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Standard edition 

The Works of 

H FJistory of 

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Complete in Two Volumes 

With Maps and Illustrations 

H* L* Burt Company, publishers 

New \ovk 



The work here offered to the public, conceived and com- 
menced in the year 1876, was designed to supply what seemed 
a crying need of English literature — viz., an account of 
Ancient Egypt, combining its antiquities with its history, ad- 
dressed partly to the eye, and presenting to the reader, within 
a reasonable compass, the chief points of Egyptian life — man- 
ners, customs, art, science, literature, religion — together with 
a tolerably full statement of the general course of historical 
events, whereof Egypt was the scene, from the foundation of 
the monarchy to the loss of independence. Existing English 
histories of Ancient Egypt were either slight and scantly illus- 
trated, like those of Canon Trevor and Dr. Birch, or wanting 
in illustrations altogether, like Mr. Kenrick's, or not confined 
to the period which seemed to deserve special attention, like 
the " Egypt" of Mr. Samuel Sharpe. Accordingly, the 
present writer, having become aware that no " History of 
Egypt " on a large scale was contemplated by Dr. Birch, de- 
signed in 1876 the work now published, regarding it in part 
as necessary to round off and complete his other principal 
labors in the historical field, in part as calculated to fill up a 
gap, which it was important to fill up, in the historical litera- 
ture of his country. Since his intention was announced, and 
the sheets of his first volume to some extent printed off, Eng- 
lish literature has been enriched by two most important pub- 
lications on the subject of Egypt— Dr. Birch's excellent edition 
of Wilkinson's "Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyp- 
tians," and the translation of Dr. Brugsch's " Geschichte 
Aegyptens " made by the late Mr. Danby Seymour and Mr. 
Philip Smith. Had these works existed in the year 1876, or 
had he then known that they were forthcoming, the author 



feels that the present volumes would never have seen the 
light. But, as they were tolerably advanced when he first be- 
came aware to what rivalry his poor efforts would be sub- 
jected, it was scarcely possible for him to draw back and 
retract his announced intentions. Instead of so doing, he took 
refuge in the hope that neither of the two new works would 
altogether pre-occupy the ground which he had marked out 
for himself, and in the pleasing persuasion that the general 
public, when books are published on a subject in which it 
feels an interest, and are devoured with avidity, has its appe- 
tite rather whetted by the process than satisfied. He trusts 
therefore to find, in England and America, a sufficient body 
of readers to justify his present venture, and prevent his pub- 
lishers from suffering any loss through him. 

In preparing the volumes, the author has endeavored to 
utilize the enormous stores of antiquarian and historical ma- 
terial accumulated during the last eighty years, and laid up 
in works of vast size and enormous cost, quite inaccessible to 
the general public. Of these the most magnificent are the 
" Description de PEgypte," published by the French savants 
who accompanied the expedition of the great Napoleon; the 
" Monumenti delP Egitto e del la Nubia " of Ippolito Eosel- 
lini; and the "Denkmaler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien " 
of Professor Lepsius. M. Mariette's " Monuments Divers 
recueillis en Egwpte et en Xubie " have also furnished him 
with a considerable number of illustrations. Possessing only 
a rudimentary knowledge of the Egyptian language and 
writing, he has made it his aim to consult, as far as possible, 
the various translations of the Egyptian documents which have 
been put forth by advanced students, and to select the render- 
ing which seemed on the internal evidence most satisfactory. 
He has based his general narrative to a large extent on these 
translations; and, Avhere they failed him, has endeavored to 
supply their place by a careful study, not only of finished 
" Histories of Egypt," like those of Lenormant, Birch, and 
Brugsch, but those of elaborate "monographs" upon special 
points, in which French and German scholars subject to the 


keenest scrutiny the entire evidence upon this or that subject 
or period. Such books as De Rouge's " Recherches sur les 
Monuments qu'on peut attribuer aux six premieres dynasties 
de Manethon," Chabas* " Pasteurs en Egypte," " Melanges 
Egyptologiques," and " Recherches pour servir a Phistoire de 
la XlXme Dynastie et specialement a celle des temps de PEx- 
ode," Lepsius's pamphlet "Ueber die XII. agyptische Konigs- 
dynastie, nebst einigen Bemerkungen zu der XXVI. und 
andern Dynastien des neuen Reichs," and his " Konigsbuch 
der alten Aegypter," Dumichen's "Flotte einer agyptischen 
Konigin " and " Historische Inschriften alt-agyptischer Denk- 
maler," are specimens of the class of works to which allusion 
is here made, and have been the sources of the present nar- 
rative much more than any methodized "Histories." The 
author, however, is far from wishing to ignore the obligations 
under which he lies to former historians of Egypt, such as 
Bunsen, Kenrick, Lenormant, Birch, and Brugsch, without 
whose works his could certainly not have been written. He is 
only anxious to claim for it a distinct basis in the monographs 
of the best Egyptologists and the great collections of illustra- 
tions above noticed, and to call attention to the fact that he 
has endeavored in all cases to go behind the statements of the 
historiographers, and to draw his own conclusions from the 
materials on which those statements were based. 

In conclusion he would express his obligations to his en- 
graver and artist, Mr. G. Pearson and Mr. P. Hundley, in 
respect of his illustrations; to the late Colon?l Howard Vyse 
in respect of all that he has ventured to say concerning the 
Pyramids; to Mr. James Fergusson in respect of his remarks 
on the rest of Egyptian architecture; to his old friend and 
colleague, the late Sir Gardner Wilkinson, in respect of the 
entire subject of Egyptian customs andjnanners; to M. AViede- 
mann in respect of the history of the twenty-sixth dynasty: 
and to Mr. R. Stuart Poole, Dr. Eisenlohr, M. Deveria, and 
other writers on Egyptian subjects in the " Dictionary of the 
Bible," the "Revue Arcbeologique," and the "Transactions 
of the Society of Biblical Archaeology." He has lived to feel, 


continually more and more, how small a part of each 
"History" is due to the nominal author, and how large a 
share belongs to the earlier workers in the field. He trusts 
that in the past he has never failed conspicuously in the duty 
of acknowledging obligations; but, however that may be, he 
would at any rate wish, in the present and in the future, not 
to be liable to the charge of such failure. To all those whose 
works he has used he would hereby express himself greatly 
beholden; he would ask their pardon if he has involuntarily 
misrepresented them, and would crave at their hands a lenient 
judgment of the present volumes. 

Canterbury, December 31, 1880. 





Geography of Egypt. Boundaries, Dimensions, and Character 
of the Country. Proportion of cultivable Territory. Depend- 
ence on the Nile. Course of the Nile— its Tributaries — Time 
and Causes of the Inundation. Chief Divisions of the Terri- 
tory: the Nile Valley; the Delta; the Fayoum; the Eastern 
Desert ; the Valley of the Natron Lakes. Character of the 
adjoining Countries. . . . . . . 1 



Climate of Egypt — of the Nile Valley — of the Eastern Highland. 
Vegetable Productions — Indigenous Trees and Plants — 
Plants anciently cultivated. Indigenous Wild Animals — 
Domesticated Animals. Birds, Fish, Reptiles, and Insects. 
Mineral Products. . . . . , . 23 



The Egyptians of Asiatic Origin — Immigrants from the East — 
Not a colony from Ethiopia — Proof of this — So far peculiar as 
to constitute a distinct Race— Their Complexion dark, but 
not black — their Hair not woolly. Description of their 
Features ; of their Form. Their Subdivisions, original and 
later. Their Intellectual Characteristics. Their Artistic 
Powers. Their Morality, theoretic and practical. Their Num- 
ber. Nations bordering upon Egypt : The Libu (Libyans), or 
Tahennu on the West ; the Nahsi (Negroes) and Cush (Ethi- 
opians) on the South ; the Amu (Shemites) and Sham 
(Arabs) on the East. Nascent Empires in this quarter. . 48 





Proposed Mode of Treatment. General Character of the Lan- 
guage. Connection of the Ancient Egyptian with the Coptic. 
Three Forms of Egyptian Writing. The Hieroglyphic Signs 
Pictorial. The Signs of four sorts, Representative, Figurative, 
Determinative, and Phonetic. Table of the most common 
Phonetics ; other Phonetics. Number of the Signs. Ar- 
rangement of the Writing. Signs for Numerals — for Gods — 
for Months. Egyptian Grammar. . . . .57 



General Character of the Egyptian Literature, mediocre — perhaps 
at present not fairly appreciated. Variety and Extent of the 
Literature. Works on Religious Subjects — "Ritual of the 
Dead." Shorter Works on Religion — Specimen. Historical 
Poems — Specimens. Lyrical Poems — Specimen from the 
"Song of the Harper." Travels. Romances. Autobiog- 
raphies — Sketch from the "Story of Saneha" — Specimen. 
Correspondence. Scientific Treatises. Works on Magic. . 68 



Extraordinary Productiveness of Egypt in Ancient Times. Ten- 
ure of Land under the Pharaohs — Absence of Governmental 
Interference with the Cultivation. Farming Operations — Pre- 
paration of the Soil. Character of the Plough used. Mode of 
Ploughing. Use of the Hoe. Sowing. Kinds of Corn grown. 
Cultivation of Wheat — of Barley —of the Doora or Holcus Sor- 
ghum. Great Variety of other Crops. System of Irrigatioii 
employed. Use of the Shadoof. Hydraulic Works of the 
Fayoum. Cultivation of the Olive. Cultivation of the Vine. 
Care of Cattle. . . . . . . . 79 



Earliest Egyptian Architecture sepulchral. Most Ancient Tombs. 
Primitive stepped Pyramids — Pyramid of Meydoun — of Sac- 
carah. Great Pyramids of Ghizeh. Intention of the Pyra- 



mids — Their technic excellence. Their aesthetic merit. 
Pyramids of two elevations. Rock Tombs. Primitive Tem- 
ples. Later ones — Temple at Medinet-Abou — Rameseum — 
Great Temple of Karnak. Obelisks. Southern Karnak Tem- 
ple. Mammeisi. Beauties of the Architecture — Massiveness 
— Elegance of Columns and Capitals — Caryatide Piers — Em- 
ployment of Color. Egyptian Domestic Architecture. Pa- 
vilion of Rameses III. Houses of Private Persons. Chief 
Peculiarities of Egyptian Construction. Non-employment 
of the Arch — Symmetrophobia — Contrivances for increasing 
apparent Size of Buildings. . . . . .91 



Sculpture of Ancient Egypt — single Statues of full size — peculiari- 
ties. Groups. Principal Defects and Merits. Statuettes. Gen- 
eral Uniformity and its Causes. Works in high Relief, 
rare. Works in Bas-relief, and Intaglio. Defects. Superior- 
ity of the Animal over the Human Forms. Examples — Ga- 
zelle Hunt— Lion Hunt. Foreshortening. Want of Propor- 
tion.. Absence of Perspective. Ugliness. Four Classes of Sub- 
jects: 1. Religious; 2. Processional: 3. Military; and 4. Do- 
mestic. Playful Humor in the Domestic Scenes. Egyptian 
Painting— its general Character. Mechanism employed— 
Colors. Paintings good as Wall Decorations. Stages of 
Egyptian Mimetic Art. ..... 123 



Egyptian Science. Arithmetic. Geometry. Astronomy— Obser- 
vations of Eclipses— Planetary Occultations— Motions and Pe- 
riods of the Planets— Tables of the Stars— Acquaintance with 
true Solar Year— General Character of the Astronomy. 
Egyptian Astrology. Medicine. Engineering Science. 137 



Large Share occupied by Religion in the Life of the Nation- 
Esoteric and Exoteric Systems. Nature of the Esoteric Reli- 
gion. Opinions concerning God, concerning Evil, and con- 
cerning the Soul. Exoteric Religion. Local Origin of the 



Polytheism. Egyptian Pantheon — Ammon — Kncph — Khem 
— Phthah — Maut— Sati — Neith — the Sun-Gods, Ra, Osiris, &c. 
Osirid Myths. Minor Deities — Athor, Isis, Khons, Thoth, &c. 
Powers of Evil, Set, Nubi, Taouris, Bes, Apap. Genii, Anubis, 
Amset, Hapi, &c. Orders of Gods. Triads. Character of 
the Worship — Prayers, Hymns, Sacrifices. Animal Worship. 
Apis, Mnevis, and Bacis Bulls — Momemphite Cow. Origin 
of the Animal Worship. Outward Aspect of the Religion — 
Festivals, Processions, and Worship of Ancestors. The 
Mysteries. ....... 146 



Question of the Peculiarity of Egyptian Customs — proposed mode 
of treating the Subject. Division of the People into Classes — 
Number of the Classes. Account of the Priests — The Sa- 
cred Women. The Soldiers — Number of these last — Training 
— Chief Divisions — The Infantry — The Cavalry — The Chariot 
Service — Weapons — Tactics — Mode of Conducting Sieges. 
Naval Warfare. Treatment of Prisoners and of the Slain. 
Camps — Marches — Signals — Triumphs. Condition of the 
Agricultural Laborers — of the Tradesmen and Artisans. 
Principal Trades — Building — Weaving — Furniture-Making — 
Glass-blowing — Pottery — Metallurgy, &c. Artistic Occupa- 
tions — Sculpture, Painting, Music and Dancing. Musical In- 
struments and Bands. Professions — the Scribe's — the Physi- 
cian's — the Architect's. r Lower Grades of Population — Boat- 
men — Fowlers — Fishermen — Swineherds. Life of the Upper 
Classes. Sports — Entertainments — Games. Conclusion. 203 

N otes. •••••••• 261 



1. Date and Dom Palms (from the "Description del'Egypte") 1 

2. Ichneumon (from the '"Description de l'Egypte ") 1 

3. Egyptian Hare (from the same) 2 

4. Ibex, Oryx, and Gazelle (from the monuments) 2 

4}£. Gazelles (from Rosellini's "Monumenti Civili") Page 36 

5. The Smaller Monitor (from the " Description de l'Egypte ") 2 

6J/£. Egyptian Horses (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Storici ") Page 37 

6. The Great Monitor (from the same) 3 

?. Fruit of the Nymphcea Nelumbo 3 

8. Egyptian Ass (from Rig llini's " Monumenti Civi'i ") 3 

\y%. Egyptian Humped Ox (from the same) Page 38 

9. Egyptian Dogs (from various sources) 3 

10. Hyena caught in a trap (from the monuments) 4 

11. Head of an Egyptian Man (from the monuments) 4 

12. The Glossy Ibis and Ibis religiosa (from the "Description de l'Egypte ") 4 

13. The Oxyrhynchus or Mizdeh (from the " Description de l'Egypte ") 4 

14. The Sic-sac or Trochiius (ai ter Wilkinson) 5 

15. Egyptian Child ( f r< >m the monuments) 5 

16. The Egyptian Asp (from the " Description de l'Egypte ") 5 

17. Egyptian Plough (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili ") ■ 5 

18. Egyptian Phonetic Alphabet 6 

19. Mode of Ploughing (from Rosellini's "Monumenti Civili") 7 

20. Egyptian Hoe (from the same; 7 

21. Egyptian Hoeing (from the same) 7 

22. Egyptian Man and Woman (from the monuments) 8 

23. Binding Wheat in Sheaves (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili ") 8 

24. Oxen treading out Corn (from the same) 8 

25. Winnowing Grain (from the same) 8 

23. Doora Harvest (after Wilkinson) 9 

27. "Vines grown in Bowers (from Lepsius's " Denkmiiler ") 9 

28. Vines trained on Posts (after Wilkinson) 9 

29. Egyptian Vase and Amphorae (from Lepsius's " Denkmiiler ") 10 

30. Rescuing Cattle from the Inundation (from the same) 10 

31. Medicine administered to Cattle (from Rosellini's "Monumenti Civili ") 10 

32. Marking of Cattle (after Wilkinson) 11 

33. Egyptian Sheep (from Lepsius's " Denkmiiler ") 11 

34. Egyptian Pigs, Hog and Sow (after Wilkinson) 11 

15. Egyptian Goats (from Lepsius's " Denkmiiler ") 12 

36. Doorway of Tomb near the Pyramids (from Lepsius's " Denkmaler ") 12 

37. Section of Pyramid, showing; m >des of completion (by the Author) 12 

38. Pyramid of Meydoun (from Vyse's " Pyramids of Ghizeh '') 13 


B ' IG - PLATE. 

39. Great Pyramid of Saccarab , present appearance (from the same) 13 

40. Section of ditto (from the same) 13 

41. Generel View of Tomb-chamber in the Third Pyramid (from Vyse's ' ; Pyra- 

mids of Ghi/eh ") 14 

42. Arrangement of the Blocks forming the roof (from the same) 14 

43. Section of Third Pyramid, showing passages (from the same) 15 

44. Sarcophagus of Mycerinus (from the same) 15 

45. General Plan of the Pyramids of Ghizeh (from the same) 16 

46. Section of the Second Pyramid (from the same) lg 

47. Section of the Great Pyramid (from the same) 17 

48. Relieving Stones at the entrance of the Great Pyramid 'from the same) ... 17 

49. Section of Gallery in Great Pyramid (from the " Description de l'Egypte '*). 18 

50. Rock-tomb near Thebes (after Fergusson) lg 

51. King's Chamber and Chambers of Construction (from Vyse's " Pyramids ") 19 

52. Section of Brick Pyramid at Illahoun (from the same) . 19 

53. Southern Stone Pyramid of Dashoor (from the same) 20 

54. Outer-Casing Stones of the Great Pyramid (from the same) 20 

55. View of the Great and Second Pyramids (from the "Description de 

l'Egypte ") 21 

56. " Doric " Pillar and Section of Base (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili "). 22 

57. Egyptian Pillar and Section of Base (from the same) -22 

59. Plan of Temple (after Fergusson) 22 

60. Ground-plan of Temple at Medinet-Abou (from " Description de 1* Egypte*') 23 

61 . Section of Temple (from the same) 24 

62. Section of Hall, Rameseum, Thebes (from the same) 24 

63. Stelae in front of Granite Cell. Great Temple. Karnak (from the same) 24 

64. Ground-plan of the Rameseum(from the same) 25 

65. Internal view of the Hall of Columns in the Great Temple of Karnak (from 

the " Description de l'Egypte ") 26 

66. Ground-plan of Great Temple at Karnak (from the same) 27« 

67. Interna] view of the Small Temple at Karnak (from the " Description de 

l'Egypte ") 276 

68. Section of smaller Pillared Hall (from the same) 28 

69. Ground-plan of Southern Temple. Karnak (from the same) 28 

70. Mammeisi, or "Temple of the Mother of Gods." Elevation and Ground-plan 

(from the same) 28 

71. Egyptian Columns (from the sahie) 29 

?2. Egyptian Bell-Capitals (from the same) 29 

73. Egyptian Lotus Capitals (from the same) 30 

74. Complex Egyptian Capital (from the same) 30 

75. Caryatide Figures (from the same), 30 

76. Egyptian Arches (after Wilkinson) 30 

77. Egyptian Dwelling-house, outside view (from Rosellini's " Monumenti 

Civili") 31 

78. Egyptian Dwelling-house, viewed from Internal Court (from the same) 31 

79. Ornament of Window Sills 32 

80. Ornamentation of Pavilion (from the " Description de 1" Egypte ") 32 

81. Egyptian House, partly in section (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili ") 32 

82. Ordinary Sphinx and Crio-Sphinx (from the monuments) 32 

83. Ground-plan and View of the Pavilion of-Rameses III., (from the " Descrip 

tion de l'Egypte."') 33 

84. Bust of an Egyptian King (after Birch) 34 

85. Egyptian Sitting Statue 34 

86. Group of Two Statues, Husband and Wife (from " Description de 1' Egypte'"). 34 

87. Egyptian Walking Statue 34 

88. Egyptian Figures of Phthah and Bes (from the monuments) 35 

89. Modelled Figures of Animals (from the " Description de 1' Egypte ") 35 



90. Egyptian Statuettes (from the same) 36 

91. Head of Female, in a good Style (from the " Description de 1' Egypte ") .... 36 

92. Colossal Figure of Rameses II. (from the "Description de V Egypte ") 36 

93. Sphinx of the Pyramids (from the same) 37 

94. Hunting the Gazelle and Hare (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili ") 37 

95. An Egyptian King destroying his Enemies (from the " Description de 

l'Egypte") 38 

96. Female Tumbler in an impossible Attitude (from Rosellini's " Monumenti 

Civili") 39 

97. Figure of an Egyptian Priest (from Lepsius's " Denkmaler ") 39 

98. Animals foreshortened (from the " Description de 1' Egypte ") 39 

99. Rameses III. hunting the Lion (from the " Description de l'Egypte ") 40 

100. Forms of Neith 41 

101. Ammon-Khem and Ammon-Kneph 41 

102. Form of Sati 41 

103. Forms of Kneph 42 

104. Ordinary forms of Phthah „ 42 

105. Ammon, ordinary form 43a 

106. Forms of Khem 43a 

107. Form of Maut 43a 

108. Egyptian representations of the Gods Taourt, Savak, and Osiris (from the 

monuments) 436 

109. Egyptian drawing Water from a Reservoir (from Rosellini's " Monumenti 

Civili") 44 

110. Forms of Ra 44 

111. Forms of Turn 45 

112. Form of Nefer-Tum 45 

113. Form of Mentu 46 

114. Forms of Shu 46 

115. Forms of Osiris 46 

116. Horus destroying the Great Serpent, Apap (after Wilkinson) 47 

117. Forms of Horus 47 

118. Forms of Athor 48 

119. Forms of Isis 49 

120. Forms of Khons 49 

121. Forms of Thoth 50 

122. Forms of Seb 50 

123. Forms of Merula 51 

124. Form of Netpe 51 

125. Form of Aemhetp • • 51 

126. Forms of Pasht 51 

127. Forms of Nephthys 52 

128. Form of Anuka 52 

129. Formsof Ma - 52 

130. Forms of Taourt 53 

131. Form of Bes 53 

132. Apophis and Turn (after Wilkinson) 53 

133. Sepulchral J rs with Heads of the four Genii 53 

134. Form of Taf ne 54 

135. Form of Merseker 54 

136. Form of Heka 5 * 

137. Formsof Set 54 

138. An Egyptian Priest.... 54 

139. Egyptian Helmets (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili ") 55 

140. Ordinary Egyptian Shields (after Wilkinson) 55 

141. Egyptian Coat of Mail (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili ") 55 

J42. Warrior with Shield of unusual sizo (after Wilkinson) 55 



143. Infantry drilled by a Sergeant (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili ") 55 

144. Light-armed Troops marching (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Storici") 56 

145. Egyptian Slinger (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili ") 56 

146. Spearmen and Archers (from Rosellini's "Monumenti Storici ") 56 

147. Egyptian Spear, Straight Sword, and Falchion (from the same) 56 

148. Chariots in Battle (from the same) 57 

149. Egyptian War Chariot, Warrior, and Horses (from the same) 58 

150. War Chariot, with Bow-case, Quivers, and Javelins (from the same) 59 

151 . Egyptian Battle-axes and Pole-axe (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili''').. 59 

152. Egyptian Clubs and Mace (from the same) 60 

153. Egyptian Daggers (from the same) 60 

154. Egyptian Bows (from the same) 60 

155. Archer taking aim (from the same) „ 60 

156 . Archers stringing their Bows (from the same) . . 61 

157. Egyptian Quivers (from the same) 61 

158. Egyptian Trumpeters (from the same) 61 

159. Egyptian Standards (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili ") 62 

160. Siege of a Fort (after Wilkinson) 62 

161. A Syrian Fort (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Storici ") 63 

162 Egyptian War-galley (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Storici ") 63 

103. Escalading a Fort (f rom Lepsius's " Denkmaler") 64 

164 Attack on a Fort (from Lepsius's " Denkmaler ") 65 

165. Interior of an Egyptian camp (from Rosellini's "Monumenti Storici ) 68 

166 . Egyptian Javelins (from the same) 67 

1G7. Head-rest (after Wilkinson) 67 

1CS. Egyptian Military Drum (after Wilkinson) 67 

169. Egyptian Captive (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Storici") 67 

170. Prisoners of War escorted by their Captor (from the same) 67 

171 . Egyptian undergoing the Bastinado (from the " Description de 1' Egypte ") 67 

172. Egyptian Saw (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili ") 68 

173. Egyptian Porcelain Vase (from the same) 68 

174 . Process of smoothing Stone (from the same) . . 68 

175 Women weaving (from the same) 68 

176 . Furniture-making (from the same) 69 

177. Chariot-making (from the same) 69 

178 Glass-blowing (from the same) 69 

179. Specimens of ordinary Egyptian 1 Pottery (from Lepsius's ■' Denkmaler") . . 70 

180. Elegant Vases and Amphorae (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili ") , 70 

181 . Specimens of Egyptian Glass (from various sources) 71 

182. Potters at Work (from Roseliini's " Monumenti Civili " ) 71 

183 Goldsmith at Work (from the same) 71 

184 . Egyptian Gold Vases (from the same) 72 

185. Harpoon and Fish-hooks (the harpoon from Roseilini, the hooks drawn by 

the Author from originals in the British Museum) 72 

186. Building a Boat (from Rosellini's " Monumenti Civili") 73 

187 . An Egyptian Gentleman's Pleasure Boat (from the same) 73 

1S8. Ordinary Nile Boat in full sail (from the same) - 74 

189. Nile Boat (from Lepsius's "Denkmaler") 74 

190 Chiselling a Statue (from Rosellini's "Monumenti Civili") 75 

191. Egyptian Sistrum 75 

192 Band of six Musicians (from Rosellini's "Monumenti Civili") 75 

193 Boatmen quarrelling (from the same) 75 

194. Egyptian Drag-net and Clap-net (from the same) 76 

195 Egyptian Noble carried in a Litter (from the same) 76 

196. Egyptian Sandals (from the same) 77 

197 . Spearing Fish (from the same) 77 

JOS Spearing the Crocodile (from the same) , ,, 77 






Geography of Egypt. Boundaries, Dimensions, and Character of the Country. 
Proportion of cultivable Territory. Dependence on the Nile. Course of 
the Nile — its Tributaries— Time and Causes of the Inundation. Chief 
Divisions of the Territory : the Nile Valley ; the Delta; the Fayoum; the 
Eastern Desert; the Valley of the Natron Lakes. Character of the ad- 
joining Countries. 

Al-}vkto\, . . . kTCLKT7]T6g te yfj ml Sugov rov TTorafiov. — HEROD. ii,5. 

The broad stretch of desert which extends from the shores of 
the Atlantic Ocean across Africa and Western Asia, almost 
to the foot of the Zagros mountain range, is pierced in one 
jplace only by a thin thread of verdure. A single stream, is- 
suing from the equatorial regions, has strength to penetrate 
the "frightful desert of interminable scorching sand," * and to 
bring its waters safely through two thousand miles of arid, 
thirsty plain, in order to mingle them with the blue waves of 
the Mediterranean. It is this fact which has produced Egypt. 
The life-giving fluid on its way through the desert, spreads 
verdure and fertility along its course on either bank ; and a 
strip of most productive territory is thus created, suited to at- 
tract the attention of such a being as man, and to become the 
home of a powerful nation. Egypt proper is the land to which 
the river gave birth, 2 and from which it took name, 3 or, at any 
rate, that land to a certain distance from the Mediterranean ; 
but, as the race settled in this home naturally and almost 
necessarily exercises dominion beyond the narrow bounds of 
the valley, it is usual 4 and it is right to include under the 
name of " Egypt n a certain quantity of the arid territory on 
either side of the Nile, and thus to give to the country an 


expansion considerably beyond that which it would have if we 
confined the name strictly to the fluvial and alluvial region. 

The boundaries of Egypt are, by general consent, on the 
north the Mediterranean, on the east the l\ed Sea, and a 
line drawn from the head of the Gulf of Suez to the AVady-el- 
Arish, or " Kiver of Egypt" of the Hebrews ; 5 on the south 
the first cataract (lat. 24° 5'), and a line drawn thence to the 
Ked Sea at the ruins of Berenice ; on the west the great Libyan 
Desert. The tract included within these limits is, in the 
main, an irregular parallelogram, lying obliquely from N.N. YV. 
to S.S.E., and extending about 520 miles in this direction, 
with a width of about 160 miles. From the parallelogram 
thus formed lie out two considerable projections, both triangu- 
lar, one of them on the southeast, having its apex at Berenice, 
a little outside the tropic of Cancer ; 6 the other on the north- 
east, having its base along the line of the Suez Canal, and its 
apex at the mouth of the El-Arish river. The area of the 
entire tract, including the two projections, is probably not 
much short of 100,000 square miles. Egypt is thus almost 
twice the size of England, and rather larger than the penin- 
sula of Italy. 7 

Within these limits the character of the territory presents 
some most extreme and violent contrasts. A narrow strip of 
the richest soil in the world is enclosed on either side by regions 
of remarkable sterility : on the west by wastes of trackless and 
wholly unproductive sand, on the east by a rocky region of 
limestone and sandstone, penetrated by deep gorges, and pre- 
senting occasionally^ scant but welcome vegetation. Towards 
the north the sandy region, interrupted by the Kile deposit, is 
continued again eastward of the Suez Canal in the desert, 
which stretches thence to the borders of Palestine ; while 
towards the south the rocky tract is prolonged a distance of 
160 miles from Assouan (Syene) to Berenice. 

It is difficult to calculate with exactness the proportion of 
the cultivable to the unproductive territory. The Nile Valley, 
if we take its curves into account, extends from Syene to the 
Mediterranean, a distance of nearly 700 miles. 8 From Cairo to 
the Mediterranean it is not so much a real valley as a vast plain, 
from seventy to a hundred miles wide, 9 with a superficies of at 
least 7,000 square miles. 10 Above Cairo the Nile is hemmed 
in for above 500 miles between two rocky barriers, and the 
width of the valley varies from two to twelve, or even in some 
places fifteen miles, the average being calculated at about seven 
miles. 11 This would appear to give an additional cultivable 
territory of above 4,000 square miles. Further, the district of 

Vol. I. 

Plate T. 

Fig. I.— Dom; and Date Palms Ifrom the L>escription).~See Page 25. 

Fig. 2.— Ichneumon (from the Description).— See Page 35. 

Plate II. 

Vol. I". 

Fig. 3.— Egyptian Hare (from the Description).— See Page 35. 

l<ig. 4.— Ibex, Oryx, and Gazelle (from the Monurru its).— See Page 36. 

Fig. 5.— The Smaller Monitor (from the Description).— See Page 37. 


the Fayoum is reckoned to have a superficies of 400 square 
miles. The entire result would thus seem to be that the 
cultivable area of Egypt is 11,400 square miles, or 7,296,000 

acres. 12 

It was found, however, by the scientific men who accom- 
panied the great French expedition at the close of the last 
century that the land actually under cultivation amounted to 
no more than 1,907,757 hectares, 13 or 4,714,543 acres. But 
they saw and noted that, besides this cultivated territory, there 
were considerable tracts quite fit for crops, which remained 
untilled. These they estimated to amount to 465,873 hec- 
tares, 14 which is equivalent to 1,151,290 acres; so that the 
total cultivable land at the time of their observations was 
5,865,833 acres. Another estimate, 15 somewhat less exact, re- 
duced the amount to 5,189,625 acres. 

The difference between the cultivable area, and the actual su- 
perficies of the Nile valley, which appears to exceed 1,430,000 
acres, is due chiefly to the fact that a considerable portion of 
the low country is occupied by sands. The verdure spread 
by the Nile reaches in few places the foot of the hills which 
enclose its vale. Sands intervene on both sides, or at any rate 
on one ; and while the entire width of the valley is estimated 
to average seven miles, the width of the productive tract is 
thought scarcely to average more than five. 16 Sands also occur 
within the actual limits of the cultivated region. 17 Again, the 
space occupied by the Nile itself and its canals, as well as by 
the Lake Moeris and various ponds and reservoirs, has to be 
deducted from the gross superficies. As the Nile itself aver- 
ages probably a mile in width from the point where it enters 
Egypt to the commencement of the Delta, and after dividing 
occupies certainly no less a space, and as the Lake Moeris is 
calculated to have an area of 150 square miles, 18 the entire 
water surface is manifestly considerable, being probably not 
far short of 850 square miles, 19 or 542,000 acres. The sands 
cannot be reckoned at much less than 1,500 square miles, or 
960,000 acres, 20 

It is argued by M. Jomard that the occupation of the Nile 
valley by sands is wholly and entirely an encroachment, due to 
the neglect of man, and maintained that anciently, under the 
Pharaohs, the sands were successfully shut out, and the whole 
of the plain country between the Libyan and the Arabian 
ranges brought under cultivation. He believes that the ad- 
ditional quantity of cultivable soil thus enjoyed by the ancient 
Egyptians was not much less than one-half of the present cul- 
tivable area. This calculation is probably in excess ; but we 


shall scarcely transcend the limits of moderation if we add one- 
fourth in respect of this difference, and view the productive 
area of the Nile valley in ancient times as somewhat exceeding 
seven millions of acres. 

A certain addition might be made to this amount in respect 
of the fertile territory included within the limits of the East- 
ern desert ; but the quantity of such territory is so small, and 
its productiveness so slight, that it will perhaps be better to 
make no estimate at all in respect of it. 

If, then, we regard the entire area of Ancient Egypt as 
amounting to from 95,000 to 100,000 square miles, and the 
cultivable surface as only about seven millions of acres, we 
must come to the conclusion that considerably more than 
seven-eighths of the soil, perhaps not much short of eight- 
ninths, was infertile and almost worthless. 

In fact, Egypt depends for her fertility almost wholly upon 
the Nile. The Arabian desert, which fences her in upon the 
right, is little less unproductive than the "frightful" Sahara 
upon the left; and, had the Nile not existed, or had it taken 
a different course, the depressed tract through which it runs 
from Syene to the Mediterranean would have been no less 
barren and arid than the AVadys of Arabia Petraea or even 
than the Sahara itself. The land, if not "the gift of the 
river" in the sense which Herodotus intended, 21 is at an} T rate, 
as a country, created by the river 2 ' 2 and sustained by it ; and 
hence the necessity, felt by all who have ever made Egypt the 
subject of their pens, of placing the Nile in the forefront of 
their works, 23 and describing as fully as they could its course 
and its phenomena. The duty thus incumbent on every 
historian of Ancient or Modern Egypt is, at the present day, 
happily beset with fewer difficulties than at any former time. 
The long untrodden interior of Africa has been penetrated by 
British enterprise, and the hitherto inscrutable Sphinx has 
been forced to reveal her secrets. Speke and Grant, Baker, 
Livingstone, Gordon, and Cameron have explored, till there is 
little left to -learn, the water system of the African interior ; 
and the modern historian, thanks to their noble labors, can 
track the mighty stream of the Nile from its source to its 
embouchre, can tell the mystery of its origin, describe its 
course, explain its changes and account for them, declare the 
causes of that fertility which it spreads around and of that un- 
failing abundance whereof it boasts, paint the regions through 
which it flows, give, at least approximately, the limits of its 
basin, and enumerate — in some cases describe — its tributaries. 
The profound ignorance of seventeen centuries was succeeded, 


about ten years since, by a time of half-knowledge, of bold 
hypothesis, of ingenious, unproved and conflicting theories. 
This twilight time of speculation 24 has gone by. The areas 
occupied by the basins of the Nile, the Congo and the Zambesi 
are tolerably nearly ascertained. The great reservoirs from 
which the Nile flows are known ; and if any problems still 
remain unsolved, 25 they are of an insignificant character, and 
may properly be considered as mere details, interesting no 
doubt, but of comparatively slight importance. 

The Nile, then, rises in Equatorial Africa from the two great 
basins of the Albert and Victoria Nyanzas, which both lie 
under the Equator, the former in long. 29° to 31° 30', the 
latter in long. 32° to 3Q°, E. from Greenwich. 26 The Victoria 
Nyanza is a pear-shaped lake, with the "stalk" at Muanza, in 
long. 33° and south latitude 3° nearly. It swells out to its 
greatest width between south latitude 1° and the Equator, 
where it attains a breadth of above four degrees, or nearly 
three hundred miles. After this it contracts rapidlv, and is 
rounded off towards the north at the distance of about ten or 
fifteen miles above the Equator. Erom the " stalk" at Muanza 
to the opposite coast, where the great issue of the water takes 
place (long. 33° nearly), is a distance of not quite four degrees, 
or about 270 miles. The entire area of the lake cannot be less 
than 40,000 square miles. Its surface is estimated to be about 
3,500 feet above the level of the ocean. 27 The other great 
reservoir, the Albert Nyanza, is a long and, comparatively 
speaking, narrow lake, set obliquely from S.S.E. to N.N.W., 
and with coasts that undulate somewhat, alternately projecting 
and receding. Its shores are still incompletely explored; but 
it is believed to have a length of nearly six degrees, or above 
four hundred miles, and a width in places of about ninety 
miles. Its average width is probably not more than sixty 
miles, and its area may be reckoned at aboin 25,000 square 
miles. Its elevation above the ocean is about 3,000 feet. 2 * 

The Albert and Victoria Nyanzas are separated by a tract 
of mountain ground, the general altitude of which is estimated 
at from 4,200 to 5,000 feet. The Victoria Nyanza receives 
the waters which drain from the eastern side of this range, 
together with all those that flow from the highlands south and 
east of the lake, as far in the one direction as lat. 4° south, 
and in the other as long. 38° east. Its basin has thus a width 
of eight degrees. The Albert Nyanza receives the streams 
that & flow westward from the tract between the reservoirs, 
together with all those from the southwest and west, to a 
distance which is not ascertained, but which can scarcely fall 


short of the 27th or 26th meridian. 29 Its basin is thus at the 
least from four to five degrees in width, and is considerably 
longer than that of its eastern sister. Moreover^ the Albert 
Nyanza receives, towards its nothern extremity, the whole sur- 
plus water of the Victoria by the stream known as the River 
Somerset or Victoria Nile, which flows northwards from that 
lake as far as the Karuma Falls (lat. 2° 15' north) and then 
westward by Murchison's Falls and Magungo into the Albert. 
The stream which thus joins the two lakes may be regarded 
as in some sense the Nile, or not so regarded, according as we 
please ; but the river which issues from the northeastern ex- 
tremity of the Albert Nyanza, and which runs thence, with a 
course only a very little east of north, by Gondokoro to Khar- 
toum, is undoubtedly the Nile 30 — all other streams that join it 
from right or left are mere affluents — and a description of the 
course of the Nile commences, therefore, most properly at this 
point, where the head streams are for the first time joined 
together, and the whole waters of the Upper Nile basin flow in 
one channel. 

The Nile quits the Albert Nyanza 31 in about N. lat. 2° 45', 
and runs with a course that is very nearly northeast to the first 
cataract 32 (lat. 3° 36', long. 32° 2'), receiving on its way a 
small tributary, the Un-y-Ame, from the S.E., which enters 
it a few miles above the cataract, in lat. 3° 32'. Below the 
junction the river has a width between the reeds that thickly 
fringe its banks of about 400 yards, 33 which expands to 1,200 
a little lower, 34 where its course is obstructed by numerous 
islands. A rocky defile is then entered, through which the 
stream chafes and roars, reduced to a width of 120 yards, and 
forming a series of falls and rapids. 35 At the same time the 
direction is altered, the river turning to the west of north, and 
running N.W. by N. till it touches long. 31° 30', when it 
once more resumes its northeastern course, and so flows to 
Gondokoro. On the way are at least three further rapids ; 
but the stream is said in this part not to be unnavigable, 36 as 
the volume of water is increased by numerous tributaries flow- 
ing in from the eastern mountains, one of which, the Asua, or 
Ashua, 37 is of some importance. From Gondokoro the Nile is 
without obstruction until it reaches Nubia. The river in this 
part of its course flows through an almost interminable region 
of long grass, swamps, and marshes, with endless windings and 
a current varying from one to three miles an hour. 38 Its banks 
are fringed with reeds and with tangled masses of water-plants, 
which make it impossible to calculate the real width of the 
stream ; the clear space between the water-plants is sometimes 


as little as 100, and scarcely anywhere more than 500 yards. 
The general course is from south to north, but with a strong 
bend to the west between lat. 6° and 9° 30'; after which the 
direction is east, and even partly south of east, to the junction 
with the Sobat (lat. 9° 21'). This river, which has a long and 
circuitous course from the Kaffa country augments the main 
stream with a considerable body of water. It is 120 yards 
wide at its mouth in the dry season, and is sometimes from 
twenty-seven to twenty-eight feet deep, with a current of be- 
tween two and three miles an hour. 39 Between Gondokoro 
and the Sobat the Nile receives on its left bank the Bahr 
Ghazal from the Darfur country, and sends off on its right 
bank a branch — the Bahr Zaraffe or Giraffe river, 40 — which 
leaves the main stream in lat. 5° 20' and rejoins it in lat. 9°, 
about thirty-six miles above the entrance of the Sobat river. 41 
After receiving the Sobat, the Nile, which has now about 700 
yards of clear water, 42 runs through a flat and marshy country, 
with a slow stream and a course that is a very little east of 
north to Khartoum, 43 in lat. 15° 36' 6", where it receives its 
chief affluent, the Bahr el Azrek or Blue Nile, which, until the 
recent discoveries, was considered by most geographers to be 
the main river. 

The BJue Nile rises in the highlands of Abyssinia, in lat. 
11°, long. 37° nearly, 44 at an elevation of above 6,000 feet. 45 
Its course is N.N.W. to Lake Tzana or Dembea, which it 
enters at its southwestern and leaves at its southeastern corner. 
From this point it flows S.E. and then S. to the tenth parallel 
of north latitude, wdien it turns suddenly to the west, and 
passing within seventy miles of its source, runs W. by N. and 
then almost due northwest to Khartoum. 46 It receives on its 
way the waters of numerous tributaries, whereof the chief are 
the Rahad, the Dinder, and the Tumet. In the dry season 
the stream is small ; 47 but during the great rains it brings with 
it a vast volume of water, charged heavily with earthy matter 
of a red color, and contributes largely to the swell of the Nile 
and the fertilizing deposit which gives its productiveness to 
Egypt. 48 

The White (or true) Nile at its junction with the Blue is 
about two miles in width, when the water is at a medium 
height. 49 From this point it flows at first nearly due north, 
but after a while inclines towards the east, and where it re- 
ceives its last tributary, the Atbara, has reached its extreme 
easterly limit, which is E. long. 34° nearly. The latitude of 
the junction is 17° 37', according to Sir Samuel Baker." Here 
—1,100 miles from its mouth— the river has its greatest 


volume. Between the Atbara junction and the Mediterranean 
not a single stream is received from either side ; and the Nile 
runs on for 1,100 miles through dry regions of rock and sand, 
suffering a constant loss through absorption and evaporation, 51 
yet still pouring into the Mediterranean a volume of water 
which has been estimated at 150,560 millions of cubic metres 
a day in the low, and at 705,514 millions of cubic metres a 
day in the high season. 52 In lat. 17° 37' the volume must be 
very much more considerable. 

After receiving the Atbara, the direction of the Nile is 
N.N.W. for about 150 miles to Abu Hamed, after which it 
proceeds to make the greatest and most remarkable bend in 
its entire course, flowing first southwest, then north, then 
northeast, and finally, for a short distance, southeast, to Kor- 
osko, in lat. 22° 44'. Cataracts are frequent in this portion 
of the river, 53 and, at once to avoid them and shorten the 
circuitous route, travellers are accustomed to journey by camels 
for 230 miles across the Nubian desert, 54 leaving the Nile at 
Abu Hamed and reaching it again at Korosko in about seven 
or eight da} T s. 55 From Korosko the general course is northeast 
for about sixty or seventy miles, after which it is north and a 
little west of north, to Assouan (lat. 24° 5'). Here Egypt 
begins — the longest cataract is passed — the Nubian granite and 
syenite give place to sandstone 56 — and the river having taken its 
last plunge, flows placidly between precipitous cliffs, less than 
three miles apart, with narrow strips of cultivable soil between 
them and the water. 57 The course is north, with slight deflec- 
tions to east and west, past Ombos (Koum-Ombos) to Silsilis, 58 
where the sandstone rocks close in and skirt the river for a dis- 
tance of three-quarters of a mile. 59 The valley then expands a 
little ; there is a broadish plain on the left, in which stand the 
ruins of important cities ; 6u the stream bends somewhat to the 
west, until a little below Esne (Latopolis), the hills again ap- 
proach, the defile called theGibelein, or "the two mountains," 
is passed, the sandstone ends, and is succeeded by limestone 
ranges ; 61 and the Nile, turning to the northeast, flows through 
the plains of Ilermonthisand of Thebes, the first really wide 
space on which it has entered since it issued from the Nubian 
desert. Below Thebes the northern course is again resumed and 
continued to Dendyra (Tentyris), when the stream turns and 
flows almost due west to Abydos (Arabat-el-Matfour), thence 
proceeding northwest across the 27th parallel to Cusa3 (Qousyeh) 
in lat. 27° 27'. The valley between Abydos and Cusa? is from 
six to ten miles wide, 62 and the left bank is watered by canals 
derived from the main stream. Beyond Cusoe the course of the 


Nile is once more nearly due north to Cynopolis (Samallout), 
in lat. 28° 18', after which it is NJ.E. to the Convent of St. 
Antony (lat. 29° 14'). A little below Cusae 63 the Great Canal 
of Egypt, known as the Balir-Yousuf, or "River of Joseph," 
goes off from the Nile on its left bank, and is carried along the 
base of the Libyan range of hills a distance of 120 miles to 
Zaouy 64 or Zouyieh (lat. 29° 22'), where it rejoins the main 
river. The Nile itself skirts the base of the Arabian range ; 
and the flat tract left between it and the Bahr-Yousuf, which 
is from seven to twelve miles wide, forms the richest and most 
productive portion of Middle Egypt. 65 From the convent of 
St. Antony to the ruins of Memphis (lat. 29° 50'), the course 
of the Nile is again nearly due north, but about lat. 29° 55' it 
becomes west of north, and so continues till the stream divides 
in lat. 30° 13', long. 31° 10' nearly. In ancient times the 
point of separation Avas somewhat higher up the stream, 66 and 
the water passed by three main channels : 67 the Canopic 
branch, which corresponded closely with the present Kosetta 
one ; the Sebennytic, which followed at first the line of the 
Damietta stream, but left it about Semennoud, and turning 
west of north ran into the Mediterranean through Lake Bour- 
]os, in long. 30° 55' ; and the Pelusiac, which skirting the 
Arabian hills, ran by Bubastis and Daphne through Lake 
Menzaleh to Tineh or Pelusium. The courses of these streams 
were respectively about 130, 110, and 120 miles. 

Thus the entire course of the Nile, from the point where it 
quits the Albert Nyanza (lat. 2° 45') to that of its most north- 
ern issue into the Mediterranean (lat. 31° 35') was a distance 
of nearly twenty-nine degrees, which is about 2,000 English 
miles. Allowing the moderate addition of one-fourth for 
main windings, we must assign to the river a further length 
of 500 miles, and make its entire course 2,500 miles. 68 This 
is a length more than double that of the Tigris, more than 
one-fourth longer than that of the Euphrates, and consid- 
erably beyond that of the Indus, Oxus, or Ganges. 

The Nile, it will have been seen, has not many tributaries. 
The chief are the Atbara and Bahr-el-Azrek (or Blue Nile) 
from Abyssinia, the Sobat from the Kaffa country, and the 
Asua from the Madi and adjacent mountains. These all flow 
in from the east or right bank. From the other side the only 
tributaries received are the Bahr-el-Ghazal, 69 which is said to 
give "little or no water," the Ye, which is described as a 
third-class stream, 70 and another unnamed river of thesame 
character. 71 The important affluents are thus only the Sobat, 
the Bahr-el-Azrek, and the Atbara. 


Of these, the Bahr-el-Azrek has been described already. 72 
The Sobat is known only in its lower course. It is "the most 
powerful affluent of the White Nile," 73 and is said to be fed 
by numerous tributaries from the Galla country about Kaffa, 
as well as by several from the Berri and Latooka countries. 
The course of the main stream 74 is believed to be at first south, 
between the 10th and the 15th parallels, after which it runs 
southwest and then northwest to its junction with the White 
Nile in lat. 9° 21' 14". It has a strong current, and in the 
rainy season (June to January) brings down a large body of 
water, being at its mouth sometimes 250 yards wide 75 and 
nearly thirty feet deep. 76 

The Atbara is not a permanent river. In the spring and 
early summer, from the beginning of March to June, it is for 
upwards of 150 miles from its junction with the Nile, perfectly 
dry, except in places. 77 In the deeper hollows of its sandy 
channel, at intervals of a few miles, water remains during 
these months ; and the denizens of the stream, hippopota- 
muses, crocodiles, fish, and large turtle, are crowded together 
in discontinuous pools, where they have to remain until the 
rains set them at liberty. 78 This change occurs about the 
middle of June, from which time until the middle of Septem- 
ber the storms are incessant, and the Atbara becomes a raging 
torrent, bringing down with it in wild confusion forest trees, 
masses of bamboo and driftwood, bodies of elephants and buf- 
faloes, and quantities of a red soil washed from the fertile lands 
along its course and the courses of its tributaries. These are 
the Settite, the Koyan, the Salaam, and the Angrab — all of 
them large rivers in the wet season, and never without water 
even at the driest time. 79 Increased by these streams, the At- 
bara is, from June to September, a great river, being 450 
yards in average width and from twenty-five to thirty feet 
deep 80 for many miles above its junction with the Nile, in lat. 
17° 37' nearly. 

The great inundation of the Nile, which causes the peculiar 
fertility of Egypt, commences ordinarily towards the end of 
June or beginning of July, and continues till November or 
December. The rise at Cairo is in average years between 
twenty-three and twenty-four feet; 81 but it is sometimes as 
much as twenty-six, and sometimes as little as twenty-two 
feet. 82 In Upper Egypt, where the valley is narrower, the 
rise of course is greater. At Thebes the average increase is 
reckoned at thirty-six feet, while at Syene (Assouan) it is 
about forty feet. 83 On the other hand, in the open plain of 
the Delta the height to which the water rises is very much 


less, being about twenty feet near Heliopolis, eleven at Xois 
and Mendes, and no more than four at the Rosetta and Dam- 
ietta embouchures. 84 The extent to which the inundation 
reaches depends upon the height attained by the river. If 
the rise is under the average, much of the higher ground is 
left uncovered, and has to be irrigated with great trouble by 
means of canals and shadoofs or hand-swipes. If, on the con- 
trary, the average is much exceeded, calamitous results ensue ; 85 
the mounds which keep the water from the villages are over- 
flowed or broken down ; the cottages, built of mud, collapse 
and are washed away ; the cattle are drowned ; the corn in 
store is spoiled, and the inhabitants with difficulty save their 
lives by climbing trees or making their way to some neighbor- 
ing eminence. Providentially, these excessive inundations 
occur but seldom ; the uniformity which characterizes the 
operations of nature is nowhere more observable than in 
Egypt ; and a rise of even two feet above the average is a rare 
and unusual occurrence. 

It has sometimes been supposed that, although within the 
time since Egypt has been subjected to modern scientific 
observation the results presented are thus uniform, yet in the 
course of ages very great changes have happened, and that 
still greater may be expected if the world continues to exist 
for a few more thousand years. Herodotus declares 86 that 
less than nine hundred years before his visit to Egypt, or in 
the fourteenth century B.C., 87 the Nile overflowed all the coun- 
try below Memphis as soon as it rose so little as eight cubits ; 
and as in his own day, for the inundation to be a full one, the 
rise required was sixteen cubits, he concludes that the land 
had risen eight cubits in nine centuries. At such a rate of 
growth, he observes, 88 it would not be long before the fields 
would cease to be inundated, and the boasted fertility of 
Egypt would disappear altogether. Had the facts been as he 
supposed, his conclusion would not have been erroneous ; but 
all the evidence which we possess seems to show that the rise 
of the Nile during the flood time has never been either greater 
or less than it is at present ; 89 and that, though the land is 
upraised, there is no need of any greater rise of the river to 
overflow it. The explanation is, 90 that the bed of ,the river is 
elevated in an equal ratio with the land on either side of it ; 
and the real effect of the elevation is rather to extend the Nile 
irrigation than to contract it ; for as the centre of the valley 
rises the waters at the time of their overflow spread further 
and further over the base of the hills which bound it— the 
alluvium gradually extends itself and the cultivable surface 


becomes greater. 91 If the soil actually under cultivation be 
less now than formerly, it is not nature that is in fault. Mo- 
hammedan misrule checks all energy and enterprise ; the 
oppressed fellahin, having no security that they will enjoy 
the fruits of their labors, are less industrious than the ancient 
Egyptians, and avail themselves more scantily of the advan- 
tages which are offered them by the peculiar circumstances of 
their country. 

In one part of Egypt only does it seem that there has been 
any considerable change since the time of the Pharaohs. A 
barrier of rock once crossed the river at Silsilis, and the water 
of the Xile south of that point stood at a much higher level. 92 
Broad tracks were overflowed at that period which the inunda- 
tion now never reaches. 93 But these tracts belonged to Ethiopia 
rather than to Egypt; and within the latter country it was 
only the small portion of the Xile Valley between "the first 
cataract" and Silsilis that suffered any disadvantage. In that 
tract the river does not rise now within twenty-six feet of the 
height to which it attained anciently; 94 and though the nar- 
rowness of the valley there prevented the change from causing 
a very sensible loss, yet no doubt some diminution of the culti- 
vable territory was produced by the giving way of the barrier. 

It has long been known 9 ' that the annual inundation of the 
Xile is caused, at any rate mainly, 96 by the rains which fall in 
Abyssinia between May and September; 97 but it is only re- 
cently that the entire Nile system, and the part played in its 
economy by the Abyssinian and Equatorial basins, have come 
to be clearly understood and appreciated. The White Xile is 
now found to be, not only the main, but the only true river. 
Fed by the great Equatorial lakes, and supported by a rainfall 
which continues for more than nine months of the year, from 
February to Xovember, 98 this mighty and unfailing stream 
carries down to the Mediterranean a vast and only slightly 
varying 99 body of water, the amount of which may be esti- 
mated by considering the volume poured into the sea, even 
when the Xile is lowest, which is said to be above 150,000 
millions of cubic metres daily. 100 The contribution of the Blue 
Xile at this season is so small, 101 that it must be considered a 
barely sufficient set-off against the loss by absorption and 
evaporation which the stream must suffer in the 1,400 miles 
between Khartoum and the sea, and thus tin 1 whole of the 
150, ()()() millions of metres may be nut to the account of the 
AVhite Nile. Were the White Xile diverted from its course 
above Khartoum, the Blue Nile alone would fail in the dry 
season to reach the Mediterranean ; it would shrink and dis- 


appear long before it had passed the Nubian desert, 102 and 
Egypt would then be absolutely without water and uninhabi- 
table. But the abundant reservoirs under the Equator forbid 
this result, and enable the river to hold its own and make head 
against the absorbing power of the desert and the evaporating 
power of the atmosphere while it traverses a space of above 
sixteen degrees with a course which, including only main 
bends, cannot be far short of 1,400 miles. 

On the other hand, without the Abyssinian streams, it is 
doubtful whether the Nile would ever rise above its banks or 
flood Egypt at all. If it did, it is certain that it would leave 
little deposit, and have but a slight fertilizing power. 103 The 
Atbara and Blue Nile bring down the whole of that red argil- 
laceous mud, 1 " 4 which being spread annually over the land 
forms a dressing of such richness that no farther manure is 
needed to maintain Egypt in perpetual fertility and enable it 
to produce an endless series of the most abundant harvests 
that can be conceived. The fat soil is washed year by year 
from the highlands of Abyssinia by the heavy summer rains, 
and spread from Syene to Alexandria over the Egyptian low- 
lands, tending to fill up the hollow which nature has placed 
between the Libyan and Arabian hills. There will be no 
diminution of Egyptian fertility until the day comes when the 
Abyssinian mountains have been washed bare, and the rivers 
which flow from them cease to bi ing down an earthy deposit 
in their flood-time, remaining equally pellucid during all sea- 
sons, whatever their rise or fall. That day must, however, 
be almost indefinitely distant ; and the inhabitants of Egypt 
will not need for long ages to be under any apprehension of 
its productiveness suffering serious diminution. 

It has been customary among writers on Egypt to divide 
the country either into two or into three portions ; 105 but to 
the present author it seems more convenient to make a five- 
fold division of the Egyptian territory. The Nile Valley, the 
great plain of the Delta, the curious basin of the Fayoum, the 
Eastern Desert, and the valley of the Natron Lakes are regions 
which have a natural distinctness, and which seem to deserve 
separate treatment. It is proposed, therefore, to describe these 
five tracts severally before proceeding to an account of the 
countries by which Egypt was bordered. 

The Nile Valley from Syene to the apex of the Delta is a 
long and narrow strip of the most fertile land in the world, 
extending from lat. 24° 5' to 30° 10', a distance of above six 
degrees, or 360 geographical miles. The general direction of 
the valley is from south to north ; but during the greater 


portion of the distance there is a tendency to incline towards 
the west ; this prevails as far as lat. 28° 18', where E. long. 
30° 40' is touched ; after which the inclination is for above a 
degree to the east of north as far as Atfieh, whence the valley 
runs almost due north to the old apex of the Delta near Heli- 
opolis. Through these deflections the length of the valley is 
increased from 360 to about 500 geographical miles, or 580 
miles of the British statute measure. The valley is extremely 
narrow from Syene to near Thebes, 106 where it expands; 107 but it 
contracts again below the Theban plain, and continues narrow- 
ish until How or Diospolis Parva, whence it is, comparatively 
speaking, broad 108 to about Atfieh. It is then again narrow 109 
till it expands into the Delta below Cairo. The greatest width 
of the valley is about fifteen, the least about two miles. 110 In 
many parts, on the western side especially, a sandy tract in- 
tervenes between the foot of the hills and the cultivated terri- 
tory, 111 which is thus narrowed to a width that rarely exceeds 
ten miles. 

The great plain of the Delta is, speaking roughly, triangular; 
but its base towards the sea is the segment of a circle, and not 
a straight line. The deposit which the Nile lias brought down 
during the long course of ages causes a projection of the coast 
line, which in E. long. 31° 10' is more than half a degree in 
advance of the shore at Pelusium and at Marea. Like the 
Nile valley, the Delta is bounded on either side by hills ; on 
the west by a range which runs N.W. from Memphis to Lake 
Marea, and then W. to the coast near Plinthine (long. 29° 
nearly); on the east by one, which has a general northeasterly 
direction from Cairo to take Serbonis and Mount Casius. 112 
The distance along the coast-line from Plinthine to Mount 
Casius is about 300 miles ; 113 that from the apex of the Delta 
to the sea about a hundred miles. 114 It is believed that the old 
apex was about six miles higher up the stream than the 
present point of separation, 115 which is in lat. 30° 13', whereas 
the old point of separation was about lat. 30° 8'. The en- 
tire Delta is a vast alluvial plain without a natural elevation of 
any kind; it is intersected by numerous streams derived from 
the two great branches of the Nile, and has experienced in the 
course of time very great changes in respect of its water- 
courses. 116 The general tendency has been for the water to 
run off more and more towards the west. The Pelusiac 
branch, which was originally a principal one, 117 is now almost 
entirely dried up ; the Tanitic and Mendesian branches have 
similarly disappeared ; the present most easterly mouth of the 
Nile is the Damietta one, which was originally the fourth, as 


one proceeded along the coast from east to west. Even this 
conveys but a small proportion of the Nile water, and tends to 
silt up. At Kosetta there is a bar across the mouth of the 
river ; and the Mahmoudiyeh canal, which connects Alexan- 
dria with the Nile at Foueh, forms the only permanently 
navigable channel between the coast and the capital. The 
cause of this gradual change seems to be the current in the 
Mediterranean, which runs constantly from west to east along 
the Egyptian coast, and carries the Nile mud eastward, de- 
positing it little by little as it goes. Port Said is continually 
threatened with destruction from this cause, and it is only by 
constant dredging that the mouth of the canal can be kept 

About one-fourth of the natural area of the Delta is occu- 
pied by lakes, which are separated from the sea by thin lines 
of rock or sand-bank. Commencing on the west we find, 
first, Lake Marea or Mareotis, which extends from Plinthine 
for thirty-five miles in a northeast direction, and runs inland 
a distance of five-and-twenty miles towards the southeast. 
Adjoining it on the east, and separated from it by only a nar- 
row strip of alluvium, 118 is Lake Menelaites (now Ma'dyeh), a 
basin of no great size, its dimensions being about ten miles by 
seven or eight. Both these lakes are protected from the sea 
by a low limestoue range, 119 which terminates in the rock 
forming the western extremity of Aboukir Bay. From this 
point as far as Mount Casius, the rest of the coast consists en- 
tirely of sand and alluvium. 120 South of iVboukir Bay is Lake 
Metelites (Edkou), with a length of twenty miles and a width 
of about ten, reaching on the one side nearly to Lake Ma'dyeh, 
and on the other to the Bolbitine or Kosetta branch of the 
Nile. At a little distance beyond the Eosetta branch com- 
mences Lake Bourlos (Lacus Buticus), which has a breadth of 
twenty miles with a length of nearly forty, 121 and is divided 
from the Mediterranean by a thin tongue of sand extending 
from the Rosetta mouth to the most northerly point of Egypt, 
opposite Beltym. A broad tract of land now intervenes be- 
tween Lake Bourlos and the Damietta branch of the Nile; 
but east of the Damietta branch occurs almost immediately 
another lake, the greatest of all, the Lake MenzaJeh, which 
has a length of forty-five miles and a width in places of nearly 
thirty. The country south and southwest of this lake is a vast 
marsh, 122 containing only occasional dry spots, but the resort 
in all times of a numerous and hardy population. 123 Still fur- 
ther to the east, beyond the Pelusiac mouth, and beyond the 
limits of the Delta proper, is Lake Ser bonis, which has a 


length of fifty miles, but a width varying from one mile 
only to six or seven. A low and narrow sand-bank, 124 mid- 
way in which the Mons Casius rises, separates this lake from 
the sea. 

It has been much disputed whether the Delta projects in- 
creasingly into the Mediterranean, and whether consequently 
it is now larger than in ancient times. The French savants 
who examined the country at the time of Napoleon's great 
expedition were decidedly of opinion that the coast-line 
advanced constant^, 125 and regarded the general area of the 
Delta as thus considerably augmented. They thought, how- 
ever, that as much land had been lost internally by the neglect 
of the old dykes, and the enlargement of Lake Bourlos and 
Menzaleh 12b as had been gained from the sea, and believed 
that thus the cultivable area of the Delta was about the same 
in their own day as anciently. 

On the other hand, Sir Gardner Wilkinson declares that the 
"Mediterranean has encroached, and that the Delta has lost 
instead of gaining along the whole of its extent from Csmopus 
to Pelusium." He maintains that "the land is always sinking 
along the north coast of Egypt," and appears to think that the 
Nile deposit is barely sufficient to compensate for this continued 
subsidence. According to him m "the Nile now enters the sea 
at the same distance north of the Lake Meeds as it did in the 
age of early kings of Egypt," and "the sites of the oldest 
cities are as near the seashore as they ever were." He thus 
believes the coast-line to have made no advance at all in 
historical times, and appears even to regard the remarkable 
projection of the land between the Canopic and Pelusiac mouths 
as an original formation and not the result of deposit. 

It is difficult to decide between two such weighty author- 
ities ; but it may be observed that the English Egyptologist 
is scarcely consistent with himself, since, while stating that 
the sea "has encroached," he allows that the Nile enters it at 
the same distance below Lake Meeris as formerly, which implies 
that the sea has not e'neroached. It may further be remarked 
that he givss no proof of the subsidence of the coast along the 
north of Egypt, and that his statement on the subject is open 
to question. On the whole, we may perhaps with most reason 
conclude that there is an advance, especially towards the east, 
whither the mud is swept by the current, but that the prog- 
ress made is slow and the gain of territory inconsiderable. 

The curious basin of the Fayoum has from a remote an- 
tiquity attracted the attention of geographers, 198 and in modern 
times has been carefully examined and described by M. 


Jomard 129 and M. Linant de Belief onds. 1:i0 It is a natural 
depression in the Libyan chain of hills, having an area of 
about 400 square miles, 131 of which 150 are occupied by a long 
and narrow lake, 13 ' 2 the Birket-el-Keroun (or "Lake of the 
Horn "), whose waters cover the northwestern portion of the 
basin. The whole track lies at a much lower level than that 
of the Nile valley, with which it is connected by a rocky ra- 
vine about eight miles in length, 133 having a direction from 
N.W. to S.E., and lying in about lat. 29° 20'. Originally the 
basin was most probably cup-shaped ; but at present the ground 
within it slopes from the opening of the gorge in all directions 
— to the north, the west, and the south — the upper ground 
consisting of deposits of Nile mud, which have accumulated 
in the course of ages. A branch from the Bahr-Yousuf — still 
in use — was conducted in ancient times through the gorge ; 
and an elaborate system of irrigation, 134 involving the con- 
struction of numerous dykes, canals, and sluices, brought 
almost the whole tract under cultivation, and rendered it one 
of the most productive portions of Egypt. The lake itself — 
which is a construction of nature and not of art — was of great 
value as a fishery, 135 and the Arsenoite nome, as the whole 
tract was called, took rank among the chief wonders of a most 
wonderful country. 136 

The Eastern Desert is by far the largest of all the divisions 
of Egypt. Its length may be estimated at above 500 miles, 
and its average width at 130 or 140 miles. 137 Its entire area 
is probably not less than 65,000 square miles, or considerably 
more than two-thirds of the area of Egypt. It is in the main 
a region of rock, gravel, and sand, arid, waterless, treeless. 138 
On the side of the Nile, the ridge rises in terraces, 139 which are 
steep and precipitous, presenting towards the west ranges of 
cliffs like walls ; after this, mountains alternate with broad 
gravelly or sandy plains ; the land gradually rises ; the eleva- 
tion of the hills is sometimes as much as 6,000 feet, 140 and is 
greatest about half way between the Nile and the Ked Sea. 
The geological formation is limestone towards the north, sand- 
stone about lat. 25°, and granite in lat. 24°; but occasionally 
masses of primitive rock are intruded into the secondary re- 
gions, 141 extending as far northward as lat. 27° 10'. In a few 
places the desert is intersected by rocky gorges of a less arid 
character, which furnish lines of communication between the 
Nile valley and the Red Sea ; 142 of these the most remarkable 
are, one about lat. 30°, connecting Cairo with the Gulf of 
Suez; 143 a second, in lat. 26°, uniting Coptos and Thebes 
with Cosseir ; 144 and a third, branching off from the Nile in 


lat. 25°, and joining Edfou (Apollinopolis Magna) with Bere^ 
nice, 145 in lat. 23° 50'. Other similar gorges or ravines pene- 
trate into the desert region for a longer or a shorter distance, 
and then suddenly terminate. For the most part these valleys 
are, to a certain extent, fertile. Trees grow in them ; 146 and 
they produce in abundance a thorny plant, called basillah, ul 
which affords a sufficient nourishment for camels, goats, and 
even sheep. In places the vegetation is richer. "Delightful 
ravines, ornamented with beautiful shrubs," and producing 
date-trees and wild wheat, are said to exist in the northern 
portion of the desert, 148 while near the Red Sea, in l^t. 28° 45', 
the monasteries of St. Antony and St. Paul are situated in *■ 
"verdant spots," and "surrounded with thriving orchards of 
dates, olives, and apricots." 149 The great want of the region 
is water, which exists only in wells, scattered at wide intervals 
over its surface, and is always of an unpleasant and sometimes 
of an unwholesome character. 150 The only really valuable 
portion of the Eastern desert is that of Mount Zabara, 151 the 
region of the emerald mines, in lat. 24° 25', long. 35° nearly. 
The valley of the Natron Lakes 152 is a long and narrow de- 
pression in the Libyan desert, lying chiefly between lat. 30° 
and 31°. It may be viewed as branching off from the valley 
of the Nile about Abousyr, between the great pyramids of 
(rizeh and those of Sakkara. Its general direction is from 
S.E.E. to N.W.W. ; and it thus runs parallel with the west- 
ern skirt of the Delta, from which it is separated by an arid 
track of limestone rock and gravelly desert, from thirty to fifty 
miles in width. The Jength of the valley from the point 
where it quits the Nile to the place where it is lost in the 
sands south of Marea a little exceeds ninety miles. The lakes 
occupy the central portion of the depression, lying between 
lat. 30° 16' and lat. 33° 24'. They are six in number, and 
form a continuous line, which is reckoned at six French 
leagues, 153 or about sixteen and a half English miles. Their 
ordinary width is from 100 to 150 yards. The w 7 ater is sup- 
plied from springs which rise in the limestone range bounding 
the valley on the northeast and flow copiously from midsum- 
mer till December, after which they shrink and gradually fail 
till the ensuing June. 154 During the time of their failure some 
of the lakes become dry. Though the water of the springs 
winch supply the lakes is quite drinkable, yet it contains in 
solution several salts, as especially the muriate of soda or com- 
mon sea salt, the subcarbonate of soda, 155 or natron, and the 
sulphate of soda ; and these salts, continually accumulating in 
the lakes, which have no outlet, crystallize on their surface 

Vol. I. 

Plato TTT. 

Fig. 6.— The Great Monitor.— See Page 37. 

Fig. 7. — Fruit of the Nympha a m lumbo. 
—See Page ;J0. 

Fig. 8.— Egyptian Ass (from the 
Monuments).— See Page 38. 

Fig. 0,— Egyptian Dogs (from the— -«*- :- nnents).— See Page 30 

Plate IV. 


Fig. 10.— Hyena caught in a Trap (from the Monu- Fig. 11. — Head of Egyptias 
ments. — See Page 34. Man. — See Page 50. 

Fig. 12.— 1. The Glossy Ibis; 2. The Ibis Retigiosa (from the Description).— Page 40. 

Fig. 13.— The Oxyrhynchus or Mizdeh,— See Page 43. 


in large quantities, and become valuable objects of com- 
merce. 156 Excepting immediately round the lakes, there is 
little vegetation ; 157 yet the valley is permanently inhabited at 
the present day by the monks of three convents, besides being 
visited from time to time by caravans of merchants, bent on 
conveying its treasures to Cairo or Alexandria. South of the 
Natron Valley, and separated from it by a low ridge, is a water- 
less ravine, containing a quantity of petrified wood, which has 
been regarded by some as an old branch of the Nile, 158 and 
supposed to have a connection with the Birket-el-Keroun ; 159 
but this latter supposition is entirely erroneous, 160 and it may 
be doubted whether the presumed connection with the Nile 
is not equally without foundation. 161 

The countries whereby ancient Egypt was bordered were 
three only, Ethiopia, Libya, and Syria including Palestine. 
Ethiopia, which lay towards the south, was a tract considera- 
bly larger than Egypt, comprising, as it did, not only Nubia, 
but the whole of the modern Abyssinia, or the tract from 
which flow the Atbara and Blue Nile rivers. It was also, in 
part, a region of great fertility, capable of supporting a numer- 
ous population, which, inhabiting a mountain territory, would 
naturally be brave and hardy. 162 Egypt could not but have 
something to fear from this quarter ; but a certain degree of 
security was afforded by the fact, that between her frontier 
and the fertile portion of Ethiopia lay a desert tract, extend- 
ing for above six degrees, or more than 400 miles, between 
the mouth of the Atbara and Syene. The dangers of the 
desert might indeed be avoided by following the course of 
the Nile; but the distance was under such circumstances very 
considerably increased, the march from Meroe to Syene being 
augmented from one of 450 to one of 850 miles. Hence the 
ordinary route followed was that across the Nubian desert, 163 
a distance of not less than ten days' march for an army ; and 
thus, practically, it may be said that a barrier difficult to 
surmount protected Egypt on the south, and rendered her, 
unless upon rare occasions, secure from attack on that side. 

The vast tract, known to the ancients vaguely as Libya, 
and inhabited by Libyans, extended from the Delta and the 
Nile valley westward across the entire continent, 164 compre- 
hending all North Africa west of Egypt, excepting the small 
Greek settlements of Gyrene and Barca, and the Phoenician 
ones of Garthage, Utica, and Hippo. The geographical area 
was enormous ; but the inhospitable nature of the region, 
which is for the most part an arid and unproductive desert, 
though dotted with palm-bearing oases, 165 rendered it in the 


main unfit for the habitation of man, and kept the scattered 
tribes that wandered over its surface from multiplying. The 
portion of North Africa which borders on Egypt is particu- 
larly sterile and unattractive ; a scant and sparse population 
can alone contrive to find subsistence amid its parched and 
barren wastes ; and this population, engaged in a perpetual 
struggle for existence, is naturally broken up into tribes which 
regard each other with animosity, and live in a state of con- 
stant war, rapine, and mutual injury. Combination is almost 
impossible under such circumstances ; and thus the great and 
powerful monarchy of Egypt could have little to fear from the 
tribes upon its western frontier, which were individually weak, 166 
and were unapt to form leagues or alliances. Once alone in 
the history of Egypt does any great attack come from this 
quarter, some peculiar circumstances having favored a tempo- 
rary union between races ordinarily very much disinclined to 
act together. 

On the east Egypt was protected along the greater portion 
of her frontier by a water barrier, a broad and impassable 167 
moat, the Red Sea and its western prolongation, the Gulf of 
Suez. It was only at the extreme north, where Africa is joined 
on to Asia, that on this side she had neighbors. And here, 
again, she enjoyed to some extent the protection of a desert. 
Egypt is separated from Syria by the sandy tract, known to 
the Arabs as El-Tij, the "Wilderness of the "Wanderings." 
The width of the desert is, however, not great ; armies have 
at all times traversed it without much difficulty ; 168 and with 
the support of a fleet, itr-is easy to conduct a force along the 
coast route from Gaza to Pelusium. Accordingly, we shall 
find that it was especially in this quarter, on her northeastern 
border, that Egypt came into contact with other countries, 
made her own chief military expeditions, and lay open to 
attack from formidable enemies. The strip of fertile land — 
alternate mountain and rich plain — which intervenes between 
the eastern Mediterranean and the Palmyrene or Syrian desert, 
has at all times been a nursery of powerful and warlike nations 
— Emim, Rephaim, Philistines, Canaanites, Israelites, Hittites, 
Jews, Saracens, Druses. Here in this desirable region, which 
she could not help coveting, Egypt was brought into collision 
with foemen "worthy of her steel" — here- was the scene of her 
early military exploits — and hence came the assault of her first 
really dangerous enemy. 169 Moreover, it was through this 
country alone, along this fertile but somewhat narrow strip, 
that she could pass to broader and richer regions — to Meso- 
potamia, Assyria, Asia Minor — seats of a civilization almost 


as ancient as her own— wealthy, populous, well-cultivated 
tracts— next to the Nile valley, the fairest portions of the 
earth's surface. Thus her chief efforts were always made on 
this side, and her history connects her not so much with 
Africa as with Asia. For twenty centuries the struggle for 
the first place among the nations of the earth was carried on 
in these regions — Egypt's rivals and enemies were Syria, As- 
syria, Babylonia, Persia — her armies and those of her adver- 
saries were perpetually traversing the Syrian and Palestinian 
plains and valleys — the country between the "river of Egypt" 
and the Euphrates at Carchemish was the battle-ground of the 
"Great Powers" — and the tract is consequently one with which 
Egyptian history is vitally connected. Its main features are 
simple and easily intelligible. A spur from Taurus 170 detaches 
itself in E. long. 37°, and, skirting the Gulf of Issiis, runs 
south and a little west of south from the 37th parallel to be- 
yond the 33d, where we may regard it as terminating in Mount 
Carmel. Another parallel range m rises in Northern Syria 
about Aleppo, and, running at a short distance from the first, 
culminates towards the south in Hermon. Between them lies 
the deep and fertile valley of Ooelesyria, watered in its more 
northern parts by the Orontes, and in its more southern by the 
Litany. Extending for above 200 miles from north to south, 
almost in a direct line, and without further break than an 
occasional screen of low hills, Ooelesyria furnishes the most 
convenient line of passage between Africa and Asia, alike for 
the journeys of merchants and the march of armies. 172 Below 
Hermon the mountains cease, and are replaced by uplands of 
a moderate elevation. The country is everywhere traversable ; 
but the readiest route is that which, passing from the Bukaa 173 
over the hills of Galilee, descends into the plain of Esdraelon, 
and then, after crossing the low range which joins Carmel to 
the Samaritan highland, proceeds along the co-ist through the 
plain of Sharon and the Shephelah to the Egyptian frontier at 
the Wady-el-Arish. Such are the chief features of Syria con- 
sidered strategically. It presents one, and one only, regular 
line of march for the passage of armies. This line of march 
is from south to north by Philistia, Sharon, the Esdraelon 
plain, Galilee, and the Ccelesyrian valley, to the latitude of 
Aleppo, whence are several routes to the Euphrates. There is 
also one secondary line, which passing out of Galilee, to the 
northeast, and leaving Hermon and Anti-libanus to the left, 
proceeds by way of Damascus along the eastern skirt of the 
mountains to Chalcis, Gabbula, and Hierapolis. But directly, 
from west to east, through the Syrian desert, there is uc route 


that an army can traverse. Caravans may pass from Damascus 
by Palmyra to Circesium, and possibly may cross the desert by 
other lines and in other directions ; but such routes must be 
left out of sight when the tract is viewed strategically. The 
line of communication between Africa and Asia, between Egypt 
and the Mesopotamian plain, so far as armies are concerned, 
lies north and south, by Palestine and Ccelesyria to the latitude 
of Antioch and Aleppo. 

Politically, Syria, though scarcely suitable for the seat of a 
great power, is a country that may well hold a high secondary 
rank. Well watered and well wooded, possessing numerous 
broad valleys and rich plains, she can nurture a population of 
many millions, and in her mountain fastnesses can breed races 
of a high physical development and excellent moral qualities. 
The classical idea of Syrian weakness and sensuality m belongs 
to comparatively late times, and applies especially to the in- 
habitants of luxurious and over-civilized cities. In the moun- 
tain regions of Libanus and Anti-libanus, on the table-land of 
Moab and Amnion, and even in the hill-tracts of Galilee, 
Samaria, and Judaea, the natives are naturally hardy, warlike, 
even fierce. The land itself is favorable for defense, possess- 
ing many strong positions, capable of being held by a handful 
of brave men against almost any numbers. Syria was thus by 
far the most powerful of the countries bordering upon Egypt ; 
and it was natural that she should play an important part in 
Egyptian history. Libya was too weak for offence, too poor 
to tempt aggression ; Ethiopia was too remote and isolated ; 
Syria alone was near, rich, attractive ; too strong to be readily 
overpowered, too freedom r -loving to be long held in subjection, 
of sufficient force to be occasionally aggressive ; sure therefore 
to come frequently into collision with her neighbor, and likely 
to maintain an equal struggle with her for centuries. Above 
all, she lay on the road which Egyptian effort was sure to take ; 
she was the link between Africa and Asia ; she at once separated 
and united the countries which were the earliest seats of em- 
pire. If Egpyt were ambitious, if she strove to measure her 
strength against that of other first-rate powers, she could only 
reach them through Syria ; if they retaliated it was on the 
side of Syria that she must expect their expeditions. AVe shall 
find in the sequel that, from the time of the twelfth to 
that of the twenty-sixth dynasty, connection between Egypt 
and Syria, generally hostile, was almost perpetual, and tli;it 
consequently to all who understand Egyptian history, a knowl- 
edge of Syria, both geographically and politically, is indis- 




Climate of Egypt— of the Nile Valley— of the Eastern Highland. Vegetable 
Productions— Indigenous Trees und Plants — Plants anciently cultivated. 
Indigenous Wild Animals— Domesticated Animals. Birds, Fish, Reptiles, 
and Insects. Mineral Products. 

" Provincia . . omni yranorum acleguminum genere /erti?is." 

Leo Afric. viii, 1. 

In considering the climate of Egypt, we must begin by making 
a distinction between Egypt proper or the valley of the Nile, 
including the Delta, and that desert and (comparatively speak- 
ing) mountainous tract which intervenes between the Nile valley 
and the Red Sea, and which we have reckoned to Egypt in 
the preceding chapter. 1 The difference between the climates 
of the two regions is considerable ; and no description which 
should extend to both could be at once minute and accurate. 

The leading characteristics of the climate of the Nile valley 
are, combined warmth and dryness. In Southern Egypt, 
which lies but a very little outside of the tropic of Cancer, the 
heat during the summer time is excessive, being scarcely sur- 
passed even by that of Central Bengal, which lies under the 
same parallel. The range of the thermometer throughout this 
portion of the year is from 100° to 112° in the shade during 
the daytime. 2 At night, of course, the heat is less, but still it 
is very great. In Northern Egypt several causes combine to 
keep the summer temperature at a lower level. The difference 
in latitude, which is seven degrees, by substituting oblique for 
vertical rays, causes a certain diminution in the solar power. 
The spread of the inundation over the low lands, happening 
at this time, 3 produces a general absorption, instead of a re- 
flection of the sun's rays ; while the prevalence of northerly 
and northwesterly winds, noted by Herodotus 4 as well as by 
modern observers, 5 brings into the valley a continual current 
of air, coming from a cool quarter, and still further cooled by 
its passage over the Mediterranean. The summer may be 
considered to commence in April, and to terminate at the end 
of October. The heats at this time subside, and a mild pleas- 
ant temperature succeeds, which continues with little change 
throughout the remainder of the year, until summer conies 
round again. Hence, Egypt has been said to have but two 


seasons, spring and summer. 6 Snow and frost are wholly un- 
known, and the temperature rarely falls below 40° of Fahren- 
heit. 7 

The dryness of the Nile valley is very remarkable. In 
ancient times it was even believed that rain scarcely ever fell 
in any part of it. Mela 8 calls Egypt "a land devoid of show- 
ers;" and Herodotus regards even a slight drizzle 9 in the 
Thebaid as a prodigy. These views are exaggerated, but rest 
upon a basis of truth. There is less rain in Egypt than in 
almost any other known country. In the upper portion of 
the valley, showers ordinarily occur only on about five or six 
days in the year, 10 while heavy rain is a rare phenomenon, not 
witnessed more than once in every fifteen or twenty years. A 
continuance of heavy rain for two or three days is almost un- 
heard of, 11 and would cause the fall of many buildings, no 
provision being made against it. In Lower Egypt the case is 
somewhat different. At Alexandria and other places upon 
the coast, rain is as common in winter as it is in the south of 
Europe. But during the rest of the year, as little falls as in 
the upper country ; and at fifty or sixty miles from the coast 
the winter rains cease, the climate of Cairo being no less dry 
than that of the Thebaid. At the same time it must be noted 
that, notwithstanding the rarity of rain, the air is moderately 
moist, evaporation from the broad surface of the Nile keeping 
u supplied with a fair degree of humidity. 

In the desert tract between the Nile valley and the Red Sea 
the air is considerably drier than in the valley itself, and the 
alternations of heat and,.cold are greater. In summer the air 
is suffocating, while m winter the days are cool and the 
nights positively cold. Heavy rain and violent thunder-storms 
are frequent at this season ; the torrent beds become full of 
water, and pour their contents into the Nile on the one hand 
and the Red Sea on the other. A month or two later these 
beds are perfectly dry, and are covered with a drapery of green 
herbage, interspersed with numerous small flowers, until about 
May, when the heat of the sun and the oppressive wind from 
the Desert, known as the Khamseen, whithers them up, and 
nothing remains except a few acacia trees and some sapless 
shrubs from which only a camel can derive any sustenance. 1 ' 2 

The Khamseen wind is one of the chief drawbacks upon 
the delights of the Egyptian climate. It arises for the most 
part suddenly, and without warning, from the south or south- 
west. "The sky instantly becomes black and heavy ; the sun 
loses its splendor and appears of a dim violet line ; a light 
varm breeze is felt, which gradually increases in heat till it 


almost equals that of an oven. Though no vapor darkens the 
air, it becomes so gray and thick with the floating clouds of 
impalpable sand that it is sometimes necessary to use candles 
at noonday. Every green leaf is instantly shrivelled, and 
everything formed of wood is warped and cracked." 13 The 
animal creation suffers. The pores of the skin are closed, and 
fever commences ; the. hot sand entering the lungs, irritates 
them, and the breathing grows difficult and quick. Intense 
thirst is felt, which no drinking will assuage, and an intoler- 
able sense of discomfort and oppression spreads over the whole 
frame. In towns and villages the inhabitants remain secluded 
in their houses, striving, but in vain, to prevent the sand from 
entering through their doors and windows. In the open fields 
and deserts, where shelter is unattainable, they wrap their 
cloaks or shawls around their heads while the storm lasts, and 
pray that it may cease. If it continues for more than a day, 
their danger is great. Whole caravans and even armies are 
said in such cases to have been destroyed by its effects ; u and 
the solitary traveller who is caught in one can scarcely hope to 
escape. Fortunately, however, prolonged storms of the kind 
are rare ; their duration very seldom exceeds a day ; 15 and 
thus upon the whole the Khamseen winds must be regarded 
rather as an annoyance and discomfort than as an actual peril 
to life. 16 

The vegetable productions of Egypt may be enumerated 
under the six heads of trees, shrubs, esculent plants, wild and 
cultivated, grain, artificial grasses, and plants valuable for 
medicinal or manufacturing purposes. The trees are few in 
number, comprising only the dom and date palms, the syca- 
more, the tamarisk, the mokhayt or myxa, the sunt or acan- 
thus, and three or four other kinds of acacias. 

The dom palm (cucifera Thebaica) (Fig. 1), is among the 
most important of the vegetable products. It first appears a 
little north of Manfaloot 17 (lat. 27° 10') and is abundant 
throughout the whole of Upper Egypt. The wood is more 
solid and compact than that of the ordinary date tree. It is 
suitable for beams and rafters, as well as for boats, rafts, and 
other purposes which necessitate contact with water. The 
fruit is a large rounded nut, with a fibrous, exterior envelope ; 
it has a sweet flavor, very similar to our gingerbread. The na- 
tives eat it both unripe and ripe : in the former case its texture 
is like that of cartilage or horn ; in the latter it is very much 
harder, and has been compared with the edible part of the 
cocoanut. 18 The wood of the dom palm was used by the 
ancient Egyptians for the handles of their tools, 19 and for all 


other purposes for which a hard material was requisite ; from 
the shell of the nut they made beads, which took a high 
polish ; 20 the leaves served them for baskets, sacks, mats, 
cushions, and other textile fabrics, for fans, fly-flaps, brushes, 
and even for certain parts of their sandals. 21 

The dom palm is a picturesque tree, very different in its 
growth from the ordinary palm. Instead of the single long 
slender stem of its date-bearing sister, with a single tuft of 
leaves at the top, the dom palm, by a system of bifurcation, 
spreads itself out on every side into numerous limbs or 
branches, each of which is crowned by a mass of leaves and 
fruit. 22 The bifurcation begins generally about five feet from 
the ground, 23 and is repeated at intervals of nearly the same 
length, till an elevation is reached of about thirty feet. The 
blossoms are of two kinds, male and female, 24 from the latter 
of which the fruit is developed. This grow T s in large clusters, 
and attains the size of a goose's egg externally, but the nut 
within is not much bigger than a large almond. 25 

The date palm is too well known to require description here. 
In Egypt the trees are of two kinds, cultivated and wild. The 
wild tree, which springs from seed, bears often an extraordi- 
nary number of dates ; 2ti but being of small size and bad qual- 
ity, they are rarely gathered. The cultivated kind is grown 
from offsets, which are selected with care, planted out at 
regular intervals, 27 and abundantly irrigated. They begin to 
bear in about five or six years, and continue to be productive 
for sixty or seventy. In Roman times it was said that the 
dates grown in Lower (Egypt were bad, while those of the 
Thebaid were of first-rate quality ; 28 but under the Pharaohs 
we may be tolerably sure that a good system of cultivation 
produced fruit of fair quality everywhere. The wild tree fur- 
nishes, and has probably always furnished, the principal tim- 
ber used in Egypt for building purposes. It is employed for 
beams and rafters either entire or split in half, 29 and though 
not a hard wood, is a sufficiently good material, being tough 
and elastic. The leaves, branches, and indeed every part of 
the tree, serve some useful purpose or other ; 30 the dates have 
always constituted a main element in the food of the people ; 
from the sap is derived an exhilarating drink ; from the fruit 
may be made, without much difficulty, wine, brandy, and 

The Egyptian sycamore {Ficus sycanwrus) is another tree 
of considerable value. The fruit, indeed, which ripens in the 
beginning of June, is not greatty esteemed, being insipid, 
though juicy ; :u but the shade is welcome, and the wood is of 

Vol. I. 

Plate V. 

Fig. 14.— The sic-sac or Trochilus.— See 
Page 41. 

Fig. 15.— Egyptian 
Child.— Page 50. 

Fig. 16.-The Egyptian Asp (Coluber haje).-See Page 44. 

Fig. 17.— Egyptian Plough.— See Page 81. 

Plate VIII. 


Fig. £ 2.— Egyptian Man and Woman 
(from the Monuments).— Page 5-3. 

b.g. 46 — l>lXuL>g \\\il..yl. bee 1'. ge 83. 

Fig. 24.— Oxen treading out Corn.- See Page 83. 

Fig. 25.— Winnowing.— See Page 6o. 


excellent quality. It is hard and close-grained, well fitted for 
all kinds of furniture. The ancient Egyptians used it for 
head-rests, 32 for figures or images, 33 for coffins, 34 and probably 
for many other purposes. Its superiority to most woods is 
shown in the fact, that the existing mummy-cases, whicli are 
in most instances made of it, have resisted the powers of 
decomposition for twenty, thirty, or even forty centuries. 
The tree grows to an extraordinary size in Egypt, some speci- 
mens, which have been measured, exceeding fifty feet in 

The mokhayt (Oardia myxa) grows to the height of about 
thirty feet, and has a diameter of three feet at the base. 35 The 
stem is straight, and rises without branches to a height of ten 
or twelve feet, when it separates into a number of boughs 
which form a large rounded head, rather taller than it is 
broad. The wood, which is hard and white, is employed in 
the manufacture of saddles. 36 The tree blossoms in May, 
and exhales at that time a delicious odor. Its fruit ripens 
about June, and is of a pale yellow color, with two external 
skins, and a nut or stone in the centre. The texture of the 
fruit is viscous, and the flavor not very agreeable ; but it is 
eaten by the natives, and the Arabs employ it as a medicine. 
In ancient times the Egyptians, we are told, obtained from 
it a fermented liquor, whicli was regarded as a species of 
wine. 37 

The sont or acantha {Mimosa Nilotica) is a tree or no 
great size, groves of which are found in many parts of Egypt. 
At present it is valued chiefly on account of its producing 
the gum arabic; 38 but anciently it would appear to have 
been largely used in the construction of the boats engaged 
in the navigation of the Nile. 39 This is a purpose to which 
it is still applied to some extent ; 40 but the wood of the dom 
palm, being found to answer better, is now employed more 
commonly. Herodotus says that the Nile boats were not only 
built of the acantha, but had also a mast of the same mate- 
rial. This, however, seems to be unlikely, as the wood isquito 
unsuited for that purpose. 

The other acacias which grow in Egypt are the lebbekr, 
(Mimosa Lebbeck of Linnaeus), the tulil (Acacia gummifera), 
the fitneh (Acacia Famesiand), the harras (Acacia albida), 
and the seyal (Acacia Seyal). Of these the last is the most 
important, since it furnishes the great bulk of the gum arabic 
of commerce, 41 while at the same time its wood is valuable, 
being both by color and textu re well adapted for cabinet work, 
TLj ?GQ£cal huj it oi'aoge with a daiiitij/ Await: the giaid i., 


close, and the material hard. It is generally believed to be 
the "shittim wood" of Scripture, which was employed for the 
Ark of the Covenant, and all the other furniture of the Tab- 
ernacle. 42 The seyal is "a gnarled and thorny tree, somewhat 
like a solitary hawthorn in its habit and manner of growth, 
but much larger." 43 Its height, when full grown, is from fif- 
teen to twenty feet. 44 It flourishes in the driest situations, 
and is common in the Suez desert, in the tract between the 
Nile and Ked Sea, in the plain of Medinet-Habou, and in the 
environs of Syene. 

Among the shrubs and fruit-trees of Egypt the most im- 
portant are the fig, the pomegranate, the mulberry, the vine, 
the olive, the apricot, the peach, the pear, the plum, the apple, 
the orange, the lemon, the banana, the carob or locust tree 
{Ceratonia siliqua), the persea, the pal ma Christi or castor-oil 
plant {Ricinus communis), the nebk {RJiamnus nabeca), and 
the prickly pear or sliok {Cactus opuntia). Of these, the 
orange, lemon, apricot, and banana are probably importations 
of comparatively recent times ; but the remainder may be as- 
signed, either positively or with a high degree of probability, 
to the Egypt of the Pharaohs. 

It is unnecessary to describe the greater number of these 
products ; but there are some with which the ordinary reader 
is not likely to be familiar, and of these some account must be 
given. The persea {Balanites jEgyptiaca), which is now rare 
in the Nile valley, 45 but is met with in the Ababdeh desert, 
and grows in great profusion on the road from Coptos to 
'Berenice, 46 is a bushy tree or shrub, which attains the height 
of eighteen or twenty 'feet under favorable circumstances. 47 
The Dark is whitish, the branches gracefully curved, the foliage 
of an ashy gray, more especially on its under surface. The 
lower branches are thickly garnished with long thorns, but 
the upper ones are thornless. The fruit, which grows chiefly 
on the upper boughs, and which the Arabs call lalob™ is about 
the size of a small date, and resembles the date in general 
character. 49 Its exterior is "a pulpy substance of a subacid 
flavor ;" 50 the stone inside is large in proportion to the size of 
the fruit, and contains a kernel of a yellowish-white color, oily 
and bitter. 51 Both the external envelope and the kernel are 
eaten by the natives. 

The sillicyprium, or castor-oil tree {Ricinus communis), 
grows abundantly in Egypt. 52 It is a plant of a considerable 
size, with leaves like those of the vine, 53 and bears a berry from 
which the oil is extracted. This lias medicinal qualities, and 
was used anciently for medical purposes; 54 but its main em- 


ployment has always been as a lamp-oil of a coarse kind. 
According to Strabo, the common people in Egypt applied it 
also to the anointment of their persons. 55 

The nebk or sidr (Rliamnus nabeca) is a fruit-tree common in 
Egypt, and in the interior of Africa/ 6 but not found in many 
other places. The fruit, which ripens very early in the year, 
usually in March or April, 57 is a fleshy substance of a texture 
not unlike that of the date, with a hard stone in the centre. 
It is eaten both raw and dried in the sun, the fleshy part being 
in the latter case detached from the stone. Its flavor is agree- 
able, and it is recommended as well suited for sustenance 
during a journey. 58 

One species of fig, called liamdt in Arabic, is indigenous in 
Egypt, and may often be found in desert situations, growing 
wild from clefts in the rocks. 59 The fruit, called by the Romans 
"cottana," 60 and by the modern Arabs "qottayn," is small in 
size, but remarkably sweet. 

The esculent plants of Egypt may be divided into the wild 
and the uncultivated ; among those which grew wild, the 
most important were the by bins, or papyrus, the NymphcB 
lotus, the Lotus cmnclea and the Nymplma nelumbo. 

The byblus, or papyrus (Cyperus papyrus), anciently so 
common in Egypt, is not now found within the limits of the 
country. It is a tall smooth flag or reed, with a large triangular 
stalk, 61 inside of which is contained the pith from which the 
Egyptians made their paper. The paper was manufactured 
by cutting the pith into strips, arranging them horizontally, 
and then placing across them another layer of strips, uniting 
the two layers by a paste, and subjecting the whole to a heavy 
pressure. 6 ' 2 The upper and middle portions of the reed were 
employed for this purpose ; the lower portion, together with 
the root, was esteemed a delicacy, and was eaten after it had 
been baked in a close vessel. 63 The papyrus needed a moist 
soil, and was carefully cultivated in the shallow lakes and 
marshes, more especially those of the Sebennytic nome in the 
central part of the Delta. There was a second coarser kind — 
probably the Cyperus dives of botanists M — which was employed 
in the construction of boats, 65 of sails, 66 of mats, baskets, sandals, 
and the like. 67 

The Nymphcea lotus, which nearly resembles our white water- 
lily, 68 grows freely in the lowlands of the Delta during the 
time of the inundations, being found at that period in ponds 
and channels which are ordinarily dry. 69 In ancient times the 
peasants collected and dried the seed-vessels of this plant, which 
they crushed and made into cakes that served them for bread. 7 " 


They also ate the rest of the plant, which was considered to 
have " a pleasant sweet taste," 71 and was eaten either raw, 
baked, or boiled. A recent writer compares the flavor to that 
of " a bad truffle," and complains that the taste is " exceed- 
ingly insipid ;" V1 but it seems to have commended itself to the 
Egyptian palate, which was probably less fastidious than that 
of modern Europeans. 

The Lotus ccerulea is scarcely more than a variety of the 
Nymphsea. 73 Its blossoms, which are of a pale blue color, 
have fewer petals than those of the ordinary plant ; its leaves 
have a somewhat more oval shape, and are darker on their 
under surface. The seed-vessels and roots are almost exactly 
similar, though the Arabs pretend to make a distinction and 
to prefer the blue variety, which they call beshnin a'raby, "the 
lotus of Arabs," while they term the white beshnin el-khanzyr, 
"the lotus of pigs." 74 Both the ordinary lotus and the ccerulea 
were valued on account of their flowers, which were employed 
at banquets and woven into garlands for the guests. 75 

The Nelumbium, or Nymphcea nelumbo (Fig. 7), though 
not now found in Egypt, nor indeed in Africa, 76 was beyond 
all doubt a denizen of the country in ancient times, though it 
may not have been indigenous. 77 The Greeks and Eomans 
knew it as "the Egyptian bean ;" 78 and the latter people re- 
garded it as so characteristic of Egypt that they used it con- 
stantly where they wanted an Egyptian emblem. 79 It has the 
general features of the lotus tribe, growing in water, with 
round leaves which float on the top, and having a large conical 
bud, from which bursts a corolla of petals, that curve inwards, 
and form a sort of cup. 80 The peculiarities of the nelumbo 
are the large size of its leaves, and the size and lovely color of 
its blossoms. The diameter of the leaf varies from a foot to a 
foot and a half ; the petals are six inches in length, and of a 
beautiful crimson or rose-purple hue. They are arranged in 
two rows, one inner and one outer, while within them, at their 
base, is a dense fringe of stamens, surrounding and protecting 
the ovary. Here the fruit forms itself. It consists of a fleshy 
substance, shaped like the rose of a watering-pot ; 81 and 
studded thickly with seeds, which project from the upper 
surface of the fruit, a circle about three inches in diam- 

The number of the seeds is from twenty to thirty. 82 They are 
about the size of a small acorn, and contain inside their shell a 
white sweet-flavored nut or almond, divided into two lobes, 
between which is a green leaf or "corculum," which is bitter, 
and should be removed before the nut is eaten. This nut, and 


also the root of the plant, were employed as food by the poorer 
classes among the ancient Egyptians. 83 

The cultivated vegetables of -Egypt resemble in most respects 
those of the same class in other countries. They comprise 
peas, beans, lentils of two kinds, the loobieli (a sort of French 
bean), the endive, leeks, garlic, onions, melons, cucumbers, 
radishes, lettuce, capers, cumin, mustard, coriander, aniseed, 
and various others. 84 There is a perpetual succession of these 
different esculents, some of which are constantly in season, 
while others have a longer or a shorter term. The melon and 
cucumber class flourishes especially, the varieties being nu- 
merous, 85 and the fruit growing to a great size. The lentils, 
which form the chief food of the lower classes, 86 are of good 
quality. The mustard, aniseed, and coriander seed were an- 
ciently in especial repute. 87 The caper plant (Capparis spi- 
nosa) bears a fruit called lussuf by the Arabs, which is shaped 
like a small cucumber, and is two and a half inches long. 88 

Only three kinds of grain seem to have been cultivated by 
the ancient Egyptians. These were wheat, barley, and the 
Holcus sorghum, or modern doora. m Of wheat, there are now 
produced in Egypt six varieties ; 90 and it is supposed that the 
same sorts existed in ancient as in modern times. 91 All of them 
but one are bearded, the others differing chiefly in color, and 
in the size of the ear. The common Egyptian wheat is white ; 
it is sown in November, and reaped early in April, after an 
interval of about five months. 95 The barley cultivated is of 
two kinds, one red, and the other white. The two kinds are 
grown in about equal quantities, and are in equal repute. 9 * 
The time of sowing, as with the wheat, is the month of No- 
vember; but the grain is reaped much earlier, some coming 
to maturity in the latter half of February, while the remainder 
is harvested during the month of March. 94 There are five 
varieties of the doom y 95 but their differences are not impor- 
tant. Some is sown in November, and this ripens early in 
May ; some in April, which ripens in July ; and some in 
August, which comes to maturity in December. The doora 
is probably the "olyra" or "zea" of Herodotus, which (ac- 
cording to him) was the grain whereon the Egyptians mainly 
subsisted. 96 

Of artificial grasses, or plants cultivated as fodder for cattle, 
there were produced in ancient Egypt these four 9T — clover, 
vetches, lupins, and a plant called gilbdn by the Arabs, and 
known to Pliny as the Lathyrus sativus. 98 The clover is 
thought to have been either the Trifolium AUxandrinum or 
the TrigonellafoenumgrcBcum, both of which are now common 


m Egypt." The vetch was the Cicer arietinum of Linnaem 
and Pliny ; 10 ° the lupin was the Lupinus tennis, which is stili 
known as termes to the Arabs. 101 These plants were, all ol 
them, of rapid growth, and some were capable of yielding 
three and even four crops in a year. 102 They were eaten 
green, and also made into hay, and stored up for the use of 
the cattle during the time of the inundation. 103 

Among plants valuable for manufacturing and medicinal 
purposes may be mentioned, in the first place, those from 
which the Egyptians obtained oil for lamps and for anointing 
themselves. For the former purpose oil was obtained chiefly 
from three plants — the "kiki," or castor-oil plant (Ricinus 
communis), the seemga (Raphanus oleifer), and the simsim or 
sesame. The castor-oil plant has been already described : 104 it 
gives out an oil with an unpleasant smell, but one which is well 
suited for burning. 105 The Egyptians obtained it either by 
pressing the berries, or by boiling them down and then skim- 
ming the oil from the surface. 106 The seemga, which now 
grows only in Nubia and the adjoining parts of Upper Egypt, 107 
was largely cultivated in ancient Egypt ; and, in Roman times 
at any rate, its seeds furnished the great bulk of the oil con- 
sumed. 108 The sesame plant was also largely cultivated, 109 as 
it is at the present day, the oil extracted from its seeds being 
now reckoned the best lamp-oil in the country. 110 

For anointing the body a greater number of oils were used. 
The poorer classes applied to the purpose even the unpleasant 
smelling " kiki ; " ni and the sesame oil was used largely for 
adulterating the oils and unguents regarded as appropriate to 
the person. 112 But the'richer classes employed either olive oil 
or unguents of a more expensive kind, such as were the 
"metopiom" or bitter-almond oil (amygdalinum), 113 the "cypri- 
num," 114 which was derived from the cypros, "a tree resem- 
bling the ziziphus in its foliage, with seeds like the corian. 
der," 115 the "cenanthinum," 116 the "amaracum " or "samp, 
suchum," 117 the "cnidinum," yielded by a kind of urtica, o\ 
nettle, 118 and an oil derived from a species of grass called 
"chorticon." 119 Altogether, Egypt was considered to be better 
adapted for the manufacture of unguents than any other coun- 
try, 120 and by a mixture of various ingredients recondite oint- 
ments were produced, which were regarded as of very superior 
quality. 121 

For manufacturing purposes the plants chiefly cultivated by 
the Egyptians were flax, which was very largely grown, cotton, 
indigo, and the safflower or Carthamus tinciorius. Linen was 
the ordinary material of the undergarment with all classes in 



Egypt ; 122 the priests could wear nothing else when officiat- 
ing ; m all dead bodies were wrapped in it previous to inter- 
ment ; 124 and it was employed also for ropes, 125 corselets, 126 and 
various other purposes. The representation of the flax harvest 
is frequent upon the monuments. 127 The kind chiefly culti 
vated is believed to have been the Linum usitatissimum, 
which is now the only sort that is thought worth growing ; 
but anciently cultivation extended, we are told, to four varie- 
ties, which were known respectively as the Butic flax, the 
Tanitic, the Tentyric, and the Pelusiac. 130 Cotton (Gossy- 
pium herbaceum) was a product of the more southern parts of 
Egypt ; 131 it was in almost equal repute with linen as a material 
for dress, 132 being preferred on account of its softness, though 
not regarded as possessing the highest degree of purity. 
Indigo and safflower were grown for the sake of the dyes 
which they furnished. Mummy-cloths were frequently stained 
with the safflower ; 133 while indigo was used to color textile 
fabrics of all kinds, 134 and also for the ornamental painting of 
walls. 135 

The number of medicinal plants and herbs produced in 
Egypt was matter of comment as early as the time of Homer. 136 
Some of these grew naturally, while others were carefully 
cultivated. Among the former may be mentioned the colo- 
cinth, 137 the cassia senna, 138 the Origanum jffigyptiacum™ 
the myrobalanus 140 or Moringa altera, 141 the Clematis ^Egyptia 
( Daphnoeides or Polygonoeides) 142 and two arums, 143 probably 
the Arum arisarum and the Arum colocasia. 144 Among the 
latter, the most important were the anise 145 (Pimpinella 
anisum), an endive called "seris" 146 (Ciclwrium endiviaf), 
the coriander-plant 147 (Coriandrum sativum), the Corcho- 
r um 148 (Corcliorus olitorias), and the"cnecum" or "atrac- 
tilis," 149 which is thought to be the Carthamus Oreticus.™ 
Besides these, we find mentioned as medicinal plants produced 
in Egypt, the " Apshithius marinus," m the balsam, 152 the 
"acacalis," 153 the " Cyprus, " 154 the "helenium,* 3 155 the "myo- 
sotis," 156 and the "stratiotes." 157 There was also a medicinal 
use of the tamarisk, 158 the papyrus, 159 the Mimosa Niloticaj" 
the dom and date palm, 161 the pomegranate, 162 the myrtle, 
the locust-tree, 164 the "persea," 165 and many other plants. 

Among the wild animals indigenous in Egypt the principal 
were the hippopotamus, the crocodile, the lion, the hyena, the 
wolf, the jackal, the fox, the ichneumon, the hare, the jerboa, 
the rat, the mouse, the shrew-mouse, the porcupine, the hedge- 
hog, and perhaps the bear, the wild boar, the ibex, the ga- 
zelle, three kinds of antelopes, the stag, the wild sheep, the 



Monitor Niloticus, and the wild-cat or Fells Chaiis. The hip- 
popotamus seems in ancient times to have been common, even 
in the more northern parts of Egypt/ 66 and to chase it was a 
favorite amusement. By degrees it was driven southwards, 
and it is now uncommon even in Nubia, 167 although occasion- 
ally it lias been known to descend the river beyond the First 
Cataract, and to pass Syene or Assouan. 168 

The crocodile is still very common in Upper Egypt, but at 
present seldom descends below Manfaloot (lat. 27° 10'). 169 
Anciently, however, it was found along the whole lower course 
of the Nile, even to the close vicinity of the sea, 170 as well as 
in the Fayoum or Arsinoite canton. 171 Notwithstanding its 
great size and strength, it js a timid animal, "flying on the 
approach of man, and, generally speaking, only venturing to 
attack its prey on a sudden." m It will, however, seize and 
destroy men, if it take them at a disadvantage ; and instances 
of its sweeping incautious persons from the bank of the river 
into the water by the force of its tail, catching them as they 
fall into its huge jaws, and carrying them instantaneously to 
the bottom, are of no rare occurrence. 173 Still, for the most 
part, it lives on fish, which abound in the Nile, and only oc- 
casionally indulges itself in the luxury of devouring warm- 
blooded animals. It is very unwieldy upon land, and never 
goes far from the water's edge, but still it passes a good deal 
of its time in the air, more especially during the summer 
months, when it delights in frequenting the sand-banks, where 
it sleeps with its mouth wide open and turned to the prevail- 
ing wind. 174 

Lions are not now found in any part of Egypt, nor anywhere 
in the Nile valley lower down than the junction with the 
Atbara. 175 It is believed, however, that anciently they inhab- 
ited the Egyptian deserts on either side of the river ; 176 and 
the monuments show us that they were tamed and used by 
the upper classes in the chase of gazelles and ibexes. 177 

Hyenas, wolves, jackals, and foxes are among the most com- 
mon of Egyptian wild animals. 178 The hyena of the country 
is the ordinary or striped hyena (Hyama vulgaris) (Fig. 10). 
It is both carnivorous and graminivorous, feeding in part 
upon wheat and doora, and doing great mischief to the stand- 
ing crops, 179 while it will also attack cattle, and, on occasions, 
even man. In these cases, "it is a rude and dangerous an- 
tagonist." 18 ° It attacks by rushing furiously forward and 
throwing its adversary down by a blow of its large bony head, 
after which it uses its fangs and claws. In a sandy place it 
will even (we are told) 181 begin by throwing up a cloud of 

Vol. I. 

Plate 1^. 

Fig. 26.— Doora Harvest.— See Page 83. 

Fig. 27.— Vines Grown in Bowers.— See Page 86. 

Fig. 28.— Vines Trained on Fosts.— See Page 86. 

Plate X. 

Vol. I. 

Fig. 29.— Egyptian Vase and Amphora.— See Page 87. 

Fig. 30.— Rescuing Cattle from the Inundation.— See Page 87. 

Fig- 31.— Medicine Administered to Cattle.— See Page 88. 


dust with its hind legs, and, after thus disconcerting its op- 
ponent, make its charge and bring him to the ground. The 
hyena was much dreaded by the Egyptian peasants, who lost 
no opportunity of checking its ravages, by hunting it or catch- 
ing it in traps. 182 There is nothing that is remarkable in the 
jackals or foxes of Egypt ; but the wolves are peculiar. They 
are small in size, 183 inactive in their habits, 184 and never gre- 
garious. Usually they are met with prowling about singly ; 
and it scarcely ever happens that more than two of them are 
seen together. 185 

The ichneumon ( Viverra ichneumon) (Fig. 2) is a species of 
mangoust. 186 It lives principally in Lower Egypt and the 
Fayoum, 187 and haunts the borders of the Nile and the culti- 
vated fields, where it conceals itself in the shallow ditches con- 
structed for the irrigation of the crops. 188 It is excessively 
timid, and in the wild state is rarely seen. In length a full- 
grown specimen measures about two feet and a half, the body 
being fifteen inches long, and the tail of the same (or a little 
greater) length with the body. 189 In a state of nature, it sub- 
sists chiefly upon eggs, and is said 19 ° to discover and devour 
great numbers of the eggs which the crocodile lays and leaves 
to hatch in the sand. It will also eat young birds and field- 
mice, if it finds the opportunity. The ichneumon has a sin- 
gular antipathy to snakes. No sooner does it see one, than 
it advances to the attack. On the snake raising its head from 
the ground, the ichneumon springs upon it, seizes it at the 
back of the neck, and with a single bite lays it dead at its 
feet. 191 Ichneumons are frequently tamed, and, when made 
inmates of houses, answer the purpose of cats, clearing the 
residence of rats and mice with great rapidity. 192 It is diffi- 
cult, however, to prevent them from appropriating such things 
as eggs, poultry, pigeons, and the like, on which account their 
services are for the most part dispensed with. 193 Many extraor- 
dinary tales were told of the ichneumon by the ancient nat- 
uralists, 194 who, like the early historians, 195 aimed at amusing 
rather than instructing their readers. 

The Egyptian hare (Fig. 3) is in no respects peculiar, ex- 
cepting that it is smaller than that of Europe, and has longer 
ears. 196 The jerboa (Dipus jaculus), which is common both 
in the upper and the lower country, presents (it is said 197 ) two 
varieties, and can scarcely have been absent from ancient 
Egypt, though it is not represented on the monuments. The 
rat, mouse, and hedgehog, all of which are represented, require 
no description. The porcupine, which appears on the monu- 
ments frequently, 198 is also too well known to need any comment. 


It is a disputed point whether bears were ever indigenous in 
Egypt. On the one hand, we have the positive statement of 
1 Lerodotus, 199 that in his time they were not unknown there, 
although uncommon ; on the other, we have the facts, that 
they appear on the monuments only among the curiosities 
brought by foreigners, 200 that they are not now found there, 
and that no other author besides Herodotus assigns them to 
the locality. On the whole, it is perhaps best to suppose that 
Herodotus was, for once, mistaken. 

It seems very improbable that Egypt could have been in 
ancient times without the wild boar. Egypt is of all countries 
the one which pre-eminently suits the habits of the animal ; 
and it now abounds in the marshy regions of the Delta, and 
also in the Fayoum. 201 Yet representations of it are entirely 
absent from the monuments. 202 We may perhaps conjecture 
that the impurity, w r hich attached to the domestic animal, 203 
extended also to his wild congener ; and that though the wild 
boar existed in the country, he was not hunted, and so escaped 
representation in the only sculptures in which he w T as likely 
to have appeared, namely, those representing hunting scenes. 
The ibex, gazelle, oryx (Fig. 4), antelope, stag, and wild 
sheep were certainly hunted by the Egyptians, 204 and w T ere 
therefore, it is probable, denizens of some part or other of their 
country. The habits of these animals unfit them for such a 
region as Egypt Proper— the valley of the Nile and the Delta 
— but if we use the term "Egypt" in a looser sense, including 
under it the tract between the Nile Valley and the Eed Sea, 
together w r ith a strip of the Western or Libyan desert, we shall 
find within such limits 'a very suitable habitat for these wild 

ruminants. The ga- 
zelle, the ibex, and the 
wild sheep are still to 
be met with in the Eas- 
tern Desert, especial- 
ly in the more south- 
ern part of it, 205 and the 
stag, according to some 
accounts, is occasionally 
to be seen in the vicin- 
" ity of the Natron 

Gazelles (from the monuments). Lakes. 206 The oryx, the 

antelope beisa, and the antelope addax inhabit Abyssinia ; *° 7 
while the antelope defassa, which seems to be one of those 
most frequently hunted by the Egyptians, is found in the 
Western Desert. 208 This last is a large animal, standing about 


four feet high at the shoulder, of a reddish sandy color, with a 
black tuft at the end of its tail. Jt is not improbable that 
anciently these several varieties of the antelope tribe had, one 
and all, a wider habitat than at present, and one which brought 
them within the limits of Egypt, in the more extended sense 
of the term. 

The wild-cat, or Fells cliaiis of Linnaeus, is now common in 
the vtcinity of the Pyramids and of Ileliopolis, 209 but is neither 
depicted on the monuments 210 nor mentioned by any of the 
ancient writers on Egypt. It is, therefore, doubtful whether 
it inhabited the Egypt of the Pharaohs or not, though, as its 
introduction at any later period is highly improbable, it seems 
best, on the whole, to regard it as belonging to the class of 
indigenous animals. 

The monitor of the Nile (Lacerta Nilotica) (Fig. 5) is 
another animal, which, though not represented upon the 
sculptures, and not even distinctly alluded to by any ancient 
writer, 211 must almost necessarily be regarded as an indigenous 
animal, an inhabitant of the Nile from remote antiquity. It 
is a species of lizard, about three feet long, 212 which passes its 
time mainly in the water, and is therefore called wurran-el- 
bahr, "the wurran of the river," by the Arabs. There is also 
another and even larger 213 lizard (the Lacerta scincus) (Fig. 
6), which is a native of Egypt, a land animal, frequenting dry 
places, and called by the Arabs wurran-e'-gebel, "wurran of 
the mountains," or wurrari-el-anl, "wurran of the earth." 214 
This also, like the former, was probably included among the 
ancient denizens of the country, since its artificial introduction 
would be very unlikely ; though, no doubt, it is possible that 
it may have come in from the more western parts of Africa, 
where it was certainly found in ancient times. 215 

T h e domestic 
animals of ancient 
Egypt were the 
horse, the ass, the 
camel, the Indian 
or humped ox, the 
cow, the sheep, the 
goat, the pig, the 
cat, and the dog. 
Horses seem not to 
have been known 
in the early times 216 
and were probably. 
introduced from Egyptian Horses (from the monuments). 



Arabia, bringing with them their Semitic name. 517 From the 
time, however, of their introduction great pains were bestowed 
upon the breed,' 18 which seems to have resembled the best 
Arab stock, being light, agile and high-spirited. Egyptian 
horses were, in consequence, highly esteemed, and were largely 
exported to neighboring countries. 219 

The ass (Fig. 8) was known in Egypt much earlier than the 
horse, 220 and was probably employed as the chief beast of bur- 
den from a remote antiquity. We may assume that it resem- 
bled the modern animal, so familiar to travellers, which is of 
small size, but active, and capable of bearing great fatigue. 

The camel is placed among the domestic animals of Egypt, 
partly on account of its being mentioned in Genesis among the 
elements of Abraham's wealth while he was in that country, 
but partly also on grounds of probability, 222 since without the 
•camel it would have been scarcely possible to keep up com- 
munication with Syria, or with the Sinaitic Desert, where from 
;a very remote time the Egyptians had valuable possessions. 

