BENGALI LITERATURE
IN THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY
1800-1825
i^
(m-
HISTORY
OP
BENGALI LITERATURE
IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
X800-1825
'SuL.^SUX
i5U
' K^Tm A7d-
BY
SUSHIL KUMAR DE, M.A.
PRGMCIIAND ROYCHAND RESEARCH STUDENT, POST-ORADUATE
LBCTL'BKR, CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY, AND HON. MBBARIAN,
BANGIYA SAIIITYA PARISHAT,
PUBLISHED BY THE
UNIVERSITY OK CALCUTTA
1919
I u-
PRINTED BY ATUtCHANDRA BHATTACHARYYA
AT THK CALCUTTA TNIVERSITY PRF.S8, SENATK HOCBE, rALCTTTTi
^
TO
MY FATHER
537.',! 5
i
i
i
PKEPACE
With the object of drawiiio' the attention of scholars to
the comparatively uncultivated field of Ben<Tali Literature,
I have in the ])resent volume embodied the results of some
of my researches into it. These investigations were first
undertaken in 1912-1913, chieHy for the purpose of my
essay for the Griffith Memorial Prize for Original Research
for 1915 and were subset{uently worked up into a thesis for
Premchand Roychand Research Studentship, for which it
was approved in 1918.
In selecting the nineteenth century for treatment out
of all other })eriods, I am actuated by several considerations.
In the first place, the nineteenth century possesses a peculiar
interest for us. It is the ]ieriod of British influence on
Indian thought, and one which witnessed a new awakening
and the growth and building u]i of modern Bengal and
modern Bengali Literature. The im))ortance of this period
in all its asjiects, |)olitical, social, religious, as well as
literary, can never be exaggerated. It is to be regretted,
however, that we possess no adequate and connected infor-
mation about the period and the literature in which, indeed,
tlie civilisation of modern Bengal can be traced and
without which that civilisation cannot be fully understood.
I have not heard of any scholar who has yet made the
nineteenth century literature his special study and written
any special account of it. The earliest attemitts at writing
a connected account of Bengali Literature — the Bengali
discouree of Rajnarayan Basu and the little pam]ihlet of
Ganga Charan Sarkar — were meant chiefly as popular
lectures rather than any comprehensive and synthetic study
viii PREFACE
of the subject. Pundit Ramgati Nyayaratna^s more con-
siderable and painstaking work is far too sketchy and too
orthodox to serve as a connected and critical account ; and
his treatment of the nineteenth century, with which the
Pundit seems to possess but little sympathy, is meagre and
hasty. Mahamahopadhyay Haraprasad Shastri's fruitful
researches in the field of early Bengali Literature is well-
known ; but it is to be regretted that the learned scholar
did not direct his investigation to comparatively modern
periods except by way of contributing a suggestive survey 1
of the nineteenth eenturv literature in the old series of the
Bongadarsan. It is needless to mention other subsequent ^'
works like those of Padmanabba Ghosal, Mahendra Nath i
Bhattacharjee, Kailas Chandra Ghose, Romesh Chandra
Dutt and others ; for researches in the field or at least
accumulation of materials have necessarily made great
strides in the thirty or forty years which have elapsed since
their publication. The most recent treatment of the
subject is to be found in Babu Dinesh Chandra Fen's newly
published Jiistori/ of Benyali Liferainre, but it must be
admitted that the learned author's account of the nineteenth
century, which is dealt with only partially and which
possibly did not come within the scope of his lucid lectures,
is tacked on as a sort of appendix to his more valuable
work on the earlier periods and, based as it is chiefly on the
doubtful authority of Rev. J. Long's Catalogue, it is in
itself a hardlv satisfactorv studv of the schools and leaders
of this important era of Bengali Literature. It is remark-
able indeed that recent investigations and researches in this
field are directed more towards ancient Bengali Literature
than towards its more modern i)hases. This apparent want
of interest in a very noteworthy period must not, however,
lead one to underrate its importance. It is true that the
period of European writers in Bengali is not very acceptable
PREFACE ix
to a mere literarv taster; but even in this seeminf^Wy dullest
period of our literary history, there is much more than is
ever dreamt of in the philoso])hy of the airy generaliser
who hurries over it to pastures more agreeable. It is the
silent but strenuous efforts of the hosts of forgotten or
half-forgotten writers, both foreign and native, of this and
later periods that have built up the whole fabric upon
which the present-day literature is based : but it has always
been the misfortune of the worthy pioneer authors to be
kept in the background and looked upon as notable curio-
sities. It is time, however, when their records are fast
vanishing and in a few years will be irretrievably lost,
that we must hasten to estimate their work and w'oi-th,
reconstruct their history, and give them their respective
share of credit in the growth and progress of the national
mind.
Being thus without a competent guide in the field but
convinced of the importance of the work, I have been
obliged to chalk out my own path. The purpose and scope
of the present volume will be rendered plainer by a glance
through the book itself than I could hope to make it here
except by way of anticipating what will be found in the
following chapters. I may briefly add, however, that my
object has been to give, from a literary point of view, but
with a background of social and political history, and
from a direct reading of the literature itself, an account
of the important period in which, indeed, the obscure origins
of modern Bengali Literature is to be sought, making it
as full and as conveniently arranged as I could provide.
The volume must not be regarded, however, as a mere store-
house of facts, and although j)resented as an essav of
literary and biographical criticism, it may also be taken as
an historical review of the course of Bengali Literature
from its decadence after Bharat Chandi-as's death to its
i PREFACE
rejuvenation under the British influence — if* nut a minute,
at least a compact and logical survey of the authors and
works that demand attention. It would be too late in the
day surely to insist upon the historical metiiod of study of
literature : but it has never been systematically and con-
sistently applied to the investigation of iiiodern Bengali
Literature.
I am indeed aware that "the historical estimate" has
its perils and snares and more than often results in strange
freaks and that the discoverer of some forgotten minor
writer is often under the temptation to magnify the value
of his discovery ; yet in applying the historical method
in literary criticism I am following what is widely accept-
ed by all philosophical critics. It is indeed the best way
to attain that "disinterested objectivity" in criticism
which Matthew Arnold so highly applauds and to avoid
that "provincial spirit" which he rightly condemns. It
must not be supposed, however, that I have substituted
bird's eye views and sweeping generalisations for positive
knowledge. The chain of historical summary can never
be forged without the links supplied by individual facts.
Nor, on the other hand, should it be supposed that I have
a peculiar theory of my own or any particular school to
uphold. Not a single sketch has been discoloured nor
the comprehension of the general drift distorted by my
own ideas. On the other hand, each author has been
judged on his own merits and in order to obtain a true
historical perspective, I have treated literature not as an
isolated phenomenon but have taken care always to keep
in view the relation of the literature to the social and
political history of the time, for literary thought and
contemporary events, as I have pointed out elsewhere, are
indeed the two inseparable aspects of history. The task
of such a reconstruction is by no means easy and one oau
PREFACE xj
never claim infaJJibility or finalit}- in a matter like this.
To make a proper estimate of modern literature is, indeed,
one of the most difficult tasks of literary criticism. An
old country and its old literature is a study ; but a new
country and its new literature is a problem. It is hard
to realise the past ; but it is harder to read the present.
All that this work can lay claim to is that a systematic,
thoui^h tentative, attempt is made to study a progressive
literature durin^j a most noteworthy period in all its
remarkable phases reflecting the tliought and culture of
the specified country and age.
But the following pages form only the first volume of
my projected history of the 19th century literature. It
deals with a very small part of the subject and with a
seemingly barren and uninteresting period between 1800
and 1825. This is concerned, in the main, with the well-
meaning but scarcely literary activity of the European
writers, chietly missionaries, and their colleagues in the
domain of Bengal prose as well as with the strong counter-
current of native energy which found its vent in a body
of indigenous poems and songs, standing, as they do, in
direct contrast to the work of the Europeans. The Intro-
ductory Retrospect is a brief preliminary recapitulation
of the facts and circumstances which led to the beginnintis
of the modern age and modern literature. It should be
taken as an introduction not oiUn to the jnes* nt volume
but also to the volumes which will follow. To many,
minutely conversant with the history of this period, the
account would seem to be inadequate ; while to others,
interested directly in the literature itself, it would seem
disproportionately long and dry. It is extremely difficult,
indeed, to hit happily upon the golden mean between
brevity and jtrolixity : yet the necessity of such a retros-
pect must be admitted. It was not within my province
xii PREFACE
to give more than a mere rapid sketch of the history of
the period in all its varied aspects but only with reference
to its bearings upon literature, although volumes may be
and have been written on their difficult and vast subject.
I have not hesitated to draw very considerably upon what
has already been written on it and indeed I have drawn
so considerably that it is not possible to acknowledge ^'
my indebtedness in all eases except by way of a general
reference in the bibliography. The recognised historians
of this period of Indian History, I may be permitted to
add, have divergent methods and view-points. Auber is
complacent, Mill querulous, Thornton vindictive, Ghulam
Hosain exuberant, Macaulay sweeping and Romesh Dutt
vehement ; but the steadily accumulating mass of
materials, in the shape of reports, pamphlets, bluebooks,
state-papers and other documents would give to a patient
scholar enough material for a thorough, sober, and I must
add, imperatively necessary reconstruction of this period.
The account of the European writers, which follow thig
introductory sketch, is made as full and accurate as
materials at my disposal would allow, for never has full
justice been done to these worthy pioneers who have been j
allowed to pass silently into oblivion. The average reader ]
knows no other names than those of Carev and Marsh man
but the interesting group of writers, great and small, |
who surrounded or preceded these great names and added
their little mite to the cause, are also worthy of grateful
remembrance. They are, therefore, presented here as
reputable and fairly interesting persons and not as un-
presentable i)rogenitors always to be kept in the back-
o-round. The early missionary movements in Bengal are
studied for the first time from original sources with
reference to their bearing on Bengali language and litera-
ture and some pains are taken to trace the rather obscure
T
PREFACE liii
and necfleeted history of the early Eoman Catholic mis-
sions to Ben«=^al and tlieir connexion witli Beni^ali. The
account of the Kabiwalas and other indigenous writers
could not be made as full and well-arranp;ed as I had
desired ; for the materials and means of study are ex<-
tremely scanty and unsatisfactory. I am still engaged
upon this invesligation and am collecting materials for
fuller treatment ; in the mean time what is presented here
must be taken as merely tentative.
The large number of (piotations from various works
scattered throughout the volume, no doubt, swells it to an
enormous length but I could not always control the length
of these illustrative extracts : for each quotation, in order
to be illustrative, must be presented as complete in itself.
Scraps and fragments and stray passages are not always
helpful. In the next place the comparative scarcity
of the books from which such j>assages are taken
will, it is hoped, be an ample apology for their length
and frequency. AVhen the history will come down
to more recent times the quotations will naturally become
fewer : for one may then depend on the reader's means
of accjuaintance with the literature of his time. In these
quotations I have carefully j)reserved the spelling and
punctuation, of the original texts with which in all cases
I have minutely compared and verified them. It will be
also noticed that 1 have refrained from giving any ti^ansla-
tion of these Bengali extracts for the simple reason that
no translation could have adequately eonreyed the spirit
of the original, and that the real importance of these
writers lie not so much in their matter as in their form
and method of expression, which mere translation can never
reprotluce.
As to chronology and classification, it is better to make
a preliminary remark. Controlling dates and names,
;
xir PREFACE j
although necessary and useful if kept within bounds, are
intended merely as artificerf of classification, for a better
understanding of the general drift. There can be no
hard-and-fast limits as encompassing an epoch, and history
must unfold itself without any preconceived notion of
artificial dates and eras. It is for this reason that in the
present volume, the activity of the European writers has
been traced for a certain unity of treatment down to the
fifties, although after 18^5 their influence was on the
wane, and other movements were becoming prominent.
On the other hand, I have thought it simpler to defer an
enquiry into the first glimmerings of the struggle between
Anglicism and Orientalism and the history of English
education in its bearing on Bengali literature as well as
the account of the rise of the Reforming Young Bengal
under the leadership of David Hare, Derozio and others
to the beginning of a separate volume, instead of dealing
with them piecemeal at the end of the present essay.
Some of the works of Raja Ram Mohan Ray and his
colleagues belong chronologically to this period, but from
the standpoint of literary history, they embody a subsidiary
movement which comes into relief a little later, and are,
therefore, deliberately reserved for later treatment. With-
out therefore disturbing in the least the true historical
perspective, I have never attempted to force an account of
any movement, literary or otherwise, into strict chronolo-
gical shackles, but I have sometimes boldly looked forward
while at others paused for a profitable retrospect, always
bearing in mind that the natural course of events seldom
takes as smooth and orderly development as we may desire.
With regard to transliteration of Bengali words, I have
generally followed, with the exceptions noted below, the
international method agreed upon by Orientalists for
Sanscrit. In some cases where the name of a olaoe or a.
1
1
PREFACE XV
pei"son has (jot a standarised s|)ellin<:j (as in ('hinsiirah,
Howrah, and Bnrdwan), I have tliought it fit to retain it;
but in all other cases, the transliteration is done in the
mode indicated with the only exception of iisinp: cha for 5.
The words are, however, always rendered, not phonetically,
but according to the recognised spelling, although widest
possible divergence exists between the historical spelling
and the actual pronunciation of Bengali words. I have,
therefore, always rendered ^ by 3/(', whether occuring singly
or in compound letter, «l by na distinguishing them rtspec-
tively, although they are not so distinguished in pronun-
ciation, from ^ ( /'7) and 5? (wrr). Similarly the three
consonants 1, ^, and >f are distinguished by different signs
{h, .? and .«) although they not often thus discriminated in
pronunciation. The same remark applies to compound
letters : I have rendered, as in Sanscrit, ^ bv ksa, ® by jfia,
and so forth. Partly on account of this divergence between
spelling and pronunciation, which makes it impossible to
apply Sanscritic transliteration in toto to the case of the
living vernacular, I have been forced to make one or two
important execptiuns. T have not distinguished between
A (t'fl) and ^ {he), for this distinction is hardly recognised
in Bengali, either i>i spelling or pronunciation ; I have
therefore used ha indiscrininiately for them. The final
^ (a) presents some difhculty, for very often it is passed
over in pronunciation. "We write ^l^'f*! (Nila-darpana)
but we read it as ^?iw«fei^ (Nil-darpan). In these cases,
I have generally dropped the "^ (o). This, on the whole, is
not a verv' satisfactory method ; but in the absence of a
better one, I have tentatively followed it here, leaving the
whole question, which is indeed one of great practical
importance, to the consideration of expert scholars.
In the task of collecting materials for the present
volume, I hava met with considerable difficulties known
xvi PREFACE
only to workers in the same field. Although not more
than a century has elapsed, the publications passed in
review have already become very scarce and have seldom
been satisfactorily reprinted ; and in search of them, I bad
to ransack many libraries, great and small, departmental,
public, and private, in Calcutta and outside, to which I
could get access. Much of these interesting publications
of the early nineteenth century is unhappily lost; much,
unless we hasten to the rescue, is fast vanishing ; while
much, again, is scattered all over the countrv finding its
way ultimately among many heterogenous collections,
public and private. No complete history can ever be
hoped for, till all these old publications and files, more or
less complete, of old news-papers have been disentombed.
There is not a single news-paper office in Calcutta — and
Calcutta is a fair example of the country in this matter —
that possesses a complete file of its own issue : not a single
library, public or private, which contains even the more
important Bengali publications of the first half of the
century. However interesting and useful stray extracts
or stray passages from these papers or publications may be,
it is utterly impossible to write the history of this or any-
other period of the countrv'^s progress, political, social, or
literary, as fully as could be done if these and other
things had been carefully preserved or collected together.
But in view of the fact that even what is now extant may
in the course of a few years be irretrievablv lost, it is time
that we must seriously think of constructing a general view
of the period out of the materials which still remain to us.
The writer of this thesis, however, has been successful
in having access to most of the important publications he
has dealt with. For the privilege of reading and examining
laro'e number of books passed in review — only a trifling
percentage of those mentioned was inaccessible to him [
PREFACE xvii
and it was necessary to examine many that proved to be
unworthy of mention — I have to .thank the authorities of
many libraries in or near Calcutta. 1 had expected to
find a good collection of Bengali publications preserved in
the Serampore College Library, but besides a few relics
of the venerable old Carev, various missionar\- tracts,
a nice collection of books pertaining to the history of the
missiouarv movements in India, and a few old tiles of the
Fr/e/i4 ()/' /ndiii a,nd other Christian papers, I could dis-
cover nothinij else of an\' interest. Throuj>h the kind
interest of a friend, who was residing in England at the
time when this book was in hand and who at my
request transcribed books and details for him, I had access,
though not to the extent I had desired, to the benefit of
the collection in the Librai\ of the British Museum and
of the India OtUce, with regard to both of which I had
also invaluable helj) from Blumhardt's descriptive Cata-
logues. But my chief indebtedness is to the Library of
the Board of Examiners, late Fort AVilliam College, from
whioh all the Bengali publications of that College had
been procured for me by the authorities of the Imperial
Library of Calcutta. My thanks are also due in this
connexion to the late Mr. W. E. Madge, formerly Super-
intendent of the Reading Room in this Library and to
Mr. Sureudrauath Kumar, his successor to the same office,
for their interest in my work and for uniform courtesy and
kindness shown to me during the time I studied there.
I must also thank the authorities of the Bangiya Sahitya
Parisat for permitting me to make ample use of its tine
collection of Bengali books and manuscripts. My special
thanks in this respect are due to Babu Basantaranjan Ray,
keeper of these manuscripts, for kindly giving me all
facilities for using them and also for placing at my dis-
l)osal his expert knowledge in this matter. He never
xviii PREFACE
grudged to render me help whenever I required it and
also very kindly undertook to compare and verify the
quotations cited from these manuscripts in the Appendix
to this volume. I should also take this opportunity of
associating this insignificant work with the honoured name
of the late lamented Principal Ramendrasundar Tribedi,
who was, in more than a metaphorical sense, the life and soul
of the Sahitya Parisat. His recent and untimely death is
mourned all over Bengal and there is no need for prolix
panegyrics in the case of one who is so widely known by
his life and work ; but I cannot remain satisfied without
giving voice to my sense of indebtedness and esteem for
one to whom I am grateful in many ways and without
expressing my personal regret that I could not show him
these pages, in which he took so much interest, in print.
To the ripe and varied scholarship of Mahamahopadhyay
Haraprasad Shastri^ I am deeply indebted in divers ways,
for I was always allowed to draw liberally upon it ; and
his contagious enthusiasm for Bena^ali languagre and liter-
ature has been a source of unfailing inspiration to me.
Among other friends and scholars who kindly helped me
in various ways, my thanks are specially due to my friend
and colleague Professor Rameshchandra Mazumdar M.A.,
Ph.D. for steady encouragement, for valuable suggestions
and for procuring me some rare books from the Library of
the Bengal Asiatic Society. I may be allowed to note here
that Dr. Mazumdar first drew my attention to the only
extant copy in that Library of Manoel de Assump9ao's
Crepar Xa>trer OrWihed, one of the earliest printed books
written by a Portuguese missionary. To another friend
and colleague, Professor Sunitikumar Chatterji M.A.,
I am indebted for help in various ways and- specially for
getting me a copy of Father Guerin's edition of the work
referred to above from Father Wauters of Dharmatalla
PREFACE xix
Church, ami I must thank Professor Narayauchandra
Bauerjee M,A. of the University for a copy of Gnpfn-
ratnoddhar which I could not get here and which he pro-
cured for me very promptly from Benares. My friend,
Babu Mohitlal Mazumdar, very kindly and carefully i)re-
pared an index to this volume, which, for shortness of
time, could not be printed in this volume. I must also
acknowled'jre oblifjations to the Staff of the Calcutta Uni-
versity Press for prompt assistance and unfailing courtesy
in getting these pages in print in a remarkably short time.
To them and to all others who have helped me by lending
books, by giving facilities for research and in other ways,
it is a pleasure to return my heartiest thanks.
I cannot conclude without availing myself here of the
privilege of expressing my deep sense of obligation to
Sir Asutosh Mukhopadhyaya who has been at the holm of
this University for many years past and would be, let us
hope, for many years to come. It is not necessary to
dwell upon his undoubted titles to our gratitude, esteem
and love, or upon the roll of his varied services, not yet
closed, in the cause of University education in Bengal :
for every one, connected with the University or standing
outside, is well aware of his long and unstinted devotion
to the interests of the country and of the high sense of
duty which impels him to scorn delights and live labori-
ous days, not for riches or honours, place or power nor even
for such fame as grows on mortal soil. But I may be
permitted to refer in this connexion to his brilliant and
fruitful efforts which have at last obtained academic recog-
nition for the neglected vernacular languages and liter-
atures of India and to acknowledge the magniticent in-
ducement, now made possible by him, for the scientific
study of those languages and litemtures. It is his in-
spiration which dispelled all my doubts about the necessity
XX PREFACE
of a work like this and it is his generous eneoura»^ement
which has made possible its publication.
I am fully aware that this essay is not free from errors
and defects. In a field where workers are few and en-
couragement, until quite recently, very little, one has to
work under considerable difficulties and disadvantages
and nothing would be more welcome than sympathy and
co-operation. With the progress of investigation in the
held, new facts are bound to come to light every day ;
and even of the facts that have already been known we
can never pretend that he has taken them all into con-
sideration. All suggestions for im})rovement and correction
therefore would be thankfully received. There are a few
obvious misprints and mistakes which, in spite of my best
efforts, the necessity of quick publication could not avoid
and for which I crave the indulgence of the generous
reader. The exceedingly short time within which the
book had to be rushed through the press did not allow me
in all cases to verify the references given in the footnotes
and in some eases the books, though easily procurable at
the time of writing this essay, had now become difficult of
access and for these I had to depend entirely upon the
notes I had previously made. These shortcomings, how-
ever, let me trust, are not material. In conclusion I can
only hope that the volume contains enough to justify its
publication in the present form.
Senate House
SUSHIL KUMAR DE.
Calcutta, Jul I) 17, 1919.
CONTENTS
Division of Subjoof
Introductory Hetrospeot, 17(50-1 = 00 ...
Kiirliest European Writers
("arev and orlrilnipur Mission
(.'arey and Fort "William Collofj^e
Pundits and Munsis of Fort AVilliani ('olloge
Earliest. I?eni»;ali Journalism
loiter ]*>uropean Writers ...
(jeneral Cliaraeteristics ...
Interre<:^nnm in Poetr}- from 1700
Knbiwalas
Love-Lyries and Devotional Songs
^liscellaneous Writers in the Old Stvie
Appendix I. OKI r}en<'-ali Prose
A})pendix II. 15t'ni,rali Bihle
Appendix III. Gilclirist's Oriental Fal)ulist
Appendix IX. I'arly Christian Periodicals
Appendix A'. \v,\\\y (christian Tracts
Biblio^Taphy...
Pa<i|.:
I
7
tt|.
117
15'.)
2-28
245
271
200
3n2
387
4:30
455
487
VM)
492
493
494
BENGALI LITERATURE
IN THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY
CHAPTEE I
Division of Subject.
The literature produced since the permanence of the
British rule in Bengal, which is often conveniently described
as "modern" literature, has a character
The literature why of its own, at oncc brilliant, diverse,
called "modern." ' '
and complex. To label it in a phrase
is not onlv dillicult but often niisleadins: : for never was
there a literature more memorable for its rapid development
and its copious and versatile gifts. It can to-day boast
of many characteristics, and the central note is lost in
the extreme diversity of forms and tendencies exhibited.
It is full of vitality, versatility, and diligence : critical and
cultured, intensely personal and self-regulated ; ai)parently
defiant of all laws, of standards, of conventions : yet a little
reflection will show that in spite of
The chai-acter of mo- this diversity of styles and motives,
dern Bengali literature ,i • • • • , , • ,
essentially different in this epoch has a character which
its form and motive differentiates it from anv other era of
from its pre-British _ '^
fore-runner. Bengali literature. Can wv imagine
Kr.<}nakat)ter Uil being ])ublished in the
age of Bidyapati or Ntf-darpnn in that of Bharat-chandra ?
Z BENGALI LITERATURE
How different are the problems of life and character which
Kabikankan paints from those we see reflected in the pages
of Rabindranath ! What a new world is that of Michael,
Hem, or Nabin beside that revealed to us by Bijay,
Ksemananda, or Ram-prasad ! What wholly different
types, ideas, and aims! It may not be easy to indicate what
these characteristic differences are, but there can be no
doubt that our age, although presenting, as it does, instances
of a dozen different styles, certainly possesses its own
unmistakable zeit(/eist in phraseology
Hence the necessity ^^^]^ substance which distinguishes it
of a separate treatment ^
in spite of historic con- from all other ages. What these
characteristic points of difference are
we shall see clearly as we proceed in our study of the
literature itself ; but at the outset it must be admitted that
modern Bengali literature, as such, has surely a claim for
treatment peculiarly suited to itself.
But it would be a difficult problem in social dj'namics
to fix any thing like an exact date for
The starting point. this change in the tone of the litera-
ture or to trace it back to its social
causes. Broadly speaking, our literature began, no doubt,
with the permanence of the British rule and the spread of
western ideas ; but these events cover almost a century from
1757 to 1857. The death of Bharat-chandra in 1700, only
three years after Plasse}'^, in which we reach a political and
social cause of the great change, is
The dates usually and ^ft^j^ ^^\.q^ ^s the typical date ; but it
generally accepted are
1760 and 1858; but might also be contended that the
both seem arbitrary. i ii p T- /-i i • ic-c i
death or isvar (jupta ui ibob marks
the end of the most effective note in the older current of
literature and the beginning of the new era. Yet both
these dates, it is obvious, arc purely arbitrary points. For
the modern tone in literature can hardly be detected in any
DIVISION OF SUBJECT 3
thini^ written after 1700 till almost hall' a century
elapses ; on (he other hand, the t^rowth of this new trend
in literature may be detected some half a century earlier
than 1S58. and Isvar Ciupta himself is not wholly free
from the new influence. If an approximate date is neces-
sary, it is to be found somewhere in the first quarter of the
IDth century: and the year 1800 is usually, and may be
rous^hly, taken to be the starting
No exact date can I,c p^j^t jj^^^ j^ jj^^g^. j^g ^^^^.^^^ jj^ j^^j^^l
hxeil ; but 1800 A.D. '■
may bo taken as the that such approximation of a date is
approximate one. -,11 1 t .
mtendcd, more or less, merely to
facilitate classification. Some mispfuided critic has been
induced to baptise this era of literature as the Victorian
age. Such a nomenclature is not only mistaken but also
misleading; for, as put by a well-known critic of the
present day, "neither reigns nor years, nor centuries, nor
any arbitrary measure of time in the gradual evolution of
thought can be exactly applied, or have any formative
influence. A period of so many years, having some well-
known name by which it can be labelled, is a mere artifice
of classification."^ Subject to this caution, however, we
may safely take 1800 to be the starting point in the new
era of Bengali literature.
But the historian of literature cannot, however,
overlook the long dead-season for
Yet we arc bound to flfj^. ..g^rs which preceded the
take account of the . ./
most eventful period year 1800; for although in this
between 1700 and 1800; " • 1 , ^ ^•^ 1. a_
and the period, 1800- period we have scanty literature, yet
1858, though not rich ^^q^]^ f,f another kind was being
in actual j)roduction, is '^
yet its formative stage accomplished in thcsc apparently
and its importance can , -n ,1 1 .,1 <•
not be ignored. barren years. Jbrom the battle of
Plassey to the beginning of the 19th
' Frederic Uarriaon, Studies in Early Victorian Literature, p. 2.
4 BENGALI LITERATURE
century, mighty revolutions were oceuring not only in
the political and the social but also in the literary history
of Bengal. In an historical study of literature, the far-
reaching significance of these years cannot surely be
isuored. On the other hand, although the first half of
the 19th century till 1858 is comparatively barren from
a strictly literary point of view, yet this was the formative
period of modern literature, and the early devoted labours
of the various philanthropic Europeans and Indians,
whose memory is still cherished by grateful Bengalis^
had sown the seeds which, when the time came,
broke into the rich and lovelv after-cjrowths of modern
times.
We, therefore, propose, taking 1800 A.D. to be roughly
the year of commencement, to discuss
Division into periods ^nd decide, first of all, by way of
(i) Introductory Re-' ...
trospecfc, 1760-1800. introduction, the question of origins,
with a preliminary recapitulation of
the causes and circumstances, political, social, and literary
which led to the beginning of modern literature. This
will involve a cursory review of the period between 1757
(or 1760) and 1800 in its various aspects, and its bearing
upon literature. From 1800, the year of the foundation
of the Fort William College and the
(ii) Beginnings formation of the Srirampur Mission,
1800-1825. ^ . . '
to 1825, the year of the publication
of the last volume of Carey's Biciionary and the laying
of the foundation-stone of the Hindu College, we have a
period of very great importance in our literature from
an historical rather than a literary point of view: for we are
concerned here with the early beginnings of our literature,
with the labours of the Missionaries and the Civilians,
and with the early efforts, public and private, for the
spread of British education in Bengal. From 1825 to
DIVISION OF SUBJECT 5
1858, the year of the death of Isvar Gupta and the first
appearance of Michael's dramas,
(iii) Transiuon. followed within five years by the pub-
182o-18o8. .' J I
lication of Tiloffama, Nll-darpan and
Durges-nandinl, we are in a transitional period of great
ferment on every side, during which the country, awakened
to new energies, was struggling to break fresh ground
by assimilating the wealth of new ideas now brought before
it. All the greatest strifes, social, religious, and literary
were fought, though not completely won, during this
|)eriod of awakened activity. The problem of English
education now decisively settled, the triumph of the West
was fully proclaimed ; and the literature as well as the
society, in trying to adjust itself to this new order of things,
began to take a distinctly new tone and colour. This
was the era of the Reforming Young Bengal. The various,
plentiful, but inferior literature produced during these
years in which new experiments were tried, new veins
of thought opened, a new public and a new order of
writers created, prepared the way for the great flood-tide
which began with 1858. From the latter date w^e
have a third epoch of great fertility,
(iv) Revolution. brilliant achievement, and high
promise, during which all the older
ideas of life and literature were being revolutionised
and transmuted itito things better suited to the needs
of the new era. Tiie Literary Young Bengal came to
take the lead.
Our entpiiry in the following pages will be chiefly
confined to the tracing of the origins, to the well-meant
bnt .scarcely fruitful activity of pioneer authors who range
over a seemingly dull and barren j)eriod at the commence-
ment of our literary history. Wo need not lament, how-
ever, that at the beginning of our acquaintance, we do
6 BENGALI LITERATURE
not see our literature at its best, that we are not introduced
at onee to a Homer. AVe have, it is true, to plod wearily
through a mass of indifferent writings
Scope and method of ^hose charm, if any, seems to have
the present enquiry. long palled, before we come to a single
good writer of importance ^ but it
is well that we should du so. It enables us to examine the
foundations more critically and get the parts of history into
true proportion and connection. We are apt to pass lightly
over the early beginnings of literary history as a stage that
we have outgrown and lay greater stress upon periods more
engaging: but no theory is more inaccurate or insufficient
than that which despises the historic estimate and bids us
look only to the 'best' or the 'principal' things. In an era
of evolutionary philosophy, it would be idle to investigate
any manifestation of the spirit of nature or of man apart
from its origin and growth. We can not despise the bar-
barian for the civilised man, as Hume perhaps would have
done; for to the student of modern sociology, the barbarian
becomes important in his organic relation to the civilised
man, and the whole ''social series," to quote a phrase of
Mill's, must be studied step by step through the various
stages of develoi^ment. No more can the historian of
literature ignore the rude unshaped farrago of writings
which always precedes the literature of a finer stuff; for the
one can never be studied intelligently without the help of
the other. The literature, therefore, which is represented,
in poetry and in prose, by the great names of INIiehael and
Bankim, must be studied in the light of the no-literature
that is represented by the lesser names of Carey and
Mrtyunjay. It is no waste of time to trace step by step the
way in which we have laid the foundations of a national
literature which, if not rich in present accomplishment, is
radiant with the promise of the future.
CHAPTER II
Introductory Retrospect.
CiKCA. 1760-1800.
Taking 1800 A.D. to be roughly the date of eommence-
raent of the modern era of Bengali Literature, we find,
however, that it is not until nearly half a century elapses
that we come across any literature strictly deserving the
name. In the meantime if we pause
Tho nece88ity of a for a moment and look at the political
cursory retrospect of ^^-^^ ^^ ^l Country and the
facts relating to tlio " -^
general condition of general Condition of the people, from
Bengal between 1700- , ^ i i • •
1800. 17 GO to the beginning or the 19th
century, we shall find that it was an
age in which we can hardly expect any quiet development
of literature under favourable political and social conditions.
It will be profitable at the outset to study here, however
briefly, the general history of the period in relation to its
literature: for every history of literature must always have
a back-ground of political and social history.
The political history of Ik'ngal in the latter half of the
18th century is essentially the history of the rise, growth,
and irradual establishment of the British rule. The
so-called battle of 1757 is usually
Rise and growth of ^"'l popularly regarded as marking
the English power. .^ turning point in the history of
Bengal : but it is well-known that
this petty rout,' usually glorified with the association
' So designated by Lyall, lUse of the British Dominion in hulin,
p 107. Soo Hill, Bcmjal in /7.76*.57, I. ccii and cciii ; also 111.212;
Finuinger, Introduction to the Fifth }iC}jort, Vol.1, p. i-iii, and referttnccB
cited therein.
8 BENGALI LITERATURE
of undying military renown, was not direct!}' productive
of any fresh privilege to the English power; nor did it, in
itself, affect the political destiny of
Position of the Eng- the Country. Clive himself did not
lish iu Bengal in the i i i i. u i i
middle of the I8th pei'haps know what he had won,
century. although later on his tendency to
exaggerate the value of his services led
him to magnify his achievements ; nor did the servants of
the Company, at that time, attach much importance to this
incident ; still less were they aware of any definite act of
conquest usuall}^ associated with this battle. " The general
idea""^ writes Luke Serafton, who had intimate knowledge
of the English affairs in 1757, "at this time entertained by
the servants of the Company was that the battle of Plassey
did only restore us to the same situation we were in before
the capture of Calcutta; the Subah was conceived to be as
independent as ever, and the English returned into their
commercial character."* No fresh commercial privileges
were asked of Mir Ja'far nor were any wanted by the
Company who were content with the terms granted to
them iu 1716.^ As yet there was hardly any important
acquisition of territory by the Company who, more mind-
ful of their commercial interests than anything else,
chose to seek umbrage under the shadow of the Moham-
medan power, itself declining. Even iu 1765, Clive
flattered himself that he had " revived the power of the
Great Mughal,'''' and for a long time after Plassey,
' Luke Serafton, Observations on Mr. Vansittart's Narrative, p. 2,
- Yansittart, A Narrative of the Transactions in Bengal, vo). i, p. 24.
The treaty with Mir Jii'far is griven in Aichison, Conec/!0« o/ Tceattes
etc. Vol. I, p. 186 ; also Yerelst, Vtev: of the Rise and Progress etc. of
English Oovernment of Bengal, p. 143-44.
* Letter of the Governor and Select Committee to the Court, Sep.
30, 1765, quoted in Firminger, op. cit, p. viii.
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 9
whatever territory the Com pan >• held, it held not on terms
of military eoncjuest but as a j^rant from a superior
Mohammedan power. There was, no doubt, a fiction
involved in all these proceedinEjs — a masqueraile as Clive
chose to describe it — yet the English at this time held
ejround in Bengal chiefly as trader and secondarily as
revenue-collector under the Mogul Emperor. The
term " British Empire in India " obtained currency from
its first bold use in 1772 by Warren Hastings, who for
the first time disclosed a deeper sense of the respon-
sibilities of empire ; but the possession of the sovereign
rights by the Nawab was still recognised, and the long
debate,' vehemently carried on, in the Court and on the
Council Board, on the question of sovereignty in Bengal,
would go to show how little the English trading company
at this time was conscious of any conquest of the country
by its military power, and how greatly it was conscious
of the instability of its own footing.
But though Plassey cannot be directly credited to
have brought into being the British empire in Bengal,
yet the great empire of the Mogul and its subahdiir-ship
in Bengal were gradually breaking down. The period
between 1757 and 1765 witnessed also the down-fall of
the Frencii commercial settlements which left Bengal
open to the English. In spite of
Cornraeroialiam aa a these and other opjiortunities, it
dominating factor in i i i •
the Company's policy. tooK nearly halt a eentury, however,
for the Briti.Kh rule to establisli
itself firmly in Bengal. One of the chief reasons for
this was tliat, during these years, commercialism was
the dominating factor in the policy of the Directors of
the Company ; and it was by slow degrees that they
dejjarted from their original commercial position. About
' Finninger, op. cit, p. xiv-xxi : p. cclvi-cclvii.
10 BENGALI LITERATURE
the time of Clive's second mission, no doubt, a schism
arose in the Court of Directors which heralded a
fundamental change in the character of the Company.
One party was for trade alone, the other supported Clive
in his proposal to accept the DewanT and thus incur the
responsibility of government. In 1761, the Court wrote
to its agents in India, declaring that trade was to be
combined with " warfare, fortification, military prudence,
and political government."* But this military precaution
was urged chiefly for the protection of trade and, although
the break-up of the Mohammedan rule was beginning to offer
vast opportunities to the trader to become a soldier and a
politician, the Court always insisted upon au attitude
of non-intervention and jseremptorily disapproved, on more
than one occasion, the intention of its agents for territorial
acquisition when such a step did not also extend their
sales and profits.''
It was by slow degrees, therefore, that the company of
calculating shop-keepers turned into earnest empire-builders.
Gradually they began to acquire
Slow iiu,i gradual zemindary rights, monopolise revenue,
acquisition of power. assumc civil control, and step by
step exclude the Mohammedan
Government by destroying its financial and military
supremacy. This long process of gradually exhausting
and appropriating the functions of tlie existing govern-
ment, whieli, however, meant, as it did, half a century of
misery to the i)eople, first began with the grant of the
districts of Burdwan, Midnapur, and Chittagong in 1700.
The necessities of revenue administration compelled the
C(mipany to build u|) a system of internal government
' Quoted in F. P. Robinson, The Trade of the East India Company,
p 67.
* Esp. Letter to Bengal, Marcli 16, 1768, quoted in Auber, Rise and
Progress etc. vol. ii, p. 185.
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 11
and consolidate its military power; but it was not till the
grant of the DewanT in 17(»') that it began to obtain a
complete control over finance, over the administration of
civil justice, and over the entire
Accession to the military defence of the country.
^®^*°'- The accession to the DewanT, which,
however, was declined by the Directors
on a former occasion, imposed upon the British traders
the duties of administration. They began to exercise every
prerogative of the sovereign save that of criminal
justice.' But even then, though real masters of the country,
they preferred to wear the mask of double government.
By this device, to all the abuses of the ancient system
of government were superadded all the evils of a new
system of divided authority. The
State of Bengal under people grew uncertain as to where
tho Double Ltovciu- * ' _
raent. his obedience was due.- The Nawab,
though theoretically left in his full
glory as subahdar, was, in the language of Clive,
" a shadow " and " a name," and was deprived of every
independent military and financial support of his executive.
The Hon'ble Company, on the other hand, though actual
sovereigns, pretended to be nothing more than mere passive
receivers of profits and revenues, and tho shadow of the
Nawab was a convenient covering for all their acts of
exaction and oppression. The country was placed under
extensive misrule. Tho individual British adventurer, in
the service of tho Company, brought up, since the days of
Clive, in the tradition of aggression, dethronement, spolia-
tion, and extortion, considered high-handed proceedings as
his time-honoured privilege, grown out of the anomalous
way in which the British power came into being. These
' Field, Regulations of tho Bengal Code, Introd., p. i.
* VereUt, op. cit. App. p. 122.
12 BENGALI LITERATURE
servants of the Company, abroad with a nominal salary,
were comin<jf home laden with such colossal fortune, often
acquired with no clean hand, that the ' Indian Nabob '
became a scandalously proverbial term. Every vice which
is the offspring of unlimited authority and insatiable avarice,
flourished unchecked. The papers relating to the conduct
of the Company's servants and their underlings on
the whole question of internal trade, of receiving presents,
The conduct of the ^nd other corrupt and pernicious
Company's servants. practices, remain as an indelible blot
in the early records of the Company's history.^
It is not easy to imagine today what suffering this
meant to the country. The anarchical state in which the
provinces were placed not only contributed powerfully to
its impoverishment but it absolutely
What it meant to ,. , , ^, r. .1'
the country. dissolved the government or the
country so far as the protection of
the people was concerned. The truculent Mohammedan
or the Mahratta was, in his day, a tyrant from fitful
caprice, from lax police and unchecked violence. But the
cold calculating Anglo-Indian was a tyrant from prescience,
and his tyranny, with his superior shrewdness and power
of organisation, was a system in itself, which extending,
as it did, to every village market and every manufacturer's^
loom, touched the trades, the occupations, and the lives of
the people very closely.^ His commercial cupidity, under
' See, for instance, Director's Letter, dated Feb. 8, 1764 (quoted in
the Second Report of the Select Committee, 1772) ; Olive's Letter to
the Directors, dated Sep. 30, 1765 (Third Rep. 1773, App. pp. 391-98,
Mir Kasim's Letter, dated Marcli 2G, 1762; also ibid, dated May, 1762;
Hastinjrs' Letters to the Governor, dated May 13 and 26, 1762 ; ibid, dated
April 25, 1762; Vansittart, op. cit. ii. pp. 80-81, iii. 74, iii. 381 ; Verelst, op.
cit. p. 8 and p. 46 et seq ; Account of Gray, Resident at Maldah, quoted
in Verelst, p. 49; Bo\t, Consideratio7ifi etc., p. 191-194; Mill, History,
Bk iv. pp. 327-338, also p. 392 et seq ; Seir Mutaqherin iii. sec. xiv.
esp. p. 201 et seq.
» Vansittart's Letter to the Proprietors of India Stock, 1767, pp. 88,
89, 93, quoted in Mill, op. cit. iii. p. 431 footnote.
INTRO DUCrOKY KETROSPECT 13
a system of monopoly and coercion, deprived the country
of those sources of wealth, of " those rights of free produc-
tion and free barter which they had enjoyed under n;ood
and bad <>;overnnient alike."' The consequences were too
evidently exemplified in the ruin of the entire inland trade
and manufacture, in the decline of airriculture under
oppressive systems of land-settlements, in the diminution
of the specie, and in the s^eneral distress of the poor. The
reputation of the KiiLjlish was so bad in Bengal that no
sooner did a Euroi)ean come into one of the villages " than
all the shops were immediately locked up and all the peoi)le
for their own safety ran away.'"- " The sources of
tyranny and oi)pression " said Clive in his memorable letter
to the Directors, " which have been opened by the
European agents acting under the authority of the Com-
pany's servants and the numberless black agents and
sub-agents, acting also under them, will, I fear, be a
lasting reproach to the English name in this country."^
Ill 1772, the Select Committee express themselves
bound " to lay oi)en to the view of the Directors a series
of transactions too notoriously known to be suj>j>ressed,
and too affecting to their interest, to the character and
to the existence of the C«>mpany in Bengal, to escape
unnoticed aud uncensured ; transactions which seem to
demonstrate that every spring of their government was
smeared with corruption : that j^'-inciples of rapacity and
o[)j)ression universally prevailed, and that every spark of
sentiment and jiublic spirit was lost and extinguished in
the unbounded lust of unmerited wealth."' Even
■ R. C. Dutt, Economic History, p 27 and pp. 30-31.
• Memoirs of a Oentlemnn tcho reaitled for several years in the EnM
Indies, quoted in RobinHon, op. cit., p 70.
' Clivf's Letter to the Directors, dated Sip. :iUtli, 1765 (Third
Report, App. p. 3i>l et. seq.)
♦ Third Report, 1772, App. No. 86.
14 BENGA.L1 LITEHATURE
Hastings' declared as early as 176:2 that " the country
people are habituated to entertain the most unfavourable
notion of our government" and Verelst - asked in 1772
" How could we inake the sordid interests of the trader
consistent with that unbiased integrity which must
reconcile the natives to a new dominion ? " Nothing
would be a more apt and incising description of the
miserable state of the country than the celebrated simile
of the author of the Seir Mutaqfierin^ in whiul) he compares
it to the predicament of an untenanted house infested
by robbers but having no master to protect it.
The Anglo-Indian society, itself degraded, made light
of such unrighteous proceedings : and tne private morals of
the Company's servants Were no better
The private morals u • IT ^ ^- u ^.■
of the Company's ser- tiiau their pubJic conduct. Hastmgs
vants no better than ^^^ gjj. pj^jjj YY2.nQ\% lived in open
their public conduct. ^ '
adultery ; and extravagant rumours
were afloat with respect to the latter's card-winnings. The
morals of the majority of the Company's servants are
truthfully, if grossly, portrayed in the weekly Hicky's
Gazette ^, published a hundred years ago ; and it is well-
known that this notorious paper, itself conducted by one of
"the most objectionable rowdy that ever landed in Calcutta,"
was ruined by incurring Hastings' displeasure for making
public the strictly private arrangement by which the'wife
of the German adverturer and portrait-painter had become
the wife of the great Governor-Cjeneral. Sunday was
not only given np to horse-racing, card-gambling, and
' Hasting's Letter, dated Ap. 25, 1762 quoted in R. C. Dutt,
oj>. cit., p. 22.
' Verelst, op. cit., p. 62.
• Seir Mutaqherin, iii. 185.
* Bustcod, Echoes from Old Calcutla. 1S88, gives many specimens ;
see p 171 et. seq. (ch. vii.) ; see also pp.109- 170 on the social life of the
Anglo-Indians.
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 15
niasqueraJes : but " Sunday afternoons " we are told " as
well as the early mornini^ before the sun was too h\^h in the
heavens, were frequently taken advanta^je of to <ret rid of
the accumulated evil passions roused between ij^entlemen,
who mi^ht be seen, commonly enoucrh, furnished with
swords and j^istols, wendintj their way in palaiujuins towards
Tolly's Nullah, as it enters the Hooj^hly, to settle their
little ilifFerences after the manner of Hastiufjs and Francis;
and they not unfreqnently returned with a pistol-bullet
or a sword-thrust as a memento of their outing and a
remembrance of the region of Kidderi)ore."'
It cannot be denied, however, that the ('ompany's
Directors were tryiuji^ their best to
The iidininiairative put down this state of thin^js and
policy of the Com-
pany's government. were consistently condemninijj in un-
equivocal terms the conduct and
cimracter of their servants ; yet the polic}' of the Company's
government itself was a faithful retleetion of its narrow
commercial views. In order to enhance the value of his
services, Clive had propagated the pernicious belief that
India overflowed with riches, and the servants of the
Company kept U|) this tr.idition by furnishing j>erpetually
tiattering accounts of their affairs in India.-' Notwith-
standing a knowledge of the pecuniary embarrassments
of the C^oinpany, the inailequacy of the revenues, and the
exhaustion of the treasury, the Directors were com|)elled,
bv the glorious promises so eoMtiiJentlv ni ide of unboimded
' In 1793, was pnblished a hook entitled "Thonghts on Duollini;"
by R "writer in tlic Mon'lilc Coiiip,-in\ 's Service " with a view to a.scrrlain
its orij;in ami cfTi'ct on xoeit-ty. (ScUtn-Karr, Sclrrfinn from Ciilrnttn
Gazettt: ii, .'>(54). See also (inntl .Old l>ays <>/ Kon'hlc John Company,
ch. zxiii and x\\. On the profanation uf Sunday, sec the Letter of the
UirectorH (17!»M) anti thi- proclamation of the (J -G. Nov. '.», I71W, <{uotcd
op. cit. ii, p. 3G-37.
* Mill, oj>. ri7, iii. 432. Mill records that "the inflated conception!
of the nation at larc^e mnltipliod the ])urchaaer8 of India stock : and
it rote a* high as 263 per cent."
16 BENGALI LITERATURE
treasures from India, to take to the desperate course of
declaring from time to time impossible dividends, which
had to be kept up by corrupt means and severe exactions
but which involved the affairs of the Company in further
financial difficulties. This had the effect of subordinating
the Court of Proprietors more and more to the influence
of the stock-brokers. The extraordinary disclosure of mis-
government, the difficiency of the Company's funds, its
actual state of indebtedness, and the violent allegations
of corrupt conduct which the Directors and their agents
mutually threw upon one another raised some ferment in
England and ultimately led to legislative interference.
From 1774, the affairs of the Company frequently
received the attentions of the Parliament, and the efforts
of Sir Philip Francis succeeded in carrying the judg-
ment of the Company's internal administration from
the Court of the Directors to the bar of public opinion in
England. But this intervention of the Parh'ament was due
more to partisan animosity than to " any statesman-like
desire to provide India with a better form of government."
From Cornwallis's time, however, the administration of
India was placed not, as hitherto had been done, in the
hands of one of the Company's servants on the ground
of local experience but in those of an English nobleman
of elevated rank, unfettered by all local ties : yet it
must be admitted that there was hardly existing any
definite rule of administration except that which descended
to it from its commercial institutions, nor any rule of policy
but that which the accident of the day supplied. * The
administration yet remained to be organised and the poli-
tical })0wer to be consolidated. Verelst,'^ at the end of
1769, had already called attention to the feebleness and
' Marshman, History of India, vol, ii p. 4.
- Verelst, op. cit. App. p. 124.
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPKCT 17
want of system in the ^ovcrnnu-nt at Fort W illiani : and
the case of Hastinfjfs rcr-si/.s Francis, revealed by the state-
papers, is a memorable testimony to the weakness of the
central s^overnment, so stron^^ly denounced by the author of
the Seir Mvfaqlieriu.'^ The beginning of the nineteenth
centmy saw a disappearance of some of these evils, no doubt,
yet in other respects, it witnessed no material improvement.
The inevitable conviction, referred to by Francis as a state
of " delirium '^ which took hoUl of almost every English
official in those days was that the Dewani lands were an
inexhaustible estate for the i)rofits of the Company: and
that every conceivable method should be brought to bear
upon the object of making India pay ; this was declared
in the official language as " keeping up the revenue ". Effi-
ciency of government was judged by the standard of
net gain, "by the coarse and ready method of calculating,
in pies and gundas, the increase and decrease of the
revenue." -' IT we study the schemes of reform, formu-
lated from time to ti ne, we find that they were framed
not so much in the interest of the people as in the interest
of the commercial rulers of Bengal, to which everything
else was sacrificed.
Indeed the Hon'ble Company, at home and in India,
had reached that depth of opposition
Its opposition to tQ li^ijt and freedom which justifies
light aiul freedom -
even Burke's extremest passages.
Ignorance was the talisman on which their power over
the people and the safety of their possessions in India
were supi)Osed to depend ; and to dispel this popular
ignorance by diffusing knowledge and education, by
introducing missionaries and schoolmasters, by permitting
freedom <>f public criticism was fantastically considered
' Scir\Mtitaqherin, vol. iii, p. 185 et seq.
^ Finuingor, op. cit. p. ccxv.
18 BENGALI LITERATURE
to be " the most absurd and suicida] measure that could be
devised." It was not unlil Wellesley's time that it was
thought " god-like bounty to bestow expansion of
intellect".^ But even then no hoallhy public criticism
was allowed or suffeied upon the act of the government,
although it must be admitted that the Press, which dates
its birth in India since 1780, had hardl}' yet risen from the
low level of a vile, scurrilous, and abusive print. The
ferlrampur Missionaries could not land or settle anywhere
in Bengal except under the protection of the Danish flag,
and when they had set up there a printing press or planned
the first vernacular newspaper, they were afraid of govern-
ment interference, and had to obtain special permission
from Lord Wellesley. Even later, the cases of William
Duane of the Indian World and of the notorious James
Silk Buckingham of the Calcnita Journal, who were both
arrested and deported to England in the most high-handed
manner, would be enough to indicate the impatient and un-
compromising attitude of the government towards fearless
independence and plain-speaking. From time to time,
however, attempts were made to liberalise the Company's
rule ; but each measure taken was too slow and too late
to save it from the nemesis of 1857 and the extinction
in 1858.
The effect of these political changes and of this
administrative policy on the social and
Effect of these poll- economic condition of Bengal was
tical clmnpes on tl.e ^^ ^^^^^ far-renching. ^ Thirty
Bocial and eoononuc • ' in j
condition of Bpiif^ai. years had passed in vacillation
between the Company as the Dewan
and the Nawilb as the Na/.im during wh'.ch, as wo have
seen, the country suffered from endless disorders and
' Wellesley, Address to the Students of the Fort William College,
(in Roebuck's AnnaU of Fort Willunn College, p. 493).
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 1&
abuses of political govern mpiil. (Jras])iiiij and mercenary
spirit made the so-called {guardians of the people
inaccessible to the plainest dictates of reason, justice,
and policy and infused in them a total contempt for public
welfare. The evils of an alien rule were af^gravated by a
deep ignorance of the manners and customs of the people
and by a singular want of identifica-
Efifects of an alien ^^^^^ ^^,jj,^ ^j^pj^. interests,— two articles
rule. '
which, as Ghulam Husain rightly com-
ments,' are the principles of all union and attachment,
of all regulation and settlement between the governors
and the governed.
During these years, the Mohammedan government
itself was coming to an inglorious end. The situation
of Mir Jii'far was deplorable from the
Dissolution of tlie first. Old, indolent, voluptuous, en-
Mohammedan covern- i ^ -.i • 11 • ^
mont ; its effect. dowed With many mcurable vices, he
made a very jioor figure-head ; and
with an exhausted treasury, on the one hand, and vast
engagements to discharge, on the other, he was driven
to severest exactions. While his cruelties made him
detestable, negligence, disorder, and weakness of his
government exposed him t<» contempt. Mir Ksisim
was a more capable monarch, and Vansittart^ pays a
well-deserved tribute to his administration. Careful as
he was of giving offence to the English, he could not help
coming into conflict with them; for, as Vansittart says,
" scarce a day passed but occasion was taken from the most
trifling pretences to trample on his Government, to seize
his officers and to insult them with threats and invectives."
The executive power and control over criminal justice
were still left in the hands of the.Nawab, whose sovereign
' ^> !»■ ilutitqher in, in. 161.
* Vansittart, op. cit. iii. 381.
20 BENGALI LITERATURE
authority was acknowledo^ed ; yet the Mohammedan
irovernment, under the dual system, had too much reason to
complain of their want of influence in the country which
was " torn to pieces by a set of rascals, who in Calcutta
walked in rags, but when they were sent out on gomastah-
ships, lorded it over the country, imprisoning the ryots and
merchants, and writing and talking in the most insolent
and domineering manner to the fouzdars and officers."^
And this was not confined to a particular spot. " It would
amaze you," writes Mr. Senior, Chief at Kasimbazar, ''the
number of complaints that daily come before me of the
extravagancies committed by our agents and gomastahs
all over the country .^^^ Although the Company had
now become actually possessed of more than one half
of tjbe Nawab's revenue, yet the latter was continually
harrassed by oppressive exactions and became " no
more than a banker for the Company's servants who
could draw u})on him [meaning presents] as often and
to as great an amount as they pleased."^ Naturally
the Nawab had to fall back upon the old method of raising
from the zemindars what he had himself to render to his
new masters; and the tradition of the royal oppression of
zemindars, handed down from the days of Murshid
Kul! Khan, of which vivid pictures will be found in the
pages of the Riazoo-s-Salatin or the Seir Mutaqherm, was
revived in the last days of the Mohammedan government in
Bengal. The situation is vividly, if too sweepingly, narrated
' Letter of Mr. Gray, President at Maldah, dated January, 1764,
quoted in Verelst, op. cit. iii p. 49 ; see also the Nawab's Letter, quoted
in Vansittart, op. cit. iii. 38L
* Letter of Mr. Senior, Cliicf at Kasimbazar, quoted in Verelst,
op. cit. p. 49.
» Clive's speech, dated March 30,1772, in Almon's Debo/es, X. 14 ;
see also Mill, op. cit. iii 354 et seq. In 1767, Lord Clive's own income
was calculated to be at least i;96,OUU.
INTRODL'CTORV KKTROSPECT 21
tluis l)v Verelst: " The violence ot* Meer Cassim in accu-
mulating^- treasure and the relaxation of Government in the
hands of Meer Jaftier ecjually contributed to confound all
order, and by removinjjj every idea of right, sanctified in
some sort the depredations of the hun<jjry collectors. The
feeble restraint of fear produced little effect : while the
increasiui; necessities of a master afforded at least a pretence
of an uncontrolled exercise of power throuii;hout every
department. Inferior ollicers employed in the collections
were permitted to establish a thousand modes of taxation.
Fines were levied at pleasure without resjard to justice: and
while each felt in his turn the iron rod of oppression, he
redoubled these extortions on all beneath him. The war in
which Meer JafBer was engaged against foreign enemies,
the struggles of Meer Cassim, which ended with his dis-
traction, and the usurpations of foreign traders completed
the scene of universal confusion."''
Thus the zemindars, unable to make any headway
against the exorbitant demand and
Condition of the opp,,.ssion of the Nawab, on the one
hand, and of the Company's oflicial
Nawabs, on the other, were gradually sinking out of sight
lost in obscurity. Those who survived came out of the
struggle, impoverished and degraded. These hereditary
landlords had held the soil from very ancient times with
quasi-feudal powers and virtually ruled the people within
their own estates. Inspite of the severe strictures of
Ghulilm H;isain'- that the zemindars are, at all times and
in all ages, a race incorrigible, it can be easily shown that
the ancient zemindars as a class did much for the good
of the country. They maintained order, settled disputes,
administered justice, and punished crimes ; they encouraged
' Verelst, op. cit. p,66.
' Scir ilutaqhcria iii. p. 204 ct seq.
22 BENGALI LITERATURE
religion and rewarded piety ; they fostered arts and
learninpj and were patrons of literature. But the iron
hand of the new system brought ruin upon this hereditary
aristocracy. The total change, in the management of the
revenue, had brought in an innovatiou by which property,
along with its administration, not only changed hands but
was placed on a new foundation, and thus deeply affected
the condition, individually as well as
Effects of the new collectively, of the people of Bengal.
system of laud-settle- rr,, . • , i i • ^ i i i
,„e„j;g Ihe system, introduced m the ceded
districts, ignored the customary
rights of the zemindars and sold their estates by
public auction for increasing the revenue. The result
w^as most lamentable. The lands were let out for a short
term of three years to the highest bidder at the auction-
sale. " Men without fortune or character " we are told
" became bidders at the sale : and while some of the former
farmers, unwilling to relinquish their habitations, exceeded
perhaps the real value in their offers, those who had
nothing to lose advanced yet further, wishing at all events
to obtain an immediate possession. Thus numberless
harjiies were let loose to plunder whom the spoil of a
miserable people enabled to complete the first year's pay-
ment. The renters under so precarious a tenure could
not venture to encourage inferior farmers by advancing
money, which is seldom repaid within three years ; and
without the advance, even the implements of husbandry
were wanting to cultivate the lands. '^* Even tlie appoint-
ment of supravisors in 1769 in the appropriate districts,
and the two councils, one at Murshidabad and the other
at Patna, did not work any improvement. The Committee
of the House of Commons could not help remarking —
" Seven years had elapsed from the acquisition of the
Verelst, op. cit, pp. 70-71.
INTRODrcrORY KETROSPErT 23
Dewaui, without the i^oviTiuiu'iit tlecmiug' itscU' ooiuiit'tent
to remeily the iK't'eets."' Tho reports of the siipravisors
themselves, eonsistiii;^ mostly <>f anti(|uarian or statistical
essays, represent the iijovernmeiit as havinj^j attained the
last staij^e of oppressiveness and barbarism.
It is needless to comment on the condition ol" the ryot
and the cidtivator under this system.
Condition of the ryot i,j ^ country subject to disorder and
and the cultivntor. * . .
revolution, infinite varieties prevailed,
as Hunter points out, in the administration of the separate
districts. Some districts were (uider the immediate jurisdic-
tion of the subahdar ; while in others the hereditary zemindar
preserved the appearance of ])ower, althouj^h the jealousy of
the subahdar and an increased taxation left to him little more
than a nominal authority. Tiie country laboured under the
disorders of unbounded despotism. To add to this, a
great national disaster occurred in the terrible Famine of
1709-70 which cut off ten to twelve millions of human
beings. Even before 1700, high prices had given
indication of an approaching famine but the tax
was collected as rigorously as ever.'^
The Great Famine of The sufferino- of the people was
1769-70. ^^ ' '
heightened so much by the acts of
the Company's agents and sub-agents that the Court
of Directors indignantly condemned their method
of " proiitting by universal distress/'^ Hastings, writing
» Fifth Report, p. 4. et t-eq. Also see Sixth Report of 1782, A pp. i ;
Colebrooke's Supplement to the Digest of Bengal Regulations, pp. I7i-HK).
• IJunter, Annnh of Rural Bengal, p. 20-21 ; alio pp. 39y-kH.
• Firniinger, op. ctt. p. cxcix : See also Letter to Benjjal dated
Angast, 28, 1771, quoted in Anher, op. cit. pp. 354-.'5. It is difficult to
■ay how far the famine was due tn nn intt-ntionul " mrnering " of the
grain or similar nnsernpnloas cominsrcial transactions ; but this was
the widely prevalent complaint, and Stavorinun (vol I. p. 853) ascrilx^s
the famine partly to the " monopoly which the Knglish had made
of the rice."
U BENGALI LITERATURE
ill 177:i, sets down the loss of population "at least of
one-third of the inhabitants of the province " ; and even
twenty years later, Cornwallis oflieiall}'^ described one-third
of Bengal left as a jungle, inhabited only by wild beasts.
The Eno'lish knew very little about the country at that
time and did less for its inha1)itants. Even state-charity
was srudo-ed and land-tax was as rigorous as ever.
Hastings points out in 177£ that " notwithstanding the
loss of at least one-third of the inhabitants of the pro-
vince, and the consequent decrease of the cultivation, the
nett collections of the year 1771 exceeded even those of
1768." In 1771, one-third of the eulturable land was
returned in the public accounts as
Its effects on the land- '« deserted " : in 1776, the entries in
lord and the tenant .
this column exceeded to one-hair of
the whole district, four acres lying waste to every seven. But
the Company increased its demands from less than £100,000
sterling in lin to close on £llrZ,000 in 1776. » One-third
of the generation of peasants had been swept away and a
whole generation of once rich families had been reduced to
indi^i'ence. The revenue-farmers who had been unable to
realise the tax were stripped of their office, shorn of their
lands, and thrown ultimately into prison. The zemindars
who had hitherto lived like semi-independent chiefs, fared
worse 2 : and Sir William Hunter rightly remarks that
"from the year 1770, the ruin of the two-thirds of
the old aristocracy of Lower Bengal dates."
The great Famine also deeply affected the relation of
the tenant to the landlord and of the landlords to one
another. Nearly one-third of Bengal fell out of tillage :
1 Hunter, op. cit. p. 63-64.
* Hunter {op. cit. p. 56 ff.) cites the well-known cnses of the
Maharnja of Burdwan, the Rnja of Nadia, and Rani Ranwari of
Rajshahi.
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 25
and the scarcity of the cultivator*:, at a time when there
was more land than men to till it, «:jave the ryot the advan-
tage over the zemindar, who was now compelled to court
the |>easant and make him temptini^ offers. This not
only led to the ji^rowth of the two classes of resident and
non-resident ryots and to a constant friction between them
but it also added to the general misery by fostering violent
feuds and quarrels among landed proprietors who had
eagerly begun to bid against one another for the hus-
bandman. These armed feuds between the landlords very
greatly disturbed the repose of the districts* and it is
no wonder that the zemindars are described in contem-
porary records as " continual disturbers of the peace of the
province".
From the time of this Famine also, robbery and
dacoity became disastrously prevalent. Large tracts
of land around every village grew into thick jungles
which fostered not only wild beasts
yJlTl^AZ^fL '■''^' but gave umbrage to terrible gangs of
bery and dacoity. » -^ » o
robbers. Besides the numerous and
prosperous classes like the thugH, who practised robbery as
a hereditary calling, and the bands of cashiered soldiers
who turned vagrants, there were thousands of people
who were driven by destitution to the desperate course of
plundering, and from 1771 the suppression of these lawless
sects, who sometimes roved about the country in armies many
thousands strong,-' was a matter of serious consideration to
the Council. Organised outrages took place within an
ear-shot from the seat of government. Long records how
* HuQtor, O'p. c»t., pp. 60-61, p. 85.
• See a graphic account of the effects of dacoity in the Ilcgulation
of 1772 (35th Keg.), quoted in Colobrooke's &ui>^len\ent to the Digest
p. 1-13. Also sec UuDter, op, cit. pp. 69 et. seq.
4
26 BENGALI LITERATURE
in 17S0 a very terrible ease o£ robbery, aeeompanieJ by
incendiarism and violence, occurred in
Insecurity of life Calcutta in wliich about 15,000 houses
ana property.
were burnt down and nearly ~()0
people were killed.' Dacoity an i robbery, with ail its
incidental terrors, prevailed in Bengal for more than three
(juarters of a century,- and left the life and property of
the peoi)le absolutely insecure.
The ancient police system, whether it consisted of the
system of the village watchman, or of the nngdees,ov of the
thanadars, as we find in the Bengal of 1760, was in a dis-
organised state when the English came into power, and was
quite insujfl&cient for the preservation
The Police system. <• ,i , •
or the peace or tor the apprehension
of thieves and gang-robbers. There was collusion with
the criminals not only on the part of the petty zemindars,
as the earl}^ administrators of Bengal tell us, but also on
the part of these regularly constituted keepers of the public
peace. ^ To meet the disorders of the country, the Fauj-
dari system was established in 1774 : but it is well-known
' Long, Calcutta in Olden Time, p. 37. See also Busteed, op. cit.
p. 157; Good Old Days, c\\. -x-vui; Seton-Karr, op. cit. ii, 213-14, 233;
Forrest, Selections from State Papers ; Warren Uastir,gs, ii. 289.
' Kaye {Administration of the East India Company, III. ii and
iii) gives an account of Thuggee and Dacoity in later years. Even as
late as 1810, we find Lord Minto (Minute, dat(Ml Nov. 24, 1810) -n-riting,
"A monstrous and disorganised state of society existed under the eye of
the supreme British authorities and almost at the very seat of the
Government The people are perishing almost in our sight : every
week's delay is a doom of slaughter and torture against the defenceless
inhabitants of very populous countries."
• The greater zemindars had always a lar_i;e number of troops at
their disposal and sometimes the village watchman n- is enrolled on the
establishment of the zemindars. They were employed not only in
their original capacity but also in the collection of the revenue. Exten-
sive duties similarly were expected from tke Faujdar.
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 27
how vij^orously the system was criticised by the opposition
metnbersof the Council and condemned as opi)ressive by the
author of the Seir Mutaqherin.^ It was candidly admitted
by the Resolution of April 6, 1780, that the establishment
of faujdars and thanadfirs " has by experience been found
not to produce the fjood effects intended by the institution".
On the old division of authority between the Nazim and
the Dewan, the executive power including criminal adminis-
tration was allotted to the Niizim while the Dewan possess-
ed the civil jurisdiction. The establis ment of two courts
of justice, the Dewanl and the Faujdari 'Adrdat, which were
controlled by the superior Sadar DewilnT and Nizumat
'Adillats at the Presidency of Fort
The system of crimi- UiHiani, was made by the Regulation-s
nal and civil justice. .
of the Committee of Circuit- chielly
on the basis on this old distinction. One of the effects of
the Regulations referred to was to transfer the Courts of
Appeal from Murshidabad to Calcutta and to give the
Collector the right to preside over local civil courts and
keep vigilance over the local criminal courts ; yet the crimi-
nal jurisdiction of the Nawab was not taken away nor were
miscarriages of justice and long-felt abuses removed by these
Regulations. The establishment, for the Mayor's Court, of
the Suiireme Court in Calcutta, to which Francis was so
stoutly opposed, brought, again, in its train a number of
notorious evils, and one need hardlv recall Macaulav's
account of the high-hauded proceedings of this Court.
It was not until 171)0 that the superintendence of criminal
justice throughout the province was accepted by the
English,^ and judicial administratioa was not placed
' Seir Mutaijherin, iii. p. I7fi-179. Sec Fifth Report, pp. 43 et. Hoq.
* Colebrooko, op. cit. 1-1-4; also quoted and discnssed in Firminger.
•p. cit. pp. ccxxi et Bcq
• Cornwallis's Minute, December 3, 1790 ; also Ref^alation V and IX
of 1793. Also Fifth Rfport, pp. 29-42 : Scton.Karr, CornualU$, pp. 88-9*.
28 BENGALI LITERATURE
upon a sound footing until many years elapsed. Even
in 1793, the preamble to the several Regulations of
that year show that there must have been much confusion,
abuse of justice, delay in procedure, and uncertainty of
jurisdiction in civil and criminal courts.
The reforms cf Corn wal lis were not only in the right
direction in these respects but they also struck a note of
sympathy with the poor suffering ryot. But the ruin of the
zemindars, begun by Mir Kasim and hastened by the ijara
settlement, was finally completed by
Reforms of 1793. i i - j " i; t'oq
the celebrated measure ot 1/90,
which, thouo-h it did credit to the benevolent intentions of
Cornwallis proved at least for the time being disastrous
to many an ancient aristocratic family of Bengal. It would
be out of place to discuss here this measure in all its
bearings,' but it must be admitted that it was not only
insufficient in affording protection to the ryot against
the rack-renting power of the zemindar but it also
became the means of unseftling many old zemindaries.
It created a class of landlords destitute for the most part
of public spirit and higher culture. The principle of the
permanent-e of assessment, co-operating with splendid ferti-
lity of the Ganges valley, afforded, no doubt, a haj^py
prospect of peaceful multiplication of the people and spread
of civilisation, yet the wealthy ancient aristocracy, which
for a long time constituted the main support of society and
the great patron of arts and literature,* was slowly breaking
down under the stringent rules which put up their large
estates to public auction at the mercy of the highest bidder.
The class of up-start zemindars who stepped into their
' See on this question, Field, o;j. ci( ; Harrington's .ina/ysis ; Seton-
Karr, Cornwallis, ch. ii ; Fifth Report, p. 12 et. seq ; Mill, op. cit. bk. vi
ch: 6-6 ; R. C. Dutt, op. cit^ ch. v, et(b
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 29
place could not be expected to possess the same inherited
tradition of culture and refinement as marked the ancient
aristocracy of the land. Side by side with these, there
was created another class of landlords by the very measure
itself; for under the new law, the mere collector of the
revenue was, in many cases, invested with every proprietory
right in the land.
Before passinij from this cursory account of the dissolu-
tion of the Mohammedan government and the ruin of the
zemindars, it would not be out of place to refer to
the depraved moral inHuence of the
Moral depravity of [Mohammedan court upon the courts of
tlie period. *
the noblemen and also upon the society
in general. The vivid pages of t\\Q Seir Mutaqherni has
already made familiar to us the depth of luxury, debauchery,
and moral depravity of the period, and GhulSm llusain in one
place offers a few bitter remarks on the ethicality of Murshi-
dabad. ' " It must be observed " he says " that in those days
^loorshoodabad wore very much the appearance of one of
Loth's towns ; and it is still pretty much the same to-day.
Nay, the wealthy and powerful, having set apart
sums of money for these sorts of amours, used to show the
way and to entrap and seduce the unwary, the poor, and
the feeble; and as the proverb says — so m the ktuy, so
becomes his people, — these amours got into fashion." It is
no wonder, therefore, that this atmosphere of luxury and
moral degeneration did not fail to vitiate the general moral
tone of society, especially of the upper classes. Public
opinion was so low that very many forms of shameless vice,
often accompanied by cruelty and violence, attracted
little condemnation and received less punishment. It
reminds one of the days of Charles II and his courtiers. It
' Seir Mutaqherin, iii. p. 85.
30 BENGALI LITERATURE
is needless to recapitulate details : but it may be noted that
hardly any of the worthies of this period, whether Hindu
or Musalman, could ever show, both in their public and
private life, a perfectly clean record. One can easily
understand from this the degenerate tone in the writings
of the period, which sprang up chiefly round the courts
of these rajas or zemindars who were the dispensers of the
daily bread of the poets. Even the work of the devout
Ram-prasad or of the illiterate Kabiwalas was not entirely
free from this almost universal taint.
Next to the zemindars, came the class of learned
Brahmans, the other important factor of the social fabric,
who suffered no less from these political and social changes.
Even in this period of anarchy and oppression, the priestly
class, however fallen or cried down in modern times, was
recognised as the head of society, as the spiritual guide
and enlightener of the race. Whatever damaging influence
their mueh-too-decried exclusiveness might have produced,
it cannot be denied that as a class they hardly ever
fell below this high expectation. The occupation of the
Brahmans, although on the decline, had not yet lost
its ancient lustre and dig^nitv and
The humiliation of ^j ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ g^ill who
the Brahmans. ^
were, as of yore, capable of fear-
less acts of self-sacrifice for the good of the community.
The Brahmans were not only the educators of the nation
but also its lawgivers, its judges, and at times its acknow-
ledged head and dictator in social matters. Althoujjh
literature was not their profession, their sphere of usefulness
consisted in their interest in mental and spiritual culture.
But a change of the deepest kind was coming over the
s[)irit of this ancient and honoured class. After the
political storm of the century had blown over, the Brahmans
found themselves utterly neglected, nay, humiliated and
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 81
ruiut'tl. They hatl not only lost the patrona<^o at court
and of the ^reat landed aristocracv, who always revered
their learning and piety, hut they also found themselves
losing, toi^ether with their ancient prestiij*, the free
charitable i^ifts of landed property to which they mainly
looked np for their support. A rejLfulation was i)assed
in 1708 for eiupiiry into the validity of vario^is existin;]^
L'tk/ieraJ grants : and as a direct result of this, many
of these presum d charitable grants were cancelled.
This dealt a severe blow to the poor Bralinians, who
thus shorn of their land and their ^lory, became more
and more dependent than ever for their living; on the
j;ifts of the lower classes to whose tastes and superstitions
they were now compelled to pander. 'J'he most enli<yhten-
ed amonjj them, no doubt, remained isolated or retired
into obs2urity in iuod ly silence ; but the majority of them
did everythinijf in their power to please the mob, who
Were now almost their only customers. With the fall of
the Brahmans, however, there was no doubt the rise of the
powerfid middle class ; but the ruin of this hereditary
intellectual class was a loss in itself. The axe was laid
at the root of ancient learnin*^ and ancient culture : the
inlluence winch produceil the sublime in Hindu civilisa-
tion vanished, the inlluence which produced the supersti-
tious and the ridiculous in it increased. Such was the
state of knowledeje and culture at the be<i:inninu: of the
last century that Jayanarayan Tarkapanehrmau in his
preface to the Sarvaihirimna Sid'iif/ra/ia had to lament that the
pundits of his time never eared to read more than four
books in their lifetime ; and just before the foundation of
(.'alcutta Sanscrit Ct)llei;e, such was the i«i^noi-anee of the
Ren;i;ali j>un(lit.s that none of them could enlijjjhten
Sir William .Jones on the sul)ject of ancient Sanscrit
drama.
82 BENGALI LITERATURE
Thisi decline of the society and the intellect of Bengal
is almost synchronous with and, no
Inherent causes of doubt, was facilitated by thedecav
social decline; tlie
Caste system. of Mohammedan rule and the pre-
valence of the Company's misrule ;
but the process, slow enough to be almost imperceptible,
was, however, not due to this circumstance alone. The
political and social causes no doubt hastened the
decadence already afoot : but it would be hastv and un-
philosophical to attribute everything to such extraneous
causes. There was something wrong in the social struc-
ture itself to account for this decadence. A little re-
Hection will show that the Hindu society carried within
itself the germs of its own decay. However beneficial the
institution of caste mi^^^ht have been to the ancient society,
of which it formed the universal and natural basis, it
cannot be doubted that its exclusiveness, in course of time,
gave rise to a monopoly, which, like the monopoly of the
mediaeval monks of Europe, proved injurious to intellec-
tual progress beyond a certain stage. Within the small
j)rivileged hereditary class to which the spread of know-
ledge was confined, the arts and sciences, no doubt, were
carried to a pitch of perfection, but competition, thus
artificially limited, naturally gave no scope to favourable
variations in intellectual development. The intellectual
capacity of the individual or the class was increased at
the cost of general ignorance and inferiority of the race.
The system made life easy and smooth and comparatively
free from that struggle and unrest which is the inexorable
condition of all progress. This state of things, leading as
it did to decadence, could not continue long, and under the
infiuence of ^Mohammedanism and its doctrine of equality,
a fresh impetus was given to progress by relaxing the
restrictions of the caste system. From about the beginning
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 33
of the l()th century, we have a succession of reh'j^ions and
social reformers, Raniananda, Kabir, Nilnak, and Chaitanya,
all of whom protested aj^-ainst caste
Mohaimnedan and and preached universal brotherhood.
It was tiiis impulse which i^ave an early
impetus to the vernacular literatures of India ; for these
reformers, unlike the learned Sanscritists, preached to the
people in the laui^uafi^e of the people, and their teachini^s
were embodied in voluminous works which enriched the
vernacular literatures. But, althoufjh the rii^onr of the
caste system was for a time overcome and a healthy
feelinj]^ for ecjuality was abroad, the evils of the time-
honoured institution, firmly rooted throu<;h centuries into
the social fabric, could not be eradicated in a day. They
continued to do their work and hastened the decadence
whieh, in spite of the attempts of these relii^ious
reformers, had become inevitable; and the anti-caste
influence of the British contact and of European literature
onlv intensified the chanjjje alreadv set on foot by the
Baisiia ba and other movemente.
British influence on »ui ^. i „* it • „ a- i i- ii i? i.
jj Althouf^n at tins critical time, the East
India Comj)auy in Enf]jlanuand in India,
sunk to the lowest depth of philistinism, aj)prehendcd the
spread of knowled<;e and western ideas fatal to the British
rule, yet it was fortunate that there were self-sacrificinir
missionaries and schoolmasters ready for the woik, and a
few far-sij^hted statesmen who, notwilhstandino- the narrow
policy of the j^overnment at home, th.oufrht it "god-
like bounty to bestow expansion of intellect." The empire
in India had been, moreover, foumlcd at a tiire when the
tide was turniiiLC, when Europe was in the throesof a <>Teat
Revolution, whieh, considered politically, j-ocially, and
intellectually, is one of the {greatest in mcdern in'story.
The wave of liberalism which was to jiass through Europe
34 BENGALI LITERATURE
could not be expected to leave untouched the shores of
the newly-acquired emj)ire in India.
One of the chief causes why the e^ils of caste system
could not be eradicated in a day was tlie protective spirit
of the Hindu religion in social matters. Notwithstanding
that historians of civilisation like
Protective influence Buckle^ deny to religion any influence
of religion in social n rr- i i- • ■ i ' i
matters. ^^ all, Hindu rejigion lias alwavs
governed Hindu society, and it is
through the institution of caste that this influence has
been remarkably felt. However much Hinduism has been
marked by intellectual toleration and adaptability to its
environment, its sway, in social matters at least, has always
been despDtic. Not only the individual but also the social
life of the people has been moulded by their religion for evil
or for good. The entire existence of a Hindu may be
said without exaggeration to bj a round of religious
duties; and in social matters, hedged in by minute rules
and restrictions, the various classes of the community
have had little room for expansion and progress beyond
a certain stage. But this domination of religion over
sociaty became more and more stringent with the decay
of Hindu civilisation during the later
Its effect^ under the Pau,anik and the Mohammedan
Mohammedan rule.
periods. Hence arose some of the
absurd restrictions and retrogressive customs which the
efforts of a succession of religions reformers from Kabir
and Chaitanya down to Ram ^lohan Ray have not been
able completely to remove. That the Hinduism of the
18th and the early 19th century had been a strange
compound of the sublime and the ridiculous is thus easily
' History of Civilisation in England, Vol. I, Ch. V
INTRODrCTORY RETROSPECT 'J.'j
iatelli^ible. With the fall of the Brahmans ami <4eneral
decadence of social and intellectual life
Religious life at the in the Country, there was also a partial
befri lining of the 19th , , p ,i i- • ir i
century decadence of the reli«i:ious .ite and
ideals of the people, imperceptibly
making its headway from the Mohammedan times. It
does not concern us here as to how much of this was due
to decadent Buildhism or decadent Bai-nabisni, or how far
the aborijjjinal ethnical element in Lower Benojal reacted
upon it. The mass of superstitions had always existed
and still everywhere exists : but from this time onwards,
there was a deliberate rejection of the spiritual side of the
old faith and a corresponvlin>;- identitication with the semi-
aborii»inal superstitions of the masses, Public oi)inion on
relijufious matters was low, althou*»-h the reli^'iosity of tiie
jjeople cannot be denied ; and the undoubted belief in the
absolvint^ efficacy of superstitious rites calmed the imay^ina-
tion and allayed the terrors of conscience. Empty rituals,
depraved practices, an I even horrid ceremonies like hook-
swiniTfino^, human sacrifice, and infanticide partially justify
the unsparinu^ abuse of our relii^ion by the missionaries.
But what the missionaries could not
dellrr^*''^ ^"' °"^ l)ereeive in their proselytisiui,^ zeal
was that the reli^^ious life of the
Hindu had never been (juite extinct. There ha<l been
decay since the Mohammedan rule, ai^jjravated by various
complex causes, but not death ; there had been an increase
of feebleness, but not absolute inanition. An a^jc which
produced the Gaut/afjfiakti-tarungiut, IlnrilVdy or tlie
devotional son^i^s of Ram-prasad could not indeed l»e said
to be devoid of relij^ious life. The
The four divergent jevotional fervour ..f 8ri Chaitanva, t he
currents.
intellectual ideas of naiyayik Ra<;hu-
natha, the ritualistic doctrines of sniarta Rau^hunandan,
36 BENGALI LITERATURE
and the mystic spiritualism of the tan trie Krsnananda
— the four divergent forces which have always
exercised great influence oa Hindu society since
the 16th century — had never lost their domination even
in this era of decadence. The protective spirit of
Hinduism and the political and social vicissitudes
consequent upon Mohammedan rule had no doubt been in-
jurious to religious progress, but in spite of this impediment
religion had always influenced the social, moral, and in-
tellectual progress of the nation. From the earliest time
down to the present day, religious struggle and religious
revival have always played an important part in the history
of the nation^s intellectual progress. It is partly for this
reason that notwithstandino- four centuries of earnest
preaching by Roman Catholios and two centuries of earnest
preaching by Protestants, Christianity has made little im-
pression upon the Hindus, especially amongst the uppor
classes. Religious life was never dead but dormant. It is
true that religious ideal have always
Change of relitjious , , ,, ^. ... -,
ideals in the 18th and changed from time to time and
the early 19th cen- „^oulded itself to soiiie extent to the
tury.
necessities of the age, and this will
also be evident from a study of the various phases of the
historic development of our religion. At this stage of
decadence, it could not be expected to remain in an un-
alloyed state. It had gone through many convulsions and
alterations in the previous age, and many empty dogmas
and gross superstitions had naturally gathered around it.
Rut, however much this state of religion ap])eared repulsive
to the prejudiced eyes of the zealous missionaries or of the
enthusiastic " Young Bengal," who proud of the now
light, ])icked up an inveterate hatred of everything old,
still in its essence and on the doctrinal side, it was
almost invulnerable. The reactions which have followed
INTRODrCTORV RETROSPECT 37
in favoui- of what may be called
^^Reli^ous^^^rcactions ,.ationalistic Hinduism " and other
tury. reii2jious movements in the 19th
century bear witness to its inward
strene^th as well as to the inherited spirituality of the
Hindu.
It is obvious that under tiiese political, social and
intellectual conditions, no literature
These facts partly ^,^^^1^ the name could easily flourish.
explain the literary "^
barrenness of the peri- With the ruin of the zemindars and
od between 1760 and ,, , , ^. e a\ -r» -i
1800. the degradation or the Urahmans,
who constituted respectively the aris-
tocracy of wealth and tiie aristocracy of intellect, a process
of disintegration had begun in the social fabric which
ended in an absolute dissolution of all social solidarity. It
took nearly half a century before there was a general
subsidence of these effects and a new order of things
could ta\:e tiie jolace of the old. With a reconstruction
of art and ideal, there wa^ indeed the birth of a
new world and a new literature but, generally speak-
ing, from the 18th centurv to the middle of the
19th, we have only rude unshaped writings, interesting
to the student, but no masterpiece, acceptable to all.
It was essentially a transitional stage, and there can le
no doubt that these vicissitudes of the 18th century and
the monotonous material and intellectual development of
the fust half of the 19th robbed Bengali literature of many
an imaginative writer. Calcutta had not yet settled down
into a metropolis, and with the dispersal of the Moham-
medan government and the Hindu zemindars, there was
no Hxed intellectual centre which would have brought
the advantages of social solidarity among those who still
retained literary instincts and aspirations. Rhfirat-
chandra died in 1760 and in a short time occurred
SS BENGALI LITERATURE
also the deaths of Duro^aprasad and
The death of Bhtxrat- Ram-prasad. With these last «freat
<;hanclra in 1760 ' , r. ,
marks the decay of namps, we are at the end of wliat
the older current in • i c • j. o i- ri. i
literature remaineci or ancient Isengali hterature.
Dnrinp^ the continuance of the dual
system of fjovernment between T)5 and H'^, the older
poets, one by one, passed away ; and none remained who
could for a time step into their yacant place. Between
the death of Bharat-chandra in 1760 and the first appear-
ance of Isvar Gupta in Saihl/arl-
The interregnum
till the emergence of prabliakar ot Ib-iU, there came an
'i teoTen dSt 'i? i"te"-«S>">™ Of ™°'0 tl"'" h'^lf a
-not wholly, by the ccutury, during which there was no
man who had been strong enoufjh to
seize the unclaimed sceptre. The only pretenders were the
Kabiwalas, but the}^ neyer rose to that level of artistic
merit and sustained literav}- composition which would haye
enabled them to strike a commanding figure on the empty
stage. Who would think of placing Haru Thakur or Ram
Basu side by side with Bharat-chandra
some of whom were or Ram-prasad ? These Kabiwalas
men of undoubted i pj. i i • i ii p i_\ • p
powers. '^^'^ l>ehmd them tew things or
permanent literary yalue; for although
some of them Avere men of undoubted poetic power, they
never cultivated literature for its own sake, but composed
their songs chiefly to please their
Their place in new pati'ons iu society — the upstart
literature not verv „ • i ai ^l^ ^ .
^jgt, ' zemindars, the wealthy speculators,
or the illiterate mass Avhose chief
amusement consisted of these songs, pmac/ialis, or
jafras. The Kabi literature, therefore, is one of a very
composite character, and side by side with the higher
flights, we have interspersed not a little amount of flat
colloquial verbiage which no stretch of literary charity
INTRODUCTORY RKTROSPKCT $9
would ever call poetic in thf tfue sense of the term. The
literary ideal was not, as can he expected, very hi^h, and
its tone not alwavs commendable : \et one thini' most
remarkable about these son<;s, which puts them in sharp
contrast with the literature which Bharat-chandra set in
fashion, was its eoini)arative freedom from the stamp of
ornateness or erudite classicality as well as from the
vitiated moral tone which defaces the writiu'rs of nianv a
<;reat poet of this period. Yet in spite of these and other
merits, none of the Kabiwalas had reached that standard
of literary excellence which would have enabled them to
emulate the more substantial writings of the older poets
although they contributed some truly beautiful pieces to
the literature of national songs. Fallen on evil days, their
genius seems never to have received its fullest scope, and
besides keeping our literature back from absolute death
during the ])eriod of interregnum, their work seems to
possess historically no other permanent value. They act
as a link keeping up the continuity
Bat they did their of ^,^^^. Hterary historv and, though
best, duriiii; this lonj? •' . » «
period of barrenness, by themselves affording an interesting
to keep it back from r ^ i i- i. ^ xi 11 1 1
absolute deatli. "t^'ti 01 study, they belong through
their literary filiation and inherited
artistic tradition to the age precediiig our era.
By the beginning of the 19th century, however, the
old order was changing, yielding place to new. A new
literature, a new spirit, and a new order of society were
gradually taking the place of the time-honoured institutions
which had hold their sway over the country for centuries.
We often find in literary history that
Effect of the revolu. ^^jtl, ^Q^^, j^^ revolution, politi-
tionftry chan^jes whicli ' '
the British occnpation cal, social or rcligious, literature
of Bengal brought . r 1 • ^ •..- ■,
about. receives a tresh impetus. >> e need
hardly recall tiie example of the
40 BENGALI LITERATURE
French Revolution from which dates a period of literary
activity which lias culminated in the rich literary after-
fi^rowths of modern Europe. But the popular opinion, loa<^
and actually entertained, that the British occupation of
Bengal by itself sufficiently accounted for and directly caused
the disappearance of ancient literature as distinguished
from modern, is a delusion which the revived study of the
literature itself would, in a great measure, help to check and
correct. However great and far-
The British 'conquest', ,. . iv , ,i d -i.- i
as generally supposed, reachiug its eftect was, the British
never swept off the old ^eonquest' no more swept awav ancient
literature and replac- ^ "^ '
ed it with the new : Bengal and its literature and replaced
it merely helped a .. .^, , , . i it .1 x-
process of decadence it With something else than the Nor-
in literature already ^-^^n Couciuest of England directly
afoot. ^ . ^ ■^
caused the disappearance of Anglo-
saxon England and its literature. Modern evolutionary
theory hardly leaves any room for such absolute political
or literary cataclysms ; and a little consideration will
show that the British occupation of Bengal, like the
Norman one of England, only helped and turned to
good a process of decadence in literature, which had
independently begun, which was going on rapidly, and
which, if the political revolution had not dealt a death-blow
to the exhausted literature would have landed it independ-
ently in absolute barrenness and stagnation.
In order to appreciate what effect British occupation
of Bengal |)roduced upon Bengali literature, we must
realise in what state it actually had been when the new start
was made. It was, as we have stated, a period of great
confusion. The political and social disturbances, no doubt,
as the apologist of Bengali literature often points out,
were affecting men's minds, and the physical and mental
fatigue consequent thereupon is responsible to a great
extent for this lamented paucity of literary productions ;
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 11
but if we look to the literature itself we shall see thai a
process of inherent cUeay and dissolntion had already begun
in it which indicated rapid decline, and which, if un-
checked, mi<jjht have indcpendeutly led to its ultimate
extinction. A change of the deepest and widest kind was
coming over the spirit of Bengali literature during the
years when the political destiny of India was being decided
in other fields : but this change, such as it was, meant no
good augury to its future course.
In spite of occasional royal patronage, as in the cases
of Bidyilpati or Kabi-karikaii, the vernacular literature
before the 18th century very seldom found shelter in the
courts of the wealthy, and it was never, in any sense,
courtly literature. From this period,
What this procfss however, it began to centre round the
was and how it came ^ ,. , i 1,1 1
about. courts or the wealthy and a new
world, that of the courtier and the
adventurer, wa!> being formed. The courts of Rajii
Krsnachandra of Nadiya and of Rajil
State of Benpali Rjlj-ballabh of Dacca were notable not
literature on the eve 1 p ^i • 1 ^i • 11
of the inth century. o"')' *^'* *"^"" '"^^ry, their splendour,
and their intrigues, but al.so for their
patronage of arts and literature. But this court-influence,
as it would he natural to ex)>ect in this age, was not an
unmixed good. Poetry, which had hitherto consisted of
simple tales of village-life or of devotional poems of rare
beauty and fervour, had now to appeal exclusively to the
upjier classes of society whose tast« and temper it natur-
ally reflected. As on the one hand, it gained in refinement
and splendour, so on the other, it lost all its pristine
simplicity, and was marked with a stamp of ornatcness
and eru'lite classicality which found favour with these
courts. What had been fervid and spontaneous became
fantastic and elaborate : and with these new poets, some of
6
42 BENGALI LITERATURE
whom were good scholars, intellect, and fancy predominated
over sentiment and passion, ingenuity took the place of
feeling, and poetry lost its true accent. On the one hand,
arose around the court of Krsiiachandra the artificial
school of Bharat-chandra, whose poetry, more fanciful than
delicate, more exquisite than passionate, first turned the
tide in favour of ornate and artificial standards of verse-
making : on the other hand, under
The existing schools tlie patronage of the rival court of
of Bengah literature ^ ^^
by their excesses gave Raja Raj-ballabh, flourished a more
uuiiiistakable proof of . .
decadeuce and fore- serious, though less poetical, group of
shadowed the close of ^^-^^^.^ ^^^ g^j^-j^j^ ^^ tendency
the literary age. •'
to ornate diction and luxuriant stvle
and the same weakness for frigid conceits but whose
profundity, allegorical fancy, didactic taste, and consequent
monotony present a striking contrast to the more voluptuous
and attractive school at Nadiya. Both these schools,
by their excesses, marked the close of the literary age.
In spite of the exquisite quality of his phrase and his
numbers, that exalt him to a place all his own,
Bharat-chandra was a far greater artist than a true
poet. He was a sure and impeccable master of his
own craft, yet we must confess here, as everywhere, a
fall of the true poetic spirit, the neap of inspiration, the
preference of what catches the eye to what touches the
heart. Bharat-chandra is not very
The school at Nadiya n • • i
of which Bharat-chan- otteu original : yet when he imitates,
expoZt. '''' ''"''"'^ he ^oe« "ot choose the best models
but only tries to improve upon the
very second-rate works of later artificial Kavya poets
like Magha aud orihar.sa, or even worse things from
a class of degenerate Mohammedan tales of dubious
taste and excellence. Poetry is increasingly regarded
as a means of the display of elaborate conceits till
INTRODITTORY RETROSPECT 48
at leng^th nothing remains but artfulness and verbal
jui^glery. The consummate eleij^ance of these uritinf^s is
undoubted but the poet seldom transports. Lifeless des-
criptions, pompous similes, learned ili^ressions — a style
which cannot be summed up otherwise than by the term
' tlorid " — these mark the makeshifts by which the lack of
genuine poetic emotion is sought to be made up. Pathos or
tra<ifedy in the strict and rare sense these poets seldom or
never touch : and the way in which they have repainted
the ideal heroes of old recall to one's mind Dryden's trave-
sty of Milton or of Shakespeare. Admittinp^ even the
j)ictorial effect, the musical cadence and the wonderful
spell of lan<^uag-e which are the chief redeeming features
of this poetry, the taste and style are sometimes so vitiated
and vulgar that it fully deserves the nemesis of neglect
which is graduall}- falling upon it. The degenerate
court-intluence went a long way not only in fostering
a certain feminine langour and luxuriance of style, but it
was also responsible for the taint of indecencv which
often mars its best passages. This grossness was, no doubt,
partly conventional and sj)rang obviously from the poetic
convention established by tin- later artificial schools of
Sanscrit Poetry ; but, even admitting this, it must
be said that attempts to excuse this utter want of
decency and of morals have all proved futile, and the
least valid of all is that which would shield this poetry
under the mantle of the classics. The kittnlt take the i)lace
of dvlls of Baisiiaba songs; and the course of illicit
love or lust, with all its intricacies of courtship, intrigue,
and insolence was never suffered to flaunt itself with
such shameless impudence. Even Ham-prasjid, in spite
of his religious .^ougs, could not escape the contagion and
the exijuisite lyrics of the Kabiwalas were not wjiojlv
free from the taint.
44 BENGALI LITERATURE
These enormities in the existing schools of poetry cer-
tainly indicate the close of the literary age. Excess of folly
in poetry, like excess of injustice in political matters, lead
up to and foretell revohitions. Besides, the course of
ancient Beno^ali itself as a whole suffered from many draw-
backs which hampered its growth cruelly and which might by
itself have led to its ultimate extinction.
Inherent drawbacks „ „ , , i i i ^i i. i-
in the old literature Ot these drawbacks, the monotony ot
itself which retarded ^^^y,:.^^^ ^nd the limitation of form were
its growth. •'
the foremost and engage the critic at
once. It is true that the social and political conditions
under an alien rule were never wholly favourable to the
quiet development of national culture ; that the contempt
with which vernacular literature had been universally held
always retarded its growth ; that the Baisnaba movement,
even though it had wrested the monopoly of learning from
the Brahmans as a class, was more a sectarian than a
wide-spread national tendency and it only intensified
the devotional ardour which had very few opportuni-
ties for complete secularisation ; and that literature, at
least in the vernacular, was seldom cultivated for its own
sake in those days when a leisured class of literary or scienti-
fic men had never arisen ; yet even these circumstances do
not wholly explain the absolute limitation of subject to
religion in the main, and out of reli-
Limitation of subject, gio" to a little legend, a little contenv
porary social song, and the thinnest
surplus of other matters. Glorification of gods and goddess-
es seems to be the ultimate object of all the poets, who
could not venture to publish anything except under the
borrowed garb of religion. The marvellous results acct)m-
plished even within this limitation show that there was
surely nothing wrong with the genius of these poets but
something was wrong in the literature itself, that its
INTRODUCTOHY RETROSPECT 1-5
therm> was too narrow and limited to afford tlio fullest
scope for development and profrrcss.
Conservative tjiste. Q^e of the remarkable tendencies of
later Hindu culture j^enerally and of
all ancient vernacular literature in particular was, that
they carried the suppression of individuality too far : and
that the consequence has been to exalt authority and dis-
courao^e oriirinality. Of course, nothinij; can be more ob-
jectionable than the obtrusive self-assertiveness of modern
times, yet it must be admitted that it nevertheless furthers
intellectual proi^ress by relaxing^ the severity of effete
conventionalities and allowinc; ambition freer scope and
wider soarin^-re*j:ion. But this limitation of subject
and this conservative taste were
Monotony of form. coupled with a further limitation of
ancient j>oetry in its form, its staple
of stereotyped verses, beyond which it could never stray
but which was apt to become dull, monotonous, and sinoj-
song, esi)eeially because of its sectional pauses. Rut the
greatest ilrawback, which would of itself indicate the
poverty of the literature in its certain aspects, was the
eomj)Iete absence of prose as a vehicle
Absence of prose. ,,f literary expression. It is tiue that
in all literature, as the immortal jest
of Moliere imi)Iies, prose always comes after poetry ; yet
in ancient Bengali literature we have practically very
little fjood j)rose at all, however late.'
In critically examininjj tl.e literary history of Rtiifjal
in the pre-British era, it is impossible to mistake the
siornitioance of these facts : namely, thar its poetry, though
vigorously starte<l umler the best auspices and though
' Some aoconnt of the piowtli and dovelopmout of old Ben^mli
prose is (^ivcu in A pp. I at the end of this volume.
46 BENGALI LITERATURE
attaining to some naeasure of relative perfection, was
itself failin<2j , and that at no period of its loni^ history, it
produced prose that could be called such. There must
have been something wrong in the very system, some
coldness in the literary constitution to account for this
decadence and this poverty. If a literature after produc-
ing great things in the past does nothing more for
centuries, it' it shows signs of decadence and practically
limits itself to trities, then the conclusion is irresistible
that it badly wan^s a change. Long before the stability
of British rule was beyond all question a process of
decadence or dissolution had already begun which indi-
cated a change in its spirit. The British occupation and
its accompanying evils only hastened this change, so
that a new era of literary history began in Bengal
with the firm establishment of British rule. It is amiable
but entirely unhistorical imagination which suggests that
it was the British rule which enti-
These facts show that j-gU, g^gpt awav the old literature
the decadent litera- *^ ^ ^
ture, if it were to pro- and replaced it with the new. There
long its life, needed , 11,1 1 n j\
a change, and the ^^^ "o ^uch absolute breach or the
change was brought continuitv of our literary history;
by the British occiipa- • '' "^
lion of Bengal. a change was inevitable and the
British rule brought it about in the
most novel and unexpected way, although it would be
difficult to say what form it would have taken had
there been no British occupation of Bengal.
The commencement of the 19th century saw a more settled
order of things. Beginning with the
The beginning of the patch-work of the Regulating Act
19th century. ' . ^ o
of 1774, vigorous attempts were made
to reform the abuses of misrule which had been bringing
disirrace to British ideas of iustice and honour, and the
permanence of British rule was now more or less a settled
TNTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 47
fact. The Company in the meantime had been extendin";
its territories beyonil the limits of IJencfal. llastins^s
had bo Id I V thrown aside the mask of dual ^jovernment
which Clive had thoni»ht so expedient to wear. But even
HastiiiL^s, boldly ambitious of foundin«j: an Einpire in
India, could not carry out what he devised. The records
of the period «jive us some i^limpses of good intentions
but there was little of actual performanee. From Corn-
wallis's time however, we enter upon a brighter period.
Cornwallis had greater freedom from interference or
control, and his noble rank enabled him to demand his
own terms from the wise-heads at Leadenhall Street.
In spite of Thornton's strictures, it cannot be denied that
(-ornwaliis realised for the first time that the governed
as well as the governors ought to be considered in all
system of good government. It was he who gave a better
moral tone to the civil service. It is not necessary here to
trace step by step this gradual process of political recons-
truction from Cornwallis's time onward or enter into the
details of every scheme of reform or every administrative
measure. The general effect of these changes was that
the Company was gradually being transformed from a
trading corporation into a sovereign power. The idea
that Bengal was an estate which vielded a larere rental
but involved none of the responsibilities of government
had not, it is true, totally disap])eared ; but none of the
administratoi"s since this time can be rejrarded as mere
land-stewards of a private* property. Narrow views still
prevailed but we find a liberal-minded Governor-General
like WVllesley laying stress upon the fact that the Factory
had grown into an Empire and that the civil servants
should not consider themselves as mere agents of a
commercial concern but as responsible ofl[icers and adminis-
trators whose duty it was to understand the people.
48 BENGALI LITERATURE
The revenue system began to be pUceii on a secure
footing. There was greater peace and order throughout
the country, and the civil, criminal, and police functions
of the government were beginning to be organised.
The rural administration was taken in hand and
Calcutta was forming itself into a
Calcutta settling , -, -y , n ^
clown into a metro- metropolis. In 1771, we hnd
P°''^' Calcutta a stragglin<i: village of mud-
houses, the whole of the ground south of Chandpal Ghat
thickly covered with jungle and forest-trees. From 1780
onwards, we read in the Calcutta papers of frequent
complaints about the indescribably filthy condition of the
streets and roads which is fully confirmed by the account
of Grandpre in 1790, who tells us of the canals and cess-
pools reeking with putrefying animal matter — the awful
stench coming out of them — the myriads of Hies and
Hocks of animals and birds acting as scavenger.* In the
times of Hastings and Francis and for a long time after
that, daeoity and highway robbery within a mile of the
seat of government and of the Supreme Court were, we
have seen, crimes exceedingly prevalent. But when
Hastings' government abolished the provincial Revenue
Councils and transferred from Murshidabad to Calcutta
the seat of the Supreme Courts of Justice as well as the
head-seat of revenue administration and the Khalsa,
Calcutta was being deliberately designed to become ulti-
mately the political capital of Bengal. ^ By 1800, a busy
' This state of things continued for a long time and we here of cons-
tant complaints of this not only in the English papers and also in the
Samachar-darpan as late 1818, See the Samachar-darpan, Nov. U, 1818 ;
May 27, 1820 etc. (the quotations, will be found given in my article on
the above-mentioned paper in Sahitija Pari.^at Pdtrika vol. 24, no. 3,
p. 163.)
" Gleig, Memoirs of Wairen Hastings, vol. i. p. 263.
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 49
and HourisliinfT town was beini]^ built up' ; and attracted
by its commercial importance, of which, notwithstanding
the monopoly of the Company ami its discourairement of
private enterprise, Stavorinns, writing so far back as 1770,
bears strong testimony, many Bengali families as well
as men of other nationalities began to settle down. From
the time of the inroads of the Mah-
Ituollectual and rattap, people had fled from the interior
social centres snrinf;- , ,,^^^ ^i i i i-
in- iipalong the banks and settled down on the banks of
of the Ganges, close to ^he Ganges, close to Calcutta, where
Calcutta. . .
in course of time, there arose
several flourishing towns while the rest of Bengal lay
under disorder and misrule. Bengal in the times past
had many capitals and many centres of learning, and all
these now converged to the few spots along the Ganges-
bank and chiefly to the metropolis. It is natural to
expect that here, with Calcutta as its centre, began the
earliest efforts to diffuse knowledge, reform abuses, formu-
late new ideas, and build up a new order of society and
literature. From this arises the importance of the metro-
polis in later Bengali literature — an importance whieh
will be more fully realised when we consider that refined
Importance of the city '"Inanity is one of the main character-
and the metropolis in jytJcg which differentiates the modern
later Bengali liter-
ature, literature from its pre- British prede-
cessor. If the ancient literature, as one of its historians
says, was a gift of the lower to the higher classes
and was fostered chiellv in the remote and secluded
' On the history and topography of old Calcutta, literature is scat-
tered and plentiful. One may however consult with advantage
A. K. Roy, A Short Hibtory of Calcutta ; Rainey, Topographical and
Historical Sketch of Calcutta, 1876 ; Busteod, Echoes from Old Calcutta ;
Cotton, Calcutta Old and Neic ; articles in Bengal Pant and Preient
and references given therein; Long, Calcutta in Olden time.
7
50 BENGALI LITERATURE
villai^e-homcs, the modern literature
Urbanity of modern j^ ^ostlv the work of the educated
Bengali literature.
man of the city, and a pjift from him
spreading down to the lowest classes. In studying? modern
literature, we must steadily keep our eyes fixed upon these
centres of intluences, of which Calcutta and Srirampur,
as we shall see, become all-important in the first stage of
our history.
In these crowded cities, which had drawn into it the fiower
of the Bengali families from all parts of the country and
which afforded endless opportunities of intercourse between
the European and the Bengali commu-
Growth of Calcutta . . ...
and its awakening to nities, a new era was begmning in
new influence.. ^j^g ^^^,{^1 ^,^j ]iterary history of the
jieople. Happily for the country, the hour of awakening
to new thoughts had dawned. On the 10th October,
1800, we find the missionaries at Srirampur thus writing
home: " There appears to be a favourable change in the
general temper of the people. Commerce has roused new
thoughts and awakened new energies, so that hundreds,
if we could skilfully teach them, would crowd to learn the
English language.''* Hitherto Education had l)een totally
neglected. The history of English education in Bengal
has a verj important bearing on the history of the intel-
lectual progress and will be sketched in its proper place ;
it would be enough to indicate here that during the early
days of the Comj^auv's rule, the pro-
ningofthe 19th cen- in England, was regarded as a duty
of the government; on the contrary,
the safety of the Indian Empire was tliought to depend
' .<mith, Life of Williain Carey, (New reprint, 1912), p. 274; Eustace
Carey, Memoirs of William Carey, pp. -106-7.
