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PRESENTED 

TO 

Walter  w.  Mclaughlin, 

BY  HIS  FATHER 

JAMES  MCLAUGHLIN, 

Aspen,  Colorado 
March,  1886. 


'J1 1 1  E    WORKS 


OF 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


THE    WORKS 


"     OF 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


VOLUME  XX. 


HISTORY  OF   CALIFORNIA. 

Vol.   III.      1825-1840. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  : 
A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1885. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  188.r>,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  RlgJrfs  Renewed. 


CONTENTS  OF  TIIIS  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 

A  TERRITORY   OF  THE   MEXICAN   REPUBLIC. 

1825. 

PAGE 

Ratification  of  the  Federal  Constitution — Junta  de  Californias  in  Mexico 
— Compania  Asiatico-Mexicana — Sessions  of  the  Diputacion — Eche- 
andia  Appointed  Governor — Transfer  of  the  Office  at  San  Diego — 
Biography  of  Don  Luis  Argiiello — Echeandia's  Companions — Pacheco, 
Zamorano,  and  Ramirez^-Herrera  as  Comisario  de  Hacienda — The 
Missions — The  Padres  Refuse  Allegiance  to  the  Republic — The  Dipu- 
tacion on  Secularization — Padre  Duran  as  President — Mission  Sup- 
plies and  Finance — Vessels  on  the  Coast — Surrender  of  the  Asia  and 
Constante — Morrell's  Visit  and  Book  —  Commerce  —  Foreign  Resi- 
dents— A  Rainy  Season 1 

CHAPTER   II. 

echeandia's  rule— political  affairs. 
1826-1830. 
National  Measures,  1826 — Junta  de  Fomento — Echeandiaat  San  Diego — 
Guerra  for  Congress,  1827-8 — Colonization  Regulations  of  1828 — Ter- 
ritorial Diputacion,  1827 — Proposed  Change  of  Name — Echeandia  in 
the  North — Diputacion,  1828-30 — Election — Maitorena  Sent  to  Con- 
gress, 1829-30 — Acts  of  the  Supreme  Government — Padres  as  Ayu- 
dante  Inspector — Gomez  as  Asesor — California  as  a  Penal  Colony — 
Arrival  of  130  Convicts — Carrillo  Elected  to  Congress  for  1831-2 — 
Expulsion  of  Spaniards,  1827-30 — List  of  Spanish  Residents — Eche- 
andia's Appeals  for  Aid — His  Resignation — Appointment  of  Antonio 
Garcia  —  The  Californias  Separated  —  Manuel  Victoria  Appointed 
Governor 3  J 

CHAPTER   III. 

ECHEANDiA  AND   HERRERA — FINANCE — THE   SOLIS  REVOLT. 

1826-1830. 
Hard-times  Items  —  Aid  from  Mexico — The  Revenues — Comisario  and 
Habilitados  —  Secret  Investigation —Suspension  and  Resignation — 
Estrada,  Vallejo,  and  Jimeno  Casarin  as  Administrators — Revolt  of 

i  vii  ) 


riii  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

1828 — Revolt  of  1829 — Causes — Monterey  Taken  —  Joaquin  Solis 
— Plan  of  November  15th — Argiiello  Declines  the  Command — Solis 
Marches  South — Echeandia's  Preparations — Revolt  at  Santa  Barbara 
— Bloodless  Battles  of  Dos  Pueblos  and  Cieneguita — Retreat  of  Solis 
— Retaking  of  the  Capital — Avila  Captures  Solis — Trial — The  Span- 
ish Flag — Banishment  of  Herrera  and  Twenty  Conspirators — Finan- 
cial Affairs  in  1829-30 • 56 

CHAPTEE  IV. 

ECHEANDIA  AND   THE  PADRES — MISSION"  AND   INDIAN   AFFAIRS. 

1826-1830. 
Mission  Prefect  and  Presidents — The  Question  of  Supplies — The  Oath  of 
Allegiance— Sarria's  Arrest — Friars  Still  Masters  of  the  Situation — 
Council  at  San  Diego — Southern  Padres  Willing — Northern  Padres 
Refuse— Flight  of  Ripoll  and  Altimira— The  Friars  as  Spaniards— 
Echeandia's  Conciliatory  Policy— Petitions  of  the  People— Exile  of 
Martinez— Progress  towards  Secularization— Mexican  Policy— Diffi- 
culties—Junta  of  April  1826— Decree  of  July— Experimental  Free- 
dom—Mission Schools  and  Lands— Plan  of  1829-30— Approval  of  the 
Diputaeion— Action  in  Mexico— Indian  Affairs  -Sanchez's  Expedi- 
tion—Vallejo's  Campaign  against  Estanislao— Northern  Fort— ;■> 
sons g- 

CHAPTER  V. 

ECHEANDIA'S  RULE— MARITIME   AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

1826-1830. 
Vessels  of  1826— Revenue  Rules— Hartncll's  Business— Hawaiian  Flag- 
Cooper  and  the  Rover— Lawsuit  with  Argiiello— Beechey's  Visit  in 
the  Blossom— Books  Resulting— Trading  Fleet  of  1827— Reglamentos 
ou  Liquors  and  Live-stock— Embarrassment  of  McCulloch,  Hartncll, 
&  Co.— Cunningham  at  Santa  Catalina— Visit  of  Duhaut-Cilly  and 
Botta— Maritime  Affairs  of  1828— Restrictions— Smuggling— Affair 
of  the  Franklin— Cannon-balls— Affair  of  the  Karimoko— Vessels  of 
1829— Custom-house— Arrival  of  the  BrooWw— Gale's  Correspond- 
ence-Raising the  Stars  and  Stripes-Lang  at  San  Diego— The 
Santa  Barbara  Built  in  California— Ships  and  Trade  of  1830— List  of 

Vessels,  1S25-30 ,  *  „ 

i i  () 

CHAPTEE  VI. 

OVERLAND— SMITH   AND   PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

1826-1S30. 
The  „  Frontier-The  Trappers-First  Visitors  by  the  Overland 

Qith,  1826-8-Errors  Corrected-Original  Docu- 
raents-The  Sierra  Nevada  Crossed  and  Re-crossed-First  Entry  of 


CONTENTS.  ix 

PAGE 

the  Hudson's  Bay  Company — McLeod  and  Ogdcn — Pattie's  Visit  and 
Imprisonment,  1828-30 — Flint's  Narrative — Truth  and  Fiction — A 
Tour  of  Vaccination — '  Peg-leg '  Smith — Trapping  License  of  Exter 
and  Wilson — Vaca  from  New  Mexico — Ewing  Young  and  his  Hunt- 
ers from  New  Mexico — Foreign  Residents — Annual  Lists  of  New- 
comers— Regulations  on  Passports  and  Naturalization 150 

CHAPTER  VII. 

RULE   AND   OVERTHROW   OF  VICTORIA. 

ljjai. 

Appointment  of  Victoria — Arrival — Echcandfa's  Delay — Command  Sur- 
rendered— Beginning  of  a  Quarrel — Golpe  de  Estado — Schemes  of 
Padres  and  Party — Victoria's  Address  to  the  People — Charges  against 
the  Governor — Refusal  to  Convoke  the  Diputacion — Memorials  and 
Threats — Victoria's  Manifiesto — Replies  of  Bandini  and  Pico — Ad- 
ministration of  Justice — The  Death  Penalty—  Case  of  Atanasio — The 
Robbers  Aguilar  and  Sagarra — Execution  of  Rubio — Exile  of  Abel 
Stearns — Victoria  and  Alcalde  Duarte  of  San  Jose" — Trouble  at  Los 
Angeles — Exile  of  Jose"  A.  Carrillo — Jose  M.  Padres  Banished — Plots 
of  Carrillo,  Bandini,  and  Pico — Pronunciamiento  of  San  Diego — 
Echcandia  in  Command — Angeles  Revolts — Fight  near  Cahuenga — 
Death  of  Pacheco  and  Avila — Victoria  Sent  to  San  Bias — Rodrigo 
del  Pliego — Action  in  the  North — Carrillo's  Efforts  in  Congress 181 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

AN   INTERREGNUM — ECHEANDIA   AND   ZAMORANO. 
1S32. 

The  Diputacion  at  Los  Angeles — Action  against  Victoria — Attempts  to 
Make  Pico  Governor — Echeandia's  Opposition — A  Foreign  Company 
at  Monterey — Zamorano's  Revolt — A  Junta  at  the  Capital  —  The 
News  at  San  Diego — Sessions  of  the  Diputacion  —  Los  Angeles 
Deserts  Echeandia — Warlike  Preparations — Ibarra  at  Angeles — Bar- 
roso  at  Paso  de  Bartolo — Indians  Armed — Compact  between  Eche- 
andia and  Zamorano — The  Territory  Divided — Final  Sessions  of  the 
Diputacion  —  The  Avila  Sedition  — Who  is  Governor  ?  —  Affairs  in 
Mexico — Carrillo's  Efforts  and  Letters — Choice  of  a  Governor — Jose" 
Figueroa  Appointed — Instructions — Mishaps  of  a  Journey— Mutiny 
at  Cape  San  Xucas — Waiting  for  a  Ruler 21 G 

CHAPTER  IX. 

FIGUEROA'S  RCTLE — HI.TAR  AND   PADRES   COLONY. 

1S33-1834. 
Arrival  of  Figueroa — Primitive  Printing — Imaginary  Difficulties — Am- 
nesty to  Rebels — Echeandia  and  Zamorano — Biography  of  Echeandia 


CONTEXTS. 

PAGE 

— Bandini  Elected  to  Congress — No  Sessions  of  the  Dipntacion  in 
1833  —  The  Northern  Frontier  —  Figueroa  Resigns — A  Warning — 
Mutiny  at  San  Francisco — The  Dipntacion  in  1834 — Address  by  the 
Governor — Legislative  Affairs — The  First  Book  Printed  in  California 
— Reglamento — Petaluma  and  Santa  Rosa — Santa  Anna  y  Farias — 
Conspiracy  of  Guerra  and  Duran — New  Election — Events  in  Mexico 
Padre's  and  his  Schemes — Colonization  —  Hijar  as  Gefe  Politico — 
Colony  Organized — Compania  Cosmopolitana — Political  Schemes — 
The  March  to  Tepic  —  Voyage  of  the  Natalia  and  Morelos  —  Re- 
ception of  the  Colony  at  San  Diego  and  Monterey — Wreck  of  the 
Natalia — Authorities 210 


CHAPTER  X. 

FIGUEROA,    CASTRO,  AND   GUTIERREZ — THE   COLONY. 

1834-1835. 

Santa  Anna  Orders  Figueroa  not  to  Give  up  the  Command  to  Ilijar — 
Quick  Time  from  Mexico — Hijar  Demands  the  Mission  Property — 
His  Instructions— Action  of  the  Diputacion— Lost  Prestige  of  Padres 
— Bando— Controversy — Bribery — Submission  of  the  Directors— .Aid 
to  the  Colonists— At  Solano— New  Quarrel— Rumored  Plots— Revolt 
of  Apalategui  and  Torres— Pronunciamiento  of  the  Sonorans— Sur- 
render—Legal  Proceedings— Figueroa's  Orders— Seizure  of  Arms  at 

Sonoma — Arrest  of  Verduzco  and  Lara — Exile  of  Hijar  and  Padres 

Figueroa's  Manifiesto— Sessions  of  the  Diputacion— Carrillo  in  Con- 
gress—Los Angeles  Made  Capital— Foundation  of  Sonoma— Death  of 
Figueroa— Life  and  Character— Castro  Gefe  Politico— Gutierrez 
Comandante  General — Estudillo's  Claims .   270 


CHAPTER  XI. 

MISSIONS  AXD   SECULARIZATION. 

1S31-1S33. 
Echeandia's  Plan  of  1830— Decree  of  1831— The   Comisionados— Viewd 

of  the  Padres— Carrillo's  Efforts  in  Mexico— The  Pious  Fund^- 
E vents  of  1832— Diputacion  and  Friars— Echeandia's  Reglamento— 
Notes  of  Padre  Sanchez— Bachelot  and  Short— Exiles  from  the 
Hawaiian  Islands— New  Missionaries  in  1833— The  Zacatecanos— 
Division  of  the  Missions— Troubles  in  the  North— Flogging  Neo- 
phytes—Supplies for  San  Francisco— Misconduct*  of  Padre  Mercado 
at  San  Rafael— Massacre  of  Gentiles— Figueroa's  Instructions  on 
Secularization  — Echeandia's  Regulations— Figueroa's  Policy— Ex- 
periments in  the  South-Provisional  Rules-Emancipation  in  Prac- 
tice-Projects of  President  Duran-Figueroa's  Report  against  Secu- 
larization-Mexican Decrees  of  1S33— President  and  Prefect 301 


V 


CONTENTS.  xi 

CHAPTER  XII. 

MISSION   AND   INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

1834-1S35. 

Emancipation— Indian  Pueblos— The  Diputacion— Figtieroa's  Policy — 
Mexican  Law  of  April  1834 —  Provisional  Regulations  of  August  9th 
—II  i  jar's  Instructions— Their  gleaning— The  Reglamento  in  Practice 
— Local  Results — Ten  Missions  Secularized— Views  of  the  Padres — 
Supplementary  Regulations  of  Nov.  4th— Destruction  of  Mission 
Property  by  the  Friars— Slaughter  of  Cattle— Stipends  in  1835— 
Mission  Supplies— Mission  Rauchos— Garcia  Diego's  Suggestions- 
Local  Items  of  1835 — Six  Missions  Secularized — The  Fernandinos 
Content— Mexican  Decree  of  Nov.  9th— Mission  Statistics,  1831-5 — 
Seasons — Pestilence — Indian  Affairs,  1831-5 339 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

MAEITT5IE,    COMMERCIAL,    AND    FINANCIAL  AFFAIHS. 

1S31-1S35. 
Annual  Lists  of  Vessels  on  the  Coast — Revenue  Statistics— Smuggling 
Items — Seizure  of  the  Lor iol— Commercial  Regulations — Victoria  and 
Bandini — Contraband — Ports — Bandini  and  Angel  Ramirez — A  Dis- 
appointed Inspector  of  Customs— Fur  Trade— Salt — Abel  Stearns' 
Operations  at  San  Pedro — Treasury  Officials — Comisarioa — Bandini, 
Gomez,  Gonzalez,  Estrada,  and  Herrera — Minor  Revenue  Officers — 
Local  Items  —  Financial  Correspondence  —  Statistics —  Municipal 
Funds — Taxation — Tithes— Plan  of  Ways  and  Means— Alphabetical 
List  of  Vessels 3G3 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

1831-1835. 

Overland  Immigration — New  Mexican  Route — Wolfskill's  Party — Yount 
and  Burton — Jackson's  Compau}- — Warner — Ewing  Young's  Second 
Visit — Carson,  Williams,  Sparks,  and  Dye — Graham  and  Leese — 
Across  the  Sierra  —  Captain  Joe  Walker — Nidever — Bonneville's 
Narrative — Hudson's  Bay  Company  Trappers — Otter-hunting  in  Cal- 
ifornia— New  Mexican  Horse-thieves — Chino  Pando — Foreign  Policy 
— Fears — Offer  of  Purchase  by  U.  S. — Spaniards — Pioneer  Names — 
Those  Who  Came  before  1830 — New-comers  of  Each  Year — Alpha- 
betical Lists — Douglas  the  Botanist — Thomas  Coulter's  Visit — Mori- 
neau's  Memoir — Visit  of  Hall  J.  Kelley — John  Coulter's  Lies — Dana's 
Two  Years  Before  the  Mast , 385 


xii  CONTEXTS. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

RULE   OF   GUTIERREZ  AND   CHICO. 
1836. 

Castro  Transfers  the  Gefatura  to  Gutierrez — A  Quiet  Rule — Centralist 
Precautions — The  Capital — Vigilance  Committee  at  Los  Angeles — 
Shooting  of  a  Man  and  Woman — Bandini's  Plan  at  San  Diego — Ap- 
pointment and  Arrival  of  Governor  Chico — Inaugural  Address — 
Swearing  of  the  Bases — Chico's  Orders — Address — Sessions  of  the 
Junta  Dcpartamental — Agent  for  Mexico — Chico  in  the  South — Be- 
ginning of  Troubles — Californian  Views  of  Chico's  Character — Doiia 
Cruz,  the  Governor's  Mistress — Feeling  of  Foreigners — Chico  and 
Stearns — Revolution  Planned — Results  of  the  Vigilantes — Chico  and 
Duran — Amours  of  Castaiiares  and  Dona  Ildefonsa — Chico  and  Es- 
trada-— Excitement  at  the  Capital — Cliico  Leaves  the  Country 414 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

GUTIERREZ,    CASTRO,    AND   ALVARADO — REVOLUTION. 
1836. 

Second  Rule  of  Gutierrez — His  Policy  and  Character — Vague  Charges — 
Quarrel  with  the  Diputacion— Popular  Feeling— Causes  of  Revolt — 
Juan  B.  Alvarado — Revenue  Quarrel — Another  Version — Prepara- 
tions at  San  Juan — Californians  in  Arms— Graham's  Riflemen— Siego 
of  Monterey— Documentary  Record  —  Surrender  —  The  Mexicans 
Exiled— Biography— Gutierrez— Castillo  Negrete— Herrera— Muiioz 
Navarrete— The  Estradas— Rule  of  Jose"  Castro— Plan  of  Conditional 
Independence— Lone-star  Flag— The  Diputacion  as  a  Constituent 
Congress— Vallejo  as  Comandante  General— Revenue— Civic  Militia 
—Alvarado  as  Governor— Division  of  the  State— Commerce— The 
New  Rdgime — Affairs  in  the  North 415 

CHAPTER  XVIt 

ALVARADO's  RULE — TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH'. 

1S36-1S37. 
Causes  of  Southern  Opposition— Sectional,  Local,  and  Personal  Prejudice 
—The  News  at  Angeles— San  Diego  Aroused— Plan  of  November— 
Counter-plan  of  Santa  Barbara— New  Ayuntamientos  and  New  Plan 
—Letters  of  Prominent  Men— Castillo  Negrete— Osio— Bandini— Pio 
Pico— Carlos  Carrillo— Alvarado  in  the  South— The  Barbareiios  Sub- 
mit—Angelinos  Obstinate—  Dieguinos  Patriotic  but  not  Warlike- 
Defensive  Measures— Campaign  and  Treaty  of  San  Fernando— Alva- 
rado at  Los  Angeles— Castro's  Arrival- Another  Plan— Speeches— 
rs  of  Attack  from  Sonora—  Castro  at  San  Diego— Diputacion  Sus- 
tains Alvarado— Plan  de  Gobierno—  Intrigues  of  Osio  and  Pico— Los 
/clcs  Submits-Governor's  Manifiesto  of  May— Return  to  Monte- 
rey—Events  in  the  North,  January  to  May ; 473 


CONTEXTS.  xiii 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

BAN   DTEGO   PLAN — ALVARADO   AND   CARRILLO. 

1S37. 

•  PAGE 

Bandini's  Movements — Plots  on  the  Frontier — Zamorano,  Portilla,  and 
Estrada — Plan  of  May — Seizure  of  Los  Angeles — Don  Juan  at  San 
Diego— The  Army  at  Angeles* and  San  Fernando— Castillero's  Com- 
mission— Oath  of  Centralism  in  the  South — Alvarado  at  Monterey 
and  Santa  Clara — Rumors  from  Mexico — Ramirez  Revolt — Monterey 
Taken  and  Retaken — Alvarado  Returns  to  the  South — Treaty  with 
Castillero — Alvarado  Swears  td  the  Constitutional  Laws — His  Mo- 
tives— Diputacion  at  Santa  Barbara — Castillero  Sent  to  Mexico — 
The  California — Vallejo  Refuses  to  Accept  Centralism — Carlos  Car- 
rillo's  Appointment — Alvarado's  Position — Carrillo  Assumes  Office 
at  Angeles — San  Diego  Obedient — Not  so  Sta  Barbara — Letters  of 
Vallejo  and  Alvarado ,   515 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND   DON    CARLOS. 
1S38. 

Don  Carlos  Closes  Northern  Ports — Sends  for  Mexican  Troops — Castro's 
Plan — A  Spurious  Appointment — Carrillo's  Letters — Military  Prepa- 
rations— Castaneda  at  San  Buenaventura — Santa  Barbara  Threatened 
— News  from  Mexico — Battle  of  San  Buenaventura — Los  Angeles 
Taken — Alvarado  at  San  Fernando — Don  Carlos  at  San  Diego — A 
New  Plan — Tobar  in  Command — Campaign  of  Las  Flores — Treaty — 
Negotiations  at  San  Fernando — Escape  of  the  Pretender — Vallejo 
Favors  Don  Carlos — News  by  the  Calalina — Arrival  of  Castillero — 
Recognition  of  Alvarado  and  Vallejo — An  Island  for  Carrillo — Aba- 
jenos  Despondent — Arribelios  Triumphant — Re-arrest  of  Cariillos  and 
Picos 545 

CHAPTER   XX 

ALVARADO'S  RULE — POLITICAL  EVENTS, 

1S39-1S40. 

Governor  and  General  at  Santa  Barbara — Carlist  Prisoners — Don  Carlos 
Yields — End  of  the  Conflict — Military  Discipline — Presidial  Com- 
panies— Diputacion  as  a  Junta  at  Monterey — Division  of  California 
into  Districts  and  Partidos — Prefects — Plots  of  Ramirez  and  Padre 
Mercado — Life  of  Angel  Ramirez — Sedition  at  Branciforte — Flag  Tu- 
mult at  Los  Angeles — Castillero  Elected  to  Congress — Vocales  Elected 
— War  with  France — Jimeno  Acting  Governor — Alvarado  Married 
by  Proxy — Arrival  of  the  California — Alvarado  Appointed  Governor 
— Cosme  Peiia — Castaneda  Sent  to  Mexico — Annals  of  1840 — Sessions 
of  the  Junta  Departamental — Tribunal  de  Justicia — Monterey  the 
Capital — Conspiracy  of  Carrillo  and  Gonzalez 579 


xiv  CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  LIEGO   DISTRICT. 

1S31-1S40. 

Military  Commandants-Decrease  and  Disappearance  of  the  Presidial 
Or-anization-Fort  and  Other  Buildings-Population-Private  Ran- 
chos-Summary  of  Events-Politics  and  Indian  Depredations- 
Treasure  on  the  Colorado -Civil  Government  -Ayuntamiento- 
Criminal  Record-San  Diego  Mission-Padre  Martin-Statistics- 
Secularization -Ortega  as  Administrator-San  Luis  Key— Padre 
Peyri-A  Prosperous  Mission -Slaughter  of  Cattle-Chronologic 
Happenings-Pio  Pico  in  Charge-Hartnell's  Investigation-Mission 
Ranchos— San  Juan  Capistrano-Statistical  View- Annals  of  Eman- 
cipation—Administration of  the  Argiiellos-The  Ex-neophyte  Pue- 
bios  of  San  Juan,  San  Dieguito,  Las  Flores,  and  San  Pascual 008 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  LOS  ANGELES  DISTRICT. 

1831-1S40. 
A  Centre  of  Political  Agitation— Chronologic  Summary  and  Index— Local 
Occurrences— Indian  Hostilities— Day  and  Stearns— Vigilance  Com- 
mittee—Sectional Warfare— Carrillo's  Capital— Tumult  of  the  Flag 
—Arrest  of  Foreigners— Increase  of  Population— Private  Ranchos — 
Ayuntamiento  and  Municipal  Affairs— Criminal  Record— A  Race — 
The  Prefecture— Pefia,  Tapia,  and  Arguello— Port  of  San  Pedro— San 
Gabriel— Padres  Boscana  and  Sanchez— Statistics— Secularization — 
Events— Bandini's  Reforms— San  Fernando  Rey— Father  Cabot— A 
Prosperous  Mission — Antonio  del  Valle  as  Comisionado — Chronolo- 
gic Record C29 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

LOCAL   ANNALS  OF  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 
1831-1840. 

Gain  in  Population — Presidial  Organization — Military  Items — Summary 
of  Events — Santa  Barbara  in  the  Political  Controversies — Chico  and 
Duran — Municipal  Affairs — Official  List — Sub-prefecture — Grants  of 
Private  Ranchos — Santa  Barbara  Mission — Statistical  View — Annals 
of  Secularization — San  Buenaventura — Fathers  Suner,  Uria,  and  For- 
tuni  —  Population,  Agriculture,  and  Live-stock  —  Majordomos  and 
Administrators — Santa  In£s— Father  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta — Statistics 
of  Decadence — A  Gain  in  Cattle — Moderate  Prosperity — Local  Hap- 
penings— La  Purisima  Concepcion — Secularization — Inventories ....  649 


CONTENTS.  xv 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT, 

1831-1840. 

PAGE 

Population — Visits  and  Descriptions— Summary  and  Index  of  Events — 
Military  Record — Municipal  Affairs  and  Administration  of  Justice 
— Prefecture — Criminal  Record*— Private  Ranchos — Mission  San  Car- 
los— San  Luis  Obispo — Padre  Gil  y  Taboada — Statistics  of  Decline — 
S;m  Miguel  —  Padre  Juan  Cabot  —  Population  and  Property — San 
Antonio — Secularization — Mereado's  Complaints — Hartnell's  Inspec- 
tion—  La  Soledad  —  Padre  Sarria  -  Inventories  of  Live-stock  and 
Crops — San  Juan  Bautista  or  San  Juan  de  Castro — Padres  and  Neo- 
phytes— Mission  Estate — Emancipation  of  the  Indians — Pueblo  and 
Capital  of  the  District — Santa  Cruz,  or  Pueblo  de  Figueroa — Villa 
dc  liranciforte G67 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN   FRANCISCO   DISTRICT* 

1S31-1S40. 

Grain  in  Population — Number  of  Inhabitants  in  California,  North  and 
South — Summary  of  San  Francisco  Events — Military  Affairs — Com- 
pany Transferred  to  Sonoma — Pueblo  ami  Ayuntamiento — Granting 
of  Lots — Later  Litigation — Growth  of  Yerba  Buena — Richardson, 
Leese,  and  Spear — Private  Ranchos  of  the  District — San  Francisco 
Mission — San  Rafael— Padre  Amoros'  Map  of  Mission  Lands — San 
Francisco  Solano — Pueblo  of  Sonoma  —  General  Vallejo's  Achieve- 
ments in  the  Frontera  del  Norte — San  Jose"  Mission — A  Prosperous 
Establishment — Santa  Clara — Padres  Viader  and  Moreno  —  Pueblo 
de  San  Jos6  de  Guadalupe  de  Alvarado  —  Population  —  Municipal 
Affairs  and  List  of  Officials — Summary  of  Events G98 


Pioneer  Register  and  Index.     'Fabbol'  to  'Hyde' 733 


HISTORY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


CHAPTER   I. 

A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

1S25. 

Ratification  of  the  Federal  Constitution — Junta  de  Californias  in 
Mexico — Compania  Asiatico-Mexicana — Sessions  of  the  Diputa- 
cion — EcheandIa  Appointed  Governor — Transfer  of  the  Office 
at  San  Diego  —  Biography  of  Don  Luis  Arguello —  Echeandia's 
Companions — Pacheco,  Zamorano,  and  Ramirez — Herrera  as  Com- 
isario  de  Hacienda — The  Missions — The  Padres  Refuse  Allegiance 
to  the  Republic — The  Diputacion  on  Secularization— Padre  Du- 
ra^ as  President — Mission  Supplies  and  Finance — Vessels  on  the 
Coast — Surrender  of  the  'Asia  'and  '  Constante  ' — Morrell's  Visit 
and  Book — Commerce — Foreign  Residents — A  Rainy  Season. 

In  the  preceding  volume  I  have  completed  the  an- 
nals of  California  as  a  province  of  Spain  and  of  the 
Mexican  empire  to  the  year  1824.  In  the  present 
volume  I  continue  its  history  as  a  territory  and  depart- 
ment of  the  Mexican  republic  to  1840.  But  while 
1825-40  are  the  chronological  limits  assigned,  it  has 
been  found  inconvenient,  as  already  explained,  to  make 
the  subdivisions  of  time  and  topics  agree  exactly. 
Local  annals  have  been  continued  in  an  earlier  volume 
to  1830;  herein  they  are  completed  for  another  decade, 
and  the  regular  thread  of  political  history  is  followed 
to  1840;  but  the  institutional  history  for  183G-40, 
including  some  important  phases  of  foreign  relations,  is 
necessarily  left  for  the  first  six  chapters  of  volume  iv. 
The  leading  features  here  presented  are  the  develop- 

VOL.   III.      1 


2  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

ment  of  republicanism,  the  downfall  of  the  missions, 
revolutionary  movements,  the  first  overland  explo- 
rations, growth  of  foreign  influence,  the  up-building 
of  commercial  industry,  and  the  complicated  series 
of  political  and  sectional  controversies.  At  the  end  of 
the  volume  I  continue  alphabetically  the  biographical 
register  of  pioneers  begun  in  volume  ii. 

Early  in  1825  Governor  Argiiello  received  the 
federal  constitution  of  the  Mexican  republic  adopted 
by  congress  October  4,  1824,  and  addressed  to  the 
states  and  territories  on  the  6th.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  analyze  this  document  here.  By  it  Alta  California 
became  a  territory,  lacking  the  population  for  a  state ; 
entitled  to  a  diputado  in  congress,  but  without  the 
forty  thousand  inhabitants  requisite  to  give  him  a 
vote ;  yet  capable  of  being  erected  into  a  state  by  act 
of  congress.  This  organic  law  made  no  provision  for 
the  government  of  the  territories ;  and  I  know  not  ex- 
actly what  authority  the  president  had  for  appointing 
a  governor  and  allowing  the  diputacion  to  subsist;  or 
what  authority  congress  had  to  make  laws  on  the  sub- 
ject; or  further,  on  what  authority  the  two  Califor- 
nias  were  immediately  united  in  one  territory,  or  at 
least  put  under  one  governor.  The  constitution  was 
similar  to  that  of  the  United  States  of  America.1 

Before  noting  the  reception  of  the  constitution  in 
the  north,  it  is  well  to  glance  at  subsequent  acts  of  the 
national  government  in  behalf  of  California  down  to 
the  end  of  1825 — and  briefly,  for  in  Mexico  but  slight 

1  Mexico,  Constitution  Federal  de  los  Estados  Unidos  Mexkanos,  santionada 
por  el  Con</rcso  General  Constituyente  el  4  de  Octubre  de  182 If..  Mexico,  1824, 
lGmo,  31.  xviii.  62  p.  21.  3 p.;  with  at  the  end  the  following:  Mexico,  Acta 
Comtitutiva  de  la  Federation  Mexicana.  31  de  Enero,  1824.  Mexico,  1824. 
lGmo,  12  p.  There  are  other  editions  of  both  documents.  In  the  Acta  the 
division  into  states  and  territories  had  been  different,  the  two  Calif  ornias  being 
one  territory.  There  is  no  evidence  that  the  Acta  reached  California  before 
the  constitution.  Among  the  signers  of  the  constitution  there  appears  no 
diputado  for  Alta  California,  though  Baja  California  was  represented  by  Man- 
uel Ortiz  de  la  Torre.  Gov.  Argiiello  understood  Cal.  as  a  territory  to  be 
attached  to  the  state  of  Mexico.  Dept  Itec.  MS.,  i.  120:  Dent  St.  Pap.  Ami., 
MS.,  i.  82-4.  *        J  ' 


-       JUNTA  DE  FOMENTO.  3 

attention  was  paid  to  this  distant  frontier,  either  in 
this  or  any  other  year.  The  first  president  did  well 
enough,  however,  at  the  beginning,  for  he  not  only 
appointed  a  ruler,  with  a  superintendent  of  territorial 
finances,  but  he  sent  troops,  arms,  supplies,  and  even 
a  little  money.  I  have  noticed  the  lack  of  any  con- 
stitutional provision  for  territorial  government;  but  to 
aid  the  president  in  this  respect  a  special  board,  or 
council,  the  'junta  de  fomento  de  Californias,'  was  or- 
ganized.2 

In  a  note  I  have  given  the  titles  of  this  junta's  re- 
ports. Ex-governor  Sola  was  a  member,  though  not 
a  very  prominent  one.  None  of  the  plans  ever  at- 
tained to  the  dignity  of  law,  but  each  had  an  influence 

2  This  junta  was  dissolved  at  the  end  of  1827.  It  had  ten  members,  in 
whom  there  were  frequent  changes,  the  following  list  including  all  that  served 
in  the  order  of  their  appointment:  Mariano  Bonilla,  Pablo  V.  Sola,  Jos6  Ign. 
Ormaechea,  Mariano  Domingucz,  Tomas  Salgado,  Francisco  de  P.  Tamariz, 
Manuel  Ibarra,  Francisco  Cortina,  Ignacio  Cubas,  Juan  J.  Espinosa  de  los 
Monteros,  Jose"  Mariano  Almanza,  Francisco  Fagoaga,  Alejo  Garcia  Conde, 
Carlos  M.  Bustamante,  Servando  Mier,  Isidro  Icaza,  Diego  C4arcia  Conde,  Pe- 
dro Cardenas,  Juan  Francisco  Azcarate,  Tomas  Suria,  sec'y,  Crecenio  Suarez, 
Bec'y. 

The  various  reports  of  this  body  were  printed  in  Mexico,  1827,  under  the 
following  title:  Junta  de  Fomento  de  Californias — Coleccion  de  los  jtrincipales 
trabajos  en  que  se  ha  ocupado  le  Junta  nombrada  para  meditar  y  proponer  al 
Supremo  Gobierno  los  medios  mas  necesarios  para  promover  el  progreso  de  la 
cultura  y  civilization  de  los  tcrritoriosde  la  Alia  y  de  la  Baja  ( 'alifomia.  Auo 
de  18,27.  This  collection  includes  the  following  documents:  D'vtdmen  que  did 
la  Juida,  etc.,  sobre  las  instrucciones  quepara  el  Gefe  superior  Politico.  Dated 
Jan.  3,  1825.  1G  pages,  8vo;  Plan  para  el  Arreglo  de  las  Misionesde  los  terri- 
torios de  la  Alta  y  de  la  Baja  California.  April  6,  1825,  lip.;  Plande  Colon- 
izacion  Estrangera  (subtitle — Reglamento  a  que  d?be  sujetarse  la  colonization, 
etc.),  dated  April  24,  1825,  8  p.,  with  a  diagram;  Plan  de  Colonization  de 
Nacionales  para  los  territorios,  etc.  (subtitle — Reglamento  para  la  coloniza- 
tion por  familias  de  los  Estados  Federados  de  Mexico,  en  los  territorios  de 
Californias),  dated  May  30,  1825,  18  p.,  3  sheets,  with  a  diagram;  Plan  Polit- 
ico Mercantil  para  el  mas  pronto  Fomento  de  las  Californias,  including  1st, 
Correspondence  Feb. -July  1825;  2d,  Proyecto  para  el  Eslablecimiento  de  una 
compania  de  comercio  directo  con  el  Asia  y  mar  Pacifico,  cuyo punta  centrico  debe 
eer  Monterey,  capital  de  la  Alta  California,  la  cual sera conocida  bajael  iwmbre 
de  Compania  Asidtico-Mexicana,  Protectora  del  Fomento  de  la  Peninsula  de  ( 'al- 
ifornias.  Presented  to  the  president  by  its  author,  Francisco  de  Paula  Tamariz, 
Dec.  14,  1825,  14  p.;  3d,  Proyecto  de  Reglamento  en  Grande  para  el  Estableci- 
miento  de  la  Compafiia  Asidtico- Mexkana.  Dec.  14,  1825, 18  p.  (numbered  24) ; 
Iniciativa  de  Ley  que  propone  la  Junta  para  el  mejor  arrealo  del  gobierno  de  los 
territorios  de  Californias.  Dated  May  12,  1827;  including  a  Subdivision  de 
los  territorios  de  let,  Alta  y  de  la  Baja  California  en  cuatro  distritos,  of  June  26, 
182G;  and  the  final  brief  report  of  the  junta  announcing  the  close  of  its  labors 
on  Aug.  31,  1827.  44  p. 

And  finally — Lista  de  los  asuntos  comprendidos  en  este  libro.     1  leaf. 


4  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

on  legislation  in  behalf  of  California.  Several  of  the 
reports,  or  parts  of  the  same,  relating  to  special  topics 
of  government,  colonization,  and  mission  policy,  will 
require  notice  elsewhere,  and  may  therefore  be  briefly 
disposed  of  here. 

Unfortunately  the  instructions  to  Governor  Eche- 
andia,  on  which  the  junta  reported  January  3,  1825, 
are  not  extant.  In  the  suggestions  made,  especial  im- 
portance is  attached  to  the  obtaining  of  accurate  in- 
formation about  the  country,  its  people,  and  its  pro- 
ductions; and  it  is  evident  from  the  allusions  to  Viz- 
caino, Venegas,  the  Sutil  y  Mexicana,  Humboldt's 
works,  etc.,  that  the  members  had  no  idea  of  the  fresh 
and  complete  sources  of  information  accessible  in  the 
form  of  missionary  and  other  official  reports.  There 
is  also  a  noticeable  confusion  between  the  two  Califor- 
nias.  Great  circumspection  and  careful  instructions 
were  recommended  on  the  mission  problem  and  Indian 
policy,  subjects  which  must  be  treated  with  much  deli- 
cacy to  avoid  trouble  until  a  radical  reform  could  be 
effected  by  means  of  definite  laws.  The  junta  ex- 
pressed some  very  wise  views,  and  showed  a  clear 
appreciation  of  the  difficulties  to  be  overcome,  leaving, 
however,  the  ways  and  means  of  overcoming  them 
mostly  to  a  subsequent  report  of  April  6th,  which 
.will  be  noticed  in  another  chapter.  In  the  matter  of 
distributing  lands,  it  was  thought  that  the  governor 
should  confine  his  immediate  attention  to  investigation 
and  reports  on  the  actual  condition  of  the  territories. 
The  subject  of  foreign  relations  was  believed  to  require 
serious  consideration,  with  particular  reference  to  pos- 
sible encroachments  of  Russians  and  Americans  on  the 
north.  There  was  yet  some  doubt  whether  the  boun- 
dary of  the  forty-second  parallel  had  been  recognized  by 
Mexico,  but  it  was  necessary  at  all  hazards  to  prevent 
any  passing  of  that  line ;  and  in  this  connection  a  naval 
force  for  the  upper  coast  was  recommended  as  of  ur- 
gent necessity.  Particularly  was  the  attention  of  the 
government  called  to  the  prospective  importance  of 


PLANS  FOR  CALIFORNIAS.  5 

the  northern  province,  both  by  reason  of  its  varied 
products  and  of  its  frontier  position.3 

The  plan  of  April  21st  for  foreign  colonization  may 
be  disposed  of,  since  I  have  no  space  to  give  the  doc- 
ument in  full,  with  the  remark  that  it  was  utilized  by 
the  government  in  preparing  the  regulations  of  1828, 
in  which  many  of  its  twenty-eight  articles  were  more 
or  less  fully  embodied.4  To  a  great  extent  the  same 
remark  may  be  applied  to  'the  plan  of  May  30th  for 
national  colonization  or  settlement  by  Mexicans.  But 
this  plan  contained  certain  elements  intended  for  the 
special  benefit  of  the  California^,  and  therefore  not  in- 
cluded in  the  general  regulations  which  applied  to  all 
Mexican  territory.  It  was  proposed  not  only  to  grant 
lands  to  Mexican  colonists,  but  to  pay  the  expenses  of 
their  journey,  a  daily  ration  and  monthly  sum  of  three 
or  four  dollars  to  each  family  for  three  years,  besides 
furnishing  live-stock  and  tools;  or  in  case  the  settler 
were  not  a  farmer,  he  was  to  receive  expenses  of  the 
journey,  necessary  tools,  a  house  lot,  and  rations  for  one 
year.  This  aid  it  was  thought  might  be  furnished 
without  burden  to  the  treasury,  by  utilizing  the  ac- 
cumulations of  mission  capital.  It  was  deemed  desir- 
able to  favor  settlements  on  the  coast  islands;  and  to 
set  apart  one  of  them  as  a  penal  colony,  not  for  Mexico, 
but  for  California.5 

Another  scheme  of  the  junta,  though  pertaining  to 
commerce,  may  as  well  be  mentioned  here,  since  it 
never  went  into  practical  effect.  It  was  a  politico- 
mercantile  plan  for  the  organization  of  a  Compania 

3  Jan.  6,  1825,  Jose  Argiiello  wrote  to  Captain  Guerra  from  Guadalajara 
that  a  board  had  been  established  in  Mexico  to  make  regulations  for  Cal. 
Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  97.  The dictdmen,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  Indian  policy, 
is  incidentally  quoted  by  Manuel  Castafiares  in  an  address  of  March  30,  1844, 
to  Congress.  Castafiares,  Col.  Doc,  12,  14,  50.  Both  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  i.  122-3,  233-6,  and  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  299-300,  speak  of  Sola  as 
the  leading  spirit  of  the  junta,  which  devised  many  liberal  and  enthusiastic 
measures  without  the  slightest  idea  as  to  where  the  money  was  to  come  from. 
'  Fifty  years  later, '  says  Alvarado,  '  in  the  hands  of  energetic  men  backed  by 
coin,  some  of  these  plans  might  have  proved  successful. ' 

4  See  chap.  ii.  this  vol.  for  reglamento  of  1828. 

5  There  are  several  other  items,  but  as  the  recommendations  were  never 
adopted,  it  seems  unnecessary  to  notice  them. 


G  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

Asidtico-Mexicana,  protective  of  Californian  industrial 
development.  Monterey  was  to  be  a  grand  commer- 
cial centre;,  and  not  only  was  California  to  be  saved 
from  all  possibility  of  foreign  aggression,  but  the  whole 
trade  of  the  Pacific  was  to  be  wrested  from  American 
and  English  hands.  The  author  of  the  project,  Ta- 
mariz,  aimed  at  a  revival  of  the  old  Philippine  trade, 
with  vastly  augmented  facilities  and  profits;  and  he 
pictured  California  in  glowing  colors  as  a  veritable 
paradise  abounding  in  all  good  things,  and  better 
fitted  than  any  other  spot  on  earth  for  its  grand  des- 
tiny. "Fortunate  the  Californians  in  the  midst  of  the 
promised  land;  happy  the  provinces  that  adjoin  that 
land;  lucky  even  the  hemisphere  that  contains  it," 
writes  the  enthusiastic  Mexican  in  substance  page 
after  page.  The  scheme  was  a  grand  one  on  paper — 
too  grand  to  go  any  further;  for  though  approved  by 
the  famous  junta,  and  favored  apparently  by  president, 
cabinet,  and  congress,  it  was  never  heard  of  so  far  as  I 
know  after  1827.6 

In  addition  to  the  acts  of  the  president  and  junta 
cle  fomento,  there  is  nothing  to  be  noted  bearing  on 
my  present  topic,  beyond  a  few  minor  routine  commu- 
nications of  the  ministers  in  the  different  departments, 
in  one  of  which  the  Californians  were  showered  with 
flattery,  even  if  they  got  no  more  substantial  tokens 
of  attention.7 

6 The  reglamento  is  copied  in  full  by  Vallejo  in  his  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  300- 
10,  from  an  original  formerly  in  the  possession  of  David  Spence.  The  com- 
pany is  also  mentioned  in  Castanares,  Col.  Doc,  50.  It  seems  useless  to  give 
the  details  of  such  a  plan;  some  of  the  leading  points  are  as  follows:  Capital, 
$4,000,000  in  2,000  shares,  50  of  which  were  to  be  taken  by  the  Mexican  gov- 
ernment, and  50  reserved  for  Cal.  until  she  was  able  to  pay  for  them.  Term 
of  existence,  10  years.  The  president  of  Mexico  to  preside  at  meetings.  The 
company  to  have  privileges  in  the  matter  of  paying  duties ;  to  be  preferred  as 
sellers  and  buyers ;  to  have  a  monopoly  of  fisheries  and  pearl-diving  against 
foreigners;  but  had  to  bring  settlers  free  to  Cal.,  aid  in  the  suppression  of 
smuggling,  etc. 

7  Californians  are  lovers  of  order  and  justice,  'compensating  with  these  vir- 
tues for  the  influence  which  in  other  communities  would  be  the  effect  of  law 
and  authority. '  '  They  have  always  shown  a  strong  attachment  to  the  supreme 
powers,  and  given  constant  evidence  with  ardent  fidelity  that  they  are,  and 
glory  in  being,  excellent  Mexicans;  and  their  beneintrito  gefe politico  Arguello 
answers  in  his  last  communications  for  good  order  and  strict  administration 


CONSTITUTION  RATIFIED.  7 

On  receipt  of  the  constitution,  Arguello  at  once  sum- 
moned the  ciiputados  to  assemble.  The  rivers  were  so. 
swollen  by  the  rains  that  the  southern  members  could 
not  come;  but  on  the  26th  of  March  the  four  Castros, 
with  the  president  and  secretary,  met  to  ratify  the 
new  organic  law  of  the  nation.  The  document  was 
read  by  Secretary  Torre,  .and  the  oath  was  taken  by 
governor  and  diputados.  Then  the  constitution  was 
read  again  in  the  plaza,  and  Arguello  administered 
the  oath  to  the  garrison  drawn  up  under  arms,  and  to 
the  assembled  citizens  of  all  classes.  A  salute  of  ar- 
tillery, and  the  usual  shouts  of  acclamation,  with  ring- 
ing of  bells,  repeated  for  three  days,  marked  the  act; 
but  for  the  first  time  on  such  an  occasion  there  was  no 
mass,  or  sermon,  or  other  religious  ceremony,  for  Pre- 
fect Sarria  declined  to  sanction  republicanism.  On 
the  28th  of  March  Arguello  forwarded  copies  of  the 
constitution  to  the  different  presidios  and  pueblos,  at 
each  of  which  it  was  ratified  with  appropriate  cer- 
emonies before  the  end  of  May.  At  San  Francisco 
Padre  Estenega  conducted  the  customary  religious 
services,  though  it  is  not  certain  that  he  took  the 
oath.  At  San  Diego,  as  at  Montere}^  the  padres  re- 
fused to  take  any  part  in  the  ratification.  At  other 
places  there  is  no  record  respecting  the  friars'  action. 
Thus  California  become  formally  a  territory  of  the 
Mexican  republic.8 

of  justice,  even  in  their  actual  condition.'  Mexico,  Mem.  Justicia,  3826,  p.  6. 
General  information  on  finances  of  California,  and  relief  sent  from  Mexico  in 
1824-5,  in  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1826,  p.  27.  Aug.  6th,  Minister  Alaman 
orders  gef e  politico  to  report  on  the  suspension  of  the  assembly,  and  to  propose 
an  administrative  system.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  9. 

8 1  shall  have  more  to  say  on  the  action  of  the  friars.  Action  of  the  dip- 
utacion  March  26th,  in  Leg.  Bee. ,  MS. ,  i.  41-3.  March  28th,  Arguello  sends  out 
the  new  constitution  to  be  ratified,  and  orders  all  copies  of  the  old  Spanish  con- 
stitution to  be  collected.  Dept  Bee.,  MS.,  i.  116;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xiv.  37. 
Apr.  22d,  constitution  received  at  S.  Francisco,  and  will  be  published  on  Sun- 
day. St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xix.  36.  May  1st,  comandante  describes  the  cere- 
mony, which  took  place  Apr.  24th.  The  troops  after  three  days  were  permitted 
to  amuse  themselves,  $2  being  given  to  each  private  and  S3  to  each  corporal. 
Id. ,  xiv.  41-2.  April  30th,  swearing  of  allegiance  at  Los  Angeles,  where,  on 
petition  of  the  citizens,  the  ayuntamiento,  with  the  approval  of  the  diputados, 
Palomares  and  Carri  lo,  set  at  liberty  a  prisoner,  Juan  Jose  Higuera.  Orig- 
inal record  in  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  739,  745.     May  1st,  Comandante  Euiz 


8  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

A  final  meeting  of  the  diputacion  was  held  April 
7th,  when  the  majority  were  in  favor  of  punishing 
recalcitrant  friars  by  taking  from  them  the  manage- 
ment of  the  mission  temporalities,9  and  then  on  May 
2d  the  sessions  were  suspended  by  the  governor,  until 
new  instructions  could  be  obtained  from  national  au- 
thorities. His  reason  for  this  action  was  that  the  term 
for  which  the  body  had  been  organized  according  to 
the  Spanish  constitution  had  now  expired,  and  the 
new  constitution  made  no  provision  for  a  territorial 
diputacion.10 

General  Minon,  appointed  the  year  before  to  be 
ruler  of  California,  did  not  accept  the  position,  so 
that  in  January  1825  a  new  appointment  had  to  be 
made.11 

The  choice  fell  upon  Lieutenant-colonel  Jose  Maria 
Echeandia,  an  officer  said  to  have  been  director  of 
a  college  of  engineers  in  Mexico.  His  appointment 
as  gefe  politico  superior  and  comandante  general  mili- 
tar  of  both  Californias  was  perhaps  dated  the  31st  of 
January.12     In  June  he  sailed  from  San  Bias  to  Lo- 

describes  the  ratification  at  S.  Diego,  where  not  only  the  Franciscans  but  ap- 
parently the  Dominican  padre  Menendez,  who  chanced  to  be  present,  refused 
to  assist.  Estud'dlo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  209.  May  10th,  certificate  of  ayuntamiento 
to  the  taking  of  the  oath  at  San  Jose,  and  to  the  three  days  of  bull-fighting 
and  other  diversions  that  followed.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  vii.  22;  DeptSt.  Pap. 
MS.,  i.  11G-17.  I  find  no  record  of  the  event  at  Sta  Barbara.  Dec.  4,  1826, 
the  governor  sends  copies  of  the  constitution  and  acta  constitutiva  to  be  cir- 
culated among  the  escoltas  and  padres.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lvii.  23. 

9  Leg.  Pec. ,  MS. ,  i.  41-6.  More  of  this  topic  when  I  come  to  speak  of  the 
missions.  From  Dae.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  725,  it  would  appear  that  at  a  session 
held  early  in  this  year  the  office  of  comisionado  for  the  pueblos  was  restored. 

10 May  2d,  Argiiello  to  comandantes  and  prefect.  Dept  Pec,  MS.,  i.  119. 
May  22d,  Argiiello  to  ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles  on  same  subject.  Dept 
St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  i.  82.  June  3d,  comandante  of  S.  Francisco  has  pub- 
lished the  order.  St,  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xiv.  36. 

11  As  early  as  April  it  was  known  in  Cal.  that  Minon  would  not  come.  With 
his  successor  Argiiello  at  that  time  expected  60  artillerymen.  Apr.  11th,  Ar- 
giiello to  P.  Duran.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  321-2. 

1--His  instructions  seem  to  have  been  issued  on  that  date,  St.  Pap.,  Miss, 
and  Colon,,  MS.,  ii.  42,  and  it  was  on  Feb:  1st  that  his  appointment  was  an- 
nounced by  Minister  Pedraza  in  a  letter  to  Argiiello.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
iii.  3.  Feb.  28th,  Echeandia  to  Herrera,  announcing  his  appointment  with  a 
salary  of  83,000.  Dept  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  ii.  1 .  The  fact  that  he  was  director  of  the 
college  of  military  engineers  in  Mexico  rests  on  the  statements  of  Valle,  Lo 
Pasado,  MS.,  1,  and  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  42-3,  but  is  probably  accurate. 


,  ARRIVAL   OF   ECHEANDfA,  9 

reto  on  the  schooner  Nieves.  Possibly  he  had  come 
up  from  Acapulco  on  the  Morelos,  which  was  at  San 
Bias  at  the  time  en  route  for  Monterey;  but  I  think 
not,  though  some  of  his  officers  came  on  that  vessel 
and  joined  him  there.13  He  remained  at  Loreto  from 
June  2 2d  until  October,  reorganizing  peninsular  af- 
fairs, issuing  a  reglamento,  and  appointing  a  sub  gefe 
politico.14  He  finally  set  out  for  Monterey  by  land 
on  October  4th,  but,  worn  'out  by  the  hardships  of  the 
route,  soon  despatched  to  Argiiello  an  order  to  meet 
him  at  San  Diego,  where  he  arrived  late  in  October.15 
Meanwhile  Argiiello  first  heard  of  Echeandia's 
appointment  on  July  4th  by  a  letter  from  the  latter 
dated  June  25th,  and  announcing  his  arrival  at 
Loreto  en  route  for  the  capital.  Later  in  the  month, 
probably  by  the  Morelos,  came  the  official  notice 
from  Mexico.16  The  order  to  meet  his  successor  at 
San  Diego  came  about  the  26th,  on  which  date 
Argiiello  replied  that  the  state  of  his  health  would 
not  permit  him  to  make  the  journey  so  rapidly  as  was 
ordered,  but  he  would  come  slowly.17  Two  days  later  he 
sailed  on  a  schooner  for  San  Diego,18  wThere  he  turned 
over  his  office  in  November.  Though  Argiiello  was 
doubtless  displeased  at  this  innovation  on    his  own 

13  In  April-May  he  was  at  Tepic,  and  had  some  trouble  about  collecting 
pay  and  supplies  for  his  troops.  St.  Pap. ,  Sac. ,  MS. ,  x.  21-9.  He  also  asked  to 
be  relieved  of  the  military  command.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  4.  June  7th 
he  was  at  Tepic,  expecting  to  sail  on  the  Morelos,  a  new  name  for  the  old  San 
Carlos.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  139.  For  trip  on  the  Nieves,  see  Pacheco's 
testimony  in  Herrera,  Causa,  MS.,  p.  67-8;  St.  Pap.  Sac,  MS.,  x.  31.  Eche- 
andia's statement  in  1827  was  that  he  sailed  from  S.  Bias  June  12th,  and  readied 
Loreto  in  10  days.  Dept  Pec,  MS.,  v.  103.  June  25th  he  wrote  to  Argiilleo 
from  Loreto.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  120-1. 

14  See  Hist.  North  Mexican  States,  ii. ,  this  series. 

15  In  July  he  sent  up  to  S.  Diego  for  mules.  Arch.  Arzob. ,  MS. ,  iv.  pt  ii.  150. 
Oct.  4th,  started.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lvii.  3.  Oct.  18th,  sent 
order  to  Argiiello  to  come  south.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  161-2.  Oct.  31st, 
writes  from  S.  Diego.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  74;  Dept  Rec,  MS.,  ii.  6. 

16  July  4th,  Argiiello  to  comandantes  with  purport  of  Echeandia's  letter. 
Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  120-1.  July  22d-3d-8th,  Argiiello  had  received  official 
intelligence.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  liv.  9;  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  230;  ii.  37.  Oct. 
1st,  Argiiello  expected  his  successor  soon,  and  had  made  preparations  for  his 
reception,  being  uncertain  whether  he  would  come  by  sea  or  land.  Guerra, 
Doc,  MS.,  iv.  159. 

17 Oct.  26th,  Argiiello  to  Guerra.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  101-2. 
18 Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  80. 


10  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

personal  comfort  and  on  the  old  customs,  and  though 
the  people  of  Monterey  liked  not  the  new  governor's 
disposition  to  fix  his  residence  in  the  south,  }7et  I  find 
no  contemporary  evidence  of  controversy  or  of  con- 
templated resistance.  The  records,  however,  are  far 
from  complete,  and  both  Alvarado  and  Vallejo  credit 
Argiiello  with  a  patriotic  refusal  to  listen  to  the  coun- 
sels of  Montereyans  and  the  troops  who  urged  him  to 
take  advantage  of  Echeandia' s  arbitrary  order  and 
proclaim  revolt.19  It  is  not  unlikely  that  there  was 
some  clashing  of  opinion  when  the  two  officers  met; 
but  there  is  no  record  on  the  subject.  Echeandia  had 
remained  at  San  Diego  at  first  because  exhausted  by 
his  journey;  and  he  continued  to  reside  there  chiefly 
because  he  deemed  the  climate  favorable  to  his  health, 
bat  also  that  as  ruler  of  both  Californias  he  might  be 
nearer  Loreto,  and  because  he  found  nothing  in  his 
instructions  which  absolutely  required  him  to  live  at 
Monterey.20     No  transfer  of  the  capital  was   made; 

19  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal, MS.,  ii.  48-51;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  105-9. 
Vallejo  states  that  the  padres  took  advantage  of  the  excitement  in  the  north 
to  create  a  prejudice  against  Echeandia.  Both  imply  that  there  was  a  sharp 
correspondence  before  Argiiello  went  south,  which  is  impossible;  and  that  one 
cause  of  the  excitement  was  the  transfer  of  the  custom-house  to  S.  Diego, 
when  no  such  change  was  made.  I  suppose  that  both  writers  greatly  exag- 
gerate the  popular  feeling,  looking  at  it  through  the  colored  glasses  of  mem- 
ory, respecting  later  dissensions  between  the  north  and  south. 

20  Doubtless  the  persuasions  of  the  southerners  had  also  an  influence;  and 
J.  J.  Vallejo,  JReminis.,  MS.,  87-9,  implies  that  a  certain  lady  of  S.  Diego  had 
more  influence  than  all  the  rest.  General  mention  of  Echeandia's  arrival 
without  additional  details,  or  blunders  worthy  of  notice,  in  Machado,  Tiem- 
pos  Pasados,  MS.,  21,  23;  Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  85;  Ord,  Ocurrencias, 
MS.,  19-20;  Lugo,  Vida,  MS.,  12-13;  Avila,  Cosas  de  Cal,  MS.,  25;  Petit- 
Thouars,  Voy.,  ii.  "90;  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  293. 

The  version  of  one  author,  who  has  made  claims  to  be  an  accurate  histo- 
rian, is  worth  a  record  here.  I  allude  to  that  given  in  Willson's  Mexico  and 
its  Religion,  148-50.  '  The  new  republic  was  at  peace,  and  the  surplus  soldiery 
had  to  be  got  rid  of.  It  was  not  safe  to  disband  them  at  home,  where  they 
might  take  to  the  roads  and  become  successful  robbers;  but  1,500  of  the  worst 
were  selected  for  a  distant  expedition,  the  conquest  of  the  far-off  territory  of 
California.  And  then  a  general  was  found  who  was  in  all  respects  worthy  of 
his  soldiery.  He  was  pre-eminently  the  greatest  coward  in  the  Mexican 
army — so  great  a  coward  that  he  subsequently,  without  striking  a  blow,  sur- 
rendered a  fort,  with  a  garrison  of  500  men,  unconditionally,  to  a  party  of  50 
foreigners.  Such  was  the  great  General  Echandrea,  the  Mexican  conqueror 
of  California ;  and  such  was  the  army  that  he  led  to  the  conquest  of  unarmed 
priests  and  an  unarmed  province.'  'Had  there  been  50  resolute  persons  to 
oppose  them,  this  valiant  army  Mould  have  absconded,  and  California  would 
have  remained  an  appanage  of  the  crown  of  Spain,'  etc.      'When  the  prefect 


,LUIS  ANTONIO  ARGUELLO.  11 

but  very  soon  the  people  of  the  south  chose  to  take 
that  view  of  the  governor's  residence  among  them,  and 
were  not  a  little  elated  at  the  honor.21 

Although  Ex-governor  Arguello  remained  in  Cali- 
fornia, resuming  his  former  position  as  comandante  of 
San  Francisco;  yet  as  he  was  never  again  prominent 
in  public  affairs,  and  as  he  died  within  the  limits  of 
this  decade,  on  March  27,  1830,  it  seems  best  to  ap- 
pend here  his  biography.'22     Don  Luis  was  the  first 

of  the  missions  was  shipped  off  to  Manilla  the  war  was  at  an  end. '  Com- 
ments on  this  rubbish  are  unnecessary. 

21  As  early  as  Nov.  9th,  Sepulveda  from  Los  Angeles  congratulates  Eche- 
andia  on  his  arrival,  and  is  glad  that  he  will  make  San  Diego  his  capital. 
'  You  may  count  on  this  dismembered  ayuntamiento  and  on  all  under  my 
command.'  Los  Awjeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  2,  3. 

22  Luis  Antonio  Argiiello,  son  of  D.  Jose"  Diario  Arguello,  then  alferez  of 
the  Sta  Barbara  company,  and  Dona  Ignacia  Moraga,  was  born  at  San  Fran- 
cisco presidio  June  21,  1784,  and  was  christened  the  next  day,  his  godparents 
being  Lieut.  Moraga  and  wife.  S.  Francisco,  Lib.  Mis. ,  MS. ,  20.  He  entered 
the  military  service  as  cadet  of  the  S.  Francisco  company  on  Sept.  G,  1799,  and 
was  promoted  to  be  alferez  of  the  same  company  on  Dec.  22,  1800.  St.  Pap.  Sac. , 
MS.,  xi.  5;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xv.  94;  Gaceiasde  Mcx.,  x.  240.  This  same  year 
he  petitioned  for  license  to  marry  Dona  Rafaela  Sal;  but  as  the  petition  had 
to  go  to  the  viceroy  and  king,  it  was  not  until  1807  that  the  permission  was 
received,  and  even  then  burdened  with  the  condition  that  the  wife  should 
have  no  claim  on  the  montepio  fund  at  her  husband's  death,  unless  he  were 
killed  on  the  field  of  battle.  The  wife  died  at  S.  Francisco,  Feb.  6,  1814. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  40,  19G-7;  Prov.  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  101.  She  is  said 
to  have  been  remarkable  for  the  kindness  of  her  disposition  and  for  her  in- 
fluence over  her  somewhat  erratic  husband.  Amador,  Mem.,  MS.,  121; 
Lorenzana,  Mem.  de  la  Beata,  MS.,  3. 

On  March  10,  180G,  Don  Luis  was  promoted  to  the  lieutenancy,  and  in  Au« 
gust  his  father  turned  over  to  him  the  command  of  the  company.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxvii.  3,  15.  According  to  his  hoja  de  servicios  at  the  end 
of  1816,  beside  the  routine  of  garrison  duty,  he  had  been  engaged  in  two  ex- 
peditions, one  in  pursuit  of  fugitive  neophytes,  and  the  other  to  explore  new 
regions  among  the  gentiles.  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  xv:  94.  He  was  recommended 
for  promotion  by  Gov.  Sola,  July  8,  1817;  was  commissioned  Oct.  30th,  and 
was  recognized  as  captain  of  the  company  from  April  1,  1818.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xx.  194;  Prov.  Pec,  MS.,  ix.  190;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xvi.  48;  S.  Fran- 
cisco, Cuentas,  MS.,  i.-vi. 

About  1818  Capt.  Arguello  made  a  boat  voyage  up  the  Sacramento  River; 
in  1821  he  made  an  expedition  to  the  far  north,  up  the  Sacramento  Valley, 
beyond  what  is  now  Red  Bluff,  and  back  over  the  coast  mountains,  to  S. 
Rafael;  and  in  1822  he  accompanied  Canonigo  Fernandez  and  Prefect  Payeras 
on  a  trip  to  Bodega  and  Ross.  Meanwhile  he  had  married,  in  1819,  Dona 
Soledad,  daughter  of  Sergeant  Jose"  Dolores  Ortega,  who  brought  him  as  a 
dowry  of  somewhat  doubtful  cash  value  her  father's  arrears  of  pay  due  from 
the  royal  treasury. 

Arguello  was  elected  acting  governor  on  or  about  Nov.  11, 1822,  Arch.  Arzob. , 
MS.,  iv.  pt  i.  9G;  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xi.  G,  and  took  possession  of  the  ofnee 
on  the  day  of  Sola's  departure,  on  or  about  Nov.  22d.  The  events  of  his  rule 
have  been  already  given.  His  office  of  governor  being  only  provisional,  he  still 
retained  nominally  the  command  of  San  Francisco.     After  he  resigned  rule  at 


12  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

hijo  del  pais  ^called  upon  to  rule  California,  and  he 
filled  most  creditably  a  position  which  was  by  no 
means  free  from  difficulties.  Had  the  rival  candidate, 
Jose  de  la  Guerra,  been  chosen,  it  is  hard  to  point  out 
in  what  way  he  could  have  ruled  more  wisely.  Ar- 
g  Hello's  education  was  in  some  respects  deficient,  being 
simply  what  his  father  could  give  him  in  his  presidio 
home;  but  in  every  position  which  he  occupied  he 
showed  much  practical  common  sense  if  no  extraor- 
dinary ability.  He  was  much  less  strict  than  his 
father,  or  than  most  of  the  old  Spanish  officers,  in  his 
regard  for  the  letter  of  national  law;  he  was  sometimes 
reproved  when  comandante  for  his  concessions  to  for- 
eigners', and  especially  to  the  Russians;  and  when  he 
became  governor,  he  still  continued  his  innovations  in 

S.  Diego  in  Nov.  1825,  I  think  he  remained  for  some  time  in  the  south  with 
his  brother,  Don  Santiago.  On  April  15,  182G,  Echeandia  ordered  his  pay  as 
comandante  to  cease,  the  reason  not  being  explained.  Dept  Rec,  MS.,  iv.  31. 
On  May  20th  Echeandia  ordered  him  to  S.  Francisco  to  take  command  of  his 
company.  Id.,  v.  40.  Aug.  8,  1827,  the  minister  of  war  was  informed  that 
Argiiello  claimed  the  commission  of  lieutentant-colonel  that  had  been  given 
him  by  Iturbide.  Id.,  v.  128.  Oct.  7,  1828,  Echeandia  relieved  Argiiello 
of  his  command  in  consideration  of  ill  health;  and  on  Nov.  20th  he  was  or- 
dered to  Monterey  'for  the  good  of  the  service.'  Id.,  vi.  109,  138.  His  pur- 
chase of  the  Rover,  his  enterprise  in  the  China  trade,  and  the  resulting  law- 
suits with  Capt.  Cooper,  the  only  notable  events  of  his  later  life,  are  noticed 
in  other  chapters. 

Argiiello's  military  record  down  to  the  end  of  1828  gives  him  29  years,  3 
months,  and  27  days  of  service,  with  an  addition  of  11  years  and  11  days  for 
campaigns.  Echeandia  appends  the  following  notes:  'Courage,  proved; 
ability,  more  than  average;  military  conduct,  indifferent;  health,  broken; 
loyalty,  supposed  faithful.  His  services  merit  all  consideration,  but  his  con- 
duct is  now  loose,  doubtless  from  excessive  drinking.  He  was  suspended 
from  command  for  reasons  presented  to  the  supreme  government  on  Feb. 
15,  1828.'  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xi.  5-7.  He  died  at  San  Francisco  on  March 
27,  1830,  at  1 :30  A.  M.,  at  the  age  of  46  years,  and  was  interred  in  the  mission 
cemetery  next  day  by  P.  Estenega.  8.  Francisco,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,-  73-4; 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xx.  165.  Mariano  Estrada  was  the  executor  of  the  estate, 
S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  36,  which  five  years  after  his  death  was  in  debt  to  the 
missions  to  the  extent  of  over  $1,000.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas., 
MS.,  iii.  7G-7;  S.  Francisco,  Cuentas,  MS.,  v.  1.  To  his  widow,  Dona  Sole- 
dad  ,  was  left  the  rancho  of  Las  Pulgas,  and  notwithstanding  the  depredations 
of  Jawyers  and  squatters,  she  was  in  easy  circumstances  until  her  death  in 
1 874.  None  of  the  sons  of  Don  Luis  ever  acquired  any  prominence  in  public  life. 
The  Californian  writers,  almost  without  exception,  speak  in  the  highest  terms 
of  Argiiello's  honesty,  ability,  and  kindness  of  heart:  See  Alvarado,  Hist. 


i,  MS.,  14;  Hayes' Em.  Notes,  MS.,  505;  Sta  Barbara  Press.  Oct.  24*  1874: 
8.  Die(jo  Union,  Oct.  29,  1S74. 


REENFO'RCEMENT  OF  OFFICERS.  13 

that  respect;  but  his  disregard  for  law  was  always  in 
the  interest  of  his  province  and  people,  and  no  selfish 
or  unworthy  action  is  recorded  against  him.  After  his 
accession  to  the  chief  command,  he  had  some  enemies — 
notably  Jose  Maria  Estudillo,  Jose  Joaquin  de  la  Torre, 
and  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo';  but  none  of  these  were  Cal- 
ifornians  of  the  best  class.  With  the  people,  and 
especially  with  his  soldiers,  he  was  always  popular,  by 
reason  of  his  kindness,  liberality,  and  affability.  If  he 
came  into  somewhat  more  bitter  controversy  with  the 
friars  than  had  his  predecessors,  it  was  due  to  the 
times  and  circumstances  rather  than  to  the  man.  In 
person  he  was  tall,  stout,  and  attractive,  with  ruddy 
complexion  and  jet-black  hair.  He  was  a  jovial  com- 
panion, a  bon  vivant,  so  far  as  a  man  could  be  so  in  this 
poverty-stricken  province,  free  with  his  money,  in 
fact  a  spendthrift,  and  always  in  debt.  His  pecu- 
liarities of  temperament  led  him  into  an  increasing 
fondness  for  wine  and  aguardiente;  and  his  drinking 
habits  doubtless  broke  down  his  health,  and  hastened 
his  death  in  middle  life. 

There  were  embarked  on  the  Nieves,  in  June,  from 
San  Bias,  besides  Echeanciia,  Alferez  Romualdo  Pa- 
checo  and  Alferez  Agustin  V.  Zamorano,  both  engi- 
neer officers,  and  probably  from  the  college  of  which 
Echeandia  had  been  director,  the  former  coming  as 
aide-de-camp  and  the  latter  as  secretary  to  the  gover- 
nor; also  Alferez  Jose  Maria  Ramirez,  a  cavalry  offi- 
cer, whose  position  at  this  time  under  Echeandia  is  not 
apparent;  Alferez  Patricio  Estrada,  in  command  of  a 
detachment  of  about  forty  infantry  of  the  battalion 
known  as  Fijo  de  Hidalgo;23  and  also  probably  a  fifth 
alferez,  Juan  Jose  Rocha,  though  it  is  possible  that  he 
came  on  to  Monterey  by  the  Morelos.  Of  Estrada  and 

23  In  1833  this  body  of  men  was  spoken  of  as  the  piquete  del  2°  batallon 
permanente,  consisting  of  1  sergeant,  3  trumpeters,  3  drummers,  1  corporal 
of  fusileers,  1  corporal  of  artillery,  9  grenadiers  and  chasseurs,  and  10  fusi- 
leers— 34  in  all.  Vept  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxvi.  31. 


14  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

his  men,  though  they  remained  ten  years  in  the  coun- 
try, hardly  anything  is  known;  but  Zamorano,  Pacheco, 
Roeha,  and  Ramirez  were  somewhat  prominent  in 
later  annals.24 

All  those  mentioned  are  supposed  to  have  stopped 
with  Echeandia  at  Loreto,  and  to  have  accompanied 
him  to  San  Diego  by  land,  though  it  is  possible  that 
there  were  some  exceptions;  but  another  passenger 
on  the  Morelos,  which  had  sailed  from  Acapulco  on 
March  25th,  and  had  probably  brought  some  of  the 
officers  named  as  far  as  San  Bias,25  was  Jose  Maria 
Herrera,  who,  being  sent  as  comisario  subalterno  de  ha- 
cienda to  administer  the  territorial  finances,  did  not  stop 
at  Loreto,  but  came  on  to  Monterey,  where  he  ar- 
rived July  27th,  and  took  possession  of  his  office  Au- 
gust 3d,  relieving  Mariano  Estrada,  who  had  held  a  sim- 
ilar position  under  a  different  title  by  authority  of  the 
cliputacion.  Herrera  wTas  subordinate  to  the  comisa- 
rio general  de  occidente  at  Arizpe,  and  in  financial 
matters  he  was  largely  independent  of  Echeandia. 
He  brought  with  him  a  memoria  of  goods  wTorth  $22,- 
379,  and  §22,000  in  silver;23  but  there  was  no  provision 
made  for  the  back  pay  of  the  troops;  and  Herrera 
refused  to  comply  with  Echeandia's  order  to  pay  the 
soldiers  for  three  months  in  advance,  because  such  an 
act  was  not  allowed  in  his  instructions,  the  funds  were 
insufficient,  and  it  would  not  be  wise  to  put  so  much 
money  into  the  hands  of  the  troops.27    Beyond  some 

24  Pacheco's  first  important  service  was  rendered  this  year,  when  he  escorted 
Lieut. -col.  Romero  to  the  Colorado  on  his  way  to  Sonora;  explored  two  routes 
to  the  river;  and  perhaps  made  some  preparations  for  permanently  opening 
one  of  the  routes.  See  vol.  ii.  p.  507  et  seq.,  this  work. 

2>I)ejA  Bee.,  MS.,  v.  103;  Herrera,  Causa,  MS.,  67. 

20  Mexico,  Mem.  Relaciones,  1826,  p.  32;  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1826, 
p.  27,  and  annexes,  9,  25.  Two  hundred  boxes  of  manufactured  tobacco 
seem  to  have  been  also  sent,  worth  $23,863;  and  there  was  an  order  on  the 
comisario  de  occidente  for  $12,000,  which  does  not  seem  to  have  been  paid  at 
this  time.  A  small  part  of  the  $22,000  was  perhaps  spent  at  Loreto.  With 
reference  to  the  tobacco,  Huish,  Narrative,  426,  says  that  the  government,  by 
way  of  paying  up  arrears  of  1 1  years  at  S.  Francisco,  sent  a  brig  with  a 
cargo  of  paper  cigars  to  be  issued  to  the  troops  in  place  of  dollars;  but  aa 
Martinez  observed,  cigars  would  not  satisfy  the  families,  and  the  compro- 
mise was  refused ! 

27 Sept.  1st,  Echeandia's  order  to  Herrera.  Depl.  ftec,  MS.,  ii.  2.     Oct. 


NEW  ARRIVALS.  15 

minor  correspondence  on  routine  aspects  of  the  de- 
partment, and  a  slight  clashing  between  the  new. 
comisario  and  the  habilitados,  there  was  nothing*  in 
connection  with  Herrera's  administration  durinof  this 
year  that  requires  notice.28 

Herrera,  however,  was  not  the  only  official  who 
arrived  on  the  Morelos  in  July  1825.  The  vessel 
brought  also  to  California  Lieutenant  Miguel  Gonza- 
lez in  command  of  a  detachment  of  artillerymen,  who 
was  immediately  made  a  captain,  and  became  coman- 
dante  de  armas  at  Monterey  by  virtue  of  his  rank. 
There  also  came,  probably  in  this  vessel,  and  certainly 
about  this  time,  three  more  alfereces,  or  sub-lieuten- 
ants, Antonio  Nieto,  Rodrigo  del  Pliego,  and  Jose 
Perez  del  Campo,  the  first  being  in  command  of  a 
small  body  of  infantry  sent  as  a  guard  to  eighteen  con- 
victs condemned  to  presidio  life  in  California  for  vari- 
ous offences.  With  few  exceptions,  the  new-comers, 
whether  officers,  soldiers,  or  convicts,  were  Mexicans 
of  a  class  by  no  means  desirable  as  citizens.29 

15th,  Herrera  to  Argiiello,  explaining  his  reasons  for"  not  obeying,  and  alluding 
to  other  communications.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  105.  It  is  likely  that  Echean- 
dia  gave  the  order  in  the  interest  of  his  own  popularity,  knowing  that  it 
could  not  be  obeyed. 

28  Oct.  10th,  Lieut  Estrada  speaks  of  complaints  of  Echeandia  through  the 
comandante  of  Monterey,  and  calls  for  a  statement  of  charges  for  supplies. 
Oct.  31st,  Herrera  is  willing  to  furnish  the  account,  though  there  are  some  mis- 
sion items  of  supplies  to  escoltas  that  cannot  be  inchided  yet.  Vullejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  i.  98.  Nov.  17th,  the  habilitado  of  Sta  Barbara  objects  to  the  comisa- 
rio exacting  accounts  of  the  mission  supplies,  etc.  -He  says  the  company  will 
pay  its  own  debts  if  the  funds  due  it  are  supplied.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com. 
and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  6.  Dec.  6th,  Herrera  says  that  public  creditors  are 
many  and  resources  small.  The  government  expects  him  to  make  a  just  dis- 
tribution of  the  small  revenue  he  controls;  and  he  will  make  to  the  public  a 
respectful  statement  of  his  administration.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  148-9. 

General  mention  of  Herrera's  appointment  and  arrival.  See  Mexico,  Mem. 
Hacienda,  182G,  p.  27,  by  which  it  appears  that  he  was  appointed  on  Feb. 
8th;  Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  209-10;  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  i.  282-3;  Dept  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  12;  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xiv.  2.  He  ia 
called  comisario  subalterno,  comisario  sub-principal,  comisario  provisional, 
administrador  sub-principal,  comisario  de  guerra,  sub-comisario,  treasurer, 
superintendent  of  customs,  etc. 

29  The  number  of  the  soldiers,  both  artillery  and  infantry,  is  not  recorded. 
Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  62-6,  and  Alvarado,  Hist.  Ccd.,  MS.,  ii.  110-14, 
confound  this  arrival  of  convicts  with  the  later  ones  of  1830.  A  list  of  the 
18  convicts  who  started  is  given  in  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  20-2,  and  of  the  17 
who  arrived,  in  Dept  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lvii.  3,  besides  mention  of 
several  of  the  number  in  Id.,  Ii.  2-3.     Eight  or  nine  came  with  definite  sen- 


16  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

Prefect  vSarria,  as  we  have  seen,  declined  to  swear 
allegiance  to  the  federal  constitution  or  to  sanction 
republicanism  either  as  friar,  prelate,  or  vicar.  He 
left  each  of  the  friars  free  to  decide  for  himself,  and 
refused  to  issue  instructions  on  the  subject.  There 
can  be  no  doubt,  however,  that  the  question  had  been 
thoroughly  discussed  by  the  padres,  and  a  definite 
understanding  reached,  during  the  many  months  in 
which  the  formal  declaration  of  the  republic  in  Cal- 
ifornia had  been  only  a  question  of  time.  Yet  that 
the  agreement  had  not   been   entirely  unanimous   is 

tences,  while  the  rest  were  simply  banished  to  California.  The  former  were 
mostly  the  companions  of  Vicente  Gomez,  '  el  capador,'  a  fiend  in  human  form, 
thief  and  assassin,  who  is  said  never  to  have  spared  nor  failed  to  torture  any 
man,  woman,  or  child  of  Spanish  blood  that  fell  into  his  hands,  but  who,  in 
consideration  of  his  services  to  the  '  cause  of  independence,' was  simply  sent  to 
California  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  comandante  general.  It  is  not  quite 
certain  that  he  came  to  Monterey  with  the  rest,  since  there  are  indications 
that  he  came  to  S.  Diego  with  Echeandia,  or  at  least  about  the  same  time.  He 
was  soon  sent  overland  to  Sonora,  perhaps  in  the  hope  thathe  would  be  killed 
by  the  Indians,  where  he  arrived  in  March  1826,  after  narrowly  escaping 
death  at  the  hands  of  the  Yumas.  After  having  been  employed  by  Gen. 
Figueroa  on  various  commissions,  he  was  sent  back,  and  on  the  way  he  was 
killed  by  Alf.  Jose  Maria  Ramirez  at  S.  Vicente,  Lower  California,  in  a  per- 
sonal quarrel,  probably  in  September  1827.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
Ivii.  21;  Dept  Rec,  MS.,  v.  96-7,  130. 

One  of  the  companions  of  Gomez  bore  the  illustrious  name  of  Fernando 
Cortes,  '  do  muy  mala  fama  en  toda  la  republica,'  but  of  whose  Californian  ex- 
perience nothing  is  known.  Another  was  Joaquin  Solis,  '  principal  agente  de 
Gomez,  de  muy  mala  conducta,  voz  general  ser  ladron,'  who  acquired  fame  as 
leader  of  a  revolt  in  1829,  described  in  chap.  iii.  of  this  volume,  as  did  also  in 
lesser  degree  in  the  same  affair  another  companion,  Antonio  Avila,  condemned 
to  death  for  murders  and  robberies  in  Puebla,  but  pardoned  on  condition  of  exile 
to  California.  Another  of  the  band  was  Francisco  Badillo,  sentenced  to  10 
years  of  presidio  work  in  chains,  or  to  be  shot  without  hesitation  or  formality 
should  he  venture  to  move  from  the  spot  where  he  might  be  put  to  work.  In 
1835,  the  time  having  expired,  Badillo  was  set  at  liberty,  but  remained  in  the 
country.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxvi.  20-2.  In  1833  he  had  been 
charged  with  a  new  robbery.  Id.,  lxxiv.  44.  He  was  married  in  1830  to  his 
mistress  at  Sta  Barbara.  Carrillo  {Jose),  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,MS.,  26.  He  at  one 
time  kept  a  monte  bank  at  Sta  Barbara,  and  Manuel  Castro  once  found  him 
concealed  under  the  table,  and  stealthily  reaching  out  to  steal  his  own  money, 
merely,  as  he  said,  to  keep  in  practice  !  After  a  long  career  as  cattle-thief,  he 
was  finally  lynched  about  1860,  his  body  with  that  of  his  son  being  found  one 
morning  hanging  to  a  tree  with  the  feet  very  near  the  ground.  A  little  grand- 
daughter wept  bitterly  because  the  cruel  Americans  allowed  her  grandpapa 
to  die  when  a  little  earth  under  his  feet  would  have  saved  him  !  Another  son 
known  as  Six-toed  Pete  escaped  across  the  frontier.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  ii.  251-3;  Streeter's Recol.,  MS.,  159-63. 

Other  members  of  this  band  of  convicts  were  for  the  most  part  ordinary 
thieves  and  vagabonds,,  of  whose  life  in  California  nothing  is  known,  a  few 
also  not  being  named  here  by  reason  of  their  good  behavior  and  respectable 
connections. 


RECALCITRANT  FRIARS.  17 

indicated  by  Padre  Estenega's  participation  in  the 
religious  services  at  San  Francisco  as  well  as  by  ocur- 
rences  of  a  later  date.  Sarria  defended  his  action  in 
letters  to  the  governor.30  Anterior  obligation  to 
the  king  of  Spain  was  the  ground  on  which  he  based 
his  refusal,  with  special  reference  to  the  fact  that  the 
new  constitution  required  him  to  take  up  arms  and 
resist  invasion  by  a  foreign  power,  including  Spain. 
Thus  he  might  have  to  resist  the  king  himself  at  the 
head  of  his  army,  in  a  province  which  was  justly  a 
part  of  his  dominion,  which  would  be  to  disobey  the 
divine  law  and  teachings  of  the  saints.  He  foresaw 
the  objection  that  his  previous  oath  to  independence 
under  Iturbide  had  required  the  same  opposition  to 
Spain;  but  he  answered  it  by  claiming  that  before 
Spain  was  not  under  her  primitive  government,  the 
king  was  deprived  of  liberty,  and  religion  was  threat- 
tened;  that  under  the  plan  of  Iguala,  Fernando  VII. 
was  to  be  called  to  the  throne,  with  some  chance  of 
Spanish  approval;  and  moreover,  that  the  previous 
oath  had  not  only  been  ordered  by  his  diocesan,  but 
had  been  formally  decided  on  by  a  majority  of  the 
friars,  including  the  prefect. 

On  the  7th  of  April  the  diputacion  took  up  the 
matter.  Francisco  Castro  urged  immediate  steps  to 
learn  at  once  who  of  the  padres  would  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  their  prelate  in  refusing  allegiance.  He 
also  proposed  that  such  as  took  this  course  should  be 

30 Feb.  11,  1825.  'My  Venerable  Sir  and  Master:  After  reflecting  on  the 
oath  we  are  ordered  to  take  to  the  federal  constitution  of  the  United  Mexican 
States,  for  which  oath  you  have  designated  next  Sunday,  13th  inst.,  I  have 
decided  that  I  cannot  do  it  without  violating  what  I  owe  to  anterior  obliga- 
tions of  justice  and  fidelity;  and  this  I  announce  to  you,  though  not  without 
much  and  very  grave  regret  on  my  part,  since  I  would  like  so  far  as  possible 
to  give  an  example  of  submission  as  I  have  done  up  to  this  time ;  but  I  cannot, 
the  decision  of  my  conscience  opposing.  For  the  same  reason  I  shall  not  use 
my  influence  that  the  other  padres  take  the  oath,  nor  that  they  sanction  it 
with  mass,  te  deum,  etc.,  as  ordered  in  your  communication  of  the  3d.  I 
understand  that  we  are  threatened  with  expatriation  ;  but  I  will  pass  through 
all,  though  with  tears  at  leaving  my  beloved  flock.  That  which  I  took  up  for 
God,  I  will  always  leave  if  it  be  necessary  for  the  same  God,  to  whom  I  have 
prayed,  etc.  In  other  things  very  much  at  your  service,'  etc.  Arch.  Arzob., 
US. ,  iv.  pt  ii.  135-6.  Also  letters  of  March  39th  and  April  14th,  in  Id.,  137-9. 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    2 


IS  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

deprived  of  all  control  over  the  temporalities  of  their 
respective  missions,  which  should  be  intrusted  to  ad- 
ministrators. Arguello  opposed  the  measure,  because 
it  would  result  in  the  padres  abandoning  spiritual  as 
well  as  temporal  interests,  and  also  because-  it  would 
be  impossible  to  find  competent  administrators.  Don 
Francisco  zealously  defended  his  proposition,  and  even 
wished  to  hold  Arguello  personally  responsible  to  the 
country  for  any  harm  that  might  result  from  leaving 
the  recalcitrant  friars  in  charge  of  public  property. 
All  three  of  the  Castros,  that  is,  all  the  rest  of  the 
members,  were  of  the  same  opinion,  though  Don  An- 
tonio was  somewhat  doubtful  about  the  religious 
aspects  of  the  case.  Thus  the  vote  remained  on  the 
records;  but  the  only  result  that  I  find  was  the  issu- 
ing of  an  order  to  the  comandantes  that  each  padre 
must  be  required  to  state  in  writing  whether  he  would 
take  the  oath  or  not.31 

In  April  Padre  Narciso  Duran  assumed  the  presi- 
dency of  the  missions,  an  office  that  since  the  death 
of  Senan  had  been  held  by  Sarria  in  addition  to  that 
of  prefect.32  Duran  also  refused  to  take  the  oath,  not, 
as  he  said,  from  any  "disaffection  to  the  independ- 
ence," nor  for  any  "  odious  passion,"  for  indeed  he 
believed  independence  to  interest  Spain  more  than 
America — that  is,  that  Spain  was  better  off  without 
Mexico.  But  he  was  tired  of  taking  so  many  oaths 
during  the  past  few  years,  when  oaths  seemed  to  have 
become  mere  playthings.  "I  offer,"  he  writes,  "an 
oath  of  fidelity  to  do  nothing  against  the  established 
government,  and  if  this  be  not  accepted,  I  am  resigned 
to  the  penalty  of  expatriation,  which  the  constitution 

31  Ley.  Rcc,  MS.,  i.  44-6.  June  3d,  governor's  order  to  comandantes,  ac- 
knowledged by  Sarria  June  22d.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt  ii.  140.  The  padres 
seem  to  have  made  no  immediate  reply.  There  is  some  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  above  date  should  be  June  3,  1826. 

32  April  2d,  Duran  notifies  the  governor  of  his  assumption  of  the  office. 
Drpt  Rec.  MS.,  i.  117;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt  ii.  140.  June  3d,  com- 
anrlante  of  S.  F.  has  proclaimed  Duran  as  vicario  foraneo.  St.  Pap.  Sac, 
MS.,  xiv.  36.  Oct.  15,  1824,  bishop  grants  to  president  all  the  powers  con- 
ferred by  the  former  bishop.  Arch.  Sta  B.}  MS.,  xii.  320. 


ARREST  OF  PRESIDENT  SARRIA.  19 

imposes."33  Meanwhile  the  news  of  Sarria's  refusal 
had  been  sent  to  Mexico,  and  in  June  an  order  of 
President  Victoria  was  despatched  to  California  that 
the  royalist  prefect  should  be  arrested  and  sent  to 
Mexico  by  the  first  vessel.34  This  order  was  carried 
into  effect  in  October,  as  appears  indirectly  from 
Echeandia's  order  to  Padre  Duran  to  come  to  San 
Diego  and  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  in  order  that 
he  might  assume  the  duties'  of  prelate  during  Sarria's 
arrest.35  The  arrest  was,  I  suppose,  nominal,  merely 
a  suspension  from  his  authority  as  prelate,  involving 
little  or  no  interference  with  his  personal  liberty;  and, 
as  we  shall  see  later,  he  was  not  sent  away  at  all.  It 
seems  that  Padre  Martin  of  San  Diego  had  based  his 
refusal  to  participate  in  religious  services  on  his  prel- 
ate's prohibition.  The  government  called  for  a  decla- 
ration as  to  the  nature  of  that  prohibition;  and  also 
desired  Padre  Estenega  to  be  informed  of  its  great 
satisfaction  at  his  patriotic  conduct  in  pronouncing  a 
stirring  discourse  at  the  taking  of  the  oath.: 


3G 


33  Oct.  12th,  Duran  to  Herrera,  in  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  148. 

34  June  29th,  Esteva  to  comandante  general  of  Cal.  Siqj.  Govt  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iii.  4-5.     P.  Sarria  was,  however,  to  be  treated  with  respect. 

35 Oct.  31st,  E.  to  D.  Dept  Rec,  MS.,  ii.  6.  In  D.'s  letter  of  Oct.  12th, 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt  ii.  148,  he  said  that  he  could  not  act  as  prefect 
until  certain  that  Sarria  was  out  of  the  province.  This  shows  that  Sarria's 
arrest  was  probably  effected  by  Argucllo  before  Echeandia's  arrival,  or  per- 
haps by  order  of  the  latter  issued  while  en  route. 

36 Sept.  2d,  Minister  Llave  to  governor.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  1. 
The  general  fact  of  the  padres'  opposition  to  the  republic  is  mentioned  by 
nearly  all  who  have  written  on  California  annals,  and  it  is  not  necessary  to 
give  specific  references.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  20-5,  and  Vallejo,  Hut. 
Cal.,  MS.,  i.  341-2,  dwell  on  the  fact  that  the  padres  never  lost  their  feeling 
of  dissatisfaction  and  anger ;  that  as  a  body  they  took  subsequently  but  slight 
interest  in  the  progress  of  Cal. ;  and  that  through  their  influence  the  Indians 
were  disaffected  and  the  difficulties  of  local  government  greatly  increased. 
Alvarado  is  much  the  more  radical  of  the  two.  It  was  the  policy,  he  says,  of 
emperor  and  clergy  to  make  of  the  people  their  burros  de  carga.  This,  as 
they  well  knew,  could  not  be  done  with  republicans.  True,  they  might  win 
over  many  influential  republicans ;  but  there  were  so  many  factions  that  all 
could  not  be  controlled.  Sooner  or  later  the  '  ass  was  sure  to  kick. '  Therefore, 
when  they  could  not  prevent  the  establishment  of  a  republic,  they  wished  to 
leave  the  country ;  were  not  allowed  to  go  and  take  with  them  the  wealth  of 
the  territory;  were  angry;  preached  against  the  existing  government;  and  in 
short,  made  all  the  trouble  they  could. 

Among  other  classes  besides  the  padres,  there  was  no  special  manifestation 
of  feeling  for  or  against  the  republic  at  this  time.  The  masses  now  and  later 
were  indifferent;  the  older  officers  and  soldiers  looked  with  deep  regret  on  the 


23  A  TEREITOHY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

The  old  question  of  mission  supplies  still  remained 
open  as  a  ground  of  controversy.  The  reasons  which 
had  impelled  the  padres  to  give  with  a  spirit  of  cheer- 
fulness, real  or  feigned,  had  largely  ceased  to  exist. 
Now  most  gave  grudgingly,  because  they  cpuld  not 
help  it;  or  in  a  spirit  of  apathetic  indifference  to  what 
might  become  of  the  mission  property;  or  in  a  few 
cases  refused  in  the  interest  of  their  neophytes.  Padre 
Duran  on  one  occasion  told  Martinez  of  San  Francisco 
that  he  could  send  no  more  supplies,  and  it  would  be 
best  to  discharge  the  soldiers  if  there  was  a  lack  of 
rations.  Martinez  in  turn  asked  the  governor  for  per- 
mission to  take  the  supplies  by  force.  Padre  Viader 
wrote  that  Santa  Clara  had  to  buy  wheat  for  its  neo- 
phytes, while  the  pueblo  had  plenty  of  grain  to  sell 
the  presidios.  "  The  moment  the  keys  are  taken  from 
us  by  force,"  he  wrote,  "  we  will  not  take  them  back, 
nor  attend  to  the  temporal  administration."  The  des- 
titution was  very  great  at  San  Diego,  but  the  coman- 
dante  in  his  letters  implies  that  the  padres  gave  all 
they  could.  The  commandant  of  Santa  Barbara  had 
a  sharp  correspondence  with  Padre  Ibarra  of  San 
Fernando,  trying  to  prove  that  the  furnishing  of  sup- 
plies was  by  no  means  a  special  favor  to  the  troops, 
but  an  ordinary  duty  of  the  missions  until  the  expected 
memorias  should  come  from  Mexico,  together  with  a 
new  band  of  missionaries.  The  padre,  however,  was 
incredulous  about  the  anticipated  aid.  "  If  you  do  not 
eat  till  then,"  he  said,  "  you  will  need  elastic  bellies; 
and  as  to  the  coming  missionaries,  I  will  believe  it 
when  I  see  them,  not  before."     He  would,  however, 

change  of  government;  and  some  of  the  younger  Calif ornians  with  the  Mex- 
ican element  were  more  or  less  enthusiastic  republicans.  The  Indians  had  of 
course  no  choice,  but  their  condition  was  in  no  respect  improved  by  the 
change.  Osio,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  105-7,  has  something  to  say  on  theadvantages 
of  the  Spanish  rule.  He  notes  that  as  late  as  1842  an  invalido  hesitated  to 
make  a  declaration  before  an  alcalde,  fearing  that  it  was  wrong  for  an  old 
dier  of  the  king  to  do  so.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  40-4,  mentions  a 
kind  of  secret  politico-historical  society  formed  by  the  youth  of  Monterey, 
with  Jose'  Joaauin  <le  la  Torre  as  president,  by  which  various  schemes  of 
independence  from  Mexico  as  well  as  Spain  were  discussed,  and  where  even 
annexation  to  the  U.  8.  was  proposed,  or  a  French  or  English  protectorate. 


,      MISSION  AFFAIRS.  21 

not  be  surprised  if  Mexico  were  to  send  to  California 
for  supplies.  From  San  Luis  Padre  Luis  Martinez 
complained  of  everything  in  general,  and  in  particular 
of  some  '  missionaries '  of  a  new  sect,  including  one  of 
the  Picos,  who  were  travelling  with  a  barrel  instead 
of  a  cross,  and  were  making  many  converts  to  drunk- 
enness, while  the  soldiers  of  the  escolta  did  nothing 
but  destroy.3'  In  Mexico  the  guardian  made  a  de- 
tailed representation  to  Minister  Alaman  on  the  criti- 
cal condition  of  affairs  in  California,  owing  to  the  fact 
that  the  Indians  were  naturally  disgusted  at  having 
to  support  by  their  labor  themselves,  the  padres,  the 
government,  and  the  troops.  He  declared  the  amount 
of  unpaid  drafts  to  be  $259,151,  and  that  of  unpaid 
stipends  $153,712,  begging  most  earnestly  for  at  least 
a  partial  payment  to  save  the  missions  from  ruin.3S 

The  junta  de  fomento  took  up  the  question  of 
mission  policy,  which  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  most 
important  matters  submitted  to  that  board.  In  its 
dictdmen  on  Echeandia's  instructions,39  the  junta, 
while  regarding  the  necessity  of  reform  as  a  matter 
of  course,  called  attention  chiefly  to  the  importance 
of  proceeding  with  great  caution  until  a  satisfactory 
method  could  be  devised  for  introducing  a  radical 
change  in  the  old  system.  Finally  in  April  the  mis- 
sion plan  was  presented.  In  prefatory  remarks  the 
history  of  the  system  was  briefly  traced,  with  a  view 
to  show  the  growth  of  the  monastico-military  govern- 
ment in  the  Californias.  "The  junta  is  not  ignorant 
that  from  the  Spanish  system  of  discoveries  and 
spiritual  conquests  has  resulted  all  the  progress  made 

37Corresp.  of  Duran,  Viader,  and  Lieut.  Martinez  in  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS., 
xiv.  22-4,  35-40.  Destitution  at  S.  Diego.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  110; 
Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  201-2;  Com.  of  Sta  Barbara  vs.  P.  Ibarra.  Doc  J  fist. 
Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  731-2;  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vii.  G8-9.  P.  Martinez  to  Arguello, 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt  ii.  135.  June  1st,  8th,  Arguello  on  his  efforts  to  ob- 
tain supplies  from  the  missions.  Dept  Bee,  MS.,  ii.  35;  Guerra,  Doc,  MS., 
iv.  158. 

38 July  5th,  Guardian  Lopez  to  Alaman.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt  ii. 
143-8. 

30  For  an  account  of  the  various  reports  and  plans  of  the  junta,  see  note  2, 
this  chapter. 


22  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

in  the  Jesuit  missions  of  old  California,  and  in  those 
founded  later  in  new  California  by  the  Fernandinos. 
It  knows  the  consideration  and  the  praise  which  these 
establishments  have  merited,  not  only  from  Spaniards, 
but  from  enlightened  foreigners;  and  it  has  given  due 
weight  to  all  the  reasons  ordinarily  urged  in  defence 
of  the  system  to  show  it  to  be  not  only  just  and  con- 
venient, but  absolutely  necessary.  Still  the  junta  has 
not  been  able  to  reconcile  the  principles  of  such  a 
system  with  those  of  our  independence  and  political 
constitution,  nor  with  the  true  spirit  of  the  gospel. 
Religion  under  that  system  could  not  advance  beyond 
domination.  It  could  be  promoted  only  under  the 
protection  of  escoltas  and  presidios.  The  gentiles 
must  renounce  all  the  rights  of  their  natural  inde- 
pendence  to  be  catechumens  from  the  moment  of 
baptism;  they  must  be  subjected  to  laws  almost  mo- 
nastic, while  their  apostles  deemed  themselves  freed 
from  the  laws  which  forbade  their  engaging  in  tem- 
poral business;  and  the  neophytes  must  continue  thus 
without  hope  of  ever  possessing  fully  the  civil  rights 
of  society.  The  junta  has  not  been  able  to  persuade 
itself  that  this  system  is  the  only  one  fitted  to  arouse 
among  the  gentiles  a  desire  for  civil  and  social  life, 
or  to  teach  its  first  rudiments,  much  less  to  carry  it 
to  perfection.  It  believes  rather  that  it  is  positively 
contrary  to  the  political  aims  in  accordance  with 
which  it  should  have  been  arranged,  and  still  more  to 
the  true  spiritual  aim  which  should  be  kept  in  view." 
"The  present  condition  of  the  missions  does  not  cor- 
respond to  the  great  progress  which  they  made  in  the 
beginning.  This  decadence  is  very  noticeable  in  Low- 
er California,  and  would  suffice  to  prove  that  the  sys- 
tem needs  change  and  reform/'  especially  in  respect 
of  the  temporal  management  by  the-  friars.  The 
plan  by  which  the  junta  proposed  to  effect  the  needed 
reforms  I  append  substantially  in  a  note.40     It  shows, 

'  La  Junta  en  suma  reduce  su  dictamen  para  el  arreglo  de  las  misiones 
dc  Californias  a  las  proposicioues  siguientes:'  I.  Conversions  among  gentiles 


VESSELS  ON  THE  COAST.  •  23 

like  the  prefatory  remarks  which  I  have  quoted,  the 
feeling  on  the  subject  in  Mexico  under  the  republican 
regime;  and  while  as  a  whole  it  never  became  a  law, 
it  doubtless  had  an  effect  on  subsequent  legislation 
respecting  secularization.  In  the  colonization  plan 
proposed  by  the  junta  a  'little  later,  the  expense  of 
bringing  settlers  from  Mexico  and  an  allowance  for 
their  support  during  a  term  of  years  were  to  be  taken 
from  the  mission  capital,  which  was  supposed  to  have 
accumulated  during  the  friars'  administration;  but 
the  amount  was  to  be  'equitabl}7  divided'  between 
the  sums  due  the  missions  for  supplies  and  the  funds 
actually  on  hand !  Echeandia  took  some  time  to  in- 
vestigate the  condition  of  mission  affairs,  and  there- 
fore did  little  or  nothing  this  year  which  could  indi- 
cate his  policy. 

Of  the  forty-seven  vessels  more  or  less  clearly  re- 
corded as  having  been  on  the  coast  in  1825,  seventeen 
were  whalers;  three  were  men-of-war;  one  was  the 
national  transport;  respecting  eleven  or  twelve  we  have 
only  a  mere  mention,  in  some  cases  erroneous,  of  name 
and  presence,  with  no  information  about  their  business; 
while  of  the  remaining  fourteen  the  objects,  mainly  corn- 
must  be  effected  by  vUitas  and  entradas  of  friars  and  priests,  who  must 
obtain  the  permission  of  the  government,  and  will  receive  their  stipends  as  a 
limosna  from  the  pious  fund.  2.  The  supreme  government  should  administer 
the  pious  fund,  act  upon  the  petitions  of  those  who  wish  to  convert  gentiles, 
and  assign  to  them  their  stipends  and  vidticos,  but  the  territorial  government 
may  report  on  places  for  new  conversions,  and  propose  the  priests,  already  in 
Cal.,  deemed  qualified  for  the  new  ministry.  3.  The  right  to  evange/izar 
should  not  be  restricted  to  members  of  any  particular  order.  4.  The  friars 
now  in  charge  of  the  missions  should  remain  in  charge  as  curates.  5.  To 
avoid  burdensome  taxes,  etc.,  these  friars  as  curates  may  receive  their 
stipends  as  before  from  the  pious  fund.  C-7.  There  should  be  two  friars  in 
each  mission,  besides  those  temporarily  residing  or  resting  there  while 
engaged  in  converting  gentiles.  8.  The  missions  to  continue  in  this  condi- 
tion until  formally  made  parishes  and  delivered  to  the  bishop.  9.  The  gov- 
ernment should  reassume  the  administration  of  mission  temporalities,  form- 
ing the  necessary  regulations  to  prevent  loss  of  property  or  damage  to 
neophytes,  and  should  distribute  lands  to  the  latter  as  soon  as  they  are  able 
to  govern  themselves.  10.  The  government  should  take  measures  to  abolish 
the  mission  escoltas,  but  at  the  same  time  to  afford  full  protection  to  persons 
and  property.  11.  The  necessary  changes  in  municipal  laws,  to  correspond 
with  this  plan,  to  be  referred  to  congress. 


24  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

mercial,  are  well  known.  Nationally  the  fleet  included 
twenty  American  craft,  eight  English,  three  Spanish, 
two  Russian,  two  Mexican,  one  Californian,one  French, 
and  eight  of  unknown  nationality.41  Captain  Cooper 
in  the  Rover- started  probably  in  February  for  a  new 
voyage  to  China,  not  returning  until  the  next  year. 
The  Sachem  and  Spy  came  from  Boston  for  Bryant, 
Sturgis  &  Co.,  presumably  under  Gale's  superintend- 
ence. McCulloch,  Hartnell  k  Co.'s  vessels  wTere  prob- 
ably the  Pizarro  and  Junius,  and  perhaps  others,  for 
the  records  are  far  from  clear. 

Of  all  the  vessels  of  the  year  those  which  created 
the  greatest  sensation  were  three  Spanish  men-of-war 
which  made  their  appearance  in  April  and  May.  The 
27th  of  April  a  large  line-of-battle  ship  flying  the  stars 
and  stripes  of  the  United  States  was  seen  approaching 
Monterey.  The  people  thought  of  1818,  "el  ano  de  los 
insurgentes,"  and  made  hasty  preparations  for  a  flight 
to  the  interior,  while  the  governor  prepared  his  gar- 
rison for  defence.42  Late  in  the  afternoon  the  strange 
vessel  anchored  just  beyond  the  range  of  the  battery's 
guns,  fired  a  salute,  and  sent  an  officer  ashore,  who 
shouted,  "  Viva  la  libertad!"  and  asked  to  see  the  gov- 
ernor. The  commander  soon  landed,  and  proved  to 
be  Jose  Martinez,  an  old  acquaintance  of  the  Arglle- 
llos.  A  short  interview  served  to  remove  all  fears,43 
and  the  motives  of  the  strangers  were  soon  explained. 

41  The  vessels  of  1825 — see  also  list  for  1825-30  at  end  of  chap,  v.  — were: 
The  Apollo,  Aquihs,  Arab,  Asia,  Bengal  (?),  Carlos  Huat  (?),  Constante, 
Courier  (?),  Don,  Eagle,  Elena,  Eliza,  Factor,  lnca  (?),  Juan  Batte.y  (-?),  Junius, 
Kiahkta,  Maria  Ester,  Merope,  Morelos,  Nile,  Pizarro,  Plowboy,  Recovery, 
Rover,  Sachem,  Santa  Magdalena  (?),  Sta  Rosa  (?),  Snow  (?),  Spy,  Tartar, 
Tiemechmach  (?),  Tomasa,  Warren,  Washington,  Whaleman,  Young  Tartar, 
and  nine  American  whalers  not  named. 

42  J.  J.  Vallejo,  Reminiscencias,  MS.,  84-6,  and  Dorotea  Valdes,  Reminis.. 
MS.,  2-5,  have  more  to  say  of  the  fright  of  the  people  than  others,  though  all 
mention  it.  Osio,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  91-112,  narrates  the  whole  affair  at  some 
length.  He  says  that  Argiiello  was  importuned  to  retreat,  and  that  the 
artillery  commander,  Lieut.  Ramirez,  was  especially  desirous  of  securing  his 
life,  as  he  had  just  married  a  pretty  wife  with  $8,000,  but  the  governor  refused 
to  abandon  the  presidio. 

1 ;  P.  Altimira.  however,  still  feared  some  hostile  intention;  May  12th  he  sent 
from  S.  Francisco  a  warning  to  Argiiello,  declaring  that  the  men  were  bad, 
and  should  be  looked  upon  with  horror.     He  also  recommended  the  sending 


THE  'ASIA'  AND  'CONSTANTE.'  25 

The  ship  was  the  Asia,  or  San  Geronimo,  of  seven- 
ty-four guns  and  six  hundred  men;  and  three  days 
later  her  consort,  the  brigantine  Constants,  with  sixty 
men,  anchored  in  the  harbor.  These  vessels  had  formed 
a  part  of  the  royal  Spanish  squadron  operating  against 
the  rebels  on  the  coast  of 'South  America.  Together 
with  the  Aquiles  and  the  transport  Garinton,  they 
had  sailed  from  that  coast  for  Manila  in  January  1824, 
after  the  fall  of  Callao,  under  Roque  Guruceta.  On 
the  way  the  men  revolted  in  March  1825,  at  Guahan, 
one  of  the  Mariana  Islands.  They  landed  all  the  offi- 
cers and  passengers  who  would  not  join  in  their 
scheme,  burned  the  Garinton,  put  Jose  Martinez,  for- 
merly of  the  Constante,  in  command,  and  returned 
eastward  with  a  view  of  surrendering  the  vessels  to 
some  of  the  American  enemies  of  Spain.  The  Aquiles 
started  first  and  was  not  seen  again,  and  the  others  di- 
rected their  course  to  California,  as  the  most  practi- 
cable route,  and  with  a  view  of  obtaining  supplies. 
This  was  the  account  given  by  Martinez  with  more 
details  on  his  later  arrival  at  Acapulco.44 

An  agreement  was  signed  on  May  1st,  by  which 
Martinez  formally  surrendered  the  Asia  and  Constante 
to  Argiiello  as  an  officer  of  the  Mexican  republic,  under 
certain  conditions  intended  to  secure  the  safety  of  the 
men  and  the  payment  of  their  wages.45     Thereupon 

of  the  news  to  Mexico,  and  stated  that  the  American  schooner  Tartar  at  San 
Francisco  would  carry  a  despatch  for  $1,500.  Perhaps  the  padre  had  an 
understanding  witli  Capt.  Morrell,  and  was  to  have  a  share  of  the  profits. 
St.  Pap.  Sac,  MS.,  x.  10-11.  Morrell,  Narrative,  209,  mentions  the  man-of- 
war  at  Monterey,  giving  some  details. 

44  'Asia'  y  'Constante,'  Expediente  de  la  Capitulation,  1825,  in Gaceta  de  Mex. , 
Extra,  June  15,  1825,  which  is  devoted  wholly  to  this  affair,  contains  all  the 
documents,  and  is  the  best  authority.  Jules  Verne,  the  novelist,  in  The 
Mutineers,  a  story  founded  on  this  mutiny,  gives  many  names  and  other  par- 
ticulars, which  do  not  seem  to  be  altogether  inaccurate.  The  Asia  had  car- 
ried Viceroy  O'Donojii  to  Vera  Cruz  in  1821 ,  and  Conde  de  Venadito  to  Habana. 
Alaman,  Hint.  Mex.,  v.  329,  818-19.  See  also Zamacois,  Hist.  Me}.,  xi.  011-13. 
The  affair  is  also  described  in  Campaigns  and  Cruises  in  Venezuela,  i.  404-7. 

45  'Asia'  y  'Constante,'  Tratado  de  Capitulation  de  los  Navios  en  Monterey, 
1825,  MS.;  also  in  Oae.  Mex.,  Extra,  June  15,  1825;  signed  by  Jose*  Estrada 
(appointed  by  Argiiello  as  comisionado),  Jose"  Ramirez,  Jose"  Cardenas,  and 
Antonio  Ventura  Roteta.  Mention  in  Dept  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,lvL 
8.  May  3d,  Argiiello  approves  the  contract  in  a  communication  to  Mar- 
tinez, and  reappoints  the  old  officers  temporarily.     Martinez  was  comman- 


26  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

the  officers  and  men  came  ashore,  swore  allegiance  to 
independence  and  the  federal  constitution, pitched  their 
tents  on  the  beach,  and  for  over  twenty  days  made 
things  lively  at  Monterey.  First,  however,  they  had  a 
religious  duty  to  perform.  The  holy  virgin  had  been  in- 
duced at  a  time  of  great  peril  by  prayers  and  vows  so 
to  strengthen  a  weak  sail  that  it  bore  the  violence  of 
the  gale  better  than  those  thought  to  need  no  prayers; 
and  now  all  the  men  walked  barefoot  with  the  sail  to 
church,  and  rendered  their  thanksgiving  with  much 
ceremony.46  Finally,  when  the  merry-making  was 
over,  health  restored,  and  some  necessary  refitting 
completed,  the  strangers  embarked  for  Acapulco 
May  23d,  under  the  charge  of  Captain  Juan  Malarin 
as  chief  navigator  and  bearer  of  despatches  to  the 
city  of  Mexico,  by  Argiiello's  appointment.  The 
Mexican  government  approved  the  action  of  the  Cali- 
fornian  authorities,  and  assumed  the  obligation  to  pay 
the  wages  of  the  men  to  the  amount  of  over  $90,000. 
Whether  the  debt  was  ever  paid  is  another  matter. 
The  new  vessels  thus  unexpectedly  added  to  the  fed- 
eral navy  were  sent  round  to  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  Asia 
was  subsequently  known  as  El  Congreso}1     Several 

der  of  the  two  vessels;  Cardenas  and  Antonio  Ferrer  were  next  in  rank  on 
the  Asia;  while  Antonio  Roteta and  Manuel  Galindo  were  the  officers  of  the 
Constanle.  Dcpt  Rec,  MS.,  i.  54. 

46  Torre,  Reminis.,  MS.,  39-46,  describes  this  church  ceremony,  and  also 
that  of  swearing  allegiance,  at  some  length.  Osio  also  gives  some  details. 
Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  3-18,  who  gives  considerable  space  to  this  affair  of 
the  Asia,  tells  us  that  in  a  quarrel  about  a  girl,  the  gachupin  Arnoldo  Pierola 
killed  Juan  B.  Lopez,  and  took  refuge  on  the  ship,  where  Lieut.  Valle  and 
the  writer  were  sent  to  arrest  him,  but  the  crew  refused  to  give  him  up.  By 
careful  precautions,  further  disturbances  were  prevented.  The  ladies  presented 
two  Mexican  flags  to  the  vessels,  though,  as  appears  from  another  document, 
they  had  to  use  blue  stuff  instead  of  green.  Vallejo  speaks  of  a  grand  ball  on 
the  Asia.  All  the  old  residents  agree  that  money  and  sugar  had  not  been  so 
plentiful  at  Monterey  for  a  long  time.  Sra  Avila,  Corns  de  Cal.,  MS.,  22-3, 
speaks  of  the  ludicrous  attempts  of  the  sailors  and  marines  to  ride  on  horse- 
back, and  says  further  that  their  blasphemies  shocked  the  Californians. 
Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  93-101,  notes  that  green  corn  was  in  season; 
also  that  the  Indian  maidens  reaped  a  rich  harvest  of  money,  handkerchiefs, 
and  beads  from  the  strangers. 

47  June  11,  1825,  Manuel  Victoria,  com.  at  Acapulco,  to  sec.  war,  announc- 
ing arrival  of  the  vessels.  May  21st,  Argiiello  to  com.  at  Acapulco  on  the  sur- 
render and  Malariu's  mission.  June  11th,  Martinez  to  com.  Acapulco,  announc- 
ing arrival  and  enclosing  his  narrative  of  same  date.     May  1st,  the  treaty  as 


THE  * AQUILES '  AT  SANTA  BARBARA.  27 

men  from  the  two  vessels  remained  in  California,  but 
none  of  this  number  ever  acquired  any  prominence 
in  the  territory.4* 

The  third  vessel  of  the  fleet,  the  Aquiles,  did  not 
join  the  others  at  Monterey,  but  made  her  appearance 
at  Santa  Barbara  early  in  May;  neither  did  her  com- 
mander, Pedro  Angulo,  deem  it  best  to  surrender  to 
the  Mexican  authorities.  During  their  stay  of  a  few 
days  the  crew  and  passengers  contracted  as  many  debts 
as  possible,  we  are  told,  and  otherwise  behaved  badly. 
Finally  on  their  departure,  having  left  behind  the  pilot 
with  seven  or  eight  men,  they  fired  two  cannon  with 
ball  cartridges  against  the  presidio  as  a  parting  salute, 
and  disappeared  in  the  south-west.49 

already  cited,  certified  copy  of  Monterey,  May  22d;  and  finally  announcement 
of  approval  by  Mex.  govt  on  date  of  the  gaceta,  June  15th.  All  making  up  the 
Asia  y  Constante,  Expediente.  Sailing  of  the  vessels  on  May  23d,  Guerra,  Doc, 
MS.,  iv.  158.  May  23d,  Arguello  to  commandante  at  Acapulco,  explaining 
the  whole  affair,  and  sending  copies  of  contract.  Dept  Bee,  MS.,  i.  56.  May 
2d,  Arguello  to  comandantes,  giving  an  account  of  the  surrender  and  plans. 
Id.,  i.  117.  Mention  of  the  affair  in  Miles'  Reg.,  xxix.  74;  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  i. 
1-4.  Contract  religiously  carried  out.  Mexico,  Mem.  Marina,  1826,  p.  3. 
The  $90,000  paid.  Id.,  1830,  p.  1.  Echeandia,  on  hearing  of  Argiiello's  action, 
had  some  fears  that  he  had  been  tricked,  and  ordered  more  strict  precautions. 
St.  Pap.  Sac,  MS.,  x.  32-3;  Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  68.  Osio,  not  friendly 
to  Echeandia,  says  that  the  latter  was  severely  snubbed  by  the  minister  of 
war  for  his  intermeddling,  and  that  consequently  he  later  took  every  occasion 
to  annoy  Arguello,  killing  him  with  disgustos  in  5  years  ! 

48  In  July  1828,  4  of  the  number  remained  in  the  Monterey  district.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  75-6.  Manuel  Fogo  and  Francisco  Gutierrez  named. 
Dept  Bee,  MS.,  v.  17;  vi.  45.  David  Spence,  Hist.  Notes,  MS.,  1-3,  who 
gives  a  very  clear  narrative  of  the  whole  affair,  says  that  12  of  the  Asia's  crew 
remained  and  became  good  citizens.  I  have  also  a  letter  of  Spence  to  Hart- 
nell  of  May  2d,  announcing  the  arrival  with  some  details.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS., 
xxviii.  451.  May  2,  1829,  decree  of  president  about  the  Asia's  crew.  Dispo- 
siciones  Varias,  ii.  60. 

49 May  6th,  Guerra  to  Arguello,  in  Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  113;  Id.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  liv.  7;  Dept  Bee,  MS.,  i.  227.  June  25th,  Esteva  from  Mexico  to  com- 
andante  of  Monterey.  If  the  Aquiles  arrives  give  her  no  food;  induce  her  to 
surrender  like  the  Asia;  take  two  officers  as  hostages;  seize  her  sails;  and  re- 
port quickly.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  8.  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS., 
18-19,  says  that  when  the  commander  of  the  vessel  landed  and  called  at  Capt. 
Guerra's  house,  he  found  there  a  great  crowd  celebrating  the  wedding  of  her 
sister  and  Hartnell.  With  his  companions  he  was  invited  to  join  in  the  fes- 
tivities, and  was  induced  by  Hartnell  to  drink  a  good  deal  of  wine  with  a 
view  the  better  to  learn  his  business,  though  without  much  success.  Osio, 
Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  99-102,  also  speaks  of  the  wedding,  and  tells  us  that  Angulo, 
an  ignorant  Chileno,  at  first  thought  to  hide  his  bad  Spanish  from  so  cultured 
a  company  by  pretending  to  be  a  Frenchman;  but  Hartnell  soon  discovered 
he  could  not  speak  French.  Learning  that  the  A sia  was  at  Monterey,  An- 
gulo hurried  on  board  without  waiting  for  anything,  and  sailed  for  Valparaiso, 
after  sending  a  cannon  ball  into  town. 


28  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

One  other  visit  to  California  this  year  requires 
special  attention,  from  the  fact  that  the  voyager  pub- 
lished his  experiences  in  a  book.  I  allude  to  that  of 
Benjamin  Morrell  Jr.,  in  the  American  schooner  Tar- 
tar. Having  sailed  from  New  York  in  July  1824,  he 
arrived  at  San  Diego  from  the  south  in  April  1825, 
perhaps  bringing  a  cargo  for  Hartnell  from  Chili,  but 
chiefly  bent  on  catching  seals.  His  description  of 
San  Diego,  where  he  remained  twelve  days,53  and  his 
still  more  absurd  description  of  his  adventures  on  a 
hunting  tour  in  the  interior — where  with  seven 
Spanish  companions  he  defeated  fifty  native  mounted 
warriors  in  a  desperate  hand-to-hand  battle,  killing 
seventeen  of  their  number,  and  himself  receiving 
numerous  wounds — leave  no  room  to  doubt  that  the 
valiant  captain  was  a  liar.  He  touched  at  Monterey 
and  San  Francisco,  whence,  finding  that  there  was  no 
prospect  of  success  in  the  seal-fishery,  he  sailed  in 
May  for  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  going  up  to  Cape 
Blanco  and  down  to  Socorro  Island  on  the  way. 
Many  of  Morrell's  geographical  and  other  details  arc 
tolerably  accurate.  His  book  was  not  published  until 
1832.  He  ventured  on  a  prophecy  "  that  long  before 
another  century  rolls  round  the  principal  avenue  of 
trade  between  the  United  States  and  the  different  sea- 
ports on  the  Pacific  Ocean  will  be  the  river  Colorado, 
as  connected  with  the  gulf  of  California.  The  China 
and  India  trade  will  of  course  ultimately  flow  through 
the  same  channel."  Not  a  cargo  has  yet  been  known 
to  be  sent  down  the  great  canon — but  the  century  has 
not  yet  rolled  round.51 

50  '  Its  form  is  nearly  circular,  and  it  is  surrounded  by  a  wall  about  20  feet 
in  height,  which  forms  the  back  sides  of  the  houses.  There  are  about  250 
houses  erected  in  this  manner,  from  one  to  two  stories  high,  built  of  freestone 
and  neatly  finished.  There  is  also  a  large  church,  one  nunnery,  and  a  very 
neat  little  court-house.  This  town  contains  about  1,500  inhabitants,  princi- 
pally natives  of  the  coast.'  His  way  of  saying  that  the  women  rode  astride — 
as  they  did  not — is  very  good,  however:  viz.,  'They  usually  honor  eacli  side 
of  the  horse  with  a  beautiful  little  foot  and  ankle.'  A  whale-boat  was  built 
during  the  stay. 

'  IforreU,  A  Narrative  of  Four  Voyages  to  the  South  Sea.  etc.,  1822-31.  N. 
Y.  1832.   Svo.    492 p.    The  matter  on  California  is  on  p.  197-213.   This  was  the 


REVENUE  AND  FOREIGNERS.  29 

The  customs  revenue  for  the  year  was  from  $8,000 
to  $11,000,  so  far  as  may  be  determined  from  the 
records.52  Vessels  seem  to  have  paid  duties  in 
accordance  with  the  plan  of  1824  and  the  subsequent 
action  of  the  diputacion  abolishing  the  duty  on  ex- 
ported produce  after  January  1st,  though  the  govern- 
or, owing  to  a  '  forgetfulness  which  was  natural,' 
neglected  to  publish  the  decree  until  March.53  Eche- 
andia's  onlv  action  on  commercial  matters  was  a 
decree  by  which  all  trade  was  forbidden  except  at 
the  four  presidial  ports,  to  the  great  inconvenience  of 
the  missionary  traders.  A  little  later,  however, 
San  Pedro  was  excepted,  to  accommodate  the  citizens 
of  Los  Angeles.54 

Several  of  the  foreign  residents  married  hijas  del 
pais  this  year,  but  none  did  much  else  that  calls  for 
notice.  Of  new  arrivals  only  about  twenty  names 
are  known,  of  which  number  most  are  but  visitors, 
chiefly  masters  of  vessels;  and  only  six  have  any 
claim  to  be  considered  as  pioneer  residents.  John 
Burton,  Robert  Livermore,  and  Alpheus  B.  Thomp- 
son are  the  prominent  names;  but  in  the  case  of  each 
there  is  a  degree  of  uncertainty  respecting  the  exact 
year  of  arrival,  as  fully  explained  elsewhere.55 

The  winter  of  1824-5  was  marked  by  an  unprecc- 

second  of  the  four  voyages.  Notices  of  Morrcll's  visit  in  the  archives.  St. 
Pap.  Sac,  MS.,  x.  11,  14;  xiv.  37;  Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  G4-5.  Blunder- 
ing notice  of  the  voyage  in  Taylor's  L.  Gal. ,  43. 

52  The  amount  is  given  as  $8,014  and  elsewhere  as  $11,036,  in  D opt  St. 
Pap.  Ben.  Oust,  II.,  MS.,  i.  101-2,  212.  Duties  at  Sta  Barbara,  $1,220. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.  Den.  Mil.,  MS.,  lvi.  1.  Amount  at  S.  Francisco,  $1,001;  at 
8.  L>iego,  $471.  Probably  $11,000  was  the  total,  and  $8,000  the  amount  at 
Monterey. 

5:5  Dept  Rec,  MS.,  i.  115. 

54  E.'s  decree  of  Dec.  15th,  in  S.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS.,  101-3;  S.  Jose:, 
Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  23;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxviii.  82;  Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i. 
94.  Dec.  20th,  S.  Pedro  excepted.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxviii.  83.  Complaint 
that  S.  Diego  did  not  get  its  share  of  the  revenue.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  v. 
201-2. 

55  See  Pioneer  Register  at  the  end  of  these  volumes,  ii.-v.,  for  the  names 
of  all,  including  visitors.  The  pioneers  proper  of  1825,  besides  Burton, 
Livermore,  and  Thompson,  are  Fisher  the  negro,  William  Gralbatch,  and 
James  Grant.  Of  old  residents,  W.  E.  P.  Hartnell  and  Win.  A.  Richardson 
were  married;  Daniel  Hill  was  baptized;  and  Capt.  Henry  Gyzelaar  is  said 
by  Phelps — Fore  and  Aft,  242-3— to  have  been  drowned  in  Russian  River, 
though  it  may  have  been  a  year  or  two  later. 


30  A  TERRITORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 

dented  fall  of  rain,  from  which  damages  more  or  less 
extensive  were  reported  throughout  the  length  of  the 
territory.  At  Sonoma  many  of  the  new  adobe  build- 
ings were  destroyed.  The  voyager  Kotzebue  notes 
the  violence.of  the  storms  at  San  Francisco.  At  Santa 
Cruz  the  river  overflowed  the  gardens  and  undermined 
the  buildings.  Considerable  grain  was  spoiled  in  the 
fields  at  different  missions.  The  southern  rivers  were 
so  swollen  as  to  prevent  the  diputados  from  coming  to 
Monterey  to  ratify  the  federal  constitution,  and  con- 
siderable changes  in  the  course  of  the  southern  streams 
and  general  drainage  of  the  country  are  reported,  nota- 
bly at  Los  Angeles  and  San  Diego.  More  particu- 
lars will  be  found  in  local  anuals.56  The  rains  were 
on  the  whole  beneficial  to  the  crops  in  spite  of  the 
local  losses,  for  the  harvest  was  68,500  fanegas,  the 
largest  of  the  decade  except  that  of  1821. 

56 General  mention  not  likely  to  occur  in  local  anuals.  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  i. 
42;  Dept  Bee.,  MS.,  i.  300-1.  A  newspaper  item,  accredited  to  Salvio  Pa- 
checo  and  widely  copied,  states  that  from  1824  to  182G  hardly  any  rain  fell. 
Mention  of  the  floods  in  Alta  CaL,  Dec.  30,  1852 j  Yuba  Co.  Hist.,  67. 


CHAPTER  II. 

ECHEANDIA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

1826-1830. 

National  Measures,  1826 — Junta  de  Fomento — EcHEANDfA  at  San 
Diego— Guerra  for  Congress,  1827-8 — Colonization  Regulations 
of  1828 — Territorial  Diputacion,  1827 — Proposed  Change  of 
Name — Echeandia  in  the  North — Diputacion,  1828-30 — Election — 
Maitorena  Sent  to  Congress,  1829-30 — Acts  of  the  Supreme  Gov- 
ernment— Padres  as  Ayudante  Inspector — Gomez  as  Asesor— 
California  as  a  Penal  Colony — Arrival  of  130  Convicts — Carrillo 
Elected  to  Congress  for  1831-2 — Expulsion  of  Spaniards,  1827-30 — 
List  of  Spanish  Residents — Echeandia's  Appeals  for  Aid — His 
Resignation — Appointment  of  Antonio  Garcia — The  Californias 
Separated — Manuel  Victoria  Appointed  Governor. 

For  the  last  half  of  the  decade  under  consideration, 
the  course  of  events  adapts  itself  more  conveniently 
to  a  grouping  in  topics  than  to  strict  chronological 
treatment,  since  the  epoch,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Solis  revolt,  was  not  one  of  radical  changes  and  star- 
tling events,  but  rather  of  gradual  progress  toward  the 
Mexican  ideal  of  republicanism  and  the  secularization 
of  the  missions.  There  was  chronic  and  ever-increas- 
ing destitution  among  the  troops,  resulting  in  open 
mutiny,  constant  scheming  to  make  both  ends  meet, 
with  no  little  rascality  on  the  part  of  the  territorial 
financiers,  and  growing  commercial  industry  under  the 
auspices  mainly  of  foreigners.  Of  the  topics  to  be 
separately  treated,  usage,  as  well  as  convenience  in  this 
instance,  gives  the  first  place  to  politics,  and  to  mat- 
ters more  or  less  closely  connected  with  territorial  and 
national  government. 

(31) 


C:  ECIIEAXDIA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

Politically,  then,  182G  was  wellnigh  a  blank.  The 
national  authorities  attached  someiinportance  to  Cali- 
fornia as  affording  by  her  rich  missions  a  possible 
stronghold  for  Spanish  reactionary  sentiment,  and 
they  had  a  vague  idea  that  there  was  a  problem  to  be 
solved  there;  but  having  sent  a  political  chief  to  study 
the  state  of  affairs,  a  small  military  reenforcement,  an 
administrator  of  finances,  and  a  small  amount  of  money 
and  goods  for  him  to  administer,  they  felt  that  they 
had  done  a  good  deal,  and  were  content  to  let  Califor- 
nia work  out  her  own  salvation  for  a  time.  Yet  it 
seems  that  the  junta  de  fomento  was  still  engaged 
upon  a  general  plan  of  government  for  the  province, 
and  for  the  report  of  this  body,  of  whose  acts  we  have 
unfortunately  no  record,  all  were  waiting.1 

Cheering  news  wTas  also  sent  north  that  with  the 
surrender  of  San  Juan  de  Uliia  the  Spaniards  had 
lost  their  last  foothold  in  Mexico,  and  also  that  the 
pope  had  recognized  the  Mexican  independence.  These 
events  were  celebrated  at  different  points  in  the  terri- 
tory, by  the  governor's  order,  in  April  and  May.2 

Echeandia,  sent  to  establish  the  republican  regime, 
remained  at  San  Diego  engaged  in  studying  the  coun- 
try's needs.  He  was  not  in  robust  health,  was  natu- 
rally inclined  to  be  easy-going  and  dilatory,  and  wras 
certainly  in  no  haste  to  adopt  any  radical  policy. 
Some  items  of  business  connected  with  the  arrival  of 
vessels  claimed  his  attention;  he  slightly  agitated  the 
matter  of  secularization,  trying  one  or  two  experiments 
with  a  view  to  test  the  feelings  of  the  friars  and  the 

1  Mexico,  Mem.  Relatione*,  1827,  p.  36-7.  The  minister  says  that  in  Cali- 
fornia very  marked  vestiges  of  the  old  monastico-military  government  still 
remain,  presenting  serious  obstacles;  but  the  governor  is  instructed  to  gather 
information,  and  the  junta  is  at  work  on  a  plan. 

2Corresp.  of  1825-0,  with  notice  of  celebration  at  Sta  Barbara,  Monterey, 
S.  Buenaventura,  and  S.Fernando.  Echeandia's  order  was  dated  April  lo, 
1826.  Dept  Iiec.,  MS.,  iii.  16;  iv.  31;  DeptSt.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lxxxvii.; 
Id.,  Ben.  Com.  and  ZVeas.,MS.,  i.  11;  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  69-70;  Sup.  Govt 
Si.  Pa}).,  MS.,  xix.  26.  Double  pay  for  three  days  was  ordered  for  soldiers; 
end  some  silver  coins  seem  to  have  been  distributed.  At  S.  Fernando  the 
padre  refused  to  officiate,  and  the  neophytes  said  some  pater-nosters  and  ace 
inarius  on  their  own  aecount. 


GUERRA  AS  CONGRESSMAN.  33 

capabilities  of  the  Indians;  and  he  was  engaged  to- 
gether with  Jose  Maria  Herrera  in  laying  the  founda- 
tions of  what  became  later  a  very  bitter  quarrel.  But 
of  these  topics  I  shall  speak  elsewhere.  Montereyans 
were  forming  a  prejudice  against  the  new  governor 
because  he  chose  to  live  » in  the  south.  The  padres 
disliked  him  because  of  the  republic  he  represented 
and  his  expected  opposition  to  their  interests;  but  the 
governor  attended  to  his  routine  duties  in  a  manner 
that  afforded  little  or  no  ground  of  complaint. 

The  diputacion  had  no  existence  since  its  suspen- 
sion by  Argiiello;  but  at  the  end  of  182G  Echeandia 
seems  to  have  ordered  a  new  election,  and  on  the  18th 
of  February  five  electors  de  partido  met  at  San  Diego 
to  choose,  not  only  diputados  to  reorganize  the  terri- 
torial diputacion,  but  also  a  diputado  to  the  national 
congress.3  Pablo  de  Sola  was  on  the  first  vote  chosen 
as  representative  in  congress;  but  in  view  of  the  doubt 
whether  Sola  could  be  deemed  a  resident  of  California 
and  of  the  urgent  necessity  that  the  territory  should 
be  represented,  the  vote  was  reconsidered,  and  Captain 
Jose  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega  was  unanimously  elected, 
with  Gervasio  Argiiello  as  substitute.  The  term  of 
office  was  for  1827-8.  Guerra  did  not  start  for  Mex- 
ico until  January  1828.  His  friends  urged  him  not 
to  go,  fearing  that  as  a  Spaniard  he  would  not  be  well 
received.  Their  fears  were  well  founded,  since  he  was 
not  admitted  to  congress,  and  even  had  to  hurry  back 


3  Dec.  5,  1826,  Gov.  orders  that  electors  are  not  to  start  until  further 
notice.  Dec.  31st,  he  orders  them  to  start.  Dept  Ilec,  M.S.,  iv.  19-26. 
The  order  for  an  election  is  not  extant,  but  it  appears  from  another  document 
to  have  been  dated  Nov.  14th.  The  five  electores  de  partido,  one  for  each  pre- 
sidio and  one  for  Los  Angeles,  were  Francisco  de  Haro,  S.  F. ;  Estevan  Mun- 
ras,  Monterey;  Carlos  A.  Carrillo,  Sta  13.;  Vicente  Sanchez,  Los  Angeles; 
and  Agustin  Zamorano,  S.  Diego.  Acta*  da  Eleccioms,  MS.,  1-4;  Day  I  St. 
Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  x.  1;  Guerra,  Doa.,  MS.,  vii.  155-8,  in  which  documents 
b  found  the  record  of  the  action  of  the  meeting.  The  only  partido  election 
of  which  we  have  a  record  was  that  at  S.  F.  on  Jan.  1,4,  7,  8,  1827,  where 
Haro  was  chosen  over  Joaquin  Estudillo.  Details  given.  VcUlejo,  ])oc ,  MS. ,  i. 
99-102;  and  the  only  primary  elections  recorded  were  that  at  S.  F.,  Id. ,  and 
that  at  San  Antonio  on  Nov.  26th,  where  Eugcnio  Naotro  was  chosen  to  go  to 
Monterey  and  vote  for  the  elector  de  partido.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  Leu.  MIL,  xMS., 
lix.  17-19. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    3 


34  ECHEANDlA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

to  California  to  avoid  serious  troubles,  although  he 
had  left  Spain  at  a  very  tender  age.4  Gervasio  Ar- 
guello, the  suplente,  took  the  seat,  but  failed  to  distin- 
guish himself  or  to  be  of  much  use  to  his  constituents. 
The  famous  junta  concluded  its  labors  in  behalf  of 
California  at  the  end  of  1827;  and  in  1828  congress 
made  an  appropriation  to  give  the  territory  a  district 
judge.5 

Among  the  acts  of  the  supreme  government,  the 
decree  of  November  21,  1828,  containing  general  reg- 
ulations for  the  colonization  of  Mexican  territory,  de- 
serves prominent  notice.  This  was  a  supplementary 
decree,  designed  to  give  effect  to  the  law  of  August 
18,  1824,6  by  establishing  rules  for  the  guidance  of  the 
territorial  authorities  in  making  grants  of  land,  as 
also  of  petitioners  who  might  desire  to  take  advantage 
of  the  law's  provisions.  With  some  slight  modifica- 
tions, these  regulations  were  in  force  down  to  the  end  of 
Mexican  power  in  California,  and  in  this  decade  a  few 
grants  seem  to  have  been  made  in  accordance  with 
them.  I  reproduce  the  substance  of  the  rules  in  a 
note.7 

4  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  99-100,  123,  and  passim.  He  sailed  on  the  Maria 
E<tei\  carrying  high  recommendations  from  Echeandia.  That  he  had  not  been 
admitted  was  known  at  home  on  Dec.  Cth,  Dept  Bee,  MS.,  vi.  4G-7;  and  his 
passport  to  return  was  signed  by  President  Victoria  on  Dec.  16th,  and  vised  at 
S.  Bias  on  May  1G,  1829.  Oct.  20,  1829,  he  speaks  of  his  late  penoso  viaje  in 
dunning  Bandini  for  a  debt.  Hayes'  Mission  Book,  i.  216.  $1,000  of  $5,000 
due  Guerra  for  mileage  and  salary  was  later  collected  in  1831.  Guerra,  Doe., 
MS. ,  iv.  209-10.  June  18th,  Arguello  from  Guadalajara  thanks  the  junta  electo- 
ral. Dept  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  ii.  23.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col. ,  MS. ,  iii.  98,  accuses  Arguello 
of  having  intrigued,  or  at  least  used  his  influence,  to  keep  Guerra  from  his 
.'  cat.  A  pamphlet  of  1828,  giving  sketches  of  the  congressmen  of  1827-8, 
speaks  of  him  of  California  as  naola,  or  'nothing.'  Semblanzas  de  los  Miembros. 

°The  secretary  of  the  interior  mentions  the  completion  of  the  junta's  work 
iii  his  report  of  Jan.  30,  1828,  stating  that  a  copy  in  print  was  distributed  to 
members.  Mexico,  Mem.  Relatione*,  1828,  p.  22.  Bustamante,  Cuadro Hist., 
v.  64,  speaks  of  the  junta.  The  Aguila  newspaper  mentioned  a  set  of  the 
records  of  the  junta  for  sale.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  175.  It  is  remarkable 
that  I  have  found  none  of  these  records  in  the  archives. 

G  See  chap,  xxiii. ,  vol.  ii.  this  work.  In  forming  these  regulations  of  182S, 
the  plans  proposed  by  the  junta  de  f  omen  to  in  1825  were  doubtless  taken  into 
consideration  and  adopted  to  a  certain  extent.  See  chap.  i.  of  this  volume. 

•  Mexico,  Reglamento  para  la  colonization  de  los  territorios  de  la  repiiblira. 
21  de  Noviembre  de  JS28,  MS.  Translation  in  HaUecWs  Report,  App.  No. 
5;  Dwinelle'a  Colon.  Hist.  S.  Francisco,  Add.  25-6;  Wheeler's  Land  Titles, 
8  9;  i.  RochweU,  453. 

1.  Governors  of  territories  may  grant  vacant  lands  to  such  persons,  Mexi- 


CONSTITUTION  FOR  CALIFORNIA.  33 

Oil  May  12,  1827,  the  junta  cle  fomcnto  presented 
an  iniciativa  de  ley,  or  general  system  of  laws  for  the 
federal  district,  with  the  recommendation  that  the 
same  be  adopted  by  the  government,  as  a  kind  of 
constitution  for  California  and  the  other  territories. 
There  is  no  evidence  that 'it  was  so  adopted;  and  in- 
deed, I  find  nothing  to  show  that  any  general  system 
of  organic  law  was  ever  adopted  as  a  whole;  but  it 
would  seem  that  the  different  branches  of  territorial 
government  were  provided  for  by  separate  laws  as 
needed  from  time  to  time.8 

can  or  foreign,  as  will  inhabit  and  cultivate  them.  2.  A  person  desiring  lands 
shall,  in  a  petition  to  the  governor,  express  his  name,  country,  etc.,  and  shall 
describe  the  land  by  means  of  a  map.  3.  The  governor  shall  at  once  ascertain 
if  the  conditions,  as  regards  land  and  claimant,  are  those  required  by  the  law 
of  1824,  and  may  consult  the  respective  municipal  authority.  4.  This  done, 
the  governor  may  accede  or  not  to  the  petition,  according  to  the  laws.  5. 
Grants  to  families  or  private  persons  shall  not  be  valid  without  the  previous 
consent  of  the  diputacion,  to  which  body  the  expediente  shall  be  forwarded. 
6.  Not  obtaining  the  approval  of  the  diputacion,  the  governor  shall  report  to 
the  supreme  government,  with  the  necessary  documents  for  its  decision.  7. 
Grants  to  contractors  for  many  families  will  not  be  valid  until  approved  by  the 
supreme  government,  to  which  must  be  sent  the  necessary  documents,  including 
the  approval  of  the  diputacion.  8.  The  governor  shall  sign  a  document  to  serve 
as  a  title  to  the  party  interested.  9.  A  record  shall  be  made,  in  a  book  kept 
for  the  purpose,  of  all  petitions  and  grants,  including  maps;  and  a  quarterly 
report  must  be  made  to  the  supreme  government.  10.  No  contract  for  a 
new  settlement  will  be  admitted,  unless  the  contractor  binds  himself  to  intro- 
duce as  settlers  at  least  twelve  families.  11.  Non-compliance  with  the  terms 
within  a  proper  designated  period  shall  invalidate  the  grant;  but  the  governor 
may  revalidate  it  in  proportion  to  the  part  fullilled.  12.  The  colonist  will  prove 
compliance  with  his  contract  before  the  municipal  authority,  in  order,  on  the 
necessary  record  being  made,  to  secure  his  right  of  ownership,  with  power  to 
dispose  of  it.  13.  New  settlements  shall  be  built  with  all  possible  regularity, 
and  shall  follow  the  rules  of  existing  laws  for  other  settlements.  14.  The 
minimum  of  irrigable  land  to  one  person  shall  be  200  varas  square;  of  agri- 
cultural lands,  800  varas  square;  and  of  grazing  lands,  1,200  varas  square. 
15.  Land  for  a  house-lot  shall  be  100  varas.  16.  Spaces  between  colonized 
lands  may  be  given  to  adjoining  proprietors  who  have  cultivated  their  lands 
with  most  application,  and  have  not  received  the  full  amount  allowed  by  the 
law;  or  to  their  children,  who  may  desire  to  combine  the  possessions  of  their 
families.  17.  In  those  territories  where  there  are  missions,  the  lands  occu- 
pied by  them  cannot  be  colonized  at  present. 

In  Halfeck's  L'cport,  121-2,  a  law  of  April  6,  1830,  is  cited,  which  author- 
ized the  reservation  or  taking  of  lands  for  forts,  etc.;  and  also  repealed  art. 
7  of  the  law  of  1824  by  prohibiting  frontier  colonization  by  adjacent  forr-i 
ers.  At  least  twice  in  these  years,  Oct.  7,  1827,  and  July  15,  1830,  general 
orders  were  issued  in  California  for  owners  of  lands  to  appear  and  give  in- 
formation about  them  and  the  titles.  Olvera,  Doc,  MS. ,  1 ;  Dept  St.  Pap. ,  Den. 
Mil..  MS.,  bad.  3. 

8  For  an  account  of  the  acts  of  the  junta  de  fomento,  see  chap,  i.,  this 
volume.  Of  this  iniciativa  de  ley,  I  shall  not  attempt  to  present  more  than  a 
brief  resume'  or  framework,  as  follows:  1.  Attributes  of  the  president  as  gov- 


36  ECHEANDIA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

The  junta  of  electors  at  San  Diego,  on  February 
19,  1827,  also  chose  seven  vocates,  or  members,  and 
three  suplentes,  or  substitutes,  for  the  territorial  clip- 
utacion,  which  was  ordered  by  Echeandia  to  convene 
at  Monterey  a  little  later.  It  does  not  appear  that 
lie  made  any  effort  to  have  the  sessions  held  in  the 
south.  The  body  assembled  at  the  capital  on  June 
14th,  but  several  changes  were  necessary  in  its  per- 
sonnel to  keep  a  quorum  in  attendance.9  The  gov- 
ernor now  came  north  for  the  first  time  to  preside  at 
the  meetings,  and  doubtless  directed  in  great  measure 
the  legislative  policy.     The  town  was  illuminated  on 

ernor  of  the  federal  district,  who  delegates  his  powers  to  a  governor  for  each 
territory,  reserving,  however,  the  power  of  this  and  other  appointments,  with 
other  faculties.  9  articles.  2.  Attributes  of  the  governor  of  the  Californias. 
Appointed  for  4  years,  but  removable  at  any  time  by  the  president,  35 
articles.  3.  Lieut. -governors,  one  for  Upper  and  one  for  Lower  California, 
appointed  by  the  president  for  4  years.  8  articles.  4.  Council  of  govern- 
ment, 4  persons  for  Alta  California,  elected  bj^  the  people  for  4  years.  10 
articles.  5.  Ayuntamientos  of  alcalde,  3  regidores,  and  sindico  for  a  popula- 
tion of  500  in  Alta  California.  Elected,  alcaldes  yearly.  26  articles.  G. 
Administration  of  justice.  Civil,  8  articles;  criminal,  22  articles.  7.  Judges 
learned  in  law;  5  in  Alta  California.  8  articles.  8.  Superior  tribunal  of 
justice,  consisting  of  a  president  and  2  ministers;  no  salary;  15  articles.  9. 
Ecclesiastical  government  under  bishop  of  Sonora;  9  articles.  10.  Military 
government  under  governor  as  comandante  militar;  15  articles;  with  recom- 
mendations of  strengthened  defences,  a  comisario  de  guerra,  and  a  military 
academy.  11.  Navy,  recommendation  of  a  maritime  force  at  S.  Francisco  and 
Monterey;  and  transfer  of  the  navy-yard  of  S.  Bias  to  Monterey.  7  articles 
and  3  notes.  12.  Treasury  and  revenue,  4,  9  articles.  13.  Commerce,  8 
articles.  14.  Subdivision  of  Alta  California  into  4  districts  (practically 
agreeing  with  that  which  I  have  always  followed);  adopted  by  the  junta  on 
June  26,  1826.  There  is  attached  to  the  iniciativa  also  the  voto  final  of  the 
junta,  dated  May  13,  1827,  and  containing  general  conclusions  on  the  pros- 
pects of  the  Californias  and  the  labors  of  the  board. 

9  The  members  elected  on  Feb.  19th  were,  in  the  order  of  their  seniority:  1st, 
Mariano  Estrada,  2:1,  Tiburcio  Tapia,  3d,  Ignacio  Martinez,  4th,  Antonio  Ma 
Ortega,  5th,  Juan  Bandini,  6th,  Anastasio  Carrillo,  7th,  Antonio  Buelna,  1st, 
Supl.,  Nicolas  Alviso,  2d,  Joaquin  Estudillo,  3d,  Romualdo  Pacheco.  Acta.i  de 
Elecciones,  MS. ,  4-5;  Dept  St.  Pap. ,  A  ng. ,  MS. ,  x.  1.  All  seem  to  have  been  pres- 
ent at  the  first  session  or  within  a  few  days,  but  they  were  called  away  by  private 
or  military  business  until,  on  Sept.  1st,  the  two  remaining  vocales,  apparently 
Estrada  and  Buelna,  had  to  call  in  the  ayuntamiento  of  Monterey,  and  with  the 
aid  of  that  body  elect  5  provisional  members,  who  lived  in  or  nearthe  capital  and 
could  be  depended  on.  They  were  Francisco  Pacheco,  EstCvan  Munras,  Juan 
Jose  Rocha,  Mariano  G.  Vallejo,  Jose"  Castro.  Sworn  in  on  Sept.  19th.  How 
the  whole  body  now  stood  as  respects  seniority  does  not  appear.  Lieut- 
Martinez  at  first  served  as  secretary,  but  on  June  26th,  Juan  B.  Alvarado  was 
duly  chosen,  and  awarded  a  salary  of  $25  per  month.  Leq.  Pec,  MS.,  i.  47-o0; 
Dept  Rec,  MS.,  v.  67,  73,  75,  82,  87;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  170;  Dept  St. 
Pap.  S.  Jose",  MS.,  iv.  47;  hi.  Monterey,  vi.  3-4.  Alvarado's  salary  was  to 
b.3  paid  from  the  municipal  funds  of  M.  ntcrey'. 


ACTS  OF  THE  DIPUTACXON.  37 

the  night  of  the  13th,  and  sessions  were  held  at  short 
intervals  until  the  20th  of  September.  The  subjects 
considered  were  mainly  those  connected  with  com- 
merce and  finance,  and  especially  with  Herrera's  ad- 
ministration of  the  revenues.  Reserving  those  topics 
for  other  chapters,  I  append  in  a  note  an  abstract  of 
the  legislative  proceedings/0 

10  June  14th,  oath  of  office  taken  by  diputados  before  Echeandia,  and  Mar- 
tinez chosen  temporarily  as  secretary.  June  lGth,  Comisario  Herrera  took  the 
oath.  A  reglamento  for  the  dip.  was  begun  and  completed  at  the  next  oes- 
sion  of  June  19th.  Details  of  routine  rules  for  business  need  not  be  given; 
suffice  it  to  say  that  these  rules  were  somewhat  carefully  prepared.  There 
were  to  be  two  regular  sessions  of  3  hours  each  week,  each  including  a  secret 
meeting.  The  members  were  to  be  divided  by  the  president  into  3  sections 
or  committees:  1st,  on  missions  and  finance,  3  persons;  2d,  on  police  regu- 
lations, 2  persons;  3d,  on  education,  agriculture,  industry,  and  govt  of  the 
dip.,  2  persons.  The  committees  named  were:  1st,  Ortega,  Bandini,  and 
Martinez;  2d,  Estrada  and  Tapia;  3d,  Carrilloand  Buelna.  June  23d,  Estrada's 
prop,  that  vessels  be  allowed  provisionally  to  touch  at  the  minor  landing- 
places  with  the  governor's  consent,  approved  and  referred  to  committee. 
Bandini  introduced  a  manifiesto  urging  certain  changes  and  reductions  i:i 
duties;  that  the  supreme  government  be  asked  for  teachers  for  a  college  or 
academy;  and  that  Los  Angeles  be  declared  provisionally  the  capital  of  the 
territory,  with  the  title  of  city.  June  2Gth,  tax  on  wine  and  brandy  regulated 
according  to  report  of  committee  on  finance.  In  afternoon  Alvarado  elected 
secretary,  Martinez  resigning.  June  28th,  sec.  sworn  in.  Additional  regula- 
tions of  the  liquor  traffic.  June  30th,  July  2d,  liquor  traffic  continued.  Mar- 
tinez allowed  to  join  his  company  in  S.  Francisco.  July  7th,  liquor  regulations 
concluded.  Bandini's  proposition  to  make  Los  Angeles  the  capital  taken  up, 
but  no  action.  Gov.  proposed  a  change  in  the  name  of  the  territory.  See  text. 
July  13th,  Echeandia's  proposition  discussed  and  approved,  subject  to  decision 
of  supreme  government.  Ortega  not  allowed  toretire  until  Bandini  should  come. 
Contador  appointed.  July  lGth,  petition  from  padres  that  vessels  be  allowed  to 
touch  at  the  landings  of  Sta  In6z  and  Purisima.  No  power  to  act.  July  1 7th, 
18th,  20th,  Sept.  19th-20th,  action  on  revenue  matters,  involving  the  investi- 
ation  of  charges  against  Herrera,  and  resulting  measures  directed  against  him. 
See  chap.  iii.  Pacheco  as  vocal  suplente  sworn  in  on  July  20th.  July  24th, 
long  discussion  on  Bandini's  commercial  propositions,  in  which  Comisario 
Herrera  took  part.  See  chap.  iii.  Contador  Gonzalez  takes  oath  of  office. 
Bandini  and  Tapia  granted  leave  of  absence;  Suplentes  Estudillo  and  Alviso 
summoned.  July  31st,  Aug.  4th,  9th,  11th,  17th,  Sept.  12th,  regulations  re- 
specting live-stock  and  branches  of  commerce  and  police  therewith  connected. 
Alviso  sworn  in  Aug.  4th.  Aug.  17th,  Echeandia  reportshaving  ordered  the  pre- 
fect to  establish  a  school  in  each  mission.  Sept.  1st,  ayuntamien  to  called  in  and  5 
new  members  elected  provisionally.  See  note  9.  Sept.  11th,  report  received 
of  removal  of  a  local  officer  at  Los  Angeles.  The  next  session  regularly 
recorded,  after  Sept.  20th,  was  on  July  10,  1830.  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  47- 
104.  Incidental  mention,  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt.  i.  34;  St.  Pap.,  Hue, 
MS.,  xix.  39;  Dept  Rec,  MS.,  v.  50,  126.  June  22d,  Echeandia  to  minister 
of  relations  asks  if  the  sub-comisario  should  attend  as  intendente,  and  if  he 
and  the  writer  should  have  a  vote.  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  118-21, 
represents  Echeandia  as  having  opened  the  sessions  with  a  long  discourse,  in 
which  he  explained  the  situation  of  the  territory,  the  policy  of  Mexico,  and 
all  that  he  had  done  since  his  arrival.  This  writer  states  that  all  the  acts  of 
the  diputacion  in  1827-9  were  really  the  work  of  Echeandia.     Duhaut-Cilly, 


38  ECHEANDlA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

One  act  of  this  diputacion  merits  further  notice, 
which  may  as  well  be  presented  in  the  words  of  the 
original  record:  "  The  committee  presented  the  prop- 
osition made  by  his  excellency  the  president  at  the 
session  of  the  7th — this  being  July  13th — namely,  that 
there  be  proposed  to  the  supreme  government  a  change 
in  the  name  of  the  territory,  and  also  in  that  of  the 
Pueblo  de  Los  Angeles,  in  order  to  distinguish  the  lat- 
ter from  the  city  of  Puebla  de  Los  Angeles,  capital  of 
the  state  of  Puebla,  which  after  close  examination  the 
committee  reported  for  discussion,  with  the  sugges- 
tions that  the  territory  be  named  Moctezuma,  and 
that  to  the  pueblo  be  given  the  name  of  Villa  Vic- 
toria de  la  Reina  de  Los  Angeles:  also  that  there 
should  be  proposed  to  the  supreme  government  as  a 
coat  of  arms  for  the  territory  '  an  Indian  with  plume, 
bowT,  and  quiver,  in  the  act  of  crossing  a  strait,  all 
within  an  oval  having  on  the  outside  an  olive  and  an 
oak/  in  memory  of  the  first  peopling  of  these  Amer- 
cas,  which  according  to  the  most  common  opinion  was 
by  the  strait  of  Anian;  all  of  which,  after  sufficient 
discussion,  was  approved."  So  far  as  the  records  show, 
no  attention  was  paid  to  this  proposition  in  Mexico, 
and  fortunately  California  escaped  the  burden  of  a  new 
and  inappropriate  name,  founded  on  one  of  the  least 
reliable  traditions  of  American  antiquity.11 

Echeandia  did  not  extend  his  tour  northward  to 
San  Francisco,  perhaps  not  beyond  Monterey;  and  I 
have  not  been  able  to  find  the  general  report  on  the 

Viaggio,  i.  282,  who  attended  some  of  the  meetings,  tells  us  the  diputados 
were  mere  puppets  in  the  governor's  hands.  Echeandia  would  make  a  propo- 
sition supported  by  specious  pretences  and  prosy  arguments;  sometimes  by 
previous  agreement  one  or  two  trusted  ones  would  offer  some  weak  objection 
for  the  president  to  overthrow;  if  any  other  dared  to  oppose,  he  was  inter- 
rupted  with  a  reprimand;  did  any  one  wince  at  the  last  moment,  a  look  con- 
trolled his  vote.     This,  of  course,  though  amusing,  is  grossly  exaggerated. 

11  Leg.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  i.  C2-3.  On  Nov.  3d,  Echeandia  forwarded  this  act  to  the 
secretary  of  relations,  Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  44,  and  he  included  with  it 
the  proposition  to  make  Los  Angeles  the  capital  as  well  as  a  villa,  though  the 
lative  record  does  not  show  the  diputacion  to  have  approved  Bandini's 
motion  to  that  effect.  Taylor  mentioned  this  proposed  change  of  name  in  a 
jpaper  article,  and  from  him  apparently  it  was  taken  by  Tuthill.  Hist. 
CaL,  123. 


GONZALEZ  AND  THE  GOVERNOR.  30 

condition  of  the  country  which  he  probably  made  as  a 
result  of  his  inspection.12  For  reasons  with  which 
the  reader  is  familiar,  Echeandia  had  a  somewhat  cool 
reception  at  Monterey;  but  by  his  policy  at  the  cap- 
ital he  did  much  to  remove^  the  current  prejudice,  and 
to  gain  the  good  will  of  that  class  of  Californians 
which  constituted  the  progressive  republican  element. 
His  course  in  the  Herrera  quarrel  pleased  Estrada  and 
his  large  circle  of  friends,  and  he  disavowed  certain 
unpopular  sentiments  which  his  foes  had  attributed  to 
him,  such  as  approval  of  making  California  a  penal 
colony. 

Another  affair  which  helped  to  give  Echeandia  a 
better  standing  at  Monterey  was  his  method  of  deal- 
ing with  Captain  Miguel  Gonzalez.  This  Mexican 
officer  had  by  virtue  of  his  rank  held  the  place  of 
comandante  cle  armas  since  1826,  greatly  to  the  dis- 
gust of  lieutenants  Estudillo  and  Estrada,  and  of  all 
the  Californian  officers  and  soldiers.  Gonzalez  is 
said — by  his  enemies,  it  must  be  remembered — to  have 
been  an  ignorant,  brutal,  and  despotic  man,  popularly 
known  as  El  Macaco,  the  'ugly  ape.'  The  regular 
cavalry  company,  officers  and  men,  accused  him  of 
arbitrary  acts,  and  of  partiality  to  the  Mexican  troops 
of  his  own  artillery  detachment  and  the  others;  while 
he  complained  of  insubordination  on  the  part  of  the 
Californians.  It  is  not  very  important,  even  if  it  were 
possible,  to  investigate  the  details  and  merits  of  this 
quarrel.  Mexican  and  Californian  officers  were  in- 
clined to  look  down,  each  upon  the  other,  from  a 
height  of  superiority;  but  the  revolution  gave  commis- 
sions to  many  ruffians,  and  there  is  no  special  reason 
to  doubt  that  Gonzalez  was  one  of  them.  In  Febru- 
ary 1827  he  wrote  Ions:  and  somewhat  incoherent 
complaints  to  Echeandia,  asking  to  be  relieved  of  his 

12  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii.  127-35,  says  he  was  received  enthusiasti- 
cally at  Sta  Barbara,  contrary  to  his  expectations,  founded  on  the  influence  of 
the  friars  there;  yet  it  was  at  this  very  time  that  two  padres  at  Sta  B.  fled 
from  Cal.,  as  we  shall  see  elsewhere.  Vallejo,  Hid.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  206-71, 
notes  a  grand  reception  at  San  Jose",  and  a  rather  cool  one  at  Sta  Clara. 


38  ECHEAXDlA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

One  act  of  this  diputacion  merits  farther  notice, 
which  may  as  well  be  presented  in  the  words  of  the 
original  record:  "The  committee  presented  the  prop- 
osition made  by  his  excellency  the  president  at  the 
session  of  the  7th — this  being  July  13th — namely,  that 
there  be  proposed  to  the  supreme  government  a  change 
in  the  name  of  the  territory,  and  also  in  that  of  the 
Pueblo  de  Los  Angeles,  in  order  to  distinguish  the  lat- 
ter from  the  city  of  Puebla  de  Los  Angeles,  capital  of 
the  state  of  Puebla,  which  after  close  examination  the 
committee  reported  for  discussion,  with  the  sugges- 
tions that  the  territory  be  named  Moctezuma,  and 
that  to  the  pueblo  be  given  the  name  of  Villa  Vic- 
toria de  la  Reina  de  Los  Angeles:  also  that  there 
should  be  proposed  to  the  supreme  government  as  a 
coat  of  arms  for  the  territory  c  an  Indian  with  plume, 
bow,  and  quiver,  in  the  act  of  crossing  a  strait,  all 
within  an  oval  having  on  the  outside  an  olive  and  an 
oak,'  in  memory  of  the  first  peopling  of  these  Amer- 
cas,  which  according  to  the  most  common  opinion  was 
by  the  strait  of  Anian;  all  of  which,  after  sufficient 
discussion,  wTas  approved."  So  far  as  the  records  show, 
no  attention  was  paid  to  this  proposition  in  Mexico, 
and  fortunately  California  escaped  the  burden  of  a  new 
and  inappropriate  name,  founded  on  one  of  the  least 
reliable  traditions  of  American  antiquity.11 

Echeandia  did  not  extend  his  tour  northward  to 
San  Francisco,  perhaps  not  beyond  Monterey;  and  I 
have  not  been  able  to  find  the  general  report  on  the 

Viaggio,  i.  282,  who  attended  some  of  the  meetings,  tells  us  the  diputados 
were  mere  puppets  in  the  governor's  hands.  Echeandia  would  make  a  propo- 
sition supported  by  specious  pretences  and  prosy  arguments;  sometimes  by 
previous  agreement  one  or  two  trusted  ones  would  offer  some  weak  objection 
for  the  president  to  overthrow;  if  any  other  dared  to  oppose,  he  was  inter- 
rupted with  a  reprimand;  did  any  one  wince  at  the  last  moment,  a  look  con- 
trolled his  vote.     This,  of  course,  though  amusing,  is  grossly  exaggerated. 

11  Leg.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  i.  62-3.     On  Nov.  3d,  Echeandia  forwarded  this  act  to  the 

secretary  of  relations,  Dcpt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  44,  and  he  included  with  it 

the  proposition  to  make  Los  Angeles  the  capital  as  well  as  a  villa,  though  the 

lative  record  does  not  show  the  diputacion  to  have  approved  Bandiui's 

;  m  to  that  effect.  Taylor  mentioned  this  proposed  change  of  name  in  a 
r.ev.spaper  article,  and  from  him  apparently  it  was  taken  by  Tuthill.  Hist. 
Cat.,  123. 


GONZALEZ  AND  THE  GOVERNOR.  30 

condition  of  the  country  which  he  probably  made  as  a 
result  of  his  inspection.12  For  reasons  with  which 
the  reader  is  familiar,  Echeandfa  had  a  somewhat  cool 
reception  at  Monterey;  but  by  his  policy  at  the  cap- 
ital he  did  much  to  remove^  the  current  prejudice,  and 
to  gain  the  good  will  of  that  class  of  Californians 
which  constituted  the  progressive  republican  element. 
His  course  in  the  Herrera  quarrel  pleased  Estrada  and 
his  large  circle  of  friends,  and  he  disavowed  certain 
unpopular  sentiments  which  his  foes  had  attributed  to 
him,  such  as  approval  of  making  California  a  penal 
colony. 

Another  affair  which  helped  to  give  Echeandfa  a 
better  standing  at  Monterey  was  his  method  of  deal- 
ing with  Captain  Miguel  Gonzalez.  This  Mexican 
officer  had  by  virtue  of  his  rank  held  the  place  of 
comandante  cle  armas  since  1826,  greatly  to  the  dis- 
gust of  lieutenants  Estudillo  and  Estrada,  and  of  all 
the  Californian  officers  and  soldiers.  Gonzalez  is 
said — by  his  enemies,  it  must  be  remembered — to  have 
been  an  ignorant,  brutal,  and  despotic  man,  popularly 
known  as  El  Macaco,  the  'ugly  ape.'  The  regular 
cavalry  company,  officers  and  men,  accused  him  of 
arbitrary  acts,  and  of  partiality  to  the  Mexican  troops 
of  his  own  artillery  detachment  and  the  others;  while 
he  complained  of  insubordination  on  the  part  of  the 
Californians.  It  is  not  very  important,  even  if  it  were 
possible,  to  investigate  the  details  and  merits  of  this 
quarrel.  Mexican  and  Californian  officers  were  in- 
clined to  look  down,  each  upon  the  other,  from  a 
height  of  superiority;  but  the  revolution  gave  commis- 
sions to  many  ruffians,  and  there  is  no  special  reason 
to  doubt  that  Gonzalez  was  one  of  them.  In  Febru- 
arv  1827  he  wrote  long;  and  somewhat  incoherent 
complaints  to  Echeandfa,  asking  to  be  relieved  of  his 

12  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  127-35,  says  he  was  received  enthusiasti- 
cally at  Sta  Barbara,  contrary  to  his  expectations,  founded  on  the  influence  of 
the  friars  there;  yet  it  was  at  this  very  time  that  two  padres  at  Sta  ]>.  fled 
from  Cal.,  as  we  shall  see  elsewhere.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  2(30-71, 
notes  a  grand  reception  at  San  Jose\  and  a  rather  cool  one  at  Sta  Clara. 


40  ECHEAXDIA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

command,  but  refusing  to  be  su-bordinate  in  any  way 
to  Estrada  or  Argiiello.  Usurping  Estrada's  author- 
ity over  the  presidial  district  outside  of  Monterey,  he 
put  that  officer  under  arrest;  but  Echeandia  affirmed 
Estrada's  powers  and  ordered  his  release.13  When  the 
governor  came  to  Monterey  in  May,  he  soon  took 
sides  against  Gonzalez,  administering  frequent  repri- 
mands, and  finally  in  November  ordered  him  to  pre- 
pare for  a  march  to  Santa  Barbara,  in  order  that 
peace  might  be  restored  by  his  absence.  How  far 
Echeandia  was  influenced  by  the  fact  that  Gonzalez 
was  the  friend  and  father-in-law  of  Herrera,14  we  have 
no  means  of  knowing.15  It  would  appear  that  Gon- 
zalez did  not  accompany  Echeandia  to  the  south  in 
December,  or  that  he  returned  immediately;  for  in 
February  1828  he  was  suspended  from  his  command 
and  put  under  arrest  at  Monterey  by  Estrada,  at  the 
governor's  order,  after  some  investigations  had  been 
conducted  by  Lieutenant  Pacheco.  At  the  end  of 
the  year  he  was  ordered  to  leave  the  country  on  the 
Maria  Ester,  in  accordance  with  instructions  of  May 
31st  from  Mexico;  but  he  was  at  San  Diego  as  late  as 
April  1830.16 

13 Feb.  22,  24,  1827,  Gonzalez  to  gov.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  2-7,  10-11. 
March  6th,  Apr.  10th,  gov.  to  Gonzalez.     Dept  Bee,  MS.,  v.  32,  36-7. 

14  Of  Dofia  Alfonsa,  the  beautiful  wife  of  J.  M.  Herrera  and  daughter  of 
Capt.  Gonzalez,  we  shall  hear  more  in  later  years. 

15  June  13th,  Gonzalez  to  gov.,  protesting  against  firing  a  salute  on  corpus 
cristi  day.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  23.  July  14th,  27th,  Sept.  27th,  Nov.  16th, 
19th,  20th,  21st,  gov.  to  Gonzalez,  with  repreniands  for  misconduct  and  disre- 
spect— including  the  shooting  at  an  alcalde,  and  allowing  his  wife  to  meddle 
in  official  business.  The  order  to  prepare  to  march  for  Sta  Barbara  was  on 
Nov.  16th.  Nov.  21st,  gov.  to  alcaldes,  stating  his  orders  for  Gonzalez'  depart- 
ure and  forbidding  any  insulting  or  sarcastic  remarks  about  that  officer  or  his 
men  or  his  family.  Dept  Bee,  MS.,  v.  64,  69-70,  92-3,  108-11. 

16  Dec.  15,  1827,  Pacheco  ordered  to  continue  investigations.  Dept  Bee, 
MS.,  v.  117.  Feb.  14,  1828,  Echeandia  to  Gonzalez,  ordering  his  suspension 
and  arrest  for  intrigue  among  the  troops  to  keep  himself  in  power;  for  dis- 
turbances at  various  places;  for  ignorance,  disobedience,  and  inciting  of  in- 
subordination. Id.,  vi.  183-4.  Feb.  22d,  Estrada  has  arrested  Gonzalez.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  13.  Feb.  29th  (?),  Echeandia's  order  to  Estrada.  Dept  St. 
J'"}).,  ii.  73.  Nov.  9th,  gov.  orders  Gonzalez  to  leave  on  the  Maria  Ester. 
Dept  Bee,  MS.,  vi.  131.  Dec.  22d,  to  same  effect,  hi,  vi.  161.  Dec.  9th, 
however,  he  was  ordered  across  the  frontier  by  land  en  route  to  Loreto.  Id., 
yii.  260.  Apr.  23,  1829,  testimony  of  Gonzalez  at  S.  Diego  about  a  statement 
in  a  Mexican  newspaper  that  he  had  destroyed  a  Spanish  flag.  Dept  St. 
Pup.,  Ben.  JUL,  MS.,  lxxx.-vii.  72.     Feb.  5,  1830,  order  from  secretary  of 


,    ELECTIONS  OF  1828.  41 

Back  at  San  Diego  in  April  1828,17  Echeandia 
summoned  his  diputados  to  assemble,  presumably  at 
San  Diego;18  but  there  is  no  record  of  any  action  of  the 
body  this  year,  and  little  or  no  evidence  that  it  met  at 
all,  except  perhaps,  as  Alvarado  says,  to  protest  against 
the  holding  of  meetings  out  of  the  capital,  to  listen 
to  Echeandia's  views  on  the  subject,  and  to  adjourn.19 
Later  in  the  year,  however,  at  an  electoral  junta  held 
at  San  Diego  on  October  6th,  the  cliputacion  was  re- 
organized by  the  choice  of  four  new  members.20     All 

war  for  Gonzalez  to  proceed  to  Mexico.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  1. 
Inocente  Garcia,  Hechos,  MS.,  40,  44,  says  that  one  of  the  offences  for  which 
Gonzalez  was  sent  away  was  the  arbitrary  infliction  on  him,  Garcia,  of  100 
palos  without  trial,  and  he  not  being  a  soldier.  Becchey,  Voyage,  ii.  57,  85, 
speaks  of  Gonzalez  as  having  risen  from  the  ranks  by  his'  own  merit. 

17  En  resume,  E. ,  as  shown  by  his  corresp.,  had  left  S.  Diego  late  in 
March  1827;  was  at  Sta  Barbara  during  a  large  part  of  April;  arrived  at 
Monterey  about  the  middle  of  May,  and  left  there  late  in  Nov.;  was  at  Sta 
B.  from  Dec.  until  March;  and  returned  to  S.  Diego  early  in  April. 

18 April  10, 1828,  Echeandfa'o  summons  to  Estudillo,  Alviso,Buelna,  Ortega, 
Bandini,  and  Tapia  to  meet  as  agreed  upon  at  the  close  of  the  last  sessions, 
but  not  naming  the  place.  Dept  Pec,  MS.,  vi.  198.  Buelna  and  Anastasio 
Carrillo  mentioned  as  members  in  Sept.  Id.,  vi.  92.  Aug.  9th,  E.  orders  Habili- 
tado  Domingo  Carrillo  (of  S.  Diego)  to  pay  out  of  the  municipal  funds  Alvarado's 
salary  of  $25  per  month  as  secretary.  Id.,  vi.  81.  Other  indications  of  Al- 
varado's presence  as  secretary  at  S.  Diego  as  late  as  Dec.  Dept  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxvi.  90-1.  Alvarado's  own  version  is  confused  in  respect  to 
da^es,  representing  a  first  visit  to  S.  Diego  as  having  been  in  1826,  before  E.'s 
visit  to  the  north. 

19  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  139-40;  iii.  14-22,  tells  us  that  when  the 
diputados  arrived  at  S.  Diego  they  sent  him  as  secretary  to  inform  the  governor 
of  their  presence  and  that  they  awaited  his  message.  The  first  act  on  assem- 
bling in  the  large  hall  of  the  comandancia  was  to  protest  on  motion  of  Buelna 
against  meeting  away  from  the  capital.  Echeandia  received  the  protest 
courteously,  and  a  few  days  later  explained  his  theory  that  as  comandantc 
general  he  had  the  right  to  live  where  he  could  do  most  for  the  interests  of 
the  country,  that  is  in  his  opinion  at  S.  Diego.  The  diputacion  replied  that 
if  he  had  that  right,  it  as  a  body  had  it  not,  but  was  required  by  law  to  meet 
at  the  capital  under  the  presidency  of  the  senior  vocal  in  the  absence  of  the 
gefe  politico.  Echeandia  replied :  'I  do  not  object.  Let  the  diputados  re- 
turn to  Monterey  if  they  like.'  The  governor,  however,  had  some  resentment 
against  Alvarado,  in  whose  handwriting  was  the  protest.  Soon,  on  account 
of  a  quarrel  with  P.  Menendez,  chaplain  of  the  troops — a  Dominican  vvhece 
wine  he  had  been  drinking  and  whose  sermons  he  had  been  writing — Alvarado 
was  summoned  before  the  gefe  politico,  and  reprimanded  for  disrespect  to  a 
friar.  A  stormy  scene  followed,  in  which  the  young  secretary — so  he  says — 
crowded  Echeandia  into  a  corner,  pretended  to  have  a  dagger,  and  finally 
induced  him  to  become  calm,  talk  the  matter  over,  and  listen  to  reason.  They 
parted  friends,  and  E.  went  so  far  as  to  explain  his  real  reason  for  choosing 
to  live  at  S.  Diego,  viz.,  his  fear  of  Herrera  and  his  confederates,  who  had 
plotted  to  seize  him  and  send  him  to  Mexico  ! 

20  These  were  Carlos  A.  Carrillo,  Pio  Pico,  Vicente  Sanchez,  and  Jose 
Tiburcio  Castro,  a3  4th,  5th,  Gth,  and  7th  respectively.  Adas  de  E/ecciones, 
MS.,  8;  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  i.  127;  Dept  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jos6,  MS.,  ii.  12;  Dept  Pec, 


42  ECHEANDIA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

were  summoned  to  assemble  at  San  Diego  on  January  1 , 
1829;  and  they  seem  to  have  done  so,  part  of  them,  at 
least,  only  to  prove  unmanageable,  and  to  be  dismissed 
by  the  gefe  politico.  Immediately  after  the  suspen- 
sion of  the  southern  session,  a  summons  was  issued 
for  the  diputados  to  convene  at  Monterey  June  1st, 
and  proceed  to  public  business  under  the  presidency 
of  the  senior  vocal;  but  I  find  no  evidence  that  any 
such  meeting  was  held;  in  fact,  Echeandia  himself 
had  no  confidence  that  his  summons  would  be  heeded. 
Thus  it  may  be  said  that  in  1828-9  the  legislature 
was  not  in  session.21 

In  December  1829  Echeandia  started  northward 
again,  and  on  the  way  summoned  the  diputacion  to 
meet,  this  time  at  Santa  Barbara  by  reason  of  the 
troubles  at  Monterey.  Possibly  the  body  did  assem- 
ble there,  but  only  to  adjourn;22  for  the  troubles,  to 

MS.,  vi.  108.  At  the  same  time  Manuel  Dominguez,  Salvio  Pacheco,  and 
Carlos  Castro  were  chosen  as  1st,  2d,  and  3d  suplentes.  The  first  three 
places  were  held  respectively  by  Bandini,  Anastasio  Carrillo,  and  Buelna, 
who  held  over  from  the  old  board.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xix.  42-3. 