The Indian or humped ox is represented upon the monu- 
ments in such a way as to imply that it was bred by the 

Egyptian farmers, 
and used largely 
both for sacrifice 
and for the table. 223 
It is not now found 
in Egypt, though 
it is common in 
Abyssinia. Cows 
and oxen of the 
ordinary kind were 
also kept in con- 
Egyptian Humped Ox (from the monuments). siderable numbers 

the flesh of the males being freely eaten, 224 and the oxen em- 
ployed for various purposes connected with husbandly. 225 Sheep 
and goats were numerous in all parts of the country. 226 Sheep 
were kept chiefly for the sake of their wool, 227 since it was un- 
lawful to eat them in most parts of Egypt. They were usually 
sheared twice in the year, and bred twice. 228 Pigs, although 
reckoned unclean, 229 formed a portion of the stock on most 
farms ; according to Herodotus, they were universally em- 
ployed to tread in the corn ; m at any rate they were so 
numerous, that their keepers — the caste, or class of swineherds 
— obtained mention as a special section of the population. 231 
Cats were great favorites with the ancient Egyptians. 
Herodotus assures us* w that, when a fire occurred in an Egyp 



tian town, the chief attention of the inhabitants was directed to 
the preservation of the cats. Allowing the houses to burn, 
they formed themselves into bodies all round the conflagration, 
and endeavored to prevent the cats from rushing into the 
flames. We see on the monuments pet cats seated by the 
master of the house when he entertains a party of friends, or 
accompanying him in his fowling excursions abroad. 234 Cats 
were favored when living and mourned when dead. 235 Num- 
erous mummies of cats have been found ; and the care be- 
stowed on them must have been almost equal to that which 
was given to the bodies of men. 236 

Dogs (Fig. 9) were also great favorites, and were of several 
kinds. The most common was a sort of fox dog (No. 2), with 
erect ears, and a short curly tail, which is thought m to have 
been the parent stock of the modern red dog of Egypt, so 
common at Cairo and other towns of the lower country. An- 
other kind, which occurs often (No.i 1), is a hound, tall and 
with a long straight tail ; which was used to hunt the ante- 
lope 238 and other wild animals. 239 There was also a short-legged 
dog (No. 4), not unlike our turnspit,* 40 with a pointed nose, 
erect ears, and a moderately long tail ; which is said to have 
been fashionable about the time of Osirtasen I. 241 Finally, we 
see represented on the sculptures a tall thin animal (No. 3), 
about the size of a hound, but with ears like a wolf, and a long 
thin tail. 242 

The most remarkable among the existing birds of Egypt are 
the eagle, which is of four kinds, 243 the falcon (three varie- 
ties), 244 the ^Etolian kite, the black vulture, the bearded vul- 
ture, the Vultiir percnopterus, the osprey, the horned owl, 
the screech owl, the raven, the ostrich, the ibis, the pelican, 
the vulpanser or fox-goose, the Nile duck (Anas Nilotica), the 
hoopoe (Upupa epops), the sea-swallow (Sterna Nilotica), the 
Egyptian kingfisher (Alcedo sFgyptiacus), the quail, the ori- 
ental dotterel, the benno (Ardea bubulcus), and the sicsac 
(Uharadrius melamcephalus). Besides these, there are found 
the common swallow, the sparrow, the wagtail, the crested 
plover, the heron and various other wading birds, the common 
kite, several kinds of hawks, the common vulture, the com- 
mon owl, the white owl, the turtle-dove, the missel thrush, the 
common kingfisher, two kinds of larks, and various finches. m 
As most of these birds are well known, it will not be necessary 
to describe them ; but a few words will be said with respect to 
such of them as are either peculiar to Fgypt, or may be pre- 
sumed to be unfamiliar to most readers. 

The zEtolian kite {Milvus sEtolius) is of a grayish-brown hue, 


smaller and with the tail less forked than the ordinary kite. 841 
It is common in Egypt during the autumn, and is at that 
time so tame as to come and sit on the window-sills of the 
houses. 247 The bearded vulture (Pliene giganteaoi St. Hilaire) 
is a huge bird, blackish brown with patches of gray. One 
shot in the desert between Cairo and the Ked Sea during the 
French occupation of Egypt measured about fifteen feet from 
tip to tip of the wings. 248 A bearded vulture of a smaller kind 
is described and figured by Bruce as a "golden eagle ;" 249 but 
there can be no doubt that it is rightly assigned to the vulture 
tribe. The Vultur percnopterus is a small white variety, 250 
known to the Arabs by the name of rokliama, and to the 
modern Egyptians as "Pharaoh's hen." 251 It is most valuable 
as a scavenger, and, though unpleasing in its appearance, en- 
joyed a considerable degree of favor among the ancient Egyp- 
tians, as it still does among their successors. 252 

Two varieties of the ibis existed in ancient Egypt. 253 One 
was probably the Ibis falcinella, or "glossy ibis" (Fig. 12), 
which measures about a foot from the breast to the tail, and 
is of a reddish-brown color, shot with dark green and purple. 254 
The other was the Ibis religiosa or Ibis Kumenia, the abou 
liannes of Bruce (Fig. 12). This is a bird of the stork 
class, standing about two feet high, and measuring about 
two feet six inches from the tip of the beak to the ex- 
tremity of the tail. The bill is long and curved, meas- 
uring about six or seven inches. The head and neck, for 
more than six inches below the eyes, are entirely bare of 
feathers, and present nothing but a black cutaneous surface. 
The greater part of tire body is of a yellowish-white color ; 
but the wings are tipped with a greenish black, while on either 
side of the tail, which is white, "long funereal-looking plumes, 
of a purplish black color, proceeding from beneath the tertiary 
wing feathers, hang not ungracefully." 255 The legs and feet 
are of a deep leaden hue, and the claws are black. The Ibis 
religiosa rendered important services to the Egyptians by de- 
stroying snakes and various insects, and was therefore greatly 
esteemed, and placed under the protection of Thoth, the 
Egyptian Mercury. 

The vulpanser or fox-goose (Anser JEgyptms) was a wild 
goose of no very peculiar character. 256 It is said by Herodotus 
to have been sacred; 257 but this is questioned, 258 since it was 
certainly used freely for food by the natives. 259 The Egyptian 
duck (Anas Nilotica) has a more distinctive character. "The 
neck and inferior part of the head are white, with black spots, 
and a gray line runs lengthways behind the eyes; the under 


part of the body, and the thighs, are of %he same color." 260 It 
occurs wild in Upper Egypt, and in the lower country is seen 
not unfrequently domesticated among the occupants of the 

The sea-swallow {Sterna Nilotica) is a small but beautiful 
bird. It frequents both the Nile itself and the various canals 
which are led off from the main stream. The beak is black ; 
the head and neck grayish, with small white spots ; the back, 
wings, and tail gray ; the belly and under part of the neck 
white ; the feet red, and the claws black. 261 The oriental dot- 
terel, a species of Charadriu8, m is said to be about the size of 
a crow, and to have a shrill but pleasing note, like that of the 
black woodpecker. 263 It feeds chiefly on rats and mice, with 
which Egypt abounds, and is thus of considerable service to 
the inhabitants. The places which it chiefly frequents are 
the acacia groves in the neighborhood of villages ; but it is 
found also in various parts of the desert. The benno (Ardea 
bubulcus) is a bird of the crane or heron kind. It is of a pure 
white color, and is specially distinguished from all other her- 
ons, cranes, or storks, by having a tuft formed of two long 
feathers which stream from the back of the head. In ancient 
Egypt it was sacred to Osiris, the god of agriculture ; and 
moderns remark that to the present day it lives in the culti- 
vated fields and follows the plough, in order to feed on the 
worms and insects which are exposed when the soil is turned 
up. 264 It is often represented in the Egyptian sculptures. 265 

The sic-sac (Charadrius melanocephalus) (Fig. 14) is a small 
species of plover, not more than 9| inches long. The head is 
black (whence Linnaeus's name), with two white stripes run- 
ning from the bill and meeting at the nape of the neck. The 
back and tail are slate color ; the neck and abdomen white ; 
the wings white tipped with black, and with a broad trans- 
verse black band ; moreover, a sort of black mantle extends 
from the shoulders to the tail. The beak is black and the 
feet blue. 266 The sic-sac haunts the sand-banks, which are 
frequented also by the crocodile, and chirps loudly with a shrill 
note on the approach of man ; 267 whence the bird has been 
supposed to be the crocodile's friend, and to give him warn- 
ing, intentionally, of the advent of danger. 268 

The "river of Egypt" was celebrated for its fish, and not 
only produced a most abundant supply 269 of a food excellently 
suited for such a climate, but had several varieties which either 
were, or at any rate were thought to be, peculiar to itself. 271 
Among these, those most highly regarded were the oxyrhyn- 
$hus, the lepidotus, and the latus. The oxyrhynchus is novr 


generally considered to be the Mormyrus oxyrhynclius,™ th© 
mizdeh of the modern Arabs (Fig. 13), which has a long 
pointed nose curving downwards. It is a smooth-skinned 
fish, apparently of tiie barbel class, and is at the present day 
not much esteemed for food. 272 Anciently it was sacred to 
Athor, and in some places might not be eaten. 273 The lepido- 
tus has been identified with the Salmo dentex, the Perca 
Nilotica, and the binny, 274 all of them fish with large scales, 
which is what the word "lepidotus" signifies. On the whole, 
the binny (Oyprinus lepidotus) is thought to have a claim supe- 
rior to that of the other two, though the question cannot be 
considered to be as yet decided. 275 The binny is a fish of a 
good flavor, one of the best and wholesomest that the Nile 
produces. The latus, which was a sacred fish at Latopolis 
(Esneli), may perhaps be the Perca Nilotica,™ another excel- 
lent fish, white-fleshed and delicate in flavor, much sought 
after by the present inhabitants. 

Among other delicate fish produced by the Nile may be 
mentioned the bulti, or Labrus Niloticus, now the most highly 
esteemed of all ; 277 the nefareJi, or Nile salmon (Salmo Niloti- 
cus), which ascends the stream to the latitude of Cairo, and 
has been known to weigh, when caught, above a hundred 
pounds, a fish pronounced to be "very delicate eating ; " 278 the 
sagbosa (Clupea alosa), a kind of herring ; 279 the spar (Sparus 
Niloticus);™ the mullet (Mugil cep7ialus); m and the garmoot 
(Silurus carmuth). m The eels of the Nile are reckoned un- 
wholesome, more especially in the summer months ; 283 and the 
tetraodon is said to be_actually poisonous. 284 But, besides the 
fish named above as delicacies, there were many others, which, 
though not greatly esteemed, were good for food : e. g., the 
shall (Silurus shall), the shilbeh (Silurus scliilbe Niloticus), 
the byad (Silurus bajad), the arabrab, the kelb-el-bahr, or 
Nile dog-fish (Salmo dentex), and a species of carp (Oyprinus 
rubescens Niloticus).™ In a country where, owing to the high 
temperature, the flesh of land animals was unsuited for general 
use, it was of the greatest advantage that there should be, as 
t there was, an almost unlimited supply of a healthy pleasant 
food, sufficiently nourishing, without being stimulating, and 
readily available at all seasons. 

Egypt was less happily circumstanced in respect of reptiles 
and insects, which were as abundant as fish without (for the 
most part) serving any useful purpose. Of reptiles, we have 
already described the crocodile and the two monitors, 286 crea- 
tures which, from their size and their habits, are naturally 
classed with the larger animals. We have now to notice the 


chief remaining reptiles, which were the turtle (Trionyx Ni- 
loticus), two species of iguana (Stellio vulgaris and Stellio 
spi?iipes), two geckos, the chameleon, several snakes, more 
especially the horned snake (Coluber cerastes) and the asp 
(Coluber liaje), and several lizards. The turtle of the Nile is 
of the soft kind, the upper and lower shells being united by a 
mere coriaceous membrane. It is a trionyx of a large size, 
sometimes even exceeding three feet in length. The upper 
shell is very handsomely marked. 287 The common iguana 
(Stellio vulgaris) is a creature shaped like a lizard, of a dark 
olive-green color shaded with black. It seldom exceeds a foot 
in length. 288 The Mohammedans dislike it and persecute it, 
since they regard its favorite attitude as a derisive imitation 
of their own posture in prayer. 289 The other species (Stellio 
spinipes) is a much larger animal, varying in length from two 
to three feet. It is found chiefly in Upper Egypt, and is of a 
bright grass-green color. 9IU 

The two geckos, which are small lizards, are known re- 
spectively as Lacerta gecko and Lacerta caudiverbera. The 
former, called also Gecko ptyodactylus, or "the fan-footed 
gecko," is remarkable for the shape and physical qualities of 
its feet. These divide into five toes, which are spread out 
and do not touch one another. Each is armed on its under 
surface with a peculiar structure of folds, by means of which 
the animal is able to run up perpendicular walls of the smooth- 
est possible material, and even to Avalk on ceilings, like house- 
flies, or adhere to the underside of leaves. 291 This gecko is a 
frequent inmate of houses in Egypt ; it conceals itself during 
the day and is very active at night, when it preys upon the 
flies and other insects which are at that time taking their re- 
pose. The natives might be expected to value it on this ac- 
count, but they have a prejudice that it is poisonous, and 
communicates a species of leprosy to persons over whom it 
walks, 292 whence they term it aim burs, "the father of lep- 
rosy." 293 Some go so far as to maintain that it renders food 
unwholesome by walking upon it ; but this belief seems to be 
quite without foundation, and the irritating effects of its feet 
on the human skin have probably been exaggerated. 294 The 
house gecko is of a reddish-brown color, spotted with white. 
It is about five inches in length. 

The other Egyptian gecko (Lacerta caudiverbera) is larger. 
Its usual length is about eight inches, 2 ' 5 and its habits are 
quire unlike those of the house gecko. Both kinds are ovip- 
arous, and produce a round egg with a hard calcareous shell. 
The geckos have the power of uttering a note like the double 


u click" used to urge a horse on in riding ; and it is said to be 
from this circumstance that they derive their name. 296 

The horned snake {Coluber cerastes) is so called on account 
of two curious excrescences above the eyes, to which the name 
of "horns" has been given; they are small protuberances, 
erect, pointed, and leaning a little towards the back of the 
head ; it is remarkable that no naturalist has been able to 
assign them any use. The color of the cerastes is pale brown, 
with large irregular black spots. 297 Herodotus remarks that it 
is of small size ; 298 and modern specimens vary between one foot 
five inches and about two feet and a half in length. 299 The 
cerastes is exceedingly poisonous, 300 and, having the habit of 
partially burying itself in the sand, 301 which is nearly of the 
same color, it is the more dangerous as being difficult of avoid- 
ance. The African snake-charmers succeed, however, in hand- 
ling it and escaping all hurt, since it is one of the few vipers 
over which their "charming" has influence. 302 

The asp (Fig. 16), or Coluber liaje, "the Egyptian cobra," 
as it has been termed, is even more deadly than the cerastes. 
It is a large snake, varying from three to six feet in length, 303 
and has an extraordinary power of dilating its breast when 
angry. Torpid during the winter, 304 it appears on the approach 
of spring in the Egyptian gardens, and is of great use, feeding 
on mice, frogs, and various small reptiles. It is easily tamed, 
and is the favorite snake of the serpent-charmers, who wind 
it about their necks, put it in their bosoms, and make it per- 
form various antics to the sound of the flute, without exhibit- 
ing any fear, and with absolute and entire impunity. 305 

The chameleon is r the quaintest of reptiles. The strange 
shape of its head, the position and character of the eyes, which 
are almost completely covered with the skin and move inde- 
pendently of each other, the curious structure of the tongue, 
which is cylindrical and capable of great and sudden extension, 
the prehensile power of the tail, the dry dull skin, and the 
division of the claws into two sets, one opposed to the other, 
are all of them remarkable features, 306 and their combination 
produces a most grotesque creature. The change of color 
under certain circumstances, which the ancients thought so 
extraordinary, 307 is a subordinate and secondary feature, and 
has been greatly exaggerated. One of the small Egyptian 
lizards, the agame variable of St. Hilaire, which has never at- 
tracted much attention, varies its hue to a much greater ex- 
tent. 308 The chameleon is naturally of a pale olive-green, and 
its changes are limited to a warming up of this tint into a 
yellowish- brown, on which are seen some faint patches of red, 


and a fading of it into a dull ashen-gray. 309 The animal does 
not really alter its hue at will, but turns color, as men do, in 
consequence of its emotions, becoming pale through fear, and 
warming to a sort of redness through anger or desire. What 
is most noticeable in its habits is the slow, stealthy, almost im- 
perceptible movement by which it gradually approaches its 
prey, combined with the sudden rapid dart of the tongue by 
which the victim is surprised and devoured. 

The most remarkable of the Egyptian insects are the scor- 
pion, the locust, and the solpuga spider. The scorpion {Scorpio 
crassicauda), though classed with the Arachnidce, 310 has rather 
the character of an enormous beetle. It has two large horns, 
eight legs, and a long stiff tail of several joints, which it carries 
erect in a threatening manner. 311 It is not aggressive, how- 
ever, but always seeks to hide itself, frequenting ruins and 
dark places, where it lies concealed among stones and in cran- 
nies. Sometimes, unfortunately, it enters houses, and hides 
under cushions and coverlets, where, if it suffers molestation, 
it will sting, and inflict a painful, though not dangerous, in- 
jury. In Egypt cats often attack it. Turning it over on its 
back by a pat of their paw upon its side, and then placing one 
forefoot on its body, they tear off tbe tail with the other. The 
creature is then easily killed, and the cat not unfrequently 
eats it. 312 

The locust is one of the permanent "plagues of Egypt." 
Swarms arrive with considerable frequency from Arabia, and, 
descending upon the gardens and cornfields, cover the whole 
ground, and in a short time destroy all but the very coarsest 
kinds of vegetation. 313 The hopes of the farmer disappear, and 
famine threatens, where, till the visitation came, there was 
every prospect of teeming abundance. The varieties of the 
insect are numerous, and Egypt appears to suffer from the 
attacks of some five or six species. 314 But the deacdiest inroads 
are made by the Acridium peregrinum and the (Edipoda mi- 
gratoria, the two most destructive specimens of the locust 
tribe, 315 the latter of which has been known to visit our own 
country. 316 Fortunately these inroads are only occasional, and 
seldom extend to a very large portion of the country. When 
they occur, the principal check upon them is that arising from 
the habits of the jackals, which issue from the mountains at 
night, and, spreading themselves over the plains, devour the 
locusts, apparently with great satisfaction, and seriously di- 
minish their numbers. 317 

The solpuga is a strong and active spider, possessing veno- 
mous qualities, and esteemed by the modern Egyptians on 


account of its enmity to the scorpion. The scorpion's sting is 
fatal to it ; but in general it succeeds in avoiding its adver- 
sary's tail, and, running round it, fastens upon the head and 
kills it without difficulty. 318 

Egypt was not very well provided by nature with minerals. 
Stone indeed of many excellent kinds abounded. The mag- 
nesian limestone of the Gebel Mokuttam range, 319 opposite the 
site of Memphis, is a good material, since it is hard and close- 
grained without being difficult to work. The sandstone of 
the Gebel Silsilis and its neighborhood is perhaps even supe- 
rior, its texture being remarkably compact and even, 320 and its 
durability in the dry climate of Egypt almost unlimited. Fur- 
ther, porphyry and alabaster were readily obtainable, the for- 
mer from various parts of the Eastern Desert, 321 the latter from 
quarries between Malawi and Manfaloot. Finall} 7 , there was 
an inexhaustible supply of the best possible granite in the 
vicinity of the First Cataract and of Syene, 322 and therefore 
within the limits of Egypt, though close to her southern bor- 
der. The same material was also abundant in the Eastern 
Desert, more especially in the mountains between Thebes and 
Kosseir. Syenite was likewise obtainable in the neighbor- 
hood of Syene, 323 as might be safely concluded from the name 

It added practically to the wealth of Egypt with respect to 
building material, that all the best kinds of stone were found 
in inexhaustible abundance within a short distance of the 
river, since it was thus possible to convey the several kinds by 
water-carriage from one end of Egypt to the other, 324 and to 
use each over the whole country for the purposes for which it 
was best fitted. More especially it was easy to float down the 
stream, from the First Cataract, the granite and syenite of 
the far south, and to employ it at Thebes, or Memphis, or 
Sais, 325 or other cities of the Delta. Thus the best material 
of all was most readily distributed, and might be employed 
with almost equal ease in the extreme north and the extreme 
south of the empire. 

In metals Egypt was deficient. Gold mines, indeed, seem 
to have existed, and to have been worked, 326 in the most 
southern portion of the Eastern Desert, and these in ancient 
times may have been fairly productive, though they would not 
now repay the cost of extracting the gold from them. Ac- 
cording to Diodorus, 327 silver was also a product of Egypt under 
the Pharaohs, and was obtained in tolerable abundance ; but 
no traces of silver mines have been remarked by any modern 
observer, and the unsupported authority of Diodorus is scarcely 


sufficient to establish a fact which did not fall under his own 
observation. Copper, iron, and lead do however exist in por- 
tions of the Eastern Desert, 328 and one iron mine shows signs 
of having been anciently worked. 329 The metal is found in the 
form of specular and red iron ore. Still none of these metals 
seem to have been obtained by the Egyptians from their own 
land in any considerable quantity. The copper so necessary 
ii to them for their arms, tools, and implements, w r as procured 
chiefly from the mines of Wady Maghara in the Sinaitic penin- 
sula, 330 which was beyond the limits of Egypt ; and it is most 
likely that lead, iron, and tin were supplied to them by the 
Phoenicians. 331 

Among other mineral productions of Egypt the most impor- 
tant were natron, salt, sulphur, petroleum, chalcedonies, car- 
nelians, jaspers, green breccia, and emeralds. Natrum, or the 
subcarbonate of soda, is yielded largely by the Natron Lakes 
beyond the western limits of the Delta, 332 and is also found in 
Upper Egypt near Eilethyias, and again near the village of 
El Helleh. 333 It was greatly prized by the ancient Egyptians, 
since it was the chief antiseptic material made use of in the 
process of embalming. 334 Salt is also furnished by the Natron 
Lakes in considerable quantity. 335 The Gebel-el-Zayt, at the 
southwestern extremity of the Suez inlet (lat. 27° 50' to 28° 3'), 
abounds in petroleum ; 336 and at El Gimsheh, near the south- 
western extremity of the Zayt inlet, are sulphur mines. 337 Chal- 
cedonies have been found in the range of (rebel Mokuttam near 
Cairo, 338 jaspers and carnelians in the granite rocks near Syene, 339 
and jaspers again in the dry valley called by the Arabs Bahr- 
hela-ma, or "the river without water." 340 Breccia verde was 
obtained by the ancient Egyptians from quarries in the Eastern 
Desert, 341 and the emerald mines of Gebel Zabara were dili- 
gently worked by them. 342 Agate and rock-crystal are like- 
wise occasionally met with, and also serpentine, compact fel- 
spar, steatite, hornblende, basanite, actinolite, and the sulphate 
of barytes. 





The Egyptians of Asiatic Origin— Immigrants from the East— Not a Colony 
from Ethiopia— Proof of this — So far peculiar as to constitute a distinct 

Their Morality, theoretic and practical— Their Number— Nations border- 
ing upon Egypt — The Lihu (Libyans), or Tdhennu on the West — the Nahsi 
(Negroes) and Cuxh (Ethiopians) on the South— The Amu (Shemites) and 
Sham (Arabs) on the East — Nascent Empires in this quarter. 

" Die Aeyypter ein von alien angrenzenden Menschenracen wesentlich verschie- 
dene?- Stanim waren. "— Niebuhb, " Vortrage uber alte Geschichte, vol. i, p. 57. 

It is generally allowed by modern ethnologists that the ancient 
Egyptians, although located in Africa, were not an African 
people. 1 Neither the formation of their skulls, nor their physi- 
ognomy, nor their complexion, nor the quality of their hair, 
nor the general proportions of their frames connect them in 
any way with the indigenous African races — the Berbers and 
the negroes. Nor, again, is their language in the least like 
those of the African tribes. 2 The skull and facial outline, both 
of the ancient Egyptian and of the modern Copt, his existing 
representative, are Caucasian ; 3 and the Egyptian language, 
wdiile of a peculiar type, has analogies which connect it both 
with the Semitic and with the Indo-European forms of speech, 
more especially with the former. 4 We must regard the Egyp- 
tians, therefore, as an Asiatic people, immigrants into their 
own territory, which they entered from the east, and nearly 
allied to several important races of Southwestern Asia, as the 
Canaanites, the Accadians or primitive Babylonians, and the 
Southern or Himyaritic Arabs. 

It has been maintained by some 5 that the immigration was 
from the south, the Egyptians having been a colony from 
Ethiopia which gradually descended the Nile, and established 
itself in the middle and lower portions of the valley ; and this 
theory can plead in its favor, both a positive statement of Di- 
odorus, 6 and the fact, which is quite certain, of an ethnic con- 
nection between the Egyptians and some of the tribes who now 
occupy Abyssinia (the ancient Ethiopia). But modern research 
has shown quite unmistakably that the movement of the 
Egyptians was in the opposite direction. "The study of the 
monuments," says the latest historian of Egypt, 7 "furnishes 


incontrovertible evidence that the historical series of Egyptian 
temples, tombs, and cities, constructed on either bank of the 
Nile, follow one upon the other in chronological order in such 
sort that the monuments of the greatest antiquity, the Pyra- 
mids for instance, are situated furthest to the North ; while 
the nearer one approaches the Ethiopian cataracts, the more 
do the monuments lose the stamp of antiquity, and the more 
plainly do they show the decline of art, of beauty, and of good 
taste. Moreover, in Ethiopia itself the existing remains pre- 
sent us with a style of art that is absolutely devoid of origi- 
nality. At the first glance one can easily see that it represents 
Egyptian art in its degeneracy, and that art ill understood and 
ill executed. The utmost height to which Ethiopian civiliza- 
tion ever reached was a mere rude imitation, alike in science 
and in art, of Egyptian models." 

We must look then rather to Syria or Arabia than to Ethi- 
opia as the cradle of the Egyptian nation. At the same time 
we must admit that they were not mere Syrians or Arabs ; 8 but 
had from the remotest time whereto we can go back, distinct 
characteristics, whereby they have a good claim to be consid- 
ered a separate race. What was the origin of these special 
characteristics cannot indeed be determined until the nature 
of differences of race is better understood than it is at present. 
Perhaps in ancient times the physical traits of an ancestor 
were, as a general rule, more completely reproduced in his 
descendants than they now are ; perhaps climate and mode 
of life had originally greater effect Some of the Egyptian 
characteristics may be ascribed to these influences ; some may, 
on the other hand, be confidently attributed to intermixture 
with African races, from which they were far from holding 
altogether aloof. Their complexion was probably rendered 
darker in this way ; their lips were coarsened ; and the char- 
acter of their eye was perhaps modified. 9 

The Egyptians appear to have been among the darkest races 
with which the Greeks of the early times came into direct 
contact. Herodotus calls them "blacks;" 10 but this is an 
extreme exaggeration, akin to that by which all the native 
inhabitants of Hindustan have been termed "niggers." The 
monuments show that the real complexion of the ordinary 
Egyptian man was brown, with a tinge of red — a hue not very 
different from that of the Copt at the present day. The 
women were lighter, no doubt because they were less exposed 
to the sun : the monuments depict them as yellow ; but there 
can scarcely have been as much difference between the men's 
color and the women's as existing paintings represent. 


The hair was usually black and straight. In no case was it 
"woolly," 11 though sometimes it grew in short crisp curls. 
Men commonly shaved both the hair and the beard, and went 
about with their heads perfectly bare, or else wore wigs or a 
close-fitting cap. 12 Women always wore their own hair, and 
plaited it in long tresses sometimes reaching to the waist. 13 
The hair of the wigs, as also that which is found sometimes 
growing on the heads of the mummies, is coarse to the eye of 
a European, but has no resemblance to that of the negro. 

The Egyptians (Fig. 11) had features not altogether unlike 
those of their neighbors, the Syrians, but with distinguishing 
peculiarities. The forehead was straight, but somewhat low ; 
the nose generally long and straight, but sometimes slightly 
aquiline. The lips were over-full ; but the upper lip was 
short, and the mouth was seldom too wide. The chin was 
good, being well-rounded, and neither retreating nor project- 
ing too far. The most marked and peculiar feature was the 
eye, which was a long narrow slit, like that of the Chinese, 
but placed horizontally and not obliquely. An eyebrow, also 
long and thin, but very distinctly pencilled, shaded it. The 
coloring was always dark, the hair, eyebrows, eyelashes, and 
beard (if any) being black, or nearly so, and the eyes black or 
dark brown. 

In form the Egyptian resembled the modern Arab. He 
was tall ; his limbs were long and supple ; his head was well 
placed upon his shoulders ; his movements were graceful ; his 
carriage dignified. In general, however, his frame was too 
spare ; and his hands and feet were unduly large. The women 
were as thin as the men, and had forms nearly similar. Chil- 
dren (Fig. 15), however, appear to have been sufficiently 
plump ; but they are not often represented. 

The most ancient document which has come down to us 
bearing on the history of Egypt represents the Egyptian peo- 
ple as divided into a number of distinct races. We read of 
Ludim, Anamim, Lebahim, Naphtuhim, Pathrusim, Caslu- 
him and Caphtorim 14 as distinct "sons of Mizraim," i.e., as 
separate tribes of the powerful people which inhabited the 
"two Egypts." 15 It is suggested 16 that the Ludim were the 
"dominant race, or Egyptians proper, who were called in Egyp- 
tian lut or rut, i.e., men par excellence y" that the Anamim 
were the Anu of the monuments, who were dispersed widely 
over the Nile valley, and gave name to On (Heliopolis) and 
other cities ; that the Naphtuhim (Na^PMali) were "the do- 
main of Phtah/' or people of Memphis ; Pathrusim (P -to- 
res) " the people of the South/' or inhabitants of the Thebaid, 

Vol. I. 

Plate XI 

Fig. 32.— Marking of Cattle.— See Page 88. 

Fig. 33— EgyptianSheep.— See Page 88. 

Fig. 31.— Egyptian Pigs, Hog, and Sow.— See Page 88. 

Plate XIL 


Fig. 35.— Egyptian Goats.— See Page 

Fi°r. 36— Doorway of Tomb, near thjs 
Pyramids.— See Page 92.— Note o. 

Fig. 37.— Section of Pyramid, showing 
■ modes of completion . —See 
Page 94. 


etc. But these identifications are, all of them, more or less 
uncertain ; and it would seem that, whatever tribal differences 
may have existed at the first, they had disappeared, or all but 
disappeared, by the time that the history of Egypt becomes 
known to us. The only real distinction that remained was 
one between the people of the south country and those of the 
north, who had their respective peculiarities, and even spoke 
dialects that were somewhat different. 17 Otherwise the vari- 
ous Egyptian tribes had been fused together and moulded into 
one compact and homogeneous people before the time when 
history first takes cognizance of them. 

Intellectually, the Egyptians must take rank among the 
foremost nations of remote antiquity, but cannot compare with 
the great European races, whose rise was later, the Greeks 
and Romans. Their minds possessed much subtlety and 
acuteness ; they were fond of composition, and made consid- 
erable advances in many of the sciences ; they were intelligent, 
ingenious, speculative. It is astonishing what an extensive 
literature they possessed at a very early date 18 — books on re- 
ligion, on morals, law, rhetoric, arithmetic, mensuration, 
geometry, medicine, books of travels, and, above all, novels ! 
But the merit of the works is slight. The novels are vapid, 
the medical treatises interlarded with charms and exorcisms, 
the travels devoid of interest, the general style of all the books 
forced and stilted. Egypt may in some particulars have stim- 
ulated Greek thought, 19 directing it into new lines, and giving 
it a basis to work upon ; but otherwise it cannot be said that 
the world owes much of its intellectual progress to this people, 
about whose literary productions there is always something 
that is weak and childish. 

In art the power which the Egyptians exhibited was doubt- 
less greater. Their architecture "was on the grandest scale, 
and dwarfs the Greek in comparison." 20 But even here it is 
to be noted that the higher qualities of art were wanting. The 
architecture produces its effect by mere mass. There is no 
beauty of proportion. On the contrary, the gigantic columns 
are clumsy from their undue massiveness, and are far too 
thickly crowded together. They are rather rounded piers 
than pillars, and their capitals are coarse and heavy. The 
colored ornamentation used was over-glaring. The forms of 
the ornamentation was almost always stiff, and sometimes ab- 
solutely hideous. 21 In mimetic art the Egyptians might per- 
haps have done better, had they been at liberty to allow their 
natural powers free scope. But they worked in shackles ; a 
dull dead conventionalism bore sway over the land; and 


though some exceptions occur, 22 Egyptian mimetic art is in 
the main a reproduction of the same unvarying forms, without 
freedom of design or vigor of treatment. 

In morals, the Egyptians combined an extraordinary degree 
of theoretic perfection with an exceedingly lax and imperfect 
practice. It has been said 23 that " the forty-two laws of the 
Egyptian religion contained in the 125th chapter of the Book 
of the Dead fall short in nothing of the teachings of Chris- 
tianity/' and conjectured that Moses, in compiling his code of 
laws, did but " translate into Hebrew the religious precepts 
which he found in the sacred books " of the people among 
whom he had been brought up. Such expressions are no 
doubt exaggerated ; but they convey what must be allowed to 
be a fact, viz., that there is a very close agreement between 
the moral law of the Egyptians and the precepts of the Deca- 
logue. But with this profound knowledge of what was right, 
so much beyond that of most heathen nations, the practice of 
the people was rather below than above the common level. 
The Egyptian women were notoriously of loose character, and, 
whether as we meet with them in history, or as they are de- 
picted in Egyptian romance, appear as immodest and licen- 
tious. 24 The men practised impurity openly, and boasted of it 
in their writings ; 26 they were industrious, cheerful, nay, even 
gay, under hardships, 26 and not wanting in family affection ; 
but they were cruel, vindictive, treacherous, avaricious, prone 
to superstition, and profoundly servile. 

The use of the stick was universal. JSTot only was the bas- 
tinado the ordinary legal punishment for minor offences, 27 but 
superiors of all kinds freely beat their inferiors ; the poor 
peasantry were compelled by blows to satisfy the rapacity of 
the tax-gatherers ; 28 and slaves everywhere performed their 
work under fear of the rod, which was applied to the backs 
of laggards by the taskmaster. 29 The passions of the Egyp- 
tians were excessive, and often led on to insurrection, riot, and 
even murder ; they were fanatical in the extreme, ever ready 
to suspect strangers of insulting their religion, and bent on 
washing out such insults by bloodshed. When conquered, no 
people were more difficult to govern ; and even under their 
native kings they needed a strong hand to keep them in sub- 
jection. But though thus impetuous and difficult to restrain 
when their passions were roused, they were at other times timid, 
cringing, submissive, prone to fawn and flatter. The lower 
classes prostrated themselves before their superiors; blows 
were quietly accepted and tamely submitted to. The great 
nobles exhibited equal servility towards the monarch, whom 


they addressed as if he were a god, 30 and to whose kind favor 
they attributed it that they were allowed to continue to live. 31 
Atogether the Egyptians were wanting in manliness and spirit. 
They at no time made good soldiers ; and though they had 
some considerable successes in their early wars, when they 
attacked undisciplined hordes with large bodies of well-disci- 
plined troops, yet whenever they encountered an enemy ac- 
quainted with the art of war, they suffered defeat. As allies, 
they were not to be depended on. Always ready to contract 
engagements, they had no hesitation in breaking them where 
their fulfilment would have been dangerous or inconvenient ; 
and hence their neighbors spoke of Egypt as a " bruised reed, 
whereon if a man lean, it will go into his hand and pierce 
it." 32 

Another defect in the Egyptian character was softness and 
inclination to luxurious living. Drunkenness was a common 
vice among the young ; 33 and among the upper class generally 
sensual pleasure and amusement were made, ordinarily, the 
ends of existence. False hair was worn ; dyes and cosmetics 
used to produce an artificial beauty ; M great banquets were 
frequent ; games and sports of a thousand different kinds were 
in vogue ; 35 dress was magnificent ; equipages were splendid ; 
life was passed in feasting, sport, and a constant succession of 
enjoyments. It is true that some seem not to have been 
spoiled by their self-indulgence, or at any rate to have retained 
in old age a theoretic knowledge of what was right ; 36 but the 
general effect of such a life cannot but have been hurtful to 
the character ; and the result is seen in the gradual decline of 
the Egyptian power, and the successive subjections of the 
country by hardier and stronger races, Ethiopians, Assyrians, 
Persians, and Macedonian Greeks. 

There is considerable difficulty in determining the amount of 
the population of ancient Egypt. Josephus gave the number 
at 7,800,000 in his day, 37 when the population was probably 
less numerous than under the native kings. Diodorus prefers 
the round number of 7,000,000, and says that in his time the 
population was not less than it had been under the Pharaohs. 38 
An English scholar of repute 39 regards 6,000,000 as the max- 
imum of the census of ancient Egypt, while another 40 is con- 
vinced that the real amount was not above 5,000,000. If the 
class of professional soldiers really numbered above 400,000 
men, as Herodotus declares, 41 that class being only one out of 
seven, distinct altogether from the priests, the herdsmen, the 
shopkeepers, the boatmen, the swineherds, and the interpret- 
ers, 42 it is difficult to resist the conviction that the native 


Egyptians alone must have amounted at the least to five mil- 
lions. To this a considerable addition, an addition of probably 
not less than one-third, must be made for slaves 43 and casual 
visitors, which would raise the sum total of the population 
nearly to the estimate of Diodorus. As such an estimate, even 
if confined to the Kile valley, the Delta, and the Fayoum 
alone, would not imply a density of more than about 600 to 
the square mile, — a rate less than that of East Flanders and 
of many English counties which are not particularly thickly 
peopled, 44 — it may well be accepted as probably not in excess 
of the truth. 

We have now to pass from the consideration of the Egyp- 
tians themselves to that of the peoples, or nations, who inhab- 
ited the neighboring countries. 

The nations which bounded Egypt on the east, the west, 
and the south, belonged to three distinct races, and bore in 
the Egyptian language three distinct appellations. To the 
west were the Ribu or Liba, who may safely be identified with 
the Libyans of the Greek historians and geographers, the in- 
habitants of the entire north coast from Egypt to the Atlantic 
Ocean, 45 after whom the Greeks called the whole continent 
"Lib}<a." The monuments represent this people as a white 
race, with blue eyes and fair hair ; it has been conjectured 
that they came originally from Northern Europe, 46 and crossed 
into Africa by way of Spain and Italy. Probably they found 
in the countries which they overran a darker people, with 
whom they intermingled, and into which they were ultimately 
absorbed ; but in the earlier Egyptian period this change had 
not taken place, and the Egyptians represented them as de- 
scribed above, emphasizing (it may be) and exaggerating the 
tints which were to them strange and unaccustomed. The 
Ribu, or Libyans, called sometimes Tahennu, 47 were numerous 
and warlike ; but under ordinary circumstances they were 
greatly divided, and the occasions were "few and far between" 
on which union was so far established that they became formi- 
dable to any of their neighbors. Once only in Egyptian his- 
tory was the kingdom of the Pharaohs seriously threatened 
from this quarter, when in the reign of Menephtah, the son of 
Rameses II. (about B.C. 1250), a great invasion of Western 
Egypt took place under the conduct of the "chief of the 
Ribu," 48 and a doubtful contest was waged for some time 
between this prince and the Egyptian monarch. 

Towards the south, Egypt had for her immediate neighbors 
the Nalisi or Xahasu,™ who were blacks and (it is thought) true 
negroes, with out-turned lips and woolly hair, and who w T ere 


found in the Nile valley beyond the First Cataract, and in the 
country on either side of it, or in all the more northern por- 
tion of the tract which is now known as Nubia. The tribes 
of the Nahsi were numerous; their temper was "turbulent 
and impatient of subjection ;" 50 they rejected civilization, wore 
scarcely any clothes, 51 and made frequent inroads on the more 
southern of the Egyptian provinces with a view to plunder and 
rapine. The Egyptian kings were forced to lead expeditions 
against them continually, in order to keep them in check and 
punish their depredations ; but ' no serious danger could ever 
menace the monarchy from enemies who, though numerous, 
were ill-armed, scattered, and quite incapable of coalescing. 

Beyond the Nahsi, however, further to the south, and in- 
clining to the east of south, was a formidable power — a nation 
known to the Egyptians as the Kish or Kush, and to the 
Greeks and Eomans as the Ethiopians, who occupied the broad 
tract lying between the Nile and Bahr-el-Azrek on the one 
hand, and the Atbara on the other, 6 ' 2 extending perhaps also 
across the Atbara, and at times holding the Nile valley along 
its entire course from Khartoum to the borders of Egypt. 53 
This people was not of negro blood, but is to be regarded as 
Caucasian. 54 It was ethnically connected with the Canaanites, 
the southern Arabians, the primitive Babylonians or Accadians, 
and with the Egyptians themselves. Its best modern repre- 
sentatives are probably the Gallas, Agau, Wolaitsa, etc., of 
modern Abyssinia. This people formed, at any rate in the 
later Egyptian times, a single settled monarchy, with a capital 
at Napata (Gebel Berkel) or at Meroe {DcDikalali).™ They 
were to a considerable extent civilized, though their civiliza- 
tion does not appear to have been self-originated, but was due 
to Egyptian influence. They were numerous, warlike, of great 
strength, 56 and more than common height ; 57 they possessed a 
fair amount of discipline, and were by far the most important 
of the enemies against whom the Egyptians had to contend in 

On their eastern border, where it was not washed by the Red 
Sea, the Egyptians came into contact with tribes which they 
called by the generic name of Amu, "people," or perhaps 
"herdsmen," 58 whom they seem to have regarded with a special 
contempt and dislike. 59 They had from a remote period been 
subject to aggression in this quarter ; and a portion of the 
Amu had actually effected a lodgement within the territory 
naturally belonging to Egypt, 6 " and held all the northeastern 
portion of the Delta about the Lake Menzaleh and the cities 
known as Zoan (Zan, Tanis) and Kameses, 61 These Amu were, 


of course, Egyptian subjects ; but there were likewise Amu 
beyond the Egyptian borders, in Syria and Palestine, who were 
almost perpetually at war with Egypt in the earlier times. Of 
these Amu the most important tribes were those of the Khita 
or Kheta ("Children of Heth," "Hittites"), theKharu (Chere- 
thites?), and the Rutennu, who seem to represent the Syrians. 
Another enemy of the Egyptians in this quarter was the people 
called Shasu, perhaps identical with the Hyk-sos, 62 and seem- 
ingly Arabs. Ordinarily the Shasu were not regarded as a 
formidable foe ; 63 but once in the course of Egyptian history, 
owing to circumstances that are unexplained, they made a great 
invasion, conquered all the lower country, and for many years 
held it in subjection. Otherwise one would have said that 
Egypt had little to fear from her immediate neighbors upon 
the east, who were at once numerically weak, and powerless 
through their multitudinous divisions. 64 

There was, however, a danger in this quarter, at which it is 
necessary to glance. Beyond the line of Egypt's immediate 
neighbors, beyond the Amu and the Shasu, Syria and Arabia, 
further to the east and the northeast, in the great Mesopota- 
mian plain, and the highland by which it is overlooked, were 
to be seen, hazily and dimly through the intervening space, 
the forms of giant empires, already springing into being when 
monarchy in Egypt was still young, from whose rivalry the 
foresight of the wise may have discerned that peril would ulti- 
mately ensue, though the day of contact, and so of trial, might 
be far distant. A civilized State rose in the alluvial plain 
upon the Lower Tigris and Euphrates not very long after the 
birth of civilization in Egypt. 65 As time went on, a second 
great monarchy and a third were formed in the countries 
above the alluvium. These empires were, like Egypt, aggres- 
sive, aiming at a wide, if not a universal, dominion. Col- 
lision between them and Egypt was inevitable ; and the only 
question was when it would occur. Its occurrence was the 
great danger with which Egypt was threatened from the first. 
When the collision came, it would be seen whether Asia or 
Africa was the stronger, whether Egyptian discipline and skill 
and long experience were a match for the spirit, the dash, 
the impetuous valor of the Asiatics. Until such time, the 
great African kingdom was, comparatively speaking, secure, 
and might calmly address itself to the maintenance and devel- 
opment of its arts, its industries, and its material prosperity 




Proposed Mode of Treatment. General Character of the Language. Connec- 
tion of the Ancient Egyptian with the Coptic. Three Forms of Egyptian 
Writing. The Hieroglyphic Signs Pictorial. The Signs of four sorts, Re- 
presentative, Figurative, Determinative, and Phonetic. Table of the most 
common Phonetics : other Phonetics. Number of the Signs. Arrangement 
of the Writing. Signs for Numerals— for Gods— for Months. Egyptian 

AiyviTTMH . . . 8t(f>a<Tioi<TL ypafx^aat. xpewi'Tai. — HEROD, ii, 36. 

It is not proposed in the present chapter to attempt anything 
more than a popular, and so a superficial, account of the sub- 
jects put forward in the heading. To discuss thoroughly the 
Egyptian language and writing would require a work of the 
full dimensions of that which is here offered to the public, and 
would besides demand an amount of linguistic knowledge to 
which the present writer makes no pretension. It may be 
added that such a discussion would scarcely be suited to the 
general reader, who cannot be expected to interest himself 
deeply in a matter which is confessedly of a recondite char- 
acter, not to be mastered without prolonged study, and, when 
mastered, only of value to persons who intend to devote them- 
selves to the sciences of Egyptology or comparative philology. 
Such persons may be referred, though the reference is scarcely 
necessary, to the excellent works of Champollion, Lepsius, 
Brugsch, Birch, and De Rouge, on the writing, the grammar, 
and the vocabulary of the ancient Egyptians 1 — works which 
treat the difficult subject in a most masterly way, and which 
leave no branch of it untouched or even incompletely exam- 

Speaking generally, the Egyptian language may be de 
scribed as "an agglutinate monosyllabic form of speech, 
presenting analogies, on the one hand, with Turanian, on the 
other with Semitic tongues. The grammar is predominantly 
Semitic : the pronouns, prepositions, and other particles, are 
traceable for the most part to Semitic roots ; the Semitic sys- 
tem of pronominal suffixes is used, at any rate partially. On 
the other hand, the vocabulary is Semitic in comparatively 
few instances, its main analogies being with the Accadian, 
Mongolian, and other Turanian tongues. As is generally the 

?? 2 


case with Turanian languages/ the bulk of the roots are pecul- 
iar, standing separate and unconnected with any other form 
of speech. 

The modern representative of the ancient Egyptian is the 
Coptic, which, though corrupted by an Arabic infusion, is its 
legitimate descendant, and which continued to be spoken in 
the lower part of the Nile valley until the seventeenth century. 
At present a dead language, it is known to us chiefly from the 
translations into it of the Old and New Testament, 4 which are 
still in use in Egypt, being read in the Coptic churches, though 
not "understanded of the people." It is mainly through the 
Coptic that the ancient Egyptian language has received its 

Egyptian writing is of three distinct kinds, which are known 
respectively by the names of Hieroglyphic, Hieratic, and De- 
motic or Enchorial. 5 The hieroglyphic is that of almost all 
monuments, and is also found occasionally in manuscripts. 
The hieratic and demotic occur with extreme rarity upon 
monuments, but are employed far more commonly than the 

hieroglyphic in the papyrus rolls or "books" of the Egyptians. 
Both of them are cursive forms of the hieroglyphic writing, 
invented to save time, and suited for rapid writing with the 
pen, but in no way suited for carving upon stone and mani- 
festly not intended for it. They have been called "abbreviated 
forms; 1 ' 6 but this is scarcely correct, for they occupy more 
space than the corresponding hieroglyphics ; but they could 
be written in (probably) one-tenth of the time. There is not 
much difference between the hieratic and the demotic. The 
former was the earlier of the two, having been employed as far 
back as the time of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties, 
or perhaps even earlier ; 7 it preserved the hieroglyphic forms 
to a certain extent. These are nearly lost in the demotic, 
which appears to have been introduced about the seventh cen- 
tury B.C., 8 and which rapidly superseded the hieratic, being 
simpler and consequently easier to write. Both the hieratic 
and the demotic were written from right to left. 

Vol. T. 

Plate XIIL 

Fig. 38.— Pyramid of Meydoun.— See Page 93. 

Fig. 39.— Great Pyramid of Saccarah.— See Page 192. 


Fig. 40.— Section of same, showing Original Construction.- See Page 93. 

Plate XIV. 

Vol. I. 

Fig. 41.— General View of the Tomb-Chamber of the Third Pyramid.— Page 94. 

/<o a nc»TOrvFCT nw TTTK BuKix.s forminq the Roof. — See Page 95. 

vol. i. 

Plate XV. 

Fig. 43.— Section of the Third Pyramid, Showing Passages.— See Page 9G. 

Fig. 44,— Sarcophagus of MXCJuuNus.-See Page 95. 

Plate XVI. 

Vol. I 

Fig. 45.— General Plan of the Pyramids of Ghizeh,— See Page 96. 


Fig. 46.— Section of the Second Pyramid .—See Page 96. 


It is the essential characteristic of the hieroglyphic writing, 
that all the forms used, if we except those expressive of num- 
ber, are pictures of objects. At the first glance, we see in a 
hieroglyphic inscription a multitude of forms, those of men, 
women, children, beasts, birds, reptiles, insects, human hands, 
legs, eyes, and the like, with which we are familiar ; but these 
shapes are mixed up with others, not so readily recognized, 
which seem to us at first sight not imitative, but conventional, 
as circles, squares, half-circles, ovals, triangles, curved lines, 
wavy lines, small segments of circles, circles crossed diagonally, 
and the like. Investigation, however, shows that this apparent 
difference is not a real one. All the forms used are pictures, 
more or less successful, of objects which they were intended to 
represent. The circle o represents the sun ; the curved line, 

placed either way, ( or '"^ the moon ; the oval (^, an egg ; 

the square, with an opening, n a house ; the pointed oval, 
<0 a mouth, etc. Originally, it would seem, Egyptian writ- 
ing was entirely picture writing, nothing being capable of being 
represented by it but objects and actions that the eye could 

Ultimately, however, the system became much more com- 
plicated ; and the hieroglyphics, as employed in the historical 
times, must be divided into at least four clases. First, there 
were some which continued to be used in the old way, to desig- 
nate the object represented, which have been called "ikono- 
graphic, representational, or imitative hieroglyphics." 9 These 
were such as the circle for the sun, the curved line or crescent 
for the moon ; a figure of a man, a woman or a child for 
an actual man, woman, or child ; a picture of a soldier armed 
with bow and quiver for a soldier ; etc. These direct repre- 
sentations were used in two ways : either they stood alone to 
represent the object intended, or they followed the name of 
the object written phonetically. "Thus the word Ra, ' sun/ 
might be written in letters only, or be also followed by the 
ikonograph of the solar disk (which, if alone, would still have 
the same meaning) ; and as we might write the word i horse/ 
and place after it a figure of that animal, so did they after their 

word Mr or htor, s horse ' jj ^"CV- So too the word Aah 
or Joh, ( moon/ was followed by the crescent I HM *•*, 

and rot, ' mankind/ by a figure of a man and woman ^ J." 1C 
In these cases it is evident that the ikonograph was mere sur- 


pi usage ; but perhaps it facilitated the rapid reading of the 
word preceding it. 

Secondly, the characters were used figuratively, or symbol- 
ically. Thus a circle O represented not only "the sun," but 
als "a day," and a curved line or crescent ^— ^ not only "the 

moon," but also "a month." Similarly, the representation of 
a pen and inkstand pa stood for "writing," "to write," "a 

scribe ;" a man pouring out a libation from a vase/j, or a 
vase with liquid pouring from it [, or even a simple vase in- 
verted 1^ , signified "a priest;" an egg q meant "a child," 
"a son;" a seated figure with a curved beard, "a god" 
£ ; and, with a remote connection, but still with a connection 

that can be easily traced, a bee yl/ stood for "king," 11 a vul- 
ture ^%L for "mother," 12 a serpent for "god " FO , a palm- 
branch f for "year," a "goose" 1^ for "son," two water- 
plants of different kinds for "the Upper and the Lower 
Egypt." Again, the fore-part of a lion -^ meant "the begin- 
ning " of anything, and the hind-quarters _£> " the end ; " a 
leg within a trap jf meaiit "deceit ;" the head and neck of a 
lion erect Qt meant " vigilance ; " and, with a symbolism that 
was obscurer and more recondite, a beetle (scarabseus) ^J 
meant the "world," an ostrich feather ^ "justice," and a 

man killing himself j\ "wickedness" or "atrocity." 13 

A third use of the hieroglyphics was as "determinatives." 
These were most commonly added after proper names, and 
showed the class to which they belonged. Thus a word fol- 
lowed by the sitting figure with a curved beard ^ is known 
to be the proper name of a god ; 14 one followed by the figure of 
a man \& is the designation of a man ; one accompanied by a 


circle with a cross inside it © is the name of a place in Egypt ; 
one followed by a sign intended to represent mountains ^^j 
is the name of a foreign country ; and so on. Names more- 
over which are not, strictly speaking, proper names, but desig- 
nate classes, have determinatives attached to them marking 
their genus. The name of any particular kind of animal, as 
ana, "ibex," man, "cat," etc., has a determinative after it 

resembling a short mallet rW , which is supposed to represent 

the skin and tail of an animal, 15 and shows that the word whereto 
it is attached designates some species of beast. So the names 

of classes of birds are followed by the figure of a bird^^, of 
reptiles by a snake" v "^ , of plants by a water-plant , of flowers 

by three blossoms *S5*=, of buildings by the sign for house n. 16 

Finally, the great bulk of the hieroglyphics in all inscrip- 
tions are phonetic, standing either for letters or for syllables, 17 
most commonly the former. 18 The Egyptians, like the Phoe- 
nicians, resolved speech into its elements, and expressed these 
elements by signs, which had the exact force of our letters. 
In choosing their sign, they looked ont for some common ob- 
ject, with a name of which the initial element was identical 
with the sound they wanted to express. Thus, akliom being 
the name of an eagle in Egyptian, the eagle was made the sign 
of its initial sound, A ; the name of an owl in Egyptian being 
moulag, the figure of an owl was made to express M. 19 But, 
unfortunately, the Egyptians did not stop here. Not content 
with fixing on one such sign in each case to express each 
elementary sound, they for the most part adopted several. An 
eagle, the leaf of a water-plant, and a hand and arm to the 
elbow were alike employed to represent the sound A. The 
sound B was expressed by a human leg and foot, and also by a 
bird like a crane, and by an object resembling a flower-pot. 20 
For M there were four principal signs, an owl, two parallel 
straight lines joined at one end by a diagonal, a form some- 
thing like a sickle, and a sort of double-headed baton. There 
were four forms for T, three for N, for K, for S, for J, 21 for 
KH, and for H, while there were two for L or R (which the 
Egyptians regarded as the same), two for SH, two for I, for 
TJ, and for P. The letters F and D were about the only ones 
that were represented uniformly by a single hieroglyphic, the 
former by the cerastes or horned snake, the latter by a hand 
with the palm upwards. 22 


Besides the ordinary phonetics (see Table), the Egyptians 
had a multitude of signs whith could be used phonetically in 
certain groups, more especially at the beginning of words, but 
which were of comparatively rare occurrence. Lepsius gave, 
in 1837, a list of 54 such signs ; 23 but the subsequent course of 
research has added largely to them. There are probably not 
less than 100 signs of this kind, some of which represent let- 
ters, some syllables, their special characteristic being that they 
can only be used in certain groups. Many of them occur only 
in single words, as the crux ansata 9, in ankh, "life," 
"living," "flower," 24 — the outstretched arms with palms 

downwards, —a— , in nen> the negative particle 25 — the croco- 
dile's tail, ^b, in Kem, Kemi, "Egypt" or " black ;" 26 and 

the like. 

The subjoined table (Fig. 18), will give the general phonetic 
alphabet of the Egyptians according to the best recent author- 

Altogether the number of signs used is not less than from 
nine hundred to a thousand ; 2i and hence the difficulty of read- 
ing the inscriptions, even now that — thanks to the Rosetta 
stone — the veil has been lifted. The student has to bear in 
mind the force of (say) a thousand characters, and not only so, 
but the various forces that many of them have, as representa- 
tive, as symbolic, as determinative, and as phonetic. He has 
to settle to his own satisfaction, first, the class to which they 
belong in each instance, and secondly, the value which they 
have. He has also to determine whether any are purely super- 
fluous, the Egyptians having had a fancy both for repeating 
characters Unnecessarily, and also for expressing the same 
sound twice over by variant signs. 

The hieroglyphics are sometimes written in column, one 
over another ; but this is, comparatively speaking, a rare 
arrangement. In general, as in most other forms of writing, 
the characters are in line, with only an occasional super inscrip- 
tion of one sign over that which in pronunciation follows it. 
They are read, when written in line, from left to right, or from 
right to left, according to the direction in which the characters 
face. 28 This direction is most clearly seen in the human and 
animal forms ; but it is not confined to these, most characters 
fronting one way or the other. The direction is from left to 
right, if the characters face to the left, and vice versa. 

In hieroglyphical writing the numerals from one to nine are 
expressed by vertical strokes, which, between three and ten, 
are collected in two groups, thus : — 
















12 3 

Ten is expressed by a sort of arch or doorway n ; twenty by 

two such arches n n ; thirty by three n n fi ; and so on. For 

the hundreds the sign is the same as one of those employed to 
express u, © ; for the thousands, it is the same as one of those 

employed to express kli, j; and for ten of thousands, it is a 

form used also to express h, |. The number 21,553 would be 

expressed in a hieroglyphical inscription thus: — | I T @<§@ nn n 

It may be added that most of the Egyptian gods have special 
signs significative of them, which are either human or 
animal figures, or the two intermixed. Their names, however, 
are also expressed phonetically, as Amun (Amnion) by 

I ^5^, Phthah or Ptah by ! J, and the like. Signs which 
cannot be regarded as phonetic designate the several months, as 
"" | ** jUyL' which designates Thoth, the first month, corre- 

sponding to our September: / JJ A csob, which designates Paopi, 
the second month ; "~~* ~ , which designates Phamenoph, the 

seventh month ; l ^J^ £££5 ■> which is the sign for Mesore, 

the twelfth month. 29 

In conclusion, a few remarks will be added on the subject of 
Egyptian grammar. The Egyptian language admitted all the 
nine parts of speech, but was very deficient in conjunctions and 
interjections. It had a single article only, which was the defi- 
nite one, corresponding to the English "the." The article was 

declined, being j9^ jrf^k in the masculine singular, 30 td 

* l^in the feminine singular, 31 and nd %l in the plural of 

both genders. 32 

Substantives form the plural by adding u, as neter, "a god," 
nrtera, "gods," ta, "a land," tau, "lands," uar, "a prince," 
uaru, "princes," etc. Adjectives, participles, and possessive 
pronouns do the same. The feminine is made by adding t 


( m ), as sa or se, "a son," set, "a daughter ;" pd neter aa, 
"the great god ;" td asbutu aat, "the great throne ; " sa neb, 
"every man;" kat nebt, "every building;" and the like. 
There is said to be no dual ; 33 but we find the form ta ( p^T ), 

"land;" doubled for two lands, -w-, and tripled for more 

than two, thus, -ttt- . Tripling a sign is a common mode of 

expressing the plural, which is otherwise signified by the addi- 
tion of three vertical lines (either 1 1 1 or i). 

Pronouns were either used independently or suffixed. The 
independent form for "I" was anak or anuk, which is plainly 
identical with the Hebrew *33N, the Assyrian anaku, and the 
Moabite anak. The form for "thou" was ntek (fern, net)', 
for "he," ntef, or su ; for "she," ntes ; for "we," nenanen; 
for "ye," ntuten ; for "they," ntesen (natsen), or sen. The 
forms su and sen may compare with the Hebrew tfin and |n ; 
but otherwise the resemblance to the Semitic is not close. 

The suffixed pronoun of the first person singular was -a, 

which might be expressed either phonetically by I. or by the 

figure of the speaker ; that of the second person singular was, 
in the masculine - k (expressed by ""^^ F or rn), in the fem- 
inine 4 (expressed by either z=> or ^ ) ; the ordinary suffix 
of the third person masculine was -f (expressed by « — ), of 

the third person feminine -s (expressed by either ~— or ]' ) ) 
but there was also a masculine form -su ( Y\^ or 1 (& ) to 
express "him," and a feminine form -st (*J[* or ^ or 
R % — » ) to express "she," "her," etc. In the plural the suffix 
of the first person was -n (^^^ ) r -mi ( / J7T 01 " Si ^' °^ ^ le 

second -ten ( *S? ) or -tenu (*^T or JT or ^ ■); of the 


1 1 1 


third -u(\ b' su iTTi)> or ( most commonly) -semi (ex- 
pressed variously). 34 The form -stu ([I *.) is likewise found. 


There were also in Egyptian a set of independent possessive 
pronouns, produced by combining the article in its three 
forms {pa, ta, and na) with the above suffixes, the form of the 
article being determined by the object possessed, that of the 
suffix by the possessor. Thus "my father " is expressed by 
pa-i-a atef "thy father" by pa-i-Jc atef, "his father" by pa- 
i-fatef, "our father" by pa-i-nu atef, "your father" by pa-i- 
tenuatef, and "their f&ther " by pa-i-u or pa-i-senu atef . If 
"mother" be substituted for "father," the pronouns become 
ta-l-a, ta-i-k, ta-i-f ta-i-nu, ta-i-tenu, and ta-i-u or ta-i-senu. 
If the noun which follows the pronoun be in the plural num- 
ber, the initial syllable becomes na. Thus for " my enemies " 
we must say, na-i-a kheftu, for "thy enemies" na-i-k kheftu, 
"his enemies" naif kheftu, "her enemies" nais kheftu, "our 
enemies" nainu kheftu, "your enemies" naitenu kheftu, and 
"their enemies" naisenu kheftu. 

The conjugation of the tenses of verbs was by means of the 
suffixed pronouns. To mark the first person, the verb was 
followed by a figure of the speaker, which is supposed to have 
been pronounced a; to mark the second person, k was suffixed, 
or t if the agent was a female ; to mark the third, /, or s in 
case of a female; in the plural, the ordinary terminations 35 
were nenu, tenu, and senu, for "we," "you," "they ; " as will 
be best seen by an example. 

^^\ Singular. ^7, Plural. 

y* jet-a, "I say." £^ jet-nenu, "we say." 

jft III 

' x ~\ "**■* jet-k, jet-t, "thou «&. jet-tenu, "ye say." 
«*. £j. sayest." ^^ 

-^ -^ •^ 

a ^ jetf, jets, "he ^ jet-senu, "they say." 

•*— -**- says," "she says." ^J£. 

The perfect tense was marked by interposing n between the 
Verb and the pronoun, thus : ^*f, arf, "he makes," , 

arnf, "he made " or "has made." The future was formed by 
prefixing the auxiliary verb I \*, au, "to be," together with 

the pronoun, and then placing r before the verb, 36 as TO , ara, 
"I make," I \^^^^, auarar, "I am for making" or " I will 


To form the passive, tu was added to the root of the verb, 
the pronominal suffix following. Thus from ^ f\, mes, 

"born," we have jj| [\ m jfr, mestu-f, "he was born," etc. 

A remarkable peculiarity of Egyptian grammar is the de- 
clension of prepositions. It has been generally recognized by 
modern comparative grammarians that prepositions are in 
reality abraded forms of nouns or pronouns. Declension may, 
therefore, be said to belong to them naturally; though in 
very few languages does any vestige of their inflection remain. 
In Egyptian, however, "all prepositions admit of a plural ;" 37 
and feminine forms are also not uncommon. For instance, 
the preposition *»*"*, en, "of," becomes frequently """*, ent, 

after feminine nouns ; and @ or * > na or nu > after plural 
ones. Am, "in," "into," has the plural form -J- %k \* ■> 

amu ; er or art, "to," "on," has a plural aru (1 < xf?)', and so 

on. Egyptian prepositions are very numerous ; but their sense 
is somewhat indeterminate : lie?' (<~>), for example, has the 

nine meanings of "above," "up," "upon," "for," "by," 
"from," "out of," "in," and "about" or "in the act of." Er 
commonly means "to," or "for ;" but it is found also in the 
senses "with," "by," "than," "as," "as far as," "in," and 
"at." Em also is said r 38 to have the senses of "as," "in," 
"for," "throughout," "towards," "by means of," "to," 
"from," and "with." 

The rarity of conjunctions in Egyptian has been already 
mentioned. 39 The original language possessed no word corre- 
sponding to the ordinary copulative "and ;" nor was it until 

the Ptolemaic age that a real "and " ( ^jM? ha) was invented. 40 

Previously the usual practice was to let the connective be sup- 
plied by inference, as — 

Amen ar pet, ta, mau, tuu. 

" Amnion has made heaven, earth, waters, (and) hills." 

"But sometimes the preposition h'na (j^j)> "with," was em- 
ployed as a conjunction. Thus we find Har h'na Set = 

Vol. I. 

Plate XVIJ. 

Fig, 47, — Section of the Great Pyramid.— See Page 97. 

Fix. 48. — Relieving Stones at the entrance to the Great Pyramid.— See Pace 98. 

Plate XVIII. 

Vol. I 













" Ilorus with Set" for "Horus and Set;" pet h'na amus, 
"heaven with its inhabitants," for "heaven and its inhab- 
itants." There were conjunctions, however, expressive of 
"or," "nor," "for" or "because," "when," "after" or "while," 
"how," and a few others. 41 The place of conjunctions in the 
construction of sentences was taken generally by prepositions, 
which were used, though not very freely, to bind the different 
clauses of a sentence together. 

The only interjections which have been recognized in the 

inscriptions are: A! (I JD), equivalent to our "Ah!" or 

"Oh !" half ) gi m^ II ^), a stronger form of the same, and 

ask ! or ast / (1 fl s^ 3 or J If j*), which has the force of " Lo ! " 

or "Behold!" 

The following are the chief points remarkable in Egyptian 
syntax or construction : — 1. The sentences are short, rarely 
exceeding in length ten words. The construction is simple, 
and the order uniform. 42 2. The adjective always follows the 
noun, and the nominative case almost always follows the verb. 
3. The adverb generally follows the adjective or verb which it 
qualifies. 4. Neither nouns nor adjectives, nor even pronouns, 
have cases. The want is supplied by a free use of prepositions. 
5. Prepositions are always prefixed to the words which they gov- 
ern. 6. A conjunction used to join two words together is some- 
times placed after the second word. 48 7. When two nouns come 
together, and are not in apposition, the latter is in regimen, as 
neb ta, "lord of earth ;" sa Ra, "son of Ka ;"and the like. 
8. There are several forms of the substantive verb, two of 

which (au, I \±, and an, £z*0 are use( ^ as auxiliaries. 9. The 
negative is commonly placed at the beginning of a sentence. 




General Character of the Egyptian Literature, mediocre— perhaps at present 
not fairly appreciated. Variety and Extent of the Literature. Works on 
Religious Subjects—" Ritual of the Dead." Shorter Works on Religion — 
Specimen. Historical Poems— Specimens. Lyrical Poems— Specimen from 
the " Song of the Harper." Travels. Romances. Autobiographies— Sketch 
of the " Story of Saneha "—Specimen. Correspondence. Scientific Trea- 
tises. Works on Magic. 

[" La litterature egyptienne etait nomhreuse et celebre.' n — Lenobmant, " Manuel 
d'Histoire Ancienne de l'Orient," vol. i, p. 306. 

The literature of the Egyptians, although it is remarkable for 
the extent and variety of the subjects comprised within its 
range, is, beyond a doubt, far inferior to the literatures of 
Greece, of Rome, and of the more eminent among modern 
countries. Its general character must be pronounced medio- 
cre. History, whether as recorded on monuments, or as en- 
shrined in books, was either written in a forced and stilted, or 
in a dry and wholly uninteresting style. 1 Poetry was in a more 
advanced condition. Like the Hebrew poetry, it delighted in 
parallelisms and antitheses ; while it transcended Hebrew 
poetry in its rhythmic arrangement, in the balance of the 
lines, the close correspondence of clause to clause, and the 
strict observance of 'rhythmic law in most cases. 2 Other 
branches of literature, as romance, travels, letters, are chiefly 
remarkable for an extreme and almost childish simplicity ; 
while the characteristic of some classes of composition is ob- 
scurity and confusion. 3 A general feature of Egyptian writing, 
in its more ambitious flights, is a frequent and abrupt change 
from the first or second to the third person, with as sudden a 
return from the third to the first or second, and an equally 
abrupt change of tense. 4 It is supposed that these startling- 
transitions, for which there is no discernible reason and no 
discoverable, or at any rate no discovered, law, were viewed as 
elegances of style, under the Egyptian standard of taste, and 
were thus especially affected by those who aspired to be con- 
sidered "fine writers." 5 No doubt it may be urged, with a 
good deal of reason, that different ages and different nations 
have each their own peculiar styles, and that we modern 
Europeans are scarcely fair critics of a literature so remote in 


date as the Egyptian, and one so different in character from 
our own ; but as, on the other hand, their remoteness and 
peculiarity do not prevent us from appreciating the master- 
pieces of Greece and Rome, the Vedic hymns, the Norse sagas, 
or even the Davidical psalms, so it is probable that whenever 
there is real merit in a literature, however peculiar it may be, 
the merit will reveal itself to the candid critic, and will extort 
his admiration. A better argument for our, at present, sus- 
pending our judgment, and passing no sentence of unqualified 
condemnation on any branch of Egyptian writing, is furnished 
by the consideration that the Egyptian language is still imper- 
fectly understood, and that the true force of numerous expres- 
sions, which it is easy enough to translate literally, is probably 
missed even by the advanced scholar. Much patient study, 
not only of linguistic forms, but of Egyptian ideas and modes 
of thought, is still requisite before a final judgment can be 
confidently given as to the position which Egyptian literature 
is entitled to hold in the literature of the world. 

Whatever the opinion entertained of its degree of excellence, 
concerning the extent and variety of Egyptian literature there 
can be no dispute. A recent writer, of great authority in his 
day, did indeed venture to lay it down in so many words, that 
"the Egyptians had no literature or history ;" 5 but he would 
be a bold man who at the present date should venture to 
maintain this paradox. Besides the testimony of the classical 
writers, 6 which, even if it stood alone, legitimate criticism could 
not safely set aside, 7 we have now, in the discovered and de- 
ciphered inscriptions and papyri, a mass of literary matter, 
which those best entitled to pronounce an opinion declare to 
rival in extent the existing remains of any other known ancient 
literature. 8 Four volumes of Egyptian texts have been already 
published in English ; 9 while in France and Germany the 
number of the translations made is far greater. 10 All that has 
hitherto been done is, we are told, but as a drop in the bucket, 
compared with that which remains to be done. We are prom- 
ised a long succession of volumes similar to those that have 
already appeared in English ; and even this extensive series 
will only contain "the most important portions of this ancient 
literature." " 

If the extent of the literature is thus great and surprising, 
still more remarkable is the variety of subjects which it em- 
braces. Besides history, which is largely represented on the 
monuments, and is occasionally illustrated by the papyri, Egyp- 
tologers enumerate works on religion and theology ; poems, his- 
torical and lyrical ; travels ; epistolary correspondence ; reports. 


military and statistical ; romances, or rather short tales ; ora- 
tions ; treatises on morals and rhetoric ; mathematical and 
medical works ; books on geography, astronomy, astrology, and 
magic ; collections of proverbs ; calendars ; books of receipts ; 
accounts; catalogues of libraries, and various others. 12 The 
first place in the literature is occupied undoubtedly by the re- 
ligious books, 1B which are longer, more elaborate, and more 
carefully composed than the rest, and which held a position in 
the thoughts of the people analogous to that of the Yedas in 
India, and of the Bible and ecclesiastical literature in Europe 
during the middle ages. 

Of all the religious works the most important was the one 
which is commonly called "The Funereal Ritual," 14 or "The 
Ritual of the Dead," 15 but of which the Egyptian title was 
"The Manifestation to Light," or, in other words, the Book 
revealing light to the soul. This book claimed to be a revela- 
tion from Thoth, or Hermes, who through it declared the will 
of the gods, and the mysterious nature of divine things, to 
man. 16 Portions of it are expressly stated to have been written 
by the very finger of Thoth himself, and others to have been 
the composition of a "great god." 17 It was in such high es- 
teem, that from the time of the eleventh dynasty some ex- 
tracts from it were regularly placed in the coffins of the dead, 
either on the inner sides of the rectangular chests which held 
the mummies, or on the linen bandages in which the corpse 
was wrapped, or on the inner walls of the tomb, or sometimes 
on all three. Besides this, copies on papyrus, more or less 
complete, were frequently buried with the deceased, 18 more 
especially in the later Pharaonic times, when the book had 
taken its definitive form through an authoritative revision 
made under the twenty-sixth dynasty. 

The "Ritual " has been divided into three, 19 and again into 
twenty-three 20 portions. According to the former division, 
the first part consists of the first sixteen chapters, and contains 
forms of invocation and of prayer to be used over the dead 
from the moment of his decease to the commencement of the 
process of embalming. 21 The second part opens with a long 
chapter which has been considered to contain "the Egyptian 
faith." 22 It is mystical in the highest degree, and quite unin- 
telligible to a modern, after all the explanations which it has 
received. 23 This creed is followed by a series of prayers, con- 
tained in three chapters, which refer to the justification of the 
deceased, and seem intended for use during the enrolment of 
the mummy in its bandages. 24 Then come prayers or spells 
in six chapters, for the reconstruction of the deceased in Hades \ 


others, in thirty-seven chapters, for his preservation from all 
the dangers of Hades, from Typhonian animals, from the 
Eater of the Ass, and from the awful block of the execu- 
tioner ; finally, others, in sixty chapters, which are best de- 
scribed as "forms for various occasions." 25 

The third part of the "Ritual" opens with the famous 
chapter (ch. cxxv.) known as the "Hall of the Two Truths." 26 
Here the deceased is represented as brought before the judg- 
ment seat of Osiris, in order that after a searching investiga- 
tion it may be decided whether he shall be admitted into 
heaven or excluded from it. Osiris sits on a lofty throne, 
surrounded by forty-two assessors. An interrogatory com- 
mences. The dead person must give proof that he is worthy 
of the life to come, that his spiritual knowledge is sufficient, 
and that his life on earth has been pure. Each of the forty- 
two assessors in turn questions him, bids him tell his mystic 
name and its meaning. In reply, he addresses each in turn 
by name, and to each declares his innocence of some class of 
sin or other. "I have not blasphemed," he says; 87 "I have 
not deceived ; I have not stolen ; I have not slain any one 
treacherously ; I have not been cruel to any one ; I have not 
caused disturbance ; I have not been idle ; I have not been 
drunken ; I have not issued unjust orders ; I have not been 
indiscreetly curious ; I have not multiplied words in speaking ; 
I have struck no one ; I have caused fear to no one ; I have 
slandered no one ; I have not eaten my heart through envy ; 
I have not reviled the face of the king, nor the face of my 
father ; I have not made false accusations ; I have not kept 
milk from the mouth of sucklings ; I have not caused abortion ; 
I have not ill-used my slaves ; I have not killed sacred beasts ; 
I have not defiled the river ; I have not polluted myself ; I 
have not taken the clothes of the dead." Nor is he content 
with this negative vindication ; he goes on, and, addressing 
the great conclave of the gods, exclaims: "Let me go; ye 
know that I am without fault, without evil, without sin, with- 
out crime. Do not torture me ; do not aught against me. I 
have lived on truth ; I have been fed on truth ; I have made 
it my delight to do what men command and the gods approve. 
I have offered to the deities all the sacrifices that were their 
due ; I have given bread to the hungry and drink to him that 
was athirst ; I have clothed the naked with garments . ,, 
My mouth and my hands are pure." 28 The justification of the 
deceased is allowed, and he passes from the Hall of Truth into 
Elysium. The remainder of the "Ritual" consists of about 
forty chapters, 29 and is still more mvstical and obscure than 


the earlier portions. The deceased appears to be identified 
with the sun, and to go forth with the sun through the various 
regions of the heavens, seated in the solar boat. Finally he 
rises to such a pitch of perfection as to become identical with 
the utmost that the Egyptians could imagine of divine, and to 
be represented by a symbolical figure which unites the attri- 
butes of all the divinities contained within the Egyptian 
Pantheon. 30 

Among other religions books are "The Tears of Isis," of 
which a translation will be found in the "Records of the 
Past;" 31 the "Book of the Respirations" {Sai-an-Sinsin) or 
"of the Breaths of Life," which appears in an English dress in 
the same work ; 32 the legend of the "Destruction of Mankind 
by Ra ;" 33 numerous Solar Litanies, collections of hymns, and 
the like. A general harmony pervades the various treatises 
upon religion ; and if differences are to be traced, they will be 
found chiefly within the "Ritual" itself, which contains signs 
of having been composed at several distinct epochs. The com- 
positions are always rhythmical, though not (so far as appears) 
tied down by very strict laws. We subjoin an extract from 
the "Book of the Respirations," which will show the general 
character of the shorter religious works. 34 

Hail to the Osiris, . . . ! 3B 

Ammon is with thee each day, 

To render thee life : 

Apheru openeth to thee the right way. 

Thou seest with thine eyes ; 

Thou hearest with thine ears ; 

Thou speakest with thy mouth ; 

Thou walkest with thy legs ; 

Thy soul is made divine in heaven, 

And can effect the transformations it desireth. 

Thou formest the joy of the sacred persea-tree 36 in On. 37 

Thou awakest each day ; 

Thou seest the rays of the sun ; 

Ammon cometth to thee with the breath of life ; 

He granteth thee to breathe in thy coffin. 

Thou comest on earth each day ; 

Thine eyes behold the rays of the disk ; 

Truth is spoken to thee before Osiris ; 

The formulae of justification are on thy body. 

Horus, the defender of his father, protecteth thee; 

He maketh thy soul like the souls of the gods. 

The soul of Ra giveth life to thy soul ; 

The soul of Shu filleth thy lungs with soft breath. 

The Egyptian poems hitherto discovered are of no great 
length. The historical pieces, which have been dignified with 
the name of "Epic Poems" 38 do not fill, at the utmost, more 
than ten or a dozen pages, or extend to much above a hundred 


and twenty lines. Their style will be sufficiently indicated by 
a couple of extracts. The first shall be from the composition 
of Penta-our on an exploit of Eameses II. in one of his cam- 
paigns against the Hittites. 39 

"Glorious is thy deed of valor! Firm in heart, thou hast saved thine 
army ; 
Saved thy bowmen and thy horsemen ; son of Tum, sure none is like 

Spoiler of the land of Khita, with thy [keen] victorious falchion. 
King that tightest for thy soldiers [stoutly] in the day of battle, 
Great of heart, in fray the foremost, all the world cannot resist thee, 
Mighty conqueror, victorious in the sight of all thy soldiers. 
No gainsayer [doubts thy glories]. Thou art Egypt's [strength and] 

All thy foes thou crushest, bowest down the Hittites' backs for ever." 
Then the King addressed his footmen, and his horsemen, and his chief- 
tains — 
All who in the fight were backward — " Well it was not done of any, 
That ye Uft me [unsupported] singly with the foe to combat. 
Not a chieftain, not a captain, not a sergeant came to aid me — 
All alone I had to battle with a host that none could number. 
Nechtu-em-djom, Nehr-ahruta, they, my horses, [and they only] 
Gave me succor in my danger, when I singly fought the foeinen. 
Therefore do I grant them henceforth, when I rest within my palace, 
Peacefully to champ their barley in the sight of Ra for ever. 
As for Menna, who was with me, [doughty] squire and armor-bearer, 
Him I give the suit of armor clad in which I fought and conquered, 
When with sword of might I battled, and ten thousand fell before me." 

Our remaining example is from a tablet of Thothmes II. , 
one of the greatest monarchs of the eighteenth dynasty. It 
has been described as a "kind of hymn or song, recounting 
the victories of Thothmes," with allusions to his principal 
conquests and exploits in an antithetical strain. 40 In length 
it only extends to twenty-five hieroglyph ical lines ; but each 
line forms a sort of stanza, and the whole could scarcely be 
expressed in less than a hundred lines of our heroic measure. 
The entire poem is put into the mouth of Ammon-Ra, 41 the 
special God of Thebes, where the inscription was found, and 
whom Thothmes regarded as his father. 

Come, Ra-men-Kheper, come to me, my son, 
My best supporter, come and glad thyself 
In my perfections. Everlastingly 
I shine but as thou wishest. My full heart 
Dilates whene'er thou comest to my temple. 
Thy limbs I fondle and inspire with life 
Delicious, till thou hast more power than I. 
Set up in my great hall I give thee wealth, 
I give thee strength and victory o'er all lands. 
The terror and the dread of thee 1 have spread 
Through every country to the furthest poles 
Of heaven — I make all hearts to quake at thee— 


Yea, e'en the mighty nation of Nine Bows 

I have made to fear the echoes of thy voice. 

The chiefs of lands are clutched within thy fist. 

Extending mine own hands, I tie for thee 

In bundles the fierce Amu — thousands, ay, 

And tens of thousands-*— with the Northern hordes, 

In myriads upon myriads — that they yield 

To be thy captives; underneath thy shoes 

I have thrown down thy foemen; prostrate crowds 

Of the perverse lie in the dust before thee. 

For thee the Earth, throughout its length and breadth, 

I have ordered; for thy seat, both East and West; 

There is no land whereto thou hast not reached; 

There is no nation that resists thy will. 

• The poems called "lyrical" are such as the "Song of the 
Harper," a composition of the period of the eighteenth dy- 
nasty, which has been translated by M. Dumichen and others. 42 
This song belongs to the class of poems which "delight in 
parallelisms and antitheses, and in the ornament of a bur- 
den." 43 It is divided into short verses of about equal length, 
and may be sufficiently represented by the following version of 
its opening : — 

The Great One has gone to his rest, 
» Ended his task and his race: 

Thus men are aye passing away, 

And youths are aye taking their place. 
As Ra rises up every morn, 

And Tum 44 every evening doth set, 
So women conceive and bring forth, 

And men without ceasing beget. 
Each soul in its turn draweth breath — 
Each man born of woman sees Death. 

Take thy pleasure to-day, 

Father ! Holy One ! See, 
Spices and fragrant oils, 

Father, we bring to thee. 
On thy sister's bosom and arms 

Wreaths of lotus we place ; 
On thy sister, dear to thy heart, 

Aye sitting before thy face. 
Sound the song ; let music be played ; 
And let cares behind thee be laid. 

Take thy pleasure to-day : 

Mind thee of joy and delight! 
Soon life's pilgrimage ends, 

And we pass to Silence and Night. 
Patriarch, perfect and pure, 

Neferhotep, blessed one ! Thou 
Didst finish thy course upon earth, 

And art with the blessed ones now. 
Men pass to the silent shore, 
And their place doth know them no more. 


They are as they never had been, 

Since the Sun went forth upon high ; 
They sit on the banks of the stream 

That floweth in stillness by. 
Thy soul is among them ; thou 

Dost drink of the sacred tide, 
Having the wish of thy heart — 

At peace ever since thou hast died. 
Give bread to the man who is poor, 
And thy name shall be blest evermore. 

One work only has been discovered, which can be regarded 
as a book of "Travels." It seems intended to give an account 
of a "Tour in Palestine," accomplished by a Mohar, or engineei 
officer, 45 in about the fourteenth century B.C.; but its exact 
purpose is somewhat uncertain, from the rhetorical style in 
which it is written. The subjoined extract will give a sufficient 
idea of it : — 

" Thou yokest thy horses, swift as jackals, to the chariot ; 
their eyes flash ; they are like a gust of wind, when it bursts 
forth. Thou takest the reins ; thou seizest thy bow ; we be- 
hold the deeds of thy hand. (Here I send thee back the Mo- 
har's portrait, and make thee to know his actions.) Didst thou 
not go then to the land of the Khita (Hittites)? Didst thou 
not behold the land of Aup? Khatuma, 46 dost thou not know 
it? Ikatai, likewise, how great it is? The Tsor 47 of Rameses, 
the city of Khaleb (Aleppo) in its neighborhood — how goes it 
with its ford? Hast thou not journeyed to Qodesh 48 and Tu- 
bakhi? Hast thou not gone with bowmen to the Shasu? 49 
Hast thou not trodden the road to the Mountain of Heaven, 50 
where flourish the cypresses, the oaks, and the cedars which 
pierce the sky? There are the numerous lions, the wolves, and 
the hyenas, which the Shasu track on every side. Didst thou 
not ascend the mountain of Shaoua ? Oh ! come to ... . 
barta. Thou hastenest to get there ; thou crossest its ford ; 
thou hast experience of a Mohar's trials ; thy car is a weight 
on thy hand ; thy strength fails. It is night when thou ar- 
rivest ; all thy limbs are wearied ; thy bones ache ; thou fall- 
est asleep from excess of somnolence — thou wakest up suddenly. 
It is the hour when sad night begins, and thou art all alone. 
Comes there not a thief to steal what lies about? See ! he 
enters the stable — the horses are disquieted — he goes back in 
the dark, carrying off thy clothes. Thy groom wakes, and 
sees the thief retreating. What does he do? he carries off the 
rest. Joining himself to the evil-doers, he seeks refuge among 
the Shasu ; he transforms himself into an Asiatic." 

The Egyptian novels, or romances, have attracted more at- 
tention than any other portion of their literature. The "Tata 


of the Two Brothers," the "Possessed Princess," and "The 
Doomed Prince" are well-known in many quarters, 51 and need 
not be reproduced here. Their character is that of short tales, 
like the "Novelle " of Bocccacio, or the stories in the collection 
of the "Thousand and One Nights." They are full of most 
improbable adventure, and deal largely in the supernatural. 
The doctrine of metempsychosis is a common feature in them ; 
and the death of the hero, or heroine, or both, causes no in- 
terruption of the narrative. Animals address men in speech, 
and are readily understood by them. Even trees have the 
same power. The dead constantly come to life again ; and 
not only so, but mummies converse together in their cata- 
combs, and occasionally leave their coffins, return to the 
society of the living, and then, after a brief sojourn, once 
more re-enter the tomb. The state of morals which the 
novels describe is one of great laxity — not to say, dissoluteness. 
The profligacy of the men is equalled or exceeded by that of 
the women, who not unfrequently make the advances, and 
wield all the arts of the seducer. The moral intention of the 
writers seems, however, to be in general good, since dissolute 
courses lead in almost every case to some misfortune or disaster. 
With the romantic character of the Egyptian tales contrasts 
very remarkably the prosaic tone of one or two autobiographies. 
Saneha, an officer belonging to the court of Osirtasen I. and 
his co-regent, Amenemha, having fallen into disgrace with his 
employers, quits Egypt and takes refuge with Ammu-anshi, 
King of the Tennu, by whom he is kindly treated, given his 
daughter in man iage, and employed in the military service. 
The favor shown him provokes the jealousy of a native officer, 
formerly the chief confidant of the king ; and this jealousy 
leads to a challenge, a duel, the defeat of the envious rival, 
and the establishment of Saneha in his office. After this 
Saneha accumulates wealth, has many children, and lives to a 
good old age in his adopted country. But at length, as he ap- 
proaches his end, the "home-sickness" comes upon him; he 
is possessed with an intense desire of revisiting Egypt, and of 
being "buried in the land where he was born ; " 52 he therefore 
addresses a humble petition to Osirtasen, beseeching his per- 
mission to return. 53 The King of Egypt grants his request, 
accords him an amnesty, and promises him a restoration to 
favor when he reaches his court. The arrival of the good 
news makes Saneha, according to his own account, almost 
beside himself with joy ; 54 but he arranges his affairs in the 
land of Tennu with a great deal of good sense, divides his pos- 
sessions among his children, establishes his eldest son as a sort 


of general supervisor, and makes provision for having from time 
to time a statement of accounts sent to him in Egypt. He then 
bids his family adieu, sets off on his journey, and, having ac- 
complished it, is well received by the monarch, notwithstand- 
ing the opposition of the royal children. The promises made 
to him are performed, and he remains in favor with Osirtasen 
"until the day of his death." 55 Such are the meagre mate- 
rials, out of which a work is composed which extends to above 
five hundred lines — an unusual length for an Egyptian com- 
position. The opening of this story will show the mode in 
which so poor a theme was expanded and made to serve as the 
subject of a volume. 

" When I was on the point of setting out [from Egypt], 56 my 
heart was troubled ; my hands shook ; numbness fell on all 
my limbs. I staggered ; yea, I was greatly perplexed to find 
myself a place of repose. In order to account for my travels, 
I pretended to be a herbalist ; twice I started forth on my 
journey, and twice I returned back. I desired to approach 
the palace no more. I longed to become free ; I said there is 
no life like that. Then [at last] I quitted the House of the 
Sycamore ; I lay down at the station of Snefru ; I passed the 
night in a corner of the garden ; I rose up when it was day 
and found one preparing for a journey. When he perceived 
me he was afraid. But when the hour of supper was come, 
I arrived at the town of ... ; I embarked in a barge 
without a rudder; I came to Abu . . . ; I made the jour- 
ney on foot, until I reached the fortress which the king 
[of Egypt] had made in order to keep off the Sakti. 57 An 
aged man, a herbalist, received me. I was in alarm when I 
saw the watchers upon the wall, watching day after day in 
rotation. But when the hours of darkness had passed, and 
the dawn had broken, I proceeded on from place to place, and 
reached the station of Kamur. 58 Thirst overtook me on my 
journey ; my throat was parched : I said, 'This is a foretaste 
of death/ Then I lifted up my heart ; I braced my limbs. 
] heard the pleasant sound of cattle — I beheld a Sakti. He 
demanded to know whither I journeyed, and addressed me 
thus : ' thou art from Egypt ! , Then he gave me water, he 
poured out milk for me ; I went with him to his people, and 
was conducted by them from place to place. I reached . . . ; 
I arrived at Atima." 

It is impossible within the limits of the present work, to 
trace in detail the Egyptian literature any further. The epis- 
tolary correspondence and despatches present much that is 
interesting, 59 since they have every appearance of being what 


they profess to be — real letters and real despatches — though 
they have reached our time in "Collections," where they were 
placed to serve as patterns, the collections in question corre- 
sponding to modern "Complete Letter- Writers." Some of 
the letters were perhaps written with a view to publication, 
and are therefore to a certain extent forced and artificial ; but 
the majority seem to be the spontaneous production of writers 
only intent upon amusing or instructing their correspondents. 
The scientific treatises, on the other hand, are disappointing. 
The medical works which have been examined give a poor 
idea of the point reached by the physicians of Pharaonic times. 
They imply indeed a certain knowledge of anatomy, and con- 
tain some fairly good observations upon the symptoms of dif- 
ferent maladies ; but the physiology which they embody is 
fantastic, and they consist in the main of a number of prescrip- 
tions for different complaints, which are commontyof the most 
absurd character. 60 The geometry is said to be respectable, 61 
but has perhaps not been as yet sufficiently studied. The 
astronomy is tainted by the predominance of astrological ideas. 
But the lowest intellectual depth seems to be reached in the 
"Magical Texts," where the happiness and misery of mankind 
appear to be regarded as dependent upon spells and amulets, 
and receipts are given to protect men against all the accidents 
of life, against loss of fortune, against fire, against death by 
violence, and even (it would seem) against suffering in the 
world to come. 62 It is to be feared that the belief in magic 
was widely spread among the ancient Egyptians, and that 
the elevating tendency of their religious ideas was practically 
neutralized by this debasing and most immoral superstition. 




Extraordinary Productiveness of Egypt in Ancient Times. Tenure of Land 
under the Pharaohs— Absence of Governmental Interference with the Cul- 
tivation. Farming Operations— Preparation of the Soil. Character of the 
Plough used. Mode of Ploughing. Use of the Hoe. Sowing. Kinds of 
Corn Grown. Cultivation ot Wheat — of Barley — of the Doura or Holcus 
Sorghum. Great Variety of other Crops. System of Irrigation employed. 
Use of the Shadoof. Hydraulic Works of the Fayoum. Cultivation of the 
Olive. Cultivation of the Vine. Care of Cattle. 

'AirovriTOTaTa Kapnov KOixi^ovTat £k 777?. — HEROD, ii, 14. 

The extraordinary fertility of Egypt, consequent upon the 
abundance of water, the good qualities of the alluvial soil, and 
the rich dressing of mud which it receives every year by means 
of theannual inundation, has been noted in a former chapter ; l 
where some notion has been also given of the great abundance 
and variety of its vegetable productions — -natural and artificial 
— during the period with which we are here especially con- 
cerned 2 — that of the independent monarchy. Egypt was 
reckoned in ancient times the principal granary of the civil- 
ized world. In any famine or scarcity elsewhere it was to this 
quarter that the nations looked for the supplies which were 
necessary to enable them to tide over the existing distress, and 
save them from actual starvation. 3 Under the Persians, the 
country, besides feeding itself, supplied corn regularly for its 
garrison of 120,000 Persian troops, and also paid to the treas- 
ury at Susa an annual tribute of money, amounting to nearlv 
170,000/. sterling. 4 In Roman times its cereal exports were 
of such importance to Italy that the trade enjoyed the peculiar 
protection of the State, 5 and the general imperial system of 
provincial government received special modifications in its 
adaptation to Egypt in consequence of the almost absolute 
dependence of the Roman people on the produce of the Egyp- 
tian cornfields. 6 This vast superabundance of the food pro- 
duced in the country beyond the needs of the inhabitants 
arose, no doubt, in great part from the natural advantages of 
the position ; but it was due also, to a considerable extent, to 
the industrious habits of the people and to their employment 
of good methods of husbandry. Their natural intelligence, 
which was remarkable, having been applied for many centu- 


ries to making the most of the capabilities of their exception- 
ally favored region, led them by degrees to the general adop- 
tion of a system and of methods which were in the highest 
degree successful/ and which are rightly regarded as among 
the main causes of that extraordinary wealth, prosperity, and 
eminence whereto Egypt attained under the Pharaohs. 

It cannot be said with truth that there was anything in the 
tenure of land in ancient Egypt which much favored produc- 
tion, or which accounts for its agricultural pre-eminence. 
Peasant proprietors seem not to have existed. The owners of 
the soil were 8 the kings, the priestly communities attached to 
the different temples, and the " territorial aristocracy " 9 or 
wealthy upper class, which was numerous and had considera- 
ble political influence. These last cultivated their estates 
chiefly by means of slave-labor, 10 which is naturally a wasteful 
and extravagant mode, though doubtless strict and severe su- 
perintendence may, where the work required is of a simple 
kind, obtain from those employed a large amount of toil, and 
so of produce. The kings and the communities of priests were 
in the habit of letting their lands in small allotments to fellahin, 
or peasants ; " and the nobles may likewise have done this in 
some cases, or may have employed free instead of slave labor 
on the farms which they kept in their own hands. 12 It is un- 
fortunate that we do not know what proportion the ordinary 
rent bore to the annual produce or profit. 13 Diodorus seems 
to have thought that the rate established in his time was low ; 
but, if it be true that price is determined by the proportion of 
demand to supply, and if the demand for land must always 
have been great in Egypt owing to the numerous population, 
and the supply limited owing to the small amount of cultiva- 
ble territory, it is reasonable to conclude that rents were at 
least as high there as in other countries. The only advantage 
— and it was certainly no inconsiderable advantage — which the 
ancient Egyptian peasantry enjoyed over their modern repre- 
sentatives in the same country, or in the East generally, would 
seem to have been, that they were not vexatiously interfered 
with by the government, which (unless in extraordinary cases) 
neither required of them forced labor, nor limited their freedom 
of choice with respect to crops, nor in any way cramped them 
in any of their farming operations. 14 It is governmental inter- 
ference which is the curse of the laboring class in the East — 
the liability to be impressed for military service or for employ- 
ment upon the public works — roads, canals, bridges, palaces, 
temples — the liability to be forbidden to grow one kind of pro- 
duce and commanded to grow another — and the crowning vex- 


ation 15 of having to adjust one's harvest operations to the con- 
venience or caprice of the tax-gatherer, who prevents the crops 
from being gathered in until he has taken his share. If the 
Egyptian peasant under the Pharaohs was really free from this 
entire class of restrictions and interferences, it must be allowed 
that, so far, his condition contrasted favorably with that of 
Oriental field-laborers generally. But this difference does not 
appear sufficient to account for the enormous produce which 
the land was made to yield. We return, therefore, to our pre- 
vious statement — that the patient and untiring industry of the 
laborer, and the excellence of the methods which he employed, 
were main causes in bringing about the wonderful result. 

Though there was no season of the year in which agricul- 
tural labors were suspended in Egypt, yet the special time for 
the activity of the husbandman, which may consequently be 
regarded as the commencement of the agricultural year, was 
upon the subsidence of the waters. As the most elevated lands, 
which were those nearest the river, 16 began to reappear, which 
was generally early in October, preparations were at once made 
for the sowing of the grain upon the alluvium just deposited. 
According to Herodotus, 17 there were parts of Egypt where it was 
unnecessary to use either plough or hoe ; the seed was scattered 
upon the rich Nile deposit, and was trodden in by beasts — 
sheep, goats, or pigs, 18 — after which the husbandman had 
nothing to do but simply to await the harvest. This state of 
things must, however, in every age have been exceptional. 
For the most part, upon ordinary lands it was necessary, or at 
any rate desirable, to make some preparation of the ground ; 
and the plough, or the hoe, or both, were put into active em- 
ployment over the greater part of the territory. 

The plough (Fig. 17) used was of a simple character. It 
consisted of the indispensable ploughshare, a double handle, 
and a pole or beam, whereto the animals that drew the imple- 
ment were attached. The beam and stilt were fastened to- 
gether by thongs or by a twisted rope, which kept the share 
and the beam at a proper distance, and helped to prevent the 
former from penetrating too deeply into the earth. It is un- 
certain whether the share was ever shod with metal. 19 Ap- 
parently it was simply of wood, which may have been sufficient 
with a soil so light and friable as the Egyptian. 20 There were, 
of course, no wheels and no colter. In general character the 
implement did not much differ from that of the modern Turks 
and Arabs. 21 Its chief peculiarity was the rounded sweep of 
the stilt and handles, which (to judge by the monuments) w r as 
nearly, though not quite, universal. 22 


The plough was commonly drawn by two oxen or two cows 23 
(Fig. 19), which were either yoked to it by the shoulders, or 
else attached by the horns. In the former case a somewhat 
elaborate arrangement of shoulder-pieces and pads was em- 
ployed ; 24 in the latter, the cross-bar in which the pole termi- 
nated was simply lashed with four thongs to the base of the 
horns. Sometimes a single ploughman guided the plough by 
one of the handles with his left hand, while in his right he 
carried a whip or a goad. More often the implement gave 
employment to two laborers, one of whom held the two han- 
dles in his two hands, while the other drove the animals with 
whip or goad, and no doubt turned them when the end of the 
furrow was reached. 

In soils whose quality was very light and loose, the hoe 
(Fig. 20) took the place of the plough. Three or four peas- 
ants provided with hoes (Fig. 21) went over the ground about 
to be sown, 25 and sufficiently prepared the surface by a slight 
"scarification.'" 26 The hoe, like the plough, was of wood. 27 
It consisted of three parts — a handle, a pick or blade, and a 
twisted thong connecting them. It was sometimes rounded, 
sometimes sharpened to a point, but never (so far as appears) 
sheathed with metal at the end. The shape was curious, and 
has been compared to our letter A. 28 It required the laborer 
to stoop considerably to his work, and cannot be regarded as a 
very convenient implement. 

As soon as the ground was prepared sufficiently, the sowing 
took place. Drill-soAving, though practised by the Assyrians 
from a very early date, 29 seems to have been unknown in Egypt ; 
and the sower, carrying with him the seed in a large basket, 
which he held in his left hand, or else suspended on his left 
arm (sometimes supporting it also with a strap passed round 
his neck), spread the seed broadcast over the furrows. 30 No 
harrow or rake was employed to cover it in. It lay as it fell, 
and, rapidly germinating, soon covered the bare soil with 

The grain most largely cultivated by the Egyptians was 
probably the modern door a, which Herodotus called zea or 
olyra,* 1 and which is a kind of spelt. This grain takes from 
three to four months to ripen, and, if sown in October, might 
be reaped in February. It is now, however, not often sown 
till April, and we may perhaps conclude that the primary at- 
tention of the husbandman was directed, in ancient as in 
modern times, to the more valuable cereals, wheat and barley, 
which were required by the rich ; and that the doora, which 
was needed only by the poor, was raised chiefly as an after- 

Tol. I. 

Plate XIX. 

Fig. 51. — King's Chamber and Chambers of Construction, Great Pyramid. — Page 98, 

Fig. 52.— Section of Brick Pyramid at Illahoun. -See Page 102.— Note 97. 

Plate XX. 


Fig. 53. -Southern Stone Pyramid of Dashoor.- See Page 102. 

Fig. 54.— Outer Casing Stones of the Great Py RA MiD.-See Page 101. 


crop. Wheat and barley would be put into the ground in 
November, and would then be left to the genial influences 
of sun and air, 32 which, under ordinary circumstances, would 
ripen the barley in four and the wheat in five months. No 
hoeing of weeds, no frightening of birds, 33 no calling upon 
heaven for rain, 34 seems to have been required. The husband- 
man might safely trust to nature for an ample return. Boun- 
teous Mother Earth gave from her teeming breast "the staff 
of life" in prodigal abundance, and corn was gathered "as the 
sand of the sea — very much " — till men "left numbering." 35 

The wheat grown was always bearded, 36 and comprised nu- 
merous varieties, one of which bore several ears upon a single 
stalk. 37 It was cut with a toothed sickle, a little below the 
ear, and was either put into baskets, like hops in England, or 
sometimes bound up in sheaves (Fig. 23), arranged so that the 
ears appeared at both ends of the sheaf. When the baskets 
were full they were conveyed, either by men or donkeys, to 
the threshing-floor, and their contents emptied into a heap. 
An ass carried two baskets, which were placed across his back 
like panniers ; but a single basket was regarded as a load for 
two men, and w 7 as slung upon a pole which they bore upon 
their right shoulders. Sometimes, instead of being carried 
straight to the threshing-floor, the corn was borne from the 
harvest-field to a storehouse or granary, and retained there as 
much as a month. 38 Threshing was effected by the tread of 
cattle 39 (Fig. 24), which were driven round and round the 
threshing-floor, while a laborer with a pitchfork threw the 
unthreshed ears into their path. The threshed corn was im- 
mediately winnowed (Fig. 25) by being tossed into the air 
with shovels in a draughty place, 40 so that, while the corn fell, 
the chaff was blown off. When this operation was over, the 
cleansed grain was collected into sacks, and carried to the 
granary, where it was stored until required for use. 

The cultivation of barley was similar to that of wheat, and 
commenced at the same time ; but the harvest took place a 
month earlier. A large quantity must have been grown ; for 
barley bread was in much request, and the grain was also 
malted, and beer brewed from it. 41 Horses were no doubt fed 
largely on it, as they are universally throughout the. East ; and 
it may have been employed also to fatten cattle. 42 

The doora harvest (Fig. 26) is represented on the monu- 
ments as taking place at the same time as the wheat harvest ; ** 
but this is perhaps not intended as the assertion of a fact. In 
modern Egypt the chief crop is sown in April and reaped in 
July j 44 and the ancient practice may have been similar. The 


doom was not cut with the sickle, but pulled up by the roots, 
which were then freed from earth by means of the hand. 45 It 
was bound in sheaves and carried to a storehouse, where it 
probably remained till it was dry. It was then unbound, and 
drawn by the hand through an instrument armed at one end 
with a set of metal spikes, which detached the heads from the 
straw. 46 These were then, it is probable, threshed and win- 
nowed in the usual way. 

When the wheat and barley had been put into the ground, 
the laborer proceeded to make preparations for other crops. 
Several kinds of pulse were largely cultivated, as beans, 47 peas, 
and lentils of two distinct varieties. 48 Artificial grasses, as 
clover, lupins, and vetches, were grown to furnish provender 
for the cattle during the time of the inundation. 49 Flax was 
raised in large quantities for the linen garments which were so 
indispensable ; cotton was cultivated to some extent, as were 
safflower, indigo, the castor-oil plant, sesame, and various me- 
dicinal herbs. Again, there was a most extensive cultivation of 
esculent vegetables, as garlic, leeks, onions, endive, radishes, 
melons, cucumbers, lettuces, etc., which formed a most im- 
portant element in the food of the people. The raising of 
these various crops, of which each farmer cultivated such as 
took his fancy or suited his soil, gave constant employment to 
the agricultural class throughout the entire year, and rendered 
every season an almost equally busy time. 

This constant cultivation resulted, in part, from the mild 
climate, which favored vegetation and rapid growth at all sea- 
sons, in part from the system of irrigation, which had been 
established at a very ancient date, and which was maintained 
with the greatest care by the government. The Egyptians 
were not content with the mere natural advantages of the Nile 
inundation. By an elaborate system of canals, with embank- 
ments, sluices, and flood-gates, they retained the overflow in 
what were in fact vast resorvoirs, from which, after the Nile 
had retired, the greater part of the cultivable territory could 
obtain a sufficient supply of the life-giving fluid during the 
remainder of the year. By embankments they also kept out 
the Nile water from gardens and other lands where its adir^ 
sion would have been injurious, watering these in some other 
way, as from wells or tanks. 50 The government had a general 
control over the main cuttings, opening and closing them ac- 
cording to certain fixed rules, which had for their object the 
fair and equitable distribution of the water supply over the 
whole territory. Each farm received in turn sufficient to fill 
its own main reservoir, and from this by a network of water- 


courses continually diminishing in size the fluid was conveyed 
wherever needed, and at last brought to the very roots of the 
plants. The removal or replacing of a little mud, with the 
hand or with the foot/ 1 turned the water hither or thither, at 
the pleasure of the husbandman, who distributed it as his 
crops required. 

On the banks of the Nile, which (as already observed 52 ) 
were more elevated than the rest of the land, and in gardens, 
and other places occasionally, the shadoof, or hand-swipe, was 
used, 53 and water raised from the river or from wells to the 
height of the soil, over which it was then spread in the usual 
way. Ground thus cultivated was commonly portioned out 
into square beds, "like salt-pans," 54 each enclosed by its own 
raised border of earth, so that the water could be kept in or 
kept out of each bed without difficulty. 

In one part of Egypt a large district, naturally barren, was 
rendered richly productive by hydraulic works of an extraor- 
dinarily grand and elaborate character. 55 This was the tract 
called now the Fayoum, which is a natural depression in the 
Libyan desert, lying at the distance of eight or ten miles from 
the Nile valley, and occupied in part by the natural lake 
known as Birket-el-Keroun, the "Lake of the Horn." A 
canal derived from the Nile, 30 feet deep and 160 feet wide, 
was carried westward through a gorge in the Libyan hills a 
distance of at least eight miles to the entrance of this basin, 
the southeastern portion of which was separated from the rest 
by a vast dam or dyke, 56 within which the water introduced 
by the canal accumulated, and which formed the artificial 
"Lake Mceris" of Herodotus. 57 From this vast reservoir ca- 
nals were carried in all directions over the rest of the basin, 
which sloped gently towards the Keroun ; and the Nile water, 
with its fertilizing deposit and prolific qualities, was thus 
spread over the entire region, 58 which was as large as many an 
English county. 

The land of this tract, which was irrigated but not over- 
flowed by the Nile water, admitted the growth of at least one 
valuable product for which the rest of Egypt was unsuitable. 
The olive was cultivated, according to Strabo, 59 only in the 
Arsinoite nome (the Fayoum), and in some of the gardens of 
Alexandria. It produced a fruit which was remarkably fleshy, 60 
but which did not yield much oil, 61 nor that of a very good 
quality. 62 Still the cultivation was pursued, and the oil ex- 
tracted was doubtless superior to the kinds, which were more 
largely produced, from the sesame and from the castor-oil 



A more important and far more widely-spread cultivation 
was that of the vine. 64 The edge of the Nile valley towards 
the desert, the Hdger, as it is now called, being a light soil, 
consisting of clay mixed with sand or gravel, 65 was suitable for 
the growth of the vine, which is found to have been largely 
cultivated along the whole tract from Thebes to Memphis, 
particularly in the vicinity of the great towns. It was also 
grown in the Fayoum, 66 and towards the western skirt of the 
Delta, at Anthylla, 67 in the Mareotis, 68 and at Plinthine, 69 still 
further to the westward. The alluvial soil, which constituted 
nine-tenths of cultivable Egypt, was ill suited for it ; but still 
there were places within the alluvium where vines were grown, 
as about Sebennytus, the produce of which tract is celebrated 
by Pliny. 70 

Vines were sometimes kept low (as now in France and Ger- 
many), and grew in short bushes, which, apparently, did not 
need even the support of a vine-stake ; 71 but more commonly 
they were allowed to spread themselves, and were trained 
either in bowers (Fig. 27) or on a framework of posts (Fig. 
28) and poles — as now in Italy — which formed shady alleys 
raised about seven feet from the ground. Sometimes, espe- 
cially where the vineyard was attached to a garden, the posts 
were replaced by rows of ornamental columns, painted in bright 
colors, and supporting rafters, and perhaps a trellis-work, from 
which the grapes hung down. This mode of growth shaded 
the roots of the plants, and facilitated the retention of moist- 
ure, which would have evaporated if the culture had been 
more open, owing to the intense heat of the sun. There was 
generally a tank of water near the vines, from which they 
could be supplied if needful ; 7S but great caution was required 
when recourse was had to this method, since too much moist- 
ure was very hurtful to the vine. 

As the fruit approached maturit}^, it was apt to invite the 
attack of birds ; and boys were constantly employed in the 
vineyards at this period to alarm the depredators with shouts, 
and sometimes to thin their numbers with slings. 73 Finally, 
the bunches were carefully gathered by the hand, and, if in- 
tended to be eaten, were arranged in flat open baskets, or, if 
destined for the winepress, were closely packed in deep baskets 
or hampers, which men carried on their heads, or by means of 
a yoke upon their shoulders, to the storehouse or shed, wdiere 
the pressing was accomplished either by treading or by squeez- 
ing in. a bag. The juice seems sometimes to have been drunk 
unfermented ; 74 but more commonly fermentation was awaited, 
after which the wine was stored away m vases or amphoras 


(Fig. 29) of an elegant shape, which were closed with a stop- 
per, and then hermetically sealed with moist clay, pitch, gyp- 
sum, or other suitable substance. 75 The wines in best repute 
were those made at Anthylla, 76 and in the Mareotis, 77 or tract 
about Lake Marea, now Mariout ; the Sebennytic wine was 
also highly esteemed, 78 while that made in the Thebaid, and 
especially about Coptos, was regarded as peculiarly light and 
wholesome. 79 

Though Egypt was in the main an agricultural rather than 
a pastoral country, yet the breeding and rearing of cattle and 
other animals was everywhere a part of the farmer's business, 
and in some districts occupied him almost exclusively. Large 
tracts in the Delta were too wet for the growth of corn, and on 
these cattle were grazed in vast quantities by "the marshmen," 
as they were called, 80 a hardy but rude and lawless race 81 who 
inhabited the more northern parts of Egypt, in the vicinity of 
the great lakes. Elsewhere, too, cattle were reared, partly for 
agricultural work, as ploughing, treading in, and again tread- 
ing out the grain ; 82 partly for draught ; and partly also for the 
table, beef and veal being common articles of food. 83 Three 
distinct varieties of cattle were affected, the long-horned, the 
short-horned, and the hornless. 84 During the greater part of 
the year they were pastured in open fields on the natural 
growth of the rich soil, or on artificial grasses, which were 
cultivated for the purpose ; but at the time of the inundation 
it was necessary to bring them in from the fields to the farm- 
yards, or the villages, where they were kept in sheds or pens 
on ground artificially raised, so as to be beyond the reach of 
the river. 85 At times, when there was a sudden rise of the 
water, much difficulty was experienced in the removal of the 
cattle from their summer to their autumn quarters ; and 
the monuments give frequent representations of the scenes 
which occurred on such occasions — scenes of a most exciting 
character. 86 As the waters overflow the fields and pastures, 
the peasants appear, hurrying to the spot on foot or in boats, 
intent on rescuing the animals (Fig. 30). "Some, tying their 
clothes upon their heads, drag the sheep and goats from the 
water, and put them into boats ; others swim the oxen to the 
nearest high ground ; " 87 here men drive the cattle towards 
the vessels which have come to save them ; their nooses are 
thrown over their horns or heads, by which they are drawn 
towards their rescuers. For some months from this time, the 
whole of the cattle in Egypt were fed in stalls, 88 partly on 
wheaten straw, partly upon artificial grasses, cut previously 
• and dried for the purpose. They passed the night in sheds, 


and were tethered during the day in straw-yards, where their 
wants were carefully attended to. 89 Sick cattle received med- 
ical treatment (Fig. 31), drugs being administered to them in 
balls, which were forced down their throats in the exact style 
of modern veterinary art. 90 

In some parts of Egypt herds were fed upon common pas- 
tures, or, at any rate, were liable to become intermixed, and 
owners had to secure themselves against losses by putting a 
mark upon their beasts. This was effected by tying their legs 
together, throwing them down, and then branding them with 
a red-hot iron upon their shoulders (Fig. 32). The paintings 
in the tombs at Thebes exhibit to us this process in detail, 
showing the heating of the iron at a fire, its application to the 
prostrate cows, and the distress of the calves at the struggles 
and moans of their mothers. 

Besides cattle, the Egyptian farmers bred considerable num- 
bers of sheep (Fig. 33), goats (Fig. 35), and pigs (Fig. 34). 
A single individual in one instance records upon his tomb that 
he was the owner of 834 oxen, 220 cows, 2,234 goats, 760 don- 
keys, and 974 sheep. 91 Mutton was not held in much esteem, 92 
and sheep were consequently but seldom killed for food. The 
Egyptians kept them mainly for the sake of their wool, which 
was required for the manufacture of the cloak or ordinary 
outer garment of the people, 93 for carpets and rugs, 94 and per- 
haps for the coverings of couches and chairs. Egyptian sheep 
are said to have yielded two fleeces each year, and also to have 
produced lambs twice, 95 which would cause the increase of the 
flock to be rapid. It is uncertain for what purpose goats were 
kept. They were occasionally sacrificed, 96 and therefore, no 
doubt, employed as food ; but this practice does not seem to 
have been frequent, and will not account for the large num- 
bers which were bred and reared. Possibly their milk was 
an article of Egyptian diet, 97 or their hair may have been used, 
as it was by the Israelites when they quitted Egypt, 98 in the 
manufacture of certain fabrics, as tent-coverings and the like. 
The Egyptian goats are not, however, represented as long- 

It is certain that swine were largely kept in Egypt, since 
the swineherds were sufficiently numerous to form one of the 
recognized classes into which the population was divided. 99 
According to Herodotus, 100 there were occasions upon which 
the Egyptians were bound to sacrifice them, and once a year 
each Egyptian partook of the flesh ; but otherwise this was 
regarded as utterly unclean ; the swineherds were despised 
and disliked ; and pork was a forbidden food. Still swine 


"frequently formed part of the stock of the farmyard, 101 either 
on account of their usefulness in treading in the grain after 
it was sown, 102 or perhaps because they cleared land rapidly 
of roots and weeds, whose growth was greatly favored by 
the inundation. 103 Pork may also, though forbidden by the 
ordinances of the religion, have been eaten by many of the 
lower orders, who had not much to lose in social rank, were 
free from religious prejudice, and found the meat palatable 
and savory. 

The pig of Egypt, if we may trust the monuments, 104 was a 
hideous-looking animal, long-legged and long-necked, cov- 
ered with rough hair, and with a crest of bristles along the 
wdiole neck and back. The hog was especially ugly ; in the 
sow the worst features were somewhat modified, while in 
the sucking-pig there was nothing particular or fitted to attract 

Egyptian cultivators, while depending for their profits mainly 
upon the growth of grain and vegetables and the increase of 
their flocks and herds, did not neglect those smaller matters 
of the dovecote and the poultry-yard, which often eke out a 
modern farmer's income and are sometimes not unimportant 
to him. The domestic fowl was perhaps not known under 
the Pharaohs ; 105 but the absence of this main support of the 
poultry-yard was compensated for by the great abundance of 
the ducks and geese, more especially the latter, which consti- 
tuted one of the main articles of food in the country, 106 were 
offered to the gods, 107 and were reckoned among the most val- 
uable of farming products. The very eggs of the geese were 
counted in the inventories wherewith land-stewards furnished 
their masters. 108 The geese, themselves, in flocks of fifty or 
more, were brought under the steward's eye to be inspected 
and reckoned. Goslings for the service of the table were 
delivered to him in baskets. 109 Ducks, though less common 
than geese, were likewise among the produce of the farm- 
yard ; 110 and pigeons, which were a favorite article of food, 111 
must also have engaged the attention of the producing class. 

It is among the most remarkable features of Egyptian farm- 
ing, that not domestic animals only, but wild ones also, were 
bred and reared on the great estates. Wild goats, gazelles, 
and oryxes appear among the possessions of the larger land- 
owners, 112 no less than oxen, sheep, and goats; and similarly, 
in the poultry-yard, the stork, the vulpanser, and other wild 
fowl share the farmer's attention with ordinary ducks and 
geese. 113 Probably no sharp line of distinction had been as yet 
drawn between domestic andjwild animals; it was not known 


how far domestication might be successfully carried \ expert* 
ments, in fact, were in progress which ultimately proved fail- 
ures, the birds and beasts either not being capable of being 
thoroughly tamed, or not nourishing under human control 
sufficiently to make it worth the breeder's while to keep on 
with them. 