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 51
upon keopinp; the people immersed in i£jnoranee. It was
not until Welleslev's time that more liberal ideas be<raii
to ijain sjjround. Thus the history of education in
this early period, as we shall see, consisted chiefly
of the educational efforts of private individuals who had set
up sehools for instruction in tiie rudiments of learning.
Such small isolated attempts are obviously by their very
nature bound to be transitory ; and such private schools
eouKl not surely be expected to answer the larger purj)ose
of national education. Such humble efforts date so far
back as 17 17' ; but the desire of prospering in commercial
enterprise under the new condition of things served as a
great incentive to English education, as Persian education,
now declining, had been eagerly sought for under the
Mohammedan administration. In 1796, only a few Bengali
children were taught by European school-masters : but
gradually a set of Bengali teachers possessing a smatter-
ing of English came into existence and opened schools.
In those days, however, penmanship, (juiekness in calcu-
lations, and a knowledge of accounts were considered
greater accomplishments than an accurate study of English
itself ; and even men like Ram-duliil De, we are told,
never careil to make a better ac(|uaintanee with P]nglish
than picking up a few broken phmses of collocpiial speech ;
for such knowletlgp was enough to make them serve as
ship-sarkiirs, banians, and writers and ultimately win for
them colossal fortunes. Thus although the study of
English was sought for, no systematie course of instruction
was given or requireil ; and for a time a low and broken
FInglish, or half-English and half- Bengali gibberish was
spoken, of which humorous sj)ecimens may be found in
' Long, Haud-Book to Bcngul Mi»i>iona, p\>. 441-451. But sco Good
Old DaifB, vol. i, p. 893 et acq.
52 BENGALI LITERATURE
Raj-narayaii Basu^s delif^htful little sketch of that time.
Sometimes, to eke out this half-diction, gesture-language
was used, somewhat in the manner in which Gulliver spoke
to the Lilliputians.
The state of Bengali education, if not in a worse, was
at least in no better plight. The
state of Bengali edu- ^^ss of Bengali manuscripts recently
cation. " _ ^ _ ''
unearthed by patient investigations of
modern scholars was mostly unknown, and the literature
of the time, possessing hardly any printed books, consisted
chiefly of a handful of works, Manasa, Dharmamarigal,
Mahabharat of Kasidas, Ramilyan of Krttibas, Chandi
of Kabi-karikan, Annadamarigal of Bharat-chandra, and
probably the songs of Ram-prasad. The only works which
were read in the Path-salas, we learn on the authority of
the biographer of Ram-kamal Sen', were Gurudaksina
and the rules of arithmetic by Subharikar. There were
neither good schools nor were there proper elementary text-
books for purposes of instruction ; and even a decade later,
this was one of the initial difficulties which the School
Society felt in carrying out its worthy object of Bengali
education. Such was the state of Bengali learning at this
time that we learn from a writer in the Friend of India-
" If they can ivrife at all, each character, to say nothing
of orthography, is made in so irregular and indistinct a man-
ner, that comparatively few of them could read what is
written by another : and some of them can scarcely wade
through that has been written by themselves, after any
lapse of time. If they have learnt to recul, they can
' Pearychand Mitra, Life of Bamkonud Sen (1880), p. 7.
* vol. ii, p.392, qnoted in Cal Rev. vol. xiii, 1850. p. 132. Sec also
Quarterly Friend of India, vol. iv. p. 1.52. This remark ia confirmed by
what ForBter says in tlie Introduction to liis Vocnbulary with rpgard
to the uncertainty of Bengali spelling and Bengali script.
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 53
seldom road (ive words (ogcther, without stoppinif to make
out the syllables, and often scarcely two, even when the
writinp: is lejj^ible. The ease is precisely the same with
the knowledo^e of Jiffnrex." These observations, however,
eomin«j[, as they do perhaps, from a missionary, whose
personal knowleds:e of the country and its inhabitants
miiijht not perhaits have extended beyond narrow limits,
must be taken subject to this reservation that althouj^h
this miixht be the picture of the jjfeneral state of kuowled<jc
and culture at this time, yet there still lived in di^ifnitied
isolation a few learned pundits in the remote villa<:]jes and
that the days of Sanscrit learnini^ were not quite over. But
even these Brahmans, with a few exceptions, were now, j»s
we have stated, a fallen race ; and the exclusive genius of
Brrihmaiiisni in its lowest phase not only barred the masses
from the temple of knowledge but also made themselves
neglect the vernacular as " Prakrit " dialect lit only for
" demons and women." So far indeed had they carried
their contempt for their mother-tongue that while they
cultivated the learned language with assiduity, they, in
many instances, prided themselves on writing the language
of the people with inaccuracy and sometimes in an almost
unintellii^ible semi-barbaric sanscritiscd style. We shall
see some specimens of the latter kind even in the writings
of the more accomplished Pundits of the Fort William
College. It is natural to expect that these so-called
pundits should strenuously discourage the use of the
vernacular among the people and set their face against its
improvement. The neglect of the vernaculars, especially
Bengali, had reached such a stage that when Dr. Carey
began to lecture at Fort William College, he could hardly
muster a ehiss ; and the same learned doctor when he
visited Nadiyii, not many years ago the illustrious centre
of Bengali language and literature, ' he could not discover
54 BENGALI LITERATURE
more than 10 separate works, all in mamiseripts, as the
whole literature of 30,000,000 of people up to that
time."i
The state of learninn^ in Bei^^al may not be uufitly
compared to that in Eni^land after the ravai^es of the
Danes, of which Kint^^ Alfred said "there was a time when
i:>eople came to this island for instruction, now we must ^et
it from abroad, if we want it". For, under this state of
things, it is obvious that no impetus coming from within,
if imjirovement is to be effected, it
Improvement comes ^^ ^^.^^^ Outside. When we
trom Without.
picture to ourselves adventurers, ne'er-
do-wells, plain townsfolk and country-folk, peaceful home-
stayers in the remote villages and commercial banians in
the crowded cities, and later on, well-to-do English gentle-
men pushing their way up the river, laying out broad
plantations and sultanising over the whole neighbourhood,
we can hardly expect any manifestation of the literary
genius in such an environment. With the mental and
physical absorption incident upon social and political disorders
in the country, with no metropolis to furnish the needed
contact of mind with mind, with repressive material needs
causing large drain upon one's j)hysical energy, and above
all, with the decay of artistic impulses and literary tradi-
tions, it is no wonder that the nation produced little
literature and developed little culture of importance. The
impulse at length came from outside. We cannot but
acknowledge with feelings of mingled shame and grateful-
ness that the first and earliest efforts
European workers, . . .
civilians and mis- Ht ameleoratmg our condition were
sonaries, in the field. ^^ade by a handful of i.hilanthropic
Europeans, both civilians and missionaries, who in their
' Smith, op. cit., p. 202.
INTRODUCTORY RETROSPECT 55
lil)eval views niove«l far ahoa'l of their a^c. In spite of the
Cornwallis Code and the public {)oliey
Relation between the . . in
European ami the ot exclusion, the rul-r and the ruled
U.M.guli community , j . ^ y ■ ^^^^^ ^^^-^
in those days. '^ '^
and fello\v-feelin«i,'. With the assump-
tion of the responsibilities of political government, the
riding classes began to take greater interest in the lives
of the |)eople committed to their care. In vain do we seek
in modern Bengal philanthropists of the type of Colvin,
Palmer, Carey, Marshman, and David Hare, whose memory
is still gratefully cherished by the Bengali-speaking race.'
No doubt, the Company's servants hitherto had never re-
garded India as tiieir home but they iiail been alwa3's
sojourners in a far country whose only ambition was to obtain
riclies as soon as possible and return home as gentlemen of
leisure. This was one of the underlying causes of the
constant disputes between the Company and its self-seeking
agents ; and it is no wonder that throughout the 18th century
constant complaints of corruption, peculation, and general
dishonesty of the agents are to be found in the Letter-
Books of the Company. But with stability of British rule,
when commercialism was declining as a dominating factor
in the Company's policy, and with the realisation of greater
administrative responsibility, this order of things was
gradually changing. Two oljvious reasons naturally
strengthened the ties which Iwund these foreigners to this
country. The first is that in those days of weary and
perilous voyage round the Cape, mtMi who came out to
India and had a taste for the ea.sy going (sometimes reck-
less) life of pleasure and profit in the tropics, ha<l no mind
to return home very soon ; while in the next place, the
' The couplet goes thas (qnotodin Raj-niiniynii Basu's Ekal OSeknl);
50 BENGALI LITERATURE
number of Europeans who lived here was very small and
they consisted mostly of officials ; for not only was the
climate unsuitable to Europeans <^enerally' but the policy
of the government also regarded tlie introduction of free-
trade and Eiiropeans to be danj^erou^ to the safety of the
newly acquired empire. But whatever mi;^ht be the reason,
there is no i^ainsayinj^ the fact that most of these
Europeans, who had lived here for a Ion": time, had a genuine
affection for the country, and some of them went so far as
to adopt the manners and customs and even the dress of
the Bengali population. Enjoying the hooka, whose "long
ornamental snake coiled round and round the rails of the
chair" was one of the customs, among others^ immortalised
by Thackeray, which was long fashionable- with these
official and non-official 'Nabobs' ; and it would surprise
many a modern reader to learn that it even fascinattd the
ladies, on whose part *'it was considered a high compliment
to show a preference for a gentleman by tasting his hooka".
Besides this affection of the early European settlers
for their land of adoption, which
Study of Bengali by prompted them to exiiress themselves
European settlers. ^ | _ '
occasionally in its language, there
were other purely political and utilitarian grounds which
' Cf. Sir Philip Francis's impressions of his residence in this country.
Macaulay, writinp: after 60 years with the experience of a much
improved countiy, speaks almost in the same strain in his characteris-
tically sweeping way.
* A picture of this custom and manner of life is preserved for us in
the pages of the immortal Alalcr Gharcr Dalai. We read in Carey's
Dialogues (3rd Ed. 1818, p. 3) that one of the indispensably necessary
servant of the Englishman's household was a hookabardar or n man to
prepare his hookn. Stavorinus (vol. i, 345) also relates how on the
occasion of his visit to Governor Cartier at Calcutta, he was treated
with the hooka at an orientally sumptuous banquet given in his lionour.
See also Busteed, op. cH. p. 157; Good Old Daya, vol. i. 63.
INTRODUCTORV RKTROSPKCl 57
iiitUiced them to the study and encouragement of the
vernacular. Time was coming when Bengali sliould, both
officially as well as po[)ularly, be the recognised vernacular;
and both Halhed and Forstor, the two earliest important
European writers in Bengali, rightly insist at some
length ujion the absurdity and inconvenience of continuing
Persian as the language of the Court
Its political an.l .^,,,1 ^1,^. „,arkot-place and advocate
utilitarian grouiul. '
more wide-spread and general use of
Bengali in its phice. Exigencies of administration which
had made it almost obligatory for the governors to learn the
language of the governed hat^tened this movement towards
the neglected vernacular. The missionaries, on the other
hand, found out early that if they were to reach the
I)eople directly they must first learn their language and gain
a thorough knowledge of their modes of thinking and feel-
ling. Systematic mission-work always presupposed a
th<trough training in their language. All these and other
reasons first impelled the early European settlers to take
to a systematic study of the neglected vernacidar. When
therefore with the disappearance of the old Bengali
writers, Bengali literature had been sent adrift to shift
for itself as best as it could, it was taken uj) and fostered
by strangers hailing from distant lands whom fortunately
political, personal, or utilitarian reasons, if not alwa3s the
love of the language or the literature itself, first urged to
its elaborate study under entirely new conditions.
This brief and necessarily incomi)lete j)icture of the
general state of this country from 1760 to 1800 will, to
some extent, exhibit the new
CoiKlu.linKrom.irkH conditions under which modern
on tno sijjniticnnco of
the general history of Bengali literature first came into
the time to its literary , . mi • ^ i^-i .< i
liiatory. • being. 1 he nistability and pertur-
bation, consequent upon these political
8
58 BENGALI LITERATURE
changes as well as the almost entire disintegration of
social solidarity will no doubt explain the external
circumstances which retarded the growth of literature,
but the literature itself since the days of Bharat-chandra
had been showing inherent signs of exhaustion and decay,
which was only hastened, instead of being cheeked, by
political and social revolutions. The necessarily slow and
laborious process of reconstruction which followed upon
these vicissitudes absorbed men's mind for more than half a
century from 1800. This will explain not only why w&
do not come across any great and important writer
before we reach the age of Michael or Bai'ikim but it will
also exhibit very clearly how literary movements in Bengal
had perforce been closely bound up with political, social,
relio'ious, and other movements in the first half of the
19th century. Every great writer of this period of
transition was of necessity a politician, a social reformer,
and a religious enthusiast. We need hardly cite, for
illustration, the long list of such important names
as those of Ram-mohan Ray, Krsnamohan Bandyopadhyay,
Aksay Datta, Debendranath Thakur, Isvar-ehandra Bidya-
sagar, Tck-chand, or Rujendralal Mitra. Even in the
next generation Bankim-cliandra could not keep himself
entirely free from this universal tendency. Politics, social
reform, and religious revival went hand in hand with literary
creation. From 1825 to 1858, if not in the period
actually under review in this volume, we sliall have to
extend our vision and include in our
Literary movements consideration various aspects of natio-
in tho 19th century
closely bound up with nal history other than the one which
political, social, and . i i-i rr i i. t> r
other movements. ^^ merely literary. To treat Bengali
Literature in the 19th century as a
series of isolated phenomenon is to give a wrong historical
perspective, for here, as everywhere, literary thought and
INTRODrCTORV HHTROSPKCT 59
contemporary events are two inseparable aspects of national
history. It is trne that durini; the period between ISOO
and I8i >, with which more specially the present enqnirv
is eoncernel, these teulencies did not come into such
bold relief as in the period immediately followin<^ upon
it, ytt for the understandin;^^ of the ^'eneral drift, the
historian t>f literature must from the bei^innini^ keep in
view tliL' relation of literature to the political and social
history of the time ; and this, apart from all reference to
the theory of the insensible mouldinsf of the literary mind
and art by the consiilerations of race, time, or circumstance,
will sutHcienth' make clear the necessity of devotin"
tedious pi^res to a i»;eneral description of the state of this
country at the outset of our literary history.
The immediate effect of the political and social
vicissitudes of the second half of the eiijhteenth century was
depreciatiiiij in the extreme. The old Bcn^^ali literature,
which had been subsidiiiij i;raduiilly into decrepitude
and decay, i)ractically disappeared. The Kabiwalas, the
few isolated writers in the old style, the authors of
Paih'hali, and the host of inferior imitators of Bhfirat-
chandra had no doubt kept up the continuity of literary
history and maintained, even with
Absence of literary declining; jiowers, the ancient trend
ventures in the first r ii i * i r r \i ,. l
period of our history: »* thought and feelin-. But It was
how to bo cxpUiiiuil. ^„ aj,'e not conspicuous for the
appreciation of hi;^h ideas nor for
any great enthusiasm for literary ventures. The decadence,
iuspite of these belated efforts of an inferior, if not an
insigniticant, band of writers, was rapidly hastened and
the necessity of an e.vternal stimulus, which alone could
have given a new lease of life to the declining literature,
was urgently felt. Such an external stinmlns was not
forthcoming until sometime had elapsed and trancjuillity
fO BENGALI LITERATURE
bad been attained, until the rich and plentiful literature
of the West, which under the peculiar circumstances was
alone capableof furnishing the needed impetus, had been made
accessible to the literary men of Bengal. Tn the meantime,
the alien rulers of Bengal, brought uj) in I he habits of
unchecked power and in the ignorance and passion of an
adventurous life, cared little for culture or literature.
The general people of the country, among whom literary
traditions and aspirations had been all but extinct or
had not found scope for free play, were apathetic to
literary culture and devoted their attentions, in this
troublesome time, to the more urgent and engrossing
material necessities of life. The first
Necessity of a re- ^^^^,. therefore, that had to be taken,
generation or the
freneral inteiiec-tuul before literary venture could be
life in the countiv ., , ^ ^ ^•n> • p
before n renewal of possible, was towards ditfusion ot
literature conld ho knowledge, spread of education, and
made possible. _ ' '
promotion of literary tendencies.
The first half of the 10th century, therefore, was entirely
taken up in the realisation of these objects. It was
necessary to prepare text-books, to translate standard works
from foreign languages, to reprint older classics from
inaccessible manuscripts, and in this way generally to
furnish a leaven for elevating the decaying intellectual
life of the country. This was the work chiefly of the
foreign writers in Bengali and their colleagues, the
Pundits of the Fort "Willi. m College,
Importance of the ^^,|,^ }xeY(i pioneers in various dciiart-
work ot the Knropean '■ '■
writers in this respect, ments of vernacular writing and who
wrote, not with any personal literary
ambition but with the more modest yet useful object of
promoting general education. To their efforts, therefore,
we chiefly owe, in a very practical sense, if not the
regeneration of our literature, at least the regeneration of
IXTRODITTORV KETROSPECT 61
intellectual aotivitios in the country. It is not in the
least de£;ree correct to say, as it has been often enthnsiasti-
cally said, that it is the missionary, especially Dr. Carey,
who ereated modern Benj^ali Literature. The crt-ation of
modern literary Bengali covers a period of more than half
a century from Carey's time and literary styK , in the
strict sense of the term, was not attained until a
generation later when a band of youthful Bengali writers
had come into the field, ecpiipped in all the wealth of the
new knowledge. It is true, indeed.
Impetus pivcn to the ^|j^^ j-j^^ missionaries gave an impetus
spread of iMiuc.it ion " *
ar.rl ponernl culture. to vernacular writing when it was
generally neglected. But at the
same time it must be borne in mind that we cannot fasten
the parentage of modern Bengali upon the missionaries
only, much less upon Dr. Carey alone, and that literature
was never the sole object of the ICuropean writers but
etlueation or evangelisation. If their work fostered
literature, it was not due to any definite intention on their
part to do so, but it was an incidental result of what they
had done for the revival of education in Bengal. A national
literature, whether ancient or modern, is the outcome of a
long process of development and even Carey himself
had realised very early that, in spite of the efforts of the
foreigners, the best way of building up such a literature
would be indueing the children of the soil themselves to
take to earnest literary work. The missionary, even if he is
a talented man like Carey, did hardly jiroduee anything
strictly deserving the name of litera<ure. The importance
of the missionary-work in Bengali does n<»t lie in this ;
the literature of to-day is work not of Carey, Halhed, or
Forster but of the people of the soil, of Mrlyun jay, of
Ram-mohan, of Bankim-chandra, of Michael Madiiusudan.
The missionaries, however, did a great work in the first
62 BENGALI LITERATURE
quarter of the nineteenth century in supplying the needed
impetus to education by founding schools, writing
elementary school-books, and diffusing knowledge through
the medium of Bengali — all which however had a more
wide and far-reaching effect than what they were actually
intended to produce.
AVe mav resent this foreign intrusion at the outset of
our history but under the circumstances and in the
environment such as they were, it could not have been
otherwise. No doubt, the hour had come for such a
regeneration and reconstruction. Had
Foreign intrusion there been no foreign workers in the
sit' ;, 'I'LvoidX:; field, the work, "however delayed,
its good effects. would not Certainly have remained in
abeyance. But the missionaries were
the first to take up the work in right earnest, and, in this
respect, the importance of these early half-forgotten
foreiirn writers can never be exaggerated. Of
course, as in all early periods of literary history, the
work done here chiefly consisted of translation and
adaptation; yet it must be admitted that there is hardly
any department of useful knowledge which these European
writers did not touch. It is true that they could not
adorn whatever they touched j but when we consider the
large number of workers in the field — Carey, Marshman,
AYard, Haughton, Yates, Morton, Pear&on, Mack, Pearce,
Miller, Harley, May, Stewart, to mention at random a
few of the more well-known — their earnest philanthropic
zeal, their unflagging diligence, the extraordinary variety,
extent and influence of their writings, we cannot surely
speak lightly of these pioneer writers.
It is easier to disclaim foreign influence and talk of
independence than actually to attain it. The literary
history of Bengal in the l9th century is really the history
INTRODL'CTORV RETROSPECT 63
of the influence of European ideas on Bengali thuught.
AVe can indeed dismiss, without much
Contait with the sei'ious loss, the early European writers,
West.a.Kl inlluencoof j , j ^^^.^^-^^ \l^^-^, 0,,,,, ^jlterjor
western uleus im -^
modern literattue. objects in tlu'ir assiduous study
of the vernacular antl whose writings,
considered as literature, possess little or no intrinsic merit.
Rut we cannot dismiss so easily those immaterial
immigrants, known as influences, which came in with the
flrst European settler in the land and brought on by degrees
a conflict and a revolution in our ideas anil modes of
life. When necessity had brought the East and the West
side by side, it would be idle to quote Kipling's famous
dictum of the unchanging East or assert ourselves
independent of all contact or influence
What the Enropcan of western ideas. The pioneer efforts
writers did for the c j\ • • i *i „i „ i
spread and acceptance ^^ the missionary and the school-
of these ideas. master for diff'ising knowledge and
culture through the medium of
Bengali had surely a more wide-reaching effect than that
of giving temporary impetus to dormant intellectual or
literarv activities: for the literature which had been brouijht
into being through the ir.fluence of western ideas was only
one effect of a vaster revolution in thought, manners, and
religion which had taken place in this countrv through our
contact with the West. It is out of this conflict of the
eastern with the western ideals that our modern literature
has grown; and the rude early efforts of the missionary and
the school-master, by propagating western ideas, had paved
the way for this j)eculiar development of cidture and
literature in Rengal. It is with the missionary and the
school-master, therefore, that we must begin our studv of
the history of this national progress as reflected through
the vernacular literature. It is thev who have laid the
64 BENGALI LITERATURE
foundations npon whicli the vast fabiic of present-day
literature is based, and every liistorieal survey must eciually
embrace and define the place of the pioneer who did the
spade-work as well as that of the mature litterateur who
wins the laurel-w-reath of later glories.
CHAPTER III
EARLIEST El'ROPEAX WKITKUS.
It is not before the ti nil establislimenl <>F tlio British
rule in Bengal, in the ber:;innini^ of the IVHh eentnry, that
the early European settlers eanie i'l louch with Brniiali
lani^uawe and literature. Before this, there is no trace ot
systematic effort in this direction, althoui^h several works
have been discovered which belont,^ to a jieriod earlier
than 1800. Of these works, it is not easy, however, to
determine with certainty what Anulo- Bengali Mritin*; can
claim the distinction of beinir the first publication 1)V a
Euroi)ean writer. Grierson in two papers in the Jonriiul aud
Proceed i/if/s of the Asiatic Society of
Early publications by Jj,, ,3] , " j.^lj, ^j,^^, (l,^ go-called
r^nropean writers. '^ '
Bengali rendering of the Lord's Prayer
in C'hamberlayne's 5y//(/y(', published in 1710, is perhaps
the earliest extant attempt at Bengali composition l)y a
European writer. This ^i/lloge is a collection of translations
of the Lord's Pi-a\erinto various languagee, prepared by
John Chaniberlaynf and David \N'ilkins. This work actually
contains a plate jiurporting to represent
Early isolated attom- ^ translation in Bengali which is head-
pl8. "
ed "Bengaliea." But it has been shown
' Journal of the Aniatic Society of Bengal, vol. xlii, 1803, p. 42ff. and
Proceedings of the same Society, ISO.'j. p. 89. Tlio plate is piven in the
Proctedingg. See also tJrierson, Linyuigtic Survey, vol. v, pt. i. )». 23.
The charac'ors are hardly Bengali.
9
(iti BENGALI LITEHATUKE
that this unintelli^j:il)l(.' jarj^on is not Bengali at all : and
Wilkins himself confesses in the pre-
So-CHlled Bengali vi-r- f »Aii ijii.ivii„
siou of Lord's Prayer ^^ce to that woik that he had been
in Chamberlayne's unable to obtain a Beno-ali renderinor
Sylloge. . "^ *
(which language he thought to be
all but extinct !) but that he had written a Malay version
in the so-called Bengali character, (jrierson also mentions'
that in the Orientalisch-nnd-occifhtifalischer Sprachmeisfer
comi)iJed bv Johann Friedrich Fritz (Leipzig, 1748);
(he Bengali alphabet given as a specimen is said to have
been taken from the Aurcnck S:eb. apparently a life of
a Aurangzeb, by Georg Jacob Kehr.
Aurncck Szel. p r •
But or this latter book no trace
remains.
Leaving aside these isolated and tentative efforts,
real attempt at sustained Bengali composition did not
begin till the time when the Portuguese, before the
Enirlish, had beijun to establish themselves in Bengal.
The Portuguese, by 1530, had settled
The Portuguese in j,^ ^^^^^^. .^^ ^^^ ^j^j^ country and
Ueiigal. • ' '
carried on an extensive trade in the
chiei sea-])orts. The nun-ber of people claiming themselves
to be of Portuguese descent was in the 17th century very
larixe and Portuguese language had established itself as the
lingua franca of the country.- Among these Portuguese
adventurers and pirates, howtner, we (;an never expect any
serious attempt at literary composition : but the Portuguese
missionaries seem to have done some work in this direction.
Bernier,'^ about 1C60, si)eaks of "Portugal fathers and
missionaries" in Bengal and savs that in Bengal there are
' Gricrson, Linguistic Snncy. loc. cit.
- Tlie Portuguese language lias bequeathed a large number of
expressions to the vernacular tongue.
» Travels, p. 27.
EARLIEST ETKOPEAN WHITEHS 07
to bo t'oiind not less than eiu;lit or nine thousand tiitnilies
of "Franfjjiiis, l^ortiiij^als". huleeil there is fiioui^h evitU'nce
to show that Roman Catholic Mission, some of Portiijjuese
oiij^in, had at tliis time its centre in
Uunian Catholic and many paits of" Ben^jjal and that it had
rortuiruese Missionn- i ' i i v. ■• •. ,• 1,1
lies. extended it> activity iiom Jialasore
and .lln>;li to Chittagon;^ and
Dacca.' Ironi the records left by these missionaries
it seems that these Catholic missionaries, like their
Protestant or Dissentinji^ successors in the next centurv,
did not neglect to mix with the j>eojile of Ben<^al and
learn their lanii^uage. In I ()8-"5, Father Marcos Antonio
Satucci S.J., the superior of the ^lission a!nun<4' these
Bengali converts between UwD and JtiS 1 writes thus:
"The fathers have not failed in their
Translation-work in 1. . .1 1 1 ... 1 ii >
jjgjj jj duty : tliey nave learned the language
well, have composed vocabularies, a
grammar, a c nfessiouary and prayers: they have
ti-anslated the Christian dnctrine etc., nothing of which
existed till now."'-' Ilosten mentions another earh-
allusion to translational woik undertaken in Rental in a
letter of Ei-ancis Fernandez, dated Siripnr, a town of
''Bengalla"^ January 17, 1599, where it is stated that
' Father Hostcn S. J. of the St. Xavier's College, Calcutta, has been
giving interesting accounts of tiiese niis.sioiis and missionaries in the
Journal of the Asiatic Sortelii of Hcinjal (Feb. 11*11) ami lieiuinl Past
und I'regent.
* O Chroninta de Tissunry, Cum. vol. ii, 18<)7, p. 12, (juoted by llosteu
in Bengnl Past and Pintcnt, vol. i.x, pt. i. Tiiis Ciiiirch still exists. It
was twice burnt down and rel)niU. Its records, I am given to under-
stand, have all perished in tlie lire.
* Siripnr, we learn from an article {Portiiguc»e i>i India) in Cnl.
Rev. vol. v., 1K4(>. is situated 18 miles south of Sonergang in Dacca
and was in the With centnrv an extensive Portuguese settlement.
It is modern firipur. See .TMlTndrnmohan R«i\ , IHi'tkar Itihufn vol. i.
p. 839.
68 BENGALI LITERATURE
Fernandez composed a small treatise explaining summarily
tile j)oints of the Christian relij^ion and a small catechism
in the form of a dialosjue. Father Dominic De Souza
translated both these works into the "Benc^alla'' tonijue.'
In Let Ires Edijiantes el Cur tenses,'- Father Barbier, as early
as 1723, mentions that he prepared a little catechism in
Bensi^ali. From these and otlier references, it is not
iiazardous to conclude that these Portu<^uese missionaries,
like Carey and Marshman of a later age, though on a
modest scale, must have created and left behind them an
interesting bodv of Portuguese-Bengali literature. Of this
Portuguese-Bengali literature, little trace remains. Of
the few extant writings of a distinctly Portuguese origin,
three works, all jiurported to be written or edited by
Manoel da Assump9a6, Rector of Missio de Santa Nicolao
de Tolentino deserve mention.
All these works are supposed to have been written at
Nagori, Bhawal, near Dacca. It has alreadv been men-
tioned that the I'ortuguese missionaries had a centre at
Dacca, where the existence of a church has been mentioned
by Pere Barbier in the Lett res Ed if antes. Tavernier,
^ Bengal Past and Present, Jaly to December, 1910, p. 220, quoting
Ewtrait de Lettres du P. Xicolan Pimento ...Anvers, Trognese, 1601.
Nii'holas Pinienta was a .Jesuit missionary of Goa (Visitenr de la
Coinp.Tgnie de Jesus en I'lnde I'iin 1.598). He sent these two mis-
sionaries, Francois Fernandez and Dominic (or Dominique) Sosa, to
Bengal, from whose letters to Pimenta we get some account of
contemporary Bengal and the Portuguese Missions at Siripur and
elsewhere. See Peirre Du Jarric. Uii'toire des hides O.ientah's 1610,
chap xxix ; also .\xx to xxxiii. Also see Nicalao Pimenta, Relatio
Historica de rebus in India Orientali. Anno. MDCl. See Beveridge,
BakarL/anj, p. 29 and otlicr references.
' Lettre de Pere Barbier, Missionaire do la Compagnie de
Jesus, La Mission de Carnate, January lo, 1723, in Lettres Edifiantes
et Curieuses. Nouvelle Ed. Memoires de Indes. tome xiii, 1781,
p. 278.
KAllLIEST i:ri{()l'KAX W Kl'lKKS OH
about 10:^0, states that Dacca lias :i "olnnvli of the
Au<;ustiniaiis, a vt-iy ^taloly |iilt';"'
at DiK-ia ' Hostel), ill his papers on Koinan
C'athohc ^lissions and Missionaries,
gives interestins: aceounts, from oriijinal records, of this
Mis.MO de S. Nicolao Tolentino, iienr IJhawal, Dacca. -
Maiioel thi Asstinip(;ao, a native of Kvora and an
Aiitjiistiiiian f'ri;ii- of the ('oii^rega(;a6
av^"""'' "^^ *'^'"""''" '^=^ I'''''^^ Oriental, was the Keetor
of this Mission. Of his life and
labours, nothin<]j definite is known : hut he seems to have
been a zealons missionary and com-
His two works i" . „ i * i i i Vi i
j3pj ,jjjj posed two books and edited one m
lieny-ali with the object of affordinj^
facilities to the missionaries in their lien<jfali discussions
with the "Bramenes and Gentoos."^
Of these tliree works, his earliest composition
seems to have been what Father Tliirso Lopes, in
his note to Ilostei's paper,' calls an Abridp^ment
of the Mysteries of Faith (('ompendio dos misterios
da fee, ordenado tin liiiLTua Beiii^alla pelo P. Fr.
' Tnvernier's Travels, ed. Hall, L.)ndon, 18S9, vol. i.. p. 128.
* ReferenccB given anfe 'J'ho other centres of tlieso An^ifiistininn
mii*!tinnnric8 in Bentfal wns tlio Convent of N. Senium «lo UoFnrio of
Uj^alim (Hnj(li) in Bensfalii.
' Father llosten 8tat<>-< (lir'ni/il /'"•■>' "n'l Prcseu', vol. ix.pt. i p. 42)
that he has been itifornied fliat MSS of these works are now in the
Public Library of Evora.
* Quoted in no:o (4) above. P'ather Lopes'.t authorities, in
addition to Barbosa Machado and Ossinper, arc . Catalogo dos Manus-
criptos da Bibliothecn I'lthlicn Ehnreime ordenado pelo Bibliothecario
Joaqnim Ileliodoro da Cunha Rivara, t. i p. 34.'j ; Silva,
Diccionnrio Bibliogin}>hicu Porltignez t. v. p. 367 ; Honifacio Moral,
Revista La Ciuiad de Dio<>, t. 37. pp. 4.33-34. Unfortunntoly these books
are not available here.
7U BENGALI LITE RATI' RE
Manot'l da Assump(;ao). A little worm-eaten and partly
mutilated copy of this work' e.xi.sts in the Librar\- of
the Asiatic Society of Beiig-al. The runninj^ title is:
Ci-fjjdr X.i.rlft'r Orlfi,h/ied or Cathe-
Crepar Xaxu-cr Orth, ^-^^^^^^ ^j^^ Dnalr'uia CJiristad. The
hhed or Cdthfciaino
da Doutriiia Christaa copv ill the Asiatic Society is want-
ing in the title-page; but an interest-
ing certificate of publication in Portuguese is inserted
at the beuinnin": from which we learn that it was com-
pleted on August "ZS, 1734. It is dated from a
place named Ba( )1, - which appear? to be Bhawal
from a reference at page 2 of the book itself, where
Nagori also is mentioned. It might have been, as Father
Lopes suggests on the authority of Barbosa Machado,^
printed at Lisbon by P^rancisco da Silva (Sylva) in 1743 :
but unfortunately the loss of the title-page deprives us of
the most certain means of corroborating this suggestion. 4
' An account of this work on the basis of this copy was read
hy nie at the Bangi3'a Silhitya Parisat on Sept. 21, 1916: the
paper is published in the Pnfrikd (vol. 23, p. 179) of the same Society,
wliicli see for detailed information.
* The Preface, as we have it now, is in places worm-eaten. This
is what can be deciphered :
Certifico eu Fr. Manoel da Assumpc^au, Reitor da Mis(.«(i)o de
S. Nicolao Tolentino e (ac)tor dcste coniper.dio ; (e)star o( )
compendio treshidado ao pe (da) letra assim o iJ.-ng.vlla como o (Po).
rtuguez : e certifico niais ser es( ) Uoatrina (|Uo os uaturaes mais/
tendeni, o entre todas a mais, (pu)rificada de erros, em fe de que/ esta
Certidad, e se necessario/ a juro f» Verho Sncerdoti^ Bn (vn)]. aos.
28 de Agosto de 1734. Fr. Manoel da Assumpijad.
^ Bibliofheca Lusitana Histoiica Critica e Chronologica, t. iii, p. 183,
col. 11.
♦ Biirnell (.1 Tentative List of Portuguese Book^ atid Manuscripts
1880) also gives 1743 and Lisbon as the date and place of publication,
fs. V. Manoel da Assump(;a(5) his authoiities being Barbosa-Machado
and Ossinger {Bibliothcm August itiiaua, p. 84). Ossinger gives the title
as : Cathecismus doctrinae Christianae per modnni dialogi.
KAKLIKST El'KOPEAN WIUTKHS 71
The book is composed in both l'ortiii;iiesi> ami neiiL,'ah,
the former version a|)i)earin<;' on the rtetos and the latter
on the versos of the pa^es. The whole is in Honuin
character (Beni;ali characters haviii<j: been non-existent),
the words beinii: transliterated according- to the rnles of
Portuii^nese i)ronnnciation. This method of transliteration
is not oidy curions but also noteworthy, beinjjj one of the
earliest of its kind and havin<; much value in the study
of the phonetics of the Benjjali lan^ua^e as it existed two
centuries a^o. '
The book attempts at an exhaustive explanation <>f
the whole Christian doctrine in the foini of a dialo«;ue
between a durii and A'/.//" (Sisya) or
Contents and divi- i, . i l^• • i i i n
sion of the work. Preceptor and Diseiple, based on the
sliiiht eonceit of an iniairinarv travel
to Bhawal. There are interspersed lhroui»hout short stories
ti> illustrate moral principles. The contents of the work
will be apparen^r from the followin*; account of the division
of the work and headnotc of each chapter. The whole
is divided into two books, entitled Puthi I and TI.
Pul/ii I. (pj). 2-313). Xo(col.. )oner ortho, cbonf;
Prothoijhie prothoiiiiie bu/han.
Tazel I. (pp. ~18) — Xidhi crucer orthobhed. C^'J^u
of the Cross).
II. (jip. 10-.S2sc|) Pitar Paron ebonij talian ortho.
(Our Fatiier and explanation thereof).
ITT. (pp. ? r<w/^ 49-7<i). This part is wantinjjf in
several i)a<Tes : not known at what pa^je it
beij^ins and what its title is. The subject
seems to be Hail Mary and Rosary.
' Professor Suniti Kumnr Chatterji read n pnpor on tin's point At
a mectinp of the Silbitvn Pari?at, Sep. 24, 1!)16, wliicli is published
in the Patrika of the same Society, (1322, vol. 23, p. 107).
7Z BENGALI LITERATURE
IV. (pp. 77-130). Mani xottio Niranzan, Axtliar
choudo bhed ebong tahandiii^uer oitlio.
(Tlie Creed and Articles of Faith and
explanation thereof).
V. (pp. 1.37-24'1). Dos Agi^uia, ebong tahan-
diguer ortho. (Ten Commandments and
explanation thereof).
\ I. (pp. "i^S-^T^). Pans Agguia, ebong tahan-
diguer ortho. (Five Commandments of
the Church and exi)lanation thereof).
\ n. (i)p. :273-:31'3). Xat Sacrament os, ebong
tahandiguer ortho. (Seven Sacraments and
explanation thereof).
Pul/ii 11. (pp. -'i 11-380) Poron xaxtro xocol, ar ze
iichit zanite xorgue zaibar. (Ex})lanation of the whole
diictrine and what a Chiistian must know).
Tazel L (i)p. 314-'3ot)). Axthar bhed bichar yotto
coria xitjiiibar xitjliaibar upae taribar.
(Mysteries of the Faith).
IL (i)p. 35G-.'580). Poron Xaxtro nirala. (Prayers
of the doctrine).^
There are two songs in Putlii II : one at p. 3 IS headed
"Cantiga sobre os mysterios de fe: orthobhedcr dhormo
"•uit" (Song on the mysteries of Faith), and the other at
p. 353 headed "Cantiga Ao Menino Jesus rccem nacido :
Baloq Jesuzer guit zormo xttane xoia" (Song on infant
Jesus newly born).
The book may be interesting as an early explanation
of the Roman Catholic doctrine but its chief value, to
' The copy, as we have it, is probably incomplete : for p. 3S0 is not
apparently tbe end of the book and sonic jwges .seem to liavc been lost
there-ufler. 'i'lio coj^y also wants tlu< title-i)age, pp. 33-18, l.")0-lo8,
321-330. ]>!). 371-372 incl. and all after p. 3S0.
KARLIEST EUROPEAN WUITKUS 73
an historian of Hoiiijali litnatun', lius in its bi-ini; the
first iinportaut ami sustain-nl Ben<ifali coni[)Osition by a
EuroiK'an author.' It gives us the earliest specimen of
"Missionary Bengali", as it had existed about a century and
a half before Carey, Marshman and their colleagues took
the tie Id ; and its Bengali is certainly more homely and
well-written than the stiff and groping language of
Carey's D/iarniajjuala/c. One is tempted to (juote speci-
mens at, greater length from this interesting work but
space forbids quotation of more than one or two illustiative
extracts. J
' Father Gut'rin, who brought out an edition of this work from
Chandan-nagar in 183G, states in the Latin preface to tliat edition that
the Portuguese portion only was written by Manoel, while the Bengali
portion was the worli of some Bengali Christian at Bhawal. Mut of
this there is no evidence. Father Gut'rin's edition, a copy of which
was lent to me bv Father L. Wauters of the Sacred Heart of Jesus,
Uhaimatala, Calcutta, is interesting, though its Bengali is certainly
not so remarkable. It is published in Bengali characters and named
^f fil "ttC3il ■SJ'f'I^f (not CSif). It ia entirely re-written and remodelled
and there is a Latin i>reface, Nearly two-thirds of the original is ex^
punged as being apocryphal and objectionable while three new dialogues
are added, also a list of solar and lunar eclipses calculated for Bengal
from XHXCy to l(K)4. The scope and contents of the work will be sufficiently
explained by its title : Catechisme suivi , de trois dialogues et do la
lirite des Eclipses de soleil et de luue calcaleea pour la Bangale a
partir do 183U juscju'en l'jU-1 iuclusivcment. Nouvelle edition, revue et
corri,'ee. f ItiJ "tP: 3i1 ^'fc^t "J^J^ 'Itil 513^ 3t^«l T\^H Jlf?^ i8.
nt-tft f^flinra i\^\ TSf fr*t mn%^ ^rffT ?t^ I T\^ i»r-3i It is
interesting to note that Father Gurrin himself was an assiduoan student
of Astronomy and published after his return to England a work on
Indian Astronomy in 18-17.
' For other specimens, see my paper in the Uniig'njn ^ahitya
l'ari';at Patrthl. ( 1323, vol. 23, p. ITJt)-
lU
74. BENGALI LITERATUKE
Hail Mart/.
Piouain -Maria / Crepae pninit ; / Tomate raliuciir
assen : / Dhormi tomi / Xocol xtrir
Speciiiu'iis of iis loquei' nioidh / Dhormo plio / Tomar
liinguage and styl(>.
udore / Jesus. / Xidlia ^Nliuia /
Poromexorcr Mata / Xadlio amora papir oaron / Eqlioue,
ar / Amardiuner mirtur cale. / Amen Jesus.
The second extract is a storv illustratiiiii: the efficacy
of the Cross in wardin*^ off the powers of evil :
Gi.rn: Boro Axehorzio eotha cohila: emot hre : ar ooho ;
xidhi crux corile Bhuter cumoti ni dur zae ?
X/'rio. Hoe : bhuter cumoti dur zae, ebong Bhule o
polae. Ehi xonar proman xono.
Eq rahoal merir assilo ; taiiare Bhute bazi dia cohilo : tui
zodi aniar nojihor hoite chahix, ami tore cneq dhan dilam :
Kacolae cohilo; bhaln, tomar dax lioibo tomi amave dhon
diljTi. Bhute cohilo. tabe amar t^i^olam hoile : tor uohit
nolle dhormo <]^i)are zaite; ebons^ xidhi Crux ar codaehitio
coribi na, emot zc core xe luiar cjolam ; ehi j;miir
a<;<iuia, taha palon coribi ; emot zodi na corix, tcmare
boutthbotth tarona dibam. Kaqlmale cohilo : zalia a2:2:iiia
coro, taha coribo ; zodi emot na cori, tomar ze iccha,
xc'i hoibeof.
Oneq din obhai^uia Kaqiioale bhuter xacri corilo; tahar
por t'(\ din munixio bol coria reqhohupie dhoria dhormo
tijhore loi:t iJiielo. Dhormo fjhore eij Padri assilen, xei
boro xadhu : tiiii loq xocolere cohili n : Tomara ratjlioaler
upore xidhi Ciux cord. Emot loq xocole corilo Toqhon
bluite boro cord coiia raqhoalera onC(| tarona dite
la;i^uilo. Eha dt qhia Padre raqhoahjue dliorilen, bhuiere
tarona dilc mana corilen. Tobe Bhute aro bex cord
coria Padrire eohild : Ehi munixid amar dax, amar
ajjijnia bhMn<^uilo, tahare xaxtti dibar uchit : tahare
KAHLlKsr KUHOI'KAX WHITKHS 75
I'lia tli'O : iia : toniare o xaxtti dibtini. Piulii r-oliilfii : taliarc
»'ria (libo na : auKirc zalia corite parix, taliii coin. 'J\)l»e
bliute eniot eiimontro oorilo, ze Pa<liii- iiiii«jli ])ooa hcilo.
I'Jia (leijlii I 1(M| xocolc ^liorf ])(>l;na i»"iie!o.
Toijhoii Padri xidhi finix coiilen : choiii;' imuili xidlia
lioilo. Tahai- par ar Crux corileii ra(|li(>aler upore ; el)onij:
(.rux eoria Blinte polaia ^-iielo. l{a(|hoalo o ealax lioilo,
ealax hoia faliar xoool oporad contVssor oorilo ; Nirniol
dhormo o bliocfl rupi^ loilo, ohoiiii' pnnorhar pailo, 7.0 crepa
haraiassilo pap caria.
The secoinl important work of Manoel da Assumprao
which deserves mention as beini)^ perhaps the first fjrammar
and diotionary in tlie Beni;ab' lan2;ua«re
i octtbiilni'iii cm • i'ti i i' i / ' ti'
,,. „ j; D , IS entitled f ocihntdno em Idiomu
gttez : first Bengali HnninUn i' Portugiw: ' t/ ir>//i\/.i eui
grammar and liiction- i i- i i
)uv, iTw. ihi .V partes, pnbhshed at Tjislion in
17-I'"). This book is not easily avail-
able here but it is mentioned in the Cataloijne of the
British Musfum, and (Jrierson, in his Liiijfuixtic Siirrej/ -
has <ifiv»'n a sliort account of this notable work. In tjir
first furtv pai;es ol" the I'iw.ilinfiirlo, is t>iven a compendium
of Ueiii^ali «xramnnr : the -e-t of the hook bein<;; divided
into two pa'ts, vi/.., vocabulary, Hen*;aIi-l'ortnmiese, pp.
l7-'J()t) and l*ortii'j:ne«e-Beni;>ili, ])p. 307-577. Fiikc ih."
last mentioned work, CnlheciHiiio, it is" written throiio-hout
in Uomau character, the wonlb a<xain beinu: spelt a(Coi(liu'.4
to the rules ol" l^>rtu^ntse pronunciation
' The full title ia this : Vocal»nlari<» em Idioma Bcn^alin t>
PortiiiTHoz, tlividirlo em iliiU" purtts, (li>ilii'ailo an Kxcellent e Kover
t»oiihor I). V. Mitfuol de Tavora, Arcebiapo d' Kvora do Coiictdlio de
sua Maifcatndo Foy dolii,'0»oin do Pndre Fr. Manoul dn AsHinnpavam
Koligios'> KremitH do Si»nt«» AuoHtinliu dik C'oii^rrrKa^nu da India
Oiiontal, l.ish a, \lVi. A facsimiio of tliis titlo pa^'e i« ffivon in
Haniraia Silmnyik Siihitya by Kedari.ilth Mujumdar, vol. i. 1!»17 p. 17.
' vol. V. pt i. p. 23
76 BENGALI LITERATURE
Besides these two ori<2jinal works, a third is also said
to be associated with the name of ^Nlanoel. The existence
of this book was first made known by Father Thirso
Lopes of Valladolid, S])ain, in his note contributed to
Father Hosten's pa))er in the Bengal
Don Antonio's Catc. p^^^f ^^^^^^f p^.^^^^^f (..p] j,. f. i, p. 41).
chitm in Bengali, viA.i ^ i ' i /
Tho note runs thus : " A Catechism
of the Christian Doctrine in the form of a dialogue. It
was printed in 8vo. at Lisbon in 1743 by Francisco da
Silva. The contents are : A discussion about the Law
between a Christian Catholic Roman, and a Bramene or
Master of the Gentoos. It shows in the BeuG^alla tonpjue
the falsity of the Gentoo sect and the infallible truth of
our holy Roman Catholic faith, in which alone is the way
of salvation and the knowledo^e of God's true Law.
Composed by the son of the King of Busna, Don Antonio,'
that great Christian Catechist, who converted so many
Gentoos, it was translated into Portuguese by Father
Frey Manoel da Assump(^a6, a native of the city of Evora,
and a member of the Indian Congregation of the Hermits
of St. Augustine, actually Rector of the Bengalla Mission,
his object being to facilitate to the Missionaries their dis-
cussions in the said tongue with tiic Bramenes and
Gentoos. It is a dialogue between the Roman Catholic
and the Gentoo Bramene. Written in two columns,
Bengala and Portuguese."
* Hosten, in the Bengal Paxf and Present, loc. cit., gives an account
of this semi-legendary figure from O ChroniMn de Tiasunry, vol. ii.
1867, lip. 57-58. In the year 1663. a son of the King of Bii.^n.i was
taken prisoner by the Mogt5s and lod to Arracad, when one of the
Fathers, Manoel do Rozario, ransomed him and converted hini to Rom.in
Catholic Christianity. .After his conversion, he was called Don Antonio
de llozario, after St. Anthony who is said to have appeared to him
in a dream.
EARLIEST EFROPEAX WRITERS 77
From the ahove aciponnt, if will be seen that altlion<»li
there is evidence enouji-h to show that the Roman Catholie
missionaries at ont' timf were verv aftive in this eonntrv,
cpt-eially in Ea'^tern Ben<i^al, yet nut mm-h trar-p is loft of
tlieir (lireet or indirect connexion with tlu' lan<i;naq;e or
literature of this country. Indeed, before Carey, mission-
aries infinin'4' themselves, as they did. exehisively to their
proselytisini; work never seriously took either to edneating^
the people of this country or writincj in their lano^naije.
There was as yet no Protestant
Protestant Mission- -tr- • < -n i rni -, n
arios before Carey. Mission to Benrral. The only well-
known missionary, before Carev, who
visited this country was Kiernander, of whom we shall
have occasion to speak later on ; h'\\ Kiernander, himself
ifjjnorant of the lan<j:uafTje, is in no way connected with oui'
present enquiry. Of Kiernander'sasso-
Rento d? Rilveatre, ciates, however, there was one Rento de
(172S-l7S6);f;ateehi.sm
and Book of Common Silvcstre {ttluta (le Souza), who seems
Praver, in Bonprali. , • ,, ?• /^ .l i •
to nave written a nenoah ( ateehisin
and a Book of Common Pr.iyer in BeiiL^ili. Rento is said
to have been born in Goa about 17"28' of European paren-
taijje and his sojourn in Renoral extended from thirteen -
to fifteen' yevrs spent mostly at Calcutta and Bandel.
He was for manv years an An«;ustiiiian friar l)Ut he
abjureil the I'ope before Kiernander on Fi'bruarv 7,
17nii,' whereupon he was apo^inted Catechist of tin-
Mission at t'iO a year an<l is reputed to hive lifcn ;i
' Carey, Oriental Christian Biography, Gal. 1R.")0. vol. ii, p. 1S2.
' Hyde, Parnchini AnnnU of Bfnjnl Cal. 1001. p. 155.
• Carey, op. cit. p. 182.
* Carey, op. cit. gives different dnt«'s : at p. 182, vol. ii, the date
•i'lvpu is July. 170'*: while in the game volume nt p 2fY), tlie date is
nOS. The story of his public abjnriration of Roman Catholic faith is
jfiven in vol ii. at p. 182.
78 HKNGAI.l LITKK ATUUK
zealous preacher in Portiio-nese and to have translated
laru-e portions of the Hook of Common Prayer and the
Catecliism into Bengali, entitled probihly Pra'fiiiolfara-
iiicifa and PriiiiJiauumula. His books are said to have been
published by the Society for the promotion of Christian
Kno.vledi;'i' and i)riiited in London. B<'nto knew Frenel),
PortiifTiiese, Beni>-aH, and Hindnstliaiii. He probnbly
died in 178(i at the aG:e of fifty eiuht. Th-' date of publi-
cation of his books is unknown. Xao-endra Nath Basu
•lives ]7(io a* the d ite of jiublicition of Prn'Hnoflaramala ; -
but this seems to be hardly .-•orreet, for Beuto must
have composed this work, after he wos appointed Cate-
chist, i.e. after 17()() (aceordincj to Hyde) or af<-er 1708-6P
(aecordin^• to CareyV
So far as we can trace, these are the earliest names on
the list of foreii'^'n benefactors to the ^'ernacnlar Literature
of Ben<2:al. But we do not find any serious and definitely
important achievement in the field, until we come to the
illustrious name of Nathaniel Brasscy Halhed.-'
Since !77r2 the East India (Company had actually
taken upun itself the entire responsibilities of administra-
tion ; and this made it almost a necessity for its civil
servants to study the- vernacular of the country which they
had no>v lieu^un to orovern.^ About this time, Halhed,
' For t'lirtlier details, see? my paper in tlic Prnfibhu (Dacca). Mil<>;li,
1322 B..S. l{eferencos to Boiuo will be fiinn(i in Carnc. Lircs of
Eminent Mi-inionnries (London, 1S33) in tlie article on Kicrnander ; also
see Jnhn Zachniiah Kieniander (Hap. Miss. Prc\sa, Cal. 1S77)-
- Riifacoia. Art.. Heneali Lantruac-e and Literature.
^ The name is not Nathaniel Prassy Halhed, as piven in Dinesh
Chandra Sen. Hi.-<tory of B<ingnli Langnnge and Liternture, Calciitfci.
IIMI, ])p. 15, 84.'<, R4-0.
' See the elaborate ari^iiments set forth in the Preface (p. i-xxv)
to Halhod's Grammar, in favonr of the study of the Henerali lancrnajre
by Europeans See also Introduction to Forster's Vncabulartj.
EAULlKSr i:i lUJl'KAN WKllKRS 7'J
ail able scholar, who linl aU'oady acliii'Veil sonic litciary
rcimtatioii and had hefii a irieiid ol
Nttiiuniel B.:i3dey Slicridan's, ' came o\U to Ik'n-ral as
11 illi -.l (I7.->1-1830). ... 7 .
a civilian and applied himsidf \vi(h
L^i-cit assi luity lo t!»e sUi ly of tlu^ licnL»'ali langua^o.
lie is said t) have attain;! so much proKcicncy in the
lans^iM^i-', bjlh in its eollorjuial and literary asjiects, that
he had ha -n ktio vii t;) disjjfuise hiin-^idf in native dress
and pa-s as a Bunj^jili in an assenil)ly of iicni^aiis.-
Nathaniel Brass 'V Hilhcl wis horn on May I't, 17.')!.
at Westmi ister. His father, William llalhed, descciidt-d
from an old Oxfordshire family, wis for eiii^hteen years a
Director of the Hank of England. Vonn*:^ Halhed was
' ■■ We also learn that Nntiianiel Brassey llalhed Ksq. eitlior
liiinseif or in collaboration witli Itiiliaril lUinsloy Slu'ridaii liaiishittMl
tho Kpistlos of Aristifnetti.s into Kntjlish inotrc in 1771 " {(irntlemiin'K
.\[iguzine, Ix.xxii. pt. 2. 1S12 p. 132)
- Rev. Janie.s Lonij, .-l l)e^criptivc Untiiloyiti: nf llrn.jiih li niKs, ISo.j,
p. 2i); Cidciitta Review, 1.S50, p. I'.il: Hood Old Dnijn of Hmi'ble Coiniuinii
vol. i, p. 235. But tliis story of Ilallied's jjroliciency in Bengali soonis
to b>> (lonbtfnl : in the Friend of India (Aiij;. 1H3.S) wo read this, not
of him, bnt of his nephew Nathaniel John Ilalhed (17H7-IH3S), a Judge
of the Dewani ' Adalat. John Halhed, we are informed, had such
command over the lini^ua're tliat he is said to li.ave joined a j'tti-a party
at Burdwan and passed there for a Uen.rali. See also II G. Sanyal,
ll'jminiscjiicen and Anerdoteii, vol. ii, p. J). John Halhed, in Sandal's
work as well as in the Bengal Obititury (p. '2(H) i.i said to have been
a son of the praniniari.an llidhed, wliieh is clearly a nii.stake : for, X. B,
Il.'ilhi-d the ^'rammarian who married (before 17H4) Helemi Rebaut,
a daughter of 'he Dutch (Jovernor of Chinsurii, divd witliuiit any issue.
See Impey's Memoirs by his son. p. 3(j() footnot". Also Di'fionnry
o/ Nationnl Bioijr.iphy, .Xrt. Il.ilhed. That Halhed possessed a high
degree of proficiency in thr> lanirnuge and brought the Hcientific study
of R'^ngali within easy reach is undoubted and justifies Golebrooke's
hiiin o\i\ozy (Asintir Re<enrrhei>, vol vii, l7-*n, p, 221'): and to this is
due the attribution r)f all sorts of apocryphal stories to his credit. For
Nathaniel John Halhed, see Raniehunder Doss, Oenerai litginter of Hon.
f. /. Co.'s Civil Servant" on the Benjal Entablighinent. Cal. 1844, p. 155.
80 BENGALI LITERATI KE
educated at Harrow under Suiniici-, and tlicMo Ix'^an his
friendship with Richard Brinsley Sheridan, in conjunction
with wlioni lie subsequently i)rt)duced a verse-translation of
Aristaenetus.' In 17(58 he passed on to Christ Church,
Oxford- wiiere he made ihe acquaintance of Wilhani
(afterwards Sir William) Jones, also a Harrow boy, who led
him to study some of the OritMital lansj-uaijes. Ilavinor
been jilted by Miss Linley in favoui of Sheridan, he left
Euii^Iand, havin*^ obtained a writership in the E. \. Com-
pany's Service. In India he attracted the notice of
Warren Hastings at whose suggestion he translated what is
known as the Gentoo Code between K74-G (First Edition
1776; Second Edition 1777). He returned to England in
1785 and the subsequent historv of his life Iihs little
attraction for us. He was returned to Parliament in
1791 for Symington, Hampshire, whieh he represented till
179.J. From tliis time he became associated wiili the
teachings of the fanatic prophet Richard Brothers, attracted
possibly by their resemblance to oriental mysticism with
which he was familiar. In 1809 .he obtained an appoint-
ment in the East India House. He died in London,
February 18, 1830, and was buried at Petersham, Surrey. ••
' See GenHeman'f> Magazine, 1812. pt. 2. p. i;52 ; al»o Literanj
Anecdote" of the lSt}i Ce»titr\i, p. ]2-i-.'5.
■■' Ahiinui (Jjdiitensrs ; .Matiic. July lo, 1768, aged 17.
^ For further particulars, see Asiatic Jouriial, 1836, pp. H')')-7l ; TIte
World, June 18, 1790; Teignmouth, Memoirs of Sir Williim Jones,
ISOt, j)p. 7.3, 431 find other references; GcDtlewdii's Mayuziue, 1830
(pt. i, i)p. 471-3), 1808 (pt. ii, p. 922), 1812 (p. 132); Annual Register;
Moore, Memoirs of Sheridmi, 1825; Impey's Memoirs hy liis son,
pp. 35."i et .seq ; AHiboni', Dictionary of Britisli and American Authors.
1895, vol. i ; Biogiaphical Dictionary of Liriny Authors, 1810 ; Dictionary
of Xationnl Hiinjiaphy (in two last mentioned works a list of iladied's
works is given) ; Nicliols, Literary Anecdotes, vol. ii, p. 431.
EARLIEST EUROPEAN WRITERS 81
In 1778* Ilalhed compiled ami printed in Eiii^lisli a
Grammar of the Bengitl Ijongnnge,^
f, e ,v -D one of the earliest and for some time
Ommmnr of the Bin-
gal Language, 1778. the best introduction to the sc.entific
study of the liin»>uage.^ At tl.is
time we had no printiniif press possessinp: a set of Benj^ali
punches, and the art of priritin;jj unknown, we had hardly
a:iy printed literaturt' before this
History of its printirp j^te. The historv of the priutintr of
by Sir Charles Wilkiiis. . ' .
this work, which was done in a press
ai " Hoogly in Bengal" marks an era in the
historv of Bengali literature. It is chiefly to the
exertions of the ever memorable Caxton of Bengal,
Charles (afterwards Sir Charles) Wilkins, a Beniial
Civilian and oriental scholar, that we are indebted for
the beautiful types which he had himself prepared and in
which art he had instructed the Bengali mechanics, thus in-
troducing, as he did, the art of printing into this country.
It is impossible to exaggerate the services thus rendered
by this philanthropic Englishman, not only to the cause
of vernactdar literature but also to the general culture of
' The date is not 1784 as given in the Bengal Obituary, p. 337
Smith, Life of Carey, repeats tho mistake (Sew Eil. 1912, p. 159).
• A Gram-mr of the Bengal L'lnguige by Nntl.finiel BrMssoy
Haihod. Printed nt Hoofrly in Benpnl. MDCCLXXVIII (177S).
Tile book is very scarce but copies \nny be fonnd in the Cnlcntta
Imperial Library, Baii).'iya 84hitya I'ari^nt Libinry ami SrirAmpiir
Cullege Library.
* The first Bengali grammar and dictionary, so far as it can be
traced, was, as we have seen, in Portnpuese. A curions request
app->ars in tho Cil''ntta (Imetle, .\pril 2.3, 17S9, beseeching "any
ppiitlemaii" to undertake for public benefit tho composition of a
Bengali Oramrn'ir (Seton-Karr, Sclectionn from C-l. Onzette, ii. 45)7)
It seems that liy that time Halhed's Grammar had alreidy become
■carce and the necessity for a. fresh grammar was keenly felt.
11
82 BENGALI LITERATURE
the people, for it is undoubted tliat without this useful
art of printiuo- the oeneral education of the people under
modern conditions is almost impossible.
Charles AVilkins was born at Frome, Somerset, in ITHO,
son of ^Vaker Wiikins of that tuwn.
s:.. rhnrles AVilkins. He Came to n.n^^l in 17 70 in the
1750-1836. service of the East India Ccmpitny
as a writer and became superintendent
of the Company's Factories at Maldah. "About 17 78", he
wr.tes lii^ "curiosity was excited by the example of his
friend Halhed" to commence the study of Sanscrit and
Persian ; the vernaculars he had previously studied. He
left India f<n- health in 1 786 and re-entered the service
of the Company in 1 800 as Librarian and Custodian
of Oriental Manuscripts, taken at the Fall of
Seringapatam and elsewhere. He was also attached to
the Haileybury Colleg-e from its foundation in IS05.
While in Imlia he co-operated with Sir William Jones in
the foundation of the Asiatic Society of Bengal nnd was
a valuable contributor to the earlier volumes of the
Asiatic Researches. He was an F. R. S. (1788); a
D. C. L. of Oxford (1805) ; an Associate of the Institute
of France ; and the Royal Society of Literature awarded
him its medal as "princeps litteraturae Sanscritae". He
was knighted in 1833. He died in London, May L3,
1836, and Avas interred at the Chapel in Portland town.*
' For a lisl of liis oi-iontnl works and other particulars, see
ABiatic Journal, 1830, pp. 165 71 ; Genllemaris Magazine, 1836 (pt. ii,
pp. 67-8), 1808 (pt. ii, p. 922); Annual Register for 1836; Alvmni
Oxoniense.^. 1888 ; Biographical Dictionanj of Living Authors, 1816 ;
Dictionary of yatwnal Biography; Centenary Volumes ■ of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal ; Letter.- in the Journal of American Oriental Society,
1880, vol x; Preface to Sir William Jones's Cakuutala and to Wiikins'
Sanscrit Grammar ; Notice of the Life of H. T. Colehrvolie, by his son. p. 7 :
Wiikins' translation of the Bhagabadgita ^^SS) with an introductory
EAULIEST EL'KOPEAN WHirKHS bS
To siieh a jj^reat scholar, Beiijiul owes Ihe establit^hinent
of the first vernacular printiiiijf press.*
The Prelnee to Ilalheil's Grammor si-ts forth some in-
teresting; details as to the (litlieiiltie.s which Wilkin-;
had to overcome and as to huw with
Extract from tho .
Prefnce to HailH-d'a patient preseveiiinee he ultimately siic-
»hodimoultie8ofpri,:t: ^^eded. "Public euiK.sity it says
""-'• ■' n)U-!t he stron<i;ly excitcil by the
beautiful characters which arc displayed in the followins^
work ; and althouijh iny attempt may be deemed incom-
plete or unworthy I'f notice, the book itself will always
bear an intrinsic value from its containinu^ as extra-
ordinaiy an instance of machanic abilities as has perhaps
ever appeared. That the Bengal letter is very difiicult
to be imitated in steel will be readily allowed by any
person who shall examine the intricacies of the strokes,
the unequal len^jth and size of the characters, and the
variety of their positions and combinations. It was
no easy task to procure a writer accurate enoui;!! to
prepare an alpha liet of similar and proportionate body
throuii:h;)ut, and with tint symmetrical exactness which
is necessary to the regularity and neatness of a foimt.
Mr. Bolts (who is su|iposed to be well-versed in this
lanjijua-^e) attempted to fabricate a set of types for it
with thi' assistance of the ablest artist in London. But
as he has e<;re;:jiously failed in exeeutiiif; even the
easiest pirt, or the prinnrv alphiibet, of which he has
published a specimen, tl.erc is no reason to .suppose that
letter by Wfti ren IlnstiiiKs. Seo Cal. Rev. vol. iii. 234; Setou-K.nr,
Selectivnn from the Calcutta Gazette, i. 130.
' About the lirst introtluction of printinir in tho Knst, see
Ur. Giimett's pnper rend before the Second Inferniitionjil Libmry
Conference (rrfln*rtrtion« nwd Proceedings of the Hfcotid International
L ihrary Conference held in London. 1897, London, 1898.)
64 ■ BENGALI LITERATURE
his project, when completed, would have advanced
b -vond the u«>nnal state of imperfection to which new
inventions are constanily exposal. Tiie alvice and even
the solicitation of the Governor-General prevailed upon
upon Mr. "Wilkms, a j^entleman wlio lias been some
years in the India Company's Civil Service in Ben^nl,
to undertake a set of lienii;ali types. He did ami his
success has exceeded every expectation. In a country
so remote from European artists, he has been obli<^ed
to charge himself with all the various occupations of
the Metallurgist, the Engraver, the Founder, and the
Printer. To the merit of invention he was compelled
to add the application of personal labour. With a rapi-
dity unknown in Europe, he surmounted all obstacles
which necessarily clog the first rudiments of a difficult
art as well as the disadvantages of solitary experiment ;
and has thus singly on the first effort exhibited his
work in a state of perfection wliich in every part of the
world has appeared to require the united improvements
of different projectors and the gradual jjolish of succes-
sive ages."*
It must be remembered that these labours of "Wilkins
did not eud merely in the temporary and isolated bene-
fit of printing a grammar but had
Tlie Bienificanco and p , . i . •
importance of Wilkins' tar deeper and more wide-reaclimg
Talure." ^^"'^"'' '"'" ^^''^^^ fo^' ^^'''ll^ins had taken care that
his work shoidd produce lasting
results. He had taught the art with great care to his
Bengali assistant, one Panchilnan, a blacksmith by casre,
' Preface pp. ixiii-iv. See also the letter of Georfre Perrv
to Mr. Nicola, the printer, dated Calcutta. October I 1783, qnotod in
tlie Bionmphicnl TUctimwry of Living Authom, 1810. p. .SS.'i. This prepg
cnnnot be traced but Marsbrnan (flistory of Srrnmpore Migsioti. vol. i)
sajs that it was set ap by one Mr. Andrews, a bookseller.
EARLIEST EUROPEAN \VRirEUS 83
whom l.ttfi- on ))roviilL'nce bnaii^hf to SnrriniiHir in soar* h
of work, just at tlie time wlion Carey and liis collea-
gues were in dos|.air for a fount of Sanscrit and verna-
cular t\ pes. Panchuna:) antl his associates, to whom
he liad Colli nuinicateil liis art, succeciled in course of time
in ^omesiicaiini;- it in Bengal.'
llcilhed's (jiamiiidr jjossesses a peculiar interest for us
as being one of tlie earlit-st efforts
Halhcd'8 Gnimmnr; t^, g,„^^^. ^\^^. language in a seieiii iHc
ita lutoiest and vuluo. '
way. llalhed himself is perfectly
conscious of the dilficulties of such a study and says in
the Preface (p. xix) " The path which I have attempted
to clear was never before trodden. It was nece.^SHry
that 1 should make my own choice of the course
to be pursued and of the landmarks to be set U|) for
the izuidance of future travellers".- Hut barring this
anticpiariaii interest, it can hardly bo expeeted to possess
any other value to us. It was obviously written for
the benelit of the Europeans who WMuttd to study the
foreitrn verruicidar ; ^ and as such it was bound to
be written entirely from their standpoint. Of course it
is well to study the spirit with which foieiiiiiers
' See Mcnxnir Ilchitwe to the the Tranntation of the Snrred Scrip,
(urea into the Lnmnages of the East at Serampore by J. Maishuiuu, 18i6;
alsu Marshmuii, Ui:it. oj Serampore ilimiion, vol. i.
* Tlie carious motto pn-fixcd to tlie book says :
-sj'jfsi^^a f <.^J!i ^c^ T5»^: ^ : ^«i; n
Cnrer ni knoTvle'ifTfi f<> Inivo dorivrd niiu-ii lnl|i in %vritinjr liiri
Bcnjt/i «Jn»Fi»ii »r ( jSOl ) fio-n llnlhed's work ; him- I'rofire to (^ney't
Qrammir (1st Kd. 18 M ) ; see hIso E. Carey, Life of Carey, p. 247.
• Oil ttie titlc-pat'e w<' r< nd :
86 BENGALI LITERATURE
approach our language, but as a pioneer work and as
one intendi^l for mere beginners, uninitiated into the
language, its value is greatly diminis-hed. Even a
cursory glance at the contents will show that the
arrangement and division of the subject-matter is made
chiefly on the plan of En^-lish grammars, beginning
with the Elements (Chap. I), proceeding with Substan-
tives (Chap. II), Pronouns (Chap. Ill), Verbs (Chap. IV),
Words denoting Attributes and Relations (Chap. V),
Numerals (Chap. VI) and ending with a brief dit.cus-
sion of Syntax (Chap. VII), Orthography and Ver-
sification (Cliap. VIII).' The rules laid down are
more or less general and elementary ; but some attempt
is made to arrive at broad underlying principles, al-
Ihou'^h in a somewhat tentative and impressionist
fashion. The arrangement is as co r.preheusive as possi-
ble but the author is scrupulously minute in his insertion
of examples to every rule and is rather prolix in his
observations upon the general grammar. One merit of
tlie b )(>k consists, however, in the fact that Halhed
was fullv alive to the intimate relation of Bengali to
Smscrit, ''of which languige" he says "I hive tiiought
necessary to include within my d^^sign such of the
orammatied principles as mi^ht throw a direct or even
a C)ll.iteral liglit on those of the B.-ngalese I
wished to obviate the recurrence of such erroenous
opi'iions as may have b:'en fonurd by t'»e few Eur.)-
peans who have hitlierto stulied the B.,'ngalese ; none
' l!ut it is curious to note that ^ is included in the list of
consonants. The orthosfrnphy sefms to have been yot unsettled and
ttio border line between colloquial and literary la pruatre seems to
have been crossed very often, possibly owinp to the difficulty of a
fore gner, however studious, in enteiing into the genius of an alien
tongue.
EARLIEST ErUOPEAN WRITERS 87
(>r them liavo (raocl its (•oiiii('ctii)ns will) Sanscrit, and
therefore I coiu-Uule their systems imperfect" (Preface,
|). xi\ et seq.). Of course adhi-rence to Sanscrit is in-
(lisp^Misable in writini^ a lionLjah' «4ranimar hut llalhtd's
work more or less i)resents Bonijali as derived exidusivrly
fr.)ui its parent, S.mserit. He remarks at some leni^ih
on th • fxceedinq-lv i-oirunt state of thi> dialect of the
time' and says that " a grammar of the pure Ben-
|j;il diale!t cannot be expected to convey a ihoioutj;h
idei of the modern jargon of the kingdom. Tlie
many political revolutions it has sustained have <;TPa'ly
impaired tlie simplicity of the langiiaiic, and a long
communieation with the men of different religions,
Countries and manners, has rendered foreign words iu
some degree familiar to a Bengal ear. The Mahome-
tans have for the most pait introduced such terms as
relate to the functions of their own religion or the
exercise of their own laws an<l government ; the Por-
tugese have supplied them with appellation of some
Europem arts and inventions ; and in the environs of
such foreign colony the idioms of the native Hengalese
is tinctured with that of the strangers who have settled
there, l^pon the same principle since the influence of the
British nation has superseded that of its former conquerors,
many terms of British derivation have been naturalised into
the Bengal vocabulary."
It cannot be doubted for a moment that the book
holds a high place as one of the earliest of a series of
' There will be found a t-urions appeiidix to tliia book con-
taiding a petition replt'tc with foreign expre.^sionp, showinp how
far modern Benffali had been forced to debase the purity of it.s
dialect by the necessity of atldresainj? itself to the Mohammedan
ruler*. In the Preface to his Vocnbulnrij. Forster similarly speaks
of studiously avoiding "Persian or Aral>ick pedantigniB-"
8S DENG.VLl LITERATUP.E
aUempfs, valuable even to the pn-pent day, to stu'ly the
vernacular sc'i.niifically, but if we leave aside this aiitii^ua-
riati an.l st-ientifie interest, it can hardly be ex) ected to
come within liler.inre proper. To the historian of iiteia-
t re, how ver, it is vtlnable, as most of these pion< er wo'ks
rrj, fo" affordinpj one of the earliest links in (he revivtd
study of the hui^u'iire itself.
AVe piss over other specimens of early piintincr whi" h
OtWr popcimens of the cxiiTt-ncies of nduiinistrntivu
early jrintiiiK. chanor«s and t e esbddi^hment of the
impev CodeinRen- Supreme Coiirt ( 1 7 74) brouirht into
giili by J. Duncan. '■ ^ ^
,,. ^ , . existence. Amonir these a'e to be
B neali by II. P. found the Impey Code in BtnijMli,'
which was translated hy Jonnihan
Duncan, afterwards Governor of liombay, and printed at
the"Companv's Pre«s" in 1785, and the fumons Cornw all's
Code of 171»3 - which was translat d by II. P. Forster,
"a merchant on the Benijal Estiblishment ", of whom we
shill have occasion to speak hereafter. It was likewise
printed at the Government Press but from an improved
fount. ^ We read of two other early publications in the
Catalogue of Benfjali "Works in the British Museum *
' Regulatiovfi for the Administrntion of Juftice. iv the Cour' rf tht
DfM'nrtre Adnu^nt, pni!sed in Cnuucil, the 5th July, 17S5. iriih a Be7ii,ali
Travs'ntion l)v Jonathan Duncan, Calcutta, 1785. pp. 215, 31.
• Thp titlo-paee pays: ^^f? ^'t^ ^«f5 C^^ltilcT TTS^f-U?^ T'^
C^W^Ccni ios'a Pt^?! lt'<^ 'SiTa I ^t?1 ^="r^ ?fl43 C^^fT??!
^t715i:^5 ^0 C^)^.7,U^ 'SitSSR* ^JtfTs IK^\ i***^ I Second
Edirion in 1820.
' " It is to tlii.s f(.nnt, ih.nf Cr\roy alludes, and it contirurd to be
the standard of typoL'rapby till it wns superseded bj the ppialler and
iif*;te- foint at Rerampore " Marslnnan, Life and Times of Cany, Marsh-
man nnd Wnrd. 1 R.")^, vol. i.. p. 71-
♦ Blurahardt, Catalogue of Bengali Books in the British Museum, p. 8.
EARLIEST El' ROPE AN WRITERS SO
viz., ((/) Bengal translation (by N. B. Edmonstone) of
Regulations, etc., by Regulations for the administration
N. B. Edmonstone. of Justice in the Fouzdarv Criminal
Courts in Bengal, Bei)ar and Orissa, passed by the Governor-
(jeneral in Council on the 3rd December, 1 790, Calcutta,
1791; (/y) Bengal Translation (by X. B. Edmonstone)
of the Regulations for the guidance of the Magistrates
passed by the Governor-General in Council in the Revenue
Department on the ISth May, 1792, with supplementary
enactments, Calcutta, 179.2.
The next important work in our survey is Forster'.s
Forster's Vocahuianj, Joca/jiilart/, the tirst dictionary of the
the first Bengali- i i 'a -ii i i. • c
English dictionary, language, and it will detain us for a
1799-1802. moment, as it was indeed a work
of merit and for a long time considered to be the
most authoritative and standard publication on the
subject.'
Henry Pitts Forster, born- in 1701, of whose early
Henry Pitts Forster. ^'f© little seems to be known,
1761-1815. entered Bengal Service of the Com-
pany on August 7, 1783, and rose to be the Collector of
Tipperah in 1793 and Registrar of the Dewani * Adalat
of the 2t Parganas in 179-i. In 1803-Oi, he was
employed at the Calcutta Mint of which he rose to be the
' Carey based his famous Dictionary of th* Bengali Language (1815-
1825), the source of all dictionaries of later times, on Forster's Vocabu'
lary. The Grst Btn^ali dictionary is, of course, Manoel dn Assump-
9a«5'3 Vocabulario in Portuguese, which has been already mentioned.
* The Dictionary of National Biography gives the hypothetical
date of 1766 with a query. But it appears from the obituary notices
in the Calcutta (iovcrnmcnt Gazette of 1815 (Sep. 14) and in the Calcutta
Monthly Journal for September, 1815 (p. 285) that Forster was aged
54 at the time of his death. In tliat cose, his birth-date would be
1761, which is here adopted.
12
90 BENGALI LITERATURE
Master.^ He died in India on September 10, 18L5.2
Besides Vocabulary, Forster also wrote an Essai/ on the
Principles of Samcrit Grammar (1810).
The first part of the Vocahulary was published in
1799 : while the second part appear-
rocaftulary ; its scope ed in 1802.^ The full title of
the work, which will sufficiently
explain its scope, is : " A Vocahulary
in two parts, English ami Bengalee and vice versa by H. P.
' It appears from Dodwell and Miles, Bengal Civil Servants, 1839,
(pp. 182-8 : snpp. list, pp. 600-1) that from 1798 to 1803 as well as 1812
to 181.5, Forster was out of employ. See also Bengal Almanac and
A^mual Directory, 1815, p. 9.
- He died probably in Calcutta, but his burial place cannot be
traced. No mention either in the Bengal Obituary or in De Rozai-io's
Monumental Register. For further particulars of his life, see references
quoted above ; also Dictionary of National Biography ; AUibone, Dictio-
nary of British and American Authors. Marshman, {Life and Times of
Carey etc., 1859, vol. i , p. 71) spells the name as Foster, which form is
not correct.
^ The date of publication given in Ram-gati Nyayaratna,
Bangabhasa Sahitya Bisuyah Prastab, 3rd Ed., p. 192, is 1801 which
is clearly erroneous. The date given in Dinesh Chandi-a Sen, History
of Bertgali Language and Literature, 1911, p. 868 (where the book is
described as " Bengali Dictionary by Forater, a Civilian and Sanskrit
Scholar") is 1719 which seems to be an obvious mistake or misprint
for 1799. The account given in this latter work is mainly based
on Rev. J. Long's Catalogue, but Long's book was compiled not till
1855 and contains more than one inaccurate statement. See also the
notification in the Calcutta Gazette, dated August 26, 1802, in which
" Mr. Forster has the pleasure to acquaint the subscribers of his
Bengalee Vocabulary, that the second part is entirely printed off, and
will be ready for delivery all. in the present month of August and as he
has more than doubled the size of the work beyond m hat he engaged,
he hopes this will be admitted as a sufficient excuse for the delay in
the publication." (Seton-Karr, Selections from Calcutta Gazette,
vol. iii, p. 5G1). It is clear that the work was published in two
instalments in 1799 and 1802,
EARLIEST EUROPEAN WRITERS 91
Forster, Senior Merchant on the Bencjal EstabHsh-
nient."' It is evident from the leiii^thy preface to
this work as well as to that of Halhed that these early
works weri undertaken not on literary but also on political
grounds. Bengali at this time, onuially as well as popu-
larly, was an unrecognised vernacular, and Forster rightly
insists upon the absurdity and inconvenience of continuing
the use of Persian in courts of law (see Preface to f ocaLu-
luri/). It was thus due to the efforts of Halhed and Forster,
seconded among Europeans by Carey and the oririimpur
missionaries and among Bengalis by Ram Mohan Ray and
his friends, that Bengali not only became the olHcial
language of the Presidency but it now ranks as one of the
most prolific literary languages of India. One of the
greatest dilliculty, however, under which all compilers in
this period had to labour and to which Forster himself, as
his preface shows, was fully alive, was the exceedingly
corrupt state of the language in its current 'dialect' form.
There was no standard literature, or if there had been one
it was long forjjotten or was not so widelv known as to
ensure fixity of forms and expressions.- This corruption.
' Printed at Calcutta from tho Press of Ferris and Co., 1799.
Dedicated to Thomas (iraham Esqr., dated December 15, 1799. A
copy of this work will bo conveniently found in tho Calcutta Imperial
Library.
' .\.s the various quotations by way of illustration in Ilalhod's
Granunnr shows, he was not aware of the existence of more tlian half
a dozen old Benf::ali works. He takes his passages mostly from
}lah.a,hKaT(it (from wliicli he gives a lenpthy (piotation at pp. 37-42),
BJamaijnn and tho various works of Bharat-chandra, still in vogue,
especially his B'uhjaf.\indnT . Printing there was hardly any and books
mostly in manus:ripts were not easily procurable. It is also notable
that Halhed confines hinmelf exclusively to examples taken from
Poetry and there is not a single prose quotation in his works. " I
might observe " he writes, " that Bengali is at present in tho same
state with Greece before the time of Thucydides when Poetry waj the
1)2 BENGALI LITERATURE
however, was confined principally to revenue and
judicial terms, and the more common and daily shiftinj^
collo(piial expressions. But the f]freatest difficulty was
felt in orthofi^raphy which was in a hopelessly chaotic
state, in these ante-printing days. " There uever having
been " says Forster, " a native Bengalee grammarian nor
indeed any author of note who might be considered
as a standard, the orthography has consequently never
been fixed j and being current over an extensive country
and among an illiterate peo])le, almost every word has
been and continues in one district or other to be variously
spelt, and not infrequently so disguised as to render it
difficult to recognise it, when met in its genuine form in
Songskrit. In such eases, I have not scrupled to adoi)t
Songskrit orthography, unless I found the majority of
the people whom I consulted, concur in any particular
vitiated mode of spelling it." In spite of these difficulties,
however, Forster succeeded in compiling one of the most
valuable and painstaking lexicon of the language ever
published, and the eulogy of Marshman that Forster was
the "most eminent Bengali scholar till the appearance of
Dr. Carey'" is fully justified.
The year in which Forster's Vocahnlari/ was published
saw another memorable but at that time an apparently
unimportant event — the landing of a band of missionaries
on the banks of the Gausses and the
The advent of tl.e g^arting of a mission at Srirampur.
missionaries. » f
A year later, the Fort William College
only stjle to which authors applied themselves aud studied prose was
utterly unknown ". The biographer of Dr. Carey relates how (Smith,
ip. cit. p. 202) when Carey visited Nadlyii, not many years ago the
illustrious centre of Bengali literature, " he could not discover more
than 40 separate works, all in manuscripts, as the whole literature
of 30,000,000 of people up to that time ".
' Marshman, Life and Times of Carey etc., vol. i., p. 71.
EARLIEST EUROPEAN WRITERS 93
was esitablished at Calcutta tor iini)artin^ know led ;;l' of
the vernaculars to yountr civilians. \N'ith this Mission as
its centre and the Fort William College as its public
forum, Bengali language entered upon a new i)ha.se of
development, hitherto undreamt of. For?ter was, no
doubt, followed bv a band of earnest civilian workers, of
whom the names of J. F. Kllerton' and Sir Craves C.
Haughton are the most well-known, yet with the
missionaries in the Held, who, for years to come, had made
education of the people and cultivation of the vernacular
their own peculiar province, earlier work was eclipsed^ and
a fresh impetus was given to the vernacular literature.
The experimental stage was not yet over, but what was
desultory, spasmodic, and slipshod became regular, un-
broken, and svstematic: and for several vears till the
foundation of the Hindu College and the emergence of
a new band of writers, the history of Bengali literature
is closely bound up with the labours
Srirumpur Mission, of the missionaries and school-masters,
and especially of the brotherhood at
Srirampur, associated with the names of Carey, Marshman
and Waril whose devotion, earnestness and philanthropic
l)urpose cannot be too highly spoken of.
' Ellciton wrote his works before 1800 niiil, therefore, strictly
spciikintr belongs to this chapter. Hut Ellcrton's Bible-trnnshitions were
not published nntii probably 181',): so nn account of him will bo found
in the next chapter under the Bible-translations of the Sruanipnr
missionaries.
CHAPTER IV
William Cakey and Srirampur jSIissiox.
Of the missionary movements which gave an early
impetus to Bengali language and literature, the foremost
place has been given to the frater-
SrTrampur Mission. . pip ca-
nity of the famous Srirampur
Mission, which was started by Carey, ]Marshman and
Ward but of which the moving spirit was William Carey.
William Carey, the son of a weaver and himself a village
shoe-maker till the age of twenty-
(^61-1834) ^''^^"' eight, was born on August 17, 1761
in the village of .Paulesbury, situated
in the very midland of England, in the heart of the
district which not only produced
Birth and early life. i i • i i r.
bhabespeare and cherished Cowper
but wdiich also fostered Wyelif and Hooker, Fox and
Bunyan. But village-life in those days was far from
being elysian and the destiny of the cottager, with
poverty and sore toil staring him in the face, was cheer-
less enough. Buried in an obscure village, the eldest of
a family of five children, young Carey seenied to be born to
such a lot, the Ensjlish labourer's lot of five shillin<js a
week and the poorhouse in sickness and old age. At the
age of sixteen he was an apprentice to the shoe-maker's
trade — a trade of which however he was never ashamed '
* It would be silly in nic to pretend to recollect all the shoes
I made. I was accounted a very good workman... (Letter to Ryland)
There is no inconsistency between this and his famous retort to the
general officer who inquired of one of the aides-de-camp, when
dining with the Marquis of Hastings, whether Dr. Carey had not once
CAREY AND ^lUKA^rniR MISSION 95
and wliicli linked him to tlio earliest missionaries of
Alexandria, of Asia Minor, and of Gaul, some of
whom were shoe-makers, and to a succession of scholars
and divines, poets and critics, reformers and philanthro-
pists who had used the shoe-maker's life to become
illustrious. The picture of younj]^ Carey, keepiufjf school
by day, preaching on Sundays, and eobling or making
shoes by night, would remind one ver}' forcibly of
Carlyle's i)icture of George Fox in his Sartor liesartus.
But all tiiis time, in poverty that would have very soon
crushed the sj)irit of an ordinary man, he went on with
his studies, although books were rare in those days and
not easy to be begged or borrowed by a country-boy.
It is remarkable that his taste inclined him to books of
travel, adventure, history, and natural science to the
exculsion of novels, plays, and books on religious
subjects. The religious earnestness which marked his
later life had not yet dawned, and he had been hitherto
a stranger to the gospel of Christ. A remarkable
change took place in his] life about his eighteenth
year. He joined the small church which was formed
at Hackleton and afterwards the Baptist congregation
at Moulton where he became a pastor. His mind
was at this time occupied in ac({uiring the learned
languages and almost every branch of useful knowletlge.
It was about this time that his great
Ilis missionary t^^j 1,^ ^bout thc practicabilitv and
ardoar, '^ '
importance of a mission abroad took
definite shape in his mind. His extensive study of
geography and books of travel convinced him painfully
of the fact that a very small jwrtion of the human mce
had yet jwssessed any knowledge of Christ and his
been a shoe-maker. "No, Sir, only a coblorl" (quoted in Dr.
Culross'a William Carey),
96 BENGALI LITERATURE
religion. lu order to impress bis brethern witb bis new
idea, he wrote and pubbsbed ''Ah Enquiry iitto the Obligu-
tio?is of the Christians for the Conversion of the Heathens
iti ichich the Religions State of Bifereut Nations of the
World, the Success of Former Undertakings, are consi-
dered by William Carey:' (1792). Tbis was the
birtb of England's foreign Mission in Bengal^ for Carey
would not remain idle until bis project bad been put into
practice. At last, at a meeting of tbe Xortbamptonsbire
Association of Baptist Cburebes held at Kettering
(Northampton) on tiie October 'I, 1792, a Baptist
Missionary Society was started on a humble scale for
propagating the gospel. Carey set out for India
on June 13, 1793. At first he bad desired to go to
Sets out for India, Tahiti or West America. At this
time, however, be met John Thomas,
a medical evangelist, who had made two voyages to
India and bad some experience of Bengal.- It was
Thomas who directed Carey to Bengal.
It must not be supposed, however, that the missionary
spirit was unknown in Carey's time
Missions in India : ^j. ^jj^^^. jj^ Jjj^ ^.^g ^^^^^^ h^ioxQ visited
Carey s predecessors.
by tbe missionary activity. On the
contrary, many great names and great though mistaken
movements will occur to the memory of every reader of
Church history^. Not to go far back to the missionary
' Carey, ho-wever, was not the first English missionary to Bengal:
this was one Mr. Clarke (see Hyde, Parochial Annals of Bengal, p.2i3.)
* See C. B. Lewis, Life of John Thomas (1873). Also Smith, op. cit.
p. 41.
» For details about the history of Christian Missions of which litera-
turd is vast, the following books may be conveniently consulted; Brown's
History of Missions, Kaye's Uintory of Christianity in India, Marshall's
Christian Missions, Uongh's Christianity in India, Bherring^s Protestant
Mission in India, and Marshman's History of the Serampore Mission,
CAREY AND SRTrAMPUR MISSION 97
zeal of Francis Xavler or of the Moravian brothorliood
in the East, we find, for tlie o;reater part of the 18th
century (1707 to 1798), the Coast-Mission (as it was
called) carrying- on its missionary work in South India
with Tranqnehar as its centre. At one time it was a very
powerful movement carried on by the Lutherans whom,
from Zein«j:enbalf|; to Schwartz, Dr. Francke had trained
at Halle and Frederick IV of Denmark had send forth
to its India Company's settlement in the South : but
when Carey landed, the Coast Mission, partly on account
of the wars between the English and the French, was
almost in a state of inanition. To Bensral there was, we
have seen, Roman Catholic Mission but as yet no
Protestant Mission from England. The only well-known
missionary who came to liengal before Carey, was Kier-
nandar the Swede, ^ the " Mammon "
John Zacliaiiah
Kiernaiuler, 1758 (d. of Hiekj's Gazette, whom Clive in
' '' 1758 had brought to Calcutta where
James Long's Handbook to Bengal Missions will also be found useful,
with reference to the general educational activity of the missionaries.
Duff's India and Indian Missions and his articles in the earlier volumoa
of the Calcutta Reviexc may also be consulted. On the Missions in the
South, literature in vast. One may, however, consult witli advantage,
Lettre.i Edijiantes et Curieuses ^crites de Ifi'.ssion.s Etranghrs, 2G vols.
1780-83, vols, x-xv specially refer to India ; Lacroze, Histoire du
Christ ianisme dea Indes, 2 voh. 1758; Bertrand, La Mission du Madur6
4 vols. 1847; Coleridge, ti/f Odd Letters nf St. Francis Xavier. For a
fnller bibliography on this subject, see A. C. Burnell, -4 Tentative List
of Boo\i and Mss. relatiiu/ to the History of the Portuguese in India,
Man galore, 1880.
' See Cal. Rcc. 1847. vol. viii, pp. 124.184. Also Marshman, Hi^lvry
of Serainpore Mission, vol. i, p. 20, et socj. Carey calls Kicrnandor a
German (E. Carey, Memoirs of Carey, p. 449.). Soo Marshall's Chrit-
tian Missions, vol. i, p. 278. For Kiernander, see Bengal Obituary, p. 34
et seq : Came, Lives of Eminent Miisioriaries ; Asiatic Journal, vol. xv,
1834; W. II. Carey, Oriental Christian Biography, pp. 193 ct seq ; Flyde,
13
98 BENGALI LITERATURE
he tln'iieefoith lived, meeting youiiir Care\' subsequently
at BaiKlel at the <:jreat ii^xc of els^hty-four. But Kiernander
could not wield any influence on the masses* and had
no literary pretensions whatever ; for although he started
a native school and built a Church at his own cost, he was,
in the first place, rather a niissiouary to the Portuguese and
their descendants who were nominal Christians of the
lowest Romanist type : and, in the next place, Kiernander
could never converse in Bengali or Hindusthani and never
cared to mix freely with the peojde of the country. Practi-
cally his work ha<l made only the slightest impression and
it was no wonder therefore that Carey could find no
trace of his work among the )ieo})le even six years after
his death.
The condition of the clergy at this time, however, and
their public and private morals did not in any way make
them attractive to or influential with
The character of tlic the people of this Country. It is well-
clero:}' and the oppo- it. t t
sition of tlie East known that the East India Company
Stian-SSJ" "°t ""b- adopted a policy of perfect
neutrality towards the religions of
India and never attempted to preach their religion
themselves but they also threw every possible obstacle
in the way of the missionaries who wanted to settle
in their territories. The ostensible ground for this
aggressive spirit of discouragement was political but the
r-eal reasons are thus given by a writer in the Calcntia
Parochial Annals of Bengal : The Monumental Eegistcr hj' M. DeRozario
(1815) p. 109-113; Bustoed, Bc/ioes /rom Old Calcutta, 1908; Cotton,
Calcutta Past and Present ; John Zachariah Kiernander (a pamphlet),
Cal. Bap. Miss. Press, 1877, etc.
' Of Kiernander's clerical convert, Bento dc Silvestre aliat de Souza
and his contribntion to Bengali, mention has already been mndo
at p. 77-78.
CAHKV AND SKlKAMPrU MISSION !)9
liei'ieic (1850) : "The Missionary was the interloper par
fj'cellence^ aiul the hate ol' a camel for a hurse, of a snake
for a moni>:oose, was feeble when compared with the hate of
the An^'Io-Intlian for the Interloper. Partly from his
training-, pirtly froai the first cirenmstanees of the con-
ijuest, the Ani^lo-Indian otUeial regarded India as his
property, his pecnlinm. An interloper was therefore in his
eves little better than a thief, a man who undersold him,
interrupted his protits, and impaired his exclusive autho-
rity over the population. With the instinct which eomes
of self-defence he saw that the Missionary was the most
danirerous of interlonors." Neither the character of the
early founders of the British Empire as a body nor that
of the clerji:y before the Sririimpur mission was such as to
inspire respect for their religion ; and of the clergy as a class,
the Governor-General officially wrote to the Court of
Directors as late as I7U5: "Our cler«ry in Henijal, with
Some exceptions, are not respectable characters."
Althousjh Carey and his fellow-missionary were allowed
to enter Calcutta (November 1 I, 17'.)-J) without opposition,
indeed without notice (so obscure tliey were), yet under
the existini^ conditions of thinijs he had to preach his
reli'^ion for several years almost like
Attempts ut settle- ^ ^Y\\d in constant fear of beinjr
ineiit. ^
deiwrted to Enj^land. Quite destitute
in Calcutta, he had no definite plan for the future.
Th'' congres^ration at home were too jioor to Sfive
Ilia a'i\' a^ista'K'e, norc)ulil tlii'V inlluenee the autho-
rities in KuLjlan'l to allow him to settle down
peieefully as a missionary, for tlie latter would
in.stantly refuse to listen to a handful of eoun»ry no-bodies
the chief anionic whom was a shoe-maker. Alter several
fruitless attempts to settle down, ('arey at last su'^eeeded in
obtainiui' the situation of an assistant in ciiar<jfe of some
loo BENGALI LITERATURE
incHiijo factories at MaJnabatT, 30 miles north of MalJah,
the scene of John Ellerton'.s labours. All these years,
however, the idea of translating the
Six years in North gj,^|g ^^^^^ preaching in the language
Bengal. i » r> o
of the i)eoi)le was ever present
in his mind. As soon as he could settle down,
he applied himself to the study of Bengali, which,
his biographer tells us, the indefatigable scholar had
already begun during the voyage, and of which the
first indication is given by an entry in his journal two
months after he had landed. "This
Carey^ cffortB to Jay" he writes "finished the correction
study Bengali. •'
of the first chapter of Genesis, which
Munshi savs is rendered into verv good Bengali."*
The Munsi or Bengali teacher referred to was one Ram
Basu who not only taught the language to Carey but also
had been of much help to the poor missionary during the
years of uncertainty and struggle at the outset of his
career. The greatest difficulty, however, which puzzled
him, as a foreigner, in learning the language relates to
the unsettled state of its forms and expressions, of its
grammar and orthography ; and a vast difference seemed
to him to exist between the literary language and its
corrupt colloquial and dialectal forms. Thus he speaks
with a naivete characteristic of himself in a letter,
dated October '2, 1795 : "The language spoken by the
natives of this part, though Bengali, is so different
from the language itself (?) that I can preacii an horn-
wit h tolerable freedom so as that all who speak the
language or can read or write, understand me perfectly:
yet the poor labouring people can understand me little. "'-'
' Smith, op, rit. p. Gl ; Eustace Carey, Memoirs of William Carey,
p. 119.
- E. Carey, op. cit. p. 242 ; Smith, op. cit. p. 72.
CAREY AND SRIKAMPIK MISSION 101
Indoeil, a foreiL^ner always tiiuls it liard work to obtain
in a year the endless variety of its idiom and the niceties of
pronunciation: but Carey certainly was very far from
riixht when he savs further that althoui;h the lauijuafre
is ricli, beautiful, and expressive, it has t^ot scarcely a
\a.v-^e vocabidary in use about religion and kindred subjects.'
The whole trend of ancient or pre-British Ben<]fali litera-
ture which is reliu:ious in subject will j)rove the inappro-
priateness of this hasty statement. The half-pity inf; and
half-contemptuous tone in which Carey and his mission-
ary eolleai^ues speak of our forefathers as so many 'hea-
thens', or semi-barbarians- no doubt raises our sUiile
today, but they in all sincerity, born of reli^jious enthu-
siasm, really thoufjjht in this way. It is true indeed that
there was a partial decadence of reli<i;ious life and ideals
in the country during the last years of the Mohammedan
rule, yet Carey and his colleagues in spite of their catholi-
citv and tolerance, could never detect the siijns of reliirious
life which could produce the noblest son;T:s of KSm-prasiid.
From the earliest times to the days of Ram-mohan Ray and
even to the present day, religion had, as we have already
stated, a great influence on Bengali literature. The great
jiersonality of Chaitanva and his disciples, the songs of the
liaisiiab poets, breathing as they do the purest language of
poetry and devotion — all indicate what charm religion had
always possessed for the people and their literature. The fact
was, making every possible allowance to missionary fanati-
cism, that Carey, as he himself admits ', could lay his hand
upon very few ancient Bengali books and manuscripts;
' See his letter to the Society for the PropB^ration of the Gospel,
quoted in E. Carey, op. cit. p. 2.'19.
' Ho speaks of this country uh one "devoted to the service
of Satan and immersed in tlif awful ignorance of heathenness.'
E. Carey, op. cit. p. 294.
' Smith, op. cit. p. 202.
10^ BENGALI LITERATURE
and tli.at with Hie cleca}' of learning and culture in Bengal,
the vernacular literature had come to be neglected, and for
some time it had practically become non-existent. It was
only natural, therefore, for tliese Europein scholars from
Haliic'd to Yates, who were not a-yare of the existence of
more than IkiH' a dozen Bengali works, to indulge in sueh
sweeping and hasty statements.
In his study of Bengali, Carey foiiinl out very early
that without the classical Sanscrit, which he always re-
garded as "the parent of nearly all the colloquial dia-
lects of India." ^, he could neither master its Bengali
offshoot nor enrich that vernacular \v\t\\ effective
literary forms and combinations. If one must borrow,
one might go to the literatures of Europe for themes and
methods but the expression must always be indigenous.
It is significant indeed that all the early Bengali writers
from Carey to Bidyasagar, whose writings have helped to
create for us the Bengali prose, were
His study oi' learned in the Sanscrit language,
Sanscrit and its effect. i p i i i.
and were therefore always ready to
avail themselves of the rich treasures of forms and expres-
sions which that classical language afforded. Carey applied
himself to Sanscrit with so much industry that as early
as April 1 7!)i) we llnd him writing home that he had
made enough progress in the language to read the
Mitluibharat; and that in 1798 he had compiled a Sanscrit
grammar and the considerable portion of a Sanscrit-English
dictionary.-' It must be remembered that Sanscrit
learning and literature were much patronised in those days
and the first step taken by the government towards the
education of the native-born s'lbjects was inspired by the
desire for the promotion of Sanscrit scholarship.
' Preface to Sanscrit Grammar ^XHOfS).
- Sec also his letier to Sutcliffe, June 16, 1798, quoted in E. Carey's
oji. cit. p. 323.
CAREY AND 6RlRA:\IPrR MISSION 10:5
Aft»'r six vt'iirs in North HtMi''-:il ;is a inissionarv,
scholar, ami iiulijjjo-plantor, Carcv fomul that a few iii-
sii'iiillcanl viilaijes of Iwn or threi* dozen niiul-walleJ
cotta^v-; hardly afforded sulHcicnt scope for his missionary
work. Mo was fonniiii;; the project of a Mission Sottle-
Mient on the ^Moravian model, hut in
Work at MndnabntT 1 7<JH the indiij^o works at Madiiabat!
given up.
had to bo ojiven up. Carey hail boon
thinkiui^ of takini*- another small indi<?o factory in the
noii^hhourhood, when he learned that he was soon to be
joiiu'd in his missionary work by four oolleaufues from
Enj^land. Tho expected ro-in force-
Rein forremcnt from nient consisted of Joshua Marshman
hngland.
and his wife, William Ward, D miol
Rrunsdon,' and AVilliam Grant. The ori^final intention
was to proeee^l to Maldah and settle with Carey at Ma Ina-
bati. They arrived off Calcutta on October 12, 1799
in an American ship; but instead of landing, thoy proceeded
to ^rirrimpur where they could be safe under the protection
of the Danish flai;. Thoir object in
firTnimpnr, wliy choosini]^ J^rirumpur as a mission-
chosen as a mission- . ... . ■ /-, ., „ , ,
centre. centre is thus given by Carey-; "At
Sorampore we can settle as missiona-
ries, which is not allowed here; and the great ends of the
mission, particularly the printing of tho Scriptures, seem
much more likely to be answered in that situation... In
that part of the country inhabitants arc far more numerous
than in this; and other missionaries may be tliore j)ermitted
to join us, which here it seems they will not." In the
beginning of the last century .SrTiTimi>ur was a kind of
Almlia — *a city of refuge'; and the persecuted missionaries
' For a sketch of Brnnadon's life, see W. IT. n.nrey, Oriental Chriatian
Biography, vol. i, pp. 170-72.
• Smith, op. cit. p. 88.
lot BENGALI LITERATURE
could surely do no better than seek its protection for the
purposes of their mission. In selecting this city instead of
any other, they did what was best under the circumstances.
" Had we stayed at Mudnabutty or its vicinity " Carey
wrote "it is a great wonder we could have set u[) our press ;
Government would have suspected us, though without
reason to do so and would, in all probability, have pre-
vented us from printing ; the difficulty of procuring
proper materials would also have been almost insuperable."'
Srirampur is situated in one of the richest and most
densely peopled tracts in Bengal, very close to the metro-
polis ; and it was here that the earliest European factories
in Bengal were established, the Danes planting themselves
at .Srirampur, the French at Chandan-nagar, the Dutch
at Chinsurah, the English at Hugli, and the Portuguese
at Band el.
Two of the missionaries speedily fell victims to the
climate. Marshman and Ward,
Carey leaves North ^^,^ are indissolubly linked
Ben<Tal and joins •'
Marshman and Ward ^-ith that of Carey, who had taken
at Srirampur (1800). . -,1,1 t
up his residence with them on January
16, 1800, resolved to start systematic mission-work,
formino; a brotherhood somewhat on the idea of the
Pentecostal Church. The mission in
The Srirampur Mi- -^^ disinterestedness, its lofty aims,
sion started. ' *' '
and its kindly commoiisense deserves
sympathetic study. The spirit which animated them is
to be clearly seen in the Form of Agreement, drawn up
by them, which exhibits the high aims, the simple and
disinterested life of work to which the JSrirampur brethern
bound themselves from the beginning. This earnest
» E. Carej-, op. cit. p. 379-80.
CAREY AND JslURA.MPUR MISSION 105
philanthropy and self-sacriliee never failed to make an
impression upon the hearts; of the people and this is one
of the reasons uliy the Sririlmpnr
Tho secret of its • • i i i i i < • i i
=„„^«oc I • )i mission ha 1 hoen ah e to w eld an
enormous inlluonec in the countiy.
One of the principles which rfijjulated tho whole course
of the ^lission was that a missionary must consider him-
self as one of the comi)anions and eipials of the people
to whom he had been sent and that be must endeavour to
^ain a thorousjh knowledij^e of those anionic whom he
laboured in their modes of thinkin<]j and feeliniTj : this
was what broui^ht them nearer to the people and gained
tiieir conlidenee. They had started a school at SrTrampur
as early as May 1, 1800. In their letter to the Society
at home, we find the missionaries writing in October 10,
1 800 : "There appears to be a growing familiarity between
us and the natives. They receive our printed ])apers
with the greatest eagerness and we cannot doubt but
that they are pretty extensively read."' Without this
sympathy, self-denial, and high motives of philanthropy
and love, they would not have i)een able to attract the
people and motdd their life and thought in the way
they had done.
Of the two fellow- workers of Carey, Joshua Marshman,
son of a weaver and for sometime
n-rfi'liV^^'*''"''"'"" ^ bookseller's emplovce in London,
was born at AVestbury in AN'iltshire,
Ai)ril 20, irOS. 2 After much struggle and privation
he succeeded in oijtaining the mastership of a school in
» E. Cnroy, op. rit. p. ['Mi.
* For more detnila, sec Mnrslunan, Ili.itonj of Seramporc ilisnion,
2 vols (I8o9); Bengal Obituary, pp. 340-43; Diet, of National Biography ;
W. H. Carey, Oriental Christian Biography, vol. iii, pp. 257-6.}.
1 I
106 BENGALI LITERATURE
Bristol, and wbile living there he was baptised and vohia-
teered to go out to India as an assistant to Carey. He
was a man not only of great mental capacity, endowed
with what the Scotch call "a long head ", but also had
fine administrative ability which kept the missionary
communit}' in perfect order. AVilliam
WilH.'iiii Ward, -txr i ji i • /> • • • ^ ii
(■i7G'J-i.s-'3) \> ard, thougli mierior in uitellec-
tual equipment, was a man of great
])ractical ability and sound common-sense. He was born
at Derby on October :iO, 1709.^ The son of a builder,
he had received some education and had been apprenticed
to a printer. He rose to the position of the editor of
the Deihy Mercury and afterwards of a newspaper in Hull.