21  Dec.  1828,  summons  to  Pico,  Sanchez,  and  Dominguez  to  meet  at  S.  Diego 
on  Jan.  1st.  Dept  Rec,  MS.,  vi.  159.  Feb.  19,  1S29,  gov.  permits  Domin- 
guez to  retire  because  it  is  impossible  to  have  any  session,  3  of  5  members  having 
refused  to  attend.  Id.,  vii.  88.  May  22d,  gov.  says  that  the  diputados  sum- 
moned to  S.  Diego  had  not  wished  to  come  on  account  of  the  illegality  cf 
meeting  except  at  the  capital;  therefore  he  asks  them  to  go  on  at  Monterey 
without  his  presence.  Id.,  vii.  164.  April  10th,  gov.  tells  the  minister  of  rela- 
tions that  he  suspended  the  junta  on  account  of  its  'desorganization,' attri- 
butable largely  to  the  influence  of  Vicente  Sanchez,  prompted  as  he  believe3 
by  Herrera.  He  proceeds  to  give  a  description  of  each  of  the  10  members 
in  respect  of  character,  ability,  education,  and  property — in  no  case  a 
flattering  picture.  Doubts  that  the  diputados  can  be  induced  to  leave  their 
private  affairs  to  meet  even  in  Monterey.  Id.,  vii.  4-6.  It  does  not  seem 
likely,  however,  that  Sanchez,  a  Los  Angeles  man,  should  have  plotted  in  favor 
of  Monterey.  Don  Pio  Pico,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  17-19,  say3  that  at  S.  Diego 
there  was  just  a  quorum,  and  that  he  prevented  the  session  by  insisting  on  its 
being  held  at  Angeles,  and  withdrawing  when  his  wish  was  not  followed. 
He  also  went  to  Monterey,  and  met  Jose  T.  Castro,  the  only  other  proprietary 
member  present.  April  9th,  summons  to  convene  at  Monterey  June  1st. 
Dept  Rec,  MS.,  vii.  128.  May  10th,  Win.  A.  Gale,  in  a  letter  to  Cooper 
from  S.  Pedro,  mentions  the  meeting  ordered  for  June  1st.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS., 
xxix.  354.  It  seems  that  Sanchez  was  suspended  from  his  position  as  dipu- 
tado  in  the  course  of  this  affair.  Dept  Rec,  MS.,  vii.  260. 

22Dec.  8,  1829,  E.  from  S.  Gabriel  to  Sanchez,  Pico,  and  Bandini,  revoking 
the  suspension  of  the  first,  and  urging  all  to  hasten  as  patriots  to  Sta  Barbara, 
in  view  of  the  critical  condition.  Dept  Rec,  MS.,  vii.  260.  Jan.  18,  1830, 
similar  summons  to  the  Carrillos.  Id.,  viii.  10.  Feb.  5th,  E.  to  comandante 
at  Monterey,  states  that  the  diputacion  did  meet  to  devise  means  for  the 
restoration  of  tranquillity.  Dept  St.  Pap.y  MS.,  ii.  128. 


SESSIONS  OF  THE  LEGISLATURE.  43 

be  described  in  the  next  chapter,  having  passed,  the 
governor  went  at  the  end  of  March  to  the  capital, 
where  he  succeeded  with  some  difficulty  in  getting 
together  four  of  the  vocales,23  and  regular  sessions 
were  held  from  July  10th  vto  October  7th,  save  that 
for  one  month  during  this  period  the  members  were 
allowed  leave  of  absence  to  attend  to  their  harvests. 
I  append  in  a  note  an  abstract  of  legislative  action, 
much  of  which  is  noticed  more  fully  elsewhere  in 
connection  with  the  special  topics  treated.24 

The  electoral  junta  which  met  at  San  Diego   and 

nDcpt  Bee,  MS.,  viii.  25,  53,  61;  Dept  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  ii.  4; 
Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  i.  130.  The  four  were  Buclna  and  Jose  T.  Castro,  with  Sal- 
vio  Pacheco  and  Carlos  Castro  as  suplentes.     Other  members  came  in  later. 

u  July  10th,  the  four  members  sworn  in.  Alvarado  was  still  secretary. 
Castro  and  Buelna  were  named  for  1st  committee;  Pacheco  for  the  2d;  and 
Carlos  Castro  for  the  3d.  July  14th,  a  proposition  was  presented  by  the  com- 
mittee on  education,  that  schools  be  established  at  such  missions  as  had  none. 
July  16th,  Juan  13.  Alvarado  was  appointed  contador  de  propios  y  arbitrios 
(municipal  treasurer),  in  accordance  with  a  decree  of  the  cortes  in  1813.  Sal- 
ary, 815  per  month.  July  16th,  secret  session.  Regulations  on  the  proposed 
mission  schools.  July  20th,  the  matter  of  instructions  to  the  newly  appointed 
contador  was  referred  to  a  com.  The  reglamento  adopted  in  1827  was 
modified  in  some  respects,  the  changes  including  provision  for  3  sessions 
a  week,  on  Tuesday,  Thursday,  and  Saturday.  The  president  then  submit- 
ted to  the  diputacion  his  plan  for  changing  all  the  missions  into  pueblos.  See 
chap.  iv.  July  23d,  voted  £30  dollars  a  month  to  P.  Menendez  as  chaplain. 
The  president  made  a  speech  on  the  necessity  of  making  a  beginning  of 
establishing  an  ayuntamiento  at  Monterey  and  Sta  Barbara,  according  t:>  the 
bando  of  Dec.  15,  1820,  and  decree  of  June  23,  1813,  and  consequently  of 
assigning  bounds  to  pueblo  lands.  A  salary  of  $20  per  month  wa3  voted  for 
the  teacher  of  S.  Diego.  July  24th,  boundaries  of  the  egklos  of  Monterey 
were  fixed.  See  local  annals.  July  28th,  boundaries  of  the  jurisdiction  of 
Monterey,  continued.  July  29th,  same  subject,  continued.  Also  the  secu- 
larization project  taken  up,  and  the  first  articles  approved.  See  chap.  iv.  July 
31st,  Aug.  3d,  approval  of  Echeandia's  secularization  plan  concluded.  Aug. 
Cth,  the  subject  of  convict  settlers  discussed,  the  dip.  strongly  disapproving  the 
sending  of  any  more  of  them  to  Cal.,  expressing  a  desire  to  get  rid  of  those 
now  here  as  soon  as  possible,  but  approving  Echeandia's  plan  of  a  public 
workshop  for  such  as  had  trades.  It  was  voted  to  ask  the  sup.  govt  that 
only  good  and  useful  families  be  sent  in  the  future.  Aug.  10th,  a  reglamento 
in  6  articles  for  the  contador  de  propios  y  arbitrios  discussed  and  approved. 
Details  of  keeping  the  books  of  the  office,  etc.  Aug.  13th,  establishment 
of  two  convents  approved  as  a  supplement  to  the  secularization  project. 
Aug.  17th,  a  tariff  of  duties  on  timber  established.  See  chap.  v.  Aug.  21st, 
24th,  certain  members  ask  and  receive  leave  of  absence  for  15  days.  Others 
were  to  be  summoned,  but  it  seems  this  was  not  a  success,  since  there  were 
no  more  meetings  for  more  than  a  month.  Sept.  29th,  at  Bandini's  request  the 
difficulties  of  getting  a  quorum  in  attendance  were  put  on  record.  Sept.  30th, 
approval  of  land  grants  to  Ignacio  Vallejo  and  Dolores  Pico,  in  accordance 
with  the  colonization  law  of  Nov.  24,  1828.  Oct.  7th,  sessions  closed  because 
several  members  wished  to  go  home  to  attend  to  private  business.  Leg.  Bee, 
MS.,  i.  130-72. 


44  ECHEANDlA'S  RULE -POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

chose  the  diputacion  whose  acts  I  have  just  recorded 
assembled  in  obedience  to  a  proclamation  issued  by 
Echeandia  on  July  30,  1828,  which  not  only  ordered 
an  election,  but  prescribed  in  detail  the  methods  to  be 
followed.25     The  primary  object  was  to  elect  a  mem- 

23  Echeandia,  Bando  sobre  Elecciones,  182S,  MS.  This  document  was  in 
substance  as  follows:  1-2.  Elections  to  be  primary,  or  municipal;  secondary, 
or  of  the  partido;  and  tertiary,  or  territorial.  Must  be  accompanied  by  pub- 
lic prayers.  3-6.  Primary  juntas  shall  include  all  citizens  over  18  years  of 
age  resident  in  the  partidos.  Sentenced  criminals,  men  morally  or  physically 
incapable,  vagabonds,  and  domestic  servants  were  not  voters.  7-9.  Primary 
elections  to  be  held  on  3d  Sunday  in  Aug.  in  plaza  of  the  4  presidios  and  2 
pueblos,  presided  by  comandantes  and  alcaldes,  in  the  morning  after  mass,  a 
secretary  and  2  inspectors  being  chosen.  10-12.  Challenging  voters,  etc.  13. 
Municipal  electors  to  be  chosen  as  follows:  8  for  S.  Francisco;  5  for  S.  Jos.'; 
9  for  Monterey;  7  for  Sta  Barbara;  7  for  Los  Angeles;  and  13  (?)  for  S.  Di- 
ego. 14-15.  Method  of  voting.  The  voter  to  repeat  the  names  of  his  candi- 
dates, to  be  written  down  by  the  sec.  He  may  have  the  names  on  a  list, 
which  the  secretary  must  read  aloud.  16-17.  The  president  to  announce  the 
result.  A  tie  to  be  decided  by  lot.  Each  elector  chosen  to  receive  a  copy  cf 
the  acta.  18-22.  A  candidate  must  be  a  citizen,  etc.;  25  years  old,  or  21  if 
married;  able  to  read  and  write;  holding  no  office,  civil,  military,  or  ecclesias- 
tical. Cannot  excuse  himself.  No  weapons  at  the  election.  No  other  busi- 
ness to  be  done  by  the  junta.  23-5.  Secondary  juntas,  or  partido  elections, 
to  be  held  on  1st  Sunday  in  Sept.,  at  same  places  as  the  primary;  under  same 
presiding  officer;  composed  of  the  municipal  electors  before  chosen.  26-8. 
Three  days  before  the  election  the  electors  meet  and  choose  a  secretary  and  2 
inspectors.  Next  day,  credentials  presented.  Next  day,  report  on  creden- 
tials. 29-32.  Election  by  secret  ballot.  If  no  one  has  a  majority,  there 
must  be  a  2d  ballot  from  the  2  highest  candidates,  a  tie  being  decided  by  lot. 
Three  votes  at  least  required  for  election.  33-5.  An  elector  de  partido  must 
have  5  years'  residence  in  the  partido  in  addition  to  the  other  qualifications. 
(See  18-22.)  Credentials,  a  certified  copy  of  the  acta,  given  to  the  successful 
candidate,  and  also  sent  to  the  president  of  the  territorial  junta.  36-8.  Ter- 
tiary or  territorial  junta  to  consist  of  the  6  electores  de  partido,  and  to  meet 
at  S.  Diego  on  1st  Sunday  in  Oct.  being  presided  by  the  highest  political 
authority  present.  39-41.  Preliminary  meetings  for  3  days,  as  in  secondary 
elections.  42-6.  Election  first  of  a  diputado,  and  then  of  a  suplente. 
Method  as  before,  except  that  the  meeting  must  be  with  open  doors,  tho 
voting  viva  voce,  and  5  electors  at  least  must  take  part.  47-52.  Qualifi- 
cations for  a  diputado  to  congress:  25  years  of  age,  and  two  years  of  citizen- 
ship in  the  state  if  not  born  in  it;  8  years  of  citizenship,  and  an  estate  of 
$8,000  or  income  of  $1,000,  if  not  born  in  Mexican  territory.  Property  qual- 
ification not  required  of  those  born  in  Spanish  America  who  have  not  joined 
another  nation.  Certain  high  officials  debarred.  53-6.  Method  and  form  cf 
credentials.  57.  The  day  after  this  election  of  a  congressman,  the  junta  is 
to  renew  the  territorial  dip.  by  electing  the  new  members  required,  in  tho 
same  manner  as  before.  53.  After  the  election,  all  officers,  electors,  and  cleci 
shall  pass  to  the  church,  where  shall  be  sung  a  solemn  te  deum  of  thanksgiving. 

On  pp.  1 25-30,  in  continuation  of  the  preceding  bando,  there  are  partial 
records  of  the  primary  and  secondary  elections  at  the  different  places  except 
8.  Francisco.  The  electors  who  met  at  S.  Diego  were  Miguel  Gonzalez  do 
Alava,  for  S.  Jose";  Jose  Tiburcio  Castro,  for  Monterey;  Francisco  Atanaso 
Cota,  for  Sta  Barbara;  Manuel  Dominguez,  for  Los  Angeles;  and  Agustin  V. 
Zamorano,  for  S.  Diego.  Lee/.  Bee,  MS.,  i.  126;  Dept  Bee,  MS.,  vi.  107; 
Adas  de  Elecciones,  MS.,  G-7.     In  the  last-named  authority,  the  election  of 


MAITORENA  FOR  CONGRESS.  45 

ber  of  congress  to  take  the  place  of  Gervasio  Arglie- 
llo  for  the  term  of  1829-30;  and  on  Sunday,  Octo- 
ber 5th,  Lieutenant  Jose  Joaquin  Maitorena  of  Santa 
Barbara  was  chosen  for  the  place,  with  Santiago  Ar- 
gtiello  as  substitute.  This  was  a  most  extraordinary 
choice;  for  Maitorena,  th6ugh  honest  enough  and 
good-natured,  was  unreservedly  given  up  to  drunken- 
ness, and  had  retained  his  place  in  the  Santa  Barbara 
company  only  because  he  had  when  sober  some  skill 
as  an  accountant.  There  were  times,  generally  fol- 
lowing illness  and  confinement  in  the  calabozo,  when, 
like  Rip  van  Winkle,  he  ' swore  off';  perhaps  it  was  in 
one  of  these  sober  intervals  that  he  was  elected  to  con- 
gress. But  the  honor  was  too  much  for  the  poor  fel- 
low. He  was  very  drunk  at  Tepic,  where  he  was  the 
object  of  much  ridicule;  he  seems  not  to  have  been 
in  a  condition  to  take  his  seat  as  diputado,  and  he 
died  in  Mexico  about  the  time  his  term  of  office  ex- 
pir 


*ed.26 


Maitorena  by  3  votes  and  Argiiello  by  4  is  recorded,  as  also  in  St.  Pap.,  Sac, 
MS.,  xix.  48;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,S.  Jost,  MS.,  iv.  74;  and  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  i.  133. 
Echeandia's  bando  is  also  found  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose",  MS.,  iv.  55-71. 
Aug.  1  st,  E.  orders  comandantes  and  alcaldes  to  publish  the  bando.  Dept.  llec, 
MS.,  vi.  74.  Nov.  1828,  Jan.  1 829,  E.  orders  Maitorena  to  start  for  Mexico.  Id., 
vii.  70;  vi.  128.  June  25,  1829,  Echeandia  explains  to  minister  of  justice 
the  arrangement  of  election  districts,  S.  Gabriel  and  S.  Fernando  being 
joined  to  Los  Angeles,  and  Sta  Clara  and  Sta  Cruz  to  S.  Jose.  Id.,  vii.  23. 

26  Jos6  Joaquin  Maitorena  entered  the  military  service  as  a  soldado  distin- 
guido,  his  father  having  been  an  officer  in  1800;  came  to  Cal.  in  1801  as  cadet 
in  the  Sta  Barbara  company;  was  made  alferez  in  1806;  and  after  several  rec- 
ommendations from  governor  and  comandante  he  was  finally  promoted  to  be 
lieutenant  of  the  company  in  1827.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  58;  Dept.  Pec, 
MS.,  v.  39,  121-2;  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  055-G.  181G-21,  corresp.  of  Sola 
and  Guerra,  with  frequent  mention  of  Maitorena's  drunkenness,  and  the  result- 
ing troubles  to  his  family  as  well  as  to  the  public  service.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS., 
iii.  95-6, 101, 113;  iv.  4, 16-19,  and  passim;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  110.  From 
1822  to  1827  little  is  said  on  the  subject,  and  it  is  probable  that  Don  Joaquin 
behaved  himself  better  than  before.  His  actions  at  Tepic,  where  he  stayed 
two  months  on  his  way  to  Mexico,  are  described  in  a  letter  of  Manuel  Varela, 
dated  Tepic,  Aug.  1,  1829.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  135-7.  He  was  constantly 
intoxicated;  attracted  the  attention  of  everybody  by  his  foolish  actions  and  re- 
marks; was  initiated  into  a  mock  lodge  of  masons;  and  had  a  ludicrous  quarrel 
with  the  treasurer  to  whom  he  applied  for  money  on  account  of  hisvidticos.  Car- 
los Carrillo,  in  a  letter  from  Tepic  of  April  2,  1831,  gives  the  remaining  details 
of  Maitorena's  life  as  learned  from  Navarro,  the  member  from  Lower  Cal.  In 
Mexico  he  was  rarely  in  his  right  mind,  and  was  not  deemed  in  a  fit  condition 
to  take  his  seat,  though  his  credentials  were  admitted,  and  part  of  his  salary 
was  paid.  He  died  probably  late  in  1830  of  apoplexy  caused  by  his  dissipa- 
tion. Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  199-200.     The  vagaries  of  this  congressman  are 


46  ECHEANDIA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

Thus  California  was  not  represented  in  the  congress 
of  1829-30,  for  there  is  no  evidence  that  Santiago 
Argiiello  went  to  the  national  capital  at  all ;  yet  %the 
territory  received  some  slight  notice  from  the  Mexican 
authorities.  The  minister  of  the  treasury  department 
included  in  his  report  some  information  respecting 
Californian  finances,27  which,  so  far  as  it  is  intelligible, 
will  be  utilized  elsewhere.  The  military  establishment 
was  also  honored  with  brief  mention,  and  an  ayudante 
inspector,  an  officer  unknown  in  California  since  the 
time  of  Captain  Soler,  was  sent  to  aid  General  Echean- 
clia,  in  the  person  of  Lieutenant-colonel  Jose  Maria 
Padres,  who  came  up  from  Loreto  in  the  summer  of 
1830.23  To  supply  another  urgent  need  of  the  terri- 
tory, where  there  were  as  yet  no  lawyers,  the  licenci- 
ado  Rafael  Gomez  was  sent  to  California  as  asesor,  or 
le<ml  adviser.  He  arrived  about  the  same  time  as 
Padres,  and  took  the  oath  of  office  at  San  Diego  on 
August  18,   1830.23     The  political  struggles,  revolu- 

also  noticed  in  Alvarado,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  122-6;  Fernandez,  Cosasde  CaJ., 
MS.,  35-7;  Vcdlejo,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  ii.  18-24.  Alvarado  attributes  to  him 
many  good  qualities,  although  admitting  his  faults.  Maitorena  left  some 
kind  of  a  quarrel  with  Capt.  Miguel  Gonzalez,  which  both  Gov.  Victoria  and 
Gov.  Figueroa  were  ordered  to  investigate;  but  finally  in  1834  Capt.  Zam- 
orano  suggested  that,  Maitorena  being  dead,  the  matter  might  as  well  be 
dropped.  Dept.  St.  Pop.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxiv. 

21  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1830,  annexes  24,  33,  37,  41,  43,  44,  52,  5G,  57, 
64.  Aug.  17,  1S29,  law  imposing  a  forced  loan  on  California  with  other  ter- 
ritories, and  discounting  salaries.  Sept.  15th,  decrees  creating  a  fund  for  the 
war  against  Spain ;  but  exempting  the  troops  of  California  from  the  discount 
on  pay,  on  account  of  their  position  on  an  Indian  frontier.  Arrillaga,  Reco- 
pilacionde  Leyes,  1829,  p.  214-23;  1831,  24-36,  48. 

23  In  Mexico,  Mem.  Guerra,  1830,  annex.  1-3,  the  force  in  the  Californiaa 
is  given  as  422  cavalry,  supported  at  a  cost  of  $131,440.  Feb.  11,  1830,  order 
to  merge  the  S.  Bias  company  into  the  regular  presidial  companies.  Siqj.  Govt 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  2.  Arrival  of  Padres  at  S.  Diego  on  the  Leonor  on  July 
1,  1830.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  9;  CarrUlo  {J.),  Doc,  MS.,  27-8;  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lxxii.  21. 

29 Gomez's  taking  possession  of  the  office.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose",  MS.,  iv. 
91  ;  Id.,  Mont.,  vi.  6;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  lxxii.  21,  42;  Dept.  Pec.,  MS.,  viii.  92. 
lie  had  a  salary  of  $3,000.  The  law  creating  the  office  seems  to  have  been 
dated  July  or  Aug.  29,  1S29.  In  his  report  of  Jan.  1G31  the  sec.  of  justice 
recommended  that  the  asesor  be  made  judge  as  well,  with  appeal  to  the  near- 
est circuit  court  instead  of  Mexico,  on  account  of  the  great  distance.  Mexico, 
Mem.  Jusllcia,  1831,  p.  7,  annex  4.  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda  1832,  annex  X. 
(Jet.  12,  1829,  Virmond  from  Mexico  announces  the  appointment  of  the  fol- 
lowing officers  for  California:  Ilafacl  Gonzalez,  administrator  of  customs  at 
Monterey;  Manuel  Jimeno  Casarin,  contador  of  custom-house;  Francisco  Perez 


.  A  PftNAL  COLONY.  47 

tions,  and  counter-revolutions  for  the  presidency,  be- 
tween Gomez  Pedraza,  Guerrero,  and  Bustamante,  in 
the  years  1828-30,  made  no  impression,  in  fact  were 
hardly  known,  in  California.30  Other  national  meas- 
ures, with  a  single  exception,  require  no  special  atten- 
tion.31 

The  exception  was  in  the  matter  of  utilizing  Cali- 
fornia as  a  penal  colony  for  Mexican  criminals.  A 
small  number  of  convicts  had'arrived,  as  we  have  seen, 
in  1825,  and  now  orders  were  issued  to  send  them 
from  all  parts  of  the  republic.32  These  instructions, 
which  the  Mexican  authorities  had  the  assurance  to 
regard  as  a  means  for  improving  the  morals  of  the 
convicts  and  for  colonizing  California,  were  much 
more  promptly  obeyed,  it  is  safe  to  say,  than  if  they 
had  been  calculated  to  benefit  the  territory;  and  within 
a  year  more  than  a  hundred  criminals  had  been  sen- 
tenced to  presidio  work  in  this  northern  Botany  Bay.33 
Echeandia  protested  rather  feebly,  as  soon  as  the  news 

Pacheco,  comandante  of  the  resguardo;  and  Lieut.  Zamorano,  promoted  to 
captain.   Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  145. 

30  Sept.  9,  1820,  news  of  Pres.  Guerrero's  accession  received.  Dept.  Rec, 
MS.,  vii.  222.  Feb.  19,  1829,  gov.  forbids  communication  with  Acapulco, 
and  adhesion  to  the  plan  de  Perote.  Id.,  vii.  87.  March  14th,  communication 
reopened.  Id.,  vii.  109. 

31  Jan.  21,  1828,  orders  from  Mexico  circulated  to  send  in  bids  for  repairs 
on  the  public  roads.  May  21st,  no  bids.  Echeandia,  however,  recommends  the 
opening  of  a  road  to  Sonora,  and  one  from  Sta  Barbara  to  S.  Diego.  Dept. 
Rec,  MS.,  vi.  173;  vii.  17.  Jan.  30,  1829,  minister  of  justice  wants  a  list  of 
ayuntamientos,  jurisdictions,  prisoners,  etc.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  1. 
Congress  urged  to  give  the  Californias  a  form  of  government  suited  to  their 
interests,  since  now  the  old  Spanish  laws  prevail.  Mexico,  Mem.  Relatione* , 
1829,  p.  21. 

32  April  29,  1829,  secretary  of  justice  issues  a  circular  urging  judges  to  sen- 
tence criminals  to  California  presidios  instead  of  Vera  Cruz.  Order  trans- 
mitted by  secretary  of  war.  May  9th,  further  orders  to  governors  of  different 
states  about  forwarding  convicts.  Arrillaya,  Recop.,  1829,  p.  67-9.  Oct.  21st, 
sec.  of  war  to  comandante  of  Acapulco.  The  govt  will  send  to  Cal.  the  fami- 
lies of  such  convicts  as  may  desire  it.  Id.,  p.  2G9-70.  March  22d,  the  govt 
expects  improvement  in  the  morals  of  the  convicts,  is  preparing  a  regulation 
for  their  management,  and  to  give  them  the  means  of  earning  an  honest  liv- 
ing, forwarding  their  families,  etc.  Mexico,  Mem.  Justicia,  1830,  p.  13,  19-20. 

33 1  have  before  me  the  records  of  sentence  of  very  many  of  these  criminals, 
with  name,  place,  date,  and  crime,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxix.  408-80;  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  82-9;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxx.  12-13;  Id., 
Ben.  Gust. -II.,  MS.,  iv.  484-5.  List  of  80  convicts  brought  to  Cal.  on  the 
Maria  Eater,  with  full  particulars,  in  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  8G-9;  Dr/4.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxii.  19.  List  of  G9  convicts  sentenced  to  California 
before  Dec.  1829.     Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  85;  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xi.  10-12. 


4S  ECHEANDf A'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

came,  in  September  1829,  against  the  sending  of  any 
but  ' useful'  convicts,  since  California  had  no  jails,  and 
the  local  government  could  be  responsible  neither  for 
the  safety  of  the  criminals  nor  for  the  morals  of  the 
community  thus  exposed  to  contamination.34  Of 
course  this  had  no  effect;  and  in  February  1830  the 
Maria  Ester  brought  up  about  eighty  of  the  unwel- 
come colonists  from  Acapulco  to  San  Diego.  Cap- 
tain Holmes  was  not  allowed  to  land  them  in  the 
governor's  absence,  and  went  on  to  Santa  Barbara  in 
March.  A  sergeant  and  twelve  soldiers  were  in 
charge  of  the  convicts.35 

How  to  dispose  of  the  new-comers  was  a  question 
of  much  perplexity.  Nobody  wanted  anything  to  do 
with  them;  and  a  month  passed  before  any  decision 
was  reached,  perhaps  before  they  were  landed  at  all; 
and  then,  late  in  April,  thirty  of  the  worst  of  them, 
and  probably  many  more,  were  sent  over  to  Santa 
Cruz  Island  with  a  supply  of  cattle  and  fish-hooks  to 
get  a  living  as  best  as  they  could ;  while  the  rest  were 
set  to  work  for  private  employers  in  the  region  of 
Santa  Barbara  and  Los  Angeles.36     Protests  were  re- 

34  Sept.  18,  1829,  E.  to  sup.  govt.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  vii.  38-40.  In  Doc. 
Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  897,  I  find  an  unsigned  document  dated  Mexico,  April 
25,  1830,  purporting  to  be  addressed  by  the  diputado  of  CaL  to  the  sup.  govt, 
in  which  the  writer  protests  against  the  sending  of  convicts.  If  there  is  no 
error,  this  would  indicate  that  Maitorena  did  make  at  least  one  honest  effort  to 
serve  his  constituents. 

35  The  Maria  Esterleit  Acapulco  Dec.  19th,  touched  at  S.  Bias  and  S.  Lucas, 
and  lost  one  convict  on  the  voyage.  The  exact  number  varies  from  77  to  S3 
in  different  documents.  The  Enriqueta  was  reported  to  be  coming  with  more 
convicts.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  133;  Id.,  Cust.-H.,  i.  32-3;  7c/.,  Ben. 
Cust.-H.,  iii.  55-6;  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  viii.  25,  28,  50. 

3'JCom.  Carrillo's  letters  to  the  governor  about  landing  the  convicts  on  Sta 
Rosa  Island  in  March-Apr.  1S3D.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxxviii. 
1-3.  April  23d,  the  Maria  Ester  sailed  for  Sta  Cruz  Island  with  31  of  the 
number,  the  missions  furnishing  some  tools,  cattle,  hooks,  and  a  little  grain. 
<  'arriilo  (J. ),  Doc. ,  MS. ,  22.  March  18th,  Echeandia  to  comandante  of  Monte- 
rey from  S.  Luis  Obispo,  explaining  his  plan  to  send — apparently  all — the 
convicts  to  the  islands.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  viii.  29-32.  Mrs.  Orel,  Ocurrencias, 
MS.,  25-7,  says  the  convicts  were  in  a  naked  and  very  filthy  condition  on 
tlieir  arrival.  Capt.  Guerra  furnished  them  with  clothing,  made  a  speech 
encouraging  them  to  good  conduct,  and  personally  employed  8  or  10.  At  the 
islands  a  fire  soon  destroyed  all  they  had,  and  after  a  time,  getting  no  relief, 
they  built  rafts,  and  all  came  over  to  the  main,  landing  at  Carpinterfa.  The 
narrator  says  that  as  a  rule  they  became  very  good  people.  Nov.  2d,  13  of 
those  sent  to  the  island  had  returned  and  presented  themselves  to  the  comau- 
dante.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  viii.  122. 


COMING  OF  THE  CONVICTS.  49 

ceived  from  all  directions;  and  at  Monterey  a  meeting 
was  held  in  May  to  pass  formal  resolutions  and  appoint 
a  committee  to  wait  on  the  gefe  politico,  and  urge 
the  importance  of  sending  the  convicts  back  on  the 
same  ship  that  brought  them.37  The  diputacion  passed 
resolutions  of  similar  purport  in  August,  as  has  been 
noted  in  the  legislative  records;  but  meanwhile,  in 
July,  there  had  arrived  the  Leonor,  Captain  Fitch, 
with  fifty  more  convicts,  aboux  whom  we  have  less 
information  than  in  the  case  of  the  first  company.33 
With  few  exceptions,  no  attempt  was  made  to  con- 
fine the  criminals;  but  they  were  distributed  through 
the  territory  to  earn  their  living  under  a  surveillance 
of  the  local  authorities,  more  nominal  than  real.  A 
few  escaped  across  the  frontier;  and  of  those  who 
served  out  their  time,  a  large  part  remained  perma- 
nently in  California,  where  some  were  the  founders  of 
respectable  families.39 

The  sending  of  the  convicts  and  the  resulting  dis- 
cussions  doubtless  had  an  effect  to  embitter  the  feeling 
that  was  beginning  to  exist  between  Californians  and 
Mexicans,  particularly  at  Monterey,  where  the  quar- 
rel between  Gonzalez  and  Estrada  had  originated  a 
sentiment  of  hostility  which  outlasted  the  Mexican 
power  in  California.  At  the  celebration  of  the  inde- 
pendence on  September  16,  1830,  a  free  fight  is  said  to 

37  May  1,  1830,  resolutions  signed  by  Juan  Malarin,  Mariano  Soberanes, 
Jos6  Castro,  Antonio  Osio,  Juan  B.  Alvarado,  Abel  Stearns,  Juan  Cooper, 
David  Spence,  and  Wm  Hartnell.  10  articles  subsequently  approved  by 
Echeandia.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jost,  MS.,  v.  34-5.  May  30th,  alcalde  (?)  of 
Monterey  to  governor,  speaks  of  the  excitement  caused  by  the  arrival,  the 
greater  because  of  the  part  taken  by  convicts  in  the  Solis  revolt;  and  begs  in 
the  name  of  the  citizens  that  they  be  not  permitted  to  land.  St.  Pap.,  Sac, 
MS.,  x.  89-90. 

38  July  21,  1830,  arrival  of  the  Leonor  at  S.  Diego,  where  23  of  the  convicts 
remained.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Oust. -IF.,  MS.,  iii.  54;  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  viii. 
83.  In  the  Atleta,  Apr.  1,  1830,  it  is  stated  that  Gen.  Berdejo  levied  a  tax 
of  $3  on  such  presidiarios  as  wished  for  freedom,  and  many  destined  for 
California  were  set  at  liberty. 

39  According  to  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  69-73,  Echeandia  excused  the 
Mex.  govt  for  sending  convicts,  on  the  ground  of  ignorance.  '  El  Gobierno 
i^noraba  que  existiesen  familias  decentesy  de  educacion  en  la  peninsula,'  he 
said  to  Lieut.  Sanchez.  A  squad  of  soldiers  came  as  a  guard  of  this  las!:  as  of 
the  first  convict  band.  These  soldiers  seem  to  have  been  sent  back  to  the  south 
soon.     Alf.  Antonio  Nieto  commanded  the  last  squad. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    4 


50  ECHEANDIA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

have  taken  place  in  the  governor's  house  between  the 
native-born  youth  of  the  capital  and  '  los  de  la  otra 
banda/  Juan  B.  Alvarado  and  Rodrigo  del  Pliego  play- 
ino*  the  leading  roles,  and  the  occasion  beinof  an  insult- 

i  •  -r  • 

ing  toast  by  Phego.  Later  in  the  year,  as  the  records 
show,  Jose  Castro  was  arrested  on  a  charge  of  posting 
pasquinades  and  of  publicly  expressing  his  patriotic 
contempt  for  the  Mexicans.40 

On  October  3,  1830,  fivepartido  electors,  chosen  by 
the  process  already  described,  met  at  Monterey  in  ac- 
cordance with  Echeandia's  proclamation  of  August  1st, 
and  elected  Carlos  A.  Carrillo  as  diputado  to  congress 
for  1831-2,  with  Juan  Bandini  as  substitute,  Jose 
Antonio  Carrillo  and  Agustin  Zamorano  beino-  the 
defeated  candidates.  Next  day,  the  4th,  they  chose 
three  new  members,  as  required  by  law,  to  com- 
plete the  territorial  diputacion,  with  the  same  number 
of  suplentes.  The  services  of  the  officers  thus  chosen 
belong  to  the  annals  of  another  decade.41 

40  Carrillo  (J.),  Doc,  MS.,  30-1;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  116;  iii.  8- 
1 1 ;  Voile  jo,  Hist.  Cal. ,  MS.,  ii.  1 13-15.  Incomplete  record  of  proceedings  in  the 
Castro  case.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxi.  60-6.  On  another  occasion, 
according  to  Alvarado,  Jose"  Castro  slapped  Pliego's  face  in  return  for  insulting 
remarks  on  the  lack  of  education  among  the  Calif ornians. 

41  July  12,  1830,  Mexico,  Reglaspara  las  eleccionesde  Diputados  y  de  Ayunta- 
mientos,  del  distritoy  territorios  dela  Republica,  1S30.  Printed  copy  from  de- 
partment of  the  interior  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxx.  99;  also  in  Arrillaga,  Re- 
cop.,  1830,  p.  253-63.  Much  of  this  law  relates  more  particularly  to  the  city 
of  Mexico,  its  blocks,  wards,  etc.;  but  in  so  far  as  it  applies  to  California,  it 
does  not  differ  materially  from  the  regulations  given  in  Echeandia's  bando  of 
1828.  Oct.  3,  1830,  certificate  of  the  election  of  Carrillo  and  Bandini,  signed 
by  Echeandia  and  by  the  electors,  who  were:  Domingo  Carrillo,  of  Sta  Bar- 
bara; Juan  Maria  Osuna,  of  S.  Diego;  Jose"  Antonio  Carrillo,  of- Los  Angeles; 
Jos6  Pena,  of  S.  Francisco;  and  Juan  Malarin,  of  Monterey.  The  document 
was  also  signed  by  the  alcalde  of  Monterey,  and  by  Francisco  Pacheco  and 
Antonio  Buelna  as  witnesses.  Doc  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  57.  Names  of  electors 
also  in  Actas  de  Elecciones,  MS.,  9-10;  Luis  Peralta,  fromS.  Jose>  was  rejected 
for  want  of  proper  credentials.  Notice  of  Carrillo's  election  in  Carrillo  (J. ), 
Doc,  MS.,  31;  Dept.  Rcc,  MS.,  viii.  104.  Record  of  municipal  or  primary  elec- 
tions at  S.  Francisco  Aug.  15th;  9  electors  chosen.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  6; 
at  Los  Angeles,  same  date,  Los  Angeles,  Ay unt.  Rec,  MS.,  6;  at  S.  Diego, 
Aug.  22d,  13  electors  chosen.  It  is  difficult  to  account  for  the  large  number 
in  comparison  with  other  places.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  16-17.  The  three  vo- 
cale3  of  the  dip.  chosen  Oct.  4th  to  take  the  place  of  retiring  members  were 
.Mariano  G.  Vallejo,  5th;  Joaquin  Ortega,  6th;  Antonio  Maria  Osio,  7th.  Su- 
plentes: Francisco  de  Haro,  1st;  Tomas  Yorba,  2d;  and  Santiago  Arguello, 
3d.  Adas  de  Elecciones,  MS.,  11;  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  viii.  104.  Oct.  7th,  gov. 
notifies  Vallejo  of  his  election.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  7. 


EXPULSION  OF  SPANIARDS.  51 

From  1827  to  1829  the  national  government  issued 
a  long  and  somewhat  complicated  series  of  laws  and 
regulations  on  the  expulsion  of  all  Spaniards  from 
Mexican  territory,  the  principal  laws  being  those  of 
December  20,  1827,  and  March  20,  1829.42  By  the 
terms  of  the  former,  the  classes  exempt  from  expul- 
sion were  quite  numerous,  including  those  Spaniards 
physically  disabled,  those  over  sixty  years  old,  such 
as  were  married  to  Mexican  wives  or  had  children 
not  Spaniards,  professors  of  useful  arts  and  sciences, 
and  all  who  had  rendered  special  services  to  the  cause 
of  independence,  or  who  had  manifested  great  affec- 
tion for  that  cause.  Such  by  taking  the  oath  of 
allegiance  might  remain.  The  chief  application  of 
this  law  in  California  was  of  course  to  the  friars,  of 
whom  I  shall  speak  separately;  but  there  were  also 
other  Spaniards  in  the  territory.  Echeandia  seems 
to  have  interpreted  the  law,  or  instructions  that  may 
have  been  sent  with  it,  to  mean  simply  that  resident 
Spaniards  were  to  be  reported  and  required  to  take 
the  oath.  Corresponding  orders  were  issued  and  lists 
were  sent  to  Mexico  in  1828.43 

42  Arrillarja,  JRecop.,  1828-31,  passim.  Law  of  1827  in  Id.,  1828,  p.  100- 
7;  Law  of  1829  in  Id.,  1831,  p.  224-G.  See  also  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
v.  2-5;  xix.  44-54;  Dept.  St.  Pap.y  MS.,  v.  23;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  5; 
Dispos.  Variant)  ii.  55. 

43  Espauoles,  Relation  de  Jos  Militares  Espanoles,  que  lian  prestado  jura- 
mento,  con  expresion'de  sus  closes,  edades,  servicios,  etc.,  1S28,  MS.  This  list 
was  forwarded  by  Echeandia  to  the  minister  of  war  on  Dec.  Gth,  and  contains 
the  following  names:  Capt.  Jose"  Maria  Estudillo;  Capt.  Jos6  Bandini;  Padre 
Antonio  Menendez;  Lieut.  Narciso  Fabregat;  Capt.  Jose"  de  la  Guerra  y 
Noriega;  Manuel  Gutierrez,  ranchero  and  capitalist,  82  years  old,  40  years  in 
Cal. ;  Vicente  Cand,  one  of  the  Asia's  men;  Juan  Mariner,  retired  artillery- 
man with  rank  of  lieut. — over  60 — 33  years  in  Cal.;  Manuel  Gutierrez,  45 
years,  7  in  Cal.;  Francisco  Caceres,  3G  years,  11  in  Cal.;  Jose'  Amesti,  33 
years,  7  in  Cal.;  Estevan  Munras,  39  years,  8  in  Cal.;  Antonio  Suilol,  35 
years,  12  in  Cal.;  Ramon  Espindola,  artilleryman,  60  years;  Antonio  Pefia, 
artilleryman,  50  years;  Francisco  Garcia,  invalido,  60  years;  Joaquin  de  la 
Torre,  44  years,  25  in  Cal.;  Francisco  Cayuelas,  80  years;  Jaime  Monyii,  one 
of  the  Asia's  men;  as  were  also  Manuel  Fogo  and  Salvador  Garcia;  Jos<5 
Fernandez,  25  years,  11  in  Cal.;  Luis  Castro,  deserter  from  the  Aquiles;  aa 
were  also  Jos6  Nadal,  Francisco  Fernandez,  Francisco  Filibert,  Ramon  Obes, 
sergt.,  Pablo  Sobradelas,  Jose  Ma  Iglesias,  trader,  Miguel  Culebras,  trader; 
Rafael  Romero,  30  years,  suspected  thief;  Juan  Ign.  Mancisidor,  40  years, 
supercargo;  Antonio  Jose"  Cot,  already  embarked;  Francisco  Martinez,  ha3 
passport;  P.  Luis  Martinez,  has  passport.  Contrary  to  the  indication  in  the 
title,  many  of  those  named  had  not  taken  the  oath,  but  had  been  ordered  to 


52  ECHEANDIA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS, 

The  law  of  1829  was  more  stringent  than  that  of 
1827,  which  it  annulled,  ordering  the  immediate  ex- 
pulsion of  all  Spaniards  except  those  physically  inca- 
pable of  departure  and  those  who  were  sons  of  Amer- 
ican-born parents.  I  find  nothing  in  the  law  indicative 
of  any  favor  to  such  as  had  sworn  allegiance;  but  so 
it  was  evidently  understood  in  California,  where  it  was 
promulgated  in  July.  Nine  men,  nearly  all  deserters 
from  the  Aquiles,  were  selected  for  exile,  two  of  whom, 
however,  were  allowed  after  all  to  remain;  while  all  the 
rest  on  different  pretexts,  chiefly  of  infirmity  and  addic- 
tion to  the  republican  cause,  were  deemed  exempt.44 
Another  branch  of  this  national  proscription  was  the 
decree  of  Majr  10,  1827,  debarring  Spaniards  from 
holding  any  office  or  public  employment  until  Spain 
should  recognize  the  independence  of  Mexico.  Some 
soldiers  were  discharged,  and  the  officers  Guerra,  Es- 


do  so.  There  are  several  documents  relating  to  different  individuals  of  those 
named  above  in  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  vi.  72,  95,  125-6,  153;  vii.  204,  209;  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  6-8,  19,  22,  45;  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  73-5.  Nov.  22d, 
1S28,  Echeandfa  orders  investigation  of  an  insult  offered  to  the  national  flag 
on  Sept.  10th;  also  outrages  to  old  Spaniards.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  136.  Dec. 
1828,  Valencia  arrested  for  saying  that  neither  he  nor  Maitorena  nor  the 
vecinos  of  Sta  Barbara  had  sworn  to  the  independence.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Pre/,  y  Jusg.,  MS.,  iii.  60.  Dec.  14,  1827,  R.  C.  Wyllie  writes  from 
Mazatlan  to  Hartnell  that  all  the  states  are  expelling  Spaniards.  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.  xxix.  182.  May  9,  1829,  Echeandia  orders  arrest  of  a  Spanish 
doserter  who  had  forfeited  his  right  to  remain  by  serving  two  years  under  a 
foreign  flag.  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  vii.  156.  May  30, 1829,  J.  M.  Padres  wrote  to 
the  sup.  govt,  attributing  the  evils  in  Cal.  to  Spanish  ideas,  and  complaining 
that  the  law  on  expulsion  had  not  been  executed.  Oct.  6,  1830,  Minister 
Alaman  writes  to  the  gov.  for  an  explanation.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi. 
10-11. 

41  July  6,  1830,  Echeandia  proclaims  the  law  of  March  20, 1829.  Dept  Rec, 
MS.,  viii.  190-1.  July  24th,  E.  orders  passports  for  the  6:  Culebras,  Obes, 
Sobradelas,  Francisco  Fernandez,  Iglesias,  and  Nadal.  Id.,  MS.,  vii.  208. 
Mancisidor  was  added  to  the  list.  The  two  exempted  were  Luis  Castro,  60 
years  old;  and  Francisco  Galindo,  having  a  family  (not  in  Echeandia's  list). 
Aug.  11th,  governor's  report  to  minister  of  relations.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS., 
x.  42-0.    List  of  the  nine  at  first  deemed  liable  to  expulsion.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 

■  Mil.,  MS.,  lxix.  29-30.  List  of  nine  Spaniards  who  ask  to  remain, 
mostly  on  the  ground  of  infirmity.     Munras,  however,  simply  wants  an  ex- 

>ion  of  time.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  11-14.  Aug.,  2  Spaniards  at  S. 
I  .  tncisco;  2  at  Los  Angeles;  and  1G  at  S.  Diego.  Id.,  xix.  1-2,  19.  Nov.  3d, 
list  .sent  by  gov.  to  Mexico  of  12  who  have  claimed  exemption.  They  were: 
Gutierrez  (2),  Fabregat,  Garcia  (2),  Sunol,  Torre,  Amesti,  Munras,  Fog6  (or 
1  nr),  Jose"  Fernandez,  and  Luis  Castro.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  49-52. 
(  bjebraa  asked  for  a  passport  to  Ross,  but  was  refused.  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  vii. 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  DEMANDS.  53 

tudillo,  and  Fabregat  were  suspended  for  a  time, 
though  by  decree  of  the  president  they  received  half- 
pay — quite  as  good  as  full  pay  in  those  days.45  Yet 
another  phase  of  the  feeling  against  Spain  was  the 
patriotic  alarm  and  enthusiasm  caused  by  the  report 
that  a  Spanish  ' pirate'  was  cruising  on  the  coast. 
"  The  time  has  come  to  show  once  more  to  the  uni- 
verse that  before  submitting  |,o  Spanish  rule  we  will 
repose  in  the  sepulchre/'  was  the  way  the  governor 
put  it.46 

Returning  finally  to  Echeandia,  and  to  matters  more 
closely  connected  with  the  governorship,  we  note  that 
from  the  beginning  of  1827  he  had  insisted  more  and 
more  earnestly  in  his  communications  to  the  supreme 
government  on  certain  reforms  and  on  further  assist- 
ance to  himself  and  the  territory.  He  demanded  a 
subordinate  gefe  politico  for  Lower  California;  an 
ayudante  inspector,  who  might  assume  the  command 
in  case  of  his  illness  or  death;  additional  clerical  aid, 
or  the  funds  with  which  to  procure  such  aid;  more 
military  officers  and  troops,  priests,  war-vessels,  judges, 
and  above  all,  money  and  improved  financial  manage- 
ment. And  if  such  aid  could  not  be  afforded,  he  re- 
peatedly asked  to  be  relieved  from  his  command. i7 
Some   of    his    requests   were   granted.      Jose   Maria 

45  Decree  of  May  10,  1827.  Dept.  St.  Pap.>  Ang.t  MS.,  ix.  3.  Half-pay 
order,  Oct.  1829.  Id.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treat,,  MS.,  ii.  7;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxix.  13.  Guerra  and  others  suspended.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
x.  67;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  18.  Sept.  3,  1829,  discharge  of  soldiers  ordered 
by  Echeandia.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  vii.  220.  July  15th,  a  soldier  at  Sta  Barbara 
discharged.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxx.  1G.  Casares,  or  Caceres,  one 
of  the  Spaniards  sent  away,  was  a  regidor  of  Monterey.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  vi. 
171. 

46 Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  vi.  94,  197,  2G4-G;  vii.  83,  254.  The  pirate  was  re- 
ported to  be  the  Griego,  Capt.  Juan  do  Mata;  and  the  alarm  lasted  more  or 
less  from  1828  to  1830.  The  orders  in  1828  were,  however,  that  Spanish  cap- 
tains, supercargoes,  pilots,  etc.,  of  vessels  belonging  to  neutral  nations  were  to 
be  allowed  to  transact  their  regular  business  at  the  ports,  but  must  be 
watched  and  not  admitted  to  the  interior.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and 
Treas.,  MS.,  i.  105. 

47  Jan.  9,  May  25,  Oct.  17,  19,  Nov.  7,  1827;  Oct.  20,  1828;  Aug.  11,  1829, 
E.  to  different  national  departments,  complaining  of  difficulties,  asking  relief, 
and,  particularly  on  Nov.  7,  1827,  offering  his  resignation.  Dept.  St.  Pap.y 
MS.,  ii.  44;  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  v.  125-G,  131,  133;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  x.  40-1, 
44-5. 


54  ECHEANDIA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

Padres  and  Rafael  Gomez-were  sent  to  California  as 
ayudante  inspector  and  asesor,  respectively.48  The 
military  command  of  Lower  California  was  detached 
in  the  middle  of  1829  and  joined  to  the  comandancia 
general  of  Sonora;49  and  about  the  same  time  Colonel 
Antonio  Garcia  was  appointed  to  succeed  Echeandia 
in  the  governorship.50  For  reasons  that  I  suppose  to 
have  been  connected  with  Bustamante's  accession  to 
the  presidency  in  January  1830,  Garcia  did  not  come 
to  take  possession  of  his  office;  and  on  March  8th 
Lieut. -colonel  Manuel  Victoria  was  made  gefe 
politico  of  Alta  California,  the  gefatura  politica  of  the 
peninsula  being  now  detached  as  the  mando  militar 
had  been  before,  so  that  now  the  two  territories  were 
again  distinct.51  Victoria  had  been  previously  for  a 
time  comandante  principal  of  Lower  California;  he 
came  up  from  Loreto  by  land,  arriving  at  San  Diego 
perhaps  in  December  1830;  but  he  did  not  take  pos- 
session of  his  office  until  the  next  year.  Meanwhile 
in  these  last  years  Echeandia  was  busied  chiefly  with 
mission  affairs  and  commercial  matters.    He  had  been 

48  Padres  had  been  comandante  at  Loreto  and  sub-gefe  politico  of  Lower 
California.  I  find  no  record  showing  the  date  of  his  appointment  as  ayudante 
inspector;  but  in  Feb.  1829  he  seems  to  have  been  made  sec.  of  the  comandante 
general.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  1;  and  in  July  1828  was  ordered  to 
assume  the  command  in  Echeandia's  place.  Id.,  vi.  9.  Apr.  3,  1829,  Rafael 
Velez  was  approved  as  secretary  of  the  comandancia,  instead  of  Padre's,  but  he 
never  came.  Id.,\T.  3. 

49  June  1,  1829,  gov.  announces  this  change.  The  two  territories  were 
still  subject  in  civil  matters  to  the  same  gefe  politico.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
MIL,  MS.,  lxix.  2. 

60  Feb.  17,  1829,  Moctezuma  to  Echeandia.  Orders  him  to  deliver  the 
command  to  Garcia.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  2.  May  1st,  Gervasio 
Argiiello  writes  from  Guadalajara  that  Garcia  has  been  appointed  comandante 
general.  Guerra,  Doc. ,  MS.,  v.  227.  June  8th,  Moctezuma  to  Garcia.  Ves- 
sels are  ready  to  take  him  to  California,  and  the  president  desires  him  to  sail 
at  once.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  11.  July  17,  1828,  Echeandia  had 
been  ordered  to  give  up  the  command  to  Padres  and  proceed  to  Mexico.  Id., 
vi.  9.  Doubtless  the  political  changes  in  Mexico  had  much  to  do  with  these 
successive  and  confusing  orders.  The  records  of  this  period  are  moreover 
very  incomplete. 

51  March  8,  1830,  Victoria's  appointment.  March  11th,  Minister  Facio  to 
Echeandfa,  ordering  him  to  surrender  the  gefatura  of  California  to  Victoria, 
and  of  Lower  California  to  Monterde.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  G-7. 
March  (3,  1830,  Capts.  Juan  Zamora,  Juan  Aguayo,  Geionimo  Hernandez, 
and  Luciano  Mufioz;  Lieut.  Leonardo  Diez  Barroso,  and  Alf.  Mariano  Crecero 
have  boon  destined  to  California.  Id.,  vi.  5-6. 


RECEPTION  AT  MONTEREY.  55 

more  cordially  received  in  the  north  in  1830  than  at 
the  time  of  his  former  visit;  and  except  among  the 
padres  and  their  adherents,  he  had  gained  considerably 
in  popularit}^.52 

52 Gonzalez,  Experkncias,  MS.,  26-7*  describes  his  formal  reception  at  Sta 
Barbara  by  the  ayuntamiento.  Alvaradc,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  150-7,  says  his 
reception  at  the  capital  was  enthusiastic,  Lieut  Estrada  making  for  all  the 
citizens  a  speech  of  reconc  iliation,  and  the  governor  joining  most  heartily  in 
the  ensuing  festivities. 


CHAPTER    III. 

ECHEANDlA  AND  HERRERA— FINANCE— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

1826-1830. 

Hard-times  Items — Aid  from  Mexico — The  Revenues — Comisario  and 
Habilitados — Secret  Investigation — Suspension  and  Resignation — 
Estrada,  Vallejo,  and  Jimeno  Casarin  as  Administrators — Re- 
volt of  1828 — Revolt  of  1829 — Causes — Monterey  Taken — Joaquin 
Solis — Plan  of  November  15th — Arguello  Declines  the  Command — 
Solis  Marches  South — Echeandia's  Preparations — Revolt  at  Santa 
Barbara — Bloodless  Battles  of  Dos  Pueblos  and  Cieneguita — Re- 
treat of  Solis — Retaking  of  the  Capital — Avila  Captures  Solis — 
Trial — The  Spanish  Flag — Banishment  of  Herrera  and  Twenty 
Conspirators — Financial  Affairs  in  1829-30. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  present  financial  statistics 
in  this  chapter.  Only  fragments  survive  to  be  pre- 
sented anywhere,  and  these  will  receive  such  slight 
attention  as  they  require,  in  connection  with  local  pre- 
sidio annals,  commercial  topics,  and  general  remarks 
on  the  subject  of  ways  and  means  for  the  whole 
decade.  Here  I  have  to  speak  of  the  management, 
or  mismanagement,  of  the  territorial  revenues,  of  the 
insufficiency  of  those  revenues,  as  administered,  to 
pay  the  soldiers  or  other  employees  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  of  the  resulting  destitution,  discontent,  and 
finally  revolt. 

There  is  little  or  nothing  that  is  new  to  the  reader 
to  be  said  of  the  prevalent  destitution  in  these  years, 
a  destitution  which  oppressed  only  the  troops.1      The. 

1  Complaints  are  not  very  numerous  in  the  archives,  since  the  uselessness 
of  writing  on  the  subject  had  been  learned  by  long  experience.  The  follow- 
ing minor  items  on  this  topic  are  perhaps  worth  preservation:  1826,  Echean- 
dia's complaints  about  the  suspension  of  officers'  pay.     Only  those  officers  who 

(56) 


HARD  TIMES— SOURCES  OF  REVENUE.  57 

rancheros  and  pobladores  were  at  least  as  well  off  as 
in  earlier  Spanish  times,  the  improved  market  for  their 
produce  afforded  by  the  trading  fleet  counterbalancing 
the  heavy  duties  that  were  now  exacted.  Few  if 
any  of  these  classes  seem  to  have  made  an  effort  to 
do  more  than  support  themselves  and  families;  and 
this,  save  to  the  incorrigibly  lazy,  was  an  easy  task. 
The  lands  produced  food  both  for  the  owners  and  for 
the  Indian  laborers  who  did  most  of  the  work;  while 
the  natural  increase  of  their  herds  furnished  hides  and 
tallow  more  than  enough  to  be  bartered  with  the 
agents  of  Hartnell  or  Gale  for  groceries,  implements, 
and  clothing.  So  far  as  the  records  show,  they  did 
not  even  deem  it  worth  their  while  to  complain  of 
excessive  duties  and  consequent  high  prices. 

For  the  support  of  the  military  establishment  and 
to  defray  other  expenses,  the  only  resources  were  the 
duties  collected  on  imports  and  exports— or  the  taxes 
on  production,  which  practically  took  the  place  of  the 
latter — the  chief  source  of  revenue,  but  one  liable  to 
considerable  variation;  contributions  exacted  from  the 
missions  as  gifts,  loans,  sales  on  credit,  or  special  taxes, 
given  by  the  padres  more  and  more  grudgingly  as  the 
years  passed  by;  and  finally  the  supplies  furnished  di- 

came  with  him  to  Cal.  are  paid,  and  there  is  much  discontent  among  the 
others.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xix.  32-4.  Complaints  heard  by  Beechey  of  non- 
payment of  dues,  and  of  excessive  duties  which  greatly  increased  prices. 
Beechcy's  Voy.,  ii.  10.  March  30,  182G,  petition  of  soldiers,  alleging  that 
they  were  getting  la  radon,  nada  mas,  as  in  years  past,  notwithstanding  the 
promises  of  the  govt.  Repeated  June  7th.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
lvii.  13.  April  30th,  no  funds  to  furnish  $400  for  the  celebration  of  a  great 
national  event.  Id.,  lvii.  14.  Hartnell  lent  the  comisaria  264  cattle,  which 
in  1839  had  not  been  repaid.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iv.  59. 
1827,  Feb.  1st,  comisario  has  no  funds  to  supply  blankets;  great  want  of 
money  and  food;  impossible  to  get  a  loan.  Id.,  i.  79.  Feb.  oth,  gov.  lends 
$600  in  view  of  the  urgent  needs  of  the  soldiers.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  v.  21. 
July  5th,  complaint  that  S.  Bias  company  do  not  get  their  share  of  supplies. 
Id.,  v.  58.  Nov.  21st,  decree  of  national  govt  on  a  loan,  part  of  which  is  to 
go  to  the  relief  of  California.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  8.  1.828,  March 
3d,  troops  naked  and  in  great  want.  Could  get  no  part  of  their  dues.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxvi.  G8.  Same  date,  gov.  tells  com.  gen.  that 
no  supplies  have  been  sent  from  Mexico  for  a  considerable  time!  Dept.  Bee, 
vi.  7.  March  10th,  eight  soldiers  at  Monterey  granted  leave  of  absence  to  go 
and  earn  their  living  for  3  months,  for  want  of  funds  at  Monterey.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lxvi.  24-5. 


58  ECHEANDIA  AND  HERRERA— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

rectly  or  indirectly  by  Mexico — that  is,  the  $22,000 
sent  in  1825,  possibly  one  or  two  small  amounts  sent 
later,  and  a  few  drafts  on  the  national  treasury  which 
in  one  way  or  another  foreign  or  resident  traders  were 
induced  to  accept  as  security  for  loans  or  in  payment 
for  goods  supplied.2  Theoretically,  the  national  treas- 
ury should  have  paid  the  territorial  expenses  and  re- 
ceived the  net  product  of  the  territorial  revenue;  but 
practically,  the  territory  was  left  to  pay  its  own  ex- 
penses, nominally  about  §130,000  a  year,  always  ex- 
cepting the  small  amounts  furnished  as  before  specified, 
apd  a  considerable  supply  of  very  bad  tobacco.  To 
estimate  the  actual  revenue  with  any  approach  to  ac- 
curacy would  probably  have  been  wellnigh  impossi- 
ble at  the  time,3  and  is  entirely  so  now.  Fully  col- 
lected and  honestly  administered,  the  total  revenue 
could  hardly  have  amounted  to  one  half  the  nominal 
expenditure;  and  indications  are  not  wanting  that  a 
considerable  portion  wTas  lost  to  the  troops  through 
smuggling  operations  and  the  rascality  of  officials. 
Moreover,  there  were  charges  of  partiality  and  injus- 
tice in  the  final  distribution  of  the  net  product,  cer- 

2  On  the  $22,000,  see  chap,  i.,  this  vol.  At  the  same  time  $12,000  was  or- 
dered paid  in  favor  of  California  through  the  comisario  general  at  Arizpe; 
but  I  find  no  evidence  that  any  part  of  the  sum  was  ever  paid.  July  1826, 
record  that  $3,000  was  sent  to  Cal.  by  the  Sirena  from  the  sup.  govt.  Sup. 
Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  6.  In  Jan.  1829,  Enrique  Virmond  seems  to  have 
accepted  drafts  from  the  presidial  comandantes  to  the  amount  of  about  $3,000 
for  goods  supplied  from  the  Maria  Ester;  and  again  in  Dec.  he  supplied  the 
same  amount  in  goods  and  silver  coin.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  vi.  1,  153,  168,  176. 
Virmond  had  exceptional  facilities  for  getting  his  claims  allowed  by  Mexican 
officials,  and  he  probably  lost  nothing.  Nov.  11,  1828,  M.  G*  Vallejo  author- 
ized to  borrow  $500  payable  on  sight,  or  15  days  after  sight  of  draft !  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  i.  160.  According  to  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1830,  annex.  33, 
the  govt  of  Cal.  had  borrowed  $7,262,  of  which  sum  $1,564  had  been  repaid 
down  to  June  29th.  Hartnell  also  lent  the  govt  $7,100  in  1827;  the  draft 
signed  by  Herrera  was  not  accepted  in  Mexico,  on  account  of  some  alleged  ir- 
regularity; and  on  Nov.  20,  1830,  Hartnell  petitions  the  gov.  on  the  subject. 
Valkjo,Doc,  MS.,  xxx.  154. 

3  Feb.  19,  1830,  gov.  informs  the  comisario  general  that  commerce,  car- 
ried on  by  a  peculiar  system,  'authorized  by  force  of  circumstances'  in  Cal., 
yielded  barely  two  fifths  of  the  expenses;  while  mission  contributions,  by  dint 
of  constant  requisitions  and  annoyances,  yielded  not  more  than  one  fifth  of  the 
deficit.  Dept.  Bee. ,  MS.,  viii.  72.  The  revenue  obtained  from  vessels  is  insuffi- 
cient for  garrison  expenses;  therefore,  the  missions  advance  grain  and  cattle, 
and  the  nation  assumes  the  debt.  Bandini's  letter  of  1828  in  Bandini,  Doc, 
MS.,  8. 


SUB-COMISARIO  AND  HABILITADOS.  59 

tain  presidios,  and  certain  classes  of  troops,  being  fa- 
vored or  slighted. 

During  the  Spanish  rule,  and  the  interregnum  that 
followed,  the  provincial  finances  had  been  managed — - 
for  the  most  part  honestly  n  if  not  always  with  great 
skill,  so  far  as  accounts  were  concerned — by  the  habil- 
itados  of  the  respective  companies,  one  of  whom  in 
the  later  days  had  been  named  administrator,  with 
very  little  authority  over  the  others.  On  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  republic,  Herrera  had  been  sent,  as 
we  have  seen,  in  1825,  as  comisario  to  take  charge  of 
the  territorial  finances  as  a  subordinate  of  the  comis- 
ario general  of  the  western  states  Sonora  and  Sin- 
aloa.  The  instructions  to  Herrera  are  not  extant; 
but  it  is  evident  from  subsequent  communications  of 
himself  and  his  superiors  that  he  had  exclusive  con- 
trol of  the  treasury  department,  and  was  indepen- 
dent of  the  gefe  politico,  except  that  like  any  other 
citizen-he  was  within  the  civil  and  criminal  jurisdic- 
tion of  that  officer.  The  habilitados,  the  only  per- 
sons in  the  territory  qualified  for  the  task,  served  as 
Herrera's  subordinates  for  the  collection  of  revenue 
at  the  presidios,  so  that  locally  there  was  no  change. 
Whether  the  comisario  appointed  them  voluntarily 
or  in  obedience  to  his  instructions  does  not  appear; 
but  their  duty  was  simply  to  collect  the  revenues  and 
pay  them  over  to  Herrera,  their  duty  as  company 
paymasters  in  disbursing  funds  subsequently  re-ob- 
tained from  the  comisaria  beingf  a  distinct  matter. 

Naturally  the  habilitados  were  jealous  from  the 
first  of  the  authority  exercised  by  their  new  master, 
and  were  displeased  at  every  innovation  on  the  old 
method  under  Estrada's  administration.  Moreover, 
Herrera  was  a  stranger,  and  worse  yet  a  Mexican, 
being  therefore  liable  to  distrust  as  not  properly 
appreciative  of  Californian  ways.  He  was  also  a 
friend  and  relative  of  Captain  Gonzalez,  and  involved 
to  some  extent  in  the  quarrel  between  that  officer 
and   Estrada,  which  circumstance   contributed  not  a 


6£  ECHEANDIA  AND  HERRERA— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

little  to  his  unpopularity.  A  quarrel  resulted,  the 
details  of  which  it  is  neither  desirable  nor  possible 
to  follow  closely.  What  were  the  relations  between 
Herrera  and  Echeandia  before  they  left  Mexico,  I  do 
not  know;  but  after  their  arrival  in  California  there 
could  hardly  fail  to  be  jealousy,  especially  on  Eche- 
andia's  part;  and  at  any  rate,  the  latter  soon  became 
leader  in  the  opposition  to  the  comisario.  I  append 
some  items  from  the  correspondence  of  the  times.4 

Herrera  was  an  intelligent  and  able  man;  his  acts 
were  approved  by  his  superior  officer;  and  I  find  in 
contemporary  documents  no  proof  of  irregularities 
or  unfaithfulness  in  his  official  conduct;  though  it 
would  perhaps  be  presumptuous  to  found  on  the  im- 
perfect record  an   opinion   that  he  acted  wisely  or 

4  March  3,  1826,  com.  gen.  to  Herrera.  Reproves  him  for  not  sending 
accounts  so  that  the  great  necessity  of  the  troops  might  be  known  and  re- 
lieved. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  22.  March 25th,  Id.  to 
Id.,  announces  that  all  claims  of  Cal.  may  be  presented  at  the  comisaria.  Id., 
ii.  17.  April  7th,  H.  to  Echeandia.  Charges  that  Lieut.  Estudillo  for  a  just  rep- 
rimand becomes  abusive.  Id. ,  i.  41-2.  May  11th,  E.  orders  that  all  amounts 
due  the  treasury  be  paid  at  the  comisario's  office.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  iv.  37.  June 
27th,  H.  to  E.  Wishes  to  know  why  he  is  not  recognized  as  gefe  de  hacienda; 
measures  have  been  ordered  without  his  consent  or  knowledge.  He  wishes 
E.  to  define  his  own  position,  so  that  he,  H.,  may  be  freed  from  his  burdens  and 
report  to  the  supreme  government.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  136.  July  11th, 
H.  to  E.  Defence  of  the  practice  of  allowing  vessels  to  touch  at  way  points. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  i.  42-7.  Sept.  11th,  com.  gen.  to  E.  Asks 
him  to  order  habilitados  to  send  in  their  accounts  to  Herrera  in  two  months,  or 
he  will  appeal  to  Mexico.  Reprimands  him  for  exceeding  his  powers,  using 
funds  without  Herrera's  permission,  treating  H.  as  a  subordinate  and  not  as  the 
gefe  of  all  treasury  branches,  and  not  obeying  the  laws.  Threatens  to  withdraw 
the  comisario  altogether  if  E.  does  not  mend  his  ways.  Accuses  him  of  prevent- 
ing the  execution  of  Herrera's  decree  on  the  payment  of  duties,  without  au- 
thority to  do  so.  H.  was  under  no  obligation  to  submit  his  orders  or  those 
of  his  superior  to  the  gefe  politico.  '  Watch  also  over  those  friars  with  their 
Spanish  ideas. '  The  comisario  must  be  supported,  not  opposed.  In  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  sub-comisario  at  Loreto,  E.  had  also  usurped  authority.  'I 
can  not  permit  you  thus  to  interfere.  The  power  of  appointment  rests  exclu- 
sively with  H.  as  my  subordinate. '  H.  was  not  to  be  blamed  for  reporting  these 
things,  since  he  had  positive  orders  to  do  so.  Id. ,  i.  23-34.  Oct.  lGth,  H.  to  E. 
on  the  details  of  business,  explaining  his  efforts  to  get  along  with  an  insufficient 
revenue.  Complains  of  habilitados  for  not  rendering  accounts,  and  for  drawing 
drafts  on  him  when  they  knew  he  had  no  money.  Protests  against  paying 
one  company  more  than  another;  and  claims  that  in  case  of  urgent  need  the 
soldiers  should  be  preferred  to  officials.  Id.,  i.  56-60.  Dec.  1st,  H.  com- 
plains that  his  orders  are  disregarded,  and  that  Estrada  refuses  to  render  ac- 
counts. Repeats  the  complaint  a  little  later,  with  threats  to  report  to  Mex- 
ico. Dec.  27th,  30th,  orders  from  Mexico  requiring  half  the  revenues  to  be 
remitted  to  the  national  treasury!  and  that  regular  accounts  be  sent  for  pub- 
lication in  the  Gazeta  of  Guadalajara.  Id.,  i.  72-3,  89-91,  14. 


CHARGES  AND  INVESTIGATIONS.  61 

honestly  throughout  the  quarrel,  especially  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  statements  of  several  Californians  who 
remember  the  controversy.5  It  is  my  opinion,  how- 
ever, that  the  class  of  Californians  represented  by 
Alvarado,  Osio,  and  Vallejp  look  at  Herrera's  acts 
through  the  colored  glasses  of.  political  prejudice;  and 
that  among  other  classes  the  comisario  was  by  no 
means  unpopular. 

In  April  1827  Echeandia  ordered  a  secret  investi- 
gation of  Herrera's  administration,  to  be  conducted  by 
Zamorano.  The  proceedings  were  begun  at  San  Diego 
the  30th  of  April,  and  afterwards  continued  at  Mon- 
terey and  Los  Angeles  in  May  and  June.  The  main 
charge  was  that  the  comisario  had,  on  his  way  to 
California,  invested  a  portion  of  the  $22,000  of  terri- 
torial funds  intrusted  to  his  care  in  effects  to  be  sold 
for  his  own  account  and  profit,  though  it  was  not 
claimed  apparently  that  there  was  any  deficit  in  his 
accounts,  or  that  the  money  thus  improperly  used  had 
not  been  refunded.6     Zamorano  as  fiscal  reported  the 

5  No  one  has  anything  to  say  in  Herrera's  favor.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal. ,  MS. , 
ii.  111-17,  132-46,  is  especially  bitter  in  his  criticism,  charging  H.  with 
dishonesty,  embezzlement,  conspiracy,  usurpation,  insolence,  and  pretty  much 
everything  that  was  bad.  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  122-3,  is  hardly  less  severe. 
Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  G2-3,  tells  us  that  H.  'did  nothing  but  conspire 
and  make  trouble.'  J.  J.  Vallejo,  Reminis.,  MS.,  91-2,  represents  H.  as 
intriguing  with  the  support  of  the  padres  to  unseat  Echeandia  and  put  himself 
in  power.  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  i.  282-6,  describes  the  quarrel  without 
attaching  much  blame  to  Herrera;  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  Mrs.  Ord,  one  of 
the  clearest-headed  Californian  writers,  personally  friendly  to  Echeandia,  ex- 
presses no  opinion  on  the  merits  of  the  parties  to  this  quarrel.  Ocurrencias, 
MS.,  20-1. 

6 Herrera,  Causa  contra  el  Comisario  Sub- Principal  de  Californias,  Jos6 
Maria  Herrera,  1827,  MS. ;  also  an  abridged  record  in  the  archives.  Capt. 
Guerra  testified  that  of  the  $22,000  the  Sta  13.  Co.  had  got  only  33,600;  knew 
not  what  had  become  of  the  rest;  had  heard  that  the  money  was  landed  at  S. 
Bias,  and  only  a  part  reshipped  with  goods  supposed  to  have  been  purchased 
with  that  money.  Maitorena  had  heard  of  the  investment  of  public  funds, 
and  had  seen  in  the  possession  of  Luis  Bringas  certain  bales  of  goods,  which 
he  judged  to  be  the  ones  bought  by  H.  In  a  letter  of  later  date,  Maitorena 
attempts  to  show  some  irregularities  in  the  collection  of  duties  from  the  Nile, 
in  1825.  Juan  Bandini  reserved  his  formal  testimony  until  the  matter  should 
come  before  the  diputacion;  but  declared  it  to  be  a  matter  of  public  notoriety 
that  H.  had  misapplied  the  public  funds.  Alf.  Romualdo  Pacheco  noticed  at 
S.  Bias  that  only  $6,500  of  the  $22,000  was  reshipped,  and  was  told  by  J.  M. 
Padr6s  that  H.  had  invested  the  balance  in  goods,  having  admitted  as  much 
to  him,  Padres.  It  was  a  notorious  fact  that  Bringas  had  sold  the  goods  at 
the  presidios,  towns,  and  missions  of  Cal.     Alf.  Juan  Jose"  Rocha  confirmed 


G2  ECHEANDIA  AXD  HERRERA— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

charge  well  founded;  and  it. must  be  admitted  that 
the  testimony  against  the  comisario,  though  for  the 
most  .part  weak,  furnished  some  grounds  for  suspicion 
— and  nothing  stronger  under  the  circumstances — that 
certain  packages  of  goods  had  been  purchased  with 
public  money.  When  we  consider  that  these  proceed- 
ings were  conducted  in  secret,  mainly  by  Herrera's 
enemies,  that  they  were  never  carried  further  in  public, 
that  Herrera  was  never  called  upon  for  a  defence  upon 
any  criminal  charge,  and  that  Echeandia  was  smarting 
under  the  rebukes  of  the  comisario  general,  it  seems 
wisest  at  the  least  to  attach  little  importance  to  the 
accusations. 

The  matter  was  discussed  by  the  diputacion  in  the 
sessions  of  July,  Bandini  and  the  president  making 
all  the  speeches.  Bandini's  deferred  revelations  proved 
to  be  the  reading  of  a  treasury  report  on  the  sums  of 


the  statement  as  to  what  was  seen  in  S.  Bias.  Lieut.  Estrada  testified  that 
the  Morelos  brought  some  20  packages,  including  cigars  and  brandy,  more 
than  were  on  the  manifest;  and  these  goods  were  opened  at  Herrera's  house, 
where  and  elsewhere  they  were  sold  by  Bringas.  Deponent  believed  the 
goods  belonged  to  H.  Luis  Mariano  Bringas,  after  "much  difficulty,  was 
found  and  induced  to  testify  at  Angeles  before  the  alcalde  and  Capt.  Portilla. 
His  testimony  was  clear  enough,  and  to  the  effect  that  of  the  $4,500  in  goods 
which  he  had  brought  to  California  and  sold,  S3, 000  belonged  to  his  friend 
Tejada,  a  trader  of  Saltillo,  and  $1,500  had  been  committed  to  him  by  H.  a3 
belonging  to  his  (H.'s)  cousin.  Full  particulars  were  given  of  his  dealings. 
But  by  the  testimony  of  Ignacio  M.  Alvarado  it  was  shown  that  Bringas, 
while  refusing  to  testify  on  various  pretences,  had  sent  a  messenger  post-haste 
to  Monterey  and  had  received  a  message  from  H.  Capt.  Portilla's  opinion 
was,  therefore,  that  Bringas  had  testified  falsely  under  instructions  from  PI., 
whose  accomplice  he  was.  One  of  the  documents  exhibited  by  Bringas,  in 
support  of  his  testimony,  was  a  draft  bearing  the  name  of  Wm.  A.  Gale, 
written  Galle,  and  pronounced  a  forgery  by  Gale  himself,  who  denied  that  he 
had  ever  had  any  transaction  with  Bringas.  Moreover,  Rodrigo  del  Pliego 
testified  that  H.  had  openly  boasted  of  furnishing  Bringas  with  papers  that 
would  serve  his  purpose,  implying  that  the  signatures  were  forged  by  him.  Za- 
morano's  final  opinion,  rendered  to  Echeandia  at  the  end  of  July,  was  that  H. 
had  invested  a  part  of  the  public  funds  for  his  own  account  at  Topic,  since  of 
the  $22,000  only  about  $3,500  in  coin  could  be  proved  to  have  arrived  in  Cal. ; 
and  it  was  very  likely  that  the  bales  of  goods  referred  to  represented  the  bal- 
ance; though  it  was  hard  to  prove,  because  H.  had  had  plenty  of  time  to 
replace  the  deficit  in  coin.  June  IGth,  Echeandia  in  a  circular  orders  the  ap- 
prehension of  Bringas,  who  is  to  be  compelled  to  testify.  Dept.  lice,  MS.,  v. 
53.  April  2Gth,  E.  to  com.  gen.,  says  that  H.  has  not  acted  properly,  and 
that  proceedings  have  been  instituted  to  prove  his  misbehavior.  Id.,\.  130. 
July  10th,  II.  to  gov.,  with  renewed  complaints  on  the  disregard  of  his  orders 
by  Martinez,  Estrada,  and  Arguello.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas., 
MS.,  i.  7(3-9. 


ACTION  OF  THE  DIPUTACION.  63 

money  intrusted  to  Herrera,  and  his  own  statement 
that  he  was  positive  of  Herrera's  misuse  of  the  funds. 
The  record  of  the  previous  secret  investigations  seems 
also  to  have  been  read.  Ternas,  or  trios,  of  candidates 
for  contador  and  treasurer  were  proposed  in  due  form. 
Bandini  then  advocated  the  suspension  of  Herrera; 
but  Echeandia  opposed  so  radical  a  measure,  arguing 
that  the  comisario  would  be  so  closely  watched  by  the 
new  officials  that  he  could  do  no  harm,  and  meanwhile 
the  charges  against  him  could  be  investigated  by  the 
supreme  government.  It  is  not  easy  to  determine 
whether  the  governor's  opposition  was  a  mere  pre- 
tence, or  whether,  while  wishing  to  humble  his  rival, 
he  doubted  the  expediency  of  suspending  him  on  so 
slight  evidence.  On  the  first  vote,  four  members  were 
for  suspension,  one  against  it,  and  one  besides  the  pres- 
ident did  not  vote.  Subsequently  another  member 
was  called  in,  the  arguments  were  repeated,  and  Ban- 
dini obtained  a  secret  vote  in  favor  of  suspension.  It 
is  not  unlikely  that  this  result  had  been  prearranged, 
and  that  the  arguments  of  Bandini  and  Echeandia 
were  made  merely  for  effect.7 

Herrera  was  not  suspended,  because  the  candidates 
for  treasurer  declined  to  serve,  and  no  suitable  person 
for  the  place  could  be  found;  but  Pablo  Gonzalez 
was  installed  as  contador  from  July  23d,  and  matters 
went  on  much  as  before,  save  that  Herrera,  offended 
at  the  charges  of  interfering  with  other  officials,  now 
declined  to  perform  some  duties  thought  to  belong  to 
him.8     He  neglected  certain  details  of  gathering  sup- 

7  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  91-101.  For  contador  the  terna  was,  1.  Pablo  Gonzalez, 
2.  Joaqnin  Estudillo,  3.  Manuel  Dominguez.  For  treasurer,  1.  Jos6  Antonio 
Carrillo,  2.  Jos6  Antonio  Estudillo,  3.  Antonio  Maria  Osio.  In  the  first  vote 
Ortega,  Bandini,  Carrillo,  and  Buelna  voted  for  suspension;  Estrada  against, 
and  Tapia  reserved  his  vote.  Romualdo  Pacheco  was  the  suplente  called  in, 
but  the  final  vote  was  secret,  no  n;nues  being  given. 

8  Appointment  of  Gonzalez,  who  spoke  English,  as  contador,  July  23d.  L<g. 
Rec.,  MS.,  i.  64,  01;  JJrpt.  I;ec,  MS.,  v.  71.  Aug.  7th,  Echeandia  to  com. 
gen.  Says  he  has  forwarded  to  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  the  secret  in- 
vestigations against  II.,  whom  the  diputacion  does  not  suspend  for  want  of  a 
suitable  man  to  take  his  place.  Id.,  v.  138.  Sept.  10th,  H.  to  com.  gen. 
complaining  that  the  ministro  de  hacienda  fails  to  answer  his  important  ques- 
tions. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Leu.  Com.  and  Trcas.,  MS.,  i.  91. 


64  ECHEANDIA  AND  HERRERA— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

plies  and  serving  out  rations  to  prisoners,  was  sum- 
moned before  the  diputacion  on  September  19th,  denied 
the  right  of  that  body  to  question  him,  but  indulged 
in  a  wordy  warfare  with  Echeandia  in  the  legislative 
hall.  Next  day  the  governor  evolved  from  his  inner 
consciousness,  and  caused  to  be  approved  by  the  dipu- 
tacion, the  theory  that  the  duty  of  a  comisario  sub- 
principal  de  hacienda  was  confined  to  *  systematizing 
the  financial  administration/  by  reporting  on  needed 
reforms,  and  keeping  accounts  of  net  products  of  rev- 
enue.9 Accordingly  he  notified  Herrera  of  the  result 
of  his  legal  studies  prompted  by  the  comisario's  mis- 
deeds, and  ordered  him  to  restore  to  the  habilitados 
all  their  former  powers,  and  to  confine  his  own  author- 
ity to  the  narrow  limits  indicated  above.  Herrera 
thereupon,  in  obedience  as  he  said  to  previous  instruc- 
tions from  his  superior,  resigned  his  position,  leaving 
the  financial  administration  wholly  in  the  hands  of 
the  gefe  politico,  and  asking  for  a  passport  to  go  to 
Mazatlan,  which  Echeandia  refused.  Thus  the  matter 
stood  during  the  rest  of  1827.10 

9  Leg.  Rec ,  MS. ,  i.  86-90,  101-4.  Sessions  of  Sept.  19th-20th.  Echeandia 
supported  his  new  theory  with  an  elaborate  argument.  A  new  terna  for  treas- 
urer was  proposed,  consisting  of  Santiago  Argiiello,  Maitorena,  and  Ignacio 
Martinez ;  but  military  duties  prevented  their  acceptance. 

10  Sept.  25,  1827,  gov.  to  H.  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  v.  91-2,  repeated  Sept.  27th. 
Sept.  26th,  H.  to  Estrada,  announcing  his  resignation.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i. 
110.  Sept.  26th,  gov.  to  Estrada,  announcing  and  explaining  the  change. 
The  complaint  was  in  the  matter  of  furnishing  supplies  and  rations,  and  the 
theory  was  that  Gov.  Argiiello  had  given  up  to  H.  at  first  powers  to  which 
he  was  not  entitled.  Id.,  i.  109.  Same  date,  Echeandia  notifies  Prefect  Sarria 
of  the  change.  A^ch.  A  rzob. ,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  38-9.  Echeandia's  argument  quoted 
in  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  172-4.  E.  says  in  1829  that  H.  'se  suspendi6y 
tenazmento  se  nego  en  el  ejercicio  de  todas  sus  funciones  desde  el  dia  26  de  Sep- 
tiembre  de  1827,  dejandolas  al  cargo  de  este  gobierno.'  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
MIL,  MS.,  lxx.  19.  Sept.  29th,  E.  to  H.  Chides  him  for  his  refusal  to  perform 
duties  belonging  to  his  office,  and  refuses  a  passport.  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  v.  93. 
October,  E.  asks  minister  of  the  treasury  that  the  trial  or  investigation  of  him- 
self and  H.  may  take  place  inCal.  Id.,  v.  130-1.  Oct.  1st,  E.  to comandantes 
and  prefect  on  his  orders  to  H.  Id. ,  v.  93-4;  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  ii.  41 .  Oct.  3d, 
E.  to  H.  Never  told  him  not  to  manage  the  funds  entering  his  office;  and  if  he 
persists  in  resigning  the  place,  the  treasury  will  be  injured  even  more  than  it 
was  by  his  assumption  of  the  habilitados'  duties  and  rights.  Dept.  Rec ,  v.  95. 
Oct.  11th,  H.  to  E.,  protesting  against  the  orders  which  detain  him  in  Cal.  If 
the  treasury  interests  were  injured,  it  was  because  he  was  not  allowed  to  go 
to  report  to  his  superior  in  order  that  the  latter  might  put  another  man  in 
hi3  place;  and  the  governor,  to  whom  he  was  in  no  way  responsible,  was  the 
only  one  to  blame.     If  charged  with  criminal  acts,  he  was  ready  for  trial;  if 


FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS  IN  182S.  65 

Nor  did  1828  bring  any  notable  change  in  the  sit- 
uation. The  habilitados  attended  to  the  revenues  as 
of  old,  Estrada  and  afterward  Vallejo  of  Monterey 
exercising  a  kind  of  supervision,  until  in  November 
Manuel  Jimeno  Casarin,  a  young:  man  brought  to 
California  by  his  brothers,  the  friars  Jimeno,  was 
appointed  by  Echeandia  as  acting  comisario,  or  admin- 
istrator of  the  revenues,  his  position  being  similar  to 
that  held  bv  Estrada  before  the  coming  of  Herrera;11 
and  Juan  Bandini  was  appointed  at  about  the  same 
time  as  subordinate  comisario  at  San  Diego.  Mean- 
while Herrera  continued  his  protests  against  being 
kept  in  California;  could  obtain  neither  a  trial  nor  a 
passport;  but  made  some  efforts  to  obtain  material  for 
a  later  prosecution  of  his  adversary.  Echeandia  was 
greatly  blamed  by  both  the  comisario  general  and  the 
minister  of  the  treasury  for  his  course  towards  his 
foe;  but  he  defended  himself  as  well  as  he  could  in 
writing,  and  insisted  on  keeping  Herrera  in  the  terri- 
tory and  holding  him  responsible  for  all  financial  ills, 
present  and  prospective.12 

not,  there  was  no  right  to  detain  him.  He  wished  to  enjoy  the  wise  laws  of 
his  country  where  they  were  respected  and  obeyed,  and  not  remain  where  they 
were  shamefully  transgressed,  as  he  was  ready  to  prove.  He  also  claimed  his 
arrears  of  salary,  he  having  received  only  $126  in  a  year,  and  having  to  t:ell 
his  furniture  to  keep  alive.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  51.  Oct.  lGth,  E.  to 
comandantes,  alcaldes,  etc.,  announcing  his  action  towards  H. ,  urging  habili- 
tados to  attend  carefully  to  their  duties,  and  explaining  why  H.  was  not  allowed 
to  depart — that  is  because  at  a  distance  it  would  be  hard  to  prove  H.  's  frauds  or 
justifyhis  own  action  or  that  of  the  diputacion.  Dept.  Pec.,MS.,  101,  103;Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  iv.  49-50;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  xi.  1.  Oct.  28th, 
E.  to  com.  gen.  Thinks  the  administration  of  the  revenue  by  the  habilitados 
is  injurious.  With  an  administrator,  vista,  and  guard  at  each  port,  the 
revenue  might  amount  to  $30,000  or  $40,000  annually.  Dept.  liec,  MS.,  v. 
139.  Nov.  27th,  E.  tells  the  comandante  that  the  company  officers  had 
never  been  free  from  responsibility  in  the  matter  of  finances.  Id.,  v.  105. 

11  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  vi.  13,  133;i^.  Bee,  MS.,  i.  286.  Oct.  6th,  P.  Antonio 
Jimeno  writes  to  P.  Peyri  about  getting  for  his  brother  the  position  of  col- 
lector of  customs.  Peyri  replies  that  he  should  obtain  a  certificate  of  fitness, 
and  security  for  $4,000.  Perhaps  Jimeno  did  not  take  possession  until  Jan. 
1,  1829.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxx.  308. 

12  Jan.  11,  1828,  gov.  to  min.  of  war.  Defends  himself  against  charges  of 
usurpation  by  the  min.  of  the  treasury.  Some  of  the  charges  had  apparently 
been  printed,  for  which  satisfaction  is  demanded.  Dept.  Pec.,  M.S.,  vi.  18- 
19.  Feb.  22d,  H.  asks  for  a  passport  to  go  and  render  his  accounts  at  Maza- 
tlan.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  101.  March  1st  and  April  26th,  com.  gen.  to  B., 
blaming  him  and  the  diputacion  for  exceeding  their  powers,  even  on  the  sup- 
position that  H.  was  guilty  as  charged,  in  which  case  a  report  should  have 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    5 


GO  ECHEANDIA  AND  HERRERA— THE  SOUS  REVOLT. 

A  kind  of  revolt  occurred  In  the  north  in  October 
1828,  with  which  Herrera's '  name  is  connected  as 
instigator  by  Alvarado,  Osio,  and  Vallejo,  without 
the  slightest  foundation  so  far  as  can  be  known. 
There  is  indeed  very  little  information  extant  respect- 
ing the  movement,  although  I  have  the  statements  of 
several  old  Californians  on  the  subject,  including  two 
of  the  leaders,  Jose  de  Jesus  Pico  and  Pablo  Vejar. 
It  appears  that  on  the  8th  of  October,  a  large  part  of 
the  cavalry  soldiers  at  Monterey,  joined  by  those  of 
the  escoltas  who  left  their  missions,  refused  to  serve 
longer  unless  they  were  paid,  thereupon  marching  out 
of  the  presidio  with  their  weapons.  Touching  sub- 
sequent events,  there  is  no  agreement  among  the  nar- 
rators, beyond  the  fact  that  Lieutenant  Romualdo 
Pacheco  persuaded  the  rebels  to  return  to  their  duties, 
several  of  the  number  being  put  in  prison  to  awTait 
the  decision  of  the  supreme  government  on  their 
fate.13     All  agree  that  want  of  clothing  and  food  wras 

been  sent  to  his  superior  officer.  H.  is  also  reprimanded  on  the  same  date  for 
failing  to  report  properly  on  E.'s  misdeeds  and  other  matters.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  96-103.  June  13th,  H.  to  E.  Protests  against 
what  is  virtually  his  arrest,  since  he  is  not  allowed  to  leave  Monterey  for  Sta 
Barbara  and  S.  Diego  to  attend  to  business.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  58. 
July  1st,  H.  required  by  the  pres.  of  Mexico  to  form  a  regular  accusation 
against  E. ;  nothing  to  be  kept  back.  /(/.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  i.  92-3.  Aug. 
7th,  E.  says  he  did  not  intend  to  prevent  H.  from  travelliug  by  land  within 
the  territory.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  vi.  79.  Sept.  15th,  E.  to  com.  gen.  Says 
H.'s  charge  that  he  and  the  diputacion  deprived  him  of  his  office  is  false.  Id., 
vi.  12-13.  Nov.  7th,  E.  orders  that  H.'s  salary  be  paid  punctually.  Id.,  vi. 
131.  Same  date,  will  not  allow  him  to  leave  the  territory  till  ordered  to  do 
so  by  the  sup.  govt.  Id.,  vi.  129.  Dec.  4th,  9th,  17th,  further  correspond- 
ence, showing  that  H.  went  to  S.  Diego,  apparently  to  make  secret  investiga- 
tions against  his  foe,  which  caused  additional  complications  not  very  clearly 
recorded.    Id.,  vi.  148,  150,  154-6,  158. 

13  Oct.  1828,  escoltas  from  S.  Luis  Obispo  to  S.  Juan  Bautista  have  aban- 
doned their  posts.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  i.  6,  8-9.  Oct. 
18th,  Echeandia  orders  comandante  of  Monterey  to  bring  the  rebels  to  trial 
by  court-martial;  but  if  he  cannot  master  them,  to  offer  a  pardon.  Dept. 
llec.,  MS.,  vi.  113.  Oct.  20th,  E.  to  min.  of  war.  Says  the  escoltas  left 
their  posts,  and  with  the  other  troops  came  with  arms  in  their  hands  to 
demand  their  pay.  Hopes  by  the  aid  of  the  artillery  lately  arrived  to  pre- 
vent such  disorder;  but  needs  officers.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  36-8.  Oct. 
31st,  Id.  to  Id.  Mentions  the  revolt,  and  asks  that  the  guilty  ones  be  par- 
doned. Dept.  Pec.,  MS.,  vi.  36.  Nov.  7th,  comandante  of  Monterey  has 
made  known  to  the  troops  the  governor's  pleasure  at  their  loyalty  in  reject- 
ing the  proposals  by  some  degenerate  miUtares.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  159. 
Jan.  1S29,  liscal's  opinion  in  case  of  Francisco  Soto  for  the  revolt  of  Oct. 
Sth,  and  other  insubordination,  then  in  prison.     Thinks  the  death  penalty 


DISCONTENT  OF  THE  SOLDIERS.  67 

the  cause  of  the  rising;  and  there  is  no  reason  to  sup- 
pose that  it  had  any  politically  personal  significance. 
There  is  also  a  vague  allusion  to  insubordination  at 
San  Francisco  about  the  same  time,  but  we  have  no 
particulars.14 

In  1829  there  was  a  practical  cessation  of  the  finan- 
cial controversy  in  its  old  phases,  the  situation  remain- 
ing unchanged,  save  that  Antonio  Maria  Osio  acted 
as  comisario  during  part  of  the  year  in  the  place  of 
Jimeno,  and  an  opportunity  was  afforded  Echeandia 
to  rid  himself  of  Herrera  by  sending  him  away  as  a 
prisoner  for  trial,  on  charges  somewhat  less  unfounded 
than  that  of  mismanaging  the  revenues.  Discontent 
among  the  soldiers  continued,  resulting  in  a  revolt 
more  extensive  and  complicated  than  that  of  1828, 
though  not  much  more  serious  in  its  results.  Desti- 
tution,  resulting  from  non-receipt  of  pay  and  rations, 
and  attributed  naturally  by  the  troops  to  some  fault 
of  the  governor,  was  the  leading  motive  of  the  sol- 
diers;   the  participants  in  the  last  revolt,  yet  under 

should  not  be  inflicted.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben,  Mil,  MS.,  lxix.  24.  Osio,  Hist. 
Col.,  MS.,  123-5,  says  40  soldiers,  not  including  the  older  sergeants  and  cor- 
porals, marched  12  leagues  to  Codornices  Mt.,  and  were  induced  to  come 
back  by  Pacheco  and  the  padres,  the  former  offering  to  intercede  for  their 
pardon.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  ii.  83-5,  tells  us  the  cavalry  company  went  to 
Sauzal,  could  not  agree  among  themselves,  and  when  Pacheco  put  himself  at 
their  head,  the}'  instinctively  obeyed  his  order  to  march  back  to  their  quar- 
ters, where  they  were  under  arrest  for  many  months.  Pico,  Acontecimientos, 
MS.,  10,  says  that  80  men  wandered  about  for  a  month,  when  half  went  back 
and  were  pardoned.  The  rest,  the  leaders  being  Felipe  Arceo,  Raimundo 
and  Gabriel  de  la  Torre,  Pablo  Vejar,  Jose"  de  Jesus  Pico,  and  Francisco  Soto, 
remained  away  longer,  but  at  last  returned  at  the  request  of  their  friends 
and  families,  and  were  put  in  prison.  Vejar,  JRecuerdos,  MS. ,  8-9,  says  he  and 
another  man  were  sent  to  Estrada  to  say  that  they  would  serve  no  longer 
without  pay;  and  that  before  they  returned  to  duty  Estrada  promised  par- 
don and  some  relief.  Torre,  Reminisce ncias,  MS.,  8-9,  says  that  Arces  was 
leader,  and  that  the  rebels  went  as  far  as  Sta  Cruz,  S.  Juan,  and  S.  Jos<5. 
Avila,  Cosas  de  CaL,  MS.,  25-7,  saw  the  rebels  form  in  line  near  her  husband's 
house  to  return  with  Pacheco.  She  says  Vejar  was  the  leader,  and  that  while 
in  prison  all  were  terrified  at  threats  of  being  put  to  death.  Amador,  Memo- 
rias,  MS.,  80,  tells  us  it  was  a  long  time  before  all  returned  to  duty.  He 
and  Jos6  de  Jesus  Vallejo,  JReminis.,  MS.,  15-10,  represent  the  soldiers  as 
having  been  in  a  pitiable  state  of  destitution  when  they  were  driven  to  insub- 
ordination. Mention  of  the  affair  in  Lugo,  Vida,  MS.,  13;  Larios,  Couvul- 
siones,  MS.,  8;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  24. 

14  Oct.  20th,  gov.  tomin.  of  war.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  38-9. 


68  ECHEAXDIA  AND  HERHERA— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

arrest,  were  rendered  reckless  by  current  rumors  that 
they  were  to  be  shot;15  Herrera  and  some  of  the 
friars,  from  motives  of  personal  hostility,  were  willing 
to  encourage  any  movement  directed  against  Echean- 
dia;  and  finally  the  records,  without  clearly  implicat- 
ing any  prominent  individual,  leave  room  for  a  suspi- 
cion that  most  of  the  officers  at  Monterey  and  San 
Francisco  were  at  the  least  not  very  earnest  in  their 
opposition  to  the  rebels,  though  lacking  confidence  in 
their  success  and  courage  to  take  risks. 

In  June  two  soldiers  revealed  to  Alferez  Jose  Fer- 
nandez del  Campo  a  plot  of  the  troops  to  rise  against 
the  governor  and  all  those  de  la  otra  banda,  with  a 
view  to  put  all  the  offices  in  the  hands  of  Californians. 
The  outbreak  at  Monterey  was  to  take  place  June 
2 2d,  but  the  plan  was  revealed  on  the  18th.  The 
leader  was  Joaquin  Solis,  a  convict  ranchero,  living 
not  far  from  the  presidio.  Solis  was  a  companion  of 
Vicente  Gomez,  El  Capador.  Like  him,  he  had  ren- 
dered service  in  the  war  of  independence,  and  like 
him,  had  been  sentenced  to  California  for  brutal 
crimes,  which,  but  for  his  past  services,  would  have 
been  more  severely  punished.  This  revelation  strangely 
seems  to  have  caused  no  special  sensation.  There  was 
a  formal  examination  of  several  witnesses,  with  some 
official  correspondence.  Difficulty  was  experienced  in 
inducing  any  officer  to  act  as  fiscal,  or  prosecutor,  and 
finally  the  matter  was  dropped  for  reasons  not  ap- 
parent. Stranger  still,  this  affair  w^as  ignored  in  all 
the  proceedings  arising  from  later  troubles.1 


16 


15  June  9,  1829,  order  from  Mexico  that  the  soldiers  under  arrest  for  mutiny- 
be  set  at  liberty,  after  admonishment  as  to  their  duties.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  v.  12.  It  does  not  appear  that  this  order  reached  Monterey  before  the 
rising.  The  fact  that  the  prisoners  began  the  movement  is  stated  by  Pico, 
Acont.,  MS.,  10-13;  Larios,  Convulsiones.  MS.,  S-10:  Avila,  Cosas  de  CaL, 
MS.,  25-8. 

J6  June  23,  1829,  com.  of  Monterey  toEcheandia.  Says  a  conspiracy  of  the 
Californians  against  the  Mexicans  had  been  detected,  and  his  men  had  been  un- 
der arms  for  3  days,  though  the  conspirators  had  not  dared  to  break  out.  Dept. 
Rec.t  MS.,  vi.  16.  June  25th,  Alf.  Fernandez  reported  to  the  com.  the  revela- 
tions of  Mariano  Peguero,  corporal  of  artillery,  and  of  private  Pedro  Guerrero. 
Gabriel  Espinosa  and  Raimundo  de  la  Torre  were  named  as  concerned  in  the 
plot.     The  cavalryman,  Juan  Elizalde,  confirmed  the  statements  of  Peguero 


REVOLTING  TROOPS  TAKE  MONTEREY.  G9 

During  the  night  of  November  12th-13th,  the  sol- 
diers at  Monterey  rose  and  took  possession  of  the 
presidio.  By  a  previous  understanding,  doubtless, 
though  little  or  nothing  was  ever  brought  to  light  on 
the  subject,  there  was  no  'opposition  in  any  of  the 
barracks;  but  some  of  the  men,  especially  of  the  in- 
fantry, seem  to  have  been  permitted  to  remain  neutral 
by  giving  up  their  weapons./  The  ringleaders  were 
Mariano  Peguero,  Andres  Leon,  Pablo  Vejar,  and 
the  two  brothers  Raimundo  and  Gabriel  de  la  Torre, 
though  even  of  these  none  would  subsequently  ad- 
mit that  he  entered  altogether  willingly  into  the  plot, 
or  that  he  contemplated  anything  more  serious  than 
the  sending  of  a  'representation'  to  the  governor. 
Small  parties,  each  including  two  or  more  of  the  men 
named,  proceeded  to  the  houses  of  Vallejo,  the  acting 
commandant  of  the  company,  Juan  Jose  Rocha  of 
the  artillery,  Sergeant  Andres  Cervantes,  and  of  the 
acting  comisario  Manuel  Jimeno  Casarin,  all  of  whom 
were  roused  from  their  slumbers  on  one  pretext  or 
another,  and  were  locked  up  in  the  calabozo  before 
dawn.  Juan  B.  Alvarado  and  Jose  Castro  seem  also 
to  have  been  arrested.  No  resistance  beyond  verbal 
protest  was  attempted,  except  that  the  doors  of  Va- 
llejo and  Rocha  had  to  be  kicked  down  by  Estevan 
Espinosa.17 

and  Guerrero.  Follows  a  record  of  preliminary  legal  proceedings,  leading  to 
no  intelligible  result.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxix.  15-19.  July  1st. 
gov.  to  com.  of  Monterey.  Orders  arrest  of  Solis,  Espinosa,  and  Torre,  and 
examination  of  Elizaldc,  Guerrero,  and  Fernando  Curiel.  Dept.  St.  Pup.,  MS., 
ii.  OG-7;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  187.  July  8th,  gov.  orders  artillery  comand ante 
to  redouble  his  efforts  to  prevent  the  threatened  revolt.  Id.,  vii.  193.  Sept. 
22d,  Jose  T.  Castro,  alcalde,  assures  Echeandi'a  of  the  fealty  of  S.  Jose\  St. 
Pap..  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  7.  Sept.  28th,  Fernandez  del  Campo  to  al- 
calde. Must  watch  that  no  one  carries  forbidden  arms.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS., 
xxix.  419. 

17  The  details  of  the  arrests  are  given  at  considerable  length  in  testimony 
to  be  referred  to  later.  It.  Torre,  Vo'jar,  Leon,  Dolores  Garcia,  Espinosa,  and 
a  few  artillerymen  composed  the  party  that  took  Vallejo.  He  was  called  on 
pretext  of  an  important  message  just  arrived,  but  suspecting  something,  would 
not  come  out;  therefore  the  door  was  kicked  in  after  consultation.  Feguero, 
Vejar,  and  Espinosa  arrested  Jimeno.  Several  witnesses  testified  that  Alva- 
rado and  Castro  were  imprisoned.  Avila,  Cosa-s  de  Gal. ,  MS. ,  25-8,  was  told  by 
Vejar  at  the  time  that  the  object  was  to  make  the  officers  eat  morizqueta  and 
learn  how  the  soldiers  had  to  live.    Spence,  Hist.  Notes,  MS.,  3-7,  says  Solis 


70  ECHEANDIA  AND  HERRERA— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

The  rebels  thus  secured"  Monterey  without  opposi- 
tion, and  similar  easy  success  at  all  other  points  was 
anticipated.  There  was  the  usual  indulgence  in  pros- 
pective death  or  liberty  as  a  figure  of  speech,  but 
clearly  none  of  the  conspirators  expected  serious  ob- 
stacles. A  leader  was  needed,  none  of  the  conspira- 
tors ranking  higher  than  corporal,  or  feeling  compe- 
tent to  take  the  command.  Raimundo  de  la  Torre 
was  accordingly  despatched  with  a  summons  to  Joaquin 
Solis,  who  came  in  from  his  rancho  on  the  14th  and  as- 
sumed the  position  of  comandante  general  of  the  Cali- 
fornian  troops.18  I  suppose  that  all  this  had  been  pre- 
arranged, although  Solis  and  the  rest  insisted  on  their 
trial,  that  the  convict  general  now  heard  of  the  rising 
for  the  first  time,  and  he  even  had  the  assurance  to  claim 
that  he  accepted  the  command  to  prevent  the  disor- 
ders that  would  naturally  arise  from  leaving  the  rab- 
ble uncontrolled! 

Now  that  there  was  a  general,  a  plan  or  pronuncia- 
miento  was  an  absolute  necessity.  Solis  applied  for 
such  a  plan — or,  as  he  afterward  tried  to  make  it 
appear,  for  a  petitioner  ' representation'  to  Echeandia 
on  existing  evils — to  Jose  Maria  Herrera.  The  ex- 
took  the  officers  of  the  presidio  by  stratagem.  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii. 
148-59,  says  he  and  Castro  were  sleeping  in  the  same  room  with  Vallejo,  when 
10  soldiers  came  and  marched  all  three  to  jail,  where  they  spent  the  night  on 
the  bare  ground,  half-dressed.  Vallejo  got  a  chance  to  make  a  speech,  but 
to  no  avail.  The  prisoners  feared  at  first  serious  results  from  the  reckless 
character  of  the  conspirators.  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  86-96,  110-11;  iii. 
245,  gives  a  similar  narrative  to  that  of  Alvarado.  Says  it  was  2  a.  m.  when 
the  soldiers  came  on  pretence  of  giving  him  the  mail-bag.  They  were  shut 
up  with  the  lowest  criminals,  who  were  however  soon  released.  He  was  much 
relic ved  to  hear  from  Jimeno,  the  last  prisoner  brought  to  jail,  that  the  plot 
was  to  overthrow  Echeandia,  and  not,  as  he  had  feared,  to  plunder  the  town 
and  lice  on  one  of  the  vessels  in  port.  Torre,  JReminis.,  MS.,  10-21,  says  his 
brothers  Raimundo  and  Gabriel  were  in  command  of  the  escoltas  of  S.  Mi- 
guel and  S.  Luis  respectively,  and  came  with  their  men  and  those  of  S.  Anto- 
nio  and  Soledadj  arriving  on  the  night  of  the  revolt.  Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
125-51 ,  tells  us  that  Rocha,  Vallejo,  and  Fernandez  del  Campo  had  repeatedly 
warned  Echeandia  of  the  danger,  without  his  having  paid  the  slightest  heed. 
Vejar,  liccuerdos,  MS. ,  9-35,  says  Echeandia  would  certainly  have  been  shot 
had  he  been  in  Monterey  at  the  time,  as  the  soldiers  considered  him  respon- 
sible for  all  their  troubles. 

18  Nov.  13,  1829,  summons  to  Solis  to  take  the  command,  in  Dcpt.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  lxxii.  45,  signed  I)}'  Peguero,  Leon,  Gabriel  de  la  Torre,  and 
Petronilo  Rios.     See  also  Id.,  p.  40,  43,  53,  55. 


,       A  PRONUXCIAMIEOTO.  71 

comisario  was  in  sympathy  with  any  movement  against 
the  governor.  We  are  told  by  Osio,  Vallejo,  Alva- 
rado,  and  others  that  he  was  the  prime  mover  in  the 
revolt,  Solis  being  merely  a  tool  in  his  hands.  I 
think  this  view  of  the  case  an  exaggeration,  and  that 
Herrera,  like  several  others  perhaps  who  were  never 
directly  implicated,  was  willing  to  wait,  and  even  aid 
so  far  as  he  could  in  safety.  ,  However  this  may  have 
been,  the  troops  counted  on  him  to  a  certain  extent,19 
and  he  at  the  least  dictated  the  plan,  which  was  writ- 
ten at  his  house  by  Petronilo  Rios,  and  completed  in 
the  evening  of  November  15th.  It  was  read  aloud 
to  a  group  of  foreigners,  including  Hartnell,  Spence, 
Cooper,  Stearns,  Anderson,  McCulloch,  and  others 
who  happened  to  be  present,  and  who  more  or  less 
approved  the  document,  'from  motives  of  courtesy,' 
as  David  Spence  afterward  testified.  It  was  read  to 
the  soldiers  and  approved  by  them  the  same  night. 
Many  claimed  later  not  to  have  been  pleased  with  the 
paper,  since  it  was  a  plan  of  revolution,  and  not  a 
petition  for  redress  of  grievances;  but  this  was  an 
afterthought  in  most  cases. 

The  plan  was  made  to  embody  the  grievances  of 
Herrera,  as  well  as  of  the  troops,  and  was  directed 
against  Echeandia  as  the  author  of  all  territorial 
evils.20     The  avowed  object  was  to  put  the  territory 

19  There  are  several  vague  allusions  in  the  testimony  to  two  brazosfuertes, 
on  whom  dependence  was  placed.  One  was  supposed  to  be  Herrera,  and  the 
o  her  perhaps  Capt.  Gonzalez,  or  Lieut.  Lobato,  or  Francisco  Pacheco.  Solis 
claimed  to  have  acted  in  many  things  on  H. 's  advice  after  he  had  taken  the 

Lmaud.  H.  in  his  testimony  said  he  first  knew  of  the  trouble  when  in  the 
night  of  the  12th  he  heard  a  noise  in  Jimeno's  room  next  to  his  own,  and 
rushed  out  sword  in  hand  to  defend  him.  Next  clay  he  was  offered  the  cotn- 
isaria,  but  declined,  and  advised  the  rebels  to  await  the  arrival  of  Osio,  who 
already  had  the  appointment  from  Echeandia.  He  again  declined  the  office 
when  offered  by  Solis.  He  w<is  asked  for  advice,  and  gave  it  in  the  interest  of 
good  order.  He  subsequently  agreed  to  dictate  the  plan  on  condition  that 
the  officers  should  be  set  at  liberty,  and  with  a  view  to  secure  respect  for  the 
authorities,  to  prevent  outrages  on  persons  and  property;  in  fact,  to  control 
for  the  good  of  the  territory  so  far  as  possible  a  revolution  which  he  was  pow- 
erless to  prevent.  l)ept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  lxxii.  71-4.  It  is  fair  to  state  that 
this  defence  was  at  least  plausible,  and  that  there  is  really  no  evidence  of  any 
weight  against  its  accuracy,  except  the  statements  of  persons  liable  to  be  in- 
fluenced by  prejudice. 

2x) Soils,  Manifie8to  al  Publico,  6  sea  Pfande  Revolution,  1820,  MS.  It  was 
signed  by  Solis,  Pegucro,  Leon,  liios,  and  Gabriel  de  la  Torre.     In  substance, 


74  ECHEANDIA  AND  HERRERA— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

Soils  turned  his  attention  to  the  north,  leaving  Fran- 
cisco Pacheco  in  command  at  Monterey.23 

Of  .the  march  northward  and  return  we  have  few 
details;  but  there  had  been  a  previous  understanding 
with  the  garrison,  and  neither  at  San  Francisco  nor 
at  any  point  on  the  way  did  Solis  encounter  opposition. 
The  northern  tour  consumed  about  a  month,  to  De- 
cember 20th.  The  ayuntamiento  of  San  Jose  accepted 
the  plan  as  the  best  means  of  securing  peace  and  or- 
der; or  at  least  so  I  interpret  a  letter  of  Alcalde  Ar- 
chuleta, which  that  dignitary  perhaps  intended  to  be 
vaoaie  and  unintelligible.  At  San  Juan  and  Santa 
Clara  Solis  received  supplies  and  money  to  the  amount 
of  a  few  hundred  dollars;  but  Padre  Duran  at  Mission 
San  Jose,  not  in  the  comandante's  route,  declined  to 
contribute,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  no  official  knowl- 

23  Nov.  21st,  Pacheco  to  Solis.  Says  he  is  not  capable  of  undertaking  the 
command,  having  neither  talent  nor  disposition  for  it;  but  he  was  willing  to 
serve  his  country  in  any  possible  way.  The  following  items  are  from  the  vari- 
ous statements  made  from  memory:  Pablo  Vejar,  Becuerdos,  MS.,  9-17,  says 
he  had  for  a  week  the  key  of  the  comisarfa,  where  there  was  a  large  box  of 
silver  coin,  which  fact  he  did  not  reveal,  fearing  the  men  would  seize  the 
money  and  give  color  to  a  charge  that  they  had  rebelled  for  plunder.  He 
claims  to  have  been  a  leader  with  Torre  at  first.  Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  143-6, 
tells  us  that  Castro  was  forced  to  lend  $1,000  of  the  municipal  funds,  and  that 
he,  Osio,  distributed  over  $3,000  in  effects  to  the  troops.  He  arrived  the 
same  day  as  Solis,  and  helped  to  secure  the  release  of  the  prisoners.  Estevan 
do  la  Torre,  Reminis.,  MS.,  12-14,  gives  some  details  of  the  capture  by  his 
brother  of  Fernandez  del  Campo  at  S.  Juan.  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL ,  MS. ,  ii.  80-90, 
attributes  his  release  to  the  efforts  of  the  foreigners  headed  by  David  Spence. 
He  says  Sergt  Cervantes  was  also  sent  south  in  the  Brookline.  Jose"  de  Jesus 
Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  10-13,  says  he  was  sent  to  intercept  the  mail  at  Soledad 
and  to  bring  away  the  guard,  succeeding  in  both  undertakings.  Gonzalez, 
Revoluciones,  MS. ,  1-3,  gives  a  brief  account  of  the  whole  affair.  Robinson, 
Life  in  CaL,  69-70,  says  that  Solis  seized  about  $3,000  in  the  comisarfa,  and 
levied  a  contribution  on  the  inhabitants.  James  0.  Pattie's  version  of  the 
Solis  revolt  is  perhaps  worth  presenting  apart.  That  part  relating  to  this  first 
phase  of  the  affair  at  Monterey  is  as  follows:  In  January  1830  (the  date  is 
wrong)  my  acquaintances  informed  me  on  landing  'that  there  was  a  revolu- 
tion in  the  country,  a  part  of  the  inhabitants  having  revolted  against  the  con- 
stituted authorities.  The  revolted  party  seemed  at  present  likely  to  gain  the 
ascendency.  They  had  promised  the  English  and  Americans  the  same  priv- 
ileges and  liberty  in  regard  to  trade  on  the  coast  that  belonged  to  the  native 
citizens,  upon  the  condition  that  these  people  aided  them  in  their  attempt  to 
gain  their  freedom  by  imparting  advice  and  funds.  I  readily  appropriated  a 
part  of  my  little  store  to  their  use,  and  I  would  fain  have  accompanied  them 
in  hopes  to  have  one  shot  at  the  general  with  my  rifle.  But  my  countrymen 
said  it  was  enough  to  give  counsel  and  funds  at  first,  and  it  would  be  best  to 
how  they  managed  their  own  affairs  before  we  committed  ourselves  by 
taking  an  active  part  in  them.'  Pattie's  J\Tai\,  222. 


AT  SAN  FRANCISCO.  75 

edge  of  any  change  in  the  government.  He  was  per- 
haps the  only  man  in  the  north  who  ventured  to  ques- 
tion the  authority  of  Solis.2*  At  San  Francisco  Solis 
and  his  army  were  received  with  an  artillery  salute; 
the  whole  garrison  promptly  joined  the  rebel  cause ; 
Jose  Sanchez  was  made  comandante  instead  of  Mar- 
tinez; and  that  is  practically  all  that  is  known  on  the 
subject.25 

At  San  Francisco  Solis  tried  to  induce  Luis  Ar- 
giiello  to  take  the  chief  command  of  the  rebel  forces. 
There  is  no  documentary  evidence  of  this  fact,  but  it 
is  stated  by  many  of  the  Californians.  The  effort  was 
natural;  and  Jose  Fernandez  says  that  the  offer  was 
made  in  his  presence,  Solis  urging  Argiiello's  accept- 
ance, and  promising  to  retire  himself,  so  that  Don 
Luis  might  not  have  to  associate  with  a  convict.     But 

2iNov.  22d,  Solis  announces  that  he  is  near  S.  Juan,  and  his  men  need 
clothing.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  v.  3G9.  Nov.  25th,  Alcalde  Archuleta 
seems  to  accept  the  plan.  Id.,  v.  357-8.  Amounts  of  money  obtained,  .$140 
at  S.  Juan;  $100  at  Sta  Clara;  and  $200  at  S.  Jose".  Drpt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil, 
MS.,  lxxii.  46.  Nov.  2Gth,  Solis,  at  Sta  Clara,  to  ayunt.  of  S.  Jose".  Must 
have  81 00  from  municipal  fund  or  nearest  mission  in  order  to  resume  his  march. 
S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  14.  Nov.  30th,  Id.  to  Id.  from  S.  ¥.,  again  demands 
money  to  supply  the  troops.  Id.,  vi.  15.  Dec.  1st,  P.  Duran  declines  to  give 
$200  for  a  comandante  general  interino  of  whose  authority  he  knows  nothing. 
Id. ,  vi.  17.  Dec.  4th,  6th,  Solis,  at  S.  Francisco,  to  the  ayunt. ,  arguing  the  case 
as  against  P.  Duran.  The  beauties  of  the  plan  and  the  duties  of  all,  including 
friars,  under  it  are  earnestly  set  forth.  Id.,  vi.  12,  11.  Dec.  6th,  Solis,  back 
at  Sta  Clara,  gives  receipt  for  $100  of  the  tithes  of  S.  Jos6,  and  $200  of  Sta 
Clara.  Id.,  ii.  49.  Dec.  11th,  Solis,  at  La  Laguna,  with  complaint  against  the 
alcalde  of  S.  Jose  for  nothing  in  particular.  Id.,  i.  35. 

•io  Yah.  19,  1830,  Martinez  writes  to  Echeandia,  that  on  Nov.  15,  1829, 
Solis  was  about  to  attack  S.  Francisco  and  he  prepared  to  resist  him,  but  found 
the  troops  so  demoralized  and  so  disposed  to  join  Solis  that  he  was  obliged,  not 
to  accept  the  plan,  but  to  remain  neutral  and  await  results.  Nov.  30th,  he 
was  ordered  to  deliver  the  military  command  to  Jose  Sanchez  and  the  habili- 
tacion  to  Francisco  Sanchez,  and  also  to  remain  in  his  house  as  a  prisoner. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  129.  It  would  seem  that  on  the  final  approach  of 
Solis,  Martinez  had  some  idea  of  resistance,  for  Nov.  19th  he  wrote  to  S.  Jose, 
asking  for  a  rcenforcement  of  10  vecinos.  S.  Josd,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  33.  In  Feb. 
and  March  1830  Corporal  Joaquin  Pifia,  who  had  been  in  command  of  the  ar- 
tillery in  the  past  Nov.,  was  accused  of  insolence  to  Martinez  on  Nov.  28th, 
when  he  came  by  order  of  Solis,  then  at  the  mission,  to  demand  ammunition 
for  a  salute.  Pifia  denied  the  insolence,  but  in  turn  accused  Martinez  of  hav- 
ing approved  the  plan  when  it  was  first  read,  Nov.  21st  or  22<1,  and  of  having 
sent  to  Solis  a  written  surrender  of  the  presidio,  much  to  the  disgust  of  Pifia, 
but  with  the  approval  of  Francisco  dc  Haro.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
lxxi.  21-8.  All  of  the  Calif ornian  writers  mention  the  expedition  to  S.  Fran- 
cisco, but  none  give  details.  Osio,  however,  says  that  Solis  met  with  no  op- 
position from  Martinez. 


76  ECHEANDIA  AND  HERRERA— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

Argiiello,  while  admitting  that  he  would  rejoice  at 
the  overthrow  of  Echeandia,  had  no  disposition  to 
head  a  revolution,  and  persisted  in  his  refusal.  A  part 
of  the  San  Francisco  garrison  was  incorporated  in  the 
army  of  Solis,  but  most  of  the  men  deserted  at  San 
Jose  on  the  march  to  Monterey. 

On  his  return  Solis  received  despatches  warning  him 
to  make  haste  or  Santa  Barbara  would  be  lost  to  the 
cause.  Accordingly  after  a  short  stay  at  the  capital, 
he  began  his  march  southward  with  over  one  hundred 
men,  Gabriel  de  la  Torre  commanding  the  cavalry  and 
Lazaro  Piila  the  artillery.  Beyond  the  facts  that  the 
army  was  at  San  Miguel  December  28th,  got  plenty  of 
supplies  at  each  mission,  and  was  in  such  good  spirits 
at  Santa  Ines  that  the  men  refused  to  accept  the  gov- 
ernor's indulto  which  met  them  at  that  point,  we  have 
practically  no  details  respecting  the  march.  Thus  far 
all  went  well;  but  the  leader  had  no  ability,  nor  control 
over  his  men;  the  army  had  no  elements  of  coherence, 
and  would  fall  apart  of  its  own  weight  at  the  slightest 
obstacle;  yet  if  success  should  take  the  form  of  a  hole, 
the  fragments  might  fall  into  it.26 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  south.  Echeandia  heard 
of  the  Solis  revolt  November  25th,  or  a  day  or  two 
earlier.  On  that  date  he  revealed  it  to  the  officers  and 
people  in  a  circular,  stating  that  he  had  convoked  a 
council  of  seven  officers,  who  were  asked  for  a  frank 
opinion  whether  his  rule  was  satisfactory,  and  what 
changes  if  any  could  be  advantageously  made  in  the 
administration.  The  response  was  unanimous  that 
he  was  a  good  governor,  though  Juan  Malarin  was 
named  as  the  best  man  for  the  revenue  department. 

26  The  march  south,  organization  of  the  army,  trifling  details.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  lxxii.  41,  45-G,  76-7,  and  scattering.  Jan.  15,  1830, 
Alcalde  Soberanes  writes  from  Monterey  that  he  has  notice  of  Solis  passing 
Purisima  on  Jan.  10th,  and  that  Pacheco  is  awaiting  him  at  La  Cieneguita 
with  200  men.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  37.  Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  147,  men- 
tions that  at  Monterey  Solis  showed  an  inclination  to  give  up  the  command; 
that  his  old  companion  Antonio  Avila  threatened  to  oppose  him  if  he  con- 
tinued to  be  the  tool  of  Herrera;  and  that  a  sergeant  of  artillery  went  south 
in  his  army  with  the  express  purpose  of  betraying  him  (Lazaro  Piiia?),  as  he 
did. 


REVOLT  IN  THE  SOUTH.  77 

Consequently  he  declares  that  the  adherents  of  Solis, 
if  they  do  not  lay  down  their  arms  and  leave  the  au- 
thorities free,  shall  be  deemed  traitors  and  accom- 
plices of  the  Spanish  invaders  at  Vera  Cruz.27  Two 
days  later  Echeandia  reported  the  matter  to  the  min- 
ister of  war,  announcing  that  he  would  start  north  in 
a  few  days  to  retake  the  capital.  He  declared  his 
belief  that  Herrera  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  revolt, 
hoping  to  gratify  personal  haired,  to  avoid  the  ren- 
dering of  accounts  and  exposure  of  his  frauds,  and 
either  to  escape  by  some  vessel,  or  more  likely  to 
declare  for  Spain  or  North  American  adventurers. 
Echeandia  does  not  fail  to  make  the  affair  a  text  for 
discourse  on  the  difficulties  of  his  position,  and  the 
urgent  need  of  aid  from  Mexico.28  He  left  San  Diego- 
on  December  1st  and  reached  Santa  Barbara  the  15th, 
after  having  made  arrangements  on  the  way  for  re- 
enforcements  to  come  from  Los  Angeles,  and  for  a 
meeting  of  the  diputacion,  as  elsewhere  related. 

At  San  Diego  the  rebellion  obtained  no  foothold;29 
but  at  Santa  Barbara  in  the  early  days  of  December, 
before  Echeandfa's  arrival,  the  garrison  rose  much  as 
at  Monterey,  and  held  the  presidio  for  nearly  two 
clays.  The  outbreak  seems  to  have  taken  place  just 
after  the  arrival  of  Meliton  Soto  with  despatches  from 
the  north  on  the  2d.  The  coming  of  such  a  messenger 
had  been  expected,  and  a  rising  had  been  planned 
since  the  beginning  of  November.    It  was  now  settled 

27  Nov.  25,  1829,  Echeandia's  circular.    Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  vii.  257. 

28 Nov.  27,  1829,  E.  to  min.  of  war.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  53-5.  He  is 
hard  pressed  by  numerous  duties,  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  harmony  with 
disaffected  Spanish  friars,  the  fear  of  a  neophyte  uprising,  the  total  want  of 
funds,  the  difficulties  of  communication,  etc.  He  wants  officers,  troops, 
priests,  money,  and  above  all,  just  now  50  men  from  Sonora  to  establish  com- 
munication by  land. 

29  Nov.  26,  1829,  Echeandfa  orders  the  comandante  to  summon  the  militia 
in  case  of  need  to  serve  against  Solis.  Dept.  lice,  MS.,  vii.  258.  Dec.  30th, 
Argiiello  assures  E.  that  all  at  San  Diego  are  opposed  to  the  plan  and  deter- 
mined to  support  the  govt.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  92.  Sergt  Jose'  Maria 
Medrano  was  accused  by  P.  Menendezof  saying  that  he  had  expected  the  out- 
break since  July,  and  that  had  he  been  at  Monterey  he  would  have  favored 
the  plan;  but  after  investigation  the  padre's  testimony  was  doubted,  and 
Medrano  acquitted  as  a  faithful  soldier. 


78  ECHEANDIA  AND  HERRERA— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

that  the  discharge  of  a  musket  at  midnight  of  the  3d, 
eve  of  Santa  Barbara,  should  be  the  signal;  but  an 
accidental  discharge  brought  on  the  outbreak  prema- 
turely at  11  a.  M.  Romualdo  Pacheco,  acting  com- 
andante,  and  Rodrigo  del  Pliego  were  seized  and 
placed  under  arrest  in  Pacheco's  house,  guarded  by  a 
corporal  and  eight  soldiers.  Sergeant  Damaso  Rod- 
riguez was  perhaps  the  leader  of  the  rebels,  or  per- 
haps, as  he  afterward  claimed,  only  pretended  to  be  so 
to  preserve  order.  No  violence  was  done  to  persons 
or  property.  A  distribution  of  warehouse  effects  wras 
proposed,  but  was  postponed  until  the  soldiers  of  the 
mission  guards  should  come  to  claim  their  share.  The 
quelling  of  this  revolt  was  a  simple  matter.  The  offi- 
cers were  released  by  Rodriguez  and  a  few  others,  on 
the  4th,  against  the  wishes  of  many.  Pacheco  easily 
won  over  a  few  soldiers,  marched  to  the  barracks  next 
day,  and  advised  the  troops  to  return  to  their  alle- 
giance and  duty.  They  were  given  until  9  p.  m.  to 
think  of  the  matter,  and  they  deemed  it  best  to  sur- 
render, after  six  of  the  number,  presumably  the  lead- 
ers, whom  only  Pacheco  had  threatened  with  arrest, 
had  been  given  time  to  run  away  with  Meliton  Soto 
for  the  north.33 

Echeandia  put  Santa  Barbara  in  the  best  possible 
state  for  defence.    He  obtained  reenforcements  of  men, 


30  The  best  account  is  given  in  the  testimony  of  the  artilleryman  Maximo 
Guerra.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxii.  65-7.  He  names  as  impli- 
cated in  the  revolt  and  in  the  previous  plans:  Damaso  Rodriguez,  Antonio 
Guevara,  Vicente  Rico,  Joaquin  Cota,  Martinez,  and  himself,  who  were  the 
C  Mho  ran  away;  also  Jose"  Maria  Perez.  Luciano  Felix,  and  Ex-alcalde  Fer- 
nando Tico,  who  spoke  of  Anastasio  Carrillo  as  the  prospective  comandante. 
Soto  in  his  testimony,  Id.,  62-3,  claimed  to  have  had  nothing  further  to  do 
with  the  plot  than,  having  business  in  the  south,  to  carry  letters  for  Solis, 
receiving  $50  for  the  service.  He  was  back  at  Monterey  before  Solis  started 
for  Sta  Barbara.  Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  26-9,  who  was  alcalde  of  Sta 
Barbara  at  the  time,  gives  a  version  agreeing  with  that  of  Guerra,  so  far  as  it 
goes.  Dec.  8th,  Echeandia  at  S.  Gabriel  wrote  about  the  revolt,  stating  that 
Rodriguez  was  said  to  have  only  pretended  to  accept  the  command,  that  Pa- 
checo had  regained  control  by  the  aid  of  citizens,  and  that  he  was  in  pursuit 
of  wounded  (?)  mutineers.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  259.  Slight  mention  in  St. 
Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  x.  ;")(!.  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurreneins,  MS.,  28-32,  tells  us  that  all 
the  artillery  revolted  except  Corporal  Basualdo,  who  took  refuge  in  the  com- 
andante's  house. 


CAMPAIGN  OF  SANTA  BARBARA.  79 

animals,  and  supplies  from  the  pueblo  and  missions,31 
stationed  Pacheco  with  about  ninety  soldiers  at  Ciene- 
guita,  two  or  three  miles  from  the  mission,  and  awaited 
the  approach  of  the  rebel  forces.  The  7th  of  Jan- 
uary, 1830,  he  issued  a  proclamation,  in  which  he  called 
upon  the  Monterey  insurgents  to  surrender  on  condi- 
tion of  full  pardon  and  liberty,  except  to  the  leaders, 
who  would  be  simply  imprisoned  until  their  pardon 
could  be  obtained  from  Mexico;  He  believed  the  re- 
volt to  be  due  to  the  selfish  aims  and  the  crimes  of 
Herrera,  who  had  deceived  the  troops;  and  he  warned 
them  that  in  opposing  him  they  were  really  in  rebel- 
lion against  the  republic,  a  state  of  things  that  could 
lead  only  to  blood  and  ruin.32  Next  day  he  received 
a  communication  from  Solis,  dated  at  Santa  Ines  or 
El  Refugio  the  7th,  in  which  he  was  called  upon  to 
give  up  the  command  in  accordance  with  the  plan. 
He  answered  it  the  same  day  with  a  refusal.  He  or- 
dered the  rebels  to  present  themselves  unarmed  for 
surrender,  and  renewed  the  argument  against  Herrera, 
claiming  that  the  troops  had  received  two  thirds  of 
their  pay,  and  that  there  had  been  no  complaint  to 
him.33 

None  of  the  Solis  men  accepted  the  first  offer  of 
pardon  received  at  or  near  Santa  Ines.  No  obstacles 
had  yet  been  encountered,  and  this  revolt  was  so 
planned  as  to  overcome  everything  else.  It  was  yet 
hoped  that  the  Santa  Barbara  garrison  might  join  the 
movement,  and  the  rebel  army  marched  bravely  on  to 
Dos  Pueblos,  even  coming  in  sight  of  the  foe  on  the 
13th.     Pacheco  and  his  men  immediately  executed  a 

31  Thirty-one  citizens  went  from  Angeles.  Do.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
lxxiii.  60-1.  Dec.  20th,  Echeandfa  directs  padres  of  Staines  and  Purisima 
to  send  to  Sta  Barbara  all  people  capable  of  bearing  arms;  also  all  spare  ani- 
mals and  supplies  to  keep  them  from  the  hands  of  the  rebels.  Dept.  Rec,  MS., 
vii.  260.  Jan.  5,  1830,  E.  orders  alcalde  of  Angeles  to  send  armed  and  mounted 
citizens.  Id.,  viii.  2.  Pacheco's  advance  guard  consisted  of  30  of  the  Maza- 
tlan  company,  8  artillerymen,  30  of  the  regular  presidial  company  under  Alf. 
Pliego,  20  of  the  8.  Diego  company  under  Alf.  Ramirez,  and  about  100  neo- 
phytes with  bows  and  arrows.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  56. 

32 Jan.  7,  1830,  proclamation.  Dept.  itec.,MS.,  viii.  4. 

12 Id.,  viii.  4-7. 


80  ECHEANDIA  AND  HERRERA— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

change  of  base  to  prevcnfcbeing  cut  off — that  is,  they 
retreated  from  Cienesmita  as  fast  as  their  legs  would 
carry  them,  and  took  refuge  in  the  presidio.34  Solis 
seems  to  have  come  somewhat  nearer  Santa  Barbara, 
but  we  know  little  in  detail  respecting  what  occurred 
for  three  days.  Echeandia  wrote  to  the  minister  of 
war :  "  On  the  13th  the  rebels  came  in  siodit  of  the  divi- 
sioncita  of  government  troops,  and  from  that  time 
by  their  movements  and  frivolous  correspondence  en- 
deavored to  gain  a  victory;  but  knowing  the  useless- 
ness  of  their  resources  and  the  danger  of  being  cut  off 
on  their  retreat,  they  fled  precipitately  at  dusk  on  the 
15th>  in  different  directions,  spiking  their  cannon,  and 
losing  twenty-six  men  who  have  accepted  the  indulto."35 
The  last  act  of  Solis  before  running  away  was  to  an- 
nounce that  his  men  were  ready  for  a  fight,  and  would 
never  surrender  until  they  got  their  pay.36  The  rebel 
chieftain  described  the  events  at  Santa  Barbara  thus : 
"Having  taken  a  position  between  the  presidio  and 
mission,  I  found  it  impossible  to  enter  either  one 
or  the  other,  the  first  because  it  was  fortified,  the 
second  because  of  the  walls  pierced  with  loop-holes  for 
musket-fire,  and  of  all  the  people  within,  so  that  I 
knew  we  were  going  to  lose,  and  this  was  the  motive 

for  not  exposing  the  troops  by  entering.     wrote 

me  that  the  general  had  ordered  Portilla  to  march 
with  150  men  to  surprise  us,  and  seeing  myself  with- 
out means  of  defence  for  want  of  munitions,  I  deter- 
mined to  spike  the  cannon,  and  retire  with  my  army 
to  fortify  myself  in  Monterey — lo  que  verifiqve  al  mo- 

31  The  retreat  is  definitely  stated  only  by  Ord,  Ocnrrencias,  MS.,  29-39; 
Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  27-9;  and  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  10-13;  but  all  are 
good  authorities. 

35  Jan.  2G,  1830,  Echeandia  to  min.  of  war.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x. 
58.  He  says  the  pursuit  of  the  fugitives  had  to  be  suspended  temporarily  at 
Purisima.  A  list  of  28  soldiers,  who  at  this  time  surrendered  themselves,  is 
given  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxvi.  23.  Jan.  16th,  E.  announces  the 
surrender  of  the  20th  and  his  hopes  of  final  success.  Some  additional  corre- 
spondence of  minor  importance,  from  Jan.  8th  to  18th.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  viii. 
10.  Jan.  13th,  Pacheco  tells  E.  that  he  has  gained  an  advantage  over  the  foe. 
Id.,  viii.  85. 

36  Jan.  15th,  Solis  from  'Campo  Nacional '  to  E.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS., 
ii.  4.     He  was  willing,  however,  to  have  a  conference. 


BATTLES,  OF  CIENEGUITA  AND  DOS  PUEBLOS.  81 

mcnto"31  Dr  Anderson  wrote  to  Captain  Cooper: 
"You  would  have  laughed  had  you  been  here  when  the 
gentlemen  from  jour  quarter  made  their  appearance. 
All  the  people  moved  into  the  presidio,  except  thirty 
women,  who  went  basf  and  basfofaofe  on  board  the 
Funchal.  The  two  parties  were  in  sight  of  each  other 
for  nearly  two  days,  and  exchanged  shots,  but  at  such 
a  distance  that  there  was  no,  chance  of  my  assistance 
being  needed.  About  thirty  have  passed  over  to  this 
side.  The  general  appears  to  be  perplexed  what  to  do 
with  them.  He  seems  as  much  frightened  as  ever."33 
All  my  original  witnesses  state  that  cannon  were  fired, 
but  give  no  particulars  save  the  important  one  that 
nobody  was  hurt.  Several  represent  the  army  of 
Solis  to  have  fled  at  the  first  discharge  of  Pacheco's 
guns.  At  any  rate,  the  rebel  force  fled,  pursued  at 
not  very  close  quarters,  scattering  as  they  advanced 
northward,  and  wholly  disbanded  before  they  reached 
the  capital,  where  singly  and  in  groups  they  soon 
took  advantage  of  the  renewed  offers  of  pardon.  The 
campaign  of  the  south,  and  the  battles  of  Santa  Bar- 
bara, Cieneguita,  and  Dos  Pueblos — the  first  in  which 
Californians  were  pitted  against  Californians — were 
over. 

On  the  18th  Echeandia  summoned  the  soldiers  of 
the  north,  that  is,  those  who  had  surrendered,  before 
himself,  Carrillo,  and  Zamorano.  Each  one  was  inter- 
rogated about  the  charges  made  in  the  plan.  Each 
declared   that  there  were  no  grounds   whatever  for 

37  Jan.  20th,  Solis,  at  S.  Miguel,  to  Jose"  Sanchez.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii. 
118.  Solis  at  this  time  claimed  to  have  over  100  men  left,  and  to  be  confident 
of  success.  He  had  only  40  men  when  he  reached  Soledad.  I<l.,  Ben.  MIL, 
lxxii.  40.  Jan.  15th,  10th,  18th,  28th,  E.  to  J'acheco.  Instructions  about 
the  pursuit  of  the  rebels,  and  the  retaking  of  Monterey.  I)ept.  lite,  MS.,  viii. 
85-90. 

38  Jan.  24th,  Dr  Anderson  to  Cooper.  VaUejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxx.  7.  The  af- 
fair as  reported  at  Monterey  and  reported  by  Pattie,  Narr.,  225,  was  as  fol- 
lows: 'A  continual  firing  had  been  kept  up  on  both  sides  dining  the  three 
days,  at  the  expiration  of  which  Gen.  Solis,  having  expended  his  ammunition 
and  consumed  his  provisions,  was  compelled  to  withdraw,  having  sustained 
no  loss,  except  that  of  one  horse,  from  a  sustained  action  of  three  days! 
The  cannon-balls  discharged  from  the  fort  upon  the  enemy  had  so  little  force 
that  persons  arrested  them  in  their  course  without  injury.' 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    6 


82  ECHEANDfA  AND  HERRERA— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

complaint;  whereupon  the  governor  showed  docu- 
ments to  prove  that  in  1829,  one  month  with  another, 
the  soldiers  had  received  two  thirds  of  their  full  pay.39 
On  the  24th  the  Brookline  arrived  at  San  Diego  with 
Vallejo  and  Rocha,  the  Monterey  prisoners,  and  the 
same  day  or  the  next  there  came  the  newTs  that  the 
capital  had  been  retaken.  Pacheco  was  already  on 
his  way  north  to  assume  the  command  at  Monterey.40 
On  the  26th,  Echeandia  reported  all  he  had  done  to 
the  supreme  government,  and  did  not  fail  to  utilize 
the  occasion  by  expatiating  on  California's  great  dan- 
gers and  needs.41 

The  recapture  of  Monterey  was  effected  January 
20th,  largely  by  the  aid  of  the  foreign  residents.  It 
was  feared  that  Solis  and  his  men,  defeated  at  Santa 
Barbara,  would  devote  their  efforts  to  plunder,  and 
it  was  deemed  prudent  to  act  before  their  return. 
There  was  no  more  difficulty  in  bringing  about  this 
movement  in  favor  of  Echeandia  than  in  effecting  the 
original  revolt  against  him;  yet  David  Spence  in- 
dulged in  a  little  Mexicanism  when  he  wrote  of  the 
affair  that  "with  the  firm  resolution  of  death  or  vic- 
tory, like  bold  British  tars,  we  stood  it  out  for  twelve 
days  and  nights."42  Malar  in,  Munras,  Alvarado,  and 
Jose  de  Jesus  Vallejo  were  most  prominent  among 
those  who  aided  the  foreigners;  and  the  citizens  of 
San  Jose  seem  to  have  sent  a  party  to  assist  in  the 
reestablishment  of  the  regular  government.43     Fran- 

39  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  120-1. 

40  Arrival  of  Vallejo  and  Rocha.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  iii. 
58.  It  is  erroneously  stated  by  some  that  these  prisoners  first  carried  the 
news  of  the  revolt  to  the  south.  Jan.  28th,  Echeandia  to  Francisco  Pacheco, 
in  reply  to  the  latter's  announcement  that  order  has  been  restored  at  Mon- 
terey. Dept.  Pec.,  MS.,  viii.  12. 

»  Jan.  26th,  E.  to  min.  of  war.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  x.  50-8. 

42  Feb.  4,  1830,  Spence  to  Ilartnell.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxx.  19. 

iZ  Meliton  Soto  in  his  testimony  stated  that  Cooper's  house  was  the  head- 
quarters, whence  he  went  with  Alvarado,  Santiago  Moreno,  Alcalde  Sober- 
anes,  and  several  citizens  and  foreigners  to  take  possession  of  the  artillery 
barracks  at  7  or  8  p.  m.  Dept.  St..  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxii.  G4.  Galindo, 
Apuntes,  MS.,  8-]  3,  tells  us  that  the  alcalde  of  S.  Jos6  sent  45  men,  who 
arrived  at  midnight  and  surprised  the  garrison.  Pattie's  account  of  events 
at  Monterey,  from  the  time  that  Solis  marched  for  the  south — absurdly  in- 
accurate  in   many  respects — is  as  follows   in   substance:  Solis  marched   on 


END  OF  THE  REVOLT.  83 

cisco  Pacheco  was  apparently  still  left  in  command, 
and  Solis'  men  as  they  came  straggling  in  were  par- 
doned and  incorporated  in  the  garrison.  Eight  or 
ten  of  the  ringleaders  failed  to  present  themselves, 
and  patrol  parties  were  sent  out  to  find  them.  Solis 
himself,  concealed  near  his  rancho,  was  taken  by  a 
company  of  thirty  men  under*  Antonio  Avila.  This 
man  was  a  convict  companion  of  Solis  and  Gomez, 
and  he  undertook  the  capture  on  a  promise  from 
Spence  and  Malarin  to  obtain  from  him  a  passport 
for  Mexico.  Neither  Echeandia  nor  his  successors 
could  grant  the  pass,  and  Avila  had  to  stay  in  Cali- 
fornia.44 Just  after  the  capture  of  Solis,  early  in 
February,  Romualdo  Pacheco  arrived  with  a  force 

March  28th  with  200  men.  Echeandia  had  no  knowledge  of  the  revolt.  The 
insurgents  were  so  elated  at  their  victory  at  S.  F.  that  they  were  sure  of  suc- 
cess, and  decided  to  expel  all  Americans  and  Englishmen.  Capt.  Cooper's 
father-in-law,  Ignacio  Vallejo,  reported  this  to  the  foreigners,  and  at  a  con- 
sultation it  was  decided  to  send  to  Echeandia  notice  of  the  impending 
attack  on  him  at  Sta  Barbara,  which  was  done  successfully  by  means  of  a 
letter  forwarded  by  a  trusty  runner.  April  12th  news  came  of  the  battle 
and  retreat.  '  The  name  and  fame  of  Gen.  Solis  was  exalted  to  the  skies.' 
'  The  climax  of  his  excellence  was  his  having  retreated  without  the  loss  of  a 
man. '  Capt.  Cooper  rolled  out  a  barrel  of  rum,  and  when  the  admirers  of 
Solis  were  sufficiently  drunk,  they  were  locked  up,  50  in  number,  and  the 
rest  of  the  inhabitants  took  sides  against  Solis.  '  Huzza  for  Gen.  Ecbedio 
and  the  Americans!  was  the  prevailing  cry.'  There  were  39  foreigners  who 
signed  the  rolls,  and  Capt.  Cooper  was  chosen  commander.  They  spiked  the 
cannon  of  the  castle,  except  4  which  they  carried  to  the  presidio;  broke  open 
the  magazine  for  powder  and  ball;  and  stationed  sentinels  for  miles  along  the 
road.  The  Spanish  people  were  all  locked  up  at  night  to  prevent  possible 
communication  with  the  approaching  general.  In  a  few  days  Solis  drew 
near;  the  Americans  waited  at  their  guns  with  lighted  matches  until  the 
army  was  at  the  very  gates,  and  then  ordered  a  surrender.  The  soldiers 
obeyed,  but  Solis  with  6  officers  fled.  Six  Americans,  of  whom  Pattie  was 
orderly  sergeant  and  commander,  armed  with  rifles,  were  at  once  sent  in  pur- 
suit to  bring  back  the  fugitives  dead  or  alive.  Minute  details  are  given. 
Several  shots  were  exchanged;  one  American  was  wounded,  and  a  Mexican 
killed,  with  4  bullets  through  his  body;  but  the  rest  surrendered  and  were 
brought  back  to  Monterey,  where  the  American  flag  floated  until  Echeandia 
arrived !  Puttie's  Narr. ,  225-9. 

44  Spence,  Osio,  Vallejo  (M.  G.  and  J.  J.),  Alvarado,  and  others  mention 
the  promise  to  Avila;  but  most  of  them  state  that  the  promise  was  kept, 
Echeandia  granting  the  pass  and  $500  in  money.  Fernandez  even  speaks 
of  Avila  as  subsequently  becoming  a  brigadier  in  Mexico.  I  have  before  me 
Avila's  petition  to  Gov.  Figueroa  in  1833,  narrating  the  Solis  capture. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  lxxv.  13.  Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  53,  men- 
tions Avila  as  being  at  S.  Buenaventura  in  1838.  For  some  reason  unknown 
to  me,  the  Calif ornians  are  disposed  to  regard  Avila  very  favorably,  represent- 
ing him  as  sent  to  Cal.  for  political  offences  merely;  but  in  the  records  he 
stands  as  '  a  vicious  man  of  very  bad  conduct,  who  took  part  in  various  mur- 
ders and  assaults  on  travellers.'    He  was  sentenced  on  Aug.  24,  1824,  and 


84  ECHEANDIA  AND  HERRERA— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

from  the  south,  and  took  the  command.  Herrera 
was  now  put  under  arrest  in  his  own  house. 

Now  followed  the  formal  investigation  and  trial  of 
the  imprisoned  leaders.  It  was  carried  on  at  Mon- 
terey and  Santa  Barbara,  by  Zamorano,  Pacheco,  Lo- 
bato,  and  Pliego,  under  instructions  from  Echeandia, 
and  extended  from  January  to  June.  The  testimony 45 
I  have  utilized  in  the  preceding  narrative,  and  it  re- 
quires no  further  notice  except  in  a  single  point.  The 
evidence  respecting  the  revolt  was  clear  enough;  but 
nearly  all  the  troops  were  implicated ;  few  men  of  any 
class  had  shown  real  opposition  to  the  movement  in 
the  north;  a  rising  of  soldiers  with  the  object  of  get- 
ting their  pay  was  not  a  very  serious  offence  from  a 
military  point  of  view;  and  pretty  nearly  everybody 
had  been  included  in  the  various  indultos  offered.  In 
fact,  the  criminal  case  was  hardly  strong  enough  to 
suit  Echeandia's  purposes  respecting  Herrera,  the  only 
one  of  the  accused  for  whose  fate  he  cared  particu- 
larly. A  more  serious  charge  was  needed,  and  grounds 
for  it  were  easily  found.  After  their  defeat  at  Santa 
Barbara,  Solis  and  one  or  two  of  his  men,  wishing  to 
gain  the  support  of  the  padres,  like  drowning  men 
clutching  at  straws,  talked  about  raising  the  Spanish 
Hag.  It  was  easy  to  prove  these  ravings  of  the  sol- 
diers, and  the  foolish  remarks  of  Padre  Luis  Martinez 
at  San  Luis  Obispo.  Particular  attention  was  given 
to  this  phase  of  the  matter  in  the  investigation.46  A 
revolt  in  favor  of  Spain  would  sound  very  differently 
in  Mexico  from  a  rising  of  hungry  soldiers  against 

came  on  the  Morelos  in  July  1825.  P?~ov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  li.  2; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  JUL,  MS.,  lvii.  3. 

4' Solis,  Proceso  instruido  contra  Joaquin  Solis  y  otros  Pevolucionarios  de 
/  \  MS.  These  documents  Jo  not  contain  the  final  sentence  under  which 
the  prisoners  Mere  sent  away. 

"Pp.  78-105  of  the  Proceso  noticed  in  the  last  note  are  entitled  'A utos 
q-tc  acl<n-a n  que  <l  <>!>}<  iode  la  farcionde  Solis  era  de  pronunciarse  en  favor  del 
Uobierno  Espafiol.*  Meliton  Soto,  Ivaimundo  de  la  Torre,  and  Maximo  Guerra 

e  said  to  have  spoken  in  favor  of  a  arito  for  Spain;  and  a  letter  of  Solis, 
(!   N.l  Jan.  17th,  to  1*.  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta,  was  produced,  in  which  he  an- 

uced  his  purpose  to  raise  the  Spanish  flag,  asked  for  a  neophyte  force  to 
aid  him,  and  said  that  the  southern  padres  had  agreed  to  the  plan.    p.  88. 


,  EXILE  OF  HERRERA.  85 

their  local  chief,  and  Echeandia  hoped  he  might  now 
safelv  send  Herrera  out  of  the  territory.  Respecting 
the  banishment  of  Padre  Martinez,  I  shall  speak  in 
the  following  chapter.47 

On  May  9,  1830,  the  American  bark  Volunteer,. 
John  Coffin  Jones,  Jr.,  master,  sailed  from  Monterey 
with  fifteen  prisoners  on  board  to  be  delivered  at  San 
Bias.  Herrera  was  confined  to  a  room  constructed 
for  the  purpose  on  deck;  Solis  and  the  rest  were  in 
irons.48  We  have  no  particulars  about  the  reception 
of  the  prisoners  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  but  it  is 
certain  that  they  were  discharged  from  custody  with- 
out punishment.49  Three  at  least  of  the  soldiers, 
Torre,  Vejar,  and  one  of  the  Altamiranos,  found  their 
way  back  to  California  in  later  years;  while  Herrera, 
in  spite  of  all  Echeandia's  accusations  and  precautions, 
was  soon  sent  back,  as  we  shall  see,  to  take  his  old 
position  as  comisario  cle  hacienda.  California's  first 
revolution  was  over,  and' little  harm  had  been  done.53 

47  Feb.  23d,  Echeandia  reported  to  min.  of  war  the  pacification  of  the  terri- 
tory, begged  most  earnestly  for  aid,  and  announced  the  fact  that  the  revolution 
had  really  been  in  the  interests  of  Spain.  St.  Pap. ,  Sac. ,  MS. ,  x.  Cl-3.  April  7th, 
order  from  Mexico  that  Solis  and  his  seven  companions  be  tried  for  treason. 
Also  thanks  to  E.  for  having  suffocated  the  revolt.  Suji.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
vi.  8.  Miscellaneous  communications  respecting  the  trial  in  addition  to  those 
contained  in  the Proceso,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  127-130;  Depjt.  Bee,  MS., 
viii.  13,  22,  32,  36,  78. 

48  May  7,  1830,  receipt  of  Jones  for  the  15  prisoners,  as  follows:  Jose 
Maria  Herrera,  Joaquin  Solis,  Meliton  Soto,  Serapio  Escamilla,  Raimundo  de 
la  Torre,  Pablo  Vejar,  Victoriano  Altamirano,  Gonzalo  Altamirano,  Leonardo 
Arceo,  Mariano  Peguero,  Andres  Leon,  Maximo  Guerra,  Antonio  Guevara, 
Gracia  Larios,  In6s  Polanco.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxii.  17-18. 
Sailing  of  the  Volunteer  on  May  9th.  Id.,  lxii.  28.  Pattie,  Narr.,  238-9, 
also  sailed  on  the  Volunteer,  and  names  Capt.  Wm.  H.  Hinckley  as  having 
been  on  board  and  leaving  the  vessel  at  S.  Bias.  The  prisoners  reached  Tepic 
May  22d.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  129.  Those  belonging  to  the  Monterey  cav- 
alry company  were  dropped  from  the  company  rolls  in  1836.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxxii.  65.  Six  other  men  had  been  sent  away  from  Sta  Bar- 
bara in  February  in  the  Emily  Marsham,  3  of  them,  Joaquin  Garcia,  Jose  M. 
Arenas,  and  Antonio  Peila,  for  complicity  in  the  Solis  affair.  Dept.  Bee,  MS., 
viii.  74. 

49 Torre,  Remind.,  MS.,  19-21,  says  that  his  brother  Raimundo  was  tried 
by  court-martial  and  acquitted;  whereupon  the  rest  were  discharged  without 
trial. 

50  The  Solie  revolt  is  described  more  or  less  fully  in  the  following  narratives, 
in  addition  to  such  as  have  been  cited  in  the  preceding  pages:  Avila,  Cosas, 
MS.,  25-8;  Bandini,  Hist.  (Jul.,  MS.,  71-2;  Amador,  Mem.,  MS.,  86-90;  Fer- 
nandez, Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  59-64;  Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  20;  Castro,  I'd., 
MS.,  19-23;  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  2;   Valdta,  Mem.,  MS.,  18-20.     It  is  men- 


86  ECHEANDf A  AND  HERRERA— THE  SOLIS  REVOLT. 

Respecting  the  management  of  the  revenues  in 
1829-30  there  is  little  or  nothing  to  be  said  beyond 
noting1  the  fact  that  Osio,  Jimeno,  and  Bandini  are 
mentioned  as  comisanos  during  1830,  without  much 
regard  to  chronolog}^.  It  would  seem  that  after  the 
revolt  Jimeno  was  restored  to  his  old  position,  and 
that  Bandini  was  appointed  before  the  end  of  the  year, 
though  there  is  inextricable  confusion,  not  only  in< 
dates,  but  in  the  offices  of  comisario,  administrador, 
and  contador.51 

tioned  in  print  by  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  293-4;  Petit-Thouars,  Voy.,  ii.  90-1;  La- 
fond,  Voy.,  209;  Pickett,  in  Shuck's  Rep.  Men,  227;  Wilkes,  Narr.,  v.  173-4; 
Capron,  Hist.  CaL,  37-8;  Tuthill,  Hist.  Cat.,  130-1;  Robinson,  Life  in  Cal.t 
69-70;  and  Flint,  Pattie's  Narr.,  222-30. 

5lSeeDept.St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  155-6;  iii.  209-10;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  lxii.  22; 
lxxiii.  53;  lxxiv.  6;  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  vii.  246-8;  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  269,  281- 
90.  Apr.  25,  1830,  the  Calif ornian  diputado  in  congress  urged  the  useless- 
ness  of  sending  special  officers  to  manage  the  revenues.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
iv.  898.  Jimeno  was  appointed  contador  on  Sept.  30,  1829,  by  the  min.  de 
hacienda,  but  declined  the  place  in  Nov.  1830.  Oct.  21,  1830,  Echeandfa, 
Bandini,  and  Jimeno  met  at  Monterey,  and  decided  on  the  following  custom- 
house organization  at  Monterey:  administrador,  with  duties  of  comisario,  at 
$1,000  per  year;  contador,  with  duties  of  vista,  at  $800;  commandant  of  the 
guard,  with  duties  of  alcalde,  at  $800;  guarda  and  clerk  at  $400;  servant  at 
$144;  patron  and  two  sailors  at  $144  and $96.  Dept.  tit.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  155-6. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ECHEANDtA  AND  THE  PADRES— MISSION  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

1826-1830. 

Mission  Prefect  and  Presidents — The  Question  of  Supplies — The 
Oath  of  Allegiance — Sarria's  Arrest — Friars  Still  Masters  of 
the  Situation — Council  at  San  Diego — Southern  Padres  Will- 
ing— Northern  Padres  Refuse— Flight  of  Ripoll  and  Altimira — 
The  Friars  as  Spaniards — Echeandia's  Conciliatory  Policy — Pe- 
titions of  the  People — Exile  of  Martinez — Progress  towards 
Secularization — Mexican  Policy — Difficulties — Junta  of  April 
1826— Decree  of  July — Experimental  Freedom — Mission  Schools 
and  Lands — Plan  of  1829-30 — Approval  of  the  Diputacion — Ac- 
tion in  Mexico — Indian  Affairs — Sanchez's  Expedition — Vallejo's 
Campaign  against  Estanislao — Northern  Fort — Seasons. 

Vicente  Francisco  de  Sarria  retained  the  position 
of  comisario  prefecto  of  the  missions,  and  was  not  dis- 
turbed in  the  performance  of  his  official  duties  from 
1826  to  1830,  though  nominally  in  a  state  of  arrest  as 
a  recalcitrant  Spaniard.  Narciso  Duran  retained  the 
presidency  until  September  1827  when  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Jose  Bernardo  Sanchez.  The  latter  re- 
tained possession  of  the  office  until  1831,  though 
Duran  was  re-elected  in  May  1830.1 

The  old  controversy  between  government  and  friars 
respecting  supplies  for  the  troops  continued  of  course 
during  these  five  years,  but  with  no  novel  aspects. 
In  addition  to  commercial  imposts,  a  secular  tithe  of 

xArch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  350,  358-60,  400;  xii.  369.  The  guardian  sent 
Sanchez  his  patent  June  9,  1827;  and  Duran  notified  him  Sept.  30th.  San- 
chez was  at  first  unwilling  to  accept.  Duran  was  elected  the  second  time  May 
26,  1 830,  Peyri  and  Antonio  Jimeno  being  named  as  second  and  third  suplentes. 
Both  Duran  and  Sanchez  held  the  title  of  vicar  under  the  bishop. 

(87) 


83  ECHEANDIA  AND  THE  PADRES. 

all  mission  products  was  exacted,  citizens  having  pre- 
sumably to  pay  this  also  in  addition  to  their  ecclesias- 
tical tithes.2  The  method  of  collection  was  to  exact 
from. each  mission  the  largest  possible  amount  of  sup- 
plies for  escoltas  and  presidial  garrisons,  and  at  the  end 
of  each  year  to  give  credit  on  account  for  the  excess 
of  amounts  thus  furnished  over  the  taxes.  I  find  no 
evidence  that  any  part  of  the  balance  was  paid  in  any 
instance.3  The  padres  gave  less  willingly  than  in  for- 
mer years,  when  there  had  been  yet  a  hope  of  Spanish 
supremacy,  but  the  quarrels  in  local  and  individual 
cases  were  much  less  frequent  than  might  naturally  be 
expected,  or  at  least  such  controversies  have  left  little 
trace  in  the  records.4 


2  According  to  the  plan  de  gobierno  of  Jan.  8,  1824,  citizens  paid  10  per 
cent  in  kind  on  all  produce,  while  the  missions  were  to  pay  a  fixed  rate  per 
head  of  cattle  or  fanega  of  grain.  By  decree  of  Jan.  1,  1826,  Echeandia,  with 
the  consent  of  Prefect  Sarria,  ordered  that  the  tax  be  equalized  between  cit- 
izens and  missions,  the  latter  apparently  to  pay  in  kind.     Decree  of  Jan.  1, 

1826.  S.Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  i\.  13;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  47 -S;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  i.  123;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxviii.  81,  84,  86,  including  orders  for  circu- 
lation of  the  decree  and  some  directions  for  the  keeping  of  accounts.     Aug.  25, 

1827,  Echeandia  to  Sarria,  urging  the  importance  and  justice  of  this  tax,  which 
here  and  elsewhere  in  official  accounts  is  spoken  of  as  a  'loan.'  Dept.  Rec, 
MS.,  v.  80;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  37;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xix.  138. 
April  22,  1826,  Echeandia  to  min.  of  war.  Argues  that  the  missions  should 
also  pay  tithes.  He  is  informed  that  some  of  them  have  $70,000  or  $100,000 
in  their  coffers.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xix.  30-1.  Oct.  31st,  Herrera  to  Estrada 
on  mission  accounts.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  98. 

3  June  23,  1826,  circular  from  president  received  at  S.  Rafael  to  effect  that 
the  Alex,  govt  was  going  to  pay  all  drafts  presented  within  six  months  from 
Jan.  1st,  and  those  not  so  presented  would  be  outlawed.  This  news  reached 
Cal.  just  after  the  expiration  of  the  time!  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxviii.  94. 
July  28,  1827,  Echeandia  notifies  the  prefect  and  comandantes  that  all  cred- 
itors of  the  national  treasury  must  present  their  claims  to  the  comisario. 
Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  v.  71. 

4  June  10,  1826,  P.  Duran  to  Herrera.  Protests  against  furnishing  the  diezmo 
of  cattle  branded  for  the  national  rancho,  when  there  has  already  been  delivered 
during  the  year  a  much  larger  amount  than  that  of  the  tithe.  A  rch.  A  rzob. ,  MS. , 
v.  pti.  13-16.  Nov.  30th,  P.  Viader,  upbraiding  Lieut  Martinez  for  not  send- 
ing money  to  pay  for  blankets,  says, '  My  friend,  we  have  now  arrived  at  a  point 
of  elate  et  dabitur  vobis.'  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxix.  94.  Dec.  18th,  Duran  says 
he  likes  to  see  the  soldiers  fill  their  bellies  with  meat,  and  not  feel  hungry. 
Id.,  95.  April  19,  1827,  draft  by  Habilitado  Maitorena  on  habilitado  general 
In  favor  of  Sta  Barbara  mission  for  $8,725,  the  amount  of  supplies  furnished 
apparently  before  1825.  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  ii.  177-8.  Feb.  27,  1827,  gov. 
orders  Lieut  Ibarra,  since  all  conciliatory  and  courteous  means  have  failed,  to 
go  with  a  force  to  S.  Diego  mission,  and  bring  away  all  the  grain  the  mules 
can  carry.  Resistance  will  be  regarded  as  an  overt  act  against  the  nation. 
Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  27.  Many  certificates  to  effect  that  a  padre  has  delivered 
provisions  '  en  calidad  de  pr£stamo  para  que  se  le  reintegre  por  cuenta  del 


OATH  OF  ALLEGIANCE.  89 

Meanwhile  the  missions  got  nothing  from  the  pious 
fund  through  the  Mexican  treasury,  in  addition  to  the 
stipends  of  1819-22,  the  payment  of  which  has  already 
been  noted.  It  is  not  certain  even  that  any  of  the 
latter  amount,  about  §24,000,  ever  came  to  California, 
but  probably  some  cargoes  of  mission  goods  were  paid 
for  by  the  sfndico  at  Tepic  out  of  that  sum.  Only 
fragments  of  the  mission  accounts  have  been  preserved 
for  these  years.5 

We  have  seen  that  the  padres  as  a  rule  refused  to 
take  the  oath  of  obedience  to  the  constitution  of 
1824,  or  to  solemnize  by  religious  exercises  any  act  of 
the  republican  government;  and  that  Prefect  Sarria 
had  been  put  under  arrest,  though  it  had  not  been 
deemed  wise  to  carry  into  effect  the  orders  requiring 
the  reverend  prisoner  to  be  sent  by  the  first  ship  to 
Mexico.  In  fact,  the  friars  were  yet,  in  a  great  meas- 
ure, masters  of  the  situation,  because  they  could  keep 
the  neophytes  in  subjection,  and  above  all  make  them 
work.      The   great   fear   was    that  the   missionaries 

snpremo  gobierno.'  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  vii.  passim.  A  large  number  of 
drafts  of  comandantcs  in  favor  of  missions,  1825-30,  in  Id.,  v.  pt  2.  June  7, 
1828,  Echeandi'a  proposes  that  the  expense  of  maintaining  friendly  relations 
with  the  Indians  be  deducted  from  the  sums  due  the  nearest  missions.  Dept. 
Pec,  MS.,  vi.  27.  Oct.  7th,  E.  instructs  Capt.  Argiiello  to  borrow  $800  of  the 
mission  of  S.  Jose\  Id.,  vi.  109-10.  Oct.  22d,  E.  orders  Lieut  Jose  Fernandez 
and  30  artillerymen  just  landed  to  be  quartered  at  S.  Diego  mission.  Id. ,  vi. 
115.  Jan.  8,  1829,  E.  to  Duran,  urging  him  to  '  lend '  supplies,  or  sell  them  for 
a  draft  on  the  comisario  of  Sonora,  which  he  doubts  not  will  be  paid  promptly. 
Id.,  vii.  53.  May  4th,  Vallejo  complains  of  destitution  at  Monterey,  and  no 
aid  from  the  missions.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  80.  Nov.  24th,  similar  com- 
plaints from  Castro.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  v.  309-70.  Dec.  6th,  P. 
Duran  says  he  has  paid  $200  on  menace  of  force  being  used.  S.  Jos6  Arch., 
MS.,  ii.  48.  Jan.  15,  1830,  P.  Viader  refuses  to  aid  directly  or  indirectly  in 
matters  pertaining  to  war.  Id.,  i.  37.  April  25th,  congressman  urges  the  in- 
justice of  imposing  such  heavy  burdens  on  the  missions.  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS., 
iv.  897-8.  July  17th,  com.  of  Sta  Barbara  complains  that  the  padre  will 
neither  give  nor  sell  supplies.  Dept.  Pec. ,  MS. ,  viii.  55. 

5  May  31,  1827,  guardian  to  president,  stipends  of  1819-21  and  most  of 
1822  paid.  Certificates  should  be  sent  in  for  those  of  1825-6.  Arch.  Sta  B., 
MS.,  xii.  400.  June  27th,  news  received  at  S.  Rafael;  amount,  $24,000. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xviii.  97.  The  brig  Bravo  with  mission  goods  wa3 
wrecked  at  Acapulco  late  in  1827,  but  the  cargo  was  saved.  S.  LuU  Obispo, 
Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  7.  Aug.  25,  1828,  $6,801  in  goods  sent  from  Tepic  to  S. 
Bias  for  shipment,  consisting  of  woollen  and  cotton  stuffs,  rice,  sugar,  rebozos, 
metates,  and  25  pounds  of  cinnamon,  shipped  by  the  Maria  Ester.  Id.,  8-9; 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  827-8. 


90  ECHEANDiA  and  the  padres. 

would  leave  the  territory  en  masse  if  too  hard  pressed. 
Had  the  situation  of  affairs,  from  a  financial  and  mil- 
itary point  of  view,  been  more  reassuring,  the  terri- 
torial authorities  would  not  have  been  averse  to 
assuming  entire  and  immediate  charge  of  all  the 
missions;  while  the  people,  for  the  most  part,  would 
have  rejoiced  at  the  prospect  of  getting  new  lands 
and  new  laborers.  But  as  matters  stood,  the  rulers 
and  leading  citizens  understood  that  any  radical  and 
sudden  change,  effected  without  the  aid  of  the  friars, 
would  ruin  the  territory  by  cutting  off  its  chief  re- 
sources, and  exposing  its  people  to  the  raids  of  hostile 
Indians.  Thus  a  conciliatory  policy  was  necessary, 
not  only  to  the  government,  but  to  the  friars  them- 
selves. The  latter,  though  they  knew  their  power 
and  often  threatened  to  go,  were  old  men,  attached  to 
their  mission  homes,  with  but  a  cheerless  prospect  for 
life  in  Spain,  fully  determined  to  spend  the  rest  of 
their  days  in  California  if  possible. 

Sarria's  condition  of  nominal  suspension  and  arrest 
continued  for  five  years  or  more.  Once,  in  1826,  his 
passport  was  made  out,  and  he  went  so  far  as  to  call 
upon  his  associates  for  prayers  to  sustain  him  on  his 
voyage.  There  was  no  countermanding  of  the  orders, 
but  a  repetition  of  them  in  November  1827,  yet  the 
padre  remained.  He  seems  to  have  been  included 
with  the  rest  in  the  proceedings  against  the  friars  as 
Spaniards,  and  the  special  orders  in  his  case  were 
allowed  to  be  forgotten,6  though  as  late  as  the  middle 

6  May  1826,  one  of  the  padres  claimed  to  have  refused  to  perform  mass, 
etc.,  by  Sarria's  order,  and  he  signed  a  certificate  to  that  effect.  Dept.  Iiec, 
MS.,  iv.  39.  Oct.  31st,  Echeandia  notifies  S.  that  he  must  leave  Mexican 
territory.  Nov.  13th,  Sarria  says  he  is  ready.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i. 
24.  Beechey,  in  1826,  speaks  of  S.  as  waiting  at  Monterey  to  embark.  Voy- 
age, ii.  12.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  56-8,  speaks  of  a  personal  interview 
between  the  gov.  and  prefect  at  Sta  Barbara.  Oct.  31st,  E.  notifies  S.  that  a 
successor  will  be  named  and  a  passport  issued.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  iv.  11.  Nov. 
30th,  sends  the  passport  from  S.  Diego  to  Capt.  Gonzalez  at  Monterey.  Id., 
iv.  17.  Dec.  11th,  S.  to  the  padres.  Has  received  his  passport  from  the 
pres.  of  Mex.  Is  resigned,  but  asks  for  prayers.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxviii. 
89.  1827,  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viagaio,  i.  254-5,  found  S.  kept  as  a  kind  of  pris- 
oner, and  was  asked  to  take  him  away,  but  declined,  much  to  the  gratification 
of  the  padres.     Nov.  21,  1827,  order  from  Mex.  that  S.  be  made  to  obey  the 


FRIARS  AGAINST  THE  REPUBLIC.  91 

of  1828  the  governor  still  pretended  to  be  waiting  for 
a  vessel  on  which  to  send  him  away. 

On  the  28th  of  April,  1826,  Echeandia  with  Zamo- 
rano  as  secretary  and  the  alcalde  of  Los  Angeles  met 
padres  Sanchez,  Zalvidea,  Peyri,  and  Martin  at  San 
Diego  to  take  counsel  respecting  the  taking  of  the 
constitutional  oath  by  the  friars.  The  representatives 
of  the  latter  said  there  was  no  objection  to  the  oath 
except  that  it  compelled  them  to  take  up  arms,  or  use 
their  influence  in  favor  of  taking  up  arms,  for  differ- 
ences of  political  opinion.  They  would  take  the  oath 
with  the  supplement  "So  far  as  may  be  compatible 
with  our  religion  and  profession;"  but  Echeandia 
would  not  agree  to  any  change  in  the  formula,  and 
directed  that  a  circular  be  sent  out  requiring  each 
padre  to  explain  his  views  on  the  subject.7  June  3d 
the  circular  was  issued  through  the  comandantes  to 
the  friars;  but  it  was  not  so  much  a  call  for  views 
and  arguments  as  for  a  formal  decision  in  writing 
whether  each  would  take  the  oath  or  not.8  The  an- 
swers of  the  five  padres  of  the  San  Diego  district 
were  sent  in  on  the  14th.  Padre  Peyri  was  willing 
to  take  the  oath,  and  was  enthusiastic  in  his  devotion 
to  the  national  cause.  Martin  had  already  sworn, 
and  did  not  approve  of  taking  two  oaths  on  the  same 
subject.  The  rest  were  ready  to  take  the  oath  in  the 
manner  indicated  at  the  junta  of  April  28th;  that  is, 
to  be  republicans  so  far  as  was  compatible  with  their 
profession  and  so  long  as  they  might  remain  in  Cali- 
fornia.    Replies  from  the  Monterey  jurisdiction,  sent 

orders  of  July  9,  1825,  and  Nov.  15,  1826,  to  depart.  Supt.  Govt  St.  Pap., 
MS. ,  xix.  43.  June  30,  1828,  E.  to  min.  of  justice.  S.  will  be  sent  away  as  soon 
as  there  is  a  vessel  for  Europe  or  the  U.  S.  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  vi.  30. 

7  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  128-9.  The  old  trouble  was  still  active  in  1826, 
for  on  May  1st  Capt.  Argiiello  reported  that  yesterday  having  called  on  P. 
Abella  to  take  part  in  the  celebration  of  the  pope's  recognition  of  national 
independence,  the  padre  refused.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lvii.  13-14. 
Next  day  it  was  complained  that  P.  Est^nega  declined  to  perform  religious 
services  in  connection  with  the  publication  of  certain  bandos.  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  v.  pt  i.  4.  April  28th,  record  of  the  council  referred  to  in  the  text. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  128-9. 

8  June  3,  1826,  E.  to  com.  of  Monterey.   Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  134. 


92  ECHEANDIA  AND  THE  PADRES. 

in  on  July  7th,  were  to  the  effect  that  the  friars  could 
not  take  the  oath,  and  were  ready  to  endure  the  pen- 
alty, though  some  of  them  promised  fidelity  and  re- 
spect to  the  constituted  authorities.  The  response 
from  San  Francisco  and  Santa  Barbara  is  not  so  far 
as  I  know  extant.9 

There  was  no  further  agitation  of  this  matter  dur- 
ing the  year,  though  a  warning  was  received  from  the 
comisario  general  against  the  disaffected  friars,  and 
especially  against  the  president,  who,  as  the  writer 
had  heard,  talked  of  nothing  but  his  religion  and  his 
king,  protesting  his  willingness  to  die  for  either.  "If 
this  be  true,  it  would  be  well  to  grant  him  a  passport 
to  go  and  kiss  his  king's  hand,  but  to  go  with  only 
bag  and  staff,  as  required  by  the  rules  of  his  order." 
I  am  not  certain  whether  this  referred  to  Duran  or 
Sarria.10 

During  1827  politico-missionary  matters  remained 
nearly  in  statu  quo.  No  disposition  was  shown  to 
disturb  the  padres  further  on  account  of  their  opposi- 
tion to  the  republic,  though  there  were  rumors  afloat 
that  some  of  them  were  preparing  to  run  away.  Mar- 
tinez, Ripoll,  and  Juan  Cabot  were  those  named  in 
June  as  having  such  intentions,  and  Vicente  Cand 


9  The  position  taken  by  the  other  padres  will,  however,  be  learned  from  a 
subsequent  document.  Answers  of  the  S.  Diego  and  Monterey  friars  in  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  5-9,  17-20.  Among  the  latter  Sarria  was  not  included, 
not  being  regarded  as  the  minister  of  any  particular  mission.  Abella  'came 
to  this  country  for  God,  and  for  God  will  go  away,  if  they  expel  him;'  Fortuni 
'no  se  anima  a.  hacer  tal  juramento,  pero  si  guardar  fidelidad;'  Arroyo  de  la 
Cuesta  'was  born  in  the  Peninsula,  and  is  a  Spaniard;  swore  to  the  indepen- 
dence only  in  good  faith  to  the  king  of  Spain;  has  meditated  upon  the  oath  de- 
manded, and  swears  not;'  Uria  'finds  it  not  in  his  conscience  to  take  the 
oath;'  Pedro  Cabot  'has  sworn  allegiance  to  Fernando  VII.;'  Sancho,  the 
same,  and  'cannot  go  back  on  his  word;'  Juan  Cabot  'cannot accommodate  his 
conscience  to  such  a  pledge;'  and  Luis  Martinez  says  'his  spirit  is  not  strong 
enough  to  bear  any  additional  burden. '  Aug.  7th,  Sarria  addresses  to  the 
padres  a  circular  argument  on  the  subject,  similar  to  that  addressed  in  former 
years  to  Gov.  Arguello,  and  called  out  by  an  argument  of  P.  Ripoll,  avIio  it 
seems  had  wished  to  accommodate  his  conscience  to  the  oath  by  bringing  up 
anew  the  allegiance  sworn  to  independence  and  Iturbide.  Id.,  v.  pt  i.  10-13. 