Another curious feature of Egyptian husbandly was the 
entire absence of wagons m and the very rare use of carts. 11 * 
Agricultural produce was transported from the field to the 
barn or farm-yard mainly by human labor, 116 the peasants car- 
rying it in bags or baskets on their shoulders, or slung between 
two men on a pole, or sometimes by means of a yoke. Where 
this simple method was insufficient, asses were commonly em- 
ployed to remove the produce, which they carried in panniers 
or else piled upon their backs. 117 In conveying grain, or pro- 
vender, or cattle even, to a distant market, it is probable that 
boats were largely used, 118 water communication between all 
parts of Egypt being easy by means of the Nile and the exten- 
sive canal systems, while roads did not exist, and the country, 
being everywhere intersected by water channels, was ill adapted 
for wheeled vehicles. 119 

The beasts of burden used in Egypt were asses, cows, and 
oxen. Horses, which were carefully bred from the time of 
their introduction, probably under the eighteenth dynasty, 120 
were regarded as too noble, and perhaps too valuable, for such 
a purpose. They were commonly either ridden 121 or employed 
to draw curricles and chariots, 122 chiefly by men of the upper 
classes. Farmers are said to have made use of them occasion- 
ally to draw the plough; ira but this cannot have been a common 
practice. Great numbers were required for the war-chariots, 
which formed so important an element in the Egyptian mili- 
tary force ; the cavalry employed almost as many ; 124 a brisk 
trade in them was also carried on with Syria and Palestine, 
where they were in great request, and fetched high prices. 125 
They seem not to have been allowed to graze in the fields, but 
to have been kept constantly in stables and fed on straw and 
barley. 126 On the whole, it is clear that their connection with 
agriculture was but slight ; and this brief notice of them will 
therefore suffice for the purposes of the present chapter. 

Vol. I. 

Plate XXI. 

n't ll' 1 

Plate XXII. 

Vol. I 


Fig. 56.— Doric Pillar and Section 
of Base.— See Page 103. 

Fig. 57. — Egyptian Pillar and Sec 
tion of Base.— See Page 103. 

Fig. 53.— See Pa-re 103. 

Vol. I. 

Plate XXI II. 

Fig. 60.— Ground-Pla> of Temple at Medinet-Abou.— See Page 105 c 

Plate XXIV. 

Vol. I. 

tig. (il.— Section of Temple at Medinet-Abou. — See Page 105. 

ii.iitj'Vv'Vv, i, MM] \ ' M 

iKp* m-SJm. i iiijiii&J4E 

.in »■.... \ — ■'»;! ■ ' rr — mi" ^ !i r~!ih 

Fig. 62.— Section of Hall, Rameseum, Thebes.— See Page 106. 


Fig. 03 -Steles in front of Granite Cell. Great Temple, Karnak.— See Page 109. 




Earliest Egyptian Architecture, sepulchral. Most ancient Tombs. Primitive 
stepped Pyramids— Pyramid of Meydoun— of Saccarah. Great Pyramids 
of Ghizeh. Intention of the Pyramids. Their teclmic excellence. Theii 
aesthetic merit. Pyramids of two elevations. Rock Tombs. Primitive 
Temples. Later ones— Temple at Medinet Abou— Kameseum— Great Tem- 
ple of Kamak. Obelisks. Southern Karnak Temple. Mammeisi. Beau- 
ties of the Architecture— Massiveness— Elegance of Columns and Capitals 
— Caryatide Piers— Employment of Color. Egyptian domestic Archi- 
tecture. Pavilion of Barneses III. Houses of Private Persons. Chief 
Peculiarities of Egyptian Construction. Non-employment of the Arch— 
Symmetrophobia— Contrivances for increasing apparent Size of Buildings. 

<bacr\v [AiyvTrTioi] Seiv 9avixd^eiv fiaWov tovs apxt-TCKTOvas rwv epAwv ij tovs /SacrAei?. 

— DiOD. Sic. i, 64. 

The origin of Architecture in the proper sense of the term., 1 
is different in different countries. In most it springs from the 
need which man has of shelter, and the desire which he enter- 
tains of making his dwelling-place not merely comfortable, but 
handsome. In some this desire seems not to have been early 
developed ; but in lieu of it, the religious sentiment brought 
architecture into life, 2 the desire which worked being that of 
giving to the buildings wherein God was worshipped a grandeur, 
a dignity, and a permanency worthy of Him. According to 
Herodotus, 3 the first Egyptian edifice of any pretension was a 
temple ; and, could we depend on this statement, it would 
follow that Egypt was one of the countries in which archi- 
tecture sprang from religion. The investigations, however, 
conducted on Egyptian soil by modern inquirers, have led most 
of them to a different conclusion, and have seemed to them to 
justify Diodorus in the important place whicn he assigns, in 
speaking of Egyptian architecture, to the Tomb. "The inhab- 
itants of this region," says the learned Siceliot, "consider the 
term of man's present life to be utterly insignificant, and de- 
vote by far the largest part of their attention to the life after 
death. They call the habitations of the living ' places of 
sojourn/ since we occupy them but for a short time ; but to 
the sepulchres of the dead they give the name of i eternal 
abodes/ since men will live in the other world for an infinite 
period. For these reasons they pay little heed to the construc- 
tion of their houses, while in what concerns burial they place 
no limit to the extravagance of their efforts. 1 ' 4 


The early Egyptian remains are in entire harmony with this 
statement. They consist almost exclusively of sepulchral edi- 
fices. While scarcely a vestige is to be found of the ancient 
capital, Memphis, its necropolis on the adjacent range of hills 
contains many hundreds of remarkable tombs, and among them 
the "Three Pyramids" which, ever since the time of Herodotus, 
have attracted the attention of the traveller beyond all the 
other marvels of the country. The art of pyramid building, 
which culminated in these mighty efforts, must have been 
practised for a considerable period before it reached the degree 
of perfection which they exhibit ; and it is an interesting ques- 
tion, whether we cannot to a certain extent trace the progress 
of the art in the numerous edifices which cluster around the 
three giants, and stretch from them in two directions, north- 
ward to Abu-Roash, and southward as far as the Fayoum. 5 
The latest historian of architecture has indeed conjectured 
that one, at any rate, of the most interesting of these subordi- 
nate buildings is of later date than the Three ; 6 but the best 
Egyptologists are of a different opinion, and regard it as among 
the most ancient of existing edifices. 7 It is not improbable 
that some of the smaller unpretentious tombs are earlier, as 
they are simpler, than any of the pyramidal ones, and it is 
therefore with these that we shall commence the present ac- 
count of Egyptian sepulchral architecture. 

Around the pyramids of Ghizeh, and in other localities also, 
wherever pyramids exist, are found numerous comparatively 
insignificant tombs which have as yet been only very partially 
explored and still more imperfectly described. "Their general 
form is that of a truncated pyramid, low, and looking exter- 
nally like a house with sloping walls, with only one door lead- 
ing to the interior, though they may contain several apart- 
ments ; and no attempt is made to conceal the entrance. The 
body seems to have been preserved from profanation by being- 
hid in a well of considerable depth, the opening into which 
was concealed in the thickness of the walls." 8 The ground-plan 
of these tombs is usually an oblong square, the walls are of 
great thickness, and the roofs of the chambers are in some 
instances supported by massive square stone piers. There is 
little external ornamentation ; 9 but the interior is in almost 
every instance elaborate^ decorated with colored bas-reliefs, 
representing either scenes of daily life or religious and mystic 

It was no great advance on these truncated pyramids to 
conceive the idea of adding to their height and solidity by the 
superimposition of some further stories, constructed on a sim- 


ilar principle, but without internal chambers. An example of 
this stage of construction seems to remain in the curious mon- 
ument at Meydoun, called by some a "pyramid," by others a 
"tower," 10 of which Fig. 38 is a representation. 

This monument, which is emplaced upon a rocky knoll, has 
a square base, about 200 feet each way, and rises at an angle 
of 74° 10', in three distinct stages, to an elevation of nearly 
125 feet. The first stage is by far the loftiest of the three, 
being little short of seventy feet ; the second somewhat exceeds 
thirty-two feet, while the third (which, however, may origi- 
nally have been higher) is at present no more than twenty-two 
feet six inches. 11 The material is a compact limestone, and 
must have been brought from a considerable distance. The 
blocks, which vary in length, have a thickness of about two 
feet, and "have been worked and put together with great 
skill." 19 No interior passages or chambers have as yet been 
discovered in this edifice, which lias, however, up to the pres- 
ent date, been examined very insufficiently. 

After the idea of obtaining elevation, and so grandeur, by 
means of stages had been once conceived, it was easy to carry 
out the notion to a much greater extent than that which had 
approved itself to the architect of the Pyramid of Meydoun 
(Fig. 38). Accordingly we find at Saccarah an edifice similar 
in general character to the Meydoun pile, but built in six in- 
stead of three stages. 13 The proportions are also enlarged 
considerably, the circumference measuring 1,490 feet instead 
of 800, and the height extending to 200 feet instead of 125. 
The stages still diminish in height as they rise ; but the dim- 
inution is only slight, the topmost stage of all falling short 
of the basement one by no more than eight feet and a 
half. 14 

The sides of the several stages have a uniform slope (Fig. 40), 
which is nearly at the same angle with that of the Meydoun 
building— viz. 73° 30' instead of 74° 10'. The core of the 
Saccarah pyramid (Fig. 39) is of rubble ; 15 but this poor nu- 
cleus is covered and protected on all sides with a thick casing 
of limestone, somewhat roughly hewn and apparently quarried 
on the spot. In the rock beneath the pyramid, and almost 
under its apex, 16 is a sepulchral chamber paved with granite 
blocks, which, when discovered, contained a sarcophagus, 17 
and was connected with the external world by passages care- 
fully concealed. A doorway leading into another smaller 
chamber, a low and narrow opening, was ornamented at the 
sides by green cubes of baked clay, enamelled on the surface, 
alternating with small limestone blocks; and the limestone 


lintel, which covered in the doorway at the top, was adorned 
with hieroglyphics. 18 

Among other peculiarities of this pyramid are its departure 
from correct orientation, and its oblong-square shape. It is 
said to be "the only pyramid in Egypt the sides of which do 
not exactly face the cardinal points.'" 19 The departure is as 
much as 4° 35', and can therefore scarcely have been unin- 
tentional. To intention must also be ascribed the other pecu- 
liarity (which is not unexampled), 20 since the length by which 
the eastern and western sides exceeded the northern and south- 
ern was certainly as much as 43 feet. According to a conjec- 
ture of the principal explorer, the original difference was even* 
greater, amounting to 63 feet, or more than one-fifth of the 
length of the shorter sides. 21 

When multiplication of the stages had once been conceived 
of as possible, it became a mere question of taste for the de- 
signer or the orderer of a monument how numerous the stages 
should be. It was as easy to make them sixty as six, or two 
hundred as two. Evidence is wanting as to intermediate ex- 
periments ; but it seems soon to have suggested itself to the 
Egyptian builders that the natural limit was that furnished 
by the thickness of the stones with which they built, each 
layer of stones conveniently forming a distinct and separate 
stage (Fig. 37). Finally, when a gw<m-pyramid was in this 
way produced, it would naturally occur to an artistic mind to 
give a perfect finish to the whole by smoothing the exterior, 
which could be done in two ways — either by planing down 
the projecting angles of the several stages to a uniform level, 22 
or by filling up the triangular spaces between the top of each 
step and the side of the succeeding one. 

There are from sixty to seventy pyramids remaining in Egypt 23 
Which appear to have been constructed on these principles. 
Agreeing in form and in general method of construction, they 
differ greatly in size, and so in dignity and grandeur. As it 
would be wearisome to the reader if we were to describe more 
than a few of these w T orks, and as it has been usual from the 
most ancient times to distinguish three above all the rest, 24 w r e 
shall be content to follow the example of most previous histo- 
rians of Egypt, and to conclude our account of this branch of 
Egyptian architecture with a brief description of the Three 
Great Pyramids of Ghizeh. 

The smallest of these constructions (Fig. 41), w T hich is usually 
regarded as being the latest, was nearly of the same general 
dimensions as the stepped pyramid of Saccarah recently de- 
scribed. It a little exceeded the Saccarah building in height^ 


while it a little fell short of it in circumference. The base 
was a square, exact or nearly so, each side measuring 354 feet 
and a few inches. 25 The perpendicular height was 218 feet, 
and the angle of the slope fifty-one degrees. The pyramid 
covered an area of two acres three roods and twenty-one poles, 
and contained above nine millions of cubic feet of solid ma- 
sonry, calculated to have weighed 702,460 tons. 26 Originally 
it was built in steps or stages, 27 like the Saccarah monument ; 
the stages, however, were perpendicular, and not sloping ; they 
seem to have been five in number, and were not intended to 
be seen, the angles formed by the steps being at once filled in 
with masonry. Externally the lower half of the pyramid was 
covered with several layers of a beautiful red granite, 28 bev- 
elled at the joints, 29 while the casing of the upper half as well as 
the main bulk of the interior was of limestone. Nearly below 
the apex, sunk deep in the native rock on which the pyramid 
stands, is a sepulchral chamber, or rather series of chambers, 
in one of which was found the sarcophagus of the monarch 
whom tradition had long pointed out as the builder of the 
monument. 30 The chamber in question, which measures 
twenty-one feet eight inches in length, eight feet seven inches 
in breadth, and eleven feet three inches in its greatest height, 31 
runs in a direction which is exactly north and south, and is 
composed entirely of granite. The floor was originally formed 
of large masses well put together, but had been disturbed be- 
fore any modern explorer entered the room ; the sides and 
ends were lined with slabs two and a half feet thick ; while 
the roof was composed of huge blocks set obliquely, and ex- 
tending from the side walls, on which they rested, to the cen- 
tre, where they met at an obtuse angle (Fig. 42). Internally 
these blocks had been caved out after being put in place, 
and the roof of the chamber was thus a pointed arch of a de- 
pressed character. The slabs covering the sides had been 
fastened to the rock and to each other by means of iron 
cramps, two of which were found in situ.™ 

The sarcophagus (Fig. 44) which the chamber contained 
was extremely remarkable. Formed, with the exception of 
the lid, of a single mass of blue-black basalt, and exhibiting 
in places marks of the saw which had been used in quarrying 
it, it had been carved and polished with great care, and was a 
beautiful object. 33 The ends almost exactly reproduced those 
doorways of ancient tombs which have been already mentioned 
as imitations of woodwork, 34 while the sides showed a continu- 
ation of the same carving, and are thought to represent the 
facade of a palace. 35 Externally the sarcophagus was eight 


feet long, three feet high, and three broad ; internally the 
dimensions were six feet by two. 36 The weight was nearly 
three tons. 37 

In the close neighborhood of the sepulchral chamber, and 
connected with it by a short passage (Fig. 43), was another 
larger one, which is thought to have also once held a sarcoph- 
agus ; 38 but this cannot be regarded as certain. Two pas- 
sages lead out of the larger apartment, a lower and a higher 
one. The lower one is 1?5 feet long, and conducts from the 
great chamber to the external air, at first along a level, but 
afterwards by an incline, which rises gently at an angle of 26° 
2'. The other passage is much shorter. It leads out of the 
upper part of the great chamber, at first horizontally, but 
afterwards at a slope of 27° 34', terminating where it reaches 
the surface of the rock and comes in contact with the masonry 
of the pyramid. 39 It is conjectured that this was the original 
entrance, and that the monument, as first designed, w 7 as to 
have had a base of only 180 feet and an elevation of 145 ; but 
that afterwards, either the original designer or a later sovereign 
conceived the idea of enlarging the work, and, having built 
over the upper passage, constructed a new one. 40 

The Second Pyramid of Ghizeh (Fig. 45), situated KKE. 
of the Third, at the distance of about two hundred and seventy 
yards, had an area which was about four times as large, and 
attained an elevation exceeding that of the Third by a little 
more than a hundred feet. The base was a square, each side 
of which measured 707 feet ; the sides rose at an angle of 52° 
20' ; and the perpendicular height was, consequently, 454 
feet. 41 The area covered amounted to almost eleven acres and 
a half ; 42 the cubic contents are estimated at 71,670,000 feet ; 
and the weight of the entire mass is calculated at 5,309,000 
tons. 43 Like most other pyramids, it contained a sepulchral 
chamber almost under the apex ; this was carved out of the 
solid rock, but covered in by the basement stones of the edi- 
fice (Fig. 46), which were here sloped at an angle. 44 The 
length of the chamber from east to west w r as forty-six feet, its 
breadth from north to south a little more than sixteen feet, its 
greatest height twenty-two feet. 45 It contained a plain granite 
sarcophagus, without inscription of any kind, wdiich was sunk 
into the floor, 46 and measured in length eight feet seven inches, 
in breadth three feet six inches, and in depth three feet. 47 The 
chamber was connected with the world without by two pas- 
sages, one of which, commencing in the north side of the 
pyramid, at the height of fifty feet above the base, descended 
to the level of the base at an angle of 25° 55', after which it 


became horizontal ; while the other, beginning outside the 
pyramid in the pavement at its foot, descended at an angle of 
21° 40' for a hundred feet, was horizontal for sixty feet, and 
then, ascending for ninety-six feet, joined the upper passage 
halfway between the outer air and the central chamber. 48 
Connected with the horizontal part of the lower passage were 
two other smaller chambers, which did not appear to have 
been sepulchral. These measured respectively eleven feet by 
six and thirty-four feet by ten. 49 They were entirely hewn out 
of the solid rock, and had no lining of any kind. The pas- 
sages were in part lined with granite ; 50 and granite seems to 
have been used for the outer casing of the two lower tiers of 
the pyramid, 51 thus extending to a height of between seven and 
eight feet ; but otherwise the material employed was either the 
limestone of the vicinity, or the better quality of the same sub- 
stance which is furnished by the Mokattam range. The con- 
struction is inferior to that of either the First or the Third 
Pyramid ; it is loose and irregular, in places "a sort of gigantic 
rubble-work," composed of large blocks of stone intermixed 
with mortar, 52 and seems scarcely worthy of builders who were 
acquainted with such far superior methods. 

The First Pyramid of Ghizeh— the "Great Pyramid" (Fig. 
47), as it is commonly called — the largest and loftiest build- 
ing which the world contains, is situated almost due northeast 
of the Second Pyramid, 53 at the distance of about 200 yards. 
It was placed on a lower level than that occupied by the Second 
Pyramid, and did not reach to as great an elevation above the 
plain. 54 In height from the base, however, it exceeded that 
pyramid by twenty-six feet six inches, in the length of the 
base line by fifty-six feet, and in the extent of the area by one 
acre three roods and twenty-four poles. Its original perpen- 
dicular height is variously estimated, at 480, 484, and 485 
feet. 55 The length of its side was 764 feet, 56 and its area thir- 
teen acres one rood and twenty-two poles. It has been famil- 
iarly described as a building "more elevated than the Cathe- 
dral of St. Paul's, on an area about that of Lincoln's Inn 
Fields." 57 The solid masonry which it contained is estimated 
at more than 89,000,000 cubic feet, and the weight of the 
mass at 6,848,000 tons. 58 The basement stones are many of 
them thirty feet in length 59 and nearly five feet high. Alto- 
gether, the edifice is the largest and most massive building in 
the world, 60 and not only so, but by far the largest and most 
massive — the building which approaches it the nearest being 
the Second Pyramid, which contains 17,000,000 cubic feet less< 
and is very much inferior in the method of its construction. 


The internal arrangement of chambers and passages in the 
Great Pyramid is peculiar and complicated. A single entrance 
in the middle of the northern front, opening from the thir- 
teenth step or stage from the base, conducts by a gradual in- 
cline, at an angle of 26° 41', to a subterranean chamber, deep 
in the rock, and nearly under the apex of the building, which 
measures forty-six feet by twenty-seven, and is eleven feet 
high. 61 The passage itself is low and narrow, varying from 
four to three feet only in height, and in width from three feet 
six inches to two feet nine. It is necessary to creep along 
the whole of it in a stooping posture. The sides, which are 
perpendicular, are formed of blocks of Mokattam limestone, 
and the passage is roofed in by flat masses of the same. Above 
two such masses are seen, at the entrance (Fig. 48), two 
stones, and then two more placed at an angle, and meeting 
so that they support each other, and act as an arch, taking 
off the pressure of the superincumbent masonry. It is sup- 
posed that the same construction has been emplo} r ed along 
the whole passage until it enters the rock. 62 This it does at 
the distance of about forty yards from the outer air, after 
which it is carried through the rock in the same line for about 
seventy yards, nearly to the subterranean chamber, with which 
it is joined by a horizontal passage nine yards in length. No 
sarcophagus w r as found in this chamber, which must, however, 
it is thought, have originally contained one. 63 

At the distance of twenty-one yards from the entrance to 
the pyramid an ascending passage goes off from the descend- 
ing one, at an angle which is nearly similar, 64 and this passage 
is carried through the heart of the pyramid, with the same 
height and width as the other, for the distance of 124 feet. 
At this point it divides. 65 A low T horizontal gallery, 110 feet 
long, conducts to a chamber, winch has been called "the 
Queen^s," 66 a room about nineteen feet long by seventeen feet 
broad, roofed in w r ith sloping blocks, and having a height of 
twenty feet in the centre. 67 Another longer and much loftier 
gallery or corridor continues on in the line of the ascending 
passage for 150 feet, and is then joined by a short passage to 
the central or main chamber — that in which was found the 
sarcophagus of Cheops, or Khufu.* 8 The great gallery is of 
very curious construction (Fig. 49). It is five feet tw r o inches 
w r ide at the base, and is formed of seven layers of stones, each 
layer projecting a little beyond the one below it, so that the 
gallery contracts as it ascends ; and the ceiling, which measures 
only about four feet, is formed of flat stones laid across this 
space, and resting on the two uppermost layers or tiers. The 

Vol. I. 

Plate XXV 

OO 0© 




\f V 










—Ground-plan of the Rameseum.— See Page 106. 

Plate XXVL 

Vo' L 

Fig. 65.— Hall of Columns in the Great Temple of Karnak.— See Page 108. 


central chamber (Fig. 51), into which this gallery leads, has 
a length (from east to west) of thirty-four feet, a width of 
seventeen feet, and a height of nineteen. 69 It is composed 
wholly of granite, beautifully polished, 70 and is roofed in a. 
manner which shows great ingenuity and extreme care. In 
the first place, nine enormous granite blocks, each of them 
measuring nearly nineteen feet long, 71 are laid across the room 
to form the ceiling ; then above these there is a low chamber, 
roofed in similarly ; this is followed by a second chamber, a 
third, and a fourth ; finally, above the fourth, is a triangular 
opening, roofed in by blocks that slope at an angle and sup- 
port each other, like those over the entrance. Further, from 
the great chamber are carried, northwards and southwards, 
two ventilators or air passages, which open on the outer sur- 
face of the pyramid, and are respectively 233 and 174 feet 
long. 72 These passages are square, or nearly so, and have 
a diameter varying between six and nine inches. Finally, 
it must be noted that from the subterranean chamber a pass- 
age is continued towards the south, which is horizontal, and 
extends a distance of fifty-three feet, where it abruptly termi- 
nates without leading to anything. 73 

Many speculations have been indulged in, and various most 
ingenious theories have been framed, as to the object or objects 
for which the pyramids were constructed, and as to their per- 
fect adaptation to their ends. It has been supposed that the 
Great Pyramid embodies revelations as to the earth's diameter 
and circumference, the true length of an arc of the meridian, 
and the proper universal unit of measure. 74 It has been con- 
jectured that it was an observatory, and that its sides and its 
various passages had their inclinations determined by the posi- 
tion of certain stars at certain seasons. 75 But the fact seems 
to be, as remarked by the first of living English Egyptologers, 76 
that "these ideas do not appear to have entered into the minds 
of the constructors of the pyramids," who employed the meas- 
ures known to them for their symmetrical construction, 77 but 
had no theories as to measure itself, and sloped their passages at 
such angles as were most convenient, without any thought of 
the part of the heavens whereto they would happen to point. 
The most sound and sober view seems to be, that the pyramids 
were intended simply to be tombs. 78 The Egyptians had a 
profound belief in the reality of the life beyond the grave, and 
a conviction that that life was, somehow or other, connected 
with the continuance of the body. They embalmed the bodies 
of the dead in a most scientific way ; and having thus, so far 
as was possible, secured them against the results of natural 


decay, they desired to secure them also against accidents and 
against the malice of enemies. With this view they placed 
them in chambers, rock-cut, or constructed of huge blocks of 
stone, and then piled over these chambers a mass that would, 
they thought, make it almost impossible that they should be 
violated. The leading idea which governed the forms of their 
constructions was that of durability ; 79 and the pyramid ap- 
pearing to them to be, as it is, the most durable of architect- 
ural forms, they accordingly adopted it. The passages with 
which the pyramids are penetrated were required by the cir- 
cumstance that kings built their sepulchres for themselves, 
instead of trusting to the piety of a successor, and thus it was 
necessary to leave a way of access to the sepulchral chamber. 
No sooner was the body deposited than the passage or passages 
were blocked. Huge portcullises, great masses of granite or 
other hard stone, were placed across them, 80 and these so ef- 
fectually obstructed the ways that moderns have in several 
instances had to leave them where they were put by the build- 
ers, and to quarry a path round them. 81 The entrances to the 
passages were undoubtedly "intended to be concealed," 82 and 
were, we may be sure, concealed in every case, excepting the 
rare one of the accession, before the tomb was finished, of a 
new and hostile dynasty. 83 As for the angles of the passages, 
whereof so much has been said, they were determined by the 
engineering consideration, at what slope a heavy body like a 
sarcophagus could be lowered or raised to most advantage, 
resting without slipping when required to rest, and moving 
readily when required to move. 84 The ventilating passages 
of the Great Pyramid were simply intended to run in the line 
of shortest distance between the central chamber and the ex- 
ternal air. This line they did not exactly attain, the northern 
passage reaching the surface of the pyramid about fifteen feet 
lower, and the southern one about the same distance higher 
than it ought, results arising probably from slight errors in 
the calculations of the builders. 

In considering the architectural merit of the pyramids, two 
points require to be kept distinct — first their technic, and 
secondly their artistic or aesthetic value. 

Technically speaking, a simple pyramid is not a work of 
much difficulty. To place masses of stone in layers one upon 
another, each layer receding from the last, and the whole 
rising in steps until a single stone crowns the summit ; then 
to proceed downwards and smooth the faces, either by cutting 
away the projections or by filling up the angles of the steps, 
is a process requiring little constructive art and no very re- 


markable engineering skill. If the stones are massive, then, 
of course, a certain amount of engineering proficiency will be 
implied in their quarrying, their transport, and their eleva- 
tion into place; but this last will be much facilitated by the 
steps, since they afford a resting-place for the block which is 
being raised, at each interval of two or three feet. 85 Had the 
Egyptian pyramids been nothing more than this — had they 
been merely solid masses of stone — the technic art displayed 
in them would not have been great. We should have had to 
notice for approval only the proper arrangement of the steps 
in a gradually diminishing series, 86 the prudent employment 
of the largest blocks for the basement and of smaller and still 
smaller ones above, and the neat cutting and exact fitting of 
the stones (Fig. 54) that form the outer casing. 87 As it is, 
however, the pyramid-builders are deserving of very much 
higher praise. Their constructions were not solid, but had 
to contain passages and chambers — chambers which it was 
essential should remain intact, and passages which must not 
be allowed to cause any settlement or subsidence of the build- 
ing. It is in the formation of these passages and chambers 
that the architects of the pyramids exhibited their technic 
powers. "No one can possibly examine the interior of the 
Great Pyramid" (Fig. 55), says Mr. Fergusson, "without 
being struck with astonishment at the wonderful mechanical 
skill displayed in its construction. The immense blocks of 
granite brought from Syene — a distance of 500 miles — polished 
like glass, and so fitted that the joints can scarcely be detected. 
Nothing can be more wonderful than the extraordinary amount 
of knowledge displayed in the construction of the discharging 
chambers over the roof of the principal apartment, in the 
alignment of the sloping galleries, in the provision of venti- 
lating shafts, and in all the wonderful contrivances of the 
structure. All these, too, are carried out with such precision 
that, notwithstanding the immense superincumbent weight, 
no settlement in any part can be detected to the extent of an 
appreciable fraction of an inch. Nothing more perfect mechan- 
ically has ever been erected since that time." 88 

iEsthetically, the pyramids have undoubtedly far less merit. 
"In itself," as the writer above quoted well observes, "there 
can be nothing less artistic than a pyramid." 89 It has no ele- 
ment of architectural excellence but greatness, and this it con- 
ceals as much as possible. "A pyramid never looks as large 
as it is ; and it is not till you almost touch it that you can 
realize its vast dimensions. This is owing principally to all 
its parts sloping away from the eye instead of boldly challeng- 


ing observation." 90 Still, the great pyramids of Egypt, haw 
ing this disadvantage to struggle against, must be said to have 
overcome it. By the vastness of their mass, by the impression 
of solidity and durability which they produce, partly also per- 
haps by the symmetry and harmony of their lines and their 
perfect simplicity and freedom from ornament, the} r do convey 
to the beholder a sense of grandeur and majesty, they do pro- 
duce within him a feeling of astonishment and awe, such as is 
scarcely caused by any other of the erections of man. In all 
ages travellers have felt and expressed the warmest and strong- 
est admiration for them. 91 They impressed Herodotus as no 
works that he had seen elsewhere, except perhaps the Baby- 
lonian. 9 ' 2 They astonished Germanicus, familiar as he was 
with the great constructions of Kome. 93 They stirred the spirit 
of Napoleon, and furnished him with one of his most telling- 
phrases. 94 Greece and Kome reckoned them iimong the Seven 
AVonders of the world. 95 Moderns have doubted whether they 
could really be the work of human hands. 96 If they possess 
one only of the elements of architectural excellence, the}- pos- 
sess that element to so great an extent that in respect of it 
they are unsurpassed, and probably unsurpassable. 

Before quitting altogether the subject of the pyramids it 
should perhaps be noted — first, that the Egyptians not unfre- 
quently built brick pyramids, 97 and prided themselves upon 
constructing durable monuments with so poor a material; 98 
and secondly, that they occasionally built pyramids with two 
distinct inclinations. The southern stone pyramid of Dashoor 
(Fig. 53), which has a base of nearly C17 feet, is commenced 
at an angle of 54° 15', and, if this slope had been continued, 
must have risen to an elevation of nearly 400 feet. When, 
however, the work had been carried up to the height of about 
150 feet, the angle was suddenly changed to one of 42° only, 
and the monument being finished at this low slope, lost sixty 
feet of its proper elevation, falling short of 340 feet by a few 
inches." The effect of a pyramid of this kind is pronounced 
to be unpleasant ; 10 ° and there can be little doubt 101 that the 
change of construction, when made, was an afterthought re- 
sulting from a desire to complete the work more rapidly than 
had been at first intended. 

Besides the brick and stone tombs thus elaborately con- 
structed, the Egyptians were also in the habit of forming 
rock-sepulchres by excavations in the mountains whereby the 
Nile Valley was bordered. These excavated tombs belong to 
a period somewhat later than that of the pyramids, and have 
but few architectural features, being for the most part a mere 


succession of chambers and passages, 102 with walls and ceilings 
ornamented by painting and sculpture, but devoid of any 
architectural decoration. Still, there are certain exceptions 
to the general rule. Occasionally the entrances, and again 
the larger chambers, are supported, by columns ; and these, 
though for the most part plain, have in some instances an 
ornamentation which is interesting, showing as it does the 
germ of features which ultimately came to be employed widely 
and recognized as possessing great merit. In the earliest of 
the rock-tombs the pillar is a mere pier, 103 at first square or, 
at any rate, rectangular ; then the projecting angles are cut 
away, and the shape becomes octagonal ; finally, the octagon 
is rounded off into a circle (Fig. 58). This form being too 
simple, an ornamentation of it is projected, and that sort of 
shallow fluting appears which characterizes the Doric order 
of the Greeks (Fig. 56). Several tombs at Beni Hassan, in 
Middle Egypt, exhibit pillars so like the Grecian that they 
have obtained the name of "Pro to-Doric.'" 104 Sixteen shallow 
curved indentations, carried in straight lines from top to bot- 
tom of the columns, streak them with delicate varieties of 
shade and light, adding greatly to their richness and effect. 
The sides slope a little, so that the column tapers gently ; but 
there is no perceptible entasis or hyperbolic curve of the sides. 
The base is large, and there is a square plinth between the 
column and the architrave, which latter is wholly unorna- 
mented. The entire effect is simple and pleasing. 105 

Another still more elegant and thoroughly Egyptian column 
(Fig. 5?), which is found occasionally in the early tombs, seems 
to deserve description. This appears to imitate four reeds or 
lotus stalks, clustered together and bound round with a liga- 
ture near the top, above which they swell out and form a cap- 
ital. This pillar stands — like the other — on its own base, 
and is rather more tapering. It was sometimes delicately col- 
ored with streaks and bars of blue, pink, yellow, green, and 
white, which gave it a very agreeable appearance. 106 

The spaces between the pillars are sometimes occupied by 
curvilinear roofs, 107 which, though not exhibiting any engineer- 
ing skill, since they are merely cut in the rock, imply, at any 
rate, an appreciation of the beauty of coved ceilings, and 
suggest, if they do not prove, an acquaintance with the arch. 
Such a knowledge was certainly possessed by the later Egyp- 
tians, and may not improbably have been acquired even at the 
very remote date to which the tombs in question belong. 

Although their early architecture is almost entirely of a 
sepulchral character, yet we have a certain amount of evidence 


that, even from the first, the Temple had a place in the regards 
of the Egyptians, though a place very much inferior to that 
occupied by the Tomb. Not only is the building of temples 
ascribed by the ancient writers to more than one of the early 
kings, 108 but remains have been actually found which the best 
authorities view as edifices of this class, 109 belonging certainly 
to a very ancient period. One such edifice has been discovered, 
and at least partially explored, in the immediate vicinity of 
the Second Pyramid — that of Chephren — and may be con- 
fidently regarded as of his erection. It consists mainly of 
a single apartment, built in the form of the letter T (Fig. 59), 
and measuring about 100 feet each way. The entrance was in 
the middle of the crossbar of the T, which was a sort of gallery 
100 feet long by twenty-two wide, divided down the middle 
by a single range of oblong-square piers, built of the best 
Syenite granite. From this gallery opened out at right angles 
the other limb of the apartment, which had a length of nearly 
eighty feet with a breadth of thirty-three, and was divided by 
a double range of similiar piers into three portions, just as our 
churches commonly are into a nave and two aisles. The tem- 
ple has no roof, but is believed to have been covered with 
granite blocks, laid across from the walls to the piers, or from 
one pier to another. The walls were lined with slabs of ala- 
baster, arragonite, or other rare stones, skilfully cut and deftly 
fitted together ; and the temple was further adorned with 
statues of the founder, having considerable artistic merit, and 
executed in green basalt, 110 a close-grained and hard material. 
A certain number of narrow passages, leading to small cham- 
bers, were connected with it, but these must be regarded as 
mere adjuncts, not interfering with the main building. 

There is no beauty of ornamentation and but little construc- 
tive skill in the temple which we have been considering. It 
has been described as "the simplest and least adorned in the 
world." 1H Still, we are told that the effect is pleasing. "All 
the parts of the building are plain — straight and square, with- 
out a single moulding of any sort, but they are perfectly pro- 
portioned to the work they have to do. They are pleasingly 
and effectively arranged, and they have all that lithic grandeur 
which is inherent in large masses of precious materials." 112 

The means do not exist for tracing with any completeness 
the gradual advance which the Egyptians made in their tem- 
ple-building, from edifices of this extreme and archaic sim- 
plicity to the complicated and elaborate constructions in which 
their architecture laltimately culminated. The dates of many 
temples are uncertain ; others, of which portions are ancient, 


have been so altered and improved by later builders that their 
original features are overlaid, and cannot now be recovered. 
We can only say, that as early as the time of the twelfth dyn- 
asty the obelisk was invented and became ani adjunct and orna- 
ment of the temple, 113 its ordinary position being at either side 
of a doorway of moderate height, which it overtopped ; and 
that soon after the accession of the eighteenth dynasty — if 
not even earlier — round pillars were introduced m as a sub- 
stitute for square piers, which they gradually superseded, re- 
taining however to the last, in their massive form, a pier-like 
character. About the same time the idea arose (which after- 
wards prevailed universally) of forming a temple by means of 
a succession of courts, colonnaded or otherwise, opening one 
into another, and generally increasing in richness as they re- 
ceded from the entrance, but terminating in a mass of small 
chambers, which Avere probably apartments for the priests. 

The progress of the Egyptian builders in temples of this 
kind will perhaps be sufficiently shown if we take three speci- 
mens, one from Medinet-Abou, belonging to the early part of 
the eighteenth dynasty ; another, that of the Rameseum, be- 
longing to the very best Egyptian period — the reign of Rameses 
II., of the nineteenth dynasty ; and the third, that magnificent 
temple at Karnak, the work of at least seven distinct mon- 
archs, whose reigns cover a space of about five hundred years, 
which has been well compared to the greatest mediaeval cathe- 
drals, 115 gradually built up by the piety of successive ages, 
each giving to God the best that its art could produce, and all 
uniting to create an edifice richer and more various than the 
work of any single age could ever be, yet still not inharmoni- 
ous, but from first to last repeating with modifications the 
same forms and dominated by the same ideas. 

The temple at Medinet-Abou (Fig. 61) faces to. the south- 
east. 116 It is entered by a doorway of no great height, on 
either side of which are towers or "pylons" of moderate ele- 
vation, 117 built (as usual) with slightly sloping sides, and 
crowned by a projecting cornice. The gateway is ornamented 
with hieroglyphics and figures of gods ; 118 but the pylons, ex- 
cept on their internal faces, are plain. Having passed through 
this portal, the traveller finds himself in a rectangular court, 
rather more than sixty feet long by thirty broad, bounded on 
either side by a high wall, and leading to a colonnaded build- 
ing. This, which is the temple proper (Fig. 60), consists of 
an oblong cell, intended, probably, to be lighted from the 
roof, and of a gallery or colonnade running entirely round 
the cell, and supported in front and at the sides by square 


piers. The side colonnades have a length of about fifty feet, 
while the front colonnade or porch has a length of thirty-five 
or forty. The space between the cell and the piers is a dis- 
tance of about nine feet, and this has been roofed in with 
blocks of stone extending horizontally across it ; but the roof^ 
thus formed, having, apparently, shown signs of weakness in 
places, and further support having been needed, four octago- 
nal pillars have been introduced at the weak points. 119 The 
position of three of these is fairly regular ; but one stands 
quite abnormally, as will be seen by reference to the plan 
(Fig. 59). At either end of the front gallery or porch are 
apartments — one nearly square, about fifteen feet by twelve ; 
the other oblong, about twenty-seven feet by fifteen. In this 
latter are two round pillars with bell or lotus capitals, 120 in- 
tended to support the roof. In the rear of the temple, and 
in the same line with the side piers, are a group of six apart- 
ments, opening one into another, and accessible only from the 
gallery immediately behind the cell. The whole interior of 
the temple is profusely ornamented with hieroglyphics and 
sculptures, chiefly of a religious character. Externally this 
building can have had but little grandeur or beauty ; inter- 
nally it can scarcely have been very satisfactory; but the sculp- 
tures, whose effect was heightened by painting, may have 
given it a certain character of richness and splendor. 

A great advance upon this edifice had been made by the 
time when Rameses II. constructed the building, known for- 
merly as the Memnonium, 121 and now commonly called the 
Eameseum, 122 at Thebes (Fig. 62). Still, the general plan of 
the two buildings is n-ot very dissimilar (Fig. 64). The en- 
trance-gateway stood, similarly, between two tall pylons, or 
"pyramidal masses of masonry, which, like the two western 
towers of a Gothic cathedral, are the appropriate and most 
imposing part of the structure externally." 123 It led, like the 
other, into a rectangular courtyard, bounded on either side by 
high walls, which, however, were in this instance screened 
by a double colonnade, supported on two rows of round pillars, 
ten in each row. 124 From this courtyard a short flight of steps, 
and then a broad passage, conducted into an inner peristyle 
court, 125 a little smaller, 126 but very much more splendid than 
the outer. On the side of entrance, and on that opposite, 
were eight square piers, with colossi in front, each thirty feet 
high ; while on the right and left were double ranges of cir- 
cular columns, eight in each range, the inner one being con- 
tinued on behind the square piers which faced the spectator 
on his entrance. Passing on from this court in a straight 


line, and mounting another short staircase, the traveller found 
himself in a pillared hall of great beauty, formed by forty- 
eight columns in eight rows of six each, 127 most of which are 
still standing. The pillars of the two central rows exceed the 
others both in height and diameter. 128 They are of a different 
order from the side pillars, having the bell-shaped or lotus 
capital which curves so gracefully at the top ; while the side 
capitals are contracted as they ascend, and are decidedly less 
pleasing. The whole of the hall was roofed over with large 
blocks of stone, light being admitted into it mainly by means 
of a clerestory in tho way shown by the section above. All 
the columns, together with the walls enclosing them, were 
beautifully ornamented with patterns, hieroglyphics, and bas- 
reliefs cut in the stone and then brilliantly colored. 129 Behind 
the hall were chambers, probably nine in number, 130 perhaps 
more, the two main ones supported by eight pillars each, and 
lighted, most likely, by a clerestory ; the others either dark or 
perhaps receiving light through windows pierced in the outer 

A magnificent ornament of this temple, and probably its 
greatest glory, was a sitting colossus of enormous size, formed 
of a single mass of red Syenite granite, and polished with the 
greatest care, which now lies in fragments upon the soil of the 
great courtyard and provokes the astonishment of all behold- 
ers. 131 Its original height is estimated at eighteen yards, and 
its cubic contents at nearly 12,000 feet, 132 which would give 
it a weight of almost 900 tons ! It was the largest of all the 
colossal statues of Egypt, exceeding in height the two seated 
colossi in its vicinity, one of which is known as "the vocal 
Memnon," by nearly seven feet. 133 

The Great Temple of Karnak (Fig. 66) is termed by the 
latest historian of architecture " the noblest effort of architect- 
ural magnificence ever produced by the hand of man." 134 It 
commences with a long avenue of crio-sphinxes 135 facing to- 
wards each other, and leading to a portal, placed (as usual) 
between two pylons, one of which is still nearly complete and 
rises to the height of 135 feet. 136 The portal gives access to a 
vast open court, with a covered corridor on either side resting 
upon round pillars, and a double line of columns down the 
centre. The court and corridors are 275 feet long, while the 
distance from the outer wall of the right to that of the left 
corridor is 329 feet. 137 The area of the court should thus be 
nearly 100,000 square feet. A portion of it, however, on the 
right is occupied by a building which seems to have been a 
shrine or sanctuary distinct from the main temple. This edi- 


fice, placed at right angles to the walls of the court, interrupts 
the colonnade upon the right after it has reached about half 
its natural length, and, projecting in front of it, contracts the 
court in this quarter, while at the same time it penetrates 
beyond the line of the walls to a distance of about 120 feet. 
It is constructed in the usual manner, with two pylons in front, 
an entrance court colonnaded on three sides, an inner pillared 
chamber lighted from the roof, and some apartments behind, 
one of which is thought to have been the sanctuary. 138 Small 
in proportion to the remainder of the vast pile whereof it forms 
a part, this temple has yet a length of 160 feet and a breadth 
of nearly eighty, 139 thus covering an area of 12,500 square feet 
(Fig. 67). It is ornamented throughout with sculptures and 
inscriptions, which have been finished with great care. 

On the side of the court facing the great entrance two vast 
pylons once more raised themselves aloft, to a greater height, 
probably, than the entrance ones, 140 though now they are mere 
heaps of ruins. In front of them projected two masses like 
the antce of a portico, between which a flight of seven steps 141 
led up to a vestibule or antechamber, fifty feet by twenty, 
from which a broad and lofty passage conducted into the won- 
derful pillared hall (Fig. 65) which is the great glory of the 
Karnak edifice. In length nearly 330 feet, 142 in width 170, 143 
this magnificent apartment was supported by 164 massive 
stone columns, divided into three groups — twelve central ones, 
each sixty-six feet high and thirty-three in circumference, 
forming the main avenue down its midst ; while on either side 
sixty-one, of slightly inferior dimensions, 144 supported the 
huge wings of the chamber, arranged in seven rows of seven 
each, and two rows of six (Fig. 68). The internal area of the 
chamber was above 56,000 square feet, and that of the entire 
building, with its walls and pylons, more than 88,000 square 
feet, a larger area than that covered by the Dom of Cologne, 
the greatest of all the cathedrals of the Xorth. 145 The slight 
irregularity in the arrangement of the pillars above noticed 
was caused by the projection into the apartment at its further 
end of a sort of vestibule (enclosed by thick walls and flanked 
at the angles by square piers) which stood out from the pylons, 
wherewith the hall terminated towards the southeast. These 
seem to have been of somewhat smaller dimensions than those 
which gave entrance to the hall from the courtyard ; 146 but 
their height can scarcely have been less than a hundred or a 
hundred and twenty feet. 

Passing through these inner propyloea, the visitor found 
himself in a long corridor open to the sky, and saw before 


him on either hand a tall tapering obelisk of rose-colored 
granite covered with hieroglyphics, 147 and beyond them fresh 
propylaea — of inferior size to any of the others, and absolutely 
without ornament — which guarded the entrance into a clois- 
tered court, 148 240 feet long by sixty-two broad, running at right 
angles to the general axis of the edifice. The roof of the 
cloister was supported by square piers with colossi in front, 
the number of such piers being thirty-six. In the open court, 
on either hand of the doorway which gave entrance into 
it, stood an obelisk of the largest dimensions known to the 
Egyptians, 149 a huge monolith, 100 feet high and above eight 
feet square at the base, which is calculated to have contained 1 38 
cubic metres of granite, and to have weighed nearly 360 tons. 150 
Leaving these behind him, and ascending a second short flight 
of steps, the visitor passed through a portal opposite to that by 
which he had entered the cloistered court, and found himself 
in a small vestibule, about forty feet by twenty, pierced by a 
doorway in the middle of each of its four sides, and conduct- 
ing to a building which seems properly regarded as the adytum 
or inmost sanctuary of the entire temple. 151 This was an edi- 
fice about 120 feet square, composed of a central cell of pol- 
ished granite (Fig. 63), fifty-two feet long by fourteen broad, 
surrounded by a covered corridor, and flanked on either side 
by a set of small apartments, accessible by twenty small door- 
ways from the court in which the building stood. The style 
here was one of primitive simplicity. No obelisks, no colossi, 
no pillars even, if we except three introduced to sustain a 
failing roof, 152 broke the flat uniformity of the straight walls. 
Nothing was to be seen in the way of ornament excepting the 
painted sculptures and hieroglyphical legends wherewith the 
walls were everywhere adorned, and two short stelae or prisms 
of pink granite, which stood on either side of the entrance to 
the granite cell. This cell itself was broken into three parts. 
Passing between the stelae, one entered a porch or ante-room, six- 
teen feet broad and about six feet deep, from which a doorway 
about eight feet wide led into a first chamber, or "Holy Place," 
twenty feet long by fourteen. Hence, another doorway, of the 
same width as the first, conducted into the "Holy of Holies," 
an oblong square, twenty-seven feet by fourteen, richly deco- 
rated both on walls and ceiling with paintings. The general 
resemblance in plan of this sacred cell, with its inner and outer 
apartments, its porch, and its two stelae before the porch, to 
the Temple of the Jews — similiarly divided into three parts, 
and with "Jachin and Boaz" in front 153 — must strike every 
student of architecture. 


The entire square building here described, whereof the 
granite cell was the nucleus or central part, stood at one end 
of a vast open court 154 which surrounded it on three sides. 
The court itself was enclosed by high walls, behind which 
were long corridors, thought to have been divided formerly 
into numerous rooms for priests or guards, 155 and running the 
whole length of the court, from the southeastern pylons of the 
cloister to an edifice at the further extremity of the court, 
which must now engage our attention. This was a pillared 
hall, 140 feet long by fifty-five feet wide, 156 containing two rows 
of massive square columns or piers, and two rows of round 
pillars with bell-shaped capitals reversed. The round pillars 
supported a lofty roof, with a clerestory admitting the light of 
day, while the square piers, rising to a less height, formed, 
comparatively speaking, low aisles on either side of the grand 
avenue. The axis of the hall was at right angles to the gen- 
eral axis of the temple. It was entered by three doors, two 
placed symmetrically in the centre of the northwestern and 
southeastern walls, the other, strangely and abnormally, at its 
southern corner. Around this hall were grouped a number 
of smaller chambers, some supported by pillars, some by square 
piers, while others were so narrow that they could be roofed 
over by blocks of stone resting only on the side walls. The 
number of these small apartments seems to have been not less 
than forty. 157 

It is time now to turn from the details of this vast edifice, 
or rather mass of edifices, to its broad features and general 
dimensions. It is in shape a rectangular oblong, nearly four 
times as long as it is wide, extending from N.W. to S.E. a dis- 
tance of 1,200 feet, and in the opposite direction a distance of 
about 340 feet. 158 One projection only breaks the uniformity 
of the oblong, that of the dependent sanctuary, which interrupts 
the right hand corridor of the entrance court. The entire 
area, including that of this dependent sanctuary, is about 
396,000 square feet, or more than half as much again as that 
covered by St. Peter's at Rome. 159 The structure comprised 
two extensive courts — one colonnaded, the other plain ; an 
oblong cloister, supported on piers ornamented with colossi ; 
four splendid obelisks ; two sanctuaries, one central, one sub- 
ordinate ; and two vast pillared halls, one of them exceeding 
in dimensions any other in Egypt, and covering with its walls 
and pylons more space than that occupied by the cathedral of 
Cologne. The French engineers observe that the cathedral of 
Xotre Dame would have stood entirely within it ; 16 ° and this 
is perfectly true so far as area is concerned, though not, of 


course, in respect of elevation. The greatest height of the 
Karnark pylons was not more than about 140 feet, and the 
height from the floor to the roof of the Great Hall did not 
exceed seventy-six feet. Still, the dimensions of the hall, the 
mass of material which it contained, and the massive character 
of its construction, are truly wonderful and admirable ; and it 
is well said, that "when we consider that this is only a part of 
a great whole, we may fairly assert that the entire structure is 
among the largest, as it undoubtedly is one of the most beauti- 
ful, buildings in the world." 161 Moreover, it is to be remem- 
bered, that besides the buildings here described "there are 
other temples to the north, to the east, and, more especially, 
to the south ; and pylons connecting these, and avenues of 
sphinxes extending for miles, and enclosing walls and tanks 
and embankments," so that the conclusion seems to be just, 
that the whole constitutes "such a group as no other city ever 
possessed either before n since," and that "Saint Peter's with 
its colonnades and the Vatican, make up a mass insignificant 
in extent . . . compared with this glory of Thebes with its sur- 
rounding temples." 162 

With respect to the aesthetic merit of the building different 
estimates may be formed. There are some to whom Egyptian 
architecture is altogether distasteful, and it must be granted to 
have faults which place it considerably below the best and 
greatest styles ; but few can visit the remains themselves and 
gaze upon the "long vista of courts and gateways and halls and 
colonnades," with "here and there an obelisk shooting up out 
of the ruins and interrupting the opening view of the forest of 
columns," 163 without being moved to wonder and admiration 
at the sight. The multiplicity and variety of the parts, the 
grandeur of all, the beauty of some, the air of strangeness and 
of remote antiquity which hangs over the scene, the thousand 
associations — historical and other — which it calls up, evoke an 
interest and a delight which overpower criticism, and dispose 
the spectator to exclaim that never has he beheld anything so 
glorious. More especially is admiration excited by the ruins 
of the Great Hall. "No language," says a writer not given to 
strong displays of feeling, "no language can convey an idea of 
its beauty, and no artist has yet been able to reproduce its 
form so as to convey to those who have not seen it an idea of 
its grandeur. The mass of its central piers, illumined by a 
flood of light from the clerestory, and the smaller pillars of 
the wings gradually fading into obscurity, are so arranged 
and lighted as to convey an idea of infinite space ; at the 
same time the beauty and massiveness of the forms, and the 


brilliancy of their colored decorations, all combine to stamp 
this as the greatest of man's architectural works, but such a 
one as it would be impossible to reproduce, except in such a 
climate, and in that individual style, in which and for which 
it was erected." 164 

Among the ornaments of the Great Temple of Karnak the 
obelisk has been mentioned. It is a creation purely Egyp- 
tian, which has scarcely ever elsewhere been even imitated 
with success. 165 Such specimens as exist — in Eome, Paris, 
Constantinople, London — are the spoil which Egypt has yield- 
ed to her conquerors or the tribute which she has paid to her 
protectors, not the production of the countries which they adorn. 
It is very remarkable that the Romans, fond as they were of 
the gigantic in architecture, and special admirers as they 
showed themselves to be of the obelisk, never themselves pro- 
duced one. Though in possession for about six centuries of the 
granite quarries of Syene, whence the Egyptians obtained the 
greater number of their huge monoliths, they preferred lowering 
and carrying oif the creations of Egyptian art to exerting their 
own skill and genius in the production of rival monuments. 
Eome boasted in the time of her full splendor twelve obelisks, 
but every one of them had been transported from Egypt to 
Italy. 166 _ 

Architects commonly divide the obelisk into three parts, 167 
the base, the shaft or obelisk proper, and the pyramidian 
which crowns the summit ; but, materially, the parts are two 
only, since the pyramidian is ordinarily in one piece with the 
shaft which it terminates. The base is always separate, and 
may consist of a single block or of two placed stepwise, which 
is the arrangement in f the case of the obelisk before the church 
of St. John Lateran at Rome. This is the grandest monument 
of the kind that exists anywhere, or is known to have existed. 
Exclusively of the base, it has a height of 105 feet, 168 with a 
width diminishing from nine feet six inches to eight feet 
seven inches. 169 It is estimated to have contained 4,945 cubic 
feet (French), and to have weighed above 450 tons. 170 An 
ordinary height 171 for an obelisk w r as from fifty to seventy feet, 
and an ordinary weight from 200 to 300 tons. 172 

Obelisks as erected by the Egyptians commonly stood in 
pairs. Their position was in front of a temple, on either side 
of its gateway. Some have conjectured that they represented 
solar rays, 173 and were specially dedicated to the sun; 174 but 
both these views have been combated, and must be regarded 
as uncertain. Architecturally they served the purpose of the 
Roman column, the Gothic spire, and the Oriental minaret ; 


they broke the too frequent horizontal lines with their quasi- 
vertical ones, and carried the eye upwards from the flat earth, 
to the dome of heaven. They were especially valuable in 
Egyptian architecture from the comparative lightness and 
slimness of their forms, where all otherwise was over-massive 
and heavy. 175 The proportions of the obelisk differed within 
certain limits ; but the most satisfactory had an elevation about 
eleven times their diameter at the base. 176 

Before quitting the subject of temples, it seems desirable to 
note that the Egyptian buildings to which this term is com- 
monly applied are of two classes. Some, and especially the 
more magnificent, such as that at Karnak (above described), 
and again that at Luxor, seem to deserve the name which has 
been given them, 177 of "Palace Temples," being places which 
were at once the residences of the kings and structures in 
which the people assembled for worship. Others are entirely 
free from this double character. The southern temple at 
Karnak is (Fig. 69) "strictly a temple, without anything about 
it that could justify the supposition of its being a palace." 178 
It is a perfectly regular building, consisting of two pylons, 
approached through an avenue of sphinxes, of a hypaethral 
court, surrounded on three sides by a double colonnade, of a 
pillared hall lighted from the roof in the usual way, a cell 
surrounded by a corridor or passage, and a small hall beyond 
supported by four columns. 179 This temple is pronounced to 
have considerable "intrinsic beauty," 18 ° and is interesting as 
having furnished a model which continued to be followed in 
Greek and Roman times. 

Another description of Egyptian temple, intended for re- 
ligious purposes only, is that which is known under the title 
of mammeisi, an edifice dedicated to the Mother of the Gods 
(Fig. 70). Temples of this kind are cells, containing either 
one or two chambers, and surrounded by a colonnade in front, 
flank, and rear. They are of oblong form, and are sometimes 
approached by a flight of steps in front, which conducts to the 
doorway. 181 The size is always small ; and they would be un- 
important were it not for the fact that they appear to have 
been selected by the Greeks as the models after which they 
should construct their own religious edifices, which were in 
most instances peristylar, and which changed but little from 
the Egyptian type beyond rounding the square piers and sur- 
mounting the flat architrave with a pediment. 

It will have been seen that Egyptian architecture depended 
for its effect, first, upon its size and massiveness ; secondly, on 
the beauty of certain forms, which were constantly repeated, 


as the pillar, the caryatide pier, and the obelisk ; thirdly 
and lastly, on the richness and brilliancy of its sculptured 
and colored ornamentation. The massiveness appears most 
remarkably in the pyramids, and in the pylons or great flank- 
ing towers at the entrances of palaces and temples ; 18 ' 2 but it 
is not shown only in these structures — it pervades the entire 
style, and meets us everywhere, in pillars, in lintels, in colossi, 
in monolithic chambers, in roofs, in walls, in obelisks. How- 
ever great the diameter of a column, it has usually in each of 
its layers no more than four stones, 183 while all the layers are 
of enormous thickness. Lintels of doorways sometimes exceed 
forty feet in length ; 184 colossi weigh above 800 tons ; 185 mono- 
lithic chambers not much less ; 186 roofing stones have a length 
of thirty feet, and a weight of above sixty tons ; 187 obelisks, as 
we have seen, 188 range from 170 to 450 tons. In mere ordi- 
nary walls the stones are usually of vast size, and the thickness 
of such walls is surprising. It is not as in Assyria and Baby- 
lonia, where the material used was crude brick, and the wall 
which had to sustain a serious weight was necessarily of great 
breadth ; the Egyptians used the best possible materials — 
sandstone, close-grained limestone, or granite — yet still made 
their walls almost as broad as the Mesopotamians themselves. 
This could .only be from a pure love of massiveness. 

The column is undoubtedly among the most effective of 
architectural forms. In Egypt its special characteristic is 
its solidity, or the very large proportion borne by the diameter 
to the height. Whereas in the perfected architecture of the 
Greeks, the column where it is thickest must have a height at 
least equalling six diameters, 189 in Egypt the height rarely much 
exceeds four diametersf and is 190 sometimes not above three. 
In many cases it about equals the extreme circumference of the 
pillar, This extreme circumference is not always at the base. 
Columns are found which swell gradually as they ascend, and 
do not attain their full width till they have reached a fourth 
or fifth of their height. They then contract gently, and are 
narrowest just below the capital, where they commonly present 
the appearance of being bound round by cords (Fig. 71). 
Other columns are, like the Greek, largest at the base, and 
taper gradually from bottom to top ; but in no case have they 
the Greek swell or entasis. 

The shafts of Egyptian columns are sometimes plain, but 
more commonly have an ornamentation. This is effected by 
sculpture or painting, or both. Some, as already noticed, 191 
are merely fluted like the Greek ; others have a perfectly 
smooth surface, but are adorned with painting. m In general, 

Vol. I. 

Plate XXVII.— a. 


.. nun 



Fig. 66— Ground Plan of Great Temple at Karnak.— See Page 107. 

Plate XXVII.— h 


however, the surface is more or less sculptured, and at the same 
time is painted — often with much taste and delicacy. For the 
most part vetegable forms have been imitated. The column 
bulges out from its base like a water-plant, andi s then sculpt- 
ured so as to resemble a number of stalks tied together at the 
top or at intervals, and finally swelling above the last com- 
pression into a calix. 193 Or it has the leaves and flowers of 
water-plants delicately traced upon it and colored naturally. 194 
Or, finally, it retains the mere general form derived from pil- 
lars thus moulded, and substitutes hieroglyphics and human 
or divine figures for the simple decoration of earlier times. 195 
Capitals are of four principal forms. One, which has been 
called the "lotus blossom " or "bell " (Fig. 72) capital, 196 begins 
with a slight swell above the top of the shaft — is then nearly 
cylindrical for a while ; after which it curves outwards very 
considerably, and terminates in a lip, which is rounded off into 
a flat surface. Water-plants of various kinds are represented 
on these " bell-capitals," which are among the most beautiful 
of the architectural forms invented by the Egyptians. Another 
kind of capital is that which is thought to imitate a lotus bud, 
or a group of such buds, with the upper portion removed. 197 
It swells out considerably from the top of the shaft, after 
which it contracts, and is terminated abruptly by a plain square 
stone, placed on it to receive the architrave. Capitals of this 
type are frequent at Thebes, but rare elsewhere. 198 The prin- 
cipal varieties are the following (Fig. 73). 

A third form, which is very unusual, consists of the bell-capi- 
tal reversed, a freak of the architect which is said ,not to add 
either to the beauty or the strength of the building. 199 There 
is also a compound capital which is decidedly unpl easing, 200 
consisting of four human heads placed at the summit of the 
ordinary bell-capital, between it and the architrave (Fig. 

The proportion of the capital to the shaft was considerably 
beyond that approved by the Greeks, 201 though less than the 
proportion which prevailed in Judaea 202 and in Persia. 203 In- 
stances are found in which the height of the capital is as much 
as one-third of the shaft, 204 though it is more commonly one- 
fourth, and sometimes even as little as one-fifth. 205 The ap- 
pearance of "heaviness" produced by the thickness of the 
pillars is increased by the defect here noticed, which makes 
each column seem to be overloaded at the top and to be sink- 
ing under its own weight. 

Another peculiarity in the Egyptian use of columns is the 
narrowness of the intercolumniation. Main avenues of pillars 


are, indeed, sometimes of a fair width, extending to nearly two 
diameters in some cases. 206 But the spaces left between the 
pillars at the sides, instead of being, as in Grecian art, the 
same or nearly the same, frequently do not equal a single di- 
ameter, 207 and are scarcely ever as much as a diameter and a 
half. Thus the columns are unduly crowded together, and in 
the great pillared halls the forest of stems stands so thick that, 
except in front and on either flank, the view is everywhere 
interrupted, and the immensity of the space enclosed cannot 
be seen from any point. The intention, seemingly, is to 
make sure that the roof shall have an ample support, and to 
this desire is sacrificed every other consideration. 

The caryatide piers (Fig. 75) of the Egyptians were even 
more massive than their columns. Square in plan, slightly 
pyramidical in outline, narrowing (that is to say) as they rose, 
and spaced at short distances one from another, with a heavy 
cornice above them, they had no ornament to take off from 
their solid strength beyond a few hieroglyphics and the figure 
from which they take their name. . This was a colossus, gen- 
erally from twenty-five to thirty-five feet high, 208 which wa? 
placed directly before the pier on a pedestal of one or two- 
steps. Solemn and stately stand the figures, clothed, appar< 
ently, in tight-fitting vests, 209 with miters upon their heads, 
and arms crossed upon their breasts, each exactly like all the 
others, with expressionless countenances, emblems of complete 
repose. Unlike the similarly named statues of the Greeks, 
they do not afflict the beholder with the spectacle of human 
forms oppressed by the burden of a crushing weight whereof 
they can never be rid. (The caryatides of Egypt bear no bur- 
ben at all. They stand in front of the piers, entirely distinct 
from them, though touching them, and for the most part do 
not even quite reach to the architrave which the piers sup- 
port. 210 They are not slaves condemned to an ignominious 
punishment, 211 but emblems of a divine presence, impressing 
the spectator with a sense that the place wherein they stand 
is holy ground. 

Obelisks, as already observed, 212 were among the lightest of 
the forms used by the Egyptians. Architecturally they must 
have been intended to relieve the eye, wearied by the too 
great massiveness of pillars, piers, and pylons, with the con- 
trast of a slim delicate spire, rising gracefully among them 
and cutting the horizontal lines at right angles. They were 
generally placed at the entrances to temples, one on either 
side of the main doorway; but sometimes they are found in 
the interior of buildings. The great Palace-Temple at Kar- 


nak was adorned, as we have seen, with four ; but in general 
a temple had no more than two, and most temples were alto- 
gether without them. The conventional necessity of setting 
them up in pairs 213 gave rise to occasional awkwardness. When 
obelisks of the largest size were ordered, it was difficult to find 
in the quarries two masses of granite ninety or a hundred feet 
long without break or flaw in them. Flaws might even be 
discovered when the work had proceeded to a certain point, 
and an obelisk intended to have reached a certain length might 
in consequence have to be shortened. The result was that in 
some instances the pair of obelisks supplied were not of equal 
height ; and this want of symmetry had to be met by artifice. 
The shorter obelisk was given a higher pedestal than the 
taller one, and was sometimes even advanced a little towards 
the spectator that it might appear as large as the other. 214 
Obelisks seem most usually to have been votive offerings set 
up by monarchs before temples, partly to propitiate the gods, 
but mainly for their own glory. The inscriptions upon them 
set forth in every case the greatness and the victories of their 

It is difficult for one who has not visited Egypt to pro- 
nounce positively on the merit or demerit of the Egyptian 
colored decoration. If we could feel sure that the effect pro- 
duced was really such as is represented by the French artists 
who made the drawings for the "Description," we should have 
to assign it high praise, as at once tasteful, rich, and harmo- 
nious. Nothing in decorative color can well be more admira- 
ble than the representation given in that magnificent work of 
the interior of a temple at PhilaB, restored to what is sup- 
posed to have been its ancient condition.' 215 The design is 
excellent ; the tints are pleasing ; and the arrangement by 
which thin lines of white separate between colors that would 
otherwise offer too strong a contrast, leaves nothing to be de- 
sired. The pale gray of the stucco also, predominating 
throughout, subdues the whole, and prevents any appearance 
of glare or gaudiness. But it is difficult to decide how much 
this admirable drawing owes to the accurate observation of 
facts, how much it is indebted for its beauties to the imagina- 
tion and the good taste of the designers. Egyptian coloring 
in its primitive aspect is to be seen only in the rock-tombs, 
where, we are told, the paintings have all the freshness of 
works executed but yesterday. 216 Much admiration is expressed 
for these paintings by many who have visited the tombs and 
described them ; 2 " but nothing can well be more disappoint- 
ing than to turn from the glowing descriptions that have been 


given by these writers to the representations made by artists 
in the magnificently illustrated works of Rosellini and Lep- 
sius, on which no expense has been spared. Of crude, coarse, 
and inharmonious coloring we behold in these works abun- 
dant specimens ; of what is really harmonious and artistic in 
color we observe scarcely anything. A few vases and some of 
the patterns upon ceilings are fairly good ; 218 but these are 
exceptions, and in general the coloring is about as bad as col- 
oring can be. A coarse and violent red, a dull blue, and a 
staring yellow predominate ; white, the great chastener and 
subduer of color, is introduced but scantily. Strong tints 
prevail ; half tones are scarcely to be seen. Shading is of 
course unknown : and the whole style cannot but be pro- 
nounced crude, harsh, and unpleasing. Still, it is to be borne 
in mind that these illustrated works are not the originals, and 
that what they present to us are fragments detached from their 
surroundings ; and it would evidently be unsafe to conclude 
upon such data that the general effect actually produced upon 
the beholder by an Egyptian temple, seen as a whole, was not 
heightened and improved by the painted decoration, 219 which 
w r as certainly rich and brilliant, though w r e may suspect that 
it wanted delicacy and w r ould have seemed to moderns over- 

Before this chapter is brought to a close a few w r ords must 
be said, first, with regard to the domestic architecture of the 
Egyptians, and, secondly, concerning some peculiarities of 
their construction. 

The specimens which exist of the domestic architecture are 
few and fragmentary. Excluding the great buildings above 
described, which seem to have been at once temples and royal 
residences, there is but one example remaining of a mere 
dwelling-house, and that example is believed to be at the pres- 
ent time incomplete. 220 It stands in the near vicinity of the 
temple at Medinet-Abou, which has already engaged our at- 
tention, 221 and is commonly called a "pavilion" 222 (Fig. 83), 
having been built for himself as a sort of private residence by 
one of the kings. 223 It consists at present of a court in the 
form of a cross, surrounded on three sides by buildings three 
stories high, which attain an elevation of thirty-seven feet above 
the actual level of the soil, and must have had originally 
an elevation of about fifty feet. 224 The buildings consist of 
three rectangular blocks, with three rooms in each, one above 
the other, and two narrow erections enclosing passages that 
connect the three sets of rooms together. All the rooms are 
small, the largest not exceeding seventeen feet by thirteen, 


and the smallest being about nineteen feet by nine. All were 
lighted by windows except the ground-flour room of the main 
block at the end of the court, which obtained light only from 
its doorways. The walls are of great strength and solidity ; 
the roof and the ceilings of the chambers, except perhaps in one 
instance, were of stone. A wooden ceiling is thought to have 
separated the ground-floor room of the main block from the 
apartment above it ; 225 but this has been destroyed, and the 
two rooms form now only one. The buildings are ornamented, 
both externally and internally, with hieroglyphics and sculpt- 
ures of the usual type ; 226 but the ornamentation is on the 
whole somewhat scanty. The entire edifice was of the same 
height, and was crowned with a sort of battlement, of which 
the annexed is a representation (Fig. 80). Its plan was re- 
markably varied in outline, and the numerous projections and 
recesses must have rendered the play of light and shade upon 
the building curious and striking. 

In the pictorial representations which ornament the rock- 
tombs we sometimes meet with buildings which appear to be 
private residences. In one case 227 we have what seems to rep- 
resent the exterior facade of a house, on the side on which it 
was ordinarily approached. The building divides itself into 
three portions, a centre and two wings (Fig. 77). The central 
part, which is higher than the rest, is crowned by a steep 
roof, 228 shaped like a truncated pyramid ; below this is a pro- 
jecting cornice, and below the cornice a plain wall, broken 
only by a door at the right-hand corner. Adjoining the door 
is the right wing, which consists of two stories — a basement 
one, ornamented with four pillars unequally spaced, and a first 
floor, likewise with four pillars, which are equally spaced, and 
thus not directly super-imposed over those below them. Be- 
tween the pillars are represented stands with vases and eat- 
ables, from which we gather that the pillars are detached from 
the mansions, and form in the one case a colonnade, in the 
other a gallery. The character of the left wing is similar, but 
it does not extend so far as the other, and is ornamented with 
only four pillars, two to each story. The wings have an archi- 
trave above the pillars, and are then crowned with a sort of 
double cornice. The character of the pillars is thoroughly 

Another tomb exhibits to us the internal courtyard (Fig. 78) 
of a three-storied mansion of much elegance, apparently deco- 
rated for a festival. 229 A central doorway, supported on either 
side by thin pillars representing a lotus plant, gives entrance 
to a staircase, which rises directly from it, and conducts prob- 


ably to the upper apartments. 230 The staircase seems to be 
carpeted and to have a mat at the foot of the first step. To 
the left we see on the ground-floor a doorway and three 
small windows , protected by perpendicular bars. Above this 
rises a story, built, seemingly, of wood or crude brick, and 
broken by two windows with the blinds 231 drawn down nearly 
to the bottom. At the top is an open gallery, supported on 
four pillars, which sustain a painted cornice. On the right of 
the main entrance the ground-floor is perfectly plain, except 
that it is pierced about its centre by a low doorway. 232 Above 
it the first-floor presents to the eye nothing but a drapery or 
awning, which hangs in front of it and leaves its character a 
mystery. The second floor exhibits pillars at either end, and 
between them what is perhaps another awning, though this is 
"not quite clear. Above this there is a long range of very short 
pillars, which seem to support an upper gallery, constituting 
on this side a sort of fourth story, 233 though one too low to 
have been inhabited. Finally, the entire house is crowned by 
a cornice painted in stripes of red, bine, and white, and rest- 
ing at either end on a lotus pillar of the same character with 
those at the main entrance. 

A third representation of an Egyptian house is given by 
Rosellini in his great work, 234 which has clearly four stories, 
but it is drawn in so conventional a manner that but little can 
be concluded from it as to the actual Egyptian arrangements. 
The doors by which the house was entered being, as it would 
seem, at the side, are introduced sideways into the front wall 
above and below one of the windows. The three upper 
stories are represented rtn section (Fig. 81), and exhibit the 
contents of the apartments. No staircase by which they could 
be reached is visible, and. their inhabitants must apparently 
have flown up into them. The cornice of the house, which 
is painted in the usual way, supports three large masses of the 
papyrus plant. 

On the whole, we may perhaps conclude, with Mr. Fergus- 
son, 235 that though the Egyptian houses "exhibited nothing of 
the solidity and monumental character which distinguished 
their temples and palaces, they seem in their own way to have 
been scarcely less beautiful. They were, of course, on a 
smaller scale, and built of more perishable materials ; 236 but 
they appear to have been as carefully finished and decorated 
with equal taste to that displayed in the greater works." 

The peculiarities of Egyptian construction, whereto, in con- 
clusion, it is desired to draw attention, are three in number, 
viz. : 1. Their non-employment of the arch as a constructive 


expedient and preference of perpendicular supports and hori- 
zontal imposts; 2. Their "symmetrophobia," or dislike of 
exactness and regularity either in the general arrangements 
or in the details of their buildings ; and 3. Their skilful use 
of certain contrivances for increasing the apparent size, espe- 
cially the apparent length, of their more important and more 
imposing edifices. This last lias been entirely left out of 
sight by recent writers, on Egyptian architecture, 237 though it 
is a peculiarity well worthy of study and imitation. 

That the Egyptians were acquainted with the principle of 
the arch (Fig. 76), and made occasional use of it in their 
minor edifices, is now generally admitted. 238 Not only do 
coved roofs appear in some of the rock-tombs, 239 which might 
lead one to suspect such an acquaintance, but actual arches 
have been found, both in brick and stone, in connection with 
hieroglyphical legends and in purely Egyptian buildings. The 
latest historian of architecture goes so far as to maintain 240 
that the Egyptians had all the knowledge needed for the em- 
ployment of the arch to any extent in their constructions, and 
that they purposely abstained from its use from a dislike of 
the complexity which it would have introduced, and a convic- 
tion of its architectural weakness, as a form wanting in dura- 
bility. "The Arabs," he observes, "have a proverb that the 
arch never sleeps ; " and it really exerts unceasingly a thrust- 
ing force laterally upon tlie walls at its side and centrically 
upon the keystone, which tends to destroy the building where- 
of it is a part. Its employment would not have accorded with 
the governing ideas of Egyptian architecture, which were 
durability, repose, and strength ; and therefore they did not 
employ it. The position here laid down may be true ; but it 
can never be more than a hypothesis, since it is quite impossi- 
ble to prove that a people knew how to do that which they 
never attempted to do. The Egyptians never made any ap- 
plication of the arch on a grand scale or to large edifices. 
They were acquainted with the form as one that would bear 
a weight ; but it would seem to have had no charms for them. 
This is not surprising, since arches would not have given the 
same impression of stability, firmness, and strength which is 
produced by the solid masses of flat stone that compose their 
roofs. Instead of maintaining that they deliberately pre- 
ferred these roofs to vaulted ones, it would probably be nearer 
the truth to say, that, being entirely content with flat roofs, 
the idea of constructing vaulted ones never occurred to 

The "symmetrophobia" of the Egyptians 241 is a peculiarity 


which developed itself gradually, and is strongest in the latest 
times. It appears most strikingly in such buildings as the 
great temples of Luxor and Philae, where, on proceeding from 
one court to another, we find the axis of the building vio- 
lently changed, 24 ' and the lines running in entirely new direc- 
tions. But, apart from these extreme cases, it appears that 
the Egyptians had a general dislike to exact correspondency 
and uniformity, preferring variation within limits. The dif- 
ference in the elevation of the four corners of the Great Pyra- 
mid, noticed by Fergusson, 243 is very remarkable, as also is 
the striking irregularity in the first or entrance court at Kar- 
nak, where the temple of Rameses II. breaks the line of the * 
right-hand colonnade, while the left-hand one is continuous 
and complete. 244 Other lesser irregularities are such as the 
following. 245 Detached pylons have frequently their axis at 
an angle with that of the building whereon they depend ; the 
columns in a colonnade are often unequally spaced ; doorways 
that correspond in position are of different sizes: caryatide 
piers and rounded columns are united in the same colonnaded 
court, occupying different sides ; columns contained within 
the same pillared hall have completely different capitals, and 
are of different heights ; the wings of houses do not match ; 
courts are seldom square ; their angles and the angles of rooms 
are frequently not right angles. It is manifest that the Egyp- 
tians "purposely avoided regularity," and the conjecture is 
probable that they did this "with a view of not fatiguing the 
eye." 246 The principle would seem to be sound within certain 
limits. Absolute uniformity is wearisome, and to be es- 
chewed ; but violent irregularities are displeasing. The Egyp- 
tians, even in the best times, somewhat overstepped the true 
mean ; their mingling of different sorts of columns, and of 
columns with caryatide or other piers, cannot be defended ; 
but it was not until their art had greatly declined under the 
depressing influence of foreign conquest that they reached 
their extreme practices, the complete change in the axis of 
a building and the employment of twenty different capitals 
for the columns of a single apartment. 247 

The contrivance for augmenting the apparent size of build- 
ings, of which we have to speak in conclusion, is the following. 
Egyptian buildings of large extent for the most part rise as we 
penetrate into them. When we pass from one limb to another, 
we generally ascend a few steps. Sometimes, however, the 
ascent is more gradual. At the Rameseum, 248 and again at 
Edfou, 249 the level of the ground rises from column to column, 
each column being placed on a low step a little above the pre- 


Vol. I. 

'SM/'SS/M///////////////////////////////////,://////// m/ ; /m 

Fig. 68.— Section of Smaller Pillared Hall, Great Temple, Karnak.— Page 108. 



• • • >>«| • • ■ 


Fig. 69.— Ground Plan of Southern Temple, Karnak.— See Page 113. 


Fig. 70.— Mammeisi, or Temple of the " Mother of the Gods."— See Page 113. 

Vol I. 

Plate XXIX. 

-y £V? 


2. 3. 4. 

Fig. 71. — Egyptian Columns. — See Page 114. 

Fig. 72.— Egyptian Bell-Capitals.— See Page 115. 

Plate XXX. 


Vol, L 

uli II mi 






Fig. 73.- Egyptian Lotus Capitals.— See Pa^e li5. 

Fig. 74.— See Page 115. 

iifiiiifif w; . ' "wm 

^u^'Mz^nn^-M^^ 'i. n"-;iir' in^"-i ii----iii^g||i^s^ 


Fig. 75.— Caryatide Figures.— bee Page 116. 

. 1 

Fig. 76.— Egyptian Arches.— See Page 121. 

Vol. I. 

Plate XXXI. 

Fig. 77.— An Egyptian Dwelling-house, viewed in Front.— See Page 119. 


)( )( If )(T Igggggl 

Fig. 78 —An Egyptian Dwelling-house, viewed r^o-r Internal Court.— Page 1 


ceding one. The effect is similar to that produced in a mod- 
ern theatre by the slope of the floor from the foot-lights to the 
back of the stage. It is aided by the general arrangements of 
doors and pylons, which diminish in size as we advance. An 
illusory perspective is in this way produced ; the vistas of pil- 
lars seem twice the length that they really are, and the entire 
building appears to be of an extent almost interminable. If 
it be one of the worst faults that an architect can commit, to 
make his edifice appear smaller than it is, and if the construc- 
tors of the pyramids are to be considered blamable in this re- 
spect, the later Egyptian builders must be regarded as deserv- 
ing of no small commendation for an arrangement which, 
without introducing any unworthy artifice, makes the size of 
their constructions even greater in appearance than it is in 



Sculpture of Ancient Egypt— Single Statues of full size— peculiarities. Groups. 
Principal Defects and Merits. Statuettes. General Uniformity and its 
Causes. Works in high Relief, rare. Works in Bas-relief and Intaglio. 
Defects. Superiority of the Animal over the Human Forms. Examples 
— Gazelle Hunt— Lion Hunt. Foreshortening. Want of proportion. Ab- 
sence of Perspeetive. Ugliness. Four classes of Subjects : 1. Religious ; 
2. Processional; 3. Military; and 4. Domestic. Playful Humor in the Do- 
mestic Scenes. Egyptian Painting— its general Character. Mechanism 
employed— Colors. Paintings good as Wall Decorations. Stages of Egyp- 
tian Mimetic Art. 

*' Les Egyptiens ont ete, avant les Orecs, celui de tous les peuples de Vantiquite 

2ui a parte les arts plastiques an plus haul degre de perfection et de grandeur.'' 1 — 
(ENORMANT, " Manuel d'Histoire Ancienne de l'Orient," vol. i. p. 537. 

The sculpture of ancient Egypt falls under the three heads of 
statuary, or sculpture in the round; relief, or representation 
of forms on a flat surface by means of a certain projection; 
and intaglio, or representation by the opposite process of cut- 
ting the forms into the stone or marble, and thus sinking them 
below the surface. This last includes a process, almost pecu- 
liar to Egypt, which has been called cavo-relievo, or intaglio- 
relievato, 1 whereby the figures are first incised, and then given 
a siight relief, which raises them almost, but not quite, to the 
level of the stone outside them. 

Completely detached statues of full size were, comparatively 
speaking, rare in Egypt ; and when they occur, their merit is 
but slight. Only about six or seven attitudes seem to have 


been allowed ; and these are repeated with a monotony that is 
absolutely wearisome through the twenty centuries, or more, 
during which Egyptian civilization lasts. Single figures 
usually stand upright with their arms dependent at their 
sides, or crossed upon their breast, and their feet equally 
advanced ; or they are in a walking attitude, with the left foot 
(invariably) set before the right, 2 aud the arms pendent ; or 
they sit on thrones, with their arms laid along their thighs, 
and the hands extended with palms downward ; or they kneel 
upon the ground with botli knees similarly placed, and hold 
in their two hands a shrine containing an image of some god ; 
or finally they are seated on the ground, with both knees 
drawn up nearly to the chin, and the arms resting upon them, 
the lower part of the person being enveloped in a robe or pet- 
ticoat. No movement is exhibited, no energy, scarcely any 
action even. The faces are for the most part expressionless, 
though sometimes they are evidently intended for portraits, 
and great pains have been taken to render them close imita- 
tions of nature. 3 The mechanical finish is high, a perfectly 
smooth surface being produced, however stubborn the mate- 
rial. 4 But the artistic finish is the lowest conceivable. There 
is no rendering of veins or muscles, no indication of any ana- 
tomical study, no appearance even of acquaintance with the 
human skeleton. 5 The limbs are smooth and rounded — the 
general proportions not bad — though altogether the forms are 
too slim to accord with Western notions of beauty : but all the 
higher qualities of art, as understood in the West, are wanting 
— there is composure and calm dignity, but there is no expres- 
sion, no vigor, no life, no attempt to grapple with difficulties, 
no idealism. The sculpture seems altogether incipient, unde- 
veloped. It is not, as has been justly observed, "modelled 
grossly, but summaril} T ," 6 — that is to say, it does not fail of its 
aims through inability to give effect to them, but its aims are 
low. It seeks to indicate the human form, rather than to ex- 
press it, to give the general contour rather than a representa- 
tion of details, to embody repose and not action ; there is 
nothing rude, gross, or coarse about it ; on the contrary, the 
forms have delicacy and elegance, but they are incompletely 
rendered ; they are good, as far as they go, but they do not go 
far ; the artist has stopped short of the nature which he had 
before his eyes, and has preferred not to imitate too closely. 

In the walking statues (Fig. 85), the want of completeness 
is strikingly shown by the fact, that the legs, though repre- 
sented as separate, are not disengaged from the stone, the 
space between them not having been hollowed out. . This 


peculiarity does not extend, however, except occasionally, to 
figures in bronze or wood, which, so far, are superior to the 
stone figures. 

Another curious peculiarity of Egyptian stone statues is 
the support which is given to them at the back. Except in 
the case of sitting figures (Fig. 87), which have the support 
of their chairs or thrones, Egyptian stone statues have almost 
invariably at their back an upright slab or plinth, sometimes 
resembling an obelisk, against which the figures lean, and with 
which they are in a manner blended. This is probably ex- 
plained rightly, as the reminiscence of a time when all statues 
were attached to walls, and constituted mere architectural 
adornments. 7 

The Egyptian statuaries did not stop at single figures, but 
sometimes proceeded to the composition of groups. Two 
figures, a husband and a wife (Fig. 8G), not unfrequently oc- 
cupy a single seat. Generally they sit separate; but some- 
times they hold hands, or the husband has his arm placed 
around his wife's waist. 8 Occasionally, the man is seated on a 
chair, accompanied by standing figures of his wife and children, 
sculptured on a smaller scale, and evidently intended as acces- 
sories. 9 The composition is in every case rude and inartificial, 
no attempt being made at " grouping," in the technical sense, 
or at producing an effective whole. 

Besides the negative defects, which have been here noticed, 
there are some positive ones, which must not be glossed over, 
whereby a great part of the statuary is rendered repulsive, 
rather than attractive — at any rate, to the modern European. 
The figures are, for the most part, too elongated; and the 
limbs especially are too long for the body. The ears are mis- 
placed, the hole of the ear being made parallel with the pupil 
of the eye, 10 instead of with the nostrils (Fig 84). The inlay- 
ing of the eye in a different material from the rest of the 
statue, which is common, offends a correct taste ; " and the 
prolongation of the eyebrows and eyelids nearly to the ears is 
unnatural and unpleasing. The great masses of hair hang- 
ing down on either side of the face in heavy blocks, concealing 
the neck and resting upon the shoulders, the broad and de- 
pressed nose verging upon a negro type, the prominent cheek- 
bones, the large mouth, and full, half out-turned lips, are even 
more disagreeable, and produce an ensemble from which the 
eye instinctively turns away, and on which it can only bring 
itself to gaze with difficulty. 1 ' 2 The dark material commonly in 
use, and the smears of red paint often observable, render the 
physiognomies even more repulsive than they would have been 


otherwise, and produce disgust and aversion. Again, the 
grotesque figures of the gods, sometimes coarse-featured and 
dwarfish, often mixing together animal and human forms, 13 
always utterly devoid of the faintest trace of beauty, lower the 
general character of the statuary where it might have been 
expected to be highest, and tempt the lover of high art to 
question whether the Egyptian attempts ought to be allowed 
the name of Art at all. If we pass from the contemplation 
of the Apollo Belvedere to that of an Egyptian representation 
of Phthah (Fig. 88) or Bes, w we seem to step from one world 
to another, from one pole of production to its opposite ; and 
it is difficult to persuade ourselves that one and the same term 
ought to embrace the two. 

If, however, we contemplate Egyptian statuary in Egypt it- 
self — on its native soil — as it was intended to be seen by those 
who wrought it, we shall find reason to modify some of these 
views, and to allow that, while devoid of the excellencies 
which we commonly associate with Greek art, it had merits of 
its own, and was not wholly contemptible. Sculpture in Egypt 
was almost entirely "architectonic," 15 and was intended simply, 
or at any rate mainly, for architectural embellishment. The 
Great Colossi (Fig. 92), the most remarkable of the Egyptian 
efforts, were set up in temples, or in their immediate neigh- 
borhood, and to be rightly judged must be viewed in connec- 
tion with those buildings. The statues of the gods had their 
proper place in shrines prepared for them, and were not out of 
keeping with their surroundings. The grand effect of the 
Osiride images in the temple courtyards lias been already 
noticed. 16 Even the rprivate statues of individuals were in- 
tended for ornaments of tombs, and seen, by torchlight only, 
in those dark abodes, must have been impressive. Altogether, 
the judgment appears to be sound, that "the sculptures were 
well adapted for architectural effect, from their grand, simple, 
and vertical lines, their great regularity, squareness and re- 
pose." 17 They had strength and massiveness, majesty and 
grandeur, simplicity and dignity; above all, they had about 
them an air of profound, eternal, unchanging rest. 

The smaller statuettes (Fig. 90), in bronze, basalt, or clay, 
are less dignified than the statues, but have greater elegance 
and grace. 18 Some female figures, apart from their uncouth 
Egyptian head-dress, are decidedly pleasing, though it must be 
admitted that they are too slender to satisfy an eye accustomed 
to the rounded forms of the Greeks. Animals (Fig. 89) are 
also rendered sufficiently well in the round. The pair of lions 
in the Southern Gallery at the British Museum have consider- 


able artistic excellence. The Great Sphinx (Fig. 93) of the 
Pyramids, though scarcely deserving of all the praises which 
have been lavished upon it, 19 must be admitted to be a striking 
monument, and to impress the spectator, not only by its bulk, 
but by its air of impassive dignity. Other sphinx figures 
(Fig. 82) are considered to have a certain calmness and 
grandeur. There are also statuettes of bulls, monkeys, and 
dogs, 20 which are characteristic and fairly good. 

It has been urged by many, 21 that the principal deficiencies 
of Egyptian statuary — the general uniformity of design, the 
stiffness and want of grace, the absence of motion from the 
forms, and of character and expression from the faces, nay, 
even the incompleteness of the representation — were the results, 
not so much of inability to do better on the part of the artists, 
as of a constraint imposed upon them from without by the 
religious prejudices of a dominant hierarchy. 22 It is undoubt- 
edly true that nothing more tends to cramp Art and prevent 
its satisfactory development, than laws against change, espe- 
cially when they are imposed from without, and rest upon a re- 
ligious rather than an artistic basis. It is also tolerably certain 
that there existed in ancient Egypt a religious censorship of 
Art — that "hieratic canons" were laid down and commanded 
to be observed a — and that a restraint was thus placed upon 
genius and invention. But it may be remarked, on the other 
hand, that the laws against change cannot have been absolute, 
since there are decided differences of style at different periods, 24 
and that freedom of treatment must have been, to a certain 
extent, allowed, since the animal forms at any rate improve 
as time goes on, and are best about the period of the eigh- 
teenth and nineteenth dynasties. In representations that are 
strictly religious, the amount of change, it is true, was slight, 
and there it is probable that "hieratic canons" really pre- 
vailed ; but in the portrait statues and the statuettes this is 
scarcely likely to have been the case, and the uniformity which 
is observable must, it would seem, be attributed to some want 
of artistic conception or power. A similar conclusion is 
naturally drawn from a general consideration of the bas-reliefs 
and intaglios, which, though boasting more freedom of treat- 
ment than the statues, still participate in their characteristics 
of uniformity, stiffness, and want of finish. 

High relief — the exhibition of human and animal forms in 
connection with a flat surface, but very much raised above it 
— which was common in Persia, 25 Lycia, 26 and Greece, is very 
rarely found in Egypt. The few reliefs of the kind which 
occur possess scarcely any merit. It is scarcely necessary 


to present specimens of these uncouth works, which can 
possess no attraction for any but professional students of art, 
who may desire to see sculpture of every kind in its rudest 
and most primitive condition. For such persons a few refer- 
ences are given in the subjoined note/' 7 

The bas-reliefs and intaglios of the Egyptians will be treated 
together, their general effect being very similar, and the com- 
position in both kinds being marked by nearly the same char- 
acteristics, praiseworthy or the contrary. In general the 
defects are glaring, and preponderate greatly over the merits. 
With rare exceptions, the figures are represented in profile, 
stiffly erect, and standing still, or walking in a formal, stately 
manner. The eye is drawn in full, not as it really appears 
sideways, but as if seen from the front. It is long and narrow, 
often set a little obliquely; and both eye and eyebrow are 
prolonged nearly to the ear. The ear is placed too high in the 
head, and is generally somewhat too large. The limbs are for 
the most part too slim, and the hands and feet are stiff, 
straight, and of undue size. Where variety of attitude occurs, 
the drawing is generally incorrect, and the new attitude im- 
possible. For instance, sometimes the head is turned com- 
pletely round, and the man who walks one way looks directly 
the other (Fig. 97). Female tumblers (Fig. 96) lean back- 
wards till their hands reach the ground with the palms down- 
ward. Others defy all the laws of gravity, and lean back in a 
position which could not be retained for a moment. 28 

Composition is in general formal, artificial, and constrained. 
In the processional scenes the same figure is reiterated twenty, 
thirty, fifty, or a hundred times. There is scarcely any idea 
of grouping, of balance^ or even of a main point of interest to 
which the rest shall be subordinate. In the battle scenes, it 
must be admitted, this defect is not so apparent. There the 
monarch is the central object, and the whole remainder of 
the composition, being intended simply for his honor and 
glory, is intentionally subordinated to him. But in this case 
another defect obtrudes itself. The artist, distrusting his 
ability to give the necessary pre-eminence to the royal figure 
by the means ordinarily considered legitimate^ — position, fin- 
ish, expression, convergence of the attention of the others to 
him — has had recourse to the rude and inartistic expedient 
of making his superiority apparent by mere difference of size. 
Kameses towers above his soldiers and his enemies, not as Saul 
above the children of Israel, 29 or Ajax above the Argives, 30 but 
as Gulliver above the people of Lilliput. The colossal figure 
of the great king dwarfs all the others, not into subordination 


merely, but into insignificance; 31 and it is necessary that we 
should shut him out from our vision before we can take an 
interest in the details of the battle. These are sufficiently 
lively and varied ; they exhibit confusion, turmoil, strange 
attitudes of dying and dead, life, motion, energy ; but it can 
scarcely be said that they are artistic. The reliefs in question 
may represent truthfully enough the varied and separate inci- 
dents of an ancient battle-field ; but the want of mass, of 
grouping, and of perspective renders them singularly ineffec- 
tive as pictures. 32 

iEsthetically, by far the best of the Egyptian reliefs are 
those in which animals form the entire subject, or at any rate 
constitute the preponderating element. 33 The Pharaonic ar- 
tists had a happy knack of catching the leading characteristics 
of beast 34 and bird, 35 and rendering them effectively though 
simply. A purely animal scene, represented by Rosellini in 
his great work, 36 is graceful and pleasing, full of life, and 
characterized by an artistic touch which is very unusual. 
The subjoined woodcut repeats a portion of this drawing, 
and will give a tolerable idea of its general style (Fig. 94). 

A nobler, grander, and altogether superior design may be 
seen at Medinet-Abou, on the external wall of the great pal- 
ace, facing the north. 37 This is a composition in which the 
monarch, standing by himself in his chariot (Fig. 99), ad- 
vances at full speed in the chase of a wounded lion, while at 
the same time attacked from behind, probably by another 
similar beast, 38 he turns himself round and directs his spear 
against the assailant. Under his horses, which, as usual, 
prance high in the air, lies the body of a lion pierced by two 
arrows, and struggling in the agonies of death. The hunted 
animal is in front. Though pierced by three arrows and a 
javelin, he continues his mad career, rushing through the 
water-plants, from which we may conclude that he has been 
aroused by the beaters. The whole piece is remarkable for 
the boldness and freedom of the outline, for the spirit of the 
composition, the good drawing of the lions, the expression of 
suffering in their countenances, and the contrast which they 
offer to each other and to the remaining figures of the design. 39 
Their massive forms compare well with the slim and graceful 
horses ; their violent action sets off the comparative impassive- 
ness of the main figure. Moreover, the balance of the com- 
position, if we imagine another lion behind, is good ; part 
corresponds to part, yet not too closely or exactly ; and, 
by the greater elevation of the horses' crests and the hun- 
ter's spear, the " principle of the pyramid " is asserted, and 


a unity given to the design which it might otherwise have 

Like the human, the animal figures (Fig. 98) are drawn for 
the most part strictly in profile ; but there are a certain number 
of exceptions, where the animal is turning round, and the 
form is to a certain extent foreshortened. 40 Occasionally even 
more ambition is shown, and more difficult attitudes are at- 
tempted, as in the Beni Hassan scene above mentioned, where 
some of the dogs turn their full faces to the spectator, and the 
antelopes are drawn in the act of falling prone to earth, or 
represented as struggling to shake off the hounds which have 
got hold of them. 

Among the main defects of the Egyptian designs are the 
non-observance of proportion and the almost entire inability 
to represent anything in perspective, as it is really seen. Not 
only are royal personages drawn commonly on a larger scale 
than the officers and others in attendance upon them, but in 
the tomb scenes even the ordinary paterfamilias is given a 
similar advantage over his servants and laborers* This advan- 
tage he sometimes shares with his wife, who sits with him on 
the same seat 41 and is drawn on the same scale. - 2 The animal 
forms are, on the other hand, frequently too small, cows being 
represented as about half the height of a man, 43 and donkeys 
as less than half. 44 When an elephant is depicted, the top of 
his back only just reaches his attendant's waist ; 45 and the 
head of the giraife a very little overtops that of the man who 
leads him. 46 The accessories of a battle scene, towns, forts, 
rivers, are on a scale absurdly disproportioned to the men, the 
horses, and the chariots-; 47 while in domestic scenes the per- 
sons represented often exceed in height the doors of the 
mansions. 48 

The inability to present a scene in perspective is, no doubt, 
one common to the Egyptian artists with other primitive de- 
signers ; but it is a defect which attains in Egypt an intensity 
almost without a parallel elsewhere. A phalanx of soldiers is 
represented by a mass of figures ranged one above the other, 
either in completely distinct lines, or in such a position that 
each more distant row shows above the nearer ones to the ex- 
tent of half the height. 49 As a general rule, what is distant 
and would be partially or entirely hidden by intervening ob- 
jects is raised up, if the artist wishes to show it, and exhibited 
at a higher level. The animals and the targets, whereat shoot- 
ers aim, are represented as close to them ; and the full face of 
the target is shown, when it ought to be nearly, if not quite, 
invisible, 50 Where a river, pond, or pool has to be indicated, 

Plate XXXII. 

Vol. I. 

Fig. 79.— See Page 119.— Note 226. 


Fig. 80.— See Page 119. 

Fig. 81.— An Egyptian House, 
partly in Section.— See Page 120 

Fig. 82. --Ordinary Sphinx. 

Crio-Sphinx.— See Page 127. 


Plate XXXIII. 


Fig. 83.— Ground-Plan and View of the Pavilion of Rameses III.— See Page 118. 


the entire surface is presented to view, being lifted up (Fig. 109) 
and placed at right angles to the eye of the spectator. 51 Gar- 
dens are commonly given in ground-plan, though the buildings 
which they contain stand erect/ 2 exhibiting their sides and not 
their roofs. Altogether, the rules of perspective are com- 
pletely ignored or defied, and no representation is accurate, 
unless limited to objects which are all at the same distance and 
in the same plane. 

Further, there is the same defect in the bas-reliefs of the 
Egyptians which has been already noticed in their statuary, 53 
the frequent intrusion of simply hideous forms into the de- 
signs, more especially where these have a religious character. 
The three huge and misshapen figures, 54 so frequent upon the 
ceilings of temples, which are supposed to represent "the 
heavens," oppress the imagination of one who stands under 
them. with the sense of a superincumbent nightmare. Bes in 
all his forms is fearful to behold ; Taouris, Savak (Fig. 108), 
and Cerberus are not much better ; even Osiris has presenta- 
tions which are repulsive ; and the constant recurrence of the 
Priapic Khem is a perpetual eyesore. All the forms of the 
gods are more or less disagreeable ; the stiff constrained out- 
lines, the tight-fitting robes, the large clumsily-drawn hands 
and feet, the frequent animal heads and enormous head- 
dresses, the ugly or inexpressive faces, compose an ensemble 
as unpleasant as can easily be conceived, and recall the mon- 
strosities of Brahminical and Buddhistic religious representa- 
tions. It seems strange that artists, who occasionally at any 
rate show taste and aesthetic culture, should consent to repro- 
duce from age to age stereotyped forms of a character which 
sound artistic judgment must always pronounce repulsive and 

The bulk of the drawings are of a sober and serious char- 
acter. They may be divided into : — 1. The strictly religious, 
where worship of some kind or other — generally sacrifice — is 
offered to the gods, or where they strengthen and sustain the 
monarch, or where the soul passes through some of the scenes 
which it will have to undergo after death. 2. The proces- 
sional, where the king goes in state, or where tribute is brought 
to him, or where the pomp of a funeral, or the inauguration 
of an officer, or some other civil ceremony, forms the subject. 
3. The war scenes, including battles by sea and land, the 
siege of forts, the march of armies, the return home with 
booty and captives, etc.; and 4. The scenes of common life, 
represented exclusively in the tombs, where the deceased is 
presented with offerings, or with inventories of his worldly 


goods, or exhibits liis skill in the chase, or depicts his house 
and its environs, or the processes of the trade which he fol- 
lowed when alive, or the entertainments which he gave and 
the large number of his guests and friends, or the amuse- 
ments which he delighted in. These tomb scenes are the most 
numerous and the most interesting; and, while perhaps the 
highest inventive qualities are displayed by the artists who 
decorate the walls of temples and palaces with gigantic battle- 
pieces, it is in the sepulchres that we observe the lightest 
touch, the freest drawing, the greatest variety of artistic excel- 
lence. Solemn as are the associations which attach to the 
grave, it is here, and here only, in the sepulchral chambers, in 
the close vicinity of the tombs, that the Egyptian artists shake 
off the weight of seriousness which elsewhere oppresses them, 
and condescend to be sportive and amusing, to exhibit playful- 
ness and humor, to approach or even pass the line which 
separates serious drawing from caricature. There is a tomb 
near Thebes, where, in the middle of an entertainment, a 
guest is represented as bringing down the apartment upon 
the feasters by leaning against a central pillar, and upsetting 
it. 55 In another tomb, ladies, not of too refined an appear- 
ance, converse with animation about their ear-rings, and ap- 
praise them, or inquire where they were bought. The humor 
is sometimes even more broad. 56 "In one of the royal sepul- 
chres at Thebes we see an ass and a lion singing and accom- 
panying themselves on the phorminx and the harp. Another 
design is the burlesque of a battle-piece. A fortress is attacked 
by rats, and defended by cats, who are mounted on the battle- 
ments. The rats bring a ladder to the walls and prepare to 
scale them, while a body armed with spear, shield, and bow 
protect the assailants, and a rat of gigantic size, in a chariot 
drawn by dogs, has pierced the cats with his arrows, and 
swings round his axe in exact imitation of Kameses dealing 
destruction on his enemies. In a papyrus of the Museum 
of Turin, a cat is seen with a shepherd's crook watching a 
flock of geese, and a cynocephalus ape playing on the flute." 5T 
Souls returning from Hades after judgment in the form ol 
pigs, under the protection of monkeys, have a crestfallen ex- 
pression of countenance which is quaint and ludicrous. 58 

Of painting, in the modern sense of the word, the Egyptians 
knew absolutely nothing. No surface was ever completely 
covered. The Egyptians drew figures of men and animals, 
together with other objects, in outline on a white or whitish 
background, and then filled in the outline, or portions of it, 
with masses of uniform hue. No shading or softening off of 


the tints was practised. 59 All the exposed parts of a man's 
body were colored of a uniform red-brown ; all the exposed 
parts of a woman's of a lighter red or a yellow. Except in 
the case of a few foreigners, the hair and beard were pitch 
black. Dresses were predominantly white, but had their folds 
marked by lines of red or brown, and were sometimes striped 
or otherwise patterned, generally with red or blue. 60 Most 
large surfaces 61 were more or less patterned, in general with 
small patterns of various colors, including a good deal of 
white. Altogether the effect was one of combined flatness 
and spottiness, the white background showing far too strongly 
and isolating the different parts of the picture one from 

The mechanism of painting was effected as follows : First 
of all the stone, whether it were sandstone, or fossiliferous 
limestone, or even granite, was covered over with a coating 
of stucco, 6 ' 2 which was white or whitish, and which prevented 
the colors from being lost by sinking into the ground. Fresco 
painting was unknown : the Egyptians allowed the composi- 
tion whereon they painted to become completely dry before 
they commenced even to sketch in their figures, much less to 
paint them. An outline was first drawn with red paint, or 
red chalk, on the prepared surface ; when this was satisfac- 
torily executed, the filling in began. The scale of colors 
known to the artists was not extensive. Besides black and 
white, and the three primitive colors, red, blue, and yellow, 
the Egyptians employed only green and brown, together with 
a light wash of the black which produced a sort of gray. 63 
The black is a bone-black, 64 very decided and very durable ; 
the white is a preparation of pure chalk with a slight trace 
of iron. The red and the yellow are ochres, the coloring 
matter being iron, not, however, artificially introduced, but 
mixed by nature with the earthy substance. 65 The blue color 
is derived from the oxide of copper ; but before becoming 
a pigment it has been combined with glass, which has then 
by trituration been reduced into a fine powder. The green 
is this same preparation, combined with a certain amount of ... 
yellow ochre. 66 The brown is probably a mixture of the blue- 
black with the red. 

A somewhat narrow gamut of color was thus formed. The 
Egyptian artists appear to have enlarged it by employing 
several shades of the primitive colors — three, at least, of 
blue, one very dark, another of medium hue, and a third 
very light, resembling our "sky-blue ;" two of red, a scarlet, 
and a red-brown ; and at least two of yellow, a darker and 


a lighter. 67 They used also at least two shades of green, 
and several of brown, ranging from a light drab to a hue 
nearly approaching black. But they were ignorant of lilac, 
of purple, of orange, of crimson, of olive, and were thus com- 
pelled to abstain from all attempts to produce that sort of 
beauty which is caused by the employment of half-tints, and 
the "soft and gradual transition from one tint to another," 
which is to the eye what "an harmonious concert of music 
is to the ear," 68 and which especially characterizes the Italian 
schools of Bologna and Venice. They had to depend on the 
broad contrasts of the primitive tints mainly, and were thus 
thrown upon the style of coloring which produces its effects 
by striking contrasts. 69 It is quite possible to obtain a good 
result in this way. Only let care be taken that the colors 
are strong and forcible, that a balance is maintained, and / 
that the masses are broad, and not too much entangled or 
interspersed, and an effect is produced which is simple and 
grand, effective and pleasing. The Egyptians, unhappily, 
broke up their masses of color, and intermixed them in such 
a way that a sense of unquiet is produced ; there is a general 
flutter and disturbance ; the eye finds nothing upon which 
it can dwell long, or repose with a feeling of satisfaction. 

The painting was executed in a sort of distemper. The 
colors were mixed with water, and with a certain rather mod- 
erate amount of gum, which rendered the mixture more tena- 
cious and adhesive. 70 They were applied, as already observed, 71 
to a stuccoed surface, which might either be flat and un- 
broken, or already prepared by the chisel with figures in 
relief or intaglio. These figures, by the variations of their 
surfaces, enjoyed the advantage of a slight variety of light 
and shade, which helped to mark them out, and gave their 
contour greater definiteness. Some compensation was thus 
introduced for the absence of painted chiaroscuro ; but the 
compensation was slight, and did not extend to all classes of 

Altogether it must be said that while, as artistic produc- 
tions, the Egyptian paintings possess only a low degree of 
merit, as wall decorations they were undoubtedly effective and 
striking. Where the sun always shines and the air is always 
clear, where nature lights up the landscape upon every side 
with mellow hues and bright effects, pale plain surfaces of 
stone, such as match well with the dull gray of northern 
lands, are unsuitable, offend the eye, seem tame and out of 
harmony. The brilliant hues which covered the walls of the 
Egyptian temples, inside and outside, illuminated them with 


a warmth that well accorded with their surroundings, and 
rendered them the richest-looking and brightest objects in a 
scene that was all brightness and richness. As the ancient 
Greeks employed color externally in the pediments and other 
parts of their temples, 72 and the Italians of the Middle Ages 
warm marbles and stone of many different hues in their pal- 
aces and churches, 73 so these primitive builders made the ex- 
terior, as well as the interior, of their edifices to glow with 
color, from an instinctive feeling of what was truly fitting 
and harmonious. Separately, the colors are often crude, if 
not coarse, and the contrasts sometimes over-violent ; 74 but, in 
their entirety, the paintings had no doubt a pleasing effect, 
and "greatly improved " the appearance of the buildings which 
they decorated. 75 

Egyptian mimetic art can scarcely be said to have a history. 
Its most notable characteristic is its general unchangingness 
and want of progress. Crystallized in its infancy, it presents 
to us from first to last a strange unparalleled sameness, an 
extraordinary monotony. Still, while this is its most striking 
feature, and the first and main impression which it produces 
on those who study it, 76 prolonged attention enables the in- 
quirer to perceive certain minor differences which underlie this 
general uniformity, and prove that, whatever might be in- 
tended, change to a certain extent did in fact intrude itself, 
and that progress, development, decay, renaissance, are con- 
sequently terms not wholty inapplicable to the art of Egypt at 
different periods. The earliest remains found at Saccarah 
and at Meydoun, consisting in part of statues, in part of painted 
bas-reliefs, exhibit a certain amount of rudeness and indecision, 
a certain weakness and want of regular method, indicative of 
an incipient art which is as yet imperfectly formed and does 
not know exactly how to proceed. 77 When we reach the time 
of the fourth dynasty, improvement is observable, more espe- 
cially in the statuary, which rapidly attains the highest degree 
of perfection that it ever reached in Egypt. The portrait- 
statues of Chephren, and of various private persons contempo- 
rary with him or with the other Pyramid kings, are the best 
specimens which occur of Egyptian sculpture "in the round," 
and are regarded by some as "rivalling the busts and statues of 
Rome." 78 Up to this time Egyptian art is thought to have 
been wholly, or at any rate to a great extent, 79 untrammelled 
by law ; and so far as statuary is concerned, it has a natural- 
ness in the human forms that disappears afterwards. But the 
bas-reliefs of the period are decidedly inferior to those of a 
later time. Not only is the aim low, scenes of common life 


being alone exhibited, but the rendering is unsatisfactory, the 
different representations being wanting in variety, and the 
best of them deficient in expression and life. A new epoch 
introduces itself with the twelfth dynasty, when hieratic canons 
were absolutely enforced, 80 and art, cramped so far, found 
compensation in an increased delicacy of rendering, an elegance 
and a harmony never previously realized. 81 New ideas sprang 
into being under the fostering influence of enlightened princes. 
Obelisks were erected ; piers were superseded, by columns ; and 
an architectural order was elaborated, which at a later date 
approved itself to the Greeks. 82 Sculpture at the same time 
took a fresh start. The tombs of Beni-Hassan reproduce in 
a general way those of a more primitive age at Saccarah and 
Ghizeh ; but the touch is more delicate, the proportions are 
better, and the subjects are more varied. After the time of 
the twelfth dynasty, Egyptian art does not so much decline as 
disappear, until the great reaction sets in under the eighteenth 
dynasty, when the Egyptian nation attains its acme, and the 
perfection of art, as of most other things, is reached. The 
"grand style" is now brought into existence, 83 and supersedes 
the humbler and more prosaic one that had hitherto prevailed. 
Colossi are erected ; huge battle-scenes are composed, contain- 
ing hundreds of figures ; variety of attitude is studied ; life 
and energy are thrown into the drawing ; even the countenances 
lose their immobility and have a certain amount of feeling and 
expression. But after the space of about three centuries a 
rapid decline sets in 84 — the higher qualities of art disappear — 
there is no more invention, no more expressiveness — convention 
resumes the grasp upon art which it had relaxed, and a dead 
period begins which continues till the time of the first Psamatik. 
Then there was a renaissance. 85 By a not unnatural reaction, 
the style of the eighteenth dynasty was discarded, and the 
artists took the older productions of the fourth and fifth 
dynasties for their models, imitating them in all their principal 
details, but "with greater smoothness, fineness, and floridity." 86 
Much grace is visible in the countour of the figures — but the 
old vigor is not attained — all is too rounded and smooth — the 
muscles cease to be marked — and the attempted reproduction 
falls (as commonly happens) very much below the antique 
standard. 87 Ultimately Egyptian art is debased by intermix- 
ture with Greek, 88 most unpleasing effects being produced by a 
barbarous attempt to combine two styles absolutely and essen- 
tially incongruous. But this last stage of decline need not 
occupy us here, since it falls beyond the time whereto the 
present history is confined. 




jSgyptiah Science. Arithmetic. Geometry. Astronomy— Observations of 
Eclipses— Planetary Occultations— Motions and Periods of the Planets- 
Tables of the Stars— Acquaintance with true Solar Year— General Char- 
acter of the Astronomy. Egyptian Astrology. Medicine. Engineering. 

Ilepl AlyvnTov ai ju.a0Tj/u.aTi/cai 7rpwTov te'xva.1 <rvvi(Jtt\aav. — ARISTOT. Metaph. i. 1. 

The sciences in which the ancient Egyptians appear to have 
made a certain amount of progress, and which will be alone 
considered in the present sketch, are astronomy, geometry, 
arithmetic, medicine, and engineering. The bulk of the 
physical sciences are of recent growth, and were utterly un- 
known, even to the ancient Greeks. Morals, metaphysics, 
logic, and political science, in which the Greeks made consider- 
able advances, were either unknown to the Egyptians, or at 
any rate not cultivated by them in a scientific manner. ! There 
remain the abstract sciences of arithmetic and geometry, 
together with the practical ones of astronomy, medicine, and 
engineering, with respect to which there is evidence that they 
engaged the attention of this primitive people, and were 
-elaborated to a certain extent, though very different opinions 
may be entertained as to the degree of perfection which was 
reached in them. 

Arithmetic is a science some knowledge of which must of 
necessity be possessed by every nation that is not wholly 
barbarous. Savages frequently cannot count, or, at any rate, 
not beyond some low number, as five, six, or ten; 2 but the 
needs of civilized life, of buying and selling, hiring and letting, 
even of knowing the extent of one's possessions, require a 
familiarity with tolerably high figures, and the power of per- 
forming certain numerical processes. The Egyptians had an 
arithmetical notation similar to that of the Phoenicians, the 
Etruscans, and the Eomans, whereby distinct signs being 
attached to the unit, to ten, to a hundred, a thousand, ten 
thousand, etc., other numbers were expressed by repetition 
of these characters. Just as a Koman expressed 7,423 bv 
MMMMMMMOCCOXXIII, so an Egyptian rendered it by 

liin!'' an( ^ s i m ^ ar ^y with other numbers, ex- 
cepting that the Egyptians did not have special signs for five, 
fifty, or five hundred, like the Roman V, L, and D. It has been 
-observed, 3 and it is undoubtedly true, that "the Egyptian 


method must have been very inconvenient for calculation;" but 
this difficulty was in practice overcome, and there can be no 
doubt that all the ordinary operations of arithmetic were per- 
formed as successfully in Egypt, or in Rome, as among our- 
selves. Numbers were dealt with readily as far as millions, 4 and, 
no doubt, would have been carried further, if it had been neces- 
sary for practical purposes. Speculative calculations seem 
not to have been indulged in, or at any rate we have no evi- 
dence that they were, and the generally practical character of 
the Egyptian mind is against the supposition. In this they 
differed from the Babylonians, who formed tables of squares, 
not for any immediate practical purpose, but as arithmetical 
exercitations. 5 

The geometry of the Egyptians originated, we are told/ 
from the peculiar conditions of their country, which, owing to 
the changes produced by the annual inundation, required the 
constant employment of land-surveying. Accurate land- 
surveying involves a knowledge of trigonometry, and it would 
seem to have been mainly in this direction that the Egyptians 
pushed their mathematical inquiries. Pythagoras, who studied 
mathematics on the banks of the Nile, 7 and is said to have 
"introduced geometrical problems from Egypt into Greece," 8 
was especially proud of his demonstration of that fundamental 
problem of trigonometry, that in every right-angled triangle, 
the squares of the two sides containing the right angle equal 
the square of the hypothenuse, or side subtending the right 
angle. 9 It is not absolutely certain that the Samian philoso- 
pher learnt the demonstration of this truth, or even the truth 
itself, in Egypt; but we may at least suspect that his Egyptian 
studies either embraced, or at any rate led him on to the appre- 
hension of the truth, which was clearly not known to the 
Greeks before his day. So, too, with regard to the scanty re- 
mains which have come down to us of Egyptian geometry, we 
are told that the problems treated of belong to "plane trigo- 
nometry," including its simple necessary elements, and going 
somewhat beyond them. 10 How far beyond, we are not in- 
formed; but modern criticism is probably right in questioning 
whether any very considerable advance was ever made by the, 
native Egyptians beyond mere plane trigonometry, and in re^ 
garding spherical trigonometry and conic sections as outside 
the range of their mathematical science. 11 It is quite possible^ 
however, that their geometry had a development of a different 
kind — that it "led on to geography," and the formation oi 
maps, 12 the first employment of which is ascribed by sonn 
Greek writers to the Egyptians. 13 


The early direction of Egyptian thought to the subject of 
astronomy is so largely attested 14 that the most skeptical of 
modern historical critics does not attempt to deny it. 15 What 
is questioned, and what must be allowed to be, to a considera- 
ble extent, questionable, is the degree of their proficiency in 
the science — the amount of astronomical knowledge to which 
they actually attained by their own unassisted efforts, prior to 
the time when the science passed from their hands into those 
of the Greeks. It seems not to be doubted by any that their 
attention was given : — 1. To eclipses of the sun and moon ; 
2. to occupations of the planets ; 3. to the motions of the 
planets and the determination of their periodic and synodic 
times ; 4. to the construction of tables of the fixed stars, and 
the mapping them out into constellations ; and 5. to the set- 
tling of the exact length of the true solar year. 16 

Eclipses are phenomena which naturally attract the notice 
even of barbarous and ignorant peoples, by whom they are 
generally regarded as fearful portents, indicative of the divine 
anger and of coming calamity. 17 There can be no reasonable 
doubt that the Egyptians from an early date observed eclipses, 
both of the sun and moon, 18 and entered their occurrence in 
the books wherein all important events were registered by 
them. 19 Whether they knew their causes, whether they reg- 
istered them scientifically, whether they could to any extent 
predict them, are matters on which it is impossible to come to 
definite conclusions in the present state of our knowledge, or 
rather of our ignorance. It has been conjectured 20 that Pyth- 
agoras derived from Egypt his acquaintance 21 with the fact 
that the sun is the true centre of the planetary system, and 
the earth a spherical body revolving round it — a fact which, 
when known, leads on naturally to true conceptions as to the 
nature of eclipses. But we cannot be certain that the knowl- 
edge, if he possessed it, reached him in this way. Doubt is 
thrown on the scientific character of the Egyptian registration 
by the circumstance that neither Hipparchus nor Ptolemy, 
who both lived in Egypt, availed themselves, so far as appears, 
of the Egyptian records ; 22 nor is it easy to see how, with their 
loose ideas on the subject of chronology, 23 Egyptian savants 
could assign to their observations such definite dates as might 
render them of service in later ages. With regard to predic- 
tion we have no evidence beyond the fact that Thales, who 
studied in Egypt, 24 is said to have on one occasion predicted 
an eclipse of the sun ; 25 but here again, even if we accept the 
fact, there is nothing to prove that the advanced knowledge of 
the Milesian sage was the result of his Egyptian studies. It is 


quite conceivable that he derived it from Babylon, where the 
cycle of 223 lunations (or eighteen years and ten days), which 
is sufficient for the prediction of lunar, and to some extent of 
solar eclipses, was certainly known. 26 

That occultations of the planets by the moon were carefully 
noted by the Egyptians, we have the testimony of Aristotle, 
who, after describing an occultation of Mars by the moon, 
i proceeds to state that similar occultations of other stars (i. e. 
planets) had been noted by the Egyptians and Babylonians, 
who had observed the heavens for many years and communi- 
cated to the Greeks many oral reports concerning each of the 
stars. 27 Such occultations are of primary importance for the 
determination of astronomical distances ; but, in order to be 
of service, they must be carefully timed and repeated at sev- 
eral distant places. It is not quite clear that the Egyptians 
could measure time very accurately : 28 and though the priests 
at the various seats of learning — Iieliopolis, Thebes, Memphis 
— would in all probability observe the phenomena of occulta- 
tions from those different localities, yet we do not hear of their 
comparing notes or drawing any conclusions from recorded 
differences in their observations. Thus the knowledge ob- 
tained was scarcely so productive as we might have expected 
it to be ; the results which modern science derives from an oc- 
cultation or a transit were not attained, nor even apprehended 
as attainable ; probably, the bare fact of the occultation, to- 
gether with some rough note of its time, was all that was put 
on record ; and thus not even was material of much value for 
future progress accumulated. 

