters  for  inscriptions  on  milestones, 
indicating  the  resting-places  and  distances.2  Nothing 
could  offer  a  stronger  confirmation  of  our  opinion 
that  the  Indians  had  become  acquainted  with  the  art 
of  writing  during  the  Sutra  period  and  before  the 
conquest  of  Alexander,  but  that  the)7  abstained  from 
using  it  for  literary  purposes,  than  this  apparent  con- 
tradiction in  the  accounts  of  Nearchus  and  Mega- 
sthenes. Curtius,  differing  from  Nearchus,  maintains 
that  they  wrote  on  the  soft  rind  of  trees  3,  a  custom 
which  we  saw  preserved  in  the  play  of  Urvasi.  We 
can  hardly  believe  that  the  Indians  could  have  used 
skins  for  writing.  And,  though  Nicolaus  Damascenus 
declares  that  he  saw  the  ambassadors  of  Porus  pre- 
sented to  Caesar  Augustus  in  Antiochia,  and  that  they 
brought  a  letter  written  kv  §L(j)0epa,  we  must  remem- 
ber that  this  letter  was  written  in  Greek4,  and  that 
the  word  hi^Oepa  may  have  been  used  for  paper  in 
general.5 

We  shall  not  be  able  to  trace  the  Indian  alphabet 
back  much  beyond  Alexander's  invasion.  It  existed, 
however,   before   Alexander.      This  we  know   from 

1  Strabo,  xv.  66.  :  NiapxpQ  ce  nept  twv  aotyiaT&v  ovrio  Xtyei'  tovq 
fjiev  vojxovq  aypcapovg  elvat. 

2  Ol  ayopardfxoi  .  .  .  bloTroiovcri,  Kcti  Kara  $EKa  aracia  otZ/X^j', 
TiQiaai  rag  EKrpoirag  Ka\  to.  Ztaar^fxara  drjXovaae. 

3  Curtius,  8,  9.  "  Libri  arborum  teneri,  haud  secus  quara  charts 
literarum  notas  ©apiunt." 

4  Strabo,  xv.  73.  Tijv  £t  ETnaroXi]v  eXXtjiu^elp  ev  fotydipa  yt~ 
•ypafiftipqv* 

5  Herodotus,  v.  58. 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  517 

Nearchus  himself,  who  ascribes  to  the  Indians  the 
art  of  making  paper  from  cotton.  Now,  in  looking 
for  traces  of  writing  before  Alexander's  time,  we  find 
in  the  Lalita-vistara,  which  contains  the  life  of  Bud- 
dha, that  the  young  Sakya  is  represented  as  learn- 
ing to  write.  Though  the  Lalita-vistara  cannot  be 
regarded  as  a  contemporaneous  witness,  it  is  never- 
theless a  canonical  book  of  the  Buddhists,  and,  as  such, 
must  be  ascribed  to  the  third  council.  It  was  trans- 
lated into  Chinese  76  a.  d.  As  we  have  seen,  before, 
the  system  of  instruction  practised  in  the  lecture- 
rooms  of  the  Brahmans,  it  will  perhaps  be  of  interest 
to  glance  at  the  schools  in  which  Buddha  was  educated, 
or  supposed  to  have  been  educated. 

"  When  the  young  prince  had  grown,  he  was  led 
to  the  writing-school  (lipisala).1  We  may  leave  out 
all  the  wonderful  things  that  happened  on  this  occa- 
sion, how  he  received  a  hundred  thousand  blessings, 
how  he  was  surrounded  by  ten  thousand  children, 
preceded  by  ten  thousand  chariots  full  of  sweetmeats, 
of  silver  and  gold ;  how  the  town  of  Kapilavastu  was 
cleansed,  how  music  sounded  everywhere,  and  showers 
of  flowers  were  poured  from  the  roofs,  windows,  and 
balconies  ;  how,  not  satisfied  with  this,  celestial  ladies 
walked  before  him  to  clear  the  road,  and  the  daugh- 
ters of  the  wind  scattered  celestial  flowers,  besides 
other  fabulous  beings  who  all  came  to  honour  the 
Bodhisatva  as  he  went  to  school.  These  marginal 
illustrations  may  be  dropped  in  all  Buddhist  books, 
though  they  leave  but  little  room  for  the  text.   When 


1  Lalita-Vistara,  Adhyaya,  x.  This  work  has  lately  been  edited 
and  partially  translated  by  Babu  Rajendralal  Mitra,  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  Sanskrit  scholars  in  India. 

LL   3 


518  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

Buddha  entered  the  school,  Visvamitra,  the  school- 
master (darakacharya),  unable  to  bear  the  majesty  of 
the  Bodhisatva' s  presence,  fell  to  the  ground,  and  had 
to  be  lifted  up  by  an  angel,  named  Subhanga.  After 
the  king  Suddhodana  and  his  suite  had  left,  the  nurses 
and  attendants  sat  down,  and  the  Bodhisatva  took  a  leaf 
to  write  on  (lipiphalaka)  made  of  sandal- wood  (uraga- 
sarachandana-mayam).  He  then  asked  Visvamitra 
what  writing  he  was  going  to  teach  him.  Here  fol- 
low sixty- four  names,  apparently  names  of  alphabets,1 
all  of  which  the  Bodhisatva  is  acquainted  with,  whereas 
Visvamitra  is  obliged  to  confess  his  ignorance.  Never- 
theless the  Bodhisatva  stays  at  school,  and  learns  to 
write,  together  with  ten  thousand  boys.2 

1  The  most  interesting  names  are  Anga  (Bhagalpur),  Banga 
(Bengal),  Magadha,  Dravida,  Dakshina  (Dekhan),  Darada,  Khasya 
(Cassia  hills),  China  (Chinese),  Huna,  Deva  (Devanagari),  Bhau- 
madeva  (Brahman),  Uttarakurus,  anudruta  (cursive). 

2  The  following  passage  from  the  Evangelium  Infantise  (ed. 
Kike,  p.  143.)  offers  a  curious  parallel :  "  Eratporro  Hierosolymis 
quidam  Zachrcus  nomine,  qui  juventutem  erudiebat.  Dicebat  hie 
Josepho  :  Quare  non  mittis  ad  me  Jesum,  ut  literas  discat  ?  An- 
nuebat  illi  Josephus,  et  ad  Divam  Mariam  hoc  referebat.  Ad 
magistrum  itaque  ilium  ducebant ;  qui  simulatque  eum  conspexerat 
Alphabetum  ipsi  conscripsit,  utque  Aleph  diceret  praecepit.  Et 
eum  dixisset  Aleph,  magister  ipsum  Beth  pronunciare  jubebat. 
Cui  Dominus  Jesus  :  Die  mihi  prius  significationem  literae  Aleph, 
et  turn  Beth  pronunciabo.  Cumque  magister  verbera  ipsi  inten- 
taret,  exponebat  illi  Dominus  Jesus  significationes  literarum  Aleph 
et  Beth  ;  item,  quamam  literarum  figurae  essent  rectae,  qusenam 
obliqua3,  quaenam  duplicatae,  qua?  punctis  insignitaa,  qua?  iisdem 
carentes  ;  quare  una  litera  aliam  precederet;  aliaque  plurima 
enarrare  ccepit  et  elucidare,  quae  magister  ipse  nee  audiverat  un- 
quam  nee  in  libro  ullo  legerat.  Dixit  porro  magistro  Dominus 
Jesus  :  Attende,  ut  dicam  tibi,  coepitque  clare  et  distincte  reci- 
tare,  Aleph,  Beth,  Gimel,  Daleth,  usque  ad  finem  41phabeti. 
Quod  miratus    magister,    Hunc,   inquit,  puerum   ante   Noachum 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  519 

The  alphabet  which  he  learns  is  the  common  Sans- 
krit alphabet,  with  the  omission  of  the  letters  1,  ri, 
and  ri.  It  consists  of  45  letters,  and,  as  in  our 
own  primers,  every  letter  is  followed  by  a  word 
containing  that  letter  at  the  beginning  or  in  the 
middle.  These  words  in  the  Lalita-vistara  are  so 
chosen  as  to  illustrate  some  of  the  chief  points  of 
Buddha's  own  doctrines.  The  alphabet  is :  —  a,  a,  i, 
i,  u,  u,  e,  ai,  o,  au,  am,  ah ;  k,  kh,  g,  gh,  n ;  ch,  chh, 
j,  jh,  n ;  t,  th,  d,  dh,  n;  t,  th,  d,  dh,  n;  p,  ph,  b,  bh, 
m;  y,  r,  v;  s,  sh,  s,  h,  ksh. 

Though  the  further  education  of  Buddha  is  not 
fully  described,  we  see  him  soon  afterwards,  in  a 
general  competition,  the  most  distinguished  scholar, 
arithmetician,  musician,  and  everything  else.1  This 
comprehensive  system  of  education,  through  which 
Buddha  is  here  represented  to  have  passed,  is  the 
very  opposite  of  that  followed  by  the  Brahmans.  We 
nowhere  meet  in  the  Buddhist  literature  with  those 
strong  imprecations  against  book-learning  which  we 
found  among  the  Brahmans,  and  which  may  be  heard, 
I  believe,  even  at  the  present  day. 

If,  thus,  the  first,  though  rather  legendary,  trace  of 
writing,  as  a  part  of  the  elementary  education  in  India, 
is  2  discovered  in  the  life  of  Buddha,  it  is  curious  to 

natura  esse  existimo  ;  conversusque  ad  Josephum,  Adduxisti,  ait, 
ad  me  erudiendum  puerum,  raagistris  omnibus  doctiorem.  Divae 
quoque  Mariae  inquit :  Filio  tuo  nulla  doctrina  opus  est."  The 
Gospel  of  Thomas  the  Israelite,  or  the  Book  of  Thomas  the  Isra- 
elite, the  philosopher,  concerning  the  acts  which  the  Lord  did, 
when  a  child,  was  most  popular  in  the  east. 

1  Among  the  subjects  in  which  he  shows  his  learning,  figure 
Nirghantu,  Nigama,  Purana,  Itihasa,  Veda,  Vyakarana,  Nirukta, 
6iksha,  Chhandas,  Kalpa,  Jyotisha,  Sankhya,  Yoga,  Vaiseshika. 

2  In  an  ancient  inscription  of  Khandgiri  (Journal  of  the  Asiat. 

l,  i.  4 


520  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

observe  that  the  first  actual  writing,  the  first  well 
authenticated  inscription  in  India,  is  likewise  of  Bud- 
dhist origin.  There  are  no  Brahmanic  inscriptions 
earlier  than  the  Buddhist  inscriptions  of  Asoka  on  the 
rocks  of  Kapurdigiri,  Dhauli,  and  Girnar.  They  be- 
long to  the  third  century  before  Christ.  They  call 
themselves  lipi,  a  writing !,  or  dharmalipi 2,  a  sacred 
writing ;  and  they  mention  the  writer  or  engraver  by 
the  name  of  lipikara3  This  last  word  lipikara  is  an 
important  word,  for  it  is  the  only  word  in  the  Sutras 
of  Panini  which  can  be  legitimately  adduced  to  prove 
that  Panini  was  acquainted  with  the  art  of  writing. 
He  teaches  the  formation  of  this  word,  iii.  2,  21. 
There  is  indeed  another  passage,  which  has  frequently 
been  quoted,  where  Panini  teaches  the  formation  of 
the  adjective  yavanani.  This  is  simply  the  feminine 
of  yavana,  as  Indrdni  is  of  Indra.  Katyayana, 
however,  and  the  Commentator,  both  maintain  that 
yavandni  is  used  as  a  name  of  lipi,  and  that  it  meant 
the  writing  of  the  Yavanas.  I  see  no  reason  to  doubt 
that  most  of  the  examples  which  we  find  in  the  Com- 
mentaries go  back  to  the  very  time  of  Panini,  and  I 
am  quite  willing  to  admit  that  Panini  gave  his  rule 
on  yavanani  simply  in  order  to  explain  this  word  as 
the  name  of  a  certain  alphabet.    But  I  must  demur  to 


Soc.  of  Bengal,  vi.  318.),  a  king  is  mentioned  who  in  his  youth 
learned  to  write,  and  was  taught,  besides,  arithmetic,  navigation, 
commerce,  and  law  ("  tato  likharupagana  nava  vyapara  vidhi  visa- 
radena  "). 

1  Etaya  athaya  iyam  lipi  likhita ;  for  this  purpose  was  the  writ- 
ing written. 

2  Iyam  dhammalipi  Devanam  piyena  piyadasina  rana  likhapita 
asti  eva.  (p.  752.) 

3  Burnouf,  Lotus,  p.  752. 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  521 

any  further  conclusions.  Yavana  is  by  no  means  the 
exclusive  name  of  the  Greeks  or  Ionians.  Professor 
Lassen  has  proved  that  it  had  a  much  wider  meaning, 
and  that  it  was  even  used  of  Semitic  nations.  There 
is  nothing  to  prove  that  Panini  was  later  than  Alex- 
ander, or  that  he  was  acquainted  with  Greek  litera- 
ture. In  the  Lalita-vistara,  where  all  possible  alpha- 
bets are  mentioned,  nothing  is  said  of  a  Yavanani  or 
a  Greek  alphabet.  The  Sanskrit  alphabet,  though  it 
has  always  been  suspected  to  be  derived  from  a  Semitic 
source,  has  not  certainly  been  traced  back  to  a  Greek 
source.  It  shows  more  similarity  with  the  Aramasan 
than  with  any  other  variety  of  the  Phoenician  alpha- 
bet.1 Yavanani  lipi  most  likely  means  that  variety  of 
the  Semitic  alphabet  which,  previous  to  Alexander,  and 
previous  to  Panini,  became  the  type  of  the  Indian 
alphabet.  But  all  this  is  merely  conjectural.  It  is 
impossible  to  arrive  at  any  certain  interpretation  of 
Yavanani,  as  used  by  Panini ;  and  it  is  much  better  to 
confess  this,  than  to  force  the  word  into  an  argument 
for  any  preconceived  notions  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
Indian  alphabet. 

There  is  another  word  in  Panini  which  might  seem 
to  prove  that,  not  only  the  art  of  writing,  but  written 
books  were  known  at  his  time.  This  is  grantha.  Gran- 
tha  occurs  four  times  in  our  texts  of  Panini.2   In  I.  3, 

1  Lepsius,  Zwei  sprachvergleichende  Abhandlungen,  p.  78., 
Schulze's  conjecture  about  Mesnud.    Weber,  Indische  Skizzen. 


522  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

75.  it  is  so  used  as  to  apply  to  the  Veda.  In  IV.  3,  87. 
it  may  refer  to  any  work.  In  IV.  3,  116.  it  is  applied 
to  the  work  of  any  individual  author.  In  VI.  3,  79.  it 
may  refer  to  any  work  that  is  studied.  I  do  not  attri- 
bute much  importance  to  the  fact  that  I.  3.  75.  and 
IV.  3,  116.  are  marked  as  not  explained  in  the  Com- 
mentaries ;  for  I  confess  that  in  none  of  these  four  pas- 
sages can  I  discover  anything  to  prove  that  graniha 
must  mean  a  written  or  a  bound  book.  Grantha  is 
derived  from  a  root  gratJi,  which  means  nectere,  severe. 
Grantha,  therefore,  like  the  later  sandarbha,  would 
simply  mean  a  composition.1  It  corresponds  etymo- 
logically  with  the  Latin  textus.  Thus  it  is  used  by 
the  Commentator  to  Nir.  I.  20.,  where  he  says  that 
former  teachers  handed  down  the  hymns  granthato 
'rthatascha,  "  according  to  their  text  and  according 
to  their  meaning."  In  the  later  literature  of  India 
grantha  was  used  for  a  volume,  and  in  granthaMtt, 
a  library,  we  see  clearly  that  it  lias  that  meaning. 
But  in  the  early  literature  grantha  does  not  mean 
jmstaka,  or  book ;  it  means  simply  a  composition, 
as  opposed  to  a  traditional  work. 

This  distinction  between  traditional  works  and 
works  composed  by  individual  authors  is  of  frequent 
occurrence  in  Panini,  and  we  attempted,  in  a  former 
part  of  this  work,  to  draw  some  historical  conclusions 
from  this  distinction.  From  IV.  3,  101.  to  111.  the 
grammarian  gives  rules  how  to  derive  the  titles  of 
works  from  the  names  of  those  by  whom  they  were 
proclaimed  (tena  proktam).  But  in  most  cases  these 
derivations  are  used  by  Panini  as  intermediate  links 

1  Thus  the  Commentator  to  the  Rig-veda,  1,  67,  4.  explains  chri- 
tanti  by  agnim  uddisya  stutir  grathnanti,  kurvantityarthah. 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING.  523 

only,  in  order  to  form  the  names  of  Charanas  who 
read  and  preserve  these  works.  Never,  he  says  (IV. 
2,  titi.),  use  the  derivative,  which  would  be  the 
title  of  a  work,  in  the  case  of  hymns  (chhandas^ 
or  Brahmanas.  Do  not  call  a  work  proclaimed 
by  Katha,  Katham,  but  only  speak  of  Kathas,  L  e. 
those  who  hand  down  the  works  proclaimed  by  Katha. 
Another  still  more  significant  restriction  is  made 
by  Panini.  With  reference  to  modern  works,  he 
says,  you  may  use  the  neuter  in  the  singular  or 
plural,  instead  of  the  plural  of  the  masculine.  The 
Brahmanas  taught  by  Yajnavalkya  may  be  spoken 
of  as  such.  But  the  ancient  Brahmanas,  first  pro- 
claimed by  Bhallava  &c,  can  only  be  spoken  of  as 
"the  Bhallavins"  (Bhallavida3),  because  it  is  only  in 
the  tradition  of  his  descendants  that  the  works  of 
Bhallava  and  other  ancient  sages  may  be  said  to  live. 
However  we  examine  the  ancient  Sanskrit  phra- 
seology with  regard  to  books  and  their  authors,  we 
invariably  arrive  at  the  same  results.  In  the  most 
ancient  literature,  the  idea  even  of  authorship  is  ex- 
cluded. Yvrorks  are  spoken  of  as  revealed  to  and  com- 
municated by  certain  sages,  but  not  as  composed  by 
them.  In  the  later  literature  of  the  Brahmana  and 
Sutra  period  the  idea  of  authorship  is  admitted, 
but  no  trace  is  to  be  found  anywhere  of  any  books 
being  committed  to  writing.  It  is  possible  I  may  have 
overlooked  some  words  in  the  Brahmanas  and  Sutras, 
which  would  prove  the  existence  of  written  books 
previous  to  Panini.  If  so,  it  is  not  from  any  wish  to 
suppress  them.  I  believe,  indeed,  that  the  Brahmanas 
were  preserved  by  oral  tradition  only,  but  I  should 
feel  inclined  to  claim  an  acquaintance  with  the  art  of 
writing  for  the  authors  of  the  Sutras.     And  there  is 


524  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  WRITING. 

one  word  which  seems  to  strengthen  such  a  supposi- 
tion. We  find  that  several  of  the  Sutras  are  divided 
into  chapters  called  patalas.  This  is  a  word 
never  used  for  the  subdivisions  of  the  Brahraanas. 
Its  meaning  is  a  covering,  the  surrounding  skin  or 
membrane ;  it  is  also  used  for  a  tree.  If  so,  it  would 
seem  to  be  almost  synonymous  with  liber  and  0/#?vo£, 
and  it  would  mean  book,  after  meaning  originally  a 
sheet  of  paper  made  of  the  surrounding  bark  of  trees. 
If  writing  came  in  towards  the  latter  half  of  the 
Sutra  period,  it  would  no  doubt  be  applied  at  the 
same  time  to  reducing  the  hymns  and  Brahmanas 
to  a  written  form.  Previously  to  that  time,  however, 
we  are  bound  to  maintain  that  the  collection  of  the 
hymns,  and  the  immense  mass  of  the  Brahmana  lite- 
rature, were  preserved  by  means  of  oral  tradition 
only. 


525 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    CHHANDAS    PEEIOD. 

The  three  periods  of  Yedic  literature  which  we  have 
examined,  the  Sutra,  Brahmana,  and  Mantra  periods, 
all  point  to  some  earlier  age  which  gave  birth  to  the 
poetry  of  the  early  Rishis.  There  was  a  time,  doubt- 
less, when  the  songs  which  were  collected  with  such 
careful  zeal  in  the  Mantra  period,  commented  upon 
with  such  elaborate  pedantry  during  the  Brahmana 
period,  and  examined  and  analysed  with  such  minute 
exactness  during  the  Sutra  period,  lived  and  were 
understood  without  any  effort  by  a  simple  and  pious 
race.  There  was  a  time  when  the  sacrifices,  which 
afterwards  became  so  bewildering  a  system  of  cere- 
monies, were  dictated  by  the  free  impulse  of  the 
human  heart,  by  a  yearning  to  render  thanks  to  some 
Unknown  Being,  and  to  repay,  in  words  or  deeds,  a 
debt  of  gratitude,  accumulated  from  the  first  breath 
of  life.  There  was  a  time  when  the  poet  was  the 
leader,  the  king,  and  priest  of  his  family  or  tribe, 
when  his  songs  and  sayings  were  listened  to  in  an- 
xious silence  and  with  implicit  faith,  when  his  prayers 
were  repeated  by  crowds  who  looked  up  to  their 
kings  and  priests,  their  leaders  and  judges,  as  men 
better,  nobler,  wiser  than  the  rest,  as  beings  nearer 
to  the  gods  in  proportion  as  they  were  raised  above 


526  THE  CIIIIANDAS  PERIOD. 

the  common  level  of  mankind.  These  men  themselves 
living  a  life  of  perfect  freedom,  speaking  a  language 
not  yet  broken  by  literary  usage,  and  thinking 
thoughts  unfettered  as  yet  by  traditional  chains, 
were  at  once  teachers,  lawgivers,  poets,  and  priests. 
There  is  no  very  deep  wisdom  in  their  teaching, 
their  laws  are  simple,  their  poetry  shows  no  very 
high  flights  of  fancy,  and  their  religion  might  be  told 
in  a  few  words.  But  what  there  is  of  their  language, 
poetry,  and  religion  has  a  charm  which  no  other  period 
of  Indian  literature  possesses :  it  is  spontaneous,  ori- 
ginal, and  truthful. 

We  cannot  say  this  of  all  the  hymns:  nay,  the  greater 
portion  of  what  we  now  possess  of  Yedic  poetry  must, 
no  doubt,  be  ascribed  to  a  secondary  period,  the  so- 
called  Mantra  period.  But  after  we  have  discarded 
what  bears  the  stamp  of  a  later  age,  there  remains 
enough  to  give  us  an  idea  of  an  earlier  race  of  Yedic 
poets.  It  is  true,  no  doubt,  in  one  sense,  that  even 
those  earliest  specimens  of  Yedic  poetry  belong,  as  has 
been  said  by  Bunsen,  to  the  modern  history  of  the 
human  race.  Ages  must  have  passed  before  the 
grammatical  texture  of  the  Yedic  Sanskrit  could 
have  assumed  the  consistency  and  regularity  which  it 
shows  throughout.  Every  tense,  every  mood,  every 
number  and  person  of  the  verb  is  fixed,  and  all  the 
terminations  of  the  cases  are  firmly  established. 
Every  one  of  these  terminations  was  originally  an  in- 
dependent word  with  an  independent  meaning.  Their 
first  selection  was  more  or  less  the  result  of  individual 
choice,  their  technical  character  the  result  of  long 
usage.  There  was  more  than  one  word  for  i,  and 
more  than  one  expression  for  the  verb  to  be.  The 
selection  of  mi%  as  the  termination  of  the  first  person 


ANTECEDENT  ELEMENTS.  527 

singular,  the  selection  of  as  in  the  sense  of  to  be,  and 
the  joining  of  the  two  so  as  to  produce  the  auxiliary 
verb  asmi,  I  am,  all  this  was  a  conventional  act,  the 
act  of  one  or  two  individuals,  fixed  by  circumstances 
which  were  more  or  less  accidental.  If,  then,  we  find 
the  same  combination  in  the  ancient  Greek  la-^i,  and 
the  modern  Lithuanian  esrai,  it  is  clear  that  the  origin 
of  that  form  goes  back  to  times  long  anterior  to  the 
separate  existence  of  Sanskrit,  Greek,  and  Lithuanian. 
As  soy,  suisy  and  sono  are  modern  modifications  that 
point  back  to  an  earlier  type,  the  Latin  sum,  the 
Sanskrit  asmi,  Greek  e<rp,  Lithuanian  esmi,  are  like- 
wise but  the  modern  representatives  of  some  earlier 
typical  form,  which  existed  in  the  undivided  language 
of  the  Aryan  race. 