It was at Hull five years before he came out to India, Carey
had met Ward and said to him " If the Lord bless
us, we shall want a person of 3'our business to enable us
to print the Scriptures : I hope you will come after us.^'
He joined the (/hurch in 1796 and came out to India in
1799 at the invitation of Dr. Carey. His work like that
of Marshman, from 1800, was connected, if not identified,
with that of the Mission at ferirjlmpur. Ward, however,
had very little connexion with Bengali literature-
except indirectly, much less than Carey and ]Marshman,
to whom, as to no other missionary or foreign writer,
the country owes a deep debt of obligation for furlhering
the cause of education and indi recti v of modern Benii:ali
prose.
' For moro details, see Wist, of Scrampore Mission. Also Samuel
Stcnnctt, Memoirs of the Life of William Ward (1825); Bengal Ohiluarij,
pp. 343-45; Diet, of Natioml Biogr. -. Memoir of Ward, Philadelphia;
Simpson's Life prefixed to Ward on Hindus ; W. H. Carey, Orient. Christ.
Biogi-aph. vol. ii. ])]i. l-G ct. scq.
^ Ward, says Caroy, could speak Bengali a little (B. Carey, op.
c!t. p. 424). Ward, however, wrote some tracts in Bengali wliicli will
be noticed hereafter.
CAREY AND ^lURAMlH il MISSION 107
One of the earliest works that the ^lission aeeonii>lisheJ
was the priiitiiio- of the New Testa-
Print ins: of tlie .„ , • i> r 1- 1 - ion 1
Bengali Bible, ISOl. '"'^"^ '" Hfll-all Oil leb./, 1,^01
after a labour of nine months' and
of the OKI Testanu-nt between ISO.i ami 1809. Carey,
whilr at Miiiliiab.itT, had completed the translation of the
u:reater portion of the Bible by the year 1708 with the
exception of the historical books from Joshua to Job.-
lie had gone to Calcutta to obtain the estimates of printin<j;
but had found it beyond his slender means : for the cost of
printing 10,000 copies was estimated at nearly
Us. 43,7.")0.^ To have got it printed
History of its printing. i„ England was well-nigh impractic-
abh', for he had found that fach
> Preface to the Serampore Letttrs (I8(X»-181G) ed. b)' L. nnd M.
Williams, witli an introductory memoir by Tlio?. Wriglit ; also see
Marslinmn, History of Serampore 3/ission. But see Bengal Obituary, pp. 338.
• He had begun tlie translation as soon as lie could fairly learn the
langunge. We find him writing to Sutcliffe only a year after his arrival
(.\ui^. 9, 1794) : " The language (of Bengali) is copious and I think
beautiful. I begin to converse in it a little I intend to
send yon a copy of Genesis, Matthew, Mark and James in Bengali ;
with a small vocabulary and grammar of the language, in manuscripts,
of my own composition" (E. Carey, op. cit. p. 19r)). On July 17,
1796, he writes to Fuller that "almost all the Pentateuch and the
New Testament are now completed" {ibid j). 265). By 1799, almost
the whole of the Bible was translated. It is customary to attribute
the authorship of the entire Bengali Bible to Caroj, but from the report
of the work given by him {ibid p. 34">, Letter to Fuller, dated July
17, 1799) we find that in the first version, Fountain (d. Aug. 1800)
nnd Thomas helped him much. Fountain translated 1 and 2 Kings,
Joshua, Judges, Ruth. 1 and 2 Sajnnel and 2 Chronicles : while Thomas
undertook Matthew, Murk (ii-x), Luke, and James. .\ll the rest was
Caroy'a own as well as the whole correction. The correction, however,
sometimes rendered the original version into quite a new work,
especially in the case of Thomas's translation which was very incor-
lect and imperfect {ihid j> 323; Pcriodioil Acconnls, vol. i, pp. 20-21.)
* E. Carey. <<>> rii. y. 277 :»nd also p. 368 ; see also p. 239.
lOS BENGALI LITERATURE
punch would cost a guinea a piece. After several fruitless
attempts, when the project had appeared almost incapable
of accomplishment, Carey saw a wooden printing press
advertised in Calcutta for €10. He at once purchased it
at Rs. 400 and set it up at Madnabati. It was from this
old press, subsequently removed to Srirfimpur that the
first edition of the Bengali New Testament was printed.'
The types were set with the knowledge of a first-rate
printer bv AVard witii his own hand, assisted
by Carey's son, Felix.- The second edition was
1 Smith, op. cit. p. 181 ; E. Carey op. cit. p. 330.
* If wo. leave aside Elleiton's New Testament and Tliomas's
version of Genesis and other books of the Bible (1701), tliis is the
first effort at an entire translation of the Bible into Ben^^ali. EUer-
ton's version, however, was not published till 1820, and Thomas
himself got much help from Carey in his translation.
Of John F. Ellerton (1768-1820), nothing much is known except
that he was an indigo-planter and was the first to estal)lish a Bengali
school in Maldah. He wrote (1) ^^ ^IltPtl ltf%S ^f5« I Calcutta 1819.
(2)^^cl 515IM<1 C^t^<lf5«i Calcutta 1811) in
Bengali and English (3) Ef^t?"^ S\| fi}'^ 'TtC??
"^''^/'^-^•o^iuortr'' ^^^ '^^^ I 01" the New Testament, (rans"iated
by J. F. Ellerton, Calcutta 1820, pp. 993. This
last-mentioned work, though discontinued for
a time on learning that Carey was engaged on a similar work was at
last printed by the Calcutta Bible Societj'. Seethe Fifteenth Report of the
Briti!<h(ind Foreign Bible Sac. London 1819, pp. 214 and 319; 1818, App.
p. 24 (4.) ^^ t*Il^ '2|rat^^ ^Hill' '??I1R^ f^T<I1 or Account of the Crca-
tion of the World and of tlie First Age, in the form of a dialogue between
a master and his pupil, Calcutta 1820. In Cul. Rev. vol. viii, 1850, this
work is probably referred to as ^-^rWh See Long, Introduction to
Adam'x Report >< : Smith, op. cit. p. 145 : Cfl/. i?cr. 1850 : The Bengal
Obituary (1851) p. 144: Blumhardt, Ca^aZoi/dc. For Thomas, see Life
of John Thomas by C. B. Lewis (1873). The books of the Old
Testament, as printed by the Serampore Press (1801-9) are in 4
vols, viz., 1. Pentateuch, 1801 ; 2. Joshua-Esther, 1809 ; 3. Job-
Song of Solomon, 1804 ; 4. Isiah-Malachi, 1805. According to the
Serampore Memoirs, however, the correct dates of ptiblication are:
CAREY AND ^REUAMiniR MISSION 109
publislu'd in I.S03 :' but it \va>; propareJ from a I'ount of
more elci^aiit aiul smaller size,
Tlie Pross at Constructed by Manohar. The
Sriiaiiifiir. story of its printiiiij is thus told in
the Memoir relative io Trtnislafions,
''Happily for us and India at lar<>e Wilkins had led the
way in this de[)artmeiit ; and persevering industry, under
the «^reatest disadvantat^es with respect to materi ds and
workmen, had broui^ht the Beni^ali (.v/f) to a hiy;h detjree
of perfection. Soon after our settling at Seramjiore the
providence of God brought to us the very artist who had
wrought with Wilkins in that work, and in a great
measure imbibi'd his ideas. Bv his assistance, we erected
a letter-foundry ; although he is now dead he had so
fully communicated his art to a number of other-:, that
they carry forward the work of type-casting, and
even of cutting the matrices, with a
Panchtinaii ami degree of accuracv which would not
Manoliar. ^ -^
disgrace European artists,"- The
1. 1S02 ; 2. ISOO ; 3. 1S03 ; 1. IS07. The Psalter appears to have
been issued separately in 1803. A revised edition appeared in 1832.
The New Testament was piil)lishcd in 1801. [See Appendix H at the
end of this volume for a note on Bil)lical translations]. In CnJ. Rev.
X, p. 13G, the date of Ellerton'a New Testament is erroneously given
as 1S16. For John Thomas's translation of the Scriptures, see Murdoch,
Catalogue of Chrigtian Vernacular Literature of India, pp. 4 and 5,
Smith, op. ci7. p. 179. Tliomaa'-s version (before 1791) was circulated
in manuscript. Kaye, Chri'ttianity in Iinlia, p. 138, speaks of this version
as having been done in "scarcely intelligible Bengalee." See Carey,
Orient. Christ. Biography, vol. i, pp. 44-l-4oi.
' 3rd Ed. 1811 ; 4th Ed. 1810 ; 8th Ed. 1832. The date in the
text is the date of the 2nd Ed. as given by Marahman ; but Smith
(p 18S) gives 180G as the date. Tlie fact is that tlie edition was
commenced in 1803 and com])leted in 1800. See Appendix II at the
end of this volume.
» Memoir relative to the Translation of the Sacred Scriptures into
Xhe Lanijuagea of the EaM, Serampore, 1816, by Marahman, The Bible
]1() BENGALI LITERATURE
artist referred to above as AVilkins' assistant was
Panc'hruian/ of whom we have already spoken. Paneha-
nan's a])prentice jNIanoliar continued to make elegant
founts of type in all the Eastern languages for sale as well
as for the INIission, where he was "emjiloyed for 4-0 years
and to his exertion and instruction IJengal is indebted for
the various beautiful types of Bengali, Nagri, Persian,
Arabic, and other characters which have been gradually
introduced into the different printing establishments. "-'
Much misconcei^tion seems to exist as to the exact
nature of the services done by Carey
Translation of the ^^ Bengali literature bv translating
Bible ; its importance ^ .- o
in Bengali literature. the Bible into that language. No
doubt, here was the realisation of one
of the hio-hest ambitions of Carev as a missionary and in
the history of Church Missions, it occupies a very high
and well-deserved position. Car(?y has been called by
enthusiastic admirers the Wyclif and the Tyndal, while Dr.
Yates the Coverdale of the Bengali Bible. ^ Whatever
may be the value of such comparisons, from the
standpoint of Bengali literature it is, however, to say the
least, ill-informed and misleading. The position which
Wyclif's, Tyndal's and Coverdale's versions respectively
occupy in the history as well as the literature of England
■was translated tlirongli the efforts of tlie ^rirrunpnr Mission into 40
clifEerent languages and dialects. See also rcriodical Accounts rela-
tive to the Bai>tist Mss. Sac. vol i, pp. 292, 368, 417, 527 : vol ii pp. 62,
132. Sec remarks on these oriental translations in William Brown,
Historij of MisKions, vol, ii. p. 71.
> Panclmnan lived for onl\- H or 4 years after this. Bengal Obituanj
p 338.
- Marshman, Hist, of Serampur Mission vol. i, p. 179.
» Siiiith op. cit. p. 186. But see Brown //^s^ of Missions, vol. ii, p. 71
where Carey's version is impartially estimated to be now "given up as
of no great value." Sec Cal. Rev. x. p. 134; Col. Christ. Observ.
vol. xvii. p. 557.
CAR1:Y and SRlRAMPUli MISSION 111
is not the same as that which Carey's or Yates^ transhitions
can ever aspire to attain'. Theie niinht be some
point in coinpariniij Carey's version to Wyelif's, for the
latter cannot, it is well-known, compete as literature with
that produced two cent lU'ies later in Eni^lish and conse-
(inently possesses nothinj^ save an historical attnetion.
But Coverdale's claim rests on his supi^osed principal share
in the merits of the early Tudor translations of the Bible.
To compare these early Eng-lish versions of the Bible with
the Bengali ones of Carey and Yates would be to make a
wroni; estimate of both. As a piece of literature the
Bengfali version cannot be said to be a masterpiece in the
sense in which the Enirlish versions are. That the Enyjlish
vei-sion, whether of ]b-]') or of 1011 , is a monument of
early Eni]jlish prose ; that its peculiar style — " the swan-
song" as happily put "of Middle English transferred from
verse to prose" — has alwaj's been the admiration of best
critics and writers from generation to generation ; and that
there is no better English anywhere than the English of the
Bible ; of these facts there can be no doubt. Hut to
speak of Carey's and Yates^ versions in similar terms
would not only be incorrect but ludicrous-. iKre is the
version of one of the most sublime passages of the Bible —
the account of the creation at the beginning ; but the
reader will note that the translation is not only imperfect
and crude, the grammar incorrect, the idiom faulty, the
syntax crabbed and obscure, but also the whole thing
looks like an absolutelv foreign growth vainh attempted
to be acclimated in Bengali.
' Or even Wengcr's (18G1) or Rouse's (1897) later revisions.
112 bp:ngali literature
^®t^t^ ftf^ ^^^ ~^^^ ^-^^ c^ ftf'? f^^'^^i oiT^z^^ I ^^^R
^^^ ^.^^ f^<i f^^^ I
C^l^ 51^ ^^?j I ^<5^^ ^?Ttft ^^^tf ¥f^^ ^i*t ^ ft^ ^f^^
c2tt^^t^ ^tl"^ ^^ ^^?I f^^^ I
^^■^ ^t^ ^f^c^s^ ?tr^ ^^ ^i^^ "5rt^U*f^ 5i?:fT f^^t^tf^
^t^*t I ^»t^t^1 '« ftf^ ^^^ ^i:'5tw ^1^tc*f ^"^^f ^i%c^
^fk^^ ^ ^ ftf^ ^^3^ ftf^ f^^c^^ ^^"^^ ^f^:^ ^:5^w
CAREY AND SRIRAMPUR MISSION 113
^^t^t^ ^C^ ^-^^r ^%^^ 5^ ^'%^ ^T'^ 'Sl^iif S?^ S ^-^
^r^c-^s^ ^^ ^-ft^ Q =5»i^trff ^f% ^"? ^1^1 w:^ 5if5 ^c5
^^^ ^Qjttt^ ^^^ I ^^11 ^ ^t^^t^ ^IC^ ^^^ "^^^ fvf^^ I
( M'^*!^?^ I ^'. i— ^ ) '
The Bengali style however in these versions, it
will be seen, is not laboured but directed towards sini])li-
city, ami some attempt is made, in however groping
fashion, to reproduce the poetry and magnificence
of the Biblical style, so far us it was possible to do
80 iu that early stage of Bengali prose.- Yet, as the
ast«l ~s ■^\w.'\V'f^v,^ \ ^t5ta ««i^ ^m ^I5tc« 5tf^ ^-sf, ctWa ^r?1,
f^^.^ m^'\, %5rf^, «fws ^t^ I cft^t^ 'imi I ^^1 ^t^ csfe^t^t
5^ J I fl5rt^*3j^ ft*11 ^^^ 1 ii^'i I Tlie Englisli titlo-paKe is as follows :
Thu Holy Bible, containing tlic Old Testament and the New : translated
out of the original tongues. Serampore. Printed at the Mission Press.
1>S(.I2. Tha title-page of vol ii (New Testament) is as follows :
^i^^^^7p "st^r? ^^stM I 3t?i 'stRt?^? si-^^Q 3it«t^i c^^'s Utrl^
^5R Ji^tsm I ^'ii 5^ it^ ^t^i 5ft3 1 >§i^ripi ^m 5^ I i^-o i
' No pains were spared, it socins, to make the version as accurate
and natural as possible. Carey revised it four times before publi-
cation with Rum Basu, "the most accomplished Bengali scholar of
the time," by his side. Tiie Pundits judged of the style and syntax
and ho himself of the faithfulness of the translation. (E. Carey,
op. cit. p. 308). In 1815 Carey took Yates as an associate with him-
self in these translations. "His special care" says W.H. Carey {Orient.
Christ. Biography, vol. i, p. 319) "was bestowed upon the Bengali version."
15
114 BENGALI LITERATURE
followino' extract from Pharaoh's dream in the revised
version of Yates will indicate, how immature and crude
the style is and what presumption it is to compare
this with the traditional excellence of the Biblical style !^
CT ^ftfT'^ ?"t^t^^ ^rtf^c^i ^ft ^Ic^ m'l^i mni =?^^
c^ftT' ^^^i '?Jr^^ ^T^r^ mf^^ I ^x^ "^u 'Tt's^l ft '« f ^f^s
c^t^ vT^t ^rs ^fl?il ^vft^ #tc^ (^ c^tKff^ f^^^ ^t^^^ I ^f:?r
% ^§^ I '^^ 'j^?! <it?i c^ ^?r^ ^^ >rf^ #t«i % ^f^ I
^^? C^'t 'Tfvs #t«l % <^ ^t^ '^^t^t^ ^^ »Tt^ 5tt5!
It has been further remarked with regard to these
Bengali versions that while the ideas of the Bible
elaborate the notions of the readers^ the language of
it accustoms them to the disuse of the vulgar paloi-s.
All the resources of the lansrua^e, srram natical and
' Of course, this is a great improvemeut upon the origiual
version of 1802 whicli runs as follows : —
5^ ^A^l^ ^< ^IZ^ A%^9 ^C^ ¥t!:^t€t '^^ Ctff'm Cf^ C^l ^f^Qtlatc^
^ft<l r^^t^l^ C(f«t ^f^ ^tra ^^5! ?*«f^ fkt'1^ ^f»^ ^t^ ^ ^f^*^
^f^:5 3 f ^1 ^c^ Jjf^fn:^ ^t«tt^ ^t^ 71^^ -nt^r^ ^^t^ ^s^'oi^ ^jfs^s
f^ ^ff^i '^ft^ri c^ti?i C'l JTt«5i ^'^^ ^li| ■'tr^r^r?^^ I ^''R
CAREY AND ^jIURAMPL'R MISSION 115
lexieof]jrapliical, are called out to indicate (1) new and
foreii^n and (2) noble ideas.' Hence, ii is ar^^ued,
the importance of the translated Bible in Ik'n^ali li-
terature. The reni.uk, however, would have been per-
fectly true and appropriate had the condition of thin^.s
been in India what it had always been in Etiroj)e.
Tiie Bible is the one book in the European countries
which is a universal favourite, and its idejL. and lan-
^ua<:;;e have t'lrouj^h many centuries become almost a
part of the ideas and language of the people at large.
To this is partly due the enormous inlluenee of the
saere I book on the languages and literatures of Europe.
The Bengali Bible, however, has failed to exercise any
such inlluenee. In India, where the missionaries can
boast of very few triumphs among the educated class
and the Bil)le is not so familiarly known and univer-
sally respected, the eise is not the same as it is in
Europe. Again, it is true that in all translations the
resources of the language are drawn out to the utmost
and that translation is the best exercising ground for
an infant literature, yet even as a piece of translation,
the Bengali Bible cannot in any sense be regarded as
a trium[)h of the translator's art, and the very strain
in expressing strange and alien ideas with a limited
command over the inherent powers of tlie language,
makes the style crabbed, stilted, and unnatural. The
missionary writings in Bengali have a sort of traditional
repute for crabbed syntax and false juxta|X)sition of
words ; here surely the tradition for once is not mis-
leading. Indeed, in spite of all that can be saiil in favour
of tiie versions, uo critic, however alive to their importance
' Cal. Rev. vol. xili. I>*oO. Art. "Early Bengnii Literature and
NewspRppr." p 139.
116 BENGALI LITERATURE
as tlie earliest specimen of simple and homely prose,
can ever claim any thing like literary competency for
them marked that they are throughout by earliness and
immaturity. Carey's claim to importance as a contribu-
tor to Bengali literature does not rest so much ujwn
his Bible-translations and numerous tracts on (Jiiristian-
ity, but ou the works which he produced in another
sphere of usefulness but on which he himself seems to
have laid less emphasis although they show him in a
better light as a writer of Bengali.
Tiiis sphere of usefulness was first opened to Carey
by his appointment as a teacher of
J^^f■^^' r u ^''" Bengali in Lord Wellesley's newlv
William CoIle<?e. "
established Fort William College.
It is to he noted, however, that it was the publica-
tion of the Bible-translation and his reputation as the
foremost European scholar of Bengali that had secured
the aj)pointment which placed him in a jiosition, pliilo-
logical and tinaneial, to further tht^ ciuse of Bengali
writing. It was mor(^ to his connexion with the Fort
William College and his growing influence as a writer
and scholar in Bengali than to his position as a jjreacher
of the Gospels that we owe every thing that he did
for enriching Bonfrali literature.
CHArTEll V
WlI.l.lAM ('aUKY and FoilT \\'ll.MA.M Coi.l.EnK.
Amoiii? tho institutions which in various ways <]jave
an impetus to Bengali h'terature,
Importnnco ..f the ^^^^^^ -^ ^ prominent place to
Fort Williutii Colloir*^ ^ I '
in tho history of Ben- the Foit WiUiam Colle<jje. Since
"iili prose. • i i • p i-» i-
the practical ilisappoaranee or tsen^jjali
literature after Bharat-chandra's death, its fir.-t public
emer<Tence is to be traced in the prose publications of
this Collpije, which, althouj^h no literature by tlifmselves,
certainly heralded the more mature i)ro(luctioiis of later
days. The imj^ortanee of the Fort William Colleije in
the history of modern Benfjali prose is not due to
the supreme excellence of its publication (for its |)ubli-
cations were not in any way lirst-rate) but to the fact
ftiat by it>5 employment of the Press, by pecuniary and
other encourai^ement, by affording a central i)lace for
the needed contact of mind to mind, it ijave such an
impetus to Bengali learniiiL!^, as was never ij^iven by
any other institution since the estabHs!:ment of the
British rule. It is true that the books published under
its patronafi^e and «?enerally for the use of its students
were not more numerous or more substantial than
tliose of the famous School Book Society of later times ;
but it must bi^ admitted that the list presents a lonp^
series of important compositions in the vernacular and
classical lan<nia<;es of the l'>ast on a variety of subjects
and ct)mi)reh<^nds many works which, thoujjh written
expressly for younpf civilian students, were at one time
widely celebrated in this countrv, and which have not
118 BENGALI LITERATURE
yet lost all their value and interest. But this was
not all. The College was the seminary of western
learning in an eastern tlress ; it helped to diffuse
western ideas through the medium of the vernacular.
But at the same time, orientalism wos its principal
feature, and it tuined the attention of students and
scholars to the cultivation of oriental languages, both
classical and vernacular. "The establishment of the
College of Fort William" said Sir George Barlow at
the first Disputation of the College held so early as
180^ "has already excited a general attention to oriental
language, literature and knowledge.'"'' We can realise what
this means when we bear in mind the general neglect and
oblivion to which Bengali literature and Bengali education
had hitherto been consigned. The Honourable Visitor of
1815 in remarking on the encouragement held out by the
College for the studv of the leading oriental languages
observed that previously to the foundation of the College
" the language of Bengal was generally neglected and
unknown '^- The best scholars and the greatest intellects
of the country met here in friendly intercourse ; and we
shall see how an attractive personality like Carey's drew
around it a band of enthusiastic writers, bent upon remov-
ing the poverty of their vernacular. At the invitation and
inducement of such scholars, literary works were undertaken
by the enlightened Bengali community as well as
by the Munshis and Pundits of the College who would
» Roebuck, Annals of the College of Fort William (1819), p. 17;
The College of Fort W,lliam 1805 cd. by Claudius Uuchanan, Vice-
Provost & Professor of the College (Soo Pearson's Memoi-s of Rev.
Claudiut Buchanan, 1819, vol. i, p. 202 foot-noto) containing all the
official papers ana literary proceedings of the Collogo, p 58 at p. 62 ;
See also Seton-Karr, Selectioiis from Cal. Omette, toI. iii, p. 296-99 : etc.
' Roebuck, op. ci p. 468,
CAREY AM) FOKT WILLIAM tOLLlXiK 119
possibly have produced notliiiig but for the stimulus thus
given to their liteiary zeal and the eneoura;^t_'nieiit yielded
by the liberality of the government which would have
never otherwise been so readilv called into beinf;. ' The
movement for undertaking literary and scientific works in
Bengiili prose and for translation into that language, which
till 1850 iiad been so consp'cuous nn activity in the
literary history of Bengal, had its beginning iu the publi-
cations of the College of Fort
The value of its pub- ,,-.,,■ o i • ^i i r -^
licationa. ^' illiam- ami m the zeal or its
scholars, aided no doubt by the fact
that exigencies of education and spread of liberal ideas
naturally brought on a multiplication of text-books and
books of general interest. It is true, speaking generally,
that the productions of these devoted scholars, consisting,
as they do, mostly of school-books and translations, are
far from being invulnerable in point of literary merit ; yet
to them belonijs the credit of breaking; fresh ixround and
creating the all-important Btngali prose-of-all-work. Not
that we have no Bengali prose before this, but it was
hardly in current use and not so developed as to be the
medium of evorvdav thoughts of the nation.'' No one
can claim for this early prose tha finish and all-expressive-
ness of latter-day prose, but it eaimot be denied that here
' This was n pet schemo of Welloslcy's : so the liberality of the
Government was mapnificont.
' The popular opinion, aided, no doubt, by the extreme scaroiry of
these publications in the present day as well as by ii^nontnt or CHreless
criticism, often derivinjj its informations Hccond-hand, that tlicsc publi-
cations were seldom or never read, is not borne out by contemporary
allusions referring to these works and their extensive sale, running
them through numerous editions within half a century. Moat of these
publications afforded an endless quarry of fables and stories, always
interesting to an orieutul reader.
* See App I.
120 BENGALI LITERATURE
we have, if not art, at least craftmansliip ; if precisely
no work of genius, at least the hint and intimation of
such close at hand.
TliG Colle^'e of Fort "William which was actuallv in
operation from May 4, 1800^ was
Its foundation (1800) formally established on Aucnist 18 by
and object. ' ^ ■^
a Minute in Council in which the
Governor-General detailed at lenj^th the reasons for start-
ini^ such an institution.- No sooner did Lord Wellesley
find himself freed from the uneonQ:enial bonds of war in
the South than he devoted himself to various measures
of internal administration with an ardour seldom equalled
except perhaps by Lord Bentiuck whom he so closely
resembled. The Company's Civil Service, although it
produced a fev7 men of first-rate ability, had sunk into the
lowest depths of vice and ignorance. The Service had its
origin in a mercantile staff, well-versed in the mysteries
of the counting-house ; and its training, since the Factory
had grown into an Empire, had not been sutRcicnt for the
more important duties which now devolved upon it. The
system which Burke had reprobated fifteen years ago was
still unchanged, and lads of fifteen to eighteen were being
sent out to India before their education could be finished,
with no op[)(»rtunity or inducement on their arrival to
complete it. At the close of three or four ^-ears' residence,
the 3'oung Civilians, endowed with an atHuent income and
unchecked authority, had not only lost the fruils of their
European studies and gained no useful knowledge of
' The First Term of the College commenced from Febrnary 6,
1801.
' 'Minntcf, in Council af the Fvrt Willicnn by Ilis Excellency the
Most Ilon'blc Marquis of Wellesley, containing his reasons for the
establishment of a College in Bengal, dated August IS, ISOO (See
Koebuck, op. cit. p. vi and Buchanan, op, cit. p. 8-9.
CAREY AND FORT WILLIAM COLLEGE 121
Asiatic literature or business but were absolutely aban-
tloneJ to pursue tlieir own iiiolinatiou without G^uidance or
control. Of the lanijua^es and manners of the people
whose affairs they were called upon to administer, thoy
were not required to know even the rudiments.* The
Minute denounced in the stronpjest
Loni Wellcsloy's terms " the absolute insufiicieucv of
Miuute.
this class of youuLi: men to execute the
duties of any station whatsoever in the Civil Service of the
Conii)any beyond the menial, laborious and unprofitable
duty of a more copyin-^ clerk ". It became evident that
there could be no substantive improvement without provi-
dinji; a succession of men sufficiently ([ualified to conduct
it. " Th' Civil Servants of the En^jjlish East Lulia Com-
pany " says the Minute- " can no lonner be considered
as the agents of a commercial concern ; they are in fact
the ministers and officers of a powerful sovereign : they
must now be viewed in that capacity with a reference, not
to their nominal, but to their real occupation.' Their
studies, the discipline of their education, their habits of
life, their manners and morals should therefore be so
ordered and rej^ulated as to establish a sufficient
' It appears from the procecdiiif^s of the Govcrnor-CJcneral in
Council dated as far back as Sep. 10, 1790 timt with it view to the
acquiBitioii of the fudian lanj,'uape3 by the Company's writers, cucournge-
ment was affonled by offering thorn allowance and other facilities
(Soton-Karr, Selection from Cnl. Gmctte, ii. 213-14), but it was never
enjoined upon theiu as a matter of duty or necessity.
" Hoebuck, op. cit. p. iv ; Buchanan, op. cit. pp. .5-6.
* See Setou-Karr, op. cit. vol. iii, pp. 22-23. Before the formal
pstablisliment t>f the Collejjc, Dr. Gilchrist, an eminent Hindu.sthani
sch'ihir, was appointed provisionally by Lord Wellesley to liud out if an
experiment of lecturintj to yount^ Civilians could be made succcRsful.
It succeeded splendidly, as appears from tlie Report of the Committee
appointed to ascertain the progress made in Gilchrist's class (Roebuck,
op. cit. pp.l-I4 ; Soton-Knrr Selections from Cut. Gatetfc,vn\. iii pp. 68-61).
After this the scheme of Fort William College was set on foot.
16
122 BENGALI LITERATURE
corresponJeuce between tlieir (jiialiflcations and their
duties" The Minute then declares that " A Collese is
hereby i'ouaded at Fort William in Eengal for tlie better
instruction of the Junior Civil Servants of the CompaDy."
The institution was projected on a scale of magnificence
which marked all the plans of Lord Wollesley, but under
the pressure of the authorities at home, who were deadly
opposed to the institution and without whose sanction and
acquiescence it had been set up, the College was continued
on a reduced scale. ^
The range of studies marked out for the students
in the College was very extensive
The range of studies ; and one of its most striking features
its orientalism. ^^^^ -^^ orientalism. The curriculum,
subsequently modified, was intended
to include in its grand scale ''Arabic, Persian, Sanskrit,
Hindusthani, Bengali, Telegu, Mahratti, Tamil, Kanara",
besides "Laws and Regulat ions. Political Economy, Modern
Languages, Greek, Latin, English Classics, General.
History ancient and modern, History of India, Natural
History, Botany, Chemistry and Astronomy" 1^ The
College was j^tronised by the Governor-General himself,
his colleagues, and the Judges of the Supreme Court ;
for it was considered to be one of the most important insti-
tutions of the State and the senior members of the
Government were required in virtue of their office
to take a share in its management.
Public disputations in Public disputations in oriental langu-
oriental languages. ages were held annuallv in the jrrand
edifice which Wellcsley had erected,
in an august assembly, composed of men (.f high lank.
* The College coutinued till 185t ; but since the foundation of School
Book Society and Hindu College in 1S17, its importance was
overshadowed and diminished.
• Roebuck, op. cit. p. xvii.
C.VllKY AND FORT \VILLL\M COLLKOli: 1:^3
It woukl interest Beiidrali readers! to learu that debates
were held in IJeng-ali and the 'subject at the First Public
Disputation held in February 0, 1S02 was "Whether the
Asiatics are capable of as hii;h tlejj^ree of civilisation as
Europeans." The theses read by the students were
published and they aflord us some oi' the earliest specimens
of sustained prose writing at-
Theses by tho students tempted by Europeans. We give
of tbe College. below the theses pronounced at a
disputation in I5engali in the Second
Public Disputation held on March 29, 1803 by James
Hunter, although we have, as we shall see, better specimens
of prose-writing even before this date. This would, however,
serve as the nverngf specimen of 'European jirose' of
the time. There are some quaint turns of phrase?, a few
inevitable mistakes of idiom and syntax and errors of ortho-
graphy, and the style is a little too crude and sanseritised ;
yet if we compare with it the contemporary prose of
Pratapaililya C/iuri(ra (ISO I) and Lipimalu (lSO;ij, this
specimen will hardly be at a disadvantage with them in
many respects^. The scarcity of the publications which
' Reports of the annual Disputations till 1819 will be found in
detail in Roebuck, oj(. ci/. Also in Buchanan, oj<. c«7. till 1805; and
also SCO Seton-KaiT, op. cif. p. 296 ; also in Pnmitiae Orientaleg, vols,
i-iii.
* Some of the stodents of the Collopc )>ubli8hed notable works. In
1808 Henry Sarjent, who was a distinguished student of Bengali in
the College (See Roebnck, op. cit. pp. 178-180, 218-221) translated the
first four books of the /Kneid or Iliad (tho first book, according to
Long's Catalogue, came ont in 1805). Monckton, another student,
translated Shakespeare's Tempest. {Cat. Rev. 1850, Art. Beng. Lit.). Long,
however, followed by Dinesh-chandr* Sen, (op. cit. p. 876) inistakea the
name of Henry Sarjent for "J. Serjeant," F'roni Roebuck op. cit. it
appears that there was no student in tho College bearing the name
of "J. Serjeant," and no such person, it would seem from Dodwell
and Miles, op. cit. ever entered tho Civil Service.
lU BENGALI LITERATURE
contain these theses will be a sufficient excuse for the
leno^th of the quotation. The subject was "The Distri-
bution of Hindus into Castes retard their progress in
improvement."
Thesis at the Second ^^^^ ^'^^ ^^^^^ ^^"^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ W^
Disputation reprodnced, ^ ^-^ ^^^^ C^tC^^lW^ f%^ f%^ t?i^
as the average speci-
TniLd^^^ngalf'pre ^^ ^t^^ C^ ^^t^ ^^^ ^^=^ ^^= ^^
of the time. ^^^_^ ^^ ^_^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^ -^^^^_
^^«i ^^t?:^ li^ ^'^ ^1^*1 0^^ ^f?f?i1 ^tR^tc^^ ^wc*t ^'f^
^■n:?r cn^t ;i^1 yi^si <^t^ ^^°s ^^ w%^ c^tc^^l f%^ f^ ^tf^^
I^Jfl ^^^iRt^ '^ttf^:^^ 5it^ f^jf f^Tl ^T^iTt^ ^J^«ff?I ^f^^tCf
^^tf*rs ^^ f¥^ ^^ f^ ^^ ^f%?il ^^^ ^9|^ ^-\fi^ f^^
^f?(^ ^^t^ ^^1 i^t ¥fl?( ^^«s Wc^ ^^5i-« ^^ ^t^ CT
^^t^ 5 ^"St^ "Sl^^t^ C=1TC^^1 ^C5J^ 51^^ c^t'i ^l%^1 '^t^^
^^^ 51^^^ ^t^^ ^f^^tc^ ^v. r^^t « ^f% ^^v ^tc^tf^^
CAREY AND FORT WILLIAM COLLEGE 125
:^C«tTl 'T^ '7lTt^^'5 ^<T ':J'nP ^^\^ 5tr?^=^< '?5?V{
c«t^ 3[t^«i 5^1 ^f^ ^5^f^ ^^ «c^ «t^ ^5^ ^r^
^ ^^? ^^C5it^ ^^^ ^f^ ^'ra^ ^^5i« t^ti:^ ^i^ra c^t^ "sri^
^*R mf^ <T^«rfc^ '^^'^f^^ 'iTc^ ^t^t^ "^f^^n ^^ ^ii;
^^tc» ^Ri ^t^ ^f^ c^t^ c^^ "511^ ^tf%^ fk:^ ^'t ^^t^R
f^|t 'it^^n ^^t% c^c^ c^t^ f^R^ te^l ?<! ^ c^s{ sji
cftoi ^^',%5i ^t<i ^^°v (?i^ c^t^Q 'srf'p 'j^ ^^ ■srt'fj?
f^<i^5f^ ^'(^ '^'r^ f9<il ^^^ ta ?q:^^ ^f%^^f^
'sfs. "ft? ^r«f ^^mrs s^^n ^c^ "sc^i ^'s?^ »rt:^ c^i?^
^t^Tt^T srrc^ ^^ ^ ^r^5t^^^ <?!^ CftPJCS ^5fiC*f^1 Tt^TTF
1£6 BENGALI LITERATURE
f^^c^tc^^i ^f^s ^^ "*fR^^ f^»&^® «rtc^ sc^ ^s
'it*:^ ^ ^fvf ^sj cffr-f^ f^^l s ^^T^ c^^ f^^i ^m ^s<^rtf^
^^:w'l(:'l srf^tTis? 9ftf%^ c^lsf^^ ^-f^ ^f^^?i ^f% jjt^i i f^"^
c^^sj^ lilt ifi^t^'^^ frf^c^ ^t^t^i:?^ ^f% ^f%«1 sff^^
2!t?t^ ; ^^ t^^%^^Ctf^ 5r^«fT ^^I ^2t?f^ "Slim (c\-\^ ^^Q
'SfJfSf J C'^^^1 ^^t^1 '?'^t^ ^Tt^f ^1%^1 =^fl?^tr^ 5 ^^ ^t^t^W^
=^^Ttfi *J,^^t^ ^Z'5 it:^ f^l 9^t^W^ ^^^ ^t^ ^tc^ ^tr^
(?i ^^ « f^'st^l ^?j^ ^f%^^V ^ ^tc^ ^t^r« ^^^1
^^f^'sl l^rtf^ 'sjt^ ^t^ ^^5j f^'srf^ ^srs ^^?rtc^ f^^t^ c^t^
CAREY AND FORT WlLLIA^f COLLECJE 127
^fJt^^W^ ^\^ ^^^ ^t1 ^^^ ~Q^° CT ^^ f^'SItCT C^IC^^JCW^T
^^?f ^^?r ^*(^f% ^^ ^t^1 ^^ff ^?ic«t^ ^t^i crt r^^
^f^ Mf5^ C^ C^5t^^ t^t^ ''I^^i ^f^^1 C^^t^ ^\C^t^C^^1
^T^t?^ ^tf^ ^t C^^5^1 ^t '^^t^ '^l'^'^ C^^ ^^s '^^^
Carey was appointed teacher of Bengali and Sanscrit
lanuuasres'-' in April 1801. In Januarv 1, 1807 he was
raised to the status of a Professor'
Carey appointed and he Continued till 1831 to be the
Teacher and Professor
of Bengali. most notable figure in the College
of Fort William. This ai)pointmeut
threw Calcutta open to him as a Held of work and for the
next tliirty years from 1801 he spent as much of his time in
the metropolis as at .Srlram])ur. lie found the appointment
bringing in its train responsible duties but it afforded him
an early opportunity not only to cultivate "the beautiful
language of Bengal" but also to enrich its literature by his
own labours as well as by the labours of others whom he
induced to work in the same field. He himself not only wrote
' Primitive Oricn tales, vol. ii. 1803, pp. 67-74, containing theses
in tho Oriental langaages pronounced at the Public Disputations by the
Students of the College of Fort William, with translations
' Aftcrwanifl of the Miiharatti language.
* Roebuck, op. cit. Appendix iv, p. 52 at p. :a ; Ijucbanau, r-/'. cil. p
23G at p. 237.
128 BENGALI LITERATURE
a grammar, eom})ilei.l a dictionary, and composed text-books
but he was at the same time the centre of the learned
Bengahs, whom by his zeal he attracted around him as
pundits and munsis, as inquirers and visitors. The impetus
which he gave to Bengali learning is to be measured not
merely by his productions or by his educational labours
at this institution or at Sririirapur but also by the influence
he had exerted and the example he had set before an
admiring public who soon took up
His influence and i^jg ^voi-]. {„ earnestness. He had
the impetus he gave
to literature. gathered around him a number of
scholars who were at first his teachers
but whom he had succeeded in employing in extensive
literary work. Of the fifteen munsis* who taught Bensali
in the College, the chief was his own ])undit, ^Nlrt^^uniay,
who wrote some of the most learned and elaborate treatises
of the time. He induced three other pundits of the
College, Ram Basu, Rajlb-lochau and Chaudlcharan^ to
undertake the composition of vernacular works and he always
befriended those who took auv interest in the vernacular
literature. It was at his sui^ijestion and encouragement
that Mohan-prasad 'Hiakur, assistant Librarian to the
College of Fort William, compiled his Lnglkh-Bengall
Vocahnlary'^ (1810) which lie dedicated to Dr. Carey. It
* Buchanan, o^ cit. p. 239.
* A Vocabulari/ Bengali and English for the use of students, arranged
in alphabetical order under different subjects, by Mohan Prasad
Thakur (I8I0) ; 2nd Ed. 1815 ; 3rd Edition 1852. The Calcutta Review
(1862) speaks of it as "exceedingly useful to all students of the Bengali
language." On the doubtful authority of Rev. Long {Catalogue) the
date of this book is fixed to be 1805 by Mr. Sen (Hixtory, pp. 8CG-G7).
The copy (2nd Edition) in the library of the Board of Examiners bears
1815 as tlie date of publication. Mohan Prasad Mas appointed
Librarian to the College in October, 1807 (^Roebuck, op cit. App. IIL
p. 51): so he could not have compiled this work at the suggestion of
Carey before this date. See also Preface to liaughton's Diciwnary.
CAREY AND FORT WILLIAM COLLECJK \2[)
is needles'^ to multiply exami)les of works which owed
their orii;-iii to his sui^i^estion aud iiifhinu'e ; but these will
o;o to show how attractive ids personality ami how extensive
his influence had been amonjjj his collaborators in the
field. "When the appointment was made" he writes
on June 15, ISOl "I saw that 1 had a very impor-
tant charije committed to me I therefore set about
compilinf^ a grammar, which is now half printed. I got
Ram Ram IJasu to compose a history of one of their
kings; which we are also printing. Our Pundit' has also
nearly translated the Sungskrit fables. . .which we are also
going to publish. These, with Mr. Forster's Vocahnlnry^
will prej^are the way to reading their })Oetical books: so
that I hope this difheulty will be gotten through."- Thus
Carey's College-room became the centre of incessant
literary woik as his SrTrSmpur study had been of Bible-
translation. We can imagine the indefatigable scholar in
ins chamber sitting with his ^lunsi for three oifonr hours
daily mastering the language in all its complications and
with a longing to educate the people, writing and transla-
ting hour by hour into Bengali tongue the books whicli lie
thought useful for tiiat purpose and NAhich contains the
first systematic pieces of spirited Bengali prose.
Thus, aitliough the College of Fort William was found-
ed to fidlll a political mission, its
The oiiontalism of „ , i „ •
the College ; its cflcc-t. usefulness and its importance, never
ended tiiere. Tiie im])Ptus which
it gave, as a centre of learning and culture, to the
cause of Vernacular language and literature, gives it a
prominent place in the literary history of the time. No
doubt its greatest aclnevement in tiie liistory of
' Mrtyunjay.
• E. Carey, OTp. cH. pp. 450-454 ; Smith, ojj. cU. p. 1G4.
17
130 BENGALI LITERATURE
intellectual |)rogress in tliis coiintrv consists in its revival
of the ancient cnlture of the land, its all-comprehensive
orientalism daring far beyond the intrepid dreams of scholars
like Sir William Jones, "Wilkins, and Colebrooke. But this
orientalism embraced a ii:reat deal more than a mere revival
of classical learnin<]j. Attention hitherto had never been
turned to vernacular learning in this country which
was in a sadlv nesrlected state at the beorinninsr of the
century. The Colleo^e of J'ort William, by its encourage-
ment of the vernacular, first brought it into public notice
and fostered and nourished it.
The list of its publications between 1800 and 18:25
rp, ,. , » ., , eomin-ises, besides 31 works in Hindu-
Iho list of its pub- ^ '
lications between 1800 sthani, 24 in Sanscrit, 20 in Arabic,
and 1825. , • -n ■ ^i x- n •
ana 21 in rersian, the lollowing
principal works in Bengali' chronologically arranged.
1801 P/ri/a/)U'h'///u CZ/ar/'/ni'' by Ram Ram Basu.
A GronniKtr n/' fj/c Bengalee L(nuj)iage by W. Carey.
KofJiojHiktit/niii- by AVilliam Care}'.
Hitojjddeb translated by Golak-nath Sarma.
' This list is based on the lists given in Roebuck, op. cit. App. 11, p.
29 (A Catalogue of all the Oricnt.-xl works published under the patronage
of the College of Fort William since it^s Institution in 1800 up to
August I.'), 1818) ; in Buch.-man, op, cit. (List of books printed and
published by the Fort William College before 1805) pp. 2I5)-23G ; in
Primitiae Orieidules (vols.ii-iii p. xlvi), and on the enumeration in
Long's Catalogue which, however, is not ahvnys leliable. In all
these cases whore (with the one or two exceptions mentioned) I
have been able to avail myself of the original editions, I have
compared and verified the dates here given. Particulars or details
about these works will be found in their proper places below, where
each of them has been reviewed in its turn.
"^ It seems to have been published a month later tlian Pratapaitit ya
Charitra.
CAREY AND FORT ^^1LLIAM COLLEGE 131
I80:J Lipimata^ by Ram Ham Basil.
Batiib Simfiasiiii translated by Mrtyunjav Bidyii-
lankar.
1S0;3 .A'.-f(>/>'.v /'(/(^/^'.v tratislatt'd- into Benp:ali, nmlcr the
direction and superintendence of Dr. J. Gil-
clirist, by TarinTcharan Mitra.
1S05 'Ci>(a Ill/ia'< translated from Persian bv Cliandi-
cbaraii Miinsi.
Baja Krf<nac/tiiiiilro A'az/t/r C/iarilrn by Rajib
Loelian Mnkliopiidiivav.
1808 Rajabdli by Mrtyunjay Hidyrilai'dvur.
Jlltopades by Mrtyunjav Bid\rilankar.
Ilitojmdeh^ by Ram-kisor Tarkalankar
1812 Ili/ia-'i-tiiala^ by ^Villianl Carey.
1813 P raljo(Ui-vfia lid ri ka^ hy Mrt\unja\ Bidyalaiikar.
1815 Pitrus-parlkiia translated by llaraprasad Ray.
1815-1825 A Dicdoiiari/ of Un' Bengali' Lduffnof/i'^ bv
Wdliam Carey. Vol. L (The last volunie was published in
1825).
' In Buchanan oyi. cd. and Primitiae Oi ientalen no name of the
niuhor is given, but he is simply described as a "learned native in the
College."
* This work is also mentioned by Long bnt not in connexion with
the publication of the Foit William Collesre.
* M«ntioned and dated by Boebnck. 1 have not been able to obtain
sight of this work. In the list of Pundits in the College in ISIS, Roebuck
mentions Rani-kiijor THrkachfidanmni (appointed Xovenil)cr 1805) in
the Bengali Department.
* Doubtful whether a publication of the College, not officially record-
ed to be such.
' Published in 1R.?.3. longafter the death of the author, with a preface
by J. >rar9hman. Hence not mentioned by Roebuck: but knonn ron-
cluttively to be a publication for the uce of the Collcgi' from the testi-
mony of Carey, Marshman and oth< rs.
132 BENGALI LITERATURE
Barn'no^ a few independent works here and there
these were all the best publications and the chief writers
in Bengali between 180U and 1825.'
Even if we leave aside publications which are in-
directly due t<i his instigation or
Carey's works in encouragement, it will be seen that
Bengali. '^
Carey's share in the work was not
inconsiderable. Besides the translation of the Bible and
numerous Christian tracts, Carey's works in Bengali con-
sist chiefly of the following books : —
(1) A Gram mar of the Beugahe Laugvage. Printed at
the Mission Press. Serampore. 1801. (2nd Edition' with
alterations 1805; 3rd Ed. 1815 ; 4th Ed. 1818; 5th Ed.
1845.)
(2) KdthojiiikaiJntit, or Colloquica or Dialogues in-
tended to facilitate the acquiring of the Bengalee Language.
Printed at the ^Mission Press. Seramj^ore. August,
' In Buchanan op. cit. there is a list of books printed during 1803
or in course of publication during the year 1804, at p. 238. In it we
find mentioned a work, of which, however, there is no record in Roe-
buck or anywhere else, viz. Translation of the Bliagabadgltti from
Sanscrit into Bensyali b}' Chandl Charan Munsi. It is not known
whether it ever saw the light. In Piimit. Orient, vol. ii p. 1-li, we
fiud the entry of another publication, long supposed to be a missionary
publication only and not mentioned in the official records whether of
Buchanan or of Roebuck, viz. The Old and the New Testament,
translated into the Bengali Language, in 2 vols. It seems to be u
reprint of the yrirampur edition, or even the identical publication,
transferred to the list of the publications of the Fort William College.
* The date of the 2nd Edition is given as ' before 1803' in Buchanan,
op. cit. p. 222 ; E. Carey, op. cit. p. 474. But Grierson, Linguistic Survey,
vol. V, pt i, p. 24 says that the 2nd edition was published in 1805;
and Wilson {Life and Labouis (f Corey) corroborates it In the tenth
Jfemotr of the orirampur mission, the date of the 2nd Ed. is given as
1805. Diuesh Ch. Sen (Hist, of Be ng. Lit. p. 857) rather inaccnrately
states that the book passed through four editions before 1855.
CAREY AND FORT WILLIAM COLLlXiE L'ia
1801 (3rcl m. 1818.) Ori^rinally apart of tlio Reiifjali
Grammar. The title varies slij^litly in ililTerent editions.
(o) Ih/ius-nialu or a colioftiuii of stories in the
Beti^^alce lan<;iia«!;e eollccleil from various sources. Seram-
pore. Printed at the Mission Press. 181:^.
(4) ./ Dicfiouari/ nf llw Jifiif/afi'i' Laiif/uagey in which
words are traced to their ori<;in and their meaninjis are
«,'iven, in :2 vols. \ ol. 1, l81o (\ol. II, 1H:2.>). Vol I
reprinted in 1818. The second volume is in 2 parts All
Ben<>ali-Enu;lish.' Printed at the Mission Press. Serampore.
Carey's enthusiiism for lienj^nli and his patient scholar-
ship are nowhere displayed better than
Stopo and iiiipin- i • • i / • -i i- i> i.i
tancoof Carey's works. '" '"^ uidustnous compdatiou ot the
Beiifjdh ( I ni III iinw and the Beiigali-
Eiiglis/i Dictionary. This was indeed the aije of j;rammars
and dictionaries, and the name of <.;rammarians- and
lexicoixraphers who, after Carey, followed in the foot-steps
of Halhed and Eorster, is leijion ; hut none of the works
' Rev. Long in liis Retnin of the Stimes and Writings o/515 Persons
connected with Bengali Litcrnture (p. 12.5) mentions anionp Carey's
works a treatise or pnniplilet c-alled Letter to a Lo^kar. \i seems that
the Addrem to a Lnnknr, wliich was written not hy Carey hut l>y
Pearco of Birmingham, was translated by Carey (see E. Carey, "/). cit.
]). 463; al.io Murdoch, Cutalogue of Christian Vernacular Litera-
ture of India, p. 5) Curoy also wrote other missionary tiniets wliich it
is not necessary to mention here.
' The tirst Mengaii Gnimmar l)y a nntivi- ;;rammarian is said to be
that by Gafifja Ki.Jor Bliattilcharya, written in the form of a dialogue.
It Was published in 1816 (Lnnf;, Catalogue). This date seems to be
incorrect. We find the first annonremeut of tliis work in the Samachar
Darpan (Oct. 3, INIH) fri)m which it woidd appear, in the first place,
that the book was piibli-^^hed about I81H; and secondly, that it was not
only a grammar but a compendium of niiscellnneous iuformaticn and
that the portion dealing with grammar did not relate to Bengali
language but that it was un English Grammar in Bengali. See my
article in Buiig'tya Suhitya Pari^at Patrika, vol. xxiv, p. 164.
134 BENGALI LITERATURE
of these writers excei)t perhaps Hau2:hton's Gh-min/ and
Keith's Grammar (popularly called Ket-Byakaran) obtained
the reputation and currency which Carey's scholarly works
did. (Carey's Grammar was composed
180^^' ^'■"'"'""'■' more than twenty years after Halbed's
Grammar. Halhed'y was indeed a
work of merit ; but in the interval that had elapsed
between its appearance and the institution of public
lectures in the Fort ^Villiani College, it had probably
become scarce, and was no lonojer available for the needs
of the students of tiie College. To Hallied indeed belongs
the credit of first reducing to rule the construction of the
Bengali language, and Carey must
Indebtedness to Hal- have derived much help from him.»
bed and Carey s origi-
nality. But though ostensiblj modelled on
Halhed's work, Carey's Grammar was
altogether a new and original contribution to the scientific
study of the language ; for Carey had an opportunity of
"studvinu- the language with more attention and of exa-
mininjj: its structure more closely " than had been done
before. "Whilst acknowledging the aid he had derived
from Halhed, Carey observes (1st Ed. 1801): 'I have
made some distinctions and observations not noticed by
him, particularly on the declension of nouns and verbs and
the use of participles." In the preface to the second edition
(1805) he says: — "Since the first edition of this work
was published, the writer had had an opportunity of study-
in*'- this language with more attention and of examining
its structure more closely than he had done before. The
result of his studies he has endeavoured to give in the
following papers which, on account of the variations from
the former editions, may be esteemed a new work ". The
' E. Carey, op. cit. p. 247.
CAKKV AND FORT WILLIAM COLLEGE LS5
variations alludod to above refer to the alterations aiul
additions, particularly in the decdension and derivation of
nouns and in the eonjui;ation of veibs, extemlinfj the
<>;ranimar to nearly dt uble its ori<;inal size. The later
editions, however, d<> not dill'er materially from the second
edition.
Another merit of this 6'yv/;// ///<//• arises from the fact that
Carey seems to have realised very early that the basis of
the vernacular language must be sought in its classical
T,, , . f ,i„ profjenitor : and this fact enables him
Tlio liasis nt the 1 f^
lftngua{,'e and of the fo examine criticallv the ultimate
grammar. r ^i i ' j i
structure or tlie language and evolve
rigid rules fixing the chaotic eolloqualism and dialectal
variety of the vernacular into definite forms. A living
language, however, ean never be regulated by artificial
rules borrowed from a dead language, however closely con-
nected they might be with ench other : and Carey, in giving
full scope to collocjuial and temporal variations, shows
himself fully alive to this fact. Rules of Sanscrit
Grammar can never sufiice for the study of Bengali :
yet one can never wholly dispense with Sanscrit (rrammar
in framing a grammar for its vernacular off-shoot. A
tridv scientific srrammar of Benijrali must avoid these
extremes : and Carey, who had a wonderful knowledge of
the vernacular as it was spoken and written as well as of
the classical Sanscrit, suc^ei'ded to a great extent in steer-
ing through the middle path.
The fii'iiifali (Iriuiiniar of Carey exj)lains tl>e peculiarities
of the Bengali alphabet and the combination of its letters :
the declension of substantives, and
Scope of the book. formation of derivative nouns : inflec-
tions of adjectives and pronouns : and
the conjugation of verbs. It gives cojiions lists and
130 BENGALI LITERATURE
descrijitions of iiiileelinable verbs, adverbs, prepositions, etc.,
and closes with syntax and with an appendix of numerals
and tables of weights and measures. The rules are com-
prehensive, though expressed with brevity and simplicity;
and the examples, though derived from only a few of the
standard works, are sufficiently numerous and well-chosen.
There are many defects and inevitable errors but they are
sufficiently obvious and excusable to require any comment
and do not materially affect the value of the book. The
syntax, however, is the least satisfactorily illustrated part
but this defect was fully remedied by a separate publica-
tion, originally forming- a supplement, printed also in ISOl,
of Kathnpnl-nfJinn or Dialogiies^ in
Kathopnkathan or Bengali, with a t rauslatiou into Eng-
Dinlngues, 1801. . . .
lish, comprising a great variety of
idioms and {)hrases in current Bengali. Carey's extraordi-
nary command over colloquial Bengali is nowhere better
exhibited. There are, no doubt, occasional lajises and
errors of idiom* which none but a man born to the
lan2:uao:e can easilv realise, vet the extent and variety of
topics, the different situations, and
Its rich vocabnlni'v '
of current forms and the different classes of men dealt with
in these dialogues show not only a
minute and sympathetic observation and familiarity with
' Carey, however, was so very careful to ensure correctness in this
respect that he writes in tlie Preface :" That the work nii<r!it be as
complete as possible, I have employed some sensible natives to compose
dialogues upon subjects of a domestic nature, and to give them pre-
cisely in the natural style of the persons supposed to be speakers. I
believe the imitation to be so exact that they will not only assi.^t the
student, but furnish a considerable idea of the domestic economy of
the country ". It will be seen therefore that the authorship of the
entire book does not rest with him, but that the dialogues other than
those of a domestic nature were his own. Rut even these surely reflect
great credit on him as a scholar of Bengali.
I
CAREY AND FOliT WILLIAM COLLEGE l;i7
the daily oct-upations of the people, their manners, feelings
and ideas but also a thoroun'h ac([uaintanee with the re-
sources of the lan^uajijo in its ditlicult colloquial forms.
The book is indeed a rich quarry of the idioms (and even
of the sldjig, the class or professional shibboleth) of the
spoken dialect of Beno-al ; and in an af^e of mere or main
translation, of tentative accumulation of vocabulary and
experimental adaptation of arrangement, its value is very
ij^reat. But to this book belong^s also the credit of makinfr
an early and oris^inal attempt to give,
iNpichiro of social ;„ ^ ^,.,,^1^3 gemi-dramatic form, a
hie 111 liongal.
faithful reflection of the social life
in Bengal as it existed a century ago. The class of
men who are suj^j)osed to carry on these dialogues or
colloquies ranges from that of a Shahib, a respectable
Benirali gentleman, a merchant, azemii\dar and a Brfdiman
priest to that of a peasant, a low class woman, a day-
labourer, a lisherman and a bci'i'ar. The more regular
and measured language of the upper classes is put side
by side with the loose style and talk of uncultured women
and the lower orders in different situations. Indepen-
dently of its merit as a help to the aocpiisition of the
language, this work presents in many respects a curious
and lively picture of the manner of life led by the middle
and lower classes. The faithfulness of this picture is
guaranteed bv the fact that even in
Its realism. ' , " • t . 1 x n ^i
the present day it lias not lost all the
force and precision of its realism. In his celebrated
Sanscrit speech before Lord Wellesley at a public dis-
putation of the College Carey, speaking of his knowledge
of the country, said: "I, now an old man, have lived
for a loner series of veai-s amon2:the Hindoos. I have been in
the habit of preaching to multitudes daily, of discoursing
Is
138 BENGALI LITERATURE
with the lirilhmans on every subject, niul of superin-
tendin<? schools for the instruction of the Hindoo youth.
Their language is as familiar to me as
of urpCople"'""'^' »ny «^^'»- 'A^hi^ ^^^'^ intercourse with
the natives for so long a period, and
in different parts of our empire, had afforded me oppor-
tunities of information not inferior to those which have
hitherto been presented to any other person. I may say
indeed th^t their manners, customs, habits, and sentiments
are as obvious to me as if I was myself a native."^
The colloquies begin with a sketch of the conversations
of an English gentleman, his method
Scope and arrange- c \ ■ ■ a ■ • l t
mcnt of the work. ^f hiring servants, giving out orders,
his desire of learning Bengali, his
talks with his munsi etc. The preponderance of Persian
words in these dialogues is thus explained by Carey
himself : "A Khansama or a Sirkar, talkinsr to an
European (and vice versa) generally intermixes his language
with words derived from Arabic or Persian and some
few corrupted English and Portuguese words". (Preface)
The rest of the colloquies deal with the conversations and
ideas, mostly of the middle and lower classes of the
people of Bengal, living in the remote villages. The
colloquies may be conveniently arranged thus under
diff'erent heads of subjects : —
(I) Conversation relating to everyday life of middle-
class country gentlemen. (2) Talks
The various topics of i ,1 ^ -l i^-j- p
conversation. ^^^0"^ land, its cultivation, farming,
produce, rent etc. (3) Talks about
business matters e.^. between a debtor and his creditor etc.
' Buchanan, op. ci7. Translation of the speech of Carey at p. 168 ;
also qiiotea in Sniitli. oy. cit. pp. 167-169 ; also Roebuck, oj'. cit.
p. 60.
CAREY AND FORT WILLIAM COLLEGE 139
(!•) Conversation 'both in friendly and contentious style"
between women of various types, their iijoin^ to market
etc. (.")) General talks about eatiuijf, journeying, taking
counsel etc. ((>) Conversation among lower classes of
people './/. labourers, tishermen, beggars etc.
Of the collo([uies under heads (1) and (5) which are
the more interesting of the whole grou[), those entitled
""^M^K^ «5C^1C^ ^tft^ ^tftC^" (A discourse of respect-
able old people) "^§^tf^" (An agreement of marriage)
"gj^^ Q ^^Tf^" (A priest and his customer) and the last
c<tlIo(iuy entitled simply "^'It^^'H" (Conversation) on the
subject of marriage between two (///nhth are the best. The
conversation of the gfiaUtkx, although a more subdued pic-
ture, would remind one of the (j/iitt<tks in Kilm-nanlyan's
Kiidn-kiiJu-sar/jn.tvu. Some speeimens of uneonseious
humour will be found in the measured formal
speeehes of the priests (in what Carey calls "the grave
style") as contrasted with the >imple talks of laymen.
We give below an extract from the first-named of these
colloquies, which throws much light
An extract qnotc.l ^j, (),(, ^q^\^\ ]jfg j,, ^i,p village and
III the grave stjlo "
at the same time illustrates the more
serious style of Carey in these dialogues : —
^tM^ TFt^Jt^ 51FTfr ^t?Tr»f?r >Tr^^ ^r?r 'Porl '1^f?ti5W?T
isft^ Jf^^t^ -S[\^\^ CWCf 5t^ft ^f^ ^^ ntCiT J^t^ I
'R'Ft ^^fJiT '<H^ Cif^Jff^F ^^t^1 f^P felJ? iil9R ^ f^
140 BENGALI LITERATURE
^M^cff^ ^ f^^^«i '^t'l^l ^^^t ^tH I =it sift's [^ ^11^^
f^l^ ^t^<I ^^^5f c^tc^t^ ^^"^U ^^1 ^U5 f%i ^t^tf^f
'Sffsf^i c^^ ^^<(1 9it?:^ f^ ^1 1 ^^t^ ^t^^itf
("reputation" — Caroy) C^-^^ \
CAlii:V AND FORT WILLIAM COLLEGE 111
^t^ 5^f^^ 5^r5(?it^ ^fm fsJ^ 5tr^ ^^^ ^f%^^^ I
f%<^*f ^^^c^ ^"5pt^ ^r^^tc^^ I
^^t^^t^*i r^^f?r^ ^f%ft^^5^ jft^ffff ^f^^j ^c^ I
f«R 1^ 'sraj c^rfc^ f5(?t^ *its5lt<n ^rt^^?^ -<i^ i
^^ ^2Jt^ f^^T^ "si^s}^^ ^^5{^^ ^^ -sftf^^ f^^-R^si I 9jt^t^
f^Tt^^ ^15 ^T?i f^ SI'S ^f?i^%^^ ^w^ ^?:^^ ^f'f^
This is the specimen of the 'ijraver style', but more
col Io(jiiial ami easy are the dialof^iK's under the heads (2)
and (3), althouijh these collociuies, it
Moro colloquial style "
should he noticed, as well as those
between English gentlemen and his servants, are iidl
' Dialmjues intcmied lo f.iriUtntr fhc ncqiiirnnj of lite Bcngnlcc
Lnngnngr, by W. Carer D D. Minsion Pnps 1SI8. Ist Ed pp. 66-85 ;
3rd Ed. pp. 36-40. See also 3rd Ed. pp. 108-110 (Ist Ed. pp. 208-217) for
the description of a marriage and tlio expenses incurred at the
wedding.
U-Z BENGALI LITERATURE
of Persian words which are comparatively absent in the
domestic talk under other heads of subjects. Business
matters have a languag-e of their own ; but Persian for
a long time was the court-language and all business
matters were transacted in that
Preponderance of language. Not only words like sjtfil^,
Persian words. ^
\5Sif^^, Sifsi^, ^5f^ which have become almost naturalised
in Bengali but even unfamiliar words like ^5^f^^, \5^S?
^^1, It^^, ^^]^, ^t^t^T, ^5=i.^t^, C^1?1; are frequent!}- used.
Of the other colloquies, that on "A Landlord and his
tenant" ("Stfsjvft^ ?[t^?Is") too long, however, for quotation
here, is the most remarkable as giving a true picture
of the relation between the landlords and their tenants.
(3rdEd. pp. 88-108).
The colloquies s})okeu by the lower orders are bound
to be very interesting, but it is to be regretted that these
dialogues are very short and not very
The languago of tlie well-written and their number too
lower orders.
is small. The langnasre here must
of course difPer considerably both in jironunciation and
vocabulary from that already quoted. The following short
extract will be found illustrative ; —
^U? c«c5fi ^]^i^ ^\fk r^ ^ ^tf^c^ c^t^l c^H ^f^:i 1
CAIUCY AND FORT \V1LLIAM COLLEGE 143
Tho coIIoqnip>! of women are very faitliful ami realistic,
but some of the pictures are too gross
iho lixii^jnapre ot j^^] |),p laiifjuajje snmetimes even
women. " -
borders on indecenc}'-. The ladies,
however, who tiojure in these colloquies belon<;, it seems,
mostly to the uncultureil lower classes : and here and
there all Billinj^sc^ate seems to be let
Crossness of tone \qq^q ^t once. It is true that
and lauguaj^i.'.
''women" as Carey says "speak a
lan<;ua<j:e considembly differinp;' from that of the men,
especially in their (piarrels", yet he wouM be far from
ri<:jht if he supposes that this is the measure of women's
talk in Beni^al. Quotations from these will not be
' It is better to append Carey's trHnslation of this pass»ge liere.
Finhcrman')' talk.
Hnloo, Bheiro, will von cro a fishing ? 'Tis pottinir lifrht. I calii'il :
Yon was asleep.
Aye, aye, this is an e.xcnse. Ilaii ; it rains : is it time to go to the
nets now ? Go yon to no purpose. I won't go now. Yesterday I went
long before light : by so doing I did not. get fish t<> oat, and totlay it
rains.
Yes, brother, my work won't po no by the fear of clouds. Shall I
bo able to clothe and feed my wife and children thns ? I see 3' on
have a body formed for ease. {Dialoguci', lnt Kd pp. 1 10 et seq ;
3rd K.l. pp. 56-.'i7.)
1 Possibly these ilialopues were writton by the"8ensil)lo natives"
whom Carey employed (lidennlc, footnote p. 13fi) and who might have
misled him. See especially the colloquy headed "TtTT) T*fS1" (Women's
Quarrels) bofdnning with "^fsi C^t*(t5 pT5tf^5lt *tr5lC^t^*' (Dinlogue*.
Ist Ed. pp 15(5.164 ; 3rd Ed. p. 82. et seq.)
lU BENGALI LTTKRATTTRE
welcome but here is one dialos^ue in the "friendly style"
suflieientlv harmless and representa-
A finer picture. ' *
tive wheri'in the ladies seem to
belons: the middle class : —
c^^R m^ ^U ^^ ^rt^ f^ ^tc^^ 51 « I
en '-^^^ c^t^ ^t(:^ ^t ^<ft^ "^^^ ^"^ ^^'^ "^^ ^
^^c^ ^f^ ws 1
^^ en c^^^ ^»H ^itt^ ^^ ^^^1 1^,^ "^ ^^^ ^1 1
^^ «t^ c^^ cst^ ^t^Ti f^^Tt^t^ en^ ^mi ^c^ i
t1 ^1 ^^^ 1 ^t^rt^ ^t^Tl f^^ ^t^ ^^tf^ ^t^ 'it^ en
^M^^f!:^ ^€^t^ e^rtrt^ i
^^ "^t^ 5it^^1 f^ ^t^ ^5 ^5 ^^ ^^ ^f^u«:f ^ ^t^T^
CAREY AND FORT WILLIAM COLLEGE 145
^^ «t^ ^'11 ^9 c^^ ^-^ "srt^ ^t^it^^^^ f^ 'sjtJftj
^ ^^^ I ^t >i^-^^ ^^ cst^ ^t^rl fn^Tl 5^c^ I
^tf^ c^ .»tt ^'^ cm\ ^^fe ^t^Hc'?! 11^^1 c^^ ^t^
^? c^ '^^U Tt'^ft^ fvff% ^"51 ^f^^ ^^ I
^tf^ ^'j^ c^l c^t^ c^ ^l%rrf^5i ^^^ 5ic?jT ^3it^
»t^?^C»f^ ^tft 'Tt^ f^ "51^1 ^^^ -tm ^t^t^^:^^ 'ftC^
5rt^ 5^ %t^ f^rs ntf?ic^ -sTtf?! j^-s^ -rtl fw^ ^^
^Pf^ f^t efs^ ^^-si wrsi g^t*tt^ =5p55^ 1^1 ^f^ 5|5^^'H1
19
146 BENGALI LITERATURE
sit^jt^ f-i^t^^^ c^pm ^t«^ ^^^t^^ cffc»t^ 5ic5(j ^]
This is indeed a fine piece but the IFoweii^.s QtKirrrJ.s
are not so attractive. Critics have found fault with Carey
the missionary for givin«j these latter gross colloquies a
place in his book which was intended to be a text-book
for young civilian students: but fastidious considerations
apart, these dialogues certainly exhibit the true picture of
a certain tjpe or class in every society, interesting to the
student of the drama, novel, or social history. A strong
tendency to objective realism in Carey demanded a vcrbalim
reproduction of the language of the
Its intense realism people; had he listened to his
both 111 its form and '^ '-
spirit. missionary scruples, the picture, like
Johnson's in 7i'a.v.sv'A/.v, would have
been unnatural or imperfect. In this respect Carey has
been called, not unwisely or too enthusiastically, the
spiritual father of Tek-chand, and
The significance of ' i i .
the book. Carey of Dinabaudhu. lliat Carey had hne
the Du.ioyu.s is the (jj-^^^atic instincts, which if developed
spiritual ratlier ot ' i
Tek-chaml and Dina- would liavo bornc better fruits, and
baudhu. ^i , i .
that he was more tlian a mere
compiler, has been put beyond all doubts by the Colloquies
Dialogue!^, 1st Ed. pp. 148-156 ; 3rd Ed. pp. 76-82.
CARi:V AM) FORT WILLIAM COLLEGE U7
which, to the stiulent of Bengali, is more than a mere
treatise "intended to fiicilifati' the aciiuirinu;' of tho
language".
\\'e iiave dwelt rather too long on Carey's DlalmjneH
but the importance of the book in the light of
subsequent history can never be ignored. With regard to
the style and language of all these dialogues it should bi'
noticed that here we have, at the outset, the first trace of
the opposition between the plain and
The struggle between the oruate styles in prose which is to
tliu jd.iiu ami tlio oi- .
natc style lirst begun. dominate the rest of its history and
reach to a crisis in the opposition of
the 'Alali style' and the 'Sanscrit College style' of the fifties.
We shall have occasion to come back to this point here-
after ; but it is to be noted here that this perpetuall}'
recurring antinomy in the history of jn'ose style was for
the first time clearly posed and dellnitely worked out by
Carey's simple collotjuial prose on the one side, and the
elaborate diction of the Pundits, especially of Mrtyufijay,
on the other.
The best example of a chaste and simple style, more
dignified than the C0II04 uial prose of the Dififof/nrx, more
pure and correct than the prose of Ram Rfim Ba^u or
Chandi charan, yet less affected than the ornate and
,.1- -.- 10,0 laboin-ed stvle of Mrtyufijay, is to be
ltiha»-mala, 1812. " ■ J J J'
found in ths Ififiux-nnila. of Carey,
wdiich chronologically, however, comes after almost all
the important Bengali publications of the Fort William
College, except Piahnilh-chauAiika and Piini!*-jjin''iki*u, and
con.se*iucntIy hiul the advantnge of having got more time for
maturing in the meanwhile. It was printed and j)ubli.shed
in Srlrampur in 1812, and, as its name implies, it is "a
collection of stories in the Bengali language, collected
U8 BENGALI LITERATI.RE
•
from varioiLs sources". The book contains 150 stories/
derived not only from books of fables and folk-lore,
eastern and western, but also from past literature,
legends, and history. There are, for instance, besides
tales from Ililopade's or Paiichn-faiiiro, the well-known
story of Lahanli and Khullaua- as well as an anecdote of
Akbar^. The stories are very amusing and instructive ;
but the book consists mostly of translation and its interest
chiefly lies in its simple homely prose style. It is difficult
to select a specimen for space would not allow us to quote
more than one. The following:
Specimen of its pure extract will be found interesting not
and simple style. ^
onlv for its stvle but also for the
touch of humour whicii is rather rare in these early
works* —
RTt^ ^^C^ ^f^^t^ "*f^ C^ ^f^ ^^ ^t^ ¥'11 '-^^ I
^ffTs '^m :5t^«i ^^ ^^^< ^^^ ^f^rs ^tRm i ^J13 ^^c^^
^%^<p ^tfsj 7\^ f^TtC^^ CTfsr^^l ¥f%^1 5fC^t1f#^ ¥f^^1
' Distributed o%'er 320 pages.
= Itihas.mala, p, 240.
» ibid, p. 314.
* ibid, story 16, pp. 37-4U.
CAKEV AND FORT WILLIAM COLLEGE lid
^ 5(1 1 ^Tt^ ^fe?i^ 'sitfsi ^'f f^ ^tr?r ^g 'afc^
^t^c«t^ fj^^c^ ^lf^^ ^r?fc^ :3t^«i ^'f ^t?i1 ^r^c^^ ^t
^c^ "Sff^^t^ c^i »f"55 T\^ ^^\^^ ^r^^ 1 ^c^ 2iHi ^r^?i ^f^
^ttt r^?n ^^ 5rtf^ ^f! ^^ 5Tr?l ?t^^ ^^ 'l^ 1^ 9 •> ^^
^i^gl C^^ ^T|g c^t '^tc^ ^f^5l '^[i^ :3t^1 ^^ ^f^^
to<f I ^ni ^c^^ ^R« ^%T o\fT!Ki ?itf^f^ lf^?:«(T
Cff^^ "SICS^^ ^^f^ "Sls^ ^f^J ^f^q ^fi( 'srt^rr^ f^^tC^lT
gt^'ic^ "5(^51^ "si'f fff^ 2r«itJf ^r^?n (71^ ^^ c'l^i I
A moiv hiborious ainl inijiMrtant |iubIiealiou was
eCfectcd at a later date hy Carey in
Carey's Benjrali Die- i^jg famous Dirfiouan/ of I /if Br,u,„f,r
LfDif/iiiigt- in two (Hiarto volumes. With
hardly a model before Iiini pxeoj>t Eor^ler's Vt„'<iliiJ,irii
150 BENGALI LITERATURE
or Miller's iJicfioiian/,^ neither of which is hardly
complete in itself, Carey achieved this useful and scholarl}'
work after a laboar of thirty years and it deserves all the
praise that has been bestowed upon it. Though, like his
Gi'fnnnKir, it hardly beloni^s to the province of literature
pure or proper, this book did much in stimulating the
cause of literature and fixing the forms and expressions of
the language, and for a long time it continued to be the
standard work on the subject. The first volume was
published in ]81o ; but the typographical form adopted
being found likely to extend the Avork to an inconvenient
size, it was subsequently re2)rinted in 1818 ; a second
volunu' in two parts appeared by 18:2.5. These three
volumes comprehend about 2,000 quarto pages and about
80,000 words-, a number that e([ually denotes the
copiousness of the languag<> and the industry of the
compiler. Besides the meaning of words, their derivation
is given where-ever ascertainable. This is almost alwajs
the case as a great many of the words included are Sanscrit
or Sauscritic. Halhed {GraiiniKir, Preface, p. xx) had long
since maintained "the impossibility of learning the Bengali
dialect without a general and comprehensive idea of the
Sanscrit" on account of the close and intimate relation
between the two. Eollowing him, Carey himself always
regarded Sanscrit as "the parent of nearly all the colloquial
dialects of India"^ and "the current medium of conversa-
tion amongst the Hindoos, until gradually corrupted b}' a
number of local causes, so as to form the languages at
' Said to be published in ISOl. (Lone's Catalogue).
- Forstcr's Yocahnlarxj contained onl}' 18,000 words. Carey, how-
ever, acknowledges liis indebtedness to Forster in the Preface to his
Dictionary.
' Preface to Sanscrit Grammar. 1806.
CAREY AND FORT WILLIAM COLLECT K 151
proseiit spoken in tlic various part of lliiuloosthan :iiiil
perhaps those of some of the neighbouring countries"'.
Carey, therefore, observes with re;j;ar(l to the materials ol'
his Didionary that "consitlerably more than three-fourths
of the words are pure Sungskrit, and those comj)osinu; the
greatest part of the remainder are so little corrupted that
their origin may be traced without dillieulty". lie also
states that he has endeavoured to introduce into the
Dicd'oiniri/ every simple word used in the language and all
the compound terms which are commonly current or which
are to be found in the standard Bengali works. It may be
thought indeed that in the latter respect he has been more
scrupulous than it was absolutely necessary and has inserted
compounds which might li;i\i' briMi dis))ensed with, their
analysis being obvious and their elements being explained
in tlieir appro|)riate places. The Jjiclioiiari/ also includes
many derivative terms and privative, attributive, and
abstract nouns which^ though of legitimate construction,
may rarely occur in composition and are of palpable signi-
tication. The instances of such, although they swell thr
dictionary into an inconvenient and costly bulk, evince at
the same time the compiler's careful research, his conscien-
tious exactitude, and his unwearied industry. The English
eijuivalents of the Bengali words are wdi-chosen and arc
of un(|UcstionabIe accuracy-'. Local terms arc rendered
with that correctness which Carey's knowledge of the
manners of the people and his long domestication amongst
them enabled him to attain; and his scientific acijuire-
ments and familiarity with the subjects of natural liis-
tory (jualilicd him to emjdoy, and not tinfrecpicntly to
' Preface to Bewjali Dictionary, 1818.
* See II. H. Wilson, Remarks on the Character and Labours oj Dr.
Carey as an Oriental Scholar and Tranflator,
152 BENGALI LITERATURE
devise, characteristic deuonii nations for the products of
the animal and vesjctablc world peculiar to the East.
The objection taken to this Dictionnry on account of
its bulk, was subsequently removed by the publication
of an abridgement, pre][)ared under
Marshmaii's abridge- Qarev's owu superintendence bv J.
mcnt, 182 <• ■ ^
Marshman and printed in 18:27 ^
Most of the compound and derivative terms were omitted
and the publication was reduced to a thick octavo volume.
Although this abridgement has the advantage of being
more readily consulted, it does not however by any means
obviate the necessity of the original which must be
reo-arded as a standard work on the subject until replaced
by a better one.
In order to make a final estimate of Carey's position
in the history of modern i?cngali literature it would be
necessary to take into account other
Estimate of the writers who llourished in this period
labours and character ^,^j ^^^j^l^ respcct to whom his posi-
of Carey as a Avriter '■ ^
of Bengali. tion must be determined; j^et it is
hoped that a few words here would
not be out of place. It mav be observed that Carev never
claimed anvthin<i' for himself save the credit of having
worked zealously and assiduously. He said to his nephew
Eustace, his future biographer : " If after my removal
anv one should think it worth while to write mv life, I
will give you a criterion by which you may judge of its
correctness. If he give me credit
His self-estimate; j ^- ^ plodder he will describe
how iar true. ^ ^
me justly. Anything beyond this
' This i.*! in 2 vols. The first volume is an abridgement of the preceding
Dictionanj of Carey (Bengali-English) ; the second is a Dictionary,
English and Bengali, compiled by J. C. Marshman. 1st Ed, vol. I, 1827 :
vol. II, 1828; 4th Ed. 1847.
CARblV AND FORT WILLIAM COLLKGE 153
will be too much. I can ploil. I can persevere in any
definite pursjiiit. To this I owe everythinj^' ." There is
indeed some truth in this .self-estimate but the modesty
of the scholar precludes him lioin ascertaining; the true
value of his life's work. A i)lodder he was but how very
few can plotl in the way he did ; and this self-dero«j^atory
e[)ithet is not the last word to chai-acterise his many-sided
activity.
It cannot be denied at the outset that Carey had
a clear, vi<jjorous intellect ; he was a man of no
ordinary ])owers of mind : capable of strenuous and
enduring application ; many-sided, his tastes were varied
and his attainment vast. But, even admittintjf all
this, it must be observed that he had no imatjination, no
philosophic insight, no splendid native endowments of
any sort. Hardly any of his writin«^s can be strictly
called a work of genius. He
Whether he was a niodestlv introduces himself in the
mere compiler and ''
translator. Preface to his Dialogues as a mere
compiler, one who paves the way and
leads the student to the higher classical works in the
lanjruase. " The ureat want of books " says he " to
assist in ac<[uiring this language, wiiich is current through
an extent of country nearly e(pial to Great Britain,
which, when properly cultivated, will be inferior to none
in elegance and perspicuity, has induced me to compile
this small work : and to undertake the publishing of two
or three more, principally translations from the Sungskrit.
These will form a regular series of books in the Bengalee,
gradually becoming more and more difficult, till the
student is introduced to the highest classical works in
' E. Carey, op. cH p. ♦>2.3 ; also quoted in Dr. Culross's Wiilinm Cnrey,
p. 5.
20
154. BENGALI LITERATURE
the Janj^fuage ". This was his main object in writing
BengaH books : he was never inspired by any literary
enthusiasm or artistic impulse of creation. His language
and his interests are perfectly definite and practical ;
there is hardly an}- touch of elevation
Want of oritiinalitv j.i. i. i. c -i.* „.u
and creative power. ' ^^ attempt at fine writing anywhere.
That he was capable of better things,
is, as we have already pointed out, obvious from his
Dialognefi: yet even this work was meant chiefly as a
text-book, and as such it hardly afforded many oppor-
tunities for the display of his inherent literary powers.
Most of his other writings consists of translation or com-
pilation. But, although even in translation a capable
artist has scope for his originality, in Carey's case the
translations may be suspected to be pretty closely copied
from the texts : there is no native literary aspiration to
be free and original. Vet, after all is said, it must be
admitted that whatever talent could achieve without
genius, Carey did accomplish. If he wrote no great
imaginative work, he at least prepared the way for the
writing of such. We need not lament over the want of ori-
ginality so conspicuous in his writings : for in the special
circumstances it makes far more for his honour than for
his depreciation. His literary work was inspired not
by any desire of fame nor by any
The valno and signi- ,jgp(| ^f satisfying a peremptory
ncance of his traiiH- j r^ i i j
lation personal craving to write, but wholly
and solely by the wish of what he
thought to be benefitting the people, of doing something
that might hel[) the country out of the slough of decadence
into which it had been plunged by centuries of foreign
rule, least favourable to the development of national
life or literature. To this end, it would have been not
merely presumptuous but, in the circumstances and the
CAREY AND FORT WILLIAM COLLEG?: 155
time, positively silly to have attempted ori<ijinal composi-
tion which was likely to be little read ami little undeii?tood
What then is his place ? He luul no orijrinality as
a worker in literature and no creative
literature^" '" ""^" ' po^^t^f- l^^>t he was a jijood reproducer
of kuowledije ; and as an educator of
the nation, his work and his influence were alike very great.
Discouraged 1>\ the authorities and
As aa educator. i i.i /-^ r ii i. i .
under the Lompany liable to deporta-
tion, he and his colleagues devoted themselves with
courage to evangelisation and study of the vernacular. Of
this, we shall have occasion to speak more in detail ; but
it is chiefly for this educational [»urpose, as an indirect
means of evangelisation, that his books were written.
They are all rudimentary no doubt but to them belongs
the merit of first reducing to a system the chaotic collo-
quialism of the Bengali tongue. Knowing full well that
the literature of a nation in the long run must be of
indigenous growth, he at once pressed into service Bengali
scholars and writers. By his own
As a writer and :i exertions as well as bv those of oth-.-rs
centre of influence.
which he instigated or superintended,
he left not only the students of the language well provided
with elementary books, but sui)plied standard compositions
in prose for the native writers of Bengali, and laid the
foundation of a cultivated ])rose style and a flourishing
literature throughout the country. It cannot indeed l)e
said that Carey and his colleagues have " rai^etl Bengali
to the rank of a literary dialect " as the Jesuits of Madras
are said to have done to the lan;;uat'e of the South. ' None
' Hunter, Indian Empire, p. 364. In the itanio strain Smith, the
enthusiastic bioj;fraphor of Carey, says " for the Benpili-speaking race,
William Carey created a literary language a century ajjo." (op. cit.
p. 186). rtde ante p. 61.
156 BENGALI LITERATURE
of the works of these missionaries is aeknowledo^ed to-day as
classical by Benf^ali authors or Bengali readers ; and Bengal
had a language and literature of its own long before the-
missionaries even dreamt of coming out to this country ;
yet this language had decayed and the literature had been
forgotten. It was at this time that Carey came to Bengal.
In order to understand what he did for literature we must
recollect in what state he had found it when he made the
first start. There was hardly any printed book ; manus-
cripts were rare ; and all artistic impulse or literary tradi-
tion was almost extinct. To Carey
The character and belongs the credit of having raised
object of his work. ^ '^
the language from its debased condi-
tion of an unsettled dialect to the character of a regular
and permanent form of speech, capable, as in the past, of
becoming the refined and comprehensive vehicle of a great
literature in the future. Poetry there was enough in
ancient literature; there was a rudiment of prose too, not
widely known or cultivated. But Carey's was indeed one
of the earliest attempts to write simple and regular prose
for the expression of everyday thoughts of the nation.
Other writers contemporaneous with him, like Riim Basu,
or Mrtyufijay took Persian or Sanscrit as their model and
their prose in consequence became somewhat (piaint, affected
and elaborate; but the striking feature
Carey's prose. , . . . ,
or Carey s prose is its sim])iicity. it
is pervaded b\- a strong desire for clearness and for use,
and by a love of the language itself. It succeeds in being
clear and useful and it pleases by force of these elements.
It is true that, in spite of all this, Carey must be
admitted to have been in literature still a learner, not a
master, in any sense ; but we must not in our haste forget
the pioneer who did the spade-work and paved the way for
later glories. Such a pioneer Carey was, and eminently
CAKEV AND FORT WILLIAM COLLEGE 157
fitted for this task he was by his acquirements as well as
by his i)Ositiou.
We have seen that Carey not only wrote in Bcnf:jali
himself, but with his intlnenee in tlu' Fort William Colleirt-'
and reputation as a liengali scholar,
A frieiul of Bengali ^nd friend of Hi-ni>-ali writers, he
literature.
succeeded in inducinii' many learned
Ben«;alis to the promotion and preparation of i^ood Ben<^ali
works. "With the aid of the Press at I'^rirumpur and the
collal>oration of his colleagues, and in subordination to its
special purpose of multiplying copies
The PresB at Srira.n. ^f ^^c Bengali Bible, he devoted him-
pur and its encourage-
ment of native talent, self to the printing, as we shall see,
of the first efPorts of native literary
talent. From 1801 to 1825 many useful works in Bengali
as well as in other languages* issued from the ^lission
Press at Srirllmpur. to most of which Carey contributed
encouragement and aid. Many of the older Bengali classics
were printed at the Mission and made accessible to the read-
ing public. The editions of the liamli/an of Krttibas and the
Annadainaiigal of Bhilrat-ehandra, j)ublishe<.l through the
zeal of Carey, remained for a long time the standard texts
' In the Appendix to the Tenth Memoir, relative to 8rlr5nipur
translations (1832) is given a review of the work of the Mission since
its commencenicnt. It is shown that two hundred and twelve thousand
volumes in forty different languages at a cost cf over £80,000 have
been issued between 1801 and 1832. The Mission was practically the
Grst in the 6eld in its assiduous study of the different dialects and
languages of India. In the Sixth yicmoir (dated March, 1810) we find
34 specimens of 33 Indian languages given. The wliolo discussion,
Grierson points out {Indian Anliqtiary, 1903, p. 246), is the first
systematic survey of the languages of India. Before this, Gilchrist
in his Oriental Fabulist (1805) had attempted to give a jwlyglot versioji
of .^sop's fables : but he confined himself to giving specimens only
in six languages including the classical Sanscrit and Arabic.
158 BENGALI LITERATURE
of these ancient works. The promotion of Beno^ali litera-
ture thus effected by the example and impulse of the Press
of Srirampur had been very important, although after
1825 it became less necessary because of numerous printing
press springing up in Calcutta for the promotion of indige-
nous talent. But this alteration of the state of things
after 1825 is itself due mainly to the example and influence
of Carey and the missionaries at Srirampur.
Nothing would be more fitting to close this perfunc-
tory estimate of Carey and his works than the high tribute
paid to Carey by a competent authority, the celebrated
lexicographer and scholar. Ram Kamal
The tribute of Ram gen. "I must acknowledge here"
Kamal Sen. . ^ .
he says in the Preface to his Bengali-
English Biciionart/ (1830), ''that whatever has been done
towards the revival of the Bengali language, its improve-
ment, and in fact, the establishment of it as a language,
must be attributed to that excellent man, Dr. Carey, and his
colleagues, by whose liberality and great exertions, many
works have been carried through the press, and the general
tone of the language of this province has been so greatly
raised.'^
CnAPTER VI
The Pl'.vdits and Minsis of the
Fort William College.
After William Carey the next writer of importance,
who composed two of the earliest original works in
Benj'ali prose, was Ram Kam Basu.
Ram Ram Basn. , v, ■
who unlike Carey was a native of
Bengal, born at Chinsui-ah towards the end of the
18th century and educated at the village of Nimteh
in the 'Zi Pergunnahs. lie was a Bangaja Kayastha,
as is indicated in his Pratapadili/u C/iaritra. To (piote
Dr. Carey's account, "Rim Bos€
His ropntntion and Vjefoie he attained his sixteenth
Ins appwDintinent in the
College. year became a perfect master of
Persian and Arabic. His know-
ledge of Sungskrit was not less worthy of note." * Such
was his reputation for proficiency in these languages
that Carey s|)eaks of" him :i<lmiringly "a more devout
scholar than him I did never see -." It was this
reputation ftir learning which secured to him not onlv
the jx)st of a Pundit ' in the College of Fort William
' Original Papert of Carey m the care ofSerampore Mis$ionary
Library, quoted in N. Rjly's Protapadityn Charitra p. 185.
' Buchanan, op. cit. speaks of him as "a learned native" ; Marsh-
man, op. cit. describes him as "one of the most accomplished Bengali
scholars of the day."
' Carey says that Rum Basu resigned his ap|K)intnicnt through a
difference of opinion with the autliorities of the College. The date
of his resignation however cannot he determined. In Roebuck, op.
ctt. (which was pnhlishcd in 1819) we do not find RUm Basu's name
in the list of the Bengali Pundits ; on the other hand in Buchanan,
op. cit. (published 1805) he is described as "a learned native in th«
College." He must have resigned some where between 1805 and 1816.
IGO BENGALI LITERATURE
ill 1801 but also the friendship of Raja Ram-mohan
Ray, himself a learned man, who is said by Carey to
have exercised great influence on Ram
MohJn My. ""^ ^*'" ^^s"'s life ^"^1 character and mould-
ed his literary aspirations. It should
be noted here that Ram-mohan, according to some, was
the author of the first original prose treatise in Bengali ;
because his Bengali work on Monotheism ( f^^^t^
C^Ti^of^^^^ i^tf^^t^f) was, according to himself, written
when he was only sixteen, and supposing him to be
born in i774, or even, according to others, as late as
1780, the book must have been written before an}- of
the publications of the Fort William College or of the
orirampur Press issued. But this book meant for
private circulation was never printed or published, and
Riim-mohan's earliest publication in Bengali was in 1815.
It seems therefore that Ram Basu's
tion'Ts "r'LSiet position a, the first native original
original writer of writer ill modern Bengali prose still,
Bengali prose. m i i
after all, remains unassailable. But
the influence of Ram-mohan's unpublished work, which
Ram Basu is said to have taken as his model, can never
be disputed ; and it was from the learned Raja that
Ram Basu got the first impulse to write in Bengali.
Carey reports to have heard that Ram Ram took the
manuscripts of his lirst work, Pralapai^H^a C/iarilra
to Ram-mohan, and got it thoroughly revised by him ^
1 Ram Basu's Attack on Brahmins (called simply on Brahmins
in Murdoch, Catalogue) as well as his other writings show that
he shared many of his views with his friend and master, Ram-
mohan. In BamjTila Samayik Sahitya (1917), vol. 1. p. 25, this
work of Riim Basu on Brahmins is called SitWtW^ and the date
given is 1801. Speaking of this work, Marshman op. cit. says that in
it "he exposed the absurdities of Hinduism and the pretension of its
priest-hood with great severity" and pays him the compliment of
PUNDITS AND MUNSIS ICl
Altliough the intluence of the Kfijil was so great on
him, Ram lius>u was at the same tiim- a «^ieat frieml
of the Missionaries, consorted for many years with
Thomas, ami was for some time Carey's Miinsi.
From whatever source the impetus might have come,
Kam Basu wrote two imiiortant
His works. • ■ i • i»
original works in Bengali under the
patronage of the Fort William College —
1. RujU. Fratapaditi/n C/iaritra,^ ISOl, July ;
•I. Lipimala, 1802.
Pratapaditi/ii C/hirilra - is said to be ''the tirst prose
work and the first historical one
ritra'imi. ' ^^ " ^^^^ ai>peaivd" (Long's Cafdhguf).
Its claim to be considered as
having "wieldeil tlie power of sarcasm inhiMent in iho lauffuage
with sin^alar effect." He was almost on the verge of avowing
Christianity (See Culross, np. cit. pp. fil-fi2) hut was po.<»8ihIy deterred
by Rtlm-mohan. Rum Ram Basn is said to have written also a book
called f| 5|%U in 1801 or the Immortal History of Christ in Verge
<
12 mo. 25 pp. Mnrdoch, Catalogue, however, dates it at about 1810.
' This work like Kr»iuichnndra Ruyer Charitra was written at
the inducement of Dr. Carey. Ram R.im Basu helped Carey in his
translation of the Rible (see footnote to p. WA. See vAao Calcutta
Revieic, vol. x p. 134.) RSm Rnsu wrote, besides the works mentioned
above, a Chri.stian tract called the Gospel ile^geiiger, which is al.so
mentioned by Long. The description of this tract is thus given
in Murdoch, Catalogue ; "Three months later (i.e. June 1800) a
Tract was printed under the title of the 'Gosjiel Messenger,' which
was written 'to usher in the Bible.' This little book containc<l a
h'unlreil linos in Bengali verse. The writer, Rilm R/lni Basu. had been
C'lnvinced of the truth of Christianity throngh the instruction of
Mr Thomas. 'The Gospel Messenger' was the first thoroughly native
tract printed in Bengali." (op cit. p 4-5) See also Smith, op. cit.
p, 203 ; Marshman, Hint, of 9eramp. Ming. pp. 131-132.
» The title-page says : TtBfl ^f^tttr^ b\\>[U I f^f^ ^J\ "f^PStR
vw:j^ ^t^^ I n'fVR ^w^VT^ ^rsr:^ ! ^ ^t^ ^th ^fFs I 5?t'i*ini
21
1G2 BENGALI LITERATURE
the first piece of original prose work we have briefly
discussed. As an historical work, too, its place is very
hi^h. In the description of" it <^iven in Buchanan's
College of Fori WiUiarn (1805), it is said to have been
"composed from authentic documents^' and Ham Basu
himself at the bei2:inning of his book says : 3^°^!% ^^t^^g
f^^^«i f^f^ts"^ ^t^^T ^t^ 5if^ 'Sftrf
As the first histori- . .. _ . . .^ vC ^c-
calwork in Bengali ^^'mM'>\ m^fftt^ ^^ ^tf^
^5rrs{^ ^f^^ ^t^ ^^x ^rr^ ^t^ ^c^^ i^T^t^t^
^'Tf-^ITt^ ^^1^^ ^tf^ll^ 'srff^^JI -^\W.^^ ^ W^T (TJ^^
<5ft^t^ ^F"® "srtt^ ^tf^^fl c^'^l ^tr«c^ 1 ^ It
seems therefore that this work — one of the very few
treatises on a little-known period of history — is based
upon both authentic history and tradition ; but the
learned pundit seems to have taken every precaution to
^tl ^51 I ib-oi I The History of Roja Pritapadityu By Ram Ham
Boshoo one of Pundits in the College of Fort William. Soraniiiore.
Printed at the Mission Press. 1802. pp l-lo6. Entered with identicnl
date, place of pnblication and name of the author in the Catalogue
of the Lihrary <f the lion. East India Company 1845, p. 195. An
excellent edition of this work, which had been out of ]iriiit since
the first edition in 1801, has been brought out by Nikhiluath
Ray under the auspices of the Siihitya Parisat. It is needless to
say that I am inuoli indebted for some biographical and other
informations to this edition ; but witli regard to the extracts
quoted, I ha^'e carefully compared the text given here with that
in the first edition, as I find it in the copy of the work lent to
mc by the Library of the Board of Examiners. Tlie references
are given to both the original as well as to N. Ray's edition as the
latter is more easily procurable. The page-reference given here in the
text is, in the first place, to the 1st edition (Library of Board of
Examiners) and then to N. Ray's edition.
' ?t5l 4f^*1tfV5T^fM, pp. 3-4 ; p. 1.
PUNDITS AND MUNSIS 163
make it a truly liistorical work, as far as possible.
Competent critics have pronounced tliis work to be
genuinely historical, in spite of its occasional aberrations
line to hasty shiftiui; of i^ossij) and fact. The scanty
facts and abundant fancies as to \ho life of l*ratapaditya
are a common-place of history. But leaving aside
guess-work and speaking of certainties, modern research
has been able to make little additions to wiiat Ram Basu
has written a century ago.' \Vliatever might be the
value of his historical conclusions, however, we are bound
to admit at least that the book evinces a careful historical
treatment and a truly historical spirit although the work
is not history in the i)roper sense of the term. This treatment
and this spirit were hitherto unknown. There are indeed
a few so-called biographical and historical works in
ancient Bengali literature, such as Cliai(inii/a Bhagabat
or ChaHanya Chitrilamrta, but these works, written in
verse, are, in tone and subject, more religious than
historical, and ostensibly modelled on the ancient
Pinanax. It is true tiiat as contemporaneous record of
society reflected in them, these works may supply mate-
terials to a historian but the works themselves can hanlly
be called historical. Indeed to KSm Ram we must give
the credit of being the first Bengali prose-writer who
attempted to write history in the sense in which it
is taken to-day.- The story is given in a connected
' See Xikliil N5th Ray's Edition p. 109, where tho claim of
this work as a piece of history is discussed.
' There nie occasional tonches of cxiiggeration or fancifulness,
pcculisir to oriental, especially Persian, writers ; but tlippc are p»m-
donal)le cnouifh {e.g. his description of ^n>i1ci>^ *lfl etc). The
book, however, was so hit^hiy rci^rdod that it was translated from
oripinnl Bengali into the Marhattn language in 1816 (Roebuck op. cit.
App. II.,) and re-wtittcn by Ilarifi Chandra Tarkalaiikar in 1853
164 BENGALI LITERATURE
and interestni^ manner, enlivened by visual pictures
descriptions, and anecdotes ; and
„- „ Ram Basu's i)Ower of representing^
Ram Hasu as an ' i r>
historian. historical incidents, without being dry
or discursive, is undoubted. As a
pioneer in the field this is a high compliment indeed. His
is the plain narrative style, suited to his work, with
little embellishments (except by way of goro^eous descrip-
tions) or suo^gestiveness, but marked with a certain
interesting idiosyncracy of character in spirit and form.
It is not possible to give too many
An illustrativo extracts but the following, it is
extract (The Hi<^ht of , , -n -n j ^ i • i
Ram-chaudra). hoped, Will illustrate his general
manner and powers of description.
^ fk^ ^m ^g^ c^^t^ 'w\<i 5f ?f% ^^^f?^c^ f^^tf^
^fV?rl ^M^cff^ ^tsjT ^p^ I ^^ ^^w c^t^ ^w^ f^^
^f^?(l ^s?T ^t^'hr ^t^^l ^t^^^ ^^^ I ^t^t^?^ 5ic«ti
C^^ Tt^l ^15155 ?t^^t«^t^i t^fl «t5^t^ ^t^ ^^^ ^f%^
^1 ^f^^ M«^tt c^t^ c^^h:^ cw*f ^^Sf ^c^ ^t^l ^^ <si^
^t^^^ w^ k^V:'^ >Tt^t^ ^^c«m ^t^^ ^^^^ ^ ^t^ "srt^
c^wt^ ^T^ ^^ J^Sf^^t f^^t^ ^f^^1 ^5t^^ ^f^^^ ^t^
(vide poitc \^. l7l). W. Pertsch, (he editor of Ei^itli Bamsabalt Charitarh
(Berlin 1852) alluded to this work but its scarcity even in his daj
made it difficult for him to obtain a copy and lie contents himself by
the account of it given in the Calcutta Revieiv, xiii. 1850, p. 135.
PtJNDlTS AND MUNSIS 165
<Trc^ sn I 3Itii 'si^Ttfs C^1C^ ^f?lC^^ Stltst^ ^"«}^t^ 'Ptf^Sl
?i^ ^^1 ^ <?iTgi ?if?f ^tt^ "^i^ 'Ts^t^ ^f^^i ^^i^ 'T'rtFr^
Ji^rs f»f5i cft^tei^ ^f^t^ 'I'^t^ ^t^t ^^^ ^^w ^»ntf^
tflt ^U«11 ^f^5l ^^S( ^^c\ ^^ C^t^ 35i^5I NQ^^ >f«^^
<i3t ^^1 n^K*i ^tc^ ^351lf?I C^t^ ^t:^ '?tW fj^tfe
'©f^i^l ^<i^tl^ fvRtsC*! =^1% c^rts^ ^M^ ^U^ ^] I
<lit^*f f^t^^ f^^t^r© ^^^^ ^5?^!^^ =^frc^ *il ^^q f ^t^
^^ITs fJlC^^ ^f^C^I?? I ?ft^ 5*t1t^1 tfl ^^e1 ^f^^ f^'5?t*ra
^?1 ^trs ^"r?f C^t?^ ^*:t5 55 I ^t^^S'l =^1^ ■sit^t?'^^
Sfsl f^^ ^R^ 'ff^gl ■5lt*fJ' ^t^t^ '?tC5^ ^C*5 ^5i5?? ^fiiz:?w
^1^ ^U^iws c^^^i f^ifw-s ^Ut:^ ^t^fsft^ f^fc 5^
^f^c^H t^i^ 'Sir? ^^t^ f^^ cwf^i^ff 5^1 1 c^^^ ^^^1
166 BENGALI LITERATURE
^1Sf^ ^f^5? C^tSJt^ ^t^if^ #U^ 51?^ ?^^ ?)1 f^-^ "^fsi 5ff^
^fsi^^ 5]»ft«1 ?jf^?l1 C2J=^15T ^-f^t^^ c£|? tl^ 5!Us t£l ^^
<^ ^t^ C^t^l ^tl&^ ^1^1 ^'^^ ^f^?i1 'if^^ll J'fvfl^ C^W-1 f^:«1
fw5tU5i^ fifst^l ^f^^,5? f^ *\^ z^i ^H I v5^ ^^1 ?f^
^t^5S *2f^t^ ^f^ 1 ^
In addition to its being the first piece of history in
Bengali, the work has an intrinsic interest of its own to
the student of literature. The curious style, in which it
is written, with its (juaintness, its crude orthography and
syntax and its tendency towards Persian, has beea the
subject of much adverse criticism ; but considered in the
light of literary histor}^ it reveals to us certain aspects of
the development of prose style in the beginning of the
last century. The writer- in the Calcutta Beriev' of 1850
Its style ci.arac- characterises this style as a "kind of
terised as "a kind mosaic, half Persian, half Bengali"
of mosaic". .... . . . , "
indicating "the j^ernicious inrluence
which the Mahamadans had exercised over the Sanskrit-
derived languages of India" : and this view has been
endorsed by J. Long who in his Descriptive Catalogue
' ?t5f1 <£r«t1tf^ ^fe, pp. 130-3.5 : jip. 54-56.
* The writer was James Long himself. ^eeCal.Bev. 1850, p. 134,
Art. "Early Bengali Literature and Newspapers".
PUNDITS AND MUNSIS 107
(1855) speaks of the book as "a work the style of which,
a kiiul of mosaic, shewed how iniu*h unjust ascendancy of
tho Persian lau^^ua^e had in that *hiy corrupted tlie
Beuj^ali". Mahriinahoi)adtiyay Ilaraprasad SfistrT, in
one of his U'Ctures, ' eon<lenined the book as "unreadable'^
on account of its style. It can not be denii-d indeed that
the style if "n kind of mosaic" — a curious admixture of
Bengali and Persian — tjuaint, affected, and involved ;
and considered from the standpoint of j)urity, lucidity,
or simplicity, its style is the worst that this period has
to show in BeM:;-ali prose. It is true that Persian words
occur more or less in every writin<^ of this period, and we
have seen fron Carey's DinfotfupK published onlv a month
after the book under review, Persian
Per^aT"'''^'""'^'' "^ ^^'^''^^ preponderated especially in the
colloquial lanp^uajre of a certain clnss
of people ;but no otherpublication of this period is so much
disfigured by Persian and Urdu words as Riliu Basu's
Pralapj.di(j/a Charitrii. The following- extracts taken at
random will bear out the abow statement ; (J\^\(^ f^f^^
ft^?^ f^^iT ^^^1 ^^ ^tr^5l ^<lf%<; %1 t^TTS ^Tf^TTJiT
' Lecture on Bengali Literature in the Present Century (in Bengali),
at the Subitri Library (Puhli.shod in BangmlarHan, vol. vii nnd
viii, 1287-88 B. S). He uses the word.s "«inri7 ^nrfl" in connexion
with this work, whicli appollations, however, are rather too strong.
It is a significant fact that Dr. Yates in his Selection fnmi Bengali
Lileratnrc of this period {Introduction to the Bengali Language, 1847,
vol. ii) does not quote a single extract from Prntajiadityn Charitra,
for its stylo seems to have been regarded as not worth stndy or
attention.