The motions of the planets, which were somewhat strangely 
neglected by the earlier' Greek astronomers, 29 attracted atten- 
tion in Egypt from very primitive times, and must have been 
studied with great care, since conclusions not very remote from 
the truth were arrived at concerning them. Eudoxus, who is 
expressly stated to have derived his knowledge of the planetary 
movements from Egypt, 30 laid it down that the periodic time 
of Saturn, or the period in which that planet completes his 
orbit, was thirty years; the periodic time of Jupiter, twelve 
years ; that of Mars, two years ; that of Venus and of Mercury, 
like that of the Earth, one year. 31 The real times are, re- 
spectively : — 

Years. Days. Hours. 

Saturn 29 174 1 

Jupiter 11 315 14 

Mars ,. 1 321 23 

Venus 234 16 

Mercury 87 28 

periodic and synodic periods* 141 

So that, with regard to three out of the five planets known to 
the ancients, the error is inconsiderable ; while with regard to 
one (Mercury) the error, though great, may readily be con- 
doned if we consider the nearness of Mercury to the sun, and 
the consequent difficulty of making exact observations respect- 
ing it. The somewhat large error observable in the case of 
Venus is curious, and not readily explicable. Perhaps Eu- 
doxus only meant that the two planets nearest the sun com- 
pleted their orbits within the space of one year, not that they 
took the full year to complete them. It is noticeable that in 
laying down his periodic times, Eudoxus in no case introduces 
any fractions of years. 

It is otherwise in his statement of the "synodic periods" of 
the planets, or the times of their periodic conjunctions. Here, 
once more, he derives his knowledge from Egypt ; 32 and the 
knowledge is, comparatively speaking, exact and accurate. 
The periods are given in months and days. The synodic 
period of Mercury is 110 days ; of Venus, nineteen months ; 
of Mars, eight (twenty-five?) months and twenty days; of 
Jupiter and Saturn, almost exactly thirteen months. 33 If the 
emendation proposed M in the case of Mars be accepted, these 
numbers give a very close approximation to the true times, as 
will be seen by the subjoined table : — 

Eudoxus' time. True time. Excess. Defect. 

Saturn . 

390 days 

378 days 


Jupiter . 

390 " 

399 " 





770 " 

780 " 





570 " 

584 " 



Mercury . 

110 " 

116 " 



The error is in no case so much as one-eighteenth, and in one 
case (if the proposed reading be right) is as little as one- sev- 

The Scholiast upon Aratus tells us that the Greeks derived 
their tables of the fixed stars from the Egyptians and Chal- 
deans. 35 The distribution or grouping of the stars was the 
subject of one of the astronomical books assigned to Thoth or 
HertiiSe, and required to be learnt by the horoscopus, 36 a priest 
of high rank in Egypt. This grouping, of course, included 
an arrangement of the constellations through which the sun 
travels ; out the Egyptian arrangement did not correspond 
with that of the ordinary "signs of the Zodiac," which the 
Greeks (apparently) derived from the Babylonians, 37 and which 
the later Egyptians borrowed from the Greeks. 38 It is said 
indeed to have been, like that, duodecimal; 39 but the names> 


of the groups, and probably the groups themselves, were, *\i 
any rate for the most part, 40 different. Hence there is mucn 
difficulty in interpreting the older astronomical monuments of 
Egypt, it being seldom possible to identify the stars men- 
tioned under their obscure and strange nomenclature. 41 

The ordinary Egyptian year consisted, like our own ordi- 
nary year, of 365 days, but was divided differently. It con- 
tained twelve months, each of thirty clays ; after the expiration 
of which, at the close of the year, five days were interca- 
lated. 4 ' 2 All ordinary reckoning was by this year ; and even 
the festivals followed it, with the result that in the course of 
time they circled round the entire range of the seasons, the 
festival which was properly a summer one becoming in turn 
a spring festival, a winter, and an autumn one. 43 This effect 
followed from the omission from the calendar of the quarter- 
day by which the true solar year is in excess of 365 days, or of 
any compensation for it, such as is furnished by the extra day 
of our "leap-years." Still, this excess appears to have been 
known to the Egyptians, whose "Sothiac Cycle" was founded 
upon it. This was a period of 1,461 vague, or 1,460 true 
years, which was certainly recognized by the later Egyptians, 44 
and is believed to be indicated by monuments of the Phara- 
onic time. 45 It was called by the Egyptians Sothiac, because 
they fixed its commencement at a date when the Dog Star, 
which they called Sothis, rose heliacally, on the first day of 
the month Thoth, which was the beginning of their year. 
Now Sirius rose heliacally in Egypt, on the first of Tliotli, in 
the years B.C. 2782 and 1322, and again in A.D. 138. This 
last-named year was certainly known to the Egyptians as the 
first of a Sothiac cycle ; 46r the year B.C. 1322 was probably so 
known ; 47 concerning the year B.C. 2782 we have no evidence. 
On the whole, however, there would seem to be grounds for 
believing that the Sothiac period was known and used even 
anterior to the time of the nineteenth dynasty, and therefore 
that the Egyptians had from a remote antiquity advanced so 
far on the road to accuracy and exactness as to fix the solar 
year, not at 365, but at 365} days. They do not appear, on 
the other hand, to have been aware that that estimate is in 
excess, or to have made any arrangements for neutralizing the 
error such as are carefully provided by the Gregorian calendar 
now in general use. 

The Egyptians also knew the obliquity of the ecliptic to the 
equator, 48 and found a way of determining an exact meridian 
line. 49 It has been supposed that they were acquainted with 
the precession of the equinoxes; 50 but the grounds for this 


opinion are insufficient. Their astronomy must thus be pro- 
nounced on the whole not very advanced, and rather empiri- 
cal than scientific, rather practical than speculative. Brugsch 
well says of it : "Astronomy with the Egyptians was not 
that mathematical science which calculates the movements of 
the stars through the construction of grand systems of the 
heavens. It was rather a collection of the observations which 
they had made on the periodically recurring phenomena of 
earth and sky in Egypt, the bearings of which upon each 
other could not long escape the notice of the priests, who in 
the clear Egyptian nights observed the brilliant luminaries of 
their firmament. Their astronomical knowledge was founded 
on the base of empiricism, not on that of mathematical 
inquiry." 51 

The astronomy of the Egyptians seems to have been less 
tainted with astrology than that of most ancient nations. In 
their calendar, certain days were reckoned as lucky and others 
as unlucky in connection with stellar influences ; 52 and horo- 
scopes were occasionally cast for individuals from the general 
aspect of the stars at their birth, 53 or from the supposed influ- 
ence of certain ruling constellations. 54 But astrology did not 
hold in Egypt the place that it held in Babylonia. If not 
altogether "an exotic in the country," 55 it was at any rate of 
no great account ; a very small proportion of the extant 
literature bears upon it ; 56 and the references made to its em- 
ployment by the Egyptians in the works of the classical 
writers are few and scanty. 57 

In medicine, the Egyptians were regarded by their contem- 
poraries as remarkably advanced ; 58 and it seems to be certain 
that they had studied the subject from a remote period. The 
composition of medical works was assigned by tradition to 
more than one of the most ancient kings, 59 while by some 
these antique productions were regarded as composed by one 
of the native deities. 60 All physicians were expected to study 
them ; and were required to employ the prescribed remedies, 
and in no case to resort to others, unless the regularly author- 
ized prescriptions proved unavailing. Any transgression of 
this rule of practice, if followed by the death of the patient, 
was a capital offence. 31 It is evident that, under such a system, 
while rash experiments would almost certainly be prevented, 
the progress and improvement of the healing art would suffer 
no inconsiderable hindrance. Still, medical knowledge seems 
to have, notwithstanding, progressed. Homer praised the 
skill of the Egyptian physicians; 62 and no sooner did the 
Persian kings become masters of Western Asia than they had 


recourse to Egypt for their medical advisers. 63 If it be true 
that post-mortem examinations were allowed, and indeed com- 
manded by royal authority, 64 we can understand that advances 
would be made in Egypt, since elsewhere there was generally 
a prejudice against the dissection of the human subject. It 
is clear also that the subdivision of the medical profession, 
which prevailed among the Egyptians, 65 must have had a ten- 
dency, in some respects, to advance medical knowledge by 
specializing it. On the other hand, such information as has 
reached us of the treatment actually employed is not of a nature 
to raise our estimate of the proficiency attained. The monthly 
use of emetics and clysters for the purpose of purging the 
body of its ill humors; 66 though analogous to a practice widely 
current in Western Europe a hundred years ago, is scarcely 
one in accordance with modern notions of hygiene. The pre- 
scriptions of the medical treatises, so far as they have been 
deciphered and translated, are absurd, and their physiological 
views seem to be purely imaginary and fantastic. 67 On the 
whole, while there is reason to believe that the science of med- 
icine was better understood in Egypt than in any other coun- 
try during the period with which we are concerned in this 
history, the positive knowledge possessed must be pronounced 
to have been not very considerable. 

In one respect, and in one only, do the scientific attainments 
of the Egyptians seem to have been really great and surprising. 
Their engineering science is certainly most remarkable ; and, 
though it has perhaps been, like their sculpture, over-praised, 68 
yet beyond dispute there is much in it that is truly deserving 
of our warm admiration. r In their cutting of hard materials, 
in their finished polish of surfaces, in their exact production 
of whatever angle they required, in their perfect fitting of 
stone to stone, and again in their power of quarrying, trans- 
porting, and raising into place enormous masses, this ancient 
people was, and still is, unsurpassed. In stone-cutting the 
results attained are with reason declared to equal those which 
are effected at the present day by the aid of gunpowder and of 
steam machinery in the quarries of Aberdeen. 69 In mechani- 
cal skill their great works are as perfect as anything that has 
ever been produced since. 70 In massiveness of construction 
they far exceed all that any other nation has ever attempted. 
The engineering student is naturally lost in admiration when 
he contemplates the huge masses so prodigally employed by 
the Egyptians in their temples, their palaces, and their tombs 
— blocks of stone thirty or forty feet long, used in walls or for 
the lintels of doors — obelisks weighing from 200 to 450 tons, 


each a wonder to the Western world, but in Egypt a common 
ornamentation, sometimes set up in avenues — monolithic 
chambers and colossi weighing 800 tons 71 — and all apparently 
moved with ease to the point required, as though there were 
no mechanical difficulties whatsoever in the transportation. 
At the first blush, one is apt to suppose that practical me- 
chanics must have been profoundly studied and pushed to 
great perfection by a people which could with such apparent 
ease produce such an enormous number of colossal works. 
But such accounts as we obtain from the classical writers of 
the manner in which their grandest achievements were ef- 
fected, and such representations as they have themselves left 
us of their methods of proceeding, are calculated to dispel 
these ideas, and to lower very considerably our estimate of 
their mechanical science. The transportation of the hugest 
colossi was effected by the simple plan of attaching ropes to 
them in front and dragging the enormous mass by main force 
from the quarry where it was hewn to the place where it was 
intended to set it up. 72 Human muscular power was the mo- 
tive force used ; and scarcely any mechanical art or expedients 
were employed to facilitate the operation. No levers were 
made use of, so far as appears, no rollers. 73 Beyond the round- 
ing off in front of the sledge whereon the colossus was placed, 
and the lubricating of the ground over which it had to be 
dragged by some oily substance, no ingenious contrivance was 
had recourse to. Sheer strength accomplished the object aimed 
at, which must have been achieved slowly, 74 painfully, and with 
much waste of power. It is difficult to persuade oneself that 
horrible accidents did not occur with some frequency, when 
blocks of such an enormous size and weight were moved long 
distances by large gangs of human laborers. 75 

The raising into place of obelisks, lintels of doors, and 
roofing blocks, such as those which cover in the sepulchral 
chamber of the Great Pyramid, 76 must have called into play 
some larger amount of mechanical art, and can scarcely have 
been managed without machines. It is certainly curious that 
machines are nowhere represented in the Egyptian sculptures; " 
but Herodotus tells us that they were really employed in the 
•construction of the pyramids, 78 and modern observation con- 
firms his statement. 79 The machines may have been simple, 
or they may have been complex. As we have no representa- 
tions or descriptions of them, it is impossible to determine 
their character. But at any rate they were such that works, 
difficult of execution even at the present day, were accom- 
plished by them. Obelisks of the largest size were emplaced 


upon their pedestals successfully ; pyramids were built up to 
the height of nearly 500 feet ; temples were roofed in with 
huge masses of limestone or granite. Whatever were the 
means employed, the ends were most certainly effected ; and 
the lower the opinion which we form of the mechanical appli- 
ances in use, the higher must be our admiration of the skill 
which, with such poor means, produced such vast results. 



Large share occupied by Religion in the Life of the Nation— Esoteric and 
Exoteric Systems. Nature of the Esoteric Religion. Opinions concerning 
God, concerning Evil, and concerning the Soul. Exoteric Religion. Local 
origin of the Polytheism. Egyptian Pantheon— Amnion— Kneph — Khem 
— Phthah— Maut— Sati— Neith— the Sun-Gods, Ra, Osiris, etc. Osirid Myths. 
Minor Deities— Athor, Isis, Khons, Thoth, etc. Powers of Evil, Set, Nubi, 
Taouris, Bes, Apap. Genii, Anubis, Amset, Hapi, etc. Orders of Gods. 
Triads. Character of the Worship— Prayers, Hymns, Sacrifices. Animal 
Worship. Apis, Mnevis, and Bacis Bulls— Momemphite Cow. Origin of 
the Animal Worship. Outward Aspect of the Religion — Festivals, Proces- 
sions, and Worship of Ancestors. The Mysteries. 

" Toute en Egypte portait Vempriente de la Religion. "— Lenormant, "Manuel 
d'Histoire Ancienne de 1'Orient," vol. i. p. 521. 

The most important element in the thought of a nation, that 
which beyond aught else forms and influences its charac- 
ter, which underlies allrits customs, and comes to the surface 
in ten thousand various and surprising ways, is its Religion. 
The Egyptians were profoundly religious. What most struck 
Herodotus, when, in the middle of the fifth century before our 
era, he visited the country, was the extreme devotion of its in- 
habitants. "The Egyptians," he says, 1 "are religious to ex- 
cess, far beyond any other race of men ; " and, accordingly, the 
greater portion of his description of Egypt is occupied with an 
account of the priests, the temples, and the religious ceremonies. 3 
We have seen that, in the architectural remains, the Temple 
dominates over the Palace, and is itself dominated by the 
Tomb, 3 both the Temple and the Tomb being the expression 
of religious ideas. Everywhere in Egypt gigantic structures 
upreared themselves into the air, enriched with all that Egyp- 
tian art could supply of painted and sculptured decoration, 
dedicated to the honor, and bearing the sacred name, of some 
divinity. The great temple of each city was the centre of its 

Date XXXIV. 

Vol. I. 

Fig. 84.— Bust of an Egyptian 
King.— See Page 125. 

Fig. 85.-2. Egyptian sitting Statue.— Page 134. 

Fig 87,-1. Egyptian Walking Fte 
Statue.— Sec ¥z.Le t.o. 

c\n*>r*> n?» two Statues, Husband Ajfis 
VCtito.— See Page 125. 


Plate XXXV. 

Fig. 88.— Egyptian Figures of Phthah and Bes.— See Page 126. 

Fig. 89.— Modelled Figures of Animal?.— See Page 126. 


life. A perpetual ceremonial of the richest kind went on 
within its walls, along its shady corridors or through its sun-lit 
courts — long processions made their way up or down its avenues 
of sphinxes — incense floated in the air — strains of music re- 
sounded without pause — all that was brightest and most costly 
met the eye on every side — and the love of spectacle, if not 
deep religious feeling, naturally drew to the sanctuary a con- 
tinual crowd of worshippers or spectators, consisting partly of 
strangers, but mainly of the native inhabitants, to whom the 
ceremonies of their own dear temple, their pride and their joy, 
furnished a perpetual delightful entertainment. 4 At times the 
temple limits were overpassed, and the sacred processions were 
earried through the streets of the town, attracting the gaze of 
all ; or, embarking on the waters of the Nile or of some canal 
derived from it, glided with stately motion between the houses 
on either side, a fairer and brighter sight than ever. 5 The 
calendar was crowded with festivals, and a week rarely passed 
without the performance of some special ceremony, possessing 
its own peculiar attractions. Foreigners saw with amaze the 
constant round of religious or semi-religious ceremonies, which 
seemed to know no end, and to occupy almost incessantly the 
main attention of the people. 

Nor was the large share which religion had in the outer life 
of the nation the sole or the most important indication of the 
place which it held in their thoughts and regards. Religion 
permeated the whole being of the people. " Writing was so 
full of sacred symbols and of allusions to the mythology that 
it was scarcely possible to employ it on any subject which lay 
outside the religion. Literature and science were little more 
than branches of theology. The arts were scarcely employed 
for any other purpose than with a view to worship, and for 
the glorification of some god or of some deified monarch. 
Religious laws and precepts were so numeroup. so multiplied, 
that it was impossible to exercise a profession, or even to ob- 
tain subsistence and provide for one's daily wants, without 
having constantly present to the memory the regulations estab- 
lished by the priests.- Every province had its special divinities, 
its own peculiar rites, its special sacred animals. It even 
seems as if the sacerdotal element had presided at the original 
distribution of the country into nomes or cantons, and that 
these were, at the outset, not civil, but religious divisions." 6 

To understand the Egyptians, it is thus absolutely necessary 
to have something like a clear idea of their religion. The 
subject is, no doubt, one of great complexity and considerable 
obscurity ; the views of the best authorities with respect to it 


still differ to no small extent ; 7 but a certain number of char- 
acteristic features, belonging to the inner life, seem to lm\e 
obtained general recognition while there is a still more com- 
plete agreement as to the outward presentation of the religion 
in the habits and actions of the people. In the present 
sketch, mere speculation will be, as far as possible, avoided ; 
and only those conclusions set forth with regard to which there 
is something like a general accord among the persons best 
acquainted with the Egyptian remains, whether sculptured or 

First, then, it appears to be certain that the Egyptian re- 
ligion, like most other religions in the ancient world, had two 
phases or aspects : 8 one, that in which it was presented to the 
general public or vast mass of the population ; the other, that 
which it bore in the minds of the intelligent, the learned, the 
initiated. To the former it was a polytheism of a multitudi- 
nous, and in many respects of a gross, character : to the latter 
it was a system combining strict monotheism with a meta- 
physical speculative philosophy on the two great subjects of 
the nature of God and the destiny of man, which sought to 
exhaust those deep and unfathomable mysteries. Those who 
take the lowest views of the Egyptian religion 9 admit that 
"the idea of a single self-existent deity," was involved in the 
conceptions which it set forth, 10 and is to be found not unfre- 
quently in the hymns and prayers of the Ritual. 11 It is im- 
possible that this should have been so, unless there w 7 ere a 
class of persons who saw behind the popular mythology, 
understood its symbolical or metaphysical character, and were 
able in this way to reconcile their conformity to the established 
worship with the great truths of natural religion which, it is 
clear, they knew and which they must have cherished in their 
heart of hearts. 

The primary doctrine of the esoteric religion undoubtedly 
was the real essential Unity of the Divine Nature. The sacred 
texts taught that there was a single Being, "the sole producer 
of all things both in heaven and earth, Himself not produced 
of any" — "the only true living God, self-originated" — "who 
exists from the beginning" — "who has made all things, but 
has not Himself been made." 12 This Being seems never to 
have been represented by any material, even symbolical, form. 13 
It is thought that He had no name, or, if He had, that it must 
have been unlawful either to pronounce or write it. 14 He was 
a pure spirit, perfect in every respect — all-wise, almighty, su- 
premely good. 

The gods of the popular mythology were understood, in the 


esoteric religion, to be either personified attributes of the 
Deity, or parts of the nature which He had created, considered 
as informed and inspired by Him. Num or Kneph repre- 
sented the creative mind, Phthah the creative hand, or act of 
creating ; Maut represented matter, Ra the sun, Khons the 
moon, Seb the earth, Khem the generative power in nature, 
Nut the upper hemisphere of heaven, Athor the lower world 
or under hemisphere. ; Thoth personified the Divine wisdom ; 
Amnion, perhaps, the Divine mysteriousness or incomprehen- 
sibility ; Osiris (according to some) the Divine goodness. It is 
difficult in many cases to fix on the exact" quality, act, or part 
of nature intended ; but the principle admits of no doubt. 
No educated Egyptian priest certainly, probably no educated 
layman, conceived of the popular gods as really separate and 
distinct beings. All knew that there was but one God, and 
understood that when worship was offered to Khem, or Kneph, 
or Phthah, or Maut, or Thoth, or Ammon, the One God was 
worshipped under some one of His forms or in some one of His 
aspects. It does not appear that in more than a very few 
cases did the Egyptian religion, as conceived of by the initi- 
ated, deify created beings, or constitute a class of secondary 
gods who owed their existence to the supreme God. Ra was 
not a San-Deity with a distinct and separate existence, but the 
supreme God acting in the sun, making his light to shine on 
the earth, warming, cheering, and blessing it ; and so Ra might 
be worshipped with all the highest titles of honor, 15 as indeed 
might any god, 16 except the very few which are more properly 
called genii, and which corresponded to the angels of the 
Christian system. Such is Anubis, the conductor of souls in 
the lower world, 17 and such probably are the four "genii of the 
dead," Amset, Tuamutef, Hapi (Apis), and Kebhsnauf, who 
perform so conspicuous a part in the ceremonial of Amenti. 18 

It is difficult to decide what were the esoteric views of the 
Egyptians with regard to Evil. Several deities, as Set or 
Sutech, Nubi, or (as Wilkinson reads the name) Ombo, 19 and 
Apepi or Apophis, the great serpent, seem to be personifi- 
cations of evil ; and the strongest antagonism is represented 
as existing between these and the favorite divinities of the 
Egyptians, as Ammori, Khem, Phthah, Ra, Osiris ; but 
whether, as among the Persians,' 20 two original Principles, one 
of Good, and the other of Evil, were intended, or whether 
Evil was viewed as "a necessary part of the universal system, 
inherent in all things equally with good," 21 and so as one aspect 
of the Divine nature, is to some extent doubtful. It is hard 
to believe that, if the pantheistic notion, by which Sin and 


Evil generally are considered to be equally of the essence of 
God with goodness, had been the real belief of the Egyptian 
priesthood, their protests in favor of virtue and against vice 
of all kinds could have been so strong and earnest as they 
are. 22 It is also difficult to imagine that the priests would 
have allowed the general obliteration of the monumental em- 
blems of Set, which is noticed by Egyptologists, 23 if they had 
Viewed him as really an aspect of the Supreme Being. Per- 
haps the Egyptian priests at no time thought out the problem 
of the origin and nature of evil, but were content with indis- 
tinct and hazy notions upon the subject. Perhaps their views 
varied at different times, inclining during the earlier ages to 
the pantheistic doctrine, in the later to the Persian tenet of 
Two Principles. 24 

The continuance of the soul after death, its judgment in 
another world, and its sentence according to its deserts, either 
to happiness or suffering, were undoubted parts both of the 
popujar and of the more recondite religion. It was the uni- 
versal belief that, immediately after death, the soul descended 
into the lower world and was conducted to the Hall of Truth 
(or "of the Two Truths"), 29 where it was judged in the pres- 
ence of Osiris and the forty-two doemones, the "Lords of 
Truth" and judges of the dead. Anubis, "the director of 
the weight," 26 brought forth a pair of scales, and, placing in 
one scale a figure or emblem of Truth, set in the other a vase 
containing the good actions of the deceased, Thoth standing 
by the while, with a tablet in his hand, whereon to record the 
result. 27 According to the side on which the balance inclined, 
Osiris delivered sentencer If the good deeds prepon derated, 
the blessed soul was allowed to enter the "boat of the sun," 28 
and was conducted by good spirits to Aahlu (Elysium), to the 
"pools of peace," 29 and the dwelling-place of Osiris. If, on 
the contrary, the good deeds were insufficient, if the ordeal 
was not passed, then the unhappy soul was sentenced, accord- 
ing to its deserts, to begin a round of transmigrations in the 
bodies of more or less unclean animals ; 30 the number, nature, 
and duration of the transmigrations depending on the degree 
of the deceased's demerits, and the consequent length and 
severity of the punishment which he deserved, or the purifi- 
cation which he required. Ultimately, after many trials, if 
purity was not attained, the wicked soul underwent a final 
sentence at the hands of Osiris, Judge of the Dead, and, being 
pronounced incurable, suffered complete and absolute annihi- 
lation. 31 The good soul, having first been freed from its in- 
firmities by passing through the ba.sin of purgatorial fire 


guarded by the four ape-faced genii, 32 and then made the com- 
panion of Osirisfor 3,000 years, returned from Amenti, re-en- 
tered its former body, rose from the dead, and lived once more 
a human life upon earth. This process was reiterated until 
a certain mystic cycle of years became complete, when finally 
the good and blessed attained the crowning joy of union 
with God, being absorbed into the Divine Essence, and 
thus attaining the true end and full perfection of their 
being. 33 

Such, in outline, was the general belief of educated Egyp- 
tians upon the highest subjects of human thought — the nature 
of God, and the ultimate destiny of man. On minor points 
varieties of opinion no doubt existed at different times and in 
different parts of the country. More especially was there di- 
versity in the arrangements which were made of the Divine 
attributes and aspects into groups, and the subordination of 
some of those groups to others, arrangements which became 
the basis of the well-known disposition of the popular gods 
into "orders," forming a sort of divine hierarchy. 34 It would 
seem that the selection of attributes and aspects made by the 
Egyptians was not the result of exact thought or of philo- 
sophic analysis, but was casual and partial. The priests of 
one district made one selection, of another another. Even 
where the same selection was made, different names were 
given. The attributes noticed, and separated off, increased 
in number as time went on , and it was not until a compara- 
tively late period that graduation and arrangement were at- 
tempted. Then, in different parts of the country, different 
views were taken. There must always be much that is arbi- 
trary in distinctions between the primary and secondary quali- 
ties of any existence. When the existence is the mysterious 
and inscrutable Author of Nature, the arbitrariness is apt to 
be excessive. Hence the remarkable diversity of the Egyp- 
tian groupings, the details of which will be given in a later 
portion of this chapter. 

It has been supposed by some that the Egyptian esoteric re- 
ligion comprised a recognition of the fact, first made known to 
mankind distinctly by Christianity, that the Divine nature is 
a Trinity in Unity. In the seventeenth century Cud worth 
strongly supported this view; 35 and in modern times it has 
been favored by some of those avIio are opposed to the doctrine 
and desirous of tracing it to a merely human origin. But the 
grounds upon which Cud worth rested his belief were long ago 
examined and refuted by Mosheim, 36 who showed, in the first 
place, that the authority on whom the English divine relied 


was untrustworthy, and, in the second, that he did not make 
the assertion which was ascribed to him. Modern investiga- 
tion of the religious books and inscriptions of Egypt confirms 
the view of Mosheim ; for, though in the local worships of the 
country "triads" were very numerous, there is not the slightest 
indication of the Egyptians having possessed any such conception 
as that of a Trinity in Unity. The Supreme Being was viewed as 
in his essence absolutely One, and, when divided up, was divided 
not into three, but into a multitude of aspects. The "triads " are 
not groups of persons, but of attributes ; the Three are not co- 
equal, but distinctly the reverse, the third in the triad being 
always subordinate ; nor is the division regarded as in any case 
exhaustive of the Divine nature, or exclusive of other divisions. 
The doctrine of the Trinity is thus in no sense an Egyptian 
doctrine ; and it is quite fanciful to suppose that it even, in 
any sense, grew out of the Egyptian affection for "triads;" 
the doctrine, as has been frequently shown, underlies the most 
ancient portions of the Pentateuch, and is most reasonably 
regarded as involved in that primeval revelation which God 
vouchsafed to our first parents in Paradise. 

It is essential to a true conception of the popular Egyptian 
religion that we recognize the fact that the polytheistic system 
ultimately adopted grew up gradually, its various parts having 
originated separately in different portions of the country. 31 
The geographical conformation of Egypt has a natural ten- 
dency to produce separation ; and, historically, it seems cer- 
tain, not only that, owing to its conformation, Egypt was at 
various times divided into several distinct kingdoms, but that 
originally all the nomes were distinct communities, having 
their peculiar customs and ideas, among which the most 
markedly peculiar were those connected with religion. No 
doubt "a certain unit) 7 of religious conception" prevailed 
throughout the whole country ; but this unity, as has been 
well said, 38 "was rather a national agreement in the mode of 
expressing the religious sentiment common to mankind" than 
any more definite acceptance of a single religious system. 
Egyptian worships and gods were, primarily, local ; and the 
Pantheon was gradually formed b} 7 joining together the vari- 
ous local groups and arranging them into a sort of hierarchy. 
Even these arrangements, though proceeding upon the same 
principle, were not alvva} 7 s uniform ; and the chief centres at 
any rate of religious knowledge in the country had their sep- 
arate and, to some extent, conflicting systems. 39 In most places 
there was very slight recognition of any deities, except those 
of the district ; and thus the polytheism, which theoret- 


ically was excessive, practically was confined within narrow 

In treating of the several Egyptian gods, it will be conven- 
ient, first of all, to take them separately, and describe, so far 
as is possible, their general character and attributes, and then 
to arrange them in the recognized groups, whether these were 
strictly local, or such as obtained more widely. The order 
followed in the general description will be based upon that 
which, in his later years, was advocated by Wilkinson. 40 

AMON or AMMON. (Egypt. Am-n.) 

Am mon (Fig. 105) was the great god of Thebes, the south- 
ern Egyptian capital. According to Manetho, 41 his name sig- 
nified "concealment" or "that which is concealed ;" and this 
meaning is confirmed both by the fact, which is now certain, 

that the root amn, 1 JJJSSJ, in the hieroglyphics has the sig- 

nification "to veil," "to hide," 42 and also by statements in the 
religious poems of the Egyptians. 43 We may therefore safely 
adopt the view of Plutarch, 44 that the original notion of Am- 
nion was that of a concealed or secret god, one who hid him- 
self and whom it was difficult to find ; or, in other words, that 
the mysterious and inscrutable nature of the Deity was the 
predominant idea in the minds of those who first worshipped 
God under this name. Amnion's most common title is suten- 

neteru, ^ ^ j, "king of the gods," and hence he was nat- 
urally identified by the Greeks and Komans with their Zeus 
or Jupiter, 45 who alone of their deities had that epithet. 46 He 
is also called liek or hyk, "the ruler." Other titles borne by 
him are — "the Lord of Heaven," "the Eldest of the Gods," 
"the Lord of the Throne," "the Strong Bull," and "the 
Horus (sun) of the two Egypts." 47 To him was dedicated 
the first mystic region in the other world. Originally, he 
seems to have been worshipped only in Thebes ; but the con- 
quests made by the Diospolite kings carried his cult south- 
wards kito Nubia and even to Meroe. 48 In Lower Egypt, on 
the other hand, he at no time obtained any acknowledgment, 
Phthah taking his place at Memphis, Neith at Sal's, Ra at On 
or Heliopolis, and other gods elsewhere. 

The form under which he was worshipped was that of a 
man, walking or sitting upon a throne, 49 and crowned with a 
head-dress, whereof the distinguishing feature was a pair of 
enormously tall stiff feathers, 50 standing side by side, some- 


times plain, sometimes varied by four or five broad black bars. 81 
The color of his body when he is painted, is light blue, a tint 
which has been supposed to indicate "his peculiarly exalted 
and heavenly nature." 52 He is clothed in the ordinary Egyp- 
tian shenti or tunic, a closely fitting garment, reaching from the 
paps nearly to the knees, and confined at the waist by a girdle, 
besides which he wears only a collar, armlets, bracelets, and 
anklets. In his hands he ordinarily bears the aiikli and the 
sceptre or hooked stick {uas), the symbols of life and purity, 58 
to which are added occasionally the crook and flagellum, signs 
of the divine power to control and punish. 

Originally Ammon was quite distinct from Ea, "the Sun," 
no two ideas being more absolutely opposed than those of "a 
concealed god " and of the great manifestation of Divine power 
and great illuminator of all things on earth, the solar lumi- 
nary. But from the time of the eighteenth dynasty 54 a union 
of the two divinities took .place, and Ammon was worshipped 
thenceforth almost exclusively as Ammon-Ra, and was depicted 
with the solar orb on his head. 55 This power of amalgamating 
deities arose, as already explained, 56 from the essential mono- 
theism that underlay the Egyptian polytheism, whereby any 
two or more attributes or aspects of the Divine nature mighfe 
be worshipped together. Nor was this the only combination 
in which Ammon had part. He appears in the sculptures not 
unfrequently as Ammon-Khem, or Ammon-Kamutf, 57 which 
has the same force, and has then the form of Khem, with the 
head-dress of Ammon. He is also found occasionally as Am- 
mon-Kneph, and has the ram's head with horns curved 
downwards. Further, as Ammon-Ra, he takes naturally, in 
some cases, the attributes of Turn, Harmachis, or Osiris, since 
they were, as will be explained later, mere forms of the Sun- 
God, and so really identical with Ra. 

Ammon, as Ammon, had many mystic names (Fig 101). 
Amongst them were the following : — Iruka, Markata, Ruta, 
Nasakabu, Tanasa-Tanasa, and Sharushatakata. 58 The mean- 
ing of these terms is uncertain, and it would seem that they were 
but seldom used. Ammon is ordinarily invoked as "Amen " or 
"Amen-Ra," "chief" or "king of the gods," and "lord of all 
earthly thrones." The hymns addressed to him are often re- 
markable for their simplicity and beauty. "0 Ammon," says 
one suppliant, "lend thine ear to him who stands all alone be- 
fore the tribunal. He is poor ; he is not rich. The Court 
oppresses him ; silver and gold (are needed) for the clerks of 
the books ; garments for the servants. There is no other 
(Vmmon, that acteth as a judge, to deliver a man from his 

Plate XXXVI. 

Vol. I. 

<i&. ai.— Head of Female.— bee ^uge 133. Fig. 1)2 -Rames-6 i A .- Sue I'a-e 1£6 

Vol. I. 

Plate XXXVII. 

Fig. 93.— Sphinx of the Pyramids.— See Page 127. 

Fig. 94.— Hunting the Gazelle and Haiie.— See Page 129. 


Vol. L 

Vol. I. 

Plate XXXIX. 

Fig. 96.— Female Tumbler, in an im- 
possible attitude . —See Page 128. 

Fig. 97.— Figure of an Egyptian Priest. 
—See Page 128. 

Animals foreshortened.- -See Page 130. 


misery ; that, when the poor man comes before the tribunal, 
maketh the poor to go forth rich." 59 " Thou art He that giveth 
bread," says another, "to him that has none ; that maintaineth 
the servant of thy house. Let no prince be my defender in 
my troubles ; let not my memorial be placed before men. 
My Lord is my defender ; I know his power ; He is a strong 
defender ; there is none mighty beside him. Strong is Ammon, 
and knoweth how to make answer. He fulfileth the desire of 
all those who pray to him." 60 As Ammon-Ra, the addresses 
made to him are more elaborate. One, which has been trans- 
lated by Mr. Goodwin, extends to above two hundred lines, and 
contains several curious and striking passages, as for instance 
the following : — 

"Hail to thee, Ra, Lord of truth! Whose shrine is hidden, 
Lord of the gods ; Creator, sailing in thy boat ; at whose com- 
mand the gods were made ; Turn, the maker of men ; that sup- 
portest their works, that givest them life, that knowest how 
one differeth from another ; that listenest to the poor who is in 
distress ; that art gentle of heart when a man crieth unto thee ; 
Thou who deliverest the fearful man from the violent ; who 
judgest the poor and the oppressed ; Lord of wisdom, whose pre- 
cepts are wise ; at whose pleasure the Nile overflows her banks ; 
Lord of mercy, most loving, at whose coming men live ; 
Opener of every eye ; proceeding from the firmament ; Causer 
of pleasure and light, at whose goodness the gods rejoice, their 
hearts reviving when they see Thee." 61 

KNEPH. (Egypt. Khnum or Num.) 

Kneph was the special god of Elephantine, but he was wor- 
shipped also in all the more southern parts of Egypt, in Nubia, 
and in Ethiopia. 62 We are told that his name was identical in 
meaning with the Greek 7tvevjua, "spirit," or "breath." If 
we may accept this statement on the authority of Plutarch and 

Diodorus, 63 and regard the root num, W ^* , as really equiva- 
lent to nef,^^, "breath," we must suppose that the original 

notion of Kneph was that of God as a spirit, moving over 
matter and breathing into it form and life. 64 This special 
notion was, however, soon overlaid and superseded by the more 
general one that he was the Creator, and in a peculiar sense 
the creator of mankind. 65 He was also regarded as presiding 
in some special way over water, which was expressed by nem, 

W ZZZ> ^ wel1 as by mu > \l j" %££> m Egyptian. 66 In 


this capacity he was "lord of the inundation." 67 He had fur- 
ther a position among the gods of the lower world/ 8 which 
does not belong to Amnion, who may be prayed to by the 
dead/ 9 but is in no sense an infernal god. 

Kneph (Fig. 103) was figured as a man walking, like Am- 
nion, but with the head of a ram. This head has commonly 
two sets of horns, both those curving downwards, which are 
characteristic of the real animal, and a second pair, spiral, 
growing from the top of the head, which are properly those of 
the he-goat. 70 These latter horns appear also on the head 
of the sitting god which completes the hieroglyph of Kneph, 

; and the form of the entire animal is not unfre- 

quently attached to his name, without (as it would seem) any 
phonetic force. The he-goat, with spiral horns extended, 
must therefore be considered as his emblem, though the ram 
was the animal especially sacred to him. Above and between 
the spiral horns we see sometimes the asp or uraeus, while 
occasionally that place is occupied by the vase, 71 which was the 
main element in his name. In his two hands he bears, like 
Amnion, the sceptre, uas, and the emblem of life, ankh. 
His color is a bright green. 72 

Kneph is also found with the peculiar crown (atef) on his 
head, which more commonly characterizes Ra or Osiris, a 
crown composed of the solar disk, with an ostrich-feather on 
either side, and between the feathers a tall striped conical cap, 
surmounted by a flower or a tassel. 73 Occasionally, but very 
rarely, he has for distinctive mark simply the uraeus, which is 
placed on his head, or a little over it. 74 

The Greeks confused Kneph with Ammon,' 5 not unnat- 
urally; 76 and some moderns so far agree with them as to 
consider Kneph "a form of Amnion." 77 This view, however, 
is not generally accepted, and it would seem to be no other- 
wise true than in so far as all Egyptian gods were, to the initi- 
ated, forms of the Supreme God, and so interchangeable one 
with another. In the minds of the vulgar, Kneph was as dis- 
tinct from Ammon as from Phthah or Khem, and had his* 
own temples, his own form, his own color, his own proper 
sacrifices, ceremonies, and the like. Though the embodiment 
of God as a spirit, he was a less spiritual conception than Am- 
mon. His position in the hierarchy was probably between 
Ammon and Khem, with both of whom he had certain points 
in common. Less mysterious than Amnion, less remote from 
matter, less purely immaterial, he was of a more ethereal na- 

KHEM. 157 

ture than Khem, whose grosser attributes were not reproduced 
in him. Bunson supposes that in order of time Khem was 
anterior to Kneph ; 7S but, if this were so, of which there is no 
proof, still in idea Kneph must be assigned the precedence. 
Kneph was the creative spirit, Khem the generative power ; 
Kneph presided over men, Khem over nature. Kneph has 
higher titles than any which belong to Khem. He was "the 
god who made the sun and moon to revolve under the heaven 
and above the ea,rth, and who created the world and all things 
in it" — "the god who forms on his wheel the divine limbs of 
Osiris" — "the god who forms the mothers, the progenitresses 
of the Divine Beings" — "the sculptor of all men." 79 It was 
not without some reason that Wilkinson originally placed him 
at the head of the Egyptian Pantheon, 80 though ultimately he 
assigned that place to Ammon. 

KHEM. (Egypt. Khem 81 or Khemi.) 

The full Egyptian idea of Khem (Fig. 106) can scarcely be 
presented to the modern reader, on account of the grossness 
of the forms under which it was exhibited. Some modern 
Egyptologists 8 * 2 endeavor to excuse or palliate this grossness ; 
but it seems scarcely possible that it should not have been 
accompanied by indelicacy of thought, or that it should have 
failed to exercise a corrupting influence upon life and morals. 
Khem, no doubt, represented to the initiated merely the gen- 
erative power in nature, or that strange law by which Jiving 
organisms, animal and vegetable, are enabled to reproduce 
their like. But who shall say in what exact light he pre- 
sented himself to the vulgar, who had continually be- 
fore their eyes the indecent figures under which the 
painters and sculptors portrayed him? As impure ideas and 
revolting practices clustered around the worship of Pan in 
Greece and later Eome, so it is more than probable that with 
the worship of Khem in Egypt were connected similar ex- 
cesses. Besides his Priapic or "ithyphallic" form, 83 Khem's 
character was marked by the assignment to him of the goat 
as his symbol, 84 and by his ordinary title, Ka-mutf, "the Bull 
of his Mother," L e., of Nature. 

Apart from the gross feature here noticed, Khem/s image 
may be readily recognized by its being enveloped in swathes, 
like a mummy, with the exception of the right arm, which is 
upraised and brandishes the fiagellum. Another distinguish- 
ing mark of Khem is the long bar which descends to the 
ground from the back of his head, and seems intended to 


prevent him from falling. He wears the same head-dress as 
Ammon, and has very generally a cross, shaped like the letter 
X, upon his breast. 85 

As the god of the vegetable world, Khem is represented 
generally with trees or plants about him, and the Egyptian 
kings oiler him, herbs and flowers, or cut the corn or till the 
soil in his presence. 86 The special seat of his worship was 
Chemmis, 87 or more properly Ohemmo, a place which evi- 
dently took its name from him, and which the Greeks appro- 
priately called "Pan's city" (Panopolis). But he was also 
worshipped in Thebes, and, to some extent, in Egypt gener- 
ally. A feast was held in his honor, called "the bringing 
forth of Khem," whereat bulls, geese, incense, wine, and fruit 
were offered. 88 

The titles of Khem are best set forth in an inscription be- 
longing to the time of Darius Hystaspis, which was found in 
the temple of Ammon at El-Khargeh. 89 He is there called 
"the God Khem, who raises his lofty plumes, 90 king of the 
gods, lifter of the hand, 91 lord of the crown, powerful, from 
whom all fear emanates, the Kamutf who resides in the fields, 
horned in all his beauty, engendering the depths." Like 
Ammon, he was occasionally identified with the Sun, 92 the 
source of warmth and so of all mundane life, and was wor- 
shipped as Kliem-Pa, or "Khem, the Sun-God." He is even 
said in some inscriptions 93 to have been "engendered by the 
Sun ; " but this can only have been a loose mode of expression, 
since beyond all doubt he was regarded as a form of the Su- 
preme God, and so as self-originated. Hence one of his titles 
was "father of his own father." 

PHTHAH. (Egypt. Ptah.) 

Phthah, A | (Fig. 104), the Egyptian god whom the 

Greeks identified with their Hephaistos, 94 was the actual 
physical creator, the "demiurge," as the Greeks called him, 
the shaper and framer of the material universe. The special 
seat of his worship was Memphis ; but he was also very gen- 
erally adored, and figures of him are found in all parts of 
Egypt. These figures are of three very distinct forms. The 
commonest is that of a man swathed like a mummy, but with 
the hands left free, to allow of his holding in front of him the 
sceptre (uas) and the sign of life (ankli), with which is com- 
bined, generally, the so-called Nilometer, or emblem of sta- 
bility. The head is covered with a close-fitting cap, and from 


PHTHAH. 159 

the drapery behind the neck there comes out a string to which 
is appended a bell-shaped tassel. 95 Another figure is that of 
a man walking, dressed in the ordinary tunic (shenti), and 
holding the anJcli and uas, only to be distinguished from fig- 
ures of Amnion by the head-dress, which, instead of the tall 
plumes, is either the plain cap, or the striped head-dress of a 
king with lappets in front. 96 The third form is that of a 
pigmy, naked, 97 often with misshapen legs and feet turned 
inwards, and usually with a scarabaeus on the top of the skull. 
Occasionally this figure is double, with four legs and four arms, 
hawk-headed at the back and human-headed in front. 

The pigmy forms and certain others — modifications, chiefly, 
of the second type 98 — are regarded as representing Phthah 
under a special character, as Phthah-Sokari or Phthah-Sokari- 
Osiris ; that is to say, Phthah viewed as having some special 
connection with Osiris, the lord of the lower world. In the 
figures which front two ways Phthah would seem to be repre 
sented by the human, and Sokari by the hawk-headed, form." 
No wholly satisfactory explanation has as yet been given of the 
reasons for this union ; but perhaps they are to be found in 
the vivifying power of Phthah, and the supposed resurrection 
of Osiris from the dead, which may have been regarded as 
effected through Phthalrs influence. 

The principal titles of Phthah are — "the Lord of Truth," 
"the Lord of the World," and "the beautiful-faced." 10 ° He is 
also called "the father of the beginnings," and " the creator of 
all that is in the world." 10i Ma, "Truth," is sometimes repre- 
sented as standing before him ; and Jamblichus was no doubt 
right in saying that he was considered to have created all 
things, "not deceptively, but with truth"™ The four-barred 
emblem of stability is especially characteristic of him, and un- 
less when he bears the character of Phthah-Sokari, generally 
appears, either in his hands, on his head, or at his back. It 
is even used, together with the scarabseus v and the solar disk, 
as emblematic of him, without the addition of any human 
figure. 103 

The derivation of the word Phthah (Ptah) is, perhaps, 
doubtful ; but the most probable theory connects it with an 
Egyptian root, pet-h or pet-hu, "to open." 104 Phthah was the 
great "opener" or " revealer" — the god who brought every- 
thing out of the ideal into the actual — who made the pre- 
viously hidden deity (Amnion) manifest. At Memphis he was 
the chief, if not the sole object of worship to the people ; and 
the kings of Thebes, after they became masters of Lower 
Egypt, were among his ardent devotees, and often called him 


their "father." 105 His temple at Memphis seems to have been 
regarded by Herodotus as more magnificent than any other in 
Egypt, though it has now almost wholly disappeared, and the 
traveller can with difficulty trace its site. Monarch after 
monarch adorned it with statues and gateways/ 06 each seeking 
to outdo his predecessors ; but the ravages of time, and the 
still more destructive hand of man, have swept away the en- 
tire pile, and a single colossus of the second Eameses is almost 
all that remains to attract attention to the place. 


MATJT. (Egypt. Mut.) 

Maut, "the mother" (Fig. 107), which is the meaning of 
the word.., was a "great goddess," worshipped especially at 
Thebes, in connection with Ammon (or Ammon-Ea) and 
Ohons. She represented the passive principle in nature, and 
corresponded to the classical Ehea or Cybele, rather than to 
Latona, with whom she is identified by Herodotus. 108 Among 
her titles the chief were, "Lady of Heaven," "Queen of the 
gods," "giver of all life for ever," and "mistress of dark- 
ness." 109 In the last mentioned phrase the darkness intended 
is not that of night, nor of the Lower World, but the prime- 
val darkness of chaos, ere light was, 110 which the Egyptians 
regarded as, in a certain sense, "the one principle of the 

universe." m 

Maut is expressed in Egyptian either by 

both forms being phonejtic, and the latter emblematic as well, 
since the vulture was the Egyptian type of maternity. 112 She 
is represented by a female figure wearing the pslient or double 
crown, the emblem of sovereignty both over Upper and Lower 
Egypt, placed upon a cap ornamented with the head, body, 
and wings of a vulture. Wilkinson notes that the pslient is 
not worn by her as by the Egyptian kings, the one crown 
placed within the other, but that the two crowns are worn 
side by side, 113 that of Upper Egypt being nearest to the spec- 
tator. In her two hands she bears the ankli and either the 
hooked sceptre (uas) or else one terminating in a lotus-flower. 
She is draped in the ordinary close-fitting robe, confined be- 
low the breasts by a girdle, and w T ears a collar, bracelets, and 

In the popular mythology, Maut was the companion and 
wife of Amen-Ea, with whom she is constantly associated in 
the inscriptions and sculptures. 114 The shrew-mouse was dedi- 

SATI — KEITH. 161 

Gated to her, 115 probably as a type of fecundity, or perhaps be- 
cause it was thought to be blind, and was thus a good rep- 
resentative of "darkness." m Besides being worshipped at 
Thebes, Maut was honored throughout Nubia, and even in 
Ethiopia, where her name is often found in the inscriptions. 117 
If we may identify her with the Buto of Herodotus, we must 
add that she was likewise among the principal objects of 
worship in Lower Egypt, where she had a famous temple and 
oracle at a city which bore her name, on the western side of 
the Sebennytic branch of the Nile about twenty miles from 
the sea. 118 

SATI. (Egypt. Sat, or Sati.) 

Sati (Fig. 102) stood in the same relation to Kneph as Maut 
to Ammon-Ra. She was his wife and perpetual companion. 119 
She had not, however, like Maut, the clear and unmistakable 
character of a goddess of Nature. Rather she appears as a 
sort of Queen of Heaven, 120 and was therefore compared by the 
Greeks to their Hera, and by the Romans to their Juno. 121 
The special seat of her worship was Elephantine ; and she was 
also acknowledged throughout Nubia and in Ethiopia ; 122 but 
in Lower Egypt she seems to have been scarcely ever either 
represented or mentioned. Her name is thought to signify "a 

sunbeam," 123 and is expressed commonly by "nf*^ or *> ^' 

followed by the form of a goddess. 

The ordinary representation of Sati is a standing female fig- 
ure, clothed in a long tight gown, v/ith collar, belt or band, 
armlets, bracelets, and anklets, as usual, holding in her hands 
the ankli and lotus sceptre, and wearing on her head the crown 
of Upper Egypt, with cow's horns projecting from it on either 
side. 124 Sometimes, however, she is found seated on a throne 
or chair behind her husband, clad as above described, but with 
bare breasts and with a snake projecting in front of her horned 
crown. When colored, her tint is of a warm red representing 
human flesh ; her head-dress is white ; her sceptre, anklets, 
bracelets, and armlets are green ; and her robe is delicately 
patterned in narrow stripes of blue, green, and white. The 
throne on which she sits, and its pedestal, are also patterned, 
or rather diapered, in the same colors. 125 

NEITH. (Egypt. Net, or Nat.) 

Neith (Fig. 100), according to the Greeks, corresponded to 
their Athene, 126 and was thus a personification of the wisdom 

i62 HISTORY OF AXC1KNT k(i\ l'j'. 

or intellect of God. She was the especial goddess of Sais, the 1 
chief city of the Delta, where she seems to have been wor- 
shipped alone, not as the member of any triad. Her name is 

written with the two letters NT (^p), after which follows an 

emblem, apparently non-phonetic, ?~i 9 in which most Egyp- 
tologists recognize a shuttle. 127 Her most usual title was 
"Lady of Sais." She is also called "the mother," "the mis- 
tress of heaven," "the elder goddess," and "the cow that pro- 
duced the sun." m She is figured, ordinarily, as a female, 
dressed like Maut and Sati, but wearing the teslir, or crown of 
Lower Egypt, only, on her head. 129 In her right hand she 
bears the symbol of life, in her left either the uas or the lotus 
sceptre, to which are added in some instances a bow and two 
arrows. 130 Occasionally, instead of the crown she wears the 
common female head-dress, surmounted by the so-called shut- 
tle. 131 It is thought that she presided specially over war and 
weaving. 132 

It is difficult to reconcile with this somewhat prosaic view 
of Neith the recondite and mystical ideas entertained by the 
Greeks and Eomans with respect to the Saitic goddess. Plu- 
tarch says 133 that her name meant "I came from myself" — 
a meaning which would imply self-origination, and so the 
highest and most supreme divinity. Macrobius considers her 
"that virtue of the sun which administers prudence to the 
human mind." 134 Clemens of Alexandria declares that the in- 
scription on her shrine at Sais ran as follows: 135 "I am all that 
was, and is, and is to be ; and no mortal hath lifted my veil." 
It is impossible to suppose that there was no foundation for 
these higher views ; and a certain support is lent to them by 
her title of "Mother" or "Great Mother," which would seem 
to imply that she was essentially a Nature goddess, not very 
different from Maut. 


That a large part of the Egyptian religion was connected 
with the worship of the sun cannot be denied, though it seems 
scarcely correct to say that their worship was "chiefly solar," 136 
or that "most of their gods" represented some aspect of the 
sun, or some portion of his passage through the upper or the 
lower hemisphere. 137 Still, the nine deities above enumerated 
had certainly, all of them, more or lass of a solar character, 

Plate XL. 

Vol. T. 

Vol. I. 

Plate XLI. 

Fig. 101.— Ammon-Khem. Ammon-Kneph.— 

See Page 154. 

Fig. 102.-SATi.-Page 101. 


though no two in the list can be considered as mere synonyms, 
or as duplicates, the one of the other. 

Ra (Fig. 110) was the snn in the widest and most general 
sense. To the initiated he was the power of God as shown 
forth in the material sun, which is the source of light and life 
to the Avorld wherein we live, to the planets, and, as the Egyp- 
tians thought, to the universe. To the vulgar he was a 
created god, the son of Phthah and Neith ; 138 though he was 
often, indeed generally, worshipped with all the highest 
epithets of honor, as if he were the supreme God Himself. 
In the "Litany of Ra" 139 he is called "the Supreme Power," 
"the only one," "the supremely great one," "the great eldest 
one," " the great sire that creates the gods," "the master of the 
hidden spheres who causes the principles to arise," "the dwel- 
ler in darkness," "the master of light," "the revealer of hidden 
things," "the spirit who speaks to the gods in their spheres," 

etc. His name is sometimes expressed phonetically 2""^ i Ra ; 
sometimes symbolically by a circle, with or without the addi- 
tion of the asp or utcbus (o or \Ch- ) 5 sometimes by a union 

of the two methods 'f^ ^, or with the addition of the figure 

of a god !f zs j f /§. It was proposed originally to pronounce 

the name as Re ; i4u but the modern Egyptologists seem to be 
agreed that the true sound was Ra, 141 which was also the name 
of the Supreme God in Babylon, 14 ' 2 and which probably meant 
"swift." 143 

Ra is figured as a man, walking, but commonly has the 
head of a hawk, surmounted by the disk of the sun, with 
the urceus or asp encircling it. 144 He bears in his right hand 
the ankh or sign of life, and in his left the uas or sceptre. 
Erom his head depends a long cord, as f/om the heads of 
Kneph and Ammon. He wears the usual slienti or tunic, 
with armlets, bracelets, and anklets. Occasionally he is found 
human-headed, and in that case has the long wig with lap- 
pets." 145 In the paintings his flesh is always of a red or red- 
brown color, as is also the disk of the sun superimposed upon 

Among the emblems appropriate to Ra are, besides the solar 
disk, the hawk, the urceus or asp, and the scarabmis or beetle. 
The hawk is said to have been "dedicated to him as the sym- 
bol of light and spirit, because of the quickness of its motion, 
and its ascent to the higher regions of the air." 146 Another 
ground assigned is, that "the hawk is able to look more in- 


tently towards the solar rays than any other bird, wherefore 
they depicted the sun under the form of a hawk, as the Lord 
of Vision. " 147 The uraeus probably accompanied him as "the 
emblem of royalty and dominion." 148 Why the beetle was 
assigned to him is a subject on which much has been written, 149 
but one which cannot be said even now to have received any 
satisfactory elucidation. Apion said it was because the Egyp- 
tians traced in the insect some resemblance to the operations 
<of the sun ; 150 but the grounds for their opinion, and even the 
(exact meaning of it, are obscure. The beetle ordinarily repre- 
sented in the sculptures and paintings is thought to be the 
scarabceus sacer of Linnaeus, or common black beetle of 
Egypt ; 151 but nothing strange or peculiar has been pointed out 
in the habits of that creature. 

Ea was worshipped more especially at On, near the old apex 
of the Delta, which city the Greeks therefore called Heliopolis, 
or "the City of the Sun ; " but very great respect was paid to 
him also in various other places. At Thebes he was identified 
with Amnion, and worshipped as Amun-Ra, at the head of the 
local triad." 152 At Memphis he was united with Phthah and 
Pasht ; 153 at Silsilis with Phthah and the Nile-God, or some- 
times with Ammon and Savak. 154 His worship was more 
nearly universal than that of any other Egyptian deity, unless 
it were Osiris, who was also a Sun-God, and so a form of Ra. 
As distinguished from Osiris, Ra was the sun of the upper 
world ; as distinguished from liar or Harmachis, and from 
Turn or Atum (Atmu), he was the meridian or midday sun. 155 
In litanies addressed to him, he ceases, however, to have any 
partial character, and is the light at once of the realms above 
and of the world below, of the heights of the empyrean and of 
the "two horizons," both that where he rises and that where he 
sets. 156 He is also, as already observed, 157 identified in these 
compositions with the Supreme God, being styled in them "the 
Lord of truth, the maker of men, the creator of beasts, 
the Lord of existence, the maker of fruitful trees and herbs, 
the maker everlasting, the Lord of eternity, the Lord of wis- 
dom, the Lord of mercy, the one maker of existences, the one 
alone with many hands, the sovereign of life and health and 
. strength." 158 


Khepra seems to represent the creative energy of the sun, 159 

■ which is the source of all the life that we see upon the earth. 

He is not, so far as appears, depicted separately, but there is 


frequent mention of him both in the historical und the devo- 
tional compositions. 160 The scarabaeus (Klieprr) forms the 

chief element in his name, which is written ^ I ^, o 
Khepra, followed by the figure of a sitting god. 


Turn (Fig. Ill) is the sun, as he approaches or rests upon 
the western horizon, just before and when he sets. 161 His 
common epithet is ?iefer, "good," and this is regarded by some 

as a part of his name, 162 which is expressed by mfc %^ \> 
Temu, l^fr J Atum, or larsfr Nefer-Tum. Among his 

1» 163 

other titles the commonest is "the Lord of the two lands, 
or "countries," by which has sometimes been understood "the 
two regions of Upper and Lower Egypt," 164 but which appears 
from the inscriptions to have pointed rather to some division 
of the nome of Heliopolis. 165 He is also styled "the maker of 
men," 166 "the Universal Lord," 167 "the Creator God," 168 and 
"the great Lord of created beings." 169 His worship was wide- 
spread. It was really Turn, rather than Ra, i.e., it was Ra 
under the form of Turn, who was worshipped at Heliopolis ; 17 ° 
and it was Turn who was the third god in the triad of Mem- 
phis. At Thebes he received frequent acknowledgment, 171 and 
throughout Egypt he was universally recognized, at any rate 
as a god of the lower world, where he is scarcely distinguish- 
able from Osiris. In the "Ritual of the Dead" the souls in 
Hades call to him and style him "father," while he in his 
turn addresses them as his "sons." m 

Turn's most common form is that of a man walking, dressed 
in the ordinary way, 173 but bearing on his head either the two' 
crowns of Egypt, placed side by side, as on Maut, 174 or else the 
wig with lappets, which is worn also by Ra. 175 Like Ra, Kneph,. 
Ammon, and many other gods, he carries the ankli and 
sceptre. He has also, like Ra, Kneph, and Ammon, the long 
pendent cord, ending in a tassel. As Nefer-Tum, he carries 
on his head a short shaft or stick, crowned by a lotus-flower, 
or else by two feathers, and two pendent tasseis, one on either 
side of the shaft. Sometimes his sceptre terminates similarly. 
\\\ the British Museum there is a silver figure of Nefer-Tum 
(Fig. 112), wearing the lily and also the two feathers. 176 The: 


ordinary color of Turn is, like that of Ra, red ; but he is said 
to be sometimes represented of a green hue. 177 

The "house of Turn" at Heliopolis was one of the grandest 
of the Egyptian temples. In front of it stood a number of 
granite obelisks, among them that which has been recently 
erected on the Thames Embankment, and which is the second 
Egyptian obelisk that has been brought to England. 178 The 
temple itself was resplendent with gold, and so celebrated for 
its magnificence, that to say a building was "like the house of 
Turn " came to be regarded as the highest conceivable eulogy. 179 
Large tracts of land were assigned to it by the munificence of 
the Egyptian monarchs ; 180 its sacred slaves (liieroduli) were 
reckoned by thousands ; 181 and its furniture was of the richest 
and most costly character, comprising vessels and ornaments 
of gold, silver, lapis lazuli, turquoise, crystal, jasper, alabaster, 
green felspar, and haematite. 182 

The following "Hymn to Turn" will show the feelings 
wherewith he was worshipped : — 

Come to me, O thou Sun ; 

Horns of the horizon, give me help. 

Thou art lie that giveth help ; 

There is no help without thee. 
Come to me, Turn ; hear me, thou great God ; 

My heart goeth forth towards On ; 

Let my desires he fulfilled ; 
Let my heart rejoice, my inmost heart rejoice in gladness. 
Hear my vows, my humble supplications every day, 

Hear my adorations every night — 
My cries of terror, cries that issue from my mouth, 

That come forth from it one by one. 
O Horns of the horizons-there is none other beside thee, 
Protector of millions, deliverer of tens of thousands, 

Defender of him that calls upon thee, 
Lord of On ! 

Reproach me not for my many sins — 

I am young, and weak of body ; 

I am a man without a heart. 
Anxiety preys upon me, as an ox [feeds] upon grass: 
If I pass the night in [sleep], and therein find refreshment, 
Anxiety nevertheless returns to me ere the day is done. 183 


The word sliu signifies "light," 184 and it is probable that 
Shu (Fig. 114) was originally the light of the sun, as distin- 
guished from the solar orb itself ; bnt this distinction was 
known only to the initiated. The name 185 is expressed by an 
ostrich feather, followed by the ordinary sign for u, and then 

by a figure of a sitting god IW, Shu is commonly spoken 


of as a son of Ra, 186 and frequently connected with Tafne, 187 a 
daughter of Ra, and (according to some) Shu's twin sister. 188 
Turn, Shu, and Tafne are in one place called "the great chiefs 
of On." 189 

When figured, Shu is either walking or kneeling. In the 
former case he lias the ordinary form of a male deity, but bears 
on his head either a single ostrich feather, or else a fourfold 
plume. 190 In the latter, he kneels upon his left knee, and 
elevates above his head the sun's disk, which he holds in his 
two hands. 191 

Shu, like Turn, was a deity of the lower world, worshipped 
by the spirits in Hades, and invoked by them. 192 It was his 
special office to stop the wicked on the steps of heaven, to pre- 
vent their entering, and effect their final destruction. 193 It is 
curious that the word sliu meant in the Egyptian both "light" 
and "shade ;" 194 and thus the god of light might be repre- 
sented as plunging the hopelessly wicked into the darkness of 
annihilation. 195 

We do not hear of any temples expressly dedicated to Shu ; 
but he was probably worshipped at Heliopolis (On) in conjunc- 
tion with Turn and Tefnut. Small procelain figures of him, 
kneeling and' supporting the sun's disk, are common. 


Mentu (Fig. 113) is thought to have been originally a pro- 
vincial form of the deity who presided over the sun. 196 He is 
often identified with the solar orb, and bears the name of 

Mentu-Ra USSH 8=> ^ o—i. e ., "Mentu the Sun-God." 197 

When, however, he was accepted into the general Pantheon, 
he came to have some peculiar attributes, and a peculiar form, 
assigned to him. He was viewed as the special protector of 
Egypt and of the monarchs, a sort of "Mars Ultor," but not 
the god of war in a vulgar sense. I98 The kings are fond of 
comparing themselves to Mentu, especially when they are fight- 
ing. 19! They celebrate his "force" and his "victorious arm," 
and speak of him as "very glorious." 200 The peculiarity of 
his form is, that to the hawk's head, the disk, and uraiis of 
Ra, he joins the tall plumes of Amnion. 201 His hue, when he 
is painted, like that of Ra, is red. 202 

The chief seat of the worship of Mentu was Hermonthis, a 
city which appears to have derived its name from this god. 903 
There he was the first deity of a local triad. In the rest of 
Egypt he would seem to have been but little known, unless it 


were in the Thebaid, of which he is sometimes said to be "the 
lord." 204 It is very rarely that the Egyptian monarchs make 
offerings to him. Still he occasionally attracted their regards, 
and is found associated in their memorials with Amnion, Ra, 
Phthah, Horus, and Sati, and again with Amnion- Ka, and 
Athor. 205 


Osiris (Fig. 115) was, practically, the god chiefly worshipped 
in Egypt, since, while all other worships were local, his was 
universal. 206 Originally, perhaps, a personification of the divine 
goodness, 207 Osiris came to be regarded as a form of the sun, 
and especially as the sun of the lower world, the great deity of 
Amenti or Hades. 208 His office as judge of the souls of men 
upon their entrance into Hades has been already mentioned. 209 
This office was peculiar to him and never assigned to any other 
(deity ; but, except in this relation, Osiris seems to have been 
little more than a name for the Supreme God. He is called 
"the eldest," "the chief of his brothers," "the chief of the 
gods," "the master of the gods," "the king of the gods," 21 ° 
and again "the lord of life," "the lord of eternity," "the eter- 
nal ruler," "the lord of the world," and "the creator of the 
world." 211 A peculiar character of mildness, goodness, and 
beneficence attaches to him. He is "the manif ester of good," 
"full of goodness and truth," 212 "the beneficent spirit," "be- 
neficent in will and words," "mild of heart," "fair and beloved 
of all who see him." 213 He "affords plentifulness and gives it 
to all the earth ; all men are in ecstasy on account of him, 
hearts are in sweetness, bosoms in joy ; everybody is in ado- 
ration ; every one glorifies his goodness . . . sanctifying, 
beneficent is his name." 214 

The name of Osiris is expressed, most simply, by two hiero- 

glyphs, thus: — 1^>-; or more commonly *&-J, followed in 
most cases by the determinative for "a god," "I or ^1. Some- 

times, however, the human eye ^- is replaced by a simple cir- 
cle O, and the other nondescript sign by an animal form, ^- . 
The native pronunciation of the name would seem to have been 
Hes-ar or Has-ar, m which the Greeks, adding a nominatival 
ending, converted into Osiris. There is some doubt as to the 
true meaning of the word, but perhaps " the many-eyed," 
which can plead for itself the authority of Plutarch, 216 may 
deserve acceptance as the most probable rendering. 


Osiris was represented, most commonly, in a mummied 
form, to mark his presidency over the dead ; but occasionally 
he appears as a man, walking or standing. Usually he beara 
in his two hands the crook and the flagellum, to which are 
sometimes added the sceptre (uas) and the ankh or symbol of 
life. On his head he carries the crown of Upper Egypt only, 
sometimes unadorned, sometimes ornamented on either side 
with a barred feather, and occasionally surmounted with a 
disk. When represented as a man walking, he has the lap- 
peted wig, crowned with two wavy horns, above which are the 
two feathers. The wavy horns are also found with the plumed 
crown above them, and serpents (uraei) on either side, sur- 
mounted by disks. In some rare instances Osiris has the head 
of an ibis, but with two bills, one pointing either way. 217 His 
hue, when he is painted, is sometimes black, but more usually 
green. 218 

Another rare form of Osiris is that which has been already 
given 219 — a form rightly termed "barbaric," 220 with eyebrows 
meeting, fat cheeks, and a coarse mouth, clad in a spotted 
robe, and wearing "the Kilometer" 221 underneath the horns 
and plumed disk. Osiris likewise appears, but very rarely 
indeed, 222 seated on a throne, mummied, and wearing the disk 
of the moon, with which he appears then to be identified. 
Such figures have been called "figures of Osiris- Aah." 223 

The myths connected with Osiris were numerous and curi 
ous, but, like the Greek myths, frequently contradictory. 
He is ordinarily represented as the son of Seb and Nutpe ; 
but sometimes his father is Ra, 226 at other times Shu, 227 and 
his mother is Isis 228 as well as Nutpe. Isis, at one time his 
mother, at another his sister, at another his daughter, is al- 
ways his wife, and their child is Har or Horus. Osiris, ac- 
cording to the common legend, 229 was once upon a time incar- 
nate, and reigned as king of Egypt. Having ruled for a while 
beneficently, he went upon his travels, leaving Isis to conduct 
the government, which she did with vigor and prudence. Set, 
however, the principle of evil, conspired against Osiris, mur- 
dered him, and, having cut his body into fourteen pieces, dis- 
posed of them in various parts of the country. Isis collected 
the remains and revivified them, while Horus, to avenge his 
father, sought out Set, and, engaging him, brought him 
under. Various offshoots of this stock tale were current. 
Isis, it was said, released Set after Horus had made him pris- 
oner, and Horus thereupon tore off her crown, or (according 
to some) struck off her head. Set accused Horus of illegiti- 
macy, and tne other gods were called in to judge the cause. 



which they decided in favor of ITorus. The war between the 
two continued, and Horus ultimately slew his enemy, who is 
then represented either under a human form, 230 or under that 
of the great serpent Apepi or Apap (Fig. 116). 

Various explanations have been given of these legends. 
Osiris lias been regarded by some as the sun, and Set as night 
or darkness, which destroys the sun and buries him, but is in 
its turn slain by the reappearing, rejuvenated sun of the next 
day, "Horus of the horizon," who thus avenges his father. 231 
Others have seen in Osiris the Nile inundation, in Typho 
drought, in Isis the land of Egypt, and in Horus vapors and 
exhalations. 232 But the truth seems to be that little more was 
aimed at in the Osirid legends than to teach and illustrate the 
perpetual opposition and conflict between good and evil, light 
and darkness, order and disorder, virtue and vice. Starting 
from this basis, the religious imagination allowed itself pretty 
free play among the minor personages of the Pantheon, the 
details of the stories being of little account so long as the rel- 
ative positions of Set and Osiris were maintained, so long as 
the struggle was shown forth, and the final triumph of good 
asserted. Interwoven into the various narratives are found 
religious ideas, which may be echoes from the far past of that 
primeval revelation which God vouchsafed to the human race, 
or may be merely thoughts natural to man, arising out of the 
constitution of his mind and its broodings upon God and na- 
ture. Such are the ideas of an incarnate god, a suffering god, 
a god who dies and is restored to life again ; such, too, is the 
connection of evil with the form of the serpent, and the ulti- 
mate bruising of the serpent's head by the Divine benefactor. 

It has been observed above, 233 that Osiris was a deity wor- 
shipped throughout the whole of Egypt. And this is un- 
doubtedly true. Indeed, it could scarcely be otherwise, since 
all recognized hirn as the god before whom they were to appear 
on their descent into the Lower World, and who was then and 
there to determine their final happiness or misery. Still, 
though an object of worship throughout Egypt, he had some 
special cities which were peculiarly devoted to him. The 
chief of these was Abtu, or, as the Greeks called it, Abydos, 
of which he is commonly called "the lord," 234 and where there 
was a great temple specially dedicated to him. 235 Another 
Osirid city was Philae, situated on an island in the Nile a little 
below Elephantine, where again he had a magnificent temple, 
adorned with sculptures illustrative of his life on earth and 
mysterious sufferings. 236 A third such city was Tattn, or 
This,, whieh, like Abydos, claimed him as its "lord/' * 37 and 

HORUS. 171 

worshipped him in the form which is distinguished by the tat 
or "emblem of stability." 


It has been usual to distinguish two Horuses, 238 called re- 
spectively "the elder" and "the younger;" but the more 
Egyptian mythology is studied, the more doubtful does it 
appear to be whether any such distinction was really in- 
tended. 239 No stress can be laid upon contradictory state- 
ments of the relationship borne by Horus to other gods, for 
such contradictions are quite common, and include cases where 
no one has ever suggested that different gods are meant, as 
those of Isis and Osiris. 240 All the representations of Horus 
(Fig. 117) have a near resemblance ; and the epithets attached 
to the name seem to mark, not different personages, but dif- 
ferent aspects in which one and the same deity might be 
viewed. Primarily Horus is the youthful or rising sun, and 
is spoken of as Harmachis (Har-em-akliu), "Horus in the 
horizon." In this capacity he is one of the gods of Heliopo- 
lis, 241 and bears the title of Ra-Harmachis, to make his solar 
character unmistakable. In connection with the myth of 
Osiris he is Harpocrates (ITar-pa-krat), "Har the child," and 
is dandled on the knee of Isis, or exhibited with the single 
lock of hair, which in Egypt was the mark of childhood, and 
often conjoined with Nephthys and Isis, his aunt and mother. 242 
Occasionally his peculiar characteristics are forgotten, and he 
is the sun generally, "the sun of the two worlds," 243 identified 
with Ra and Turn, or with Amen-Ra, the sun considered as 
informed by the Supreme Being. He then has commonly 
the hawk's head, which characterizes Ra, surmounted by the 
double crown of the Two Egypts, with or without the urgeus 
in front, while in his hands he bears, like Ra, the ankh and 
sceptre, and is represented walking, with the left foot ad- 

Horus is entitled "Lord of Truth," "Lord of Heaven," 
"Lord of the Crown," "helper of his father," "Lord of the 
sacred bark," "king of the worlds," and "supreme ruler of 
gods and men." 244 He is "beauteous," "blessed," "self- 
sprung," "self-existing." 245 A hymn addressed to him as 
Ra-Harmachis, celebrates his countless excellences. He was 
worshipped almost as universally as Osiris, and was in special 
favor at Heliopolis and Abydos. 246 The Egyptian kings held 
him in peculiar honor, and delighted in identifying them- 
selves with him and assuming his name and his titles. 247 This 


practice, begun (it would seem) by the monarchs of the fourtli 
dynasty/ 248 continued down at least to the time of the twenty- 
second dynasty, when we find Pianchi addressed as "the inde- 
structible Horus," "Horus, lord of the palace," and "Horus, 
royal bull." 249 

The name Horus is ordinarily represented by the figure of 

a hawk, %l . which is sometimes followed by a vertical 
stroke i the sign of the masculine gender. 250 Harmachis is ex- 
pressed by \. fes |&d ; Harpocrates by ^k 'fl/r/. The 

hawk occurs also, as the emblem of Horus, on mummy-cases, * 
on wooden tablets, in the tombs, and in bronze and porcelain 
figures, where the bird commonly wears the psche7it. i51 


Aten, written I/J^ , w T as, properly speaking, the disk 

of the sun, and was worshipped under the representation 
of a large circle, from the lower hemisphere of which pro- 
jected numerous arms and hands which presented to the 
worshipper the ankh or symbol of life. 252 It might have been 
supposed that there could be nothing very peculiar in this 
worship, or at any rate nothing to make it antagonistic 
to the rest of the Egyptian religion. Yet there w T as certainly 
a time w 7 hen such an antagonism developed itself, and Aten, 
who had previously been only one of the many sun-gods, w r as 
elevated above every other deity, and even worshipped almost 
exclusively, 253 while the adherents of the rest of the gods w 7 ere 
persecuted. This time of undue favor was followed by a 
reaction ; the name and form of the king who had carried 
the worship to its highest pitch were mutilated and de- 
faced ; 254 disk-worship, as a special religion, disappeared ; 
and Aten sank back into his old position of inferiority and 


With the sun-gods are closely connected two goddesses, 
Athor (Fig. 118) and Isis. Athor signifies "the abode of 
Hor," 255 and is generally expressed by a hieroglyph in which 
the hawk (Horus) is enclosed within the character represent- 

%0- A variant mode of writing the word is 

ing a house 

(]£<£>, "Eit-har" or "Athar." She represented most prop- 

ATHOR — ISIS. 173 

erly the lower hemisphere, from which the sun rose in the 
morning, and into which he sank at night ; but in course of 
time came to be regarded as only one out of the many divini- 
ties of the lower world, to be adored together with Osiris, Isis, 
Horus, Nephthvs, Annbis, Turn, Thoth, etc., as a goddess 
inhabiting the lower region together with them. 256 She is de- 
picted under many forms. Sometimes she appears almost as 
Isis, in the ordinary form of a female, but with horns, a disk, 
and a urseus on her head, and in her two hands the sceptre, 
uas, and the ankli or "symbol of life." Or she has the vul- 
ture headdress of Sati and Maut, surmounted by the disk and 
horns, with or without two tall plumes, and bears in her left ' 
hand the sceptre which only females bear, or holds in her two 
hands a round object which is thought to be a tambourine. 257 
Occasionally she has a cow's head with a disk between the 
horns, or is worshipped under the figure of a spotted cow, 
crowned with a disk and two plumes. She appears likewise 
as a hawk with a female head and the usual horns and disk. 

Among the titles of Athor were those of "mother of Ra," 
"eye of Ra," "mistress of Amenti," "celestial mother," "lady 
of the dance and mirth," ' m and "mistress of turquoises." 259 
Like Osiris, she was worshipped in most parts of Egypt, but 
especially at Tentyra, Thebes, and Atarbechis. Cows, espe- 
cially white and spotted cows, were sacred to her, as also was a 
certain kind of fish, 260 but the exact species cannot be deter- 
mined. The Greeks identified her with their Aphrodite, and 
the Romans with their Venus ; there does not, however, appear 
to be much reason for either identification. 261 


Isis (Fig. 119) in original conception did not differ much 
from Athor, with whom she was sometimes identified by the 
Greeks, ' m and from whom even in the monuments it is often 
difficult to distinguish her. 263 She was called the mother, as 
well as the wife and sister, of Osiris. It is, however, as his 
wife and sister that she is chiefly presented to us. The part 
assigned to her in the "myth of Osiris" has been already 
spoken of ; 264 and this constitutes the main feature in all the 
longer notices of her which occur in the inscriptions. Thus, 
in the "Tears of Isis," we have her lamentations over her 
brother when slain, and her joyful address to him upon his re- 
appearance. 265 In the "Book of Respirations" we hear of the 
"sighs of Isis for her brother Osiris, to give life to his soul, to 
give life to his body, to rejuvenate all his members, that lie 


may reach the horizon with his father, the sun ; that his soul 
may rise to heaven in the disk of the moon ; that his body 
may shine in the stars of Orion on the bosom of Nut." 266 A 
hymn to Osiris tells us how "his sister took care of him by dis- 
persing his enemies," how she " unrepiningly sought him, 
went the round of the world lamenting him, shadowed him 
with her wings, made the invocation of his burial, raised his 
remains, and extracted his essence." 267 Thenceforth, as a re- 
ward for her fidelity and love, Isis ruled with Osiris in the 
Amenti, assisted him in judging the dead, and received in 
common with him the principal worship of the departed. 268 

The name of Isis is expressed by the hieroglyph supposed to 
represent a throne, followed by the two feminine signs 269 of 

the half-circle and the egg 1%, to which is added sometimes 

the hatchet J , neter, or the form of a sitting goddess Jb. She 

is figured commonly as a female with a so-called throne upon 
her head, either simply, or above the horns and disk which are 
also characteristic of Athor. Sometimes she wears the vulture 
headdress ; at other times she has the head of a cow ; and she 
is even found with the head of a cat. 270 She has commonly in 
her hands the ankh and the female sceptre. Occasionally she 
is sitting on the ground and nursing Horus. 

Her most frequent title is "defender" or "avenger of her 
brother;" 271 but she is also called "the goddess mother," 27 * 
"the mistress of the two worlds," and "the mistress of 
Heaven." 273 She was worshipped more or less in every part of 
Egypt ; but her most remarkable temples were those at Philse 
and Coptos. The Egyptians connected her in some peculiar 
way with Sothis, the Dog-Star, 274 and also with a goddess 
called Selk 275 or Serk, whose special emblem was the scorpion. 


The Egyptians had two moon-gods, Khons (Fig. 120) or 
Khonsu, and Tet or Thoth. Of these the former seems to 
have borne that character only, while the latter had, curiously 
enough, the further aspect of a god of letters. Khons was 
represented as the son of Ammon and Maut, 276 and formed 
together with those deities the third god of the Theban triad. 
He is frequently called "the god of two names ;" 277 and these 
names seem to be Khons or Khonsu and Nefer-hetp, both 
words being of uncertain meaning. 278 Khons's ordinary titles 
are, "the great god," "the giver of life," and "the giver of 


oracles." m He is also called "the expeller of spirits from the 
possessed," 280 and "the clerk of the divine cycle." 281 He was 
generally worshipped in combination with Ammon and 
Maut ; 282 but Rameses III. built him a special temple in 
Thebes "of good hewn sandstone and black basalt, having 
gates whose folding doors were plated with gold, and itself 
overlaid with electrum like the horizon of heaven." 283 It was 
probably from this temple that, in the time of Rameses XII., 
an image of the god was sent enclosed in a sacred ark from 
Thebes to Mesopotamia, for the purpose of curing a "possessed 
princess," the daughter of a "king of Bakhten." 284 The cure 
was happily effected, and the monarch so delighted with the 
result, that he could not bring himself to part with the image, 
until in the fourth year he was warned by a dream to restore 
it to its proper place in Egypt. 

The name Khons or Khonsu is always written phonetically 

*2*K i "V or © 1@, with or without the figure of a bearded 

god. The form most commonly assigned to the deity is that 
of a mummied figure, like the figure of Phthah, 285 but with 
the lock of hair that characterizes Harpakrat and other young 
gods, and with the disk and crescent that mark him as a moon 
deity. In his hands he bears either "the Kilometer," with the 
crook and whip, like Phthah, or a palm-branch and pen, like 
Thoth. Occasionally he is represented as hawk-headed, and 
is distinguishable from Horus and Ra only by the crescent 
and disk which always accompany him. 

Thoth (Fig. 121) who adds to his lunar character the 
features and titles of a god of letters, is ordinarily represented 
with the head of an ibis and a wig with lappets, the head be- 
ing surmounted by the crescent and disk. To these an ostrich 
feather is sometimes added, while occasionally in lieu of the cres- 
cent and disk we see the complicated headdress which is worn 
more commonly by Kneph, Ra, and Osiris. 286 In some few 
cases the entire figure is that of a man, 287 attired as usual, 
while, still more rarely, the form selected is that of a cyno- 
cephalous ape. Thoth commonly bears in his hands a tablet 
and reed pen ; but sometimes he has the palm-branch and 
pen, like Khons, sometimes the uas or crook-headed sceptre. 288 

The titles most frequently given to him are "lord of Sesen- 
nu " m and "lord of truth." 29 ° He is called also "one of the chief 
gods," "the great god" or "the god twice great," "the great 
chief in the paths of the dead," "the self-created, never born," 
"the lord of the divine words," and "the scribe of Truth." 291 
It is his special office to be present in Amenti when souls are 


judged, to see their deeds weighed in the balance, and to re- 
cord the result. He is also in this world the revealer to men 
of God's will. It is he who composes the "Kitual of the 
Dead," or at any rate its more important portions. 292 It is also 
he who in the realms below writes for the good souls with his 
own fingers "the Book of Respirations," which protects them, 
sustains them, enlightens them, gives them life, causes them 
to " breathe with the souls of the gods for ever and ever." 293 
According to one legend, Thoth once wrote a wonderful book, 
full of wisdom and science, containing in it everything relating 
to the fowls of the air, the fishes of the sea, and the four-footed 
beasts of the mountains. The man who knew a single page 
of the work could charm the heaven, the earth, the great 
abyss, the mountains, and the seas. This marvellous compo- 
sition he enclosed in a box of gold, which he placed within a 
box of silver ; the box of silver within a box of ivory and 
ebony, and that again within a box of bronze ; the box of 
bronze within a box of brass, and the box of brass within a 
box of iron ; and the book, thus guarded, he threw into the 
Nile at Coptos. The fact became known, and the book was 
searched for and found. It gave its possessor vast knowledge 
and magical power, but it always brought on him misfortune. 
What became of it ultimately does not appear in the manu- 
script from which this account is taken ; 294 but the moral of 
the story seems to be the common one, that unlawful knowl- 
edge is punished by all kinds of calamity. 

The name of Thoth is written with the ibis standing upon 
a perch, followed by a half-circle and the two oblique lines, 
which are used commonlyto express L Birch reads the > g» 
name as "Teti," regarding the sign // as having its _3T" 
usual force ; 295 but Wilkinson supposes that the two *^$ 
lines in this case "double the T," and reads the name * ^ 
asTetor Tot. 296 

As a god who took part in the judgment of the dead, Thoth 
was an object of universal reverence throughout Egypt. 297 
Mis main worship, however, was at Sesennu, or Hermopolis, 
where he had a temple, 298 and was adored together with Turn, 
8a, and Nehemao. 299 Oxen, cows, and geese were sacrificed 
in his honor, 300 and the ibis and cynocephalous ape were sa- 
cred to him. 301 He is often represented in attendance on the 
kings of Egypt, either purifying them, or inscribing their 
names on the sacred tree, or in some other w T ay doing them 
honor. 302 

Among the minor divinities of the Egyptians may be men- 
tioned the gods Seb, Savak, Hanher, Merula or Malouli, and 


Aemhept, together with the goddesses Bast or Pasht, Nu or 
Nutpe (Netpe), Nebta or Nephthys, Anuka, Ma, Tafne, Mer- 
seker, Heka, Menh, and Nehemao ; to whom must be added 
the malignant deities Set or Sutech, Nubi, Bes, Taourt, and 
Apepi (Apap) or Apophis. A few words only can be given to 
each of these. 


Seb (Fig. 122), the father of Osiris, is thought to have been 
the embodiment of "the stellar universe," and is spoken of as 
"the father of the gods" (atef neteru) or "the leader of the 
gods." His name is expressed by a goose or an egg, followed 
by the ordinary phonetic sign for b, and the image of a sitting 

god ( 79^ 13 or *1J)« He is figured in the form of a 

man, walking, dressed in the short tunic or shenti, with col- 
lar, girdle, armlets, bracelets, and anklets. In his two hands 
he holds the aiikh and aas, and sometimes he carries on his 
head the figure of -a goose. There is not much mention of 
him in the inscriptions. r 



Sabak or Savak, the crocodile-headed god, has all the ap- 
pearance of having been originally a local deity, worshipped 
in the Arsinoite nome, and perhaps there representing the 
Supreme Being. Bunsen supposes that the " tractability " of 
the crocodile was the quality which drew attention, and caused 
it to be invested with a sacred character ; 304 but it is perhaps 
more reasonable to consider that its strength and destructive- 
ness made it fi*st feared and then worshipped. The crocodile 
is the only animal that attacks man in Egypt ; and many deaths 
are caused by crocodiles every year. 305 If we take this view, 
we can understand why crocodiles, and the crocodile-headed 
god, were either hated, as at Tentyra, Apollinopolis, Herac- 
leopolis, Elephantine, and elsewhere, or else honored and rev- 
erenced. Savak obtained at a somewhat late date 306 recognition 
and worship in Thebes and the adjacent parts of Egypt, just 
as Set obtained recognition ; but he was never honored gener- 
ally. 307 The Thebans connected him with Kneph and Ea, 
representing him with a ram's head, or with a human head 
and the headdress appropriate to sun-gods, and sometimes 
changing his name from Sabak into Sabak-Ra. The people 
of Ombos gladly adopted him, and identified him with their 
favorite deit} T , Ombo or Nubi, who was himself a form of Set, 

Vol. I. 

Plato XLIII.— a. 

Fig. 105.— Ammon (ordinary 
form).— See Page 153. 

Fig. 106.— Khem— See 
Page 157. 

Fig. 107.-MAUT.-See 
Page 160. 


of the final triad of all, the "last of the incarnations of Am- 
nion." 320 It may be suspected that he was a local (Nubian?) 


Aemhetp (Fig. 125), whom the Greeks compared to their 
Asclepius or iEsculapius, was a god but little acknowledged 
and but little worshipped. He seems never to have had a 
temple expressly built in his honor. 321 The form assigned to 
him is the simplest that we find given to any god, consisting, 
as it does, merely of a bearded man, wearing a plain tunic, 
with a collar and a close-fitting skull cap. The ankli and 
sceptre which he carries, alone show him to be a god. His 

name is expressed by 1 J *£? or "Vsjv — *— • 

The monuments state that he was the "son of Phthah," 
but give no account of his attributes. We ma}' conclude, 
however, from the notices of the classical writers, 322 that he was 
in some sort a "god of medicine," and was worshipped in the 
belief that his favor would avert disease from his votaries, or 
cure them when afflicted with any malady. Images of him 
which appear to have been votive offerings, and represent 
him seated on a stool, unfolding a papyrus roll which lies 
upon his knees, are not uncommon. ' 



Of the goddesses not hitherto described, the most important 
seems to have been Pasht or Bast (Fig. 126). Some writers 
have even placed her among the eight deities of the first 
order ; 324 but this view is scarcely tenable. She was the wife 
of Phthah, 325 and was worshipped together with him and their 
son, Turn, in the great triad of Memphis. Her common title 

is Merienptah ,v2^ij " beloved of Phthah ;" she is also called 

Mut, "the mother," and ur-heku, which is of uncertain 
meaning. 326 

Bast is represented in the ordinary form of a goddess, but 
as lion-headed in the earlier, and as cat-headed in the more 
recent times. In most instances she bears upon her head the 
sun's disk, with the uraeus, but sometimes she has the disk 
only, sometimes the uraeus only, and occasionally neither the 
one nor the other. 327 Excepting by her hieroglyphic name, she 
is (indistinguishable from Menh and Tafne. This name is ex- 


pressed by three signs, thus: A® > an( l i s rea( l doubtfully as 

Pasht or Bast. 

The worship of Bast was widely spread. At Thebes she 
held a high place among the contemplar deities there rever- 
enced. 328 At Memphis, she was not only united with Phthah, 
but had a special temple of her own. 3 ' 29 Her great city was, 
however, Bubastis (now Tel-Basta) in the Delta, which was 
wholly dedicated to her, 330 and contained her principal shrine, 
an edifice pronounced by Herodotus to be "the most pleasing of 
all the temples of Egypt." 331 Once a year a great festival was 
held at this place, accompanied by indecent ceremonies, which 
was frequented by vast numbers of the Egyptians. 332 It does 
not appear that her worship was very ancient ; but from the 
time of Barneses III., at any rate, she was held in high repute, 
and received the frequent homage of the kings, who even 
sometimes called her their "mother." 333 


Nu, Nut, Nuhar, or Netpe (Fig. 124) is the rendering of a 
name expressed in hieroglyphics by the three characters ,£2,, 
which are sometimes followed by the feminine signs of the 
half-circle and egg J. It is doubtful whether the third hie- 
roglyph r-^, which is the ideograph for "heaven," was 
sounded, and, if it was, whether the sound was liar or pe. 
The goddess was the divinity of the firmament, and is generally 
called the wife of Seb and mother of Osiris. Her titles are, " the 
elder," "the mother of the gods," "the mistress of Heaven," 
and "the nurse." She is at once the mother and the daughter 
of Ka. 334 She was represented in the common form of a god- 
dess, with the ankh and female sceptre, sometimes bearing a 
vase upon her head. Occasionally she appears in a fig or 
sycamore tree, pouring liquid from a similar vase into the 
hands of a deceased soul. 335 As the mother of Osiris, she is 
held in honor in the lower world, and thus her figure often 
appears in the tombs. It does not seem, however, as if she 
was a special object of worship in any city, or had anywhere 
a temple specially built in her honor. 

NEPHTHYS. (Egypt. Nebta.) 

Nephthys (Fig. 127), according to the myth, was the sister 
of Isis, and assisted her in her painful efforts to collect her 
husband's scattered members and effect his resuscitation. 3 " 6 

AKUKA. 181 

Her common titles are "the sister," "the benevolent saving 
sister," "the sister goddess," and "the great benevolent god- 
dess." 336 She held an important office in the under world, 
where she is the constant associate of Osiris and Isis, 337 and is 
said to "cut away the failings" of deceased persons. 338 Her 
name is written with a sign which seems to be a combination 

of a house with a basket, |j ^ , followed by the half circle 

and egg so frequently attached to the name of a goddess. It 
has been read Neb-tei, and translated "lady of the abode," 339 
but Birch reads it simply Neb-ta. 340 

Neb-ta was figured like other goddesses, but with the house 
and basket upon her head, or else in a form in which she is 
undistinguishable from Isis, crowned, that is, with the sun's 
disk between two long cow's horns. She often appears in the 
tombs, but does not seem to have had any temple dedicated 
to her. 

ANUKA. (Egypt. Anh.) 

Anuka (Fig. 128) has been regarded by some as a form of 
Nephthys, 341 by others as a form of Sati. 342 But she seems to 
be really a distinct and substantive goddess. There is nothing 
that properly connects her in any way with Nephthys ; and 
though she stands connected with Kneph, very much as Sati 
does, being, like Sati, his wife and companion, yet they can 
scarcely be identical, since the two are invoked together, 343 and 
represented together, 344 and called, in the plural number, "the 
ladies of Elephantine." 345 Anuka was acknowledged as a god- 
dess only at the extreme south of Egypt and in Nubia. There 
she was the third deity in a triad composed of herself, Kneph, 
and Sati, or sometimes a third deity in a "tetrad" composed 
of Kneph, Sati, herself, and Hak, who is her son by Kneph. 34 ' 

Her name is written phonetically ** — '* ,J, or anh, followed 

by the feminine sign , and that by the form of a goddess. 
She is represented, like other goddesses, in the ordinary fe- 
male attire, and with the anhli and lotus sceptre, but is clearly 
distinguished from all her rivals by a headdress of a very 
peculiar kind. This is a high cap, ornamented at the top 
with a number of feathers which spread outwardly, and form 
a striking and graceful plume. 347 The Greek conquerors of 
Egypt identified her with Hestia or Vesta, 348 but on what 
grounds is uncertain. She seems to have been really rather a 
war-goddess than a protectress of the hearth. 



Ma (Fig. 129) was the Egyptian goddess of truth. To the 
initiated she was, no doubt, the truth and justice of the Su- 
preme God personified ; but to the vulgar she was a distinct 
personage, a goddess who presided over all transactions in 
which truth and justice came into play. The kings, as su- 
preme judges, are frequently said to be "beloved of Ma," i. e., 
friends of truth. 349 The chief judge in each subordinate court 
is said to have worn an image of Ma, and when he decided a 
cause to have touched with the image the litigant in whose 
favor his decision was made. 350 In the final judgment of Osiris 
Ma's image was also introduced, being set in the scale and 
weighed against the good actions of the deceased. 351 Ma was 
reckoned a daughter of Ea, and was worshipped together with 
him, 352 She is sometimes called "chief" or "directress of the 
gods." 353 No special temples were dedicated to her, nor was 
she comprised, so far as is known, in auy triad. Her peculiar 

emblem was a single ostrich feather I ; and her name is some- 
times written with such a feather, followed by the half-circle 
and egg, which are usual signs of femininity, thus, 1*. But 
the more common mode of expressing it is as follows : — 

Ma is most frequently figured in the ordinary form of a 
standing goddess, but with an ostrich feather erect above her 
head. Sometimes, however, she sits, and bears the anl'li 
without the sceptre. She is also found occasionally with huge 
wings, which project in front of her body to a considerable 
distance. In this guise, she is often double, since the Egyp- 
tians were in the habit, for some recondite reason, of repre- 
senting truth as twofold. 354 


Tafne (Fig. 134), another daughter of Ra, has a faint and 
shadowy character, which does not admit of much description. 
She ordinarily accompanies Shu, 355 whose twin sister and wife 
she is, and seems to be a sort of goddess of light. 356 Both 
Osiris and Ilorus are called in places "sons of Shu and 
Tafne ; " 357 but this mythology is of course exceptional. Her 
name is written phonetically ^J^J* with or without the 
figure of a sitting goddess. She is portrayed in the usual 


female form, but with the head of a lioness, like Sekhet, and 
bearing on her head the solar orb, surmounted by the uraeus. 358 
Within the limits of Egypt, she was worshipped chiefly at 
Thebes ; 359 but her effigy is found also in Nubia, 360 where she 
was held in honor by the Ethiopians. 

Merseker (Fig. 135) — whose name is written in two ways 
^^ fl s A , or J^.D^> % — * s a goddess n ^t very often men- 
tioned. We may gather from her name, which means "loving 
silence," 361 that she was the "goddess of silence," 362 a conclu- 
sion which is confirmed by our finding her called, in one of 
the royal tombs at Thebes, "the ruler of Amenti " or "the 
regions below." 363 The form assigned to her is very like that 
usually given to Isis and Nephthys, differing only in the head- 
dress, which is without lappets. She carries the ankh, like 
other goddesses, but bears the uas or male sceptre. 


The goddess Hak (Fig. 136) or Heka, as commonly repre- 
sented, is undistinguishable from Tafne, having the lion's 
head surmounted by the solar orb and asp. She seems, how- 
ever, unlike Tafne, to have been a goddess of the tombs, in 
which her effigy often occurs. Sir Gardner Wilkinson sup- 
posed her to correspond to the Greek Hecate, 364 whose name 
he identified with hers; but the resemblance of the two in 
character is very slight. Hak appears on some of the older 
monuments as the wife of Kneph. 365 She is there frog-headed 
instead of lion-headed, and bears neither the disk nor the 

uraeus. Her name is written either gi or jjLJ , and has 
sometimes the figure of a sitting frog ^ placed after it. 


In form this goddess is, like Heka, an exact reproduction of 
Tafne, lion-headed, with the solar orb and uraeus, and bearing 
the ankh and lotus sceptre in her two hands. 366 Her name is 

written iJ^jU, or :S£$il^« No special office can be as- 
signed to her. 



Nehemao is another colorless and shadowy goddess, not 
often mentioned, and, when mentioned, given no epithets that 
assign her any definite character. She is a "daughter of the 
sun," "the lady of Tentyris," and "the mistress of the eight 
regions of Egypt." 367 Her headdress consists of a shrine, from 
which in some cases water plants are seen to issue on all sides. 
At the quarries near Memphis she was worshipped as the 
second member of a triad, in which she was conjoined with 
Thoth and Horus. Her name is expressed in Egyptian by 

the following group 

It has been already stated that to a certain number of the 
Egyptian deities an evil and malignant character very unmis- 
takably attaches, 368 if not in the more ancient form of the 
religion, at any rate in that form which ultimately prevailed 
and established itself universally. This character belongs in 
some degree even to Savak, the crocodile-headed god, who was 
a main object of worship at the best period ; but it is intensified 
in such deities as Set or Sutech, Kubi or Ombo (if he is really 
distinct from Set), Bes, and Taouris, who are represented in 
grotesque or hideous forms, and whose attributes and actions 
are wholly or predominantly evil. 


Set (Fig. 137) was a son of Nut or Xetpe, and so a brother 
of Osiris. According to the myth, he rebelled against his 
brother, murdered him, cut his body into pieces, and reigned 
in his stead. Osiris was afterwards avenged by his son, Horus, 
who vanquished Set, and, according to some accounts, slew 
him. 369 Set, however, though slain, continued to be feared 
and worshipped, being recognized as the indestructible power 
of evil, and so requiring to be constantly propitiated. In the 
time of the Old Monarchy he seems to have held a place among 
the "great gods," 370 but was not the object either of any special 
adoration or of any marked aversion. During the rule of the 
Hyksos, or shepherd kings, those invaders selected him as 
their sole deity, refusing to worship any of the other Egyptian 
gods. 371 On their expulsion, he resumed his former place till 
the time of the nineteenth dynasty, when increased prominence 
was given to him by Seti I., in whose name Set was the chief 
element. 378 Subsequently, but at what exact time is unknown, 


Set passed wholly out of favor. His worship ceased, and his 
very name was obliterated from the monuments. 373 

The name Set is expressed commonly by |i pi or • ; but 

in the latter case the Typhonian animal j^jf , which some- 
times stands by itself for Set, is usually added. When Sutech 

is the name used, it is commonly written XV&J^J* The 

worshippers of Set call him "the lord of the world," "the most 
glorious son of Nut," and "the great ruler of heaven." 374 His 
detractors view him as "wicked," "vile," and "the enemy of 
Osiris." 375 The form generally assigned him is curious. It 
is a human figure of the ordinary type, but with a strange and 
monstrous head, halfway between that of a bird and that of a 
quadruped. A pair of long, erect, and square-topped ears, a 
bill like that of a stork, a small eye, and a large wig, form an 
ensemble which is grotesque in the extreme, 376 and which natur- 
ally provokes a laugh. Sometimes, besides this head there is 
a second, which is clearly that of a hawk. 377 


It is probable that in Nubi or Nubti we have not so much a 
distinct god as another name of the deity above described, 378 

Sutech or Set. The name Nubti, written , is followed 

by the same grotesque animal form as the name Sutech ; and 
it not unfrequently accompanies one or other of the figures 
which were assigned to Set in the last paragraph. Nor is 
there any other form than this which can be ascribed to 
Nubti. Nubti is called "the occupant of the south," 379 and 
is said to "shoot his arrows against the enemies of the sun," 
and to "shake the earth and the sky with his storm." 380 

TAOUKIS. (Egypt. Taour or Taourt.) 

Taour or Taourt (Fig. 130), the feminine counterpart of 
Set, appears commonly in the form of a hippopotamus walk- 
ing, with the back covered by the skin and tail of a crocodile. 38 ' 
In one hand she generally bears an implement like a knife, 
while in the other she sometimes holds a young crocodile. 382 
ifer mouth is commonly furnished with huge teeth, and has 


the tongue protruding from it more or less. Sometimes, in- 
stead of a knife, the implement which she bears in her hand 
resembles a pair of shears. She was worshipped at Silsilis 
in combination with Thoth and Nut or Nutpe, 383 standing 
there, as it seems, at the head of a local triad. Her name is 

commonly written phonetically A TL "%^. <^> and is some- 
times followed by a uraeus g> , ouro, which is redundant. 


Bes (Fig. 131), represented as a hideous dwarf, generally 
with a plume of feathers on his head and a lion-skin down his 
back, 384 is thought by some to be a form of Set, by others to 
be the Egyptian "god of death." 385 He is sometimes seen 
armed with a sword or swords, and is even found in the act 

of slaying persons. 386 His name, which is written j |J, is fol- 
lowed, curiously enough, by the hieroglyph representing a skin 
W, which occurs commonly as the determinative of animals. 

He was worshipped at Thebes, at Tentj^ris, and in Ethiopia. 
Bronze images of Bes are common, and appear sometimes to 
connect him with the moon. 387 

APOPHIS. (Egypt. Apep.) 

Apophis (Fig. 132) is portrayed either as a huge serpent dis- 
posed in many folds, or as a water-snake with a human head. 388 
He was supposed to have sided with Set against Osiris, and to 
have thereby provoked the anger of Horus, who is frequently 
represented as piercing his head with a spear. 389 The place of 
his ordinary abode is the lower world, where he seems to act 
as the accuser of souls, and to impede their progress towards 
the inner gates of Hades and the Hall of the Two Truths. 390 
He is thought to have been the original principle of evil in the 
Egyptian system, and to have subsequently given way to Set, 
when their hatred of the Asiatics, whose great god Set was, 
caused the Egyptians to invest that deity with a malignant and 
hateful character. 391 The word "Apep" seems to be derived 
from ap, "to mount" or "rise." It is expressed in Egyptian 

«*ither by +~~i> °r i i. 

Vol. I. 

Plato XLIIL— b. 

Fig. 108.^-Egyptian representations of Taouris, Savak, and Osiris.— Page 131. 

Plate XLIV. 

Vol. L 

Fig. 109.- Egyptian drawing Wateb from a Reservoir.— See Page 131. 

Fig. 110.— 1. 


y.— See Page 16.1 

Vol. I. 

Plate XLV, 

Fig. 111.— Tum.— See Page 165. 

Fig. 11* — Nefer-Tum.— See Page lt>5. 

Plate XLVI. 

Fig. 115.— Three Forms of Osirts.— See Page 168. 


Besides gods, the Egyptians recognized a certain number of 
daemones or genii, who were not the objects of any worship, but 
figured in their religious scenes, and had certain definite 
offices assigned them, if not in this world, at any rate in the 
next. Such was Anubis, the conductor of the dead, who is 
sometimes represented as watching the departure of the spirit 
from the body of one recently deceased, 392 but more often ap- 
pears in the judgment scenes, where he weighs the souls in the 
balance, 393 or superintends the execution of the sentence which 
has been passed upon them by their judge. 394 Anubis is repre- 
sented with the head of an animal which the Greeks and 
Romans considered to be a dog, 395 but which is now generally 
regarded as a jackal. In other respects he has the ordinary 
form of a god, and even, when unemployed, carries the ankh 
and sceptre. Occasionally he bears on his head the crown of 
the two Egypts. 396 He is called " lord of the burying-ground," 397 
and regarded as presiding over coffins, 398 tombs, and cemeteries. 
In the mythology he was said to be a son of Ra and Nephthys,""' 



or of Osiris and JSTephthys. 400 His name is written either I J 

jV "Anepu." 
With Anubis may be joined the "four genii of Amenti," 
Amset, ^J^S=> Hapi ' PlV Tuamutef > ' J^«— *-> and 
Kebhsnauf, a |?/wf > who are represented either as 

mummied figures, or in the ordinary human form, 401 and bear 
respectively the heads of a man, a cynocephalous ape, a jackal, 
and a hawk. These beings presided, with Anubis, over the 
grave. At the embalment of a corpse the intestines were 
taken out, treated with medicaments, and then either deposited 
in jars (Fig. 133) bearing the respective heads of the four 
genii, and placed with the coffin in the tomb, or else returned 
into the body accompanied by their complete figures. Each 
genius had certain special intestines committed to his care : 
Amset, the stomach and large intestines ; Hapi, the smaller 
intestines ; Tuamutef, the lungs and heart ; Kebhsnauf, the 
liver and gall-bladder. 402 Speeches, supposed to be made by 
the genii, were frequently inscribed on the exterior of coffins, 
and on the boxes which held sepulchral vases and sepulchral 
figures. 403 In the infernal regions the four genii were closely 
associated with Osiris, and are spoken of as "lords of truth, 


chiefs behind Osiris." 404 Their duties are not very clear, but 
seem rather connected with the perservation of the body than 
the safe passage of the soul through its ordeals. 405 Still, the 
genii are sometimes invoked to sustain the soul upon its way 
with food and light, to help it to "pass through the secrect 
places of the horizon," and to cross "the lintels of the 
gate." 406 

It is usual to attach to the "four genii of Amenti" the 
"forty-two" who are known as "the assessors." In represen- 
tations of Osiris upon the judgment-seat, the assessors usually 
appear, standing or sitting in two or more rows above him or 
behind him, each crowned with an ostrich feather, the emblem 
of truth, and carrying in his two hands an implement re- 
sembling a sword or knife. 407 All have mummied forms, and, 
while some have human, the majority have animal heads, 
chiefly those proper to certain of the gods, as hawks', lions', 
jackals', rams', crocodiles', and hippopotamuses'. Each asses- 
sor has his own proper name ; and these names it was necessary 
for all persons to know, and to repeat when standing in the 
"Hall of the Two Truths," and disclaiming the forty-two sins 
of the Egyptian moral code. All the names appear to have 
been significant, and most of them were well calculated to 
cause the guilty to tremble. 408 "Eyes of flame," "breath of 
flame," "cracker of bones," "devourer of shades," "eater of 
hearts," "swallower," "lion-god," "white tooth," "smoking 
face," and the like, sufficently indicated what fate would be- 
fall those who made a false protest of innocence to the spirit 
whose province it was to punish some one particular crime. 
The assessors "lived by: catching the wicked," "fed off their 
blood," 409 and "devoured their hearts before Horus." 410 They 
were thus not merely judges, but accusers and punishers of 
crime. Guilty souls were handed over to them by Osiris, but 
to be "tortured" only, not destroyed. 411 

Long as is the above list of Egyptian gods and genii, let it 
not be supposed that the catalogue is as yet complete. A full 
account of the Egyptian Pantheon would have to comprise, 
besides the deities which have been enumerated, at least twenty 
or thirty others ; as for instance, Nun, the god of the primeval 
waters ; 412 Hapi, the Nile god ; 413 Balm, the lord of the in- 
undation ; 414 Repa, the wife of Hapi ; 415 Uati, the goddess of 
Lower Egypt ; 416 Khaft, perhaps the goddess of the upper 
country ; 417 Sem, the goddess of the West ; 418 Sefkh, goddess 
of writing; 419 Seneb, goddess presiding over childbirth; 420 
Rannu, goddess of the harvest ; 421 Nepra, god of corn ; 4 ' 22 Hu, 
touch ; 423 Sa, taste ; 424 and the foreign importations, Anta or 

0RDE11S OF GODS. 189 

Anaitis ; 425 Astaret, Ashtoreth or Astarte ; 426 Bar, or Baal ; 427 
Reshpu, or Reseph; 428 Ken, or Kiun ; 429 and Sapt. 430 Rito, 
Sekar, and Serk would also claim a place in any full descrip- 
tion, though it would probably appear on examination that 
they were mere forms of the better known Athor, Phthah, and 
Isis. Inquiry would als© have to be made into the true char- 
acter and attributes of Am, Amente, Astes, Hak, Makai, 
Nausaas, Nebhept, Nishem or Nuneb, Nuhar, Urhek, 431 etc. 
But to exhaust the subject would clearly require the devotion 
to it of at least one whole volume. In a work of moderate 
dimensions, such as the present, where even the more impor- 
tant deities have to be sketched rather than described at 
length, it is impossible to do more than glance at the minor 
and, comparatively speaking, insignificant personages of the 

The arrangement of the gods into classes, and the organiza- 
tion, so to speak, of the Pantheon, belong to a comparatively 
late date, and are too artificial to be of much interest. Ac- 
cording to Herodotus, 432 the Egyptians recognized three orders 
of deities, and assigned to the first order eight, to the second 
twelve, and to the third an indefinite number. There is some 
reason to question the accuracy of this statement. In the 
extant native monuments and papyruses, neither "the eight " 
nor " the twelve " are to be recognized. We hear sometimes 
of a "holy nine," 433 of "nine gods of the Ta-Mera," 434 and 
of "nine gods, the masters of things," 435 but never of eight or 
twelve. Still, as Manetho to some extent confirms Herodo- 
tus, 436 it has been generally thought that there must have been, 
at any rate under the late Pharaohs, some arrangement of the 
gods into groups and some recognition of a presiding "eight ;" 
but great difficulty has been found in determining both the 
principle or principles of the division, and (still more) the 
deities which belong to each group. Following a hint dropped 
by Herodotus, 437 one writer takes, as the general principle of the 
grouping, genealogical succession, 438 placing in the first order 
original or uncreated gods, in the second gods derived or 
descended from them, and in the third gods derived or de- 
scended from deities of the second rank. He is unable, 
however, to obtain more than seven gods of the first order 
by this method, and, to complete the eight, has to associate 
with them a produced god, Ra, the son of Phthah and Neith. 439 
Recently it has been thought best to lay aside this principle of 
division altogether, and merely to ask the question, What 
eight gods practically received the chief worship of the Egyp- 
tians? To this question it has been found impossible to give 


a simple answer, since different usages prevailed in different 
parts of the country. The subjoined, for instance, is given as 
the probable list at Memphis:— 1. Phthah ; 2. Shu ; 3. Tafne ; 
4. Seb ; 5. Nut or Netpe ; 6. Osiris ; 7. Isis (with Horus) ; 
and 8. Athor ; while at Thebes "the eight" is supposed to 
have been constituted as follows: — 1, Ammon-Ra ; 2. Mentu ; 
3. Turn ; 4. Shu (with Tafne) ; 5. Seb ; 6. Osiris ; 7. Set (with 
Nephthys) ; and 8. Horus (with Athor). 440 It is reasonable to 
suppose that a similar divergence would show itself, were the 
inquiry extended to other religious centres. 441 

The recognition of a first order of gods, if we regard it as 
established, necessitates the recognition of a second order ; but 
it seems very improbable that the number of the second order 
was limited to twelve. Whatever eight we separate off from 
the rest to form the first order, we shall find at least twenty 
with about equal claims to a place in the second. 442 It would 
seem most probable that in the second order were included all 
the proper deities below the first eight ; and that the third 
order contained only the deities more correctly called "dae- 
mones" or "genii," such as Anubis, Amset, Hapi, Tuamutef, 
Kebhsnauf, Am, Astes, Maentfef, Karbukef/ 43 and "the 

Of far more practical importance than this division into 
orders was the curious preference, shown by the Egyptians 
generally, for worshipping their gods in triads, or sets of 
three. 4411 In almost every town of any consequence throughout 
Egypt, a local triad received the chief worship of the inhabi- 
tants. At Memphis the established triad consisted of Phthah, 
Sekhet, and Turn ; at r Thebes, of Ammon-Ea, Maut, and 
Chonsu ; at Heliopolis of Ka (or Turn), Nebhept, and Horus ; 
at Elephantine, of Kneph, Sati, and Anuka ; at Abydos, of 
Osiris, Isis, and Horus ; at Ombos, of Savak, Athor, and 
Khonsu ; at Silsilis, of Ra, Phthah, and Hapi, the Nile-god. 
Occasionally, but not very often, a fourth divinity was asso- 
ciated with the principal three, as Bast or Pasht (if she be dif- 
ferent from Sekhet) at Memphis, Keith at Thebes, Nephthys 
at Abydos, and Hak at Elephantine j 445 but the fourth always 
occupied a wholly subordinate position. The three gods of a 
triad were not themselves upon a par. On the contrary, the 
4 first god of the three had a decided pre-eminence, while the 
last was generally on a lower footing. The middle deity of a 
.triad was ordinarily, but not always, a goddess. 

Temples were generally dedicated to a single god ; but the 

god thus honored was worshipped in them together with his 

tcontemplar deities. Worship comprised three things, prayer, 


praise, and sacrifices. Specimens of the first and second have- 
been already given. 446 But we subjoin one or two more. The 
following is an address to Ammon-Ra, considered as the 
Supreme God : — 

Hail to Thee for all these things, 

The One alone with many hands ; 

Lying awake while all men sleep, 

To seek the good of Thy creatures ! 

O Ammon, sustainer of all things, 

Atum-Horus of the horizon ! 

Homage to Thee from all voices ! 

Salvation to Thee for Thy mercy towards us; 

Acknowledgment to Thee, who hast created us. 

Hail to Thee, say all creatures, 

Salutation from every land — 

To the height of heaven ; to the breadth of the earth ; 

To the depths of the sea. 

The gods adore Thy majesty ; 

The spirits Thou hast created exalt Thee, 

Rejoicing before the feet of their Begetter. 

They cry out welcome to Thee, 

Father of the father of all the gods ; 

Who raises up the heavens, who fixes the earth. 

Maker of beings, Creator of existences, 

Sovereign of life and health and strength, Chief of the Gods : 

We worship Thy spirit, which alone has made us : 

We, whom Thou hast made, thank Thee that Thou hast 

given us birth : 
We give praises to Thee for Thy mercy towards us ! UT 

The subjoined is part of a "Hymn to the Nile ;" w but the 
local coloring gradually fades, and, forgetting his special 
theme, the sacred bard passes to a general expression of thank- 
fulness to the Almighty: — 

Bringer of food ! Great Lord of provisions ! 

Creator of all good things ! 

Lord of terrors, and of all choicest joys ! 

All are combined in Him, 

He produceth grass for the oxen, 

And provides victims for every god ; 

The choicest incense he too supplies. 

Lord of both regions, 

He filleth the granaries ; he enricheth the storehouses;, 

He careth for the estate of the poor. 