The  same  applies  to  the  religion  of  the  Yeda. 
Words  like  deva  for  'god'  mark  a  more  than  secondary 
stage  in  the  grammar  of  the  Aryan  religion.  To  use 
the  root  div,  '  to  shine,'  with  reference  to  the  heavenly 
bodies,  was  the  result  of  a  free  choice.  There  were 
other  roots  which  might  have  been  used  instead.  Nor 
was  it  by  any  means  a  necessity  that  the  presence  of 
a  Divine  Power  should  be  felt  exclusively  in  the 
bright  manifestations  of  nature.  All  this  was  the 
result  of  a  historical  growth  ;  and  the  early  periods  of 
that  growth  had  passed  away  long  before  the  Rishis 
of  India  could  have  worshipped  their  JDevas  or  their 
bright  beings,  with  sacred  hymns  and  invocations. 

From  this  point  of  view  the  Vedic  language  and 
poetry  may  be  ascribed  to  a  modern  or  secondary 
period  in  the  history  of  the  world,  if  only  it  be  under- 
stood that  what  preceded  that  period  in  India,  or  in 
any  other  part  of  the  Aryan  world,  is  lost  to  us  beyond 
the  hope  of  recovery,  and  that,  therefore,  to  us  the 


528  ANTECEDENT  ELEMENTS. 

Veda  represents  the  most  ancient  chapter  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  human  intellect.  We  find  no  traces  in 
the  Yeda,  or  in  any  Aryan  work,  of  a  growing  lan- 
guage, growing  in  the  sense  in  which  some  of  the 
Turanian  languages  may  be  said  to  be  still  growing 
at  the  present  day.1  The  whole  grammatical  mecha- 
nism is  finished,  the  most  complicated  forms  are  sanc- 
tioned, and  the  only  changes  of  which  the  Aryan 
speech,  arrived  at  the  point  where  we  find  it  in  the 
Yeda,  admits,  are  those  of  gradual  decay  and  recom- 
position.  Nor  do  we  find  any  traces,  in  the  Yeda,  of 
a  growing  religion.  We  look  in  vain  for  the  effect 
produced  on  the  human  mind  by  the  first  rising  of 
the  idea  of  God.  To  the  poets  of  the  Yeda  that  idea  is 
an  old  and  familiar  idea :  it  is  understood,  never  ques- 
tioned, never  denied.  We  shall  never  hear  what  was 
felt  by  man  when  the  image  of  God  arose  in  all  its  ma- 
jesty before  his  eyes,  assuming  a  reality  before  which 
all  other  realities  faded  away  into  a  mere  shadow. 
No  whisper  will  ever  reach  us  of  that  sacred  colloquy 
when  God  for  the  first  time  spoke  to  man,  and  man 
to  God ;  when  man  within  his  own  heart  heard  that 
still  small  voice  through  which  the  Father  of  mankind 
revealed  himself  to  all  his  children,  to  the  Jew  first, 
and  also  to  the  Gentile  ;  and  when  God  received  the 
first  response  from  human  lips  :  "  Who  art  thou, 
Lord  ?  "  That  first  recognition  of  God,  that  first 
perception  of  the  real  presence  of  God,  —  a  perception 
without  which  no  religion,  whether  natural  or  revealed, 
can  exist  or  grow,  —  belonged  to  the  past  when  the 
songs  of  the  Yeda  were  written.     The  idea  of  God, 

1   See  my  Letter  on  the    Classification  of  the  Turanian    lan- 
guages, p.  30. 


ANTECEDENT  ELEMENTS.  529 

though  never  entirely  lost,  had  been  clouded  over  by 
errors.  The  names  given  to  God  had  been  changed 
to  gods,  and  their  real  meaning  had  faded  away  from 
the  memory  of  man.  Even  the  earliest  hymns  of  the 
Veda  are  not  free  from  mythological  phraseology. 
How  far  the  poets  retained  a  vague  consciousness  of 
the  original  purport  of  the  names  of  the  gods  is  diffi- 
cult to  say.  To  our  eyes  the  science  of  language  has 
disclosed  the  smallest  fibres  in  the  tissue  of  these 
names,  and  allowed  us  an  insight  into  the  darkest 
secrets  of  their  growth.  We  can  see  nomina,  where  even 
the  most  keen-sighted  native  could  discover  nothing 
but  numina.  Sometimes,  however,  we  feel  surprised  at 
the  precision  with  which  even  such  modern  writers  as 
Kumarila  are  able  to  read  the  true  meaning  of  their 
mythology.  When  Kumarila  is  hard  pressed  by  his 
opponents  about  the  immoralities  of  his  gods,  he 
answers  with  all  the  freedom  of  a  comparative  myco- 
logist l :  "  It  is  fabled  that  Prajapati,  the  Lord  of 
Creation,  did  violence  to  his  daughter.  But  what 
does  it  mean  ?  Prajapati,  the  Lord  of  Creation,  is  a 
name  of  the  sun  ;  and  he  is  called  so,  because  he  pro- 

M   M 


530  THE  CHHANDAS  PERIOD. 

tects  all  creatures.  His  daughter  Ushas  is  the  dawn. 
And  when  it  is  said  that  he  was  in  love  with  her,  this 
only,  means  that,  at  sunrise,  the  sun  runs  after  the 
dawn,  the  dawn  being  at  the  same  time  called  the 
daughter  of  the  sun,  because  she  rises  when  he  ap- 
proaches. In  the  same  manner,  if  it  is  said  that 
Indra  was  the  seducer  of  Ahalya,  this  does  not  imply 
that  the  god  Indra  committed  such  a  crime ;  but  Indra 
means  the  sun,  and  Ahalya  (from  ahan  and  li)  the 
night ;  and,  as  the  night  is  seduced  and  ruined  by  the 
sun  of  the  morning,  therefore  is  Indra  called  the 
paramour  of  Ahalya." 

But  in  spite  of  the  mythological  character  which 
the  religion  of  India  has  assumed  in  the  Veda,  in  spite 
of  other  traces  which  show  that  even  its  most  pri- 
mitive hymns  rest  on  numerous  underlying  strata 
of  more  primitive  thoughts  and  feelings,  we  should 
look  in  vain,  in  any  other  literature  of  the  Aryan  na- 
tions, to  Greece  or  Rome,  for  documents  from  which 
to  study  that  important  chapter  in  the  history  of 
mankind  which  we  can  study  in  the  Yeda,  —  the 
transition  from  a  natural  into  an  artificial  religion. 

In  a  history  of  Sanskrit  literature  the  Chhandas 
period,  though  the  most  interesting  from  a  philoso- 
phical point  of  view,  can  occupy  but  a  small  place. 
It  is  represented  by  a  very  limited  literature,  by  those 
few  hymns  which  show  none  of  the  signs  of  a  more 
modern  origin  which  we  discussed  when  treating  on 
the  Mantra  period.  Their  number  will  necessarily 
vary  according  to  the  rules  which  critics  follow 
in  testing  the  age  and  character  of  earlier  and 
later  hymns.  This  critical  separation  can  be  carried 
out  successfully  only  after  a  comprehensive  exami- 
nation of  the  leading  ideas  of  the  whole  Vedic  poetry, 


HYMN  TO  THE  VISVE  DEVAS.  531 

and  it  could  not  be  attempted  within  the  small  com- 
pass of  this  work.  All  I  can  do  in  this  place  is  to 
give  a  few  hymns  which  in  thought  and  language  re- 
present the  general  character  of  genuine  Yedic  poetry, 
and  to  contrast  them  with  some  other  hymns  which 
decidedly  belong  to  a  later  period. 

The  following  hymn  is  ascribed  to  Manu  Yaiva- 
svata:  viii.  30. 

1.  Among  you,  0  gods,  there  is  none  that  is  small, 
none  that  is  young :  you  all  are  great  indeed. 

2.  Be  thus  praised,  ye  destroyers  of  foes,  you  who 
are  thirty  and  three,  you  the  sacred  gods  of  Manu. 

3.  Defend  us,  help  us,  bless  us !  do  not  lead  us  far 
away  from  the  path  of  our  fathers,  from  the  path  of 
Manu! 

4.  You  who  are  here,  0  gods,  all  of  you,  and  wor- 
shipped by  all  men,  give  us  your  broad  protection, 
give  it  to  cow  and  horse. 

There  is  nothing  striking,  nothing  that  displays 
any  warmth  of  feeling  or  power  of  expression  in  this 
hymn.  The  number  of  thirty-three,  assigned  to  the 
gods  of  Manu,  would  rather  tend  to  refer  its  com- 
position to  a  time  when  the  gods  of  old  had 
been  gathered  up  and  had  been  subjected  to  a 
strict  census.  Nevertheless,  the  hymn  is  simple 
and  primitive  in  thought  and  language  ;  and  the  fact 
of  its  being  ascribed  to  Manu  Yaivasvata  shows  that 
the  Brahman s  themselves  looked  upon  it  as  a  relic  of 
one  of  their  earliest  sages.  That  Manu  himself  should 
be  mentioned  in  the  hymn  seems  to  have  caused  no 
scruple  to  the  Brahmans ;  nor  is  it  any  real  difficulty 
from  our  own  point  of  view.     No  man  of  the  name  of 

M   M   2 


532  HYMN  TO  THE  VFi§VE  DEVAS. 

Manu  ever  existed.  Manu  was  never  more  than  a  name 
— one  of  the  oldest  names  for  man ;  and  it  was  given 
in  India,  as  elsewhere,  to  the  supposed  ancestor  or  an- 
cestors of  the  human  race.  The  Brahman s,  however, 
like  most  Aryan  nations,  changed  the  appellative  into  a 
proper  name.  They  believed  in  a  real  Manu,  or  in  seve- 
ral real  Manus,  to  whom  they  assigned  various  cogno- 
mina,  such  as  Vaivasvata,  Apsava  (Rv.  ix.  7.  3), 
Samvarana  (Rv.  ix.  6.  5).  All  of  these  they  natu- 
rally counted  as  among  the  earliest  of  human  Rishis ; 
and  the  hymns  which  they  ascribed  to  them  must 
have  belonged  in  their  eyes  to  the  earliest  and  most 
important  class. 

In  one  sense  it  is  true,  no  doubt,  that  invocations 
of  all  the  gods,  the  Visve  Devas  '  as  they  are  called, 
represent  a  later  phase  of  thought  than  invocations 
of  single  deities.  Nevertheless,  there  is  nothing  to 
show  that  this  comprehensive  view  of  all  the  deities 
belongs  to  an  age  later  than  that  which  gave  rise  to 
the  most  ancient  hymns  which  we  possess,  and  which 
celebrate  the  power  and  majesty  of  individual  deities, 
such  as  Varuna,  Indra,  Agni  (fire),  the  Maruts  (the 
winds),  Ushas  (dawn),  &c.  When  these  individual 
gods  are  invoked,  they  are  not  conceived  as  limited 
by  the  power  of  others,  as  superior  or  inferior  in 
rank.  Each  god  is  to  the  mind  of  the  supplicant  as 
good  as  all  the  gods.  He  is  felt,  at  the  time,  as  a 
real  divinity — as  supreme  and  absolute,  in  spite  of  the 
necessary  limitations  which,  to  our  mind,  a  plurality 
of  gods  must  entail  on  every  single  god.  All  the 
rest   disappear    for   a   moment   from   the   vision   of 

1  Visve  Devah,  though  treated  as  a  plural,  has  sometimes  the 
meaning  of  a  pluralis  ?najestaticus.  See  Ewald,  Ausfuhrliches 
Lehrbuch,  §  178,  b. 


HYMN  TO  THE  VISVE  DEVAS.  533 

the  poet,  and  he  only  who  is  to  fulfil  their  desires 
stands  in  full  light  before  the  eyes  of  the  worshippers. 
"  Among  you,  0  gods,  there  is  none  that  is  small,  none 
that  is  young  ;  you  are  all  great  indeed,"  is  a  sentiment 
which,  though,  perhaps,  not  so  distinctly  expressed 
as  by  Manu  Vaivasvata,  nevertheless,  underlies  all 
the  poetry  of  the  Veda.  Although  the  gods  are 
sometimes  distinctly  invoked  as  the  great  and  the 
small,  the  young  and  the  old  (Rv.  i.  27.  13),  this  is 
only  an  attempt  to  find  the  most  comprehensive  ex- 
pression for  the  divine  powers,  and  nowhere  is  any  of 
the  gods  represented  as  the  slave  of  others.  It  would 
be  easy  to  find,  in  the  numerous  hymns  of  the  Veda, 
passages  in  which  almost  every  single  god  is  repre- 
sented as  supreme  and  absolute.  In  the  first  hymn 
of  the  second  Mandala,  Agni  is  called  the  ruler  of  the 
universe1,  the  lord  of  men,  the  wise  king,  the  father, 
the  brother,  the  son,  and  friend  of  men2 ;  nay,  all  the 
powers  and  names  of  the  others  are  distinctly  ascribed 
to  Agni.  The  hymn  belongs,  no  doubt,  to  the  modern 
compositions ;  yet,  though  Agni  is  thus  highly  exalted 
in  it,  nothing  is  said  to  disparage  the  divine  character  of 
the  other  gods.  Indra  is  celebrated  as  the  strongest 
god  in  the  hymns  as  well  as  in  the  Brahmanas,  and  the 
burden  of  one  of  the  songs  of  the  tenth  book3  is :  Visva- 
smad  Indra  uttarah,  "  Indra  is  greater  than  all."  Of 
Soma  it  is  said  that  he  was  born  great,  and  that  he 
conquers  every  one.4  He  is  called  the  king  of  the 
world5,  he  has  the  power  to  prolong  the  life  of  men6, 


t^  f^T^F  *$T*ffaT   *T<2J"^  I    ii-  1-  8.       See  Nirukta-pari- 


sishta,  i. 

2  ii.  1.  9.  3  x.  86. 

4  ix.  59.  5  ix.  96.  10.,  bhuvanasya  raja. 

<5  ix.  96.  14. 

II  M  3 


534  HYMN  TO  VARUNA. 

and  in  one  sense  he  is  called  the  maker  of  heaven  and 
earth,  of  Agni,  of  Surya,  of  Indra,  and  of  Vishnu.1 

If  we  read  the  next  hymn,  which  is  addressed  to 
Varuna  (oupavog),  we  perceive  that  the  god  here  in- 
voked is,  to  the  mind  of  the  poet,  supreme  and  all- 
mighty.  Nevertheless,  he  is  one  of  the  gods  who  is 
almost  always  represented  in  fellowship  with  another, 
Mitra;  and  even  in  our  hymn  there  is  one  verse, 
the  sixth,  in  which  Varuna  and  Mitra  are  invoked  in 
the  dual.  Yet  what  more  could  human  language 
achieve,  in  trying  to  express  the  idea  of  a  divine 
and  supreme  power,  than  what  our  poet  says  of 
Varuna;  —  "Thou  art  lord  of  all,  of  heaven  and 
earth."  Or,  as  is  said  in  another  hymn  (ii.  27.  10.), 
"  Thou  art  the  king  of  all ;  of  those  who  are  gods, 
and  of  those  who  are  men."  Nor  is  Varuna  repre- 
sented as  the  Lord  of  nature  only.  He  Tmows 
the  order  of  nature,  and  upholds  it ;  for  this  is  what 
is  meant  by  dhritavrata.2  Varuna,  therefore,  knows 
the  twelve  months,  and  even  the  thirteenth  ;  he  knows 
the  course  of  the  wind,  the  birds  in  the  air,  and  the 
ships  of  the  sea.  He  knows  all  the  wondrous  works 
of  nature,  and  he  looks  not  only  into  the  past  but  into 
the  future  also.  But,  more  than  all  this,  Varuna 
watches  over  the  order  of  the  moral  world.  The  poet 
begins  with  a  confession  that  he  has  neglected  the 
works  of  Varuna,  that  he  has  offended  against  his 
laws.  He  craves  his  pardon;  he  appeals  in  self- 
defence  to  the  weakness  of  human  nature ;  he  depre- 
cates death  as  the  reward  of  sin.     His  devotion  is  all 

1  ix.  96.  5. 

2  Vrata  means  what  must  be  done,  and  these  Vratas  or  laws  are 
not  to  be  shaken  (aprachyuta)  because  "  they  rest  on  Varuna  as 
on  a  rock."     (Rv.  ii.  28.  8.) 


HYMN  TO  VARUNA.  535 

lie  has  wherewith  to  appease  the  anger  of  his  god  ;  and 
how  natural  the  feeling,  when  he  hopes  to  soothe  the 
god  by  his  prayers  as  a  horse  is  soothed  by  kind 
words.  The  poet  has  evidently  felt  the  anger  of 
Varuna.  His  friends,  wishing  for  booty  elsewhere, 
have  left  him,  and  he  knows  not  how  to  bring  back 
Varuna,  who  is  the  only  giver  of  victory.  He  de- 
scribes the  power  of  his  god,  and  he  praises  him  chiefly 
as  the  guardian  of  law  and  order.  Like  a  true 
child  of  nature,  he  offers  honey,  sweet  things,  which 
the  god  is  sure  to  like,  and  then  appeals  to  him  as  to 
a  friend :  "  Now  be  good,  and  let  us  speak  together 
again."  This  may  seem  childish,  but  there  is  a  real 
and  childish  faith  in  it ;  and,  like  all  childish  faith,  it 
is  rewarded  by  some  kind  of  response.  For,  at  that 
very  moment,  the  poet  takes  a  higher  tone.  He 
fancies  he  sees  the  god  and  his  chariot  passing  by ; 
he  feels  that  his  prayer  has  been  heard.  True,  there 
is  much  that  is  human,  earthly,  coarse,  and  false  in 
the  language  applied  to  the  deity  as  here  invoked  under 
the  name  of  Varuna.  Yet  there  is  something  also  in 
these  ancient  strains  of  thought  and  faith  which  moves 
and  cheers  our  hearts  even  at  this  great  distance  of 
time  ;  and  a  wise  man  will  pause  before  he  ascribes 
to  purely  evil  sources  what  may  be,  for  all  we  know, 
the  working  of  a  love  and  wisdom  beyond  our  own. 

The  hymn  is  ascribed  to  Sunahsepha,  according  to 
the  legend  of  the  later  Brahmanas,  the  victim  offered 
to  Varuna  by  his  own  father  Ajigarta  Sauyavasi. 
(See  page  413.) 

1.  However  we  break  thy  laws  from  day  to  day, 
men  as  we  are,  0  god,  Varuna, 

2.  Do  not  deliver  us  unto  death,  nor  to  the 
blow  of  the  furious ;  not  to  the  anger  of  the  spiteful ! 

M    M   4 


536  HYMN  TO  VARUNA. 

3.  To  propitiate  thee,  0  Varuna,  we  bind  thy 
mind  with  songs,  as  the  charioteer  a  weary  steed. 

4.  Away  from  me  they  flee  dispirited,  intent  only 
on  gaining  wealth ;  as  birds  to  their  nests. 

5.  When  shall  we  bring  hither  the  man  who  is 
victory  to  the  warriors,  when  shall  we  bring  Varuna, 
the  wide-seeing,  to  be  propitiated  ? 

[6.  This  they  take  in  common  with  delight,  Mitra 
and  Varuna ;  they  never  fail  the  faithful  giver.] 

7.  He  who  knows  the  place  of  the  birds  that  fly 
through  the  sky,  who,  on  the  waters  knows  the 
ships,  — 

8.  He,  the  upholder  of  order,  who  knows  the 
twelve  months  with  the  offspring  of  each,  and  knows 
the  month1  that  is  engendered  afterwards,  — 

9.  He  who  knows  the  track  of  the  wind  2,  of  the 
wide,  the  bright,  and  mighty ;  and  knows  those  who 
reside  on  high  3, — 

10.  He,  the  upholder  of  order,  Varuna  sits  down 
among  his  people;  he,  the  wise,  sits  there  to 
govern. 

11.  From  thence  perceiving  all  wondrous  things, 
he  sees  what  has  been  and  what  will  be  done. 

12.  May  he,  the  wise  son  of  time  (aditya),  make 
our  paths  straight  all  our  days  ;  may  he  prolong  our 
lives ! 

13.  Varuna,  wearing  golden  mail,  has  put  on  his 
shining  cloak ;  the  spies4  sat  down  around  him. 

1  The  thirteenth  or  intercalary  month ;  see  page  212. 

2  Rv.  vii.  87.  2.,  the  wind  is  called  the  breath  of  Varuna. 

3  The  gods. 

4  These  spies  or  watchers  are  most  likely  the  other  Atfityas,  of 
whom  it  is  said  (ii.  27.  3.)  that  "  they  see  into  what  is  evil  and 
what  is  good,  and  that  everything,  even  at  the  greatest  distance,  is 


HYMN  TO  VARUNA.  537 

14.  The  god,  whom  the  scoffers  do  not  provoke, 
nor  the  tormentors  of  men,  nor  the  plotters  of  mis- 
chief, — 

15.  He,  who  gives  to  men  glory,  and  not  half 
glory,  who  gives  it  even  to  our  own  bodies,  — 

16.  Yearning  for  him,  the  far-seeing,  my  thoughts 
move  onwards,  as  kine  move  to  their  pastures. 

17.  Let  us  speak  together  again,  because  my  honey 
has  been  brought :  thou  eatest  what  thou  likest,  like  a 
friend.1 

18.  Now  I  saw  the  god  who  is  to  be  seen  by 
all,  I  saw  the  chariot  above  the  earth :  he  must  have 
accepted  my  prayers. 

19.  0  hear  this  my  calling,  Varuna,  be  gracious 
now  ;  longing  for  help,  I  have  called  upon  thee. 

20.  Thou,  0  wise  god,  art  lord  of  all,  of  heaven 
and  earth  :  listen  on  thy  way. 

21.  That  I  may  live,  take  from  me  the  upper  rope, 
loose  the  middle,  and  remove  the  lowest ! 

This  one  hymn  to  Varuna  would  be  sufficient  to 
show  the  mistake  of  those  who  deny  the  presence  of 
moral  truths  in  the  ancient  religions  of  the  world 
and,  more  particularly,  in  the  so-called  nature-wor- 
ship of  the  Aryans.  On  the  contrary,  whatever  we 
find  of  moral  sentiments  in  those  ancient  hymns 
is  generally  as  true  to-day  as  it  was  thousands  of 
years  ago ;  while  what  is  false  and  perishable  in  them 


near  to  them."  "  With  them  the  right  is  not  distinguished  from  the 
left,  nor  the  east,  nor  the  west."  (Rv.  ii.  27.  11.)  See  Roth,  Zeit- 
schrift  der  Deutschen  Morgenliindischen    Gesellschaft,  vi.  72. 