10  Aug.  16,  182G,  com.  gen.  to  Eeheandia.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and 
Treas.,  MS.,  i.  36-8.  Beechey,  Voyaije,  ii.  12,  speaks  of  the  dissatisfaction 
caused  by  the  exacting  of  the  oath,  and  says  many  padres  prepared  to  depart 
rather  than  violate  their  allegiance  to  Spain. 


FLIGHT  "OF  EIPOLL  AND  ALTIMIRA.  93 

gave  evidence  on  the  mysterious  shipment  of  $6,000 
in  gold  on  the  Santa  Apolonia  by  Padre  Martinez,  an 
act  supposed  to  have  some  connection  with  the  plans 
for  flight.  Captain  Gonzalez  took  a  prominent  part 
in  the  charges,  and  this  was  perhaps  a  reason  why 
Echeandia  and  others  paid  very  little  attention  to  the 
subject.11 

The  rumors  had  some  foundation,  for  at  the  end  of 
December,  or  perhaps  in  January  1828,  padres  Ripoll 
and  Altimira  went  on  board  the  American  brio*  Har- 
birtger,  Captain  Steele,  at  Santa  Barbara,  and  left 
California  never  to  return.  They  went  on  board  the 
vessel  on  pretence  of  examining  certain  goods,  and 
such  effects  as  they  wished  to  carry  with  them  were 
embarked  by  stealth.  Echeandia  was  there  at  the 
time,  and  David  Spence  tells  us  he  was  for  some  mys- 
terious purpose  invited  to  take  breakfast  on  the  brig 
before  she  sailed,  but  was  prevented  by  other  affairs 
from  accepting.12  Orders  were  at  once  issued  to  seize 
the  Harbinger  should  she  dare  to  enter  any  other 
port;  but  Steele  chose  to  run  no  risks.  The  fugitives 
left  letters  in  which  they  gave  as  their  reason  for  a 
clandestine  departure  the  fear  that  their  going  might 
be  prevented  otherwise,  prompt  action  being  necessary 
for  reasons  not  stated.  They  were  among  the  young- 
est of  the  Franciscan  band,  and  in  several  respects 
less  identified  than  most  others  with  the  missionary 
work  in  California,  the  reader  being  already  familiar 
with  certain  eccentricities  on  the  part  of  each.  Their 
destination  was  Spain,  which  they  seem  to  have  reached 
in  safety.  A  suspicion  was  natural  that  the  two  padres 
carried  away  with  them  something  more  than  the 
'sack  and  staff'  of  their  order,  that  they  took  enough 
of  the  mission  treasure  to  insure  a  comfortable  voyage, 

11  Statement  of  Cane"  to  E.  about  the  80,000  shipped  in  August  1826.  St. 
Pcqx,  Sac,  MS.,  xiv.  14-15.  June  4,  1827,  Gonzalez  to  E.  Id.,  xiv.  20-30. 
G.  was  very  violent  in  his  eharges  against  the  padres. 

12  Spence,  in  Taylor\  DIhcov.  and  Founders,  ii.  no.  24.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal. , 
MS.,  ii.  131-2,  claims  that  while  Ripoll  and  Altimira  were  making  their  es- 
cape with  the  mission  wealth,  Echeandia  wars  being  feasted  by  the  other  padres 
to  avert  suspicion.     Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  59-00,  gives  the  same  version. 


94  ECHEANDIA  AXD  THE  PADRES. 

and  perhaps  future  comforts  across  the  sea.  The  truth 
can  never  be  known.  An  investigation  brought  to 
light  nothing  more  suspicious  than  the  transfer  of  cer- 
tain barrels  and  boxes  of  wine,  soap,  and  olives,  with 
perhaps  other  packages  of  unknown  contents,  from  San 
Buenaventura  to  Santa  Barbara.13  In  their  own  let- 
ters, the  padres  said  they  had  left  the  mission  property 
intact.  Duhaut-Cilly,  however,  had  lately  sold  Bipoll 
an  English  draft  for  7,000  francs,14  which  he  said 
came  to  him  legitimately  from  his  stipend.  Though 
Alvarado  and  Vallejo  accuse  the  padres  of  having 
stolen  lar^e  sums,  and  their  method  of  flight  favored 
the  suspicion,  I  suppose  that  a  few  thousand  dollars 
was  probably  all  they  took,  and  that  they  had  but  lit- 
tle difficulty  in  justifying  the  act  to  their  own  satisfac- 
tion, in  view  of  their  past  stipends  either  unpaid  or 
invested  in  supplies  for  the  Indians.15 

In  reporting  the  flight  of  Bipoll  and  Altimira, 
Echeandia  suggested  the  expediency  of  granting 
passports  to  those  who  had  asked  for  them,  with  a 
view  to  avoid  such  scandals;  and  he  did  send  a  pass 
to  Badre  Martinez  in  September  to  prevent  the  dis- 
grace of  his  intended  flight.16  There  was  also  a 
scandal  respecting  the  actions  of  President  Sanchez, 
whose  letters  and  some  goods  being  conveyed  by  John 
Lawlor  from  San  Gabriel  to  the  sea-shore  were  stopped 

13 Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxvii.  5-9,  containing  the  testimony  of 
several  men  and  the  letters  of  Altimira  to  Geo.  Coleman,  the  llavero  of  S. 
Buenaventura,  dated  Jan.  23d  from  on  board  the  vessel.  They  contain  kind 
wishes  for  all  in  Cal.,  instructions  about  mission  affairs,  and  good  spiritual 
counsels  for  Coleman.  The  padre,  according  to  Coleman's  testimony,  took  a 
small  box  of  cigars  and  some  books. 

14  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  ii.  184-5. 

15 Mrs  Ord.,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  22-4,  says  they  took  no  money  at  all. 
Pupoll  wept  as  he  took  leave  of  some  of  his  Indians  who  went  on  board  in 
Steele's  boat.  Jan.  25,  1828,  Echeandia  announces  the  flight,  and  orders  the 
Harbinger  to  be  seized.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  174.  Jan.  28th,  Alf.  Pliego  or- 
dered seci'etly  to  investigate  the  robbery  said  to  have  been  committed  by  Al- 
timira. Id.,  vi.  175.  Feb.  5th,  Lui3  Argiiello  alludes  to  the  flight.  St.  Pap., 
Sue,  MS.,  x.  102-3.  Mar.  2Gth,  the  authorities  at  S.  Fernando  college  disa- 
vowed having  authorized  or  even  known  the  flight.  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  ix. 
90-1.  Mar.  20,  1829,  the  Zacatecas  college  will  replace  Ripoll  and  Altimira. 
Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  2-3. 

16  Jan.  29,  1828,  E.  to  min.  of  rel.  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  vi.  22.  Sept.  23d, 
E.  to  Martinez.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  G-7. 


PRESIDENT  SANCHEZ  ACCUSED  OF  SMUGGLING.  95 

and  searched  by  Alcalde  Carrillo  of  Los  Angeles,  on 
suspicion  of  complicity  in  smuggling.  Sanchez  was 
indignant  at  what  he  deemed  an  insult,  and  demanded 
his  passport;  but  Echeandia,by  declaring  the  suspicions 
unfounded,  and  by  conciliatory  methods,  succeeded  in 
calming  the  worthy  president's  wrath.17 

The  law  of  1827  on  the  expulsion  of  Spaniards 
from  Mexican  territory,1*  reaching  California  in  1828, 
had  no  other  effect  on  the  status  of  the  missionaries 
than  to  give  them  another  safe  opportunity  to  demand 
their  passports,  as  many  of  them  did,  some  perhaps 
really  desiring  to  depart.  There  was  no  disposition  to 
enforce  the  decree,  for  reasons  known  to  the  reader.19 
Meanwhile  the  Spanish  friars  had  been  actually  ex- 
pelled from  Mexico,  and  a  most  disheartening  report 
came  respecting  the  state  of  affairs  at  the  college  of 
San  Fernando.20 

There  would  seem  to  have  been  some  complaint 
aofainst  Echeandfa  for  not  having  enforced  the  law  of 
1827,  for  in  June  1829,  apparently  before  the  arrival 
of  the  law  of  March  20th,  he  sent  to  Mexico  a  list  of 


17  June  3,  1828,  Lawlor  to  Sanchez.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  G3-4. 
June  8th,  Sanchez  to  E.  Id.,  G~>-G.  Aug.  21st,  29th,  E.  to  S.  and  to  the 
alcalde.  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  vi.  84-5,  90. 

18  See  chap.  ii.  of  this  volume. 

19  Oct.  20,  1828,  Echeandia  to  min.  of  war.  The  padres  are  violent  at  the 
law  for  their  expulsion,  and  are  clamoring  for  passports  and  complaining  of 
detention  by  force.  St.  Pop.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  39-40.  Dec.  6th,  E.  says  that 
most  of  the  27  padres  have  agreed  long  before  the  date  of  the  law  to  take 
the  oath  as  was  reported  to  Mexico  on  Dec.  G,  1826.  (This  report  is  not  ex- 
tant, but  it  is  certainly  not  true  that  most  had  made  such  a  promise.)  If 
passports  were  issued  as  several  have  asked,  the  missions  would  be  left  with- 
out government  and  the  territory  without  spiritual  care.  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  vi. 
50.  Duhaut-Cilly  says  he  offered  to  carry  the  padres  over  to  Manila;  but  he 
got  a  letter  from  Sarria,  in  which  he  said  he  was  resolved  not  to  abandon  the 
flock  intrusted  to  him  by  heaven  until  forced  to  do  so,  and  he  advised  his 
companions  to  the  same  effect.  The  same  writer  notes  the  arrival  of  3  Fran- 
ciscans— they  could  not  have  been  from  California — at  the  Sandwich  Islands 
on  the  French  ship  Comcte.    Viagglo,  ii.  200-1,  219-20. 

20  March  2G,  1828,  P.  Arreguin  to  Sarria.  It  had  been  at  first  proposed  to 
dissolve  the  college;  but  finally  the  guardian  and  discretorio  liad  decided  to 
choose  a  vicario  de  casa,  and  had  chosen  the  writer.  He  asks  for  Sarria's 
views  about  the  policy  of  keeping  up  the  college,  where  there  were  now  Ar- 
reguin and  3  other  priests,  2  sick  Spaniards  unable  to  depart,  and  G  or  10 
servants  of  different  grades.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  90-4. 


96  ECHEANDIA  AND  THE  PADRES. 

the  padres,  with  notes  on -the  circumstances  of  each,21 
and  a  defence  of  his  action,  or  failure  to  act,  on  the 
ground  that  all  the  padres  except  three  were  Spaniards, 
and  it  would  have  been  absurdly  impossible  to  expel 
them  with  nobody  to  take  their  place.  He  also  urged 
that  many  of  them  be  allowed  to  remain  permanently 
in  the  territory.  Only  a  few  clays  later  there  came 
the  law  of  March  20th,  much  more  strict  than  the 
other,  and  it  was  circulated  on  the  6th  of  July.  The 
announcement  was  that  to  all  padres  who  had  refused 
to  take  the  oath  passports  would  be  given  forthwith, 
while  all  the  rest  must  show  within  a  month  the 
physical  impediments  preventing  their  departure  as 
required  by  the  law.22  As  before,  no  friar  was  ex- 
pelled, and  Echeandia  had  no  idea  of  granting  pass- 
ports, though  several,  including  Peyri,  Sanchez,  and 
Boscana,  now  demanded  them,  and  though  the  gov- 
ernor really  desired  to  get  rid  of  certain  unmanageable 
ones  as  soon  as  he  could  obtain  others  to  take  their 
places.23  Not  only  did  he  send  to  Mexico  a  defence 
of  his  policy  of  inaction,  showing  the  impossibility  of 
the  expulsion  so  far  as  California  was  concerned;  but 

21  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  vii.  26-33.  The  following  friars  had  taken  the  oath: 
Fernando  Martin,  60  years  old;  Antonio  Peyri,  70  years;  Francisco  Suiier,  71 
years;  and  Marcos  Antonio  de  Vitoria,  69  years,  who  however  had  subse-' 
quently  retracted,  though  faithful  and  obedient  to  the  government,  of  blame- 
less life,  and  probably  influenced  by  his  excessive  respect  for  his  prelate. 
The  following  had  taken  the  oath  with  some  conditions:  Gonzalez  de  Ibarra, 
Antonio  Jaime,  and  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta;  Boscana  was  ready  to  take  the  oath, 
and  Barona,  Zalvidea,  and  Jose  Sanchez  also  with  the  conditions.  This  left 
14  who  would  not  take  the  oath,  of  whom  Catala,  Viader,  and  Abella  were 
over  60  years  old;  several  were  in  bad  health,  and  several  were  highly  recom- 
mendable  for  their  faithfulness.  Should  new  padres  come,  E.  proposed  to  grant 
passports  to  Arroyo,  Ordaz,  P.  Cabot,  Sancho,  J.  Cabot,  Ibarra,  Oliva,  Duran, 
Estenega,  Abella,  and  Una,  in  that  order.  There  were  recommended  to  re- 
main, Amoros,  Catala,  Vitoria,  Viader,  Fortuni,  Martin,  Boscana,  Sanchez, 
Zalvidea,  and  especially  Peyri,  Jaime,  Barona,  and  Sufier.  Martinez  was  the 
only  one  who  had  asked  for  a  passport  on  the  ground  of  not  wishing  to  con- 
form. Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  ii.  187-8,  mentions  the  coming  of  the  Domin- 
icans President  Luna  and  P.  Caballero  to  S.  Gabriel  in  June,  to  consult  about 
tae  expulsion. 

22  July  6,  1829,  E.  to  various  officials.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  92-3,  97;  Id., 
S.  Jos.\  ii.  10-17;  Dept.Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  190-1. 

23  -July-September,  applications  of  the  padres  for  passports.  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  v.  pti.  54-7.  Aug.  11th,  Echeandia  to  min.  of  rel.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS., 
x.  43-0.  In  this  document  the  gov.  gives  a  very  clear  and  complete  statement 
of  the  whole  matter. 


THE  MISSIONARIES  AS  SPANIARDS.  97 

the  ayuntamientos  of  San  Jose,  Monterey,  and  per- 
haps other  places,  sent  strong  petitions  on  the  evils 
that  must  result  from  such  expulsion,  expressing  for 
the  missionaries  the  deepest  love  and  veneration,  and 
pleading  eloquently  that  thes  people  might  not  be  de- 
prived of  their  spiritual  guardians.24  I  find  no  re- 
sponses to  these  petitions,  ncir  are  there  any  definite 
orders  of  later  date  on  the  subject,  which,  except  in 
certain  particulars  to  be  noted  in  the  next  paragraph, 
seems  to  have  been  now  allowed  to  rest.  One  of  the 
Spanish  friars,  however,  received  before  the  end  of 
1829  a  passport  to  a  land  where  it  is  to  be  hoped  his 
political  troubles  were  at  an  end.  This  was  the  aged 
and  infirm  Padre  Jaime,  who  died  at  Santa  Barbara. 
I  have  said  that  Echeandia  deemed  it  desirable  to 
get  rid  of  certain  padres.  Personal  feeling  was  his 
motive  in  part;  moreover,  it  was  important  to  remove 
certain  obstacles  likely  to  interfere  with  hia  policy  of 
secularization,  of  which  more  hereafter.  Prejudice 
against  all  that  was  Spanish  was  the  strongest  feeling 
in  Mexico,  and  there  was  no  better  way  for  the  gov- 
ernor to  keep  himself  in  good  standing  with  the  power 
that  appointed  him  than  to  go  with  the  current.  It 
also  favored  Echeandia's  plans  respecting  his  enemy 
Herrera,  while  increasing  the  importance  of  his  own 
services,  to  show  the  existence  of  a  strong  revolution- 
ary spirit  in  favor  of  Spain.  There  wTas,  however,  but 
a  slight  foundation  on  which  to  build.  The  padres 
were  Spaniards,  and  as  a  rule  disapproved  the  new 
form  of  government;  but  it  is  not  likely  that  any  of 
them  had  a  definite  hope  of  overthrowing  the  repub- 
lic, or  of  restoring  California  to  the  old  system,  and 
the  most  serious  charge  that  could  be  justly  brought 
against  them  was  an  occasional  injudicious  use  of  the 

21  Aug.  25th,  S.  Jos6,  Petition  dd  Ayurdamiento  en  favor  de  los  FrailcsEs- 
j>rtrioles,  1820,  MS.;  Monterey,  Petitioned  Presidente  y  (Jongreso  en  favor  de  los 
Frailea  Espauoles,  1S29,  MS.  Oct.  22d,  gov.  approves  the  petitions.  Dept. 
Rec.s  MS.,  vii.  239.  Oct.  12th,  Virmond  writes  from  Mexico  that  the  presi- 
dent had  not  the  slightest  idea  of  expelling  the  friars.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vu 
145-8. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    7 


98  ECHEANDIA  AND  THE  PADRES. 

tongue.      Generally  the  prevalent  rumors  of  treason 
could  be  traced  to  nothing  reliable.25 

Of  all  the  padres,  Martinez  of  San  Luis  Obispo  was 
the  most  outspoken  and  independent  in  political  mat- 
ters, besides  being  well  known  for  his  smuggling  pro- 
pensities. Echeandia  deemed  his  absence  desirable 
for  the  quiet  of  the  territor}^,  and  had  issued  a  pass- 
port which  had  not  been  used.  It  was  thought  best 
on  general  principles  to  make  an  example;  it  was  par- 
ticularly desirable  to  give  a  political  significance  to 
the  Solis  revolt,  and  Padre  Martinez  was  banished  on 
a  charge  of  complicity  in  that  revolt  in  the  interest 
of  Spain.  The  evidence  against  him  was  not  very 
strong;20  but  there  was  little  risk,  since  as  a  Spaniard 
the  accused  might  at  any  time  be  legally  exiled.  He 
was  arrested  early  in  February  1830,  and  confined  in 
a  room  of  the  comandancia  at  Santa  Barbara.  In 
his  testimony  he  denied  all  the  allegations  against 
him,  except  that  of  giving  food  to  the  soldiers,  as 
others  had  also  done  and  as  it  was  customary  for  the 
missionaries  to  do,  whoever  their  guests  might  be.. 
He  claimed  to  have  tried  to  dissuade  Solis  from  his 
foolish  scheme  of  raising  the  Spanish  flag.  In  a  long 
and  eloquent  communication  addressed  to  Echeandia, 

23  Sept.  9,  1829,  gov.  to  comandantes.  Has  heard  that  some  padre  burns 
daily  two  tapers  before  a  portrait  of  Fernando  VII. ;  and  that  another  pre- 
dicts from  his  pulpit  the  coming  of  the  Spanish  king.  Find  out  secretly  who 
do  these  things,  and  forward  the  result.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  25,  48;  JJcpt. 
Jlec,  MS.,  vii.  44.     The  guilty  parties  were  not  found. 

2(i  The  evidence,  some  of  the  items  resting  on  the  statement  of  a  single 
soldier,  was,  so  far  as  it  is  on  record,  as  follows:  That  he  had  freely  supplied 
the  rebels  with  food,  had  been  very  intimate  with  Solis  and  his  leaders  at  San 
Luis,  had  shown  anger  at  certain  soldiers  when  they  said  'viva  la  republica,' 
had  spoken  mysteriously  of  Lis  'amo  Francisquito,'  in  Spain  or  Mexico,  had 
shown  a  paper  with  'viva  Fernando  VII.'  written  on  it,  had  derided  inde- 
pendence and  liberty,  and  had  lodged  Alf.  Fernandez  del  Campo  in  a  room 
winch  bore  the  inscription  '  V.  F.  7  '  on  the  ceiling.  Solis,  Proceso,  etc.,  MS.; 
Fernandez  to  Echeandia  in  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  26-7.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cat., 
MS.,  ii.  I),'}  105,  tells  us  that  there  were  documents  proving  conclusively  that 
Martinez  was  plotting  against  the  republic  and  carrying  on  a  secret  corre- 
spondence with  the  rebels  in  Mexico;  but  nothing  of  this  kind  was  shown  in 
t  be  recorded  evidence,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  a  letter  of  encouragement 
from  Martinez  found  on  the  person  of  Solis  at  his  capture,  mentioned  by  Al- 
varado.    Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.   155. 


EXILE  OS*  FATHER  MARTINEZ.  99 

protesting  against  the  manner  of  his  treatment,  Mar- 
tinez, while  not  attempting  to  deny  his  well  known 
political  sentiments,  claimed  that  he  was  not  such  a 
fool  as  to  suppose  that  Spain  could  be  benefited  by 
petty  revolts  in  California,  t^hat  he  desired  the  wel- 
fare of  the  territory,  and  that  in  his  opinion  it  could 
not  be  advantageously  separated  from  Mexico.  The 
two  padres  Cabot  testified  to  having  seen  letters  in 
which  Martinez  declined  to  take  part  in  the  political 
schemes  of  Solis,  declaring  that  if  the  king  wished  to 
conqnistar  any  part  of  America,  he  might  do  it  him- 
self, in  his  own  way.  Prefect  Sarria  also  presented 
an  argument  to  prove  Martinez  innocent.27 

The  9th  of  March  a  junta  de  guerra,  composed  of 
six  officers,  besides  the  governor,  met  at  Santa  Barba- 
ra to  decide  on  the  friar's  fate.  Echeandia  explained, 
at  considerable  length,  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
administering  a  suitable  penalty,  and  he  seems  to 
have  counselled  leniency,  fearing  or  pretending  to  fear 
the  action  of  the  other  padres;  but  after  full  discus- 
sion, it  was  decided  by  a  vote  of  five  to  one  to  send 
him  out  of  Mexican  territory  by  the  first  available 
vessel.28  Stephen  Anderson,  owner  of  the  English 
brig  Tliomas  Nowlan,  wTas  called  in  immediately,  and 
gave  bonds  to  carry  the  prisoner  to  Callao,  and  put 
him  on  board  a  vessel  bound  for  Europe.  Padre 
Martinez,  on  the  same  day,  promised  in  verbo  sacer- 
dotis  not  to  land  at  Manila  or  the  Sandwich  Islands, 
and  on  March  20th  the  Nowlan  sailed.29     The  friar 

27  Martinez  admitted  to  Lieut  Romualdo  Pacheco  that  he  had  received 
letters  from  Solis,  urging  him  to  arm  his  neophytes  in  defence  of  the  Spanish 
flag  soon  to  be  raised.  St.  Pcq).,  Miss,  and  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  30-1.  Testimony  of 
Martinez  and  the  PP.  Cabot  in  Soils,  Proceso,  MS.,  100-1,  98-9.  March  4th, 
Martinez,  Defensa  dirigida  al  Comandanie  General,  1830,  MS.,  in  Id.,  93-8. 
Feb.  9th,  Sarria,  Defensa  del  Padre  Luis  Martinez,  1830,  MS.  Mrs  Ord, 
Ocurrencias,  MS.,  31--6,  gives  some  details  of  the  padre's  confinement  in  her 
father's  house,  and  the  efforts  of  members  of  the  family  to  relieve  the  pris- 
oner's wants  in  spite  of  the  severity  of  Lieut  Lobato.  This  writer  and  many 
other  Californians  think  there  was  no  foundation  for  the  special  charges 
against  Martinez  at  this  time. 

28 Record  of  the  junta  of  March  9th,  in  Solis,  Proceso,  MS.,  102-5.  The 
officers  were  J.  J.  Rocha,  M.  G.  Vallejo,  Domingo  Carrillo,  M.  G.  Lobato,  J. 
M.  Ibarra,  and  A.  V.  Zamorano.     A  previous  junta  of  Feb.  2Gth  is  alluded  to. 

29C'arrdlo  {Jose),  Doc.,  MS.,  21.     The  Spaniards  A.  J.  Cot  and  family, 


100  ECTIEAXDIA  AND  THE  PADRES. 

reached  Callao  in  June,  and  subsequently  arrived 
safely  in  Madrid,  whence  he  wrote  to  his  friends  in 
California.  There  wTere  -those  who  believed  that  he 
carried  away  a  large  amount  of  money,  an  exploit 
which,  if  actually  accomplished,  considering  the  cir- 
cumstances of  his  departure,  surpassed  in  brilliancy 
all  his  previous  deeds  as  a  contrabandista.30  Even  if, 
as  I  suppose,  he  carried  little  or  no  gold  at  his  depart- 
ure, it  is  not  probable  that  so  shrewd  a  man  of  busi- 
ness had  neglected  in  past  years  to  make  some 
provision  for  future  comfort. 

The  most  important  problem  affecting  the  missions 
was  that  of  secularization;  but  it  hardly  assumed  a 
controversial  aspect  during  this  period.  The  missions, 
as  the  reader  is  well  aware,  had  never  been  intended 
as  permanent  institutions,  but  only  as  temporary 
schools  to  fit  savage  gentiles  for  Christian  citizenship. 
The  missionaries  themselves  never  denied  this  in  theory, 
but  practically  nullified  the  principle,  and  claimed  per- 
petuity for  their  establishments  by  always  affirming,  no 
matter  whether  the  spiritual  conquest  dated  back  five 
or  fifty  years,  that  the  Indians  wTere  not  yet  fitted  to 
become  citizens.  This  was,  moreover,  always  true, 
even  if  it  was  a  virtual  confession  that  the  mission 
system  was  a  failure,  and  it  presented  serious  difficul- 
ties in  the  way  of  secularization.  The  cortes  of  Spain 
had  decreed,  however,  in  1813,  that  all  missions  ten 
years  after  foundation  must  be  changed  into  pueblos, 
subject  to  secular  authority  both  in  civil  and  religious 
affairs,31  and  the  success  of  independence  made  the 

and  J.  I.  Mancisidor  sailed  in  the  same  vessel.  Feb.  6th,  Echeandia's  order 
to  arrest  Martinez.  Dept.  Tlec,  MS.,  viii.  16.  March  9th,  E.  announces  the 
sentence  to  Prefect  Sarria.  Id.,  viii.  27. 

■"Vallejo,  Bfet.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii.  96-100,  says  that  he  was  the  officer  who 
took  Martinez  on  board.  He  walked  very  slowly,  but  as  he  was  old  and 
corpulent,  -was  not  hurried.  When  they  were  alone  in  the  cabin  the  padre 
said  :  '  Perhaps  you  thought  me  drunk.  Not  so,  my  son,  but  see  here' — pro- 
ceeding to  show  that  his  clothing  was  heavily  lined  with  gold  !  The  young 
alferez  was  glad  to  know  that  the  friar  had  made  provision  for  a  rainy  day, 
and  promised  to  keep  his  secret. 

31  See  chap,  xviii.,  vol.  ii.,  for  the  decree  of  Sept.  13,  1813,  and  subsequent 
developments  in  Cal. 


POLICY  OF  SECULARIZATION.  101 

change  inevitable.  r  The  spirit  of  Mexican  republican- 
ism was  not  favorable  to  the  longer  existence  of  the 
old  missions  under  a  system  of  land  monopoly  strongly 
tinged  with  some  phases  of  human  slavery.  If  the 
Indians  were  not  fit  for  citizenship,  neither  were  they 
being  fitted  therefor. 

Echeandfa  and  the  administration  that  appointed 
him  desired  to  secularize  the  missions,  but  understood 
that  it  was  a  problem  requiring  careful  study.  Neither 
party  was  disposed  to  act  hastily  in  the  matter:  the 
Mexican  authorities  largely  perhaps  because  of  indif- 
ference to  the  interests  of  a  territory  so  far  away; 
and  the  governor  by  reason  not  only  of  his  natural 
tendency  to  inaction,  but  of  the  difficulties  with  which 
on  arrival  he  found  himself  surrounded.  These  diffi- 
culties, as  the  reader  has  learned,  were  insurmountable. 
Had  the  territorial  finances  been  in  a  sound  condition, 
had  the  military  force  been  thoroughly  organized  and 
promptly  paid,  had  there  been  fifty  curates  at  hand  to 
take  charge  of  new  parishes,  had  the  territory  been 
to  some  extent  independent  of  the  missions — even  with 
these  favorable  conditions,  none  of  which  existed,  sec- 
ularization would  have  been  a  difficult  task  if  not  a 
risky  experiment,  requiring  for  success  at  least  the 
hearty  cooperation  of  the  friars.  Under  existing 
circumstances,  however,  which  need  not  be  recapitu- 
lated here,  against  the  will  of  the  padres,  who,  with 
their  influence  over  the  neophytes  and  their  threats 
to  retire  en  masse,  were  largely  masters  of  the  situa- 
tion, any  radical  change  in  the  mission  status  would 
bring  ruin  to  the  territory. 

The  governor  recognized  the  impossibility  of  imme- 
diate action;  but  in  accordance  with  the  policy  of  his 
government/2  with  his  own  republican  theories,  with 

32  Jan.  31,  1S25,  min.  of  war  to  gov.  A  statement  of  grievances  suffered 
by  the  Indians  of  Cal.  States  that  it  is  the  president's  desire  to  do  away 
with  so  vicious  a  system,  but  suggests  that  the  reform  should  perhaps  be  one 
of  policy  rather  than  of  authority.  It  is  not  expedient  to  break  up  openly 
the  system  of  the  padres,  who  if  offended  might  by  their  influence  cause  great 
evils.  Still  it  was  essential  to  check  the  arbitrary  measures  that  oppressed 
the  Indians,  and  afford  the  latter  the  advantages  of  the  liberal  system — but 


102  ECHEANDfA  AND  THE  PADRES. 

the  spirit  rapidly  evolved  from  controversies  with  the 
friars  on  other  points,  and  with  the  urgings  of  some 
prominent  Californians  who  already  had  their  eyes  on 
the  mission  lands,  he  had  to  keep  the  matter  alive  by 
certain  experiments  intended  to  test  the  feelings  and 
capabilities  of  the  neophytes.33  On  April  28,  1826, 
Echeandia  and  his  secretary,  Zamorano,  held  a  con- 
sultation with  padres  Sanchez,  Zalvidea,  Peyri,  and 
Martin  at  San  Diego,  at  which  after  the  padres  had 
expressed  their  willingness  to  surrender  the  temporal 
management,  the  governor  made  a  speech  on  the  im- 
portance of  providing  for  the  Indians  of  San  Diego 
and  Santa  Barbara  who  desired  to  leave  the  neofia 
and  manage  for  themselves.  After  discussion,  it  was 
agreed  that  those  of  good  conduct  and  long  service 
might  be  released,  to  form  a  pueblo  at  San  Fernando 
or  San  Luis,  under  regulations  to  be  fixed  by  the  gov- 
ernor.34 

After  later  consultations  not  definitely  recorded,  at 
which  the  plan  was  considerably  modified,  Echeandia 
issued,  July  25th,  a  decree,  or  proclamation,  of  partial 
emancipation  in  favor  of  the  neophytes.  By  its  terms 
those  desiring  to  leave  the  missions  might  do  so,  pro- 
vided they  had  been  Christians  from  childhood,  or  for 
fifteen  years,  were  married,  or  at  least  not  minors, 
and  had  some  means  of  gaining  a  livelihood.  The 
Indians  must  apply  to  the  presidial  comandante,  who 
after  obtaining  a  report  from  the  padre  was  to  issue 
through  the  latter  a  written  permit  entitling  the 
neophyte  and  his  family  to  go  wherever  they  pleased, 

guardedly  and  slowly  to  avoid  the  license  that  might  result  from  unwise 
sures.     All  is  intrusted  to  E.'s  experience  and  good  judgment.    St.  Pap., 
Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  42,  quoted  by  E.  in  1833  in  aletter  toFigueroa. 

:ii  According  to  A Ivar ado,  Hist.  Cat,  MS.,  ii.  109-10;  Val'cjo,  Hist.  Cat., 
MS.,  ii.  51-3;  Vallejo,  llmiinU.,  MS.,  89-90,  Echeandia,  immediately  after 
taking  his  office,  sent  Lieut  Pacheco  to  make  a  tour  of  inspection  in  the 
southern  missions.  The  padres  were  not  pleased;  but  Pacheco  having  some 
trouble  with  P.  Boscana  at  S.  Juan  Capistrano,  went  so  far  as  to  assemble  the 
neophytes  and  to  make  a  political  speech,  in  which  he  told  the  Indians  of  a 
new  chief  who  had  come  to  the  country  to  be  their  friend,  and  give  them  equal 
rights  With  .Spaniards. 

**Dept.  St.  Pup.,  MS.,  i.  129-30. 


EXPERIMENTAL  SECULARIZATION.  *  103 

like  other  Mexican  citizens,  their  names  bcin^  erased 
from  the  mission'  registers.  The  cases  of  absentees 
were  to  be  investigated  by  the  comandantes  at  once, 
and  those  not  entitled  to  the  license  were  to  be  re- 
stored to  their  respective  missions.  At  the  same  time 
the  padres  were  to  be  restricted  in  the  matter  of  pun- 
ishments to  the  'mere  correction'  allowed  to  natural 
fathers  in  the  case  of  their  children;  unmarried  males 
of  minor  age  only  could  be  flogged,  with  a  limit  of 
fifteen  blows  per  week;  and  faults  requiring  more 
severe  penalties  must  be  referred  to  the  military 
authorities.35  The  provisions  of  this  order  applied 
only  to  the  districts  of  San  Diego,  Santa  Barbara,  and 
Monterey;  though  in  1828  it  was  extended  to  that  of 
San  Francisco,  excepting  the  frontier  missions  of  San 
Rafael  and  San  Francisco  Solano.36 

This  order  of  1826  was  the  only  secularization 
measure  which  Eeheandia  attempted  to  put  in  actual 
operation  before  the  end  of  1830.  It  does  not  appear 
that  the  missionaries  made  any  special  opposition,  and 
the  reasons  of  their  concurrence  are  obvious.  First, 
very  few  neophytes  could  comply  with  the  conditions, 
especially  that  requiring  visible  means  of  support. 
Second,  the  decree  required  fugitives  not  entitled  to 
license  to  be  returned  to  their  missions  by  the  mili- 
tary, a  duty  that  of  late  years  had  been  much 
neglected.  And  third,  and  chiefly,  experimental  or 
partial  secularization  was  deemed  by  the  friars  to  be 
in  their  own  interest,  since  they  had  no  fears  that  the 
neophytes  would  prove  themselves  capable  of  self- 

35  July  25,  182G,  Eeheandia,  Dccreto  de  Emancipation  a  favor  de  Nedjitos, 
1826,  MS.  Received  at  S.  Rafael  Aug.  23d.  Arch.  Mislones,  MS.,  i.  297. 
Forwarded  by  Lieut  Estudillo  to  padre  of  S.  Antonio.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v. 
pt  ii.  114-17.  Sergt  Anastasio  Carrillo  sent  by  Capt.  Guerra  to  proclaim 
t!:e  new  order  in  the  missions  of  the  Sta  Barbara  district,  as  he  did  at  S. 
Fernando  on  Sept.  2Gth  and  at  S.  Buenaventura  on  Sept.  29th.  Doc.  Hist. 
Qui.,  MS.,  iv.  769-92.  Here  the  Indian  was  authorized,  should  the  cabo  de 
cscolta  and  padre  refuse  to  act  in  presenting  his  application  for  license,  to 
leave  the  mission  without  permission  and  apply  in  person  to  the  comandante. 
Vallcjo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  22,  quotes  the  order  of  July  25th. 

36  June  20,  1828,  gov.  to  comandantes  and  prefect.  Dept.  Ilcc,  MS.,  vi. 
57. 


104  ECHEAXDIA  AND  THE  PADRES. 

government.  Respecting  the  result,  we  have  no  sat- 
isfactory information.  I  find  no  record  of  the  number 
of  neophytes  who  under  the  order  obtained  their  free- 
dom, nor  of  the  manner  in  which  they  used  their  lib- 
erty. Beechey,  the  English  navigator,  tells  us  that 
the  governor  was  induced  by  the  padres  to  modify 
his  plans,  and  to  try  experiments  with  a  few  neo- 
phytes, who,  as  might  have  been  expected,  fell  soon  into 
excesses,  gambled  away  all  their  property,  and  were 
compelled  to  beg  or  steal.37 

While  the  governor  doubtless  used  his  influence  to 
imbue  the  neophytes  with  ideas  of  independence  and 
civil  liberty,  not  conducive  to  contentment  with  mission 
life,33  no  definite  progress  was  made,  except  in  the 
preparation  of  plans,  in  the  years  1827-9.  In  July  1827 
the  prefect  was  ordered  to  see  to  it  that  a  primary 
school  was  supported  at  each  mission,  and  compliance 
was  promised.39  In  October  of  the  same  year,  Eche- 
andia  called  for  a  detailed  report  on  the  lands  held 
by  each  mission  to  be  rendered  before  the  end  of  the 
year.  I  find  no  such  report  in  the  records,  though 
the  local  reports  for  the  next  year  did,  in  several 
instances,    contain    a    list    of   the  mission  ranchos.40 

37 Beechey' 's  Voyage,  ii.  12-13,  320.  A  few  doc.  bearing  on  individual  cases 
of  application  for  license.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lvii.  23-4;  Dept. 
Bee.,  MS.,  v.  65;  viii.  34.  April  27,  1827,  gov.  says  to  com.  of  S.  Diego  that 
as  the  Indians  of  S.  Juan  neglect  their  work  and  make  a  wrong  application 
of  their  privileges,  they  are  to  be  admonished  seriously  that  those  who  behave 
themselves  properly  will  obtain  their  full  freedom  when  his  plans  are  per- 
fected, while  others  will  be  punished.  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  v.  44.  May  20,  1827, 
Martinez  is  to  inform  the  Indians  that  in  a  few  days  E.  will  issue  an  order  for 
them  to  be  treated  the  same  as  gente  de  razon.  Id.,  v.  46.  Dec.  6,  1826,  E. 
to  sup.  govt.  Speaks  of  the  monopoly  by  the  friars  of  all  the  land,  labor, 
and  products  of  the  territory;  of  their  hatred  for  the  present  system  of  gov- 
ernment; and  of  the  desirability  of  making  at  least  a  partial  distribution  of 
mission  property  among  the  best  of  the  neophytes.  Id.,  v.  132-3.  Oct.  20, 
J  S28,  E.  to  mill,  of  war,  says  the  Ind.  at  most  missions  are  clamoring  to  be 
fori ned  into  pueblos.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  x.  39-40. 

38  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  52-4,  says  that  the  ideas  instilled  into  the 
minds  of  the  neophytes  by  the  gefe  politico  made  a  great  change  in  them. 
They  were  not  as  contented  nor  as  obedient  as  before.  Osio,  Hist.  Ccd.,  MS., 
]  19-20,  takes  the  same  view  of  the  matter. 

"Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  35;  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  v.  54;  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  i. 
70-80. 

''Oct.  7th,  Echeandfa's  bando  in  Olvera,  Doc,  MS.,  1.  Names  of  mission 
ranchos  in  the  south.    Pror.  St.  Pap.,  PreskL,  MS.,  i.  97-8.     Bandini,  in  a 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  ACTS.  105 

The  order  brought  out,  however,  from  the  padres 
of  San  Juan  Capistrano,  a  defence  of  the  Indian  title 
to  the  lands  in  California  running  back  to  the  time 
when,  according  to  Ezra  the  prophet,  the  Jews  wan- 
dered across  Bering  Strait  to  people  America.41 

In  a  communication  of  1833  Echeandia,  after  al- 
luding to  his  instructions,  by  which,  as  we  have  seen, 
much  was  left  to  his  own  judgment,  explained  his  acts 
in  these  years  as  follows:  "Intrusted  with  the  task 
of  arranging  the  system  of  both  Californias,  supplying 
as  best  I  could  in  indispensable  cases  the  lack  of  ad- 
ministration of  justice,  busied  in  regulating  the  treas- 
ury branches  since  the  comisario  abused  his  trust, 
lacking  the  necessary  supplies  for  the  troops,  at  the 
end  of  my  resources  for  other  expenses,  struggling  to 
put  in  good  order  the  necessarily  tolerated  traffic  with 
foreign  vessels,  anxious  to  establish  regular  and  secure 
communication  with  Sonora  via  the  Colorado,  combat- 
ing the  general  addiction  to  the  Spanish  government 
and  the  despotic  system,  encountering  the  abuses  in- 
troduced in  all  branches  by  the  revolution  and  enor- 
mously propagated  by  the  total  neglect  of  the  viceregal 
government  during  the  war  of  independence — occupied, 
I  say,  with  so  many  cares,  without  aid  in  the  civil  or 
military  administration,  and  finally  having  no  Mexican 
priests  to  take  the  place  of  the  malecontent  Spaniards 
in  divine  worship,  if  they  should  abandon  it  as  hap- 
pened at  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Buenaventura,  or 
should  be  expelled  as  insufferable  royalists,  as  some  of 
them  are,  and  as  wTas  he  of  San  Luis  Obispo,  who 
favored  the  Solis  revolt  for  Spain — which,  though  I 
had  the  good  fortune  to  suppress  it,  interfered  with 
the  progress  of  good  government — some  of  the  mis- 
sionaries mismanaging  the  property  of  their  subjects, 
and  others  refusing  to  remain  under  the  federal  gov- 


letter  to  Barron,  1828,  says  the  missions  have  seized  upon  nearly  all  the  land 
in  the  territory,  so  as  to  exclude  private  persons.  Bandini,  Doc,  MS.,  8. 

41  Zalvidea  and  Barona,  Petition  al  Oej'e  Politico  a  favor  de  loslndlos,  1S27, 
MS. 


103  ECHEANDIA  AND  THE  PADRES. 

eminent  if  the  missions  were  reformed;  compromised 
thus  in  different  ways,  seeing  that  in  the  missions  there 
remained  almost  illusory  my  repeated  orders  and  pro- 
visions that  the  converts  should  be  relieved  from  the 
cruel  and  infamous  punishments  which  were  arbi- 
trarily applied  to  them,  and  enjoy  a  little  their  per- 
sonal liberty  and  the  fruit  of  their  toil,  and  receive  in 
their  schools  the  elements  of  a  Christian  and  civil  ed- 
ucation ;  when  by  my  own  observations  and  intercourse 
with  missionaries  and  neophytes — in  spite  of  the  flat- 
teries and  obstacles  urged  that  I  might  not  remove 
the  yoke  from  those  miserable  conquistados — I  had 
formed  a  definite  conception  of  my  duty,  I  completed 
a  plan  reglamentario  to  take  from  the  missionaries  the 
temporal  administration,  which  I  sent  to  the  govern- 
ment secretly,  if  I  remember  aright,  in  1829,  explain- 
ing the  necessity  of  proper  persons  to  make  surveys, 
and  to  establish  in  due  form  the  new  settlements."42 
At  the  session  of  July  20,  1830,  Echeandia  brought 
his  secularization  plan  before  the  cliputacion,  by  which 
body,  after  much  discussion  and  some  slight  modifica- 
tions, it  was  approved  in  the  sessions  from  July  29th 
to  August  3d.  This  plan  provided  for  the  gradual 
transformation  of  the  missions  into  pueblos,  begin- 
ning with  those  nearest  the  presidios  and  pueblos,  of 
which  one  or  two  were  to  be  secularized  within  a  year, 
and  the  rest  as  rapidly  as  experience  might  show  to  be 
practicable.  Each  neophyte  was  to  have  a  share  of 
the  mission  lands  and  other  propert}^  The  friars 
might  remain  as  curates,  or  establish  a  new  line  of 
missions  on  the  gentile  frontier  as  they  should  choose. 
The  details  of  the  twent}^-one  articles  constituting  the 
document,  chiefly  devoted  to  the  distribution  of  prop- 
erty and  the  local  management  of  the  new  towns,  it 
seems  best  to  notice,  so  far  as  any  notice  may  be  re- 
quired, in   a  subsequent   chapter,  in   connection  with 

42  March  19,  1833,  E.  to  Figueroa  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Col,  MS.,  ii. 
42-4.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  E.  makes  a  full  stop  in  his  sentence  as  above. 
He  then  goes  on  to  explain  his  policy  in  1831,  of  which  I  shall  speak  later. 


PLAN  APPROVED  BY  THE  DIPUTACIOX.  107 

the  decree  by  which  it  was  attempted  to  carry  the 
plan  into  effect.43  It  was  not  intended  to  enforce  this 
measure  without  the  approval  of  the  supreme  govern- 
ment, to  which  the  plan  was  forwarded  the  7th  of 
September.44  There  were  also  sent  at  the  same  time 
six  supplementary  articles,  approved  by  the  diputacion 
August  13th,  providing  for^the  establishment  of  two 
Franciscan  convents  at  Santa  Clara  and  San  Gabriel, 
for  which  twenty  or  more  friars  were  to  be  sent  from 
Mexico  at  the  expense  of  the/pious  fund,  and  to  which 
the  Spanish  padres  allowed  to  remain  might  also  at- 
tach themselves.  These  convents  were  intended  to 
supply  in  the  future  missionaries,  curates,  and  chap- 
lains.45 

Thus  it  is  seen  that  the  governor  in  his  policy 
toward  the  padres,  down  to  the  end  of  1830,  was  by 
no  means  arbitrary,  unjust,  or  even  hasty;46  neither 
was  there  so  bitter  a  controversy  between  him  and  the 
friars  as  would  be  inferred  from  the  general  tone  of 
what  has  been  written  on  the  subject.47  In  these  last 
years  of  the  decade  we  have  from  the  padres  no  spe- 

43  Eeheandia,  Plan  para  converter  en  pueblos  las  misiones  cle  la  A  Ita  California,  . 
1S20-30,  MS.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.    105-9,  and  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  ii.  159-GO,  mention  the  action  of  the  diputacion,  and  give  the  substance 
of  an  introductory  message  or  argument  presented  by  Eeheandia  on  the  ad- 
vantages of  secularization. 

44 Sept.  7,  1830,  E.  to  min.  of  rel.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  viii.  79. 

*Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  i.  1G3-G;  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  15-17;  Dept.  Bee.,  MS., 
viii.  79. 

4GDuhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  i.  283-5,  notes  that  E.  used  gentle  measures,  as 
he  was  obliged  to  do,  while  the  padres  were  less  careful  about  the  prosperity 
of  the  missions  than  they  had  formerly  been.  Shea,  Catholic  Missions,  109-12, 
represents  E.'s  rule  as  a  succession  of  arbitrary  and  oppressive  acts  against  the 
friars.  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  45,  says  that  E.  had  few  scruples  and 
aimed  only  to  enrich  himself  by  despoiling  the  missions.  Spence,  according 
to  Taylor's  Discov.  and  Founders,  ii.  24,  says  that  E.  had  taken  some  rash 
steps  toward  the  padres,  and  they  retaliated  by  subjecting  him  to  every  in- 
convenience. Dr  Marsh,  Letter  to  Com.  Jones,  MS.,  2,  tells  us  that  E.  're- 
leased some  of  the  Indians  from  the  missions  that  his  own  particular  friends 
might  appropriate  their  services  to  their  own  use.' 

47  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,ii.  53-4,  and  Alvarado,  Hist  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  89- 
90,  tell  us  that  about  182G  the  padres  not  only  refused  to  furnish  any  more 
supplies  for  the  troops,  but  had  a  large  part  of  the  mission  cattle  slaughtered 
for  their  hides  and  tallow,  with  a  view  to  run  away  with  as  much  as  possible  of 
the  mission  wealth.  I  think,  however,  that  these  writers,  like  others,  exaggerate 
the  quarrel,  and  that  there  was  no  such  slaughter  of  cattle  until  several  years 
later. 


103  ECHEANDIA  AND  THE  PADRES. 

cial  protest  against  the  plan  of  secularization  that  was 
being  prepared*  This  was  partly  because  they  be- 
lieved that  protests  and  arguments  addressed  to  the 
territorial  authorities  would  be  without  effect,  partly 
because  they  still  thought  that  secularization  could 
not  be  effected  for  want  of  curates;  but  largely  also,  I 
suppose,  because  they  had  hopes  of  benefits  to  be  de- 
rived from  the  struggle  going  on  in  Mexico.  Busta- 
mante's  revolution  against  Guerrero  was  understood 
to  be  in  the  interest  of  a  more  conservative  church 
and  mission  policy.  There  is  no  proof  that  the  Cal- 
ifornia padres  were  at  the  beginning  in  direct  under- 
standing with  the  promoters  of  the  movement,  but 
such  is  not  unlikely  to  have  been  the  case  ;4S  and  there 
certainly  was  such  an  understanding  directly  after 
Bustam ante's  accession.  At  any  rate,  their  hopes  of 
aid  from  the  new  executive  proved  to  be  well  founded, 
as  we  shall  see.  Meanwhile  the  national  authorities 
were  even  more  dilatory  and  inactive  than  those  of  the 
territory.  Nothing  whatever  was  done  in  the  mat- 
ter. The  famous  junta  de  fomento  seems  to  have 
made  some  kind  of  a  report  on  secularization  before  it 
ceased  to  exist.  Congress  took  it  up  in  1830,  but 
decided  to  leave  the  missions  alone  at  least  until  the 


48 In  the  famous  Fitch  trial,  Fitch,  Causa  Criminal,  MS.,  etc.,  339-40, 
President  Sanchez,  urged  to  arrest  Echeandia  for  trial  before  an  ecclesiastical 
court,  declined  to  do  so  on  account  of  the  tumult  it  would  cause,  the  prospect 
of  an  early  change  of  governors,  and  the  recommendations  of  Bustamante  in 
his  'most  esteemed  private  letter  of  April  11th,'  which  is  quoted  as  follows: 
'Your  zeal  should  not  rest  a  moment  in  a  matter  of  so  great  interest;  you  will 
understand  at  once  the  rectitude  of  my  intentions.  Therefore  I  promise  my- 
self that  you  will  not  only  aid  by  your  influence  and  by  every  means  in  your 
power  the  success  of  my  plans,  but  also  take  the  greatest  pains  to  reestablish 
public  tranquillity,  which  to  my  great  sorrow  is  disturbed,  and  to  bring  about 
perfect  peace  and  harmony  among  the  people.  This  is  my  business,  which  I 
recommend  very  particularly  to  the  prudence  of  your  paternity,  on  whose  aid 
I  count  for  the  accomplishment  of  my  desires.'  The  president  also  uses,  re- 
specting the  new  governor,  the  following  play  upon  words:  'Habiendo  logrado 
ya  e.sta  desgraciada  provincia  su  Victoria,  seguramente  se  debe  esperar  que 
csta  jurisuieeion  eelesiastica  usurpada,  y  oprimida,  tambien  conseguira  su 
victoria.1  Vallcjo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  109-10,  says  that  the  padres  learned 
of  1  in. stan unite's  pronuneiamiento  just  after  the  action  of  the  diputacion,  and 
that  they  immediately  signed  a  petition  to  the  govt  against  Echeandia, 
though  pretending  to  the  latter  at  the  same  time  to  be  anxious  to  give  up  tho 
mission  temporalities. 


INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  *        1C9 

arrival  of  the  deputy  from  California;  and  finally  the 
minister  of  relations  approved  Echeandia's  plan  and 
recommended  it  with  the  report  of  the  junta  to  con- 
gress at  the  beginning  of  1831.49 

There  are  a  few  items  of  Indian  affairs  in  the 
annals  of  these  years  that  may  as  well  be  recorded 
here  as  elsewhere,  none  of  them  requiring  more  than 
a  brief  notice.  In  April  1826  Alferez  Ibarra  had 
apparently  two  fights  at  or  near  Santa  Isabel,  in  the 
San  Diego  district,  perhaps  with  Indians  who  came 
from  the  Colorado  region.  In  one  case  eighteen,  and 
in  the  other  twenty,  pairs  of  ears  taken  from  the 
slain — a  new  kind  of  trophy  for  California  warfare — 
were  sent  to  the  comandante  general.  Three  soldiers 
of  the  Mazatlan  squadron  had  been  murdered  just 
before,  which  deed  was  probably  the  provocation  for 
the  slaughter,  but  the  records   are    unsatisfactory.50 

Another  event  of  the  same  year  was  an  expedition 
under  Alferez  Sanchez,  in  November,  against  the  Co- 
semenes,  or  Cosumnes,  across  the  San  Joaquin  Valley. 
These  Indians  had  either  attacked  or  been  attacked 
by  a  party  of  neophytes  from  Mission  San  Jose,  who 
were  making  a  holiday  trip  with  their  alcalde,  and 
twenty  or  thirty  of  whom  were  killed,  or  at  least 
never  returned.  Sanchez  was  absent  a  week,  and 
though  he  had  to  retreat  and  leave  the  gentiles  mas- 
ters of  the  field,  he  had  destroyed  a  rancheria,  killed 
about  forty  Indians,  and  brought  in  as  many  captives.51 

49  Mexico,  Mem.  Relaciones,  1831,  p.  33.  Carlos  Carrillo,  writing  from 
Tepic,  April  2,  1831,  referred  to  information  obtained  from  Navarro,  the 
member  from  Lower  California,  that  most  of  the  congressmen  had  opposed 
any  change  in  the  status  of  the  missions.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  200.  Va- 
llejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  259,  says  a  report  was  presented  to  congress  on  April 
G,  1825,  by  J.  J.  Espinosa  de  los  Rios,  C.  M.  Bustamante,  P.  V.  Sola,  Tomas 
Sun'a,  Tomas  Salgado,  Mariano  Dominguez,  J.  M.  Alinanza,  Manuel  Gonza- 
lez dc  Ibarra,  J.  J.  Ormachea,  and  F.  de  P.  Tamariz  (the  report  of  the  junta 
alluded  to  by  the  minister?),  in  favor  of  including  the  mission  lands  in  the 
colonization  law  of  1824.  Jan.  15,  1831,  Alaman  to  governor.  The  plan  of 
founding  two  convents  has  been  referred  to  the  minister  of  justice.  Sup.  Govt 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  1. 

MDept.  St.  Pap.  MS.,  i.  13G-7;  Id.  Ben.,  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  iii.  81-3;  S. 
Diego,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  96. 

51  Sanchez,  Journal  of  the  enterprise  against  the  Cosemenes,  182G.     'Written 


110  ECHEAXDIA  AND  TPIE  PADRES. 

In  1829  took  place  the  somewhat  famous  campaigns 
against  the  native  chieftain  Estanislao,  who  has  given 
his  name  to  the  Stanislaus  river  and  county.  Estan- 
islao was  a  neophyte  of  more  than  ordinary  ability, 
educated  at  Mission  San  Jose,  of  which  establishment 
he  was  at  one  time  alcalde.  He  ran  away  probably 
in  1827  or  early  in  1828,  took  refuge  with  a  band  of 
ex-neophytes  and  gentiles  in  the  San  Joaquin  Valley, 
and  with  his  chief  associate,  Cipriano,  soon  made  him- 
self famous  by  his  daring.  In  November  1828  he 
was  believed  by  the  padres  of  San  Jose  and  Santa 
Clara  to  be  instigating  a  general  rising  among  the 
neophytes,  and  Comandante  Martinez  was  induced  to 
send  a  force  of  twenty  men  against  him.52  The  expe- 
dition was  not  ready  to  start  till  May  1829,  Estanis- 
lao in  the  mean  time  continuing  his  onslaughts  and 
insulting  challenges  to  the  soldiers.53 

with  gunpowder  on  the  field  of  battle!'  in  Beeche>fs  Voyage,  ii.  24-31.  The 
expedition  lasted  from  Nov.  19th  to  Nov.  27th.  The  mission  of  S.  Jose"  had 
defrayed  the  expenses,  the  padre  deeming  it  necessary  to  avenge  the  outrage 
on  his  neophytes;  but  he  thougnt  the  40  new  converts  too  dearly  bought, 
feared  a  new  attack  from  the  Cosemenes,  and  begged  Capt.  Beechey  for  some 
fireworks  with  which  to  frighten  the  foe  in  case  of  necessity.  In  the  diary 
the  Cosemenes,  the  original  f6rm  of  the  later  Cosumnes,  lived  on  or  near  the 
Rio  San  Francisco.  On  the  way  thither  the  army  passed  Las  Positas,  Rio 
San  Joaquin,  and  Rio  Yachicume\  One  soldiery  Jose  Maria  Gomez,  was  killed 
by  the  bursting  of  his  own  musket.  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  ii.  85-6,  says 
Sanchez  could  not  get  at  the  Indian  warriors,  but  killed  30  women  and 
children,  and  with  this  shameful  glory  returned,  bringing  2  children  and  an 
old  woman  captives.  He  says  the  neophyte  victims  belonged  to  San  Francisco 
Solano.  Elliot  gives  the  substance  of  Sanchez's  diary  in  Overland  Monthly, 
iv.  341-2.  Huish,  Narrative,  427-30,  takes  the  account  from  Beechey. 
Bojorges,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  4—7,  describes  the  campaign  with  some  embellish- 
ments from  his  fancy.  Nov.  3d,  Bernal  to  Martinez.  Says  that  21  Christian 
Indians  have  been  killed,  and  calls  for  aid.  The  people  are  much  excited. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  135.  May  20,  1826,  Capt.  Argiiello  leaves  S.  Francisco 
on  a  34  days'  tour  of  inspection  eastward.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xi.  5.  Jan.  22if, 
corporal  of  S.  Juan  Capistrano  announces  rising  of  the  Indians,  who  have 
insulted  him  and  want  to  put  the  padre  in  the  stocks.  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  i. 
134-5.  April  1827,  complaints  of  robberies  at  the  same  mission.  Id.,  ii.  12. 
Fel  >.  1 827,  trouble  at  S.  Luis  Rey,  where  a  neophyte  used  some  very  violent  and 
vile  language  against  the  Mexican  govt  and  its  Cal.  representatives.  Dept.  St. 
P<<1>.,  Ben.  MIL.  MS.,  lviii.  2;  Beechcy's  Voyage,  ii.  36.  Nov.  1827,  allusion  to 
troubles  with  gentiles  at  Sta  Clara.  DepLRec,  MS.,  v.  115.  Oct.  23,  1828, 
Indian  children  from  the  Tulares,  that  had  been  given  to  residents  of  Monte- 
rey, ordered  to  be  restored  to  their  parents.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Col.,  MS., 
ii.  6.  Dec,  two  men  killed  by  Indians  near  S.  Jose.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Prcf. 
yJuzg.,M%.,  i.  20. 

MNov.  9,  L828,  PP.  Duran  and  Viader  to  Martinez.  Nov.  20th,  Mar- 
tinez to  Echeandia.    Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  G8-70. 

:3  Possibly,  however,  the  fcrce  of  20  men  was  sent  out  in  182S  as  planned, 


EXPEDITION  AGAINST  ESTANISLAO.  Ill 

On  May  5th  Alferez  Sanchez  left  San  Francisco 
with  about  forty  men  and  a  swivel-gun.  On  the 
morning  of  the  7th,  his  force  having  been  increased  at 
San  Jose  by  the  addition  of  vecinos  and  Indian  aux- 
iliaries, he  reached  the  spot  where  the  foe  was  posted 
in  a  thick  wood  on  the  river  of  the  Laquisimes.  The 
fight,  opened  by  the  enemy,  raged  all  day,  muskets 
being  used  on  one  side  and  arrows  with  a  few  muskets 
on  the  other.  The  swivel-gun  proved  to  be  damaged 
and  ineffective,  while  the  rnuskets  of  the  foe  were 
loaded  with  powder  only.  No  advantage  was  gained, 
and  at  sunset  Sanchez  withdrew  his  men  to  a  short 
distance.  Next  morning  he  divided  his  force  into  six 
parties  of  six  men  each.  He  stationed  one  to  guard 
the  horses  and  ammunition,  and  two  others  to  protect 
the  flanks  and  prevent  the  escape  of  the  foe,  while 
with  the  other  three,  under  corporals  Pina,  Berreyesa, 
and  Soto,  he  marched  up  to  the  edge  of  the  wood. 
As  before,  the  fight  lasted  all  day,  and  as  before,  noth- 
ing was  effected;  though  two  of  Pifia's  men,  who  were 
so  rash  as  to  enter  the  wood,  were  killed.  Ammuni- 
tion being  exhausted,  the  men  tired  out,  and  the 
weather  excessively  hot,  the  siege  was  abandoned,  and 
Estanislao  left  unconquered.  Two  soldiers  had  been 
killed  and  eigdit  wounded,  while  eleven  of  the  Indian 
allies  were  also  wounded,  one  of  them  mortally. 
About  the  losses  of  the  foe  nothing  was  known.54 

accomplishing  nothing.  Osio,  Hist,  Cat,  MS.,  126-30,  describes  such  an  ex- 
pedition under  Sergt  Soto,  during  which  there  was  a  fight;  while  Bojorges, 
Itecuerdos,  MS.,  14-17,  says  it  was  under  Corp.  Pacheco  and  returned  with- 
out a  fight,  as  did  the  second  expedition  according  to  Osio.  In  any  case,  it  is 
evident  that  both  writers  confound  this  entrada  more  or  less  witli  later  ones. 
March  1,  1829,  P.  Duran  to  Martinez,  complaining  of  a  new  attack  by  Es- 
tanislao on  the  mission  Indians.  A  rch.  Arzob. ,  MS. ,  v.  pt  i.  53-4.  April  26th, 
Martinez  to  alcalde  of  S.  Jose,  asking  for  supplies  and  men  for  an  expedition 
to  start  next  Sunday.  The  conduct  of  the  Indians  is  shameful,  especially  the 
challenges  of  Estanislao.  S.  Jose",  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  16.  May  6th  (probably  an 
error  in  date),  gov.  orders  Martinez  to  send  Alf.  Sanchez  with  as  many  sol- 
diers as  possible,  the  S.  Josci  militia,  and  a  swivel-gun  on  a  raid  against  the 
Indians.    Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  vii.  149. 

6t  Sanchez,  Compaiia  contra  Estanislao  y  sits  Indios  sublevados,  1829,  MS. 
Dated  at  S.  Jose  on  May  10th.  Great  praise  was  awarded  to  the  troops  for 
gallantry,  and  especially  to  Corp.  Soto  and  privates  Manuel  Pena  and  Lorenzo 
Pacheco.     May  5th,  departure  of   Sanchez  from  S.  Francisco.    Dept.  Rec, 


112  ECHEANDtA  AND  THE  PADRES. 

A  new  expedition  was  prepared,  for  which  the 
troops  of  San  Francisco  under  Sanchez  were  joined  to 
those  of  Monterey  under  Alferez  Mariano  G.  Vallejo, 
who  was  also,  by  virtue  of  his  superior  rank,  comman- 
der in  chief  of  the  army,  now  numbering  one  hundred 
a nd  se  ven  armed  men.  Val  lej o  had  not  ye  t had  much  ex- 
perience as  an  Indian-fighter,  but  he  had  just  returned 
from  a  campaign  in  the  Tulares,  in  which  with  thirty- 
five  men  he  had  slain  forty-eight  Indians  and  suffered 
no  casualties.55  Having  crossed  the  San  Joaquin 
River  by  means  of  rafts  on  May  29th,  the  army  ar- 
rived next  day  at  the  scene  of  the  former  battle,  where 
it  was  met  as  before  by  a  cloud  of  arrows.  The  wood 
was  found  to  be  absolutely  impenetrable,  and  Vallejo 
at  once  caused  it  to  be  set  on  fire,  stationing  his  troops 
and  his  three-pounder  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
river.  The  fire  brought  the  Indians  to  the  edge  of 
the  thicket,  where  some  of  them  were  killed.  At  5 
p.  m.  Sanchez  was  sent  with  twenty-five  men  to  attack 
the  foe,  and  fought  over  two  hours  in  the  burning 
wood,  retiring  at  dusk  with  three  men  wounded. 

Next  morning  at  9  o'clock  Vallejo  with  thirty-seven 
men  again  entered  the  wood.  He  found  a  series  of 
pits  and  ditches  arranged  with  considerable  skill,  and 
protected  by  barricades  of  trees  and  brush.  Evidently 
the  Indians  could  never  have  been  dislodged  from  such 
a  stronghold  except  by  the  agency  that  had  been  cm- 
ployed.  Traces  of  blood  were  found  everywhere,  and 
there  were  also  discovered  the  bodies  of  the  two  sol- 
diers killed  in  the  previous  battle.     The  enemy,  how- 

MS.,  vii.  20.  Osio,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  129-30,  gives  some  particulars  about  the 
loss  of  the  two  men,  and  says  that  Soto  died  of  his  wounds  a  little  later  at  S. 
Jose\  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  57-60,  gives  an  absurdly  exaggerated  ac- 
count of  the  battle  and  of  the  enemy's  fortifications.  Galindo,  Apuntes,  MS., 
22-4,  has  a  quite  accurate  narrative  from  memory,  recalling  even  the  name  of 
the  Rio  Laquisimes,  which  may  have  been  that  now  called  the  Stanislaus, 
though  it  is  not  certain. 

KDept.  llee.,  MS.,  vii.  20.  According  to  a  document  in  Vallejo,  Hoc, 
MS.,  xx.  280,  Vallejo  had  been  in  two  acciones  de  guerra  as  commander,  one 
in  the  Siena  Nevada  from  S.  Miguel,  and  the  other  in  the  Tulares,  where  he 
had  one  man  killed  and  15  ■wounded.  May  1G,  1829,  Martinez  orders  Vallejo 
to  march  with  Sanchez  to  chastise  the  rebels  of  Sta  Clara  and  S.  Jose  as- 
sembled at  Los  Rios.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  174. 


VALLEJO'S  CAMPAIGN.  *        113 

ever,  had  taken  advantage  of  the  darkness  of  niofht 
and  had  fled.  Vallejo  started  in  pursuit.  He  en- 
camped that  night  on  the  Rio  Laquisimes,  and  next 
morning  surrounded  a  part  of  the  fugitives  in  another 
thicket  near  their  rancheria  on  the  Arroyo  Seco. 
Here  there  were  some  negotiations,  but  the  Indians 
declared  they  would  die  rather  than  surrender,  and 
late  in  the  afternoon  the  attack  was  begun.  A  road 
was  cut  through  the  chaparral  with  axes,  along  which 
the  field-piece  and  muskets  were  pressed  forward  and 
continually  discharged.  The  foe  retired  slowly  to 
their  ditches  and  embankments  in  the  centre,  wound- 
ing eight  of  the  advancing  soldiers.  When  the  can- 
non wras  close  to  the  trenches  the  ammunition  gave 
out,  which  fact,  and  the  heat  of  the  burning  thicket, 
forced  the  men  to  retreat.  During  the  night  the  be- 
sieged Indians  tried  to  escape  one  by  one,  some  suc- 
ceeding, but  many  being  killed.  Next  morning 
nothing  was  found  but  dead  bodies  and  three  living 
women.  That  day,  June  1st,  at  noon,  provisions 
being  exhausted,  Vallejo  started  for  San  Jose,  where 
he  arrived  on  the  fourth."6 

56  Vallejo,  Carnpafia  contra  Estanislao  y  sus  Tndios  sublevados,  1829,  MS. 
This  is  the  commander's  official  report  dated  at  S.  Jose  June  4th.  PiTia, 
Diario  de  la  Expedition  al  Valle  de  San  Jose",  1820.  This  is  a  diary  kept  by 
Corp.  Lazaro  Piila  of  the  artillery,  who  accompanied  the  expedition.  It 
extends  from  May  19th,  the  date  of  departure  from  Monterey,  to  June  13th, 
when  they  returned  to  Monterey.  The  details,  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
actual  campaign  as  given  in  my  text,  are  unimportant.  The  original  MS.  was 
given  me  by  Gen.  Vallejo.  June  5th,  Martinez  congratulates  Vallejo  on  his 
defeat  of  the  rebels  at  Los  Rios.  Regrets  that  he  could  not  follow  up  the 
advantage  gained.  Orders  him  to  S.  Francisco  to  plan  further  operations. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  175.  Dec.  31st,  Martinez  states  in  the  hojas  de  servicios 
of  Vallejo  and  Sanchez  that  no  decisive  results  were  obtained,  though  4  men 
were  killed  (?)  and  11  wounded.  Id.,  i.  204;  xx.  142.  Oct.  7th,  Echeandia 
pardons  neophytes  who  had  been  in  rebellion.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  vii.  230.  Al- 
varado's  narrative  of  this  campaign,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii.  57-C8,  drawn  evi- 
dently from  his  imagination,  is  so  wonderfully  inaccurate  that  no  condensation 
can  do  it  justice,  and  I  have  no  space  to  reproduce  it  in  full.  Osio,  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  133-8,  gives  an  account  considerably  more  accurate  than  that  of 
Alvarado,  which  is  not  saying  much  in  its  favor.  He  speaks  of  but  one  bat- 
tle, in  which  the  barricades  of  timber  were  broken  down  by  the  artillery,  the 
order  of  'no  quarter'  was  given  by  Vallejo,  the  infuriated  auxiliaries  wrought 
a  terrible  carnage  among  the  foe,  and  the  pits  dug  for  defenees  were  utilized 
as  graves.  Galindo,  Apunte*,  MS.,  22-G,  names  two  soldiers,  Espinosa  and 
Soto,  as  fatally  wounded,  and  says  that  Estanislao  was  captured.  Bojorges, 
Becuerdos,  MS.,  14-22,  who  confounds  the  three  expeditions,  names  Rena 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    8 


114  ECHEATSTDIA  AND  THE  PADRES. 

One  phase  of  this  campaign  demands  further  notice. 
One  of  the  contemporary  narratives,  the  diary  of  Pina, 
represents  that  at  least  six  of  the  captives,  including 
three  or  four  women  found  alive  in  the  second  thicket, 
were  put  to  death,  most  of  them  by  the  order  or  with 
the  consent  of  the  commander.  Osio  in  his  history 
tells  us  that  some  captured  leaders  were  shot  or 
hanged  to  trees,  and  Padre  Duran  made  a  complaint, 
to  which  no  attention  was  paid.  Vallejo  in  his  official 
report  says  nothing  respecting  the  death  of  the  cap- 
tives. At  the  time,  however,  Vallejo  was  accused  by 
Padre  Duran,  but  claimed  to  be  innocent.57  Echean- 
dia  ordered  an  investigation  of  the  charge  that  three 
men  and  three  women,  not  taken  in  battle,  had  been 
shot  and  then  hanged  ;5S  and  the  investigation  was 
made.  From  the  testimony  the  fiscal  decided  that 
only  one  man  and  one  woman  had  been  killed,  the 
latter  unjustifiably  by  the  soldier  Joaquin  Alvarado, 
whose  punishment  was  recommended.59  There  is  no 
doubt  that  in  those,  as  in  later  times,  to  the  Spaniards, 
as  to  other  so-called  civilized  races,  the  life  of  an  Indian 
was  a  slight  affair,  and  in  nearly  all  the  expeditions 
outrages  were  committed ;  but  it  would  require  strong- 
er evidence  than  exists  in  this  case  to  justify  any  spe- 
cial blame  to  a  particular  officer.60 

In  June  1827  orders  were  sent  to  Echeandia  from 
Mexico  to  found  a  fort  on  the  northern  frontier  in  the 
region  of  San  Rafael  or  San  Francisco  Solano.     The 

and  Pacheco  as  the  two  killed  under  Sanchez,  and  says  that  Antonio  Soto 
died  of  his  wounds  at  S.  Jos6. 

57  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  178. 

58 Aug.  7,  1829.  Dept,  Pec.,  MS.,  vii.  213. 

5,9  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxx.  13.  Lieut  Martinez  was  the  fiscal 
to  whom  the  case  was  intrusted. 

6l)A  few  items  of  Indian  affairs  for  1830:  April,  sergeants  Salazar  and 
Rico  sent  with  a  force  to  prevent  trouble  at  Sta  Ines.  Quiet  restored  in  3  days. 
Dept.  St.  Pap,,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxxviii.  1,4.  July-Sept.,  a  grand  paseo 
maritime-  proposed  by  P.  Duran,  in  which  the  vecinos  of  S.  Jose  were  invited 
to  join.  The  object  was  to  visit  the  rivers  and  Tulares,  and  inspire  respect 
among  the  gentiles  by  peaceable  methods.  The  mission  would  pay  the  expense. 
S.  Jo.se,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  38-9.  Dec,  Arrival  of  suspicious  Indians  at  S.  Fer- 
nando. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  i.  95. 


THE  SEASONS,  1S26-30.  115 

object  was  not  only  to  protect  those  establishments 
against  gentile  tribes,  but  also  and  perhaps  chiefly  to 
prevent  a  further  extension  of  Russian  power.  The 
missions  were  to  be  called  upon  to  furnish  the  required 
aid  in  laborers,  implements,  and  food,  the  correspond- 
ing instructions  being  also  sent  through  the  guardian 
to  the  president.  Echeandia's  reply  was  to  the  effect- 
that  there  were  no  means  to  build  a  fort,  but  he  would 
try  to  construct  quarters  near  San  Rafael  for  a  military 
guard,  and  he  did  in  March,  1828  order  Romualdo 
Pacheco  to  go  to  the  north  and  select  a  suitable  site, 
which  is  the  last  I  hear  of  the  matter.61 

Respecting  the  seasons  from  1826  to  1830,  I  find 
nothing  or  next  to  nothing  in  the  records;  but  I  sup- 
pose that  the  winter  of  1827-8  was  a  wet  one,  and 
the  next  of  1828-9  one  of  unprecedented  drought. 
The  flood  is  mentioned  in  various  newspaper  items,  on 
the  authority  of  Vallejo  and  other  old  Californians, 
and  of  trappers  said  to  have  been  in  the  Sacramento 
Valley;  it  is  confirmed  by  one  letter  of  the  time,  Jan- 
uary 1828,  which  speaks  of  the  flood  at  Monterey  as 
something1  like  that  of  1 824-5. G2  The  drought  of  1829 
is  shown  by  the  failure  of  the  crops,  the  total  harvest 
being  24,000  fanegas,  the  smallest  from  1796  to  1834, 
and  less  than  half  the  average  for  this  decade;  though 
strangely  I  find  no  correspondence  on  the  subject  save 
two  slight  items,  one  from  San  Rafael  and  the  other 
from  San  Die^o.63 

61  June  6,  1827,  min.  of  war  to  Echeandia.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Col, 
MS.,ii.  310;  June  13th,  guardian  to  president.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  170- 
7;  Jan.  8th,  1828,  E.'s  reply.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  vi.  23;  Mar.  25th,  E.  to  Pache- 
co, ordering  him  to  Nopalillos.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  vi.  196. 

62  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxix.  190. 

*Dcpt.  Bee,  MS.,  vii.  364;  Arch.  Sla  B.,  MS.,  xii.  181. 


CHAPTER  V. 

ECHEANDf  A'S-  RULE— MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

1826-30. 

Vessels  of  1826 — Revenue  Rules — Hartnell's  Business — Hawaiian 
Flag — Coopee  and  the  'Rover' — Lawsuit  with  Arguello— Bee- 
chey's  Visit  in  the  '  Blossom  ' — Books  Resulting — Trading  Fleet 
of  1827 — Reglamentos  on  Liquors  and  Live-stock — Embarrassment 
of  McCulloch,  Hartnell  &  Co. — Cunningham  at  Santa  Catalina — 
Visit  of  Duhaut-Cilly  and  Botta — Maritime  Affairs  of  1828 — 
Restrictions — Smuggling — Affair  of  the  'Franklin'  —  Cannon- 
balls — Affair  of  the  'Karimoko' — Vessels  of  1829  —  Custom- 
house— Arrival  of  the  'Brookline'  —  Gale's  Correspondence — 
Raising  the  Stars  and  Stripes — Lang  at  San  Diego — The  '  Santa 
Barbara'  Built  in  California — Ships  and  Trade  of  1830 — List  of 
Vessels,  1825-30. 

The  vessels  of  1826  were  forty-four  in  number,  in- 
cluding a  few  doubtfully  recorded.  There  were  twenty- 
two  American,  eight  English,  five  Mexican,  four 
Russian,  three  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  and  one  Cali- 
fornian,  though  the  latter  carried  the  American  flag. 
Eleven  were  whalers  seeking  supplies;  one  was  on  a 
scientific  and  exploring  expedition;  and  the  rest,  so  far 
as  the  records  show,  were  engaged  more  or  less  exclu- 
sively  in  trade.  Ten  or  twelve  were  included  in  the 
list  of  the  preceding  year,  having  either  remained  over 
from  December  to  January  or  repeating  their  trip.1 

1  The  vessels  of  the  year,  for  more  particulars  about  which  see  list  at  end 
of  this  chapter,  were  the  Adam,  Alliance,  Argosy,  Baikal,  Blossom,  Charles, 
Courier,  Cyrus,  Elena,  Eliza,  Franklin,  General  Bravo,  Harbinger,  Inca,  Inore, 
Jdven  Angustias,  Kiahkta,  Maria  Ester,  Maria  Teresa,  Mercury  (2),  Mero, 
Moor,  Olive  Branch,  Paragon,  Peruvian,  Pizarro,  JRover,  Sachem,  Santa 
Apolonia,  Sirena,  Solitude,  Speedy,  Spy,  Thomas  Nowlan,  Timorelan,  Triton, 
Washington  (3),  Waverly,  Whaleman,  Young  Tartar,  Zamora. 

(116) 


TRADE  REGULATIONS.  117 

Vessels  were  not  allowed  to  trade  at  way-ports, 
such  as  Santa  Cruz,  San  Luis,  Refugio,  and  San  Juan 
Capistrano,  without  permission  from  the  governor, 
which  was  easily  obtained  unless  there  was  especial 
cause  for  suspicion.  In  June,  Herrera,  following 
instructions  from  his  superior  in  Sonora,  ordered  that 
no  vessel  be  allowed  to  load'  or  unload  in  any  other 
port  than  Monterey.  He  admitted  that  such  a  rule 
was  ruinous  to  the  territorial  commerce,  and  said  he 
had  protested  against  it,  but  could  not  disobey  orders. 
Echeandia,  however,  countermanded  the  rule  provi- 
sionally, and  it  did  not  go  into  effect;  but  at  the  same 
time  an  internacion  duty  of  fifteen  per  cent  and  an 
averia  duty  of  two  and  a  half  per  cent  were  added  to 
the  former  import  duty  of  twenty-five  per  cent,  mak- 
ing a  total  of  42-Jr  per  cent,  besides  an  anchorage  tax 
of  $10  for  each  vessel  and  a  tonnage  rate  of  $2.50  per 
ton.2  Naturally  these  exactions  displeased  both  the 
traders  and  the  consumers  of  foreign  goods;  but  they 
sought  relief,  not  in  written  petitions,  but  in  various 
smuggling  expedients,  in  which  they  were  rarely 
detected,  and  which  therefore  for  this  year  at  least 
find  no  place  in  the  records. 

For  Monterey,  the  chief  port  of  entry,  I  have  no 
revenue  statistics  for  the  year.  At  Santa  Barbara, 
where  accounts  are  complete,  the  revenue  from  customs 
was  $7,446.3     At  San  Francisco  the  recorded  amount 

2  June  28th,  Herrera  to  habilitados  of  S.  Francisco,  Sta  Barbara,  and  S. 
Diego,  closing  those  ports.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  16. 
July  5th,  Id.,  insisting  on  internacion  duty  according  to  decree  of  Aug.  6, 
1824.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  67-8.  July  11th,  Id.  to  gov.,  insisting  on  the 
reformation  of  abuses,  though  said  abuses  were  necessary.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  42-7.  July  22d,  Id.  to  habilitados.  Counter- 
mands order  of  June  28th  until  govt  decides,  but  not  that  of  July  5th.  Id., 
i.  51-2.  Becchey,  Voyage,  ii.  10,  09,  refers  to  the  excessive  duties.  Jan. 
24th,  revised  tariff  of  prices  for  products.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  x.  90-1.  May 
10th,  decree  of  Mex.  govt.  All  exports  free  of  duty.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xix.  38.  Sept.  20th,  import  duties  as  given  in  the  text.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  lx.  2.  July  17th,  habilitadoof  Sta  Barbara  understands  that 
by  the  decree  of  Feb.  12,  1825,  internacion  duty  is  payable  only  on  goods 
taken  from  the  custom-house  for  other  ports,  foreign  vessels  having  to  pay 
only  the  25  per  cent  and  Mexican  the  15  per  cent  of  import  duties.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  48. 

zJ)ept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  65.  Partial  statistics  for 
each  vessel  are  given  in  the  list  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 


113  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

was  $4,360 ;*  and  at  San  Diego,  $1,G66.  If  the  total 
of  si  :'),500- were  doubled,  it  is  evident  that  the 
amount  would  be  but  a  small  part  of  the  percentage 
due  on  imports.  Only  a  few  years  later  there  were 
.complaints  that  no  accounts  had  been  rendered  by 
Herrera  and  his  successors,5  so  that  it  is  not  strange 
I  have  been  unable  to  find  complete  figures. 

All  seems  to  have  been  couleur  tie  rose  in  Hartnell's 
business  this  year.  Echeandia  granted  a  general 
license  for  his  vessels  to  touch  at  all  the  ports.  Mc- 
Cullough  from  Callao,  and  the  Brothertons  from 
Liverpool,  wrote  most  enthusiastically  of  the  prospects 
for  high  prices,  urging  extraordinary  efforts  to  buy 
more  hides  and  tallow,  and  expressing  fears  only  of 
rivalry  from  other  firms,  while  four  brigs,  the  Inca, 
Speedy,  Eliza,  and  Pizarro,  were  successfully  loaded 
with  Californian  produce.6  Gale's  Sachem  and  the 
other  Boston  ships  must  have  interfered  seriously 
with  Hartnell's  purchases,  but  we  have  no  information 
beyond  their  names  and  presence  on  the  coast.  Juan 
Ignacio  Mancisiclor  also  did  a  large  business,  selling 
the  cargoes  of  the  Noivlan  and  Olive  Branch,  and 
taking  away  large  quantities  of  mission  produce, 
though  for  him,  as  a  Spaniard,  trouble  was  in  store. 
The  Waverly  and  her  two  consorts  introduced  the 
Hawaiian  flag  to  Californian  waters,  opened  a  new 
branch  of  territorial  trade,  and  brought  to  the  country 
William  G.  Dana,  with  others  afterward  prominent 
among  resident  traders. 

4 Habilitados'  accounts  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  passim;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lx.  1-4. 

5Pigueroa  to  Mex.  govt  in  1834.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  209-10. 

GEcheandi'a's  permit  of  June  18  and  Aug.  26,  1826,  to  Hartnell's  vessels. 
Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  iv.  48;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxix.  57.  Letters  of  McCulloch, 
Begg  &  Co.,  Brothertons,  for  the  year,  in  Id.,  MS.,  xxix.  nos.  4,  6,  12-15, 
21,40,  43,52,65.  Some  beef  was  acceptable  where  hides  and  tallow  were 
not  forthcoming.  The  Eliza  appears  to  have  cleared  at  Callao  for  Costa  Rica 
to  deceive  rivals.  The  Esther,  sent  to  England  with  hides,  had  not  been 
heard  of.  The  tallow  from  each  mission  must  be  marked  '  so  that  the  peculiar 
tricks  of  each  padre  may  be  found  out.'  Cash  is  sent  and  more  promised. 
Anderson's  competition  in  Peru  was  especially  feai'ed.  War  between  Buenos 
Aires  and  Brazil  made  prospects  better.  Yet  P.  Uria,  from  Soledad,  protests 
on  June  1 1th  iigainst  being  obliged  to  sell  exclusively  to  Hartnell,  and  will  in 
future  accept  the  best  offers. 


CAPTAIN  COOPER'S  VOYAGES.  *         119 

Captain  Cooper, -in  the  Rover,  came  back  from  China 
in  April  182G.  The  voyage  had  been  made  under  a 
contract  of  1824  with  the  government,7  which  had 
entitled  the  schooner  to  $10,000  for  freight  out  and 
back,  and  the  privilege  of  introducing  $10,000  in 
goods  free  of  duties.  Besides  some  trading  done  by 
Cooper  on  his  own  account,  he  sold  at  Canton  375 
otter  skins  for  §7,000,  investing  the  proceeds  in 
effects  for  the  Californian  troops.  Most  of  these 
effects  were  delivered  after  some  delay  to  the  habili- 
tado  of  San  Diego.  The  delay,  and  much  subsequent 
trouble,  was  caused  by  dissatisfaction  on  the  part  of 
the  governor  at  the  prices  received  and  paid  in  China, 
and  by  personal  difficulties  in  settling  their  accounts 
between  Cooper  and  Luis  Argtiello,  as  master  and 
owner  of  the  vessel.8  This  last  phase  of  the  quarrel 
lasted  until  1829,  involving  a  lawsuit  and  various  refer- 
ences to  arbitrators.  Argiiello's  side  of  the  quarrel  is 
not  represented  in  the  records ;  Cooper's  letters  are  nu- 
merous, containing  a  great  variety  of  uncomplimentary 
epithets  for  Don  Luis.  Arbitrators  seem  to  have 
decided  the  case  in  Cooper's  favor  in  the  amount  of 
$5,000,  "which,"  writes  the  captain,  "the  damned  rascal 
Argliello  will  never  pay  while  California  remains  in  its 
present  condition."9  To  return  to  the  Rover:  the  only 
incident  of  her  voyage  that  is  known  was  the  throwing 
away  of  all  Spanish  papers  on  board,  including  invoices 
and  the  bill  of  sale  to  Argliello,  and  even  of  the  Mexican 
flag,  on  account  of  revelations  by  a  drunken  sailor  to 
the  effect  that  the  schooner  was  not  American  as 
pretended,  but  Mexican.     This  occurred  at  the  Phil- 

7  See  vol.  ii.  p.  520. 

6  Arrival  of  the  Rover,  and  trouble  about  the  landing  of  the  cargo.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  lxxxvii.  68;  Id.,  Den.  Cud.-IL,  i.  18-20,  30;  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  71;  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xi.  1. 

9 Cooper's  letters  of  1826-9,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxix.,  nos.  54,  113,  108, 
117,  128,  200,  210,  234,  235,  292,  334,  387,  with  many  more  in  the  same 
volume,  relating  to  details  of  C. 's  business  in  those  years,  being  of  no  special 
importance.  It  appears  that  Kierolf  &  Co.,  in  China,  had  sent  some  goods  by 
C.  to  Cal.  on  sale,  and  that  by  reason  of  his  troubles  with  Argiiello,  he  was 
unable  to  settle  with  that  firm  for  several  years.  J.  P.  Sturgis  was  Cooper's 
correspondent  at  Canton. 


120  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

ippine  Islands.10  On  December  17,  1826,  she  sailed 
for  San  Diego,  in  quest  of  documents  by  which  she 
might  raise  the  Mexican  flag.  Jose  Cardenas  was  to 
be  master.11  Nothing  more  is  known  of  the  San 
Rafael,  as  it  was  proposed  to  call  her,  from  contem- 
porary documents;  but  two  Californians  tell  us  that 
she  was  sent  with  a  cargo  to  San  Bias,  and  not  allowed 
to  return  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  who  did  not 
like  the  idea  of  California  having  a  vessel  of  her  own.12 
The  visit  of  Captain  Frederick  William  Beechey, 
R.  N.,  in  H.  M.  S.  Blossom,  deserves  notice  as  a  prom- 
inent event,  by  reason  of  the  books  to  the  publication 
of  which  it  gave  rise,  and  the  information  they  con- 
tained about  California.13  Beechey  had  sailed  from  Eng- 
land in  May  1825,  despatched  to  Bering  Strait,  there 
to  await  the  arrival  of  Franklin  and  Parry  of  the  arc- 
tic expeditions.14     Sailing  by  Cape  Horn,  Valparaiso, 

10 Cooper's  deposition  of  Dec.  23th,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lxiii. 
9.  The  loss  of  the  papers  complicated  the  quarrel  with  Arguello.  July  27th, 
gov.  ordered  the  sale  of  the  vessel  to  Arguello,  and  the  manner  "of  her  nation- 
alization to  be  investigated.   St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xii.  14. 

11  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-IL,  MS.,  i.  25. 

12 Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Cat.,  MS.,  37-9;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  84-6. 

13  Beechey,  Narrative  of  a  Voyage  to  the  Pacific  and  Beerlng's  Strait,  to  Co- 
operate icith  the  Polar  Expeditions,  performed  in  His  Majesty's  Ship  Blossom, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  F.  W.  Beechey,  R.  N,  F.  R.S.,  etc. ,  in  the  years 
1825,  26,  27, 28.  Published  by  authority  of  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  the  Ad- 
miralty. A  new  Edition.  London,  1831.  8vo,  2  volumes,  maps  and  plates. 
This  edition  is  not  mentioned  by  Sabin,  being  published  by  Colburnand  Bent- 
ley.  The  original  in  4to  form,  2  vols.,  had  the  same  title,  date,  and  pub- 
lishers. There  were  published  in  1832,  according  to  Sabin,  an  American  edi- 
tion and  a  German  translation.  In  the  edition  used  by  me  the  California 
matter  is  found  in  vol.  i.  p.  471-2;  vol.  ii.  p.  1-88,  319-21,  403;  with  descrip- 
tions of  S.  Francisco  and  Monterey  harbors  on  p.  422-9;  and  observations  of 
latitude  and  longitude  on  p.  443.  Only  one  plate  relates  to  California,  that 
of  '  Calif  ornian  throwing  the  lasso. '  In  Huish,  A  Narrative  of  the  Voyages  and 
Travels  of  Capt.  Beechey,  etc.,  London,  1836,  the  California  matter  is  given  on 
p.  415-60,  somewhat  condensed,  and  a  portrait  of  Beechey  forms  the  frontis- 
piece. Hooker  and  Arnott,  The  Botany  of  Captain  Beechey 's  Voyage;  compris- 
ing an  account  of  the  plants  collected  by  Messrs.  Lay  and  Collie,  etc.  London, 
1 84 1 .  4to,  plates.  The  matter  is  arranged  geograph  ically  in  order  of  the  coun- 
tries visited;  and  California  occupies  p.  134-65,  with  one  plate  so  far  as  Bee- 
chey's  voyage  is  concerned;  but  on  p.  315-409  is  given  a  more  important  Cal- 
ifornia Supplement,  made  up  chiefly  of  a  description  of  specimens  collected  by 
Douglas  later,  with  23  plates.  Richardson  and  others,  Hie  Zoology  of  Captain 
Beechefs  Voyage;  compiled  from  the  collections  and  notes  made  by  Captain  Bee- 
chey, theojjicera and  naturalist,  etc.  London,  1839.  4to.  The  matter  on  Cal- 
ifornia is  scattered  through  the  volume.  The  plates  arc  splendidly  colored. 
From  p.  160  there  is  a  ehapter  on  geology,  which  contains  a  '  geological  plan' 
and  description  of  the  port  of  S.  Francisco,  which  I  copy  elsewhere. 

11  The  Blossom  mounted  16  guns.     The  chief  officers  under  Beechey  were: 


BEECHEY'S  VISIT  AND  BOOK.  121 

and  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  he  arrived  in  Kotzebue 
Sound  in  July  1826,  remaining  in  the  far  north  until 
October,  when  he  was  obliged  by  the  closing-in  of 
winter  and  by  want  of  supplies  to  sail  for  the  south. 
He  anchored  at  San  Francisco  November  6th,15  and 
was  hospitably  received  by  Comandante  Martinez  and 
Padre  Tomas  Estenega.  Supplies  were,  however,  less 
plentiful  than  had  been  expected,  and  a  party  consist- 
ing of  Collie,  Marsh,  and  Evans  was  sent  overland  to 
Monterey.  This  party  was  absent  from  the  9th  to 
the  17th,16  during  which  time  and  subsequently  Bee- 
chey and  his  men  were  occupied  in  making  a  survey 
of  San  Francisco  Bay  and  scientific  observations  about 
its  shores.  No  obstacles  were  thrown  in  his  way,  the 
authorities  asking  only  for  a  copy  of  the  resulting 
chart,  which  wTas  given.17  The  Englishmen  amused 
themselves  chiefly  by  excursions  on  horseback  over 
the  peninsula,  and  especially  from  the  presidio  to  the 
mission,  the  inhabitants  gaining  an  extraordinary  rev- 
enue from  the  hire  and  sale  of  horses.  The  navigators 
also  visited  Mission  San  Jose  late  in  November.  One 
man  was  drowned  and  buried  at  San  Francisco. 

"By  Christmas  day  we  had  all  remained  sufficiently 
long  in  the  harbor  to  contemplate  our  departure  with- 
out regret;  the  eye  had  become  familiar  to  the  pic- 
turesque scenery  of  the  bay,  the  pleasure  of  the  chase 

lieutenants  Geo.  Peard,  Edward  Belcher,  and  John  Wainwright;  master, 
Thomas  Elson;  surgeon  and  assistant,  Alex.  Collie  and  Thomas  Neilson;  purser, 
Geo.  Marsh;  mates,  Win.  Smyth  and  Jas.  Wolfe;  midshipmen,  John  Rendall 
and  Richard  B.  Beechey;  clerks,  John  Evans  and  Chas.  H.  Osmer.  The 
whole  force  was  100  men. 

15  Announcement  of  arrival  dated  Nov.  7th,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.- 
II. ,  MS.,  i.  24. 

16 Collie's  party,  with  an  escort  of  Californian  soldiers,  travelled  by  way  of 
Sierra  de  S.  Bruno,  Rio  de  S.  Bruno,  Burri  Burri,  over  the  plain  of  Las  Sal- 
inas, with  Estrecho  de  S.  Jos6  on  the  left,  and  Sierra  del  Sur  on  right,  S.  Ma- 
teo, Las  Pulgas,  Santa  Clara,  S.  JosC,  Ojo  del  Coche  (?),  plain  of  Las  Llagas, 
Rancho  de  Las  Animas,  Rio  de  Pajaro,  plain  of  S.  Juan,  S.  Juan  Bautista, 
Llano  del  Rey,  Rancho  Las  Salinas,  Monterey,  and  returned  by  the  same 
route.  They  were  kindly  treated  by  Capt.  Gonzalez  and  Mr  Hartnell.  The 
diary  of  this  trip  furnished  Beechey  a  large  part  of  the  information  published 
about  California. 

17  Jan.  25,  1827,  gov.  to  Martinez.  Presumes  that  Beechey  laid  before 
him  the  necessary  permit  of  the  sup.  govt  to  make  a  plan  of  the  harbor.  Or- 
ders him  to  forward  the  plan  toS.  Diego.  Dept.  Rcc,  MS.,  v.  13. 


122  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

had  lost  its  fascination,  and  the  roads  to  the  mission 
and  presidio  wore  grown  tedious  and  insipid.  There 
was  no  society  to  enliven  the  hours,  no  incidents  to 
vary  one  day  from  the  other,  and,  to  use  the  expres- 
sion of  Donna  Gonzalez,  California  appeared  to  be  as 
much  out  of  the  world  as  Kamchatka."  The  Enor. 
lishmcn  sailed  on  December  28th  for  Monterey.  Here 
they  remained  five  days,  cutting  spars,  and  obtaining 
supplies  from  missions  and  from  vessels  in  port, 
largely  by  the  aid  of  Hartnell.13  The  supplies  obtain- 
able in  California  were,  however,  inadequate  to  the 
needs  of  the  expedition;  and  on  the  5th  of  January 
the  Blossom  sailed  for  the  Sandwich  Islands.  After 
another  trip  to  the  Arctic,  unsuccessful  like  the  first, 
so  far  as  meeting  the  ill-fated  Franklin  was  con- 
cerned,  Beechey  returned  to  Monterey  October  29, 
1 827, 19  remaining:  until  December  17th,  when  he  went 
again  to  San  Francisco  for  water,  finallv  sailing  on 
January  3d  for  San  Bias,  and  thence  home  via  Cape 
Horn  and  Brazil,  reaching  England  in  October  1828. 
It  is  thus  seen  that  Beechey's  visit  was  in  itself  an 
event  of  slight  importance;  but  the  observations  pub- 
lished in  the  voyager's  narrative  were  perhaps  more 
evenly  accurate  and  satisfactory  than  those  of  any 
preceding  navigator.  Beechey  and  his  companions 
confined  their  remarks  closely  to  actual  observations. 
They  were  less  ambitious  than  some  of  their  prede- 
cessors to  talk  of  things  thev  did  not  understand,  and 
thus  avoided  ridiculous  blunders.  It  is  not,  however, 
necessary  to  notice  their  remarks  at  length  here,  for 
the  following  reasons:  A  large  part  is  naturally  de- 
voted to  local  and  personal  matters,  or  to  other  topics 
treated  in  other  chapters;  notes  of  the  scientific  corps 

18  Jan.  4,  1827,  Beechey  writes  from  Monterey  to  the  British  consul  in 
Mexico,  recommending  the  appointment  of  Hartnell  as  vice-consul  in  Cal.,  in 
consequence  of  the  increasing  importance  of  English  trade  on  the  Pacific 
coaet.  VcUIejo,  Dor.,  MS.,  xxix.  102. 

w  Notice  of  presence  of  the  Blossom  and  3  whalers  on  the  coast  in  Novem- 
ber. VaMejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxix.  1G8.  Called  the  Blondes,  at  Monterey  Nov. 
8th.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  47.  Mention  of  visit  in  Soule's  Annals  of  S.  F.. 
103-4. 


BEECHEY'S  OBSERVATIONS.  123 

on  botany,  zoolpgy,  and  other  branches,  though  of 
great  value,  can  of  course  receive  in  a  work  like  this 
no  further  attention  than  mere  mention;20  and  what, 
remains  of  general  description,  respecting  the  country 
and  its  institutions,  on  account  of  its  very  accuracy, 
would  be  but  vain  repetition  here.  Had  the  visitor 
been  less  careful  and  made'  more  blunders,  he  would 
receive  more  attention  from  me.  Such  is  fame,  and 
the  reward  of  painstaking. 

The  missions  and  the  Indians  claimed  a  large  share 
of  Beechey's  attention,  as  in  the  case  of  earlier  visit- 
ors, and  he  was  not  blind  to  either  the  faults  or  ex- 
cellences of  the  system  or  of  the  friars  who  had  it  in 
charge.21  Respecting  the  result  of  Echeandia's  ex- 
periment at  partial  emancipation  of  neophytes,  this 
author  happens  to  be  wellnigh  the  only  authority; 
and  he  also  translates  an  interesting  diary  of  an  ex- 
pedition against  the  gentiles  under  Alferez  Sanchez, 
as  noted  in  the  preceding  chapter.     He  gives  consid- 

20  See  note  13  of  this  chapter. 

21  '  Though  the  system  they  pursue  is  not  calculated  to  raise  the  colony  to 
any  great  prosperity,  yet  the  neglect  of  the  missions  would  not  long  precede 
the  ruin  of  the  presidios  and  of  the  whole  of  the  district.'  Vol.  ii.  p.  15. 
'  As  to  the  various  methods  employed  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  proselytes 
to  the  missions,  there  are  several  reports,  of  which  some  were  not  very  cred- 
itable to  the  institution;  nevertheless,  on  the  whole,  I  am  of  opinion  that  the 
priests  arc  innocent,  from  a  conviction  that  they  are  ignorant  of  the  means 
employed  by  those  who  are  under  them.  Whatever  may  be  the  system, . . . 
the  change  according  to  our  ideas  of  happiness  would  seem  advantageous  to 
them,  as  they  lead  a  far  better  life  in  the  missions  than  in  their  forests.'  p.  17. 
'  The  produce  of  the  land  and  of  the  labor  of  the  Indians  is  appropriated 
to  the  support  of  the  mission,  and  the  overplus  to  amass  a  fund  which  is 
entirely  at  the  disposal  of  the  padres.  In  some  of  the  establishments  this 
must  be  very  large,  although  the  padres  will  not  admit  it,  and  always  plead 
poverty.  The  government  has  lately  demanded  a  part  of  this  profit,  but  the 
priests,  who,  it  is  said,  think  the  Indians  are  more  entitled  to  it  than  the 
government,  make  small  donations  to  them,  and  thus  evade  the  tax  by  tak- 
ing care  there  shall  be  no  overplus.'  p.  19-20.  'Though  there  may  be  occa- 
sional acts  of  tyranny,  yet  the  general  character  of  the  padres  is  kind  and 
benevolent,  and  in  some  missions  the  converts  are  so  much  attached  to  them 
that  I  have  heard  them  declare  they  would  go  with  them  if  they  were 
obliged  to  quit  the  country.  It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that,  with  the 
influence  these  men  have  over  their  pupils,  and  the  regard  those  pupils  seem 
to  have  for  their  masters,  the  priests  do  not  interest  themselves  a  little  more 
in  the  education  of  their  converts.'  'The  Indians  arc,  in  general,  well  clothed 
and  fed.'  p.  21-2.  ' Nothing  could  exceed  the  kindness  and  consideration  of 
these  excellent  men  to  their  guests  and  to  travellers; '  but  they  'were  very 
bigoted  men,  and  invariably  introduced  the  subject  of  religion.'   p.  33-4. 


124  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

erable  attention  to  commerce,  presenting  a  clear  state- 
ment on  this  subject.22  Like  others,  the  English 
navigator  was  enthusiastic  in  praise  of  California's  cli- 
mate and  other  natural  advantages;  but  like  others, 
lie  wondered  at  and  deplored  the  prevalent  lack  of 
enterprise  on  the  part  of  Mexican  government  and 
Californian  people,  predicting  an  inevitable  change  of 
owners  should  no  change  of  policy  occur.23     His  geo- 

22 1  may  quote  at  some  length  on  this  topic,  as  being  the  subject  proper  of 
this  chapter.  '  The  trade  consists  in  the  exportation  of  hides,  tallow,  man- 
teen,  horses  to  the  Sandwich  Islands,  grain  for  the  Russian  establishments, 
and  in  the  disposal  of  provisions  to  whale-ships, ..  .and  perhaps  a  few  furs 
and  dollars  are  sent  to  China.  The  importations  are  dry  goods,  furniture, 
wearing  apparel,  agricultural  implements,  deal  boards,  and  salt;  and  silks 
and  fireworks  from  China  for  the  decoration  of  churches  and  celebration  of 
saints'  days.  In  1827  almost  all  these  articles  bore  high  prices:  the  for- 
mer in  consequence  of  the  increased  demand;  and  the  latter  partly  from  the 
necessity  of  meeting  the  expenses  of  the  purchase  of  a  return  cargo,  and 
partly  on  account  of  the  navigation. '  Great  complaint  of  high  prices,  '  not 
considering  that  the  fault  was  in  great  measure  their  own,  and  that  they  were 
purchasing  some  articles  brought  several  thousand  miles,  when  they  might 
have  procured  them  in  their  own  country  with  moderate  labor  only,'  for  ex- 
ample, salt  and  deal  boards  and  carts.  '  With  similar  disregard  for  their 
interests,  they  were  purchasing  sea-otter  skins  at  $20  apiece,  whilst  the 
animals  were  swimming  about  unmolested  in  their  own  harbors;  and  this 
from  the  Russians,  who  are  intruders  on  their  coast,  and  are  depriving  them 
of  a  lucrative  trade.  With  this  want  of  commercial  enterprise,  they  are  not 
much  entitled  to  commiseration.  With  more  justice  might  they  have  com- 
plained of  the  navigation  laws,  which,  though  no  doubt  beneficial  to  inhab- 
itants on  the  eastern  coast  of  Mexico,  where  there  are  vessels  to  conduct  the 
coasting  trade,  are  extremely  disadvantageous  to  the  Californians,  who  hav-. 
ing  no  vessels  are  often  obliged  to  pay  the  duties  on  goods  introduced  in  for- 
eign bottoms.'  17%  higher  than  on  Mexican  vessels.  Not  only  this,  'but 
as  a  foreign  vessel  cannot  break  stowage  without  landing  the  whole  of  her 
cargo,  they  must  in  addition  incur  the  expenses  attending  that  which  will 
in  general  fall  upon  a  few  goods  only.  The  imprudent  nature  of  these  laws 
as  regards  California  appears  to  have  been  considered  by  the  authorities,  as 
they  overlook  the  introduction  of  goods  into  the  towns  by  indirect  channels, 
except  in  cases  of  a  gross  and  palpable  nature.  In  this  manner  several 
American  vessels  have  contrived  to  dispose  of  their  cargoes,  and  the  inhab- 
itants have  been  supplied  with  goods  of  which  they  were  much  in  need.'  p. 
63-70. 

23  '  Possessing  all  these  advantages,  an  industrious  population  alone  seems 
requisite  to  withdraw  it  from  the  obscurity  in  which  it  has  so  long  slept 
under  the  indolence  of  the  people  and  the  jealous  policy  of  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernment. Indeed,  it  struck  us  as  lamentable  to  see  such  an  extent  of  habit- 
able country  lying  almost  desolate  and  useless  to  mankind,  whilst  other  na- 
tions arc  groaning  under  the  burden  of  their  population.  It  is  evident  from 
the  natural  course  of  events,  and  from  the  rapidity  with  which  observation 
has  recently  been  extended  to  the  hitherto  most  obscure  parts  of  the  globe, 
that  this  indifference  cannot  continue;  for  either  it  must  disappear  under  the 
present  authorities,  or  the  country  will  fall  into  other  hands,  as  from  its  sit- 
uation with  regard  to  other  powers  upon  the  new  continent,  and  to  the  com- 
merce of  the  Pacific,  it  is  of  too  much  importance  to  be  permitted  to  remain 
longer  in  its  present  neglected  state.     Already  have  the  Russians  encroached 


VESSELS  OF  1827.  125 

graphical  information  is  usually  accurate  and  valuable; 
but  a  curious  item  is  the  idea,  drawn  from  the  Califor- 
nians,  that  the  great  rivers  running  into  San  Fran- 
cisco bay  were  three  in  number — the  Jesus  Maria, 
passing  at  the  back  of  Bodega  in  a  southerly  course 
from  beyond  Cape  Mendocino;  the  Sacramento,  trend- 
ing to  the  south-west,  and  >said  to  rise  in  the  Rocky 
Mountains  near  the  source  of  the  Columbia;  and  the 
San  Joachin,  stretching  from  the  southward  through 
the  country  of  the  Bolbones^ 

The  vessels  of  1827  numbered  thirty-three,  of 
which  two  or  three  arrivals  depend  on  doubtful  rec- 
ords. Fourteen  were  the  same  that  had  visited  Cali- 
fornia the  preceding  year,  some  having  wintered  on 
the  coast.  Only  four  were  whalers.  The  trading 
fleet  proper  was  of  about  twenty  craft.  Of  the  whole 
number  twelve  were  American,  ten  English,  three 
Mexican,  three  Russian,  two  each  French  and  Ha- 
waiian, and  one  perhaps  German.24  Revenue  receipts 
from  fragmentary  records,  which  are  virtually  no 
records  at  all,  foot  up  about  $14,000  for  the  year.25 
As  the  reader  will  remember,  it  was  in  this  year  that 
Herrera  resigned,  and  the  revenue  branches  were,  if 
possible,  in  worse  confusion  than  ever. 

An  attempt  was  made  to  remove  some  of  the  re- 
strictions on  the  importation  of  foreign  goods,  deemed 
disadvantageous  to  Californian  interests.  The  re- 
forms  desired  were  the  free  entry  of  foreign  vessels 
into  all  the  ports  and  embarcaderos,  the  subdivision 

upon  the  territory  by  possessing  themselves  of  the  Farallones  and  some  isl- 
ands of  Santa  Barbara;  and  their  new  settlement  at  Rossi  is  so  near  upon  the 
boundary  (no  Englishman  could  admit  it  to  be  within  California — author)  as 
to  be  the  cause  of  much  jealous  feeling — not  without  reason,  it  would  appear.' 
p.  G6-7. 

2*See  list  at  end  of  this  chapter.  Vessels  of  1827:  Andes  (?),  Baikal,  Blossom, 
Cadboro,  Carimacer  (?),  Comcte,  Courier,  Favorite,  Franklin,  Fulham,  Golov- 
nin,  Harbinger,  lleros,  Huascar,  Isabella,  Magdalena,  Maria  Ester,  Massa- 
chusetts, Oliphant  (?),  Olive  Branch,  Okhotsk,  Orion,  Paraiso,  Sachem,  Solitude, 
Spy,  Tamaahnnaah,  Tenieya,  Thomas  Nowlan,  Tomasa,  Washington,  Waverly, 
Young  Tartar. 

25 Net  revenue  at  8.  F.,  $3,304.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  lxii.  8-11.  See 
also  figures  in  the  list  of  vessels  at  end  of  this  chapter. 


12C  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

of  cargoes  for  convenience  of  sale  and  transportation, 
and -the  reduction  of  duties  to  at  most  the  original 
twenty-five  per  cent  by.  the  removal  of  the  internacion 
and  averia  taxes,  and  even  the  tonnage  dues.  The 
two  first  had  already  been  accomplished  practically, 
since  the  authorities  admitted  that  they  had  rarely 
refused  permission  to  engage  in  coast  trade;  and  as 
to  the  third,  both  governor  and  comisario  were  op- 
posed to  the  high  rates,  and  had  been  as  careless  as 
they  dared,  and  their  subordinates  even  less  careful. 
The  diputacion  considered  the  matter  in  June  and 
Jul}',  and  by  the  decision  of  that  body  and  the  re- 
sulting decrees,  coast  trade  was  legalized,  subject  to 
.the  decision  of  the  supreme  government.  The  re- 
moval of  the  duties  was  recommended,  the  internacion 
tax  was  restricted  to  goods  carried  inland  more  than 
four  leagues,  while  the  missions  were  allowed  to  give 
bonds  for  the  tax  pending  the   result  in    Mexico.2,1 

26  Jan.  22,  and  Aug.  6,  1827,  Herrera  regulates  the  details  of  trade  between 
private  persons  and  foreign  vessels,  to  prevent  abuses  of  the  illegal  privileges 
allowed  of  coast  trade  and  division  of  cargoes.  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Com.  and 
Treas.,  MS.,  i.  82-6.  June  23d,  July  24th,  sessions  of  the  diputacion.  Ban- 
dini  took  a  leading  part  in  urging  the  reforms.  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  52-4,  64- 
72.  July  20th,  gov.  announces  that  foreign  vessels  may  touch  at  Sta  Cruz, 
S.  Luis,  Purisima,  Refugio,  and  S.  Juan,  by  applying  to  the  nearest  com  an- 
dante with  a  statement  from  the  missionary  that  such  visit  is  necessary.  Dept. 
Bee,  MS.,  v.  68;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  144.  Aug.  10th,  com.  of  Sta  Bar- 
bara on  same  subject.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lvii.  12-13.  Aug.  7th, 
Herrera  announces  the  change  respecting  the  internacion  duty.  Dept.  St.  Pap. , 
Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  86-7.  Aug.  22d,  gov.  to  sup.  govt,  an- 
nouncing the  act  of  the  dip.;  also  asking  for  one  or  two  gunboats  and 
for  a  naval  station  at  S.  Francisco.  Depl.  Rec,  MS.,  v.  128-9.  June  1st, 
min.  of  war  to  E.,  announcing  the  president's  permission  for  foreign  vessels 
to  touch  at  the  way-ports  already  named  in  this  note  and  in  the  text.  Dept. 
Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  176.  Vallejo,  Esposicion,  6,  cites  in  1837  alawof  Nov.  16,  1827, 
forbidding  comerclo  de  escala  by  foreign  vessels.  The  tariff  law  of  Nov.  16th, 
Mexico,  Arancel  Gen.,  1827,  p.  5,  allowed  foreign  goods  to  be  introduced  into 
Cal.  for  three  fifths  the  duties  required  elsewhere  except  in  Yucatan;  but  if 
reexported,  the  other  two  fifths  must  be  paid.  Miscellaneous  items  on  com- 
merce for  1827:  Rates  of  duties — import,  25%  on  value;  averia,  1\°/Q  on  do.; 
internacion,  15%  on  do.;  tonnage,  $2.50  per  ton  (Mexican  measurement);  an- 
chorage, 840  per  vessel;  collectors'  compensation,  3%.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.,  lxii.  5-10.  Jan.,  national  products  free  from  export  duty,  ex- 
cept gold  and  silver.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  71. 
Jan.  31st,  gov.  says  Sandwich-Island  traders  may  touch  at  ports;  but  not 
war-vessels,  until  it  be  proved  that  they  sail  under  a  proper  flag  and  due 
authority.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  19.  July  20th,  Capt.  Guerra  says  the 
Mexicans  in  Cal.  will  probably  abandon  trade  to  the  foreigners,  who  spec- 
ulate in  everything,  and  with  whom  they  cannot  compete.    Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 


HARTNELL  AND  COMPANY.  127 

Meanwhile  there,  came  an  order  from  Mexico,  dated 
before  the  action  of  the  diptitacion,  and  permitting 
foreign  vessels  to  touch  at  Santa  Cruz,  San  Luis 
Obispo,  Purisima,  Refugio,  and  San  Juan  Capistrano. 
In  its  deliberations  on  revenue  matters,  the  diputacion 
gave  special  attention  to  the  duties  on  liquors,  per- 
fecting an  elaborate  reglamento,  which  was  duly  pub- 
lished by  the  governor.  The  proceeds  of  the  liquor 
trade  were  devoted  to  the  public  schools.27  Another 
prominent  commercial  topic,  .since  hides  and  tallow 
were  the  chief  articles  of  export,  was  that  of  live- 
stock regulations,  to  which  the  diputacion  also  directed 
its  wisdom.  The  result  was  a  series  of  twenty  ar- 
ticles, in  which  the  branding  and  slaughter  of  cattle, 
with  other  kindred  points,  were  somewhat  minutely 
regulated.28 

The  prosperity  of  182G  in  the  business  of  Hartnell 
&  Co.  was  followed  by  trouble  and  financial  embar- 
rassment in  1827-9.  The  exact  nature  of  the  reverses 
it  is  difficult  to  learn  from  the  fragmentary  correspond- 
ence; but  I  judge  that  John  Begg  &  Co.  failed,  in- 
volving McCulloch,  Hartnell  &  Co.  to  such  an  ex- 
tent that  the  firm  was  obliged  to  delay  its  payments 
and  to  close  the  copartnership.  Hartnell,  however, 
paid  all  debts  in  California,  and  continued  his  business 
both  for  himself,  with  the  aid  of  Captain  Guerra,  and 
as  agfent  for  foreign  houses  who  sent  vessels  to  the 

MS.,  iv.  84.  Grain  raised  only  for  home  consumption,  also  wool;  horse-hair 
somewhat  sought  by  the  French;  padres  unwilling  to  take  money;  exports 
amount  to  what  4  vessels  of  300  tons  can  carry;  47%  profit  may  be  counted 
on;  the  export  of  tallow  averages  1  arroba  for  each  hide.  Duliaut-C'dly,  Viag- 
gio,  i.  232-3,  253;  ii.  145-7,  150. 

27  Reglamento  de  Contrlbuciones  sobre  Licores,  1827,  MS. ,  approved  at  sessions 
of  June  26th,  28th,  30th,  July  2d,  7th.  Gov. '3  decree  of  July  12th,  in  Dept.  bt. 
Pap.,  8.  Jose",  MS.,  iv.  40-7.  The  tax  was  §5  per  barrel  of  1G0  quarts  for 
brandy  and  $2.50  for  wine  in  Monterey  and  S.  Francisco  jurisdictions;  in  the 
south  $10  and  $5  respectively,  payable  by  all  buyers  and  by  the  producer  who 
might  retail  the  liquor.  This  for  native  liquors.  Foreign  brandy  and  wine 
paid  $20  and  $10  per  barrel.  The  regulations  for  the  collection  of  this  tax 
are  somewhat  complicated,  and  need  not  be  given.  Aug.  Gth,  Herrera  an- 
nounces that  by  superior  orders  a  duty  of  80%  on  foreign  liquors  and  70% 
on  wines  is  to  be  exacted,  besides  the  15%  of  internacion.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Com.,  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  87-8. 

28  Reglamento  sobre  Ganados,  aprobadopor  la  Diputacion,  1827,  MS. 


128  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

coast.  The  correspondence  would  indicate  that  he 
wenj;  on  loading  vessels  and  trading  with  the  padres 
much  as  before.  David  Spence  also  went  into  busi- 
ness for  himself.  In  connection  with  the  financial 
troubles,  Hartnell  made  a  trip  to  Lima,  sailing  at  the 
end  of  1827,  probably  in  the  Huascar,  and  returning 
in  that  vessel  in  July  of  the  following  year.29 

Captain  Cunningham  of  the  Courier,  in  conjunction 
probably  with  the  masters  of  other  American  vessels, 
thought  to  improve  the  facilities  for  coast  trade  by 
erecting  certain  buildings  and  establishing  a  kind  of 

o  o  ;d 

trading  station  on  Santa  Catalina  Island.  Cunninq-- 
ham  was  ordered  by  Echeandia  to  remove  the  build- 
ings and  promised  to  do  so.30 

AuOTste  Duhaut-Cillv,  commanding:  the  French 
ship  Le  Ileros,  362  tons,  32  men,  and  12  guns,  sailed 
from  Havre  in  April  1826,  sent  out  by  Lafitte  &  Co. 
on  a  trading  voyage  round  the  world.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  Dr  Paolo  Emilio  Botta,  afterward  famous 
as  an  archaeologist  and  writer.  This  young  scientist's 
notes  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  Sandwich  Islands  and 


29 Mrs  Hartnell,  Narrativa,  MS.,  2-3,  says  that  the  rivalry  of  Cooper, 
favored  by  the  government,  and  of  Spence  soon  obliged  the  firm  of  MeC. ,  H. 
&  Co.  to  liquidate.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal. ,  MS. ,  iv.  145,  says  that  H.  paid  all  the . 
debts  of  Begg  &  Co.  in  Cal.  April,  McCulloch  advises  H.  to  propose  to  Begg 
&  Co.  a  reform  in  the  Cal.  establishment,  including  a  small  vessel  on  the 
coast  under  Mexican  flag.  Salting  hides  won't  pay,  nor  will  soap  and  candles. 
Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  xxix.  125.  July  1  st,  P.  Viader  to  H.  Speaks  of  Begg's  fail- 
ure, which  he  has  expected  for  some  time.  Id.,  135.  Fears  for  success  of  hide 
business.  Id. ,  141.  Aug.  6th,  Begg  &  Co.  say  the  prospect  is  bad.  Men- 
doza  (?)  tallow  better  and  cheaper  than  that  of  Cal.  Id. ,  148.  Nov.  6th,  P. 
Sarria  speaks  of  H.'s  voyage,  and  sends  letters  of  recommendation  to  friends 
in  Lima.  Id.,  167.  Jan.  5,  1828,  Spence  at  Monterey  to  H.  at  Lima.  Id.,  190. 
May  1st,  circular  of  Begg,  Macala,  and  Hartnell  to  the  padres  of  California, 
announcing  the  dissolution  of  the  firm  of  McC. ,  H.  &  Co. ,  and  that  H.  will  settle 
all  accounts  and  continue  the  business  for  himself.  Warm  thanks  are  rendered 
for  past  courtesies,  and  H.  is  strongly  recommended  by  the  former  associates. 
Id.,  224.  July  14th,  H.  arrived  by  the  Huascar.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  vi.  80. 
July  16th,  Cunningham  speaks  of  a  protested  bilL  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  xix.  257. 
McCulloch  continues  his  letters  to  H.  Aug.  1st,  gov.  regrets  Begg's  want  of 
confidence  in  Mexican  commerce.  Id. ,  265.  Aug.  2Sth,  balance  sheet  of  85,097 
between  Begg  &  Co.  and  H.  Id.,  272.  More  accounts  in  October.  Id.,  2S2. 
Oct.  18th,  certificate  that  H.  furnished  $14,397  in  tallow,  as  he  agreed  in  Lima. 
Id.,  283.  The  correspondence  of  1829  is  unimportant,  but  shows  that  H.  still 
owed  considerable  money  in  Lima,  and  that  his  creditors  were  pressing.  Id. , 
passim. 

20  Dept.  /fee,  MS.,  v.  19;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  22. 


VISIT  OF  DUHAUT-CILLY.  ."         129 

California  were  added  to  an  Italian  translation  of  the 
voyager's  narrative,  made  by  his  father,  Carlo  Botta, 
also  famous  as  a  poet  and  historian.  Lieutenant  Ed- 
mond  Le  Netrel  also  wrote  a  journal,  a  large  part  of 
which  has  been  published.31 

On  January  27,  1827,  the  Ileros,  coming  from 
Mazatlan,  anchored  at  Yerba  Buena.  It  }^et  lacked 
several  months  of  the  proper  time  for  obtaining  hides 
and  tallow,  but  the  time  could  be  employed  in  arrang- 
ing  bargains  with  the  padres;  and  while  the  captain 

remained  at  the  port  his  supercargo,  'il  Signor  R ,' 

visited  the  missions  of  the  district  with  samples  of 
goods  to  be  sold.  After  a  month's  stay,  marked  by 
adventures  with  grizzly  bears  and  an  earthquake,  the 
traders  sailed  south  March  7th,  carrying  three  Indian 
prisoners  condemned  to  confinement  at  San  Diego. 
Touching  at  Santa  Cruz,  Monterey,  Santa  Barbara, 
and  San  Pedro,  they  reached  San  Diego  April 
18th.  Here  the  supercargo  was  left,  while  Duhaut- 
Cilly  made  a  trip  to  Mazatlan  and  back  before  June 

11th.      'II  Signor   R '    proceeded    northward    to 

San  Francisco  by  land,  while  the  captain,  having  ex- 
perienced an  earthquake,  and  made  a  tour  to  San  Luis 
Rey,  anchored  at  Santa  Barbara  on  the  29th,  and  at 
San  Francisco  on  July  17th.  During  this  visit  the 
Frenchman  made  excursions  to  Santa  Clara,  San 
Jose,  and  San  Francisco  Solano.     In  August  they 

31  Duhaut-Cilly,  Voyage  autour  du  monde,  principalement  d  la  Californie  et 
aux  Isles  Sandwich  pendant  les  annees  1826,  1827,  1828,  et  1829.  Par  A. 
iJahaiit-Cdly.  Paris,  1835.  Svo.  428  p.  plate.  Of  this  original  French  edi- 
tion I  have  only  a  fragment  in  my  collection,  and  my  references  are  therefore 
to  the  following:  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio  intorno  al  Globo,  principalmente  alia 
California  ed  alle  isole  Sandwich,  negli  anni  1S2G,  1827,  1828,  e  1820,  di  A. 
Duhaut-Cilly,  capitano  di  lungo  corso,  cav.  delta  Legion  d'Onore,  ecc.  Con 
Vaggiunta  delle  osservazioni  sugli  ab'dauti  di  quel  paesi  di  Paolo  Emilio  Botln. 
Traduzionedal  franceseneW  italiano  de  Carlo  Botta.  Turin,  1841.  Svo.  2  vol. 
xvi.  20G  p.  11.;  302  p.  plates.  The  portion  added  to  this  translation,  Botta, 
Osservazioni  sugli  abitanti  delle  isole  Sandwich  e  delta  California  de  Paolo 
Emilio  Botta.  Fatte  net  suo  viaggio  intorno  al  globo  col  Capitano  Duhaut- 
Cilly,  occupies  p.  339-02  of  vol.  ii. ;  that  part  relating  to  Cal.  is  found  on  p. 
3G7-78.  These  notes  had  originally  appeared  as  Botta,  Observations  sur  les 
habitans  de  la  Calif ornie,  in  Nouv.  Annates  des  Voyages,  lii.  15G-GG.  Le  Nelrel, 
Voyage  autour  du  Monde,  etc.  Extrait  du  journal  de  M.  Edmond  Le  Netrel, 
Lieutenant  a  bord  de  cevaisseau  {Le  Ileros),  in  Nouvelles  Annalesdes  Voyages, 
xh.  129-82. 

IIist.  Cal.,  Vol.  Ill,    9 


130  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

sailed  for  Santa  Cruz  and  Monterey.  Here  Duhaut- 
Cilly  found  the  French  ship  Comete,  which  had  come 
over  from  the  Islands,  as  he  claims,  at  the  instigation 

of  the  mysterious  and  treacherous  Sign  or  B ,  and 

to  spoil  the  trade  of  the  Heros,  which  venture  was  a 
failure,  as  the  author  is  delighted  to  observe.  In 
September  they  were  at  Santa  Barbara,  having 
anchored  on  the  way  at  El  Cojo  to  receive  tallow 
from  Purisima.  From  San  Pedro,  about  the  22d, 
the  captain,  with  Botta  and  a  guide,  visited  Los 
Angeles  and  San  Gabriel,  to  feel  another  earthquake. 
October  20th,  after  having  broken  his  collar-bone  by 
a  fall  from  a  California  bronco,  Duhaut-Cilly  sailed 

a^ain  for  Callao,  aQfain  leaving  il  Si<nior  B to  con- 

tinue  his  operations  on  board  the  Waverly.  He  came 
back  to  Monterey  May  3,  1828,  made  a  visit  to  Bo- 
dega and  Boss  in  June,  was  at  Santa  Barbara  and 
San  Pedro  before  the  end  of  that  month,  revisited  Los 
Angeles  and  San  Gabriel,  and  reached  San  Diego  on 
the  3d  of  July.    Finally  the  Heros  sailed  August  27th 

for  the  Islands.     The  Signor  R had  in  the  mean 

time  run  away  to  Mexico. 

From  the  preceding  outline  of  the  French  trader's 
movements,  it  is  seen  that  his  opportunities  for  ob- 
servation were  more  extensive  than  those  of  any  for- 
eign visitor  who  had  preceded  him.  No  other  navi- 
gator had  visited  so  many  of  the  Californian  estab- 
lishments.  His  narrative  fills  about  three  hundred 
pages  devoted  to  California,  and  is  one  of  the  most 
interesting  ever  written  on  the  subject.  Duhaut-Cilly 
was  an  educated  man,  a  close  observer,  and  a  good 
writer.  Few  things  respecting  the  country  or  its 
people  or  its  institutions  escaped  his  notice.  His 
relations  with  the  Californians,  and  especially  the 
friars,  were  always  friendly,  and  he  has  nothing  but 
kind  words  for  all.  The  treachery  of  his  supercargo 
caused  his  commercial  venture  to  be  less  profitable 
than  the  prospects  had  seemed  to  warrant.32     I  have 

3-  Morincau,  Notice  sur  la  Califomie,  151-2,  says  that  both  the  Heros  and 


TRADING  FLEET  OF  1828.  •  131 

had,  and  shall  have,  occasion  to  cite  this  author  fre- 
quently on  local  and  other  topics,  and  it  is  with  regret 
that  I  leave  the  book  here  without  long  quotations.33 

I  find  notice  of  thirty-six  vessels  on  the  coast  in 
the  year  1828,  sixteen  of  which  were  included  in  the 
fleet  of  the  preceding  year,  and  several  others  had 
visited  California  before.  Six  were  whalers.34  A 
few  meagre  items  of  revenue  amount  to  less  than 
$6,000  at  San  Francisco  and  $34,000  at  San  Diego. 
In  January  Echeandia  issued'an  order  closing  the  way- 
ports,  or  embarcaderos,  except  San  Pedro,  to  for- 
eign vessels.35  This  was  in  accordance  with  orders 
from  Mexico,  and  was  enforced  so  far  as  possible. 
In  July  San  Pedro  was  also  closed  by  an  order 
which  declared  that  all  coasting  trade  must  be  done 
in  Mexican  bottoms,  that  Monterey  and  Loreto  were 
the  only  ports  open  to  foreign  trade,  but  that  in  cases 
of  necessity  trade  might  be  permitted  at  the  other 
presidial  ports.36  In  September  San  Francisco  and 
Santa  Barbara  were  closed  provisionally;  though  ves- 

the  Comete  brought  cargoes,  which,  besides  being  too  large,  were  ill-assorted 
and  did  not  sell  well. 

33 Mention  of  the  Htros  in  Dept.  Rec ,  MS.,  vi.  32;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil. , 
MS.,  lxiii.  2;  Id.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  i.  2.  Taylor,  in  Brown's  L.  CaL, 
43,  mentions  this  voyage. 

34 See  list  at  end  of  this  chapter.  Vessels  of  1828:  the  Andes,  Arab  (un- 
der a  Russian  name),  Baikaly  Bccket  (?),  Brillante  (?),  Clio,  Courier,  Emily, 
Feuix,  Franklin,  Fulham,  Funchal,  General  Sucre,  Griffon,  Ouibale  (?),  Har- 
binger, Heros,  Huascar,  Karimoko,  Kiahkta,  Laperin  (?),  Magdalena,  Maria 
Ester,  Minerva,  Okhotsk,  Pocahontas,  Rascow,  Solitude,  Tehmachus,  Thomas 
Nowlan,  Times,  Verale{'(),  Vulture,  Washington,  Wavcrly,  WUmantic.  I  have 
fragments  of  the  Waverli/s  original  log  for  1828-9.  The  author  describes,  p. 
10,  a  celebration  of  St  Nicholas  day  on  the  Russian  vessels  at  Monterey  Dec. 
17th;  also  a  fandango  on  shore.  Peirce's  Rough  Sketch,  MS.,  and  Memoran- 
dum, MS.,  describe  the  Griffon's  voyage  as  remembered  by  the  author,  who 
was  on  the  vessel.  Six  vessels  at  S.  F.  in  January  are  not  named,  but  de- 
scribed by  Morineau  as  a  Russian  frigate;  a  Russian  brig  of  200  tons  loaded 
with  grain  for  Sitka;  an  English  schooner  from  New  Albion;  an  American 
brig  of  150  tons  from  Manila;  a  Hawaiian  brig  of  140  tons  manned  by  kana- 
kas; and  a  Mexican  schooner  of  100  tons  from  Sandwich  Islands.  El  Bri- 
llante was  at  S.  Diego  from  S.  Bias,  according  to  this  author. 

35  Jan.  29,  1828,  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  104.  March  3d,  Echeandia  to 
com.  gen.  Has  been  obliged  to  keep  open  the  four  presidial  ports  and  S. 
Pedro.  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  vi.  7. 

3(5 July  8,  1828,  gov.'s  order.  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  vi.  63,  77;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S. 
Jose,  MS.,  iv.  53-4. 


132  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

sels  after  discharging  their  cargoes  at  Monterey  or 
San  Diego  might  visit  the  other  ports  to  take  away 
pr6duce,  except  money  and  breeding  cattle,  returning 
to  settle  accounts.37  I  find  no  evidence,  however,  that 
this  order  was  obeyed  this  year.  In  the  correspond- 
ence on  revenue  the  only  item  worth  notice  was  the 
reduction  of  the  internacion  tax  to  ten  per  cent,  pre- 
sumably in  response  to  the  petition  of  1827.33  The 
Russians  were  permitted  to  take  otter  on  a  small  scale 
for  joint  account  of  the  company  and  the  govern- 
ment. American  vessels  sought  hides  chiefly;  those 
from  Mexico  and  Peru  gave  more  attention  to  tallow, 
while  the  Hawaiian  buyers  took  away  by  preference 
skins  and  horses.89 

The  traders  were  not  pleased  at  the  restrictions 
which  the  Californian  authorities  could  not  well  help 
enforcing  to  a  certain  extent;  and  they  redoubled 
their  efforts  at  smuggling.  In  most  cases  they  were 
successful,  not  much  to  the  displeasure  of  any  one  in 
California,  and  without  leaving  any  trace  of  their 
movements  in  the  records;  but  occasionally  by  their 
insolent  disregard  of  appearances  even,  they  came  into 
conflict  with  Echeandia.  Two  such  instances  in  par- 
ticular are  recorded,  that  of  the  Franklin  and  that  of 

37  Sept.  30,  1828,  gov. 's order  in  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  vi.  103-3;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
S.  Jose1,  MS.,  iv.  72-3.  Nov.  26th,  gov.  permits  foreign  vessels,  after  dis- 
charging their  inward  cargoes,  to  carry  lumber  from  Monterey  to  Sta  Barbara. 
Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  vi.  145.  Nov.  30th,  E.  to  min.  of  war,  asking  that  S.  Diego 
be  opened  formally  and  fully  to  foreign  commerce.  Id.,  vi.  52;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iii.  208. 

38  March  29,  1828,  com.  gen.  sends  decree  of  congress  reducing  the  duty  to 
8%  (on  the  goods  for  which  bonds  had  been  given?)  if  paid  within  15  days 
after  publication  of  this  order.  DepL  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i. 
95.  But  in  August  Echeandia  says  the  tax  is  10%.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  vi.  SG. 
Feb.  1st,  woollen  and  silk  of  Mexican  manufacture  free  of  duties.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  i.  20.  Goods  still  received  as  duties.  Vcdlejo,  Doc,  MS., 
xvii.  9,  et  passim.  Consignees  must  declare  tonnage  of  vessels  on  presenting 
manifest  of  cargo.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  93.  June 
20th,  revenue  from  maritime  duties  belongs  to  the  nation;  taxes  on  retail 
trade  to  the  municipality.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  vi.  58.  Sept.  30th,  tonnage 
$2.12$  per  ton.  Id.,  vi.  103.  Averia  duties  from  July  1828  to  June  1S29, 
$250.  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1829,  doc.  29.  Duties  were  computed  by 
Martinez  at  S.  Francisco,  by  taking  three  fifths  of  the  value,  and  the  tonnage 
was  reckoned  at  $2.  \2\  per  ton,  less  two  fifths,  a  deduction  for  which  he  was 
blamed  by  the  governor.   Vcdlejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  157,  162. 

'^Spaice's  hid.  Notes,  MS.,  13. 


THE  SMUGGLERS.  133 

the  Karimoko.  Captain  John  Bradshaw  of  the  former 
had  been  granted  all  possible  privileges,  his  supercargo, 
Rufus  Perkins,  being  permitted  to  travel  by  land 
from  mission  to  mission;40  but  finally  in  July,  at  San 
Diego,  he  was  ordered  to  deposit  his  cargo  in  the 
warehouse  as  security  for  duties,  and  pending  the  in- 
vestigation of  charges.  He  \vas  accused  of  notorious 
smuggling  on  the  Lower  Californian  coast;41  of  having 
illegally  transferred  the  cargo  of  another  vessel  to  his 
own;  of  having  touched  at  Santa  Catalina  in  defiance 
of  special  orders;  of  having  refused  to  show  his  in- 
voices or  make  a  declaration;  and  of  insolence  to  the 
governor.  Bradshaw  and  Perkins,  being  on  shore, 
promised  obedience  to  the  order;  but  asked  permission 
to  go  on  board  to  make  the  necessary  preparations, 
and  when  there  refused  to  leave  the  vessel,  laughed 
in  the  face  of  the  Californians  sent  to  convey  and 
enforce — so  far  as  possible  by  threats — Echeandia's 
order,  and  on  July  11th  changed  anchorage  to  a  point 
near  the  entrance  of  the  harbor.  The  governor  circu- 
lated a  warning  to  the  padres  and  others  to  deliver  no 
goods  to  the  Franklin  should  she  escape,42  as  seemed 
likely  to  happen,  though  Bradshaw  still  promised  sub- 
mission to  legal  proceedings.  Meanwhile  Echeanclia 
prepared  to  put  a  guard  on  the  vessel,  and  applied  to 
Duhaut-Cilly  for  a  boat.  The  French  captain  could 
not  refuse,  but  warned  Bradshaw  and  interposed  de- 
lays. On  the  morning  of  the  lGth  the  Franklin  cut 
her  cable  and  ran  out  of  the  port,  the  officers  and 
crew  shouting  their  derision  of  the  Mexican  flag  as 
they  passed  the  fort.  Forty  cannon-balls  were  sent 
after  the  flying  craft,  with  no  apparent   effect;    but 

40 May  7,  1328.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  200. 

41  A  warning  had  come  from  Loreto  in  May.  D<>pt.  Iiec,  MS.,  vi.  203.  Du- 
haut-Cilly, Viaggio,  ii.  194-200,  who  was  at  S.  Diego  at  this  time,  denounces 
one  Wm  Simpson,  a  man  whom  Bradshaw  had  befriended,  for  having  treacher- 
ously exposed  the  Yankee  captain's  crimes.  lie  says  there  was  some  trouble 
about  a  deposit  of  cargo  to  secure  duties,  but  that  it  would  have  been  amica- 
bly arranged  but  for  Simpson's  act. 

42  July  12,  1828,  gov.  to  comandantes,  alcaldes,  and  padres.  The  Frank- 
tin  is  to  be  detained,  if  possible,  should  she  dare  to  enter  any  port.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  59-00. 


134  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

Duhaut-Cilly  met  her  a  little  later  at  the  Islands,  and 
learned  that  two  balls  had  entered  the  hull,  two  had 
damaged  the  rigging,  and  that  Bradshaw  had  been 
wounded.43 

The  affair  of  the  Hawaiian  brig  Karimoho  occurred 
also  at  San  Die^o  late  in  the  autumn.  John  Law- 
lor,  or  Lawless,  as  it  is  often  written,  was  master 
of  the  vessel.  He  it  was  who,  after  having  employed 
Domingo  Carrillo  to  teach  him  Spanish,  presented 
himself  to  Echeandia  to  ask  for  a  passport  in  the 
following  terms:  "Buenos  dias,  Sehor  General;  mi 
quiero  to  voy  to  the  missions  y  comprar  cueros  y 
grease  con  goods ;  please  mi  dar  permission.  Si  quieres, 
quieres ;  y  si   no,  dejalo.      Adios,  Seilor  General."44 

43  June  14th,  18th,  July  9th,  11th,  12th,  13th,  14th,  16th,  23d,  gov.'s  com- 
munications on  the  subject.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  vi.  28,  32,  56,  Gl,  G3-8,  72-3.  Da- 
haut-Cilly,  Viagrjio,  ii.  194-200.  Further  records  dated  in  December  respecting 
the  credits,  etc.,  left  behind  by  Bradshaw.  Dept.  Hec,  MS.,  vi.  53,  150-1,  102. 
In  1841  a  claim  for  damages  was  pending  before  the  mixed  commission  in  Wash- 
ington. Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  x.  131.  On  this  affair  of  the  Franklin,  as  in  several 
other  matters,  the  testimony  of  James  O.  Pattie,  who  was  at  S.  Diego  at  the  time, 
has  to  be  noticed  separately,  since  his  statements  are  of  such  a  peculiar  char- 
acter that  they  can  neither  be  omitted  nor  used  with  other  evidence  in  build- 
ing up  my  narrative.  (See  next  chapter  for  notice  of  Pattie's  book. )  Bradshaw 
and  Perkins  were  at  S.  Diego  in  March  and  April,  and  tried  to  aid  Pattie, 
partly  as  a  countryman,  and  partly  in  the  hope  to  get  some  furs  which  the 
trappers  had  left  on  the  Colorado.  Bradshaw  employed  Pattie  as  a  translator, 
securing  his  occasional  release  for  that  purpose.  In  April  or  May  he  made  a 
trip  in  his  vessel  to  Monterey.  June  27th,  his  vessel  was  seized  for  smug- 
gling. In  the  following  examination  of  officers  and  crew  Pattie  served  as  in- 
terpreter ('Dice  el  Americano  James  Ohio  Pettis,  que  sirvio  de  interprete 
a  dicho  capitan,  dice  que  supo  tenia  este  el  proposito  dc  largarsc  f urtivamente 
y  de  hacer  fuego  sobre  la  guarnicion  si  impedia  su  salida.'  Dept.  Hec,  MS., 
vi.  73),  and  was  requested  by  Capt.  B.  'to  make  the  testimonies  of  his  crew 
as  nearly  correspond  and  substantiate  each  other  as  possible;  for  some  of  them 
were  angry  with  him,  and  would  strive  to  give  testimony  calculated  to  con- 
demn him.  I  assured  him  I  would  do  anything  to  serve  him  that  I  could  in 
honor'!  The  taking  of  depositions  was  completed  July  2Sth  (Bradshaw  had 
really  sailed  on  July  IGth).  Capt.  B.  told  Pattie  of  his  intention  to  run  out 
if  the  vessel  were  condemned,  and  offered  him  a  passage  on  the  Franklin.  In 
September  Bradshaw  was  ordered  to  land  his  cargo,  but  refused.  Pattio  was 
again  employed  as  interpreter;  and  warned  the  captain  and  supercargo  on 
Sept.  11th  of  a  plan  he  had  overheard  to  arrest  them,  thus  enabling  them  to 
escape  on  board.  A  few  days  later  he  slipped  anchor  and  ran  out  of  the  port 
under  a  heavy  shower  of  cannon-balls  from  the  fort.  'When  he  came  oppo- 
site it  he  hove  to  and  gave  them  a  broadside  in  return,  which  frightened  the 
poor  engineers  away  from  their  guns.  His  escape  was  made  without  suffering 
any  serious  injury.    Their  (three  ? )  shots  entered  the  hull  of  the  vessel,  and  the 

Ls  were  considerably  cut  up  by  the  grape.'  Pattie's  Xarr.,  179,  1S5,  1S9- 
201. 

4i  Vallejo,  Hist.  Oal.,  MS.,  ii.  60-1.  It  is  said  to  have  been  Lawlor's 
practice  to  hide  about  seven  eighths  of  his  cargo  at  some  out-of-the-way  spot  on 


LAWLOR'S  ADVENTURES.  135 

On  this  occasion  lie  Had  anchored  at  San  Pedro  and 
departed  without  paying  §1,000  of  duties.  He  had, 
in  spite  of  repeated  warnings,  touched  at  Santa  Cata- 
lina  Island,  and  had  even  deposited  goods  there, 
besides  breeding  animals,  the  exportation  of  which  was 
contra  bando.  The  sails  of  the  Karimoho  were  seized, 
and  then  Lawlor  was  ordered  to  go  with  part  of  his 
crew  to  bring  over  the  island  goods  and  live-stock, 
which  wTere  to  secure  the  payment  of  the  duties  in 
arrears.  He  made  all  manner  of  excuses  and  pleas, 
including:  the  suggestion  that  lie  could  not  make  the 
trip  without  sails,  and  that  his  men  on  the  island 
would  starve  if  not  relieved  soon.  The  Maria  Ester 
wras  employed  to  carry  Santiago  Argiiello  as  investi- 
gating officer  to  Santa  Catalina,  and  perhaps  to  bring 
over  the  effects;  at  any  rate,  Lawlor  got  a  document 
in  December  certifying  that  all  his  duties  had  been 
paid;  but  in  January  of  the  next  year  he  was  again 
warned  to  quit  the  island  of  Santa  Catalina  within 
twenty-four  hours.45 

There  were  twenty-three  vessels  on  the  Californian 
coast  in  1829,  besides  four  doubtful  English  craft  in 
Spence's  list,  eleven  belonging  to  the  fleet  of  1828, 
only  six  appearing  for  the  first  time  in  these  waters, 
and  one  being  built  in  California.46   Records  of  revenue 


the  coast  or  islands,  and  come  to  port  with  one  eighth  to  get  permission  to 
trade. 

43  Oct.  28,  Nov.  5,  1828,  gov.  to  Argiiello.  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  vi.  121-2,  124. 
Nov.  Gth.  Id.  to  Virmond,  to  charter  the  Maria  Ester.  Id.,  129.  Dec.  1st, 
Id.  to  Lawlor.  Id.,  147.  Dec.  13th  (3d?),  Id.  to  Id.,  ordering  him  to  pay- 
duties  and  break  up  the  island  establishment.  Id. ,  xix.  157.  Dec.  5th,  Id. 
to  Id. ,  arguing  the  case,  with  substance  of  Lawlor's  communication.  It  seems 
that  Lawlor  pretended  not  to  have  been  captain  at  the  time  of  the  S.  Pedro 
transaction.  Id.,  vi.  149.  Dec.  9th,  receipt  in  full  for  duties.  Id.,  154.  Jan. 
8th,  1829,  gov.  warns  Lawlor  to  quit  the  coast.  Id.,  vii.  54. 

40 See  list  at  end  of  this  chapter.  The  vessels  of  1829  were  the  AJvins  (?), 
American  (?),  Andes,  Ann  (?),  Baikal,  Brooldine,  Dhaulle,  Franklin,  Funchal, 
Indian  (?),  James  Coleman  (?),  Joven  Angustios,  Kiahkta,  Maria  Enter,  Ok- 
hotsk, Plaint,  Rosalia,  Sia  Barbara,  8usana  (?),  Tamaahmaah,  Thomas  Now- 
lan,  Trident,  Volunt<<r,  Vulture,  Warren,  Washington,  Waverly,  Wilmington; 
also  a  Hawaiian  schooner  not  named,  Win  Aralon  master,  at  S.  Pedro  in 
September.  According  to  the  Honolulu  Frie.nl,  ii.  49-50,  4  vessels  had  ar- 
rived from  Cal.  in  1827,  5  in  1828,  but  none  in  1829;  2  in  1830. 


136  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

receipts  are  still  more  meagre  than  for  preceding 
years.47  There  was  little  or  no  change  in  commercial 
regulations;  bat  the  governor  showed  a  disposition  to 
enforce  the  orders  of  1828  making  Monterey  and — ■ 
provisionally — San  Diego  the  only  ports  free  to  for- 
eign vessels:  and  allowing  such  vessels  to  trade  at  the 
other  ports  only  by  special  license  and  under  strict 
precautions;  that  is,  in  a  few  instances  a  trader  might 
carry  goods  duly  examined  and  listed  at  Monterey  or 
San  Diego  to  other  ports  for  sale  by  paying  the  ex- 
pense of  a  guard  to  remain  on  board  and  watch  each 
transaction.43  Something  very  like  a  custom-house 
was  therefore  maintained  at  Monterey  and  San  Diego, 
each  under  a  comisario  subalterno,  Osio  and  later 
Jimeno  Casarin  at  the  capital,  and  Juan  Bandini  in 
the  south.49  A  treaty  between  Mexico  and  England, 
by  which  English  and  Mexican  vessels  were  put  upon 
terms  of  equality  in  respect  of  duties,  was  forwarded 
from  San  Bias  in  July;  but  I  find  no  evidence  that 
the  document  had  any  effect  in  California.50 

47  Custom-house  records  seem  to  make  the  total  receipts  at  S.  Diego 
$117,207  for  the  year.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cast. -I I.,  MS.,  i.  passim.  Total 
revenue  at  S.  Francisco  to  May  31st,  $1,177;  at  San  Diego,  $2,000.  In  De- 
cember for  S.  F.,  $1,264;  for  S.  Diego  in  August,  $826.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  lxix.  27-9.  Gale  states  in  a  letter  to  Cooper,  of  May  10th,  that  the 
duties  on  the  BrooMine's  cargo  were  $31,000,  of  which  $26,000  have  been  paid. 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  xxix.  354. 

48 Gov. 's  instructions  of  various  dates.  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  vii.  14,  81,  100-1, 
116;  Dej)t.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  94-5.  July  29th,  min.  of  hacienda  on  the  details 
of  clearing  national  vessels  for  the  coasting  trade.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat., 
MS.,  i.  180. 

43 St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xix.  46-7.  Rather  strangely,  Gen.  Vallejo,  not  only 
in  his  Hist.  Col.,  but  as  early  as  1837,  Exposition,  MS.,  5-6;  Doc.  Hist.  Cat., 
MS.,  iv.  299,  represents  the  regular  custom-house  as  having  been  established 
at  S.  Diego,  and  not  at  Monterey;  but  there  is  abundant  evidence  to  the  con- 
trary in  contemporary  documents.  April  4,  1829,  sujx  govt  allows  state 
authorities  to  appoint  customs  visitadores  at  $4.50  per  day  on  federal  account. 
Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1829,  56-7.  July  29th,  Mex.  custom-house  regulations. 
Id.,  1833,  562-6.  Sept.  29th,  regulations  on  ships'  manifests,  etc.  Id.,  1829, 
245-9.  Sept.  30th,  decree  ordering  the  establishment  of  a  maritime  custom- 
house in  Alta  California,  under  a  visitador,  subject  to  the  com.  gen.  de  Occi- 
dente.     The  president  has  appointed  Rafael  Gonzalez  administrator;  Jimeno 

trin  as  contador;  Francisco  Pacheco,  comandante  of  the  guard;  and  Mau- 
ricio Gonzalez,  guarda,  at  salaries  of  $1,000,  $800,  and  $450.  Id.,  1829,  -J49- 
51 ;  Doblan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ii.  175-6;  Mexico,  Mem.  Ilac,  1831,  annex 
9,  p.  48. 

60  July  17,  1829,  Jose*  Maria  Lista,  S.  Bias,  to  captain  of  the  port  of  Mon- 
terey.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  94. 


GALE!  AND  ROBINSON.  137 

Most  notable  among  the  vessels  of  the  year  was 
the  Brooldine,  the  successor  of  the  Sachem,  brought 
out  by  Wm  A.  Gale  for  Bryant,  Sturgis,  &  Co.,  of 
Boston,  and  bringing  probably  the  largest  and  best- 
assorted  cargo  of  miscellaneous  goods  that  had  ever 
been  offered  to  the  Californians.     Sailing  from  Boston 
in  July  1828,  she  arrived  at  Monterey  in  February 
1829.     Alfred  Robinson,  who  published  a  narrative  of 
his  voyage  and  life  in  California,  in  1885  a  resident  of 
San  Francisco,  and  probably  the  oldest  American  pio- 
neer of  California  at  this  date  living,  came  in  the  Brook- 
line  as  supercargo's  clerk.    Gale  was  disappointed  at  the 
restrictions  that  had  been  imposed  on  foreign  com- 
merce since  he  left  the  coast,  and  which  bade  fair  to 
interfere  with  the  success  of  his  trip;  but  his  wares, 
and  his  prospective  duties  of  $30,000,  were  a  tempting 
bait;   and  without   much  difficulty  he  concluded   an 
arrangement  with  Echeandia,  by  which  he  acquired 
practically  all  the  privileges  of  old,  was  allowed  to 
visit  all  the  ports,  and  to  pay  his  duties  in  goods.51 
Jose  Estudillo  was  put  on  board  with  two  or  three 
soldiers,  at  Gale's  expense,  to  watch  proceedings,  and 
prevent  irregularities  at  Santa  Barbara,  San  Pedro, 
and  San  Francisco.     It  would  perhaps  be  uncharita- 
ble to  suggest,  in  the  absence  of  proof,  that  these 
employees  may  have  served  Gale  more  faithfully  than 
they  did  the  revenue  officers.52     Gale  was  not  satis- 
fied with  the  manner  in  which  he  was  treated,  form- 
ing an  unfavorable  opinion  of  Echeandia's  abilities  and 
honesty,  and  suspecting  favoritism  toward  his  business 

61  Robinson's  Statement,  MS.,  2-0,  in  which  the  writer  gives  many  interest- 
ing items  about  the  methods  of  trade  in  those  days.  Robinsorfs  Life  in  Cali- 
fornia, 7-14,  where  the  author  speaks  of  the  affair  of  the  Franklin  as  having 
complicated  matters  by  exasperating  the  authorities.  Mention  of  arrival  and 
movements  of  the  Brooklhie,  permission  to  trade,  etc.,  in  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii. 
100,  11G,  158,  191;  Vallejo,  Z>oc.,MS.,i.  170;  xxix.  31G;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Pref.y  Juzy.,  MS.,  i.  22;   Wayerly,  Voy.,  MS. 

52  April  28,  1829,  Echeandia's  instructions  to  Estudillo  and  the  guard.  All 
trading  was  to  Le  done  on  board.  Estudillo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  240;  De.pt.  Rec., 
vii.  138-9.  July  13th,  E.  to  com.  of  Monterey,  on  the  privileges  granted  to 
Gale  and  the  precautions  taken.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  95-0.  Sept.  12th, 
Gale  allowed  to  cut  wood.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxix.  412.  Mar.  28th,  Gale 
announces  the  plan  to  Cooper.  Id. ,  33G. 


138  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

rival,  Hartnell;  yet  lie  seems  to  have  clone  this  year 
and  the  next  a  larger  business  than  any  other  trader.53 
An  interesting  circumstance  connected  with  the 
Brooldtnes  visit  was  the  raising  of  an  American  flag 
at  San  Diego,  noticed  in  the  newspapers  on  the  au- 
thority of  Captain  James  P.  Arther. 5i  He  had  visited 
California  before  in  the  Harbinger,  was  mate  of  the 
Brookline,  and,  like  George  W.  Greene,  one  of  his 
companions,  was  still  living  in  Massachusetts  in  1872. 
"Arthur  and  his  little  party  were  sent  ashore  at  San 
Diego  to  cure  hides.  They  had  a  barn-like  structure 
of  wood,  provided  by  the  ship's  carpenter,  which  an- 
swered the  purposes  of  storehouse,  curing-shop,  and 
residence.  The  life  was  lonesome  enough.  Upon 
the  wide  expanse  of  the  Pacific  they  occasionally  dis- 
cerned a  distant  ship.  Sometimes  a  vessel  sailed 
near  the  lower  offing.     It  was  thus  that  the  idea  of 

JO 

preparing  and  raising  a  flag,  for  the  purpose  of  at- 
tracting attention,  occurred  to  them.  The  flag:  was 
manufactured  from  some  shirts,  and  Captain  Arthur 
writes,  with  the  just  accuracy  of  a  historian,  that  Mr 
Greene's  calico  shirt  furnished  the  blue,  while  he  fur- 
nished the  red  and  white.     'It  was  completed  and 

53 Gale's  letters,  chiefly  to  Cooper,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxix.  325,  331, 
33G,  353,  354,  3S3,  400,  412,  434,  444.  Feb.  22d,  will  begin  to  kill  bullocks 
to-morrow.  Wishes  Cooper  to  see  Holmes  and  learn  the  particulars  of  the 
Franklin  affair.  March  15th,  comisario  entrapped  him  into  paying  S800  ton- 
nage. The  governor's  license  to  trade  is  'opening  the  door  just  enough  to 
catch  my  fingers  and  jamb  them.'  March  28th,  wishes  his  intention  to 
remain  trading  on  the  coast  to  be  made  public.  May  8th,  speaks  of  Hartnell's 
protested  bills.  May  10th,  is  doing  a  good  business.  The  whalers  by  smug- 
gling injure  legitimate  trade.  S.  Diego  is  the  'centre  of  hell  for  strangers;' 
suspects  underhand  work  in  his  duties.  Will  bring  no  more  American  cottons 
to  Cal.  Is  not  allowed  to  touch  at  Sta  Catalina,  and  is  drinking  Monterey 
water.  Complains  of  Echeandia.  July  19th,  hopes  Cooper  will  not  lose  his 
bead  in  the  revolution.  Sept.  12th,  trade  dull.  Oct.  Gth,  will  despatch  the 
Broohline  sooner  than  he  anticipated.  Will  pay  825  for  large  otter  skins. 
Oct.  31st,  can  undersell  Hartnell,  even  if  he  can  pay  duties  in  his  own  way. 
The  Franklin  business  will  do  harm.  Speaks  of  H.'s  protested  bills.  Does 
not  believe  II.  honorable  enough  to  pay,  or  that  justice  can  be  got  under  the 
present  imbecile  government.  His  suspicions  of  underhand  work  in  appraise- 
ment arc  confirmed.  Has  raised  the  anchor  left  by  the  Franklin,  but  had  to 
give  it  up  to  prevent  trouble.     Hopes  a  new  gov.  will  come  soon. 

51  Capt.  Arther  in  a  note  dated  South  Braintree,  Mass.,  Sept.  24,  1872,  in 
which  he  regrets  his  inability  to  write  his  recollections  of  the  affair,  encloses 
a  clipping  from  the  Boston  Advertiser  of  Jan.  8th.  See  also  mention  in  S.  F. 
Call,  July8,  1877. 


LANG  THE  SMUGGLER.  139 

raised  on  a  Sunday,  on  the  occasion  of  the  arrival  of 
the  schooner  Washington,  Captain  Thompson,  of  the 
Sandwich  Islands,  but  sailing  under  the  American 
flag.'  So  writes  honest  Captain  Arthur.  He  further 
states  that  the  same  flag  was  afterwards  frequently 
raised  at  Santa  Barbara,  whenever  in  fact  there  was 
a  vessel  coming  into  port.'  These  men  raised  our 
national  ensign,  not  in  bravado,  nor  for  war  and  con- 
quest, but  as  honest  men,  to  show  that  they  were 
American  citizens  and  wanted  company.  And  while 
the  act  cannot  be  regarded  as  in  the  light  of  a  claim 
to  sovereignty,  it  is  still  interesting  as  a  fact,  and  as 
an  unconscious  indication  of  manifest  destiny."55 

Charles  Lang,  an  American,  with  two  sailors  and 
two  kanakas,  was  found  in  a  boat  near  Todos  Santos 
and  arrested.  He  said  he  had  come  from  the  Sand- 
wich Islands  in  the  Alabama,  with  the  intention  of 
settling  somewhere  in  California.  The  captives  were 
brought  to  San  Diego:  and  as  Lang's  effects,  includ- 
ing  a  barrel-organ  and  two  trunks  of  dry  goods, 
seemed  better  adapted  to  smuggling  than  to  coloniza- 
tion, they  were  confiscated,53  and  sold  in  June.  The 
case  went  to  Mexico,  and  afterward  to  the  district 
judge  at  Guaymas,  with  results  that  are  not  apparent. 

Among  the  vessels  named  as  making  up  the  fleet 
of  1829,  there  was  one  built  at  Santa  Barbara,  and 
named  the  Santa  Barbara.     This  was  a  schooner  of 

55  Boston  Advertiser.  It  is  well  enough  to  regard  this  as  the  first  raising 
of  the  stars  and  stripes,  in  the  absence  of  definite  evidence  to  the  contrary; 
though  such  an  event  is  by  no  means  unlikely  to  have  occurred  before. 

50  Feb.  1829,  investigation  by  Lieut.  Ibarra  at  Echeandia's  order.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxix.  10-13,  25;  liii.  90.  The  min.  of  war  sent 
the  case  back  on  June  13th  to  be  referred  to  the  Guaymas  judge.  June  1st, 
Bandini  ordered  to  sell  the  goods.  Gov.  says:  'After  deducting  the  duties 
and  10  %  due  me  as  judge,  you  will  allow  me  one  half  as  descubridor  and 
promovedor,  and  one  half  of  the  rest  as  apr<  hcnsor ;  the  remainder  you  will 
take  for  having  assisted  at  the  taking'!  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  vii.  1G0.  Lang 
seems  to  have  gone  to  Mazatlan  on  the  Washinf/ton.  Valhjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxix. 
332.  Lang  was  at  S.  Diego  secretly  on  Dec.  24,  182S,  where  he  met  Pattie 
the  trapper,  and  told  him  of  his  smuggling  and  otter-hunting  purposes.  He 
said  he  had  a  boat  down  the  coast,  and  his  brig  had  gone  to  the  Galipagos 
for  tortoise-shell.  Pattie  concluded  to  join  Lang,  but  on  going  down  to 
Todos  Santos  a  few  days  later,  found  that  he  had  been  arrested.  Puttie's  Narr., 
208-10. 


HO  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

thirty-three  tons,  built  for  Carlos  Carrillo  and  Will- 
iam G.  Dana  for  the  coasting  trade  and  for  otter- 
catching.  After  certain  delays  and  formalities,  Eche- 
andia  granted  the  desired  license  for  trade  in  August. 
Jose  Carrillo  was  to  be  the  captain,  and  the  crew 
six  men,  more  than  half  of  whom  must  be  Mexicans. 
Little  is  known  respecting  the  career  of  this  early — 
probably  earliest — product  of  Californian  ship-yards. 


57 


Here  I  may  introduce  the  romantic  episode  of  Henry 
Fitch's  marriage  to  a  'daughter  of  California,'  a  lady 
still  living  in  1880.  The  young  American  sailor  had 
first  arrived  in  1826,  and  had  soon  surrendered  to 
the  charms  of  Dona  Josefa,  daughter  of  Joaquin 
Carrillo  of  San  Diego,  who  in  turn  was  won,  as  she 
states  in  a  narrative  written  fifty  years  later, 5S  by  the 
handsome  person  and  dashing  manners  of  the  captain. 
In  1827  he  gave  her  a  written  promise  of  marriage. 
There  were  legal  impediments  on  account  of  the  fact 
that  Fitch  was  a  foreigner;  but  the  young  ladj^'s  par- 
ents approved  the  match,  and  a  Dominican  friar  con- 
sented to  perform  the  ceremony.  It  was  hoped  there 
would  be  no  interference  by  either  civil  or  ecclesias- 
tical authorities,  yet  a  degree  of  secrecy  was  observed. 


57  May  8,  1S29,  Echeandia  orders  the  construction  stopped  until  a  proper 
permit  is  obtained.  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  vii.  1G6.  May  29th,  gives  the  permit. 
Register  must  be  obtained  through  the  com.  of  Sta  Barbara.  Id.,  vii.  1G6. 
Aug.  12th,  grants  license  for  trading  for  one  year.  Id.,  vii.  215-16.  May 
13th,  E.  had  written  to  Mex.  on  the  subject.  Id.,  vii.  10.  Michael  White, 
California,  MS.,  p.  14-15,  says  that  he  built  the  schooner,  with  the  aid  of 
his  cousin  Henry  Paine,  for  Capt.  Guerra  in  1830,  out  of  materials  saved  from 
the  wreck  of  the  Danube;  and  that  Thomas  Robbins  commanded  her.  After 
finishing  this  vessel,  they  built  another  of  99  tons  for  S.  Gabriel,  named  the 
Guadalupe.  A  note  in  Bobbins'  Diary,  MS.,  mentions  the  building  of  the 
Santa  Barbara  in  1830,  for  Carrillo  and  Dana  at  La  Goleta,  or  Hill's  Rancho. 
The  Danube  appears  not  to  have  been  wrecked  until  the  spring  of  1830,  but 
this  is  not  quite  certain.  In  Carrillo  («/.),  Doc,  MS.,  25,  27,  32,  it  is  stated 
that  'Jose  el  Americano'  (Chapman)  was  at  work  on  a  schooner  for  F. 
Sanchez  of  S.  Gabriel  in  Sept.  1830;  and  that  Guerra  resolved  to  build 
another  from  the  wreck  of  the  Danube,  but  gave  up  the  idea  at  the  end  of 
the  year. 

Fitch,  Narration  de  laSra  viuda  del  Capitan Enrique D.  Fitch,  MS.,  dic- 
tated in  1 875  by  the  lady  at  Healdsburg  for  my  use.  Some  original  papers 
relating  to  the  marriage  are  annexed,  including  an  authenticated  copy  of  the 
marriage  certificate. 


THE  FITCH  ROMANCE.  *         141 

As  an  essential  preliminary,  Padre  Menendez  baptized 
the  American,  April  14,  1829,  at  the  presidial  chapel 
of  San  Diego.59  The  friar  promised  to  marry  the 
couple  the  next  clay;  preparations  were  made,  and  a 
few  friends  assembled  late  in  the  evening  at  the  house 
of  the  Carrillos.69  At  the  last  moment,  however, 
Domingo  Carrillo,  uncle  of  the  bride,  refused  to  serve 
as  witness;  the  friar's  courage  failed  him,  and  the 
ceremony  could  not  proceed.01  Neither  the  argu- 
ments and  angry  ravings  of  the  Yankee  novio  nor  the 
tears  and  entreaties  of  the  novia  could  overcome  the 
padre's  fears  and  scruples;  but  he  reminded  Fitch  that 
there  were  other  countries  where  the  laws  were  less 
stringent,  and  even  offered  to  go  in  person  and  marry 
him  anywhere  beyond  the  limits  of  California.  "  Why 
don't  you  carry  me  off,  Don  Enrique?"  naively  sug- 
gested Dona  Josefa.  Captain  Barry  approved  the 
scheme,  and  so  did  Pio  Pico,  cousin  of  the  lady. 
The  parents  were  not  consulted.  Fitch,  though  some- 
what cautious  on  account  of  his  business  relations  and 
prospects  on  the  coast,  was  not  a  man  to  require  urg- 
ing. Next  night  Pio  Pico,  mounted  on  his  best  steed, 
took  his  cousin  Josefa  up  on  the  saddle  and  carried 
her  swiftly  to  a  spot  on  the  bay-shore  where  a  boat 
was  waiting ;  the  lovers  were  soon  re-united  on  board 
the    Vulture;62  and  before  morning  were  far  out  on 


59  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  345.  Enrique  Domingo  Fitch,  Domingo  being 
substituted  for  Delano  at  baptism,  was  a  son  of  Beriah  and  Sarah  Fitch  of 
Xew  Bedford.     Alf.  Domingo  Carrillo  was  godfather. 

co  Besides  the  immediate  family,  there  were  present  Domingo  Carrillo, 
Capt.  Richard  Barry,  Pio  Pico,  and  Maximo  Beristain.  Fitch,  Causa  Crim- 
inal, MS.,  345. 

61  This  is  the  version  given  by  Fitch  and  his  wife  in  their  testimony  of  the 
next  year.  There  is  another  version  authorized  by  the  lady  herself,  Fitch, 
Narration,  MS.,  4,  and  given  by  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cat,  MS.,  ii.  117-22;  Vallejo 
(J.  J.),  Reminiscencias,  MS.,  103-7;  and  Pico,  IJist.  Cat.,  MS.,  21-4,  to  the 
effect  that  when  all  was  ready  and  the  padre  had  begun  the  service,  Alf. 
Domingo  Carrillo,  aid  to  the  governor,  appeared  and  forbade  the  marriage  in 
Echeandia's  name.  It  is  also  more  than  hinted  that  Echeandia's  motive  was 
jealousy,  since  the  fair  Josefa  had  not  shown  due  appreciation  of  his  own 
attentions. 

c-  Both  the  Vulture  and  the  Maria  Ester,  the  latter  under  command  of 
Fitch,  were  on  the  coast  at  the  time  and  apparently  at  S.  Diego,  for  it  was 
the  in'oto  of  the  Maria  Ester  who  took  the  lady  in  his  boat.  Why  Fitch  did 
not  sail  in  his  own  vessel  does  not  appear;  but  Mrs  Fitch  says  they  went  in 


142  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

the  Pacific.  They  were  married  on  the  evening  of 
July  3d  at  Valparaiso,  by  the  curate  Orrcgo,  Capt. 
Barry  being  one  of  the  witnesses.  Subsequently 
they  returned  to  Callao  and  Lima. 

The  elopement  of  Seiiorita  Carrillo  was  naturally 
much  talked  of  in  California;  rumors  were  current 
that  she  had  been  forcibly  abducted  from  her  home, 
and  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  were  greatly  scan- 
dalized. Next  year,  however,  Fitch  made  his  appear- 
ance in  command  of  the  Leonor,  having  on  board  also 
his  wife  and  infant  son.  He  touched  at  San  Diego  in 
July  1830,  and  thence  came  up  to  San  Pedro.  Here 
he  received  a  summons  from  Padre  Sanchez  at  San 
Gabriel,  vicar  and  ecclesiastical  judge  of  the  territory, 
to  present  himself  for  trial  on  most  serious  charges;  but 
he  merely  sent  his  marriage  certificate  by  Virmond  for 
the  vicar's  inspection,  and  sailed  up  the  coast  for  Santa 
Barbara  and  Monterey.  Sanchez  at  once  sent  an  order 
to  Monterey  that  Fitch  be  arrested  and  sent  to  San 
Gabriel  for  trial,  Dona  Josefa  being  'deposited'  in  some 
respectable  house  at  the  capital.  This  order  was  ex- 
ecuted by  Echeandia  at  the  end  of  August  on  the  ar- 
rival of  the  Leonor. m  The  lady  was  sent  to  Captain 
Cooper's  house,  and  the  husband  was  placed  under 
arrest.  He  claimed,  however,  to  be  unable  to  travel 
by  land.  He  protested  against  imprisonment  as  ruin- 
ous to  his  business,  complained  that  the  trial  had 
not  been  begun  at  San  Diego,  and  asked  that  at  least 
he  might  be  allowed  to  travel  by  sea.  Jose  Palo- 
mares,  to  whom  as  fiscal  Padre  Sanchez  submitted  this 
request,  gave  a  radical  report  against  Fitch  Septem- 
ber 17th,  declaring  him  entitled  to  no  concessions,  his 
offences  being  most  heinous,  and  his  intention  being 
evidently  to  run  away  again.  Yet  Sanchez  concluded 
to    permit   the    trip    by  sea,  on  Virmond   becoming 


the  Vulture,  and  the  part  taken  by  Capt.  Richard  Barry  in  the  matter  con- 
firms her  statement. 

"Aug.  29,  1S30,  E.'s  order  to  Alf.  Nieto  to  arrest  Fitch.    Dept.  lice,  MS., 
viii.  98. 


A  RUNAWAY  MATCH.  '         143 

bondsman  for  the  culprit's  presentment  in  due  time; 
and  on  December'  8th  Fitch  arrived  at  San  Gabriel, 
and  was  made  a  prisoner  in  one  of  the  mission  rooms. 

Meanwhile  Mrs  Fitch  petitioned  Echeandia  at  the 
end  of  October  for  release,  and  permission  to  go  south 
by  sea.  The  governor  consented,  and  Dofia  Josefa 
sailed  on  the  Ayacucho  for  Santa  Barbara,  whence 
she  proceeded  on  the  Pocahontas  to  San  Pedro,  arriv- 
ing at  San  Gabriel  on  November  24th,  where  she 
was  committed  to  the  care  of  Eulalia  Perez  of  later 
centenarian  fame.  When  her  husband  came,  the  house 
of  Doha  Eulalia  was  deemed  too  near  his  prison,  and 
Josefa  was  transferred  to  the  care  of  Mrs  William  A. 
Richardson.  The  fiscal  pronounced  Echeandia's  act  a 
gross  infringement  on  ecclesiastical  authority,  declared 
him  a  culprit  before  God's  tribunal,  and  urged  that 
he  be  arrested  and  brought  to  trial.  But  Vicar 
Sanchez,  though  taking  a  similar  view  of  Echeandia's 
conduct,  thought  it  best,  in  view  of  the  critical  con- 
dition of  affairs  and  the  nearness  of  the  time  when 
Victoria  was  to  take  command,  not  to  attempt  the 
governor's  arrest. 

In  December,  Fitch  and  his  wife  were  repeatedly 
interrogated  before  the  ecclesiastical  court,  and  Fiscal 
Palomares  for  a  third  time  ventilated  his  le^al  learning. 
He  now  admitted  his  belief  that  the  motives  of  the 
accused  had  been  honest  and  pure,  also  that  the  affair 
might  be  settled  without  referring  it  to  the  bishop, 
but  still  maintaining  the  nullity  of  the  marriage.64 
Fitch  presented  in  his  own  behalf  an  elaborate  argu- 
ment against  the  views  of  the  fiscal,  complaining  of 
his  business  losses,  and  of  the  threatened  illegitimacy 
of  his  son,  but  for  which  he  would  be  glad  to  have  the 
marriage    declared    null    and    to    marry    over    again. 

64  The  objections  to  the  marriage  certificate — of  which  I  have  the  authen- 
ticated copy  made  at  this  trial — were  that  it  was  slightly  torn  and  blotted; 
that  it  included  no  statement  of  the  city  or  church  where  the  ceremony  was 
performed;  that  the  paper  was  neither  legalized  before  3  escribanos,  nor  vis6l 
by  the  Chilian  minister  of  foreign  affairs.  Moreover,  P.  Orrego.  not  being  the 
curate  of  the  parties,  could  not  marry  them  without  a  dispensation  from  the 
bishop. 