He causeth growth, to fulfil all desires ; 

He wearies not ever of it. 

He maketh His might a buckler. 

He is not graven in marble ; 

No image of Him bears the double crown ; 

He is not beheld ; 

He hath neither ministrants nor offerings ; 

He is not adored in sanctuaries ; 

His abode is not known ; 

No shrine of His is found with painted figures. 


There is no building that can contain Him. 

There is none that can give Him counsel. 

The young men, His children, delight in Him ; 

He directeth them, as their King. 

His law is established in all the land ; 

It is with His servants, both in the north [and in the south]. 

He wipeth away tears from all eyes ; 

He careth for the abundance of His blessings.** 8 

The great deficiency which we note in the prayers of the 
Egyptians is the want of any earnest appeals for pardon, of any 
heartfelt repentance, or deep conviction of sin. Only once or 
twice do we find an Egyptian making any confession of sin at 
all. 449 On the other hand we find abundant boasting and self- 
assertion. As before the assessors in the Amenti each de- 
parted soul had to protest its absolute innocence, so every 
Egyptian takes every opportunity of setting forth his manifold 
good deeds and excellences in this life. "I was not an idler," 
says one, " I was no listener to the counsels of sloth : my name 
was not heard in the place of reproof. . . . All men respected 
me. I gave water to the thirsty ; I set the wanderer in his 
path ; I took away the oppressor, and put a stop to violence." 460 
I myself was just and true," writes another on his tombstone, 
"without malice, having put God in my heart, and being quick 
to discern His will. I have done good upon earth ; I have 
harbored no prejudice ; I have not been wicked ; I have not 
approved of any offence or iniquity ; I have taken pleasure in 
speaking the truth. . . . Pure is my soul ; while living, I 
bore no malice. There are no errors attributable to me ; no 
sins of mine are befor ( e the judges. . . . The men of the 
future, while they live, will be charmed by my remarkable 
merits." 451 It is, of course, possible that we have here merely 
the indiscriminate and overstrained eulogium of an affection- 
ate widow or orphan, bent on glorifying a deceased husband or 
parent, and thus that the effusion is simply parallel to those 
epitaphs of the Georgian era, assigning every virtue under the 
sun to the departed, which disgrace so many of our own 
churches ; but it was certainly the general practice in Egypt 
for persons to prepare their own tombs, 452 and the use of the 
first person singular is therefore, probably, not a figure of 
rhetoric. Beka, most likely, saw nothing unseemly or indeli- 
cate in putting on record his own wonderful merits, and inviting 
posterity to imitate them. Similarly, Uja-hor-resenet, a govern- 
ment official under Amasis, Psamatik III., and Cambyses, 
asserts his own excellence upon a statue, which he certainly 
dedicated during his lifetime, in terms such as the follow- 
ing : 453 — "I was a good man before the king ; I saved the popu- 


lation in the dire calamity which took place throughout all 
the land ; I shielded the weak against the strong ; I did all 
good things when the time came to do them ; I was pious 
towards my father, and did the will of my mother ; I was kind- 
hearted towards my brethren. ... I made a good sarcophagus 
for him who had no coffin. When the dire calamity befell 
the land, I made the children to live, I established the houses, 
I did for them all such good things as a father doth for his 
sons." 454 

Sacrifice with the Egyptians, as with the Jews and with the 
classical nations, was of two kinds, bloody and unbloody. 
Unbloody sacrifice was the more usual. The Egyptians offered 
to their gods bread, 455 flour, 456 cakes of various kinds, 457 oil, 
honey, fruit, incense, wine, beer, 458 perhaps spirits, and also 
flowers. 459 Libations to the gods were of daily occurrence, 460 
and were certainly both of beer and wine, possibly also of the 
spirit which is easily obtained from dates. 461 Incense was con- 
tinually offered, 462 and consisted, in part, of frankincense, in 
part of various aromatic gums, and sweet scented woods. 468 
The best produce of Arabia was desired for this pious practice, 
and expeditions were sometimes undertaken, mainly for the 
purpose of procuring incense of the best quality. 464 The fruits 
presented were such as dates, grapes, figs, the produce of the 
doum palm, olives, mulberries, etc. 465 Flowers were offered in 
bouquets, in basketfuls, and in garlands ; the lotus and papyrus 
being among the plants in highest favor. 466 

The sacrificial animals included certainly bulls, oxen, male 
calves, sheep, goats, pigs, geese, ducks, pigeons, and certain un- 
domesticated creatures, such as antelopes and various kinds of 
water-fowl. Of these, oxen, male calves, and geese were most 
in request, and served as victims universally ; 46T goats were 
offered at Thebes and in most other parts of Egypt, but not 
at Mendes, where sheep took their place ; 4u3 pigs, generally 
regarded as unclean, formed the necessary sacrifice on certain 
special and rare occasions ; 469 ducks and pigeons served as con- 
venient offerings for the poor ; 470 parts of antelopes seem to 
have been occasionally offered by the rich. 471 It has been 
generally maintained that cows and heifers, being sacred to 
Athor, could under no circumstances be employed as victims 
in Egypt, 472 and this was certainly the belief of Herodotus ; 473 
but the Egyptian remains throw great doubt upon the truth 
of the Herodotean statement. Not only do cows and heifers 
appear among the sacrificial animals presented to the temples 
by the Egyptian monarchs, as regularly and in as large num- 
bers as bulls, oxen, and steers, 474 but it is distinctly stated in 


numerous passages that cows were actually offered in sacrifice. 478 
Whatever objection, therefore, the Egyptians may have felt 
to eating the flesh of cows and female calves, 476 it would seem 
to be certain that they had no scruple about sacrificing them. 
Probably such victims were made in every case "whole burnt- 
offerings" — consumed, that is, entirely upon the altar, and 
not partaken of, either by the priests or by the worshippers. 

When a sacrifice was intended, the victim was usually decked 
with flowers, 477 and brought to the temple by the offerer, who 
submitted him first of all to the inspection of the priests, and 
then, if he was pronounced pure, and sealed in the appointed 
way, 478 conducted him to the altar, where, after a libation had 
been poured, he was slaugthered by the officiating minister, 
who cut his throat from ear to ear, 479 and let the blood flow 
freely over the altar, or over the ground at its base. Generally, 
only certain parts of the animal were burnt, the remainder be- 
ing shared between the priests and the person, or persons, who 
brought the victim ; but sometimes the whole animal was 
placed on the altar and consumed with fire. Cakes of the 
best flour, honey, raisins, figs, incense, myrrh, and other odor- 
iferous substances were often added, together with a quantity 
of oil, which helped the fire to consume the whole. 480 Such 
sacrifices were, no doubt, in many cases, thank-offerings, mere 
indications of the devotion and gratitude of the worshipper ; 
hut occasionally they were of the nature of expiatory rites, 
and gave some indication of that sense of sin and desire of 
pardon which were, as already observed, 481 generally lacking in 
the devotional utterances of the Egyptians. Herodotus tells 
us 482 that it was usualf when a victim was offered, to cut off 
the head, and after heaping imprecations upon it, and pray- 
ing that whatever evils were impending either over Egypt or 
over the worshippers might fall upon that head, to sell it to 
Greeks or cast it into the Nile — a practice which recalls the 
Jewish ceremony of the scape-goat, and likewise that com- 
manded in Deuteronomy for the expiation of an uncertain 
murder. 483 Again, the same writer informs us that, in sacri- 
fices to Isis, it was the custom for the sacrificers both to offer 
the victim fasting, and to beat themselves during the burn- 
ing 484 — both which practices point to the expiatory idea as 
involved, to some extent at any rate, in the Egyptian notion 
of sacrifice. 

One of the most remarkable features of the Egyptian relig- 
ion — and one in which it differed from almost all others — was 
the sacred character with which it invested various animals. 
A certain number of animals were held sacred universally, and 

Vol. I. 

Plate XLVII. 

Fig. 117,— 1. Horus. 2. Isis nursing Horus. 3. Horus the Child (Har-pa-krat). 

See Page 171. 

Plate XLVIII. 


Fig. 118.— Forms of Athor.— See Page 173. 


might nowhere under any circumstances be killed or injured. 
Others received a veneration less than universal, but not far 
short of it ; while a third set enjoyed a mere local and excep- 
tional privilege. To the first class belonged the cat, 485 which 
was sacred to Bast or Sekhet ; the ibis 486 and cynocephalous 
ape, 487 which were sacred to Thoth ; the hawk m and beetle, 489 
which were sacred to Ka ; the asp, probably ; 490 and either 
cows as a class, or at any rate white cows, which were sacred 
to Athor. Generally but not universally reverenced were 
sheep, 491 which were sacred to Kneph, and dogs, 492 which do 
not seem to have been assigned to any special deity. Local 
honors attached to lions, crocodiles, hippopotamuses, wolves 
or jackals, ibexes, antelopes, goats, ichneumons, shrew-mice, 
vultures, frogs, certain snakes, and certain kinds of fish. 
Lions, emblems of Horus and Turn, were sacred at Heliopolis 
and Leontopolis ; crocodiles, emblems of Set, at Ombos, Coptos, 
and in the Arsinoite nome (or Fayoum) generally ; hippopota- 
muses, emblems of Taouris, at Papremis in the Delta ; wolves or 
jackals, emblems of Anubis, at Lycopolis ; ibexes and frogs at 
Thebes ; antelopes at Coptos ; goats at Mendes ; ichneumons 
at Heracleopolis ; shrew-mice at Athribis ; vultures, emblems of 
Maut, at Eileithyia ; snakes at Thebes ; and fish of different 
kinds at Latopolis, Lepidotopolis, Elephantine, and else- 
where. 493 In each locality where any kind of animal was 
sacred, some individuals of the species were attached to the 
principal temples, where they had their special shrines or 
chambers, and their train of priestly attendants, who carefully 
fed them, cleaned them, and saw generally to their health and 
comfort. 494 When any of them died, they were embalmed 
according to the most approved method, and deposited in 
mummy-pits, or in tombs specially appropriated to them, with 
much pomp and ceremony. 495 All the other individuals of 
the species were sacred within the locality, and had to be pro- 
tected from injury. It was a capital offence to kill one of 
them intentionally ; and to do so even accidently entailed 
some punishment or other, 496 and necessitated priestly absolu- 
tion. The different towns and districts were jealous for the 
honor of their favorites ; and quarrels occasionally broke out 
between city and city, or between province and province, in 
connection with their sacred animals, which led in some cases 
to violent and prolonged conflicts, in others to a smouldering 
but permanent hostility. 497 An appreciable portion of the re- 
ligious sentiment of the nation wasabsorded by these unworthy 
objects ; but so strong and lively was that sentiment among 
the Egyptians, that the animal worship, widely spread as it 


was, does not appear to have interfered seriously with the re- 
spect and reverence which were paid to the proper deities. 

In the animal worship hitherto described, it was the species 
and not the individual that was held in honor. But in certain 
cases the religious regard attached to the indvidual either solely 
or specially. The Egyptians believed that occasionally a deity 
became incarnate in a particular animal, and so remained un- 
til the creature's death. The occurrence was made known to 
the priests by certain signs; 498 and the god, greeted, as soon 
as recognized, with every token of respect and joy, was con- 
ducted in solemn procession to his proper temple, and installed 
there as the actual deity. This form of superstition prevailed 
at Memphis, Heliopolis, Hermonthis, and Momemphis. At 
Memphis, a magnificient abode, in the shape of a court sur- 
rounded by Osirid pillars, 499 was prepared for the accommoda- 
tion of a sacred bull, believed to be an incarnation of the god 
Phthah, 500 who was thought from time to time to visit Egypt 
in person. When a male calf, having been examined by the 
priests, was pronounced to have the required marks, he re- 
ceived the name 501 of Apis, 5 i3^Kj and became the occupant 

of this building, which thenceforth he never quitted, except 
on certain fixed days when he was led in procession through 
the streets of the city and welcomed by all the inhabitants, 
who came forth from their houses to greet him. 502 Otherwise 
he remained continuously in his grand residence, waited upon 
by numerous priests, fed on choice food, and from time to 
time shown for a short space to those who came to worship 
him and solicit his favor and protection. The cow which had 
been so favored as to be the earthly mother of the deity was 
also made an inmate of the sacred edifice, being lodged in the 
vestibule which gave access to the building. 503 It is remark- 
able that the Apis bulls were not in every case allowed to reach 
the natural term of their lives. If a natural death did not 
remove them earlier, the priests drowned them when they 
reached the age of twenty-five, 504 after which they were buried 
with the usual honors, their bodies being carefully embalmed 
and deposited with much ceremony in the sepulchral chambers 
of the Serapeum, 505 a temple at Memphis expressly devoted to 
the burial of these animals. Each Apis, when dead, became 
an Osiri-Apis, 506 or Serapis, and the object of a special cult, 507 
which in Ptolemaic and Roman tinies received an extraordinary 
development. All Egypt went into mourning at the death, 
however produced, and remained inconsolable until it pleased 


the priests to declare a new avatar, when mourning was at 
once cast aside, a time of festival was proclaimed, and, amid 
the acclamations of the whole people, the new-found Apis 
was led in solemn pomp to occupy the chambers of his pre- 
decessor. 508 

At Heliopolis, another sacred bull was maintained in the great 
temple of the sun, 509 which was viewed as an incarnation of Ra 
or Turn, 510 and received the same sort of honor as the Apis 
bulls of Memphis. The name assigned to this animal was 
Mnevis. It is said by Plutarch and Porphyry to have been a 
black bull ; but the monuments are thought to represent it as 
white. 511 Though highly reverenced by the Heliopolites, it 
did not enjoy much regard beyond the precincts of its own 

A third sacred bull, called Bacis or Pacis, was maintained 
at Hermonthis, 512 not far from Thebes, on the left bank of the 
river. Like the Heliopolite bull, this was regarded as an in- 
carnation of Ra ; and was kept in the temple of Ra at Her- 
monthis, which was a magnificent building. Its natural color 
was black ; but it is said to have changed color frequently, 515 
which would seem to have been through some priestly artifice ; 
and we are told also that its hairs, or some of them, grew the 
wrong way. 514 It was an animal of unusual size. 515 

White cows, sacred to Athor, were maintained in temples at 
Hermonthis, Athribis, Momemphis, and elsewhere ; but whether 
they were regarded as incarnations of Athor, or simply as em- 
blematic of her, is uncertain. The fact that Athor is some- 
times represented under the form of a cow 516 tells in favor of 
the view that they were considered to be incarnations ; but the 
distinction which Strabo draws 517 between Apis and Mnevis on 
the one hand, and most of the sacred cows on the other, 
points in the opposite direction. Perhaps the Momemphite 
cow was alone regarded as an actual incarnation. 518 

On the origin of the animal worship of the Egyptians much 
speculation has been expended, both in ancient and modern 
times. By some it is maintained that the entire system is to 
be referred to the prudence and foresight of the priests, who 
invested with a sacred character such animals as were of first- 
rate utility, in order to secure their continuance and increase. 519 
This theory sufficiently accounts for the veneration paid to the 
cow, the sheep, the goat, the dog, the cat, the ichneumon, the 
hawk, the vulture, and the ibis ; but it fails completely if ap- 
plied to the great majority of the sacred animals. The lion, 
the crocodile, the hippopotamus, the cynocephalous ape, the 
cobra de capello, the wolf, the jackal, the shrew-mouse, did 


not benefit the Egyptians appreciably, if at all ; and indeed 
must have presented themselves to the general intelligence 
rather as harmful than as useful creatures. The sacred fish, 
which might not be eaten, cannot be shown to have been in 
any other way beneficial to man ; nor is the practical utility 
of beetles very apparent. These objections to the utilitarian 
theory 52 ° have prevented its general acceptance, and led to 
various other suggestions, both anciently and recently. Some 
of the ancients said, the animals worshipped were those whose 
forms the gods had occasionally taken when they came down 
from heaven to visit the earth ; 521 others that they were those 
which Osiris had selected and placed on the standards of his 
army. 622 A third theory was that the whole of the animal 
worship had been introduced by a politic king, with the ex- 
press object of causing division and discord among the natives 
of the different nomes, and so making it easier to govern them. 523 
In modern times the Pantheistic nature of the Egyptian relig- 
ion has been alleged as the "true reason" of the worship by 
one writer, 524 while another 525 has seen in it an original African 
fetishism, on which was afterwards engrafted a more elevated 
form of belief by an immigrant Asiatic people. To us it seems 
a sufficient and probably a true account of the worship, to 
say that it grew out of that exaggerated symbolism 526 which 
was so characteristic of the Egyptian religion, which, begin- 
ning by tracing resemblances in certain animals to certain at- 
tributes of the Divine Nature, proceeded to assign to particular 
deities the heads of these creatures, or even their entire forms : 
after which it was but a short step to see in the animals them- 
selves a quasi-divinity^ which elevated them above their fellows 
and rendered them venerable and sacred. If this explanation 
does not cover the whole of the worship, as (it must be admit- 
ted) it does not, still the exceptions are so few, and compara- 
tively speaking, so unimportant, 5 ' 27 that their existence is per- 
haps not incompatible with the truth of the origin suggested. 
The outward aspect of the Egyptian religion was, as already 
noticed, 528 magnificent and striking. The size and number of 
the temples, the massiveness and solidity of their construction, 
the immense height of the columns, the multiplicity of the 
courts and halls, the frequent obelisks and colossi, the groves 
and lakes, 529 the long avenues of sphinxes, the lavish abundance 
of painted and sculptured decoration, formed a combination 
which was at once astonishing and delightful, and which 
travellers were never w T eary of describing. 530 But all this was 
the mere exterior framework or setting within which the re- 
ligion displayed itself. Life aud meaning were imparted to 


the material apparatus of worship by the long trains of priests 
and the vast throng of worshippers constantly to be seen in 
and about the temples, by the processions which paced their 
courts in solemn pomp, the mournful or jubilant strains which 
resounded down their corridors, the clouds of incense which 
rose into the air, the perpetual succession of victims which 
smoked upon the altars. The Egyptians, as Herodotus notes, 531 
"were religious to excess." There was certainly not a day, 
perhaps scarcely an hour, without its own religious ceremony, 
in any of the greater temples, whose "colleges of priests"" 2 
could readily furnish a succession of officiating ministers, al- 
ways ready to offer on behalf of those who brought victims or 
other oblations. Thus a constant round of religious offices 
was maintained ; the voice of prayer, however imperfect or mis- 
directed, went up from the temples continually ; and Egypt, 
in whatever darkness she lay, at least testified to the need and 
value of a perpetual intercession, a constant pleading with 
God, a worship without patfse or weariness. 

The worship culminated in certain festivals, or great gather- 
ings of the people for special religious services, 633 which were 
mostly either annual or monthly. A monthly festival, on the 
day of the new moon, celebrated the reappearancce of that 
luminary after its temporary obscuration. 534 On the fourth 
day of each month, a festival was held in honor of the sun. 535 
Once a year, on the day of a particular full moon, there was a 
festival in which the moon and Osiris would seem to have been 
honored conjointly. 536 On this occasion, according to Herod- 
otus, the rites included a procession to the sound of the pipe, 
wherein both men and women participated, though the cere- 
mony was of an indecent character. 637 Other feasts were held 
in honor of Osiris on the seventeenth day of Athyr and the 
nineteenth of Pashons ; in the former of which the "loss of 
Osiris," and in the latter his recovery, were commemorated. 
A cow, emblematic of Isis, was veiled in black and led about 
for four successive days, accompanied by a crowd of men and 
women who beat their breasts, in .memory of the supposed dis- 
appearance of Osiris from earth and his sister's search for him ; 
while, in memory of his recovery, a procession was made to 
the seaside, the priests carrying a sacred chest, and, an image 
or emblem of Osiris fashioned out of earth and water having 
been placed in it, the declaration was made, "Osiris is found ! 
Osiris is found !" amid general festivity and rejoicing. 538 

Among the most remarkable of the annual festivals were 
those of Bast or Pasht at Hubastis, of Neith at Sai's, and of 
Mentu or Onuris at Papremis. It would be uncritical to at- 


tacli any great value to the details winch Herodotus, in his 
lively manner, gives us of the ceremonies on these occasions/ 39 
or of the numbers by which the festivals were attended. 540 Still 
we may safely conclude from his account that the concourse 
was often very great, that the Nile was used for religious pro- 
cessions, and that open and flagrant indecencies disgraced some 
of the gatherings. AV r e may perhaps be also justified in con- 
cluding that some of the ceremonies led actually to fighting 
and bloodshed, the god being regarded as honored by the 
wounds of his votaries, and still more by their deaths, if the 
wounds received proved fatal. 541 

Processions were a conspicuous, if not a very important, part 
of the Egyptian ritual. On special occasions the sacred ani- 
mals, and on others the images of the gods, were taken from 
the adyta of temples, in which they were commonly kept, to 
be paraded openly through the towns, down their streets and 
along their watercourses, in the sight of admiring multitudes. 
The animals were led along by their respective attendants, and 
received the homage of their adorers as they passed. 542 The 
images were sometimes placed upright upon platforms, 543 and 
borne along the line of route upon the shoulders of a number 
of priests, while others, marshalled according to their various 
ranks and orders, preceded or followed the sacred figures, clad 
in a variety of vestments, and with symbolic headdresses, 
chanting hymns or litanies in praise of the gods whom they 
accompanied. At other times, and more commonly, the images 
were deposited in boats of a light construction, 544 richly carved 
and adorned at either end with a symbol of the god, which 
could either be drawif along the streets upon a low sledge, or 
carried (like the platforms) upon men's shoulders, or launched 
upon the Nile and propelled by oars along its waters. These 
boats are favorite objects of representation upon the monu- 
ments. 545 Generally a number of priests carry them, under the 
superintendence of a chief priest, clad in the usual leopard's 
skin ; then follows a crowd of subordinate ministers and nobles, 
with sometimes even the Pharaoh of the time, who, when repre- 
sented, always takes an important part in the ceremony. A 
portion of the priests bear flowers, another portion banners, 
while some have long staves surmounted by a religious emblem ; 
occasionally there is one who offers incense, while another beats 
a tambourine. 546 

Besides their worship of gods, the Egyptians also practised 
to some extent a worship of ancestors. A sepulchral chamber, 
cut in the rock, or built over the mummy-pit, was an ordinary 
appendage of tombs; 547 and in this apartment, which was or- 



namented with suitable paintings, the friends of the deceased 
met from time to time to offer sacrifices to the dead and per- 
form various acts of homage. 548 The mummies, which were 
kept in a closet within the sepulchral chamber, having been 
brought forth by a functionary, were placed upright near a 
small portable altar, on which the relations then laid their offer- 
ings, which consisted ordinarily of cakes, wine, fruit and vege- 
tables, bat sometimes comprised also joints of meat, geese, 
ducks, loaves, vases of oil, and other similar delicacies. Some- 
times a libation of oil or wine was poured by an attendant priest 
over the mummy-case. The relations made obeisance, some- 
times embraced the mummy, sometimes tore their hair, or 
otherwise indicated the sorrow caused by their bereavement. 
Prayers were probably offered either to or for the deceased ; 
his mummied form was adorned with flowers, and after an in- 
terval was replaced in the closet from which it had been taken. 
Representations of these scenes are frequent in the tombs, 
where, however, the deceased are generally depicted, not in 
their mummied forms, but dressed as they used to be in life, 
and seated before the table or altar, whereon are deposited the 
good things which their relations have brought to them. 

It is impossible to say what exactly was the feeling or belief 
which lay at the root of these ceremonies. 550 They resemble 
the Roman "parentalia," and necessarily implied, first, the 
continued existence of the dead ; secondly, their exaltation to 
a sort of quasi-divinity ; and, thirdly, their continued need of 
those supports of life which had been necessary to them in 
this world. There is something contradictory in these last two 
notions ; but the Egyptians were not a logical people, and, 
accustomed to a mythology full of contradictions ; 551 did not 
regard them with absolute disfavor. Moreover, their entire 
conception of the condition of the dead was strange, abnormal, 
and irrational, 552 so that the different portions of the system 
could not be expected to be in all cases in harmony. 

It is possible that the confusion which to the ordinary 
observer seems to prevail, alike in the details of the Egyptian 
mythology and in their opinions concerning the dead, may 
have been superficial only, and that to those who saw below 
the surface into the deeper meaning of what was taught and 
believed, all appeared consistent, harmonious, and readily in- 
telligible. The Egyptians, we are assured, 553 had " mysteries ; " 
and it was of the essence of mysteries, in the Greek and 
Roman sense of the word, to distinguish between the outer 
husk of a religion and its inner kernel, the shell of myth and 
legend and allegorical fable with which it was surrounded, and 


the real essential doctrine or teaching which that shell con- 
tained and concealed. Initiation into the mysteries conveyed 
to those who received it an explanation of rites, an interpreta- 
tion of myths and legends, which gave them quite a different 
character from that which they bore to the uninitiated. If 
w r e possessed any full account of the Egyptian mysteries drawn 
up by themselves, or even any authentic description of them 
by a classical writer, we should probably be able to explain the 
contradictions, clear up the confusion, and elucidate the ob- 
scurity which still hangs about the subject of the Egyptian re- 
ligion after all the investigation that it has undergone. But we 
are not so fortunately circumstanced. Though the veil of Isis 
has been partially lifted through the decipherment and inter- 
pretation of the hieroglyphics, though some points of the 
esoteric doctrine have been made sufficiently clear, and can no 
longer be questioned, 554 yet we are far from possessing anything 
like a complete account of the inner religion, or indeed any 
authentic account at all of the true interpretation of that great 
mass of legend which clustered about the Osirid deities, and 
formed practically the chief religious pabulum of the bulk of 
the people. The existing remains are in no case formally 
exegetical ; and any light which they throw upon the myths 
is indirect and uncertain. Nor do the classical writers afford 
us much assistance. Some claim to have been initiated, but 
decline to tell us what they had learned thereby, 555 withheld 
by motives of religious reverence. Others 556 appear to have 
simply indulged their fancy, and to have given us conjectural 
explanations of myths with which they show no very full or 
exact aquaintance. The, result is, that their comments are 
without any value, and leave us where they find us, uninformed 
and unable to do more than guess at the truth. Where ex- 
amination and inquiry lead to such a result, it seems best to 
quit the subject with a confession of ignorance. 




question of the Peculiarity of Egyptian Customs— Proposed Mode of treating 
the Subject. Division of the People into classes— Number of the Classes. 
Account of the Priests— the Sacred Women. The Soldiers— Number of 
these last — Training — Chief Divisions— The Infantry — the Cavalry — the 
Chariot Service— Weapons — Tactics — Mode of conducting Sieges. Treat- 
ment of Prisoners and of the Slain. Camps— Marches — Signals — Triumphs, 
Naval Warfare. Condition of the Agricultural Laborers — of the Trades- 
men and Artisans. Principal Trades — Building— Weaving— Furniture- 
making — Glass-blowing— Pottery — Metallurgy, etc. Artistic Occupations 
— Sculpture, Painting, Music and Dancing. Musical Instruments and 
Bands. Professions— the Scribe's, the Physician's, the Architect's. Lower 
Grades of the Population— Boatmen— Fowlers— Fishermen— Swineherds. 
Life of the Upper Classes. Sports— Entertainments — Games. Conclusion. 

The statement of Herodotus/ that "the ancient Egyptians in 
■>nost of their manners and customs exactly reversed the com- 
mon practice of mankind," is one of those paradoxical remarks 
m which that lively writer indulged with the view of surpris- 
ing his readers and arresting their attention. In observations 
of this kind, the "Father of History" is never without some 
foundation for what he says, though, if we were to accept such 
statements literally, they would very seriously mislead us. 
There was certainly in Egyptian customs much that, to a Greek 
— even to a travelled Greek — must have seemed strange and 
peculiar, much that he was not likely to have seen elsewhere. 
We may even go further and say, that there was a considerable 
body of customs which (so far as is known) were unique, abso- 
lutely unshared by any other ancient people ; but these pecul- 
iar usages were not really so very numerous — certainly they did 
not outnumber those which belonged to the nation in common 
either with most civilized peoples, or at any rate with some. 
There were analogies between Egyptian customs and those of 
India, 2 of China and Japan, 3 of Assyria, 4 nay, of Greece itself ; 
and if Herodotus had been as observant of resemblances as of 
differences, he might have found ample materials for a good 
many chapters in the usages which the nation possessed in 
common with others. Few things strike the modern inquirer 
so strongly, or with so much surprise, as the numerous points 
in which the Egyptian coincided with modern civilization, the 
little difference that there seems to have been between the life 
of the opulent classes under the Pharaohs three thousand year« 
ago and that of persons of the same rank and position in 
Europe at the present day. 


In the present survey of Egyptian manners and customs, it 
will be impossible to treat the subject with the minuteness and 
thoroughness with which it has been already handled by a 
learned and popular English writer. Sir Gardner Wilkinson 
devoted to the theme more than four out of the five volumes of 
his magnum opus, 5 and illustrated it with above five hundred 
engravings. His elaborate treatment left little to be desired 
even when his work first appeared in 1837-1841 ; and the little 
that might have been then wanting has now been fully sup- 
plied by the "annotations and additions" appended to the 
edition of 1878 by Dr. Birch. The present author cannot, 
within the space of fifty or a hundred pages, attempt to com- 
pete with this most excellent and exhaustive treatise. He 
"would gladly have avoided a comparison which must neces- 
sarily be unfavorable to himself, and have omitted the matter 
altogether, could he have persuaded himself that to all readers 
of his work that of his valued friend and collator ateur* would 
be accessible. But, as this is not likely to be the case, 7 his duty 
to his readers compels him not wholly to pass over an important 
branch of the subject on which he has undertaken to write. 
He proposes, however, to limit himself to a certain number of 
the more essential, more salient, or more curious points, thus 
embracing what will be sufficient to complete in outline the 
picture of the people which the present volume contains, but 
not attempting to fill up the details, or to do more than fur- 
nish his readers with a careful sketch. Those who have the 
desire and the leisure to convert the sketch into a finished por- 
trait, must obtain the "Manners and Customs" of Sir Gr. 
Wilkinson, and give that w r ork their best attention. 

The separation of classes in Egypt was very marked and 
distinct; and though these classes were not castes, in the strict 
sense of that word, yet they approached to them. In other 
words, although the son did not necessarily or always follow 
his father's calling, yet the practice was so general, so nearly 
universal, there was such a prejudice, such a consensus in favor 
of it, that foreigners commonly left the country impressed 
with the belief that it was obligatory on all, and that the 
classes were really castes in the strictest sense. Such was the 
conviction of Herodotus, 8 of Plato, 9 of Diodorus Siculus, 10 of 
Strabo, 11 and of others ; and though modern research shows 
that there were exceptions to the general practice, yet it shows 
also that the transmission of employments was usual, and was 
extraordinarily regular and prolonged. It is enough to refer, 
in proof of this, to the "family of architects " tabulated by Dr. 
Brugsch in his "History of Egypt," 12 where the occupation of 


rtrchitect is found to have descended from father to son fob 
twenty-two generations, from the time of SetiL, the first king 
of the nineteenth dynasty, to that of Darius, the son of 
Hystaspes, the second Persian monarch. That the succession 
was equally, if not even more, persistent in the priestly order, 
is indicated by the story which Herodotus tells concerning the 
high priests of Thebes, who were said to have descended in a 
direct line from father to son for 345 generations, 13 from the 
foundation of the monarchy by Menes to the time of Arta- 
xerxes Longimanus. 

On the other hand, it is proved by the monuments (1) that 
a man might change his occupation ; (2) that a father need 
not bring up all his sons, or even an only son, to his own trade 
or profession; and (3) that one and the same man might pur- 
sue two or more callings.' 4 Priests might serve in the army, 
and often did so ; and members of any class might hold civil 
office, if the monarch chose to give them an appointment. It 
is not improbable that Herodotus is right in saying that the 
soldiers, while they continued soldiers, liable to be called out 
on active service, could not engage in a trade ; but when they 
were past the military age, it is probable that they might do as 
they pleased. No religious notions seem to have attached to 
the class distinctions ; and it is certain that, unless the swine- 
herds formed an exception, 16 the classes were free to inter- 
marry one with another. Thus it must be fully allowed that 
the essential ideas of caste were absent from the Egyptian sys- 
tem, which was merely one in which classes were sharply de- 
fined, and in which sons, as a rule, followed their father's 

The number of the classes is differently stated by ancient 
authors. Herodotus makes them to be seven, Plato six, Dio- 
dorus five, 17 Strabo three only. In a general way it would seem 
to be right to adopt the classification of Strabo, and to say 
that the entire free population of Egypt, which did not be- 
long to the sacerdotal or the military order, formed a sort of 
"third estate " which admitted of subdivisions, but is properly 
regarded as politically a single body. 18 The soldiers and the 
priests were privileged ; the rest of the community was without 
privilege of any kind. The chief subdivisions of the unprivi- 
leged class were as follows : 1. The laborers or fellahin in the 
country, who cultivated the estates of the rich proprietors, 19 
men chiefly of the military class. 2. The tradesmen and 
artisans in the towns, including merchants, shopkeepers, phy- 
sicians, notaries, builders and architects, brickmakers, weavers, 
upholsterers, glassblowers, potters, workers in metal, shoe- 


makers, tailors, armorers, painters, sculptors, and musicians. 

3. The herdsmen, chiefly in the Delta, who were either ox- 
herds, shepherds, goatherds, or swineherds, the last-named 
class forming a completely distinct and much-despised body. 20 

4. The boatmen on the Nile and its branches, who conveyed 
produce up and down the stream, and ferried passengers across 
it, employments which, under the peculiar circumstances of 
the country, gave occupation to vast numbers. 5. The hunt- 
ing class, comprising those who pursued the gazelle and other 
wild animals in the deserts which bordered the Nile valley; the 
fishermen who obtained a living from the produce of the Nile 
itself, of the canals, and of the great lake, the Birket-el- 
Keroun ; 21 and the fowlers, who supplied the market with 
edible birds of various kinds, as especially wild ducks, wild 
geese, and quails. 22 6. The dragomans or interpreters, a small 
class and one belonging only to later times, 23 but kept very dis- 
tinct from the rest by the prejudice against any intercourse 
with foreigners. 

It does not appear to be necessary to regard the officials 
of the kingdom as a distinct class. "Eg3 T pt," no doubt, 
" swarmed with a bureaucracy/' 24 a bureaucracy wdiich was 
"powerful, numerous, and cleverly arranged" in such a grad- 
uated series that the most bureaucratic countries of the modern 
world may with reason be said to " have nothing superior to 
it ;" * but the official class was composed in the main of persons 
who belonged previously either to the priestly or to the military 
order. 26 Some official posts appear to have been hereditary ; w 
but this is the exception rather than the rule, and the Egyptian, 
like other Oriental, monarchs seems to have been free to be- 
stow all but a few official posts on any subject whom they chose 
to favor. 

Of all the classes, that of the priests was the most powerful 
and the most carefully organized. At the head of the order 
stood a certain number of high priests, 28 among whom the high 
priest of the great temple of Ammon at Thebes had a species 
of primacy. This individual held a rank second only to that 
of the king ; 29 and the time came when, taking advantage of 
his position, the Theban high priest actually usurped the 
throne. Next in rank to the high priests were the prophets, 80 
who were generally presidents of the temples, had the manage- 
ment of the sacred revenues, were bound to commit to memory 
the contents of the ten sacerdotal books, 31 and directed the 
details of ritual and ceremonial according to the prescribed 
formulae. Below the prophets was an order of " divine 
fathers," 32 or ordinary priests, of whom several were attached 


to each temple. After these came first the JrierostolistcB, who 
had the charge of the sacred vestments and the office of attir- 
ing in appropriate garments the statues of the gods; 33 next 
the liierogrammateis, or sacred scribes, 34 who kept the accounts 
and registers, made catalogues of the sacred utensils and other 
possessions of the temples, and performed generally all literary 
functions devolving upon the sacerdotal order ; and, finally, a 
crowd of servants or attendants invested with a semi-sacerdotal 
character : the pastophori, or bearers of the sacred shrines ; 35 
the Merophori, or bearers of sacred emblems ; 36 the pterophori, 
or bearers of the fans and fly-flappers ; 37 the neocori, who were 
charged with the sweeping and cleansing of the sacred edi- 
fices ; 3rf the liierolaotomi, or sacred masons ; 39 the theriotrophi, 
or guardians of the sacred animals, 40 and others. 

The exact arrangements by which this entire priestly body 
was bound together and enabled to act in concert without un- 
seemly contest, or even perceptible friction, have not come 
down to us ; 41 but there is reason to believe that the organiza- 
tion was almost as perfect as that attained by the Church of 
Rome at the present day. When a decree went forth from 
the chief authority, the entire priesthood accepted it ; and the 
religious movement, whatever it was, swept at once over the 
length and breadth of the land. Though there were in Egypt 
distinct centres of priestly learning, yet, at any rate from the 
time of the nineteenth dynasty, no religious difference is per- 
ceptible ; one and the same spirit animates the whole of the 
sacerdotal order ; no contest occurs ; no "heresy" shows itself ; 
a uniform system prevails from Elephantine" to Oanopus and 
Pelusium, and the priestly body, having no internal divisions 
to waste its strength, is able to exercise an almost unlimited 
dominion over the rest of the community. 

The independence and freedom of the hierarchy was secured 
by a system of endowments. From a remote antiquity 42 a 
considerable portion of the land of Egypt, perhaps as much 
as one third, 43 was made over to the priestly class, large estates 
being attached to each temple, and held as common property 
by the "colleges," which, like the chapters of our cathedrals, 
directed the worship of each sacred edifice. These lands were 
probably, in part, let to tenants ; but they seem to have been, 
in the main, cultivated or grazed by hieroduli, or "sacred 
slaves," under the direction of the priests themselves, 44 to 
whose granaries and cattle-stalls, attached to the temples, the 
produce was from time to time brought in. The priestly 
estates were, we are told, exempt from taxation of any kind, 45 
and they appear to have received continual augmentation 


from tlie piety or superstition of the kings, who constantly 
made over to their favorite deities fresh "gardens, orchards, 
vineyards, fields," and even "cities." 46 

Besides their regular revenues, the proceeds of their own 
lands, the priests received, at the hands of the faithful, a large 
amount of valuable offerings, whereby they were enabled at 
once to live themselves and bring up their families in luxury, 
and also to add year by year to the wealth stored in the temple 
treasuries. The gold, the silver, the fine linen, the precious 
stones, the seals, the rings, the "pectoral plates," the necklaces, 
the bowls and vases, the censers, the statues and statuettes in 
precious materials, 47 which the kings and other donors con- 
tinually offered to the various deities, and which became really 
the property of the priests, were of a value that cannot be 
computed, but that must have been enormous, 48 and must 
have ultimately made the priestly class by far the richest por- 
tion of the community. If it had not been for the plunder of 
the temples from time to time by foreign invaders, which dis- 
persed the accumulated hoards, the precious metals must have 
tended to become gradually locked up in the sacred treasuries ; 
and Egypt, drained of these important elements of national 
wealth and prosperity, would have fallen into a condition of 
exhaustion and premature decay. 

The advantages enjoyed by the priests were accompanied by 
correspondent obligations. As mediators between men and 
the gods, they were bound to maintain a high standard both 
of internal and of external purity. No doubt there were 
evasions of the former ; but from the latter it was impossible to 
escape. For the perservation of perfect purity of body, each 
priest had to wash himself from head to foot in cold water 
twice every day and twice every night. 49 Not only were their 
heads constantly shaved, but they were bound to shave the 
entire body every other day, to make it impossible that any 
vermin should harbor upon their persons. 50 Their garments, 
at any rate when they were inside the temples, had to be of 
linen only ; 51 and their shoes, or rather sandals, were neces- 
sarily of the papyrus plant, 52 that so no animal substance 
might be in contact with them. The "Sem," however, or 
officiating high-priest, wore, as his costume of office, a com- 
plete leopard-skin, with head, claws, and tail ; 53 but this sacred 
vestment was placed over the linen clothes, and may have been 
lined with linen where it was liable to touch the priest's arms 
or body. Their food was limited to the flesh of oxen and 
geese, with wine, bread, and certain kinds of vegetables. 54 
Mutton, pork, and fish, were expressly forbidden them; and 


they were bound to abstain from beans, peas, lentils, onions, 
garlic, and leeks. 55 It has been conjectured that these regula- 
tions originated in "dietetic motives," and that "the sanitary- 
rule grew into a religious prohibition ; " 56 but, as this theory 
fails to account for the larger number of the prohibitions, it is 
perhaps better to suppose that what were regarded as the 
coarser and grosser kinds of food were considered to be un- 
suited to the priestly dignity, and were therefore forbidden. 
It may be objected that mutton is not coarser than beef ; but 
the Egyptians may have been of a different opinion ; and cer- 
tainly mutton was held generally in disesteem among them, 
and was avoided even when it was not prohibited. 57 

At certain times of the year, even greater abstemiousness 
T"is necessary. The religious calendar contained a number of 
fasts, some of which lasted from seven to forty-two days. 
Throughout the whole duration of every such period, the 
priests were required to abstain entirely from animal food, 
from herbs and vegetables, and from wine. 58 Their diet 
on these occasions can have been little more than bread and 

The rite of circumcision, which was practised by the Egyp- 
tians generally, 59 though not universally, must have been obli- 
gatory upon the priests, if it was a necessary preliminary to 
initiation into the mysteries. 60 Marriage was not forbidden 
them, but on the contrary was encouraged, since it was in this 
way especially that the priestly order was maintained and con- 
tinued. Polygamy, however, was strictly prohibited ; 61 and a 
general simplicity of living was enjoined, which it was not 
found possible to secure in all instances. Priests often held 
important political offices ; they served in the army, and re- 
ceived rich gifts for good conduct ; many of them accumulated 
considerable wealth through these secular employments, and 
their villas were on a scale which is scarcely compatible with 
ascetic, or even with simple, habits. 62 

The attire of the priests (Fig. 138) varied considerably. 
Some wore, even when officiating, no other garment than the 
short tunic or shenti, which was common to all adult males in 
Egypt ; some added to this a mat or napkin upon the left arm. 
Others wore over the tunic a long smock reaching from below 
the arms to the feet, and supported over the two shoulders by 
straps. But the most part had a long full robe, with large 
sleeves, which covered the arm to the elbow, and descended 
to the ankles. This outer robe was frequently of so fine a 
material as to be transparent, and to show through it the shape 
of the limbs and of the under tunic. A dress intermediate 


between this and the light apparel just mentioned consisted of 
a loose tunic, falling in folds about the loins and legs, with, a 
heart-shaped apron in front. Another differed chiefly from 
the long full robe by commencing at the waist, and being sup- 
ported by a broad strap passing over the left shoulder. 63 Most 
commonly the priests officiate with bare heads ; but some- 
times they wear wigs, carefully curled, and descending low f 
in the earlier times their feet are bare, but from about the 
fifth or sixth dynasty they wear sandals. The priests are gen- 
erally represented either in procession, when they usually bear 
an emblem, or in the act of pouring a libation, or as worship- 
ping a god, or the king, when they have their two hands 
raised with the palms turned outwards. 

The emblems borne in the processions are of various kinds, 
but seem to mark not so much the rank or dignity of the priest 
who carries them, as the worship to which they are attached. 
In one procession 64 we see borne the cow of Athor, the hawk 
of Horns, the ape of Thoth, the jackal of Ann bis, the vase of 
Netpe, the shrine of Nehemao, and other emblems of a similar 
character, the priests themselves having nothing to distinguish 
them but such varieties of apparel as were mentioned above. 
It is quite possible that these varieties themselves may be con- 
nected with differences of rank ; but at present we have no 
means of determining which of them belonged to the higher, 
and which to the lower orders. We can only say that the 
leopard-skin marked the very highest grade of the priestly 
office, and was peculiarly appropriate to that rank when en- 
gaged in the very highest functions. 65 

It has been a matter of dispute among Egyptologists 66 
whether or no the Egyptians allowed the sacerdotal office to 
be held by women. Herodotus distinctly states that they did 
not ; 67 and the monuments so far bear out his assertion that 
"nowhere does a female appear discharging a properly sacer- 
dotal office, nor does the hieroglyphic for priest occur with 
the feminine termination." 68 On the other hand, Herodotus 
himself speaks of "sacred women" as attached to the temple 
of Amnion at Thebes ; 69 and the Eosetta stone contains dis- 
tinct mention of "priestesses." 70 We shall best reconcile the 
various statements by supposing that, strictly speaking, women 
could not hold the priestly office, at any rate until Ptolemaic 
times ; but that certain functions about the temples were from 
the first open to them, and that among the other customs in- 
troduced by the Macedonian kings were a relaxation of the old 
law, and an admission of females to certain really sacrodotal 
offices. Women could, however, from the first offer for 

Vol. I. 

Plate XI JUL 

Fig. 119.— Forms of Isis.— See Page 173. 

Fig. 120.— Three Forms of Khons.- See Page 174. 

Plate L. 


Fig. 121.— Three Forms of THOTH.—See Page 175. 

Fig. 122.— Seb.— See Page 177. 


themselves in the temples/ 1 and they played an important 
part in the sacred rites accompanying funerals. 72 

In immediate succession to the priestly order, and ranking only 
a little below it, must be placed the class of the soldiers. This 
class, which, according to the numbers that have come down 
to us, 73 must have amounted to from two to three and a half 
millions of persons, and so have formed, at the least, above 
one-fourth of the population, 74 was settled on rich lands in 
various parts of Egypt, 75 but chiefly in the Delta, and, except 
when upon active service, employed itself mainly in the cul- 
tivation of the soil. It comprised persons of very different so- 
cial rank and of manifold degrees of opulence. The statement 
of Herodotus that each of the 410,000 soldiers, which formed 
the native armed force of Egypt in his day, possessed exactly 
twelve arurce, or nine English acres of land, 76 is highly im- 
probable, and can only point to a supposed original allotment, 
such as Diodorus says was made by Sesostris. 77 Original equal- 
ity, though scarcely likely, is possible ; but the extinction of 
some families and the expansion of others would soon lead to 
the same sort of inequality which we find at Sparta ; the op- 
posite results of industry and idleness, thrift and extravagance, 
would make themselves felt ; lots would be divided and sub- 
divided, sometimes alienated ; the thrifty would add field to 
field, and in course of time become possessed of considerable 
estates ; favorite officers would obtain grants of land from the 
monarch out of the royal domains ; 78 and thus there would 
ultimately come to be contained within the military class a 
certain number of large landed proprietors, a considerable 
body of moderately wealthy yeomen, and a more or less numer- 
ous "proletariat." These last, it is probable, worked as day 
laborers on the estates of their wealthy brethren, or else rented 
portions of them, agriculture being the only employment open 
to them besides the profession of arms, since they were posi- 
tively forbidden to engage in any handicraft or trade. 79 

The military class was divided into two distinct bodies, called 
respectively Hermotybies and Calasiries. The Calasiries, 

_J3k ni1 , are supposed to have been chiefly, or universally, 

archers. 80 According to Herodotus, 81 they inhabited the 
nomes, or cantons, of Thebes, Bubastis, Aphthis, Tanis, 
Mendes, Sebennytus, Athribis, Pharbaethis, Thmuis, Onuphis, 
Anysis, and Myecphoris — districts which, with the single ex- 
ception of Thebes, lay within the Delta. They could bring 
into the field, when their strength was at its greatest, 250,000 
men. The Hermotybies were very much less numerous. 


They inhabited six cantons only 82 — Basins, Sal's, Papremis, 
Prosopitis, and Natho, regions of the Delta, together with 
Chemmis, which was in Upper Egypt. When at their fullest 
strength, they furnished to the army no more than 160,000 

It is not to be supposed that Egypt, w r ith its population of 
seven or seven and a half millions, kept this enormous military 
force continually under arms. The great states of Europe, 
with populations from three to five times as large, find the 
maintenance of armies numbering 400,000 or 500,000 men 
burdensome in the extreme. In Egypt, armies were levied 
and disbanded, as occasion required ; the number of the 
militia called out varied according to the supposed strength 
of the enemy about to be attacked or resisted ; campaigns were 
usually short ; and, except the troops kept in garrison 83 and 
the two thousand who formed the body-guard of the king, 84 
the men of the military class had the greater part of the year 
to themselves. No doubt, some considerable portion of this 
leisure time was spent in gymnastic training and various kinds 
of military exercise ; but it can scarcely be questioned thafc at 
least as much of it was given to agricultural employments. 
The wealthier members of the bodv indulged also in the sports 
of the field. 85 

The exact mode of training and educating persons for the 
military profession is not known. It is likely enough that, as 
Diodorus states of the companions of Sesostris, 86 they under- 
went a special education from boyhood, and were practiced in 
running and other athletic exercises, though the necessity of 
accomplishing a distance of twenty miles before breakfast 87 
can scarcely have been a regular requirement. It is also prob- 
able that hunting expeditions formed a portion of the ordinary 
course, and hardened the frame by exposure to sun and cold, 
and the constitution by the necessity of light meals and infre- 
quent indulgence in drink. 88 When the age for active service 
approached, the young soldiers were formally enrolled, and 
taken from their homes to some military station, where they 
were carefully drilled by a sergeant (Fig. 143). When pro- 
nounced fit, they were attached to existing corps or regiments, 
and entered upon garrison duty, or took the field and were 
employed against the enemy. 

The bulk of an Egyptian army was always composed of in- 
fantry. 89 These were divided into heavy-arrned and light-armed. 
The heavy-armed troops wore helmets (Fig. 139), which were 
either of metal 90 or of quilted linen, descending in the latter 
case over the back of the neck and the shoulders. 91 Their hodies 


were protected by cuirasses or coats of mail (Fig. 141), which 
were sometimes quilted like the linen helmets, 92 but often had 
overlapping plates of metal sewed on outside the linen and 
which reached from the neck nearly to the knee. Short 
sleeves, in no cases falling below the elbow, guarded the upper 
part of the arm. The legs and feet were, for the most part, 
bare ; but sometimes a tunic or kilt descending below the coat 
of mail, gave a slight protection to the thighs and knees. 93 
Large shields (Fig. 142) were carried, which were generally 
circular at the top and of oblong shape, the sides being either 
parallel, or contracting as they descended. 94 Usually the shield 
was of wood or wickerwork, and was covered with an untanned 
bull's hide, having the hair outwards ; 95 it was further gener- 
ally strengthened by a metal rim of considerable breadth and 
by a boss of metal in the centre of the circular portion (Fig. 
140). Occasionally a very much larger and more cumbrous 
defence was employed, the shield being nearly the height of 
the warrior, who was sometimes forced to rest one corner of it 
upon the ground. 96 In this case, instead of a circular top, the 
form affected was that of the pointed arch. The offensive 
weapons of the heavy-armed troops were the spear, the mace, 
the battle-axe, the sword, straight or curved, and the hatchet. 
Most corps had two at least of these arms ; some seem to have 
had three, one carried in either hand, and the third worn as 
a side-arm. 97 

The light-armed troops (Fig. 144) were in some cases bare- 
headed, but more commonly wore the quilted cap, sometimes 
surmounted with a crescent and ball. 98 The upper part of 
their person was naked ; and sometimes they wore nothing on 
their body but the ordinary slienti or plain tunic, 99 which be- 
gan at the waist and ended a little above the knees. Instances 
occur of an even lighter equipment, the tunic being occasion- 
ally dispensed with, and a mere cloth worn, which, after encir- 
cling the waist, w T as passed from front to back between the 
legs. Sometimes, however, their dress was a robe which 
reached from the waist to the ankles, and more frequently a 
full tunic with many folds, which descended somewhat below 
the knee. 100 A shield of moderate size and of the ordinary 
shape was borne by most of these troops, who carried, as their 
main weapons, either bows and arrows, or spears (Fig. 146), or 
else javelins, and for a side-arm had a curved sword, a club, 
or a hatchet. A portion of them, forming probably a separ- 
ate corps, were slingers (Fig. 145), and carried nothing but 
their sling and a bag of stones hung round their neck. 101 

It is exceedingly remarkable that on the monuments there 


is no representation of Egyptian cavalry. The few mounted 
warriors who occur are foreigners ; 102 and, to judge from the 
monuments alone, we should say that this arm of the military 
service, important as most nations have considered it, was un- 
known to the Pharaohs. But the evidence of historical writers 
is directly opposed to this conclusion. Diodorus Siculus assigns 
to Sesostris a cavalry force of 24,000. 103 Herodotus represents 
Amasis as leading his army on horseback. 104 In the historical 
books of the Old Testament, the Egyptian horsemen obtain 
frequent mention ; 105 and as many as 60,000 are said to have 
accompanied Sheshonk (Shishak) when he invaded Pal- 
estine. 106 The hieroglyphic texts, moreover, if translated 
aright, make frequent mention of Egyptian cavalry ; 107 and 
the "command of the cavalry was a very honorable and impor- 
tant post, generally held by one of the king's sons." 108 

Still, it would seem to be certain that cavalry was not an 
arm by which the Egyptians set much store. Perhaps they 
were bad riders, and found it difficult to manage a charger. 109 
At any rate, it is clear that they preferred to use the horses, of 
which they had abundance, in the chariot service, rather than 
to mount riders upon them. 

The chariot (Fig. 148) service was, beyond a doubt, consid- 
ered to be the most important of all. The king invariably 
went to war mounted upon a car, and seldom descended from 
it excepting to give the coup de grace to a wounded enemy. 110 
The chiefs of the army, all the best and bravest, followed their 
monarch's example, and as many as 27,000 chariots are assigned 
to Sesostris. 111 This is, no doubt, an over-statement ; but the 
twelve hundred who accompanied Shishak 112 will not appear, 
to any one who is acquainted with the Egyptian monuments, 
to be an exaggeration. Chariots were drawn up in line, great 
care being taken to "dress the ranks," 113 and were supported 
by columns of infantry drawn up behind them, 114 a second line 
of each being sometimes kept in reserve. In fighting, this 
exactness of arrangement could not, of course, be maintained, 
though we sometimes see an Egyptian chariot force preserving 
its ranks unbroken, while it throws a similar force opposed to 
it into disorder. 115 More often, when a battle is depicted, 
chariots, loose horses, and footmen are mingled together in 
inextricable confusion. The Egyptian cars were small, and 
but slightly raised above the ground. Ordinarily they carried 
two persons only, the warrior and the charioteer. It was the 
business of the latter not only to manage the two steeds by 
which the car was drawn, but also to hold a shield in front of 
himself and his companion. As chis double occupation was a 


difficult thing to achieve successfully, it would seem that he 
sometimes fastened the reins around his own or the warrior's 
waist, 116 so as to be enabled to give his whole attention to the 
management of the shield. Occasionally, but very rarely, a 
chariot has three occupants, the charioteer, and two warriors, 
who stand behind him, side by side. 117 

The Egyptian war-chariot (Fig. 149) had a semicircular 
standing board, which was either wholly of wood, or composed 
of a wooden frame filled up with a network of thong or rope, 
which by its elasticity rendered the motion of the vehicle more 
easy. 118 From this rose in a graceful curve the antyx or rim, 
which first sloped a little backwards, and was then carried 
round in front of the driver at the height of about two feet 
and a half from the standing board. The space between the 
standing-board and the rim was generally left open at the sides, 
connection between the two being in this part maintained 
merely by three leathern straps ; but in front there was always 
a broad upright of wood, extending from the board to the rim, 
and interposed between the driver and the horses. Sometimes 
the sides themselves were filled up, either with wood or with 
cloth of some kind, which was ordinarily of a bright color. 119 
The whole body of the car was painted in gay patterns, and 
perhaps sometimes ornamented with the precious metals. 120 

The body, thus constructed, was placed upon the axle-tree 
and the lower part of the pole, and firmly attached to them. 
It was not, however, balanced evenly upon the axle-tree, but 
shifted towards the front, so that but little of the standing- 
board extended behind the wheels. 121 The ends of the axle- 
tree were inserted into the axles of the wheels, which worked 
round them, being prevented from falling off by a peg or linch- 
pin. The pole, after passing along the bottom of the car, rose 
in a gentle sweep, meeting a bar or strap, which united it to the 
rim in front. It terminated in a yoke, to which were attached 
small saddles, these latter resting on the withers of the horses. 
Chariot wheels had in some cases four spokes only ; but the 
regular number was six, an amount which is not exceeded. 

Each war-chariot was furnished with at least one quiver and 
one bow-case (Fig. 150), which were placed on the side on 
which the warrior took up his position in the car. They hung 
obliquely between the body of the car and the wheel, crossing 
each other at right angles, and forming the most conspicuous 
objects in the representations which we have of chariots. Both 
are covered with brilliant and elaborate patterns ; and the 
bow-case is frequently further ornamented with the figure of a 
lion rushing at full speed, which is carefully and delicately ex- 


ecuted. Sometimes a second quiver is provided, and placed 
close to the bow-case, but apparently inside the body of the 
car. Both the quiver and the bow-case occasionally contain a 
javelin or javelins. 

The Egyptian chariots were drawn uniformly by two horses, 
harnessed one on either side of the pole. The harness com- 
prised, besides the saddles above mentioned as attached to the 
yoke, only a girth, a breast-band, a head-stall, and reins. The 
girth and breast-band were fastened to the saddle. The head- 
stall much resembled a modern one, excepting that the top of 
the head was covered by a close-fitting cap, through which 
the ears passed, and which was frequently crowned by a plume 
of feathers. The reins consisted of a bearing rein, drawn 
rather tight and secured to a hook at the top of the saddle, 
and a driving rein, 122 which, after passing through a ring or 
leathern loop on either side of the saddle, was held above the 
back of the horse by the charioteer. Chariot horses were 
usually caparisoned with elegant housings. 123 

The offensive arms of the Egyptians were somewhat pecul- 
iar. Their spears (Fig. 147) were excessively short, not much 
exceeding the length of five feet. ( Their straight swords (Fig. 
147) were formidable weapons, apparently not less than from 
two to three feet long, and very broad at the base, tapering 
thence to a point. 124 But the arm more commonly used was 
the curved sword or falchion, 125 which was a shorter, and, to all 
appearance, a less effective weapon. The shapes of the bat- 
tle-axe and pole-axe were unusual (Fig. 151), the former hav- 
ing a long blade, with a curved edge, sometimes semicircular, 
sometimes a mere segment of a circle, with two segments taken 
out of it at the back, 126 and the latter having its blade weighted 
by a massive ball at the base, which is thought to have been 
about four inches in diameter. 127 Maces (Fig. 152) generally 
terminated in a ball, which was no doubt of metal, but some- 
times they were mere rods, which can have been of little ser- 
vice, unless they were of bronze or iron. They had a curious 
curved projection at the lower end, whereto a strap was prob- 
ably attached, 128 which was then twisted round the wrist or 
hand, to render the hold on the weapon more sure. Clubs 
(Fig. 152) were also employed, sometimes of the ordinary 
character, 129 sometimes resembling the modern African lissan, 
which is a curved stick of hard wood, about two feet and a half 
in length, with a slight enlargement at the lower end. 130 Dag- 
gers (Fig. 153) were very commonly worn ; their place was in 
the belt, into the right side of which they were thrust oblique- 
ly. The blade was short, not exceeding eight or ten inches in 


length, 131 and tapering gradually from end to end, terminating 
in an exceedingly sharp point. It was of bronze, 132 but so 
skilfully tempered, that the elasticity and spring remain after 
three thousand years, and almost equal that of the best steel. 133 
The handles were of wood, bone, ivory, silver, or gold, and 
were often delicately inlaid : that of the king often ended in 
the head of a hawk. 134 Each dagger had its sheath, which 
was of leather, sometimes plain, sometimes patterned. 

Egyptian bows (Fig. 154), though not perhaps so powerful as 
Ethiopian, 135 were formidable weapons, and must have driven the 
arrow with great force. In length they were commonly from 
five feet to live feet and a half, 136 and were formed of a rounded 
piece of tough wood, which when unstrung became nearly 
straight, or else curved itself into a sort of double crescent. 137 
Sometimes the wood was further strengthened by pieces of 
leather, which were inserted at intervals into the underpart of 
the bow. Bowstrings were made of hide, catgut, or string, 138 
and appear to have been sufficiently strong. 139 The material 
used for arrows was either a light wood, or more commonly 
reed ; the heads was either of metal or stone, and were occa- 
sionally barbed ; 140 the shafts were carefully notched at the 
lower extremity, and winged with three feathers in the most 
approved modern fashion. 141 The ordinary length of an arrow 
was from twenty-two to thirty-two inches. Archers (Fig. 155) 
shot either standing or kneeling ; they drew the arrow either 
with the first two fingers or with the thumb and forefinger, and 
in war commonly brought the hand to the ear. We sometimes, 
but not very often, see the left forearm protected from the blow 
of the string by a guard. 142 Two modes of stringing the bow 
are here shown (Fig. 156). 

Each bowman, unless when riding in a chariot, carried a 
quiver slnng at his back ; and the king generally carries one 
even under such circumstances, 143 though he has always one 
or two others attached to his car. Quivers (Fig. 157) were 
commonly square topped and rounded at the bottom ; but 
sometimes the cover was modelled into the form of a lion's 
bead. 144 The whole of the exterior was painted in gay pat- 

Another offensive arm frequently employed by the Egyptians 
was the javelin (Fig. 166), which was of a lighter kind than 
that used by most nations. It consisted of a long thin shaft, 
sometimes merely pointed, but generally armed with a head, 
which was either leaf-shaped, or like the head of a spear, or 
else four-sided, and attached to the shaft by projections at the 
angles. 145 At the lower extremity was either a tasselled head, 


or a strap, which enabled the javelin-man, after throwing his 
weapon, to recover it. 

Not very much is known concerning Egyptian tactics. The 
infantry was certainly divided into distinct corps, each of 
which had its own special arms and accoutrements ; some 
being spearmen, some bowmen, come clubmen, some armed 
only with swords. 146 They were drilled to march in step, and 
are always represented as keeping step when in movement. 
They fought commonly in dense columns, which were some- 
times drawn up ten men deep. 147 The chariots seem ordinarily 
to have covered the front of the battle, and consequently to 
have commenced the fight. Sometimes they had to meet a 
chariot force, when the charioteers charged at speed, shooting 
their arrows as they advanced, and seeking to throw the enemy 
into confusion before the two lines came into actual contact. 
This plan was occasionally effectual, and the enemy might 
break and fly before reaching the Egyptian line ; 148 but it was 
not often that such a result was achieved. Generally the two 
chariot forces became intermixed, and the battle was a mere 
melee, depending on the individual prowess and strength of 
the combatants. The Egyptians are ordinarily represented as 
greatly outnumbered by their adversaries, with whom, how- 
ever, they never fear to engage, and whom, in the sculptures, 
they always discomfit. An important part in the battles is 
often assigned to the javelin-men, 149 whose weapons seem to 
inflict death at every blow. 

To counteract the confusion which appears to have been the 
normal condition of things in every fight, it was important 
that the members of ea^h corps should have a visible rally ing- 
point. For this purpose standards (Fig. 159) were employed, 
and every battalion, indeed every company, possessed its own 
ensign, which was conspicuously different from all the rest. 
Most of them were of a religious character, 150 representing either 
the head or ank of a god, or a sacred animal, or some emblem 
employed in the religion, or the cartouche of a king's name, 
which was viewed as sacred, since the kings were recognized as 
divinities. The ensigns were not embroidered on flags, but, 
like the Eoman eagles, consisted of solid objects ; they were 
borne aloft at the top of a tall pole, standing usually upon a 
crossbar. Below the crossbar we not infrequently see two 
streamers floating in air. It was probably from their standards 
that the different corps took the names by which they were 
distinguished. 151 

Each company of soldiers was commanded by an officer 
called menh, whose rank was nearly that of lieutenant in our 

Vol. I. 

Plate LI 

Fig. 123.— Merula.— See Page 178. 

Fig. 124. — Netpe. — See 
Page 180. 

Fig. 125.— Aemhetp.— See 
Page 179. 

Fig. 126.— Bast or Pasht.— See Page 179. 

Plate UI. 

Vol I. 

Fig. 127. — Ordinary Forms op Nephthys.— See 
Page 180. 

Fig. 128.— Anuea.— See 
Page 181. 

Fig. 129.— Forms of Ma.- -See Page 188. 

Vol. I. 

Plate LIU. 

Fig. 131.— Form op Bes.— See Page 186. 

Fig. 133.— Sepulchral jars, with heads of the four Genii.— See Page 187. 

Plate L1V. 

Vol. 1 

Fig. 134.— Tafne— See Fig. 135.— Merseker.— Fig. 136.— Form of Hak. 
Page 182. See Page 183 . See Page 183 . 

Fig. 137.— Forms of Set.— See Page 184. 

Fig. 138.— An Egyptian 
Priest.— See Page 209 


service. Above him was the aten, or captain ; then the mer, 
or major ; and finally the %aut, the colonel or general. 152 The 
conscripts, or young soldiers, neferu, were distinguished from 
the rest of the army, 153 and probably filled the posts of least 
danger. The archers, masa, were regarded as the best troops. 
In the field, an army was divided into brigades, each brigade 
consisting of a number of regiments. We find as many as 
four brigades in one army. 154 The monarch usually led the 
expeditions, and acted as commander-in-chief, while important 
posts were frequently filled by his sons. 155 

In the wars between civilized nations, sieges have always 
been among the most important of military operations. Even 
savages construct stockades or " kraals ;" and it requires no 
very high degree of intelligence to go beyond this, and enclose 
spaces with high walls protected by towers, which, according 
to their size, are denominated castles, fortresses, or fortified 
cities. The nations with whom the Egyptians contended, 
especially those of Syria (Fig. 161) and Mesopotamia, had for- 
tified posts of all three kinds ; and it was necessary, if any 
permanent impression was to be made upon them, that the 
Egyptians should possess some means of capturing these strong- 
holds. Accordingly the art of conducting sieges was early 
studied ; and a certain amount of efficiency was attained in it 
by the time of the Eamesides. The simplest mode which the 
Egyptians employed was the bold advance of a large body of 
troops to the walls, a constant discharge of flights of arrows 
against the defenders, and the application of a number of lad- 
ders to the ramparts, which were then scaled by the besiegers. 156 
If the escalade (Fig. 163) failed, a regular siege had to be 
formed ; the troops surrounded the place ; covered sheds, 
arched at the top, and supported by wooden sides or forked 
poles, were advanced to the walls by a body of men posted 
within them, and a long pole, pointed probably with iron or 
bronze, was employed to dislodge the stones one by one, and 
so gradually effect a breach. Meanwhile, the attention of the 
defenders was distracted by archers, who shot at every one 
who showed himself above the battlements. After a breach 
had been effected, no doubt an assault was made, when the at- 
tack commonly prevailed over the defence, and the place, after 
a longer or shorter resistance, fell. 

Sometimes, instead of the means above described, an attempt 
was made to break open the gates of a fort (Fig. 164) or city 
by means of hatchets, which could be employed with good 
effect upon the wooden doors that blocked the entrance. 157 
Fire does not appear to have been applied, as by the Assyr 


ians ; 158 but there is a paucity in the representations of sieges, 
which leaves many points connected with them doubtful, and 
which is much to be regretted. 

On the whole, it must be said that the Egyptians did not 
show much military genius, or much fertility of resource in 
their conduct of sieges (Fig. 160). The monuments give no 
indication of their having in any case made use of the mine, 
notwithstanding their familiar aquaintance with the art of 
driving undergound galleries, as evidenced in their tombs. 
Nor is there any indication of their having employed movable 
towers like the Assyrians, 159 or catapults and balistce, m like the 
same people, and also the Greeks and Romans. Even their 
battering ram, if it may be given the name, was, as we have 
seen, a poor implement, being little more than a spear of un- 
usual size. 161 The natural result seems to have followed — the 
Egyptians were not very successful in their sieges. They took 
small places easily enough, but could seldom capture large 
towns. Ashdod resisted Psammetichus for twenty-nine years. 162 
Jerusalem was only once taken after David had fortified it, and 
then seems to have submitted, and not fallen by assault. 163 It 
may be suspected that many Syrian and Mesopotamian strong- 
holds successfully resisted the Egyptian armies under the 
Thothmeses and the Ramesides, and that this is the secret of 
that inability to retain their Asiatic conquests, which is so 
marked a feature in the history of the nation. 

The Egyptian troops had to contend with their enemies, not 
by land only, but also by sea. A certain number of the mili- 
tary class were, perhaps, specially trained for the sea service ; m 
but all soldiers were supposed capable of being sailors, and the 
same persons were often employed alternately in the sea and 
in the land services. 166 The galleys (Fig. 162) used were of no 
great size, being impelled by not more than from sixteen to 
twenty rowers, 166 and apparently not exceeding a length of 
thirty or forty feet. The hull was rounded, and rose at either 
extremity, the prow terminating usually in the head of an 
animal, while the stern, which was higher, tapered gradually 
to a point. Above the hull was a bulwark, carried from end 
to end of the boat, for the protection of the oarsmen. The 
middle portion of the boat must have been occupied by a raised 
deck, since the soldiers fight from it at a higher level than 
that occupied by the rowers. They are armed chiefly with 
bows and arrows, but sometimes have maces or spears in their 
right hands, while in their left they carry shields. The boat 
is guided by a man who sits at the stem on a raised seat, and 
manages a large paddle or steering o?r, which is attached to 


the side of the vessel. The vessel has a single mast, a long 
carved yard, and a large square sail, which in time of action 
is reefed by means of four ropes working through pulleys fixed 
in the yard. At the top of the mast is a bell-shaped recep- 
tacle, sufficiently large to contain a man ; and here an expert 
archer or slinger seems to have been generally stationed, who 
played a similar part to that of our sharpshooters in the main- 

Naval tactics can scarcely be said to have existed. Attempts 
were, perhaps, sometimes made to run down an enemy's 
vessel by striking it with the bow, armed as that was with a 
metal figurehead ; and we may presume that the special aim 
would be to deliver the blow upon the side rather than the 
stem of the adverse galley. 167 But the evidence that we possess 
is insufficient to enable us to come to any positive conclusions 
on these points. A single representation of a sea-fight is all 
that has come down to us, and it gives us little information. 
The vessels represented in it seem to be stationary ; and the 
engagement is between the soldiers who man the galley on 
either side, rather than between the navies. One enemy's boat 
is, however, being sunk ; and this, we may presume, has been 
disabled by its antagonist. The engagement is fought at one of 
the mouths of the Nile, and takes place so near the land, that 
the reigning Pharaoh, who is present with four of his sons, 
can take part in the fight by shooting down the enemy from 
the shore. 

In the interior waters of the Nile, a different and much, 
larger kind of craft was employed ; 168 and there can be little 
doubt that on some occasions these vessels were turned to ac- 
count in the wars. We find an Ethiopian invader attacking 
Memphis with a fleet of "boats, yachts, and barges," block- 
ading its port, and seeking to enter the town by means of the 
river. 169 What a foreign assailant could utilize in a sudden in- 
road, the Egyptians themselves are tolerably sure to have been 
in the habit of employing, either for attack or defence. 170 The 
Nile boats must have been especially serviceable as transports, 
since they were at least 120 feet long, 171 and could carry from 
fifty to a hundred men. 

When the enemy ceased to resist, the Egyptians readily gave 
quarter ; and the prisoners taken in an expedition are often 
counted by thousands. 172 If they ran down an enemy's ship, 
they exerted themselves to rescue the men on board from the 
waves, and drew them into their own vessels at some peril to 
themselves. 173 On land, those who laid down their weapons 
and sued for mercy were ordinarily spared; their arms were 


bound together "by a cord passed round them a little above the 
elbows, and they were led from the field to the camp, generally 
in long strings (Fig. 170), each conducted by a single Egyp- 
tian. 174 Laggards were induced to hasten their movements by 
fear of the stick, which was no doubt freely applied by those 
who had the prisoners in charge. All captives were regarded 
as belonging to the king, and naturally became his slaves, and 
were employed by him in forced labors during the remainder 
of their lives ; 175 but sometimes the monarch was pleased to 
reward individual captors by making over to them their own 
prisoners, 176 who in that case passed into private servitude. 
The ransom of prisoners seems not to be mentioned, much 
less any exchange, as is customary in modern warfare. Wheth- 
er important prisoners, especially when regarded as guilty of 
rebellion, were or were not sometimes put to death by the 
monarch in cold blood, is a moot question, upon which different 
opinions will probably be always held. On the one side there 
are the frequent representations of kings holding their captive 
enemies by the hair with one hand, while in the other they 
brandish aloft a sword or a mace, seeming to be in the act of 
striking a deadly blow ; m on the other side there is the belief 
of many that these representations are allegorical, and that the 
Egyptians were far too civilized to be guilty of wanton cruel- 
ties. 178 If it be urged against this that the Assyrians, who 
were not much less civilized than the Eg}^ptians, beyond all 
doubt, frequently put prisoners to death in cold blood, 179 the 
reply may be made that the Assyrian monarchs distinctly 
acknowledge, and indeed glory in, the practice, whereas no 
mention of it appeals in the Egyptian records. Nor do the 
Greek writers ever tax the Egyptian monarchs with such bar- 
barities. 180 It is the Ethiopian^ Sabaco (Shabak), who puts to 
death the captive Bocchoris. 181 

The treatment of the slain was less in accordance with 
modern notions. Mere wanton ill-usage was not indeed en- 
couraged ; but no reverence for the dead restrained the kings 
from commanding, or the soldiers from practising, a system of 
mutilation, which, though prompted by an unobjectionable 
motive, is shocking to modern sentiment. It was considered 
important that the numbers of the enemy who fell in a battle 
should be accurately known ; and, with this object in view, 
the Egyptian soldiers regarded it as their duty to cut off and 
carry to the camp some easily recognizable portion of each 
fallen enemy's person. The right hand was the part ordinarily 
selected ; 182 but sometimes the tongue was preferred, and occa- 
sionally the organ of reproduction. 183 Heaps of each are seen 


in tlie sculptures, which the royal scribes are represented as 
counting in the king's presence, previously to entering them 
upon the register. A reward appears to have been obtained by 
sach soldier on his presentation of these proofs of his prowess/ 84 
4 reward no doubt proportioned to their number. Under the 
Persians the bodies of slain Egyptians seem to have been left 
to rot upon the field of battle ; 185 but, while their dominion 
lasted, the Egyptians, we may be sure, embalmed and buried 
their own dead, whatever became of the corpses of their ad- 

The camps (Fig. 165) of the Egyptians were quadrangular, 
sometimes square, sometimes oblong. 186 They were not, so far 
as appears, entrenched, but simply defended by a palisade. 
The royal quarters occupied a central position, and were sur- 
rounded by a double rampart or fosse, with a considerable 
space between the two enclosures. 187 The king's tent was 
within the inner circuit, the outer one being allotted to his 
chief officers. A special portion of the camp was assigned to 
the horses and the baggage animals, another to the chariots 
and the baggage, the chariots being arranged in rows, not far 
from the horses. There was a certain place in the camp which 
served the purposes of a hospital, the sick, whether men or 
animals, being there collected together and carefully tended. 18 ' 
There was also within the camp a shrine, or centre for relig- 
ious worship ls9 — a spot where sacrifice could be offered, and 
the gods consulted when any doubt arose as to the proper 
course of action. 

Within the limits of Egypt, troops were chiefly moved by 
water, along the Nile, its various branches, and the numerous 
canals ; 19 ° but when foreign countries — Arabia, Syria, Mesopo- 
tamia — had to be attacked, the Egyptian armies were forced, 
like most others, to accomplish marches. In these the char- 
iot division commonly led the way, and was followed by a 
portion of the infantry ; after which came the monarch him- 
self, mounted in his royal car, and accompanied by his chief 
officers and attendants, who, with their large fans or flabella, m 
sought at once to create a current of air, and to keep off the 
flies from the royal person. Behind the royal cortege followed 
the rest of the troops, arranged in the various corps of archers, 
spearmen, clubmen, etc. The cavalry probably covered the 
flanks of the army, acting upon the wings, and throwing out 
scouts in advance to give notice of the approach of an enemy. 

The signal for an attack was given, when the enemy's pres- 
ence was reached, by the sound of the trumpet ; and the same 
instrument was employed, on the march of an army, both for 


starting and halting the columns. 192 The Egyptian trumpet 
(Fig. 158) was a long tube, apparently of brass, expanded at 
the end into a large bell-shaped mouth. It was commonly 
held in a horizontal position with both hands, the upper end 
being pressed against the lips. 193 The drum and trumpet seem 
to have been used together upon a march for the enlivenment 
of the soldiers, and in order to regulate their movements. 
The drum (Fig. 168) employed was one of small diameter, but 
of considerable length, and was played by the hands without 
the intervention of a drumstick. 194 

On his return from an expedition, the monarch always 
claimed to have been successful, and made a grand display of 
the fruits of his victories. The troops marched in jubilant 
procession before him and behind him, carrying often, besides 
their arms, branches of trees, 195 and sometimes bearing, in 
their hands or on their shoulders, the most important products 
of the countries visited. The chariot of the monarch was accom- 
panied by some of his great officers, and preceded or followed 
closely by a train of captives (Fig. 169), with their arms bound 
or hands manacled, and generally united together by a long 
rope, the end of which was held by the Pharaoh himself, or else 
fastened to his car. 196 As he approached the various towns 
which lay upon his route, the Egyptians came out to meet him 
with acclamations, raising their hands aloft, and bringing him 
bouquets of flowers, green bows, and branches of palm. 197 
Arrived in his capital, the monarch proceeded to the principal 
temple for the purpose of making acknowledgments to the 
deity to whom he attributed his victories. There, before the 
image of the god, fie offered the choisest parts of the spoil, 
vases, incense, bags of money (?), rhytons, jars of ointment, 
and the like, and at the same time made presentation of a large 
number of his captives, 198 who were added to the sacred slaves 
previously possessed by the temple. The troops seem to have 
attended the ceremony, though they are not often represented, 
and to have returned thanks for their own preservation, a 
priest in this case interposing between the god and the wor- 
shippers, and offering on their behalf incense, meat-offerings, 
and libations. 199 

The condition of the fellahin, or agricultural laborers, has 
been already indicated to some extent in what has been said, 
in the chapter on Egyptian Agriculture, concerning the tenure 
of the land and the manner in which it was cultivated. 500 It 
is possible, however, that somewhat too favorable a view has 
been there taken. The number of peasants rich enough to 
rent farms and oultivate on their own account was probably 


small ; and the great majority of the class had to content 
themselves with the position of hired laborers, and to work on 
the estates of others. These persons labored under overseers, 
who were generally severe taskmasters, and who, at their dis- 
cretion, might punish the idle or refractory by blows. 201 The 
peasant farmer was somewhat better off ; but even his position 
was scarcely enviable, and Egyptian authors not unfrequently 
hold him up to their readers as an object of pity. " Have you 
ever represented to yourself," writes Amenemun to Pentaour, 202 
"the estate of the rustic who tills the ground? Before he has 
put the sickle to the crop, the locusts have blasted a part of it ; 
then come the rats and the birds. If he is slack in housing 
his grain, the thieves are upon him. His horse dies of weari- 
ness as it drags the wain. Anon, the tax-gatherer arrives ; his 
agents are armed with clubs ; he has negroes with him, who 
carry whips of palm branches. They all cry, i Give us your 
grain ! ' and he has no easy way of avoiding their extortionate 
demands. Next, the wretch is caught, bound, and sent off to 
work without wage at the canals ; his wife is taken and 
chained ; his children are stripped and plundered." In the 
"Praise of Learning" by Tuaufsakhrat, a very similar de- 
scription is given. 203 "The little laborer having a field, he 
passes his life among rustics ; he is worn down for vines and 
pigs, to make his kitchen of what his fields have ; his clothes 
are heavy with their weight ; he is bound as a forced laborer ; 
if he goes forth into the air, he suffers, having to quit his 
warm fireplace ; he is bastinadoed (Fig. 171)Vith a stick on his 
legs, and seeks to save himself ; shut against him is the hall of 
every house, locked are all the chambers." It appears from these 
passages that not only was the weight of taxation felt by the 
small cultivator to be oppressive, and the conduct of the tax- 
gatherer to be brutal, but that forced labors were from time 
to time imposed on him, and the stick and cord employed if 
he resisted. Torn from his family and homestead, and com- 
pelled to work under the hot Egyptian sun at cleaning out or 
banking up the canals, no wages paid him, and insufficient 
food supplied, he doubtless shared too frequently the lot of 
modern forced excavators, and perished under the hardships 
which a cruel government imposed on him. If a tough con- 
stitution enabled him to escape this fate and return home, 
he might find his family dispersed, his wife carried off, and 
his mud cabin a heap of ruins ! 

Add to all this, that at the best of times he was looked upon 
with contempt, 204 not only by the privileged classes, but by 
their servants — perhaps even by their slaves — and it will be 


evident that to the cultivators of the soil, Egypt under the 
Pharaohs was far from being an Arcadia. On the whole 
the difference would seem not to have been so very great be- 
tween the condition of the children of the soil in the most 
flourishing period of the independent monarchy and in the 
Egypt of to-day. 

A more independent and enviable position was enjoyed by 
the tradesmen and artisans, who dwelt chiefly in the towns. 
Trade flourished under the Pharaohs, and was encouraged not 
only by the lavish expenditure of the Court, of the high eccle- 
siastics, and of the great nobles, but also by the vast demand 
which there was for Egyptian productions in foreign countries. 
Though the Egyptians themselves rarely engaged in foreign 
trade either by land or sea, 205 yet their country was sought from 
very ancient times by a host of foreign traders, Phoenicians, 
Greeks, Syrians, Arabs, who brought with them the commodities 
of their own lands or of other more distant ones, and exchanged 
them for the finished productions of the Egyptian manufactur- 
ers.' 206 Syria took Egyptian chariots by hundreds ; 207 Tyre im- 
ported "fine linen with broidered work ;" 208 Greece, large quan- 
tities of paper ; 209 India and Arabia, linen fabrics ; 210 Etruria, 
glass, porcelain, and alabaster ; 2n Assyria, perhaps, ivories. 212 
hi the earlier times Egyptian manufactures must have been 
altogether unrivalled ; and their glass, their pottery, their 
textile fabrics, their metal-work, must have circulated freely 
through the various countries bordering the Mediterranean 
and the Eed Sea. All this gave a vast stimulus to trade, and 
encouraged the artisans to fresh efforts after improvement, 
which resulted in works of continually increasing excellence. 
Though in taste and elegance the Greeks ultimately far sur- 
passed the dwellers on the Nile, yet in perfection of mechan- 
ical construction and finish the latter have scarcely been out- 
done by any nation ; and their fine linen, their glass-work, 
their porcelain, their veneering and inlaying of wood, together 
with various other products and processes, excite admiration at 
the present day. 213 

The most important trades appear to have been those of 
building, stone-cutting, weaving, furniture-making, chariot- 
making, glass-blowing, pottery, metallurgy, boat-building, 
and embalming. The builders worked in three materials, 
wood, stone, and brick, preferring stone on the whole, and 
using several of the choisest and hardest kinds. The skill 
exhibited in many of their contrivances is great ; and the 
mechanical excellence of their works is sufficiently evinced by 
the continuance of so many of them to the present day. Still, 


Plate LV. 

Fig. 139.— Egyptian Helmets.— See 


Fig. 141.— Coat of Mail.- See Page 213. 

Fig. 142. — Warrior with Shield of 
unusual size.— See Page 213. 

Fig. 143.— Infantry drilled by a Sergeant.— See Page 212. 

Plate LVI. 

Vol. I. 

Fig. 144.— Light- armed Troops marching.— bee 
Page 213. 

Fig. 1-45.— Egyptian Slinger. 
—See Page 213. 

Fig. 146.— Spearmen and Archers.— See Page 213. 

Fig. 147.— Egyptian Spear, Straight Sword, and Falchion.— See Page 216. 


a certain timidity is observable in the employment of over-mas- 
sive and over-numerous supports, and a certain rudeness and 
want of enterprise in the constant adherence to the simplest 
possible mode of roofing an edifice — viz., by laying wooden 
beams or long blocks of stone across the entire space to be 
covered in. What results they were able to achieve with brick 
and wood, we have no sufficient means of judging, since no 
works in these materials remain except some brick pyramids 
of the rudest kind ; but they had certainly reason to be proud 
of their stone edifices, which are in many respects unsurpassed 
by later ages. But so much has been said on this subject in 
the chapter on Egyptian architecture that it seems unnecessary 
to dwell upon it any further here. 814 

Stone-cutting included the two very different occupations of 
quarrying and shaping blocks for the builder, and of cutting, 
polishing, and engraving gems. In the former branch the 
Egyptians remain still unrivalled. The size of their blocks, 
the exactness and accuracy with which the angle required was 
produced, the apparent ease with which they worked the stub- 
bornest material, the perfect smoothness (Fig. 174) of the 
surface, and excellence of the polish put on it, have often been 
remarked upon, and are said to leave nothing to be desired. 215 
It is doubtful whether the steam-sawing of the present day 
could be trusted to produce in ten years from the quarries of 
Aberdeen a single obelisk, such as those which the Pharaohs 
set up by dozens. In the other branch of the business the 
Egyptians have no doubt been surpassed by many nations: 
their engravings have little beauty, and they do not seem to 
have triumphed over the difficulty of cutting really "hard 
stones." Such gems as the diamond, the ruby, the emerald, 
the sapphire, the topaz, and the chrysoberyl, defied their skill ; 
but they could deal with the amethyst, the carnelian, the gar- 
net, and the jasper, with haematite, porphyry, lapis lazuli, 
green felspar, obsidian, serpentine, and steatite. 216 It was not 
commonly their practice to engrave gems in the ordinary way ; 
ihe Egyptians preferred to shape them into certain forms, as 
;ings, beads, eyes, hearts, sphinxes, and scarabaei, 217 and then 
^sometimes) to inscribe them further with figures of deities or 
nieroglyphics. There is little delicacy and little grace in these 
engravings, which are rough, shallow, and unfinished. 

The cutting of blocks was ordinarily effected by the saw, 218 
which was single-handed (Fig. 172), and worked by a single 
sawyer. 219 But sometimes the pick and chisel were employed 
to a certain extent, and then wedges of dry wood were inserted, 
which vQ being wetted expanded, and split off the required 


block from the mass of stone in the quarry. 220 It is supposed 221 
that the tools used, being mostly of bronze, must, when em- 
ployed to cut granite, basalt, or stone of similar quality, have 
been moistened and dipped in emery powder, and that the 
same substance must have lent its force to the implements 
whereby the engraving and shaping of gems was effected. 
Emery powder was not difficult to obtain, since it is produced 
by the islands of the Archipelago. Whether or no the Egyp- 
tians employed the lapidary's wheel appears to be doubtful. 
Blocks of stone, however obtaiued from the quarries, were 
finally smoothed and prepared for use by means of the chisel 
and mallet. 232 

Herodotus states that weaving in Egypt was the occupation 
of men only, not of women, and declares that the woof was 
always worked upwards by the Egyptians, and not downwards, 
as by other nations ; * 223 but the native monuments show that 
men and women were alike employed both in spinning and 
weaving (Fig. 175), and that the woof was worked indifferently 
either up or down. 224 The Egyptian loom was of the most 
primitive description, 225 the shuttle being passed across by the 
hand and not thrown, and all the needful movements being 
effected entirely by the weaver himself, who, if a man, ordi- 
narily sat in front of his frame. 

It is wonderful what exquisite fabrics were produced by 
these simple means. The Egyptians worked in linen, in cot- 
ton, and in wool, producing good results in every case; but 
their favorite textile manufacture was that of linen, and it is 
in this branch that their fabrics are most remarkable. 226 The 
fineness of some equals that of the best Indian muslin, 227 while 
of others it is said that "in touch they are comparable to silk, 
and in texture to our finest cambric." 22S Originally the linen 
was extremely white ; 229 but sometimes it was dyed red, 230 and 
at other times the edges were colored with indigo, either in a 
single line or in several stripes. 231 Patterns were occasionally 
inwrought during the weaving, 232 while sometimes they were 
superadded by a process analogous to that which in modern 
times is called printing. 233 Gold threads- w T ere also in some 
cases introduced to give additional richness to the fabric, 234 
which was often as transparent as lawn 235 and of silky soft- 

The poet who bewails the misery of the "little laborer " has 
a word of lamentation for the weaver likewise. "The weaver," 
he says, 236 "inside the houses is more w T retched than a woman ; 
his knees are at the place of his heart ; he has not tasted the 
air. Should he have done but a little in a day, of his weaving, 


he is dragged as a lily in a pool. He gives bread to the porter 
at the door, that he may be allowed to see the light." Confine- 
ment, close rooms, a cramped position, are no doubt evils ; but 
they are common to many handicrafts and scarcely separable 
from that of the hand-loom weaver. So far, then, the Egyp- 
tian workman had no special cause of complaint. If he was 
literally "dragged in a pool" by an angry employer when he 
had been idle, 237 he may to some extent claim our pity, though 
an idle man is perhaps the better for a little punishment ; but 
if the poet merely meant that he looked like a draggled lily 
after a few hours' hard work in so hot a climate, we need not 
shed many tears over his hard lot. If the work-room was in- 
sufficiently lighted, and he had to bribe the porter to keep the 
door open, we may admit that he had a grievance, but one not 
altogether intolerable. 

Upholstery must in Egypt have employed a large number of 
persons, since the opulent class was numerous, and took a 
pride in having its houses handsomely furnished. 238 The empty 
and bare interiors affected by modern Orientals were not at all 
to the Egyptian taste. Elegant chairs, 23 ' with or without arms, 
fauteuils, sofas, ottomans, and low stools of various kinds 
garnished the Egyptian reception rooms, where every guest 
expected to find a seat awaiting him, since only the attendants 
and the professionals stood, and sitting on the ground, though 
sometimes practised, does not seem to have been fashionable. 240 
Tables, moreover, round, square, or oblong, sometimes delicate- 
ly inlaid with ivory or with rare woods, 241 sometimes supported 
on a carved human figure, 242 were essential to the completeness 
of an apartment. Footstools also constituted a necessary part 
of the furniture (Fig. 176) of a sitting-room ; while stands for 
jars or flowers, folding-stools, and boxes or cabinets for holding 
various objects were also common. 343 For the sleeping apart- 
ments, rich beds or couches, with mattrasse&, pillows, and 
cushions, were required, together with toilet- tables, chairs, 
wardrobes, and wooden head-rests (Fig. 167) of a peculiar 
fashion. 244 These consisted commonly of a pillar or pedestal 
supporting a curved, semi-elliptical piece of wood, acacia, 
sycamore, or tamarisk, adapted to receive the back of the 
head, which fitted into it. Though it is said that Egyptian 
houses were u on the whole, lightly furnished, and not encum- 
bered with so many articles as are in use at the present day," 245 
yet it is clear that to provide the objects enumerated for the 
very large number of wealthy persons who dwelt in the great 
cities, often possessing country villas besides their town resi- 
dences, a numerous class of skilled artificers must have been 


required, who, it is reasonable to suppose, were well paid for 
their labors. 

Chariot-making (Fig. 177), or coach-building, as it would 
be called in modern times, was also an important trade, and 
must have occupied no small number. The kings maintained 
a chariot-force of at least several hundreds ; 246 and every well- 
to-do Egyptian gentleman had his own private vehicle, which 
constituted his ordinary means of locomotion. 247 Four-wheeled 
cars were required for certain sacred ceremonies. 248 The export 
of chariots was also probably considerable, 249 and perhaps ex- 
tended to other countries besides Syria. 250 Coach-makers are 
seen at work in the Egyptian sculptures, engaged in fashioning 
all the various constituent parts of the usual vehicle, the seat, 
the rim, the pole, the yoke, the wheels, the fittings. 251 These 
were chiefly made either of wood or leather, very little metal 
being employed in the construction. The felloes of the wheels, 
however, were for the most part strengthened with bronze or 
brass bands, and the tire consisted always of a hoop of metal. 252 
If the price which foreigners paid for a chariot was three 
hundred Jewish shekels, 253 or about forty-five pounds of our 
money, the trade must have been sufficiently remunerative. 

The invention of glass (Fig. 178), which the later Romans 
attributed to the Phoenicians of Tyre, 254 is with reason claimed 
for Egypt, 255 where glass-blowing appears to have been prac- 
tised, at least from the time of the twelfth dynasty. 256 Really 
colorless transparent glass was not produced, the nearest 
approach to it being found in vases of a bottle-green color, with 
conical or globular bodies and long necks, which are thought 
to belong to about the sixth century B. c. 257 The earlier bot- 
tles and vases (Fig. 181) are of an opaque or semi-opaque 
material, with backgrounds of light or dark blue, and wavy 
lines of yellow, light blue, and white running in horizontal 
bands on the surface round the body of the vessel. Xo objects 
of any large size were produced ; nor does glass appear to 
have been in common use at entertainments. In the main, it 
was reserved for the toilet and the toilet-table, being employed 
to contain the unguents, perfumes, stibium, and other dyes for 
the eyebrows and eyelids, which were in constant use among 
the Egyptians of both sexes ; 258 and also for ornaments of the 
person, such as necklaces, bracelets, earrings, and the like. 259 
Glass was also largely employed for the decoration of mum- 
mies by means of a net-work of beads and bugles, 260 which was 
placed outside the linen wrappings, covering the entire figure, 
and often terminating in a fringe below. It was likewise used 
for inlaying and mosiac work, 261 together with artificial pastes, 


and such substances as lapis lazuli, agate, etc. Sometimes, 
jut rarely, small figures of gods and animals were produced in 
the material. 262 

Egyptian pottery (Fig. 179) embraced the varieties of a coarse 
red, black, or yellow earthenware, suitable for the wants of 
the common people, a finer terra-cotta, adapted not only for 
vases, diotae, amphorae, etc., but also for human and animal 
figures, and a beautiful porcelain or faience, which was of 
many different colors, and was applied, like the terra-cotta, to 
a great variety of purposes. The ordinary earthenware was 
used for vases, bowls, plates, pans, bottles, amphorae, cups, 
jugs, and the like ; 263 it was not of a very good material, and 
was consequently made of more than the usual thickness. 
Three kinds are distinguished, the unglazed, the glazed, and 
the painted. 264 The glaze employed is of a vitreous character, 
and seems to have been added after the vessels had been 
baked. In the painted specimens, the colors have been laid 
on in tempera. Almost all the various utensils found appear 
to have been shaped by the wheel, 265 which must thus have 
been of an extreme antiquity in Egypt, while in other coun- 
tries it was a comparativly recent introduction. 266 The shapes 
of the common kind of vessels, though not. so elegant and re- 
fined as those which prevailed in Greece and in Etruria, are 
comparable with any that were in use elsewhere at the time, 
and in many instances must be pronounced decidedly graceful 
and pleasing. 267 The glazed vessels were of superior quality 
to the unglazed, and sometimes affected human or animal 
shapes. 268 They were often ornamented with bands, and oc- 
casionally inscribed witli a few hieroglyphics. 269 The painted 
vases and amphorae (Fig. 180) were either simply decorated 
with "annular bands of a black or purple color, running round 
the body or neck," or had a hatching of thin lines uniting the 
bands, or " the representation of a collar pendent from the 
shoulder of the vase, painted in blue, black, and red." 270 But 
the most recherche and elaborate ornamentation consisted in 
coloring the entire vase with a ground in distemper, and then 
painting it with straight or festooned lines, or leaves of plants, 
or even animals disporting themselves among shrubs and lotus- 
flewers. 71 

In terra-cotta the Egyptians produced chiefly vases, espe- 
cially those intended to receive the intestines of the dead, 272 
sepulchral cones, 273 mummied figures, 274 and statuettes of dei- 
ties. 275 The material used is only of middling quality, and 
was frequently concealed by paint. 276 It was not much affected, 
excepting for sepulchral cones, in the time of the independent 


monarchy, but came into m^re general use during the Ptole- 
maic and Roman periods. 

The Egyptian porcelain (Fig. 173), or faience, as it is said 
to be more properly termed, 277 was composed of white sand, 
slightly fused, 278 and covered with a colored glaze or enamel, 
the constituents of which are somewhat doubtful. 279 Porcelain 
was employed for vases of various kinds, for glazed tiles, sepul- 
chral figures, pectoral plates, symbolic eyes, beads and bugles, 
scarabaei, rings, and statuettes. The vases are usually of a 
blue or apple-green color, and have for the most part a form re- 
sembling somewhat that of a lotus flower, consisting of round 
basins, or bowls, or tall cups, superimposed upon a low stand 
or stem. 280 Some of them are ornamented with figures of men 
and animals, with water-plants, or with other objects. A few 
are glazed in various colors, as yellow, violet, and white. Some 
bear the name and titles of the reigning Pharaoh. 281 

The glazed tiles seem to have been used for mural decora- 
tion only. They have been found almost exclusively at one 
place, 282 where they belonged to a palace of Rameses III., 
which was composed of unbaked bricks and ornamented with 
the tiles in question. Like those which decorated the walls of 
some Babylonian palaces, 283 they presented in their combination 
a series of pictures, representing the king returning victorious 
from his military expeditions, with prisoners and trophies, and 
other similar subjects. In most instances the figures were first 
marked out by depressions in the tiles, which depressions 
were afterwards filled in with colored glass or pastes, with 
alabaster, terra-cotta, or glazed sandstone ; 284 but in some cases 
the figures are in relief upon a flat ground, and the work re- 
sembles modern Palissy ware. " Portions of the garments and 
the backgrounds are inlaid with colored pastes of various col- 
ors ; the features and flesh of the limbs are appropriately 
glazed, and the hair, or headdress, especially of the negroes, 
of colored pastes. They are well made, and fine specimens of 
toreutic work in relief." 285 

Pectoral plates were borne by almost all mummies, being 
suspended on the neck or throat. They are usually shaped 
like an Egyptian doorway, with its recurved cornice, 286 and 
represent, in outline or in relief, some sacred scene connected 
with the lower world, as the adoration of Anubis, the boat of 
the sun bearing the scarabaeus and saluted by Isis and Neph- 
thys, the worship of Osiris by the deceased, the human-headed 
hawk (Horns), or a train of goddesses. Occasionally, portions 
of the design are colored by inlaying with pastes. 287 

The porcelain statuettes are representations of gods or genii. 


They are usually not more than from one to two inches in 
height ; but some have been found which a little exceed a foot. 
Ordinarily they are of no great merit, the forms being conven- 
tional and stiff, the spaces between the limbs "reserved," m and 
the workmanship indifferent ; but a few exceptions occur. 
"Some of these figures are of exquisite style, and rather re- 
semble gems than porcelain in the fineness of their details " 
Others "have the limbs detached," and show some "freedom 
of position." 289 But the forms of the Egyptian gods are for 
the most part so disagreeable, and the headdresses so disfigur- 
ing, that even in the best specimens of porcelain or other 
statuettes there is little beauty. 

It will be evident to the reader that the various branches of 
the potter's (Fig. 182) art which have been here described 
must have given employment to a very large number of per- 
sons, some of whom must have possessed considerable artistic 
talents and advanced technical knowledge. The Egyptian 
glazing is often of the very finest character ; the colors used 
are sometimes exquisite ; and the skill displayed in suiting the 
glaze to the material great. A high class of artists was no 
doubt employed for much of the work, and these persons, we 
may presume, were well remunerated and lived comfortable 
lives. But in the lower walks of the trade no great skill was 
needed ; and the class which produced the ordinary coarse 
ware, and which is seen at work in the sepulchral chambers of 
Beni Hassan, 290 was probably composed of persons who were 
not held in much account, and may have consisted in part of 
slaves. 291 

Metallurgy in Egypt comprised the working in gold, in sil- 
ver and lead to a small extent, in copper, in iron, and in 
bronze. Tin appears to have been scarcely used except as an 
alloy, 292 while zinc was wholly unknown. The Egyptians found 
gold in considerable quantities within the limits of their own 
land, chiefly in veins of quartz towards the southeastern parts of 
the country. 293 After digging out the quartz they broke it up 
by hand into small pieces, 294 which were then passed on to the 
mill, and ground to powder between two flat granite millstones 
of no great size, this work again being performed by manual 
labor. The quartz thus reduced to powder was washed on in- 
clined tables, furnished with one or two cisterns, until all the 
earthy matter was separated and washed away, flowing down 
the incline with the water. The gold particles which re- 
mained were carefully coHected and formed into ingots by ex- 
posure to the heat of a furnace for five days and nights in 
earthen crucibles, which were allowed to cool and then broken. 


The ingots haying been extracted were weighed, and laid by 
for use. 

The manufacture of objects out of gold was effected by 
goldsmiths (Fig. 183), who, after melting down an ingot, or a 
portion of one, in a crucible, with the help of a blow-pipe/' 95 
proceeded to work the material into shape with the forceps and 
tongs, 296 and finally to fashion it with graving tools. 297 Among 
the objects produced, the commonest were solid rings of a 
certain size and weight, which seem to have passed current as 
money, 298 vases, bowls, baskets, armlets, bracelets, anklets, neck- 
laces, earrings, and other ornaments of the person, cups, gob- 
lets, rhytons, and other drinking vessels. Statuettes also were 
sometimes made of gold, 299 and figures of the sacred animals 
were inlaid with it. 300 The gold vases (Fig. 184) appear to 
have been most elaborately chased, and constructed in most 
elegant forms. Very few of them have escaped the ravages 
of time and the cupidity of man ; but, if we accept the repre- 
sentations in tombs as probably not exceeding the reality, we 
must ascribe to the Egyptian goldsmiths a very refined and 
excellent taste. Rosellini has six pages of vases-, 301 above a 
hundred specimens in all, taken from the sculptures and paint- 
ings, almost all graceful, some quite exquisite, which show the 
Egyptians to have possessed a feeling for the beautiful in 
toreutic art, that, without this proof of it, we should scarcely 
have expected. The few specimens which can be here repro- 
duced will give a most inadequate idea of their power in this 
respect ; and those who wish to appreciate it as it deserves 
should consult the "Monumenti Civili." 

A good deal of tasjbe was also shown by the Egyptian gold- 
smiths in their armlets, bracelets, eai rings, and finger rings. 
Armlets were of elastic metal, the two ends, which did not quite 
meet, being sometimes fashioned into the heads of snakes or 
other animals/' 02 Bracelets were generally solid bands of metal, 
plain, or else ornamented with cloisonne' work, and sometimes 
enamelled and inlaid with lapis lazuli and glass pastes. 303 
Occasionally the form of a snake was preferred, and a bracelet 
composed of three or four coils, carefully chased so as to 
imitate the skin of the reptile. 804 Earrings were mostly "pen- 
annular," one end being pointed, and the other shaped into 
the form of some animal's head. They had sometimes pen- 
dants,™ 5 and occasionally were set with pearls or other jewels. 306 
Finger rings were most commonly intended to be used as 
signets, and consisted of a plain gold circle with a fixed, or 
else a revolving, bezel, bearing usually the name of the owner, 
-ind, if it revolved, some other engraved figures. 


In silver the objects produced were, principally, rings used 
for money, 307 vases, bracelets, plates to be employed as orna- 
ments of mummies, 308 figures of gods and sacred animals, 309 
and finger rings. The forms affected resembled for the most 
part those of the same objects in gold, but were on the whole 
less elaborate. It is worthy of observation that the silver is 
sometimes gilt. 310 

Leaden objects seem scarcely to be found ; and the only 
proof which exists of the metal being known and worked by 
the Egyptians is its employment as a solder in combination 
with tin, 311 without which it will not serve the purpose. Egypt 
did not produce it, so far as appears ; but it was sometimes 
taken as tribute from foreign nations in considerable quan- 
tities. 312 

It has been much questioned whether iron was employed at 
all by the Egyptians until the time of the Greek conquest. 
The weapons, implements, and ornaments of iron which have 
been found on the ancient sites are so few, 313 while those of 
bronze are so numerous, and the date of the few iron objects 
discovered is so uncertain, that there is a strong temptation to 
embrace the simple theory that iron was first introduced into 
Egypt by the Ptolemies. Difficulties, however, stand in the 
way of the complete adoption of this view. A fragment of a 
thin plate of iron was found by Colonel Vyse imbedded in the 
masonry of the Great Pyramid. 314 Some iron implements and 
ornaments have been found in the tombs, with nothing about 
them indicative of their belonging to a late period. The 
paucity of such instances is partially, if not wholly, accounted 
for, by the rapid decay of iron in the nitrous earth of Egypt, 315 
or when oxidized by exposure to the air. It seems moreover 
very improbable that the Hebrews and Canaanites should for 
centuries have been well aquainted with the use of iron, 316 and 
their neighbors of Egypt, whose civilization wus far more 
advanced, have been ignorant of it. On these grounds the 
most judicious of modern Egyptologists seem to hold, that while 
the use of iron by the Egyptians in Pharaonic times was, at the 
best, rare and occasional, it was still not wholly unknown, 317 
though less appreciated than we should have expected. Iron 
spearheads, iron sickles, iron gimlets, iron bracelets, iron keys, 
iron wire, were occasionally made use of ; but the Egyptians, 
on the whole, were contented with their bronze implements 
and weapons, which were more easily produced, and which 
they found to answer every purpose. 

The manufacture of bronze was by far the most extensive 
branch of Egyptian metallurgy. Arms, implements ; house- 


hold vessels such as cauldrons, bowls, ewers, jugs, buckets, 
basins, vases, ladles, etc.; articles of the toilet, mirrors, 
tweezers, razors, pins, earrings, armlets, bracelets, finger rings ; 
artistic objects, figures of gods, of sacred animals, and of men ; 
tools, snch as saws, chisels, hatchets, adzes, drills, and brad- 
awls ; are usually, or at any rate frequently, of this material, 318 
which must have been employed by the Egyptian metallurgists 
to as large an extent as all the other metals put together. 
The bronze was very variously composed ; sometimes it con- 
tained as much as fourteen parts of tin, and one of iron, to 
eighty-five parts of copper, 319 a very unusual proportion ; more 
often the copper stood to the tin as eighty-eight to twelve ; 320 
while sometimes the proportion was as high as ninety-four to 
six. In bronze of this last mentioned quality, a tinge of iron, 
amounting to about one part in a thousand, is usual. 321 The 
bronze arms included swords, daggers, battle-axes, maces, 
spearheads, arrowheads, and coats of mail ; the implements, 
ploughshares, sickles, knives, forceps, nails, needles, harpoons 
(Fig. 185), and fishhooks. 322 Bronze was also used, as already 
observed, 323 in the construction of chariots, and perhaps to 
some extent in furniture and housebuilding. 

The process of melting bronze is not shown upon the monu- 
ments. It must have required furnaces, melting-pots, and 
moulds of considerable dimensions, and must have given oc- 
cupation to a very large class of artisans. Among these, per- 
haps the most important was the armorer, avIio provided the 
offensive and defensive arms on which the safety of the coun- 
try depended. It would seem that there was nothing particu- 
larly unpleasant in his occupation, since the poet, who seeks 
to disparage all other callings except that of the scribe, is un- 
able to point out anything whereof the "maker of weapons" 
has to complain, except the fatigue and expense of his jour- 
neys, 324 which can only have been accidental and occasional. 

Boat-building (Fig. 186) must also have been a flourishing 
trade, and have employed the energies of a large number of 
persons. Besides their war vessels or galleys, which were 
rather large boats than ships, the Egyptians made use of a 
great variety of craft, adapted for peaceful purposes, and dif- 
fering according to the exact service for which they were 
wanted. A sort of light canoe, formed (we are told) of the 
papyrus plant, and propelled either by a single paddle or by a 
punting-pole, furnished the ordinary means of transport from 
one side of the Nile to the other, and was also used by fisher- 
men in their occupation, and by herdsmen, when it was neces- 
sary to save cattle from an excessive inundation, 325 The stem 


and stern of these vessels rose considerably above the water ; 
they must have been flat-bottomed and broad, like punts, or 
v ,hey could have possessed no stability. They are probably 
the "vessels of bulrushes/' spoken of by Isaiah, 326 which were 
common to the Egyptians with the Ethiopians. 

But the ordinary Nile boat (Eig. 189) of Pharaonic times 
was built of wood. Planks of the acantha or Mimosa nilotica 
were cut with the hatchet, a yard or two in length, and ar- 
ranged in rows one above another, very much as builders 
arrange their bricks. 327 These planks were probably united to- 
gether by glue and by wooden bolts and nails, in the same 
way as articles of furniture ; but they were sometimes further 
secured by means of a number of short poles or stakes, placed 
internally at right angles to the planks, and lashed to them by 
means of cord or string. 328 On a boat of this kind (Fig. 187) 
a sort of house of lattice-work was sometimes raised, and cattle 
were embarked upon it and conveyed from place to place. 329 
Occasionally the house was of a more solid character, being 
formed of boards which w r ere continuous and only pierced by 
a few windows. 330 Some boats of this construction had a mast 
and sail ; others were without these conveniences, and depend- 
ed entirely upon the rowers. These varied in number from 
twelve to forty-four ; their oars were of rude construction, and 
they appear sometimes to have rowed standing. Steering was 
managed either by a rudder, worked through a notch in the 
centre of the stern, or by two or more steering-oars on either 
side, each entrusted to a separate steersman. The only sail 
used was a square sail (Fig. 188), and the rigging was of the 
most simple character. Sails were often colored, and some- 
times patterned, or embroidered with quaint devices. 331 

The embalmersof dead bodies must also, like the boat-build- 
ert, have been a numerous class, and must have driven a profi- 
table trade, if the prices mentioned by Diodorus 332 were really 
those commonly exacted. According to the Sicilian historian, 
the expense of preparing a corpse for interment in the most 
approved method was a talent of silver, or something more 
than 240/. of our money ; and even for a secondary and far 
inferior method, a payment had to be made exceeding 80/. 
For the lowest and poorest class of persons a third method had 
necessarily to be employed, the cost of which was, comparative- 
ly speaking, moderate ; but even here, taking the numbers 
into account, the profit made must have been considerable. 
It has been calculated that between B.C. 2000 and a.d. 700, 
when embalming ceased, there may have been interred in. 
Egypt 420,000,000 mummied corpses. 333 This would give an 


average of 155,000 yearly. If we calculate that, of these, five- 
sixths, or 130,000, would belong to the lower orders, while 
two-fifteenths, or 20,000, may have been furnished by the 
class which was fairly well off, and one-thirtieth, or 5,000, by 
the really opulent ; and if we suppose the poor man to have 
paid, on an average, no more than one- twentieth of the price 
paid by those of the upper middle class, the annual sum re- 
ceived by the embalmers would have exceeded three millions 
sterling. 334 

The embalmers' trade was certainly ancient in Egypt, 335 and 
by the time of the eighteenth dynasty the art had attained an 
extraordinary pitch of perfection. 336 In the most expensive 
system, the brain was skilfully extracted by a curved bronze 
implement through the nostrils, and the skull was then washed 
out with certain medicaments ; the nostrils were plugged up; 
the eyes removed and replaced by artificial ones in ivory or 
obsidian, and the hair sometimes also removed and placed in 
a separate packet, covered with linen and bitumen. 337 The 
right side was opened by a cut with a flint knife, 338 and the 
whole of the intestines were removed by the hand 339 and placed 
in sepulchral urns; 340 the cavity was then cleansed by an in- 
jection of palm-wine, and sometimes by a subsequent infusion 
of pounded aromatics ; 341 after which it was filled with bruised 
myrrh, cassia, cinnamon, and other spices. Next, the entire 
body was plunged in natron and kept covered with it for sev- 
enty days. Silver gloves or stalls were put on the fingers, to 
keep the nails in place, or else they were secured with thread ; M2 
a plate of tin, inscribed with the symbolic eye, was laid over 
the incision in the right side ; the arms w r ere arranged sym- 
metrically, either along the sides, or on the breast or groins ; 
and the process of bandaging commenced. The bandages used 
were always of linen ; 343 they were usually three or four inches 
wide and several yards in length ; coarser kinds of linen were 
employed near the body, and finer towards the exterior. In 
some cases the entire length of the bandages wherein a single 
corpse was swathed exceeded 700, or, according to one writer, 
1,000 yards. 344 To unite the bandages together, and keep 
them in place, gum was employed. When the swathing was 
completed, either an outer linen shroud, dyed red with the 
carthamus tinctorius, and ornamented with a network of por- 
celain beads, was placed over the whole ; or the swathed body 
was covered by a "cartonnage," consisting of twenty or forty 
layers of linen tightly pressed and glued together, so as to 
form a sort of pasteboard envelope, which then received a thin 
coating of stucco, and was painted in bright colors with hiero- 


glyphics and figures of deities. 345 This was placed within a 
wooden coffin shaped similarly, and in most cases similarly or- 
namented, which was often enclosed within another, or within 
several, each just capable of holding the preceding one. Fi- 
nally, in the funerals of the rich, the coffined body was depos- 
ited within a stone sarcophagus, which might be of granite, 
alabaster, basalt, breccia, or other good material, and was 
either rectangular, like that of Mycerinus, 346 or in the shape of 
the mummied body. Some sarcophagi were plain ; but many 
were covered with sculptures in relief or intaglio, consisting 
chiefly of scenes and passages from the most sacred of the 
Egyptian books, the "Kitual of the Dead." 

When the relatives were not able, or not disposed, to incur 
the large outlay which this entire process required, there were 
various ways in which it might be cheapened. 347 The viscera, 
instead of being placed together with spices in separate urns, 
might be simply returned into the body, accompanied by wax 
images of the four genii ; the abdominal cavity might be 
merely cleansed with cedar oil, 318 and not filled with spices ; 
the silver finger-stalls and artificial eyes might be omitted ; 
the bandages might be reduced in number and made of less 
fine linen; the ornamentation might be simpler; a single 
wooden coffin might suffice ; and the sarcophagus might be 
dispensed with. In this way the cost could be reduced within 
moderate limits, so as perhaps not greatly to exceed that of 
funerals in our own upper middle class. 

But some still cheaper process was necessar}^, unless the poor 
were to debarred from the privilege of embalming their dead 
altogether. One cheap mode employed seems to have been the 
submersion of the bodies for a short time in mineral pitch ; 349 
another, the merely drying and salting them. Bodies thus 
prepared are sometimes found swathed in bandages, but often 
merely wrapped in coarse cloths or rags ; they are without 
coffins, and have been simply buried in the ground, either 
singly or in layers, one over the other. 350 The cost of prepar- 
ing the body for burial under either of these two systems must 
have been trifling. 

We are assured that the class of embalmers was held in high 
consideration among the Egyptians, participating to some 
extent in the respect which was entertained for the priestly 
order. 351 Yet, if any credence is to be given to a tale told by 
Herodotus, 352 it must have comprised individuals capable of 
almost any atrocity. Probably the heads of embalming estab- 
lishments were alone persons of high respectability ; the actual 
eviscerators (parascliistce) and embalmers (taricheittce) being 


generally of a low grade, and more or less untrustworthy. It 
is to be hoped, however, that the degree of brutality indicated 
by Herodotus was of rare occurrence. 

Besides the trades and handicrafts in which so many of the 
Egyptians found occupation for their time and talents, a con- 
siderable portion of the population pursued employments of a 
more elevated and intellectual character. Sculpture, 353 paint- 
ing and music had their respective votaries, and engaged the 
services of a large number of persons who may be regarded as 
artists. If dancing is to be viewed as a "fine art," we may 
add to these the paid dancers, who were numerous, but were 
not held in very high estimation. There were also employ- 
ments analogous to our "professions," as those of the architect, 
the physician, and the scribe. 

The merits of Egyptian painting and sculpture have been 
considered in an earlier chapter, and no more need be now said 
on that subject ; but a few words on the mechanical processes 
employed, and the social status of artists and sculptors, are 
requisite in such a review of Egyptian manners and customs as 
we are at present engaged in. The sculptors may be divided 
into those who produced complete figures" in the round," and 
those who carved reliefs or intaglios on plain surfaces. The 
complete figures were either ideal, of gods and demi-gods, or 
portrait-statues representing individuals. Those of the former 
kind, being systematic and conventional, required but little 
artistic ability, and could be produced mechanically by a num- 
ber of workmen, who at one and the same time employed 
themselves on different parts of the figure. 354 Portrait-statues 
required a different treatment, and must have been the creation 
of individual artists, who often showed themselves possessed 
of considerable talent. The implements employed by the 
Egyptian, as by all other sculptors, were two only, the chisel 
(Fig. 190) and the mallet, the sole peculiarity being that in 
Egypt the chisel was probaoly of bronze and not of iron. 35 ' 
After the form had been in this way completely rendered, 356 
according to the notions of the artists, a final polish was pro- 
duced by rubbing the statue with a round ball of some hard 

Statues, even colossal ones, were completed some way from 
the place where they were to be set up, and had to be trans- 
ported considerable distances by muscular force. Human 
agency seems to have been alone employed to effect the trans- 
port, gangs of laborers being engaged to drag the mass, after 
it had been attached by ropes to a sledge. 357 To prevent injury 
to the statue by friction, pads of leather, or some other similar 


substance, were introduced between the ropes and the stone at 
all the points of contact ; and to facilitate the movement of 
the mass, the ground in front of the sledge was lubricated 
with a copious stream of oil or melted grease. 