1  Hotri  does  not  mean  friend,  but  the  priest  who  is  chosen  to 
invite  the  gods.  Perhaps  it  means  poet  and  priest  in  a  more  ge- 
neral sense  than  in  the  later  hymns. 


538  HYMN  TO  VARUNA. 

has  reference  to  the  external  aspects  of  the  deity,  and 
to  his  supposed  working  in  nature.  The  key-note  of  all 
religion,  natural  as  well  as  revealed,  is  present  in  the 
hymns  of  the  Veda,  and  never  completely  drowned  by 
the  strange  music  which  generally  deafens  our  ears 
when  we  first  listen  to  the  wild  echoes  of  the  heathen 
worship.  There  is  the  belief  in  God,  the  perception  of 
the  difference  between  good  and  evil,  the  conviction 
that  God  hates  sin,  and  loves  the  righteous.  We  can 
hardly  speak  witli  sufficient  reverence  of  the  dis- 
covery of  these  truths,  however  trite  they  may 
appear  to  ourselves  ;  and,  if  the  name  of  revelation 
seems  too  sacred  a  name  to  be  applied  to  them, 
that  of  discovery  is  too  profane,  for  it  would 
throw  the  vital  truths  of  all  religion,  both  an- 
cient and  modern,  into  the  same  category  as  the 
discoveries  of  a  Galileo  or  a  Newton.  Theologians 
may  agree  in  denying  that  any  man  in  possession  of 
his  reason  can,  without  a  crime,  remain  ignorant  of 
God  for  any  length  of  time.  Missionaries,  however, 
who  held  and  defended  this  opinion,  have  been  led  to 
very  different  convictions  after  some  intercourse  with 
savage  tribes.  Dobrizhoffer1,  who  was  for  eighteen 
years  a  Missionary  in  Paraguay,  states  that  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Abipones  does  not  contain  a  single  word 
which  expresses  God  or  a  divinity.  Penafiel,  a  Jesuit 
theologian,  declared  that  there  were  many  Indians 
who,  on  being  asked  whether,  during  the  whole 
course  of  their  lives  they  ever  thought  of  God, 
replied,  no,  never.  Dobrizhoffer  says,  "  Travelling 
with  fourteen  Abipones,  I  sat  down  by  the  fire  in  the 
open  air,  as  usual  on  the  high  shore  of  the  river 

1  Dobrizhoffer,  Account  of  the  Abipones,  vol.  ii.  p.  58. 


HYMN  TO  VARUNA.  539 

Plata.  The  sky,  which  was  perfectly  serene,  de- 
lighted our  eyes  with  its  twinkling  stars.  I  began  a 
conversation  with  the  Cacique  Ychoalay,  the  most, 
intelligent  of  all  the  Abipones  I  have  been  acquainted 
with,  as  well  as  the  most  famous  in  war.  '  Do  you 
behold/  said  I,  c  the  splendour  of  Heaven,  with  its 
magnificent  arrangement  of  stars  ?  Who  can  sup- 
pose that  all  this  is  produced  by  chance  ?  Whom  do 
you  suppose  to  be  their  creator  and  governor  ? 
What  were  the  opinions  of  your  ancestors  on  the  sub- 
ject ?'  '  My  father,'  replied  Ychoalay,  readily,  and 
frankly,  l  our  grandfathers  and  great-grandfathers, 
were  wont  to  contemplate  the  earth  alone,  solicitous 
only  to  see  whether  the  plain  afforded  grass  and 
water  for  their  horses.  They  never  troubled  them- 
selves about  what  went  on  in  the  Heavens,  and  who 
was  the  creator  and  governor  of  the  stars.'"  The 
Guaranies,  who  had  an  expression  for  the  supreme 
Deity  whom  they  call  tupa,  a  word  composed  of  two 
particles — tu,s,  word  of  admiration,  and  pa,  of  interro- 
gation, nevertheless  worshipped  only  an  evil  spirit. 
Let  us  turn  our  eyes  from  the  Indians  of  America  to 
the  Indians  of  India,  and  we  shall  perceive  the  immense 
distance  by  which  these  noble  races  are  separated 
from  the  savage  tribes  to  whom  our  Missionaries  are 
still  trying,  and  trying  in  vain,  to  impart  the  first 
principles  of  religion.  The  language  of  their  simple 
prayers  is  more  intelligible  to  us,  their  whole  world  of 
thought  and  feeling  is  nearer  to  us,  than  anything  we 
find  in  the  literature  of  Greece  and  Rome,  and  there 
are,  here  and  there,  short  expressions  of  faith  and 
devotion  in  which  even  a  Christian  can  join  without 
irreverence.  If  the  following  were  not  addressed  to 
Yaruna,   one  of  the  many  names   of  the  deity,   it 


540  HYMN  TO  VARUNA. 

would  seem  to  contain  nothing  strange  or  offensive  to 
our  ears : 

1.  Let  me  not  yet,  0  Varuna,  enter  into  the 
house  of  clay ;  have  mere}'',  almighty,  have  mercy ! 

2.  If  I  go  along  trembling,  like  a  cloud  driven  by 
the  wind ;  have  mercy,  almighty,  have  mercy ! 

3.  Through  want  of  strength,  thou  strong  and 
bright  god,  have  I  gone  to  the  wrong  shore ;  have 
mercy,  almighty,  have  mercy  ! 

4.  Thirst  came  upon  the  worshipper,  though  he 
stood  in  the  midst  of  the  waters  ;  have  mercy, 
almighty,  have  mercy ! 

5.  Whenever  we  men,  0  Varuna,  commit  an 
offence  before  the  heavenly  host ;  whenever  we  break 
thy  law  through  thoughtlessness;  have  mercy,  al- 
mighty, have  mercy  ! 

Here  we  have  the  two  ideas,  so  contradictory  to  the 
human  understanding,  and  yet  so  easily  reconciled  in 
every  human  heart :  God  has  established  the  eternal 
laws  of  the  moral  world,  and  yet  he  is  willing  to  forgive 
those  who  offend  against  them  ;  just,  yet  merciful ;  a 
judge,  and  yet  a  father.  "  He  is  merciful  even  to 
him  who  has  committed  sin."  1 

The  next  hymn  allows  us  a  still  deeper  insight 
into  the  strange  ideas  which  the  Rishis  had  formed 
to  themselves  as  to  the  nature  of  sin.     (Rv.  vii.  86.) 

1.  Wise  and  mighty  are  the  works  of  him  who 
stemmed  asunder  the  wide  firmaments.  He  lifted  on 
high  the  bright  and  glorious  heaven ;  he  stretched 
out  apart  the  starry  sky  and  the  earth. 

1  Rv.  vii.  87.  7.  yah  mrilayati  chakrushe  chit  agah. 


HYMN  TO  VARUNA.  .  541 

2.  Do  I  say  this  to  my  own  soul?  How  can  I  get 
unto  Varuna?  Will  he  accept  my  offering  without 
displeasure  ?  When  shall  I,  with  a  quiet  mind,  see 
him  propitiated  ? 

3.  I  ask,  0  Varuna,  wishing  to  know  this  my  sin. 
I  go  to  ask  the  wise.  The  sages  all  tell  me  the  same : 
Varuna  it  is  who  is  angry  with  thee. 

4.  Was  it  an  old  sin,  0  Varuna,  that  thou  wishest 
to  destroy  thy  friend,  who  always  praises  thee  ?  Tell 
me,  thou  unconquerable  lord,  and  I  will  quickly 
turn  to  thee  with  praise,  freed  from  sin. 

5.  Absolve  us  from  the  sins  of  our  fathers,  and 
from  those  which  we  committed  with  our  own  bodies. 
Release  Vasishtha1,  0  king,  like  a  thief  who  has 
feasted  on  stolen  cattle ;  release  him  like  a  calf  from 
the  rope. 

6.  It  was  not  our  own  doing,  0  Varuna,  it  was 
necessity,  an  intoxicating  draught,  passion,  dice, 
thoughtlessness.  The  old  is  near  to  mislead  the 
young  ;  even  sleep  brings  unrighteousness. 

7.  Let  me  without  sin  give  satisfaction,  like  a 
slave  to  the  bounteous  lord,  the  god,  our  support. 
The  lord  god  enlightened  the  foolish  ;  he,  the  wisest, 
leads  his  worshipper  to  wealth. 

8.  0  lord,  Varuna,  may  this  song  go  well  to  thy 
heart !  May  we  prosper  in  keeping  and  acquiring ! 
Protect  us,  0  gods,  always  with  your  blessings ! 

These  ideas  preponderate  in  hymns  addressed  to 
Varuna,  but  they  likewise  occur  in  the  prayers  to  the 
other  gods.  Varuna  is  one  of  the  Adityas,  the  sons 
of  time,  the  Kroniones,  the  heavenly  gods.  The 
hymns  addressed  to  these  Adityas  in  general  are  full 

1  Name  of  the  poet. 


542  HYMN  TO  INDRA. 

of  moral  sentiments,  because  these  gods  are  believed 
to  protect  men,  not  only  against  the  assaults  of 
nature,  against  disease  and  suffering,  but  also  against 
the  temptations  of  sin. 

Kv.  viii.  13.  14.  "  May  evil  betide  him,  the  curs- 
ing mortal,  the  enemy  who,  double-tongued,  would 
deal  us  a  felon's  blow. 

15.  You  gods  are  with  the  righteous;  you  know 
man  in  their  hearts.  Come  to  the  true  man,  and  to 
the  false,  ye  Yasus  ! 

16.  We  implore  the  protection  of  the  mountains, 
and  the  protection  of  the  waters.1  Heaven  and 
earth,  remove  from  us  all  evil. 

17.  Carry  us,  0  Yasus,  by  your  blessed  protection, 
as  it  were  in  your  ship,  across  all  dangers. 

18.  To  our  offspring,  to  our  race,  and  thus  to  our- 
selves, make  life  longer  to  live,  ye  valiant  Adityas ! 

21.  0  Mitra,  Aryaman,  Yaruna,  and  ye  Winds, 
grant  us  an  abode  free  from  sin,  full  of  men,  glori- 
ous, with  three  bars. 

22.  We,  who  are  but  men,  the  bondsmen  of  death, 
prolong  our  time  well,  0  Adityas,  that  we  may  live  ! 

Indra,  one  of  the  principal  gods  of  the  Yeda,  is 
likewise  invoked,  together  with  the  Adityas,  as  a  god 
who  may  pardon  sin.  "  Whatever  sin  we  have  com- 
mitted against  you2,"  the  poet  says,  "  let  us  obtain,  0 
Indra,  the  broad  safe  light  of  day ;  let  not  the  long 
darkness  come  upon  us  ! "  Indra  is  clearly  conceived 
as  a  moral  being  in  the  following  verse  (Rv.  viii.  21. 
14.); 

a  Thou  never  findest  a  rich  man  to  be  thy  friend  ; 

»  Rv.  viii.  31.  10.  2  Rv.  ii.  27.  14. 


HYMN  TO  INDRA.  543 

wine-swillers  despise  thee.  But  when  thou  thunderest, 
when  thou  gatherest  (the  clouds),  then  thou  art 
called  like  a  father." 

Out  of  a  large  number  of  hymns  addressed  to  the 
same  god,  we  select  one  that  is  ascribed  to  Vasishtha. 
(Rv.  vii.  32.) 

1.  Let  no  one,  not  even  those  who  worship  thee, 
delay  thee  far  from  us !  Even  from  afar  come  to  our 
feast !     Or,  if  thou  art  here,  listen  to  us ! 

2.  For  these  here  who  make  prayers  for  thee,  sit 
together  near  the  libation,  like  flies  round  the  honey. 
The  worshippers,  anxious  for  wealth,  have  placed 
their  desire  upon  Indra,  as  we  put  our  foot  upon  a 
chariot. 

3.  Desirous  of  riches,  I  call  him  who  holds  the 
thunderbolt  with  his  arm,  and  who  is  a  good  giver, 
like  as  a  son  calls  his  father. 

4.  These  libations  of  Soma,  mixed  with  milk,  have 
been  prepared  for  Indra :  thou,  armed  with  the 
thunderbolt,  come  with  the  steeds  to  drink  of  them 
for  thy  delight ;  come  to  the  house ! 

5.  May  he  hear  us,  for  he  has  ears  to  hear.  He 
is  asked  for  riches ;  will  he  despise  our  prayers  ?  He 
could  soon  give  hundreds  and  thousands ; — no  one 
could  check  him  if  he  wishes  to  give. 

6.  He  who  prepares  for  thee,  0  Yritra-killer,  deep 
libations,  and  pours  them  out1  before  thee,  that  hero 
thrives  with  Indra,  never  scorned  of  men. 

1  Dhavati  is  explained  as  a  neuter  verb  by  the  commentary, 
"  he  who  runs  towards  thee."  Dhavati,  however,  is  a  technical 
term,  applied  to  the  libations  of  the  Soma-juice,  as  may  be  seen, 
Rv.  viii.  1.  17.  "Sota  hi  somam  adribhih  a  im  enam  apsu  dha- 
vata,"  "Press  the  Soma  with  stones,  make  it  run  into  the 
water." 


544  HYMN  TO  INDRA. 

7.  Be  thou,  0  mighty,  the  shield  of  the  mighty 
(Vasishthas)  when  thou  drivest  together  the  fighting 
men.  Let  us  share  the  wealth  of  him  whom  thou 
hast  slain ;  bring  us  the  household  of  him  who  is 
hard  to  vanquish. 

8.  Offer  Soma  to  the  drinker  of  Soma,  to  Indra, 
the  lord  of  the  thunderbolt ;  roast  roasts ;  make  him 
to  protect  us  :  Indra,  the  giver,  is  a  blessing  to  him 
who  gives  oblations. 

9.  Do  not  grudge,  ye  givers  of  Soma  ;  give 
strength1  to  the  great  god,  make  him  to  give  wealth ! 
He  alone  who  perseveres,  conquers,  abides,  and  flou- 
rishes :  the  gods  are  not  to  be  trifled  with. 

10.  No  one  surrounds  the  chariot  of  the,  liberal 
worshipper,  no  one  stops  it.  He  whom  Indra  pro- 
tects and  the  Maruts,  he  will  come  into  stables  full 
of  cattle. 

11.  He  will,  when  fighting,  obtain  spoil2,  0  Indra, 
the  mortal,  whose  protection  thou  shouldest  be.  0 
hero,  be  thou  the  protection  of  our  chariots,  and  of 
our  men ! 

12.  His  share  is  exceeding  great,  like  the  wealth 
of  a  winner.  He  who  is  Indra  with  his  steeds,  him 
no  enemies  can  subdue  ;  may  he  give  strength  to  the 
sacrificer ! 

13.  Make  for  the  sacred  gods  a  hymn  that  is  not 
small,  that  is  well  set  and  beautiful !  Many  snares 
pass  by  him  who  abides  with  Indra  through  his 
sacrifice. 

1  Dakshata  is  construed  with  the  dative,  and  the  caesura  for- 
bids to  join  mahe  with  raye.  A  similar  construction  occurs  vii. 
97.  8.,  Dakshayyaya  dakshata,  where  the  commentator  explains  it 
rightly. 

2  This  verse  shows  signs  of  a  later  origin  ;  the  ideas  are  taken 
from  the  preceding  verse. 


HYMN  TO  INDRA.  545 

14.  What  mortal  dares  to  attack  him  who  is  rich 
in  thee  ?  Through  faith  in  thee,  0  mighty,  the 
strong  acquires  spoil  in  the  day  of  battle. 

15.  Stir  us  mighty  Vasishthas  in  the  slaughter  of 
the  enemies,  stir  us  who  give  their  dearest  treasures. 
Under  thy  guidance,  0  Haryasva,  we  shall  with  our 
wise  counsellors  overcome  aM  hardships. 

16.  To  thee  belongs  the  lowest  treasure  ;  thou 
rearest  the  middle  treasure  ;  thou  art  king  always  of 
all  the  highest  treasure  ;  no  one  withstands  thee  in 
the  flock. 

17.  Thou  art  Avell  known  as  the  benefactor  of 
every  one,  whatever  battles  there  be.  Every  one  of 
these  kings  of  the  earth  implores  thy  name,  when 
wishing  for  help. 

18.  If  I  were  .lord  of  as  much  as  thou,  I  should 
support  the  sacred  bard,  thou  scatterer  of  wealth,  I 
should  not  abandon  him  to  misery. 

19.  I  should  award  wealth  day  by  day  to  him  who 
magnifies,  I  should  award  it  to  whosoever  it  be.1  We 
have  no  other  friend  but  thee,  no  other  happiness, 
no  other  father,  0  mighty ! 

20.  He  who  perseveres  acquires  spoil  with  his  wife 
as  his  mate ;  I  bend  Indra,  who  is  invoked  by  many, 
for  you,  as  a  wheelwright  bends  a  wheel  made  of 
strong  wood. 

2 1 .  A  mortal  does  not  get  riches  by  scant  praise  : 
no  wealth  comes  to  the  grudger.  The  strong  man  it 
is,  0  mighty,  who  in  the  day  of  battle  is  a  precious 
gift  to  thee  like  as  to  me. 

22.  We  call  for  thee,  0  hero,  like  cows  that. have 

1  According  to  the  Commentator  Kuhachidvid  means  "  where- 
ever  he  be."     It  may  perhaps  mean  the  ignorant. 

N  N 


546  HYMN  TO  INDRA. 

not  been  milked ;  we  praise  thee  as  ruler  of  all  that 
moves,  0  Indra,  as  ruler  of  all  that  is  immovable. 

23.  There  is  no  one  like  thee  in  heaven  or  earth  ; 
he  is  not  born,  and  will  not  be  born.  0  mighty  Indra, 
we  call  upon  thee  as  we  go  fighting  for  cows  and 
horses. 

24.  Bring  all  this  to'ttoose  who  are  good,  0  Indra, 
be  they  old  or  young1 ;  for  thou,  0  mighty,  art  the 
rich  of  old,  and  to  be  called  in  every  battle. 

25.  Push  away  the  unfriendly,  0  mighty,  make 
us  treasures  easy  to  get !  Be  the  protector  of  our- 
selves in  the  fight,  be  the  cherisher  of  our  friends  ! 

26.  Indra,  give  wisdom  to  us,  as  a  father  to  his 
sons.     Teach  us  in  this  path,  let  us  living  see  the  sun ! 

27.  Let  not  unknown  wretches,  evil- disposed  and 
unhallowed,  tread  us  down.  Through  thy  help,  0 
hero,  let  us  step  over  the  rushing  eternal  waters  ! 

In  this  hymn  Indra  is  clearly  conceived  as  the  su- 
preme god,  and  we  can  hardly  understand  how  a  people 
who  had  formed  so  exalted  a  notion  of  the  deity  and 
embodied  it  in  the  person  of  Indra,  could,  at  the  same 
sacrifice,  invoke  other  gods  with  equal  praise.  When 
Agni,  the  lord  of  fire,  is  addressed  by  the  poet,  he 
is  spoken  of  as  the  first  god,  not  inferior  even 
to  Indra.  While  Agni  is  invoked,  Indra  is  for- 
gotten ;  there  is  no  competition  between  the  two, 
nor  any  rivalry  between  them  or  other  gods.  This 
is  a  most  important  feature  in  the  religion  of  the 
Veda,  and  has  never  been  taken  into  consideration 
by  those  who  have  written  on  the  history  of  ancient 
polytheism. 

1  Jyayah  stands  for  jyayasnh. 


HYMNS  TO  AGNI.  547 

There  are  other  hymns,  again,  in  which  the  notion 
of  a  deity  is  much  less  prominent.  Indra  is  there 
represented  like  a  hero  fighting  against  enemies.  He 
is  liable  to  defeat,  his  heart  fails  him  in  the  combat, 
and  though  at  last  he  invariably  conquers,  he  does 
so  rather  by  an  effort  than  by  the  mere  assertion  of 
his  power.  Agni,  again,  in  many  hymns,  is  simply 
described  as  a  power  of  nature,  as  the  fire  such  as  it 
is  seen  in  heaven  and  on  earth.  Many  things  that 
have  become  to  us  familiar,  struck  the  poets  of  the 
Veda  as  wonderful  and  mysterious.  They  describe 
the  power  of  the  fire  with  an  awe  which,  to  the 
natural  philosopher  of  the  present  day,  must  appear 
childish.  The  production  of  fire  by  the  friction  of 
wood,  or  its  sudden  descent  from  the  sky  in  the  form 
of  lightning,  is  to  them  as  marvellous  as  the  birth  of 
a  child.  They  feel  their  dependence  on  fire ;  they 
have  experienced  what  it  is  to  be  without  it.  They 
were  not  yet  acquainted  with  lucifer-matches,  and 
hence,  when  describing  the  simple  phenomena  of  fire, 
they  do  it  naturally  with  a  kind  of  religious  reverence. 
The  following  verses,  taken  from  a  hymn  of  Vasishtha 
(vii.  3.)  may  serve  as  a  specimen  : 

"Neighing  like  a  horse  that  is  greedy  for  food,  when 
it  steps  out  from  the  strong  prison ; — then  the 
wind  blows  after  his  blast ;  thy  path,  0  Agni,  is  dark 
at  once.1 

1  The  construction  of  this  verse  is  very  abrupt,  particularly  the 
transition  from  the  simile  of  the  horse,  which  is  put  in  the  third 
person,  to  the  address  to  Agni  in  the  second  person.  The  idea,  how- 
ever, is  clear.  Agni,  the  fire,  when  first  lighted,  is  compared  with 
a  neighing  horse,  on  account  of  the  crackling  noise.  He  is  greedy 
for  food  as  soon  as  he  steps  out  of  his  prison,  viz.,  from  the  wood 
from  which   fire  is  produced  by  friction,  like  a   horse  stepping 

N   N    2 


548  HYMNS  TO  AGNI. 

0  Agni,  thou  from  whom,  as  a  new-born  male, 
undying  flames  proceed,  the  brilliant  smoke  goes  to- 
wards the  sky,  for  as  messenger  thou  art  sent  to 
the  gods. 

Thou  whose  power  spreads  over  the  earth  in  a  mo- 
ment when  thou  hast  grasped  food  with  thy  jaws, — 
like  a  dashing  army  thy  blast  goes  forth ;  with  thy 
lambent  flame  thou  seemest  to  tear  up  the  grass. 

Him  alone,  the  ever-youthful  Agni,  men  groom, 
like  a  horse  in  the  evening  and  at  dawn ;  they  bed 
him  as  a  stranger  in  his  couch ;  the  light  of  Agni, 
the  worshipped1  male,  is  lighted. 

Thy  appearance  is  fair  to  behold,  thou  brightfaced 
Agni,  when  like  gold  thou  shinest  at  hand ;  thy 
brightness  comes  like  the  lightning  of  heaven ;  thou 
showest  splendour  like  the  bright  sun." 