168 BENGALI LITERATURE
^f*t«1 ^^tWl f^l ^t^f^ ^ (p. r.-7 ; p. :2) I c^ ^t^s? c^^it^
•Tf^^fl ^C^T^^ ^^^ ^t§tlc^5? S ??ft ^T^T^ ^^^ '^TC5? =^tis{
»j[«i^f% ^?fi :^-j^i 7[-^ ^^z^^ ^s'^t^^ c^rr^t^a ^^^
^sff^ ^^^ 5t^ S ^t^f Tr%1 (p. 1 8 ; 11. 7) I nt5 5T^ ^T? M^
(Iff^ f*f?1Cb^ttW ^f^U^ (p. :^2 ; p. 9) I C»t^^5fff| ^t 7^^ (Tff^
■fet'lt^^^^f %'4 ^tft ^^^ 'ii^^ ^T^«i C^«^1 *J5^c^ "511^^-
f?C« ^f 51 ^f^U^^ fp. :i;2 ; p. i») I vrf^ ^n^tW tf^t^T? (TI^N'I
^^ nf»55i ^t^^ ^tt^ ^t<:^ '^iw ^wt^f% ^f?»^ ^^^
^t^«ftr5I ^flffCW (p. :-21 ; !>■ S) I 'S\^m ^imt^ ^^^ C^t^f%
^ft ^^?[1 ^tSfSl^q^ C^mii's ?tr^^ ^1?:^^ (pp. ~8--29 ; }). 11) I
^^^ ®^f»r^ ^<r ^^f»t^ -s^tfV^ ^^^ (p-"^9; p.l-)i
f^^i ^t^t« ^r^^ ^^t^ f^^ ^^t^ ^f%^ ^t ^trtr^ c^v^
f^ ^rrf^wff^c^ c^ f^^^ ^t^^ f^wt^ ^f%^ ^st^r^fw^it^
(pp. 82-3£ ; p. 1 .S) I ^^nc^ v2f^t1tfw«T ^t^l ^^^fsj-f^ fFrfkr^
^^^1 ^f^ fm\ ^t^t^^^ ^^ W?[l^^ ^?C^^ (p. 00 ; p.25)
It must be borne in mind, liowever, that at the time
when the tirst Bens^ali prose works were written,
Persian and Urdu, as the languaijjes of the Court' and
the market-place, were extensively studied and works
' It was abolished as a Court. language in 1836
PUNDITS AND MUNSIS 169
in those l;in«^U!\^es were taken as models of composition
in Benj]jali. Sanscrit was ehiellv
How far justitiftble.
confined to the exchisive class of
learni'il Brahmans and cnrious scholars. Not only Persian
and Irdu were learnt by the boys at school toj^ether with
their mother-toni^ue, but even in ordinary conversation
Persian words were extensively nsed. Six centuries of
Mohammetlan rule ilid not affect in anv remarkable deirree
the manners and customs of the people but they succeeded
in throwiui; the vernacular into the shade and streni;theninir
tiie supreme authority of Persian and Arabic, from whose
rich vocabulary the Beuijali langua2;e had been borrowing
ever since. Even up to the time of Ram ^lohan,
when the tendency to Sanscritised style was gradually
growiuij into favour, the Persian ideal was not wholly
discarded. Riim Mohan himself wrote his earliest
work in Persian but he was also a profound scholar of
Sanscrit and his later Bengali style was therefore more
sanscritised. Ram Basil, however,
R;i.nB.isu'8 nuis- }„ j^p ^f Carev's tribute to his
tery over rersiau aud ' "
adherpnce to Persian knowledge of Sanscrit, seems never
originals. , i i . i
to have }X)ssessed that command over
the language which his friend Ram Mohan certainly
did. liut Ram Basu's mastery over Persian and Arabic.
which seem to have been his favourite subjects, was
undoubted. Moreover, Rain Basu as we have pointe<l
out, distinctly says at the beginning of his book that
he has based his work iH)on certain historical treatises
in iV'rsian. It may be observed that in the descrij)tion
of wars and court affairs, the language of the day could
not avoid a certain inevitable admixture of Persian.
Ram >rohan's subject-matter was religion, and Ids text
the J?anscrit >astras ; while Ram Basu's interest, on the
other hand, was in history and the Persian manuscripts
22
170 BENGALI LITERATURE
constituted his authorities. As a result, therefore,
it was quite natural that in his composition, Persian
should have so much influence. Towards the end of
Prafapadif j/a-charitra, however, and in the description rf
domestic or emotional matters. Ram Basu has avoided
foreign aid and turned naturally to Sanscritioised language
in order to attain more vernacular ease. In the following
passage on the celebrated episode of Basanta Ray's murder
as well as the descrii)ti()n of the flight of Ram-chandra
quoted above, it will be seen that the number of Persian
words are comparatively few : —
51^ ^pr^ ^ft ^^"f ^f^^ c^^ Tt^i ^J!^ ^tK ^^ <^^n^uc^?j
^^f%s ^r?jyi tri (y^m\ ^%q^ ^^iti ^^t 'itrs i tf^^JT
^?3 ^f^is:^ ^s^ ^^ t^tc^ "srfi^m ^j^^^ s ^t?t^^ "f'^
^^ I (pp. 137-:38 ; pp. 57-58).
Moreover, P i\dapafUt ya-charit ra was the first attempt at
sustained Bengali prose- writing, and with no model before
him. Ram Basu iiad uo other alternative than that of
writing in the current language, which was in itself a
strange admixture of Bengali and
Corruption of the Persian, in order that his work might
popular langiiaf^e. ^
easily appeal to all. \Vhat seems
quaint and affected to us was quite natural to readers a
PUNDITS AND MUNSIS 171
century ago who were accustomed to such corrupted forms.
We must make allowance for all the>e considerations;
but after all is said it cannot be denied at least that the
style of Pralapaditya is one of the worst specimens
of Bengali prose-writing even for this period.'
In Lijjimala, however, his next work- published in
Lipimala. 1802 '^^'^' Consisting of a collection of
letters on various topics, the influence
of Persian is almost absent. The Preface to this work
in Bengali, indicating its object and plan, will be found
interesting —
i^t^l (2t«JT^ « ^9t'5?1 ^.[^^\ '[7[ll\^7{ 55J?rl
Its object and plan
H* explained in the ^T^C^^ | —
Preface.
■i) ^5 -sjrsin^ CW%9 9 ^M\h^ « *f^'^ f3jf^«f C^T^ ^s(
^^^^ ^i^ -^^t^ c^rfr^^ ^Jif^ii JF^^rtn ^^s "^^^ w»k^'^
^^illfs « ^X^m ^^^ 'A'w\'^ "srf^f^fs t\^^^ 5nrf*r^^1
'S\^\ ^C^^ 5^5^'«T^1 -sj^^tT ^fjiy, ^t^flRt'SR ^« ^TTC^*!
' This work was re-written in n. more popular style by llariS-
cbandra Tarkulankiir at the instance of Hev. James Long in 1S53
and included in the "Bengali Family Library S»rics" ('fl^?! ^t'tTl
iJ^^HbTI). 2nd Edition 1856. It would be interesting^ to contrast the
•tyles of these two works written at the interval of 50 years. Maris
Chandra's version is reprinted in N. Ray's edition.
» The book gives a clue to its date. There is a couplet in the
Preface which shows that it was compost-d in "^XH i^**'. It runs
thus :-"|:5tfT5I ^? Vi * /S :«t 'JIJI I V^'l ^HC*«f 1,^ ^i|51 'SJ^tl I
• This undoubtedly shows according to some critics the influence
of ftim-mohan Ruy who taught the worship of "3''*" This intluence
is also indicated in the present work by its more sanscriticistd
style.
172 BENGALI LITERATURE
«rr^ 'STcTt^ ^f^^ ^^^^ ^t^^sf-jt^^ wa^ I 'i)«TfX5f ^
-^w\fv^^z'^ ^f»5^ cri^ ?t?i1 ^11'^ ssifi 'si^^t^'j^^ wflsjtc^
fjT^^ft^w sj^ ^1 ^J:^^ ^ <FT^ei c^t^ c^t^ or\^ t%^ ^trs
^t^^ I'
The letters, however, are not all on business matters
„ , , or domestic subieels but some of
Do&cnption 01 the book. _
them are in reality discourses on some
reli^i^ious, historical or lescendarv topics of interest. For
instance, in tlie letter of one Kincr to another we have,
among other things, a discourse on the death of Parik-it
with a moral on the impotence of human will; in the
letter of a King to his subject, an account of Daksa-yajfia :
Lippinutla or the Bracelet of Writing beiug a Series of Lettem on
Different Svbjects by Hum Ram Boshoo, ove of the Pundits in the
College of Fort William. Seramporp. 1802. pp. 1-255. Also entered in the
Catalogue of the Library of the Hon. East India Comjyany, p. 295, wiih
identical date and place of publication and name of tlio author. In
Huchauan op. cit. it is described as "an orij^inal conijioBition in Bengali
prose in the epistolary form" and in Primitae Orientalet as "Letters on
business in the Bengali Langnnge intended to facilitate trnnsactions
with the natives".
PUiNDITS AND MUXSIS 1T3
a son writing to liis father p;ives a cleseiiption of
Nal)acl\viji aiul Cliaitauya ; a fatliei' iiistruL-t.s his son
... ill tlie Pauranik account of Niiriul
An original composi-
tion in Bengali proso ami Parbat or ol" tlie descent of
in the epi8t<)lary form.
HliciL;Trathi ; a teacher writuifj to his
pupil answers some of the latter's ijuestions about Kfibaii
and the leij^endary account of liaidvanSth. This work is
really, as iiuchanan describes it ("//. '•//. p. 'l-ZH) "an
original conij)Osition in Ben<;ali prose in the epistolary
form". All these descriptivf letters are indeed interestinjjj
both in form and matter, but it is not possible to ij[ive
here more than one cpiotation, on account of the lenujth of
the letters :—
Illustrative extracts : ^ ^ ^^^"^ ^^^ ^^^^^ (?l^^^
(I) A description of ^^
Dak^a ami his Sacri- i£i^^ ^m^Ul^^ (71 f^^?I '5tf^ ^tt <i3 ^?t
lice.
f?^^ ^'yi 's^f^ ^ ^ «Uic^
5|?i:?^ f^^ ^Fr?J^ WC^"^ Sf^^l 5i?t*ff^ ^^^«fl (TC^^
^ iT^1<I 51t^ 51-ft I w^ siJT^Tf »; ^(St'lf^ ^'irt^ It^'ltjo
■R (ff^) ^t5tiT Ttfl*! ^CS f^l tf^ "Sl^lfff ^Fs (?Fli5 3'?n
^t^ 'srrssi^? ^?tr5 «f^ c^tsj ^if^ ^trnr ^j^m^ts^tif^
l^mfS' ^^f5J®t Tt?!^ ^5;t^*( ■5ITft4l ?^C^5^ c^t ^^
c^*r5 (ff*f^) ^^? ^9R ^^JTi ^t^ sfPTwc^ f^nflc^ ^C^s? I
' f'lf'rTfTl. 41«rn inrt ; pp. 107-116. Some vernes ftre here omitted
•t the beginning.
174 BENGALI LITERATURE
Jfst"? ^t^tC^ si^tt^fC^^ 'sit^fsfC^ ^^i:«lt ^'^t^ ^f^?I1 WoJ^U\
^^^ 5f^ ^i^tr^t^^ f^^t^^i ^t?ii ^t^f^ ^^1^^ ^f^i^^ f^i^^^i
si^tw^ ^5t^t^ ^t^l^ ^t^^ ^2/1 5ift*if»j ^ f*ic^ ^^^ ^<«rr5
tf«5(C«(T ^^ t*i^^^^ ^^^T^ ??r^^1 ^^^^ fs^ ^^?|1 "51^1^
^t^t^ f^^ '^^t^ ^Tt^^ ^?itu^ T'^^^z^ ^ttc^ t5ii cm
^z^ ^^^ \^Yi^^ ^t^ ^f^ '^^^ 5it«tfn^U^ (TfR srft -srffsf
^TfrTiT ^G51 f^^'^C? ^C^ ff^ ^T^ ^^ (some verses
omitted here) l ^^^1 ^f^?(1 sj^tC^^^ 5^C«1 «ff^^1 ^t^ ^f^^
^f?f?i ^ f^5?1 f^'isw ^fsi o\i^ ^\^U ^t^l ^ ^^? ^5it^
f^^^tc^ c^tit^ ^^ ^^ ^'»5t^ sT^'T? ^t^i ?^:^^ 5^1 I
^^5^=? "^r^Slf^-S ^C5? ^t^?(1 ^(5:5 ^C!^ I 7f^ ^f^r«Cf5?
vf»iTfcn5? "^tf^ ^f^ '^Ttsrm ^'I'irt^ ^f^c^^i ^] ^ ^Qj^^'K
PUNDITS AND MUNSIS 175
%w^1 f^r^r? f*RtSl 511 5lf^ Jift f^'S^t^l C?J1»R ^f?ir5
1^ *f*6t"5^f^ ^^f^^' ^s^ 5pT CJf^ C»rft (?T ^t^tr^ty^l
Jr*FTt^^ ^^f^fs ^t^T^i ^?ft )^'i\ ^StC^ ^21t^35^ Ci5JJIt5!r.'R
nj^r^s ^ 'JfW^ff f5C^ ?lt5l ^S1^ \^l^^ ^U^\ C3F-t^^
'Sf'Tt^ ^51 '^?r ^^ ^^ ^f% ^ -Sf^ItTT^elC^ 51-^t^ ?pf?I?1
^rss "^t^^ f^^ts tii^:§ JittTii ^«it^ ^f^c«i Jf-Jp 'Al^ir^ Off'<<^\-
C«R ^'^l f^^ ^^Ttf^T ^I5t^ 1W^^ "I^«1t1^ C^ ?^ 5;^^fl?J
^ 7[7^ ^\(7f] Rif *;^^t^ ("Rf^J^I ^f^V^ (SI'J^ 5^^ 1^
176 HENGALI LITERATURE
t^^l ffr?I I sif^ ?t^^f«1 T^5 5i5"?1 C^tW^ ^f?^ ^f?ft^
^rt ?^^ 5i?tceg5t«ftc^''t ^t^fs^t^^ ^f 5^^1 si's:^ ^l^vg
^-§5^< wl c^^^ Sff^w^^^ ^-^^^^^ f^c^vfji ^f??:^,^ cf^-
^m ^«15ltC3T^ ff^t^^ ^f^^l ^rMl^ WC^-"^ C^W^ ^f^^
^t^ ^€t^ ^^t5f 5I^?l^ ^t^^1 ^^J ^f^^^ (21^^ t£|| 51?:^ 51^W?
^T^ 7^^ fl^i ;5^t^ c^r(5^ Ui'^^'^ "^Um ^^\ ^-ffi^^,^ f^^-
cii^ sirs ;g^l f^^ c^t ^^"^U^ ^t^^l f^f^^ ^^U^ si^tcvfc^?!
=s^ ^f^?I1 f^^ R^t^ ^€t "^^ Cf^^ ^f^i^ ^f^l^ >lH^lf?i^
c^vf^ ft?rl ^Q ^^ ^^^1 'l^^ f^^ I ^^r,5iT t£i^l^ ^^ 5??1
(5^Tjt ?t^ *i^«^ ^ c^ ^^t^ ^1^ ft^ ^'^^ 'J'^J^ ^^ ^^
^^t^ ^t^^ si^t^tfe^^ ^'^ ^^ ^1 ^^s ^^ ^^ ^»^^
^f«}M^ 5'?fif«i ^sr? ^tf t^ f^ii?«i f-jrat^^ ^Nsc£i^ ^51^ If t^t^
^©tft^ (71^15^11 *2I?-^ 5]^ ^fs^l ^ft^ l^itf^^ ^*i^ ^fvsJg'Sl
PUNDITS AM) Ml XSIS 177
Hul the language of the strictly businot; letters
are not so eommentiable and the
(2) Business letters . ■ i i ti'
Contrast is noticeable. We select
here two cliaracteristic specimens even at the risk of
beint^ leiit^thy.
^«rW f^st'^^ stocks ^tf»f^ ^3it^^ mi I s^^^t^
^■H\5n ^5iw^ ff^^ ^1 Ttt^i ^^'^ ^f^^ ff ^151 ^^^ ^^^-
c^t^f^ c^tc^^ ^rs^l^ (^^) ^tt^1 'T'f^ >I^t5t?f ^t^ ^^^1 f^f^e"S
(s^t?JH*1) ^K^ 'K^^ ^i^ ^tC^ ^t^^ f^sf^fl (I^TW) ^^-
of a doinestiu nature.
^t^T^ ^i's^m f^ ^n^t^ ^t'^i^ ^^t^^
I'vTl^ r^ ^^Ts $f^1 •n«l f?Cs ^t^^ ^fl^ ^^^t^C^T^ ^t^
f^ 5tf^ »rs §t^ ^C^ ^tCs ntf^C^^ ^\ ^T5t^ ^^51 Tfsffs
^sraj c^R "^Tw ^trs >f5ffT ^f?fc^ ^T^ ^sr^ "^ ^Tf^ c^Rc^
f^ii ^f^^ ^ I ^^3 <Tt^ 5(^tf^ "sit^ f%^ f^n ^^ ¥«Tr^i
Tf:^ it^ ^trtr 5?1 ^^^ ^tc^ ^^t^ T^^i m•^^T fV ^sf^pt^
» f»?f^nrt^l. frfm ft?1. pp. 163.166.
23
178 BENG.\L1 LITERATURE
f%f^ ^5fS ^f^ f^^ I il^ ^t^^=»f? ^^^r^ 'Sft'ft^tf^
cj\ ^tc^ ^tMt^:^ '^^ ^t? ^t% "^^ ^^f^ ff^ ^tf^
^t^^c^ ^f^ ^,1 ^1t*1T ^i^^ ^ttF ^srf^ ^ ^K^ t^t^
^^ t^trs^ '-2r^ ^f^?ii fk^ *ftf^ ^^^1 ^tftift^ ^pra 'sitf^
^i^^ f^l ^^ c^^ c^^ni:^ ^t^ ^z^ "si^ ^5t^ ^f%^ I
'tt^ttef^ % ^t^ ^tttC^ ^^^1 fe^ ^tf5( ^«M^^ ^^»t^
^1^1 ^^rs ^5^ c^^%^ ^tf^^^ c^^^t^ ^^ ^^ Ttf^
7T5?f% ^%1 fwi:^^ c^Sf^ c^is{ \»t^^t^ f^^^ ^c^ I ^ ^^^
^fft^ ^f^^^^ ^<r^^t^ -sit^^^t^ f^sif ^t^^^f^^^
bpIIIt5C^ ^^^r^ i^^^t"^ ^t^tfe^^ I ^^5( ^^tf^^t^ SU (^ff^
1 fsip|>l1c^t Si^ «(t?Jl, pp 32-87. Some verses are omitted at the
beginning. The extracts contain numerous disjecta membra poctae.
To tluB letter there is an equally strong reply which want of epac*
forbids us to quote.
PUNDITS AND MUNSIS 179
^fwrf^^ I -3*^9 ^5^15? ^7^51 ^5t^ ^t^ci 5^ .^jcjj^ (;jj ijjfg;
of A political iiattiiv.
^•s5f? ^f?T^1 f»mm '^^%'\U ^t^l f^'.^^'R
Rt9t^ ^«i ^5t^^ f^f^^ ^f«}^T3 ^t^T^c^ c^^t^ i5rst^«rf^i:*t
"Sf^TR^T 5r§ ?tt^ s^1 I ^^X ^51^ f?;^t^ ff 'I^^ ^"^R ^f^
fi«T^ >#5 ^st^^ c^'R "Sfs'Hfv^ 5^tt ^9ri5 -Brt^^^^ t?^ f^^sf
(7^^ cTt^ wfi (?Ft^^ T^T^^ ^?5i^ ^f^c^ I 'If 5^^ m^'fR
f^ ?i3(7^ >7^^ )^?:?i ^^ -^z^ CSV \ jrm^ iJt^T tJpf^rnf^
180 BENGALI LITERATURE
i£1^5T (71 f^^t^t^T ^ ^fsf^t^^^ ?^tU5 C^5l5It^ i£lf^ ^f^ f»r^1
5^ C^t^ (TRt^ ^^ ^^1 ^tr^ l^tC^ CT^^TfJ^^t^ ^^t^^^
(71 1%| (7#5 2^|ll1 ^it\Z^ ^^ f^^«1 ^ta f^1 ^t^^f^f^l^
^^ ^^1 ^t«^1 ^»t^ I ^t^ ?^ I 'Sim; cusTi ^f%^ 3^^t^^-
^"jf € >T'^7^:?J <il^':5 ^^ l^JW^l (?T^^ 51t^1 ^f^C^ ^ ^^'1
K^ ^^^ ^ 1 ^ ^t^«1 #t«l ft^ ft^ ^¥^'^ (Tttl^^^ ^Tt^t^C^
v^ ^f^\ ^^ I f^i ^fvf ^l^rf^ c^T^it^ i2i^f%^ ^'^d ^|?1 'JTH:^
As we have already remarked, the prevalence of Persian
words, which is so conspicuous a feature of Pratajmilitj/a-
c/iaritra, has almost disappeared in this publication. There
is a marked tendency towards the use of Sanscrit words,
but at the same time, in spite of elaborate superscription'
' p. 185. But simpler enperscriplion too, e.g., ■Sft't'Sf^^ ^i^js" ^^^
^^ ■^ITt'T^r^^ (p. 191). But these are mere matters of form.
PUNDITS AND MUNSIS 181
like 'si^^Mf^^ C^t^lTT ^^51<9'«t*?t ^l^^^ f^^'. I^Tflt^
^t^t^^ ?lt^5r^ \^^^ ^aU'^l^l ^3[ fJl^T^^flt", the styli' i8
not laboured or liedanlie like tliat of'
Its stylo more sans-
critised' yet not some other puiidits of the Colle<?e. In
pedautic or elaborate. , . ,,_ ,, ... ,,.
' this Hiini nasu was provinp: niniselr
a true disciple of Carey and Krun-inohan ; from the former
he learned to make the best use of the popular Innouaoe and
avoid academie affectation of lalK»ured style, and from the
latter he <»ot an insiuht into the streuijth and power of the
lano;ua<^e on account of its close relation to the classical
Sanscrit. The syntax and orthoi»ra]ihy, however, are still
imperfect, althouo:h there is a ^reat
Improvomont upon improvement indeed upon those of
Pratujiaditya-iharitin. . /-.•!•
P luttapan il ^a-c/iant ra . Considennfj
this ufFowth and pro^jress, it is to be rt "retted that Kam
Basu^s severance of all connexions with the Colh rje jiut an
end to all ojiportunities of further and better }»rose-writino;.
A better sj)eeimen of easy prose-writ ino- is to be found
in Golak-nuth Sarma's translation of llifopnih'h,'^ noticeable
if not for its niiitter certainly for
Golak-nfith Sanna. jj^ f^,.,j, j^ ^^,^j, ,,i,b],\;l,e,] before
lixto^adcA, 1801. '
Lipiniala but about the same time as
I' rafajHul it yu'cha ril I'd , yet it disj)lays f^jreat sui)eriority of
T^^\ M^oi ; lleetopndeahn or lieneficial Instrttctious Translated from
tht' original Sungskrit by Ooluknalh Pundit. Serampore. Printed at the
Mission Press, 1802. pp. 1-147. Yatrs, in liis Sclootion. (Intro, to Uenguli
LntigH'Kje, vol. ii)Hoc8 not quote from tliis work l)ut from tlio version of
Mftyunjay. Yates himself published a translation of Hitoitadei in 1848.
Besides Mftynftjay Bidyulai'ikSr's version, there is another version
published in 1830 in Sanscrit, Ben(;o)i and English (editions in IS-(4,
1848, 1860 and 1880) by Laksminartiynn Nyayalafikar, Librarian
to the College of Fort William (afterwards Suddor Anieon) and
C Wilkins. (Lonfr, Retnrn of yatncn etc., p. 133). A copy of this
work will be fonnd in the Library of the Bourii of Exaniinert.
182 BENGALI LITERATURE
lansjuage and manner. It is a pretty close but easy
translation of the four books of the well-known moral
essay — unabridored and unexpurs^ated — and the prose is
plain and unassuming, except for a little quaintness
smacking of the tol pundit and a
little irregularity of syntax here and
Its language. ' " .
there. Although itself based upon a
Sanscrit original and the author him-
self a learned pundit, well-versed, it may be, in the
classical Ian2rua2:e there is vet no trace of anv affectation of
pedantry or magnificence. The style is free also from the
Persian influence so conspicuous in Ram Basu's works.
There is some attempt at periodic prose, but the
syntax and arrangement, imitating commentorial queerness,
is not all that could be desired, though it is certainly
more correct and easy than that of Pratajjadili/a
or LijJiwala. With no conscious purpose of developing
a prose style but with many unconscious experiments
at arrangement and adjustment, iiere is, as in Carey's
Bialoguea or It/7/ds-Mala, much simplicity and desire
to make the language clear and useful. There is
hardly any necessity of quotinor too many extracts, for
the style, besides being plain and simple, has hardly any
marked impressiveness of its own. The following extract
Also ill Blnmhardt, op. cit. p. 115-116). A copy of Golak-nath
Sarniii's version is in the library of the British Museum bearing
the same date and place of publication as \vc have given above
(Blumhardi, op. cit. p. 115). Seton-Karr in his article on Bengali
Literature in Cnl ■ Rev , 1849 (p. 499) is rather severe in his
criticism on this work ; but his views were formed, it seems, on the
"condensed and corrected" specimens from this work given in Yates's
InfrofZitchod, vol. ii (1847) ed. by Wenger. The work under review is
entered as Golak-nath's and dated 1801 in the Cntalpguc\of the Library
of the Hon. East India Company, 1845, p. 195. The date 1802, given in
the Tenth Menioir, is inaccurate ; but it follows the date given on the
English tttlo-pago of the book
FUNDITS AND MUNSIS 183
will be fmuul illusti-ative. It is taken from tlie bei^inning
or introduction ' where the Princes are introduced to
VisnuSarnia who bei^ins teachint; by narratinj^ the
stories : —
An bxtract fruiu the
Introduction. f^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ , ^^^ ^^1^^
=511^ «rrf5^«i c^^^ c^"? ?i^rs c^Tf'r^'f ^f^^ «rfc^ "sT^i i
tfjt "N^ir^^ 'si^^ -si^ ^»vf»m ^fff^t^ ^-\fk ■« cFtrs^ ^f«r^t^
^XIW.^, i%^ f^ ^^ I >T^?ff^ f^f^-Ts -S^^CSW f^'-5l5" 5rf% I
(?rR srft^ %«^c 5 *iT^^ ^is ^'\^m^ ^^ ^^ "sitrf (ti
ii^ ^'^ifs 5f^l "sff^c^^ t^t?r ffir (ii^ 'JftCT ^^^ 'SR'jf T^?
^^t^T^^ f^ 5^ I ^i*^ 'J^ Tt^ 5^1 <«rr^ ^T I (71 1:5
srr? I 'rf^ 'X^ ?t^ ''f^^ f'f^ "^ ^^ (?i r'F^ i*j^Tt^ 5:^
' The story is to ivpll-known to require an analysis of its contents
here
184 BENGALI LITERATURE
^ ^tr.?\ c^ti^ c^ti5 ^^^c^ -si^^t^ srr»f ^f^^ i^t:^ j?i vstfn
5r:^ ftf h (7151^ ^:^^ src^fi ^If ^1%^ ^?i i ^^ sj^j^ ci^l
^t5 cTt^f ^?il ^rt^ ^t^ ^'^ f^Q f^'sl f^^^ 1 f^"? ^f^ c^^
^^ (71 ^ ^^tw ^1 ^c^ (71 ^f% ^^?:»f^ ^9fi ^t^t^ i2f5it«{ (7i5{^
^C^WI ^:^ ^fw C^t^ ^t^T^ ■5fClf ^t^l ^t^ ^tr^ (TFTilf CT
j^'sJT'Jfi:^ ^t^ <7i f^ ^^^ ^2f^c^^ ftf^ «ft^«i ^m^ ^^n
yrf^^rtr^c^ ^'f :^ f^ ^ft«t^ ^t^ i ^t^ ^^ ^t ^fw fti^^^
^[^ s 'ItC^ "sl^ ft^ sff^ 3^^ ^sJtW^ JI'vTK'if >TSI^ ^<i 1%t%!:^<J
^f^ ^^^ f^f»fl^ ^t?( I '^r^SnC^ f^^-fSl ?(t:5I^ gt^e]
I'lNDITS AM) MIXSIS 185
si^c^^ f»fc^ ^tc^rt^^ ^c^ I ^1^ ^f^^ifo^ ri^f^ ^fr^ ^1*1^
ftr^ ^?i c^5[J{ JTCsii r^'^r!^ ^5i^C<^ ftf^ ^?l I 'Sl^^^ f^^-
It would be convenient to notice lieie briell} (jilchrist's
translation of ,Esoj/s and oilier fables from the Eiifj^litili
lan<;ua<>e. Although done under the
Ur. John B. Gil- direction and suiiervision of Dr.
Christ 8 Oriental. '
FabuliM 1803. Ciilchrist - it must be borne in mind
that the version occurs in a book of
polyglot translation (six versions) of ^Esop's and other
fables into tho\arious dialects of India -^ done by various
hands. Eor the l^engali version i> resjoui-ible one
TarinTcharaii Mitra who was employed especially for
"Bun<;la, Persian and Hindoosthanee." He is called "a
' f^TJtlC?^, pp. 3-8.
- Dr. John IJortliwiik (JilcliriHt, LL. D., F. II. S. E. was Professor
of Hindnsthani in the Fort Williuin Colligr. lie was well-versed in
numerous dialects of India and wrote a number of works on Uiudus-
thani.
■* This trnnBlation will be found in a publication of the Fort William
College, entitled the Oriental Fnbnlint (1803) by John Gikhrist. It
contain»i "Polyijlot Translation of .Esop'n and other ancient fablcn
from the Enijlifh Language into Hindoofthanec, Pcrnian, Arabic, Brijhhakha
Bttngla and Snnkrit in the Roman Character by various hands under the
direction and superintendence of John Gilchrist for the use of the College
of Fort William. Calcutta. Printed at the Hurkaru office. 1803." (See
Roebuck, op. cit. App II. p. 27: Buchanan, op, cit. p. 221).
•21
180 BENGALI LlTEllATUKE
learned native" in tlie rieface by Dr. Gilchrisft wl.o also
pays him a high tribute ^vln.n he says "it behoves me now
more particularly to specify that to
sliare lu the veisiou. \ / i
labour and considerable i)rolieieney
in the English tongue, am I greatly indebted for the
accuracy and dispatch with wliich the collection has been
at last completed. The j'ublic may feel and duly
appreciate the benefit of his assiduity and talents,
evident in the Biingla version" '. Tariiilcharan ]\litra
was "Head Moonshee" in the liindustliani Department
appointed in May, 1801.- Tarinicharan thus seems
also to have been })roticieut in Persian and Hindusthani.
We select here a short i)ieee as a specimen: —
An illustrative fable ' ■'s ^ •
r^mb^i ^f^^xS ^Itf^^ a ^5I5( ^=^t5 '511^ C^-^^ ^f^^l ^1^
^sft^t^ 5?:^^ csfjtf^, ^f^ ^:5^t^c5i ^fsj ^^5f^ ^f^?il ^t^iti:^
* p. xxiv-xxv. Dr. Gilcluist in the Preface (p. xxv) to this
work, expresses his intention of publishing the Bengali version, which
seems to be the best, in a separate form, not in Roman but in
Bengali character. I do not know whether it was ever published. Long
mentions Dr. Gilchrist's translation of the .^i^sop's fable jmblished in
1803. I have not been able to trace tiiis separate publication if
it ever existed.
■■' Roebuck, op. cit. App. 111. p. 48
Pl'XDITS AM) MI'NSIS 187
■srt^ ^1<i Q^«f^ ^Rf^ 3ic^ I ^t^c^tw« ^^ ^^ ^?^ ^'^U's
■5«(^ c*ft^^ ftc5 f r^5i, ^^ ^^rf^ c'T^f^f^rt^ ^^^1 ^^-^
It is no little credit to the writer of this passatje, as the
reader will observe, that the prose for a translated piece shows
threat improvement indeed upon what had been published
hitherto, and it is with great diftieulty that we resist the
temptation of <:^ivin(]f more extracts of this simple homely
style. This work resembles much Carey's Ili/ias-mafa in its
persineuity and elejjjance, althouirh the latter book was
published almost a decade after this. It is by always aiming
to be plain, accurate and natural that
Tho simplicity an.i the language of this work succeeds
elegance of its prose. ^ ^
in attaining sueii excellence of diction
among contemporary records in spite of its very close
adherence to its Ennlish original and occasional imitation,
as in the passage quoted, of English and Persian construc-
tions. It is to be regretted, however, that the writer of
these pieces never tried his hand at original prose- wri tin^-
wiiich if he had touched, he might have adorned in a
way bi-ttt-r than man\' of his eontompnrarics.
'. The Oriental FahnUtt (1803) ed. by Gilchrist, p. 3.5. In the
trnnsliterfttion ( have corrected tlio spelling, otliorwise no nitemtion
ia mode ; for the trunslitcrntion seems to hare been mnde according to
sound rather than according to spoiling. The tmnsliteruted version
in Roman letters i.<< given in Ap|>ondix III. at the end of this
volume, whero a cote also will be found on this system of
tranaliteriitiii" • fni- « liii-li I am indflitf'il t" Profe-S.sor Snniti Kumnr
Chatterji.
188 BENGALI LITERATURE
Cliandlcliaran MnnsVii's ' Tola Iti/i'ts and Rajib
Loehan .Mnklioi>ndhyay's Fiiju Kr-^na-
M'linshi ' r//tnn/rij /ui//rr C/inritra, both pub-
lished in the same year, exhibit
however noticeable contrast c£ style and languaj^e. Tota
I/iZ/iift - is bv far the better work
^''Isos'^' ^^^^^ "^ ^*^'""^ ^"^^ subject, although
it is a mere translation from some
Persian orig-inal and its language shows admixture of
Persian. It consists of thirty-four "tales of a parrot," as
its name implies, and is said to have been translated from
a Persian original " Toofofiawa//." ^
Similar collections of tales there are
' Called Chunder Churun Moonshee by Buchanan (op. cit. p. 229)
which is evidentlv a mistake.
* There are copies of the first edition in the Library of the
Board of Examiners and Presidency College Library. The title-page
says : C^t^'Sl ^f^t^ ( TtSTl^l «t^K'5 I tl^«^Rl ^^%^ ?f^« I ^l^t^*!?:^
f t*ri ^^ I ib-ou I Roebuck {op. cit. App. 11. p. 29) and Buchanan
(op. cit. p. 228) also give this date of publication. The copy in the
Sahitya Pari.sat Library (and also one in the British Museum
Library), which seem to be reprints of 1825, bear a somewhat
different title-page. ^ | C^Hi tf^t^l 1 1 ^t^1^1 "^WUs || ti^^slF^I
H'\/^f.^ ?fF5 1 1 cr^S^? ?tW«ft^Rlr^ Ft*l1 ^^ llib-^a 11 The fount of this
latter reprint is very neat. Misled probably by the date of this
edition, Diiicsh Chandra Sen (History, p. 890) puts the date
api)arently of the first edition at 1826. The copy of an edition
in the British Museum Library bears 1806 as the date of publicatioii
(Blumhardt, Catalogue, p. 31). There is also mention of a 12mo
Ed. printed in London ISM in the Catalogue of the Library of East
India College, and an 8vo. Ed. London 1811 is entered in the
Cfitnlogue of the Libranj of the Hon. Enst India Company, p. 196.
There is a cnrious diglot edition (English-Bengali) of tin's work in
the Siiliitya Pari^at Library : the Bengali version appears on the right
and English on the left side on the same page. The date cannot be
ascertained for the title-page is lost ; but judging from the
typography, it seems to have been printed in London.
^ Buohnnan, op. rit. p. 228. Chandicharan is also said to have
PrXDITS AND Ml'NSlS 189
also in Sanscrit, the most well-known amony wliioli is tlic
'Siika-xnptafi' or 'Seventy Storios of a Parrot '.
^^ e «^ivf lier»' ii description of the work under review
and il is interestinjjf to compare it
Description of th.. ,vith the Sanscrit version. A wife,
work.
whose husband is travellin*; abroad,
and who is inclined to run after other men, turn 5 to her
husband's clevtr talkiny; parrot for advice. The bird
while seemiui; to aji[irove of her wicked jdans, warns her
of the risks she runs, and makes her promise not to go
and meet any j)ai"amour unless she can extricate herself
from diHiculties as sc-and-so did. Re([nested to tell
the story, he does no; but in the meantime the stor}-
is s]>un out to such a length that when it is concluded,
morning dawns and lur plans arc postponed till next
nii;ht. Thus the bird succeeds in keejting his mistress
in the path of rectitude not by j)ointed injunctions, but
by a device similar to that which Shehrazade in the Arabian
Niijhts employs to hinder the Sultan from sacrificing a
fresh victim on every succeeding day. Several days pass
in thi-« way, till the husband returns to find the
honour of liis home inviolate. This is the frame- work
which contains the thirty-four stories, some of which
are verv amusini; indectl, although many of them are
somewhat coarse. It is written in simple narrative prose,
eminently suited to the juirpose of the book, and, although
eried down for its slight inevitable admixture of Persian
especially at the beginning, the language is in no way
inferior to that of I/ifojun/rs or (Jrinital ]'\ihiilist an,!
certainly marks great advance in simplicity and natural-
ness upon Praiajtatlilya-t'luirUrn or Lipiiiialii. Its literary
translated the Bhagabmlglta from Sanscrit into Reni^ali : this work, if
pnhlishcd nt all, I have not been able to trace.
' Macdonell, Hisf. of Snn». Lit. p. :{7.*).
190 HEXOALT LiTi:KATnn<:
pretensions are few indeed, but the writer is a very sjood
story-teller and has succeeded in niakin«^ his book inter-
estins:, both in form and matter."'
The followint; (juotation of a shorter story will serve
both as specimen of its tales and of
A storv quoted as a .
•pecimen. its languao;e. -
Tt^t^ ^^5f (ilt I—
c^t^^ ^f^^l '^t^^ 5^i;^i w^ >it^tt<ii '^^l'>\^^ "^11,-^ ^^
' This book seems to liave become very popular ; Dr. Yates, in
his Selection, gives 18 stories from it alone. Dr. Yates, however,
stretches his point too far when he says that the language of this
work is deserving of attention because it is "a very fair specimen of
the colloquial language and its almost unbounded negligence." (Rev.
W. Yates, Introduction to the Bengali Language in two volumes 1847.
ed. by J. Wenger; vol. ii containing Selections from Bengali
Literature, p. 1). Haughton's Selections (1822) contain 10 stories from it.
The book was also translated into Ilindusthani. See Roebuck
op. cit. App. II. p. 24 ; " Tota Kuhanee a Trau.'^lation into the
Hindoosthanee Tongue, of the popular Persian Tales, entitled Tootee
Namn, by Sneyid Huednr Buksh Hueduree, under the superintendence
of John Gilchrist, for the use of the students in the College
of Fort William, Calcutta ..printed at the TTindoosthanee Press in
one vol. 4to. 1804."
■ This storj' also occurs in another form in the Uitopadei. It is
also quoted in Haughton's Selection-', ]>. 12-18 -. trans, p. 92-96.
^ This is the wife whose husband Maymun has gone abroad ; this
introductory jiassage as well as the conclusions forms tlie link which
connects a particular story with what precedes and what follows it,
and is thus a part of the framework into which stories of miscellaneous
character aro thrown in.
' Tliis is the jiaraniour with whom an appointment was made
to meet at midnight.
I'LNDITS AM) .Ml N\S18 IDl
f^vrfg Btfj^'i 1 ^^ ^f^l?,^ C^ ^fsi ^l^ f^f ^f^?n ^f S 5^1
^srr^tf^* ^t^ "^trsi cstit?! ^•I't cefSs '^ff C^111C^ i^t^-
^%^ "51^ ^li?^ ^^'s 5?t^t^^t^ 5I'235]t°N^ ^»^T^^ ^«t^JfT ^tf^?i1
■srtf^ T5ft^ ft<T ciisis srfffe *ftf?^ CI "51 W^ ft^ ^f^s^ (srsc^c*
^fi fip| ftfJ^Jl tfJ-m fs^^^^ 5f^<T fF^ifsf fijs-^ 9{C5^5Tt<I ^I5rf5
PFI Q1 f^^B^ 'Ff?l5l ^f^r?;^ ^1 -si-s-ij^ -Bflf?! "Jl^t?! 5t^f?f
:57t^ ^rs?1 5I5^?I1^ C-5^?l^C5I<T ^1?! ^fsi^l ^1?tiT f^^^ Bt^f^
192 BKNGALI LITERATURE
■5fihWti?5^ ^c^ m^^i ^^^ ^?:<i?r ^Mi c'.?lt^1 ^^^ fttc^i ^t
^ttrsf^ c^ ^jf^ 51^^ ^tc^ c^ ^Wj:^ R-^tt?:^ i t^l ^f^l
'Itf^:^ ^t^«l ^R^ ^f%?i1 ^t^ ^Ic^ ^tf^ ^1 C^ '^ '*f^ ^t^^
^f? ^^H ^t^-1 c^f^ 'tz^ '^f^ »1tg ^R^ ^f%^l *n:^^ fsi*5^
^tf^^l C^t5It^ ^t^^^W^ ^l^t^^ f^^tf^'5 f^C^Vf^ ^f^c^ ^tf?f I
^t^l ^f^^^ *?f5 ^tt?ll Ti^tff 'SitJ]^ I CMf^fft^ ^t^1^ ^1^1
c^ \s Itc^t^ ^f^i '-^^'s ^^^1 c^^ ^f^c^f I c^ fti:^1^ ^^^
^f^c^^ c^ Tsrff^r ^t^ cs^^^tc^^ ^^5itl<T ^f"^^ ^^1^ "Sins
^t^1^ ^^5it^?r ^^z^r^ "STt^t^ ^"^j:*! ^f^vft^ c»f'« "^i^ ^tf^
^^»IT f?-f?l^1 ^^tt^^ ^ts^t« ^^^^ ^t^ ^tf^i '^if^C^^ ^*ft5
PUNDITS AND MUNSIS 193
^■sfl np? ^c^ ^^»fT f^^ f¥? ^f^ ^{^^ f^^ ^^ ^^rffii ^^
^t^ ^t*f^ ^^5T^^ ^ff^nd csfft^ m^Ftrs ^?t^ ^f?r i
^1 ^%l CFtf^Tf^ ^t^^ t^^^ ^rtt?n ^^ ^^ ¥'11 ^^ 'j^c^
^^^rs ^f?ruq^ I ^^R^^ c^ ^ ^^f^5^ ®t^ t^ ^f^^
SJ'f^^^ ^f^ 'TtsitC^ ^f^vff^ ^C^T f^fJI ^'Jf'l ^t^I til ^
^^ ^^ (?FH 'i^ ^f^ ^t^ ^^ ^^st^ ^g'sU^ f\^ ^
^^g ;> <5t57U«Tfr^^fviX5t^ =^^ ^^x CfiZ*\^ "STm? ^W S ^t^
^r?r<i^ c^^fVtft^ ^rf^srm ^rWcs *i^5^ "^itf^nri ^*ttwtf? ^^^
5ijf?^^ ^ c^1 'srt^iJ? ^sp^ 5Tt^ c^^Q ^^ c^>R ^r^rr^
^?r^l C5W?T (TTt^tm -srt^j ^^st^s ^^ ^1 ^ ^*?5t^ ^f^^1
'sffTK^ f^%l ^1t^ ^^I'T 'rtfV^ "srrsi f^^^ I cFff^m
c^fipift^ 'sitjfQ^nis iTt^K ^T^^-^ -sTTfj!^ ^^frs ^ ^2t*rpj
:i5
194 BENGALI LITERATURE
^ '*\Zm f^t^ f% ^tf^ I C^'ffWt^ ^fe^l^ STFt^t^ 5j^el
^fk^ "511^1 ^^^ I t«:i^ ft ^^t^^^ 'sit^ Ttfsi^ ^ff^
*l^ ^f?n:^fi:«i (?i ^tf^ ^c«t% '^'H^ c^t^ ^rf^ ^srt^ ^sffrtr^
f^^c^ 1 ^tf^ (7f^ ff^ ^ff^t^ n^^l c^^^ ^t^j ^t^t^
^%l ^t^w^ ft^,^?:^ fro ^f^^ f^5i ^£i:?(^ ^ It ft?-^
^fcl?? QZ^ C^tfwt^ (71 ^^ ^fsi ^5it^ ^ttl?[ ^tf?^ ^^
(7T^ yjsni 'silfiis c^t^ltW ^*5t^ "^f^J^ ^f^^1 w^ ^^c^ C^t^lt^ ^^
^tf^'« ^^^^^^ ^<JIt^ ^t^ C^WW bf?lT ^^ ^f^^ ^S «R^t^
TlWC^ CFtf^fft^^ ^«rM sift 'Q Jf^^-Qtf^^ ^C^ fj|^ ^^1
^9 ^T ^W^ ^^^ ^ ^t^^ C^ f^^>I C'^tC^^t^ ^tS^ ^^ ^ I
C^tC^^I ^1^ ^^^ 1^1 If^^t^ «1^C«1 ^t'^l^ %515? ^vstfl^
1*1^^^ f^^?rfr« *l^ ^f?ic^ I—'
As in the case of most of the Bengali writers of
this period, nothing practically is known about the life
of the author of J^uja Krfinachan(ha
HajTh.joohnn Mnkho- /,.j^,. Chavitra"- exccpt that in the
description of the book given by
' CSti>\ tf^Jl, pp. 21-29.
= The title-page says ; History of Raja Krishnu Chundni Roy -.
PUNDITS AND MUXSIS 195
lUiclianan,' Kiijib-luchan is said to have been "descended
from the family of the Raja." The
Rujd KrHnachanilru booj. j^ supiwsed to be an authentic
RayerChantru, 1805. ''
account of the Kiija, dead not many
years before this book was published, and his corres-
pondence with the Eni^lish in the early period of their
intercourse with Beni>al : but it seems that the memoir
is more of a tissue of fables and
Its historical value.
traditionary tales ; and much of the
narrative, esj)ecially at the beginning, is mere liction such
as tradition or the fancy of the writer might have sug-
gested. We do not go so far as to suggest that these
tales were invented, as Dr. Yates^ remarks, " in order to
5^eT I ii^.d I pp 1-120. Long says that it was ropriiitcil in Lumloii 1830
but tho second reprint at Srirampur bears tho date of 1857 (Sahitya-
Pari-^at Library). There is a copy in tlie Library of tlie Board of Exa-
miners which is reprinted at orTnlmpur bearing the date of 1K34 ; and
two copies in tho British Museum Library (Blumhardt, Catalogue,
p. 89) printed in London in 1811. Also mentioned in the Catalogue
of the Library of the East India Collcjc (18+3) and Catalogue of the
Library of tJu: Hon'blc East India Comjmny (ISio) p. IdG. There arc
copies of the first edition of this work in the Library of tho Board of
E.xaniiner3 and also in tho Bengal Asiatic Society Library. In tiio
paper on Bengali Literature (Cal. Rev. xiii. 185<5) Long gives this work
tlio absurd date of 1801 : and following him, llum-gati Nyayaratnn
repeats tho error. Sec, however, Roebuck, <>;>. ci< App. II. p. 21): so
Buchanan, opcit. p. 228. Besides this work of lliljib-lochan's contains a
reference at p. 9 to Rtlm Riim Basu's Pratapuditya'Charitm and must
therefore have been published after 1801.
• Op. eit, p. 228. Tho full description is this : " an original work in
tho Bengali language containing tho correspondence between the Raja
and the (English in tho early period of their intercourse with Bengal
by Rajeeblochan Moonshee descended from the family of the Raja."
' Intro, to Beng. Lang vol. ii p 124. Sotcn-Karr's severity on his
work {Cal. Rev. 1849, p. 601), following Yates, seems to bo unwarranted.
196 BENGALI LITERATURE
gain the favour of the English " ; but we must admit that
it shows more leaning towards gossip than Pratajjuditi/a-
charitra does. In point of language,
Its language +,14. i 1
however, the last-named work com-
pares very unfavourably with the work under review.
Mahamahopadhyay Haraprasad groups this work with
Traiapadiiya in the class of " unreadables " for its lan-
guage, but the plain story-telling style, occasionally Sans-
critised and wholly free from Persian, eminently befits
the gossipy tendency of the work. The story is enlivened
by frequent introduction of descrip-
and manner, .
tions, dialogues, letters and anec-
dotes ; and the narrative towards the end, describing the
Raja's acquaintance with the Nawab, his joining the
conspiracy, his negoeiations with the Enghsh, and the
ultimate triumph of his party with the defeat of the
Nawab is told in a connected and interestinsr manner,
with a large infusion, however, of fiction which may not be
strictly acceptable to the historian. But it is this ming-
ling of fact and gossip that makes the work so interesting
to the general reader. The work begins with a preli-
minary account, legendary and historical, of jiedigrees and
ancestries, then narrates the story of Raja Krsna-
ehandra's birth, his marriage, his religious work, a
description of his residence called Sifja-nifjasa, his
amusements, his acquaintances with Nawab Siraj, his
joining a conspiracy started b}' ^IirJa'far and others
against the Nawab, his delegation to the English at
Calcutta by the conspirators, his
A descriptioQ of the negociations there with the Bada-
work.
-saheb of the Factory, flight of Raj-
ballabh and bis son, correspondence between the Nawab
and the English, the Nawab's descent upon Calcutta,
agreement with MlrJa'far, the meeting of the English and
PUNDITS AM) MUNSIS 1U7
the Mohammedan forces at Plassey^ flight of Siruj and
his assasination bv Mlian ; ami then the story ends
with a short account of the posterity of the Rujii. We
give here an extract from the passage describing the
Raja's joining the conspiracy, which will serve as a speci-
men of botli its language and manner.'
^t^ [f^^] ^-im^ ^trn<ii 5i^^t^ ic^ « ^t^ ?^t^5rt^«i
^ (?fc»nT "STsi^ ^^^?i ^ (Tf*ttr«^^tft ^f%^^^ ^^-nr tT^t
^1 %^5sn ^1 ^r^:^ ^^t^ f^^rs 5^tt ^t ^'^^ ^^ iTt^i
f?35^ ^t?i ^f^^ "srf^^t^l ^tsMr?^ ^ ^1^1 ■srt^^?^
fc(<T iTt^^ (?i5i5^ ^ ^f^i:^ (?rt^^' ^qn% ^^ t^t^ ^f5(?l
f^^ ^?rl ^t^ ^t^t^ ^f^TC^ I fr^ ^^ ftf^ ^^(^:^?f
^^» ^T51 ^l^'S ^fs >T^si ^>15I ^t^ W^m ^t?0^ ^t^^
C'Ft^ "Sf^fr J^^t^ >itC?r^ ^ Ti:? "sif^ lil^; 'si^Ttfs "STs^i;^ ^tf'f
^f^ f^t'I (71 ^ ^^1 (21^ viit^«l f^C^EfSil ^f^citl (iJ 1^
' Kr^nachandra Rayer Charitra, pp. 65-73,
198 BENGALI LITERATURE
^^c« ^^ ^Ic^ 1%^ (?f*f ^^1 ^t^ ^ ^^°N ^^5 c^tc^^ ^tfs
^«i ^t^l ^t^ ^1^ ! ^c^^ '^r^^ ^'-t ^RC's 5[^t^i sjc^s
%^^ ^t5i1 ^^5^ ^t^ ^1% ^? 5fft ^t^tC^ '^iKitfl f^"St>l1
^^t ^^^ f^f^ c^^^ ^ ^?rr5i»f fwc^5{ (Ti^^i-s ?FtnT ^T%^ ^'^^
Wt^l f ^5^ ^t^ ^t ^t'^tC« ^C^^ t^t^^ f^^t>l1 ^^«f (71 (71
^ ^twl f ^53 ^tl^ 5!^^^ fSf^^l ^1%C^ ^f^i >i^f^ m-\^
^T^iTs^^^ ^^t^*l fff^s ifl ^^5 ^|»5^J CT (71 ^^^ '^tf'l fsi?:^ff5?
^f% -^1^1 2J^«l ^^J? ^W^fff(:^f^ Cff*ftf^^t€T f^f^ If^ ^r^
^sjf^^jt^ %^t^tf^ 'II ^rti^ t^Q ^"H:^ ^^51 ^^in^ 'srtsit^
si^^t^^t ^t^ "1^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^f^ ^'^'^ ^^ ^^^^ ^"f^
^f5?<l1 ^t^ ^^ ^5t C^^ fj?^t^«l ^C^ ^1 ^sir^R (2f¥l^ c£l c^f^f
^^^t^ ^^^5 -sjxs^n^ (?f^r^ ^^1 ^^^ ^f%c^ ^t^t^ ^t'^ 5itf^^
PUNDITS AND MTNSIS 199
■sTp:^^ ^f^ ^Ft^ 'ii ^n:^T<T ^t^1 ^ »c^ ^^?i 5i5?5i ^^^ I
*f^f^'v^ "^^^ ^! (Tlt^ -sff^ ^ (2t^ ^2tf^ ^9f^ tnrt <il^t '^ToTS
*^?T^t^ji f»fC2^ ^it^^ ^1^ ffi^ <Tt^t^ ^r^^ ^«i ^t^^f?c^
sr^Jii ^^iw >nr?! 5(^ ^^^r^is- 1 ^rj^ ^^rt^ 9|^ ^^^?7t^ ^%^
'it?t^ ^9^ ^f^ ^«t^ "Ttf^i ^5 ^f% fV^ ^|Ft<^fin:^r^ ^t^i
'pf^^lslfl c^fl ^f?nr1 55tf«f5T ^fiics^:^^ c^ ^fwf^t?^
■srtfif ^«(T ^ 'Ft^ ^^t^ ^<I«1 f^ral 'ftf'F C^T^ ^51 ^<l^t bU
C^tfiil f^f^ ^? mr?^ tV^Jf Tf?^ m^^ 'F^l «ftf^ ^tC^
^^ 5f?ra "srtf^ 'TTSt -^\-5 -STTf^ I ^^ ^*mT ^ ?rt^ iTfl-
200 BENGALI LITERATURE
^^m ^%^ ^^f^ w:m ^ ^^M^ c^tll^ ^^ ^^^^
^r^ f^f%^ 51^ >it^^c^ 5t^^ -si^^ ^t^t^ I'ft^ c?5{ I ^1
^trt^f^c^m ^t®fj ^t^^^ =^ft ^r^ c^t^ ^^^^ t%i ^^^t^l
^sftr^ fir«t^ f^^ ^f^^ ^t^ ^^ I "^ ^^msk '^fwi'^
f ^5^ ^t^^^ f^^ ^f^^l ^ms] '^ ^ 'JtiR ^^t'^ ^f^c^^ I
The name of ]\rrtyufijay Bidyalankar, for many }ears
the chief Pundit of the College of Fori AVilliam and for
some time Carey's own' Munsi, whom Homo has
immortalised iu Carey's portrait', is
Mrtjnfijny Bidya- ^^^ important one in the literary
history of this period. Nothing
practically is known about his life, but he is said to have
' A likeness of this will be found in William's Scrampore
Letters (1800-1810). It may be remarked here that Mifynfijay's
IHNDITS AM) Ml \Sl.s :>0l
been boni in l?(i:2 ;it Miiliiapore (then iiieludeil in Orissa)
iuul L'lliieateil at Nature. In pliysiiiui- aiitl knoulc*il<;i',
he ha^^ been comparcnl to Dr. Jolinson, and ho was held in
liii;h anil deserved estimation.. In the iMiLrhsh preface to
l^ruhod/i-c/taiuhika wliieh was edited in Ifei-io altt-r
Mrtyunjay's death, Marslinian
Marshniuu's tribute. eulogises the learned pundit as " one
of tlve most profound scholars of the
a«?e." '• At the iiead of the establishment of Pundits,"
Marshman writes elsewhere', "stood Mrityunjoy, who
althou^^h a native of Orissa,- usually ret^anled as the
Bcetia of the country, was a colossus of literature. "' He
bore a stron<; resemblance to our i^ieal lexieo;^rai)her not
only by his stupendous aeijuiremeuts and the soundness
of his critieal juil<:;ments but also in his rout^^h features
ami his unwieldly ligure. His knowledt^e of the Sanscrit
title was Butyalaiikar aud not Turkalahkur us lut'iitioiiod by Diiiosli
Chandra Sen in Uistunj (p. 886). See Roebuck, cp. cit. App. II. p. :i'.» :
also Smith, op. cit. p. 170.
' Hiitory of Serampote Mifstun.
• Mrtynnjay seenjs to have been as piolaiont in the (Jijiya dialect
as in Beiiyali. It was his help that enabled Carey to translate the
Scriptures into the Udiyii diakct. (Smith, vp. cit. ]>. 190).
^ In this connexion, M. M. llai-apras<id Sastri, in tiie lecture
referred to before, speaks of Mrtyuftjay as an Udiya bnt it niigbt
be noted here that although born in a province of Urissu, it is very
doubtful whether Mftjiinjay was really an Udiya. From the edition
of his work Rajabun, published in 188U by a person calling himself the
writer's grandson, it seems that ho belonged to the Cliattopadhyfiy
class of Bengali Bnihmans : for the title-page of the nforesaiil
edition says :— "aiT'Fp:?!^ Q^S ^'HStHj ^\^ ^\^W^ ^t ^f ^I9l ^^'tH'S
t|6 «^ m -5^ 5^ 2r^(f»I3 I 1*1 m%^'\ l" UAm-n>ohau U«y, again,
{Worka: Fauiai OlSco Reprint, p. 64«) calls Mftyuftjay a BhatUichiiryya
and hi.s omtrovoniy with the I'undit is styled by himself at
®5t&Kini ^3 (^6ta I MftyuAjay was a Rridiya Bnihman (itCJJ? 5t^
^^':« Ji^H I )
202 BENGALI LITERATrRE
classics was uurivalledj and \n> Bengali composition has
never been superseded for ease, simjjlicitv and vigour.
Mr. Carey sat under his instruction
Relation to Carev. two or three hours daily while in
Calcutta, and the effect of this
intercourse was speedily visible in the superior accuracy
and purity of his translations" ' . He was specially
attached to Carey and it was at Carey's suggestion that
he undertook the literary works which constitute his
chief contribution to Rengali literature and language. -
The literary labours of Mrtyunjay, embracing almost
the whole of this decade (1802-1813),
His works consist, besides a Defence of Idolatory
and a treatise on the Hindu Law of
Inheritance'*, of the following four publications, of which
' Carey never, however, was influenced b\- Mrtyun jay's pompous,
affected, sanscritiscd lauguape. His native instinct for realism saved
him from this extreme.
- Mrtyuiijay was also one of the jurists of the Supreme Court ;
and when the atritation about Sail was at its height and the whole
body of law-pundits wrote of it as "permitted," Mrtyuiijay gave
his opinion that, according to Hinduism, a life of mortification rather
self-immolation was the law for a widow.
^ Rev. J. Long,. Return of the Names and Writingi- of 515 Persons
connected with Bengali Literature. (1855), p. 135. This work, Defence
of Idolatory, as mentioned by Long, seems to have been the same as the
Bedunta Chandrika against which Ram-mohan Ray wrote his -s^lbU^X
Jlf^ f^5til (1817) and his English tract "A Second Defence of
the Mouotheisticol System of the Yeds in Reply to an Apology for the
present State of Hindu Worship" (1817). Says Miss Collect:
" Another defendant of Hinduism appeared some months later in the
Head Pundit of the Government College at Calcutta, Mrityunjoy
Vidyalankar, who published a tract called Vedanta Chandrika." (Life and
Letters of Raja Rammohan Boi/.p. 23. See also Nagendranath Chatterji,
Life of Rammohan Ray in Bengali, p. 103). The Bedanta Chahdrika
was printed both in Bengali and in English, and defended the current
form of idolatorous Hinduism against Ram-mohun's party. It shows
PUNDITS AM) MIXSIS 203
two are original works and two translations from
Sanscrit. : —
1 Bdfri's Sim/ia'<(i//, 1802.
2 Hifopaih's, 1 808 . -2 nd Kd .1811. :i rd Ed . 1 82 1 .
3 UrijaUn, 1808.
+ PrahotJh Chfunhika, 181. 'J.
BafriH Sim/ia'i<i/i is a close Iranslation in
l)lain simple Henyali of a very I'opiilar and wt-ll-known
Sanscrit work wInCli is some-
Tran8lntioi)<». . • i n • .
times supposed to l)e ol Biiddlustic
oripfin, sometimes attributed to no less a writer than
Kalidasa.' The title literalK' means
Btittii Sinihasan.
moans the //t/r///-//r(i Ifirouen but it
should be rather the tJiirfi/-lirtt inmi/i'x of BilramUdlti/n^x
all the scholarship and sincerity of nn orthodox piindif, but at the
same time it is marked by a deplorable tone of violence and personal
runcour.
' The first edition (which is in the Tnijterinl Lilirnry, Calcnthi) bears
the following tith'-pncrc : ^fiPl fJl's?|Jiil | >1?5tl? ^t^tC^S I ?^a5»t'Stl
f^V.1 1 §|^t1T-'3 f t*tl 5t^ I ikr.^ I pp.210. The copy in tiio Hritish
Mnsenm Library bears the followinp title-jmge; ^faW f'lt^Pl't I
^'911 ■'^•tl fe^trS I ii^'tr I Hocbiick. (>}>. cit. havinff apparently seen
thia edition pives 1808 as the date of its first publication; and
this has been the usual date piven by those who follow him
(e.g. Lonp, Ram-pati Xytlynratna etc.) Hut Rnchanan, «}>. rit. in
J805 mentions this publication at p. 222, thonph lie pives no exact
date. The title-pape of tlie London reprint says : ?if^3!T)lf*fC*)U
^ftpn ^[vi^\ fr*x?t^ w.m i it^icii 's\^m I iii?^T»« "rt'it ?f5T i ^^fi^
l^t^tf^^CS 5ltl ^t^ 1 'i^'i>> I T'le edition in the Library of the Board
of Examiners (London reprint) bIso bears 18111 as the date of
publication. The BafteabAsi reprint is from the latter edition but some
alterations in spellinp etc., make the book less valuable to the
student. Similar reinurki apply to its edition of Prabodh-chaudrika and
Rajaball. There was a SrirSmpur reprint in 1818. as is evident
from the entry in the Cntnlogue r>f the CnlcuUn Puhtic Library
(1898) and another reprint iis late as 18X4 as the c<.py in the
SShitva Tari^at Librarv ni d entry in the Cnln'cque of Bengali
•201 BENGALI LITERATURE
Ihroiir.'^ Each of these iiiiao^es is introduced as tellino: a
story descriptive ol" the princely character of that Kini^,
and sliowinn' that a prince wortliv itf succeeding liim
cannot he found. The earher style of Mrtyunjay, as
disi)layed \\\ this work, if not superior to that of some of
his contemporaries, was certainly less affected and pedantic
than his latei- style, althougii somewhat sanscritised. It
presents a great contrast indeed in language and manner
at once to Carey's Dialnf/nos as well as to ProiapadHi/n-
rliarifra published only a year before itself and hipimaKi
published in the same year. As on the one hand, it is
marked by a total absence of Persian influence and a
decided tendency to sanscriticised style, so on the other,
by its ]n"eference of the classical language, it rises Ruperior
to the eolloqualism and flatness of the Dialoffne.s. The
story with its framework is well-known. When
Bikramaditya dies, his throne, the precious gift of Indra
who was pleased with the King's excellent qualities, is
buried, and for a long time remains hidden. Many years
afterwards, a peasant cultivating his land discovers that,
when sitting on a platform in the midst of his field, he
becomes endowed with the ijualitios of great discern-
ment and decision. By the direction of Bhoja, the reigning
monarch of the country, the ground is dug u]i,
and the lost throne is duly discovered underneath the
platform. When the king, in the midst of a large circle
of courtiers is about to take his seat there, the first
image informs him, that without Bikramaditya's qualities.
Printed Bools in the Britislt Miii>eum show (]>. G7). The London pd.
t)i' 1834 i.c; also mentioned in the Catalogue of the Library of the East
India College.
' It is nlRo somctimps known nn Bikranwchnritra, hpcausp King
nikrama is the hero, tales of whose prowess and virtue are told hy
the thirty-two images of his cliarnied throne iliscovorcd by Blioju.
PUNDITS AND -MINSTS 205
he is unwortliy to occupy Biki;nnil(litya's throne. Kxphma-
tion ensues : and a story is toKl fiy each one of the thirty-
two imasjes in succession, ilhistrative nj" the forin«M- king;'s
j^reat and «i;ood ((uah'tics and iin|»lyin<i- that a worthv
successor to him has not yet l>een })i'iii ainoniist the soiTs
of men. It is one of the most interestini; collections of
fables of this period ' and the followiny^ extract from
the Ix'sj^iimiui;, relatimjf to tlw tindinfj and disposin<ij of
the ma;Ljjie throne, will >^tivt' as a specimen of its descrip-
tive and narrative manner —
The opening passage
on the Discovery of ^^^^ '^^ff^^t^el ^^^ C^ f^Tt^t^^ ^f^^^t^
the Ihronc, f|iiotefl.
f^^t^ ^t 1—
5ff^«i (Tfc*f «rr^i ^\ui -fl^ nil ff^ cn^ ^^f?:^^ T^^z^
S^tf^^''^^ ^t-SlC^-m 5ftf ^ Tf?rft ^St ^t^ C^lfft ^'f^ JffMt 4'5|^
?t^^ ^^»i^<i *f>T5F sT^^ J^fiT*! "srtf^ '«":^'P ^fs «■? 'sitf'i^i 7\l\^ Ji?
' Yatos gives no less fhnn 1 1 st'ir?o« from tin's hook in his seloc.
tion r\n(l Haughton gives l
:200 BENGALI LITERATURE
sicJ^T ii^ 5f'<p ^f%?fl ^^f^ ^9ttr« 'ttf^^ ^?:^^ ^^^^ ^^^«i
^f'T^il 'ft?:^ ^^'^'i ^t^tf«(^tc^^ c^i^ *^r»ti 's »rtJR ^s si^cfi
(:^\^^if^l ^t^i 5if? ^t^i"? l^^ c^^t^f^^ ^h^ ic^^ f^^c^ f^i?ii
<ii^ ^i'^ ^im ^^i<f "^^i^m^ I c^t 5ilt ^t^"« 51?:^^ ^'ir,^
c^t^^ ^^ (^^) ■sit!:^^ "st^tf^ *tf%5j:-5 :^^r.^ ^t^n^fif^t^^t?! ?^ i
t^ ^*5^ ^f<^^\ :5C^N ^ft^ vi^«i CTt '^t^ ^^^ ^f^c^
i^t TT^I ^t^ %^^ I ^^"t^ mini f^T^<^1 «m^ ^f^^
55f^t^ %^T5 ^'ii^t^i 5if^^fr«n:^ ^f^ ^f^*t 'j^^f^^tc^ c'ntf^T
^tsfl s ^i^t^ ^f^^^ c^tc^^l f^??t^^ ^f^ ^^;:?it^5i ^^v^
^t^1 ^tt^^1 ?^T^C^^1 (^mi) f^'s^t^J^ 51^3^ ^t^«i w.^^ ^^
^■^t^® f^^^t^^ ^^tntc'f ^ta^i I
'*l^t^ ''pl&^in ^^r^ C*ftf^^ ^t5i^'»t ^"R^^ 1C«1T '?tf*i^
PtTNDlTJS AM) MLN.SlS 2U7
C^rtC^^r^'IC^ "SiH^l^ll ga^ei fi^^^ci ?pf?f^ 1-5T^C^?rftf^tC^
W\^ -5f3*f3 ^fs^q^il ^t^«t^ ^C^C« ff*^«1tfw -sifjf^t^ Jit15it
^?ftt*ti 'jr^dt?^ ^c^z's f^fe ^^" ^itg ^'ii 'Ut >!^5| ttc^t«=
<Tt^ff%C^^ Tf^llt "SJt^^t^i^ ^r^5l ^t^t^ f^^C5 fs^^vfsf <Ff<jq I
f^I'v^tTCi^^T fiT^C^ ^nf^ ^tC^st t^^>ItC^ (IsT^^^) P!*s^t^CS^5J
m^ "x^f^^i ?rt^t^^ ^f^:^ 5itfsn:?i5{ i C5 ^t^i s^ (?i ^T^1
gef-Tf^l -sfsr^ ^^^\^ -s{Vl*\^ tftsl "sIsT'S (fgf^ "Slfs^^ '^^ Ttf^^
^ffi^i^ c? n^gl^^i ^tfsi Jir^ipi srrr? ^^^ ^t^ ^f^v^i j^tIj ^i'p
•5ir?t^ «*t "sffif^ ^Tfmi ^r?n:q t^t?:©^ ^f^qt^ ^fii ^fr f 1 1 '
Mrtyunjay's next work of translation was that of
HHopadt'ii. The Sanscrit /litojjuileis,
Hitoyadei. , • i i • i i
tlian which there iniu:nt l)e greater
books in the world but none jjcrhaps wliieh has a more
interesting; lit-'r;uy history, seems to have, with strange
prescience, j^ugeil the literary or amiisivc re(|iure-
m 'nts not only of its own hut also of times to follow :
anil consequently it seems to have always possessed a
peculiar fascination for a host of translators of all periods
» pp. 2-8.
208 BENGALI LITKRATURE
ol' literary histxny. There are some halt" a dozen or more
traiislatioQs of thi.< work between 1300 and ISoO, and it
i.s not necessary to briu^ under review all of them. But
this Version beini^ the work <jf Mrtyunjay i)ossesses a
peculiar iiilerest of its own. ijon<^ gives 1801 as the
date of its i)ublication : but from internal evidence of
language and manner it seems that
Irs date. i i • ti- i
the date is a too early one. \> e have
not been able to obtain sight of the lirst edition in order
to verify the date * : but the work seems to have been
composed later than as Golak-nath liilopades and
exemplifies Mrtyunjay's earlier
Us language aud * '
style compared to style. It would be interesting to
those of Gulak.uath. c^^^ipare Golak-nath's language as
shown in the specimen quoted at j). 183 rl seq. with that
' The copy I use is a third reprint at yriranipur (1814) and
bears the followinj; title-page : 'l^'if ■2r?f3 ^tf^^ff? 5^« ^%^ I
f^^^trs ^ft^Sf f^sr? JTftf I ils65"5|TIt^?^ Rf»tl 1%rst*tUf»t I f^'l'il
^1? ^■^ ?^ I i^^iS I pp. I-IW. I have not been able to get the
first edition of this work. The copy in the British Museum
Library (Blumhardt, Catalogue, p. 67 and p. 115) of the second
edition bears 1814 as the date of publication. 3rd Ed. 1821. It
would appear from Dinosh Chandra Sen, Bahya Sahitya Parichay
or Selection from Bengali Literature, jit. ii (1914) \) 1727, that the
first edition was published ii\1801. Hut this is incorrect ; this is the
date of the lirst edition of Uulak-naths Hitopailei. There is mention
of a "Hitopadeshu in Bengali 8vo. Serampore 1808" in the Catalogue
of the Library of the Ea><t India College. But in the Catalogue of the
Library of the Hon. East India Company, we tind an entry of
"Hitopadeshu or Salutary Instrmtions. 8vo. Serampore. 1808" without
anv meution of the name of the author and of an edition nj>parently of
Golak-nath'a earlier Hitopttdet (1801). From the Tenth Memoir,
relative to Serampore translation (Appendix), it is clear that the
first edition of .Mrtyuiijay's Hitopadei was published in ISU8,
and therefore the anonymous entry in the Catalogue of the Eagt India
College above noted must refer to this work.
PUNDITS AM) .Ml XSIS oq.j
of .Mrtyiifijiiy in tlic following- extractj bearini^ upon
the same part of llie story.'
^T^^t^ c^-'K^nu ^U 5?f^^1 ^W^ ^w.^ -srf^fj? CT
^fC^R ^^fu^T 9 ^fsf^^ C^^ I ?ft^ C^t^ -51^^ S "Sfsic^^
^Jfii ^t<ii ml '^^x "sf'f f5^i ^nrc^^i "sff^ ^^^fV c^c'f
^R ^|5.51K^^ ^^ ^C^ en? Ijjm^ 5'?ff^J ^T^fC^ *ft9^t^ I
^U si ^fci ^^ 'iT^ «(5{ ^tfs jfj ^t^ ^c^ ^^rs ^«f it^ i i? f^^
pt^'Jtrs Ftc>ii^ rsifsira ^5 f^st^l »tt^r^^ ^T^^tc^ -sitw^'pl
?R "51^^ CIZ^J^ ^^ ^tC3J 51'qg c^ fs^ en -515)911 3^?} 5^1 cn^
c^f^ ^(ca<T fc^cs ^f^c^?T n^c^ ^ 5ic^ 5^f3 'p^l ^jtrsc^
^Ci 9 "sff^ ^ m 5?c» "Bit^^ei ^r^^i f^i^i ^ttrsi^ I—
^ftt^^t "stciT ^ttsf^in;^ ^\c^ ^^\^ ^K5 cn«(fc^ n^^i
?r|^3^«t ^ ^'f'H ^r^si ?Tf^1 fefl^ Cn^ ^'{fs li)^ >R5
'Ft^fo ^|V 'i^jsfr^ ct^f-^^g »i=i-i ^Htc^j? st^t?T 'I'f ^^
w,^"^ w.^'A^ srti^ ii^t "s^ftsT-ip r^<[c^^ ^1^5^ CI "ft II en
jf^^iii 5f t^ ^t^f^ ^t en "51* I ^ti cTf-iii 9 Jt^n'^r^ ?
» f^-Stnum, pp. 3-8.
27
210 BENGALI LITERATURE
¥f«(5'fC5 r^^ ^C<It5f^ ^ft ^^Ts ^1«f5^ C^^^ ^?Tf% ^t^l I
m c^c^¥ ^I'si^?! ^^^f^ ^:^sft?(^ ^?j ^f%5i n^i ^tf
^%1 si^tS «t^ ^§J1 ?9?ltS «t^ »f^ ^^Tl ^9?ltS ^t^ 5f^
^^^^«i H*ttf^ ^t^fc^ c^ 5if^?ii m ^i^ I ^9(:^ ^gf^>i^^
^^^1 9 crW 9 r^ftH 9 sf5(r#c^« ^T^t^ ^^ n^^ ^1 ^
^mi n^,5 f^l ^f^C^ ^U^ ^1 I ^^ f5^
c«i ^r9?:«^1 "^l^U ^^i\ ^^*i ^^^ I ^t?:^ c^^ liii^ ^r«N5
^i^rr^rc^ #t5 CT^^ 5i^^c«^ ^jf^ 5(t^«i ^:^ c^^ ^Q«
c^tc^^w^ nf^^ ^t^n^^ ifs ni^tc^ ^t^ ^^? ^ C^t^^^C^f^
PUNDITS AND MTNSIS :2 1 1
57t5 ^^ ^11(^3 ^?i J(i 1 ^f^ -3 owzn f^rg^i >i^t^ ^:^vii
From a literary point of view, however, Mrtyufi-
jay's two original works, fiajaljall and
Oriicinal works. ^^ , u j 7 • > - • i. i.
Prafjoilh'C/iaiidnkii are more interest-
ing ; and of the^e, Rdjuhall, both in form :ind matter,
is no doubt the better work. /.Jjal/afJ
•' as its name implies, is the 'histor\ 01
the kings' who ruled in this country from the earliest
time, audits full title will sullieiently explain its scope' :— -
' The description of this work in Diuesh Chandra Sen's Hixtory
(p. 888) as "the history of India from the earliest time down to
Timur" is clearly a mistake : for the history is brought down to
recent times viz. the time of the British occupation of Bengal.
The title-iwge given in the te.xt above is that of later editions but in
the first edition the title-page simply says :— ^t^f?^ I ^ISS;^ ^!ltr5 |
^^195 "rt'tl fe^rnS I 3lHt^1.^ f t*tt ^«1 I ^^»^\ pp. 1-295. Second Ed.
Serampore, IHU. Also mentioned ns such in the catalogues of tho
Library of Bard of Examiners, Fort William College ; of the Library of
the Hon. East India Company ; of tlie Library of the East India College.
4th Ed. Serampore, 183ti.
212 BENGALI LITERATURE
^ts-t^^ i '^'ft^ ^Fi^ (2jt^-g ^^is I's^t^^^ ^mt^ ^;*ir3
^t^T^^^ ^t^l ^ ^irtk^f^ ^ir^-^ tf^^t^ I The work
is, however, based more on tradition than on autlientic
history. The introductory portion gives the story of the
ancient Hindu Kings since the days of Kuruksetra,
based mostly on the PaurUnik accounts and traditionary
letjrends : and of these the account of Kin<; Bikramadil^'a
is the longest and most enter<ainin<]c. The storv comes
down to tlie liistoric times of the
Tlie scope of the Molmmmedan contiuest and there is
work. _
some account of Adi^ur, Ballrd Sen,
Laksman Sen of Bengal and Prtl.u and Jayachandra of
Delhi and Kanauj. Then follows a sketch of the Fathan
and Mogul kings of Deliii, and of these the stories of Akbar,
Jahanyir, Shah Jaliiin and Auranu:zeb will be found
inleresting. Thete accounts, however, are not strictly
historical but there is a considerable infusion of gossip
and fiction. The woik (nds with an account of the
British occupation of Bengal after the defeat of Sirajud-
daulah, worth comjiarison with that given by Rajib
Lochan in /ui/'a hrsyin C/un/dni liayt'i' CliarHra. The
concluding passage is interesting : — i£i?^d ^^^?*f5?t«
■i{A\A ^t^si^it 'I1 ^^T"? C^t^ C^t^ ^"51^ ^tS^t^CTr^ S ^^K^^CW^
l^^s?! "^n ^^V c^ftft^ -^-^M-i ^fsT ^jsT-j^sf 5rfc5j 51?
^^It^ ^^«1 I There are numerous anecdotes but the story
is presented in a connected form and the style is marked
PUNDITS AND Ml'NSIS 213
I'v nanalive cas^o and sinij»lieily, although a( plafis where
the author iiiows seiious, it Uconies
Its l:iiif,'ua«t. aiitl hihouretl and |)odantie. The >tyle
iiiaiiiHT horik'iiiitr on i- a r i - • i i i- i-
tin- pi'daiitic. ^' Mrtyunjay liowevtr lias a cJi>tnK'-
liou di" its (iwii \\hcn contrafitod with
Ihosr of his contemporaries. It shows a decided leaning
to Sanscrit words and Sanscritie forms, just as the styles
of Carey, Rilni Hasu, or Chandicharan
contraste.1 witli ii.e '^''"\^' '^ »"^'t"l" ^^ the Colloquial
pluii. coll.. .,11 ial styles language. In .Mrt \ ufiiav's writings,
of Carey uikI others. . . J . » >
tlierc is an attempt to raise the
laniruage from the negligence of collo(|uialism to the dig-
nitv and seriousness of a literar\ language ; while in
Carey and others, the desire is alwa\s to be clear, popular,
ami useful, lint it must be admitted that in the more
serious jjortions of Mrtyufijay's writings, the prejjonder-
ance of Sanscrit words and Sanscrit foims niakes the
syntax inartistic and the style stiff and unnatural. In
the narrative portions, however, this fault disa]»pears, and
the general manner in this work although bordering on
the pedantic, is indeed interesting, of which the follov^ing
short passage taken from the account of Pithu and
Jayachamlra will serve as a specimen' : —
^^'in^t^ ^^ ^^^rs <?i i2t^tc^ ^i]n ■sifjf^t^J ^f^^i it^l
fifV I—
^s;^^ cwci^ ^1^1 ^^im ?itcM?r 5i5^t^^ ^^■\3r^ ffc^
vfl'T? T5 «(^ %515? ^ftC'F ^C?1CT ^ftC^ flf«^« cfl^^^t
All extract from "^
the arrotint of th. ^^~ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ -SJS^^^Iglft
hostintv of I'lthii V
"'"' J".vachaM.lra. ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^
f^'\m^ f^f^ir.^ CJl (Ji ^S ^^f"^^ ^5 ^t^r^CW?! 5it*tT CF^ ^1^t^
» pp. 100.106.
214 BENGALI LITERATURE
sfC^t^ s ^^ 5?1 I ^l^ ^tWl ^^ f^^^ ^r^"^ ^t?l1 ^2ftC^
fw^t>!l ^f^C^l^ C^ ^tfl C^t1f< f^^t^ M^l'Q C^ ^^ ^^fe
^r^rs\^ c^ 5i^t^t^ ^t^'f^ ^tit^ ^^1 ^t^5^^^ c^ 5151'? -jt^t^
'sitst^t;:^ ^f? 3if^1^ Tf^fs =5if^ ^ ^t^i ^1 ^^ ^z^^
^st^t^ ^f^r» ^t^^ 'sitfsi ^t^^r^t^ ^^1 ^?t^ 1^ f^^t^
^t¥T ^f^<l1 ^t^'^?I ^:^^ ^t^"? ^f%^ ^^^ ^ts^t^^T^ f^'J^*!
f^l W^ 'J^^tSft^ ^t^l5[^ ^t^ ^st^tW ^ft^ ^^ 51^^
^t^ ^t ¥9rt^« (71 f^5i?c«i 'Sitters ^1 1 ^t^j^^^ ^t^i
•5l^c£l^ f^fl^ ^tsit^ ^f^f^f^ ^^ '^< isir^s'll f^^tl ^^^ ^C^
^^^ ^C'S^ ^t^'g ^f^^tfe^^ ^t^T^ 'l^ f^l f't^ C^t^^ ^tiT-
PrXDlTS AND MTNSIS ZU
'F^ft^Tff'I^IJT "srt^tt^S C^f^'t ^J'^ ^^ ^W^ ^fV^l ^sit^^
^f?jc^^ c^^^\ 5TT5'^ ^rs T^^hi c^ CT ^t^t^i "sitfji^i 'itc^^
c^t^^ 5f5Ft^^ ^^ >fft^i^ ^r?i?ii ^«T^ ^^tf5?« ^^ ^f5c?i^ I
^t%^ 511 1 5^5^ ^t^ "STt^^ ^f^Jt^ '-iit f^"^ ^fsi?!! ^srt^
■S ^fe^J? CTf^ ?f?1 ^^1 Tt^tt ^<T f^ral I i^t^ ^^n "SRI
C?pt^? ^^^5? C^t^^<T ^fGTC^ "silfJ!?! ^fj^?:*!^ | .i) Tf^fcl f^
C^ ci) ^^^^ CT\ ^n^ ^^ f^"? f^ n\ ^?tr5 trrt?I 5ff3 l^
^^t^ C^ "SlsPg "BI^rST ^r^^t^ CSfJTf^ '^Tt^r 5R'9 ■SRT'fl
^«(^ 9 5tc^ ^1 tf 1 f^-^g wffj?ii 1 ^t^^ niT f^^\ 55-5t^c^
*rT^Tt^ ■5rt^f^9 >i^WT ^tJ'T^'9 (TfC»f itTR ^f^J^?!?? 55oife
^^55 ?ft5t^ ^TC^ %1 (?I mr f^fr^T^I I f^^ mm ^t^1 CT *t^t<
'5l^'5(i5 ^ r^l ^ g<T f^5^ 5rt I 'Jtft^ 55»tC^?T ^^^
21G BENGALI LITERATURE
^ts?1 t^1 '^f^l'^ ^^^ W:^r,^] -siif^li ^ji-^\w\^ ^51C5lT^ Jlff^
PnifjoiJh-ckandnka^ or Moon-light of InfellijU'euce, his
next g-reat original work, is indeed
Prnhodh-chnndvika, ^ ^^^^^ interesting publication of this
1S13 .
period from tlie standpoint of fcirni
andlangnage, if not for its matter. It is an elaborate treatise
' This work, thouiih composed in 1813, was not published till
1833, when it appeared from the Seramiiorc Press with a Preface
by J. C. Marshmau (dated lodi May, 1833). The title-pa^e says : —
f^f^^ ^[Fs I ^lilR^l? \St^ft?IO ^ff%« ^%^ I ib'^* I pp. 1--195.
The Pruhodh Chundrikn compiled by the late Mrityunjoy
Vidyulunkar, many years Chief Pundit in the College of Fort William,
From the Seranipore Press. 1833". pp. i-xi and I — lir,. The fount is
very neat and clear. There was a second edition at Serampore
in 1845 as the Cntnlcgue of Bengali Printed Books in the Libniry
oj the Biitish J/ioeuHi p, 07 shows. Another edition in the Sahitya
Pari.sat Library dated 1862, Serampore. Also another edition 1862,
with the followinf? title-page in English and Bengali : "The
Prabodh Chandrika compiled by the Late Mrityunjoy Bidyalankar
for many year.s Chief Pundit in tlie Colleije of Foit William.
Calcutta. Printed for the Calcutta University at the Baptist Mission
Press, 1862. ^tC^li^sr^^t I ^^3 ?^TS^ f^ItrTt^^l^ ^"^ f^^^^l I
»tf t^1 i-ltrS i" "All these editions may be seen to the Stlhitya Pari.'jat
Library. Kntored as "Prubodh Chnndrika by Mrityunjoy Vidyulunkar,
8vo. Serampore, 1833" in the C'dalojuc of the Library of the Hon.
East Indi<i Company, 18-lo, p. 105.
PUNDITS AM) MUNSls 217
of some luiii^th dividctl iiilu four parts calleil -3^^, each
of which a;,'aiM is subdivided into t-hapters called
^^sj. The book bei^ins with the praise of laiii,nia<;e,
which, however, as (pioted below, will not be found very
entertainin«; for its still and pedantic
Objpct and scope of i i ii
the work as put lurtli ^^yle, but Will somewhat exemplify
nas™ '"''^'•"'••'"••y and explain the Pundit's preference
for Sanscrit : —
^tttStf^ ^^tfrt «f^1 S JTt^tW^?! sra^T Sftfl?! sf^-
•srt^^ 1 ^3isi ^f^ 'i^'sT^I 5^^^^^^ ^^ I
f^c^?rw^ »N1 1 35f^^< ^f»«n'35 ^<sftul nsif|5rf3i^ «t^t
f9-<\ ji'm »t^l (7R^ iC^t S5^t^^r*t^ f^r^^^ f»f9 ^oMI I
3T^n$t^ ^«ff»!'H 5$»Tl »H1 C^'R C«lTf^^ "Ttft^ »1^ I ^f^f^'f
^?n^^Tt^1 5^ I
28
218 bi:ng.\li literature
^fs'sti^tl'S C^^IC'5 ^^"s^ ^fSitf^ils C?*t ^'Q^ ^'sT^'^'tZ^
^^^ C^\f%^ ^W^ ^1^1 ^«^ C^fif^l<l ^^t^ 'sif*^^ ^
Then Kinor Baijpal, son of Bikraniiiditya, summons
his yonnij^ and frolicsome child .Siidhariidhara before
him and, in order to infuse in the son a love of
learning, begins a discussion on the subject. Afterwards
he entrusis the instruction of his
The framework of , a i - d ui -i i i
the treatise. ^«" ^"^ Acliarva Prabhakar, who to
educate his young pupil begins by lec-
turing to him in a stiff and laboured language upon
every conceivable subject beginning with the ))hilosophy
» 5t^<Jt«(^^t i)p. 1-2.
PUNDITS AND MUNSIS 219
of the alphabet, iiiles ul" L;raiiini;ir, rhetoric, law, lo<!;ie,
astronomy, and |)oIitics,aml various otlier branehcs of useful
knowledsje and finishiniii: the whoie by salutary itisl ructions
illustrated by pojiular tales. 'IMie liook is indeed a niuuunieut
of learninijf and written also in a learned lani^uaf^e.
But the book, inspite of its learning;', has no system
and the writer is almost wholly devoid of all artistic
instincts of j»roportion or arran<^e-
Want of system and ^^^^^ The serious is min-ledup
arrangement. '^ r
with the comic, abstruse metaphysical
sjieculation is put side by side with the low talk of )ieasants,
mechanics and ijuarrelsome women, and often there is a
sudden and ludicrous descent from the most pedantic and
laboured lani;;ua<je to the extreme vuli^arity of the popular
dialect. It is indeed a hoteh-potch — a curious collection
of tales and serious essays, bound to;^ether by a very
slender thread.
Nor is the lan^ua^e of the book :dl that could be
desiretl. In the preface t<» the work
Its lanpuape.
Marshuiau remarks very sii^nifi'-antly
that "any jierson who can comprehend the present work and
enter into the spirit uf its beauties, may justly consider
himself master of the laujufuacje." Hut to comjirehend the
present work would mean some familiarity with Sanscrit,
without which the bo(d< would not be easily iiilelliixible,
and there can be no doubt that this i^roundinaj
in Sanscrit would certaiidy help much in actpiiriuLj a com-
mand over the more literary aspects of the lauLT'iaijc. I'ut
the tendency to sanserif isin<.^ has been carried to the extri-me.
Indeed I'rabodfi-c/unidrikj. exemjdilies
Its importance and r i j i
position in the historio <>iif^ important aspect ot the develop-
developmcnt of prose , ^^j- ,.^^^^ ^,^.],. j„ ,|,i^ ^^^iod
style. ' • '
and brin<::;s into clear relief the lon<j-
continued struofirle between the plain and the ornate style
Purity of diction.
220 BENGALI LITERATURE
out of which is evolved modern prose — the plain style
favoured h}' the European writers and their imitators,
while the ornate style advocated by learned pundits of the
orthodox school like Mrtyufijay.
The language is correct and absolute-
ly free from the taint of Persian, and Marshraau's eulogy
that the book is "written in the purest Bengalee '' is
perfectly justifiable; but when that learned missionary and
scholar speaks of its Bengali as "one of the most beautiful
specimens" of prose style, it is obvious that he stretches
his point too far. The harsh unrhythmical obscure
Sanscrit-ridden style is far from the best that this period
has to show in Bengali prose. The genius of Sanscrit is
not the same as that of Bengali : and it would be a
mistake to suppose that Sanscrit syntax should rule s^-ntax
in Bengali. Preponderance of Sanscrit
The style laliour- i • i i •
ed and peduntic lor words indeed gives strength and
its close imitation of •„* 4- i.< ii 't.
Sanscrit variety to t :e prose as well as purity
and correctness to the diction, but
the ses(iuii)edalian affectation of laboured style becomes
wearisome in a short time. The use of long-drawn-out
compound words, occurrence of unusual
T4-Q rlpippts
phrases, and extensive borrowing from
Sanscrit make it diflicult sometimes for the uninitiated
to comprehend the sentences at the first glance. In the
technical or philosophical portions again the style some-
times assumes a peculiar stiffness and learned tone.' In
some places, the sentences are so very lengthy and irregular
ill structure anil arrangement that it becomes almost
impossible to find out their meaning easily ; while in other
places, the writer, anxious to exhibit a variety of style, has
\, See for instance Si'pi ^^^, ':^T^ >Q p^'if ^^"H | f^'l^ ^^'^,
PUNDITS AND MIINSLS -ZZi
induliifed in the ust- of Ihu^-ikil^l' cMirieiiL only amoii^- tlu'
lower orders "the vuli^arity i)i' wliieli, however," says Marsh-
man, " he has abundantly redeemed hy Ins vein of orit^inal
luimour." In this work the student may rauLje at will over
all kinds of Benujali prose of this period
Use of the current r t\ \ ■ \ i i ii i . i
language a.unnuMoM,-. *''0'" ^^''' hlo'hest tO the I.)West, al-
thouijjh the Sanscritised style preponde-
rates : from sentences so studded with Sanscrit combinations
as to be almost nnintelliyfible to those who have iidI learnt
the classical lan<i;uafje down to vulgar abuse and colloipnal
freedom. We had already seen a specimen of its more
diffiiult style; the following extract will be a good illustra-
tion of the author's use of the colloquial language' : —
^T?t^ f^^^ P'ffl [ f^ ^^^ ] ^f^^ ^^ ^tf^^ « k^^
^? Wt^fl^ I «t^t^ ft -Jif^f^F^i ^^ sent ^fsj ^itm
^tf^c^ ^\ "sft^t^ ^X^ ciVs\ ^c^ I ^^^f% f^^^ ^^C5
"5itf^?i ftc^ ^f?^^ '^u ^% c^ ^1% ^^ 5}^ ^m^ ^^ >it^ '9^
5Tt^ cw^RftR ^'^ if»f fsp^. ^tf^^ sc^ "St?! r*t^i ^^ ^t ^^
fjf^i 'itt'j I ^?fc« 5t?t^ ft ^r?^ ^ r*f^i ^<^i ^f^ ^ c^\^
» 4tC^f««5f??n, pp 65-66
222 BENGALI LITERATURE
Srt^ 5^1 f^ ^^ (M^ "srr^ ^t%5l »ftg ^t^^ ^1 Cl^f^ f^h^
C^tC^^W^ 5I1^C^t^ 51^5^ =lt^5| ^t?'?j1 <?rff^^ ^S^ SftHCt 1
w^^ "^"^1 ^f^fl ^tte ^f^^l ^f^ *?t^^ «t^ ^^^ c^t^^^
^\ 9,^] ^ t^C^ f% f5^«l ^t^S^I ^ 5}^^ C^^ ^^ ^ti^XS I ^
*rt?^l ^1 ^ c^^ ^tf^:^ ^tc^ I ^ifif^^it^ till ^-41 ^U^\
'BTffjlcltsi ^5l ^fii?ii ^^f^^i ^f^ ti c^il^ ^1^ ^1 c^l ^i^ ^1
^i^ c¥^ ^t^it^ "^^ ^^ "^jf ^t^^l ^t^?:^ "^tf^c^ I ^t^i'^
^c^^ ^s^^ttf ^f^^l «t^t?:^ ^f^^ ^c^i 5itf^ 511 ^ '^g f*f^
It will be seen, however, that liis narrative and
descriptive manner as well as his j>ower of weavinij dialo2;ues
inio his story is really ]iiaiseworlhy for his time. But
it must not be supjosed that between these extremes of
colloqnialisni on the one hand and
Hia peiKM-al nnrra- academic ])edantrv on the other,
live nianiuT : ease i .. '
and dignity. M rtyufi jay never succeeded in steering
a middle conrse. On the contrary,
from the following extract it will be seen that his narrative
PUNDITS AM) MUNSIS 223
style thoui^h saiisoritised ofti'ii a^smnes an ease and
ili<;iiitv rpniiiidiiiLj oik' «>!' Ilif lafir
Illustration. .• i, • i
style ul liidvasiitrar * : —
tf Q^I^CIT ^tfl=l^C^ ?f^^t«1t^f«f ^^ »*t'^ ^^^1 "<PC^^
^f t*f^^ ^»c*ft^wc» ^^ ^"^ ^U^'^T^ 'srff^^l ^^ff^"? F^c^J^ I
<i? 3*tft ^T^s^ *i5°.i^ nt^aJt^t'i^ «Tt5^ 9 Tt'n* ^s ^f^^
f^ -Bitf^ ^'nari 5ff^i:sf5 sisf^f^ ??i ^1 ^«?Ptc«i "sJt^it^ «^:-
'srrsi ^t^w '5f^ >^ «ctt«t^c^ ^f?c^ ^i^-\n^ ^fsi^Wii
5i^t"-?*.^^«i 5^1 ^<T5r^f5i?i fsr^ 'rf^nil 'sit^.w^^ ^"st^jt:^ ^?Tt^"^^
^? '^ Tttcn^ -snis^ 'STtfj^si it^c^f tr-i^ fff^l ^fV^^ I c^
^<ff5^ ^pnf-^h f<i ^t ^^^ '^r.'P ^t^^ *f%^ ^t^>Tf% ytrs
•stc^ft^fy^. rp- •'i6o7
221 BENGALI LITKKATURE
Tlie last though not the Icasf important work of
this i)eriotl is P/tnts-ijnnisa or tho
Haraprasad Ray.
Trial of Man composed by Hara-
prasad Ray and published by the Sriramjiur Press in
1815.* It is a pretty large volume
Puni^.Parikaa, ^^^^j contains 52 stories'^ translated
from a Sanskrit original said to have
been composed bv the poet Bidyapati at the command
of Raja Sibasiiiiha. Its object is not only to impart
ethical instruction"' bv extollin<r and
p^
Its scope indicated iHnstratiuiJC the virtues of men, but
by the author himseli.
also to entertain by clever and amus-
ing stories; and this is set forth at the beginning of the
' The title-page says :—• ^^^ f^Itft^ 'ifs^ ^ ^ ^I'^'ti ^tT^I
^'^ftl5l n^-^ 1^1^1 I ^21^t5f ^t^ ^^^ ^t^t^t ^t^trs lfWl\ ! ^l^t'I'Jpl
5tt1 ?t^ ( it^>« 1 pp. 1-27.S. It is very remarkable that this book has
been published by the Bangabasi Press (B. S. 1301) as a work by
Mrtyunjay Bidyalankar. I am not aware of the existence of any
such work by Mrtjuiijay nor does Roebuck, Buchanan, or Long
mention it The Bangabasi reprint, however, is not very ac(uirate.
Of Haraprasad Ray's life, little seems to be known. Long {Return of
the Names and Writivgs, etc., 1855) speaks of him as " Haraprasad Ray
of Kanchrapara. " The copy in the British Museum Library
(Blumhardt, Catalogue, p. 113) of the lirst edition bears the same
title-page, date and place of publication as we have quoted above :
bat there is also another edition in the same Library reprinted at
London in 1826. And a third revised edition, Calcutta, possibly
of 1866. Also in the Catalogue of the Library of the Hon. East
India Company, 1845, p. 195, and in the Catalogue of the Library
of the East India College ; the name of the author is not stated in
these Catalogues. An edition dated Calcutta ISIS is entered in the
Catalogue of the Library ofithe East India College, 1843. There are two
editions (apparently of 1834 and 18.J3 respectively though the title-
page is wanting) in the Librarj- of the Sahitya Pari^at.
- Altiiongh there are stories in this work which would have
better been expurgated.
* As a book of fable, this work t^eems to have been verj' jiopular.
PUNDITS AND MUNSTS 225
work :— -sif^ ^2rstf^f»f^ <l1«1C4>^to^ ^f^f-f*}^ ^f^C"S ^Vs
The framework of the story is this : Once upon a time
a certain kinir anxious to marr>' his beautiful (laui;liter
consulted a certain sai^e on the subject.
The fminowork of rp,j^, advised him to marrv liis
the tollfctuin. "
dauc^hter to a iiinn. Asked what
the characteristics of a real man are the saije besjins
enumeratinj^ and illustratino- the various virtues of a real
man and the object of manhooil. The book is comjjarablc
in many rrspects to Mrtyunjay's Buhis Sim/iuKun or
PiinlotUi-c/iandiika and alth()Uu;h not et|ually learned or
a fleeted, the style shows the same
Its Innf^iinge and style. ...
tendency to sanscntisation and borders
almost on the pedantic. 13y taste and inclinatinn, Ilara-
prasad seems to belontj to the same orthodox school as
Mrtyunjay. It is hardly neee.'^sary t<> illustrate his style
at a ijreat Imi^th, and the followini; short (juotalion picked
out from the more ea.sy portions will be found suflicient
to enable the reaih r to form his own jud<ijment: —
Ur. Yates ffi^es 16 stories from it the second volume of his Introduction
and HnuKhtoii gives 4.
' 'J^n^Tl. pp. 3-4.
226 BENGALI LITERATURE
^^^ ^t^^ ^C'sJtC^f^r (71 C^^ C^ ^^^ ^^st^C'P #tc^
fsffk^ j^^tftc^ ftr^t^ 5TtC^ ci^^ Tf^wlt 'fR^^ fsf^ fft^-
c^^^?r%^^ 'sii^ (i]^» ^ vft?^ ^?|57:^ I (Tj c^^ ^5[5TTi c?rf^ ^?ij-
^^^ c^Tt^ ^^^ ^^ic^ =ij:«(j mp{ 'if^s ^^^ "si^^hi "^im^ 't^^-
Illustrativo extract ^
from tlio Btory of the Tf^t^^f^ '^?:^^ ^f^ =1^ C^t^ m^t^t^l
indolent men.
(^^ feRl ^f% I ^^ "51:^^ c^t^ C^^ ^«1C^^ff^ "5f »tl
fit'® «f^^1 (71*11^5^ f^^l ^s^c^T^f^C^t^ >Tf^ '^f^^ C^ C^^
^^srrftc^^ ^^Tt^ >i^c^^ ^^''T^^ ^^ tile's ^sit^nj^ ^«i ctff^H
ff^ ^q^ ^2t^»f ^f^^ CT^tC^ C®t^!^^ ^^ ^f^C^
:5^ C^f^ t%^ "siqTf f%i( ^^ ^g; c^t^« ^^l'^ ^f^^1 :5^T5f^«l
^^^£1^ >I^«1 "Sf^C^^Uf^ ^ft^ ^f^ 'il^ ^^t^'^ ^t%^ ^«1C>ltl1
CI ''J^ *f5^ ¥tinitf^^ C^ ^^ ^f^ fw^1 f^^ Tff%^ ^^ST
' *t^lfW, pp. 55-58.
PUNDITS AND MUNSIS 22/
^^ n?ini5? ^f?r?ii 'BWfPi ni^^pc^^ts *(^t^ ^f?Tfi I ^?r5
sitRt^ ci]=^» «t^^W^ sfc«(T lil^^s^ "^USCb '^\^ ^5 13lfVll1
^f%5 ?Ff^?[ -5iffs( Tf^s^ ^?f (71 ii^ <5jc^ qsifif «Tfr^^1 ^f^ I
^^ ?ft5 ^«1JT ^trcsc^ 'ii^:^ ii5;« «fff^^ c^^ c^ ^t^
^r^ ^fs vH5?», 5rf5!C5ir?Tf?C^^ ^^ ^f^ C^^^ "51^^ C^Ttt^^-
f^^?T f ^^ "^^^ ^f% ^^f5C?r^^ ^2J ^tfs 5^tl I ^^ (71^
tatf^t n^^Gi^i "si^TC^^Tf^^fc^ '3[^ ?^fe ^f«f^ m^^ TR ^f^
CHAPTER VII
Earliest Bengali Journalism
It will be seen tliat almost all the jiublioations of
the Collec^e of Fort William were printed and issued at
the Srirampur Press.' But a greater
Periodicals and ,„ i ali, Samacliar Darpan
practicall}' laid the foundation of vernacular journalism
in Bengali by directing the attention and energy of the
Bengali people to a neglected literary Held which now
' See extract from G. Smith, Twelve Eitgliah Statesmen, quoted
at p. 233 foot-note
' It has been so called by many an eminent writer, e.g., J. C.
Alarshman, Hiftory of Serampore J/issi'o?i, vol ii,|p. 163, and History of
Bengal, p. 251 ; Long, Col. Rev., 1850, vol. xiii, p. 14c (but not in the
Catalogue where he has corrected the mistake) ; Friend of India,
Sept. 19, 1850 ; Smith, Life of Carey, p. 204 ; Dincsh Ch. Sen, History of
Bengali Language and Literature {1911), p. 877; etc.
' He mast not however be confounded with Ganguksior Bhattacharya.
* Long's Descriptive Catalogue, also his Return, etc. already cited ;
But in the Return, etc., it is said to have continued for one year only.
But see Sahitya Pariaat Patrika, vol. v, pp. 248-250; Cal. Rev. 1907,
p. 293. We learn from Riijnurriyan Basu (Bangrda Bhasd Sahitya
Bi^ayak Balrta, )>. 59) that Gaftgiidhar was well-known as the pub-
lieher of illustrated editions of Annadawangal, etc.
EARLIEST BENGALI JOURNALISM 237
so miR'li ene;ages tlieir activity aud affords .st) many
opportunities for benefitiniij tlie country.
Althou»^li eouJuctt'il chiolly l»y the missionaries, it
was never wholly a missionary paper. Correspondence
from various parts of the country — for it had
a very large circulation over 360 stations in the coinitry —
useful articles on scientific, political.
Nature of its articles. historical and geograpiiical topics/
adorned its eagerly read i)ages.
It recorded all the interesting contenii)orary incidents,
jKtlitical and administrative, and we have short articles on
the tight with the Pindaris, on the conflict with Ilolkar,
Sindhia and other Indian powers, on the last stage in the
war between England and France (including many refer-
ences to Napoleon Bonaparte), an account of the Mogul
Emperor and of Raja Ranjit Sing and essays on other
interesting tojjics. Besides these, there were descriptions,
reviews and advertisements of new i>ul)lications, educational
news (like the proceedings of the School Book Society and
the School Society and the establishment of a college at
Srnam])ur), various social topics (like the description
of Sraddha ceremony of Goplmohan Thiikur), market
reports, re|X)rts on stocks and shares and on exports and
imports, civil appointments, pntgi-ammes (»f the
Governor-General's tour, commercial and shipping
intelligence, sensational news (burning fatalities,
theft, dacoity, murder, eartl^piake, storm, rath-
jatril ceremony at Mahcs) and references to the filthy
condition of Calcutta rojuls and other local complaints.
Although chiefly a newspaper, it published from time to
' For a short list of these articles, See Sahitya Pari^hat Patriha,
already rited, vol. v, p. 257. Al.'»o my papor in vol. xxiii of the name.
For a note on Early Christian Periodicals, bee Appendix IV at the
end of this volume.
238 BENGALI LITERATURE
time various uselul articles, short moral tales a?id
humorous sketches. Relii^ious controversy was introduced
later on and throuc^h this it came into collision with Ram
Mohan Ray and his party who started the Saihhad
Kauiiiudl within a year (1819) as well
Its scope and object.
as with orthodox papers like Sambad
Timira Namk. The scope and object of Samachar JJarpan
was thus set forth at the outset : —
?<*! I—
[8 ^tf^lsiTtf^]^ ^^ f^*1 I
« C^til^^^f^ ^^ ^ f^^t^ ^1^1 *2|^f^ f3??1 I
This was Digdmrian,
EARLIEST BENGALI JOURNALISM 239
T^P?! 9^?f ^^ 5t^^ ^t^C^ -i)^' C^ ^ ^^ ^^^ ftW ^
^•s?t9 ^t?:^ "sit^^ c^t ^^^ n;^^^ c^ ^ ^^ f^^ 9 ^^
ittt^ ^M^ ^ ^^ ^K^ c«r5 ^^1 1 ^''i^ ^ ^m^^
j^^t^^ ^t^t^ f^^^ ^t^t^ ^^ I
Space forbids us to malct' qiiotations from the longer
articles but we select here a few short specimens relating' to
a variety of topics.
^'W cn^i c^i c^i^it^^t^ "sfj^K^^i c^^t^t^c^ ^^s ^5^c*t
^^firf^'t?:^ -5(^'5T^ f^^fc » ^fT^^^l ^tr^ *i^^t^ (?i ^^51
c^s^T^f^^rw^ f^i ^f^T^f^f! st^t^w^ ^ff^ ^r^5i ^5^?^
^i^ c'l^f^r^^w'T r^^tcs ^t^t^^ ^T%tc^ t^^ c^^ "^T^i^i
Tt?t^1 "^^^T^ ^r^^tC?^ CI ^f^^T^^I "SIC^^ "SfWP '51»I4
^-if* fs^-sf^ ?^ state's (yWZ^JfUf^ J^"?* C^f?! ^^ I "^1'^^ CT
240 BENGALI LITERATURE .
TT^q JT^^t^l ^^ ^f^?I1 fVf^< 5t^^ J?^(fW ^5^ 1t^^ i"
^^«( f^^C^ %t^ ^^ ^^? ^TC^^ ^f% C^ f5TC^5( "511^ ^^t^«
c^^ ;5^K% ^t^^^ ^^j ^^ f^^c^« '^C5{^ f^u^5^1 ^t^
cij^'s ^^f^«n:'^ f^^ ^m ^^ c^t ^c^ c^ff^ ^nfs^^jf
>£f cTt^r^tr^ ^5r^?ntf% c^tc^^ \^^ ^ ^^r^T^ ^33?^ ^^^ ^?f^
">^?i ) I
EARLIEST BENGALI JOrKXALISM 211
^^ f^^ C^f^ T\M^ t'^g (.ti>) ^I'g^ i^trs >i's5l?