As reliefs and intaglios were far more common than statues, 
the sculptors engaged in executing them must have constituted 
a much more numerous class. In general, owing to the exist- 
ence and enforcement of conventional rules, they had little 
opportunity of showing originality or genius. Sacred subjects 
were repeated a thousand times with scarcely any variety ; 
domestic subjects were treated with almost equal monotony ; 
even in historical subjects there was much that was fixed and 
invariable, as the representations of marches and processions, of 
the reception of prisoners and of tribute, the counting of hands 
and tongues, the emblematic execution of conquered enemies ; 368 
and the like : but the various incidents of a campaign, or a 
royal progress, afforded occasional scope to the sculptors for 
novel compositions, and enabled them to vindicate their claims 
to a really artistic character. Compositions occur in which 
the monarch singly puts to flight the host of the enemy, 369 or 
in which the Egyptians are engaged in a hand-to-hand conflict 
with their foes by land 360 or sea, 361 or where the flying foe is 
driven from the field in utter rout ; 362 or, lastly, where the 
monarch is employed in the chase of the king of beasts, 363 in 
all of which the conventional is discarded, the artist is thrown 
entirely upon himself, and qualities are called forth by the 
opportunity for their employment, with which, but for these 
specimens, we should scarcely have credited the Egyptian 
artists. The drawing is no doubt far from faultless ; in some 
of the scenes mere confusion prevails; in others there is an 
unartistic exaggeration of the size of the royal person ; in most 
there is a want of unity, of grouping, and of picturesque ef- 
fect ; but still ability is shown ; talent, skill, even genius, make 
themselves apparent ; and we see that, as in other countries, 
so even in Egypt there was a reserve of artistic power which 
favorable circumstances might at any time call forth, and 
which was capable of producing very remarkable and in some 
respects very admirable results. 

Egyptian painting was far inferior to Egyptian sculpture ; 
and it may be questioned whether the Egyptian painter ought 
to be regarded as an artist in the true sense of the word. It 
was his principal business to add brilliancy to walls and ceilings, 
either by coloring them in patterns, or by painting in a con- 
ventional way the reliefs and hieroglyphics with which they 
:had been adorned by the sculptor. Still, occasionally, he 


seems to have been called upon to produce pictures in the 
modern sense, as, for instance, portraits, 364 and figures of men 
or animals. Of the portraits we have no specimens ; 365 but it is 
not likely that they had much merit. Outlines of men and 
animals occur in unfinished tombs, boldly and clearly drawn, 
as a guide to the chisel of the sculptor. 366 We have also some 
representations of painters at work upon animal forms, 367 from 
which it would appear that they must have possessed great 
steadiness of hand and power over the pencil. The painter 
seems to have held his pot of color in his left hand, while with 
his right, which he did not support in any way, he painted the 
animal. A similar absence of support is observable when 
painters are employed in coloring statues. 368 When the artist 
was engaged in any complicated work, instead of a single paint- 
pot, he made use of a palette. This w r as ordinarily a rectang- 
ular piece of wood, porcelain, or alabaster, containing a num- 
ber of round depressions or "wells," for holding the various 
colors. Palettes are found with as many as eleven or twelve 
of these cavities, 369 which indicate the employment of at least 
eleven or twelve different tints. 370 The cakes of paint, which 
filled the cavities, were moistened at the time of use, with a 
mixture of water and gum arabic. 371 The painter used slabs 
and mullers for grinding his colors. 372 

The materials that exist for determining the social status of 
artists are but scanty ; and different opinions may no doubt be 
formed with respect to it. But there is some reason for be- 
lieving that the status was higher than that of the same class 
of persons in most ancient countries. Iritisen, a statuary in 
the time of the eleventh dynasty, had a funeral monument 
prepared for himself, which is pronounced to be "one of the 
masterpieces of Egyptian sculpture." 373 He is represented 
upon it "holding in the left hand the long baton used by elders 
and noblemen, and in his right the pat or sceptre." 374 In the 
inscription he calls himself the "true servant "of the king 
Mentu-hotep, "he who is in the inmost recess of his (i.e., the 
king's) heart, and makes his pleasure all the day long." 375 He 
also declares that he is "an artist, w 7 ise in his art — a man 
standing above all men by his learning." 376 Altogether, the 
monument is one from which we may reasonably conclude that 
Iritisen occupied a position not much below that of a noble, 
and enjoyed the personal acquaintance of the monarch in 
whose reign he flourished. 

Musicians seem scarcely to have attained to the same level. 
Music was used, in the main, as a light entertainment, en- 
hancing the pleasures of the banquet, and was in the hands ot 

Vol. I. 

Plate LVII. 

Plate LVIII. 

Vol. I. 


a professional class which did not bear the best of characters. 
The religious ceremonies into which music entered were mostly 
of an equivocal character. 377 There may perhaps have been 
some higher and more serious employment of it, as in funeral 
lamentations, 378 in religious processions, 379 and in state cere- 
monies ; but on the whole it seems to have borne the character 
which it bears in most parts of the East at the present day — the 
character of an art ministering to the lower elements of human 
nature, and tending to corrupt men rather than to elevate 
them. 380 Still, as an amucsment or entertainment, music was 
much cultivated in Egypt, even from the earliest times ; a 
great variety of instruments was invented ; several forms 
of most instruments were tried ; and both playing and sing- 
ing in concert were studied and practised. Of instruments, 
we find employed, besides cymbals and castanets, the flute, 
the single and double pipe, the lyre, the harp, the tambourine, 
the sistrum, the drum, the guitar, and the cylindrical maces. 
Flutes were long, and had a small number of holes, 381 placed 
very near the lower extremity. Pipes, on the other hand, 
were short, not exceeding a length of fifteen inches ; ' m they 
had ordinarily either three or four holes, and were furnished 
with a narrow mouthpiece of reed or straw. Lyres and harps 
varied greatly, both in the number of their strings and in their 
shapes. Lyres had from five to eighteen strings, and were 
played either by the hand or with the plectrum ; 383 the two 
arms of the frame were sometimes of equal, but more usually 
of unequal lengths, to allow of a variety in the length of the 
strings. The sounding-board at the base was ordinarily square, 
but sometimes its sides were curved, and occasionally there 
was a second smaller sounding-board projecting from the main 
one, whereto the strings were attached. Harps had any num- 
ber of strings from four to twenty-two, 384 which were made of 
catgut, 3 * 5 and were always of different lengths. Some harps 
were above six feet high, 386 and when played stood upon the 
ground, having an even broad base : others had to be held 
against the body, or rested upon a stool or other support, 387 and 
had a height of from two to four feet. The frame of most 
was curved like a bow, but with an enlargement towards the 
lower extremity, which served as a sounding-board. Some 
harps, however, were triangular, and consisted of a single 
straight piece of wood and a crossbar, placed at a right or an 
acute angle. 388 The subject has been so abundantly illustrated 
by Sir G. Wilkinson, that it seems unnecessary to give repre- 
sentations here. 
Tambourines were of two kinds, round and oblong square. 


They seem to have been composed merely of a membrane 
stretched upon a framework of wood, and not to have been 
accompanied by metal rings or balls in the frame. 389 Drums 
were also of two kinds : one, like the drum of the soldiers, 390 
was a long barrel-shaped instrument of small diameter, not 
unlike the "tomtom" of the Indians. The other resembled 
the darabooka drum of modern Egypt, which consists of a 
-sheet of parchment strained over a piece of pottery shaped 
like the rose of a watering-pot. 391 Both kinds of drums were 
played by the hand, and not beaten with drumsticks. 

Egyptian guitars had several peculiarities. The body of the 
instrument was unusually small, 392 though not perhaps so small 
as that which characterized the guitar of the Assyrians. 393 The 
neck or handle was at once long and narrow ; the strings were 
three only, 394 and were disengaged from the instrument by 
means of a bridge at the upper end and by attachment at the 
lower end to a projection from the body. They seem not to 
have been tightened by pegs, but to have been passed through 
holes in the neck and then tied as tightly as was necessary. 395 
The mode of playing was nearly the same as in modern times, 
the left hand being employed in shortening or lengthening the 
strings, and the right in striking the notes. These, however, 
were produced, not by the actual fingers, but b} r the plectrum 
or short pointed rod. The performer on the guitar usually 
played it standing, and sometimes danced to his own melody. 396 

The sistrum (Fig. 191), or rattle, seems to have been a 
sacred instrument, used only in religious ceremonies. It was 
generally of bronze, and consisted of an open loop of that 
metal, crossed by three or four moveable bars, 397 which some- 
times carried two or three rings apiece ; 398 the whole when 
shaken producing a loud jingling sound, which, according to 
Plutarch, was supposed, to frighten away Set or Typhon. 
The religious purpose of the instrument is often indicated by 
its being surmounted with the figure of a cat or lion — the 
sacred animals of Pasht or Sekhet — or else supported on the 
head of Athor. It was played only by females, and was often 
highly ornamented. 

Cylindrical maces were also no doubt of bronze. They con- 
sisted of a straight or slightly curved handle, 399 surmounted by 
a ball, which was often shaped into the resemblance of a human 
or animal head. The performer held one in each hand, and 
played them by bringing the two heads into collision with 
greater or less force, producing thus a loud clash or clang. 
Such music was sufficient to mark time, and was sometimes 
employed without other accompaniment to guide the dance. 


The "triple symphony," as musicians call it, was well 
known in Egypt ; and mixed bands of vocal and instrumental 
performers appear in the sculptures almost as frequently as 
bands of either kind separately. 400 In one ancient tomb near 
the Pyramids, belonging probably to the times of the first six 
dynasties, we see a band composed of two harpers, four sing- 
ers, a piper, and a flute-player. 401 In another sculpture, two 
singers are accompanied by a flute-player and two harpers. 402 
In a third, three sing, while one plays the harp, one the lyre, 
and one the double pipe. 403 Instrumental bands (Fig. 192) 
consist of any number of performers from two to six ; but the 
number of different instruments played together does not ex- 
ceed five. 404 Where the performers are more numerous, the 
same instrument is played by two or more of them. 405 Most 
commonly all the members of a single band are of one sex; 
but occasionally the two sexes are intermixed. 406 

Dancing and music are constantly united together in the 
sculptures; and the musicians and dancers must, it would 
seem, have been very closely connected indeed, and socially 
have ranked almost, if not quite, upon a par. Musicians, 
sometimes, as already observed, 407 danced as they played ; and 
where this was not the case, dancers generally formed a part 
of the troupe, and intermixed themselves with the instrumen- 
tal performers. Dancing was professed both by men and 
women ; but women were preferred ; and in the entertain- 
ments of the rich the guests were generally amused by the 
graceful movements of trained females, 408 who went through 
the steps and figures, which they had been taught, for a cer- 
tain sum of money. If we may trust the. paintings, many of 
these professionals were absolutely without clothes, 409 or wore 
only a narrow girdle, embroidered with beads, about their 
hips. At the best, their dresses were of so light and thin a 
texture as to be perfectly transparent, and to reveal rather 
than veil the form about which they floated. It is scarcely 
probable that the class which was content thus to outrage de- 
cency could have borne a better character, or enjoyed a higher 
social status than the almehs of modern Egypt or the nautcli 
girls of India. 

Of learned professions in Egypt, the most important was 
that of the scribe. Though writing was an ordinary accom- 
plishment of the educated classes, 410 and scribes were not there- 
fore so absolutely necessary as they are in most Eastern coun- 
tries, yet still there were a large number of occupations for 
which professional penmanship was a pre-requisite, and others 
which demanded the learning that a scribe naturally acquired 


in the exercise of his trade. The Egyptian religion necessita- 
ted the multiplication of copies of the " Ritual of the Dead/' 
and the employment of numerous clerks in the registration of 
the sacred treasures, and the management of the sacred estates. 
The civil administration depended largely upon a system of 
registration and of official reports, which were perpetually 
being made to the court by the superintendents in all depart- 
ments of the public service. 411 Most private persons of large 
means kept bailiffs or secretaries, who made up their accounts, 
paid their laborers, and otherwise acted as managers of their 
property. There was thus a large number of lucrative posts 
which could only be properly filled by persons such as the 
scribes were, ready with the pen, familiar with the different 
kinds of writing, good at figures, and at the same time not of 
so high a class as to be discontented with a life of dull routine, 
if not of drudgery. The occupation of scribe was regarded as 
one befitting men from the middle ranks of society, who might 
otherwise have been blacksmiths, carpenters, small farmers, 
or the like. 412 It would seem that there were schools 413 in the 
larger towns open to all who desired education. In these 
reading, writing, and arithmetic w r ere taught, together with 
"letters" in a more extended sense; and industry at such 
places of instruction was certain to be rewarded by opening to 
the more advanced students a variety of situations and em- 
ployments. Some of these may have been of a humble char- 
acter, and not over well paid ; 414 but among them were many 
which to an Egyptian of the middle class seemed very desira- 
ble. The posts under government occupied by scribes included 
some of great importance, as those of ambassador, 415 superin- 
tendent of store-houses, 416 registrar of the docks, 417 clerk of the 
closet, 418 keeper of the royal library, 419 "scribe of the double 
house of life." 420 It is indicative of the high rank and position 
of government scribes, that in the court conspiracy which 
threatened the life of the third Rameses as many as six of them 
w r ere implicated, while two served upon the tribunal before 
which the criminals were arraigned. 421 If persons failed to ob- 
tain government appointments, they might still hope to have 
their services engaged by the rich corporations which had the 
management of the temples, or by private individuals of good 
means. Hence the scribe readily persuaded himself that his 
occupation was above all others — the only one which had 
nothing superior to it, but was the first and best of all human 
employments. 422 

The great number of persons who practised medicine in 
Egypt is mentioned by Herodotus, 423 who further notices the 


remarkable fact that, besides general practitioners, there were 
many who devoted themselves to special branches of medical 
science, some being oculists, some dentists, some skilled in 
treating diseases of the brain, some those of the intestines, and 
so on. Accoucheurs also we know to have formed a separate 
class, and to have been chiefly, if not exclusively, women. 424 
The consideration in which physicians were held is indicated 
by the tradition which ascribed the composition of the earliest 
medical works to one of the kings, 425 as well as by the reputa- 
tion for advanced knowledge which the Egyptian practitioners 
early obtained in foreign countries. 426 According to a modern 
authority, 427 they constituted a special subdivision of the sacer- 
dotal order ; but this statement is open to question, though 
no doubt some of the priests were required to study medicine. 428 
A third learned profession was that of the architect, which 
in some respects took precedence over any other. The chief 
court architect was a functionary of the highest importance, 
ranking among the very most exalted officials. Considering 
the character of the duties intrusted to him, this was only 
natural, since the kings generally set more store upon their 
buildings than upon any other matter. "At the time when 
the construction of the Pyramids and other tombs," says 
Brugsch, 429 "demanded artists of the first order, we find the 
place of architect intrusted to the highest dignitaries of the 
court of the Pharaohs. The royal architects, the Murket, as 
they were called, recruited their ranks not unfrequently from 
the class of princes ; and the inscriptions engraved upon the 
walls of their tombs inform us that, almost without exception, 
they married either the daughters or the granddaughters of 
the reigning sovereigns, who did not refuse the Murket this 
honor. 1 " Semnofer, for instance, an architect under the third 
or fourth dynasty, was married to a lady named Amon-Zephes, 
the granddaughter of a Pharaoh ; Khufuhotep, belonging to 
about the same period, had for wife a person of the same ex- 
alted position ; Mer-ab, architect under Khufu, or Cheops, 
was an actual son of that monarch ; Pirson, who lived a little 
later, married Khenshut, of the blood royal ; and Ti, though 
of low birth himself, married Nofer-hotep, a princess. This 
last-named architect united in his own person a host of offices 
and dignities : he was the king's secretary in all his palaces, the 
secretary who published the king's decrees, the president of 
the royal Board of Works, and a priest of several divinities. 
His magnificent tomb is still to be seen at Saccarah in the 
neighborhood of the Pyramids, a little to the north of the 
Serapeum, and attracts the general attention of travellers. 4 * 


Though a position of such eminence as this could belong 
only to one man at a time, it is evident that the lustre attach- 
ing to the head of their profossion would be more or less re- 
flected upon its members. Schools of architects had to be 
formed in order to secure a succession of competent persons, 
and the chief architect of the king was only the most success- 
ful out of many aspirants, who were educationally and socially 
upon a par. Actual builders, of course, constituted a lower- 
class, and are compassionated in the poem above quoted, as ex- 
posed by their trade both to disease and accident. 431 But 
architects ran no such risks ; and the profession must be re- 
garded as having enjoyed in Egypt a rank and a consideration 
rarely accorded to it elsewhere. According to Diodorus, the 
Egyptians themselves said that their architects were more 
worthy of admiration than their kings. 432 Such a speech could 
hardly have been made while the independent monarchy lasted 
and kings were viewed as actual gods ; but it was a natural re- 
flection on the part of those who, living under foreign domina- 
tion, looked back to the time when Egypt had made herself a 
name among the nations by her conquests, and still more by 
her great works. 

At the opposite extremity of the social scale were a number 
of contemned and ill-paid employments, which required the 
services of considerable numbers, whose lives must have been 
sufficiently hard ones. Dyers, washermen, barbers, gardeners, 
sandal-makers, blacksmiths, carpenters, couriers, boatmen, 
fowlers, fishermen, are commiserated b} r the scribe, Tuauf- 
sakhrat/ 33 as well as farmers, laborers, stonecutters, builders, 
armorers, and weavers"; and though he does not often point 
out any sufferings peculiar to those of his own countrymen 
who w r ere engaged in these occupations, we may accept his 
evidence as showing that, in Egypt, while they involved hard 
work, they obtained but small remuneration. The very exist- 
ence, however, of so many employments is an indication that 
labor was in request ; and we cannot doubt that industrious 
persons could support themselves and their families without 
much difficulty, even by these inferior trades. The Egyptians, 
even of the lowest class, were certainly not crushed down by 
penury or want ; they maintained a light heart under the 
hardships, whatever they may have been, of their lot, and con- 
trived to amuse themselves and to find a good deal of pleasure 
in existence. 434 

If the boatman, for instance, led a laborious life, "doing 
beyond the power of his hands to do," 435 he had yet spirit 
enough to enter into rivalry w T ith his brother boatmen, and to 


engage in rude contests (Fig. 193), which must have often 
caused him a broken head or a ducking. 436 If the fowler and 
the fisherman had sometimes hard work to make a living, yet 
they had the excitement which attaches to every kind of sport, 
and from time to time were rewarded for their patient toil by 
"takes " of extraordinary magnitude. The drag-nets and clap- 
nets (Fig. 194) which they used to entrap their prey are fre- 
quently represented as crowded with fish 437 or birds, as many 
as twenty-five of the latter being enclosed on some occasions. 438 
The fish were often of large size, so that a man could only 
just carry one ; 439 and though these monsters were perhaps not 
in very great request, they would have sufficed to furnish three 
or four meals to a large family. Fish were constantly dried 
and salted, 440 so that the superabundance of one season sup- 
plied the deficiency of another ; and even birds appear to have 
been subjected to a similar process, and preserved in jars, 441 
when there was no immediate sale for them. 

An occupation held in especial disrepute was that of the 
swineherd. According to Herodotus, 442 persons of this clas* 
were absolutely prohibited from entering an Egyptian temple, 
and under no circumstances would a man of any other class 
either give his daughter in marriage to a swineherd, or take a 
wife from among them. This prejudice was connected with 
the notion of the pig being an unclean animal, 443 which was 
common to the Egyptians with the Jews, the Mohammedans, 
and the Indians. If it existed to the extent asserted, the 
swineherds, the Pariahs of Egypt, must have approached 
nearly to the character of a caste, as intermarrying wholly 
among themselves, and despised by every other section of the 

But if Egyptian civilization had thus its victims, it had also 
its favorites. There stood in Egypt, outside the entire num- 
ber of those who either belonged to a profession or exercised a 
trade or calling, that upper class of which we have more than 
once spoken, 444 owners of a large portion of the soil, and so 
possessed of hereditary wealth, not very anxious for official 
employment, though filling commonly most of the highest 
posts in the adminstration, 445 connected in many instances 
more or less closely with the royal family, 446 and bearing the 
rank of suten-rech or "princes" — a class small, compared with 
most others, but still tolerably numerous — one which seemed 
born to enjoy existence and "consume the fruits" of other 
men's toil and industry. 447 Such persons, as has been said, 448 
"led a charmed life." Possessed of a villa in the country, and 
also commonly of a town house in the capital, the Egyptian 


lord divided his time between the two, now attracted by the 
splendors of the court, now by the simple charms of rural 
freedom and retirement. In either case he dwelt in a large 
house, amply and elegantly furnished — the floor strewn with 
bright-colored carpets ** 9 — the rooms generally provided with 
abundant sofas and chairs, couches, tables, faldstools, ottomans, 
stands for flowers,, footstools, vases, etc. 450 — household numer- 
ous and well trained, presided over by a major-domo or steward, 
who relieved the great man of the trouble of domestic manage- 
ment. 451 Attached to his household in some way, if not actual 
members of it, were "adepts in the various trades conducive 
to his ease and comfort" 452 — the glass-blower, the worker in 
gold, the potter, the tailor, the baker, the sandal-maker. 
With a prudent self-restraint not often seen among orientals, 
he limited himself to a single wife, whom he made the partner 
of his cares and joys, and treated with respect and affection. 
~No eunuchs troubled the repose of his establishment with their 
plots and quarrels. His household was composed in about 
equal proportions of male and female servants ; his wife had 
her waiting-maid or tire-woman, his children their nurse or 
nurses ; he himself had his valet, who was also his barber. 
The kitchen department was intrusted to three or four cooks 
and scullions, 453 who were invariably men, no women (it would 
seem) being thought competent for such important duties. One, 
two, or more grooms had the charge of his stable, which in the 
early times sheltered no nobler animal than the ass, 454 but 
under the New Empire was provided with a number of horses. 
A chariot, in which he might take an airing, pay visits, or 
drive a friend, was also indispensable 455 in and after the time 
of the eighteenth dynasty ; and the greater lords had no doubt 
several of such vehicles, with coach houses for their accom- 
modation. Litters (Fig. 195) were perhaps used only for the 
aged and infirm, who were conveyed in them on the shoulders 
of attendants. 456 

Egyptian men of all ranks shaved their heads and their entire 
faces, except sometimes a portion of the chin, from which a 
short square beard was allowed to depend. 457 The barber was 
in attendance on the great lord every morning, to remove any 
hair that had grown, and trim his beard, if he wore one. 
The lord's wig was also under his superintendence. This con- 
sisted of numerous small curls, together sometimes with locks 
and plaits, fastened carefully to a reticulated groundwork, 
which allowed the heat of the head free escape, 45 * The dress, 
even of the highest class, was simple. It consisted, primarily, 
of the shenti, or kilt, a short garment, folded or fluted, which 

Vol. I. 

Plate LIX. 

Fig. 150.— War-chariot, with Bow-case, Quivers, and Javelins.— See Page 215. 

r^ r\ 

n — n — cr 

Fig. 151.— Egyptian Battle-axes and Pole-axe.— See Page 216. 

Plate LX. 

Vol. I. 



Fig. 152.— Egyptian Clubs and Maces. — See Page 216. 

Fig. 153. — Egyptian Daggers.— See Page 216 

Fig 155. — Archer taking am. 

Si e Page 2:7. 

Vol. I. 

Plate LXL 

Fig. 156. — Archers stringing their Bows. — bee Page 217. 


m ® 




Pig. 157.— Egyptian Quivers. — See 
Page 217. 

Fig. 158. — Egyptian Trumpeters.— See 
Page 224. 

Plate LXII. 

Vol. I. 

Fig. 159.— Egyptian Standards.— See Page 218. 

Fig. i(50.— Siege of a Fort.— See Page 220 

ladies' toilets. 251 

was worn round the loins, and fastened in front with a girdle. 
The material might be linen or woolen, according to the state 
of the weather, or the wearer's inclination. Over this the 
great lord invariably wore an ample robe of fine linen, reach- 
ing from the shoulders to the ankles, and provided with full 
sleeves, which descended nearly, if not quite, to the elbows. 
A second girdle, which may have been of leather, confined the 
outer dress about the waist. The arms and lower parts of the 
legs were left bare ; and in the earliest times the feet were 
also bare, sandals (Fig. 196) being unknown ; but they came 
into fashion at the beginning of the fifth dynasty, 459 and thence- 
forward were ordinarily worn by the rich, whether men or 
women. They were either of leather lined with cloth, or of a 
sort of basket-work composed of palm-leaves or the storks of 
the papyrus. 460 The shape varied at different periods. Hav- 
ing dressed himself with the assistance of his valet, the Egyp- 
tian lord put on his ornaments, which consisted commonly of 
a collar of beads or a chain of gold round the neck, armlets 
and bracelets of gold, inlaid with lapis lazuli and turquoise, 
round the arms, anklets of the same character round the ankles, 
and rings upon the fingers of both hands. 461 Thus attired, 
the lord took his baton or stick, 462 and, quitting his dressing- 
room, made his appearance in the sahn or eating apartment. 
Meanwhile his spouse had performed her own toilet, which 
was naturally somewhat more elaborate than her husband's. 
Egyptian ladies wore their own hair, which grew in great abun- 
dance, 463 and must have occupied the tirewoman for a con- 
siderable period. A double-toothed comb was used for comb- 
ing it, 464 and it may also have been brushed, though hairbrushes 
have not been discovered. Ultimately, it was separated into 
numerous distinct tresses, and plaited by threes into thirty or 
forty fine plaits, whicti were then gathered into three masses, 
one behind the head and the others at either side of the face, 
or else were allowed to fall in a single continuous ring round 
the head and shoulders. After it had been thus arranged, the 
hair was confined by a fillet, or by a headdress made to imitate 
the wings, back, and tail, and even sometimes the head, of a 
vulture. 465 On their bodies some females wore only a single 
garment, 466 which was a petticoat, either tied at the neck or 
supported by straps over the shoulders, and reaching from the 
neck or breast to the ankles ; but those of the upper class had, 
first, over this, a colored sash passed twice round the waist 
and tied in front, and, secondly, a large loose robe, made of 
the finest linen, with full open sleeves, reaching to the elbow. 467 
They wore sandals from the same date as the men, and had 


similar ornaments, with the addition of earrings. These often, 
manifested an elegant taste, being in the form of serpents or 
terminating in the heads of animals or of goddesses. 468 The 
application of kohl or stibium to the eyes seems to have formed 
an ordinary part the toilet. 469 

It is nnfortnnely impossible to follow throughout the day 
the husband and wife, with whose portraits we are attempting 
to present our readers. We do not know the hours kept by 
the upper classes in Egypt, nor the arrangements which pre- 
vailed respecting their meals, 470 nor the mode in which a lady 
of rank employed herself from the time when her morning 
toilet was completed until the hour of dinner. We may con- 
jecture that she looked after her servants, superintended the 
teaching of her children, amused herself in her garden, 471 or 
visited and received visits from her acquaintance ; but the 
evidence on these various points is scanty, and scarcely suffi- 
cient to justify general conclusions. It is somewhat different 
with respect to the men. The sculptures show us that much 
of the Egyptian gentleman's day was spent in sports of various 
kinds ; that he indulged in fishing and fowling, as well as in 
the chase of various wild beasts, some of which were sought as 
delicacies for the table, while others seem to have been attacked 
merely to gratify that destructive instinct which urges men to 
take delight in field sports. 

Ponds commonly existed within the pleasure-grounds at- 
tached to an Egyptian country house, 472 and were often of con- 
siderable dimensions. Formal in shape, to suit the general 
character of the grounds, they were well stocked with a variety 
of fish, and often furnished the Egyptian noble with a morn- 
ing's amusement. The sport was of a kind which in these 
days would not be considered exciting. Reclined upon a mat, 
or sealed on a chair, 473 under the shade of a tree, and with a 
short rod in his hand, apparently of one joint only, the lord 
threw his double or single line into the preserved pool, and let 
his bait sink to the bottom. When he felt the bite of a fish, 
he jerked his line out of the water, 474 and by this movement, 
if the fish was securely hooked, he probably landed it ; if not, 
he only lost his labor. Hooks were large and strong, lines 
coarse, fish evidently not shy ; there was no fear of the tackle 
breaking ; and if a few fish w r ere scared by the clumsy method, 
there were plenty of others to take their place in a few minutes. 

A less unskilful mode of pursuing the sport was by means 
of the fish-spear (Fig. 197). Embarking upon his pond, or 
the stream that fed it, in a boat of bulrushes, armed with the 
proper weapon, and accompanied by a young son, and by his 


wife or a sister, 475 the lord would direct his gaze into the water, 
and when he saw a fish passing, strike at him with the barbed 
implement. If the fish were near at hand, he would not let 
go of the weapon, but if otherwise, he would throw it, retain- 
ing in his grasp a string attached to its upper extremity. 476 
This enabled him to recover the spear, even if it sank, or was 
carried clown by the fish ; and, when his aim had been true, it 
enabled him to get possession of his prize. Some spears had 
double heads, both of them barbed ; and good fortune, or 
superior skill, occasionally secured two fish at once. 

The fowling practised by the Egyptian gentleman was very 
peculiar. He despised nets, made no use of hawks or falcons, 
and did not even, except on rare occasions, have recourse to 
the bow. He placed his whole dependence on a missile, which 
has been called a "throw-stick" 477 — a thin curved piece of 
heavy wood, from a foot and a quarter to two feet in length, 
and about an inch and a half broad. Gliding silently in a light 
boat along some piece of water, with a decoy bird stationed at 
the head of his vessel, trained perhaps to utter its note, he 
approached the favorite haunt of the wild fowl, which was 
generally a thicket of tall reeds and lotuses. 478 Having come 
as close to the game as possible, with his throw-stick in one 
hand and a second decoy bird, or even several, in the other, 
he watched for the moment when the wild fowl rose in a cloud 
above the tops of the water-plants and then flung his weapon 
in among them. Supplied by a relative or an attendant with 
another, and again another, he made throw after throw, not 
ceasing till the last bird was out of reach, or his stock of 
throw-sticks exhausted. We sometimes see as many as four 
sticks in the air, and another upon the point of being de- 
livered. 479 Skilled sportsmen seem to have aimed especially 
at the birds' necks, since, if the neck was struck, the bird 
was pretty sure to fall. This sport appears to have been an 
especial favorite with Egyptians of the upper class. 

The chase of wild beasts involved more exertion than either 
fishing or fowling, and required the sportsman to go further 
afield. The only tolerable hunting-grounds lay in the desert 
regions on either side of the Nile valley ; and the wealthy 
Egyptians who made up their minds to indulge in this pas- 
time 1 , had to penetrate into these dreary tracts, and probably 
to quit their homes for a time, and camp out in the desert. 
The chief objects of pursuit upon these occasions were the 
gazelle, the ibex, the oryx, and perhaps some other kinds of 
antelopes. The sportsman set out in his chariot, well provided 
with arrows and javelins, accompanied by a number of dogs, 


and attended by a crowd of menials, huntsmen, beaters, men 
to set the nets, provision and water carriers, and the like. A 
large space was commonly enclosed by the beaters, and all the 
game within it driven in a certain direction by them and the 
hounds, while the sportsman and his friends, stationed at suit- 
able points, shot their arrows at such beasts as came within 
the range of the weapon, or sought to capture them by means 
of a long thong or cord ending in a running noose. Nets were 
also set at certain narrow points in the wadys or dry water- 
courses, down which the herd, when pressed, was almost sure 
to pass, and men were placed to watch them, and slaughter 
each animal as soon as he was entangled, before he could break 
his way through the obstacle and make his escape. When the 
district in which the hunt took place was well supplied with 
beasts, and the space enclosed by the beaters was large, a cu- 
riously mixed scene presented itself towards the close of the 
day. 480 All the wild animals of the region, roused from their 
several lairs, were brought together within a narrow space, — 
hyasnas, jackals, foxes, porcupines, even ostriches, held on 
their way, side by side with gazelles, hares, ibexes, and ante- 
lopes of various descriptions, — the hounds also being inter- 
mixed among them, and the hunter in his car driving at speed 
through the thickest of the melee, discharging his arrows right 
and left, and bringing down the choicest game. Attendants 
continually supplied fresh arrows ; and the work of slaughter 
probably went on till night put an end to it, or till the whole 
of the game was killed or had made its escape. 

Occasionally, instead of antelopes, wild cattle were the object 
of pursuit. In thi^case, too, dogs were used, though scarcely 
with much effect. 481 The cattle were, most likely, either stalked 
or laid in wait for, and, when sufficiently near, were either 
lassoed, 482 or else shot with arrows, the place aimed at being 
the junction between the neck and the head. When the 
lasso was employed, it was commonly thrown over one of the 

According to one representation, 483 the lion was made use of 
in the chase of some animals, being trained to the work, as 
the cheeta or hunting-leopard is in Persia and India. That 
the Egyptians tamed lions appears from several of the sculpt- 
ures, 484 and is also attested by at least one ancient writer j 485 
but the employment of them in the chase rests upon a single 
painting in one of the tombs at Beni Hissar. 

Lions themselves, when in the w T ild state, were sometimes 
hunted by the monarchs ; 486 but it is doubtful whether any 
Egyptian subject, however exalted his rank, ever engaged in 


the exciting occupation. The lion was scarcely to be found 
within the limits of Egypt daring any period of the monarchy ; 
and though occasionally to be seen in the deserts upon the 
Egyptian borders, 487 yet could scarcely be reckoned on as likely 
to cross his path by a private sportsman. The kings who were 
ambitious of the honor of having contended with the king of 
beasts, could make hunting expeditions beyond their borders,, 
and have a whole province ransacked for the game of which 
they were in search. Even they, however, seem very rarely to 
have aspired so high ; and there is but one representation of a 
lion-hunt in the Egyptian sculptures. 

A similarly exceptional character attached to the chase of 
the elephant by the Egyptians. One monarch on one occasion 
only, when engaged in an expedition which took him deep into 
Asia, "hunted a hundred and twenty elephants on account of 
their tusks." 488 Here a subject had the good fortune to save 
his royal master from an attack made upon him by the leading 
or "rogue" elephant of the herd, and to capture the brute 
after inflicting a wound upon its trunk. 

The pursuit of the hippopotamus and the crocodile was, on 
the contrary, a favorite and established practice with Egyptian 
sportsmen. The hippopotamus was hunted as injurious to the 
crops, 489 on which it both fed and trampled by nigh tT" while at 
the same time it was valued for its hide, which was regarded 
as the best possible material for shields, helmets, and javelins. 490 
It appears to have been thought better to attack it in the 
water than upon the land, perhaps because its struggles to es- 
cape would then be, comparatively speaking, harmless. Spears, 
with strings attached to them, were thrown at it ; and when 
these had taken effect, it was drawn to the surface and its 
head entangled in a strong noose by which it could be dragged 
ashore ; 491 or, if this attempt failed, it was allowed to exhaust 
itself by repeated rushes and plunges in the stream, the hun- 
ters "playing" it the while by reels attached to the strings that 
held their spears, and waiting till it was spent by fatigue and; 
loss of blood, when they wound up their reels, and brought; 
their booty to land. 492 

There were two modes of chasing the crocodile (Fig. 198)\. 
Sometimes it was speared, 493 like the hippopotamus, and was; 
then probably killed in much the same way ; but another 
method was also adopted, which is thus described by Herodo- 
tus : 494 — "They bait a hook with a chine of pork, and let the 
meat be carried out into the middle of the stream, while the 
hunter on the bank holds a live pig, which he belabors. The 
crocodile, hearing its cries, makes for the sound, and encounters 


the pork, which he instantly swallows down. The men on the 
shore haul, and when they have got him to land, the first 
thing the hunter does is to plaster his eyes with mud. This 
once accomplished, the animal is dispatched with ease ; other- 
wise, he gives much trouble." Very similar modes to both of 
these are still in use on the Nile. 495 

It is of course not to be supposed that the Egyptian of high 
rank was so enamored of the chase as to devote to it all the 
time that he spent in the country. There would be days on 
which he inspected his farm, 496 his cattle-stalls, his live stock, his 
granaries, his wine-presses, his olive-presses, moving from place 
to place, probably, on his favorite ass, and putting questions 
to his laborers. There would be others on which he received 
his steward, went through his accounts, and gave such direc- 
tions as he thought necessary ; others again on which his re- 
ligious duties occupied him, or on which he received the gen- 
eral homage of his subordinates. 497 His life would be in many 
ways varied. As a local magnate, he might be called upon 
from time to time to take part in the public business of his 
nome. He might have civil employment thrust upon him, 
since no one could refuse an office or a commission assigned 
him by the king. He might even find himself called upon to 
conduct a military expedition. But, apart from these ex- 
traordinary distractions, he would have occupations enough and 
to spare. Amid alternations of business and pleasure, of do- 
mestic repose and violent exercise, of town and country life, of 
state and simplicity, he would scarcely find his time hang 
heavy on his hands, or become a victim to ennui. An exten- 
sive literature was open to him, if he cared to read ; 498 a solemn 
and mysterious religion, full of awe-inspiring thoughts and 
stretching on to things beyond the grave, claimed his atten- 
tion ; he had abundant duties, abundant enjoyments. Though 
not so happy as to be politically free, there was small danger 
of his suffering oppression. He might look forward to a tran- 
quil and respected old age ; and even in the grave he would 
enjoy the attentions and religious veneration of those whom he 
left behind him. 499 

Among the duties continually devolving on him, the most 
important were those of charity and of hospitality. It was 
absolutely incumbent upon him, if he would pass the dread 
ordeal in the nether world, that during this life he should be 
careful u to give bread to the hungry, drink to the thirsty, 
clothes to the naked, oil to the wounded, and burial to the 
dead." 50 ° It was also incumbent on him, in the general opin- 
ion of those with whom he lived, that he should show towards 


men of his own class a free and open-handed hospitality. For 
this purpose it was necessary that, both in the town and in the 
country, he should provide his friends with frequent grand en- 
tertainments. With a description of one of these we may 
terminate our account of the manners and customs of the 
higher classes of society in ancient Egypt, and with that ac- 
count we may be content to bring to an end the present too 
extended chanter. 

The preparations for an entertainment had to commence 
some days previously. Game had to be procured, professionals 
engaged, extra attendants hired, a stock of fresh flowers and 
perhaps of unguents laid in. Great activity prevailed in the 
kitchen ; 501 confectionery was prepared, spices pounded, maca- 
roni made, 502 cooking utensils scoured, the larder stored with 
provisions. The reception-rooms were then arranged for 
guests, chairs being placed in rows or groups, extra carpets 
and mats strewn about, flowers put into the vases, and the 
house generally decorated. When the guests began to arrive, 
they were first of all received in the vestibule by attendants, 
who presented them with bouquets, 503 placed garlands of lotus 
upon their heads, and sometimes collars of lotus round their 
necks, anointed their hair with unguents, and offered them 
wine or other beverages. At this time the visitors commonly 
sat on the floor, probably for the convenience of those who 
had to anoint and adorn them. Having received these atten- 
tions, the guests, ladies and gentlemen intermixed, passed on 
to the main apartment, where they were greeted by their host 
and hostess, and begged to take their seats on the chairs and 
fauteuils which had been arranged for them. Here more re- 
freshments were handed round, more flowers offered, while the 
gnests, generally in pairs, but sometimes in groups, conversed 
one with another. 504 Music was now commonly introduced, 
sometimes accompanied by dancing, the performers in both 
arts being professionals, and the dancing-girls being nearly, if 
not quite, naked. 505 Sometimes, at the same party, there would 
be two bands, 506 who, we may suppose, played alternately. Pet 
animals, dogs, gazelles, or monkeys, 507 might be present, and 
the young children of the house in some instances gave anima- 
tion to the scene, and enlivened the entertainment with their 
prattle. As it was not customary for children under ten or 
twelve years of age to wear any clothes, 508 the nudity of the 
dancing-girls might seem less strange and less indelicate. 

It is possible that on some occasions the music, dancing, and 
light refreshments constituted the whole of the entertain- 
ment, and that the guests after a while took their departure 


without any formal meal being served ; but more often the 
proceedings above described were the mere prelude to the real 
piece, and the more important part followed. Round tables, 
loaded with a great variety of delicacies, as joints of meat, 
geese, ducks, and waterfowl of different kinds, cakes, pastry, 
fruit, and the like, are seen interspersed among the guests, 509 to 
whom no doubt the dishes were handed in succession, and who 
must have helped themselves, as Orientals commonly do, with 
their hands. Knives and forks, spoons for eating Avith, 510 even 
plates, were an unknown luxury ; the guest took what his 
hands could manage, and after eating either dipped them in 
water, or wiped them with a napkin brought him by an at- 
tendant. 511 The dishes offered him would include probably 
two or three kinds of fish ; meat, generally beef, boiled, roasted, 
and dressed in various ways ; venison and other game ; geese, 
ducks, or w T ater~fowl ; vegetables in profusion, as especially 
lentils, endives, and cucumbers ; pastry, cakes, and fruits of 
twenty kinds, particularly grapes and figs. 512 To quench his 
thirst, he would be supplied with frequent draughts of wine or 
beer, 513 the wine probably diluted with water. 

Herodotus tell us 514 that it was customary, when the feast 
w f as over, for an attendant to bring in a wooden mummied 
form, from a foot and a half to three feet long, painted to 
resemble a corpse, and to show it to each guest in turn, with 
the words : — "Gaze here, and drink and be merry ; for when 
you die, such will you be." If the expressions used are rightly 
reported, we must suppose the figure brought in when the 
eating was ended and the drinking began, with the object of 
stimulating the guests to greater conviviality ; but if this were 
so, the custom had probably lost its original significance when 
Herodotus visited Egypt, since it must (one would think) have 
been intended at the first to encourage seriousness, and check 
undue indulgence, by sobering thoughts concerning death and 
judgment to come. 515 The Egyptians were too much inclined 
to the pleaures of the table, and certainly required no stimulus 
to drinking. Both gentlemen and ladies not unfrequently 
indulged to excess. 516 The custom mentioned by Herodotus 
and alluded to also by Plutarch, 617 can only have proceeded 
from the priests, who doubtless wished, as guardians of the 
public morality, to check the intemperance which they were 
unable to prevent altogether. 

After the banquet was entirely ended, music and singing 
were generally resumed, 618 and sometimes tumblers or jugglers, 
both male and female, were introduced, and feats of agility 
were gone through with much dexterity and grace. 519 The 


women played with three balls at a time, keeping two con- 
stantly in the air ; or made somersaults backwards ; or sprang 
off the ground to the height of several feet. The men wres- 
tled, or pirouetted, 520 or stood on their heads, 621 or walked up 
each other's backs, or performed other tricks, and feats of 
strength. Occasionally, games seem to have been played. As 
the kings themselves in their leisure hours did not disdain to 
play draughts with their favorites, 522 so it may be presumed 
that the Egyptian lord and his guests would sometimes relieve 
the tedium of a long evening by the same or some similar 
amusement. Chess does not appear to have been known ; 
but a game resembling draughts, one like the modern morra, 
and several which cannot be identified, certainly were ; 523 and, 
though there is more evidence of their being in favor with the 
lower than with the higher orders, yet it can scarcely be sup- 
posed that the royal example was not imitated by many among 
the nobles. 

In conclusion it may be observed that Egyptian society under 
the Pharaohs, if in many respects it was not so advanced in 
cultivation and refinement as that of Athens in the time of 
Pericles, was in some points both more moral and more civil- 
ized. Neither the sculptures nor the literary remains give 
any indication of the existence in Egypt of that degrading 
vice which in Greece tainted all male society from the highest 
grade to the lowest, and constituted "a great national disease," 
or "moral pestilence." 524 Nor did courtesans, though occa- 
sionally they attained to a certain degree of celebrity among 
the Egyptians, 525 ever exercise that influence which they did 
in Greece over art, literature, and even politics. The relations 
of the sexes were dicidedly on a better footing in Egypt than 
at Athens, or most other Greek towns. Not only was poly- 
gamy unknown to the inhabitants of the Nile valley, and even 
licensed concubinage confined to the kings, 526 but woman took 
her proper rank as the friend and companion of man, was 
never secluded in a harem, but constantly made her appearance 
alike in private company and in the ceremonies of religion, 
possessed equal rights with man in the eye of the law, was at- 
tached to temples in a quasi-sacerdotal character, and might 
even ascend the throne and administer the government of the 
country. 527 Women were free to attend the markets and 
shops ; 528 to visit and receive company, both male and female ; 
to join in the most sacred religious services ; 529 to follow the 
dead to the grave ; and to perform their part in the sepul- 
chral sacrifices. 530 

Again the consideration shown to age in Egypt was remarka- 


ble, and, though perhaps a remnant of antique manners, must 
be regarded as a point in which their customs were more ad- 
vanced than those of most ancient peoples. "Their } T oung 
men, when they met their elders in the streets," we are told, 532 
"made way for them and stepped aside; and if an old man 
came in where young men were present, the latter rose from 
their seats out of respect to him." 

Jn arrangements with respect to education they seem also 
to have attained a point not often readied by the nations of 
antiquity. If the schools wherein scribes obtained their in- 
struction were really open to all, 53 * and the career of scribe 
might be pursued b}~ any one, whatever his birth, then it 
must be said that Egypt, notwithstanding the general rigidity 
of her institutions, provided an open career for talent, such as 
scarcely existed elsewhere in the old world, and such as few 
modern communities can be said even yet to furnish. It was 
always possible under despotic governments that the capric- 
ious favor of the sovereign should raise to a high, or even to 
the highest position, the lowest person in the kingdom. But, 
in Egypt alone of all ancient States, does a system seem to 
have been established, whereby persons of all ranks, even the 
lowest, were invited to compete for the royal favor, and, by 
distinguishing themselves in the public schools, to establish a 
claim for employment in the public service. That employ- 
ment once obtained, their future depended on themselves. 
Merit secured promotion ; and it Avould seem that the efficient 
scribe had only to show himself superior to his fellows, in order 
to rise to the highest position but one in the empire. 



i Baker's Albert Nyanza, vol. i, p. 

2 See Herod, ii, 18: Strab. xvii, 1, § 
4. Compare the Memoire of M. Jo- 
mard in the Description de VEgypte, 
"Antiquites," vol. ii, p. 89. 

3 The terra " Egypt," which was 
not known to the Egyptians them- 
selves, appears to have been first used 
by the Greeks as a name for the Nile 
(Horn. 01. iv, 477, xiv, 257; Strab. i, 2, 
§ 22), and thence to have extended it- 
self to the country. Its derivation is 

4 See Jomard in the Description de 
VEgypte, 1. s. c. : Kenrick, Ancient 
Egypt, vol. i, p. 61; Russell, Ancient 
an<l Modern Egypt, p. 419; Smith, Diet, 
of Greek and Roman Geography, vol. i, 
p. 36, etc. 

6 See 1 Kings viii, 65 ; 2 Kings xxiv, 
7; Is. xxvii, 12. "The torrent of 
Egypt - would be a better translation 
than." the river; " since in the Hebrew 

it is ^mn, not imn. 

6 The ruins of Berenice are placed 
by the French savants in lat. 23° 48', 
by Mr. Donne ( Dictionary of Greek and 
Roman Geography, sub voc. Berenice) 
in lat. 23° 56'. This latter view is now 
generally taken. 

7 Very exaggerated estimates of the 
size of Egypt have been formed by 
some writers. Heeren says (Hand- 
buch, p. 47) that it equals two-thirds 
of Germany, which would give it an 
area of above 160,000 square miles. A 
school geography which has come 
into my hands (Anderson's) goes be- 
yond this, making the area 177,800 
square miles. The real area is cer- 
tainly not over,— it is perhaps some- 
what under,— 100,000 square miles. 

8 From the old apex of the Delta, 
nearly opposite Heliopolis, to the 
Sebennytic mouth is 110 miles (Wil- 
kinson in Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. 
ii, p. 8) ; from Thebes to the apex is 
456 miles ; from Elephantine to Thebes 
124 miles (ib. p. 10; ; total, 690 miles. 
The distance from Elephantine to the 
Mediterranean at Rosetta is given by 
Mr. Kenrick (Ancient Egypt, vol. i, p. 
34, note) as 739 miles; but this is, I 
think, an overestimate. 

9 By measurement of the large 
French map published in the Descrip- 
tion de VEgypte, on which there has 
been scarcely any improvement in 
more recent times, I find the distance 
from the present apex of the Delta to 

Canopus, to Pelusium, to the Dami- 
etta and Rosetta mouths, in every 
case a mile or two over, or the same 
distance under 100 miles. The plain 
is narrowest between the Lake Men- 
zaleh and the Libyan hills, abouc lat. 
30° 35', and again between Lake Bour- 
los and the Arabian hills in the vicin- 
ity of Tel Basta (Bubastis). The 
width in these places is about 65 

i° Here, again, I have had recourse 
to measurement, and though my esti- 
mate exceeds that of some writers, I 
believe it is not excessive. A writer 
in the Edinburgh Review (Jan. 1877) 
estimates the area of the Delta in the 
time of Herodotus at 8,000 sq. miles 
(p. 120). M. Jomard assigns to Lower 
Egypt an area of 1,500 French leagues 
(Description, "Antiquites," vol. ii, 
p. 92), or above 11,000 English sq. 
miles. He appears, however, to in- 
clude in this estimate the area of the 
four great lakes, Mareotis, Edkou, 
Bourlos, and Menzaleh, which must 
cover a space of from 2,000 to 3,000 
sq. miles. 

" So Mr. Donne, in Dr. Smith's 
Diet, of Greek and Roman Geogra- 
phy, vol. i, p. 36. Dr. Russell, in his 
Ancient and Modern Egypt, gave the 
average width of the valley as nine 
miles (p. 31). But this is certainly 
too much. See M. Girard's " Essaie" 
in the Description, " Histoire Natu- 
relle," vol. ii, p. 344. 

12 Dr. Russell (1. s. c.) estimated the 
cultivable area at ten millions of 

13 Description, " Antiquites," vol. 
ii, p. 90. 14 ibid. 

16 That of M. Girard (Description, 
"Hist. Nat." vol. ii, p. 351: " Ainsi 
VEgypte entiere, depuis la derniere 
cataracte jusqu'a la pointe de Bour- 
los, comprend en latitude une inter- 
valle de sept degres et demi, et une 
superficie d' environ 2,100,000 hectares 
de terrains cultivables.") 

16 Donne, in Smith's Dictio7iary of 
Greek and Roman Geography, l.s.c. 

17 Jomard, Description, " Anti- 
quites," vol. ii, p. 92. • 

18 See the essay on Lake Moeris 
in Bunsen's Egypt, vol. ii, p. 329, e.t. 

19 Allowing the Nile a course of &M 
miles through Egyptian territory, 
and an average width of a mile, its 
waters would cover 690 square miles. 
Add to this 150 square miles for the 
superficies of Lake Moeris, and the 
amount is 840 square miles. 



[CH. I. 

20 The estimate of M. Jomard ex- 
ceeds this. He speaks (l.s.c.) of the 
sands covering 558 square leagues, or 
between two and three millions of 

21 See the passage quoted at the head 
of this chapter. Herodotus imagined 
that the Nile Valley as far as Syene 
had been originally a narrow inlet of 
the Mediterranean Sea, which the 
alluvial deposit had gradually filled 
up. An examination of the tract in 
question has disproved this by show- 
ing that there are no marine remains 
between the sandstone or limestone 
-which forms the original bed of the 
valley and the deposit from the river 
(see Wilkinson, in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 5, and compare the De- 
scription de VEgypte, " Hist. Nat." 
vol. ii, p. 361). 

22 Compare Sir S. Baker's remarks 
in his Albert Nyanza, vol. i. Intro- 
duction, p. XAVii: "Egypt has been 
an extraordinary instance of the act- 
ual formation of a country by alluvial 
deposit: it has been created by a 
single river." 

23 See Hecataeus, Frag- 278, 279, 295, 
296: Herod, ii, 5-34: Diod. Sic. i, 10, 19, 
32-38: Kenrick, Ancient E§ ypt, vol. i, 
pp. 5-60; Russell, Ancient an i Modern 
Egypt, pp. 32-53; Sharpe, Kistory of 
Egypt, vol. i, pp. 4-7, etc. 

24 The main doubt has recently been 
with respect to the basins of the Nile 
and Congo. It was thought, till 1875, 
that Lake Tanganyika might drain 
into the Albert Nyanza Lieut. Cam- 
eron's travels have shown that this is 
not the case, and that the Lualaba and 
L. Tanganyika belong to the upper 
waters of the Congo. 

25 The extent of the Upper Nile 
basin towards the west is unknown. 
Schweinfurth traced it as~far as long. 
26°, but it is conjecture alone that 
extends it to long. 23°, as Sir S. Baker 
does (see his map, vol. i, opp. p. xxi). 
There is also a doubt whether the 
Victoria Nyanza does not communi- 
cate with a series of lakes towards the 

26 According to Sir S. Baker the Al- 
bert Nyanza extends westward nearly 
to long. 28° (see his large map). He 
places the western shore of the Victo- 
ria in long. 31° 35' nearly, and the 
eastern in long. 36°. 

27 Speke in 1858 made the elevation 
3.740 feet, while his observations in 

i >2 gave the result of 3,308 feet (so 
j..\ ingstone in 1873). The mean of 
i iwse would be 3,524 feet. Lieut. Cam- 
eron, however, in 1875 argues for an 
t '»v. vation of not more than 2,000 feet! 
( Sec Geographical Journal, vol. xlvi, 
p. 222.) 

2t! U.iker {Albert Nyanza, vol. ii, p. 
J53 1 made the elevation 2,720 feet. So 
Livingstone (Last Journals, map). 
Luc Sir H. llawlinson on the whole is 

inclined to regard the Albert as not 
more than 500 feet below the Victoria 
Nyanza (MS. note communicated to 
me in 1876). 

29 It has been already noticed that 
Sir S. Baker extends conjecturally the 
basin of the Albert N. to long. 23° (see 
above, note 25 ). 

so See Baker's Albeit Nyanza, vol. 
ii, pp. 94-103. 

si The issue of the Nile from the 
Albert Nyanza, which until 1876 had 
only been seen from a distance of 
about 100 miles, not actually visited 
by a European (Baker, vol. ii, pp. 134- 
5), was experimentally proved by 
Col. Gordon in that year. 

32 See Baker's large map. Lieut. 
Julian Baker places Afuddo, which is 
very near the first cataract, in lat. 3° 
34' (Geograph. Journal for 1874, p. 76). 

33 Albert Nyanza, vol. ii, p. 283. 

34 Ibid. p. 286. 

35 Ibid. p. 287. In fifteen miles, be- 
tween Afuddo and the Asua, the fall is 
222 feet, or nearly fifteen feet a mile 
(Athenaeum, No. 2551, p. 372). 

36 Col. Gordon's steamers have as- 
cended all the rapids but one, and 
have shown the Nile to be navigable 
from the Mediterranean to the Albert 
Nyanza, except for the space of about 
three miles. 

37 Asua is the form used by Sir S. 
B iker (Albert Nyanza, vol. ii, pp. 287, 
308, etc.), Ashua that preferred by his 
nephew, Lieut. Baker (Geographical 
Journal for 1874, p. 46). This river 
below its junction with the Atabbi, 
was 130 yards broad, and knee-deep 
in March 1871 (ibid.). It is said to be 
" important from April 15 to Novem- 
ber 15: dry after that date" (Albert 
Nyanza, vol. ii, p. 308). 

38 Albert Nyanza, vol. i, pp. 33-84. 

39 Ibid, p. 46. 
«° Ibid, p. 48. 

41 Geograph. Journal for 1876, p. 38. 
In this part of its course, where the 
water is most dispersed, the Nile is 
often obstructed by great masses of 
floating vegetation, which even form 
dams across the river. Channels have 
to be cut through these obstructions 
in order that boats may pass up 
or down stream. (Lieut. Baker in 
Geograph. Journal for 1874, pp. 38-40. 
Albert Nyanza, vol. ii, pp. 329-332.) 

42 Albert Nyanza, vol. i, p. 44. 

43 Sir S. Baker makes the latitude of 
Khartoum 15° 29', but the mean result 
of a number of observations taken re- 
cently is 15° 36' 6 (See the Geographi- 
cal Journal for 1874, p. 71). 

44 So Bruce (Travels, vol. v, p.30S). 
I am not aware that there have been 
any more recent observations. 

46 Humboldt (Central Asien, p. 93) 
gives the elevation as 955 toises, or 
6,106 English feet. 

46 The courses of the Blue Nile and 
its affluents were in part explored by 

CH. I.] 



S : rS. Baker in 1861-2. He descended 
cue Dinder from about lat. 14° nearly 
to its junction with the Blue Nile, and 
then the Blue Nile itself to Khartoum 
(see his Nile Tributaries, pp. 357-375). 

47 Baker, Albert Nyanza, vol. i. p. 7. 

48 Ibid. p. 8 ; Nile Tributaries, pp. 373 
et seq. (4th edition). 

49 Albert Nyanza, vol. i, p. 33. 

50 Nile Tributaries, Preface, p. viii. 

51 Baker, Albert Nyanza, vol. i, p. 6. 
32 See Wilkinson in the author's 

Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 8 (3d edit.). 

53 Three main cataracts are com- 
monly reckoned between Abu Hamed 
and Korosko; but Belzoni notes five 
between Korosko and Koke (see his 
map, opp. p. 485), and there are at 
least two others between Koke and 
Abu Hamed. 

54 This was the route taken by Bruce 
in 1772, by Burckhardt in 1814, and by 
Baker in 1861. It is now almost in- 
variably followed. 

55 Baker, Albert Nyanza, vol. i, p. 4; 
Nile Tributaries, p. 4. 

56 See Girard in the Description de 
VEgypte, "Hist. Nat.' 1 vol. ii, p. 343: 
"L'Egypte semble commencer en 
quelque sorte a on finit le sol grani- 
tique." Compare Wilkinson, Topog- 
raphy of Thebes, p. 452; Kenrick, An- 
cient Egypt, vol. i, pp. 33-5, etc. 

57 Description, " Hist. Nat." vol. ii, 
p. 344. 

58 See the map attached to Belzoni's 
Travels, and compare the still more 
exact one of the Description ("An- 
tiquites," vol. ii, ad. fin.), which 
leaves nothing to be desired. 

59 Description, " H. N.," l.s.c. Com- 
pare Wilkinson, Topography, pp. 438- 
417. Champollion observes that the 
river here " makes a second entrance 
into Egypt." 

60 Especially Edfou (Apollinopolis 
Magna) and Esne (Latopolis), both of 
which are on the left bank (Description, 
l.s.c. ; Topography of Thebes j>\). 425 and 
435). Kenrick (vol. i, p. 37) wrongly 
places Edfou on the right bank. 

91 Strictly speaking, the sandstone 
ends and the limestone begins before 
Gibelein. The exact point of the 
change is opposite El Qenan, about 
fourteen miles above Esne (Topogra- 
phy, p. 429. 

65 Description, p. 345 and Map. 

es At Darout-el-Sherif, in lat. 27° 34' 
(Description, p. 345). Mr. Kenrick 
regards this canal as branching off 
more than a hundred miles higher up 
the stream, at Chenoboscion, near 
Diospolis Parva (Ancient Egypt, vol. i, 
p. 45). But the French savants dis- 
tinguish between the Bahr Yousuf and 
the branch stream, which extends 
from Chenoboscion to Syout (Lyco- 
polis), a little north of which it ter- 

64 Zouyieh is the form used by Bel- 
zoni, Zaouy that of the French sa- 

vants. This place is probably the 
Iseuni of the Greeks and Romans. 

65 Description, "Hist. Nat." vol. ii, 
p. 345: " Ces terres, pouvant etre fa- 
cilement arrosees, sont les plus pro- 
ductives de l'Egypte moyenne." 

66 Wilkinson, in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 8, note 2 , 3d edition. 

67 Herod, ii, 17. To these three main 
branches Herodotus adds two minor 
ones, the Saitic and Mendesian branch- 
ing from the Sebennytic, and two 
artificial branches or canals. 

68 If we add to this the flow through 
the Albert Nyanza, and the course of 
the Somerset from the Ripon falls, we 
shall have a total length of about 300 
miles more, or 2,800 miles. 

09 Baker, Mb* it Nyanza, vol. i, p. 49; 
vol. ii, p. 308. The upper portion of 
the streams forming the Bahr-el- 
Ghazal has been explored by Herr 
Schweinfurth, and is carefully laid 
down in his large map (see Heart of 
Africa, vol. i, opp. p. 1). 

' 70 Baker, Albert Nyanza, vol. ii, p. 308. 

7 i Ibid. 

72 See above p. 7. 

73 Baker, Albert Nyanza, vol. ii, p. 309. 

74 See Baker's small map, Albert 
Nyanza, vol. i, opp. p. xxi. (repeated 
in his Nile Tributaries and his Ismailia). 

75 Oeograph. Journal for 1874, p. 38. 

76 Baker's Albert Nyanza, vol. i, p. 47. 

77 Ibid. p. 8. Compare Nile Tribu- 
taries, pp. 22-3. 

78 Albert Nyanza, vol. i, p. 9; Nile 
Tributaries, p. 25. 

79 Albert Ni/anza, vol. i, p. 10. 

» Ibid. p. 5. The courses of the Blue 
Nile and Atbara, together with their 
tributaries, are well given by Sir S. 
Baker in the map accompanying his 
Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia^ opp. p. i. 

81 The French savants made the 
average rise 7,419 metres (Description 
" Hist. Nat." vol. ii, p. 352), which is 
23,721 English feet. Sir G. Wilkinson 
says the ri»a at Old Cairo is sixteen 
cubits, or twenty-four feet. (See the 
author's Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 297, 3f 

82 Description, l.s.c. 

83 Wilkinson, in the author's Herod 
otus, l.s.c. 

84 Ibid. 

86 See the description of an unusual' 
rise in Belzoni's Operations and Dis 
coteries, pp. 299-303. Extraordinary 
inundations in ancient times wert 
equally disastrous (Plin. H. N. v, 9). 

se Herod, ii, 13. 

87 The visit of Herodotus to Egypt 
was probably during the Athenian 
occupation, which was from B.C. 460 
to B.C. 455. Nine hundred years be- 
fore this would be B.C. 1360-1355. 

88 Herod, l.s.c. The views of Herod- 
otus were adopted by Dr. Shaw in the 
last century, who argued that " in 
process of time the whole country 
might be raised to such a height tha> 



[CH. i. 

the river would not be able to over- 
flow its bunks, and Egypt, conse- 
quently, from being the most fertile, 
would, for want of the annual inunda- 
tion, become one of the most barren 
parts of the universe" (Travels, vol. 
ii, p. 235). 

89 Herodotus tells us that sixteen 
cubits, or twenty-four feet, was the 
normal rise in his day (B.C. 460-450). 
A statue of the Nile at Rome, sur- 
rounded by sixteen diminutive 
figures, indicates that the rise was 
sixteen cubits in the time of the 
Roman Empire. Sixteen cubits is as- 
signed by Abd-allatif, the Arabian 
historian, as the medium between ex- 
cess and defect (ab. a.d. 1-200;; and 
twenty-four feet is said to be the 
usual rise of the river at Cairo in our 
own day (Wilkinson, in the author's 
Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 297, 3d edit. ), 

90 Description tie V Egypt e, " Hist. 
Nat." vol. ii, p. 366: "En effet, si lea 
depots de limon exhaussent le sol de 
l'Egypte, la meme cause exhausse 
aussi le fond du Nil, de sorte que la 
profondeur de ce fleuve au-dessoua 
de la plaine doit rester a peu pres la 

«■ Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i, p. 
80; Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 15, note 4 . 

92 See Wilkinson in the author's 
Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 298. 

93 Especially in the plains of Don- 
gola, about lat. 19°. 

94 Wilkinson, l.s.c. 

9 6 See Agatharcides ap. Diod. Sic. i, 
14; Plutarch, De Md. et Osir. p. 366, C; 
Abd-allatif, quoted by Shaw, Travels, 
vol. ii, p. 215; Russell, Ancient and 
Modem Egypt, p. 46, etc. 

«5 The first inundation is beyond all 
question caused by the Abyssinian 
rivers ; but the flooding would scarce- 
ly continue so long as it does, if it 
were not for the White Nile, which is 
highest in November. 

97 Baker found the first rains com- 
mence in Abyssinia " in the middle 
of May " ( Victoria Xyanza, vol. i, p. 9). 
The last shower fell on September 15 
(Nile Tributaries, p. 142). 

98 Albert Xyanza, vol. ii, p. 307. 

99 This expression is not to be taken 
quite strictly. The White Nile rises 
at Ismailia, near Gondokoro, a little 
more than four feet ( ueograph. Journal 
for 1874, p. 44); at Towtikia, in lat. 9° 
25', as much as 14 feet 3 inches (ibid, 
p. 42); at Khartoum, certainly more 
than 5 feet (Baker, Albert Xyanza, vol. 
i, p. 34). But its rise is slight com- 
pared with that of the Blue Nile and 
the Atbara. 

i°° See above, p. 8. 

i°i Baker, Albtrt Xyanza, vol. i, p. 7; 
Nile Tributaries, p. 373. 

10(2 Baker, Albert Xyanza, vol. i. p. 10. 

i° 3 Wilkinson in the author's He odo- 
tus. vol. ii, p. 29, note 8 . 

104 The analysis made by the French 
savants showed the Nile deposits to 
contain nearly one-half argillaceous 
earth (alumen), about one-fifth car- 
bonate of lime, one-tenth water, and 
the remainder carbon, carbonate of 
magnesia, oxide of iron, and silica. 
The oxide of iron gives it its reddish 

105 The ancient Egyptians them- 
selves made a twofold division, viz. 
into the Upper and the Lower conn- 
try, the latter corresponding to the 
Delta. Hence the Hebrews designated 
Egypt by a dual form, Mizraim, or the 
two Mizrs. Horodotus makes a simi- 
lar distinction (ii, 7, 8). The Ptolemies 
seem to have introduced a threefold 
division: that into Lower Egypt, or 
the Helta : Middle Egypt, or the Kep- 
tanomis; and Upper Egypt, or the 
Thebaid (Strab. xvii. 1, $ 3; Plin. H. X. 
v. 9, § 9: Ptol. Geogr. iv. 5). The Ro- 
mans maintained this division, but 
subdivided the Helta and the Thebaid, 
and called the Heptanomis Arcadia. 
After the Arab conquest Upper Egypt 
became known as the Said, Middle 
Egypt as the Vostani, and Lower 
Egypt as the Bahari, or " maritime 

106 Description de VEgypte, "Hist. Nat." 
vol. ii, p. 344; Wilkinson, Topography 
of Thebes, pp. 451-2; Kenrick, Ancient 
Egypt, vol. i. p. 35. * 

107 Description, l.s.c. ; Kenrick, p. 41. 
los That is, from twelve to fifteen 

miles (Wilkinson in the author's He- 
rodotus, vol. ii, p. 11, note 1 ). 

109 Description, "H. N." vol. ii, p. 346. 
Compare Herod, ii, 8, and Scylax, 
Pe> ipl. p. 103. 

u0 Occasionally, as the first cataract 
at Silsilis, and at Gibelein, the hills 
close in and leave little or no ground 
between the cliffs and the river. (See 
above, p. 8, and compare the Descrip- 
tion, " H. N." vol. ii, p. 436.) 

111 Description, pp. 345, 395, etc. 

112 The western chain is continuous ; 
the eastern one is penetrated by a 
valley in lat. 30° 32', along which was 
carried anciently the line of the canal 
which united the Nile with the Red 

113 See Wilkinson in the author's 
II rodotvs, vol. ii, p. 7, note 7 . 

114 Ibid. p. 9, note 6 . 

115 Description, "Hist. Nat." vol. ii, 
p. 553; Wilkinson, Modern Egyptians, 
vol. i, p. 401. 

116 On these changes see the Descrip- 
tion, "H. N." vol. ii, pp. 367-70, and 
compare Wilkinson in the author's 
Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 26, note 1 . 

" 7 Herod, ii, 17. 

118 Description. "Hist. Nat." vol. ii, p. 
34S. Along this strip runs the line of 
the Alexandrian canal. 

119 Ibid. Compare Wilkinson in the 
author's Herodotus, vol. ii, p 6, note 4 . 

120 Description, pp. 348-51. 

en. i.} 



121 [bid. p. 349. 

122 s^e the French map, and compare 
that given by Dr. Brugsch in his pamph- 
let on the Exodus of the Israelites. 

123 Herod, ii, 92. 140: Thucyd. i, 109, etc. 
Compare Brugsch, VExode et les Monu- 
ment8 Egypttens, p. 11. 

i 24 Brugsch supposes the Israelites to 
have marched along this sand-bank. 

125 Description lie VEgypte. "Hist. 
Nat." 1 vol. ii, pp. 373-3, 398-404, etc. 

126 Ibid. " Antigoiter, " vol. ii, p. 91 ; 
"Hist. Nat." vol. ii, p. 435. 

i 27 See the author's Herodotus, vol. ii, 
p. 6, note 4 : and compare Wilkinson, 
Ancient Eg ypti ans, vol. l, p. 7. 

128 Herod, ii, 149; Strab. xvii, 1-3; 
Plin. //. JY. v, 9, I 9 ; Diod. Sic. i, 52 ; 
Pomp. Mel. i, 9. 

123 See the "Memoire sur le lac Mceris. " 
in the Descript. de VEgypte, "Anti- 
quites," vol. i, pp. 79-114. 

1 30 Linant's account is given in a Me- 
moire which was published at Alexan- 
andria in 1843 by the " Societe Egypti- 
enne." It is entitled "Memoire sur le 
lac Maris, presents et lu d la Hociete 
Egyptienne le 5 juillet 1842, par Linant 
de Bellefonds, etc' 

i3i Bunsen, Egypt's Place in Universal 
History, vol. ii, p. 335 (translated by 

132 Bunsen says the lake is "about 33 
miles long, and has an average width of 
about four miles''' (ibid. p. 337). Bean 
Blakesley {Herodotus, vol. i, p. 304) ex- 
tends the lenuth to 3") or 36 miles. Other 
estimates will be found in Jomard's 
Memoire, pp. 83-4. 1 33 Bunsen, p. 325. 

134 An account of the system employed 
will be given in the chapter on the Agri- 
culture of the Egyptians. 

135 Herod, ii, 149. The Birket-el-Ke- 
roun is said still to produce excellent 
fish. {Description, " Etat Moderne," 
vol. 11,- p. 213.) 

1 36 Strab. xvii. 1: afuj'to-ywTaTO? t~ov cltt- 
O.VTWV 6 'Apcrii'OtTT]? vo/uo? kcltto. re ty]v 
h>\iiv /cai tt)? KaracTKevrji/. 

137 Mr. Kenrick says: "The Red Sea 
is nowhere more than 150 miles from 1 ae 
valley of the Nile' -1 {Ancient Egypt, vol. 
i, p. 61) ; but this is untrue. Sir G. Wil- 
kinson estimates the distance in lat. 24° 
at 175 miles. (Seethe author's Herodo- 
tus, vol. ii, p. 11, note 9 .) The French 
map in the Description shows the same. 

las See BelzonPs Travels, pp. 305-7. 
Compare the Description. "Hist. Nat." 
vol. ii, pp. 449-57 and pp. 611-21 : and see 
also Russell, Ancient and Modern Egypt, 
pp. 419-20 : and Kenrick. Ancient Egypt, 
vol. i, pp 61-66. 

139 Description, "Hist. Nat." vol. ii. p. 
437 : "La chaine orientate presente, dans 
sa partie septentrionale, des escarpe- 
ments semblablee a de longuee murailles 
fornixes d "assises horizontales. Le nom 
de Oebel el-Mo&attam.(monta,gne taillQ^) 
qu"elle porte dans le pays, lui a ete don- 
x\q sane doute a cause de ces formes es- 

1 40 Kenrick, p. 62. 

i4i Russegger, Geognostiche A'arte, 
quoted by Kenrick, vol. i, p. 62, note 2 . 

142 Description, "Hist. Nat. 1 ' vol. ii, p. 

143 This is well marked in BelzonFs 
map. The Description also gives it very 
clearly in the general "Carte de 
PEgypt," at the end of the "Antiqui- 
tes/ 1 vol. ii. 

144 Description, "Hist. Nat." l.s.c. ; 
Wilkinson, Topography of Thebes, p. 
412 ; Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i, p. 

145 This was traversed by Belzoni 
(Travels, pp. 304-330). It is noticed by 
Mr. Kenrick (l.s.c.) and represented in 
the " Carte de TEgypte " of the Descrip- 

146 Belzoni, Travels, pp. 305, 307, 308, 
etc. The trees mentioned are the sont 
and sveamore. 

147 Ibid. p. 395 and PI. 36. 

1 48 Ru&Bell,Ancierit and Modern Egypt, 
p. 413. i 4 » Ibid. 

i 50 Belzoni, Travels, pp. 309, 314, 320, 

i5i Ibid. pp. 313-15. Compare Wilkin- 
son. Topography of Thebes, p. 420 ; and 
Russell, Ancient and Modern Egypt, pp. 
418-19. ' 

152 The chief authorities for this de- 
scription are the French savants General 
Andreossy and M. Gratian le Pere, whose 
Memoirs on the valley will be found in 
the Description, "Etat Moderne,' 1 vol. i, 
pp. 279-208, and vol. ii, pp. 475-480. 

i 53 Description, "Etat Moderne," vol. 
i, p. 2,i 1. 

i 54 Gen. Andreossy argues from this, 
with considerable force, that the water 
must be really derived from the Nile, 
and filter through the thirty miles of in- 
tervening soil, since the copious flow of 
the springs is exactly coincident with 
the time of the inundation. 

155 (Jen. Andreossy says "the carbon- 
ate " (p. 282) ; but Wilkinson (in my He- 
rodotus, vol. ii, p. 14o, note 4 ) "the 
subcarbonate. 11 I am not chemist enough 
to know which is right. 

156 The salt from one of the lakes is 
said to be of a red color, and to have an 
odor like that of a rose (Andreossy, 

157 A few palms grow in places, and 
there are numerous tamarisk bushes. 
Otherwise, the vegetation consists mere- 
ly of the " flags, sedge, and rushes, 
which thickly fringe the margins oi the 
lak^s " (ibid. p. 285). 

158 Andreossy, p. 208; Russell, p. 61, 
and map. 

1 59 Russell, l.s.c. 

100 Tbe supposed connection has de- 
pended very much on the name Bahr- 
bela-ma, or "river without water," 
which, however, is really applied by the 
Arab to any waterless ravine. There is 
a Bahr-bela-ma in the Fayoum, which 
has no issue from it (75;inpen , s Egypt, 
Vol. ii, pp. 340-2) : another between The 



[CH. a 

Fayoum and the oasis of Ammon (Belzo- 
ni. Travels, p. 401) ; and a third near the 
Matron Valley {Description, "Etat Mo 
derne, 1 ' vol. i, p. 288). 

161 See the remarks of Mr. Kenrick, 
Ancient Egypt, vol. i, p. 70. 

162 Compare Herod, ix, 12G. The war- 
like qualities of the modern Abyssinians 
are undeniable. 

163 Herod, iii, 25. Compare Burckhardt, 
Travels in Nubia, p. 171 ; Baker. Albert 
Nyanza, vol. i, p. 4 ; Nile Tributaries, p. 
4: etc. 

164 Herod, iv, 197. 

165 Ibid, iv, 181. The oases are more 
numerous than Herodotus imagined ; 
but still they bear only a small propor- 
tion to the arid territory. (See Earth's 
Maps in the fifth volume of his Travels, 
opp. p. 1 and opp. p. 457). 

166 xhe Maxyes seem to have been the 
most powerful of the tribes (Lenor- 
mant, Manuel, vol. i, p. 427). They are 
mentioned by Herodotus (iv, 191), and 
others (Hecat. Fr. 304 ; Justin, xviii, 6 ; 
Steph. Byz. ad roc), and take a leading- 
part in the great Libyan attack on Egypt, 
which will De described in a later chap- 

167 In the infancy of nations sea-bar- 
riers were of great importance, and 
could with difficulty be surmounted, ow- 
ing to the dangers of navigation. The 
Red Sea, with its rock-bound coast, its 
want of harbors, and its liability t sud- 
den storms, was peculiarly dreaded. 

168 The Pharaohs frequently, perhaps 
generally, conveyed their armies into 
Syria by sea ; but their enemies, the 
Hyksos, the Assyrians, Babylonians, and 
Persians, traversed the desert when they 
made their invasions. The early Arab 
conquerors and the Crusaders marched 
through the desert frequently, as in more 
recent times did Napoleon and Ibrahim 

169 The nation, called Hyks ( os by Ma- 
netho, probably a Semitic race. 

170 This spur is known as Amanus in 
the north, then as Casius and Bargylus ; 
towards the south as Libanus or Leban- 
on (•' the White Mountain "). 

171 This range bears various names. 
Towards the south it is known as 

^ Anti-libanus, or the range over against 

172 See Ancient Monarchies, vol. iv, p. 
291 (1st ed.). 

173 This is the native name of the more 
southern part of the Ccelesyrian valley 
(see Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 620 ; and 
compare Smith's Diet of the Bible, vol. 
iii. p. 1405). 

* 74 See Hor. Od. ii, 7, 8 : Sal. i. 2, 1 ; 
Propert. Eleg. ii, 23, 21 ; iii, 4, 30; Juven. 
Sat. iii, 62-66, etc. 


1 See above, pp. 34-5. 

2 Russell, Ancient and Modern Egypt, 
pp. 53-4. 

3 Supra, p. 20. 

4 Herod, ii, 20. Compare Diod. Sic. i, 39, 
and Aristot. Meteor, ii, 6. 

5 Wilkinson in the author's Herodotus 
vol. ii, p. 2i3, note * (2d editon); Andre- 
dossy in the Description e VEgypte- 
"Etat Moderne,"* vol. i, p. 267. 

6 See Anderson's Geography, p. 152. 
The Egyptians themselves spoke of three 
seasons. — spring summer, and winter 
(Diod. Sic. i. 11). 

7 The lowest temperature registered at 
Cairo during the French occupation was 
2° of Reaumuz, or 3S%° of Fahrenheit 
which was reached on one night during 
January, 1799: 37^° was registered on 
one other night. The average tempera- 
ture at night was about 46°. (See the 
Description de VEgypte, " Hist. Nat." vol. 
ii, p. 332). 

6 De situ Orbis, i, 9. 

9 Herod, iii, 10. (-riVe v<j9r\crav ai (dr)Ba; 
\ijaKddi). Mons. Courtelle in the Descrip- 
tion (-'Hist. Nat. 11 vol. ii, p. 321) echoes 

10 Wilkinson in the author's Herodotus, 
vol. ii, p. 14. 

ii Ibid. p. 15. 

12 Russell. Ancient and Modern Egypt, 
pp. 419-20; Belzoni, Eesearches, pp. 305, 
307, 311, etc. 

13 Russell, p. 55. 

1 4 See Herod, iii, 26. 

i5 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 427. 3d edition. 

16 Burckhardt "s Travels in Ni/bia, p. 
190: Baker. Nile Tributaries, p. 17. 

17 Wilkinson's Topography of Thebes, 
p. 387. 

18 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
ii. p. 179. 

19 Ibid. p. 180. 
2 ° Ibid. 

2 i Ibid. p. 181. 

22 See the Description de VEgypte, 
"Hist. Nat." vol. i, p. 53; Wilkinson, 
Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii, p. 179. See 
also the plate in the Description, "Hist. 
Nat."' Planches, vol. iii, pi. 1. Compare 
Theophrast. H P. ii, 7; p. 68. 

23 Wilkinson, l.s.c. 

24 Description, "Hist. Nat." vol. ii, p. 

25 Ibid. Planches, vol. iii, pi. 2. 

26 Sir G. Wilkinson found a single 
bunch, which he gathered from a wild 
palm, to have on it between 6,000 and 
7,000 dates. The tree was one of a cluster, 
each of which bore from 5 to 22 bunches. 
It may be concluded that each tree pro- 
duced from 30,000 to 100,000 dates (see 
Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii, 
p. 177, note). 

27 A single feddan (about 1% acre (is 
sometimes planted with as many as 400 
trees. (Ibid. p. 178, note). 

as Strab. xvii, 1, \ 51. 


Plate LXIIL 

Fig. 161.— A Syrian Fort.— See Page 219. 

Fig. 162.— Egyptian War galley.— See Page 320. 

Plato LXVI. 


Vol. 2. 

CH. II.] 



29 Description de VEgypte, "Hist. Nat. 11 
vol. ii, p. 318; Wilkinson, l.s.c. 

30 Wilkinson says: "No portion of 
this tree is without its peculiar use. The 
trunk serves for beams, either entire or 
split in half; of the gereet, or branches, 
are • made wicker baskets, bedsteads, 
coops, and ceilings of rooms, answering 
every purpose for which laths or any thin 
wood-work are required; the leaves are 
converted into mats, brooms, and bas- 
kets; of the fibrous tegument at the base 
of the branches, strong ropes are made; 
and even the bases of the gereet are 
beaten flat and formed into brooms. 
Nor a_e the stalks of the branches with- 
out their use: their fibres, separated by 
the mallet, serve for making ropes, and 
for the leef, which is so serviceable in the 
bath. Besides the brandy, the lowbgeh, 
and the date-wine, a vinegar is also ex- 
tracted from the fruit; and'the large pro- 
portion of saccharine matter contained 
in the dates might, if required, be ap- 
plied to useful purposes. 11 (Ancient 
Egyptians, vol. ii, p. 178.) 

31 Russell, Ancient and Modern Egypt, 
p. 475. 

32 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
ii, p. 205. 

33 Wilkinson's Topography of Thebes, 
p. 208, note. 

34 Ibid. Compare Russell, l.s.c. 

35 Description de VEgypte, "Hist. 
Nat. 11 vol. ii, p. 191. 

36 Description de VEgypte, "Hist. 
Nat. 11 vol. ii, p. 193. 

37 Plin. H. N xiii, 5; "Ex myxis in 
iEgypto et vina fmnt. 11 

38 The pods of the sont are also valued, 
as they answer well for tanning (Wilkin- 
son, Topography of Thebes, p. 210). 
This is a use to which they were applied 
anciently (Plin. H. N. l.s.c. and xxiv, 

39 Herod, ii, 96; Plin. H N. xiii, 9. 

40 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 154, note * (3d edition). 

41 Description, "Hist. Nat. 11 vol. ii, p. 

42 See the Speaker's Commentary, vol. 
i. p. 359. 

43 Tristram (quoted in the Speaker's 
Commentary, l.s.c). 

44 Dfiscription, l.s.c. 

45 Wilkinson says it has not now found 
in the valley below Ethiopia (Topo- 
graphy of Thebfis, p. 209): but it was seen 
growing near Cairo at the time of the 
French Expedition (Description, "H. 
N. 11 vol. ii, p. 323). The ancients regarded 
it as undoubtedly Egyptian (Theophrast. 
//. I. iii, 3: iv, 2: Plin. H. N. xiii, 9). 

40 Belzoni. Researches, pp. 320-1; Wil- 
kinson, Topog. of Thebes, p. 209. 

47 Description' de VEgypte, "H. N. 11 
vol. ii, p. 222. 

48 Wilkinson, l.s.c. 

49 Abd-allatif says (Relation de VE- 
gypte, traduite par M. de Sacy, p. 17): 
"Son fruit ressemble a la datte. 11 

60 Wilkinson, ut supra. 

l.s.c; Plin. l.s.c. 
the author's Herod- 

51 Description, p. 223. 

52 Wilkinson in tiie author's Ilerod- 
otvs, vol. ii, p. 153. 

53 Wilkinson, Topography of Thebes,, 
p. 210. 

5 4 Plin. H. N. xv. 7. 
65 Strab. xvii, 2. § 5. 

56 Description de VEgypte, "Hist, 
Nat. 11 vol. ii, p. 2. 

57 Wilkinson, Topography of Thebes, 
p. 205. 

58 Burckhardt, Travels in Nubia, p. 

59 Wilkinson, Topography, p. 208. 

60 See Plin. H. N. xiii, 5; and Mar- 
tial, Epig. xiii, 28. 

61 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 150; Cowan in the En- 
cyclopaedia Britannica, vol. xvii, pp. 

62 Plin. //. N. xiii, 12. 

63 Herod, ii, 92. 

H4 Wilkinson, in the author's Herod- 
otus, l.s.c. 

65 Plin. H. N. vi, 22: vii, 16; xiii, 11; 
Theophrast. H. P. iv, 9: Plut. de Isid. et 
Osir. 'i 18; Lucan, Pharsalia, iv, 136; 
Isaiah, xviii, 2. 

" ,; Herod, ii, 96. 

H7 Theophrastus, 

6M Wilkinson in 
Otvs, vol. ii, p. 148. 

63 Ibid. 

70 Herod, ii, 92. Theophrastus repre- 
sents the cakes as formed of the seeds 
only (Hist. Plant, iv, 10). 

71 Herod, l.s.c. 

72 Wilkinson, Topography of Thebes, 
p. 205, note. 

73 Description de VEgypte, "H. N. 1 ' 
vol. ii, p. 307. 74 Ibid. p. 306. 

75 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
ii, p. 183. 
7 « Description, "H. N. 11 vol. ii, p. 309. 

77 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 149. 

78 The Nelumbo is the xua^o? WyvirTior 
of Theophrastus (//. P. iv, 10): Diodorus 
Siculus (i, 9 30); Strabo (xvii, 2, g 4); and 
DioBCorides (ii, 128); and the faba JEgpy- 
tia of PLr.y (H. N. xvii, 12), which he also 
calls by its Creek name of cyamos. Its 
fruit is thought by some to be the 
" bean " which Pythagoras forbade his 
followers to cat. 

79 The Nelvmbo is represented as an 
Egyptian type on the large statue of the 
Nile-Cod in the Vatican. It appears in 
the mosaic of Palestrina with a similar 
i hi port (Histoire de lAcademie des In- 
scriptions for 1790), and is employed to 
express the same idea on various Roman 
coins. (See Spanheim, De praestantia et 
turn nvmisrnatvm, vol. i, p. 302. Lond. 
1708; Zoega, Nurnism. ^Egypt. p. 193, PI. 
12, No. 253; Morrell, Thesaur. Num. vol. 
ii, p. 391, PI. 14, No. 5,. 

80 Description, l.s.c. 

81 Wilkinson, Topography of Thebes, 
p. 206, note. 

83 Description, l.s.c. Wilkinson sa\s 
"about twenty-five.' 11 



[CH. II. 

83 Herod, ii, 92; Theophrast. Hist. 
Plant, iv. 10. 

84 The subject of Egyptian vegetables 
has been carefully elaborated by Sir 
Gardner Wilkinson {Topography of 
Thebes, pp. 211-266; Ancient Egyptians. 
vol. iv, pp. 54-77); to whose works the 
reader is referred for further informa- 

85 Eleven varieties of the melon and 
eiht of the cucumber are mentioned. 
(Wilkinson, Topography, p. 262.) 

86 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otvs, vol. ii, p. 206, note 6 . 

8T See PI in. H. N. xix, 8; xx, 17, 20. 

88 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p. 69. 

89 On the cultivation of these three 
kinds of grain see Exod. ix, 31, 32; and 
compare Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. iv, pp. 61, 97, etc. 

90 These are: 1. the Toivdlee, or long- 
eared wheat; 2. the Dthukr Yousefee, 
which is large-eared, and has a black 
beard: 3. The Naygeh, small-eared, with 
black beard and husk; 4. the Zerra el Neb- 
bi, which is red, and without any beard; 5. 
tae Moghuz, which has a short, broad 
ear; and 6, the or white wheat, 
the kind most commonly cultivated. 
(See Wilkinson's "Topography of Thebes, 
p. 261. note.) 

9i Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p. 8i. 
92 Ibid. p. 53. 
83 Wilkinson, Topography, l.s.c. 

94 Ibid. Compare the Speaker's Com- 
mentary, vol. i, p. 285; note on Ex. ix. 

95 Wilkinson. Topography, pp. 263-4. 
99 Herod, ii, 37. 

97 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, pp. 61, 62, 97; Topography, p. 217. 

98 Plin. H. N. xviii, 12. 

99 Wilkinson, Topography, p. 218 
^°" Plin. l.s.c. 

i°i The Coptic name is 0&.pJJLOC 

"tharmos ,: (Wilkinson, Ancient Egyp- 
tians, vol. iv, p. 53). 

102 As the Trifoliitm Alexandrinum, 
which gives ordinarily three crops, and 
sometimes four. (Wilkinson, l.s.c.) 

103 Wilkinson, Topography, p. 218. 
i« 4 Supra, p. 56-7. 

105 Pliny calls it "cibis fcedum, lucer- 
nis utile 1 ' (//. N. xv, 7). 

ice Herod, ii, 94; Plin. H. N. 1 s.c 

i |J7 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p. 55; Topography of Thebes, p. 220. 

i° 8 Plin. H. N. xv, 7; xix, 5. 

i° 9 Ibid, xv, 7, etc. 

110 Wilkinson, Topography, p. 219. 

m Herod, ii, 94: Strab. xvii, 2, § 5. 

in Plin. H. N. xiii, 1. 

1 13 The " metopion " contained various 
other ingredients, but tlie Egyptian oil of 
bitter almonds predon. mated. (See Plin. 
H. N. xiii, 1— " metopion— oleum hoc est 
amygdalis amans expressum in iEgypto, 
cui addidere omphacium," etc.: and com 
pare xv, ?• "Amygdaimum, quod aliuui 

metopium vocant." Compare Dioscond 
i, 39.) 

11 4 Plin. H. N. xiii, 1: xv, 7. 

i ]5 Plin. H. N. xii, 24. 

116 Ibid, xiii, 1. Compare xv, 7 and 
xxiii, 4. 

11 7 Ibid, xxi, 11, 22. The "sampsu- 
chus" was a plant which grew in Cyprus 
and Mitylene (ibid, xiii, 1.) 

118 Ibid, xa, 7; xxii, 24. 

119 Ibid, xv, 7. 

i' 20 Ibid, xiii, 3: "Terrarum omnium 
^Egyptus adcommodatifc.sima unguen- 

i2i Especially the "telinon" (Athen. 
Deipn. v, p. 195: Plin. xiii, 1), and the 
"Mendesium" (Plin. 1 s.c.) 

122 Herod, ii, 81, with Wilkinson's 
note. (RawYmson's Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 
132. note 8 .) 

1 23 Herod, ii, 63. 

12 4 Ibid. 86. Wilkinson confirms the 
statement of Herodotus. 

125 Wilkinson in the author's Herod^ 
tus, vol. iv, p. 27, note 8 . 

i2« Ibid. vol. ii, pp. 271-2. 

127 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol 
iii, pp. 13S-9; vol. iv, p. 98, etc. 

12 8 Ibid. vol. iv, p. 70. 

12 9 Wilkinson, Topography of Thebes, 
p. 262. 

1 30 Plin. H N. xix, 1. 
i3i Ibid. 

132 Wilkinson, in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, pp. 63 and 142. Pliny says: 
"Vestes inde 1 ' (i. e. e gossipio) "sacerdo- 
tibus jEgypti grafissimce'' (l.s.c.) 

133 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 143. 

134 Ibid. p. 132; Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p. 62. 

1 35 Belzoni, Besearches, p. 175. 

1 36 See Odyss, iv, 228-30: 

'E<T0Aa, Ta 01, nopev, ©aivo?>;, 
A\yvTTTtri, rrj 7rAeicrTa. oje'pei £ei'Swpos apovpa 
<ba.pp.aKa, TroWa pev io~6Aa p.epiyp.eva, ttoA- 

Aa. Se Auypoi. 



14 I 

iv, p 


iv, p. 


iv, p. 

1 jl 

"An indigenous plant" (Wilkinson, 

nt Egyptians, vol. iv, p. 62). 


Plin. H. N. xix, 8; xx, 16. 

Ibid, xxiii, 5. 

Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 


Plin. H. N. xxiv. 15. 

Ibid. 16. 

Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 


Plin. H. K. xx, 17. 

Ibid, xx, 8. 

Ibid, xx, 20. 

Ibid, xxi, 32. 


Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, ~ol 


Plin. H. N. xxvii, 7, ad fin. 

Dioscond. Mat M<d. 1. 18. 

Ibid. 1. 118. 

Ibid. 1, 124. 

CH. H.] 



155 Tbid. i, 28. 

156 pun. H. N. xxvii, 12. 

157 ibid, xxiv, 18. 

is* Dioscorid. Mat. Med. i, 116. 

i5& Ibid, i 115. 

160 Ibid, i, 133. 

i«i Ibid i. 143, 144. 

162 Ibid, i, 154. 

i« 3 Ibid, i, 155. 

16* Ibid, i, 158. 165 Ibid, i, 187. 

i 06 See Herod, ii, 71; and compare 
Diod. Sic. i, 35; and Wilkinson, Ancient 
Eg ptians, vol. iii, p. 75. 

167 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians., vol. 
v. p. 178 

I" 6 Burckhardt, Travels in Nvbia, p. 
32; Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
in. p. 74. 

16B Wilkinson, l.s.c. 

170 Seneca, Nat Quasi, iv, 2. 

i7i ! it-rod. ii, G9, 148. ./Elian, x, 24. 

172 Wilkinson. Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
ii,, p. 78. Topography, p. 409. Compare 
tbu remarks of M. Geoftroy St. Hilaire in 
tip Description, "li. N.' vol. ii, p. 144. 

173 ,\ ilKlIlSOll, 1 s c. 

"4 Herod, ii, 68: Diod. Sic. i, 35. Wil- 
kinson, Ancient Egy plains, vol. iii, p, 8U. 

i' 5 Wilkinson, ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iii. )). 29. 

176 Ibid. Athenaeus says that a lion was 
hunted and killed by the Emperor Ha- 
drian near Alexandria iDtlpn. xv. 6); and 
Amenemhat I. of the 12th dynasty, speaks 
of hunting the lion and the crocodile 
{Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 14). 

177 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iii. p. 16. 

"8 ibid, iii, 24: v, 145, 149, etc. 

179 Wilkinson, Topography of Thebes, 
p. 243, note. 

i fe0 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
v, p. 159. 

i el Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
v, p. 159. 

182 ibid. vol. iii, p. 2. 

183 Herod, ii, 67: Aristot. Hist. An. viii, 
28: Plin. H.N. viii, 22. Compare Wilkin- 
son, Ancient Egyptians, vol. in, p. 27. 

184 Plin. H. N. l.s.c. 

lp5 Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 27; vol. v. pp. 
145— fj. 

i« fi Description de VEgypte, " H. N." 
vol. n, p. 138. 

i 87 Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 30; vol. v, p. 
i 88 Description, p. 141. 
-' Wilkinson, vol. v, p. 152, M. St. 
'ii lire makes the length twenty French 
ties (Description, p. 139;, which is less 
in two feet. 

190 Description, p. 143; Wilkinson, vol. 
.. p. 150. 

191 Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 30: vol v, p. 
155. Compare Strab. xvii, 1. § 39: Plin. 
H. N. viii, 24: yElian, Nat. An. vi, 38. 

'92 Description, p. 141; Wilkinson, vol. 
.ii, p. 31; vol. v, p. 153. Hence the name 
oi " Pharaoh's Cat," by which the ichneu- 
mon is known to the modern Arabs. 

i9<* Wilkinson. A ncient Egyptians vol. 
v, p. 152 

1 94 According to Diodorus (\, 35) th? 
ichneumon broke the eggs of tne croco- 
dile, not to eat them, but to benefit man- 
kind. It also destroyed the full-grown 
crocodile by a wonderful contrivance. 
Covering itself with a coat of mud, it 
watched till the crocodile was asleep, 
with its mouth gaping; when suddenly it 
sprang into the creature's jaws, glided 
down its throat, and gnawed through its 
stomach, so making its escape (i, 87). 
Strabo told a similar tale (xvii, 1, § 39), 
while and ^Elian stated that, before 
attacking the asp, it covered itself with a 
coat of mud. Tne modern Arabs have a 
story that, if bitten by the asp, the ich- 
neumon runs to a certain plant, eats 
some, and puts some on tne wound, 
thereby rendering the poison harmless! 
(See Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 30.) 

195 Thucyd. i, 21 : ' 12? Ao-yo-ypaoxn £vve- 
Oeaav em to TrpuaaycoybTepov Tjy aicpoacrei, 
rj 6.Ky]0e<jrepoi>. 

196 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iii, p. 28. 

197 ibul. vol. v, p. 175. 

lw> * Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
m, pp. 9, 14, 19, etc. 
1! ' !i Herod, ii, 67. 

200 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 114, note 4 . 

201 W r ilkinson. Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iii, p. 21; vol. v, p. 183. 

2 ° 2 Ibid. 

293 Herod, ii, 47; Horapollo, ii, 37: 
^Elian, N. A. x, 16. 

2f 4 W T i!kinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iii, pp. 17-22. 

205 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iii, pp. 24-6. 

2f >6 ibid. p. 25. 

207 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iii, p. 24. 

208 Ibid. p. 25. The defassa is thought 
to be the real animal intended, where the 
artist seems to be representing wild 
cattle. (See Wilkinson, vol. iii, pp. 18, 
19. » 

209 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iii, p. 31. 

2io Ibid. vol. iii, p. 21; vol. v. p. 174. 

211 it is probable that Herodotus may 
intend the monitor of the Nile by his 
evv8pL<> since the otter, which is what 
zwSpis ordinarily means, was certainly 
not a native of Egypt. (See Wilkinson, 
vol. v, p. 137.) 

212 Three feet three inches, according 
to M. Geoff roy St. Hilaire {Dtscription, 
"H. N." vol. i, p. 122). 

2 i3 Herodotus (iv, 192) speaks of the 
land monitor as three cubits (4 feet 6 
inches) long. But this is an excessive 
estimate. The largest seen by Sir G. 
Wilkinson measured about four feet. 
(See his note in the author's Herodotus, 
vol. iii, p. 167, note 8 .) 

214 Wilkinson, l.s.c. Compare De- 
scription, "H. N. 11 vol. i, p. 125. 

2'5 See Herod, iv, 192. 

218 Wilkinson, in the author's Heiod> 
otus, vol. ii, p. 178, note. 



[CH. II. 

217 The identity of the Egyptian sus, 
"mare," with the Hebrew 2*»2 is gener- 
ally admitted. ' 

218 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iii, p. 35; iv, p. 20. 

219 See 1 Bangs, x, 28, 30. 

220 Cen. xii, 16, Wilkinson, Ancient 
Egyptians, vol. ii, p. 34. 

221 Wilkinson, vol. v, p. 118. 

222 See the Speakers Commentary, vol. 
i, p. 445. 

223 Wilkinson, vol. v, p. 199. 
22 * Herod, ii, 41. 

225 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
mtus, vol. ii, pp. 18, 19, 22, etc. 

226 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iii, p. 33; vol. v, pp. 190-193. 

227 Diod. Sic. i, 87. The milk of the 
sheep was also used for food, and. cheese 
was made of it (ibid). 

228 Diod. Sic. l.s.c. Compare Horn. 
Od. iv, 8(3. 

229 Herod, ii, 47. 

230 ibid, ii, 14. 231 ibid, ii, 164. 

232 Diodorus tells us that the cats were 
valued on account of their destroying 
asps and other reptiles (i, 87). It is said 
that at the present day they do attack 
and kill asps and also scorpions (Wilkin- 
son, Ancient Egyptians, vol. v, p. 155). 
Cicero says that no one ever heard tell of 
an Egyptian killing a cat (De Nat. Deor. 
i, 29). 

233 Herod, ii, 66. Compare Milan, Nat. 
An. vii, 27. 

234 Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 42; vol. v, p. 

235 Herod, ii, l.s.c; Diod. Sic. i, 83. 

236 Numerous embalmed cats have been 
found at Thebes and other places, both 
in Upper and Lower Egypt (Wilkin- 
son, vol. v, p. 167). They are carefully 

•wrapped in linen bandages, with the face 
and ears painted outside, and are de- 
posited in wooden coffins or mummy 

237 Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 38. 
23 « Ibid. p. 13. 

239 See the plate at the end of Wilkin- 
son's Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. 
24 ° ibid. vol. iii, p. 32. 

241 Ibid. p. 33. 

242 Ibid. p. 32; No. 7. 

243 These are given by M. Geoffroy St. 
Hilaire as the Aguila heliaca, or "eagle 
of Thebes, 11 which is large and of a 
blackish color; the fulva, or common 
brown eagle; the melanceetos, a small 
black variety; and the halueetos, or "sea 
eagle. 11 {Description, "H. N. 11 vol. i. pp. 

244 These are: 1. Falco tinnunculus, the 
"cenchris 11 of Pliny (//. N. x. 52; xxix, 
6); and cresserelle cf Buff on; 2. F. smi- 
HllU8 (the efflerillon of Button), and 3. F. 
communis, probably the "sacred hawk'* 
of Herodolus (ii, 65). 

2 " See Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. ni, pp. 51-2; vol. v, pp. 120-122. 

24 « Description, " H N. 11 vol. i, p. 89. 

2,7 Belon, Nature dts Oyseaux, vol. ii, 
p, 27- 

248 Description, "H. N." vol. i, p. 80. 

249 Travels, vol. v, p. 155, and plate 

250 Description, pp. 76-7; Wilkinson, 
vol. iii, p. 51. 

2 5 i Wilkinson, vol. v, p. 204. The 
Arabic rokhama is no doubt identical 
with the Hebrew Em wrongly translated 
in the Authorizeu Version by "gier- 
eagle " (Lev. xi, 18). 

252 Hasselquist, Voyage dans le Levant 
p. 195. 

2 ^ 2 Herod, ii, 76. 

254 Wilkinson in the author's Herod' 
otvs, vol. ii, p. 125, note 6 . 

255 Russell, Ancient and Modern Egypt, 
p. 466. Compare Wilkinson in the 
author's Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 125. note 6 ; 
and Ancient Egyptians, vol. v, p. 220. 

256 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 171; Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. v, pp. 22f5-7. 

2 " Herod, ii, 72. 

258 See Wilkinson's note on Herodotus, 
ii, 72. 

259 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
ii, p. 368; vol. iii, p. 47. 

26 <) Russell, Ancient and Modern Egypt, 
p. 469. 

261 Russell, Ancient and Modern Egypt, 
pp. 469, 470. 

262 Charadrivs oedicnemiis, known to 
the Arabs as the Kervan, or Ear aw an. 
(Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. v, 
p. 255.) 

263 Russell, Ancient and Modern Egypt, 
p. 468. 

264 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
v, p. 225. 

263 Ibid. vol. iii, p. 41; vol. v, p. 262, 

266 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
v. p. 226. 

267 ibid. vol. iii, p. 80. Compare Wil- 
kinson's note in the author's Herodotus, 
vol. ii, p. 97. 

2P 8 Herod, ii, 68; .Elian, Nat. An. viii, 
25. The idea once started, that the bird 
was the crocodile's friend, led on to 
statements for which there was no foun- 
dation at all in fact, as that the bird 
hopped into the crocodile's mouth when 
he was asleep, and ate the leeches that 
were annoying him! (See Herod, l.s.c.) 

26s Herodotus reckons the annual sup- 
ply taken in one of the Nile canals — that 
joining the river to the Lake Aloeris — as 
equal in value to about 60,000^. of our 
money (ii, 149). Diodorus (i, 52) and 
Strabo (xvii, 2 § 4) also notice the excel 
lence of the Nile fisheries. 

270 Strabo (l.s.c.) enumerates no fewer 
than fourteen sorts which had peculiar 
characteristics. See Ancient Monarchies, 
vol. iv, pp. 86-7, note *, 1st edition. 

27 i Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iii, p. 58; vol. v, p. 249; Description dt 
VEgypte, "H. N." vol. i, p. 370. 

272 Wilkinson, vol. v, p. 251. 

273 Herod, ii, 72; Plut. De Is. et Osir 

274 Wilkinson, vol. v, p. 252, 



276 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 101, 2d edition. 

276 So De Pauw, Travels, vol. i, p. 136. 

277 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iii, p. 60. 

278 Russell, p. 471. 

279 Hasselquist, Voyage dans le Le- 
vant, p. 223. 

280 Russell, p. 470. 
ssi Ibid. p. 471. 

282 Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 58. 

283 ibid. pp. 58-9; vol. v, p. 251. 

284 Russell, p. 471. 

285 Wilkinson, vol. iii, pp. 58-9. 

286 See above, p. 34, and 37. 

287 Description de VEgypte, "H. N." 
vol. i, pp. 115-120. (Compare "Plan- 
ches," vol. i, pi. i.) 

288 ibid. p. 126. 

289 Encyclopedia Britannica, vol. xix, 
p. 31. 

290 Description, "Hist. Nat. 11 vol. i, 
pp. 125-6. 

2oi See Mr. Houghton's account of 
this animal in Dr. Smith's Dictionary of 
the Bible, vol. ii, pp. 126-7; and compare 
the Description, "11. N. 11 vol. i, pp. 132-3, 
and "Planches, 11 vol. i, pi. v, fig. o. 

292 Hasselquist, Voyage dans le Le- 
vant, p. 220. 

293 Description, "H. N. 11 vol. i, p. 134; 
Eorskal, Descript. Animal. 13; Wilkin- 
son, Ancient Egyptians, vol. v. p. 124. 

2»4 So Mr. Houghton (Did. of the 
Bible, vol. ii. pp. 126-7). 

2a5 Description, p. 130. 

296 Mr. Houghion in the Diet, of the 
Bible, vol. ii. p. 127. 

2 ! '7 Description, pp. 155-6. 

298 Herod, ii, 74. 

299 Description, l.s.c. 

300 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 104, note " i , 2d edition. 

301 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
v, p. 246. 

302 Houghton in Diet, of the Bible, 
vol. ii, p. 127. 

303 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
v, p. 241. The French savants made the 
length a little short of rive feet (Descrip- 
tion, 'H. N. 11 vol. i, p. 157); but Sir G. 
Wilkinson had one in his possession 
which measured exactly six feet. 

304 Wilkinson, p. 242. 

305 Bruce, Travels, vol. vii, pp. 302-3; 
Lane Modem Egyptians, vol. ii, p. 106. 

30 * See the observations of M. Geof- 
froy St. Hilaire in the Description, Hist. 
Nat ,1 vol. i, p. 134. 

so' Democrit. ap. PI in. H. N. xxviii, 8; 
Aristot. Eth. JYic. i, 10, $8; Hist. Anim. 
ii, 11, §1, ^Elian, Nat.' Anim. iv, 33; 
Ovid, Met. xv, 411; Solin. Polyhist. § 43; 
Leo African Descr. Afric. ix, p. 298, etc. 

308 See the Description, "H. N. 1 ' vol. i, 
pp. 127, 167. 

3 9 Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. xix, 
•p. 37. The author had a chameleon in 
his own house for some months, about 
the years 1H46-7, and was convinced that 
the hanges of color were emotional. 

81« Hou-ihlon in the I)i,c.t. of the Bible, 

vol. iii, p. 1161; Wilkinton, Ancient 
Egyptians, vol. v, p. 126. 

311 See the representation in the 
author's Ancient Monarchies, vol. iii, p. 
65, 1st edition. 

312 Wilkinson, vol. v, p. 155. (Com- 
pare p. 166). 

3i3 Russell, Ancient and Modern 
Egypt, p. 464. 

314 Pour species are said to be pecul- 
iar to Egypt, viz. Truxalis nasuta, Tr. 
variabilis, Tr. procera, and Tr. miniata. 
(Houghton in the Diet, of the Bible, vol. 
ii, p. 129.) 

315 Houghton in the Diet, of the Bible, 
vol. ii, p. 132. 

3i6 See Gentleman's Magazine for 
July, 1748, pp. 331 and 414. 

317 Wilkinson, Ancient Eggytians, vol. 
v, p. 149. The ibis also (ib. p. 221), and 
no doubt other Egyptian birds, help to 
destroy the locusts. 

3 i8 Ibid. p. 155. 

3 i9 Ibid. vol. iii, p. 322. Compare 
Topography of Thebes, p. 319, and the 
author s Herodotus, vol. ii, pp. 9 and 170. 

320 Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii, pp. 
322-3; Topography, p. 442. 

32i There are porphyry quarries at 
Gebel e 1 Dokhan, nearly opposite Man- 
faloot (Topography, p. 363j; and blocks 
of porphyry strew the surface of the 
Western Desert in some places (ibid. p. 
451). There is also porphyry near Syene. 

322 Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, "In- 
troduction, 11 p. xlvi; Wilkinson, Topog- 
raphy of Thebes, pp. 4.")7-8. 

323 Topography, p. 459. 

324 Herodotus gives an indication of 
the actual practice when he tells us that 
boatmen conveyed a monolithic chamber 
from Elephantine to Sa'is in the Delta (ii, 
175). That it took three years to convey 
the block, he was no doubt told, but the 
fact may well be doubted. 

32 5 The granite of Syene is found in 
abundance at Thebes and Memphis. Its 
conveyance to Sa'is rests on the testi- 
mony of Herodotus. 

326 Their existence is testified by 
Agatharcides (De Rub. Mar. p. 23), 
Diodbrus (iii, 12), and others; and the 
fact that they were worked under the 
Pharaohs is thought to be sufficiently 
indicated by the remains which still 
exist in the Eastern Desert about Wady 
Foakhir and Wady Allaga. (Wilkinson, 
Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii, pp. 228-9.) 

3 27 Diod. Sic. i, 49. 

328 Wilkinson, vol. i, p. 234. 

329 Ibid. vol. iii, p. 246. This mine 
"lies in the Eastern Desert, between the 
Nile and the Red Sea, at a place called 

33 <i Brugsch, Hist. d'Egypte, p. 47: 
Will- -iiison in the author's Herodotus, 
vol. ii, pp. 292 and 350, note i". 

33 i Iron may also have been imported 
from the countries on the Upper Nile, 
where it is abundant. 

832 Description de VEgypte, "Etat Mo- 
devue, 11 vol i, p. 282; RusseL, Ancient, 


and Modern Egypt, p. 60; Wilkinson in 
tne auuiur's Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 121, 
note 4 . 

333 Wilkinson, Topography of Thebes, 
pp. 428 and 433. 

334 Herod, ii, 88-88: Diod. Sic. i, 91. 

335 Description, "Etat Moderne, 11 vol. 
i, p. 282. 

336 Wilkinson, Topography, p. 364. 

337 ibid. 

338 Ibid. p. 319. 

33» Russell, p. 450. 

340 Ibid. p. 01. 

341 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
i. p. 45; Topography, p. 421; .Russell, p. 

342 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
i, p. 231; Topography, p. 420. 

243 Russell, pp. 450-5; Wilkinson, 
Topography, p. 419. 


1 See Lenormant, Histoire Ancienne 
de VOrient, vol. i, p. 329: Brugsch, His- 
toire d'Egypte, premiere partie, pp. 5-6 ; 
Donne in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and 
Roman Geography, vol. i, p. 38 ; Stuart 
Poole in Smith s Dictionary of the Bible, 
vol. i, p. 501. 

2 See Brugsch, p. 6: "La langue des 
Egyptiens .... n'ofire aucune an- 
alogic avec les langues des peuples 
d'Afrique. 11 

3 Dr. Birch observes, with more refine- 
ment than most previous writers, that 
"on the earnest monuments the Egyp- 
tians appear as a red or dusky race, with 
features neither entirely Caucasian nor 
Nigritic ; more resembling at the earli- 
est age the European 11 (i. e. the Cauca- 
sian), "at the middle period of the em- 
pire the Nigritic races, or the oiispring 
of a mixed population, and at the most 
flourishing period of the empire the sal- 
low tint and refined type of the Semitic 
families of mankind. 11 (Egypt from the 
Earliest Times, Introduction, p. ix.) 

4 See Bunsen, Egypt's Place in Uni- 
versal History, vob" v, pp. 745-787 ; Phi- 
losophy of History, vol. iii, pp. 185-9. 

5 Especially, African Nations, 
vol. ii, pp. 101-109, E.T.: Manual of An- 
cirnt History, p. 57, E.T. 

6 Diod. Sic. iii, 11. 

7 Brugsch, Histoire a" 1 Egypt e, pre- 
miere partie, p. 7. 

8 Niebuhr remarks on the difficulty of 
distinguish. ng the bulk of the modern 
Egyptians from Arabs (Vortrdge iiber 
alte Geschichte, vol. i, p. 57), but notes 
that the pure Copts are clearly distinct 
and different. 

9 See Donne in Smith's Dictionary of 
Greek and Roman Geography, vol. :, p. 

io Herod, ii, 146. It bar been argued 
that the term used (/u.eAdyxP° e ?) means no 
more than "swarthy; 11 but its literal 
rendering is "black-skinned, 11 and there 

is nothing to show that Herodotus did 
not intend it literally. 

11 As Herodotus represents (ii, 104). 

12 Wilkinson in the author's HerodO' 
lus, vol. ii, p. 146, note 4 , and p. 49, 

13 See Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. iii, pp. SeS-IO. 

1 4 Gen. x, 13. 14. 

15 "Misraim 11 is a dual form, and 
means "the two Misrs, 11 or "Egypts." 1 
The names of the "sons of Mizraim " 
are all plural in form, and, it is generally 
allowed, represent tribes or races. 

10 See Lenormant, Histoire Ancienne 
tie rOrient, vol. 1, p. 330. 

17 Brugsch, Histoire d'Egypte, p. 12. 
The distinction between the north and 
south country is constant in the Egyp- 
tian inscriptions. The kings term them- 
selves "lords of the thrones of the two 
countries, 11 or "kings of the upper and 
lower countries.'* {Records of the Past, 
vol. iv, pp. 11, 14, 16, etc. ; vol", vi, pp. 19, 
23,87, etc.) They wear two crowns, one 
the crown of Upper, the other that of 
Lower Egypt. 

18 Some idea of the extent and variety 
of Egyptian literature may be obtained 
by the ordinary student from the speci- 
mens contained in the unpretending but 
most valuable series published by Messrs. 
Bagster under the title of Records of the 
Pa^t, vols, ii, iv, and vi. He may also 
with advantage cast his eye over the 
"List of Further Texts.'' arranged by 
M. Renouf, and given in vol. vi, pp. 162 
5 of tlie same work. 

19 The Greeks tnemselves always spol;e 
with respect of the Egyptian progress in 
the sciences, and Greeks of high culture 
constantly visited Egypt with a view of 
improving themselves. It has been 
questioned whether the Egyptians had 
much to teach them (Cornewall Lewis, 
Astronomy of the Ancients, pp. 277-28' ') ; 
but the Greeks themselves were proba- 
bly the best judges on such a point. 
Among those who sought improvement 
in Egypt are said to have been Hecataeus, 
Thales, Solon, Pythagoras. Herodotus, 
CEnopides, Democritus, Plato, nd Eu- 

20 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, Introduction, p. xvi. 

21 e»e especially Wilkinson, Ancient 
Egyptians, vol. vi, pis. 24 a, 33, 40, 43 a, 
55, etc. 

22 As the wooden statue in the muse- 
um of Bouiaq. described by Dr. Birch 
(Egypt fro?/) the Earliest Times, p. 43), 
and the animal forms on several bas- 
reliefs (see Wilkinson. A/uient Egyp- 
tians, vol. iii, pp. 9, 13, 22: vol. iv, p. 
139. etc.). 

23 Brugsch. Histoire d' Egypt e, p 17. 

24 See Gen. xxxix. 16: Herod, ii, 60, 
111, 121. ? 5. 126 : Diod. Sic. i. 59 : Records 
of the Past, vol. ii, p. 140; vol. vi. pp. 
153-6. etc. 

25 Records of the Past. vol. ii. k> 113. 

26 See Brugsch, Histoire d' Eg'-jpie, p. 



i">: "Rien de plus gai, de plus amusant, 
Qe plus naif que ce bon peuple egyptien, 
qui a.mait la vie, et qui se rejouissait 
profondement de son existence. . . . 
On sadonnait aux plaisirs de toute es- 
pece, on chantait, on buvait, on dansait, 
on aimait les excursions a la campagne, 
etc. Conforme a ce penchant pour le 
plaisir les gais propos, la plaisanterie un 
peu libre, les bons-mots, la raillerie et le 
gout nioqueur etaient en vogue, et les 
badinages entraient j usque dans les tom- 

27 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, Introduction, p. xvi ; Wilkinson, 
Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii, p. 41. 

28 Brugsch, p. 18. 

29 See Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. ii, p. 42 ; Roseliini, lionumenti deW 
Egitto, vol. ii, p. 249, etc. Compare 
Exod. v, 14. 

30 Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 16, 
102, etc. 

3i Birch, p. 50: "I have passed 110 
years of my life by the gift of the king." 

32 Isaiah xxxvi, 6 ; 2 Kings xviii, 21. 
Compare Ezekiel xxix, 6, 7: "And all 
the inhabitants of Egypt shall know that 
I am the Lord, because they have been a 
staff of reed to the house of Israel. When 
they took hold of thee by thy hand, thou 
didst break and rend all their shoulder; 
and when they leaned upon thee, thou 
brakest, and madest all their loins to be 
at a stand. " 

3? Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, Introduction, p. xvi. 

34 Birch, Egypt Jrom the Earliest 
Times, Introduction, p. xv. 

35 See Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
€tvs, vol. ii, pp. 271 277, where many of 
the games are represented. 

36 The "Book of Egyptian Wisdom, 1 ' 
written by Prince Phthaophis in his 100th 
year (Birch, pp. 49, 50), shows an excel- 
lent perception of moral truth, and has 
not unaptly been compared with the 
Proverbs of Solomon. 

37 Joseph. Bell. Jvd. ii, 16. The num- 
ber given in this place is 7,500,000 ; but it 
is exclusive of the Alexandrians, who 
are elsewhere reckoned at 300,000. (Diod. 
Sic. xvii, 52.) 

3 8 Diod. Sic. i, 31. 

89 Mr. Bonne. (See Dr. Smith's Dic- 
tionary of Greek and Roman Geography, 
vol. i, p. 38.) 

40 Mr. Kenrick. (See his Ancient 
Egypt, vol. i, p. 181.) 

4i Herod, ii, 165-5. Diodorus made the 
number 624,000 in the reign of Sesostris 
(i, 54) : and the Egyptian priests told Ger- 
manicus that it had amounted to <00,000 
(Tacit. Ann. ii, 60). 42 Herod, ii, 164. 