144  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

Many  witnesses  were  examined,  both  at  San  Gabriel 
and  San  DicGfo.  On  the  28th  of  December  the  vicar 
rendered  his  decision,  Christi  nomine  invocato,  that  the 
fiscal  had  not  substantiated  his  accusations;  that  the 
marriage  at  Valparaiso,  though  not  legitimate,  was 
not  null,  but  valid;  that  the  parties  be  set  at  liberty, 
the  wife  being  given  up  to  the  husband;  and  that  they 
be  velados  the  next  Sunday,  receiving  the  sacraments 
that  ought  to  have  preceded  the  marriage  cere- 
mony. "Yet,  considering  the  great  scandal  which 
Don  Enrique  has  caused  in  this  province,  I  condemn 
him  to  give  as  a  penance  and  reparation  a  bell  of  at 
least  fifty  pounds  in  weight  for  the  church  at  Los 
Angeles,  which  barely  has  a  borrowed  one."  More- 
over, the  couple  must  present  themselves  in  church 
with  lighted  candles  in  their  hands  to  hear  high  mass 
for  three  alias  festivos,  and  recite  together  for  thirty 
days  one  third  of  the  rosary  of  the  holy  virgin.  Let 
us  hope  that  these  acts  of  penance  were  devoutly  per- 
formed. The  vicar  did  not  fail  to  order  an  investiga- 
tion  of  the  charges  against  Padre  Menendez,  who  had 
acted  irregularly  in  advising  the  parties  to  leave  the 
country;  but  nothing  is  recorded  of  the  result.65 

Only  seventeen  vessels  are  named  in  the  records  of 
1830,  besides  four  that  rest  on  doubtful  authority;  so 
that  commercial  industry  would  seem  to  show  diinin- 
ished  prosperity ;  yet  the  records  of  this  final  year  of  the 
decade  are  less  complete  than  before.66  A  Mexican 
report  makes  the  revenue  receipts  at  San  Diego  for 

66  Fitch,  Causa  Criminal  seguida,  en  el  Juzgado  Eclesidstico  y  Vicaria  Forcl- 
nea  de  la  Alta  California,  contra  Don  Enrique  Domingo  Fitch,  Anglo-Ameri- 
cano, por  el  matrimonio  nulo  contraido  con  Dona  Josefa  Carrillo,  natural  de 
San  Diego.  Ano  de  1S30,  MS.  This  most  interesting  collection  of  over  30 
documents,  of  which  I  have  given  a  brief  r<?sume\  is  the  original  authority  on 
the  whole  matter.  Jan.  9,  1831,  Fitch  writes  from  San  Gabriel  to  Capt. 
Cooper,  denying  the  rumors  current  at  Sta  Barbara  that  he  was  doing  penance; 
says  1*.  Sanchez  treated  him  very  well,  and  seemed  anxious  to  let  him  off  as 
easy  as  possible.  lie  has  had  trouble  with  the  parents  of  Dona  Josefa,  who 
abused  her,  and  he  will  not  leave  his  wife  with  them.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS., 
xxx.   171. 

MSee  list  at  end  of  this  chapter.  The  vessels  of  1830  were  the  Ayacucho, 
Brooldinc,  Catalina{t),  Chalcedony  {1),  Convoy,  Cyrus.  Danube,  Dryad,  Emily, 


„     TRADE  IN  1830.  145 

the  year  $22,432,  while  the  custom-house  records 
seem  to  make  the  amount  $36, 875. 67  No  vessel  of  the 
year  seems  to  require  special  notice,  neither  were 
there  any  important  modifications  in  trade  or  revenue 
regulations.  Commercial  and  maritime  annals  of  1830 
are  thus  wellnigh  a  blank.  .  I  append  an  alphabet- 
ical list  of  all  the  vessels,  about  100  in  number,  be- 
sides doubtful  records,  touching  on  the  coast  in  1825- 
30,  with  such  items  about  each  as  are  accessible 
and  apparently  worth  preserving.  I  might  add  the 
dates  at  which  all  the  vessels,  or  most  of  them, 
touched  at  the  different  ports  on  their  successive 
trips;  but  the  information  would  be  of  great  bulk 
and  little  real  valued 


Flinched,  Globe,  Jura,  Leonor,  Maria  Ester,  Planet,  Pocahontas,  Seringapa- 
tan{?),  Thomas  Nowlan,  Volunteer,  Washington  (1),   Whaleman. 

67  Unsueta,  Informe,  1820,  doc.  9.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Oust. -II.,  MS.,  i. 
passim. 

08  A  few  miscellaneous  notes  of  minor  importance  are  as  follows:  Feb.  19, 
1830,  one  sixth  of  duties  deducted  in  case  of  national  vessels  from  foreign 
ports.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  viii.  22. %  April  23d,  agreement  between  J.  C.  Jones, 
Jr.,  and  Cooper,  by  which  the  former  is  to  furnish  a  vessel  under  Mexican 
flag,  for  coasting  trade,  collecting  furs,  otter-hunting,  etc.,  to  be  carrried  on 
by  the  two  in  partnership.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  xxx.  45.  Nov.  24th,  gov. 
says  the  vice-president  complains  that  many  vessels  becoming  nationalized  do 
not  comply  with  the  laws  requiring  officers  and  one  third  of  the  crew  to  be 
Mexicans — a  necessary  formality  to  reduce  the  duties.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  viii. 
125.  Aug.  17th,  action  of  the  dip.  regulating  the  duties  on  timber  exported — - 
the  proceeds  belonging  to  the  jn'opios y  arbitrios fund.  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  i.  1GG-7. 
Mar.  31st,  Mex.  law  on  seizure  of  contraband  goods.  Arrillaga,  Pecop.,  1831, 
227-33.  Aug.  24,  law  on  consumption  duty  on  foreign  goods.  Id. ,  1831,  p.  233- 
G.  Mexicans  engaged  in  taking  otter  have  no  duties  to  pay  to  national  treas- 
ury. Two  citizens  of  Sta  Barbara  were  engaged  in  the  business  at  the  islands. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxxviii.  4.  June  30th,  J.  B.  Lopez  allowed 
to  take  otter,  paying  from  $1  to  $3  per  skin  to  the  territorial  treasury.  Dept. 
Pec,  viii.  52,  130.  In  June  Mancisidor  writes  to  Guerra  very  discouragingly 
respecting  the  prospects  of  the  trade  in  Cal.  hides  and  tallow.  This  state 
of  things  was  largely  due  to  the  inferior  quality  of  the  Cal.  products,  resulting 
from  the  carelessness  of  excessive  speculation.  All  dealers  suffer,  and  some 
will  be  ruined.  Cal.  hides  bring  less  than  those  of  Buenos  Aires,  being  too 
dry  and  too  much  stretched.   Guerra,  Doc,  J  list.  Gal.,  MS.,  vi.  140-1. 

C9List  of  vessels  in  Californian  ports,  1825-30: 

Adam,  Amer.  ship,  290  tons;  Daniel  Fallon,  master;  at  S.  Francisco  in 
Oct.  182G. 

Alliance,  Amer.  ship;  doubtfully  recorded  as  having  arrived  at  Monterey 
in  Oct.  1820. 

Alvin*,  doubtful  whaler  of  1829. 

America,  doubtful  wlialcr  of  1829. 

Andes,  Amer.  brig,  122  or  172  tons;  Seth  Rogers,  master;  on  coast. from 
spring  of  1828  (perhaps  autumn  of  1827)  to  spring  of  1S29;  paid  $130  at 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    10 


140  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

Mont.,  raid  was  in  some  trouble  about  duties  at  S.  Diego,  where  she  loaded 
salt  meat. 

Ann,  Engl,  ship;  Barnie,  master;  in  Spence's  list  for  1829. 

Apollo,  whaler;  at  Sta  Cruz,  1825. 

Aquiles,  Span,  man-of-war;  Pedro  Angulo,  com.;  at  Sta  B.  in  May  1825. 
(See  text.) 

Arab,  Amer.  brig.  My  fragment  of  her  original  log  ends  Jan.  5,  1825,  at 
Ft  Finos.  She  re-appeared  under  a  Russian  name  in  1S2S,  having  been  sold 
to  the  Russ.  Co. 

Argosy,  Russ.  brig,  140  tons;  Inestrumo,  master;  at  Monterey  and  Bodega 
in  182,J,  from  Sitka. 

Asia,  Span,  ship  of  war,  70  guns,  400  men;  Jos6  Martinez,  com.;  surren- 
dered at  Mont.,  1825;  also  called  San  Oerdnimo.     (See  text.) 

Ayacucho,  Engl,  brig,  232  tons;  Joseph  Snook,  master;  arr.  Mont,  from 
Honolulu  in  Oct.  1830.     (See  later  lists.) 

Baikal,  Russ.  brig,  202  tons;  up  and  down  the  coast  from  Ross  to  S. 
Diego  each  year  from  1820  to  1S30;  Beuseman  master,  and  Khlgbnikof  super- 
cargo, in  182G;  paid  $1,216  at  S.  Diego;  Etholin,  master  in  1828;  brought 
vaccine  matter  in  1829. 

Bechet,  Hamburg  brig;  doubtfully  recorded  as  having  trouble  about  smug- 
gling at  S.  Diego  in  1828. 

Bengal,  Engl,  ship;  in  Spence's  list  for  1825. 

Blossom,  Engl,  explor.  ship;  Beechey,  com. ;  at  S.  Fran,  and  Mont,  in 
autumn  of  1820  and  1827.     (See  text.) 

Brillante,  perhaps  at  S.  Diego  from  S.  Bias  in  Jan.  1828. 

Broohline,  Amer.  ship,  370  or  417  tons,  from  Boston;  Jas  O.  Locke, 
master;  Wm  A.  Gale,  sup.;  Alf.  Robinson,  clerk;  Arther,  mate;  Bryant  & 
Sturgis,  owners;  arr.  Mont.  Feb.  1S29;  paid  $31,000  at  S.  Diego;  wintered 
on  the  coast  until  1830.     (See  text.) 

Cadboro,  Engl,  schr,  71  tons;  Simpson,  master;  at  S.  Fran,  from  Colum- 
bia Riv.  Dec.  1827. 

Catalina,  Mex.  brig;  C.  Cristen,  master;  Eulogio  Celis,  sup.;  doubtful 
record  in  Hayes'  list,  1830. 

Chalcedony,  bark;  Jos  Steel,  master;    doubtful  record  of  1830. 

Charles,  Amer.  whaler,  301  tons,  21  men;   S.  Fran.  1S20. 

Clio,  Amer.  brig,  179  tons;  Aaron  TV.  Williams,  master;  came  in  1828 
to  load  with  tallow  for  Chili. 

Comet e,  French  ship,  500  tons,  43  men;  Antoine  Placiat,  master;  came  in 
1827  as  a  rival  to  the  Hcros;  tonnage  at  Mazatlan;  duties,  $1,04S  at  Sta  B. 

Conxtante,  Span,  man-of-war;  surrendered  with  the  Asia  at  Mont,  in  1S25. 

Convoy,  brig;  at  S.  Fran,  in  Oct.  1830,  paying $321. 

Courier,  Amer.  ship,  200  or  293  tons;  Wm  Cunningham,  master;  Thos 
Shaw,  sup.;  Geo.  W.  Vincent  on  board;  on  the  coast  from  1820  (possibly 
1825)  to  1828,  paying  $937.  $1,5SG,  and  $180  in  duties  on  different  occasions. 

Cyrus,  Amer.  whaler,  320  tons,  22  men;  Dav.  Harriens,  master;  at  S.  F. 
in  1820;  also  at  Sta  B.  Dec.  1S30,  with  1,500  bbls  oil,  to  be  coopered  at  S. 
Diego. 

Danube,  Amer.  ship  from  N.  Y. ;  Sam.  Cook,  master;  arr.  early  in 
1830,  and  was  soon  wrecked  at  S.  Pedro;  hull  sold  for  $1,701  and  cargo  for 
$3,316  in  Feb.  to  Dana  and  Gucrra. 

Dhaulle  (or  Dolly?),  Amer.  brig;  Wm  Warden,  master;  at  Mont.  July 
1829,  from  Honolulu;  carried  47  horses  to  the  Islands. 

Don,  whaler;  at  Sta  B.  1825. 

Dryad,  Engl,  brig,  from  Columbia  River;  arr.  Mont.  Dec.  22,  1830. 

Eagle,  Amer.  schr;   at  Sta  B.  Jan.  1825  (re-named  Sta  Apolonia,  q.  v.) 

Elena,  Russ.  brig;  Moraviof,  master;  10  guns,  49  men,  10  officers;  Karl 
von  Schmidt  and  Xicolai  Molvisto,  passengers;  wintered  at  S.  Fran.  1825-0. 

Eliza,  Engl,  brig;  J.  Morphew  (or  Murphy),  master;  1S25-0;  $9,500  of 
cloth  to  McC,  II.  &Co.;  paid  $1,112  duties  at  Sta  R 

Emily  Afarshamj  at  Sta  B.  Sept.  1S28,  from  Sandw.  Isl.;  took  prisoners 
from  Sta  B.  in  Feb.  183 J;  perhaps  had  returned  in  autumn  of  1S29. 


MARINE  LIST  1825-30.  147 

Factor,  Amer.  whaler;  John  Alexy,  master;  at  S.  Fran.  1825. 

Favorite,  Engl,  whaler,  377  tons,  35  men;  John  Fort  (Ford?),  master;  at 
Sta  13.,  from  London,  Oct.  1827. 

Feuix,  whaler,  300  tons;  Win  Ratiguende  (?),  master,  1828. 

Fran/din,  Amer.  whaler,  294  tons;   Wm  Collin,  master;  at  S.  Fran.  1820. 

Franklin,  Amer.  ship,  333  tons;  John  Bradshaw,  master;  Rufus  Perkins, 
and  later  J.  A.  C.  Holmes,  sup.;  on  the  coast  from  1827  to  1820.  (See  text 
for  her  troubles  at  S.  Diego  in  1828.)      x 

Fitlham,  Engl,  brig;  \irmond,  owner;  came  for  hides  and  tallow,  and  win- 
tered 1827-8. 

Funchal,  Engl,  brig,  100  tons;  Stephen  Anderson,  master,  owner,  and 
sup.;  on  the  coast  from  autumn  of  1828  to  Feb.  1830,  sailing  from  S.  Pedro 
with  1G,400  hides. 

General  Bravo,  Mex.  brig,  100  or  180  tons;  Melendez,  master;  at  Mont. 
Oct. -Dec.  182G,  with  tobacco. 

General  Sucre,  Arner.  brig;  Carlos  Pitnak,  or  Pitnes  (?),  master;  left  a 
deserter  S.  Diego,  1828. 

Globe,  Amer.  brig,  190  tons;  Moore,  master;  at  Monterey  1830,  for  Guay- 
maa. 

Golovnin,  Russ.  brig;  at  Mont.  Dec.  1827. 

Griffon,  Amer.  brig,  from  Honolulu;  Peirce,  master,  1828. 

Guibale  (or  Galbale?),  Amer.  schr,  121  tons;  Thos  Robbins,  master;  at 
Sta  B.  April  1S28. 

Harbinger,  Amer.  brig,  180  tons;  Jos  Steel,  master  and  consignee;  Thos 
B.  Park,  sup.;  two  trips  from  the  Islands  in  182G-S;  paid  $150,  $57G,  $1,250; 
carried  away  two  fugitive  friars  in  Jan.  1828. 

Ilelcetius,  doubtful  whaler  of  1829.     (See  later  lists.) 

lMros,  French  ship,  250  tons;  Auguste  Duhaut-Cilly,  master;  trading  on 
the  coast  1S27-8.     (See  text.) 

Huascar,  Engl,  brig  under  Peruvian  flag,  249  tons;  Scott,  Alex.  Skee,  or 
J.  M.  Oyagiie,  master;  Hartnell,  passenger;  cons,  to  McC,  H.,  &  Co.,  1827-8; 
paid  $010  at  S.  Fran. 

Iuca,  Engl,  brig,  170  tons,  11  guns;  Wm  Prouse  (or  Prause),  master; 
from  Callao  to  McC.,  H.,  &  Co.  in  1826  (possibly  arr.  in  1825);  then  to 
Liverpool  in  128  days. 

Indian,  Engl,  ship;  in  Spence's  list  of  1829. 

Inore,  Hawaiian  brig,  155  tons,  182G. 

Isabella  (or  Sarah  and  Elizabeth),  Engl,  whaler,  250  tons,  28  men;  Ed- 
ward David,  master;  Mrs  Hartnell,  passenger;  at  Sta  B.,  from  Mont.  Oct. 
1827. 

James  Coleman,  Engl.;  Hennet,  master;  in  Spence's  list  for  1829. 

J6ven  Angustlas,  Mex.  schr;  at  Sta  B.  Sept.  1829;  also  doubtful  record 
of  1823. 

Juan  Battey,  doubtful  name  of  1825;  John  Burton,  master. 

Junius,  Engl,  brig;  Carter,  master;  at  Mont,  in  1825,  paying  $3,GG3  duties. 

Jura,  Engl,  brig;  at  StaB.,  from  Mazatlan,  May  1830. 

Karlmoko  (or  Carlmacu),  Hawaiian  brig,  128  tons;  John  Lawlor,  master; 
Win  Watts  (?),  sup.;  on  the  coast  1827-8,  paying  $14  and  $314.  (See  text 
for  smuggling  adventures.) 

Kiaklita,  Paiss.  brig,  built  in  Cal.,  running  between  Ross  and  S.  Fran.; 
wintered  at  S.  Fran.  1825-G  and  1828-9;  paid  $35  and  $1,548. 

Laperin  (or  Lapwing?),  Russ.  brig;  doubtful  record  of  Nov.  1828. 

Leonor,  Mex.  ship,  207  tons;  23  men;  Henry  D.  Fitch,  master;  brought 
convicts  in  1830.     (See  text  for  Fitch's  runawTay  marriage.) 

Magdalena  (or  Victoria),  Mex.  schr,  90  tons;  Ramon  Sanchez,  master;  on 
coast  winter  of  1827-8. 

Maria  Ester,  Mex.  brig,  170  or  93  tons;  owned  by  Henry  Virmond,  who 
was  on  board  in  1828;  came  from  Lima  or  Mex.  port3  every  year  from 
1825  to  1830;  Davis,  master  in  1825;  to  McC,  H,  &  Co. ;  paid  $308;  Fitch,  mas- 
ter 182G-0;  brought  artillery  in  1S2S;  John  A.  C.  Holmes,  master  in  1830; 
brought  convicts.     Possibly  2  vessels  of  same  name. 


148  MARITIME  AND  COMMERCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

Maria  Theresa,  Amor,  whaler,  291  tons;  Wm  Guilcost,  master;  at  S.  Fran. 
1820. 

Massachusetts,  Amer.  whaler,  343  tons,  21  men;  Seth  Calheart  (?),  master; 
at  S.  Fran.  Oct.  1S27. 

Mercury,  Amer.  whaler,  340  tons;  Wm  Austin,  master;  at  Sta  B.  Nov. 
1826. 

Mero,  Amer.  ship,  300  tons;  Barcelo  Juain  (?),  master;  doubtful  record 
at  Sta  B.  Nov.  182(5. 

Me  rope ,  Engl,  ship  from  Calcutta  and  China;  Espeleta,  sup. ;  at  S.  Fran. 
Sept.  1825. 

Minerva,  Amer.  whaler,  160  tons;  D.  Cornelio,  master;  at  Sta  B.  Oct. 
1828. 

Moor,  whaler  of  1826. 

Morelos  (formerly  8.  Carlos),  Mex.  transport;  Flaminio  Agazini,  com.;  at 
Mont,  and  S.  Fran.  1825. 

Xlle,  Amer.  brig;  Robert  Forbes,  master;  trouble  about  $600  duties  in 
1S25. 

Okhotsk,  Russ.  brig,  150  tons;  Dionisio  Zarembo,  master;  on  the  coast 
1827-8-9;  paid  $oo  and  $179;  in  trouble  for  having  transferred  cargo  to 
Kiakhta. 

Ollphant,  brig;  doubtful  record  as  having  loaded  at  Callao  for  Cal.  in  1827. 

Olive  Branch,  Engl,  brig,  204  tons,  13  men;  Wm  Henderson,  master; 
Jas  Scott,  sup.;  cons,  to  Mancisidor  from  Callao  for  hides  and  tallow;  win- 
tered 1826-7,  paying  $310. 

Orion,  Amer.  whaler,  350  tons,  22  men;  Alfon  Alfe  (?),  master;  at  Sta 
B.  Oct.,  1827,  from  Sandw.  Isl. 

Paraqon,  Amer.  whaler,  309  tons,  23  men;  Dav.  Edwards,  master;  at  S. 
Fran.  1826. 

Paraiso  (or  Paradise),  Hamburg  schr,  123  tons,  11  men;  Henry  Adams, 
master;  cons,  to  Mancisidor  in  1827;  paid  $3,907  and  $631. 

Peruvian,  Amer.  whaler,  331  tons,  22  men;  Alex.  Macy,  master;  at  S.  Fran. 
1S26. 

Plzarro,  Engl,  brig,  1825-6;  cons,  probably  to  McC,  H.,  &  Co.;  paid 
$4,712,  and  $523. 

Planet  (or  Plant),  Amer.  ship,  20S  tons,  20  men;  Jos  Steel  and  John 
Rutter,  masters,  1829-30. 

Plowboy,  Amer.  whaler,  Chadwick,  master;  at  S.  Fran.  1825. 

Pocahontas,  whaler,  309  tons,  in  182S. 

Pocahontas,  Amer.  ship,  21  men;  John  Bradshaw,  master;  Thos  Shaw, 
sup. ;  autumn  of  1830. 

Rascow,  whaler,  362  tons;  Geo.  Reed,  master,  1828. 

Recovery,  Engl,  whaler;  Wm  Fisher,  master;  at  8.  Fran.  1S25. 

Rosalia,  Amer.  ship,  323  tons;  Bruno  Colespedriguez  (?),  master;  at  S. 
Pedro,  Oct.   1829. 

Rover,  Cal.  schooner,  83  tons;  Cooper,  master;  Arguello,  owner;  made 
a  trip  to  China  and  back  1825-6,  and  then  sailed  for  Mex.  ports;  paid  $S12; 
left  $5,250  in  goods  at  S.  Diego.     (See  text.) 

Sachem,  Amer.  ship,  Bryant  &  Sturgis,  owners;  Wm  A.  Gale,  sup.;  on 
the  coast  from  1825  to  Jan.  1827,  when  she  sailed  for  Boston;  duties  as 
recorded  $489,  $2,063,  $232. 

Santa  Ajiolonia    (formerly   Eagle),    Mex.    schr;   Manuel   Bates,    master; 
ion  Sanehez,  sup.;    Urbano  Sanchez,   owner;    loaded   with  tallow  at  S. 
Luis  Obispo  in  Aug.  1826. 

Santa  Barb  ira,  schr.  built  in  Cal.  1S29  for  otter-hunting  and  coast  trade. 

Sta  Rosa,  doubtful  name  of  1825. 

Seringapatan,  East  Ind.  ship,  grounded  on  Blossom  Rock  in  1830  (per- 
haps an  error  in  date). 

Sirena,  vaguely  mentioned  as  having  brought  money  to  Cal.  in  1S26. 

Snow,  doubtful  record  of  1825. 

Solitude,  Amor,  ship,  or  Engl,  brig;  Jas  or  Chas  Anderson,  master, 
1826-8. 


MARINE  LIST  1825-30.  149 

Speedy,  Engl,  brig,  to  McC,  H.  &  Co.,  1826;  carried  .$20,997  of  tallow 
to  Callao. 

Spy,  Amer.  sclir,  75  tons,  accompanying  the  Sachem  and  offered  for  sale;* 
Geo.   Smith,  master;  on  the  coast   1825-7;   also  called  in  some  records  the 
Spray. 

Susana,  Engl,  ship;  Swain,  master;  in  Spence's  list  for  1829. 

Tamaahmaah,  Hawaiian  brig,  180  tons;  Itobt  J.  Elwell,  master  or  sup. 
in  1827;  John  Meek  in  1829.  . 

Tartar,  Amer.  schr;  Benj.  Morrell,  master;  on  the  coast  1825.  (See 
text  for  captain's  adventures  and  book.) 

Telemachus,  Amer.  brig;  Jas  Gillespie,  master;  from  the  Isl.  in  1828  for 
trade  and  repairs;  accused  of  smuggling. 

Tenieya,  Amer.  brig;  paid  $232  at  Sta-  B.  1827. 

Thomas  Nowlan,  Engl,  ship,  201  or  301  tons;  Wm  Clark,  master,  182G- 
7;  cons,  to  Mancisidor;  paid  $2,185  and  $2,199;  John  Wilson,  master,  1828- 
30;  paid  $858. 

Tiemechmach  (?),  Amer.  brig  from  N.  Y.;  John  Michi  (Meek  ?),  master, 
1825. 

Times,  Engl,  whaler,  407  tons;  Wm  Ross,  master;  at  Sta  B.  Oct.  1828. 

Timorelan,  Haw.  brig,  1G0  tons,  seal-hunter;  at  Sta  B.  Sept.  1826. 

Tomasa,  at  Sta  B.  1827,  paying  $1,570;  also  doubtful  record  of  1825. 

Trident,  Amer.  ship,  450  tons;  Felix  Estirten  (?),  master;  at  S.  Pedro  Oct. 
1829. 

Triton,  whaler,  300  tons,  1825-6;  Jean  Opham,  or  Ibre  Albet  (?),  masters. 
Perhaps  two  vessels. 

Verale,  Amer.  schr,  140  tons;  Wm  Deny,  master,   1828. 

Volunteer,  Amer.  bark,  126  or  226  tons;  Wm  S.  Hinkley,  master;  John 
C.  Jones,  owner;  from  Sandw.  Isl.  1829-30;  earned  Solis  and  other  prison- 
ers to  S.  Bias  in  1830;  paid  $4,054  at  S.  Fran. 

Vulture  (or  Buitre),  Engl,  brig,  101  tons;  Rich.  Barry,  master;  Virmond, 
owner;  from  Callao  1S28-9;  paid  $1,130. 

Warren,  Amer.  whaler;  Wm  Rice,  master,  1826;  also  Amer.  ship,  per- 
haps the  same,  at  Mont.  Dec.  1829. 

Washington,  Amer.  schr,  52  or  140  tons;  Robt  Elwell,  master  from  1828; 
A.  B.  Thompson,  sup.;  from  Sandw.  Isl.  1825-6-7-8-9  and  perhaps  1830; 
paid  $49,  $232,  $93;  carried  horses  to  Honolulu. 

Washington,  whaler,  317  tons;  Wm  Kelley,  master,  1826. 

Waverly,  Haw.  brig,  142  tons,  9  men,  40  kanaka  hunters;  Wm  G.  Dana, 
master,  1826;  carried  away  1,428  guilders,  2,000  Span,  dollars,  4  bars  silver,  138 
otter  skins,  212  seal  skins;  Robbins,  master,  1827-8;  John  Temple,  passenger, 
1827,  from  Islands;  in  1829  carried  horses  to  Honolulu. 

Whaleman,  schr;  at  S.  Fran,  winter  of  1825-6;  perhaps  a  whaler.  Writ- 
ten also  Guelman. 

Whaleman,  brig,  316  tons;  Jos.  Paddock,  master;  from  Society  Isl.  1830. 

Wilmantic,  Amer.  whaler,  384  tons;  Juan  Bois,  master,  1828. 

Wilmington,  Amer.  ship,  364  tons;  John  Bon,  master;  at  S.  Pedro  Oct. 
1829.     (Probably  same  as  preceding.) 

Young  Tartar  (or  J6ven  Tartar),  Engl,  schr,  95  tons;  John  Brown  (?), 
master,  1826-7  (possibly  1825);  paid  $580;  cargo  insured  in  London  1827 
for  £4,000. 

Zamora,  Wm  Sumner,  master. 

My  authorities  for  the  items  of  this  list  are  more  than  1,000  in  number, 
chiefly  in  manuscript  records.  As  each  vessel  would  require  a  mention  of 
from  1  to  20  titles,  it  is  not  practicable  to  give  the  references  separately;  and 
in  a  group  for  all  maritime  affairs  they  would  be  of  little  practical  value; 
therefore  I  omit  them,  though  I  have  the  prepared  list  before  me.  The  most 
important  have  been  named  in  the  notes  of  this  chapter. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

OVERLAND— SMITH  AND  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS 

1826-1830. 

The  Eastern  Frontier — The  Trappers — First  Visitors  by  the  Over- 
land Route — Jedediah  Smith,  1826-8 — Errors  Corrected — Original 
Documents — The  Sierra  Nevada  Crossed  and  Re-crossed— First 
Entry  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company — McLeod  and  Ogden — Pat- 
tie's  Visit  and  Imprisonment,  1828-30 — Flint's  Narrative — Truth 
and  Fiction — A  Tour  of  Vaccination — 'Peg-leg'  Smith — Trapping 
License  of  Exter  and  Wilson — Vaca  from  New  Mexico — Ewing 
Young  and  his  Hunters  from  New  Mexico — Foreign  Residents — 
Annual  Lists  of  New-comers — Regulations  on  Passports  and  Nat- 
uralization. 

For  forty  years  California  had  been  visited  with 
increasing  frequency  by  foreigners,  that  is,  by  men 
whose  blood  was  neither  Indian  nor  Spanish.  Eng- 
land, the  United  States,  Russia,  and  France  were 
the  nations  chiefly  represented  among  the  visitors, 
some  of  whom  came  to  stay,  and  to  all  of  whom  in 
the  order  of  their  coming  I  have  devoted  some  atten- 
tion  in  the  annals  of  the  respective  years.  All  had 
come  from  the  south,  or  west,  or  north  by  the  broad 
highway  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  bounding  the  territory 
on  the  west  and  leading  to  within  a  few  miles  of  the 
most  inland  Spanish  establishments.  The  inland  boun- 
dary— an  arc  whose  extremities  touch  the  coast  at  San 
Diego  and  at  4'J°,  an  arc  for  the  most  part  of  sierras 
nevadas  so  far  as  could  be  seen,  with  a  zone  of  desert 
beyond  as  yet  unknown — had  never  yet  been  crossed 
by  man  of  foreign  race,  nor  trod,  if  wTe  except  the 

(150  J 


WESTWARD  MOVEMENT.  151 

southern  segment  cut  by  a  line  from  San  Gabriel  to 
Mojave,  by  other  than  aboriginal  feet.1 

Meanwhile  a  grand  advance  movement  from  the 
Atlantic  westward  to  the  Mississippi,  to  the  plains,  to 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  into  the  Great  Basin  had 
been  gradually  made  by  the  fur-hunting  pioneers  of 
the  broad  interior — struorodirw  onward  from  vear  to 
year  against  obstacles  incomparably  greater  than 
those  presented  by  the  gales  and  scurvy  of  the 
Pacific.  If  I  were  writing  the  history  of  California 
alone,  it  would  be  appropriate  and  probably  necessary 
to  present  here,  en  resume  at  least,  the  general  move- 
ment to  which  I  have  alluded,  embodying  the  annals 
of  the  various  fur  companies.  But  the  centre  of  the 
fur  trade  was  much  farther  north,  and  its  annals  can- 
not be  profitably  separated  from  the  history  of  the 
North-west.  For  this  reason — bearing  in  mind  also 
those  portions  of  my  work  relating  locally  to  Idaho, 
Montana,  Nevada,  Utah,  New  Mexico,  and  Arizona 
— I  feel  justified  in  referring  the  reader  for  the  gen- 
eral exploration  westward  to  other  chapters  of  other 
volumes,  and  in  confining  my  record  here  to  such 
expeditions  as  directly  affect  Californian  territory. 

These  beofan  in  1826,  when  the  inland  barrier  of 
mountain  and  desert  was  first  passed,  and  from  that 
date  the  influx  of  foreigners  by  overland  routes  be- 
comes a  topic  of  ever  growing  importance.  It  is  well,, 
however,  to  understand  at  the  outset,  that  respecting 
the  movements  of  the  trappers  no  record  of  even  tolera- 
ble completeness  exists,  or  could  be  expected  to  exist. 
After  1826  an  army  of  hunters,  increasing  from  hun- 
dreds   to    thousands,    frequented    the    fur-producing 

1  A  few  English  and  American  deserters,  leaving  their  vessels  at  Todos 
Santos  or  thereabouts,  had  on  two  or  three  occasions  been  sent  across  the 
frontier  to  S.  Diego,  forming  an  exception  of  little  importance  to  my  general 
statement.  Another  exception  of  somewhat  greater  weight  rests  in  the  possi- 
bility that  trappers  may  have  crossed  the  northern  frontier  before  1S20.  It 
is  not  improbable  that  Hudson's  Bay  Company  men  may  have  done  so  from 
the  Willamette  Valley  on  one  or  more  occasions,  though  there  is  no  more 
definite  record  than  the  rumor  of  1820-1,  that  foreign  hunters  were  present 
in  the  north,  and  the  newspaper  report  of  McKay's  presence  in  Siskiyou  in. 
1825. 


152  OVERLAND— SMITH  AND  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

streams  of  the  interior,  and  even  the  valleys  of  Cali- 
fornia, flitting  hither  and  thither,  individuals  and 
parties  large  or  small  according  to  the  disposition  of 
the  natives,  wandering  without  other  motive  than  the 
hope  of  more  abundant  game,  well  acquainted  with  the 
country,  as  is  the  wont  of  trappers,  but  making  no 
maps  and  keeping  no  diaries.  Occasionally  they 
came  in  contact  with  civilization  east  or  west,  and 
left  a  trace  in  the  archives;  sometimes  a  famous  trap- 
per and  Indian-fighter  was  lucky  enough  to  fall  in 
with  a  writer  to  put  his  fame  and  life  in  print;  some 
of  them  lived  later  among  the  border  settlers,  and 
their  tales  of  wild  adventure,  passing  not  without 
modification  through  many  hands,  found  their  way 
into  newspaper  print.  Some  of  them  still  live  to  re- 
late their  memories  to  me  and  others,  sometimes  truly 
and  accurately,  sometimes  confusedly,  and  sometimes 
falsely,  as  is  the  custom  of  trappers  like  other  men. 
I  make  no  claim  of  ability  to  weave  continuity  from 
fragments,  bring  order  from  chaos,  distinguish  in  every 
instance  truth  from  falsehood,  or  build  up  a  narrative 
without  data;  nevertheless,  I  proceed  with  confidence 
to  write  in  this  chapter  and  others  of  the  men  who 
came  to  California  overland  from  the  east. 

Jedediah  S.  Smith  was  the  first  man  who  made  the 
trip.  From  a  post  of  the  fur  company  established  at 
or  near  Great  Salt  Lake  a  year  or  two  earlier,2  Smith 
started  in  August  182G  for  the  south-west  with  fif- 
teen men,  intent  rather  on  explorations  for  future 
work  than  on  present  trapping.3    Crossing  Utah  Lake, 

2  Smith  was  associated  with  Jackson  and  Sublette,  and  the  post  had  been 
established  by  W.  H.  Ashley. 

8  Smith,  Excursion  a  I'ouest  ties  Monts  Rocky.  Extrait  cVune  lettre  de  M. 
Jedidiah  Smith,  employe  dc  la  Compagnie  des  Pelleteries,  in  Xouv.  Ann.  des 
Voy..  xxxvii.  208-12.  Taken  from  an  American  paper.  The  news — perhaps 
the  paper,  but  certainly  not  Smith's  letter  as  might  seem  from  the  transla- 
tion—was dated  St.  Louis  Oct.  11,  1827.  This  brief  letter,  in  which  very 
likely  wild  work  is  made  with  names  in  the  printing  and  translation,  is  in 
connection  with  the  correspondence  preserved  in  the  archives,  the  best  au- 
thority on  the  subject.  The  general  accounts  extant  are  full  of  errors,  though 
each  purports  to  correct  errors  previously  made.     Warner,  Reminiscences,  MS., 


-JEDEDIAII  SMITH.  153 

he  seems  to  have  passed  in  a  general  south-westerly 
course  to  the  junction  of  the  Virgin  River  and  Colo- 

21-9,  errs  chiefly  in  dates  and  order  of  events.  He  makes  Smith  start  in 
1824  and  lead  a  party  of  hunters  through  the  Green  River  country,  south  of 
Salt  Lake,  over  the  Sierra  Nevada  near  Walker  Pass,  into  the  Tulare  Val- 
ley. In  June  1825,  leaving  his  men  bn  the  American  Fork — whence  the 
name — he  re-crossed  the  sierra  with  two  men.  Starting  back  for  California 
in  the  autumn  of  1825  by  a  more  southern  route,  he  was  attacked  by  the  Mo- 
javes  while  crossing  the  Colorado,  and  lost  all  his  men  but  2  or  3,  with  whom 
he  reached  S.  Gabriel  late  in  1826.  The  author  of  Cronise's  Natural  Wealth 
of  Cal.,  after  being  at  much  trouble  to  unravel  the  various  stories,  'gathered 
the  following  particulars  from  those  who  knew  Smith  personally,  and  from 
documents  in  the  state  archives:'  'In  the  spring  of  1825,  Smith,  with  a  party 
of  40  trappers  and  Indians,  left  their  rendezvous  on  Green  River  near  the 
South  Pass,  and  pushed  their  way  westward,  crossing  the  Sierra  Nevada  into 
the  Tulare  Valley,  which  they  reached  in  July  1825.  The  party  trapped 
from  the  Tulare  to  the  American  fork  of  the  Sacramento,  where  there  was  al- 
ready a  camp  of  American  trappers  (?).  Smith  camped  near  the  site  of  the 
present  town  of  Folsom,  about  22  miles  north-east  of  the  other  party.  From 
this  camp  Smith  sent  out  parties,  which  were  so  successful  that  in  October, 
leaving  all  the  others  in  California,  in  company  with  2  of  the  party,  he  returned 
to  his  rendezvous  on  Green  River-with  several  bales  of  skins.  In  May  1823 
Smith  was  sent  back  with  a  reenforcement.  On  this  trip  he  led  his  party 
farther  south  than  on  the  former  one,  which  brought  them  into  the  Mojaves' 
settlements  on  the  Colorado,  where  all  the  party  except  Smith,  Galbraith,  and 
Turner  were  killed  by  the  Indians.  These  three  made  their  way  to  S.  Ga- 
briel on  Dec.  2G,  1820,  where  they  were  arrested,'  etc.  Cronisealso  publishes 
a  translation  of  2  documents  from  the  archives,  of  which  more  later. 

Thomas  Sprague,  in  a  letter  of  Sept.  18,  1860,  to  Edmund  Randolph,  pub- 
lished in  Hutching^  Mag.,  v.  351-2,  and  also  in  the  S.  F.  Bulletin,  states  that 
Smith,  starting  from  Green  River  in  1825,  reached  and  went  down  the  Hum- 
boldt River,  which  he  named  Mary  River  from  his  Indian  wife,  crossed  the 
mountains  probably  near  the  head  of  the  Truckee,  and  passed  on  down  the 
valley  to  S.  Jos6  and  S.  Diego.  Recruiting  his  men  and  buying  many  horses, 
he  re-crossed  the  mountains  near  Walker  Pass,  skirted  the  eastern  base  to 
near  Mono  Lake,  and  on  a  straight  north-east  course  for  Salt  Lake  foiind 
placer  gold  in  large  quantities.  He  was  ordered  to  return  and  prospect  the 
gold  fields  on  his  way  back  from  California,  but  near  the  gold  mines  he  was 
killed  with  most  of  his  party. 

Robert  Lyon  furnished  to  Angel,  author  of  the  Nevada  Hist.,  20  et  seq., 
a  version  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  Sprague,  including  the  discovery  of 
coarse  placer  gold  near  Mono  Lake.  His  account  seems  to  rest  on  the  testi- 
mony, in  1860,  of  Rocky  Mountain  Jack  and  Bill  Reed,  who  claimed  to  have 
been  companions  of  Smith. 

An  'associate  of  the  daring  pioneer '  corrected  prevailing  errors  as  follows 
in  the  8.  F.  Times,  June  14,  1867:  'He  came  into  California  in  1827,  with 
a  trapping  party  from  the  rendezvous  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  Fur  Company, 
on  the  Yellowstone  River.  He  left  his  party  on  the  American  fork  of  the 
Sacramento  in  the  summer  of  that  year,  and  with  two  men  returned  to  the 
rendezvous,  where  he  fitted  out  a  new  party  and  returned  in  1828  to  the 
American,  where  the  two  parties  were  combined,  and  moving  northwardly, 
he  reached  the  Umpqua  River,'  etc. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  all  these  versions  have  the  double  trip  and  some 
other  points  in  common,  and  that  the  confusion  is  largely  removed  by  the 
original  authorities,  on  which  I  found  my  text.  Randolph,  Oration,  313-14, 
translating  Smith's  letter  to  P.  Duran,  and  Tu thill,  Hist.  Cal.,  124-5,  as  well 
as  Frignet,  La  Calif ornie,  58-60,  mention  Smith's  arrival  in  1826  in  so  gen- 
eral a  manner  as  to  avoid  serious  error.     The  same  may  be  said  of  Douglas, 


154  OVERLAND— SMITH  AND  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

rado,  down  to  the  Mojave  villages,  and  westward 
across  the  desert  to  San  Gabriel.4 

The  Amajabes  on  the  Colorado  treated  the  party 
well,  furnishing  fresh  provisions,  and  horses  stolen  from 
the  Spaniards,  and  two  wandering  neophytes  guided 
the  sixteen  Americans  over  the  desert  to  the  mission, 
where  they  arrived  in  December.  The  trappers  gave 
up  their  arms,  and  the  leader  was  taken  to  San  Diego, 
where  he  explained  his  object,  and  submitted  to  Gov- 
ernor Echeandfa  his  papers,  including  passports  from 
the  U.  S.  government,  and  a  diary.  The  coming  of 
the  strangers  naturally  excited  suspicion  at  first;  but 
this  was  removed  by  Smith's  plea  that  he  had  been 
compelled  to  enter  the  territory  for  want  of  provisions 
and  water,  it  being  impossible  to  return  by  the  same 
route;  and  his  cause  was  still  further  strengthened  by 
a  certificate  of  Dana,  Cunningham,  and  other  Amer- 
icans, that  the  trapper's  papers  were  all  en  regie,  and 
his  motives  doubtless  pacific  and  honorable.5  He  was 
therefore  permitted  to  purchase  supplies,  and  under- 
take his  eastward  march  by  a  new  route;  but  not,  as 

Private  Papers,  MS.,  2d  series,  p.  1,  Victor,  River  of  the  West,  34,  andHines, 
Voyage,  110,  though  these  writers  speak  with  reference  to  later  events  in 
Oregon,  and  derived  their  information  from  distinct  sources.  The  Yolo  Co. 
JJist.,  S.  Joaq.  Co.  Hist.,  and  other  like  works  describe  Smith's  adventures, 
in  some  cases  as  accurately  as  was  possibly  from  accessible  data,  still  with 
various  combinations  of  the  errors  already  noted. 

4  The  details  of  the  route  are  worth  preservation  briefly,  though  not  clear 
in  all  respects.  Started  Aug.  22d  from  Salt  Lake,  crossed  the  little  Uta  Lake, 
went  up  the  Ashley,  which  flows  into  that  lake  through  the  country  of  the  Sum- 
patch  Indians,  crossed  a  range  of  mountains  extending  s.  E.  to  N.  w.,  crossed 
a  river  which  he  named  Adams  for  the  president,  and  which  flowed  s.  w.  Ten 
days'  march  to  the  Adams  again,  which  had  turned  s.  e.  (This  is  not  clear; 
the  text  says,  'a  dix  journdes  do  marche  l'Adams  River  tourne  an  s.'E.,  il  y  a 
la  une  caverne,'  etc.  Query — Did  Smith  pass  from  the  Sevier  to  the  Virgin, 
and  suppose  them  to  be  one  stream  ?)  Two  days  down  the  Adams  to  its  junc- 
tion with  the  Seeds- Keeder,  a  river  with  many  shallows  and  rapids,  and  hav- 
ing a  sterile  country  on  the  south;  farther  to  a  fertile  wooded  valley  inhabited 
by  the  Ammucheebes  (Amajabes,  or  Mojaves),  where  he  remained  15  days. 
This  was  80  miles  above  where  the  Seeds-Keeder,  under  the  name  of  Rio  Col- 
orado, (lowed  into  the  gulf  of  California.  Re-crossing  the  Seeds-Keeder,  he 
went  15  days  west  into  a  desert  country,  and  across  a  salt  plain  8  by  20  miles. 
Here  the  details  cease  abruptly,  and  he  next  speaks  of  his  arrival  in  Upper 
California. 

5  Dated  at  S.  Diego  Dec.  20,  1S2G,  and  signed  by  Wm  G.  Dana,  Wm  H. 
Cunningham,  Wm  Henderson,  Diego  Scott,  Thomas  M.  Robbins,  and  Thomas 
Shaw,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  M.S.,  ii.  19-20.  An  English  translation  has  bean 
published  in  several  works. 


SMITH  IN"  CALIFORNIA.  155 

lie  wished,  to  follow  the  coast  up  to  the  Columbia  via 
Bodega.6 

The  Californians  supposed  for  a  month  that  they 
were  rid  of  their  overland  guests;  but  at  the  begin- 
ning of  February  1827  some  of  them  were  seen  at 
different  places,  particularly  near  San  Bernardino, 
where  Smith  appeared  on  the  2d  of  February.  There 
he  left  a  sick  man,  and  thence  he  seems  to  have  sent 
a  letter  to  Padre  Sanchez  by'  one  of  his  men.  The 
letter,  as  translated  at  the  time,  stated  as  the  reason 
for  return  that  the  trappers  in  crossing  a  stream  had 
been  attacked  by  Indians,  who  killed  eight  of  their 
number  and  stripped  them  of  everything  but  their 
clothes — a  statement  that  would  seem  to  be  false, 
though  Smith  bore  the  reputation  of  truthfulness.7 
At  any  rate,  the  trappers  had  tried  without  success 
to  cross  tjie  Sierra,  and  were  reported  to  be  in  a  desti- 
tute condition.  The  two  men  to  whom  I  have  re- 
ferred were,  I  suppose,  Isaac  Galbraith  and  Joaquin 
Bowman,  who  were  detained  at  the  time  for  examina- 
tion, and  who  remained  in  the  territory.  Orders  were 
issued  to  detain  the  whole  party,  but  Smith  had  left 
San  Bernardino  before  the  orders  could  be  executed.8 

6  Dec.  39,  1826.  Echeand fa  reports  Smith's  arrival  with  14  companions, 
40  beaver  skins,  and  many  traps;  also  his  visit  to  S.  Diego  and  his  apparent 
good  faith.  St.  Pap.,  Site,  MS.,  xix.  37-8.  He  enclosed  Smith's  diary  to  the 
minister  of  war,  and  it  may  come  to  light  some  day.  Smith  himself,  Excur- 
sion, 210,  says:  '  Mon  arrivee  dans  la  Haute-Californie  excita  les  soupcons  du 
gouverneur,  qui  demeurait  a  San  Diego.  II  me  fit  conduire  devant  lui;  mais 
plusieurs  citoyens  des  Etats-Unis,  notamment  M.  Cunningham,  capitainc  du 
Courrier  de  Boston,  ayant  repondu  de  moi,  j'obtins  la  permission  de  rctour- 
ner  avec  ma  suite,  ct  d'acheter  des  provisions;  mais  le  gouverneur  refusa  de 
me  laisser  cotoyer  la  mer  en  allant  vers  la  Bodega.1 

7  The  letter  is  not  extant,  and  its  purport  only  is  given  in  one  of  Argucllo'3 
letters  to  the  governor.  It  is  possible  that  there  is  an  error  somewhere,  and 
that  Smith  in  the  original  letter  spoke  of  a  fight  in  which  he  killed  8  Indians, 
especially  as  2  women  are  also  said  to  have  been  killed.  Smith  himself,  Excur- 
sion, p.  211,  gives  no  details  nor  even  mention  of  having  come  in  contact  with 
the  Spaniards  at  this  time.  He  says,  in  continuation  of  quotation  of  note  G, 
'I  marched  therefore  E.  and  then  N.  e.  (from  S.  Gabriel  or  S.  Diego),  keeping 
at  a  distance  of  150  to  200  miles  from  the  coast.  I  went  nearly  300  miles  in 
that  direction,'  through  some  fertile  regions  peopled  by  many  naked  Indians, 
and  'having  reached  a  river  which  I  named  Kimmel-ch6  from  the  tribe  living 
on  its  banks.  I  found  beavers,  etc.  Here  I  remained  some  days;  I  intended 
to  return  to  Salt  Lake  by  crossing  Mount  Joseph;  but  the  snow  was  so  deep 
on  the  heights  that  my  horses,  5  of  which  had  died  of  hunger,  could  not  ad- 
vance.    I  was  therefore  obliged  to  re-descend  into  the  valley.' 

8 Letters  of  Santiago  Argucllo  to  comandante  of  S.  Diego  and  to  gov.,  with 


136  OVERLAND-SMITH  AXD  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

When  next  heard  of  in  May,  Smith  had  moved 
northward  and  was  encamped  in  the  country  of  the 
Moquelumnes  and  Cosumnes.  Padre  Duran,  of 
Mission  San  Jose,  accused  the  Americans  of  having 
enticed  his  neophytes  to  desert,  but  Comandante 
Martinez  pronounced  the  charge  groundless.9  New 
communications  and  orders  to  investigate  passed  be- 
tween the  authorities;  and  a  letter  came  to  Padre 
Duran  from  Smith  himself,  bearing  date  of  May  19th. 
It  was  a  frank  statement  of  his  identity  and  situation, 
of  his  failures  to  cross  the  mountains,  and  of  the  ne- 
cessity of  waiting  for  the  snow  to  melt.  He  was  far 
from  home,  destitute  of  clothing  and  all  the  neces- 
saries of  life,  save  only  game  for  food.  He  was  par- 
ticularly in  need  of  horses;  in  fact,  he  wTas  very 
disagreeably  situated,  but  yet,  "though  a  foreigner 
unknown  to  you,  Reverend  Father,  your  true  friend 
and  Christian  brother,  J.  S.  Smith."10 

The  next  day  after  writing  this  letter  Smith  started 

references  to  replies  and  other  communications,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii. 
33-7.  Mention  of  Galbraith  (Gil  Brest)  and  the  'sick  man'  in  Dept.  Hec, 
MS.,  v.  89,  115,  also  of  Galbraith  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  16-17.  Bow- 
man is  mentioned  as  one  of  Smith's  men  in  Los  Angeles,  Hist.,  19,  by  Mr 
Warner,  and  there  may  be  some  mistake.  The  sick  man  may  possibly  have 
been  John  Wilson,  who  was  in  custody  in  May  as  one  of  Smith's  men.  Dept. 
Bee,  MS.,  v.  45;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  29,  33.  Cronise  calls  Gal- 
braith's  companion  Turner. 

9May  16,  1827,  Duran  to  com.  of  S.  Francisco.  400  neophytes  have  been  in- 
duced to  run  away.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  2?.  May  18th,  gov.  orders  Mar- 
tinez not  to  rely  wholly  on  reports  of  the  Indians,  but  to  send  out  scouts  to  learn 
who  are  the  strangers  and  what  their  business;  also  to  demand  their  passports 
and  detain  them  until  further  orders.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  v.  45.  On  same  date 
Rocha  is  ordered  to  institute  proceedings  against  John  Wilson,  and  take  depo- 
sition of  Daniel  Ferguson,  with  a  view  to  lind  out  the  aims  of  the  strangers. 
/(/.  May  21st,  Martinez  front  S.  Jose  to  gov.  The  Americans  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  flight  of  the  neophytes.  Sergt  Soto  has  been  ordered  to  investi- 
gate, find  out  what  gente  it  is,  not  allow  them  to  approach  the  missions,  treat 
them  courteously,  etc.  A  letter  has  been  received  from  Smith  to  Duran, 
which  the  latter  would  not  receive,  but  which  Martinez  had  had  translated 
and  sent  to  Monterey  for  Hartnell  to  retranslate.  The  Indians  say  that  there 
are  12  of  the  strangers,  the  same  who  were  at  S.  Gabriel,  and  they  had  killed 
5  Moquelumnes  in  a  fight.  John  "Wilson,  a  prisoner  at  Monterey,  has  appar- 
ently not  been  missed,  and  he  says  something  of  the  party  having  come  from 
Boston  in  18  months  to  make  surveys  and  buy  lands  of  the  natives  (?).  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  28-33. 

10  May  19,  1827,  Spanish  translation  of  Smith's  letter,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  ii.  18-19.  English  version,  in  Randolph's  Oration,  313-14;  and  other 
works.     French  version,  in  Frignet,  La  CaL,  58-GO. 


FIRST  CROSSING  OF  THE  SIERRA  IN  1827.  157 

homeward  with  but  two  companions.  This  was  the 
first  crossing  of  the  Sierra  Nevada,  and  the  traveller's 
narrative,  though  brief  and  meagre,  must  be  presented 
in  his  own  words.  "On  May  20,  1827,"  he  writes, 
"with  two  men,  seven  horses,  and  two  mules  laden 
with  hay  and  food,  I  started  from  the  valley.  In 
eight  days  we  crossed  Mount  Joseph,  losing  on  this 
passage  two  horses  and  one  mule.  At  the  summit  of 
the  mountain  the  snow  was  from  four  to  eight  feet 
deep,  and  so  hard  that  the  horses  sank  only  a  few 
inches.  After  a  march  of  twenty  days  eastward  from 
Mount  Joseph,  I  reached  the  south-west  corner  of 
the  Great  Salt  Lake.  The  country  separating  it  from 
the  mountains  is  arid  and  without  game.  Often  we 
had  no  water  for  two  days  at  a  time;  we  saw  but  a 
plain  without  the  slightest  trace  of  vegetation.  Farther 
on  I  found  rocky  hills  with  springs,  then  hordes  of 
Indians,  who  seemed  to  us  the  most  miserable  beings 
imaginable.  When  we  reached  the  Great  Salt  Lake 
we  had  left  only  one  horse  and  one  mule,  so  exhausted 
that  they  could  hardly  carry  our  slight  luggage.  We 
had  been  forced  to  eat  the  horses  that  had  succumbed."11 
There  are  no  means  of  knowing  anything  about  his 
route;  but  I  think  he  is  as  likely  to  have  crossed  the 
mountains  near  the  present  railroad  line  as  elsewhere.12 
Smith  returned  from  Salt  Lake  to  California  with 
eight  men,  arriving  probably  in   October  1827,  but 

11  Smith,  Excursion,  211-12.  With  the  quotation  given,  the  letter  ends 
abruptly. 

12  Still  it  is  not  impossible  or  unlikely  that  in  this  trip  or  on  the  return 
Smith  went  through  Walker  Pass,  as  Warner  and  others  say,  or  followed  the 
Humboldt  or  Mary,  as  Sprague  tells  us;  but  the  gold  discovery  on  the  way  as 
related  by  Sprague  merits  no  consideration,  in  the  absence  of  other  evidence 
and  the  presence  of  evident  absurdities.  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  Warner  de- 
scribes this  crossing  of  the  sierra  by  Smith  and  two  men  accurately  enough, 
except  in  date;  and  I  think  it  probable  that  he  has  reversed  the  order  of  the 
two  entries  to  California,  the  first  being  by  Mojave  in  1826,  and  the  second 
by  Walker  Pass  in  1827.  On  Wilkes'  map  of  1841,  reproduced  in  vol.  iv.  of 
this  work,  Smith's  route  is  indicated,  on  what  authority  is  not  stated,  by  a 
line  extending  s.  w.  from  Salt  Lake,  and  approaching  the  sierra  on  the  39th 
parallel,  with  a  lake  on  the  line  in  long.  119°,  and  three  streams  running  isr. 
between  the  lake  and  mountains.  A  peak  in  the  sierra  just  N.  of  393  is  called 
Mt  Smith;  and  Mt  Joseph  is  at  the  northern  end  of  the  range  in  lat.  41°. 
This  may  all  rest  on  accurate  reports. 


15S  0VERLAXD— SMITH  AND  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

about  the  route  followed  or  incidents  of  the  trip  noth- 
ing is  known.  The  Californians  apparently  knew 
nothing  of  the  leader's  separation  from  his  company, 
though  the  record  of  what  occurred  during  his  absence 
is  meagre.  On  May  23d  Echeandia  issued  instruc- 
tions, by  virtue  of  which  the  fur-hunter  was  to  be 
informed  that  his  actions  had  become  suspicious,  and 
that  he  must  either  start  homeward  at  once,  come  to 
San  Jose  to  enjoy  the  hospitality  of  California  under 
surveillance  until  the  supreme  government  could  de- 
cide, or  sail  on  the  first  vessel  that  could  carry  him 
beyond  latitude  42°.13  According  to  fragmentary 
records  in  the  archives,  it  was  supposed  early  in 
August  that  the  strangers  had  gone.  In  September 
it  was  known  that  they  were  still  present,  and  in 
October  several  orders  were  issued  that  they  be 
brought  to  San  Jose.  It  is  not  clear  that  any  were 
thus  brought  in,14  but  it  would  seem  that  on  Smith's 
return  from  the  east  late  in  October,  he  soon  came, 
voluntarily  or  otherwise,  to  San  Jose  and  Monterey 
with  seventeen  or  eighteen  companions.15 

The  12th  of  November  Captain  Cooper  at  Mon- 
terey signed  a  bond  in  favor  of  his  countryman.  As 
the  agent  of  Steel,  Park,  and  others,  and  in  the  name 
of  the  United  States,  Cooper  became  responsible  with 
his  person  and  property  for  the  good  behavior  of  Jed- 

13  May  23,  1827,  Echeandia  to  Martinez.  Dept.  Pee.,  MS.,  v.  48. 

11  Gov. 's  orders  of  Aug.  3d,  Sept.  14th,  Oct.  1st,  16th,  in  Dept.  Pec.,  MS., 
v.  73,  88,  94,  102.  Bojorges,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  12-14,  the  only  one  of  my  Cali- 
fornian  writers  who  mentions  this  affair  at  all,  says  that  Soto  was  sent  out 
with  40  men  to  the  Rio  Estanislao,  and  brought  in  all  the  trappers  to  S. 
Francisco.  As  such  orders  had  been  issued,  this  is  likely  enough  to  be  true, 
though  perhaps  it  took  place  after  Smith's  return.  Oct.  8th,  Isaac  Galbraith 
asks  for  an  interview  with  Echeandia,  wishing  a  license  cither  to  remain  in 
the  country  or  to  rejoin  his  leader.  He  also  corrects  an  impression  that  Smith 
is  a  captain  of  troop?,  stating  that  he  is  but  a  hunter  of  the  company  of  Smith, 
Jackson,  and  Sublette.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  30-7. 

ljThc  Spanish  records  make  the  number  17,  which  is  probably  accurate, 
though  records  of  a  later  event  in  Oregon  speak  of  18.  Morineau,  Notice,  MS. , 
153-4,  says  that  in  October  1827  a  caravan  of  17  voyageurs  arrived  at  S. 
Francisco  from  New  Orleans.  They  sold  some  furs  to  a  Russian  vessel, 
bought  horses,  and  returned  by  the  same  way  they  came.  Carrillo,  Exposi- , 
cion,  MS.,  9,  says  that  in  1827  one  of  the  hunters  passed  through  the  country 
with  GO  men,  reached  the  house  of  the  comandante  general,  made  plans,  etc., 
and  went  away  unmolested ! 


DEPARTURE  OF  THE  TRAPPERS.  159 

ediah  Smith  in  all  that  concerned  his  return  to  Salt 
Lake.  In  the  document  it  was  set  forth  that  Smith 
and  his  men,  as  honorable  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
were  to  be  treated  as  friends,  and  furnished  at  fair 
prices  with  the  aid  in  arms,  horses,  and  provisions 
necessary  for  the  return  march  by  way  of  Mission  San 
Jose,  Strait  of  Carquines,  and  Bodega;  but  there  was 
to  be  no  unnecessary  delay  en  route,  and  in  future  they 
must  not  visit  the  coast  south  of  latitude  42°,  nor  ex- 
tend their  inland  operations  farther  than  specifically 
allowed  by  the  latest  treaties.  To  this  bond  Eche- 
andia  attached  his  written  permission  for  Smith  and  his 
company  to  return,  with  one  hundred  mules,  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  horses,  a  gun  for  each  man,  and  divers 
bales  of  provisions  and  other  effects  which  are  named.16 
Echeandia  issued  orders  for  a  guard  of  ten  men  to 
escort  the  trappers  to  a  point  a  little  beyond  San 
Francisco  Solano,  starting  from  San  Jose;17  but  a 
slight  change  must  have  been  made  in  the  plan,  for 
on  the  18th  the  whole  company  arrived  at  San  Fran- 
cisco on  the  Franklin  from  Monterey. 1S  This  is  really 
the  last  that  is  known  of  Smith  in  California,  where 
four  and  perhaps  five  men  of  his  party  remained,  be- 
sides Turner  who  came  back  later.  I  have  accredited 
these  men  to  the  year  1826,  though  some  of  them 
probably  came  in  the  second  party  of  1827.  The 
party  doubtless  left  San  Francisco  at  the  end  of  the 
year  or  early  in  1828,  and  proceeded  somewhat  lei- 
surely northward,  probably  by  a  coast  route  as  in- 
tended,19 and  not  without  some  new  misconduct,  or 
what  was  vaguely  alluded  to  as  such  by  the  authori- 

16I  have,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxix.  171,  the  orginal  of  this  interesting 
document  kept  by  Cooper.  Three  copies  were  made,  one  sent  to  Mexico,  one 
kept  in  the  archives,  and  one  given  to  Smith.  It  is  written  on  paper  provi- 
sionally 'habilitated' by  the  autographs  of  Herreraand  Echeandia.  bears  a 
certificate  of  Jose  Estrada,  is  signed  John  Ba  R.  Cooper.  Then  follows  the 
autograph  of  the  hunter.  'I  acknowledge  this  bond,  Jedediah  S.  Smith,' 
and  closes  with  Echeandia's  pass. 

17  Nov.  loth,  E.  to  com.  of  S.  Francisco.  Dept.  7?ec.,MS.  v.  107.  Louis 
Pombert,  a  French  Canadian,  left  Smith's  party  about  this  time  and  remained 
in  the  country.   Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  25-8. 

18  Argiiello  to  gov.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  45. 

10  Bojorges,  Iiecuerdos,  MS.,  14,  says  he  left  S.  Francisco  by  water  on  an 


ICO  OVERLAND— SMITH  AXD  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

ties.20  While  attempting  to  ford  the  Umpqua  Biver 
he  was  attacked  by  Indians,  who  killed  fifteen  of  the 
company  and  took  all  their  property.  Smith,  Tur- 
ner, and  two  others21  escaped  to  Fort  Vancouver. 
McLoughlin  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  sent  back 
a  party  with  one  of  the  survivors  to  recover  the  lost 
effects,  in  which  they  are  said  to  have  been  success- 
ful. Jedediah  Smith  returned  eastward  by  a  north- 
ern route  in  1829,  and  two  years  later  he  was  killed 
by  the  Indians  in  New  Mexico.  I  append  part  of  a 
map  of  1826  purporting  to  show  'all  the  recent  geo- 
graphical discoveries'  to  that  date. 

An  important  topic,  perhaps  connected  indirectly 
with  Jedediah  Smith's  visit,  is  the  first  operations  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  trappers  in  California. 
Respecting  these  operations  before  1830,  I  have  no 
original  and  definite  information,  except  that  con- 
tained in  the  statement  of  J.  J.  Warner,  himself  an  old 
trapper,  still  living  in  1884,  and  an  excellent  authority 
on  all  connected  with  the  earliest  American  pioneers, 
although  he  did  not  himself  reach  California  until 
the  beirinninof  of  the  next  decade.22     Warner  states 

American  vessel.  It  is  possible,  but  not  I  think  probable,  that  such  was  the 
case,  one  of  the  vessels  being  chartered  to  take  him  up  the  coast  to  or  beyond 
Bodega.  Warner  says  Smith  started  up  the  interior  valley,  but  on  ac- 
count of  difficulties  in  the  way,  turned  to  the  coast  200  miles  above  Ross. 
The  men  who  remained,  besides  Galbraith  and  Bowman,  were  Bolbeda,  Pom- 
bert,  and  probably  Wilson. 

2uFeb.  1,  1828,  gov.  to  Martinez.  Alludes  to  the  abuses  committed  by 
Smith.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  178.  Probably  he  had  stopped  on  the  way  to 
hunt  and  trap.  June  26th,  Cooper  was  thanked  by  J.  Lennox  Kennedy,  U. 
S.  consul  at  Mazatlan,  for  his  services  in  Smith's  behalf;  will  send  documents 
to  U.  S.  min.  at  Mexico.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxix.  230.  But  May  6,  1S29,  he 
was  ordered  as  bondsman  by  gov.  to  pay  §170  due  from  Smith.  Dept.  Rec., 
MS.,  vii.  148.  June  25,  1829,  E.  reports  to  the  min.  of  rel.  a  rumor  that  the 
Americans  intend  to  take  S.  Francisco,  apian  which  he  ascribes  to  the  advent 
of  Smith.  Id.,  vii.  25. 

21  There  is  a  discrepancy  of  one  man  in  totals,  but  there  is  also  a  com- 
pensating uncertainty  about  one  of  the  men  who  remained  in  CaL  Cronise, 
Nat.  Wealth  <;/'  Cat.,  42,  erroneously  names  two  of  the  three  survivors 
Laughlinand  Prior.  Victor,  River  of  the  West,  35-G,  names  Turner  and  Black. 
The  particulars  of  the  Umpqua  fight  belong  to  other  parts  of  this  series. 
See  Hist.  <)y.  and  Hist.  Northwest  Coast.  The  map  given  herewith  is  copied 
from  one  in  Warn  n*8  Mem.  In  Pac.  R.  JR.  Repts,  xi.  pi.  iii.,  being  a  reduction, 
from  A.  Finley'a  ma])  of  N.  America  published  at  Philadelphia  in  1820. 

22  Warner's  Reminiscences  of  Early  California,  MS.,  27-33.     The  author 


McLEOD'S  TRAPPERS. 


1G1 


that  the  party  sent  back  from  Fort  Vancouver  to 
avenge  Smith's  disasters  was  under  the  command  of 
McLeocl,  and  after  recovering  the  stolen  furs,  traps, 
and  horses,  was  guided  by  Turner  down  into  the  Sac- 
ramento Valley  in  1828,  where  he  made  a  successful 
hunt.  Returning  northward,  however,  he  was  over- 
taken by  a  snow-storm  in  the  Pit  River  country,  which 
he  was  the  first  to  traverse.23  He  lost  his  animals, 
and  was  compelled  to  leave  Iris  furs,  which  were 
spoiled  by  melting  snow  before  they  could  be  moved. 


Map  of  1826. 


McLeod  was  discharged  for  his  imprudence  or  for  his 
bad  luck.  Meanwhile  the  company  had  hastened  to 
despatch  Ogden  with  another  party  of  hunters  up  the 
Columbia  and  Snake,  to  proceed  thence  southward 
to  Smith's  trail,24  by  which  he  was  to  enter  Califor- 


represents  the  manager  of  the  company  as  having  driven  a  shrewd  bargain 
with  Smith,  and  derived  much  profit  from  his  disaster. 

23  The  McLeod  River,  generally  written  McCloud,  was  named  by  or  in 
honor  of  this  hunter. 

2t  That  is  one  of  Smith's  trails,  probably  the  most  northerly,  though  War- 
ner makes  it  the  earliest. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    11 


102  OVERLAND— SMITH  AND  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

nia,  and  thus  get  the  start  of  any  American  trappers 
that  might  be  sent  as  a  result  of  Smith's  reports. 
Ogden  was  successful  in  this  movement,  and  entered 
the  great  valley  about  the  same  time  that  McLeod 
left  it.-5  He  also  obtained  a  rich  harvest  of  skins 
during  his  stav  of  eight  months,  and  carried  his  furs 
to  the  north  bv  McLeod "s  trail.  These  were  the 
only   visits  of   Hudson  Bay  trappers    before  1832.23 

The  visit  of  the  Patties  to  California  in  1828-30 
is  the  topic  next  demanding  attention.  Sylvester 
Pattie,  a  Kentuckian,  lieutenant  of  rangers  against 
the  Indians  in  1812-13,  and  later  a  lumberman  in 
Missouri,  joined  a  trapping  and  trading  expedition  to 
New  Mexico  in  1824,  with  his  son  James  Ohio  Pat- 
tie.  The  father  was  about  forty  years  of  age,  and 
the  son  a  school-boy  of  perhaps  fifteen.  With  their 
adventures  in  New  Mexico  and  Arizona  for  the  next 
three  years  I  am  not  concerned  here.  More  than 
once  they  visited  the  Gila,  and  in  September  1827 
the  elder  Pattie  was  made  captain  of  a  company  of 
thirty  trappers,  organized  at  Santa  Fe  to  operate  on 
the  Colorado.27  They  reached  the  Colorado  and  Gila 
junction  December  1st,  or  at  least  the  Patties  and 
six  men  did  so,  the  rest  having  left  the  Gila,  striking 
northward  some  two  weeks  earlier.  The  eight  of 
Pattie's  party  wTere  in  a  desperate  strait.  They  un- 
derstood from  the  Yumas  that  there  were  Christians 
down  the  river,  and  started  to  find  them,  floating  on 
canoe  rafts,  trapping  successfully  as  they  went,  and 

2j  It  seems  rather  unlikely  that  this  could  have  been  accomplished  so  soon 
as  the  autumn  of  1828.  Either  it  was  in  1829,  or.  Smith  had  reached  Fort 
Vancouver  early  in  1828,  instead  of  in  the  autumn  as  has  been  supposed. 

20  Similar  versions  of  McLeod's  and  Ogden's  expeditions,  originating  prob- 
ably indirectly  from  Warner,  but  perhaps  also  from  the  recollections  of  other 
old  trappers,  arc  given  in  the  county  histories,  newspaper  articles,  and  other 
recent  publications.    See  also  J  fist.  N.  W.  Coast,  i.,  this  series.    Cronise,  Nat, 

Wealth,  41,  says  that  French  Camp,  near  Stockton,  was  located  by  a  party  of 
these  trappers  who  encamped  here  from  1829  to  1838.  In  Humphreys''  Letter 
to  Gwin,  /SoS,  p.  5,  it  is  stated  that  Richard  Campbell  of  Sta  Fe  came  with 
pack-mules  from  N.  Orleans  to  S.  Diego  in  1827.  I  find  nothing  more  on  the 
subject. 

21  1'attie,  i\r((n-.,  133,  translates  the  passport  given  them. 


-PATTIE'S  VISIT.  1G3 

reaching  tide-water  the  18th  of  January,  1828. 
They  soon  started  back  up  the  river,  making  little 
progress,  and  February  16th,  having  buried  their 
furs  and  traps,  they  started  westward  across  the 
desert.  After  terrible  suffering  they  reached  Santa 
Catalina  Mission  in  Lower  California  the  12th  of 
March.  Ten  days  later,  by  Echeandia's  order,2S  they 
started  under  a  guard  for  San  Diego,  where  they 
arrived  the  27th.  The  company  included,  besides  the 
Patties,  Nathaniel  Pryor,  Richard  Laughlin,  Will- 
iam Pope,  Isaac  Slover,  Jesse  Ferguson,  and  James 
Puter,29  most  of  whom  sooner  or  later  became  per- 
manent residents  of  California. 

The  narrative  of  James  O.  Pattie  wTas  subsequently 
printed ;  from  it  I  have  drawn  the  preceding  resume, 
and  I  have  now  to  present  in  substance  that  part  of 
it  relating  to  California,  introducing  occasional  notes 
from  other  sources,  and  reserving  comment  until  the 
end.30     On  arrival  at  San  Diego  the  strangers  were 

28  March  22,  1828,  E.  to  com.  of  S.  Diego.  Eight  armed  men  have  ap- 
peared at  a  frontier  post  with  a  guia  of  the  N.  Mex.  custom-house  as  a 
passport.  Arrest  them  and  seize  their  arms.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  vi.  194;  Puttie's 
Narr.,  170. 

29  All  the  names  appear  in  the  archives,  in  one  place  or  another,  though 
Ferguson  is  not  clearly  stated  to  have  belonged  to  this  company.  Joseph 
Yorgens  is  named,  perhaps  a  corruption  of  Ferguson's  name,  since  War- 
ner speaks  of  Ferguson,  whom  he  must  have  known.  Puter  is  mentioned 
only  once,  and  there  may  be  some  error  about  his  name.  Pattie  himself 
strangely  names  only  Slover  in  his  narrative,  speaking  also  of  a  Dutchman; 
and  on  the  other  hand,  Pattie's  own  name  appears  only  once  in  the  archives. 

20  Pattie,  T lie  Personal  Narrative  of  James  0.  Pattie,  of  Kentucky,  during 
an  expetlitionfrom  St  Louis  through  the  vast  regions  between  that  place  and  the 
Pac'ijic  Ocean,  and  thence  bach  through  the  city  of  Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz,  during 
journeyings  of  six  years;  in  which  he  and  his  father,  who  accompanied  him,  suf- 
fered unit eard-of  hardships  and  dangers,  had  various  conflicts  with  the  Indians, 
and  were  made  captives,  in  which  captivity  his  father  died;  together  with  a  de- 
scription of  the  country,  and  the  various  nations  through  which  they  passed.  Ed- 
ited by  Timothy  F,  int.  Cincinnati,  1833.  8vo.  300  pp.  The  editor,  a  some- 
what voluminous  writer  of  works  largely  fictitious,  claims  not  to  have  drawn 
on  his  imagination,  but  to  have  changed  the  author's  statement — apparently 
written — only  in  orthography  and  by  an  occasional  abridgment. 

The  Hunters  of  Kentucky;  or  the  trials  and  toils  of  traders  and  trappers, 
during,  an  expedition  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  New  Mexico,  and  California,  by 
B.  Bilson,  New  York,  1847,  8vo,  100  pp.,  is  called  by  T.  W.  Field,  see  Sabin'a 
Dictionary,  viii.  5G9-70,  'a  reproduction  of  Pattie's  narrative,  which  the 
penury  of  the  thieving  writer's  imagination  has  not  empowered  him  to 
clothe  with  new  language,  or  interleave  with  new  incidents;'  yet  this  reprint 
is  much  less  rare  than  the  original,  and  has  been  much  more  widely  read. 
From  it  at  the  time  of  publication  many  people  formed  their  ideas  about  the 


lG-i  OVERLAND— SMITH  AND  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

brought  before  Echeandia  and  questioned,  the  younger 
Pattie,  -who  had  learned  a  little  Spanish  in  New 
Mexico,  serving  as  spokesman,  and  expressing  his  ideas 
with  great  freedom  on  this  as  on  every  other  occa- 
sion when  he  came  into  contact  with  the  Spaniards. 
The  governor  believed  nothing  of  their  story,  accused 
them  of  being  spies  for  Spain — worse  than  thieves  and 
murderers — tore  up  their  passport  as  a  forgery,  cut 
short  their  explanations,  and  remanded  them  to  prison. 
On  the  way  they  resolved  to  redress  their  wrongs  by 
force  or  die  in  the  attempt;  but  their  arms  had  been 
removed,31  and  they  were  locked  up  in  separate  cells. 
The  father  was  cruelly  torn  from  the  son,  and  died  a 
month  later  without  being  permitted  again  to  see  him. 
The  cells  were  eight  or  ten  feet  square,  with  iron 
doors,  and  walls  and  floor  of  stone.  Young  Pattie's 
experience  alone  is  recorded,  as  no  communication 
was  allowed.  Nauseating  food  and  continued  insults 
and  taunts  were  added  to  the  horrors  of  solitary  con- 
finement. From  his  grated  door  Pattie  could  see 
Echeandia  at  his  house  opposite.  "Ah!  that  I  had 
had  but  my  trusty  rifle  well  charged  to  my  face ! 
Could  I  but  have  had  the  pleasure  of  that  single  shot, 

Spanish  Californians.  In  Harper's  Magazine,  xxi.  80-94,  J.  T.  Headley 
Tells  the  story  of  Pattie's  sufferings,  taken  from  one  of  the  preceding  works, 
and  erroneously  called  the  first  overland  expedition  to  California.  Cronise, 
Nat.  Wealth  ofCal.,  45,  says,  'the  particulars  of  Pattie's  journey  were  pub- 
lished with  President  Jackson's  message  to  congress  in  1830.'  The  subject  is 
vaguely  and  incorrectly  mentioned  in  Greenhorn's  Hist.  Ogn,  300;  and  Caproii's 
J  list.  Gal.,  37.  Warner,  who  knew  personally  most  of  Pattie's  companions, 
gives  a  valuable  account  in  his  Reminiscences,  MS.,  33-7.  The  archive  rec- 
ords are  much  less  satisfactory  than  in  the  case  of  Jedediah  Smith;  but  I 
shall  have  occasion  to  refer  to  them  on  special  points. 

81  Dr  Marsh,  Letter  to  Com.  Jones,  MS.,  1842,  p.  3,  says  they  came  to  S. 
]>icgo  on  a  friendly  visit,  'were  well  received  at  first,  and  shown  into  com- 
f  rtablo  lodgings,  where  they  deposited  their  arms  and  baggage.  They  were 
shortly  after  invited  into  another  apartment  to  partake  of  some  refreshment, 
and  when  they  returned  found  that  their  arms  had  been  removed,  and  that 
they  were  prisoners.  I  mention  this  incident,  trivial  as  it  is,  because  I  con- 
sider it  as  a  characteristic  trait  of  the  whole  Mexican  people.  Gen.  Echean- 
dia in  his  own  capital,  with  all  his  troops,  could  not  take  five  American  hunt- 
ers without  resorting  to  an  artifice  which  would  have  been  disdained  by  the 
most  barbarous  tribe  of  Indians  on  the  whole  continent.  These  poor  men 
were  kept  in  close  confinement  a  long  time.  .  .Two  or  three  of  the  number  are 
still  in  i  iie  country.'  Where  Marsh  got  this  version,  which  leaves  even  Pattie 
in  the  shade,  does  not  appear. 


THE  HUNTER'S  TALE.  1G5 

I  think  I  would  have  been  willing  to  have  purchased 
it  with  my  life,"  writes  the  captive,  and  this  before 
his  father  died  alone.  No  attention  was  paid  to  pleas 
for  justice  or  pity.  Yet  a  sergeant  showed  much 
kindness,  and  his  beautiful  ^ister  came  often  to  the 
cell  with  sympathy  and  food,,  and  even  enabled  the 
prisoner  to  get  a  glimpse  of ;  his  father's  coffin  as  it 
was  hastily  covered  with  earth.32 

Captain  Bradshaw  of  the  Franklin  soon  got  Pattie 
out  of  jail  for  a  day  by  the  'innocent  stratagem'  of 
pretending  to  need  his  services  as  an  interpreter;  and 
with  an  eye  to  business,  he  made  an  effort  to  get  per- 
mission for  the  hunters  to  go  to  the  Colorado  and 
bring  the  buried  furs,  but  in  vain.  In  the  proceed- 
ings against  Bradshaw  for  smu2f£flino\  Pattie  served 
as  interpreter;  and  later,  by  reporting  certain  orders 
which  he  had  overheard,  he  claims  to  have  prevented 
Bradshaw's  arrest,  and  thus  to  have  contributed  to 
the  escape  of  the  Franklin.**  Seth  Rogers,  A.  W. 
Williams,  and  W.  H.  Cunningham  are  named  as 
other  American  masters  of  vessels  who  befriended  the 
young  prisoner,  and  gave  him  money. 

Echeandia  himself  also  employed  Pattie  as  an  in- 
terpreter, and  at  times  assumed  a  friendly  tone.  The 
captive  took  advantage  of  this  to  plead  his  cause  anew, 
to  discuss  questions  of  international  law,  and  to  sug- 
gest that  there  was  money  to  be  made  by  sending 
after  the  buried  furs.  At  the  first  he  had  known  that 
every  word  of  kindness  pronounced  by  Echeandia 
"was  a  vile  and  deceitful  lie,"  and  after  repeated  inter- 
views he  perceived  "that,  like  most  arbitrary  and 
cruel  men,  he  was  fickle  and  infirm  of  purpose,"  and 

32  He  calls  the  young  lady  Miss  Peaks,  and  the  couple  may  have  been 
Sergt  Pico  and  his  sister.  A  certain  capitan  tie  armas  is  also  mentioned  as 
of  a  friendly  disposition,  though  he  did  not  dare  to  brave  the  tyrant's  rage. 
The  reference  may  be  to  PortiJla  or  Ruiz.  It  is  remarkable  that  Pattie  came 
so  often  into  contact  with  the  governor,  and  not  at  all  with  the  comandante. 

33  See  preceding  chapter  for  affair  of  the  Franklin.  Pattie's  statements 
that  Bradshaw's  trial  was  concluded  July  28th,  that  the  Franklin  ran  out  of 
the  harbor  in  Sept.,  and  that  she  fired  a  broadside  at  the  fort,  are  so  positive, 
so  erroneous,  and  yet  so  closely  connected  with  details  of  his  own  alfairs,  as 
to  leave  a  doubt  as  to  the  accuracy  of  those  details. 


1GG  OVERLAND -SMITH  AND  PATTIE- FOREIGNERS. 

thereupon  proceeded  to  "  tease  him  with  importuni- 
ties;" but  under  this  treatment  the  general  became 
surly.  "How  earnestly  I  wished  that  he  and  I  had 
been  together  in  the  wild  woods,  and  I  armed  with 
my  rifle!"  writes  Pattie.  This  could  not  be,  but  he 
refused  to  translate  any  more  letters,  and  the  gov- 
ernor, striking  him  on  the  head  with  the  flat  of  his 
sword,  had  him  dragged  again  to  prison  to  lie  and  rot. 
The  suggestion  of  profit  from  the  furs  had,  however, 
taken  root;  and  early  in  September  the  prisoners  were 
released,  allowed  once  more  to  see  each  other,  and 
promised  permission  to  go  to  the  Colorado,  greatly  to 
their  delight.  "I  was  convinced  that  Mexico  could 
not  arrav  force  enough  to  bring:  us  back  alive.  I  fore- 
saw  that  the  general  would  send  no  more  than  ten  or 
twelve  soldiers  with  us.  I  knew  that  it  would  be  no 
more  than  an  amusement  to  rise  upon  them,  take  their 
horses  for  our  own  riding,  flea  some  of  them  of  their 
skins  to  show  that  we  knew  how  to  inflict  torture, 
and  send  the  rest  back  to  the  general  on  foot."  Pattie 
was  allowed  to  go  to  the  mission  to  hire  horses  for 
the  trip;  but  at  the  last  moment  Echeandia  remarked 
that  he  could  spare  no  soldiers  to  go  with  them.  It 
did  not  matter,  they  said,  though  it  spoiled  their  plan 
of  vengeance.  But  the  governor  added  that  one  must 
remain  as  a  hostage  for  the  return  of  the  rest,  and 
Pattie  was  the  man  selected.  "At  this  horrible  sen- 
tence, breaking  upon  us  in  the  sanguine  rapture  of 
confidence,  we  all  ^azed  at  each  other  in  the  conster- 
nation  of  despair;"  but  Pattie  urged  them  to  go  and 
follow  their  inclinations  about  coming  back.  They 
came  back  at  the  end  of  September.  The  furs  had 
all  been  spoiled  by  the  overflow  of  the  river,  and  the 
traps  were  sold  to  pay  the  mule-hire.  Two  of  the  six, 
however,  failed  to  return,  having  left  their  compan- 
ions on  the  Colorado  and  started  for  New  Mexico.34 

'■'• '  These  two  were  probably  Slover  and  Pope,  since  these  are  the  only  ones  not 
recorded  as  being  in  California  in  1829.  Warner  says  Slover  and  Pope  (with 
<  reo.  (J.  Yount,  whom  nobody  else  connects  with  this  expedition  at  all)  started 


SAVED  BY  SMALL  POX.  167 

In  the  absence  of  his  companions,  Pattie,  by  advice 
of  Bradshaw  and  Perkins,35  had  written  a  letter  to 
Jones,  consul  of  the  United  States  at  the  Sandwich 
Islands,  imploring  intervention  in  his  own  behalf,  and 
then  he  lay  in  his  cell,  harassed  by  continual  threats 
of  being  shot  at  as  a  target,  hanged,  or  burned  alive. 
Soon  came  news  from  the  north  that  the  small-pox  was 
raging  in  the  missions.  Fortunately  Pattie  had  a 
small  quantity  of  vaccine  matter,  and  he  resolved  to 
make  the  best  possible  use  of  his  advantage.  Nego- 
tiations followed,  which  gave  the  young  trapper  many 
opportunities  to  show  what  could  be  done  by  the 
tongue  of  a  free  American  citizen.  In  return  for  the 
liberty  of  himself  and  companions,  he  offered  to  vacci- 
nate everybody  in  the  territory;  refusing  his  own  lib- 
erty, refusing  to  vaccinate  the  governor  himself, 
though  trembling  in  fear  of  death,  refusing  even  to 
operate  on  the  arm  of  his  beautiful  guardian  angel,  the 
Sehorita  Pico,  unless  his  proposition  were  accepted. 
There  were  many  stormy  scenes,  and  Pattie  was  often 
remanded  to  prison  with  a  curse  from  Echeandfa,  who 
told  him  he  might  die  for  his  obstinacy.  But  at  last 
the  governor  had  to  yield.  Certain  old  black  papers 
in  possession  of  the  trappers,  as  interpreted  by  Pattie, 
were  accepted  as  certificates  of  American  citizenship, 
and  in  December  all  were  freed  for  a  week  as  an  ex- 
periment.38 

from  New  Mexico  with  the  company,  but  returned  from  the  Colorado  without 
coming  to  Cal.  There  must  be  an  error  in  Pattie's  version  of  the  departure 
of  these  two  men;  for  I  find  that  on  Nov.  11,  1828,  Echeandia  informed  the 
com.  at  Altar  that  he  has  issued  passports  to  Pope  and  S  lover,  who  started 
from  N.  Mexico  for  Sonora,  but  lost  their  way  and  entered  Cal.  JDept.  Rec. , 
MS. ,  vi.  13.  Pope  came  back  some  years  later,  and  has  left  his  name  to  Pope 
Valley,  Napa  county,  where  he  lived  and  died.  May  1,  1828,  E.  had  written 
to  the  com.  of  Altar  about  the  8  Americans  detained  at  S.  Diego,  whom  he 
thought  it  expedient  to  send  back  to  the  Colorado  under  a  guard,  that  they 
might  go  to  Sonora  according  to  their  custom-house  permit.  liept.  Iiec,  MS., 
vi.  9.  July  5th,  the  gov.  of  Sonora  writes  to  the  alcalde  of  Altar  on  the  sub- 
ject, and  presumes  that  the  com.  gen.  has  already  issued  the  proper  instruc- 
tions. The  captives  are  alluded  to  as  suspicious  characters.  Pinart,  Col.  Doc, 
Son.,  MS.,  43. 

35  Bradshaw  had  really  been  gone  over  a  month  at  the  time  when  these  in- 
terviews are  said  to  have  taken  place. 

30  It  is  implied  by  the  writer  that  vaccination  was  a  great  mystery  to  the 
Californians,  and  even  to  the  Russians,  which  is  absurdly  inaccurate,  and 


1GS  OVERLAND— SMITH  AND  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

It  was  deemed  best  to  take  no  risks.  By  a  false 
promise  to  their  friend,  the  capitan  de  annas,  they  got 
their  rifles  and  pistols  on  pretence  of  cleaning  them, 
and  refused  to  return  the  weapons,  which  were  con- 
cealed in  the  thicket.  Charles  Lamr  the  sinu^ler, 
now  made  his  appearance  secretly,37  and  the  trappers 
determined  to  join  him.  Pattie  with  one  companion 
left  San  Diego  Christmas  night,  and  went  down  to 
Todos  Santos;  but  learning  that  Lano:  had  been  ar- 
rested,  they  returned.  Their  comrades  were  still  at 
liberty;  no  trouble  was  made  by  Echeandla  about 
their  absence  or  the  recovery  of  their  arms;  and  in 
January  and  February  1829,  Pattie  vaccinated  every- 
body at  the  presidio  and  mission.  On  February  28th 
a  paper  was  issued  to  each,  granting  liberty  for  a  }rear 
on  parole;38  and  Pattie  obtained  also  a  letter  to  the 
padres,  who  were  instructed  to  furnish  supplies  and 
horses  for  the  journey,  and  "  indemnify  me  for  my 
services  as  far  as  they  thought  proper." 

Pattie  started  immediately  on  his  trip  northward, 
called  at  mission,  presidio,  and  pueblo,  and  arrived  at 
San  Francisco  the  20th  of  June.     He  had  vaccinated 

forms  a  weak  point  in  the  narrative.  It  is  not  certain,  however,  that  they 
had  anjr  vaccine  matter  in  their  possession  in  1828,  nor  is  it  evident  that  Pat- 
tie could  have  kept  that  which  he  had  from  being  taken.  I  suppose  that  all  is 
exaggerated  for  effect,  but  that  Pattie  may  have  been  really  emplo3red  to  vac- 
cinate. Early  in  1829  a  Russian  vessel  brought  vaccine  matter,  and  W.  A. 
Richardson  was  employed  that  year  to  vaccinate  at  the  missions;  and  in  1821 
the  Russians  had  vaccinated  54  persons  at  Monterey. 

37  See  p.  139,  this  volume,  for  Lang's  adventures. 

88Pattie's  carta  de  seguridad  of  Feb.  28th  is  preserved  in  Dept.  Bee,  MS., 
vii.  89.  It  is  as  follows:  'Whereas,  Santiago  Ohio  Pattie,  who  came  into  this 
territory  hunting  beaver  in  company  with  other  foreigners,  without  any 
license  whatever,  in  March  of  the  past  year,  appears  to  be  a  North  American 
according  to  a  custom-house  permit  given  in  New  Mexico;  and  whereas,  the 
comandante  of  this  place  reports  him  not  to  be  vicious  but  of  regular  conduct, 
in  the  petition  presented  by  Pattie  on  the  27th  of  this  month  for  permission 
to  travel  and  remain  in  the  country,  there  being  no  consul  nor  mercantile 
agent  of  his  nation,  nor  any  Mexican  bondsman,  therefore  I  have  determined 
to  grant  him  provisionally  this  letter  of  security,  that  he  may  remain  and  travel 
in  this  territory  for  one  year,'  in  accordance,  so  far  as  possible,  with  the  laws 
of  May  1  and  Mar.  12,  1828. 

I  have  not  found  the  papers  of  the  other  men  under  this  date,  but  in  a  list 
of  Feb.  Iltli,  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  44,  Pryor,  Puter,  and  Yorgcns  are 
named,  Pryor  being  already  at  S.  Luis  Rey.  He  received  a  carta  de  seguridad 
April52th.  Id.,  xix.  18-19.  It  is  doubtful  if  any  of  them  were  kept  in  prison 
after  their  return  from  the  Colorado. 


A  TOUR  OF  VACCINATION.  169 

in  all  22,000  persons,39  receiving  from  the  padres  cer- 
tificates by  which  the  value  of  his  services  was  to  be 
finally  estimated  by  a  'high  dignitary'  in  the  north. 
After  a  week's  visit  to  Ross,  where  everything  pleased 
the  American,  and  where  l^ie  received  $100  for  his 
medical  services,40  he  returned,  and  presented  his  cer- 
tificates to  the  padre  at  San  Francisco.  On  July 
8th  John  Cabortes,  presumably  Padre  Juan  Cabot, 
presented  the  amateur  physician  a  paper,  by  which 
he  gave  him  500  cattle  and  500  mules,  with  land  on 
which  to  pasture  the  same — to  be  delivered  when  he 
had  become  a  Catholic  and  a  Mexican  citizen.  "When 
I  had  read  this,"  says  Pattie,  "I  was  struck  dumb. 
My  anger  choked  me."  But  he  soon  recovered  his 
speech  sufficiently  to  give  the  padre  his  opinion  in 
the  matter,  to  say  that  he  came  from  a  country  where 
the  laws  compelled  a  man  to  pay  another  what  he 
justly  owed  him  without  condition  of  submission  to 
"any  of  his  whimsical  desires;"  that  as  a  protestant 
he  would  not  change  his  opinions  for  all  the  money 
the  mission  was  worth,  and  that  as  an  American, 
"rather  than  consent  to  be  adopted  into  the  society  and 
companionship  of  such  a  band  of  murderers  and  rob- 
bers," he  would  suffer  death.  For  this  "honest  and 
plain  utterance"  of  his  feelings,  he  was  ordered  to 
leave  the  house;  and,  keeping  his  rifle  ready  for  any 
one  the  priest  might  send  after  him,  he  bought  a 
horse  for  three  dollars,  and  started  for  Monte  El  Rey ! 
At  the  capital  Pattie  shipped  on  an  American  ves- 
sel, and  for  several  months  ploughed  the  Pacific, 
touching  at  various  ports.  He  does  not  name  the 
vessel,  and  he  gives  no  particulars  of  his  voyage,  save 

39  Strangely  enough  there  is  no  record  in  the  archives  respecting  the  ravages 
of  small-pox  or  Pattic's  professional  tour;  yet  his  statement  is  confirmed  by 
the  fact  that  the  statistical  tables  show  an  extraordinary  number  of  deaths 
this  year  among  the  Indians  of  all  the  northern  missions.  (See  note  3G.)  Sta 
Cruz,  S.  Jose,  and  Sta  Clara  do  not  appear  to  have  been  visited  at  all.  Here 
in  the  extreme  north  only  the  few  who  had  not  had  the  small-pox  were  vac- 
cinated. 

40  He  had  seen  Don  Sereldo,  as  he  calls  the  Russian  manager,  at  S.  Diego, 
and  had  been  implored  to  come  to  Bodega  and  administer  his  remedy.  • 


170  OVERLAND— SMITH  AJ$D  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

of  the  first  week's  terrible  sea-sickness.  Back  at  Mon- 
terey/1 he  took  a  more  or  less  active  part,  on  both 
sides,  in  the  Solis  revolt,  to  which  event  considerable 
space  is  devoted  in  his  narrative.42  At  first  the  trap- 
per had  contributed  in  a  small  way  to  the  rebellion  fund, 
and  had  with  difficulty  been  dissuaded  from  joining 
the  army  of  Solis  in  the  hope  of  getting  a  shot  at 
Echeandia;  but  in  the  end  he  had  become  an  ally  of 
his  old  foe,  who  on  his  coming  to  Monterey  received 
Pattie  affably,  and  even  listened  with  some  patience 
to  a  repetition  of  his  long-winded  arguments  and  com- 
plaints. Yet  notwithstanding  the  portentous  aspect 
of  a  document  which  Pattie  had  prepared  by  the  ad- 
vice of  the  Hawaiian  consul,  Jones/3  for  presentation 
to  the  American  minister  at  Mexico,  Echeandia  ven- 
tured to  doubt  that  his  wrongs  wo*uld  be  redressed, 
though  he  granted  a  passport  that  he  might  go  to 
Mexico  and  try.  Spending  three  days  tie  fiesta  at  San 
Carlos  in  company  with  Captain  William  Hinckley, 
hunting  otter  profitably  for  ten  days  on  the  coast, 
presenting  his  rifle  to  Captain  Cooper,  and  writing  a 
letter  of  farewell  to  his  former  companions  in  the 
south,  Pattie  sailed  on  the  Volunteer  May  9th,  in 
company  with  Solis  and  his  fellow-prisoners,  for  San 
Bias.  At  Mexico  in  June,  at  the  office  of  Butler, 
American  charge  d'affaires,  he  saw  a  communication 
of  President  Andrew  Jackson  in  his  behalf.  He  was 
honored  by  an  interview  with  President  Guerrero, 
and  had  the  pleasure  of  learning  that  Echeandia  had 
been  recalled.  I  have  his  original  letter  of  June  14, 
1830,  to  friends  in  California,  naming  Lothlin  (Laugh- 

41  He  says  it  was  Jan.  6,  1830;  but  if  there  is  any  foundation  of  truth  in 
that  part  of  the  narrative  which  follows,  it  must  have  been  about  2  months 
carl  i 

42  See  chapter  iii.,  this  volume,  on  the  Solis  revolt,  and  especially  Pattie's 
version  of  that  affair.  His  dates  are  all  wrong;  there  are  many  absurd  inac- 
curacies Imiit  on  a  substratum  of  truth;  and  there  is  apparently  deliberate 
falsehood  respecting  his  personal  exploits  in  the  capture  of  Solis. 

48  Pattie  says  that  this  consul,  John  W.  Jones,  to  whom  he  had  written 
from  S.  Diego,  arrived  at  Monterey  April  29th  in  his  own  brig  from  the 
Islands.  The  reference  is  to  John  C.  Jones,  Jr.,  owner  of  the  Volunteer, 
which  arrived  at  about  this  time. 


-  PATTIE'S  BOOK.  171 

lin),  Pryor,  and  Cooper,  in  which  he  explains  that 
'Kernal'  Butler  had  been  able  to  give  no  satisfaction, 
but  had  advised  him  to  seek  redress  from  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  The  adventurer  reached 
New  Orleans  in  August,  and  proceeding  up  the  Mis- 
sissippi, was  soon  introduced  to  Rev.  Timothy  Flint, 
who  was  to  make  his  name  and  fame  more  or  less  im- 
mortal.44 

I  have  thus  presented,  with  fairness  I  think,  the  sub- 
stance and  spirit  of  Pattie's  narrative,  though  obliged 
to  omit  many  details,  making  no  pretension  to  point 
out  minor  errors,  and  perhaps  failing  to  give  a  full  idea 
of  the  writer's  bitter  feelings  toward  his  oppressors. 
The  subject  is  entitled  to  the  space  I  have  given  it,  on 
account  of  the  extraordinary  nature  of  the  adventures 
recounted,  the  early  date  of  the  visit  to  California,  the 
extent  of  the  author's  travels  in  the  territory,  the  fame 
of  his  book,  and  the  accuracy  of  many  of  his  statements. 
Yet  from  the  spirit  of  the  narrative,  from  the  numer- 
ous erroneous  statements,  and  from  my  knowledge  of 
Echeandia's  character,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  pro- 
nouncing Pattie's  complaints  of  ill  treatment  grossly 
exaggerated.  This  opinion  is  confirmed  by  those  of 
the  company  who /remained  in  the  country.  Enter- 
ing the  territory  without  passports,  the  hunters  were, 
according  to  the  unwise  policy  of  Mexican  laws,  liable 
to  arrest.  Presidio  fare,  and  especially  prison  fare, 
in  California  at  that  time,  was  even  less  congenial  to 
American  hunters  than  was  the  narrow  spirit  of  Span- 
ish policy.  Naturally  they  were  disappointed  at  their 
reception,  and  disgusted  with  their  situation,  but  they 
were  not  probably  made  the  victims  of  any  special 
oppression.  James  O.  Pattie  was,  however,  a  self- 
conceited  and  quick-tempered  boy,  with  a  freedom  of 

41  Letter  in  Vallcjo,  Doc,  xxx.  85.  In  1883  a  man  whose  name  I  cannot 
recall,  apparently  trustworthy,  while  visiting  my  Library,  stated  that  his  wife 
was  a  niece  of  Pattie,  and  that  the  latter  had  spent  some  time  at  her  residence 
in  San  Diego  in  late  years,  or  at  least  since  1850.  The  man  promised  to  ob- 
tain from  his  wife  a  more  definite  statement  on  the  subject,  but  I  have  not 
received  it. 


172  OVERLAND— SMITH  AND  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

speech  often  amounting  to  insolence,  and  unlimited 
ability  to  make  himself  disagreeable.  How  far  these 
peculiarities,  and  the  young  man's  connection  with 
the  smuggling  operations  of  Bradshaw  and  Lang, 
may  have  provoked  Echeandia  to  the  infliction  of 
special  penalties,  I  cannot  say. 

Thomas  L.  Smith,  commonly  called  'Peg-leg'  Smith 
— a  well  known  character  in  many  parts  of  California, 
but  chiefly  in  later  times,  who  died  in  a  San  Francisco 
hospital  in  1866 — was  one  of  the  famous  trappers  and 
Indian-fighters  of  this  early  epoch.  He  was  at  times 
a  companion  of  Jedediah  Smith,  and  was  the  hero  of 
many  wild  adventures  in  various  parts  of  the  great 
interior;  but  very  few  of  his  early  exploits  have  ever 
been  recorded  with  even  approximate  accuracy  of  time 
or  place.  He  owes  his  position  on  this  page  to  a  re- 
port that  he  came  to  California  in  1829,  a  report  that 
I  have  not  been  able  to  trace  to  any  reliable  source.^ 
Engaged  in  trapping  in  the  Utah  regions,  he  came  to 
California  to  dispose  of  his  furs.  He  was  ordered  out 
of  the  country,  and  departed,  he  and  his  companion 
taking  with  them,  however,  a  band  of  three  or  four 
hundred  horses,  in  spite  of  efforts  of  the  Californians 
to  prevent  the  act.  Some  accounts  say  that  be  visited 
the  country  repeatedly  in  those  early  years,  and  we 
shall  find  archive  evidence  of  his  presence  a  little  later, 
acting  with  the  horse-thieves  of  the  Tulares,  and 
known  as  'El  Cojo  Smit.' 


'46 


In  the  spring  of  1828  the  Mexican  government 
granted  to  Richard  Exter  and  Julian  Wilson47  a  pro- 

45  The  story  is  told  in  many  newspaper  biographical  sketches  published  at 
the  time  of  Smith's  death.  I  have  before  me  the  S..  F.  Bulletin,  Oct.  26,  I860; 
Nevada  Daily  Gazette,  Oct.  25,  1SGG;  and  others  in  Haves'  Scraps,  Cal.  Xoics, 
ii.  309-12. 

w  As  an  item  which  I  am  unable  to  connect  with  any  of  the  expeditions 
particularly  accredited  to  this  period,  I  may  notice  a  record  of  Nov.  G,  1S29, 
that  five  deserters  from  Upper  California  were  captured  on  the  frontier  of  the 
peninsula,  one  of  whom,  an  Englishman,  stabbed  a  neophvte,  and  was  shot  by 
another.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xiv.  10-11. 

47 Exter,  of  Exter,  Graves,  &  Co.,  Mexico,  was  connected  with  the  General 


EXTER  AND  WILSON.  173 

visional  license  to  hunt  and  trap  in  New  Mexico  and 
California,  as  well  as_on'the  coasts  for  sea-otter.  They 
had  asked  for  an  exclusive  privilege,  which  proposition 
was  reserved  for  consideration  by  congress.  The  ob- 
ject in  view  was  to  derive  a  revenue  from  the  territo- 
rial wealth  of  furs,  and  by  a  contract  with  these  for- 
eigners to  prevent  the  constantly  increasing  clandestine 
operations  of  other  foreigners,  whom  no  revenue  laws 
could  control.  The  idea  was  a  good  one.  Such  a  con- 
tract with  a  responsible  and  powerful  company  was 
perhaps  the  only  means  by  which  Mexico  could  par- 
tially protect  her  interests  in  this  direction;  but  there 
may  be  some  doubt  whether  Exter  and  Wilson  pos- 
sessed the  requisite  qualifications,  since  little  is  known 
about  them.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  exclusive 
privilege  was  ever  conceded,43  and  nothing  was  ever 
done  under  the  provisional  permit.  Vallejo  and  Alva- 
rado  say  that  there  was  a  strong  feeling  in  California 
against  the  scheme,  and  that  when  the  two  men  came 
to  the  country  in  1829,  strutting  up  and  clown  as  if 
they  owned  it,  Echeandia  refused  to  recognize  their 
authority,  and  they  went  away  in  disgust.- 


49 


In  January  1830  a  small  party — of  Mexicans  ap- 
parently— came  from  New  Mexico  to  Los  Angeles 
under  the  leadership  of  Jose  Antonio  Vaca;  but  of 
their  purposes  and  adventures  we  know  nothing  from 
the  fragmentary  records.50    A  somewhat  better  known 

Pearl  and  Coral  Fishing  Association  of  London,  and  there  are  several  letters 
from  him  to  Hartnell,  dated  1827,  and  not  referring  to  the  fur  business,  in 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxix.  153-4,  163. 

48  April  28,  1828,  provisional  license  granted.  Hunting  parties  must  be 
made  up  of  at  least  two  thirds  Mexican  citizens.  Mexico,  Mem.  Bel.,  1829,  p. 
22.  Aug.  7th,  the  comisario  communicates  the  concession  to  Herrera.  Exact 
accounts  must  be  kept  of  number,  size,  and  quality  of  skins.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Com.  and  Trens.,  MS.,  i.  10G.  Dec.  23,  1828,.  gov.  announces  the  license 
in  Cal. ,  and  says  that  the  parties  will  be  allowed  to  catch  otter.  Dept.  Bee. , 
MS.,  vi.  1G2. 

i9  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  124-5;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  128-9. 
Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  58-9,  mentions  their  failure  to  get  an  exclusive 
privilege,  but  says  nothing  of  their  having  come  to  Cal. 

bQDept.  Bee.,  MS.,  viii.  14,  18,  G9;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Jnzg., 
MS.,  i.  31. 


174  OVERLAND— SMITH  AND  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

expedition  is  that  of  Ewing  Young,  the  Tennesseean, 

or  Joaquin  Jo  veil  as  he  was  often  called,  who  entered 
the  territory  later  in  the  same  year  from  New  Mexico 
with  a  company  of  beaver-hunters  of  various  nation- 
alities. Warner  says  this  party  came  by  Jedediah 
Smith's  old  trail,  and  found  Ogden's  Hudson  Bay 
trappers  on  the  Sacramento.51  After  trapping  for  a 
short  time  in  the  Tulares,  Young  moved  north  and 
met  the  Indian  alcalde  of  San  Jose  mission  out  on  a 
hunt  for  runaway  neophytes  by  order  of  the  padre. 
The  fugitives  allied  with  the  gentiles  showed  fight, 
but  eleven  of  the  trappers  aided  the  alcalde  to  defeat 
the  foe.  Taking  advantage  of  this  service  rendered, 
Young,  with  three  of  his  men,  came  to  the  mission 
July  11th,  showed  his  passports,  explained  his  need 
of  horses,  and  departed  after  promising  to  return  in  a 
week  with  furs  to  sell  or  to  exchange  for  supplies.52 

There  is  no  record  that  the  hunters  returned  to 
San  Jose,  though  they  may  have  done  so;  but  at  the 
end  of  July  three  Frenchmen  came  to  Monterey, 
announcing  their  intention  to  return  to  New  Mexico, 
having  left  the  company.53  In  October  the  hunters 
were  in  the  vicinity  of  Los  Angeles,  where  the  leader 
had  great  difficulty  in  controlling  them,  and  where  one 
man  was  killed.51  It  had  been  the  intention  to  return 
from  the  Colorado  in  December  to  sell  furs  and  buy 

51  Warner's  Reminis.,  MS.,  37-9.  In  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  ii.  84,  113,  is  Young's 
passport  of  1829  signed  by  Henry  Clay. 

5-July  15,  1S30,  report  of  Jose  Berreyesa.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  135-9. 
One  of  Young's  passports  was  vis6d  at  Washington,  March  20,  1828,  by  the 
Mex.  minister.     It  permitted  the  bearer  to  go  into  the  interior. 

53  These  men  were  Francois  Turcote,  Jean  Vaillant,  and  Anastase  Curier. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Oust.- II.,  MS.,ii.  4-5.  In  a  letter  to  Capt.  Cooper  of  Oct. 
10th,  Young  says  that  the  Frenchmen,  who  owed  him  money,  had  mutinied, 
and  determined  to  stay  in  the  country;  but  they  had  been  forced -to  return 
with  the  party.  He  also  speaks  of  the  fight  with  Indians,  but  indicates  that 
it  was  to  recover  stolen  horses  rather  than  to  aid  the  neophytes.  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  xxx.  135.  Dec.  23d,  Echeandia  to  alcalde  of  S.  Josd.  Speaks  of  i 
Americans  who  had  come  to  the  rancho  of  S.  Pablo  and  must  depart  at  once. 
There  may  be  an  error  in  this  date.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  viii.  134. 

64  Warner  says  that  James  Higgins  killed  an  Irislnnan  known  as  Big  Jim. 
Jose  Antonio  Pico  reports  the  killing  on  Oct.  7th.  He  had  orders  to  detain 
Young,  but  his  force  was  too  small.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pre/.  yJuzg.,  MS., 
i.  97.  Juan  Higgins,  probably  the  same,  remained  in  Cal.  for  5  or  G  years  at 
least.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,MS.,  iv.  156,  159. 


•      FOREIGN  RESIDENTS.  '  175 

mules;  but  Younsr  had  lost  confidence  in  his  men,  and 
thought  he  would  be  fortunate  to  get  safely  home  with- 
his  company  by  the  aid  of  the  Americans.  He  in- 
tended, however,  to  come  back  the  following  vear.55 
There  are  several  men  named  as  being  in  California 
from  New  Mexico  this  year,  some  of  whom  may  have 
belonged  to  this  party;  but  Young  and  Higgins  are  the 
only  ones  known  here  later,  unless  Kit  Carson  may 
have  made  his  first  visit  at  this  time. 

Of  the  foreign  residents  who  came  to  California  be- 
fore 1826,  about  fifty  are  mentioned  in  the  records 
of  1826—30,  a  dozen  or  more  having  died  or  left 
the  country.  Some  of  the  more  prominent,  like  Hart- 
nell,  Spence,  Cooper,  and  Gale,  have  been  noticed  in 
connection  with  commercial  and  maritime  topics  in 
the  preceding  chapter.  All,  including  new-comers, 
were  in  this  period  as  a  class  law-abiding  citizens  of 
considerable  influence  in  their  new  home.  Many  were 
baptized,  married,  and  naturalized.  Space  does  not 
permit  the  introduction  of  personal  experiences  and 
achievements  here,  but  the  reader  is  referred  to  the 
biographic  sketches  presented  elsewhere  in  this  work.56 

In  respect  of  general  policy  toward  foreigners,57 
there  was  little  or  no  tendency  in  California  to  exclu- 
siveness  or  oppression  in  1826,  as  has  been  seen  from 
the  commercial  record,  and  especially  from  the  privi- 
leges allowed  to  Captain  Beechey,  in  contrast  with 
the  treatment  of  Vancouver  at  an  earlier  date  and 
under  another  regime.  Yet  the  Mexican  laws  were 
strict  in  requiring  foreigners  to  show  passports,  and 
submit  to  surveillance;  hence  the  precautions  taken 
in  the  case  of  Jedediah  Smith  and  his  company; 
hence  certain  orders  for  the  arrest  of  deserting  sailors. 

55  Young  to  Cooper.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxx.  135. 

50  See  alphabetical  register  of  pioneers  at  end  of  vol.  ii.-v.  Also  a  list  of  pio- 
neers who  came  before  1830,  at  the  end  of  vol.  ii.  of  this  work. 

57  Aug. ,  Dec.  1820,  orders  of  supc  govt  against  admission  of  foreigners 
without  passports  circulated  by  gov.  and  comandantes.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS., 
vi.  25;  JJept.  Rec,  MS.,  iv.  25. 


170  OVERLAND— SMITH  AXD  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

Of  new-comers  for  1 82G,  about  sixty  are  named.  It  is 
not  easy  to  decide  exactly  which  of  these  are  entitled 
to  the  name  of  pioneers,  nor  is  it  necessary,  because  I 
shall  mention  them  all  elsewhere.  Here  I  name  only 
such  as  remained  in  the  country  several  years  at  least, 
traders  who  came  often  during  a  series  of  years  and 
became  well  known  to  the  people,  men  who  though 
visitors  now  became  permanent  residents  later,  and 
men  who  died  in  California.  Such  for  this  year 
number  twenty-five.5S  The  most  prominent  names 
are  those  of  Dana,  Fitch,  and  Wilson;  but  ten  or 
twelve  lived  long  in  the  country  and  were  well 
known. 

In  1827  the  general  orders  from  Mexico  promul- 
gated by  Echeandia,  and  more  or  less  fully  enforced, 
were  to  insist  on  passports,  to  keep  a  strict  watch, 
render  a  monthly  account  of  new  arrivals,  grant  no 
lands  to  foreigners,  and  by  no  means  to  allow  them  to 
form  settlements  on  coast  or  islands.59  On  the  inter- 
cession of  the  English  charge  d'affaires  in  Mexico,  the 
local  authorities  were  empowered  to  extend  the  pass- 
ports of  English  residents  for  one  year,  while  the 
papers  of  other  foreigners  might  be  extended  so  as  to 
allow  them  time  to  make  a  regular  application  for  re- 
newal.69 My  list  of  newly  arrived  pioneers  for  the 
year  contains  twelve  names,  the  total  number,  includ- 
ing visitors,  being  about  thirty.61     John  Temple  and 

58  For  complete  lists  see  Pioneer  Register  at  end  of  these  volumes.  The 
pioneers  of  1826  were  the  following:  Louis  Bolbeda,  Joaquin  Bowman,  Michael 
Charles,  Win  H.  Cunningham,  Wra  G.  Dana,  Henry  D.  Fitch,  Guy  F.  Fling, 
Benj.  Foxen,  Isaac  Galbraith,  Cornelius  A.  Johnson,  John  Littleton,  Win 
Logan,  Thomas  B.  Park,  Joaquin  Pereira,  Louis  Pombert,  John  Read  (?),  Geo. 
J.  Rice,  James  Scott,  Joseph  Steele,  Wm  Trevethan,  John  S.  Turner,  Geo. 
W.  Vincent,  John  Wilson,  John  Wilson  (trapper),  and  John  H.  Wilson  the 
negro. 

b9Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  1;  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  v.  19,  53,  95;  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  S.  Jost,  MS.,  v.  12. 

60 St.  Pap.t  Sac,  MS.,  xvi.  1-3;  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  vi.  175.  Barron  and 
Forbes  at  Tepic  were  at  this  time  pumping  Bandini  and  Hartnell  for  informa- 
tion about  California,  and  projecting  a  visit.  Oct.  17,  1827,  Eustacio  Bar- 
ron to  Bandini.  Bandini,  Doc,  MS.,  7. 

C1  See  Pioneer  Register  at  end  of  these  volumes.  Pioneers  of  1827:  Miguel 
Allen  (born  in  Cal.  ),"john  Bradshaw,  Geo.  Coleman,  Nicolas  Dodero,  Robt  J. 
Elwell,  John  A.  C.  Holmes,  Giovanni  Glande,  Joseph  Jackson,  John  B. 
Leandry,  Jean  B.  Mutt  el,  William  Smith,  and  John  Temple. 


REGULATIONS  OF  1828.  ■    377 

Robert  J.  Elwell  became  most  prominent  in  California; 
though  Bradsha-w,  Holmes,  and  Leandry  were  also 
well  known  men.  Jt  was  during  this  year  that  the 
Californians  were  excited  at  the  presence  and  actions  of 
Jedediah  Smith's  trappers,  their  first  American  visit-  ■ 
ors  by  the  overland  route.  As  Smith  arrived  in  De- 
cember 1826,  the  names  of  his  companions  who  set- 
tled in  the  country  have  b(^en  included  in  the  list  of 
that  year,  though  they  left  the  company  of  hunters, 
and  some  of  them  arrived,  in  1827. 

Orders  of  the  California!!  officials  in  1828  respect- 
ing foreigners  were  of  the  same  tenor  as  before;  ap- 
plications for  naturalization  were  frequent;  many 
strangers  wished  to  marry  Californian  wives.  Bands 
of  trappers  on  the  frontiers  round  about  excited  some 
apprehensions.  A  few  immigrants  of  Mexican  blood 
seem  to  have  come  in  from  Sonora,  and  all  was  faith- 
fully reported  to  the  minister  of  relations  in  Mexico.62 
In  accordance  with  the  decree  of  March  12,  1828, 
which  declared  that  no  foreigner  could  remain  in 
Mexican  territory  without  a  passport,  and  regulated 
the  holding  of  property  by  naturalized  citizens,63  a 
reglamento  was  issued  by  the  president  on  May  1st 
prescribing  in  detail  the  methods  to  be  observed  in 
obtaining,  granting,  and  using  passports  of  various 
kinds.  This  document  was  doubtless  forwarded  to 
California  later  in  the  year.64     I  find  about  sixty  new 

€2Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  vi.  21,  27,  177,  192,  194;  vii.  25;  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS., 
x.  98;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxix.  passim.  The  Americans  celebrated  July  4th 
by  burning  much  powder  on  the  vessels  at  S.  Diego. 

c3  Mexico,  Decreto  sobre  Pasaportes  y  modo  cle  adquirir  propiedades  los 
Estrangeros,  12  de  Marzo  de  1828.  12  articles.  In  Schmidts  Civil  Law  of 
Spain  and  Mexico,  346-51,  in  Spanish  and  English;  Hayes*  Mex.  Laws,  81-2. 

61  Mexico,  Reglamento  para  el  ramo  de  Pasaportes — decretado  por  el  Presi- 
de ate  en  1  de  Mayo  1828.  Printed  copy  in  Pinto,  Doc,  i.  3.  25  articles, 
numbered  as  22.  Also  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  ix.  30-6;  and  part  of 
it  in  Vullejo,  Doc,  MS.  Omitting  minor  details,  this  regulation  was  in 
substance  as  follows:  The  master  of  a  ship,  on  arrival,  must  furnish  a  report 
of  his  foreign  passengers,  and  each  passenger  a  report  of  his  name,  business, 
etc.,  to  the  customs  officer,  who  will  grant  a  boleto  de  disembarco  to  such  as 
are  not  Spaniards,  and  have  a  passport  from  the  general  government,  or  from 
duly  accredited  Mexican  agents  abroad,  or  a  bond  from  the  consul  or  agent 
of  their  nation  at  the  port  of  landing,  or  of  a  Mexican  citizen.  The  boleto, 
without  which  no  foreigner  could  leave  the  vessel,  must  be  presented  within 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    12 


178  OVERLAND— SMITH  AND  PATTIE-FOREIGNERS. 

names  of  foreigners  in  this  year's  records,  several  be- 
longing to  men  whose  presence  is  noted  in  consequence 
of  the  regulations  just  mentioned,  but  about  whom 
no  more  is  known  than  that  they  were  here  in  1828-9. 
Pioneers  proper  number  eighteen,  as  per  appended 
list.65  Several  of  these  became  in  later  times  locally 
prominent;  and  one  of  the  number,  Henry  A.  Peirce, 
is  still  living  in  1884,  beings  in  a  sense  the  oldest  living 
pioneer  within  my  knowledge,  though  he  has  by  no 
means  resided  continuously  in  California.  Two  or 
three  detected  attempts  at  smuggling,  together  with 
the  presence  of  Pattie  and  his  trappers  from  New 
Mexico,  were  the  leading  topics  of  interest  for  1828, 
as  far  as  foreigners  were  concerned. 

In  1829  Echeandia  continued  to  circulate  the  pass- 
port regulations  for  the  benefit  of  foreigners  and  of 
local  officials.  He  still  received  numerous  applica- 
tions for  permits  to  remain,  to  travel,  to  marry,  or  to 
become  naturalized,  and  called  for  full  reports  of  resi- 
dent foreigners.66  It  is  from  these  reports,  and  the 
various  certificates  connected  with  the  applications 
above  referred  to,  that  I  have  obtained  much  of  the 
information  presented  elsewhere  respecting  individ- 
uals; still  the  lists  are  incomplete,  and  have  to  be  per- 
fected from  numerous  scattered  documents.67     Eche- 

24  hours  to  the  civil  authority  of  the  port,  who  will  vise"  the  passport.  To 
travel  in  the  interior  a  carta  de  serpiridad  for  a  year  must  be  obtained. 
Whatever  passports  a  foreigner  might  have,  he  must  present  himself  to  the 
civil  authorities  of  any  place  where  he  intended  to  remain  over  8  days,  and 
on  each  change  of  residence.  Due  provision  was  made  for  renewal  of  licenses, 
penalties  for  failure  to  comply  with  the  law,  and  for  full  reports  to  be  sent  to 
the  government. 

60  Pioneers  of  1828:  Stephen  Anderson,  Louis  Bouchet,  John  Brown  (?), 
John  Davis,  Jesse  Ferguson,  Richard  Laughlin,  Timothy  Murphy,  Sylvester 
Pattie,  Henry  A.  Peirce,  Wm  Pope,  Nathaniel  Pryor,  Isaac  Slover,  Wm 
Taylor,  James  Thompson,  "Wm  Warren  (?)  the  negro,  Edward  Watson,  Wm 
Willis,  and  Julian  Wilson.  For  biographical  sketches,  see  Pioneer  Register 
at  the  end  of  vol.  ii.-v.,  this  work. 

™Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  vii.  59,  86,  105,  176;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  20-2; 
St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xi.  4;    ValUjo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxix.  310. 

67  Naturalization  records  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  passim.  List  of  48 
names  dated  Feb.  14th,  in  Id.,  xix.  44.  List  of  44  names  in  Monterey  dis- 
trict Feb.  16th,  in  Id.,  ii.  115.  -List  of  7  names  in  S.  Jose",  Feb.  5th.  Id., 
xix.  3.  List  of  7  at  Los  Angeles  Feb.  14th,  in  Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  vii. 
21-5.  Apparently  2  foreigners  at  S.  P.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  97-8.  There 
nrc  no  lists  for  Sta  Barbara  or  S.  Dieso. 


PIONEERS  OF  1829.  179 

andia  heard  this  year  and  forwarded  to  the  supreme 
government  a  rumor  that  the  Americans  were  plotting 
to  seize  the  port  of  San  Francisco;  while  on  the  other 
side  of  the  continent  we  find  a  rumor  from  Mexico, 
by  way  of  England,  that  California  with  Texas  was 
to  be  made  over  to  the  United  States  for  a  term  of 
years,  as  security  for  a  large  sum  of  money  to  be  spent 
in  resisting  Spanish  invasion.68  The  new  arrivals  of 
the  year,  as  named  in  an  appended  list,  were  seven- 
teen,69 or  about  thirty-five  including  visitors,  or  men 
about  whom  nothing  more  is  known  than  their  men- 
tion in  lists  of  the  year.  Prominent  names  are  those 
of  Captain  Hinckley,  Alfred  Robinson,  and  Abel 
Stearns.  Robinson  still  lives  in  1884,  with  none  to 
dispute  his  title  as  the  oldest  pioneer,  unless  it  be 
Peirce  of  1828,  as  already  mentioned,  or  Michael 
White,  perhaps  still  alive,  but  about  whose  arrival  in 
1829  there  is  some  doubt.  The  great  excitement  of 
the  year  was  the  Solis  revolt,  in  which,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  foreigners,  though  at  first  somewhat  inclined 
to  sympathize  with  the  movement  as  promising  them 
certain  commercial  advantages,  later  took  a  decided 
stand  in  favor  of  the  regular  authorities,  and  contrib- 
uted largely  to  the  restoration  of  the  capital. 

In  February  1830  the  Mexican  government,  in  reply 
to  reports  respecting  Abel  Stearns  and  others  in  Cali- 
fornia who  were  seeking  lands,  directed  Echeandfa  to 
distribute  the  public  lands  in  accordance  with  the  laws 
to  such  foreigners  as  could  comply  with  all  the  require- 
ments, taking  care,  however,  that  the  Russians  and 

68 June  25th,  E.  to  min.  of  rel.,  in  Lkpt.  Rec,  MS.,  vii.  25.  Nile?  Reg., 
xxxvii.  87.  The  John  Bull  says:  'The  proposition  of  America  must  not  be 
quietly  listened  to  or  tamely  permitted;  while  we  are  earnest  in  our  endeavors 
to  put  a  stop  to  the  power  of  Russia,  we  must  not  forget  the  necessity  of 
checking  the  aggrandizement  of  America.' 

C'J  Pioneers  of  1829 — the  '(?)'  indicates  uncertainty  about  the  exact  date  of 
arrival:  James  D.  Arther,  Jas  Brcck,  Walter  Duckworth  (?),  James  Flem- 
ming,  Wm  S.  Hinckley  (?),  Geo.  Kinlock  (?),  Lawrence  (born  in  Cal.),  John 
Meek,  Manuel  D.  Olivera,  Jordan  Pacheco,  John  Rainsford,  Alfred  Robin- 
son, Thos  L.  (Peg-leg)  Smith  (?),  Abel  Stearns,  Chas  A.  Swain  (?),  Michael 
White  (?),  and  Geo.  Williams.  See  biog.  sketches  of  them  and  also  of  the 
years'  visitors  in  Pioneer  Register  at  the  end  of  these  volumes. 


ISO  OVERLAND— SMITH  AND  PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

Americans  should  be  the  least  numerous,  and  be  located 
in  the  central  parts.70  A  little  later,  however,  foreign- 
ers of  adjacent  countries  were  prohibited  from  coloni- 
zation on  the.  frontier.71  It  is  not  certain  that  any 
resident  foreigner  had  yet  obtained  his  final  and  com- 
plete  papers  of  naturalization;  though  a  few  may  have 
d.me  so,  and  many  had  made  application  and  complied 
with  all  the  preliminary  requirements,  receiving  cer- 
tificates which  served  all  practical  purposes.72  New- 
comers of  this  final  year  of  the  decade  were  fifty,  of 
whom  twenty-four  named  in  a  note  may  be  regarded 
as  pioneers  proper.73  The  arrival  of  Kit  Carson  this 
year  is  doubtful.  Bee,  Jones,  Nye,  Snook,  and  Young 
were  the  names  best  known  in  the  annals  of  later  years. 
Some  details  about  all  the  men  named  in  this  chapter 
and  many  visitors  not  here  named  may  be  found  in 
the  Pioneer  Register  appended  to  these  volumes.  That 
register  will  also  serve  as  an  index  through  which  may 
be  found  all  that  is  recorded  of  any  early  Californian 
in  this  work. 

70 Feb.  2,  1830,  Alaman  to  E.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  4. 

71  Law  of  April  G,  1830,  in  Hailed'1  s  Report,  121-2.  Article  7  of  the  law 
of  Aug.  18,  1824,  was  thereby  repealed. 

72  The  naturalization  regulations,  probably  of  1828,  are  given  in  Schmidt's 
Civil  Law  of  Spain  and  Mexico,  353-9,  in  Spanish  and  English.  The  general 
purport  had  been  circulated  by  Echeandia  on  June  4,  1829.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
ISIS. ,  xix.  20-1.  These  rules  prescribed  in  substance  that  any  foreigner  of  two 
years'  residence  might,  one  year  after  having  announced  his  intention,  obtain 
a  carta  de  naturaleza  from  the  gov.  by  renouncing  all  allegiance  to  any  foreign 
power,  swearing  to  support  the  constitution  and  laws  of  Mexico,  and  presenting 
proof  in  due  form  of  Catholic  faith,  means  of  support,  and  good  conduct.  See 
also  the  Mex.  passport  regulations  of  Oct.  12,  1830,  in  Arrillaga,  Eecop.,  1830, 
p.  474-99. 

73  Pioneers  of  1830;  Henry  J.  Bee,  John  Burns,  Kit  Carson  (?),  James  Cook, 
Phil.  II.  Devoll,  Juan  Domingo,  *William  Duckworth,  John  Ebbetts,  James 
Harris,  John  Higgins,  John  C.  Jones,  *Geo.  D.  Kinlock,  Laure,  Allen  Lewis, 
<  1  uliain  H.  'Nye,  *Juan  Pombert,  Sam.  Prentice,  John  Pice,  John  Poach,  Ed 
Robinson  (?),  Jos  F.  Snook,  Sam.  Thompson,  *  Francis  Watson,  and  Ewing 
Young.  Those  whose  names  are  marked  with  a  *  were  born  in  Cal.,  their 
lathers  being  foreigners. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

1831. 

Appointment  of  Victoria — Arrival — Echeandia's  Delay — Command  Sur- 
rendered— Beginning  of  a  Quarrel — Golpe  de  Estado — Schemes 
of  Padres  and  Party — Victoria's  Address  to  the  People — Charges 

against  the  governor — refusal    to   convoke  the   dlputacion 

Memorials  and  Threats — Victoria's  Manifiesto — Replies  of  Ban- 
dini  and  Pico — Administration  of  Justice — The  Death  Penalty — 
Case  of  Atanasio — The  Robbers  Aguilar  and  Sagarra — Execution 
of  Rubio — Exile  of  Abel  Stearns — Victoria  and  Alcalde  Duarte 
of  San  Jose — Trouble  at  Los  Angeles — Exile  of  Jose  A.  Carri- 
llo — Jose  M.  Padres  Banished — Plots  of  Carrillo,  Bandini,  and 
Pico — Pronunciamiento  of  San  Diego — Echeandia  in  Command — 
Angeles  Revolts — Fight  near  Cahuenga — Death  of  Pacheco  and 
A vila — Victoria  Sent  to.  San  Blas — Rodrigo  del  Pliego — Action 
in  the  North — Carrillo's  Efforts  in  Congress. 

Lieutenant-colonel  Manuel  Victoria  was  appointed 
March  8,  1830,  to  succeed  Jose  Maria  Echeandia  as 
gefe  politico  of  Alta  California,  and  three  days  later 
official  notice  was  sent  to  the  incumbent.1  Victoria 
was  then  at  Loreto,  where  for  several  years  he  had 
been  comandante  principal  of  Lower  California;  but 
nothing  is  known  of  his  career  on  the  peninsula,  nor 
of  his  previous  life  beyond  the  current  and  probably 
accurate  belief  in  California  that  he  was  a  native  of 
Acapulco,  and  commandant  there  in  1825,  who  had 
won  his  rank  by  personal  bravery  in  the  war  of  inde- 
pendence.2     Antonio    Garcia    had    previously   been 

1  Supt.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  G-7.     Victoria's  appointment  and  Minis- 
ter Facio's  communication  of  Mar.  lltli  to  Echeandia. 

2  Com.  at  Acapulco  1825.  Gac.  3Iex.,  June  15,  1825.     In  June  1825,  when 
Victoria  was  about  to  leave  Acapulco  for  Loreto,   Enrique  Virmond  pro- 

(181) 


1S2  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

named  to  succeed  Echeandia,  and  the  substitution  of 
Victoria  is  believed  to  have  been  due  to  the  success 
of  Bustamante  in  Mexico,  and  to  Franciscan  influ- 
ence on  the  new  administration.  While  there  is  no 
positive  proof  of  the  Californian  friars'  intrigues  in 
the  matter,  yet  Bustamante's  revolution  was  widely 
regarded  as  a  reactionary7  movement  in  favor  of  the  old 
Spanish  institutions.  The  padres  were  very  bitterly 
opposed  to  the  mission  policy  of  Echeandia,  or  of  the 
administration  that  he  represented,  and  they  openly 
rejoiced  at  the  new  appointment  as  a  glorious  ' victory' 
for  their  cause.3 

Having  notified  Echeandia  of  his  coming,  and 
named  a  day  for  the  transfer  of  office  at  San  Diego, 
Victoria  started  northward  from  Loreto  by  land  in 
the  autumn  of  1830,  arriving  at  San  Diego  in  Decem- 
ber, or  possibly  in  November.  He  was  disappointed 
at  not  finding  either  the  governor  or  any  message 
from  him ;  but  a  despatch  sent  post-haste  to  the  north 
elicited  from  Echeandia  a  reply,  to  the  effect  that  the 
command  would  be  turned  over  at  Monterey,  the 
capital.  A  later  despatch,  however,  named  Santa 
Barbara  as  the  place,  and  thither  Victoria  went, 
arriving  the  31st  of  December.  Here  he  remained 
about  three  weeks,  engaging  in  a  sharp  correspond- 
ence with  Echeandia,  some  of  whose  orders  he  coun- 
termanded, though  not  yet  legally  invested  with 
authority;  but  at  last  he  came  to  Monterey,  and  on 
January  31,  1831,  assumed  the  formal  command,  tak- 
ing the  oath  in  presence  of  the  ayuntamiento,  assem- 
bled for  the  purpose.4 

nounced  him,  in  a  letter  to  Guerra,  *  un  sujeto  de  las  mejores  prendas. ' 
Chterra,  Doc,  MS.  Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  160-2,  says  he  failed  to  gain  the 
confidence  and  esteem  of  the  people  in  L.  CaL;  but  not  much  importance  is 
to  be  attached  to  this  statement. 

3  See  p.  108  this  vol.,  with  quotations  from  the  statements  of  President 
Sanchez  on  this  subject. 

4  Robinson,  Life  in  CaL,  97,  says  V.  arrived  at  Sta  B.  on  Jan.  10th.  The 
rather  meagre  official  correspondence  on  V. 's  arrival  and  assumption  of  the 
command  is  as  follows:  Jan.  14,  1831,  V.  to  E.,  complaining  of  the  delay  in 
turning  over  the  office,  and  of  the  secularization  decree.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and 
('olou.,  MS.,  ii.  35-G;  Jan.  19th,  V.  to  min.  of  rel.,  narrating  all  that  had 


A  GOLPE  DE  ESTADO.  1S3 

In  explanation  of  the  situation  at  the  time  of  Vic- 
toria's arrival,  of  Echeandia's  strange  conduct  in  de- 
laying the  transfer  of  command,  and  of  the  bitter 
controversy  that  now  began  between  the  Californians 
and  their  new  ruler,  I  must  here  refer  briefly  to  a 
subject  which  will  require  full  treatment  in  a  subse- 
quent chapter,  that  of  mission  secularization.  The 
reader  is  familiar  5  with  the  Mexican  policy  on  that 
matter,  with  Echeandia's  investigation,  experiments, 
and  difficulties  in  attempting  to  carry  out  his  instruc- 
tions, and  with  the  action  of  the  diputacion  in  the 
summer  of  1830  respecting  a  plan  of  secularization 
which  wTas  submitted  to  the  national  government  for 
approval.     Thus    far   proceedings  had   been   strictly 


occurred  since  his  departure  from  Loreto,  including  the  matter  of  seculariza- 
tion. Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  8-10;  Jan.  19th,  E.  to  V.,  in  reply  to 
letter  of  14th,  reserving  full  explanations  for  a  personal  interview,  but  con- 
plaining  of  V.'s  conduct  in  opposing  his  acts  without  legal  authority,  and 
announcing  his  intention  to  await  his  arrival  at  Mont,  instead  of  marching  to 
Sta  B.  as  he  had  been  ready  to  do.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  76-8.  Jan.  29th- 
31st,  summons  to  ayimtamiento,  and  E.'s  announcements  of  having  given  up 
the  command.  Id.,  xiv.  25;  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  ix.  89;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii. 
5-6;  Id.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  iv.  94. 

On  the  same  topic  a  few  extra-official  statements  may  also  be  noted.  Ban- 
dini,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  72-3,  tells  us  that  V.  on  his  arrival  impressed  the  peo- 
ple of  S.  Diego  as  a  simple,  unostentatious  man  with  benevolent  ideas — but 
they  were  soon  undeceived.  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  137-8;  Osio,  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  160-2;  Vallejo,  Reminis.,  MS.,  Ill;  and  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  ii.  168,  state  that  on  his  way  V.  called  on  P.  Peyri,  at  San  Luis  Rey, 
by  whom  he  was  most  hospitably  entertained,  from  whom  he  borrowed 
$6,000  more  or  less,  to  whom  he  promised  all  that  the  friars  desired,  and  who 
at  once  wrote  to  his  associates  '  ya  lo  tenemos  en  el  manguillo. '  No  doubt 
relations  were  most  friendly  between  the  two,  but  the  authors  named  are 
bitterly  prejudiced  against  V.  and  all  his  acts.  Vallejo  and  Alvarado  say  he 
got  large  sums  also  at  S.  Juan  and  S.  Gabriel — in  fact,  that  avarice  was  one 
of  his  weak  points,  and  that  the  padres  were  willing  to  buy  him.  In  his  diary 
of  Ocurrencias  Curiosas,  1830-1,  MS.,  Guerra  notes  the  presence  of  V.  at 
Sta  B.  on  Jan.  7th;  declines  to  make  predictions  about  his  prospective  rule; 
but  says  he  seems  a  great  friend  of  Pacheco,  has  very  judicious  views  on  the 
subject  of  missions;  and  in  stature  and  flesh  bears  some  resemblance  to 
Echeandia.  Carrillo  {■!.),  Doc,  MS.,  33.  Mrs  Ord  remembers  that  V.,  instead 
of  lodging  as  was  customary  at  the  comandante's  house,  went  straight  to 
the  mission.  Here  Guerra  went  to  call  on  the  new  governor,  showing  him 
every  attention,  and  presenting  his  daughter,  the  writer.  Ord,  Ocurrencias, 
MS.,  38^41.  Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  162-4,  says  that  V.  arrived  unexpectedly 
at  Monterey,  dismounting  before  the  gov.'s  house,  and  demanding,  in  an 
abrupt  and  offensive  manner,  an  immediate  surrender  of  the  office.  Echean- 
dia promised  the  transfer  for  9  A.  m.  next  morning,  and  V.  went  to  S.  Carlos 
to  sleep. 

5 See  chap,  iv.,  this  volume. 


184  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

legal,  and  marked  by  no  imprudent  c*r  hasty  steps. 
The  friars,  however  strongly  opposed  to  seculariza- 
tion on  general  principles,  had  no  just  cause  for  com- 
plaint against. Echeandia.  There  was  now,  however, 
a  popular  feeling  in  favor  of  the  proposed  changes  far 
in  advance  of  Echeandia  s  personal  views,  and  largely 
due  to  the  influence  cf  Jose  Maria  Padres,  the  newly 
arrived  ayudante  inspector.  Padres  was  a  man  of 
considerable  ability,  personally  magnetic,  and  more- 
over a  most  radical  republican.  He  soon  became  a 
leading  spirit  among  the  young  Californians  just  be- 
coming prominent  in  public  life,  intensified  their  nas- 
cent republicanism,  taught  them  to  theorize  eloquently 
on  the  rights  of  man,  the  wrongs  of  the  neoplrytes, 
and  the  tyranny  of  the  missionaries;  and  if  he  also  held 
up  before  the  eyes  of  the  Carrillos,  Osios,  Vallejos, 
Picos,  Alvarados,  Bandinis,  and  others  bright  visions 
of  rich  estates  to  be  administered  by  them  or  their 
friends,  their  young  enthusiasm  should  by  no  means 
be  termed  hypocrisy  or  a  desire  for  plunder. 

But  events  in  Mexico  seemed  to  favor  the  friars, 
and  were  not  encouraging  to  the  views  of  Padres  and 
his  disciples.  It  is  not  apparent  whether  or  not  the 
success  of  Bustamante  or  its  bearing  on  Californian 
matters  was  known  in  July  and  August  1830,  the 
date  of  the  diputacion's  acts;  but  when  the  day  of 
Victoria's  arrival  drew  near,  and  no  approval  of  the 
plan  came  from  Mexico,  Echeandia  was  persuaded, 
probably  without  much  difficulty,  to  essay  a  golpe  tie 
estado.  Accordingly  he  issued,  January  6,  1831,  a 
decree  of  secularization,  which  he  took  immediate  steps 
to  carry  into  execution  before  turning  over  the  com- 
mand to  his  successor.  Victoria  was  known '  to  be 
more  a  soldier  than  a  politician,  and  it  was  hoped  with 
the  aid  of  the  diputacion  in  some  way  to  sustain  the 
decree  and  reach  a  result  favorable  to  the  anti-mission 
party.  Echeandia's  act  was  wholly  illegal,  uncalled 
for,  and  unwise.     It  was  simply  a  trick,  and  an  absurd 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  ADDRESS.  185 

one.  The  opponents  of  Victoria  were  thus  in  the 
wrong:  at  the  beginning  of  the  quarrel.6 

While  at  Santa  Barbara  Victoria  heard  of  the  de- 
cree of  January  6th  and  prevented  its  publication  in 
the  south;  while  he  reported  the  matter  to  the  national 
authorities,  denouncing  Padres,  whom  of  course  he 
had  known  well  in  Baja  California,  as  the  real  author 
of  the  trick  and  as  a  man  who  was  very  dangerous  to 
the  best  interests  of  the  territory.7  In  the  north, 
where  the  decree  had  been  already  published,  the  new 
ruler  took  immediate  steps  to  prevent  its  execution. 
Nothing  more  need  be  said  here  of  secularization,8 
but  the  wrath  of  the  ayudante  inspector  and  his 
party  may  well  be  imagined  by  the  reader,  and  will 
be  constantly  apparent  in  the  subsequent  record. 

Having  assumed  the  command,  Victoria  issued  the 
1st  of  February  an  address  to  the  people,  a  brief 
document,  in  which  the  author  made  known  to  his 
1  beloved  fellow-citizens'  his  purpose  to  reform  the 
evils  that  most  afflicted  the  country,  and  his  hope  for 
cordial  support  from  the  inhabitants.  "The  laws 
must  be  executed,  the  government  obeyed,  and  our 
institutions  respected,"  he  writes;  "I  have  to  favor 
honesty  and  to  punish  perversity,  the  first  being  in 
accord  with  my  character,  the  second  demanded  by 
my  honor  and  conscience."9  All  of  this  officer's  com- 
munications, or  at  least  all  that  have  been  preserved, 
were  brief  and  to  the  point,  showing  the  writer  to  be 
more  of  a  soldier  than  politician,  and  lacking  some- 
thing of  the  usual  Mexican  bombast.     Of  his  personal 

6  In  a  letter  to  the  padres  dated  Nov.  18,  1832,  E.  says  that  V.  factiously 
removed  him  from  the  command,  and  that  he  gave  it  up  to  save  the  country 
from  disturbances  ( !),  little  thinking  V.  would  'audaciously  prevaricate  and 
break  his  oath.'  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  61.  To  Figueroa,  on 
Mar.  19,  1833,  he  says  that  V.  treated  him  with  the  greatest  contempt  in 
matters  of  government.  Id. ,  ii.  55.  The  only  defence  of  E.  and  his  friends 
is  the  justice  of  their  general  views  on  the  mission  question  and  the  Indians' 
rights,  which  of  course  has  no  real  bearing  on  the  matter  at  issue. 

7 Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  8-10. 

8The  subject  is  fully  treated  for  the  years  1831-5  in  chap,  xi.-xii.,  this 
volume,  q.  v. 

9  Victoria,  Manifestation  del  Grfe  Politico  de  la  Alta  California  a  sus  habi- 
tantes,  1831,  MS. 


1SG  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

movements  during  the  nine  months  of  his  stay  in  the 
north,  we  know  but  little,  except  what  can  be  gathered 
from  the  dates  of  successive  official  documents  to  be 
noticed  incidentally  in  the  record  about  to  be  pre- 
sented. He  is  said  to  have  gone  to  San  Francisco 
soon  after  taking  the  command,  and  subsequently  to 
have  spent  some  time  on  different  occasions  at  Santa 
Clara.10  In  addition  to  his  few  letters  on  special 
topics,  the  governor  made  in  June  a  general  report  on 
the  industrial  condition  of  California,  a  document 
which  presents  no  matter  for  comment.11  Echeanclia 
retired  to  San  Diego  a  few  days  after  turning  over 
the  office,  but  did  not  yet  leave  the  territory,  as  we 
shall  see. 

The  annals  of  1831,  and  of  Victoria's  rule,  are  con- 
fined to  the  revolutionary  movement  by  which  that  rule 
was  brought  to  an  end,  there  being  nothing  else  wor- 
thy of  notice  in  the  records  of  the  year,  so  far  at  least 
as  general  history  is  concerned.  The  development  of 
the  revolution  may  best  be  explained  by  presenting  as 
successive  topics  the  several  charges  against  the  gov- 
enor,  which  may  be  regarded  as  in  a  certain  sense  the 
causes  of  the  popular  feeling  on  the  subject,  though  it 
is  well  to  bear  alwaj7s  in  mind  the  chief  cause,  under- 
lying all  others  as  already  shown.  I  begin  with  what 
was  in  reality  the  most  serious  and  best  founded  ac- 
cusation. 

10Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  137-40,  speaks  of  a  party  given  in  V.'s 
honor  at  the  house  of  Lieut  Martinez,  at  which  politics  was  more  or  less  dis- 
cussed. Amador,  Mem.,  MS.,  122,  mentions  a  tour  of  inspection  before 
settling  at  the  capital.  Apr.  7th,  Jose'  J.  Gomez  writes  to  Juan  Bandini  that 
V.  had  arrived  at  Monterey  (from  the  north?)  the  day  before,  and  was  talking 
of  going  south  soon.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  18.  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
iii.  7-8,  tells  a  story  to  the  effect  that  V.  attempted  to  prosecute  himself  and 
Jose  Castro  for  the  part  they  had  taken  in  publishing  the  secularization 
decree,  authorizing  Pliego,  their  enemy,  to  commence  criminal  proceedings. 
But  when  summoned— so  says  A. — they  rode  up  before  Pliego's  office  on 
horseback,  refused  to  hear  the  documents  read,  and  dashed  off  to  Sta  Clara. 
V.  subsequently  treated  them  very  well,  however,  giving  them  a  profitable 
license  to  take  otter  at  S.  Francisco. 

11  V  id  una,  Informe  General  sobre  California,  1S30,  MS.,  dated  June  7th. 
A  general  report  on  government  with  recommendations  of  reform  may  also 
be  mentioned  under  date  of  Sept.  21st.  Dept.  Jiec.t  MS.,  ix.  14G-9. 


KEFUSAL  TO  CONVENE  THE  DIPUTACION.  187 

Victoria  neglected  .  to  convene  the  diputacion,  and 
even  when  urged  to  do  so,  flatly  refused,  greatly  to 
the  disofustof  the  members  and  their  friends,  the  most 
influential  element  of  the  population.  His  conduct 
in  this  respect  was  doubtless  illegal  as  well  as  impoli- 
tic, and  gave  the  Californians  just  cause  for  complaint. 
He  knew,  however,  that  the  vocales  were  for  the  most 
part  the  followers  of  Padres  and  the  promoters  of 
Echeandia's  golpe  de  estado,  regarding  their  desire  to 
assemble  as  merely  a  continuation  of  the  trick,  and 
supposing  with  much  reason  that  the  sessions  would 
be  largely  devoted  to  schemes  of  interference  with  his 
own  policy  and  measures.  On  January  29th,  the  day 
of  Victoria's  arrival  at  Monterey,  Echeandia  had  sum- 
moned the  vocales  to  assemble  in  the  interests  of  pub- 
lic tranquillity.12  I  have  no  doubt  the  plan  was  in 
some  manner  to  insist,  with  the  aid  of  the  diputacion, 
on  the  carrying-out  of  the  secularization  scheme. 
Efforts  to  convene  that  body  were  continued  all  the 
spring  and  summer.  At  first  the  ayuntamiento  of 
Monterey,  aided  to  some  extent  by  that  of  San  Jose, 
was  the  medium  of  appeal,  though  the  governor  in 
February  assembled  that  body  to  explain  how  inop- 
portune had  been  the  petitions  of  Alcalde  Buelna, 
and  warned  the  municipal  authorities  not  to  meddle 
with  matters  that  did  not  concern  them.13  The  30th 
of  July  diputados  Vallejo,  Osio,  Ortega,  and  Castro  pe- 
titioned the  governor  directly  to  convoke  the  assembly, 
and  apparently  some  of  the  southern  members  either 
signed  this  petition  or  sent  in  another  similar  one; 
but  Victoria  showed  no  signs  of  yielding.14 

12  Jan.  29, 1831,  E.  at  the  request  of  the  ayunt.  of  Monterey  in  extra  session, 
to  Jose  Ortega,  Tiburcio  Castro,  M.  G.  Vallejo,  and  suplcnte  Francisco 
Haro  in  place  of  A.  M.  Osio.  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  ix.  88;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i. 
210;  Monterey,  Actos  del  Ayunt.,  MS.,  30-1.  Probably  a  similar  summons 
was  sent  to  other  members. 

13 Monterey,  Ados  del  Ayunt.,  MS.,  31-4,  38-40.  Sessions  Jan.  29th; 
Feb.  5th,  18th;  Aug.  3d,  4th.  Also  vague  allusions  in  the  proceedings  against 
Duarte,  the  alcalde  of  S.  Jose.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  14-51.  Of 
the  Duarte  case  I  shall  speak  a  little  later. 

14 The  petition  is  alluded  to  in  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  i.  305-9,  332,  but  no  de- 
tails are  given.     On  Aug.  24th  V.  writes  to  Alcalde  Sanchez  of  Los  Angeles* 


1S3  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

The  northern  members  repeated  their  petition  Sep- 
tember 11th,  urging  that  the  regular  time  for  meet- 
ing was  March  1st,  claiming  that  urgent  business 
required  attention,  and  even  threatening  rather  mys- 
teriously, in  case  their  request  were  denied,  "  to  pro- 
ceed according  to  law."15  This  brought  out  from 
Victoria  on  the  21st  an  address,  or  manifesto,  to  the 
public.  In  this  document  he  defined  in  a  very  straight- 
forward manner  his  position,  alluding  to  the  criminal 
motives  and  seditious  plans  of  the  opposing  faction, 
"personal  interests  disguised  in  the  habiliments  of 
philanthropy,"  declaring  his  intention  to  thwart  the 
schemes  of  his  predecessor,  and  reminding  good  citi- 
zens that  the  way  to  prosperity  and  happiness  lay  in 
the  direction  of  submission  to  law,  and  not  of  sedition. 
He  stated  that  a  majority  of  the  diputados  had  been 
illegally  elected,  that  he  had  reported  everything  to 
the  national  authorities,  without  whose  orders  he 
would  not  convoke  the  assembly,  and  that  he  counted 
on  resources  unknown  to  his  enemies.16  In  a  report 
bearing  the  same  date  Victoria  announced  his  suspen- 
sion  of  the  diputacion,  and  earnestly  recommended  the 
abolishment  of  all  elective  ayuntamientos  and  the 
restoration  of  military  rule,  except  that  certain  judges 
might  be  appointed  for  Los  Angeles  and  San  Jose.17 
This  radical  overturning  of  all  civil  authority  seemed 
a  simple  and  effective  measure  to  this  honest  soldier, 
who  felt  that  he  could  preserve  order  more  easily  if 

'As  you  are  probably  on  good  terms  with  Pico,  persuade  him  to  withdraw 
his  petition  for  convoking  the  dip. .  .  It  is  my  privilege  to  convene  the  assem- 
bly when  I  find  it  necessary;  and  up  to  the  present  time  it  has  not  been  so; 
for  I  have  just  reasons  which  require  me  to  await  the  decision  of  the  sup. 
govt  on  my  inquiries.'  /(/.,  i.  329-30.  Sept.  7th,  V.  writes  a  very  curt  and 
plain  letter  to  Juan  Bandini  in  reply  to  his  of  Aug.  7th.  The  subject  is  os- 
tensibly financial  matters,  but  it  is  apparent  that  Bandini  was  reckoned  among 
the  enemies  of  the  new  gov.  on  general  principles.    Dept.  Rec,  ix.  43-5. 

15  Petition  dated  S.  Francisco,  in  Leg.  Rec, .MS.,  i.  330-2. 

16  Victoria,  Manifiesto  a  los  Habitantes  de  California.  21  de  Setiembre,  1831, 
MS.;  V<r//<jo,Doc,  MS.,  i.  245;  Pico,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  3;  Bandini,  Doc,  MS., 
1G.  V.  expressed  like  sentiments  in  a  letter  of  Oct.  24th  to  the  alcalde  of 
Los  Angeles,  copied  in  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  335-6. 

"Sept.  21,  1831,  V.  to  min.  of  justice,  in  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  ix.  14G-9.  The 
writer  claimed  that  there  were  few  if  any  persons  fit  for  alcaldes,  and  that 
the  oiiices  were  sought  mainly  for  purposes  of  personal  gain  or  revenge. 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUSTICE.  189 

the  territory  were  made  a  mere  military  comandancia. 
Small  wonder,  however,  that  the  Californian  republi- 
cans were  unprepared  for  such  a  change!  The  four 
diputados,  Vallejo,  Ortega,  Osio,  and  Castro,  sent, 
September  18th,  a  representation  to  Mexico,  complain- 
ing of  the  refusal  to  convoke  the  diputacion,  of  his 
evident  hostility  to  the  federal  system,  and  of  several 
arbitrary  acts  to  be  noted  later.  The  7th  of  Novem- 
ber they  sent  another  memorial  in  reply  to  Victoria's 
manifiesto,  in  which  they  called  upon  the  supreme 
government  to  protect  the  people  against  the  gov- 
ernor's oppressive  usurpation's.18  Juan  Bandini,  sub- 
stitute congressman  from  California,  also  wrote  a  reply 
to  Victoria's  proclamation,  dated  at  San  Diego  Octo- 
ber 10th,  in  which  he  refuted  the  charge  of  illegality 
'in  the  elections,  and  argued  very  eloquently  against 
the  governor's  right  to  deprive  the  country  of  the 
services  of  its  diputacion  on  account  of  mere  suspicions 
respecting  the  members.  Pio  Pico,  senior  vocal  of 
the  diputacion,  issued  a  similar  protest.19 

The  administration  of  justice  was  a  subject  which 
early  claimed  the  new  ruler's  attention.  It  had  been 
much  neglected  by  the  easy-going  Echeandia,  and 
crime  had  gone  unpunished.  Criminal  proceedings 
had  been  often  instituted,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  local 
presidial  annals  of  the  last  six  years,  but  penalties  had 
been  rarely  inflicted  with  fitting  severity.  Victoria 
had  strict  ideas  of  discipline,  and  no  doubt  of  his 
ability  to  enforce  the  laws.  He  is  said  to  have  boasted 
soon  after  his  arrival  at  Monterey  that  before  long  he 
would  make  it  safe  for  any  man  to  leave  his  handker- 
chief or  his  watch  lying  in  the  plaza  until  he  might 

18 Copies  of  these  documents  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  215,  238,  241. 

19  Bandini,  Contestation d  la  Alocucion del  Ge^e  Politico  D.  Manuel  Victoria, 
1831,  MS.;  Pico,  Protesta  al  Manifiesto  de  Don  Manuel  Victoria,  1831,  MS., 
dated  Oct.  15th.  Oct.  17th,  J.  M.  Padrds  in  a  private  letter  congratulates 
Vallejo  and  the  other  deputies  on  their  efforts  to  throw  off  the  ugly  epithet  of 
'seditions'  applied  by  the  gefe  politico.  He  thinks  the  southern  deputies 
have  failed  to  do  their  whole  duty.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  239. 


190  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

choose  to  come  for  it.  How  he  carried  out  his  ideas 
i j  1  this  direction  will  be  apparent  from  a  few  causas 
celeb  res  of  the  year. 

The  case  of  Atanasio  was  pending  when  Victoria 
came.  Atanasio  was  an  Indian  boy  less  than  eigh- 
teen years  of  age,  a  servant  in  sub-comisario  Jimeno's 
office,  who  had  in  1830  stolen  from  the  warehouse 
property  to  the  extent  of  something  over  $200.  The 
prosecution  was  conducted  by  Fernandez  del  Campo, 
Padres,  and  Ibarra  as  fiscales;  and  the  last-named 
demanded,  in  consideration  of  the  vouth  and  ignorance 
of  the  culprit,  as  well  as  on  account  of  the  carelessness 
with  which  the  goods  had  been  exposed,  a  sentence  of 
only  two  years  in  the  public  works.  The  asesor,  Ra- 
fael Gomez,  after  having  sent  the  case  back  to  the 
fiscal  for  the  correction  of  certain  irregularities,  ren- 
dered an  opinion  April  18th,  in  favor  of  the  death 
penalty;  and  by  order  of  the  comandante  general 
Atanasio  was  shot  at  11  a.  m.  on  the  26th.20  Gomez 
was  an  able  lawyer,  and  I  suppose  was  technically 
correct  in  his  advice,  though  the  penalty  seems  a 
severe  one.  Naturally  the  Californians  were  shocked; 
and  though  an  example  of  severity  was  doubtless 
needed,  Victoria  was  not  fortunate  in  his  selection. 
The  circumstance  that  led  to  the  culprit's  detection 
seems  to  have  been  his  using  some  military  buttons 
for  gambling  with  his  comrades;  and  the  popular  ver- 
sion of  the  whole  affair  has  been  that  an  Indian  boy 
was  shot  by  Victoria  for  stealing  a  few  buttons.21 

In  May  1831  the  warehouse  at  San  Carlos  was 
robbed  on  three  different  occasions,  perhaps  entered 
three  times  the  same  night,  by  Simon  Aguilar,  a  Mex- 

20  Atanasio,  Causa  Criminal  contra  el  I ndio  Atanasio  y  ejecucion  del  iro, 
1831,  MS. 

21  Estevan  de  la  Torre,  Jos6  M.  Amador,  Jesus  Pico,  Inocencia  Pico  de 
Avila,  Jos6  J.  Vallejo,  Juan  B.  Alvarado,  and  others  give  substantially  this 
versioi).  I  have  no  space  for  minor  variations,  most  of  which  are  absurdly 
inaccurate.  Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  1G5-6,  says  that  Gomez  sent  a  despatch  to 
stay  the  execution  an  hour  after  the  boy  had  been  shot;  and  Vallejo,  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  ii.  143,  that  Atanasio  was  a  servant  of  Pliego,  caused  to  be  con- 
demned by  his  master  without  the  proper  legal  forms,  and  without  any  speci- 
li  cat  ion  of  the  crime. 


THE  RUBIO  CASE.  '  191 

ican  convict  in  the  service  of  Gomez,  and  Eduardo 
Sagarra,  a  native  'of.  Lima.  A  neophyte  boy,  An- 
dres, furnished  the  keys,  which  he  had  managed  to 
steal  from  Padre  Abella,  the  complainant  in  the  case. 
There  was  no  doubt  about  the  guilt  of  the  accused, 
and  the  fiscal,  Rodrigo  del  Pliego,  demanded  for  the 
two  men  the  death  penalty,  and  for  the  boy,  in  con- 
sideration of  his  being  only  thirteen  years  old,  two 
hundred  blows.  Gomez,  the.  asesor,  also  decided  that 
Aguilar  and  Sagarra  should  be  shot,  and  that  Andres, 
after  witnessing  the  execution,  should  receive  one 
hundred  blows,  and  be  sent  to  the  mission  to  work 
for  six  months,  wearing  a  corma.  The  sentences 
were  approved  by  Victoria,  and  executed  May  28th 
at  the  presidio  of  Monterey.22 

The  famous  Rubio  case  dates  back  to  1828.  On 
the  night  of  August  15th  of  that  year,  Ignacio  Olivas 
and  his  wife,  on  returning  from  a  fandango  at  San 
Francisco,  found  their  little  daughter  aged  five  years, 
and  son  of  one  year,  dead  in  their  beds,  the  former 
having  been  outraged  and  both  brutally  treated.  The 
soldier,  Francisco  Rubio,  a  vicious  man  who  had  been 
convicted  of  serious  crimes  while  serving  in  the  mis- 
sion escoltas  of  Santa  Ines  and  Solano,  was  suspected 
and  arrested.  The  case  was  prosecuted  in  August 
and  September  by  Lieutenant  Martinez,  and  the  testi- 
mony has  been  preserved.  It  was  in  evidence  that 
Rubio  had  learned  by  inquiry  that  the  parents  were 
to  attend  the  fandango  without  the  children:  that  he 
knew  how  to  open  the  doors;  that  tracks  about  the 
house  agreed  with  his  boot;    that  his  clothing  bore 

22 Records  of  the  case  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lxxiii.  8-11.  No- 
tice of  the  execution  in  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  25;  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  102. 
Notices  by  P.  Sarria  of  spiritual  consolations  and  burial  in  the  presidial  cem- 
etery of  these  two  men,  and  also  of  Atanasio.  Nos.  2784,  2892-3,  in  the 
register  of  burials  at  Monterey,  copied  in  Torre,  Remin.,  MS.,  25-6.  Larios, 
Convuldones,  MS.  ,11,  witnessed  the  execution  and  the  flogging  administered  to 
the  boy.  So  did  Rafael  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  G-8,  who  was  a  boy  at  the  time, 
and  who  received  a  terrible  flogging  from  his  brother-in-law,  in  order  that  he 
might  never  forget  the  day  nor  the  solemn  lesson  taught  by  the  event!  Ama- 
dor, Mem.,  MS.,  122-6,  tells  us  that  one  of  the  padres  interceded  most 
earnestly  with  Victoria  for  a  pardon. 


192  RULE  AXD  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

blood-stains  at  the  time  of  his  arrest;  that  he  had 
tried  to  sell  his  shirt  during  the  night;  and  that  many 
of  his  actions  had  seemed  strange  and  suspicious  to 
his  companions.  Beyond  his  own  statements  and 
protestations  of  innocence,  there  was  no  evidence  in 
his  fa  vor,  or  against  any  other  person.  Though  circum- 
stantial, the  proofs  wTere  strong;  sufficiently  so,  I 
think,  to  justify  the  severest  penalty.  The  case,  how- 
ever, dragged  its  slow  length  along,  with  no  percepti- 
ble progress,  as  was  usual  in  California,  through  1829 
and  1830.  Rubio  was  nominally  imprisoned,  but 
during1  much  of  the  time  seems  to  have  worked  as  a 
servant  about  the  presidio,  with  abundant  opportuni- 
ties for  escape.  When  Victoria  came  he  intrusted 
the  prosecution  to  Jose  Maria  Padres,  who  began 
active  operations  in  May  1831.  Alferez  Vallejo, 
who  had  declined  to  serve  as  fiscal,  now  made  some 
efforts  in  behalf  of  Rubio;  but  his  testimony  and 
that  of  others  called  in  to  substantiate  it  tended 
merely  to  show  irregularity  in  one  of  the  former  pro- 
ceedings, and  that  another  man,  having  been  charged 
with  similar  crimes  at  San  Francisco,  might  be  guilty 
in  this  instance.  No  new  evidence  w7as  adduced  in 
Rubio's  favor.  He  was  defended  by  Pliego,  a  friend 
of  Victoria,  who  on  account  of  technical  irreofulari- 
ties,  and  because  no  one  had  seen  his  client  commit  the 
crime,  asked  only  that  some  other  penalty  than  death 
should  be  imposed.  Padres,  an  enemy  of  Victoria 
and  friend  of  Vallejo,  expressed  no  doubt  of  Rubio's 
guilt,  but  he  also  urged  that  imprisonment  be  sub- 
stituted for  death.  Rafael  Gomez  reviewed  the 
testimony  at  some  length,  pronounced  the  accused  to 
be  guilty,  and  recommended  that  he  be  shot  behind 
the  house  of  Olivas.  The  sentence  was  finally  ap- 
proved by  Victoria  and  executed  August  1st,  at  11.30 


A.  M. 


The  case  of  Rubio,  as  just  related  from  the  original 

23  Rubio,  Causa  Criminal por  Asesinatos  y  Esiupro,  1S2S-31,  MS. 


A  CAUSA  CELEERE.  *         103 

records,  would  seem  to  be  a  very  clear  one,  respecting 
which  no  blame  could.be  imputed  to  Victoria;  yet  so 
bitter  was  the  feelino*  against  that  official,  that  the 
execution  has  been  "almost  uniformly  regarded  by 
Californians  as  a  judicial  murder,  stamping  Victoria 
as  a  blood-thirsty  monster.  The  only  reason  for  this 
strange  belief,  in  addition  to  the  popular  feeling  fos- 
tered by  Vallejo  and  his  friends,  was  the  generally 
credited  rumor  that  after  Rubio's  death  an  Indian 
confessed  that  he  had  committed  the  crime  for  which 
the  innocent  soldier  had  suffered.  I  am  unable  to 
say  positively  that  this  ruriior,  so  confidently  pre- 
sented as  truth  by  dozens  of  witnesses,  was  unfounded ; 
but  it  may  be  noted  that  most  persons  speak  indefi- 
nitely of  the  guilty  Indian;  that  the  few  who  venture 
on  details  of  name,  place,  and  date  differ  widely  in 
such  particulars;  and  finally  that  the  later  confession, 
if  perfectly  authentic,  has  no  possible  bearing  on  Vic- 
toria's action.24 

Abel  Stearns,  an  American  but  a  naturalized  citi- 
zen   of    Mexico,   who  had  been    in   California    since 

21  Besides  being  a  partisan  of  Padres  in  the  general  controversy,  Vallejo 
had  a  personal  grievance,  arising  from  the  fact  that  Victoria  had  condemned 
him  to  8  days'  arrest  for  insubordination  in  refusing  to  serve  as  iiscal  in 
another  case.  Dept.  JRec,  MS.,  ix.  18-19.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  ii.  140-7, 
says  that  he  as  prosecuting  attorney  informed  Victoria  that  the  signatures  of 
the  witnesses  against  Itubio  were  forgeries;  that  he  and  Padres  offered  to  aid 
Rubio  to  escape,  but  he  refused;  that  the  execution  was  an  outrage;  and  that 
the  real  culprit  confessed  the  crime  in  1833.  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii. 
171,  183,  iv.  81,  regards  the  prosecution  as  a  conspiracy  against  Rubio;  and 
both  he  and  Vallejo  state  that  great  reverses  of  fortune  overtook  Lieut  Mar- 
tinez at  the  time  of  Rubio's  death,  and  were  commonly  regarded  as  divine 
punishments.  Osio,  Hist.  Cat,  MS.,  lGo-7'2,  gives  some  particulars,  more 
pathetic  than  probable,  of  the  execution,  and  tells  us  that  0  or  7  years  later 
Vallejo  at  Sonoma  learned  that  Roman,  a  neophyte  of  S.  Rafael,  had  committed 
the  crime,  and  sent  Sergt  Pifia  to  shoot  him.  Gabriel  Castro  in  1876  gave 
one  of  my  agents  a  narrative  in  which  I  put  no  confidence,  with  minute  de- 
tails of  the  arrest  and  confession  of  Roman  at  S.  Francisco,  where  he  died  in 
prison  of  syphilis.  Ignacio  Cibrian  also  gave  a  somewhat  different  version. 
In  the  evidence  it  appeared  that  a  little  brother  of  the  victims  said  that  a 
fierce  coyote  had  come  and  killed  the  children;  and  Amador,  Mem.,  MS., 
122-6,  implies  that  Rubio's  nickname  of  'Coyote'  was  the  main  ground  of  his 
accusation.  J.  J.  Vallejo,  Rcmin.,  MS.,  112,  tells  us  that  Victoria  was 
moved  by  the  counsels  of  the  padres  and  by  his  hatred  of  Padres,  who  pro- 
tected Rubio.  The  versions  of  Pinto,  Pico,  Weeks,  Torre,  and  Galindo  need 
no  special  notice.  None  doubt  that  Rubio  was  the  victim  of  Victoria's  op- 
pression. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    13 


194  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

18-9,  was  apparently  a  sympathizer  with  the  party  of 
Padres  and  Vallejo;  or  at  least  he  was  so  regarded  by 
Victoria.  He  had  a  land  grant  in  the  San  Joaquin 
Valley  which  required  confirmation  by  the  diputacion, 
and  he  was  therefore  anxious  for  a  meeting  of  that 
body.  This  was  his  only  offence,  so  far  as  I  can  as- 
certain; but  for  it  Victoria  ordered  him  to  leave  the 
country,  refused  to  give  or  listen  to  airy  explanations, 
and  merely  bade  him  present  his  claims  and  com- 
plaints to  the  supreme  government.  The  correspond- 
ence began  in  February.  In  July,  Stearns  was  re- 
fused permission  to  visit  San  Francisco  to  attend  to 
his  business  affairs,  and  on  September  23d  his  pass- 
port was  issued.  He  soon  sailed  from  Monterey, 
but  did  not  go  farther  than  San  Diego,  or  the  fron- 
tier of  Baja  California.25  Nothing  can  be  said  in 
defence  of  Victoria's  arbitrary  course  in  thus  exiling 
a  Mexican  citizen  without  trial  or  specification  of 
offence;  but  the  provocation  was  I  have  no  doubt 
much  stronger  than  it  appears  in  the  written  record, 
since  Stearns  was  not  a  man  disposed  to  submit  quiet- 
ly when  his  interests  were  threatened. 

Another  of  Victoria's  arbitrary  proceedings  was 
that  against  Mariano  Duarte,  alcalde  of  San  Jose,  in 
August  and  September.  Duarte  had,  after  consulta- 
tion with  Alcalde  Buelna  of  Monterey,  tried  to  in- 
duce the  ayuntamiento  to  petition  for  the  convoking 
of  the  diputacion.  This  was  his  chief  offence,  "one 
which  has  a  very  strong  bearing  upon  the  present 
political  state  of  the  territory,"  in  Victoria's  eyes;  but 
there  were  others,  brought  forward  by  the  other 
municipal  officers  who  disliked  the  alcalde,  and  in- 
cluded in  the  investigation.     Duarte  had  somewhat 

) 
"  Correspondence  between  V.  and  Stearns  in  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  i.  321-9;  Dept. 
Hoc,  MS.,  ix.  102,  10G-7.  S.  had,  however-,  since  Oct.  1830,  a  quarrel  on 
hand  with  Ex-alcalde  Soberanes,  for  disrespect  to  whom  he  had  been  impris- 
oned, and  justly  as  the  asesor  decided.  Monterey  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  26-7.  Sept. 
]  L,  1831,  V.  to  min.  of  rel.,  accuses  S.  of  pernicious  conduct,  of  plotting  with 
rea  to  have  the  dip.  meet,  of  trying  to  go  to  S.  Francisco  to  join  the 
other  plotters,  and  of  being  a  vagabond  dependent  on  Capt.  Cooper.  Dept, 
Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  14 j. 


AN  AMOROUS  ALCALDE.  195 

irregularly  appointed  .certain  regidores  to  fill  vacan- 
cies, and  had  taken  from  the  municipal  funds  compen- 
sation for  teaching  the  pueblo  school,  whereas  it  had 
been  the  understanding  that  he  was  to  teach  for  noth- 
ing— the  estimated  value  of  his  services.  Worse  yet, 
Duarte  allowed  himself  to  be  inveigled  into  a  trap 
by  his  foes.  A  woman  with  more  patriotism  than 
modesty  was  induced  to  send  the  alcalde  an  amorous 
invitation,  and  he  wTas  surprised  at  her  house  by  the 
watchful  regidores.  Rodrigo  del  Pliego  was  sent  to 
San  Jose  to  prosecute  the  case;  and  a  little  later 
Duarte  was  brought  in  irons  to  Monterey  to  be  tried 
by  a  military  court.  There  was  no  trouble  in  prov- 
ing the  truth  of  the  only  charge  to  which  Victoria 
attached  much  importance,  that  of  laboring  to  secure 
a  meeting  of  the  diputacion,  and  all  went  well  for  the 
governor  until  the  opinion  of  the  asesor  was  rendered 
September  30th.  This  opinion  was  to  the  effect  that 
the  charges  against  Duarte  had  been  substantiated, 
but  that  in  urging  the  ayuntamiento  to  cooperate 
with  others  in  demanding  a  convocation  of  the  assem- 
bly he  had  done  no  criminal  act,  and  that  as  to  the 
other  offences  a  military  court  had  no  jurisdiction, 
and  they  must  be  sent  to  the  supreme  court  in  Mex- 
ico. Victoria  seems  to  have  made  no  effort  to  con- 
tinue the  prosecution  in  defiance  of  law.26 

There  was  trouble  likewise  at  Los  Angeles,  though 
the  alcalde  of  that  town,  Vicente  Sanchez,  was  a 
partisan  and  protege  of  Victoria,  being  a  man  more- 
over who  always  had  a  quarrel  on  hand  with  some- 
body. In  January  Echeandia,  acting  on  the  legal 
advice  of  Gomez,  had  declared  Sanchez  as  a  diputado 
not  competent  to  hold  the  place  of  alcalde,  ordering 
that  the  first  regidor  take  the  place  provisionally  and  a 

26  Duarte,  Causa  Criminal  stguida  contra  el  Alcalde  de  S.  Jose",  Mariano 
Duarte,  1831,  MS.  Lieut  Ibarra  was  Duarte's  defender,  but  his  argument 
was  devoted  to  showing  his  client  to  be  an  ignoramus.  There  is  nothing  in 
the  narratives  of  Californians  on  this  affair  that  deserves  notice,  though 
many  mention  it  in  their  charges  against  Victoria.  The  decision  of  Gomez 
on  the  legality  of  the  case  was  subsequently  affirmed  in  Mexieo. 


106  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

new  alcalde  be  chosen.27  There  is  no  record  of  immediate 
action  on  this  order;  but  on  April  18th  the  ayunta- 
miento  deposed  Sanchez,  putting  Regidor  Juan  Alva- 
rado  in  his  place.  At  first  Victoria  did  not  object  to 
the  change,  but  a  few  days  later,  probably  learning 
that  it  had  been  in  some  way  in  the  interest  of  Eche- 
andia's  party,  he  discovered  that  the  movement  had 
been  a  revolutionary  and  illegal  one.  So  he  wrote  a 
severe  reprimand  to  Alvarado,  ordered  him  to  restore 
Sanchez  to  office,  and  announced  that  he  would  soon 
come  down  to  Los  Angeles  to  make  an  investigation. 
The  order  was  obeyed  and  Sanchez  was  reinstated.-3 
In  June,  for  reasons  that  do  not  appear,  Victoria  saw 
fit  to  revive  the  matter  by  sending  Lieutenant  Ar- 
gtiello  to  make  investigations  and  administer  rebukes. 
The  21st  of  July  he  sent  back  the  sumario  that  had 
been  formed  by  Argliello,  and  ordered  that  the  regi- 
dores  Alvarado  and  Perez,  with  six  other  citizens  of 
Los  Angeles,  should  be  put  in  prison.  They  were 
never  released  by  Victoria's  order.29 

One  of  Alcalde  Sanchez's  quarrels  was  with  Jose 
Antonio  Carrillo.  The  exact  nature  of  the  trouble  is 
not  explained;  but  in  March  Carrillo  was  taken  into 
custody  as  a  defrauder.  He  escaped,  but  gave  himself 
up  to  the  comandante  of  Santa  Barbara  on  March  21st, 
and  was  kept  in  confinement  there  for  some  fifty  days. 
At  the  end  of  that  time  he  was  sent  down  to  San 
Diego,  and  immediately  banished  to  San  Vicente  on 
the  frontier  by  Victoria's  order.  How  Carrillo  had 
offended  the  governor  is  not  recorded,  but  it  is  to  be 

"Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  84-5. 

28  April  21st,  23d,  V.  to  Alvarado.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  99-102.  The  com.  of 
Rta  B.  reports  having  felt  some  alarm  when  he  first  heard  of  Sanchez's  removal, 
but  soon  learned  that  no  harm  was  intended.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  9-10. 
April  2oth,  Alvarado  to  V.,  saying  that  Sanchez  had  been  reinstated.  April 
2Gth,  Sanchez  to  V.,  complaining  of  his  wrongs  at  the  hands  of  foes.  Regi- 
dor Jos6  Perez  Avas  arrested,  but  let  out  on  bail.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pre/. 
y  Juzg.,  MS.,  iii.  54-5. 

"Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  i.  307-8,  349-50;  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  108-10.  The  six 
citizens  were  Tomas  Talamantes,  Francisco  Sepulveda,  Jos6  Maria  Avila, 
Maximo  Alanis,  Demesio  Domingnez,  and  Jose"  Maria  Aguilar.  Capt.  Bar- 
roso  took  Argiiello's  place  in  August. 


EXILE  OF  J.  M.  PADRES.  197 

presumed  that  lie  had  taken  a  prominent  part  in  send- 
ing memorials  from  the  south  in  the  interest  of  the 
diputacion.  He  protested  earnestly  against  his  exile 
in  June  and  July,  demanding  an  opportunity  to  re- 
turn, under  bonds,  to  vindicate  his  honor;  but  all  he 
could  obtain  was  permission  to  move  about  from  place 
to  place  on  the  frontier  without  returning  to  Califor- 
nia while  his  case  was  pending.  Nevertheless  he  did 
return,  as  we  shall  see.30 

Finally  Jose  Maria  Padres,  whom  Victoria  justly 
regarded  as  the  leading  spirit  in  the  opposition  to  his 
measures,  was  summarily  sent  out  of  the  territory 
without  form  of  trial.  In  all  his  communications  the 
governor  had  named  Padres  as  the  cause  of  the  coun- 
try's ills.31  Early  in  the  summer  he  had  been  sent  to 
San  Francisco,  where  it  was  thought  he  could  do  less 
harm  than  at  the  capital;  but  he  continued  his  plot- 
ting^— so  believed  Victoria — in  connection  with  Va- 
llejo  and  several  young  Californians  who  were  living 
there  ostensibly  engaged  in  hunting  otter.  In  Octo- 
ber the  order  for  Lis  banishment  was  issued,  and  early 
in  November  lie  was  sent  by  sea  to  San  Bias.32  Of 
course  Victoria  had  no  authority  for  such  an  act. 

I  have  thus  catalogued  the  acts  of  Victoria's  admin- 

30  Correspondence  on  Carrillo's  case  from  March  to  August,  in  Valle,  Doc 
Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  17;  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  302-3,  313-20;  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  ix. 
3-2;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS. ,  iii.  14- LG,  IS;  Orel,  Ocurrcncia*,  MS.,  43-4.  Al- 
varado,  Hut.  Co!.,  MS.,  ii.  1G9-70,  erroneously  says  Bandini  was  banished 
with  Carrillo,  and  the  two  wrote  a  maniliesto,  which  was  sent  north.  Some 
one  put  a  copy  under  Victoria's  pillow,  and  a  reward  was  offered  for  his  de- 
tection. 

31  Particularly  in  his  report  to  the  min.  of  rel.  of  Sept.  21st,  in  Dept.  Rec, 
M.S..  ix.  149-52. 

32  July  24th,  Padres  at  S.  Francisco  writes  to  Stearns,  advising  him  to  go 
to  Mcx.  with  his  complaints  against  V.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,i.  234.  Sept. 
14th,  V.  to  min.  of  war.  Says  that  P.  was  sent  to  Bodega  to  make  an  inspec- 
tion; hut  that  he  talked  very  freely  to  the  Russians  against  the  Mex.  and  Cal. 
govt.  Dept.  Hoc,  MS.,  ix.  144.  Oct.  17th,  P.  congratulates  Vallejo  on  his  oppo- 
sition to  V.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  239.  Oct.  19th,  P.  is  to  sail  on  the  Catalina. 
Nov.  8th,  he  is  to  sail  on  the  schooner  Margarita.  Id. ,  i.  242;  Dept.  Rec ,  MS. , 
ix.  53,  Gl.  Figueroa,  Manifiesto,  3-4,  speaks  of  P.'s  influence  in  favor  of  re- 
volt. Alvarado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii.  174-5,  says  P.  left  Monterey  Dec.  8th, 
and  that  V.  before  exiling  him  had  tried  to  buy  him  off.  Both  this  author  and 
Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  142-7,  say  that  P.  left  Cal.  vowing  to  oust  V., 
and  in  possession  of  news  from  Mex.  that  made  him  think  it  would  not  be 
very  difficult. 


108  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

istration,  and  they  leave  no  doubt  as  to  what  manner 
of  man  he  was.  Personally  brave,  honest,  energetic, 
straightforward,  and  devoted  to  what  he  deemed  the 
best  interests  of  the  territory,  he  was  yet  more  a  co- 
man  dante  general  than  a  gefe  politico.  His  idea  of 
his  duty  was  to  preserve  order  and  administer  justice 
by  military  methods,  removing  without  regard  to  con- 
stitutional technicalities  such  obstacles  as  might  stand 
in  the  way  of  success  in  carrying  out  his  good  intentions. 
All  the  Californians  in  their  narratives  credit  him  with 
personal  courage,  but  with  no  other  good  quality,  save 
that  a  few  admit  he  paid  better  attention  to  the  com- 
fort as  well  as  the  discipline  of  his  soldiers  than  had 
his  predecessors.  Nearly  all,  after  mentioning  more 
or  less  accurately  some  of  the  acts  which  I  have  chron- 
icled, express  the  opinion  that  Victoria  was  a  cruel, 
blood-thirsty  monster,  at  whose  hands  the  lives  of  all 
honest  citizens  were  in  danger,  some  adding  that  he 
was  dishonest  and  avaricious  as  well,  and  others  assert- 
ing that  he  was  a  full-blooded  negro.  So  stronsr  is 
popular  prejudice,  fostered  by  a  few  influential  men.33 
There  is  a  notable  lack  of  missionary  correspondence 
in  the  records  of  1831,  and  I  find  only  one  contempo- 
rary expression  of  the  padres'  opinion  respecting  Vic- 
toria's acts,  except  that  of  course  they  approved  his 
abrogation  of  the  secularization  decree.  Padre  Duran, 
in  the  epilogue  of  his  comments  upon  that  measure, 

33 1  shall  give  later  references  to  all  the  Californian  writers  who  have  treated 
of  Victoria's  rule.  Their  sentiments  are  so  uniform,  that  it  is  not  necessary 
to  cite  individual  opinions.  In  the  memorial  of  the  diputados  to  the  Mex. 
govt  of  Sept.  18th,  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  215,  238,  the  charges  against  V.  are 
his  exile  of  Carrillo  and  Stearns,  his  arrest  of  Duarte,  his  refusal  to  convoke 
the  diputacion,  his  general  opposition  to  the  federal  system,  and  his  insults 
to  diputados  and  inhabitants.  A  very  complete  resume^  of  V.'s  acts  and  trou- 
bles, made  up  from  his  despatches  and  those  of  Eclieandia  and  others,  is  found 
in  Alaman,  Succsos  de  California  en  el  aho  tie  1831,  MS.,  the  same  being  an 
appendix  to  the  minister's  instructions  to  Gov.  Figueroa  in  1832.  The  whole 
subject  is  also  fully  treated  in  Vallejo  and  Argiiello,  Expediente  sobre  las  Ar~ 
bztrariedade8  de  Victoria,  MS.,  presented  to  the  dip.  on  Feb.  17,  1832.  To 
the  usual  charges  Bandini,  Apuntes  Politico?;,  1832,  MS.,  adds  the  sending  of 
some  Angelinos  far  among  the  savages  toward  Sonora  to  drive  stock  for  a 
favorite  padre  of  the  governor's,  tampering  with  the  mails  at  Monterey,  and 
ing  the  faculties  of  hacienda  employees  to  the  prejudice  of  the  admin- 
i  ttration. 


PREJUDICE  AGAINST  THE  GOVERNOR.  199 

after  affirming  that  .the  leading  Californians  aimed 
solely  at  securing  mission  plunder  and  rejoicing  at 
Victoria's  opportune  arrival  and  suspension  of  the  law, 
wrote:  " Interested  parties,  including  some  vocales  of 
the  diputacion,  sure  of  their  prey,  were  disappointed, 
and  disappointment  turned  into  hatred  for  the  .equi- 
table Victoria.  Never  had  they  pardoned  this  just 
chief  for  having  rescued  the  booty  already  within 
their  grasp.  They  began  to  intrigue  and  hold  secret 
meetings,  and  for  ten  months  of  1831  symptoms  of 
sedition  have  not  ceased  to  keep  the  illustrious  chief 
in  constant  trouble.  They  sought  to  force  him  to 
convene  the  diputacion,  in  order  that  with  a  semblance 
of  legality  they  might  accomplish  their  desires, .  .  .  un- 
grateful for  the  sacrifices  of  the  poor  Indians;  but  Vic- 
toria never  consented;  and  in  November  they  pro- 
claimed a  plan  of  attack."  The  foreign  residents  are 
equally  silent,34  but  I  suspect  that  their  views  were 
more  favorable  to  the  governor  than  the}7  cared  to 
admit  generally  to  the  strong  element  opposing  him. 
The  Californians  have  weakened  their  cause  by  their 
unfounded  and  exaggerated  attacks  on  Victoria's  per- 
sonal character,  for  politically  the  cause  was  a  strong 
one.  Victoria  went  far  beyond  the  authority  of  his 
office,  in  refusing  to  convoke  the  assembly,  in  trying 
an  alcalde  by  court-martial,  and  in  banishing  Mexican 
citizens  without  forms  of  trial.  He  was  not  in  sym- 
pathy with  constitutional  government;  and  his  acts 
were  not  to  be  defended  by  reason  of  the  reactionary 
character  of  the  administration  that  appointed  him, 
the  trick  that  was  attempted  by  Padres  and  Echeandfa, 
the  formidable  opposition  which  forced  him  to  a  more 
arbitrary  policy  than  he  would  otherwise  have  shown, 
or  the  promptness  and  frankness  with  which  he  sub- 
mitted all  to  the  national  authorities.  Perhaps  his 
proceedings  might  even  have  justified  revolt  after  a 

34 Duran,  Notas  y  Com.,  MS.,  epilogue.  Spence,  Hist.  Notes,  MS.,  15, 
merely  says  that  V.  was  energetic  and  made  every  one  respect  order  and  law, 
wliicli  did  not  please  a  certain  class. 


200  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

failure  to  obtain  relief  from  Mexico.  Under  other 
circumstances,  Victoria  might  have  been  an  excellent 
ruler  for  California. 

Thus  far  San  Francisco  in  the  extreme  north  had 
been  the  centre  of  opposition  to  Victoria,  but  the 
final  revolt  broke  out  in  the  extreme  south  at  San 
Diego.35  Some  prominent  men  of  the  north  are  of 
opinion  that  the  abajehos  should  not  have  all  the 
glory,  but  I  fear  there  is  hardly  enough  of  it  to  bear 
division.  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo,  supposed  to  be  in  exile 
on  the  frontier,  but  who  came  secretly  to  the  vicinity  of 
San  Die^o  in  November,  was  the  real  instigator  of  the 
revolt,  seconded  by  Abel  Stearns,  another  exile;  but 
the  active  and  ostensible  leaders  were  Juan  Bandini, 
diputado  suplente  to  congress  and  sub-comisario  of 
hacienda,  and  Pio  Pico,  senior  vocal  of  the  diputacion. 
Bandini  in  his  history  gives  but  a  general  account  of 
the  affair,  but  Pico  enters  into  some  detail,  both  of  the 
actual  revolt  and  of  preliminary  movements.36  After 
ten  or  twelve  days  of  preparatory  plotting,  Pico, 
Bandini,  and  Carrillo,  on  November  29th,  drew  up  and 
signed   a  formal   pronunciamiento,  and   that  evening 

35Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  142-7,  and  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii. 
172-3,  state  that  the  former,  a  member  of  the  diputacion,  was  urged  in  letters 
from  leading  men  in  the  south  to  take  the  initiative  in  a  revolution  to  over- 
throw the  tyrant.  Vallejo  went  to  Monterey  to  consult  with  the  other 
northern  vocales,  but  found  them  timid  about  resorting  to  rebellion.  On  his 
way  back  to  S.  F.  he  met  V.  at  Sta  Clara,  and  was  offered  by  him  all  kinds 
of  official  favors  if  he  would  abandon  the  party  of  Padres.  This  was  just 
before  the  exile  of  the  latter,  and  V.  had  received  alarming  news  of  growing 
uneasiness  in  the  south. 

86  Bandini,  J  list.  Cal,  MS.,  73-5;  Pico,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  24-34.  Pico  says 
that  in  the  middle  of  Nov.  his  brother-in-law,  Jose  J.  Ortega,  came  down  from 
Monterey  with  news  that  V.  was  preparing  to  come  south,  and  that  he  in- 
tended to  hang  Pico  and  Bandini  for  their  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  diputacion. 
He  at  once  sent  for  J.  A.  Carrillo — also  his  brother-in-law — who  came  to  his 
rancho  of  Jamul;  both  came  to  S.  Diego  in  the  night  and  had  an  interview 
with  Bandini,  and  the  three  resolved  on  a  pronunciamiento  as  the  only  means 
of  thwarting  V.'s  plans.  It  took  about  two  weeks  to  perfect  their  plans  and 
to  learn  what  men  could  be  relied  on.  During  this  time  Pico  and  Juan  Lopez 
made  visits  to  Los  Angeles  to  enlist  the  Angelinos  in  the  cause.  They  found 
that  Alcalde  Sanchez  had  about  70  (some  others  say  30  or  40)  of  the  citizens 
in  jail;  but  Avila  and  other  leaders  disapproved  of  any  rising  until  V.  should 
have  passed  Angeles,  when  they  would  attack  him  in  the  rear,  and  the  Die- 
guinos  in  front.  Finally  they  heard  from  Stearns  a  confirmation  of  V.'s 
schemes  as  before  reported. 


PRONUXCIAMIENTO  OF  SAN  DIEGO.  201 

with  about  a  dozen  companions  started  out  to  take 
possession  of  the  presidio  and  garrison.  Doubtless  by 
a  previous  understanding  with  the  soldiers,  no  resist- 
ance was  made,  though  the  forms  of  a  surprise  were 
gone  through,  the  arms  and  barracks  secured,  and  the 
officers  placed  under  arrest.37 

Next  day  the  soldiers  gave  in  their  adhesion  to  the 
plan  readily  enough,  but  the  officers,  especially  captains 
Portilla  and  Argliello,  showed  considerable  reluctance. 
They  shared  the  feelings  of  the  rebels  against  Victo- 
ria— so  they  said,  Portilla  perhaps  not  quite  truth- 
full}' — but  they  felt  that  for  military  men  in  their 
position  to  engage  in  open  rebellion  against  their 
comandante  general  was  a  serious  matter.  At  first 
they  declined  to  do  more  than  remain  neutral  under 
arrest;  but  finally  they  were  induced  to  promise 
active  cooperation  on  condition  that  Echeandia  would 
accept  the  command.  What  part  Echeandia  had 
taken,  if  any,  in  the  previous  plottings  cannot  be 
known;  but  after  much  hesitation,  real  or  pretended/8 
he  consented  to  head  the  movement.  The  plan, 
slightly  amended,  was  now  made  to  embrace  substan- 
tially the  following  points :  the  suspension  of  Victoria,, 
the  vesting  by  the  diputacion  of  the  political  and 
military  command  in  separate  persons,  and  the  pro- 
visional resumption  by  Echeandia  of  both  commands 
until  such  act  of  the  diputacion  or  the  decision  of 
the  national  government.     This  pronunciamiento  was 

37Bandini  says  there  were  14  men  in  the  first  revolutionary  party.  Pico 
names,  besides  the  3  signers,  Ignacio,  Juan,  and  Jose"  Lopez;  Abel  Stearns; 
Juan  Maria  Marron;  Andre's  and  Antonio  Ibarra;  Damaso  and  Gcrvasio  Ali- 
pas;  Juan  Osuna;  Silverio  Rios;  another  citizen,  and  a  cholo  to  carry  ammu- 
nition. Pico  says  ho  was  deputed  to  arrest  Capt.  Argliello,  whom  he  found 
at  his  house  playing  treailo  with  his  wife  and  Alf.  Valle.  He  begged  pardon 
for  the  intrusion,  presented  his  pistols,  and  marched  the  two  oilicers  away 
to  join  Capt.  Portilla,  who  had  been  arrested  by  Bandini.  Valle,  Lo  Pasatlo, 
MS.,  3-5,  like  most  of  the  California  writers,  mentions  the  arrest  of  himself 
and  the  rest,  but  gives  no  particulars. 

38  E.  was  a  timid  man,  not  inclined  to  revolutionary  acts,  and  moreover 
not  in  good  health;  therefore  his  reluctance  to  assume  the  responsibility  of 
such  a  movement;  yet  I  hardly  credit  the  statement  of  the  Vallejos  and 
others  that  he  refused  the  command  until  forced  by  Carrillo's  threats  to 
accept  it. 


202  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

finally  signed  December  1st  by  Echeandia,  the  three 
original  signers,  and  all  the  officials,  whose  names  I 
give  with  a  translation  of  the  document.39    The  reader 

D9  PronuncAamiento  de  San  Diego  contra  el  Gefe  Politico  y  Comandante  Gen- 
era!  de  t 'a  '/fornia,  Don  Manuel  Victoria,  en  20  de  Noriembre  y  1  de  Dkinnbre 
de  1831,  MS.  Translation:  'Mexican  citizens  residing  in  the  upper  territory 
of  the  Californias.  If  the  enterprise  we  undertake  were  intended  to  violate 
the  provisions  of  the  laws,  if  our  acts  in  venturing  to  oppose  the  scandalous 
of  the  actual  governor,  D.  Manuel  Victoria,  were  guided  by  aims  un- 
worthy of  patriotic  sentiments,  then  should  we  not  only  fear  but  know  the 
fatal  results  to  which  we  must  be  condemned.  Such,  however,  not  being 
the  case,  we,  guided  in  the  path  of  justice,  animated  by  love  of  our  soil,  duly 
respecting  the  laws  dictated  by  our  supreme  legislature,  and  enthusiastic  for 
their  support,  find  ourselves  obliged,  on  account  of  the  criminal  abuse  noted 
in  the  said  chief,  to  adopt  the  measures  here  made  known.  We  know  that 
we  proceed,  not  against  the  sup.  govt  or  its  magistrates,  but,  as  we  are  deeply 
convinced,  against  an  individual  who  violates  the  fundamental  bases  of  our 
system,  or  in  truth  against  a  tyrant  who  has  hypocritically  deceived  the 
supreme  powers  so  as  to  reach  the  rank  to  which,  without  deserving  it,  he 
has  been  raised.  The  supreme  being,  master  of  our  hearts,  knows  the  pure 
sentiments  with  which  we  set  out:  love  to  country,  respect  for  the  laws,  to 
obey  them  and  make  them  obeyed,  to  banish  the  abuses  which  with  acceler- 
ated steps  the  actual  ruler  is  committing  against  the  liberal  system.  Such 
are  the  objects  which  we  call  pure  sentiments  and  in  accordance  with  public 
right.  We  will  maintain  this  before  the  national  sovereignty,  and  time  will 
bear  witness  against  what  the  breaker  of  laws  chooses  to  call  sedition.  From 
the  sentiments  indicated  may  be  clearly  deduced  the  patriotic  spirit  which 
directs  us  to  the  proceeding  this  day  begun;  and  at  the  thought  that  such 
sentiments  are  entertained  by  the  people  of  Alta  California,  there  is  generated 
within  us  a  complete  conviction  that  our  indispensable  action  will  be  sup- 
ported and  therefore  sustained  by  all  who  live  in  this  unfortunate  country. 
As  for  the  military  officers  in  actual  service,  opposition  is  naturally  to  be  ex- 
pected from  them  to  our  plan,  and  we  must  allow  them  at  first  this  unfavor- 
able opinion  demanded  by  their  profession;  but  not  so  later,  when  they  shall 
have  fully  learned  the  wise  and  beneficent  intentions  with  which  we  act;  for 
they  also,  as  Mexican  citizens,  are  in  duty  bound  to  maintain  inviolate  the 
code  to  which  we  have  all  sworn.  We  believe  that  your  minds  are  ever 
decided  in  favor  of  the  preservation  of  society,  and  your  arms  to  be  ready  in 
the  service  of  whoever  may  assure  happiness,  and  in  support  of  the  laws 
which  promulgate  its  representation.  You  are  assured  of  the  contrary  spirit 
shown  by  the  chief  authority  of  this  California,  and  we  begin,  in  manifesting 
his  criminal  acts,  with  the  infraction  committed  against  the  territorial  repre- 
sentation, which  has  been  suppressed  on  pretexts  which  confirm  his  absolu- 
tism, though  you  voted  for  the  members  to  be  the  areas  of  your  confidence; 
the  total  suppression  of  the  ayuntamiento  of  Sta  Barbara;  the  shooting  of 
several  persons  by  his  order  at  Monterey  and  S.  Francisco,  without  the  neces- 
sary precedent  formalities  prescribed  by  the  laws;  the  expatriation  suffered 
by  the  citizens  Jose"  Antonio  Carrillo  and  Abel  Stearns,  without  notification 
of  the  reasons  demanding  it;  the  scorn  with  which  he  has  treated  the  most 
just  demand  which  with  legal  proofs  was  presented  by  the  very  honorable 
pueblo  of  Los  Angeles,  leaving  unpunished  the  public  crimes  of  the  present 
alcalde;  and,  not  to  weary  you  with  further  reflections  of  this  nature,  p. ease 
consider  the  attributes  which  he  has  assumed  in  the  department  of  revenues, 
making  himself  its  chief,  with  grave  injury  to  the  public  funds.  We  trust 
that  after  you  know  our  aims  you  will  regard  the  removal  of  all  these  evils  as 
the  fluty  of  every  citizen.  WTc  believe  also  that  the  public  sentiment  of  the 
territory  will  never  attempt  to  violate  our  rights,  or  still  less  provoke  us  to 


A  WORDY  PLAN.  203 

who  may  have  the  patience  to  examine  this  state  pa- 
per, California's  first  pronunciamiento,  if  we  except 
that  of  the  convict  Solis  in  1829,  will  find  in  it  a  good 

make  a  defence  foreign  to  our  views  ( !).  The  said  ruler  has  not  only  shown  him- 
self shameless  in  the  violation  of  law,  but  has  at  the  same  time  imperilled  our 
security  and  interests  by  reason  of  his  despotism  and  incapacity.  You  your- 
selves are  experiencing  the  misfortunes  that  have  happened  during  the  short 
time  of  his  management.  For  all  these  reasons,  and  with  all  obedience  and 
subjection  to  the  laws,  we  have  proposed:  1st,  To  suspend  the  exercise  of  D. 
Manuel  Victoria  in  all  that  relates  to  the  command  which  he  at  present  holds 
in  this  territory  as  comandante  general. and  gefe  politico,  for  infraction  and 
conspiracy  against  our  sacred  institutions,  as  we  shall  show  by  legal  proofs. 
2d,  That  when  at  a  fitting  time  the  excelentisima  diputacion  territorial  shall 
have  met,  the  military  and  political  command  shall  fall  to  distinct  persons  as 
the  laws  of  both  jurisdictions  provide,  until  the  supreme  resolution.  These 
two  objects,  so  just  for  the  reasons  given,  are  those  which  demand  attention 
from  the  true  patriot.  Then  let  the  rights  of  the  citizen  be  born  anew;  let 
liberty  spring  up  from  the  ashes  of  oppression,  and  perish  the  despotism  that 
has  suffocated  our  security.  Yes,  citizens;  love  to  country  and  observance  of 
the  laws  prescribed  and  approved  by  our  supreme  powers  are  the  fundamental 
basis  on  which  we  travel.  Property  is  respected;  likewise  the  duty  of  each 
citizen.  Our  diputacion  territorial  will  work,  and  will  take  all  the  steps  con- 
ducive to  the  good  of  society;  but  we  beg  that  body  that  it  make  no  innova- 
tion whatever  in  the  matter  of  the  missions,  respecting  their  communities 
and  property,  since  our  object  is  confined  solely  to  the  two  articles  as  stated. 
To  the  sup.  govt  belongs  exclusively  the  power  to  dictate  what  it  may  deem 
proper  on  this  subject,  and  it  promises  to  the  padres  to  observe  respect, 
decorum,  and  security  of  the  property  intrusted  to  their  care.  Thus  we 
sign  it,  and  we  hope  for  indulgence  in  consideration  of  our  rights  and  justice. 
Presidio  of  San  Diego,  Nov.  29,  1831.  Pio  Pico,  Juan  Bandini,  Jos6  Antonio 
Carrillo. 

'We,  Capt.  Pablo  de  la  Portilla,  etc.  [see  names  at  end],  acquainted  with 
the  preceding  plan  signed  by  [names  as  before,  with  titles],  according  to  which 
the  people  of  this  place  surprised  the  small  garrison  of  this  plaza  on  the  night 
of  Nov.  29th,  consider  it  founded  on  our  natural  right,  since  it  is  known  to  us 
in  all  evidence  that  the  gefe  politico  and  comandante  general  of  the  terri- 
tory, Don  Manuel  Victoria,  has  infringed  our  federal  constitution  and  laws  in 
that  part  relating  to  individual  security  and  popular  representation;  and  we 
find  ourselves  not  in  a  position  to  be  heard  with  the  promptness  our  rights 
demand  by  the  supreme  powers  of  the  nation,  which  might  order  the  suspen- 
sion which  is  effected  in  the  plan  if  they  could  see  and  prove  the  accusations 
which  give  rise  to  so  many  complaints.  But  at  the  same  time,  in  order  to  se- 
cure in  the  enterprise  the  best  order,  and  a  path  which  may  not  lead  us  away 
from  the  only  object  proposed,  we  choose  and  proclaim  lieut-col.  of  engi- 
neers, citizen  Jose"  Maria  de  Echeandfa,  to  re-assume  the  command,  political 
and  military,  of  the  territory,  which  this  very  year  he  gave  up  to  the  said  Sr 
Victoria — this  until  the  supreme  government  may  resolve  after  the  proper 
correspondence,  or  until,  the  diputacion  being  assembled,  distinct  persons 
may  in  legal  form  take  charge  of  the  two  commands.  And  the  said  chief 
having  appeared  at  our  invitation,  and  being  informed  on  the  subject,  he  de- 
cided to  serve  in  both  capacities  as  stated,  protesting,  however,  that  he  does  it 
solely  in  support  of  public  liberty  according  to  the  system  which  he  has  sworn, 
cooperation  for  the  best  order,  and  submission  to  the  supreme  powers  of  the 
nation.  Thus,  all  being  said  publicly,  and  the  proclamation  in  favor  of  Sr 
Echeandia  being  general,  he  began  immediately  to  discharge  the  duties  of 
the  command.  And  in  token  thereof  we  sign  together  with  said  chief — both 
the  promoters  of  the  plan  who  signed  it  and  we  who  have  seconded  it — to- 


204  RULE  A\D  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

many  words.  It  was  apparently  the  production  of 
Juan  Bandini. 

In  a  day  or  two  the  pronunciados,  with  about  fifty 
men  under  Portilla,  set  out  northward,  Argiiello  be- 
ing left  behind  in  command  of  San  Dieofo.  The  lit- 
tie  annv  arrived  at  Los  Angeles  December  4th,  learn- 
ing  now,  or  perhaps  the  day  before,  that  Victoria  was 
approaching  from  the  north  and  was  not  far  distant. 
Of  occurrences  at  the  pueblo  since  the  imprisonment 
of  eight  citizens  by  Alcalde  Sanchez  at  Victoria's  or- 
der, as  already  related,  we  know  very  little;  but  it 
would  seem  that  there  had  been  further  trouble, 
and  that  more  citizens,  perhaps  many  more,  had  been 
added  to  the  eight  in  jail,  Andres  Pico  being  one 
of  the  new  victims.  The  captives  were  at  once  set 
free  b}^  the  San  Diegans,  and  the  obnoxious  al- 
calde, Vicente  Sanchez,  was  in  turn  put  in  irons. 
The  Angelinos  accepted  the  plan  with  great  enthusi- 
asm, and  next  morning  the  rebel  army,  probably  num- 
bering about  one  hundred  and  fifty,  marched  out  to 
meet  Victoria,  who  at  the  same  time  started  with 
about  thirty  men  from  San  Fernando. 

The  date  of  Victoria's  departure  from  Monterey  is 
unknown,  as  are  his  motives,  and  most  details  respect- 
ing his  southward  march.  He  must  have  started  be- 
fore  the  proceedings  of  November  20th  could  have 
been  known  at  the  capital;  but  he  probably  was 
warned  of  prospective  troubles  by  letters  from  south- 
ern friends.40     Full  of  confidence  as  usual  in  his  abil- 

day  between  11  and  12  o'clock,  on  Dec.  1,  1831.  Jose  Maria  Echeandfa,  Pio 
Pico,  Juan  Bandini,  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo,  Pablo  de  la  Portilla,  Santiago  Ar- 
giiello, Jose"  Maria  Ramirez,  Ignacio  del  Vallc,  Juan  Jose"  Rocha,  and  as  com- 
andante  of  the  artillery  detachment,  Sergt  Andres  Cervantes.' 

40 David  Spence,  Hist.  Notes,  MS.,  Robinson,  Life  in  Cal,  118-21,  and 
Tuthill,  Hist.  Cal. ,  131-4,  state  that  Portilla  was  the  man  who  warned  Victoria, 
urging  him  to  come  south,  and  promising  the  support  of  his  company,  but 
treacherously  joining  the  rebels  and  leading  them  against  the  man  he  had 
agreed  to  defend.  I  think  there  was  some  truth  in  this  charge.  That  is, 
Portilla  was  ;i  .Mexican  officer  in  command  of  a  Mexican  company,  and  natu- 
rally a  partisan  of  Victoria  rather  than  of  the  Californians.  He  had  a  per- 
fect right  to  warn  the  comandante,  and  very  likely  did  so,  intending  to  sup- 
port him;  but  it  would  have  required  much  more  strength  than  he  ever 
possessed  to  withstand  the  movement  of  Nov.  29th;  and  the  indications  are 


THE  GOVERNOR  MARCHES  AGAINST  THE  REBELS. 


iiuo 


itv  to  restore  order,  the  governor  set  out  with  Alferez 
Pliego  and  ten  or  twenty  men,  leaving  Zamorano,  his 
secretary,  in  command  at  Monterey.  Even  on  arriving 
at  Santa  Barbara  he  seems  to  have  got  no  definite  in- 
formation of  the  San  Diesro  movement;  but  he  was  with 
some  difficulty  persuaded  by  Guerra  to  increase  his 
little  force  before  going  to  Los  Angeles,  and  was  ac- 
cordingly joined  by  Captain  Romualdo  Pacheco  and 
about  a  dozen  soldiers.41  His  entire  force  wTas  now 
not  over  thirty  men,  nearly  all  I  suppose  of  the 
San  Bias  and  Mazatlan  companies.  He  expected  no 
fight;  but  in  case  trouble  should  arise,  he  doubtless 
counted  on  the  aid  of  Portilla  and  his  Mazatecos. 
Before  he  reached  San  Fernando,  however,  messen- 
gers overtook  him  from  Santa  Barbara  with  definite 
news  of  the  open  revolt  at  San  Diego,  in  letters  from 
the  rebel  leaders  to  the  Carrillo  brothers,  which  by 
advice  of  Guerra  they  had  forwarded  to  put  him  on 
his  guard.42  At  San  Fernando  on  December  4th, 
Padre  Ibarra  had  not  heard  of  the  revolt  at  San 
Diego,  and  a  messenger  sent  in  haste  to  the  pueblo 
brought  back  word  from  Alcalde  Sanchez  that  at 
sunset  there  were  no  sisrns  of  revolution.  Later  in 
the  evening,  however,  wrhen  the  revolutionists  arrived 
from  the  south,  releasing  the  prisoners  and  locking  up 
Sanchez,  a  brother  of  the  latter  is  said  to  have  es- 
caped with  the  news  to  San  Fernando.  And  thus  next 
morning  the  hostile   armies   marched   out  from  the 

that  the  captain  was  put  in  command  on  the  march  to  Los  Angeles  mainly 
that  he  might  be  watched.  Several  Californians  state  that  it  was  only  by  the 
vigilance  and  threats  of  Jos6  Antonio  Carrillo  that  Portilla  was  kept  from 
going  over  to  the  foe  at  the  last.  A  contemptible  weakness,  rather  than  de- 
liberate treachery,  was  Portilla's  fault;  besides,  as  we  shall  see,  the  valiant 
commander  and  his  men  did  no  fighting  when  the  hour  of  battle  arrived. 

41  The  widow  Avila,  Corns  det'al.y  MS.,  29-30,  states  that  provisions  were 
prepared  at  her  house  for  Victoria's  march, and  that  he  left  Monterey  at  dawn 
with  about  15  men.  Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  29-30,  and  Ord,  Ocurren- 
ciaSy  MS.,  48-9,  speak  from  memory  of  Victoria's  arrival  at  Sta  Barbara. 
The  latter  says  Guerra  warned  Pacheco  to  be  careful.  'Cuidado!  que 
aquellos  son  tercos;  alii  esta  Jos6  Antonio  Carrillo.'  Spence  says  Victoria 
took  10  men  from  Monterey;  Robinson,  that  he  reached  Sta  Barbara  with  20. 

42 Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  35-40.  Pico's  narrative  of  the  whole  affair  is 
remarkably  accurate  in  every  case  where  its  accuracy  can  be  tested,  and  is 
therefore  worthy  of  some  credit  where  no  such  test  is  possible. 


203  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

pueblo  and  mission  respectively,  the  smaller  force 
starting  earlier  or  moving  more  rapidly  than  the  other, 
since  they  met  only  a  few  miles  from  Los  Angeles  in 
the  direction  of  Cahuenga. 

Exactly  what  occurred  at  this  unnamed  battle-field 
on  the  forenoon  of  the  5th,  so  far  as  details  are 
concerned,  will  never  be  known.  The  salient  results 
were  that  two  men,  Captain  Pacheco  on  the  one  side 
and  Jose  Maria  Avila  on  the  other,  were  killed. 
Victoria  was  severely  wounded.  Portilla's  force  re- 
treated to  Los  Angeles  and  to  Los  Nietos,  and  the 
governor  was  carried  by  his  men  to  San  Gabriel. 
After  a  careful  study  of  all  the  testimony  extant,  I 
venture  to  present  some  additional  particulars  as 
worthy  of  credence.  Portilla  with  his  150  men  had 
halted  on  high  ground  to  await  Victoria's  approach. 
Carrillo  of  the  leading  rebels  was  with  the  army; 
but  Echeandia,  Pico,  and  Bandini  had  remained  be- 
hind. Victoria,  approaching  with  his  thirt}r  soldiers, 
was  urged  by  Pacheco  not  to  risk  an  attack  without 
reinforcements  and  additional  preparations;  but  he 
promptly,  perhaps  insultingly,  disregarded  the  cap- 
tain's counsels.43  He  was  brave  and  hot-headed,  he 
did  not  believe  Portilla's  Mazatecos  would  fiofht 
against  their  comrades,  and  he  attached  little  im- 
portance  to  the  citizen  rebels.  Riding  up  within 
speaking  distance,  the  governor  was  commanded  by 
Portilla  to  halt,  and  in  reply  peremptorily  ordered 
Portilla  to  come  over  with  his  soldiers  to  support  his 
commander  and  the  legitimate  authorities.  Noting  a 
disposition  to  parley  rather  than  to  obey  his  order, 
Victoria  ordered  his  men  to  fire;  and  some  shots  were 
fired,  perhaps  over  the  heads  of  the  foe,  since  nobody 
was  hurt.  Portilla  and  his  men  now  ran  away,  per- 
haps after  one  discharge  of  their  muskets,  and  the 
Angelinos  followed   them;  but  two  or  three   of  the 


43  Pio  Pico,  Osio,  Mrs  Ord,  and  others  state  that  some  sharp  -words 
asfed  between  the  two  officers,  Victoria  implying  that  Pacheco  -was  moved 
y  fear,  and  the  latter  indignantly  repelling  the  taunt. 


BATTLE  NEAR  LOS  ANGELES.  237 

latter — who  had  been. in  the  pueblo  jail,  had  personal 
grievance  against  Victoria,  and  were  ashamed  of 
their  companions'  cowardice — made  a  dash  against 
the  foe  before  retreating.  Jose  Maria  Avila  was  at 
the  head  of  this  party,  and  he  first  met  Pacheco, 
whom  he  shot  in  the  back  with  a  pistol  as  the  two 
horses  were  carried  past  each  other  by  their  impetus, 
after  mutually  parried  thrusts  of  sword  and  lance  by 
the  respective  riders.  Pacheco  fell  dead  with  a  bullet 
in  his  heart.44  Avila  now  rushed  upon  Victoria;  To- 
mas  Talamantes  was  close  behind  him,  and  on  the 
other  side  at  least  two  soldiers  defended  the  governor. 
Of  the  ensuing  struggle,  which  probably  did  not 
last  three  minutes,  it  is  not  strange  that  there  are 
many  popular  versions;  but  Victoria  received  sev- 
eral lance-wounds.  A  soldier  was  shot  in  the  foot, 
Avila  after  a  desperate  resistance  was  unhorsed  and 
killed,  shot  perhaps  by  one  of  the  soldiers,45  and 
Talamantes,  the  only  one  of  the  pronunciados  except 
Avila  who  came  into  contact  with  the  foe,  escaped 
unhurt.  Victoria's  men  attempted  no  pursuit,  but 
bore  the  wounded  governor  to  San  Gabriel.  Had 
it  not  been  for  his  wounds,  Victoria  would  have  re- 

u  For  a  biographical  sketch  of  Romualdo  Pacheco,   see  local  annals  of 
Sta  Barbara  later  in  this  volume. 

45  Jos6  Maria  Avila  was  a  native  of  Sinaloa,  who  came  when  a  boy  with 
his  parents,  Cornelio  Avila  and  Isabel  Urquidcs,  to  Los  Angeles.  He  was  a 
wild  and  reckless  fellow  in  his  youth,  but  dashing  and  popular,  noted  for  his 
skill  in  horsemanship.  He  amassed  considerable  property,  and  in  1825  was 
elected  alcalde  of  Los  Angeles,  though  suspended  for  a  despotic  exercise  of 
power.  On  one  occasion  a  citizen  complained  to  Gov.  Arguello  that  he  had 
been  arbitrarily  imprisoned  by  the  alcalde,  who  was  called  upon  to  explain, 
as  he  did  in  the  following  language:  '  My  motive  for  putting  this  person  in 
jail  was  that  I  thought  proper  to  do  so;  and  because,  besides  that  motive,  I 
had  other  grounds,  in  the  stating  of  which  a  good  deal  of  time  would  be  con- 
sumed; and  since  the  man's  complaint  is  only  intended  to  take-up  your  wor- 
ship's time  and  mine,  I  close  by  stating  that  this  is  all  I  have  to  say,  repeating 
myself  obedient  to  your  superior  orders. '  Carrillo  (J.),  I)oc,  MS.,  17-20. 
Avila's  late  imprisonment  by  Sanchez  at  Victoria's  order  was  the  cause  of  his 
special  wrath  against  the  latter.  Dona  Inocencia  Pico  de  Avila,  Corns  tie 
Cal.,  MS.,  2S-30,  says  that  Jose  Maria  had  a  light  with  one  Nieto,  and  was 
condemned  in  consequence  to  a  long  imprisonment.  He  came  to  Monterey, 
staying  at  narrator's  house,  to  induce  Victoria  to  change  the  penalty  to  a 
fine;  but  the  gov.  refused,  and  Avila  went  back  very  angry,  vowing  ven- 
geance. As  there  is  in  the  archives  some  reference  to  the  troubles  of  Avila 
and  Nieto,  this  story  may  bo  accurate,  though  it  is  not  clear  how  the  former 
could  have  left  the  jail  to  visit  Monterey  on  such  business. 


203  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

taken  Los  Angeles  without  difficulty;  and  it  is  by 
no  means  unlikely  that  he  would  have  crushed  the 
rebellion  altogether.  Avila  and  Talamantes  had  de- 
posed  the  governor  of  California;  and  others  had  con- 
tributed nothing  more  potent  than  words.46 

46  It  would  serve  no  good  purpose  to  present  variations  of  testimony  on 
each  point  of  this  affair,  which  would  be  pretty  much  equivalent  to  giving 
seven  eighths  of  the  narratives  in  full;  but  I  append  some  items  from  various 
sources,  interesting  for  one  reason  or  another.  The  narrative  of  Juan  Avila, 
nephew  of  Jos6  Maria,  is  worthy  of  especial  notice  as  the  testimony  of  an  eye- 
witness who  is  also  a  well  known  and  respected  man.  He  watched  the  con- 
flict from  a  little  distance,  having  been  advised  by  his  uncle  to  take  no  active 
part.  He,  like  one  or  two  others,  thinks  that  V.  had  advanced  to  Cahuenga 
the  night  before.  He  designates  the  battle-ground  as  the  Lomitas  dc  la 
Canada  de  Breita.  His  version  of  the  fight  agrees  in  general  with  that  in  my 
text,  except  that  he  says  nothing  of  Talamantes,  and  states  that  Portilla's 
men  fired  first.  His  details  after  Pacheco's  fall  are  as  follows:  Avila  rushed 
among  the  soldiers  in  search  of  V.,  whom  he  gave  a  lance-thrust  in  the  side, 
nnhorsing  him,  but  when  about  to  repeat  the  blow  was  shot  in  the  spine  by 
the  Mazateco  Leandro  Morales,  and  was  himself  unhorsed.  Pedro  Guerrero 
rushed  up  to  kill  him,  but  A.  shot  him  in  the  knee  with  his  remaining  pistol. 
V.  was  so  near  that  A. ,  struggling  on  the  ground,  was  able  to  grasp  his  foot 
and  throw  him;  but  he  rose  again  and  killed  A.  with  his  sword.  Avila, 
Notas,  MS.,  11-15.  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  17S-S9,  gives  a  very  full  narrative. 
His  presentment  of  Portilla's  grief  at  seeing  the  brave  Mazatecos  drawn  up  in 
"battle  array  against  each  other,  of  his  fear  that  all  V.  's  men  must  inevitably  be 
killed  in  a  bad  cause,  his  orders  to  fire  the  first  shot  in  the  air,  and  the  inter- 
position of  providence  in  the  interest  of  an  cconomia  de  sangre,  is — thou  ah 
given  in  sober  earnest — amusingly  absurd.  Osio's  account  of  the  fight  agrees  for 
the  most  part  with  the  preceding,  but  he  says  that  V.  got  one  of  his  wounds 
from  Talamantes.  He  also  mentions  the  absurd  actions  of  a  drunken  man, 
Francisco  Sepulveda,  who  came  up  at  the  last  moment.  This  writer  gives  the 
impression  that  firing  had  continued,  that  the  pers<ftial  conflicts  had  taken 
place  in  a  shower  of  bullets,  and  that  the  rebels  retreated  only  after  the  fall 
of  Avila.  He  is  very  severe  in  his  remarks  on  their  cowardice.  Pio  Pico. 
Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  35-40,  states  that  Jose  Antonio Carrillo  warded  off  Pacheco's 
sword-thrust  with  his  musket,  and  mentions  Talamantes'  services.  Bandini, 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  75-6,  gives  no  particulars,  but  states  that  V.  opened  the  fire 
without  consenting  to  give  or  receive  explanations.  In  a  letter  written  a  few 
days  later,  Echeandia  says:  On  Dec.  5th  the  citizens  of  Los  Angeles  'pro- 
nounced with  their  ayuntamiento  for  the  said  plan,  promising  gladly  to 
sacrifice  their  lives  and  interests  in  its  support.  This  promise  they  kept  and 
arc  keeping,  for  that  same  day  Victoria,  whom  we  supposed. in  Monterey,  pre- 
sented himself  in  the  vicinity  of  the  pueblo,  and,  without  accepting  any 
arrangement  or  even  discussion,  opened  fire,  thinking  to  subject  them;  but  in 
vain,  because,  anxious  for  their  liberty,  they  gave  themselves  up  to  death,  and 
succeeded  in  putting  Victoria  on  the  brink  of  death,  since  seriously  wounded 
he  retired  his  force  to  this  mission.'  Vallcjo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  245,  xxx.  270. 
Valle,  Lo  Pasado,  MS.,  3-5,  says  it  was  Guerrero  who  killed  Avila.  Mrs 
Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  49-50,  soys  the  report  brought  to  Sta Barbara  was  that 
Avila  was  wounded  by  Pacheco,  wounded  Victoria,  and  was  killed  by  Isidoro 
Ibarra.  Machado,  Tiempos  Pasados,  MS.,  27-8,  calls  the  place  of  the  fight 
Arroyo  Seco.  Amador,  Mem. ,  MS. ,  135-G,  had  heard  from  Francisco  Alviso,  an 
eye-witness,  that  it  was  Victoria  who  shot  Avila.  Manuel  Castro,  Pel,  MS., 
25-9,  tells  us  that  Avila  went  out  by  permission  of  the  rebel  leaders  to  fight 
single-handed  with  Pacheco  and  Victoria!     Steven  C.  Foster,  S.  Jose  Pioneer ', 


SURRENDER  OF  VICTORIA.  209 

There  is  little  more  to  be  said  of  the  revolution  or 
other  events  of  1831,  Some  citizens  who  took  no 
part  in  the  fight  carried  the  bodies  of  Pacheco  and 
Avila  to  the  pueblo,  where  funeral  services  were  per- 
formed next  day.  The  fugitive  residents  had  recov- 
ered from  their  fright  and  returned  to  their  homes, 
while  Echeandia  with  a  part  of  Portilla's  veterans  had 
also  come  to  town  from  tjie  camp  at  Los  Nietos. 
The  wounded  governor  lay  at  San  Gabriel,  in  danger 
of  death,  as  was  thought,  tended  by  Joseph  Chapman 
as  amateur  surgeon,  and  by  Eulalia  Perez  as  nurse,  if 
we  may  credit  the  old  lady's  statement.47  His  men, 
with  two  or  three  exceptions,  had  adhered  to  the  plan 
or  did  so  very  soon;  there  was  no  possibility  of  fur- 
ther resistance;  and  this  very  day,  December  Gth,  it  is 
probable  that  he  entered  into  negotiations  through 
messengers  with  Echeandia,  and  made  a  formal  sur- 
render.43 On  the  9th  he  had  an  interview  with  Eche- 
andia at  the  mission,  at  which  he  asked  to  be  sent  to 
Mexico,  promising  to  interfere  no  more  in  the  affairs 
of  California.  The  general  consented ;  and  on  the  same 
day  wrote  and  despatched  to  the  north  several  letters, 
all  of  similar  purport,  in  which  he  narrated  all  that 
had  occurred,  explained  his  own  connection  with  the 
revolution,  and  summoned  the  diputacion  to  assemble 
immediately  at  Los  Angeles  to  decide  according 
to  the  plan  on  the  persons  to  be  intrusted  with  the 
political  and  military  command.49 

July  28,  1877,  states  that  when  the  bodies  were  found,  'Avila  still  grasped 
the  lance-staff  with  a  death-grip,  while  the  point  had  been  driven  through 
Pacheco's  body,'  giving  other  inaccurate  particulars.  Many  of  the  Califor- 
nians  in  their  narratives  simply  state  that  there  was  a  battle  and  Victoria  was 
wounded,  and  others  say  there  was  only  a  personal  combat  between  Avila, 
Pacheco,  and  Victoria. 

47  Perez,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  22.  She  says  the  most  serious  wound  was  in  the 
head,  under  the  eye.  Osio  says  that  Charles  Anderson  was  summoned  with 
medicines  from  S.  Pedro.  From  later  letters  of  V.  himself  it  appears  that 
by  the  end  of  Dec.  a  troublesome  discharge  of  blood  from  nose  and  mouth  had 
ceased,  and  all  his  wounds  had  healed  except  one  in  the  chest,  which  caused 
him  much  trouble  even  after  his  arrival  in  Mexico.  He  had  also  many  con- 
tusions which  were  painful.   Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  180-3. 

48  Bandini  and  Pico  say  there  was  a  surrender  on  that  day. 

49  E.  from  S.  Gabriel  Dec.  9th  to  ValJejo,  and  to  the  aynnt.  of  S.  Josj  and 
Monterey,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  245;  xxx.  27G;  Dept.  St.  Pup.,  MS.,  iii. 

Eist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    U 


210  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

About  December  20th,  Victoria  left  San  Gabriel.50 
On  his  way  south  he  spent  some  days  at  San  Luis 
Rey  with  Padre  Antonio  Peyri,  who  decided  to  leave 
California  with  the  fallen  governor.  Meanwhile  Juan 
Bandini  at  San  Diego  made  a  contract  with  John 
Bradshaw  and  Supercargo  Thomas  Shaw  of  the  Amer- 
ican ship  Pocahontas  to  carry  Victoria  to  Mazatlan 
for  61, GOO  in  silver,  to  be  paid  before  setting  sail;51 
and  the  exile,  arriving  on  the  27th,  went  immediately 
on  board  the  ship,  which  did  not  sail,  however,  for 
twenty  days.  I  have  before  me  an  autograph  letter 
addressed  by  Victoria  to  Captain  Guerra  on  the  31st 
from  on  board  the  Pocahontas  still  in  port,52  in  which 
he  expresses  confidence  that  his  own  acts  will  meet 
the  approval  of  the  national  government,  and  that  re- 
lief for  the  ills  that  afflict  California  will  not  be  lon«f 
delayed.  His  wounds  were  rapidly  healing,  and  but 
for  grief  at  the  fate  of  his  compadre  Pacheco  and  the 
bereavement  of  the  widow,  he  would  be  a  happy  man. 
He  urged  Guerra  to  keep  his  friends  the  Carrillos  if 
possible  from  accepting  the  new  plan.  The  vessel 
sailed  on  January  17,  1832,  with  Victoria  and  two 
servants,  Padre  Peyri  and  several  neophyte  boys,  and 
Alferez  Podrigo  del  Pliego.53     On  February  5th,  hav- 

20-1;  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xii.  9.  He  seems  to  propose  also  that  the  different 
comandantes  should  select  a  comandante  general  to  act  temporarily. 

60  Dec.  21st,  Echeandia  from  Los  Angeles  announces  that  V.  has  already- 
started  for  S.  Diego  to  embark.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  iv.  94;  Vallcjo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  i.  251. 

51  I  have  the  original  contract  approved  by  E.  on  Dec.  27th,  with  the  corre- 
spondence of  E.,  Bandini,  and  Stearns  on  the  subject,  in  Bandini,  Doc,  MS., 
18-24,  27-30.  See  also  Ley.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  194,  211,  297-8.  The  money— re- 
duced to  $1,500  by  the  fact  that  Pliego  paid  $100  for  his  own  passage — was 
borrowed  from  foreigners  and  other  private  individuals,  except  a  small  sum 
obtained  from  the  Los  Angeles  municipal  funds.  Stearns  acted  as  agent  to 
obtain  the  money,  and  E.  and  Bandini  became  responsible  for  its  re-payment. 
It  was  paid  over  to  Bradshaw  on  Jan.  11th.  Iu  February  the  dip.  assumed 
the  debt,  but  asked  for  time,  greatly  to  Bandini's  annoyance.  Of  the  final 
settlement  I  know  only  that  in  Sept.  1834,  Bandini  acknowledged  the  re- 
ceipt of  $300  from  the  ayunt.  of  Angeles  on  this  account.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Angeles,  MS.,  i.  148. 

MI>oc.  J  list.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  925-7. 

53  References  to  embarkation  of  the  passengers  and  sailing  of  the  Poca- 
hontas in  Bandini,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  1S-30;  Id.,  1IU.  CaL,  MS.,  70-7; 
8.  Josi  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  40;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  254;  xxx.  2SG,  290;  Guerra, 
Doc,  MS.,  iv.   180-1;  Dept.  St.   Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  21-2.     There  was  a  report 


EXILE  OF  VICTORIA.  211 

inof  reached  San  Bias,  Victoria  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
Mexican  authorities,  in  which,  having  told  over  again 
the  events  of  the  past  year,  he  proceeded  to  explain  the 
plans  of  Echeandia  and  the  plotting  diputacion.  The 
result  must  inevitably  be  the  utter  ruin,  not  only  of 
the  missions,  but  of  all.  the  interests  of  California, 
and  there  was  great  danger  of  an  attempt  to  separate 
the  territory  from  Mexico.5*  July  10,  1832,  he  wrote 
again  from  Mexico  to  Guerra,  stating  that  the  gov- 
ernment had  at  first  intended  to  send  him  back  to 
California,  but  had  changed  that  plan.  The  wound 
in  his  chest  still  made  his  life  miserable.  He  spoke 
of  his  strict  obedience,  of  his  patriotism,  and  his  sac- 
rifices; and  predicted  that  "the  wicked  are  not  to 
prevail  forever;"  but  he  admitted  having  "committed 
the  fault  of  not  knowing  how  to  satisfy  political  pas- 
sions or  to  act  in  accordance  with  party  spirit."55 

At  the  time  of  writing  the  letter  just  referred  to, 
Victoria  was  about  to  start  for  Acapulco,  where  he 
was  on  March  9,  1833;  and  that  is  the  last  I  know  of 
him.     I  append  no  biographical  sketch,  because  all 

current  in  Mexico  that  V.  had  been  shipped  on  the  schooner  Sta  Bdrbar  t, 
in  the  hope  that  she  would  be  wrecked.  Alaman,  Sucesos  do.  Gal.  en  1831 ', 
MS.  For  a  biographical  sketch  of  Padre  Antonio  Peyri,  see  the  local  annals 
of  S.  Luis  Key  in  a  later  chapter  of  this  volume.  Rodrigo  del  Pliego  came  to 
Cal.  in  1825,  his  commission  as  alf^rez  bearing  date  of  Dec.  21,  1824.  lie  had 
previously  served  in  the  Tulancingo  dragoons,  being  retired  as  alf6rez  of  ur- 
banos  in  Dec.  1821.  He  was  attached  to  the  Monterey  company  from  the 
time  of  his  arrival  until  August  1827;  and  then  transferred  to  the  Sta  Bar- 
bara company.  He  commanded  a  squad  of  the  San  Bias  infantry  company  in 
182G-7;  made  two  minor  expeditions  against  the  Indians  while  at  Sta  Bar- 
bara in  1828;  and  commanded  18  men  of  the  S.  Diego  company  in  1830  at  the 
time  of  the  Solis  revolt.  He  returned  to  Monterey  with  Victoria  in  Jan. 
1831,  or  a  few  months  earlier;  and  served  as  prosecutor  or  defender  in  some 
of  the  celebrated  cases  under  V.'s  rule.  Hoja  de  servicios,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxi.  18-20.  In  1834  he  seems  to  have  been  promoted  in 
Mexico  to  the  command  of  the  Sta  Barbara  company,  but  never  returned  to 
Cal.  Id.,  lxxix.  83.  In  1828  he  had  been  declared  incompetent  and  ordered 
by  the  min.  of  war  to  return  to  Mex.  Dept.  lice,  MS.,  vi.  12.  Pliego  was 
detested  by  the  Californians,  apparently  without  exception,  as  a  cowardly 
sycophant.  Xo  one  credits  him  with  any  good  quality;  the  official  records 
throw  no  light  on  his  personal  character;  and  the  only  thing  to  be  said  in  his 
favor  is  that  the  Californians,  being  bitterly  prejudiced  against  him  and  his 
friends,  may  have  exaggerated  his  faults. 

51  Alaman,  Sucenos,  MS. 

™ Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  183-4.  Tuthill,  Hist.  Cal,  131-2,  tells  us  that 
Victoria  retired  to  a  cloister.  Robinson  implies  the  same.  Alex.  S.  Taylor 
somewhere  says  he  died  in  18G8  or  1SG9. 


212  RULE  AXD  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

that  is  known  of  him  is  contained  in  this  chapter. 
The  Californians  as  a  rule  have  nothing  to  say  in  his 
favor;  but  the  reader  knows  how  far  the  popular  pre- 
judice was  founded  in  justice.  I  have  already  ex- 
pressed the  opinion  that  under  ordinary  circumstances 
Victoria  would  have  been  one  of  California's  best 
riders.56 

Of  political  events  in  the  south  in  1831,  after  Vic- 
toria's abdication,  there  is  nothing  to  be  recorded, 
except  that  Echeandia  held  the  command,  both  polit- 
ical and  military,  and  all  were  waiting  for  the  diputa- 
cion  to  assemble  early  in  January.  In  the  north  the 
news  of  the  revolutionary  success  arrived  about  the 
middle  of  December.  San  Francisco  on  the  19th,  San 
Jose  on  the  2 2d,  and  Monterey  on  the  26th,  went 
through  the  forms  of  adhesion  to  the  San  Diego  plan.57 

56  The  narratives  furnished  me  by  Californians,  touching  more  or  less  fully 
on  V.'s  rule,  overthrow,  and  character — most  of  which  I  have  already  cited 
on  special  points — are  as  follows:  Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  160-89;  Pico,  Hist. 
Cal.,  MS.,  24-40;  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  136-59;  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,ii.  161-83;  iii.  7-8,48-50;  iv.81;  Bandini,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.. 72-7;  Amador, 
Mem.,  MS.,  122-8,  135-C;  Avila,  CosasdeCaL,  MS.,  28-31;  Id.,  Notas,  11- 
15;  Bee,  Recoil.,  MS.,  2-3;  Boronda,  Notas,  MS.,  1G-17;  Castro,  Be'.,  MS., 
23-9;  Fernandez,  Cosas,  MS.,  G4-6;  Gonzalez,  Exper.,  MS.,  29-30;  Gcdindo, 
Apuntes,  MS.,  16-21;  Larios,  Convulsiones,  MS.,  11-13;  Lnno,  Yida,  MS., 
14-1G;  Machado,  Tiempos,  MS.,  26-8;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  38-50;  Perez, 
Becuerdos,  MS.,  22;  Pico,  AconL,  MS.,  18-23;  Binto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  6-9; 
Rodriguez,  Statement,  MS.,  7;  Sanchez,  Notas,  MS.,  7-8;  Torre,  L'eminis., 
MS.,  22-30;  Vcddes,  Mem.,  MS.,  21;  Voile,  Lo  Pasado,  MS.,  3-5;  Yallejo, 
Beminis.,  MS.,  109-14;  Weeks'  Beminis.,  MS.,  73-4. 

General  accounts  narrating  briefly  the  events  of  V.'s  rule,  in  Marsh's  Let- 
ter to  Com.  Jones,  MS.,  4-5;  Robinson's  Life  in  CaL,  118-21;  Petit-Thowtrs, 
Voy.,  ii.  91;  Winces'  Narr.,  U.  S.  Explor.  Ex.,  v.  174;  Mofras,  Exploration, 
i.  294;  Tuthill's  Hist.  CaL,  131-4,  and  Los  Angeles,  Hist.,  13.  Mr  Warner  in 
the  last  work  makes  the  revolution  a  local  event  of  Los  Angeles  annals. 
These  different  writers  speak  favorably  or  unfavorably  of  V.  according  to  the 
sources  of  their  information,  or  to  their  bias  for  or  against  the  padres  and 
Jose"  de  la  Guerra  on  one  side  and  the  Bandini-Pico-Vallejo  faction  on  the 
other.  Tuthill  seems  to  have  taken  the  versions  of  Spence  and-  Stearns  in 
about  equal  parts.  Mofras  speaks  very  highly  of  Victoria,  because  of  his  dis- 
like for  the  Vallejo  party.  The  version  of  llobinson,  a  son-in-law  of  Guerra, 
has  been  most  widely  followed. 

"  Leg.  Bee. ,  MS. ,  i.  348-9;  Monterey,  Actos  del  Ayunt.,  MS.,  42-3.  Vallejo, 
Sanchez,  and  Pefia  signed  at  S.  V. ;  Leandro  Florea  for  S.  Jos<?;  and  Buelna 
and  Castro  for  the  Monterey  ayunt.  Juan  Higuera  and  Antonio  Castro,  of 
the  ayunt.,  declined  on  Dec.  25th  to  approve  the  plan;  but  Castro  changed  his 
mind  next  day,  Higuera  still  needing  more  time  to  think  it  over.  At  Sta. 
Barbara  the  plan  was  signed  on  Jan.  1,  1S32,  by  Rafael  Gonzalez,  Miguel 
Valencia,  and  J  use  Maria  Garcia;  and  it  was  approved  by  the  ayunt.  of  Los 


NORTHERN  SENTIMENT.  213 

At  least  certain  officials,  civil  and  military,  are  made 
to  appear  in  the  legislative  records  of  the  next  year 
as  having  signed  the  plan,  with  remarks  of  approba- 
tion on  the  dates  mentioned.  Rafael  Gomez,  the 
asesor,  apprehensive  of  personal  danger  to  himself  as 
a  partisan  of  Victoria,  went  on  board  the  Russian 
bark  Urup  and  tried  to  induce  the  captain  to  carry 
him  to  Sitka;  but  as  he  had  no  passport,  his  request 
was  denied  and  he  was  set  on  shore  at  San  Francisco. 5S 
The  northern  members,  Vallejo  and  others,  with  Sec- 
retary Alvarado,  started  late  in  December  for  the 
south  in  response  to  Echeandia's  summons  to  be  pres- 
ent at  the  meeting  of  the  diputacion. 

Minor  local  events,  with  general  remarks  on  such 
institutions  and  topics  as  are  not  very  closely  connected 
with  or  necessary  to  a  full  understanding  of  general 
annals,  I  propose  to  present  once  for  all  for  the  whole 
period  of  1831-40,  at  the  end  of  this  volume.  An- 
other class  of  general  topics,  more  purely  historical  in 
their  nature,  and  more  readily  adapting  themselves  to 
chronological  treatment,  such  as  mission  affairs,  com- 
merce, foreign  relations,  and  Indian  affairs,  I  shall 
group  as  before  in  chapters  covering  each  a  period  of 
five  years,59  deeming  this  arrangement  a  much  more 
satisfactory  and  convenient  one  for  the  reader  than 
would  be  a  more  minute  chronological  subdivision.  I 
shall  of  course  refer  to  these  topics  as  often  and  as 
fully  as  may  be  necessary  to  illustrate  the  annals  of 
any  particular  year;  but  for  1831  I  find  no  need  for 
such  reference,  beyond  what  I  have  already  said  of 


Angeles  on  Jan.  7th.  Id.  The  pronunciamiento  of  S.  F.,  Dec.  19th,  is  given 
in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  248.  Next  day  the  artillery  company  recognized 
Ecbeandi'a.  Id. ,  i.  250.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  152-3,  claims  to  have 
started  for  the  south  with  a  small  force  in  response  to  a  letter  from  J.  A.  Car- 
rillo,  before  he  heard  of  Victoria's  downfall. 

58  Certificate  dated  Dec.  22d,  and  signed  by  Zarembo,  Khldbnikof,  and 
Shelikof,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  310;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  181, 
implies  that  there  were  others  besides  Gomez  who  attempted  to  escape. 

i9  For  the  period  from  1831-5,  see  chapters  xi.-xiv.,  this  vol.;  and  for 
183G-40,  see  vol.  iv. 


214  RULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  VICTORIA. 

secularization  to  show  the  cause  of  the  popular  feeling 
against  Victoria. 

In  addition,  however,  to  what  I  have  written  about 
the  occurrences  of  1831  in  California,  there  remains 
something  to  be  said  of  what  was  beinsr  done  in  Mex- 
ico  for  California,  that  is,  of  the  labors  of  Carlos  Car- 
rillo,  who  had  been  elected  in  October  1830  to  repre- 
sent the  territory  in  congress.60  Don  Carlos  reached 
Mexico  in  April  1831,  after  a  flattering  reception  at 
San  Bias  and  at  other  points  on  the  way,  and  he  was 
somewhat  active  in  behalf  of  his  constituents,  in  com- 
parison at  least  with  his  predecessors,  so  far  as  we 
may  judge  from  his  own  letters.61  He  may  be  re- 
garded as  the  representative  rather  of  Captain  Jose 
de  la  Guerra  than  of  the  Californians,  acting  largely 
on  that  gentleman's  advice;  but  it  would  have  been 
difficult  to  choose  a  wiser  counsellor.  Carrillo  com- 
plained to  the  national  government  of  the  arbitrary 
and  unwise  acts  of  the  rulers  sent  to  California,  result- 
ing to  a  great  extent  from  the  distance  of  the  terri- 
tory from  Mexico.  His  proposed  remedy  was  the 
separation  of  the  political  and  military  power,  which 
should  be  vested  in  two  persons,  and  his  views  on 
this  subject  met  with  some  encouragement  from  the 
president  and  ministers,  who  even  broached  to  Don 
Carlos  the  expediency  of  accepting  for  himself  the 
civil  command.  California's  urgent  need  for  an  or- 
ganic lawT  was  presented,  as  also  the  necessity  of  estab- 
lishing courts  of  justice,  and  regulating  the  adminis- 
tration of  finance.  It  was  complained,  moreover,  that 
a  great  injustice  had  been  done  in  the  promotion  of 
Mexican  officers  like  Zamorano  and  Pacbeco  to  cap- 
taincies over  the  heads  of  Californians  who  had  grown 
gray  in  the  service.  Carrillo  requested  the  territorial 
diputacion  to  petition  congress  for  the  reforms  for 

60 See  p.  50,  this  vol.,  for  his  election. 

G1  Carrillo,  Cartas  del  Diputado  de  laAlta  California,- 1831-2,  MS.  There 
are  14  letters  in  this  interesting  collection,  besides  several  of  other  years,  all 
to  his  brother-in-law,  Guerra. 


CARRILLO  IN  CONGRESS.  215 

which  he  was  working,  including  the  appointment,  or 
rather  paying,  of  two  competent  teachers.62 

Carrillo  was  a  stanch  partisan  of  the  missionaries 
in  these  clays,  reflecting  in  that  respect  as  others  the 
sentiments  of  his  brother-in-law,  and  therefore  a  large 
part  of  his  correspondence  was  devoted  to  topics  else- 
where treated.  To  the  missions  also  was  devoted,  or 
to  a  closely  allied  matter,  his  exposition  on  the  pious 
fund;63  but  this  document  merits  at  least  a  mention 
here,  not  only  as  containing  a  somewhat  fair  present- 
ment of  the  country's  general  condition  and  needs, 
but  as  the  first  production  of  a  Californian  writer  which 
was  ever  printed  in  form  of  book  or  pamphlet.  Don 
Carlos  was  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  his  native  prov- 
ince, with  great  ideas  of  its  destiny  under  proper 
management.  He  thought  he  was  rapidly  communi- 
cating his  enthusiasm  to  the  Mexican  authorities,  and 
on  the  point  of  success  with  his  proposed  reforms. 
Perhaps  he  was  disposed  to  exaggerate  his  success; 
for  the  only  evidences  I  find  of  Mexican  attention  to 
California  at  this  time  are  a  few  slight  mentions  of 
statistical  or  financial  matters  in  the  regular  reports 
of  the  departments.64 

e2Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  169.  ^ 

e3  Carrillo,  Exposition  dirigida  d  la  Cdmara  de  Diputados  del  Congreso  de 
la  Union  por  El  Sr  D.  C&tos  Antonio  Carrillo,  Dijmtado por  la  Alta  California. 
Sobre  Arregloy  Adminiaii  acion  del  Fondo  Piudoso.  Mexico,  1831.  8vo.  1G  p. 
Dated  Sept.  15,  1831.  This  copy  of  a  very  rare  pamphlet,  the  only  copy  I 
have  ever  seen,  was  presented  to  me  in  1878  by  Dona  Dolores  Domingucz, 
widow  of  Jose  Carrillo,  a  son  of  the  author.  It  has  some  slight  corrections  in 
ink,  probably  by  the  author  or  by  Guerra. 

64 Mexico,  Mem.  Relaciones,  1832,  p.  25,  and  annex,  i.  p.  11;  Id.,  Hacienda 
1832,  annex.  M. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

AN  INTERREGNUM— ECHEANDiA  AND  ZAMORANO. 

1832. 

The  Diputacion  at  Los  Angeles — Action  against  Victoria — Attempts 
to  Make  Pico  Governor — Echeandia's  Opposition — A  Foreign 
Company  at  Monterey — Zamorano's  Revolt — A  Junta  at  the  Cap- 
ital— The  News  at  San  Diego — Sessions  of  the  Diputacion — Los 
Angeles  Deserts  Echeandia — Warlike  Preparations — Ibarra  at 
Angeles — Barroso  at  Paso  de  Bartolo — Indians  Armed — Compact 
between  Echeandia  and  Zamorano — The  Territory  Divided — 
Final  Sessions  of  the  Diputacion — The  Avila  Sedition — Who  is 
Governor? — Affairs  in  Mexico — Carrillo's  Efforts  and  Letters — 
Choice  of  a  Governor — Jose  Figueroa  Appointed — Instructions — 
Mishaps  of  a  Journey — Mutiny  at  Cape  San  Lucas — Waiting  for 
a  Ruler. 

The  diputacion  met  at  Los  Angeles  January  10, 
1832.1  Two  subjects  demanded  and  obtained  almost 
exclusively  the  attention  of  this  body,  the  vocales 
present  being  Pico,  Vallejo,  Osio,  Ortega,  and  Ar- 
pliello,  with  Yorba  later  and  Alvarado  as  secretary. 
The  first  duty  was  a  proper  presentment  of  charges 
against  Ex-governor  Victoria,  as  a  defence  of  the  late 
revolutionary  movement;  and  the  second  was  to  name 
a  gefe  politico  ad  interim  in  accordance  with  the  plan 
indorsed  by  the  leaders  of  that  movement.  I  append 
an  abstract  of  proceedings  at  the  meetings  held  in 
January  and  February.2     So  far  as  the  action  against 

1  Echeandia  had  on  Jan.  5th  sent  out  copies  of  the  pronunciamiento  of  S. 
Diego,  with  remarks  in  defence  of  that  document,  concluding  by  asking  the 
eomandantes'  opinion  on  the  provisional  command.    Vallejo,   Doc,   MS.,   i. 

. 

2  Session  of  Jan.  10th,  dip.  met  in  the  casa  consistorial;  the  oath  was 
administered  by  Alcalde  Dominguez;  and  Pio  Pico,  assuming  the  presidency 

(210) 


DIPUTACION  IN  SESSION".  217 

Victoria  is  concerned,  I  need  add  nothing  to  the  al> 
stract,  because  the  whole  matter  has  been  exhausted 
in  the  preceding  chapter. 

In  the  matter  of  choosing  a  political  chief  trouble 
arose  unexpectedly.  The  action  of  the  diputacion  in 
tfiis  respect  had  been  very  clearly  marked  out  in  the 

as  senior  vocal,  made  a  brief  and  modest  address,  congratulating  the  mem- 
bers on  their  meeting  to  act  for  the  country's  interests  after  having  been  for  a 
year  prevented  from  exercising  their  rights  by  the  tyranny  of  Victoria.  He 
made  the  customary  admission  of  his  own' un  worthiness,  etc.,  and  asked  the 
aid  of  his  associates  in  behalf  of  Cal.  Pico's  views  having  been  approved, 
committees  were  appointed,  credentials  examined,  etc.  In  the  afternoon, 
Echeandfa's  summons  to  the  members,  dated  Dec.  9th,  was  read.  (p.  173-8.) 
Jan.  11  tli,  after  long  discussion,  in  which  the  various  charges  were  specified, 
it  was  unanimously  voted  to  confirm,  or  approve,  the  suspension  of  Victoria; 
and  Vallejo  and  Argiiello  were  named  as  a  committee  to  prepare  a  formal 
rxpediente,  on  the  subject  for  the  sup.  govt.  Then  on  motion  of  Vallejo  the 
diputacion  proceeded  in  accordance  with  E. 's  summons  to  choose  a  tem- 
porary gefe  politico,  and  it  was  decided  according  to  the  law  of  May  6, 
1822,  that  Pico  as  senior  vocal  was  entitled  to  the  office.  This  action  was  to 
be  sent  to  E.  for  circulation.  Voted,  that  according  to  the  Mex.  law,  the  sub- 
comisario,  Juan  Bandini,  was  entitled  to  a  seat.  Voted  to  continue  the  ses- 
sions at  Angeles  and  not  at  S.  Diego;  but  E.  was  to  be  invited  to  be  present. 
Voted,  as  to  the  military  command,  that  E.  should  notify  the  different  offi- 
cers to  choose  a  temporary  comandante  general,  (p.  178-83.)  Jan.  12th,  13th, 
14th,  17th,  18th,  routine  progress  by  the  committee  on  charges  against 
Victoria;  Suplente  Yorba  takes  the  oath  and  his  seat;  Ortega  and  Osio  named 
as  a  committee  to  prepare  a  manifestation  to  the  public;  Vallejo  granted 
leave  of  absence  for  ten  days  to  visit  S.  Diego,  (p.  183-5.)  Los  Angeles 
municipal  accounts  also  considered  in  extra  sessions  of  Jan.  14th,  17th,  23d, 
27th.  (p.  352-4.)  Yorba's  oath  also  in  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  4G-7. 
Jan.  17th,  Ortega  and  Osio  to  Echeandia.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  23. 
Jan.  23d,  three  letters  received  from  the  gefe  politico  provisional,  Echeandia, 
in  which  he  announced  Victoria's  departure;  asked  for  records  of  the  earlier 
sessions;  and  declared  it  impossible  to  leave  his  troops  and  come  to  Los 
Angeles.  Jan.  26th-27th,  on  the  26th,  Vallejo  proposed  that  the  oath  be 
administered  at  once  to  Pico  according  to  the  law  of  Sept.  30,  1823;  and  as 
all  approved,  '  without  waiting  for  a  discourse  offered  by  Echeandia'  (?),  the 
oath  was  administered  by  Vallejo,  and  Pico  was  formally  declared  gefe  poli- 
tico interino,  the  corresponding  report  being  sent  to  E.  and  all  territorial 
authorities.  Argiiello  thereupon  made  a  speech,  congratulating  all  on  the 
arrival  of  the  happy  day  when  Cal.  was  ruled  by  one  of  her  native  sons;  and 
Pico  replied  in  fitting  terms,  (p.  18G-9.)  Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  41-2,  states 
that  when  the  oath  was  administered  the  necessary  church  utensils  were 
lacking,  and  the  padre  refused  the  keys  of  the  church,  whereupon  J.  B.  Alva- 
rado  entered  the  church  by  a  skylight  for  the  missing  articles,  and  the  oath 
was  administered  at  the  church  door.  Jan.  31st  and  Feb.  1st,  E.  writes  to 
Pico  acknowledging  receipt  of  actas  of  Jan.  10th  and  26th-27th,  giving  some 
advice  respecting  the  policy  of  the  new  gefe,  and  expressing  some  dissatis- 
faction with  Pico's  appointment.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  27-38.  Feb.  3d, 
a  letter  was  received  from  Bandini,  and  the  matter  of  his  taking  a  seat  it 
was  decided  to  refer  to  the  sup.  govt.  Letters  from  Echeandia  were  intro- 
duced (those  referred  to  above),  in  which,  with  some  suggestions  on  policy, 
powers,  etc.,  he  complains  of  having  been  'violently,'  or  hastily,  deprived  of 
the  office  of  gefe  politico.  Osio  and  Yorba  were  named  as  a  committee  to 
report  on  the  suggestions,  relating  among  other  things  to  pay  of  a  secretary, 


218        AN  INTERREGNUM— ECHEANDIA  AND  ZAMORANO. 

plan  of  San  Diego  and  in  Echeanch'a's  summons  to  the 
members,  and  accordingly  on  January  11th  Pio  Pico, 
the  senior  vocal,  was  chosen  to  fill  the  position. 
Echeandia  was  duly  notified,  and  at  first  expressed  no 
dissatisfaction,  though  he  seems  to  have  wished  the 
uiputacion  to  adjourn  to  meet  in  the  south,  while  that 

etc. ;  and  as  to  the  complaints,  it  was  decided  that  action  had  not  been  at  all 
hasty  or  irregular,  nor  had  it  been  necessary  to  wait  for  the  presence  of  E. 
before  swearing  in  Pico.     Ortega  was  named  to  report  on  efforts  to  obtain 
from  Mexico  a  constitution  or  organic  law  for  California.     Communications 
were  also  received  from  Bandini  about  the  cost  of  Victoria's  passage  to  S,. 
Bias.     This  debt  of  $1,500  was  assumed  in  the  session  of  Feb.  4th.  (p.  189- 
95.)     In  extra  or  secret  sessions  of  Jan.  24th,  30th,  Feb.  3d,  Cth,  the  date 
and  place  of  annual  meetings  were  discussed  without  any  definite  conclusion. 
There  was  also  some  slight  clashing  between  Pico  and  the  rest,  P.  declaring 
that  it  was  his  place  to  direct  the  junta  and  not  to  be  directed  by  it.   (p. 
352-5.)     Feb.  10th,  on  motion  of  Ortega,  Echeandia  was  again  requested  to 
proclaim,  as  soon  as  possible,  the  accession  of  Pico  to  the  office  of  gefe,  and 
to  cease  exercising  political  power  himself;  it  was  also  ordered  that  the  new 
gefe  should  have  jurisdiction  at  once  in  those  places  where  the  civil  authority 
was  established,  except  at  S.  Francisco,  Sta  Barbara,  and  S.  Diego,  which 
places  were  to  be  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  comandante  general,  until 
such  time  as  the  civil  authority  might  be  regularly  organized  and  the  neces- 
sity for  military  rule  removed,   (p.  196-7.)      It  seems  that  on  Feb.  3d  E.  had 
objected  to  P.'s  appointment  in  a  communication,  either  to  the  dip.  or  to  the 
ayuntamiento,  to  which  latter  body  he  writes  on  Feb.  Cth.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iii.  41.     Feb.  11th,  E.  to  P.,  in  reply  to  note  of  10th,  asks  by  what  right 
he  has  taken  the  oath,  the  law  of  Sept.  30,  1S23,  being  anulled  by  art.  163  of 
the  constitution.   Id.,  iii.  39.    Feb.  Pith,  the  ayunt.  and  citizens  of  Los  Ange- 
les held  a  meeting  and  formally  declared  that  they  would  obey  no  other  gefe 
politico  than  Echeandia.     This  action  was  confirmed  on  Feb.  19th,  J.  A. 
Carrillo  and  Jose  Perez  dissenting.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  50-3,  56-8; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  39-40.     Feb.  13th,  the  action  of  the  ayunt.  against 
P.  was  received  through  E.     P.  made  rather  a  bitter  speech,  and  proposed 
that  E.  himself  be  invited  to  go  before  the  ayunt.  to  explain  why  P.  had" been 
appointed  according  to  the  laws  and  to  the  plan  of  S.  Diego;  and  also  how 
insulting  had  been  the  action  of  the  municipal  body  to  the  dip.  and  the  laws. 
Ail  but  Yorba  favored  this,  and  the  sending  of  a  committee  to  reason  with  the 
ayunt.  (p.  197-202.)     Feb.  16th,  a  letter  from  E.  was  read,  refusing  to  con- 
ply  with  the  request  of  the  dip.     E.  now  declared  the  appointment  illegal, 
because  the  military  and  political  command  could  not  be  separated;  there  had 
not  been  7  vocales  present;  some  of  them  were  related  to  Pico;  and  finally,  P. 
was  incompetent  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  office.     Still,  rather  than  use 
force,  he  will  give  up  the  political  command  and  hold  the  dip.  responsible. 
P.  in  a  very  able  speech  refuted  E. 's  arguments,  and  claimed  that,  whatever 
his  lack  of  talent,  the  people  had  chosen  him  as  a  vocal;  but  lie  refused  to 
attend  any  more  meetings  or  accept  the  office  of  gefe  politico  until  the  dip. 
should  vindicate  its  honor  and  freedom,  and  refuse  to  recognize  E.,  who  had 
evidently  intrigued  with  the  ayunt.  against  the  territorial  government.     Va- 
llcjo  followed  with  an  argument  against  E.'s  position,  which  he  regarded  as 
virtually  a  new  pronunciamiento  made  with  a  view  to  keep  for  himself  the 

Eolitical  po\\cr.  The  speaker  was,  however,  in  favor  of  offering  no  resistance, 
ut  of  suspending  the  sessions  and  leaving  the  responsibility  of  the  new 
revolution  with  E.  and  his  friends.  All  except  Yorba  approved  this  view, 
and  it  was  decided  to  adjourn  next  day,  reporting  this  action  and  the  reasons 
to  E.  and  to  the  national  govt.   (p.  202-9.)     E.'s  protest  against  P.'s  appoint- 


PICO  DEFRAUDED  OF  THE  GOVERNORSHIP.  219 

body  desired  him  to  come  to  Los  Angeles.  Each  de- 
clined to  yield,  and  the  controversy  may  have  been 
more  bitter  than  is  indicated  in  the  records.  At  last, 
after  waiting  fifteen  days,  it  was  decided  that  the 
presence  of  the  gefe  provisional  could  be  dispensed 
with,  and  on  the  27th  the  oath  of  office  was  taken  by 
Pico.  Echeandia  made  no  open  opposition,  but  neg- 
lected to  proclaim  the  change;  and  later,  when  the 
ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles,  doubtless  at  his  insti- 
gation, refused  on  February  12th  to  recognize  any 
gefe  but  Echeandia,  the  latter7  openly  declared  Pico 
incompetent,  his  election  illegal,  and  the  action  of  the 
diputacion  a  wrong  to  himself.  Rather  than  resort 
to  force,  however,  he  proposed  on  the  16th  to  surren- 
der the  gefatura,  holding  the  diputacion  responsible 
for  all  disorders  that  might  ensue.  Echeandia's  course 
can  hardly  be  regarded  otherwise  than  as  contempti- 
ble and  treacherous.  Led  by  motives  of  personal 
ambition  and  personal  resentment,  he  made  use  of  his 
military  power  against  the  cause  he  had  pretended  to 
support.  He  may  have  been  technically  right  in  de- 
claring the  action  of  the  diputacion  illegal;  for  it  is 
doubtful  if  in  a  frontier  territory  like  California  the 
civil  and  military  power  could  be  even  temporarily 
separated  by  the  people,  but  he  knew  this  perfectly 
when  he  signed  the  plan,  which  was  the  only  law  un- 
der which  the  revolutionists  could  pretend  to  act. 

Pico  and  his  associates  acted  in  a  moderate  and 
dignified  manner  at  this  juncture.  The  former  de- 
ment, also  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  42-3.  Feb.  17th,  Vallejo  and  Argi'ie- 
llo  presented  their  expediente  against  Victoria,  a  long  presentment  of  all  the 
charges,  with  copies  of  many  documents  on  the  subject,  all  of  which  has  been 
utilized  in  the  preceding  chapter.  Some  slight  routine  business  was  trans- 
acted, and  then  the  dip.  adjourned  for  the  reasons  stated  in  the  session  of 
Feb.  16th.  (p.  209  11,  298-350.)  On  this  subject  I  may  note  here  that  on 
Feb.  Gth,  E.  had  sent  to  Mexico  a  full  statement  of  the  charges  against  Vic- 
toria and  the  causes  of  the  revolt.  Alaman,  Sucesos  tie  Col.  en  1831,  MS.,  p. 
23-9.  Feb.  24th,  at  S.  Diego  the  members  of  the  dip.,  in  forwarding  to 
Mexico  the  expediente  above  alluded  to,  prefaced  that  document  with  a  long 
statement  of  their  late  sessions  at  Los  Angeles,  of  their  efforts  in  behalf  of 
their  country,  and  of  Echeandia's  unexpected  opposition  and  ambitious 
schemes  to  retain  his  political  power.  Their  case  as  presented  was  a  very 
strong  one.  (p.  253-08.)  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  173-355. 


220        AN  INTERREGNUM— ECHEANDtA  AND  ZAMORAXO. 

clined  to  retain  the  office  in  opposition  to  the  will  of 
the  general  and  the  people  of  Los  Angeles,  and  the 
deputies,  defenceless  and  averse  to  further  civil  dis- 
sensions, deemed  it  best  to  regard  Echeandia's  move- 
ment as  a  successful  contra-pronunciamiento,  which 
relieved  them  of  all  further  responsibility.  They  ac- 
cordingly suspended  their  sessions  on  the  17th.  ren- 
dering to  the  national  government  a  full  report  of  all 
that  had  occurred,  and  holding  themselves  in  readi- 
ness to  meet  again  when  the  interests  of  the  country 
should  demand  it.  Pico  made  no  further  claims  to  the 
office  of  gefe  politico,  nor  were  any  such  claims  made 
for  him.  By  the  five  members  of  the  diputacion  he 
had  been  recognized  from  January  27th  to  February 
16th,  twenty  days,  and  under  the  plan  of  revolt  he 
wras  entitled  to  the  office.  Such  is  the  substance  of 
Don  Pio's  title  to  be  regarded  as  governor  of  Cal- 
ifornia in  1832-3.3 

While  Echeandia  was  thus  occupied  with  a  revolu- 
tionary movement  against  his  own  friends  in  the 
south,  another  Mexican  officer  was  engaged  in  devel- 
oping revolutionary  schemes,  equally  seltish  and  am- 
bitious, but  far  less  treacherous,  in  the  north.  Captain 
Agustin  V.  Zamorano  and  others  pronounced  at 
Monterey  against  the  plan  of  San  Diego,  and  all  who 
had  favored  that  movement.  Zamorano  had  been 
Victoria's  secretary  and  friend,  but  so  far  as  can  be 
known  had  taken  no  part  in  the  troubles  of  1831,  had 
made  no  effort  to  defend  his  unpopular  master  in  his 
time  of  need,  but  had  perhaps  promised  neutrality. 
Now  that  Victoria  was  out  of  the  country,  aware  that 
the  popular  feeling  in  favor  of  Echeandia  was  by  no 
means  so  strong  as  had  been  that  against  Victoria, 
knowing  that  current  disputes  must  be  settled  event- 

3  On  the  trouble  between  Pico  and  Echeandia,  see,  in  addition  to  the  records 
already  cited,  Pico,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  41-4;  Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  189-92; 
Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  159-64;  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  134-90; 
Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  50-1;  Machado,  Tiempos  Pasados,  MS.,  28-9.  There 
arc  no  variations  of  statement  requiring  notice.  P.  says  that  E.  subsequently 
iccjgnized  him;  but  such  does  not  appear  to  have  been  the  fact. 


ZAMORANO'S  REVOLT. 


221 


ually  in  Mexico  rather  than  in  California,  and  being 
moreover  free  from  all  charges  of  complicity  in  the 
late  revolt,  the  ambitious  captain  shrewdly  saw  his 
opportunity  to  gain  favor  with  the  national  authori- 
ties, as  well  as  temporary  prom iue nee  in  territorial 
affairs,  and  he  acted  accordingly. 

Zamorano's  first  step  was  to  secure  the  cooperation 
of  the  foreign  residents  of  Monterey.  These  foreign- 
ers, though  taking  no  decided  stand,  had  been  inclined 
to  favor  Victoria  because  of  his  strict  preservation  of 
order  and  administration  of  justice,  caring  very  little 
for  his  sins  against  the  spirit  of  Mexican  institutions. 
As  a  rule,  they  disliked  Echeandia,  had  no  confidence 
in  Pio  Pico,  were  opposed  to  all  revolutions  not  di- 
rectly in  the  line  of  their  own  interests,  and  deemed 
their  business  prospects  threatened  by  the  rumored 
dissensions  in  the  south.  Therefore  they  were  will- 
ing to  act  in  defence  of  good  order  at  the  capital. 
They  were  convened  by  Zamorano  on  January  24th, 
and  proceeded  to  organize  a  compariia  extremjera  for 
the  defence  of  Monterey,  during  the  continuance  of 
' existing  circumstances,'  against  attack  from  the  in- 
terior  or  from  any  other  quarter.  Nearly  fifty  joined 
the  company,  and  elected  Hartnell  as  their  leader.4 

4  Compauia  Extrangera  tie  Monterey,  su  organization  en  1S32,  MS.  The 
company  was  not  to  be  required  to  leave  the  town  under  any  circumstances. 
Juan  B.  Bonifacio  was  2d  officer,  or  lieutenant,  with  Luis  Vignea  as  a  substi- 
tute in  case  of  his  disability.  Such  men  as  had  to  leave  their  work  lor  mili- 
tary service  were  to  receive  50  cents  per  day.  The  following  men  attended 
the  meeting  and  signed  the  rolls  of  the  company: 
Agustin  V.  Zamorano,       Juan  B.  Bonifacio, 


Wm  E.  Hartnell, 
Thos  Coulter, 
Juan  B.  Leandry, 
Geo.  Kinlock, 
J.  B.  11.  Cooper, 
Joso  Amesti, 
Luis  Pombert, 
Samuel  Mead, 
Wm  McCarty, 
John  Thompson, 
Jas  Cook, 
Wm  Johnson, 
Wm  Gralbatch, 
Juan  D.  Bravo, 


Timothy  Murphy, 
Wm  Taylor, 
James  Watson, 
John  Rainsford, 
John  Gorman, 
Chas  Roe, 
Henry  Bee, 
R.  S.  Barker, 
Edward  Watson, 
John  Miles, 
Joseph  Dixon, 
John  Roper, 
Goy  F.  Fling, 
John  Burns, 


J.  L.  Vignes, 
D.  Douglus, 
Nathan  Spear, 
Santiago  Mclvinley, 
Est6van  Munras, 
Jos6  Iglesias, 
Walter  Duckworth, 
Thos  Raymore, 
John  Roach, 
Thos  Doak, 
David  Littlejohn, 
Wm  Garner, 
Pierre  J.  Chevrette, 
Chas  R.  Smith, 
Wm  Webb. 


Daniel  Ferguson, 
I  have  in  my  possession  the  original  'orderly  book'  of  the  company,  kept 


'222        AN  INTERREGNUM— ECHEANDIA  AND  ZAMORANO. 

Having  thus  enlisted  the  services  of  the  foreign 
residents,  the  leaders  of  whom  doubtless  understood 
his  plans,  Zamorano  summoned  Asesor  Gomez,  Lieu- 
tenant Ibarra,  Hartnell,  and  half  a  dozen  other  men 
of  some  prominence  to  a  meeting  February  1st;  and 
to  this  junta,  after  having  stated  that  northern  Cali- 
fornia from  Santa  Barbara  to  San  Francisco  did  not 
accept  the  plan  of  San  Diego,  he  submitted  in  sub- 
stance the  following  questions:  Are  the  acts  of  the 
diputacion  at  Los  Angeles  legal  or  illegal?  In  the 
latter  case,  in  what  person  should  be  vested  the  civil 
and  military  command,  Victoria  having  left  the  terri- 
tory? Should  a  force  be  sent  south  for  the  defence 
of  Santa  Barbara,  as  had  been  requested?  Ought 
the  sub-comisario  of  revenues  at  Monterey  to  obey 
the  orders  of  Juan  Bandini,  his  superior  officer,  but  a 
leader  in  the  revolution?  After  a  thorough  discussion, 
that  is,  after  the  members  had  approved  Zamorano's 
views  as  previously  agreed  upon,  the  junta  decided: 
First,  that  the  acts  of  the  diputacion  must  be  con- 
sidered illegal  and  null,  since  that  body  had  been  con- 
vened by  an  authority  unknown  to  the  laws  and  ex- 
isting only  by  reason  of  revolution.  Consequently 
no  obedience  or  respect  was  due  to  rulers  chosen  by 
that  body.  Second,  no  gefe  politico  should  be  chosen 
until  the  supreme  government  should  appoint  one, 
but  the  comandancia  general  should  be  filled  ad  in- 
terim, according  to  the  military  regulations,  by  the 
officer  of  highest  rank  and  seniority  who  had  taken  no 
part  in  the  rebellion,  that  is,  by  Zamorano,  the  two 
ranking  captains  Portilla  and  Argiiello  having  for- 

by  its  captain,  from  Feb.  Sth,  when  active  garrison  duty  was  begun,  to  April 
12th,  when  the  captain  resigned.  Hartnell,  Cuaderno  de  Ordenes  de  la  Com- 
pania  Extrangera  de  Monterey,  1S32,  MS.  On  Feb.  23d,  Edward  Watson 
was  dismissed  for  disrespect.  March  25th,  Hartnell,  having  to  be  absent, 
left  Bonifacio  in  command.  April  12th,  the  alcalde  having  requested  the 
comandante  of  the  post  to  dispense  with  Bonifacio's  services,  Hartnell  took 
it  as  an  insult  to  the  company,  and  resigned.  This  was  very  likely  the  end 
of  the  organization.  On  Feb.  18,  1833,  Hartnell  informed  the  members  that 
Gov.  Figueroa,  in  his  communication  to  Zamorano  on  Feb.  loth,  had  thanked 
the  foreigners  for  their  services,  which  he  promised  to  make  known  to  tho 
sup.  govt.    Vcdlejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  12. 


* 


PRONUXCIAMIENTO  OF  MONTEREY.  223 

feited  their  rights.  Third,  to  remove  anxiety,  uphold 
lawful  authority,  and  prevent  catastrophe  at  Santa 
Bdrbara,  as  large  a  force  as  can  be  spared  should  be 
sent  there  at  once,  but  not  to  attempt  operations 
against  the  rebels  unless  they  should  attack  that  place. 
In  case  of  such  attack,  the  comandante  may  not  only 
repel  the  foe,  but  if  circumstances  permit,  may  advance 
to  San  Diego  and  capture  the  rebel  leaders.  He 
must  communicate  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  to 
the  officer  in  command  of  the  rebels,  summoning  them 
all  to  give  up  their  arms,  and  suspending  all  from 
office.  Should  they  refuse,  they  are  to  be  warned 
not  to  advance  beyond  the  points  they  now  occupy. 
Fourth,  the  comisario  subalterno,  Gomez,  will  not  obey 
Bandini,  but  communicate  directly  with  the  comisario 
general  in  Sonora.  Fifth,  the  garrison  at  San  Fran- 
cisco having  pronounced  in  favor  of  the  legitimate 
authority,  and  arrested  their  comandante,  Sanchez, 
who  had  approved  the  San  Diego  plan,  the  retired 
lieutenant,  Ignacio  Martinez,  shall  be  placed  in  com- 
mand there.  Sixth,  the  acting  comandante  general 
must  report  these  proceedings  to  the  supreme  govern- 
ment, with  mention  of  the  services  rendered  by  for- 
eigners, and  lists  of  soldiers  and  civilians  who  have 
remained  loyal.5 

5  Pronunciamiento  de  Monterey  contra  el  Plan  de  San  Diego,  6  sea  Acta  de  la 
Junta  de  1°  de  Febrcro  lS32en  favor  de  la  lenitlma  autoridad  y  contra  D.  Jos6 
Maria  Echeandia,  MS.  Copy  certified  by  Zamorano  on  Feb.  2d,  and  several 
other  certified  copies.  The  signers  were  Capt.  Agustin  V.  Zamorano,  com- 
andante of  Monterey;  Lie.  Rafael  Gomez,  asesor  of  the  territory;  Jose  Joa- 
quin Gomez,  comisario  subalterno  of  Monterey;  Salvador  Espinosa,  alcalde; 
W.  E.  Hartnell  and  Juan  B.  Bonifacio,  commanders  of  the  foreign  military 
company;  Juan  Maria  Ibarra,  lieut  of  the  Mazatlan  company;  Juan  Malarin, 
honorary  2d  licut  of  national  navy;  Francisco  Pacheco,  brevet  lieut;  and 
Jose  Maria  Madrazo,  sergt  of  artillery  detachment.  Feb.  1st.  Zamarano 
reports  the  action  of  the  junta  to  the  alcalde  of  S.  Jose".  S.  Jos6,  Arch., 
MS.,  iii.  9.  Feb.  2d,  sends  copies  to  S.  F.,  S.  Jose,  and  Branciforte.  VaU 
Ifjo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  289.  Feb.  Gth,  Z.  announces  to  comandantes  and  al- 
caldes that  the  garrison  and  citizens  of  Sta  Barbara  had  'pronounced'  in 
favor  of  legitimate  authority,  deposing  the  comandante,  Alf.  Domingo  Car- 
rillo,  who  had  adhered  to  the  S.  Diego  plan.  All  accomplished  in  a  most 
happy  manner.  Id.,  i.  290.  Feb-  12th,  Z.  to  Echeandia,  sends  copy  of  the 
proceedings  of  Feb.  1st,  and  the  summons  required  by  that  document  to 
surrender,  promising  the  clemency  of  the  govt  to  him  and  his  followers  if 
he  accepts.    Id. ,  i.  290.     April  2d,  Alf.  Sanchez,  having  repented,  is  restored 


221       AN  INTERREGNUM— ECHEANDIA  AND  ZAMORANO. 

There  are  no  records  of  a  formal  adhesion  to  Zam- 
orano's  plan  at  San  Francisco,  San  Jose,  Branciforte, 
and  Santa  Barbara,  though  there  are  allusions  to  such 
adhesion  at  some  of  those  places,  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  it  took  place  at  all  during  the  month  of 
February.  Ibarra  started  with  a  military  force  for 
Santa  Barbara  about  February  9th;  and  in  April,  the 
defence  of  Monterey  having  been  intrusted  to  the 
compania  extrangera  and  to  another  company  of  citi- 
zens organized  for  the  purpose,  Zamorano  himself 
marched  south  with  all  the  force  he  could  raise,  hav- 
ing learned  that  the  so-called  rebels  were  assuming  a 
hostile  attitude,  and  were  not  disposed  to  pay  much 
attention  to  the  autoridacl  legitima. 

So  far  as  the  south  is  concerned,  we  know  more  of 
what  was  said  than  of  what  was  done.  The  authors 
of  my  original  narratives  content  themselves  witli  the 

rencral  statement  that  Zamorano  having  refused  torec- 

-  -^ 

o:mize  Echcandia,  the  latter  consented  to  rule  in  the 
south,  while  his  rival  held  sway  over  the  north.6  The 
earliest  notice  we  have  that  a  knowledge  of  the  con- 
tra-pronunciamiento  had  reached  the  south  is  when  on 
March  5th  Echeandia  reported  to  Pico  the  news  of 
disturbances  at  Santa  Barbara,  and  proposed  a  meet- 
ing of  the  diputacion  for  consultation,  offering  to  at- 
tend;7 and  next  day  were  communicated  more  complete 
details  respecting  the  proceedings  at  Monterey.  There 
were  informal  meetings  of  officials  for  consultation  at 

to  the  command  of  S.  F.  Id.,  i.  305.  March  30th,  Z.  to  alcalde  of  S.  Jos**. 
Has  lizard  that  the  rebels  of  S.  Diego  have  assumed  a  hostile  attitude  and 
are  about  to  occupy  Los  Angeles,  which  at  the  beginning  of  the  month  had 
come  out  in  favor  of  the  legitimate  authority.  This  makes  it  necessary  for 
him  to  go  to  Sta  Barbara  and  perhaps  farther;  and  he  calls  on  the  alcalde  for 
2 )  or  25  men,  mounted  and  patriotic,  to  be  sent  at  once,  since'  by  a  rapid 
movement  he  hopes  to  secure  the  tranquillity  of  the  country.  S.  Jose,  Arch., 
MS.,  ii.  03.  Feb.  20th,  Anastasio  Carrillo  in  a  private  letter  speaks  of  the 
force  which  Lieut  Ibarra  has  at  Sta  Barbara,  with  which  he  will  force  S. 
Diego  to  yield  to  the  proposal  of  Feb.  28th  (?).  Valle,  Doc.  HUt.  Gat.,  MS., 
25.  April  8th,  X.  was  at  S.  Antonio  on  his  way  to  Sta  Barbara,  Gucrr.f, 
Doc,  MS.,  vi.  152.  Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  30-1,  alcalde  at  the  time, 
gives  a  i'cw  vague  particulars  about  the  action  at  Sta  Barbara. 

°The  names  of  authors  and  narratives  are  for  the  most  part  those  given  in 
note  56  <>f  chap.  vii. 

1Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  44. 


RIVAL  RULERS.  225 

San  Diego  on  March  7th,  8th,  and  13th;  and  it  was 
probably  at  these  meetings  that  Juan  Bandini  opened 
the  batteries  of  his  wrathful  eloquence  on  the  leaders 
of  the  northern  movement,  uttering  some  truths,  but 
trusting  largely  to  personal  abuse  to  maintain  his 
position.8 

The  14th  of  March  Echeandia  made  a  formal  reply 
from  San  Luis  Rey  to  Zamorano's  communication  of 
February  12th.  He  accused  the  latter  of  having 
violated  his  personal  pledges  of  neutrality,  at  the 
instigation  of  Rafael  Gomez  and  his  own  personal 
ambition.  He  alluded  to  the  facts  that  Victoria  had 
recognized  him  as  his  successor  in  command,  and  that 
the  officials  at  San  Diego  in  recent  meetings  had  ut- 
terly refused  to  recognize  Zamorano  as  comandante 
general.  Still  Echeandia  proposed  a  truce  under  con- 
ditions, which  being  observed,  he  would  not  use  force 
to  maintain  his  rights.  Evidently  nobody  in  Califor- 
nia was  thirsting  for  blood.  The  conditions  were  that 
Zamorano  should  leave  commercial  and  other  commu- 
nication free  between  different  parts  of  the  territory, 
withdraw  his  forces  from  Santa  Barbara,  leave  the 
diputacion  and  ayuntamientos  free  to  act  as  they 
misrht  deem  best  in  civil  affairs,  and  leave  also  the  co- 
misario  and  the  former  comandantes  of  Santa  Barbara 
and  San  Francisco  free  in  the  exercise  of  their  duties. 
On  these  conditions,  by  taking  the  oath  prescribed  in 
the  constitution,  he  might  regard  himself  as  coman- 
dante general  of  the  north  until  the  decision  from 
Mexico;  but  as  Ibarra  was  intriguing  with  Los 
Angeles,  Zamorano  must  decide  very  promptly,  or  he 
would    begin    hostile  operations  and  make  real   the 

8 Bandini,  Apuntes  Politkos  de  1S32,  MS.,  and  another  undated  document 
in  Id.,  Doc,  26-31.  Zamorano  is  accused  of  bad  faith  in  keeping  quiet  for  42 
days  after  Victoria's  defeat  to  pronounce  for  him  after  his  departure;  Rafael 
Gomez  was  an  intimate  of  Victoria,  a  prevaricator,  an  associate  of  unworthy 
persons,  and  a  rum -seller;  Jose"  J.  Gomez  was  anxious  for  disorders  in  order 
to  hide  irregularities  in  his  revenue  accounts;  Hartnell  was  a  monarchist; 
Bonifacio,  an  ignorant  foreigner,  not  naturalized;  Espinosa  had  no  authority 
outside  of  his  municipality;  and  the  other  signers  were  for  the  most  part 
incapable  of  understanding  the  pronunciamiento.  There  were  only  one  cap- 
tain and  one  lieutenant,  as  against  11  officers  in  favor  of  the  plan  of  S.  Diego. 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  111.    15 


226        AN  INTERREGNUM— ECHEANDIA  AXD  ZAMORANO. 

streams  of  blood  talked  of,  holding  his  opponents 
responsible  before  God  and  the  world.9 

The  dipntacion,  willing  to  forget  for  the  time  its 
own  wrongs  at  the  hands  of  Echeandia,  assembled  at 
his  call  at  San  Dieoro  to  consider  measures  for  checking 
the  disorders  that  must  result  from  the  new  pronun- 
ciamiento,  "this  duty  devolving  on  the  assembly  for 
want  of  a  gefe  politico."  The  members  were  unan- 
imous in  their  condemnation  of  Zamorano's  junta,  es- 
pecially of  its  attempt  to  suspend  the  diputacion,  a 
body  with  whose  acts  even  the  national  government 
had  declared  itself  powerless  to  interfere,  said  Argue- 
llo,  except  after  reference  to  congress.  At  a  second 
meeting,  March  2 2d,  Pico  expressed  sentiments  very 
similar  to  those  of  Bandini  already  cited;  and  it  was 
resolved  to  issue  a  circular  to  the  ayuntamientos,  in- 
viting them  to  preserve  order,  to  recognize  the  dipu- 
tacion, and  to  proceed  with  their  ordinary  municipal 
duties  without  paying  the  slightest  attention  to  the 
junta  which  was  tempting  them  into  danger.  After 
this  rather  mild  action  the  assembly  adjourned,  appar- 
ently with  the  intention  of  meeting  again  at  Los 
Angeles.10 

But  the  lesfitimistas  succeeded  in  their  intrigues 
with  the  fickle  ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles,  which 
body,  on  March  2 2d,  laid  before  the  people  a  commu- 
nication from  Zamorano,  explaining  the  beauties  of  his 
system.  To  this  system  the  assembled  citizens  "  mani- 
fested themselves  addicted;"31  and  Ibarra  came  im- 
mediately from  Santa  Barbara  with  a 'part  of  his  force 
and  encamped  in  the  pueblo  of  the  Angels.  At  San 
Luis  Key  the  members  of  the  diputacion  en  route  for 

9  March  15,  1S32,  Echeandia  to  Pico,  transcribing  his  communication  of 
the  14th  to  Zamorano.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  303. 

wLeg.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  211-20.  March  18th,  Pico  to  Vallejo,  inviting  him  to 
attend  the  meeting  of  next  day.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  30G.  March 
20th,  Echeandia  to  Pico,  reporting  resolutions  of  the  council  of  war  at  S.  Diego 
March  7th,  8th,  13th,  against  Zamorano.  Argiiello  and  Vallejo  had  been 
present.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  44-5.  The  circular  to  the  ayuntamientos 
was  probably  issued  but  intercepted  by  Zamorano's  officials  in  the  north. 

11  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  59-60. 


PREPARING  FOR  WAR.  227 

Los  Angeles  heard  of  the  defection  of  that  town,  and 
also  that  Echeandia  was  engaged  in  active  prepara- 
tions for  war.  The  mo.st  alarming  symptom  of  ap- 
proaching trouble  was  the  attitude  of  the  neophytes, 
who,  as  devoted  partisans  of  Echeandia,  were  coming 
into  camp  from  all  directions  and  were  being  armed 
and  drilled  for  offensive  operations.  The  deputies 
now  held  a  meeting  at  San  Euis  and  devoted  all  their 
energies  to  the  preservation  -of  tranquillity  and  the 
prevention  of  bloodshed.  It  was  voted  to  send  a  de- 
spatch to  Ibarra,  holding  him  responsible  for  any  mis- 
fortunes that  might  result  from  an  outbreak  of  hos- 
tilities, warning  him  of  the  inquietude  of  the  Indians, 
and  urging  some  arrangement  to  avoid  a  rupture. 
Similar  notes  were  to  be  sent  to  both  Echeandia  and 
Zamorano.12 

Echeandia  expressed  his  willingness  to  make  an 
arrangement  for  peace,  but  as  no  replies  were  received 
from  Ibarra  and  Zamorano,  he  went  on  with  his 
preparations,  and  an  advance  force  of  soldiers  and  In- 
dians under  Captain  Barroso  encamped  at  Paso  de 
Bartolo  on  the  San  Gabriel  River.13  Ibarra  deemed 
it  best  to  retire  to  Santa  Barbara,  perhaps  by  the 
order  of  his  chief,  who  was  now — early  in  April — 
hastening  south  from  Monterey  with  reinforcements. 
Los  Angeles  was  in  turn  occupied  by  Barroso  and 
Echeandia,  who  in  a  day  or  two  removed  their  forces 
to  San  Gabriel.14 

12  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  220-2.  It  may  be  remarked  that  Ibarra's  occupation 
of  Los  Angeles  was  in  a  sense  a  violation  of  Zamorano's  plan  of  Feb.  1st,  ac- 
cording to  which  his  forces  were  not  to  advance  beyond  Sta  Barbara  unless 
that  place  should  be  attacked. 

13  Alf.  Ignacio  del  Valle,  Lo  Pasado  de  Cal.,  MS.,  G-7,  relates  that  he  was 
with  Barroso  at  the  Paso  while  his  father,  Lieut  Antonio  del  Valle,  was  witli 
Ibarra  at  Los  Angeles. 

11  Many  Californians  state  that  Echeandia  had  over  1,000  Indians  at  tho 
camp  on  the  river;  and  Osio,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  190-9,  says  that  he  entered  Los 
Angeles  at  the  head  of  1,000  mounted  Indians,  whom,  however,  he  dismissed 
with  presents  after  retiring  to  S.  Gabriel.  Tuthill,  Hist.  Cal.,  134,  following 
Robinson's  Life  in  Cat.,  122,  tells  us  that  Echeandia  gathered  many  Indians  at 
S.  Juan  Capistrano,  and  inaugurated  a  series  of  robberies  and  murders.  A 
state  of  anarchy  and  confusion  ensued.  There  is  no  foundation  for  such  a 
statement.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal. ,  MS.,  ii.  1G1-77,  narrates  the  particulars  of  a 
personal  quarrel  that  occurred  about  this  time  between  Echeandia  and  San- 


228        AN  INTERREGNUM— ECHEANDIA  AND  ZAMORANO. 

Zamorano,  on  arrival  at  Santa  Barbara,  was  some- 
what less  warlike  than  at  Monterey,  and  was  induced 
to  consider  the  propositions  for  a  truce,  to  which  he 
had  previously  paid  no  attention.  After  some  pre- 
liminary correspondence,  not  extant,  between  the  two 
comandantes  and  the  diputacion,  an  arrangement  was 
concluded  on  the  8th  or  9th  of  May;  but  Zamorano 
seems  to  have  had  very  much  his  own  way  in  dictat- 
ing the  conditions15  by  which  the  military  command 
was  divided  between  Echeandia  in  the  south  and 
Zamorano  in  the  north,  while  the  diputacion  was  left 
with  no  authority  at  all,  except  such  as  the  southern 

tiago  Argiiello.  The  matter  is  also  alluded  to  in  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  229-30. 
Vallejo  also  gives  some  details  of  the  stay  of  the  forces  at  S.  Gabriel,  where 
$20,000  were  'borrowed'  and  supplies  were  exacted,  not  much  to  the  satisfac- 
tion of  the  padres,  who  were  warm  adherents  of  the  other  party. 

15  Zamorano,  Proclama  que  contiene  los  Articulos  de  las  Condiciones  con- 
venidas  entre  el  y  el  Sr  Echeandia  en  Mayo  de  1832,  MS.  This  original  procla- 
mation is  dated  May  9th.  I  have  never  seen  the  original  agreement  with 
signatures  of  the  parties,  or  any  copy  of  it;  and  I  suppose  that  no  such  docu- 
ment was  ever  signed.  The  articles  were  in  substance  as  follows:  1.  Until 
the  arrival  of  a  ruler  or  of  express  orders  from  Mexico,  California  shall  remain 
divided  into  two  parts — one  from  S.  Gabriel  south,  under  command  of  Lieut- 
col.  Echeandia,  and  the  other  from.  S.  Fernando  north,  under  Capt.  Zamo- 
rano. The  former  could  not  advance  any  military  force  north  of  San  Juan 
Capistrano;  nor  the  latter  south  of  S.  Buenaventura — this,  however,  not  to 
affect  the  ordinary  mission  escoltas  of  5  or  7  men.  2,  4.  Neither  the  dip.  nor 
any  gefe  politico  named  by  that  body  shall  issue  any  orders  to  the  northern 
ayuntamientos;  nor  shall  the  dip.  make  any  innovations  in  the  southern  mis- 
sions. 3,  5.  Trade  and  travel  must  not  be  interrupted;  and  in  case  of  convul- 
sions either  party  must  afford  prompt  advice  and  aid.  G.  Neither  party  can 
lave  with  Los  Angeles  any  other  relations  than  the  military  ones  heretofore 
existing  between  that  town  and  the  presidial  comandantes.  7.  Any  armed 
advance  contrary  to  art.  1  to  be  repelled  without  incurring  responsibility; 
other  faults  to  be  promptly  settled  by  official  correspondence.  8.  Mails  to 
leave  Monterey  on  the  7th,  and  S.  Diego  on  the  22d  of  each  month.  9.  In 
opening  official  despatches  from  Mexico  great  delicacy  to  be  used,  and  the 
responsibility  to  rest  on  the  southern  comandante.  10.  Civilians  who  have 
taken  no  part  in  the  contention  may  live  where  they  please;  others  where 
they  are  (?).  11.  Neophytes  and  gentiles  are  to  be  sent  back  unarmed  to 
their  respective  homes.  12.  For  the  sake  of  peace,  these  articles  will  remain 
in  force  until  the  chief  named  by  the  sup.  govt  shall  have  been  recognized. 
Copy  of  this  document  also  in  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  90.  Alvarado,  Hist. 
Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  188-9,  claims  to  have  been  largely  instrumental,  by  his  personal 
intimaey  with  both  leaders,  in  securing  the  formation  of  this  treaty.  Eche- 
andia did  not  admit  that  he  had  agreed  to  these  articles  except  to  Nos.  1,  5, 
and  8.  This  appears  from  his  letter  to  Pico  of  May  22d.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iii.  47-8,  and  from  Zamorano's  proclamation  of  July  7th.  Vallejo,  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  314.  His  claim  was  that  the  others  were  suggestions  not 
definitely  decided  on,  or  perhaps  in  some  cases  not  accurately  stated  in 
Zamorano's  proclamation.  The  diputacion,  however,  seems  to  have  agreed 
with  Z.'s  version  of  the  articles  relating  to  that  body.  Leg.  lice,  MS.,  i. 
2-30-2. 


A  TRUCE.  229 

comandante  might  choose  to  give  it  in  his  district  on 
matters  not  involving  innovations  in  the  missions. 

The  military  forces  were  promptly  withdrawn  to 
the  north  and  south  by  the  respective  generals,  and 
the  members  of  the  diputacion  retired  to  San  Diego, 
where  on  May  15th  they  held  a  meeting,  and  ad- 
dressed to  the  president  of  the  republic  a  full  report 
of  what  they  had  done  for  the  good  of  California 
since  February  24th,  the  date,  of  their  last  represen- 
tation. They  declared  that  Zamorano's  action  had 
been  wholly  uncalled  for,  and  that  many  of  the  state- 
ments in  his  pronunciamiento  were  false.  They  added 
to  their  report  an  argument  in  which  they  presented 
at  some  length  their  views  on  the  causes  of  the  evils 
afflicting  California — evils  due  largely  to  the  detestable 
and  anti-republican  mission  system,  and  to  the  pres- 
ence and  intrigues  of  the  friars,  who  sought  a  restor- 
ation  of  Spanish  institutions.  They  more  than  hinted 
that  Zamorano's  movement  had  been  in  the  interests 
of  Spain,  and  they  reiterated  their  opinion  that  the 
civil  and  military  command  should  be  vested  in  two 
distinct  persons.16  Again  at  the  end  of  December 
did  the  diputacion  meet,  this  time  at  Los  Angeles,  to 
take  some  final  steps  for  vindicating  the  record  of  past 
acts  and  to  adjourn,  since  the  term  of  several  members 
now  expired,  and  the  comandante  of  the  north  had  re- 
fused to  take  any  steps  for  a  new  election.17 

One  more  episode  of  the  Zamorano-Echeandia  con- 
troversy demands  brief  notice,  namely,  the  exploits 

16 Session  of  May  15,  1832.  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  i.  231-52. 

17  Leg.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  i.  222-30.  Dec.  30tk-31st,  it  was  voted  to  send  a  commu- 
nication to  the  new  chief  in  order  to  hasten  his  arrival;  to  send  a  protest  to 
Zamorano,  holding  him  responsible  for  violating  the  law  by  preventing  an 
election  and  abrogating  the  faculties  of  the  gefc  politico;  to  notify  ayunta- 
mientosof  the  dissolution  of  the  dip.,  and  call  for  acknowledgments  of  various 
exhortations  to  peace  and  good  order  sent  to  the  municipal  bodies;  and  finally 
to  prepare  a  manificsto  to  the  people.  The  adjournment  on  Dec.  31st  is  re- 
corded in  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  7G.  Aug.  2d,  Echeandia  had  sent  a 
communication  to  Pico  on  the  subject  of  holding  elections,  in  which  he  gives 
directions,  proposes  to  preside,  and  speaks  throughout  as  if  he  deemed  him- 
self still  the  gefe  politico.  Lept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  70-1. 


230        AX  INTERREGNUM— ECHEANDlA  AND  ZAMORANO. 

of  Antonio  Avila,  a  convict  whom  the  reader  will  re- 
member in  connection  with  the  Solis  revolt  of  1829, 
and  some  of  his  companion  presidiarios.  It  seems 
that  Vicente  Sanchez  came  north  as  soon  as  released 
from  the  Los  Angeles  jail,  and  in  his  patriotic  zeal  en- 
listed Avila  and  fifteen  or  twenty  convicts  to  march 
south  and  aid  in  restoring  the  'legitimate  government/ 
promising  them,  in  addition  to  other  emoluments, 
their  liberty.  In  the  south  they  abandoned  Sanchez, 
distrusting  his  promises  and  learning  that  he  intended 
to  use  them  for  private  rather  than  public  service,  and 
wandered  about  for  a  time  in  different  parts  of  the 
country.  The  people  naturally  were  alarmed  when 
they  knew  that  such  a  band  of  desperadoes  were  at 
large  with  arms  in  their  hands,  though  it  does  not 
appear  that  they  really  committed  any  outrages.  A 
charge  of  a  design  to  overthrow  Zamorano's  and  not 
Echeandfa's  powder  was  trumped  up  against  Avila  and 
his  men,  and  after  several  unsuccessful  efforts  they  were 
captured  at  Pacheco's  rancho,  disarmed,  and  subjected 
to  trial  at  Monterey  in  June.  No  proof  of  revolution- 
ary designs  was  adduced,  but  the  convicts  were  kept 
under  arrest  until  the  new  governor  arrived,  and  were 
by  him  included  in  a  general  pardon  to  all  comba- 
tants. Avila  in  1833  recovered  his  arms,  but  failed 
to  obtain  permission  to  go  to  Mexico  until  his  term 
should  have  expired,  notwithstanding  his  disposition 
to  serve  his  country  shown  on  at  least  two  occasions.13 

From  June  to  December  1832  all  wTas  quiet  politi- 
cally, both  in  the  north  and  south,  and  California  un- 
der its  dual  military  rule   was  by  no  means  a  badly 

18  Avila,  Papeles  Tocantes  &  la  Sedition  de  Antonio  Avila  y  otros  Pretidiarios 
en  1S32,  MS.  Vicente  Sanchez  declined  to  testify,  on  the  plea  that  he  was  a 
diputado.  June  13th,  Zamorano  to  alcalde  of  S.  Jose".  Says  Avila's  party 
arc  near  Monterey,  ready  to  present  themselves  on  his  (Z.  's)  order;  but  as  it 
is  impossible  for  him  to  have  any  official  relations  with  such  people,  it  has 
been  determined  to  capture  them  by  force.  He  wants  9  or  10  men,  who  were 
later  sent  back  because  there  were  no  muskets  for  them.  S.  Josd,  Arch.,  MS., 
ii.  'u.  June  19th,  23d,  Z.  to  com.  of  S.  F.,  on  the  same  subject.  Valicjo,  Doc, 
MS.,  i.  311-12. 


WHO  IS  GOVERNOR  IN  1832?  231 

governed  territoiy,  since  we  hear  of  neither  disorders 
on  the  part  of  the  people  nor  of  oppressive  acts  by 
the  rulers.  Both  parties,  in  fact,  waiting  for  a  new 
governor  and  a  supreme  decision  on  their  past  acts, 
were  on  their  good  behavior,  and  disposed  to  cooper- 
ate in  the  preservation  of  order.  It  may  be  a  matter 
of  some  interest  to  decide  who  was  the  governor,  or 
gefe  politico,  of  California  this  year.  It  has  been  cus- 
tomary to  put  Pio  Pico's  name  in  the  list  between 
those  of  Victoria  and  Figueroa;  but  as  I  have  already 
shown,  he  has  no  claim  to  the  honor.  For  some  twenty 
da}Ts  he  claimed  the  place,  which  he  ought  to  have  had 
under  the  plan  of  San  Diego,  and  was  recognized  by 
the  four  or  five  members  of  the  body  that  elected  him; 
but  after  February  16th  he  made  no  claims  and  per- 
formed no  acts.  Nor  did  the  diputacion  make  any 
claims  in  his  behalf.  He  refused  on  the  date  named 
to  accept  the  office,  and  was  never  asked  again  to  do 
so.  There  was  no  Mexican  law  making  him  gefe  po- 
litico without  regard  to  his  own  acts,  or  those  of  his 
associate  vocales,  by  virtue  of  his  position  as  senior 
vocal.  Zamorano,  on  the  other  hand,  never  made  pre- 
tensions to  be  gefe  politico ;  in  fact,  one  of  the  articles 
of  his  plan  expressly  declared  that  no  such  officer  ex- 
isted. 

Either  there  was  a  vacancy  or  Echeandia  was  the 
governor.  Echeandia  was  declared  gefe  politico  pro- 
visional in  the  plan  of  November  29th  and  December 
1st,  until  he  should  give  up  the  office  to  a  person 
named  by  the  diputacion.  That  plan  was  successful, 
and  on  December  Gth  Victoria  surrendered  the  office 
to  him.  The  diputacion  recognized  his  title,  and  no- 
body formally  denied  it  till  the  1st  of  February.  Then 
Zamorano's  junta  declared  the  office  to  be  vacant; 
but  the  plan  of  February  1st  was  never  entirely  suc- 
cessful, being  accepted  only  in  the  north.  After  Jan- 
uary 27th  he  ought,  according  to  his  own  pledges,  to 
have  surrendered  the  office,  but  he  did  not  do  so. 
On  February  12th  the  Los  Angeles  ayuntamiento, 


232        AN  INTERREGNUM— ECHEANDIA  AND  ZAMORANO. 

the  only  civil  organization  in  the  south,  recognized 
him,  and  declared  it  would  not  recognize  any  other, 
and  it  never  did  recognize  any  other;  though  b}^  ap- 
proving Zamorano's  plan  it  virtually  assented  to  the 
doctrine  of  a  vacancy.  The  16th  of  February  Eche- 
andia offered  to  surrender  the  office  to  avoid  the 
use  of  force;  but  his  offer  was  not  accepted.  The 
compact  of  May  8th-9th  contained  not  a  word  against 
his  claims  to  the  office,  even  according  to  Zamorano's 
version  of  that  compact;  and  Echeandia  did  not  re- 
linquish his  claims,  but  on  the  contrary  asserted  them, 
and  performed  some  few  and  slight  acts,  in  the  mat- 
ter of  elections  and  secularization,  in  his  capacity  of 
gefe  politico.19  There  was  never  any  decision  of  the 
question  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  nor  in  fact  any 
necessity  for  such  decision.  If  I  give  a  chrono- 
logical list  of  rulers  elsewhere  in  this  work,  I  must 
either  use  Echeandia's  name  for  1832  or  leave  the 
place  blank.  Meanwhile  the  reader  may  decide  for 
himself. 

Now  Californian  affairs  in  Mexico  demand  atten- 
tion. Carlos  Carrillo,  the  congressman,  was  bitterly 
disappointed  when  he  heard  of  the  revolution  against 
Victoria.  The  news  seemed  to  wTeaken  his  eloquent 
eulogies  of  the  Californians  as  a  law-abiding  people. 
He  had  flattered  himself  on  having  reached  the  brink 
of  success  in  obtaining  several  advantageous  measures 
for  his  constituents.  Probably  he  had  made  less  prog- 
ress than  he  supposed,  but  the  late  events  afforded 
the  president  and  ministers  a  convenient  excuse  for 
refusing  to  carry  out  certain  partial  promises.  All 
hope  for  a  separation  of  the  military  and  civil  com- 
mands, for  an  organic  law,  for  courts,  for  a  proper 

19  July  19th,  Z.  in  a  proclamation  to  the  people  refers  to  E.'s  rejection  of 
certain  articles  of  the  compact  and  to  his  claim  to  be  gefe  politico  as  subjects 
respecting  which  discussion  had  been  voluntarily  discontinued  on  account  of 
the  expected  arrival  of  a  new  gefe  at  an  early  date.  Vallcjo,  Doc,  MS.,  i. 
314.  Castillo  Negrete  in  1S35  alludes  to  Echeandia  as  'el  intruso  gefe  poli- 
tico.' Dept.  bt.  Pap.,  Ben.  JUL,  MS.,  lxxviii.  53. 


CHOICE  OF  A  NEW  RULER.  203 


distribution  of  lands-^and  he  might  have  added,  "for 
my  appointment  as  gefe  politico" — "has  gone  to  the 
devil,"  he  complains  to~  Guerra,  "and  I  am  placed  in 
a  most  awkward  position  after  having  sung  the  praises 
of  the  Californians  in. congress."20  If  we  may  credit 
Carrillo's  own  statements — and  I  find  no  other  evi- 
dence on  the  subject — the  Mexican  authorities  were 
disposed  to  be  severe  in  their  treatment  of  the  revolt- 
ing Californians;  and  it  was  only  by  the  most  un- 
tiring: efforts  that  he  saved  the  leaders,  first  from  death, 
then  from  banishment,  and  finally  had  them  included 
in  an  amnesty  granted  to  the  rebels  of  Vera  Cruz. 

The  choice  of  a  ruler  to  succeed  Victoria  now  occu- 
pied, as  far  as  the  interests  of  so  distant  a  territory 
ever  did,  the  attention  of  Bustamante  and  his  advisers. 
Circumstances  seemed  to  require  the  appointment  of 
a  strong  military  man.  The  idea  of  separating  the 
commands,  if  it  had  ever  been  entertained,  was  aban- 
doned when  the  revolt  was  known,  and  at  the  same 
time  Carrillo's  chances  disappeared,  if  he  ever  had 
any.  Victoria  says  the  first  idea  of  the  government 
was  to  send  him  back  with  a  strong  supporting  force.21 
Then  there  wTas  a  thought  of  appointing  Zamorano, 
as  the  ranking  officer  in  California  not  involved  in  the 
revolt.  This  was  recommended  by  Virmond,  and 
very  likely  by  Victoria  and  Padre  Peyri,  but  Carrillo 

20  Carrillo,  Cartas  del  Diputado,  MS. ,  231-52.  Jan.  20th,  Carrillo  called  on 
the  vice-president,  receiving  from  him  the  news  of  disturbances  in  Cal.  Busta- 
mante threatened  to  send  an  armed  force  to  bring  that  rebellious  territory  to 
order.  C.  told  him  it  would  be  better  to  take  away  the  Mazatlan  company 
than  to  send  more  troops,  who  without  pay  would  be  sure  to  revolt.  March 
loth,  Virmond  has  arrived  and  given  an  ugly  account  of  home  affairs.  Vic- 
toria and  Peyri  are  expected;  and  Pliego  will  say  no  good  of  the  Californians. 
It  is  said  that  all  officers  who  took  part  in  the  revolt  will  be  dismissed  the 
service.  (Such  an  order  seems  to  have  been  issued  on  Mar.  20th,  so  far  as 
artillery  officers  were  concerned.  l)ept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  45.)  April  14th, 
tired  of  official  life,  of  struggles  against  obstinate  diputados,  of  official  prom- 
ises never  kept.  Does  not  desire  re-election,  which  Victoria  tells  him  is 
talked  of.  Only  by  the  most  strenuous  efforts,  aided  by  four  other  deputies, 
he  has  saved  the  Californian  revolutionists  from  the  death  penalty,  but  not 
from  that  of  banishment  for  4  years  from  the  republic.  Letters  of  April  21st 
and  May  1 1th  on  Figueroa's  appointment.  C.  in  later  years  (p.  254-7)  claimed 
that  it  was  by  his  efforts  that  the  Californian  rebels  were  included  in  the 
amnesty  granted  to  those  of  Vera  Cruz. 

21  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  183-4. 


234   AN  INTERREGNUM— ECHEANDfA  AND  ZAMORANO. 

opposed  it  with  all  his  might.22  The  choice  finally 
fell  on  Brevet  Brigadier-general  Jose  Figueroa,  an 
able  and  prominent  man  in  Mexican  affairs  since  1820, 
comandante  general  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  for  five  or 
six  years,  and  by  reason  of  that  position,  more  or  less 
acquainted  with  California!!  affairs.  Politically  he 
was  not  in  sympathy  with  Bustamante's  administra- 
tion, having  been  a  supporter  and  intimate  personal 
friend  of  Guerrero;  and  it  is  believed  that  his  appoint- 
ment was  a  measure  dictated  less  by  a  consideration 
of  his  interests  or  those  of  California  than  by  a  desire 
to  get  rid  of  a  troublesome  foe.23 

22  Carrillo,  Cartas,  MS.,  233-6.  He  says  that  Mexico  was  swarming  with 
claimants  for  command  in  the  distant  territories,  impecunious  nobodies  at  the 
national  capital,  but  ready  to  put  on  the  airs  of  viceroys  in  Cal.  Id.,  p.  241-5. 

23  The  first  mention  I  find  of  Figueroa  in  contemporary  records  is  in  a  pri- 
vate letter  of  Iturbide  to  Guerrero,  dated  Jan.  10,  1821,  in  which  he  urges  the 
patriot  chieftain  to  put  himself  on  the  side  of  Spain,  and  asks  him  to  send  a 
man  of  his  entire  conlidencc  to  treat  with  him  on  the  subject,  naming  Figueroa 
among  several  other  'individuos  masadictos  a  Vd.'  Mexico,  Cartas  de  Iturbide 
y  Guerrero,  p.  2.  Antonio  Ruiz  de  la  Mota,  one  of  Guerrero's  men  in  the  war 
of  independence,  a  man  to  whom  F.  rendered  many  favors  in  Cal.,  said  that 
F.  as  Guerrero's  secretary  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  negotiations  by  which 
the  two  leaders  were  united  and  success  insured ;  though  at  one  time  Guerrero 
suspected  his  friend  of  treachery  and  proposed  to  have  him  shot.  Torre,  liemin. , 
MS.,  51-3.  In  1824  F.  was  appointed  comandante  general  of  Sonora,  and 
specially  commissioned  to  organize  an  expedition  at  Arizpe  to  explore  and  se- 
cure the  regions  obstructed  by  savages;  to  inspect  the  mines,  especially  the 
famous  'planchas  de  plata;'  and  to  facilitate  communication  by  land  with 
Cal.  In  pursuance  of  these  instructions,  he  marched  in  person  to  the  junction 
of  the  Colorado  and  Gila  in  1S25;  but  had  to  go  back  in  haste  to  put  down 
the  great  Yaqui  revolt,  which  lasted  several  years.  Jletes,  Portentosas  Pique- 
ztis  Mlnerales.  His  efforts  to  open  communication  between  Son.  and  Cal.  are 
mentioned  in  the  account  I  have  given  of  Romero's  expedition  of  1823-G  in 
chap.  xxii.  vol.  ii. ;  and  several  of  his  letters  are  included  in  Romero, 
JJocumentos,  MS.  Elsewhere  in  my  work  in  connection  with  the  annals  of 
Sonora  I  have  said  something  respecting  this  part  of  Figueroa's  career ;  for 
particular  allusions  to  him,  see  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Son.,  MS.,  nos.  43,  52-3; 
print,  nos.  107,  110,  180-2;  Sonora,  Adas  del  Primer  Congreso  Coustitucional 
i.  74-5;  Figueroa,  Observaciones  de  un  Ciudadano,  MS.,  1-7;  Opinion  Pub1, ka 
de  Occldente,  July  30,  1829.  On  Sept.  5,  1828,  the  name  of  Altar  was  officially 
changed  to  Villa  de  Figueroa,  and  the  general  was  formally  declared  a  citizen 
of  Sonora.  Though  of  unquestioned  bravery,  he  earned  the  cognomen  of  'El 
Faciiico  y  Calmoso;'  always  used  his  influence  against  local  revolutions;  and 
was  sometimes  blamed  for  his  indulgence  to  conquered  Indian  foes.  He  left 
Sonora  in  1829,  starting  for  the  eastern  coast  to  aid  in  repelling  Spanish  in- 
vasion, but  not  arriving  apparently  in  time  for  that  service.  On  Dec.  20, 
1 S29,  he  issued  at  Durango  a  proclamation  calling  upon  the  people  to  follow 
him  in  support  of  Guerrero  and  the  federal  government  against  the  rebels  of 
Campcchc  andJalapa.  Atleta,  Jan.  7,  1830,  p.  75.  In  March  1830 he  was  ar- 
rested with  several  others  by  orders  of  Gen.  Bachillcr  in  Mexico  on  charge  of 
conspiracy,  Id.,  Mar.  25,  Apr.  2,  25,  1830,  p.  385,  416,  507;  but  as  he  was  too 
popular  a  man  to  be  shot  and  too  dangerous  to  be  allowed  to  remain  in  Mcx- 


I 


FIGUEROA  APPOINTED.  235 

Figueroa  received  bis  appointment  as  comandante 
general  and  inspector  at  a  salary  of  $4,000  April  17, 
1832,  and  that  of  gefe  superior  politico  on  May  9th, 
with  instructions  from  the  different  ministries  the  17th. 
His  general  instructions  took  the  form  of  supplemen- 
tary articles  to  those  formerly  given  to  Echeandia,  not 
literally  extant,  as  we  have  seen.  Figueroa  was  to 
work  for  the  perfect  restoration  of  tranquillity,  and  to 
inspire  confidence  in  the  national  government  by  ex- 
plaining the  causes  which  had  led  to  certain  changes 
in  the  system  of  republican  administration.  He  was 
to  supply  complete  statistics  about  California  and  all 
its  institutions  and  industries.  He  was  to  give  much 
attention  to  the  neophytes,  with  a  view  to  improve 
their  condition  and  fit  them  for  a  change  in  the  mis- 
sion  system.  To  give  an  impulse  to  trade,  he  must 
favor  the  exportation  of  surplus  products  and  induce 
the  missions  to  build  small  vessels.  Colonization  and 
the  distribution  of  lands  both  to  citizens  and  foreigners 
were  to  be  encouraged  in  accordance  with  the  laws, 
several  special  grants  being  recommended,  as  were 
active  efforts  to  extend  settlement  toward  42°  in  the 
north.  Indian  policy  toward  the  gentiles,  movements 
and  aims  of  the  Russians  and  Americans,  illegal  opera- 
tions of  hunters  and  trappers,  and  abuses  in  connection 
with  the  rearing:  of  cattle  were  amongr  the  matters  to 
which  the  new  ruler's  attention  was  directed.24  Special 
instructions  were  given  on  the  subject  of  secularizing 

ico,  he  was  soon  released  to  be  exiled  to  California  as  governor.  He  held  the 
honorary  position  of  vice-governor  of  the  state  of  Mexico  until  Dec.  7,  1833. 
St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  285,  293-4.  He  left  Sonorain  debt  to  the 
fondo  de  temporalidades  to  the  amount  of  $3,000,  which  sum  was  ordered  to 
be  collected  in  1834.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mi!.,  MS.,  lxxvii.  11.  Carlos  Car- 
rillo,  when  the  appointment  was  first  made,  was  told  by  a  deputy  from  Sonora 
that  Figueroa  was  a  despotic  fortune-hunter,  and  Virmond  also  spoke  against 
him;  but  Minister  Alaman  spoke  in  the  highest  terms  of  the  new  appointee, 
and  Carrillo  himself  after  an  interview  formed  a  favorable  opinion  of  him,  freely 
expressed  in  his  letters  to  Guerra,  whom  he  advised  to  conciliate  Figueroa's 
friendship  by  presenting  him  with  a  span  of  mules.  On  his  appointment,  see 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-II.,  MS.,ii.  18;  Id.,  Angeles,  xi.  2;  Id.,  Monterei/y 
ii.  21. 

u  Figueroa,  Instrucciones  Generates  para  el  Gobierno  de  CaVfornia  dadas  dl 
Gen.  Don  Jos6  Figueroa,  1832,  MS.  Dated  May  7,  1832,  and  signed  by  the 
minister  Ortiz  Mona3terio. 


236        AX  INTERREGNUM— ECHEANDIA  AND  ZAMORANO. 

the  missions,  which  in  substance  required  the  whole 
matter  to  be  put  back  where  it  was  before  Echeandia's 
act  of  January  1831;  but  at  the  same  time  called  for 
a  continuance  of  investigation  and  reports  with  a  view 
to  an  early  change  in  the  system.25  With  reference 
to  the  late  revolutionary  troubles,  Figueroa  was  fur- 
nished with  full  reports  from  Victoria,  Echeandia, 
and  the  diputacion,  of  the  quarrel  as  viewed  from  differ- 
ent standpoints,  and  was  instructed,  after  a  secret  and 
impartial  investigation,  to  render  a  comprehensive  re- 
port.26 

The  governor  was  provided  not  only  with  instruc- 
tions on  his  duties,  but  with  a  force  of  some  seventy- 
five  officers  and  men  who  were  to  aid  him  in  perform- 
ing those  duties.  The  soldiers,  however,  were  cholos 
of  a  not  very  desirable  class,  from  the  region  of  Aca- 
pulco,  but  lately  released  from  prison  and  pardoned 
for  revolutionary  attempts.  Figueroa  went  to  Aca- 
pulco  in  June  to  superintend  the  outfit  of  his  com- 
pany, and  all  sailed  from  that  port  July  17th  in  the 
brig  Catalina}1     The  first  landing  was  at  Cape  San 

25 May  17,  1832,  Alaman  to  F.  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon,  MS.,  ii.  33-5; 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  102-6. 

20  Alaman,  Sucesos  de  California  en  1831,  MS.  Alaman  also  directs  F.  to 
obtain  instructions  from  Victoria.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  8.  Victoria's 
influence  is  also  apparent  in  Alaman's  instruction  of  same  date,  May  17th, 
thatVallejo  is  not  entitled  to  a  seat  in  the  dip.  Id.,  v.  9.  As  for  Echeandia, 
a  pardon  was  sent  with  orders  to  report  at  Mexico.  Id.,  xiii.  40.  The  com- 
plaints of  the  dip.  against  Victoria  were  also  furnished;  and  F.  was  instructed 
to  see  that  the  dip.  was  renewed  according  to  the  laws,  and  to  communicate 
this  resolution  to  the  complainants,  as  he  did  on  July  7th.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS., 
i.  316. 

2;  July  1,  1832,  F.  at  Acapulco  appoints  Lieut-col.  Manuel  Martinez  tem- 
porary chief  of  the  infantry  embarked  on  the  Morelos  for  California  (?). 
J)' ■  pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  54.  Jul}7"  5th,  he  announces  to  his  soldiers  their 
pardon,  states  that  their  imprisonment  has  not  stained  their  honor,  and 
explains  that  great  reliance  is  placed  in  them  to  protect  Cal.  from  Spaniards, 
Russians,  and  Americans.  Id.,  iii.  67-9.  July  7th,  to  sec.  of  rel.  Will  attend 
to  formation  of  a  compania  de  frontcras,  and  the  sending  of  mails  via  the 
Colorado  on  arrival  in  Cal.  Id.,  iii.  52-3.  July  14th,  arms  and  munitions 
shipped  on  the  Catalina,  including  100  muskets  and  bayonets,  20,000  car- 
tridges, and  2,000  flints,  one  6-pounder  with  200  charges.  I)ept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
J\li/.,  MS.,  lxxxviii.  7.  July  17th,  force  that  sailed  on  the  Catalina  with  F.: 
Lieut-col.  Manuel  Martinez  and  Lieut  Jos6  Portu  (who  did  not  reach  Cal), 
Capt.  Nicolds  Gutierrez,  Capt.  Francisco  Figueroa  (brother  of  the  general), 
Surgeon  Manuel  de  Alva,  41  cavalrymen  with  8  musicians  under  Sergt 
Estrada,    5   artillerymen   under   Sergt   Buitron,    and   9   infantrymen   under 


TROUBLE  ON  THE  JOURNEY.  237 

Lucas  on  the  30th.  Remaining  here  with  his  troops, 
Fiofueroa  sent  the  vessel  to  San  Bias  and  Mazatlan 
for  money,  additional  troops,  and  a  band  of  friars,  all 
intended  for  California.28"  The  Catalina,  after  taking 
on  board  ten  Zacatecan  friars — of  whose  coming  to 
California  I  shall  have  more  to  say  in  another  chap- 
ter— with  Lieutenant  Rafael  Gonzalez  and  family, 
besides  other  officers  and  men  not  specified,  sailed 
from  San  Bias  on  August  13th,  and  in  five  days 
reached  Mazatlan.29  Here,  or  at  Rosario  near  by, 
Gutierrez  received  from  the  comisario  general  $20,000, 
and  perhaps  the  rest  of  the  $34,000  which  had  been 
promised;30  and  sailing  on  August  24th,  the  vessel 
touched  on  the  28th  at  Cape  San  Lucas  to  take  on 
board  the  general  and  his  company. 

That  same  day,  the  Acapulco  cholos  under  Ser- 
geant Nunez  revolted,  and  with  the  aid  of  the  sailors 
seized  the  Catalina  with  everything  on  board,  includ- 
ing the  arms  and  money  intended  for  California. 
Though  thirty-eight  men  besides  the  friars  were  not 
involved  in  the  mutiny,  they  were  unarmed  at  the 
moment  of  the  outbreak  and  made  no  resistance. 
The  mutineers,  after  firing  some  shots  at  the  party  left 
on  shore,  sailed  at  midnight  and  went  to  San  Bias  to 
join  in  the  revolutionary  movement  of  Santa  Anna 
against  Bustamante.  The  reenforcement  of  men,  mu- 
nitions, and  money  was  very  acceptable;  and  it  is  not 
likely  that  any  troublesome  questions  were  asked 
about  the  manner  in  which  they  had  been  obtained.31 

Sergt  Nunez — 76  persons  in  all,  including  4  women.  Id.,  lxxxviii.  6.  The 
price  paid  the  vessel  for  transportation  was  $8,410.  Id.,  lxxxviii.  7-8.  May 
10th,  order  from  Mexico  to  com.  at  Acapulco  to  place  volunteers  at  F.'s  dis- 
posal. They  were  to  have  the  preference  in  the  distribution  of  lands.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  47-50.     Only  9  volunteers  seem  to  have  been  secured. 

28  Aug.  4,  1832,  F.  to  com.  of  La  Paz.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  56. 

29  Lieut  Gonzalez  had  come  from  Mexico,  starting  July  2Gth,  to  take 
charge  of  the  sub-comisaria  at  Monterey.  He  kept  a  brief  journal  of  his 
journey  from  day  to  day.  Gonzalez,  Diario  de  Mexico  a  California,  1832-3, 
MS.,  which,  either  original  or  a  copy  in  the  author's  handwriting,  was  given 
me  by  his  son  Mauricio.   Gonzalez,  Memorial,  MS.,  55. 

30 Aug.  11th,  receipt  of  Gutierrez  for  $20,000.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
lxxiv.  46.  By  this  date  it  would  appear  that  the  Catalina  had  touched  at 
Mazatlan  also  on  the  way  to  S.  Bias. 

31  Yet  there  was  a  report,  or  at  least  so  F.  stated  to  his  men,  ttiat  the 


238   AX  INTERREGNUM— ECHEANDtA  AND  ZAMORAXO. 

Figueroa  and  his  men  were  now  in  a  sad  plight,  with 
neither  vessel,  funds,  arms,  nor  luggage.  They  went 
by  land  up  to  La  Paz,  where  the  last  of  the  company 
arrived  about  the  middle  of  October.  The  general 
reported  his  dilemma  to  the  administrator  of  customs 
at  Guaymas,  who  was  urged  to  raise  $10,000  and  to 
furnish  twenty-five  muskets,  with  other  supplies  of 
absolute  necessity.32  The  officials  at  Guaymas  and 
Mazatlan  seem  to  have  exerted  themselves  in  this 
emergency  with  some  success:  for  on  November  12th 
the  Catalina  had  returned  to  La  Paz  and  was  ready 
to  carry  the  party  northward  to  their  destination. 
On  that  date  Figueroa  delivered  an  address  of  en- 
coura^ement  to  his  men,  reminding  them  of  the  evils 
that  had  overtaken  or  would  overtake  their  rebellious 
companions,  and  of  the  good  things  awaiting  them  in 
California,  "the  land  where  the  Aztecs  lived  before 
they  came  to  Mexico."33  They  finally  sailed  from  La 
Paz  on  December  13th,  according  to  Gonzalez's  diary, 
touched  at  Mazatlan  from  the  14th  to  the  17th,  and 
arrived  at  Monterey  on  the  14th  or  15th  of  January, 
1833. 

The  news  of  Figueroa's  appointment  had  arrived  as 
early  as  July  at  least,  and  Echeandia  on  the  28th,  in 
an  address  to  the  Californians,  spoke  of  his  joy  at  the 
approach  of  a  new  ruler,  urging  the  people  to  render 
implicit  obedience,  but  to  be  ready  with  the  proofs  of 
their  loyalty  and  the  reasons  for  having  deposed  Vic- 
mutineers  had  been  overpowered  at  S.  Bias,  part  of  the  money  recovered,  and 
Itafael  Nunez  sent  to  Guadalajara  to  be  shot.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  58-G1. 
Forbes,  Hist.  Cat..  139-42,  says  that  the  party  was  well  received  by  the  rev- 
olutionists at  S.  Bias,  and  that  $3,000  of  the  funds  had  been  sent  back  to  the 
friars.  Gonzalez  in  his  diary  mentions  no  firing,  and  I  doubt  that  any  oc- 
curred. Mention  of  the  affair  at  San  Lucas  in  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii. 
104-5;  Castro,  Relation,  MS.,  30;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  198-9;  Robin- 
son's  Life  in  CaL,  138-9;  i??/a?i's  Judges  and  Criminals,  39. 

32  Sept.  24th,  F.  at  La  Paz  to  administrator  at  Guaymas.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Cust.-II.,  MS.,  i.  33-5.  Oct.  17th,  Luis  Valle,  com.  at  Guaymas,  to  F. 
Will  send  the  aid  required. 

33  Nov.  12,  1832,  F.'s  address  to  his  troops.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  5S-G1. 
I  suspect  that  the  date  should  be  Dec.  12th.  There  had  been  some  previous 
negotiations  with  the  captain  of  the  Facio  to  transport  the  troops.  Id., 
iii.  62.  * 


READY  FOR  A  NEW  RULER.  239 

toria.  The  1 7th  of  October  he  wrote  directly  to  Figue-, 
roa  as  his  'respected  chief,'  to  express  his  submission 
to  the  national  authority,  and  to  explain  that  love  of 
his  country  alone  had  prompted  him  to  take  part  in 
the  late  pronunciamiento.31  The  people  generally, 
many  of  whom  knew  something  of  Figueroa  by  repu- 
tation, were  pleased  at  the  prospect  of  seeing  a  regular 
government  established  again  in  the  territory.  The 
diputacion,  as  we  have  seen,  voted  at  the  final  session 
of  the  year  to  send  to  the  new  gefe  politico  an  address 
of  welcome  and  submission  which  should  also  be  a  de- 
fence of  its  own  patriotic  policy  during  the  past  two 
years.  Such  a  document,  if  actually  prepared,  is  not 
extant.  Zamorano  was  doubtless  less  pleased  person- 
ally than  the  other  parties  at  the  news  of  Figueroa' s 
approach,  on  account  of  the  well  known  political  affini- 
ties of  the  comandante  general;  but  having  been  in- 
volved in  no  revolutionary  acts,  he  was  even  more 
confident  of  approval  than  the  others.  To  Captain 
Antonio  Muhoz,  who  came  to  relieve  Fernandez  del 
Campo  in  command  of  the  artillery,  and  who  arrived 
before  Figueroa,  Zamorano  offered  to  resign  his  posi- 
tion of  'comandante  general  accidental  of  the  north;' 
but  Munoz  declined.35  Evidently,  though  California 
was  technically  in  a  'state  of  anarchy,'  the  new  ruler 
was  to  encounter  no  opposition  there. 

3iDept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  63-5,  73-4.  E.  takes  advantage  of  the  oppor- 
tunity also  to  prepare  for  the  defence  of  his  late  mission  policy  by  dwelling 
on  the  powerful  and  baneful  influence  of  the  missionaries,  all  of  whom  with 
two  exceptions  are  denounced  as  apologistas  of  Spain  and  all  that  is  Spanish. 

*>Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  79-82. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

FIGUEROA'S  RULE— HIJAR  AND  PADRES  COLONY. 

1833-1834. 

Arrival  of  Figueroa — Primitive  Printing — Imaginary  Difficulties— 
Amnesty    to    Rebels — Echeandia    and    Zamorano — Biography    of 

ECHEANDIA — BaNDINI  ELECTED  TO  CONGRESS  — No  SESSIONS  OF  THE  DlPU- 

tacion  in  1833 — The  Northern  Frontier — Figueroa  Resigns — A 
Warning — Mutiny  at  San  Francisco — The  Diputacion  in  1834 — 
Address  by  the  Governor — Legislative  Affairs — The  First  Book 
Printed  in  California — Reglamento — Petaluma  and  Santa  Rosa — 
Santa  Anna  y  Farias — Conspiracy  of  Guerra  and  Duran — New 
Election — Events  in  Mexico — Padres  and  his  Schemes — Coloniza- 
tion— Hijar  as  Gefe  Politico — Colony  Organized — Compania  Cos- 
mopolitana — political  schemes — the  march  to  tepic — voyage  of 
the  'Natalia'  and  'Morelos' — Reception  of  the  Colony  at  San 
Diego  and  Monterey — Wreck  of  the  '  Natalia  ' — Authorities. 

The  new  ruler  arrived  at  Monterey  by  the  Cata- 
lina  January  14,  1833,  landing  and  taking  possession 
of  his  command  the  next  day.1  With  him  came  Cap- 
tain Francisco  Figueroa,  his  brother,  Captain  Nicolas 
Gutierrez,  lieutenants  Bernardo  Navarrete  and  Rafael 
Gonzalez — the  latter  to  take  charge  of  the  custom- 
house— Surgeon  Manuel  Alva,  about  thirty  soldiers, 
and  ten  friars  from  the  college  of  Zacatecas,  who  came 
to  reenforce  the  Fernandinos. 

On  the  day  of  arrival,  and  apparently  before  land- 
ing, Figueroa  addressed  communications  to  the  va- 
rious  local  authorities,  announcing  his  appointment, 
and  intention  to  devote  all  his  energies  to  the  welfare 

1  Figucroa's  letter  written  in  March.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  103.  Rather 
strangely,  there  is  in  the  archives  no  more  definite  record  of  his  formal  assump- 
tion of  the  eommand  on  Jan.  15th  than  this  and  the  announcement  mentioned 
in  my  next  note. 

(2i0) 


FIRST  PRINTING  IN  CALIFORNIA.  211 

of  the  territory.  He  was  naturally  not  quite  sure 
what  would  be  his  reception  from  the  different  fic- 
tions. Before  leaving  -Mexico  he  had  caused  to  be 
printed  a  proclamation,  which  he  now  circulated,  to- 
gether with  a  brief  notice  of  his  arrival,  also  printed, 
and  as  it  seems  at  Monterey.  This  was  the  first  use 
of  type  in  California.2  I  suppose  that  he  brought  a 
small  quantity  of  type  with  some  kind  of  a  hand-press, 
or  stamp,  for  printing  cards  and  brief  notices,  more 
as  a  curiosity  perhaps  than  for  actual  use. 

2  The  notice  is  as  follows:  'El  Supremo  Gobierno  Federal  se  ha  servido  con- 
fiar  a  mi  insuficiencia  el  mando  Politico  y  Militar  del  Territorio,  de  cuyos  des- 
tinos  he  tornado  posecion  el  dia  de  ayer  que  desembarcjue"  felizmente  en  este 
Puerto;  y  al  tener  el  honor  de  comunicarlo  a  V.  desfruto  el  de  ofrecerme  a  su 
disposicion,  protestandole  la  mejor  voluntad  para  servirlo  y  complacerlo,  y  su- 
plicandole  acepte  las  seguridades  de  mi  mas  distinguido  aprecio  y  considera- 
cion.  Monterrey,  lGdeEnero  de  1833.  JoseFigueroa.'  The  name  has  the  gov- 
ernor's riibrica  on  the  copy  before  me — the  only  one  I  have  seen — Earliest 
Printing  in  Cal. — the  one  sent  to  M.  G.  Vallejo  at  S.  Diego.  The  impression 
is  bad,  as  if  done  by  hand  with  imperfect  apparatus.  The  'a'  (with  grave 
accent)  shows  that  the  type  was  not  the  same  used  by  Zamorano  in  later 
years. 

The  proclamation  printed  in  Mexico  was  as  follows:  '  The  comandante 
general,  inspector,  and  gefe  politico  superior  of  Alta  California,  to  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  territory.  Compatriots;  at  my  arrival  on  your  coasts  I  consider 
myself  under  obligation  to  address  you  to  announce  peace,  order,  and  lib- 
erty. Boons  so  precious  being  assured,  you  will  enjoy  the  abundant  advan- 
tages with  which  nature  enriched  you.  The  contrary  produces  nothing  but 
countless  evils,  misfortunes,  and  desolation.  If  a  fatal  moment  of  excitement 
has  disturbed  your  repose,  let  peace  return  to  occupy  her  seat  in  this  delicious 
country,  and  with  intrepid  patriotism  let  us  cast  discord  to  barbarians  who 
have  no  country  or  rights  to  respect.  Peace  is  the  true  happiness  of  mor- 
tals; and  I  restore  to  you  a  gift  so  precious  in  the  name  of  the  supreme  fed- 
eral government,  which  has  seen  fit  to  confide  to  me  the  arduous  task.  A 
perpetual  forgetfulness  will  efface  the  memory  of  the  political  errors  which 
gave  rise  to  the  startling  occurrences  of  year  before  last.  In  the  law 
of  April  25th  last  [printed  May,  but  April  substituted  in  ink],  you  will  find 
guaranties  and  security.  To  me  it  belongs  to  carry  them  into  effect,  and  I 
promise  it  shall  be  done.  Fear  nothing,  fellow-citizens;  the  government 
works  for  your  happiness.  I,  who  come  to  execute  its  just  desires,  am  re- 
solved to  overthrow  whatever  obstacles  may  impede  the  development  of  your 
prosperity.  It  remains  for  you,  united  and  faithful,  to  present  to  the  world 
a  testimony  of  concord,  of  respect  for  authority,  and  of  obedience  to  law. 
The  laws  will  be  my  guide,  and  never  shall  an  arbitrary  policy  or  disorder 
deprive  you  of  the  just  and  moderate  liberty  secured  in  the  compact  of  our 
institutions.  Fulfill,  therefore,  your  social  obligations,  and  doubt  not  that 
your  rights  will  be  respected  by  your  fellow-citizen  and  friend,  Jos6  Figueroa. ' 
In  Bandini,  Doc,  MS.,  25;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  288;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  An- 
geles, MS.,  x.  2-3.  Written  communications  of  similar  purport  issued,  Jan. 
14th-20th,  to  ayunt.  of  Monterey,  with  invitations  to  a  thanksgiving  mass  at 
F.'s  house  Jan.  19th.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  vi.  20;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iii.  84-5.  To  ayunt.  of  S.  Jos6.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  iv.  113. 
To  ayunt.  of  Branciforte.  Sta.  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  43.  To  military  coman- 
dantes,  through  Zamorano.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  1. 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    16 


212         FIGUEROA'S  RULE— HIJAR  AND  PADRES  COLONY. 

In  all  Fi'meroa's  communications,  from  his  arrival 
to  his  death,  there  are  evidences  of  his  belief  that  by 
unremitting  effort  and  the  exercise  of  diplomatic  tal- 
ent lie  had  overcome  the  difficulties  in  his  way,  and 
had  succeeded  in  rescuing  California  from  anarchy. 
This  view  of  the  matter  was  partly  real  and  honest, 
so  natural  is  it  to  magnify  the  importance  of  one's 
own  achievements,  and  partly  a  pretence  designed  for 
effect  in  Mexico.  The  difficulties  in  this  case  were 
for  the  most  part  imaginary.  There  were  no  dis- 
orders; the  factions  vied  with  each  other  in  their 
readiness  to  submit,  and  nowhere  was  there  the  faint- 
est ripple  of  opposition.  Figueroa  is  entitled  simply 
to  the  credit  of  having  been  a  sensible,  industrious, 
and  above  all  a  popular  man,  who  committed  no  acts 
of  folly  to  create  troubles  where  none  existed.  This 
at  the  first;  for  later  he  overcame  certain  obstacles  of 
a  somewhat  more  serious  nature.  Bandini  is  the  onlv 
Calif ornian  who  does  not  overestimate  the  impor- 
tance of  Figueroa's  services  in  saving  the  country  for 
Mexico,  and  Don  Juan,  it  must  be  confessed,  had  a 
grievance  against  the  governor,  the  nature  of  which 
will  shortly  appear.3 

A  Mexican  decree  granting  an  amnesty  to  all  con- 
cerned in  the  irregularities  of  1831-2,  on  the  sole 
condition  of  future  loyalty,  was  circulated  by  Figueroa, 
together  with  the  announcement  of  his  arrival.4 
Zamorano  and  his  adherents  affected  a  freedom  from 
all  need  of  amnesty,  since  their  conspirings  had  been 

3  Bandini,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  78,  thinks  any  other  man  would  have  succeeded 
as  well,  as  there  was  no  opposition.  Jan.  26th,  the  ayunt.  of  Los  Angeles 
formally  recognized  Figueroa.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  88.  Feb.  2d, 
Alcalde  J.  A.  Carrillo  congratulates  him.  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  i. 
104.  Feb.  10th,  Carrillo  will  harangue  the  Indians  and  tranquillize  them. 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  70.  J.  A.  Menendez  at  S.  Gabriel  tells  F.  that  at 
the  missions  his  coming  is  regarded  as  the  'iris  de  paz  que  viene  a  disipar  la 
cspesanube  dc  las  diferencias  que  tienen  agitado  el  territorio.'  Id.,  v.  pt  i.  71. 

iS.  Jose1,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  48;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  87.  Jan.  19th,  F.  asks 
the  padres  to  publish  the  amnesty  and  aid  in  promoting  tranquillity.  Dept.  St. 
]'<<]>.,  MS.,  iii.  85.  Notwithstanding  the  amnesty  of  April  25,  1832,  I  find 
an  order  to  the  eomisario  general  dated  Aug.  183.3,  that  olficersin  Sonora  and 
Cal.  are  to  receive  no  pay  until  they  prove  they  have  had  nothing  to  do  with 
revolutionary  plans.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  ZVeos.,  MS.,  ii.  50. 


SUBMISSION  OF  ECHEANDIA  AND  ZAMORANO.  243 

in  support  of  the  government.  Figueroa  humored 
this  somewhat  plausible  whim,  thanked  the  legitimists 
for  their  loyal  services,  made  Zamorano  his  secretary, 
and  sent  to  Mexico  a  report  altogether  favorable  to 
the  northern  faction,  according  especial  praise  to  the 
compania  extrangera  of  Monterey,  and  also  mention- 
ing Ibarra  and  Carrillo  in  terms  of  approval.  If  his 
condemnation  of  the  'usurpation'  of  Echeandia's 
party  was  more  severe,  and  his  praise  for  the  '  loy- 
alty' of  Zamorano's  party  more  flattering  than  was 
called  for  by  exact  regard  for  the  truth,  the  reason 
must  be  sought  in  the  policy  of  the  administration 
which  this  report  was  intended  to  please.5 

Echeandia  was  not  less  cheerful  and  prompt  in 
his  submission  to  Figueroa,  with  whom  his  relations 
both  personal  and  political  had  been  most  friendly  in 
Mexico,  than  was  Zamorano;  but  he  ridiculed  his 
rival's  pretensions  to  be,  more  than  himself,  beyond 
the  need  of  amnesty,  and  in  all  his  communications 
he  defended  his  past  acts.  What  he  desired  was  not 
pardon,  but  justiri cation,  and  recognition  of  the  posi- 
tions he  had  assumed,6  and  he  was  annoyed  at  the 
tone  Figueroa  felt  himself  obliged  to  adopt  on  the 
subject.  On  the  day  of  his  arrival  Figueroa  sent 
Echeandia  both  an  official  and  a  private  letter,  and  a 
friendly  correspondence  followed.7  Echeandia  ren- 
dered valuable  aid  to  the  governor  in  his  preliminary 
investigations  on  the  subject  of  missions  from  Febru- 
ary to  April.  Orders  brought  by  Figueroa  required 
him  to  report  at  Mexico,  and  he  accordingly  left  Cal- 

b  Figueroa,  Informe  al  Ministro  de  Guerra  sohre  los  Acontecimimtos  de  183 1-2, 
y  Parte  que  tuvo  en  olios  el  Capitan  Agustin  Zamorano,  1833,  MS.  Dated  March 
23d,  and  accompanied  by  copies  (not  given)  of  38  documents  furnished  by 
Zamorano  in  support  of  his  policy. 

0  The  govt  in  Oct.  1833  ordered  an  investigation  of  his  services,  etc.,  in 
order  to  decide  whether  he  should  receive  pay  as  governor  or  as  lieut-colonel 
of  engineers.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  8.  I  do  not  know  what  decision 
was  reached. 

7  Correspondence  from  Jan.  14th  to  Feb.  14th,  with  references  to  other 
letters  not  extant.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  23-0,  70-8,  83-7,  9G-100;  Arch. 
Arzob.j  MS.,  v.  pti.  73.  Other  communications  on  missions  will  be  noticed 
in  another  chapter,  the  latest  from  E.  being  dated  March  19th. 


244        FIGUEROA'S  RULE— HIJAR  AND  PADRES  COLOXY. 

ifornia  never  to  return,  sailing  from  San  Diego  May 
14th,  on  the  Catalina.  There  is  no  record  that  he 
subsequently  appeared  in  public  life;  but  in  185G  he 
was  practising  his  profession  as  engineer  in  Mexico, 
and  is  reported  to  have  died  before  1871.  With  this 
officer's  record  during  his  residence  of  eight  years  and 
more  in  California,  the  reader  of  the  preceding  chap- 
ters is  acquainted,  and  it  is  not  necessary  to  indulge 
largely  in  repetitions;  nevertheless,  I  append  a  bio- 
graphical resume.8     Echeandia  we   have  found  to  be 

8  Of  Jose"  Maria  Echeandia  before  he  came  to  California  nothing  is  knov.-n 
beyond  the  fact  that  he  held  the  rank  of  lieut- colonel  of  engineers,  and  was 
probably  connected  with  a  college  of  engineers  in  Mexico.  He  fairly  repre- 
sented Mexican  republicans  of  the  better  class.  His  appointment  was  in 
Jan.  1825.  He  sailed  from  S.  Bias  in  June,  remained  at  Loreto  until  Oct., 
arrived  at  S.  Diego  in  Oct.,  and  in  Nov.  received  the  command  from  Luis 
Argtiello.  See  chap,  i.,  this  vol.,  on  his  arrival;  chap.  ii.  on  his  political  acts 
in  1826-30,  including  his  visits  to  the  north,  his  quarrel  with  Gonzalez,  and 
his  complaints  and  offers  of  resignation;  chap.  iii.  on  his  quarrels  with 
Herrera;  chap.  iv.  on  his  mission  policy  and  controversies  with  the  padres; 
and  chap,  vii.-viii.  on  his  acts  after  giving  up  the  command  to  Victoria  on 
Jan.  31,  1831.  Also  chap.  xi.  for  additional  particulars  of  his  secularization 
policy.  Echeandia  was  probably  under  40  years  of  age  in  1825.  In  person 
he  was  tall,  slight,  and  well  formed,  with  fair  complexion,  hair  not  quite 
black,  scanty  beard — some  say  his  hair  and  eyes  were  light,  among  them 
Ignacio  del  Valle — and  a  pleasing  face  and  expression.  His  health  was  very 
delicate.  In  his  speech  lie  affected  the  Castilian  pronunciation,  noticeably 
in  giving  the  '11,'  '  c,'  and  '  z '  their  proper  sounds.  The  following  items  from 
various  sources  show  something  of  his  character.  Gonzalez,  Experiencias, 
MS. j  27,  notes  his  affability  to  private  soldiers.  Valle,  Lo  Pasado  de  fed., 
MS.,  7-8,  says  he  was  so  absent-minded  as  sometimes  to  ask  his  secretary 
what  his  own  name  was  before  signing  a  document.  J.  J.  Vallejo,  Beminis- 
cencias,  103-108,  calls  him  a  capricious  despot,  who  would  carry  out  a  whim 
without  regard  to  results.  David  Spence,  Hist.  Notes,  MS.,  15,  asserts  that 
lie  had  no  energy.  Torre,  Beminiscencias,  MS.,  22,  speaks  of  him  as  popular 
but  over-indulgent  and  careless.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Ccd.,  MS.,  ii.  46-7,  51,  1 10— 
13,  116-17,  and  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  Ill,  140,  146-7,  166,  are  in- 
clined to  praise  Echeandia  in  extravagant  terms,  mainly  on  account  of  his 
somewhat  radical  republicanism.  Pio  Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  21,  pronounces 
him  affable  but  apathetic.  Shea,  Cafh.  Missions,  109,  quotes  Alfred  Robinson 
as  calling  him  '  the  scourge  of  California,  and  instigator  of  vice,  who  sowed 
i  ceils  of  dishonor  not  to  be  extirpated  while  a  mission  remains  to  be  robbed.' 
Tnthill,  Hist.  Cal.,  130,  says  'he  was  contracted  in  his  views,  despotic  in  the 
exercise  of  his  powers,  and  selfish  in  his  relations  with  foreigners.'  Lieut 
Pomualdo  Pacheco  alludes  to  him  as  his  worst  enemy,  but  incapable  of  injur- 
ing any  one.  Gale,  writing  to  Cooper,  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxix.  104,  calls 
him  a  man  of  undecided  character,  trying  to  please  everybody. 

June  6,  1832,  orders  for  E.  to  report  at  Mexico.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
viii.  40.  Oct.  30,  1833,  orders  to  investigate  his  services  in  order  to  reach  a 
decision  about  his  pay.  Id.,  xxi.  8.  In  April  1828  he  wrote  to  Guerra  in 
Mexico  to  pay  his  mother  $100  without  letting  his  wife  know  anything  of 
it.  March  13,  1833,  the  comisario  general  alludes  to  an  allowance  of  &i00  to 
Maria  Salcedo,  Echeandia's  wife.  I)ept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS., 
ii.  65.     Sailed  from  S.  Diego,  May  14,  1833.  Dej)t.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 


LAST  OF  ECHEANDIA.  245 

a  man  of  considerable  talent  and  good  education, 
affable  and  kind-hearted,  but  weak,  irresolute,  and 
lacking  energy.  He  was  disposed  to  be  upright  and 
faithful,  but  lacked  strength  of  principle  for  emergen- 
cies. In  the  administration  of  justice  and  the  en- 
forcement of  military  discipline  he  was  notably  inef- 
fective. He  has  been  abused  extensively  by  partisans 
of  the  friars,  but  no  man  could  have  escaped  such 
abuse  without  a  complete  surrender  to  the  mission 
monopoly  and  a  reckless  disobedience  to  his  instruc- 
tions. He  favored  secularization,  and  his  views  were 
sound,  but  he  was  not  hasty  or  radical  in  effecting 
the  change,  but  rather  the  contrary.  True,  at  the 
very  end  of  his  rule  he  was  induced  by  Padres  to  do 
an  illegal  and  unwise  act,  but  that  act  did  not  go  into 
effect,  and  the  padres  had  no  good  cause  of  offence. 
No  man  in  Echeandia's  place,  and  faithfully  'repre- 
senting the  spirit  of  Mexican  republicanism,  could 
have  treated  the  friars  better.  His  faults  lay  in  an- 
other direction,  as  already  indicated. 

Figueroa's  early  relations  with  the  diputacion,  the 
last  of  the  powers  he  had  to  conciliate,  are  not  clearly 
recorded,  but  were  doubtless  altogether  friendly.9 
Before  Figueroa's  arrival  some  steps  were  taken  by 
the  ayuntamientos  for  holding  primary  elections,  and 

lxxix.  23.  Taylor,  Odds  and  Ends,  no.  14,  says,  with  his  usual  inaccuracy, 
that  E.  died  in  1852.  Mrs  Ord,  who  knew  him  well  in  California,  saw  him 
frequently  in  Mexico  in  1855-6.  He  said  that  the  allowance  of  half  his  pay 
as  director  of  the  college  of  military  engineers,  which  he  left  for  his  wife,  had 
not  been  paid  while  he  was  in  Cal.,  and  that  he  never  succeeded  in  getting 
it.  He  had  some  oil-mills  and  other  property  on  which  he  with  difficulty 
supported  himself  until  in  1835  providence  sent  an  earthquake  which  so 
damaged  certain  convents  and  dwellings  of  rich  men  as  to  render  his  profes- 
sion of  engineer  very  lucrative.  In  1855  he  was  arrested  for  some  opposition 
to  Santa  Anna,  but  soon  released.  In  1871  Mrs  Ord  made  inquiries  for  him, 
and  learned  that  he  was  dead,  as  were  two  step-daughters  who  had  taken 
care  of  him  in  his  old  age.   Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  42-3. 

9  Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  46,  says  that  F.  sent  a  special  communication  to 
each  of  the  members,  announcing  the  amnesty.  Pico  replied  with  a  defence 
of  his  acts.  Valk-jo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  200-3,  relates  that  Osio,  Alvarado, 
and  himself  came  at  once  to  Monterey  to  offer  their  aid  in  maintaining  order. 
A  long  conference  took  place,  and  a  dinner  followed,  and  cordial  relations 
never  ceased  between  the  parties.  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  223,  tells  us  that  F. 
issued  orders  for  an  election  and  hastened  the  meeting  of  the  diputacion. 


246        FIGUEROA'S  RULE— Hf JAR  AND  PADRES  COLONY. 

on  March  24th  the  electors  met  at  Monterey  and 
chose  four  new  members  for  the  assembly,  also  elect- 
ing Juan  Bandini  as  deputy  to  congress,  with  Jose 
Antonio  Carrillo  as  substitute.10  There  is  no  evi- 
dence that  the  body  as  now  constituted  ever  held  any 
session,  or  that  any  session  was  held  in  1833  at  all. 
It  would  seem  that  the  election  of  March  must 
have  been  declared  illegal,  for  October  15th  Fiimeroa 
ordered  a  new  election   to   be  held  according:  to   the 

o 

Mexican  plan  of  Zavaleta.  This  election  was  held 
the  1st  and  2d  of  December,  at  Monterey,  on  the 
first  of  which  days  Bandini  was  again  elected  to  con- 
gress, and  on  the  second  the  diputacion  was  renewed 
by  the  election  of  all  seven  members.11  They  did 
not  meet  until  May  of  the  following  year. 

We '  have  seen  that  a  few  years  earlier  orders  had 
come  from  Mexico  to  establish  a  strong  garrison  in 
the  region  north  of  San  Francisco  Bay,  with  a  view 
to  protect  that  frontier  from  encroachments  of  for- 
eigners; but  nothing  had  really  been  effected  beyond 
a  slight  correspondence  and  investigation  by  Echean- 
dia.12  Figueroa's  instructions  required  him  to  pay 
particular  attention   to    the  same   subject,   it    being 

10  Jan.  3,  1833,  ayunt.  of  Los  Angeles  resolves  to  invite  others  to  hold 
primary  elections  so  that  the  new  gefe  may  find  everything  ready.  Lqs  Ange- 
les, Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  77-8.  March  21st,  24th,  meetings  of  the  partido  electors 
at  Monterey.  The  vocales  elected  were:  4th,  J.  A.  Carrillo,  5th,  Manuel 
Crespo,  6th,  Jose'  Aguila,  7th,  Tiburcio  Tapia;  Suplentes,  Josd  Perez,  F.  J. 
Alvarado,  and  J.  J.  Vallejo.  Adas  de  Elecciones,  MS.,  12-16;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Aug.,  MS.,  xi.  4-5.  March  23d,  J.  J.  de  la  Guerra  writes  to  his  father 
that  '  the  enlightened  ' — that  is,  the  electors — are  living  so  scandalousl}-— 
except  his  uncle  Anastasio  Carrillo — that  'even  the  English' are  shocked. 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  961.  This  election  left  Vallejo,  Ortega,  and  Osio  as 
hold-over  vocales  in  the  1st,  2d,  and  3d  places;  but  there  was  a  decision 
from  Mexico — Victoria's  work? — dated  May  17,  1832,  that  Vallejo  as  a  mili- 
tary officer  was  not  entitled  to  his  seat.  Sup>.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  9. 

nActas  de  Elecciones,  MS.,  16-19;  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  ii.  226-7.  The  7 
vocales  chosen  were:  1.  Carlos  Carrillo,  2.  Pio  Pico,  3.  Francisco  de  Haro,  4. 
Joaquin  Ortega,  5.  J.  A.  Carrillo,  6.  J.  A.  Estudillo,  7.  Jose  Castro.  Oct. 
15th,  F.'s  order  for  an  election.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  i.  134-6;  x.  7- 
8.  Dec.  6th,  F.  orders  surplus  municipal  funds  to  be  sent  in  for  the  dip. 
Vallejo,  Dor.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  193.  Bandini  had  left  S.  Diego  for  Mexico 
on  the  Catalina  with  Echeandfa.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxix.  23, 
25. 