^f^?t f^^t^T^T^^ ^tC^ 'il^ ^^ ^'^ ^t5^tf^ "st^t^ ^r^5i
( :)^t f^j ^v^^l ^>rn ^SfJ^, -^^^b ) I
i£l?jr ^^ '!^^^^ -5rf*M ^^^ <F%1 ^Tf^tc^ I ^^^ Wt5fK^<T
'»rf^t?T mV« ^'^T'l ^:^^ C5f*i 5rr?t?f Tf^t ^ ^tt ^i*
^t^T^:^ -srt^t^ f^<p^g ^t^tt^C^s^i ^?1 »5f^^ ^^ ^s^
With rei^ard to the subsequent history of the jjaper,
we do not get any conij)letc information. Lon^ states
that its existence was limited to
Uh Biibsponent history. • i , p i i-
:21 years from the date ot pubnca-
tion' : ill other words, it ceased to exist in 1839.
Mahendranath Bidyanidhi, in an article in the Sa/n'fi/ti
Pnnsiif Puhika"^ states that it conlinuetl till IS.')1. liut
l>otli these views are ju«t correct. From the files of the
paper in the Calcutta linj-erial Library (from l&bl to
' Loup. Tteiurn nf Kawc* ntid WriUvgt, etc., 186.^, |i. 145.
» Vol. V (1305\ p. 250.
31
24.1 BENGALI LITERATURE
1837) and in the Beng-al Asiatic Society Library (from
May '6, 1851 to April :i4, 1852), we <j:et clear evidence of its
existence till April 24, 185i and of the fact that there was no
breach in its publication from 1831 to 1837. AVe also
gather from an article in the Calcutta Christian Observer
(1840)' that it did not cease even till 1840. In Decem-
ber 'lb, 1841 the Sainacliar iJarpan disaj)peared for some
time but it was re-born ao;ain in 1851 : because on the
file of May 3, 1851 we find the numbering of the new
series at "vol I. no. 1." ( :5 ^5f5j | :> 7\\^ ). On the first
page also of this new series we get tliis editorial note
^t^ sf^HC^^W^ ^T%^ ^ft^ ff^!:^^ ^TCSI '« "STf^t^
(sr^tr^ ^^f^^ -^m\Ti^ ^Tl ^1% '^Tj\'^ nt^ 5i^f^ "srfsit^-
^V8:> TTtc^^ ^4 f\5(:^^^ ^tf^C'^f pf^c^t^ ^pf^i^ ^t^i xs^ «3^s^w^
From 1831 to 1837, the paper was bilingual, being
written both in Bengali and P^nglish in parallel
columns. After its resurrection
Its bilingual stage.
in 1851 it continued bilingual.'
But there is no evidence to indicate from what precise
' February 1840, i>i.. 65-66.
* This is conlinued by the entry in the Appeiuli.v to the Tenth
Memoir published from Srirampur (dated July 4, 1832) where the
paper is described as written in " Bengali and English, in parallel
columns" and published every Wednesday and Saturday morning. We
are told in the above article in the Patrika (vol. v., p. 255) that the
bilingual state began in 1829. This is quite probable, though n»
evidence is mentioned to support the view. Tt is also probable as
stated there that for a time, Persian found a place in it.
EARLIEST UEXGALI JOrRXALISM 243
date it first becamo biliiifjual. From tlio above artiVle
in the Christ ian Ohserver we learn that it was written
in Entjiish and in Henijali even till IS 10. It would
seem therefore that it i-ontinnt'd in this state till its
cedhsation in I S U.
As to whether the paper had an unbroken existence
from 1818 to 1831, we ean determine this from indirect
evidence. On every issue of 1831 and 1832, we have the
numberin*^ as volumes xiii and xiv respectively. Its first
}>ul)lieation was ill 1818, so that till 1831 we naturally
expect 13 volumes to have been published, assuming its
continued existence till that date : and this is confirmed
by the numberin»]f (juoted. From this the conclusion is
inevitable that from 1818 to 1831 (or rather to 1840) it
had a continuous existence, althounh unfortunately we have
got no file preserved from 18:'l to 1S31.
In 1S31 it was published on every Saturday, as
the head-note "Serampore. Published every Saturday
morniiii;" indicates. From 1818 to 1831, therefore, it was
a weekly paper j»ubiished every Saturday mornini^. From
1832, it became bi-weekly, as the head-note on the files of
that year show — " Published every Wednesda} and Satur-
d;iv morniui;." But from November 15, 1832 it became
Saturday weekly again and probably continued sf) till
April 21, 1837. After 1?»j1, it was still a weekly
paper.
In 1818, its editor was . I. ('. Marsliman and he probably
continued in that ollice till 1 834 ; for in the issue of
November 13, 1S3I we find this remark
f^f^^tf^ st^rt^ "«rtT?ii f^n^ ^fJT ^fApi ^ft^ -^ ^^
^'^l^^^'>\\vi 5f^^ff"f? ws^ I f^-% ii5^ f^^c? ^?t^ W^^
244 BENGALI LITERATURE
From IS')? Toivnsend, editor of the Friend of India
probably conducted this paper for in the file of that year
(May 3, towards the end of no. 1), we find this entry —
l^t^'^:^??^ ^'%\^m f A'^S ^^^ ^1^ ^^f»fs I Moreover,
a correspondent of the paper writes in May 10, 1851 —
This Sat^a Pradlpa was a weekly paper edited by
Townsend. It was published in 1850' but it did not
continue for more than a year, having ceased in 1851.'
Probably after its cessation, Townsend took uji the editor-
ship of Sumichar Barpari.^
' Long, Return relating to Bengali Puhlicaficn, 1859, p. xl.
* Long, Return of Names and Writing.-^, 1855, p. 141.
' In the Journal of Bengal Academy of Liternture (vol. i., no. 6, Jan.
£, 1898) it is said that Bhabanicharan Banerji was editor of Samachar
D%rpan for some time. This is very unlikely, considering the facts
that from 1822 BhabanT was condncting Samachar Chandrika and
that thore was enough antagonism of policy and views between
Chandrika and Darpan.
c"uaimm-:k Mil
LaTKR ElROPEW WlUTKRS
In tlu' |iiiblioation ot" the perioiicals described in the
last cliapter, it will he seen tint tlK« most active part
was taken hy th<> two Muishmans,
Other European „ . , " ,,,, , , „ ^^
writers of Beiifrali. lather and son. I he labours or Dr.
Joshua Marshman, to whom indeed
was due the consolidation of the Mission, were too varied
ami wide-spread to be confined chiefly to the study and
encouras^ement of Ben<;ali.' His son, John Clark
Marshman, who was born in Aui^ust, 1794, inherited in
a lar<xe measure all his literary
nmnM^wUS-''"'"" P'-t'cli lections, his -reat capacity for
work as well as his untlai^tjinor
pliilanthropic zeal. From 1812 he beiran to dinct his
father's religious undertaking's and entered with zeal
into all the labours of the mission. His reputation as
a European scholar in Beui^ali secured for him the
post of Translator in Benijali to Government, and his
numerous Bengali works fully maintain this rej)utation.
He returned to England in 18-52 and <lieil at Hedcliffe
Sijuare, North Kensington, London, July 8, 1877.'
' Chronolo^'ically Hjicakinff, the European writers of Bonpah' of
whom enuinpintion follows below do not properly belong to this
period ; for this period ends at abont 1825 and a distinctly new
movement becomes dominant thereafter. The literary labours of the
missionariea lose their importance and ocrnpy only a 8nb8i<liary place
in that movement after 1825. They are mentioned here in order to
keep up coniinnity of treatment.
•. For more details, See Auinml Register, 1877, p. 154 ; Timet,
Joly 10, 1877; Journ. R. A. Soc, 1878. vol i. Ann Rep. pp. xx.xii ;
246 BENGALI LITERATURE
J. C. Marshman was indeed a versatile and voluminous
writer, both in English and Bengali, and it is not
possible to give here a complete list
of his works. The following are the
more important works in Bengali due to him or ascribed
to him :
or History of India from the tSettlement of the E. I.
Company down to the Conquest of the Puiidaris by the
Marquis of Hastings in 1819. :2 vols. Serampore. 1881.
(Also translated from English by Gopal Lai Mitra,
Calcutta. 1840).
(~) ^t^ft^lt^ ^1%^t^ or History of Bengal from the
Accession of vSuraj-ad-Daulah to tlie Administration of
Lord William Bentinck translated from the English of
J. C. Marshman. » Calcutta. 1848.
(•^) ^^t^?:^^ ^iz'^^ f^^^^i I ^^^ ^jf^ift^ ^^ ^^fk
^jtr^t^ ii:^^ ^^^ ^%^ I ^i^t^I'I^ I ^V^^ I or Hrief
Survey of History in Bengalee from the Creation to the
Christian era. Calcutta. 186:J. (Also called ^t%|^^t^).
(4) Cff«^tf^ ^t^C?^^ ^°s^^ I ^5ft^ d ^"^^ ^^ ^
III u St rated London News, 1877 ; Lew Times, 1877; Dictionary of National
Biography (n good list of his Englisli works will be foniul here). Also
Dictionary of British and American Authors; Qentlenuin's Magazine,
1838, pt. ii,]!. 216.
' AKso translated by Wenger (2nd Edition, 1859) named ^5f(.tfC"1^
LATER EUROPEAN WRITERS 247
JI*s5^ I l^tsf^^ I "5b-^8 I or a Translation of J. C.
Marshinan's Guide to the Civil Law in the Presidency
of Fort William fontainin<j all the unrepealed reij:ulations,
acts and circular orders of Government and summary
reports of the Sudder Courts from 1798 to 184a iu
2 vols. 1848. (2nd Ed. Serampore 184!)).»
(o)? C^rTtf^ ^ C^t^t^ll or a Treatise on Astronomy
and Geoijraphy translated into Ben<ralee.-' 2n(l Edition
Serampore 1819.
(6) ^^t^ft^ ^^cfftpl^ 5f^ or a Translation of J. C.
Marshnian's Daroi^'ah's ^lanual comprisinoj the duties
of the landholders in connexion with the police.
Serampore. IST)].
(7) 7\wm 'Q ^rti^ tf%^ I ^T^^ c^Ttc^^ f^stc^T^t^rl^l
'©M^ «^ ^^ cn^ I 'st^ ^^f^c^ ^5??rt^ ^5^%^ ^t5?T^ I
^^t^'J^ I "Jb-^S) I or Anecdotes of Virtue and Valour
translated into Reno^alee and printed with the Enj^lish
and Benoralee Versions on oj^posite pai^es in two parts.
Serampore Press. 1829.
' A specimen of its legal language is given here. It will be
Been that the language, although persianised is yet more easy and
natural than the stiff and technical legal diction of the beginning of
the century :
^t?Ti>f«r^^ ^r^tip it5T^tft?J ^t^ ?fa?l c^t^ Tf^:"^^ 'M'^'^hu ^\fTt
J?| f tr?il TT^ Cit Tr^?t?I '*J«nrt «t?t? Tt^I^tf^.JHJ ?tr^ CJ^ it^ft "S^^
^f^u5 ■sjn^t oi^ ?r^?tii 5rt«T?tf^ nerr^ '?ifr5 5^ =3t?tr^ 3^^ sn
♦ttr^ I ^^Ttf?— (vol. ii, )). 4.)
* Published anonymonily.
248 BENGALI LITERATURK
(8) c^:^^^t^ f^^ei ^€t^ ^f5t^^5^t^ s ^f^^^t^
(TTf^tpf^^ fi^'^ts ^t^T^ m^*t ^i^ or Aj;ri-HorticuItural
transactions by J. Marshman in two volumes. 18'32-"i6.
(9) Abrid<;ement of Carey's Dictionary.*
It will be noticed from the above enumeration, that
some of these works hardly put forward an}' claim to literary
merit whatsoever, as they are composed
and their literarv 4. • ti ^•^. i • i. i -i
^Qj.jjj ' on strictly non-literary subjects, while
the historical treatises, more or less
closely allied to literature pure or proper, are again mere
translations or replicas of Enojlish oriijiuals.- Marshman's
style, like that of most of the European writers of Benijali
enumerated below, possesses hardly any characteristic
distinction of its own. Indeed there is such a pervading
uniformitv and general sameness of character in the
writings of these European scholars that it would be
scarcely necessary to take and comment upon the style
and peculiarities of each. "We shall, on the other hand,
content ourselves, wherever necessary, by giving specimens
of their general style in individual cases. The following
extract from «t^«^C^ tf^^^, the theme of which dealing
as it does with historical narrative affords some scope
indeed for literary expression, will serve as a specimen of
Marshman's style ; but it will be noticed that it presents
hardlv any distinctive feature at all and is greatly inferior
to the manner of many of his European colleagues and
fellow-writers in the same field: —
' See page 152 and footnote thereon. Other works ascribed by
Long are: (1) ^^5sop's Fables translated. (2) Murray's Grammar in
Bengali (Return of Xiimei< and Wrifingi', etc.. p. 134).
' These are the volumes which were intended to fom a series
of elementary works on History and Science for the use of Indian
yonths (see Preface to Mack's f^fJnrl fwt^ TT?. Seranijwre. 1834)
noticed below.
LATER EUHOPEAX AVHITEKS 240
^•v5l5t:^W?r C^^ ^51 s C^It^l ^t^t^ ^^TS i£l^"r5 CTt'l^T^
f>i^tft ^^^1 fs^ ^^^ ^^»f » J^jf?; f^^ I ^^<^ ftf^^ ^Ttf^l
^t*R ^C?J^f»f^f^ ^»6t^ fl^?:^ "^fSl f^C^tsi t^l Cfrf'I^
^^^t^^ ^t'l^ ^5J ^<?r^ ^f?lC^5» states W\^^ ^tC5C^^
c^ f^iT ?t^ ^^? f%f5i ^t ^^3 c«iT^ ?^ii "Sff^ c^^^rt^
ifil'^^ 5tq I (Vol. I. i». l-'il) '
' See alao, for au account of the Hnine battle, the author's ^'9f^^vn
T[^ty5 (Kd. Wengtr). pp. 1^31(56. It is ititereMtin^ to coi))|tare these
■cconnts with that ffiveii hv RAjih-lochan in his Kr^nna Chnndra Itayer
Charitra.
;32
250 BENGALI LITERATURE
Tlie next name' that we take up is Ward's but we can
dismiss it with a few words, as it is not one of any-
primary importance to Bengali litera-
^^neTlsIr'^" ^"^"®- ^^'ard's services as a printer to
the Srirampur Press cannot indeed
be exaggerated but his direct connexion with Bengali
literature was of the slightest kind. Possibly he could
not even speak Bengali so fluently as his colleagues did^
and the only work which he wrote in Bengali — not
remarkable either for its form or for its matter — was
%^»t^^ Pl^C^^ 5f?r5 or Memoir of Pitamber Sing, a native
Christian. 3
"William Carey's sou, Felix Carey, however, contribut-
ed some of the important works to the literature of the
})eriod. Felix Carey was born in
^!-f,^^fJ"o5" October -IZ, 1 786 and died at ^riram-
pur in November 10, IS'Z'Z. Within
this brief spaee of life, he applied himself successfully
to the philanthropic and missionary work with which his
father had been identified and collaborated with him
in his literary undertakings. He was a medical missionary
of great skill, a first-rate printer trained by Ward, and a
scholar in Sanscrit and Pali, i?engali and Burmese, not
unworthv his father. ' He was not onlv a coadjutor of
Ram-kamal Sen-' but h'mself planned (1818) the scheme^
> See p. 106 ante.
' E. Carey, Memoir of Carey, p. 424.
» 4th Ed. Calcutta. 1843.
* For more details about his life and writings, see Marshnian, Life
and Times of Carey, etc. ; Benyal Obititnry, \)p. 249-2.50; Smith, Life of
William Carey (many references) ; Dictionary of Sutionnl Biography.
* Bengal Obituary, p. 250.
" See f'lVflt^tilt^^ ^]k^HmH <af^ C^t ]fff^^y\ C^tl rn^UlU *(35 I
appended to F. Carey's f^tfl1?fgt^^ ^'^«i«|5I5}? ^j^l^wf^ I
LATER EUROPEAN WKITEKS 251
of brin>»;iu«; out an e'lition of Bciii^ali eneycloptedia. His
untimely tleath prevented him from earryiui^ out his design
to a sucees-^ful issue but he had the satisfaction of seeiuij
the first vohime of the series, a treatise on Anatomy,
pubhslied before he died. His <;hief worlcs in Henj^ali are :
(I) f^^ (Tf*!!^ f^^«l ^^^ or an Abridtj^ement of the His-
tory of En*»;land, fmm the invasion
His works <• i i- /-i
of Juhus Ca'sar to the death of
Geor<i:e the Second by Dr. Goldsmith and continued by
an eminent writer to the Peace of Amiens in the year 180;J,
tmnshitetl into BeuL^alee by Felix Carey. Serampore. 1820;
Republi>ihed ity the School Book Society. (•>) ^f^CifiT
^5l>i^ f^<l?r«l, or ihi' Pilojrim's Progress translated into
Beni^alee l»y F. Carey. 2 Parts. Serampore. 1821-22.
Edition by J. D. Pearson, 1831-: by Wenj^er, 1852.
(•3) f^rft^H^lT ^'fts ^m^ «T^f5 ^s t^C^T% ^^5It?T ^st^^
''rr^^? fn^fwrf^ ^^if^H^ I s?>^5|s[5i? I ^^r^tff^ffTi I
f'lf*ra^ ^1*1tTf^ti:« f t*lt^^ I ^^ "JV^o 1 or \'idyahara-
bulee or Ben<;alee Eiicyclopccdia. V^ol. I. Anatomy,
translated into Beni^alee from the "ith edition of Encytdo-
(Kedia Britannica by F. Carey. Assisted by Sreekanta
Vidvaiunkar and Shree Kobiidmndra Turkasiromoni,
Pundits. The whole revised by Rev. W. Carey
D. D. Serampore. Printed at the Mission Press. 1820.
(Nov. 1).'
• Other works nttributofl to F. Carey are :— (i) Trnnslation of
Mill's History of India (Smith, Life of Willinin Carey, p. 204; Bengal
Obituary, p. 2.50) published by School Book Sotiety. (ii) Tran-
slation of fioldptnith's T'lrnr n/ Wnkpfirld ( Diet, rf Sntionnl Biography).
(iii) A Work of Land in Bengali (Bcnya/ Obituary, p. 205). Biivacofa is
252 BENGALI LITERATURE
From a literary point (.f view, however, none of these
works is delectable to the i^eneral reader and we may-
pass over them without any special comment. But the
last-named j)ublication has an interest of its own as the
first vernacular work on a scientific subject v/ritten on the
western lines. It will be liardly within our scope to
ojive a detailed analysis of the book
Importance of hi« ,^^^^ ^^^ enumeration of the chief
Rcieutihc writings.
heads of subjects dealt with will
sufficiently exi)lain its scope and object. It is divided
into three parts (^t^), each part containinor several
chapters ( ^^ ) and each chapter divided into sections
( ^^Tt?l )j which are as^ain subdivided into paraj^raphs or
articles (t<^). The first [)art deals witjj Osteolo^j-y
( '^if^f^^ ), second part with Comparative Anatomy
( ^'ITt^'IT ^l^ZW^fh^i ) while the third part traces the
history and proi^ress of the Science ( ^^C^^tff^C^Tt^'tf^-
<Pt^e| ) and i^ives a list of the principal Hindu works
(then known) on "the subject of Anatrmy, Medicine
and Chyniistry" with the names of their authors and a
brief ac(.'ount of their contents. The whole is rounded
off with a <2^1ossary of technical and difiicult terms
( ^J^^f f^ffTt^N^t'l^t^^ cf)^ "5ff%^ ) which, in certain
respects, is the most interesting part of the entire
treatise. This enormous volume of about 700 pages,
however, is hardly commendable * for its stiff and laboured
style, bristling as it does with unintelligible technical
terms and phrases, but it certainly bears testimony to
undoulitedlj' incorrect in jjiviiiij: IMS as the date of publication of
P. Carey's Anatomy. Dinesh Chandra Sen (History of Bengali Lif., p. 872)
erroneously pivea the title of F. Carey's .\natomy ns " Hadavali VidyS "
( Tt^^^ nWl) obviously miatakinEr the name n^TtTf^t^^ or cyolopoedia
of knowledf^e. Tiiis book will also be found in the litt of School
Book Society's publication before 1821,
LATER EIROPKAX WRITERS 253
the compiler's learnini^, his careful research, and his
unwearied imhistry. The folIowin<>j will serve a>! a
s|)eeinieii of its harsh and difficult style : —
^<j^i?±f^-5; > sits^ct'^ ^c-raF^t^^Ff:^ ^3t^^ "^Z^ (p. 1»)1) I
^fS^i ^'.-m ^f^^c^ (p. 232) I
The Glossary, however, thouijfh not always accurate
and expressive yet a praiseworthy attempt, is interesting
to the student of the lai)ii^uao;e. It covers about 40 pauses
of close print and is exhaustive as far sis the efforts of
the compiler could reach, who himself was fully eo^i^nisant
of the ilitfioulties of his task.'
' For the difficulties of his subject and his style as well as
thp imperfection of liis plossarv, tlip compiler does not forget to
niako nil ampK* iipology —
It^JTx^ »ft«5l f^fCS 3t^t ^31 W^m IV"? (71 C^ IK^ ^■t^iis^r.m
ntS9l ^t?l ^\i^ CJ1? C^? tlC^ 1 Tf^mCil JTvfU JI:K1 ^i\^ fifBt^ ^^x
ifVi'.V 1)31^^5 ^t^.Jf? «llC5Itf5 5 ^frf | -Jj^f^j ^f^ Sf^ 3^:351-
C^t«» ?fl (71? J1^51 95f"5 ^5ltt^ iJ^* T<f^^5? "SRI ^^571 C?«W *tt?nf
c^ fpfis\i ^r^fcRi 3tY f rm T? ^ c^R ^^: >??5» eiJjt? fV sfT^ ?5^
f Q91 ?t9 sn ij^t ^'t^tJi T5T1J1 "SFc? tt?mT3 ?r^«a JTrr^ nf^n^ t^ m
■Z-o^ BENGALI LITERATURE
Amoiiif other Jiuropean Missionary writers at Sriram-
pur, the name of Rev. Jolm Mack, unassnminir as
it is, is interestiuji^ to the student
Jolin Mack. c i\ rj. i-i cxi i-
1797-1845 literary history or the time.
He was born in March 1:2, 1797, a
native of Edinburgh, his father having been a writer
to the signet. He was educated at the Edinburgh Uhiver-
sit}' and distinguished himself at the Baptist (yollege at
Bristol. On his visit to England during I819-'21 in search
of funds and men for the proposed Serarapore College, Ward
selected Mack to be a Professor at the College, where the
latter arrived in November 18:iL Mack worked as a
Professor for 16 years, succeeded Marshman in the charge
of the College and raised it to be for some time a
first-rate private educational institution in Bengal. Mack
was highly proficient in Classics, Mathematics and Natural
Science, and gave the lirst cliemical lectures (in Bengali as
well as in English) in Calcutta. He also shared the editorial
management of the Friend of ludia at rlrampur from its
commencement. He died of cholera in Ajnil 80, 1845.
Mack's only, ami in certain respects noteworthy,
contribution to Bengali consists of a treatise on Chemistry,
the first of its kind in Bengali, named 1%f5l?l1 fw^
^t^ I ^^^ ^\^ ^t^ JTKs^?:^^ ^^^ ^f^^ ^t?ii c^#t?(
^t^t^ ^si^^tf^^ ^=1 or the Principles ol' Chemistry by
Jolm Mack translated into Bengalee (Serampore Press.
1881). It i^ divided into I parts' the first part cover-
ing about 887 pages, prefaced by
His scientific writiiiLC. . . . . . "
an interesting introduction written
^5C^ ^ci)^ fi5fTt^« >\^l<a\ ^<^ >2f^t!:? ^^'^ ^'ff ^tc« ntf^^^ I
' The secotifl part was never possibly published.
LATER KIROPKAN WKITKKSf 255
in Kti'^lisli. It opens with the trcatnK'nt ot" f^Ff'lfll ^2r«t^
or chemical forces such as ^t^^*1, ^f^^, '^rtC'Tt^, f^Sjit^ ^\^^,
etc., and then i^ocs on to deal with fVfsi^ll ^^ or chemical
substances.' Man \ of the theories and conclusions stated
here have loni; l)een abandoned but they give us, throuj^h
the medium of Be .ii:ali, a i,^ood picture of the state of the
dimlv understood chemicul science as it obtained t-iuhty
vcars aufo. Even after the lapse of more than half a century
and with a better understandin<;- and demand of this
useful science, it is to be reji^retted tiiat Beni^ali lano;uage
caimot as yet boast of a sinjj;le ii^ood treatise on Cliemistry,
n jt to speak of scientific literature in general; ,>et this
missionary, with a scanty vocabulary and imperfect
command over the language- ventured with singular courage
' Viz, Oxygen, Chlorine, Bromine, Hydrogen, Nitrogen, Sulplinr,
Phosphorus, Carbon, Boron, Selenium. There is also a section on
Steam Engine.
* It is said in the Bengal Obituary (p. 250)thnt Mack's work written
in English whs ti-anslated by F. Carey, but this is doubtful. (See also E.G.
Wenger. Story of Lallbuznr Baptist Church, I90fi). In this connexiim, it
wonld be interesting to call attention to the question i-aised by Mack, which
is also referred to by F. Carey but of which there seem to have been
no satisfactory solution as yet, viz., the que8tit)n relating to the proper
method of compiling a glossary of technical scientific terms in Bengali.
We will not enter into the vexed question whether we should take
European terms l)t)tlily into our laiiLriiagc or mlnpt them to our use by
Satiscrif .substitution or otlierwise. but we may
Glossnrv of technical !»«' allowed to quote here the opinion of Mack
tern>a- as set forth in the Preface to his work and
leave it to speak for itself:- " The names of
Chemical substances nro. in the great msijority of instances, perfectly
new to the Bengali languiige. as they were but few years ago to nil
lanijuages. The chief ditliculty was to determine whether the European
nomenclature should be merely put into Bengalee letters, or the
European terms be entirely translated by Sungskrit, as bcanng mnch
the same relation to Bengalee B8 the Greek and Latin do to English.
25(5 BENGALI LITERATURE
and noble aim to open up a useful though neglected field
of knowledge and culture. We cannot l)ut speak with
admiration of the work of these early missionary writers in all
departments of useful knowledge, and we maybe forgiven if
we dwell rather long on this early Bengali treatise on a
scientific subject. The object of this publication is thus given
in the Preface : " Mr. ALarshman having prop.osed some
years ago to publish an original serie ; of elementary works
on history and science, for the use of youths in India, I
count it a privileu'^e to be associated with him in the
undertaking and cheerfully promised ^o furnish such parts
of the series as was more intimatelv connected with mv
own studies. Other engagements have retarded the
execution of our project, much against our will. He has
therefore been able to do no more than bring out the first
part of his Brief Survey of History, and now, at
length, I am permitted to add to it this first volume
of the Principles of Chemistry." AVith the object of
teaching rudiments of the science to the Indian youth in
view, Mack thought it best to write his work in Bengali,
scarcely fit though it was for the expression of scientific
ideas. "Be it understood," he says, "the native youths
of India are those for whom we chiefly labour; and their
own tongue is the great instrument by which we hope to
enlighten them." The book, chiefly meant to be a text-
book, for which however its style is difficult enough, was
compiled chiefly from the notes of lectures which the
writer delivered to his pupils in Calcutta and SrTranipur.
It is hardly necessary to speak any thing of its language
I have preferred, therefore, expressing the European terms
in Bengalee character, merely ehan<,'in<r the words into the
pretixcs and terminology, so as decently to incorporate the new
language." For a sketch of John Mack's life, see Carey, Oriental
Christian Biogruphy, vol. i., pp. 282-286. Also Bengal Obituary.
LATKR El' HOP KAN WRITERS 257
and mail nor. AVc can lianlly oxiioct anytliinj^ better
than what we have already seen — for the tlienie here is
science, the writer an Enirlislnnan and tlie Honiiali is the
Bengrali of almost a centiirv aire : vet it must be noted
that the Ian<;uai^e of this work is more simple and
easy certainly than that of Ft-lix Carey or even of some
of the more abstruse writers of scientific text-books in
the prest-nt day. One or two specimens are selectetl
here : —
T^^ ^5 1
•^in^ ^rtl? C«C^C^« f^"? f^C*t^ f^S«Tl (violet) ^<f?F^C«t^
^^1 f^ftf » ^^ ^^'I'fWUs f^f'<P^ Ji:^^ '5lt^ (p. 107, Sec.
lGO-161) I
1?l5(tf%Jf ?tt11 C^f^^i "5151 ^"5^ "Slf^^ls^ ^t^1^1 ^^
^<lf^-5 ^fm ^ 5t^t^ -sif^^ls^ ®^^^ ^5:5^t^r5 ^^ 55t^
^t^s ^*1*T f^^^tf'flW ^VS (p. 177, Sec. 258) |
^^t^ ^^ I fV? (7Pt5^ ? 'JifV ■»I»?^t^ 'f C?J5? (7I(7t ^"^ 5«C5
c^^?i ^fi^ si^n^i^ ^^v2j^^ f^c»t^ 'l•^^^^^ ft^n ^^^^a (p. 103,
Sec. 150).
83
258 BENGALI LITERATURE
Of the other mitisionaries, who belon'^ecl to the Baptist
Mission and wrote some tracts and text-books, it is not
necessary to dwell lon«>- upon the names of Lawson,
Robinson, Wen<]^er or Pearce. John
John Lawson. /,-r.-, io-> n
Lawson (w87-I8;i.j) wrote a treatise
on Natutal History called t^^ which was published by
the School Book Society before 1821.i
John Robinson. r ^ t ^ ' •
John Robuison, some time editor or
the KiKingelisi, translated Robinson Crusoe,^ Bunyan's
Holy War, and Carey's Grammar
John Wenger.
into Beni^ali. John AYenger/^ (1811-
1880) who was an associate of Dr. Yates and revised
his Bengali Bible (1861), edite<l the Upridesaka, compiled
a Bengali Grammar, translated Marshman's History,'*
and wrote or edited a few tracts and school-books.
^ It was in si.\ numbers, viz. : 1, The Lion and the Jackal
(subsequently published as f'!°C??l f^T5l1 ) 2. The Bear. 3. The
Elepliant. 4. The Rhinoceros and tlie Hippopotamus. 5. The Tiger.
6. The Cat. For a sketch of Lawson's life, see Carey, Orient. Christ.
Biography, (vol. ii. pp. 415-425.).
" (i) ^r<|5PIJ|; ^»tt3 #t^ ^« or the Adventures of Robinson
Crusoe translated by J. R. and illustrated with woodcuts. 2nd ed. 1885.
pp. 1-201 (^) ^ii^-%-^ ^f^. ^<K ^Sft^f^'^ f^'X'® '^^^t^ ^?f^'^'f
ib-as I ( S.'coiid P'.dition, 1S51) ) illustrated also by woodcuts, pp. 1-310.
Also wrote ^^tfl tfC^ ^XW"^ f^^ill or an Account of the
Ganges Canal, pp. 1-19, 1854 ? This Robinson must not be confounded
with another Robinson who was Government Inspector of Schools
in .Assam ami wrote a work on mensuration called ^f^ if^^tl
(or Elements of Land Surveying) in 1850 which was reviewed in
the Friend of [ndid of Sept. 12, 1850.
* See Buckland'a Dirtionnn/ nf Indian Biographi/.
* Se« ]>. 2M» footnote ante.
LATER EUROPEAN WRITERS 259
AVilliam Hopkins Poarce (1791-lS-lO) who came out to
India (1817) as an assistant of Ward and subsequently
joined the Calcutta Baptist Printing
W. n. Pearce. 1794- Establishment, was for several years
184U. , , ■ ■ r , 1
editor of the Ciirisluin OOfserver and
wrote a few school-books ' and Christian tracts. He is
chietly remenibered now for iiis interest in education and
his connexion with School Book Society in whicli he
succeeded Dr. Yates as secretary.
But the name of William Yates cannot be passed over
so liijhth'. Dr. Yates, son of a shoe-maker and himself
a villaj^e school-master for some time,
Wiiiiftm Yntcs. was born at Loutrhborouslj, Dec. 15,
1792. He entered the Baptist College
at Bristol where he studied the Orientnl lan<rua<'-es and
came out to India on April Ifi, 1815 under the patronage
of the Baptist Missionary J^ociet}-. He joined Carey at
Srlranipur, studied Sanscrit and Bengali under him and
helped him extensively in his literary work. In 1S17
he left Carey and joined the Baptist Society at Calcutta,
' His works, nnionp other things, are; — (i) «^^Tt^ ^ 51^ I ^^^
TWV[\\ >Q 'Itftai ■« '2Jt^ ^1] tfi\\f\ ^irf^ f^^l or Geography
interspersinl with information historical and misccllanooiis for
tho use of schools in U parts. Calcutta. 1818. Ed. in 1822 ; also
1843. (ii) ITT "Sltai^ I 5^ ^ir^r:^? $^5 ^C9tmT»R or the Trn«»
Refnge ; a Christian tract. Calcutta ? 1822 ?. W. FT. IV.ine must
not ho confounded with G. Tearco who wrote or edited (I) TfS'irf'l^
^?t^ I 18:?8 (2) «rt«f3r^a nt^fpf rar or Companion to tho
Bihle translatpfl hv R im Krijna Kahiriij and revised hy G. Pearce
1HM5. (3) ^irt fjJ^f?!^ TS I or Foolish (Jalatiana or Inconstancy
in Faith exposed and Antidote supplied (pp. 1-50). Calcutta 1845 ?
For more details about \V. H. Penrco's life and writing see Life of
^^'. H. Pearce by William Yates ; Bengal Obittianj, pp. 221-222:
ilis-tionnry Ilrrahl, 1828 ; Carey, Orient. Chrint. Biography, vol.
iii, pp. l-li (a list of his works given at p. 10).
2G0 BENGALI LITERATURE
becoming pastor of the Englisli Church at Circular Road
iu 1829-30. In 182-1' he became Secretary of the School
Book Society and got large opportunities for carrying out
his educational projects. His educational works received
considerable encouragement from Government which not
only subsidised him but offered him a stipend of £1,000
on condition of his devoting himself to such work — an
offer w^hicii he declined.' He died at sea on Julv 3, 1S4-5.
His works in Bengali are numerous but they were all
published between 1817 and 1827 and consist chiefly of —
1. The New Testament translated, 1833. Ed. iu 1839.
2. The Holy Bible in Bengali. 18-15. pp. 1-1144 (subse-
quently revised by J. Wenger and C. B. Lewis iu 1861 and
1807). See Appendix II at the end of this volume.
3. %^t^Cff»t (expurgated edition). 1841.
4. "^ff f^^l or Natural Philosophy and History.
1824.
^dtt<l>'R or Elements of Natural Philosoi)hy and Natural
Historv in a series of familiar dialoii:ues desio-ned for the
instruction of Indian youth. Calcutta 1825. 2nd Ed. 1834.
Publislit'd by the School Hook Society.^
^ For more details abont his life and work see James Hoby, Memoir
of Willinm Yntes (1847); Dictionary of National Biography; Bengal
Olitiiarij. pp. 222-225; Dirtioitary of British and Foreign Authors,
vol, iii ; (7(//. Chr. Ohxcrv. 184."); Eclectic Review, vol. iv ; Cal.
Rev., vol. X, p. 1(52 et seq ; Catalogue of British and Foreign Bihle
Society, 1857, p. 332, etc. ; W.H.Carey, Oriental Chrintian Biography,
vol. I. pp. 29, 48 ; India Review, vol. vii, 1843, pp. 740-743, in which
will be found an excellent likeness of Dr. Yates by Grant.
'^ This work, although on a scientific subject, avoids scientific
technicalities as much as jiossible and constitutes an eminently
readable popular exposition of the broad topics of Natural
Philosophy and lli.story and is indeed the first of it.s kind.
LATER EUROPEAN WRITERS 261
G. Inlioihiction lo the Bengalee Language in two vol-
umes. 1810. :2tul Ed. bv J. Wenii;er, IS 17. Containin«j;
a grammar, a reader and explanatory notes with an index
(in vol. I) and selections frnni ISenijali literature (in vol.
ir. The author's Preface says that "it consists of two
volumes, the first of which is chietly of European and the
second entirely of native composition." The first volume con-
tains a grammar, select readinj^j lessons consistin<^ of simple
sentences, fables, anecdotes, etc. : while the second contains
in "a condent-ed and corrected form " the best {)arts of all
the native (mostly prose) compositions in Beu'^ali. The
selections are from Totu Itihas (18 tales), Liiiimiilfi
The style and manner are more narrative than philosophical or
scientific. The form is tliat of a dialogue between a teacher and
his pnpil who is carious to acquire an insight into the mysteries
of the nntiiral phenomoua. This work is chiefly compiled from
Martinet's Catechism of Natnre and Baley's Useful Knowledge.
The subjects embraced are too many but they are dealt with in a
popular and rather summary way. After giving in the first few
chapters some account of the mysteries of the Heavens ( ^tf1^5
5r^tf^ i^'!5 ) and the atmosphere ( ft^ ^t^ ■« ^It^t^lT V\ "« ^f^^
ilffVa f^^"W ^'H ), the teacher discourses on the eartli ( ^f«f<flij
■e Jl^Bil W^ ) and the human being ( q^lj f^* -^si) ) and
then goes on from the si.xth dialogue to the description of the
animal and the vegotablo kingdoms, concluding with a fow
words on the minerals and on the products of various countries.
Here is a specimen both of its science audits style: —
«^ ( CI JT^HI'S^ ^H fV? Ttl JT^t'f^'II Cn Crr^ T^ ^f^l ^l^tTf
^ 3W^ V.^ TPfsur -Slf^^^99t^3 31^ 21^3 95: 3f?tr5 C^ l^j^
(,T\ J^^ Vf^S ^I ^5 1,\^\ ^W\ f *f51 ^ I
•^^ I ^^R 55 ^t^lc^s •^Hnj c^tt "^trf s,■^^ c^t^i ^t^ f^T^«m ^^c^
fsFifi ^5 ^-^ 9 in 5tc3 fjjM? CTR TVJf^ ^^ ^fin> "Jf j^riTa (?if^ ?9?rr5
a^fsT"? 5U I (2nd edition, p. 14).
)l(j-Z BENGALI LITERATURE
(9 letters), Batris SimbSsan (l-i stories), RiljabaU
(8 extract-;), Raja Kr.snaeliandra Rayer Cliaritra (Sextracts)
Purus-parlksS (16 stones), Juyiln Chaudrika (9 pieces),
Jniiniirnab (9 extracts), Prabodh-cliandrika (•!< stories)
besides extracts ftoni Tathyaprakas, Mahabhurat (story
of Nala), Hymns of Ram-mohon and specimens of the
})eriodical literature of the day.
(7) C5?Jf[^R'ffTt ^^C^t^¥^ f»i^U< or An Easy Intro-
duction to Astronomy for young persons composed by
James Ferj^uson F. R. S. and revised by David Brewster
LL.D. and translated into Benj^alee by William Yates.
Calcutta School Book Society. 1838.*
(8) ^t^^^5|^? or Vernacular Class Book Reader
for the Government Collesres and Schools translated into
Bengali. Calcutta Baptist Mission Press. 184-i.
(9) Translation of Doddridge's Rise and Progress
of Religion. Anglo-Bengali, pp. 1-300. 1840 (Murdoch,
' The Introduction ( ^f^"^ ) says :— ''Ptg'JTS? TtC^C^^ ^1T5 .ilt
*i^ ^'^J^ Ills' ^ffs ^K"^^ ^v ^5f«r^t^s ^f^ ^^ ^ ^t^ ^rlc?!
^C¥^ CSfitNf^ (fJl ®its ^^rs *1[f%^^ 1 This work is composed almost
on the same lines as tlie author's 'I'tft'fN'nt'Tt^ I From the table
of contents quoted below, the subjects embraced will bo found to
be prett}- extensive : (,) 'jf»H>a i\fi Q ^t^f^ ^^ltC^3 fTTa«1 (pp. 1-16).
(ii) 1^^ Tg^ Cst^ fJlf'^- ^ "^JiltfWSt^ NT^I (pp. 17-35). (ni) ^^
-Q ?tfg?f^5 (pp. 36-54). (iv) t'x^fft i^ii W.^
Yates's _ jj-^^J^ ^^ ^'W^X^l ^Sff^^^Tf i]^^ .^ -Sff^jp^ ^\K\
^ ■* «21«(Ol Cl^Ct 'm 5fC3 51^1^1^ ^ fi(«5^
??I it^tiJ f^^^l (pp. 5i-G8). (r) '^p'tft? f[<i1 ^ 2}»l^s1 M^lt^T
fjHIsi^'i^ (pp. 68-83). (r/) fw^ratf^? ?tJ^ ^?t%^ ^t?t ^ 'f^'SIC'R *l1%T§
^ 51:^^ (Tit's*! ^?tt^ r^T51 (pp. 83-100). (vn) ^jf^R^t •£l?j%1^fr«I R^
•nfti ^53 7^ sf^cl^ft^^t (pp. 103-118). (rni-) Ji^jrra c^^f^' ^ttrg
t^^K (pp. 118-132) (u) in»raf5 f^5 ^ 7^ ■« ^rat^f? JTsni f^n«1^ fsT^^I
(pp. 132-139). (.r) 5f^tfwf^n«l (pp. 1.39-159).
" Besides these, Lonj; ( Return of Names, etc. ) mentions
also a translation of Dnddridiro's Rise and Progress; and the
LATER EUROPEAN ^VRTTERS '203
Of the other Missionary Societies, the Luiulon Mission
whicli came into l)i'in<jj a little later, took some part in
the eneourai^emt'nt oF the vernacular
London Miasionary .^^^j promotion of education through
Society. ' ...
tliat niodinni. Many of its mission-
aries, in these early days of text-book writing', com-
posed numerous educational works of value and
usefulne-s : but it would be sulfieieut for our purpose
if we take into consideration the names Robert
Mav, J. Ilarley, J. D. Pearson, and James Keith. The
first three of these missionaries, however, whose names
are linked together like those of the three great SrTriimpur
brethren, are remembered not so much for their literary
efforts as in connexion with their numerous llourishing
vernacular schools established be-
nss^isis'' ^^^'^^'^ ^^^"^ ^"'^ CMiinsurah. In
July ISU, Robert May,* with a
very narrow income, opened a free vernacular school in
his dwelling house at Chinsurah but within a year he
succeeded in establishing fifteen more schools with '.>."»]
Bengal Ohitunnj (p. 225) adds IMoiisin^ Talcs, Epitome of Ancient
History (also Hobby, op.cil., p. 211), CiUbiated Cliaractfra of
Ancient History, a translation of Bunyau's Pilgrim's Progress Pt. I,
and of Baxter'."* Call to the Unconverted (.\leo Murdoch, Cutalogue).
Besides these, Yates, like many other missionaries njentioned
here, wrote numerous Christian Tracts. Ho also wrote a Bengalee
Qrammar, ed. Wenger. Calcutta, 1849. See W. H. Carey, Oriental
Christian Biography, vol. i, p. -W ; also India Revtew, vol. vii, 1813
' See Aitiatic Jmirrinl, vol. iii, 1817, p. 500; Bengal Obifiiarij,
p. 20S;C«/. Rev vol. 1850, art: "Bengali Literature and Language" ;
Lushington, Hiitnry, Design and Prencnt State of Benevolent Inati-
futiona in or near Calcutta, 1824, pp 145-155; Long, Introduction
to Adam'i> Report*, pj). 1-6; Long' a Handbook to the Bengal iligfionn;
W. H. Carey, Orient. Christ. Biography, vol iii, pp. 294-298 For
John Harley, «.-»e W. H. Carey, op. nV., p. 134 oKie./.
264 BENGALI LITERATURE
scholars and obtained the patronai^e of Lord Hastings.
Mr May however was soon cut off by death but his
colleagues Messrs. Harley and Pearson, \v)io also beloncjed
to tlie same society, succeeded in keepint^ up his work by
the offer of their services. Robert ^lay ' compiled in
1817 an arithmetical table on the native model which
was popularly known for a lont^ time as M(ii/-Ganita.
Harley sup[)lemented May's work
John Harley or ^J ^"s Ganitaiika or ^r«t^t^
Tfarie. (d. 1822): (Chinsurah, 181<.>) compiled on
a mixed model.- Pearson's works
however, were of orreater value and effect than any of
these. He was a very industrious
Joliti. I). Pearson. j i • -l i -^ • t/t'
PTO-lSsi ^'■^'^ voluminous writer and it is diih-
cult to draw up a complete list of
his writings, of which the following seem to be the more
important ones : —
(1) ^;5C<iJt^vft or Letters on Familiar Subjects con-
taining 260 letters on domestic, commercial, and famih'ai-
subjects, zemindary accounts, and other forms in common
use. 1819. 6th ed. in 1852. (Published by the School
Book Society).
{•I) ^t^'fT^I^ f^^^<^ or Schoolmaster's jNIanual
(Published by the School Book Society) 1819. Explains
the Bell :in<l Lancaster system.
' On tlip epitaph over Robert May's remains are -oritten
tlie foUowiiif; words ; " In his life he was especially engaged in
promoting the best interests of the rising generation, by whom
liis name will long be held in endearing recollection." {Bengal
Ohitiiitrij. p. 20S). ^tf'f« (Gonito) or a Collection of Arithmetical
Tables by II. May in Bengali, Svo. Calcutta 1S2I. See Catalogue
E. I. Co's Librarii. (1845), p. 2G8.
' See also the works citeil above in ]i 203 footnote '. Also see
Carey, Oriental Christian Biography, vol. i, i>p. 368-71. May's and
Harley's Arithmetic were repnblished by tho School Book Society,
■ LATER ElKOPEAN WRITERS 2G5
(3) ^t^Tt^^ or Iiliomatical Exercises. Eni^lisli and
Bengalee, witli ilialoi^ues, leltur?, etc., on various sub-
jects. Calcutta 1S:!0. A phrase-book anil vocabulary.
Published by the School Book Society. (Ed. Cal. 18:19.)
(I) ^If^^Tl or Moral Tales composed jointly with
Rfiju Radhakunta Deb for tin' School Book Society.
Before 1S21.
(5) Trp,nslation of Murray's. En^;lish Grammar, 1&;!0.
[Mentioned also in ialaloijue E. I. C<niipaii)/^s Lihrarij
( p. 2t)7 ) as ''Grammar of the Eui^lish Language, English
and Bengalee, Calcutta 1820"].
(r>) ^tft^ tf^tC'T^ >1^b6^ or an Epitome of Ancient
History, p]nglish and Bengalee, containing a concise
account of the Egyptians, Assyrians, Persians, Grecians
and Romans. The English compiled by Pearson : the
Ben«rali version bv Pearson and others. Calcutta l&'iU.
j)p. l-t»2;3. (A previous edition containing only 3(il pages
with the accounts of the Egyptians, Assyrians, Baby-
lonians, Medes, Persians and the (irecians).
(7) ^^51 ^ c^Ttf^^ t^Itf^ f^^W ^l^^^5|^, English
and Bengali. 1st eJ. 18:Ji. ind ed. Calcutta 18:17.
(8) ^^ 51^ "STTSl or the Two Great Commandments
being an exposition of St. Matthew xxii. 37. Calcutta
1826.
(D) We find the following entry in Murdoch, Citta-
lojjur : "Pilgrim's Progress. Bengali and English by
Rev. J. D. Pearson, chiefly from the Seram})ore Edition,
1831-. 2nd Ed. Bengali alone. An Edition published by
J. Wenger in 18:j3."»
(10) \\\ the Ciitiiltgne of E. I. Compaufs Lihranj
(1845), p. 2r.7, mention is made of " A School Dictionary,
English and Bengali. 12nio. Calcutta 1829.
' See also W. H. Carey, Oriental Chiutian Uioyiiiphy, vol. i, p. 370,
for a list of Pearson 'a works.
34
2GQ BENGALI LITERATURE
Of Rev. Tames Keit!), who came out to India in 1810
and beloni^ed to the London Mission at Calcutta, it is
said that " during his short career, in
"^nsr-isz^*'' conjunction with Rev. H. Townly»
he laid the foundation of a mission in
the metropolis of India."- His chief works, educa-
tional or biblical are (/) ^^ ^^ ^?lt^t^ S ^\^ (ill ^(31^
^P^'^Itl^'R or a Dialogue between a porter and a^ gardener.
A Christian tract. 2nd ed., pp. 1-10. Serampore 1820 ?
3rd ed. considerably modified., pp. 1-20. Calcutta 1135?
(ii) ^t^C^^fe^m f*f^ti:'/ "^"2 ^tfts^f ^t^t^ 5 ^5f^^ ^Tf^^*1
or a Grammar of the Bengalee language adapted to the
young in easy questions and answers. Calcutta 1825,
pp. 1-68. 3rd ed. Calcutta 1839. Published by the School
Book Society.^
«
' Heary Towuly was also a tract-writer in Bengali, Among his
works may be mentioued (1) CTt*I *!t3 ^t*!^ or What Scriptures
should be regarded, a Christian tract in the form of a dialogue between
a Christian and a Hindu. Serampore, 1820 ? (Ed. C. C. T. and B. S.
1886). pp. 1-12. (2) Jl^^Jl 'iRsi:*? Jlf^3 ilT^ >i?I^t:<^ '^^t'T^'R I
2ud ed., pp. 1-16. (C. C. T. and B. S.)
* See Bengal Obituary, pp. 67-68. Asiatic Journal, 1817, vol. iii,
p. 500.
^ Dinesh Ch. Sen {History, p. 870) erroneously styles the author as
Keatand his Grammar as Ket-Vyakaran. The date given by him is
1820. It seems the book was not available to him when he wrote this
account : for otherwise this mistake is absurd. In Catalogue of E. I. Co.'s
Library, mention is also made of Nitikotha or Fables in Bengali by
J. Keith. Calcutta 1828. A specimen of the method and style of
the Gi'aunnar is given below : —
Interjections or ^tC^CttfV f^?I I
LATKK i:UROPEA\ WKITERS 267
It is not worth whilo (o lin<;or long; over the names of
other minor misiionary or non-missionary writers who
wrote reh'i>M'ous tracts and educational
Other minor Eiiropoan x^..* i „ ,i. e 4^ ^' 1 i-
^j.j^p^ ' text-i)Ooks ; lor to <>ive an exhaustive
aceount of their names anil writings
would he to enumerate a Homeric catalo«^ue.' We may,
however, mention in passing; the names of llerklotts,-
Sutherlaud'' and Sandys'* who wrote ehietly on Geo-
graphy; of Kempbell ^ ami Kneane '' whose contributions
were mostly historical ; of Mundy,^ Ronse,*^ Iloeberlin •'
and Townly"^ who were religious controversialists; of
f^ C^l, ^f? C», ^5l C5, ffS Cql I (p 41). It is cnrions to note such
expressions occurring as ^tf^ '^t f^^tf^ (p- 35), ^f^l W^ C^tT (p- 62).
' The activity of the Calcutta School Book and of School Society
as well as the writings of authors like the Rev. K. 51. Banerji is not
treatcil here, because, properly speaking, they belong to a subsidiary
movement in literature wliich came into relief a decade later than the
movement inaugurated by the missionaries of Srirampur or the
Pundits of Fort William College.
* A Map of the World in Bengali by Rev. Gregory Ilerklotts
of Chinsurnh. 1S21.
* Geography of India by J. Sutherland.
* General Geography in Bengali by Sandys, 1812.
' Tucker's History of the Jews translated into Bengali, 1843.
pp. 1-257.
' Pilrasika Itihus.
' ^it^^ •si^ff*. 3 «CT5j jrfJT ft^i^iic^mf? ";trg(? »<c^ ^^i^l P^^^r^
^'3'f or Christianity and Hindui.sui (2 pts pp. 1-230. Cal. 1828) by
George Mnndy. G. Mundy was attached to C. M. S. at Chinsnrah,
latterly a pastor of the Coolie Bazar Chapel, d. 1853.
» House revised the Bengali Bible (1897). Ho wrote many tracts
of which may be mentioned aJtSt^ f^^tfl'nilP ^^^"Ra^l or Plain
Eeimon.'i on Christian Doctrine, pp. 1-148. ISSI.
** 1'S fSC^il ^"St^ or Bible Stories translated from the German
of Dr. Christian Gottlieb Barth by Mr. Hoeborlin. With 27 illustrations,
pp. 1-252. 1846.
•" See p. 26«3 footnote.
268 BENGALI LITERATURE
^Miller, ' Mendies- and Rozario^ who wero lexicoojra-
pliers ; of Yule/* "NVeitbrecht," llodt'^' and Bom-
wetsch " who composed easy reading lessons for children
in schools. "We may similarly pass over the names of
William Morton,^ a miscellaneous tract and text-book
writer; of David Carmichael Smyth, ^ author of a treatise
' Bengali Dictionary 1801 (Long and Biivncos). A copy without
title-page in Suhitya Parisat Library.
- An abridgement of Johnson's Dictionary in Engli.sh and Bengali,
calculated for the use of Native as well as European students to which
is subjoined a short list of French and Latin words and phrases in
common use among English authors (Sorampore Mission Press. 1822)
by John Mendies. To Vol. II. is appended an Introduction to Bengali
Language Seramporo 1828.
* Bengali Dictionary, 1837.
* f*t^ C'lU^ffif^ or Spelling Book with short sentences and verses.
' l^"? f*rf t or Object Lessons, 1852.
« («) mii{ r^w\mi ^'ff^ ^\^^^f'^ c<it«(r^s(tw r^fitf^^?!^ %fF5
^^r? I pp. 1-92. Calcutta 1843. (b) SiW^CftW^: ^<t<^ ^t^^ f'\^\Z^
^rt^t^Wf^l I pp. 1-16. Calcutta 1841. (c) ^f^f^tsJTl I a Christian
tract (see Bengal Obifunnj, p. 08). Rer. Randolph de Rodt (1814-1843)
was attached to the London Missionary Societj-. Came out to India
April 11, 1826. (Soo Carey, Oriental Chrisfian Biography, p. ISO.)
' i'5( ■'tt^ I or Thirty Reading Lessons for the use of Children
in Bengali Christian Schools (pp. 1-01. Calcutta ? 1855 ?) by Rev.
Chistian Bomwetsch.
* (n) Proverbs of Solomon translated. 1843. (h) Biblical and
Theological Vocabulary, English and Beng.ali compiled, by William
Morton ;vnd others, pp. 1-31. Calcutta 1845. (c) ^?t5 ^f^ Jl'^^t^ or a
Collection of Proverbs, Bengali and Sanscrit, with tiieir translation and
application in English, pp. 1-100. Calcutta 1832. (rf) Dictionary of the
Bengali Language, with Bengali Synonyms and English inter]>reta-
tion. Calcntfa 1828. (c) \s'!lI'21"?FM ^^J '^^'jft or a Treatise en Idol
worship and other Hindu observances by Vrajamohon Deb followed by
translation from Viijrasuchi of Ashwagosha, pp. 00, 14. Calcutta,
1842. by William Morton. (Ed. in 1843).
" Sffipfli^? f^lf^ or Original Bcngalese Zumeendareo Account
accompanied by a translation into English, pp. 1-401. Calcutta 1823.
Smyth died in 1S4I. See Bengal Obituary.
LATER EUllOPlvVX WIUTHRS ^209
on zemimlarv accounts; of Geoii^o Galloway' who
translated Gladwin's Pleasant Stories; of Captain Stewart -
the founder of tlie Burdwan Church Mission ; and of Dr.
Hans Ileinrieh Eduard Rieer ^ who rendered into
Benijali some of Lamb's Tales from Shakespeare. The
namo of Sir Graves Champney Haujjjhton, the «j:reat
scholar and orientalist, will detain u-; for a moment and with
this last, thoui^h not the least important na?ne, we close
our chapter on the European writers in Benijali.
Sir Graves Champney Hau!2;hton,son of John Hauifhton,
a Dublin physician, was born in 178S. He was educated in
Eui^land and havin<j^ obtained a military cadetship on the
Bengal Establishment of East Lidia Company, he proceed-
ed to India in 180S. Li 181:1 he joined the Fort William
Colleii;e where he received seven
Sir (iravcs Champ-
ney Ilanghton. U7S8- medals, three deEjrces of honour, and
' various pecuniary rewards for his
proficiency in Arabic, Persian, Hindusthani, Sanscrit and
' •:pTn^«1 ^ftrtflt^l or rlensant Stories of Gladwin's Persian
Moonshec translated from the original Pci-sian and Kni^lish into tlio
Bengalee lanffuacre. Calcutta, printed liy D'Rozario & Co., 1840.
» («) t^W^ ^9(1 ( tfr?!:^ ^^651 ) fTS ^s^l^^CSWNTIUS??! l^^ I
or Moral Tales of History with an historical sketch of England and
her connexion witli India, etc. (containing selections from L. M.
Stretch's Beauties of History), pp. 1-G8. Calcutta 1820. Dated wrongly
in Biivncoi; as appearing in 1819 and entitled 5fs?l(>1'^ ^f^Me^ Dinosh
Chandra Sen, History (pp. 8G9 and 870) enters the bonk twice as I'pa-
deaha Katha and Moral Talcs of History without identifying them.
{h) frf^ ^fT^ or tho Destroyer of Darkness : n Christian Tract,
pp. 1-20. Published by the Calcutta Christian Tract and Book Society;
1835. For Stewart ami Weitbrecht, seo Di.flriet Gnzclteer, vol. on
Burdwan in the Chap, on Education. Also see Long's Introduction
to Adam's Rcportit; Lushingtnn, Ilintory, etc., of Rt'liijious ami Benevolent
Iustitutt'in.1 in and nenr Calcutta, pp. Itfi-lo.'i.
' ITt^ CJW'lhiJ «inl"5 M\^-^l f^t^t C^"?^ C^^sni -^^
^fTtf^l or Lamb's Tales from .Shakespeare, translated by E Roer,
pp. 1-21. Calcutta. 1853. (Bengal Family Library Series.)
270 BENGALI LITERATURE
Beno-ali. In 1815 his ill-lioaltli compellctl him to leave for
Eii<rlan(l. In 1817 he was appointed Professor of Oriental
Lan<>uagos at Hailoybury where he continued till 1827.'
Hanjjjhton took <^reat interest in the foundation of tlie Royal
Society in London of which he was an oriental member
and honorar}' secretary from 18-'31 to lS3o. He died
of cholera at St. ('loud, near Paris, on August 28, 184'9.'^
Ilaughton was more of a scholar than a litterateur
and his works in Bengali have a philological rather than
a purely literary interest. His works, chiefly useful
compilations, consisted of (1) liniliuients of Bengalee
6'rflww/«r (in English). London 1821, pp. l-]68. It was
composed by order of the Court of Directors and was
based mainly on the works of Halhed and Carey. (2)
Bengalee Selections (from Chanrlicharan's translation of
Tota Itihas, from jNIrtyun jay's Bengali version of
Hindi Simhtlsana JBattisi, and from llaraprasad Ray's
translation of Bidyapati's Sanscrit Purus-parlksa with
translation into English and a vocabulary, pp. 1-198.
London. 1822. Edition by D. Forbes, London, 1869. (3)
Glossal'}/, Bengali and English, to explain the Tota
Itihfisa, the Batris Simhiisan, the History of Raja
Krsna Chandra, the Puru: Pariksa, and the Hitopa-
des. -pp. 1-12-i. London. 1825. (4) A Bengalee-
Eiiglish Diciionary compiled by order of the Court of
Directors. London. 1833. These useful works, once held
in <rreat esteem, are still valuable, but it is rather the
Bengali language than Bengali literature which owes its
del)t of gratitude to Haughton.
1 ^oyal KaXenilar, 1818, p. 293 ; ihiA, 1820, p. 282.
" For further informations, see Oenilemans^ Magazine, 1833,
pt ii, 1). 70 ; l.iographical notice in xhUi, 1849, pt. ii, p. 420 ; Annual Ropt.
of tbo Royal Asiatic Soc. for May 1850 in vol. xiii of Jotirnal, pp. ii-V ;
Wilson's DnhVm Directory, 1790, p. 121 ; Alumni O.roniences, 1715-1S86.
ii.GliG; A\]\hone'a Diet, of British and American Authors. 1872, vol. i.
CHAPTER IX
Genehai. Cm Aii.vcriiKisTics
^^'e have now closed the survey ot" a period of l'.H.h
century literatuiv in HeuLcal, which is covered i)riiicii)illy
by European writers and their colleai^iies and which, if
not the greatest, is at least one of the most important in
its literary histo'y : for althout^h not rich in j)ositive
accomphshment, tliis and the i)eriod
General remarks on ^f transition which followed it, had
the cliaracteristics ot
the P^uropeaa writcra been tlic <^reat scliool-time of modern
ami their achieve- ,., . . , , • , .•
,„ent. hterature, periods in wliiclt the
unconscious experiments of Carey
and his colleai^ues were made, expanded, and multiplied,
sometimes with the conscious purpose of developing' a
prose sti/h' and always with the practical effect of doinuj
so bv writers in the widelv diverginii' branches of
literature. No other period demonstrates so conclusively the
folly or fallacy of the theory already
Importanee of this alludcd to, which would bid us ii^rnore
perioil II) literary
history. iiistoric estimates and look only to
"the best thin<jfs"in literature. Of such
"best thin«j;s" tin.- period has got very little to show; its
productions, with the greatest stretch of literary charity,
can hardly be said to touch even the fringe of literature
proper. To appreciate, much less to enjoy, the rudi-
mentary jiublications of this jieriod would recpiire a
certain amotmt of patience and Catholicism, if not a kind
of pre-established harmony of taste, in the reader; yet the
im|)ortance of this period is not to be underrated on that
account. There is no other portion of our modern literature
272 BENGALI LITERATURE
the study of wliieh can be ignored with greater dant^er, none
the study of whieli is re})aid by a fuller understanding-,
in regard tu the rest. Although it was a stage necessari-
ly unjiroductivo, it \vas yet the great period of
germination, and an acquaintance with it is helpful
for the understanding and enjoyment of the rich
harvest whit-h our literature had subsequently borne within
the last half of the ce-ntury.
With the old caution about the constant overla[)ping
of tendencies, it would not be wrong to state that this
was chiefly a period of European activity in Bengali
literature. It is true indeed that there wus a strong
and unmastered counter-current of
A period of Euro- native energy whieh exiiresscd itself
pean activity. "- '' J^
in the sono;s of Ihe Kabiwalas and
other products of purely native genius, not the least
affected by the new spirit, and that in an histoiical
survey of tlie literary achievements of this i)eriod we
cannot very well ignore the signifieanee of these fornis
of indigenous literature; yet when we consider the
Europeanised tendency of modern Bengali literature,
its new literary method and new
Counter-currents of mode of expression, we cannot but
native energy, how '■
related to it. give a greater prominence to luiro-
])ean activity and spread of European
ideas. The older traditions still continued to li\e on,
and an antagonism between the old and the new^ spirit
is traceable throughout the literary history of the 10th
century ; for the mental progress of a nation cannot
j)rove itself altogether independent of the fatality of
hereditary transmission. But we give greater im})or-
tance to the Europeans because it is the spirit of their
work, aided no doubt by the inexorable hand of eircum-
stances, which was (o dominate in the end and determine
GENERAL C'UAKACTKRISTICS 278
ilie final bent of iiKxlein literature. In spite; of the
natural persistence of old methods and old forms, access
was obtained to new methods and new forms, and the
tide of literary fashion began to (low in other and more
novel directions with the advent of Euro])ean writers and
European ideas in the tielil.
The description which su^ifgests itself for the quarter
of a century from 1800 to 1825 is that of the early or first
Transition Period ; for it marks the
Its tianpitional ,• , .1 n ^1 11 ,
character and the "^'^^ s^i'eat advance trom the old to
changes it brought ^i,g J^^,^y althoui^h another period of
about. > s I
progress was necessary to bring
about in its fulness the dawn of modern literary Bengali.
The changes of the period are many and far-reaching
and everywhere transitional in character. In politics and
social affairs, the conllict between the old and the new
was gradually taking shape and there was nnrest and
uncertainty everywhere consequent upon such conflict. In
linguistic matters, we find not only profit and loss in
details of vocabulary but also an innovation in the direc-
tion of a simpler syntax. But in literature, although the
ancient trend of thought and feeling was to some extent
being continued in the popular Kabi-songs and other
indigenous forms of literature, the British contact did not
fail to bring about changes of the gravest kind, in rela-
tion to its material, its form, and its literary temper.
The field of literary adventures was enlarged and since
the tentative efforts resulting from these innovations
took, for the most part, the form of their models, radical
changes in literary form became pali>;il)le. The changes
in the literary temper were so subtle and varied that no
summary description would be adecjuate but that it was
marked by a greater desire for individual liberty. The
age became more and more artictilate and forthwith res-
80
274 BbJNGALI LITE RAT URl^
ponded to contemporary influences. The old schools were
being upset and the representative character of the old
literature which was becoming more and more urbane and
and artificially limited to a select few, who could appre-
ciate its new ideas and novel forms, was lost in the
attempt, mostly by untrained hands, to imitate foreign
literary methods and models.
Leaving aside the indigenous forms of literature for
separate treatment, the first portion of this period
(1S00-18I5), which was indeed a stage of timid experiment,
was for the most part a period of European authorship,
varied by occasional imitations by scarcely original native
authors, the chief centre of literary publication being the
Fort William College. We have
The College of Fort traced at soms lenffti) the connexion
William ^ , . „ . , , , •
of this collesre with the history and
o-rowth of Beno-ali literature in the early years of
British settlement ; and its importance cannot be gain-
said. It was here indeed that modern Bengali literature,
especially Bengali prose, received its first exercising ground
and without its co-operation it is doubtful whether even
the Srirampur Mission, an institution equally important
to Beno-ali literature, could iiave achieved the remarkable
success which it actually did. The two institutions, the
Fort William College and the Srirampur Mission,
founded at the same time yet so dissimilar to each other
in their aim and object, found them-
andthe Srirampur selves connected with each other by
Mission. *'
at least one bond of close kiushij),
namely, the encouragement which both afforded to the study
of Bengali. We shall realise how close this relationship
was when we bear in mind that almost all the publications
of the College were printed at tiie Srirampur Press and
that, on the other hand, it was the Mission which sup-
GENERAL CIIARACTEKISTICS 275
plied the Collei^e with scholars ami professors of Benj]^ali.
In this respect, eich supplemented the work of the other.
Indeed before the missionaries came in contact with the
CoIley;e of Fort William tlirough the appointment of Carey
as Professor of Benj^ali, their work in the Held of Bensjjali
prose had been very sli^^lit. In tiie meantime they had only
succeeded in translating^ and printing off the Bengali
Bible but in this again tlu'V had rendered only a doubtful
service to Bengali [)rose. The Mission was too
poor and too insignificant to undertake extensive
literary work of a permanent kind ; and on 'political and
other grounds the missionaries had all along been held
in disfavour. The lirst political recognition of the
Mission and its worthy object with reference to the study
of Bengali came with the appoint-
coar^g^re:;:" ^"" n^ent of Dr. Carey as Professor in
Lord Wellesley's newly established
College. Tiider the patronage, pecuniary and otherwise,
of the College, a fresh impetus was given to the study of
Bengali. But even then the stringent regulations which
had fettered the press in India and other political
restrictions stood in the way of intellectual progress and
it was not until another decade or so had passed that a
more liberal and far-sighted policy \yas adopted. It may
also be noted here that the benefit rendered to Bengali by
all these early institutions was never direct but came
indirectly and therefore with occasional iluofuations
through their encouragement of the study of the language
itself on political and other utilitarian grounds.
This European patronage, however, was attended with
both loss and gain to Bengali Litera-
E.iropoan patronngc : (^^c. It is (lan^crous to dogmatise
Its offecta. .
about influences but it cannot be
denied that, speaking generally, it was the intellectual
276 BENGALI LITERATURE
stimulus given by tlie British contact which raised
Benu^ali Literature out of the sloui^h of o^eneral decadence
into which it had been phmged after the death of Bharat-
chandia. The vernacular was raised
Stimulating influoncp jf „ot abovc, at least on Ihe same
of British contact.
level wiih, the classical languages,
which had hitherto held the undisputed sway. But the
literature of Bengal, which had hitherto belonged
to the people in general, shifted its centre of activity
from the peaceful village-homes to tiie crowded citii-s
and the metropolis, and under the patronage of an
alien lettered class, imbued with new ideas and novel
methods, it lost its representative character, its primitive
colouring, and its pristine simplicity.
But the literature It is true that the literary spirit of
losing its primitive
colouring. the people, even though arrested
temporarily, never died out and that
the last echoes of the great Baisnab and Sakta writers
still lingered faintly in their less worthy successors, the
Kabiivalas, the Yafrakars, the Kalhakas or the PamcJialikars,
through whom they have coloured even our modern ways
of thought ; yet when the literature revived, with the
creation of a new lettered class and a new public, it revived
" with a difference."
It will be seen, however, that this era of Beno-ali
literature is essentially an era of prose and one of its
greatest achievements is indeed the creation of modern
prose-of-all-work. The prose of the tirst decade of the
century, however, that we are passin<; in review, has
little or nothing delectable to a mere
An era of prose ; its i;4.^.„ 4. i i i. i .1 •, • 1
formal inipoi-tance. literary taster, but to the critical
student it possesses great interest and
imjjortance. For this was indeed the beginning of
Bengali prose properly so called ; for before iSOO, it may
(TENI<:R\L ClI.lRVCrKRTSTICS 277
be cloiil)tcHl wli'.'t.lu'r, in spite ot" tlio lari^'e numUer ul' old
philosophical ami ieli«j^ious prose-works now discovereil,
there is a siiij^le lioni^ali prose work of any iinporlance,
which unites the bulk and literary ipiality of a book
proper. It is true indeed that the prose ol' the early
I9tli century (chiefly tentative in character) is com-
paratively chunsy, inartistic, but its formal importance
in literarv history can never be denied, and even within
this shapeless mass, there is a full pulse of life that
mav be detected bv anv careful reader who does not
associate old book with mummies. Hut in order to
appreeiate this importance, we must at the outset obtain
some idea of the conditions under which it came about and
developed so rapidly within a few years.
Modern Bengali prose, like modern Bengal itself,
came into being under anomnlons
The conditions niulcr conditions. After the death of
which modern lienf^iili _
prose came into being Bliiirat-ehandra and with the dis-
appearance of the great Baisnab
and Sakta writers the literature of Bengal was left to
shift for itself, uncontrolled by the power of any individual
native genius, which alone, by " dwelh'ng apart " in an
age of conflicting influences, conld have lu-lped to guide
it. The European writers, who took
and its suhjoctinn to the lead in the matter at the
condictinK iiiHuences v^^;. . • c li imi ^ i i
with the .Lppearanco ^'^S'""'"^.' "f the iDth Century had
of the old school. little experience of Bi-ngal and much
less of BiMigali literature : in matters
of composition, they took as their guide, not the ancient
writers id" Bengal, who were by this time Inpelessl}-
entombed in a mass of old inaccess-
(1) The nhattuchnr. \i\^ niauuscripts. but the .rrcat
yas; their langnaj;o "^
(nr<}fl^t^). Bhattacharyas or To/ pundits who, on
account of their classical accomplish-
ments, were thought lit to write in the vernacular ton<Tue,
278 BENGALI LITERATURE
But these learned pundits, who traded u\)Ou the general
iii^norance of the people and treated the vernacular with
contempt, knew nothing of our past literature, but
with a confidence born of untraining and in their
eagerness to display their classical
Their classical learn- learning, they affected a pedantic sans-
inp and pedantry; ami critised style which was more than
total Ignorance oi the -^
vernacular literature. what the language could bear. Their
very erudition proved their greatest
distpialifieation ; and their unwieldy style and its uncouth
form, betraying all the absurd defects of an untrained
hand, were wholly out of accord with the genius of the
language. To handle these matters properly there is needed
a poise so perfect that the least overweight in any direction
tends to destrov the balance. The Duke of Wellington
said of a certain peer that " it was a great pity his edu-
cation had been so far too much for his abilities." - In like
manner, one often sees the erudition of these pundits prove
too much for their abilities. In justice to these learned
pundits, however, it must be said that some of them
honestly believed in the efficacy of the sanscritised style,
which was supposed to add dignitj to the flat and colourless
vernacular and that if they did not write easily, they wrote
correctly : only this partiality for
Partiality for Sans- Sanscrit or use of Tf^^t^l (high style)
crit and absurdly . , TTr
sanscritised style. was often earned to the extreme. \\ e
have seen how the learned author of
PrabodJi-cJi(i7u1rika at the beginning of his work extols Sans-
crit as the best of all languages'; but he prefers to write
in Bengali inasmuch as it is the best of the vernaculars
on account of the preponderance of Sanscrit in it ("SRJt^j
' See extract quoted at p. 218,
(JKNERAL CIIAUACTEIUSTICS 279
Cf^ )• '^''''••^ '>^''y 'j*^' tiil^t'ii fairly as tlie opiiuoii of the
Bliattrvchuiyas «jjfnerally wlio now made it tla-ir province
to patronise H(.'ni;-ali. In 15k. II, (•lia[). I of the same
work a«;ain, Mrtynnjay, while discoursin*;- on the
beautioB and defects of prose style, quotes and analyses
the followin«i; sentencts as exhibitin«>; various rhetorical
(jualities— " ^C^ ^^1^^^^^ fs^ 5tT' ff^ f^^t^ "^l^ I
Specimen of the _^
kind of style they ( >2|>rt»f 53«t ) I ^C^t^"^ [?fiT:5t^^t^
favoured. _ =^ ^
( Tf^TQ^l ) I ( ^C^^Bfs^, f^ft^ ^^^, ^^5| f^ ) I
These examples wouhl clearly indicate the kintl of
style which was hit^hly favoured and the length to
which this sanscritisation was carrit-d.'
Hut lonix before tlu' Bhattaclulrvas affected this
stiff, laboure<I and pedantic diction, another style of
expression, chielly favoured by the court-going or commer-
cial Ku^d.ff/iux, was already extensively prevalent and
sometimes found its way into the
(2) The Kaijosthaa ; more scrious compositions of the
tlifir language CBJfft- .- t. i • i r i u- i> r
cli^^W). time. It was a kind of halr-lieiigali
and half- Persian diction which was
' Of tbcso pundits, Mrtyufijay, tliougli lie uffected an artiiicially
correct and learned diction, was fully alive to the sense of style and
kne%v the value of appro})riate phraniug. In one place, he writes in
280 BENGALI LITERATURE
the latij^uajTje of the court and tlie market-place and of
which we have seen a subdued specimen in the style of
Pralaj)a(Utj/n Charitra. Ever since the time of Mohamme-
dan conquest, Persian words and
Persian element ; expressions Of their modified Urdu
its long history in p , j n /^ t ^i •
Bengali literature. lorms ' were gradually nnding their
way into the Bengali vocabulary,
and the necessity of their being used, more or less, in
everyday conversation, no doubt facilitated the process.
By the time the Chandl of Kabikafikan was composed
Persian was already extensively used even in the verse-
compositions of the period. The
Chandl of Kabi- following quotation, in which in nine
kankan. ^ ^
versos more than eighteen l^ersian
words will be found, will show in how short a time
Bengali put on a novel aspect through its admixture with
Persian.
his quaint way : ^\US ^t^C^ C^ tC^ C^ ^f^^K5^ 3t^t^ Tt^l -ij^ ®1^1
^f^ mi'^w.'^ tiim Wi(] ^t!i ^c^. "^Ss ^ti5^l^'^ ^ ^ff ^Iw."^ sizm ^^
o\Hi'^ 'ifsca^c^^ fkwz^ f^^)r» ■^r^ "5(t3 ^^l 'F?H;5 ^t^J? Ji^=i-
"^[^ I ^1,A^ ^tC-^C» ^iI3 C^tKQ C^t^ ^^\':H Sc'I'Sf^?! J1C7 C^ sfl
' A pretty good but by no means exhaustive list of Arabic and
Persian words used in Bengali will be found in Snhitya Pari§at
Patrika, vol. viii, uUo vol. xii.
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS :Hl
•Sff^ iTt5?t^ ^t?:^ '^^rt^ ^tC*f?f ¥C^
*rt^ 5r«T ^^ f^^ ^f^ II
«}t^ c^ftT' c^? ^tf^ c^':^ I
c^ f%| 5^tf^ *tr^:5t^«i II
5^3 %l C^^1 f^ ^t^^ II
»tt<i( 5^ f^ ^^f^ " *
. KaUi^ahkan Chnn'n. cd. by "I^ Kunmr S.rknr in Pr5cM«
JTab.samyraha. pt. ii. p. 5. RH.htly different roadin.. n.o cr-von .n
BaiifTftbasT edition, pp. 6-7.
30
28-^ BEN'^J\LI L1TI"]IIATU11E
This lenii^thy extract is quotcl not, oaly to sliow the pre-
ponderance of Persian words and forms but it will also
be noticed from the descriptions contained here that
Benij^al, then divided into Tilhiks, was governed by
officers like J'i ir, Kotul, Sarkar, Di/n'dar, Jdniadar, etc. ;
that Hindu cities or villages have already taken Moham-
medan names ; that people are
Moliammedan Bengal.
jxettinoj kheiaffi as a si<2fn of roval
favour ; tliat men like Srimanta or Gambhira had been
adorned with Mohammedan titles of distinction ; and
that, on the whole, Mohammedan ideas and customs
had penetrated into the very fabric of native society.
It is not suri)rising tiierefore that in the age of Rajil
Krsnachandra, Biiarat-chandra Kay,
Bharat-chandra. , •' ' ' le c ^ ^^. "
himselt a man ot sound culture
possessing considerable knowledge of Sanscrit, could not
escape the fascination of a mixed language and the influence
of Persian ideas. ' We find him saying, therefore, while
describing a conversation between Emperor Jahilngir and
Hnja Manasiuiha —
WS<S\^ ^k ^t^ ^^tt f^tt^ II
It is not unusual therefore that writing in 1778,
Ilalhed in the Preface to his G tviunf/ a r sa,y>i : "At present
those persons are thouLrht to speak this compound idiom
(Bengali) wilh the greatest elegance
Halhcd's remarks. t i- i
who mix Willi I'urc Indian verbs
' It is well-known, for instance, that nuicli of the famous discrip-
tion of liis horoine's beauty is derived from Peraian sources.
GENERAL CHAKACTEKISTICS 283
the greatest number of Persian and Arabic nouns."
It is in the eourt-lantjuaj^e, liowever, which still favours
a preponderance of effete I'ertsian forms, that tlie lar*ijest
percentage of Persian words are to be fountl ; and the
followinL;; extract of a petition, jj^iven in an appendix to
Ilalhed's Graitm/ur, will bhow how
Specimen of tlie ^],g persianisa ion was carried even
coart-laugiingo. '
to a far jjieater lenuth than was ever
done by the authors of I'raiajiadiii/a C/inrifra or Tot a
Iti/ias —
It will be noticed, however, that about this time a
reaction was settincr in in favour of the use of Bencjali,
and the len<jthy prefaces to Forster's Vocnhulan/ as well
as to Ilalhed's (irawninr, which detail at some lenf^th
the arguments in favour of the study of Bengali, bear
witness to this reversion of popular feeling. Bengali,
at this time, officially as well as popularly, was an unrecog-
nised vernacular, and both llalhed and Forster rightly
insist uj)on the absurdity and inconvenience of continuing
the use of Persian in courts of law.
Diacoiitinnance of Colebrookc' pays a liigh eulogy
Persian in l.iw-iourts. .1 n i 1' i' . r i ■
to llalhed and rorster for having
' A»iatic Refeiirchcf, vol. vii, \'W, \>. U2-4.
281- BENGALI LITERATURE
brought the scientific study of Bengali within easy reach,
but to them also as well as to other later writers,
both native and foreign, belongs the credit of making
Bengali not only the oliieial language of the Presidency
but also the basis of one of the most prolific literary
languages of India.
"While the tol pundits and the court-scribes were
attempting to bring Bengali under the lead of Sanscrit
and Persian respectively, the language
(3) The common jjj jj^g country-i)laces, among "low
people ; thoir language. •' '
(sf^TS ^1 'siis ^t^). men" and the people generally, was
the unforbidden, if untaught, Bengali,
which we find in the old writers and of which we
find a distant echo in the outbursts of purely native
inspiration like those of the Kahiivalas,
Kabiwalas and ifufra&ars, Katliakaft, and Pamcha/i-
others. ' . • i
kars. A little sanscntised on the
one hand and a little persianised on the other, the
language preserved the equipoise perfectly and drew its
nerve and vigour from the soil itsulf. It was so direct
in its simplicity, so dignified in its colloquial ease, and
so artful in its want of art that it never failed to appeal.
Not a single latter-day writer, as the foremost among
them himself acknowledges, has been able to speak in
the same tongue. ^V^hile speaking of this language
of the people in its contrast to modern mixed literary
diction, Bankim Ciiandra lamented' " '^fsr^^ fff?7^
iBvar Gupta. f^^ ^ ^f% <^^^ ^t^itCW^ ^^ I '^'tlS
* ^^ ^ttt? ■'Pf^^ '^•■5fC5^ ^1^^ I (IS95) Preface to the Kahita
Samgrnho of Isvnr Chandra Gujita. Ed, by liankim Chandra Chatterjeo
and Gopfil Chandra Mukerjce in 2 pts.
GENERAL CHAUACTERISTICS 285
Isvar (rupta* wlioso tone and temper allied him
with the Kabiwalas, was indeed the last of that blessed
race over whom the contusion of liabil had not yet
fallen.
It must not be supposed here that we are advocatin;]^
l)urism in the matter of language or lamenting over the
prevalence of Sanscrit, Persian or other influence. "Purism"
to quote the words of a learned writer in the Calcutta Rfiien'-
"is radically unsound and has its origin in a spirit of
narrowness. In the free commingling of nations, there
must be borrowing and giving. Can anything be more
absurd than to think of keeping language pure when
blood itself cannot be kept pure? No human language
has ever been perfectly pure, any more than any human
race has been pure. Infusion of foreign elements do, in
the long run, enrich languages, just as infusion of
foreign blood improves races." But in the beginning
of the last centurv, the conflict of foreign elements under
which Bengali pro!?e eame for a time proved a source of
confusion to many a writer of the period. Lexicographers
and grammarians like Ilalhed, Eorster and Carey are
eternally complaining, in their bewilderment, of the
confusing variety and the exceedingly corrupt state of
the vernacular due to its subjection to various foreign
influence,* for the many jiolitical revolutions the
country had sustained and its long
(4) The Earopeaii communication with men of difFe-
writers.
rent religions, countries and manners
' But hore of cotirso wc are speaking of Tsvar Gupta's poetry
and not his prose which perhaps exhibits the modern tendencies
better than any other prose of the period.
» SySina Charan Gaft^uli, Calcutta Revicic, 1878.
• Bee Halhed's and Forstcr's remarks qncted at pp. 86-7 and
92 ante respectively.
28^ BENGALI LITERATURE
hail impaired the simj^licity of the vernacular and ren-
dered it somewhat difficult for a foreigner. Not only
did the pundits incorporate stiff
Thoir confusion at ^^j i.nfuniiliar Sanscrit words and
the diversity ot the
forms of the language. ■ constructions and the Mohammedans
various terms relatinij ehieflv to
business, law and <^overnment, the European nations too
who settled here, never failed to influence the lan<ruaf]fe
and naturalise into it words of Euroi)ean orii:^in. Of
these, the Portuguese, before the British, have left behind
them the largest traces in the country
The Portuguese ele- j,g ^^gji .^g [^^ the language. The
raent in Bengali. ° 7
Portuguese extended their trade
to Bengal a little before 1530 and after temporarily
settling at Betarl ( C^'s^ ) near feibpur, and then at
Saptagram (Satgaon) they finally colonised at "Golin"
(near Bandel) at about 15'37 or 1538.* In a short time,
they became a formidable political power, and their
wealth, daring roguery, and naval and military activity
made them dreaded all over the country. About the end
of the 16th century' they settled at Barauagar near
Calcutta and soon entered the Sunderbuns, gradually
spreading over Eastern Bengal, where as ])iratus, adven-
turer's, and extensive dealers in slave-trade, they soon
obtained a dreaded reputation.* Their head-(iuarter in
East Bengal was Chitt-agong, which, being more access-
ible by the sea, was called the Porto Grardo ; while
1 Stewart, History of Bengal, quoting (^]cl. 1847, p. 1531) Faria
Y Souza. Golin has been supposed to be the same as Ugclyn, a
Portuguese form of Hugli.
' There ia an allusion to their piracy and their use of ^irtTf
(Armada or War-ship) in the Chrnnll of Kabikafikan —
r^?t1%^ cTf»iit^ ^r^ ^<«ftn
^tfurj ^tf^^1 ^H ^t?t^f ^m I
Gb:NERAL ClI AH ACTERISTICS 287
Iliii^li, tlu'ir ct-'Olral colony in West BL-iiyal, was luiined
Porto Pcqiieno. P()ituy;nese lanfjua^jfe came naturally with
the P()rtu»^nese power and for about two centuries ami a half
even survived its extinction. " It was/' to cjuote Marsh-
nian,' "the Linj^ua Franca of all foreign settlements
around the Bay of Bengal and was the ordinary medium
of conversation between the European and their domes-
ti'i's " even down to so late a period as 18"2S. It is easy
to see that such ne'er-do-well adventurers as Portuguese
pirates could hardly ever be expeeted to exert any properly
literary intluence, and their only point of contact with
Bengali was through the medium of language.^ They
supplied its vocabulary with appellation of European arts
and invention, names of many fruits, herbs, and trees
(^t»Tt?r^, etc.) which they had brought over from South
America or elsewhere, certain terms of gambling ^Primero
C^2fW^1, etc.) and even common everyday expressions like
C^^WT^I, W\^P\], fel, f^'^l, C^t^t% "sjt^siTf^, ^t^fl^,
^«\f5, ^f'Tl, C^^, ^f^, ^^^f1, etc. The common form
of the oath " ^It^f^ " is even supposed to be a corrupt
form of tlie nam.' of the ^'irgin. It will be sten,
however, that this Portuguese influence on Bengali was,
on the whole, comparatively slight, and it never succeeded
in changing the current mode of expression nor went
beyond introducir.g certain fresh terms info its
vocabulary.^
' History of Semmptre Mi*i<ion, y6\. i, ])p. 21-22.
* For an accnunt of I'ortii^iK'ao influence nml I'ortnguese element
ill HiMifjali, see Sahitya Pntiaat Pntnka, vol. xvii'i, p. 45 et acq.
where a pood list of Porfnpnose words naturalised in Benpali will also
be fonnd. See also Hi'buon-Jobiion ed. Yule and Rnrnell. J. A.
Campos in his recent History of thr Portuguese in Bengal (11)19) has
also piven a list of Portiipnese words in Bengali.
' The firft Benpali Hrnrnmar and dictionary wn<> in Portnpuese.
See p. 75, nr.te.
288 BEXG.ILI LITERATURE
Bat the British inlluenco on Bengali, owing to its
permanent and all-embracing charae-
The lan(ruage of the . , i p i •
ter, was more deep and rar-reaehins:.
Liiroppan writers '■ '
,j^j^^ ^, «f|f^ III matterrf of language, however, the
■^iwmi). British writers at the outset, we have
seen, found themselves in an embar-
rassed position. They did not know in the midst of per-
plexing diversity what models to choose or what form of
the language to adopt. They however took primarily as
their guide the compositions of their own munsis or
pundits, which leaned towards pedantry and sanscritisa-
tion ; but fortnnately their strong commonsense, their
literary instinct, and an innate tendencv to realism,^
which is a distinctive feature of all English writers, saved
them from the contagion of affectation and made them
adopt a more simple and natural style. Their language is
a cnrious admixture of the sanscritised
Its sources. ^^^^^^ ^^ ^j^^ pundits (^^^^i) and the
colloquial language of the people (^f^^t^l) with some pecu-
larities of its own and a more or less decided leaning towards
the latter. The missionaries and the schoolmasters, to whose
rank and file belong most of the early European writers in
Bengali, lived in the closest touch with the people, and their
chief end in writing was not to show off- their erudition but
to make themselves intelligible, to be popular, clear and
useful. There are, it is true, errors and
Its errors in vocabul- excesscs in tlioir writing as vexatious
arv, syntax and idiom; „ , _ ,. ^ aI.
but general excellence as the stiffness of the Puudits, and the
ia its healthy direc- missionary Beno^ali has always been
tioii towards simpli- . .' .
city and naturalness. the sport of criticism. Ylut, inspite of
these and other aberrations, the gene-
ral excellence of their style in one direction at least can
' See the remarks on Carey's Dialogues at p. 146.
GENERAL CHARACTERISTtCS 28J)
never be disputed, namely, that its simplicity, precision, and
directness presents a strikin<jj contrast to the sescpiipedalian
affectation of the Sanscrit pundits or the mixed jargon of
the Persianised munsis. Carey and his co-adjutors brought
to their task, that of translation and tract-writing, a com-
bination of education and object. They were men all
trained in the severe science of theological study : and they
always strove to be exact and intelligible to the jieople.
„, , . . , , Their training compelled them to be
1 he training and ob- .
jcct of those European precise and their object compelled them
to be forcible. No better exercisinsr
ground for an infant prose, in at least some ways, could have
been provided than the combined one of translation and
polemic. The utilitarian end of these European writers,
their realistic tendency, their position, influence and
attainment directed the whole movement towards simplicity
and naturalness, and it is well worthy of note that even
some of the learned pundits of the P'ort AVilliam College,
through their example, did not despise to adopt occasion-
ally the popular ^ifl/y?'* of the country.'
Thus it will be seen that, at the beginning of the 19th
century there were, roughly speak-
Tho subseqnent his- ■ £Q^^^. different ways or modes of
toi-y of these foar" *=" •'
divergent styles expression, struggling to gain ground
and competing for mastery, namely
*tf3"it ^^, "srt^^ '»t^, ^f^ ^t^ and >rfc^ft ^W^n. Of
these, the «lM^ '«W (court-language) in course of time,
with the general disuse and discontinuance of Persian
in law-courts, became almost extinct, and by 1836 we find
but little trace of it, except in a few legal technical
> See, for example, the story of f'^'t'^^'iP in Mrtyufljay'a
Prabodh-chaiKJrika, f^^ g^, «»Pl ^^. part of which is quoted
ante at pp. 221.222.
37
290 BENGALI LITERATURE
publications. The spoken idiom (^T "ct^O favoured chiefly
by the old school of writers like the Kabiwalas and used in
country-places, never came into any direct prominence.
The onlv two forms of style which
between the plain and other in the prose publications of the
the ornate styles. . , • i i
time and eontmued to play an im-
portant part in the literary history down to the fifties,
were the learned style (^ffQ'ft «t^), on the one hand, and
the missionary style (^Tll^ff ^t^rt^Tl), on the
other. The exclusive class of learned pundits
still kept on in the traditional stiffness of their elaborate
diction, while a host of new writers, who came into the
field with the spread of English education^ generally
adopted the language of the missionaries in
a purer and more modified form. The perpetually
recurring struggle between the ornate and the plain
styles - which pla3's an important part in the history
of prose style in- almost every literature, was for the firit
time definitely posed and worked out in Bengali prose in
this period — the ornate style being favoured by the pundits
and the plain style chiefly adopted by the missionary writers.
The style of the pundits found a
This opposition be- i ^ • xi c /
comes more wcll-de- tlirect clescenciant in the oanscnf.
818 of the Alali ana ..
the Sanscrit College the Aluli -ifvle, which betokened
styles of the fifties.
a contemporary reactionaiy move-
ment, found its progenitor, through various intermedi-
aries, primarily in the healthy movement towards simpli-
city and naturalness, first inaugurated by the Europeans,
' Of whom the most prominent name is that of Rev. Kr.jnamohan
Bamlyopiidhay.
« See pp. 147, 219-20.
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS 291
althoui^h socoudarily it incori)orated various elements from
the laufjuage of the common people (^fir© '«t^) and oven
from the persianised court-lang'uage ('^rt^tsT^t ^^). Thus
we see that this opposition between the plain and the
ornate styles persistently dominated the history of Ben-
gali prose for almost half a century and reached to a
crisis in the two antithetical movements of the fif-
ties — indicated by the Alall sfi/le and the Sanserif College
Synthesis in Baiikim- -f////^ — of which the f^enins of
*'''""'^"'- a writer like Baukimchandra alone
could find a proper synthesis.
It will be seen therefore that from the standpoint of
literary history, the importance of this period in prose
is hardly less than that of any other.
Formal importance -n l -l ^ l- i i ^i i xi
of this period; but -t>nt its productions, marked that they
its fiu- less intrinsic are bv earliness and immaturity,
merit. "
have far less intrinsic merit.
No historian of literature can claim anvthins: like literarv
competency for much of this early prose, if he judji^os it
by any strict literary standard. Originality is not a
distinctive merit of this literature at all. Grammars,
school-books, religious tracts, and
Want of originality.
other similar documents, most or them
again mere translated pieces, cannot, in their very nature,
justly claim to be called literature. In their translations
again these writers are faithful enough : there is hardly
any native aspiration to be free and original. Here and
there, no doubt, they improved upon the capital that
came into their hands but thoy seldom created
or broke loose from their original. The style, again, is of
the rudest character, abrupt, disconnected, obscure, and full
of anacolutha, not only in the works of the missionaries
whose command over the inherent resources of the lan-
guage must have necessarily been limited and whose repute
rort.
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^94. BENGALI LITERATURE
Chemistry and Medicine — everywhere we trace the inde-
fatigable activity of the European writers. It is true that
most of these works were meant merely to be text-books
but they are equally significant of the zeal of their authors
as writers and teachers and of the encouragement which was
afforded to the cause of learning. The multiplication of
Grammar and Dictionary, no doubt,
Grammar and Die- points to a zealous movement towards
tionary.
the scientific study of the language,
but it must be admitted that in the lexicons compiled by
European writers, undue prepcndeiance is given to Sanscrit
words and the proportion of purely native Bengali words
is comparatively small : while the Grammars, on the other-
hand, are written mostly on the pattern of English
Grammars and coniequently fail to set in relief the peculiar
features of the oriental vernacular. Little need be said of
the works on History and Biography,
History, Biography Ethics and Moral Tales, for almost
Ethics and Moral
Tales. all these writings consist of mere
translation : but a peculiar interest
attaches, as we have seen, to the Bengali scientific writings
of this period for their useful glossaries of technical and
difficult terms as well as for their
Scientific writings, manner and method of rendering
scientific ideas into Bengali. But,
besides these contributions to the department of useful
knowledge, there came about, under theEuro])ean influence,
a vogue for realism and social satire. The popular opinion
has always leant to the supposition that
Realism and social • ,i • i Ji-j ^ rr i ^i
gatire^ in this sphere AUii and Untam are the
pioneer works, but even long before
these works were published, from the time of Carey's
Dialogues downwards, numerous works (such as Bhabilni-
eharan's KaUkata Kamalala)/a or Pramathanuth Sarma's
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS 2'J5
Naha Babu Biliisa) were published which served as models
for Afal and Hntain and which had indeed reached a
hi^h degree of success and popularity. Another important
Hold into which these Europeans directed the energy of
Bengali writers is that of journalism.
Joarnalism,
Thanks to the coui-age and zeal of its
promoters, the dillicult social and pi)litical conditions under
which it was started never retarded its growth, and its long
and interesting history bears witness to the enormous
popularity and usefulness of this organ of popular opinion.
CHAPTER IX
Interregnum in Poetry from 1760.
The elosinsi: years of the 18th century and the begin-
ning of the 19th form a period of transition from old
Bengali to modern Bengali literature; and in this period,
as in every period of transition, while access was obtained
to new ideas and new methods, the old traditions in lite-
rature still lived on. In the light of the Europeanised
literature of to-day, prominence must be and has been
given to European activity in Bengali Literature
of this period, yet from the death of Uharat-chandra in
1760 to the death of Isvar Gupta in 1858, llourished a
class of Bengali writers, chieHy poets, who were un-inlluen-
ced by English ideas and who main-
A body of indige- tained, even with declining powers,
nous literature o i *
the literary traditions of the past.
Literary history, as a rule, is studded with such ' survivals '
or * relics,' if we may use these terms ; but it is hardly
correct to regard these outbursts of purely native inspira-
tion as mere empty echoes of the past or flickering reac-
tionary movements which the historian of literature may
safely ignore. The tendencies of European or Euro-
peanised writers may, in a sense, be described as exotic ;
but these inheritors of the Hterary traditions and instincts
of the ancient race, on the other hand,
representing, ia con. were essentially national in sentiment
trast to the writings , '
of the Europeans, a and expression, and as such, repre-
distinct phase of lite- , l e ii i.- c
rary development. sent, apart from all question of
intrinsic excellence, a phase of lite-
rary development which we cannot very well pass over.
INTERREGNUM IN POETRY £97
The literature of the first half ol' tiie IJth contury is
dominated in the main by two distinct tendencies ; the
one is fostered by European writers or by men tutored
in European ideas and marked i^onerally by the spirit of
an intellectual aristocracy, while the other derives its
strength from the essence of native genius, untouched by
foreign ideas, and expresses itself chiefly in various forms
of popular literature. The one, dressed in the new apparel
of prose, goes forth to capture the gifts of the new know-
ledge, but the other, conveyed in the traditionary vehicle
of verse, remains content with the spiritual inheritance
of the past, diminished though it is with the lapse of
time. The antagonism between these two tendencies,
though it may not be very marked in later periods,'
lasts throughout the literary history
Antafironism between ^f ^jjg jyt-j^ eenturv : and in the
two opposing tcnden- •'
cies in the lOtli literature of to-day, although the
century Uteratnre. . • i /« i i
truimpli or the new tendency is
said to be fully proclaimed yet it remains to be considered
how far this trium})h has been or may be aciiieved without
makiuiT legitimate concessions to the demands of the
opposing tendency. Till the death of Lsvar Gupta, in
whom we find indeed the last, if not the least, valiant
champion of the old race, the antagonism is definitely
posed and consistently worked out. ^^'i^h the death of
lsvar Gupta, we are at the end of the most effective note
in the ancient trend of thought and feeling ; and followers
of the old tendency thereafter, in struggling to maintain
their own against the stronger drift of new ideas, were
obviously fighting for a lost cause.
Decay of the old 1?^^^ siuce that time the cause may
style; but its unmis-
takable influence in indeetl be regarded as lost, and any
later literature. . . . , i ^ • ^i i j
attempt to-day to revive the old
style would be possibly as futile and ridiculous as the
38
298 BENGALI LITERATURE
attempt of Don Quixote to revive the expiring days of
chivalry. But, even thouj^h the cause was lost^ its lessons
were not lost ; the principles for which it had fought survived
and found gradual acceptance. However imperceptible
the process had been, it succeeded in tempering the un-
licensed Europeanisation of later literature : it afforded a
healthy antidote against the unchecked alienation of
literature from national sensibilities ; it represented a
strong counter-current of purely native energy, which,
if it never forced itself directly to the surface, never at
the same time failed to make its subtle and wholesome
influence felt. It is a mistake to suppose that the old
tendency absolutely died out with the death of Isvar
Gupta. It never died out but it left its enduring vitality
in the current of national thought and feeling, unmistak-
able influence of which may be traced even in the literature
of to-day. The spirit of an age or race, yielding to that
of its successor, continues to abide in it as anessential
ingredient, assumed, transformed and carried forward.
In an historical survey of the 19th century literature,
therefore, we cannot mistake the significance of this ten-
dency of literature, which derived its inspiration primarily
from conditions of national culture which were not access-
ible to European or Europeanised writers of the first half
of that century. AVe must indeed give the more prom-
nent place to European writers and those who trod
in their footsteps, because it is chiefly through their efforts,
aided no doubt by the hand of the foreign government,
that the dominance of western ideas iiltimately
strengthened itself and gave the final bent to the form
and spirit of modern literature; yet the account of the
period would surely be incomplete if we do not take into
consideration this stream of purely indigenous acti\nty
flowing in the opposite direction and the extent of
iNTEItllEGNUM IN POETRY 299
its inlluence in moulding the literary characteristics
of the age.
The historical importauce, therefore, of this inferior
but not insignificant band of writers
The historical im- belonging to tlic old school lies,
portaace of those in- . '
dijjenous writers. mainly as we have seen, in the fact
that whatever may be the intrinsic
value of their writings they examplify and hand down in
their own way the failing inspiration of earlier days and
thus maintain the continuitv of liteVarv history durin«r
the period of interregnum between the death of Hhiirat
Chandra and the emergence of the new sehool. Althouirh
some of them lived far into the first half of the lUth
century they do not reflect the growing literary tendencies
of the new era but they keep up the old manner of
thought, the oKl fashion of imagination, and the old form
of expression and thus secure the inheritance of ancient
literature for the . advantage of the new generation.
Standing as they do, on the the gateway of modern
literature they give little or no jiresentiment of things
to come, they do not announce the future ; but they
represent the past and stoutly, if unconsciously, make
their stand for a fast disappearing form of art and
expression which drew its inspiration from the past life
of the nation itself and which was not without its
signiticance to the new life the nation was entering
u{X)n.
There was a time, however, when the value of these
writings was totally forgotten or ignored. They appeared
contemptible in the eyes of the so-
Valae of this Htera- ^^\i^^ Young Bengal of the last
tare not to be iguorcd " "
or forgotten. century who harl been tutored rigidly
in western ideas and western literature
to the exclusion of everything national. Even to-day
300 BENGALI LITE RAT URi!
it is doubtful if we have entirely outsrrown this stage of
defective mental susceptibility, although critics are not
wanting who would go to the other extreme of fanatical
admiration. Isvar Gupta, in the early fifties, spoke in
exuberantly enthusiastic language of the untutored songs
of the old Kabis ; yet if we are to take Baiikim-ohandra
as the representative of the next generation, we find his
age regarding these compositions with frank disapproval,
if not always with superior contempt. In recent years,
when we are not altogether obtuse and irresponsive, we
have taught ourselves to speak in sober tone and measured
lano'uajre. In literary history, there are no doubt extreme
vicissitudes of taste whereby the idols of the past genera-
tion crumble suddenly to dust, while new favourites are
raised to the old pedestal of glory ; yet in spite of such
successive waves of aesthetical preference, we must guard
against falling into the error of orthodox dogmatism, on
the one hand, and tlie ignorant following of fashion, on
the other. Leaving aside personal predilections and the
narrowness of sects and coteries we liud critics even to-
day who would see nothing in these forms of literature
which is well worth a moment's thought. INIuch of this
literature, as in the case of some of the songs of the
Kabiwalas, is no doubt transient and e]>hemeral and there
is certainly much in it which is really contemptible; yet
the frivolity of an imitative culture or the wild pursuit of
ever-shifting litemry fashion ought not to blind us to the
historical and literary value, whatever it might be, of the
art and literature of a generation which has passed away.
It is idle to regard any particular form of art or mode
of utterance as final or absolutely authoritative. Critical
taste should be more open-minded and unprejudiced and
the study cf literature should be placed upon sounder
historical and scientific methods.
INTERREGNUM IN POETRY 30l
We propose In the following pages to take these
writers in the old style iu the groups mentioned below.
It would not be necessary for us to
Grouping of iliis fipj,] ^^.jti, tijjg j.]ass of writings in
minute di'tail ; it would be enough
for our purpose if we indicate broadly the phase of literary
development which they represent and give a more or
less general survey of their work and achievement. It
may be noted here at the outset that in the ease of many
of these groups, mateiials for study are extremely scanty
and scattered, and most of the writings which belong to
this section have not been yet critically studied or edited.
In the case of PamcJiali and Yatra and devotional songs,
for instance, no attempt has yet been made to collect
either data and materials for tracing their systematic
history or even to make a satisfactory collection of these
t^oating and fast vanishing forms of literature. Under
this condition of imperfect knowledge of the subject no
apology is necessary for imperfect treatment and what is
offered here must be taken as nothing more than a merely
tentative and preliminary attenipt.
(1) Kabiwalas.
(2) Nidhu Babu an^l writers of TappZi.
(3) Followers of Ram-prasud and writers of devo-
tional songs.
(4) Followers of liharat-ehandra.
(5) Isolated followers of ancient authors : Jay-
nilrliyan (Jiiosal, Raghunandan Gosvami and others.
(6) Authors of Pami-fiaN and Yatra.
(7) Miscellaneous songsters.
CHAPTER X
Kabiwalas
The existence of Kabi-songs may be traced to the
begiuuing of the 18th century or even beyond it to the
17th, but the most flourishing- period of the Kabiwalas
was between 1760 and I8o0. Rasu and Nrsiiiiha were
born somewhere between 1734 and 1788 ; Haru Thakur
in 1738; Nitai Bairagt in 174-7; so
Chronology and that between 1760 and 1780, they
classification or Kabi- _
literature. bad all reached the height of their
reputation as songsters and made
this form of literary amusement popular throughout the
country. During the conlinuance of the dual government
therefore between 1765 and 1775, and in the period of
literary interregnum which followed upon the death of
Bharat-chandra, they were the most considerable pretenders
in the literary field ; and if the mantle of the old authors
did not exact!}' suit their narrow shoulders, they attempt-
ed in the main to echo the sentiment and ideas of old-
world poetry. Most of these greater Kabiwalas lived
into the period of British rule. Bilsu and Nrsimha died
between 1805 and 1807 ; but Haru Thakur lived up to
1812 and Nitai even bej'ond that to 1821. Rilm Basu,
though in a sense considerably junior to these earlier poets,
having been born in 1786, died early in 1828. After
these greater Kabiwalas, came their followers, disciples
and imitators who maintained the tradition of Kabi-poetry
up to the fifties or beyond it. The Kabi-poetry therefore
covers roughly the long stretch of a century from 1760 to
1860, although after 1830 all the greater Kabiwalas one
by one had passed away and Kabi-poetry had rapidly
KABIWALAS 303
declined in the hands of their le.-ss ij^ifted followers. We
shall have therefore to distin;j^iiish three different periods
of Kabi-lit'rature— (I) Before 17G0. (i) Between 1700
and 1880. (3) After 1830.