The  human,  and  afterwards  divine  qualities 
ascribed  to  Agni  arise  chiefly  from  his  character  as 
messenger  between  gods  and  men,  or,  as  high-priest, 
when  he  is  supposed  to  carry  the  oblation  to  the  gods. 
It  is  one  of  the  most  favourite  themes  of  the  Vedic 
poets,  though  perhaps  of  the  modern  rather  than 
of  the  ancient,  to  celebrate  Agni  as  a  priest,  as 
endowed  with  all  priestly  powers,  and  enjoying 
all  the  honorific  titles  given  to  the  various  persons 
who  minister  at  the  great  sacrifices.  The  following 
hymns,  one  of  Vatsa  (Rv.  viii.  11.),  the  other  of 
Gotama  (Rv.  i.  74.),  are  rather  simple  as  compared 
with  others  of  the  same  class,  though  there  are  ex- 
out  of  his  stable.  Then  the  wind  is  supposed  to  kindle  the  blaze 
of  the  fire,  and  as  the  path  of  the  horse  is  darkened  by  dust,  the 
path  of  Agni  is  darkened  by  smoke. 

1  Ahuta  is  used  in  the  general  sense  of  worshipped,  well  at- 
tended, with  special  reference  to  a  guest.     Cf.  Rv.  i.  44.  4. 


HYMNS  TO  AGNL  54£ 

pressions  in  both  which  indicate  their  more  modern 
character. 

1.  Thou  Agni,  art  the  guardian  of  sacred  rites  : 
thou  art  a  god  among  mortals l ;  thou  art  to  be  praised 
at  the  sacrifices. 

2.  Thou  strong  Agni,  art  to  be  praised  at  the  fes- 
tivals, thou  who  like  a  charioteer  earnest  the  offerings 
to  the  gods. 

8.  Fight  and  drive  thou  away  from  us  the  fiends, 
0  Jatavedas,  the  ungodly  enemies,  0  Agni ! 

4.  Thou,  Jatavedas,  desirest  not  the  offering  of  a 
hostile  man,  be  it  ever  so  nigh  to  thee. 

5.  We  mortals  and  sages  worship  the  great  name 
of  thee,  the  immortal  Jatavedas. 

6.  We  sages  call  the  sage  to  help,  we  mortals  call 
on  the  god  for  protection,  we  call  on  Agni  with  songs. 

7.  May  the  poet  draw  thy  mind  even  from  the 
most  distant  abode  with  the  song  that  longs  for  thee, 
0  Agni. 

8.  Thou  art  the  same  in  many  places,  a  lord  among 
all  people  :  we  call  upon  thee  in  battles. 

9.  In  battles  we  call  upon  thee,  Agni,  for  help  when 
we  want  strength  ;  we  call  in  struggles  upon  the  giver 
of  precious  gifts. 

10.  Thou  art  ancient,  to  be  praised  at  the  sacrifices ; 
thou  sittest  as  priest  from  of  old  and  to-day.  Reple- 
nish thy  own  body,  0  Agni,  and  grant  happiness  to 
us ! 

1.  As  we  go  to  the  sacrifice  let  us  say  a  song  to 
Agni,  to  him  who  hears  us  even  from  afar. 

1  Might  it  be  "  deveshv  a  martyeshv  a,"  "  among  gods  and  among 
men  "  ? 

N  N   3 


550  HYMNS   TO   AGNI. 

2.  He  who,  existing  from  of  old,  defended  the  house 
for  the  sacrificer  when  hostile  tribes  were  gathering 
together. 

3.  Let  even  the  nations  confess,  "  Agni  was  born, 
the  slayer  of  the  enemy,  the  winner  of  booty  in 
every  battle." 

4.  He  whose  messenger  thou  art  in  the  house,  whose 
offerings  thou  art  pleased  to  accept,  and  whose  sacri- 
fice thou  renderest  efficient, 

5.  Of  him  indeed,  0  Angiras,  son  of  strength, 
people  say  that  his  offerings  are  good,  his  gods  are 
good  and  his  altar  is  good. 

6.  Bring  hither,  0  serene  Agni,  these  gods,  bring 
them  that  they  may  be  praised,  that  they  may  accept 
the  offerings. 

7.  When  thou,  0  Agni,  goest  on  a  mission,  the 
sound  of  the  horses  of  thy  moving  chariot  is  never 
heard. 

8.  If  protected  by  thee,  the  warrior  is  unabashed. 
Onward  he  goes,  one  after  another,  forward  he  steps, 
0  Agni,  who  offers  oblations. 

9.  Thou,  0  bright  god,  bestowest  with  increase 
a  brilliant  array  of  heroes  upon  him  who  offers  obla- 
tions to  the  bright  gods.1 

It  is  curious  to  watch  the  almost  imperceptible 
transition  by  which  the  phenomena  of  nature,  if  re- 

1  Every  word  of  this  verse  baffles  translation.  Vivasasi  is  not 
simply  "  thou  bestowest,"  but  "  thou  spreadest  out  as  the  sun 
spreads  out  his  rays."  Suvirya  is  not  "  an  array  of  heroes,"  but 
an  abstract,  signifying  the  possession  of  good  strength,  only  that 
this  good  strength  means  "the  chief  of  all  their  strength,"  and  has 
special  reference  to  the  sons  and  all  the  males  born  in  the  house. 
Dyumad,  brilliant,  corresponds  with  the  verb  vivasasi.  Brihat 
should  be  taken  as  an  adverb,  signifying  the  ever  increasing  na- 
ture of  the  gift  bestowed  by  Agni. 


HYMN  TO  USIIAS.  551 

fleeted  in  the  mind  of  the  poet,  assume  the  character 
of  divine  beings.  The  dawn  is  frequently  described 
in  the  Veda  as  it  might  be  described  by  a  modern 
poet.  She  is  the  friend  of  men,  she  smiles  like  a 
young  wife,  she  is  the  daughter  of  the  sky.  She 
goes  to  every  house,  (i.  123.  4.);  she  thinks  of  the 
dwellings  of  men  (i.  123.  1.)  ;  she  does  not  despise 
the  small  or  the  great  (i.  124.  6.) ;  she  brings  wealth 
(i.  48.  1.)  ;  she  is  always  the  same,  immortal,  divine, 
(i.  124.  4.;  i.  123.  8.);  age  cannot  touch  her,  (i. 
113.  15.);  she  is  the  young  goddess,  but  she  makes 
men  grow  old,  (i.  92.  11.).  All  this  may  be  simply 
allegorical  language.  But  the  transition  from  dev% 
the  bright,  to  dev%  the  goddess,  is  so  easy;  the 
daughter  of  the  sky  assumes  so  readily  the  same  per- 
sonality which  is  given  to  the  sky,  Dyaus,  her  father, 
that  we  can  only  guess  whether  in  every  passage  the 
poet  is  speaking  of  a  bright  apparition,  or  of  a  bright 
goddess ;  of  a  natural  vision,  or  of  a  visible  deity. 
The  following  hymn  of  Vasishtha,  (vii.  77.),  will  serve 
as  an  instance  : — 

"  She  shines  upon  us,  like  a  young  wife,  rousing 
every  living  being  to  go  to  his  work.  The  fire  had 
to  be  kindled  by  men  l ;  she  brought  light  by  striking 
down  darkness. 

She  rose  up,  spreading  far  and  wide,  and  moving 
towards  every  one.  She  grew  in  brightness,  wearing 
her  brilliant  garment.  The  mother  of  the  cows  (of 
the  morning  clouds),  the  leader  of  the  days,  she  shone 
gold-coloured,  lovely  to  behold. 

She,  the  fortunate,  who  brings  the  eye  of  the 
god,  who  leads  the  white  and  lovely  steed  (of  the 

1  The  fire  of  the  altar  for  the  morning  prayers. 

N   N   4 


552  LATER   HYMNS. 

sun),  the  Dawn  was  seen,  revealed  by  her  rays,  with 
brilliant  treasures  she  follows  every  one. 

Thou,  who  art  a  blessing  where  thou  art  near, 
drive  far  away  the  unfriendly ;  make  the  pastures 
wide,  give  us  safety  !  Remove  the  haters,  bring 
treasures !  Raise  up  wealth  to  the  worshipper,  thou 
mighty  Dawn. 

Shine  for  us  with  thy  best  rays,  thou  bright 
Dawn,  thou  who  lengthenest  our  life,  thou  the  love  of 
all,  who  givest  us  food,  who  givest  us  wealth  in  cows, 
horses,  and  chariots. 

Thou,  daughter  of  the  sky,  thou  high-born  Dawn, 
whom  the  Vasishthas  magnify  with  songs,  give  us 
riches  high  and  wide :  all  ye  gods,  protect  us  always 
with  your  blessings  !  " 

This  hymn  addressed  to  the  Dawn  is  a  fair  speci- 
men of  the  original  simple  poetry  of  the  Yeda.  It 
has  no  reference  to  any  special  sacrifice,  it  contains 
no  technical  expressions,  it  can  hardly  be  called  a 
hymn,  in  our  sense  of  the  word.  It  is  simply  a  poem 
expressing,  without  any  effort,  without  any  display  of 
far-fetched  thought  or  brilliant  imagery,  the  feelings 
of  a  man  who  has  watched  the  approach  of  the  dawn 
with  mingled  delight  and  awe,  and  who  was  moved 
to  give  utterance  to  what  he  felt,  in  measured  lan- 
guage. We  have  heard  the  same  thoughts  and  feel- 
ings expressed  by  so  many  poets,  that  we  can  hardly 
enter  into  the  pleasure  with  which  those  early  singers 
spoke  their  hearts  out  for  the  first  time.  We  have 
become  so  accustomed  to  the  rules  of  the  most  com- 
plicated metres  that  we  hardly  consider  how  mys- 
terious is  that  instinct  which  suggested  to  the  first 
poets  the  extraordinary  variety  of  rhythm  which  we 


HYMN  TO  THE  HORSE.  553 

find  in  the  Veda.  But  there  is  a  charm  in  these 
primitive  strains  discoverable  in  no  other  class  of 
poetry.  Every  word  retains  something  of  its  radical 
meaning,  every  epithet  tells,  every  thought,  in  spite 
of  the  most  intricate  and  abrupt  expressions,  is,  if  we 
once  disentangle  it,  true,  correct,  and  complete.  But 
this  is  not  the  case  with  all  the  poems  of  the  Yeda. 
It  would  be  tedious  to  translate  many  specimens  of 
what  I  consider  the  poetry  of  the  secondary  age,  the 
Mantra  period.  These  songs  are  generally  intended  for 
sacrificial  purposes,  they  are  loaded  with  technicalities, 
their  imagery  is  sometimes  more  brilliant,  but  always 
less  perspicuous,  and  many  thoughts  and  expressions 
are  clearly  borrowed  from  earlier  hymns.  One  speci- 
men may  suffice,  a  hymn  describing  the  sacrifice  of 
the  horse  with  the  full  detail  of  a  superstitious  cere- 
monial.    (Rv.  i.  162.) 

"  May  Mitra,  Yaruna,  Aryaman,  Ayu,  Indra, 
the  Lord  of  the  Ribhus,  and  the  Maruts  not  rebuke 
us  because  we  shall  proclaim  at  the  sacrifice  the 
virtues  of  the  swift  horse  sprung  from  the  gods. 

When  they  lead  before  the  horse,  which  is  decked 
with  pure  gold  ornaments,  the  offering,  firmly  grasp- 
ed, the  spotted  goat1  bleats  while  walking  onward  ; 
it  goes  the  path  beloved  by  Indra  and  Pushan. 

This  goat,  destined  for  all  the  gods,  is  led  first  with 
the  quick  horse,  as  Pushan's  share ;  for  Tvashtri  him- 
self raises  to  glory  this  pleasant  offering  which  is 
brought  with  the  horse. 

When  thrice  at  the  proper  seasons  men  lead  around 
the  sacrificial  horse  which  goes  to  the  gods,  Pushan's 

1  The  goat  is  the  victim  or  the  offering  which  is  led  before  the 
horse,  and  sacrificed  to  Indra' and  Pushan. 


554  HYMN  TO  THE  HOKSE. 

share  comes  first,  the  goat,  which  announces  the  sacri- 
fice to  the  gods. 

Hotri,  Adhvaryu,  Avayaj,  (Pratiprasthatri),  Agni- 
mindha  (Agnidhra),  Gravagrabha  (Gravastut),  and 
the  wise  Sanstri  (Prasastri)1,  may  you  fill  the  streams 
(round  the  altar)  with  a  sacrifice  which  is  well  pre- 
pared and  well  accomplished. 

They  who  cut  the  sacrificial  post,  and  they  who 
carry  it,  they  who  make  the  ring  for  the  post  of  the 
horse,  and  even  they  who  bring  together  what  is 
cooked  for  the  horse,  may  their  work  be  with  us. 

He  came  on  —  (my  prayer  has  been  well  per- 
formed),—  the  bright-backed  horse  goes2  to  the 
regions  of  the  gods.  Wise  poets  celebrate  him,  and 
we  have  won  a  good  friend  for  the  love  of  the  gods. 

The  halter  of  the  swift  one,  the  heel-ropes  of  the 
horse,  the  head-ropes,  the  girths,  the  bridle,  and  even 
the  grass  that  has  been  put  into  his  mouth,  may  all 
these  which  belong  to  thee  be  with  the  gods  !  3 

What  the  fly  eats  of  the  flesh,  what  adheres  to  the 
stick,  or  to  the  axe,  or  to  the  hands  of  the  immolator 
and  his  nails,  may  all  these  which  belong  to  thee  be 
with  the  gods  ! 

The  ordure  that  runs  from  the  belly,  and  the 
smallest  particle  of  raw  flesh,  may  the  immolators 
well  prepare  all  this,  and  dress  the  sacrifice  till  it  is 
well  cooked. 

The  juice  that  flows  from  thy  roasted  limb  on  the 
spit  after  thou  hast  been  killed,  may  it  not  run  on 

1  All  names  of  priests. 

2  In  these  hymns  it  is  sometimes  difficult  to  say  whether  the 
horse  be  meant,  or  the  sun,  of  which  it  is  the  emblem. 

3  The  verb  in  the  singular  (astu)  with  the  substantive  in  the 
plural  (sarva)  finds  an  analogy  in  Greek. 


HYMN  TO  THE  HOKSE.  555 

the  earth  or  the  grass  ;  may  it  be  given  to  the  gods 
who  desire  it. 

They  who  examine  the  horse  when  it  is  roasted, 
they  who  say  "  it  smells  well,  take  it  away,"  they 
who  serve  the  distribution  of  the  meat,  may  their 
work  also  be  with  us. 

The  ladle  of  the  pot  where  the  meat  is  cooked,  and 
the  vessels  for  sprinkling  the  juice,  the  vessels  to 
keep  off  the  heat,  the  covers  of  the  vessels,  the 
skewers,  and  the  knives,  they  adorn  the  horse. 

Where  he  walks,  where  he  sits,  where  he  stirs,  the 
foot-fastening  of  the  horse,  what  he  drinks,  and  what 
food  he  eats,  may  all  these  which  belong  to  thee  be 
with  the  gods ! 

May  not  the  fire  with  smoky  smell  make  thee  hiss, 
may  not  the  glowing  cauldron  smell  and  burst.  The 
gods  accept  the  horse  if  it  is  offered  to  them  in  due 
form. 

The  cover  which  they  stretch  over  the  horse,  and 
the  golden  ornaments,  the  head-ropes  of  the  horse, 
and  the  foot-ropes,  all  these  which  are  dear  to  the 
gods,  they  offer  to  them. 

If  some  one  strike  thee  with  the  heel  or  the  whip 
that  thou  mayest  lie  down,  and  thou  art  snorting 
with  all  thy  might,  then  I  purify  all  this  with  my 
prayer,  as  with  a  spoon  of  clarified  butter  at  the 
sacrifices. 

The  axe  approaches  the  thirty-four  ribs  of  the 
quick  horse,  beloved  of  the  gods.  Do  you  wisely  keep 
the  limbs  whole,  find  out  each  joint  and  strike. 

One  strikes  the  brilliant  horse,  two  hold  it,  thus  is 
the  custom.  Those  of  thy  limbs  which  I  have  sea- 
sonably prepared,  I  sacrifice  in  the  fire  as  balls  offered 
to  the  gods. 


556  ANTIQUITY  OF  PHILOSOPHY. 

May  not  thy  dear  soul  burn  thee  while  thou  art 
corning  near,  may  the  axe  not  stick  to  thy  body. 
May  no  greedy  and  unskilful  immolator,  missing  with 
the  sword,  throw  thy  mangled  limbs  together. 

Indeed  thou  diest  not  thus,  thou  sufferest  not ;  thou 
goest  to  the  gods  on  easy  paths.  The  two  horses  of 
Indra,  the  two  deer  of  the  Maruts  have  been  yoked, 
and  the  horse  come  to  the  shaft  of  the  ass  (of  the 
Asvins.) 

May  this  horse  give  us  cattle  and  horses,  men,  pro- 
geny, and  all-sustaining  wealth.  May  Aditi  keep  us 
free  from  sin  ;  may  the  horse  of  this  sacrifice  give  us 
strength ! 

A  comparison  of  the  general  tone  of  this  hymn  with 
that  of  the  hymns  to  Varuna,  Indra,  and  Ushas, 
translated  before,  can  leave  little  doubt  in  the  mind 
of  critical  historians  as  to  its  more  modern  cha- 
racter. We  must  be  careful,  however,  not  to 
judge  the  poetry  of  the  ancient  bards  of  India 
according  to  our  own  standard  of  what  is  simple 
and  natural  and  what  is  not.  The  great  im- 
portance attached  to  what  to  us  seem  mere  trifles  in 
the  performance  of  a  sacrifice  would  not  be  sufficient  to 
stamp  this  hymn  as  modern.  The  superstitious  feel- 
ing about  ceremonial  minutiae  is  natural  in  a  primi- 
tive state  of  civilization,  and  there  are  numerous 
hymns  in  the  Yeda  which  must'  be  adjudged  to  the 
earliest  period,  and  where,  nevertheless,  we  meet 
with  sentiments  worthy  of  the  most  advanced  cere- 
monialists. 

The  same  caution  is  still  more  necessary  with  re- 
gard to  another  criterion  which  has  been  used  to 
prove  the  modern  date  of  certain  hymns,  the  presence 


PHILOSOPHICAL   HYMNS.  557 

of  philosophical  ideas.  It  has  been  the  custom  to  re- 
gard any  hymn  in  which  the  nature  of  the  deity,  the 
problems  of  existence,  the  hope  of  immortality  are 
expressed,  as  decidedly  modern.  The  whole  tenth 
Mandala  has  been  assigned  to  a  later  period,  chiefly 
because  it  contains  many  hymns  the  language  of  which 
approaches  the  philosophical  diction  of  the  Upanishads 
and  of  the  still  later  systems  of  philosophy.  This  is 
a  mistake. 

There  is  very  little  to  guide  us  in  forming  a 
judgment  of  what  is  genuine  and  primitive  in  the 
ancient  poetry  of  so  peculiar  a  race  as  the  Aryans  of 
India.  We  have  nothing  to  compare  with  the  poetical 
relics  of  the  Vedic  age.  Because  we  find  in  some 
hymns  ideas  or  expressions  which,  in  the  literatures 
of  other  nations,  such  as  the  Jews,  or  Greeks  and 
Romans,  we  have  accustomed  ourselves  to  regard  as 
of  comparatively  modern  growth,  we  have  no  right 
to  conclude  that  they  are  equally  modern  in  the 
history  of  the  Indian  mind.  The  Veda  opens  to  us 
a  chamber  in  the  labyrinth  of  the  human  mind 
through  which  the  other  Aryan  nations  had  passed  long 
before  they  become  visible  to  us  by  the  light  of 
history.  Whatever  the  age  of  the  Yeda  may  be,  in  one 
sense  it  is  the  oldest  book  in  existence.  If  this  col- 
lection had  been  written  but  fifty  years  ago,  in  some 
distant  part  of  the  world  untouched  by  the  general 
stream  of  civilisation,  we  should  still  call  it  more 
ancient  than  the  Homeric  poems,  because  it  represents 
an  earlier  phase  of  human  thought  and  feeling.  Names1 
which  in  Homer  have  become  petrified  and  mytholo- 
gical, are  to  be  found  in  the  Veda  as  it  were  in  a 

1  See  Essai  de   Mythologie  Comparee,  traduit  de  1' Anglais  de 
Max  Miiller,  Paris,  1859,  p.  47. 


553  PHILOSOPHICAL   HYMNS. 

still  fluid  state.  They  next  appear  as  appellatives, 
not  yet  as  proper  names  ;  they  are  organic,  not  yet 
broken  and  smoothed  down.  Nor  can  we  compare 
that  earlier,  lower,  and  more  savage  phase  of  thought 
which  we  find  in  the  Veda,  with  what  we  know  of 
really  barbarous  tribes,  such  as  the  Negroes  of  Africa 
or  the  Indians  of  America.  For,  however  inferior 
to  the  Greeks  of  Homer  and  the  Jews  of  Moses, 
the  Aryas  of  the  Seven  Rivers  are  far  above  those 
races,  and  had  long  crossed  the  bounds  of  an  un- 
conscious barbarism,  when  they  worshipped  Dyaus 
and  the  other  bright  gods  of  nature. 

Let  us  consider  but  a  single  point.  We  have 
accustomed  ourselves  to  regard  a  belief  in  the 
unity  of  God  as  one  of  the  last  stages  to  which 
the  Greek  mind  ascended  from  the  depths  of  a 
polytheistic  faith.  The  one  unknown  God  was  the 
final  result  which  the  pupils  of  Plato  and  Aristotle 
had  arrived  at  when  they  came  to  listen  to  the  strange 
teaching  of  St.  Paul  at  Athens.  But  how  can  we  tell 
that  the  course  of  thought  was  the  same  in  India  ?  By 
what  right  do  we  mark  all  hymns  as  modern  in  which 
the  idea  of  one  God  breaks  through  the  clouds  of  a 
polytheistic  phraseology  ?  The  belief  in  a  Supreme 
God,  in  a  God  above  all  gods,  may  in  the  abstract 
seem  later  than  the  belief  in  many  gods.  Yet  let  one 
poet  but  once  perceive  how  he  is  drawn  towards  the 
Divine  by  the  same  feelings  that  draw  him  towards 
his  father,  let  such  a  poet  in  his  simple  prayer  but 
once  utter,  though  it  be  thoughtlessly,  the  words, 
"  My  father,"  and  the  dreary  desert  through  which 
philosophy  marches  step  by  step,  is  crossed  at  a  single 
bound.  We  must  not  compare  the  Aryan  and  the 
Semitic  races.     Whereas  the  Semitic  nations  relapsed 


THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CREATION.  559 

from  time  to  time  into  polytheism,  the  Aryans  of 
India  seem  to  have  relapsed  into  Monotheism.  In 
both  cases  these  changes  were  not  the  result  of  a 
gradual  and  regular  progress,  but  of  individual 
impulses  and  peculiar  influences.  I  do  not  think, 
therefore,  that  the  mere  occurrence  of  monotheistic 
ideas,  and  of  other  large  philosophical  conceptions, 
is  sufficient  to  stamp  any  class  of  hymns  as  of  modern 
date.  A  decided  preponderance  of  such  ideas,  coupled 
with  other  indications  in  the  character  of  the  lan- 
guage, might  make  us  hesitate  before  we  used  such 
as  witnesses  for  the  Chhandas  period.  But  there  is 
a  monotheism  that  precedes  the  polytheism  of  the 
Veda,  and  even  in  the  invocations  of  their  innumer- 
able gods  the  remembrance  of  a  God,  one  and  infinite, 
breaks  through  the  mist  of  an  idolatrous  phraseology, 
like  the  blue  sky  that  is  hidden  by  passing  clouds. 