12  Chap.  iv.  of  this  volume. 


NORTHERN  FRONTIER.  -  247 

deemed  of  the  utmost  importance  that  the  northern 
frontier  up  to  latitude  42°  be  occupied  by  Mexicans, 
either  as  settlers,  soldiers,  or  missionaries,  as  soon 
as  possible.  Accordingly  in  April  the  governor 
announced  his  purpose  to  found  a  presidio.  He 
ordered  Alferez  Vallejo  to  make  an  exploration,  select 
a  site,  and  offer  lands  to  settlers,  appealed  to  the  mis- 
sions for  aid,  called  in  the  convict  laborers  from  pri- 
vate ranchos  to  work  on  the  proposed  fortifications, 
and  reported  his  purposes  to  the  government.  The 
prefect  of  the  northern  missions,  however,  while  fully 
approving  the  project,  declared  that  no  aid  could  be 
depended  on,  and  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  nothing  was 
accomplished  before  the  end  of  the  year.13 

In  March  the  governor  had  deemed  the  countrv 
pacified,  and  good  order  restored,  and  so  reported; 
but  his  health  was  so  impaired  by  rheumatic  and 
apoplectic  attacks  that  he  asked  to  be  relieved  of  his 
command.14  His  health  improved,  however,  and  from 
July  to  September  he  made  a  tour  of  the  south,  occu- 
pied largely  in  studying  the  condition  of  the  missions ; 
but  while  at  San  Diego  on  July  24th  he  addressed  to 
the  minister  of  relations  a  confidential  letter  of  warn- 
ing against  a  " clique  of  conceited  and  ignorant  men" 
who  were  plotting  to  separate  California  from  Mex- 
ico, and  as  a  means  to  that  end  would  do  all  in  their 
power  through  their  representative,  Banclini,  to  se- 
cure a  separation  of  the  military  and  civil  commands, 
and  give  the  office  of  gefe  politico  to  a  Californian. 
He  declared  himself  strongly  opposed  to  any  such 
change,  which  would  be  "the  germ  of  eternal  discord," 
as  there  was  not  a  single  Californian  even  tolerably 
qualified  for  the  office.  His  warning  has  every  ap- 
pearance of  being  prompted  by  personal  ambition, 
though  he  disavowed  any  desire  to  retain  the  office 

13  Apr.  10th,  12th,  F.'a  letters  to  Garcia  Diego,  and  Apr.  loth,  reply  of 
the  latter.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  299-308,  Apr.  25th.  P.  Gu- 
tierrez to  F.  from  Solano.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  116. 

u  March  23th,  F.  to  min.  of  war.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  103. 


24S        FIGUEROA'S  RULE— HtJAR  AND  PADRLS  COLONY. 

himself.  He  knew  that  the  charge  of  a  plan  to  secede 
from  Mexico  was  false,  and  his  lanmia^e  was  severe 
and  uncomplimentary,  in  marked  contrast  with  that 
he  was  wont  to  use  in  California;  but  there  was  in 
Figueroa's  character  an  observable  element  of  policy 
closely  verging  on  hypocrisy.15 

Having  returned  to  the  capital,  the  governor  had 
his  attention  engaged  to  some  extent  in  October  by  a 
minor  revolt  at  San  Francisco,  where  a  few  soldiers, 
including  the  escolta  at  Santa  Clara,  attempted  by 
irregular  and  unmilitary  methods — though  no  force 
seems  to  have  been  used — to  get  rid  of  their  coman- 
dante,  Vallejo,  whom  they  accused  of  ill  treatment, 
chiefly  in  the  matter  of  furnishing  food  and  clothing. 
Vallejo  wTas  angry,  and  demanded  the  infliction  of  se- 
vere penalties;  but  a  court-martial  merely  ordered  a 
transfer  of  eight  men  to  other  presidios.16 

In  addition  to  what  has  been  presented  in  this  chap- 
ter, beyond  the  routine  of  official  correspondence, 
much  of  which  relating  to  missions,  commerce,  finance, 
and  other  general  subjects  will  receive  some  attention 
elsewhere,  there  is  nothing  more  to  be  said  of  events 
in  California  during  1833;  but  I  deem  it  best  to  go 
on  with  the  annals  of  the  following  year,  before  calling 
the  attention  of  readers  to  certain  important  develop^ 
nients  in  Mexico. 

The  diputacion,  whose  acts  form  a  prominent  ele- 
ment in  the  annals  of  1834,  assembled  at  the  gov- 
ernor's house17  in  Monterey  May  1st,  with  Figueroa 
in  the  chair  as  president,  and  all  the  seven  vocales  in 

15  July  24,  1833,  F.  to  min.  of  rel.  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
lxxxviii.  11-12.  Wc  shall  sec  later  that  Bandini  at  this  very  time  was  work- 
ing in  congress  for  a  separation  of  the  commands.  On  Sept.  21st  F.  was  at  Los 
Angeles.   Currillo  (Z>.),  Doc,  MS.,  79. 

"St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xi.  49-54  ;    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  119,  178,  195. 

17  Jan.  2,  1834,  Figueroa  to  Sec.  Alvarado  about  furnishing  a  room  for  the 
meetings.  Carpets,  curtains,  wall-paper,  seats,  etc.,  all  deemed  indispensable 
for  the  dignity  of  the  body,  but  the  most  necessary  articles  are  to  be  obtained 
first.  An  appropriation  will  be  asked  for  to  cover  the  expense.  Dept.  St.  Pap. , 
Ben.  .1/;/.,  lxxxviii.  19.  Alvarado  gives  a  list  of  needed  furniture  to  the  value 
29Q;  only  810  in  the  box.    Id.,  10. 


THE  DIPUTACION  IN  1834.  219 

attendance  except  Pio  Pico.  I  append  a  resume  of 
proceedings  at  the  successive  sessions,  as  compact  as 
it  can  be  intelligibly  made.13     The  president  opened 

18  Sessions  of  the  diputacion  territorial  of  Cal.  in  1834.  Recorded  in  Leg- 
islative Records,  MS.,  ii.  May  1st,  the  oath  was  administered  by  the  presi- 
dent; the  members  took  their  seats;  and  Figueroa  delivered  an  address. 
Committees  appointed:  ways  and  means,  J.  A.  Carrillo,  Haro,  and  Estudillo; 
government  and  police,  C.  A.  Carrillo,  Pico,  and  Ortega;  public  works,  Haro, 
J.  A.  Carrillo,  and  Castro;  public  instruction,  C.  A.  Carrillo,  J.  A.  Carrillo, 
and  Estudillo;  industry  and  agriculture,  Ortega,  Pico,  and  Castro;  statistics, 
J.  A.  Carrillo,  Haro,  and  Pico;  colonization,  Ortega,  Castro,  and  Estudillo; 
vacant  lands,  C.  A.  Carrillo,  Pico,  and  Ortega;  municipal  regulations,  J.  A. 
Carrillo,  C.  A.  Carrillo,  and  Haro;  roads  and  highways,  Ortega,  Castro,  and 
Estudillo.  Adjourned  to  10  A.  M.  of  next  day.  'Alvarado,  sec.  Secret  ses- 
sion. Information  from  Mex.  that  the  European  cabinets  had  agreed  to  make 
the  Infante  D.  Francisco  de  Paula  emperor  of  Mexico,  with  recommendations 
of  Zealand  vigilance.  Passed  to  committee  on  govt.  (p.  34-50.)  May  2d, 
6  despatches  from  the  gov.,  of  this  and  the  past  year,  some  enclosing  or- 
ders from  Mex.  on  secularization,  duty  on  otter-skins,  municipal  regulations 
of  Monterey,  and  furnishing  of  a  hall  for  meetings,  referred  to  com.  On  mo- 
tion of  Figueroa,  the  formation  of  regulations  for  proceedings  of  the  dip.  was 
made  a  subject  of  preference,  and  meanwhile  Tuesday,  Thursday,  and  Satur- 
day were  to  be  the  days  of  meeting.  J.  A.  Carrillo  moved  to  fully  organize 
the  ayuntamiento  of  Sta  Barbara,  and  was  told  by  the  president  to  put  his 
proposition  in  due  form  and  let  it  take  its  course,  (p.  51-4.)  May  3d, 
25  expedientes  on  land  grants  submitted  for  approval  and  referred  to  com. 
A  letter  of  C.  A.  Carrillo,  dated  in  Mex.  1831,  was  read  asking  the  dip.  to  pe- 
tition the  govt  for  schools,  and  organic  law,  and  the  separation  of  the  com- 
mands. Carrillo  spoke  on  what  he  had  accomplished  in  Mex. ,  and  the  1st  and 
2d  points  were  referred.  Communication  from  the  ayunt.  on  expense  of  a 
road.  Resignation  of  secretary  offered  on  account  of  illness.  Proposed  that 
sessions  begin  at  10  a.  m.  and  last  3  hours.  Prop,  that  the  comandante  of 
Sta  B.  be  deprived  of  judicial  powers,  and  that  2  regidores  be  added  to  the 
ayunt.,  the  place  having  940  inhabitants — to  be  read  three  times.  May  6th, 
petition  of  S.  Diego  for  an  ayuntamiento.  Public  buildings  for  Monterey. 
Prop,  to  have  the  mission  lands  surveyed,  and  to  require  inventories  of  mis- 
sion property.  May  10th,  minor  municipal  matters  of  Monterey  and  Branci- 
forte.  Prop,  to  fix  bounds  of  S.  F.  mission.  Hours  of  meeting  not  settled. 
•The  Monterey  road  must  be  'paralyzed'  for  the  present  for  want  of  funds; 
casus  consistorinlcs  and  jails  should  have  the  preference — so  reports  the  com. 
Report  in  favor  of  accepting  Alvarado's  resignation.  Also  in  favor  of  asking 
Mex.  for  $2,500  per  year  for  schools,  and  for  an  organic  law.  Many  land 
grants  approved  by  the  com.  2d  reading  of  various  propositions,  (p.  55-68.) 
May  13th,  foreign  lumbermen.  Artillery  militia.  Days  fixed  for  discussion 
of  certain  matters.  Haro's  proposition  to  survey  mission  lands  discussed  and 
defeated.  May  15th,  Mex.  secularization  law  of  Aug.  17,  1833,  referred  to 
com.  on  missions  (?).  Regulation  of  weights  and  measures,  also  of  brands,  con- 
sidered. Funds  of  Branciforte.  Many  minor  measures  postponed  as  belong- 
ing to  general  subjects  to  be  treated  as  a  whole.  Further  discussion  on  the 
Monterey  calzada.  Ortega  complained  of  the  imperfections  of  municipal 
govt  and  proposed  the  early  formation  of  ordenanzas  for  the  ayunt.  Carrillo 
and  Castro  appointed  to  visit  prisons,  (p.  63-70. )  May  17th,  many  land  grants 
submitted,  and  approved.  Sec.  Alvarado  agrees  to  serve  a  month  longer. 
May  20th,  petition  for  fixing  mission  boundaries  sent  back  to  await  the  arrival 
of  Hijar,  who  was  coming  with  a  special  commission  to  regulate  secularization, 
(p.  80-6.)  May  22d,  duties  of  foreigners  as  citizens.  Land  grants.  Moro 
discussion  on  mission  bounds.  Report  on  the  Monterey  calzada.  Mission  in- 
ventories.    Proposition  to  assign  lands  and  to  stop  the  slaughter  of  mission 


250         FIGUEROA'S  RULE— Hf JAR  AND  PADRES  COLONY. 

the  sessions  with  an  address,  in  which  he  reviewed  the 
condition  of  the  country,  and  the  character  of  the 
legislation  needed.  In  high-flown  language  the  speaker 
predicted  great  prosperity,  now  that  Spanish  tyranny 
was   a  thing  of  the  past,  and  the  diputacion  was  at 

cattle,    (p.  86-93. )     Figueroa  absent  on  account  of  illness.     May  24th,  re- 
port of  com.  on  missions  on  law  of  secularization.     The  national  govt  to  be 
asked  for  instructions.     May  26th,  secret  session  called  to  consider  the  re- 
ports of  a  conspiracy  formed  by  P.  Duran  and  Capt.  Guerra.     Jose  Maria 
Maldonado,  sec.    (p.  2-10.)     May  27th,  ayunt.  of  Sta  13.     Dip.  declines  to 
call  in  suplente  Estrada  to  take  Pico's  place,    (p.  93-G.)     May  30th,  unim- 
portant.    Figueroa  very  busy  in  preparing  correspondence  for  Mex.  by  the 
Dorotea.     June   3d,    further  discussion   on   secularization   as   per  prop,    of 
May  24.    (p.  97-103.)     June  12th,  convicts.    Pico's  absence  excused,  as  he  was 
ill.     Minor  communications  answered.     Petitions  of  individuals  asking  privi- 
leges or  redress  of  grievances.  Land  grants.  Mission  lands  again,  and  slaughter 
of  cattle,   (p.  104-12. )  June  16th,  municipal  funds.   Land  grants.    Resignation 
of  Alvarado  again  postponed.    June  17th,  foreign  citizens.    Wild  stock.    First 
reading  of  report  on  municipal  and  legislative  regulations.     June  19th,  land 
grants.     First  reading  of  several  reports  on  topics  already  mentioned,    (p. 
113-21.)     June  21st,  Bran c if orte  affairs.     Land  grants.     Discussion  on  live- 
stock regulations.    Discussion  on  reglamento  postponed  until  the  absent  mem- 
bers should  arrive,    (p.  121-9.)     June  26th,  much  unfinished  business.     Sec. 
Alvarado  again,  it  not  being  quite  clear  what  he  wanted,  but  he  was  'exon- 
erated'from  his  place.     His  accounts  and  his  position  as  contador  were  in 
some  way  involved.     Long  discussion  on  some  articles  of  a  reglamento  for 
legislative  proceedings,    (p.   129-37.)     June  28th,  land    grants.     Discussion 
of  various  matters  relating  to  municipal  govt.    (p.  138-41.)     July  1st,  Mal- 
donado elected  sec.  in  Alvarado's  place,  and  sworn  in.    Land  grants.    Munic. 
govt    continued.      July   3d,    land    grants.      Munic.    govt.      Com.    on   ways 
and  means  instructed  to  hurry,  as  the  dip.  lacks  funds,    (p.   142-6.)     July 
5th,  8th,  land  grants.     A  moderate  slaughter  of  mission  cattle  allowed,    (p. 
146-8. )     Secret  session  of  July  8th  to  consider  charges  of  malversation  of  mis- 
sion property  against  P.  Anzar.    (p.  10-11.)     July  10th,  slaughter  of  mission 
cattle  at  S.  Luis  Rey.     Land  grants.     Minor  reports  read  and  days  set  for 
discussion.     Long  discussion  of  reports  on  muuic.  revenues,  (p.  149-63.)    July 
12th-15th,    19th,    22d,    some    land    grants    and    unimportant   matters,    (p. 
161-5.)     On  July  19th  there  was  a  secret  (?)  session,  at  which  a  prop,  relating 
to  administrators  of  missions  was  considered;   and  on  July  22d,  when  the 
same  subject  was  continued,   (p.  11-13.)     July  24th,  munic.  regul.  and  reve- 
nues,   (p.   165-7.)     July  26th,  discussion  on  lands  (not  given).     July  29th, 
articles  8-53,  titles  3-6,  of  a  reglamento  for  the  dip.  discussed  and  approved, 
(p.  168-80.)     July  30th,  land  grants.     Liquor  tax.     Completion  of  the  regla- 
mento.    Tit.  8-14,  art.  54-74.    (p.  181-8.)     July  3lst,  unimportant.     Extra 
sessions  on  administrators  of  missions,  July  29th;  on  provisional  regulation 
for  secularization,  July  30th,  31st.     23  articles  approved,    (p.  13-28.)    Aug. 
1st,  2<1,  land  grants  and  prop,  to  form  an  ayunt.  for  S.  Diego  and  one  for 
Sta  B.,  increasing  that  of  Los  Angeles,    (p.  189,  28.)     Oct.  17th-18th,  extra 
session  to  consider  Hi  jar's  claims  as  gefe  politico  and  director  of  colonization, 
(p.  190-6.)     Pico  sworn  in.     Oct.  22d,  secret  session  on  the  same  subject. 
Report  of  com.     13  articles  approved,    (p.    29-34.)     Oct.   23d,   25th,  2Sth, 
30th,  31st,  minor  local  matters.    Few  details,    (p.   196-9.)     Nov.  3d,  discus- 
sion and  approval  on  first  reading  on  account  of  approaching  end  of  the  ses- 
sions, of  several  prop,  relating  to  the  colony  and  to  secularization.     Extra 
session  in  evening,  action  on  preservation  of  timber.    Members  authorized  to 
retire  to  their  homes,    (p.  199-212.)    The  sessions  of  May  lst-20th  arc  also 
recorded  in  Dip!.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  45-96. 


ACTS  OF  THE  DIPUTACXOtf.  251 

liberty  to  resume  its  deliberations.  There  was  much 
to  be  done.  All  was  yet  in  embryo;  but  the  speaker 
had  faith  that  by  patient  effort  California,  if  she  could 
not  aspire  to  absolute  perfection,  might  one  day  figure 
at  the  side  of  Jalisco  and  Zacatecas !  One  great  ob- 
stacle had  been  the  tendency  of  his  predecessors  to 
assume  too  many  powers  and  duties  for  the  political 
rule,  as  if  representing  an  absolute  government.  A 
proper  division  of  power  according  to  the  constitution 
should  be  effected,  and  the  people  must  learn  not  to 
trouble  the  gefe  politico  with  every  petty  affair.  Munici- 
pal government  was  in  a  sad  state  of  disorganization; 
local  officers  incompetent,  and  the  people  lacking  in 
respect  for  the  authorities.  Schools  were  neglected; 
and  there  were  no  jails  nor  other  public  buildings 
worthy  of  the  national  honor.  Municipal  revenues 
were  far  from  sufficient  for  necessary  expenses;  he 
had  been  obliged  to  borrow  money  to  fit  up  a  room 
for  this  meeting.  Agricultural  and  stock-raising  regu- 
lations and  restrictions  had  been  oppressive.  He  re- 
viewed the  evils  of  the  monastic  despotism,  and  the 
measures  taken  and  required  to  raise  the  neophytes 
from  degradation,  noted  the  necessity  of  certain  public 
works  at  Monterey,  and  the  importance  of  a  fort  on 
the  northern  frontier.  His  discourse  was  warmly  ap- 
proved by  the  vocales,  and  he  took  a  very  prominent 
part  in  subsequent  proceedings.19 

The  labors  of  the  diputacion  were  very  largely  de- 
voted to  the  consideration  of  matters  connected  with 
the  secularization  of  the  missions,  and  in  this  respect 
will  be  more  fully  noticed  in  another  chapter.20  An- 
other prominent  matter  was  that  of  finance  and  rev- 
enue, of  which  I  shall  also  have  something  to  say 
separately.21     Grants   of  public  lands  made  by  the 

19 Besides  the  copies  of  the  speech  in  Leg.  Pec.,  MS.,  ii.  34-49;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  45-50,  I  have  also,  Fiaueroa,  Discurso  de  Apertura  de 
la  Diputacion  Territorial  en  P  de  Mayo,  1834,  MS.,  the  author's  original 
blotter  copy. 

20  See  chap.  xi.  of  this  volume. 

21  The  reports  of  the  com.  of  ways  and  means  oh  July  10th,  12th,  24th, 
2Gth,  30th,  on  revenue  and  taxation,  are  given  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon., 


2:2         FIGUEROA'S  RULE— HIJAR  AND  PADRES  COLONY. 

new  governor  in  accordance  with  the  laws  were  pre- 
sented for  investigation  and  approval  at  nearly  every 
session.  To  these  grants  attention  will  be  given  in 
the  proper  place.  The  Hijar  and  Padres  colony,  to 
be  treated  fully  later  in  this  chapter  and  in  the  next, 
furnished  the  assembly  matter  for  discussion  in  the 
later  sessions  of  the  year.  Action  on  municipal  gov- 
ernment, and  many  minor  items  of  legislation,  will 
naturally  come  up  more  or  less  fully  in  connection 
with  local  annals;  here  it  need  only  be  stated,  that 
not  onl}r  were  the  older  pueblo  governments  perfected, 
but  ayuntamientos,  or  town  councils,  were  organized 
at  San  Diego  and  San  Francisco,  where  they  had 
never  existed  before.22  With  the  abstract  of  proceed- 
ings already  given,  the  references  of  this  paragraph, 
and  the  mention  of  a  grand  ball  given  on  November 
1st,  at  the  capital,  in  honor  of  this  body,23  I  dis- 
miss the  legislative  doings  of  1834;  but  append  at 
some  length  the  reglameiito  of  the  diputacion  en 
resume,  not  only  as  a  document  of  some  interest  and 
importance,  but  as  the  first  book  ever  printed  in  Cal- 
ifornia.24 

MS.,  ii.  238-53,  much  more  fully  than  in  the  Leg.  Rec.  proper;  and  the 
results  were  printed  in  the  edict  of  Aug.  Cth.  Plan,  de  Propios  y  Arb'drios 
para  fondos  Municipals,  1834,  m  Earliest  Printing  in  Cat.  I  shall  speau  of 
financial  topics  for  1831-5  in  chap.  xiii. 

22 Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  ii.  188-9,  244-5.  Figueroa's  edict  of  Aug.  6th.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  vi.  33.  F.'s  orders  on  boundaries.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and 
Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  217-20;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  316;  xxxi.  133,  137,  140.  S. 
Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  30,  36,  56,  63.  There  is  some  dispute  respecting  S.  F., 
but  of  that  more  elsewhere. 

23  printed  invitation  to  this  ball  in  Earliest  Printing  in  Cal. 

21  Reglamento  Provisional  para  el  Gobierno  interior  de  la  Ecma  Diputacion 
Territorial  de  la  Alta  California,  aprobada  por  la  misma  Corporation  en 
sesion  de  31  de  Julio  del  prtsente  afio.  Monterrey,  1S3J/..  Imprentade  A.  V. 
Zamorano  y  Ca-  16mo.  16  p.  I  have  never  seen  any  other  copy  of  this  rare 
little  work  than  that  in  my  possession.  It  was  presented  to  me  by  Carlos 
01  vera,  son  of  Agustin  01  vera. 

Tit.  i. — Installation. — Art.  1.  Regular  sessions  will  open  May  1st,  new 
members  taking  the  oath  before  the  president.  2.  Sessions  to  close  on  Aug. 
31st;  but  the  dip.  will  meet  in  extra  sessions  whenever  convoked  by  the  gefe 
politico.  3.  Form  of  oath.  4.  Then  the  pres.  shall  say  aloud:  'The  dip.,  etc., 
is  declared  legitimately  constituted. '  5.  One  more  than  half  the  members  must 
be  present  for  an  ordinary  session. 

Tit.  ii. —  Presidency. — Art.  6.  Duties  of  the  pres.:  (1)  to  open  and  close 
the  sessions;  (2)  to  see  that  all  observe  'orden,  compostura,  y  silencio;'  (3) 
to  present  all  communications;  (4)  to  determine  what  subjects  shall  be  discussed, 


TOPICS  OF  1834.  253 

There  yet  remain  to  be  noticed  in  the  annals  of  1834 
a  few  detached  topics  before  I  take  up  the  most 
prominent  of  all,  the  colony.     The    negotiations    of 

giving  preference  to  those  of  common  utility  except  by  agreement  on  motion  of 
some  vocal;  (5)  to  give  the  floor  alternately  to  the  members  for  and  against; 
(G)  to  call  members  to  order;  (7)  to  sign  the  records  as  soon  as  approved,  and 
correspondence  to  the  govt  and  to  ayuntamientos;  (8)  to  convoke  extra  sessions 
for  serious  motives.  7.  If  his  ruling  is  objected  to,  one  shall  speak  for  and 
one  against,  and  the  majority  shall  debide.  8.  In  performing  his  regular 
duties,  he  may  remain  seated;  but  in  discussion,  he  must  ask  for  the  floor  and 
be  subject  to  the  same  rules  as  others. 

Tit.  iii. — Secretary. — Art.  9.  Sec.  appointed  by  the  dip.  according  to  law 
of  June  23,  1813,  receiving  for  the  present  $50  per  month.  10.  Duties:  (1) 
to  keep  a  record  of  proceedings  'laconic  and  clear,'  without  criticising 
speeches  or  reports;  (2)  to  write  and  sign  communications  from  the  dip. ;  (3) 
to  insert  in  the  acta  of  1st  day  of  each  month  a  list  of  expedientes  in  various 
stages  of  advancement;  (4)  to  lay  before  the  dip.  different  subjects  in  the 
following  order:  1st,  the  acta  of  preceding  session;  2d,  official  communica- 
tions; 3d,  private  communications;  4th,  propositions  of  members;  5th,  reports 
lixed  for  discussion;  Gth,  reports  for  1st  reading. 

Tit.  iv. — Sessions. — Art.  11.  Sessions  public,  lasting  3  hours  from  10 
A.  m.,  and  longer  at  the  request  of  any  member.  12.  Sessions  on  Tuesday, 
Thursday,  and  Saturday,  except  holidays  religious  and  secular.  13.  Secret 
session  following  the  public  one  whenever  the  subject  may  demand  reserve. 
14.  Any  member  may  ask  for  a  secret  session,  and  the  pres.  will  call  it.  15. 
In  a  secret  session  will  be  presented:  (1)  confidential  communications  to  the 
dip.;  (2)  ecclesiastical  and  religious  matters;  (3)  other  subjects  which  the 
pres.  may  deem  to  demand  reserve.  1G.  Secret  sessions  to  begin  by  a  discus- 
sion whether  the  subject  recpiires  such  a  session,  and  to  close  by  asking  if  the 
proceedings  are  to  be  kept  strictly  secret.  17.  Members  must  be  present 
from  beginning  to  end,  decently  dressed;  be  seated  without  preference;  and 
observe  the  silence,  decorum,  and  deportment  corresponding  to  their  posi- 
tion. 18.  A  member  unable  to  attend  for  serious  cause  must  notify  the  pres. ; 
but  a  recorded  permission  of  the  dip.  is  necessary  for  more  than  3  days'  ab- 
sence.    19.  Such  licenses  cannot  be  granted  to  more  than  2  members. 

Tit.  v. — Motions. — Art.  20.  Motions  must  be  presented  in  writing,  signed 
by  the  author,  to  the  sec,  worded  like  the  resolution  which  is  desired.  21. 
Every  motion  to  be  discussed  as  soon  as  made;  the  author  will  explain  his 
motives,  and  2  members  may  speak  f~r  and  against;  then  it  goes  to  the  proper 
committee.  22.  No  prop,  can  be  approved  without  first  passing  to  the  com., 
except  by  express  consent  of  the  dip. 

Tit.  vi. — Committees. — Art.  23.  To  facilitate  business,  committees,  both 
permanent  and  special,  will  be  appointed  to  examine  matters  and  put  them 
in  shape  for  final  action.  24.  The  permanent  committees  will  be  on  ways 
and  means,  colonization,  vacant  lands,  missions,  government  and  police, 
municipal  regulations,  public  works,  industry,  public  instruction,  and  statis- 
tics. The  number  may  be  increased  or  diminished  by  the  dip.  25.  The  dip. 
will  also  classify  special  com.  according  to  nature  of  business.  2G.  The  pros, 
must  name  permanent  committees  on  the  day  of  installation  after  adminis- 
tering the  oath.  27.  A  com.  will  consist  of  2  or  3  members,  but  may  be  in- 
creased by  consent  of  the  dip.  28.  No  member  shall  refuse  a  place  assigned 
him  on  a  com.  29.  On  granting  leave  of  absence,  the  dip.  will  name  mem- 
bers to  replace  the  absentees  on  com.  39.  The  same  must  be  done  when 
members  of  a  com.  have  a  personal  interest  in  the  matter  considered;  neither 
can  such  interested  parties  vote.  31.  The  gefe  politico,  or  the  senior  vocal 
when  acting  as  pres..  cannot  serve  on  com.  32.  Com.  must  render  their 
reports  in  writing,  and  conclude  them  with  simple  propositions  to  be  voted 


254         FIGUEROA'S  RULE-HlJAR  AND  PADRfcS  COLONY. 

1833  respecting  the  fortification  and  settlement  of  the 
northern  frontier  have  been  mentioned.  I  may  add 
that  in  the  spring  of  that  year,  Vallejo  had  made  a 

on.  33.  A  com.  report  must  be  signed  by  a  majority;  the  dissenting  member 
to  give  his  opinion  in  writing.  34.  Com.  may  call  for  any  doc.  or  instruc- 
tions from  territorial  archives  or  offices,  except  where  secrecy  is  required. 
35.  A  receipt  must  be  given  for  such  doc,  and  the}'  must  be  promptly  re- 
turned. 30.  A  com.  may  suspend  action  on  a  subject  by  reporting  the  rea- 
sons, and  it  will  be  considered  in  secret  session.  37.  A  com.  keeping  an 
expediente  in  hand  over  15  days  must  report  to  the  pres.  38.  An}7  member 
may  be  present  and  speak  in  com.  meetings,  but  without  a  vote.  39.  The 
chairman  of  a  com.,  the  one  first  named,  will  be  responsible  for  all  expedientes 
delivered  to  him. 

Tit.  vii. — Discussions. — Art.  40.  Every  report  will  have  a  1st  and  2d 
reading  in  different  sessions,  and  discussion  will  immediately  follow  the  2d 
readiug.  41.  At  the  hour  of  discussion  there  must  be  read  the  original  mo- 
tion, the  communication  that  gave  rise  to  it,  the  com.  report,  and  dissenting 
vote,  if  any.  42.  The  pres.  will  give  the  floor  to  members  who  ask  it  en  pro 
6  en  contra.  43.  A  com.  report  must  first  be  discussed  as  a  whole,  and  later 
each  article  separately.  44.  Members  to  speak  alternately  for  and  against 
in  order  of  asking  the  floor.  45.  Members  of  the  com.  and  the  author  of  the 
prop,  may  speak  three  times,  others  only  twice.  46.  No  one  can  be  called  to 
order  except  through  the  pres.:  (1)  when  an  article  of  this  reg.  is  infringed; 
(2)  when  some  person  or  corporation  is  iusulted.  47.  Speaking  of  faults  com- 
mitted by  subordinate  functionaries  of  the  dip.  is  not  cause  for  calling  to 
order;  but  in  case  of  calumny,  the  injured  party  retains  his  right  to  do  so. 
48.  No  discussion  to  be  suspended  except  (1)  for  adjournment;  (2)  when  the 
dip.  may  agree  to  give  the  preference  to  another  more  important  subject;  (3) 
for  some  suspensive  motion  approved  by  the  dip.  49.  Any  member  may  call 
for  the  reading  of  any  law  or  doc.  to  illustrate  the  matter  under  discussion, 
but  not  otherwise.  50.  After  the  speeches  according  to  this  regl.,  the  pres. 
will  direct  the  sec.  to  ask  if  the  question  has  been  sufficiently  discussed;  if  so 
a  vote  will  be  taken;  if  not,  after  one  member  has  spoken  on  each  side,  the 
question  will  be  repeated.  51.  Discussion  being  declared  sufficient,  it  shall 
be  asked  if  the  report  shall  be  voted  on  as  a  whole;  if  yes,  being  approved  in 
general,  a  discussion  of  the  articles  separately  will  follow;  but  if  it  be  not 
approved  as  a  whole,  the  question  shall  be  to  return  it  to  the  com.  for  amend- 
ment or  not;  and  if  the  decision  be  in  the  negative,  the  proposition  is  to  be 
considered  defeated.  52.  The  discussion  on  any  article  being  closed,  it  will 
be  approved  by  vote,  or  returned  to  the  com.  53.  A  report  being  rejected  as 
a  whole  or  in  any  of  its  articles,  the  dissenting  report,  if  any,  is  to  be  discussed. 
54.  A  measure  having  been  approved  may  be  amended  by  any  member  in 
writing  before  it  is  entered  in  the  minutes;  and  the  amendment  being  admit- 
ted shall  be  passed  to  the  com.;  otherwise  it  is  to  be  considered  as  defeated. 

Tit.  viii. —  Voting. — Art.  55.  Voting  to  be  done  in  one  of  two  ways:  (1) 
by  the  rising  of  those  who  approve,  while  opponents  remain  seated;  (2)  by 
calling  of  names.  50.  All  voting  to  be  decided  by  an  absolute  plurality  of 
votes.  57.  In  case  of  a  tie,  a  new  vote  is  to  be  taken  after  discussion;  if  there 
be  still  a  tie,  the  matter  is  to  be  postponed  until  the  next  session;  and  if  there 
be  still  no  decision,  it  is  to  be  settled  by  lot.  58.  Xo  member  can  be  excused 
from  voting  on  matters  subject  to  his  deliberation. 

Tit.  ix. — Resolutions. — Art.  59.  The  resolutions  of  the  dip.  shall  be  offi- 
cially communicated  to  the  gefe  politico  wdien  absent. 

Tit.  x. — Ceremonial. — Art.  00.  Neither  pres.  nor  members  may  wear  arms 
at  the  sess.  01.  Members  presenting  themselves  to  take  the  oath  after  the 
scss.  are  opened  must  be  received  at  the  inner  door  of  the  hall  by  two  mem- 
bers named  by  the  pres.  02.  The  dip.  when  in  sess.  will  attend  as  a  body 
at  religious  and  political  ceremonies. 


PETALUMA  AND  SANTA  ROSA.  255 

tour  of  inspection  to  Bodega  and  Ross;25  and  that  in, 
the  autumn  the  same  officer  had  endeavored  to  begin 
in  a  small  way  settlements  at  Petaluma  and  Santa 
Rosa.  Ten  heads  of  families,  fifty  persons  in  all, 
agreed  to  settle  at  the  former  place,  hitherto  unoccu- 
pied; but  the  padre  at  San  Francisco  Solano,  hearing 
of  the  project,  sent  a  few  men  to  build  a  hut  and 
place  a  band  of  horses  at  that  point  in  order  to  estab- 
lish a  claim  to  the  land  as  mission  property.  Two  or 
three  of  the  settlers  remained  and  put  in  crops  at 
Petaluma,  Vallejo  himself  having  ten  bushels  of  wheat 
sown  on  his  own  account.  The  padre's  representatives 
also  remained,  and  the  respective  claims  were  left  to 
be  settled  in  the  future.  Much  the  same  thing  seems 
to  have  occurred  at  Santa  Rosa,  where  a  few  settlers 
went,  and  to  which  point  the  padre  sent  two  neophytes 
with  some  hoffs  as  the  nucleus  of  a  mission  claim. 
All  this  before  January  8,  1834.28     In  his  speech  of 

Tit.  xi. — Guard. — Art.  63.  The  dip.  will  have  a  military  guard  whenever 
it  may  be  deemed  necessary.  64.  The  guard  will  be  subject  only  to  the  orders 
of  the  pres.,  who  shall  demand  it  from  the  proper  authorities.  65.  Thepres. 
is  to  arrange  the  number  of  sentinels  and  report  to  the  dip.  66.  The  guard 
shall  form  in  line  at  the  entrance  and  exit  of  the  pres. ;  and  the  sentinel  must 
shoulder  arms  at  the  arrival  or  departure  of  a  member. 

Tit.  xii. — Treasury. — Art.  67.  The  surplus  of  municipal  funds,  and  rev- 
enue from  branches  which  the  dip.  and  govt  may  designate,  will  constitute  a 
fund  for  general  expenses  of  the  territory  and  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the 
dip.  68.  To  administer  the  fund,  a  person  outside  of  the  corporation  shall  be 
chosen,  who,  besides  being  of  'notorious  integrity,'  shall  give  bonds.  Salary 
to  be  fixed  by  the  dip.  61).  The  distribution  of  funds  shall  be  made  by  the 
treasurer  as  he  may  be  ordered;  and  he  must  render  a  monthly  cash  account. 

Tit.  xiii. — Audience. — Art.  70.  Spectators  must  wear  uo  arms,  show  re- 
spect and  silence,  and  take  no  part  in  discussions  by  any  demonstrations. 
71.  Any  person  disturbing  order  will  be  ordered  sent  out  by  the  pres.;  or  if 
the  offense  be  grave,  arrested  and,  delivered  within  24  hours  to  the  proper 
judge.  7'2.  When  such  means  do  not  suffice  to  prevent  disorders,  the  pres. 
will  adjourn  the  public  session  and  continue  a  secret  one.  73.  The  same 
course  to  be  adopted  when  prudent  measures  fail  to  restore  order  when  dis- 
turbed by  members. 

Tit.  xiv. — Observance  of  the  Reylamento. — Art.  74.  This  regl.  is  to  be  ob- 
served by  the  dip.  provisionally.  75.  Its  observance  will  be  absolute  when 
it  shall  have  been  approved  by  the  federal  congress.  76.  The  dip.  may  re- 
solve doubts  respecting  the  articles,  in  accordance  with  art.  74-5,  and  may 
add  to  or  amend  them,  reporting  to  congress. 

25Vallejo's  report  was  dated  May  5,  1833.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  140.  All 
that  remains  to  be  said  of  the  Prussians  in  California,  from  1831  to  1846,  will 
be  found  in  chap,  vi.,  yoI.  iv.,  Hist.  Cal. 

2C  All  that  is  known  of  this  earliest  occupation  is  contained  in  three  letters 
of  Vallejo  to  Figueroa,  the  first  dated  Oct.  3,  1833,  in  Si.  Pap.  Miss,  and 


256         FIGUEROA'S  RULE-HIJAR  AND  PADRES  COLONY. 

May  1st  to  the  diputacion,  Figueroa  mentioned  the 
plan  for  northern  settlement,  but  said  nothing  to  in- 
dicate that  any  actual  progress  had  been  made.27  The 
14th  of  May,  however,  he  sentenced  a  criminal  to 
serve  out  his  term  of  punishment  "at  the  new  estab- 
lishment about  to  be  founded  at  Santa  Rosa."23  In 
June  the  rancho  of  Petal uma  was  granted  by  the 
governor  to  Vallejo,  and  the  grant  approved  by  the 
diputacion,  this  being  virtually  an  end  of  the  mission 
claim.29  Respecting  subsequent  developments  of 
1834—5  in  the  Santa  Rosa  Valley,  the  records  are  not 
satisfactory;  but  Figueroa,  hearing  of  the  approach  of 
a  colony  from  Mexico,  resolved  to  make  some  prepa- 
rations for  its  reception,  and  naturally  thought  of  che 
northern  establishment,  which  he  resolved  to  visit  in 
person.  All  that  we  know  positively  of  the  trip  is 
that  he  started  late  in  August,  extended  his  tour  to 
Ross,  examined  the  country,  selected  a  site,  and  hav- 
ing left  a  small  force  on  the  frontier,  returned  to  Mon- 
terey the  12th  of  September.30     To  these  facts  there 

Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  316-17;  the  second,  of  Jan.  8,  1834,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ii. 
211 ;  and  the  third,  merely  stating  that  the  padre  had  consented  to  the  settlers' 
remaining  temporarily,  of  Jan.  13th,  in  Id.,  ii.  218.  It  is  in  the  latter  letter 
that  I  find  the  name  Sta  Rosa  applied  to  the  region  for  the  first  time,  though 
the  valley  had  been  certainly  once  and  probably  several  times  traversed  by 
the  Spaniards.  There  is  a  newspaper  story  to  the  effect  that  in  1820  Friar 
Aniaras  (Amoros?)  with  a  single  companion  wandering  northward  from  S. 
Rafael,  went  up  the  Chocoalami  stream  to  Lucas  Point,  where  they  baptized 
an  Indian  girl  on  the  day  of  Sta  Rosa,  being  driven  away  immediately  after 
the  ceremony  by  hostile  gentiles.  Gil roy  Leader,  March  19,  1875,  and  other 
papers.  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  87-8,  also  speaks  vaguely  of  attempts 
in  1829  to  found  an  establishment  at  Sta  Rosa.  It  is  very  probable  that  the 
padres  from  S.  Rafael  or  Solano  reached  this  region  on  several  occasions,  and 
that  the  name  Sta  Rosa  was  applied  from  the  day,  during  one  of  these  visits, 
when  some  particular  locality  was  explored  or  some  notable  event  occurred; 
but  I  have  found  no  original  record  of  these  occurrences. 

27  Leg.  lice. ,  MS. ,  ii.  48.  He  alludes,  however,  rather  to  the  foundation  of 
a  fort  than  to  settlement. 

™Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lxxvii-i.  23. 

29 Leg.  Iter.,  MS.,  ii.  118-22.  Vallejo's  claim  to  Petaluma  as  finally  con- 
firmed by  the  U.  S.  authorities  rested  on  a  later  grant  by  Gov.  Micbeltorena. 

30  This  is  Figueroa's  own  statement  in  his  Manifesto,  p.  7,  except  the  time 
of  starting,  about  which  I  know  only  that  F.  was  still  at  Monterey  on  Aug. 
21st.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  172.  I  find  not  a  single  document  in  any  ar- 
chive bearing  on  the  subject.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  22-7;  Alvarado, 
Hist.  (Jul,  MS.,  iii.  33-4;  and  Fernandez,  Cosasde  Cal,  MS.,  91-5,  give  long 
and  circumstantial  narratives,  the  last  taken,  as  is  claimed,  from  F.'s  report  to 
the  min.  of  war,  of  F.'s  expedition  to  the  north,  which  they  represent  as 


PLOTS  OF  GUERRA,  DURAjS",  AND  PICO.  257 

■may  be  added,  as  probably  accurate,  the  statements  of, 
several  Californians,  to  the  effect  that  the  site  selected 
was  where  Vahejo's  settlers  and  the  Solano  neophytes 
had  already  erected  some  rude  buildings,  that  the  new 
place  was  named  Santa  Anna  y  Farias,  in  honor  of 
the  president  and  vice-president  of  Mexico,  and  that 
the  settlement  was  abandoned  next  year,  because  the 
colonists  refused  to  venture  into  a  country  of  hostile 
Indians.31 

An  amusing  episode  of  this  year's  history  was  a 
charge  of  conspiracy  against  "those  irreconcilable  foes 
of  our  country,  Captain  Don  Jose  de  la  Guerra  y  Norie- 
ga, Fr.  Narciso  Duran,  Fr.  Tomas  Estenega,  and  Ser- 
geant Jose  Antonio  Pico."  The  revelation  reached  the 
capital  May  26th  by  a  special  messenger,  who  brought 
letters  from  Angel  Ramirez,  Antonio  M.  Lugo,  and 
Padre  Bias  Ordaz,  to  the  effect  that  Duran  and  Gruerra 
had  ridiculed  often  the  federal  system,  that  mysterious 
papers  had  been  signed,  that  money  had  been  trans- 
ferred from  San  Gabriel  to  Santa  Barbara,  and  that 
the  soldier  Romero  had  been  made  to  sign  a  paper  by 
Pico  without  knowing  its  purport.  Figueroa  hast- 
ened to  convene  the  diputacion  in  secret  session  to 
consider  the  momentous  news.     All  the  members  were 

an  Indian  campaign.  Vallejo  at  the  new  settlement  had  some  trouble  with 
the  Satiyomes  under  Sucarra,  and  a  series  of  bloody  battles  ensued.  The 
Indians  were  defeated,  losing  hundreds  in  killed  and  captives;  but  many 
soldiers  were  also  killed;  and  finally  Vallejo  sent  to  F.  for  aid,  and  he  came 
in  person  with  a  largo  force.  The  Indians  were  frightened  and  made  a  treaty. 
This  is  but  a  bare  skeleton  of  the  story,  because,  in  the  absence  of  any  origi- 
nal evidence,  I  deem  it  either  wholly  unfounded  or  a  gross  exaggeration  of 
some  very  trilling  hostilities.  If  the  expedition  be  considered  a  distinct  and 
subsequent  one  from  that  mentioned  by  Figueroa,  the  improbabilities  of  the 
statements  arc  increased  rather  than  diminished.  Richardson,  Hist.  Vallejo, 
MS.,  and  in  the  New  Aye,  and  Napa  Reporter,  Oct.  17,  1874,  tells  a  similar 
tale. 

31  In  a  letter  of  June  24,  1835,  Figueroa  alludes  to  a  town  which  had  been 
outlined  and  begun — but  apparently  abandoned — at  Sta  Rosa;  but  no  name  is 
mentioned.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  406.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
iii.  10-11,  says  Zamorano  surveyed  the  site,  and  F.  struck  the  first  blow. 
Juarez,  Narration,  MS. ,  1-2,  says  the  site  of  Santa  Anna  y  Farias  was  on  Mark 
West  Creek.  An  article  in  the  8.  Jos6  Pioneer,  July  20,  1878,  affirms  that  it 
was  on  the  land  of  the  late  Henry  Mizer,  just  where  Mark  West  Creek  de- 
bouches into  the  Sta  Rosa  plain,  near  a  large  redwood  tree!  Several  Califor- 
nians state  that  F.  was  at  the  new  town  in  the  spring  of  1835,  but  this  was 
hardly  possible. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    17 


25S        FIGUEROA'S  RULE— HIJAR  AND  PADRES  COLONY. 

in  favor  of  decisive  measures ;  Jose  Antonio  and  Car- 
los Carrillo,  believing  their  personal  influence  would 
check  any  outbreak  that  might  result  from  " ignorance 
and  blind  confidence  in  the  Spanish  friars,"  were  in- 
structed to  proceed  to  the  south  at  once;  and  a  com- 
mittee favored  the  arrest  of  the  accused,  and  granted 
the  governor  all  needed  powers  to  act.  That  same 
day  numerous  orders  were  despatched  southward  to 
military  officers.  Troops  were  ordered  from  place  to 
place;  the  general  prepared  to  maintain  at  any  cost 
the  republican  integrity  of  California,  and  Captain 
Gutierrez  was  intructed  to  arrest  the  conspirators  and 
bring  them  to  an  immediate  trial.  In  five  days  Jose 
Antonio  Carrillo  reported  the  charges  unfounded.  In 
August  Gutierrez  reported  to  the  same  effect;  and 
Figueroa  decided  accordingly  that  the  good  fame  of 
the  parties  involved  was  unimpaired.  Alfred  Robin- 
son gives  probably  the  key  of  the  mystery,  when  he 
states  that  Guerra  was  negotiating  for  the  purchase 
of  a  ranclio,  an  operation  requiring  a  search  of  the 
archives  at  San  Gabriel,  long  conferences,  and  the  sig- 
natures of  several  witnesses.  It  was  the  remark  of 
one  of  the  latter,  an  ignorant  fellow,  distorted  by  the 
personal  enmity  of  certain  persons,  which  created  such 
commotion  at  the  territorial  capital.32 

I  may  note  in  passing  that  the  junta  of  partido 
electors  met  at  Monterey  October  16th— 19th,  and  chose 
Jose  Antonio  Carrillo  as  deputy  to  congress  for  1 835— 
6,  to  succeed  Bandini,  who,  as  we  shall  see  a  little  later, 
had  already  returned  to  California.  Mariano  G.  Va- 
il ejo  was  elected  as  substitute.33  I  may  further  allude 
to  the  fact  that  Figueroa  sent  to  the  supreme  govern- 
ment a  comprehensive  report  on  revenues  and  their 
administration,34  and  the  kindred  fact  that  complaints 

32  Leg.  Pee. ,  MS. ,  ii.  2-10.  Communications  of  May  26th,  27th,  31st,  Aug. 
2d,  Cth,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,iii.  149-50;  170-1;  De-pi.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  2111., 
MS.,  lxxviii.  23-39.    Robinson's  Life  in  Cat.,  157-9. 

^AetasdeE'ecriones,  MS.,  19-21;  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vii.  159-G3;  Vallejo, 
Dor.,  MS.,  ii.  313,  340. 

u Figueroa,  Cosas  Flnancieras  de  Cal.,  1834,  MS.  Dated  Nov.  28th.  The 
document  will  be  noticed  later. 


THE  COLONY  PLANNED.  259 

of  destitution  among  the  troops  came  in  frequent! y, • 
especially  from  the  south.  Figueroa,  even,  could  not 
feed  and  clothe  troops  to  their  satisfaction  with  tine 
words  and  loyal  purposes.  As  of  old,  the  missions 
were  often  called  upon  for  supplies. 

Let  us  turn  backward  to  1833,  and  southward  to  the 
capital  of  the  republic,  where  Californian  affairs  were 
attracting  more  attention  perhaps  than  ever  before. 
This  was  largely  due  to  the  influence  of  Jose  Maria 
Padres,  whose  schemes  of  a  few  years  before  are  fresh 
in  the  mind  of  the  reader,  and  were  by  no  means  aban- 
doned when  their  author  was  sent  out  of  the  country 
by  Victoria  in  1831.  He  left  behind  a  party  of  ar- 
dent supporters  in  the  far  north,  and  went  away  vow- 
ing to  return  with  full  powers  to  carry  out  his  pro- 
posed reforms.  Of  his  influence  and  actions  during 
1832,  and  of  his  relations  with  Congressman  Carrillo, 
nothing  is  known ;  but,  not  being  politically  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  administration,  he  probably  kept  some- 
what quiet  in  public  and  awaited  his  time.  Privately, 
however,  he  was  loud  and  enthusiastic  in  his  praises 
of  California,  and  labored  earnestly  to  interest  his 
friends  in  that  country  as  a  field  for  colonization. 
Many  were  led  to  regard  his  plans  with  favor,  the  most 
prominent  of  the  number  being  Jose  Maria  Hfjar,  a 
gentleman  of  property,  influence,  and  reputation.  By 
the  spring  of  1833,  the  two  had  devised  a  project  of 
taking  a  colony  to  California,  and  had  made  some 
progress  toward  its  realization. 

Now  fortune  began  to  smile  on  the  empresarios 
most  remarkably.  In  April  Valentin  Gomez  Farias, 
a  warm  personal  and  political  friend  of  Padres,  and 
perhaps  already  interested  in  his  scheme,  was  elected 
vice-president,  and  became  acting  president  on  the 
retirement  of  Santa  Anna.  Soon,  perhaps  in  June, 
there  came  the  news  that  Figueroa  was  ill  and  de- 
sired to  be  relieved  of  office,  which  would  throw  the 
military  command  into  the  hands  of  Padres  himself,  he 


200         FIGUEROA'S  RULE— HIJAR  AND  PADRES  COLONY. 

9,s  ayudante  inspector  being  already  second  in  rank.35 
Better  still,  be  succeeded  through  bis  influence  with 
the  president  .in  obtaining  for  bis  associate  Hijar  on 
Juty  15th  the  appointment  of  gcfe  politico.36  Next 
day  the  same  man  was  appointed  director  of  coloniza- 
tion, or  of  the  colony  in  process  of  organization,  and  of 
the  new  establishments  to  be  founded  in  California. 
He  was  to  receive  a  salary  of  $1,000,  in  addition  to 
that  of  $3,000  for  his  services  as  political  chief,  and  lie 
might  name  a  secretary  to  receive  $1,500.37  Padres 
himself,  by  the  minister  of  relations,  at  what  date  does 
not  appear,  was  made  sub-director.  About  this  time 
there  appeared  on  the  scene  to  represent  California 
in  congress  a  new  deputy  to  take  the  place  of  Car- 
rillo — none  other  than  Juan  Bandini,  who  as  luck 
would  have  it  was  one  of  Padres'  northern  disciples, 
and  who  lost  no  time  in  identifying  himself  with  the 
new  schemes. 3S  Largely  by  influence  of  the  com- 
bination, the  law  of  August    17,   1833,  was   passed, 

35  July  12,  1833,  Padres  ordered  to  assume  the  command  if  his  chief  should 
continue  disabled  on  his  arrival.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  288;  Fi- 
gueroa,  Manifesto,  4.  Sept.  12th,  Com.  gen.  announces  that  P.  is  ordered  to 
Cal.  to  take  command  if  F.'s  illness  continues.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and 
Treas.t  MS.,  ii.  57.  The  order  was  answered  by  F.  on  July  18,  1834,  by  a 
statement  that  his  health  was  restored. 

30  July  15,  1832,  Garcia  to  Figueroa,  who  was  at  his  own  request  relieved 
with  thanks  for  his  faithful  services.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii. 
236-7;  Figueroa,  Manifesto,  5-6.  This  was  received  in  February,  and  answered 
on  May  18,  1834,  of  course  with  a  promise  to  deliver  the  office  to  Hijar  on  his 
arrival. 

37July  16,  1833,  Garcia  to  Hijar.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii. 
207-9.  Sept.  17th,  Com.  gen.  Mcndoza  at  Arizpe  to  Sub-corn.  Herrera,  an- 
nouncing Hijar's  appointments  and  salary. 

38  Bandini.  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  elected  in  March..  May  7th,  ad- 
ministrator of  customs  at  Monterey  could  giveB.  only  $100  of  $400  due  him  as 
dielas.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cvst.-IL,  MS.,  ii.  13.  He  had  sailed  from  S.  Diego 
in  May  1833.  July  29th,  a  bill  by  Bandini  in  10  articles  on  the  favorite  sub- 
ject of  dividing  the  commands  and  granting  an  organic  law  received  its  first 
reading  in  congress.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  51-3.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  this  same  month,  at  S.  Diego,  Figueroa  wrote  an  argument  against  the 
measure  and  a  warning  against  B.'s  revolutionary  schemes.  Aug.  6th,  Bandini 
announces  to  the  Calif ornians  that  he  has  assumed  his  functions  and  will  do 
all  in  his  power  for  their  interests,  the  national  authorities  being  well  dis- 
posed. l)2pt.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  x.  5.  The  announcement  took  the  form 
of  a  printed  address  to  his  constituents,  preserved  also  in  the  Pioneer  Soc. 
Library,  S.  Francisco.  Of  Carrillo  I  hear  nothing  in  1833,  except  that  on  Jan. 
27th,  perhaps  as  he  was  starting  homeward,  the  comisario  was  ordered  to  pay 
him  $3,000  for  viaticos.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  ii.  64; 
and  in  1834,  S500  was  paid  him  on  the  account.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lxxxi.  4. 


GOOD  FORTUNE  AT  THE  BEGINNING.  231 

requiring1  immediate  secularization  of  the  missions; 
and  a  supplementary  decree  of  November  2Gth  au- 
thorized the  adoption  of  such  measures  as  might  be 
necessary  to  assure  colonization  and  carry  seculariza- 
tion into  effect,  using  "in  the  most  convenient  man- 
ner the  revenues  of  the  pious  fund  to  furnish  resources 
for  the  commission  and  the  families  now  in  this  cap- 
ital bound  for  that  territory*"39  I  may  add  that  be- 
sides the  vice-president,  the  diputado  from  California, 
the  territorial  gefe  politico,  arid  the  prospective  co- 
mandante  general,  Padres  numbered  among  the  ad- 
herents of  his  plan  our  old  friends  Jose  Maria  Her- 
rera,  now  re-appointed  sub-comisario  of  revenues,  and 
Angel  Ramirez,  wTho  was  sent  to  take  charge  of  the 
Monterey  custom-house.  Truly,  the  ayudante  inspect- 
or's star  was  in  the  ascendant,  all  obstacles  to  the 
success  of  his  schemes,  whatever  those  schemes  were, 
being  apparently  removed. 

Respecting  the  organization  of  the  colony  itself, 
we  have  but  little  of  original  record.  The  terms  of- 
fered were  $10  to  each  family  at  the  start,  transporta- 
tion by  land  to  San  Bias,  three  reals  per  day  to  each 
person  for  rations  during  the  march,  free  passage  by  sea 
from  San  Bias  to  California,  a  farm  from  the  public 
lands  for  each  man,  rations  to  the  amount  of  four  reals 
per  day  to  each  adult  and  two  reals  to  each  child  for  a 
year,  and  a  certain  amount  of  live-stock  and  tools — all 
the  aid  received  after  arrival,  apparently  in  the  nature 
of  an  advance,  to  be  repaid  by  the  colonists  later.  The 
system  did  not  differ  materially  from  that  under 
which  earlier  colonists  had  come  to  California.40    The 

39  Copies  of  the  secularization  decrees  of  Aug.  17th  and  Nov.  26th  will 
be  given  in  chap.  xi.  Figueroa's  regulations  of  Aug.  9,  1834,  were  in  accord- 
ance with  the  former. 

40  The  810  advance,  37.5  cents  for  travelling,  and  free  passage  by  sea,  are 
mentioned  in  Hijar's  original  appointment.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS., 
ii.  207-8.  Most  of  the  colonists  in  their  statements  say  that  the  allowance 
for  food,  etc.,  on  the  march  was  50  and  25  cents.  Accounts  rendered  in  Nov. 
1S34  show  the  ration  in  C'al.  to  have  been  50  cents,  and  25  cents  to  children 
under  4  years;  and  the  advance  of  live-stock  to  have  been  4  cows,  2  yoke  of 
oxen,  10  horses,  and  4  sheep  to  each  man.  Implements  included  2  ploughs  and 
a  variety  of  shovels,  axes,  hoes,  crow-bars,  etc.  Id.,  ii.  274-80.  See  also 
Hijar's  instructions,  to  be  mentioned  later. 


2G2         FIGUEROA'S  RULE— HIJAR  AND  PADRES  COLOXY. 

result  was,  that  more  than  250  persons  were  enlisted, 
of  whom  204 — 99  men,  55  women,  and  50  children — 
were  entitled  to  rations  and  othgr  aid  after  their  ar- 
rival in  the  promised  land. 

Hfjar  and  Padres,  like  other  colonization  agents 
in  all  times  and  countries,  painted  the  attractions 
of  the  country  in  bright  colors.  Then,  as  in  much 
later  times,  California  was  represented,  in  respect  of 
climate  and  other  natural  advantages,  as  an  earthly 
paradise.  There  is  little  evidence,  however,  that  these 
men  made  false  promises,  or  went  far  beyond  the 
limits  of  honest  enthusiasm.  Some  of  the  Californi- 
ans  speak  of  promises  to  distribute  the  mission  wealth, 
including  the  neophytes  as  servants;  of  promised  op- 
portunities to  gain  an  easy  fortune  by  employing  na- 
tive otter-hunters  and  pearl-seekers,  or  to  live  luxuri- 
ously in  idleness;  and  of  other  inducements  equally 
absurd  and  false;  but  the  testimony  of  respectable 
citizens  who  were  members  of  the  colony  does  not  con- 
firm these  theories.  Again,  it  has  been  the  fashion 
to  ridicule  the  material  of  which  the  colony  was  com- 
posed,41 as  having  been  altogether  unfit  for  colonists. 
The  truth  is,  that  the  men  were  of  a  class  far  superior 
to  any  that  had  before  been  sent  as  settlers  to  Cali- 
fornia. Many  were  educated,  some  had  property,  and 
all  had  a  trade  or  profession.  There  was  a  notable 
absence  of  the  low  and  criminal  classes  of  Mexicans; 
and  the  subsequent  record  of  those  who  remained  in 
the  country  was  favorable.  True,  they  came  mostly 
from  the  city,  and  the  number  of  artisans  was  some- 
what too  predominant  over  that  of  agriculturists;  yet 
such  farm  laborers  as  could  have  been  obtained  from 

41  The  colony  contained  19  farmers,  11  painters,  12  seamstresses,  8  carpen- 
ters, 8  tailors,  5  shoemakers,  5  tinners,  5  silversmiths,  2  hatters,  2  physi- 
cians, 2  barbers,  2  saddlers,  2  blacksmiths,  2  printers,  2  goldsmiths,  and  also 
a  mathematician,  gardener,  surgeon,  machinist,  ribbon-maker,  rebozo-makor, 
midwife,  distiller,  candy-maker,  vermicelli-maker,  navigator,  founder,  pork- 
man,  musician,  vintager,  apothecary,  boatman,  and  carriage-maker,  St.  Pop., 
Miss  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  275-G,  besides  G  teachers  and  the  officers.  Forbes, 
Hist.  Cal.,  142-3,  says  they  were  of  every  class  except  that  which  would 
have  been  useful — artisans  and  idlers,  but  not  a  single  farmer — 'goldsmiths 
proceeding  to  a  country  where  no  gold  or  silver  existed,'  etc. 


COMPA^IA  COSMOPOLITANA.  263 

the  Mexican  provinces  would  not  have  done  so  well 
by  far,  either  for  themselves  or  for  California.42 

In  connection  with  the  colonization  project,  a  com- 
mercial company  was  formed,  with  the  colony  leaders 
and  other  prominent  men  as  partners,  about  which 
little  is  known,  except  that  it  was  called  the  Com- 
pania  Cosmopolitana,  and  that  its  object  was  to  pur- 
chase a  vessel  and  engage  in  the  exportation  of  Cal- 
ifornian  products.  Of  course  it  was  only  by  some 
such  commercial  scheme  that  the  empresarios  could 
legitimately  hope  for  profit  beyond  the  salaries  of  a 
few  officials;  and  it  is  very  certain  that  a  patriotic 
desire  to  develop  the  resources  of  California  was  not 
their  sole  motive.  General  An  ay  a  is  said  to  have 
been  president,  and  Juan  Bandini  vice-president,  of 
the  company.  Agents  were  sent  to  Acapulco  to  pur- 
chase a  vessel,  securing  the  brig  Natalia,  to  be  paid  for 
in  tallow.43  A  considerable  sum  was  to  be  received 
from  the  government  for  transportation;  effects  to 
a  certain  amount  could  be  smuggled  on  the  first  trip ; 

42  Among  those  who  came  with  the  colony  and  have  been  more  or  less  well 
known  and  prominent  as  citizens  may  be  mentioned  Ignacio  Coronel  and  fam- 
ily, Agustin  Olvera,  Jos6  Abrego,  Victor  Prudon,  Francisco  Guerrero,  Jesus 
No6,  Mariano  Bonilla,  Zenon  Fernandez,  Auguste  Janssens,  Florencio  Ser- 
rano, Jos6  Ma  Covarrubias,  Jose  de  la  Rosa,  Gumesindo  Flores,  Francisco 
Castillo  Negrete,  Fran.  Ocampo,  Nicanor  Estrada,  Juan  X.  Ayala,  Simon 
O'Donoju,  and  Chas.  Baric. 

i3  The  brig  Natalia  was  sold  on  June  21,  1834,  by  Miguel  Palacios  at  Aca- 
pulco, to  Bandini  and  other  agents  of  the  company  for  7, '200  arrobas  of  tallow 
payable  in  Cal. ;  and  Jose  Noriega  was  sent  in  her  as  supercargo  to  represent 
Palacios  and  receive  the  purchase  value.  He  was  to  receive  from  the  co.  $50 
per  month  and  his  expenses  until  his  return  to  Acapulco.  The  vessel,  as  we 
shall  see,  was  wrecked  at  Monterey;  and  as  late  as  1841  Noriega,  who  lived 
and  afterwards  died  in  Cal.,  had  received  neither  his  salary  nor  any  part  of 
the  promised  tallow,  though  there  had  been  some  legal  proceedings  in  the 
matter.  Letters  of  Noriega  to  Guerra,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  1003-4, 
1197-9.  Bandini,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  G4-G,  says  Anaya,  afterwards  president  of 
Mexico,  was  president  and  himself  vice-president;  and  he  states  that  besides 
Hijar  and  Padres,  Judge  Castillo  Negretc  and  Sub-comisario  Hcrrera  were  part- 
ners, as  were  several  respectable  Mexican  merchants.  He  says  the  vessel  'was 
paid  for,  and  that  without  any  mission  tallow'  (?).  Ministers  Lombardo  and 
Garcia,  Vice-president  Farias,  and  other  prominent  officials  are  named  as 
partners  by  some  Californians,  perhaps  without  any  authority.  According  to 
Jcse  Abrego — letters  in  Vallcjo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  132;  and  in  Garcia,  Apunte, 
MS.,  (appendix) — shares  in  the  co.  were  $1C0  each;  himself  with  Bandini 
and  Oliver  (Olvera?)  were  sent  to  Acapulco  to  receive  the  Natalia;  and  the 
price  was  to  be  .$14,000.  Bandini  says  that  the  doings  of  the  company  were 
published  in  the  daily  Fenix  early  in  1834. 


264        FIGUEROA'S  RULE— Hi  JAR  AND  PADRES  COLONY. 

it  was  not  doubted  that  the  Natalia  could  be  made  to 
pay  for  herself;  and  it  was  hoped  that  such  a  monop- 
oly of  a  growing  California  trade  might  be  secured 
as  to  justify  the  purchase  of  other  vessels  and  enrich 
the  partners.  So  far  as  is  apparent,  the  paid-up 
capital  of  the  Compania  Cosmopolitana  was  nothing. 

It  has  been  supposed  that  there  were  also  con- 
nected with  the  colony  certain  mysterious  schemes  of 
a  political  nature,  by  which  Gomez  Farias  hoped,  in 
case  his  administration  should  be  overthrown,  to  find 
in  California  a  refuge  for  himself  and  his  political 
friends,  a  stronghold  from  which  as  a  centre  to  work 
for  a  restoration  of  his  power  in  Mexico,  or  at  the  last, 
a  rich  province  where  he  and  his  partisans  might  live 
in  affluence  and  security.  There  is  some  slight  evi- 
dence, as  we  shall  see,  that  suspicions  of  this  kind 
were  entertained  in  Mexico;  but  I  deem  them  for 
the  most  part  unfounded;  though  the  vice-president 
may  very  likely  have  deemed  it  desirable  to  put  even 
so  distant  a  territory  as  California  under  the  control 
of  his  political  friends.44 

Vallcjo,  Osio,  Alvarado,  and  other  Californians  who 
more  or  less  fully  reflect  their  views,  denounce  the 
wdiole  colonization  plan  of  Hijar  and  Padres  as  a  de- 
liberately concocted  plot  to  plunder  the  missions  under 
the  protection  of  the  highest  political  and  military  au- 
thorities, who  were  themselves  to  share  the  spoils. 
This  is  to  go  much  further  than  is  justified  by  the 
evidence.  The  enterprise  of  Hijar  and  Padres  was 
on  its  face  a  legitimate  one.  Colonization  had  longr 
been  regarded  by  intelligent  men  as  a  measure  of  ab- 
solute necessity  for  California's  welfare,  and  the  im- 
policy and  impossibility  of  attempting  to  continue  the 
old  monastico-missionary  regime  was  equally  appar- 
ent.    The  objects  ostensibly  were  praiseworthy;  the 

44  Antonio  Coronel,  Corns  de  Cal.,  MS.,  13,  says  he  has  never  been  able  to 
trace  the  rumors  of  political  plots  to  any  reliable  source;  though  Florcncio 

'  :  uks  there  were  circumstances  that  indicated 

an  intention  to  dcclaro  Cal.  independent  of  Mexico  in  certain  contingencies. 


MERITS  OF  THE  SCHEME.  2G5 

methods  lawful,  and  the  good  fortune  of  Padres  in  se- 
curing the  aid  of  the  government  was  not  in  itself  an 
evidence  of  corruption.  "  As  a  matter  of  course,  the 
empresarios  intended  to  make  money;  it  was  certainly 
not  wise  to  intrust  to  them  such  unlimited  powers, 
and  it  is  quite  likely  that  such  powers  wrould  have 
been  abused  by  them  had  they  been  able  to  carry  out 
their  plans.  It  is  perhaps  well  for  their  reputation 
that  they  were  not  submitted  to  the  temptation ;  but 
they  are  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  the  doubt;  and  in 
view  of  subsequent  developments  charges  of  contem- 
plated robbery  do  not  altogether  become  the  party 
which  largely  controlled  the  final  disposition  of  the 
mission  estates.45 

The  rendezvous  of  the  colonists  at  the  capital  was 
at  the  abandoned  convent  of  San  Camilo,  where  a 
grand  ball  was  given  just  before  the  departure,  in 
April  1834.  Among  the  lower  classes  of  the  Mexican 
population — the  leperos — there  seems  to  have  pre- 
vailed an  idea  that  California  was  a  land  inhabited 
exclusively  by  savage  Indians  and  Mexican  convicts, 
and  that  families  from  the  capital  were  being  in  some 
wTay  deceived  or  exiled  to  that  dangerous  country 
against  their  will.  Janssens,  Coronel,  Abrego,  Hijar, 
and  others  agree  that  hostile  demonstrations  were  made 
by  the  mob,  which  attempted  to  prevent  the  departure 
of  the  colonists.  I  think  this  action  was  one  not  likely 
to  have  originated  with  the  leperos,  but  that  it  must 
have  been  prompted  by  persons,  possibly  the  friars, 

45Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  223-30,  is  particularly  violent  in  his  de- 
nunciation and  ridicule,  giving  full  credence  to  every  rumored  accusation 
against  Hijar  and  Padre's,  of  deception  towards  the  colonists,  of  schemes  of 
plunder,  and  of  political  plots.  Osio,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  224-30;  and  Vallojo, 
Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  309-10,  349-50.  take  substantially  the  same  view.  The 
animus  of  these  writers  on  the  subject  will  be  more  apparent  later.  By  writers 
generally  who  have  mentioned  the  colony  the  scheme  has  been  more  or  less 
emphatically  condemned,  by  most  on  account  of  the  supposed  worthless  char- 
acter of  the  colonists,  by  some  on  account  of  its  connection  with  seculariza- 
tion, and  by  others  because  of  the  personal  and  political  aims  of  the  promoters. 
Naturally  Juan  Bandini,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  59-00,  is  an  earnest  defender  of  the 
project.  Vallc,  Lo  Pasado  de  CaL,  MS.,  40-1;  and  Machado,  Tiempos  Pasa- 
dr>s,  MS.,  31,  state  that  Bandini  was  commonly  regarded  in  southern  Cali- 
fornia as  the  author  of  the  scheme. 


200        FIGUEROA'S  RULE— HIJAR  AND  PADRES  COLONY. 

who  were  interested  in  opposing  the  enterprise.  A 
company  of  mounted  policemen  was  furnished  by 
the  government  to  restrain  the  hostile  element,  and 
the  emigrants  started  in  April  1834  on  their  long 
journey — the  men  on  horseback  and  the  women  and 
children  in  large  covered  carts  drawn  by  mules — and 
proceeded  the  first  day  to  Tecpantla.46 

The  march  to  the  sea,  as  remembered  by  members 
of  the  expedition,  was  attended  by  no  special  hard- 
ships or  incidents  requiring  mention,  the  travellers 
being  hospitably  received  everywhere  along  the  route, 
at  some  towns  even  with  public  demonstrations  of  wel- 
come and  good- will.  There  was  a  delay  of  some 
weeks  at  Guadalajara,  and  a  still  longer  stay  at  Topic. 
It  is  said  that  on  account  of  difficulties  in  obtaining 
prompt  payment  of  government  funds,  Hijar  was 
compelled  to  raise  money  by  mortgaging  his  estates  in 
Jalisco;47  but  there  is  a  notable  lack  in  the  archives 
of  all  information  respecting  the  finances  of  the  colony. 
On  Jul}'  20th  the  company  left  Tepic  for  San  Bias, 
where  two  or  three  days  later  a  part  went  on  board 
the  Natalia,  to  avoid  the  mosquitoes,  as  Janssens  says. 
Nine  days  later  the  Morelos  arrived  and  the  rest  of 
the  colonists  embarked.  There  had  been  some  deser- 
tions, as  well  as  a  few  enlistments,  en  route,  and  at 
their  first  sight  of  the  ocean  still  others  lost  heart 
and  turned  back;  but  some  250  proceeded  on  the 
voyage. 

On  the  1st  of  August,  probably,  the  two  vessels  set 
sail.  The  Cosmopolitan  Company's  brig  Natalia  had 
on  board  Hijar,  Bandini,  and  the  naval  officer  Buena- 
ventura Araujo,  and  her  commander  was  Juan  Gomez. 

4G  Bustamante,  Voz  de  la  Patria,  MS. ,  ix.  4-6,  says  they  started,  400  in 
number,  April  14th,  after  committing  many  excesses.  Hijar's  instructions, 
to  be  noticed  later,  were  dated  April  23d,  which  was  x>robably  very  nearly  the 
date  of  departure. 

47  The  salaries  of  Ili'jar  and  Padre's  had  been  paid  in  Mexico  down  to  the 
time  of  departure.  JJcpt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  lxxix.  0-1,  77.  July  20, 
1833  (4?),  an  estimate  of  expenses  for  surveying  instruments  and  travelling  ex- 
penses for  two  commissioners  and  six  teachers,  with  their  families,  to  amount 
►,985,  was  approved  and  sent  to  sul>co:nisario  of  California.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Com.  and  2freas.%  ii.  47-50. 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE  COLONISTS.  267 

On  the  national  corvette-of-war  Morelos,  Captain 
Lucas  Manso,  were  Padres,  Judge  Castillo  Negrete, 
the  new  asesor,  Cosine  Pena,  and  Sub-comisario  Her- 
rera.  A  day  or  two  out  of  port  the  vessels  were 
separated.  The  Natalia,  the  faster  sailer  of  the  two, 
was  struck  by  a  squall  off  Cape  San  Lucas  and  had 
a  somewhat  narrow  escape.  There  was  also  much 
sickness,  resulting  in  severahdeaths.48  The  brig  was 
bound  for  Monterey,  but  in  view  of  the  sickness  on 
board  the  commander  was  induced  by  Bandini,  and 
by  Hijar  who  was  himself  very  sea-sick,  to  put  in  at 
San  Diego,  where  she  anchored  the  1st  of  September.49 
The  new-comers  were  hospitably  received  at  San 
Diego,  the  officers  and  prominent  individuals  being  the 
guests  of  Bandini  and  his  friends,  while  the  rest  were 
distributed  at  various  private  houses  or  lodged  in 
tents  and  warehouses.  In  a  few  days  a  vessel  in  port 
took  about  half  the  number  up  to  San  Pedro,  whence 
they  went  inland  to  San  Gabriel.  Most  of  the  rest 
soon  went  up  to  San  Luis  Rey.  At  these  two  missions 
they  remained  for  a  month  and  more,  and  then — ex- 
cept those  who  established  themselves  permanently  in 
different  parts  of  the  south — started  toward  the  north- 
ern frontier,  passing  in  small  detachments  from  mis- 
sion to  mission,  and  receiving  nothing  but  kind  treat- 
ment from  padres,  administrators,  settlers,  and  neo- 
phytes.50    The  Natalia,  after  having   perhaps  been 

iS  Hijar,  nephew  of  Jose"  Maria,  California  en  1836,  MS.,  p.  110-12,  speaks 
of  troubles  between  Gomez  and  Araujo  on  the  voyage,  in  connection  with 
which  the  latter  at  one  time  forcibly  assumed  the  command.  Janssens  gives 
some  details  of  the  gale. 

id Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  172-3;  iv.  72-5.  One  record  makes  the  num- 
ber of  passengers  129  and  another  140.  Martin  Cabello  came  on  the  Natalia, 
to  be  receptor  of  customs  at  S.  Diego.  Hijar  speaks  of  a  banquet  at  the 
house  of  Bandini.  Serrano  says  that  for  two  days  the  families  were  sheltered 
in  the  hide-houses  on  the  beach  and  fed  by  the  foreign  owners  of  those  houses. 
Machado  thinks  that  they  were  detained  in  cmarantine  for  fear  of  the  measles, 
at  a  spot  called  Huisache,  for  a  time.  Several  died  and  were  buried  at  the 
mission.  Janssens  notes  the  kindness  of  the  San  Diegans,  who  would  take 
no  pay  from  the  colonists  for  entertainment. 

50  Janssens  is  the  only  one  who  mentions  the  sea- trip  to  S.  Pedro.  Hijar 
notes  a  long  stay  at  Sta  Barbara;  a  division  at  S.  Luis  Obispo,  one  party 
being  bound  for  Monterey  and  the  other  to  Sonoma,  and  the  fact  that  many 
remained  at  the  different  missions,  including  himself  and  seven  companions  at 


2GS        FIGUEROA'S  RULE— HtJAR  AND  PADRES  COLONY. 

aground  for  a  time  at  San  Diego,  sailed  north  with 
the  effects  of  the  colony.  Lying  at  anchor  in  Monte- 
rey, she  broke  her  cables  in  a  gale  on  the  afternoon 
of  December  21st,  and  was  driven  on  the  beach  about 
two  miles  above  the  town,  where  she  soon  went  to 
pieces.     Three  men  lost  their  lives.51 

There  is  a  popular  tradition  that  the  Natalia  was 
the  same  vessel  on  which  Napoleon  had  escaped  from 
Elba,  in  1815.  This  statement  is  repeated  by  almost 
every  writer  who  has  mentioned  the  colony.  No 
one  presents  any  evidence  in  its  support,  but  I  am 
not  able  to  prove  its  inaccuracy.52 

The  Morelos,  with  Padres  and  the  rest  of  the  colo- 
nists, 120  in  number,  also  had  a  narrow  escape  from 
shipwreck  in  a  gale  off  Point  Concepcion,  according 
to  the  statement  of  Antonio  Coronel;  but  she  arrived 
safely  at  Monterey  on  September  25th,  and  the  new- 
comers were   as  warmly  welcomed  at  the  capital  as 

S.  Juan  Bautista.  Serrano  says  some  of  the  colonists  endured  great  hard- 
ships on  the  way  north,  and  that  he  and  others  determined  to  quit  the  colony 
and  look  out  for  themselves.  Hijar  also  tells  us  that  the  colonists  made  firm 
friends  of  the  neophytes  as  they  passed  along,  by  kind  treatment  and  by 
sympathy  for  their  sufferings  under  missionary  tyranny.  Moreover,  Araujo, 
in  a  letter  of  Sept.  18th  to  Hijar,  the  director,  says:  'I  have  already 
predisposed  them  [the  neophytes]  in  our  favor,  explaining  to  them  as  well  as  I 
could  how  philosophically  we  are  armed,'  etc.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  154. 
Pico,  Acontecimientos,  MS.,  25,  recalls  the  arrival  at  Purisima,  whence  he 
helped  convey  them  to  S.  Luis.  Oct.  20th,  Lieut-col.  Gutierrez  informs 
Figueroa  that  some  of  the  colonists  had  done  good  service  in  quelling  Indian 
disturbances.  They  were  thanked  in  the  name  of  the  govt.  St.  Pap. ,  Miss,  and 
Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  281. 

51  Peeord  of  day,  hour,  and  place  in  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxix. 
73-4.  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  41-4,  gives  a  vivid  description  of  the  disaster 
and  the  efforts  of  the  Montereyans  to  rescue  the  officers  and  crew.  In  these 
efforts  a  negro  servant  of  Joaquin  Gomez  particularly  distinguished  himself, 
saving  several  lives  by  his  own  exertions.  A  part  of  the  cargo  was  Mashed 
ashore,  and  much  of  it  was  stolen  despite  the  efforts  of  a  guard.  The  cook 
and  two  sailors  were  drowned,  and  the  mate  Cuevas  was  badly  hurt.  Hijar, 
< '«/.  en  183G,  MS.,  123-8,  also  gives  some  details.  Many  newspaper  writers, 
perhaps  following  Taylor  in  Pacific  Monthly,  xi.  G4S-9,  have  stated  since 
1SG0  that  parts  of  the  wreck  were  still  visible,  having  furnished  building- 
material  for  over  30  years  to  the  people  of  Monterey.  One  piece  of  news- 
paper eloquence,  in  1878,  when  the  timbers  were  still  visible,  merits  quota- 
tion. '  The  company,  like  the  brig  Natalia  which  brought  them  here,  was 
wrecked,  and  the  ribs  of  its  records,  like  those  of  the  old  brig,  can  only  be 
seen  in  the  ebb  of  the  tide  of  the  present  back  to  the  beginning  of  the  history 
of  Sonoma  County.'  Sac.  Record-Union,  June  25,  1878. 

"  Hijar  says  that  a  French  captain  who  visited  the  coast  in  1846  declared 
the  identity,  and  I  think  it  likely  that  the  tradition  has  no  better  foundation. 


RECEPTION  OF  THE  MEXICANS.  269 

their  companions  had  been  at  San  Diego.53  They 
also  started  northward  before  the  end  of  the  year, 
their  destination  being  San  Francisco  Solano,  though 
we  have  but  little  information  respecting  their  exact 
movements  at  this  time.  Of  the  reception  accorded 
to  the  directors,  of  the  obstacles  encountered  by  Hijar 
and  Padres,  and  of  some  rather  interesting  political 
complications,  I  shall  speak  in  the  following  chapter.54 

53  The  date  of  arrival  is  given  in  Figueroa,  Manifesto,  8.  Sept.  26th, 
Padres  announced  his  arrival  with  120  colonists,  who  intended  to  settle  north 
of  S.  Francisco  Bay.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iii.  43-4. 
On  Sept.  12th,  a  demand  for  grain  had  been  sent  to  Sta  Cruz  in  expectation 
that  the  vessels  would  arrive  in  a  few  days.  Sta  Cruz  Bee,  MS.,  22.  Coro- 
nel,  Cosas,  MS.,  9-10,  says  that  the  inhabitants  vied  with  each  other  in  their 
kindness  and  hospitality  to  the  strangers.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii. 
230-2,  tells  us  that  Padre's,  '  factotum,  monopolizador  general,  y  consejero 
supremo,'  was  at  first  warmly  welcomed  by  his  old  friends  and  partisans,  of 
whom  the  writer  was  one.  He  tells  also  an  absurd  story  of  a  mortifying 
incident  that  occurred.  Two  ladies  came  off' in  the  boat  with  Padres,  expect- 
ing to  see  nobody  in  Cal.  except  soldiers,  friars,  convicts  closely  guarded,  and 
Indians  ready  to  become  their  servants.  As  they  drew  near  the  shore,  they 
beheld  two  beautiful  and  well-clad  ladies  of  Monterey  in  the  crowd  awaiting 
them,  and  said,  'Sr  Padres,  how  is  it  possible  that  these  girls  can  be  our  ser- 
vants? We  look  as  much  like  servants  as  they.'  Padres  bit  his  lip,  and  the 
ladies  insisted  on  returning  to  the  ship  to  'dress  up '  before  landing.  Nov.  1st, 
a  ball  was  given,  partly  in  honor  of  the  colonists,  and  partly  of  the  diputacion. 
Earliest  Printing  in  Cal.  Dec.  13th  the  Morelos  was  still  in  port.  Manso 
in  command;  Lieutenants  Valle,  Anaya,  and  Azcona;  2  'aspirantes,'  3  mates, 
2  mechanics,  7  gunners,  and  7  boys.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxix. 
85. 

54  My  statements  of  Calif ornians  on  the  Hijar  and  Padres  colony,  in  addi- 
tion to  documentary  authorities,  are  the  following,  the  same  being  cited  on 
particular  phases  of  the  subject  only  for  special  reasons:  Janssens,  Vida,  MS., 
7-59;  Coronel,  Cosas,  MS.,  1-17;  Ilijar,  Cal.  en  183G,  MS.,  2-11,  59-62,  108- 
12;  Serrano,  Apnntes,  MS.,  1-12,  24-7;  Abreqo,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi. 
132,  and  in  Garcia,  Apunte,  append.,  MS.;  Vega,  Vida,  MS.,  8-17;  Bandini, 
J  list.,  MS.,  59-66,  76.  The  preceding  were  all  written  by  men  who  came 
with  the  colony;  the  following  by  men  who  with  a  few  exceptions  had  per- 
sonal knowledge  of  the  subject:  Oslo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  225-40;  Alvarado, 
hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  223-45;  iii.  1-5,  27-33;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  222-3, 
272-4,  306,  309-10,  349-51;  Vallejo,  Bemuds.,  MS.,  43-56;  Fernandez,  Cosas, 
MS.,  71-86;  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  3-6;  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  25-6;  Machado, 
Tiempos  Pasados,  MS.,  30-1;  Gcdindo,  Apnntes,  MS.,  28-31;  Botello,  Ancdes, 
MS.,  15-17,  176;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  63-8;  Gomez,  Lo  que  Sabc,  MS., 
375-9;  Larios,  Convulsiones,  MS.,  13-14;  Avila,  Notas,  MS.,  10-11;  Pico, 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  49-55;  Espinosa,  Apuntes,  MS.,  1-2;  Torre,  Bemin.,  MS.,  48; 
Amador,  Mem.,  MS.,  138-42;  Gonzalez,  Bevol,  MS.,  4-6;  Valle,  Lo  Pasado, 
MS.,  11-14;  Castro,  Bel,  MS.,  31-5;  Arce,  Mem.,  MS.,  3-5:  Marsh's  Letter, 
MS.,  5-6;  Brown's  Statement,  MS.,  9-10;  Green's  Life  and  Advcn.,  MS.,  29. 

The  printed  mentions  of  the  subject  arc  found  in  Figueroa,  Manifesto; 
Forbes,  Hist.,  142-5;  Wilkes'  Narr.,  v.  174;  Petit- Thouars,  Voy.,  ii.  89;  Mo- 
fras,  Kxplor.,  i.  295-6;  San  Miguel,  La,  Bepub.  Mex.,  Parte  Ecles.,  18-21; 
Bosa,  Ensayo,  30-1;  Bandolph's  Oration;  Payno  in  Bevista  Cientifica,  i.  83; 
Bobinson's  Life  in  Cal.,  161-7;  Tuthill's  Hist.  Cal.,  136-9;  Ferry,  Calif  or  nie, 
18-19;  Mora,  Otras  Sueltas,  i.  eclviii.-ix. 


CHAPTER  X. 

FIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AXD   GUTIERREZ— THE   COLONY. 

1S34-1S35. 

Santa  Anna  Orders  Figtteroa  not  to  Give  up  the  Command  to  Hijar — 
Quick  Time  from  Mexico — Hijar  Demands  the  Mission  Property — 
His  Instructions — Action  of  the  Diputacion — Lost  Prestige  of 
Padres — Bando — Controversy — Bribery — Submission  of  the  Direct- 
ors— Aid  to  the  Colonists— At  Solano — New  Quarrel — Rumored 
Plots — Revolt  of  Apalategui  and  Torres — Pronunciamiento  of  the 
Sonorans — Surrender — Legal  Proceedings — Figueroa's  Orders — 
Seizure  of  Arms  at  Sonoma — Arrest  of  Verduzco  and  Lara — Exile 
of  Hijar  and  Padres — Figueroa's  Manifiesto — Sessions  of  the 
Diputacion— Carrillo  in  Congress — Los  Angeles  Made  Capital- 
Foundation  of  Sonoma — Death  of  Figueroa — Life  and  Character — 
Castro  Gefe  Politico — Gutierrez  Comasdante  General — Estu- 
dillo's  Claims. 

Thus  far  all  had  gone  well  with  the  erapresarios, 
but  obstacles  were  now  encountered  that  were  destined 
to  prove  insurmountable.  The  first  and  most  serious 
had  its  origin  in  Mexico.  On  the  25th  of  July,  1834, 
some  six  days  before  the  colony  sailed,  President 
Santa  Anna,  having  taken  the  reins  of  government 
into  his  own  hands  in  place  of  Vice-president  Gomez 
Farias,  issued  an  order  to  Figueroa  not  to  give  up  the 
office  of  gefe  politico  to  Hijar  on  his  arrival,  in  Cali- 
fornia, as  he  had  been  ordered,  and  had  promised  to 
do.1  We  have  no  official  information  respecting  the 
motive  that  prompted  this  countermand;  but  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  Santa  Anna  regarded  as  excess- 

1  Figueroa,  Manifesto,  7-8.  Order  transcribed  to  com.  of  S.  Francisco  on 
Oct.  21st  Vallcjo,  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  314.  The  order  is:  In  answer  to  yours  of 
May  18th,  'ha  dispuesto  S.  E.  conteste  a  V.  S.  que  no  entregue  el  citado  mando 
y  continue  desempeSando  la  Gefatura.'    Lombardo. 

(270) 


COUNTERMAND  FROM  MEXICO.  271 

ive  the  powers  conceded  to  the  empresarios,  and  that 
he  was  actuated  by  a  suspicion,  not  so  well  founded 
but  perhaps  even  more  potent  than  the  former  motive, 
that  political  and  revolutionary  plans  in  the  interest 
of  Gomez  Farias  were  involved  in  the  scheme.  There 
was  no  lack  of  persons  in  Mexico  whose  policy  it  was 
to  foment  this  suspicion,  without  regard  to  its  accu- 
racy. Abrego  and  Osio  affirm  that  the  directors  sailed 
from  San  Bias  in  defiance  of  orders  from  Mexico  to 
delay  the  departure  of  the  colony;, but  I  believe  this 
to  be  an  error.2 

The  countermand  of  July  25th  was  sent  to  Califor- 
nia in  all  haste  overland  by  a  special  courier,  who 
placed  it  in  Figueroa's  hands  near  Monterey  the  11th 
of  September,  and  with  it  another  despatch  from 
Hijar  at  San  Diego,  announcing  his  arrival  at  that 
port  on  the  1st.  The  trip  was  much  the  quickest  on 
record  between  the  national  and  territorial  capitals, 
and  the  fame  of  that  courier  who  braved  the  terrors 
of  Indians,  deserts,  and  starvation,  coming  alone  by 
way  of  the  Colorado,  has  never  ceased  to  be  talked  of 
in  Californian  families.3     Governor  Figueroa  had  re- 

2 Osio,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  229-30;  Abrerjo,  Cartas,  MS.  Bandini,  Hist.  Cal, 
MS.,  Gl-4,  denounces  it  as  a  strange  and  arbitrary  act  to  annul  the  appoint- 
ment without  giving  ]  easons,  and  thus  to  create  confusion  in  the  important 
matter  of  colonization.  Vallejo  (J.  J.),  Remm.,  MS.,  46-8,  understands  that 
Santa  Anna's  order  was  prompted  by  the  friars.  After  the  order  was  issued,  on 
Sept.  30th,  the  com.  gen.  of  Jalisco  sent  to  Mexico  the  statement  of  the  sur- 
veyor Lobato  left  at  Tepic,  that  Padres  had  repeatedly  threatened  in  case  of 
any  change  in  Mexico  to  make  Cal.  independent  or  annex  it  to  the  U.  S. 
Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  4-5. 

3  Figueroa,  Mani/iesto,  7-8,  mentions  the  receipt  of  the  despatches  on  Sept. 
11th.  Most  state  that  the  time  made  was  40  instead  of  48  days.  Osio  says 
the  man  was  detained  by  the  Indians  at  the  Colorado,  who  threatened  to  kill 
him,  but  at  last  built  him  a  balsa  to  cross  the  river  in  exchange  for  his  horse, 
equipments,  and  most  of  his  clothing.  He  nearly  perished  on  the  way  to 
S.  Luis  Rey,  being  3  days  without  water.  His  reward  was  $3,000.  Serrano 
relates  that  Lieut  Araujo  by  an  ambush  captured  the  courier  near  S.  Gabriel, 
and  took  him  to  Hijar,  who  was  urged  to  hurry  to  Monterey  and  secure  his 
office;  but  he  refused  to  resort  to  such  expedients,  and  released  the  captive. 
Amador  says  the  man  was  Rafael  Amador,  his  cousin.  Torre  states  that  the 
courier  arrived  about  lip.  M.  at  Monterey,  and  was  welcomed  by  the  firing 
of  cannon.  Espinosa  was  one  of  the  escort  furnished  by  Lieut  Valle  to  guard 
the  man  northward  from  Monterey  to  meet  Figueroa.  He  describes  his 
dress,  notes  the  feasts  given  in  his  honor,  and  says  Figueroa  gave  him  4  mules 
on  his  departure.  Valle  also  mentions  having  furnished  the  escort  for  the 
trip  towards  Sta  Rosa.     Vega  was  .told  the  man  had  at  first  mistaken  his  des- 


272     FIGUEROA,  CASTKO,  AND  GUTIERREZ— THE  COLONY. 

ceived  no  official  notice  respecting  the  colonists,  but  lie 
had  deemed  it  best  to  make  preparations  for  their  ar- 
rival, and  with  that  object  in  view  had  visited  the  Santa 
Rosa  Valley,  as  already  related,  and  there  selected  a 
site  for  the  new  town.  It  was  on  his  return,  one 
day's  journey  before  reaching  the  capital,  that  he 
received  the  countermand  from  Mexico.  He  sent  to 
Santa  Cruz  and  other  places  for  such  supplies  as  could 
be  furnished,  and  awTaited  the  arrival  of  the  colonists. 
It  may  be  here  stated  that  secularization  had  been 
already  begun  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  1833  and 
regulations  of  1834;  and  several  of  the  missions  were 
in  charge  of  administrators. 

The  Morelos  entered  the  harbor  on  September  25th, 
and  the  immigrants,  as  we  have  seen,  were  made  as 
comfortable  as  possible.  Padres  at  first  claimed  the 
position  of  comandante  general,  but  of  course  in  vain, 
since  his  claim  was  conditional  on  Figueroa's  illness;4 
then  he  presented  his  appointment  as  sub-director  of 
colonization  and  officially  demanded  aid  for  his  colo- 
nists. The  situation  was  embarrassing.  In  the  ab- 
sence of  instructions  to  the  contrary  from  the  war 
department,  Padres  as  ayudante  inspector  was  Figue- 
roa's subordinate  officer,  notwithstanding  his  appoint- 
ment of  sub-director  from  the  minister  of  relations; 
and  there  was  no  legal  authority  for  expending  public 
funds  for  the  support  of  the  colony.  So  confident  had 
been  the  directors  in  the  success  of  their  plan  in 
every  detail,  that  they  had  made  no  provision  for  the 
slightest  contretemps.  There  was,  however,  as  yet  no 
controversy. 

The  14th  of  October  Hijar  arrived  by  land  from 
San  Diego,  and  after  the  customary  courtesies  of  re- 

tination  and  gone  to  Monterey  in  N.  Leon.  Gonzalez  recalls  the  meeting  of 
the  courier  and  Figueroa  at  the  writer's  rancho  of  Lenadero.  Galindo  thinks 
the  man  was  to  receive  $1  per  hour,  if  successful.  Hijar  affirms  that  the  man 
was  sick  and  had  to  stop  at  S.  Juan  Bautista,  where  the  writer  was,  another 
man  being  sent  on  in  his  place.  J.  J.  Vallejo  calls  him  Hidalgo.  I  may  per- 
haps safely  suggest  that  some  of  the  items  cited  are  not  quite  accurate. 

*M.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  285-6,  290-1.  An  order  of  Dec.  7th 
(1833  ?)  is  alluded  to  as  countermanding  that  of  July  12th. 


HtJAR  AND  FIGUEROA.  273 

ception,  was  shown  by  .Figueroa  the  order  forbidding, 
a  transfer  of  the  civil  -authority.  Though  bitterly 
disappointed,  Hijar  could  make  no  objection,  and  fell 
back  on  his  commission  as  director  of  colonization, 
which  Figueroa  consented  to  recognize.  At  an  inter- 
view on  the  15th  Hijar  presented  the  instructions 
addressed  to  him  in  his  double  capacity  as  gefe  politico 
and  director,  instructions  to  \Vhich  Figueroa  assented, 
and  which  I  append  in  a  note.5  Next  morning  the 
latter  received  a  demand  from  the, director  to  be  put  in 
possession  of  the  mission  property  according  to  article 
1  of  the  instructions,  the  governor  being1  asked  to  issue 
the  necessary  orders  to  administrators  and  coman- 
dantes.  Figueroa,  rather  strangely  as  it  would  seem, 
promised  compliance,  but  proposed  to  consult  the 
diputacion.  The  reply  on  the  17th  was  simply  a  plea 
for  haste  on  account  of  disorders  at  the  missions,  the 
approach  of  planting- time,  the  neglect  of  the  friars, 
the  sufferings  of  the  neophytes,  and  the  needs  of  the 
colony.  The  comandante  general  was  to  be  held  re- 
sponsible for  damages  caused  by  delay.  Accordingly 
the  diputacion  was  convened  the  same  day,  and  before 
that  body  was  laid  a  full  statement.  Figueroa  had, 
he  said,  no  desire  to  retain  the  gefatura.     He  would 

5  Hijar,  Inst  ruction  es  d  que  Deberd  Arreylar  su  Conducta  D.  Jos6  Maria 
Hijar,  Uefe  Politico  de  la  alta  California  y Director de  Colonization  da  esiu  y  de  la 
baja, in  Figueroa,  Manifesto,  11-14;  St.  Pap.,  Jliss.  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  270-3; 
Jones'  Report,  no.  12.  Art.  1.  He  will  begin  by  occupying  all  the  property 
belonging  to  the  missions;  the  military  comandante  to  furnish  all  necessary 
aid  required.  2.  For  a  year  from  arrival  each  colonist  is  to  receive  CO  cents 
per  day,  or  25  cents  if  under  4  years  of  age.  3.  Travelling  expenses  to  be 
paid  by  govt,  and  the  colonists  to  receive  the  TMonturas bought  for  their  trans- 
portation. 4.  Selection  of  favorable  sites  for  settlements.  5.  The  frontiers 
to  be  settled  as  soon  as  possible.  G.  Plan  of  the  new  towns.  7.  Native  set- 
tlers to  be  mixed  with  the  Mexicans,  but  no  town  to  be  inhabited  exclusively 
by  Indians.  8.  House  lots.  9-10.  -Farming  lands  to  be  granted  in  full  own- 
ership. 11.  The  movable  property  of  the  missions  having  been  distributed 
(according  to  law  of  secularization?)  one  half  of  what  is  left  is  to  be  sold  to 
the  best  advantage.  12.  Not  over  200  head  of  stock  of  the  same  kind  to  be 
sold  to  one  family.  13.  The  remaining  half  of  movable  property  to  be  kept 
on  govt  account  and  to  be  devoted  to  expenses  of  worship,  support  of  mis- 
sionaries, education,  and  purchase  of  implements  for  the  colonists.  14.  The 
gefe  pol.  and  director  to  report  in  detail  at  first  and  annually  on  the  disposi- 
tion and  condition  of  the  property  after  the  distribution  as  above.  15.  He  is 
also  to  report  at  least  once  a  year  on  the  condition  and  needs  of  the  colonists. 
L>ated  April  23,  1S34,  and  signed  Lombardo. 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    18 


271     FIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AND  GUTIERREZ- -THE  COLOXY. 

gladly  give  it  up  to  the  senior  vocal,  or  to  any  person 
who  might  legally  receive  it.  He  had  no  desire  to 
oppose  -the  colonization  project,  but  had  some  doubt 
whether  it  was  as  director  or  as  gefe  politico  that 
Hijar  was  to  receive  the  mission  property,  and  lie 
desired  advice  as  to  the  proper  course  for  him  to  pur- 
sue. Of  course  this  humble  tone  was  all  assumed,  yet 
it  was  rather  neatly  done.6 

Thus  the  tide  of  fortune  for  Padres  and  his  associate 
had  begam  to  ebb.  Instead  of  finding  themselves  in- 
vested  with  the  civil  and  military  authority,  they  were 
simply  directors  of  colonization,  and  their  powers  even 
in  that  capacity  were  left  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the 
diputacion.  The  members  of  that  body,  it  is  true,  had 
been  a  few  years  earlier  admirers  and  partisans  of 
Padres,  or  at  least  were  largely  under  the  influence  of 
those  partisans,  such  as  Bandini,  Vallejo,  and  Osio; 
but  though  we  may  be  sure  the  ayudante  inspector 
exerted  all  his  eloquence  and  influence  to  retain  the 
favor  of  his  old  friends,  his  power  over  them  seems  to 
have  been  lost.  Vallejo  and  Alvarado  admit  candidly 
that  the  chief  reason  for  this  defection  was  the  fact  that 
Padres  had  brought  with  him  twenty-one  Mexicans 
to  become  administrators  of  the  missions;  whereas, 
under  the  old  plans,  the  Californians  were  to  have 
those  places.  I  have  no  doubt  this  was,  to  a  certain 
extent,  the  true  state  of  the  case,  though  I  do  not 
suppose  that  all  the  places  had  been  promised  to 
Mexicans.  Figueroa's  mission  policy  was  substan- 
tially identical  with  that  of  Echeandia  and  Padres  in 
the  past,  to  which  the  Californians  had  committed 
themselves.  He  had  actually  made  a  beginning  of 
secularization;  all  was  going^vell,  and  the  Californians 
were  filling  the  desirable  places.  Why  should  they 
favor  a  change  in  favor  of  strangers? 

Whatever  their  motives — and  they  were  not  alto- 
gether selfish — the  vocales  had  the  soundest  of  legal 

6 Fiyucroa,  Manifesto,  14-22;  Si.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  209-10. 


ACTION  OF  THE  DIPUTACION.  273 

reasons  for  refusing  to  accede  to  Hijar's  demands.  To 
suppose  that  the  government  in  depriving  him  of  the 
office  of  gefe  politico  had -intended  to  leave  intact  all 
the  powers  given  to  him  in  his  double  capacity  was  an 
absurdity;  nor  was  it  credible  that  the  whole  matter 
of  secularization  and  disposition  of  mission  property 
was  to  be  intrusted  to  a  mere  director  of  colonization, 
deemed  unfit  for  the  civil  rule/  Doubtless  the  admin- 
istration in  its  haste  had  been  led  into  carelessness 
in  not  specifying  what  powers  if  any  were  to  be  left 
to  Director  Hijar.  The  diputacion  met  on  the  17th 
of  October,  and  listened  to  a  speech  from  Figueroa,  re- 
ceiving documents  illustrating  the  subject-matter.  The 
matter  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  government. 
It  was  decided  to  reserve  discussion  for  secret  sessions, 
and  next  day  Hijar  was  called  upon  to  show  his 
instructions.  At  the  secret  session  of  the  21st  the 
committee,  consisting  of  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo,  Pio 
Pico,  and  Joaquin  Ortega,  rendered  its  report,  which 
was  discussed  and  approved  article  by  article  without 
opposition.  On  the  same  day  it  was  published  by 
Pigueroa  in  a  ponderous  bando.7 

In  a  preamble  to  their  report,  Carrillo  and  his  asso- 
ciates made  an  able  and  even  eloquent  presentment  of 
the  case.  Considerable  attention  was  paid  to  national  as- 
pects, for  it  seems  that  an  effort  had  been  made  to  show 
that  Santa  Anna's  revocation  of  Hijar's  commission 
was  in  some  wTay  a  threat  to  federal  institutions,  and  a 
warning  was  uttered  against  the  folly  of  taking  part 
in  the  strife  that  was  agitating  the  republic,  so  long 
as  the  rights  of  California  were  not  attacked,  and 
especially  so  long  as  the  territory  was  under  the 
guidance  of  so  wise  and  popular  a  ruler  as  Figueroa. 

^Legis.  Pec,  MS.,  ii.  190-G,  29-34;  Figueroa,  Manijie-do,  22-33.  Of  the 
document  as  finally  published  I  have  an  original — Figueroa,  Bando  en  que 
publiea  la  Resolution  de  la  Diputacion  Territorial  contra  las  Pretcnsiones  de  Don 
Jose  Maria  Hijar,  Director  de  Colonizacion,  21  de  Oct.  de  1834,  MS.,  sheet 
12x50  inches.  Oct.  19th,  Figueroa  demands  from  H.  his  instructions  for  tho 
dip.  They  were  sent  the  same  day.  St.  Pap.,  Colon,  and  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  211. 
Oct.  21st-22d,  F.  sends  to  the  alcalde  of  Los  Angeles  his  address  to  the  dip., 
and  the  action  of  that  body.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  xi.  23-G. 


270     FIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AXD  GUTIERREZ— THE  COLOXY. 

Orders  of  the  government  were  for  the  most  part 
deal-,  and  should  be  obeyed.  The  innocent  colonists 
were,  however,  in  no  way  to  blame  for  the  failure  of 
the  directors  to  provide  for  their  welfare,  nor  for  the 
carelessness  of  the  government  in  issuing  indefinite 
orders;  and  for  them  the  territorial  authorities  should 
provide  in  every  possible  way.  The  Indians,  more- 
over, ought  not  to  be  despoiled  of  their  property — - 
their  only  reward  for  a  century  of  slavery — as  would 
be  the  case  if  Hijar's  original  instructions  were  car- 
ried out;  and  on  this  point  the  government  should  be 
fully  informed.  The  decision  of  the  committee,  ap- 
proved by  the  diputacion,  and  published  in  the  gov- 
ernor's banclo,  was  in  substance  as  in  the  appended 
note.8  Figueroa  was  to  remain  gefe  politico;  Hijar 
was  to  be  recognized  as  director  of  the  colony,  but 
must  not  interfere  with  the  missions,  and  all  possible 
aid  was  to  be  afforded  to  the  colonists.  The  course 
decided  upon  was  an  eminently  just  and  proper  one. 
Hijar  addressed  to  Figueroa,  October  23d,  a  com- 
munication, in  which  he  attempted  to  refute  succes- 
sively all  the  positions  assumed  by  the  diputacion. 
This  letter,  with  Fi^ueroa's  arguments  against  each 
point  interpolated  between  its  disjointed  paragraphs, 
fills  fifty-four  pages  of  print.9     Both  disputants  dis- 

8 1.  The  order  of  July  25th  must  be  obeyed,  and  Figueroa  will  continue 
to  act  as  gefe  politico.  2.  Hijar  may  fulfil  his  special  commission  of  director 
of  colonization,  subject  to  the  territorial  government  and  the  regulations 
which  may  be  adopted  by  the  diputacion.  3.  H.  is  to  have  nothing  to  do 
with  secularization,  and  is  not  to  receive  the  mission  property.  4.  Until  the 
sup.  govt  may  decide,  the  secularization  regulations  of  the  dip.  will  be  carried 
out,  and  the  Indians  will  be  put  in  possession  of  their  property.  5.  (a)  The 
gov.  will  cause  to  be  given  to  the  colonists  on  arrival  the  tools  and  other  aid 
called  for  in  the  instructions,  the  same  to  be  taken  pro  rata  from  the  different 
missions;  (b)  he  will  also  furnish  necessary  food  on  account  of  the  allowance 
t  >  each  person;  (c)  the  director  will  be  subject  to  the  gefe,  and  will  report  to 
him,  giving  estimates  of  expenses,  etc.;  (d)  the  mission  lands  belong  to  the 
I.nlians,  and  no  colony  shall  be  established  on  them.  6.  The  gefe  will  retain 
1 L  "s  instructions,  giving  him  a  certified  copy  if  desired.  7.  (a)  This  document 
is  to  be  reported  to  the  sup.  govt,  which  (b)  is  to  be  asked  to  revoke  the 
instructions  so  far  as  they  despoil  the  Indians  of  their  property;  to  approve 
regl.  of  the  dip.;  and  (c)  to  separate  the  political  and  military  command. 
8.  This  action  of  the  dip.  shall  be  circulated  for  the  information  of  the 
public 

*  Figueroa,  Manifesto,  35-S9. 


FAILURE  OF  THE  COLONY.  277 

played  ability  in  their  written  arguments,  besides 
using  some  severe  language;  but  they  went,  much 
further  than  was  necessary  or  than  I  have  space  to 
follow  them,  beyond  the  real  question  at  issue  into 
the  rights  of  the  Indians,  the  equities  of  seculariza- 
tion, and  the  constitutional  powers  of  national  and  ter- 
ritorial authorities.  A  private  conference  of  leading 
men  was  held  the  25th,  at  which  Hijar's  letter  was 
read,  and  arguments  in  support  of  Figueroa' s  position 
were  made  by  the  lawyers  Luis  del  Castillo  Negrete 
and  Rafael  Gomez.  Another  conference  was  to  be 
held  the  next  day;  but  meanwhile  Hijar  invited 
Figueroa  to  breakfast,  and  tried  to  bribe  him — so  says 
the  governor — to  deliver  the  mission  property,  offer- 
ing to  enrich  him,  not  only  with  that  very  property, 
but  with  credit  and  influence  in  Mexico  and  $20,000 
or  more  from  Jalisco.10  Figueroa  does  not  appear  to 
have  deemed  that  his  honor  required  anything  more 
than  a  refusal  of  the  offer;  and  after  a  long  argument, 
offered  not  to  oppose,  if  the  diputacion  would  consent, 
the  delivery  of  the  mission  property,  on  condition 
that  no  part  of  it  should  be  disposed  of  until  a  deci- 
sion could  be  obtained  from  Mexico.  This  proposition 
was  not  accepted  at  the  conference  that  followed,  at 
which  Hfjar  and  Padres  are  said  to  have  finally  given 
up  the  contest,  admitted  the  justice  of  all  that  the  dipu- 
tacion had  done,  and  announced  their  purpose  to  take 
the  colon}7  to  Baja  California.  All  protested  against 
this  project  as  ruinous  to  the  colonists,  and  begged 
the  directors  to  remain,  which  they  finally  consented 
to  do,  some  slight  modifications  in  the  resolutions  of 


i 


the  21st  being  agreed  upon,  which  modifications,  wit 
Hijar's  letter  of  the  23d,  were  submitted  by  Figueroa 
to  the  diputacion  on  the  29th. 

The  diputacion  on  November  3d,  while  administer- 
ing to  Hfjar  a  severe  reprimand  for  his  "jumble  of  er- 
roneous ideas,  unfounded  imputations,  and  gratuitous 


10 


Fvjueroa,  Jlamjiesto,  92. 


27S     FIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AND  GUTIERREZ— THE  COLONY. 

criminations,"  agreed  to  the  changes 'proposed,  and 
i  quired  of  the  director  a  written  acquiescence;  which 
action  was  communicated  to  him  on  the  4th  by  Figu- 
eroa.11  Hijar  replied  two  days  later  with  a  protest 
and  more  arguments  instead  of  the  desired  agreement: 
but  he  announced  his  purpose,  for  the  welfare  of  the 
colonists  and  the  good  name  of  Mexico,  to  disregard 
for  the  present  his  own  wrongs  of  outraged  honor, 
and  remain  with  the  colony  wherever  it  might  be 
sent,  earning  his  living  with  a  spade  if  necessary. 
Accordingly  preparations  were  made  for  the  settle- 
ment of  the  colonists  on  the  northern  frontier.  Pa- 
dres was  call  upon  to  decide  whether  he  would  assume 
the  duties  of  ayudante  inspector  or  of  sub-director; 
and  he  replied  by  resigning  the  former  position.12 
Fijmeroa  addressed  to  the  minister  of  relations  on  the 
9th  two  communications  in  defence  of  the  policy  that 
had  been  pursued  with  the  directors.  On  the  20th, 
and  again  on  December  8th,  he  wrote  to  the  secretary 
of  war,  explaining  his  course  with  Padres,  who  it  seems 
after  resigning  his  military  position  once  had  tried 
unsuccessfully  to  obtain  command  of  the  northern 
frontier.  He  declared  that  Padres  was  already  plot- 
ting mischief,  and  that  the  territory  would  never  be  safe 
until  that  officer  should  be  removed.  He  also  offered 
his  own  resignation  of  the  comandancia  general.13 

I  have  already  noticed  the  arrival  of  the  colony  in 
two  divisions  at  San  Diego  and  Monterey  in  Septem- 
ber 1834,  the  stay  of  the  southern  division  for  a  month 

nMgueroa,  Manifesto,  93-106;  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  ii.  205-7.     The  changes 
were  as  follows:  (1)  In  art.  2,  the  words  'laws  and  regulations  on  the  sub- 
'  were  to  be  substituted  for  'regulations  which  may  be  adopted  by  the 
dip.'      (2)   Hijar  was   to   have   his   original   instructions  returned.      (3)   If 
Hijar  would  agree  in  writing  to  the  resolutions  as  amended,  he  was  to  receive 
his  full  salary  of  $4,000.     (4)  The  gefe  politico  was  authorized  to  settle  any 
further  questions  of  detail  without  reference  to  the  dip.     Nov.   4th,  F.  in- 
ns the  min.  of  rel.  that  H.  is  to  remain  as  director,  subject  to  the  civil 
government,  and  to  receive  $4,000;  but  after  the  colonists  are  once  located 
under  municipal  govt,  it  is  thought  no  director  will  be  needed,  and  the  salary 
i nay  be  saved.   St.  Pap. ,  Miss,  and  Colon. ,  MS. ,  ii.  213.     H.  's  reply  of  Nov.  0th 
0  iii  Id.,  ii.  213-17. 
"Nov.  8th,  0th,  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  ami  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  270,  270,  287-8. 
ViSt.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  2S3-92;  Figueroa,  Manifesto)  4S-55. 


ON  THE  NORTHERN  FRONTIER.  279 

or  more  at  San  Luis  Rey  and  San  Gabriel,  and  their 
gradual  progress  northward.  Immediately  after  the 
agreement  with  Hijar,  particularly  on  November  12th, 
orders  were  issued  for  a  pro  rata  furnishing  by  the 
missions  of  necessary  supplies.  There  are  also  some 
fragmentary  items  of  record  respecting  transportation 
in  November  and  December;14  but  all  that  can  be 
definitely  learned  is  that  during  the  winter  a  majority 
of  the  whole  company,  the  rest  being  scattered  through- 
out the  territory,  were  gradually  brought  together  at 
San  Francisco  Solano,  which  mission  was  already  in 
charge  of  Mariano  G.  "Vallejo  as  comisionado  for  sec- 
ularization. Padres  was  with  them,  and  Hijar  made 
some  visits  to  Solano.  The  intention  was  to  found  a 
settlement  on  the  northern  frontier,  perhaps  at  Santa 
Rosa,  though  it  does  not  clearly  appear  that  any  of 
the  colony  actually  went  there,  or  indeed  that  any 
had  lands  assigned  them  at  San  Francisco  Solano. 
Early  in  March  1835  a  new  correspondence  took 
place  between  Hijar  and  Figueroa.  Supplies  had 
come  in  slowly,  barely  in  quantities  sufficient  to  keep 
the  colonists  alive.  Hijar  now  desired  to  make  a  be- 
ginning of  the  new  town,  and  called  on  the  governor 
to  state  definitely  whether  he  could  furnish  the  re- 
quired aid.  Figueroa  admitted  that  he  could  not  fur- 
nish all  that  Avas  required  by  the  instructions,  though 
he  would  do,  as  he  had  done,  all  that  was  in  his  power. 

uNov.  5,  1834,  Ramirez  notifies  receptor  at  S.  Francisco  that  the  brig 
Trammare  will  bring  the  colonists'  luggage  north  and  may  land  it  on  Angel 
Island.  Pinto,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  125-6.  Nov.  8th-9th,  Hijar's estimates  of  live- 
stock, tools,  supplies,  etc.,  for  the  colony,  amounting  to  $45,000  for  a  year. 
St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  274-8,  280.  Nov.  12th,  miscellaneous 
orders  to  missions  with  some  details  of  supplies  to  be  furnished.  Dept.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  iii.  188;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  279-82;  Valljo,  Doc,  MS., 
325-8.  Dec.  19th,  the  gov.  says  to  the  comisionado  of  S.  F.  that  if  the  colo- 
nists have  not  yet  gone  to  the  other  side,  they  are  to  be  detained  until  the  rains 
are  over.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  Gl.  Coronel  speaks  of  the  journey  in  ox- 
carts or  on  horseback,  of  crossing  the  strait  of  Carquines  in  boats  managed 
by  S.  Jose  neophytes,  and  of  being  lodged  in  such  of  the  mission  buildings 
as  were  not  occupied  by  Vallejo  and  his  troops.  Coxas  de  CaL,  MS.,  12. 
Most  Californian  writers  give  no  information  beyond  the  bare  fact  that  most 
of  the  colonists  went  to  Sonoma.  Some  state  that  there  was  now  considera- 
ble ill  feeling  between  them  and  the  native  inhabitants,  arising  largely  from,, 
the  troubles  of  the  leaders. 


230     FIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AND  GUTIERREZ— THE  COLONY. 

Ho  advised,  however,  that  on  account  of  scanty  means 
and  the  general  unfitness  of  the  men  for  frontier  set- 
tlers, the  idea  of  a  new  town  be  abandoned,  and  the 
colonists  be  allowed  to  select,  each  for  himself,  their 
own  residence  and  employment.  Hijar  protested 
against  this  plan,  as  opposed  to  the  views  of  the  Mex- 
ican government;  but  Figueroa  insisted,  and  issued 
the  corresponding  orders.  The  colony  was  thus  dis- 
organized, but  there  are  records  of  aid  furnished  to 
families  at  different  points  throughout  1835.  There  is 
no  more  to  be  said  of  the  colonists  as  a  body.  Most 
of  them  remained  in  the  country  to  constitute  a  very 
respectable  element  of  the  population. ] 


15 


In  a  defence  of  his  own  course,  written  later,  Fi- 
gueroa,  presenting  the  documents  in  the  case  chrono- 
logically, interspersed  among  them  his  own  comments. 
From  his  remarks  it  would  appear  that  almost  from 
the  day  of  arrival,  in  September  1834,  to  the  out- 
break in  March  1835,  soon  to  be  noticed,  certain 
members  of  the  colony  under  the  leadership  of  Padres 
were  engaged  in  plots  to  secure  the  territorial  govern- 
ment by  force,  Hijar  being  meanwhile  an  indifferent 
spectator,  if  not  an  active  participant  in  these  in- 
trigues.16 I  suspect  that  Figueroa's  fears  at  the  time 
were  to  a  considerable  extent  unfounded,  and  that  his 
subsequent  presentment  of  them  was  much  exagger- 
ated in  detail  to  suit  his  own  purposes.     The  colonists 

15  Correspondence  of  Hijar  and  Figueroa,  March  1-4,  1835,  in  Flrjueroa, 
Manifiesto,  117-2S;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  8-0.  Orders  and  correspondence 
of  March  5th  to  April,  on  transfer  of  the  families  from  Solano  to  the  homes 
they  might  select,  and  on  supplies  furnished.  Vcdlejo,  Doc.,  MS,,  iii.  14— 1G; 
xxiii.  5;  St.  Pap.,  Mis*.,  MS.,  vii.  72-4;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  v.  377-1). 
Account  by  Padre's  April  12th  of  amounts  paid  to  colonists,  aggregating 
$2,604.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  v.  371-2;  Id.,Cust.-IL,  MS.,  vii.  GG2-4. 
Fragmentary  records  of  supplies  furnished  to  families,  June  to  August.  Dept. 
St.  Pop.,  B<n.  Mil,  MS.,  lxxx.  11;  lxxxi.  4G;  Id.,  Ben.,  v.  372-5;  Id.,  Ben. 
Com.  and  Treas.,  iv.  9;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vi.  15;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxiii. 
12. 

16 Itgueroa,  Man'>jiesto,  passim.  In  Oct.,  before  the  action  of  the  dip  , 
they  are  said  to  have  worked  hard  to  alarm  the  public  with  charges  of  cen- 
tralism and  oppression,  p.  22-3.  After  that  action  of  Oct.  21st,  some  in  their 
anger  talked  loudly  and  recklessly  of  their  original  plans,   p.  33-5.     About 


REVOLT  AT  LOS  ANGELES.  2S1 

were  of  course  bitterly  disappointed  at  the  failure  of 
the  directors  to  keep  their  promises,  and  many  of  them 
were  disposed  to  throw  the  blame  on  Figueroa  and 
the  Californians.  It  is  the  nature  of  disappointed 
Mexicans  to  conspire;  there  w^ere  some  reckless . fel- 
lows like  Araujo  who  were  perfectly  willing  to  make 
trouble;  and  it  is  not  likely  that  Padres,  or  even  Hi- 
jar  perhaps,  would  have  regretted  or  opposed  any 
revolutionary  movement  offering  chances  of  success. 
But  such  chances,  against  a  popular  ruler,  the  leading 
Californians,  and  the  friars,  were  known  to  be  but 
slight.  Therefore  I  doubt  that  Hijar  and  Padres 
made  any  definite  plans  to  overthrow  the  territorial 
government,  and  especially  that  Figueroa,  as  he  claims, 
wras  acquainted  from  the  first  with  the  details  of  such 
plots. 

There  was,  however,  an  attempted  revolt  at  Los 
Angeles  March  7,  1835.  The  night  before,  about 
fifty  Sonorans,  who  had  lately  come  to-  California,  and 

the  time  of  settlement  with  Hijar,  or  in  Nov.,  Araujo  instigated  two  attacks 
of  the  Cahuilla  Indians  on  the  S.  Bernardino  ranclio.  Verduzco  at  the  same 
time  tried  to  induce  the  neophytes  of  S.  Luis  Key  to  revolt  against  the  escolta; 
but  his  plot  was  discovered  and  frustrated.  Lara  on  his  way  north  tried  to 
enlist  the  neophytes  of  different  missions  in  support  of  his  plots,  as  was  proven 
by  his  diary,  which  fell  into  Figucroa's  hands,  p.  106-7.  Padres  concealed 
the  200  rifles  and  ammunition  he  had  brought,  advised  the  colonists  to  have 
nothing  to  do  with  Figueroa,  and  daily  harangued  them  at  Sonoma  on  their 
wrongs  at  the  gefe's  hands,  p.  108-114  (also  F. 's  reports  to  Mex.  on  Padres 
already  cited).  In  February  two  persons  from  S.  Antonio  reported  a  plot; 
and  several  members  of  the  colony  revealed  the  revolutionary  plans.  Hijar 
meanwhile  was  intimate  with  the  conspirators,  and  must  have  known  their 
schemes,  p.  110-11.  The  desire  in  March  to  unite  the  colony  was  for  the 
purpose  of  revolution;  and  to  defeat  this  movement  was  F.'s  chief  reason  for 
allowing  it  to  be  scattered,  p.  116-17.  When  the  news  came  of  trouble  in  the 
south,  F.  was  investigating  the  matter  at  Sta  Clara  and  S.  Juan,  p.'1 123-0. 
Oct.  15,  183-1,  Capt.  Portilla  from  S.  Luis  Pey.  Has  discovered  that  Verduzco 
sought  to  surprise  the  guard  and  seize  the  arms.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii. 
174-5.  Oct.  21st-22d,  F.  to  Gutierrez  and  to  8  comisionados  to  investigate  the 
disturbances,  arrest  the  leaders,  and  assure  the  Ind.  that  the  charges  of  the 
revolutionists  were  false.  Id.,  iii.  175-6.  Araujo,  on  Sept.  18th,  says,  'I  have 
already  predisposed  the  neophytes  in  our  favor,'  this  being  perhaps  the  pur- 
port of  the  'diary'  referred  to  by  F.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  154.  Oct.  22d, 
F.  warns  alcalde  of  Angeles  to  look  out  for  revolutionary  movements.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  177;  Id.,  Any.,  xi.  28.  Oct.  28th,  Carrillo  at  Sta  Bar- 
bara has  taken  steps  to  prevent  Araujo  from  seducing  the  neophytes.  St.  Pap., 
Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  29.  Jan.  27,  1835,  president  has  heard  of  Araujo's  plots  and 
orders  him  to  be  sent  out  of  the  country.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  1. 


2S2     FIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AND  GUTIERREZ— THE  COLONY. 

who  were  living  in  the  town  or  the  adjoining  ranches, 
assembled  at  Los  Nietos,  and  at  daybreak  entered  Los 
Angeles  armed  with  lances  and  muskets,  under  the 
leadership  of  Juan  Gallardo,  a  cobbler,  and  Felipe 
Castillo,  a  cigar-maker.  They  seem  to  have  seized 
certain  weapons  at  the  houses  of  foreign  residents  as 
they  came  in.  Marching  to  the  town  hall,  and  using 
force  to  obtain  the  keys,  they  took  a  cannon  and  a 
quantity  of  ammunition  stored  there  temporarily,  or 
in  a  private  house  near  by,  in  anticipation  of  an  Indian 
campaign.  Without  committing  further  acts  of  vio- 
lence, the  Sonorans  stationed  themselves  near  the 
entrance  of  the  hall,  wl^ile  the  leaders  took  steps  to 
summon  the  alcalde.  That  official,  Francisco  J.  Alva- 
rado,  at  once  convened  the  members  of  the  ayunta- 
miento  by  tap  of  the  drum,  and  the  citizens  generally 
left  their  beds  to  attend  the  meeting.  Gallardo  then 
submitted,  with  a  respectful  letter  for  the  approval  of 
the  illustrious  corporation,  a  plan  which  explained  the 
presence  of  himself  and  followers,  and  by  which  it  was 
proposed  to  restore  California  to  the  splendid  prosper- 
ity of  former  times  by  simply  removing  Figueroa 
from  the  command.17     . 

17  Pronunciamiento  de  Apaldtegui  en  Los  Angeles,  contra  Don  Jose  Figueroa, 
7  de  Marzo  de  1835,  in  Figueroa,  Manifesto,  131-3;  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS., 
iv.  155-9;  Bandini,  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  39.  'A  multitude  of  citizens  hav- 
ing assembled  to  devise  means  to  save  California  from  the  evils  which  she 
has  suffered  and  is  suffering  under  the  administration  of  Gen.  D.  Jose  Figueroa, 
and  considering — 1.  That  this  chief  lias  not  complied  with  divers  orders  given 
him  by  the  sup.  govt  of  the  Union  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  this  country;  that,  abusing  their  docility,  he  has  exceeded  the  powers 
granted  him  by  the  laws,  by  unduly  assuming  the  political  and  military  com- 
mands against  the  federal  system  and  against  express  laws  which  forbid  this 
union  of  the  commands;  that  with  the  law  of  secularization  he  has  made  a 
scandalous  monopoly,  reducing  the  mission  products  to  an  exclusive  commerce, 
and  treacherously  inducing  the  dip.  to  regulate  a  general  law  according  to  his 
whim;  that,  in  infringement  of  the  treasury  regulations,  he  disposes  of  the 
soldiers'  pay  at  his  own  will  without  the  knowledge  of  the  chief  of  revenue, 
and  without  the  formalities  prescribed  by  law;  2.  That  the  dip.  has  no 
power  to  regulate  or  make  additions  to  a  general  law,  as  it  has  done  in  the 
case  of  that  on  the  secularization;  3.  That  as  the  missions  are  advancing 
with  giant  strides  to  total  ruin,  through  the  measures  dictated  for  the  shut- 
ting-out of  the  natives  and  the  distribution  of  their  property;  and,  4.  That 
some  commissioners,  either  by  gross  ignorance  in  the  management  of  this  class 
of  business  or  by  their  own  malicious  conduct,  have  proposed  to  advance 
their  private  wealth  by  ruining  that  of  the  missions,  with  notable  injury  to 
the  natives  who  have  acquired  that  property  by  their  personal  toil — have  re- 


APALAi;EGUI'S  REVOLT.  283 

The  ayuntamiento  in  session  with  the  citizens  dis- 
cussed the  propositions  of  the  plan,  referred  them  to 
a  committee,  and  finally  decided  by  a  plurality  of  votes 
that  it  had  no  authority  to  act  in  such  a  matter,  and 
that  Gallardo  must  apply  elsewhere  for  support — in 
fact,  according  to  one  record  the  ayuntamiento  went 
so  far  as  to  disapprove  the  plan,  though  having  no  army 
with  which  to  enforce  its  disapproval.  A  committee 
consisting  of  Guirado,  Osio,  and  Ossa  was  sent  to  com- 
municate the  decision  and  to  request  the  pronunciados 
to  remove  their  force  across  the  river.  This  they  de- 
clined to  do,  but  promised  to  preserve  the  peace,  and 
held  their  position  until  about  four  o'clock  in  the  af- 
ternoon. Pio  Pico  and  Antonio  M.  Osio,  both  of  whom 
were  in  town  on  this  eventful  day,  assert  that  the 
rebels  were  waiting  for  money  that  had  been  promised 
but  was  not  forthcoming.18  However  this  may  have 
been,  at  about  the  hour  mentioned  Gallardo  and  Cas- 
tillo respectfully  informed  the  aj^untamienfco  that  as 

solved  as  follows:  Art.  1.  Gen.  Jose"  Figueroa  is  declared  unworthy  of  public 
confidence;  and  therefore  the  first  alcalde  of  the  capital  will  take  charge 
provisionally  of  the  political  power;  and  Capt.  Pablo  de  la  Portilla  of  the 
military  command  as  the  ranking  officer  in  accordance  with  army  regulations. 
Art.  2.  The  resolutions  of  the  dip.  on  regulations  for  the  administration  of 
missions  are  declared  null  and  void.  Art.  3.  The  very  rev.  missionary 
fathers  wrill  take  exclusive  charge  of  the  temporalities  of  their  respective 
missions  as  they  have  done  until  now,  and  the  comisionados  will  deliver  the 
documents  relating  to  their  administration  to  the  friars,  who  will  make  the 
proper  observations.  Art.  4.  By  the  preceding  article  the  powers  of  the  director 
of  colonization  to  act  according  to  his  instructions  from  the  sup.  govt  are  not 
interfered  with.  Art.  5.  This  plan  is  in  every  respect  subject  to  the  approval 
of  the  gen.  govt.  Art.  6.  The  forces  that  have  pronounced  will  not  lay  down 
their  arms  until  they  see  the  preceding  articles  realized,  and  they  constitute 
themselves  protectors  of  an  upright  administration  of  justice  and  of  the  re- 
spective authorities.'  It  nowhere  appears  who  were  the  signers  of  the  plan, 
if  any,  in  addition  to  Gallardo  and  Castillo.  All  the  copies  close  with  the 
note  '  here  the  signatures.'  Figueroa  devotes  p.  134-46  of  his  Manifiesto  to  a 
series  of  arguments  in  reply  to  the  successive  articles  of  the  plan,  exhibiting 
very  much  more  of  skill  and  satire  and  anger  than  the  subject  deserved. 

'18Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  230-8;  Pico,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  50-5.  Robinson, 
Life  in  Cal.,  1G4-7,  gives  a  full  narrative  with  a  translation  of  the  pronuncia- 
miento.  Other  accounts  in  Alvarado,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iii.  1-5;  Fernandez, 
Coma  de  Cal.,  MS.,  80-2;  Vallejo,  Remin.,  MS.,  55-0;  Botello,  Anales,  MS., 
15-16;  Avila,  Notas,  MS.,  10-11;  Ord,  Ocvrrencias,  MS.,  06;  Galindo,  Apun- 
tes,  MS.,  30;  TuthilVs  Hist.  Cal.,  138-9.  Nearly  all  represent  this  as  a 
revolt  in  the  interests  of  the  colony  or  its  directors.  In  Los  Angeles,  Hist.,  14, 
it  i3  spoken  of  as  a  revolt  of  Torres  and  Apalatey  to  place  Ijar  at  the  head  of 
affairs. 


284     FIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AND  GUTIERREZ— THE  COLONY. 

the  plaD  had  not  been  approved  by  that  body,  after  the 
exercise  of  what  was  doubtless  better  judgment  than 
they  themselves  had  brought  to  bear  on  it,  they  had 
decided  to  give  up  the  instigators  of  the  movement, 
and  to  throw  themselves,  if  any  wrong  had  been  un- 
wittingly done,  on  the  indulgence  of  the  legal  authori- 
ties.  Accordingly  they  gave  up  two  men,  and  dis- 
banded their  force. 

The  two  men  given  up,  locked  in  jail,  and  sent  next 
day  to  Lieutenant-colonel  Gutierrez  at  San  Gabriel  for 
safe  keeping,  were  Antonio  Apalategui,  a  Spanish  es- 
cribiente,  or  clerk,  and  Francisco  Torres,  a  Mexican 
doctor,  or  apothecary,  who  had  come  with  the  colony, 
and  who  lately  had  left  Monterey  with  despatches  from 
Hijar  to  the  authorities  in  Mexico.  All  the  Sonorans 
agreed  that  these  men  had  instigated  the  revolt, 
Apalategui  being  the  active  agent.  The  ayuntamiento 
on  the  evening  of  the  7th  issued  an  address  to  the  peo- 
ple, in  which  the  events  of  the  day  were  narrated,  and 
a  similar  report  respecting  the  doings  of  'una  reunion 
acefala  de  Sonorenses'  was  forwarded  the  same  night  to 
Figueroa.  Unconditional  pardon  was  granted  to  the 
Sonorans,  and  some  twenty  of  the  number  started  im- 
mediately for  Sonora,  where  many  of  them  were  arrested 
and  submitted  to  a  close  examination  respecting  their 
deeds  in  California.  The  taking  of  evidence  and  other 
routine  formalities  of  the  case  against  Apalategui  and 
Torres  occupied  two  months, and  in  May  the}^  were  sent 
off  to  Mexico  as  disturbers  of  the  public  peace  and  con- 
spirators against  the  legitimate  authority. 

The  testimony  and  correspondence  respecting  the 
Apalategui  revolt  as  preserved  in  the  archives  form  a 
very  voluminous  record,  of  which  I  offer  a  partial  re- 
sume in  the  accompanying  note.19     From  the  whole 

19  March  3d,  Licut-col.  Gutierrez  to  Figueroa,  that  he  suspected  Torres  and 
is  watching  him.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  7-8.  March  7th,  record  of  events 
at  Angeles — including  ayunt.  session;  two  letters  of  Gallardo  to  the  ayunt. ; 
Gutierrez  to  the  ayunt.  and  to  F.j  and  ayunt.  to  F.  and  to  the  people,  in 
Los  Angeles  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  3G-8,  41-3;  iv.  152-64;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS., 
ii.  17-2.1;  v.  185-96;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  i.  174-5;  Figueroa,  Mani- 
festo,  130-1,   14G-7.     March  8th,    10th,'  11th,   14th,  corrcsp.  on  subsequent 


CAUSES  OF  THE  RISING.  285 

it  appears  that  the  Sonorans  had  no  special  grievance 
to  redress,  but  were  easily  induced  to  join  what  they 
were  led  to  regard  as  a,  general  and  popular  move- 
ment, which  they  abandoned  as  soon  as  they  learned 
its  unpopularity;  that  the  immediate  motives  of  the 
leaders  Gallardo  and  Castillo   are   not  known;  that 

alarms  and  rumors.  One  or  two  arrests  were  made,  and  the  Sonorans  feared 
punishment  and  sent  a  committee,  including  Wm  A.  Richardson,  to  plead  for 
them  with  Gutierrez.  On  March  19th,  F.  sent  a  full  pardon  and  permission  to 
return  to  Sonora.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  25-7;  v.  191-6;  Dept.  St. 
Pop.,  MS.,  iv.  23.  March  11th  to  May  Gth.  Apaldtegui  and  Torres,  Causa 
seguida  contra  ellos  por  Conspiradores,  1835,  MS.;  100  p.  Testimony  and  legal 
proceedings,  with  some  additional  papers,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  21-3; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  ii.  12-13.  Fragmentary  testimony  of  Hidalgo 
and  others  at  Monterey  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  liii.  77-86.  Ga- 
llardo and  Castillo  testified  that  A.  and  T.  had  seduced  the  Sonorans,  assur- 
ing them  that  the  happiness  of  Cal.  depended  on  the  movement,  and  that  all 
the  settlers  and  the  ayunt.  were  in  favor  of  it,  and  had  given  the  pronunci- 
ados  $2  each.  T.  they  said  had  furnished  $60  to  buy  lead,  etc.  A.  deposed 
that  T.  and  Gallardo  had  led  him  into  the  affair;  but  admitted  that  he  him- 
self had  written  the  plan  and  lent  $200  for  distribution.  He  said  that  Ga- 
llardo was  the  leader,  and  had  secured  the  re-payment  of  the  $200  by  pledging 
his  horses.  He  thought  that  many  citizens  of  Los  Angeles  and  some  foreign- 
ers of  Sta  Barbara  knew  of  the  plot  in  advance.  T.  swore  that  he  had  made 
many  objections  to  the  jolan  shown  him  by  A.  and  Gallardo  after  they  had 
'pronounced;'  that  he  had  loaned  a  little  money  without  knowing  for  what  it 
was  to  be  used;  and  that  he  had  never  favored  nor  instigated  the  movement. 
Miguel  Hidalgo  testified  at  Monterey  that  T.  at  Los  Angeles  had  tried  to  in- 
duce him  and  others  to  join  a  plot,  though  speaking  very  guardedly.  All  ef- 
forts to  prove  by  this  witness  an  understanding  with  Hijar  or  others  failed 
completely.  Several  foreigners,  including  Dr  Wm  Reid,  Hugo  Reid,  and 
Santiago  Johnson,  testified  that  they  knew  nothing  of  the  revolt  except  by 
rumors;  but  they  said  some  arms  had  been  taken  from  them  or  other  foreigners. 
There  was  some  evidence  respecting  the  manufacture  of  lances  and  the  pay- 
ment of  various  sums  of  money,  implicating  none  but  Gallardo.  A.'s  defender 
was  Julian  Padilla,  Osio  declining;  and  T.  was  defended  by  Regina  do  la 
Mora.  The  fiscal  was  Manuel  Rcquena.  There  is  nothing  in  the  legal  rou- 
tine that  requires  notice.  The  defence  was  confined  mainly  to  protests,  com- 
plaints of  irregularities  in  the  proceedings,  and  declarations  of  the  ease  with 
which  the  innocence  of  the  accused  was  to  be  shown  before  the  sup.  court  in 
Mexico.     On  June  13th,  theasesor,  Cosme  Pcfia,  reviewed  the  case;  and  June 

i  the  alcalde  rectified  certain  errors.  April  10  to  May  0,  1835,  Apaldle- 
gui  and  Torres,  Averiguacion  en  Sonora  del  Tumulto  hecho  en  Los  Angeles  por 
varios  Sonc>renses  a  Instigation  de  los  d'uhos  G<fes,  MS. ,  50  p.  About  a  dozen  men 
were  examined  in  this  Sonora  investigation,  and  the  general  purport  of  their 

imony  was  that  the  Sonorans  had  joined  what  they  were  led  by  Apalate- 
gui  to  regard  as  a  general  movement  of  Los  Angeles,  the  prominent  citizens 
of  the  south,  and  the  foreign  residents,  made  with  a  view  to  restore  the  mis- 
sions to  the  padres,  and  that  they  had  abandoned  the  scheme  as  soon  as  its 
true  nature  was  known.  The  record  is  a  fragment,  and  the  result  not  known. 
March  13th,  Figuerca  at  S.  Juan  Bautista  to  ayunt.  of  Angeles  on  the  events 
cf  March  7th.  Original  in  Coronel,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  23-34;  Figuerca, 
Manijiesto,  147-51.  Same  to  alcalde  of  Monterey.  Original  in  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  xxxi.  175.  Same  to  alcalde  of  S.  Diego.  Hayes,  Miss.  Bock,  i.  228. 
Same  to  Gutierrez  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  i)-10.  Replies  of  Arguelloand 
Portiila.     March  21st,  all  right  at  S.  Diego  and  S.  Luis  Rey.     Id.,  iv.  13-14. 


230     FIGUEROA,  CASTIIO,  AND  GUTIERREZ- THE  COLONY. 

Antonio  Apalategui,  who  may  have  had  a  personal 
grievance  against  Figueroa,  was  the  active  instigator, 
though  hardly  more  prominent  than  Gallardo;  that 
Torres  probably  encouraged  the  plot,  though  acting 
with  much  caution  and  secrecy;  and  finally  that  there 
is  no  evidence  to  connect  either  the  colony  or  its  di- 
rectors with  the  movement  in  any  way.  There  is 
room,  however,  for  a  plausible  conjecture  that  Torres, 
in  behalf  of  himself  and  his  associates,  was  disposed 
to  test  by  experiment  the  strength  of  Figueroa's 
popularity  in  the  south. 

Fisaieroa  was  at  San  Juan  Bautista  on  March  13th 
when  he  heard  of  the  affair  at  Los  Angeles.  His 
theory  was  that  that  revolt  was  part  of  a  deliberate  plan 
on  the  part  of  Padres  and  Hijar  to  overthrow  him  and 
seize  the  mission  property.  That  same  day,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  despatches  which  he  sent  south,  as  already 
noticed,  he  sent  to  Hijar  an  order  suspending  him 
and  Padres  from  their  positions  as  directors,  directing 
them  to  give  up  all  arms  and  munitions  to  Vallejo, 
and  to  start  at  onco  for  Mexico  to  answer  before  the 
supreme  government  for  their  conduct  in  California.20 
At  the  same  time  he  ordered  Vallejo  at  Solano  to 
receive  the  surrender  of  Hijar  and  Padres,  to  seize 
all  the  arms  and  ammunition  in  possession  of  the  col- 
onists, to  arrest  Francisco  Verduzco  and  Romualdo 
Lara,  and  to  embark  all  on  board  the  Rosa,  a  Sar- 
dinian bark  then  in  the  port  of  San  Francisco,  to  the 
captain  of  which  vessel  the  corresponding  instruc- 
tions, or  request  rather,  were  forwarded  at  the  same 

March  19th,  ayunt.  of  Angeles  receives  written  thanks  from  F.  Los  Angeles, 
Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  105.  March  30th,  thanks  expressed  by  F.  verbally.  Id.,  iv. 
1GG.  In  April  Mariano  Bonilla,  a  teacher  of  the  colony,  was  removed  from  his 
school  at  Monterey  and  ordered  to  be  sent  away  for  complicity  in  this  affair; 
but  he  did  not  leave  Cal.  St.  Pop.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  28.  May  7th,  A.  and  T. 
taken  to  S.  Pedro.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  ii.  13.  The  date  of  sailing 
on  the  Lorlot  is  not  known. 

*°l>igueroas  Manifesto,  157-8;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  27-9.  F. 
claims  to  have  been  fully  aware  of  the  plots  that  were  being  formed,  and  of 
the  purposes  with  which  Torres  had  been  sent  to  Los  Angeles,  but  had  calm- 
ly awaited  the  outbreak  before  taking  any  definite  action.  It  is  true  that  on 
Mar.  4th  he  had  warned  Vallejo  to  look  out  for  any  attempt  at  revolt. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  13. 


ARREST  OF  THE  COLONISTS.  287 

elate.21  Vallejo  received  the  order  on  the  14th, 
"watched  the  colonists  until  their  preparations  called 
for  prompt  action,  and  then  suddenly  fell  upon  them 
on  the  16th  at  4  p.  m.,  arresting  Verduzco,  Lara,  and 
others,"  who  the  next  day  were  taken  on  board  the 
Rosa,  at  San  Francisco.22  On  the  15th,  several  ses- 
sions of  the  Monterey  ayuntamiento  were  held  to 
approve  all  the  governor  had  done  and  proposed  to 
do;  though  the  latter  seems  not  to  have  made  known 
his  orders  to  Vallejo,  and  the  ayuntamiento  declined 
to  name  the  persons  who  ought  to  be  sent  away. 
Next  day  Figueroa  issued  a  printed  address  to  the 
people,  announcing  that  "the  genius  of  evil  has 
appeared  among  you,  scattering  the  deadly  poison  of 
discord,"  declaiming  in  the  most  bitter  terms  against 
Hijar  and  Padres,  congratulating  all  that  he  has  been 
able  to  save  his  beloved  country,  and  promising  a 
more  complete  vindication  of  his  policy  later.23  On  the 
17th,  Hijar,  still  at  Solano,  replied  to  Figueroa's  order 
of  the  13th  with  a  protest  against  the  insult  offered 
him,  a  declaration  of  his  belief  that  the  revolt  was 
purely  imaginary,  a  denial  of  the  governor's  right 
to  suspend  him,  an  expression  of  his  determination 
to  drag  his  prosecutor  before  competent  tribunals, 
a  complaint  of  unnecessary  outrage  at  the  hands 
of  Vallejo,  but  at  the  same  time  an  announcement  of 
his  disposition  to  yield  to  force  and  obey  the  order  to 

21  March  13,  1835,  F.  to  Vallejo  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  br.  11-12;  Id., 
Ben.,  ii.  29-31.  Private  note  of  same  tenor  and  date,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS., 
iii.  18.  Ignacio  Coronel,  Rafael  Padre's,  and  other  suspected  persons  were 
also  to  be  sent  on  board  the  Rosa.  Request  to  capt.  of  the  Rosa,  who  was 
desired  to  take  the  prisoners  to  S.  Bias  if  possible — the  same  being  also  com- 
municated to  the  captain  of  the  port  at  Monterev,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.,  lxxxvii.  G9.     F.  to  Alf.  Valle.    Valle,  Doc,  MS.,  40. 

22  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  25.  37  rifles  were  seized  besides  other  muni- 
tions. Id. ,  xxiii.  4.  Mar.  19th,  Verduzco  to  Padres  from  the  Rosa.  Id.,  iii. 
21.  March  20th,  Vallejo  certifies  that  before  the  rifles  were  taken  2  parties  of 
the  colonists  had  departed  to  other  parts  of  the  territory.  Also  that  no 
resistance  was  made.  Id.,  iii.  22.  Vallejo  went  back  on  the  18th  to  Solano 
after  putting  his  prisoners  on  the  bark. 

23  Monterey,  Actos  del  Ayunt.,  MS.,  73-80.  Figueroa,  el  Comandante  Gen. 
y  Gefe  Politico  de  la  Alta  Cal.  a  los  Ilabitantes  del  territorio.  Monterrey,  1835, 
1  sheet,  in  Earliest  Printing  in  Cal.;  Castro,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  22;  Figueroa,  Mani- 
fiedo,  151-4. 


23S     PIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AND  GUTIERREZ— THE  COLOXY. 

depart.24  Neither  Hijar  nor  Padres  was  arrested 
at  Solano,  but  at  San  Francisco  on  March  2Gtli  they 
went  on  board  the  Rosa  in  obedience  to  Fiimeroa's 
orders  as  exhibited  by  Vallejo,  and  the  vessel  sailed 
for  Monterey.25 

The  Rosa,  after  lying  at  anchor  in  the  port  of  Mon- 
terey for  a  week  or  more,  carried  the  prisoners  down 
to  Santa  Barbara,  where — numbering  with  their  fam- 
ilies twenty-four  persons — they  arrived  on  April  lGth, 
and  three  days  later  were  transferred  to  the  American 
brig  Loriot,  with  the  supercargo  of  which  vessel  Figue- 
roa had  made  a  contract  for  transporting  them  with 
Torres  and  Apalategui  to  San  Bias.26  On  May  8th- 
9th  the  Loriot  was  at  San  Pedro,  but  the  exact  date 
of  sailing  for  San  Bias  does  not  appear  in  the  record. 
Before  his  departure,  Padres  addressed  to  Figueroa 
a  formal  and  indignant  protest  against  the  summary 
and  illegal  treatment  which  he  had  received,  accusing 
the  governor  of  having  been  influenced  from  the  first 
by  hostility  to   the  colony.27     With   the  exiles  were 

21  Figueroa,  Manifiesto,  15S-G2;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  v.  103-9. 

-°  March  20th-27th,  Vallejo  to  Figueroa,  Id.  to  Hijar,  H.  to  V.  in  VaUcjo, 
Doc.  MS.,  iii.  24,  26;  vi.  349.  Coronel  had  not  been  arrested.  II.  and  P. 
had  started  for  Monterey  by  land  when  ordered  to  return  and  embark  on  the 
Rosa.  March  30th,  some  fears  of  trouble  at. Monterey  reported  to  F.  in  the 
south,  who  orders  watchfulness,  and  arrests  if  disorder  occurs  but  not  other- 
wise. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  15-10.  March  31st,  F.  at  Angeles  to  Vallejo, 
ordering  him  to  form  a  representation  on  the  acts  of  H.,  P.,  and  the  rest,  their 
revolutionary  projects,  seduction  of  Indians,  etc.  /(/.,  iv.  17.  April  4th,  F.  to 
A'.  Has  heard  of  the  sailing  of  the  prisoners;  V.  must  keep  the  effects  seized 
for  the  present,  and  try  to  discover  where  the  rest  of  the  rifles  were  that  had 
been  brought  by  Padres.  Id.,  iv.  19-20.  Passage  money,  etc.,  to  capt.  of  the 
.  /(/.,  iv.  17-19;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  21 it.,  MS.,  lxxxi.  6. 

2G  Figueroa  had  tried  to  engage  the  Mexican  brig  Catalina,  Capt.  Frederico 
Becher,  for  the  service.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  20-1.  Contract  with  A.  B. 
Thompson  of  the  Loriot,  dated  Apr.  11th,  to  sail  after  Apr.  30th;  to  carry  to 

lilas  and  maintain  on  the  voyage  Hijar  and  Padres  with  their  families, 
rj  >rres,  Apalategui,  Verduzco,  Lara,  Bonilla,  Araujo,  and  some  others,  with 
families  and  luggage;  and  to  receive  on  return  of  the  vessel  $4,000.  Id.,  iv. 
24-0.  Duties  due  from  Thompson  and  •  Robinson  were  to  be  deducted  from 
the  amount.  Apr.  17th,  Padres  to  F. ;  is  ready  to  continue  his  voyage  as  or- 
dered. Apr.  30th,  F.  instructs  captain  not  to  touch  at  any  other  port  than 
S.  Bias.  Id.,  iv.  27-9.  Same  date,  H.  to  Guerra,  asserting  his  innocence, 
though  it  cannot  be  proven  'in  this  unhappy  country,  where  the  laws  are 
trampled  on.'  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  109-10.  24  persons  landed  on  Apr.  19th. 
Dept.  Si.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxxi.  G-7. 

27 May  8th,  1  *adr<  fs,  Protesta  queDirige  D.  Jos6  Maria  Padres  alOefe  Politico, 
1885,  MS.  May  9th,  Gutierrez  is  at  S.  Pedro  guarding  the  prisoners  and 
forming  a  sumario.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  3S. 


END  OF  THE  COLONIZATION  SCHEME.  289 

sent  reports  of  the  gefe  politico  explaining  his  action 
in  the  matter,  together  with  the  indictments  more  or 
less  legally  substantiated  -  in  each  case.  The  docu- 
mentary process  against  Apalategui  and  Torres  was 
quite  elaborate  and  has  been  sufficiently  noticed ;  that 
against  the  parties  arrested  in  the  north  is  not  extant, 
if  it  ever  existed  in  any  more  definite  form  than  the 
somewhat  vague  accusations  of  Figueroa  and  Vallejo.23 
On  the  sailing  of  the  Loriot  from  San  Pedro,  in 
May  1835,  the  famous  colonization  scheme  of  Hijar 
and  Padres,  with  its  attendant  controversies,  may  be 
regarded  as  having  come  to  an  end,  though  over  two 
hundred  of  the  colonists  remained  to  swell  the  popu- 
lation of  California.  Figueroa  devoted  the  remaining 
few  months  of  his  life  to  the  preparation  of  an  elabo- 

28  Mar.  31st,  F.  to  sec.  of  the  interior,  reporting  the  plots  of  H.  and  P.  and 
his  own  policy,  without  mention  of  the  arrests  in  the  north — also  some  accom- 
panying correspondence.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  182-3,  185,  198.  May  5th, 
F.  to  sec.  of  state.  Reports  his  later  proceedings.  H.  and  P.  go  to  Mex.  to 
answer  to  the  sup.  govt,  whose  employees  they  are;  Torres  and  Apalategui  go 
as  prisoners  at  the  disposal  of  the  sup.  court;  Verduzco,  Lara,  and  Rafael 
Padres  are  also  implicated  in  the  revolt,  and  are  to  await  the  result  of  their 
trial  (that  is,  probably  the  sumario  in  a  complete  form  was  not  sent  with 
them);  and  Lieut  Araujo  goes  because  he  is  of  no  use  in  Cal. ,  is  sick,  and  has 
asked  to  be  removed,  besides  being  being  an  adherent  of  Hijar.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  29-31.  April  15th,  Vallejo  at  Solano  sends  to  F.  the  pro- 
ceedings or  investigations  against  the  colonists.  The  documents  are  not 
given;  but  in  his  letter  V.  states  that  the  coming  of  Hijar,  Verduzco,  and 
Lara  caused  great  excitement;  that  they  openly  talked  of  surprising  the  gar- 
rison; that  he  overheard  them  plan  to  capture  him,  first  occupying  the  church; 
that  he  was  on  the  watch  for  9  days  until  the  order  came  from  F. ;  that  he 
seized  and  disarmed  them  on  the  16th,  as  they  were  cleaning  their  weapons; 
and  that  the  wife  of  Padre's  exclaimed  on  that  occasion,  'I  am  glad  they  have 
been  headed  off  for  being  so  slow.'  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  28.  May  21st, 
F.  sends  V.  27  pages  of  proceedings  against  Padres  and  associates,  instruct- 
ing him  to  continue  them  as  fiscal.  Other  allusions  to  these  papers.  Id.,  iii. 
23,  50,  52.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  39-42,  says  that  the  colonists  at 
Solano  instead  of  going  to  work  spent  their  time  in  plotting  and  gaining  the 
good  will  of  the  Indians,  Lara  and  Verduzco  spending  in  presents  for  the  In- 
dians the  $2,000  that  F.  had  paid  for  the  support  of  the  colony.  They  told 
him  he  was  lucky  in  making  the  arrest  just  when  he  did,  for  half  an  hour 
later  they  would  have  seized  him.  They  accused  Pepe  de  la  Rosa  of  having  be- 
trayed their  plots,  but  unjustly,  since  Rosa's  interviews  with  Vallejo  were  as 
a  printer  and  not  as  a  politician.  Brown,  Statement,  MS.,  9-10,  who  was  at 
Solano  at  the  time  of  the  arrests,  thinks  Rosa  did  give  the  information.  Alf. 
Ignacio  del  Valle  took  a  prominent  part  in  protecting  the  country  from  im- 
aginary plots,  as  is  shown  by  the  records  and  by  his  own  statement.  Valle, 
Lo  Pasado  de  Cal.,  MS.,  13-14.  Coronel,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  12-14,  is  sure 
there  were  no  thoughts  of  revolt  at  Sonoma.  Janssens,  Vida  y  Aven.,  MS., 
51-7,  also  regards  the  charges  as  having  been  invented  by  F.  and  V.  to  get 
rid  of  H.  and  P. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    19 


290     FIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AND  GUTIERREZ— THE  COLONY. 

rate  defence  of  his  own  policy,  which  was  a  very  com- 
plete histoiy  of  the  whole  affair,  and  has  been  fully 
utilized  with  other  documents  in  the  preceding  pages. 
It  was  besides  one  of  the  earliest  specimens  of  Califor- 
nia printing — in  fact,  the  second  book  printed  in  the 
territory.29  As  a  defence,  the  production  is  some- 
what too  elaborate  and  earnest.  The  governors  ac- 
tion at  the  beginning  in  refusing  to  give  up  the  com- 
mand and  the  mission  property,  as  later  in  banishing 
Apalategui  and  Torres,  were  so  manifestly  just  and 
proper  as  to  require  no  justification.  His  acts  in  other 
phases  of  the  controversy,  not  perhaps  without  a  cer- 
tain foundation  of  justice  and  policy,  would  show  to 
better  advantage  without  the  declamatory  arguments 
in  their  support  with  which  the  volume  is  largely 
filled.  The  author's  very  earnestness  and  violence  at 
times  betray  the  weakness  of  his  cause.  The  charge 
of  bribery  against  Hijar  should  have  been  made  sooner 
or  not  at  all.  I  have  elsewhere  expressed  my  belief 
that  the  revolutionary  plots  of  Hijar  and  Padres  were 
largely  imaginary. 

Of  the  men  exiled  from  California  at  this  time,  Hi- 
jar will  re-appear  in  the  history  of  a  later  period ;  but 
of  the  rest  I  know  nothing.  I  have  found  no  record 
bearing  upon  their  reception  and  treatment  in  Mexico, 
nor  any  evidence  that  the  directors  ever  published  a 
reply  to  Figueroa's  manifiesto,  or  took  any  other  steps 
to  vindicate  their  conduct  in  California.  For  them 
the  colony  and  the  Compania  Cosmopolitana  were  dis- 
astrous failures.  Of  Padres  I  would  gladly  append  a 
biographical  sketch,  as  I  have  done  of  other  promi- 

mMgueroa,  Manifesto  d  la  Bepublica  Mejicana  que  hace  el  General  de  Bri- 
gada  Jos6  Figueroa,  Comandante  General  y  Gefe  Politico  de  la  A Ita  California, 
sobre  sn  conductay  lade  los  Senores  D.  Jos6  Maria  de  Hijar,  y  D.  Jos6  Maria 
Padres,  como  JJirectores  de  Colonization  en  1S34  y  1835.  Monterrey,  1835. 
Imprenta  del  C.  Agustin  V.  Zamorano,  12mo.  184  p.  This  book  was  being 
printed  when  the  author  died,  and  contains  some  obituary  matter  to  be  no- 
ticed later.  An  English  translation  was  printed  in  S.  Francisco  in  1855.  Figue- 
roa, The  Manifesto  which  the,  General  of  Brigade,  etc.,  S.  F.  1S55,  Svo,  104  p., 
the  title  on  the  cover  being  Missions  of  California.  As  has  been  seen,  the  orig- 
inals of  most  documents  published  in  the  Manifiesto  are  extant,  either  in  my 
collection  or  in  some  of  the  archives. 


SESSIONS  OF  THE  DIPUTACION.  291 

nent  men;  but  beyond  his  first  coming  in  1830  as  ayu- 
dante  inspector,  his  influence  with  Echeandia  and  the 
Californians  in  behalf  of  radical  republicanism  and  sec- 
ularization, his  exile  by  Victoria  in  1831,  his  connec- 
tion with  the  colony  as  just  related,  and  something  of 
his  character  which  the  reader  has  learned  in  these 
chapters,  I  have  no  information  to  offer. 

At  the  election  of  October  1834,  four  or  five  men 
were  chosen  to  replace  the  outgoing  vocales  of  the 
diputacion ; 30  but  that  corporation  did  not  assemble, 
chiefly  because  three  of  the  members  were  ill,  until 
August  25,  1835,  the  sessions  continuing,  according 
to  the  records,  until  October  12th.  I  append  a  brief 
resume  of  the  business  transacted.31  President  Fi^ue- 
roa's  opening  address  was  short,  being  a  congratulation 
on  the  escape  of  the  country  from  dangers  that  had 


30  The  election  record,  Actas  de  Elecciones,  MS.,  19-21,  does  not  show  who 
were  elected.  The  hold-over  members  were  J.  A.  Carrillo,  Estudillo,  and 
Castro;  and  the  new  diputacion  seems  to  have  been  composed  as  follows:  1st 
vocal,  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo,  absent  as  congressman;  2d,  Jose  Maria  Estudillo, 
excused  on  account  of  sickness.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  17;  3d,  Jos6 
Castro;  4th,  Juan  B.  Alvarado  (though  it  is  not  clear  whether  he  was  4th  or 
5th  or  Gth,  and  in  one  record,  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  42-3,  Figueroa  summons 
him  as  a  suplente);  5th,  Manuel  Jimeno  Casarin;  Gth,  Antonio  Buelna;  7th, 
absent  and  unknown  (perhaps  J.  A.  de  la  Guerra);  suplente,  present,  Salvio 
Pacheco;  secretary,  Jose  Maria  Maldonado.  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  ii.  212-15. 

31  Aug.  25,  1835,  examination  of  credentials;  appointment  of  committees; 
and  address  by  the  pres.  Buelna  granted  leave  of  absence  on  account  of  ill- 
ness, (p.  212-16.)  Aug.  27th,  Sec.  Maldonado  offered  his  resignation,  and 
asked  to  be  paid  8120  due  him.  Aug.  29th,  land  grants  submitted  for  ap- 
proval. Sept.  1st,  ditto;  Maldonado  submitted  an  index  of  documents  in  the 
archives,  and  retired,  his  place  being  taken  by  Alvarado.  Sept.  3d,  land 
grants;  and  wild  cattle,  (p.  217-18.)  Sept.  5th,  commun.  from  Los  Angeles 
on  cutting  timber;  from  the  alcalde  of  Monterey  on  boundaries  of  the  capital. 
Sept.  10th,  petition  of  inhabitants  of  S.  Francisco  to  be  attached  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  S.  Jose  for  convenience  of  all  concerned.  Sept.  12th,  15th, 
21st,  land  grants,  (p.  219-21.)  Sept.  26th,  commun.  from  J.  M.  J.  Gonzalez 
on  appointment  as  police  commissioner  at  Sta  In6"s.  Oct.  10th,  teacher  at  Sta 
Clara  resigns;  and  Ignacio  Coronel  wants  an  appointment  as  teacher  at  S. 
Buenaventura.  Oct.  12th,  land  grants.  Prop,  to  place  the  portrait  of  the  late 
Gen.  Figueroa  in  the  hall  of  sessions,  (p.  221-2.)  Oct.  14th,  land  grants.  Oct. 
15th,  claim  of  Estudillo  to  be  gefe  politico  ad  interim,  backed  by  the  ayunt. 
of  S.  Diego,  referred  to  com.,  but  no  action.  Acting  gefe  pol.  Castro  au- 
thorized to  collect  his  salary.  Munic.  fund  of  Monterey.  Land  grants.  Oct. 
16th,  Salvio  Pacheco  granted  leave  of  absence  for  sickness.  No  formal  ad- 
journment. Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  ii.  212-26.  On  p.  262-9  are  found  also  many 
communications  of  no  available  importance  connected  with  the  acts  of  the 
dip. 


292     FIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AND  GUTIERREZ— THE  COLONY. 

lately  threatened;  and  the  routine  of  business  at 
successive  sessions  was  for  the  most  part  unimportant, 
though  I  shall  have  occasion  to  notice  elsewhere  a 
few  of  the  topics  treated.  The  president  was  occu- 
pied with  other  matters,  and  the  chief  aim  of  the 
legislators  was  apparently  to  devise  acceptable  excuses 
for  obtaining  leave  of  absence.  It  is  remarkable  that 
Figueroa  did  not  bring  before  the  diputacion  his 
policy  and  acts  toward  Hfjar  and  Padres  with  a  view 
to  strengthen  his  record  with  the  approval  of  that 
body;  but  for  some  reason  this  was  not  deemed  neces- 
sary. 

At  the  election  of  October  1834,  Jose  Antonio 
Carrillo  had  been  chosen  diputado  to  congress,  with 
Mariano  G.  Vallejo  as  substitute.32  Carrillo  seems  to 
have  been  at  his  post  early  in  1835,  and  his  influence 
is  apparent  in  an  order  of  President  Barragan  dated 
May  23d,  publishing  the  following  decree  of  congress: 
"The  pueblo  of  Los  Angeles  in  Alta  California  is 
erected  into  a  city,  and  it  will  be  in  future  the  capital 
of  that  territory."  So  well  pleased  was  Don  Jose 
Antonio  with  this  achievement  in  behalf  of  his  town, 
that  he  secured  an  impression  from  the  type  on  white 
satin,  which,  tastefully  bordered  in  blue,  perhaps  by 
Senora  Carrillo,  is  in  my  collection.33  The  order  was 
not  officially  published  in  California  until  December; 
but  the  news  came  that  such  a  change  was  contein- 
plated,  and  the  effect  at  Monterey  may  be  imagined. 

32  See  chap.  ix.  of  this  volume. 

33 Pico,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  1.  The  satin  copy  is  mentioned  by  several  Calif  or- 
nians.  Decree  also  given  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  8.  Jos6,  MS.,  ii.  135;  Id.,  Mont., 
iii.  47;  Arrillaga,  Rccop.,  1835,  189-90,  where  it  is  said  to  have  been  published 
on  June  10th;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  iii.  51.  Decrees  of  congress 
dated  March  21  and  October  26,  1835,  that  diputados  from  Cal.  are  to 
have  voice  and  vote  in  forming  laws  and  decrees.  Id.,  iii.  91;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Mont.,  MS.,  iii.  56;  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  1-2.  June  13th,  order 
concerning  payment  of  dletas  and  vidticos.  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1835,  223-6. 
Oct.  15th,  min.  of  war  to  gov.,  diputados  ordered  to  proceed  to  Mex.  without 
excuse.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xvi.  14.  Dana,  Two  Years  before  the  Mast,  196, 
says  inaccurately  that  the  form  of  sending  representatives  to  congress  was 
gone  through;  but  there  was  little  communication  with  the  national  capital, 
so  a  member  usually  stayed  permanently,  knowing  there  would  be  revolutions 
at  home,  and  if  another  member  should  be  sent,  he  had  only  to  challenge  him 
and  thus  decide  the  contested  election. 


CHANGE  OF  CAPITAL.  293 

A  meeting  of  the  ayuntamiento  was  called  October 
12th,  before  which  bodv  reasons  most  unanswerable 
and  convincing — to  the  people  of  Monterey — were 
adduced  why  the  proposed  change  of  capital  would  be 
a  measure  outrageously  detrimental  if  not  fatal  to  all 
the  best  interests  of  the  territory.34  A  report  of 
Hartnell  and  Pacheco  as  a  committee  was  approved, 
sustaining  objections  to  the  change,  and  recommend- 
ing a  protest.  This  action  was  passed  immediately 
to  the  diputacion,  which  body  on  the  14th  confirmed 
it,  resolved  that  the  reports  of  the  territorial  congress- 
men were  based  on  selfish  interests,  decided  to  remain 
with  the  gefe  politico  "at  this  capital"  until  further 
action ;  and  sent  the  whole  expediente  to  Mexico  by 
the  Catalina  on  the  15th.35 

Figueroa  still  bore  in  mind  the  importance  to  Mexi- 
can interests  of  founding  a  frontier  settlement  and 
garrison  north  of  San  Francisco  Bay.  In  fact,  he  had 
temporarily  suspended  the  enterprise  only  from  fear 
of  what  he  chose  to  regard  as  the  revolutionary  plans 

34  Of  these  reasons  I  note  the  following:  Monterey  has  been  the  capital  for 
more  than  70  years;  both  Calif ornians  and  foreigners  have  learned  to  regard 
it  as  the  capital;  interests  have  been  developed  which  should  not  be  ignored; 
and  a  change  would  engender  dangerous  rivalries.  The  capital  of  a  maritime 
country  should  be  a  port,  and  not  an  inland  place.  Monterey  is  a  secure, 
well  known,  and  frequented  port,  well  provided  with  wood,  water,  and  provi- 
sions; where  a  navy-yard  and  dock  may  be  constructed.  Monterey  has  a 
larger  population  than  Los  Angeles;  the  people  are  more  moral  and  cul- 
tured (!);  and  the  prospects  for  advancement  are  superior.  Monterey  has 
decent  buildings  for  govt  uses,  to  build  which  at  Los  Angeles  will  cost  $30,- 
000;  and  besides,  some  documents  may  be  lost  in  moving  the  archives. 
Monterey  has  central  position,  mild  climate,  fertile  soil,  developed  agricul- 
ture; here  women,  plants,  and  useful  animals  are  very  productive !  Monterey 
is  nearer  the  northern  frontier,  and  therefore  better  fitted  for  defence.  It 
would  be  unjust  to  compel  the  majority  to  go  so  far  on  government  business. 
It  would  be  impossible  to  assemble  a  cpiorum  of  the  dip.  at  Los  Angeles. 
The  sensible  people,  even  of  the  south,  acknowledge  the  advantages  of  Mon- 
terey. Monterey  had  done  no  wrong  to  be  deprived  of  its  honor,  though 
unrepresented  in  congress;  while  the  last  three  deputies  have  had  personal 
and  selfish  interests  in  favor  of  the  south. 

35  Monterey,  Acuerdo  del  Ayuntamiento  y  de  la  Diputacion  contra  el  pro- 
pursto  Cambio  de  Capital  en  favor  de  Los  Angeles,  1835,  MS.  In  Monterey, 
Actos  de  Ayunt.,  MS.,  118-20,  the  matter  was  first  brought  up  on  the  10th 
and  the  report  approved  on  the  13th.  Carrillo's  letter  with  the  decree  was 
received  Dec.  31st.  Id.,  146.  This  action  of  the  diputacion,  as  we  have  seen, 
is  not  given  in  the  legislative  records. 


294     FIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AND  GUTIERREZ— THE  COLONY. 

of  Hi  jar  and  Padres.  As  soon  as  these  betes  noirs 
were  fairly  out  of  the  country,  therefore,  he  instructed 
Vallejo  to  establish  at  once  garrison,  town,  and  colony. 
His  letters  accompanying  the  instructions  to  Vallejo 
were  dated  June  24,  1835,  and  the  site  was  to  be  in 
Sonoma  Valley,  instead  of  that  formerly  chosen  at 
Santa  Rosa.  The  chief  motive  announced  was  a  de- 
sire to  check  the  possible  advance  of  Russian  settle- 
ment from  Bodega  and  Ross.  Vallejo  was  authorized 
to  issue  grants  of  lands,  which  would  be  confirmed, 
and  the  only  precaution  urged  was  that  the  Mexican 
population  should  always  be  in  excess  of  the  foreign; 
that  is,  that  the  granting  of  lands  should  be  made 
an  obstacle  rather  than  an  aid  to  foreign  encroach- 
ment. The  young  alferez  was  praised  and  flattered 
without  stint,  and  urged  to  strive  for  "that  reward 
to  which  all  men  aspire,  posthumous  fame,"  even  if  he 
should  be  called  upon  to  make  personally  some  ad- 
vances of  necessary  supplies  for  the  colony.  The 
truth  is,  that  Figueroa  was  not  quite  easy  respecting 
the  view  that  would  be  taken  in  Mexico  of  that  part 
of  his  policy  toward  Hijar  and  Padres  which  had 
caused  the  abandonment  of  the  northern  settlement; 
but  with  such  a  settlement  actually  established  he 
would  have  no  fears;  hence  his  zeal.36  The  instruc- 
tions that  accompanied  these  letters  are  not  extant, 
nor  have  we  any  official  record  respecting  the  founding 
of  the  town.  We  know  only  that  at  the  ex-mission 
of  San  Francisco  Solano,  where  he  had  spent  much  of 
the  time  for  nearly  a  year  as  comisionado  of  seculari- 
zation, Vallejo  established  himself  with  a  small  force 
in  the  summer  of  1835,  and  laid  out  a  pueblo  to  which 
was  given  the  original  name  of  the  locality,  Sonoma, 
Valley  of  the  Moon,  a  name  that  for  ten  years  and 
more  had  been  familiar  to  the  Californians.     Vallejo 

5GJune  24,  1835,  confidential  letters  of  Figueroa  to  Vallejo — or  what 
purport  to  he  and  probably  are  copies  of  such  letters — furnished  by  Vallejo 
to  Gen.  Kearny  in  1847,  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,ii.  400-8;  also 
printed  with  English  translation  in  CaUfornian,  Apr.  13,  1S47;  CcUif.  Start 
March  13,  1847;  Jones'  Report,  no.  24. 


SONOMA— DEATH  OF  FIGUEROA.  295 

soon  gained,  by  the  aid  of  his  military  force,  and  es- 
pecially by  alliance  with  Solano,  the  Suisun  chief,  a 
control  over  the  more  distant  tribes  which  had  never 
been  equalled  by  the  missionary  and  his  escolta,  a 
functionary  who,  however,  still  remained  as  curate. 
Quite  a  number  of  families,  both  Californians  and 
members  of  the  famous  colony,  settled  at  Sonoma.37 

Jose  Figueroa  died  at  Monterey  September  29th, 
at  5.30  P.  M.,  from  the  effects  of  an  apoplectic  attack, 
after  about  a  month's  illness.  The  funeral  ceremonies, 
with  firing  of  guns  and  other  military  honors,  took 
place  at  the  capital  October  2d,  being  attended  by  all 
the  people  of  the  vicinity,  and  by  prominent  men 
from  all  parts  of  the  territory.  The  body  was  em- 
balmed rudely  and  taken  to  Santa  Barbara  by  the 
Avon,  which  sailed  the  17th,  to  be  deposited  in  a 
vault  of  the  mission  church  on  the  29th.  There  the 
remains  were  to  lie,  according  to  Figueroa's  request, 
until  the  Mexican  government  should  send  for  them 
to  render  fitting  honors  to  the  memory  of  a  warrior 
who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  struggle  for 
independence.  Mexico  never  did  anything  of  the 
kind,  and  the  Californians  were  not  much  more  zeal- 
ous in  perpetuating  his  memory.  The  diputacion,  on 
motion  of  Juan  B.  Alvarado,  passed  some  very  eulo- 
gistic resolutions  in  the  sessions  of  October  10th— 14th, 
providing  for  the  hanging  of  Figueroa's  portrait  in 

37 Details  given  by  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.  MS.,  iii.  11-22,  and  less  fully  by 
Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal.  MS.,  ii.  199-202,  the  same  having  been  reproduced  in 
different  combinations  by  several  newspaper  writers  are  so  manifestly  inac- 
curate in  so  far  as  they  can  be  tested  as  to  be  of  no  value.  The  general  idea 
conveyed  is  that  of  an  expedition  into  a  new  frontier  country,  including  bat- 
tles, maritime  adventures,  and  treaties  with  thousands  of  hitherto  hostile  In- 
dians; the  past  10  years  of  peaceful  occupation  and  Vallejo's  own  past 
residence  at  Sonoma  being  substantially  ignored.  The  foundation  of  the  town 
is  also  made  to  precede  the  expulsion  of  Hijar  and  Padres.  Vallejo  men- 
tions the  following  names  on  his  way  to  Sonoma:  Pt  Novato;  Embarcadero 
of  P.  Ventura,  orLakeville;  Pt  Tolai,  on  Midshipman's  Creek;  and  Pulpula, 
or  Pope's  Landing.  Vallejo  also  states  that  W.  A.  Richardson  assisted  him 
in  making  the  survey.  In  18G1  Santiago  Argiiello  assured  Judge  Hayes, 
Emirj.  Notes,  454,  that  he  was  the  founder  of  Sonoma,  having  made  the  map, 
etc.  500  soldiers  is  a  favorite  newspaper  statement  of  Vallejo's  force.  25 
would  perhaps  be  a  more  accurate  estimate. 