The Kabi-j)oetry, however, has been subjected to an
amount of harsh and even contemptuous criticism which
it hardlv ever deserved. The Reforniin<2: Youns: Bengral
of the fortit's considered all forms of popular amusements
— Kadi, Yatra, or PavK'/iuli — to be contemptible. We shall
see that there had gradually come into
Unfavourable recep. Kabi-son<^s elements which were
tion of these songs in ^
later times. really contemptible ; but what strikes
one in the study of these popular
forms of literature is that throughout the 19th century,
with the exception of Isvar Gupta and a few isolated
appreciators of things ancient, the so-called educated men
of tiiat century hardly ever cared to make a sympathetic
study, much less to realise their literary or historical
importance. Even to-day they do not seem to have
received their due amount of attention or appreciation,
although none but the most opinionative or the most
obtuse would seriously consider them to be wholly worthless
or wholly contemptible. Inspite of the apparent uncertainty
of critical determinations, the historical importance of
these songs, apart from all question of artistic valuation,
cannot surely be denied. The old Kabi-literature does not
require an apologist to-day but it stands upon its own
inherent claims to be treated in an historical survey
of Bengali literature of this century.
But the materials and means for a critical study
of this literature are extremely
Materials and means scant V ; and at the same time it is
of study scanty. * i <« •
doubtful whether even much of it
can bear verv well a thorough critical examination. We
304. BENGALI LITERATURE
at present find only scattered abroad a few fragments
which may convey a knowledge of this literature but
which are insufficient to familiarise us witii it so as to
enable us either to appreciate its beauty, construct its
history or determine its value. Informations about the
lives of these Kabiwalas or with regard to the general
history of Kabi-poetry are extremely scanty ; what re-
mains consists of a few traditional stories, often useless
and ill-authenticated.
When we consider the peculiar conditions under which
most of these songs were composed and the mode in which
they were transmitted we can, to
Why the literature go^e extent, understand why a very
was not preserved. ' ;
small and fragmentary part of this
literature has come down to us. These Kabis were not
properly speaking, leisured and accomplished men of
letters, cultivating literature for its own sake, and their
productions were not deliberate
Peculiar method af Jiferarv Compositions meant for a
composition and mode _ _ *'
of transmission. critical audience. Their very name
Damda Kabi (^^t^f^)' indicates
perhaps the peculiar way in which they extemjjorised their
sono's. standinsx like a rhapsodist before a motley assembly,
althouffh it is difficult to say from what time exactly this
appellation was first applied to them. The evil dajs of
the latter half of the \8th century, we have seen, necessitat-
ed the growth of a class of " poets '' whose calling had
' It seems that this epithet is very old : but according to one
version the epithet Damda Kubi was applied to distinguish Kali froTu
Hap-akhdai, which was a hybrid species, formed out of Kabi and
alchdai, and which was therefore a kind of bana-l-abi. (Preface to
Manomohan Qltaball, written by Manomolian Baeu himself.) But see
Janma-bhumi, vii, p. 58.
KABnVALAS 305
now become an irropjular profession and a reijular means
of livelihood, and of a lody of literature whieli was marked
hy carelessness rather tlian l)v scrupulousness and whieli
belonijcd to that clafs of writings conveniently termed
ephemeral journalism. The »uthors had no hiu;her
ambition than that of immediately pleasinu^ their patrons
and ^aininf]f their cheap praise and pay. They never
cared to reach that mark of excellence which would make
jwsterity pause before it would willinfjjly let their produc-
tions perish. These sounds, apjain, had fronerally circulatetl
in the mouths of the people ; in course of time, while some
were fori^ottcn, others »jjot curiously mixed u\) or passed
throufjjh stranoje transformations until, as in their present
extant form, they can hardly be called the genuine oriu^inal
works of their creator, or with confidence be referred to
this or that individual author. No critical appreciation or
discrimination was expected and none was made. The
literature was for<]jotten no sooner than a f^eneration had
passe<l away. Even in 1854, Tsvar Gupta lamented that
most of these songs had already vanished in his time or
had l)een fast vanishing and his self-imposed task of
colleetinu these old songs had been rendered difhcult
by the fact that he had to depend entirely upon
the uncertain and fleeting memory of old men who
had beon, day by day, dropping away. Except
Nidhu Hiil)U among the earlier group — and Nidhu Bfibu,
though a patron of ak/idai, can hardly be classed as a
Kabiwala — none of these jwu'ts or their followers
ever cared to reduce their songs to writing. Printing
was hardly known in those days and, if known, was
too expensive and dilheult of access to these necnly
poncsters ; yet men like Ilaru Thakur had rich
patrons like Haja Naba Krsna to whom it had
never occurred that these floating songs were worth
39
306 BENGALI LITERATURE
pi'cservincj. Tlie chanjje of taste and fashion in the
next genoration and the contempt with which all earlier
writino^ had come to be re<:^arded conld hardly favour
the idea of preserving or collecting this literature in
any form. It is not surprising therefore that no attempt
at a collection and preservation of
Our chief source of ^.j^^^^. ^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^j^ ^Uj -^^
iniormation. _ ^
1854, Isvar Guj^ta, whose poetic
sympathies allied him with Kabiwalas and who him-
self was no mean composer of Kabi-song, first collected
and published some to these half forgotten songs in
the pages of his Sambad -prohJiaka r . It is chiefly through
his untiring zeal and devoted labours, ably seconded
by the efforts of a few other later collectors, that we
possess what remains of this Kabi-literature ; for although
several inferior anthologies have been made since then,
most of these, with or without acknowledgment, draw
liberally from the rich fund which he had supplied
half a century ago and little substantial addition has
been made to our knowledge ever since.
It is very difficult, in the absence of materials, to
trace the origin of this peculiar form
Origin aud growth j literature, hardly at all literarv,
of Kabi-poetry. > j . '
which expressed itself in songs but
which was chiefly meant for popular amusement. Most
of the songs which have come down to us belong
to a date posterior to the middle of the 18th century ;
in tracing, therefore, the form and spirit of this verse, as it
existed earlier than this date, we must be guided
chiefly by conjecture derived from the study of the
later fragments which have been preserved as well as
by an examination of the general drift of the literature
itself. It must be noted, however, that song-literal ure
is not a novel thing in Bengali : for it had formed
KABIWALAS 307
a part of the social ami religious lite of the people,
and relii^ious I'estivitiis, enlivened by sin«>in<:j, were
celebrated with a gaiety which had its mundane sici^.
Even with the decline of Baisnabism, which had brought
in its wake a glorious time of sweet singing, and with the
revival of Silkta and other forms of literature in the
18th century, the tradition of song-making had never
been extinct. The Baisnabs, by their i)eri])atetic singing,
had spread songs broadcast leavening, as they did, the
popular mind ; and although times and circumstances had
changed, the perennial love of song, which marks Bengali
literature throughout its history, always survived. The
l>olitical troubles of the 18th century and the social
changes consequent thereupon naturally precluded any
serene exercise of serious literature except perhaps in
remote villages or in the comparatively secure and
luxurious courts of noble patrons ; but the popular
craving was satisfied, on the one hand, by f/atra-f,
paifu'/ia/i, and other cognate forms of popular literature
in which also there was always an exclusive preponderance
of the song-element, and by the devotional songs like
those of Rilm-praslld and his followers, on the other.
It was about this time that the Kabiwalas had come
into prominence. The time was not for thought : it
wanteil song and amusement ; the Kabiwalas, who could
give them, had soon become popular.
But the days of royal or other forms of patronage
had been fast vanishing. The poets
The nudioncc for fv^Uep q,^ gyil days, had to dcjiend
whom it was com-
posed more and more upon the favour of
the cajtricious and half-educated
public who now became their chief patrons. The ruin
of old /cmindars and j)rincely houses, begun in the
latter days of the Mohammedan rule and completed
a08 BENGALI LlTERATUllE
in the earlier days of British supremacy, had broiij^ht into
existence, as we have seen, a class of up-start landlords
and speculators who stepped into their places but who
could not be expected to i)03sess the same inherited tradi-
tion of culture and relinement as marked the ancient aris-
tocracy of the land. The commercial banians, seths, and
merchants, on the other hand, in the new flourishing
eitieSj now growing into importance, constituted them-
selves a class of patrons who demanded literature, not of
a fine stuff but that which could afford them momentary
excitement of pleasure in the intervals of engrossing
business. The new public had neither the leisure, the
capacity nor the willingness to study or appieciate any re-
production of the finer shades and graces of earlier poetry.
This was the audience ^ for whom, in the main, the Kabi-
walas sang their songs, and it is no wonder that the tone
and temper of the literature they pro-
reacted upon it and duced was debased through this un-
contributcd to its dc- "
basement. holy contact. "Ihis debasement was
complete in the next generation when
with the spread of western education and consequent re-
volution in taste, these songs had been banished totally from
' respectable ' society and descended to the lower classes
who demanded a literature suited to their uneducated
' The suggestion (Dincsli Cliandra Sen, Histonj, p. G97) tliat the low
caste of tlie songsters show that tlie institution was essentially for
the amusement of the illiterate rustics who fonnod its chief audience,
is hardly borne out by facts. This form of entertainment obtained
specially in urban centres like Chaudannagar, Chinsurah and Calcutta
and most of the Kabiwalas were not rural rustics but men bred up
in the cities. Ram Basu, Haru Thakur, Nitfii BainlgT and indeed the
whole host of them lived in Calcutta or in the neighbouring cities.
Kabi-poetry itself, if not completely urban, is however devoid of all
stamps of rusticity.
KABIWALAS :50«.)
taste. Tlii-s was the beginning- of k/icud ( C^^^ ) and
llap-ak/aUi ( J^t'l-^^^tt ) i" Kabi-llterature. In the
earlier days Kabi-son«^s had been composed and sun^' in
•^reat ceremonies and festivals and the subjects of these
souti-s irenerallv referred to relii'ious themes; in the latter
days, even in the days of Nitili Bairili^l, Isvar (jn[)ta tells
us, " f^ftl ^C^^1 ^sntC^ ^^'n ^«?^ Wm\ C^^^ 'A\l^ ^^
i^^"; and an illustrative anecdote is related, with
reference to Nitai, which runs thus : ' 'S\'ssc^ ^^^ Q\,
■Jitf^^n ^JT^ ^5f^T^ ^5jf^ ^i^^K^, ^t^^ «^ '^^ ^^ ^f^c«-
^t^t'f 5i^c«i ^^51 ^?il cwt^fc^t^^^t ^srr^c^ frt^t^jji f^<^^t^
^?(j ^f^ci '^t^: c^'^^ c^«tt, ^Tt?r^ ^f? ^t^T^f^f^^ ^ft^
(Trt^fa^CJi^ c^'^ «(f^^1 ^t^t^f^^f^ ^f^^ f^c^ "^r^^
Not only in taste, but also in theme, style and diction,
Kabi-songfs dey;enerated. The later ij^rouj) of poems from
this [)oint of view aftords an interost-
Deseneration of later ing contrast to the works of the
Kabi-noLtry i" theme, ,. . , ,., i n i
style and diction. earlier period. \\ e shall liave occa-
sion to speak of this matter in de-
tail but it may be noted here at the outset that a wide
divergence in method, manner and inspiration exists
between the earlier and the later Sfroups of Kabi-poetry.
The earlier Kabi-son2:s were not, as crenerally supposed,
whollv unpremeilitated and wantinu; in all sense of artistic
arrani^ement or unity of structure ; on the contrary, they
were all composed as we shall see with due deference, as
' Sainhad FraWMkar, Agrabfijan 1, 12G1, p. 6.
3i0 BENGALI LITERATURE
in the ease of the sonnet, to delinite rules of lino-anange-
ment, (jenenil stiueture and fhvnie-endino-. Li later
times, witii the introduction of livel\' //aj)-a^'//(la' and
khend, the more studied structure of earlier songs were
replaced by a mode of utterance, off-hand but effective in
its unexpectedness and vigorous vulgarity, defiant of
all laws and lost to every sense of artistic composition.
We hear of the existence of disputants or two opposing
' parties ' who took up different aspects of a particular
theme and replied to each other in songs, even from the
very earliest time when this form of amusement had
sprung into existence ; and it was probably these
passados in the bout of poetical dialectics which iiad lent
in the popular mind a piquancy and zest to these songs
and had thus made them preferable perhaps to ijairas
and ^va7«,c'/^a/t.s which did not include such 'wit-combats'
in their scope. But in the earlier period, a consultation
used to be held between the parties and the themes and
'replies' were made ready before they were sung. It was
Ram Basu, a later Kabiwala, who first introduced the
innovation of extempore and free verbal fight between the
parties.' From his time, these 'fiytings' of the Kabi-
walas had become, in the proper sense, unpremeditated ;
and as such, they had come to possess all the qualities and
defects of unpremeditated compositions. The u»oxpcctcd
turns of phrases, the clash of witticism, the pungent raci-
ness of colloquial vulgarity were no doubt pleasing to the
mob : but what is good rhetoric for the groundlings is
bad for literature. AVe can never expect any literary
finish or artistic grace in compositions which the necessity
of quick and witty roply had brought into existence and
' Pruchlii Kuli-t^diuijydha, cd. Gopiil Chandra Mnkhopadhyay,
IJ.S. 1284, lutioductiou, p. ii.
KAHIWALAS .ill
wliioli were meant to lie more racy aiul ell'ectivf than :iii\-
thiiiijf else. Cnarseness, scurrility and colliujnali.sm, nn-
re<leeme«.l by any sense of artistic oxpro.«si<)n, In'^an to
increase in volume and ultimately Kabi-sonjj^s suLsideil
into vulLjar and abusive verbiai^e.
It is not surprisinir, therefore, to tind that to many a
modern reader. Kabi-literature connotes little more tlinii
^•I'vd and bad'taste ; but it must not
Uetter quality of 1^. fori,rotton that in its inception, it
earlier Knbi-poetry. ^ v^j n n, n
drew its inspiration from a purer
source. The sincere religiousness of the earlier Kabi-
son«^s is unmistakable and inspite of lak'r importation and
popularity of subjects like Biralui or
Its religioas thomes. .
Si/,nl-mmOa<l,^ religion still conti-
nued to supj)Iy the essential injxredient. Althoufjh there
are many thint^s which at once mark them off from the
Baisiiab poets, the earlier Kabiwalas were in more than
one sense, nearly allied to their u^reat j)redecessors. When
Haisnabism and its romantic literature had subsided lower
and lower into a kind of decrepitude in thr IStli century
and a militant Sfikta literature of a more or less classical
type had <j;rown up, the Kabiwalas, in however ijropini;
fashion, tried to keep up the older tradition an«l san*];
i^enerally of Uadlili and Kr.siia. The classical form of art
which had taken shape in the IStli century and culminated
in thewritinp^s of Bharat Chandra was the result as well as
the cause of the rapid decline of Bai.snabism and its
' SakKisaAihiid was not secular in thcnio but in spirit. It inclndod
snch things as Prahhut'i or Bhor-gun (Awakening of Rildhil or Kr?na in
the morning or RadhiVs morning npjioamnro ns a khnvdita), Ooftha,
(in which figure Yoaodil, the Ixiy Kp^jiin rtn<I his Ijoy -com pan ions),
m'lthur (whore Knbjl and Brnd.i gonornlly come in), hesidos r,l,lhiiba-
saikbud, Prabhat etc.
312 BENGALI LITERATURE
literal mc in that period ; and the 18th century literature is
marked throni^hout by an entire absence of the literary
infhience of the lyric and romantic songs of Baisnab
poets. The literary practice of the 18th century is a
natural reaction and SJfoing back to conventional
standards of verse-makin<,^, with a more or less decided
leauiniOf towards the ornate and the erudite. Rhetoric
rather than truth, fancy rather than imaoination,
intellect rather than feeling- — this becomes the move
mundane means of poetry, in which we miss the
passionate idealism or the lyric mysticism of the Bai.snabs.
The Kabiwalas, no doubt, were carried away more or less
by this general literary drift of the period ; but it was the
Kabiwalas alone who had kept up the tradition of Baisnab
poetry in this age of a militant literary tendency. That
Kabi-literature, in some wny or other, is connected
with Baisnab literature and that the
Alliance ^^■ith the Kabiwalas, were, if not the lineal
Baisnab poets,
descendant, at least distantly related
to the great Baisnab poets, is shown to some extent by
the fact that the best part of earlier Kabi-songs relates to
the eternal Baisnab theme — the love of Rudha and Krgna
with all its attendant intricacies of man, walJinr, hiralio,
(joi^tha, and other things. The Kabiwalas, it is true, have
not o-ot much of the accumulated virtue of Baisnab
verse and phrase as well as its deep note of passion and ful-
ness of romantic colour ; yet it is remarkable that they still
make use of the imagery and the hackneyed generalities
of Baisnab writings, and generally echo the sentiments
and ideas which had become established in literary usage
since the time of the Baisnab poets. It is not always safe
to dogmatise, in the absence of evidence, on influences or
on the question of literary filiation ; but these facts,
amono" others, would tend to indicate the existence of an
KABIWALAS 313
unmistakable' relatioiishi'i) between the Baisnab writers and
the Kabiwalas. It is true that the Kabiwalas never
possessed the genius and devotional fervour of the old
Baisnab poets, that none of the Kabi-songs reaches that
standard of literary excellence which has made Baisnab
poetry so resplendent, and that the Kabiwalas, in course
of time, admitted more mundane subjects and themes and
allowed themselves infinite looseness of speech and style :
yet when we come across lines like the following sung by
Nitfii Baii-Iul
*fTt^1?f t\^ TtC^ ^f% f^f^'C^ I
^^ tr^ ^t^^ ^pt f^pt^ II
Tu:^ c^^ ^5f ^sr^'ti ^^^,
^ii\ ^ta1 5r^«i II
we are at once reminded of many a line from the Baisnab
poets, although it is quite probable that it is not a question
of direct imitation or assimilation and that none of the
Kabiwalas had any straight access to any of these older
poets. The Kabiwalas were not a lettered class of studious
poets : they probably never had any opportunity of direct-
ly utilising the ancient wealth of the land ; yet whatever
might have been the source through which the tendency
had filtered down, they echo primarily in their songs the
sentiment and taste of a bye-gone age, and through this
inherited tendency and probably through indirect, if not
direct, literary filiation, they trace their ultimate ancestry
to the ancient Baisnab poets.'
' The theory, pat forward by Dineshchandra Sen (History, p. 697)
that Kabi-songs originally constituted p-irta of old yatras, the simple
operatic episodes of which were separately worked np into this siiecial
species, is hardly convincing ; for in the first place, there are no
data to support this suggestion; secondly, the two kinds had essentially
different characteristics ; and thirdly, the one ifl not due to the break-up of
40
314 BENGALI LITERATURE
It is not our purpose here te enter into details but any
student of ancient Bengali literature is well aware that
Baisnab poetry cannot be very strictly described as simple
and unsophisticated ; for although it can to-day be enjoyed
as pure poetry or as the expression of fervent religious
longiugf^ in the language of human passion, it can never
be regarded as the spontaneous i)ro-
The spirit of Baisnab i , p -i- i i •
poetry and its psycho- uuct of an uncritical and ingenuous
logical and metaphysi- fajth. This religious-amatorv poetry
cal formalism. ^ . i. ^
presupposed a psychology and a
metaphysic which had been reduced to an elaborate system
and which possessed a peculiar phraseology and a set of
conceits of its own. The romantic commonplaces of
Baisnab poetiy, familiar to any reader not only through
its poetry but also through elaborate rhetorical treatises like
Vjjvala-Nllamani or elaborate semi-metaphysical works
like Sat-sandarbha or Ilari-bhakti-rasaiiirta-siiidhu, are in a
sense factitious, professional and sectarian, if not doctrinaire
or didactic. Many of the famous Baisnab poets, no doubt,
got out of their conventional material the kind of effect
which appeals to us most strongly and there is the sheer
force of poetic inspiration in many of them which lifts their
poetry into the highest level of artistic utterance, yet all
the floods of their Ivric and romantic idealism cannot
altogether cover their psychological formalism, their
rhetoric of ornament and conceits, their pedantry of
metaphysical sentimentalism. The endless diversity of
amorous condition grouped conveniently \m(\.ev mau,mat/ni.r,
the other as both existed simultaneously throughout the course of their
literary history. The other theory {^Janma-hhumi, vii., p. 58) that Kabi
was originally a part of Pamchali is more or less open to similar objec-
tions. The exact significance of the term Pamchali itself is uncertain ;
what character it possessed in earlier times is not definitely
known.
KABIWALAS 315
hiraht, purburag, milan and the like, is froatt'd no doubt
with emotional directness but they subside into ai^iveable
formulas and dofjmatic shibboleths. Leavinj^ aside indi-
vidual independence of trait so marked in ])oets like
Bidyapati, Chandidfis or Jnunadas, when we come to the
les^ion of lesser lij^hts we find that, although these minor
poets share more or less in the general poetic spirit
pervading the age, there is yet a monotonous sameness of
characteristics, inevitably suggesting a sense of artificiality.
In spite of its romantic charm and lyrie afiluenee, the
tiiemes and subjects of this poetry lacked variety and
exuberance of inventive thought. We meet over and over
again with the same tricks of expression, the same strings
of nouns and adjectives, the same set of situations, the same
group of conceits and the same system of emotional
analysis. In the greater poets, the sentiment is refined and
the exj)ression sufficiently varied ; in the lesser poets, they
degenerate into rigid artistic conventionalities. When the
Kabiwalas came to inherit the spiritual estate of their
poetical ancestors, Bai^nab poetry had
imperfectly coinmn- |j^.p„ reduced almost to a mechanic
nicated to Kabi-poetrv.
art ; its conceptions had become
stereotyped and its language conventional. But its faith,
its religious enthusiasm, had by that time filtered down
through all the crudities of its surroundings into a simple
uucjue-Jtioned and habitual form of religiosity. Its spiritual
essence alone survived ; its commonplaces and conceits, its
pedantry and formalism had lost much of their force and
had become effete conventionalities. .Vlthough Kal>i-poetry,
in its theme and diction, is generally conventional and
mechanically reproductive, yet it concerns itself chiefly
with the essential significance of Baisnal) poetry, its
devotional fervour, its emotional appeal and not directly
with its metaphysical or psychological banalities. It is
816 BENGALI LITERATURE
the habitual aiul unreflecting faith of the people, unaffected
by any scholastic or sectarian pre-
Kabi-poetry is not possessions, that supplied the chief
cultured, factitious or * . . , .
sectarian. ingredient of Kabi-poetry. In this
sense, Kabi-literature is neither scho-
bistie nor cultured, nor is it factitious and professional.
None of the Kabiwalas was literate enough to enter into
the intricacies of emotional or metaphysical subtlety nor
had they any sectarian tradition behind to implant in them
anything other than its simple spiritual significance which
had percolated and spread down even to the masses. They
had taken Baisnabism en masse and not in its details, in
its essence and not in its accidents, though they tacitly
accepted and mechanicall}^ repeated its conceits and its
imagery, its time-honoured dogmas and doctrines.
It would be unjust to institute a comparison between
the Baisnab lyrics and the songs of the Kabiwalas ; but
it must be noted that the latter in many cases debased
and vulgarised, while they borrowed, the ideas and concep-
tions of Baisnab poetry. One particular section of
Baisnab poetr\', remarkable for its passion and its poetic
quality, which is generally grouped under the heading of
Prema-bnichifta (C^'^^f^s) is practically non-existent in
Kabi-literature. Unable to enter into its subtlety, its
romantic fervour and its mystic spiritualism, the Kabiwalas
could not speak in the same rapturous accents nor with the
same nobility of sentiment. It is true that both these
species of literature were never intended original!}' to be
literature at all ; they never consisted of deliberate literary
creation bv self-conscious artists.
„ SKe' u'e™,T "^'ig'""' entlmsiasm, on tl.e one
creation of self-con- hand, and popular amusement, on the
scions artists.
other, supplied the motive of its
making in each ease ; and in so far as each species adhered
KABIWALAS 317
to this orisjinal motive, each assumed its distinctive charac-
ter. The peculiar conditions under which it was produced
moditied the form and tendency of the production of each
kind. But while under the stress of a new-born religious
fervour and its lyric and mystic idealism, the creations of
Baisnab poets were lifted into tlie reii;ion of pure poetry,
the more mundane object and secular interest of the
Kabiwalas ilraijii^ed them down to a dead level of uninspired
commoni)laee. It is indeed very doubtful whether a ^reat
deal of Kabi-poetry can, with the utmost allowance, be
reo:arded as strictly literary, so deeply hiu\ the peculiar
condition of its makinj? affected the character of its produc-
tion. Kabi-poetry must be primarily
It was pninanly n rerrarded as a form of iionular am use-
form of i»<)|iiiiar ^ ' 1
nmnsemcnt. ment, affordiiio; no doubt an interest-
iniif field of study to the student of
social history but hardly to be considered by the historian
of literature except in so far as it rises to the level of
litemture.
Althoupfh essentially a ]»oj>ular form of amusement,
compose<l chiefly by jjopular jX)ets and transmitted through
oral tradition, yet it must be noted that Kabi-sonu^s hardly
bear any resemblance to what may be
But it is not strictly strictlv Called folk-literature or poinilar
folk-litorntiiro or popu- ' * *
Inr pootry. poetry. It would l)e a mistake to
compare them, for instance, to the
medieval European imllads either in form or spirit. TheKabi-
Hterature no doubt possesses the same dramatic or mimetic
(pialities and choral i)eculiarities : but they lack the condi-
tion of communal composition which is essential to balladry
and the poetical content is not, as in balladry, narra-
tive nor is it submitted to an epic process of transmission.
It is not simple, anonymous and objective in the sense in
which the ballads are but it bears all the marks of iadivi-
318 BENGALI LITERATURE
dual authorship and all the conventionalities of a literary
tradition ; it has never shown^ in its growth and develop-
ment, any tendency towards the romance, the story or the
chronicle so as to take it out of its original dramatic and
choral structure. The songs of the illiterate Kabiwalas
no doubt enter into a vital rapport with the people who
compose the nation, the people who are far more puissant
and important in national history than the so-called culti-
vated minority. At the same time, if they constitute
popular poetry at all, they represent only a very narrow
type of that species : for the true function of popular
poetry is the interpretation of the people to themselves and
and the creation of a popular ideal, which function these
songs disciiarge only partially ; while the forms and expres-
sions of this literature are much less the property of the race
than of the individual. These poets were no doubt born
among the people*, lived with the people and understood per-
fectly their ways of thinking and feeling ; hence their direct
hold upon the masses of whom many a modern writer is
contentedly ignorant. But these poems, meant for popu-
lar entertainment and bearing a close contact with the
people^ hardly ever speak of the people themselves and pos-
sess little or no democratic sympathy or exaltation. They
are thoroughly preoccup.ed with the
It is the product of a conventional themes of earlier poets,
conventional literary , i •
tradition though thc'ir treatment may be a
little popular, and they even express
themselves in conventional diction and imagery. They
' Kabi-poetry counted its votary amongst the lowest classes. Except
Harn Thakiir, Hasn and Nrsiriiha, Rtim Basu and a few ot^'ers, the
Kabiwalas belonged to the lowest social grades of a muchi (shoemaker),
a woj/om (sweetmeat-vendor), achhittar {c!irpeutcr),B. feringi (half-bred
Eurasian), svarnnkar (coldsmiih), a taiiiti (weaver), etc. In this catholi-
city it resembles Bai§nabism itself.
KABnVALAS 319
have got a literary tradition behind them tlie banalities of
which they cannot always transcend and overstep into true
democratic poetry.
But this literary tradition they had modified in their
own way, particularly through circumstances and conditions
under which they composed and over
representiug a phase ^y\^[ch they had no control and i)artly
of decarlence of the *^ i >'
earlier art. through an inherent lack of a thorough
grasp upon the realities of old poetry.
The themes which they handled had possessed, in the hands
of older poets, ([ualities capable of evoking a great art ;
but the less exalted treatment of the Kabiwalas could
hardly work them up into new shapes of beauty with
sutlicient power and subtlety. It was their misfortune to
represent an essentially decadent art. Every literature,
to speak in metaphorical language which must not be
strained, passes through the necessary stages of birth,
growth, decline and death. In these metrical exercises of
the Kabiwalas we see not the adult manhood of old litera-
ture but its senile decrepitude. The poetry is reminiscent
rather than spontaneous : it is reproductive and imitative
rather than, in the true sense, creative. It is true that
most of the songs which the Kabiwalas extemporised were
unsought and unpremeditated : yet in their homage to old-
world conventions in style, theme, and literary treatment,
they belonged to a decaying dynasty the prestige of which,
in spite of their belated efforts, had been fast vanishing.
Rut even in their imitativeness, they could not always
reproduce the fine shades and graces of old poetry, its
weight, its elevation and its profun-
Its inability to repro- i • rm
dnce the finer ghacJes dity. There are many things, no
and^^Kraees of earlier j^,;,|^^^ -^ Baisimb;/./^/a/>a/7.v which arc
not in any sense commendable but in
their places and as a part of the whole they may pass
320 BENGALI LITERATURE
oif without much incongruity. But ia the songs of
the Kabiwalas these things, severed from their true
relations and from their natural surroundings of beauty,
assumed an incongruous independence and a distorted
shape, incompatible with artistic or spiritual excel-
lence, especially as it is often dressed in weak phraseology
and loose versification. The Baisnab
The spirit of ancient poetrv unfolds before our vision such
poetry inadequately .
represented. au extensive realm of beauty that its
occasional deformities and blemishes
are easily passed over, nor do they appear in their natural
state artistically inconsistent. Apart from all questions
of spiritual interpretation, the ideal of love depicted in
Bai>nab poetry may have, from a layman's stand-point,
departed in places from the strictness of propriety or deco-
rum, but if after a study of the poetry in its entirety, a
man does not rise wit^i au impression of its beauty and
nobility, then the conclusion is obvious that either he has
not read it properly or that he is impervious to all sense of
its excellence. In the infinite varieties of amorous situa-
tion, the description of Radha as a kJiandita heroine or of
Krsna as an aroh-deceivev may have, leaving aside other
explanations, an artistic justification of enhancing the
beauty of this poetry by adding to it an element of playful
toying {c/i//alana) or wayward vagary
An instance drawn (Ijafichana) OX cven a sterner element
from Kabiwalas' con- „ ,. . . i i ^
coption and treatment ot distressing poignancy ; yet wliat-
of lladha and Krsna. ^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^j^^ interpretation, it
certainly does not dwarf our concep-
tion of the finer spirit of Baisnab poetry. Ignoring the
considerations of sensual presentation or spiritual explana-
tion, the central and essential idea of Baisnab poetry,
embodied in the conception of Badha's knlanka, has an
emotional suggestion of its own, which adds an element
KABIWALAS 3-21
of intensity ami earnestness to tlic love of Riidliii as tlic
type of a heroine who foreii^oes all for love. In the poetry
of the Kabiwalas these elements severed from their natviral
context and rejjjarded by themselves assume the somewhat
repelL'nt intensity of impertinent interest. Havinj:j real-
ised full well that the depth and beauty of Baisiiab poetry
were beyond themselves or their audience, they had selected
and isolated for representation only those portions of it
which would appeal more directly by their effective
but transient vuli]jarity. The Kabiwalas therefore give,
consciously or unconsciously, more prominence to hilaiika
and chludanZi over anything else of Baisnab love-poetry ;
and these elements in their incongruous context are
often presented with such unadorned boldness and repulsive
relief and with such ill-suited lightness of touch that
thoy become in the end thoroughly inartistic. Krsna's
wantonness is carried t<> a frivolously forbidding extent
and Hadhri's sense of the affront, thus dealt out by the
luifaithful lover, is marked by a singular lack of self-
respect and sense of diu;nity. The process is the process
of dethroning a god for the purpose of humanising a
scoundrel.
Ratlhri and her companions are eternally complaining,
with all the silliness of plaintive sentimentality, of the
endless amoiu's of the ever deceitful lover ; but after all,
she takes them very lightly and no great persuasion is
necessary to reconcile her in the end to her lover. She
laments, she weeps; but her laments are hollow and hor
tears are idle. The apol«»;^ist may contend that all these
are more forms of divine sportiveness ( C^«Tl, ^\ or ^q1 )
and that we must not Judge them by secular standards.
But we must guard against bringing in spiritual considera-
tions in extenuation of artistic ina<le<piacy, although we
cannot, it is true, altogether steer ourselves clear of the
W
SH BENGALI LITERATI'RE
question of spiritual interpretation. There is no doubt
the dictum of the author of Ujjvala-Nllamaiii * that
what is true of Srikrsna is not true of the ordinary
lover : but even llupa Gosvanil himself admits that
Krsna is conceived as the ideal lover, natachuddmani '
or rasika-keJiJiara.^ It is not our purpose here to
enter into any discussion of the inner significance of
Baisnab poetry or its metaphysical conceptions ; what is
intended here to be stated is that from the layman's
standpoint of artistic criticism, the ahhimdd of Radhti,
as we often find it in the songs of the Kabiwalas, has
got hardly any reality in it nor has the love of Krsna
any deep-rooted strength of feeling which alone would have
lifted it into the highest sphere of poetry. So long as
the heroine realises that she possesses a strong hold ujwu
her lover's love, the interruption of its smooth course
through occasional sportiveness or incidental vagary adds
a peculiar charm to the elements of abliiinan ; but when
the offence is great and involves faithlessness and
disgrace which strikes at the very root of the pas.^^ion
itself, the heroine dishonours herself when she takes it
lightly or sits down to villifying^ complaining or indulging
in a sentimental process of elaborate afj/iinian. Such things
hardly possess any appeal artistic or otherwise, and
as such should hardly find a place in nobler types of
poetry.
One or two illustrations will make out the point
we are trying to indicate. Here is a song of Kiim
' Vjjvaln-N'ilamani, i. 18.21 (Nirnaya Sanrur Ed., pp. 11-24).
- Ihid, loc. cit.
* Kr.'jnadas Kabiraj's commentary of ^rlkrsijn Knymmrin on
Si. 1, -3, 11 etc. This opithot is common enough in Bai^uab works.
KAinWALAS 323
Basil ill which Kfulhri is -peaking as a k/iandila
heroine'
<1KW ^tC^I *tTt1 ^t^^ 'Ttff?^ 7^^ ?ni II
•riT^ '^m ^T^ ^:^ c^t^f .. c^5{ ^^5, ^f^, c5?w "5if5 1
fc^ ^ SR ^?:^ C'5p:f »rrt^^l^ ii
ifvf ^sc^ ^'n 5^511, TH 5^^ -^m^,
■sRfJ^ C^ff Ofl «fC^ ^fS ^t^^l *ft^ II
^^ fV (?FT^C^ ^ ^it^ I
Jftf^tt FOf^ -^ "s^VJ^ II
(71 *ir«f ^^ ^tc^ "Sff^si-H,
(Tit fr*p ?it^fr* fn 5T^5i I
?rt90 »fTtr^<T itJT; c^(?i c't^ srt^,
■BTprt? f^?:^^ 'itJ^ ■5j''^:^R ii
' Safnhud Prabhakar, Asvii:, 1261, p. l ; Prachhi Knbi-sajngraho,
pp. 31-32 ; Ouptt^.-atnoildhar, pp. 104-106 : S(ingH.nnra.${it'n<jraha,
vol. ii. pp. 1001-1002.
'SU BENGALI LITERATURE
And then consider liow the companions ol* RildhH, in a
tone banterinpf but shamelessly humiliating^ to themselves,
are ontroatin<>- the shame-faced false lover now seated com-
fortably in Mathura.
^^ ^911 ^fR c^^, ^s nff?i ^^ f%^1 5t^ I
C^sft^ ^"s^T^t^Sfj^ ^l^ ^l^ ^ffjT ?ft^ I
C^^ 5{tJf^ ^t^ f^t^^ ^f^ t'PfT^J;
And here is a piece of undisguised raillerv !»>' Ku])jri
the new mistress.
^t^t^ ^^^ ^t^1 ^tCI ^t^^f ^tf^CR II
^Z^^ C^^^\'^ ^f^ C^t^^ ^5f^^ ^l;;^ I
^f^ ^^ ^tw w\^% cn?:^^ ^t^^,
C^ ^^ ^t^^ ^U\Z^ C^5ft^ II
*tm f^ 5ft^ f%l ^t^ I
C^t^^ ^C^fe^ CTt^ ^t^tW II
^U« C^^1 ^f ; ^ l^f^,
^t^^ f^^sf *\jpi, sr^sr^ :5Sif^?:»ftft i
C^t^1 ^^ 05^1 ^ ^^ ^C^ ^^ II (^tiT^)-
' PracKin Kabi-.^niiigraha, p. 35.
" Ibid. pp. 35-36.
KABnVALAS :ii>5
And lastly listen to tlic in!j;enious l)iit lianlly autlicntic
jnstilioation of the false lover by himself".'
CT^ ^i%si ^f^tc^ jfu^f^ 5^ ^cs,
'Sftf^Cs ^tC^ si'i^t^ I
"si ^t:^ f^^ >Tf^, 5?T?t^1 ^^5^ sit,
^Tf^ ^t^1 ^t ^f ^ ^t'5 ^^^ II
It is needless to comment on the tone and spirit of those
passages ; but the history of love revealed in their course
will suflieiently indicate the extent to which the Kal)i-
walas debased the tenderness, passion and spirituality
of earlier Baisiiab poetry.
This spiritual inadequacy of the songs of the
Kabiwalas necessarily involved a lowering of the literary
ideal. There is no doubt here and there, in Htlni
liasu or in Ilaru Thakur, a desire
Lowcrinp of the jr^,. ^^^^^^^. utterance; yet generally
literary ideal •' '^ •'
speaking, the entire mentality of
the Kabi-poets was never of a superior order. They
are artists who still handle worn-otit themes in old formal
ways without the earlier grasp upon them, without
fervour of conviction an.l without anything of percep-
tive delicacy. Some of the Kabiwalas, no doubt.
' /6i(l. pp. 38-39.
320 BENGALI LITERATURE
were men of high uatiiral endowments but they moved
less freely within a narrow and degenerated sphere of
thoughts and ideas. The mental attitude of their
audience and submission to its influence no doubt proved
unwliolesome to the growth of their poetry ; but they
themselves were incapable of interpreting life in any
large and original way and therefore limited themselves,
wisely or unwisely, to ministering ehietiy unto the
curiously uncritical habits of the time which demanded
nothing more than the transient excitement of cheap
rhetoric and cheap ideas. In the period in which they
flourished, men had been deprived of a free political
and social life, a central capital, the peace and security
of an ordered existence and other conditions adequate
to the intellectual requirements of an expansive literature.
The old style having fallen into decay, the literary
ideal could never be very high nor were the opportunities
abundant enough for unfolding whatever potentialities
this poetry possessed.
The Kabi-literature, therefore, among its crowd of
ao-reeable poems, had produced very few master-pieces,
very few works of superb genius destined to immortality.
There is a carelessness, a want of balance, a defect of
judgment in the choice of materials
Artistic inadcqu.acy. and their management, a sloven-
liness of execution throughout the
work of this period. Care and grace of style can be
expected in the literary craftsman who writes down his
thoughts at leisure, for he can rewrite his sentences,
recast his phrases, remould stanzas, thus achieving the
pro])er art of style ; but the Kabiwalas, who were
hardly a lettered class of leisured writers, could never
find abundance of time or patience to court the lugubrious
muse. They made use of whatever poetic talents they
kAlJlWALAS 327
possessed in eontributiuij to tlie transient amusement ol'
a hardly less illiterate publie : and their forensic style,
which can only be elevatin<j when the inspiration itself
is noble, naturally resulted in a dead level of the common-
place or the conventional.
To arrest the fuij^itive attention of the audience,
the Kabiwalas make abundant use of the borrowed tricks
of conventional rhetoric. It is certainly true that out
of ten verses even whole stanzas may be found which
do not lack power ; but, f^enerally speaking, beauty
anil refinement yield place to a constant striving after
effect, to an attempt at clever and spirited improvisation,
wanting entirely in strength, art, or polish, though
capable, through its effective forensic
Its affociation and qualities, of awakening the easilv
excitable popular enthusiasm. They
composed too fast to compose well ; and their critical
sense was not sufliciently strong to save ihem from all
the faults of fatal lluency and fertility. Hence we lind
the fault of repetition, fre(pieney of stock-phrases,
monotony of identical form and idea, singular baldness
of details, childish jingle of weakly, though effective,
words, which are unavoidable in oral composition but
which appear dull and llat in reading. The sentiment is too
often trite and the ideas conventional, and the author,
in his futile attempt to disguise his want of originality
by frecjuent affectation and constant use of stilted
devices, becomes thoroughly artificial and unconvincing.
One of the tricks which is i)eculiarly favoured by the
Kabiwalas for the puriK)se of impressing ujion the
fickle sensibilities of an uncritieal
Its habit of pann- ' .
iiiK nn.l use of al- audience is the excessive use of
"^'^'■"^''''"' alliteration and pun. AVhen use<l
with moderation and judgment, alliteration is no doubt
328 BENGALI LITERATURE
one of the most useful ornaments of poetical expression
and it has not yet lost all its charm in poetry ; but
the Kabiwalas succumbed to the delusion of imagining
that alliteration and punninjj^ are the chief ends of
poetry. It is needless to cite instances, when instances
are so abundant but the followino^ passage' as well as
the ])assage quoted at p. 323 will sufficiently indicate the
excess to which this pernicious habit was carried.
c^m C^ f ^ ^, ?ff ^% ^C^ ^ ^^ I
Even sometimes in these strivings after alliterative
appeal, the poet completely sets at defiance even ordinary
rules of grammar and composition.
^^ ^^ z^ (M^ '<m ^n%^ I
^«t^J C^^ C^tC^ ^srtt ^«t^J «fn ^rrf^ ^t^ I) -
Leaving aside a few deservedly pojiular pieces which
indicate a desire for untrammelled and spontaneous
utterance, we find throughout the work
Its abuse of the r- i t^ i • i
iiiia.niuation and of ot the Kabiwalas an abuse of the
""' ""^■"«^'- imagination and of the intellect. It
cannot be denied indeed that some of the Kabiwalas
' Somhud Prahhahir, A3yml2Gl,it.ll; Gupia-ratnoddhar cd. Kedar-
nath BaudyopGdliyay, p. 151 ; Prltig'ili, p. 474.
• Quoted in Sadhanu, 1302 B.S., pt. ii. ]->. 65.
KABIWALAS 329
possessetl undoubtetl poetic powere ; but they often nei4:lect-
ecl natui-al sentiment and made an exhibition of
artfnlness. The founts of earlier inspiration had been
failini^ and poetry itself cominjjf to he resjarded as
the means of displaying^ elaborate conceits, extra-
vaj^ant fancies, bold metaphors and excessive hyperboles.
Many of these poets are martyrs to verbal nicety. Fancy
is preferred to sense and exuberance of imai^ery to
chastened style. That the education of the Kabiwalas
lacked in scholastic strictness produced one good effect,
no doubt, namely, that whenever they turned to familiar
themes or depended upon their natural genius, their
poetry was marked by a sincere homeliness and a swinging
and dashing lyrism i-are in the precise and meditative
utt<ii*ances of latter-day poets ; yet this very lack of
training fostered in them a false and uncritical taste
in the choice of poetical ornaments and a singular
indifference to the value of artistic restraint. Their
poetical style is often very diffuse and
rtalld st.fle''' ''°'' '"■ i»»latod, if not trite or given to futile
adorning of trivialities ; and it is very
seldom that we meet with sustained flights of condensed,
ix)ignant and forcible utterance. There are very few
songs which arc impeccable in every line or studied in
every phrase, not to speak of the obvious faults of
rhyme, rhythm and metre. The extreme lluency and
prolixity of the Kabiwalas stooil effectually in the way
of their attaining well-balance<l artistic effect. The poet
is very seldom able to sustain his inspiration from
the beginning to the end of his composition. In the
beautiful song of Nitai Bairiigi already referred to'
' SnJhbad Pmbhdkar, Affrnlu1j-an 1, I2f)l, p. 7; KodilrnJith Bandyo-
padhySy. Guptn-ratnoddharn, p. I7(i ; KftbioyalcUliyct Git, p. 61 ;
Sangit-fdr-sarhgraha, ii. 1017 ; Priti-giti, p. 828.
42
330 BENGALI LITERATURE
i^ i-\^ ^t^^ ^f% f^fc^ I
5^^ C^J( ^5f ^^^1 ^^
^«rt ^fw%^t 2!^«t II
^^ C^^ fe? ^^W II
cilt% t£l1% JTf^ ;£l1% C^l mR
^tC^ (?R ft^ C51^'^ II
^, f^C^C^I ^tf^tC^ %^C^ f^C?t
the be^imiinjj and some of theeoncliuliii}^ lines are line bnt
we are left with a sense of inadeqnacy with regard
to the whole and individual parts of the sonty. There
are queer ups and downs in artistic execution^ and the
poetical inspiration is not kept up uniformly throuij^hout.
Those who pin their poetical faith upon " i)atches," the
;T,reat mass of Kabi-sonij:s presents
Its ineqaality. + k ♦
examples or certainly <^reat beauty
but taken as a whole, the poetry is unequal in merit and
KAHIWALAS 331
side by side with l\isj|;lier llii*hts, there are depths ul Ijathos
hardly to l)t' parallelod. Tho common alhirements of
narrative interest, of varied subject or of striking? idea are
so rare in this |)oetry tliat it is necessary for the poet
to screw his inspiration always tc the stickinoj place so
that he may not fail. But to reach the full white heat,
the steady blaze of poetic emotion is not uniforndy
possible with these }>oets, and therefore it is not surprisinijj
to lind a lari^e amount of tolerable and even Hat and
insipid verse obtainiui^ side by side with sonji^s of intensely
moviui^ (juality. Comin<; to the less inspired later
Kabiwalas we find in them a l)old use of colhxjuialism
which is sometimes appealing', no doubt, through its
veracity and raciness but which very frequently degene-
rates into unlicensed slang or unredeemed verbiage. No
one would seriouslv contend, for instance, that the following
lines of liholii Mayaril, though racy and ingenious,
contains a single spark of poetry.
5rf$^ te ^V5 ^Z^ ^t55 ^^ «tt I
■ > ■ \
^'(ft^s^ ^C^ C«f'i ^^ C^K^^ ^t^ II
f«^ w:^ ^^\ ^t^, w\f]z^ ^^ mf^ II
^"t^ (Ti^<i c^^ (Ttc^i "5j5ii^>iT-ni §tff 1
■srt'^f^ s^t^ w\Q ^fjs\ <t«fc^ ^ ^'T«f II
But in spite of this artistic inadetpiacy of Kabi-j)oetry,
it shoidd never be relegated to the lumber-room of
literal*)- curiosity ; nor is this poetry
hi lack of superior to be dismissed as a mere paraphra.se
f|uahties but its true .
poetic spirit. of the eommoni)laee8 of Baisnab
poetry. It is true that the works
of the Kabiwalas hardly exhibit any profundity,
poignancy, or weight. It is not marked by supreme
332 BENGALI LITERATURE
splenJom- of ima<^inatiou or oxuberance of inventive
thought. These poets have none of the disturbing tyranny
of violent passion or tlie ecstatic elevation of superior inspira-
tion. But, after all is said, it cannot but be admitted that
some of the despised Kabiwalas are poets and not jioetical
curiosities, and that if Kabi-poetry does not always attain
a high level of poetical excellence, the level it occasionally
reaches is striking enough as a symptom of the presence
of the true poetical spirit which it is often impossible to
detect for years together in other periods of literary history.
Even in the emphatically minor Kabiwalas — often persons
quite unknown or unimportant in literature as persons — we
come across charming things, lines and phrases and stanzas
of exquisite beauty, indicating a general diffusion of the
poetic spirit which had made even such inferior songsters
beautifully articulate.
One important and characteristic feature of Kabi-
poetry consists in the fact that
quality of Kabi-poetry. although it was in no sense popular
jwetry dealing, as it did, with con-
ventional themes in conventional form yet it expressed,
through its poets who were of the people, what the
people had of the noblest and
Its expression of
popular feelings and sincerest as well as of the grossest ;
®^^' and in virtue of this it could be
appreciated by the people at large. It may be true that
popular appreciation is not the sure touchstone of
poetic (luality ; yet we would lapse into the error of
academical dogmatism if we do not take into account the
hold which this poetry possessed upon the popular mind as
one of the important factors in our consideration. It is
salutary as well as significant that no abrupt line divided the
poets from the huge uncultivated populations, often con-
temptuously set down as " the masses/^ Even while
KABTWALAS 333
dealiui? witli tlic conventional IJaisnalj themes, Kahi-
pootry is marked by tlie sincere and iinaffeeted relijjjioiis-
ness of the popular mind, ii' not
Its sincere leli- , j ^|,p ^,.„,. --^ ^^- Baisual.
^'lonsness. .' . i
literature. In art, in ideas, in poetical
insj)iration, the Kabiwalas may not be regarded as the
true inlieritors of ancestral ijenius yet in honest relif]jious
feeling, in sound and simple faith, they do not comjjare
unfavourably with their great predecessors, lint it is
not iiere that we find the genius of Kal)i-poetry tinding
its fullest scope. The conditions under which it might
have become a legitimate development of Baisiiah-poetry
ha<l been non-existent and, fortunately or unfortunately,
Kabi-poetry had come under conditions and inlluenccs totally
different. The excellence of Kabi-poetry rests, therefore,
not so much ujjou its rehandling of older themes but
upon its presentation of less pretentious but more homely
and natui-al themes which, if these |)oets were not the
first to treat, they were at least the first to work up with
considerable effectiveness. Ram Basu's treatment of the
themes of hiraha and agfunaul is widely known and
deserves its reputation ; but in these, among other themes,
not Ram Basu alone but most of the Kabiwalas excel le<l
and found a congenial scope for the disjday of their
natural ix)etieal genius. It is not, however, in the themes
themselves so much as in the treatment that the charac-
teristic feature of Kabi-poetry is seen at its best. We
shall have to come back to this point later on ; but it may
be noted here that these songs, in
Naturalness and their sincere force of natural i)assi()n
sincerity of its birnha i rr • i • i • • i
aonRs. and affection and hi their simple
observation of common things, form
a class by themselves, the value of which can never
be over-estimated, although most of them have been so
.'i.U BENGALI LITERATURE
liaekiicyccl to us in various ways or have been so (jueerly
dressed in a diction, loniL!^ out of fashion, thai even res))eet-
able critics have been led to treat them with unfci<i;ned
contenii)t proverbially associated with familiar thin»i^s.
In tjjcse hirnha sonjjjs, however, the note of simplicity and
sincerity is unmistakable. There is no thinkinf]f about
thinkintij oi- feeling about feeling, but honest human
passion is expressed with a clear vision and with exquisite
directness of speech. These poets sang no longer of the
loves of Radha and Krsna or find in them a suitable
frame-work for voicing their individual or universal human
sentiment. They sing of natural human beings, often of
themselves, and of the naturalistic human passion ; and
their expression of the triumph and despair of love, if
somewhat crude and even gross, is not sicklied over with
reflectiveness as in most modern poets. In the afjumnol
sono-s, again, the domestic atmosphere of a Bengali home
with its simple ioys and sorrows,
Tenderness and ' ' _
human interest in which find expression in the ])icture
agamnnT songs. ^^ Menaka the mother and Uma the
daughter,' creates a peculiar charm of sweet and tender
homeliness which is rare in modern poetry. These few
' This trait also expresses itself in the gsA/ha of Snkhlsambad
where Yasodu is generally speaking to the boy Krsna. It cannot be
determined how far in their bhaban't-hiaayak songs, the Kabiwalai
influenced or were influenced by the writers of devotional ditties
who ttonrished by their side. There is, however, considerable similarity
of trait between the malsi of Ram-prasiid and his followers and
the agamanl of the Kabiwalas, who were undoubtedly influenced
by the special agaman'i or bijaya songs of Ram-prasfid or Kamlakanta.
Similarly there is some general resemblance between the biniha
songs of the Kabiwalas and the love-lyrics of the ^nppa-writers.
There must have been some amount of mutual influence and it is
quite possible that both these represent phases of a certain humanising
tendency of the literature of the age in which they flourished.
KABIVVALAS 335
wood-notes may lack relineuient ami polish but tliey are
exceedinii:ly tender, simple and human. And it is by force
of its tenderness, its simplieity, and human interest,
wherever these cjuaiities may be found, that Kabi-poetry
is so appealing?. In their form, ajijain, these sono^s possess
not raucii of stylistic grace and their bold use of collo-
quialism is often bare and unadorned ; 3 et the veracity
of the vernacular and the raciness of the spoken idiom
impart to these songs a charm of their own, easy, direct
and simple yet plastic and artful in their very want of
art.
It will be amjily clear from this that Kabi-poetry
cannot be regarde<l merely as a belated jtroduct of the
Baisiiab school, although in a distant way it attempted
to carry on the older tradition.
litirLy'TaTr"* ^^ 1>«^«^^^^ chai-acteristic trait of
its own which marks it off as a
distinct, though not independent, typo of national utterance.
If it is not music yearning like a god in pain, it is charac-
terisetl by full-throated ease and robust healthy mentality
at least in certain spheres. Higher tlights of poetry were
unsuitetl to its hard and narrow environment ; the rambling
life of its votaries stored their minds with little learning
or culture ; they indtilged in metrical exercises jiartly Jis
the means of earning livelihood under the not-too-liberal
patronage of the isolate<l aristocracy of the |)riests and
the princes, of the |)lain democracy of poor peasants
in the remote villages, of the respectable middle cla-ss of
thrifty merchants and banians in the crowde«l citie,s.
Though the roar of the CJinnon at Plassey or LMaynala was
but heard faintly by them and they were <pn"te oblivious
of the world arotnid them, living and moving in an
isolated social world or a conventional poetic woiM of their
own : yet the latter half of 18th centurv with if^
336 BENGA.LI LITERATURE
confused energy, diffused culture and political, social and
mental chaos did not demand nor could inspire a litei-a-
ture of i^reat value. There was hardly any leisure for
serious writing ; what was wanted was trifles capable of
affording excitement, pleasure and song. This poetry, there-
fore, was never meant for a critical audience, and critical
sense or practised art the Kabiwalas hardly possessed any.
They lacked ideas and ideal utterance and were constantly
hampered by the incubus of a conventional literary tradition ;
there is a good deal of sad stuff in their verse-impromptu ;
all this and more is admitted. But inspite of these di-aw-
backs and difficulties, Kabi-poetry, in its best aspect, is
an entirely homespun production, kindly, genial and in-
dulgent, capable of awakening and keeping po})ular en-
thusiasm and possessing simplicity and liquidity of utterance
which draws its bone and thew and sinew from the lan-
guage and ideas of the people themselves who begat
them and with whose central life-force they have an
unconscious and sjwntaneous rapi)ort. If it is not popular
poetry in the true sense of the term, being mainly
derivative and reproductive, its contact with the people,
while debasing its nature in certain respects, gave it
at the same time a robust and healthy character and
a sincere homeliness unaffected by literary prepossessions.
Kabi-poetry, therefore, is of a complex character and
delies all systematic analysis or rigid labelling as a recog-
nised species to be put into a definite pigeon-hole marked
out by the literary critic. Its merit is simplicity and its
importance lies in the fact that although the Kabiwalas
were incapable of producing the highest type of poetry or
jtainting life broadly or powerfully, they served litera-
ture in their sinijile and homely way by furnishing a
stimulus to the emotional life of the country. They suc-
ceeded very often in piercing through the gauds and
KABIWALAJS 837
trimminu's of an I'llVtc Iitenir\ tradition and comin<>-
direct to tlio |>assion and emotion wliicli throb and ])u]sate
in tlie individual. The s^-round on which they tread is as
plain and sini|)Ie as that which the
ItD coniiiiun imivL-r- i i i ^ i -^i i •
Sill api)cal. l)easant daily treads ujion with his
uncouth feet : yet it is from this
common and universal soil tliat they draw their bracing'
and Ljenial character. The Kabiwalas may not be the
atiluent inheritors of the spiritual estate of their ancestors
but tlie apparently trilliui;' things of ail which had come
down to tlu'in as their heir-looms served ani])ly for their
unmistakable insi<>nia of rank and status. AVith thousand
and one faults to its credit, the interest arising,' from the
study of Kabi-poetry is not, excejjt to the charlatan or the
obtuse, the untlesirablo interest which sprini^s from the
contemplation of superlative crudity ; and although univer-
sal popular appreciation, as we have already stated, is not
the true test of poetic merit, such jjopular valuation is not
tu be wholly rejected as a false index by the [ledantry of
cultured crilicisni.
Airain, it nuist be borne in mind that most of these
compositions were noiigx an»l not lyric ]>oems and nnist
be judijed as such. It is not possible nor desirable to
estimate the value of soni;;s by the standard b\ which we
cousider jHjetical compositions. \N e must appreciate
a sono; throuLih the ear and not feel it with the eye
alone. It is not possible to convey
Its qnality HH songs an idea of its melody through an
and not nierelv lyric . . ' , , n
poems. ' appreciative essay ; it must r)o actually
heard before its charm can be fully
realised. This remark applies equally to the case of Baisnab
Pailahal'iK. Th(jse who have listened to Baisnab songs
as well as to the songs of the Kabiwalas, sung by an exi)^!
and tasteful singer, may appreciate their charmingness in
43
338 BENGALI LITERATURE
a greater degree. When seen in print these delightfully
melodious things lose much ot" their appeal. It may be
urged that this element should be rigidly ruled out of
court in a strictly literary estimate ; but it must not be
forgotten that the fame of most of these Kabiwalas rests
more upon their musical than upon their literary capacity,
for some of them were ti-ained musicians, not ill at verbal
numbers but possessing considerable knack of composing
what are rather disrespectfully called " words, " and that the
song-element preponderates in the various forms of ancient
literature from Baisnab poetry down to {(tppa, yaira,
pa'mckali and therefore cannot be totally ignored
in any estimate of old Bengali literature or its offshoot.
This brings us naturally to the question of the prosodie
range of Kabi-})oetry and the arrange-
Its system of versi- ^^^^^^ ^s^ j^^ numbers, its metrical
ncatiou. ■'
system being closely connected with
the conditions of its musical expression. At first sight
the verse-system of the Kabiwalas seem to follow no defi-
nite lule of arrangement; and this has been more than once
severely denounced by puzzled critics.* The lines vary
in length, are very ap})arently irregular in rhythm, iin])er-
feet in structure and uncertain in accentual or literal or
syllabic arrangements ; but a careful study will show that
there is some sort of harmony in the midst of this apparent
discord. It is, no doubt, true that in some of the Kabiwalas
there is a hopeless indifference to ])rosodic regulations ;
that with regard to the number of words, syllables or
accents required in each line, there is no hard and fast
rule ; and that as such it is impossible to analyse the
* Sec for iustance the remarks of Rabinclrnnath Tliaknr in Sadhana
(1302 B. S. ), pt. ii, p. 65, reprinted in his Lok-Sahitya under the
beading * Kabi-Safiglt ' at p. 44.
KABIWALAS 339
versifieition wliolly by ivcoj>;nisecl systems of. prosoily ; yet
the vei-se of'tlie Kabiwalas in spite of their freqniMit prosodie
vai»;aries is self-reguhitod, fol lowing-, as it does, a law of its
own which varies naturally aecordinsjf to the irresistible
ideal or emotional or melodious suijtj;estion. The eom])Osi-
tions must be i)rimarily reg'arded as son»>s : and in songs,
variation of long and short lines is immaterial and the rigid
rules of metrical arrangement incapable of uniform api)li-
eation. They can be better sung than read. The words
and lines are arranged as they naturally sing and fall into
apparently inevitable song-rh3thm. But the whole effect
is not inharmonious ; the music is clear and the movement
of the rhvmed verses of varying length is easv and
natural. The s})irit of this verse-system is that of unbound-
ed lawlessness bound only by a law of its own ; that of
resistance to the established ideal of
Its opposition to the stereo-tviicd verses like pai/ar or
establishecl sj'stom ot ■ ' ^ ■'
stoniotjqied versiticii- (ripiull which possess a more or less
tion ami its infinite <• i , <. i t
rariety nnil versatiiitv Jixcfl system ot letters or pauses. In
this, again, Kabi-poets are following
in the footsteps of their Baisnab predecessors, though with
a greit deal more of unhampered freedom. Whatever may
be the defects, the system gives us, however, variety of
arrangement, versatility of combination, and infinite
sugixestion of new verse-forms.
But in general structure of the songs, the Kabiwalas
followed a more or less definite system of rhyme-an-ange-
ment. The exact signification of much of their musical
technicalities is lost to us but ftr our
The pencral stnic- . . • i i
tnre anil rhytm;- jHU'iJOse it IS not uideed necessary to
nrranKemcnt of Kal.i- ^^^^^, j^^^^ ^^^-^^^ j^ ^^.^^^j,, y^^ ^^ y^^
songs. "
to state that the whole musical gamut
of each song is ariange 1 in ascending and descending ordei
into several divisions, bound to each other by a peculiar
3-tO BENGALI LITERATURE
system of rhyme- endinsr. These divisions, in their suc-
cession, in each complete soii^^, are : r/illUii, par -chit an,
phuka, iiiellj., mahacla {saoi/lri, not present, however, in all
soncrs), hhatl , and then second phuka and second meltZi, and
lastly aniani. If the word-composition is continued,
then, cJiitan, etc., come again in their successive order. Now
as to the system of rhyme-ending, the chUan and par-chito.n
rhyme together. '^Xxq phuka, has a different rhj'me-ending ;
so also luelta \vhich however rhymes in its turn with uinhadd
and kha(L The second 7;/^ ?//« has an independent rhyme
but the second nx'Ha rhj'mes again with mahada, while
antara closes with a different rhyme-ending altogether.
The number of lines which each of these musical divisions
contains is immaterial but it is essential that the lines should
follow the rhyme-arrangement indicated above j and this
gives, as in stanzaic poems or sonnets, a compactness of
arrangement. Taking each division to contain one line
we may indicate the rhyme-arrangement in a normal scheme
in this way (five rhymes in all ahcJe) —
a Chit an
a Parch it an
h Phuka
c Melta
c Mahada
c Saoijari
c Khad
(I Second Phuka
c Second Mahada
c Antara
' The earlier Kabi-songs arc, however, simple in structure, having
generally tnahndu, chitau and antnm only. There is some difference of
opinion on this point and different accounts arc given. According to a
writer in Bandhah, Pou-f, 1282, p. 265, the four divisions of Kabi-songs
axe chitau, mulch {or mihntja), khad, antitra -. or, in some cases, chitav,
dhuyri, antara^jhumair.
KABIWALAS 341
Here is an illustration from one of the famous songs
of Rum Basil arranc^ed in the order indicated' —
^ CI^IT'i 1 ^f^ ^^t^ ^tf?f, ^11 c^t^^ ^,
m^ I 9c^ f^ifir, ^(1 c^t^ c^, ^11 ^c^^ r^m I
5 f ^1 1 "5it5^ «(c^ ^t^j ^t:^ ff n 1% 511, sjtc^fi,
^Sll 511 ^V.'^H f^ ^5lf^ if(^1 I
fr^^^ 5rt c^r^m sjc? ^911 *itt ^'^^^ci >iffl c^c^ ^ I
Of Kabi-poetry before 17G0, not mneli is known. Only
a few names stand ont of the j^eneral obscurity • but
with regard to these names hardly any detail is known.
The earliest, if not the most illustrious, Kabiwala of
whom we have any record is one Gomjla Gumi. In the
issue of tlu' Sambad Vrabhakar ^ already referred to, Isvar
(Jon-.jla Gun-.i th. ^"1'*'^ ^^"^ "^ *'>•»* ^"'^'j'-"* Aonrisheil
enrliest known Kabi- "about liO or 1 50 \ ears" before his
own time and tins would ])lace the
> Pradx'xu Knhi.Mihgrnhn, pp. 4-5 ; Snmhrul Prnhhukar, Kfirtik 12<)I, p.4.
» Samhad Prahh'ikar, A^&h&yan 1. 12(51. I do not know on whnt
evidence Xanda and Raghu have been jilaoed by Dine.'»h Chandra Son
{Baiign Bha^Ji O Sahitya, 2nd Ed^ p. ml) in the llth centiirv.
342 BENGALI LITEUATURE
poet as early as the bes^inninn' of the 18th century. Of
tliis Kabiwala however, we know nothing excei)t that he
formed a party of professional songsters {kalir (hi) who
used to sing in "the house of the rich " and tliat he had
three diseii)les who in later times became famous Kabi-
walas ; but we have no evidence to ascertain whether
he was the originator of this form of singing or (which
is more i)robable) whether he had his })redecessors in
the line from whom he inherited his art. Of his coni-
])osition, only one or two fragments ha^-e been rescued from
oblivion by the indefatigable editor of the Frah1iZik(n\^
from which we cpiote this curious literary specimen
^fsf ^t^t^ ^t^ ^^^ 5ff«l II
^tf5I Cff? ^t^ ^fsi C^1 ft^l,
5R:^ W^ Csl^ C?^ ^^til II
It will be noticed that both in theme and style tiiese
songs, if they are genuine, are more of the nature of the
iappd. ; and we are told that in those days, such songs
used to be sung, after the fashion of (o/jyjiT.v, beginning with
' Also quoted in PiZiclxin Kahi-samgrnha, p. 127-8; Giipta-ratnoddhur,
p. 205. Tlio last four lines are omitted in Bahga Sahiti/n Parichay,
vol. ii, p. lo.'il.
Also a little fraj;nu'nt
-2ij«i c^jfc^ c^m^ S^Tl ^A a^ cita I
f<Js^.-3i^r?i| ^^1 %fi^|, W^^\ 5Jtl«l| KW\1[ J
KABlWALAS 343
the tnaJiddU and then proceecHny- to tlie chiliOi and anfaro. ;
while in later times singing- used to begin, as already indi-
cated, with the cfiitan. From these little fragments, how-
ever, nothing detinite can Ix- inferred with regard to the
nature and history of Kabi-pof'try of this period.
The three ilisciples of CjioiTijla alliidetl to above were
Llilu Nandalal, Uaghunath Das and RiinijT Das. Their
dates are unknown but they must have been living con-
siderably later than the middle of the
Tln-ee discipU-s of jstli centurv ; for Ilaru IMuikur (born
about 1738) was a disciple of Raghu
while NitySnanda-das Bairagi (born about 1717) acknow-
ledged Lillu Nandalal, if not Hamjl also, as his master.'
Raghu had two other great discii)les, w ho in later times
earned much j)oetic fame, in Kasu and Nrsiiiiha. Ramji.on
the other hand, found a worthy disciple in Bhabani Banik''
who in his turn was the early patron and instructor of Ram
Basu" considerablv junior to most of these Kabiwalas.
These are the names of the earlier group of Kalnwalas.
. , . It will be noticed however that there
ana tlie poetical inter-
relation between the is a sort of intor-rt'lation Ijetween the
earlier Kabiwalas. ,. t- i • i i n i> ^i
earlier Kabiwalas and ail ot tliem
' Samhad Prabhakar, Agr.ihiiyan 1261, p. 5 ; but one of the soiiga
attributed to Nittli by Isvar Gni)ta as well as by later collectors
{Kiihioaladiger Git, p. 116; GuptU'ratuoddhar, p. 184) bears the
hhniiita of Ramji Das, which fact would probably indicate, if the
attribution to Xitui is correct, that Uuinji and not Liihi Xandalal was
NitAi's Gfirtt. Uvar Gupta speaks of \ii\n Xandaltil as having flour-
ished roughly eighty years before his own time. This rough reckoning
would put Nandalal in the latter part of the I8th century, llfhcentury,
however (p. .341, foot note 2), is too absurd a date for N'anda or Raghu.
O|)inion on this point vary, but Isvar Gupta'.s seems to bo more reliable
than later unauthenticated conjectures. .Vnd what ia givoa above is
all that can bo gathered from such reliable sources.
• Saikbdd prabhakar loc. cit.
» Ibid. ASvin, 1261, p. 2.
344 BENGALI LITERATURE
derived their poetical origin from Gomjla Gumi. The
poetical relationship may be thus indicated :
lOinjla (tiinii
I
Rac-huuath Das Lain Nandalal K5niji
I I ! ,
I I Nitai BairagT BhabanT Banik
Rasu and Ham ' i
Nrsiiiiha Thakur Ramauanda Ram Basu
I NandT
Nlla and Bhola
Ram-prasad Mayara
Thakur
Durino- the time of Gouiila Guitii and his three disci))!-
es, we have no record of the existence of 'rival parties'
or of anv 'poetical combats' which obtained so much in
later times and Avhich was indeed an essential characteristic
of this form of entertainment. Tt was in the next genera-
tion that we hear for the lirst time of rivalries and opposi-
tions between Nitai Das and Bhabani, between Haru
Thakur and Krsna Chandra Charmakar (Kesta Muchi),
between voung Ram Basu and Hani Thakur who must
have been an old man at this time, as Ram Basu's 'rej^ly'
at one of these tights seem to imply. ^
Of Lain Nandalal's composition
s])ecimen which deserves to be quote<l.'
' It runs thus : itf? tf5C^ ^ Itit f^^ R^ I
' SaHihad Prahhakar, loc. at.
KAHIWALAS 3io
c^ ^t c^t^i ^r«tf^ nt^tc^Tl 3?^% ?itRcqi -5tr>rr5 ii
Of Hauliu-nritli no tnistwoiiliy account remains. Some
say that he was a sat-sfuh-a while
Kiigliunath Das. .\ ii • i ,i , i 111 • 1
others tliink that lie was a blacksmith
by caste.* Acconlini; to a thinl view he was a weaver.*
Salkia and Guptiparlil, in turns, luive been noted as the place
where he hved. 01' his composition it is (h'liiciilt to sav
anytln'ni.!: tlelinite ; for althouLjh two or three frau;ments
have come down to us, containing his own bhanita or
sij^nature, it is not i)erfectly clear that these songs
were really of his own comjjosition. The tradition is
current that Haru, during his early
His relutiou tu Iluru .. ■■ i ■ 1 i^ 1
Thakur. years of juipilship under Kaghu,
used to get his i)roductions corrected
by his master and that, out of gratitude, he used to attach
to them his master's hhaniiZt^ There is nothing to
discredit tiiis tradition whicii relates to a j)henomenon not
rare or improbable in our literary history. The number of
these songs, however, is limited' and all of them, rightly
or wrongly, have Wn attributed to Ilaru Thakur. It
may be (juite i)ossible, however, that some of these songs
were the genuine works of llaghu. But the disciple's
' Buiigahhattar Lckhak, p. 380.
» Nabijabharat, B.8. I13I, p. GOO.
» Ibid, pp. 600-601 ; Kabioyaladigcr G\t (1862), p. 66; Samhad Prabha.
fcnr, 1<K. cif.
• Besides the one quoted here, two such songs nro given in
Kiibioyaladigcr Q%t, at pp. 73-75 and at pp. 91-93 in the collection of Ilaru
Thakur's songs. These arc also similarly given as Uaru's in Sajhbdd
Prabhakar, Pons, 1261.
44
346 BENGALI LITERATURE
jj^ratitiule .seems to have t;ot its own reward and to-day
Haru Tliakur is sup])osed to be tlie author of all songs
bearing Raghu's signature. The tradition alluded to,
however, tloes not disallow the su|))")osition that the revision
of" the master might have given an entirely new shape to
the novice's composition, and as such, therefore, it is only in
the fitness of things that the songs should go in the name
of the master. It would Vje difficult to dogmatise in the
absence of evidence ; but these songs betray an elaborate
structure and exuberance of fancy which some may connect
with the early work of an ambitious youngster but which,
on the other hand, may be supj)Osed to bear indications of
the master-hand. There are three songs extant of this
description, of which one is, rightly or wrongly, attributed
to Raghu in Bangahha^Zw Lekhak and in I'rltigUi with-
out any mention of Haru. The song is this —
fjj^ fir^ ^t^ ^-^ (TJt^sT I
s[^i{ c^w^ ^t^ ^^^ (M ^^, (P\ ^^ ^ "sftf^ ^tw (?it'5ftt ^^ II
(Ti^TRsTUs JTt ^f^^ srfjft ^srf^ 5[t^, c^ (?^5M ■^■^\i{ ^^ ^i^ ^t«i
(j^m c^ ^T3 c^f^ ^«i^ «ts5^ I
^f^ ^^m'^ f\?z> T^ ^i^^ ^5R, c^^' ^^ ^\c^
^<^ 5^1 *itc^ ^^ 5;:^ f^'sw*! II
^5 ^i^ ^t^^1 «rt^ ^^i:<i ^ip^ I
5rfc<^ ^fjj ^f^ ^, ^T^ ^ c^«f ^tt, ^£i5R c^c^?r ^^
c^ij ^?iefj c^\^i^ ^^ -srfT:! f%, (ii s^r® ^^ ^i)^ (?i ^tf^
«(C^ C^C«( ^^1 f^^1 0*2(51 ^'TT^ II
KABIWALAS 347
^^ ^l^ C^T'fl f^C^I 5®CS^ ^^5^ I
Of the last disciple of (joinjlfi, Kaniji Das, iiothini;-
RumjiUfis. ubsolritely is known except that
Hhahilni Baiiik (as well as Nitai Das)
was his disciple ; and no work of his has snrvi\ed. Onlv
onesoii*^, however, which is often attribnted to Nitui,' bears
the Lhnnita. of Riim jT Diis. It is in no way very remarkable
except for its ingenuity and faneifnlness.
We hear also Ke.>ta Mnclii who remained outside this
group but who belongeil to this generation, as a very
popular songster much sougiit after
Kest.1 Miichi (Krsna and respected, althouii^h obviously he
Chandra Cliaimakur). ''
was a shoemaker by caste. Even
later on Haru Thakur, himself a Brahman, diil not disdain
to cross swords with him ; but we are told that Haru
'riiakur, at that time a young man probably, had the worse
luck of the duel. It is a pity we do not know much of
this mysterious figure. Inspite of all his efforts Isvar
Gupta coidd not get hold of more than one incomplete
fragment of this old oxtail, itself not a very goo<l specimen -'
^x^ f nfs, ^\^\ ^^% mt^^ titf^
Isift "^W^ <lfflfl ^U\ I
I Vide "lite p. 343, foot note 1. It bc^^^iiis with
The son^, too lonp for (|notali(Hi will he foinul in tluptn-ratnoddhar,
p. 18-1; Knbioy'iirtdiyer O'lt, p. 1 IG.
' Somhad Ptnlhriknr, AsmUHynn, loc, eit.
348 BENGALI LITERATURE
srf^^ ^f«(:^, ^^c^ ^f?ic^, c^tn CMT%^,
These earlier metrical essays of the Kabiwalas, to iudge
from the few extant fragments,* are thns not so crude as to
be comtemptuously set aside ; but they are at the same time
not so creditable in view of the fact that simultaneously, in
another sphere, Bhiirat Chandra was charming his royal
patron with his art and his music, Durgaprasad was paint-
ing his picturesque description of the descent of the sacred
river, Ramesvara was narrating his exceedingly human and
homely account of oiba Gaurl, and Ram-prasad was pouring
out his soul in devotional ecstasy.
In the effusions of the next generation we find better
quality and a greater elaboration of Kabi-poetry. Simulta-
neously with a certain advance in the
Kabi-song of the artistic direction, both in form and
next generation (about
or after 1760 to 1830). substance, we hear of systematic
organisation of "parties" {kahir dal)
and "poetical combats" {kahi-i/nddha or kabir-ladai) which
no doubt thrilled many a heart in days of yore but with
which the literary historian has no practical concern except
in so far as this circumstance affected the making of these
songs and their poetical ([uality. Into the details of these
poetical * H\-tings,' comparatively uninspiring to a modern
reader, it is not necessary for our purjiose to enter. AA e
need not narrate at length how Bhabani Banik, until re-
inforced by Ram Basu, must have found a tough opponent
in Nitai Bairagi' ; how unlucky Haru
Organisation of Thakur, an old veteran and winner of
"parties" and poetical * 11,1
combats. hundred "lights as he was, had the
humiliation of being worsted not only
Sai'nhad Prnhhnknr, AgrahSj'an, 1261, p. 6.
KAHIWALAS :U9
Kesta Miiehi but also In a youngliuii' like Kriin l^a^-ii ' ; m
how Antony was altaeked by 'riiakiir Siiijlia but j»ai(l bini
back in his own coin.-' Mut this necessit\- of poetical
rivah-y, in wliich ([uick and witty retort played a ii'reat part,
and this contamination of popu'ar a|>pIanso which readilv
followed such cheap display of in<i;enuity went a lon«»; way
in debasing; the ipiality of Kal^i-poetry until these poetical
extemporisations degenerated into somethin*;- even woi-se
than the wayside verses that are hawked about and sold for
a penny. The later Kabiwalas fell into the vital error of
imaijininii; that the sole end of poetical existence consisted
in abusing- anil throwin«i- mud at each other. Over the dull
obscenities into which they entered it is better for the critic
to keep silence ; but we may here recall, for ill ust rat ion, one
or two instances of these retorts, although they do not
always display either sobriety or «»ood taste. At a certain
sittiny: at the Sobhabazar Palace the parties ol' Kam Hasu,
then an old veteran, and of NtIu
An instance of a Thukur (a disciple of Kam Basu's old
witty retort quoted. ".
rival Haru Thakur) met. Xilu was
dead but RSm-prasail Thilkur was then the leader of the
party. Ilnm-prasiid bey:an the attack
But immeiliately Ham Basn retorted
' Siibijabbarnt, 1311, pp. 477-70.
• RSm-jrati NvHjnrntnn, B<iugnhha»ri SUhitya bi^nynk Prnntah,
3rd Ed. (1317), p 10(5, ftwtnotc, qnotod in Bnngahhrifn O Sahilyn at
pp. !>98.n. For notice of a fittht l)ct\voen Antony and BbolA, see
Bharari, 1303 p. 69 et seq.
350 BENGALI LITERATURE
515^ ?FtCBf^ ^t^ ^ti:^^ ^t^— ( ^t c^ ) !
c^sis? cic^f^ ^tc^ c^c^m ^^^ ^r^ ^c^ ^t^,
^fs^Tlt^ ^C^^C^ f C^, C^t^t^ C^C?, ^5C5l 'jf^^ ^^^5^ ^1^ II
It is useless to multiply instances * and most of them do
not bear ([notation ; but the instance quoted, itself moderate
enou"-h in tone, will furnish a hint as to the excess to
which the Kabi-Hghtings were carried. Once asked
ironically by Thakur Simha
^U\ ^ Orl*\ ^ C^V\ C^t^t^ ^W^ C^ ^f§ ^tt II
Antony retorted in abusive language
^^ ^^^ f^tc^^ ^un^ ^111^ ^fs jr^ c^c^ff II
"While tearing his adversary to pieces, the Kabiwala
incidentally tore to pieces all form, style or decency.
The muses, who love solitude and devotional woi'shij), could
not be ex])ected to stay at leisure and comfoi-t amid the
noise and tumult of this uproarious poetry.
' For Riini Basil's attack on NTlu and Rfim-prasud on another
occasion, see Pruchlnhihi-Sdj'iujraba, p. 149, and his attack on Bhola
KAIUWALAS 351
Rut Rasii Nrsiihlia, Ilani Tliiikur, Nitili BaiiTini and
Rilin Basil (we hear little o\i Bhahani liaiiik ' the fame of
his disciple, Kain Basil, having; over-
The i.riiu-ii.al K:ibi- shadowed his own re )iitation), who
wnliiF of tins j^'ioup.
Wfie the iireat champions of this
jLjeneiution of Kabi-poetrv, were not mere versifiers and
their productions were not wholly destitute of j)oetie
merit. Of these Rilsu and Nrsiihha come earliest in
ehronolo<>;y.
The mysterious double personality of Rilsu and Nrsiiidia
the two brothers who lived and worked to<;ether, is a
fascinating- ti^^ure of this uronp of
Rasu ( 1734.1 S07) Kabiwalas. They were so united in
and Nrsimha (1738-
1809 r) their woik, which bear their bJiauifa
in joint names that it is ditlicult and
ine<iuitable to separate tiiem. It has been plausibly
premised - that one of them was the poet, the other
Mayai-a wIjo was a disciple of Haru Thakn>, ibid p. 148. See also
Anath Kr?fna Deb, B<ij\gcr Kabitu, pp. 317-325 ; Bharotl, loc. cit. etc.
' Of BhabSni Banik who lived somewhere in Baghaznr, Calcutta.
and had some reputation as a Kabiwala in his time, we practically
know nothinc^ except what Isvar Gupta tolls us in the S'uhbad
Pnitilinknr, Pons, 1201. This is what ho says €^1C«^ C^i
S if\^Vf^ CSt^Tl 5RI^| 5>jfT sr^h ^^.'^ ??P^ffr^ <fC5l fws\
fw3 ' ira c?t5t5> 'i^t'^ -sftur^^ *t^if fi^ 5^ i ^t^.^ r^ fw^
T5 ^^t ^"^^ f^g f^g w.'>^ '^ '9 ^\r:^ ^ 'g\'>^ ^ar?m i 3<;Tt^ci
'?Tt^ ':T«1 ilf^il -sig.TS l^\ 3r^t# f^r^ -si^T 51^ ^lil^ 5ffa?|^
JT^^^n^ 7l\'^^^H ^\fWS ^\ JT^5 ^sfrtfs J1'3f5 "^ifm I III the
anthology of Bengali love-songs entitled Pr'ifig'iH (t'd. .Vhinils Chandra
Gha?). three or four songs are attributed to BhabanT Uanik at pp fii ',
666, 809, 878-79. These songs however, although sung by Bhalxini
Banik in his i>arty, are not of his own composition but have been
attributed to Ram Basu or Ilaru Thilkur in all other collections or
anthologies. (See Prnrhtu-Kohi.Kntiigriiha. pp. 18-20, 30, 60, 8(J). Of
Bhabani's own com|)osition, nothing has survived.
' Nnbyabharnt, 1311, p. 647.
352 BENGALI LITERATURE
composed music : but on this point, it is not possible to
make any definite statement. Even Isvar Gupta * says,
^ ^«^ ^u^Fttfc^^ 5i?:5fT c^-M ^jf©5 ft^ s ^^ n5^-\^ ^n,'\
^^i\ ©f^^C^ ^M^ f^|t ^tf^:^ ^tf^ =Ttt I
Rasu and Nrsimha, thouiih not of obscure oriuiu like
the greater number of their fellow-poets, yet afford no
exception to the <ijeneral rule in the obscurity that surrounds
their lives. Rasu was born in 1734 (1111 B.S.) and
Nrsirhha in 1738 (1144 B.S.) at Gondalpada near French
Chandannau'ar of a o'ood Kavastha familv.' Their father,
Anandinath Ray was a clerk in the military depai-tment of
the French Government and earned a good deal besides his
nominal salary. The two boys were sent to the local
village-school and then to their maternal uncle's house
at Chinsurah where the missionaries had established a
Bengali School (before May's school founded in 1814).
They did not do much at school and so ultimately were sent
back to their father after a year. Anandinath died soon
after this, and thus left to themselves, the boys had freedom
enough to live as they liked. They attached themselves to
the party of Raghunath the Kabiwala who was the master
of Haru Thakur ; but, having gained some knowledge of
the ai't they formed a party of their own which soon became
popular. They were gi-eatly patronised by Indi-anarayan
ChaudhurT, Dewan of the French Government ; and
Chandannagar soon became a centre of Kabi-song through
their influence. Rasu died at the good old age of seventy-
two or seventy-three in 1807 ; Nrsimha survived him for
a few years more.
' Sambad Prahhakar, Magh 1261, quoted in Janmn-bhuitn, 1302, p. 227.
' These biographical details are taken from Savibad Prnbhaknr, loc.
cit.; N fib ijnbhatdt, [311, p. 64.5 et seq.; Kabioyaludiger Git, pp. 97-98 ;
Janma-bhuml loc. cit. etc.
RABIWALAS 353
OF Uiisu and Nrsiihliu's oompositioii, only six son<i;s have
come clown to us and the number is obviously too small '
and the son_tj;s themselves too inade-
Their8onK8on6«i/.T. ^ i,ate to allow US to form a just
fnmbud and bird ha. ^ "
estimate of their powers. These
sonu;s all relate to nakfil-i^inhhrid and hiralm but we are not
sure whether they composed son^s on other themes.
Tradition says that these were the two themes in which
Rasu and Nrsiihha excelled and the extant son<j:s inspite
of their small bulk certainly corroborate this tradition.
Here is one of the much-praised pieces on mkh'i-samhaiJ,,
which inspite of its fanciful note, is not wholly destitute
of merit.
^f% ^:^l ^t^ ^^^ c^^^f^
■sit^-n:?^! -i{vm\ (T^T^ '^'wr^n
^■^■n, f^^?r ^1C*1C^ II
^^(^5 ^C^^ C^tl II
' Only six poems in all is to bo found in all the existing books of
collection and all these songs arc noteworthy.
45
S54 BENGALI LITERATURE
^5[tf^ "51^?^ ^K^r^ II
It will be noticed that in this poem as well as in other
poems on the same theme, the characteristic feature lies in
its power of ^eutle banter and soft
Their characteristic sarcasm which, thoucrh not rare in
quality. . ' » ,
other Kabiwalas, was wielded with
great effect by Rasu and Nrsijhha. In all these poems
we have, on the one hand, the extreme simplicity of natural
emotion befitting a wuffdha heroine, on the other, there is a
sense of pride and self-esteem, which imparts a touch of
malicious egoism to these passionate songs. Alluding to
Kubja, the Sakhi says —
sjCSif ^M^ ^t^C«1 I
^5ift ^Mr^ F^M II
^ft ^^f^ ^%^1 1
^^5f-5rtf^tc^1 c^t^ f^^ c^M
T^W ^ ^M ^%^1 II
mt^, (2ffli:*n:^l ^srtr^l <sm*\ ^i^M
Or take another
•trt^, ^t^ ^tn '^, ^^ c^t^ ff w
KABIWALAS 355
^«tc^ c^'i^ "^rt^ 'Si ^\^
f^t^ ^?C^ 0(^U^ II
^m^ ^«(t^ ^Tfi^ I
'ifaro (71 5ltl5 f^^ f^ ^'lf5
^<^t5(t^ ^|5 ^k^sil 11
In their liraha sonsfs, a<]:ain, there is no effeminate
indulq^ence of self-pity or strainino; after racy perversity
but they are simple, direct and dignified and have consider-
able restraint of thouolit and languag-c. The poets ask
^^ ^f'f f^^ QSm^ ^9(1 I
L^^ CSS^^U^ ^nc^ C^t<?l1 II
Speaking of the ordinary idea of love they say
j^r^ 4 7\^-s\ Qs^ Qss:^ ^-^ I
^^trs 5(r^n srtf^ ^c^fT-n ^ II
^5f-»?9^ c^t^-Ma^ ^fc^^-^t^c^ ^^ ^11
'Slt^^ C5l^ 'i\^l^ (TTtC^ ^*^ f^ ^^ I
T^ c^«n ^^rc^, T!Tt*ti ^rs -sif^c^i n
356 BENGALI LITERATURE
and the ways of such a lover are ironically reproached
c«;5[t^ ^f^^, 'iR^ c^^^
If one can judge from the exceedingly small mass of poems
of Rasu and Nrsimha, which has been preserved but which
is too inadequate to represent their talents in full, one
would still hesitate to set aside these little things as mere
melodious trifles or deny that their authors possessed a
considerable share of the irresistible song-gift. Their love-
songs may lack, as the love-songs of most of the Kabiwalas
do, novelty, polish or depth ; but they have a simple
directness and an untutored nobilit}'^ which is not common
enough among contemporary songsters.
Haru Thilkur, however, the next great Kabiwala, dis-
plays a variety and abundance of poetical accomplishment,
and his work has fortunately come
Haru Thaknr. 1738- down to US in a Comparatively large
bulk. Hare Krsna Dirghadi or
DirghangT, popularly styled Haru Tlmkur, the adjunct
Thaknr having been added as a mark of respect, was a
Brahman among Kabiwalas of generally inferior caste.
He was born at Simla, Calcutta, in 1738 (1145 B.S.).»
' Writing in 1854, Tsvar Gupta sajs tliat Haru died at the age of
75, "more than forty years" before his own time. This would indicate
that the dates of Haru's birth and death would be roughly 1739 and
1814 respectively,
KAinWALAS 357
His father, Kalyanchandia ' Dlrn^hil'ji sent his son to the
puth'sala of one Bliairab-chandia Sarkar but liis means were
not sufficient to g-ive his son a pjood education nor did the
son seem eager enough to profit by his studies ; for from
his early years Haru betrayed a greater attachment to
musical and poetical composition than to monotonous book-
learning. ^Vhen he was a mere bo}', eleven years old, his
father died and Haru at once gave up his books and began
an irregular life of indolent pleasure for some years. But
he had a natural gift of song and his irregular life had
brought him into contact with a group of bohemians
whom he gathered together and formed an amateur Kabi-
party {aakher dal) under the acknowledged guidance of the
weaver-poet Raghunatli in whose company Haru had
obtained his preliminary (raining. It is through
Raghuniith that Haru fir.^t began to be widely known and
appreciated, and for Raghu, Haru Tliilkur always cherished
a deep feeling of respect and gratitude, a fact which is
amply indicated by his generously putting his master's
bfianila to some of his own compositions. The story is
told how Haru got fame and recognition for the first time
by singing at the palace of Rajil Nabakr^^na, a great patron
of lettei-s of that time, and how the delighted Rajiv having
awarded him with a pair of shawls, the proud young man felt
insulted at being treated like a needy jirofessional Kabiwala
and walked away throwing the royal gift on the head
of his own d/nili (drummer). The Rajii however was a
man of ta.*<te and discernment and had enough sense of
humour to appreciate the luicommon behaviour of the
young i)oet ; and it was through the Rajil's advice and
jiatronage, obtained so ipieerly, that Haru subsetpientlv
formed a professional party (peisutKiri dnl) although he
' Called Kalicliaran in Bai\g(>h)\anar Lekhak, vol. i, 367; in
Otipta-nit noddhdr, p. 10; in Kabioijaladigcr Qlt, p. 6-4.
358 BENGALI LITERATURE
always seemed averse to earning money by such a pros-
titution of his talents. Henceforth Kabi-song became
his profession and his fame spread far and wide. He
died at the age of 74 in 1812.*
It is to be regretted that neither the songs of Haru
Thakur nor that of his great rival Ram Basu ha^•e been
collected or critically edited. Isvar Gupta gave us (1854)
for the first time the largest collection of 45 songs of
Haru Tliakur (though some of them are mere fragments)
on the themes of sak/n-sam/'cid and
No complete col- ,. , rpi r' ; • -7-7- /-r-j
lection or critical Oira'ia. 1 he KabioynUuhgpr Git
edition of l.is songs Samgraha (1862) merelv reproduces
yet pnbhshcd. '^ ' _ ; ^
27 of these with the single addition
of new piece.'* The Gnpta-ratnodiUiar (1894) again, the
other anthology of Kabi-songs, gives us only 30 pieces
all taken from Isvar Guj^ta's collections. In PrUchln
Kahi-saihgraha (1877), the number of Haru Thakur's
songs is very limited, only 13 being given under his
name; but of these 13 songs, five or six at least
have been unanimously attributed in other collec-
tions to Riim Basu and one, so attributed to Rasu and
Nrsimha,'' is rightly or wrongly placed under Haru
Thakur's name. In Prltig'iti, the most extensive modern
anthology of Bengali love-poems, there are 30 songs
attributed to Haru Thakur but all of them (excejit two*
which are apparently new but Avhich are however mere
fi-agments and do not add much, to Hani's reputation)
' Nnhyahharnt, 1311, p. 605. But, accordinjj to Kahioyaladiger O'it,
p. 66 find Sahitya Panaat Patrika, 1302, p. 38-i, following Isvar Gupta
{Prabhal-ar, Pons, 1261) :.t the age of 75.
• At p. 134-. But it is sometimes attributed to Ram Basu,
' At p. 87-79.
* At p. 119 and p. 397.
kABlWALAS 369
are to be lound in otlier collections and one of these '
is univei'sally attributed in other collections to Ram Basu
and one, which is Haru's, is wrongly attributed to Bhabani
Banik." Ai^ain, much uncertainty still remains, in spite
of these efforts, as to the question of authorshiji of many
of these songs, for there is absolutely no means for
determining with absolute certainty the authorshi}) of
many a song, variously attributed to various poets.
What is true of Haru 'J'hiikur is true of every other
Kabiwala ; and this one instance would sufficiently illus-
trate the nature and extent of the data one has got to
handle in dealing with Kabi-pocti-y.
But a poor collection of -15 songs — all of them not
of the best and some of them mere fragments — is but a
sadly diminished and dwindled legacy of the extraordi-
nary reputation which Haru Thakur has always enjoyed as
one of the greatest of the Kabiwalas.
His versatility. '^'^^ soniis which have come down to
u> mo>tly relate to either of the
two themes of bira/ia and sikhl-sumhiid; but if we are to
relv upon the testimonv of Isvar Gui)ta who wrote onlv
forty years after Haru 'jM'^kur's death, we must admit
that the great Kabiwala could write with e(iual facility
and power upon all the other recognised themes such as
ot/diua/if, hhaljixnl Limi/dk, lahaf and
His /.i/un- and A/.cud k/uitcl. On the first two of these
aongrs : testimony of . . .'
Tsvar Gupta. divisions not a single com)>osition
of Haru has survived. Tsvar Gupta again tells us
that Haru could comiiose Wst on the themes of
" At p. 808.
• At p. G13. The Sa>'ig~tt.$ar-fafnijrahti and Baiufallr Qan etc. give a
Belecti n of Kabi-Bonpa ; but they arc later and inferior collectionn
apparently reprodncing what is given in other special collections and
therefore are not mentioned here.
360 BENGALI LITERATURE
lahar^ and Jcheud, but these songs, although much praised
in their time for their ingenuitv and verbal music, were
hopelessly vitiated by bad taste and unredeemed coarseness
and can be dismissed with the just though severe comments
of isvar Gupta himself which deserves quotation here ;
f%^ '^J.'^ f^^ (^^ (^ "5^1% W^'^ ^1% ^f«l^ ^f% ^2it^J 'SRtW
if^^i:?^ ^f^:^^ ^^^1 ^fffJifffk^ 2i^«i ^f^c«^ 1 " It is no
wonder, therefore, that these songs have all perished ;
and time, the exorable judge and destroyer, has preserved
to us only those songs on biraha and sakJu-saihlad for
' If Khcud is uuquotabk", luhar is nearly so. As the modern
reader has no idea of what it is like wo give here a specimen of a
moderate type —
"S^ ^°cJi? ^'4 f ^ ^f^ ^tf^ ^rW^ Jiw i^ii II
f ^ ^tci ^^U3 ^t^ "sitHtr? ift^ ^^t^a ^r^n I
It hardly requires any comment. This and Khend represents a
phase of the Kabi-movement over which the critic had better keep
silence.
■' Saihhad P rabhdk a r, Tons, 1, 1261, pp. 5-6.
KABIWALAS :5G1
whicli Hiini Tliuknr liad been clesorvodly fainoiis and
wliicli iiulieate, oven in the Fraii'niontaiy and inado(iuate
s))eciniens wliicli have oonie down, considerable poetic
power, which cannot he, as it often is, snniinarily damned.
Leavin(]f aside the uncritical encomiums ol" reactionary
entluisiasts, on the one hand, and undtie uudervahiino- by an
eijually enthusiastic seliool of ' modern ' critics, on the other,
we must admit that even the obviously inadequate and
insutHcient specimens of Haru 'Fhakur's workmanship which
have suivived indicate that he had, even
His poetic f|iirility judged by strict standard, sufficient
intellifjjence anil poetic ])Ower, in lar<>;er
or smaller, in clearer or more clouded sha])e, of writing;
son<i;s and not mere couijeries of verses. Considerin<4' the
time and the circumstances, this must not be reo^arded
as a very po<jr or mean praise. That there are obvious
aiul not inconsiderable defects is true. The subject is
often trite, the thought a haekneyeil or insij^nilicant one;
the poet lacks perfect expression and sustained uttemnce,
is defective in rhyme or metre or other technical (piali-
ties and has one of the sui>erior charm ami i;race of the
sreatest Baisnab poets. Hut the indefinable vet unmis-
takable poetic touch is always there and nothing- but
su|)erficial or wilfully cai^-icious criticism will pooh-pooli
its true poetic spirit or damn it with faint praise.
It is not |K)ssible within the limits of our plan
to enter into details or, with the space at our dis-
)>osal, to give extensive (|Uotati(tns which alone would
bring out the Ijeauty of Haru Thfikur's soni^s.
But these songs are more or less justly inchuh-il in the
numerous anthologies of Bengali
His 9on(f8 on ««fr/u- , „ ^, ,
unmbail. poetry and many of them are known
bv heart to every one who knows
Bengali poetry at all. The In'st songs of Ilaru Thukur,
4t>
:302 BENGALI LITERATURE
the merit of wliieli it is im|)o^Jsible to mulerrate, more
than justify themselves to any one who looks at poetry
with just and catholic appreciation. 'J'o such a reader,
^(^, ^t f^5?r^5tff 1%^t^ ^tlt^ ^'l^l ' is not a trifle nor
^tf^sC^ C^C^ ^X^ ^t^t^ nor Jjf^r^^CT^ si^Z^ 'ifS ^U\W
"fC^i^m nor ^sftr^ jyf^ i^\ ^W ^T^^t^ ^if^ C^ '^rf^
^■W?:^1 nor ^t^5t ^f? t2tt«mf^ ^tf^vst^ nor 1% ^t^i ^t^ 3^^^?^
nor many others. We have not space enough for leno-thy
(juotations but we shall select here two si)eeimens (other
than those mentioned) from liis sak/ri-samhad.r
C^f^ f5^«1 ^t^ ^^«1 I »fTt^ f^C^^ tfvBt^ I
^ 'SffV^ 5|C5{^ 5ft^^ «2,^t9 II
53rt^c^ ?tf^ ^tf^ ^tW ^tsft's II
^ ^^^r^l ^«t ^s5 f^P^ ^5^t^ II
»fJt5I, ^^ ^^ ^T^ C^5{ ^t^^ ^^ 1
C^t^ ^•^_^ %'^ ^f^ f ^^ft^ 5f^
(M'^ '?^T\ n^^ ^f^ ^t«(t^ ^^ ^f^^
* Contains ITarn Tliiiknr's master's (Raghn's) bhnvita -. hence
quoted as Raghn's in Banga Suhitijd Parichny, vol. ii, pp. 1548-49.
= Samhad Prabhukar, Pons, 1261; Knlioyaladiger G'lt, p. 88;
Qupta-mtnoddhar,Y>- GO; Snng'it-sar-stimgrdha, p. 1038; also quoted in
Kabyahhdrat, 1131, p. 602.
KABIWALAS .363
The other is u line piece hut it is sninetiines ;ittrihute<l
tn Ram Hasu. '
^:5-< Jif^cs c^i^ ^f^ 5jC'^, ^r^ 5lT<t^ sf^c^ II
t^ fV C^5|tl% 3|CT f^^ ^f^, g^^^^itft ^Tm<^ I
srff^ ^sra; s»t^^ 55? cf 5itJJC^1 Cs-Wt% C^:^<T -smt^ II
■fTt^, f^Tr»t'5f f^f»f ^^ ^i^ ^tf*i ^'11 "STrf^ c^it^ >T^^ I
f^>T ^^51 (Tftft ^ C^5t^ fSf^t^ cut Oi]Z^ f^C? ^if^C^ II
ifw 5f^c^ ^^f^ c^Ks? g^n^ gsf^rftt (?Ft9|1 c^c^ ?^s i
"trt^, ^s W'i^^ T^c^^ ^ ^f^ ^rt^ ^f^ ^'^n ^*t ^ts i
^'^^^ >T^t^^T»ft5? ^f%5W^?:5l 3^'tt% ftCJ? f^C^ 51^3 II
Hani 'nifikiu- is certainly at his best in these sonj^s on
.'^(ik/ri-.siiiiifjuil anil one, who does not incur the mishaj) of
lallini; between the two schools alrea«ly aihuleil to, will
appreciate their charming iniality. His birnha son<]^s which
at one time enjoye<l and even to-day enjovs an enormous
reputation and popularity are certainly inferior in (piality
ai> well as in bidk not only to his xaklil-samhad eonijiosi-
tions but also to the bivalia sougs of his rival and
' So attribntcd in Snbyabhurnt, 1311, p. 470 and Janumbhuim 1303-04,
p. IJ03 : but in all other collections from Isvar Gupta downwards, it
is assigned to Haru Thdkiir. 1 here are slight differoncca of reading in
various collections. In some anthologies, the lines beginning with ^
e|«T.<n splint are taken as'conatituting a separate song.
364 BENGALI LITERATURK
eontemporaiy Rain Basu. These t^onj^s <lo not call for
detailed comment tliou!j:li some of them are not alto<jfether
destitnte of merit. There is no
His hnv//i<( soiip:s. peculiar charm or characteristic feature
which distinijuislics these songs from
similar compositions of other Kabiwalas except perhaps the
fact that there is a sense of disappointment,' of embittered
feelinp:,^ of sarcastic filoominess^ in tone and temi)er.
We will therefore close this account with one short j^ece
which, if not characteristically representative, will illustrate
sufficiently Haru Thakur's style and manner.
^fVf% ^-\fk C^^Z^ ^tr^ I
^51^1 ^^f^ ^f^ C^t^tC^ II
^^K^ ^w:^\ ^tc^ II
^-^z^ ^1 (M^ ^^ cm'< I
^n^ ItWl Sf^Hiv© OfZ^ II
Nitvananda-das Bairao-T, popularly called Nitai or Nite
Bairaijl, vouni^jer than Haru Thakur but much older than
Ram Basu, was one of the famous
^ITsi-mi^'" ^"^^ popular Kabiwalas of his time ;
but his fame rested more ujwn liis
sweet and melodious singing- than upon his poetical
' See for instance the song '^US\ 5C^ ^^WC^Tl JTtCtfC^I ^!f?lC5 S^t\ '
or ' f«FP R^ ^1^ ^^^ C^^' (iiliTJuly (luotod under Kapliunath) or
• CatTfS ^Kti:"5 i) erftsr^ C^ta -iK^i ^TCfl if^fl ij^ir
■-' See for instance '^t? •Jt^C? '^T^W •STsJ^' (sometimes attributed
to Ram Basu), '^ta'^t^ ^1 «»rtC^ ■SttWl ^ f^ ^BtTS C^f TtCil ' or
^C^|% Wi^US ?^% C«f1 1
■'See for instance «C5 ^t^ ^^ ^fa C^ ^\^^ ^t^ | or >i)t J^fl «5
KAHIWALAS ;iM
composition. Ih- \vii> :iu expeit sinn'or latlior than
a i^ood ooinposor o\' words. Hiinsell* an unlettoiotl
man, lie could liaidiv weave words into music ; hut
one (lotn- Kabirilj, a native of Simla, Calcutta, ami a
brjilianian named Xabai 'Fhaku" used to frame sonijs loi-
him bv wliieli he won so much deputation. Gour Kabiiuj'
excelled in It'n'ahn and /c/icnd while Nabai Thfikui- had
more veitjatile i^it'ts, althou<;h he is credited with <;reat
excellence in his sakfil-tum/ntif. It is dillieult, however, to
ascertain at this day what [)articular son*? was composetl
by this or that individual poet ; and even hall" a century
a«ifo, Isvar (rupta, no mean jud^e, who collecte<l the^e
son^s only -V-) years after Nitai's death and hatl ampler
materials than we now [wssess, confessed his inability to
do so.- All songjs, therefore, which were sunj^ by his party
now )ro by his name alone.
Nitai was born at Chandan-na^iar about 17.51 (ll."i8
B.S.)' in the house of one Kunjadas Baisnab and was
brou<;ht up in Bai.snabisra. Nothinj^- however is known about
the details of his life but his fame as a Kabiwala at one
time sprea4.1 far and wide over tiie prosperous cities and
villages on the two sides of the Hoo<ily and we read i>ra|)hic
iuxiounts of the ea»;erness with which people useii to come
from a i;reat distance to witness the sensational Kabi-Hijfhts
between Nitai an<l BhabanT Banik, once his i^roat rival.'
' This Knbirdj iilso used to conijiosi" songs for other purtien.
Lsik:;;mTnarayan .logi (Lokc Jugi) and Nilu Thukiir were among those
whom he thiH fiivoured. It hia boon ulrendy noted that one sung
wliii;^ is often iittributcd to Nitrti bonrs tlie bhunita of RJlmjT. This
may indiatte, if the song itself id nut Uumji's, that tlic latter wa.s one
■of the poetical preceptors of Nitai.
• In Vfiirh'xn Knhi'gaihgrahii , however, two songs are given with
direct attribution to Xabdi Thakur.
' See Safnbad Prahhakar, AgrahAyan, 1, ll'fil
' Ihid, loc. cil.
366 BENGALI LITERATURE
But his profession not only broiii^lit him I'aine, it also
broiinht him monev ; and we are told that he made ^ood
use of his I'ortune bv spending it in erecting an AUida at
Chinsurah and a temple at Chandan-natj^ai' where all the
liivat reiinious festivals were held with pomp and splendoiii-.
In 18:il,' while retuinin;L;" from the house of the Raja
of Kasimbazar wheie he had i>one to sinpj durino- the Puja
festival, he was attacked by illness which pioved fatal and
he died in the same year at the ureat agje of seventy. He
had three sons Jaii^atehandra, Riimchandra and Premehandi-a
each of whom inherited his father's profession, if not his
talents, and formed Kabi-parties in later times ; but no
direct descendant of Nitai is alive to-day.