There  is  a  hymn  of  peculiar  interest  in  the  tenth 
Mandala,  full  of  ideas  which  to  many  would  seem 
to  necessitate  the  admission  of  a  long  antecedent  period 
of  philosophical  thought.  There  we  find  the  conception 
of  a  beginning  of  all  things,  and  of  a  state  previous 
even  to  all  existence.  "  Nothing  that  is,  was  then,"  the 
poet  says;  and  he  adds,  with  a  boldness  matched 
only  by  the  Eleatic  thinkers  of  Greece,  or  by  Hegel's 
philosophy,  "  even  what  is  not  (to  [myj  ov),  did  not 
exist  then."  He  then  proceeds  to  deny  the  existence 
of  the  sky  and  of  the  firmament,  and  yet,  unable  to 
bear  the  idea  of  an  unlimited  nothing,  he  exclaims, 
"  What  was  it  that  hid  or  covered  the  existing  ? " 
Thus  driven  on,  and  asking  two  questions  at  once, 
with  a  rapidity  of  thought  which  the  Greek  and  the 
Sanskrit  languages  only  can  follow,  he  says,  "  What 
was  the  refuge  of  what?"  After  this  metaphysical  flight, 


560  THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CREATION. 

the  poet  returns  to  the  more  substantive  realities  of 
thought,  and,  throwing  out  a  doubt,  he  continues, 
"Was  water  the  deep  abyss,  the  chaos,  which  swallowed 
everything?"  Then  his  mind,  turning  away  from  na- 
ture, dwells  upon  man  and  the  problem  of  human 
life.  "  There  was  no  death,"  he  says,  and,  with  a  logic 
which  perhaps  has  never  been  equalled,  he  subjoins, 
"  therefore  was  there  nothing  immortal."  Death,  to 
his  mind,  becomes  the  proof  of  immortality.  One 
more  negation,  and  he  has  done.  "  There  was  no 
space,  no  life,  and  lastly,  there  was  no  time,  no 
difference  between  day  and  night,  no  solar  torch  by 
which  morning  might  have  been  told  from  evening." 
All  these  ideas  lie  imbedded  in  the  simple  words,  "  Na 
ratrya  ahna  asit  praketah."  Now  follows  his  first 
assertion :  "  That  One,"  he  says,  and  he  uses  no  other 
epithet  or  qualification — "  That  One  breathed  breath- 
less by  itself:  other  than  it  nothing  since  has  been." 
This  expression,  "  it  breathed  breathless"  seems  to 
me  one  of  the  happiest  attempts  at  making  lan- 
guage reflect  the  colourless  abstractions  of  the 
mind.  '•  That  One,"  the  poet  says,  "breathed,  and 
lived;  it  enjoyed  more  than  mere  existence;  yet 
its  life  was  not  dependent  on  anything  else,  as  our 
life  depends  on  the  air  which  we  breathe.  It  breathed 
breathless."  Language  blushes  at  such  expressions, 
but  her  blush  is  a  blush  of  triumph. 

After  this  the  poet  plunges  into  imagery.  "  Dark- 
ness there  was,  and  all  at  first  was  veiled  in  gloom 
profound,  as  ocean- without  light."  No  one  has  ever 
found  a  truer  expression  of  the  Infinite,  breathing 
and  heaving  within  itself,  than  the  ocean  in-  a  dark 
night,  without  a  star,  without  a  torch.  It  would 
have  been  easy  to  fill  out  the  picture,  and  a  modern 


THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CREATION.  561 

writer  would  have  filled  it  out.  The  true  poet,  how- 
ever, says  but  a  single  word,  and,  at  his  spell,  pictures 
arise  within  our  own  mind,  full  of  a  reality  beyond 
the  reach  of  any  art. 

But  now  this  One  had  to  be  represented  as  grow- 
ing— as  entering  into  reality  —  and  here  again  nature 
must  supply  a  similitude  to  the  poet.  As  yet,  the 
real  world  existed  only  as  a  germ,  hidden  in  a  husky 
shell ;  now,  the  poet  represents  the  one  substance  as 
borne  into  life  by  its  own  innate  heat.  The  beginning 
of  the  world  was  conceived  like  the  spring  of  nature  ; 
one  miracle  was  explained  by  another.  But,  even 
then,  this  Being,  or  this  nature,  as  conceived  by  the 
poet,  was  only  an  unconscious  substance,  without  will 
and  without  change.  The  question  how  there  was 
generation  in  nature,  was  still  unanswered.  Another 
miracle  had  to  be  appealed  to,  in  order  to  explain  the 
conscious  act  of  creation :  this  miracle  was  Love,  as 
perceived  in  the  heart  of  men.  "  Then  first  came  love 
upon  it,"  the  poet  continues,  and  he  defines  love,  not 
only  as  a  natural,  but  as  a  mental  impulse.  Though  he 
cannot  say  what  love  is,  yet  he  knows  that  all  will 
recognise  what  he  means  by  love,  —  a  power  which 
arises  from  the  unsearchable  depths  of  our  nature, 
—  making  us  feel  our  own  incompleteness,  and  draw- 
in  <r  us,  half-conscious,  half-unconscious,  towards  that 
far  off  and  desired  something,  through  which  alone 
our  life  seems  to  become  a  reality.  This  is  the 
analogy  which  was  wanted  to  explain  the  life  of  nature, 
which  he  knew  was  more  than  mere  existence.  The 
One  Being  which  the  poet  had  postulated  was  neither 
self-sufficient  nor  dead:  a  desire  fell  upon  it, —  a 
spring  of  life,  manifested  in  growth  of  every  kind. 
After  the   manifestation    of  this  desire  or  will,  all 

o  o 


562  THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CREATION'. 

previous  existence  seemed  to  be  unreal,  a  mere 
nothing  as  compared  with  the  fullness  of  genuine  life. 
A  substance  without  this  life,  without  that  infinite 
desire  of  production  and  reproduction,  could  hardly 
be  said  to  exist.  It  was  a  bare  abstract  concep- 
tion. Here,  then,  the  poet  imagines  he  has  discovered 
the  secret  of  creation,  — the  transition  of  the  nothing 
into  the  something,  —  the  change  of  the  abstract  into 
the  concrete.  Love  was  to  him  the  beginning  of  real 
reality,  and  he  appeals  to  the  wise  of  old,  who  dis- 
covered in  love,  "the  bond  between  created  things 
and  uncreated."  What  follows  is  more  difficult  to 
understand.  We  hardly  know  into  what  new  sphere 
of  thought  the  poet  enters.  The  growth  of  nature 
has  commenced,  but  where  was  it  ?  Did  the  piercing 
ray  of  light  come  from  below,  or  from  above  ?  This 
is  the  question  which  the  poet  asks,  but  to  which  he 
returns  no  answer,  for  he  proceeds  at  once  to  describe 
the  presence  of  male  and  female  powers,  nor  is  it 
likely  that  what  follows,  "  svadha  avastat,  prayatih 
parastat,"  is  meant  as  an  answer  to  the  preceding 
inquiry.  The  figure  which  represents  the  creation 
as  a  ray  entering  the  realm  of  darkness  from  the 
realm  of  light,  occurs  again  at  a  much  later  time  in 
the  system  of  Manichaeism1,  but  like  all  attempts  at 
clothing  transcendental  ideas  in  the  imagery  of 
human  thought,  it  fails  to  convey  any  tangible  or  in- 
telligible impression.  This  our  poet  also  seems  to 
have  felt,  for  he  exclaims  "  Who  indeed  knows  ?  Who 
proclaimed  it  here,  whence,  whence  this  creation  was 
produced  ?  The  gods  were  later  than  its  production, 
therefore  who  knows  whence  it  came  ?  "     And  now  a 

1  Lassen,  Indische  Alterthumskunde,  iii.  p.  409. 


THE  PHILOSOPHY  OP  CREATION.  ,^63 

new  thought  dawns  in  the  mind  of  the  Rishi,  a  thought 
for  which  we  were  not  prepared,  and  which  ap- 
parently contradicts  the  whole  train  of  argu- 
ment or  meditation  that  preceded.  Whereas  hitherto 
the  problem  of  existence  was  conceived  as  a  mere 
evolution  of  one  substance,  postulated  by  human 
reasoning,  the  poet  now  speaks  of  an  Adhyaksha,  an 
overseer,  a  contemplator,  who  resides  in  the  highest 
heavens.  He,  he  says,  knows  it.  And  why  ?  Because 
this  creation  came  from  hiin,  whether  he  made  it  or 
not.  The  poet  asserts  the  fact  that  this  overseer  is 
the  source  of  creation,  though  he  shrinks  from  deter- 
mining the  exact  process,  whether  he  created  from 
himself,  or  from  nothing,  or  from  matter  existing 
by  itself.  Here  the  poet  might  have  stopped ;  but 
there  are  yet  four  more  words  of  extreme  perplexity 
which  close  the  poem.  They  may  be  interpreted 
in  two  ways.  They  either  mean  "  Or  does  he  not 
know  ?  "  and  this  would  be  a  question  of  defiance  ad- 
dressed to  all  who  might  doubt  his  former  assertion ; 
or  they  mean  "  Or  he  knows  not,"  and  this  would  be 
a  confession  of  doubt  on  the  part  of  the  poet,  startling 
perhaps  after  the  firm  assertion  of  his  belief  in  this 
one  overseer  and  creator,  yet  not  irreconcilable  with 
that  spirit  of  timidity,  displayed  in  the  words,  "  whe- 
ther he  made  it  himself  or  not,"  which  shrinks  from 
asserting  anything  on  a  point  where  human  reason, 
left  to  herself,  can  only  guess  and  hope,  and,  if  it  ven- 
ture on  words,  say  in  last  resort,  "  Behold,  we  know 
not  anything." 

I  subjoin  a  metrical  translation  of  this  hymn,  which 
I  owe  to  the  kindness  of  a  friend : — 


o  o  *2 


56  1  ANTIQUITY  OF  PHILOSOPHY. 

"Nor  aught  nor  naught  existed  ;  yon  bright  sky 
Was  not,  nor  heaven's  broad  woof  outstretched  above. 
What  covered  all ?  what  sheltered?  what  concealed  ? 
Was  it  the  water's  fathomless  abyss? 
There  was  not  death  —  hence  was  there  naught  immortal, 
There  was  no  confine  betwixt  day  and  night; 
The  only  One  breathed  breathless  in  itself, 
Other  than  it  there  nothing  since  has  been. 
Darkness  there  was,  and  all  at  first  was  veiled 
In  gloom  profound,  —  an  ocean  without  light. — 
The  germ  that  still  lay  covered  in  the  husk 
Burst  forth,  one  nature,  from  the  fervent  heat. 
Then  first  came  Love  upon  it,  the  new  spring 
Of  mind  —  yea,  poets  in  their  hearts  discerned, 
Pondering,  this  bond  between  created  things 
And  uncreated.     Comes  this  spark  from  earth, 
Piercing  and  all-pervading,  or  from  heaven  ? 
Then  seeds  were  sown,  and  mighty  power  arose  — 
Nature  below,  and  Power  and  Will  above. 
Who  knows  the  secret  ?  who  proclaimed  it  here, 
Whence,  whence  this  manifold  creation  sprang  ? — 
The  gods  themselves  came  later  into  being. — 
Who  knows  from  whence  this  great  creation  sprang?  — 
He  from  whom  all  this  great  creation  came. 
Whether  his  will  created  or  was  mute, 
The  Most  High  seer  that  is  in  highest  heaven, 
He  knows  it,  —  or  perchance  e'en  He  knows  not. 

Many  of  the  thoughts  expressed  in  this  hymn  will, 
to  most  readers,  appear  to  proceed  rather  from  a 
school  of  mystic  philosophers  than  from  a  simple  and 
primitive  clan  of  shepherds  and  colonists.  Medita- 
tions on  the  mysteries  of  creation  are  generally 
considered  a  luxury  which  no  society  can  indulge  in 
before  ample  provision  has  been  made  for  the  lower 
cravings  of  human  nature ;  such  is  no  doubt  the  case 
in  modern  times.  Philosophers  arise  after  the  se- 
curity of  a  state  has  been  established,  after  wealth  has 
been  acquired  and  accumulated  in  certain  families, 


ANTIQUITY    OF    PHILOSOPHY.  565 

after  schools  and  universities  have  been  founded,  and 
a  taste  created  for  those  literary  pursuits  which,  even 
in  the  most  advanced  state  of  civilisation,  must  neces- 
sarily be  confined  to  but  a  small  portion  of  our  ever- 
toiling  community.  Metaphysics,  whether  in  the  form 
of  poetry  or  prose,  are,  and  always  have  been, 
the  privilege  of  a  limited  number  of  independent 
thinkers,  and  thoughts  like  those  which  we  find  in 
this  ancient  hymn,  though  clothed  in  a  form  of  ar- 
gument more  in  accordance  with  the  requirements 
of  our  age,  would  fail  to  excite  any  interest  except 
among  the  few  who  have  learnt  to  delight  in  the 
speculations  of  a  Plato,  a  Tauler,  or  a  Coleridge. 
But  it  would  be  false  to  transfer  our  ideas  to  the 
early  periods  of  oriental  life.  First  of  all,  the  merely 
physical  wants  of  a  people  living  in  the  rich  plains  of 
India  were  satisfied  without  great  exertions.  Second- 
ly, such  was  the  simplicity  of  their  life,  that  nothing 
existed  which  could  absorb  the  energies  of  the  most 
highly  gifted  among  them.  Neither  war,  nor  politics, 
nor  arts,  opened  a  field  for  the  exercise  of  genius,  and 
for  the  satisfaction  of  a  legitimate  ambition.  Nor 
should  it  be  forgotten  that,  in  the  natural  course  of 
human  life,  there  is  after  all  nothing  that  appeals  with 
greater  force  to  our  deepest  interests  than  the  problem 
of  our  existence,  of  our  beginning  and  our  end,  of  our 
dependence  on  a  Higher  Power,  and  of  our  yearnings 
for  a  better  life.  With  us  these  key-notes  of  human 
thought  are  drowned  in  the  din  of  our  busy  society. 
Artificial  interests  have  supplanted  the  natural  desires 
of  the  human  heart.  Nor  less  should  we  forget  how 
in  these  later  ages  most  of  us  have  learnt  from  the 
history  of  the  past  that  our  reason,  in  spite  of  her 
unextinguishable  aspirations,  consumes  this  life  in  a 


56G  ANTIQUITY    OF   PHILOSOPHY. 

prison  the  walls  of  which  she  cannot  pierce,  and  where 
we  only  see  light  by  lifting  our  eyes  on  high.  All 
this  was  different  in  ancient  times,  and  particularly 
among  a  people  so  remarkably  gifted  for  philosophical 
abstraction  as  the  Hindus.  Long  before  they  began 
to  care  for  the  laws  of  nature,  the  return  of  the 
seasons,  the  course  of  the  stars,  or  any  other  scien- 
tific or  practical  subject,  their  thoughts  were  fixed  on 
the  one  great  and  ever  recurring  question,  What  am  I  ? 
What  does  all  this  world  around  me  mean  ?  Is  there 
a  cause,  is  there  a  creator — a  God  ?  or  is  it  all  illusion, 
chance,  and  fate  ?  Again  and  again  the  Rishis  ex- 
press their  doubts,  and  the  one  knowledge  which  they 
value  as  wonderful  and  excellent  is  the  knowledge  of 
ra  fAsyio-TOL.  It  cannot  be  right  to  class  every  poem  and 
every  verse  in  which  mystic  or  metaphysical  specu- 
lations occur  as  modern,  simply  because  they  resemble 
the  language  of  the  Upanishads.  These  Upanishads 
did  not  spring  into  existence  on  a  sudden :  like 
a  stream  which  has  received  many  a  mountain 
torrent,  and  is  fed  by  many  a  rivulet,  the  literature 
of  the  Upanishads  proves,  better  than  anything  else, 
that  the  elements  of  their  philosophical  poetry  came 
from  a  more  distant  fountain.  The  evidence  of  lan- 
guage is  the  most  decisive  for  settling  the  relative 
age  of  Yedic  hymns ;  and  the  occurrence  of  such  a 
word  as  tadanim,  then,  is  more  calculated  to  rouse 
doubts  as  to  the  early  date  of  this  hymn  than  the 
most  abstruse  metaphysical  ideas  which  may  be 
discovered  in  it.  Hymns  like  that  ascribed  to 
Dirghatamas  (i.  164.)  contain,  no  doubt,  many 
verses  full  of  the  most  artificial  conceptions,  the  lucu- 
brations rather  of  conceited  dreamers  than  of  simple 
and  original  thinkers.     But  even  in  those  large  collec- 


ANTIQUITY  OF    PHILOSOPHY.  567 

tive  poems  there  are  lines  which  look  like  relics  of  a 
better  age,  and  bear  the  stamp  of  true  and  genuine 
feeling.  Thus  we  read  in  the  37th  verse :  — "  I  know 
not  what  this  is  that  I  am  like ;  turned  inward  I  walk, 
chained  in  my  mind.  ,  When  the  first-born  of  time 
comes  near  me,  then  I  obtain  the  portion  of  this 
speech." 

In  the  30th  verse  of  the  same  hymn  we  read: 
"  Breathing  lies  the  quick-moving  life,  heaving,  yet 
firm,  in  the  midst  of  its  abodes.  The  living  one 
walks  through  the  powers  of  the  dead  :  the  immortal 
is  the  brother  of  the  mortal."  Sometimes  when  these 
oracular  sayings  have  been  pronounced,  the  poet 
claims  his  due.  "  One  who  had  eyes,"  he  says,  "  saw 
it ;  the  blind  will  not  understand  it.  A  poet,  who  is 
a  boy,  he  has  perceived  it ;  he  who  understands  it 
will  be  the  father  of  his  father." 

In  the  same  hymn  one  verse  occurs  which  boldly 
declares  the  existence  of  but  one  Divine  Being,  though 
invoked  under  different  names.  (Rv.  i.  164.  46.) 
"  They  call  (him)  Indra,  Mitra,  Yaruna,  Agni;  then 
he  is  the  well- winged  heavenly  Garutmat;  that  which 
is  One  the  wise  call  it  many  ways ;  they  call  it 
Agni,  Yama,  Matarisvan."  Many  of  these  verses 
have  been  incorporated  in  the  Upanishads,  and 
are  there  explained  by  later  sophists  who  wish  to 
represent  them  as  a  guarantee  for  the  scholastic 
doctrines  of  the  Yedanta  philosophy.  It  was  in  the 
Upanishads  and  in  the  Sutras  of  Vyasa  that  most 
Sanskrit  scholars  became  first  acquainted  with  these 
quotations  from  the  Veda,  and  hence,  even  after  they 
had  been  discovered  in  their  original  place  in  the 
hymns  of  the  Rig-veda-sanhita,  a  prejudice  remained 
against  their  antiquity.     The  ideas   which  they  ex- 


568  HYMN   TO   THE   SUPREME    GOD. 

pressed  were  supposed  to  be  of  too  abstract  a  nature 
for  the  uneducated  poets  of  the  Yedic  age.  I  am 
far  from  defending  the  opinion  of  those  who  main- 
tained the  existence  of  a  school  of  priests  and  philo- 
sophers in  the  remotest  ages  .of  the  world,  and  who 
discovered  the  deepest  wisdom  in  the  religious  mys- 
teries and  mythological  traditions  of  the  East.  But 
the  reaction  which  these  extravagant  theories  has  pro- 
duced goes  too  far,  if  every  thought  which  touches  on 
the  problems  of  philosophy  is  to  be  marked  indis- 
criminately as  a  modern  forgery,  if  every  conception 
which  reminds  us  of  Moses,  Plato,  or  the  Apostles,  is 
to  be  put  down  as  necessarily  borrowed  from  Jewish, 
Greek  or  Christian  sources,  and  foisted  thence  into  the 
collections  of  the  ancient  poetry  of  the  Hindus. 

There  is  what  Leibnitz  called  perennis  qucodam 
philosophia,  a  search  after  truth  which  was  not  con- 
fined to  the  schools  of  priests  or  philosophers.  Its 
language,  no  doubt,  is  less  exact  than  that  of  an 
Aristotle,  its  tenets  are  vague,  and  the  light  which  it 
sheds  on  the  dark  depths  of  human  thought  resembles 
more  the  sheet-lightning  of  a  sombre  evening,  than 
the  bright  rays  of  a  cloudless  sunrise.  Yet  there  is 
much  to  be  learnt  by  the  historian  and  the  philosopher 
from  these  ancient  guesses  at  truth;  and  we  should 
not  deprive  ourselves  of  the  new  sources  which  have 
so  unexpectedly  been  opened  for  studying  the  his- 
tory of  man,  fearful  and  wonderful  as  his  structure, 
by  casting  wanton  doubts  on  all  that  conflicts  with  our 
own  previous  conclusions.  I  add  only  one  more  hymn, 
in  which  the  idea  of  one  God  is  expressed  with  such 
power  and  decision,  that  it  will  make  us  hesitate 
before  we  deny  to  the  Aryan  nations  an  instinctive 
Monotheism.  (Rv  x.  121.) 


HYMN   TO    THE    SUPREME    GOD.  569 

"  In  the  beginning  there  arose  the  Source  of  golden 
light  —  He  was  the  only  born  Lord  of  all  that  is.  He 
stablished  the  earth,  and  this  sky; — Who  is  the  God 
to  whom  we  shall  offer  our  sacrifice  ? 

He  who  gives  life,  He  who  gives  strength ;  whose 
blessing  all  the  bright  gods  desire  ;  whose  shadow  is 
immortality;  whose  shadow  is  death; — Who  is  the 
God  to  whom  we  shall  offer  our  sacrifice  ? 

He  who  through  His  power  is  the  only  King  of 
the  breathing  and  awakening  world;  —  He  who  go- 
verns all,  man  and  beast ; — Who  is  the  God  to  whom 
we  shall  offer  our  sacrifice  ? 

He  whose  power  these  snowy  mountains,  whose 
power  the  sea  proclaims,  with  the  distant  river — He 
whose  these  regions  are  as  it  were  His  two  arms; — 
Who  is  the  God  to  whom  we  shall  offer  our  sacrifice  ? 

He  through  whom  the  sky  is  bright  and  the  earth 
firm —  He  through  whom  the  heaven  was  stablished — 
nay,  the  highest  heaven — He  who  measured  out  the 
light  in  the  air; — Who  is  the  God  to  whom  we  shall 
offer  our  sacrifice  ? 

He  to  whom  heaven  and  earth,  standing  firm  by 
His  will,  look  up,  trembling  inwardly — He  over  whom 
the  rising  sun  shines  forth ; — Who  is  the  God  to  whom 
we  shall  offer  our  sacrifice  ? 

Wherever  the  mighty  water-clouds  went,  where 
they  placed  the  seed  and  lit  the  fire,  thence  arose  He 
who  is  the  only  life  of  the  bright  gods; — Who  is  the 
God  to  whom  we  shall  offer  our  sacrifice  ? 

He  who  by  His  might  looked  even  over  the  water- 
clouds,  the  clouds  which  gave  strength  and  lit  the  sa- 
crifice, He  who  is  God  above  all  gods ; — Who  is  the 
God  to  whom  we  shall  offer  our  sacrifice  ? 

May  He  not  destroy  us  —  He  the  creator  of  the 

p  p 


570  DATE  OF  THE  CHHANDAS  PERIOD. 

earth ;  or  He,  the  righteous,  who  created  the  heaven  ; 
He  who  also  created  the  bright  and  mighty  waters ; — 
Who  is  the  God  to  whom  we  shall  offer  our  sacrifice?" 