43 The slave class was large and very 
important. See Brugsch (Histoire d'E- 
yypte, p. 16), who says: "Les esclaves, 
pour la plupart sortis du nombre des 
prisonniers de guerre, formaient un 
element trds-important de- la popula- 
tfedTuX . 

* 4 As Lancashire. Surrey, Stafford- 

shire, Warwickshire, and the West Rid- 
ing of Yorkshire, 
is Herod, iv, 168-97. 

46 Brugsch, Histoire d'Egypte, p. 8. 

47 Recoids of the Past, vol. ii, p. 33; 
vol. iv, p. 42, etc. 

48 Ibid. vol. iv, p. 44. 

49 See Birch, Egypt from, the Earliest 
Times, Introduction, p. ix ; Brugsch, 
Histoire d Eqirpte, p. 8. 

5 » Birch, l.s.c. 

51 "Leur costume etait d 1 une simpli 
cite toute primitive. 11 (Brugsch, l.s.c.) 
Compare the representation in the au- 
thor's Herod, vol. ii, p. 170. 

52 Wilkinson in the author's Herodo- 
tus, vol. ii, p. 41, note 8 . 

53 See Ezek. xxix, 10 ; Herod, ii, 29. 

54 Donne in Smith's Dictionary of 
Greek and Roman Geography, vol. i, p. 

55 Wilkinson in the author's Herodo- 
tus, l.s.c. 

56 Herod, iii, 21, 30. 

57 Ibid, iii, p. 20, 114. Compare Isaiah 
xlv, 14. 

58 Both Pierret and Brugsch suggest 
the root £^, "people, 11 as that from 
which Amu is derived (Pierret in the 
Records of the Past,vo\. vi, p. 83; Brugsch, 
Histoire, p. 8). Brugsch, however, add* 
that possibly the root may be the Coptic 
ame, which is in the plural ame'ou, and 
means "a herdsman. 11 

69 Brugsch, l.s.c. 

60 Birch, Egypt, p. 129. 

si Brugsch, p. 9. 

62 According to Manetho, nyk meant 
"king," and sos, "shepherd 11 (Joseph. 
c. Apion. i, 2 14). It is generally believed 
that Shasu is the same word as sos. (See 
Birch, Egypt, p. 75; Wilkinson in the 
author's Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 351 ; Le- 
normant, Histoire Ancienne de V Orient, 
vol. i, p. 360, etc.) 

63 They are sometimes spoken of with 
great contempt, as in the tablet of Aah- 
mes (Records of the Past, vol. iv, p. 8), 
where the writer says, " I brought as trib- 
ute from the land of the Shasu very many 
prisoners — I do not reckon them.'''' 

64 The Arabians have always been 
divided into a multitude of tribes, and 
have never been united, except under 
Mohammed and his immediate succes- 
sors. The Hittites seem to have had a 
number of kings (Ancient Monarchies, 
vol. ii, p. 363, note 2 ; 1 Kings x, 29: 2 
Kings vii, 6). The Syrians formed several 
states, Aram-Beth-Rehob, Aram-Dam- 
mesek. Aram-Maachah, Aram-Zobah, etc. 

65 The early Egyptian and early Baby- 
lonian chronology are both of them un- 
certain: but individually I incline to place 
the commencement of monarchy in Egypt 
about b. c. 2450, and its commencement 
in Babylonia about b. c. 2300. At any 
rate, it can scarcely be supposed that the 
monarchy mentioned in Gen. x, 10 was 
much later than that of which we hear in 
Gen. xii, 15-20. 




1 SeeChampollion, Grammaire Egyp- 
tienne, Paris, 183'j ; Dictionnaire Egyp- 
ienne, Paris, 1841; Lepsius, Lettre d At. 
Rosellini sur le systeme Hieroglyphique, 
Rome, 1857; Birch, Egyptian Grammar 
and Dictionary in Bunsen's Egypt, vol. 
v; Brugseh, Script ura jEgyptiorum de- 
motica, Berlin, 1848: Grammaire d'/no- 
ti<j>te.Bcr,'n\, 18">J: Hieroglyphisch-demo- 
tisJies Wdrterbuch, Leipsic, 1808; De 
Rouge, Grammaire Egypt, Paris, 18J7, 

2 Stuart Poole in Smith's Diet, of the 
Bible, vol. i, p. 501. 

3 See Max Miiiler, Languages of the 
Seat of War, p. 83. 

4 There appears to have been three va- 
rieties of Coptic, the Memphit'", the 
Thebaic (or Sahidic), and the Bashmu- 
ric, but they do not greatly differ. (See 
Dictionary of Languages, p. 53 : and com- 
pare the article on " Versions' 11 in Smith's 
Dictionary of the Bible.) 

5 Lepsius Lettre a M. Bosellini, p. 17: 
Lenormant, Hisfoire Ancienne de t' Ori- 
ent, vol. i. pp. 408 500 : Birch in Bunsen's 
Egypt, vol. v, p. 590. 

6 Lenormant, p. 505. 

7 The "Great Harris Papyrus, 1 '' which 
has been translated by Dr. Birch and Pro- 
fessor Eisenlohr in the Records of the 
Past, vol. vi. pp. 21-7*, vol. viii, pp. 5-52, 
is in hieratic, and belongs to the time of 
Rameses III, a king of the 19th dynasty. 
Some of the hieratic papyri at "Berlin 
are ascribed to the 12th or 13th (ibid. 
vol. vi, pp. 131-4). Dr. Birch speaks of 
works on medicine in the hieratic cha- 
racter as "attributed to the kings of the 
old Empire 11 {Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 25). 

8 Lenormant, l.s.c. 

9 Wilkinson in the author's Herodotus, 
vol. ii, p. 258. r 

J" Ibid. p. 259. 

11 The monarchical government of the 
beehive was early noticed, and led, no 
doubt, to this symbolism, which is be- 
lieved to have been adopted in Babylo- 
nia no less than in Egypt. (See Oppert, 
Voyage en Mesopotamie, vol. ii, p. 68.) 

12 The Egyptians, it is said, thought 
there were ho male vultures, so that each 
vulture was a mother. (Lenormant, His- 
toire Ancienne de V Orient, vol. i, p. 504.) 

13 The Egyptians regarded suicide as 
the worst of all crimes. 

14 See the so-called "Egyptian altar 11 
at Turin, where this determinative fol- 
lows the names of fourteen deities, of 
all, in fact, but Horus and Nepthis. 
(Transactions of Bibl. Archaeology Soci- 
ety, vol. i, opp. p. 112.) 

i* Wilkinson in the Author's Herodo- 
tus, voi. ii, p. 262 ; Birch in Bunsen's 
Egypt, vol. v, p. 597. 

1( * Some determinatives were merely 
grammatical. The papyrus roll »~ 
was added as a tacit sign to substantives, 

adjectives, and verbs. Two human legs 
walking marked activity of any kind. 

17 Some signs stand for words of two 
syllables, as the flag on the flag-staff — , 

for neter, "a god, 11 the guitar ♦ for | 
nefer, "good, 11 etc. 

18 Dr. Birch argues (Bunsen's Egypt, 
vol. v, p. 599) that every hieroglyphic 
character represents a syllable, each con- 
sonant having a vowel sound inherent in 
it : practically, however, he represents 
the alphabetic hieroglyphs by single let- 

ters. Thus he reads 


ot as hu-bu- 

su, but as hebs. 

19 Lepsius, Lettre a M. Rosellini, p. 44; i 
Wilkinson in the author's Herodotus, 
vol. ii, p. 262. 

20 Dr. Birch regards this as "a vase of 
fire'* (Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, p. 599). 

21 I follow here Dr. Eisenlohr's render- 

ing of the hieroglyphs 

n i and % 

(Transactions of Bibl. Arch. Society, vol 
i, pp. 358 and 367). Dr. Birch renders 

"^^ by TH (ibid. vol. iv, p. 172.) And 


is generally rendered by the same in 

the name of Kambath or Kenbuth, for 
"Cambyses. 11 But the Persian letter to 

which the i corresponds in this word ia 
a J undoubtedly. M. Lenormant con- 
siders all three forms ( J and Lfa 

to represent the 

sound TS (Histoire Ancienne de V Orient, 

vol. i, p. 501). So Birch with regard to 

^"^and I 

in Bunsen^ Egypt, vol. v, 

p. 603. 

22 Birch regards this form as merely 
another representation of T. 

23 Lettre a M. Rosellini, pp. 48-56, and 
Planche A, part ii, at the end of the 

24 Wilkinson in the author's Herodo- 
tus, vol. ii, p. 260; Lepsius, Lettre a M. 
Rosellini, p. 49. 

25 Dr Birch gives this sign the sound 
of nen {Dictionary of Hieroglyphics in 
Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, p. 453). But Dr. 
Eisenlohr prefers to render it by an 
(Transactions of Bibl. Arch. Society, vol. 
i, p. 360, line *). 

2 * Dr. Birch (Dictionary, p. 420) notes 
one other word (kamut, "to place 11 or 
"carve 11 ) where the crocodiles tall it 



27 The fount of hieroglyphic type em- 
ployed in tue present work contains 
about eight hundred forms ; but there are 
many other forms besides, which occur 
so rarely that they have hitherto not 
been expressed in type. 

28 There are occasional exceptions to 
this rule (Birch in Bunserrs Egypt, vol. 
v, p. 595) ; but they are so rare as scarce- 
ly to deserve mention. 

29 Wilkinson in the author 1 s Herodo- 
tus, vol. ii, p. 238. 

so a later form of the masculine article 

is |yv pi, and a still later one, r— ^ 

"i The t is sometimes expressed in the 

/ater times by 1 . 

32 The n was expressed in later times 
by \/ ; and a full form naiu was some- 
times used. 

33 Wilkinson in the author's Herodo- 
tus, vol. ii, p. 263. Dr. Birch, however, 
allows a dual. (See Bunsen's Egypt, 
vol. v, p. 619.) 

34 Compare the Hebrew suffixes : — 

1st pers. sing. "p. 2d (masc.) ?r 

(Jem.) ^- 3d (masc.) -^- 

(fem.) n~ 
1st pers. plur. !jy 2d (masc. Q2- 

43 This is the case with 


(fern.) T D-. 

(fern.) ?n-- 

3d (masc.) nn- 

y ausenu, they are 

The 2d pers. sing. masc. and 1st pers. pi. 
are identical : the rest show a connec- 

35 Instead of -nenu we sometimes find 
-nu, as in the declension of au, to be, 
which is : — 

aua, I am aunu, we are 

auk, thou art (m.) I antenu ve are 
aut, thou art (./.) \ 
uuf, he is 
aus, she is 

36 The r is no doubt the preposition er, 
" for"' or "to" and au-a-r-ar="I am for 
making," or "I am to make, 11 i.e. "I will 
make. 11 (See Birch, p. 661.) 

37 See an article on Egyptian preposi- 
tions, by Mr. Le Page Kenouf, in the 
Transactions of the Society of Biblical 
Archaeology, vol. ii, p. 301 el seq. 

38 Birch in Bunsen's Egypt, vol v, p. 

39 See above, page 63. 

*° In Roman times ha was replaced by 



, which is also used in the sense 

of " vvith." 

41 Birch in Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, pp. 

42 Birch in Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, p. 

rupu, "or, 11 but not with any other con- 
junction. (Compare the Latin use of v* 
and que.) 


1 Dr. Birch appears to me to speaS 
somewhat too favorably when he says 
of the historical texts: "The narrative 
is clear; and the metaphors, sparingly 
introduced, are at once simple and in- 
telligible: the text marches to the cadence 
of an harmonious syntax.'''' (Records of 
the Past, vol. ii, preface, p. iii.) But I 
differ with great diffidence from so high 
an authority. 

2 Compare the remarks of M. Ludwig 
Stern in the Records of the Past, vol. vi, 
p. 127. 

3 What, for instance, can be made of 
the following, which is given as a trans- 
lation of one of the "Magical Texts 1 ' 
(Records, vol. vi, p. 121)1'— 

"The burning brazier, 
The great fire basin. 
Prepared by him who affrights. 
The overthrown : he that is headless, 
The place of death, the place 
Of lite ; the great rock 
Throwing fire against Set and his com 
panions. 11 

4 Birch in the Records, vol. ii, preface, 
p. ii. 

» Ibid. 

5 Cornewall Lewis, Astronomy of th* 
Ancients, p. 340. 

6 See Herod, ii, 3, 77 ; Plat. Tim. §5 ; 
Diod. Sic. i, 44 : Manetho ap. Joseph, 
Contr. Ap. i, 12, 26 ; Apollodor. ap. Syn- 
cell. Chronograph, vol. i, p. 171, etc. 

7 Sir G. C. Lewis (Astronomy, pp. 262- 
275) rejects all these testimonies unhesi- 
tatingly, on the ground that "the later 
Greeks (is Herodotus a late Greek ?) were 
wanting in that national spirit which 
leads moderns to contend for the claims 
of their own countrymen to inventions 
and discoveries, 11 and to priority in the 
various walks of literature ; but he does 
not attempt to explain how the Greeks 
came to be destitute of a feeling which 
is so natural and (unless they are an ex- 
ception) so absolutely universal. He 
seems really to assume that his favorite 
Gieeks must have been the originators of 
all science, learning, and literature, and 
to be determined, on account of this 
foregone conclusion, to reject all state- 
ments — even those made by themselves 
— to the contrary. 

8 Birch in Records of the Past, vol. ii, 
preface, p. ix. 

9 Records of the Past, vols, ii, iv, vi, 
and viii. 

10 See the Recherches sur les Monu- 
ments des six premieres Dynasties of the 



iftte Vicomte Em. tie Rouge: the His- 
wire d Egypt e and Recuetl de Monu- 
ments Egyptiens of Dr. Brugsch ; the 

DenkmiUer of Lepsius ; the Melanges 
Egyptologiqves and other works of M. 
Chabas; the Monuments divers of M. 
Mariette ; and numerous articles in the 
Zeitschrift fiir agyptische Sprache, the 
Revue Archeologhjue, and the Memoires 
de V Acadcmie des Inscriptions et Belles- 
Lettres during recent years. 

11 Birch in Records of the Past, vol. ii, 
preface, p. ix. 

i 2 See Lenormant, Mam: el d'Uixto'ire 
Ancienne de POrieni, vol. i, pp. 506-20; 
Birch, Egypt from the Earliest Times, 
Introduction, p. xiii : and Records of the 
Past, vol. vi, pp. 1(32-5. 

13 Lenormant, p. 50a: "Le premier 
rang appartient aux livres religieux. 11 

14 Bunsen*s Egypt, vol. v, pp. 125-326 ; 
Lenormant, l.s.c. 

1 5 Birch's Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, l.s.c. ; Records of the Past, vol. 
vi, p. 164, etc. 

is Bunsen, p. 133. 

17 Ritual, ch. lxiv, ad Jinem (Bunsen, 
p. 209). 

18 Lenormant, l.s.c. 

1 9 Cnampollion was the first to make 
this division (Bunsen, p. 137). It is the 
one preferred by M. Lenormant (Manuel, 
\oi. 1, pp. 507-515). 

20 Birch in Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, 
pp. 1.38-56. 

2i Lenormant, pp. 507-9. 

22 Birch in Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, pp. 
139, 172, etc. 

23 What, for instance, can be more ob- 
scure than such passages as these, which 
are fair specimens of the document? — 

"I am Yesterday. I know the morn- 
ing. Let him explain it. Yesterday is 
Osiris, the Morning the Sun : tne day on 
which are strangled the deriders of the 
universal Lord, when his sqn Horus has 
been invested ; or the day is the victory 
of his arms, when the chest of Osiris has 
been confronted by his father the Sun. 11 
(ch. xv- 1, p. 172.) 

"Turn has built thy house; the two 
Lion - gods have founded thy abode. 
Ptah going round thee, di vine Horns puri- 
fies thee, the god Set does so i n turn. The 
Osiris has come from the earth. He has 
taken his legs ; he is Turn. He is from 
his city. Behind thee is a white lion to 
claw the head. The Osiris has turned 
back (or, Osiris has turned thee back) to 
gnud thee. It is invisible to the guar- 
ui 111s, said by the Osiris. It is Isis whom 
thou iiast seen. He has stroked his locks 
for him. He has directed his face to the 
mouth of his road, or its horn. He is 
conceived by Isis, engendered by Keph- 
thys. 11 (Ibid. p. 179.) 

24 See the rubrics at the end of chapters 
xviii, xix, and xx; and compare Lenor- 
mant, Manuel, vol. i, p. 509. 

26 Ritual, ch. cxvi, ad Jin. (Bunsen 
r> 248.) 
** Ibid, oh. cxxv, (Bunaca, p. 838). 

2" I have followed chiefly the transla- 
tion of Lenormant, but have adopted 
some idiomatic phrases from Dr. Birch 
(Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, pp. 253-6). 

2,5 Lenormant, Manuel, vol. i, p. 514; 
Birch in Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, p. 256. 

2y Birch in Bunseirs Egypt, vol. v, pp. 

30 Lenormant, Manuel, vol. i. p. 516. 
It is remarkable that the " Ritual of the 
Dead 1 like, the Ertang of Manee (Seventh 
Monarchy, p. 97), is accompanied by pic- 
tures, which form an essential portion of 
it, and are reproduced in the various 

3i Records, vol. ii, pp. 119-26. 

32 Ibid. vol. iv, pp. 121-28. 

33 Ibid. vol. vi, pp. 105-12. 

34 Ibid. vol. iv, pp. 123-4. 

35 Here occurs the name of the de- 
ceased person, with whom the copy of 
the book is buried. It is believed that 
the book was deposited exclusively with 
the mummies of priests or priestesses of 
Ammon-Ra. A dead person is always 
termed by the Egyptians an ''Osiris.* 1 

36 See above, p.p-27, 28. 

37 "On," or "An, 11 is the city called 
by the Greeks, "Heliopolis, 11 or "the 
City of the Sun. 11 (See the Speaker's 
Commentary, vol. i, p. 206.) 

38 Goodwin, Cambridge Essays, 1858, 
p. 230; Lenormant, Manuel d'llistoi/e 
Ancienne, vol. i, p. 517: Birch, Egypt 
from the Earliest Times, p. 1^0. 

39 A complete translation of this com- 
position will be found in the Records of 
the Past. vol. ii, pp. 67-78). A version of 
certain pairs of the poem was published 
by .Mr. Goodwin in 1858 [Cambridge Es 
sans, pp. 240-2). The translation "in tha 
text follows these authorities. 

40 Birch in Records of the Past, vol. ii. 
p. 30. 

41 The poem is entitled "The Speech 
of Ammon-Ra. Lord of the Seats of th« 
Upper and Lower World. 11 

42 See Diiniichen, Historische Inschrif- 
ten, ii, 40; Stern in the Zeitschrift fur 
agyptische Sprache for 1873, p. 58 ; and 
R& ords of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 129-30. 

43 Records, vol. vi, p. 127. 

44 The Egyptians distinguished the Ri- 
sing from the Setting Sun. calling the for- 
mer Ra, and the latter Turn. 

4& r pj ie '-Tour" 1 was partially translated 
by Mr. Goodwin in 1858 (Cambridge Es- 
says, pp. 266-9). In 1866 a full transla- 
tion in Piench was published by M. Cha^ 
has under the title of Vo% age d' un Egyp- 
tien en Syrie et Phenecie. M. Drach, of 
The British Museum, contributed an Eng- 
lish translation to the Becords of the 
Past in 1873 (vol. i, pp. 109-16). 

46 Khatiima is perhaps Edom (E5*nX)i 
Hudum in Assyrian. 

47 Tsor seems to b" the same word as 
the Hebrew tsur 1^ " }?), which the Greek 
rendered bv Tv'po? [Tyre). The word 
means " rock, 11 and was probably applied 
to any fort situated on a rocky eminence, 

*« Qodeeh may be one of the many Sy« 

CH. VI.] 



nan towns called Kadesh = "holy," 
w.iente the modern Arabic name for Je- 
rusalem, Al-Kods. 

49 On the Shasu, see above, p. 116. 

50 Perhaps Mount Lebanon, or else 

si The "Tale of the Two Brothers, 11 was 
first noticed by M. de Rouge in the Re- 
vue Archeologique vol. ix, p. 385 et seq). 
A considerable portion of it was trans- 
lated by Mr. Goodwin in 1858 (Cambridge 
Essays, pp. 223-38). In I860 Dr. Birch 
published the text. M. Le Page-Renouf 
translated a part in 1863 (Atlantis, vol. 
iv). Complete translations have since 
been made by Dr. Brugsch in 1864 (Ger- 
man): by M, Maspero in 1867 (French), 
and by M. Renouf in 1873 (English). This 
last translation will be found in the Re- 
cords of the Past, vol. ii, pp. 139-52. The 
" Possessed Princess' 1 was first translated 
by Dr. Birch in 1853 (Transactions of 
Royal Society of Literature, vol. iv, p. 
217 et seq.). This translation was review- 
ed and another oiven by Dr. Rouge in 
the Revue Asiatk/i/c, 1856-8, who accom- 
panied his translation with a representa- 
tion of the text. Dr. Brugsch published 
a German translation in his Geschichte 
Aegpytens, in 1859. Finally, Dr. Birch 
has republished his translation, with a 
few corrections, in the Records of the 
Past (vol. iv, j) p. 55-50). The story of 
the "Doomed Prince 1 " has, so far as I 
know, i) en translated only by Mr. Good- 
win, whose version first appeared in the 
Transactions of the Society of Biblical 
Archaeology (vol. iii, pp. 349-50), whence 
it has been transferred, almost without 
alteration, to the Records of the Past, 
vol. ii, pp. 155- >0. 

52 Records of the Past, vol. vi, p. 142 
(line 230 of the story). 

53 It is not quite clear whether Sane- 
ha's prayer is addressed to trie King of 
Egypt or to Heaven : but on the whole I 
incline to think that the king is intended, 
and that Saneha, though he does not ex- 
pressly say so, adopted the very prosaic 
expedient of sending to his Majesty Osir- 
tasen I. a petition for pardon and restor- 
ation. The prayer of the petition seems 
to be contained in lines 225-232: — 

Grant me to return home- 
Permit me to show myself. 
Have I not suffered anxiety? 
What more is there to boast? 
Let me be buried in the land of my 

birth : 
Let me have a fortunate lot hereafter ; 
Grant me 'pardon. 

54 Records of the Past, vol. vi, p. 144 
(line 311 of the talc). 

5 5 Ibid. p. 150 (line 511 of the tale). 

56 The MS. is imperfect at the begin- 
ning, and opens in the middle of a sen- 
tence. We gather from a later passage 
that Saneha was quitting Egypt because 
he had fallen into disgrace at court. 

57 The Sakti were enemies of Egypt 
towards the east, probably a tribe of 

68 According to Brugsch (Geograph- 
ische Inschriften, vol. i, pp. 150, 260), Ka- 
niur was a town of Lower Egypt, situated 
in the Heliopolite canton. 

59 See the account of them given by 
Mr. Goodwin in the Cambridge Essays 
for 1858, pp. 246-265. 

60 See Lenormant, Manuel d'Histoire 
Ancienne, vol. i, p. 519 ; and Brugsch, 
Etudes sur un Papyrus Medical de Ber 
tin, Leipsic, 1853. 

61 Lenormant, l.s.c. 

62 See Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 
115-26 ; and note especially the receipt 
(p. 125) with the statement appended of 
its effect on those who use it: "Thou 
art protected against the accidents of 
life ; thou art protected against a violent 
death ; thou art protected against fire ; 
thou escapest in heaven, and thou art not 
ruined upon earth. 11 


1 See above, ch. ii, pp. 

2 Ibid. pp. 49-67. 

s Gen. xii, 10: xli, 57; xlii, 1-3. Com- 
pare Records of the Past, vol. iv, p. 43; 
and Birch. Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 63. 

4 Herod, iii, 91. 

6 The Alexandrian corn-fleet enjoyed 
the protection of a convoy of war- 
galleys; it was met at Puteoli by a depu- 
tation of senators, and the appearance 
of its topsails above the horizon was the 
signal for the proclamation of a general 
holiday (see Merivale, Roman Empire, 
vol. iv, p. 392). 

6 Tacitus says: "Augustus, inter alia 
dominationis arcana, vetitis nisi permis- 
su ingredi senatoribus aut equitibus 
Romahis inlustribus, seposuit ^Egyptum; 
ne fame urgeret Italiam, quisquis earn 
provinciam claustraque terrse ac maris, 
quamvis levi praesidio adversum ingen- 
tes exercitus insedisset 11 (Ann. ii, 59). 
Again, it is noted that the danger which 
would result to Rome from the revolt of 
Eijypt caused the rule to be made that 
its governor should oe, not a senator, 
but a knight, Pliny says: "Percrebuerat 
antiquitus Urbem nostram, nisi opibus 
-JSgypti, ali sustentarique non posse 1 ' 
(Paneg. §31). 

7 See Diod. Sic. i, 74. 

8 Diod. Sic. i, 73. Though the kings 
had once been owners of all the land 
except that of the priests (Gen. xlvii, 20- 
26), they must subsequently have made 
grants to individuals by which they 
parted with their property. Diodorus 
and Herodotus agree as to the triple 
ownership of the land, — by the king, by 
the priests, and by members of the mil- 
itary class (Diod. S. l.s.c; Herod, ii, 168): 
and tin; monuments show a large class 
of rich private proprietors who are no*; 


9 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, "Introduction, p.'xviii. 

10 Ibid. p. 44. "In private the Egyp- 
tian lord led a charmed life, — his estate 
was cultivated by slaves. " 

ii Diod. Sic. i, 74. 

i 2 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
jv, p. 35. 

13 The royal lands were, in the time of 
Joseph, let for one-fifth of the produce, 
— a moderate rate, and one not uncom- 
mon in the East. (See the author's 
Seventh Monarchy, pp. 441-2.) But it is 
uncertain whether this continued. Di- 
odorus seems to speak of a money rent. 

14 There is no positive evidence of 
this; but it is the impression of "those 
most familiar witn the monuments. (See 
Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. iv, 
p. 34. i 

15 On the oppressiveness of this sys- 
tem, which still prevails in parts of 
Turkey, see the author's Seventh Mon- 
archy,^- 44i> note 2 . 

16 Wilkinson, vol. iv, p. 108, and pi. 
18, fig. 1. Some land at the edge of the 
desert must have reappeared about the 
same time as the river banks. 

17 Herod, ii, 14. 

i 8 Herodotus says, "by pigs 11 (l.s.c); 
and though this has been objected to, it 
has been regarded as not improbable by 
some good modern authorities (see 
Lurcher's note on Herod, ii, 14 in his 
Histoire d'Htrodote; and Wilkinson, 
Anci( nt Egyptians, vol. iv, p. 46). Goats 
are represented upon the monuments as 
treading in the grain. According to 
Wilkinson, sheep, oxen, and even asses 
were (.ecasionally employed for the pur- 
pose (ib. p. 39). 

19 Rosellini believed that metal plough- 
shares were represented on the monu- 
ments (Mon. Civ. vol. i, p. 299). Wil- 
kinson questions this. 

20 St. Hilaire says that ej^en at the 
present day the plough used in Egypt is 
"seldom furnished with an iron share 11 
{Egypt and the Suez Canal, p. 100). 

21 For representations of these see 
Fellows's Asia Minor, p. 71; Lycia, p. 
174; C. Niebuhr, Description, de VArabie, 
o>> p. p. 137: Smith, Dictionary of the 
Bible, vol. i, p. 29; and compare the 
author's Ancient Monarchies, vol. i, p. 

22 An exception occurs in a tomb near 
the Pyramids, where the stilt is flat, and 
the handles which rise from it curve in 
a direction opposite to the usual one. 
(See the author's Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 
18; and compare Lepsius, Denkmaler, 
vol. iii, part ii, pis. 51 and 56.) 

23 Occasionally a cow, when plough- 
ing, was accompanied by her calf, which 
disported itself in the vicinity of the 
mother, but was muzzled to prevent its 
sucking. (See Rosellini, Monumenti Ci- 
vili, pi. xxxii, 2.) 

24 A full description of the arrange- 
ment employed will be found in Wilkin- 
son i A K voL iv, pp. 42-3). 

25 Three are represented as thus em 
ployed in a tomb at Thebes (Wilkinson, 
A. E. vol. iv, p. 46). 

26 The Roman scariflcalio (Plin. H. N. 
xviii, 17) was a light ploughing ; but the 
term seems equally applicable to the 
still lighter "scratching" of the soil by 
the hoe. 

27 Several hoes have been found in 
tombs. Sir G. Wilkinson says that in 
no instance had he seen a hoe with a 
metal blade (A. E. vol. iv, p. 45). 

28 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 45 ; 
Kenrick, vol. i, p. 185. 

29 See the author's Ancient Monarch- 
ies, vol. i, p. 567. 

so Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 136; vol. 
iv, p. 48. 

31 Herod, ii, 36. Though Herodotus 
was in error in supposing that all the 
Egyptians "made their bread of the 
olyra," yet no doubt his error had a 
foundation in fact. The doora bread 
was eaten by the great mass of the 
Egyptians. (See Wilkinson in the au- 
thor's Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 58.) 

32 Kenrick, vol. i, p. 186. 

33 The Egyptians thought that the 
"Nile God" protected the newly-sown 
fields from the birds. See Records of 
the Past, vol. iv, p. 108, note i. 

34 As in Italy. See Virg. Georg. i, 155- 

35 Gen. xli, 49. According to Pliny 
(H. N. xviii, 7), the return on the corn 
sown was a hundredfold. The grain, 
however, was light (ib). 

36 It is, at any rate, always represented 
as bearded on the monuments. 

37 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 85. 

38 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 64. 

39 The statement of Herodotus, that 
pigs not only trod in the grain on moist 
soils, but also trod it out upon the 
threshing-floors (ii, 14), is discredited by 
the fact that the treading-out of the corn 
is always represented on the monuments 
as accomplished either by oxen or by 
asses (Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 92). 

4 ° Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, pp. 86, 89, 
and 90. 

4 i Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 64. Compare Herod, ii, 77; 
Diod. Sic. i, 52; Strab. xvii, 1, §37; 
Athen. Deipn. i, 25. Sir Gardner Wil- 
kinson found malt at Thebes. (See the 
author's Herodotvs, vol. ii, p. 127, note *.) 

42 In a harvest song, discovered by 
Champollion at Eilethyias, the oxen are 
represented as in the main threshing/oy 
themselves. The song runs as follows :— 

Thresh for yourselves, thresh for your- 

O oxen, thresh for yourselves, for your- 

Measures for yourselves, measures for 
your masters ! 

(See Champollion's Letters s?/r VEgyptt, 

pp. 146 and 196.) 

43 Wilkinson, A. A", vol iv, p. 98. 

CH. VI.] 



44 Ibid. p. 59. 

45 Ibid. pp. 98 and 99. 

46 Ibid. p. 99. 

47 Herodotus thought that the Egyp- 
tians never ate beans and never sowed 
them (ii, 37); but in this he was mis- 
taken, and is to be corrected from 
Theophrastus (H P. vol. ii, p. 323). 
Diodorus (i, 89), and Pliny (H. N. xviii, 
12). Probably only the priests were for- 
bidden to eat them. (Wilkinson in the 
author's Herod, v. ii, p. 66.) 

48 piin. H N. xviii, 12. The lentils 
grown near Pelusium were especially 
celebrated (Virgil, Georgiea, i, 228; Mar- 
tial, Epigrammata, xiii, 9, 1). 

49 The wheat straw which was cleared 
from the fields after the reaping of the 
ears was also used for the same purpose 
(Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 95). 

so Ibid. vol. ii, p. 137. 

si Deut. xi, 10. 

62 Supra, p. 161. • 

53 As in Assyria (Layard, Nineveh and 
Babylon, p. 109, and pi. opp. p. 110); and 
in modern Egypt (Wilkinson, A. E. vol. 
ii, vignette on p. 1). Representations of 
the ancient Egyptian hand-swipe will be 
found in the author's Herodotus, vol. ii, 
p. 21; in Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. ii, p. 4; in Rosellini's Monumenti 
Civili, pi. xi, No. 2; and elsewhere. 

54 Wilkinson, vol. ii, p. 141. 

55 See the Memoires sur le Lac Maris 
oX M. Jomard in the Description de 
VEgpyte, and of M. Linantde Bellefonds, 
published at Alexandria in 1843. Com- 
pare Bunsen's Egypt, vol. ii, pp. 209-232. 

56 Some remains of this dam or dyke, 
in the most southern part of the basin, 
are still above 30 feet broad and nearly 
40 feet high. 

57 Herod, ii, 101 and 149; iii, 91. 

58 It is thought by some that the reser- 
voir, besides rendering possible the culti- 
vation of the Fayoum, was also of 
service in relieving the Nile valley of 
superfluous water when the inundation 
was excessive, and furnishing a supply 
when it was in defect (Birch, Egypt from 
the Earliest Times, p. 68); but the size of 
the reservoir was scarcely sufficient to 
make it of much service in these re- 

59 Strab, xvii, 1, % 35. 

60 Piin. H. N. xv, 3. 
6i Ibid. 

62 Strab. l.s.c. 

83 See above. 

64 Herodotus says the vir.e was not 
cultivated in Egypt (ii, 77); and some 
moderns have caught at this assertion 
and made much of it as discrediting the 
Pentateuch (Gen. xl, 9); but there is 
abundant evidence that the "Father of 
History" was in this instance mistaken, 
the vine being really cultivated very 
widely. (See Hengstenberg, Egypt and 
Moses, p. 16; Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, 
pp. 143-171). 

86 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p. 121. 

66 See Strabo, l.s.c. The roots are still 
found there (Wilkinson, vol. ii, p. 161). 

67 Athenaeus, Deipnosoph, i, p. 25, E. 

68 Athenaeus Deiphnosoph, i, p. 25, R 
Compare Piin. H. N. xiv, 3; Virg. Georg. 
ii, 91; Horat. Od. i, 31, 14; Strab., l.s.c. ; 

69 Hellanicus, Fr. 155. 

70 Piin. H. N. xiv, 7. 

7i See a representation in Wilkinson, 
vol. ii, p. 151. 

72 Wiikinson, vol. ii, p. 148. 

73 Ibid. p. 149. 

74 See Genesis xl, 11: "I took the 
grapes,«and pressed them into Pharaoh's 
cup, and I gave the cup into Pharaoh's 
hand. 11 

76 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 158. 

76 Athenaeus, i, p. 25, E. 

77 piin. H N. xiv, 3; Athenaeus, l.s.c; 
Strab. xviii, 1, g 14. 

78 Piin. H N'. xiv, 7. 

79 Athen. l.s.c. 

so Herod, ii, 94; Thucyd. i, 109-10. 
si Diod. Sic. i, 43. 

82 See above, p. 81. 

83 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 45. 

84 Ibid. 

85 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 95. 

86 See Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 161; and compare Lepsius, 
Denkmdler, vol. iii, part ii, pis. 60, 132, 

87 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv. p. 101. 
ss Ibid. pp. 95, 122, etc. 

89 See the representation in Wilkinson, 
vol. ii, p. 134. 

90 Wilkinson, vol. iv, p. 139. Compare 
Rosellini, Monumenti Civili, vol. i, p. 
270 and pi. xxxi. 

9i Rosellini, Monumenti Civili, pi. xxx*, 
Wilkinson, vol. iv, p. 130; Lepsius, Denk- 
mdler, vol. iii, pt. ii, pi. 9. 

92 " Veal and beef, not pork and mut- 
ton, were the principal meats that ap- 
peared at an Egyptian's table. 11 (Birch, 
Egypt from the Earliest Times, p. 45.) 

93 Wilkinson, vol. i, p. 280; vol. iii, p. 
146, etc. Compare Herod, ii, 81. 

94 Wilkinson, vol. iii, pp. 141-2. 

96 Diod. Sic. i, 36. Sir G. Wilkinson 
observes that this is still the case in 
Egypt, but only when the sheep are very 
carefully fed and attended to. {A. E. vol. 
ii, p. 17, note). 

96 Herod, ii, 42. 

97 That the Egyptians drank milk is 
stated by Birch (l.s.c.) but whether the 
produce of cows or goats, or both, he 
does not mention. Goats 1 milk was 
drunk by the Israelites (Prov. xxvii, 27). 

os Exod. xxv, 4; xxvi, 7; xxxvi, 14. 
99 Herod, ii, 47, 164. 
ioo ibid, ii, 47, 48. 

101 Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 33. 

102 See above, p. 81. 

i°3 This is the view to which Wilkin- 
son, on the whole inclines. Compare A. 
E. vol. iv, pp. 39 and 49, with the author'% 
Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 20 note 2 .) 

104 See Wilkinson's representation. 



taken from a tomb at Thebes (A. E. vol. 
iii, p. 34); and compare Rosellini, Mori. 
Civ. vol. i, p. 209, and pi. xxx, 3. 

106 So Birch: " The domestic fowl was 
unknown to hinV" (i. e. the Egyptian lord); 
"it had not been brought by the hands of 
tributaries to the valley of the Nile, 
where it never appears in Pharaonic 
times 1 '' (Egypt from the Earliest Times, 
p. 45). Wilkinson agrees as to the fact 
of the non-appearance, but does not 
draw the conclusion that fowls were 
therefore unknown. On the contrary, he 
supposes them to have always "aboun- 
ded in Egypt 11 (A. E. vol. v, p. 214; com- 
pare vol. ii, p. 18, and vol. iv, p. 133). 
Fowls were certainly common in Egypt in 
Roman times. It seems to be, on the 
whole, most probable that they were in- 
troduced by the Persians. 

io« Birch, l.s.c; Wilkinson, A. E. vol. 
ii, pp. 18, 21, and 380. Compare Eerod. 
ii, 37. 

107 Herod, ii, 45; Wilkinson, vol. v. p. 
227; Records of the Past, vol. ii, pp. 57-8, 

108 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p. 132. 

io9 Ibid. 

no Herod, ii, 77. 

in Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 216; 
Birch, Egypt from the Earliest Times, p. 
46; Horapollo, Hierogl. i, 57. 

112 Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 7; vol. iv, p. 

113 Ibid. Compare Rosellini, Mon. Civ. 
pi. xxx, 2; and Lepsius, Denkmdler, vol. 
iii, pt. ii, pi. xvii, b. 

114 In our Authorized Version Joseph 
is said to have sent "wagons 11 into Pales- 
tine to fetch Jacob and his brothers 1 
families (Gen. xlv, 19, 27: xlvi. 5). And 
some modern commentators justify the 
rendering. (See the Speaker's Commen- 
tary, vol. i, p. 216.) But as "wagon 11 in 
modern English mean as four-wheeled 
vehicle, the word is inappropriate in 
Genesis xlv, and xlvi, where two-wheeled 
vehicles, or carts, are certainly intended. 
'See Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, pp. 178- 

us i^e carts represented on the monu- 
ments belong for the most part to for- 
eigners (Wilkinson, vol. i, p. 369). But I 
believe there are instances of their em- 
ployment in the carriage of native agri- 
cultural produce. 

n« See above, p. 83. 

ii'' Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 87. 

1)M ibid. vol. iii, p. 195. Compare 
Lepsius, Denkmdler, vol. iii, pt. ii, pi. civ. 

no See Herod, ii, 108. 

I 20 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 82; Wilkinson in the author's 
Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 177, note 2 ; Picker- 
ing, Races of Man, p. 373 

i2i Birch, l.s.c; Herod, ii, 162: Wilkin 
son, A. E. vol.. i, pp. 289 and 406. It is 
curious how unfrequently the Egyptians 
arc ('presented on horseback. 

J 22 Rosellini, Monumenti Civili, pis. 

cxvi, exx, exxii, etc.; Wilkinson, Ancient 
Egyptians, vol. i, pp. 336, 338, 354, etc. 

123 Birch. Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 82. 

124 Diodorus makes the cavalry of 
Sesostris amount to 24,000, when the 
chariots are 27,000 (i, 54). That of Shishak 
(Sesonchis) was 60,000, when the chariots 
were no more than 1,200 (2 Chron. xii, 3). 
There can be no doubt that the Egyptians 
maintained a large cavalry force from the 
time of the eighteenth dynasty, though 
representations of horsemen on the 
monuments are scanty in the extreme. 
(See Ex. xiv, 9; 2 Kings xviii, 24; Jerem. 
xlvi, 9: Herod, ii, 162: Wilkinson, Ancient 
Egyptians, vol. i, pp. 288-292, etc.) 

125 See 1 Kings x, 29; 2 Chron. i, 17. 

126 Records of the Fast, vol. ii, p. 75; 
Diod. Sic. i, 45, ad fin. 


i By "architecture 11 I understand not 
the mere "technic art 11 of constructing 
buildings for various uses, but the "aes- 
thetic 11 one of constructing buildings 
which shall not be merely useful, but 
shall likewise affect the mind with the 
sense of beauty, of grandeur, or of both 
together. (See P'ergusson, Hist, of Ar- 
chitecture, vol. i, pp. 10-16, 2d edition.) 

2 This was the case in the ancient 
Chaldaea or Babylonia. (See the author's 
Ancient Monarchies, vol. i, p. 71, 2d edi- 

3 Herod, ii, 99, ad fin. 

4 Diod. Sic. i, 51. 

6 See Howard Vyse's Pyramids ofGhi- 
zeh, vol. iii, p. 2, and map. 

6 Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, vol. 

i, p. ioo: 

7 Birch ascribes the great pyramid of 
Saccarah to Ouennephes, a Manethonian 
king of the first dynasty (Egypt from the 
Earliest Times, p. 25). Lenormant re- 
gards its builder as Kekeou (Cechous) of 
the second Manethonian dynasty (Man- 
uel d'Histoire Ancienne, vol. i, p. 332). 
The pyramids of Ghizeh are universally 
ascribed to kings of the fourth dynasty. 

8 Fergusson, vol. i, p. 102. 

9 External ornamentation is confined 
to the doorways (Fig. 36) or entrances, 
which are sometimes carved curiously. 
The lintels are rounded. Door-posts are 
represented in the stone on either side of 
the doorway ; an imitation of lattice- 
work appears above ; at the side are al- 
ternate pilasters and depressions adorned 
with a sort of panelling. The whole ap- 
pears to be an imitation of the facade of 
a house, in which the main material used 
was wood. 

This would seem to indicate that there 
was a wooden architecture in Egypt an- 
terior to the stone one. Of this wooden 
architecture there are, however, no re- 

io Vyse (Pyramids of Ghizeh, vol. iii, 

CH. VII.] 



p. 78), Birch (Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 28), and others call it a '• pyra- 
mid " Fergusson says (Hist, of Archi- 
tecture, vol. i, p. 100), that it is not so 
much a pyramid as a "tower. 1 "' 

11 These are Perring's measurements, 
recorded by Vyse in the Appendix to his 
work, vol. iii, p. 79. 

12 Ibid. 

13 This edifice has been briefly de- 
scribed by Dr. Birch (Egypt, p. 33), more 
elaborately by Baron Bunsen (Egypt's 
Place, vol. ii, pp. 379-84), and Mr. Fer- 
gusson (Hist, of Architecture, vol. i, pp. 
100, 101.) But the accounts of these wri- 
ters are all taken from the work of Col. 
Howard Vyse, which is the authority fol- 
lowed in the text, (See Pyramids of 
Ghizeh, vol. iii, pp. 41-50.) 

i* The gradual diminution of the sev- 
eral stages is as follows : — 

FT. IN. 

Basement stage . . 37 8 

Second stage . . 35 11 

Third stage . . . 34 3 

Fourth stage . . 32 7 

Fifth stage . . . 30 10 

Sixth stage . . . 29 2 

Dr. Birch regards the pyramid as having 
had originally seven stages ; but there is 
no trace of a seventh stage, and neither 
Vyse nor Fergusson favors his theory. 

15 Vyse, vol, iii, p. 42. 

16 Ibid. p. 43. There is a deviation 
from the exact central point, whether in- 
tentional or not is uncertain, to the ex- 
tent of 36 feet eastward. 

1 7 This had disappeared at the time of 
Col. Vyse's excavations ; but it was seen 
at an earlier date by Minutoli. 

18 The entire doorway has been re- 
moved to Europe, and is now in the Ber- 
lin Museum. 

19 \ T vse, vol. iii, p. 41 ; Fergusson, vol. 
\, p. 100. 

29 A second instance of an oblong py- 
ramid exists in the Mustabet-el-Faraoun 
or "Throne of Pharaoh, 11 described by 
Vyse, vol. iii, p. 53. 

21 Vyse thinks that the N. and S. sides 
were originally no more than 331 feet, 
the E. and W. sides being 394 feet. 
Subsequently to the original construction 
a wall 10 feet in thickness was (he says) 
built on at the northern and southern 
ends (P yramids of Ghizeh, vol. iii, p. 42, 

22 Wilkinson (Topography of Thebes, 
p. 329) says this was the method employ- 
ed in smoothing the second pyramid. 
He mentions both methods in the au- 
thor's Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 201, note 3 . 

23 Brugsch, Histoire d'Egt/pte, p. 52. 

24 See Herod, ii, 124-34: Diod. Sic. i, 
63, 64; Strabo, xvii, i. §33. The last- 
named writer notices that, the three are 
only the chief anions: many — ttoAAou fxiv 
eitri Trvoa/ouSe?, rpei? 6e o^ioAoyoi. 

2 * Vyse makes the base 354 feet 6 
Inches (Pyramids of Ghizeh, vol. ii, p. 
'20) Fergusson calls it 354 feet, Herod- 

\ uuu 

otus (ii, 134), curiously enough, under- 
estimates the size of this pyramid, inaK 
ing the length of each side no more than 
280 feet. 

29 Vyse, Pyramids of Ghizeh, vol. ii. 
p. 120. 

27 Bunsen's Egypt's Place in Univ. 
History, vol. ii, p. 166. 

28 Vyse, vol. ii, p. 120. 

29 Wilkinson in the author's Herodo- 
tus, vol. ii, p. 208, note 1. 

30 On the lid of the sarcophagus which 
occupied the sepulchral chamber of this 
pyramid was the cartouche — 

which is read as Men- * I~X 

ka-re or Men-ker-re,/ tf&ttii 
undoubtedly the orig- 
inal of the Mencheres' 
(Manetho), Mecherin- 
us (Diod. Sic), or Mycerinus (Herod.), of 
the Greek writers. 

31 Vyse, vol. ii, p. 122. 

32 Vyse, vol. ii, p. 82, and compare pi. 
3, figs. 7 and 9 (opp. p. 81). 

33 The sarcophagus was, unfortunately, 
lost on its way to England, the vessel 
which conveyed it having foundered off 
the coast of Spain (ibid. p. 84, note 3 ). 

34 See above, note 9 , chapter vii. 

35 See Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 103. 

36 Vyse, vol. ii, p. 123. 

37 Ibid. p. 84, note 3 . 

38 Bunsen, EgypVs Place, vol. ii, p. 167. 

39 Vyse, vol. ii, p. 79. 

40 Bunsen, vol. ii, p. 171 ; Wilkinson 
in the author's Herod., vol. ii, p. 209. 

41 Vyse, vol. ii, p. 117: Bunsen, vol. ii, 
p. 154; Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 95. 

42 Eleven acres, one rood, and thirty- 
eight poles, according to Vyse and Per- 
ring (Vyse, vol. ii, p. 119) ; 499, 849 square 
feet, according to Fergusson (l.s.c). 

43 Vyse, l.s.c. 

44 Bunsen, vol. ii, p. 152. 

45 Vyse, vol. ii, p. 118. 

46 Belzoni, Researches, p. 271. 

47 Vyse, l.s.c. 

48 Vyse, vol. ii, pp. 118-9. 

49 Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. ii, p. 

5 " Ibid. vol. ii, p. 152. 

6J Herod, ii, 127 ; Vyse, vol. ii, p. 115 ; 
Wilkinson in the author's Herodotus, 
vol. ii, p. 204, note 2 . 

82 Vyse, l.s.c. ; Bunsen, vol. ii, p. 154. 
Dr. Birch is less accurate than usual 
when he says that this pyramid was "of 
admirable execution 11 (Egypt from, the 
Earliest Times, p. 38). 

53 Bunsen (vol. ii, plan opp. p. 147) 
and Wilkinson (plan in vol. ii, of the au- 
thor's Herodotus, p. 199) represent the 
Great Pyramid as lying exactly northeast 
of the second. But the expert, Perring, 
lays down very positively the contrary 
(Vyse, vol. ii, plan of the pyramids opp. 
p. 148). 

64 The base of the Great Pyramid was 
thirty-three feet below that of the Second 
Pyramid (Vyse, vol. ii, p. 106). in verti 



c*l height it exceeded the Second Pyra- 
mid by twenty-six feet six inches. Its 
elevation above the plain was conse- 
quently less than that of the Second Py- 
ramid by six feet six inches. This fact 
has not been commonly noted. 

55 At 480 (or rather 4«0%) by Vyse and 
Perring (vol. ii, p. 109); at 484 by Mr. 
Fergusson (Hist, of Architecture, vol i, 
p. 95): and at 485 by Mr. Piazzi Smyth (As- 
tronom. Observ., p. 5). The height de- 
pends on the exact angle of the casing 
stones, which is given as 51° 50' by Vyse 
and Perring (vol. i, p. 261), but by Mr. Fer- 
gusson as 51° 51' (Hist, of Architecture, 
v ol. i, p. 95). 

56 So Vyse and Perring (l.s.c). Mr. 
Fergusson says 760. 

57 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 32. Compare Wilkinson, To- 
pography of Thebes, p. 323, note, where 
the comparison with Lincoln's Inn Fields 
was iirst made. 

58 These are Perring's estimates (Vyse, 
vol. ii, p. 113). They have been gener- 
ally accepted. (See Bunsen, vol. ii, p. 
155; Wilkinson in the author's Herodo- 
tus, vol. ii, p. 200: Fergusson, Hist, of 
Architecture, vol. i, p. 95.) 

59 Herod, ii, 124, ad fin., with Wilkin 
son's comment. 

60 Lenormant says (Manuel d'Histoire 
Ancienne, vol. i. p. 235) : "La pyramidede 
Khoufou est demeuree la plus prodigi- 
euse des ceuvres humaines, au moins par 
sa masse." 

6 i. Vyse, vol. ii, p. 110. 

62 Fer«usson, History of Architecture, 
vol i. p. '99. 

63 Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. ii, p. 160. 
Compare Herod, ii, 124. 

64 The angle of the descending passase 
is 2*6° 41', that of the ascending one 26° 18' 
(Vyse, vol. ii, p. 110). 

65 At first three feet ten inches high 
only; after "the step" five feet eight 
incnes (ibid. p. 112). 

66 Vvse passim; Bunsen 1 . vol. ii, pp. 
156, 158; Wilkinson; Topography, p. 324. 
There is no ground for this appellation. 

67 Vyse, vol. ii, p. 113. 

68 The sarcophagus had no inscription: 
but the walls of the chambers had 
roughly scrawled upon them in red ochre 
the names of 




See Lepsius, Denkmaler, vol. iii, pt. ii, 
pi. 1. Dr. Birch seems to regard these 
two cartouches as representine the same 
kin<r (Egypt from the Earliest Times, 
Dp. 32-8). 

69 Vyse, vol. ii, p 111. 

70 Bunsen, vol. ii, p. 164. 

71 Ibid. Compare Vyse, vol. ii, pian 
opp. p. 158. 

72 Vyse, vol. ii. p. 111. 

73 Ibid. p. 110. This fact would seem 
to show either a change of design on the 
part of the original builder, or the pass- 
ing of the building into new hands, and 
the substitution for the original design 
of an entirely new plan. 

74 See the work of Mr. Piazzi Smyth; 
entitled Antiquity of Intellectual Man, 
Edinburgh, 1865, p. 240, etc. 

75 These ideas, which originated with 
Signor Cavi^lia, were encouraged by 
Col. Howard Vyse (Pyi amids of Ghizeh, 
vol. ii, pp. 105, 106) and, to some extent, 
by Wilkinson (Topography of Thebes, 
p. 328). Their entire falsity is sufficiently 
indicated by the facts, that no two pyra- 
mids have their sides inclined, or theL* 
entrance passages sloped, at tha same 

76 Birch. Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 35. 

77 The symmetrical idea before the 
minds of the constructors of the pyra- 
mids seems to have been that each face 
of a pyramid should form an equilateral 
triangle. Their architectural skill was 
not sufficient to enable them to effect 
this quite exactly, but they did not miss 
their aim by very much. The propor- 
tions of the bases to the sloping edges in 
the three pyramids are as follows:-- 


Great Pyramid 764 723 l-19th. 

Second Pyramid 707 672 l-20th. 

Third Pyramid 354 330 l-15th. 

(See Fergusson's History of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 96.) 

78 See Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, pp. 32-41; Lenormant, Manuel 
d'Histoire Ancienne, vol. i, pp. 537-8; 
Fergusson, History of Architecture, vol. 
i, p. 98; Brugsch, Histoire d'Egypte, pp. 
51-59, etc. 

79 Lenormant, p. 537; Fergus., p. 98. 

80 Vyse, vol. i, p. 288: vol. ii, pp. 78, 82, 
etc.; Belzoni, Researches, pp. 269, 274, 

81 Fergusson, vol. i, p. 100. 

82 Ibid. p. 98. 

83 According to Diodorus (i, 64, 28) the 
entrance to the Third Pyramid was not 
concealed, but, on the contrary, was 
poin + ed out for observation, by having 
the name of Mencheres inscribed over 
it. If this were so, we must attribute it 
to the carelessness or hostility of the 
kings of the fifth dynasty, who may have 
come into power before the works con- 
nected with the closing of the tomb of 
Mencheres were completed. 

84 This was first proved by Sir Henry 
James, of the Royal Engineers, whose 
models and lucid explanations con- 
vinced me of the fact, when I was at 

Vol. 1. 

Plate LXV1L 



Fig. 166.— Egyptian Javelins.— See Page 217 

Fig 167.-HEAD-REST.-See Fig. 1G8.-Egyptian Fig. Ib9.-EGYP- 
Page 229 Military Drum.— tian Captive.— 

See Page 224. See Page 224. 

Fig. 170.— Prisoners of War, escorted BY their Captor.— See Page 222. 


Fig i71._Egyptian undergoing the BASTiNADO.-See Page 22o. 

Plate LXVIII. 

Vol I 

Fig. 17$;.— Egyptian Saw.- See Page 227 

Fig. 173.— Egyptian Porcelain Vase . — 
See Page 232. 

Fig. 174.— Process of Smoothing Stone. 
- See Page 227. 

Fig. 175.— Women Weaving.— See Page 228. 

Vol. I. 

Plate LXIX. 

Fig. 170. — Furniture-making. — See Page 229. 

Fig. 177.— Chariot-making.— See Page 229. 

Fte. 1T8.~Oi.ass blowikgi— See Page 880*. 

Plate LXX. 

Vol. I. 

Fig. 179.— Specimens of ordinary Egyptian Pottery.— See Page 231. 

Fig. 180.— Elegant Vases and Asiphorje,— See Page 231. 




Exeter on the occasion of the meeting of 
the British Association in 1869. Mr. Fer- 
gusson adopts Sir. H. James's views 
(Hist, of Architecture, vol. i, p. 98). 

85 Herodotus (ji, 125) expressly notices 
that the stones were raised in this way, 
a step at a time, by machines placed on 
the step below. Mr. Perring found 
marks of the use of such machines 
wherever the upper surface of the orig- 
inal steps was exposed to view. He 
conjectured that the mac' ine used was 
the pohjxpaston of Vitruvius (Vyse, 
Pyramids of Ghizeh, vol. i, p. 197, note). 

86 i. e., diminishing as they ascend. 

87 See Fig. 54, plate xx, and compare 
the frontispiece to the first volume of 
Col. Vyse's work. 

88 Fergusson, vol. i, pp. 91, 92. Com- 
pare Vyse, vol. i, p. 289 : "The masonry 
of the [central] chamber is probably the 
finest specimen in the world. It consists 
entirely of enormous masses of polished 
granite, worked down and laid with the 
greatest exactness, and has retained its 
original perfection for unnumbered cen- 
turies, whilst other mighty fabrics, com- 
posed of coarse workmanship aud mater- 
ials, have gradually crumbled away into 
shapeless masses of stone and rubbish. 
In this instance every block is as fresh 
and as perfect as when taken from the 
quarry, and such is the ponderous solid- 
ity and perfection of their texture, and 
the labor and science employed in their 
arrangement, that they seem to set at 
defiance the effects of time and the 
efforts of human violence. 11 

89 Fergusson. vol. i, p. 105. 

90 Ibid. Compare Vyse, vol. i, p. 176. 

91 After noticing the fact that at first 
sight the pyramids generally disappoint 
travellers, Col. Vyse observes: "A more 
deliberate examination, however, never 
fails to alter and correct these opinions; 
and it was universally acknoivledged by 
those who remained for any length of 
time at Ghizeh, that the more carefully 
and completely they were inspected the 
more extraordinary their grandeur ap- 
peared . . . Pre-eminent In dimensions 
and antiquity over all other buildings in 
the world, they are alike admirable for 
the excellence of their masonry, the 
skill and science displayed in their con- 
struction, and the imposing majesty of 
their simple forms. 11 (Pyramids of Ghi- 
zeh, l.s.c.) 

92 Herod, ii, 124-34 and 148. Compare 
i 93. 

' 93 Tacit. Ann. ii, 61. 

94 "Soldiers, forty centuries look 
down upon you from the top of the pyr- 
amids. 11 (See Alison, History of Europe, 
vol. iii, p. 433.) 

95 Diod. Sic. i, 63; ii, 11; Strab. xvii, 1, 

96 Richardson, Travels along the Med- 
iterranean and Parts adjacent, vol. i, p. 
119, quoted by Dr. Russell in his Egypt, 
Ancient and Modern, p. 124. Compare 
Diod. Sic. i, 63, sub fin. 

97 Vyse (vol. iii, pp. 57-63 and 70-D 
gives a full account of two brick pyra- 
mids at Dashoor. They were composed 
of crude, not baked, bricks, and were 
cased with Mokattam limestone. The 
original bases were estimated at 342 feet 
6 inches and 350 feet, their perpendicular 
heights at %u feet 4 inches and 215 feet 
6 inches. There is also a pyramid chiefly 
built of crude brick at Illahoun, (Fig. 
52) on the way to the Fayoum. This had 
not only a casing of stone, but was 
strengthened internally by a number of 
stone walls, the arrangement of which 
will be best understood by the represen- 
tation on the opposite page. There is 
another brick pyramid inside the Fay- 
oum, known as the Pyramid of Howara 
(Vyse, vol. iii, p. 83). 

98 Herod, ii, 135. 

99 Vyse, vol. iii, pp. 65-7. 
ioo Ibid. p. 66. 

101 So Wilkinson (Topography of 
Thebes, p. 338). The Dashoor pyramid 
shows an inferiority of construction in 
the upper part; and it is doubtful if it 
was ever quite completed (Vyse, vol. iii, 
p. 66). 

102 See Mr. Fergusson's description of 
the "Tomb of Menephthah 11 (Fig. 50) at 
Thebes (Hist, of Architecture, vol. i, p. 
128). This excavation was 350 feet long, 
and descended gradually till it reached a 
depth of nearly 100 feet below the level 
of the entrance. It comprised five pil- 
lared chambers, numerous passages or 
corridors, and a large room with a coved 
roof, in which Belzoni found the sar- 
cophagus of Menephthah (Researches, p. 
23.5 >. 

103 Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 103. 

104 Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i. p. 103. Compare Falkener in 
Museum of Class. Antiquities, vol. i, p. 
87. The resemblance to the Doric order 
was remarked by the architect Gaetano 
Rosellini, who accompanied the Tuscan 
expedition of the Grand Duke Leopold. 
(See Rosellini, Monumenti Civili, vol. i. 
p. 65, note 4 .) It is also noticed by Sir 
Gardner Wilkinson (Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. i, p. 44), and by Bunsen (Egypt's 
Place, vol. ii, p. 284). 

105 '-Tali colonne sono tra le piu. eleganti 
di quante se ne veggono negli antichi 
monumenti d'Egitto. 11 (Rosellini, Mon. 
Civ. l.s.c.) 

loe "A que8te colonne, oltre Teleganza 
del la forma, aggiungono vaghezzo i 
colori, che, disposti con belP armonia, 
danno risalto agli steli, ai legami, ed ai 
bocciuoli 11 (Rosellini, p. 70). 

107 Ibid. p. 69; Fergusson, vol. i, p. 

los Herod, ii, 99 ; Diod. Sic. i, 45, 46, etc. 

109 Donaldson in the Transactions oj 
the Society of British Architects for Feb. 
1861 ; Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 104. 

n° Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 38. 



111 Fergusson, vol. i. p. 105. 

112 Fergusson, vol. i, p. 105-6. 

ii3 Wilkinson, Ancient Egytians, vol. 
i, p. 45 : Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. ii, 
p. 283, etc. 

ii4 Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 219. 

us Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 118. 

n* See the plan in the Description de 
V Egypte, "Antiquites, 11 "Pianches, 11 vol. 
ii, pi. 4, tig. 1. 

117 According to the French savants 
the original height was about twenty- 
four feet (Description de I Egypte, l.s.c. 
fig. 4). 

" 8 Ibid. "Texte,' 1 vol. i, ch. ix. p. 25. 

119 Description, "Texte,' 1 vol. i, ch. ix, 

f>. 2t5 : "On s etait apercu sans doute que 
es pierres du plafond, trop pesantes, 
menacoient de se rompre sous leur propre 
poids. " 

120 ibid. p. 28. 

121 DAnville, Memoir es snr V Egypte, 
p. 205; Description, "Antiquites," vol. i, 
ch. ix. p. 121; Wilkinson, Ancient Egyp- 
tians, vol. i, pp. 114-6. 

122 Brugsch. Geschichle Aegyptens 
•water den Pharaonen, p. 542 ; Fergusson, 
Hist, of Architecture, vol. i. pp. 116-7 ; 
Birch, Egypt from the Earliest Times, p. 

123 Fergusson, p. 117. Diodorus gives 
the pylons a height of forty-rive cubits, 
or sixty -seven and a half feet (i, 47). Ttie 
French savants (Description, "Plan- 
ches, 1 '' vol. ii, pi. 27) represent it as some- 
what greater (about seventy-three feet). 

124 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
i, p. 116: Description, "Texte, 1 ' vol. i, ch. 
ix, pp. 123-4; Fergusson, p. 116. 

125 That is to say, a court with colon- 
nades all round it. 

126 The French savants made the two 
courts, the hall, and the building beyond, 
all of them, of exactly the same width ; 
but Sir G. Wilkinson and other author- 
ities tell us that the width of the edifice 
is contracted at each stage. (See the plan, 
plate xxt.) 

i 27 So Wilkinson (l.s.c.) and Fergusson 
(vol. i, p. 116). The French explorers 
supposed that there had been ten rows 
Df six columns, and thus made their num- 
ber sixty. (Description, "Antiquites, 11 
"Texte, 11 vol. i, ch. ix, p. 132; "Plan- 
ches, 11 vol ii, pi. 27.) 

128 The central pillars have a height of 
thirty-five feet, the side ones of twenty- 
four. The former are above six feet in 
diameter, the latter about five feet. (De- 
scription, "Texte, 11 l.s.c.) 

129 Description de VEgypte. pp. 132-3. 

130 So Wilkinson and Fergusson. The 
French explorers thought that there 
might originally have been as many 
apartments in the rear of the great hall 
as Diodorus states. (See their plan, 
"Antiquites, 11 pi. 33.) 

13 * Description, "Texte, 11 vol. i, ch. ix, 
pp. 184-5; Wilkinson, Topography of 

7%9b€€ y pp, 10-18, 

i 32 Description, p. 125. note *. 

133 ibid. pp. 80-1. 

134 Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture. 
vol. i, p. 118. 

135 Wilkinson, Topography of Thebes. 
p. 173. 

136 Description, "Antiquites, 11 vol. i, 
ch. ix, p. 208. 

i 37 Wilkinson, l.s.c. 

138 Description, "Antiquites, 11 vol. i, 
ch ix, p. 216. 

1 39 Ibid. 

140 The bases of the second pylons ex- 
ceed in width those of the rirst by about 
six feet (Description, "Planches, -1 vol. 
iii, a. pi. 21). It is therefore probable 
that they had a greater weight to support. 

"i Ibid. "Texte, 1 vol. i, ch. ix, p. 218. 

i 42 Mr. Fergusson says 340 (Hut of 
Architecture, vol. i, p. 118): and I do not 
know on what authority. Sir U. Wilkin- 
son gives the length as 329 feet (Topog- 
raphy, p. 174); the French explorers at 
100 metres, which is 328 feet (Description, 
vol. i. ch. ix, p. 220). 

143 So Wilkinson and Fergusson. The 
Description (l.s.c.) makes the width exact- 
ly half tiie length, or bil feet. 

144 The side columns are said by Wil- 
kinson to be forty-one feet nine inches 
high and twenty-seven feet in circum- 
ference (Topography, 1 s.c.) 

14? See Fergusson, - 

146 Their width was forty-eight feet, 
that of the western p\ ions hfty-two feet. 

147 See the Description, "Antiquites," 
vol. i, ch. ix, p. 228. The total height of 
these obelisks is reckoned by the French 
savants at twenty-two metres and three- 
quarters, or seventy-four feet seven 

148 Mr. Fergusson (Hist of Architec- 
ture, vol. i, p. 118) (alls this a' -'hall.** but 
I do not suppose that he imagines the 
the space between the piers, which was 
above thirty feet, to have been roofed in. 

i 49 Description, p. 220: " Cet obe- 
lisque est le plus eleve des onze que 
renferme encore 1 Egypte, et il egale 
presque en hauteur les plus grands qui se 
trouvent a Rome." 

150 Description., p. 230. 

1 51 Description, p. 2o4: " Tout semble 
indiquer ici un lieu mysterieux et revere, 
dans lequel les pieties on les ministres 
du roi avoient seuls la faculte d'entrer." 1 

i» 2 Ibid. p. 232. 

1 53 On the probability that '--Tachin 
and Boaz" stood in front of the Temple, 
and not under the porch, see the author's 
note on 1 Kings vii, 15-19, in the Speak- 
er's Commentary. 

154 One hundred yards long by nearly 
eighty broad. (See the plan in the 
Description, "Planches. 11 a. vol. iii, pL 
21: and compare above, plate xxvii a.) 

1 55 Ibid. Texte, "Antiquites, 11 vol. i, 
ch. ix. p. 237. 

156 Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 119. The Description makes the 
length 143 feet. ' . - - 

lftT See the plan,- plate xxvii a. 

CH. VII.] 



is« Mr. Enrg-nspon says "360 feet" 
(l.s.c.), but tn.f* Lb wore tuan the exireine 
width of the propylaea in front, which 
does not exceed 345 feet. In rear, the 
length of the wall which skirted the en- 
closure was not more than 330 feet. 

159 By exaggerating the width Mr. 
Fergusson is enabled to say. that the en- 
tire edifice " occupies nearly twice the 
area of St. Peter's at Rome. 11 But this 
is an over-estimate. 

160 Description. " Antiquites, vol. i, 
ch. ix. p. 220. 

lei Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 119. 

162 Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 119. 

163 Stanley,. Sinai and Palestine, "In- 
troduction, " p. xxxviii. 

164 Fergusson, vol. i, pp. 119-20. 

i fi * The monuments in the shape of 
obelisks, which, like the one in Kensing- 
ton Gardens, are built up of a number of 
moderately sized stones, transgress 
against the fundamental law of the obe- 
lisk's being, which is to be monolithic. 
They offend against good taste like sham 
carvings on a ceiling, or wood painted to 
imitate marble. 

146 The nearest approach to a Roman 
obelisk is that of the Piazza Navona, 
which appears to have been erected in 
Egypt to the honor of Domitian by his 
flatterers in that country. It belongs 
thus to Roman times, but was the pro- 
duction of Egyptian workmen. 

167 Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 129: Smith, Diet, of Greek and 
Roman Antiquities, p. 816. 

168 Description, "Antiquites,'" vol. i, 
p. 229, note; Fergusson, l.s.c. 

169 Description, l.s.c. 
1™ ibid. 

171 According to the French savants, 
the obelisks nearest in height to that of 
St. John Lateran are the great obelisks of 
Karnak, which they imagined to have 
measured 29.83 metres, or ninety-seven 
feet eight inches, but which are now said 
to have a height of only ninety-three feet 
(Stuart Poole in the Encyclopaedia Bri- 
tannica,advoc. Egypt, p. 508: Fergusson, 
Hist, of Architecture, vol. i, p. 129). Next 
to these comes the one before St. Peter's, 
which measures 25.135 metres, or eighty- 
two feet four inches. Almost of the same 
size are the great obelisk of Luxor and 
its fellow, now the main ornament of the 
Piace de la Concorde at Paris, which 
measure twenty-five metres, or almost 
exactly eighty-two feet. The obelisk 
near the Porta del Popolo at Rome has a 
height of seventy-eight feet, that at fleli- 
opolis of sixty-six, and that recently 
brought to England of sixty-seven feet. 

i™ The obelisk in front of St. Peter's 
is estimated to weigh 694,000 lbs. 
(French), or 335 tons; that in the Place 
de la Concorde and its fellow at Lux- 
or, 525,236 lbs. (French), or 254 tons; the 
smaller one of those si ; !l standing at 
Luxor, 352,767 lbs. (Frentn), or 1^0 tons. 

(See the Description, "Antiquites, 11 vol. 
i, pp. 188, 229 and 230.) 

173 See Zoega, De Obeliscis; and com- 
pare Plin. H. N. xxxvi, 8, I 14. 

174 Plin. l.s.c. 

1 75 I cannot agree with those who see 
in obelisks nothing but "grotesque and 
unsightly monuments of Eastern super- 
stition 1- ' (Merivale, Roman Empire, vol. 
iv, p. 73). 

i78 Mr. Fergusson says the average 
proportion is ten diameters {Hist, of 
Architecture, vol. i, p. 29). But in the 
best specimens, as in that of the Lateran 
obelisk, the height is so exactly eleven 
diameters that we must conclude that 
proportion to have been intended. (The 
French engineers give the diameter as 
2.923 metres, the height as 32.159. Now, 
2.923 + 11 = 32.153.) 

177 The name was, I beliave, first given 
by Sir Gardner Wilkinson {Topography 
of Thebes, pp. 28, 31, and "Table of Con- 
tents, 11 p. xxiii; Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
i, p. 58). It has been adopted by Fergus- 
son {Hist, of Architecture, vol. i, p. 118) 
and others. 

178 Fergusson, vol. i, p. 123. 

1 79 See the plan in the Description, 
"Planches, 11 vol. iii, a. pi. 54, which is 
reproduced above. 

180 Fergusson, l.s.c. 
i8i Fergusson, p. 126. 

182 These were in every case solid 
structures, pierced (at the utmost) by a 
single narrow staircase, which led to the 
top {Description. "Antiquites, 11 vol. i, ch. 
ix, p. 209). 

1 83 ibid. p. 221. Wilkinson says that 
the usual construction is by layers of two 
blocks each {Architecture), p. 44). 

i 84 Wilkinson, Topography of Thebes, 
p. 174, note; Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii, 
p. .332. 

285 That of Rameses II. at the Rame- 
seum weighed, according to Wilkinson 
{Topography, p. 12), 887 tons 5 cwt. and 
a half. Those of Amenophis III., in the 
plain of Qurnah, which are said to con- 
tain 11,500 cubic feet (Wilkinson, Ancient 
Egyptians, vol. iii, p. 329), must be near- 
ly as heavy. 

1 86 See Burton's Excerpta, pi. 41; and 
compare Wilkinson in the author's He- 
rodotus,vo\ ii, p. 263, note 3 . One such 
apartment is said to have weighed as 
much as 5,000 tons (!) ; but this estimate 
depends on the accuracy of Herodotus ia 
the measurements which he gives of the 
monolithic chamber at Buto (ii, 155), and 
on a calculation[foanded thereon by Wil- 
kinson {A. E. vol. iii, p. 331). It is 
scarcely possible that the chamber, if of 
the size stated, was really formed of a 
single block. 

1 87 Description, "Antiquites, 11 vol. i, 
ch. ix, p. 221. Wilkinson says, a length 
of "above twenty-four feet 1 "' {Architec- 
ture of Ancient Egypt, p. 18, note). 

1 88 Supra, p. 112 and note 1 72 chapter 

x89 This was the proportion ultimately 



fixed for the Doric order, in which the 
column was the thickest. Antique speci- 
mens are found which approach the pro- 
portions usual in Egypt. (See Smith's 
Diet, of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 
p. 325). 

190 See Wilkinson's Architecture of 
Ancient Egypt, pp. 35, 43, etc. 

i9i See above, p. 103. 

192 Wilkinson, Architecture, p. 7. 

193 See plate xxix, Pig. 71, Nos. 2 and 

is* Description, "Planches,*''' vol, i, a. 
pis. 18, 88, etc. 

195 See plate xxix, Fig 71, No. 1. 

196 Description, Antiquites, 11 vol. i, ch. 
ix, p. 35: "Des chapiteaux a cainpanes 11 
— p. 132: "Ce chapiteau a la forme d'une 
tieur de lotus epanouie. 11 

i 9 7 Chapiteaux a boutonsde lotus tron- 
ques 11 {Description, "Antiquites, 11 vol. i. 
ch. ix, p. 127); the "bud-capital 11 of Wil- 
kinson {Architecture of Ancient Egypt, 
p 33). 

198 "II est a remarquer que cet ordre 
est propremeut celui de TheOes; partout 
il y est employe, et on ne le retrouve 
que rarement ailieurs 11 {Description, p. 

199 Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 119; Dtscription, "Antiquites, 11 
vol. i, ch. ix, p. 1(55; Wilkinson, Topog- 
raphy of Thebes, pp. 175-6. 

200 Fergusson, p. 123. This was com- 
moner in the later than in the earlier 
times. Numerous specimens exist in 
Upper Egypt, as at Kouin Ombou, at 
Esne, and elsewhere. 

201 The Doric capital was from one- 
eighth to one-twelfth the height of the 
pillar, the Ionic from one-ninth to one- 
eleventh, the Corinthian between one- 
seventh and one-eighth {Encyclop. Brit, 
ad. roc. Architecture, pp. 463-6). 

202 See 1 Kings vii, 15-19, which shows 
that in the pillars Jachin and Boaz, the 
proportion of the capital to the shaft of 
the column was as one to two! 

203 Ancient Monarchies, vol. iii, p. 306. 

204 For an example see Encyclop. Brit. 
vol. iii, pi. li, fig. 7 

205 See plate xxix, Fig. 71, Nos. 2 and 

208 In the great pillared hall at Kar- 
nak the width of the central avenue is 
eighteen feet, the diameter of the col- 
umns at their Dase being eleven feet 
eigb+ -yiehes, which gives an intercol- 
umniation of not much more than a 
diameter and a half; but in the temple 
of Rameses II., which projects into the 
great court at Karnak, and again in the 
larger of the two temples towards the 
south, the distance of two diameters is 
reached. See the Description, "Plan- 
ches, 11 A. pis. 21 and 55, tig. 3. 

207 Description, "Antiquites, 11 vol. i, 
ch. ix, p. 212. 

208 Ibid. pp. 35, 127, etc. 

209 "£i]es sont vetues d'une tunique 
longue et etroite. 11 (Ibid. p. 127.) 

210 An exception appears in a set of 

caryatides belonging to the temple of 
Rameses II. at Karnak, where the top of 
the mitre rises a little above the line of 
the architrave. (See Description, "Plan- 
ches, 11 vol. iii, pis. 25 and 30, tig. 1.) 

211 As the Greek caryatides were said 
to be (Vitruv. i, 1, §5; Plin. H. N. xxxvi, 

212 See above, p. 113. 

213 Herod, ii, 111. Compare Plin. H. 
N. xxxvi, 8, §14, where four are ascribed 
to Sesothes, two to Rhamesis (Kameses), 
two to Mesphres, etc. 

21 4 See the remarks of the French: 
engineers, on the two obelisks of Luxor. 
{Description, "Antiquites, 11 vol. i, ch. ix. 
pp. 188-9.) 

2 i 5 See the plates, vol. i, A. pi. 18. The 
temple at Philse is a late construction, 
and the character of its ornamentation 
Would scarcely be a sure indication of 
the character of decorative art under the 
Pharaohs. Still, it is a thoroughly Egyp- 
tian building, and, considerering how 
disinclined the Egyptians vere to change 
of any kind, might not improbably re- 
peat more ancient work. 

216 Belzoni, Researches, pp. 231, 234. 
etc.; Rosellinl, Monimienti Civili, vol. i, 
pp. 54, 106, etc.; Sharpe, History oj 
Egypt, vol. i, p. 73. 

217 Belzoni, p. 234; Stanley, Sinai and 
Palestine, "Introduction, 11 pp. xxxix-xl.; 
Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, vol. i, 
p. 129. 

218 See Rosellini, Monumenti Civili, 
Plates, vol. ii, pi. 53. rigs. 16 and 17; pi. 
59, tigs. 1 and 2; pi. 71, tig. 11, etc. 

219 Wilkinson says: "No one who 
understands the harmony of colors will 
fail to admit that they {i.e. the Egyp- 
tians) perfectly understori their distri 
bution and proper comumations, and 
that an Egyptian temple was greatly im- 
proved by the addition of painted sculp- 
tures. 11 {Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii, p. 

220 So Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 131. The point admits of a 

22 i See above, pp. 105, 106. 

222 The term was first used by the 
French savants in the Description 
("Antiquites, 11 vol. i, ch. ix, pp. 30-33). 
It has been adopted from them by Sir G. 
Wilkinson {Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii, p. 
116: vol. v, p. 345) and Mr. Fergusson 
{Hist, of Architecture, vol. i, p. 130). 

223 Rameses III., of the twentieth dy- 

224 These measures are taken from the 
Description, "Planches, 11 vol. ii, a. pi. 16. 

225 Description, "Antiquites, 11 vol. i, 
ch. ix, p. 32. 

226 One very peculiar ornamentation 
requires special notice. The sills of 
several blank windows are supported by 
a row of heads, apparently those of cap- 
tives, which seem crushed beneath the 
weight that presses on them. (See the 
Description, "Planches, 11 vol. ii, a. pi. 17, 
fig. 7; and compare; Wilkinson, Ancient 




Egyptians, voi. v, pp. 34'-; and Archi- 
lovi.ui-e, p. 64). Tins ornament, is nowhere 
else repeated. 

227 See the woodcut, and compare 
Rosellini, Monumenti Civili, vol. ii, pp. 
381-2, with the representation given in 
vol. ii, of the Plates (pi. 68, tig. 8). 

228 Rosellini argues that this repre- 
sents a lantern, which acted at once as 
a skylight and a ventilator. But there Is 
nothing to show this. 

229 See Rosellini, Mon. Civ. vol. ii, pp. 
382-6, and compare the illustration in his 
Plates, vol. ii, pi. 68, fig. 2, from which 
the woodcut in the text is taken. 

230 Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 132. 

231 These •'Minds, 11 as I have called 
them, may possibly he shutters; but they 
seem not quite to reach the bottom of 
the window. 

232 The artist has accidentally omitted 

233 Dlodorus says that the Theban 
houses had occasionally four and even 
five stories (i, 45). The tomb containing 
this representation is close to Thebes. 

234 See the Plates, vol. ii, pi. 69; and 
compare the description givei in the 
text (vol. ii, pp. 386-8). 

235 History of Architecture, vol. i, p. 

236 Rosellini conceives the < firy 
material to have been crudi '.;. 
(Mon. Civ. vol. ii, p. 380. Compare .\ d- 
kinson, Topography, q. 199.) 

237 As Sir G. Wilkinson, Mr. Fergus- 
son, and Mr. R. S. Poole, whose con- 
tribution to the Encyclopcedia Britannica 
on the subject of Egypt is of meat value. 

238 See Wilkinson, Architecture of 
Ancient Egypt, p. 17; Topography of 
Thebes, pp. 8i, 201; Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. ii, p. 116; vol. iii, p. 319; Sharpe, 
Hist, of Egypt, vol. i, pp. 49, 143, Vyse, 
Pyramids of Ghizeh. vol. ii, p, 131, etc. 

239 See above, p. 10'. 

240 Fergusson, II, sc. of Architecture, 
vol. i, "Introduction," p." 22. 

241 Wilkinson, Architecture of Ancient 
Egypt, pp. 30 and 103; Topography of 
Thebes, pp. 3 and 54; Fergusson, Hist, of 
Architecture, vol. i, p. 115. 

242 See the Description, "Planches, 11 
vol. i, A. pi. 5; vol. iii, a. pi. 5. 

243 Hist, of Architecture, vol. i, p. 95, 

244 See page 107. 

245 See Wilkinson, Architecture of 
Ancient Egypt, pp. 29 and 43; Topog- 
raphy of Thebes,_ l.s.c; Description, 
"Antiquites, 11 vol. i, ch. ix, p. 214. 

246 Wilkinson, Architecture, p. 30. 

247 Description, "Planches, 11 vol. i, a. 
pis. 6, 8, etc.; Wilkinson, Architecture, 
p. 61. 

248 Description, "Planches, 11 vol. ii, a. 
pi. 28; and compare the text, "Anti- 
qnftas," vol. i, ch. ix, p. 128. 

* 2 49 ibid. "Planches, 11 vol. i, a. pi. 50. 


i Birch, Guide to the Egyptian Gal 
leries of the British Museum, p. 16 ; Wil- 
kinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii, p. 

2 Birch, l.s.c. 

3 Lenormant, Manuel d'Hisloire An- 
cienne, vol. i, p. 540 ; Birch, Egypt from 
the Earliest Times, p. 43. 

4 The Egyptians carved their statues in 
calcareous stone, in dark and red 
granite, in porphyry, and in basalt. They 
also employed wood in the more ancient 
times, and bronze, ivory, and porcelain 
for statuettes. 

6 "Les muscles, les veines, les plis et 
les contractions de la peau n'y sont pas 
rendus, ni merae la charpente osseuse. 11 
(Lenormant, Manuel, vol. i, p. 539.) 

6 Lenormant, Manuel, vol. i, p. 539. 
"La figure egyptienne est modeiee, non 
pasgrossierement, mais sommairement. n 

7 Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i, p. 

8 See plate xxxiv, Fig. 86. 

9 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 16. 

10 Birch, l.s.c. p. 17. Compare Ken- 
rick, vol. i, p. 266. 

11 This is done even in the remarkable 
wooden statue which forms the glory of 
the museum of Boulaq, and is said to ex- 
hibit "a truth, grace, and fidelity, which 
shows the hand of a great master 11 (Birch 
Egypt from the Earliest Times, p. 43). * 
There is no doubt some evidence that 
the practice was occasionally adopted by 
the Greeks; but, in spite of this, a true 
taste will pronounce it "more honored 
in the breach than the observance. 11 

12 The author delivers here his own im- 
pression of the Egyptian statues which 
have come under his notice. He has not 
thought it necessary to encumber his 
pages with representations of the hideous 
figures themselves. They may be seen 
in all their native ugliness in the 
Egyptian collection at the British 
Museum, in the Louvre, at Berlin, and 

13 See Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. vi, Supplement, pis. 21, 22, 24, 25, 27, 
35a, 40, etc. 

14 The grotesque character of the 
figures of Phthah was noted by Herod- 
otus (iii, 37), and, if we may believe him, 
attracted the attention of Cambyses. The 
figures of Bes are, according to Wilkin- 
son (A.E. pi. 24a), even more hideous. 

15 Birch. Guide to Museum, p. 15. 

16 See above p. 116. 

17 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 17. 

18 See the representations in the De- 
scription de VEgypte, "Antiquites, 11 vol. 
v, pi. 64-72. 

19 Professor Owen calls it "a sculpture 
of exquisite art and finish 11 (Leisure 
Hour for May, 1876, p. 321). Ampere 
says: "Oette grande figure mutilee est 
d'un effet prodigieux ; e'est comrae une 
apparition eternelle Le fantfime d<* 
pierre parait uttenuf ; on dirait qu ii en. 

2.: s 

kot::s to history of ancient lgypt. [ch. viii 

entend et qu 1 il regarde. Sa grande oreille ] 
semble recueillir les bruits du passe : ses | 
yeux tournes vers Torient semblent epier 
l'avenir: ie regard a une profondeur et 
une verite qui fascinent le spectateur. 
Sur cette figure, moitie statue, moitie 
montagne, ou decouvre une majeste sin- 
guliere, une grande serenite, et meme 
une certaine douceur." (Quoted by Le- 
normant in his Manuel d Histoire An- 
cienne, vol. i, p. 541.) 

20 See Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. vi, Supplement pi. 43. 

21 Ibid. vol. iii, pp. 263-275 ; Kenrick, 
Ancient Egypt, vol. i, p. 264; Lenorniant, 
Manuel, vol. i, pp. 353-4. etc. 

22 Lenorniant, Manuel d' Histoire An- 
cienne, vol. i, pp. 538-541 ; Wilkinson, 
Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii, p. 87 ; Ken- 
rick, Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. pp. 2U4-5. 

23 Birch, Guide to British Museum, p. 
18 ; Wilkinson in the author's Herodotus, 
vol. ii, p. 2,59-2(4, 3d edition. The main 
authorities upon the points are Plato, 
Diodoras, and Synesius. 

24 Birch, Egypt frar* the Earliest 
Times, pp. 43. 129, 175, etc.; and see be- 
low, pp. 299-301. 

25 See the author's Ancient Monarch it s, 
vol. iii, pp. 29o, 301, and 3:34 (2d edition). 

26 See the frontispiece to Sir C. Fellows 
Lycia, and compare the Lycian sculp- 
tures in British Museum. 

27 A somewhat high relief is observ- 
able in the hideous monster figureu oy 
Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. vi, 
Supplement, pi. 43 a. Also in Lepsius, 
Denkmaler, vol. iii, part ii, pis. 11 and 
44; and in the Description, "Antiquites," 
vol. iii, pi. 31. 

28 See Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. ii, p. 416 ; fig. 2, a. 

29 1 Sam. ix, 2. 

30 Horn. II. iii, 226-7: 

avnp 171)5 Te /u.e'705 re, 
'E^j^o? 'Apyeiiav Keu>a\riv T£~ xai eypeas 


31 See the Description de I'Egypte, 
"Antiquites, 11 vol. iii, pis. 3, 6, 38, etc.; 
and compare Lepsius, Denkmaler, vol. 
vi, pt. iii, pis. 12o, 127, 165, etc. 

32 One of the best of the battle-scenes 
is reproduced in the woodcut opposite. 
It exists at Karnak, on the northern wall 
Df the central building, and probably 
"-'presents Amenophis I, destroying his 

•mies (see the Description, "An- 

vs," vol. iii, pi. 40, fig. 6). Fig. 95. 

! The remark of Madame de Stael is 

te just. "Les sculpteursegyptiens sai- 

-aient avec bien plus de genie la figure 

.<'< animaux que celle des hommes 11 

I* triune, vol. i, p. 127). 

34 At first the animal forms are weak, 
and sometimes aosurd, as the tall hare in 
the Denkmaler (vol. iii, pt. ii, pi. 3), and 
the very feeble dogs catching antelopes 
of different kinds in the same (vol. iii, 
pt. ii, pi. 6). But they became fairly 
satisfactory not much later ; and by the 
date of the 18th dynasty 7 , they leave but 
little to be desired. 

35 Compare Rosellini, Monvmenti 
Culii, vol. ii, pis. to 13, with Wiikin 
son, Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii, pp. 36- 

36 Rosellini, Monumenti Cirili, vol. ii, 
pi. 15. The scene is taken from a tomb 
at Beni Hassan, near Thebes. 

37 See the Description, 'Antiquites,'" 
Texte, vol i, ch. ix. g i, p. 54, and 
Planches, vol. ii, pi. 9, fig. 1. 

38 The wall is here interrupted by a 
doorway, whi< h renders the composi- 
tion imperfect, and can scarcely have 
been part of the original structure. 

3y Compare the Description (l.s.c.)— 
"Ce bas-relief, precieux sous le rapport 
de Thistoire (?), ne Test pas moins sous 
le rapport de Tart. On pent remarquer 
la franchise et la hardiesse du dessin, la 
variete et la fermete des attitudes de 
toutes les figures ; ^expression de la 
douleur est snrtout rendue avec beaucoup 
de verite. 11 

40 See Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. iii. pp. 16, 18. 22; Lepsius, Denkma- 
ler, vol. ii. pt. ii. pis. 22, 46, etc. 

41 Lepsius. Deu/rr/ti/ler. vol. iii, pis. 10, 
21. 25, 42, 57 a, etc. Sometimes both 
i. ires stand, the wife a little in the rear 
(ibid. pis. 13, 17 a, 21, etc.). 

42 Or on a scale slightly smaller (ibid, 
pis. 27. 38 a, etc.). 

43 Ibid. pis. 10. 47, &c. 

44 Ibid. vol. iii, pt. ii, pis. 47, 51 ; vol. 
vi. pt. iii, pi. 154. 

45 Rosellini, Man. Cic. vol. ii, pi. 22, 
fig. 3. 

46 Ibid. fig. 2. Compare Wilkinson, 
A.E., plate at the end of vol. i, line 3. 
A better representation of the real pro- 
portions will be found in Lepsius, Denk- 
maler, vol. vi. pt. iii. pi. 118. 

47 Lepsius, Denkmaler, vol. vi, nt. iii, 
pis. 158, 159, 104. 166, etc. 

48 Rosellini. pis. 08 and 69. 

49 Wilkinson, A.E. vol. i, p. 293. 

50 Ibid. vol. ii, pp. 188-9. 

51 A striking instance of this bad 
drawing may be seen in Wilkinson, vol. 
ii. p. 145, where a tank of water inter- 
posed between two rows of palm trees is 
made to show itself by being raised up 
to half their height, and then placed at 
right angles to the spectator, suspended 
in air. like the coffin of Mohammed! 

52 See Wilkinson, vol. ii, pi. 9, and 
woodcut, p. 142. No. 130; and Rosellini, 
vol. ii, pi. 69. 

53 See above, p. 126. 

54 See the Description de VEgypte, 
"Antiquites," vol. i, pi. 18; vol. ii, pi. 
37: and compare Wilkinson. A.E. vol. 
vi. Supplement, pi. 55, pt. iii. 

55 See Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. ii, p. 3(3(5. Compare the passage of 
Horace to which he refers (Sat. ii, 8, 54). 

56 Wilkinson, vol. ii. p. 367. 

57 Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i, pp, 

58 Description de VEgypte. "Antiqui 
tes," vol ii. pi 83, rig. 1 ; Wilkinson, A 
E., Supplement, vol. vi, pi. 87 

CH. IX. J 



59 In the animal paintings there seems 
to be some exception to this rule. Rosel- 
lini has representations of beasts, birds, 
and fish, where the color is softened off 
from dark to light (Monumenti Civili, 
vol. ii, pis. 13, 16, 17, 20, and 25). 

60 Patterned dresses are common in 
the case of foreigners, rare in that of 
Egyptians. For examples, see Lepsius, 
Denkmaler, vol. iv, pt. ii, pi. 133; vol. vi, 
pt. iii, pis. 115-6, and 136. 

61 As particularly sails and cabins of 
vtpsels (Rosellini, M. C. vol. ii, pis. 107, 
106; Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, pi. xvi), 
caparisons of horses (Description, "An- 
tiquites," vol. iii, pi. 12; Wilkinson, vol. 
i, pi. 1), sea;^ (Wilkinson, vol. ii. pi. 11; 
vol. vi, pi. 20, etc.), frames of harps (ibid. 
vol. ii, pi. 13, (and woodcut, on p. 270), 
bow-cases (ibid. vol. i, p. 346), and 
dresses of deities (ibid. vol. vi, pis. 20, 
23, 33. 50, etc.). 

62 Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 300. 

63 This is found, I believe, only in 
representations of animals. See Rosel- 
lini, Mou. Civ. vol. ii. pi. xvii, figs. 6, 7, 
10 ; pi. xx, figs. 4, 7, 8). 

e* Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 303. 

65 Ibid. pp. 302-3. 

66 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 302. 

67 See particularly the Description de 
I'Egypte', "Antiquites," Planches, vol. 
ii, pi. 91. 

68 Sir J. Reynolds, Discourses before 
the Royal Academy, Discourse iv, p. 102. 

69 Ibid. Discourse iv, p, 89 

™ Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 301. 

71 See above p. 133. 

72 See K. O. Mliller, History of Greek 
Art, pp.48, 76, etc ; Falkener, Ephesus, 
pp. 200-1 ; Fcigusson, Hist, of Architec 
lure, vol. i, pp. 252-4. 

73 Raskin, Stones of Venice, vol. i, pis. 
1, 5, 8; vol. ii, pi. 5*: Seven Lamps of 
Architecture, pp. 130-133. 

74 Compare above, p. 117. 

7 & Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 203 : 
Fenrusson, Hist, of Architecture, vol. i, 
p. 120. 

76 L'art egyptien, 11 says Lenormant, 
"semble etre retenu par certains cotes 
dans une eternelle ent'ance 11 (Manuel eT- 
Histoire Ancienne, vol. 1. p. 533). "It was- 
the peculiarity of Egyptian art, 11 observes 
Mr. Kennck, "that the characteristics of 
its infancy were perpetuated through all 
the stages of its existence 11 (Ancient 
Egypt, vol. i, p. 2dl). 

77 Lenormant, having mentioned 
works of ait which he attributes to the 
second dynasty, says : "En les etudiant, 
on y remarque une rudesse et une inde- 
cision tic style qui montre qua la fin de 
la deuxieme dynastie Part egyptien 
cherchait encore sa voie, et n" etait qu 1 - 
imparfaitement forme 11 (Manuel, vol. i, 
p. 333). 

7 ~ Birch, Ancient Egypt, p. 43. A com- 
parison of the busts in the Roman room 
of the Brit. Museum, ranging from Ju- 
Uus Cresar to Elagabalas, wiih th<- best 
specimens of Egyptian art, will (1 think) 

show this judgment to be very much 
too favorable. 

79 Wholly, according to Lenormant 
'(Manuel, vol. i. p. 53S): but not so, accord- 
ing to Birch (Guide to Museum, p. 18). 

80 Lenormant, Manuel, vol. i, p. 3.54. 

81 "La qualite predominante dans la 
sculpture de cet age est la finesse, Tel 
eganee, et Thaimohie des proportion* 11 
(iDid. p. 353). 

62 See above p. 1"3. 

83 On the "Granu Style" see Sir J 
Reynolds's Discourses bejore the Royal 
Academy, Discourse iii. 

84 Birch, Ancient Egypt, p. 129; Wil- 
kinson, A. E., vol. iii, p. 305; Lenor- 
mant, Manuel, vol. i, p. 42J. "Les monu- 
ments de Rameses II.," says the last 
named writer, "nous font assister a une 
decadence radicale de la sculpture 
egyptienne qui se precipite avec une in- 
croyable rapidite a mesure qu'on s'avance 
dans ce long regne. II aebute par des 
ceuvres digues de toute admiration, qui 
sont le ne plus ultra de Tart egyptien, 
coinme les colosses de Memphis et d 1 - 
Ibsamboul ; mais biontot Toppression 
universelle, qui pese sur toute la contree 
comme une joug de fer, tarit la source de 
la grande inspiration dea arts. La seve 
creatrice semble s'epuis.;r dans les entre- 
prises gigantesques concnes par un 
orgeuil sans bornes. One nouvelle gen- ion d'artistes ne vient pas remplacer 
celle qui s'etait formie sous les souver 
ains precedents. A la fin du regne la 
decadence est complete. 11 

85 Lenormant, Manuel, vol. i, p. 469 
Birch, Ancient Egypt, pp. 176-7; Wil 
kinson, A. E., vol. iii, p. 306. 

86 Birch, p. 177. 

87 L'art Egyptian eut une derniere 
renaissance, qui se prolongea pendant 
toute la duree do la dynastie Saite, et 
qui, sans atteindre a la verite et d la 
grandeur de* anciennes ecoles, produisit 
cependant un "rand nombre des <euvres 
charmantes par leur finesse 11 (Lenor- 
mant, Manuel, vol. i, p. 4 ii). 

88 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 17. 


1 The Egyptian ideas on morals were 
sound, as has been observed in a pre- 
vious chapter (ch. iii, p. 108). But they 
did not reduce morals to a science. 
Their only ethical works were collec- 
tions of proverbs Csee Chabas, Le plus 
ancien livre du Monde, Paris, 1857). 

2 The Weddas of Ceylon are said not 
to be able to count beyond three (see 
Report of the British Association for 
1875, part iii, p. 175). 

3 Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i, p. 

4 The numbers of various objects 
mentioned in the "Great Harris Papy- 
rus 11 often exceed a million (Record* of 



the Past, vol. vi, pp. 43, 45, 49, etc.; vol. 
viii, pp. 42-5). 

5 See the author's Ancient Monarchies, 
vol. i, p. 103, 2d edition. 

e Herod, ii, 109; Diod. Sic. i, 81. 

7 Isocrat. Busir. §30, p. 227, Strab. xiv. 
1, §16; Diod. Sic. i, 90, 98; Cic. De Fin. v, 
29; Justin, xx, 4; Val. Max. viii, 7, 2; 
Amra. Marc, xxii, 16, §21, etc. 

8 Callimach. ap. Diod. Sic. x, 11. 

a Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii, 3(5: Plutarch, 
De Repugn, Stoic, vol. ii, p. 1089. 

10 Lenormant, Manuel d'Histoire An- 
cienne, vol. i, p. 519. 

11 Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i, p. 
328; Cornewail Lewis, Astronomy of the 
Ancients, p. 278. 

12 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p 328. 3d edition. 

13 Eustath. Comment ad Dionys. Per. 
p. 214, ed. C. Miiller. 

14 See Plat. Epin. §9, p. 987 : Asist. De 
Coulo, ii, 12, §3: Cic. De Div. i, 42, Diod. 
Sic. i, 50 and 69; Strab. xvii, 1, §5; Manil. 
i, 40-5; Macrob. Comment, in Somn. Scip. 
i, 21, §9. Piin. H. A. vii, 56; Diog. Laert. 
Prooem. 22: Val. Max. l.s.c: A chill. Tat. 
Isag. i, p. 73: Clem. Alex. Strom, i, 16, 
§74; Lactant. Div. Inst. ii. 13, etc. 

15 See Lewis's Astronomy of the An- 
cient*, p. 277. '-The true character both 
of the Babylonian and the Egyptian 
priests, as astronomers, seems to have 
been, that from an early period they 
had, induced by the clearness of their 
sky, and by their seclusion and leisure — 
perhaps likewise stimulated by some 
religious motive — been astronomical ob- 
serrers/' 1 Comp. p. 157. 

is See Lewis, pp. 150-7 and 287-291; 
Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i, pp. 328, 

1 7 Herod, i, 74: vii. 37: Liv. xliv, 37; 
Plutarch, jEmil. §17. Even nations so 
civilized as the Greeks and Romans 
participated in these apprehensions 
(Thucyd. vii, 50; Plut. Pelop r ?m: Dion. 
§24: Q. Curt. Vit. Alex, iv, 39; Diod. Sic. 
xx, 5; Tacit. Ann. i, 24). 

18 "It may be reasonably suspected, 11 
says Sir G. C. Lewis, "that the observa- 
tions of the Egyptians were particularly 
directed to phenomena such as eclipses'''' 
{Astronomy of the Ancients, p. 278). 

^ Conon, who lived about B.C. 250 made a 
collection of the solar eclipses which the 
Egyptians had observed (Senec. Nat. 
Qvaest. vii, 3). Their observation of 
eclipses, both solar and lunar, is attested 
bv Diodorus (i. 50) and Diogenes Laertius 
{Pram. §1). 

19 These registers are mentioned by 
Strabo (xvii," i, §)5, Theophrastus (De 
Lapid. §24), Valerius Maximus, (viii, 7, 
2), and others. 

20 Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol i, p. 

2i Diog. Laert. Pythag, 81, 25. It must 
be admitted to be doubtful whether 
Pythagoras reallv knew this fact or not. 
(bee Lewis, pp. 123 132.) 

as Lewis, p. 287; Kenr , vol.d, p. 339. 

23 The Egyptians seem at no time to 
have made" use of any era. They dated 
events by the regnal years of their kings. 
In default of any authoritative table of 
the kings — and none such seems to have 
existed — a Greek or Chaldean astronomer 
would derive little advantage from the 
statement that an eclipse, total or par- 
tial, of the sun or moon, had taken place 
(say) in the fourth year of Rameses H. 

24 Hieronym. ap. Diog. Laert. i, 27; 
Plutarch, De Placit Phil, i, 3; Joseph, r. 
Ap. i, p. 2; Clem. Alex. Strom, i, 15, §06; 
Pamphila. ap. Diog. Laert. i, 24; Euseb. 
P/itp. Ev. x, 4-, etc. 

25 Herod, i, 74. 

26 See the author's Ancient Monarchies, 
vol. ii, p. 575, 2d edition. 

27 Aristot. De Cento, ii, 12, §3. 

28 It is probable that the Egyptians 
had sun-dials at least as early as th? 
Jews, i.e., by the beginning of the seventh 
century b.c. But sun-dials would be of 
no use for measuring the time of a lunar 
occultation, which could only be observed 
at night. For this purpose some kind of 
clock was necessary; but we have no 
evidence that the ancient Egyptians pos- 
sessed clocks. 

29 Lewis, Astronomy of the Ancients, 
p. 156. The reason of the neglect seems 
to have been that the planets, on account 
of their motion, "were classed with 
wandering meteors and comets,'" and 
consequently looked down upon, the 
admiration of the Greeks being reserved 
for the stars as fixed and immutable. 

30 "Eudoxus primus ab ^Egypto hos 
mot as in Graeciam transtulit." (Senec. 
Nat. (Incest, vii, 3.) 

31 Simplicius, in the Schol. Aristot. ed. 
Brandis. p. 4996. 

32 Lewis, Astr. of the Ancients, l.s.c. 

33 Simplicius, l.s.c. 

34 By Ideler {Berlin Transactions for 
1830, p. 78). It is not easy, however, to 
see how KE could pass into H. 

S5 Schol. ad Arat. 1, 752. 

3fi Clem. Alex. Strom, p. 757. 

37 See the author's Ancient Monarchies, 
vol. ii, p. 573. 

38 The zodiacs at Denderah and Esneh, 
which at one time were regarded as 
native Egyptian, are now proved to be- 
long to Roman times, and rightly consid- 
ered to be less Egyptian than Greek. 
The earlier astronomical monuments are 
altogether dissimilar. 

39 Kenrick, An. Egypt, vol. i, p. 341. 

40 Achilles Tatius savs (Fragm. p. 96) 
that the Greeks and Romans took the 
name of the Balance from the Egyptians. 

4 i Lenormant, Manuel d'Histoire An 
cienne. vol. i, d. 520. 

42 Herod, ii, 4; Syncell. Chrono- 
graph, p. 123. Lepsius believes that the 
five intercalary days are noticed in a 
monument belonging to the twelfth 
dvnastv (See Kenrick, Ancient Egypt. 
vol. i, p. 330). 

43 Thi* is distin-tly stated by Geminus 
Jsagog. in Arafi Phcenorn. §6). 

■STot t 

Plate LXXL 


. 181 .-Specimens of Egyptian Glass VESSELS.-See Page 506. 

Fig. 183— Potters at Work.— See Page 514 

Fig. 183,-Goldsmith at WoR.i.-See Page 515 

Plate LXXII. 

Vol. I 

Fig. 184. — Egyptian Gold Vases.— See Page 234. 

Fig. 185.— Harpoon and Fishhooks.— See Paee 236. 

CH. X.] 



44 Censorit.. De Die Natali, §18; Tac. 
Ah/i. vi, 28; Oeminus, §ti, etc. 

*» Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i. p. 
335; Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 4; Birch, Egypt from the 
Earliest Times, p. 127. 

46 Censorin. §21. 

47 See the arguments in Kenrick, pp. 
334-5; which, however, did not convince 
Sir G. C. Lewis. 

48 Kenrick, p. 310. ™ Ibid. p. 322. 

50 Lepsius, Chiouologie der Aegypter, 
pp. 190 et seq. 

51 Brugsch, Histoire d'Egypfe, pt. i, p. 
39, 1st edition (quoted by Lewis, Astron- 
omy of the Ancient*, p. 278, note 133). 

52 Lenormant, Manuel d'Histoite An- 
cienne, vol. i, p. 520. 

53 Birch, Egypt from the Earnest 
Times, p. 127; Herod, ii, 82; Diod. Sic. i, 
81; Cic. De Div. i, 1; Jamblich. viii, 1; 
Luc an, i, 040. 

54 Wilkinson says that the horoscope 
was determined "by observing the con- 
stellations that appeared on the eastern 
horizon at the moment of birth 11 (see the 
author's Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 135, note 2 . 
3d edition. 

55 See Lewis, Astronomy of the An- 
cients, p. 301. 

56 A "Sallier papyrus 11 contains a cal- 
endar of lucky and unlucky days, which 
has probably an astrological basis. 
Otherwise, though there is much magic 
in the Egyptian remains, there is little 
that comes under the head of astrology, 

57 See Lewis, Astronomy of the An- 
cients, pp. 301-4, and compare the refer- 
ences in note 6 on the preceding page. 
(Herod, ii, 82, does not necessarily bear 
on the subject). 

58 Jerem. lxvi, 11; Herod, ii, 84. 

69 Manetho ap. Euseb. Chron. Can. 

60 Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. p. 758. 

61 Diod. Sic. i, 82. Compare Aristot. 
Pol. ni, 10. 

62 Horn. Od. iv, 229. 

63 Herod, iii, 1 and 132. 

64 Pliny says (H. A 7 : xix, 5): "In 
Egypto, regibus corpora mortuorum ad 
scrutandos morbos insecantibus, 11 etc. 

65 Herod, ii, 84. According to this 
writer, besides dentists and oculists, 
the Egyptians possessed doctors who 
treated diseases of the stomach only, 
diseases of the head only, and so of 
other parts of the body. He even goes 
so far as to say that "each physician 
treated only one disorder. 11 

es Herod, ii, 77: Diod. Sic. i, 82. 

67 See above, p. 78. 

68 Vyse, Pyramids of Ghizeh, vol. i, p. 
289; Owen in Leisure Hour for 1876, p. 

69 Owen, l.s.c. 

70 See Fergusson, Hist, of Architect- 
ure, vol. i, p. 92 (quoted above, p. 214). 

71 See above, p 114. 

72 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
Iii, pp. 325-8: and compare the author s 
fferod., vol. ii, pi. opp. p. 177. 

73 Levers and rollers were known to 
the Assyrians at the time of Sennacherib 
(B.C. 690), and were employed by them in 
the transport of colossi. (See Layard's 
Nineveh and Babylon, pi. opp. p. 112; and 
compare the author's Ancient Monarch- 
ies, vol. i, p. 402, 2d ed.) 

74 On the time consumed in the trans- 
portation of the larger masses, see 
Herod, ii, 175, who says that it took 
three years to convey a certain monolith 
from the quarries near Elephantine to 
Sais in the Delta. Two thousand men 
were employed in effecting the transport. 

75 The occurrence of accidents is in- 
dicated by one of the stories which 
Herodotus heard with respect to the site 
occupied by the moonlith above referred 
to. It was evidently out of place; and 
"some said that one of the workmen 
engaged in moving the mass was crushed 
and killed by it, and that this was the 
reason of its being left where it stood 11 
in his day. (See Herod, ii, 175, ad tin.) 

76 See above, p. 98. 

77 Wilkinson notes this {Ancient 
Egyptians, vol. iii, pp. 325, 334, etc.) 

78 Herod, ii, 125. The contrary state- 
ment of Diodorus, who lived more than 
f»,ur hundred years later, is of no weight. 

rs> Sec above, p. \ note 86 . 


1 Herod, ii, 37, ad init. 

2 Forty-one consecutive chapters of 
the Second Book (chs. 36-76) are entirely 
devoted to this subject, which is further 
treated in chs. 91, 122, 138, and 144-6. 

3 See above, cb. vii, p. 103. 

4 See Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. iv, o. 141. 

6 Herod, ii 60. 

6 Lenormant, Manuel d'Histoire An- 
cienne, vol. i, p. 521. 

7 Compare Lepsius, Das Toatenbuch 
der Aegypter, passim: Bunsen, EgipVs 
Place, vol. ii, pp. 357-444; vol. iv, pp. 
305-60; Lenormant, Manuel, vol. i, pp. 
520-36 ; Birch, Egypt, '-Introduction, 11 
pp. ix-xii ; Gfrtide to British Museum, 
pp. 11-21 ; and De Rouge, Eludes sur Ie 
Rituel funeraire, passim. 

8 Lenormant says, strongly and well : 
"En Egypte, comme partont dans le 
paganisme, it y avail, en realile deux re- 
ligions, Tune a 1 'usage des classes popu- 
lates, qui n'etait que la forme exierieure 
de la doctrine esoteriqe, et piesentait un 
monstrueux assemblage des plus gros- 
sieres superstitions ; Lautre connue 
seulement de ceux qui avaient appro- 
fondi la science reli<.iense, renfermait 
quelques dogmes plus reeves et formait 
une sorte de theologie savante, au fond 
de laquelle se retrouvait la gmnde idee 
de Tunite de Diem 1 " (Manual d' Histoire 
Ancienne, vol. i, pp. 521-2). 

9 As Dr. Birch, who lay« it down that 
" the religion of the Egyptians consisted 



[ch. ST. 

of an extended polytheism represented 
by a series of local groups 11 {Guide to 
Museum, p. 4), and holds moreover, that 
" their religious notions were chiefly 
connected with the worship of the Sun' 1 
(Ancient Egypt, "Introduction, 11 p. ix.) 

10 Birch, Guide to Museum, l.s.c. 

11 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, "Introduction, 11 p. x. 

i 2 Lenormant, Manuel, vol. i, p. 522. 
Compare Records of the Past, where such 
phrases as the following are frequent: — 
, "Hail to the One in his works, single 
' among the gods; 11 "Chief of all the gods; 11 
"Father of the gods; 11 "Maker of the 
gods; 11 "Lord of the gods ;"" "the One ma- 
ker of existences; 11 "the One alone with- 
out peer;' 1 "the true King of gods; 11 etc. 
(See vol. ii, pp. 129-32, vol. iv, pp. 99, 100; 
vol. vi, p. 100, etc. 

13 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p. 178 

14 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p, 178. Curiously enough, these high, 
monotheistic ideas are applied in the 
later times, where they are manifestly 
inapplicable, as to the Nile-God, of 
whom we read in one of the hymns: — 

He is not graven in marble; 
He is not beheld; 
His abode is not known; 
No shrine (of his) is found with painted 

And again: — 

Unknown is his name in Heaven; 
He doth not manifest his form; 
Vain aie all representations! 

(See Records of the Past, vol. iv, pp. 109, 
113; with Canon Cook's comment, p. 109. 

15 In the "Litany of Ra, 11 translated by 
M. Edouard Naviile (Records of the Past, 
vol. viii, pp. 105-28), Ra is called "The 
Supreme Power; 11 "the master of the hid- 
den spheres; 11 "the only One; 11 "the su- 
premely great one; 11 "the great Hon that 
creates the gods; 11 "the great eldest one; 11 
and the like. 

16 Even the Nile-God, as we have seen 
(see above, p. 325, note l ) could be ad- 
dressed as if the Supreme God. 

17 The Hermes psychoponipus ('Epja^s 
i//uxo7roju.7T6?) of Plutarch (Be Is. et Osir. 

18 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
v, pp. 70-5; Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. 
l, pp. 430-1. 

19 Ancient Egyptians, vol. iv, pp. 414- 
15. etc. 

20 See the author's Ancient M on archies, 
vol. ii, pp. 331-7, and vol. iii, pp. 348-9. 

21 Wilkinson, vol iv, p. 423. 

22 See above, pp. 52. 71-2, etc. 

23 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, pp. 418-19; Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. 
i, p. 443, etc. 

24 The inscription of Set and his em- 
blems on the monuments in the earlier 
times, and their subsequent obliteration, 
imply at any rate a serious change of 

25 Ritual of the Bead, ch. cxxxv, (Bun- 
sen, vol. v, p. 262). 

26 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 315. 

27 These details are represented with a 
certain amount of variety. Sometimes 
Anubis is assisted by Horus, more fre- 
quently he is alone. Sometimes the indi- 
vidual himself is weighed in the balance 
instead of his actions. Occasionally Hai> 
machis (Harpocrates) sits on the crook: 
of Osiris. 

28 Ritual of the Bead, ch. cxxix, (Bim- 
sen, vol. v, p.263). 

29 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, " Introduction, 11 p. x. 

80 Usually he quits the presence of 
Osiris in the form of a pig, and is recon- 
veyed to earth by Anubis in a boat 
guarded by monkeys. (See Wilkinson, 
A. E. "Supplement, 11 pi. 87/; Description- 
de I' Egypt e, "Antiquites," Planches, vol. 
ii. pi. S3, rig. 1; Rosellini,, Monumenti del 
Quito, pi. lxvi, etc.) 

81 So Lenormant, Manuel, vol. i, p.. 
528: "L'aneantissement de Petre etait 
tenu par les Egyptiens pour la chatiment 
reserve aux mediants. 11 This is not,, 
perhaps, universally allowed. 

32 Ritual of the Bead, ch. cxlviii. (Bun- 
sen, vol. v, pp. 298-9.) 

33 See above, pp. 72~a 

34 Herod, ii, 145; Bunsen, vol. i, pp. 
361--8; Wilkinson in the author's He- 
rodotus, vol. ii, pp. 284, 291;, Birch, 
Egypt from the Earliest Times, <" Intro- 
duction, 11 p. xi. 

35 See his Intellectual System of the 
Universe, ch. iv, p. 413. 

36 See Mosheim's Latin translation of 
Cudworth's great work, vol. i, notes to d. 

87 See Bunsen's Egypt, vol. i, pp. 364- 
66; Wilkinson in the author's Herodotus, 
vol. ii, p. 284; Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, 
vol. i, p. 363. 

38 Kenrick, vol. i, p. 364. 

"Birch, Ancient Egypt, "Introduc- 
tion, 11 p. x. 

40 See the author's Herodotus, vol. ii, 
pp. 284-7. 

4 i Ap. Plutarch, Be Is. et Osir, § 9 ;: 

Tuiv noKkiav vofJu^ovToiv XBlov nap' Alyvn~- 
ticks bvofxa tov Ato? elvat rbv 'Afj.ovf,, 
MaveOws jucV 6 2e/3evyvTT/? to KeKpvp.p.evov> 
o'lerai, xai tyjv upv^iv iiirb TauTrjs 8r)\ov<r~ 
6ai tyjs <poivf}?. 

42 Birch, Bict. of Hieroglyphics, in 
Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v. pp. 344-5, 

43 See especially the hymn to Amen- 
Ra published in vol. ii, of Records of the 
Past, p. 132, lines 7-9:— 

Ruler of men: 

Whose name is hidden from his creature*,. 

In his name which is Amen. 

Compare the Ritual of the Bead, ch. 
clxvi, "O Amnion! I beg to know thy 
name. . . . Hidden is thy name." 

44 See the treatise Be Isid. et Osir. l.s.c. 

4 5 Herod, ii, 42; Diod. Sic. 1, 13; Plu- 
tarch, l.s.c, etc. 

48 In Homer Zeus is 7raTTjp avipuv 

CH. X.] 



re 0eui> re, as in Virgil Jupiter is 
"Divoni Pater, 11 or "hominum sator atque 
Deorum." No other classical god has 
this title. 

47 Records of the Past, vol. li, p. 129; 
vol. vi, p. 100 ; Bunsen, Egypt, vol. i. p. 

48 Bunsen, l.s.c. 

49 See Rosellini, Mon. del. Culto, pi. 
ix, fig. 1. 

60 One of Amnion's titles in the hymns 
addressed to him is "Lord of the crown 
high-plumed 11 (Records of the Past, vol. 
ii,' pp. 130, 132, etc.) 

51 In some representations of Ammon, 
the feathers have been covered with thick 
gold leaf. (See Birch, Guide to Museum, 
p. 12.) 

52 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p. 24li. 

43 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p. 297. Bunsen views the uas as the 
symbol of power (Egypt's Place, vol. i, 
p. 369). 

54 Bunsen, vol. i, p. 371; Records of the 
Past, vol. ii, pp. 20, 31, 34, etc.; vol. iv, 
p. 11; vol.viii, p. 3, etc. 

65 Sometimes he has also the hawk's 
head, which is proper to Ra, or, per- 
haps we should say, to solar deities. 

56 See above, page 149. 

37 Description, "Antiquites, 11 vol. iii, 
pi. 45, tig. 2. 

68 Ritual of the Dead, ch. clxvi. In 
one of the Hymns to Amen, he is called 
"King alone, single among the gods; of 
many names, unknown is their number.'''' 
(See Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 134, § 

* 9 Records of the Past, vol. vi, p. 99. 
eo Ibid. vol. vi. pp. 99-100. 

61 Records of the Past, vol. ii. p. 131. 

62 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, pp. 231, 235; Bunsen, Egypt's Place, 
vol. i, pp. 375-7. 

" Plutarch, Be Isid. et Osir. § 26; 
Diod. Sic. i, 12, § 2. Neither writer men- 
tions Kneph, but both evidently point to 

64 Compare Gen. i, 2 : "And the Spirit 

of God D ^"P$ "^^ moved upon the 

face of the waters. 11 

65 Birch, Ancient Egypt, "Introduc- 
tion, 11 p. x. 

fi6 See the "Hieroglyphical Dictionary, 11 
in Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, pp. 425 and 

6 ' Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv. p. 238. 

f8 Bunsen, vol. i, p. 377. Hence he is 
"frequently represented in the tombs 11 
(Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 239). 