Like Haru Thakur wliom Nitai resembles so much in
jjoetical chai-acter, Nitai jiossessed not a small share of the
iLjift of exquisite sonsy-writin<T. He wrote chiefly on aakhl
snihOud and Uniha but in both these he shows considerable
power. We have already quoted one of his beautiful song^s
in which there is, if not the delicacy of artificial bloom and
perfection, a strain of the real, the ineffable tone of j)oetry
proper. Nitili had none of Ram Hasu's rhetorical tendency,
Knieal nicety or straininii' after studieil effects, but his
souths possess not a little amount of unconscious freshness
and beauty of tender sentiment ami expression. Nitiii
however, like most of his compeers, is a very unequal poet ;
spasmodic bursts of line lines and couplets iio hand in
hand with insipid and hardly tolerable verses. Himself a
Baisiiab Hairagi he, amon^ the Kabiwalas, could more
suecessfullv imitate the inimitable Baisnab Ivrics but the
imitation often involves a peculiar lack of jud<;ment which
makes him reproduce the heresies rathei' than the virtues of
earlier poets. It is not necessary to n'ive too many
' 1813 according to Knlivyaladiger 6lt, p. 110.
KAP.nVAT.AS :m
t|Uotatioiis but till' l'i>ll«)\vin;n SL-leoted extracts as wt-ll as
that uivpii on |>. -VM) would illiistr.ite liis merits and defefts.'
^f^, 31^ "Tfr^^j^i ^i5f^ II
^f^ f^ "srtf^c^ ^^ ^T?r ^i^ ^^^ ^f^ I
Nitai's /j/ra/'fi soii«2:s, aiiain, wliicli however are rather
scantily handed down, are not altogether nt'oljuihlc,
altiioujjfli they have none ol' the superior nifiit of Ham
Hasu's hiraha. We select hero two speoimens.
c.mfi\ CTtit5 r>'?f3(5fT^
^ (.^ m'i{\ 'Jt«c^ f^wf ^^icsi
*f1ijcntc5f st^ n^K«t if^ II
snisrf ^'tiji c?r^«f CTW'i'il "^t?:??
' Sajhfca<J Pni6/iaAv?r, Agmhrtynn, 1261, p. 10.
* Ihid p. 9. Ouptn.rntnotidhar, p. 198-9 ; A'rt6ioy<l/«</i</T OT/, p. 122.
^ ibi.f loc. cit.; i6i</, p. 197; <hlj, p. 121.
368 BENGALI LITERATURE
Latest born of this o^ronp but intimately connected with
Hani Thakiir in ])oetical rivalry, in superior rei)utation and
also in the sin<>'ularly nnsymjtathetic oi-itieism which has
been lavished from time to time u])on him, is Ram Basn.
He was considerably youno-er than Haru and Nitai— almost
l)v fortv-eio'ht and thirty-five years i-ospectively — havino-
been born about 1786 ; but he survived Nitai by seven
vears and died only a year before Haru Thakur. His full
name was Ram-mohan Basn but he was widely and poi)ular-
Iv known throusfh the abbreviated form of his name,
Ram Basn. His birth-place was
Rjim Basn. 1786- Salkia on the n'uht bank of the
1828
Hoogly and his father's name was
Ram Loehan Basu. Like every villao-e-boy he was at first
educated at the village ^vi/^^s'rt/rt and then at the age of
twelve he was sent to Calcutta to his uncle's (father's
sister's husband) house at Jorasanko for further education.
But like Haru Thakur, Ram Basu showed even in his
earh- vears a marked tendency towards i)oetieal composition
which made his ambitious father sorry but which brought
the voung ])oet to the notice of the kabiwala Bhabani
Banik. BhabanT's training and encouragement made Ram
Basu realise very early the true bent of his genius. His
father dying soon after this, Ram Basu had to give uj) his
studies and became a clerk in some mercantile office. But
his i)oetical aptitudes ]-)roving too strong, he ultimately took
u]) the profession of a Kabiwala — a lucrative profession, how-
ever, in those days — as a regular means of livelihood. At
first he continued to compose songs and sing for Bhabani,
later on for Nllu Thakur, Thakur-das Simha and others ;
but in the end, a few years before his death, he formed
a party of his own, at first amateur eventually professional.
Of his character nothing definite is known but Ram
Basu seems to have been one of those poets who have
I
KABnVALAS 3G9
relished thi> life lioartily while lie;ii'til\ believinp; in another.
He was not a man of ascetic or
Hi8 tempor ami inelastic temper nor had he taken ni)on
charactor at oiu'o ivli- ' '
gioiis and sensual. himself the mere materialism or the
satiateil attitude of latter-day i)oets ;
but he had enou^-h simplicity and inteurity of feelino;
whici) made him y:ratefiil foi- the joys of life but repentant
when he had exceeded in enjoyini»; them. Tradition speaks
of his partiality for one Jajnesvarl,' a songstress of Nilu
Thilkur's party, wiio was herself a *>ifted Kabiwala of some
reputation in her time. IJut thouuh he was himself not
above reproach, he would still satirise with considerable
frankness and sincerity the reckless younij; men of his time.-
Indeed Ram Basu's ])oems express, in the most vivid
and distinct manner, the alternate or rather varying,' moods
of a man of soft sensibilities, reli<j^ious as well as sensual.
Ram Basil's ])oems, which however have not come
down in a more complete or more abundant form than
Haru Thakur's, divide them.selves in
Three f^roups of his ^i,j.pp .ryo^uy^^ mkl-virii/Hid, bivaha and
poems.
Ulliimfinl. In all these three depart-
ments of Kabi-|)oetry he is said to have excelled ; but the
poems which have survives! in each dej>artment do not dis-
play an e<iual des^rce of merit. His sonj^s on Kakhl-samloil ,
althouLjh placed by popular opinion in the same rank with
Haru Thakur's exquisite thinu:s mi tin- same line, are
certainly much inferior not only to those of hi> rival Haru
but also, it seems, to those of Nitili Hairaiii. Althou«;h
' f)f JajAeirari, no details are known ; one or two of liei- songs have
survived which are noticeable. They will be found in Bai'iyn Sahityn
Pnrichnya, vol. ii ; also in other anthologies.
Jiff? 5R ^ ^tJTI f^ "^^^ f^ 1^1
JT^r* ^r? f^f-11 -^^fH 1WI n^f« 1
47
S70 BENGALI LITERATURE
there are some fine ):)ieees which one should not capriciously
io;nore, ' his sono^s on mkhl-samhai}
General chamcteris. ^''^ marked by an artificiality of tone,
tics of Ilia songs es- bv a considemble display of cheap
pecially of his son{?a . ' . . '
on mkh'i.samhad. Higenuity and sometimes by a vul«;a-
rity of tone and sentiment which very
often mars his beautiful passages. We have tpioted already
one song of this type while illustrating the feebleness and
inadecjuacy of Kabi-songs in reproducing the spirit and
grace of earlier poetry. Ham Btisu is often regarded as the
greatest poet of this group : but he is at the same time the
most unequal poet. Indeed the songs of Ram Basu, in spite
of their charm and ajijieal, illustrate very aj^tly the utmost
capacity as well as the utmost limitation of Kabi-poetiy
in all its aspects. The merits and defects of these
songs are alike very great. As on the one hand, we
have, in some of them, considerable simplicity of style,
directness of expression, vigorous use of the vernacular
idiom, tenderness and human interest, so on the other, we
have the almost cloying display of verbal or alliterative
dexterity, the conscious elaboration of trivial themes or trite
sentiment, the comi)aratively uninspired use of ornaments
and conceits — the bane of a long-standing literary tradition
— and a false and affected taste for the jingle of weakly and
inharmonious phrases. Coming, as it does, at the end of
this flourishing period of Kabi-]ioetry, Ram Basu's song at
once represents the maturity as well as the decline of that
species.
Taking in the first instance, his songs on sal-Iil-sambud
in which we find all these merits and defects amj^ly set
forth. We cannot but admit their inferiority in tone,
sentiment and exjM-ession as seen in lines like the following.
' See for instance his sonp lt^ ^? ft^? ^«(r3 *ttf?[^ or
^^TC^?! ^«(t« Jrf«l etc.
KAHnVALAS 371
^c^ ^-i^U Tf^ "^z^ ^^ 'i^ c^^ ^P^ "^^ I
is a «;oo(l specimen of verbal dexterity but it lacks in i)oetic
illumination. Then a«?ain note the racy, yet inferior note
of the following : —
tilCS? ^?:^ ^^ ^^, C^ ^tC?^ ^«(^ i^fV,
^f?T «^ f^ 1^ ^ 5[1% C^t^^ ?f<T J^f^ II
or take even the followin<j: artificial ami hardly iuspirin<r
lines at one time highly extolled as one of the best pieces
of Ram Basil . '
srt^c^ ^3f^ ^^ ^f^ fsr^c^ ^sn ^c^cs ii
f^f^ f^ 51^ lilt 'i^t^ ^^ TfV
^^ f^«(T f^ "srr^ ^f^ of-^ c^U II
^^ f^ <sim^{\ (Tt^^ ^^^n:??! ^«i c^ff^f sc'^n ^i^cvs n
>Tt (Tf<j c'^r^ cnr^i 1wi?f ^srrsi cffs m'^ ^\mr5 i
•5!^ 5(9C?i 1% nt^t^ ^un:^ II
In his saiAi-saih/jut/, if Kam Basu is not fant;vstic to
frii^idity, he is often insipid to dullness. If he does not
disgust, he too often tires. It is very seldom that Ham
'This song is generally given as IWin Basu's ; but sec Bnuga Sahityn
Pitrichaf, vol. ii, p. 1152, where it is placed under Harn Thikur's name.
372 BENGALI LlTEKATlIRE
Basil bursts t'oith into comparatively line liiit-s liLe the
followin<^ : —
^ "^ (7\f. W\f^U\ I
*^^ I
f^«i %:^ ^f^ taf^ ^fsi
^«i ^^ 5{^r:^ c^f^^ II
The above remarks equally api)ly to his biraha songs.
,. , Listen to this fantastic and loug:-
Ilis sougs on biralia. _
drawn-out complaint of a languishing
maiden.
^^ f ^ ^1 vrt^ ^^f ^ C»f^ f ^1 ^ ^tt ^^^tC«tr3 II
^fw il^t^^ ^f^ ^5{ ^ifk f^t^ ^t«1 ^'tC?! C^«( ^^^t*l I
^^ c>Tt w^ cff^ ^^»n:^c^ II
^^•f^^ 5r^^?R5r f^^f^ ^tC^T ^t^si
^^ ^?B^ ^^»m f^'j; ^:5i{ ^51^ c^f^«=itf^ *f^sj^ II
K A HI W ALAS :ir8
*f«l»«Tf f?W ft^ ff^ ^t^ «tiT f^?rC«t« 5fC^ ^«1 II
^srtfir 9rtfV c^ jff^ ^jp e^^tc© ii
Jit ^^nfQC^^ ^9^^-R5I 55t5lt^ %1 (7R^ I
Ga^ lil C^ 5|t^5 JTfV ^>TrS^ 5^ l^^s? II
'ispl f^^«l f^^*?*! ^C^ ^f^s 5tf^ ^»^cf I
v©tc^ ^srfs^ ^^^n ■srtf'T ^^^tf^ ^^^5( II
It is iiii|)ossibIe to mistake the sii^iiifieaiiee of these
lines and their teiuleiicy to artiticiality. Super-subtleties
of iui^enuitv are more and more preferred to <^enuine poetic
imai^ination ; and the true and spontaneous accents of
poetry are lost.
Indeed this tendemy towjirds an artilicial rhetorical
style, this weakness for frigid conceits and for studied
effects are very marketl throui^houL the sonpj of Rtim Basu
and debase not a little the true (piality
LeuninK' towunis rlu- «f '"'J '''''^' ^hcre is a -ood deal of
toric (Hid iirtitiiiiijity. <jrenuine passion and emotion in his
sonijs but the artificial expression so
often i^iven to them makes them lose their projH'r ap|>eal.
The tricks of the artist are more ap|>arent than the passion
of the pot't. They administer an exciting plejusnre to the
eye and the ear but they stddom touch or transport. The
374 BENGALI LITERATURE
hirnha of Ram Basu is not the biraha of the Bai'sriab poets
with its exquisite i)assion and poi^^nancv nor is it the
biraha of modern poets with its delicacy and refinement.
It is too much of a verbal contest, of a frivolous and auda-
cious linguistic strife of X\\e pragalblia heroine. The power
of sarcasm is undoubted but fierce banter, mawkish senti-
mentalism or piercin^^j irony forms its essence; and there
is too much of ''bite," of ah and alas of ostentatious
distress to be at all touching, as in the following » : —
C^f^ ^T^t^ Tt'^n ^C^^ ^^t^ ^^ C^5f ^t^tC^ II
^^ st^ -siK^ c^W^ ^t^ ^tf%^ II
\X^ C^5i^ ^rt^ ^^1 fw?3l l^t^^ ^t^ (7\ ^^ C^C^ ^\^ 11...
^^ ^t^^tf^ (M C^^^ C^^t^ ^tPT ^t^ ^*1 II
-sjt^t^ ^t ^^t^ ^^1 ^*t ^^ ^tr^ "^m^ I
^%S\ iWl^ C^tm^ ^t«l t^^ >5|^*1 ^^ I
1 Ml these specimens are taken from Saiiihad Pmbhakor. Some of
them are reproduced in Sanglt-sat; vol. ii.
r
KABHVALAS 37o
^Tt^t^ *ff^C^ C^t^1 Cff^*f^ f ^ff"* ^^^ I
'Itf^ CT ^C^ ^C^^ "sC^, (ijsi^ "sit^ c^ ^^
"5rt5it<j c^^ ^^^ c^rnsi
iw5» c>rt c^t^t^ ^soc^ ^j^-^^ m^^] f\^
■~i\u\ ^U^^ ?FTrf c^t^l ^t's II
■srrf^ Mc^ r^ f^^t^ ^nff I
Jjf^l ^?7F C5tC*i C^C^ k^ff I
•^rpiT^J fJt'f^K'f^ '51 «T^ "»t^ ^^, fi^ 5i(f5 C^ f^'J'J^ I
There i?; also ponietimes a teinlenoy to elalwnite Hidao-
tic or symbolical form of expression.'
' Pritiglfi, pp. 74-75 ; Soiuj'it-mr.itnt'n()rnhn, vol. ii, p. 10 1().
This didactic tendency the Knhiwnlns i)rf»bably j?nt from thp writrm
of the devotional sonps, who from Rrimpm««<l downwnrdH often
370 BENGALI LITERATURE
^^ 5f^^ Tt^'^t 1%^ ^iti
c^^l ctf^^ W7§ c^z^\, w-^z^ ^\ ^ ^^t?:^ II
C(2|5i^^i:^ ^t^^ ^^^ ^'if^ c^t^l c^U^ I
^ 9lti:^ ?-^5^^ :^-\7\7{\ c^f*t ^^ f^?:?i 5itfii^ ^
It is not necessarv to multiply quotations which have
already become too len^jthy but these aspects of Riim
Basu's sonojs (in particular his hiraha song-s) have been so
often Ignored tiiat critics have gone
But his charm nnd ^^ the leui-th of (leclarino- that the
poetic spirit. ^ '^
songs in question^ smart and ino-enious
thono-h they are, ai'e the most beautiful specimens of Kabi-
son*^. Beautiful specimens Ram Basu's hiraha sono-s are
but they are such only when Ram Basu rises above these
fatal faults and depends upon the strength of his natural
indulged in this vein. Ram Baau very dexterously makes use of
colloquinl idiom, even of slaii^, but he sometimes carries the
tendency to the extreme, e.;;., ' ^(1% ^fSf| «fSl ?^1 C'^CT?! ftH ' I
' f^ft^ C^W 1t1 C^C? I \m ^^ t?RT 5U^ ^51 fsraj (TTS, ^ 5^
C^^ ^^ f^ W5 ?f«tJ1 (.W.^^ I 9C*r^ C5C? "^f^ ^|cl ^tsi Cf ^^ CK>5Cf ll"
• ^tfJI S\-^ ^\^^ (.''W^ C«f^^ ^f^ ' etc.
KABTWALAS :}77
poetic ^•eniiis. It is allowable and tlesirable to pick thesp
u^ly weeds out of the fjanlen ; but unfortunately these
unwelcome lirowths too often choke anil destroy the
charm even of his beautiful pieces. It is very seldom that
wo fird exquisite and spontaneous utterance in Rjim Basti
but when we liml them there is nothing- better in the
whole ratine ul" Kabi-poetry. Son;;s such as the following-
^sr^t^ ^^ ^r^ c^ c^ ^tc^ ^f^ ^f^ ^^1 ^^ sn i
or
or
in^Ts 5?r5ts ^rsfs 2jt'Rt'i, ^^^ ck^ c^q ?n i
fkff^ ^:]7f ^t^ j^^ m^ ^t^ ;n I
and many other fine thinf^s are often quoted and
praised and they deserve quotation and all the praise
that have been bestowed upon them. They are too
well-known to require comment or quotation a}>ain here
and thev may be found in almost all selections of Benpali
donijs. But one or two of the less well-known may perhaps
be welcome apjain.
C^5l¥t^ C'Sm ^rs, ^t«1, f^^*^ '^t^ 'b\^r.M>'l^ I
sfc^<j ^s f^T^B^ ^t^t^ "sr^c^J *^"f^
Tjrs]-^ f^^ ^ JT^^^ fn^Z^ II
^^ fT^ fip ijcj (Tff^ TTt'fC^s CM1 «tt«l I
48
378 BENGALI LITERATURE
3ICS? sf^ sjj^t Q?:«t ^tfsi ^^^^ ^^ ^srt^ m_^ 1% i
'SI?:^^ fvfC?^^ 'srfslt^ C^tC^ ^fr^^ \5tf^ I
c^■s[^ ^t^ ^R, ;2tt*i, ^f^ ^^i^ 1
^'^fi^ f^^^ ^t^^ JTt^j:^ ^t^^i:^ ^^r< f^ II
Rilm Basil's hiraha soiii^.s have been more than once
eritieiseil on the <^roand of itr^ alle^eil immoral tendency. '
There is no iloubt, as we have i)ointe(,l, too much of
frivohtv, s^rossness, viHHcation, anda-
Thc alleged immoral ^j^^ smartness of repartee and pnr-
tendency ot ins songs ' ' ^ i
suit of selfish pleasure in most of
these soiifi^s and that there is an indecorous laxity of ex-
pression, an improper looseness of style which debases the
quality of these songs ; but the point is too often ignored
that what is cxjiressed in these songs is not the love of
the analytic and self-questioning artist or the refined rap-
ture of the idealist but the love of the natural man with
all the force and crudity of its natural passion. Love in
' Chandrasekhar MukhopjXdliyay, Sarnsvnf-Ktifija (essay on Ram
Basu's bimha) . also see Preface to Ratyohhandai- by the same author.
KABIWALAS 379
tl)is poetry does not die in dreams nor is it tronbled with
;i deep philosopliv or bored with its
bnt their oxprossioM • i i-
of gemiino luunaii uwii uU'uMty, soaring" into va^'ue
passion. passion or indefinite pantlieism. It
is strong, naturalistic and direct, if also a little boisterous,
un-reHned and (.'ven L^ross. It is surely too much to
brin^' in moral considerations for judiiment upon this
honest cry of the erotic passion
f^ %?I C^tl ^'\^U ^tf^^ ^^ II
tt^^ (?n^ c^m ^^
fe^ ^tf^ '^(tu\ ^i^n
ttfk^l ^^ ^^ ^^ tt^ '^'\^ II
or of
^u^ ^sifrr? ^ (TTi^j^^t^i ^tc^ ^t^ ^^"g ^^ I
I'j^ ^Ot ^1^ c^ "srifji ^z^
(7\ rtfjf (Trt*( "©tf^T ^U{^ WC^
nor is it i)ossil)h' tu underrate the i)alpitannfj humanity of
tilt' followiui*; oft-tpiott'd lines which may be (juotc*! a«;ain
^tf^^i f^^it^ ^ic^n f^^t^
it f^^ ^ ^-'f i^ro^i? I
^t^ CfCg f 1^ II
380 BENGALI LITERATURE
or
^fl^ C^^ ^^ R'f WC-^ T^C^ C^'^si 5^ I
«rf^t^ 5Tf ^ 5^1 5t^ ^?1 ^C^ '^Itf
c^R c^^ f^a ^^^t^ f%r?T c^R ^ I
To condemn these expressions of the franker and simpler
moods of the passion itself is unjust and canting prudery ;
and the whole controversy over the question of moral
tendencv would seem to one to be a sisjual instance of the
wrono; thing- in the wrong place. It is more than useless
or irrelevant either to read austere morals into these poets
or damn them for their want of morals. To anyone who
can appreciate the honhomie of Kabi-poetry, the songs
remain and remain yet unsurpassed, inspiteof its very direct
plain-speaking (or coarseness if you will) according to
modern standards, as the most frank expression of physical
affection, of the exceedingly human, honest and natural
passion of the man for the woman. The amatory fashion
of the world passeth but instead of undervaluing it or
sneering at it when it is gone, let us appreciate the reality,
force and naturalness of human passion wherever and in
whatever shape it may be found.
The ugamanl songs of Ram Basu, even more than his
birnha songs, have all along enjoyed a reputation never yet
sur])assed ; and this reputation they certainly deserve.
The sakhl-aamhad and liraha songs of
His atiiunam other Kabiwalas may approach or
challenge comparison with those of
Ram Basu; but in agamanl Ram Basu is undoubtedly
KABIWALAS 381
supreme.' The secret ol" his excflleneo in this respect lies
in the fact that in most of these soiin's Rfiin Basil the
poet atitl the iiiaii rises superior to Hum Hasn the mere
literary craftsman, and that sincerity,
Its sincerity, siiiipli- naturalness and simplicity constitute
city and biuiinn in- p i • i x •
terest. the essence or his charm. It is not
the superhuman ]>icture of ideal good-
ness hut the simple picture of a Ben;^ali mother and
a daughter that we find in the Meuaka and Umii of Ram
Basu. We seem to hear the tender voice of our own
mother, her anxious solicitude for her daughter, her
weakness as well as strength of affection in lines like
these.
^r?Jl-?t^l c^U5 ^^m^ ^t^i ^t^i c^ti^ ^^ I
^srt^T^ C^ «1^l-rt^1 f^sJ^rc^^ ^U\ fkfk ^c^ f^^t^ i
^ w^^^m ^tfc^ 5n sn 511 c^'R'fi I
Menakii has repeatetlly implored her husband to bring
back her daughter whom she has not seen for over a year ;
but her husband being api>arently ai)athetic, the neglected
daughter has come of herself and the tender heart of the
mothei- bursts foil h in gentle reproach upon the poiidi'rously
indifferent father.
' A short comparative account of the ngnmau'i of IWin Has^n, Kamalt-
kSnta and Dilsnmthi Ray will ho found in Rhdrtitbari;o, Kartik, 1325, p.
712. Thp earliest recorded Adamant sons? is that of R(Tm Prasad, and
in this respect the Kabiwalas mwst have lK>en considerably inflacncetl by
R&m PrasAd, Kanmlakuntn and other writers of devotional songs.
:382 BENGALI LITERATURE
m^U of^c^ TT^t^ ^^fs^ ^^ ^1^n^ C5n?:w I
^f^ T%^f^^ ^^ ^ ^C^ <il^ c^
And nothiug can be more forcible than this sinii)le yet
touching- reproof
^t^ ^fif sitft vstt ^,f^ ^5^ I
In most of the agamaui songs of the Kabiwalas, the
anxious mother dreams of her absent dauo-hter. In Hiim
Basu the dreams are not bad or sfloomv dreams but dreams
of joyful anticipation or tender foreboding.
^m\ (7f^ 'srrsiT^ ^^K^ I
c^t^ ?fs ^r^%w I
"mT^ 5^t^ ^"ftr^ ^1 cf tc^ ^1%
^5rRc^u« ^f^ ^tf^ 5i?i II
It is impossible to underrate the simplicity, tenderness
and beauty of these lines. There is no touch of orna-
mental rhetoric, no artificiality, nor is there any retined
rapture or jihilosophic dejjth in these lines. They embody
the simjile utterance of a simple heart. What is daily
observed and what is natui-al supply the essential ingredient
of these songs ; and if the test of poetic power be its
KABIWALAS 383
capacity of makiiifif tlie common aj? thoiin;h it were
uncommon, then suiely Kani liasiu was a poet in the tiiie
sense of the term.
After fuinnoratiiii^ those <;reati'r nanu'.s, which citation
however docs not exhaust the poetical ridies of this remark-
able perioil, we come to tho lesser poets who accomi>anie<.l
or came behind them. It is, however, not necessary for
us to embark ii> detail upon the history of Kabi-poetry
after this period ; for after IS.U), Kabi-
isax"^'''**^""^' "^''' I'^^'^'T lan-uished in the hands of the
less inspireil successors of Ilaru,
Nitai and Ram Basu. It continued
even up to 1S80' to be a very popular form of
entertainment ; but it rapidly declined, if not in (piantity,
at least in (piality. Of this belated i^roup, Nilu and Kam-
pi-asad 'rhakur,-' Anthony or Antonio the domiciled
Portuguese songster,"' Thakurdas Siiiiha,' Thakurdas
' To wimt do£ri-ii<lcd stuto Kabi poetry had (losccnrlcd by tbat timo
may he realisod by reading the velicmently dLMiounciiig ailitlo on Kalii-
poetry wliicli appeared in Bandhcib, Pons, 1282 (1875), p. 207.
- Nilniani and Rdniprasad Clniknibarli lived at Simla, Calcutta.
NTlu was the yonnger of the two brothers. Several songs sung in their
|)arty are given in Piachln Kdhitniihgnihn at pp. 3G, +3, W, 72, 89 etc.
* Anthony or Anthony Firingi is said by Riijnarayan Uasu in his
Ekul () St'kal to be of French e.xtraction. He lived at (Jareti near
Chandannagar and at one time his Kabir dal was very famous. He is
said to have fallen in love with a Brahman woman whom ho married and
through whom he was converted into Ilindui.sm. Sec for details
Dinesh Chandra Sen, B<iiu/'ibhrt»a O Sahitya, 3rd Ed., pp. 627-028, Bni'ujn
Sahitija Parichaij (some of his songs (pioted),p. 1576; Xabynhhaint, 1312,
pp. l(H-98 ; BtiKjer Kubita, i>p. 318-22 ; Buiujnbha^ar Lekhak, pp.
375-377.
♦ Not much is known al>out him but he was a contemporary and
rival of Anthony. See Sahyahhrtrnt, 1312, pp. 645-616. IMm Ba«u
used to com|K)se for his jwrty ; see Pinchln Kubi Siintyralm, pp. 38. Wt.
51), 68.
3S4 BENGALI LITERATURE
Chakravarti/ Thakurclas Datta,- and later on Gadadhar
Mukhopildliyay' and even Isvar Gupta ^ obtained consider-
able re])utation as Kabiwalas or composers of kabi-son«j;s but
we also hear of a host of others — Nilniani Patani,"' Bhola
Mayara/ ('hinta Mayara, Jag;anuath Banik, Ltldhaba
das, Laksniikiinta or Laksmlnaravan J<>i^i (Loke Jugi),
Goraksa Nilth,' Guro Dumbo/*^ BliTnidas Millakar,
' Born in 12U9 B. S. (1S02 A, D.) in the district of Nadiya. Uo
never formed his own party but composed chiefly for Antoin-, Bholfi,
Balariini Bai-siiiib, Nllniani Pataui and Kamsuiidar Svarnakar. For
details see Nubyabhnmt 1312, pp. 641-48. Some of his sougs are given
in Prach'ui Kahisdmgralui, at pp. 23, 32, 37, o2, 73, 91 and in Gupta-
ratnoddhar, pp. 261-261.
- Born in 1207 (1800 A. D.) at Byatra, Howrah. Sec yabi/uhharat,
pp. 643-44 ; Bauyahhai^ar LcklutJ:, pp. 325-327.
^ Composed for the party cf Kauilochau Basak ol Joraiisanko, who
was the rival of Mohan Chand Basu. Also composed for Bhola, Nilu
Thakur and Xilu Pataui. See his songs quoted in Prachln Kahisarhgraha
at pp. 21, 27, 36, 50, 64, 72, 89, 94, 115, 118, 121, 128, 130 etc. ; also
in Gupta-rat nod dliar, pp. 213-247-
* His Kabi-songs are quoted in Gupta-ratnoddhar, j)p. 247-261 ; alsoa
few in Frachln Kuhisamyraho.
■' Uam Basu, Gadadhar Mukhopadhya}' and various other poets
composed for him. See Pmrhln Kabisamgraha, pp. 27, 28, 64, etc.
Sonic of his own songs are given in G upta-ratnoddhar, pp. 208-9.
" Was a sweetmeafc-vendor at Bagbazar. He was a disciple of Uaru
Thakur's. See for details Bharat'i, 1304, pp. 59-66. Nnbyabhdrnt, 1314, pp.
67-73. Banger Kabita, loc. cit. Some of the songs sung in his party are
given in Pirtc/i7» Kniiiaomgraha at pp. 21, 37, 50, 67 etc. Jaganuath
Banik was his great rival.
' Gorak.sanath was a "composer" of Antony's party but subse-
(luout)}' quarrelled with him and formed his own party (see Xabyabharat,
1312, pp. 194-198 ; ibid 1313, pp. 577-78). Ramunanda Nandi was one of
his rivals. Gorak-sanath's sons are given in Gupta-ratiioddJiar, pp. 294-
296 ; and in FracJun Kubisay'ngahn, pp. 48, 70, 110 etc.
• Pruch'tn Kabisamgraha, p. 66.
KABIWALAS 385
Balarilm Das Kri|»rill/ llamsumlar Svarnakfir,- Mat!
PasSrI, Hosain Kliiin,^ Parantlas and Udayilils, Kilna
Mahes,* MohaiicluXiul Basu,'' llainananJa Nandi,°
Krsnamohan Bliattaeliilrya/ Jayniiiayaii Baiidyopridhyily,
Knjkisor Bandyopadhyiiy/ Srilii Ray'-* and Man-moliaii
Basil. "^ It is not possible nor desirable to enuniei-ate all
the names ; but the extraordinary fertility and popularity of
this poetry will be sufiieiently indicated by the list of names
already cital. It is, however, like the swarming of Hies in the
afternoon lethargy and fatigue of a glorious day. There
is, no doubt, occasional sprinkling of good verses as well as
a general diffusion of the poetic spirit thinned and diluted
' Livcdiin Chandnunagar. His daaghter's son Kr^nadus was a
Kabiwala. Prachln Kabisamgraha gives somo songR sung in his party
but they are not of his own composition.
* Was a clerk in some office but subsequently became a Kabiwala.
He lived at niclkata Gully, Calcutta. Several songs sung in his party
will be found in Pmch'ni Kabisumgtaha.
' Was the founder of Ttirju. Moti Pasiirl was his rival.
* His name was MaheS Chandra Ghoj, a Ktlyastha. He irtm
born blind ; hence the nickname. For details see Nabyabharat,
1313, p. 203-207.
' Was tlic founder of Ha}vikliflrii Kabi. His special creation was the
Clfi^^f^ ?^- See preface to Mnnmohan O'ltuhal'i and Ramnidhi Gupta's
Gltaratna. He was a disciple of Nidhn Bnbu's who however was not a
Kabiwala. Also see preface to Prachln Kabigat'ngraha.
' Was a disciple of Nitai BniriigT. For details see Nabyabhurat,
1313, pp. . -375-579.
' His songs are given in Putchln Ktibiaaingraha, and in a collected
form in Ctuptamtncxhihar, pp. 281-203.
' The songs of Jayamirilyan and KAjkisor are given in Prachln
KiibisaAtgrnha ; also in Guptaratnoddhar at pp. 2G4-269.
* For details about his life etc., see yabynbharal, 1314, pp. 65-67.
Banga BhaJtnr Lekhak, pp. 379-80. His songs are given in Guptaratnod-
dhar at pp. 275. 279.
'" Was quite a "modem." Not a Kabiwala strictly speaking bat
comjwsed for Kabi, Hup.akhdai and PUmchdli. See Monmohan Qitaban
for his songs.
49
38G BENGALI LITERATURE
it may be in course of time ; but taken as a whole the later
poetry is merely imitative and reproductive of the earlier
and does not reward patient and detailed study. Not
much of it can bear very well the beauty-truth test
implied in the famous line of Keats. Nor are there
materials enouii;h to trace their systematic history in
this period. Li tone and temper as well as in poetic
expression it declined considerably ; and with the advent of
HUj)-UliIidai first set in fashion by
Hap-akhdai and Turja. Mohanchiiud Basu * and of Tarja
popularised by Hosain Klmn, the form
itself as well as its spirit went through striking changes.
These songsters no doubt kept up and still keeps up the
native trend in poetry but in themselves they never reach
that high level of literary excellence which would make
them worthy of the attention of posterity. It is therefore
not necessary to drag these inferior poets and their poems
from their deserved obscurity or devote tedious pages to
their comparativelj^ uninspiring annals.
' For a history of this see SamhUd Prahhrdar, Agrahiiyan 8, 1261.
and preface to Manviohan G'ttabari.
chaptp:r XI
Love-lyrics and Devotional Songs
Lcaviiif; aside tlie new i)rosc-\vritiiifr> the period of
Beiifjali Literature between 1700 and 1830 may be not
unlitly described as a lyrical interval in which a multitude
of productions, varied j^rave and i^ay ditties, /^-aht, iappu!>,
t/atru, partichali, (Viap, klr(au, haul, devotional son<;s and
exquisite bits of love-lyrics were pouring upon the literary
world a ilood of delicious harmony.
* 1 • • t„...nii>„ There is, no doubt, a sprinkling of
A lync interval be- ' j i o
twccn 17G0.1S30. narrative and deseri})tive verse of the
more serious type, but barring this,
every poet was a natural vocalist and never there was a
time when little songs were more abundant. Although
carelessly fashioned, these charming little things possess
all the attributes of a succesiful song and seem to be alive
with the energy of music. Even the most insignificant
person in this synod of latter-day poets has a constant
tendency to break unawares into singing and catch the spirit
of melodv which seemed to be in the air. The spirit
itself is not so common and the gift of song-making not
so usual ; let us therefore value them while they are here
and jrivethem their due homaLje.
One specific and important phase of this song-literature
is representeil by [ap)ia-^Y\\^xyi who
Trtj>pa-writcrs. posscss this vocal (piality in no mean
decree ; but to manv a modern reader
the exact signification of the term iappa seems to have
been lost. A /<VV>tT is genei-ally taken
Meaning of the wonl ^^ ^jg ^ mclodious trille, a savourv
little lyric of the erotic typo in whinn
388 BENGALI LITERATURE
eroticism connotes wanton or ribald sensuality. Taj)j)a,
however, is a technical term which denotes, like dhnipnd
and khei/al, a specific mode or style of musical, com position,
lighter, "briefer yet more variogattd. Etymologically
derived from a Hindi word which means * tripping ' or
'frisking about' with the light fantastic toe, a tajjjm means
a little song of a light nature.' It is more condensed than
dhrvpad and kheyZd, having only ust/iUi/i and antara, and
certainly more lively. Being essentially a specific style of
musical composition, songs of all sorts, erotic, devotional
or otherwise, may be composed in
Its characteristic this style : but it was suited by its
quality and inipor- •'
tance. very nature for lighter love-songs and
in Bengali at least it had established
itself peculiarly and principally for that purpose. As its
name imphes and its history shows, the ia})})^ is not indi-
genous but it was imported from abroad. It deals with
the " minor facts " of art unable by its form and nature
to compass the " major '^ : but it has a distinct value as an
entirely novel mode of art and as a protest against the
conventional literary tradition.
When Nidhu began to sing — and Nidhu Babu is the
earliest important top])a-Vs'x\itY of whom we have any
record — we have, on the one hand, the dictatorship of
Bhiirat Chandra and of Eam-prasiid,
A new trend in song- on the other, the flourishing period
literature. tip r»
of Kabi-poctry and other lorms ot
' See JogeS Chandra Ray, Baitgula Sabda-kosn under tappa. In
Snngit tansen (1299 B. S., pp. G6-69) two styles of musical composition
arc mentioned— D/ir((pfl(? and Raiig'm yan; under dhrupad there arc 2-1
varieties while Rangtn gati is of 50 kinds. Kheijal and (appu are said to
be varieties of the latter class. In Sangti-7-ag-l-al jmdrum hy Krsnfinauda
Byas (Suhitya Parisat ed. 1916, vol. Ill, p. 294), Nidhu Babu's tappas
are comprised under Bungala Raiig'm Oan. rf7ppa, unlike Kahi, Pamcholi
or Yatra, was essentially Bnifhak'i gan (or songs for the drawing room)
which was appreciated chiefly, if not wholly, by the upper classes.
LOVE-LYRICS ^89
popular literature. If the date of Bliarat Chandra's
death be 17(')0 and that of l{a.ni-i)rasad a few years later,
RiXninidhi Guiita must have been at that lime a \ouii<r
man of ninetetii or tuiiity : and the inlluenee of Bhfira-
Chaiidra and Kiim-prasiid existed widely thronj^hout this
period even down to the middle of the 19th century. On
the other hand, all the earliest Kabiwalas and PiiiMchali-
kars were Nidhu Biibu's contemj)oraries, for the latter
lived up to 1838. Nidhu Bfibu therefore and most of the
^7jy;a-writers who followed him were horn and bred up in
the midst of the conventional literary tradition which these
two characteristic jihases of contemporary literature
represented. But Nidhu Babu followed neither of these
beaten paths ; he struck out into an entirelj' novel and
original line. "With the examples of Bhiirat Chandra's
Bidyasninlar and of Riim-prasad's devotional songs on the
one hand, not to speak of the isolated imitations of still
earlier styles, and with Kabi-giin and other forms of
jx)pular litei-ature, on the other, Ramnidhi chose to inaugu-
rate a new type of love-poetry in Bengali, in imitation of
Hindi ^appa and k/iei/al, no doubt, but with a consider-
able indication of an original vein. Considering the
uncpiestioned dominance of the current schools and traditions,
it is no little or mean indication of courage, originality
and genius to establish a new mode of art ; and in this
respect the importance and originality of Nidhu and the
ffl/>/Ju -writers can never be exaggerated.
The characteristic charm and value of these /<V//a7.*, there-
fore, lies in the fact that they are
Its freedom and spontaneous and free. They are not
Bpontancity. i i .• i i
nampere<l [)y time-honoured conven-
tions nor do they pay any homage to establishe<l schools
and forms of art. They speak of love, no doubt, an eter-
nally engaging theme with jtoets of all times, but they do
390 BENGALI LITERATURE
not speak of I3id\ a. and Sundar or oi' Radha, and Krsna. The
poet look;> into his own heart and writes; he sings of
his own feelings, his own "joys and sorrows, his own
triumph and defeat; he does not seek the conventional
epic or narrative framework for the expression of what
he thinks and feels nor does he take refuge under the
cloak of paraklt/a bhab which earlier poets thought
essential. The exquisite lyric cry becomes rampant and
universal. Ancient literature is mostly
and assertion of the obiective, if not always narrative and
personal element. "
epic ; the inward feeling seldom or
never out-tops the outward, vision ; and whatever the poet
speaks of himself he expresses through his suitable mouth-
pieces. "With the (nf/j^jJ-writers came an outburst of the i)er-
sonal element, an overflow of sensibility, an enfranchisement
of the passion and the imagination : for the universal heart
of man must be touched through what is most personal and
intimate. The sense of the difficulty and complexity of
modern problems is, no doubt, absent in them nor do they
possess the finish and refinement of modern lyrics, yet
the («j9;j(7-writers foreshadow^ in their own way that ins-
trospective element which has since developed itself in such
ijreat measure — some think out of all measure — in modern
poetry.
The tapiju-wviiexi^, therefore, jiossess originality at an
epoch in which nothing of great value was being produced
in poetry ; they attempt at simple and natural, though not
colloquial, diction and write with an easy and careless
vigour; they are truthful to nature and avoid frigid
conventionality and classicality. But they had as much
of the new spirit as their readers
Novel aiul migin.U were then fit lor; and thouuh their
but not entirely nio- '
dern. work Contained the seeds of the im-
pending change of taste, it is an
LOVE-LYRICS .391
absurditv to roinesent thorn as thorou<»liIy revolutionary
or entirely "modern." Uoiiarded from the standjioint
of form, their son^-s incline more to the old than to the
new. They write with ease and naturalness, no doubt, but
the varyini>; mea.sures and melodies of the coming- a<;'e
were not for them. Li ideas and ijeneral tone also thev
did not venture to <>o beyond certain limits. They pre-
serve in a dei»:ree the old i)Osture ami the oUl manner.
But in spirit and temper, if not in anythiuiij else, they
herald the new a^-e. The contrast between them and
writers like Jayniirilyan Gho.siil, who was almost contem-
poi-aneous, will exhibit the whole
Intermediate place difference between the old and the
between the olcl ami
the new spirit. new poetical instincts. They were,
therefore, like intermediaries between
tiie old and the new poets and, although castin*^ a lint>erini;'
look behind, they stand at the threshold of the now a<40 of
poetry.
Kfimnidhi Gupta (or simply and endeariuiily Nidhu
Bubu) was the earliest and by far the most important
writer of this t^rou}). There was a time
Riimnidlii CJiiiita or , . ^ • ^ , •
Ni.lh.i Bal.u, the ear- ^^'l^" I'^'OP'^' ^^'^'"^ "1*0 OCstasiOS OVOr
liest and most impor- Xjilhu Habu's sou'^s and sin^in"-.
tant tapp<i.v,Titer.
It is not clear wiiether Nidhu Babu
was the first dealer in this new species or whether it was ho
who introduce<l it into Bengali ; but the extraordinary
power which he disjjlayed and tho enormous popularity he
enjoyed justify the hi^h euloijy l>estowed ujion him by his
•glorious nickname " the Sori Mina of Bonijal." As a
result of the capricious instability of chan^in<^ taste, Nidhu
Babu's song;s are sometimes severely deprecated to-day
and seldom read; yot from the artistic as well as histori-
cal stand|)oint, these net!;lectetl son«:?s, it must be admitted,
lK)ssess considerable value and importance.
3£2 BENGALI LITERATURE
Rfimnidhi Gupta was born in 1741 A. D. (ll-iS B. S.)
in the house of his maternal uncle at the village of Chaujpta
near Tribenl.* His father lived at Kumartuli in Calcutta
where Xidhu's descendants still reside. Nidhu came with
his father to Calcutta in 1747 where
he learnt Sanscrit and Persian and
also a bit of English from a missionary.- Through the
efforts of his co-villager Kamtanu Palit, dewan of Chhapra
Collectorate, he obtained ^ in 1776 the situation of a
clerk in the same office where he continued for 18 years.
He gave up the post through a difference of opinion
with his official superior Jaganmohan Mukhopadhyay
who had succeeded Ramtanu in the office of the dewan,
and returned to Calcutta. "While residing in Chhaprii,
Nidhu used to learn the theory and practice of music from
an expert Mohammedan musician but on finding after
some time that the master was unwilling to impart his
knowledge to such a quick-witted disciple he gave up
Mohammedan music and himself began to compose
Bengali songs on the pattern of Hindi iappas. He
married thrice in 1761, in 17t)l, and in i794 or 1795.
By his first wife he had a son who died early ; but by
his third wife he had four sons and two daughters, of
whom the eldest son and daughter and the voun2:est
died in his life time. He lived almost for a century
and died at the verv advanced age of 97 in 1839.'*
' These biographical details are gathered from various sonrces
but chiefly from the account written by Isvar Gupta in his Samhnd
Proi^/idArtf (Srilban 1261 B. S.) from which is compiled also the life
prefixed to the 3rd edition of Nidhu Babus OJtaratna, published in
1257 B. S.
» KUrayan, Jaistha, 1323, p. 739.
" Journal of the Bengal Academy of Literature, vol. i, no. 6, p. 4.
' For more details, see my article in Sahitya Pnrisat Patrika,
1324, pp. 108-110.
LOVK-LYRICS 393
Duriiiii' tlie tinu' lie liwd in Calcutta he obtained
ponsiderable popularitx b\ his music aiul his sonii'. ' A
big shed was erected at liattahl Shobhabazar when Nidhn
use<.l to sing every nij^ht before an appreciative assembly
of the ridi and the elite ol" Calcutta;
His i>opularitv , • -p .
subsequently the sitting was shitted
to the house of Rasikchand GosviimT of Bagbazar. N^idhu
Babu was never a i)rofessional singer; but he was eagerly
sought for and respected by the highei' social circles of
the then Calcutta. Though himself only an amateui-
and not a Kabiwala, it was chieHy through his efforts
that in ni-2-13 B. S. a "reformed" aklidai party was
established in Calcutta. Mohan Chiind Basu of Ba^bazar,
who first introduced //~tj/-ai-//dai and set the tide against
the fashion of hidi and al:/idai, first learnt the new
style from Xidhu Biibu whom he always respected as his
master.' We also learn that Nidhu was a man of y-rave
and sedate character but of contented and cheerful dis-
}K)sition. There are rumours about his partiality for
one Srimati, a mistress of Mahariija
Mahananda of Murshidabad ; but
his biographers ' take pains to show that this was nothing
more than the intimate feeling of cordial friendship.'
Nevertheless many of his love songs were inspired by
her and composed in her honour'.
' That Nidhu Bilbu was an expert inuBic-iau and thnl the niusicul
quality of his songs was of a very high order is indicated by the fact
that Kr?riananda included nearly 150 songs of Nidhu Hi'ihu in his great
•yclopicdia of Indian songs. In any estimate of N'idhu Bflbu's
tappa.i, this feature can never be ignored.
- Prefatorj- life in Ollaratna : also Sutiilad Piabhiikar, loc. cil.
B.it see preface to ilanmohan Gltaban.
* Prefatorj- life in G'Unmtna ; Sathbad I'rabhaknr, Sraban I, 12f)l.
• The stories relating to firiniati and Nidhu Babu given in
SarTiyan, lo-. cit, are mere gossipy fables taken from a cheap iliaulhen-
ticated Battala publication, which was first brought to my notice bj
Babu Basautarafijau Riiy of Sahitya Pari^at.
50
394 BENGALI LITERATURE
• An accurate and exhau!?tive. collection of Nidliu Babu's
toppaii has not yet been published. A year before his
death was [)ublished his Gltaratiia Grant ha, ^ which
purported to be a com])lete collection
Uh QUaratna Gran, ^f his sono's. It Contains a preface
tha how far authentic '- '^
and rtliabie. in which the author states his inten-
tion of publishing a correct edition
of his songs which had circulated in various forms. A
revised edition of this work with a short sketch of
Nidhu Babu's life (compiled chiefly from SaiMad
Prabfiakar) was published in 1S6S by his son Jaygopal
Gupta. This edition does not differ materially from the
first; the only additions take the form of 7 iikhdai
songs, one brahma-SdiigK, one sj/anialimifak git and
one banibandanZi. There are numerous inferior editions -
' It contains 141 pages, of which pp. 1-8, in the copy possessed
by the Sahitya Parisat Library, are wanting. The title-page says ;
fw^t^ csf?) \1t5 ^ II i)^ ^-^ c«ti«tTt^t^ ^'iT^ c^c^? iri^§
^x ^' Tttc^ w:^^ ^^feci nrtc^Jj I
- In 1252 B.S. (1845) Kr§nananda Byus Ragasagar in his encyclo-
paedic anthologj', Sahglt-mga-ldlpadrum gives a collection of Bengali
songs in which he includes more than 150 tappas of Nidhu Babu
mostly taken from Gltaratna (31 Ed.) and arranged almost in the
same order. In 1257 B.S. (1850) an edition (marked as 3rd edition)
of Gltarcitna was published from Battala but it contains numerous
doubtful songs taken from other sources, the genuineness of which
however is extremely questionable. In 1293 (1886) was published
Baiufiya Saiiglt-rathamala or Knhihnr Nidhu Bubur Gltaban a very
uncritical collection compiled by Asuto? Gho?al (from 55 College
Street, Hindu Library, Calcutta). It contains about 160 songs ; but
in order to make the collection attractive, songs from different sources
are passed off as Nidhu Babu's. The same remarks apply also to the
more recent edition (2nd Ed. 1303) of Nidhu Babu's songs published by
Baisnab Clmran BasSk from BattalS entitled Gltahan or yidhii Babur
(^Ramnidhi Guptcr) Yabutlya Gltasamgralia. Besides these, selections
LOVE-LVRICS 895
and various antholofijies were published iu later times but the
two editions mentioned are the most authentic sources of
Nidhu Biibu's song's. But even in G7/<traf/ia,iiou^^s areu'iven
u\' which the authorshij) is uncertiiin ; and it cannot be,
at least, in any way taken as a comj)Iete and exhaustive
collection of the sono-s of Nidhu Babu.' Some songs, for
iustanee, which are <>iven here are also to be found in
Taraehaniii Diis's Mnumatlin KZibi/a (!247 B.S.) Banwari
Lai's Yojana-ganiVui or munsi Eriidot's KurangnhhZinu (1252
B.S,), althoujj^h it cannot be deHnitely determined wiiether it
i5 a ease of unacknowledged approjjriation by subsequent
authors. On the other hand, the famous song ^«T^fjTC^
?c^ ^^i^tf^c^ I "^rf^t^ ^^^sT^ ^^ (75t^ ^^ ^t^ ^f5^c^2 is
attributed successively to Sridhar Kathak. Riim Basu
and Nidhu l?abu and is not included in (jltarafna. Such
celebrated songs as the following SHl^^^ C^ft^ C^^ I ^\f^
f^ 3(^tr« ntc?f 5^1 ^Ts\ i^-fR^^ II •' or c^t^tf^ ^5^1 ^ ^t\
^ 5(ft^9C^ I or ^:^ CSJJi f^ ^^ ^ I -Bftfsi ?f^^ ^91^tf^
CT ^ «t«1'rff^'5 II "• always attributed by tradition and by
different editore to Nidhu Babu are omitted in Gltarafna.^
from Nidhn Biibu's songs are given in the numerous anthologies of
Bengali songs and poems such as Sahglt-Bar-Mnngraha (Bai'igahasT edition
1306) vol. ii ; Riiiahhandny edited by Chandra oekhar Mukhopadhyfiy
(BasnmatT office, 13C(3) ; BaiiijuHr Gaii (Bni'iiOibilaT) ; Pntiijlti, o(lit(>d by
AbiniVs Chandra CJho^ ; Bahgn Sahitya Pui'ichay, edited by Diuosh
Chandra Son, etc. But the songs in these anthologies are often
indiscriminately selected from various sources (besides Qltaratiia)
and are very unreliable from the standpoint of critical scholarship.
' This question has been discussed in some dotnil in my paper
in Sahitya Pnri^nt PatrikTi (1324, ))p. 103-107).
» S'liig'itxar Snmyrnhn, p. 875 ; Prltiglti, pp. 153-151.
» Ibid, p. 851, i6i</, p. 127 ; Rambhandar, p. 107.
* Pntig'iH, p. 37ti ; Nidhu Babur CritabaU, p. 172. According to
others, it was composed by Sridhar Kathak.
' In f^iifuj'tt-raij'kiil i>adruni and among the additional songi in
the third edition of G'ttnratnn (p. 148), the curious song beginning
396 BENGALI LITERATURE
This will indicate not only the uncertainty of author-
ship which bears uiH)n many of these songs but also it
will probably demonstrate that the Gltar<ifna does not
exhaust all the souifs of this prolitic song-writer. Never-
theless, publishe^l during his life time and directly under
his authority and su|)ervision, the Gitaratna must be
taken as the original and the most authentic and reliable
collection of Nidhu Babu's songs.
To many a modern i*eader Nidhu Babu is known only
his name and reputation ; his tappiis are very seldom read
or suny; and are often condemned without being read or
sunc. Writiny; onlv sixteen veais after Nidhu Babu's
death, Isvar Gupta says: 4;WC^^ '1^^ 'f^^' ^l^, fV^
?iK^<i 5^1^, fV ^\^j^^ srpi, fV pp ? ^^ ?9t^ ^i^ I
The established reputation oi many a bygone songster
has, no doubt, been swept away by ca])ricious change of
taste from their venerable basements ; but the chief ground
for assitrnins Nidhu Babu's works to obseuritv and oblivion
is said by unjust and ignorant criticism to be its
alleged immoral tendency. Kailas Chandra Ghos in his
IMimphlet on Bengali Lifeiatitif (IS85) mechanically echoe<l
this o]»inion when he wrote * ^fiT "Slf^f^t*"! %«t ^ist«f«1 5^'
and Chandrasekhar Mukhoi>adhyay is not less severe or
with ^^[T5 ■BT^PT? ^ Wrft «T^^ ^ ^ ^^tJ is given as Xiilhu BSbu's; bnt
it was composed by AnanUa Xinlyan Ghof, author of Gitahari, as
tlie hhanita Slt^^**) ^^Wi3 IR ff?i *5^ 1R wouUl dearly indicate and
similarly in Biihj'iy<i ^atu/'it ratuamrdU, the song headed rfi^l^ f^ ^"m
and attributed to Nidhn B5bu is to be found in Michael Madbnsndan's
Padmabat'i. In the Battala edition Sidhtt Babnr G'ttabaH as well
as in Anath Krjna Deb's Banger Kuhitii the song CSpftH f^Rf? ^KH ttf^
^ C^f t ^T^ is assigned to Nidhu Babu but its author is Jagannath
Prasad Basu Mallik and it is omitted in OT^nrafna (See Prilii/lti, p.
461).
LOVE.LYBICS 8f7
anjart when he itrjecud theftc •on<^ ai» \-u]^r exprnnoa «f
•nMoal pMMOo trhich ti», to quoU* hk vofdc, ' *ltlf^ ^ >
'V*'^ ' ' It cannot be denied indeed that there k a teodenejr,
in thcMr oid-tirae MXi^^steiv, of le— ooinj; their songs frith
indelicacies and aodacities of ex\tn mA oa which mere
MMnetimca very enjoyable to tlieir audience; bat what me
liave already nid on the moral tendency of the Kabivaka
in (general and of Ram Baca's hiraka in lArticular a{«plics
to a certain extent to the j/ret^nt question . Without
enterinj; into the {ynjbleni of art for art'e sake or art for the
■ake of morality, the whole eontroven>y over tlie alleged
morality or immorality of these song^ m^ K>mewliat irrele-
vant or futile. We muKt take them for what they are
worth and guard at once a^in«t reading rigid moraL^
into tliem or condemning them for want ci morale. In
the fint place, ire need recall what
Crude irorkmuMbip Bafikim Cliandra i«id with regard to
bat ttatantaeas aad ^
•iDccritT. iiimilar alle<^tion on I^var Gupta's
jioetr}- (' -3^ C^K^ 'Vj OfT»l ^T^ "cm-
=!T^ ; i^ 1^=1 ^*^ C^T:^^ '^^\^ ') and thi.* dirtinction
between gros6 and tii>e workmant^hip xs et^ential and lies
at the very root of certain definite a>j*ctt» of ancient and
modem Bengali literature. In^]>ite of all its fjuilti^ this
gnwe workmanship hat^ one great advantage, r/:., that
if it ii> ravage, uncouth and <rrote*«|ue it is at the i»ame
time trencltaiit, vivid, and full of ner%ous and muscular
eneruy. Polii^hed or refined embroidery has its charm, no
doubt, Ijut it is also factitious and artificial. It lacks the
tone of ea^^y, genuine and natural jjaBt>ion; it is tmnething
> Id th« same ttnio M. M. Ilaia|«ailil tifatri sfHaln of Nidhn
B4ba't lapfit M ^Kfl^l IPtWVTl ^VTSt*! aad erea • critic like
Bafikim Ckaadrm eoald not r«-«ii>t t>.<- t«-re pCrt io« of hariaif a fliof
at ihem in hi» Bt^afirl^fn.
398 BENGALI LITERATURE
soi-disant, insipid and incomplete. Tlie distinction
drawn by modern critics between ornate and s>rotes(jue
manner, between sjothic and classic art, thou<?h over-
worked and often misunderstood, is one of the funda-
mental distinctions a]>plicable to a certain extent to this
ease also. It may be a matter of taste whether a man
prefers ja^-o'ed ano'ularity to harmonious roundness;
but what is ano-ular, what is oross, what is "rotescjue
is nearer life in its primal sensations and in its terrible
sincerity. It is like the ore fresh from the mines with
all its dust and dross yet pure and unalloyed. In the
sono-s of the Kabiwalas and in the fappas of Nidhu Babu,
we enjoy these rug'i^ed sensations of the natural man,
if you will, who res^ards his passions as their own excuse
for beino", who does not pretend to domesticate them or
present them under an ideal glamour. Their outward
ruo-o>edness is a mark of inward clarity. It is partly for
this reason that these gross and chaotic songs possess so
much appeal for the robust and keen perceptions of the
masses but are entirely inaccessible to the decent, com-
fortable and self-righteous attitude of the bourgeoisie
or the refined gentlemanliness of the aristocrat.
These }>oets were, therefore, in a sense realists or in-
terpreters of real and natural emotions ; and their songs
are in the legitimate tradition of nature, although not
always acceptable to the refined palate of the literary
tast-er. It would, however, be absurd at the same time
to suppose that these songs do not possess an}' touch of
that idealism without which no poetry is poetry; they
have enough of idealism but they do not deal with ab-
stractions or live u])on the air. Take
Intense realism of fo,. instance the intense realism of
passion.
their idea of love. "With them, Love
is not a cold white ideal rising moon-like over the rapt
LOVE-LVRICS 399
vision of the love-siek blK'iihenl-}»rince. It is not cxlia-
imuulaiie, volatile and vague, losinjjf itscH' in the worship
of a j)hantoni-\\onian or lisinij^ into ni3stie spirituality
and iudefmito lantJKMVni; nor is it sicklied o\er with
th^ subtleties of decadent psycholoijfists or with the
subjective malady of modern love-poets. It is exaspera-
tiny;ly impressionist and admirabh' plain-speakiny. It
does not talk about raptures and ideals ami jjjatcs of
heaven but walks on the earth and speaks of the insati-
able hunger of the body and the extpiisite intoxication
of tiie senses as well. For these poets realised, as every
true passionate poet has lealised, that ]iassion in its
essence is not idealism which looks beyond the real but
idolatry which finds the ideal in the real ; for passion
is primarily and essentially realistic. It cannot live upon
abstractions and generalisations ; it must have actualities
to feed upon. It is not our purpose to consider here
whether this idolatrous intoxication of passion is good or
bad; but it cannot be denied that it bore ample fruit in
the astonishing realism of their love-songs and brought
their poetry nearer to world and life and to the actual and
abiding spirit of love.
Love is conceived, therefore, in its concrete richneis
antl variety, and not merely under its broad and ideal
asjKKits. This essential realism of passion leads the poet
to take body and soul together and
Nidlui Babn's fop. ^^^^ accept the one for the other. lie
;«.< not offensive or *
immoral. is therefore always stronir, viviil anil
honest, very seldom <lreamy, ethereal
or mystic. A sort of traditionary ill-repute, however, has
very unduly got itself associated with the ljiftjh(9^ especially
with the exipiisite bits of Is'idhu IJubu's songs. There is
a good deal of frankness antl a passionate sense of the
gooil things of earth, it is true ; but even judged by very
400 BENGALI LITERATURK
strict standard, his songs are neither indecent noi- offensive
nor immoral.' The tone is always proper and althongh there
is the unmistakable (h'rectness of passion and the plain
humanity of their iiidif><, there is absolutely nothing which
should drive critics into such strong opinions of condemna-
tion. Even during his life-time and ever since his death,
Nidhu's iappTiii obtained such extraordinary popularity and
currency that even low and vulgar doggerels have passed
off as his own. His Glfaratna has never since been re-
printed and his fajjpas to-day are seldom favoured ; the
modern reader, therefore, understands by Nidhu's tapjjaa
the cheap vile and worthless street-songs which are sold
in the name of Nidhu. It is no wonder, therefore, that
his songs are taken as synonymous with kJtend and bad
taste. In reality, however, no lappa is more tender and
exquisite than the tcqjp'f of Nidhu.
There is not much of artistic workmanship in Nidhu
Bubu's songs ; but there is lucidity as well as flavour in
his poetical style, and tenderness and emotional force in
his expression. There is no elabora-
His artistic merit .. ,. ^ ^ ^ , -a
aud iiuperfectious. "^n or hneness, no verbal dexterity, no
prosodic variety or profusion of
conceits and ornaments. The poet is absolutely indifferent
with regard to his rhymes which are often faulty nor is he
studiously fastidious with regard to word-selection which
is not often impeccable. There are very few songs which
taken as a whole are invulnerable in form or artistic re-
quirements; and like most of the Kabiwalas he is singu-
larly une(jual, often great in single lines, in couplets, in
'patches,' but devoid of the gift of sustained utterance.
Lines or verses like these taken at random
' An attempt has been made to analyse Nidlni Baba's love-songs
and show that they ai-o not sensual and vulgar in my arlielc in the
Sahitya Fari^at Pntrika, 132-1-121.
LOVE-LYRICS 401
'^^l ^\ ^tf^ ^f^ "sftf^ f^ ^C^ ^f^C^ I
^^^ ^tf?:^ ^t^^ C^^T^I ^^5^ II 2
5^^CJ{ S^^C^ <5tf^ ^f^f'l^ ^^ ^tf^
f% ^tfs^ '^'5^ ^'s -51^ ^ (Tff^ ir''
Itfe ^f?J^ It^ ^^ 5IC^ ^f^
wf^^ '^U ^5 ^^f^ ^t^f^ II *
*nn*i 21^1 ?^t -^tf^^ >ito II ■
^l'i{^ "Slfl^ -sit^ "Site? f^ ?J^55? II '
' CTitaratna, 3rd ed., p. 130. • Ibid, p. 119.
* ibid, p. 79. • Ibid, p. 100. • /6.d, p. 132.
• Ibid, p. 20. ' Ibid, p. 137. • Ibid, p 44.
51
402 BENGALI LITERATURE
c^^u{ ^^^ w(j{ ^f^^ ^t^f^ II ^
4tR ^f^i^ ^'i c^f?i^ c^f^rs II ^
are examples of undoubtedly tine but spasmodic bursts of
the miraculous gift ; but, excepting a few poems which are
flawless gems in form and substance, his verse often
stumbles and halts where there is need for a brisk and
sustained pace.
But he was undoubtedly a poet of high natural endow-
ments, and the untutored feelings and passions of his
heart he could exi)ress with unparal-
But true poetic qua- \e\ed terseness and j)recision of
lity. .
touch. The rarest poetic feeling is
oftener found in simpler verse than in an elaborate
and studied masterinece. The best and most characteristic
of Nidhu Babu's songs are love-songs ; but the limited
subject of his verse never matters much, for in them he
sometimes reaches a varietv and a sim))le vet mao-nifi-
cent quality which is beyond the accurate black-and-
white artist. His of t-cjuoted songs —
' Ibid, p. 41. » ibid. p. 12. => Ibid, p. 9.
LOVE-LVRICS 403
c^ ?tr^ 5jc^ ^c^ (7T^ "st^f sn^rti^*^ II '
*2tt«t J^Tn^tf^ ^^ ^*t5? C^:=? II
^^ f^ (?T ?jf*t ^ c^ ^^ ^iJ ^f»i
^wc^ c^i-»ifk f^c<( ^f^ ^Is^ I
or even some ot" his less known pieces —
^\7f '5\^^ -sifs ^tf^co J^tf'ic^ I
^f^ C^tfl 'Slfj^f'I^ C^tas C?;f?ir5 II '
5^1 WUl T55» S^ 5»^^ ^^?I ^CM
Omitlod in O'ltaratna, but pvou aa Niilhu Bftbu'ii in PrTfi^Th", p. 154 ;
Sitiujlt'sar-f'ti'ngrtiha, vol. ij, p. 87o ; Raiiabhiindhr, p. 107.
• Omitted in Olfaru/na but given in (Titaball or Sidhtt Bnhur
0'>la$atiigraha. p. 131 ; i2n«<i(>/i'in(f(lr, p. 100. In Pntig'tti the aong in
attributed tD tIariinuLau Ray.
• Gltaratua, p. 87.
• Ihid, p. 87.
i Sawj\f'i<ir-$aMgrrthn, toI. ii, p. 850 ; omitted in GMnratna,
404 BENGALI LITEKATURE
are fine instances of what he was capable ot" achieving
at his best ; and his best is not something to be lightly
spoken of.
Nidhu Babu in the preface to his fUtarafna states
that his book is not the first of its kind in Bengali ; to
what other Avorks of the same nature he refers cannot be
determined but we knoAv for certain the existence of a
collection of songs bv Radhamohan Sen, a Kavastha musician
who lived at Kansaripada, Calcutta, and who published his
Sauglt taraiiga'^ in 1818 (1275 B. S.) This work, however,
is an elaborate treatise on music with the description of
various Ra</iis and Naffhil.i and is
Radha Mohan Sen and j,^ ,^o ^yav dircctlv concerned with
his Sang'it tarnhga. ■ t \
our enquirv. It however contanis
about 123 songs subsecpicntly follocted together and
published with some additional pieces in the author's
later work Nu.fa-sara-sanfflt (1839). These songs, though
very popular at one time, are not all tapjms nor do they
' Oltaratna^ p. 21.
' There is a copy of the first edition in tlie Sahitya Pari^at
Library bearing this title-page J^SpTS 35W 1 ^W5J^ 1 ^l?t»ftr5ft5J? C^H ?fT I
f3 I -^fir^t^t? ?t5rti^ I (.Sim i ^w^'l ^si%? i itfl ^ "^ i^^«i i-is.
»r^ 1 pp. contents and 1-267. Another edition in 1256 B.S. by his
grandson Adinath Sen Das, An excellent edition of this work has
been published by the Bangabus! Office and edited by Hariniohan
Mukhopadhyay in 1310 B. S. (1903 A.D.), whicli also includes
additional songs from Rasa'Sara'SahgV .
LOVK-LYKICS 405
exhibit am niarkoil literarv cliaraeteristics. ' Hit? short
' piece."
jfC^ 5if5f "^Rl^^ CS^ CT «(f?[ II
?I5f^ jff^^ ^t^ ^^ 1% ^f?T II ^
is so inueh better than tlie rest that it would be hanlly
fair to quote anvthing else unless we couM ([uote a gooil
(leal more.
The minor ^n-oup of lyrists and sonj^sters in this sec-
tion are not always strictly speak-
The minor songs- jp^ writers of ^z»;)(7.v ; but thev wrote
on amatory, devotional and other
themes. It is unprolitable to take them in detail ; for
none of them, not even Sridhar Katiiak or Kill! Mirja,
could approach Nidhu Babn in variety, extent or power,
thouj^h all of them show more or less a touch of tlie
natural vocal quality. Their son^s (excepting perhaps
some deservedly po]>ular pieces of .Sridhar) do not possess
the rare merit of utiitin*; the <^race ami ima<>;ery of the
lyric to the music and fashion of sonnf. They are
hardlv litei-arv and are often rarelesslv maile : thev are
' His ^rfij ^t?l. TfTi J?f^. ■^Jf^ 'TR I f^Rl =5rt?rt:«( ^f ^ift? ^^ I etc.
is often praised bat is chictly iinitativo of .Invmlch'H sftf^^^Tt^tnl
^\V ^yi^T^ir^:, of Bidvnpntl's ^5 -HW^ 1^ !f?^ ??It|% I f\T{ ^'
■m> W ^<Ht^ nnd of Uain Basil's ^ ^f C?, ^tfsi ^T?t, C^f^ ^jtTICT -A^
Hf^ffs I The idea is conrentional.
* Besides the BaA^baai edition, PntigVi gives a good selection of
Riidbfimohan's noticeable pieces.
' Sang'it-taranga (BangabAsi edition), p. 20.
406 BENGALI LITERATURE
not meant to be I'ead \\ith tone and feeling but really
demand to be sung. And what has been said with regard
to the musical quality of the songs of the Kabiwalas apply
with greater force to /<'^-);;u-writers who were primarily
musicians.
Of these later (<z/>;j(t- writers, Sridhar Kathak stands
next to Nidhu Babu in popularity,
Sridhar Kathak. poetic merit and probably in chrono-
logy. Informations about his life
and character are uncertain, indefinite and mostly un-
realiable. He was born in the village of Bansbedia,
Hughli, probably in 1816 (L22.3 B. S.). His father was
Pundit Ratankrsna Siromani and his grandfather was
the famous kathak Lalchand Bidyabhusan. Sridhar
himself tvas a kathak of considerable power having learnt
the art from KalTcharan lihattacharyya of Berhampore
but from his youth he was attached by natural proclivi-
ties to kahi aud prcinicJiafi parties. The songs which are
now attributed to Sridhar are, however, all of the tuppa
type and for these he is justly cele-
His tappas curiously brated. Tnfortunatelv the rival repu-
niixed up with tliose of . . '
Nidhu Bubu. tation Kauinidhi has created much
confusion and led to the general
attribution of many of Sridhar's songs to Ramnidhi and
it is almost impossible to-day to disentangle satisfactorily
this question of disputed authorship. The famous song
^t^ ^^cwRc^ ^tf^ (?f^ %^ ^tf^5^ II
is popularly assigned to Nidhu Babu — for none but Nidhu
Babu was supposed capable of producing such a beautiful
LOVE-LYKICS 407
piece ; but the soug really belonj^s to Srulliar anJ is not
included in Nidlui Hiibu's Gltaiuttna. The same it-niark
applies to two other hne songs which deserve to be
quoteil here —
^ ?t^, ^?, ^ f^U ^5f?l S|^5I
C^f^T S^ "sifcJIt^ ^ C^«1 C11^ 1H
C^2W^^?jf?^ ^^ ^^ ^ ^*!I^91
The number of Sridhar's songs whicl» have come down to
U8 is verv limited and not more than one hundred son^s
may be found attributed to him in different anthologies.'
.^rklhar is undoubtedly one of the tinest ^//)/yJ-writers
of this i)eriod, although he moves within a very limited
and inferior range. Most of his songs
His quality as a lonp- , r ,i i ** c \- .1
writer. sjjeak ot tlie bitterness ot disapj)omteil
love and breathe a note of tender
passion marke<l more or less by absence of rhetorical
' In Baiigah}iiifiar Lekhak (vol. i, j). 3tiO) menlion ia mado of 1(39
■ongi hv orldhar ; Love-songs 121, and songs on Kr^na and RAdliH
35, Syuniubi.'^yak 4, (laurlbiijayuk 9, besides some niiscellnneoun
pada*. But these have not yet been {lublished. Altogether nearly
a hundred songs will be found assigned to Sridbar in different
anthologies and selections.
408 BENGALI LITERATURE
subtlety and presence of lyrical directness. JSrldhar, like
most of his contemijoraries, is often slipshod and careless ;
but he is always forceful and direct. His faults are faults
common to the grou]) — of too rapid composition, diffuse-
ness and a certain share uf the tricks and mannerisms
of current verse : yet when he beats his music out, it has
a touching and tender quality. In his best songs the
words are few but the linked sweetness of his long-drawn-
out melody has a charm of its own. We have quoted
some of his well-known songs ; here are two from his less
known pieces.
^ ^t^ ^1 ^t^^ «t^ «t^ 'fU^ (P\^ '^t^
^^Z^ 5I5f«l \5t^ ^^^ ^t1 f^^t^ II
^C^ C^^ ^t1% 'SC^ f^^^ "Itt <^ ^S«11 I
'jf^rft^ ^^ c^^ c^^ ^tc^ ^t^^t?:^ ^1 II '
It is impossible to overrate the quality displayed in
the above j)assages, and one can, therefore, understand
easily how Sridhar's songs got so curiously mixed up
with Nidhu Babu's masterpieces. But, inspite of this
extraordinary charm, ^ridhar is a singularly unetjual poet
and shines best in a volume of selection. Many passages
are mere fustian ; others have a beauty not often
' In Premahar (a collection of love-songs) cd. Ksirod Chandra Rtly
(1886), lip. 9-4-9r) the text of this song has a slightly different wrtrding.
LOVE-LYRICS 409
surpassed. Snilliar remains, fliereforo, a poet ^reat by
snatches.
We pass briefly over tlie name of Kalidas Chatto-
padhyay (better known as Kali Mirja) a («/7.»J-\vriter of
tolerable jwwer and musician of great repute, who
nourished in the early years of the 19th century. His
son<;s, both for their substance and their music, had
obtained such instant and merited
dhysy (Ksii Mh-js). currency that when Krsr.uu.anda
Byiis Ka<i:asa;j:ar compiled his enor-
mous cyclopa-dia of soni^s in 1810 {\i')i B.S.),' he
thouirht it fit to include niore than 250 soujjfs of Kail
Mirja's composition, lie was the soji of one Bijayrani
Chattopadhyay, a native of Guptipada which was at
one time the seat of Hindu learning. Kalidas is said
to have learnt music in Benares, Lukhnow and Delhi ;
and his appellation >> irja is said to betoken his high
skill and proficiency in that art. After residing for
some time with Pratapchandra of Burdwan, he came
to Calcutta where he lived thereafter under the
magnifieent patronage of Gopimohati Thakur. He
passed his last days in the sacred city of Benares and
died there, before 1825.
Kail Mirja composed songs on a variety of topics,
secular as well as religious, of which his tappos and
'si/aniahi><ai/ak songs obtained considerable reputation.
\\\ his devotional songs, he follows
ChRrRiter of Iiib t|„. tradition of Ram-prapa<l and in
■ungs.
one or two pieces he has been able to
' Tlie entire work, Savgit -raga-kal i^ndrum was pnbliHhed betwi-on
1842-49 ; the volume containing Bonirali Hontrs was printod in Iflio.
The date given in the introductory portion of KAli Mirjil's Wxtfi'uharx,
puhliBhed by Amrtalal BandyopadliySy in IQfU, is incorrect. See
preface to Songxi.raga-kaJpadrum (Sahitya Pari9at edition, vol. iii, p. 2).
52
410 BENGALI LITERATURE
catch the spirit, if not the devotional ecstasy, of the
earlier devotee
Uv^sf ^ ntf^ -^ ^f^ ^-''Tt^f 1
vsjSi ^7^ ^5J ^iw, ^t^ ^t^ ^C^?r ^t^ II
The same level and average quality also characterises
his songs on Radha and Krsna and his fappas. His songs
are uniformly pedestrian, if not always flat and dull,
and monotonously destitute of the peculiar touch of
phrasing, the eternising influence of style which charac-
terises the songs of Nidhu Babu or Sridhar Kathak.
The only feature — a feature however which is hai-dly
engaging — is his tendency towards the traditional rhe-
torical style and his fondness for tasteless conceits and
crude devices of punning and alliteration . There is more
of conventional poetical imagery than of natural emotion
in his songs. One illustration would suffice^
^^C?I ^^^ "^^^ ^f^^ C^W.^ ^ I
51^ ^\h ^n:^ '<f c^ "^U 1^^ ■•^^ I
• GHakiharl, pp. 56 and 64.
» Ihid, p. 102.
DEVOTIONAL SONGS 411
This brings us practiciilly to the eiul of the p^roup of
^/y>/;a-writers ' who chronologically lx'lon»; to our period,
althougii in matters of date and
Later group of chronology we are not on absolutely
/aj>pa-wntors. ' • ''
Hrm and safe ground. The tradi-
tion, however, was carried on beyond the middle of the
I'Jth century. In Snugli-raffn-kalpadrum, published in
ISio, we lind the songs of Kfilidas Gangopadhyay, Sib-
chandi-a Sarkar, Sib Chmulra Kiiy and Ananda Narayan
Ghos and Asutos Deb (Chhatu Babu), all of whom
must have flourished in their poetical glory between 1820
and 1840. Later on we get Jagaunath Prasad Basu
Mallik of Andul, Kfi-si Prasad Ghos of Simla, Calcutta,
author of G7fii6<i/7 and of a large number of English
lyrics, Jaduniith (xhos of lielur, who wrote Sniiglt Jtlono-
niiijan, Rauuipati Handyopadhyay, author of Saiig'tf-
inTiladiir'sa, Hari .Mohan Kay, Kam Chiind Bantlyopildhyay,
Dayal Chaud Mitra and a host of others. This minor
l)oetry is of a strangely composite order vacillating between
the finest poetic quality of Nidlui Bfibu and tiic ilull flatness
of KalT Mirjfi. Instead of dealing with these latter-day
songsters in a i)ieoemeal fashion here, we reserve them for
detailed treatment in the next volume ; for the import-
ance of this movement did not end with the period with
which wi' are at preseat concerned but continued to be
sutliciently prominent even in the next quarter of this
century.
It would be convenient to notice here briefly the devo-
tional songs of this i)eriod, which, though dealing as they
' GopAl U«1e does not properlj belong to this group of Baithaki-
(aypri-wrhvis. He was n yatruiviln and nitlioiigli hi* Sf)ng8 go by the
name of fapp<i, in qnalitr and kind thcj belong to a different species.
412 BENGALI LITERATURE
do with an entirely different tlieme and formiu* a group
by themselves, represent a phase of song-writing of this
period closely connected with the writing of the pas-
sionate love-lyrics. Erom individualistic and secular love-
souce to the ecstatic and personal expression of religious
longing is but a step, the intermediate
Devotional songs stage being supplied by the songs
bearing upon the personal-impersonal
theme of the loves of Krsiia and Radha. But it is re-
markable that while («;j/?a-writers like Nidhu Babu,
Sridhar Kathak or Kali Mirja often pass on from love-
lyrics to devotional songs, the writers of devotional songs
like Riim Prasad or Kamalakanta, on the other hand,
seldom condescend to the more mundane theme of per-
sonal love-lyrics.
The most interesting bulk of these devotional songs
relates to the worship of divinity under the special image
of SakN, although there are several
relating to Sakti- songs which relate to other religious
worship.
cults. Its origin must be traced to
the recrudescence and ultimate domination of the /Sr7/-/?-eult
and k'^akta form of literature in the 18th century, which
in its turn traced its origin in general to the earlier (unfric
form of worship. Rani-prasad, the greatest exponent of
this kind of song-writing of this period, began his career
however as the author of the conventional Kidi/rixir/idai' ;
but even through the erotic atmosphere
Rani-prnsild : his tran- pji-iip i j.* ii
sition from Bidyasnu. of this half-sccular narrative pocm, the
(Me to devotional devotional fervour of the J^akta-wor-
shipper expresses itself. The same
may be said, although in a lessor degree, of Bharat Chandra
who was also the author of a few devotional <S'(7 //(/ lyrics.
But when Ram-prasad later on realised the superiority
of his ecstatic religious cITusions as something more
DEVOTIONAL SONGS 413
congenial to the trend of his life and «i;enins an<l burst
forth even in the [)aLj«'s of his more studied and literary
narrative j)oem —
the literary world hej^an to be flooded with the tuneful
melodies of religious ecstasy as a reaction from the com-
paratively arid thraldom of conventional verse.
The conflict betwt-en the Sakta and the Baisiiab sects
obtains in Heni^ali literature from time immemorial. As
on the one hand the Bai-nab poets, steeped in the specu-
lative, mystic and emotional realisations of the Srimad-
bhagnbiit were givinij; a i)oetic shape of their religious long-
ings in terms of human passion and
The SaktH and the amotion and flguring forth the divinity
Baifnah poets; their » » j
different literary me- as an ideal of love, were attempting
to bind the infinite through the finite
bonds of life's sweetest and best affections, the Saktas on
the other hand were singing tlie praise and describing the
glory of Aili/a Sakti through their Cfiand'i maiigal poems.
Re^'arded as literary ventures, these longer and more
studied efforts of the Sakta writers, no doubt, hold a conspi-
cuous i)lace in ancient Bengali literature but the Saktas
Could not attain the lyric predominance and passionate
enthusiasm of Baisnab song-writers : for there is a
Ix'tter scojM? for losing oneself in |>oetic raj^ture in dealing
with hatxiilyiiy sn/chi/n, flri'<y(i, niiul/iiirt/ii and the other fami-
li:»r and daily felt emotional states than in describing in a
sober narrative form the feats and glories of the jKirticular
deity. The /rtM/r(/.« no doubt inculcate
AcK.nuion of «o.\. ^j./^.^rship of the deity under the
hejKl ns the Mother, •
fimt renliseti l».v RAin- image of tlio Mother ; but no votary of
the cult before Ram-prasjkl realised the
exceedingly poetic |x>ssibilities of this form of atloration.We
414 BENGALI LITERATURE
cannot indeed definitely state wlietlier Ram-prasad was the
fii-st poet and devotee to realise this : for we find conteiu-
poraneonsly with him a host ot" such song-writers as, either
independently or inHuenced by him, wrote in the same
strain. Raja Krsiiachandra himself was a composer of
such songs and we find the literary tradition maintained
in the royal family by his two sons Sibchandra and
oambhuchandra, as well as inferior members of the same
family like Narachandra, SrTschandra, Nareschandra and
others. A few songs of this style still remains which
contain the d^amfa of Maharaja Nanda Kumar. It cannot
be said that all these song-wiiters were inspired by the
example and influence of Ram-prasad ; on the contmry,
they might be following a course of religious and literary
development which had begun indei)endently but which
was made so resplendent by the superior faith and genius
of Ram-prasad. Whatever might be the fact, it cannot
be denied that it was in Ram-prasad that this new form
of adoration of the Supreme Being under the image of the
Mother — a form naturally congenial to the Bengali tempe-
rament — finds its characteristic expression and discovers a
new, easy and natural mode of religions realisation through
fine songs, reflecting intense religious fervour in the exceed-
ingly human language of filial affection. The image of
divine motherhood, to Ram-prasad and his followers, is not
a mere abstract symbol of divine grace or divine chastise-
ment but it becomes the means as well as the end of a
definite sjjiritual realisation. Rising to the radiant white-
heat of childlikeness, these poets realise in the emotions of the
child the emotions of a devotee. Like the child, the poet
is now grave, now gay, now jietulant, now despairing, not
with the capricious purposelessness of a child but with the
deep intensity of purposeful devotion. Thus, not only Ram-
prasad in his numerous songs but even his follower, Kumar
DEVOTIONAL SONGS 415
»
Naraeliandi-a couKl iiululi^e in such intimate, familiar yet
signiticant expressions towards his special divinity: —
(^^t^) c^^^ ^i^f^ ^c^?r *cf^l ^^ ^c^ ^l-'&i fw?:?i II
These spiritual effusions of devout heart, therefore, are
iu a sense beyond criticism ; and in order to appreciate
these songs one must realise the entire mentality of these
devotee-poet*;, their systems of belief, the earnestness,
warratii and vigour of their simple faith, the transport
and exaltation of their spiritual mysti-
Character of these cjg,^^ ^yjj.^^ ^j^^gg ^^ j^,g j^g j^
songs. ' "
not the meditative speculation of
systematic |>hilosophers, nor the intellectual subtlety ot
trained logicians nor the theological commonplaces of
religious preachers, hut the life-long realisation of an
int**nsely spiritual nature. The songs, therefore, represent
not a professional effort but a born gift, or a gift ac(piired
through religious worship and aspiration. It is, however, a
gift or an enthusiasm, which is in fact an inspiration, a
mood of divine madness which draws from visible and
familiar things nn intuition of unknown realities. Its
treatment of the facts of religious experience is not the
less appealing but all the more artistic because it is so
sincere and genuine, because it awakens a sense of conviction
in ourselves. The temper is essentially that of a secular
lyric. It is not transcendental nor beyond the sphere of
artistic expression because the inspired artist makes us feel
the reality and universality of his individual passion, and the
416 BENGALI LITERATURE
«
mystery of his mystery stands clear and visible in its own
familiar lig'ht before our eyes.
This transfiguration of the primeval instinct of filial
affection of
A child crying in the night
A child crying for the light
into a relijii^ious phantasy or poetic rapture is a remarkable
achievement of Kam-prasad's soncfs. The incommunicable
communion between the human soul
TransfiKuratiou of a and thedivineis communicated throuirh
primitive human in- _ _ ^
stinct, and appeal for a the exceedingly familiar and authen-
more emotional form ,. . , .. <• ii i -i u i- i-
of religion. ^^^ intensity or the child s teelintr
for the mother. This new stand-
point vivifies religion with a human element and lifts
one of the primitive elements of human nature into the
means of glorious exaltation. It brings back colour and
beauty into religious life and appeals to the imagination
and the feelings. Its essential truth lies in its appeal for
a more emotional religion and in its protest against the
hard intellectualitv of doctrines and dogmas. It is not the
isolated expression of moral or religious ideas but its fusion
into a whole in one memorable personality, expressing itself
in a distinctly novel yet familiar mode of utterance, which
makes these songs so remarkable. The fui/fric form
of worship has its terrible as well as its beautiful aspect;
in these latter-day feakta writers we find an assertion of the
rights of the emotional and the ;esthetic iu human nature.
In this view the achievements of Ram-prasrid, ably seconded
by other devotional songsters who followed in the line, is
of a kind which most of the great religious or moral leaders
of the race in some way or other performed and which
opened up a new source of elevating joy.
But in this idea of the Divine .Mother {mairb/i'ifj) which
primarily follows the authority of the (anlras and the
DKVOTTOXAJ. SONGS 117
natural lueiital bi'iit of tlu' a^e aiul tlic race ami the iiiili-
viihial, Rilm-jtrasjul was not little in-
inHuenceof Bai^uab Huenccd, (liiectlv or indiioctlv, by the
ideas * J ' J
Haisiial) itlea of bTdiahia. Thronjrh-
out the hisitory ol" the Siikta anil Baisnah eontlict we fuul,
no doubt, the two sects directly antasjonistie to each other
and in Hhiirat Chandra, even in lliim-prasad himself, we
find the virulence of a militant sectarian zeal. But, as on
the one liand, we find a Maisnab poet like Chandida^ mak-
in*; use of f'mtric imajijery and tUnlric idea of i^ufc/iakra-
Kuti/tiin,^ on the other we see Ram-prasad, a confirmed
^fikta i)oet, considerably influenced
and imitation of by Baisnab ideas in his Krill-klrtan
Bindabanlila, ' •
and Kr ana kill mi. Not only does he
imitate in j-laoes tho characteristic diction and imagery of
Baisnab pailahnlli^ but he deliberately describes the go)4ha^
r(7>r, milan of Bhagabati iu imitation of the hriiiKihan-llla
of Srikrsna. It does not concern us here whether the
•^irl Parbati fitjures in a better artistic li<i:iit with a Unv
and parhnn/judi in her hand or whether the picture deserves
the sarcastic comments of Aju Gosvami'^ ; what we need
note is that here as well as in his agnuianl songs, Ram-
prasad is unmistakably utilising Baisnab ideas. This
imitation of tiie brudriban-llla or of the bufso/f/a bhaba of
Yasoda for Bala Gopal was, however, not wholly isolated,
T>M ♦fa ifn*!^ lai f^,M jA I
quoted fmni ChandidAs in Bir.bhumi (now BcricH) vol. ii, p. l,'>, which
■eo for a niHSterly exposition of PrntncTi $aiig\t.
* ^ Wf^ fS^ 3^ *f§t^fl -VfVUK^ CVn Hi en's f^ Wffl I ^^tf^
58
418 BENGALI LITERATrilE
sporadic or objectless. If iudicafed a general desire with
these poets of the 18th century to
Its object . afford a common ground of reconcilia-
tion and good feeling between the
two antagonistic sects. There is no distinction in reality,
says Kiim-prasad in many a song, between Bisnu and Sakti,
between Kali and Krsnn.
■QU^ 'Sil^ "^5 %5| 'il^ 515? ^?T 5?1 C^t^ II
This attcnii>t at removing i/rci^ru/resi (ill-blood) and at
establishing the ultimate identity of the different images
of the godhead is at the root of the later song of
Kamalakauta.
w\^ ^\ c?r 3f^ ^'^sj ^t^i "srlsil ^1 c^m ^^ i
(7f (71 CSR:^^ ^?l«l ^f?f?1 ^t^«1 ^^^ ^^ '^ ^5 II
^cii ^c^tc^^ ^?f ^?:^ ^fj! wt^^scn ^c^ ^^ I
^si^^tl^^ ^-JTTJTt^:^ ^^^1t^ ^1^ ^?( II
These devotional songsters in general and their precur-
sor Ram-prasfid in particular, therefore, established, through
the current from of Sid- fi -worship,
Originality of KSm- tempered bv natural human ideas
prasJid and his follow- i ^
crs. derived from the no loss human
Bai.snab poets, a peculiar form of
religious-poetic communion and, realising this in their own
life removed from the turbid atmosphere of controversy.
DEVOTIONAL SONGS 419
they expressed the varieties of their reli«jious experience in
touchiiii,^ ^ongs accessible to all. There is no other
conspicuous instance of this type of *S'<;/7/-worshi)j throui^h
the Mair-bhaha in ancient literature. The classical example
king Sural ha's propitiation of the AdyZi Hakll described in
the Miirkai\(lii/a ('haufll is altoirether of a different kind ;
nor could the earlier Bengali ChaiuJT-authors, who indulged
themselves in hymns or elaborate narratives of praise,
anticipate the sentiment of tender devotion and half-
childish solicitation of Hiim-prasild. ' In this respect the
originality of Ram-prasad is undoubted and it exalts him
to a place all his own.
The Baisuab poets, again, describe in their exquisite
lyrics a type of love which is lifted beyond the restrictions
of social convention and their love-
These son^g aoceK- lyncs, passionate and often sensuous,
Bible to all without • ' '
discrimination. may, in the uninitiated, cxcite worldiv
desires inste.id of inspiring a sense of
freedom from worldly attachments. The songs of Hain-
prasad and his followers, on the other hand, are free from
this dangerous tendency. AltlK)Uiih these simple and
tender loui^ings for the Mother may n«it, in thought and
diction, compare favourably with the tiner outbui'sts of
the Bai^nab poets, yet tiiey are accessible indiscriminately
to the uninitiated as well as the initiated, to the sinner as
wtH as t) the saint, to the ignorant as well as to the
learned. They constitute the common property of all, and
as in the case of the tender love of the mother, every
human child has an eipul claim to share it.
' Tlu* excoedinffly huninniscd piotiire of Gnnri or Dfirj?* in Rume<
fivar's ^'i6<i!/<i/i or even in BhSrat Chandra's Aunad'imangnl repreflents
an altojrether different phnso of perhaps the same humanising tenclencj
in contemporary litctatnre.
4-20 BENGALI LITERATURE
But this exceedingly difficult task of writing religious
songs which should be at the same
DulnesB ami nrtifici- time artistic and passionate has its
iilitv of the less inspir- i j •,« n -n^L i.L
ed successors of RSm- ^wn dangers and pitfalls. ^ hen the
prnsad. inspiration does not reach its high-
water mark, the resulting song is apt
to be either dull and Hat or laboured and artificial. There
is nothing like the dulness of a religious writer at his
dullest. This trait, now and then noticeable in Ram-prasad
himself, is often very marked in the less inspired song-
writers who accompanied or followed him. There is not
much in these inferior poets (always with exceptions, of
course) which is worth detailed study or attention and we
shall pass over them as briefly as pos-
RSja Sibchnnrlra and ^^]^]^ Qf the twO SOUS of Raia Kfsna-
Kninar Sainbhiichan- .A. ' ' '
dra. chandra, Raja Sibchandra and Kumar
^ambhuchandra, the latter is a better
poet, no doubt, but his productions are stilted and conven-
tional and are of too trifling a quantity to deserve any
further comment. The production of Kumar Narachandra,
a member of the same family, are however more abundant
and are of a better (piality, though not absolutely free from
the same trait. He could rei)roduce the spirit and even
the language of Ram-prasad pretty well. "SVe select three
of his songs (beside one which we have already quoted)
which are not so well-known as they ought to be.
^m «t^ f^wT5 ctf 3il "^z^n 'srni^t^ K^ ^ II
DEVOTIONAL SONGS 421
c^5? f^i^ 11 11 ^?i it?:?^ c«^«ii n\m ^\f
9It^C«1 -sitf^ f»f?:^1 CW'<I1 Jl'^s^tifl r^5 5)1^ II
'j'c^ ^ffltl «^1^I^ C'T-S^ "SJI?! ^S«l1 "^1^ II
^c»n5U^ f^'^ f*f^ ^t2iic»nc5 ^T^ ^it II
f^^ siiT5^ ^«1 11C^^ ^5J ^^5(1 C^15^
11 i^Ti c^c^ f*f^ ^ ''Jt^w ^f?r^f?i "«1^1 sitt II
C^ ^ *ft^t^«t?T CIC^ ^t^ ^^ f¥ ?^ ^t^^ I
tf^tft^l ^1 5C1 f^ s^tf'^ 1K^ s^UI^ ^C^ II
»f5lltt 5iT1 5*50 fr^t^ C^^f 5^1^ C^Tlir5
^^51 1^ ^-Qlt^l 1C<T?^ Cf C^liT iT'fl J^^ II
Tl 11 ^^ f« v5t^ rsc^ 's 11 ^c^ ^t^
^?j1 'ijif^ 5rtf<«i-c^c^1 ^^^-sfl ^c^i v5t^ II
StK'li simple yet direct utterance become rarer as we
|>ass on to later writers of this y;roii|). The following
sonojs which bear the fjhunitii of
Dowun Nandakisnr Xandakumar is supposed bv some to
Riiy. ... ^ "
be the oomjjosition of Xanda KiSor
Ra\ , Dewan of Burdwan Raj, but may possibly \ye a soli-
tary sonu; of Mahai-fij Xandakuniar aeeidenlally preserved.
^'it'ftc^ ic?t-*fC9i ^'H'JI's-f^^^lfw^ II
if*i*icsr5 im^ ^ci sii^ft'Ptf^ II
4^;J. BENGALI LITERATURE
®t^ JJ-R ^^ ^^ f3PT??^^C^fw#t II
^ ^^ ^^t^Tc*f f^^ ^^ c^ttrff^^ II
^^ ^13«13J?I ^tf% IC^ ^T5|tf^^ II'
This soug is quoted here not so much for its historic interest
nor for any special merit but as a specimen of the artificial
and tedious style of later poets. The same tendency of
indulging in symbolism, didactics and banalities under a
spiritual glamour is also remarkably noticeable in the songs
of Dewjtn Raghnnath Ray of Burdwan,
„ ^T^^^ .ool^""''^''' a brother of Nandakisor; but Ra-hu-
Ray. 1750- I8db. ,
nath was not a Sakta of the narrow
type and addressed several songs to Krsna as well, in some
of which he maintains the eventual identity of this Baisnab
deity with the special divinity of his adoi-ation. It is
hardly necessary to quote specimens but the following song"^
is the nearest approach to the style of Ram-prasad which
had been all along the deservedly recognised standard.
mi^ ta ^t^ ^^Htw^ c^^i m II 2
' The bhntjita has NandaknmSr and not Nandakisor.
' The bhanitd of Raghuuath in these songs is ^ff%<C^.
DEVOTIONAL SONGS 423
Thus Burdwan, like Nadiva, hiul been for a lon;^' tinu' the
Centre of these activities, and we find even Mahanija ]\Iaha-
labchand, who wasasonij-writer of no mean merit, carrying
on this literary tradition till his death in 1807. Of this
Burdwan o^roup the most famous and indeed the most
remarkable poet is Kamalakilnta Bhatiacharyya, a native of
Ambikanaijar in Kalnil who subse-
Blinttacharvvn. quentlv removed to Kotalliat m burd-
wan and lived under the royal patrona<j^e
of Maharaja Tejaschandra. Of the later <»rou)) of devo-
tional poets, Kamalakilnta approaches Ram-prasad very
closelv in t(»ne and feeliui>; and stvle. Mahatabchand
printed in 1857 from the poet's own manuscript nearly 250
sonijs which have been thus beautifully preserved. This
collection was reprinted in 1885 by vSrikanta Mallik in
Calcutta under the title Komnfahavfa PivJUhall^ and it
certainly deserves reprint ay:ain.
It is impossible within the limited scope of our plan
to analyse these three hundred songs in detail or to quote
extensive specimens which alone would illustrate the depth,
varietv and beauty of Kamalaklinta's songs. Like the
songs of his great predecessor Ram-i>rasad, his songs reveal
to us the inward history of his spiritual life, the various
stages of his religious exi>erience from worship and adora-
tion to the attainment of the state of hit^hest felicity. It
is not his meditative s|)eculation nor his theological tenets
nor the vague coating of s} nilxiliMu in his songs which
constitute their charm ; over and al)o\e all these tower his
spiritual sense, his imagination and his emotions, his extra-
ordinary personality ; and the palpitating humanity which
vivifies every line imparts a soul-felt meaning to his
devotional son^s. lit- expresses common needs, common
' A copy of this wn« lent to me hy the SShitya Parifat Librnrr.
424 BENGALI LITERATURE
illOUf;ht^^, and every-day emotions of the religious man ;
and if he is a mvstic, his mvstieism is not of the esoteric
order. It is difHeult to quote speeimens when one must
confine oneself to a limited number but the fojlowinp: songs,
well-known as they are, are quoted to make them better
known.
"sJt^ f^^ ^1^ srfsil si1 (.^U C^^^ ^f5 5^«l ^f?! I
'©^ ^^« f^i:^Z'^f^ M'j^tf^ c^i^ ^^Pi 'Tf^^ ^5^1 II
f^'iw^t^ c^^ c^t'il ^t^ ^^^tft s'^^^rfCT^ ^gf 1 1I
<5rw?r ®^^^ 5(t^1 ^f^ ^^1 ^c^^ ^c<T ^^^1 ^'1 II *
^tf^i ^^ 1^ c^^ I
^srf^'^ f^i'^^ ^cf c^^ ?5t^f^ f^ ^1 ^t^f^ (71^ 11
^?j 'fte c^tf^ c^rf^ ^tc5 ^ 'stt? it^t5 5f^ II
"Hit^ c'fc^ ^'i ^^ ^B^ ^fi 'if*! (TPt^
'srf'rf^ c^rn^ ^^ (751^^ ^c^t^t^ f^ dt^ II
5^^ iTt'^ ^c^ ^t^ ^^^^1 fv ^t^ ta crf^
^f^ ?t^t f^a ^^f5 ^^^ ^f 5C^ ^rrf^ ^t^«^^ c^t^l II
^5^ ^-\ui c^ta c^i^ ^im^r ^t^ ^ ®ti^jr^ c^^ ii -
One characteristic note of these songs is its sincerity,
a sincerity which redeems even tiic slightest song from
insigniticance and confers on the finer pieces an importance
' Kamalakanta Podabal't, p. 29. • Ibid, p. 39.
DEVOTIONAL SONGS Wd
of a ilitlVrent order from that whioli attaches to even the
most brilliant productions of his contemporaries. The
popular opinion which places Kamalakunta next to Kam-
prasad is fully justilied, and we conclude by cpiotinji; the
lii.es of Nilrunbar Mukhopadhvay, a later poet, who
eulogises Kamalilkanta and Ham- prasild in the same
breath.
^]l^^ ^^] ^si^ ^tf^T I
Tfnr^f JR ©T^ 5^t^ ^fjj cif»f (I
^•5J>Tt'^ ^^ ^$1 r.*o if?ft1 "^z^t:^ ^t^
54
CHAPTEE XII
Miscellaneous Writers in the Old Style.
The period of interregnum in poetry wliich followed
upon Bharat Chandra's death had been, we have seen, essen-
tially a lyric interval in which we find the Kabiwalas,
Writers of the poeti. taj)j}a-w'niers and authors of devo-
cal interregnum. tional songs Creating a body of litera-
ture which, if not great in positive achievement, is at least
remarkable in the negative quality of marking a natural
reaction against the ornate and classical type of literary
practice of the 18th century. At the same time the groups
of writers mentioned never separate themselves wholly
from the traditions of the past nor do they work their way
from the older to the newer style of the 19th century.
In this sense, they are neither ancient nor modern ; neither
do they represent the past adequately nor indicate and
foretell the future. They were at the same time incap-
able of great literature ; nor were the times suitable for it.
They are nol, it is true, idle singers of an emi)ty day ; but
they deal essentially with trifles, though with trifles
poeticallv adorned. Occupying, as
The intermediate " " . .
position of the lyric they ilo, an intermediate position
BongBters, Kabiwalas i^p^ween th.' ancient and the modern
and others.
writers, they yet afford no natui-al
medium of transition from the school of the past to the
school of the present. They create a literature of their
own, limited and circumscribed by their own j^eculiarities
and the peculiarities of their circumstances, too old to be
entirely new, too new to be entirely old ; for although
possessing lyric quality, they have little affinity to modern
MISCELLANEOUS WHITKKS 427
Ivrists nor can tlitv Ijc cK-iiiiiteh afllliattHl toanv recoj'nised
school of ancient writers.
But the poetij and sun^^sters whom we propose to take
up ill this chapter, unlike the writers aheady dealt with,
delinitely and unmistakably tread in the footsteps of the
old-world poets. Their poetic »»;ift move within the narrow
compass of conventional art, and though exhibitintjf widest
individual differences, these imitative
Writers dealt with p^^^jy ^re bound by the common
in this chapter aro
however ' relics ' or characteristic of belongin<T to the
' survivalH ' of earlier i i ai • r i * u •
days, and belong in P^^^ '^^th m form and spirit. Ueing
spirit and form to till- ^liiis artificially limited, they are
past. . . ■
hardly orii>'inal, except in so tar as
they may vary a t-in^Ie tune by playinjjj it upon the several
recognised stops. This (U'i)artment of verse, therefore,
is singularly depressing. Except in inspiretl snatches,
there is haixlly anything of first-i-ate ipiality, and the great
bulk of this narrowly imitative literature is Mat and
te<.lious. The recognised litemry species had been already
suffering from exhaustion of material and the declining
fwwers of these belateil imitators could hardly impart to
them a spark of vivifying force.
Want of subject-matter and of capacity for original
achievement is precisely the defect of this poetry. Li the
first place, we have a group of writers who follow the time-
honoured tradition of translating the
ProiH>8ed groups ut Sans<-rit /xTiniUv'rn, Ma/ia/jfiUrut and
writirs. . /
Snwnil-hh'tf/afHif into the vernacular.
Next we have a band of minor poets — some of them not
merely minor but insignificant — who wrote verse-tales of
the erotic tyfu' in imitation of Bharat Chandra but who
could not reproduce his jioetrv as they could magnify the
dull obscenities which unfortunately taint his writings.
After them, come a host of miscellaneous songsters — most
428 BENGALI LITERATURE
of them literary nondescripts — among whom we need
notice in some detail the authors of pairichali and yaira.
The translators of this period inherited the tradition
but lost the art which had made their
Translators. , ,^ .i-i- x--— i-
] iretlecessors Krttibas or Kasidas
immortal. A little before 1760, we have a number of
notable translations among which may be mentioned the
delightful version of GHagohinda by Giridhar, but after
1760, this department of literature is hardly gi-aced by
any remarkable achievement. The translators of this
period hardly exhibit any striking literary feature and it
would serve no purpose to reca]»itulate their half-forgotten
names. Of these, however, Raghunandan GosvamT, though
not exactly a translator, is remarkable for his re-writing
of the themes of BZim'iyan 2iwA Bhagalnt. Raghunandan*
was, as he himself tells us, born in the village of Maf'o near
Mankar, Burdwan. His dates are
Raghunandan GosvamT. , ^ , . i . i i i <
not exactly known* but he undoubt-
edly belongs to our period, for Raj-narayan Basu in his
Ekrd Sekal i elates how Raghunandan used to come very
frequently to Calcutta to meet the lexicographer,
Ramkamal Sen. His two considerable works are Srl-
Bam-rasa^an and Sri Rri'//ui-3Irt(i//(ibo<Ia^a,hesk\es Gltamala,
a work on Krsna-llla. Although both these works belong
chronologically to a later period — the latter, as its colophon
says,^ having been composed in 184-9 and the former
' He gives some account of himself and his family at the conclusion
of hie Ram'Tosayan.
" The BangabasT edition of his Ram-rasayan gives 1786 (1193 B. S.)
as the date of his hirth.
-nrt^T?! ntft^t^srtC^^^t 'l^^rfJl'nt"^ l Published by tho author's son
Madan Gopul GosvamI in 1890 (1297 B. S.)
MISCELLANEOI'S W RITERS 429
probably in 1S31' — it could be convenient to notice them
brietly here. His Raiii-raxriyan, a voluminous ami laborious
production, is a tolerably well written version of the
liawaz/aii ehieflv based upon ^'almTki
Sri Ram Raeaijau ' ^
but sui)plemented from other sources.
The lanj^ua^e is clear, viij;orou.s and picturesque, although
indicatini; a decided leaninj;- towards Sanscrit words : and
the work is composed throughout in the jniyar metre,
occasionallv diversified bv varieties of irniaill and other
• * '
common metres. Strictly speakinij;, the author is not
close or literal or even faithful in his version which is
more than a mere translation. There are con.«-iderable
additions and omissions- and the whole theme is treated
with a freedom which characterises most of the early
translators. The author possesses a marvellous narrative
\^\{i which makes his work interestin<;. It is not accurate
to state that the author is merely a learned )»undit entirely
devoid of j)oetic f^iff or power of delineating character
but his poetic «;ift is not equal to his cai)acity of rhythmical
expression and his command over a more or le.ss finishai
style. In spite of all its faults, it is however a very
remarkable production and to re<jard it as perhajis the
best Beui^ali version of the UZiuiayny after Krttibas is
not altoj^t'tht-r unwarranted. In his next work, Srl-HUdha
AJii'f/ui o<lai/a, however, the Haisnab Hai^hunandan fouml
' This Hate is i^veii in tho prffHce to tlio Brinsrubftsi edition, hIbo
ill Bangnhhafur Lekhnk, p. 249. It could not hiiTo been, as Diuesli
Chandra Sen atatea {History, p. \Q3), com poaed iu the middle of the
18th centur}'.
* Eapecially in i'ttarkantlit.
' See eepecially the pot-tic rleacription in ffl'tT^fa, lj •ffilC^?
fiff«wn*t«, ^ ifiJCS^f, iind the Inat thapter on Si^t^IRy^ •nmf^^j^
f^\li ( ^Tfl ▼!« ) I
430 BENGALI LITKRATURK
a more congenial sjubject and greater scope for poetical
treatment. Its essential theme is
and .sVl Radha ^\^^ time-wom yet eternally delighttul
Mudhnhodayii. • , •' _
Brndabana-llla of Sri Kr«na bejjinniu<;
of Sri Radhii's rUgodai/a (dawning of love) to the Hnal
ras-lUu. The work, written in a kabya form, is divided
into thirty four Ullasas or chaj)ters i?i which the whole
course of Radha's love is elaborately depicted with the
rapture of a devotee and the enthusiasm of a poet. The
first few chapters which described the germination
{hliahank II rodg ama) and growth {h/iabapruka'sa) of love in
Radha's heart and the first meeting of the lovers through
the contrivance of Paurnamasi and Madhumarigal — two
unique creations of Ragunandan's — are written with
considerable skill and poetic spirit.' It may be described,
in a sense, as a systematic Baisnab Kabya.