There  is  nothing  to  prove  that  this  hymn  is  of  a 
particularly  ancient  date.  On  the  contrary,  there 
are  expressions  in  it,  especially  the  name  of  Hiran- 
yagarbha,  which  seem  to  belong  to  a  later  age.  But 
even  if  we  assign  the  lowest  possible  date  to  this  and 
similar  hymns,  certain  it  is  that  they  existed  during 
the  Mantra  period,  and  before  the  composition  of 
the  Brahmanas ;  certain  it  is  that  every  verse  and 
every  syllable  was  counted  in  the  Anukramanis  of  the 
Sutra  period.  With  our  received  notions  on  the 
history  of  the  human  mind  it  may  be  difficult  to 
account  for  facts  like  these ;  but  facts  must  not  be 
made  to  evaporate  in  order  to  maintain  a  theory. 
The  difficulty,  such  as  it  is,  will  be  felt  by  all  who 
think  seriously  and  honestly  on  these  problems. 
But  it  is  better  to  state  this  difficulty  than  to  conceal 
it.  Even  if  we  assign  all  philosophical  hymns  to  the 
last  years  of  the  Mantra  period,  we  have  to  account, 
in  the  9th  century  B.C.,  for  thoughts  which,  like  the 
stems  of  forest  trees,  disclose  circles  within  circles, 
almost  impossible  to  count.  There  are  hymns  which 
are  decidedly  modern  if  compared  with  others : 
but  if  the  most  modern  be  ascribed  to  the  Man- 
tra period,  what  must  be  the  date  of  the  earliest 
relics  of  the  Chhandas  age  ?  There  can  be  little 
doubt,  for  instance,  that  the  90th  hymn1  of  the  10th 
book,  a  hymn  which  is  likewise  found  in  the  31st 

1  A  very  careful  discussion  on  this  hymn,  together  with  its 
text,  translation,  various  readings  and  notes,  is  to  be  found  in  Dr. 
John  Muir's  "  Original  Sanskrit  Texts/'  pp.  6 — 11. 


DATE  OF  THE  CHHANDAS  PERIOD.  571 

book  of  the  Vajasaneyi-sanhita,  and  in  the  19th 
book  of  the  Atharva-veda,  is  modern  both  in  its 
character  and  in  its  diction.  It  is  full  of  allusions  to 
the  sacrificial  ceremonials,  it  uses  technical  philoso- 
phical terms,  it  mentions  the  three  seasons  in  the 
order  of  Yasanta,  spring,  Grishma,  summer,  and 
Sarad,  autumn ;  it  contains  the  only  passage  in  the 
Rig-veda  where  the  four  castes  are  enumerated. 
The  evidence  of  language  for  the  modern  date  of 
this  composition  is  equally  strong.-  Grishma,  for 
instance,  the  name  for  the  hot  season,  does  not 
occur  in  any  other  hymn  of  the  Rig-veda;  and 
Vasanta  also,  the  name  of  spring,  does  not  belong 
to  the  earliest  vocabulary  of  the  Yedic  poets.  It 
occurs  but  once  more  in  the  Rig-veda  x.  161.  4.,  in 
a  passage  where  the  three  seasons  are  mentioned  in 
the  order  of  Sarad,  autumn,  Hemanta,  winter,  and 
Vasanta,  spring.  But  in  spite  of  all  the  indications 
of  a  modern  date,  this  hymn,  if  our  argument  holds 
good,  must  have  existed  before  the  beginning  of  the 
Brahmana  period.  I  see  no  possibility  how  we  could 
account  for  the  allusions  to  it  which  occur  in  the 
Brahmanas,  or  for  its  presence  in  the  Sanhitas  of  the 
Vajesaneyins  and  Atharvans,  unless  we  admit  that 
this  poem  formed  part  of  the  final  collection  of  the 
Rig-veda-sanhita,  the  work  of  the  Mantra  period. 
There  are  no  traces  anywhere  of  hymns  having  been 
added  after  that  collection  was  closed,  except  in  the  case 
of  the  Khilas,  and  no  secret  is  ever  made  as  to  their 
spurious  character.  Oriental  scholars  are  frequently 
suspected  of  a  desire  to  make  the  literature  of  the 
eastern  nations  appear  more  ancient  than  it  is.  As 
to  myself,  I  can  truly  say  that  nothing  would  be  to 
me  a  more  welcome  discovery,  nothing  would  remove 


572  DATE  OF  THE  CHHANDAS  PERIOD. 

so  many  doubts  and  difficulties,  as  some  suggestion  as 
to  the  manner  in  which  certain  of  the  Vedic  hymns 
could  have  been  added  to  the  original  collection 
during  the  Brahmana  or  Sutra  periods,  or,  if 
possible,  by  the  writers  of  our  MSS.,  of  which  most 
are  not  older  than  the  15th  century.  But  these 
MSS.,  though  so  modern,  are  checked  by  the  Anu- 
kramanis.  Every  hymn  which  stands  in  our  MSS. 
is  counted  in  the  Index  of  Saunaka,  who  is  ante- 
rior to  the  invasion  of  Alexander.  The  Sutras, 
belonging  to  the  same  period  as  Saunaka,  prove  the 
previous  existence  of  every  chapter  of  the  Brah- 
manas :  and  I  doubt  whether  there  is  a  single  hymn 
in  the  Sanhit&  of  the  Rig-veda  which  could  not  be 
checked  by  some  passage  of  the  Brahmanas  and 
Sutras.  The  chronological  limits  assigned  to  the 
Sutra  and  Brahmana  periods  will  seem  to  most 
Sanskrit  scholars  too  narrow  rather  than  too  wide, 
and  if  we  assign  but  200  years  to  the  Mantra  period, 
from  800  to  1000  B.C.,  and  an  equal  number  to  the 
Chhandas  period,  from  1000  to  1200  B.C.,  we  can  do 
so  only  under  the  supposition  that  during  the  early 
periods  of  history  the  growth  of  the  human  mind 
was  more  luxuriant  than  in  later  times,  and  that  the 
layers  of  thought  were  formed  less  slowly  in  the 
primary  than  in  the  tertiary  ages  of  the  world. 


573 


APPENDIX. 


THE  STORY  OF  SUNAHSEPHA,  ACCORDING    TO    THE   SAKHA 
OF  THE  AITAREYINS,  COLLATED  WITH  THE  TEXT  IN  THE 


sankhayana-sAkha. 


The  upper  line  shows  the  various  readings  of  the  SankMyana-sutras. 

1  Some  MSS.  accent  these  verses.     There  are  no  types  to  render 
these  accents  in  print. 

Q  Q 


574  APPENDIX. 

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1  Mitakshara  I.  p,  6b.  1.  6.  has  ^J. 


APPENDIX.  575 


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576  APPENDIX. 


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578  APPENDIX. 

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1  The  &ankhayana-sutras  place  the  verses  of  Indra  in  a  different 
order:  1,  3,  4,  2,  5,  and  add  a  sixth  verse  at  the  end. 


APPENDIX.  57!) 

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APPENDIX.  587 


588  APPENDIX. 


589 


INDEX, 


A. 

Abharadvasu,  385. 
Abhidharma,  83. 
Abhigarapagarau,  470. 
Abhijnanaprasthana,  302. 
Abhimanyu,  243. 
Abhuti  Tvashtra,  440. 
Abhryadi-rauhinanta,  356. 
Achara,  100.  133. 
Achbavaka,  450.  468. 
Adbhuta-brahmana,  347. 
Adhikara,  73. 
Adhvaryu,   122.    173.    seq.,   177. 

seq.,  430.  449.  seq.  469.  seq.  490. 
Adhvaryu-brahmana,  190. 
Adhyaya  (R.  V.),  220. 
Adhyeti,  308.  seq. 
Aditya,  329.  421.  442.  452.  541. 
Adityanam  ayanam,  177. 
Agasti,  385. 
Agastayah,  385. 
Agastya,  385.  463. 
Aggramen,  278. 
Aghamarshanah,  384. 
Aghamarshana,  384. 
Agni,    60.    390.  seq.,   414.   421. 

436.  444.  449.  452.  533.  547. 

seq. 
Agnibhu  Kasyapa,  444. 
Agnichayana,  355. 
Agni  Idhma,  464. 
Agnidhra,  450.  469. 
Agnirahasya,  359. 
Agnishtoma,  176.  355. 
Agnihotra,  354. 392. 422.  seq.  470. 
Agnivesya,  142.  438. 

&  R  R 


Agnivesyayana,  142. 

Agnyadhana,  28. 

Agnyadheyamantras,  354. 

Agnyupasthana,  354. 

Agrayana,  142. 

Ahalya,*530. 

Ahavaniya,  203. 

Ahina,  210,  470. 

Ahuti,  393. 

Ahvaraka,   137.   142.  369.  (var. 

lee.  Ahur.  Hvar.) 
Aindineya,  370. 
Aitareya-aranyaka,  153. 177.  335. 

seq. 
Aitareya-brahmana,  177. 347. 357. 
l.  (extract)  (i.  1-1-6.)  390—405. 

(n.  19.)  58.  (v.  14.)  423.  seq. 
Aitareya-upanishad,  325. 
Aitareyi-sakha,  183.  193. 
Aitihya,  108. 
Ajamilha,  383. 
Ajah  (gotra),  384. 
Ajatasatru,  296. 
Ajigarta,  412.  seq. 
Ajya  384.  (sacrificial)  393. 
Akhyana,  40.  seq. 
Akhyata,  161." 
Akshara,  160.  341.  307.  324. 
Alambayini-putra,  441. 
Alambin,  364. 
Alambi-putra,  441. 
Alexander,  25.  29.  275. 
Amala,  380. 

Amavasya  6and.,  436.  443. 
Ambarisha,  383. 
Ambhini,  437.  442. 
Anandaja  Chandhan.,  443. 


590 


INDEX. 


Andhra,  418. 

Andhra,  324. 

Andomatis,  333. 

Anga  (country),  57.  (alphabet), 

518. 
Angas,  the  Vedangas,  198. 
Angiras,  53.  328. 450.  (race)  232. 

424. 
Angirasam-ayanam,  177. 
Angirasa  (gotra),  381.  seq.  (pra- 
a  vara),  381. 
Angirasa-veda,  448. 
Angis,  328. 
Anjahsava,  416. 
Ansu  Dhananjayya,  436.  443. 
'A^rw^v/xta,  161. 
Anubrahmana,  364. 
Anudruta  (alphabet),  518. 
Anukramani,  215—229. 
Anukramani  of  the   Atharvana> 

228. 
Anukramani  of  the  Atreyi-sakha, 

223. 
Anukramani  of  the  Madhyandina- 

sakha,  226. 
Anuktamantrakathanam,  356. 
Anumana,  108. 
Anupada-sutra,  108.  210. 
Anushtubh,  68.  222.  401. 
Anustotra-sutra,  210. 
Anupa,  380. 
Anuvachana,  407. 
Anuvaka,  220.  223. 
Anuvaka-anukramani,  217. 
Anuvaka-sankhya,  253.  255. 
Anuvritti,  73. 
Anuvyakhya,  110.  177. 
Anyatareya,  142. 
Apadya  ishtayah,  224. 
Apastamba-bralimana,  195. 
Apastamba-kalpa-sutra,  194. 199. 
Apastamba-samayacharika,     100 
^  —105.207. 
Apastamba-samayacharika  -blia- 

shya,  380. 
Apastambins,  223.  370. 
Apisali,  142. 
Apnavana,  380. 
Apri-sukta,  463—466. 


Arala  Dharteya  6aun.,  444. 
Aranyakas,  100.  147.  153.  313 — 

341. 
Arbuda  Kadravey  ,  39. 
Archabhin,  364. 
Archananasa,  383. 
Arddhachandra,  508. 
Arddharcha,  341. 
Arhat,  91.261. 

'Apidfiog  kviKog,  Tr\r)QvvTiKQQ}  163. 
Aristarchos,  161. 
Aristotle,  161.  seq. 
Arjuna,  44.  seq. 
Arkin,  489. 
Arrian,  277.  333. 
Arsham   (Naigeyanara    rikshv), 
a  227. 

Arshanukramanij  218. 
Arsheya,  386.  ' 

Arsheya-brahmana,  177.  226.  seq. 
Arshtishena,  380. 
Artabhagi-putra,  441. 
Arthavada,  89.  seq.  93.  170.  343. 

429. 
"  Apdpa,  161. 
Aruna,  442. 
Aruna-sakha,  97. 
Arunaketukacliiti,  224. 
Arunaparaji  (kalpah),  364. 
Arunin,  364. 

Aryamabhuti  Kalabava,  443. 
Aryamaradha  Gobhila,  443. 
Aryan  (race),  12 — 15. 
Asat,  324. 
Asamati,  486. 
Asanga  Playogi,  494. 
Ashtakah,  384. 
Ashthalakatha,  370. 
Ashtadhyayi,  359. 
Ashti,  222. 
Asita,  463. 
Asita,  384. 
Asita  Dhanvana,  39. 
Asitamriga,  487. 
Asita  Varshagana,  442. 
Asura,  39.  230. ' 
Asuravidya,  39. 
Asura- veda,  451. 
Asurayana,  373.  439.  442. 


INDEX. 


591 


Asuri,  439.  442. 
Asmarntha  (kalpa),  184. 
Atoka,    35.    260.   seq.   270.  seq. 

281.  295.  530. 
Asoka-vardhana,  297. 
Asvalayana,   97.   233.   seq.   337. 

a  458. 
Asvalayana-brahmana,   180.  194. 

a  347. 

Asvahiyana-charana,  369. 
Asvalayana- grihya  -  parisishta, 

a  252. 
Asvalayana-grihya-sutra,  42.  seq. 

a  201.  seq. 
Asvalayana-kalpa-sutra,  180. 193. 

a  199. 
As  v  al  ayana-kalpa-sutra-bhashy  a , 

a  380. 
Asvalayana  -  sakhokta  -  mantra  - 

sanhita,  474. 
Asvamedha,  355.  357. 
Asvamitra,  Gobhila,  443. 
Asvinau,  414.  440. 
Atharvan,  328.  451. 
Atharvana,  445.  seq. 
Atharvangiras  (race),  445.  450. 
Atharvan  Daiva,  440. 
Atharva-veda,  122.  445.  seq. 
Atharva-veda-anukramani,  228. 
Atharva-veda-brahmana,    445 — 

455. 
Atharva-veda-charana,  374.  seq. 
Atharva-veda-jyc-tisha,  214. 
Atharva-veda-kalpa,  199. 
Atharva-veda-parisishta,  253. 
Atharva-veda-pratisakhya,  139. 
Atidhanvan  6aunaka,  444. 
Atijagati,  222. 
Atidhriti,  148.  222. 
Atirat'ra,  177. 
Atisakvari,  222. 
Atithyeshti,  355. 
Atkila,  383. 
Atkila,  384. 

Atman,  19.  20—24.  323. 
Atmananda,  240. 
Atrayah,  383. 
Atri,  42.  92.  340. 
Atreya,  137.  142.  383.  438.  seq. 


Atreya-sakha,  53.  222.  seq. 
Atreyi-putra,  441. 
Atthakatha,  281.  294. 
Atyashti,  148.  222. 
Auchathya,  381. 
Audala,  383. 
Audaviihi,  205.  438. 
Auclheya,  372.  (var.  lee.  Aukhya, 

Add  ha,  Ugheya). 
Audumbarayana,  142. 
Aukhiya,  233.  364.  371.  (var.  Ice. 

Aukshya,  Ausheya,  Aukhya). 
Aulapin,  364. 
Aupajandhani,  439. 
Aupamanyava,  142.  370. 
Aupasana,  470. 
Aupasivi,  142. 
Aumavabha,  142.  438. 
Aurva,  92.  380. 
Ausija,  382. 
Avabritha,  416. 
Avadanasataka,  246. 
Avasathya,  203. 
Avatika,  372. 
Avatsara,  384. 
Avyakrita,  324. 
Ayasya,  413.  440.  488. 
Ayasya,  381. 
Ayushtoma,  177. 
Ayuta,'  395. 


B. 

Babhravya,  142. 
Badeyi-putra,  440 
Badhryasva,  381. 
Bagavedam,  5. 
Bahvricha-brabmana,      76.    seq. 

183. 
Bahvricha-parisishta,  252. 
Bahvricha-upanishad,  323. 
Baida,  380. 
Baladera,  261. 
Balakosha,  156. 
Banga,  268.  (alphabet),  518. 
Bandhu,  486. 
Barhadukthya,  382. 
Barhaspatya,  382. 


r  r  i> 


592 


INDEX. 


Barygaza,  30. 

Bashkala-sakha,    118.    180.   188. 

220.  369. 
Baudhayana-grihya-sutra,     201. 

380. 
Baudhayana-kalpa-sutra,  1 94. 1 99. 
Baudhayanlya-brahmana,  353. 
Baudheya,  372.  (var.  lee.  Augh., 

Gaudh.,-dhayana). 
Baudhi-putra,  441. 
Bhadhaula,  381. 
Bhadra-kalpa,  302. 
Bhadrasara,  297. 
Bhadrasena,  281. 
Bhagavata-purtma,  5. 
Bhagurikosha,  156. 
Bhagurin,  219. 
Bhaimayavah,  383. 
Bhallavin,  193.  364. 
Bhaluki  putra,  441. 
Bhanumat  Aupamanyava,  443. 
Bharadvaja,  42.  230.   340.   382. 

493. 
Bharadvajagnivesyah,  382. 
Bharadvaja,  137.  142.  382.  439. 
Bharadvaja-grihya-sutra,  201. 
Bharadvaja-kalpa-sutra,  194. 199. 
Bliaradvajins,  370. 
Bharadvaji -putra,  440.  seq. 
Bharata,  92. 
Bharata  (epic  poem),  42.  seq.  45. 

(race),  44.  46. 
Bhargava,  380.  seq. 
Bharmyasva,  382. 
Bhasha,  151. 
Bhashya,  138. 
Bhattabhaskaramisra,  240. 
Bhattacharyas,  93. 
Bbaumadeva  (alphabet),  518. 
Bhavatrata  ^ayasthi,  443. 
Bhiraa,  44. 
Bhishaja,  38. 
Bhudeva,  82. 

Bhuraimitra  (var.^c.-putra),  296. 
Bhutayajna,  93. 
Bhrigu,  17.  54.  231.  380.  451. 
Bidah,  381. 
Bindiisara,  271.  294. 
Brahmacharin,  202.  204. 


Brabma-karika,  231. 
Brahma-veda,  445.  seq. 
Brahmavriddhi  Chhandogam.443. 
Brahman,  28.  55.  60.  321.  328. 

436.  440.  442:  444. 
Brahman  (race),  207.  seq.  405. 
Brahman  (priests),  122.  446.  seq. 

450.  469.  487. 
Brahmanism,    32  —  35.   82.   seq. 

257—259. 
Brahmana,  75—77.  78.  170.  186. 

116.  106—108.  110.    163.  186. 

(names),  360  —  364.    (period), 

313—455. 
Brahmana-charana,    189  —  193. 

365..  seq. 
Brahmanachhansin,  450.  469. 
Brahmanda,  41. 
Brahmapalasa,  375. 
Brahmayajna,  93.  356.  458. 
Bribu,  494. 
Brihadaranyaka,   110.  325.   329. 

'seq.  (extract),  22 — 25. 
Brihaddevata,  217 — 219. 
Brihadratha,  295. 
Brihadukthah,  382. 
Brihadvasu  Gobhila,  443. 
Brihaspati,  130.  487. 
Brihaspati  6ayasthi,  443. 
Brihati,  222.  402. 
Buddha  (&akya  Muni),  32  —  35. 

78.  seq.   82.  seq.  88.   102.  260. 

285.  317.  seq.  (Smriti),  89.91. 

(date),  263—273.  298.  seq. 
Buddhism,  32  —35.  82.  seq.  260. 

262. 
Buddhistic  chronology,  263  —  273. 
Buddhistic     councils,    260.    271. 

seq. 
Buddhistic  revelation,  84 — 86. 


C. 


Ceylon ese  era,  35.  268. 
Ceylonese  chronologists,  264. 267. 

—271. 
Chakravarti,  261. 
Chakravarmana,  142. 


INDEX. 


593 


Chamasadhvaryu,  449. 
Chanakko,  (Chanakya)  281.  286. 

29].  294.  seq.' 
Chanasita,  405. 
Chando,  289. 

Chandragupta,  242.  271.  279. 
Chandramas,  449. 
Charaka-sakha,    191.   225.    350. 

364.  369. 
Charana,  121. 125—127. 130. 182. 

187—198.  368—378. 
Charana,  125.  seq. 
Charanavidya,  375. 
Charanavyuha,  250.  seq.  367. 
Charaniya-sakha,  225. 
Charayaniya,  369. 
Charmasiras,  142. 
Charu,  392. 
Charvaka,  91. 
Chaturmasya,  355.  470. 
Chaturatra,  92. 
Chaturhotra,  224. 
Chagalakshanam,  253. 
Chhagaleyin,  370.  (var.  lee,  Chai- 

keya,  Chhageya). 
Chhandas,    147—149.    (period), 

525—572. 
Chhandoga-brahmana,  176.  347. 

seq. 
Chhandoga-parisishta,  251.  253. 
Chhandoga     priests',     173.    430. 

445.  seq. 
Chhandogya-upanishad,  160. 324. 

seq. 
Chikita,  383. 
China  (alphabet),  518. 
Chinapati,  302. 
Chinese  chronologists,  265. 
Chityaparishekadimantras,  355. 
Chuda,  Bhagavitti,  442. 
Chyavana,  380.  seq. 
Cosraas  Indicopleustes,  247. 
Curtius,  Q.,  277.  516. 


D. 

Dadhyach  Atharvana,  440. 
Dairghatamasa,  382. 


Daivala,  385. 

Daivatam  (Naigeyanam  rikshv), 

227. 
Daivata  (nirukta),  155.  seq. 
Daivatarasa,  384. 
Daivodasa,  381. 
Daivyau  hotarau,  464. 
Dakshina,  203.  (alphabet),  518. 
Dalbhya,  142. 
Damoda,  375. 
Danastuti,  493. 
Darada  (alphabet\  518. 
Dara  Shakoh,  326. 
Darbhya,  383. 
Dardhachyuta,  385. 
Darsa-purnamasau,  354. 392. 458. 

470. 
Dasenkelleya,  267. 
Dasaratha,  49.  297. 
Denarius,  245.  seq. 
Deva-anukramani,  217. 
Deva-dar^anin,  375. 
Devanagari,  518. 
Devanampriya  Tishya,  270.  seq. 
Devantyayanah,  381. 
Devarajayajvan,  216.  240. 
Devarata,  383. 
Devasvamin,  380.  417.  seq. 
Devatarasa  &avasayana,  444. 
Devatadhyaya-brahmana,  348. 
Devavritti,  247. 
Devayajna,  93. 
Devir  dvarah,  464. 
Dhananando',  281.  284.  287.  293. 
Dhananjayah,  384. 
Dhananjayya,  181.  384. 
Dharbaka,  296. 
Dharma,  101. 
Dharma-Indra,  40. 
Dharma-svitra,  206—208. 
Dharma-sastra,  134. 
Dharmasoka,  272.  281. 
Dharanadhyayana,  509. 
Dhatusena,  267. 
Dhriti,  222. 

Dhriti  Aindrota  6aun.,  444. 
Dhurtasvamin,  380. 
Diksha,  393 
Dikshaniya,  177.  390—405.  458. 


B  R   3 


594 


INDEX. 