69 See the Ritual, § clxiii, ad fin., and 
3 clxvi. 

70 So Birch, and Bunsen (Egypt's 
Place, vol. i, p. 375). Wilkinson, how- 
ever, maintains that the long spiral 
horns are also those of a kind of sheep 
(Ancient Egyptians, vol. iv, pp. 242-3). 

7 » Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 237. 
" Ibid. p. 241; Bunsen, vol. i, p. 376; 
Rosellini, Monumenti del Culto, pi. lxv, 

73 See a representation in Wilkinson. 
A. E. "Supplement, 11 pi. 21, part l, tig. 2; 
and compare Rosellini, Monumenti del 
Culto, pi. ii, fig. 3 ; pi. xx, fig. 1 ; pi. li, 
fig. 2 ; etc. 

74 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p. 239. When Herodotus (ii, 74) 
speaks of the horned snake as sacred to 
the Theban Jupiter (Ammon), he is prob- 
ably confusing Amnion with Kneph, and 
the horned snake (coluber cerastes) with 
the asp (coluber haje). 

75 Herodotus, in the same chapter in 
which he identifies the Egyptian Am- 
mon with the Creek Zeus, says that "the 
Egyptians give their statues of Zeus the 
face of a ram 11 (ii, 42), which is only 
true of Kneph. Alexander, on his con 
quest of Egypt, claimed to be the son of 
Amnion, and thereupon adopted the 
curved rani's horn which marks his coins 
and so many of the coins of his "succes- 
sors. 11 Lucas has the phrase "tortis cor- 
nibus Amnion 1 ' (Pharsal. ix, 514), and 
in Claudian (Ue quarto Consulatu Hon^ 
orii, 1, 143) Amnion is "corniger. ' 1 

76 Since there was but one God in their 
Pantheon who could well be paralleled 
with either Ammon or Kneph, and sinc<? 
Ammon was occasionally represented, 
with the head of Kneph. (See above, p. 

77 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 16. 

78 Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 388. 

79 Ibid. p. 377. 

80 Ancient Eg yptians,\o\. iv, pp. 235^3. 

81 Some read the hieroglyph -"^si of 

this god as Min. 

82 Wilkinson, A. E., vol. iv, p. 202. 

83 Bunsen, vol. v, p. 583. 

84 Herod, ii, 46. Compare Bunsen, vol. 
i, ]). 374. 

85 Wilkinson, A. E. "Supplement, 1 ' 
pis. 26, 76, and 77, part ii ; Bunsen, vol. i, 
pi. i; Description, "Antiquites, 11 vol. iii, 
pi. 14, fig. 4, etc. 

8 <5 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, pp. 257-8 ; 
Description de VEgypte, "Antiquites, 1 ' 
vol. ii. pi. 11, fig. 3; vol. iii, pi. 36, fig. 4, 

87 Herod, ii, 91 ; with Wilkinson's 

88 Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 55. 

89 Records of the Past, vol. viii, p. 142. 

90 The allusion is to the tall plumed 
headdress common to Khem with Am 

91 This marked feature in the repre^ 
sentations of Khem has been already 
noticed (supra, p. 343). It is mentioned 
by Stephen of Byzantium (ad voc. 
TIAN02 nOAIS), who says the hand and 
whip were "directed against the moon, 1 ' 
which seems very improbable. 

92 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
v. p. 264. 

93 Ibid. 

94 Herod, ii, 99: iii, 37: Diodorus 
Siculus, i, 57, § 5 : Plutarch, De Isid. el 
Osir. 1 10; Horapollo, i, 10; etc. 



[CH. X. 

95 See Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
''Supplement, -1 pi. 23, figs. 1, 4, and 6 ; 
Rosellini, Monumenti del Cidto, pi vi, 
fig. 1 : Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 
382; Description lie I'Egypte, "Antiqui- 
tes, 11 vol. iii, pi. 32, fig. 4. 

»• Wilkinson, pi. 23, figs. 2 and 5 ; pi. 
24, fig. 3 ; Rosellini, Mon. del Culto, pi. 
xxxvi, fig. 1, etc. 

97 See plate xxxv, and compare Herod, 
iii, 37; Bunt-en, vol. i, p. 383 ; Wilkinson, 
pi. 24 a, lig. 1 , Birch, Guide to Museum, 
p. 13 ; Gallery, pi. 7, fig. 18. 

as See Wilkinson, A. E. vol. vi. pi, 24, 
figs. 1, 2, and 3. 

»9 Lbid. vol. iv, p. 254. 

100 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 13; 
Bunsen, vol. i, p. 382. 

J oi Bunsen, vol. l, p. 384. 

i° 2 Jamblich, Be Mysteriis, iv, 3. 

i° 3 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p. 253. 

104 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 11. It 
is of course quite possible that the 
Egyptian root pet-h has a connection 
with the Hebrew n^d which in Kal has 
the same meaning. 

105 See Records of the Past, vol. iv, p. 
35 • vol. viii, p. 6, 7, 22, etc. 

io6 Herod, ii, 101, 110, 121, g 1, 136, and 

107 Brugsch, Geschichle Aegypfens, p. 
47; Wilkinson, A. E., vol. iii, p. 399; Le- 
normant, Manuel d'Histoire Ancienne, 
vol. i, p. 552 ; "Aucun monument de 
Memphis ne subsiste encore debout.' 11 

i° 8 Herod, ii, 155. 1 assume the identity 
of Buto with Mut, about which Wilkin- 
son was doubtful {A. E. vol. iv. pp. 271- 
-5), but which later writers regard as cer- 
tain. (See Bunsen, vol. i, p. 379.) 

109 See Records of the Past, vol. iv, pp. 
88. 94 : vol. vi, p. 71 ; and Bunsen, l.s.c. 

'io Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 274. 

111 Damascius in Cory's Ancient Frag- 
ments, p. 320. 

n2 Horapollo, i, 11. r 

us Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 276. 
For a good clear representation see 
Rosellini, Mon. del Uulto, pi. lvii, fig. 2. 

hi Records of the Past, vol. iv, pp. 88, 
jM; vol. vi, pp. 23, 24, 34, etc.: Rosellini, 
pi. xiii, fig. 1 ; xxx, fig. 4; xxxi, fig. 4; 
xxxvi, fig. 2: etc. 

»'■» Herod, ii, 67. 

n 6 Plutarch, Sympos. iv, Q. 5: Wil- 
kinson, A. E. vol.'iv, p. 273. 

117 Records of the Past, vol. iv, pp. 88, 
94 ; vol. vi, p. 71. 

us Horod. ii, 83, 133, 152, and 155-6. 

n9 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 266; 
Birr-h, Guide to Museum, p. 13. 

120 According to Horapollo, Sati (Hera) 
presided over the upper portion of the 
firmament of heaven (i, 11). 

i2i The bilingual inscriptions in the 
neighborhood of Elephantine show this. 
(See Bunsen, vol. i, p. 381.) 

122 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 267. 

12? Birch, in Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, p. 
583. There is no appearance, however, 
of her having any solar character, and 

the arrow which forms an element in her 
name, or accompanies it, would seem ra- 
ther to point to a war-goddess. 

12* Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv. p. 270, 
and "Supplement, 11 pi. xxi, part 2, fig. 1 ; 
Bunsen, vol. i, p. 381, and pi. ii, fie 2. 

125 See the Description, "Antiquites," 
vol. i, pi. 16. 

126 Plato, Tim. p. 21, e. Compare 
Herod, ii, 168. 

i2? Wilkinson, Mat. Hieroglyph, vii ; 
Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 386 ; etc. 

128 Bunsen, l.s.c. 

129 Rosellini, Mon. del Quito, pi. liv, 
fig. 2. 

130 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv. p. 285 ; 
" Supplement, 11 pi. xxviii, figs. 1 and 2; 
Bunsen, vol. i, pi. 2, fig. 5. 

i3i Wilkinson, pi. xxviii, fig. 3. 

132 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 13. 

133 Delsid. et Osir. §62. 

134 Saturn, i, 19. 

135 Strom, v, p. 155. 

136 Birch, Ancient Egypt, "Introduc- 
tion,' 1 pp. ix-x. 

137 Ibid.; Guide to Museum, p. 11. 

138 Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 

139 See the Records of the Past, vol. 
viii, pp. 105-128. 

140 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv. p. 287 ; 
Mat. Hieroglyph, p. 6. 

i4i Bunsen, l.s.c; Birch, Ancient 
Egypt, "Introduction, 11 p. x; Lenormant, 
Manuel, vol. i, p. 524; Brugsch, Geschichte 
Aegyptens, p. 29 ; etc. 

142 Rawlinson, Ancient Monarchies, 
vol. i, p. 143. 

143 Ran and rau mean "swift" in 
Ancient Egyptian. (See Birch's Diction- 
ary in Bunsen "s Egypt, vol. v, p. 466.) 

144 Bunsen, vol. i, p. 387; Wilkinson, 
A. E. vol. iv, p. 295 ; and compare Rosel- 
lini, Monumenti, del Culto, pi. x, fig. 1 ; 
pi. xxx, fig, 2 ; pi. xxxiii, fig. 1 ; etc. 

145 Wilkinson, A, '£. "Supplement,'' 1 pi. 
xxix, fig. 3. 

146 Wilkinson, A. E., "Supplement," 
vol. iv. p. 295. This explanation was 
first given by Porphyry. 

i4v Horapollo, i, 6. 

148 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 297. 

1*9 Ibid. vol. v, pp. 256-60. Not much 
light is thrown on the subject by the in- 
scriptions, where, however, the follow- 
ing passages occur: "Hail to thee, Ra, 
the supreme power, the beetle that folds 
his wings, that rests in the empyrean, 
that is born as his oivn son" (Records, 
vol. viii, p. 105); and "Homage to thee, 
Ra, supreme power, the god with the 
numerous shapes in the sacred dwelling : 
his form is that of the beetle" (ibid. p. 
108)'. From the first of these passages it 
would seem th it the s} r mbol ism grew out 
of the idea that each scarab was a male, 
which, however, generated another (Pint. 
De Isid. el Osir. § 10), while from the 
second it might be concluded that the 
round or roundish form of the beetle lay 
at the root of the selection. 

i" See Plin. H. N. xxx, 11. 

CH. X.] 



i6i So Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 258. 
Dr. Birch notices tnat the stone and por- 
celain scarabaei found in Egypt do not 
all represent one species of beetle, since 
"some have plain and others striated 
elytra 11 {Guide to Museum, p. 72). 

152 See Records of the Past, vol. viii, 
pp. 21, 34,38, etc. 

1 53 Strictly speaking, the third god of 
the Memphitic triad was Turn, rather 
than Ra ; but Turn, as will be shown 
later, was little more than a form of 

154 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 231. 

1 55 Birch, Ancient Egypt, "Introduc- 
tion, 11 p. x. 

1 56 See the "Litany of Ra 11 in the 
Records of the Past, vol. viii, pp. 105-28, 
and note particularly p. 106, verse 12, p. 
107, verse 27, and p. 108, verse 31. 

1 57 See above, p. 162-3. 

1 58 See Mr. Goodwin's translation of 
the Boulaq Papyrus, No. 17, in the Trans- 
actions of the Society of Biblical Archae- 
ology, vol. ii, pp. 253-d. 

1 59 Khepr or Khepru is "to create, 
make, 11 in Ancient Egyptian. (See Birch's 
Diet, of Hieroglyphics, p. 566). The 
courtiers of Ranieses II. are represented 
in one place as saying to their master, 
"The god Ra is like thee in his limbs : the 
god Khepra in creative force'" (Records 
of the Past, vol. viii, p. 78). 

i 60 See, besides the above-quoted pas- 
sage, Records, vol. ii, pp. 98, 131,235; vol. 
iii, pp. 4J, 10d, 111, etc. 

161 This, which was not known to 
Wilkinson (A. E. vol. v, pp. 23-6), is now 
made clear by the inscriptions (see above, 
p. 148, and compare Records of the Past, 
vol. iv, p. 122), and generally admitted 
by Egyptologists. (Birch, Egypt from 
the Earliest Times, "Introduction, 11 p. 
x; Lenorinant, Manuel, vol. i, p. 524; Be 
Horrack in Records of the Past, vol. iv, p. 
122; Stuart Poole in Smith's Dictionary 
of the Bible, vol. ii, p. 631; etc.) 

162 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 25: 
Birch, "Introduction, 11 p. xi ; Records of 
the Past, vol. v, p. 27 ; etc. 

i 63 Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 23, 
52, 59 ; vol. viii, pp. 6, 39 ; etc. 

164 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 25. 

i 65 Turn is called "Lord of the two 
lands of On 11 repeatedly in an inscription 
of Ranieses III. (Records of the Past, vol, 
vi, pp. 59, 61 : vol. viii, p. 39; etc.) The 
two lands seem to have been called re- 
spectively "the land of Ra 11 and "the 
Ian 1 of Hannachis. 11 

i 66 Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 131. 

i 67 Ibid. vol. vi, p. 52. 

"8 Ibid. vol. iv, p. 95. 

i« 9 Ibid. vol. viii, p. 143. Other titles of 
Turn are, "Creator of those who are, 11 
"the hidden, 11 "the Maker of Heaven, " 
"the producer of the gods, 11 "the self- 
creating, 11 and "the Lord of life, sup- 
plying (life to) the gods. 11 (See the 
Ritual of the Dead, ch. lxxix, ad init, 
and Records of the Past, vol. vi, p. 52.) 

170 Birch, Ancient Egypt, "Introduc- 

tion,"" p. xi ; Records of the Past, vol. vi 
pp. 52-86: and vol. iv, pp. 27 and 41, 
where On or Heliopolis is called "the 
city of the god Turn. 11 

171 See the Records, vol. iv, pp. 11, 13, 
14, 27, etc. 

172 Bunsen, EgypVs Place, vol. i, p. 

'™ Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 25; 
Bunsen, vol. i, pp. 395-7. 

1 74 See plate xliii a, tig. 107. 

175 Compare the representation of Ra, 
supra, plate xliv, rig. 110. 

1 76 See Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 14. 
A similar representation occurs in the 
Great Harris Papyrus, where Ramesea 
III. addresses the great triad of Memphis, 
Phthah, Sekhet, and Nefer-Tum. (See 
the Records of the Past, vol. viii, p. 6.) 

1 77 Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 

178 The other is one dedicated to Kneph, 
and originally erected at Elephantine, 
which was to be seen at Sion House un- 
til its demolition in 1875. 

i7y Records of the Past, vol. vi, p. 27; 
vol. viii, p. 26 ; etc. 

i«o Ibid. vol. vi, pp. 59-60. 

lei Ibid. p. 59. The total number 
mentioned is 12,983. 

182 Ibid. pp. 61-2. 

18* This versio is taken from the 
Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 100-1. A 
few alterations have been made, chiefly 
to improve the rhythm. 

i8* Birch, Dictionary oj Hieroglyphics, 
pp 579 and 583. 

185 Wilkinson, A. E. "Supplement," 
pi. 4i, part ii. 

i8« Records of the Past, vol. vi. p. 109; 
vol. viii, p. 24; Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, 
p. 16. 

i 87 Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 105, 
115, 116, 119, 124, etc., Ritual of the Dead, 
pp. 180, 259, 275 ; etc. 

188 So Bunsen (EgypVs Place, vol. v, 
p. 275), and Birch (Guide to Museum, p. 

189 Ritual of the Dead, p. 180. 

]9 ° Rosellirii, Monumenti del Uulto, pi. 
x, 2; Wilkinson, A. E. "Supplement, 11 
pi. 46, part ii. ■ 

1 91 Birch, Ghdde to Museum, pp. 14-15; 
Ritual of the Dead, ch. xvi. 

1 92 See the Ritual, chs. xviii, xxxv, cxv, 
exxsiv, etc. 

1 93 So Birch (Guide to Museum, l.s.c.) 

1 94 Dictionary of Hieroglyphics, pp. 
579, 580. 

i 96 It is remarkable that in the Egyp- 
tian paintings the hue assigned to Shu 
r black or nearly so (Wilkinson, A. E. 
vol. v, pp. 15-16). 

1 96 Bunsen, EgypVs Place, vol. i, p. 

1 97 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 33, and 
"Supplement, 11 pi. 49, part ii. Compare 
Records of the Past, vol. viii, p. 143. 

198 Birch calls him simply "the Egyp- 
tian Mars 11 (Guide to Museum, p. 14) : but 
Wilkinson notes that the real bloody god 
of war is, not Mentu, but Reshpu, or (as 



he reads the name) Ranpo {A. E. vol. v, 
p. Si). 

199 See Records of the Past, vol. ii, 
pp. 43, 71, 74, 75, 77; vol. iv, p. 14; vol. 
viii, p. 75 ; etc. 

200 Buri^en, Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 
404; Records of the Past, vol. iv, p. 14; 
vol. viii, p. 75. 

201 Rosellini, Monumenti del Quito, pi. 
ii, 1. 

2 <> 2 Bunsen, vol. i, p. 405. 

203 Charupollion originally suggested 
the derivation of Hermonthis from 
Mentu-Ra by inversion of the two ele- 
ments. Wilkinson approves his sugges- 
tion (.4. E. vol. v, p. 33, note). 

2 ° 4 Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 43. 

205 Rosellini, Monumenti del Cullo, pi. 
ii, 1 and pi. xxxiv, 2. 

206 Herod, ii, 42 ; Birch, Ancient Egypt, 
"Introduction, " p. xi ; Wilkinson, A. E. 
vol. iv, p. 345. 

2( " Wilkinson, vol. iv, pp. 317,325, etc. 

208 "C e soleil infernal prenait plus 
specialement le nom d'Osiris." (Lenor- 
mant, Manuel, vol. i, p. 525.) 

209 See above, p. 150. 

210 See the "Hymn to Osiris, 11 translat- 
ed in the Records of the Past r vol. iv, pp. 

211 Compare Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, 
pp. 320-1, with the above mentioned 

'212 Wilkinson, l.s.c. 
"3 Records of Past, l.s.c. 

214 Ibid. vol. iv, p. 103. It is not quite 
clear whether these expressions are ap- 
plied to Osiris or to his son, Horu c . 

215 So Birch, Dictionary of Hiero- 
glyphics, p. 582. Hellanicus "observed 
that the Egyptians did not say "Osiris,"'"' 
like the Greeks, but "Hysiris" (ap. Plut. 
Be Isid. el Osir. g 34).^ 

216 Evtot 6"e Kal rovvofxa. Siepix-qvevovcn 
7roAv6(/>#aA/u.oi', go? tou nev OS to 7roAv, 
tov 8e IPI tov 6(j)9a\ixbv AlyvnTi(^-y\wTTr] 

4>odC,ovTo<; (ap. Plut. Be Isid. et Osir. % 10). 
Bunsen prefers the derivation, "son of 
Isis," from Hes = "Isis" and ar = 
"child, son" 11 {Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 
423); but the order of the two elements 
must be reversed to give this meaning. 

2 * 7 So Bunsen, vol. i, p. 425. But Wil- 
kinson thinks the head to be that of "a 
crane, peculiarized by a tuft of two long 
feathers" {A. E. vol. iv, p. 342). 

2 is Ibid. p. 340. 

219 See plate xliii b (central figure). 

220 Bunsen, EgypVs Place, vol, i, p. 

221 Or rather, the ^'symbol of stability." 
(See Wilkinson, vol. iv. p. 341 ; Birch, 
Quidi to Museum, p. 15). 

222 There is >ne specimen in the Brit- 
ish Museum, called by Dr. Birch (l.s.c.) 
"unique." There is another in the 
Museum of Liverpool. (See Gatty's Cata- 
logue, p. 8, No. 27.) 

223 Birch, l.s.c. 

224 On some of the contradictions, see 
Bunsen. EgypVs Place, vol. i, p. 438. 

22 « Ibid. pp. 41(5, 439, etc, 

226 Plutarch, Be Isid. et Osir. § 11 ; Re 
cords of the Past, vol. vi, p. 121. 

227 Records of the Past. vol. vi, p. 119. 
22 » Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i. p. 


229 See Wilkinson {Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. iv, pp. 329-33), where the entire 
legend is given in full. 

230 Wilkinson, A. E. "Supplement," 
pi. 42, fig 2. 

231 Lenormant, Manuel d'Histoire 
Ancienne, vol. i, pp. 525-6. 

232 So Plutarch {Be Isid. et Osir. §§ 13- 
33), who is followed by Bunsen {Egypt's 
Place, vol. i, p. 437) and Wilkinson {A. 
E. vol. iv, pp. 336-7). 

233 See page 108. 

234 Records of the Pa»t, vol. ii, p. 119 ; 
vol. iv, pp. 7, 99, 126: vol. vi, p. 3; vol. 
viii, pp. 26. 29, etc. 

23 s Wilkinson A. E. vol. iv, p. 346. 
23 <* Ibid, pp, 189, 255, 345, etc. 

237 The most usual title of Osiris is 
"lord of Abydos : " but we find him also 
termed "lord of Phis" (Birch, Guide to 
Museum, p. 15) and said to "reside" in 
This {Records of the Past, vol. iv, p. 99). 

238 Wilkinson, A. E., vol. iv, pp. 395- 
405 : Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, pp. 
433-6 : Birch, Guide to Museum., p. 13 ; 
Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i, p. 420, 

239 Brugsch {Histoire d'Egypte, p. 22) 
and Lenormant, {Manuel d'Histoire 
Ancienne, vol. i, pp. 525-6) seem to admit 
but one Horus. 

240 See Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, 
p. 438. 

341 Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 52 et 

242 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
"Supplement," pi. 35a, part ii, fig. 2; 
Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 15 ; Gatty, 
Catalogue of Mayer Collection, p. 9 : etc. 

243 Records of the Past, vol. ii. p. 40. 

244 Records of the Past, pp. 5, 123 ; iv, 
p. 125; viii, p. 131; Wilkinson, A. E. 
vol. iv, p. 398 ; Ritual of the Bead, ch. 

245 Records, etc., vol. viii, pp. 131-4. 

246 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, "Introduction," p. xi. 

247 See the Records, vol. ii. pp. 37, 64, 
76, 90, 91, 98 ; vol. iv, pp. 11-14, 20-3, 35, 
55, etc.; vol. vi, p. 70; vol. viit, pp. 69, 
74, 75, etc. 

248 See an Inscription of Khufu 
(Cheops) given by Bunsen in his fifth 
volume, pp. 719-21, where that king calls 
himself ankh Mar — "the living Horus." 

249 Records of the Past, vol. ii, pp. 89, 
91, 92. 

250 See Birch's Grammar, in Bunsen's 
Egypt, vol. v, p. 621. 

251 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 19. 

252 See Lepsius, Benlindler, vol. vi, 
part iii, pis. 91-110; Wilkinson, Ancient 
Egyptians, "Supplement," pi. 30; and 
Birch, Egypt from the Earliest Times, p, 

263 Birch, pp. 107-10. Compare Wih 
kinson {A. E. vol. iv, p. 298) and Leuor- 

CH. X.] 



mant (Manuel d'Histoire Ancienne, vol. 
i, pp. 391-3.) 

254 Lepsius, Denkmdler, vol. vi, part 
iii. pis. 91, 106, 110, etc. 

255 Wilkinson, A. J?, vol. iv, p. 387: 
Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 400; 
Birch, Egypt, from the Earliest Times, 
"Introduction,' 1 " p. xi. 

256 See the Ritual of the Dead in Bun- 
een's Egypt, vol. v, pp 211, 239, 275, etc. 

257 So Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 
401. To me it seems that the object, 
which is a simple circle, and is some- 
times held with both hands (Description 
de I'Egypte, "Antiquites," vol. i, pi. xi, 
1 ), may be merely the sun's disk. 

258 Bunsen, l.s.c. and Birch, Guide to 
Museum, p. 14. 

259 Records of the Past. vol. viii, p. 50. 

260 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p. 394. 

261 The title "lady of the dance and 
mirth," is almost the sole monumental 
evidence of there being any aspect of 
Athor in which she could be reasonably 
compared with Venus. But the Greeks 
and Komans were determined to find re- 
semblances, and often made the most ab- 
surd identifications. 

262 Plutarch, De Isid. et Osir. ? 56. 

2 « 3 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, pp. 381-2. 
264 See above, p. 169. 
266 Records of the Past, vol. ii, pp. 119- 

266 Records of the Past, vol. iv, p. 121. 

2 67 ibid. pp. 101-2. 

2 « 8 See the Ritual of the Dead, in Bun- 
sen's Egypt, vol. v, pp. 180-82, 262, 269, 

269 Birch's Hieroglyphic Grammar in 
Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, p. 621. 

270 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
iv, p. 384. 

271 Records of Ihe Past, vol. ii, p. 123; 
vol. iv, p. 101, etc. 

272 Wilkinson, l.s.c. 

273 Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 

274 Plutarch says that her soul was 
placed in Sirius, or the Dog-Star, after 
her death (De Isid. et Osir. %% 21 and 61); 
but the death of Isis was scarcely an 
Egyptian idea. It is certain, however, 
that some very close connection was re- 
garded as existing between the star and 
the goddess. (See Records of the Past, 
vol. ii. p. 122 ; and compare Wilkinson, 
A. E. vol. iv, p. 371.) 

27 s Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 370. 

276 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 13. 

277 Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 
:392. Compare Records of ihe Past, vol. 
iv, pp. 55, 58, 60, etc. 

278 Khons is connected by Birch with 




"to hunt, to chase:' 1 

and Nefer-netp would seem to come from 
the two words nefer, "good," and help 

•^ "food," "welcome," "a table." 

But in neither case is the exact intention 
of i lie name certain. 

2 9 Records of the Past, vol. iv, pp. 55, 
58. 88, etc. 

28« Ibid. p. 58. 

2 «i Ibid. p. 94. 

282 Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 
392. Compare the Description, vol. iii, 
pis. 32 and 33, Roselhni, Mon. del Culto, 
pi. xxxiii, 2. 

283 Records of the Past, vol. vi, p. 32. 

284 Ibid., vol. iv, pp. 55-60. 

28 5 See plate xlii, fig. 104. 
28 « Supra, pp. 339 and 367. 

287 See Wilkinson, A. E. "Supplement," 
pi. 45, fig. 3. 

288 Ibid. 

s 89 Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 90 ; 
vol. iv, p. 123; vol. viii, p. 30, etc. 

29 « Ritual of the Dead, pp. 175, 214, 
236, etc. In one place (p. 275) Thoth is 
"the husband of Truth." 

291 See for these titles, the Records of 
the Past, vol. iv, p. 123 : the Ritual of the 
Dead, pp. 161, 180; and Bunsen's Egypt's 
Place, vol, i, p. 393. 

292 Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. v, p. 
133. Compare p. 209. 

293 Records of the Past, vol. iv, pp. 
123-5. The value of the writings of 
Thoth to the good souls in the Amenti 
is noticed also in the Ritual, ch. xciv. 

294 The legend is contained in the 
"Tale of Setnau," which has been trans- 
lated by Dr. Brugsch, and will be found 
in the Records of the Past, vol. iv, pp. 

296 Dictionary of Hieroglyphics, in 
Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, p. 583. 

296 Ancient Egyptians, vol. v, p. 7, 

297 See Records of the Past, vol. vi, p. 
Ill : "All eyes are open on thee, and all 
men worship thee as a god.'''' 

298 Ibid. vol. ii, p. 90; Wilkinson, A. 
E. vol. v, p. 4. 

299 Records, vol. ii, p. 90, note 2 . Com 
pare the Ritual, chs. cxiv, and cxvi. 

3 °o Records, vol. ii, p. 90, par. 59. 
3 °i Ibid. vol. vi, p. 111. 

302 See the Description de I'Egypte, 
"Antiquites," vol. i, pi. 10, part 2 ; vol. 
ii, pi. 13, part 1 ; Wilkinson, A. E. 
" Supplement," pi. 54 a; Birch, Guide to 
Museum, p. 15. 

303 Seb has an important part assigned 
to him in the legend called "The De- 
struction of Mankind by Ra," (Records 
of the Past, vol. vi, p. 110) : but other- 
wise his name scarcely occurs half a 
dozen times in the five Egyptian volumes 
of that series. 

304 Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 405. 

305 On the danger to life in Egypt from 
the crocodile, see Herod, ii, 90 ; ^Elian, 
Nat. Anim. x. 24; Senec. Nat. Qumst. iv, 
2 : Diod. Sic. i, 35 ; and compare Records 
of the Past, vol. ii, pp. 143, 155, and 160. 

306 The word " Savak " occurs as an 
element in a royal name as early as the 
twelfth dynasty (Brugsch, Geschichte 
Aegyptens, p. 164), which would seem to 



imply his recognition as a god by the 
Tneoans ; but we nave no clear evidence 
of his worship until the time of the 
nineteenth, when he is much honored 
by Rameses II. and Rameses III. (See 
Rosellini, Mon. del Quito, pis. xxxii, 2: 
xxxiii, 1 and 2 ; xxxv, 2 ; xxxvi, 1 and 2 ; 
Records of the Past, vol. viii, pp. 29,31.) 
so? Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 36. 

308 See above, p. 131. 

309 Compare Wilkinson, A. E. " Sup- 
plement, 1 '' pi. 50, pt. 2, fig. 3, with pi. 81, 
pt. 1, fis. 1 ; and pi. 50, pt. 2, fig. 1, with 
pi. 24, fig. 2. 

310 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, "Introduction, 11 p. xii ; Records 
of the Past, vol. viii, p. 24, note, etc. 

' 311 See Birch's Did. of Hieroglyphics, 
pp. 402-3. 

312 Records of the Past, vol. viii, p. 
24. ; 

3i3 Ibid. p. 29: "The men which he 
gave to the temple of the god, Hanher of 
the tall plumes.''' 1 

3i4 Rameses III. speaks of Onuris as 
"resident in Tennu," which Is the same 
place as Silsilis. 

315 Records, vol. viii, pp. 84-25. 

3i6 See Rosellini, Monumenti del Quito, 
pi. xv, 1 ; and compare Wilkinson, A. E. 
"Supplement, 11 pi. 50, pt. 1. 

31 7 This ornament does not appear on 
the head of any other god. It consists 
of +h>>ee spheres placed side by side over 
the ^6ual wavy horns and surmounted 
by three vascular forms with a disk at 
tb^ top of each. On either side are the 
usuai ostrich feathers and uraei. 

Curiously enough, this ornament, 
whicn was certainly not common in 
Egypt, appears very slightly modified in 
the near vicinity of the tomb of Cyrus. 
(See the author's Herodotus, vol. i, p. 
256, 3d ed.) 

3i8 Champollion, Le/tres ecrites d'E- 
gypte, lettre xi, pp. 155-6. r - 

si» Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 35. 

320 So Champollion, l.s.c. 

321 Wilkinson says, he "held a post 
among the contemplar gods of Upper 
and Lower Egypt from Philse to the 
Delta " (A. E. vol. v, p. 54), but men- 
tions no temple where he was wor- 
shipped separately. 

322' Synes. Encom. Calv. p. 73, b; 
Aram. Marc, xxii, 14 ; Macrob. Saturnal. 
i, 20, etc. 

323 See Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 15 ; 
Gatty, Catalogue of Mayer Collection, 
p 8, etc. 

3 - 4 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
c f cs. vol. ii, pp. 284-6. 

325 Wilkinson, A E. vol. iv, p. 280. 
There is some doubt whether the true 
wife of Fhthah was Bast or Sechet, or 
whether these two names did not really 
belong to a single goddess. Individu- 
ally I incline to this theory ; but Dr. 
Birch in a recent work distinguishes be- 
tween the two, and suggests that they 
were sisters (Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, " Introduction," p. xi.) 

326 Bunsen suggests the meaning, 
"the old (oldest :-) of the avengers : " but 
doubtfully (Egypt's Place, vol. l, p. 39-;;). 

327 see Wilkinson, A. E. "Supple- 
ment, 11 pis. 2?, 35a, and 51. Compare 
Description de V Egypt e, "Antiquites,''' 1 
vol. i, pi. 16, No. 2 ; vol. iii, pi. 48 ; 
Rosellini, Mon. del Culto, pi. 8, No. 3; 
pi. 32, No. 1 ; and numerous statues in 
the British Museum, as those numbered 
16. 62, 88, 517, 518 and 520. 

328 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 277. 

329 See Records of the Past, vol. iv, p. 

33 Ibid. vol. viii, p. 31 
33 i Herod, ii. 137. 

332 Ibid, ii, 60. 

333 Her worship by Rameses in. ap- 
pears upon the monuments (Rosellini, 
Mon. del Culto, pi. viii, ^o. 3: pi. xxxii, 
No. l),and is also noticed in the inscrip- 
tions (Records of the Past, vol. viii, p. 
31). She was a favorite with Sheshonk, 
who erected statues to her. Osorkon I. 
adorned her temple at Bubastis. It is 
Rameses 111. who calls her his " mother, 1 ' 
(Records, l.s.c.) 

33* See Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 
108-9, and vol. viii, pp. 131-3. 

335 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
"Supplement,*' pi. 32, fig. 3. 

336 see the "Tears of Isis," in the 
Records of the Past. vol. ii, pp. 119-24. 

536 Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 417 ; 
Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. iv, 
p. 438. 

3 " Seethe "Ritual of the Dead," in 
Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, pp. 180, 269, 270, 
310, etc. 

338 ibid. p. 179. 

339 Wilkinson, A. E. \ol. iv, pp. 437-8. 

340 See Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, p. 582. 

341 Bunsen's Egypt, vol. l, p. 421. 

342 Birch, Guide to Egyptian Galleries, 
p. 5. 

343 Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 81, 
84. etc. 

344 Rosellini, Monumenti del Culto, pi. 

6, fig. 2. 

Si5 Records of the Past, vol. vi, p. 81. 
34« Birch, l.s.c. 

347 Sometimes instead rf feathers, the 
cap seems to be crowned by a row of 
lotus blossoms. (See Rosellini, Mon. del 
Culto. pi. 2, fig. 2.) 

348 This is proved by an inscription 
found at Sehayl, near the first cataract, 
where she is called " Anuke or Hestia." 
(See Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
v, p. 21) 

349 Records of the Past, vol. x, pp. 25- 

7, etc. 

350 Diod. Sic. i, 76. 

SJ i Wilkinson, A. E. "Supplement,'' 
pi. 88. Sometimes Ma is present in pei*- 
son and watches the proceedings (D* 
cription de VEgypte, "Antiquites, '- vcL 35). 

352 Rosellini, Mon. del Culto, pi- S5, 
fig. 1. 

353 Wilkinson. A. E. vol. v, p. 31. 

354 See the RUual of the Dead, ca. 

CH. X.] 



lxxv, where the deceased person is 
utmered into the "Hall of the Two 
'truths" (Bunnell's Egypt, vol. v, p. 

y55 See Records of the Past, vol. vi, 
pp. 105, 115, 116, 110, 124 ; Ritual of the 
Dead, pp. 180, 275, etc. 

3 ->* See the Records, vol. x, p. 137:— 
"Shu, the son of Ra, as Ra, navigates 
the heaven on high every morning ; the 
goddess Tafne rests upon his head : she 
gives her fire against his enemies to re- 
duce them to non-existence. 1- ' 

357 Records, vol. vi, pp. 116 and 119. 

358 Rosellini, Monumenti del Culto, pis. 
xi and xii ; Wilkinson, Ancient Egyp- 
tians, " Supplement," pi. li, part i. 

359 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 38. 
sou Rosellini, l.s.c. 

3«i From mer, ^C or 



love, 11 and skar 




"silence. 11 

3,52 Birch in Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, p. 

3 <s 3 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 81. 

3 64 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 39. 

385 Sharpe, Egyptian Inscriptions, p. 

see Wilkinson, A. E. "Supplement, 11 
pi. li, part tii. 

so? Ibid. vol. v, pp. 80-1. 

368 See above, p. 149. 

369 See Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 
121: "Thine enemy is vanquished; he 
tto longer exist eth:^ and compare vol. vi, 
pp. 116-7. "Shu and Tefnut (Tafne) 
place their son, Horus, son of Isis, on the 
throne of his father ; they upset Set ; 
they drag him to a secret place of pun- 
ishment in the east. Horns kills him in 
his name. 

370 See the list of early Egyptian gods 
in Manetho (ap. Euseb. Citron. Can. i, 
20, <S 1); where Typhon (= Set) occurs be- 
tween Osiris and Horus. 

371 Records of the Past, vol. viii, p. 3. 

372 The name of Seti 1. is commonly 


where the sitting figure 

represents Set. 

3 ' 3 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, pp. 416- 

37 4 See Records of the Past, vol. iv, p. 
27, 32, etc. 

375 Ibid. vol. vi, pp. 117, 122 ; vol. x, p. 
162. etc. 

376 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
"Supplement," pi. 38, pt. ii, fig. 1 ; pi. 
39, fig. 1 : and pi. 78, fig. 1. 

377 Ibid. pi. 38, pt. ii, fijr. 2. 

378 So Canon Cook in the Records oj 
the Past, vol. ii, p. 102, and Bunsen in 
his Egypt, vol. i, p. 425. 

379 Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 101. 

380 ibid. vol. x, p. 145. This enlistment 
of Nubti, or Nubi, among the helpers ot 
the sun is very remarkable. 

3S1 See Rosellini, Monumenti del Culto, 
£i. xxxi, fig. 1 : Wilkinson, A. E. "Sup- 
plement, 11 pi. 40. 

382 See fig. 108. 

383 Rosellini, l.s.c. 

3«4 See plate xxxv, fig. 88, where the 
central figure is that of Bes. 

3 ^ Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 432. 

3*6 Wilkinson, l.s.c. 

387 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 16. 

38 « Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 435. 

383 See above, p. 171, 

39 o See the Ritual of the Bead, ch. 
xxxix, (in Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, pp. 

39J Wilkinson in the author's Herodo- 
t'ir . vol. ii, p. 220, 2d edition. 

392 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 
"Supplement," pi. 44, pt. i, fig. 3. 

3 «3 ibid. pi. 88. 

8»4 Ibid. pi. 87. 

39 5 Propert. Ill, xi, 41 ; Ov. Met. ix, 
690 ; Virg. s&n. viii, 698 ; Plutarch, De 
Isid. et Osir. § 14. 

396 Wilkinson, A. E. "Supplement, 11 
pi. 44, pt. i, fig. 2. 

397 Records of the Past, vol. x, p. 3. 

398 Records of the Past, vol. iv, p. 3; 
vol. x, pp. 3, 85; Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, 
p. 4-12. 

399 Records of the Past, vol. x, p. 149. 

400 Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 

4oi Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 71. The 
mummied form is by far the most com- 

402 Wilkinson, A. E. pp. 78-1. Com- 
pare Birch, Guide to Museum, pp. 89-90. 

403 Records of the Past, vol. x, pp. 86- 
7; (iatty, Catalogue of Mayer Collection, 
p. 39. 

404 RUual of the Dead, ch. xvii (in 
Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, p. 175). 

405 See especially, Records of the Past, 
vol. x, pp. 85-7. 

406 Ritual of the Dead, ch. cxlix, ad 

407 Wilkinson, A. E. "Supplement, 11 
pi. 62 , Rosellini, Monumenti del Culto, 
pi. Ixvi, etc. 

408 See the Ritual, ch. exxv, (Bunsen, 
pp. 253-6). 

409 Ibid. p. 252. 
4io ibid. p. 256. 

4ii Ibid. The final annihilation of the 
wicked soul, when it took place, was 
effected by Shu. (See above, p. 363.) 

4i 2 Nun is often mentioned in the 
sacred myths, as, for instance, in the 
-Destruction of Mankind by Ra, 11 where 
he is called "the firstborn of the gods, 1 ' 
and said to be the father of Ra {Records 
of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 105-6). 

4i3 See Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, pp. 
56-9: Records of the Past, vol. iv, pp. 
107-114: vol. vi, pp. 66-9; Rosellini, 
Man. del Culto, pi. xxx, fig. 4. 

4 1* Records of the Past, vol. x, p. 149 

4i5 Ibid. vol. vi, p. 69. 



[CH. X. 

418 Ibid. vol. iv, pp. 12-13; vol. x, pp. 
29, 34, etc. 

417 Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 31. 
Khaft is called "lady of the country" 
by Thothmes HI, in a tablet set up at 

418 Birch in Records of the Past, vol. ii, 
p. 29. 

4 i 9 Wilkinson, A. E. "Supplement," 
pis. 54 and 54a; Birch in Bunsen's Egypt, 
vol. v, p. 583. 

420 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, pp. 41-5 ; 
Rosellini, Mon. del Cullo, pi. xMii, fig. 
2, and pi. lii, fig. 2. Birch read r che name 
as "Nub, 11 regarding the initial letter as 

J . and not J^ 

(See Bunsen's Egypt, 

vol. v, p. 582.) 

421 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 64 ; and 
"Supplement, 11 pi. 58, pt. 4; Records of 
the Past, vol. x, p. 156 ; Birch, inBunsen ; s 
Egypt, vol. v, p. 583. 

422 Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 14. 

423 Ibid. vol. viii, p. 78 ; Wilkinson, 
A. E. "Supplement, 11 pi. 64, pt. 2. 

424 Records of the Past, Lb. a; Birch in 
Bunsen's Egyyt, l.s.c. 

425 Bunsen, vol. i, pp. 409-10 ; Records 
of the Past, vol. x, p. 142; Wilkinson, A. 
E. "Supplement, 11 pi. 70, pt. 1. 

426 Records of the Past, vol. iv, p. 31 ; 
vol. x. p. 1 2, etc. 

427 Ibid. vol. ii, pp. 68, 71, 76 ; Birch, 
Guide to Museum, p. 11. 

428 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, pp. 83-4 ; 
Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. i, pp. 411-12. 

429 Bunsen, vol. i, p. 412 ; Birch, l.s.c. 

430 Birch in Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, p. 
583; Wilkinson, A. E. "Supplement, 11 pi. 
65, pt. 3. 

431 Am, the "Cerberus 11 of Wilkinson, 
(A. E. vol. v. p. 77, and "Supplement, 11 
pi. 63, pt. 2), seems to have been one of 
the demons of Hades. He watches the 
weighing of souls (Wilkinson, — pi. 88) 
Amente was a feminine Amnion (Bunsen, 
Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 378) ; Astes, one 
of the gods of Hades, joined with Thotti, 
Osiris, and Anubis (Ritual of the Dead, 
ch. xviii); Hak, a son of Kneph and Anu- 
ka, worshipped together with them at 
Elephantine ; Maki, a crocodile god, a 
son of Set (Records of the Past, vol. x, 
pp. 139, 147, and 154). Nausaas was a 
daughter of Ra, or Turn, and one of the 
chief deities of Heliopolis (ib. vol. vi, 
pp. 56, 58). Nebhept, generally coupled 
with Nausaas, is thought to have been a 
form of Athor. Nishem or Nuneb, is 
joined by Horus of the 18th dynasty with 
Uati, Neith, Isis, Nephthys, Horus, and 
Set (ib. vol. x, p. 34). Nuhar and Urhek 
are included by Birch in his list of Egyp- 
tian deities (Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, pp. 
581-3); the former is said to be a "god of 
the firmament. 11 

432 Herod, ii, 145. 

433 Records of the Past, vol. x, pp. 41-2. 
Vi Tbid. p. 35. 

^ r bid. p. 97. 

436 Strictly speaking, Manetho's list is 
one of seven, not eight, deities. But Isis 
may perhaps be considered to be implied 
in Osiris. (See Euseb. Chron. Can. i, 20, 
§ 1, and compare Syncell. Chronograph, 
pp. 51-2.) 

437 Herod, ii, 43 : 'E/c ruv 6kiw 0eu>v oi 
SvwSeKa. 0eol iy ev ov to . Compare ch. 

438 Bunsen's Egypt's Place, vol. i, pp. 

439 So Bunsen, p. 387. But the Egyp- 
tian mythology is not always self-con- 
sistent. Ra is sometimes the son of Nun 
(Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 105-6). 

440 Birch, Grade to Museum, p. 12. The 
lists here given do not altogether agree 
with those contained in Dr. Birch's 
Egypt from the Earliest Times, which 
are as follows : — 



Ammon Ra. 










Shu (with 












Osiris (with 






Horus (with 



441 Heliopolis, for instance, the "Eight 11 
would almost certainly have comprised, 
besides Ra and Horus, the god Turn and 
the goddesses Nebhept and Nausaas. (See 
Records of the Past, vol. vi, p. 52.) 

442 It is observable that Bunsen, who 
alone attempts to fix on a definite 
"twelve, 11 is obliged immediately to ap- 
pend to his list a "supplementary 11 one 
of thirteen others (Egypt's Place, vol. i, 
pp. 409-11). 

442 Maentfef and Karbukef appear in 
the Ritual of the Dead as companions of 
the "Four Genii, 1 * but apparently are of 
a lower grade (Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, 
p. 175). 

443 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, "Introduction.' 1 p. xi; Guide to 
Museum, p. 11 ; Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, 
pp. 230-3. Bunsen objects to the word 
"triad, 11 and thinks .the grouping by 
three unimportant (Egypt's Place, vol. i, 
p. 365). 

445 Birch, Guide to Museum, l.s.c. 

446 Supra. 

447 Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 133. 

448 Records of the Past, vol. iv, pp. 
j 08-10. 

449 There is one slight acknowledg- 
ment in a "Hymn to Turn, 11 which has 
been already given at length, (supra, pp. 
361-2) ; and in the Ritual of the Dead, it 
is admitted that the soul, after passing 
through the Hall of the Two Truths, and 
protesting five times over, " I am pure, ! 
am pure, etc., still requires cleansing in 

CH. X.] 



the basin of purgatorial fire. "Extract 
ye all the evil out of me, 11 say the souls ; 
" obliterate my faults ; annihilate my 
sins. 11 "Thou niayest go, 11 reply the 
spirits; "we obliterate all thy faults; 
we annihilate all thy sins.'''' (See Bun- 
sen's Egypt, vol. v, p. 260). 

450 Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 

«i Ibid. vol. x, pp. 7-9. 

452 Ibid. vol. vi, p. 150. Compare 
Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. v, 

- p. 400. 

453 Record*, vol. x, p. 52. 

454 Contrast with these utterances 
those of David (Ps. xxxi, 9-10 ; xxxii,l-7 ; 
xl, 12, etc.), Isaiah (vi, 5,) and even Job 
(xi. 4 ; xiii, (5). 

455 Bread is usually placed first in the 
general descriptions of sacrifices (Re- 
cords of the Past, vol. iv, p. 3 ; vol. vi, pp. 
29, 31, etc. ; vol. x, p. 44). Ten or 
twelve different kinds of bread are 
mentioned as offered to ihe Theban 
triad by Rameses III. (ibid. vol. vi, pp. 
44-5), whose total of "good bread, 
different loves,'' 1 offered in one temple 
during the space of thirty-one years was 
2,844,357, or above 90,000 annually. 

458 Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 45, 
64 etc. 

4 " Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 337 ; 
Juv. Sat. vi, 540 ; Records of the Past, 
vol. iv, p. 13; vol. vi, p. 45, etc. 

458 Records of the Past, vol. iv, p. 3 ; 
vol. vi, pp. 29, 31, 45, etc. 

4 59 Wilkinson. A. E. vol. v, pp. 368-9. 
48 ° Herod, ii, 39 ; Records of the Past, 

vol. vi, p. 28 ; vol. viii, p. 14 ; vol. x, p. 

44, etc. 

461 " Spirits " are thought to occur 
among the offerings of the kings to the 
temples (Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 

45, 62, etc). 

482 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, pp. 338-40. 
4 «3 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 339. 

Compare Records of the Past, vol. viii, 
p. 12. 

484 See the " Inscription of Queen 
Hatasu "in the Records of the Past, vol. 
x, pp. 13-19. 

48 s Ibid,, pp. 42, 46, 65, 67, etc. 

488 Ibid. vol. 48-9, 65, 68, etc. 

487 Herod, ii, 41, 45, Records, vol. ii, 
pn 90, 93, 96, etc.; vol. vi, pp. 31, 33, etc. 

483 H -rod. ii. 42. 

489 ibid, ii, 47-8. 

470 Just as they did among the Jews. 
(S "• Levit. v, 7 ; xii, 8 ; and xiv, 22). 

471 Records of the Past, vol. x, p. 44. 

472 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 347; 
Ken rick, Ancient Egypt, vol. ii, p. 11 ; 

t Trevor, Ancient Egypt, p. 172, etc. 

473 See Herod, ii, 41. (Herodotus says 
that they were "sacred to Isis," but, by 
mentioning Atar-bechis as their burial 
place, shows that it was not Isis, but 
Athor, to whom they were dedicated.) 

474 Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 47, 
64, 66 ; vol, viii, p. 20, etc. 

47 5 Ibid. vol. ii, pp. 90, 96, 99; vol. x„ 
pp. 44, 62, etc. 

476 Herod, l.s.c. ; Porphyr. De Ao- 
stinent. ii, § 11 ; Hieronym. Adv. Jooiu, 
ii 7 * etc. 

' 477 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 352. 

478 Herod, ii, 38. 

479 Wilkinson, l.s.c. 
48 ° Herod, ii, 40. 

4 »i See above, p. 192. 

482 Herod, ii, 39. 

483 Deut. xii, 1-9. 

484 Herod, ii, 40. 

485 Herod, ii, 66-7. Compare Wilkin- 
son, A. E. vol. v, pp. 161-8. Cat mum- 
mies are very common (Birch, Guide to 
Museum, pp. 60-1). 

488 Herod, ii, 67, 75 ; Wilkinson A. E. 
vol. v pp. 217-25. 

*' • Wilkinson, vol. v, pp. 128-31 ; 
Birch, Guide to Museum, pp. 17, 60, etc. 

488 Herod, ii, 65, 67 ; Diod. Sic. i, 87 ; 
Wilkinson, vol. v, pp. 205-210, etc. 

489 Records of the Past, vol. viii, pp. 
105, 108 ; Birch. Guide to Museum, p. 72. 

490 Wilkinson expresses himseif doubt- 
fully on this point (A. E. vol. v, p. 243). 

49 i Plut. De Isid. et Osir. % 72. (Com- 
pare Herod, ii, 63.) Sheep were especially 
sacred at Thebes and at Sais. 

492 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, pp. 138-41. 

493 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, "Introduction, 1 "' p. xii ; Guide to 
Museum, pp. 17-20. 

494 Herod, ii, 65; Diod. Sic. i, 83; 
Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, pp. 91-5. 

49 s Herod, ii, 67. 

498 Herodotus says that even acciden- 
tally killing an ibis or a hawk entailed 
the penalty of death (ii, 65, ad fin.) 
But this was not the Egyptian law. The 
fanaticism of the people may occasion- 
ally have led to such a shocking result. 
(See Diod. Sic. l.s.c.) 

497 Plut. Be Isid. et Osir. g 44. 

498 On the signs by which an Apis calf 
was known, see Herod, iii, 28, ad fin., 
and compare ^Elian, Nat. An. xi, 10 ; 
Plin. H. N. viii. 46; Amm. Marc, xxii, 
14. The chief seem to have been a 
white star on the forehead, and a white 
mark on the back or side, in which 
some resemblance could be traced to 
the outline of an eagle. It is evident 
that the priests would easily find a fresh 
Apis, whenever they wanted one. 

499 Herod, ii, 15*. 

600 So Lenormant (Manuel d^Histoire 
Ancienne, vol. i, p. 535) and Birch, 
(Egypt from the Earliest Times, "In- 
troduction, 11 p. xii.) Others make the 
Apis bulls incarnations oi Osiris (Wilkin- 
son, A. E. vol. iv, p. 347; Bunsen, 
Egypt's Place, vol. i, p. 431). 

6oi The hieroglyphics which represent 
this name are different from those ex- 
pressive of the Nile-god, but identical 
(or nearly so) with the group which 
represents the second genius of Amenti 
(see above, p. 409). 

502 Wilkinson, A. E. iv, p. 351. 

603 Strab. xvii, 1, § 31. There were 
also apartments provided in the temple 
for a certain number of other cows. 



[CH. X. 

Apis requiring to nave the solace of 
female companionship. (See ^Elian, 
Nat. An. xii, 10.) 

504 pii n# #. jsf. viii, 46 ; Amm. Marc. 
xxii, 14. 

505 Kecently discovered by M. Ma- 
riette. (See his Eenseignements sur les 
soixante-quatre Apis trouves au Sera- 
pf : vm, Paris, 1855.) 

506 Lenormant, Manuel d'Histoire, An- 
cienne, vol. i, p. 536 ; Records of the Past, 
vol. iv, pp. 63-4. 

607 Records of the Past, l.s.c. 

see Herod, iii, 27; ^Elian, l.s.c; Plut. 
De Isid. et Osir. § 35 ; Diod. Sic. i, 
84 etc. 

509 pint, he Isid. et Osir. § 33 ; Diod. 
Sic. l.s.c. ; St,rab. xvii, 1, § 27. 

sio Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, " Introduction, " p. xii. 

5ii Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 196. 

512 Macrob. Salurnal. i, 21; Strab. 
xvii, 1, § 47 ; ^Elian, Nat. An. xii, 11. 

5i3 Macrob. l.s.c. 

5i4 Ibid. Compare ^Elian, l.s.c. 

sis ./Elian, l.s.c. 

5i6 Wilkinson, A. E. "Supplement," 
pi. 35a, pt. 2 ; pi. 36, tigs. 2 and 3. 

5i7 Strab. xvii, 1, § 22. 

5i8 Strabo (l.s.c.) seems to pi ,ce this 
animal on a par with the Apis and 
Mnevis bulls. 

519 This is the view to which Sir G. 
Wilkinson inclines. (See the author's 
Herodotus, vol. ii, pp. 92-3, 2 J edition.) 
Among the ancierts, it was held by 
Diodorus (i, 86) and Cicero {De Nat. 
Deor. i, 36). 

520 Even Wilkinson allows that they 
have weight, and suggests that, besides 
the ground of utility, the Egyptians must 
have had some other "hidden motive" 
on which it is idle to speculate (.4. E. vol. 
v, p. 109). 

si" Diod. Sic. i, 12. 

522 Plut. De Isid. et Osir. ? 72. r 

52 3 Ibid. Compare Diod. Sic. i, 86. 

62 4 Canon Trevor (see his Ancient 
Egypt, p. 184). Porphyry, among the 
ancients, was an advocate of this theory 
{De Abstinent, iv, 9). It is disproved by 
the fact that the Egyptians worshipped 
some animals only, not all. 

525 Mr. R. Stuart Poole (Dictionary of 
the Bible, vol. i, p. 501). 

926 See Lenormant, Manvel d'Histoire 
Ancienne, vol. i, pp. 533-4: — "Le symbo- 
lisme etait l'essence menie du genie de la 
nation egyptienne et de sa religion. 
L'abus de cette tendance produtsit la plus 
grossiere et la plus monstrueuse aberra- 
tion du culte exterieur et populaire de la 
terre de Mitsraim. Pour symboliser les 
attributs, les qualites et la nature des di- 
verges divinites de leur pantheon, les pre- 
tres egyptiens avaient eu recours anx etres 
du regne animal. Le taureau, la vache, le 
belier, le chat, le singe, le crocodile, 
rtiippopotame, l'epervier, 1'ibis, le 
scarabee, etc., etaient les emblemes 
chacun (Tun personnage divin. On rep- 
resentait le dieu sous la figure de cet 

animal, ou ^ilus souvent encore, par ac- 
couplement etrange et particulier a 
TEgypte, on lui en donnait la tete sur un 
corps humain. Mais les habitants des 
bords du Nil, eloignes de Tidolatrie des 
autres nations paiennes par un instinct de 
leur nature, avaient prefere porter leurs 
hommages a des images vivantes de leurs 
dieux plutot qua des images inertes de 
pierre ou de metal ; et ces images 
vivantes, ils les avaient trouvees dans les 
animaux qu'ils avaient choisis pour em- 
blemes de Tidee exprimee dans la con- 
ception de chaque dieu. De la ce culte 
des animaux sacres, qui paraissait si 
etrange et si ridicule aux Grecs et aux 
Remains. 11 

527 The chief apparent exceptions are 
the dog, the ichneumon, the shrevvmouse, 
and the fish worshipped in different 
localities : to which may perhaps be 
added the ibex and the antelope, if these 
were really sacred. No gods have been 
found represented by the forms, or with 
the heads, of these animals. I suspect, 
however, that originally the Egyptians 
confused together the wolf, the jackal, 
and the dog, and that the ancients were 
not altogether wrong when they said that 
Anubis had the head of a dog (see above, 
p. 408). In most of the remaining cases 
the worship was markedly local, and may 
have been connected with some local 
divinity of whom we have no representa- 

s 2 8 See above, p. 146-7. 

62 9 Wilkinson in the author's Herodo- 
tus, vol. ii, p. 202, 2d edit. 

530 Herod, ii, 155, 169, etc.: Diod. Sic. i, 
45-9; Strab. xvii, 1, §§ 28, 46, etc. 

53i Herod, ii, 37. 

532 "Instead of a single priest,' 11 says 
Herodotus (l.s.c), "each god has the at- 
tendance of a college, of whom one is the 
chief priest. 11 Sir G. Wilkinson observes 
that this statement "is fully confirmed 
by the sculptures. 11 (See the author's 
Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 56, note 8 .) 

sss Herod, ii, 58, ad init. 

534 Wilkinson in the author's Herodo- 
tus, vol. ii, p. 85, note. The feast, being 
delayed until the moon actually reap- 
peared, took place in reality on the day 
after the new moon. 

535 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 315. 

536 Herod, ii, 47. 

537 Wilkinson doubts the statements of 
Herodotus on this point, because Osiris 
was not a Priapic god (A. E. vol. iv, p. 
342>. But they are confirmed by Plutarch, 
who declares that the Paamylia, a 
festival in honor of Osiris, resembled the 
Greek Phallophoria (De Isid. et Osir. J} 
12 and § 18). Even Wilkinson would ab 
low that the indecencies in question 
formed a part of the Egyptian religion; 
but he would transfer them from the cult 
of Osiris to that of Khem. (See A. E. 
vol. v. p. 306.) 

538 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 301 
(compare vol. iv, p. 335); Trevor, Ancient 
Egypt, p. 190. 

CH. XI.] 



539 Herod, ii, 60-3. 

540 Seven hundred thousand, without, 
counting children, at Bubastis, accord- 
ing to this writer (ii, 60, ad fin.) 

541 Compare the well-known bloody 
rites of Juggernaut. 

5 4 2 PHn. N. H. viii, 46. 

543 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. 
v, p. 271. 

544 Ibid. p. 275. Compare the author's 
Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 8") : 2d edit. 

845 See Rosellini, Monumenti del Culto, 
pis. 67 et seqq. 

546 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, pp. 271-5. 

847 Ibid. pp. 302-7. 

««» Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, pp. 384, 
397, etc. 

549 See Birch's Gvide to the Vestibules 
of the Egyptian Galleries, pp. 29-39. 

550 Birch says that the scenes repre- 
sented are "acts of sepulchral homage or 
ancestral worship made by the children 
and other relatives of the dead 11 {Guide 
to Vestibules, p. 23). Wilkinson, on the 
contrary, suggests that "it was not to the 
deceased that these ceremonies were per- 
formed, but to that particular portion of 
the Divine essence which constituted the 
soul of each individual and returned to 
the Deity after death 11 (A. E. vol. v, p. 

S5i See above, pp. 177, 180, etc. 

552 Compare above, p. 76. 

5 53 Herod, ii, 171. 

854 A good article on this subject has 
appeared in the Nineteenth Century, 
(December 1878, pp. 1105-20) since the 
earlier portion of this chapter was in 
type. The writer takes a somewhat over- 
favorable view, and omits to notice the 
great contrast between the esoteric and 
exoteric systems in Egypt, — the religion 
of the few and the religion of the many. 
No account of the Egyptian religion can 
be regarded as a fair one which is silent 
on the subject of the general idolatry and 
polytheism, of the existence of indecent 
rites, and of the constant occurrence of 
indecent emblems in the religious repre- 

555 Herod, l.s.c. Compare ii, 48, ad 
fin.: and also chs. 61, 62, 65, etc. 

6fi6 As Diodorus and Macrobius. (See 
Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iv, p. 326.) 
Plutarch's explanations (De Isid. et Osir. 
% 38 et seqq.) are scarcely more trust- 


1 Herod, ii, 35. 

2 As the division into classes, which, 
if not actual castes, approached nearly to 
the caste character. 

3 As the dislike of foreigners, and the 
designation of one port only with which 
they might trade (Herod, ii, 179). 

4 The Egyptian chariots, arms, furni- 
ture, and personal ornaments have a 
considerable resemblance to the As- 

5 "The Manners and Customs of the 
Ancient Egyptians, including their Pri- 
vate Life, Government, Laws, Arts, Manu- 
factures, Religion, and Eaily History, de- 
rived from a comparison of the paint- 
ings, sculptures, and monuments still ex- 
isting wilh the accounts of ancient 
authors, illustrated bydiawings of those 
subjects. By Sir J. G. Wilkinson, F.R.S.,, etc. Five volumes, with Sup- 
plement, containing Plates and Index. 
London: Murray, 1837-41. " 

6 In producing his "History of He- 
rodotus,' 1 the author had for many years 
the advantage of Sir G. Wilkinson's kind 
assistance, and was in constant commu- 
nication with him on Egyptian and other 

7 A work in two volumes, moderately 
illustrated, will penetrate to a class of 
British readers, to whom works in five 
volumes, illustrated lavishly, are a for- 
bidden luxury. Moreover, the author's 
writings are largely read in America, 
where Sir G. Wilkinson's "Manners and 
Customs 11 is not (he believes) to be found 
even in all public libraries. 

8 Herod, ii, 164-6. *> Plat. Tim. p. 24 b. 
i° Liod. Sic. i, 28, 73. 

11 Strab. xvi, 1, §3. 

12 See the table, opp. p. 644; and com- 
pare pp. 36-7. 

13 Herod, ii, 143. The number of gen- 
erations is, of course, unworthy of crodit, 
but the general fact of the hereditary 
succession of the Theban high priests 
would be one within the cognizance of 
Herodotus's informants, and may be ac- 

14 See Birch. Ancient Egypt, "Intro- 
duction, 11 p. xx.; Lenormant, A ami el 
d'Histoire Ancienne, vol. i, pp. 477-8; 
Wilkinson in the author's Herodotus, vol. 
ii, p. 248, 3d edition. 

1 5 Herod, ii, 166, sub fin. 

16 As Herodotus declares t^ey did (ii, 

17 The subjoined will show the resem- 
blances and differences between these 
three authorities : — 


1. Priests. 

2. Soldiers. 

3. Cowherds. 

4. Swineherds. 

5. Traders. 

6. Boatmen. 

7. Interpreters. 


1. Priests. 

2. Soldiers. 

3. Herdsmen. 

4. Husbandmen. 

5. Artificers. 

6. Jiimters. 


1. Priests. 

2. Soldiers. 

3. Herdsmen. 

4. Husbandmen. 

5. Artificers. 



18 See Strab. l.s.c, and compare Le- 
norinant, vol. i, p. 481: "Tonte la por- 
tion de la population libre qui n'appar- 
tenait ui au corps sacerdotal ni au corps 
militaire composait, en Egypte, un troi- 
sieme ordre tie l'etat, qui lui-meme se 
subdividait en plusieurs classes, 1 ' etc. 

1 9 See above, p. 80. 

20 Herod, l.s.c. 

2i Herod, ii, 149, ad fin. 

22 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 129, and Ancient Egyp- 
tians, vol. iii, p. 47. 

23 Herod, ii, 154. 

24 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, " Introduction, " p. xix. 

25 Lenormant, Manuel, vol. i, p. 487. 

26 Out of twelve officials, whose inscrip- 
tions are published in the Records of the 
Past, six appear to have been soldiers, 
and three others priests. 

27 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, "Introduction, 11 p. xix. 

28 Herod, ii, 37, sub fin.; Rosetta Stone, 
line 6 (in Records of the Past, vol. iv, p. 

29 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, "Introduction, 11 p. xx. 

30 See Rosetta Stone, l.s.c; and com- 
pare Decree of Canopvs, line 2 (Records, 
etc., vol. viii, p. 83); and Clem. Alex. 
Strom, i, p. 758. 

31 Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i, p. 

32 Birch, l.s.c. Compare Decree of 
Canopus, line 3. 

33 Rosetta Stone, lines 6-7; Decree of 
Caiiopns, l.s.c. 

34 Ibid. Compare Records, vol. x, p. 

35 Diod. Sic. i, 29; Porphyr. De Absti- 
nentia, iv, 8. There is a famous figure 
of a " pastophorus 11 in the Vatican, 
which has been represented in various 
works on art. (See Winckelman 1 s His- 
tory of Art, vol. i, pi. 7; and Vipconti's 
Museo Pio-Clementino, vol. vii, pi. 6.) 

3 « Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 238. 
37 Ibid., and compare the Rosetta Stone, 
line 7. S8 Porphyr. l.s.c. 

39 Wilkinson, l.s.c. 

40 Herod, ii, 68; Diod. Sic. i, 83; etc. 

41 Birch speaks of "chapters or sy- 
nods, 11 by which the highest posts were 
filled up when vacant (Egypt from the 
Earliest Times, "Introduction, 11 p. xx): 
but I am not aware that there is any evi- 
dence of their existence earlier than the 
time of the Ptolemies. 

42 That the priests had their lands be- 
fore the time of Joseph, is apparent from 
Gen. xlvii, 22 and 26. 

43 This seems to be the meaning 
Diodorus Siculns (i, 73), who may . 
had access to the Roman registers. 

44 This appears especially from the 
"Great Harris Papyrus, 11 where the 
priestly lands, slave cultivators, barns, 
granaries, cattle - stalls, poultry - yards, 
etc., are repeatedly mentioned (Records 
of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 81-34; vol. viii, pp. 

: of 

4S Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 202. 
48 Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 31 
32, 36 • vol. viii, pp. 14, 29, 39, etc. 

47 Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 37- 
40, 61, 69, etc.; vol. viii, pp. 16-17, 20-21, 
32-35, etc. 

48 Rameses IH. declares that he pre- 
sented to temples, in the course of thirty- 
one years, gold vases weighing 2,218,920 
grains troy, silver vases weighing 3,399,- 
900 grains, 3,047 pieces of linen, 6,278 tur- 
quoise rings, 4,247 crystal rings, 12,256 
" pectorals, 11 10,463 seals, and other orna- 
ments in lapis lazuli, jasper green fel- 
spar, turquoise, and crystal, almost with- 
out number. (See Records of the Past, 
vol. viii, pp. 32-5). 

49 Herod, ii, 37. Porphyry (De Absti- 
nent. i\, 7) says thrice a day , and once*- 
in the night, occasionally. But he is 
speaking of Roman times. 

50 Herod, l.s.c. In the representations 
of priests upon the monuments, the head 
is either perfectly bare, or covered with 
an ample wig, which descends to the 
shoulders. (See the author's Herodotus, 
vol. ii, pp. 62-3, 3d edition.) 

51 So Herodotus (l.s. c); but Pliny says 
that cotton dresses were particularly 
agreeable to the priests (H. A. xix. 1). 
Probably we have here an indication of 
the laxer discipline which prevailed ulti- 

62 Herod, l.s.c; Birch, Guide to Mu- 
seum, p. 26. Shoes were not really worn 
until the Grseco. Roman period. 

53 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 279. For 
a representation, see above, p. 282. 

54 Herod, ii, 37; Plut. De Isid. et Osir. 
§ 6. 

se pint. De Isid, et Osir. § 8. 
68 Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i, p. 
V See note 92 , chap. vi. 

68 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 278. 

69 As Wilkinson supposes. (See the 
author's Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 62, note 9 ; 
and compare Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, 
vol. i, p. 449.) 

<»i Diod. Sic. i, 80, § 3. 
72 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 282; 
Rosellini, Mon. Civ. i, p. 266. 

63 See the author's Herodotus, vol. ii, 
pp. 62-3; and compare Wilkinson, A, E. 
" Supplement, 11 pi. 76, where a procession 
of priests in various costumes carries the 
divine emblems. 

64 Wilkinson, A. E. "Supplement," 
pi. 76. 

as Ibid. vol. i, pp. 278-379. 

86 Compare Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, pp. 
258-262, with Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, 
vol. i, p. 452. 

87 Herod, ii, 35. 88 Kenrick, l.s c 
89 Herod, ii, 54, 56. Compare De Rouge,. 

Monuments qu'on peut attribuer six 
premieres Dynasties de VEgypte, pp. 83, 
97, etc. 

70 Records of the PasU vol. iv, p. 71. 

7 * Wilkinson, in the author's Herodo- 
tus, vol. ii, p. 56. (Compare Ancient 
Egyptians, vol. i, p. 960.) 

CH. XI.] 



7 * Wilkinson, A. E.. " Supplement,' 1 
pis. 83-0. 

73 Herodotus (ii. 105-6) estimates the 
actual soldiers at 410,0<X), Diodorus (i, 54) 
692,000. Taking the average of a family 
at five persons, the former estimate 
would give for the military class a total 
of 2,050,000, the latter a total of 3,400,000. 

74 See above, p. 210. 

75 Diod. Sic. i, 54, ^6; IW<. <5e toZ? 
irpoeLprifj.ei'ot.s /caTe/cAvjpoii^rjcre t rj v a p i <r- 
T tj y rrj? ^cipa?. 

7 s Herod, ii, 168. 

7r See above, note 75 , chap. xi. ' 

78 See Records of the Past, vi, 9 ; and 
compare Diod. Sic. i, 73, § 6. 

79 Herod, ii, 165-6. 

80 Wilkinson in the author's Herodo- 
tus, vol. ii, p, 249, note 6 ; Birch, Diction- 
ary of Hieroglyphics, p. 410. 

81 Herod, ii, 106. 82 Herod, ii, 165. 

83 Ibid, ii, 30, with Wilkinson's note. 

84 Ibid, ii, 168. 

*5 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 286. 

8 « Diod. Sic. i, 53, \ 3. Birch, in his 
additions to Wilkinson, notes that mili- 
tary schools are alluded to, and the 
hardships endured at them complained 
of, in a letter written by a contemporary 
of Rame6es II., and published by M. 
Maspero (A. E. vol. i, p. 187 ; ed. of 1878). 

87 So Diodorus, l.s.c. 

88 Diod. Sic. i, 53, § 5. 

89 Diodorus makes the infantry of 
Sesostris 600,000, the cavalry 24,000, and 
the chariots 27,000 (i, 54, § 4). This is 
not historical, but it indicates the notions 
which that writer obtained from the 
Egyptian priests of the proportion which 
the three main arms of the service bore 
one to the other. 

90 Metal helmets were but rarely worn, 
the weight being inconvenient in so hot 
a climate. (See Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, 
p. 330.) Still, unless they had been in 
occasional use, the story told by Herod- 
otus of Psamatik I. (Herod, ii, 151) 
would scarcely have gained acceptance. 

91 Wilkinson, l.s.c. 

92 Herod, ii, 182, with Wilkinson's 
note ; and compare Ancient Egyptians, 
vol. i. pd. 331-2. 

93 Wilkinson, A. E. vol, i, p. 332, and 
pi. iii, fig. 7. 

94 Instances are found where the shield 
expands instead of contracting (Rosel- 
lini, Monumenti Storici, pi. xciv t line 2, 
etc.) But they are of rare occurrence. 

95 Wilkinson, vol. i, pp. 298-9. 

96 See Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, pi. 
cxvii,4; and compare Wilkinson, A. E. 
vol. i. p, 202, ed. of 1878. 

97 Wilkinson in the author's Herodo- 
tus, vol. iv, opp. p. 402. 

98 Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, pis. 
cxxvi, cxxix, etc. 

99 Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, pis. 
cxxvi, etseqq. ; Lepsius, Dmkmdler , vol. 
vi. part iii, pis. 154, 155, etc. 

100 Wilkinson, A. E. vol i, pp. 301, 
334: Rosellini, Man. Stor. pis- cxxix, 
cxxz, etc. 

ioi Wilkinson, vol. i. p. 316 ; Rosellini, 
Mon. Civ. pi. cxvii, 3. 

102 Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. exx ; Lep- 
sius, Denkmdler, vol. vi, pt. iii, pi. 145, 
b; etc. 

10 3 Diod. Sic. i, 54, \ 4. 
i° 4 Herod, ii, 162. 

105 Ex. xv, 21 ; Is. xxxvi, 9 ; 2 Kings 
xviii, 23-4, etc. 
i°» 2 Chron. xii, 3,. 

107 See Records of the Past, vol. ii, pp. 
68, 70, 72, etc. 

108 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 292. 

109 In the army of Xerxes they served 
as sailors only (Herod, vii, 89) ; in the 
army of Artaxerxes Mnemon at Cunaxa 
as infantry only (Xen. Anab. i, 8, § 9). 

110 See Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pis. 
lxii, 1 ; lxiv, etc. ' 

>" Diod. Sic. l.s.c. 

i' 2 2 Chron. xii, 3. 

1,3 Lepsius VenkmMer, vol. vi, pt. iii, 
pis. 155, 160; Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pis. 
lxxxvii, xevi, ciii, cv, etc. 

114 Lepsius, vol. vi, pi. 155; Rosellini, 
pi. evil. 

115 Rosellini, pi. ciii. 

116 Ibid. Sometimes the warrior 
drives ; but this, it may be presumed, 
was before coming into the presence of 
the enemy. (See Rosellini, pi. lxxxii.) 

11 7 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 336, fig. 
1. Three warriors are frequent in the 
chariots of other nations. (Rosellini, 
pis. lxxvviii-xci, etc. ; Lepsius, vol. vi, 
pis. 157-00.) 

us See Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 342. 

119 Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, pis. 
lxxxii, Ixxxiv, and c. 

i 2 ° Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 348, 
(For representations, see, besides the 
places mentioned in the preceding note, 
Rosellini, M. S. pis. lxxxi, and cii.) 

i 2 i Wilkinson, p. 343. 

122 Thr representations of chariots rep 
resent toe pair of horses as driven by a 
single r<dn; but it is supposed that 1 his 
is an "economy' of the artists, and that 
in realitv each horse had his own rein. 

1 23 See fig. 149. 

124 See Rosellini, Monvmenti Storici, 
pi. ci : and compare Wilkinson, A. E. 
vol. i, p. 318. 

125 The kinghasinall cases the curved, 
and not the straight, sword. It is also 
more common than the straight sword in 
the hands of the soldiers. 

126 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, pp. 324-5 ; 
Rosellini, Mon. Civili, pis. cxvii, 5, and 
cxix 1 

i 27 Wilkinson, vol. i, p. 326. 

128 See Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 39, 
No. 5467. 

129 -p or a representation, see Rosellini. 
Mon. Storici, pi. cxxix. 

130 Wilkinson, vol i, page 329. 

131 Wilkinson, vol. i, p. 319. Compare 
the weapons themselves in the British 
Museum (Nos. 5423-0). 

132 The bronze used for arms appears, 
upon analysis, to have been composed as 
follows ; copper 940, tin 5*9, iron 01. 



(See Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 39.) 
The tiu is in a smaller proportion than 
usual , but the slight tiuge of iron was 
probably more than a compensation. 

133 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 320. 

134 ibid. p. 319. 

135 See Herod, iii, 21. 

136 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 308. 

] 3T Kosellini, Mon. Civili, pi. cxxi, 25 ; 
Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 305. 
•3« Wilkinson, p. 308. 

1 39 See rig. 156. It is noticeable that 
the Egyptian chariot archers often at- 
tempt to entangle their enemies with 
their strung bows, which implies great 
confidence in the strength of the string. 

140 Wiikiison, A. E. vol. i, p. 310 
(woodcut 33, lig. 4). 

14 1 Ibid. p. 309. It may perhaps be 
questioned whether two or three feathers 
were used. 

142 ibid. p. 306 (woodcut 29). 

143 Rosellhii, Mon. Storici, pis. xlvi, 1 ; 
xlviii 2, etc. Lepsius, Denkmdler, vol. 
vi, pt. iii, pis. 126 b, 160, 166, etc. 

i 44 Rosellini, Mon. Civili, pi. cxxi, 23 
and 26. 

145 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 315. 

146 See the representations in Rosel- 
lini, Mon. Storici, pis. cxxix, cxxx, 
cxxxiii, etc. 

147 Wilkinson, p. 293 ; Rosellini, Mon. 
Storici, pi. xcvi ; Lepsius, Denkmdler, 
vol. vi, part iii, pi. 155. 

148 Rosellini, Mon. Sto?"ici, pi. ciii. 

149 See Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pis. 
cxxvii and cxxviii. 

150 The plume of Ammon, the heads 
of Horns, Khonsu, Athor, Isis, and Tafne, 
the jackal of Anubis, the hawk of Horus 
or Ra, the crocodile of Savak, the stork 
of Thoth, are among the % forms recog- 
nized. Sacred anks are 'also common. 
(See Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 294 ; and 
Rosellini, Mon. Civili, pi. cxxi, Nos. 1 to 
15.) , r 

1 51 See Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 
68, where we find the chief division of 
the army of Rameses II. named a.^er the 
gods, Ammon, Ra, Phthah, an'" oet. 

1 52 Birch in the new edition of Wil- 
kinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. i, p. 
193, note 8 . 

153 Birch in the new edition of Wil- 
kinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. i, p. 
i93, note «. 

154 Records oj the Past, l.s.c. 

1 55 The four chiefs who direct the at- 
tack on the fort represented on page 468 
are the four sons of Rameses IlT (See 
Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 361, note.) 

156 See Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pi. 
cviii ; Lepsius, Denkmdler, vol. vi, pt. 
iii, pis. 145 c and 166. 

i 67 See the woodcut plate lxiv, and 
compare Lepsius, Denkmdler, vol. vi, pt. 
iii, pi. 145 c; Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pi. 

i fa8 See the author's Ancient Monar- 
chies, vol. 1, p. 474, 2d edition. 

169 See the author's Ancient Mon- 
archies, vol. i, p. 471. 

i 60 Dr. Birch speaks of the employ- 
ment of catapults by the Egyptians 
(Egypt from the Earliest Times, "Intro- 
duction," p. xix), and Canon Cook finds 
balistee mentioned in an inscription of 
Pianchi (Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 
88;, who, however, is an Ethiopian and 
not an Egyptian. But I am not aware 
that any representation occurs in the 
Egyptian monuments of either a catapult 
or a balista. Still it is not improbable 
that they may have been introduced from 
Assyria in the time of the twenty-second 
dynasty. The later monarchs, however, 
have left us no representations of their 
wars or sieges, so that we nave no means 
of knowing whether or no they innovated 
upon the old Egyptian practice. 

i6i See fig. 160. 

162 Herod, ii, 157. 

163 1 Kings xiv, 25-6, compared with 2 
Chron. xii, 2-9. 

16" So Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 274 
(edition of 1878). 

165 See Records of the Past, vol. ii, pp. 
5-6; vol. vi, pp. 7-10. 

i 66 Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pi. cxxxi ; 
Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, pp. 203-4 ; De- 
scription de VEgypte, "Antiquitea," vol. 
ii, pi. x. 

1 67 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 204. 

168 pY, r representations, see Lepsius, 
Denkmdler, vol. iii. pt. ii, pi. 45; vol. v, 
pi. 17 ; Description de VEgypte, "An- 
tiquites," vol. iv, pi. lxv, 3; vol. v, pi. 
xviii, 7. 

168 Records of the Past, vol. ii, pp. 95- 
6. Compare Brugsch, Geschichte Aegyp- 
tens, pp. 697-S. 

170 The use of the Nile boats in war- 
fare is indicated in the Records of the 
Past, vol. ii, p. 6; vol. vi, p. 7 ; etc. 

1 71 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 205. 

172 Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 45; 
vol. iv. p. 47; vol. viii, p. 48; etc. 

1 73 See the Description, "Antiquites," 
vol. ii, pi. x. 

1 74 Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pis. lxxxv, 
cxxxv, etc.; Lepsius, Denkmater, vol. vi, 
pt. iii, pis. cxxix, cxxx, etc. 

i 75 Brugsch, Geschichte Aegyptens, p. 
551 ; Wilkinson, A. E., vol. i, pp. 402-3. 
Compare Herod, ii, 108. 

1 76 Records of the Past, vol. vi,pp. 8-9. 

1 77 Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pis. lxiv, 
Ixxix, cxi ; Description cL- V Egypte, An- 
tiquites," vol. ii, pi. 16; vol. iii, pis. 6 
and 22 ; vol. iv, pi. 22, fig. 11, Lepsius, 
Denkmdler, vol. vi, pt. iii, pis. 130, 139, 
140, etc. 

i 7 s Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 398. 

1 79 See the author"* Ancient Mon- 
archies, vol. i, pp. 447-8, 2d edition. 

i 80 The only approach to an exception, 
so far as I know, is in the case of Amasis, 
who after a time consented to the death 
of Apries (Herod, ii, 169). 

i8i Manetfho ap. Euseb. Chron. Can. i, 
20. (See the Fragmenta Hist. Gr. vol. ii. 
p. 593: Fr. 65.) 

isa Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 398. 
Compare Description de VEgypte, "An* 

Vol. I. 

Plate LXXII1. 

Fig. 186.— Building a Boat.— See Page 521. 

Fig. 187.— An Egyptian Gentleman's Pleasure Boat— See Page 524. 

Plate LXXIV. 

Vol. I. 

Fig. 188.— Ordinary Nile Boat in full sail.— Sec Page 524. 


Fig. 189.— Nile Boat.— See Page 524. 

CH. XI.] 



tiquites, 1 ' vol. ii, pi. 12: Rosellini, Mori. 
Storici, pis. 94 and 132. The practice 
was so usual that, instead of saying "I 
killed one of the enemy,'''' a man com- 
monly said "I carried off a hand." (See 
Records of the Past, vol. vi, pp. 7-8, and 
compare vol. iv, p. 7.) 

193 Wilkinson, l.s.c. Compare Records 
of the Past, vol. vi, p. 19, line 8. 

i*4 Records of the Past, vol. vi, p. 8. 

iss of. Herod, iii, 12. 

j»6 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 395. 
Compare Lepsius, Denkmaler, vol. vi, 
pt. iii, pi. 128. 

187 Rosellini, Mon Storici, pi. cvii. 

188 Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i, p. 
229. See Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pi. xcviii. 

189 Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pi. xcix. 

190 Records of the Past, vol. ii, pp. 6, 
82, 85 : vol. vi, pp. 7, 10, etc. 

i9i Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 361. For 
an illustration, see Rosellini, Mon. 
Storici, pi. cxxxvii. 

192 Wilkinson, l.s.c. vol. ii, p. 2G0. 

193 See Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pi. 
xliv, ter. 

i»4 Wilkinson, l.s.c. ; vol. ii, p. 260. 
Compare p. 264. 

185 ibid. vol. i, pp. 400-1. 

1 98 See Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pis. 1, 
lviii, and cxxxvii, 

197 Lepsius, Denkmaler, vol. vi, pt. iii, 
pi. 128. Compare Wilkinson, A. E. vol. 
1, p. 399. 

198 Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pis. xlviii, 
Iii, and lvi. 

199 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 400. 

200 See above, p. 80. 

201 Brugsch, Geschichle Aegyptens, p. 

202 see Mons. St. Leon's "Egypt of the 
Khedive 11 (London 1877), whence the 
subjoined passage is taken. 

203 Records of the Past, vol. viii, p. 
149. We may suspect that the picture is 
somewhat over-colored, since the writer 
is bent on finding fault with every occu- 
pation but that of a scribe, and abuses 
not only the life of the "little laborer, 11 
but those of the blacksmith, carpenter, 
mason, barber, boatman, gardener, wea- 
ver, armorer, courier, dyer, shoemaker, 
washerman, fowler, and fisherman, which 
he represents as all equally detestable. 

204 Brugsch, Geschichte Aegyptens, p. 

208 Mr. Kenrick {Ancient Egypt, vol. i, 
pp. 212-13) has some good remarks on 
this subject. 

206 See Gen. xxxvii, 25 ; Herod, i, 1 ; ii, 
178 : iii, 6. 

207 1 Kings x, 29 ; 2 Chr. i, 17. On the 
numerous chariots of the Syrians, see 
Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 69, and 
Ancient Monarchies, vol. ii, p. 103, note 7 , 
2d edit. 

208 Ezek. xxvii, 7. 

209 Herod, v, 58. 

2'o PI in. N. H. xix, 1, § 2. 
an Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 111. 
912 See the author's Ancient Mon- 
archies, vol. 1, pp. 373-5. 

213 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, pp. 102, 
103, 120. etc.: Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, 
vol. i, pp. 214-20. 

214 See above, pp. 98, 101. etc. 

215 Vyse, Pyramids of Ghizeh, vol. i, 
p. 289 ; Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. ii, p. 
164 ; Fergusson, History of Architecture, 
vol. i, pp. 91-2 ; etc. 

216 Birch, Guide to Museum, pp. 70^. 
These are t e materials ordinarily used. 
Agate is perhaps to be added to them. 
(Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii. p. 376.) 

2i 7 Birch, Guide to Museum, pp. 67-80. 

218 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 251, n. 

218 The sawing of stone is not repre- 
sented on the monuments ; but Wilkin- 
son was of opinion that the Egyptians 
possessed the single-handed saw only 
{A. E. vol. iii, p. 172). 

220 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 337; 
Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i, pp. 218- 

221 Wilkinson, vol. iii, pp, 106 and 251. 

222 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 335. 
(See the wood cut on the preceding page.) 

223 Herod, ii. 35. 

224 Kenrick, Ancient Egypt, vol. i, pp. 
216-17 ; Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, pp. 54-5, 3d edition. 

225 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 118. 

226 The Egyptian linen corselets were 
noted as most remarkable by the ancients 
(Herod, ii, 182 ; iii, 47 ; Plin. H. N. xix, 
1 ; etc.) 

227 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 121. 
22s Ibid. p. 119. 

229 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 51. 

230 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 126 ; 
Birch, l.s.c. 

23i Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 123. 

232 ibid. p. 125. 

233 ibid. pp. 156 and 128. 

234 Herod, iii, 47 ; Ex. xxxix, 3 ; Wil- 
kinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 128. 

235 The transparency of the Egyptian 
fabrics is strikingly illustrated Dy the 
painted sculptures, where the entire form, 
especially of women, is often made dis- 
tinctly visible through the outer garment. 

2 36 Records of the Past, vol. iii, p. 151. 

23 7 This is one meaning assigned to 
the passage. (See the Records, vol. viii, 
p. 151, note 5 .) 

238 The subject of the Egyptian furni- 
ture has been so copiously and so excel- 
lently discussed and illustrated by Sir G. 
Wilkinson {Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii, 
pp. 190-222) that nothing new, which 
should also be true, can be said about it. 
I have therefore been content with the 
briefest possible summary. 

239 See Wilkinson, pi. xi, and compare 
Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pis. lxxiv, xc, and 
xci. The close resemblance of the 
Egyptian arm-chairs and of some of 
their couches and ottomans to modern 
ones is very remarkable. (See Wilkin- 
son, vol. ii, pp. 195, 199, 201, etc. ; Rosel' 
lini, pis. xc-xcii.) 

340 Birch says "the Egyptians sat on 
chairs or on the ground 11 {Egypt, from 
the Earliest Times^ •' Introduction," p. 



xiv) ; but, except on their first admission 
and at certain games, the guests in a 
house are almost always represented as 
seated either on chairs or stools. (See 
Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, pp. 191, 214, 390, 
393, and pi. xii.) 
24i Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 203. 

242 ibid. p. 202. 

243 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 22. 

244 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, pp. 201, 
204, and 205 ; Birch, l.s.c. ; Roselliui, 
Mon. Civ. pi. xcii. 

245 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 23. 

246 See above, p. 214. 

247 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. i, p. 335. 

248 Herod, ii, 63. For a representation, 
gee Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 341. 

249 i Kings x, 29. 

260 The native Libyans, who, accord- 
ing to Herodotus (iv, 189), were the first 
to yoke four horses to a chariot, prob- 
ably obtained their vehicles from Egypt. 

251 For full representations, see Wil- 
kinson, A. E. vol. i, pp. 343, 349, and 3j0 : 
Rosellini, Mon. Civili, pi. xliv, figs. 3 
and 4. 

252 Wilkinson, vol. i, p. 318. 

253 The "six hundred shekels' 1 ' of 1 
Kings x, 29, seem to be rightly regarded 
as paid for the chariot and pair of horses. 
(See the Speaker's Commentary, vol. ii, 
p. 545.) As the price of each horse was 
150 shekels (1 Kings, 1. s. c), the sum 
paid for the chariot would have been 300 

aYi plr g1 ft 

254 pi'in. H. N. xxxvi, 28. 

255 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, pp. 88- 
92. The claim was made, before Wilkin- 
son's time, by M. Boudet in his essay 
" Sur PArt de la Verrerie, ne en Egypte, 11 
published in the Description de VEgypte, 
s Antiquites,'" vol. ii, pp 7 et seqq. 

256 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 119. 

257 Ibid. Specimens will be found in 
'he " Second Egyptian Room " of the 
British Museum, Case t, Nos^ 4750-3. 

258 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. Iii, p. 382 ; 
Birch, Egypt from the Earliest Times, 
"Introduction,'" p. xv. 

259 Birch, Guide to Museum, pp. 67, 70, 

260 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 101 ; 
Birch, Guide to Museum,, p. 101. 

26i Wilkinson, p. 102 ; Birch, p. 120. 

262 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 131. 

263 ibid. pp. 33-35. 

264 ibid. p. 33. 

265 Birch, Ancient Pottery, p. 25. In 
the representations given by Lepsius of 
very early pottery (Denkmaler, vol. iv, 
pt. ii, pi. 153) there are a few which, from 
the irregularity of their shape, would 
seem to have been wholly modelled by 
the hand. (See particularly Nos. 3, 29, 
and 32.) But these are rare exceptions; 
and the great majority of the vessels 
found with them, which belong to the 
time of the fourth and fifth dynasties, 
bear clear traces of the wheel. 

a * 6 At Athens it was said to have been 
Invented, i. e. introduced by Corcebus 
(Plin. vii r 56), about b. & 776. In Baby- 

lonia it was certainly not employed by 
the early potters. "(See the author's 
Ancient Monarchies, vol. i, p. 91.) 

267 Birch says with reason " The 
Egyptian potters had not, it is true, that 
highly reiined sense of the beautiful 
which the Greeks possessed : but they 
were by no means entirely destitute of 
it." (Ancient Pottery, p. 33.) 

268 Examples will be found in the First 
Egyptian Room at the British Museum, 
Nos. 4860, 5114, and 5116. 

269 See, in the same collection, Nos. 
48150, 4864, and 5117; and compare Lee- 
mans, Mon. Egyptiens, pi. Ixiii, No. 367. 

270 Birch, Ancient Pottery, p. 35. 

27i Ibid. p. 'So. Compare Rosellini, 
Mon. Civ'di, pi. lvi, No. 108; pi. lx, 2so. 
3; and see above, p. 231. ' 

272 See p. 188, and compare Birch, 
Ancient Pottery, pp. 2^—4 ; Guide to 
Museum, pp. 89-94. 

2 " Wilkinson, ,1. E. vol. v, p. 398; 
Birch, Ancient Pottery, pp. 18-21 : Prisse, 
Mon. Egyptiens, pis. 21 27, and 28. 

2? 4 Birch, Ancient Pottery, pp. 21-22 ; 
Guide to Museum, p. 89. 

275 British Museum, First Egyptian 
Room, No. 12915 ; Second Room, Cases 96 
and 97. These figures, and the sepulchral 
or mummied ones, are. however, regarded 
as of late date. They belong probably 
to Roman times. 

2? 6 The vases for the intestines are 
generally painted. (British Museum, 
Second Room, Nos. 9530-5, 9547-50, 9552- 
4, etc.) 

277 Birch, Ancient Pottery, p. 47. 

278 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 30. 

27 9 Birch (Ancient Pottery, p. 48) la- 
ments that "no very recent analysis ,1 of 
Egyptian glazes "has been made :" and 
that consequently " we are compelled to 
acquiesce in the conje( tures of archaeolo- 
gists, rather than to juopt the tests of 
chemists/ 1 

280 Birch, Guide to Mvsevm, l.s.c. 

28i British Museum, First Room,- Nos. 
4766 and 4796. 

282 The Tel-el Yahovdeh. or supp >sed 
" Place of Oneias." (See Birch, An ient 
Pottery,?. 49.) 

283 Ancient Monarchies, vol. ii, p. 552. 

284 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 118. 

285 Birch, Ancient Pottery, p. 50. 

286 ibid. p. 60. 

287 British Museum, Second Room, 
No. 7866. 

288 That is, not cut away. On this 
peculiarity of Egyptian figure-work, see 
above, p. 127. 

289 Birch, Ancient Pottery, p. 64. 

290 See the woodcut, fig. 182; and 
compare Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. 1 ; Wil- 
kinson, A. E. vol. iii. p. 164. 

29i So Bi-ch, Ancient Pottery, p. 37; 
"Potters iield a low position in Egypt ; 
and the occupation was pursued by ser- 
vants or slaves. " 

2»2 a few plates of pure tin seem to 
occur, among the objects found with 
mummies. They are placed as amuleti 

CH. XI.] 



to guard the incisions on the flanks, 
ttirougn wnich the intestines were ex- 
tracted, and commonly have on one side 
the right symbolic eye, the emblen> of the 
god Shu. (See Birch in his e^.xtion of 
Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii, 
p. 232 ; and compare Guide to Museum, 
p. HI. i 

293 See above, p. 46. 

294 The whole of this description is 
taken from Diodorus (iii. 12-14), who de- 
scribes, no doubt, the process employed 
in his own day. It is probable, how- 
ever, that the very simple method then 
in use had come down from a remr„e 

295 Blowpipes are represented more 
than once in the tombs. (See Rosei- 
liui, J! 'on. Civ. pi. Ii, 4, and pi. Iii, 
fig. 4.) 

296 ihe forceps is sometimes repre- 
sented on the monuments. (See the 
woodcut on p. 515). Both tongs and 
forceps have been found in the tombs 
(Birch in Wilkinson's A. E. vol. \. °35, 

297 The existing gold objects show this. 
Compare Ex. xxxii, 4. 

298 Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 26; 
Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 11. 

299 British Museum, First Egyptian 
Room, Nos. 86 and 285. 

ace ibid. No. 1422. 

301 Monumenti Civili, pis. lvii to lxii. 

302 See a spe< imen in Wilkinson, A. E. 
vol. iii, p. 347, No. 1. 

303 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 69. 
3 «i Wilkinron, l.s.c. (No. 14). 

305 Birch, Guide to Museum, pp. 66-7. 
=06 Wilkinson, l.s.c. (No. 17). 

307 Records of the Past, vol. ii, pp. 24, 
26, and 49: Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 11: 
vol. iii, p. 237. 

308 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 81. 

309 British Museum, Eirst Egyptian 
Room, Nos. 6, 310, and 1887. 

3 *o ibid. No. 8412. Compare Wilkin- 
son, A. E. vol. iii, p. 234 

3ii Wilkinson, p. 259. 

3 ' 2 Records, vol. ii, pp. 27, 52, etc. 

3i3 The British Museum seems to pos- 
sess no more than about seven or eight 
specimens of Egyptian iron. (First 
Room, Nos. 2435, 2464, 2916, 2918, 2954, 
5410, 5423, and 6113.) Of these three 
(Nos. 2464, 2954, and 6113) are decidedly 
of a late period. 

3u This is now in the British Museum, 
and forms No. 2435 in the Egyptian col- 

a" Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 246. 

3 i 6 Deut. iii, 11: iv. 20 Judg. i, 19; iv, 3. 

31 7 Birch in Wilkinson's .dwcifiwY Egyp- 
tians (edition of 1878), vol. ii, pp. 250-1; 
Deveria, Melanges d Archiologie Egyp- 
tienne, vol. i, p. 2. 

318 Birch, Guide to Museum, pp. 13-21, 
28-2!), 35-11, etc. 

3i 9 Tbid. p. 28. 

= 2 o Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 253, n. 
iil Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 39. 
322 Specimens of most of these may be 

seen in the British Mu?eum, First Egyp- 
tian Room, Nos. 5408a to 5497. 

323 See above, ? 

324 See Records of the Past, vol. viii, p. 
151: "The maker of weapons suffers ex- 
tremely, going forth to foreign countries: 
he gives a great deal for his asses, more 
than the labor of his hands. He gives a 
great deal for their being in a field; he 
gives on the road. He arrives at his gai- 
den; he reaches his house at night. He 
must be off [again]." 

325 See above, p. 87. 
32 8 Isaiah xviii. 2. 

327 See Herodotus, ii, 96, where this 
comparison is made, and compare Rosel- 
lini, Mon. Civ. pi. xliv. 1. 

328 Herod, l.s.c. ; and compare Wil- 
kinson's illustration in the author's 
Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 132. 

329 See Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 

sso Ibid, and p. 196. 

33i See Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pis. cvii, 
cviii, and cix, and Wilkinson, A. E. vol. 
iii, pi. xvi;oppo. p. 211. 

332 Diod. Sic. i, 91. 

333 See Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 54. 

334 At the rates suggested, the exact 
sum would be 3,320,000/. It may be 
doubted, however, whether Diodor>i« 
does not considerably exaggerate the 
mere cost of embalming. 

335 a considerable number of the mum- 
mies are regarded as belonging to the 
time of the first dynasties. These "have 
been only slightly preserved, and drop to 
pieces on exposure to the air." (Birch, 
Guide to Museum, l.s. c.) 

336 ] D id. 

337 See the specimens in the British 
Museum (First Egyptian Room) num- 
bered from 6725 to 6728. 

338 Herod, ii, 86. 

33 9 Diod. Sic. i, 91. 

340 See above, p. 189. 
34i Herod, ii, 86. 

34 2 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 53. 

343 Herod, l.s.c. ; Wilkinson, A. E. vol. 
iii, p. 115; vol. v, p. 463; Birch, l.s.c. 

344 Pettigrew, quoted by Wilkinson {A. 
E.) vol. v, p. 471). 

346 "Cartonnages " may be seen in the 
British Museum Coflection, Nos. 6662, 
6665, 6679, 6680, etc. 

346 See above, p. 95. 

347 Herodotus speaks of a single " mo- 
derately cheap " method; and so Diodo- 
rus. But modern research proves that no 
sharp and decided line can be drawn, 
either between the "expensive " and the 
"moderate," or between the "moder- 
ate," and the "cheap" system. (See 
Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, pp. 468-473.) 

2 4s Herod, ii, 87.. 

349 Rouger, Notice sur les Embaume- 
ments des anciens Egyptiens. quoted by 
Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 472. 

350 Belzoni, Researches, p. 156. 

35 i Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 184. 
352 The story can only be given in the 
author's own words :— Td? ywa.lKa<; twp 



aTTiibai'foiv avSpHov, eneav TeXevrrja'iXTL ov 
irapavTLKa Sifiouai rapi\eveiv, a\\' ewed^ 
TpiTcucu f] TerapTcuou yevoiVTai, ovtco ira- 
paSiSovcrt, tol<ti Tapi\evovo~t ' tovto Se 
ttol€ov(tl ovtw TOuSe clvsksv, iva /u.17 crcit 
oi Ta.pi\evT<M p.i<Tyu)VTai. tjj'oi yvvat^i. 
Aa^fjtfli'ai yap tlvo. <$>aa<. fj.Kjy6jj.evov ve/cpuf 
7rpocr(/)aTcp yvvcuKos ■ Kareurai Se tov 
o/xorexvoV. (Herod, ii, 89.) 
363 ch. viii, pp. 261-285. 

354 Representations of persons so em- 
ployed may be seen in Rosellini, Mon. 
Civ. pi. xlvii, Nos. 3 and 4; and Wilkin- 
son, A. E. vol. iii, p. 336. 

355 vVilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, pp. 251-2. 

356 See fig. 190. 

357 See Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. xlviii, 
1. Compare the author's Herodotus, vol. 
ii, pi. opp. p. 150. 

358 The usual representation consists 
of a gigantic figure of the king, holding 
a conquered king, or a number of con- 
quered kings, by^the hair with one band, 
while with "the other he brandishes aloft 
a sword or mace. (See Rosellini, Mon. 
Storici, pis. lx, lxiv, xlvi, etc., Description 
de VEgypte, " Antiquites," vol. ii, pi. 
xvi, etc.) 

369 See fig. 143. 
3«o See fig. 95. 

361 Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pi. cxxxi; 
Description, "Antiquites, vol. ii, pi. x. 

362 Lepsius, Denkmdler, vol. vi, pt. iii, 
pis. 158, 165, etc.: Rosellini, Mon. Storici, 
pis. ex, exxxvi, etc. 

363 See fig. 99. 

364 Amasis, b. c. 540, sent a portrait of 
himself as a present to the people of 
Cyrene (Herod, ii, 182). We may pre- 
sume that it was painted by a native 

365 The coarse representations on car- 
tonnages and mummy-cases can scarcely 
be considered as portraits. 

3«6 Wi .kinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 313. 

367 ibid. p. 311; Rosellini, Mqji. Civ. pi. 
xlvi, 3. 

36 8 Rosellini, pi. xlvi, 5, 6, 8, and 10. 

369 British Museum, First Egyptian 
Room, Nos. 5515 and 55256. 

370 It has been already shown (supra, 
pp. 294-5) that the Egyptian painters em- 
ployed about fourteen tints. 

37 i Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 301. 

372 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 41. 

373 De Rouse, Catalogue des Monu- 
ments egij-ptiens de la Salle du Rez-de- 
chaussee, 1849, p. 47. 

374 Records of the Past, vol. x, p. 2. 
37 s Ibid. p. 3. 37 s Ibid. 1. s. c. 

377 See Herod, ii, 48 and 60. 

378 Tbid. ii, 79. 

379 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, pp. 237, 
210, 316, etc. Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. 
xcix, 2. 

380 See Diod. Sic. i, 16. The contrary 
statement of Plato in his "Laws" cannot 
be depended on (De Leg. ii, p. 656, e). 

381 One flute in the British Museum 
(No. 6388) has six holes; but four or five 
were mo'e usual (Wilkinson, A. E. vol. 
ii, p. 304). 

382 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 308 

383 ;p or the use of the plectrum see 
Wilkinson. A. E. vol ii, p. 291 (woodcut 
No, 217, fig. 1). 

384 Birch, Guide to Museum, p. 48. 

385 Wilkinson, A.E. vol. ii, p. 283. 

386 Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. xcvii; Wil- 
kinson, A. E. frontispiece to vol. ii. 

387 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, pp. 234, 
274 275 etc. 

388 Ibid. pp. 280, 282, and 287. 

389 Sir G. Wilkinson (A. E. vol. ii, p. 
315) comes to an opposite conclusion; 
but, as it seems to me, on insufficient 

390 See above, p. 224. 

39i Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p, 254. A 
third sort of drum; not unlike our own, 
has been found among the Egyptian re- 
mains (ibid. p. 268), but is not represented 
upon the monuments, and apparently was 
not employed by musicians. This was 
played with drumsticks. 

3» 2 Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. xevi, 2, 3; 
pi. xcviii, 2, 3, etc. 

393 See the author's Ancient Monar- 
chies, vol. ii, p. 156. 

394 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 297. 
Birch says "from two to four'' 1 (Guide to 
Museum, p. 48). 

385 Birch, l.s.c; Wilkinson, p. 234, 
woodcut No. 185, fig. 2. 

s 9 * See Wilkinson, A.E. vol. ii, p. 235, 
woodcut No. 167, fig. 2; p. 301, woodcut 
No. 222. 

397 For examples, see the British Mu- 
seum Collection, First Egyptian Room, 
Nos. 6355 and 0365. 

3 98 Wilkinson, A. A. vol. ii, p. 323. 

399 Ibid. pp. 257 and 260. 

4 °o Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 237 and 
239, woodcuts 190 and 193. Compare 
Rosellini, Mon. Civ., pi. xciv and xevi, 1. 

4 °i Wilkinson, p. 233. 

4 « 2 Ibid. p. 236, woodcut 189. 

4 °3 Ibid. p. 237, woodcut 190. 

404 Rosellini, Mon. Civ.; pi. xcviii, Nos. 
2 and 3; Wilkinson, A.E. vol. ii p. 235. 

405 The harp and the guitar are the in- 
struments most frequently multiplied. 

406 Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. lxxix, line 
6: pi. xevi, 1; Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 
234, woodcut 185; p. 237, woodcut 190, p. 
238. woodcut 192. 

407 See above, note 3 96 i chap. xi. 

4 <> 8 Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pis. lxxix, and 
xcix; Wilkinson, A. E., vol. ii, p. 390. 
4 °9 Wilkinson, p. 333. 

410 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, "Introduction,''"' p. xvi. 

411 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Ti?nes, " Introduction, " p. xix. 

412 This may be concluded from the 
Egyptian poem, which has been called 
" The Praise of Learning " (Records of 
the Past, vol. viii, pp. 147-156), where the 
occupation of scribe is compared with 
these and similar ones. 

<i3 ibid. p. 147, line 6: p. 153 line 189. 
Compare Brugsch, Geschichte Aegyptens, 
p. 24. 

414 The unremunerativo nature o' tbe 

Vol. I. 

Plate LXXV. 

Fig. 190.— Chiselling a Statue.— See 
Page 530. 

Fig. 191.— Egyptian Systrum 
—See Page 538. 

Fig. 192.— Band of Six Musicians.— See Page 539. 

Fig. 193 —Boatmen Quarret ltxg —See Page 546. 

Plate LXXVI. 

Vol. I. 

«^^ i tni i in 

Fig. 194.— Egyptian Drag-net and Clap-net.— See Page 547. 

Fig. 195— Egyptian Noble carried in a Litter.— See Page 550. 

•Vol I. 

Plate LXXVII, 

Fig. 196.— Egyptian Sandals.— See Page 551. 

Fig. 197.— Spearing Fish.— See Page 555. 

Fig. 198.— Spearing the Crocodile.— See Page £60. 


CH. XI.] 



scribe's office is thought to be alluded to 
in hnes 228-237 of the poem. (See Records 
of the Past, vol. viii, p. 155, note 4 .) 

4i5 Ibid. p. 148, line 31. 

♦I 6 Ibid. vol. ii, p. 3. 417 Ibid. 

4i8 ibid. p. 4. 4i9 ibid. vol. viii, 57. 

430 ibid. pp. 62 and 63. 

42i Ibid. pp. 57-65. 

422 Ibid. p. 153; "Consider, there is not 
an employment destitute of superior ones 
except the scribe's, which is the first. 11 

423 Herod, ii, 84. 424 Ex. i, 15-19. 
425 Manetho ap. Euseb. Chron. Can. 

i, 20, § 4. 

428 Horn. Od. iv, 231-2; Herod, iii, 1, 
129: Jer. xlvi, 11. 

427 Wilkinson in the author's Herod- 
otus, vol. ii, p. 117. 

428 Clem. Alex. Strom, vi, 4, p. 758. 

429 Geschichte Aegyptens, ch. v, p. 50. 

430 Brugsch, Geschichte Aegyptens, ch. 
vii, p. 89. 

431 Records of the Past, vol. viii, p. 149: 
" I tell you also of the builder of pre- 
cincts. Disease tastes him; for he is in 
draughts of air; he builds in slings, tied 
as a lotus to the houses. 11 

432 See the passage placed as a heading 
to ch. vii, (supra, p. 187). 

433 Records of the Past, vol. viii, pp. 

434 Brugsch, Geschichte Aegyptens, p. 

4 35 Records of the Past, vol. viii, pp. 
149, 1. 56. 

436 See Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. civ, 9. 

437 See Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. xxiv, 
1; Wilkinson,^.. E. vol. ii, p. 20; vol. 
iii, p. 37, etc. 

438 Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 37. Com- 
pare vol. ii, p. 19, and Rosellini, Mon. Civ. 
pis. iv and v. 

439 Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 57, fig. 3. 
Compare p. 56, figs. 3 and 4. 

44 Herod, ii, 92, ad. fin. ; Diod. Sic. 
i, 36 ; Rosellini, Mon. Civ., pi. xxv. 3 ; 
Wilkinson, vol. iii, pp. 37 and 56. 

44i Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. iv ; Wil- 
kinson, vol. ii, p. 19 ; Herod, ii, 77. 

442 Herod, ii, 47. 

443 The unclean habits of the pig are 
no doubt the chief cause of this notion ; 
but it is also said that the flesh is un- 
wholesome in Eastern countries (Wilkin- 
son in the author's Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 
72; Houghton in Smith's Dictionary of 
the Bible, vol. iii, p. 1393. 

4 44 Supra, pp. 159, 455, etc. 

445 Brugsch, Geschichte Aegyptens, p. 
24. 446 ibid. 

447 " Fruges consumere uati " (Hor. 
Epist, 1, 2, 1, 27). 

448 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 44. 

449 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 200; 
vol. iii, pp. 141-2; Records of the Past, 
vol. ii, p. 12. 

450 See above, pp. 229. 

461 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, pp. 44. 

452 Ibid. 

4.63 WUkinson,. A. E. voL ii, p. 388, 

woodcut No. 278. Compare Rosellini, 
Mon. Civ. pis. lxxxiii to lxxxv. 
454 Birch, l.s.c. 

456 Wilkinson, A. E., vol. i, p. 335 ; vol. 
ii, p, 211. 

466 Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. xciii, 2 ; 
Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 208. 

457 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, "Introduction," p. xv. Wilkin- 
son thought the beard, when worn, was 
artificial (A. E. vol. iii, p. 362). Some 
beards certainly seem to be tied on. 

458 Wilkinson, vol. iii, pi. 355-6. 
469 Birch, "Introduction, 11 p. xv. 

460 Birch, Guide to Museum, pp. 26-7 ; 
Rosellini. Mon. Civ. pi. lxv, figs. 1-8. 

46i Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, "Introduction, 11 p. xv. 462 Ibid. 

463 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, pp. 369- 

464 Egyptian combs may be seen in the 
British Museum (First Egyptian Room, 
Nos. 2678 and 2883). They are either of 
wood or bone, and generally have two 
rows of teeth, one row of larger teeth at 
widish intervals, the other with small 
teeth, very close together. (See Wilkin- 
son, A. E. vol. iii, p. 381.) 

465 See plate xxxvi, fig. 91, and com- 
pare the vulture headdress of certain god- 
desses, as Maut (p. 348), Athor (p. 377), 
Isis (p. 379), and Nephthys (p. 395). 

466 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, "Introduction, 11 p. xv. Com- 
pare Herod, ii, 36. 

487 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 368. 

468 Ibid. p. 374. 

469 Birch, l.s.c: Wilkinson, A. E. vol. 
iii, p. 380. Birch adds that the nails 
were often dyed with henna, and the 
breath sweetened with pastilles. 

470 It may be suspected that like the 
early Greeks and Romans, the Egyptians 
took but two regular meals in the day ; 
one about ten or eleven o'clock, and the 
other in the evening. (See for the for- 
mer of these, Herod, ii, 193, and for the 
latter, Herod, ii, 78). Bread, meat, and 
wine or beer, were probably taken at 

47 i One amusement in which ladies in- 
dulged was certainly archery (Wilkin- 
son, A. E. vol. ii, p. 189). Another was 
boating (Rosellini Mon. Civ. pis. cv v 1, 
and cix). They also accompanied their 
husbands or brothers in some of their 
sporting expeditions. 

472 Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. lxix : Wil- 
kinson, A. E. vol. iji, pp. 129, 143, etc. 

4 7 3 Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 52. 

474 Wilkinson, vol. iii, p. 53. 

475 Ibid. p. 41, woodcut, fies. 18, 19, and 
20. Compare Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. 
xxv, 1, and Lepsius, Denkmaler, vol. iv, 
pi. 130. 

47 « Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, pp. 60-1. 

4 77 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 38. 

478 For representations, see Ibid. r pp. 
39, 41 and 42. 

47 » Wilkinson, woodcut No. 335 (vol. 
iii, p. 39). Sportsmen pre sometimes ac- 
companied by a cat, which is represented 



as taking an interest in the sport, and 
sometimes as even springing into the air 
and catching one of the wild fowl (Wil- 
kinson, woodcut No. 337). But this can 
scarcely have been a usual incident. 

480 See this scene represented in Ro- 
sellini, Mon. Civ. pi. xv, and compare 
Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, 22. For a por- 
tion of the scene, see above, p. 284. 

*»i Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 18. 

482 Ibid. p. 15, woodcut No. 325. 

483 Ibid. p. 16. 

484 Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pis. lxvi, 
lxxxiv, and cvii. Compare above, p. 
466. 485 Diod. Sic. i, 48. 

486 Amenemhat I. in his instructions 
to his eon Osertasen says, "I hunted the 
lion 11 {Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 14), 
referring apparently to an occasion when 
he had gone into Nubia. Rameses III. 
represents himself as engaged in the 
chase of the lion on the walls of his 
palace at Medinet-Abou. (See above, 
fig. 99.) The scene of this chase is 
thought to have been Southern Palestine 
(Birch, Egypt from the Earliest Times, 
p. 140). 

487 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iii, p. 29. 

488 Records of the Past, vol. ii, p. 62. 

489 Plin. H. N. vin, 25. 

490 Diod. Sic. i, 35 ; Herod, ii, 71 ; 
Pliny, l.s.c. 

4 »i See Wilkinson, A. E. vol. iit, p. 70, 
and pi. xv. 

492 Wilkinson, vol. iii, pp. 71-3. 

493 Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. xxiv, 4 ; 
Lepsius, Denkmaler, vol. iv, pi. 105. 

494 Herod, ii, 70. 

495 Wilkinson says: "One mode, which 
is now adopted, is to fasten a little puppy 
on a log of wood, to the middle of which 
a strong rope is tied, protected to a cer- 
tain distance by iron wire ; and this, 
when swallowed by the crocodile : turns, 
on being pulled, across the throat. It is 
then dragged ashore, and soon killed by 
blows on the head from poles and 
hatchets. They have also another mode 
of catching it. A man swims, having 
his head covered by a gourd with two 
holes for his eyes, to a sandbank, where 
the crocodile is sleeping ; and when he 
has reached it, he rises from the water 
with a shout, and throws a spear into its 
side or armpit if possible, when feeling 
itself wounded it rushes into the water. 
The head of the barbed spear having a 
rope attached to it, the crocodile is 

r hereby pulled in, and wounded again by 
the man, and his companions who join 
him, until it is exhausted and killed. 1 '' 
(See the author's Herodotus, vol. ii, p. 99, 
note 4 .) 

496 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 44 : " The chief occupation of 
the period, or at all events that most 
often represented in the tombs, was the 
inspection of the farm. 11 Compare Lep- 
sius, Denkmaler, vols, ii and iii, passim. 

497 Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. Ixxxii ; 
Lepsius, Denkmaler, vol. iii, pt. ii, pis. 
19, 21, etc. 

498 See above, pp. 67-78. 
4s,y See above, p. 200. 

500 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 43. 

501 This is often represented, (Rosel- 
lini, Mon. Civ. pis. lxxxiii to lxxxvi, 
Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, pp. 383, 385, 
388. etc.) 

502 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 385; 
woodcut, No. 277, I. n. 

503 Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pi. lxrix ; 
W'ilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 215, etc. 

504 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, pi. xii, 
and pp. 367, 390, and 393. 

605 See above, p. 245. 

606 Wilkinson, A. E. voi.^ii, pi. xii. 

607 Ibid, and p. 389. Compare Herod, 
ii, 36. The fondness of the Egyptians 
for such pets, especially monkeys,"is very 

608 Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, " Introduction, 11 pp. xiv-xv. 

s« 9 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 393. 

510 Egyptian spoons exist. (See in the 
British Museum Collection, Nos. 59^1 to 
5976 ; and compare Wilkinson, A. E. vol 
ii, p. 403-4.) But there is no evidence of 
their being used to eat with. 

511 The attendants often carry napkins 
in their left hands. 

512 See Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p 
400 ; and compare Birch, Egypt froin In. 
Earliest Times, p. 45. 

sis Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, pp. 170-3 
si 4 Herod, ii, 78. 

515 So Wilkinson (A. E. vol. ii, pp 
410-11), whose remarks appear to be 

516 W T ilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, pp. 167-8. 
Ladies are represented as sick from ex- 
cessive drinking, and gentlemen as car- 
ried home dead drunk by their attend- 

si 7 Pint. Be Isid. et Osir. ? 15. 

618 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 414. 

519 Rosellini, Mon. Civ. pis. xcix to civ; 
Wilkinson in the author's Herodotus, vol. 
ii, pp. 272-7. 

52 ° Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, p. 335. 

521 See the authors Herodotus, vol. il, 
p. 277. 

s 22 Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, pp. 430-1, 

6 23 Ibid. pp. 417-435; Rosellini, Mon. 
Civ., pis. ciii and civ. 

624 Dollinger, Jew and Gentile, vol. ii, 
p. 239, E. T. 

s 2 5 Herod, ii, 135. 

626 On the concubinage of some of the 
kings, see Wilkinson, A. E. vol. ii, pp. 
420-1 ; Birch, Egypt from the Earliest 
Times, p. 160, etc. 

527 Birch, " Introduction, 11 p. xiv. 

628 Herod, ii, &5. 

529 Rosellini, Mon. del Cvlto, pis. v, 2, 
xxxi, 1 : Lepsius, Denkmaler ; vol. vi, 
pis 91, 97<?, 106 b, etc. 

sso Wilkinson, A. E. vol. v, p. 383, 
woodcut, No. 492; " Supplement," pis. 

53i Herod, ii, 80. 

632 See Brugsch, Geschichte Aegyptens, 
p. 24. 






83 R26 1880 v.l 

History of ancient. Egypt. 

Rawlinson. George. 1812-1902. 

iiiiii i nil iii inn