296     FIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AND  GUTIERREZ— THE  COLOXY. 

the  legislative  hall,  with  the  inscription  "  Benefactor 
of  the  Territory  of  Alta  California;"  for  a  suitable  monu- 
ment to  be  erected  at  Monterey ;  and  for  the  printing 
of  the  resolutions  in  the  manifesto  about  to  be  pub- 
lished. The  monument  was  intrusted  to  the  ayunta- 
miento,  which  body  before  the  end  of  1835  had  gone 
so  far  as  to  devise  an  appropriate  inscription  in  Latin 
and  Spanish,  and  to  ask  officially  how  the  cost  was  to 
be  paid.     Here  the  matter  ended  for  all  time.38 

A  biographical  sketch  of  Figueroa,  as  in  the  case 
of  his  predecessor  Victoria,  is  not  required  here, 
because  all  that  is  known  of  his  life  has  been  told  in 
this  and  the  two  preceding  chapters.  In  person,  he 
was  a  little  below  medium  height,  thick  set,  with  a 
swarthy  complexion,  black  and  abundant  hair,  scanty 

38  Sept.  29th,  Zamorano  to  comandantes,  and  private  letters  to  Vallejo  and 
Vallc  announcing  the  death.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  74-5.  Record  of  the 
death  also  in  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  59;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  56.  On  Sept. 
2Gth  the  American  medico  Stokes  had  joined  the  council  of  doctors  to  con- 
sider the  governor's  case.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  v.  53.  Sept. 
3d,  F.  had  been  at  S.  Rafael.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  lxxviii.  8.  Military- 
honors  ordered,  including  a  gun  each  half  hour  for  about  a  week,  besides 
special  artillery  evolutions  on  the  day  of  funeral.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  lxxx.  20-1. 
Valle,  Lo  Pasado  de  Cal.,  MS.,  15,  speaks  of  having  been  at  Sta  Cruz  where 
he  heard  the  first  guns  without  knowing  the  occasion.  Figueroa  had  ordered 
a  grand  celebration  of  the  national  fiesta  on  Sept.  16th.  Id.,  19-20.  Trans- 
fer of  the  remains  to  the  south  on  the  Avon,  and  ceremonies  at  Sta  Barbara. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  58-9;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  lxxx.  23.  The  mission  books 
of  Sta  B.  contain  no  record  on  the  subject,  probably  because  the  deposit  in 
the  vault  was  not  intended  as  a  permanent  one.  Accounts  of  the  embalming 
of  the  body  by  Drs  Alva,  Stokes,  Cooper,  and  others,  in  Gonzalez,  Memorial, 
MS.,  17-18;  Dye's  Recol,  MS.,  3;  Gomez,  Lo  que  Sabe,  MS.,  178-9;  Pinto, 
Apunt.,  MS.,  12-13.  It  is  stated  by  Gonzalez  and  Gomez  that  the  remains 
were  removed  from  the  vault  in  1845,  at  which  time  the  coffin  was  opened 
and  found  to  contain  nothing  of  the  body  but  dust;  and  it  was  thought  this  ef- 
fect was  due  to  the  arsenic  used  in  the  embalming  process.  From  Mexico  there 
came  in  time  an  order  dated  Feb.  8,  1836,  that  the  remains  should  be  placed 
where  Figueroa  had  desired.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  1.  Action  of  the 
dip.  and  ayunt.,  in  Figueroa,  Manifesto,  177-84;  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  ii.  222,  2G8-9; 
Monterey,  Actos  de  Ayunt.,  MS.,  122,  134-5;  Robinson's  Life  in  Cal.,  168-72; 
Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  iii.  60-7.  The  inscription  to  be  put  on  the  monument 
was  as  follows  in  substance:  'To  the  Eternal  Memory  |  of  GcneralJose'  Figue- 
roa Political  and  Military  Chief  |  of  Alta  California  |  Father  of  the  Coun- 
try dedicate  this  monument  |  the  Provincial  Diputacion  |  and  the  Ayunta- 
miento  of  Monterrey  |  at  public  expense  |  as  a  mark  of  gratitude.  |  Died  in  this 
capital  |  Sept.  29,  1835  |  at  the  age  of  43. '  General  mentions  of  F. 's  death,  with 
more  or  less  eulogy,  in  nearly  every  case,  in  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  26-7;  Ord, 
Orurrencias,  MS.,  68-9;  Galindo,  Apuntes,  MS.,  31;  Castro,  Rel.,  MS.  35-6; 
Amador,  Mm/.,  MS.,  142;  Fernandez,  Cosa«,  MS.,  70-2,  84-5;  Vallejo,  Rem- 
inis.,  MS.,  110;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  238-9;  iii.  37-40;  Vallejo, 
Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  55-9;  Tuthill's  Hist.  Cal,  139-40. 


FIGUEROA'S  CHARACTER.  297 

beard,  piercing  eyes,  protruding  lip,  and  large  prom- 
inent teeth.  He  is  believed  to  have  had  a  large 
admixture  of  Indian  blood.  In  manner,  he  was 
extremely  affable  and  fascinating,  especially  in  his 
intercourse  with  inferiors.  His  favorite  vice  was 
gambling;  and  though  there  is  some  evidence  that  he 
had  a  family  in  Mexico,  he  kept  a  mistress,  and  left  a 
natural  daughter  in  California.  He  brought  to  the 
country  a  military  reputation,  considerable  experience, 
good  administrative  abilities,  and  great  skill  in  the 
arts  by  which  personal  popularity  is  acquired.  His 
term  of  office  in  California  was  brief,  and  the  circum- 
stances of  his  rule  were  favorable.  His  enemies  were  for 
the  most  part  men  of  straw ;  his  partisans  were  then  and 
later  the  controlling  element  of  the  population.  Even 
the  padres  were  forced  by  circumstances  into  a  partial 
and  negative  support  of  his  policy.  Moreover,  he  did 
some  really  good  work  in  organizing  territorial  and 
local  government,  and  he  made  no  serious  errors.  He 
was  liberal  in  the  matter  of  land  grants  and  in  his 
policy  toward  foreigners.  He  antagonized  no  class, 
but  flattered  all.  Hence  an  enviable  reputation,  for 
the  Californians  have  nothing  but  praise  for  the 
character  and  acts  of  Fisfueroa.  He '  has  been  for- 
tunate  in  his  fame.  Eulogy  has  been  exaggerated;  I 
think  the  man's  acts  and  correspondence  show  traits 
of  character  that  under  less  favorable  circumstances 
would  have  given  him  a  much  less  favorable  record. 
Nevertheless,  he  is  probably  entitled  to  his  position 
in  history  as  the  best  Mexican  governor  ever  sent  to 
rule   California.39      In    several   following  chapters   I 

39  Some  miscellaneous  items  about  Figueroa:  Bandini  is  the  only  prom- 
inent Californian  who  did  not  share  the  enthusiasm  for  F.,  and  even  he  in 
his  History  and  correspondence  did  not  deem  it  expedient  to  speak  very  decid- 
edly against  the  popular  sentiment.  Osio,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  240-8,  narrates 
that  F.  was  silent  partner  with  Angel  Ramirez  in  a  monte  game  at  the  cap- 
ital, which  was  broke  up  by  the  alcalde,  tells  of  his  giving  a  banquet  in 
honor  of  a  newly  married  Indian  couple,  and  himself  leading  the  dance  with 
the  bride,  and  states  that  his  sympathy  for  the  natives  made  him  too  lenient 
in  punishing  their  crimes.  F.  's  physical  appearance  is  spoken  of  particularly 
in  Pko,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  56-7;  Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  13-17;  Avila,  Notas, 
MS.,   16;    Vald6s,  Mem.,  MS.,   23;    Vega,    Viola  Cal.,   MS.,    13;   Serrano, 


293     FIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AND  GUTIERREZ -THE  COLOXY. 

shall  have  occasion  to  speak  frequently  of  Figueroa, 
though  in  this  I  leave  him  in  his  tomb. 

In  May  1835  the  gefe  politico  had  notified  the  su- 
preme government  that  he  should  be  obliged  to  sur- 
render the  office  temporarily  to  the  senior  vocal  of  the 
diputacion  and  seek  relief  for  his  illness  away  from  the 
capital.  He  then  intended  to  make  the  change  in 
June,  but  did  not  do  so  until  after  the  diputacion  had 
assembled.  On  August  29th  he  issued  an  order  to 
Jose  Castro  as  senior  vocal  to  assume  the  office  as  act- 
ing gefe  politico  during  his  necessary  absence.  Cor- 
responding circular  orders  were  sent  the  same  day  to 
the  different  alcaldes.40  It  is  not  known  what  part 
of  the  time  in  September  Figueroa  was  absent  from 
Monterey,  nor  what  duties  if  any  Jose  Castro  per- 
formed as  acting  gefe  in  that  month.  He  doubtless 
presided  at  several  sessions  of  the  diputacion  at  any 
rate.  Just  before  his  death,  however,  in  accordance 
with  the  national  law  of  May  6,  1822,  and  with  the 
strong  popular  feeling  in  favor  of  a  separation  of  the 
commands,  Figueroa  disposed  that  Castro  should  suc- 
ceed him  as  gefe  politico  ad  interim,  while  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Nicolas  Gutierrez,  as  the  ranking  officer  in  Cal- 
ifornia, was  to  assume  the  position  of  comandante  gen- 
eral. Gutierrez  had  been  summoned  to  the  capital  by 
letter  of  September  22d,  and  arrived  a  few  days  after 
Figueroa's  death.  After  urging  various  excuses — ill 
health,  want  of  ability,  aversion  from  stepping  into 

Apuntes,  MS.,  28-30;  Torre,  Bernini*.,  MS.,  32,  36-7,  51-2.  All  speak  in 
praise  of  his  character,  as  in  Arce,  Memorias,  MS.,  5-6;  Pico,  Acont.,  MS., 
24,  27;  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  12-14;  Marsh's  Letter,  MS.,  5-7;  Spence's  Notes, 
MS.,  16-17;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  54,  61,  68.  Alvarado  and  Vallejo,  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  passim,  are  very  enthusiastic  in  their  praise  of  the  man  and  all 
his  acts.  Requena,  in  Hayes'  Miscellany,  29,  says  that  F.  bought  the  Alami- 
to3  rancho  in  1835  for  $500.  Mention  of  a  family  in  Mexico  and  heirs  to  the 
California  estate.  This  in  1854  in  connection  with  a  suit  of  Stearns  about 
Alamitos.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  518.  The  idea  expressed  by  Tu thill  and 
others  that  F.  was  harassed  to  death  by  his  enemies,  or  worn  out  by  his  labors 
in  behalf  of  Cal.,  has  little  foundation  in  fact. 

''Aug.  29,  1835,  F.  to  C.  to  alcaldes,  and  to  prefect  of  missions.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  48;  /(/.,  Aug.,  xi.  37-9;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  50.  Arch,  Ar- 
p3.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  11-12.  In  Monterey,  Actos  Ayunt..  MS.,  125-7,  the  date 
ij  Aug.  27th,  when  F.  announced  the  change  to  dip.  and  ayunt. 


CASTRO  AS  GOVERNOR.  *  '       299 

the  place  of  a  deceased  friend,  and  his  Spanish  birth — ■ 
for  declining  the  command,  he  at  last  yielded  to  the 
decision  of  a  council  of  war  and  accepted  the  office  on 
the  8th  of  October.41 

Castro  was  in  reality  third  vocal  in  rank  of  senior- 
ity, though  the  oldest  who  had  been  present  in  the 
sessions  of  this  year.  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo  was  in 
Mexico,  but  Jose  Antonio  Estudillo  was  at  San  Diego, 
being  excused  on  account  of  illness.  To  him  doubt- 
less the  gefatura  belonged,  unless  so  ill  as  to  be  un- 
able to  perform  the  duties.  The  ayuntamiento  of  San 
Dieofo  took  this  view  of  the  matter  at  the  session  of 
September  21st,  held  on  receipt  of  the  circular  of 
August  29th,  and  sent  a  corresponding  protest.  This 
would  seem  an  excellent  foundation  for  a  quarrel ;  but 
the  records  are  vague  respecting  subsequent  develop- 
ments. Estudillo's  claims  were  never  allowed,  ap- 
parently never  even  considered  at  the  capital,  and 
were  abandoned  soon  by  himself  and  friends.  Possi- 
bly he  was  really  too  ill  to  take  the  office;  and  it  is 
also  possible  that,  as  Bandini  states,  Castro  turned 
over  the  office  to  the  comandante  general  without 
much  objection  early  the  next  year  to  avoid  turning 
it  over  to  Estudillo.42    Castro  at  any  rate  assumed  the 

41  Oct.  8,  1835,  Gutierrez  to  Castro,  to  comandantes,  and  to  ayuntamientos. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  56-8;  Id.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  iii.  70-81; 
Id.,  8.  Jose,  v.  1-2;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  56-8;  Hayes'  Doc.  Hist.  Cal, 
MS.,  31.  Oct.  9th,  order  in  the  garrison  order-book  for  Gutierrez  to  be  recog- 
nized, signed  by  Capt.  Muiloz.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxx.  22. 

42  Sept.  21,  1831,  action  of  ayuntamiento  in  favor  of  Estudillo.  S.  Diego, 
Arch.,  MS.,  56-7;  Hayes'  Doc,  MS.,  29;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pre/,  y  Jiag.,  MS., 
iii.  34;  Oct.  10th,  Castro  to  alcalde  of  S.  Diego,  complaining  that  no  answer 
had  been  received  to  the  circular  of  Aug.  29th,  which  had  conveyed  the  infor- 
mation of  his  appointment  'on  account  of  the  absence  and  sickness  of  the  vocal 
to  whom  it  belonged.'  (There  had  been  nothing  of  the  kind  in  the  circular.) 
He  had  heard  that  there  was  some  difficulty  at  S.  Diego  about  recognizing 
him  (he  must  naturally  have  seen  the  protest  of  Sept.  21st,  sent  to  Figueroa), 
and  asks  for  information  without  delay.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  (51.  In  S. 
Diego,  Index,  MS.,  15,  allusion  is  made  to  a  reply  of  the  ayunt.  sustaining 
E. 's  claims.  Oct.  15th,  communications  from  E.  and  from  the  ayunt.  were 
received  by  the  dip.  and  referred  to  a  committee;  but  there  is  no  record  of 
discussion  or  of  results.  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  ii.  222-4.  In  Savage,  Doc,  MS., 
42-4,  is  an  undated  record  or  argument  on  the  subject,  apparently  emanating 
from  Bandini,  in  which  Castro's  argumeuts  are  referred  to,  thus  implying  that 
there  had  been  a  correspondence  and  refusal  by  Castro.  At  the  same  session 
the  payment  of  Castro's  salary  was  authorized  at  §3, COO  per  year.     Jan.  22, 


300     FIGUEROA,  CASTRO,  AND  GUTIERREZ— THE  COLONY. 

office,  was  supported  by  the  diputacion,  and  recog- 
nized by  all  the  local  authorities  of  the  territory, 
meeting  no  opposition  except  that  alluded  to  in  San 
Diego.  He  ruled  until  January  1836;  but  during 
his  term  there  was  nothing  in  connection  with  po- 
litical annals  which  calls  for  notice  here.  Castro 
carried  out  as  nearly  as  possible  his  predecessor's 
plans,  performed  faithfully  the  few  routine  duties  re- 
quired of  him,  and  if  he  had  no  opportunity  to  make 
himself  famous,  he  at  the  least  committed  no  serious 
or  disgraceful  errors.43 

1836,  Capt.  Portilla  to  Gutierrez.  Says  that  Pio  Pico  did  not  recognize  Cas- 
tro's right  to  be  gefe  politico.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxxi.  31.  In 
a  complaint  of  the  alcalde  to  the  gefe  politico  in  April  1836,  the  sindico  is 
charged  with  having  presented  in  the  name  of  the  people  a  paper  inviting 
other  ayuntamientos  not  to  recognize  Castro.  He  also  went  about  inciting 
the  Indians  to  a  campaign  against  Monterey,  affirming  that  Capt.  Portilla 
would  take  command  of  the  movement.  All  this  in  Dec.  1835.  8.  Diego, 
Arch.,  MS.,  98.  Whether  this  'plan'  had  anything  in  common  with  that 
accredited  to  Bandini  and  investigated  by  Gov.  Chico's  orders  the  next  year,  I 
am  not  quite  certain.  Id.,  104,  116.  Bandini's  statement  is  in  his  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  79-80,  but  he  gives  no  particulars.  Jose"  Maria  Estudillo,  Datos,  MS., 
7,  says  that  his  father  was  invited  by  Figueroa  to  take  the  gefatura,  but  de- 
clined.    Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  17-18,  gives  the  same  version. 

43  General  mention  of  Castro's  succession  and  rule,  including  in  most  cases 
the  transfer  to  Gutierrez  in  Jan.  L836:  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  41-5, 
stating  that  Zamorano  worked  hard  to  induce  Figueroa  to  give  both  com- 
mands to  Gutierrez  at  the  first;  Larios,  Convulsiones,  MS.,  15-16;  Pinto, 
Apunt.,  MS.,  14-15;  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  27-8,  saying  C.  expected  opposition 
from  G.,  and  gathered  some  of  his  friends  and  relatives  about  him;  Voile,  Lo 
Pasado,  MS.;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  69-74,  mentioning  some  troubles 
with  P.  Mercado;  Galindo,  Apuntes,  MS.,  31-2,  characterizing  the  hesitation 
of  G.  to  accept  the  command  as  mere  pretence;  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  30; 
Vallejo  {J.  J.),  Reminis.,  MS.,  117,  complimenting  C.  for  having  kept  the 
country  free  from  the  strife  of  factions;  Juarez,  Narr.,  MS.,  7,  offsetting  C.'s 
good  record  at  this  time  against  his  bad  one  of  later  years;  Botello,  Anales, 
MS.,  18-19;  TuthilVs  Hist.  Cal,  141;  Ord.  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  84-5;  Mofras, 
Explor.,  i.  298;  Marsh's  Letter,  MS.,  7.  The  last  two  omit  all  mention  of 
C.'s  rule,  and  make  G.  succeed  Figueroa. 


CHAPTEft  XL 

MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION". 

1831-1833. 

Echeandia's  Plan  of  1830 — Decree  of  1831 — The  Comisionados — Views 
of  the  Padres — Carrillo's  Efforts  in  Mexico — The  Pious  Fund — 
Events  of  1832 — Diputacion  and  Friars — Echeandia's  Reglamen- 
to — Notes  of  Padre  Sanchez — Bachelot  and  Short — Exiles  from 
the  Hawaiian  Islands — New  Missionaries  in  1833 — The  Zacate- 
canos — Division  of  the  Missions — Troubles  in  the  North — Flog- 
ging Neophytes — Supplies  for  San  Francisco — Misconduct  of  Padre 
Mercado  at  San  Rafael — Massacre  of  Gentiles — Figueroa's  In- 
structions on  Secularization — Echeandia's  Regulations — Figue- 
roa's Policy — Experiments  in  the  South — Provisional  Rules — 
Emancipation  in  Practice — Projects  of  President  Duran — Figue- 
roa's Report  against  Secularization — Mexican  Decrees  of  1833 — 
President  and  Prefect. 

Most  important  of  general  matters  for  the  half- 
decade,  after  or  even  before  political  events  and  an- 
nals of  the  colony,  is  the  affairs  of  the  missions, 
especially  in  the  phase  of  secularization.  So  closely 
is  this  subject  connected  with  the  general  history  of 
the  territory,  that  I  have  been  obliged  frequently  to 
give  it  more  than  mere  passing  mention  in  the  last 
four  chapters;  yet  it  is  absolutely  necessary,  at  the 
cost  of  some  slight  repetition,  to  treat  the  matter  sep- 
arately and  fully.  As  a  fitting  introduction,  I  refer 
the  reader  to  what  I  have  written  on  secularization 
for  the  preceding  period  of  1826-30,  including  Echean- 
dia's instructions,  policy,  and  efforts.1  I  also  append 
in  a  note  the  substance  of  Echeandia's  plan,  as  ap- 

aSee  chap,  i v.,  this  volume. 

(301) 


332  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

proved  by  the  diputacion  in  July  and  August  1830, 
and  sent  to  the  supreme  government  in  September 
for  approval.2  .   The  padres  made  little  opposition  to 

2 Echeandia,  Plan  para  convcrtir  en  Pueblos  las  Misiones,  1829-30,  MS.  1. 
The  missions  shall  he  converted  into  pueblos  one  by  one  as  the  territorial  govt 
may  determine,  in  view  of  the  reports  of  the  missionaries  and  president,  and 
in  conformity  with  the  dip.  In  case  the  dip.  opposes  the  views  of  the  gefe, 
the  matter  is  to  be  referred  to  the  sup.  govt.  2.  Beginning  at  once  without 
distinction  as  may  be  convenient  with  the  4  (7?)  nearest  the  presidios,  pueblos, 
and  villa;  then  following  also  without  distinction  with  S.  Buenaventura,  S. 
Juan  Capistrano,  S.  Luis  Obispo,  and  S.  Antonio;  then  the  rest  in  succession 
— but  the  change  is  not  to  be  effected  the  first  year  in  more  than  two  mis- 
sions, in  order  to  observe  what  is  to  be  done  later  with  the  rest.  3.  The  ranchos 
joined  to  each  mission  will  continue  to  recognize  it  as  head  town,  being  ruled 
by  an  auxiliary  alcalde  or  by  an  ayuntamiento,  as  may  seem  best  to  the  govt 
in  accordance  with  the  laws.  4.  The  new  ayunt.  will  recognize  as  head 
town  of  the  partido  the  presidio  or  pueblo  recognized  in  their  last  elections 
for  diputados.  5.  Farming  and  grazing  lands,  which  by  constant  use  down 
to  the  date  of  swearing  to  independence  or  by  approval  of  the  ter.  govt  they 
have  cultivated  and  occupied  with  their  property,  are  to  remain  the  property 
of  these  pueblos — which  will  be  composed  of  their  neophytes  and  of  such 
other  Mexicans  as  may  wish  to  settle  in  them  according  to  the  terms  of 
following  articles  on  the  distribution  of  lands:  6.  To  neophytes,  including 
those  absent  with  leave,  and  to  other  servants  of  the  mission  wishing  to  re- 
main, will  be  distributed  by  lot,  to  each  family  a  house-lot  75  varas  square 
and  a  field  200  v.  sq. — the  lots  in  blocks  of  four,  150  v.  sq.  with  suitable  streets 
and  plazas.  Some  details  respecting  equitable  division  of  lands  with  regard 
to  quality.  7.  To  each  pueblo  will  be  assigned  an  er/ido  of  1  sq.  league  for 
each  500  head  of  live-stock — of  good  grazing  land  near  the  settlement.  8. 
Within  6  months  of  the  publication  of  the  change  of  any  mission  into  a  pue- 
blo, there  shall  be  given  to  each  family  3  cows,  3  horses,  3  sheep,  a  yoke  of 
oxen,  a  mule  or  an  ass;  various  implements  named,  both  to  families  and  for 
common  use;  and  they  are  also  to  receive  for  a  year  rations  proportioned  to 
the  preceding  crop.  9.  Other  families,  not  neophytes  or  with  leave  of  ab- 
sence, will  have  lots  and  fields  from  those  that  remain.  No  one  may  pasture 
in  the  egido  over  50  cattle  and  25  horses.  10.  All  property  thus  distributed 
to  be  indivisible  and  inalienable  for  5  years;  neither  can  the  settlers  or  their 
heirs  encumber  this  property  with  any  mortgage,  lien,  etc.  11.  The  settlers 
must  be  governed  by  the  general,  territorial,  and  local  laws  and  regulations, 
in  like  manner  as  at  S.  Jose1  and  Los  Angeles  at  the  beginning,  all  paying 
tithes  of  course.  12.  Of  similar  purport,  each  individual  to  obey  the  laws 
of  Mex.  and  Cal.  13.  Details  respecting  later  distribution  of  stallions,  bulls, 
etc.  14.  Names  of  all  individuals  to  be  recorded  with  the  distribution  of 
property.  15.  The  pueblos  to  keep  the  names  of  the  missions,  but  the  set- 
tlers may  propose  any  other  name  'of  laudable  origin'  to  the  dip.  and  to  con- 
gross.  16.  The  church  and  the  rooms  used  for  service  and  residence  of  the 
chaplain  or  curate  are  to  be  those  now  occupied  and  such  as  may  be  built 
later.  The  rest  of  the  mission  buildings  will  be  devoted  to  uses  of  the  ayunt. , 
prisons,  barracks,  schools,  hospital,  etc.,  and  the  present  dwellings  of  the 
neophytes  will  serve  at  present  for  the  pueblo  officials.  17.  The  live-stock 
and  other  property  remaining  after  the  distribution  will  remain  in  charge  of 
an  administrator  subject  to  the  inspection  of  the  ayunt.  and  of  the  dip.  Re- 
maining lands,  to  the  extent  of  4  sq.  leagues  for  1,000  head  of  large  stock,  and 
3  sq.  leagues  for  small  stock,  to  serve  for  the  support  of  the  flocks  and  herds; 
and  expenses  of  labor,  etc.,  to  be  paid  from  the  product  of  the  capital.  18. 
From  the  remainder  of  said  capital,  rent  of  surplus  lands,  yield  of  vineyards, 
etc.,  will  be  paid  the  wages  of  a  school-master,  hospital  expenses,  and  other 


ECHEANDfA'S  PLAN.  303 

this  plan  in  California,  trusting  rather  to  efforts  in 
Mexico,  and  especially  to  the  change  in  national  ad- 
ministration, which  was  to  furnish  for  the  territory 
a  new  governor  and  a  new  policy. 

There  had  been  no  avowed  intention  on  the  part  of 
governor  or  diputacion  to  carry  into  practical  effect 
the  provisions  of  the  plan  without  the  consent  of  the 
superior  authorities,  and  in  forming  the  plan  Echeandfa 
had  but  obeyed  after  long  delay  his  instructions  from 
Mexico.  It  became,  however,  more  and  more  prob- 
able as  the  months  passed  by  that  a  new  governor 
would  arrive  in  advance  of  the  desired  ratification; 
hence  a  strong  temptation  to  act  without  that  ratifi- 
cation.3 In  a  letter  written  in  1833  Echeandia  de- 
fended his  action  substantially  as  follows.  "At  the 
beginning  of  1831  I  found  myself,"  by  reason  of  im- 
proved organization  *of  territorial  and  municipal  gov- 
ernment, the  aid  of  an  asesor  and  ayudante  inspector, 
the  separation  of  Baja  California,  and  other  favorable 
circumstances,  "in  a  condition  to  attend  to  mission 
reforms.  Knowing  that  Guadalupan  missionaries 
wrere  coming,  and  that  it  was  as  important  to  prevent 
their  succession  to  the  temporal  administration  as  to 
secure  their  succession  to  the  spiritual;  considering 
that  on  account  of  continual  wars  in  Mexico  my  plans 
could  not  have  received  attention,  and  had  perhaps 
been  lost  on  the  way;  having  the  presidial  companies 

institutions  of  asylum,  correction,  and  instruction,  deemed  necessary.  19. 
The  curates  will  continue  to  receive,  as  the  missionaries  do  now,  $400  from 
the  pious  fund;  which  will  be  increased  to  $700,  $800,  $900,  or  $1,000,  ac- 
cording to  the  size  of  the  pueblo,  from  the  product  of  the  funds  in  charge  of 
the  administrator.  If  these  funds  be  insufficient,  the  sum  may  be  made  up 
by  a  pro-rata  tax  on  the  funds  of  other  pueblos;  or  in  extreme  cases  by  a  con- 
tribution in  the  interested  pueblo.  20.  The  ter.  govt,  with  approval  of  the 
gen.  govt,  will  provide  in  detail  for  whatever  may  seem  best  for  the  prog- 
ress and  well-being  of  each  pueblo,  acting  provisionally  as  circumstances 
may  demand.  21.  The  missionaries  may  remain  in  charge  of  the  spirit- 
ual administration,  receiving  the  allowance  of  art.  19;  or  they  may  go 
to  form  new  missions  in  the  ranchos  not  to  be  converted  into  pueblos,  or 
at  any  other  points  in  the  interior.  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  134-58;  Guerra,  Doc, 
MS.,  i.  5-14;  Dept.  lice,  MS.,  viii.  70. 

3  The  plan  was  favorably  reported  to  congress  by  the  minister.  Mexico, 
Mem.  Relatione.?,  1831,  p.  33;  Hup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  1;  and  it  was 
only  Echeandia's  later  action  that  was  disapproved. 


304  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

to  support  on  home  resources;  being  in  constant  trou- 
ble on  account  of  the  soldiers  of  the  escoltas,  often 
favorites  and  servants  of  the  padres  and  corrupters  of 
the  neophytes;  knowing  well  that  to  insure  the  integ- 
rity of  the  nation  and  tranquillity  and  prosperity  at 
home,  it  was  best  to  abolish  once  for  all  the  oppression 
of  the  neophytes  by  establishing  a  secular  govern- 
ment, since  once  converted  from  slaves  to  proprietors 
they  would  become  enthusiastic  supporters  of  the  fed- 
eral system,  a  means  of  defence  against  foreign 
schemes,  and  of  support  to  the  territorial  government 
and  troops;  desiring  to  release  the  missionaries  for 
the  founding  of  new  missions;  therefore  I  proposed  to 
consolidate  the  security  and  good  order  of  the  terri- 
tory by  converting  into  free  men  and  proprietors  the 
18,000  forzados,  indigentes  reducidos  in  the  old  mis- 
sions, in  order  to  advance  rapidly  to  the  civilization 
of  the  multitude  of  gentiles  who  also  with  their  lands 
belong  to  our  nation,  thus  avoiding  the  necessity  of 
foreign  colonization.  Therefore  I  repeat,  at  the  be- 
ginning of  1831,  all  being  ready  for  the  regeneration 
intrusted  to  me,  and  for  which  I  had  striven  so  hard, 
mindful  of  the  laws  and  of  the  benefits  to  result,  tak- 
ing advantage  of  the  most  fitting  occasion  to  develop 
the  power  of  right  by  which  was  to  be  restrained  the 
colossal  arbitrary  power  of  the  missionaries — I  took 
steps  to  put  the  neophytes  under  the  civil  authorities, 
deeming  this  the  fullest  possible  compliance  with  the 
laws  and  superior  orders."4 

The  special  pleading  quoted,  or  condensed  from  the 
author's  original  verbosity,  was  of  course  all  beside 
the  true  question  at  issue.  The  territorial  govern- 
ment, as  Echeandfa  well  knew,  had  no  power  to 
secularize  the  missions.  Nevertheless,  a  decree  of 
secularization  was  issued  January  6,  1831.  It  was 
an  illegal  and  even  revolutionary  measure,  devised  by 

iEcheand(a,  Carta  que  dirige  a  Don  Jos6  Figueroa,  1833 ',  MS.,  p.  44-50. 
Though  put  in  quotation-marks,  what  I  have  given  is  but  a  brief  resume"  of 
the  author's  endless  and  complicated  words  and  phrases. 


DECREE  OF  JANUARY,  1S31.  305 

Jose  Maria  Padres  in  supposed  furtherance  of  his 
own  interests  or  radical  theories,  and  those  of  a  few 
friends.  I  have  already  had  something  to  say  of  this 
golpe  de  estado.5  Had  it  been  accomplished  some 
months  earlier,  there  might  have  been  a  plausible 
hope  on  the  part  of  Padres  and  his  party  for  success; 
but  now  when  Victoria  was  already  in  California,  it 
was  a  most  absurd  and  aimless  scheme,  unless  indeed 
it  was  intended  to  have  the  effect  it  did  have;  that  is, 
to  drive  Victoria  to  the  commission  of  arbitrary  acts 
and  thus  lay  the  foundation  for  a  revolution.  The 
results  politically  have  been  related. 

The  decree  of  January  6,  1831,  was  for  the  most 
part  in  accordance  with  the  plan  of  1830.  From  the 
original  in  my  possession  I  form  the  appended  re- 
sume.6   San  Carlos  and  San  Gabriel  were  to  be  organ - 

5  See  chap,  vii.,  this  vol.  The  views  of  Padres  in  this  connection,  already 
well  known  to  the  reader,  are  given  at  some  length  in  Oslo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
155-64;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  254-G2;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii. 
100-1;  Guerra,  in  Carrillo  (./.),  Doc,  MS.,  31-2;  Robinson's  Life  in  Cal.,  97; 
Figueroa,  Manijiesto,  2-3. 

6  Echeandia,  Dccreto  de  Secularization  de  Misiones,  6  de  Enero,  1831, 
MS.  Also  in  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  65-77;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  435-70. 
TJie  document  is  signed  at  Monterey  on  Jan.  6th,  by  E.  and,  in  the  secre- 
tary's absence,  by  Jose  Maria  Padre's. 

Preamble. — Whereas,  1.  All  Mexicans  enjoy  the  rights  granted  by  the 
organic  law  except  the  mission  Indians;  2.  The  law  of  Sept.  13,  1813,  ex- 
pressly provides  that  the  missions  be  formed  into  towns;  3.  Grave  evils  will 
result  from  the  continued  granting  of  licenses  as  heretofore;  4.  The  dip. — be- 
ing convinced  that  the  neophytes  live  in  a  state  of  discontent,  that  most  of 
the  friars  have  declared  themselves  opposed  to  independence  and  the  national 
govt,  and  that  the  decay  of  the  missions  must  follow — decreed  in  August 
last  in  accord  with  my  propositions  the  manner  of  distributing  lands  and 
property;  therefore  I  have  deemed  it  proper  to  decree  for  the  present  as 
follows:  1.  S.  Gabriel  and  S.  Carlos  are  to  be  organized  as  towns,  the  latter 
retaining  the  name  of  Carmelo.  2.  At  S.  Gabriel  4  comisarios  to  be  elected, 
dependent  on  the  ayunt.  of  Los  Angeles  until  the  population  be  determined, 
and  to  be  elected  under  the  direction  of  a  trustworthy  person  selected  by 
that  ayunt.  3.  Same  at  S.  Carlos,  dependent  on  ayunt.  of  Monterey.  Elec- 
tions to  take  place  on  3d  and  4th  Sundays  of  Jan.;  officers  to  enter  upon  the 
discharge  of  their  duties  on  Feb.  1st.  4.  The  ranchos  of  each  mission  to  con- 
tinue subject  to  it,  and  to  have  a  sub-comisario  if  the  number  of  inhabitants 
be  considerable.  5,  6.  Identical  with  art.  5,  6,  of  the  plan  of  1S30.  7.  All 
inhab.  of  the  two  missions  25  years  old,  or  18  years  if  married,  are  entitled 
to  grants  of  land  in  fee  simple;  but  the  lands  cannot  be  subjected  to  entail  or 
mortmain.  8,  9,  10.  Correspond  with  8,  7,  12,  of  the  plan.  11.  Unmarried 
neophytes  of  25  years  or  more  to  have  only  half  the  house  lot  granted  by  art. 
6;  and  to  have  a  smaller  share  of  live-stock,  tools,  etc.,  than  the  others. 
12-17.  Correspond  in  substance  to  art.  10,  14,  11-13,  16,  17,  18,  of  the  plan. 
18.  An  administrator  is  to  be  appointed  for  each  town;  and  for  this  purpose 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    20 


306  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

ized  at  once  into  towns,  the  surplus  property  after 
distribution  to  neophytes  passing  under  the  control  of 
secular  administrators.  A  similar  change  was  to  be 
effected  at  most  of  the  other  missions  as  rapidly  as 
the  comisionados  appointed  to  superintend  the  distri- 
bution could  attend  to  their  duties.  Suitable  pro- 
vision was  made  for  the  support  of  the  ministers, 
and  for  the  education  of  Indian  children. 

Governor  Victoria  had  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara 
on  his  way  to  assume  the  command,  the  transfer  of 
which  Echeandia  purposely  delayed  for  the  advance- 
ment of  the  secularization  scheme,  and  he  took  steps 
to  prevent  the  official  publication  of  the  banclo  of  Jan- 
uary 6th  in  the  south.7     His  exact  instructions  from 

heads  of  families  are  to  choose  three  men  to  be  named  to  the  ayunt.,  which 
body  will  forward  the  names  to  the  gov.  with  a  report  on  qualifications.  19. 
The  administrator  to  have  charge  of  all  property  remaining  after  the  distri- 
bution, the  same  to  be  delivered  to  him  by  inventory.  20.  The  citizens  in- 
terested will  appoint  the  necessary  majordomos,  who  will  be  under  the 
administrator's  direction.  21.  They  will  also  propose  to  the  comisario  the 
proper  salaries  of  administrator  and  majordomos,  to  be  laid  before  the 
ayimt.  and  gov.  22.  Corresponds  to  art.  17-18  of  plan.  23.  The  minister 
will  be  allowed  $1,000  at  S.  Gabriel  and  $600  at  Carmelo,  including  the 
sinodo  of  $400.  24.  At  S.  F.,  S.  Jose\  Sta  Clara,  S.  Juan  Bautista,  Soledad, 
S.  Antonio,  S.  Miguel,  Sta  In6s,  S.  Buenaventura,  S.  Fernando,  S.  Juan 
Capistrano,  and  S.  Diego,  comisarios,  administrators,  and  majordomos  will 
be  chosen  as  provided  in  art.  2-4,  18,  20;  but  in  other  respects  they  will  con- 
tinue under  the  community  system  until  the  comisionados  for  the  distribu- 
tion of  lands,  etc.,  shall  have  concluded  their  labors  at  S.  Gabriel  and  S. 
Carlos,  when  they  will  attend  to  these.  25.  The  ministers  of  these  missions 
will  be  furnished  by  the  administrators  with  support  and  servants  in  addition 
to  their  sinodos  until  a  proper  allowance  for  their  spiritual  services  is  deter- 
mined on.  26.  At  Sta  Cruz,  S.  Luis  Obispo,  Purisima,  Sta  Barbara,  and  S. 
Luis  Rey  only  comisarios  and  majordomos  are  to  be  chosen,  the  administra- 
tion remaining  for  the  present  in  the  hands  of  the  padres.  27.  In  the  future, 
for  the  purposes  indicated,  S.  F.  will  belong  to  the  port  of  the  same  name;  S. 
Jos6  and  Sta  Clara  to  the  ayunt.  of  S.  Jose;  Sta  Cruz,  S.  Juan,  Soledad,  S. 
Antonio,  S.  Miguel,  and  S.  Luis  Obispo  to  that  of  Monterey;  Purisima,  Sta 
In6s,  Sta  Barbara,  and  S.  Buenaventura  to  the  comandancia  of  Sta  Barbara; 
S.  Fernando  and  S.  Juan  Capistrano  to  the  ayunt.  of  Los  Angeles;  and  S. 
Luis  Rey  and  S.  i)iego  to  the  comandancia  of  S.  Diego.  28.  With  all  pos- 
sible haste  a  school  is  to  be  establised  at  S.  Gabriel  and  at  Carmelo,  in  which 
reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic  will  be  taught  as  well  as  the  best  morals 
and  politics.  29.  Each  of  the  southern  missions  up  to  Sta  Ines  will  send  4 
clear-headed  pupils  over  18  years  of  age  to  the  school  at  Monterey.  30. 
Each  of  the  northern  missions  will  send  4  Indian  pupils  to  Carmelo.  31. 
The  pupils  to  be  chosen  by  the  comisarios  and  administrators.  32.  Teachers 
to  have  $40  or  $50 according  to  skill;  and  to  have  also  $15  for  each  proficient 
pupil  produced  in  0  months,  or  $5  for  each  at  the  end  of  a  year.  33.  Per- 
sons deeming  themselves  competent  to  teach  Mill  make  application  to  local 
authorities. 

7  Jan.    7,   1831,  Guerra  says  the  new  mandarin   expresses  very  sensible 


ATTEMPT  TO  ENFORCE  THE  PLAN.  307 

0 

Mexico  are  not  known,  but  the  spirit  of  the  adminis- 
tration which  he  represented  was  favorable  to  the 
friars;  and  he  understood-  perfectly  not  only  the  ille- 
gality of  Echeandia's  act,  but  its  motive  and  the  influ- 
ence of  Padres  in  the  matter.  In  the  north  the  banclo 
was  more  or  less  fully  published  in  January.  The 
document  with  the  proper  instructions  and  requests 
was  sent  not  only  to  local  officials,  but  to  the  padre 
prefect  and  bishop,  who  were  urged  to  instruct  and 
prepare  the  friars  for  the  change.8 ,  The  ayuntamiento 
of  Montere}7  on  the  8th  chose  a  comisionado  for  each 
of  the  seven  missions  of  the  district.9  Jose  Castro 
and  Juan  B.  Alvarado  were  sent  to  San  Miguel  and 
San  Luis  Obispo  respectively,  where  they  read  the 
decree  and  made  speeches  to  the  assembled  neophytes. 
At  San  Luis,  and  probably  at  all  the  missions  of  the 
district,  the  comisarios  were  elected;  but  at  San  Mi- 
guel, after  listening  to  the  orators,  the  neophytes  ex- 
pressed a  very  decided  preference  for  the  padre  and 

views  in  regard  to-'  the  missions — that  is,  of  course  his  views  were  favorable 
to  the  padres.  Carrillo  (J.),  Doc,  MS.,  33.  Jan.  14th,  V.  to  E.  Has  just 
seen  'by  a  lucky  accident'  the  edict,  which  contains  provisions  entirely  con- 
trary to  superior  instructions  and  orders.  He  has  taken  steps  to  counteract 
the  evil  results,  but  holds  E.  responsible  if  any  occur.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and 
Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  35-G.  Jan.  19th,  V.  to  sup.  govt,  denouncing  the  decree  as 
a  scheme  for  plundering  the  missions,  instigated  by  Padres.  It  was  published 
at  Monterey  and  probably  at  S.  Francisco;  but  elsewhere  it  wa3  deemed  too 
risky.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  8-10.  Yet  the  decree  was  known  in 
the  south;  for  on  Jan.  21st,  Com.  Arguello  at  S.  Diego  directs  to  the  com. 
gen.  an  argument  against  making  the  proposed  change  at  S.  Gabriel,  chiefly 
because  the  troops  could  not  get  along  without  the  supplies  furnished  by 
that  mission.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  1-3.  Echeandia  in  1832  stated  that 
the  devil  had  prompted  Victoria  to  prevent  the  publication  in  the  south  and 
afterwards  to  nullify  the  decree  in  the  north,  giving  no  reasons  for  such 
shameful  conduct!  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  Gl.  On  the  general 
fact  of  V. 's  nullification  of  the  decree,  see  TuthilVs  Hist.  Cat,  131;  Hailed*  s 
Report,  12.3;  Ord,  Ocurrenrias,  MS.,  38-9;  Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  12G-8. 

8 Jan.  G,  1831,  E.  to  bishop  of  Sonora.  Uept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
lxxiii.  52.  Same  to  prefect.  Id.,  lxxi.  G-7;  Dept.  Pre,  MS.,  ix.  77.  Same  to 
comandantes  and  ayuntamincntos.  Id.,  viii.  13G.  Jan.  12th,  same  to  Zamo- 
rano,  recommendations  on  distribution  of  land  at  S.  Gabriel.  Zamorano  may 
have  been  appointed  comisionado  for  that  mission.  Id.,  ix.  78.  Jan.  12th, 
same  to  com.  of  J^scoltas,  who  are  to  aid  Alcalde  Buelna  in  publishing  the 
decree,  and  to  obey  not  the  padres'  orders  but  those  of  the  comisarios,  after 
such  have  been  chosen.    Id. ,  ix.  79. 

9  Monterey,  Actus  del  Ayuntamiento,  1831-5,  MS.,  25.  The  comisionados 
were  Juan  B.  Alvarado  for  S.  Luis  Obispo,  Jose  Castro  for  S.  Miguel,  Antonio 
Castro  for  S.  Antonio,  Tiburcio  Castro  for  Soledad,  Juan  Higuera  for  S.  Juan 
Bautista,  Sebastian  Rodriguez  for  Sta  Cruz,  and  Manuel  Crespo  for  S.  Carlos. 


308  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

the  old  system.10  On  account  of  Victoria's  arri- 
val the  matter  went  no  further  than  the  election  of 
comisarios;  nor  is  there  any  record  that  it  went  so 
far  in  the  districts  of  San  Jose  and  San  Francisco. 

For  the  rest  of  1831,  during  the  exciting  epoch  of 
the  revolt  against  Victoria,  there  is  little  to  be  said  of 
mission  history,  and  the  project  of  secularization  was 
at  a  stand-still.  There  is  a  notable  absence  in  the 
archives  of  missionary  correspondence  for  the  year; 
and  the  padres  have  thus  evaded — whether  to  any 
extent  voluntarily  or  through  accidental  loss  of  pa- 
pers I  am  not  quite  sure — a  definite  record  of  their 
attitude  in  the  quarrel  that  distracted  the  territory; 
though  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  their  sympathies 
were  strongly  in  Victoria's  favor.  The  bishop  replied 
in  March,  by  stating  briefly  that  he  had  no  curates  at 
his  disposal,  and  by  requesting  information  upon  all 
that  concerned  the  welfare  of  California.11  It  would 
seem  that  even  Victoria  had  some  instructions  not  al- 
together opposed  to  secularization,  for  in  August 
President  Duran  issued  a  circular,  in  which  he  asked 
of  the  padres,  apparently  by  the  governor's  order, 
their  opinions  of  a  scheme  for  emancipating  the  neo- 
phytes and  distributing  the  estates  on  a  basis  includ- 
ing the  maintenance  of  religious  service,  the  support  of 
the  padres,  and  the  retention  of  community  property 


10I>epL  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  3-5;  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  ix.  85.  The  Indians 
said  they  respected  the  government  and  the  decree,  but  by  reason  of  their 
poverty  and  ignorance  they  desired  no  change.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
iii.  G-7,  narrates  his  efforts  at  S.  Miguel,  where  from  a  cart  in  the  mission 
courtyard  he  vividly  pictured  the  advantages  of  freedom  to  the  Indians;  then 
requested  those  who  wished  to  remain  under  the  padre  to  stand  on  the  left 
and  those  preferring  freedom  on  the  right.  Nearly  all  went  to  the  left  at 
first,  where  they  were  soon  joined  by  the  small  minority  who  had  not  the 
courage  of  their  convictions.  Alvarado'  says  the  Indians  of  S.  Luis  and 
S.  Antonio  expressed  the  same  views.  Jan.  21st,  E.  to  alcalde  of  Monterey. 
The  election  of  comisarios  at  S.  Carlos  was  illegal  and  void;  and  a  new  one 
must  be  held.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  ix.  84.  Jan.  25th,  alcalde  of  Monterey  to 
Sebastian  Rodriguez.  Will  introduce  the  new  system  (at  Sta  Cruz)  after  Feb. 
1st.    Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  xvi.  9. 

11  March  22,  1831,  bishop  at  Fuerte  to  gov.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon., 
MS.,  ii.  58.  Echeandia  interpreted  this  as  an  acceptance  of  the  change,  but 
says  that  later,  when  lie  heard  of  Victoria's  acts,  the  bishop  began  to  throw 
obstacles  in  the  way.  Id.,  ii.  53. 


DURAN'S  COMMENTS.  ,  -        309 

to  a  certain  amount  with  which  to  found  new  missions. 
There  are  extant  the  replies  of  only  three  friars,  two 
of  whom  opposed  and  one  approved  the  proposition.12 
At  the  end  of  December  Duran  prepared — probably 
for  use  in  Mexico,  with  a  view  to  prevent  a  renewal  of 
Echeandia's  original  scheme,  now  that  Victoria  had 
fallen — a  series  of  commentaries  on  the  decree  of  Jan- 
uarv.  It  was  one  of  the  ablest  documents  that  was 
ever  written  by  a  friar  in  California,  but  one  which 
cannot  be  presented  en  resume,  and  much  too  long  for 
literal  reproduction.  On  the  decree,  article  by  article, 
Padre  Narciso  expends  the  full  force  of  his  talent  and 
learning,  with  not  infrequent  volleys  of  wit,  sarcasm, 
ridicule,  and  bitter  denunciation.  Not  a  weak  spot, 
and  there  were  many,  is  overlooked,  and  not  a  weapon 
is  neglected.  In  the  paper  there  is  much  of  sound  ar- 
gument, shrewd  special  pleading,  evasion  of  real  issues, 
and  Franciscan  prejudice,  but  little  misrepresentation 
of  facts.  The  standard  position  of  all  missionaries, 
that  the  Indians  were  absolute  owners  of  the  soil  and 
all  the  mission  property,  but  that  they  were  still  chil- 
dren requiring  parental  control,  and  that  the  friars 
alone  were  qualified  to  exercise  that  control,  was  pre- 
sented over  and  over  in  a  great  variety  of  ingenious 
forms.  Echeandia's  lack  of  authority  to  make  the 
changes  was  insisted  on,  as  were  many  legal  discrep- 


12  The  circular  was  dated  Aug.  13th,  and  is  not  extant,  its  contents  being 
known  only  from  the  three  replies.  P.  Juan  Cabot  writes  from  S.  Miguel 
Aug.  24th,  that  while  he  would  be  glad  to  be  freed  from  his  cares,  he  can  see 
no  way  of  distributing  the  estates  without  producing  ruin.  The  Indians  of 
his  mission  would  have  to  be  scattered  at  long  distances  in  order  to  get  a  liv- 
ing, and  he  could  not  be  responsible  for  their  spiritual  care.  P.  Jos6  Sanchez 
deemed  the  execution  of  the  project  probably  inevitable,  but  sure  to  result,  as 
it  was  intended  to,  in  total  destruction  to  the  missions.  Taking  into  consid- 
eration what  had  happened  in  Baja  California  and  Sonora,  he  could  see  no 
possibility  of  good  results  here.  'So  far  as  it  concerns  me  personally,' he 
writes,  '  would  that  it  might  be  to-morrow,  that  I  might  retire  between  the 
four  walls  of  a  cell  to  weep  over  the  time  I  have  wasted  in  behalf  of  these 
miserables ! '  P.  Josd  Joaquin  Jimenez  of  Sta  Cruz  wrote  in  October  that  in 
view  of  the  reasons  urged  by  the  government,  and  of  the  fact  that  the  burden 
was  becoming  insupportable  to  the  friars,  it  would  be  wisest  to  free  the  In- 
dians and  distribute  the  property  on  the  basis  proposed;  but  also  that  the 
Indians  should  be  obliged  to  keep  their  share  and  to  work.  Arch.  Sta  B., 
MS.,  viii.  13-19. 


310  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

ancles  between  the  decree  and  the  law  of  1813  on 
which  it  purported  to  rest,  and  strong  points  were 
made  by  ridiculing  the  pretended  desire  to  civilize  and 
educate  the  Indians  in  view  of  what  the  gente  de  razon 
had  accomplished  in  that  direction  for  themselves. 
In  a  note  I  give  some  brief  quotations  from  Padre 
Duran's  epilogo.18 

There  was  no  trouble  about  the  furnishing  of  sup- 
plies in  1831.  Naturally  the  padres  were  disposed  to 
do  their  best,  and  the  only  records  in  the  matter  are 
one  or  two  orders  from  Victoria  to  comandantes,  in- 
tended to  prevent  excessive  demands  on  the  mis- 
sionaries.14 At  the  beginning  of  the  year,  and  probably 
in  consequence  of  the  secularization  movement,  a 
passport  for  Habana  was  tendered  to  Duran  as  soon  as 
a  successor  at  San  Jose  could  be  procured.  He  ap- 
parently had  asked  license  to  retire.15  Three  mission- 
aries died  at  their  posts,  padres  Boscana,  Barona,  and 
Suiier,  while  no  Franciscans  came  to  fill  up  the  de- 

13  Duran,  Notas  y  Comentarios  al  Bando  de  Echeandia  sobre  las  Misiones, 
1S31,  MS.  Dated  Dec.  31,  1831.  'It  would  be  better,  with  less  bluster  about 
the  Indians,  to  begin  with  the  gente  de  razon.  Let  the  latter  begin  to  work, 
to  found  establishments  and  schools,  and  to  practise  arts  and  industries  ;  then 
will  be  time  to  lead  the  Indians  to  follow  a  good  example.  Are  they,  but  yes- 
terday savages,  to  go  ahead  and  teach  the  way  to  civilized  men  ?  To  form 
such  projects  of  giving  freedom  to  Indians  after  having  taken  a  million  dollars 
of  their  hard  earnings  for  the  troops,  and  to  leave  in  their  endemic  sloth  the 
others,  who  as  a  rule  know  nothing  but  to  ride  on  horseback  ?  Truly,  I  know 
not  from  what  spirit  can  proceed  such  a  policy,  or  rather  I  know  too  well. 
Why  not  write  what  all  say  ?  Why  say  d  medias  palabras  what  all  say  d  voca 
llena?  What  all  believe  is  that,  under  the  specious  pretext  of  this  plan,  there 
was  a  secret  plan  for  a  general  sack  of  the  mission  property,  the  leaders  in  the 
plot  intending  to  convert  as  much  as  possible  of  the  booty  into  money,  to  be 
enjoyed  in  foreign  lands.  But  God  willed  that  Victoria  should  arrive,' etc. 
'  The  interested  parties,  including  certain  members  of  the  diputacion,  who 
counted  on  the  spoils,  were  disappointed,  and  their  disappointment  changed 
into  hatred  for  Victoria,  whom  they  have  never  pardoned  for  having  rescued 
the  prey  which  they  deemed  already  within  their  clutches. '  Then  follows  an 
account  of  the  revolution  down  to  Victoria's  overthrow.  I  suppose  a  copy  of 
this  document  may  have  been  carried  to  Mexico  by  P.  Peyri,  who  accompanied 
Victoria. 

uDept.  Eec,  MS.,  ix.  5;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,iii.  6-7. 

15  Dept.  nee,  MS.,  ix.  86.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  272-3,  tells  us  that  in  1831, 
P.  Sanchez  having  died  of  grief  at  the  invasions  of  the  civil  powers,  most  of 
the  other  friars  being  subjected  to  indignities,  determined  to  retire;  and  thus 
these  venerable  men,  who  had  devoted  30  or  40  years  of  their  life  to  civilizing 
Indians,  were  driven  from  a  country  'qu'ils  avaient  arros^e  de  leurs  sueura 
et  ftfeondee  par  la  parole  apostolique,'  taking  nothing  with  them  but  a  coarso 
woollen  robe — all  of  which  is  very  pathetic  and  inaccurate. 


EFFORTS  OF  CARRILLO.  311 

pleted  ranks.  Padres  Jesus  Maria  Martinez  and 
Francisco  Cuculla,  Dominicans  from  Baja  California, 
seem  however  to  have  spent  a  considerable  portion  of 
the  year  in  the  territory. 

Meanwhile  in  the  Mexican  congress  Carlos  Carrillo 
was  exerting  all  his  influence  and  eloquence  in  oppo- 
sition to  any  change.  He  was  a  partisan  of  the  friars, 
and  foresaw  nothing  but  mimm  secularization.  He 
expressed  his  views  at  considerable  length  in  letters 
to  Captain  Guerra,  which  may  be  taken  as  copies  for 
the  most  part  of  his  private  and  public  arguments  at 
the  capital.16  A  branch  of  the  same  subject,  and  one 
of  more  urgent  importance  at  the  time  than  secular- 
ization proper,  was  the  disposition  to  be  made  of  the 
pious  fund,  a  topic  under  discussion  in  congress.  The 
estates  of  the  fund  had  been  for  twenty  years  neg- 
lected, and  for  the  most  part  unproductive;  the  ques- 
tion was  how  to  make  them  again  productive,  and 
how  to  apply  the  revenues.  Hitherto  the  estates  had 
been  administered  in  one  way  or  another  by  the  gov- 
ernment; the  revenues  over  and  above  the  expenses  of 
administration  had  been  constantly  dwindling;  and 
for  a  long  time  no  aid  had  been  given  to  the  missions. 
Now  it  was  proposed  to  dispose  of  the  property,  in 
perpetuity  or  for  a  long  period,  by  emphyteutic  sale, 
which  of  course  would  involve  a  great  sacrifice  of 
actual  value,  and  would  yield  a  very  slight  revenue, 
but  which  would  put  into  the  hands  of  the  govern- 
ment a  large  amount  of  ready  money.  The  friends  of 
the  missions  favored  a  renting  of  the  estates  on  the 
most  advantageous  terms  possible  for  short  periods, 
and  were  assisted  by  many  who  cared  nothing  for  the 
missions,  but  were  opposed  to  a  wanton  sacrifice  of 
property. 

Don  Carlos  prepared  an  elaborate  argument  against 
the  proposed  sale,  and  intrusted  it  to  a  fellow-mem- 

16 Carrillo,  Cartas  del  Diputado,  MS.,  passim.  Especially  letter  of  April 
25,  1831.  p.  200-9.  Oct.  19,  1831,  the  min.  of  justice  and  eccl.  aff.  replies  to 
the  sindico  of  Cal.  missions  that  the  mission  property  cannot  be  regarded  as  be- 
longing to  the  public  treasury.  S.  Luis  Ob.,  Arch.,  MS.,  11. 


312  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

ber  to  be  delivered  in  the  hall  of  congress ;  but  the 
'gran  picaro/  when  he  got  the  floor,  made  a  speech 
,  on  the  other  side.17  Fortunately,  others  took  up  the 
defence  of  Carillo's  views  and  gained  a  victory,  tem- 
porarily, over  his  opponents.  Moreover,  his  argu- 
ment, a  strong  presentment  of  the  subject,  under 
date  of  September  15th,  was  made  public  in  print.18 
The  author  said  but  little  about  religion,  or  justice  to 
Indians  or  friars.  He  admitted  that  the  missions 
were  not  accomplishing  much  for  civilization,  but  he 
considered  the  whole  matter  from  the  standpoint  of 
Mexican  interests.  He  extolled  California  as  a  most 
valuable  possession,  the  occupation  and  retention  of 
which  were  clue  solely  to  the  missionaries.  Faulty  as 
the  system  might  be,  it  had  subdued  Indians  and 
gained  northern  territory  for  Spain  and  Mexico. 
During  the  troubles  of  the  past  twenty  years,  the 
missions  had  not  only  been  self-supporting,  but  had 
contributed  over  half  a  million  dollars  to  the  sup- 
port of  the  troops,  besides  offering  the  only  encour- 
agement to  a  growing  and  profitable  commerce.  In 
other  words,  California  had  been  supported  and  saved 
for  Mexico  by  the  earnings  of  the  Indians,  under  the 
mission  system.  But  for  the  missions  the  territory 
to-day  would  be  in  possession  of  savages  or  of  a  for- 
eign power.  Only  by  maintaining  the  missions,  and 
especially  by  founding  new  ones  in  the  north,  could 
the  country  be  saved  from  foreign  aggression  in  the 
near  future.  Moreover,  this  method  involved  no  ex- 
pense to  the  national  treasury.  A  rich  property  ex- 
isted which  could  be  legitimately  applied  in  this  way 
to  national  defence.  The  duty  and  policy  of  Mexico 
were  clearly  to  make  that  property  as  productive  as 
possible,  and  to  apply  the  revenues  solely  to  the  sup- 
port and  extension  of  the  California  missions.19     Don 

"Carrillo,  Cartas  del  Diputado,  1831,  MS.,  p.  214-15. 

iHCarrillo,  Exposition  dirigida  d  la  Cdmara. .  .sobre  A  rreglo  y  Administration 
del  Fondo  Piadoso.     Mexico,  1831. 

19  If  there  was  any  weakness  in  Carrillo's  argument,  it  was  in  his  exaggera- 
tion of  the  unanimity  of  sentiment  in  Cal.  in  favor  of  the  friars  and  his  own 


THEORIES  OF  1S32.  313 

Carlos  won  the  victory,  for  his  propositions,  attached 
in  thirteen  articles  to  the  exposition,  were  almost  liter- 
ally adopted  in  the  law  of  May  25,  1832,20  by  which 
the  estates  were  to  be  rented  for  terms  not  exceeding 
seven  years,  and  the  product  was  to  be  devoted  ex- 
clusively to  the  missions.  True,  the  victory  was  a 
barren  one,  for  the  missions  derived  little  or  no  bene- 
fit from  it;  but  neither  had  they  profited  by  the  fund 
in  the  past  since  the  revolution  against  Spain  began. 
Nor  could  they  under  any  system  have  got  their  dues 
while  the  Mexican  revolutionary  troubles  continued. 


•21 


Naturally  little  was  done  or  even  attempted  in  the 
matter  of  secularization  during  the  political  and  mili- 
tary interregnum  of  1832,  yet  some  theorizing  was  in- 
dulged in,  which  it  is  well  to  notice.  The  diputacion, 
in  addition  to  defending  its  past  acts  toward  Victoria, 
or  rather  as  a  part  of  that  task,  spoke  very  bitterly 
against  the  friars  in  their  reports  of  February  and 
May.  By  means  of  their  wealth,  it  was  charged,  and 
through  the  fanaticism  of  the  people,  the  padres  had 
influence,  and  used  it  unscrupulously  to  disseminate 
Spanish  ideas,  and  plot  against  the  federal  system, 
breaking  the  laws,  corrupting  officials,  and  making 
themselves  abhorred  by  intelligent  citizens — that  is, 
by  the  writers  and  their  friends.  Some  had  fled  to 
Spain  with  gold  and  silver  belonging  to  the  missions. 
Their  commercial  frauds  were  well  known.  Why 
should  they  be  allowed  to  profane  our  institutions, 
and  propagate  among  the  young  and  ignorant  their 
sentiments  in  favor  of  Fernando  VII.  ?  Why  had  not 
the  laws  against  them  been  enforced  in  California  as 

views,  and  in  his  fears  of  a  revolution  if  this  public  sentiment  should  be  dis- 
regarded. 

20  Arrillaga,  Recopilacion,  1832,  p.  114-16;  Fon do,  Piadoso  de  Calif ornias, 
Ley  y  Reglamento.  Mex.,  1833.  12mo.  20  p.  Gleeson,  Hist.  Cath.  Church,  ii. 
130,  says  that  the  fathers  were  by  this  act  deprived  of  $50,000  per  year. 

21  The  padres  entered  into  an  agreement  with  Enrique  Virmond  to  fur- 
nish goods  or  money  and  take  drafts  on  the  govt  to  the  amount  of  their  sti- 
pends; and  this  was  approved  by  the  govt  May  9th,  12th.  Espinosa  to  guardian 
and  to  gov.  Arch.  St.  B.,  MS.,  x.  271-2;  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  12. 


314  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

elsewhere?  By  them  the  neophytes  were  cruelly 
beaten,  forced  to  work,  treated  as  slaves,  without 
having  obtained  the  slightest  benefit  from  sixty  years 
of  mission  training.  Truly  Pico,  Vallejo,  and  Osio 
were  becoming  very  radical  republicans  and  ardent 
patriots,  according  to  the  Mexican  ideal.22  However, 
they  were  angry  at  the  time,  and  were  declaiming  for 
effect  in  Mexico,  as  was  Carrillo  in  a  more  temperate 
way  at  the  capital. 

Acting  as  comandante  general  in  the  south,  accord- 
ing to  the  terms  of  the  treaty  with  Zamorano,  Eche- 
andia had  the  assurance  to  meditate  the  enforcement 
of  his  decree  by  preparing  on  November  1 8th  a  sup- 
plementary reglamento,  as  if  the  events  of  the  past 
months  had  been  but  a  mere  temporary  interruption 
of  his  plans.     The  document,  appended  in  a  note,23 

22  Reports  of  Feb.  24  and  May  15, 1832,  in  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  i.  244-9,  265-6. 

Alf  crez  Jose"  Sanchez  about  this  time,  as  prosecuting  officer  in  a  criminal  case, 
made  use  of  some  very  violent  and  sweeping  denunciations  of  the  friars 
for  their  cruelty  to  the  Indians.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxiii.  6-7. 
In  his  circular  of  Nov.  18th,  Echeandia  represented  the  Indians  as  complain- 
ing bitterly  of  their  oppression  by  the  padres.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon., 
MS.,  ii.  63-4. 

23  Echeandia,  Reejlamento  de  Secularizacion,  18  de  Nov.  1832,  MS.  The 
doc.  was  sent  on  Nov.  18th  to  Padre  Sanchez,  to  each  of  the  southern 
missions,  probably  to  local  authorities  in  the  south,  and  to  Pres.  Duran  in 
the  north.  On  Jan.  13,  1833,  it  was  sent  to  the  min.  of  rel.  in  Mexico;  and 
on  Feb.  7th,  to  Figueroa.  The  copy  sent  to  F.  is  in  my  possession,  and  to  it 
are  joined  several  responses  from  the  friars.  Reglamento. — Art.  1.  Pursuant 
to  edict  of  Jan.  6th,  after  a  record  of  population  and  property  is  made,  the 
property  for  pobladores  is  to  be  distributed  to  neophytes  of  ten  years'  stand- 
ing, if  married  or  widowers  with  minor  children — except  those  who  may  wish 
to  continue  in  community,  those  incapacitated  for  work,  and  those  who 
neglect  their  families.  2.  The  distribution  to  be  made  at  the  mission  or  ran- 
chos  not  far  distant,  and  having  a  settled  population,  to  such  as  reside  there, 
or  were  born  there,  and  have  the  preceding  qualifications.  3.  The  assign- 
ment of  egidos  and  distribution  of  community  property,  etc.,  that  cannot  ba 
effected  at  once  will  await  the  first  opportunity.  4.  All  thus  detaching 
themselves  from  the  community  shall  pay  from  their  private  property  parish 
dues  according  to  their  circumstances,  and  in  due  time  tithes.  5.  The  heads 
of  families  will  choose  from  their  own  number  the  necessary  alcaldes  and  po- 
lice officers;  and  this  govt  will  appoint  a  comisionado  to  direct  and  correct 
them,  and  to  do  all  that  is  conducive  to  the  best  Christian  and  civil  order. 

6.  Other  neophytes  will  continue  to  work  in  community;  but  this  govt  will 
regulate  all  relating  to  their  food,  raiment,  wages,  labor,  and  punishments. 

7.  The  community  service  will  terminate  as  the  neoyhytes  may  fulfil  the  con- 
ditions prescribed  for  detachment,  or  as  it  is  seen  that  the  detached  maintain 
good  order  and  progress  in  their  town.  8.  Out  of  the  community  property  will 
be  paid  tithes  and  parish  dues,  support  of  aged  and  sick,  expenses  of  divine 
worship,  schools,  jails,  and  others  conducive  to  public  welfare;  and  it  is  un- 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  EFFORTS.  315 

was  intended  to  apply  only  to  the  four  southernmost 
missions.  It  did  not  go  so  far  in  some  respects  as 
was  provided  by  the  decree  of  January,  and  intro- 
duced some  new  features  not  authorized  by  that  de- 
cree. It  was  not  apparently  published  in  regular 
form  as  a  bando,  but  was  rather  submitted  for  approval 
to  the  friars.  It  was  prefaced^  with  an  argument  on 
the  necessity  of  secularization  under  superior., laws 
and  instructions,  a  statement  of  the  enthusiasm  with 
which  the  Indians  had  welcomed  the  author's  efforts, 
a  presentment  of  their  complaints  of  injustice  and  a 
general  discontent  under  the  padres'  management 
which  threatened  serious  consequences,  a  mention 
of  good  results  at  San  Juan  Capistrano,  where  the 
padres  were  said  to  have  voluntarily  given  up  the 
temporalities,  and  a  plea  to  the  missionaries  to  accept 
their  duties  as  parish  priests. 

Padre  Sanchez  replied  in  a  long  series  of  critical 
notes  on  both  preface  and  reglamento.24  This  crit- 
icism is  one  to  which  it  is  impossible  to  do  justice 

derstood  that  at  the  proper  time  a  part  will  be  used  for  the  foundation  of  new 
missions  among  neighboring  gentiles.  In  order  to  a  beginning  of  regular  ad- 
ministration, the  branch  of  vineyards  will  be  separated  at  once  so  that  all 
labor  in  them  may  be  done  for  wages,  deducting  expenses  from  the  product. 
9.  The  missionaries  now  in  charge  will  be  treated  as  parish  priests  and  as  de- 
positaries of  the  community  property,  signing  the  account  to  be  rendered  an- 
nually by  the  chief  steward,  who  on  recommendation  of  heads  of  families  will 
be  appointed  from  their  number  by  this  govt.  The  curate  is  to  have  all  paro- 
chial dues  besides  his  sinodo  until  the  sup.  authority  may  decide. 

'H  Sanchez,  Notas  al  Reglamento  de Secularization,  1S32,  MS.  The  document 
has  no  date.  The  concluding  note  is  as  follows:  'It  seems  to  me  that  I  have 
given  some  convincing  proofs,  not  perhaps  of  absurdities — I  do  not  venture  to 
say  that — but  of  inconvenientes  as  they  appear  to  me  at  first  reading.  I  do  not 
wish  to  engage  in  a  prolonged  dispute  with  Echeandia;  let  him  do  what  may 
seem  best.  I  have  expressed  my  views,  not  so  much  for  him,  as  for  an  in- 
struction to  the  padres  that  they  are  by  no  means  to  lend  themselves  to  any 
such  cooperation  as  is  demanded  by  that  gentleman;  since  to  do  so  would  be 
to  subscribe  to  the  ruin  of  their  missions,  and  to  the  ignominy  of  all  the  in- 
sults, suspicions,  and  distrust  expressed  in  the  plan,  which  were  by  no  means 
necessary  if  only  the  welfare  of  the  Indians  were  sought.  Let  Sr  Echeandia 
then  do  what  he  pleases  about  the  missions,  but  let  him  not  count  on  the  co- 
operation of  the  padres,  which  he  himself  must  know  to  be  absurd.  The  mis- 
sionaries will  serve  as  such  and  in  no  other  capacity,  until  the  curia  eclesias- 
tica,  in  accord  with  the  sup.  govt  communicating  with  us  through  our 
prelate,  may  see  fit  to  order  a  competent  change — and  so  long  as  they  are  given 
the  necessary  food  to  support  life,  which  failing  they  have  the  natural  and 
divine  right  to  shake  off  the  dust  of  their  shoes  and  go  to  other  labors  where- 
ever  they  may  be  found. ' 


316  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

here,  and  to  which  may  be  applied  much  of  what  I 
have  said  about  Duran's  notes  on  the  original  decree. 
Sanchez,  giving  his  attention  chiefly  to  the  preamble, 
begins  by  suggesting  that  precepts  on  obedience  to 
law  would  come  with  better  grace  from  one  who  had 
given  ^a  better  example  than  Echeandia.  His  pre- 
tensions to  teach  the  padres  their  obligations  and  rights, 
or  to  change  their  status,  are  met  with  protest  and 
ridicule.  If  the  laws  and  his  instructions  required 
him  to  secularize  the  missions,  why  had  he  waited 
six  years,  until  the  arrival  of  his  successor,  before 
acting?  If  the  Indians  of  the  south,  as  was  certainly 
true,  were  assuming  a  threatening  attitude,  it  was  due 
to  the  license  they  had  enjoyed  under  Echeandia,  and 
to  his  unwise  act  in  having  put  arms  in  their  hands 
against  Zamorano,  being  thus  a  reason  for  a  return  to 
the  old  restraint  rather  than  for  additional  license. 
As  to  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Indians  for  Echeandia, 
the  padre  has  little  to  say  beyond  reminding  him  that 
there  are  several  ways  of  winning  popularity  among 
school-boys,  one  of  the  most  successful  being  to  let 
them  do  as  they  please.  Of  course  he  dwells  on  the 
theory  that  the  Indians  were  children  and  'savages 
of  yesterday;'  and  of  course  he  fails  to  recognize  the 
fact  that  this  theory  in  itself  was  a  condemnation  of 
the  mission  system  in  all  but  missionary  eyes.  In  the 
reglamento  itself  the  padre  easily  found  no  end  of 
faults  and  inconsistencies;  yet  in  one  of  his  notes  he 
expressed  a  degree  of  favor  for  an  experimental  eman- 
cipation and  distribution  of  property  at  a  few  of  the 
oldest  missions.  President  Duran  also  issued  at  his 
mission  of  San  Jose  a  series  of  notes  so  similar  in  armi- 
ment  and  expression  to  those  of  Sanchez  as  to  require 
no  further  notice.25  The  answers  from  the  padres  of 
San  Diego,  San  Luis,  and  San  Juan,  that  from  San 
Gabriel  not  being  extant,  were  to  the  effect  that  they 
left    the  matter  entirely  with  the    prelate.     Martin 

25  Duran,  Notas  a  una  Circular  6  Bando  intimado  por  El  Sr  D.  Jose  Maria 
Echeandia  a  las  cuatro  Misiones,  lS32t  MS.     20  p.     Original. 


FATHERS  BACHELOT  AND  SHORT.  317 

said  that  since  May  20th  the  neophytes  at  San  Diego 
had  managed  temporal  affairs  for  themselves- — except 
the  wine-cellars.  Anzar  said  he  was  a  Mexican,  and 
would  cheerfully  cooperate  with  the  governor  if  per- 
mitted. Zalvidea  would  be  glad  personally  to  be  re- 
lieved of  the  burden.  He  had  toiled  over  twenty  years 
and  had  not  saved  a  medio  real™  There  is  no  record 
that  Echeandia  took  any  further  steps  before  the  end 
of  1832. 

Padre  Antonio  Peyri  left  California  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year  with  Victoria;  and  Padre  Antonio 
Menendez,  a  Dominican  who  for  some  six  years  had 
served  as  chaplain  at  different  places,  died  in  August. 
There  may  be  noted  here  also  as  an  interesting  item, 
the  arrival  of  two  priests  who  remained  about  five 
years  in  the  country.  They  were  Jean  Alexis  Au- 
guste  Bachelot,  apostolic  prefect  of  the  Sandwich 
Islands,  and  Patrick  Short.  The  two,  with  a  com- 
panion, had  arrived  at  the  Islands  in  July  1827  from 
France,  to  establish  Catholic  missions;  but  prejudice 
was  aroused  against  their  teachings,  largely,  it  is  be- 
lieved, through  the  intrigues  of  protestant  mission- 
aries, and  in  December  1831  they  were  banished, 
"because  their  doings  are  different  from  ours,  and  be- 
cause we  cannot  agree,"  as  King"  Kaahuamanu  stated 
it.  They  sailed  on  the  Waverly,  Sumner,  master, 
which  landed  them  at  San  Pedro  on  January  21,  1832, 
whence  they  were  taken  to  San  Gabriel  and  kindly 
treated.  There  is  not  much  to  be  said  of  their  stay 
in  California.  Bachelot  remained  at  San  Gabriel  as 
assistant  minister,  his  name  appearing  often  in  the 
mission  registers.  Short  soon  came  north,  and  he 
was  engaged  with  Hartnell  in  an  educational  enter- 
prise at  Monterey  in  1834.  An  order  came  from 
Mexico  to  expel  them  as  Jesuits  and  as  having  no 
papers;  but  the  governor  did  not  enforce  it.  In  1837, 
however,  although  the  ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles 

26  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  25,  copies  of  the  letters  attached  to  the  regla- 
mento. 


31S  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

made  an  effort  to  retain  him  as  eurate,  Bachelot,  ac- 
companied by  Short,  sailed  on  the  Clementina,  and 
landed  at  the  Islands  in  April.  Persecutions  were 
renewed,  from  which  they  were  relieved  by  the  French 
and  English  navigators  Petit-Thouars  and  Belcher. 
Short  sailed  in  October  for  Valparaiso,  and  Bachelot 
soon  departed  for  the  South  Sea  Islands,  dying  on 
the  voyage  in  1838.27 

With  Governor  Figueroa,  at  the  beginning  of  1833, 
there  came  to  California  a  missionary  reenforcement 
of  ten  friars.  They  were  Franciscans,  all  Mexicans 
by  birth,  and  belonged  to  the  college  of  Nuestra 
Senora  de  Guadalupe  de  Zacatecas,  being  called 
Guadalupanos,  or  more  commonly,  Zacatecanos,  as  the 
earlier  friars  had  been  known  as  Fernandinos  from 
the  name  of  their  college.  Immediately  after  their 
arrival,  that  is  in  February,  they  were  put  in  charge 
of  the  seven  missions  from  San  Carlos  northward, 
their  prefect,  Francisco  Garcia  Diego,  going  to  reside 
at  Santa  Clara.  The  Fernandinos  of  these  missions 
retired  to  the  southern  establishments.28 

27  See  full  and  interesting  accounts  in  Petit-Thouars,  Voy.,  ii.  325-48;  Hon. 
Polynesian,  ii.  31,  81,  from  N.  Amer.  Review,  Oct.  1840.  I  have  obtained 
much  information  from  an  obituary  of  Bachelot  and  a  collection  of  documents 
published  by  Capt.  Sumner  in  his  own  defence  against  the  charge  of  cruelty 
to  the  priests  en  voyage,  in  Honolulu,  S.  Tsl.  Gazette,  Oct.  6,  Nov.  29,  1838. 
Autograph  letter  of  P.  Short,  Mar.  19,  1834.  S.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS., 
118.  Corresp.  on  the  order  of  expulsion  from  California.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ang.,  MS.,  xi.  16,  34.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  2C9.  Bachelot's  services 
desired  as  curate.  Id.,  iv.  289.  Short  at  Purisima  March  1837.  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  xxxii.  77.  Proposition  to  found  a  school  at  Monterey — mentioned  also 
by  several  Calif ornians.  Dept.  St.  Pajj.,  MS.,  iii.  131-2;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS., 
xxxi.  9.  Short  at  S.  Gabriel  on  April  16,  1832.  Bachelot  on  various  dates 
from  1832-7.  S.  Gabriel,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  10,  39,  59.  Short  at  S.  Juan 
Oct.  1832,  and  called  a  member  of  the  '  Sacred  Congregation  of  the  Perpetual 
"Worship  of  the  Most  Holy  Sacrament.'  S.  Juan  B.,  Lib.  Jlision,  MS.,  15. 
Arrival  at  Honolulu  Apr.  17th;  and  departure  of  Short  Oct.  30th.  Hon.,  S. 
I.  Gazette,  Apr.  22,  1837;  Peirce's  Pough  Sk.,  MS.,  2.  Robinson,  Life  in  Cal, 
122,  and  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  294-5,  mention  the  arrival  of  the  French  priests. 
Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  191-3,  tells  us  that  Pres.  Duran  made  their 
arrival  an  excuse  to  call  for  contributions  for  the  cause  of  propaganda  tide  in 
China  and  Japan,  and  that  $2,000  were  collected. 

28  The  new-comers  were  Francisco  Garcia  Diego,  prefect,  who  went  to  Sta 
Clara,  succeeding  Viader,  who  left  Cal.;  Jose  Maria  de  Jesus  Gonzalez  Rubio, ' 
S.  Jos6,  succeeding  Duran  who  went  to  Sta  Barbara;  Jos6  Maria  de  Jcsns 
Gutierrez,  Solano,  in  place  of  Fortuni,  who  went  to  S.  Luis  Rey;  Rafael  de 


THE  ZACATECANOS.  319 

Considering  the  importance  of  the  subject,  there  is 
a  remarkable  absence  of  original  records  respecting 
the  coming  of  the  Zacatecanos  and  the  division  of  the 
missions;  though  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  much  was 
written  at  the  time  which  is  no  longer  extant,  as  is 
the  case  respecting  many  important  topics  of  mission 
history  during  these  last  years.N  It  will  be  remembered 
that  in  1817  the  southern  missions  were  ceded  by  the 
college  of  San  Fernando  to  that  of  Orizaba;  but  on 
account  of  troubles  in  Mexico  anctof  the  dissatisfac- 
tion of  Californian  friars — who  were,  however,  willing 
to  give  up  the  northern,  deemed  the  poorest  estab- 
lishments— the  change  was  not  consummated.29  The 
necessity  for  a  reenforcement  continued  more  and 
more  urgent,  and  San  Fernando  was  in  a  state  of 
disorganization  so  complete  that  it  could  do  nothing 
of  itself;  but  of  the  negotiations  of  that  college  with 
others  I  know  nothing  until  letters  of  1832  announced 
from  Tepic  that  the  Zacatecanos  were  coming.30  The 
cession  of  the  northern  missions  was  evidently  agreed 
upon  in  Mexico;   but  there  is  nothing  to  show   to 

Jesus  Moreno,  with  Garcia  Diego  at  Sta  Clara;  Jose"  Lorenzo  de  la  Concep- 
cion  Quijas,  S.  Francisco,  succeeding  Este'nega,  who  went  to  S.  Gabriel,  but 
soon  Q.  was  transferred  to  Solano;  Antonio  Suarez  del  Real,  who  succeeded 
Jiineno  at  Sta  Cruz,  the  latter  going  to  Sta  Ines;  Jose  Maria  del  Refugio 
Sagrado  Suarez  del  Real,  brother  of  Antonio,  at  S.  Carlos,  freeing  Abella  for 
the  ministry  of  S.  Luis  Obispo;  Jesus  Maria  Vasquez  del  Mercado,  S.  Rafael, 
in  place  of  Amor6s,  who  had  died  the  year  before;  Jose  Bernardino  Perez, 
who  served  for  a  time  as  secretary  to  Prefect  Garcia  Diego;  and  finally,  Fran- 
cisco de  Jesus  Sanchez,  of  whom  we  know  nothing  in  Cal.  for  8  or  0  years, 
and  who  possibly  was  left  in  Baja  California  to  arrive  later.  The  preceding 
is  derived  from  the  registers  of  the  different  missions,  showing  merely  the 
presence  of  a  padre  at  a  mission  on  a  given  date;  for  there  is  no  record  of  the 
assignments  and  transfers,  with  a  single  exception,  that  of  Gonzalez  to  S. 
Jose  on  Feb.  13th.  Correnp.  de  Mmones,  MS.,  39-41. 

29  See  vol.  ii.  p.  407,  of  this  work. 

30  Jan.  24,  1831,  Martiarena  at  Tepic  says  to  Capt.  Guerra,  in  announcing 
his  appointment  as  sindico,  that  Fr.  Bernardino  Pacheco  is  going  to  Cal.  as  a 
friar  of  S.  Fernando  college,  which  'according  to  the  agreement  is  to  furnish 
10  friars  and  the  college  of  Zacatccas  1 1 ;  the  latter  will  be  able  to  comply, 
but  not  the  former,  which  has  not  more  than  7  friars.'  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vi. 
130.  April  21,  1832,  Carlos  Carrillo,  in  Mew,  says  10  friars  from  Zacatecas 
are  going,  as  he  is  told  by  the  rain,  of  eccl.  aff.  and  by  the  guardian,  who  have 
had  great  difficulty  in  obtaining  so  many.  At  S.  Fernando  there  are  only  4. 
Id. ,  iv.  242-3.  July  18th,  Martiarena  says  the  10  friars  are  at  Tepic  and  arc  to 
sail  on  the  Catallnu,  to  take  charge  of  the  ceded  northern  missions.  Id.t 
vi.  129. 


320  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

what  extent  the  Fernandinos  in  California  knew  or 
approved  what  was  being  done.  Beyond  the  presence 
of  the  ten  in  Baja  California,  at  the  time  Figueroa's 
soldiers  revolted,31  there  is  no  account  of  their  journey, 
no  official  record  of  their  arrival,  and  no  list  of  their 
names.  President  Duran  in  a  'circular  to  the  padres, 
January  23d,  devoted  to  several  general  matters,  but 
especially  to  the  urgent  calls  of  the  college  for  aid, 
alluded  to  the  cession  as  a  matter  in  which  he  should 
lose  no  time,  having  already  permitted  the  Zacatecan 
prelate  to  station  his  friars  so  as  to  learn  the  routine 
and  prepare  for  a  formal  delivery  of  the  missions. 
He  hoped  the  change  would  enable  some  of  their 
number  to  go  to  the  relief  of  the  mother  college,  and 
declared  that  no  one  might  hope  for  a  license  from  him 
to  retire  to  any  other  destination.32  In  assigning  his 
padres  to  their  different  stations  on  and  about  Feb- 
ruary 13th,  Prefect  Garcia  Diego  used  the  follow- 
ing formula:  "Inasmuch  as  the  supreme  govern- 
ment of  the  Mexican  republic  has  intrusted  to  our 
college  some  of  the  missions  of  Alta  California, 
which  hitherto  the  worthy  sons  of  the  college  of  San 
Fernando  have  administered  with  such  honor;  and  it 
having  been  agreed  between  the  venerable  discretories 
of  both  colleges  that  there  should  be  delivered  to  us 
the  missions  of  the  north  as  appears  from  orders 
which  I  have  shown  to  the  Very  Rev.  Padre  Pres- 
ident Fr.  Narciso  Duran;  therefore,"  etc.33  Soon 
a  concordat  funeral  was  concluded  between  the  two 
bands  of  missionaries,  by  which  each  agreed  to  say 
twenty  masses  for  the  soul  of  any  member  of  the 
other  band  who  might  die;  and  thus  the  hew  order  of 
things  was  permanently  established.3* 

*lDept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,US.,  i.  35. 

32  Duran,  Cordillera  a  los  Padres  en  Enero  de  1833,  MS. 

33  This  in  the  appointment  of  Gonzalez  to  S.  Jose\  Corresp.  de  Misiones, 
MS.,  39-41.  Garcia  assumed  formal  charge  of  Sta  Clara  on  March  Cth.  Sta 
Clara,  Paroquia,  MS.,  10. 

3iS.Josc,  Patentes,  MS.,  190-1;  Coronel,  Doc.,  MS.,  11-12;  Arch.  Obis- 
pado,  MS.,  52.  General  mention  of  the  transfer  in  Moj'ras,  Explor.,  i.  274, 
who  states  that  the  division  was  made  in  Cal.  to  avoid  disputes,  the  old 


TROUBLES  OF  THE  NEW  FRIARS.  321 

The  Zacatecanos  were  as  a  class  by  no  means  equal 
morally  or  intellectually  to  their  predecessors,  as  will 
be  apparent  from  their  actions  in  later  years;  and  be- 
sides this  inferiority,  there  were  naturally  many  diffi- 
culties to  be  encountered  by  them  at  the  first,  arising 
from  their  inexperience  and  a  certain  degree  of  pre- 
judice felt  against  them  by  neophytes  and  others.  It 
did  not  take  them  lonix  to  le&rn  that  their  lines  had 
not  fallen  to  them  in  places  altogether  pleasant;  and 
in  September  we  find  their  prefect  begging  for  a  cer- 
tificate of  the  miserably  sad  condition  in  which  he 
and  his  associates  found  themselves,  for  exhibition  to 
the  government  on  returning  to  his  college;  for  "we 
cannot  subsist  here  longer,  because  the  climate  is  de- 
stroying our  health."35 

Their  troubles  in  1833,  to  say  nothing  of  the  cli- 
mate, were  of  a  threefold  nature,  arising  from  the 
unmanageable  character  of  the  neophytes,  from  the 
difficulty  of  furnishing  supplies  to  the  presidio,  and 
from  Padre  Mercado's  conduct  at  San  Rafael.  The 
Indians  did  not  behave  in  a  manner  at  all  satisfactory 
to  their  new  masters,  who  resorted  freely  to  the  use 
of  the  lash.  Vallejo,  comandante  of  the  San  Fran- 
cisco district,  made  complaint  to  Figueroa  on  the  sub- 
ject, and  the  latter  to  Prefect  Garcia  Diego,  with  a 
notification  that  flogging  was  forbidden  by  the  laws. 
The  prefect  seems  to  have  made  an  earnest  effort  to 
remedy  the  evil;  and  though  some  of  the  padres  were 
disposed  to  be  obstinate,  no  special  complaint  is  re- 
corded after  the  issuance  of  a  pastoral  letter  on  the 
subject  on  the  4th  of  July.36 

Spanish  friars  not  being  able  to  tolerate  the  lax  morals  of  the  Mexicans. 
Alvarado,  Ilist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  205,  209-10,  says  the  Zacatecanos  wanted  all 
the  missions;  but  the  Fernandinos  refused,  and  finally  succeeded  in  convincing 
the  stupid  Mexicans  that,  as  there  were  21  missions  and  only  10  friars,  a 
division  was  necessary!  Wilkes,  Narrative,  v.  173,  states  that  the  new 
friars  were  in  every  way  inferior  to  the  old  ones,  and  totally  unfit  for  mission- 
aries. Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  197-8;  Robinson's  Statement,  MS.,  8;  Orel, 
Ocurrencias,  MS.,  55-G. 

30Sept.  5,  1833,  Garcia  Diego  to  Figueroa.    Arch.  Azob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  41. 

M  May  5th,  31st,  Vallejo  to  Figueroa.  Vallejo,  Do-.,  MS.,  ii.  41,  52.  The 
complaint  is  of  flogging  at  the  4  missions,  nothing  being  said  of  S.  Jose\ 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    21 


322  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

Throughout  the  year  at  frequent  intervals  Vallejo 
complained  that  the  soldiers  of  his  company  at  San 
Francisco  were  in  great  destitution,  and  that  the  mis- 
sions did  not  furnish  sufficient  food  for  the  garrison, 
or  even  for  the  escoltas.  He  gave  many  details  of 
the  privations  endured  and  of  his  personal  efforts  to 
obtain  relief,  and  he  expressed  rather  freely  the  belief 
that  the  Fernandinos  would  not  have  permitted  the 
soldiers  to  suffer  so.37  The  complaints  were  forwarded 
by  Figueroa  to  the  prefect,  who  professed  the  best 
possible  intentions,  but  pleaded  poverty,  and  could  not 
understand  "why  Don  Guadalupe  was  making  so  much 
trouble  about  the  matter."  Figueroa  issued  an  order 
December  1st,  fixing  the  yearly  amount  of  supplies  to 
be  furnished  by  the  missions  of  Monterey  and  San 
Francisco  jurisdictions,  including  live-stock  with  which 
to  replenish  the  national  ranchos.33 

Vallejo  was  also  prominently  concerned  as  complain- 

Vallejo  had  an  interview  with  the  minister  of  S.  Francisco,  who  said  'it  would 
not  be  expedient  at  any  time  to  discontinue  flogging  the  Indians;  for  his  part 
he  would  perpetuate  this  paternal  correctional  mode  of  punishment  so  fitting 
for  that  class  of  people.  If  he  were  forced  to  act  otherwise,  he  knew  the 
road  by  which  he  had  come,'  that  is,  he  would  leave  the  country.  On  being 
shown  the  law  he  replied,  '  Lashes,  lashes,  and  more  lashes  for  these  people 
so  devoid  of  honor  !'  Vallejo  admitted  that  at  Sta  Clara,  Garcia  Diego  had 
good  intentions,  yet  he  allowed  the  majordomo,  Alviso,  to  flog.  May  13th, 
June  14th,  F.  to  Garcia  Diego.  Id.,  ii.  142,  153;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i. 
80.  June  16th,  P.  Gutierrez  to  F. ,  claiming  that  the  Indians,  having  no 
shame  or  honor,  could  be  controlled  only  by  fear;  and  that  the  law  was  in- 
tended for  more  advanced  people  in  Mexico.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii. 
12-14.  June  30th,  Garcia  Diego  to  F.  Id.,  ii.  15;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt 
i.  80-1.  He  declares  his  intention  to  abolish  flogging.  'Mi  genio,  mis  ideas, 
mi  sensibilidad,  todo  junto  se  opone &  esta  costumbre  que  jamas  aprobar^.' 
Yet  he  has  to  work  slowly.  July  4th,  Garcia  Diego,  Carta  Pastoral  a  los  pa- 
dres Zacatocanos  contra  la  costumbre  de  azotar  d  los  indios,  1833,  MS. 

37 Letters  of  V.  and  F.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  15,  45,  47,  99-101,  107,  116, 
128,  148, 152,  179.  Feb.  21st,  F.  to G.  D.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lxxix. 
4.  Apr.  15th,  G.  D.  to  F.,  explaining  his  difficulties,  the  poverty  of  the  mis- 
sions, his  efforts,  and  hopes  of  better  success.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS., 
ii.  308-9.  May  25th,  June  15th,  same  to  same.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i. 
77-8. 

36 Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lxxiv.  47-8;  Id.,  Ben.  Cust.-II.,  MS.,  ii. 
78-81.  The  requisition  was  for  1,458  fanegas  of  wheat,  318  fan.  beans,  930 
arrobas  of  lard,  50  cargas  of  flour,  $1,632  worth  of  soap,  834  pairs  of  shoes, 
139  blankets,  80  shields,  80  cueras,  80  cananas,  80  musket-cases,  8  saddles, 
200  broken  horses,  34  pack-mules,  1,690  cows  and  heifers,  810  steers  and  bulls, 
200  mares  and  foals,  20  oxen,  20  ploughshares,  12  axes,  shovels,  hoes,  pickaxes, 
crowbars,  4  adzes,  chisels,  saws.  To  be  contributed  pro  rata.  The  cattle  for 
the  ranchos  were  to  be  a  loan  to  be  repaid  in  6  years. 


PADRE  MERCADO'S  MISCONDUCT.  323 

ant  in  the  troubles  with  Padre  Mercado  at  San  Rafael. 
In  May  a  controversy  arose  on  the  subject  of  mission 
discipline,  the  padre  demanding  the  surrender  of  an 
offender  arrested  b}^  the  corporal  of  the  escolta,  who 
refused,  by  Vallejo's  order,  as  he  claimed.  Mercado 
in  an  arrogant  and  threatening  maimer  defended'  his 
authority  to  punish  the  neophytes  as  he  pleased,  while 
the  comandante,  though  ordering  the  neophyte  in  this 
case  given  up,  denied  the  padre's  right  to  interfere  in 
any  but  minor  offences.39  In  August,  Corporal  Igna- 
cio  Pacheco  of  the  escolta,  asking  for  meat  for  his 
men,  was  told  by  Mercado  that  "he  did  not  furnish 
meat  to  feed  wolves,"  whereupon  Pacheco  caused  a 
sheep  of  the  mission  flock  to  be  killed,  and  the  padre 
was  furious.  In  the  resulting  correspondence  Mercado 
used  very  intemperate  and  insulting  language  both  to 
Vallejo  and  to  the  soldiers,  whom  he  repeatedly  des- 
ignated as  a  pack  of  thieves.  In  turn  he  was  charged 
by  Vallejo  with  falsehood.40  Finally  on  November 
lGth  a  body  of  gentiles  belonging  to  the  rancherias  of 
Pulia  approached  San  Rafael,  as  they  had  been  en- 
couraged to  do  by  Figueroa  through  Vallejo,  with  a 
view  to  encourage  friendly  relations.  Fifteen  Indians 
of  the  party  came  under  Toribio  to  speak  with  the  pa- 
dre, who  put  off  the  interview  until  next  day.  Dur- 
ing the  night  a  robbery  was  committed,  which  was  at- 
tributed by  Mercado  to  the  guests,  and  they  were 
therefore  seized  and  sent  as  prisoners  to  San  Francisco. 
On  the  morning  of  the  20th,  the  warlike  missionary, 
fearing  as  he  claimed  that  the  gentiles  would  attack 
the  mission  to  liberate  their  companions,  sent  out 
his  majordomo  Molina  with  thirty-seven  armed  neo- 
phytes, who  surprised  the  strangers,  killed  twenty- 
one,  wounded  many  more,  and  captured  twenty  men, 

39  Letter  of  Vallejo  May  9th,  and  of  Mercado  May  9th,  17th,  in  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  ii.  43,  141,  149. 

40  Letters  of  Pacheco  and  Mercado  Aug.  22d,  and  of  Vallejo  Aug.  23d, 
Oct.  18th,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  84,  110,  1G7-8.  Vallejo  advises  Pacheco 
to  act  very  carefully,  to  avoid  all  disputes,  and  to  take  no  supplies  without 
politely  asking  the  missionary  first. 


324  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

women,  and  children,  having  on  their  side  five 
wounded,  one  of  the  number  mortally.  This  achieve- 
ment was  coolly  reported  by  Mercado  to  Figueroa  in 
a  letter  of  the  25th,  with  a  request  for  reinforcements 
to  aid  in  pacifying  the  rancherias.  The  governor 
was  naturally  indignant  that  his  promises  to  the 
Indians  had  been  thus  shamefully  violated,  and  with 
the  advice  of  Asesor  Gomez,  sent  the  case  to  Pre- 
fect Garcia  Diego,  the  competent  ecclesiastical  judge. 
The  prefect  suspended  Mercado  from  his  ministry, 
summoned  him  to  Santa  Clara,  and  announced  his 
intention  to  send  him  to  his  college  for  trial.  Mean- 
while Vallejo,  by  Figueroa's  orders,  liberated  Toribio 
and  his  companions  at  San  Francisco;  went  to  San 
Rafael  with  a  military  force  and  freed  the  captives 
there:  and  then  made  a  tour  through  the  rancherias 
to  Solano,  pacifying  the  excited  Indians,  and  ex- 
plaining to  them  Figueroa's  kind  intentions  and  the 
wickedness  of  Padre  Mercado,  dilating  on  the  latter 
topic  very  reluctantly — perhaps.  In  the  middle  of 
the  next  year,  Mercado  was  freed  from  arrest  and  re- 
stored to  San  Rafael,  two  friars  having  been  sent  to 
make  an  investigation,  and  having  learned  from  four- 
teen witnesses  that  the  padre  had  nothing  to  do  with 
the  outrage!41 

Returning  to  the  topic  of  secularization,  or  to 
progress  in  that  direction  during  1833,  I  have  first  to 
notice  Figueroa's  instructions  on  this  point  from  the 
Mexican  government  —  instructions  that  emanated 
from  the  same  administration  which  had  appointed  Vic- 
toria, and  similar  in  spirit  probably  to  those  given  that 
officer,  and  certainly  to  those  under  which  Echeandia 

41  Mercado,  Expediente  de  papeles  tocantes  a  la  matanza  de  Tndios  hecha  por 
drdcn  del  P.  Ministro  de  S.  Rafael,  1833,  MS.,  in  Monterey,  Arch.,  i.  32-7; 
Vallejo,  Dot.,  MS.,  ii.  200;  xxxi.  58;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  3;  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  137-8;  Id. ,  Ben.,  ii.  9-10;  being  communications  of  Mer- 
cado, Figueroa,  Vallejo,  Gomez,  Sanchez,  and  Garcia  Diego,  some  of  them 
duplicated  in  the  different  archives  referred  to.  The  affair  is  also  briefly 
mentioned  in  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iii.  74-5;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Col.,  MS., 
ii.  211. 


FIGUEROA'S  POLICY.  325 

had  acted.  The  necessity  for  a  change  was  recognized, 
and  the  duty  of  the  new  ruler,  as  of  his  predecessors, 
was  to  ascertain  and  report  the  best  practical  methods. 
Minister  Alaman  disapproved  in  the  vice-president's 
name  Echeandia's  decree  of  1831:  both  because  he 
had  gone  far  beyond  his  authority  in  issuing  such  a 
decree,  and  because  some  ofs  its  provisions  were  not 
in  accord,  as  pointed  out,  with  the  law  of  1813,  on 
which  it  purported  to  be  founded;  and  he  ordered 
Figueroa,  if  Echeandia's  order  had  to  any  extent  been 
obeyed,  to  restore  the  missions  to  the  position  they 
held  before  its  publication.  Yet  he  was  to  study  the 
question  closely,  to  ascertain  what  missions  were  in  a 
condition  to  be  secularized  according  to  the  law  of 
1813,  and  to  report  such  a  plan  as  he  might  deem 
most  expedient.42 

Figueroa's  general  instructions  from  Minister  Ortiz 
Monasterio,  also  bearing  the  date  of  May  17th,  au- 
thorized him  to  go  practically  much  further  toward 
secularization  than  did  the  document  just  mentioned. 
Article  4  was  as  follows:  "It  being  a  matter  of  the 
greatest  necessity  that  the  neophytes  rise  from  the 
state  of  abasement  to  which  they  find  themselves  re- 
duced, you  will  cause  to  be  distributed  to  such  as  are 
fitted  for  it  such  fields  of  the  mission  lands  as  they 
may  be  capable  of  cultivating,  in  order  that  they  may 
thus  become  fond  of  labor  and  may  go  on  acquiring 
property;  but  there  must  be  kept  undistributed  the 
lands  necessary  for  the  support  of  divine  worship, 
schools,  and  other  objects  of  common  utility.  By 
this  means,  for  the  mission  system  may  be  gradually 

42 May  17,  1832,  Alaman  to  F.,  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  33- 
5;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pti.  102-0.  Carlos  Carrillo  wrote  from  Mex.  in  1S32 
that  no  change  would  at  present  be  made  in  the  mission  system.  Carrillo, 
Cartas,  MS.,  231.  As  an  evidence  of  F.'s  feeling  on  the  mission  system,  I 
cite  a  recommendation  in  favor  of  a  neophyte  of  S.  Juan  Capistrano,  directed 
to  Echeandia  in  1820,  from  Sonora,  in  which  he  doubts  not  that  E.  'will 
protect  those  unfortunates  who  from  necessity  have  to  bear  all  the  rigor  of 
those  friars.'  Dept.  St.  Pap,,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lvii.  21.  F.,  in  his  Manifiexto, 
2-3,  notes  his  instructions,  or  their  general  purport.  July  7,  1 832,  from  Aca- 
pulco  he  promises  the  min.  of  rel.  to  obey  his  instructions  on  arrival.  St.  Pap., 
Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  30-7. 


326  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

substituted  another  more  adapted  to  the  interests  of 
the  territory,  the  influence  of  the  missionaries  may  be 
lessened  until  they  retain  only  the  spiritual  adminis- 
tration, and  thus  in  fact  the  missions  may  be  secular- 
ized. Yet  for  all  this,  it  is  necessary  to  act  with 
prudence  and  tact,  so  as  to  cause  no  discontent  among 
the  missionaries,  with  whom  care  is  to  be  taken  to 
preserve  the  greatest  harmony;  and  to  that  end  are 
enclosed  private  letters  written  by  the  vice-president 
to  some  of  the  most  influential  friars."43 

Before  Figueroa's  arrival  in  the  middle  of  January 
1803,  I  And  no  record  that  Echeandia  had  taken  any 
steps  to  cany  into  effect  his  regulations  beyond  the 
appointment  of  comisionaclos;4*  but  on  January  29th, 
possibly  before  he  knew  of  Figueroa's  arrival,  he  issued 
a  new  regulation  for  officers  of  justice  and  police  in 
the  missions  of  San  Diego  district.  The  order  dealt 
chiefly  with  the  penalties  for  various  minor  offences  and 
the  routine  duties  of  the  local  officers  who  were  to 
inflict  them.  It  was  probably  never  enforced,  and 
requires  only  a  mention,  with  the  remark  that  it  was 
intended  to  relieve  the  Indians  from  arbitrary  and 
excessive  punishments.45  Echeandia  informed  Figue- 
roa  that  he  had  been  about  to  commence  the  distri- 
bution of  lands  at  San  Diego,  but  had  suspended 
operations  on  hearing  of  the  new  governor's  arrival. 
In  the  same  communication  he  denounced  the  policy 
and  acts  of  the  friars,  and  urged  Figueroa  to  adopt 

43  Figueroa,  Instrucciov.es  Generates,  MS.,  p.  33-4.  In  art.  5,  Indian  youths 
are  required  to  be  selected  and  sent  to  Mexico  for  education,  with  a  view  to 
make  ministers  of  them  later. 

"These  were  Capt.  Portilla  at  S.  Luis  Rey,  Alf.  Ramirez  at  S.  Diego,  Alf. 
Iiocha  at  S.  Juan  Capistrano,  and  Alf.  Valle  at  S.  Gabriel.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iii.  87,89.  Feb.  10th,  the  comandante  of  S.  Luis  calls  for  reinforce- 
ments to  check  disorders  among  the  Indians  arising  from  the  distribution  of 
lands.   Id.,  Ben.  Pre/.  yJuzg.,v.  76. 

1 '  Echeandia,  Reglamento  para  los  encargados  dc  justicia  ?/  policia  en  las  mis- 
iones  del  departamento  de  S.  Diego,  1S33,  MS.  An  annexed  note  says:  'This 
regulation  was  ordered  to  be  observed  to  restrain  the  arbitrary  way  in  which 
missionaries,  majordomos,  and  corporals  of  escolta  caused  the  neophytes  to  be 
ed,  imprisoned,  and  outraged  in  other  ways  for  any  fault  in  the  commu- 
nity labors  or  in  other  precepts  which  they  were  tyranically  forced  to  observe. 
Echeandia.' 


PROTECTION  OF  THE  INDIANS.  327 

strict  measures  in  favor  of  the  Indians.46  Finally, 
on  March  19th,  Echeandia  directed  to  Figueroa  the 
long  letter,  already  often  cited,  in  which  he  fully 
reported  and  defended  his  past  policy.  In  this  com- 
munication, besides  the  arguments  already  noticed,  he 
attempted,  in  a  manner  satisfactory  to  himself,  to 
overthrow  the  reasoning  of  Minister  Alaman  against 
his  famous  decree,  and  he  also  proposed  a  scheme  of 
converting  gentiles  on  the  frontiers,  through  the 
agency  of  old  neophytes  and  military  guards.47 

Meanwhile  Figueroa  prepared  to  make  the  investi- 
gations required  by  his  instructions.  His  views  were 
for  the  most  part  identical  with  those  of  Echeandia, 
but  he  had  of  course  to  encounter  the  same  obstacles 
which  had  prevented  that  officer  during  the  earlier 
years  of  his  rule  from  carrying  out  his  instructions. 
He  announced  February  18th  to  Echeandia  his  policy 
and  his  general  approval  of  the  latter's  views,  stating 
that  he  hoped  to  begin  the  distribution  of  lands  at 
San  Diego  in  April.  This  was  to  be  made  known  to 
the  Indians,  who  were  to  be  informed  of  the  gov- 
ernor's purpose  to  protect  their  liberties  but  at  the 
same  time  to  allow  no  license.4*  After  some  delay  on 
account  of  illness,  Figueroa  went  south  at  the  end  of 

46 Feb.  7,  1833,  E.  to  F.,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  25,  enclosing  docu- 
ments to  prove  the  abuses  committed  by  the  friars  of  the  south,  and  the 
malicious  exaggeration  of  all  they  say  against  the  proposed  reforms.  Each 
padre  does  as  he  pleases,  on  the  excuse  that  to  do  otherwise  he  must  have  his 
prelate's  orders,  which  are  not  given.  The  prelate  is  Duran,  a  Spaniard  and 
pronounced  royalist,  only  saved  from  expulsion  by  his  intimate  friendship 
with  Victoria.  The  gente  de  raz,on  pay  no  parochial  tax,  are  entertained 
gratis  by  the  friars,  and  receive  loans  and  gifts  from  the  missions;  therefore 
the  magistrate  who  attempts  to  protect  the  Indians  is  a  shining  mark  for 
popular  attack.  Still  he  has  been  regaining  little  by  little  the  civil  authority 
usurped  by  the  friars,  and  urges  Figueroa  to  continue  the  same  policy.  On 
the  same  date  were  sent  the  complaints  of  a  S.  Diego  Indian,  Tomas  Tajachi, 
against  Arguello  particularly,  whom  Echeandia  thought  it  best  to  replace  with 
some  officer  less  obnoxious  to  the  Indians.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  74-6, 
107-9. 

47  Echeandia,  Carta  que  dirige  d  D.  Jos6  Figueroa,  1S33,  MS.,  p.  38-41, 
5G-7. 

48 Feb.  18,  1833,  F.  to  E.,  and  also  to  Santiago  Arguello.  Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  xxxi.  '26-7.  F.  evidently  feared  a  revolt  of  the  Indians.  Feb.  10th, 
J.  A.  Carriilo  writes  that  he  has  complied  with  orders  as  to  sustaining  the 
gov. 's  authority;  and  will  go  to  S.  Gabriel  with  the  sindico  of  the  ayunt.  to 
harangue  the  Ind.  and  trancpiillize  them.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  76. 


328  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

June.  The  result  of  his  investigations  was  to  convince 
him  that  any  general  measure  of  secularization  would 
be  ruinous,  and  that  a  change  of  system,  though 
necessary,  must  be  very  gradually  effected.  So  he 
reported  to  the  Mexican  government,  and  to  Presi- 
dent Duran  and  Prefect  Garcia  Diego  in  July.49  To 
the  secretary  of  the  interior  he  described  the  charac- 
ter  and  circumstances  of  the  neophytes,  representing 
them  as  totally  unfit  by  nature  and  training  for  sud- 
den emancipation.  To  the  prelates  he  stated  that 
the  partition  of  lands  at  San  Diego  would  be  only 
partial  and  provisional,  though  insisting  that  all  quali- 
fied neophytes  must  be  freed  from  missionary  control, 
and  calling  for  their  views  on  the  general  subject. 
He  also  issued  a  series  of  regulations  on  gradual 
emancipation,  to  go  into  effect  provisionally  until  ap- 
proved by  the  diputacion  and  by  the  supreme  govern- 
ment.50 

49 July  15,  1833,  F.  to  Duran;  July  20th,  to  sec.  of  int.;  July  27th,  to 
Garcia  Diego.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  27,  33,  29.  F.  describes  the  neo- 
phytes as  children,  with  a  natural  predilection  for  the  customs  of  their  ances- 
tors, and  for  a  savage  life  without  work.  During  their  reduction  they  had 
learned,  perforce,  only  to  cultivate  the  soil  imperfectly,  to  practise  some 
rude  industries,  and  to  manage  horses,  besides  receiving  a  slight  and  super- 
ficial religious  instruction.  They  had  been  kept  intentionally  in  the  most 
abject  ignorance,  the  padres  having  always  opposed  their  education.  If  freed 
at  once  from  their  degrading  servitude,  they  would  soon  from  proprietors 
become  beggars,  having  bartered  their  possessions  for  liquor  and  gewgaws. 
They  would  return  to  the  wilderness  and  join  the  wild  Indians  in  stealing 
cattle  and  horses  for  sale  to  New  Mexicans  and  foreigners. 

00 Figueroa,  Prevenciones  provisionales  para  la  emancipation  de  Indios  redu- 
cidos,  15  de  Julio,  1SJJ,  MS. 

1.  The  gefe  politico  will  determine  the  number  to  be  emancipated  in  each 
mission  and  the  time  at  which  it  is  to  be  done,  appointing  the  comisionados 
deemed  necessary  to  carry  out  these  prevenciones.  2.  Those  emancipated  will 
be  those  who  have  been  more  than  12  years  Christians,  married  or  widowers 
with  children,  knowing  how  to  cultivate  the  soil  or  having  some  trade,  and 
having  'application  to  work.'  The  selection  is  to  be  made  by  the  comisiona- 
dos in  conjunction  with  the  ministers  of  each  mission.  3.  The  emancipated 
are  to  remain  subordinate  to  the  respective  authorities,  and  to  the  padres  of 
the  mission  who  will  exercise  over  them  the  functions  of  parish  priest  in  all 
that  concerns  the  spiritual  administration.  4.  The  emancipated  will  receive 
seed  for  their  first  sowing,  and  for  a  year  the  customary  mission  rations;  but 
during  that  time  they  must  assist  the  mission  during  planting  and  harvest, 
and  at  other  times  as  they  may  be  summoned — not  all  at  a  time — by  the  min- 
ister and  the  alcalde  acting  in  concert  and  so  arranging  the  tasks  that  neither 
the  mission  work  nor  that  of  private  individuals  shall  suffer.  5.  The  com- 
isionados in  accord  with  the  ministers  will  select  a  fitting  spot  as  near  the 
coast   as  possible,  and  between  the  missions  on  the  high  road,  where  the 


REGULATIONS  OF  1833.  329 

Shortly  before  the  prevenciones  cle  emancipation' 
were  issued,  President  Duran  had  written  to  Figueroa 
a  strong  letter  on  the  subject,  basing  his  opposition 
to  emancipation  on  the  state  of  things  which  he  had 
found  to  exist  at  Los  Angeles,  and  by  which  he 
claimed  to  have  been  undeceived  and  surprised.     The 

emancipated  may  form  a  pueblo  if  there  be  a  sufficient  number  of  families. 
There  they  will  be  given  lots  of  a  size  corresponding  to  the  amount  of  land 
at  the  place,  where  they  may  build  their  houses  so  as  to  form  streets  and 
plaza  symmetrically  as  provided  by  ancient  and  modern  laws.  Lands  will 
likewise  be  assigned  for  cjjidos  of  the  pueblo.  G.  Tlie  newly  founded  pueblos — 
according  to  decree  of  May  23,  1812 — will  remain  for  the  present  attached  to 
the  nearest  municipality  or  military  command,  which,  in  accordance  with  laws 
and  regulations  in  force  and  with  these  2jrevencione*,  will  care  for  the  police, 
embellishment,  order,  and  other  objects  of  economical  government  in  the 
pueblos  intrusted  to  their  care.  7.  As  the  emancipated  cease  to  be  minors 
and  enter  upon  the  enjoyment  of  citizens'  rights,  the  authorities  will  see  that 
they  are  considered  on  terms  of  equality  with  others  in  elections  and  hold 
municipal  offices  according  to  fitness  and  good  conduct.  Still  in  order  that 
they  may  be  accustomed  and  taught  to  govern  according  to  the  federal  sys- 
tem, there  are  to  be  appointed  annually  from  their  number  an  alcalde,  2  regi- 
dores,  and  a  sindico  procurador,  to  be  intrusted  with  the  economical  govern- 
ment of  their  pueblo,  but  to  remain  subject  in  the  administration  of  justice, 
civil  and  criminal,  to  the  judges  of  first  instance  and  other  superior  tribunals. 
8.  They  must  immediately  build  houses  in  regular  order  on  their  lots,  which 
they  must  enclose  with  fruit  trees  or  other  useful  trees.  9.  The  minister  and 
comisionado  will  assign  the  best  land  nearest  the  pueblo,  where  there  will  be 
given  to  each  family  a  field,  and  to  the  pueblo  grazing  lands  and  2  caballcrias 
of  land  for  propios,  all  in  the  name  of  the  Mexican  nation.  10.  Fields  to  be 
200  varas  square,  and  common  grazing  lands  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of 
live-stock  up  to  2  sitios  or  a  little  more.  11.  Products  of  land  and  property 
of  the  propios  to  be  applied  to  expense  of  worship,  church,  public  buildings, 
schools,  etc.  Such  property  to  be  administered  by  a  majordomo,  elected  for 
4  years  from  the  emancipated  and  watched  by  the  alcalde  and  priest,  who 
may  remove  him  for  cause,  and  who  arc  to  use  the  product  of  the  property 
for  the  purposes  specified,  with  the  approval  of  the  gefc  politico.  Routine  of 
annual  reports  and  accounts.  12.  The  comisionado  and  priest  to  render  full 
report  with  lists,  etc.,  of  the  new  foundations.  13.  The  gefe  politico  to  give 
titles  to  lands,  and  license  to  use  a  mark  for  cattle.  14,  15.  Each  family  to 
receive  from  the  mission  property  2  mares,  2  cows,  2  ewes,  with  implements, 
etc.,  but  all  subject  to  variation  according  to  the  circumstances  of  the 
mission  and  judgment  of  comisionado  and  priest.  10.  100  cattle  and  25 
horses  to  be  given  for  the  propios  if  the  mission  has  sufficient  to  do  so;  other- 
wise, what  it  can  give.  17.  Each  individual  will  mark  his  animals;  but  for 
two  years  they  are  to  be  tended  in  common  by  persons  appointed  alternately 
by  the  alcalde  for  the  purpose.  For  one  year  no  animal  can  be  killed  or  sold; 
nor  afterwards  all  the  stock  of  any  individual.  Penalty,  a  return  to  mission 
life.  18.  They  will  enjoy  in  common  the  use  of  water,  grass,  wood,  etc.,  on 
the  lands  assigned  for  e<jidos  and  pasturage.  19.  The  land  to  be  the  property 
of  the  individual  to  whom  it  is  assigned,  and  of  his  heirs;  but  it  cannot  be 
divided  nor  transferred.  20.  No  mortgage,  lien,  or  mortmain  title  can  be 
imposed  on  the  land,  under  penalty  of  confiscation.  21.  The  emancipated 
must  aid  iri  the  common  work  of  the  pueblo  on  ditches,  dams,  corrals,  ro- 
deos, constructing  church  and  other  public  buildings.  They  must  mark  the 
boundaries  of  their  fields  with  useful  trees.  22.  Land  left  vacant  by  the 
death  of  the  owner  without  heirs  reverts  to  the  nation.     23.  The  emancipated 


330  MISSIONS  AXD  SECULARIZATION. 

two  or  three  hundred  Indian  vecinos  of  that  town 
were  beyond  all  comparison  more  unfortunate  and 
oppressed  than  any  in  the  missions.  Not  one  had  a 
garden,  a  }Toke  of  oxen,  a  horse,  or  a  house  fit  for  a 
rational  being.  Instead  of  the  equality  so  much 
talked  about,  the  Indians  swept  the  streets  and  did 
all  the  menial  work.  For  offences  scarcely  noticed 
in  others,  they  were  bound  naked  over  a  cannon  to 
receive  100  blows.  They  were  in  reality  slaves,  be- 
ing bound  for  a  whole  year  by  an  advance  of  some 
trifle,  since  no  Indian  ever  looked  beyond  the  present. 
They  had  no  ambition  for  liberty  except  for  savage 
liberty  and  vicious  license,  which  they  would  purchase 
at  the  cost  of  a  thousand  oppressions.  Duran  was 
convinced  by  experience  and  from  conversation  with 
practical  men  that  emancipation  would  result  in  slavery 
or  savagism  to  the  Indians  and  in  destruction  to  all 
their  property;  and  he  begged  the  governor  to  con- 
sider well  the  results  before  deciding  a  subject  "worthy 
the  wisdom  of  a  whole  congress."51  Yet  on  receipt 
of  the  regulations  Duran  offered  no  general  opposi- 
tion to  the  plan,  limiting  his  criticism  to  the  recom- 
mendation of  here  and  there  a  minor  change  in  some 
of  the  articles,  calling  for  no  special  attention.  His 
closing  suggestion  was  as  follows:  "If  after  three  or 
four  years  it  shall  be  noted  that  the  emancipados 
depend  on  wild  fruits  for  subsistence,  that  they 
allow  their  live-stock  to  decrease,  that  they  neglect 
their  planting  and  other  labors  in  a  spirit  of  vaga- 
bondage, or  that  they  manifest  no  zeal  or  liking  for  a 
rational  and  civilized  life,  and  if,  being  several  times 
warned,  they  do  not  mend,  then  they  shall  be  returned 

■who  may  neglect  their  work  and  stock,  or  dissipate  them,  or  abandon  their 
homes  to  give  themselves  up  to  vagabondage,  idleness,  and  vice,  will  be  sub- 
mitted anew  to  the  mission  by  decision  of  the  alcalde  and  priest,  who  must, 
however,  give  two  previous  warnings,  with  time  to  reform.  '24.  The  authori- 
ties will  attend  to  the  exact  enforcement  of  these  regulations,  and  will  be 
n    ponsible  for  infractions  if  known  and  not  prevented. 

01  July  3,  1833,  D.  to  F.,  in  Arch.  Arzob.y  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  8S-911  On  June 
17th,  D.  had  written  on  the  unsatisfactory  condition  of  the  Indians  at  S. 
Diego  and  S.  Luis,  made  worse  by  the  pernicious  example  of  Portilla's  sol- 
diers. Id.,  v.  pt  i.  78-1).     Also  to  same  effect  on  July  19th.  Id.,  101. 


PARTIAL  .EMANCIPATION.  831 

to  their  missions/'  the  author  having  of  course  little 
doubt  that  they  would  eventually  be  thus  returned.52 
While  Figueroa's  plan'  was  not  so  radical  as  to 
greatly  excite  the  opposition  even  of  friars,  yet  when 
he  attempted  its  execution  he  encountered  obstacles 
and  found  no  popular  enthusiasm  in  its  favor.  •  It 
was  tolerated  by  the  padres  as  an  experiment  not 
seriously  interfering  with  the  mission  system,  nor 
very  destructive  to  their  interest  in  the  mission  prop- 
erty, but  sure  to  result  in  proving  the  utter  incapac- 
ity of  the  Indians  for  self-govern  merit.  But,  for  the 
same  reasons  largely,  it  was  only  passively  approved 
by  the  gente  de  razon,  who  saw  in  it  no  direct  avenue 
to  the  mission  lands  and  herds  and  servants,  while 
the  neophytes  themselves  were  ambitious  only  to 
have  the  property  to  dispose  of  as  they  pleased,  and 
could  see  little  that  was  attractive  in  pueblo  life 
under  authority,  in  a  living  that  was  to  be  earned,  in 
having  fields  that  must  be  tilled,  and  cattle  that  could 
not  be  bartered.  The  governor,  however,  made  an 
earnest  effort  to  give  the  Indians  the  civil  liberty  so 
little  prized  by  them,  but  so  valuable  in  the  eyes  of 
Mexican  theorists.  He  visited  the  southern  missions 
in  person,  exhorting  the  assembled  neophytes  and  ex- 
plaining to  them  the  advantages  of  the  proffered 
freedom.  Of  one  hundred  and  sixty  families  at  San 
Diego  and  San  Luis,  qualified  according  to  the  stand- 
ard established,  only  ten  could  be  induced  to  accept 
emancipation  before  Figueroa  started  on  his  return 
to  the  north.53  He  persevered  in  his  efforts  never- 
theless, appointing  captains  Argiiello  and  Portilla 
as  comisionados.  The  results  cannot  be  exactly 
known.  Some  families  were  emancipated  at  San 
Diego  and  San  Luis,  but  not  enough  apparently  to 
form  a  new  pueblo;  though  they  received  lands, 
managed    their   own   property,  and  became   citizens. 

52  Duran,    Critica  sobre  las  Prevention? s    de  Emancipation,   1833,   MS. 
Dated  at  S.  Diego  July  lGih. 

03  Oct.  5th,  F.  at  Sta  B.    St.  Pap.,  Hiss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  72. 


332  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

At  San  Juan  Capistrano  the  experiment  was  tried 
on  a  larger  scale.  All  seem  to  have  been  emanci- 
pated,  and  lands  were  assigned  at  the  mission,  which 
thus  became  virtually  a  pueblo  in  October,  under  the 
prevenciones  of  July,  and  certain  special  supplemen- 
tary rules  issued  at  this  time.  I  find  no  evidence 
that  any  neophytes  at  all  were  emancipated  this  year 
north  of  San  Juan.54 

In  addition  to  his  efforts  in  the  direction  of  experi- 
mental and  partial  emancipation,  Figueroa  also  kept 
in  view  his  obligation  to  report  on  a  plan  for  formal 
secularization.  In  August  he  called  upon  the  dipu- 
tacion,  and  on  the  prelates  of  the   two   missionary 

54  July  19,  1883,  F.  appoints  Argiiello  comisionado  for  S.  Diego,  notifying 
also  Duran.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  31-2.  Sept.  21st,  Portilla  to  F.  On 
the  23d  be  will  begin  the  distribution  to  the  neophytes  of  San  Juan  Capis- 
trano of  their  lands  at  S.  Mateo,  the  best  site  on  the  mission  tract.  The 
Ind.  of  S.  Luis  will  build  their  houses  at  once  (where  it  is  not  stated),  while 
the  women  harvest  the  melons.  In  another  letter  of  the  same  date  P.  say3 
the  Ind.  of  S.  Juan  are  not  willing  to  go  to  S.  Mateo,  not  understanding  why 
their  lands  should  not  be  assigned  at  the  mission,  where  they  have  already 
well  watered  lots  on  which  they  are  supporting  themselves  without  aid  from 
the  mission.  F.  at  first  ordered  a  temporary  suspension  of  the  distribution  at 
S.  Mateo,  and  on  Oct.  13th  granted  the  petition  of  the  Ind.,  ordered  lands 
to  be  assigned  at  the  mission  under  the  rules,  and  issued  some  supplementary 
rules  for  their  guidance.  7cZ.,  xxxi.  38.  On  Oct.  5th,  he  had  announced  his 
intention  in  a  report  to  Mexico  to  emancipate  all  the  neophytes  of  S.  Juan, 
who  seemed  more  civilized  than  others.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii. 
72.  It  may  therefore  be  supposed  that  these  regulations  were  put  in  force. 
Sept.  27th,  Argiiello  to  F.  Reports  progress,  or  lack  of  it,  at  S.  Diego  and 
S,  Luis.  He  says  that  of  59  heads  of  families  at  S.  Diego  only  two  wished 
for  emancipation,  unless  they  could  have  their  property  to  do  what  they 
pleased  with  it;  but  there  were  14  families  of  33  persons  from  S.  Dieguito 
who  wished  to  join  the  two  and  form  a  pueblo,  and  he  had  granted  their 
petition  and  was  going  to  assign  their  lands.  (It  is  not  stated  where,  nor  is 
there  any  evidence  that  he  did  so.)  At  S.  Luis  Rey  he  was  even  less  suc- 
cessful; for  out  of  108  families  none  desired  emancipation,  though  4  married 
men  were  somewhat  non-committal  on  the  subject.  Id.,  xxxi.  36-7.  Oct. 
3d,  M.  G.  Vallejo  to  F.  Thanks  God  that  the  true  owners  of  the  missions 
begin  to  enjoy  their  rights.  '  I  have  rejoiced  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart 
at  the  liberation  of  these  poor  people  from  the  clutches  of  the  missionaries. 
The  great  supply  of  men  and  dollars  the  padres  have  hitherto  had  will  now, 
though  rather  late,  come  to  an  end!'  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  318. 
Oct.  15th,  in  a  decree  on  elections  F.  declares  that  the  neophytes  are  not 
citizens,  but  the  cmancipados  can  vote.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  xi.  12; 
Id.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  iv.  131.  Nov.  26th,  F.  directs  Portilla  to  warn  the  'towns- 
men' of  S.  Juan  that  they  must  do  nothing  but  what  is  allowed  in  the  regla- 
mento,  and  must  obey  orders  sent  to  Portilla.  The  ayunt.  of  Los  Angeles 
has  nothing  to  do  with  the  management  of  their  property — only  having 
jurisdiction  in  civil  and  criminal  matters.  P.  is  to  instruct  them  in  their 
rights  and  duties,  and  bid  them  pay  no  heed  to  idle  rumors.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxix.  12. 


VIEWS  OF  PREFECT  AXD  PRESIDENT.  333 

bands,  to  state  what  missions  were  in  a  condition  to 
be  secularized  under  the  law  of  1813;  what  objections 
to  secularization  existed;  and  what  would  be  the  best 
means  to  be  employed.53  The  diputacion  held  no 
session  this  year,  or  at  least  has  left  no  record  of  its 
reply;  but  both  Duran  and  Garcia  Diego  gave  their 
views  on  the  subject,  the  former  in  several  communi- 
cations, the  latter  in  a  single  one  dated  September 
24th.  There  was  nothing  in  the  argument  of  the 
Zacatecan  prefect  that  demands^  extended  notice. 
He  admitted  that  all  the  missions  under  his  charge — 
except  Solano,  which  lacked  some  weeks  of  the  re- 
quired ten  years — were  subject  to  secularization  ac- 
cording to  the  law  of  1813;  but  he  believed  that  law 
could  not  be  applied  to  California  without  inevitable 
ruin  to  the  missions  and  to  the  neophytes.56 

President  Duran  of  course  opposed  the  change,  and 
used  to  some  extent  the  old  arguments,  with  which, 
coming  from  him  and  others,  the  reader  is  familiar; 
but  he  also  seems  to  have  put  himself  as  fully  as  pos- 
sible in  the  governor's  place,  and  admitting  for  the 
time  that  a  change  was  inevitable,  to  have  given  in 
good  faith  his  views  respecting  the  best  means  to  be 
employed.  Tie  noted  two  great  obstacles  to  be  over- 
come: first,  the  natural  apathy,  indolence,  and  in- 
competency of  the  neophytes,  acknowledged  by  every 
intelligent  man  who  had  any  experience  in  the  matter; 
and  second,  the  burdens  imposed  on  the  missions  by 
circumstances,  chiefly  that  of  supporting  the  troops 

55  Aug.  2,  1833.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  96;  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  v.  pt  i.  106. 

56  Garcia  Dier/o,  Parecer  del  Padre  Prefecto  sobre  Proyecto  de  Secularization, 
1833,  MS.  The  law,  he  claims,  was  made  2,000  leagues  away  by  men  who  had 
no  knowledge  of  the  character  and  needs  of  Californian  Indians.  Emancipated, 
the  Ind.  would  return  to  nakedness  and  savagism.  Good  men  would  not  be 
chosen  for  alcaldes.  The  govt  had  never  secularized  the  missions  of  Tarahu- 
mara  and  Sonora,  though  older  than  those  of  Cal.  The  padres  would  content 
themselves  with  saying  mass  and  confessing  applicants.  It  is  only  by  force 
that  Ind.  can  be  made  to  attend  to  religious  duties.  The  bishop  has  no 
curates,  and  the  friars  would  not  serve  as  such,  etc.  It  would  seem  that  F. 
also  addressed  his  inquiries  to  others;  for  Oct.  19th,  Alf.  Jose  Sanchez  re- 
ports S.  F.,  S.  Jos£,  and  Solano  as  in  a  condition  to  be  secularized,  the  In- 
dians being  altogether  competent.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  96. 


334  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

as  they  bad  done  for  over  twenty  years.  Of  course 
the  Indians  would  do  nothing  for  the  support  of  the 
troops  after  secularization,  and  if  any  of  their  proper- 
ty were  taken  by  force,  they  would  find  means  to  do 
away  with  the  rest  and  escape  to  the  wilderness  and 
savagism.  Therefore,  before  effecting  any  radical 
change,  the  government  must  be  sure  respecting  re- 
sources for  the  future.  The  padre  disclaimed  any 
opposition  by  himself  or  his  associates  from  motives 
of  interest  to  their  college  or  to  themselves.  The  law 
of  1813  was  altogether  inadequate,  having  been 
framed  by  men  who  knew  nothing  of  the  subject  in 
its  Californian  phases.  The  ten-year  rule  should  be 
ignored,  and  some  other  adopted,  if  the  results  of 
half  a  century's  work  were  to  be  saved. 

Three  plans  were  suggested  by  Duran.  The  first 
was  to  establish  a  new  line  of  missions  and  presidios 
east  of  the  old  line,  secularize  the  old  establishments 
into  Indian  pueblos,  and  give  the  neophytes  their 
choice  between  remaining  in  the  pueblos  or  being  at- 
tached to  the  new  missions.  This  would  effectually  pre- 
vent them  from  escaping  from  civilization,  and  would 
also  free  the  territory  from  the  danger  of  attack  and 
outrage  at  the  hands  of  renegade  neophytes,  hostile  gen- 
tiles, and  ambitious  foreigners.  This  plan,  though  the 
best,  was  probably  impracticable,  because  the  national 
government  could  not  be  induced  to  bear  the  expense. 
The  second  plan,  though  not  so  expeditious,  was  sure, 
and  would  lead  to  the  same  result.  It  was  to  have 
a  bishop  appointed  for  California,  a  live  man,  not  bent 
on  leading  a  life  of  ease,  and  to  give  him  the  exclusive 
control  of  all  tithes  under  the  protection  but  not 
direction  of  the  governor.  With  the  means  placed  at 
his  disposal,  the  bishop  could  in  a  few  years  have  in 
operation  a  seminary  of  ecclesiastical  education,  a  col- 
lege of  missionaries,  a  cathedral,  and  all  the  necessary 
agencies  for  converting  gentiles  and  furnishing  curates. 

rr-i  •  •  • 

lhen  the  missions  might  be  secularized  without  risk. 
The  third  expedient,  less  desirable  than  the  others, 


DURAN'S  PLAN.  335 

was  a  partial  and  experimental  secularization  of  cer- 
tain old  missions,  eight  of  which  are  named,  where 
there  have  been  no  new  .conversions  for  many  years. 
A  portion  of  the  property  might  be  distributed,  and 
the  rest  kept  as  a  community  fund,  administered  by 
stewards  of  their  own  choice,  free  from  tithes,  and  de- 
voted to  the  support  of  the  spiritual  administration. 
The  missionary  should  have  for  a  time  a  fatherly 
control,  and  the  alcaldes  and  majordomos  should  be 
responsible  for  losses  and  evils  resulting  from  a  failure 
to  follow  his  advice.  The  neophytes  should  be  made 
to  understand  that  if  they  neglect  their  privileges 
they  will  be  again  put  under  the  padres.  With  these 
precautions,  if  also  the  government  wrill  see  that  the 
gente  de  razon  are  obliged  to  set  a  better  example, 
the  evils  of  secularization  may  be  reduced  to  a  mini- 
mum.57 

Figueroa  had  now  become  convinced  that  any 
general  measure  of  secularization  would  be  productive 
of  great  injury  to  the  interests  of  California.  In  his 
report  of  July  20th,  he  had  advocated  a  gradual 
emancipation,  in  which  he  thought  the  friars  might 
be  induced  to  cooperate.53  Now,  having  heard  that  a 
bill  for  secularization  had  been  introduced  in  congress, 
he  made  haste  to  lay  before  the  government,  in  his 
report  of  October  5th,  the  results  of  his  own  expe- 
rience and  the  views  of  Duran  and  Garcia  Dieofo, 
with  whom  he  agreed  to  the  extent  of  opposing  any 
sudden  and  radical  change  in  the  mission  system,  as 
involving  total  destruction  of  all  the  property  with 
possible  danger  to  the  security  of  the  territory.  He 
was  inclined  to  favor  Duran's  plan  of  a  partial  and 
experimental    change    at    the    oldest    missions.59      It 

67  Duran,  Proyectos  de  Secularization  de  Misiones,  1833,  MS.  On  Oct. 
10th  Duran  asks  earnestly  that  Gov.  F.  use  his  influence  to  have  the  padres 
relieved  of  the  mission  temporalities,  promising  to  serve  en  lo  espirUnaf.  until 
ministers  can  be  sent  to  replace  them.  No  reason  is  given  except  that  the 
padres  are  old  and  worn  out. 

58  Vaflejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  xxxi.  33. 

59 1 Igtteroa,  In  forme  en  que  ee  opone  al  Proyecto  de  Secularization,  1833,  MS. 
The  8  missions  mentioned  by  Duran  were:  S.  Juan  Capistrano,  S.  Buenaven- 
tura, Sta  Barbara,  Purisima,  S.  Antonio,  S.  Carlos,  Sta,  Cruz,  and  S.  Francisco. 


336  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

must  be  noticed  that  Figueroa  had  reported  in  favor 
of  expelling  Padres  Duran  and  Sarria  from  the  terri- 
tory. Their  conduct  in  private  and  religious  matters 
was  praiseworthy;  but  politically  they  were  opposed 
to  the  national  interests,  and  they  had  not  scrupled 
to  use  their  official  position,  influence,  and  wealth  to 
spread  their  opinions,  opposing  the  distribution  of 
lands,  freedom  of  the  press,  and  popular  sovereignty, 
and  desiring  the  reestablishment  of  the  inquisition.60 
Figftieroa's  advice,  whatever  might  otherwise  have 
been  its  effect,  came  too  late.  The  national  congress, 
without  waiting  for  the  governor's  report,  and  largely 
through  the  influence  of  the  Hijar  and  Padres  party, 
as  we  have  seen,  had  not  only  discussed  a  bill  for 
secularization,  but  had  passed  it  on  the  17th  of  Aug- 
ust.01    This  law   simply  provided  that  the  missions 

60  Aug.  17,  1S33,  F.  to  sup.  govt,  in  arswer  to  an  order  referring  to  him 
Echeandia's  complaints  against  the  friars  and  Victoria's  defense  of  their  con- 
duct. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  139-40. 

61  Decrcto  del  Congreso  Mejicano  se.culiwizando  las  Misiones,  17  de  Agosto  de 
1833.  In  Arrillar/a,  Recopilacion,  1833,  p.  19-21;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg. 
Mcx.,  ii.  548,  iii.  98;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  165;  HaUeck's  Report,  125,  148-9; 
Dwinelle's  Colon.  Hist.,  add.,  20-7;  Jones'  Report,  59;  /.  Rockwell,  455; 
Wheeler 's  Land  Titles,  9-10;  Bandini,  Doc.,  MS.,  36;  Hayes''  Mission  Book,  \. 
218;  Lassepas,  Baja  Gal.,  206-7;  Muhlenpfordt,  Mejico,  ii.  450.  Art.  1.  The 
govt  will  proceed  to  secularize  the  missions  of  Upper  and  Lower  California. 

2.  In  each  mission  shall  be  established  a  parish  under  a  priest  of  the  secular 
clergy,  with  a  salary  of  from  $2,000  to  $2,500,  as  the  govt  may  determine. 

3.  These  curates  can  collect  no  fee  for  marriages,  baptisms,  burials,  or  any 
other  service.  As  to  fees  of  pomp,  they  may  receive  such  as  may  be  expressly 
allowed  in  the  tariff  to  be  formed  with  the  least  possible  delay  for  that  pur- 
pose by  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  and  approved  by  the  sup.  govt.  4.  To  the 
parishes  are  given  the  churches  of  each  mission,  with  the  sacred  vessels,  vest- 
ments, and  other  appurtenances  now  possessed  by  each;  and  also  such  rooms 
adjoining  the  church  as  in  the  judgment  of  the  govt  may  be  deemed  neces- 
sary for  the  most  fitting  service  of  the  parish.  5.  For  each  parish  the  govt 
will  provide  a  burial-ground  outside  the  settlement.  6.  $500  per  year  are 
assigned  as  an  endowment  for  public  worship  and  for  servitors  in  each  parish. 
7.  Of  the  buildings  belonging  to  each  mission,  there  shall  be  assigned  the 
most  appropriate  as  a  dwelling  for  the  curate,  with  land  not  exceeding  200 
varas  square;  and  the  other  buildings  shall  be  used  as  an  ayuntamicnto- 
house,  primary  schools,  public  establishments,  and  work-shops.  8.  In  order 
to  provide  promptly  and  effectually  for  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  California^ 
there  is  to  be  established  a  vicar-generalship  at  the  capital  of  Alta  Cal.,  with 
jurisdiction  over  both  territories;  and  the  diocesan  will  confer  the  correspond- 
ing powers,  as  complete  as  possible.  9.  As  an  endowment  of  this  vicarship 
$3,000  are  assigned,  from  which  all  expenses  of  the  office  must  be  paid,  no  fees 
being  allowed  on  any  pretext.  10.  If  for  any  reason  the  curate  of  the  cap- 
ital or  of  any  other  parish  shall  hold  the  vicarship,  he  will  receive  $1,500  in 
addition  to  his  allowance  as  curate.     1 1,    No  custom  can  be  introduced  obliej- 


MEXICAN  LAW  OF  1833.  337 

should  be  converted  into'  parishes,  under  the  manage- ' 
ment  of  the  ordinary  ecclesiastical  authorities,  and 
regulated  some  details  of  that  management.  Respect- 
ing the  real  difficulties  of  secularization,  the  disposition 
to  be  made  of  mission  property,  and  the  obstacles 
existing  in  California,  it  was  silent.  Supplementary 
regulations  were  apparently  contemplated,  though 
not  mentioned;  and  such  regulations,  or  what  may  in 
a  certain  sense  be  construed  as  such,  will  be  noticed  a 
little  later  in  the  instructions  to  Jose  Maria  Hijar. 
By  the  law  of  August  17th,  the  expense  of  putting 
curates  and  a  vicar  in  charge  of  the  missions,  and  also 
as  it  appears  of  supporting  them  in  their  new  posi- 
tions— that  is,  all  the  expense  arising  from  the  execu- 
tion of  the  law — was  to  be  paid  from  the  pious  fund. 
By  a  later  decree  of  November  26th,  the  government 
was  authorized  "to  adopt  all  measures  to  insure  the 
colonization,  and  make  effective  the  secularization  of 
the  missions,  of  Alta  and  Baja  California,  using  for 
that  purpose  in  the  most  convenient  manner  the 
estates  of  the  pious  fund  of  those  territories,  in  order 
to  furnish  resources  to  the  commission  and  families 
now  in  this  capital  and  intending  to  go  there."02 

We  have  seen  that  ten  new  padres  had  come  to 
California  in  1833  to  rcenforce  the  missionary  band; 
but  two  of  the  Pernandinos  died  this  year,  Jose  Ber- 
nardo Sanchez,  ex-president,  and  Luis  Gil  y  Tabouda ; 

iiig  the  inhabitants  of  Cal.  to  make  oblations,  however  pious  they  may  be  or 
necessary  they  may  be  declared;  and  neither  time  nor  consent  of  the  citizens 
can  give  them  any  force  or  virtue.  12.  The  govt  will  see  to  it  that  the 
diocesan  do  his  part  in  carrying  out  the  objects  of  this  law.  13.  When  the 
ii  \>"  curates  have  been  named,  the  govt  will  gratuitously  furnish  a  passage  for 
them  and  their  families  by  sea;  and  besides  may  give  to  each  for  the  journey 
by  land  from  .$100  to  $800,  according  to  the  distance  and  number  of  family. 
14.  The  govt  will  pay  the  passage  of  returning  missionaries;  and  in  order 
that  they  may  return  comfortably  by  land  to  their  college  or  convent,  may 
give  to  each  from  .$200  to  $300,  and  at  discretion  whatever  may  be  necessary 
in  order  that  those  who  have  not  sworn  the  independence  may  leave  the 
republic.  15.  The  sup.  govt  will  meet  the  expenses  authorized  by  this  law 
from  the  product  of  the  estates,  capital,  and  revenues  at  present  recognized 
as  the  pious  fund  of  Cal.  missions. 

62 Decree  of  Nov.  2G,  1833,  circulated  by  the  secretary  on  the  same  date, 
and  published  i:i  a  bando  of  Dec.  2d.  Arrillas/a,  /'crop.,  1833,  p.  311-12;  ^uj). 
St.  Pop.,  MS.,  ix.  1;  lUiy<J  Mission  Book,  i.  218. 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    22 


63 


338  MISSIONS  AND  SECULARIZATION. 

and  one,  Jose  Viadcr,  left  the  country.  If  we  add  to 
these  losses  the  five  padres  who  had  died,  and  one 
who  had  left  California  in  1831-2,  we  have  a  gain  of 
only  one  during  the  three  years  covered  by  this  chap- 
ter, notwithstanding  the  coming  of  the  Zacatecanos. 

Narciso  Duran  succeeded  Sanchez  as  president  of 
the  missions  in  June  1831,  being  also  prelate,  vicar, 
ecclesiastical  judge,  and  apparently  vice-prefecto, 
there  being  no  change  in  1834-5  or  the  period  in- 
cluded in  the  following  chapter.  Duran's  authority 
was  confined  to  the  missions  south  of  San  Antonio 
after  the  coming  of  the  Zacatecanos  in  March  1833. 
Padre  Sarria,  as  already  noted,  had  held  the  office  of 
comisario  prefecto  down  to  1830;  but  while  there  is 
no  record  of  his  ceasing  to  hold  that  office  or  that  a 
successor  was  appointed,  neither  is  there  any  evidence 
that  he  or  any  other  friar  performed  any  duties  of 
the  position  after  1830,  and  he  is  spoken  of  in  1833 
as  ex-prefect.C4  Therefore  we  must  conclude  that  the 
office  of  prefect  was  abolished  during  these  years  so 
far  as  the  Fernandinos  were  concerned.  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  Padre  Sanchez  issued  several  papers  after 
he  left  the  presidency  in  1831,  which  by  their  tone 
would  indicate  that  he  still  held  some  authority  over 
the  friars,  but  there  is  no  other  evidence  that  such  was 
the  case.  In  the  north,  Garcia  Diego  was  comisario 
prefecto  of  the  Zacatecanos  during  the  period  covered 
by  this  chapter  and  the  next,  Rafael  Moreno  being 
president  and  vice-prefect  from  the  beginning  of  1834 


65 


CiArch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  43;  S.  Gabriel,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  41;  Arch. 
Sta  B.,  MS.,  vii.  7;  Arch.,  Obispado,  MS.,  23.  He  is  in  a  few  documents  ad- 
dressed as  prefect,  but  this  was  probably  an  error. 

61  Arch.,  Misiones,  MS.,  ii.  078.  In  Id.,  702,  Duran  is  addressed  by 
JFigueroa  as  presidente  prefecto. 

C5tf.  Jos6,  Patentes,  MS.,  190-213.  Both  were  re-elected  in  1835.  P. 
Gonzalez  was  made  prefect  provisionally  in  1835. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

MISSION  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 
1834-1835. 

Emancipation — Indian  Pcteblos — The  Diputacion — Figureoa's  Policy — 
Mexican  Law  of  Apeil  1834 — PpvOVisional  Regulations  of  August 
9th— Hij ar,'s  Instructions — Their  Meaning — The  Reglamento  in 
Practice — Local  Results — Ten  Missions  Secularized — Views  of  the 
Padres — Supplementary  Regulations  of  Nov.  4th — Destruction  of 
Mission  Property  by  the  Friars — Slaughter  of  Cattle — Stipends 
in  1835 — Mission  Supplies — Mission  Ranchos — Garcia  Diego's  Sug- 
gestions— Local  Items  of  1835 — Six  Missions  Secularized — The  Fer- 
nandinos  Content — Mexican  Decree  of  Nov.  9th — Mission  Statis- 
tics, 1831-5— Seasons — Pestilence — Indian  Affairs,  1831-5. 

There  is  no  positive  record  that  Figueroa's  eman- 
cipatory experiments  had  led  to  the  foundation  of  any 
other  Indian  pueblo  than  that  at  San  Juan  Capistrano 
before  the  end  of  1833.  It  is  possible,  however,  that 
two  others  were  founded  before  that  date,  San  Dieguito 
by  the  ex-neophytes  of  San  Diego,  and  Las  Flores  by 
those  of  San  Luis  Rev.  At  any  rate,  Figueroa  in 
his  opening  address  before  the  diputacion,  May  1, 
1834,  stated  that  the  three  pueblos  had  not  only  been 
established,  but  were  flourishing,  the  difference  be- 
tween the  condition  of  the  townsmen  and  of  the  neo- 
phytes being  already  noticeable.1  And  this  is  all 
that  is  known  of  secularization  in  the  first  quarter  of 
the  year. 

In  his  discourse  the  governor  recapitulated  his  past 
efforts,  and  announced  that  the  results  of  his  plan  of 
gradual  emancipation,  though  impeded  by  his  other 

1  Figueroa,  Discurso  de  Apcrturci,  1S34,  MS. 

(339  ) 


340  MISSION  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

onerous  duties  and  by  lack  of  competent  subordinates, 
had  been  most  encouraging  until  interrupted  by  the 
arrival  of  the  secularization  law  of  August  17th,  which 
compelled  him  to  await  further  instructions.  The 
law  was  submitted  to  the  diputacion  with  a  request 
for  advice  as  to  its  enforcement.  The  deliberations  of 
that  body  on  mission  management  in  May  and  June 
were  extensive,  but  barren  of  results.  Various  propo- 
sitions, relating  to  the  measurement  or  assignment 
of  mission  lands,  to  the  prevention  of  unnecessary 
slaughter  of  mission  cattle,  to  the  enforced  ren- 
dering of  inventories  by  the  padres  pending  secular- 
ization, were  introduced,  referred  to  committees,  re- 
ported back,  and  discussed;  but  practically  nothing 
was  accomplished.  In  view  of  the  Mexican  law  of 
August  1833,  and  of  the  knowledge  that  Hilar  had 
been  appointed  commissioner  of  colonization,  Figueroa 
felt  doubtful  about  his  powers  to  take  any  action,  and 
the  vocales  were  easily  induced  to  adopt  his  views.  It 
was  resolved  June  3d  that  the  gefe  politico  had  no 
authority  to  execute  the  law,  though  some  steps 
might  be  taken  should  circumstances  require  it;  that 
the  diputacion  should  recommend  the  assignment  of 
certain  property  to  the  municipal  funds  of  the  new 
pueblos,  and  that  the  government  should  also  be 
urged  not  to  delay  secularization  even  in  the  absence 
of  regular  curates,  since  the  friars  could  act  as  such 
temporarily.2 

Though  still  doubtful,  or  at  least  affecting  doubt, 
as  to  his  powers  in  the  matter,  Figueroa  was  induced 
to  change  his  mind  so  far  as  to  admit  that  the  'cir- 

2 Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  ii.  44-6,  51,  60-lr  67-8,  70-2,  83-6,  88-0,  02-5,  08-103, 
10S-1 1.  The  mission  property  recommended  for-thc  fondo  de  propios  included 
1,000  head  of  cattle  and  horses,  the  gardens  and  vineyards,  land  for  tillage 
and  for  the  stock,  and  the  surplus  buildings  after  secularization  was  provided 
for.  May  2d,  the  governor's  old  inquiry  of  Aug.  2,  1833,  as  to  what  missions 
were  in  a  condition  to  be  secularized  under  the  law  of  1813,  was  received, 
which  is  another  proof  that  there  had  been  no  session  in  1833.  By  the  action 
of  .May  22d  and  June  15th  the  unnecessary  slaughter  of  mission  cattle  was  pro- 
hibited. But  more  on  this  elsewhere.  It  was  ordered  that  vacant  mission 
hinds  should  be  granted  according  to  the  colonization  law.  This  was  pub- 
lished  in  a  bando.  Arch.  Obisjiado,  M.S.,  90;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  11. 


FIGUEROA'S  POSITION  1834.  341 

cumstances'  required  action  as  provided  for  in  the 
previous  resolutions,  without  awaiting  special  instruc- 
tions from  the  government  or  the  arrival  of  its  com- 
missioner. The  reason  alleged  was  that  in  the  long: 
interval  between  the  passage  and  enforcement  of  the 
secularization  law,  the  mission  property  was  in  danger 
of  being  wasted  by  maladministration — a  reason  not 
wholly  without  force.  In  reality,  however,  the  posi- 
tion of  Figueroa  in  1834  did  not  differ  much  from  that 
of  Echeandia  in  1831.  Each  desired  to  advance  the 
scheme  of  secularization,  each  had  instructions  to  that 
effect,  each  founded  his  action  on  a  national  law — of 
Spain  in  one  case  and  of  Mexico  in  the  other — each 
expected  the  early  arrival  of  a  successor,  each  preferred 
from  motives  of  personal  pride  and  for  the  personal 
interests  of  friends  and  supporters  that  the  change 
should  be  inaugurated  by  himself  rather  than  by  his 
successor,  and  each  had  the  support  of  the  diputacion. 
Both  knew  perfectly  well  that  they  had  strictly  no 
legal  right  to  act  in  the  matter,  and  that  the  motives 
alleged,  though  of  some  weight,  were  not  urgent  for 
immediate  action;  yet  both  chose  to  assume  the  re- 
sponsibility of  such  action.  Figueroa's  act,  if  some- 
what less  arbitrary  and  uncalled  for  than  that  of 
Echeandia,  was  none  the  less  a  trick.  Unlike  Eche- 
andia's,  but  largely  from  accidental  causes,  it  proved 
to  a  certain  extent  successful.  It  is  by  no  means  im- 
possible that  more  was  knowm  in  California  of  the  in- 
structions to  Hijar  and  the  plans  of  Padres  than  was 
admitted  in  public  discussions  and  correspondence.3 

3  April  16,  1834,  congress  passed  a  decree,  published  by  bando  on  April 
10th,  as  follows:  '1.  All  the  missions  of  the  republic  shall  be  secularized.  2. 
The  missions  shall  be  converted  into  curacies,  the  limits  of  which  shall  be  des- 
ignated by  the  governors  of  the  states  where  said  missions  exist.  3.  This  de- 
cree is  to  go  into  full  effect  within  four  months  from  the  date  of  its  publica- 
tion.' Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1834,  p.  134-5;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  vii. 
0;  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  1;  Hayes* Mission  Book,  i.  220;  Id. ,  Legal  Hist. 
S.  Diego,  i.  57;  Jones'  Report,  no.  13.  This  law  seems  never  to  have  been 
mentioned  in  Californian  discussions,  and  was  probably  not  understood  to  ap- 
ply to  Cal.,  as  very  likely — from  the  use  of  the  terms  ' governors '  and  'states,' 
and  the  existence  of  a  special  law — it  was  not  intended  to  apply;  yet  had  P. 
known  of  this  decree,  he  might  have  used  it  somewhat  plausibly  in  defence 
of  his  course.     In  Figueroa,  Manifesto,  passim,  there  is  much  argument  for 


342  MISSION  AXD  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

Provisional  regulations  for  the  secularization  and 
administration  of  the  missions  were  proposed  to  the 
diputacion  July  19th  by  the  Carrillos.  Don  Carlos 
was  for  some  reason,  doubtless  satisfactory  to  himself, 
less  radically  opposed  to  secularization  than  he  had 
been  a  few  years  earlier.  After  full  discussion,  Fi- 
gueroa  still  maintaining  a  slight  pretence  of  opposi- 
tion, they  were  approved  article  by  article  in  the 
secret  sessions  of  July  30th  and  31st,  re-read  and 
finally  approved  August  2d,  and  officially  promulgated 
in   a  printed  bando   by  the   governor   August   9th.4 

and  against  his  action.  In  Mexico,  Mem.  Justlcia,  1834,  p.  30,  it  is  stated 
that  the  execution  of  the  laws  of  Aug.  1833  and  April  1834  has  been  pre- 
vented by  lack  of  priests,  largely  due  to  the  ravages  of  cholera. 

iMgueroa,  Rtglamento  Provisional  para  la  secular  izac  ion  de  las  Misiones  de 
la  Alta  California,,  9  de  Agosto,  183 Jf.  Printed  document  in  Earliest  Print" 
i»i i  in  Gal.  Also  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  253-02;  Bandini, 
Doc,  MS.,  37;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  viii.  264-75;  x.  254-65;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Mont.,  MS.,  iii.  30-42;  and  with  something  of.  the  discussions  in  Leg.  Pec, 
MS.,  ii.  12-28.  English  translations  in  H ailed? s  Report,  147-53;  Jones'  Re- 
port, 65;  Dv:inelle>s  Colon.  Hist.  S.  F'co,  append.,  31;  /.  Rockwell,  456; 
HayeS  Mission  Book,  i.  220.  1.  The  gefe  politico,  according  to  the  spirit  of 
the  law  of  Aug.  17,  1833,  and  to  his  instr.  from  the  sup.  govt,  acting  in 
accord  with  the  prelates  of  the  friars,  will  partially  convert  into  pueblos  the 
missions  of  this  territory;  beginning  in  Aug.  (erroneously  printed  'next 
August,' it  having  been  discussed  in  July)  with  10  missions  and  continuing 
with  the  others  successively.  (In  the  original  proposition  the  last  clause  was 
'so  far  as  his  duties  may  allow,'  the  definite  date  and  the  specification  of 
missions  being  substituted  after  much  debate. )  2.  The  friars  will  be  relieved 
from  the  administration  of  temporalities,  and  will  exercise  only  the  functions 
of  their  ministry  in  spiritual  matters  until  the  formal  division  of  parishes  be 
made  and  curates  provided  by  the  govt  and  bishop.  3.  The  ter.  govt  will  re- 
assume  the  admin,  of  temporalities,  directively,  on  the  following  plan.  4. 
The  approval  of  this  regl.  will  be  solicited  from  the  sup.  govt  by  the  quickest 
route. 

Distribution  of  property  and  lands. — 5.  To  each  head  of  a  family,  and  to 
all  over  20  years  old,  will  be  given  from  the  mission  lands  a  lot  not  over  400 
nor  less  than  100  varas  square.  In  common,  will  be  given  them  enough  land 
to  pasture  their  stock.  Egidos  shall  be  assigned  for  each  pueblo,  and  at  the 
proper  time  p>ropios  also.  6.  Among  the  same  individuals  there  shall  be  dis- 
tributed pro  rata,  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  gefe  pol.,  one  half  of  the 
live-stock,  taking  as  a  basis  the  latest  inventories  rendered  by  the  mission- 
aries. 7.  There  will  also  be  distributed  to  them,  proportionally,  half  or  less 
of  existing  chattels,  tools,  and  seed  indispensable  for  the  cultivation  of  the 
ground.  8.  All  the  remaining  lands  and  property  of  every  kind  will  remain 
under  the  charge  and  responsibility  of  the  majordomo  or  employee  named  by 
the  gefe  pol.,  at  the  disposal  of  the  sup.  govt.  9.  From  the  common  mass  of 
this  property  provision  shall  be  made  for  the  subsistence  of  the  padres,  pay 
cf  majordomo  and  other  servants,  expenses  of  worship,  schools,  and  other 
objects  of  public  order  and  improvement.  10.  The  gefe  pol.,  intrusted  with 
the  direction  of  temporalities,  will  determine  and  regulate  after  proper  investi- 
gation, the  expenses  which  it  may  be  necessary  to  incur,  both  for  the  execution 
of  this  plan  and  for  the  preservation  and  increase  of  the  property.      11.    The 


BAXDO  OF  AUGUST  1834.  343 

These  regulations,  which  I  give  nearlv  in  full,  were 
certainly,  whatever  may  have  been  the  legality  of 
their  issue,  much  more  wisely  and  carefully  prepared 
than  any  that  had  preceded  them,  resembling  in  many 
points  the  prevenciones  on  gradual  emancipation, 
leaving:    much    to    the    judgment   of   the   friars,   and 

missionary  will  choose  that  one  of  the  mission  buildings  which  suits  him  best 
for  his  dwelling  and  that  of  his  attendants;  and  he  will  be  provided  with  the 
necessary  furniture  and  utensils.  12.  The  library,  sacred  vessels,  church 
furniture,  etc.,  shall  be  in  charge  of  the  padre,  under  the  responsibility  of  a 
sacristan  chosen  by  him  and  paid  a  fair  salary.  13.  General  inventories 
shall  be  made  of  all  mission  property  duly  classified,  account  books,  docu- 
ments of  every  class,  debts,  and  credits — all  to  be  reported  to  the  sup.  govt. 

Political  government  of  the  pueblos. — 14.  The  political  govt  shall  be  or- 
ganized in  conformity  with  existing  laws;  and  the  gefe  pol.  will  give  the 
proper  rules  for  the  establishment  of  ayuntamientos  and  holding  of  elections. 
lo.  The  economical  management  of  the  pueblos  shall  belong  to  the  ayunt. ; 
but  in  the  admin,  of  justice  they  will  be  subject  to  the  judges  of  1st  instance 
constitutionally  established  in  the  nearest  places.  1G.  The  emancipated  will 
be  obliged  to  aid  in  the  common  work  which  in  the  judgment  of  the  gefe  pol. 
may  be  deemed  necessary  for  the  cultivation  of  the  vineyards,  gardens,  and 
fields  remaining  for  the  present  undistributed.  17.  They  will  render  to  the 
padre  the  necessary  personal  service. 

Restrictions. — 18.  They  may  not  sell,  burden,  nor  convey  the  lands  given 
them;  nor  may  they  sell  their  stock.  Contracts  made  against  these  orders 
shall  be  void;  the  govt  will  reclaim  the  property  and  the  buyers  will  lose 
their  money.  19.  Lands,  the  owners  of  which  die  without  heirs,  shall  revert 
to  the  nation. 

General  rules. — 20.  The  gefe  pol.  will  ap>point  the  comisionados  whom  he 
may  deem  necessary  for  the  execution  of  this  plan.  21.  The  gefe  pol.  is  au- 
thorized to  settle  whatever  doubt  or  matter  may  arise  in  connection  with  the 
execution  of  this  regulation.  22.  Until  this  regul.  is  put  in  force  the  mission- 
aries are  prohibited  from  slaughtering  cattle  in  considerable  quantities,  ex- 
cept the  usual  slaughter  for  the  subsistence  of  neophytes,  without  waste. 
23.  The  debts  of  the  missions  shall  be  paid  in  preference  out  of  the  common 
property,  on  such  terms  as  the  gefe  may  determine.  And  for  exact  compli- 
ance there  shall  be  observed  the  following  rules:  1.  The  comisionados  as  soon 
as  appointed  will  go  to  their  respective  missions  to  carry  into  effect  the  plan, 
presenting  their  credentials  to  the  friar,  with  whom  they  pre  to  preserve  har- 
mony, politeness,  and  due  respect.  2.  At  first  the  com.  will  receive  all  ac- 
counts and  documents  relating  to  property;  then  the  general  inventories  will 
be  formed  in  the  order  given,  an  estimate  of  two  intelligent  persons  sufficing 
for  the  live-stock.  As  entered  in  the  inventory,  all  passes  from  the  control  of 
the  friar  to  that  of  the  com. ;  but  no  innovation  is  to  be  made  in  the  system 
of  work,  etc.,  until  experience  proves  it  to  be  necessary.  3.  The  com.  and 
majordomo  are  to  see  that  all  superfluous  expenses  cease.  4.  Before  making 
an  inventory  of  field  property  the  com.  must  explain  to  the  Indians  this  reg- 
ulation and  the  change  it  is  to  effect  in  their  condition.  Their  lots  are  to  be 
immediately  distributed.  The  com.,  padre,  and  majordomo  will  select  the 
place,  give  to  each  what  he  can  cultivate  within  the  fixed  limits,  and  allow 
each  to  mark  his  land  in  the  most  convenient  way.  5.  The  com.  must  pay 
no  debts  of  the  mission  without  an  express  order  from  the  govt,  to  which  a 
report  must  be  made  in  order  that  the  number  of  cattle  to  be  distributed  may 
be  determined.  G.  Implements  will  be  distributed  for  individual  or  common 
use  as  the  com.  and  padre  may  decide;  but  grain  is  to  remain  undistributed, 
and  the  neophytes  will  receive  the  usual  rations.     7.  What  is  known  as  the 


314  MISSION  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

evidently  intended  to  conciliate  as  far  as  possible  the 
good-will  of  the  missionaries  and  to  use  all  possible 
precautions  against  the  evils  to  be  feared  from  a  sud- 
den and  radical  change. 

In  the  middle  of  October,  after  some  progress  had 
been  made  in  carrying  into  effect  the  la\vr  under  Figue- 
roa's  regulations,  Hijar  appeared  on  the  scene  with 
instructions  dated  April  23d  which  contained  certain 
articles  regulating  the  law  of  August  1833,  or  at  least 
were  the  only  regulations  on  the  subject  that  the 
Mexican  government  had  deigned  to  issue.  I  append 
those  articles  in  a  note.5  Their  exact  meaning  is 
not  quite  clear,  since,  literally  interpreted,  they  con- 
tain not  a  word  to  authorize  the  distribution  of  any 
portion  of  the  mission  property  to  neophytes.  This 
fact  enabled  Figueroa  and  his  friends  to  denounce 
with  much  plausibility  the  whole  scheme  as  one  of  de- 
liberate plunder.  I  suppose,  however,  that  the  failure 
of  the  government  to  define  specifically  the  Indians' 
rights  was  but  a  part  of  the  general  carelessness  ob- 
servable in  all  official  transactions  relating  to  the  col- 

'nunnery  '  is  to  be  abolished  at  once.  The  girls  and  boys  are  to  be  given  to 
their  parents,  to  whom  their  parental  duties  are  to  be  explained.  8.  The 
com. ,  after  investigation,  will  propose  as  soon  as  possible  one  or  more  persons 
deemed  fit  for  majordomos,  with  the  salary  that  should  be  paid  them.  .  9. 
Rancherias  at  a  distance  having  25  families  may  form  a  separate  pueblo  if 
they  wish  to  do  so,  otherwise  they  will  form  a  barrh  or  ward  of  the  main 
pueblo.  10.  The  com.  will  report  the  population,  in  order  to  prepare  for  elec- 
tions, which  so  far  as  possible  are  to  conform  to  the  law  of  June  12,  1830. 
11.  The  com.  will  take  all  necessary  executive  steps  demanded  by  the  state 
of  business,  reporting  to  the  govt  and  consulting  it  in  serious  or  doubtful 
cases.  12.  In  all  else  the  com.,  padre,  majordomo,  and  Indians  will  act  as 
prescribed  in  the  reglamento. — Monterey,  Aug.  9,  1834.  Jose  Figueroa; 
Agustin  V.  Zamorano,  secretary. 

bJIijar,  Ins'rucciones.  Art.  1.  He  will  begin  by  taking  possession  of  all 
the  property  belonging  to  the  missions  of  both  Californias.  Art.  7.  Special 
care  shall  be  taken  to  attach  the  Indians  to  the  settlements,  mixing  them 
with  the  other  inhabitants,  but  not  -permitting  any  settlement  composed  of 
them  only.  Art.  9.  Each  family  of  colonists  to  receive  certain  land,  live- 
stock, and  implements  (of  course  from  the  mission  property).  Art.  11.  The 
distribution  of  movable  property  belonging  to  the  missions  having  been  made 
(was  this  merely  the  distribution  to  the  colonists  as  per  art.  9  ?  or  did  it  in- 
clude also  a  distribution  to  neophytes  as  a  part  of  secularization  ?),  one  half 
of  what  is  left  shall  be  sold  in  the  most  advantageous  manner.  Art.  13.  The 
remaining  half  is  to  be  kept  on  account  of  the  govt,  to  pay  expenses  of  wor- 
ship, education,  etc.  Art.  14.  An  annual  report  on  the  mission  property  re- 
quired from  the  director  of  colonization. 


HIJAR'S  IXSTRUCTIONS.  345 

on}7.  Secularization  included  as  an  essential  element, 
by  the  whole  spirit  of  Spanish  laws,  the  distribution 
of  mission  lands  and  property  to  the  Indians.  Hijar 
and  Padres  always  claimed  to  be  advocates  and  de- 
fenders of  aboriginal  rights;  and  while  their  strongest 
motives,  as  in  the' case  of  all  men  in  a  like  situation, 
were  personal  rather  than  humanitarian,  I  deem  it 
unlikely  that  there  was  any  intention  of  perpetrating 
so  gross  an  outrage  as  was  implied  in  a  literal  inter- 
pretation of  the  instructions  considered  independently 
of  other  laws.  I  suppose  rather  that  the  plan  was  to 
put  the  neophytes,  at  least  in  theory,  on  equal  terms 
with  the  colonists  in  the  distribution  of  property.  It 
can  serve  no  useful  purpose  to  speculate  upon  what 
might  have  been  the  results  if  Hijar's  instructions 
had  been  carried  out.  The  revocation  of  his  commis- 
sion as  gefe  politico  enabled  Figueroa  very  justly  to 
annul  those  instructions;  else  he  would  have  found 
himself  with  his  reglamento  very  much  in  the  position 
of  Echeandia  with  his  decree  of  January  1831.  The 
controversy  has  been  fully  treated  elsewhere;  and  the 
arguments  of  the  two  rivals  on  their  respective  sys- 
tems and  authority  for  regulating  secularization, 
though  lengthy  and  interesting,  do  not  call  for  further 
notice.6  The  Hijar  and  Padres  colony  as  planned 
seemed  destined  to  exert  a  radical  and  controlling  in- 
fluence on  the  fate  of  the  California  missions;  but  in 
reality  it  had  no  effect  beyond  the  imposition  of  a 
heavy  tax  for  a  year  or  two  to  support  the  families, 
and  a  diminution  of  the  opposition  which  Figueroa 
might  otherwise  have  expected  from  the  friars.7 

The  records  of  what  was  actually  accomplished  this 
year  under  Figueroa's  provisional  regulations  are 
meagre,  as  we  shall  find  the  annals  of  secularization 


6  See  Figueroa,  Maniftesto,  44-80. 

7Janssens,  Hijar,  and  other  members  of  the  colony  are  inclined  to  insist 
that  the  opposition  to  the  directors  arose  largely  from  their  efforts  in  behalf 
of  the  Indians,  whose  property  the  other  party  wished  to  control. 


346  MISSION  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

in  all  years.  There  are  in  the  archives  vague  local 
items  indicating  the  presence  of  a  comisionado  and 
the  introduction  of  the  new  system  in  nine  missions. 
Such  fragmentary  information  as  can  be  derived  from 
these  items,  I  give  in  a  note.8  The  tenth  mission  was 
perhaps  San  Carlos,  which  would  naturally  have  been 
one  of  the  first,  though  there  is  no  evidence  on  the 
subject.  Most  of  the  items  bear  date  of  November, 
and  in  but  few  missions  was  much  progress  made  be- 
fore December. 

The  padres  have  not  left  themselves  on  the  record 
on  either  side  of  the  contest  between  Fi^ueroa  and  Hi- 
jar;  nor  do  they  appear  to  have  made  any  attempt  to 
interfere  seriously  with  the  enforcement  of  the  pro- 
visional regulations.  Before  their  publication,  Presi- 
dent Duran  had  written  a  letter  of  general  discontent 
to  the  governor,  complaining  of  the  uncertain  pros- 
pects in  the  matter  of  secularization,  of  the  scarcity 
and  illness  of  friars,  of  the  refusal  of  the  Zacatecanos 
to  take  charge   of  more   than   eight   missions,  of  the 

8  There  is  nothing  in  relation  to  S.  Diego.  At  S.  Luis  Rey,  Capt.  Portilla 
Mas  comisionado  in  Nov.,  and  the  accounts  turned  over  by  P.  Forttmi  showed 
assets  of  $40,613  and  liabilities  of  $14,429.  In  Dec.  the  Ind.  refused  to  work, 
and  ran  away,  taking  most  of  the  horses  and  killing  many  cattle;  but  in  Jan. 
they  began  to  come  back  and  behave  better.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  49-53; 
] lakes' Mission  Booh,  i.  223,  227.  No  record  for  S.  Juan  Capistrano,  excep :  that 
Juan  Jose-  Rocha,  probably  the  comisionado,  acknowledges  on  Nov.  22d  re- 
ceipt of  resolution  to  secularize  the  mission.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
lxxxviii.  18.  At  S.  Gabriel  an  inventory  was  made  in  Nov.  1834.  St.  Pa})., 
Miss.,  MS.,  vi.  12-14;  and  Lieut-col.  Gutierrez  was  doubtless  the  com.,  being 
in  charge  early  the  next  year.  Lieut  Antonio  del  Valle  was  the  com.  at  S. 
Fernando,  and  was  engaged  in  Oct.  in  making  inventories.  Ouerra,  Doc, 
MS.,  vi.  150;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  134.  At  Sta  Barbara  Alf.  Anastasio 
Carrillo  was  com.  from  Sept.,  with  Jose"  Maria  Garcia  as  majordomo  from  Oct. 
St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  24-31;  xi.  1.  Domingo  Carrillo  was  com.  of  Puris- 
ima  in  Nov.  Id.,  xi.  23.  There  is  no  record  for  S.  Luis,  S.  Miguel,  S.  Anto- 
nio, S.  Curios,  S.  Juan,  or  Soledad.  Santa  Cruz  was  delivered  to  Alf.  Ignacio 
del  Valle  as  com.  on  Aug.  24th;  and  Juan  Gonzalez  was  majordomo  from  Oct. 
This  establishment  was  now  known'as  Pueblo  de  Figueroa;  and  the  Ind.  were 
reported  to  behave  admirably  under  the  new  system;  though  there  was  a  lit- 
tle trouble  with  the  padre  about  the  rooms  to  be  occupied  by  him.  St.  Pap. , 
Miss.,  MS.,ix.  66-71;  x.  6;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  12,  23;  Valle,  Lo  Pasado, 
MS.,  9-10.  There  is  no  record  of  secularization  this  year  at  Sta  Clara  or  S. 
Jose\  At  S.  F.  de  Asis,  Joaquin  Estudillo  took  charge  as  com.  in  Sept. 
St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  62.  At  S.  Rafael  an  inventory  was  taken  in  Sept. ; 
the  pueblo  was  marked  out  in  Oct.  by  Ignacio  Martinez,  who  was  probably  the 
com.;  and  stock  was  distributed  in  Dec.  Id.,  v.  58-9;  x.  11.  S.  F.  Solano 
was  perhaps  not  fully  secularized  until  next  year. 


RULES  OF  SECULARIZATION".  347 

action  of  some  troops  who  had  sustained  the  Indians 
rather  than  the  padres,  and  of  new  troubles,  not  ex- 
plained, which  had  come  upon  himself.  "The  Indians 
should  not  be  entirely  subjected  nor  entirely  free," 
yet  he  saw  no  practicable  middle  course,  and  begged 
Figueroa  to  take  counsel  of  unprejudiced  persons  such 
as  foreigners.9  Prefect  Garcia  Diego  received  in  May 
from  the  guardian  of  his  college  a  copy  of  the  secu- 
larization law,  with  orders  to  obey  its  provisions  and 
instructions  on  the  methods  of  surrender  to  curates. 
He  congratulated  the  Zacatecanos  on  the  adoption  of  a 
measure  which  would  enable  them  to  retire.  About 
the  same  time  he  received  and  circulated  an  order  for- 
bidding the  padres  to  take  any  part  in  politics,  or  to 
criticise  the  policy  of  the  government.10 

Duran  seems  to  have  made  a  report  on  the  plan 
embodied  in  the  provisional  reglamento,  which  is  not 
extant,  but  which,  on  being  presented  to  the  diputa- 
cion,  was  referred  to  a  committee,  and  resulted  in  a 
series  of  supplementary  regulations  adopted  in  the 
extra  session  of  November  3d  and  issued  in  a  bando 
by  Figueroa  on  the  4th.  No  radical  changes  were 
introduced  by  this  document,  which  seems  to  indicate 
that  Duran  and  the  other  friars  were  inclined  to  look 
somewhat  favorably  on  the  new  system  as  adminis- 
tered by  the  governor,  or  at  least,  that  it  was  more 
favorable  to  their  interests  than  any  substitute  likely 
to  be  obtained.11 

9  July  22,  1834,  D.  to  F.   Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  4-5. 

10 May  22,  1834,  F.  to  Casarin.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  vi.  30.  June 
20th,  Garcia  Diego  to  padres.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  90.  May  23d,  same  to 
same.  -V.  Jose,  Patentes,  MS.,  203-8.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii.  217-23, 
tells  us  that  the  Zacatecans  were  in  a  fury.  They  prepared  a  protest  to  the 
pres.  against  the  plundering  policy,  calling  for  F.  's  trial  and  removal.  Backed 
by  Zamorano  and  Sanchez,  they  sent  the  protest  south  for  the  signatures  of 
the  Fernandinos,  not  one  of  whom  would  sign  the  document,  and  some  of 
whom  talked  very  warmly  in  favor  of  the  regl. ,  mainly  to  annoy  the  Zaca- 
tecanos, whom  they  despised  as  intruders.  I  believe,  however,  there  is  no 
reason  to  credit  Alvarado's  statements  on  this  and  like  subjects. 