Dinara,  245.  seq. 

Diodorus  Siculus,  276. 

Dipavansa,  267. 

Dirghatamas,  19.  36.  57.  463. 

Dirghataraasah,  382. 

Divahsyenaya  ishtayah,  224. 

Divodasa,  407. 

Divyavadana,  246. 

Drahyayana-sutra,  181.  190.  210. 

Draupadi.  45.  47. 

Dravidas,  334.  (alphabet),  518. 

Dundliubha,  370. 

Durga,  131. 

Dushmanta,  36. 

Dushtagamani,  268. 

Dvaraka  45. 

Dvapara  (age),  412. 

Dvadasaha,  222. 

Dvivindu,  508. 


E. 

Ekaha,  209.  470. 
Ekapada,  222. 
Ekarsbi,  440. 
Erannoboas,  277.  279. 
Ezour-vedam,  5. 


Fabian,  265. 


F. 


G. 


Gajakumbakriti,  508. 
Galava,  142.*  383. 440. 
Galita,  221. 
Gana,  379. 
Ganagari,  467. 
Ganaka,  213. 
Gangaridae,  276. 
Gardhabimukha,  6and.,  444. 
Gargah,  382. 
Gargi-putra,  440. 
Gargya,  142.  164.  seq.  382. 
Garhapatya,  203. 
Garhya  ceremonie?,  100. 


Gartsamada,  381. 

Gatba,  40.  344. 

Gathina,  384. 

Gathin  Kausika,  418. 

Gatri  Gautama,  443. 

Gaulgulavi-putra  Gobhila,  443. 

Gaupayana,  486. 

Gautama-sutra,  53.  134.  (gram- 
marian), 142.  S.-V.  181.  (cha- 
rana),  374.  381.  438.  seq. 

Gautami-putra,  441. 

Gavam-ayanam,  177. 

Gavishtbirab,  383. 

Gavisbthira,'  383. 

Gayatri',  222.  391. 

Gayatrin,  489. 

Gharmadinisbkritis,  356. 

Gbaura,  383. 

Gbora,  38. 

Ghosba,  341. 

Ghoso,  289. 

Ghritakausika.  91.  439. 

Girisarman  Kantbaviddhi,  443. 

Gobhila,  53.  255.  436.  443. 

Gobhila  (astronomy),  214. 

Gobhila-griyha-sutra,  201. 

Gobhila-pushpa-sutra,  210. 

Gokula,  368.  (var.  lee,  -khu-, 
-svalu,  -laka). 

Gola,  514. 

Gopatha-brahmana,  445 — 4^5. 

Goptri,  450. 

Goshtoma,  177. 

Gotamah,  381.  seq. 

Gotra,  379—388. 

Grahagrahanamantras,  355. 

Grahanadhyayana,  509. 

Grahayuddha,  214. 

Grantha,  45.  521.  seq. 

Gravastut,  450.  468. 

Greece  and  India,  16—18.  30. 
seq. 

Griha,  202. 

Grihapati,  450.  469. 

Grihya  (fire),  203. 

Grihya-sutra,    121.    133.   200. 
205. 

Gritsamada,  26.  42.  231.  340. 
463. 


INDEX. 


595 


Guhyadesah,  318. 
Gungu,  318. 
Gurudevasvanrin,  380. 


H. 

Haji  Ibrahim  Sirhindi,  327. 
Haradatta     (Apastamba      Sarn.- 

sutra-bhashya),  (extract), 

100—105. 
Hari,  231. 
Haridravin,  364. 
Haridraviya,  370. 
Harikarni-putra,  441. 
Harischandra,  408.  seq.  488. 
Harita,  382. 
Harita  Kasyapa,  442. 
Harita,  143. 
Harivansa,  231. 
Harshaka,  296. 
Hautrakara,  254.  256. 
Hemashandra,  240. 
Herodotus,  48. 

Hiouen-thsang,  301.  seq.  304.  seq. 
Hiranyakesi  (Satyashadha),  196. 
Hiranyakesi-charana,  370. 
Hiranyakesi-grihya-sutra,  201. 
Hiranyakesi-kalpa-sutra,  199. 
Homamantras,  355. 
Homer,  499. 
Hotraka,  450. 
Hotri,  122.  175.  seq.  394.  seq.  448. 

seq.  468.  473.  seq. 
Huna  (alphabet),  518. 


Ida,  464. 

Idhmavaha,  385. 

Ikshvaku  (race),  408.  418. 

Ila,  464. 

In  (affix),  184. 

Indra,   60.    230.  411.    seq.    436. 

444.  530.  533.  542. 
Indrabhu  Kasyapa,  444. 
Indrapramada,  385. 
Indrota  6aunaka,  444. 


Indus,  12. 

Ishtakapuranam,  254.  seq, 

Ishti,  393. 

Isa-upanishad,  317.  325. 

Itara,  336. 

Iti,  344. 

Itihasa.  40.  seq.  90.98.  110.  334. 

Itihasa-veda,  40.  451. 


Jabala,  370. 
Jagaddhara,  125. 
Jagala,  375. 
Jagati,  322.  403. 
Jahnu,  418. 
Jaimini,  88.  90.  381. 
Jaiminiya-charana,  374. 
Jainas,  261.  seq. 
Jaivantayana,  438. 
Jamadagna,  380. 
Jamadagna  Vatsah,  380. 
Jamadagni   (father     of    Rama), 

^487. 
Jamadagnyah,  380. 
Janaka   (v.   1.    Ajaka,    Rajaka), 

374. 
Janaka   Vaideha,   36.    80.    329. 

421.  seq, 
Janaki  Ayasthuna,  442. 
Janamejaya  Parikshita,  486. 
Jarayu,  397. 

Jatukarnya,  142.  407.  438.  seq. 
Jayanti-putra,  44 1 . 
Jihvavat  Badhayoga,  442. 
Jina,  249. 
Jinendra,  248. 
Jnanakandam,  356. 
Jnanayogya,  374. 
Justin,  275. 
Jyotisha,  211—215. 
Jyotishtoma,  177.  470. 


K. 


Ka,  433. 
Kadvat,  433. 


K  R   4 


596 


INDEX. 


Kabola,  205. 

Kaisorya  Kapya,  440. 

Kaivartananda,  293. 

Kakavarna,  296. 

Kakubhaj  222. 

Kaksbivantah,  382. 

Kakshivat,  19.  36.  56.  seq. 

Kakshivat  Ausija,  493. 

Kaksbivata,  382. 

Kalabava,  383. 

Kalabavi-brabmana,  109.  116. 

Kalama,  514. 

Kalanos,  39.  seq. 

Kalapa,  126. 364.73.(v.l.Kalopa). 

Kalapaka,  126. 

Kalapin,  364. 

Kalasoka,  281.  seq. 

Kaleya,  370.  (v.  1.  Kaleta). 

Kalhana  Pandita,  242. 

Kali  (age),  412. 

Kali,  514. 

Kalinga,  57.  268. 

Kalpa,  344—364. 

Kalpanupada-sutra,  210. 

Kalpa-sutra,   94.  96.  seq.  169— 

199. 
Kamalins,  364. 
Kan&itrdoXoi,  333. 
Kambojas,  54. 

Kamboja,  Aupamanyava,  443. 
Kandas,  223. 
Kandamayana,  142. 
Kandanukrama,  223.  225. 
Kandhadatto,  286. 
Kandikas,  223. 
Kanishka,  298.  seq.  304.  332. 
Kanvah,  383. 
Kauva,'  142.  383. 
Kanva-sakha,  181.  183.  370. 
Kanvayana,  296. 
Kapardisvamin,  380. 
Kapayab,  383. 
Kapila,  79.  83.  102. 
Kapila,  102. 
Kapila-vastu,  102. 
Kapileya  Panchasikha,  102. 
Kapisbthala-kathah,  333.  369. 
Kapola,  372.  (v.  1.  -lapa,  -pala). 
Kapya  Patanchala,  102. 


Karka,  256. 
Karma,  180. 

Karma-kanda  (Veda),  115. 
Karma-miraansa,  40. 
Karma-pradipa,  54.  201.  231. 
Karmandin  (kalpa),  185,  364. 
Karnatakas,  334. 
Karsakeyi-putra,  441. 
Kashayana,  439. 

Kasyapa,'  17.  142.  384.  436.  seq. 
Kasyapa  Naidhruvi,  442, 
Kasyapah,  384.  487. 
Kasyapa,  384. 
Kasyapivalakyamathari-putra, 

441. 
Kat^b,  384. 

Katbab,  69. 97. 126. 223.  364. 369. 
Katha-upanishad,  325. 
Kathaka,  126.  223. 
Kathaka-grihya-sutra,  201. 
Kathakya,  *142. 
Katha-sutra,  199. 
Katya,  383.  seq. 
Katyayana,  41.  44.  97.  229.  seq. 

239—243.  (Buddbist),  302. 
Katyayana-anukramani,  149.215. 
Katyayana-kalpa-sutra,  181.  199. 

356—358. 
Katyayana  (metre),  147. 
Katyayana-parisishta,  250.   255. 

seq. 
Katyayana-pratisakbya,  138.  seq. 

163. 
Katyayana  -  upagrantba  -  sutra, 

210. 
Katyayani,  22.  24. 
Katyayaniya-sakha,  251.  372. 
Kauhali-putra,  142. 
Kaunakhins,  375. 
Kaundinya,  142.  385.  438. 
Kaundinyayana,  438. 
Kaushitaki-aranyaka,  337.  seq. 
Kausbitaki-brabmana,   181.   346. 

357.  (extract)  (xi.),  59.  (xxvi. 

5.),  406. 
Kaushitaki-sakha,  180.  183. 
Kausbitaki-upanishad,  338. 
Kausambi,  241. 
Kausika,  384. 


INDEX. 


597 


Kausikayani,  439. 
Kau&lrikalpah,  185.  364. 
Kauthuma-sakha,   181.  201.  228. 

373. 
Kautilya,  297. 
Kautsa,  142.  181.442. 
Kautsi-putra,  441. 
Kavasha,  36.  58. 
Kavya,  41. 
Kaya,  415. 
Kayastha,  514. 
Kena-upanishad,  324. 
Ketuchara,  214. 
Ketu  Vajya,  443. 
Khadira-grihya-sutra,  201. 
Khallalas,  374. 
Khandikeyas,  223.  364.  370.  (v.l. 

Shand.) 
Khasya  (alphabet),  518. 
Khila,  218.  222.  226.  356.  358. 
K\/<nc,  163. 
Kratusangraha,  252. 
Kratusangraha-sankhya,  254.seq. 
Kraunchikiputrau,  441. 
Kraushtuki,  142.  219. 
Krishna  Vasudeva,  45. 
Krisasvins  (kalpa),  185.  364. 
Krita  (age),  412. 
Kshairakalambhin,  181. 
Kshatraujas,  296. 
Kshatriya   (race),    17.    81.   207. 

378.  405. 
Kshemajit  (Kshemarchis,  Kshe- 

trajna),  296. 
Kshemadharman  (v.  1.  karman), 

298. 
Kshudrasuktas,  42.  340.  479. 
Kshudra-sutra,  210.  (v.  1.  Kshau- 

dra.) 
Kuladharma,  132.  seq.  201. 
Kumaraharita,  440. 
Kundina,  223. 
Kundinah,  385. 
Kunti,  44.  seq.  48. 
Kurmalakshanam,  254. 
Kuru,  44.  seq. 
Kusidin,  39. 

Kustuka  Sarkaraksha,  443. 
Kusikah,  383. 


Kusika-parisishta,  250. 
Kusika-sutra,  199. 
Kusri,  442. 
Kutsa,  56.  382. 
Kuvera  Vaisravana,  39. 


L. 

Lala,  268. 
Lamakayana,  181. 
Langalayana,  373. 
Lanka,  269. 

Latyayana,  181.  199.  210. 
Laugakshi-sutra,  199.    ) 
Laukika,  151. 
Lekha,  512.  seq. 
Lipi,  520. 

Lohitajahnavah,  384. 
Lohitaksha,  384. 

M. 

Madhava,  240. 
Madhuchhanda3,  418. 
Madhuchhandasa,  384. 
Madhuka,  219. 
Madhuka  Paingya,  442. 
Madhyamas,  479. 
Madhyandina,  138.  181.  seq.  329. 

333.  372.  (v.  1.  —  dineya.) 
Madragara  Saungayani,  443. 
Madri,  44.  seq.  48. 
Magadha  (alphabet),  518. 
Mahabarhata,  222. 
Mahabarhata,    18.    36.    41—48. 

57.  seq,  62.  231.  243. 
Mahadamatra,  205. 
Mahaitareya,  205. 
Mahakalopa,  373. 
Mahakatyayana,  302.  seq. 
Mahakaushitaki,  205. 
Mahakhallava,  374. 
Mahananda,  296. 
Mahanama,  267. 
Mahapadma,  296. 
Mahapaingya,  205. 
Mahasuktas,  42.  479. 
Mahaudavahi,  205. 


598 


INDEX, 


Mahavansa,  267. 
Makararttika,  235. 
Mahavira,  261. 
Mahavira-nirupanam,  356. 
Mahendra     (mountain),  17,   (son 

of  Asoka.)  271. 
Mahidasa  Aitareya,  336. 
Mahisha,  137. 
Mahitthi,  442. 
Mahiyava,  383. 
Maitra-sutra,  199. 
Maitravaruna,  385.  450.  468. 
Maitrayaniya-charana,  370. 
Maitrayaniya-sutra,  201. 
Maitreyi,22— 24.  28. 
Manavas,  61.  seq.  370.  199. 
Mandala,  218.  220.  340. 
Mandanis,  30. 
Mandavya,  441. 
Mandhatra,  383. 
Mandiandini,  333. 
Mandukayanas,  146.  368. 
Mandukayani,  441. 
Mfmdukayani-putra,  441. 
Mandukeya,  121.  142. 
Mandiiki-putra,  441. 
Mandukisiksha,  146. 
Mandu-Mandavyah,  205. 
Mandukya-upanishad,  325. 
Mani'kyala,  299. 
Maniyatappo,  294. 
Manti,  439. 
Mantra,    75.   seq.   86.    90.    343. 

(period),  456—524. 
Mantrarshadhyaya,  225. 
Manu,  423.  425—427. 
Manu-dkarma-sastra,  46.  56.  61. 

seq.  65.  67.  86.  seq.  89. 132.  seq. 
Manu  Vaivasvata,    28.  37.    531. 

seq. 
Manu  Apsava,  532. 
Manu  Samvarana,  532. 
Manutantu,  383. 
Manushyayajna,  93. 
Masi,  514. 
Masaka        Arsheya-kalpa-siitra, 

199.  209. 
Masaka  Gargya,  444. 
Masakiya,  142.  ' 


Matavachasa,  382. 

Matrin,  219. 

Matsya  Sammada,  39. 

Maudas,  364. 

Maudgalya,  382. 

Mauka,  381. 

Mauna,  381. 

Mauneya,     372.     (v.    1.     Bhad. 

Baudkyasva). 
Mauryas,  280.  285.  291.  293.  295. 

197.A 
Maushiki-putra,  441. 
Maya,  19.  321. 
Medhatitki,  463. 
Megastkenes,  25.  29.  200.  242. 

277.  515. 
Mela,  514. 
Mimansa,  73.  78. 
Miraansaka,  142. 
Mitrablm  Kasyapa,  444. 
Mitravarchas  Stairakayana,  443. 
Mitravinda  Kauhala,  443. 
Mitrayuvah,  381. 
Mudgala,  219.  368.  382. 
Mulamitra  Gobhila,  443. 
Mundaka-upanishad,  325.  328. 
Mutiba,  418. 
Mrityu,  436,  444. 
Mi-ityu  Pradhvansana,  440. 


N. 

Nabhanedisbtha,  423. 
Nachiketachayana,  224. 
Nagarjuna,  266.  273.  seq. 
Naidhruva,  384. 
Naigama  (kandam),  155.  seq. 
Naigeya,  374*.  228. 
Naighantuka,  155.  seq. 
Naimisliiya,  231.  407. 
Nairritya-kathali,  373. 
Nairuktas,  164. 
Nakula,  44. 
Nakula,  44. 
Nakshatra,  212. 
Nakshatra-darsa,  213. 
Nakshatra-grahotpatalakshanam, 
214. 


INDEX. 


599 


Naksliatra-kalpa,  214. 

Nakshatra-vidya,  213. 

Nama,  161. 

Nana,  331. 

Ntuiaka,  331.  seq. 

Nanda,    241.   seq.  279.  281.  284. 

295. 
Nandivardhana,  296. 
Narada,  408. 
Narasansa,  493. 
Narasansi,  40.  344. 
Navagrahasanti-parisislita,  214. 
Navanita,  395. 
Nearchus,  515. 
Neshtri,  450.  469. 
Nidana-sutra,  147.210. 
Nidhruvah,  384. 
Nigada,  407. 
Nigada  Parnavalki,  443. 
Nigama,  156. 

Niganiah  (v.  1.  Agam),  254.  256. 
Nighantu,  1 54.  seq. 
Nikothaka  Bhayajatya,  444, 
Nipata,  161. 

Nirukta,  152—158.  163—168. 
Nirvana,  266.  268.  seq. 
Nirvritti,  73. 
Nisbada,  59. 
Nishka,  332. 
Nivita,  42. 
Nyasa,  248. 
Nyaya,  78,  316. 


"Ovo/jia,  161. 
Oshadhi,  449. 


O. 


P. 


Pabbato,  288.291. 
Pada,  160.  341. 
Padavidhana,  234. 
Pahlaras,  54. 
Pailah,  385. 
Paila-sutra-bhashya,  205. 


Paingalayanah,  385. 

Paingi,  223. 

Paingins,  185.  368. 

Paingikalpah,  364. 

Paingi-putra,  441. 

Paingyam,  185. 

Paippaladas,  364.  374. 

Pakayajna,  203. 

Paksha,  379. 

Palaka,  296. 

Palangins,  364. 

Palibothra,  242.  276. 

Panchachitikamantras,  356. 

Panchala,  129.  142. 

Panchavidha-sutra,  210. 

Panchavinsa-bralimana,  347. 

Pandavas,  44.  seq. 

Pandu,  44.  seq. 

Pandya,  44.  seq. 

Pani'ni,  118.  138.   seq.    150.  seq. 

184.  seq.  361.  (date),  304—310. 
Panini  gotra,  385. 
Paniniyam,  185. 
Panjab,  12. 
Pankti,  222.  402. 
Paradas,  54. 
Paramatman,  19. 
Paramavatika,  372. 
Parameshthin,  440. 
Paraskara-grihya-sutra,  201. 
Parasara,  91.  438. 
Parasara-dharma-sastra,  86.  90. 
Parasara-gotra,  388. 
Parasara-sakha,  97.  129.  seq. 
Parasarins,  185.  364. 
Parasari-kaundini-putra,  440. 
Parasari-putra,  440,  441. 
Parasarya,  91. 149.  372.  385.  439. 
Parasaryayana,  91.  439. 
Parasu-Rama,  17.  49.  81. 
Paribhasha,  72. 
Parishad,    128—132.   (v.   1.  par 

shad,  129). 
Parishadya,  131. 
Parisishta,  148.  249-256.  (date) 

257—260. 
Parjanya,  449. 
Parshada,  128—132. 
Parshadam,  253—255. 


600 


INDEX. 


Parshadasva,  382. 

Partha,  381. 

Parushni,  486. 

Parva,  490. 

Parvata,  408. 

Pasubandha,  470. 

Patas,  370  (v.  1.  Patandineya) 

Patala,  524. 

Pataliputra,  241.  seq.  278.  284. 

Patanchali,  102. 

Patanjali,  148.  235.  239. 

Pathas  Saubhara,  440. 

Patni  dikshita,  450. 

Paundravatsa,  372.  (v.  1.  vachha.) 

Paurana,  384. 

Paurukutsya,  382. 

Paurvatitha,  383. 

Paushkarasadi,  142. 

Pautimashyayana,  438. 

Pavamana-ishti,  292. 

Pavamanis,  42.  340. 

Pinga,  283. 

Pingalanaga,  147.  seq.  244. 

Pindola,  274. 

Pisacha-vidya,  39. 

Pisacha-veda,  451. 

Pitrimedhas,  356. 

Pitriyajna,  93.  354. 

Plato,  161. 

Plakshayana,  142. 

Plakshi,  142. 

Porus,  276,  seq. 

Potri,  469. 

Prachinaviti,  43. 

Prachinayogi-putra,  441. 

Prachinayogya,  374. 

Prachya,  142. 

Prachya-kathas,  333.  369. 

Pradhvansana,  440. 

Pradyota,  296. 

Pragatha,  42.  340. 

Pragatha-barhata,  222. 

Prajapati,  393,  seq.  414.  433.  seq. 

436.  442.  444.  529. 
Pranjala,  374. 
Pranjalidvaitabhrit,  374. 
Prasangikas,  355. 
Prasavotthanam,  254. 
Prasii,  276.  seq.  333. 


Praskanva,  494. 
Prasna,'  223. 
Prasna-upanishad,  325. 
Prasni-putra,  441. 
Prastoka  Sarnjaya,  494. 
Prastotri,  450. 
Pratarahna  Kauhala,  443. 
Pratardana,  407. 
Pratihartri,  450,  469. 
Pratijna-parisishta,  121. 253. 255. 
Pratiloma  (caste),  256. 
Pratiprasthatri,  450.  469. 
Pratisakhya,  46.  116— 149.   150. 

161. 
Pratitheyi,  205. 
Pratithi  Devataratha,  444. 
Pratyaksha,  108. 
Pravachana,  53.  109. 
Pravara,  386. 
Pravaradhyayali,  254.  seq. 
Pravaramanjari,  380. 
Pravargya  6antipatha,  356. 
Prayoga,  180. 
Pretyabhava,  19. 
Prishadasvah,  382. 
Prishadhra,  494. 
Pritha,  44. 
Prithusravasa  Kanina,  494. 

ilpodiCTlQ,    161. 

Ylpoariyopia,  162. 

Protagoras,  163. 

Ptosis,  163. 

Pulinda,  418. 

Pundra,  418. 

Pupphapura,  287. 

Purana,   41.    61.    90.    108.    110. 

153.  344. 
Purana- veda,  40.  451. 
Purana-paridhapayantah,  384. 
Purohita,  485—488. 
Puronuvakya,  400. 
Pururavas,  36.  56.  418. 
Purushamedha,  356. 
Purushottama,  380. 
Purvapaksha,  73. 
Pushamitra  Gobhila,  443. 
Pushkaraparnadyupadhanaman- 

tras,  355. 
Pushpasutra,  210. 


INDEX. 


601 


Pushyayasas  Audavraji,  443. 
Pustakam,  512. 
Putimasha,  383. 


R. 

Radha  Gautama,  436.  443. 

Rahasya,  318. 

Rahuchara,  214. 

Rahuganak,  381. 

Raka,  212.' 

Rakshovidya,  39. 

Raibhya,  438.  384. 

Rainava,  384. 

Rajasuya,  355. 

Rama,  49. 

Rama  Jamadagnya,  463. 

Rama  Margaveya,  487. 

Ramayana,   17.  36,  seq.  41 — 43. 

49.  60*. 
Ranayaniputra,  181. 
Ranayaniya,  181.  201.  373. 
Rantikosha,  156. 
Rathantarin,  219. 
Rathitara,  219. 
Rathitari-putra,  441. 
Rauhina,  384. 
Rauhinayana,  438. 
Rebhah,  384. 
'P^a,  161. 
Renavah,  384. 
Renu,  418. 
Renuka,  418. 
Repha,  508. 
Rich,  341. 
Richika,  418. 
Rigvarnabheda,  374. 