But in both these works, Raghunandan exhibits the
same decadent tendency towards tinical nicety and metrical
dexterity, towards frigid conceits,
CharacteristicK of conventional images and elaborate
liis writings.
metaphors, which marks all poetical
writing, secular and religious, since the time of Bharat
Chandra. In the narrative portions, Raghunandan is easy
and natural enough and shows a considerable gift of quiet
humour ; but in his poetical description he affects, in
common with his contemjiorarv poets, an elaborate and
artificial style. His weakness for the display of metrical
skill, again, is very marked. Besides />«//«/• and iripaiJl,
he makes use of a large variety of metres — inafjhajiy
* For an appreciation of these chapttTS, see M. M. Harapmsad
Sastri's article in Narayaii, 1322-23. vol. i, pp. 31-43 and pp. 638-648.
Madhuninngal, however, is not nn original creation of Kaphnuandan's
but he was a more or less conventional figure of the bidu^aku type, in
the popular yatras.
MISCELLANEOUS WRITERS 4-.S1
ekaball, lalita, iota ka, pajjahati/ca. jama ka, tunaka, //nifru
brttichatiifjpndl, sodat^rikfjarJ koficH jamaka, to mention
only a few — in his Hudlni Madhubodaya. The following
description ol' the heroine's beauty, althoup;h ehowinjj^
copsiderable skill, is yet conventional ami illustrates the
author's leaning towards sanscritisation.
5rf?i^t^5^-65-'Jt«j^ si^ 5jf^ ^t^ I
-v^ ''^^ *f^ ^^^ f^^ ^^^-ft II
The Kame nniaik a]i]>lits to the following defciiption
of Kam in his LTon-iosa^yan
5i^ei-:^c1.:^f5Jf gvl f^1.^J^l7\<^ ||
5f5frlt-^^-^flf?T^ ^?5 ^ii]^ -Sff^ 1^«1 I
?J?I^.;(J»-^5f-^t5T 5I«ltT$ ^^ ^ 11
^f'fSm-fsfijiJ f^^f? ^^ »M«(<T ^f'^ II
. ■*
* Radhdmadhabodaya, p. 31. * Ram RnMayan, p. 931.
482 BENGALI LITERATURE
These short lyrics are, hou-ever, inadequate for giving
an idea of Raghunandan's stvle : but thev will sufBeientlv
indicate both his merits and defects. Raglmnandan is by
no means a slovenly writer but in his striving after technical
perfection, he is often elaborate and artificial. His writings
display faultless execution and a great command over the
language; but ingenuity and verbal or rhythmic dexterity
can never supply perennial nutriment for art. It is only
when Kaghunandan rises above these prepossessions — and
he does this not very seldom — that he exhibits poetical
quality of no mean order.
Next to ftaghunandan, the royal poet Javnarayan
Ghosal of Bhukailas (1 751-1821) deserves mention. After
spending the greater portion of his
Jay.narSyan Gho9al, j^fg j^ the service of the Nawab and
1751-1821.
in the confidence of the company Jay-
narayan obtained the title of Maharaja Bahadur from the
Emperor of Delhi. During his last days, he passed a
retired life of religious devotion at Benares where he has
left too many traces of iiis large-hearted benevolence.' It
was here that he conceived the idea of translating the KTisI-
Khaiidn into Bengali. The whole history of the under-
taking is said forth bv Javnaravan himself in the last
chapter of his work.^ The translation, begun in 1792,
was completed in a hundred chai)ters (about 11,200 lines)
under the joint authorship of Jay-narayan, Nrsirhha Deb
Rav of Patuli, Jagannath Mukhopadhyay, BakreSvar
Panchanan and several other scholars and poets. After
the completion of the hundred chapters, sevei-al supplemen-
tarv chaptei"s, which stand by themselves, were added by
' For more details about his life, see Sahitya Pansat Patrika, vo].
vii, p^l-25; Sahifi/n, .302 pp. 1 i91-6 : Preface to the Sahitya Parisat
edition of Jaynarayan's Kanl-parikrama,
» See Koil-parilrama (Sahitya Parisat edition), Ch. xiii, pp. 222-24.
MISCELLANEOUS WRITERS 433
Jayniiravan himself, i;ivin<r a more or less luitlil'ul j)icture of
contemporary Beuares drawn from tlie poet's own observa-
tion. The work itself is a tedious and laborious compilation
but this suppUmentary account, which is the best part and
„. „ . which lias been published separately
Ilia &tisi-j)nnA»rt))in . . ^ _ f
under the title of Kus'i-purikraiiiu, is
indeed very interesting as a j^ood sj)ecimen of descriptive
poetry of this period. The topo<»;raphy ami other details of
the holy city are given with elaborate care, and in places the
descriptions are original, amusing and considerably realistic.
'T\\Q parikramas are not rare things in old Bengali literature
and we Ijave Nabadclpu Parikrama and B/aJajjarikramu of
Namhari Chakrabarti and a \n'Ose Brndabana Parikrama
belonging to the ISth century. With these works of the
same nature Krisl-parikra/ua does not compare unfavour-
ably, and as a more or less trustworthy contemporary
account of the holy city, the work is certainly valuable. But
from the strictly literary point of view, it seems to possess
little interest or importance. Jayniiravan is a facile and
methodical versifier but he is hardly a poet. The pictorial
nature of his theme no doubt afforded many opportunities
for higher poetical (lights but the author is so entirely
devoid of the soaring gift that he is uniformly and hope-
lessly peilestrian, although occasionally he gives us
undoubtedly vigorous descriptive verses. He has no fancy,
no enthusiasm and his over-praised comjiosition' is often
merely prosaic and always rigidly conventional. The only
praise which he deserves relates to the fact that although
he adheres both in sjurit and form to the traditions and
exjiectations of the time, he yet devotes a stern attention
to the realities of scenery and character descril)ed. His
pictures, however, sadly lack a touch of that light which
'Dincsh Chandra Sen, in Uistoiy.loi:. cit. in Snhitya, loc. cit. ; Nagcndra-
nath Basu, preface to the Sahitya Pariijat edition of Kai'i- Parikrama,
55
434 BENGALI LITERATURE
was never on sea and land and which alone could have
made them poetic. He is a g'ood photographer but not a
painter ; and whose considers him as such may appreciate
him better. Jaynarayan's other pub-
ma Karuva.nidann. ]{s]^e(i ^ork, KormiR-nidUn-lHus,^ k\-
hilas,
though less known, is much better
production. Purporting to be a work devoted to the
glorification of the special deity whose image the author
had set up at Ka§l and from whom the book derives its
name, it really treats of Kr.fnal!la in a refreshingly
original and poetical way.
Other minor writers, who favoured the old style and
belonged to this group, need not and can not in a book like
this dealt with at much length. We must, however,
mention, if not enlarge upon, a school of poets (or rather
versifiers) who were the direct imita-
School of Bharat . r. r. i _ . i ^ i , • i
Chandra. ^ors 01 Bharat-chandra and continued
the style of Bidi/asnndar even beyond
the fifties. Bharat-chandra, like Ram-prasad in another
sphere, had been through his Bid yasundar the ruling power
for nearly a century. Writing under the shadow of his
genius, this belated group of writers are all servile copyists,
reproducing the style and scheme of his Bidyasundar down
to minute details but unable to repeat its poetry, they
exaggerate its freedom into licence.
. T'"''} ""'I I^l^-y The details of Sundar's amours, his
imitation ot Bulya-
sundar. intrigues, his capture and ultimate
union with Bid}a are all repeated
anew in a more or less diversified form ; but the
' A printed copy of thii will be found in the Calcutta Imperial
Library. The book is included in the list of books published by the
School Book Society before 1821. Long, in his article in Calcutta
Raview, xiii. 1850, describes this work as "an account of a new god
recently created by a rich native," For an account of the work, lee
Sahitya Parimt Patrika, he. cit.
MISCELLANEOUS AVRITEKS 435
stories are brutally and iinooiitrolIeiUy indecent, altliou^h
•ifenei-ally presented like their prototype under the
all-atoning garb of religion ; and their heroes aie typical
Don Juans in the worst sense. The plots are more
elabo!-ate and the series of adventures desperately fantastic,
though i)resenfed with the monotonous sameness of scheme.
There are places where Bhiirat-ehandra is free and coarse
enough, but in these his gifted followers attempt to outdo
their master in his own ground and hobble along in
wretched drawing out of the vulgar j^arts of the theme,
tlounderinir in the mud which they delight in but which is
as foul and dull as ever human imagination could conceive.
The versitication is poor, the descriptions dull and conven-
tional, and there is hardly any elevating poetic touch or
other redeeming feature in these verse-tales, which are never
gj-aceful but always graceless in one particular. It would
be a mistake to attribute all this to the influence of Persian
tales, for it is not clear whether these foreign tales were
abundantlv accessible and well-known
Their depraved taste to the writers of this generation and
not flue to Pcrsifiu ...
induence. even when accessiVjle, it is not clear
whether such tales are really as bad as
they are ott€n represented to be. The Persian tales, to
judge from tiie specimens which have survived, very
seldom sink to that depth of indecent realism where these
productions of a degenerate and depraved taste do often
wallow ; on the other hand, thesi- elaborate Bengali tales
unmistakably bear the stamp of if/V///«7.?/'//r?^/ /-style run
riot. It would be better to regard them as representing a
phase of the develoj)ment of literary taste in this period of
unstability and degeneracy which is also jiartially reflected
in the klirnd of the Kabiwalas, in the grossness of certain
aspects of hap ol/id'ii, fnrja, p<ii1irfuif i and other productions
of the same type. Most of these verse-tales are now scarce,
436 BENGALI LITERATURE
suppressed by the law and never allowed to be reprinted,
and it is not necessary to drag them out of their deserved
obscurity ; but there is evidence to show that from the end
of the I8th to the middle of the 19th century this prolific
literature, outrageous as it is to all taste, obtained consider-
able favour and currency. The earliest surviving specimen
of these tales, however belong to a period j)osterior to ISlo
and do not therefore properly come within the scope of this
volume, although it is quite probable
The most flourishing ^hat it was preceded by a host of
time of tins litera- similar in-oductions, belonging to an
turo falls outside our _
period. earlier date, which are now lost to us.
Kali Krsna Das's Kaminl Kumar,
however, is placed by some at the end of the 18th century,
but the earliest printed copy ' that we have seen bears the
date of 1836 ; while Chaiidrakania, the next well-known
piece cannot i)ossibly belong to a much earlier date.
Madan Mohan's BasabdnttU, written in the same style but
with finer power and greater delicacy, was first published
in 18.37. These were followed by a host of other works of
the same type such as Tarachiliud Datta's Manmatha
Kahija (1811), Munsi Eradot's Kuniiiga-hhauu (1845),
Umficharan Tribedi's Madan Madliun (I85()), Banamall
Ghopal's Padmdgandha-npiikliyZin (1804), Bisvambhar Das's
licijanlkauta (1870), Gobinda 8ll's /Irn/hifa-Rafikanfa
(1870 ?) all belonging to a period between 1810 and 1870.
This would, therefore, amply indicate that between these
dates there wa-s an exuberant growth, if not recrudescence
'The copy in the Siihitj'a Pari^at Librarj' is wanting in tlie title-
page. The date given in the text is the date given in a copy lent to me
by a friend but which is now lost and is probably the date of the first
edition ; for there is a copy of Kali Kr^na's other work, Manhhaiijan, in
the Siihitya I'arisat Library bearing ISSG (fSaka 1778) as the date
apparently of the first edition. It is not unlikely therefore to hold that
Kall-Ei"jna's works belong to the period between 1836 and 1856.
MISCELLANEOUS \MUTERS 437
of this reactionary literature, helped probably by the re-
l)rintin^ of Bidi/anumJar in 1831) and 1817.
The miscellaneous poetry of this period is so uninanai^e-
ably scattered and so diversified that it j)resents a diflicult
problem of selection and of satisfactory
Miscellaneous poet8 treatment. Hesides the varieties of
ami songsters.
])oems and sonij;s already mentioned,
we have mtdtifarious types of rural productions, mostly
musical, like Jaii gan, (j'iiji'' f/ln, ilahu git, ^ale fjlf,
Klrtan giiu, Dhap sniiglfy G/ieta gun, San gun, IKml taiigJf,
tarj'i gall, specimens of which have survived in the mouths
of the peo])le, althou»^h not always accessible in print.
Much of this rural literature, composed by ini^lorious and
unknown poets, display, as all rural literature does, a
touching quality and a natural poetic sensibility which is
interesting: to note' ; but, f^enerally
Acthorsofi'a»ic/ia/i speakinjj, much of it is not literature
and Yutra. * '^'
at all and must be riiridlv excluded.
Amon<:j these purvejors of ephemeral stuff, the authors of
Prcmrhrifi and Yafra must be mentioned, not because they
are always worth mention but because their literary preten-
sions have, riorhtly or wronji^ly, always received reco<:;nition,
as a peculiar form of iiuli^enous literature which at one
time had obtained threat popularity.
The origin of Puinc/ta/i-fionfrs of tite modern type
cannot be di'linitely tract'tl. Dinesh
Origin of Pamchali Chandra Si-u, in his Iwo works on
songs.
lient^ali Literature* i>uts forward the
brilliant but hardly convincing conjecture that the
'Accounts of rami poets hn<\ their songs have from time to time
appoarotl in various Bengali journals. For an interesting appreciation
of rural literature in general, see Rabindra Nflth Thukur, (iramyn
iyuhityn pnblished in his volume on Lok- Sahilya.
' Bnngnhha^a Sahityn, 2n(l Ed , p. 221 ; Uigtnry «/ Bengali
Langnagt and Literature, p. 385.
438 BENGALI LITERATURE
Pa'ffichali (sj)elling the word as Paiicha/i) is ultimately
connected with Paiiehiil or Kanauj, which he takes to be
the birth-place of tiiis kind of song. It may, however,
be pointed out that there is no trace of //amcZ/a/j-song*
of the modern type (such as those popularised by Dasarathi
Ray) in ancient literature ; but that the word PamchU/i
it is well known, was used indiscriminately for all sorts
of poetical composition which could be recited and which
l)ossessed a religious theme. Thus
Ancient aud nioclern ^|^g Paraqall Mahd.h/nxrat or the
types of pamchah ''
mast be distinguished. Makahkarat of Nityananda Ghos is
called hliarat-pariu'lirdi or simply
pamchali in their respective hfianiias. Similarly Kabi-
kankan Chandl is desipjnated throunjhout by its author as
pamchafi or pamchali-prabnndka, and even in a work like
Jagannath Mangal, Gadadhar Mandal states that he is
composing his work in the style of pamc/iali. ' Thue we
have, besides those mentioned above, Sanir pamchali,
SastJ/Jr j'aine/tali, Mansar pZimc/ndi aud in fact p~xmcJialts
written in praise of all the popular deities. These older
compositions used to be recited and were therefore suitably
arranged for pala-% or sittings for recitation. But they
were not pariicluilif^ in the modern sense of the t^rm and
a distinction must be made between ancient and modern
types. Another equally fanciful etymology of the term
pamchali is given by deriving the word from pa-chali or
jaada-chrdan which is taken to indicate that the leader of
such a party recited explains and sings his theme by
moving about before the assembled audience ; but this
interpretation fails to explain the presence of nasal m in
the word itself. It would seem, however, that the best
' We also get the word immchali-chhanda and nnless the word
chhanda moans style of composition, it must be refeiied to a peculiar
kind of metre.
MISCELLANEOUS WRITERS 439
explanation is that wliit-h connects jhin^irhali with nachadi
(which was acconii>anied by dancing; and sinorincr) and
which regards the term pamc/ial i , ai)i)Iied to tlie modern
tyjie of poi)ular entertainment, a.s connotinj^ five (pamc// )
essential thinp^s which must be present in all perfect kinds.
What these five elements were cannot be exactly deter-
minetl but singing (/A^'O* >nusic {xaj-bajauu), recitation
{ch hadri-krdrvia) , poetical rivalry {(juner ladai) and possibly
dancinj^ {uach) more or less accompanied all jjuiiu/ialts in
later times.
As this form of entertainment has practically dis-
appeared from modern Bengal, it would be worth
while to quote the followin(]r interesting description of a
/'(777tc^<T/i performance which, lengthy as it is, is still valuable
as coming from one who himself was more or less connected
with it and who mut;t have also seen the performance of
Da5u Kiiy himself.*
^«nii ^n^ ^z^^, 'ft^tf^ic^ T^^f^^^ ^i-Asvs ws\ 9 ^nz^
' ManoiDohnn Bnen, ifaNo>mohan 0Tta6«rr, pp. 18I-IR3.
440 BENGALI LTTEllATURE
^^•C^ f^f^^l ^n^^t^ ^1^ ^1^1^51^ ^^ f^^C?!^ W^l ^t^lkiVf I
^9ft^ ^ ^t^^T^ ^^^^ C^1^1 ^¥ ^]f^ ^^^ ^5? ^^ Jif^ss,
7\-^ ypgt^^ I 1^1 ^t^tl^ ^Ic^ ^^^^ flf^^ ^1^1?I ^I15R I . . .
'swf^^ -ni^^i ^t^^i?^ ^tf^ ^f^^ ^fjm ^]tui^, (2tf^^.^ Pt^
Cm?1 'l^^^t^ 1^^ ^tf^^l ^1^ ^t^ll^1 ^^^^1lf?^ sji^^l ^11^15
^ ^i^T^i? ^ftw^ 'l^ ^t^tw^ 'Si'^U ^ ''s;^^ ^«=.^ ^2t^^»f if(5j?
^^m ^^t^ ^v<^, f^#?i ^t^ 5(t^, ^ft^ 1^^ ^H -mti^^, ^1^1
^t^t^ c^ 5^1^—^^ i^tt^ c^ <si^^ i2i^5? f^^i; ?-f^i^5? I
Such is the pUmehrdi of the modern type. It is not
known in what form it existed in earlier periods but the
kind described began to be po])ular from the beginning of
MISCELLANEOrS WKITEKS Ml
tlie r.lth century. Diiyaratlii Hfiy was uiuloiihtedly the
greateiit, il' not tlie earliest, writer
Chronology of the ^f ^^^ o;roup, but it is not beyond
Pa/wc/jfi/i-writerB. .
doubt whether it was he who first
modified its earher form and set in the new fashion.
Before Dasarathi we i;et the name of Ciangiiram
Naskar who is sometimes rei^ardeil as tlie founder of
this new type; ami (iuro Dumbo, who is taken by
some to be a p~rnic//rih' -writer and not a Kabiwala,
certainly flourished prior to Da-sarathi. IJut of the.«;e
earlier mysterious fii^ures, nothint*- jiractically is known
and no specimen of their production has come down to us.
Mter Dasu Kay, came Sannyasi Chakrabarti, Nabin
ChakrabartT, Rasik Kay, Thiikur Dfis Datta, Gobardhan
Das, Kesab Chamd, Nanilal, Jadu Ghos and a host of
others who were more or less followers and imitators of
Dasarathi Kay, their acknowledij^ed head in the line. The
latter, therefore, may not be untitliu'^ly described as the
great exi)onent and populariser, if not the originator, of
pavichali in its modern form.
Thus, although widely prevalent in the beginning of
the I'.Hli century, we get no surviving specimen of
pUmc/iUli belonging to the i)eriod bet-
Tlie most tloiirialiiiiK ii -»,, i i \- • i i • i
perkxi of pTiHichrtii ^veeii I bOU ami \b-l.), with winch this
falls outside our j.re- volume is directly Concerned; for,
Bent scope. . '' ' '
Dfwsu Kay himself was born in 1804
or 1805 and his imitators and followers belong to a period
considerably later. Imleed, the most flourishing time of the
moileru yA7mf//c7// was between lh2.> ami 1 800, and there-
fore, strictly speaking, it falls outside our period. It \\;i> a
form of entertainment which began t<> be pujiular after
the reputation of the Kabiwalas had been already on the
decline ; y><7?nc//(7// -literature should, therefore, be more
56
442 BENGALI LITERATURE
fittinoly taken up in its proper place in the treatment of
the next period.
The same remarks with re2;ard to chronology apply also
to yZdra, a species of popular amuse-
The yuira. ment which was closely allied to
kahi and pumcJnifi and prevalent
from a very early period but of which sj^ecimens have come
down from comparatively recent times. The traditional
existence of i/a frits is known to us from time immemorial
and in Bharat's Nidj/asastra, we hear of popular semi-
dramatic performances which have been generally regaixled
as the probable precursor of the jwpular yatraa, on the
one hand, and of the later Sanscrit
Its antiquity. dramatic literature on the other. In
Bhababhuti's MUlofl-madhava,^ the
word i/atra is used probably in the technical sense as well
as in the general sense of a festivity. It cannot be
determined now whether the ijafras lineally descended
without deviation from these earlier popular festive enter-
tainments of the operatic type, obtaining from the earliest
times, or whether the later Sanscrit dramatic literature,
especially represented in such irregular types as the
Mn/ianrdaka or in the particular operatic types noted in all
works on Sanscrit dramaturgy, reacted u])on it and greatly
modified its form and s})irit. l?ut it may be noted that the
jn'incipal elements in the old i/alrU seem to be of indigenous
growth, })eculiar to itself. In the first place, the yrdra
generally i)ossessed a religious or
The principal ele- nivthological theme, pointing to a
ments in tlio yatru, '' ^ ' '
peculiar to itself. probable connexion with religious
festivities and ceremonies. In the
next place, although there always existed a dramatic
' Malat'i-madhava (Bomb. Sans. Series Ed.), p. 8.
MISCELLANEOrs WRITERS 443
eloment, the sonij-cloniont absolutely piepondcrated and the
choral peculiarities threw into shade its mimetic fjualities.
And lastly, there were anomalous and p;rotes(|iie elements
in it which at once indicated a partial absence of the
dramatic sense and materially retarded its fjrowth. All
thet-e natui-ally stood in the way of takini^ the ^J//a out of
its operatic structure and evolving the proper dramatic
form and sj)irit ; but these at the same time helped to
create by themselves a special nondescript species which
cannot be confidently traceil back to any known or reeoj^-
niped type of earlier times.
But the yafru, in however crude and undeveloped form,
contained within itself the ijjerms of a reoular drama.
Although the prinei})al theme was drawn from religion or
mythology, the realities of scenery
rnricyclopcd and j^^j character were not absolutely
tiiulc dramatic cle- *'
mcnts. ignored. It is true that there was
hardly any action, and therefore there
was little analysis or development of character. Even
there was no scenic apparatus and all the details were left
to the imagination of the audience, l^ui all this was
made up for by the gift of communicating life to the
persons, the story, and the dialogues as well as by the rich
o[HM-atic (pialities of the performance. AVith the modern
stage-actor or <lramatist, the Yatrawala never enters into
comparison ; he is working on a different scene, addressing
a different audience and using different tools, colours and
methods. Nevertheless within his limits, he could make
his theme interesting ami his characters lively by a natuml
gift i>f vivid representation. The niakeshifts which he
used were crude and, taken in detail, his methods were
faulty, but he succeeded with all his rude resources in
making the whole picture impressive and entertaining to
his audience. It is, therefore, quite natural to lind the
444 BENGALI LITERATURE
Yatrawala making a ^kill'iil use of the common yet useful
device of minj^liuf^ the hulieious and the patlietie in order
to add a lively zest to the story. The serious and the
comic set off each other and relieve the melodramatic strain
of the whole performance. Again, every representation
was concerned primarily with the j^i-adual nnfoldinf? of a
sing'le plot ; it never consisted of a disjointed "padding"
of unconnected scenes and characters. Through the
necessarily slow and elaborate transition of the whole
performance, the story is made to stand out clear and alive.
In the midst of all its surroundings and accessories, this
was always kept in view in every regular ^(7/;"<7. Si)eaking
of the once famous yZdra of Parama Adhikarl, a writer in
the old series of Bawjadarhau lays stress upon tiiefaet that
Parama's yZdrZi could never be realised in isolated scenes or
songs, inimitably done though they were, but the whole
performance had to be witnessed from the beginning to the
end. In later periods, mundane subjects and secular
themes found their way into the religious yZdni and its
monotony and seriousness were relieved by the introduc-
tion of lively, though conventional, interludes of a farcical
nature conducted bv characters like Narada or Madhu
Mangal. All these indicated the enormous possibilities
of the i/atru for gradually approximating towards the
regular drama.
In course of time, the diania j)roper might have, in
this way, slowly evolved it.self from the indigenous ^(///v7, just
in the same way as the English drama of the Renais-
sance evolved itself from the medi-
Wbv tin' anioiplious . i • i i
iiTitn, \\\d not develop tn'al mysteries and miraele-plays.
into the regular ,^^ ^^^ ^^.^ j^^^.^ ^^^^ inherent
drama. ' '
opportunities for such a course of
development. The mimetic qualities of a yaira, its real-
istic tendencies, its weaving out of a consistent i)Iot, its
MISCELLANEOUS WHITE 118 445
taste for a personal and lively dramatic story, its min<'lin|L;
of the comic and the serious — all these traits more or less
iudieatc'd that the amori)hous i/afra mi<;ht have passed into
an indiiu'enous form of the re<;ular drama. Ikit as a matter
of fact it never had done so in ils whole course. Indeeil in
ancient lkiii:;:ali literature, inspite of these and other advan-
ta«;es and of the presence of a pattern literature in Sans-
crit, we have piactically nothinjjj by way of dramatic
composition ; and the be^iniiini>s of the stai;e and the
drama in tlie I'Jth century Bengal, on the other hand, had
little connexion with the popular t/ufni. We shall trace
this point in detail in its proper place; but we may note
lu-re that notwithstanding- these opportunities, other
conditions were not favourable and . there were serious
obstacles, both external and internal, which stood effectively
in the way of such a develoj)ment.
Althoui^h dissimilar in many respects, the early i/atra
shows in character and substance some resemblance to the
medieval mystery and miracle-play
Contrast with tlie i i ^i i i ,i • • • ,i
European medieval ^"^l '^''th had their ori-iu lU the popu-
mystery and miracle- ].j,. representation of rclii^ious themes.
play. '
But the conditions of j^rowth and ex-
pansion iliffered considerably in the two cases.
The intellectual readjustment which followed upon the
R^Miaissance in Europe, tended to the i^vadual secularisation
(»f literature and the creation of a vii^orous mundane vitality
which Could supply the basis of the new theatre. Free
belief replaced imi)0sed orthodoxy, nioral fervour replaced
determined relijjious practices, energetic action iind emotion
replaced external and mechanical
Influence of the ibseipline. With the (lisapi>earancc
Ronaissancc in develop- • i i • i
ing European drama ; of the bondage of medievali>m, which
had forbidden a life of nature and
worKlly hopes, and with the api)earance of the morally
446 BENGALI LITERATURE
and intellectually emancipated man of the Renaissance^
life grew into a real thing. A'ast and vital changes became
manifest in the internal as well as the external world, in
society, in politics, in religion, in the thoughts and asjiira-
tions of mankind. The drama was the natural outcome
of this rich and manifold life, of this practical and positive
movement which had })laced literature on a purely human
basis.
Bengal, on the other hand, never witnessed such a great
movement, bringing in its train intellectual, moral and civic
emancipation. There was no such universal awakening
or enthusiasm. The external world had never ])ossessed
any inherent interest to the naturally
but no such influence ^toical and idealistic Hindu and no-
in ancient Bengal.
thing happened which would take
away this inbred apathy. His deep-rooted pessimism with
regard to this world and unlimited optimism with regard
to the next had produced a stoical resignation, an epicu-
rean indifference and a mystic hope and faith which para-
lysed personal action, suppressed the growth of external
life, and rejilaced originality by submission. In literature,
therefore, which was overwhelmed by the crushing idea
of a brooding fate {adrii^tabarl) or of a divinity shajiing our
ends {debit Ilia), religion was the only theme which flourish-
ed itself and song or recitative poem was the only
vehicle which conveyed this religious preoccupation.
The prevalence of the rigoristic (w;/-
Innnences M. ^^ -. jj^^^j ^^^^^i ^j^^ natural prominence
nioulded national lite •' ' »
and natural cliaractcr givcs to )<aHvik Over the rujiXsik quali-
in BtMigal, not favour- ... , • !•«•
able to the develop- ties tostered an indifterence to mun-
nient of the -/«^m into Jane activities and an ab.sorptiou in
the drama. '
supermundane affairs which materi-
ally hampered free expansion of art, science and literature
of the nation. A majestic common sense, a rich feeling
^IISCELLANEOUS WRITERS 447
for the concrete facts and forces of luunan nature and
liumau lift', a sense of enjoyment of tlie <:^ood thinj^s of
earth, a passion of enerj^y and action are traits which foster
material civilisation and arts but which are antagonistic to
Hindu ideas of placid contentment, t) the insensibility,
amazement and ecstasy of religious devotion, to the wist-
fulness and i)athos of spiritual desire. Even in Sanscrit,
complete secularisation of literature ami development of
poetry and drama could be possible in the more practical,
l)0sitive and materially civilised a^e of a Vikramiiditya or
a Harsavaitlhan. A national drama is not only the pro-
duct of national tjlorv but it is also a sure index to the
sensitive and eneriijetic strength of the external life of the
nation itself.
But there were drawbacks inherent in the y'dra itself
which stood in the way of its develojiing into a drama
proper and the foremost of these drawbacks was the fact
that in the y~ifi'a, the operatic and
The preponderance of ^j.^. melodramatic elements alwavs
the operatic and melo-
dramatic elements in ])reponderated over the dramatic,
the j/a/ra, and its reli- „m vh.\ t i a.\\ i
gions theme lucre was little dialogue, still less
action, but there was alwavs an ex-
elusive predominance of songs in which even the dialogues
were cart led on and the whole action worked out. This
over-llow of the song-element, no doubt, redeemed much of
the incongruities and anomalies of the yUtra. but it also
told seriously on the development of its dramatic elements
by tending to destroy, in a Hood of music and musical epi-
sodes, all considerations of dramatic probability and pro-
priety. The peculiar mode of singing cfiaiipadlx or the
mah'tjan pailiiis by */><///<//<' or devising the peculiar variation
of a tidku in the music of the klitan was utilised by every
Yatrakar for entrancing his audience. An expert and
skilful Vatrfiwala, however, did not always choose to walk
us BENGALI LITKHATURE
in this beaten way and we learn that in tlie i/~tfra of
Parama, ah-eady alhuled to, there was less music and
more dialogue — a device whicii was meant to infuse a
dramatic interest in the story; yet it is well-known
that the chief attraction of the yatrU consisted in its
songs and that there was nothing more delightful
than Parama's famous hd-ko whose musical qualify no
other yatriiwala is .said to have ever surpassed. A very
considerable })ortion of ancient Bengali literature consisted
of songs and of poems which could be recited or chanted
and the i/afru in its peculiar lyric quality, strictly con-
formed to this widely prevalent lyric propensity. The
influences which moulded national life and national cha-
racteristics helped rather than checked this universal
tendency and there was absolutely nothing which could
lift the i/atra out of its religious envelopment or its musi-
cal structure.
The yZdrZi, again, began to be extremely popular from
a literary period which powerfully contributed to its
lyric and religious tendencies. The earliest reference to
the yaira ])robably dates from the
emphasised and en- Baisiiab era. But Baisiiabism, if it
couraf^cd by the ' " ' •
Baisnab literature, humanised literature to a certain extent,
lyric and mystic in i • i •. t, i • ,
in qnality. uartlly ever seculariseil it. It only inten-
sified the religious ardour of the people
and brought with it a mass of l^ric and mystic literature
whicli was not only alien in its essence to the di-ama but
which also encouraged the musical, melodramatic and
religious predilections of the i/alrU. The Baisnab poets, no
doubt, brought new ideas and novel modes of art but it is
hardly correct to designate the Baisnab era as the
Renaissance period of Bengal.^ It would be out of })lace
' Saradacharan Mitra, in Suhitya, 1H15 B. S,
:\riSCELLAXEOUS WRITERS U9
to discuss this point luTe in detail ; but it may be pointed
out that at least in the literary sphere, Bai->nabi3m was not
a universal movement and its intluence on contemix)rary
and subseijuent literature was never wide. In estimating
this, intiuence on the literature of the 17th and 18th
centuries we must <ijuard aiiainst the error of regarding it
in the magnifyiny: perspective in which we view it in the
19th or the iOth century, in which this inHuenee has been
very marked. Raisnabism never disturbed seriously
the uninterrupted course of Bengali literature from the
earliest time down to the 18th century. Side by side
with Baisnab sony^s and Ivrics flourished the traditional
'f/nin(lt-/jO'' )//■■*, iiiauimar i/aii, tl/inr)ii(i-)ii(ihfi<i/ , sifju/fany which
in form and s|)irit bear little kinship with Baisnab produc-
tions and which alliliates itself with the earlier and later
l)oetical litei-atiue of Bengal. Even a century later, we
tind the same tradition carried on in the Fmhuabofl of Alaol,
Durgapaiichtirafri of Jagat Kam, (SV//<7y// of Ramesvar,
Aimiinda inaiif)<ti of Bharat-chandra, CuinfiahliiiHi-iarangnu
of Durjni Prasad — all of which show little direct inlluence of
Baisnab ideas or Baisnab forms of art. The socio-ethical
ideas of Baisnabism, no doubt, inaugni-ated a new line of
eultui*e; but its cosmojwlitanism, its ideal of universal
love and its theory of emotional realisation was antagonis-
tic to tlie development of nationality or of national ideas.
A spark of new life animateil the social organism but this
new-horn reliijious enthusiasm hardly jwrmitted its votaries
to stand and cast a l<jok around them ; it carried them
off their feet in a Hooil of devotional ecstasy, in a Hood of
lyric idealism. Instead of a full-bloode<l dramatic litera-
ture, it gave us a mass of resplendent religious-amatory
lyrics.
The inlluence of Baisnabism, therefore, was haitUy favour-
able to the development of the iidierent dramatic elements
67
450 BENGALI LITERATURE
in the ijatra ; on the other hand, it cherished its musical pecu-
liarities, developed its nielodramatio
The \iah-a in the tendency, and emphasised its religrious
Baignab era ; intluence .
of Bai^nab ideas. predilections. Indeed, we find the
Baisiiabs utilising the i)optdar
yalrZi as a means of representin<»' kr,9nii-/ila and diffusing
its novel ideas. The earliest t/atru of which we have
any mention relate to such themes and was known
technically and universally as the Kfi^na-yaira. In early
Bengali literature prior to Chaitanya, no doubt, there pre-
vailed songs relating to Saiba and Sakta cults and it is pro-
bable that with these prevailed also SiLa-i/atra and CJiandl-
yaira, traces of which we find even in 18th century, and pro-
bably also Rani-yatra which had, however, no kinship ^^^th
the spectacular Ram-llla prevalent in the upper provinces.
It is extremely difficult, in the absence of data, to speak
confidently on the suV>ject : but it seems that in course of time
with the advent of Baistiab ideas, Kr/^na-f/afra overshadowed
all other kinds and became absolutely supreme. The
generic name of this ya/ra was Kallya-daiaan i/atrZi which,
however, in spite of its name, related not only to this parti-
cular feat of Krsna but included also diln, man, mathur and
other well-known I'lJas. These //«^a!f were preceded, as the
Klrtan of the Baisnab? were {fad uc hit a gaurachamlrn), by
the recitation or singing of a govra-chandrl — a term which
uimiistakably conneets it with Gaurachandra or Ghaitanya.
In Chaitanyn-mangal and Ch nit tui i/d-bhagahaf ' mention is
made of a yj/zv-festivity organised by Chaitanya himself
in the house of Cliandrasekhar Acharvva. The historv of
' Chaitavyn-hhagahaf , cil. Atiilkrjna GosvflmT, pp. 283-291. The ex-
preBsion used is 'Sftf^ ■^f^^tS ^T WiW^ f^'ltC*', iioiii which as well ai
from the account given, it is not clear whether it was ii yiltra which was
performed on this ocension or whether it was a regular Sanscrit drama
(sucli as tho Bnifnab plays like Jagnnrmfha-hitllnhlw, D'tunWU -Icaumudi
or Vidagdha-fnadhavn in Hengali version) which wan enacted on this
occaaiun.
MISCKLLA X i:ors AV H rrKK8 4.11
Heiiy-iili i/alrU, therefore, is clost'ly coniiectcil uilli that
of Bai-ii:ili literature in i^enerjil and it would noi be in-
oorrect to say that Baisnabism supplied the j/afni with
themes for geveml centuries and contirnied, if it did not
directly give it, its oj)eratie and nieh.dramatic qualities.
These qualities jiersisted practically throuijfhout its
whole iiistory. But in course of time we Hud the yil/ra,
inspite of tlie drawback already noted, gradually developing
its crude dramatic elements. After the Baisnab era, the
earliest well-known Yiitrawala was
New elements in the Pa,-amananda Adhikarl, a native of
yatra flndinp its wht '
into it in iut«r periods. Blrbhuni, who flourished probably in
the 1 ^th century and carried on the
tradition of Ka/h/ti-thimini i/alra. There was a trreater
amount of acting and dialogues in this i/UIra, although
song, melodrama and Baisnab themes were not altogetiier
discarded. The tradition was continued by Sudama Adhi-
kari and Lochan Adhikiirl, the latter specially excelling
in the delineation of Alrvra S(tmC~t(l and NimUi Sanm/as —
themes which possessed greater human interest than the
conventional //(7//, ///<T//, nuiilmr of Srikrsna. Gobinda
Adhikiiil of Kr.^nanagar, Fitiinibar Adhikarl of Kjitwa and
Kalik'hand Piil of Bikramjjur, Dacca, were comparative]}
recent exjx>nents of the same Krma-i/ii.tra. But the other
speeii's — BTini YrUrri, C^taoid' YotiTtf Mti)t.fUr lihrumn Yatra —
were not totally extinct. Gurupra-sfid Ballabh^ of Faras-
dungu and Lausen Biidal of Burdwan gained considerable
rt'putation in Chand'i iritni and MausUr Bhaxiin iafru, res-
pectively ; while /I'tT/// ITttra, obtained celebrity in the
hands of Prenniifind Adhikarl, Ananda Adhikfirl and Ja^a-
ehandra Adhikarl, of Pataihata. No specimen, except a
few scattered songs, has been pre>prved of these earlier
Yatrawalas,
452 BENGALI LITERATURE
Sweh is the history of the i/atrU np to the bes^innin^
of the 19th century. After these professional yatw,
come varieties of modern y<7//J.«, chiefly
The i/a^<l in the be- amateur parties {nakher dal), in
ginning of the 19th ' _ ^ . '/
century. which, inspitc of their ))rofnsion of
instrumental and vocal mn:*ic, drama-
tic ideas and methods were slowly evolving themselves.
Beltala I^iinjedar Yatra or the Vatra of Gopal Ude may be
cited as instances. In imitation of prologues in Sanscrit
drama, we have, in these, farcical introduction as well as
interlude in which laughable, though often vulgar, charac-
ters like Kalua Rhulua, methar and methranl began to
figure. Again, we have hero for the general theme not
Krsna-/7/(l as in K~ifl_)/<(-il<(iiiaii i/Fifrri or even C-kandJ-
llld, RCirii-lilri or Mansar Kntfii'i but essentially secular
themes of mytbolog}' or fiction such as Nala-damayanti
or Bidya-sundar began to be prominent ; and later on
with the degeneration of the i/afm in tone, temper
and style, Bidya-sundar alone became the prevalent
theme.
The existing specimens of the //(T/nT* all belong to this
late period in its history. Although the t/alra h:id been
extensively popular from the earliest times or even from
the Baisnab era down to the middle of the 19th century,
the earlier specimens have not been preserved. We know
nothing of these earlier Vatrawaias and their j)roductions,
excepting some general accounts which
No earlier specimens we incidentally get here and there,
preserved.
Even all the best known Yatrawalas of
the 19th century, whose productions have, in a more or less
complete form, come down to us, belong to a comparatively
recent time, to the period between 1825 and 1850. The
Yatrawalas, nourishing between ISOO and 1825, some of
whom have been already mentioned, are however known
MISCELLANEOrs WRITKUS 45S
only by iianie ami reputation jiiul ewu all the names are
oot known. This form of liteiatuie, like the prodnetion
of the Kabiwalas, was extemporised and was meant to
contribute to the transient pleasure of its audience ; and
much of it. was of the ephemeral
The printed «pcci. ^vpe. The remarks already made on
mens wtiieh Imve come • ' -'
down belonpr to n this aspect of the Kabi-son» apply
period Wiwpea 1825 . , , ,
and 1850. ^•^h ecpial torce to the case of the
i/ufr^ and, like the Kabi-sono^s, it
dej^enerated considerably in style and temper. No
attempt was ever made to preserve them in print and much
of this literature is now lost. Of the few well-known
Yatrawalas, however, whose work has been more or less
embodie<.l in print, Krsna Kamal Bhattacharya was born
about 1810, Gopal Ude about 1819 and Gobinda Adhikiirl,
whose dates are not exactly known, was jir(ibal)ly a con-
temporary of })oth these. All these writers, therefore, fall
outside the scope of this volume. Tt was about this time
or a little later that the yufro had already beo-un to de<?e-
nerate. This dei^eneration was almost synchronous with
and was therefore hastened by the chanu^e of taste and
literarv fashion of the liHh centuiv which came to re«^rd
all these old forms of literature as out
DeKPneration of the of date and Contemptible. With the
yTUra, synclironoiis i r i
with and hastened i)v spread ot these new ideas and new
I'utX'tm'hT,?: Ii""-»'v "••■•l.-ls a .-egula,- sta«e was
♦nr.^ i^radually established and dramas,
written in imitation of European
models, tolled the death-knell of the old t/atrd which still
lint^red but never found the same place in jwpular favour.
It is not surprisint? therefore that in the preface to hip
Ratnahnli, one of the earliest Benrrali dramas written
for this new stac^e, Ramniiniyan Tarkaratna, himself an
orthodox pundit, speaks in contemptuous terms of the
454 BENGALI LITERATURE
popular j^5//(T and votes in favour of the new drama based
on Sanscrit and Enj^lish models. The history of these
latter-day Yatrawalas, of this phase in the development
of the yatra and of its connexion with the new drama
will, therefore, be traced in its proper place in the next
volume.
APPENDIX I
[See J). 46foo(-,io(e ; ji. Il9,foot-uole 6']
0[,u Bkn'oam Prosk
Thouph prose is more obviously natural to man in
conversation, it is only after considerable exjierienee
that he realises its utility as a metlium of formal writing.
Beno~ali Litei-ature is no exception to
Late growth of piose.
this rather commonplace " verse-fii-st-
prose-afteruiinls " adajje of literary history. Our fore-
fathers from the very earliest times, no doubt, spoke in prose
but it is possible to use prose without knowings or thinkin<j
about it, and the late development of prose-writing in
Benrjali follows f^enerally the order of development in
almost all lanpjuajTjes. Indeed the achievement of early
Benjjali prose is not only very late but, speaking- jjenerally,
it amounts to almost nothincj : such achievement as there
is, for several centuries, is in verse. Poetry attained a
considerable degree of maturity while we have nothing
but a mere lisping of prose. This
Prrdomiunnce of rorae c i- p • •
preponderance of one form of writing
partially explain^ and is explained by the extreme poverty
of the other : but it is more than a ca,se of preponderance, it
is one of monopoly. It may almost be said that there is
not a !<ingle piece of spiritwl prose of the profane kind in
Bengali from the earliest times to the early beginnings of
the lllth centurv : whatever exists of other kinrls is again
late, scanty, and for the most j)art, frankly un.satisfactory.
Not only the bulk of early prose literature is late and
scant r but it i>- not ret (luite reasonal)l7 clear that what
i56 BENGALI LITERATURE
has como down ('xein])lifips vorv Fairly the wliole upon
which we may fully form an estimate. Much of early
Bengali prose, like its verse, is lost : much a<;ain yet
remains to be unearthed. The only
pifficultiesinthe way specimen of very early i)rose which
])robably <ioes beyond tlie 16th century
is to be found in the few doubtful passages interspersed
in the verses »S*?7 ////</ Pi(ran i\ud perhaps in the apocryphal
work attributed to Chandidiis : other prose specimens,
mostly cryptic and mystical writings of the Sahajiya sect»
together with a little good i>rose-writing of other kinds,
may all be taken to be productions of late 1 8th century,
none of them certainly going beyond the 17th. Any
attempt to estimate the develoi)ment attained by old Bengali
prose, as shown by these scanty remains, must of necessity,
be somewhat superficial and incomjilete, not only in view
of the fmgmentary Jiature of much of these writings but
also because of the dilticulties of chronology. Most of
these manuscnj)ts are unilated and show considerable
differences of readings. Nature of the script and general
style of composition are at best unsafe guitles, not only in
themselves, but also because the one is not yet a matter of
systematic study while the characteristic specimens of the
otiier in different periods are not yet available. Even when
the manuscripts are dated, the exact Mation of the
maniiscript to the date of composition it.is almost iippossible
to determine. These ditHculties arc multiplied again by
the presence of divergent readings in difTerent manuscripts
of the same work. It is neetlless to say that unless we
can stand upon lirm and sure ground in matters of
chronology, not to speak of insuHiciency of materials to go
upon, we can hardly expect to form a correct and critical
-estimate of our sul)ject of stud\ and all our attempts in
this direction ai'c at best nothing more than tentative.
APPENDIX 1 457
The earliest specimen of lieiifjali prose is supjiosed to
be the sliort j)assa<^es in ttruiiai (or Ramui) Panijit's Sufij/a
Pnrun,i\\e manuscript of which is j)lacecl bv its eth'tor (Saliitya
Parisat edition) in the I7ih centiirv, althouoh the so-called
prose passajyes, if not the verse, reveal a
Earliest extant prose niuch earlier and more antique form
specimen 6tt>jyn Purav, '
of diction. If the lam^uapje of the
recently i)ublished <SV7 Kri^nn Kir tana belon<»;s to the
earlv part of the 14th centurv,* we can safelv assume that
the prose of Suni/a Pin-an m'lst have had its origin in a
somewhat earlier age ; and the supposition is not unlikely
that the passages, as we have ihem, may contain traces of
the original writings of Raniai Pandit, going back to at
least I'3th century A.D./'' varied and modified, it may be,
by later scribal and other interferences. It would be interest-
ing to examine the>e ancient specimens critically but such
examination is beset with diHieulties not only on account of
the frankly unintelligible vocabulary and crabbetl syntax,
considerable corruption of the text rightly commented
upon bv manv a critic, but also because
Passage or. BSrnmiiMi. n . * i '• i • ,
of the exclusive and esoteric doctrines
they embody, which seem to create a language of their
own whose meaning is all but lost to us. Here is a
Ix)rtion of the celebrate<l passage on ^[?isitf^-
CF-M ^m c^H ^if>i I ii55 Mc^ ^^^n^U i c^ ^tf^i^-
^^ ^t^ «;? ^t^ ^r^ I ^•'i Mfs ^f (7.^"^^ «j^ ^^'^T^ I
C1^^ J-JJ ^r^ ■Si\H^ ^\i^ Tf^ti I '^^ ^",^5-5 (Tf^^lJl jTt^nfs I
Tl'v^ C®r5i1 'srisffsi irrt^ ^rs ®T^f5 M,^^ ^,^^ S^fiJ ^^U
nt^ «iQr?ft »l9T^nt«i ^t^wi c^fsi c^i^m iciT^^^f^
' Preface to ATrf Htuttr/anya, U. P. Shostri in Calcutta Rtiieu;
pp. 392-93.
• H. P. Shastri, op. cit.. p. 394.
58
458 BENGALI LITERATURE
C^t^ TRi C^^t^ ^tf^ I ^^tt^ Tm CH^ Ttf>T I C^ ^^if^
^ ^Tt ^^ ^srtfF^ ^T'l ^tf^ C^? C^^? 'J^f^ftf^^ 1 (TT^'P
m*s^ o®t^ 'srt^rfii j^jt^ ( 9 T^r^ ) 5rf% ^f^ ett^iisj
^vs\ ft^^f^^ f^^ srf^ 5rm I c^T^ Tt^ c^t^ ^itf'i I ^^^
C5tC^ ^^ TfC^ ^ ^tf^ I
and so forth through all the months of the year in the
same strain.
On first reading this fantastic piece of apparently
unrhythmical writing would hardly seem to be prose at
all : and it has been doubted if it is prose or verse or none,
or a curious admixture of the two. But a careful study
will make it clear that is not verse in any sense but
probably prose, although it may be prose of a kind unfami-
liar to us, and that it has a distinct
Close relation of rhythm of its own. When carefullv
prose and verse in old '^
Bengali literature examined, this and other passages, if
the text is correct, will reveal that here
for the first time there is a perception, however faint, of
the existence of distinct styles of prose and verse, although
the instruments of the two harmonies may not have been
very clearly differentiated.' In order to understand the
' All these speculations are based on the assumption that what the
passages embody is really prose. They have been always taken aa
such, bat my own suspicion is that they are really verse-lines, perhaps
imperfectly recorded fragments, not properly examined or shifted with
care when the text wa« edited and printed from the original Msi.
Unfortunately I had no access to the original niannscript, in the posses-
sion of the editor, upon which the text is chiefly based, and had to
depend entirely upon the Sfihitya Pari?at edition which is anything but
what scientific scholarship would desire. There is no attempt to render
I
APPENDIX I 459
nature of this passage, we must bear in mind that the
connexion between okl Ben<;ali verse and old Bentjali
prose was extraordinarily close. There was a time, indeed,
when writers of this litei*ature hardly ever recoj^nised the
separate existence of prose as a vehicle of expression, classi-
fyin^j; it, in theory, as a species of poetry itself and calling
it ^'SB^^ or prose-metre and, in jtractice, making their
prose, with alliteiation, balanced accent, and other devices,
look as much like their own verse as possible. It is a
well-known fact that much of this prose, like the passage
just quoted, interspersed in the midst of verse, was con-
sciously adapted not only to read like verses but to be sung
or chanted after tlu' manner of Kut/iakas or rhapsodists.
It is curious to note in this connexion that in many of
these prose pieces we tind the hhauHa or signature of their
respective authors in the same way as we tind them in
their poetical compositions.
Anyone, studying the passage already (juoted and those
that follow even with moderate attention, will have no
ditheulty in agreeing to what has been said as to the close
relation between earlv i)rose and verse. Not only the
condensed mode and ordonnance of verse is followed here,
but the symmetry of the lines, turns of phrases peculiar
the passages intelligible in spite of the addition of a very imperfect
glossarj. The text is suspiciously corrupt and the editor himself
acknowledges that he had no time to collate the three manuscripts with
the published text but that he had got it done by his pundits. There
is nowhere any indication of variations of readings given by the differ-
ent manuscripts utilistd, nor any iittempt oven to determine the correct
reading. This is a most strange fact and renders the edition entirely
valueless to a scientihc student. The Sunyu Purati as it stands now
is an extremely difficult book to edit with all its indispensable critical
sppnratus and the SAhitya Pari^at mast be praised for it* boldness in
undertaking to reprint it : but one would wish that the scholuraliip
displayed in hiingiiig out this edition had been cf|ual to the boldness
of this difficult undertaking.
460 BENGALI LITERATURE
to verse, the refrain-like repetition of sentences, the very
frequent intrusion of half-staves or full
exemplified also by ^rgrse-lines (like Jft^t^ Pfi^'^f:^^ f<i^
the passage under dis- ^
cussion. W\^ ^'.'^ or <^^ Cf^t^ *lf^^ ^^
^^^^ ) capable of accurate scan-
sion, occasional occurrence of end-rhymes, and lastly,
the muffled under-bum of verse-rhvthm throusrhout — all
indicate that the passa2;e, in its close approach to the
rhythm and tune of poeti-y, was meant, if it is prose at all,
to be chanted with the verses to which it was only an
appendage. Here is another passage, more intelligible
and more varied, in which the characterist-.cs already indi-
cated are more prominent :
c^ m^'^ c^ f^sfSTJTs^r ^f% 7\i^ ^^^ f^^t^ I ^^t^ w:^
^t^ >!5(:^^ ^^JT ^5^ ^5^ '?f^ ^^fs^C^lv^ C^Tf^tMs «^^^^>i^ I
^c^^ 'Ills® r^^ ^*c^5( ^f^ i^t:^^ c^fM ^c^^ ^^i^M?? i
^^ "^'^^^ I ftit^'f^^ I ^t?iiii^ ^^'ii^?! ^^^l\^^ I =?^^
^t^ ^^71 ( f ^'ii ) c^K>iif^^ Bf^H f^^ ^t$ (?) I ^^^ rit^^
It will be noticed that in this passage there are lines at
the beginning and at the end, which form distinct couplets
having regular end-rhymes. The opposite tendency of
having rhythmic prose lines in the midst of verse will be
APPENDIX I 461
exeniplitit'd in the lines on 'sifj^^tT to be found at p. 61 of
the Sahitva Parisat etlition. The followini^ a^aiii is a
curious illustration of mixed prosaic-poetic style :
c^F 5ft% ^]r^ (7f^ *i;9(5T ^n:f ^;ft 5i1^^^ ^^ ^f5^
l%fs?i siff^i^i ^r^'sri ^^ w\C5 ^t^ r.*i;-5i i ^ ?iti^« *i;«f^ 51 T^
c^t^ n!^<T -^li^ ^^1^ ^r? e;^:^-?! ^n;^ ^i^if% fi 1^^ ^f^
^^?:^ c^^t«i n,^^ ^itt ^»l ^t^ C'W'^ ^c^ fr^ 'm i =1^
^srt^ ^^^ ^r^f ^i] (7? 5^ ^r« I ^5i,^ ^spT c^'s^ i^t^
fw^. c^ ^fffi^i ft 5jj^ ^^fi ^tfsi5!i f^5f:-g<T ^>-;t^ "^^"t:*! I
These passaujes, it must be admitted, are not tine
literary specimens by themselves but, to a student of
literary history, their formal import-
What these passages ance is vcrv fjreat. Thc'v illustiate,
illuRtrate. . ^ . '
if not anythini;^ else, at least the fact
that prose has not yet fully emerged itself and come into
prominence, at that particular 5tao:e, as a distinct mode of
writint; althoupjh . there is at the same time a faint indica-
tion of such understandinsjj in the literary mind. This is
not what we understand by prose-poetry or jwetica' prose
but the instruments of the two
Differentiation of liarmonies are so nearly identical that
the styles of prose
and verse. the products slide and j^iade off into
one another very ea-sily and undistin-
guishably. This may be called the beginning of prose —
a curious literary phenomenon of which not many instances
462 BENGALI LITERATURE
may be found in the early prose of other lanj^uages and
which leaves little doubt as to the value and relative anti-
quity of the specimens of question.
of pcSrv''"'''"*'' ""' ^^'e '^^ ''^'"^ t'^e very early sta-es
ill the i)roce.sses by which prose
is slowly evolvinu^ it:self out of poetry and asserting its
right to recognition as a medium of expression altogether
distinct from verse. It is a matter of regret, however,
that we cannot trace otiier stages in this process as we do
not possess any documents of prose-writing of this or sub-
sequent periods until we came to the Ihth century.
One of the curious effects of their intermixture of prosaic
and poetic styles is the idea, however imperfect, or rhyth-
mical arrangement in these i)rose passages. Of course,
verse and prose rhythms have entirely
Rhythmic effect. different values and the harmony of
the one is not always desirable in the
other: yet, if it is not rasii to dogmatise in the absence of
any but slight and scrappy knowledge of the phonetics of
early Bengali, we cannot mistake the fine effect of sym-
phonic arrangement (partly due to the presence of versicles)
which the lines, periiaps unconsciously, attain. Of actual
syntax there may not be much : nor is there any attempt
at balance of phrase or periodic sentence-framing,
although there is certainly a knowledge of the value of
short and long sentences : but the very fact that the
passages were meant as appendages to verse and com-
posed with the not unlikely object of being sung gives
them a peculiar rhythmic effect, rudimentary yet not
childish, which it is impossible to ignore.
The apocryphal |)rose piece, Chaiiya Rupa Prapli passing
under the great name of Chan(;idas
Chnitya Rupa Prapti, ", • i- ' •
attributed to Chaniji- does not, trom our point ot View,
^^^ require any special examination. The
following passage : —
APPENDIX 1 468
will sutlieiently iiulieate the same admixture of prose ami
vei'se-forms — and iiideel \V(i have a rt'ferenee in the
Padakafpatani to ^^'S'l^ ^gs^t of Chaiidldas but the sen-
tences are shorter and the vocables more modern. The
manuscript is dated 1674 and it is probable that the
lanj2;uage does not go much earlier than that date. The
frigid drip of doctrinaire talk — for it professes to explain
tuntrik theories in riddle-like language and brief aphor-
istic sentences, almost always dropping the verb and seldom
running beyond three or four words at a time — does not
seem to allow much scope for the ]>rose either to run
fluently or to evince any remarkable literary aptitudes.
This bare dry fatiguing aphoristic manner is illustrated
by a body of so-called philosophic writings relating to the
Sahajiya cult, which belong in all
/,- .^^'^fVo'"! "^'"'"K" probability to the 1 7th and the 18th
( IVtli and 18th century ). ' *
centuries. The first work that calls
for menlii M in this group is the curious manuscript calle<l
D^hakadncfni, attributed to Xarottama Thiikur, thr text of
which was published in the Sahit^n Pariitttt Patrika (1304,
no. 1, pp. 39-16). The date of the oldest manuscript
is lt;U;i Saka (1(181 A.D.) and this ilate as well as the
similarity of style and manner woulil jdace the work in
the age in which the last mentioned Chan Idas apocrypha
was written. The text of this manuscript, however, seems
to be almost identical (making due allowance to trilling
scribal and otiier variations) with that of Al/»a-;if/fianu,
ascribed to Krsna.las, (Sahitya Pari.sat manuscript
464 BENGALI LITERATURE
no. 1474-).' The vexed question of authorship or the
sources cf the works in question, their origin in an earlier
SvarTtpa-kalpatarn , does net concern us here in the least ;
nor have we anything to do witli their literary associations
with t'e doctrine?, real or imaginary, ol' the Sahajiya cult
and its mystical su'olimalioi) ; what concerns us most is
that Narottama, if Narotiama he was, or Krsnadas, if
Krsnadas there was, wrote in a severely scholastic manner,
bare, dry and aphoristic abounding in technicalities, which
may be suited for doctrinal exposition but which hardly
shows ai^ attempt, conscious or unconscious, at ]>roducing
either style or rhythm. Here is a characteristic specimen
from the beginning cf Dehak idcka, with the corresponding
additions arjd variations in brackets from the text of Af ma-
jig FiasU : ^
^fsi c^ t [ '5{\T^ c^ 1 ] ^trs? #t^ [ fsf^ ] I ^f^ c^i^ #t^
[ c^t^fsf^ ] I ^.iSf ^^ 1^^ II ^itc^^T [ '>i\'^ ] c^t^n [ ^'^i ]
^:« I ^« ^f:^ [ T^w."^ ] ^^51 1 ^« [ ^^ ] ^^ [ ^^r^ ]
^3 [ ^^^ ] I ^^ ^1 f^ f^ [ f^ f% ^#^^ ] I ^i^ [ *i'^f ]
'SltHl I ^TK:*t!? [ ^^-1^^ pfe ] I ^ f^*^ ^5|1 [ ®t^ ] ^£1^
T^^ C?l^ [ ^^ ] CTi!:^ [ C^tM \^^ ] ^t^ ^ I ^^iHt (7F
[ ^^|^i¥i ^tJ^ ^^ ] I f^iRfr ^^.'^ (TsSrS ^'^ "srt^H
{"^[^ c^^ M^ ^"^ ^t^tn ^^ ^"^ ] II (ii^ff%5 c^ c^
[ ^^r\^1^ t%(?i) ^V^^) f^ ] i ^ ^ '^t^ [ ^'^ ^^ t% ] i
' See Sahitya Parisat Patrikd, 130G, no. 1, p. 49 and no. 4, p. 327;
ibid 1305, p 197 ; ibid, 1304, no. 4, p. 302.
- The text of Atmajignaaa here follows that of the Sahitya Pari.?at
manuscript (no. 1474). Other manuscripts noticed in the Patrika
(I'eferred to in footnote 1) give slightly different readings.
APPENDIX I 4a:i
In the same strain is the following- from the Ao//k<l
supposed to be written by Rupa GosvamT, which is noticed
in the Brunl/tud, 1:289 B.S. (p. 309) :•
•f^9«l ^f^9«l ^^9«1 ^^S«l "^•*i««l ^^ '^'fS-Qei I ^il^ *I'^Q«1
There are several other works, Asraya-Ninuijfa,- Afma-
NirTipana,^ Svarupa-barnaua,'* Rcif/a-
Other norks. . , * _ . i i i " i .■
mnj/i-kana,'' much later prociiictiong
but all attributed, after the ancient manner of lumping all
' The text as given here, apparently modernised in spcUin;^,
follows that giron in Baudhuh and quoted also by Dinesh
Cnanilra StMi in liis Biiiga BhuMa Q Siihiti/ti, 2ml Ed., p. G28.
The text as quoted above occars also in a mnnusoript called
^tf-51f511 by Narottrtina 058, as follows: ^sj '^^'>\^ fPSl (^4^ I
^Wf^ QTfj^^ni I »t^ -sw «fi*t ^J! ^ ^4 ^Tx l*l^«i ii^; ?tr<(^f5t:
W.^ «T4s«1 « 1 etc.
See PiUrika, 13(K), no. 3, p. 251 : also p. 67.
* There are two ninniiscripts of this work in the Sahitya Pari^at
(nos. 331 and 147n. The following quotation is taken from earlier
manuscript no. 1471 (dated 1247 B.S.). See also notice of this work ip
Putrilia, 13Q4, no. 4, p. 303, in which mention is also mnde of another
manuscript dated loO.S R S. Sec also Putrika 1308, p. r.3, where this
work is attributed to Xarnttama.
' SAhitya Pari.'jnt mnnnscript no. 332 (dated 1247 B.8.). See also
Patrikn, 1304, no. 4, p. 802 (where thp date of the manuscript notice^
is 1218 B.S.) and ihiil, 1306, no. 1, p. 49.
♦ Potrika, 1305. no 1, p. 80 j ibid, 1304. no.fi. pp. 343-4 (manns-
cript d.itcd 1081 BS.); »t<'V 1306. no. 1, p. 70 rmannscripts dated
116^ and 1246 B.S.>.
» Pntrika, 1304, no. 4, pp. 333-34; thid, 1300, p. 66. Sec PnirUa
1808, pp. 40-41 where pnnfiages are quoted from other pjcoae work9
ri':., Sarflni/itcl and Sfidhnnniraya.
59
466 BENGALI LITERATURE
anouyma upon a s\nQ;]c apocryphal figure of traditional
repute, to Krsnadas, wliieh exhibit the same characteristic
disjointed style, peculiar to this kind of I7th and 18th
century writings. It is needless to multiply quotations
but one or two short specimens would not be quite
out of place.
Specimens. ^
C^^1 I ^^^T^ ^t^ C^ I '^^^ "^^ ^t^^ I It^T ^\W\^
^^ctR ^^f% II =it^c^T ^^ w:^^ I ^^ 1% 5R«t'^^ I i^?r ^ti^^
it^ fl<riR^ ^^'s 5^t5f^ ^^^ II '^^ f% f^t^rr^ I »ft^ Ftf^
c2t^rf^ I ^f'Wt^ *) C^ft^^ ^ l*^^ '3 ^f ¥l 8 I ^f^t^^^
?it^^ ^m^ II 'st^ ^1 ^^t^ I ^^ 5itt»t^ 1 ^^w ^T^
c^rf%R II 5itt«tr?^ ^^ il5ff% ?rr?t^i 1 ^t^ *i^r^ii I c^t^
'^^f^^rt I ^^^ ^^#1iil I c^t^ ^"^^ I ^C7it#^ I c^^ ^7!
f¥^ I c^t^ ^^ I ^^^ ^'i^ I c^^ ^^^ I ^t^rr^^ i
( 'Sft?}^ fj^<^ ^ ^^ f^'f^ )
5?t^^ ^^'^ f%f^ II ^i'^i^ ^ ^Ic^ c^i^^ ^fe^ I ^^t^
^^sj ^^^ ^^'if^ I ^t^ ^^ f^"^ f^f^«1 ^t^TjC^ I ^^tW^
(Tf^ ^^ C^ I C5^^ f^fVs ^f^Tf^ II f^^^ ^^51 ^51^^ f%^
Ctf^TI f%^ f^f5 I ^C^ C^s^ ^^2J ^:^ f^f%^ f^T^Tt^Pf II
APPENDIX I 46?
^firrs '51^ '^ZKU^ II ft7{ oiu\ ft ^^fs I ^tcJi^ f^f^ ^w^ I
■^rtnl 3^5^r^^ II ( '5rt^P<)'i«i )
It would be hardly necessary to pass in review or cite
passajsjes from other Sahaji^fi works like Tri/jv.natmikdy^
Brajapatala Karihl,- Kru/aifinfiuin-
Charactcnstics of . " J v
tho stylo of these (ulvanirVpona,^ J/^nasajjafrJ,'^ all
' '"^^' of which belonw to the same ase of
prose-writing and exhibit similiar characteristics; nor is
much advance noticeable in Radhaballabh Das's Sahoja-
falva, or h'asaUiakti-chnndrik'i (also called Ayrni/anirnai/a)
of Chaitnya Diis quoted by Dinesh Chandra Sen in his
Bahgii Siihifi/a Pnricliny,^ It is possible that this may
have been the peculiar esoteric sectarian manner of the
Sahajiyas but all these writings may also indicate a stage
in Bengali prose composition (very unlike that indicated
by the Sunj/a Puraii pieces) in which an aphoristic form
of theological exposition was widel}' prevalent, partly due
to the exotic intluence of Sanscrit Sutra literature or Sutra
form of writing and partly perhaps an indigenous growth
formed upon the manner of exposition followed in native
tols. One cannot but be struck by the evenness of method
and manner — the sameness of production — of these
Sahajiya works : the one work may as well have been
written by the author of the other — there being hardly any
' Patnka, 1304, p. 415.
* Sahitya Parijiat, MS. no. 355.
^ Sahitya Parigat, MS. no. 33S,
♦ Sahitya Pari.?at, MS. no. 1)37.
' Vol. II, pp. 1655-58 and pp. 1660-61. Sakaji-tatva is also noticed
in Fatrika, 1306, pp. 76.77. Raaabhakti-chandrika (also called Bhajana^
nirnaya) in Patrika, 1306, p. 66.
468 BENGALI LITERATl'RE
distinguishing mark of style or even personal idiosyncrasy
of the writer. When these passages are compared with
those taken from the SU/i^a Pirran, the great differences of
the two manners will emerge at once. Except the passage
on Baramiisi already quoted, which sounds like a piece of
mystic incantation, there is an attempt, however rude and
(mintelligible to us, on the part of the l^nnT/a Fwari writer
tV) say 'whatever he has got to say in a connected manner :
while in the passages under discussion the short disjointed
statements, often in the form of questions and
answers, with their rigid and stri])ped precision of
language make the jirose halting, elumsil}' hingetl, and
totally unsatisfactory from purely rhythmical-stylistic point
of view. But then the object in the latter case was
doctrinal exposition and not artistic or even plainly
narrative presentment : there is no attempt at fine
writincT, no rhetorical tinge anywhere, nor anv intrusion
of sustained narrative or descriptive matter hapi>i]y striking
into style. This prose, with its conciseness or pointedness
overdone, presents a striking contrast to the rudimentary
yet elaborately rh\thmed prose of fSui///(i Pitran. No
sane criticism will be enthusiastic over either the capacities
or the performance of this plain passionless aphoristic
prose, not pedantic but severely scholastic, devoid of all
ornamentation or suggestiveness, and, in spite of its close-
ness to verse, hardly attaining any proper prose-rhythm
at all.
Some improvement, however, in the direction of
periodic and sustained prose will be found in some late
works belonging probably to the
Other proso wri- \'^i\\ ceuturv and certainlv not
tinge (18th century). . /•.mi ' i
going beyond it. Ihe language liere
16 simple enough in syntax and vocabulary : there is uo
APPENDIX 1 469
arjjuinentative or expositon purpose in view, no preva-
lence of stoc'k-subjeel or slock-
Iiuprovuincui in the technicalities. Of these works,
direction of fK>noaic
aud Bustaiueil nrosi- Brinlubauti-lllri is rtallv a remarkable
^ ■ Brndahana.rila. conipositiou from our point of view.
It describes with all the enthusiasm
of the faithful devotee the sacred g-roves and tem[)les of
Brndabaii. ^^ e bej^in with the general topographv of
the holy place.'
^t^c^f^***^?! ^^ ^T^t^ ^?i ^l?:^rrf*i5Tt'^^ sif^^ ^5t^t'<
Specimens. ^
^*f^ ^Tn^ ^«c^ ^tf^T^^ ^^ f^srn:^ "l^'T^t^ ^t^?r ^:^
*ifii5 ^tcsi ^f^itM ^tt?(tfe^^ "st^l^r ^f*6W n^t^^ ^trt^
c'ttt^j't'i si'^sic^t?-?^ 'ftfj^c'srt^itq ^^ii^flT ^^5i?:^5tf^ f5?j/:^tr<j
^^Ji^rtl^ m'lc^tf?^ ^tii:^^?^ ^8ic^5lf?[ c^^r?jf^ ?rt«ft^5«
^tft^K^f^fl iit«n^t«(^ ?it»rw? ^t«rr?5^ ^Ttwt^ ?Jt«ff?i5R ^^^-
f^fjj'm f^c^ft^f'pr^-^fV 5^<^R^f?j grtsrlgrt?} -srt^r^^ ^f^^
gjcm'nspw^ ^•v>if^^»^ (TF^'frrt^ cr^f^^^^i ^f^isfwt^iT c^rt^^i-
' The text hero follows Silhitya Pari^at MS. no. 028. MS. is
incomplete and undated but it docs not seem to Ijc verj* old and its dalo
is probably latter part of tlie 18th century. Dinesh Chandra Sen in hi.'*
Bitfiga Bhafa Sahituf (2nd Ed., p. 630) speaks of a MS. of this «rork
which it, in ht« vagac langaago, aboat 150 jearfi old.
470 BENGALI LITERATURE
c^^t^$ if^jj^:^ ^t'nt^^ fV^^fe fs^^t^ Q ^^^ ^s^tf^-
^^ ^ii^'v "srt^ ^ ^rc^^ ^ '^tr^ ^ ^srt^I^ f^^t^f^^f^ f^^ ^ s^tw
^f5{.£p1 f^^ (TfST ^st^l ^f^ cj^Sl ^^1 fip^fF^5f^ f%^-<5^ei
c^t^ ^'^ 1^^^ ^"si:^ ^^tfs:^ ^f»65i«rti^ "51^^^ ^'sC-r^
^?r Sf^^ ^H ^^ ^^•^ ^ c^'sz^"?! ^-K^ w:^'^ %«^ ^<^
^^^?i^t^r?p (?ffci5i f^iRi ^t?i 5i"w^ "fTm ^T5rt^ ^ ^?i1 c^c^
.stt^ ^tcf^ iWc^ ^^ c^^ 'srn:^ ^tf T^ ^^z^ ^^^ 't?? ic«jt
5i?i tt^ ^^ff (?i5? m;^ f?:^[ '^^^t^ (?]^z^ ^5j ^t^i ^^^
^'^■^l ^f^tfe^^ 'srt^ "^^ ^^ ^^ '^rtri^ 5[^t^ 3[^T^ti5?
•-^f^ "^^Ft^ ^t^t?f^ 9 c^^rtr^ Jf^^^ sf^^t^ ^f?r?tff^^
APPENDIX T 471
C^^rt^ ^^ ^St^'ttf JTt^ ^^"W^ ^«C<T ^^C3}Jt^ f ^^ ^^
c«J^ C3Ft^ ^^^^ Tt5^?T "^"ft^ ?f^ 5tf^ C?Ft^ ?lt«ft^9 "itr|<J
'ic^ 'srt^ 9 ^ ^c 9 ^^u^ fji^ !%■? sn:f(T ^3'?^^?^ yft??Fl Jt^^^i
■Bft^J^ 1C«fT 5IC«a ^f% 'T^si '^rfl^ ^^T^ '5f5i5it'5R5? T^ttl e'^C^i>Cfe)>i
C^Pt^ CJTt^^ *t^5 V^tf f^ ^«^ ^f^1 ^T ^t«<t^9 Sltl^ 9
^^ :^ i^j\^ r/rnt^ n^^r©^ ^f?^^f -^^rtr^ f ^<t 5^«i f^
^H^ Tf^l "srt?:^^ ^^ "srglf^ s^l^s ^^fk^i ^'sc^^ ^^ stf^f^M
^>r5 <£i^'s "5if^cs<? ^fM ^t^ 'si??!?^ ^f*6^fwi:5f 3[?:^[?i] ^t^ ^^t^^
^ (Tl^^' v£l?«^ ^5 (TIC'TJT (7ITtf5 5|ffT«(tC51 '^pf ?rf?I^^ 5(r^<I
3^^9?J ff^ SI^fi^Q C^t*ft^ ^t^iT sj^^ f^^ C^W^%^ 'N^
It is ini|X)ssible not to be struok with the leahtive ex-
cellence of these {mssajjes. In the first place, we notice,
here a really remarkable attemitt at
Application of pro«e substained nrosc-writini;, a «rreat
to new subjects. , r i- <• i
advance ni the facility of handnnir
and a |K)sitive tendency to vivacity. In the next place,
^ . . th»> widening and varvincj of the
Descriptire prnso ^ • ^
ranije and methods of prose by its
application to new subject.? is a fact of great significance;
47^ BENGALI LITERATIRE
and it is this application of ])rose to pnre narration, descrip-
tion, or conveyance of information in a straiglitforward
intcllitjible way — childish things of prose, no doubt, but its
best exercising ground in infancy — that gives it an ease and
fluency attained here for the first time in its history. The
description, though a little monotonous, are yet not dry :
but the very pictorial-poetical nature of the subject-matter
often enables the writer to strike into something like style
in its proper sense. Here is another passage : —
^t^^ ^^ 'i^^^i m^U^ ^t^r? ^'^~^z^ ^^x^ f ^Rg?«?
5^«i f5^ cw ^'^^ '^^'^ ^^^^ ^^s ^fki*^ ^'^- CfFI^ -Ml ^^
^i^i{ CT f^^^ ^f%^ ^tt^^ ^^^ ^5ii^ ^^^tf^:^ (i^^'v *ri^
^V^U »ff^^ "^i^i^ ^ ^t^t^ ^f^^ s^^j? ^t^^ 'I?:^ ^^^§
M^r^^l ^t^ c^^ittfffe^^ "«t^1^ »rfe^ 'F^t^ ^rt^
^^5T I ''j^ 5i'i^t^ "sn:^^ si^ts'^ ^5rfif?{ ^$ W7\
n^^ ^Q^ti% 3T^^ ^srtc^ >i^m^ f^2rr's^tc^ ^51^^
^^f% ^55^; "f^is *ffa c^t^ ^1 ^^^ ^ ^^ ^tf% s^
^^ (ji^U "n^ c^9f *t c^rtfM9|#T c^^T^ ?f^^ *^5i fsr^
APPENDIX I 17;J
^9iT 1%»< ^itU^ ^t^fcl ^^ ^^tf^^l "Slf^ C^lt1H5 '^■\^
^^^■\^i^ ^fi^-'H ^ifrU <\i^ fs^^^^S^^ 5^^^ y\^^ f\^^ ^t^<I «^t5jf^
^(^^t%^9^^?f5^ -51 R:^ 1^-57 ^5,5*1 5?3R fsT^ fjT^?^ %^
^^©t^T^ ^^T f^55 ^t^:M f ^ ^"5 ■5r?:^<F -sifirs ^r:^^ ^5tft^
^^T^ ^^^t l^m^^ c^ c^^t^5( ^?^ ^r^ ^C^^ JT^si
There are of course ^^till mauy drawbacks auil dis-
atlvantages of vocabulary and syntax : we liave occa-
sional intrusion of Jeliiiite and not merely accidental
alliteration, inherited from the ti-aditions of verse-forms
and some of the lines are no doubt cajtable of exact
stave-division : but one does not
Charac'teriatica of ,, ^ i- i i i
this prose. really want tan it less precocity at the
outset ; and after all is said, it must
be admitted that Uew there is no ionirer anv fallin<r
back upon the tricks of verse aixl other unconi^enial
things and that the rhythm attainetl is not really |)oetie
rhythm Init it is something approachini,', in however
gropiui^ fashion, to the creation of definite prose-rhythm
with its l)alance of phrase, its variation of lonif and
short sentences, and its natural adjustment of clauses
with due regard to general harmonic effect.
60
474 BENGALI LITERATURE
There are specimens of another work, supposed to
date from the Ibth century, called Brnt/uOa/ia Parik-
'ama of which passau:es are (pioted by Dineschandra
Sen ill Biiiiga Srihili/a Parichaya
Brmlabana Pari- , , ^,,~^\ e titoci j a i
)irama. \yo\. 11, p. l()M) trom a MSS. dated
B.S. 1:118. This composition, like
the Brndabana-llla, also purports to be a description of
the holy place — a fact which seems to indicate that
works of this nature were more numerous than usually
supposed. The same characteristic descriptive style is
also illustrated here and it is needless to quote here a
lon^i^er passa^^e than the following :
^t^ ^5rf?n:^t?:«i ^t^^ ferrft^^ (Til '^t^ ^^^^
Specimens of its
tt^^t^ f5^ ^tc5 ^t^^ ^6^ >ft^ ^^ c^^t^ f^^ ^srfr^
From the dry pseudo-metaphysical exposition of the
Sahajiya works to this 18tli century descriptive prose
is indeed a long step : but this extraordinary develop-
ment, apparently puzzling, will be intelligible when we
take into account the fact that early Bengali poetical
literature by this time had attained a very high degree
of relative perfection and was by this process pre])ar-
ing the way for the creation of a literary language in
general. The resources of the langu9.ge and its literary
APPENDIX I 475
cajjacities Wfre now l)roiii;lit within easy icac-li of any
„ , , , prose-writer — altlioni^li such writers
Dovi'ItipiinMit (jf the
litornry luiijjuage in were not |)lentiful — who would liave
had chosen to utihso them. The
wonderfully rapid and accomplished literary develop-
ment of prose in the lUth eentury eau<^ht up, summed,
and uttered in more perfect form this literary heritay;e
of past asjes })ut even in a jieiiud of scanty prose-
production such as the ISth century, in which vtrse-treat-
ment of every subject was still predominant, we cannot
mistake the inlluenct' of the enormous literary perfec-
tion of the Ian;i^ua<;e in j^eneral on whatever little
prose it produced.
It may he necessary in this connexion to indicate
the intluence of Sanscrit leainini;- on early Ben<;ali prose-
writinij. It is j)retty certain that
IiiHuence of Sans- ., pi
prit. I he specimens or such prose as we
jMjssess, whether of the metaphysical
or the descriptive sort, represent periods when Sanscrit
culture of some kind, was already open to and in some
degree ha^l been enjoyed l)y the writers. Not only
occasional Sanscrit forms and technicalities are perceived
and some Sanscrit works on Law and Lop;ie were directly
translated, but the t^eneral tendency, inspite of occa-
sional easy note of works like liriiilrtfjaiiii-/l/rt, was
towanls sanscritised, if not ornate, diction, althou<rh
no effective Sanscrit influence, with its predilection for
long-drawn-out compound words, complex sentence-fram-
in<j, and other things, may be definitely tracetl anywhere.
This prose-manner, however, cannot be called sanscritic
in the sense in which it is uswl to designate the
petlantic affectation of some of the Fort William College
pundits or the Sanscrit College style of the fifties ; and
it is remarkable that with hardlv anv model before
476 BENGALI LITERATT^RE
them, these writors never chose to- imitate the later
sesquipetlahan Sanscrit jnose style of KUfJainharl or
llarf*<tchnril(i. Much has been written, however, on the
Sanscrit inHuencc which is sui)posed to have come through
the Kdl/ia/t'o-s or professional story-tellers, whose manner
and method of* exposition is said to have considerably
moulded the narrative or descriptive literature of the
type in question : but it must be admitted that though
sometimes their "set passages" evince a highly artistic
or poetic style, their bombastically ornate diction and
artificial arrangement, their predilection for sanscritie
forms and long-balanced sentences, their highly cadenced
rhetorical eloquence label their prose-passages at once
as essentially one of the ornate kind showing little
colour of resemblance to the type of prose we are
discussing.
In the absence of any material to go upon, it is
impossible to indicate how far the experiment in descrip-
tive prose of the litemay kind, such as we tind in the
Brnaban-llla or BrnduLoi-jjarikronia, was followed u))on
in any other prose-writing of the period but the existence
and popularity of such contemj)orary descriptive poems as
Kasl-parikrania of Jayanara^ai; would seem to indicate,
inspite of occasional and timid tres-
Miscellaneous prose pag^, the still exclusive monopoly of
writings. . . . '
verse in the domain of such litera-
ture. The excursion of prose, however, beyond the narrow
limits of metaphysical matter was an attemjit the lesson
of which was perhaps not wholly lost. From the
few jirose pieces of that century which have come
down to us, we tind application of prose in
treatises on law, logic, and medicine, subjects hitherto
attempted, as all subjects were, in verse. Although only
a few such works have yet been diseovereil, it is (piite
cine
APPENDIX 1 477
plausil)le that sueli attempts wore not sponulic it isohiteil
Itiit were more mimeroiits ami deli-
Not sporadic or iso- },erate than the scanty remains would
lated nt tempts. ... . . '
jnstity MS to infer. Ono hmitation
still remains, namely, that of translation (for most of these
works are translations or adaptations from Sanscrit urifji-
nals) : but translation m the school-time ut Heiii^ali
prose is not a drawback or ilisadvantaijc but a distinct
means of attaining;- diversity, adeijuacy and accomi)lish-
ment. Here is a very simple passa<i:e from a manuseri|)t
(about :2()0 years old) on meilicine
A treatise on Me.li- f.r^l\^,^\ <pf^<ff#f -i^^ {Kdhlrajl PaldU)
which ijivt's a recipe for dyspepsia : '
^ "Sf^^ 5tf5^5 I ^-^ •»[« I «^lf<J ^lf^1 ^C^IC^
cst^rr^ I «firi iippl 53^^^ (•?) r^ik^ c^^*nq sm^^ srR^t-
■'f? «Tt%*f^5 ^"955=?^ n^^i r.tf^T^ ^t^^^i 5f^ft ^^ I
(?rt5^ q:55P ^£511^5 cs^ns ^t^fs^i ^^^ 3ift5 s^K-sm ^^?
The followinij passa;i^e is from :i work on the "Philo-
sophy of Grammar" callrd Hh~i>*~i-})(iriclichlie(hi (^JJl
^ifilCfc^H) (Ms. date<l M.S. MM) ajipan-ntly a Imnslation of
nnd on the philosophy the Sanscrit original of the same
of prrammar. name. The beijinninf; runs thus:
' The text piven here, n little modernised perhnps in np«^nini^,
follows the qnotntion in S, /'. Palnkn, \WMi, no. 1, p. .')!.
478 BENGALI LITERATURE
>i^ ^^Ft^ I :5^i •~9«i ^^ ^Tf?J f^f^ ^^t^ ^^^ I ^-nrt^
Again
^|5[ <^^:^1 1 ^ ^^ ^t^i sTc^ ^t^<=i c^ ^^ c^ ^sr^ ^t^^R
^^Rf^^ -^ ^I'fr^ '<rtr^ i ^^^i ^^«i ^t«<T ^t»ra 'ic^ ^nf??^
From a work on law and ritual called B>/(ibasiliu-
iatva ^
' This passage is taken from a notice of the niannscript in question
in <S. P. Pflfrifca, 1304, p. 325 : the text is obviouslj- punctuated and
modernised in spelling. More specimens of this prose would have been
welcome, but unfortunately only these two passages are given. I have
not been able to get access to the manuscript itself.
''■ This curious manuscript is noticed in S. P. P<if»iAo, 1 308, p.
43 from which the above quotation is taken. It is written in Sanscrit
but part of it is in Bengali prose. The date of the manuscript is
1235 B.S.
APFKNDIX i WU
The stiffness: of the subjoet and style ol" the ()ri<^inal
is, no doubt, partial I \ responsible for the want of ease or
llneney in the translation : but the very tact that the
translator had to keep himself close to his orit^inal <^ave
him a more correct syntax and a i)reeision anil condensa-
tion of lan<ifuai^e, eminently suited lor such exposition but
differinj^ ijjreatly from the sententious manner of the
previous ajje.
Even the theological literature assumed a more orderly
style. This will be illustrated from the following,- short
pasea;^e from (inaiMiliHailhana, quoted in Bawj'i Sahilt/a
Parichai/n.^
n^ 'srwf^ f^T ^jj{ ^^51 cit 'it^^ il 53T' st5? ^f?r?il fwt^i
^f^rc^H I 'O c^ it^ f1 ^51 (?T^
■srsrt^ BfSTc^ ^s?> 5i?f?i?l «t?-nf i^CiT?! w.^^ ^tUT^
'Vol. 11, pp. 1030-37. This MS. (iHted 1158 B. S. iHaluo noticed
in S. P. Patrika, 1304, p. 341, where it is called Sadhann Kntha. The
text lis t^iviMi ill thoao pliicos are obviously punctuated and cor-
rected iu spoiling.
480 BENGALI LITERATURE
C5rs[«i^«tt<[ JTsrff^} «ra5i:s ji's'^t^j^ ^f^c^^ 1 nc^ c^t ^^t^ ^^
^c^T f^^t^f ^f^c^ ^^^t^ c^t ^^'^TCT ^i:^^ ^f^:^ ^tsfl^
^s^pft^l ^^w ^t^f^ ^5rf?(t^ ^1^ s?^tt?iKW^ f^ ^1 ^t^1
lf^?<Tfi c^^ ^f^^t^ 1 ^c^ c^t ^t^fft^l ^^^ fi^c^
^f^t^W C^5I^^-«t1 ^^Slft v»%^^ f^^tSf ^^ II tf% II
All this i« iudeed a great advance towards periodic or
balanced prose. The syntax is not irreg'ular : the verb
is not dropped or shifted at will : the clauses are not
clumsily thrown together or inverted
Advance towards ^^.j(], complete disregard of general
maturity not aechue. ' o o
harmony : in short, the whole trend
is a movement towards maturity and not decline, and, if it
is not too sweeping to generalise, towards modernity itself.
It would not be strictly proper to take into account, as
specimens of literary style, the prose of a few deeds and
documents which have come down from the 17th and 18th
centuries but this "documentary" prose though seldom
„ , ■ , rising into art, indicate, that by
Prose of deeds and ' ' ' ^
documents : what application of prose to an infinite
the}' illustrate. . . ,. , . ^ , . , ,.
variety or subjects, the right direc-
tion was being taken towards systematic prose-writing,
APPENDIX 1 481
tiiwards the eivatioii of a piose-of-all-work. In tliosi- days
of Persian a.setMulanpy, the application of Bi'n;nrali to these
(lociunt'nts is afact siy;nitieant in itself ; and these spei-imens
show vfinaenlar k'tlei-\viitin<;, one of the most powerfnl
instianients in tlie formation of a oeneial prose style, in
full operation. Before the Third Literary Coiderence in
North Beni^l (l-ilC) B. S.), the President in his address
cpiotetl specimens of two Benti;ali letters written by Assamese
Kini;s, one of which dates back to
ollEerr' "^ '''" '^'' '^"^^ ^'>^ °*'^^'' to 1553}5aka.'
We (piote here the fust named letter
dated I 177, written by Kiija Naranara\aii to the Ahome
Kin<^ Chukamfa Svar*jfadeva
^5^1 'j^ ^^st^ ^tt 'j^Hs ^^^ 5^^^ I 's(\^^\ cit ^iTsfsrs
^ff I csprr^i iit^ft^ T^ ^fvt 55 I ^ ^?T 3t^ ^fc^
S ^ JT^'t^ ^?9 5f§'^^ St^I^t^ ^5|?It^ ntTttCTff «t^?Ttil
^^ JPFSI jpitST^ ^f^^l fS^^ f^tft? fif^l I
' Report.- Ill iin C.'iii' I. lice (Cttmii Bnhga Sahityn Satntmlaua,
TriCiyn Adhtbetnua, K(iryiibtbaram),p\}. 3,'i.37.jTlie8c were tirut published
in iliKirMbfinfi, June 37, 1901, and AugiiBt 1, 1901. Tlic Hret of these
lettcrH has becu (without any indication of it« source) reprinted in
Bahf/a Sahityn Parichaya, vol. ii, p. 1672.
61
482 BENC^ALI LITERATURE
Here is an extract from the second letter dat«d 1553
5aka written by the Assamese Kinj^^ to Mohammedan
Faujdar Nawab Aleyar Khan of (iauliati
5Tr^ f?i^? ^^t^^ I 'Sit?:?! c£|9ri f^t^i I c^tsrr? f *f^ 't^©^
5tf^ I ^? ^t^^^^ ^f^ I ^^ C^Kf^ ^1%^ ^^5^ "STtf^
'srw^ '^ t^^fl^ 1 ^f5(« ■^f^iff«[?i'5^^ i8t« ^^1 1 'srr?
^ ^?:^ ^£ic^ uspii's ^t^tt (?rf5i^ I 'srsii^ "sitf^s ^^sf ^sit^rtw^t
From the letter of Nandakuniar to
Extract from Nauda-
kumar's lettei- to his son Gurudas pubHshed in the
^"''''•^*'- Sa/uh/a Pariml PafrikU (B.S. 1310,
pp. 62-65)'.
C^W^ ^5?51 ?f<Rff1 ^t^STl ^^^ '^'^ f *f«1 ^^S 5 « ^f^C^
^^ ^ "^ C^T^ ^^ ^itt^ ^t5t^ srff?(aTf?f 1^^ C^^^ss ^f^^
f%f^ 51911 ^ ^t^^ •^^^-l ^t??iT^ ^^ t^ \%5R ^^ ^^ ^t^^^^
' For the history and text of those documents, see S. P. Patrika,
1306, pp. 297-301 and ibid, 1308. The text, however, is taken from
a very modern copy of the original. Tlicy are reprinted in Banga
Sahitya Paridtaya, vol. ii, l»p. 1638-43.
APPENDIX T 483
(Ti?«i^j^ mc^'i:^*^ f5?*$ ^3i¥r"5 ^T^m -n^^-s ^$t?tr^ f«ifV?it^
This is not absolutely despicable writino^, even thouo^h
in the last extract there is an in-
.lonnmT"' ^'""''' '''"' ^'^itable tincture of Persian, due
partly perhaps to the fact that it
was addressed to a Mohammedan Nawab. The same
tendency is ilh^tnited by the documents, dated B. S. 1125
and II -J?, relatin«? to the Baisnab triumph of Radhfi
Mohan Das Tliilkin' which were published and edited
by R. Tribcdi in tlic l^ntriku : from which it is needless
to nuote more than the followin>>' short illustrative
extract. It speaks of the "^^^^l doctrine. '■*
c^'rn:^ %%^' "sfJi^® ntfr '^wt:^^ ■sax f\s\^\ w^ '^%^^
if 9s 9 ^-^ •s^l^'^W\^ JTHI «C^ f^5T^ ^f^^ "5?^ ^"^ T's-JT^^
^f^^ "STttCI stfKs 'l^^'JI"» irs Ifi 5l5t^t^l I^Pl't ^1?
' Some letters of Nnndakiiiiiilr dikii-tl 1750 ui-i! piihliHliod by Hove-
ridge in the Xat»»nul Mngnzine (SopteiiiluT, 1872). Tiio iettiT of
which quotation is given is dated 1772.
^ In. this connectiou it is necessary to mention the documents rela-
ting to the nCFairs of Lata Udayananlyan Riiy, |)ubli8iiod in the
Piitrika, I'.iOH, pji. 24^)-54. Inspito <»f a slight admixture of Persian,
here we have goo<l .tpecinions of descriptive prose. The passages,
however, are too lengthy for full qnouition here. •
484 BENGALI LITERATURE
ft^t^f 9 ^*il ?t^ -sTftritsi -»t^e ^^5t^ V''?^^ ?Fi%?i1 fwz^^
(71 (71 '^K^ ^t^^ ^^^ ^51^^ f^5t^ ^ ^^:^ %tC?I t?1^mt
■51^^^ ^?:9[tl^9R ^t^ -sT^t^l ^kz^^ Tsrrsi^i ^i^ic^ sr^'^^
5f^t^^ ^T^ sTstf^^tfr %%^ f^ c^riTtfr "st^t^i (71 31-5
^^^ «T^H« *rflf ^f^^iKl^ ^^1 ^ifsc^^ ^f^gi ^tTai ^^t^
f?R^ ^^'^f* ^f^^ 5is'^^ §^1^ C^Tfft^ ^fw^ >5rHtl^
^St^lIW^ =^1^ "5rt^5f tf^^ <Jf?t^ xsC^ "51-R^T^ tf^^ ^f?Rl
f^ (ii ^^Tf^ ^ti^1 B'l't^ ^tfw^rf^ ^itt<ri vr^^i ^f?rr5 ^%^^
^^t^ s?t^<T «t1 >rr^^ fsr^^ ?^^?rt^ ^ f^^1 ^f^z^^ ii^ii^
^^ I
These 17tli and 18th century documents and other
prose pieces show that even in the hands or mouths of
people, who cannot be strictly called literary, the vernacular
in that sta*»e of prose-writinp^ had
Summary of the quite ijot out of mere nisticitv or
achipvenionts of okl
Bengali prose. chudish babblement. The sta,i>'e of
apprenticeship was indeed not over
but it is^good straight-forward Bengali attaining sufficient
APPEXl^TX I 485
rlivtliniical iiiiil \tMl)al di^nitv miuI sli()uiii<_> tin- wav tt»
lietter tliin«i'^ ii" it had suited the writtTs to uiitc moie
oi"i<>;iiiallv in prosi-. Treatises on law, medicine, and >iniilar
documents or esoteric tlieolo«;ical writing can srldoui, in
tlie very nature of the case, lay claim tu literai'x eoni-
l)etency or to thf motive power of >t\ le ; hut the description
of Brndaban and such other thiuiis ^ives hctter o|i|iortum-
ties and, rude though the resources ol" loini and nujdel
were, yet such as they were, they were used with sufHcient
skill. This, though (|ualiiied, is hinh praisf indeed, l-'ull
and mature prose stvle is \v\ to come ; indeed stvie in the
strict and rare sense had scarcely been attained or
consciously attempted. The necessary stock ol" material
was yet to be accumulated, the necessary plant and method
of workinij- to be slowly and |)ainfull\ elaborated. There
was still clumsiness and uncouth handlin<»' inse|)arable
from earliness and immaturity. These Sahaji} a and other
works a*>;ain written, as they were, for an exclusive and
esoteric sect and in a ditticult lany:ua»»:e were not very
widely known or easily accessible to all: in fact, their
u;eneral intluence was not mucii anil this may be one
reason wh\ their very laudable attempt at vernacular
prose-writing was not .-^o widely taken uji or readily
enudated as it should have been. But the return to
vernacular writiny; from Sanscrit or Persian ; the ijeneral
clian<»;e of »i;round from verse to |)ro.se ; the wideninu; of
subjects and methods ; the practising: of a perfectly homely
and vernacular style, free from obscurity or ornate Sanscrit
constructions ; and lastly the example
Its formal im|H)rt. gf pj^^y p|.ij„ business-Iike narration,
anco and genernl • , , • , r , ,,
ninveinent towards the not aito«>:ether devoul ot character, all
evuliition of an indi- i • t i i m
Konons pro«e style. »•"« >"«»"* a very -reat .leal. The
result achieved may not have Iwen
literature in the |iro|ter sense but the small amount of
486 BENGALI LITERATURE
positive achievement should not bhnd us to its ininiense
formal importance or to the Tact that all this indicated a
movement towards l)etter and better prose-writ in i>- and
the <j;ra(lual evolution of an indiijenous prose style. But
in the years which followed, durino- days of political and
social instability and general decay of culture consequent
upon revolutionary changes of s^overnment, the develo]>-
ment of Benuali prose met with a
^Jts^ arrested develop. ^.,.^^^ ^.j^^^j.^ ^„^| -^ ^^.^^ ,,^^ ,^^^^.,
nearly a century had ela])sed, with the
establishment of i)eace and prosperity, business and leisure,
congenial to its cultivation, that we have again the serene
exercise of elaborate prose. But for this arrestetl develoj)-
ment and its rebirth under entirely different conditions,
Bengal ])rose would have developed along the lines
indicated, entirely self-made and home-grown'.
'Since writing the above essay on Old Bengali Prose, I have seen the
text of Gohik Siimhifu of Brndaban Uiis as published in the Pntrila
1309, pp. 5.5-59. Tt purports to be a brief treatise on cosmology. The
MS. is undated but it has been supposed to be not older tli.an the latter
part of the 18th century. The beginning is in prose while the latter
part is in verse. Here is an illustrative extract:
*lt^t^ "1 >ilt igntat^l I «5^ 'jf'ff^ I ^"f^ C^ft^ 19 1t^ U f^ ^ I
^1 i t^ ^ 7^1 ^ if'fjt 8 ?r«( 4 5^ * 55it^^ 1 1 i9f^^ c^%T i«
APPENDIX II
[ Page 109 foolnote ]
TlIK HkNCAM lilMLK
With i'es(>eet to tlie name <j;iven to the Serainporc Hil>k',
we have the follo\viii«i; entry in Fountain's Dian on the Ith
January, 1798 (quoted in ContribvCiom tominU a llinfory of
Biljliral Trnmfation-s in ///^/A/, ('aleutta, 1851) :— "This
morning the Pundit attended upon us. It was observed
that the word Mamjalakht/an would not properly denomi-
nate the wholo Bible, as it only si'jfinfied * fjood news,' a
term more a|)|)licable to the Gospel. It was then proposed
to call the Hible U/nirnia S/imtlni : but the Pundit said
S/tiis/rn only meant that writing; whii-h contained commands
or orders. We must therefore call it hlianim pnHlaka, viz.,
the Holy Book." On the 18th March, 1800,' the first sheet
of MattJH'w was printed. On the 7th February, 1801, the
Hi*st edition of the Ben<;ali Xew Testament was published.
It consistetl of 2,000 copies ; the expense was k^i. In
1800, the translation of the Old Testament was liinshed.
The lx)oks of the OM Testament, as printed b\
the Soram|)ore Press (1801-09) are in I volumes, vi:.,
(I) Pentateuch, ISOl : (2) Joshua- F>ther, ls09; (;i) J,.l,-
Sonir of Solomon, 1801- ; (4) Isaiah-.Malachi, 1S()5.
According; to the Seram|Mjrc Mi'/miirM, however, the dates
of publication are: (1) 180! ; (2) 1809; (3) 1808 ; (1) 1807.
The Mt-mnii-K, however, are not always reliable in this res|K*et.
The Psalter appears to have Ix'en issuetl se|>ai-ately in J 803.
' The flntc is incorroctiv ^'wvu U8 1S<^»3 by Dinesh Ch. Sen {Hiat. of
Btng. Lang, and Lit. 1911, p. 852). See Tenth Memoir. Appendix.
4-88 BENGALI LITKRATURE
In 1808, the second edition of the Benijali New Testament
was commenced and in ISOli, it was ready, loOO eojiies.
The proof-sheets were examined by every one of the
missionaries, and, in addition to this, Carey and Marshman
went through it, verse by verse, one reading the Greek,
the other the Bengali text. In 180!i, the Old Testament
was published and in llie same year, the whole Bible
ap])eai'f'(l in li\e large volumes. It was the work of
Carey's own hand (manuscripts may be seen still in the
jossession of the Seramjiore Baptist Missionaries) ; for,
Ward, writing some years subsecjuently, mentions that
Carey " wrote with his own [)L'n the whole of the five
volumes." In 1809, a third eiition of the New Testa-
ment went to the Press, consisting of 100 copies and
came out in 18 il. It was a folio edition. The fourth
edition of the New Testament was commenced in I SI 3
and published in 1817 (-"3,000 copies) [the dale is wrongly-
given as 1816 in the tenth Mi'inoii-] ; the sixth edition of the
New Testament and third edition of the Old in 1820; 8th
edition of the whole Bible in 1832 : the text of this revised
edition in double columns is divided into two part*; : —
I. Genesis — Ksther, p. 201: t. Job — Malaehi and the
New Testament )>p. ()23. The New Testament has a
separate title-page, witli date 183-2 in Bengali, and 1833
in English figures. Other important subsequent transla-
tions of the Bible are: —
(1) The Old Testament translated from the original
Hebrew by Dr. \V. Vates and the Calcutta Baptist
Missionaries with native assistants, pp. 843, Calcutta
184-4. The New Testament translated by Dr. Yates,
Calcutta 1833, and also an edition printed for the British
and Foreign Bible Society in 2 vols, in Roman character,
London, 183!t. The wiiole Bible translated out of the ori-
gmal tongues by W. Yates and other Calcutta Baptist
APPENDIX II 489
Missionarios with native assistants, jip. 1144, Calcutta
1845.
(2) Tho above revised bv J. Wenujer, ]>i). Il.'i9, Cal-
cutta, 1861. A reprint in smaller size appeared in 1867,
editeil with slijrht allerations bv C. B. Lewis.
(•i) The Holy Bible, in Benijali, with references, trans-
lated by the Baptist Missionaries with Beno^ali assistants.
Revised edition by G. II. Rouse, pp. 81.5, M?. Calcutta
1897.
(4) The New Testament translate<l by .T. F. Ellerton
pp. 99;J, Calcutta 181l>.
The different books of the Bible j)ublished separately
are not mentioned here, the earliest beiu<? Matthew
(1800), to which were 'annexed some of the most
remarkable prophecies in the Old Testament respectini;
Christ.' The next in chronoloj^ical order of publication
was Pentateuch (1801).
6i
APPENDIX III
{Pa(/e 187 f oof note)
SHOST HO KoT| HA K, HENKSHT, YALEE AR DaNiJKAKEK.
Ek K| henkshi| yalee dek hilek ek danrkak h halo ek
tookra poneerer apan mook, he lo, i, ya ek gaeh, her daler
oopor bosh| ya roh, yaeh he, tutk liyonat k henksh, yalee
bibeehona korite lai2jilo je enion shoo shwadoo ^^rash kemon
kori; ya hat korite paribo. Kohilek, lie pri, ye kak aji
shokale tomake dek, hi, ya ami bore shontooshto ho, iya-
eh| hi ; tomar shoondnr monrti ar oojjol palok amar
chok| yer jyoti, jodi nomrota krome toonii onoos^roho
kori| ya amake ektee gan shonna ite, tobe nishshondeho
janitam je tomar shwor tomar ar ar gooner shoman bote.
Aiiondonmotto kak e, i onoonoyo kot, hate b hooli ya
tahake apan shoorer poripatee dek, ha, ibar jonye mook h
k| hoolilek tok, hon poneer neeehe pori, lo, taha tok honi
k| henkshi, yalee oot ha, i, ya lo i ya jo yo jookta
prosht| hau korilek, ar danrkakke obshoro krome apon
mitt, hya gorimar k, hed korite rak hi ya gelo.
Ihar Pi hoi e| i, jek 'hane aropit ko, t, ha probesh kore
shek| hane guyan gochar lop pa, e.
The system of transliteration adopted by Gilchrist for
Bengali was substantially the same as that devised by him
for Hindoosthani, Persian, Arabie and Sanscrit. It was
on a phonetic basis and it attempted to render by means of
English spelling the Kovnds of Bengali, without any refer-
ence to the established orthography of the language, even
in the ease of Sanscrit words. The Roman vowels had
APPENDIX III 491
their Enijlish value!^. The rival system of Sir A\'illiam
Jones very projjerly adoptetl the Italian or Latin vahies
of the Hcjniau vowels, and this system niodified by Wilson
and Hnnter tinalh won thedav. (lilehrist uses '< for ^,
the Sanscrit and llindusthani sound of ^ beinjj reijularly
represented by « ; t is denoted by i, and ^ by ee. ^ is
represented by oo and fe by w, and .v// is u.^ed for»f, ?l, J^ ;
■V beiny; usetl wherever these letters are so pronounced. The
cerebrals are in italics, / <l r ; the // of the aspirate is
separated from the stop letter by a bar, as in Sir William
Jones's system (Xv h, c/i //). Gilchrist uses k for ^, nut c,
as is done by Jones, so that with the former ^ is />\ ft, not
f, //. For ^ a»jain he never employs v or a. His system,
whatever may be its faults, has at least tin- merit of
eonsistenev.
APPENDIX IV
{Page 237 foot note)
Eauly Christian Pkriodicals (Bengali)
The Samachor Uarpan and the DigdarUan were not
properly speakino-, missionary papers: for reH<?ions con-
troversy was sedulously avoided. The first Christian period-
ical was the Gospel Mugozive (8vo. pp. 1-10), English
and Bengali, commenced in 1819 by the Missionaries of
the London Missionary Society and continued till 1828.
Then came the Eraiigelisf, edited by Bev. J. Bobinson and
started in 1843 by the Baptist Association : it was in
existence for three years. The Vpademka was commenced
in 1847 and edited by J. Wenger, continued till 1857,
when the editor went home; it was recommenced in 1863
after his return and ultimately ceased in 1865. The
Satt/ariiaOa edited by the missionaries of the Church of
England, was begun in 1849 : tive volumes appear to have
been published. The Aruondaija, a fortnight!}- journal,
was started in 1856 by the Calcutta Tract Society. The
first editor was Bev. Lalbehari De. These are, in their
chronological order, all the purely Christian periodicals,
published during the first half of the century.
APPENDIX V
Eakly Chkistiax Tracts
It is impossible, if it is at all worth wliilf , to draw up
a complete list of the early Ciiristian tracts in Beiii^ali.
A pretty fair list will be found in Murdoch, Catalogue of
Chrishati Vernacular Literature of India, Madras, 1870.
pp. 4-31. But this is by no means exhaustive. See
also Long, Catalogue (1855), Return of Is am es and Writings
etc. (1855), Return Relating to Bengali Puljlication/i (1859).
Some of these ti-aets may be found in the Serampore
Colleije Library and other missionary centres. See also
Blumhaixlt, Catalogue of Bengali Printed Booh in tin-
liritish Mu.teuui ^ni\ Catalogue of Bengali Books in the India
Ojffice ; Wenger, Catalogue of Bengali PuljlicatiouK (18H5)
supplements. Long's Return Relating to Bengali Publications
(1859) and enumemtes only those missionary publications
which wore printed after 18()5.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF REFERENCES
Only important articles in periodicals or reviews are
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490 BENGALI LITERATURE
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498 BKXCtALI LITERATIRE
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