Rig-veda,  63. 122.  219.  seq.  457— 
468.  525—575. 

Rig-veda-anukramani,  215 — 219. 

Rig-veda-aranyaka,  525 — 575. 

Rig-veda-brahmana,  346.  seq. 

Rig-veda-charana,  368. 

Rig-veda  chhandas,  147. 

Rig-veda  commentaries,  240. 

Rig-veda  grihya-sutra,  201. 

Rig-veda-jyotisha,  211. 

Rig-veda  kalpa-sutra,  180.  199. 


Rig-veda-nirukta,  153,  seq. 
Rig-veda-pratisakhya,  135.  seq. 
Rig-veda-parisishta,  252. 

Rig-veda  passages  translated  :  (i. 
1.  1.)  481.  (i.  74.)  549.  seq. 
(i.  162.)  553.  seq.  (i.  164.  46.) 
567.  (i.  194.  4.)  490.  (i.  63.  8.) 
20.  (i.  115.  l.)20.  (ii.  2.)  535, 
seq.  (iii.  1.  20.)  482.  (iii.  28.  1.) 
492.  (iii.  29.  10.)  493.  (iii.  32. 
13.)  482.  (iii.  36.  10.)  490.  (iii. 
39.)  482.  (vi.  23.  9.)  483.  (vii. 
3.)  547.  seq.  (vii.  32.)  543.  (vii. 
77.)  551.  (vii.  81.)  540.  seq. 
(vii.  103.)  493.  (viii.  30.)  531. 
(viii.  11.)  548.  seq.  (viii.  13, 
14.)  542.  (viii.  21.  14.)  542. 
(ix.  11.  6.)  318.  (x.  73.  11.) 
318.  (x.  121.)  569.  (x.  130.) 
482.  (x.  129.)  564. 

Rigyajunshi,  254. 

Rikshah,  382. 

Ripunjaya,  295. 

Rishabha,  418. 

Rishyasringa  Kasyapa,  444. 

Rita,  491. 

Ritulakshana,  214. 

Ritvigvarana,  1 76. 

Ritvij,  469—474.  492. 

Rohinah,  384. 

Rohita,*410. 

Romaharshana,  231. 

Romakayana  Sthavira,  219. 

Rudra,  55. 

Rudra-bhuti  Drahyayani,  442. 


S. 

Sadasya,  407.  449.  seq.  469. 
Sahadeva,  44. 
Siihadevas,  44. 
Saitava,  148.  438. 
Sajaniya,  (hymn),  231. 
Samanta-panchaka,  17. 
Sama-sankhya,  144. 
Sama-sutras,  209,  210. 
Sama-tantra,  143.  seq. 
Sama-veda,  121.468.473. 


602 


INDEX. 


Sama-anukramani,  227.  seq. 
Sama-brahmana,  347.  seq. 
Sama-charana,  373,  seq. 
Sama-kalpa,"  181.  199.  209. 
Sama-jyotisha,  214. 
Sama-parisishta,  252. 
Sama-pratisakhya,  143. 
Sama-metre,  147. 
Sama-vidhana,  190.  347. 
Samayacharika-sutra,    99.     101. 

134.  206—208. 
Samidheni,  89.  393. 
Samvargajit  Lamakayana.  444. 
Sanaga,  440. 
Sanaru,  440. 
Sanatana,  440. 
Sandhyavandana,  206. 
Sandrocottus,  242.  275—300. 
Sangata,  297. 
Sanhita,  184.  174.  176. 
Sanhita-charana,  188.  seq.  364. 
Sanhiti-upanishad,  114. 
Sanhitopanishad,  348. 
Sanjivt-putra,  441. 
Sankara  Gautama  443. 
Sankarshana-kanda  90. 
Sankhya,  78.  82*.  seq.  102. 
Sankriti,  383. 
Sankriti-putra,  441. 
Sankritya,  143.  383.  438. 
Sannyasin,  314. 
Sansava,  398 
Sanskara,  204. 
Sarasvati,  12.  169.  464. 
Sarman  Cheya,  30. 
Sarpa,  39. 
Sarpa-veda,  451. 
Sarpa-vidya,  39. 
Sarshti,  381. 
Sarvanukramni,  215.  seq. 
Sarvastivadas,  302. 
Sarvamedhas,  356. 
Sat,  324. 

Sati  Aushtrakshi,  443. 
Sattra,  210,  470. 
Satyakama  Jabala,  442. 
Satyamugrya,  373.  (v.  1.  -murgyn, 

6atyamurgrya). 
Satyavaha  Bharadvaja,  328. 
Satyavati,  418. 


Saukarayana,  439. 

Sautramani,  355.  357. 

Sautramani-sambandhi-,  356. 

Sauyami,  205. 

Savarni,  381. 

Savetasa,  381. 

Savitragnichayana,  224. 

Savitri,  414. 

Sayakayana,  439. 

Sayana,  Rig-veda-bbashya  (p.  11). 

^342.  (p.  34).  458.  155—157. 
Sayana,  Parasara-sastra-bhashya, 

87—94. 
Sekasandbyadibautrantam,  355. 
Seleucus  Nikator,   242.  274.  seq. 

298. 
Semitic  races,  14.  seq. 
Senaka,  143. 
Seven  rivers,  12. 
Shadgurusishya,   comm.   on    the 

Anukramani,  216. 
Shadvinsa-brahmana,  112.  347. 
Shashtipatha,  357. 
Shadasin,  177. 
Siddhanta,  73. 
Sinhabahu,  268. 
Sintvali,  212. 
Skanda-bliashya,  240. 
Skandasvamin,  240. 
Smarta-sutra,  94.  99. 
Smriti,  52.  75.  78.  86—93.  107. 

182. 
Smriti-prabandhas,  99. 
Soma,  55.  533, 
Soma-rajayah,  381. 
Soma-rajya,  381. 
Soma-raudra  Cham,  89. 
Soma-sarman,  297. 
Soma-sushma,  421. 
Soma-vaha,  385. 
Soma  Vaishnava,  38. 
Soma-yaga,  177. 
Somesvara,  103.  122.  144. 
Somotpattih,  252. 
Sone,  (river)  279. 
Sparsa,  160. 
Sphotayana,  143. 
Sthaulashthivi,  143.  153. 
Sthiraka  Sargya,  444. 
Stobhanusanhara,  144. 


INDKX. 


603 


Stoics,  162.  seq. 

Strabo,  15.  seq.  25  seq.  200.  515. 

Stupah,  248. 

Subandhu,  486. 

Subhadra,  45. 

Subrahmanya,  450.  469. 

Sudas,  483.  485.  seq, 

Sudeshna,  57. 

Sukta,  341. 

Sulabha,  205. 

Sumalya,  297. 

Sumantra  Babh.  Gaut.  444. 

Sumantah,  205. 

HvvfiEff/AOl,   161. 

Sunitha  Kapatava,  443. 
Supratita  Aulundya,  443. 
Surabhignrita,  395. 
Suradindrabhishekantara,  355. 
Surya,  55,  449. 
Suryaka,  296. 
Susarada  6'alankayana,  443. 
Susravas  Varshaganya,  443. 
Sutemanas  ^andilyana,  443. 
Sutivritti,  247'. ' 
Sutra^  71—249. 
Sutra-charana,    193—198.    364. 

seq. 
Suyajna,  205. 
Suyasas,  297. 
Suyavasa,  412. 
Svadhyaya,  105.  509. 
Svadhyaya-brahmana,  224. 
Svaha  113. 
Svaha-kritis,  463. 
Svanaya,  56, 
Svanaya  Bhavyaya,  493. 
Svara,  160. 
Svishtakrit,  400.  seq. 
Syaparna,  487. 

&abara,  418. 

Sabdanusasanam,  306. 

Sailalin,  185.  364. 

Sainya,  382. 

Saisava,  97. 

gai&ra,  368. 

Saisira-sakha,  118.  135.  149. 


&aisireya,  368. 

Saisunagas,  296. 

6aityayana,  143. 

£aivayavah,  383. 

Sakas,  (people)  54. 

6akadasa,  444. 

6akala,  143. 

6akala,-sakha,  143.  118.  135 — 
137.  140.  seq.  144.  seq.  147. 
149.  178.  219.  seq.  368. 

6akalya,  136.  140.  143.  368.    - 

&akalya-pita,  136.  143. 

6akapuni,  143.  v.  1. 

6akapurni,  153». 

6ahatayana,  141.  143.  164.  seq. 

Sakha,  51.  100—105.  121—127. 
188.  seq.  377.  429.  seq. 

Saktya,  383. 

Sakuntala,  (play)  1.  6.  512. 

Sakuntala  (province),  36. 

6'akvari,  222. 

gakya,  83. 285. 295.  (see  Buddha.) 

Salaksha,  384. 

Salankayana-charana,  181. 

Salankayana-gotra,  381.  384. 

Salankayani-putra,  44 1 . 

Salapravesa,  355. 

^alisuka,  297. 

Saliya  (v.  1.  Kha-,  gar-)  368. 

&amba  garkaraksha,  443. 

&ambhu,  383. 

gamitri,  450.  469. 

&andilah  385. 

6'andili-putra,  441. 

handily  a,  181.  323.  438.  440. 

handily  ayana,  181. 

Sankha,  383. 

S'ankhayana,  143. 

6ankhayana-brahmana,  180.  397. 

&ankhayana-grihya-sutra,  201. 

Sankhayana-kalpa,  180.  199.  ex- 
tract (xvi.  1.)  37 — 40. 

6'ankhayana-parisishta,  252. 

&ankhayanins,  183.  368. 

Santanacharya,  152. 

&antanu,  255. 

£'apheya,  372.  (v.  1.  -peya,  -piya). 

gardula,  373. 

Sarkarakshi,  381. 


604 


INDEX. 


Sarvadatta  Gargya,  442. 
6arvadatta  Kosha,  156. 
6astra,  53. 
&asadharman,  297. 
Satabalaksha  Maudgalya,  143. 
Satadru,  486. 
6atanika,  231. 
6atapatha-brahmana,    176.     183. 

329.  349.  353—360.  (i.  8.  1.  1.) 

425.   (xi.4.  5.)  421. 
6atarchins,  42,  340. 
6atarudriya,  355. 
&atvala,  374.  -  (v.  1.  Satyamud- 

bhava). 
&atyayanin,  181.  193.  364.  372. 
6athyayaniya,  374. 
6auchivrikshi,  181. 
Saunaho'tra,  230.  381. 
6aunaka,  118.  135.  seq.  230 — 239. 

438. 
6aunaka-anukramani,  216.  seq. 
6aunaka-aranyaka,  314. 
6aunaka-grihya-sutra,  201. 
6aunaka-kalpa-sutra,  144.  199. 
6aunaka-charana,  375. 
&aunaka-parisishta,  250. 
Saunaka-upanishad,  328.  337. 
6aunakayanah,  385. 
6aunakins,  364. 
&aunaki-putra,  441. 
6aunakiya,  137.  143. 
6aunakiya-chaturadhyayika,   1 39 

—141. 
6aunga-6aisirayali,  383. 
6aungi-putra,  441. 
^aurpanayya,  438. 
6avas,  444. 
6ikha,  53. 

Siksha  (siksha),  1 L3 — 147. 
6ilpa  Kasyapa,  442. 
6ishtam  asvamedliikam,  355. 
6ishtasvamedhamantras,  356. 
6isira,368. 
6isu  Angirasa,  97. 
6isunaga,  296. 
6iva,  55. 

&iva-sankalpa,  317. 
6loka,  68.  seq.  71.  86.  99.  110. 
graddha-kalpah,  253.  255. 


6raddha-ka]pa-bhashya,  255. 
Sraumata-kamakayanah,  383. 
6rauta  ceremonies,  100. 
6rauta-sutras,  50.  75.  94.  99.  169 

—199. 
6ravana-datta  Kauhala,  443. 
^rutabandhu,  486. 
&ruti,  52.  75.  82.  86.  88.  97.  seq. 

100.  107.  seq.  182. 
6ruti-rupamantras,  356. 
6udra  (race),  55.  58.  207. 
&udra  dynasty,  243.  297. 
6ubhanga,  518. 
6ukriya,  226.  356.  358. 
6'ulvadipika,  255. 
6ulvikani,  253.  255. 
6unahotra,  230. 
Sunahpuchha,  412. 
&unahsepha,  36.  408—416. 
&unaka,  231.  381. 
6unika,  295. 
6unolangula,  412. 
6usha  Vahn.  Bhar.  444. 
&vetasvatara,   370.   (v.  1.   6veta, 

6vetatarah,-tah-tanta,     Sveta, 

Asva-.) 
6vetasvatara-upanishad,  321. 
&vetaketu,  128.  421. 
gyaitah,  381. 
&yam&,  370. 
6yamayanins,  364.  370. 
Syavasva  Archananasa,  383.  493. 


Taittiki,  142. 
Taittiriya,  61.  174. 
Taittiriya-anukramani,  223. 
Taittiriya-aranyaka,  113.  seq.  334. 

seq. 
Taittiriya- charana,  370. 
Taittiriya-grihya-sutra,  201. 
Taittiriya-kalpa-sutra,  299. 
Taittiriya-pratisakhya,  137. 
Taittiriya-siksha,  113.  seq. 
Taittiriya-sanhita,  350.  359.  364. 
Taittiriya-upanishad,    114.    323. 

325. 


INDEX. 


605 


Taitteriyaka,  137.  142. 
Takkasila,  286. 
Tamasavanasangliarama,  302. 
Tamraparni,  270. 
Tandins,  364.  383. 
Tandya-brahmana,  181.  364.  430. 

see  panchavi nsa-br. 
Taimnapat,  464. 
Tapaniya,  372.  (v.  1.  payana). 
Tarkshya,  382. 
Tarkshya   Vaipasyata,   39.  (v.  1. 

Vaipaschita.) 
Taumburavins,  364. 
Tibetan  chronology,  265. 
Tilaka,  (v.  1.  Balaka),  296. 
Tirindira  Parasavyaya,  494. 
Tirita,  248. 
Tirthakas,  262. 
Tittiri,  175.  223. 
Tman  (atman),  20. 
Tottayanas,  375. 
Traivani,  439. 
Trasadasyava,  382. 
Trata  Aishumata,  442. 
Treta  (age),  412. 
Tripundra,  55. 
Tribhashyaratna,  137. 
Trishtubh,  68.  71.  222.  400. 
Tritiyasvanagatadityagrahadi- 

mantras,  355. 
Tura  Kavaslieya,  442. 
Turanian  races,  14.  seq. 
Turushka,  299. 
Tvashtri,  464. 


U. 


Ucliatyah,  381. 
Udarasandilya,  444. 
Udayasva,  296. 
Uddalaka,  36.  442. 
Uddalaka  Aruneya,  442. 
Udgatri,  122.  175.  181.  445.  seq. 

449.  5^.469.  471. 
Udgitha-bhaskara,  240. 
Udibhi,  (v.  1.  Udasin),  296. 
Udichya,  142. 
Udichva  Kathali,  373. 


Ugrasena,  284. 

Ugrasravas,  23 J. 

Ujjvaladatta,  246.  seq. 

Ukha,  223. 

Ukha-dharana,  355. 

Ukha-sambharanadimantras,  355. 

Ukhya,  137.  142. 

Uktha-sastrara,  254.  seq. 

Uma,  53. 

IJna,  450. 

Unadi-siitra,  151.  seq.  245.  seq. 

Unnetyi,  450.  469. 

Upagatri,  470. 

Upagrantha-siitra,  210. 

Upajyotisha,  213.  253.  255. 

Upamanyavah,  385. 

Upanayana,  207. 

Upanga,  5. 

Upanishads,  100.  122.  316—328. 

348. 
Upasarga,  161. 
Upaveda,  5. 
Upavesi,  442. 
Upnekat,  5.  325.  seq. 
Urjayat  Aupam,  443. 
Urukshaj'asa,  383. 
Urvasi,  36. 

Ushas,  414.  529.  551.  seq. 
Usbasa-naktau,  464. 
tfshraan,  160.  341. 
Uslmih,  222.  401. 
Tjti,  393. 

Utpalavarnadeva,  269. 
Uttancottariya,  142. 
Uttara-brahmana,  453.  seq. 
Uttarakurus  (alphabet),  518 
Uttaraniimansa,  90. 
Uttarapaksha,  73. 
Uttaraviharo,  281. 
Uvata,  98. 


Yacb,  442. 
Vacliaknavi,  205. 
Vachaspati,  82.  407. 
Vadava,  205. 
Vadhuna,  194. 


S  S 


606 


INDEX. 


Vadhuna-sutra,  199. 

Vaidabhriti-putra,  441. 

Vaidadasvi,  493. 

Vaideha,  52. 

Vaidheya  (var.  lee.  -neya),  372. 

Vaijara,  372. 

Vaijavapa,  433. 

Vaijavapayana,  438. 

Vaijavapin  (grihya-sutra),  201. 

Vaikarta,  469. 

Vaikhanasa,  194. 

Vaikhanasa-sutra,  199. 

Vainava,  384. 

Vaineya,  {var.  lee.  -dheya,  -neya,) 

372. 
Vainya,  381. 

Vaishnava-dharma-sastra,  331. 
Vaishtapureya,  438. 
Vaisampayana,  174.  223.  364. 
Vaiseshika,  78.  84.  316. 
Vaisvamitra,  383. 
Vaisya  (race),  55  207.  378.  405. 
Vaitdnika,  202. 
Vaiyakaranas,  164. 
Vajapeyas,  355. 
Vajasaneyi-anukramani,  226. 
Vajasaneyi-aranyaka,  329.  seq. 
Vajasaneyi-brahmana,   349.  353. 

360. 
Vajasaneyi-kalpa-siitra,  181.  199. 
Vajasaneyi-pratisakhya,  138.  seq. 
Vajitsaneyi-sakha,  121.  138.364. 

371.  seq.  174. 
Vajasaneyi-sanhita,  353 — 360. 
Vajasaneyi-upanishad,  317. 
Vajasravas,  442. 
Vajrakriti,  508. 
Valakakausika,  439. 
Valakhilyas,  220. 
Valmiki,  143. 
Valmikiyah,  385. 
Varaadeva,  42.  340. 
Vamadevah,  382. 
Vamadevya,  382. 
Vamakakshayana,  442. 
Vanaprastha,  314. 
Vanaspati,  449.  463. 
Vandana,  382. 
Vansa,  379. 
Yansa-brahmana,  348.  436.  seq. 


Vansaka,  296. 
Varadaraja,  210. 
Varaha,  370. 
Varaha-siitra,  199. 
Varantantaviyas,  364.  369.  (var. 

lee.  Vartan-.) 
Vararuchi,  137.  239—241. 
Varga,  220.  seq.  379. 
Varkaruni-putra,  441. 
Varna,  507.  (four)  207. 
Varsha,  241. 
Varshagani-putra,  441. 
Varsliyayani,  142. 
Vartantaveya,  374. 
Varuna,  GO.  212.  410.  seq.   534. 

seq. 
Varuna-'Aditya,  38. 
Varunamitra  Gobhila,  443. 
Varuni-upanishad,  114. 
Vasishtha,  36.  42.   51.   340.  385. 

408.413.  463.  (race)  91.   483. 

487. 
Vasishtha  smriti,  55. 
Vasishtha,  53  seq.  104.  385. 
Vasishtha  Araihanya,  444. 
Vasishtha  Chaikitaneya,  444. 
Vasishtha-dharraasastra,  1 34. 
Vasordiiaradiraantras,  355. 
Vasudeva,  45.  55.  261. 
Vasumitra,  299. 
Vasusruta,  463. 
Vasa  Asvya,  494. 
Vatabhikara,  142. 
Vatayana,  373. 
Vatsa  (land),  241. 
Vatsa,  442. 

Vatsamitra  Gobhila,  443. 
Vatsanapat  Babhrava,  440. 
Vatsapra,  142. 
Vatsiraandavi-putra,  440. 
Vatsi-putra,  441. 
Vatsya,  142.  368.  438.  seq. 
Vayu,  436.  444.  449.  452. 
Veda,  9.  10.   28.  53.  205.  (anti- 
quity) 62 — 66  (authority)  79 — 

81.103. 
Vedamitra,  136.  143. 
Vedanga,  53.  94.   95.  98.  109- 

215.  (number)  109—113. 
Vedanta,  82.316. 


INDEX. 


607 


Vedarthadipika,  216. 
Vedhas,  408. 
Vedic  age,  9 — 11. 
Venavah,  334. 
Vibhakti,  163. 
Vibhanduka  Kasyapa,  444. 
Vichakshana,  405. 
Vichakshana  Tandya,  444. 
Vidharbhi-kaundinya,  440. 
Vidhi,  101.  170.  343. 
Vidhudhabo,  285. 
Vidmisara,  296.  (v.  1.  Vimbis.,  Vi- 
dhis.,  Vindusena,  Vindyasena.) 
Vijaya,  267.  seq. 
Vi'kramaditya,  304. 
Vinaya,  83. 

Vindu,  508. 

Vindu-sara,  297. 

Viniyogasangraha,  252. 

Vipas,  486. 

Vip'rabandhu,  486. 

Viprajitti,  440. 

Viiaj,  403. 

Viiama,  507. 

Virishta,  450. 

Vishnu,  55.  60.  390.  seq. 

Vishnu-dharmottara,  240. 

Visluiu-vriddhah,  382. 

"ViSakhayupa,  2y6. 

Visvamitra,  36.  42.  80.  seq.  340. 
383.  408.  413.  419.  463.  482. 
485.  seq.  487. 

Visvantara  Saushadmana,  487. 

Visvarupa  Tvashtra,  440. 

Visve  devas,  450.  532. 

Vrihadratlia,  297. 

Vrishasuslma  Vat.,  444. 

Vrishni,  45. 

Vritra,  399. 

Vyahriti,  450.  seq. 

Vyakarana,  150—152.  158  — 
169. 

Vyakhya,  110. 

Vyali,  143.  241. 

Vyanjana,  341. 


Vyasa,  42.  91.  231.  253.  476.  479. 
Vyashti,  440. 


Xandrames,  275.  seq. 

Y. 

Yadavakosha,  156. 
Yajnaparsve,  253,  255. 
Yajnavachas  Raja.,  442. 
Yajnavalkya,  22.  24.  36.  81—86. 

91.  seq.  129.    329.   331—333. 

349.  353.  seq.  422.  seq.  442. 
Yajnikadeva,  256. 
Yajniki-upanishad,  114. 
Yajnopavitin,  206. 
Yajur-veda-charana,  369  —  372. 

(names),  174.350.  (parisishta), 

253.  (kathaka),  225. 
Yajyas,  177.407. 
Yajyadipreshanantam,  355. 
Yajyanuvakyah,  224.  399.  seq. 
Yakshas,  269. 
Yama  Vaivasvata,  38. 
Yaskah,  381. 
Yaska,'  111.  142.  148.  153—157. 

168.  223.  439. 
Yatayama,  450. 
Yauvanasva,  383. 
Yavanas,  54. 
Yavanani,    (lipi),    307.    520. 

seq. 
Yoga,  78.  102.  235.  316. 
Yoga-nanda,  241. 
Yoga-sastra,  330. 
Yudhishthira,  44.  seq. 
Yupalakshanam,  253.  255. 
Yupasanskara,  355. 


Z. 


Zenodotus,  161. 
Zoroastrians,  12. 


I.OXDOX 
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