11  Reglamento  de  Misiones  secularizadas,  aprobado por  la  Diputacionen  3  de 
Nov.  1834,  MS.,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  xxxi.  131;  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  ii.  199-205; 
translation  in  Halleck's  Report,  153-4;  Jones'  Report,  60;  Dwinelle's  Colon. 
Hist.,  S.  F'co,  add.,  34;  Hayes'  Legal  Hist.  S.  Diego,  i.  57.  Art.  1.  Con- 
formably to  the  law  of  Aug.  17,  1833,  salaries  of  $1,500  are  assigned  to  curates. 


318  MISSION  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

A  special  matter  that  may  best  be  noticed  here  is 
the  slaughter  of  mission  cattle  by  the  friars  in  1834 
and  the  following  years,  together  with  a  wanton  neg- 
lect and  destruction  of  other  property.  Many  of  the 
missionaries  regarded  secularization  as  an  outrage 
upon  themselves,  their  college,  and  their  neophytes; 
and  when  they  became  convinced  that  the  disaster 
could  not  be  averted,  at  different  times,  but  chiefly 
in  1834,  they  ceased  to  care  for  the  buildings,  vine- 
yards, and  gardens  as  in  former  times,  and  attempted 
to  realize  in  ready  money  as  large  an  amount  as  pos- 
sible, which  of  course  could  best  be  done  by  a  slaugh- 
ter of  cattle  for  their  hides  and  tallow.  Accordingly 
such  a  slaughter  was  effected,  to  some  extent  in  all 
the  missions,  but  notably  at  San  Luis  Rey,  San  Ga- 


of  first-class  parishes,  and  $1,000  to  those  of  the  second  class.  2.  Parishes  of 
the  first  class  shall  be,  S.  Diego  and  S.  Dieguito;  S.  Luis  Rey,  Las  Florcs, 
and  annexed  settlements;  S.  Gabriel  and  Los  Angeles;  Sta  Barbara  mission 
and  presidio;  S.  Carlos  and  Monterey;  Sta  Clara  and  Jose  de  S.  Guadalupe; 
and  S.  Jos£,  S.  Francisco  Solano,  S.  Rafael,  and  the  colony  (7  in  all,  incor- 
rectly grouped  in  Halleck's  and  other  translations).  Parishes  of  the  second 
class,  S.  Juan  Capistrano,  S.  Fernando,  S.  Buenaventura,  Sta  In6s  and  Pu- 
risima,  S.  Luis  Obispo,  S.  Miguel,  S.  Antonio  and  Soledad,  S.  Juan  Bautista 
and  Sta  Cruz,  S.  Francisco  mission  and  presidio.  In  parishes  of  more  than 
one  place,  the  curate  will  reside  at  that  first  named.  3.  The  comisario  prc- 
fecto  Garcia  Diego  will  reside  at  this  capital.  The  gefe  pol.  will  ask  from  the 
bishop  in  his  behalf  the  faculties  of  vicario  foraneo.  His  salary  shall  be  83,000. 
4.  In  all  other  respects  the  vicar  and  curates  are  to  conform  to  the  law  of 
Aug.  17th.  o.  Until  the  govt  shall  provide  regular  curates,  the  prelates  will 
do  so  (from  the  friars)  provisionally,  by  consent  of  the  gefe  pol.  6.  $500  per 
annum  shall  be  paid  in  each  parish  for  church  expenses  and  servants.  7.  All 
these  salaries  and  expenses  of  worship  shall  be  paid  from  the  common  prop- 
erty of  the  extinguished  missions,  in  money  if  there  be  any,  or  in  produce  at 
current  rates — the  gefe  pol.  to  give  the  necessary  orders.  8.  Art.  17  of  the 
regl.,  requiring  the  Ind.  to  render  personal  service  to  the  friars,  is  abrogated. 
9.  The  gefe  will  cause  to  be  assigned  buildings  for  the  residence  of  curates, 
ayuntamientos,  schools,  etc.,  according  to  art.  7  of  the  law.  10.  Other 
points  of  Duran's  recommendations  may  be  attended  to  by  the  gefe  pol.  under 
art.  17  of  the  regl.  11.  All  to  be  communicated  to  the  prelates  and  by  them 
to  their  subordinates. 

My  original  is  the  one  sent  by  Figueroa  to  Comisionado  Valle  at  S.  Fer- 
nando, whom  he  directs  to  assign  the  curate's  dwelling  at  once.  Salaries  are 
to  commence  on  Dec.  1st,  after  which  date  it  will  not  be  necessary  to  supply 
the  padre  with  subsistence  or  service,  except  on  salary  account.  On  Oct.  30th 
I'1,  had  issued  a  resolution  of  the  dip.  that  although  the  Ind.  towns  still  bore 
the  name  of  missions,  they  were  not  lawfully  so,  since  they  ought  to  have  been 
secularized  ere  this,  and  should  therefore  be  considered  as  towns  of  the  repub- 
lic, subject  to  the  same  laws  as  other  towns,  being  under  the  civil  authorities 
of  the  head  towns  of  the  respective  districts.  St.  Par)., Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS., 
ii.  203-4. 


SLAUGHTER  OF  CATTLE.  349 

briel,  and  Purisima,  by  outsiders  who  contracted  to 
kill  the  cattle  and  deliver  half  the  hides  to  the  padres. 
Such  is  the  charge,  and  though  exaggerated  in  detail, 
I  have  no  doubt  it  is  well  founded;  indeed,  so  far  as 
I  know,  the  padres  have  left  in  the  records  no  denial 
of  its  truth.  Naturally  the  documentary  evidence 
on  this  subject  is  slight;  but  we  have  seen  that  in 
June  the  diputacion  forbade  the  slaughter  of  cattle 
except  in  the  usual  quantities,  and  by  members  of  the 
community;  and  a  similar  prohibition  was  deemed 
necessary  in  the  reglamento  of  August.  I  append  a 
few  notes  from  the  archives  and  something  of  what 
has  been  said  on  the  subject.12 

12  July  16,  1834,  F.  to  alcaldes,  publishing  the  act  of  the  dip.  of  the  12th. 
It  is  stated  that  the  slaughter  was  then  going  on  at  Purisima,  S.  Luis,  and  S. 
Gabriel.  Pico,  Doc  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  9-10;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS., 
xi.  21-2;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  10-11;  Vallcjo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  95-6.  June 
20th,  Prefect  Garcia  Diego  circulates  the  order  to  the  Zacatccanos.  Arch. 
Obispado,  MS.,  90.  July  8th,  10th,  12th,  permission  asked  by  S.  Carlos  and 
S.  Luis  to  slaughter  cattle  for  payment  of  debts.  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  ii.  148-51, 
103.  From  May  to  July  5,700  cattle  were  killed,  leaving  2,850  hides  for  the 
mission,  the  rest  belonging  to  the  '  porcioneros. '  St.  P<qj.,  Mise.,  MS.,  x.  4. 

Osio,  Jlist.  Cat.,  MS.,  203-6,  attributes  the  slaughter  largely  to  the  feeling 
of  the  Fcrnandinos  against  the  Zacatecanos.    The  padre  of  S.  Luis  Obispo  was 
ordered  by  his  prelate  to  convert  the  mission  wealth  as  rapidly  as  possible; 
and  he  bought  820,000  worth  of  cotton,  woollen,  and  silk  goods  which  he  dis- 
tributed among  the  neophytes.      Over   5,000  hides  from   S.   Gabriel  were 
shipped  at  S.  Pedro.     When  P.  Est6nega  came  to  that  mission  he  found  all 
the  cattle  destroyed,  so  that  he  had  to  appeal  to  the  Yorba  rancho  for  meat, 
fat,  and  milk.     Gov.  Chico  in  1836  said  the  friars  'annihilated  the  best  part  of 
the  funds  to  allay  the  covetousness  that  they  deemed  to  be  the  primary  cause 
of  secularization,' executing  '  matanzas  espantosas  de  ganado,'  and  abandon- 
ing 'toda  clase  de  arbitrios  de  su  progreso.'  Earliest  Printing  in  Cal.     Ban- 
dim,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  51-3,  tells  us  that  2,000  cattle  were  killed  in  a  single 
day  at  one  mission,  the  meat  and  fat  being  left  in  the  fields.     F.'s  govern- 
ment only  pretended  to  interfere,  to  save  a  portion  of  the  stock  for  a  particu- 
lar purpose  indicated  in  a  letter  to  friends  in  Mexico,  which  the  author  saw, 
but  which  he  takes  good  care  not  to  quote  or  explain.    J.  J.  Vallejo,  Reminis., 
MS.,  54-3,  though  a  friend  of  the  padres,  admits  the  destruction,  and  thinks 
it  was  justified  by  circumstances.     Pio  Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  157,  says   he 
had  a  contract  at  S.  Gabriel,  employing  10  vaqueros  and  30   Indians,  and 
killing  over  5,000  cattle.     Pico,  Acovt.,  MS.,  24,  speaks  of  a  very  extensive 
slaughter  at  Purisima  under  Domingo  Carrillo,  the  administrator.     Estudillo, 
Datos,  MS.,  33-4,  tells  us  that  after  a  time  nothing  but  the  hides  was  saved. 
Some   20,000   head  were  killed   at  the  S.  Jacinto   ranch  of    S.   Luis  Hey. 
RobinsoD,  Life  in  Cal.,  159-61,  says   the  ruin  was  more  preceptibie  at  S. 
Gabriel  than  elsewhere.     The  contractors  really  took  two  hides  for  every 
one  they  gave  the  padres.     Hayes,  Emig.  Notes,  486,  thinks  the  slaughter 
began  in  1832.  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurvencias,  MS.,  70-3,  is  inclined  to  doubt  that 
any  wanton  slaughter  was  effected  at  most  missions;  but  she  understood  that 
3'),000  cattle  were  killed  at  S.  Gabriel,  and  remembers  that  there  were  fe 
of  a  pestilence  from  the  rotting  carcasses.    Truman,  in  the  Casiroville  Argusf 


350  MISSION  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

The  venerable  ex-prefeet  Padre  Francisco  Vicente 
Sarria,  of  the  Fernanclinos,  died  in  1835;  and  his  as- 
sociate, *  Francisco  Javier  Uria,  had  died  the  year 
before.  These  are  the  only  changes  to  be  noted  in 
the  missionary  personnel,  except  that  Padre  Perez  of 
the  Zacatecanos  disappears  from  the  records  after 
1835.     I  do  not  know  what  became  of  him. 

By  submitting  to  heavy  discounts,  certain  friars 
seem  to  have  succeeded  in  collecting  a  portion  of  the 
sums  due  them  on  account  of  sinodos  this  year.  This 
was  accomplished  through  the  agency  of  Virmond, 
who  for  approved  missionary  drafts  on  the  pious  fund 
obtained  others  on  the  national  treasury  which  were 
paid  in  custom-house  orders  negotiable  at  25  or  30 
per  cent  discount  for  cash.  As  usual,  the  accounts  are 
incomplete,  and  it  is  impossible  to  state  exactly  what 
sums  were  obtained;  but  at  one  time  $7,200  were  paid 
to  the  padres  of  six  missions;  and  the  college  of  San 
Fernando  seems  to  have  got  a  bill  accepted  for  the 
sinodos  of  nine  friars  from  the  beginning  of  1830  down 
to  the  respective  dates  of  their  decease.  Meanwhile 
the  pious-fund  estates  remained,  not  yet  rented  ac- 
cording to  the  law7,  in  the  hands  of  a  directive  junta. 
Of  the  revenue  from  June  1832  to  March  1834, 
amounting  to  $56,250,  the  sum  of  $25,691  had  been 
expended  on  the  colony;  $23,567  had  been  taken  as  a 
loan  by  the  government;  $4,713  paid  out  in  miscel- 
laneous expenses;  and  $1,523  paid  over  in  missionary 
stipends.13 

Sept.  23,  1871,  gives  a  very  exaggerated  account  of  the  destruction  and  ship- 
ment to  Spain  of  all  the  property  at  S.  Juan  Capistrano  by  P.  Zalvidea; 
and  Taylor,  Ceil.  Farmer,  Feb.  1,  1S61,  tells  us  that  the  padre  of  S.  Gabriel 
unroofed  the  buildings,  used  the  timbers  for  firewood,  had  the  cattle  killed 
on  halves,  and  distributed  the  utensils  to  the  neophytes,  who  were  ordered  to 
cut  down  the  vineyards,  but  refused. 

13  Mexico,  Mem.  lielaciones,  1835,  p.  36-7,  no.  10.  May  2,  1835,  F.  to  the 
govt  says  that  Deppe,  Virmond's  agent,  had  paid  $7,200  to  padres  of  S.  An- 
tonio. Sta  In6s,  Purisima,  S.  Miguel,  S.  Juan  Capistrano,  and  S.  Francisco, 
for  1831-2-3.  He  advises  a  suspension  of  such  allowances,  or  of  such  pay- 
ments, on  the  ground  that  the  padres  manage  the  missions  in  their  own  way 
and  have  plenty  of  resources.  In  cases  of  actual  necessity,  the  sinodos  could 
be  paid  from  the  mission  products,  and  the  whole  considered  as  a  loan  to  the 
govt.     (In  view  of  the  secularization  laws  already  enforced  or  to  be  enforced 


PROGRESS  IN  1835.  351 

Demands  for  supplies  from  the  missions  were  often 
refused  in  1835,  both  by  the  padres  and  by  the  com- 
isionados,  but  always  on  the  plea  of  absolute  want  of 
means.  The  changes  of  the  last  few  years  had  left 
many  of  the  establishments  in  such  a  condition  that 
they  could  barely  feed  and  clothe  the  Indians,  who 
were  not  disposed  to  look  at  all  favorably  on  any  shar- 
ing of  their  earnings  with  the  troops.  To  what  ex- 
tent, if  any,  the  community  cattle  and  other  property 
were  sacrificed  in  aid  of  the  troops  or  for  the  further- 
ance of  private  interests  I  have  no  means  of  knowing; 
but  I  suppose  that  the  swindling  operations  charged 
upon  the  government  and  the  administrators,  with 
much  probability  of  truth,  did  not  commence  until 
later,  and  that  in  1834-5  the  authorities  contented 
themselves  for  the  most  part  with  the  legitimate  taxes 
on  mission  products. 

In  respect  to  general  regulations  and  progress  of 
secularization,  there  is  little  to  be  noted  in  the  annals 
of  1835.  No  approval  of  the  reglamento  came  from 
Mexico,  nor  disapproval  for  that  matter,  and  in  Cali- 
fornia little  or  nothing:  was  changed  in  the  current 
system.  Figueroa  devised  a  plan  for  establishing  sep- 
arate ranches  at  each  mission  for  the  support  of  the 
padre  and  of  public  worship;  and  even  made  a  begin- 
ning: at  San  Carlos  and  Santa  Cruz.  Garcia  Diegfo 
approved  the  measure  warmly  in  May,  perhaps  had 

immediately,  the  meaning  and  force  of  P.  's  argument  are  not  apparent. )  June 
17th,  F.  certifies  the  drafts  of  G  padres,  4  of  them  for  stipends  of  1834  and  2 
for  1S31-4,  aggregating  $4,800.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  294-8. 
Oct.  7th,  Virmond  to  Guerra.  On  the  discounts  necessary  to  obtain  money. 
Calls  for  a  full  power  of  attorney,  and  will  do  his  best.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS., 
vi.  147-8.  Dec.  23d,  same.  Speaks  of  the  draft  in  favor  of  the  college  in 
favor  of  PP.  Catala,  Suher,  Boscana,  Barona,  Amoros,  Sanchez,  Gil,  Uria, 
and  Sarria;  and  calls  for  doc.  to  prove  their  claims.  Id.,  vi.  146-7.  Dec. 
lGth,  there  is  no  way  to  recover  the  losses  of  two  or  more  of  the  missions  by 
the  death  of  the  insolvent  Sindico  Martiarena  at  Tepic.  Id.,  vi.  130.  A  list 
of  padres  showing  sums  due  to  each  from  181 1  to  Dec.  1,  1834.  The  total 
sum  is  $248,000;  and  tho  amount  received  from  1811  to  1830  by  the  padres 
still  living  in  1834  was  $19,230  out  of  $85,000  that  should  have  been  paid. 
Fondo  Piadoso  de  Cal.,  Demostrarion  de  los  Sinodoa  que  adeuda  a  los  Ileligi- 
osos  del  Colegio  de  S.  Fernando,  1811-3//,  MS.  Oct.  14th,  directors  of  pious 
fund  to  pres.  of  missions,  calling  for  certified  accounts  of  sums  due.  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  994-5. 


352  MISSION  AXD  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

suggested  it  first  himself,  but  in  August,  after  re- 
flection,  changed  his  opinion,  basing  his  opposition 
on  the  governor's  lack  of  authority  to  make  such  an 
innovation  on  the  Mexican  laws  against  the  foundation 
of  any  obras  %)icidosas  whatever,  on  the  animosity  that 
would  be  felt  against  the  padres  so  long  as  they  ad- 
ministered any  property,  on  the  insufficiency  of  the 
means  proposed,  and  on  the  injustice  of  freeing  the 
gente  de  razon  from  all  responsibility  for  the  support 
of  religion.14  On  account  of  this  opposition  or  of  Fi- 
gueroa's  early  death,  the  scheme  was  carried  no  further. 
From  the  Fernandinos  we  hear  nothing;  and  their  si- 
lence may  indicate  that  in  the  south  secularization  was 
proving  more  or  less  satisfactory.  In  the  north,  how- 
ever there  were  complaints  of  demoralization  among 
the  Indians,  and  of  other  difficulties,  which  prompted 
Prefect  Garcia  Diego  to  suggest  certain  modifications 
of  the  rules,  not  adopted  so  far  as  can  be  known.15 

14  May  29,  Aug.  3,  1835,  G.  D.  to  F.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii. 
333,  336-9.  June  lath,  guardian  of  the  col.  at  Zacatecas  wrote  to  prefect  that 
the  missions  must  not  be  considered  nor  called  parishes,  nor  the  missionaries 
curates,  since  no  legal  and  formal  transfer  had  been  effected.  And  the  trans- 
fer could  be  made  lawfully  to  only  priests  able  to  show  all  their  papers  in  due 
form.  Corresp.  de  Misiones,  MS.,  45-7.  Aug.  15th,  G.  D.  to  the  padres.  The 
guardian  requires  statistical  information  about  the  missions.  S.  Jose,  Patentes, 
MS.,  211-12. 

15  Garcia  Diego,  Reglas  que  propone  el  P.  Prefecto  para  gobierno  interior  de 
lis  ex-misiones,  1835,  MS.  His  suggestions  were:  1.  Total  separation  of  the 
quarters  chosen  by  the  padre  for  himself  and  servants  and  those  of  the  comi- 
sionado  and  majordomo.  2.  That  the  Ind.  be  compelled  to  render  personal 
service  to  the  padre,  whose  servants  should  not  only  be  supported  by  him,  but 
controlled  and  corrected  in  a  parental  way,  independently  of  all  interference 
from  the  com.  3.  That  in  view  of  disorders  that  have  resulted  among  the 
single  women  since  they  were  set  free,  they  should  be  returned  to  the  padre's 
exclusive  control,  aided  by  an  alcalde  of  his  own  choice.  4.  That  the  allow- 
ance of  $500  per  j^ear  for  expenses  of  religious  worship  should  be  paid  to  the 
padre  at  the  beginning  of  the  year,  he  to  keep  a  book  of  accounts  which  was 

►to  be  inspected  by  his  prelate.  5.  That  the  padres  should  be  authorized  to 
enforce  attendance  on  religious  duties  by  the  same  means  used  in  the  case  of 
children.  6.  That  com.  be  instructed  to  aid  the  prelate  with  animals  and 
vaqueros  when  travelling,  or  the  friars  travelling  by  order  of  their  prelate.  7. 
The  com.  and  majordomos  also  to  furnish  carriers  of  correspondence  between 
the  prelate  and  friars. 

Dana,  Tu:o  Years  before  the  Mast,  199,  speaks  of  the  prevalent  immorality 
among  the  Indian  women  in  1S35-6.  May  21st,  F.  orders  com.  not  to  make 
loans  of  mission  effects  which  may  prejudice  the  establishment.  St.  Pap. ,  Miss., 
MS.,  ix.  27.     Oct.  12th,  Vallejo  to  F.,  expressing  the  opinion  that  not  all  the 

phytes  .are  lit  to  be  intrusted  with  the  management  of  their  own  property; 
and  advising  that  a  part  be  made  to  live  in  community,  the  property  being 


LOCAL  ITEMS  OF  SECULARIZATION.  353 

Locally  we  have  a  series  of  items  in  continuation 
of  those  presented  for  1834.  These  show  that  six  ad- 
ditional missions  were  secularized  this  year,  San 
Diego,  San  Luis  Obispo,  San  Antonio,  Soledad,  San 
Juan  Bautista,  and  San  Francisco  Solano.  No 
change  had  yet  been  made  so  far  as  the  records  show 
at  San  Buenaventura,  Santa  Ines,  San  Miguel,  Santa 
Clara,  and  San  Jose.  Thus  in  sixteen  missions  the 
friars  had  been  deprived  of  the  temporal  management; 
comisionados  had  at  first  taken  charge,  and  at  several 
of  the  establishments  had  completed  their  labors;  in- 
ventories of  all  mission  property  had  been  made;  a 
portion  of  the  lands  and  other  property  had  been 
distributed  to  the  neophytes;  the  padres  had  be- 
come temporarily  curates;  and  majordomos,  often  un- 
officially called  administrators,  had  succeeded  the 
comisionados,  or  were  managing    the    estates   under 

7  o       o 

their  supervision.  Figueroa's  provisional  reglamento 
was  practically  in  force,  though  the  author  was 
dead,  and,  so    far  as  can  be  determined  from  meagre 

77  o 

records,  the  result  at  many  missions  was  not  un- 
satisfactory.16    It  is  unfortunate  that  we  may  know 


managed  by  majordomos.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  43.  Dec.  27th,  F.  says  that 
the  sum  of  .$300  for  church  expenses  is  excessive;  and  orders  that  payment  be 
made  only  for  what  is  actually  needed.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  10. 

16  At  S.  Diego  Joaquin  Ortega  became  majordomo  in  April.  St.  Pap., 
Miss.,  vi.  38-9.  There  is  no  record  of  any  com.  having  served  since  1833. 
In  Nov.  the  Ind.  pueblo  of  San  Pascual  was  in  existence  with  34  families. 
Document  in  Hayes1  Mission  Booh,  i.  230;  Id.,  Emig.  Notes,  497.  No  record 
of  S.  Dieguito.  At  S.  Luis  Rey  Portilla  as  com.  had  troubles  of  a  not  im- 
portant nature  with  Ortega  of  S.  Diego,  and  with  the  padre,  who  was  not 
pleased  with  the  rooms  assigned  him.  JJept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  3-7;  St.  Pap., 
Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS. ,  ii.  340-1.  Early  in  the  summer  he  transferred  the  charge 
of  the  property  to  Pio  Pico,  as  majordomo,  against  whom  in  Nov.  the  Ind. 
made  loud  complaints.  Hayes*  Mission  Booh,  i.  229;  Julio-Cesar,  Cosas  de  Initios, 
MS.,  4-5.  Inventory  of  August,  assets,  8203,737;  debts,  $9,300.  St.  Pap., 
Miss.,  MS.,  vi.  10-11.  An  inventory  of  S.  Juan  Capistrano  makes  the  assets 
$54,456;  debts  $1,420.  /(/.,  v.  48-9.  At  S.  Gabriel  there  is  no  record  of  the 
appointment  of  a  majordomo,  Gutierrez  being  still  in  charge  in  Jan.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  ii.  3.  Antonio  del  Valle  became  majordomo  of  S. 
Fernando  on  June  1st;  and  to  him  the  Ind.  complained  of  P-.  Ibarra's  re- 
moval of  money  and  goods.  St.  Pap.,  Mi«s.,  MS.,  ix.  8;  xi.  3.  In  Id.,  xi.  3-4,  is 
a  record  that  Carlos  Carrillo  was  sent  to  secularize  S.  Fernando,  but  the  Ind. 
refused  to  recognize  him.  This  isunintelligiUe,  unless  the  name  should  be  S. 
Buenaventura.  For  Sta  Barbara  there  are  several  inventories  for  the  year; 
and  in  May  Jose  Maria  Garcia  took  charge  as  maj.  /(/.,  ix.  24-5.  At  Puri- 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.     23 


334  MISSION  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

so  little  about  the  practical  working  and  immediate 
results  of  the  new  system;  and  especially  that  the 
padres'  views  are  not  extant.  Here  and  there  a  friar 
had  a  personal  quarrel  with  the  new  administration 
about  the  assignment  of  rooms  or  servants,  or  pre- 
sented a  complaint  that  the  ex-neophytes  were  ill 
treated,  but  for  the  most  part  they  were  silent. 
They  seem,  more  particularly  the  Fernandinos  in  the 

si  ma  Joaquin  Carrillo  as  maj.  was  put  in,  charge  in  Aug.  by  his  brother  Do- 
mingo.    Assets  were  $29, 9S1.  Id.,  vi.  16. 

Manuel  Jimeno  was  ordered  by  the  gov.  in  Oct.  to  secularize  S.  Luis 
Obispo;  and  Santiago  Moreno  was  made  maj.  the  same  month.  Id.,  ix.  14-15, 
No  record  for  S.  Miguel.  Manuel  Crespo  was  the  com.  to  secularize  S.  An- 
tonio; and  Mariano  Soberanes  was  maj.  until  Sept.  10th,  when  he  was  succeeded 
by  Jose  Ramirez.  The  inventory  at  the  transfer  showed  assets  of  only  $7,883. 
/(/.,  vi.  16;  xi.  30.  P.  Mercado  made  very  bitter  complaints  in  Dec.  of  the 
treatment  of  the  Indians  by  Ramirez,  and  of  the  deplorable  results,  the  regu- 
lations being  flagrantly  disregarded,  and  the  prosperity  of  the  mission  ruined. 
Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  iii.  3-6;  8.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS.,  120-1.  At  S.  Carlos, 
Torre,  Reminiscencias,  MS.,  37-9,  tells  us  that  Joaquin  Gomez  was  the  com. 
(probably  in  1834),  and  Jos6  Antonio  Romero  the  first  majordomo.  Figueroa, 
as  I  have  said  elsewhere,  issued  some  orders  for  the  formation  of  arancho  for 
the  support  of  the  church.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  334-5.  For 
Sta  Cruz  there  are  full  inventories  in  1S35.  Total,  $84,334.  Sta  Cruz,  Lib. 
Mision,  MS.,  1-3;  St.  Pop.,  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  54.  Secularization  was  deemed  com- 
plete on  Dec.  1st,  at  which  time  $10,576  had  been  distributed  in  effects  to  the 
Ind.  Id.,  ix.  66-7.  Ignacio  del  Valle  was  to  receive  a  gratuity  of  $300  for 
his  services  as  com.  Id.,  ix.  69;  Sta  Cruz,  Parroqula,  MS.,  20.  Juan  Gon- 
zalez was  the  maj.  of  this  Pueblo  de  Figueroa.  Savage,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  20. 
Nicolas  Alviso  was  the  first  maj.  in  charge  of  Soledad,  where  he  had  perhaps 
been  com.  as  well.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  lxxx.  10.  The  inventory 
of  Aug.  showed  a  total  of  $47,297.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  57.  At  S.  Juan 
Bautista  the  aggregate  value  was  put  down  as  $138,973,  after  $8,439  had  been 
distrib.  to  the  Ind.;  and  the  debt  was  only  $250.  Id.,  vi.  17-18.  Tiburcio 
Castro  was  the  maj.  and  apparently  the  com.,  there  being  some  trouble  both 
with  the  Ind.  and  the  padre.  Id.,  x.  15-16;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS., 
ii.  342-3. 

No  secularization  was  yet  attempted  at  Sta  Clara,  though  many  neophytes 
were  given  licenses  of  emancipation.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  14;  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  iii.  17.  Neither  is  there  any  record  of  secularization  at  S.  Jose. 
In  the  inventories  of  July  the  San  Francisco  property  was  valued  at  $67,227, 
the  buildings  being  $33,969;  and  there  was  $7,222  of  debt.  St.  Pap.,  Miss., 
MS.,  vi.  19-20;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  220.  The  inventory  is  very  complete 
in  detail.  Com.  Estudillo,  having  trouble  with  P.  Gutierrez,  was  replaced  for 
a  while  by  Ignacio  del  Valle;  and  Gumecindo  Flores  took  charge  in  July 
as  maj.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  Ii;- St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  63;  vi.  19; 
Valle,  Lo  Pasado,  MS.,  10.  There  is  nothing  about  S.  Rafael  in  1835  except 
a  grant  of  lands  at  Nicasio  to  ex-neophytes.  Vallejo,  Doc.y  MS.,  iii.  29.  M. 
G.  Vallejo  was  the  com.  who  secularized  S.  P.  Solano,  and  appointed 
Antonio  Ortega  as  maj.  There  was  a  quarrel  with  P.  Quijas,  who  went  in  his 
wrath  to  live  at  S.  Rafael;  and  the  Ind.  were  also  somewhat  troublesome  on 
account  of  their  desire  to  live  in  their  old  rancherias.  Vallejo  resigned  in 
Dec.  Valh-jo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  11-12,  40,  45,  47,  57;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon., 
MS.,  ii.  345;  Pinto,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  51.  The  foundation  of  Sonoma,  really  a 
part  of  the  secularization  of  this  mission,  is  noticed  elsewhere. 


STATISTICS.  355 

south,  to  have  accepted  the  new  system  as  the  least 
unfavorable  that  could  be  hoped  for;  and  to  have  de- 
voted themselves  in  good  'faith  to  the  performance  of 
their  new  duties.  Their  cause  was  lost;  but  they  had 
made  a  long  fight,  and  were  personally  glad  to  be  re- 
lieved of  onerous  duties;  and  their  prospects  were  not 
unfavorable  for  passing  their  last  years  in  comfort. 
It  was  unfortunate  for  the  country  that  the  system 
was  to  be  disturbed,  and  the  old  controversies  were 
to  be.  to  some  extent  revived. 

The  disturbance  was  to  come  from  Mexico,  where 
radical  changes  in  the  form  of  government  were  ef- 
fected in  1835,  centralism  as  interpreted  by  the  am- 
bitious dictator,  Santa  Anna,  gaining  a  victory  over 
federalism.  This  change,  requiring  but  mere  men- 
tion for  my  present  purpose,  was  in  its  general  aspects 
favorable  to  the  church  and  to  the  friars;  and  one  of 
its  immediate  results  was  the  passage  by  the  congreso 
constituyente  on  November  7th,  of  the  following  de- 
cree: "Until  the  curates  mentioned  in  article  2  of  the 
law  of  August  17,  1833,  shall  have  taken  possession, 
the  government  will  suspend  the  execution  of  the 
other  articles,  and  will  maintain  things  in  the  state  in 
which  they  were  before  the  said  law  was  made."17 
This  decree,  practically  repealing  the  secularization 
law,  and  sure  if  enforced  to  create  greater  confusion 
in  the  management  of  the  missions  than  had  ever  ex- 
isted  before,  was  not  known  in  California  until  after 
the  end  of  1835,  and  therefore  a  presentation  of  its 
effects  belongs  to  the  next  half-decade  of  mission  an- 
nals. 

Regular  mission  statistics  cease  almost  entirely  with 
the  secularization  in  1834,  even  for  the  establishments 
that  were  not  secularized  until  some  years  later.  Noth- 
ing but  occasional,  special,  and  fragmentary  reports 
are  extant  for  the  period  from   1835  to  184G,  all  ob- 

17  Decree  of  Nov.  7,  1835,  in  ArriUaga,  Recop.  1835,  p.  583-4;  IlallccVs 
Report,  154;  Jones'  Report,  03;  Hayed  Mission  Book,  i.  232-3. 


3j6  MISSION  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

tai liable  data  from  which  reports  I  shall  give  from 
time  to  time  as  occasion  may  require.  Therefore  I 
deem  it  best  to  present  here  for  the  period  of  four 
years  a  statistical  statement  like  that  which  I  have 
before  appended  to  the  annals  of  each  decade.  It  is 
not,  however,  likely  that  the  reports  were  as  carefully 
made  during  the  last  few  years  as  for  earlier  periods. 
Most  of  the  padres  were  careless  in  the  matter,  and  a 
few  probably  misrepresented  the  condition  of  their 
missions  in  respect  of  agriculture  and  live-stock. 

In  1830  there  had  been  26  missionaries  in  charge 
of  the  21  missions.  In  1835  there  were  still  2G,  since 
10  Zacatecanos  had  come  to  take  the  place  of  the  8 
Fernandinos  who  died  and  the  two  who  left  the  coun- 
try. Only  one,  Padre  Abella,  was  left  of  those  who 
came  before  1800. 

The  neophyte  population  decreased  from  18,000  to 
15,000,  only  one  mission,  San  Luis  Rey,  showing  a 
gain.  San  Luis  had  still  the  largest  population,  and 
as  to  the  smallest  there  was  close  rivalry  between 
San  Carlos  and  San  Francisco.  San  Rafael  showed 
the  largest  percentage  of  loss,  but  the  figures  in  this 
case  are  not  reliable,  Santa  Clara  and  Santa  Cruz 
coming  next.  Baptisms  numbered  3,500,  an  average 
of  875  against  1,300  for  the  past  decade.  Solano  had 
the  largest  number,  555,  followed  by  San  Jose  with 
414  and  San  Luis  Rey  with  385;  while  Santa  Cruz 
had  only  23,  and  San  Francisco  perhaps  less.  Deaths 
numbered  4,250,  an  average  of  1,062  against  1,445 
for  the  past  decade,  San  Jose  having  the  largest  num- 
ber, 659,  and  San  Francisco  the  smallest,  36. 

In  cattle  there  was  a  loss  of  16,000  head,  from  156,- 
000  to  140,000;  though  10  missions  showed  again, 
chiefly  in  the  north.  Horses  decreased  from  16,600 
to  12,000;  though  8  missions  gained.  Sheep  de- 
creased from  150,000  to  130,000,  there  beino*  a  gain 
in  8  missions.  San  Luis  Rey  still  led  in  cattle  and 
sheep,  closely  followed  by  San  Jose  and  Santa  Clara. 
The  average  yield  of  grain  crops  decreased  from  57,- 


SEASONSr-PESTILENCE.  357 

500  fanegas  to  32,700  fanegas  per  year,  or  more  than 
40  per  cent.  Solano  and  San  Jose  were  the  only 
missions  that  gained  in  their  average ;  while  the  larg- 
est loss  was  73  per  cent  at  San  Juan  Capistrano. 
The  best  total  crop  was  40,000  fanegas  in  1831,  and 
the  worst  was  25,000  fanegas  in  1833. 

For  this  period  of  four  years  I  may  say,  as  I  have 
said  of  the  last  decade,  that  the  losses  in  the  different 
branches  represented  in  the  statistics  obtainable  are 
much  less  than  would  be  expected  from  what  is  known 
of  the  current  mission  history;  but,  as  I  have  already 
warned  the  reader,  these  statistics  are  much  less  reli- 
able than  those  of  former  years. 

I  find  no  evidence  that  there  occurred  in  the  years 
1831-5  any  noticeable  season  of  flood  or  drought; 
though  both  have  been  rather  vaguely  ascribed  to 
that  period  by  newspaper  writers,  who  founded  their 
statements  ostensibly  on  the  recollections  of  old  resi- 
dents. As  there  is  no  agreement  on  the  subject,  the 
statements  are  not  worth  particular  reference,  one  of 
the  most  widely  circulated  being  that  of  a  flood  in 
1832 — though  a  terrible  drought  is  also  ascribed  to 
the  same  year — in  support  of  the  theory  of  decennially 
occurring  inundations.  Memoranda  of  Thomas  O.  Lar- 
kin  at  Monterey  show  light  rains  in  the  autumn  of 
1833,  heavy  rains  in  February  and  April  1834,  a  dry 
spring,  with  three  days'  rain  after  the  middle  of  May, 
and  no  heavy  rains  until  the  last  half  of  December  in 
1835.18  A  terrible  pestilence,  an  intermittent  fever 
often  prevalent  in  that  region,  is  reported  as  having 
almost  depopulated  the  whole  valleys  of  the  Sacra- 
mento and  San  Joaquin  in  1833.  Warner,  with  Ew- 
ing  Young  and  a  party  of  trappers,  passed  up  the  val- 
levs  in  the  autumn  of  1832,  noting  a  dense  Indian 
population;  but  in  the  following  summer  when  the 
party  returned  the  country  was  strewn  with  the  re- 
mains of  the  dead  wherever  a  village  had  stood,  and 

18Larkin  in  8.  F.  Chronicle,  March  25,  1S5G,  in  Vallcjo,  Doc,  xxxvi.  214. 


358  MISSION  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

from  the  head  waters  of  the  Sacramento  to  Kin^s  Riv- 
er  only  five,  living  Indians  were  seen.  The  trappers 
themselves  were  attacked  by  the  fever,  and  some  of 
their  servants  died.  There  may  be  something  of  ex- 
aggeration in  this  narrative:  but  there  is  no  reason  to 
question  the  general  accuracy  of  Warner's  statement ; 
especially  as  Vallejo  wrote  in  May  of  the  same  year 
that  a  pestilence,  which  he  supposed  to  be  the  small- 
pox, was  causing  fearful  ravages  on  the  northern 
frontiers;  and  as  Edwards  in  1837  found  on  every 
hand  abundant  and  revolting  signs  of  the  pestilence, 
which  was  described  to  him  by  Ewing  Young  from 
personal  observation.  Young  said  he  saw  hundreds 
lying  dead  in  a  single  rancheria.19 

The  topic  of  Indian  affairs,  as  distinguished  from  mis- 
sion annals,  or  relating  mainly  to  the  hostile  acts  of  the 
native  gentiles  or  refugees,  assumes  no  special  impor- 
tance in  1831-5,  and  may  be  noticed  as  appropriately 
here  as  anywhere.  Local  alarms  of  minor  importance 
and  generally  unfounded  need  not  be  mentioned  at  all 
in  this  connection,  nor  the  constant  but  petty  depre- 
dations of  prowling  thieves  on  live-stock  from  one  end 
of  the  territory  to  the  other.  In  1833,  from  Febru- 
ary to  June,  there  was  an  excitement  in  the  San 
Diego  district  consequent  upon  the  reported  plan  of 
the  neophytes  to  unite  with  the  gentiles  and  seize  the 
mission  property.  There  was  some  evidence  that  in- 
vitations had  been  sent  to  the  different  missions;  and 
that  El  Cajon  was  the  rendezvous  from  which  the  at- 
tack was  to  be  made  the  20th  of  June.  It  was  also 
rumored  that  the  movement  had  a  political  significance, 
being  intended  to  support  Echeandia's  views  respect- 

19  Warner  in  Los  Angeles  Star,  1S74;  Hayes' Legal  Hist.  S.  Diego,  i.  34-7 J 
Tuba  Co.,  Hist.,  24.  Day  in  Hesperian,  ii.  2;  May  18th,  Vallejo  to  coman- 
dantes,  etc.,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  32;  Edwards'  Diary,  MS.,  27.  Vallejo 
says  the  contagion  came  first  from  the  northern  English  settlements  and  later 
from  Ross.  He  recommends  vaccination  and  other  precautions.  The  travel- 
ler from  whom  the  account  in  the  Hesperian  was  taken  may  have  been  War- 
ner or  another  of  his  party. 


INDIAN;  HOSTILITIES.  359 

ino:  the  distribution  of  mission  lands.  After  much 
correspondence  between  the  governor  and  local  au- 
thorities, including  calls  upon  the  coinandantes  and 
alcaldes  for  aid,  a  small  force  was  sent  to  El  Cajon 
under  corporal  Gonzalez  to  seize  Tajochi  and  other 
ringleaders.  No  resistance  was  made,  the  Yuma  al- 
lies, if  there  had  been  any  such,  having  run  away. 
Tajochi  was  sentenced  after  trial  to  two  years  of  pub- 
lic work,  and  three  of  his  associates  received  shorter 
terms  of  punishment.  The  political  element  was  per- 
haps imaginary;  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  plot 
for  a  general  revolt  was  equally  so.20  Palomares  and 
Bojorges,  old  Indian-fighters,  mention  rather  vaguely 
some  expeditions  from  San  Jose  out  into  the  valleys 
the  same  year,  in  one  of  which  the  name  Calaveras 
was  applied  to  a  battle-field  on  which  thirty  unburied 
bodies  of  the  foe  were  left.  This  is  partially  confirmed 
by  a  report  in  the  archives  of  an  expedition  by  Regi- 
clor  Peralta  from  San  Jose,  in  which  he  killed  twenty- 
two  Moquelumnes  in  November.21 

Complaints  were  frequent  of  depredations  commit- 
ted near  each  of  the  southern  missions  in  1834,  and 
especially  at  San  Gabriel.  The  Indians  went  so  far 
as  to  steal  the  holy  vessels  used  at  the  rancho  of  San 
Bernardino,  and  to  hold  Padre  Estenega  as  prisoner 
for  a  while  when  he  went  there  to  protest.  Lieuten- 
ant Araujo  and  others  connected  with  the  Hijar  col- 
only  were  supposed  to  be  in  some  way  implicated  in 
the  troubles  here,  referred  to  in  current  correspond- 
ence as  a  ' revolt,'  in  which  four  or  five  Indians  seem 
to  have  been  killed.22  This  was  in  October,  and  at 
the   end   of  December  San  Bernardino  was  attacked 

20I)ept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  80,  117-23;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  lxxv.  5-8;  lxxix. 
13-14;  Id.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  v.  39;  Id.,  Aug.,  i.  99-100;  xi.  3,  9. 

21  Palomares,  Mem.,  MS.,  32-8;  Bojorges,  Recuerdoa,  MS.,  9-11;  Do.pt. 
St.  P'i]>.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  i.  15,  v.  45;  S.  Jost,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  27. 
Peralta  met  Joaquin  Joven  (Ewing  Young)  and  his  cattle-thieves,  also  a  party 
of  Frenchmen. 

3iDept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  175-205;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  lxxxviii.  14-17.  An 
expedition  against  the  ivivajos  by  citizens  of  Los  Angeles  is  mentioned  in 
January.  Id.,  Aug.,  i.  139,  141. 


3C0  MISSION  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

again,  the  buildings  were  sacked  and  burned,  and  sev- 
eral persons. killed,  wounded,  or  captured,  the  surviv- 
ors taking  refuse  at  San  Gabriel  or  the  other  ranches. 
The  excitement  was  great  in  January  and  February; 
but  the  records  afford  but  slight  information  about 
details  or  results.23  The  campaigns  of  Vallejo  and 
Figueroa  in  the  north,  and  their  bloody  battles  with 
the  fierce  Satiyomes  near  Santa  Rosa,  which  must 
have  occurred  in  1834  if  at  all,  I  have  noticed  else- 
where, expressing  my  opinion  that,  if  not  purely  im- 
aginaiy,  these  events  as  related  by  several  writers 
were  grossly  exaggerated.24  I  may  also  allude  to  the 
hostilities  said  to  have  accompanied  the  founding  of 
Sonoma  with  like  incredulity. 

In  1835  Vallejo  seems  to  have  marched  northward 
from  Sonoma  to  aid  the  chief,  Solano,  in  reducing  the 
rebellious  Yolos.25  He  had  in  view  also  an  expedition 
to  the  Tulares  in  July;  but  it  was  given  up.26  Rob- 
bers from  the  Tulares  gave  great  trouble  at  San  Jose 
and  the  adjoining  region;  and  it  appears  that  the 
citizens  became  somewhat  too  fond  of  making  raids  in 
that  direction,  and  were  apt  to  make  no  distinction 
between  horse-thieves  and  inoffensive  women  and 
children.  Figueroa  was  obliged  to  issue  strict  orders 
to  prevent  outrages.27  The  native  inhabitants  of  San 
Nicolas  Island  in  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel  are  said 


23  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  1-3;  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xii.  6-8,  being  reports 
to  Figueroa  with  calls  for  aid.  This  and  other  similar  events  will  be  noticed 
somewhat  more  fully  in  local  annals. 

21  See  chap.  ix.  of  this  vol.  The  writers  who  narrate  this  affair  are  there 
named.  I  may  be  in  error;  but  I  do  not  believe  that  such  an  event,  especial- 
ly as  it  involved  the  death  of  a  dozen  soldiers,  could  have  occurred  without 
leaving  some  slight  trace  in  the  archives.  The  killing  of  even  a  single  soldier 
in  an  Indian  fight  of  those  days  was  a  very  startling  event. 

a3  Vallejo,  Report  on  County  Names,  1850,  p.  532,  in  Cal.,  Journal  of  Sena'c, 
1 850.  Charles  Brown  claims  to  have  accompanied  an  expedition  apparently 
identical  with  this.  He  says  the  force  consisted  of  GO  Californians,  22  foreign- 
ers, and  200  Indians,  lasting  nearly  thrue  weeks  in  the  rainy  season.  100 
captives  were  taken,  and  some  acts  of  fiendish  barbarity  were  committed  by 
Solano  and  his  men.     Narrator  was  wounded. 

20  Valh  j<>,  hoc,  MS.,  iii.  55,  59.     Letter  of  Vallejo  and  Figueroa. 

7:1  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  8.  Jose,  MS.,  iv.  104-5.  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  244-0, 
is  disposed  to  blame  Figueroa  for  his  leniency  toward  Indians,  which  to  some 
extent  accounted  for  their  depredations. 


NATIVE  MARAUDERS.  361 

to  have  been  removed  in  1835  to  the  main,  with  the 
exception  of  one  woman,  who  was  found  and  brought 
over  eighteen  years  later.28  At  San  Luis  Rey  a  plot 
was  revealed  to  capture  no  less  a  personage  than  the 
governor  when  he  should  arrive  from  the  north.  An 
examination  of  arrested  plotters  in  April  indicated, 
however,  nothing  more  serious  than  a  design  to  protest 
against  the  granting  of  Temecula  rancho,  which  the 
Indians  claimed  as  their  own  property.29 

While  Indian  hostilities  were  thus  for  the  most 
part  trifling  as  recorded,  yet  in  one  phase  of  the  sub- 
ject they  were  much  more  serious  than  could  be  made 
to  appear  from  a  series  of  petty  local  items,  even  if  all 
those  items  were  extant,  which  is  far  from  being  the 
case.  The  constant  depredations  of  renegade  neo- 
phytes, in  alliance  with  gentile  bands,  and.  instigated 
by  New  Mexican  vagabond  traders  and  foreign  hunt- 
ers, kept  the  country  in  a  state  of  chronic  disquietude 
in  these  and  later  years,  being  the  most  serious  obsta- 
cle to  progress  and  prosperity.  Murders  of  gente  de 
razon  were  of  comparatively  rare  occurrence,  but  in 
other  respects  the  scourge  was  similar  to  that  of  the 
Apache  ravages  in  Sonora  and  Chihuahua.  Over  a 
large  extent  of  country  the  Indians  lived  mainly  on 
the  flesh  of  stolen  horses,  and  cattle  were  killed  for 
their  hides  when  money  to  buy  liquor  could  not  be 
less  laboriously  obtained  by  the  sale  of  other  stolen 
articles.  The  presence  of  the  neophytes  and  their 
intimate  relations  with  other  inhabitants  doubtless 
tended  to  prevent  general  attacks  and  bloody  massa- 
cres, as  any  plot  was  sure  to  be  revealed  by  some- 
body; but  they  also  rendered  it  wellnigh  impossible 
to  break  up  the  complicated  and  destructive  system 
of  robbery.  Far  be  it  from  me  to  blame  the  Ind- 
ians for  their  conduct;  for  there  was  little  in  their 


28  Nidever's  Life  and  Adventure*,  MS.,  68-72.  Sparks  and  Williams  were 
among  the  men  who  removed  the  Indians  in  lS3ot  as  they  stated  to  Nidever, 
who  himself  found  the  woman  in  1853. 

29  Dtp..  St.  Pup.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lxxx.  13-19. 


3G2  MISSION  AXD  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

past  training  or  present  treatment  by  white  men  to 
encourage  .honest  industry.30 

30  Davis,  Glimpses  of  the  Past,  MS.,  282-9,  relates  at  some  length  the  ex- 
ploits of  Estanislao  and  Yoscolo,  two  ex-neophyte  chiefs.  Yoscolo  made  a 
revolt  at  Sta  Clara,  seized  200  Indian  girls  from  the  nunnery,  took  large  num- 
bers of  cattle,  and  went  to  the  Mariposa  region  to  join  Estanislao,  who  had 
run  away  before.  Vallejo  made  an  expedition  against  them,  but  was  outgen- 
eralled  by  the  Indians.  Later  Yoscolo  made  another  successful  raid  on  the 
missions,  and  retired  with  his  force  to  the  Sta  Cruz  mountains,  where  he  was 
soon  defeated  after  a  hard  battle,  and  his  head  exhibited  on  a  pole  at  Sta 
Clara.  There  is  much  confusion  evidently  in  the  events  thus  outlined;  but 
there  is  probably  some  foundation  of  fact  besides  what  is  recorded  in  a  pre- 
vious chapter  about  Estanislao  and  Vail e jo's  campaign. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

MARITIME,  COMMERCIAL,  AND  FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

1831-1835. 

Annual  Lists  of  Vessels  on  the  Coast — Revenue  Statistics — Smug- 
gling Items — Seizure  of  the  'Lorjot' — Commercial  Regulations — 
Victoria  and  Bandini — Contraband — Ports — Bandini  and  Angel 
Ramirez — A  Disappointed  Inspector  of  Customs — Fur  Trade — Salt 
— Abel  Stearns'  Operations  at  San  Pedro — Treasury  Officials — 
Comisarios — Bandini,  Gomez,  Gonzalez,  Estrada,  and  Herrera — 
Minor  Revenue  Officers — Local  Items — Financial  Correspond- 
ence— Statistics — Municipal  Funds — Taxation — Tithes — Plan  of 
Ways  and  Means — Alphabetical  List  of  Vessels. 

Nineteen  vessels  were  on  the  coast  in  1831,  in- 
cluding one  launched  this  year  from  a  California  port, 
most  of  them  laden  with  goods  from  different  lands, 
chiefly  from  Boston,  to  be  exchanged  in  the  regular 
way  for  hides  and  tallow.1  Respecting  the  fleet  of 
this  year,  as  to  a  great  extent  of  most  others  at  this 
period,  we  have  to  content  ourselves  with  the  vessels' 
names,  those  of  their  officers  in  most  cases,  and  various 
items  of  destination,  nationality,  tonnage,  cargo,  and 
dates,  collected  from  many  sources  and  embodied  as 

1  See  list  for  1831-5  in  this  chapter.  Vessels  of  1831:  Ayacucho,  Baikal, 
California,  Catalina,  Convoy,  Dryad,  Eliza,  Fanny,  Fibian,  Globe  (?),  Guada- 
lupe, Harriet,  Leonor,  Louisa,  Marcus,  Margarita,  Pocahontas,  Urup,  Vol- 
unteer, Whalehound  (?),  and  Wm  Little.  The  Guadalupe  was  a  schooner  of  6 
tons,  framed  by  Joseph  Chapman  at  S.  Gabriel,  hauled  in  carts  to  S.  Pedro, 
where  she  was  put  together  and  launched.  Robinson,  Life  in  Cal.,  100,  was 
present  at  the  launching,  and  describes  her  as  the  second  vessel  built  in  Cal. 
Warner,  Iiemin.,  MS.,  G3-7,  says  she  was  built  in  1831-2  for  Wolfskill, 
Yount,  and  other  otter-hunters.     He  calls  her  the  Refugio. 

Customs  revenue  at  S.  Francisco  for  8  months  in  1831,  82,419.    Unzneta, 
Informe,    doc.    9.     Revenue  at  S.  Diego,  June    1830  to  June   1831, 
Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1832,  doc.  3;  Prieto,  Itentas,  204,  doc.  2. 

(3G3) 


364     MARITIME,  COMMERCIAL,  AXD  FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

before  in  a  list  note.  What  adventures  the  traders 
had,  if  any;  what  obstacles  they  encountered;  what 
goods  they  smuggled;  what  duties  they  paid;  what 
profits  they  gained — must  be  left  to  the  imagination. 
There  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  they  had  any  es- 
pecial difficulty  in  obtaining  cargoes  on  account  of  the 
current  political  disturbances,  or  that  controversies  on 
commercial  topics  arose  with  Victoria. 

The  fleet  of  1832  numbered  twenty- four  vessels,  of 
which  four  were  old  acquaintances,  seven  were  whalers, 
and  five  doubtful  names  from  the  lists  of  Spence  and 
Hayes.2  In  several  respects  available  items  about 
these  vessels  are  even  less  complete  than  before ;  but 
a  few  of  these  items,  in  the  absence  of  maritime  top- 
ics more  exciting,  may  be  noticed  as  follows:  The 
Pocahontas  carried  away  the  exiled  governor,  Victoria, 
with  some  companions  in  misfortune,  including  Padre 
Peyri. .  The  Waverly  brought  padres  Bachelot  and 
Short,  who  had  been  exiled  by  protestant  influence 
from  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  and  who  spent  several 
years  in  California  as  already  related.  Captain  Sum- 
ner on  touching  at  Santa  Barbara  for  water  was  ar- 
rested  with  his  officers,  and  his  vessel  put  under  a 
guard;  but  investigation  revealing  no  cause  of  suspi- 
cion, he  was  permitted  to  sail  after  a  fewT  days.  The 
Newcastle  brought  Thomas  0.  Larkin  as  a  passenger, 
and  from  this  year  a  resident.  The  whaler  Wm 
TJbompson,  after  obtaining  fresh  supplies  at  San  Fran- 
cisco, came  back  into  port  a  few  days  after  sailing  with 
a  part  of  her  crew  in  a  state  of  mutiny.  By  order 
of  General  Zamorano,  aid  was  rendered  to  restore 
obedience;  the  mutineers  were  put  in  irons';  and  four 
deserters  from  another  vessel  were  added  to  the  crew ; 
but  the  territorial  treasury  could  not  bear  the  expense 

2  Vessels  of  1832:  American,  Anchorite,  Ayacucho,  Balance,  Bolivar,  Cal- 
ifornia, Chalcedony,  Crusader,  Don  Quixote  (?),  Friend,  Josephine  (?),  Jdrrn 
Victoriano,  Newcastle,  Plant,  Phozbe  {1),  Pocahontas,  Roxana,  Singapartan, 
SpyWt  Tranquilina,  Urup,   Victoria  (?),   Waverly,  and  Wm  Thomj)son. 

Customs  revenue  at  S.  Francisco  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1S32,  §30  (?). 
Prieto  Rentas,  204,  doe.  2. 


FLEET,  OF  1S33.  365 

of  sending:  the  criminals  to  San  Bias,  as  was  desired 
by  the  captain.  Finally  the  Bolivar,  under  a  permit 
to  purchase  horses  for  coin  at  San  Francisco  by  pay- 
ing tonnage  dues,  managed  to  smuggle  goods  to  the 
amount  of  §10,000,  Padre  Viader  of  Santa  Clara  be- 
ing the  purchaser,  if  we  may  credit  the  charges  of 
Alferez  Vallejo. 

There  were  thirty-one  vessels  in  the  fleet  of  1833, 
including  six  whalers  and  five  doubtful  names.3  The 
Catalina,  a  Mexican  brig,  brought  from  Cape  San  Lu- 
cas in  January  Figueroa,  the  new  governor,  and  the 
ten  padres  Zacatecanos,  carrying  away  in  May  Ex- 
governor  Echeandia,  Congressman  Juan  Bandini,  and 
Captain  Barroso.  The  Facio  brought  Don  Juan  Fors- 
ter  on  his  first  visit  to  California,  and  also  brought 
the  news  that  Gomez  Pedraza  had  occupied  the  pres- 
idential chair.  The  Volunteer  on  approaching  San 
Francisco  defeated  in  a  race  the  Ayacucho,  thought 
to  be  the  fastest  sailer  on  the  coast.  So  states  Davis, 
who  was  on  the  Volunteer;  and  the  same  writer  re- 
cords the  festivities  attending  the  marriage  of  Thomas 
0.  Larkin  on  board  the  same  vessel  at  Santa  Barbara. 
This  bark  also  brought  reports  of  a  privateer  on  the 
coast  with  hostile  intent,  but  nothing  came  of  it. 
The  only  other  vessel  requiring  special  mention  was 
the  Loriot,  which,  by  reason  of  alleged  otter-catching 
and  other  smuggling  operations,  was  seized  at  San 
Francisco  in  September  by  Alferez  Sanchez.  The 
sails  were  put  on  shore  to  prevent  flight,  but  the  rud- 
der could  not  be  removed.  The  cargo  was  transferred 
by  water  from  the  Yerba  Buena  anchorage  to  the 
presidio  landing,  and  thence,  as  rapidly  as  one  small 
cart  could  carry  it,  to  Vallejo's  house,  where  Super- 
cargo Thompson  was  at  first  confined.  Soon  he  was 
released  on  bail,  with  John  Reed  on  the  bond,  and  in 

'Vessels  of  1833:  Alert  [t),  Ayacucho,  Bailcal,  Barnstable  (?),  Bolivar  (?), 
California,  Catalina,  Chalcedony,  Charles  Eyes,  Crusader,  Don  Quixote,  Dryad, 
Enriqueta^.),  Facio,  Fukeja,  Friends,  General  Jackson,  Harriet  Blanchard, 
Ilclvetius,  Isabel,  Kitty,  Lagoda,  Leonidus  (?),  Leonor,  Loriot,  Margarita, 
North  America,  Polifemo,  Iloxana,  Sta  Barbara,  Volunteer. 


3G6      MARITIME,  COMMERCIAL,  AND  FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

November,  after  Judge  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo  at  Los 
Angeles  had  considered  the  case,  both  captain  and 
vessel  were  permitted  to  depart,  John  C.  Jones  hav- 
ing given  bonds  for  submission  to  the  results  of  a  sub- 
sequent  trial.  Of  final  results  nothing  is  known. 
Jones,  owner  of  several  of  the  vessels  trading  at  this 
time  from  Honolulu,  was  United  States  consul  for 
the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

Thirty-two  vessels  are  named  as  being  in  Cali- 
fornia ports  in  1834/  a  year  in  which  the  hide-and- 
tallow  trade  was  more  brisk  than  usual,  in  consequence 
perhaps  of  the  unwonted  slaughter  of  mission  cattle. 
Items  of  revenue  as  given  in  my  note  are  somewhat 
less  incomplete  than  in  previous  years;5  and  for  many 
of  the  vessels  there  are  records  of  the  number  of 
hides  and  the  botas  of  tallow  taken  away  from  differ- 
ent ports,  indicating  that  there  was  but  little  difficulty 
in  obtaining  cargoes  this  year.  The  coming  of  the 
colony  on  the  Natalia  and  Morelos  has  been  noted 
elsewhere;  as  have  the  wreck  of  the  former  vessel  at 
Monterey,  and  the  tradition  of  her  identity  with  the 
craft  that  took  Napoleon  from  Elba;  and  I  find  no 
circumstances  connected  with  the  presence  of  other 
vessels  of  the  year  that  call  for  special  notice. 

The  fleet  of  1835  consisted  of  twenty-three  vessels, 
besides  nine  doubtfully  recorded,  most  of  them  in 
David  Spence's  list.6     Custom-house  records  are  com- 

4  Vessels  of  1834:  Avon,  Ayacucho,  Bonanza  (?),  By  Chance,  California, 
Clarlta  (?),  Crusader,  Don  Quixote,  Europe  (?),  Facio  (?),  Feighton  (?),  Jdven 
Dorotea,  Lagoda,  Leonor,  Llama,  Loriot,  Magruder,  Margarita,  Martha, 
Morelos,  Natalia,  Pacifico,  Peor  es  Nada,  Polifemia,  Pulga  (?),  Refugio, 
Rosa,  South  Carolina,  Steriton,  Tansuero  (?),  Wrap,  WmSye. 

5  Miscellaneous  items  of  revenue  not  belonging  to  particular  vessels:  Re- 
ceipts at  the  Monterey  custom-house,  July-Dec.  1834,  $28,531;  expenses, 
$2,270;  balance  paid  to  comisarfa.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-IF.,  MS.,  vii. 
[399-07].  Receipts  June  30,  1833,  to  June  30,  1834,  $50,109.  Prieto,  Rentas, 
p.  204,  doc.  2-3.  About  1834  the  exports  from  S.  Pedro  were  over  100,000 
hides  and  2,500  quintals  of  tallow.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  362. 

0  Vessels  of  1835 — see  list  of  1831-5  at  end  of  this  chapter:  Alert,  Avon,  Aya- 
cucho, Bolivar,  California,  Catcdina,  Clementina,  Clementine,  Diana,  Facio, 
Framen  (?),  Gauge,  Oarrajilia,  Iolani,  Juan  Jose  (?),  Lagoda,  Leon{'i),  Leonor, 
Liverpool  Packet,  Loriot,  Margarita,  Mariquita,  Maria  Teresa^.),  Matador{l), 
Peor  es  Xada,  Pilgrim,  Polifemia,  Primavera  (?),  Rosa,  Sitka,  Trinidad  (?), 
Wilmington.     Revenue  statistics  for  1835:   Receipts  at  Monterey  custom- 


COMMERCIAL  REGULATIONS.  367 

paratively  complete,  showing  the  total  revenue  from 
duties  to  have  been  about  850,000  for  the  vear.  Of  the 
vessels,  the  Rosa  and  the  Lor  lot  were  employed  by  the 
territorial  government  for  the  exile  of  the  colony 
revolutionists;  while  the  Pilgrim  and  Alert  were  the 
Boston  ships 'on  which  Richard  H.  Dana  had  his 
experience  of  'Two  Years  before  the  Mast,'  resulting 
in  one  of  the  most  fascinating  and  widely  read  books 
ever  written  about  California.  I  refer  the  reader  to 
a  list  at  the  end  of  this  chapter  for  more  particulars 
about  the  vessels  of  1831-5. 

I  have  now  to  notice  commercial  regulations  and 
other  general  phases  of  the  subject — briefly,  for  modi- 
fications were  neither  frequent  nor  radical.  Governor 
Victoria  issued  an  order  a  few  days  after  assuming  his 
office,  by  which  he  required  a  strict  enforcement  of 
the  Mexican  revenue  laws.  Declaring  Monterey  the 
only  legal  port,  at  which  exclusively  foreign  vessels 
must  discharge  their  cargoes  and  pay  duties,  he  forbade 
the  introduction  of  prohibited  goods,  the  continuance 
of  retail  trade  by  the  vessels,  and  the  payment  of 
duties  in  kind.  Banclini,  then  in  charge  of  the  comi- 
saria,  not  only  denied  Victoria's  right  to  interfere  at 
all  in  matters  of  revenue,  but  defended  the  abuses 
complained  of,  on  the  ground  that  they  had  arisen 
chiefly  from  the  peculiar  circumstances  and  necessities 
of  California,  and  that  they  had  the  tacit  sanction  of 
the  government.7     It  does  not  appear  that  Victoria's 

house  for  the  year,  $48,125,  though  there  is  a  variation  of  a  few  thousand 
dollars  in  different  accounts;  salaries  and  other  expenses,  $6,991;  balance  paid 
into  the  comisaria. 

7  Feb.  9,  1831,  V.  to  B.  and  Gomez.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  1;  Leg. 
Rec,  MS.,  i.  268-9.  Mar.  7th,  B.'s  reply.  Id.,  i.  269-73.  April  13th,  V. 
proposed  the  imposition  of  tonnage  dues  on  whalers  and  the  abatement  of  the 
duties  exacted  from  Russian  vessels.  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  ix.  123.  Echeandia 
represented  that  trade  with  foreign  vessels  had  been  well  regulated  at  the  be- 
ginning of  1831.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  43,  45.  June  27th,  Mexi- 
can regulations.  Arrillaga,  llecoj*.,  1831,  \).  324-46.  May  17,  1832,  instruc- 
tions to  Figueroa.  Commerce  to  be  fostered  and  exports  of  surplus  products, 
to  which  end  the  missions  should  be  induced  to  build  small  vessels  for  the 
coasting  trade;  Californians  should  be  encouraged  to  engage  in  commercial 
pursuits,  especially  in  otter-hunting,  with  a  view  to  drive  out  foreigners;  and 


3G8     MARITIME,  COMMERCIAL,  AXD  FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

order  had  any  real  effect,  though  for  the  next  four 
years  the  law  requiring  each  vessel  to  come  first  to 
Monterey  for  a  settlement  of  duties  was  more  strictly 
enforced  than  before.  After  an  understanding  had  been 
reached  with  the  customs  officers  by  means  of  state- 
ments, exhibition  of  papers,  inspection  and  appraisal 
of  cargo,  the  vessel  became  at  once  a  movable  sales- 
room, opened  successively  at  each  port  up  and  down 
the  coast  until  the  cargo  had  been  disposed  of  and  the 
hides  received  in  payment  had  been  stored  at  San 
Diego — a  process  generally  requiring  two  years  of 
time  and  several  visits  to  each  port.  The  aim  of  the 
traders  was  to  make  the  agreement  at  Monterey  as 
favorable  as  possible;  and  so  entirely  dependent  on 
customs  receipts  was  the  government,  that  the  super- 
cargoes could  often  dictate  terms.  By  the  connivance 
or  carelessness  of  officials,  the  way  was  often  left  open 
for  a  transfer  of  cargo  at  sea  or  at  the  islands,  so  that 
several  cargoes  could  be  sold  under  one  permit.  This 
method  of  smu^crlin^  was  more  common  among:  the 
Sandwich-Island  than  the  Boston  ships;  and  many 
cargoes  were  thus  transferred  without  the  vessel  that 
brought  them  ever  entering  California  ports.  Whalers 
in  quest  of  fresh  supplies  smuggled  large  quantities  of 
p*oods,  and  the  Russians  en^agfed  to  less  extent  in 
similar  operations,  both  these  classes  being  favored  on 
account  of  the  fact  that  their  comma-  afforded  the  inhab- 
itants  a  market  for  vegetables  and  grain.  So  far  as  the 
records  indicate,  there  was  very  little  smuggling  car- 
ried on  by  vessels  that  touched  on  the  coast  without 
a  permit  of  some  sort. 

Under  Figueroa's  political  administration  during 
1833-5,  no  evidence  appears  that  changes  were  effected 
in  the  commercial  system,8  though  there  were  frequent 

complete  reports  on  commercial  topics  should  be  rendered.  Sup.  Govt  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  13,  35,  38-9.  Oct.  26th,  Zamorano  approved  of  exempting 
whalers  from  all  charges,  as  the  sale  of  supplies  to  them  was  a  direct  bcneiit 
to  the  inhabitants;  bub  he  required  them,  like  other  vessels,  to  come  first  to 
Monterey.    Vallcjo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  327. 

8  Jan. -Feb.  1S33,  Pa  von,  director  general  de  rentas,  to  officers  in  Cal. 
about  the  taking  of  govt  drafts  for  past  loans  in  payment  of  duties.     The  last 


CALIFORNIA^  PORTS.  369 

suggestions  of  needed  reforms.  In  October  1833 
Bandini  introduced  in  congress  a  proposition  to  open 
San  Diego  and  San  Francisco  to  foreign  trade,  mak- 
ing Monterey,  Santa  Barbara,  and  San  Pedro  minor 
ports  for  coasting  trade  in  national  vessels;  but  he 
was  unable  to  carry  the  point,  and  Monterey  still  re- 
order was  that  they  might  be  taken  to  the  extent  of  40  per  cent  it*  the  balance 
was  in  money.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  vii.  1-2.  Feb.  5th,  heavy  ton- 
nage dues  have  driven  away  the  whalers  to  the  Sandwich  Islands,  greatly  to 
the  injury  of  Cal.  The  rate  should  be  reduced  tJ  1  real  per  ton.  Id.,  Ben. 
Oust. -II.,  ii.  8.  Feb.  lGth,  allow  no  discharge  of  cargo  without  a  certificate 
from  Monterey.  Let  no  ships  enter  mission  harbors.  Id.,  ii.  17.  March  4th, 
foreign  vessels  mock  the  laws.  Having  paid  a  small  duty,  they  manage  to 
make  several  trips.  /(/.,  ii.  9.  May  7th,  S.  Francisco  and  Sta  Barbara  are 
the  hot-beds  of  smuggling.  Additional  guards  required.  Id.,  ii.  13-14.  May 
31st,  introduction  of  prohibited  goods  still  continued.  Any  attempts  of  the 
revenue  officers  to  enforce  the  laws  meet  with  a  storm  of  popular  discontent 
and  threats.  National  vessels  afford  no  relief,  selling  at  high  prices  and 
avoiding  payment  of  duties  on  the  claim  of  having  paid  in  Mexico.  Id.,  ii. 
14-15.  June  5th,  gov.  not  in  favor  of  export  duties.  Id.,  ii. .23-4.  July  27th, 
sub-comisario  favors  granting  permit  to  a  Russian  vessel  to  get  salt  and  to 
salt  meat  without  paying  tonnage.  Id.,  ii.  19-20.  Sept.  19th,  a  full  list  of 
vessels  with  details  must  be  sent  to  Mex.  by  each  mail.  Id.,  Mont.,  vii.  2-3. 
Oct.  15th,  Bandini's  proposition  in  congress.  St.  Pop.,  Sac,  MS.,  xviii.  54. 
Oct.  22d,  seizure  of  $3,711  in  gold-dust  at  S.  Diego,  from  Guaymas.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxix.  38-9.  Oct.  24th,  decree  of  congress.  Foreign 
goods  brought  in  Mex.  vessels  will  enjoy  a  discount  of  20  per  cent  in  duties. 
J  '.,  Mont.,  vii.  3-4.  Nov.  2d,  order  respecting  manifests.  Arrillaga,  Recap., 
1S33,  p.  134-9;  Pinto,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  01-2;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  vii. 
4-5.  Nov.  18th,  all  trade  with  gentiles  forbidden;  and  all  traders  in  such 
cases  to  be  treated  as  smugglers.  Id.,  ii.  28;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  lxxix.  16;  Sta 
Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  90.  Nov.  18th,  order  from  Mex.  that  whalers  pay  $10.50 
each  for  the  building  of  piers.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-II.,  MS.,  ii.  28. 
Dec.  27th,  govt  orders  to  be  received  in  part  payment  of  duties.  Id.,  Com. 
and  Treas.,  iii.  20.  Aug.  21,  1834,  administrator  of  customs  to  the  receptor 
at  S.  F.  He  must  go  on  board  of  any  foreign  vessel  arriving  and  demand  a 
certificate  that  duties  have  been  paid  at  Monterey.  If  she  has  no  certificate, 
no  part  of  her  cargo  can  be  landed  and  no  trade  allowed;  but  she  must  pro- 
ceed to  Monterey.  A  Mexican  vessel  with  national  goods  may  discharge  all 
her  cargo  and  trade  on  paying  duties  or  giving  bonds  for  such  payment;  but 
if  from  a  foreign  port  or  laden  with  foreign  goods  she  must  proceed  to  Monte- 
rey like  a  foreign  vessel.  Lighters  and  boats  from  Eoss  or  Bodega  need  not 
be  sent  to  Monterey;  but  may  trade  by  submitting  to  inspection  and  appraisal 
and  paying  duties.  Any  attempt  to  abuse  this  privilege  to  be  punished  with 
confiscation.  Pinto,  Doc  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  115-19;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Cust.-IL,  MS.,  ii.  1-3.  Foreigners  seem  to  have  paid  $5  per  month  for  use  of 
shanties  and  salting-places  at  S.  Diego.  Id.,  Prof,  y  Juzg.,  vi.  09.  Aug.  0th, 
Figueroa's  decree  on  duties  imposed  for  municipal  revenues.  Divinelle's  Colon. 
Hint.  S.  F'co,  add.,  29-30;  S.  Di^/o,  Arch.,  MS.,  54.  March  15,  1835,  2  per 
cent  'derecho  de  circulacion'  paid  on  money  sent  from  Cal.  to  S.  Bias.  *S'. 
Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  3.  July,  Aug.,  no  sailor  from  a  Mex.  vessel  shall  be 
allowed  to  land  in  Cal.  without  special  cause.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  47-8; 
St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  xiv.  43.  Sept.  5th,  Mex.  custom-house  regulations. 
ArriUaija,  Recop.,  1835,  p.  452-5.  Bandini's  report  on  the  administration  of 
revenues  in  1824-35,  dated  May  18o5.  Bandini,  Information  del  Visilador 
de  Aduanas,  1835,  MS. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    24 


370     MARITIME,  COMMERCIAL,  AND  FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

niained  the  puerto  habilitado  of  California  in  the  eves 
of  ever}- body  but  Don  Juan  and  his  San  Diego  friends. 

Bandini's  troubles,  and  especially  his  controversy 
with  Angel  Ramirez,  constitute  a  prominent  feature 
of  commercial  history  at  this  period,  even  if  they  were 
not,  as  Don  Juan  was  disposed  to  believe,  the  grand 
turning-point  of  Californian  destinies.  Bandini  was, 
as  we  have  seen,  a  leading  spirit  in  the  grand  scheme 
of  Hijar  and  Padres,  and  in  the  Compahia  Cosmopol- 
itana.  Though  not  able  to  close  the  port  of  Mon- 
terev  in  favor  of  San  Diecfo  as  he  wished,  he  did  obtain 
an  appointment  as  visitador,  or  inspector  of  the  Cali- 
fornia custom-houses.  He  started  for  home  with  the 
colony  in  1834,  filled  with  the  most  enthusiastic  hopes. 
Member  of  a  great  commercial  company  without  in- 
investing  a  cent  of  capital,  in  a  sense  the  represent- 
ative of  the  company  in  California,  having  at  his  dis- 
posal a  stanch  vessel,  Hijar  and  Padres  in  full  pos- 
session of  the  political  and  military  power,  the  mission 
wealth  virtually  under  the  control  of  his  associates, 
and  last,  but  far  from  least,  himself  provided  with  a 
commission  by  virtue  of  which  he  could  remove  such 
obstacles  to  his  interests  as  might  arise  in  the  revenue 
department,  the  road  to  a  princely  fortune  seemed 
broad  and  open  before  the  ambitious  ex-congressman. 

The  failure  of  the  general  scheme,  in  its  political, 
military,  and  even  commercial  aspects,  has  been  suffi- 
ciently noticed,  and  it  is  only  of  Bandini's  experience 
as  visitador  that  I  have  now  to  speak.  He  was  not 
more  successful  than  Hijar  in  securing  recognition  of 
his  authority.  In  the  autumn  of  1834,  soon  after  his 
arrival,  he  presented  his  credentials  to  Bamirez,  the 
administrator,  and  announced  his  purpose  to  begin  by 
inspecting  the  Monterey  custom-house.  Bamirez,  of 
whom  I  shall  have  something  to  say  later,  was  a  man 
always  disposed  to  look  out  for  his  own  interests;  and 
though  supposed  to  be  a  partisan  of  the  colony  clique, 
he  foresaw  the  triumph  of  Figueroa,  and  deemed  it 


BANDINI  AND  RAMIREZ.  371 

wiser  to  save  something  from  the  general  wreck  for 
himself  than  for  Bandini.  ,  He  accordingly  declined  to 
permit  any  interference  in  his  office  until  orders  to 
that  effect  should  come  from  his  superior  officer,  the 
director  de  rentas  in  Mexico.  In  vain  did  Don  Juan 
entreat  and  argue  and  protest;  Don  Angel  had  the  ad- 
vantage, being  doubtless  supported  by  Figueroa.  He 
declined  to  yield  or  to  enter  into  any  controversy,  and 
reported  the  state  of  affairs  to  his -superior.  He  also 
ordered  subordinate  officials  at  other  ports  not  to  sub- 
mit to  Bandini's  interference,  though  the  latter  had 
things  very  much  his  own  way  for  a  time  at  San 
Diego,  which  he  persisted  in  regarding  as  the  open 
port  of  California.9 

Whether  Ramirez  ever  received  any  order  from  the 
director  does  not  appear.  Bandini  afterward  declared 
that  such  an  order  was  received  and  disregarded. 
However  this  may  have  been,  Don  Angel  soon  found 
a  more  effective  weapon  against  his  opponent,  in  an 
accusation  of  snm^odino'.  Bandini  had  brought  from 
Acapulco  on  the  Natalia,  of  which  he  was  the  super- 
cargo, various  effects,  exceeding  $2,000  in  value,  for 
his  own  use  and  for  sale  on  his  own  account.  These 
goods  were  landed  at  San  Diego  free  of  duties,  on 
the  assurance  of  the  visitador  that  all  was  en  regie, 
except  a  small  quantity  lost  in  the  wreck  at  Monterey. 


9  Sept.  13,  1834,  Figueroa  congratulates  Bandini  on  his  appointment.  Ban- 
dini, Doc,  MS.,  38.  Dec.  7,  1834,  B.  to  Ramirez,  with  his  appointment  of 
March  17th.  B.'s  salary  was  to  be  83,000,  and  he  had  received  $1,000  in  ad- 
vance. Reply  of  R.  same  date.  De/d.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  vii.  1-4; 
additional  correspondence  between  the  two  at  Monterey,  Dec.  9th-llth.  Id. 
vii.  4-5,  7-8;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  25-G.  Dec.  12th, R.  to  dir.  gen.,  enclos- 
ing correspondence  with  B.  D^pt.  St.  Pap  ,  Ben.  Corn,  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iii. 
G-S.  Dec.  13th,  B.  to  the  sup.  govt.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  27.  March  16 
-17,  May  G,  1833.  R.  to  receptorcs  of  S.  Diego,  S.  Pedro,  and  S.  F., 
with  orders  that  no  interference  by  B.  be  permitted.  Pinto,  Doc,  MS.,  i. 
141-2,  147;  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  vii.  14-15.  April  5th,  R.  to 
dir.  gen.,  accusing  h.  of  a  well  understood  plan  to  use  his  appointment  as  visi- 
tador for  the  making  of  a  fortune  at  the  expense  of  the  treasury;  he  explains 
the  steps  he  has  taken,  his  determination  not  to  recognize  B.  's  authority  with- 
out special  orders,  and  also  alludes  to  complaints  of  smuggling  to  be  investi- 
gated. /'/.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  iii.  8-10.  May  5th,  B.  to  min.  of  hacienda, 
a  full  report  on  administration  of  customs  in  past  and  present.  Bandini,  In- 
formation, MS. 


372     MARITIME,  COMMERCIAL,  AND  FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

Ail  investigation  was  made  by  Judge  Castillo  Negrete. 
The  facts  were  clear  enough.  Bandini  himself  con- 
fessed the  introduction  of  the  goods,  with  no  expla- 
nation so  far  as  can  be  known.  Indeed,  in  his  later 
ravings  he  never  deigned  to  deny  the  charge,  nor  to 
explain  his  action,  but  simply  affected  to  regard  it  as 
an  absurdity  that  he  could  have  been  engaged  in  con- 
traband trade.  The  judge  accordingly  suspended  him 
from  office,  declaring  the  goods  confiscated,  together 
with  the  sum  of  §700  due  the  accused  from  the  terri- 
torial treasury.10 

Bandini's  disappointment  and  indignation  at  this 
disastrous  ending  of  all  his  brilliant  hopes  for  wealth 
and  power  may  be  more  adequately  imagined  than 
described.11  He  lost  no  opportunity  during  the  next 
few  years  of  reporting  in  writing  upon  his  wrongs, 

10  Investig.  of  the  charge  of  smuggling,  comprising  a  dozen  documents,  in 
S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  44-6;  Dept.  tit.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  71-87;  M,  Ben.  Pre/,  y 
Juzf/.,  ii.  154-5;  Id.,  Ben.  Cast.-H.,  vii.  12;  Pinto,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  145-G.  The 
temporary  suspension  was  dated  May  7,  1835,  and  the  permanent  suspen- 
sion May  14,  1830.  The  goods  smuggled  in  by  B.  included  G  bales  of  sugar, 
25  cases  of  table  oil,  1  barrel  of  tobacco,  some  wine,  ribbons,  and  jewelry, 
and  G  or  8  bales  of  unknown  effects.  Santiago  Argiiello  was  reprimanded  for 
negligence  in  the  matter.  Lawsuits  begun  respectively  by  Ramirez  and  Ban- 
dini were  left  unaffected  by  the  decision;  but  we  hear  no  more  of  them. 

11  Richard  Ii.  Dana,  Tico  Years  before  the  Mast,  276-7,  speaks  of  B.  as  fol- 
lows :  'Among  our  passengers  [from  Monterey  to  Sta  Barbara  on  the  A  lert,  Jan. 
183G]  was  a  young  man  who  was  a  good  representation  of  a  decayed  gentleman. 
He  reminded  me  much  of  some  of  the  characters  in  Gil  Bias.  He  was  of  the  aris- 
tocracy of  the  eountry,  his  family  being  of  pure  Spanish  blood,  and  once  of 
considerable  importance  in  Mexico.  His  father  had  been  governor  of  the 
province  [all  these  items  are  erroneous],  and  having  amassed  a  large  prop- 
erty, settled  at  San  Diego,  where  he  built  a  large  house  with  a  court-yard 
in  front,  kept  a  retinue  of  Indians,  and  set  up  for  the  grandee  of  that  part  of 
the  country.  His  son  was  sent  to  Mexico,  where  he  received  an  education, 
and  went  into  the  first  society  of  the  capital.  Misfortune,  extravagance,  and 
the  want  of  any  manner  of  getting  interest  on  money  soon  ate  the  estate  up, 
and  Don  Juan  Bandini  returned  from  Mexico  accomplished,  poor,  and  proud, 
and  without  any  office  or  occupation,  to  lead  the  life  of  most  young  men  of 
the  better  families — dissipated  and  extravagant  when  the  means  are  at  hand; 
ambitious  at  heart,  and  impotent  in  act;  often  pinched  for  bread ;  keeping  up 
an  appearance  of  style,  when  their  poverty  is  known  to  each  half -naked  Ind- 
ian boy  in  the  street,  and  standing  in  dread  of  every  small  trader  and  shop- 
keeper in  the  place.  He  had  a  slight  and  elegant  figure,  moved  gracefully, 
danced  and  waltzed  beautifully,  spoke  good  Castilian,  with  a  pleasant  and 
refined  voice  and  accent,  and  had  throughout  the  bearing  of  a  man  of  birth 
and  figure.  Yet  here  he  was,  with  his  passage  given  him,  for  he  had  no 
means  of  paying  for  it,  and  living  on  the  charity  of  our  agent.  He  was  po- 
lice to  every  one,  spoke  to  the  sailors,  and  gave  four  reals — I  dare  say  the  last 
he  had  in  his  pocket — to  the  steward  who  waited  upon  him  ' ! 


BANDINI'S  WRATH.  373 

and  even  tried  to  collect  his  salary;  but  lie  received, 
no  attention  whatever  from  the  Mexican  authorities, 
and  was  exasperated  the' more  on  that  account.  His 
treatment  at  the  hands  of  Ramirez  and  Figueroa — 
for  he  blamed  the  governor  hardly  less  than  the  ad- 
ministrator— was  in  his  view  not  only  the  greatest 
outrage  of  modern  times,  but  the  cause  from  which 
sprung  all  of  California's  subsequent  evils.  His  writ- 
ings on  the  subject  are  but  wordy  and  declamatory  pro- 
testations of  his  own  patriotism  and  the  baseness  of 
his  foes,  always  in  general  terms,  for  he  avoided  spe- 
cification both  in  defence  and  attack.  Once,  however, 
he  determined  after  much  hesitation  to  produce  evi- 
dence that  could  but  prove  Ramirez's  revenue  frauds 
and  triumphantly  justify  his  own  acts.  The  evidence 
turned  out  to  be  a  statement  of  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo 
that  Don  Angel  was  an  'apostate friar'!12  The  truth 
is,  that  while  An^el  Ramirez  was  a  scoundrel  in 
comparison  with  Juan  Bandini,  the  latter  allowed 
his  disappointment  to  run  away  with  his  judgment 
in  this  quarrel,  and  did  not  leave  a  dignified  or  flatter- 
ing record.  Subsequently  he  retrieved  his  fortunes 
to  some  extent,  and  regained  his  temper.  He  also 
had  the  pleasure  of  knowing  that  his  foe  had  died  in 
disgrace  and  poverty. 

In  1834  Figueroa  made  a  report  to  the  Mexican 
government  on  the  condition  and  past  history  of  com- 
mercial industries,  including  something  also  of  finan- 
cial management.  He  explained  his  own  efforts  to 
introduce  order  and  compliance  with  the  national  laws ; 
but  admitted  that  in  some  respect  such  compliance 
was  impracticable  under  the  circumstances.  His  con- 
cluding suggestions  were  that  Monterey  should  be 
opened  to  foreign  trade,  and  the  other  ports  to  the 
coasting  trade;  that  foreign  vessels  be  allowed  to  en- 
gage for  five  years  more  in  the  coasting  trade;  and 


w  Bandini,  Aeusaciones  contra  Angel  Ramirez,  1834-7,  MS.    Directed  to 
the  min.  of  hac.,  pres.  of  Mex.,  director  de  rentas,  and  Gov.  (Jhico. 


374     MARITIME,  COMMERCIAL,  AND  FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

that  a  regular  custom-house  be  established  at  Mon- 
to  rev. 

The  far  trade  is  a  branch  of  Californian  commerce 
respecting  which  we  have  but  little  information  for 
the  period  covered  by  this  chapter.  Foreigners  se- 
cured most  of  the  otter  skins  by  contraband  methods; 
the  Indians  killed  a  few  animals  as  in  former  years; 
and  in  several  instances  Californians  were  regularly 
licensed  by  the  territorial  authorities  to  engage  in 
otter-hunting  on  the  coast.  Hardly  a  vessel  sailed 
without  carrying  away  more  or  less  skins,  which  all 
traders  were  eager  to  obtain.  The  authorities,  both  of 
nation  and  territory,  understood  the  importance  of  this 
export,  and  made  some  weak  and  unsuccessful  efforts 
to  develop  it,  or  at  least  to  secure  the  legal  revenue 
which  even  as  carried  on  at  the  time  it  should  yield.13 

A  slight  controversy  about  the  obtaining  of  salt 
from  the  salinas  near  Los  Angeles  in  1834  brought 
the  general  subject  before  the  authorities.  The  pueblo 
claimed  the  salinas  and  refused  the  request  of  San 
Fernando  and  San  Gabriel  to  use  them.  The  deci- 
sion locally  is  not  known,  but  from  communications 
between  Ramirez,  Herrera,  and  Figueroa,  it  appears 
that  the  estanco  on  salt  had  not  been  very  strictly  en- 


13 Figueroa,  Cosas  Financi-eras,  1834,  MS.  March,  1831,  Victoria  permits 
ctter-hunting  on  condition  that  two  thirds  of  the  crews  be  Californians;  that 
S.  Francisco  be  the  northern  limit  of  hunting;  and  that  duties  be  paid  on  the 
skins  taken  by  the  Aleuts  for  their  share.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  ix.  94;  April, 
the  Kadiaks  offered  to  give  instruction  in  the  art  of  taking  otter.  Vallejo, 
Doc. ,  MS.,  xxx.  200.  April,  Pacheco  at  Sta  Barbara  denies  having  permitted 
otter-hunting.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS,,  ii.  5.  Aug.,  hunting  free  to  Cal- 
ifornians, so  long  as  there  is  no  intercourse  with  foreigners  or  abuse  of  gentiles. 
Dept.  Rec.j  MS.,  ix.  41.  In  1832  Estrada,  Castro,  Ortega,  and  Alvarado  were 
licensed  to  take  otter  in  S.  Francisco  Bay;  hired  Aleuts  and  bidarkas  from 
the  Russians;  obtained  the  services  of  mission  Indians  from  S.  JosC;  and  did 
quite  a  prosperous  business  for  a  time.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Vol.,  MS.,  ii.  39-40; 
iii.  8;  Vallejo,  Notas,  MS.,  36-8.  Sept.  8th,  Zamorano  to  com.  of  S.  Fran- 
cisco. Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  323.  Subject  mentioned  in  the  instructions  to 
Figueroa.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  221-2.  Feb.  16,  1833,  Figue- 
roa permits  Teodoro  Gonzalez  to  hunt  otters  from  Monterey  to  Sta  Barbara. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.t  MS.,  iii.  92-5.  May  2,  1834,  proposition  to  impose  a  tax  on 
skiiis  exported  considered  in  the  dip.  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  ii.  51.  Itobinson, 
Statement,  MS.,  ]!),  says  he  collected  about  3,000  otter  skins  in  one  year, 
which  he  sent  to  China.     The  best  were  worth  $00. 


STEARNS  AS  A  SMUGGLER.  '   373 

forced,  and  that  even  foreign  vessels  had  taken  away 
loads  without  paying  duties.14 

In  1835  Abel  Stearns  was  suspected  of  carrying  on- 
extensive  contraband  operations  at  San  Pedro.  He 
had  a  warehouse  near  the  shore  never  inspected  by 
any  revenue  officers,  and  used,  as  was  believed,  for  the 
storing  of  hides  purchased  of  settlers  who  paid  no 
slaughter  tax,  and  goods  illegally  landed  from  vessels. 
The  pueblo  was  so  far  away  that  on  the  arrival  of  a 
ship  there  was  plenty  of  time  for  smuggling  goods 
ashore  at  San  Pedro  or  Sta  Catalina  before  Receptor 
Osio  could  arrive  on  the  spot.  In  March  the  citizens 
of  Los  Angeles  complained  to  the  governor,  and  asked 
that  Stearns'  establishment  be  suppressed.  An  inves- 
tigation was  ordered,  but  all  we  know  of  the  result  is 
that  a  committee  reported  in  September  against  the 
spoliation  of  Stearns'  property  and  the  blotting-out  of 
San  Pedro  as  a  prospective  settlement.  It  was  recom- 
mended rather  that  guards  be  established  to  prevent 
smuggling,  and  that  the  complainants  present  some 
proof  of  Don  Abel's  guilt  if  they  had  such  proof.15 

Financial  topics  are  not  very  distinct  from  those  of 
commerce,  and  the  personnel  of  treasury  and  revenue 
officials  may  be  taken  as  a  connecting  link.  Their 
names  may  be  presented  with  a  greater  approximation 
to  accuracy  than  their  exact  titles  and  powers,  to  say 
nothing  of  their  accounts.  Juan  Bandini  had  received 
in  1830  the  appointment  of  comisario  principal  ad  in- 
terim, virtually  the  same  position  that  Herrera  had 
held;  but  he  in  reality  exercised  no  authority,  and, 
as  he  himself  confessed,  was  prevented  "by  many  cir- 
cumstances" from  carrying  out  superior  orders  or  or- 
ganizing his  department.  Victoria  refused  to  recog- 
nize Bandini's  authority  except  locally  at  San  Diego, 

uDept.  Si.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  88-97. 

15 Steam*,  Expediente  de  Contrabando,  S.  Pedro,  1835,  MS.,  in  Los  Angeles, 
Arch.,  MS.,  i.  44-59;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  CuM.-IL,  MS.,  vii.  11-12;  Id., 
A  ngeles,  ii.  12.  Being  communications  of  Gov.  Figueroa,  Administrator  Rami- 
rez, Receptor  Osio,  and  the  complaint  of  citizens. 


37G      MARITIME,  COMMERCIAL,  AXD  FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

and  refused  to  be  moved  by  his  arguments  and  protests. 
Don  Juan  succeeded  in  having  his  resignation  accepted 
before  the  end  of  1832.  Victoria  at  the  beginning  of 
1831  seems  to  have  found  Joaquin  Gomez,  administra- 
tor of  customs,  in  charge  at  Monterey,  Antonio  Maria 
Osio,  contador  and  perhaps  sub-comisario  under  Ban- 
dini,  being  temporarily  in  charge  at  San  Francisco. 
No  change  was  made,  except  that  Gomez  was  regarded 
as  sub-comisario  and  Osio  was  not  allowed  to  return, 
though  ordered  to  do  so  by  Bandini.  At  the  same 
time  Jose  Maria  Padres  held  the  office  of  visitador  of 
customs  by  Echeandia's  appointment  dated  January 
15th.16 

The  nominal  control  of  Bandini  ceased  at  an  un- 
known date  in  1832.  In  October,  Jose  Mariano  Es- 
trada, by  Zamorano's  appointment,  succeeded  Joaquin 
Gomez  as  sub-comisario  at  Monterey,  the  latter 
having  resigned  after  many  complaints  of  irregulari- 
ties on  his  part;  and  Figueroa,  who  re-appointed  him 
in  February,  states  that  on  his  arrival  in  January 
1833  Estrada  was  the  only  treasury  official  in  Cali- 
fornia.17 With  Figueroa  came  Rafael  Gonzalez  with 
an  appointment  as  administrator  of  customs,  assuming 

XX  '  o 

16  Bandini,  Manifesto  d  la  Diputacion  sobre .  Bamos  de  Hacienda  Territo- 
rial, 1SJ2,  MS.  Correspondence  of  Bandini  and  Victoria  in  Id. ,  i.  273-80; 
Dept.  lice,  MS.,  ix.  11:2-13.  Sept.  18,  1831,  V.  to  min.  of  war  on  treasury 
and  revenue  abuses.  He  alludes  to  Bandini  as  a  'mercenary  employee,'  with 
whom  traders  make  illegal  arrangements,  and  who  believes  himself  dependent 
only  on  the  com.  gen.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  143-4.  May  21st,  law  governing 
the  offices  of  comisarios  and  subalterns.  VaUejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxx.  215.  It  is 
possible  that  Gomez  was  put  in  office  at  Monterey  by  Victoria  and  not  before 
Ins  arrival,  though  Figueroa  says  he  took  charge  in  January.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iii.  210;  and  he  is  spoken  of  as  comisario  on  Jan.  14th.  S.  Jose,  Arch., 
MS.,  v.  39.  April  7th,  Gomez  writes  to  Bandini  that  his  place — 'so  good  a 
thing'  in  most  countries — is  full  of  hardships  in  this;  and  he  is  anxious  to  get 
out  of  it  to  eat  his  frijoles  in  peace.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  18.  Appoint- 
ment of  Padres.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  80.  It  seems  that  Francisco  Pachcco 
was  acting  as  guarda  without  pay.  Id.,  ix.  C3.  Osio  at  S.  Francisco.  De\ 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lxxiii.  54;    VaUejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxi.  14. 

17  Dec.  6,  1834,  F.  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  210.  Estrada  succeeds  Gomez 
Oct.  18th.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  23;  VaUejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  326.  Reports  of 
the  matter  by  Zamorano  and  Estrada;  also  the  appointment  by  F.  Feb.  10th. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cast. -II.,  MS.,  viii.  307-8,312,  316-22.  There  is  in  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  ii.  94,  what  seems  to  be  a  resignation 
of  the  comisarfa  by  Bandini  on  March  20,  1833;  though  in  his  Informacion 
he  says  his  resignation  was  accepted  in  1832. 


REVENUE  OFFICERS.  377 

the  office  in  January;  and  in  May,  Estrada  resigning, 
Gonzalez  became  also  sub-comisario  ad  interim.  He 
held  the  former  position1  until  succeeded  by  Angel 
Ramirez  in  July  1834,  and  the  latter  until  October  of 
that  year,  when  our  old  friend  Jose  Maria  Herrera 
returned  from  Mexico  with  the  colony  to  resume  his 
former  position. 1S  Bandini  came  back  as  visitador  de 
aduanas  in  1834;  but  his  troubles  in  that  connection 
have  been  already  noticed. 

From  1833  a  few  subordinate  revenue  officers  were 
appointed,  not  only  for  Monterey,  but  for  the  other 
ports.  Pedro  del  Castillo  was  made  receptor  at  San 
Francisco.  Santiago  E.  Argiiello  held  the  same  posi- 
tion at  San  Diego  until  October  1834,  when  he  was 
succeeded  by  Martin  S.  Cabello,  who  came  with  an 
appointment  from  Mexico.  Jose  Maria  Maldonado 
had  charge  of  the  customs  at  Santa  Barbara  until 
July  1835,  and  later  Benito  Diaz.  Antonio  Maria 
Osio  was  receptor  at  Los  Angeles,  having  jurisdiction 
over  San  Pedro,  and  having  also  to  watch  over  the 
inland  trade  with  Sonora.     At  the  capital  four  sub- 

18 Gonzalez  appointed  Aug.  6,  1832.  Salary,  $1,000.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  ii.  24.  Took  possession  Jan.  14  (?).  Id.,  Cust.-H.,  ii.  5- 
G;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  53.  Becomes  comisario  May  14,  1833.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  ii.  16-17.  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  357-9,  ridicules 
Gonzalez,  alias  'Pintito,'  as  a  very  stupid  fellow,  appointed  by  favor  of  Di- 
rector-gen. Pavon.  He  once  pompously  objected  to  the  large  quantity  of 
idem  imported  according  to  the  invoices.  Also  noted  by  Robinson,  Life  in 
Cal.,  140.  Angel  Raminez  appointed  admin.  Sept.  12,  1833.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  ii.  58.  Took  possession  July  1,  1834.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  211;  Id.,  Ben.  Cast.-IL,  ii.  1.  Furnishes  bonds  in  $2,000  (or 
S4.000)  June  23,  1835.  Id.,  iii.  89,  8G;  but  is  also  said  to  have  been  in  posses- 
sion in  May.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  152;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  lxxviii.  24;  Ley. 
Bee.,  MS.,  ii.  2-3.  Herrera's  appointment  Jan.  12,  1833,  or  Dec.  24,  1832. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  ii.  C6;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  lxxix.  51, 
81.  Receives  the  office  from  Gonzalez  Oct.  7th  or  11th.  Id. ,  iii.  4G;  Id.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  lxxviii.;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xii.  14;  or  as  Figueroa  says  on  Oct. 
1st.  Dept.  St.  Pap:,  MS.,  iii.  211.  Feb.  1,  1833,  Admin.  Gonzalez  complains  of 
lack  of  a  suitable  pier  and  buildings,  boats,  furniture,  scales,  etc.,  for  want  of 
which  two  thirds  of  the  revenue  is  lost;  also  of  calumnies  against  himself  as 
against  all  who  came  from  Mexico.  He  recommends  9  employees  at  Monterey, 
and  a  receptor  at  each  of  the  other  ports.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cast.-IL, 
MS.,  ii.  G-7,  12.  July  1,  1834,  Admin.  Raminez  to  dir.  gen.,  explaining 
difficulties  and  recommending  additional  officers.  Id. ,  Corn,  and  Treas., 
iii.  2-4.  Dec.  G,  1834,  Figueroa  to  the  sec.  de  cstado  on  the  past  succession  of 
officials  and  their  failure  to  leave  any  records.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii. 
209-11. 


37S      MARITIME,  COMMERCIAL,  AND  FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

ordinate  officials  were  appointed  in  July  1834,  by  the 
recommendation  of  Ramirez:  Francisco  Fijnieroa  as 
contador,  Juan  B.  Alvarado  as  vista,  Francisco  P. 
Pacheco  as  comandante  of  the  guard,  and  Eugenio 
Montenegro  as  corporal  of  the  guard.  The  two 
former  had  a  salary  of  §600,  and  the  latter  of  §400. 
Lieutenant  Araujo,  who  came  and  departed  with  Hi- 
jar  and  Padres,  was  a  naval  officer  who  was  sent,  with 
perhaps  a  few  subordinates,  to  command  the  Cali- 
fornia marine  service.19 

There  was  no  lack  of  official  correspondence  respect- 
ing the  theory  and  practice  of  financial  management 
in  this  as  in  other  periods;  but  much  of  what  was 
written  related  to  petty  routine  details,  none  of  it 
had  any  apparent  effect  in  the  way  of  reform,  and 
part  was  clearly  not  intended  to  have  any  other  effect 
than  the  throwing  of  responsibility  for  existing  evils 
upon  other  shoulders  than  those  of  the  writers.  The 
receipts  at  the  custom-house  were  far  from  sufficient 
to  meet  the  expenditures  of  the  civil  and  military 
budgets;  and  the  complaints  from  all  quarters  of 
hard  times  were  constant,  as  were  also  contentions 
respecting  the  division  of  revenues,  each  official  and 
class  of  officials  fearing  with  much  reason  that  some 
other  would  gain  an  advantage.  In  the  absence  of 
complete  statistical  data,  we  may  only  conjecture  that 
mutual  jealousy  and  precautions  secured  a  compara- 
tively just  distribution  among  military,  political,  and 
treasury  employees.' 


20 


19  Authorities  on  local  revenue  officers.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  109;  Id., 
Angeles,  xi.  8;  Id.,  Mont.,  vii.  5;  Id.,  S.  Jose,  v.  122;  Id.,  Ben*.  Cust.-II.,  ii. 
1,  10,  10-17,  23,  25;  iv.  5;  vii.  8-14;  viii.  14;  Id.,  Com.  and  Treas.,  ii.  5S; 
iii.  4-5,  59,  G7-8;  Id.,  Pre/,  y  Jtizg.,  ii.  150;  hi,  Mil.,  lxxv.  1-3;  lxxri.  30; 
lxxvii.  14-20;  lxxviii.  1;  lxxx.  3;  Monterey,  j4rcA.,MS.,  vii.  01;  St.  Pap.,  Sac, 
MS.,  xvi.  13-14;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,' 33,  44;  S.  Jose*,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  50; 
Pinto,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  25-0;    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  72;  xxiii.  1. 

20  July  20,  1831,  a  general  rcglamento  for  treasury  officers  in  all  parts  of 
the  republic.  Mexico,  Regl.  Tesoreria  Gen.,  p.  14,  28.  June  5,  1832,  Gervasio 
Arguello  is  ordered  to  conclude  his  duties  as  habilitado  general  at  Guadala- 
jara and  return  to  California.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  41.  Arguello 
had  for  a  long  time  performed  no  duties;  whether  he  had  succeeded  in  draw- 
ing any  part  of  his  pay  as  lieutenant  of  the  S.  Diego  company   does  not 


- 
TAXATION".  379 

The  Californians  wore  not  much  troubled  by  taxation 
in  these  days,  having  in  1831—3  to  pay  only  a  tax  on  the 
sale  of  liquors,  which  was  rather  a  duty  than  a  tax,  to 
provide  for  municipal  expenses.  A  high  official  hav- 
ing in  1832  refused  to  pay  the  duty  on  divers  barrels 
of  brandy,  the  merchants  also  declined  payment  until 
he  should  be  forced  to  comply  with  the  law;  and  in 
consequence  the  public  schools  had  to  be  closed  for  a 
time.  A  timber  and  wood  impost  was  also  collected 
at  Monterey.  Expenses  of  the  diputacion  had  to  be 
paid  from  the  surplus  of  local  funds,  a  surplus  usually 
not  existing,  as  Figueroa  learned  by  repeated  applica- 
tions for  money  with  which  to  fit  up  a  legislative  hall. 
No  tax  was  ever  collected  in  California  for  national 
purposes,  though  there  were  occasional  vague  refer- 

appear.  He  did  not  return.  April  1833,  complaints  of  habilitados'  hardships 
by  Vallejo.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  34.  A  visitador  to  go  to  Cal.  from  Mexico 
to  restore  order  in  the  treasury  departments  and  put  the  presidial  companies 
on  their  old  footing.  Mexico,  Mem.  Guerra,  1833,  p.  5;  Id.,  Mem.  I  lac,  1831, 
p.  28;  Arrillaga,  I'ecop.,  1832-3,  p.  110.  Of  course  nothing  of  the  kind  was 
done.  Dec.  1833,  for  many  years  retired  officers  and  men  have  not  been  paid. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  (Just. -II.,  MS.,  ii.  46.  Jan.  1834,  Figueroa  had  to  borrow 
$300  to  fit  up  a  room  for  the  dip.  Id.,  Ben.  MIL,  lxxxviii.  Feb.,  etc.,  con- 
fusion as  to  whether  Cal.  belonged  to  the  comisaria  of  Sinaloa  or  Sonora,  orders 
coining  from  both  with  complaints.  The  com.  gen.  of  Sonora  had  the  real 
command.  Id.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  iii.  20-7,  57-06.  Officers  may  have 
certificates  so  as  to  negotiate  for  their  pay.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  10. 
April,  Figueroa  appeals  to  missions  for  relief.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  2. 
Sept.,  troops  to  be  paid  in  preference  to  others.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x. 
3;  xi.  1.  Regulations  of  Sept.  21,  1834,  for  comisarios,  etc.,  in  Arrilkuja, 
Kecop.,  1833,  p.  386-536.  Dec.  8th,  gov.  to  min.  of  war  on  his  financial 
troubles  and  the  urgent  necessity  for  aid  from  Mexico.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and 
Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  289.  Nov.  1835,  Com.  Gen.  Gutierrez  to  Gov.  Castro,  com- 
plaining that  the  troops  are  not  getting  half  rations.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.  lxxxviii.  Complaints  that  the  civil  employees  do  not  get  their 
proper  share  of  the  revenues.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  G9.  Items  of  fin. 
statistics  1831-5.  1831,  receipts  for  Jan.,  $2,1.32,  including  $500  in  goods 
on  hand  Jan.  1st,  and  $201  in  supplies  from  missions;  expenditures,  $1297. 
Vallejo,  Doc  MS.,  xxi.  1,  15.  Revenue  of  the  year,  $32,000;  expenses, 
$131,000.  SouWsAn.  S.  Fran.,  80.  1832,  Aug.  11th,  Capt.  Gutierrez  received 
from  com.  gen.  of  Sinaloa  $20,000  at  Rosario  to  bring  to  Cal.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxiv.  46.  1833,  estimates  for  the  G  presidial  companies  of  the 
Californias,  $128,440.  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1832,  doc.  0.  Payments  from 
snb-eoniisaria  July  to  Dec,  $22,954.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas., 
MS.,  ii.  39.  Net  proceeds,  July  1833  to  June  1834,  $47,768,  expenses  being 
$2,342.  1834,  total  payments  from  sub-comisaria,  $76,587.  Loans  from  mis- 
sions are  among  the  receipts.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iii. 
39-48.  Due  to  officers  and  men  June  30th,  as  per  adjustments,  dating  chiefly 
from  1833,  but  7  from  earlier  dates,  $53,835.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  lxxvii.  15— 1G. 
1835,  total  payments  from  sub-comisaria,  $40,394.  Id.,  Com.  and  Treas. , 
iii.  75,  83-5;  iv.  1-2. 


3S0      MARITIME,  COMMERCIAL,  AND  FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

ences  to  the  matter  in  communications  from  Mexico; 
and  no  tax  was  ever  assessed  upon  property  according 
to  its  value,  all  exactions  being  in  the  nature  of  du- 
ties on  articles  changing  owners,  or  of  licenses.  By 
a  law  of  October  1833  all  citizens  were  relieved  from 
the  civil  obligation  to  pay  tithes,  and  most  citizens 
took  advantage  of  the  privilege,  some  officers  settling 
with  their  conscience  by  offering  in  payment  claims 
of  the  government  for  back  pay.  What  tithes  may 
have  been  collected  before  the  law  was  published  in 
California  in  May  1834,  there  are  no  means  of  know- 
ing. Deliberations  on  ways  and  means  for  municipal 
funds  were  frequent  in  meetings  of  ayuntamiento  and 
diputacion  from  November  1833,  and  the  result  was 
a  law  or  plan  published  by  the  governor  on  August 
6,  1834,  and  appended  substantially  in  a  note.21 

I  append  also  an  alphabetical  list  of  all  the  vessels 
that  touched  at  Caliibrnian  ports  in  1831-5.  The 
names   number  ninety-nine,   but   more  than  twenty 


21  Plan  de  Proplos  y  Arbitrios  para  fondos  municipales  deloz  Ayuntamientos 
del  territorio  de  la  Alta  California,  1834-  Printed  bando  signed  by  Figueroa 
and  Zamorano,  in  Earliest  Printing;  also  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  iii.  '25-30; 
Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  23-30;  Dwinelle's  Colon.  Hist.,  add.,  29-30.  The 
substance  is  also  given  several  times  over  in  proceedings  of  dip.  and 
ayunt. ,  with  reports  of  committees,  discussion,  articles  nob  finally  embodied 
in  the  plan,  etc.,  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  222-53;  Leg.  l!ec.t 
MS.,  ii.  154-67,  181-2.  Art.  1.  Ayunt.  to  apply  for  assignment  of  egidos 
and  projnos  lands.  Art.  2.  The  propios  in  small  tracts  may  be  leased  at  auc- 
tion; and  present  holders  will  pay  as  required  by  the  ayunt.  Art.  3.  Gran- 
tecs  of  town  lots  for  building,  of  100  varas  square,  will  pay  $6.25,  and  25  cents 
per  front  vara  for  a  smaller  lot  or  for  the  excess  in  a  larger  one.  Art.  4,  5. 
For  the  grant  and  registration  of  a  brand  for  cattle,  $1.50.  Art.  6.  For  kill- 
ing cattle  or  sheep  for  market,  6.25  cents  per  head;  hogs,  25  cents.  Art.  7. 
Shops  for  sale  of  dry  goods  are  to  pay  $1  per  month;  grocery  and  other  shops, 
and  bar-rooms,  50  cents.  Art.  8.  Each  weight  and  measure,  sealed  by  the^W 
ejccutor,  12.5  cents.  Art.  9.  Circuses  and  other  shows,  $2  for  each  perform- 
ance. Art.  10.  Billiard-rooms,  $1  per  month.  Art.  11.  At  the  5  ports,  includ- 
ing S.  Pedro,  12.5  cents  for  each  parcel  landed  from  foreign  vessels,  and  0.25 
cents  from  national  vessels.  Art.  12.  The  25  cents  per  ton  on  foreign  vessels  to 
be  asked  for  in  behalf  of  the  treasuary  of  the  dip.  Art.  13.  Hunters  are  to 
pay  50  cents  each  on  large  otter  and  beaver  skins.  Art.  14.  Fines  for  minor 
offences,  imposed  by  alcalde  or  gefe,  to  go  into  the  mimic,  fund.  Art.  15,  16. 
Liquor  taxes  are  reduced  as  follows:  National  brandy  to  $3,  Angelica,  f"2, 
and  wine  81.50,  per  barrel;  foreign  brandy  to  SI,  gin  $1,  wine  and  beer  50 
cents,  per  gallon.  Art.  17.  A  voluntary  contribution  to  be  requested  from 
each  vessel  anchoring  at  Monterey,  for  the  building  of  a  wharf.  Art.  18. 
Tax  of  $3  on  each  auction  sale.  Art.  19-21.  Provisions  for  execution  of  the 
law. 


VESSELS  OF  1831-5.  381 

rest  on  doubtful  records.  Eleven  had  visited  the 
coast  in  the  preceding  half-decade.  Twenty-two 
were  whalers  in  quest  of  supplies.  Of  the  rest, 
twenty-three  were  under  United  States  colors;  thir- 
teen carried  the  Mexican  flag,  seven  the  English, 
four  the  Russian,  three  the  Hawaiian,  and  one  the 
Italian.  One  was  a  government  vessel;  two  came 
from  the  Columbia  River  for  supplies;  and  the  rest 
came  to  trade  for  Californian  products — seventeen 
from  Honolulu,  fourteen  from  South  American  and 
Mexican  ports,  and  nine  from  Boston.22 

22  Alphabetical  list  of  vessels  in  Californian  ports  in  the  years  1831-5: 

Alert,  Amer.  ship,  342  tons;  Faucon,  master,  transferring  command  on 
arrival  to  Thompson;  Bryant  &  Sturgis,  owners;  Alt'.  Robinson,  resident 
supercargo;  arrived  from  Boston  in  June  1835.  Davis  thinks  she  was  also  on 
the  coast  in  1833  under  Penhallow. 

American,  whaler;  at  S.  Fran,  in  Nov.  1832. 

Anchorite,  whaler;  at  S.  Fran,  in  Nov.  1832. 

Avon,  Amer.  hermaph.  brig,  88  tons,  16  men;  Win  S.  Hinckley,  master; 
John  C.  Jones,  owner;  two  or  three  trips  from  Honolulu  in  1834-5;  duties, 
$2,101,  $1,719,  and  $2,374.  According  to  Dana,  she  also  engaged  in  smug- 
gling. Jones  was  on  board  in  1835.  She  carried  Gov.  Figueroa's  remains  to 
Sta  B.  from  Monterey. 

Ayacucho,  Engl,  brig,  204  or  100  tons,  13-25  men;  John  Wilson,  master; 
Stephen  Anderson,  and  later  Jas  Scott,  supercargo;  on  the  coast  from  Caliao 
each  year  1831-5  for  hides  and  tallow;  duties,  $4,721  in  1832;  $4,416  in  1834; 
$1,020  in  1835.     She  was  regarded  as  the  fastest  sailer  on  the  coast. 

Baikal,  Russ.  brig,  202  tons;  Livovich  Iliasovich  (?),  master;  at  S.  Fran, 
spring  of  1831  and  autumn  of  1833. 

Balance,  whaler;  Ed  Daggett,  master;  at  S.  Fran.  Nov.  1832;  21  men, 
most  of  them  ill  with  scurvy. 

Barnstable,  Jas  B.  Hatch,  master;  Henry  Melius,  sup.  Probably  errone- 
ous record  in  Hayes'  list  for  1833. 

Bolivar,  Amer.  brig,  212  tons;  from  Honolulu  to  buy  horses  1832;  $400 
tonnage;  accused  of  smuggling;  perhaps  in  1833;  Nye,  master;  also  at  end 
of  1835;  Dominis,  master. 

Bonanza,  Engl,  schr,  doubtful  record  of  1834. 

By  Chance,  Amer.  schr;  84  tons;  Hiram  Covell,  master;  at  Mont.  1834, 
from  Panama;  duties,  $1,007. 

California,  Amer.  ship,  379  tons;  Bryant  &  Sturgis,  owners;  arr.  from 

Boston  in  1831,  and  left  in  April  1833;  'C ,'  master;  Wm  A.  Gale,  sup., 

who  remained  at  her  departure;  came  back  in  1834,  remaining  until  1835; 
Jas  Arther,  master. 

Catalina,  Mex.  brig,  160  or  138  tons,  13  men;  brought  govt  stores  in  1831; 
John  C.  Holmes,  master.  Brought  Gov.  Figueroa  in  Jan.  1833,  and  made  an- 
other trip  to  Mazatlan  and  back  in  1833.  Jos  Snook  (called  Esnuco),  master. 
Also  on  the  coast  in  1834-5;  Fred.  Becher,  sup.  (R.  Marshall,  master;  and  E. 
Cclis,  sup.,  according  to  Spence).  Under  U.  S.  flag,  according  to  Dana. 
Cargo,  $12,555;  duties,  $1,550. 

Chalcedony,  Amer.  brig;  Jos  Steel,  master;  on  the  coast  in  1832-3. 

Charles  Byes,  Engl,  bark,  255  or  219  tons,  14  men;  Thos  Chapman,  master; 
on  the  coast  1833  from  Caliao. 

Clafita,  doubtful  record  of  1834. 


3S2      MARITIME,  COMMERCIAL,  AND  FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

Clementina,  Mox.  schr;  doubtful  record  of  1835. 

Clementine,  Engl,  brig;  Jas  Hanly,  master;  from  Honolulu  1835,  con- 
signed to  Nathan  Spear;  duties,  §3,201;  carried  away  horses  and  hides  in 
Dec. 

Convoy,  Amer.  brig,  137  tons,  13  men;  Pickens,  master;  from  Honolulu 
in  1831. 

Crusader,  Amer.  brig,  (later  perhaps  Mexican),  160  or  110  tons;  from 
Sandw.  Isl.  1832-3;  Thos  Hinckley  or  Thos  Sturgis,  master  or  sup.;  duties, 
$2,273;  from  Callao  in  1834;  Wm  A.  Richardson,  master. 

Diana,  Amer.  brig,  170  tons;  from  Honolulu  via  Sitka  in  1835;  duties, 
$3G3. 

Don  Quixote,  Amer.  bark;  John  Meek,  master;  Wm  S.  Hinckley,  sup., 
from  Honolulu  1833-4;  duties,  $475.  Complaint  of  unlawful  privileges 
granted  her.     Spence  puts  her  in  his  list  for  1S32,  also  with  Smith  as  master. 

Dryad,  Engl,  brig;  from  Columbia  River;  paid  duties,  $1,416,  in  Jan.  1S31, 
but  had  arrived  in  Dec.  1830.  Touched  at  S.  Fran,  again  in  Nov.  1833,  for 
Honolulu,  with  David  Douglas,  the  scientist,  and  Chief  Factor  Finlayson  on 
board.  Douglas  had  also  come  to  Cal.  on  the  first  trip,  remaining  some  time 
in  the  country. 

Eliza,  at  Sta  Barbara  Oct.  1831. 

Enriqueta,  Amer.  schr.,  62  tons;  Lewis  (or  Levi)  Young,  master;  on  the 
coast  1833.     Perhaps  same  as  the  Harriet,  q.  v. 

Europe,  1834.     See  Urup. 

Facio,  Mex.  brig,  11  men;  Santiago  Johnson,  master;  Johnson  &  Aguirre, 
owners;  from  Guaymas  in  1833.  John  Forster  took  her  back.  Perhaps  on 
the  coast  in  1S34.  In  1835  she  was  grounded  at  S.  Pedro,  and  was  rescued 
by  the  Pilgrim. 

Fakeja  (Fakir  ?),  whaler,  339  tons;  R.  Smith,  master;  at  Mont,  in  Dec. 
1833. 

Fanny,  whaler;   at  S.  Fran.  Oct.  1831. 

Fibian  (Phozbe  Ann?),  on  the  coast  to  trade  in  1831. 

Framen,  doubtful  name  of  1835. 

Friend,  Amer.  whaler,  404  tons;  L.  B.  Blindenburg,  master,  1832-3.  Also 
2  whalers  not  named  at  S.  Fran.  Oct.  1832. 

Ganr/e,  French  whaler;  H.  Chaudiere,  master;  Mont.  Sept.  1835. 

Garrafilia,  Amer.  brig,  170  tons;   at  Mont.  1835;  duties,  8361. 

General  Jackson,  Amer.  whaler;  at  Mont.  Nov.  1833. 

Globe,  mentioned  on  doubtful  authority  1831. 

Guadalupe,  Cal.  schr,  60  tons;  built  by  Jos  Chapman,  and  launched  at  S. 
Pedro  in  1831.  fiobinson's  Life  in  Cal.,  100. 

Harriet,  whaler,  417  tons,  34  men;  atS.  Fran.  Oct.  1831. 

Harriet Blanchard,  Amer.  schr,  G2or  66  tons;  Carter,  master;  Shaw,  sup.; 
Jones,  owner;  took  30  horses  for  Honolulu  in  1833. 

Helvetius,  Amer.  whaler;  at  S.  Fran.  Oct.-Nov.  1833.  Possibly  on  the 
coast  before;  as  Chas  Brown  always  claimed  to  have  come  on  her  in  1829. 

Iolani,  Hawaiian  schr,  48  tons,  6  men;  Jas  Rogers,  master;  Nic.  Garcia, 
consignee;  at  Mont,  in  spring  of  1835;  duties,  $776. 

Isabel,  Amer.  whaler,  242  tons;  J.  C.  Albert,  master;  S.  Fran,  and  Mont. 
1S33. 

Josephine,  schr  under  Wm  A.  Richardson,  lost  at  Sta  Catalina  Isl.  in  1S32, 
ace.  to  Hayes'  list. 

JocenDorotea,  Mex.  schr;  Benito  Machado,  master;  at  Mont.  May  1834. 

Jdven  Victoriano,  brig;   at  S.  Fran.  Sept.  1832. 

Juan  Jos6,  Mex.  brig;  consigned  to  Pedrorcna  in  1S35,  ace.  to  Spence's 
list. 

Kitty,  whaler;  at  S.  Fran,  in  Nov.  1833. 

Lagoda,  Amer.  ship,  292  tons;  John  Bradshaw,  master;  Bryant  &  Sturgis,  . 
owners;  Robinson,  owner's  agent;  on  the  coast  from  autumn  of  1833  to  spring 
of  1835. 

Leon,  French  ship;  Bonnet,  master.     Mentioned  on  uncertain  authority 


-     MARINE  LIST.  383 

as  having  come  to  tbe  coast  in  1835  for  cattle  and  hay  for  French  troops  in 
the  Pacific;  probably  latef. 

Leonidas,  Mex.  brig;  formerly  the  U.  S.  Dolphin;  Malarin,  master;  named 
by  Davis  for  1833. 

Leonor,  Mex.  ship,  207  tons;  Henry  D.  Fitch,  master;  on  the  coast  from 
S.  Bias  in  1831;  came  back  in  J  833-4,  and  also  in  1835,  under  Chas  Wolterj 
Fred.  Becher,  sup.;  duties,  $1,419. 

Liverpool  Packet  (?),  whaler  of  1S35. 

Llama,  Engl,  brig,  140  tons;  Win  M.  Neill,  master;  from  Columbia  River 
in  1834  for  supplies;  duties,  $874. 

Loriot,  Amer.  schr,  70  tons;  Gorham  H.  Nye  and  A.  B.  Thompson,  mas- 
ter and  sup.;  on  the  coast  1833-4.  See  text  for  her  seizure  at  S.  Fran. 
Back  again  in  1835  and  carried  Hijar  and  Padres  Jlro  S.  Bias  in  May,  returning 
in  Aug. ;  duties,  $4,024.     More  smuggling. 

Louisa,  Amer.  bark,  174  tons,  10  men;  Geo.  "Wood,  master;  J.  C.  Jones, 
owner  and  sup.;  from  Honolulu  via  Sitka  in  1831;  took  hides  and  horses. 
Wm  H.  Davis,  since  well  known  in  Cal.,  was  on  board  as  a  boy  9  years  of 
age. 

Magruder,  Amer.  schr,  15  tons,  4  men;  Wm  Taylor,  or  Faiton,  master; 
from  Honolulu  in  1834  for  sale. 

Marcus,  whaler,  2SG  tons,  23  men;  N.  S.  Bassett,  master;  at  S.  Fran.  Oct. 
183J . 

Margarita,  Mex.  schr.;  carried  J.  M.  Padres  from  Mont.  1831;  back  on 
the  coast  1834-5;  duties,  $547,  $479. 

Maria  Teresa,  Mex.  brig;  Spence's  list  1835. 

Marlquita,  Mex.  sloop;  Agustin  Poncabar6,  master  (or  J.  Chaseagre); 
from  S.  Bias  1S33,  and  again  1835;  duties,  $171. 

Martha,  whaler,  359  tons,  31  men;  Tim.  W.  Riddell,  master;  at  Mont.  Oct.- 
Nov.  1834. 

Matador,  Mex.  brig;  cons,  to  J.  Parrott  in  1835,  ace.  to  Spence's  list. 

Morelos,  Mex.  sloop  of  war;  Lieut  L.  F.  Manso,  com.;  Luis  Valle, 
master.  Brought  part  of  the  colony  and  several  officers  to  Cal.  in  Sept. 
1834; 

Natalia,  Mex.  brig,  185  tons,  13  men;  Juan  Gomez,  master;  Comp.  Cos- 
mop.,  owner;  Juan  Bandini,  sup.  Brought  part  of  the  colony  to  Cal.,  and 
was  wrecked  at  Mont,  in  Dec.  1834. 

Newcastle,  Amer.  brig;  Stephen  Hersey,  master;  from  Boston  via  Honolulu 
in  1832. 

North  America,  Amer.  whaler,  388  tons;  Nathaniel  Richards,  master;  at 
Mont.  Nov.  1833. 

Pacifico,  Mex.  brig;  from  Guaymas,  cons,  to  Aguirre,  in  1834;  duties,  $280. 
Some  trouble  about  1,15G  marks  of  silver  bullion. 

Peor  es  Nada,  Mex.  schr,  20  tons;  built  at  Mont,  by  Joaquin  Gomez  and 
launched  Aug.  30,  1834;  sailed  for  south  in  Oct.  under  Chas  Hubbard,  under 
charter  to  Isaac  V.  Sparks  and  others  for  otter-hunting;  returned  Mar.  1835 
under  John  Coffin,  making  a  second  trip  to  south  in  the  autumn. 

Phozbe  (?),  whaler  of  1832. 

Pilgrim,  Amer.  brig,  155  tons,  14  men;  Frank  A.  Thompson,  master,  suc- 
ceeded by  Ed  H.  Faucon;  Bryant  &  Sturgis,  owners;  Robinson,  agent;  on 
the  coast  from  Jan.  1835,  having  perhaps  arrived  in  1834;  cargo,  $12,000. 

Plant,  Amer.  brig;  B.  &  S.,  owners;  sailed  from  Boston  with  the  Califor- 
nia, but  had  to  put  in  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  for  repairs;  arr.  in  1832  and  soon  sailed 
for  home  via  Honolulu. 

Pocahontas,  Amer.  ship,  300  tons;  Bradshaw,  master;  Shaw,  sup. ;  re- 
mained on  the  coast  from  1830  to  Jan.  1832,  carrying  away  Gov.  Victoria  and 
Padre  Peyri. 

Polifemia,  Russ.  brig,  180  tons;  N.  Rosenberg,  master;  on  the  coast  in 
1833-4-5;  duties,  $383;  accused  of  smuggling. 

Primavera;  Mex.  brig;  C.  Bane,  master;  in  Spence's  list  for  1835. 

Pulga,  at  Mont.  Sept.  1834;  doubtful. 


3S4     MARITIME,  COMMERCIAL,  AND  FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS. 

Refugio,  Mex.  schr;  at  S.  Fran.  1834;  duties  on  salt,  $15.  Said  by 
Warner  to  have  been  built  at  S.  Pedro  in  1831-^2.  Perhaps  same  as  the 
Guadalupe,  or  confounded  with  that  vessel. 

Rosa,  Sardinian  ship,  425  tons,  24  men;  Nic.  Eianchi,  master;  A.  A.  Cot, 
consignee.  'A  large,  clumsy  ship,  with  her  top-masts  stayed  forward  and  high 
poop-deck,  looking  like  an  old  woman  with  a  crippled  back,'  says  Dana. 
Arr.  in  1834,  and  in  1835  carried  the  colony  conspirators  from  S.  Fran,  to 
Sta  B. 

Roxana,  Amer.  brig;  Frank  Thompson,  master;  B.  &  S.,  owners;  on  the 
coast  in  1832-3;  Gale  &  Robinson,  agents.  The  Riojana,  Cal.  schr;  Wm 
Ayala,  master;  probably  the  same  craft. 

S.  Felghton,  whaler,  351  tons,  25  men;  Benj.  H.  Lawton,  master;  at  Mont. 
Oct.  1834. 

Santa  Barbara,  Mex.  schr,  40  tons,  5  men;  Thos  Robbins,  master;  at  Sta 
B.  June  1833  from  Mazatlan  with  G  passengers;  built  in  Cal.     See  list  1829. 

Singapartan  (Seringapatan  of  1830?),  Engl,  whaler;  at  S.  Fran.  1832. 

Sitka.  Russ.  bark,  202  tons;  Basilio  Waccodzy  (?),  master;  at  S.  Fran,  and 
Mont.  1S35. 

South  Carolina,  Amer.  ship;  Jos  Steel,  master;  at  Mont.  Aug.  1S34;  du- 
ties, $10,631. 

Spy,  doubtful  mention,  1832. 

Steriton,  whaler;  at  Mont.  Sept.  1834. 

Tansuero  (or  Traumare),  Engl,  brig,  215  tons;  L.  Amist,  master;  from 
Sandw.  Isl.  in  1834. 

Tranquilina,  whaler,  309  tons,  22  men;  Geo.  Prince,  master;  at  S.  Fran. 
Nov.  1832. 

Trinidad,  Mex.  brig  of  Spence's  list  for  1835. 

Urup,  Russ.  brig;  Dionisio  Zarembo,  master;  wintered  1831-2;  duties, 
$1,107;  also  1834;  Basilio  Idirbe  (?),  master;  duties,  $1,953. 

Volunteer,  Amer.  bark,  226  or  150  tons,  11  men;  Jos  O.  Carter,  master; 
John  Ebbetts,  sup. ;  on  the  coast  1829-31;  also  in  1833;  Shaw,  master;  Jones, 
owner  and  sup. ;  Sherman  Peck,  asst  sup.  Carter  took  her  back,  Jones  and 
Shaw  returning  on  the  H.  Blanchard  to  Honolulu. 

Victoria,  Brewer,  master;  in  Spence's  list  for  1832. 

Waverly,  Hawaiian  brig;  Wm  Sumner,  master;  arr.  S.  Pedro  Jan.  1832, 
bringing  the  exiled  priests  Bachelot  and  Short  from  Honolulu.  Remained 
but  a  few  days. 

Whalehound,  doubtfully  recorded  whaler  1831. 

William  Little  {Guillermo  Chiquito),  sloop,  36  tons,  7  men;  Little  or  Henry 
Carter,  master;  from  Honolulu  for  produce  and  horses  in  1831. 

William  Lye  (or  Syne),  whaler,  389  tons,  30  men;  D.  A.  Riddell  (or  Re}^- 
der),  master;  at  Mont.  Oct.    1S34. 

William  Thompson,  whaler;  Stephen  Potter,  master;  at  S.  Fran.  Nov. 
1832;  crew  mutinous. 

Wilmington,  whaler;  at  Sta  B.  Nov.  1835;  1,900  bbls  oil. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

PIONEERS   AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

1831-1835. 

Overland  Immigration — New  Mexican  Route — "Wolfskill's  Party — 
Yount  and  Burton — Jackson's  Company — Warner— Ewing  Young's 
►Second  Visit — Carson,  Williams,  Sparks,  and  Dye — Graham  and 
Leese — Across  the  Sierra — Captain  Joe  Walker — Nidever — Bon- 
neville's Narrative — Hudson's  Bay  Company  Trappers — Otter- 
hunting  in  California — New  Mexican  Horse-thieves — Chino  Pando 
— Foreign  Policy — Fears — Opfer  of  Purchase  by  U.  S. — Spaniards 
— Pioneer  Names — Those  Who  Came  before  1830 — New-comers  of 
Each  Year — Alphabetical  Lists — Douglas  the  Botanist — Thomas 
Coulter's  Visit— Morineau's  Memoir — Visit  of  Hall  J.  Kelley — 
John  Coulter's  Lies — Dana's  'Two  Years  before  the  Mast.' 

Overland  immigration  of  trappers  and  traders  into 
California  continued  to  some  extent  during  1831-5. 
Several  parties  came  in  by  the  Gila  routes  from  New 
Mexico,  and  at  least  one  crossed  the  mountains  farther 
north,  as  the  companies  of  James  O.  Pattie  and  Ew- 
ing Young  and  Jedediah  Smith  had  done  at  an  ear- 
lier date.1  The  subject  retains  all  its  fascination  and 
importance  of  the  preceding  period,  and  also,  unfor- 
tunately, its  meagreness  of  record.  Warner  and  Ni- 
dever furnished  me  in  their  personal  recollections 
most  interesting  and  valuable  information,  as  have 
other  immigrants  of  that  epoch  in  greater  or  less  de- 
gree. Bonneville  and  Joe  Meek  have  had  their  recol- 
lections recorded  by  the  pens  of  Irving  and  Victor. 
Statements  of  Joe  Walker  and  other  path-finding 
pioneers  have  found  their  way  more  or  less  fully  and 

*See  chap.  vi.  of  this  vol.  on  overland  expeditions  of  1826-30. 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    25  (  385  ) 


S53  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

accurately  into  newspaper  print;  and  the  archives  indi- 
cate from  time  to  time  the  presence  of  trapper  bands 
at  the  coast  settlements  or  in  the  interior  valleys. 
With  all  this,  the  record  is  neither  complete  nor  sat- 
isfactory in  all  respects,  and  there  is  little  likelihood 
that  it  can  ever  be  much  improved. 

In  the  autumn  of  1830,  William  Wolfskill  fitted 
out  a  company  in  New  Mexico  to  trap  in  the  great 
valleys  of  California.  He  was  a  Kentuckian  by  birth, 
thirty-two  years  of  age,  with  some  eight  years'  ex- 
perience of  trapping  and  trading  in  the  broad  territo- 
ries surrounding  Santa  Fe  from  the  north  to  the 
south-west.  He  had  been  a  partner  of  Ewing  Young, 
then  absent  in  California,  and  he  was  assisted  pecuni- 
arily in  this  enterprise  by  Hook,  a  Santa  Fe  trader. 
There  is  extant  neither  list  of  the  company  nor  diary 
of  the  trip;  but  the  expedition  took  a  route  consider- 
ably north  of  that  usually  followed,  left  Taos  in  Sep- 
tember, crossed  the  Colorado  into  the  great  basin, 
and  pressed  on  north-westwardly  across  the  Grande, 
Green,  and  Sevier  rivers,  then  southward  to  the  Rio 
Virgen,  trapping  as  they  went.  It  seems  to  have 
been  the  intention  to  cross  the  mountains  between 
latitudes  36°  and  37°;  but  cold  weather,  with  symp- 
toms of  disorganization  in  the  company,  compelled 
the  leader  to  turn  southward  to  Mojave.  Thence  he 
crossed  the  desert  westward,  and  arrived  at  Los 
Angeles  early  in  February  1831.  Here  the  party  was 
broken  up,  some  of  its  members  returning  to  New 
Mexico  a  few  months  after  their  arrival,  and  others 
remaining  in  California.  Of  the  latter  those  subse- 
quently best  known  as  residents  were,  besides  Wolfs- 
kill, George  C.  Yount  and  Lewis  Burton.  Of  the 
individuals  of  this  and  other  companies  I  shall  have 
more  to  say  later.2 

2 The  authorities  on  WolfskiU's  company  are  Warner's  Bemin.,  MS.,  39- 
41,  03-7;  and  the  Story  of  an  Old  Pioneer  written  by  'B.'  for  the  Wilmington 
Journal,  18GG;  also  in  substance  in  the  S.  F.  Bulletin  of  Dec.  17,  1858. 
Other  newspaper  sketches  are  either  taken  from  these,  or  are  inaccurate. 
Other  members  of  the  party,  remaining  for  a  time  or  permanently  in  Califor- 


JACKSON  AND  YOUNG.  3S7 

The  next  expedition  to  be  noticed  came  also  from 
Santa  Fe  under  the  command  of  David  E.  Jackson, 
formerly  a  partner  of  Sublette,  but  now  associated 
with  Young  and  Waldo.  He  left  Santa  Fe  in  Sep- 
tember 1831,  with  nine  hired  men  and  a  negro  slave. 
His  purpose  was  to  purchase  mules  in  California  for 
the  Louisiana  market,  and  he  brought,  besides  letters 
from  Young  and  Hook  to  Cooper,  a  large  amount  of 
silver  for  that  purpose.  Coming  by  way  of  Santa 
Rita,  Tucson,  and  the  Gila,  he  reached  San  Diego  in 
November,  starting  on  his  return  in  February  1832. 
I  have  several  of  his  letters  to  Captain  Cooper.  The 
only  member  of  Jackson's  party  who  is  known  to 
have  remained  in  California  wras  J.  J.  Warner.3  It 
should  be  noted  that  some  members  of  all  these  early 
parties,  after  returning  to  New  Mexico,  came  back  to 
live  in  California  in  later  vears:  and  these  men  are 
accustomed  to  date  their  pioneership  from  the  year 
of  their  first  visit,  as  I  would  gladly  do  if  it  were  pos- 
sible to  ascertain  the  names  and  dates. 

Ewing  Young  started  on  his  second  trip  to  Califor- 
nia from  Taos  in  September  1831,  but  as  he  trapped 
the  Gila  and  other  streams  on  the  way,  he  did  not 
reach  Los  Angeles  until  April  1832.  He  had  with 
him  thirty  men,  most  of  whom,  with  Jackson's  party, 
were  soon  sent  back  to  New  Mexico  in  charge  of  the 
mules  and  horses  purchased,  not  so  many  as  the  part- 
ners had  hoped  to  obtain,  and  part  of  which  were  lost 
in  fording  the  Colorado.  Owing  to  defective  traps, 
Young's  beaver  catch  had  not  been  large,  and  he  re- 
solved to  retrieve  his  fortunes  by  a  hunt  in  California, 

nia,  were  Samuel  Shields,  Francis  Z.  Branch,  John  Rhea,  Zacarias  Ham, 
Francois  le  Fourri,  Baptiste  St  Germain,  Bautista  Guerra,  and  Juan  Lobar. 
Eight  of  the  11  are  mentioned  under  date  of  April  1831,  in  Dept.  Rec,  MS., 
ix.  95.  A  Mr  Cooper  is  named  in  the  Story,  etc.,  as  one  of  the  company. 
Which  of  the  Coopers  is  not  apparent. 

3  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxx.  237,  241,  280;  xxxi.  4;  Warner's  Remin.,  MS., 
11-15,  42-3.  There  are  2  or  3  men  in  the  arrivals  of  1831,  not  otherwise 
accounted  for,  who  may  have  come  with  Jackson  or  Wolfskill.  Such  arc 
Braun,  Gibson,  Cebet,  Romero,  and  Pardo.  There  are  many  newspaper  item.3 
in  which  Warner's  arrival  this  year  is  mentioned,  with  no  details.  Dye, 
Recollections,  MS.,  also  relates  from  memory  the  fitting-out  of  Jackson's  party. 


3S8  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

where  he  spent  several  years  before  going  to  Oregon. 
Eight  or  .ten  of  his  men  also  remained,  prominent 
among  whom  were  Moses  Carson,  Isaac  Williams, 
Isaac  Sparks,  and  Job  F.  Dye.4 

In  the  winter  of  1832-3  another  party  arrived  from 
New  Mexico,  under  circumstances  nowhere  recorded, 
so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  learn.  This  party,  the 
exact  date  of  whose  arrival  is  not  known,  included 
Joseph  Paulding,  Samuel  Carpenter,  William  Chard, 
and  Daniel  Sill.5  There  are  half  a  dozen  other  men 
of  some  prominence  whose  arrival  is  accredited  to  this 
period,  and  some  of  whom  may  have  come  with  this 
company.  Such  were  Cyrus  Alexander  of  1832; 
Lawrence  Carmichael,  Isaac  Graham,  and  Jacob  P. 
Leese  of  1833;  and  Joseph  L.  Majors  of  1834.6  Most 
of  these  men  were  wTell  known  in  California  a  little 
later;  but  of  their  coming  there  is  nothing  more  to 
be  said.  The  way  from  the  south-east,  notwithstand- 
ing the  natural  perils  of  the  desert  and  the  ever  im- 
minent danger  of  Apache  hostilities,  was  in  a  certain 
sense  an  open  one,  and  was  often  traversed  by  parties 
of  two   or   three  persons.     It  may  be  noted  in  this 


4  Dye,  in  his  Recollections  of  Gal. ,  a  MS.  written  for  me,  and  Recollections 
of  a  Pioneer,  published  in  the  Sta  Cruz  Sentinel,  May  1,  June  19,  1SG9,  gives 
a  complete  narrative  of  this  expedition,  with  many  interesting  details  of  per- 
sonal adventure.  Other  authorities  are  Warner's  Remin.,  MS.,  11-21,  43-51; 
Los  Angeles  Hist.,  19;  Nidever'' s  Life  and  Adven.,  MS.,  36-7.  Warner  names 
as  those  who  remained  in  Cal.,  Carson,  Williams,  Sparks,  Ambrose  Tomlinson, 
Joseph  Dougherty,  Wm  Emerson,  and  Denton.  Dye  names  as  members  of 
the  company,  Moses  Carson,  Sparks,  Williams,  Dye,  Wm  Day,  Benj.  Day, 
Sidney  Cooper,  Jos  Gale,  Jos  Dofit,  John  Biggins,  James  Green,  Cambridge 
Green,  James  Anderson,  Thomas  Low,  Julian  Vargas,  Jos6  Teforia,  and  John 
Price.  He  also  names  as  members  of  his  original  company  from  Arkansas, 
whom  Nidever  represents  as  having  left  that  company  and  joined  Young, 
Pleasant  Austin,  Powell  Weaver,  James  Bacey,  and  James  Wilkinson.  Hace 
is  added  by  Nidever.  Some  of"  these  names  are  doubtless  erroneous.  Most 
of  the  men  returned  to  N.  Mexico,  and  some  came  back  again.  The  two  Days 
and  Price  at  any  rate  were  in  Cal.  a  few  years  later,  and  may  possibly  have 
remained  on  this  trip.  Both  Dye  and  Nidever  mention  the  murder  of  Ander- 
son by  Cambridge  Green  in  Arizona,  for  which  Green  was  delivered  to  the 
authorities  at  Los  Angeles.     He  escaped  from  prison  some  time  later. 

5 Los  Angeles  Hist.,  19,  Warner  being  the  authority. 

c  Warner's  Remin.,  MS.,  58-01;  and  miscellaneous  records  of  individual 
arrivals.  Wm  "Ware  and  James  Craig  should  perhaps  be  named  in  this  con- 
nection. 


BONNEVILLE'S  TRAPPERS.  389 

connection  that  John  Forster  came  up  from  Guaymas 
to  Los  Angeles  by  land  in  1833,  guided  by  a  native  7 

Still  one  more  detachment  from  the  army  of  trap- 
pers in  the  great  basin  came  into  California  before 
1835,  and  this  time  by  a  northern  route  over  the  Si- 
erra. The  general  operations  of  this  army  in  the 
broad  interior,  and  the  summer  rendezvous  of  1832-3 
in  the  Green  River  Valley,  have-' been  described  by 
Irving'  in  his  narrative  of  Bonneville's  adventures. 
The  same  author  records  the  formation  of  a  company 
sent  by  Captain  Bonneville  under  Joseph  Walker 
to  make  explorations  west  of  Great  Salt  Lake,  and 
devotes  a  chapter  to  the  adventures  of  that  company.8 
The  aim,  as  given  by  this  authority,  was  to  explore 
the  region  surrounding  the  lake,  the  extent  of  which 
body  of  water  was  greatly  exaggerated  by  Bonneville. 
The  company  consisted  of  about  forty  men,  some  fif- 
teen of  whom  were  free  trappers.9  The  start  from 
Green  River  was  in  July  1833,  and  after  hunting  a 
few  days  on  Bear  River,  they  went  on  to  the  region 
just  north  of  the  lake.  Whatever  may  have  been 
Walker's  original  intentions  or  instructions,  his  men 
could  not  live  in  the  desert,  and  they  went  westward 
in  search  of  water,  which  was  found  in  the  head 
streams  of  the  Mary  or  Ogden  river,  since  called  the 
Humboldt.  I  suppose  their  destination  from  the  first 
had  been  California,  though  Bonneville  may  perhaps 
have  had  different  views;  at  any  rate  Walker's  men 

7 Forster }s  Pioneer  Data,  MS.,  10. 

8  Irvimfs  Adventures  of  Bonneville,  184-8,  324-42;  also  given  in  substance 
in  Vial-veil's  Memoir,  in  Pac.  P.  R.  Pepts.,  xi.  pt  i.  p.  31—4.  The  first  pub- 
lished narrative  of  this  expedition  was  in  the  Jonesborowfh,  Tenn.,  Sentinel, 
of  March  8,  1837,  a  brief  account  from  the  statement  of  Stephen  Meek,  who 
had  returned  to  Tennessee,  and  reprinted  in  Niles'  Register,  of  March  2oth, 
vol.  Hi.  p.  50. 

9  Geo.  Xidever,  Life  and  Adven.,  MS.,  was  one  of  these.  The  original 
company  of  about  40  under  Robert  Dean  had  left  Ft  Smith  in  May  1830.  It 
included  Graham,  Naile,  Williams,  Price,  Lcese,  and  Dye.  It  was  divided 
in  N.  Mex.  in  the  spring  of  1831.  Both  Nidever  and  Dye  give  many  detaib 
down  to  this  division,  and  N.  later.  He  says  nothing  of  any  instruction  to 
explore  the  lake,  but  states  that  Walker  when  joined  by  the  writer  wa3 
bound  for  Cal. 


390  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

followed  the  Humboldt  down  to  its  sink.  There  was 
trouble  with  the  Indians  along  the  way,  respecting 
which  the  exact  truth  can  hardly  be  known,  except 
that  the  trappers'  conduct  was  dastardly,  though  their 
outrages  were  exaggerated  by  Bonneville  and  others.10 
From  the  Humboldt  sink  Walker's  men  crossed 
the  desert  and  the  Sierra  into  California  by  a  route 
about  which  there  is  much  uncertainty.  Said  Bon- 
neville to  Irving:  "  They  struck  directly  westward, 
across  the  great  chain  of  Californian  mountains. 
For  three  and  twenty  days  they  were  entangled 
among  these  mountains,  the  peaks  and  ridges  of 
which  are  in  many  places  covered  with  perpetual 
snow.  For  a  part  of  the  time  they  were  nearly 
starved;  at  length  they  made  their  way  through 
them,  and  came  down  upon  the  plains  of  New  Cali- 
fornia. They  now  turned  toward  the  south,  and 
arrived  at  the  Spanish  village  and  post  of  Monterey." 
Stephen  Meek  tells  us  "they  travelled  now  four  days 
across  the  salt  plains,  when  they  struck  the  Califor- 
nian mountains,  crossing  which  took  fifteen  days,  and 
in  fourteen  days  more  they  reached  the  two  Laries" — 
Tulares — "killed  a  horse,  and  subsisting  on  the  same 
eleven  days,  came  to  the  Spanish  settlements."  Joseph 
Meek  is  represented  as  giving  the  route  somewhat 
definitely  westward  to  Pyramid  Lake,  up  the  Truckee 
River,  and  across  the  mountains — by  the  present  rail- 
road line  very  nearly — into  the  Sacramento  Valley, 
and  thence  southward.  This  authority  also  states 
that  they  met  a  company  of  soldiers  out  hunting  for 
cattle-thieves  in  the  San  Jose  Valley,  and  were  taken 
as  prisoners  to  Monterey.11  Finally  a  newspaper 
version,  founded  on  Walker's  own  statements,  and 
corroborated  to  some  extent  by  that  of  Nidever,  gives 
what  I  suppose  to  have  been  the  correct  route  from 
the  sink,  south-westward  by  what  are  now  Carson 

10  For  some  details,  see  Hist.  Utah,  chap,  ii.,  this  series. 

11  Victor's  Riv.  West.  And  Sebastian  Peralta  with  a  party  of  vccinos 
from  S.  Jos6  did  meet  early  in  Nov.  a  company  of  so-called  French  trappers 
bound  to  Monterey.  S.  Jos6,  Arch.  MS.,  V.  27. 


WALKER'S  VISIT.  391 

Lake  and  Walker  lake  and  river,  over  the  Sierra  near 
the  head  waters  of  the  Merced,  and  down  into  the 
San  Joaquin  Valley.15* 

Whatever  the  route,  they  reached  Monterey  in  No- 
vember 1833:  and  all  authorities  agree  that  with  fan- 
dangos  and  aguardiente  they  passed  a  gay  winter  at 
the  capital;  though  somewhat  strangely  their  presence 
there  has  left  but  slight  traces  in  the  archives.13 
George  Nidever  and  John  Price  are  the  only  members 
of  the  company  known  to  have  remained  in  California, 
though  Frazer  and  Moz  were  probably  of  this  party. 
Several  other  men  known  to  have  arrived  in  1833 
may  have  belonged  to  it.14  In  the  spring  Walker  with 
most  of  his  men  started  to  return,  skirting  the  Sierra 
southward  and  discovering  Walker  Pass.  Thence 
they  kept  to  the  north-east,  and  by  a  route  not  exactly 
known,  rejoined  Bonneville  on  Bear  River  in  June 
1834.15     That  officer  was  altogether    disgusted  with 

12  Biographical  sketches  of  Capt.  Jos  R.  Walker  in  Sonoma  Democrat, 
Nov.  25,  1876;  and  in  S.  Jose  Pioneer,  Sept.  1,  1877.  Thompson  of  the 
Democrat  was  well  acquainted  with  Walker;  and  the  article  in  the  Pioneer 
was  founded  on  an  interview.  One  account  says  he  saw  Mono  Lake,  and  the 
other  that  he  discovered  Yosemite.  On  Walker's  tombstone  is  an  inscrip- 
tion: 'Camped  at  Yosemite  Nov.  13,  1833.'  According  to  the  Pioneer,  'his 
first  attempt  to  descend  to  the  west  was  near  the  head  waters  of  the  Tuol- 
umne, which  he  found  impossible;  but  working  a  little  to  the  south-west  he 
struck  the  waters  of  the  Merced.'  Nidever  states  that  they  came  down 
between  the  Merced  and  Tuolumne,  and  soon  arrived  at  Gilroy's  rancho. 

13  The  only  allusions  to  Walker's  party  that  I  have  found  are,  1st,  a  letter 
of  Wm  L.  Saunders  to  Walker  of  June  (Jan.?)  1,  1834,  in  relation  to  a  bill 
against  S.  left  with  Capt.  Cooper  for  collection.  Vallcjo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  91; 
and,  2d,  John  Price's  petition  for  a  permit  to  remain,  in  which  he  is  said  to 
have  come  with  Walker  late  in  1834.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Oust. -If.,  MS., 
vii.  [201]. 

u  A  writer  in  the  Sta  Cruz  Sentinel,  June  14,  1873,  names  John  Nidever. 
John  Hoarde,  Thos  Bond,  Daily,  Capt.  Merritt,  Wm  Ware,  and  Francois 
Lajeunesse  as  having  come  with  Walker. 

15  Irving  says  'they  passed  round  their  southern  extremity  [of  the  moun- 
tains], and  crossing  a  range  of  low  hills,  found  themselves  in  the  sandy  plains 
south  of  Ogden's  River;  in  traversing  which  they  again  suffered  grievously  for 
want  of  water.'  Two  Mexicans  had  joined  the  trappers  on  their  return,  and 
gladly  aided  in  their  atrocities.  Stephen  Meek  says  they  '  left  on  April  1st, 
and  in  10  days  struck  the  snow  bank  on  the  south  side  of  the  Salt  or  Califor- 
nia mountain.  Before  reaching  the  plains  on  the  north  side  of  the  moun- 
tain, they  had  to  leave  30  horses,  9  mules,  and  25  cattle  in  the  snow.  In  the 
fore  part  of  May,  reached  St.  Mary's  River,'  and  July  4th  the  Bear  River. 
Warren  says  the  return  route  was  nearly  that  of  Fremont  in  1842,  known  as 
the  Sta  Fe"  trail  to  California.  Finally  Joseph  Meek  carries  his  party  to  the 
Colorado,  down  to  the  Gila,  back  to  Bill  Williams  Fork,  across  to  the  Colo- 


392  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

such  details  of  "this  most  disgraceful  expedition"  as 
he  had  patience  to  hear.  "Had  he  exerted  a  little  of 
the  lynch  law  of  the  wilderness,"  says  Irving,  "and 
hanged  these  dexterous  horsemen  in  their  own  lazos, 
it  would  but  have  been  a  well  merited  and  salutary  act 
of  retributive  justice.  The  failure  of  this  expedition 
was  a  blow  to  his  pride,  and  a  still  greater  blow  to  his 
purse.  The  Great  Salt  Lake  still  remained  unex- 
plored; at  the  same  time  the  means  furnished  so  lib- 
erally to  tit  out  this  favorite  expedition  had  all  been 
squandered  at  Monterey" — so  infinitely  more  impor- 
tant was  it  to  explore  the  desert  lake  than  to  cross  the 
continent ! 

I  have  thus  mentioned  all  the  parties  of  trappers 
known  to  have  entered  California  in  this  period,  ex- 
cept those  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  from  the 
north,  respecting  whose  presence  I  find  only  a  few 
vague  allusions.  Warner  tells  us  that  Young,  in  the 
autumn  of  1832,  found  the  San  Joaquin  already 
hunted,  and  on  American  Fork  met  Michel  with  a 
large  force  of  Hudson's  Bay  Company  trappers.  In 
March  1833  John  Work  applied  to  Figueroa  for  a 
permit  to  get  supplies  for  his  trappers,  and  in  April 
Padre  Gutierrez  at  Solano  complained  of  the  presence 
of  forty  men  at  Suisun  calling  themselves  hunters, 
but  willing  to  buy  stolen  cattle,  and  otherwise  dis- 
posed to  corrupt  the  neophytes.10  Kelley  on  his  way 
to  Oregon  in  the  autumn  of  1834  was  overtaken  by 
Laframboise  and  party  coming  from  the  south.  In 
June  1835  it  was  reported  that  the  trappers  had 
their  headquarters  upon  an  island  formed  by  the 
Sacramento  and  Jesus  Maria  rivers;  and  in  Novem- 

rado  Chiquito  and  Moqui  towns,  and  thence  north  to  the  starting-point,  accom- 
panied most  of  the  way  bv  a  large  party  of  hunters  under  Frapp  and  Jervais! 
"March  18,  1833,  Work  to  Figueroa.  March  20th,  6  beaver-hunters  at 
Solano  desiring  leave  to  visit  S.  F.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  101-2.  Apr.  7th, 
F.  Gutierrez  to  F.  Id.,  iii.  111.  Warner,  Remiu.,  MS.,  47,  says  that  be- 
tween 1832  and  1840  Frapp,  Brcager,  and  Fitzpatrick  of  the  llocky  Mountain 
Fur  Co.  each  came  to  Cal.  with  a  party  of  trappers.  See  Hist.  Northwest 
Coast,  this  series. 


THE  BEAVER-HUNTERS.  393 

ber,  Laframboise,  the  leader  of  the  beaver-hunters, 
was  warned  by  Coma.ndante  Vallejo  at  Sonoma  to 
suspend  his  operations.1 


17 


Over  thirty  hunters  had  been  added  to  the  popula- 
tion of  California  by  the  expeditions  that  have  been 
mentioned,  and  most  of  them  resorted  to  hunting  and 
trapping  as  a  means  of  living,  for  some  years  at  least. 
This  they  did  with  and  without  iicense,  with  their 
own  license  or  with  that  of  another,  separately  or  in 
bands  of  foreign  comrades  or  in  partnership  with 
Californians  and  Mexicans,  and  paying  taxes  when 
they  could  not  avoid  it.18  Wolfskill  on  his  arrival 
associated  himself,  as  did  Yount,  with  the  earlier 
comers,  Prentice,  Pryor,  and  Laughlin.  He  built  a 
schooner  at  San  Pedro,  and  in  her  hunted  otter  up 
and  down  the  coast  in  1832.  Being*  a  Mexican 
citizen,  with  a  passport  from  the  governor  of  New 
Mexico,  he  was  able  to  get  a  license,  but  he  soon 
abandoned  the  business  to  become  a  settler.  Ewing 
Young,  with  Warner  and  others,  also  engaged  in  otter- 
hunting  for  a  time  in  1832,  building  two  canoes  at  San 
Pedro  with  the  aid  of  a  ship-carpenter ;  and  with  these 

17  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  55,  81.  The  Columbia-river  trappers  and  traders 
usually  retired  in  summer  northward,  to  return  in  Sept.  Vallejo  speaks  of 
orders  of  the  govt  made  known  to  Laframboise  the  year  before  against  taking 
beaver;  but  in  a  spirit  of  hospitality  he  offered  to  permit  a  temporary  en- 
campment at  Sonoma,  otherwise  the  Frenchman  must  retire  within  24  hours 
or  be  treated  as  a  smuggler. 

18  In  his  report  to  the  min.  of  rel.  on  June  7,  1831,  Victoria  complains  that 
he  is  unable  to  prevent  foreigners  from  reaping  all  the  profits  of  the  fur  trade. 
For  want  of  a  vessel  he  could  not  prevent  fraudulent  hunting  at  the  islands, 
and  the  interior  was  overrun  by  foreigners  who   cared  nothing  for  law. 
Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  ix.  135-6.      A.  B.  Thompson's  arrest  and  the  seizure  of  his 
vessel  at  S.  F.  have  been  already  noticed.     Pryor,  Prentice,   Lewis,  and 
White  were  accused  of  complicity  with  Thompson,  and  the  confiscation  of 
their  boat  and  goods  was  ordered  in  Sept.  1833.    Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  29- 
30;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Jazg.,  MS.,  iii.  24-5.     In  July  1833  Figae 
roa  says  that  vessels  have  taken  otter  in  notorious  violation  of  law  of  nations 
and  such  craft  must  be  seized.  8.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  2.     1834,  a  legal  argu 
ment  citing  authorities  on  eminent  domain  in  the  matter  of  taking  otter.  Doc 
Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.    184,    134.      April  10,   1834,   the  Pvussian   colonial  gov 
reported  that  sea-otter  and  beaver  would  soon  be  exterminated  by  Americans 
with  the  aid  of  Indians,  in  violation  of  Mexican  laws.    Zavalishin,  Delo  o 
Koloniy  Boss,  9.     Alfred  Robinson,  Statement,  MS.,  18-20,  gives  some  detail 
about  otter-hunting  during  this  period.     So  does  Wm  H.  Davis,  Glimpses, 
MS.,  passim. 


394  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

canoes,  a  yawl,  and  two  kanakas,  they  visited  Point 
Concepcion  and  the  channel  islands.  Soon,  how- 
ever, they  started  inland  with  a  larger  party  to 
trap  on  Kings  River  in  October.  In  1833  Young 
trapped  up  to  Klamath  Lake  and  back,  then  made  a 
short  trip  to  the  Gila  and  Colorado,  and  went  to 
Oregon  with  horses  in  1834.  He  lived  and  died  in 
Oregon,  making  several  visits  to  California  to  buy 
live-stock  in  later  years.  The  presence  of  'Joaquin 
Joven'  and  his  hunters  is  noted  in  the  archives.19 
George  Nidever  with  Yount  at  first  hunted  on  the 
north  side  of  San  Francisco  Ba}7  and  at  the  mouth 
of  the  San  Joaquin,  and  later  with  Sill  and  others 
on  the  southern  coast  and  Santa  Barbara  islands 
under  Captain  Dana's  license.20  This  hunting  under 
another's  license  was  a  common  method  of  evading  the 
spirit  of  the  laws,  and  avoiding  inconvenient  delays; 
and  it  was  profitable  to  the  holder  of  the  document, 
who  exacted  a  large  percentage  of  the  skins  taken, 
having  it  in  his  power  to  effect  a  confiscation  of  all  in 
case  of  non-compliance  with  his  demands.  Job  Bye 
represents  himself  as  having  lost  five  months'  time 
and  all  the  skins  he  had  taken,  by  venturing  to 
question  Don  Roberto  Pardo's  system  of  dividing  the 
spoils.21  He  later  hunted  in  partnership  with  the 
padre  of  San  Luis   Obispo,  and  then  made   a   trip 

19  Elsewhere  in  this  chapter  I  notice  Young's  departure  for  Oregon,  -with 
Hall  J.  Kelley.  Oct. -Nov.  1833,  a  party  of  S.  Jose  vecinos  out  in  search  of 
stolen  horses  met  Joven's  party  in  the  valley,  and  recovered  27  animals, 
though  there  were  many  more  which  he  would  not  give  up.  Young  also 
visited  S.  Jose  with  4  of  his  men.  The  S.  Jos6  party,  under  Sebastian  Peralta, 
killed  22  Moquelumnes  on  this  expedition.  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,. v.  27;  Dept.  8k 
Pap.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  v.  45-6.  In  June  1835  Vallejo  writes  that  7 
foreign  fugitives  from  Monterey  had  passed  on  toward  the  Columbia  with 
stolen  horses.  One  named  Oliver  was  found  sick  at  Suisun,  and  said  his  com- 
panions had  gone  on  to  join  Joaquin  J6ven.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  bo. 

M Brown,  Narrative,  MS.,  27-8,  mentions  the  operations  of  Yount  and 
Nidever  in  S.  F.  Bay.  Capt.  Cooper  and  other  foreigners  got  licenses  to 
hunt  in  1833-4,  on  condition  that  not  over  one  third  of  their  crews  should  be 
foreigners;  but  on  one  occasion  Castro  and  Estrada  were  authorized  to  com- 
plete their  crews  with  foreign  sailors.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  70,  144-5, 
157-8,  167,  187-9;   Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  3,  18. 

21  In  1831  Victoria  revoked  Ortega's  license  because  he  allowed  foreigners 
to  hunt  under  it.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  ix.  1.  42,  80-1. 


NEW  MEXICAN  TRADERS.  395 

down  the  coast  with  Mcintosh.  Meanwhile  Burton, 
Sparks,  and  others  made  a,  not  very  successful  trip  to 
the  peninsular  coasts  in  the  Peor  es  Nada. 

Another  phase  of  overland  communication  demands 
passing  notice.  New  Mexicans  of  Spanish  blood 
came  like  the  foreigners  by  the  Colorado  routes  to 
California,  where  as  a  rule  they  had  a  bad  reputation. 
They  came  ostensibly  for  purposes-  of  trade,  bartering 
sarapes  and  blankets  for  mules  and  horses;22  but  they 
were  suspected  with  much  reason  of  driving  away 
stolen  as  well  as  purchased  animals,  of  inciting  the 
neophytes  to  steal,  and  even  of  being  in  league  with 
gentile  bands  of  the  Tulares.  Complaints  were  fre- 
quent during  1831-5,  but  it  was  in  1833  that  the 
greatest  excitement  was  felt,  as  indicated  by  contem- 
porary correspondence.  Early  in  January,  the  ayun- 
tamiento  of  Los  Angeles  passed  strong  resolutions  on 
the  subject,  and  forbade  the  purchase  of  any  animal 
without  the  intervention  of  some  local  juez;23  and  an 
attempt  was  made  to  enforce  the  rule  and  punish  of- 
fenders, with  Figueroa's  authority  and  support.  Par- 
ties of  armed  vecinos,  under  various  jueces  del  campo, 


22  There  were  of  course  legitimate  traders,  and  a  few  New  Mexicans  be- 
came permanent  and  respectable  citizens  of  California.  On  the  overland  trade 
I  quote  from  the  Los  Angeles,  Hist.,  18:  'With  Mr  Wolfskill's  party  there 
were  a  number  of  New  Mexicans,  some  of  whom  had  taken  sarapes  and 
frazadas  with  them  for  the  purpose  of  trading  them  to  the  Indians  in  exchange 
for  beaver  skins.  On  their  arrival  in  Cal.  they  advantageously  disposed  of 
their  blankets  to  the  rancheros  in  exchange  for  mules.  The  appearance  of 
these  mules  in  New  Mexico,  owing  to  their  large  size  compared  with  those  at 
that  time  used  in  the  Missouri  and  Sta  F6  trade,  and  their  very  fine  form,  as 
well  as  the  price  at  which  they  had  been  bought  in  barter  for  blankets,  caused 
quite  a  sensation,  out  of  which  sprung  up  a  trade  carried  on  by  means  of  cara- 
vans or  pack-animals,  which  flourished  for  some  10  or  12  years.  These  cara- 
vans reached  Cal.  yearly.  They  brought  the  woollen  fabrics  of  New  Mexico, 
and  carried  back  mules,  silk,  aDd  other  Chinese  goods.  Los  Angeles  was  the 
central  point  in  Cal.  of  this  trade.  Coming  by  the  northern,  or  Green  and 
Virgen  river  routes,  the  caravans  came  through  the  Cajon  Pass  and  reached 
Los  Angeles.  From  thence  they  scattered  themselves  over  the  country  from 
S.  Diego  to  S.  Jos6  and  across  the  bay  to  Sonoma  and  S.  Rafael.  Having 
bartered  and  disposed  of  the  goods  brought,  and  procured  such  as  they  wished 
to  carry  back  and  what  mules  they  could  drive,  they  concentrated  at  Los 
Angeles  for  their  yearly  return.' 

23 Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  86-7. 


396  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

scoured  the  country  to  seize  all  animals  for  which  no 
proper  bills  of  sale  could  be  shown,  at  the  same  time 
arresting;  offenders:  and  though  the  main  success  was 
in  covering  much  paper  with  ink,  yet  Antonio  Avila 
succeeded  in  restoring  a  large  band  of  mules  stolen 
from  San  Luis  Obispo  mission,  and  in  arresting  one 
or  two  parties  of  New  Mexicans,  including  Juan  de 
Jesus  Villapando,  or  'Chino  Panclo,'  the  leading  cul- 
prit, who  soon  broke  jail  and  escaped  to  New  Mex- 
ico. Other  parties  were  pursued  unsuccessfully,  but 
all  had  the  effect  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  authorities 
to  the  extensive  thieving  operations  going  on.  An 
appeal  was  sent  to  the  governor  of  New  Mexico,  who 
was  informed  by  Figueroa  that,  so  general  had  become 
the  outrages  committed,  "  every  man  coming  from 
that  territory  is  believed  to  be  an  adventurer  and  a 
thief."  Legal  proceedings  were  instituted  against 
Villapando  at  Santa  Fe,  and  against  the  parties  ar- 
rested in  California,  most  of  whom  escaped  from  the 
jail,  and  a  grand  military  expedition  was  sent  out  under 
Alferez  Damaso  Rodriguez  against  the  robbers.  The 
exact  result  is  not  known,  for  little  appears  on  the 
subject  after  1833.  It  is  probable  that  the  archive 
record  is  incomplete,  but  also  that  this  New  Mexican 
branch  of  industry  was  subsequently  conducted  on  a 
smaller  scale  and  with  more  caution.24 


24  March  10,  1831,  gov.  to  com.  of  Sta  Barbara  on  the  complaints  he  has 
received.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  5-6.  April,  arrival  at  Angeles  of  a  caravan 
of  30  under  Antonio  San  Est6van.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS., 
iii.  52.  Avila  and  Lugo  sent  out  after  thieves.  Id.,  Angeles,  i.  102-4,  112-13; 
Avila,  Notas,  MS.,  9-10.  Affairs  of  Jan.-March  1833,  including  complaints 
of  padres  and  vecinos,  official  correspondence,  results  of  expeditions,  and  legal 
proceedings.  Nuevo  Mexico,  Expediente  de  Abigeato,  1833,  MS.  Similar 
papers  in  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  iv:  73;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  i.  109;  xi. 
3-4.  Jan.  21,  1834,  a  party  arrives  from  N.  Mexico  with  1,045  sarapes,  341 
blankets,  171  coverlets,  and  4  tirutas — claiming  exemption  from  taxes  under 
a  decree  of  1830.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  li.  10.  Feb.  4th,  Ehvell  writes 
Hartnell  that  125  New  Mexicans  have  come  to  buy  mules;  and  will  probably 
steal  what  they  can  not  buy.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  04.  Feb.  21st.  gov. 
of  N.  Mexico  is  proceeding  against  Villapando.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS., 
xi.  15.  April  3d,  part  of  Jose"  Antonio  Aveita's  company  bound  for  the  Tu- 
larcs  and  must  be  arrested.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  lxxxviii.  17-18.  July  30th,  P. 
Abella  complains  of  the  N.  Mexicans  staying  at  his  mission  and  selling  liquor 
to  the  Indians.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  G. 


TREATMENT  OF  STRANGERS.  397 

Overland  immigration  being  thus  disposed  of,  I 
have  to  notice  briefly  several  general  topics  of  foreign 
relations.  Californians  were  as  a  rule  favorably  dis- 
posed toward  foreigners  in  these  years,  there  being 
doubtless  less  prejudice  against  them  in  the  minds  of 
citizens  than  against  the  Mexicans.  The  benefits  they 
had  conferred  in  past  years,  and  were  still  conferring 
commercially,  were  appreciated  both  by  citizens  and 
authorities,  while  the  harm  they  were  doing  and  likely 
to  do  troubled  the  latter  much  more  than  the  former, 
and  not  even  them  very  seriously.  Notwithstanding 
the  irregularities  committed  by  the  trappers  and  de- 
serters, foreigners  were  not  discouraged  by  illiberal 
regulations  and  restrictions  from  settling  in  the  coun- 
try;  while  citizenship,  wives,  and  lands  w7ere  easily 
obtained  by  those  whose  conduct  was  regular.  New- 
comers had  to  comply  with  certain  formalities,  and 
they  were  occasionally  reminded  that  they  were  under 
surveillance,  but  no  cases  of  oppression  are  recorded.25 

25  April  9,  1831,  gov.  to  alcalde  of  Angeles.  The  8  persons  just  arrived 
must  make  the  declarations  required  by  law  of  May  1,  1828,  and  give  bonds 
for  good  conduct,  after  which  cartas  de  seguridad  will  be  granted.  Dept. 
Rec.f  MS.,  ix.  95-6.  In  Forster's  Pioneer  Data,  MS.,  appen. ,  is  a  carta  de 
seguridad  issued  to  Juan  Forster  by  the  vice-president  to  travel  for  one  year 
in  the  republic.  It  is  a  printed  blank  filled  out  with  name,  dated  April  4, 
1832,  and  numbered  1031.  Sept.  23,  1831,  form  of  oath  required  from  a 
Portuguese  for  naturalization.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  114.  Nov.  8,  1832,  six 
foreigners  from  whale-ships  are  on  their  way  to  S.  Jose.  They  must  be  ar- 
rested and  sent  to  Monterey.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  59.  Jan.  1833,  art.  9 
of  Monterey  municipal  laws.  Foreigners  on  entering  or  leaving  town  must 
show  their  passports.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  160.  April  1833,  Figueroa  is 
requested  to  remove  from  Solano  to  Monterey  3  turbulent  and  anti-catholic 
foreigners.  Id.,  iii.  116.  Nov.  18,  1833,  F.  issues  strict  orders  prohibiting 
foreigners  from  hunting.  Patrols  must  be  sent  out  monthly,  and  all  offenders 
arrested  and  treated  as  smugglers.  Hunters  who  are  Mex.  citizens  must 
have  a  license.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  95;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  ii. 
82;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  lxxix.  16-17.  May  17,  1834,  F.  submits  to  asesor 
Garcia  Diego's  question  if  foreigners  wishing  to  marry  Cal.  girls  must  have 
the  gefe's  permission,  as  required  by  Victoria.  Id.,  iii.  148.  June  21st, 
dip.  considers  the  question  if  married  and  land-owning  foreigners  must 
aid  in  community  work  of  the  pueblos.  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  ii.  127-8.  July 
25th,  none  of  the  foreigners  at  Sta  B.  have  cartas  or  certificates.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  33.  Nov.  9th,  all  foreigners  on  ranchos  must  appear 
before  alcalde.  Foreigners  without  passes  and  fugitive  sailors  to  be  ar- 
rested. Id.,  lien.  Pre/.  yjuzg.,iv.  33-4;  Id.,  Cust.-IL,  iii.  14.  Nov.  22d, 
Americans  at  Los  Angeles  protest  against  being  obliged  to  do  military  service, 
except  in  case  of  an  emergency,  being  protected  by  treaty  between  U.  S. 
and  Mexico.  Id.,  Los  Angeles,  MS.,  i.  154-6.  July  12,  1835,  F.  instructs  the 
alcalde  of  S.  Diego  about  the  steps  to  be  taken  by  Thos  Ridington  or  any 


393  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

The  danger  of  territorial  encroachment  by  foreign- 
ers was  not  in  these  years  regarded  as  very  threaten- 
ing in  California.  True,  it  was  sometimes  alluded  to 
by  governor  and  congressmen,  but  less  often  and  less 
earnestly  than  might  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that 
it  was  the  strongest  argument  that  could  be  urged  in 
pleas  for  attention,  aid,  and  protection  from  the  su- 
preme government.  Thus  Carlos  Carrillo,  in  his  ar- 
gument for  mission  occupation  of  the  north  in  1831,26 
urged  that  the  natural  wealth  of  California  was  be- 
coming well  known  to  the  world;  and  there  were 
powers  that  recognized  no  right  of  domain  not  founded 
on  actual  possession — a  threatening  circumstance  for 
that  part  of  California  north  of  San  Francisco  Bay. 
Victoria  in  the  same  year  announced  a  doubtful  rumor 
that  the  Americans  were  trying  to  found  an  establish- 
ment in  the  Tulares,  informing  the  minister  of  war 
that  he  would  prevent  the  entry  of  these  foreigners 
without  compromising  the  national  dignity.27  Figue- 
roa's  instructions  of  1832  required  that  no  obstacles  be 
put  in  the  way  of  foreigners  desiring  to  settle  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  colonization  laws,  and  especially 
that  a  projected  colonization  scheme  of  Henry  Vir- 
mond  at  Sonoma — about  which  nothing  more  is  known 
— be  aided;  yet  the  government  also  recommended 
especial  care  that  not  more  than  one  third  of  the  in- 
habitants of  any  settlement  should  be  foreigners,  and 
attached  great  importance  to  the  foundation  of  fron- 
tier posts,  and  the  strict  maintenance  of  Mexican  su- 
premacy up  to  latitude  42°,  the  limit  fixed  by  treaty 
with  the  United  States.28  Fiimeroa's  efforts  in  this 
direction  have  already  been  noted;  but  in  his  report  of 

other  foreigner  desiring  naturalization.  1.  He  must  prove  that  he  came  le- 
gally to  Cal.  2.  Apply  to  the  ayunt.,  his  original  application  being  retained 
in  the  archives  and  he  receiving  a  certified  copy.  3.  He  must  appear  before 
the  district  judge  and  prove  that  he  is  a  catholic,  a  good  citizen,  and  has  a 
trade  by  which  to  gain  a  living.  4.  An  expediente  of  all  these  steps  and 
documents  must  be  presented  to  the  gefe  pol.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  49,  56; 
Hayes,  Doc,  MS.,  22. 

20  Carrillo,  Exposition,  8. 

27  May  6,  1831,  V.  to  min.  of  war.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  129-30. 

™Figueroa,  Instrucciones,  MS.,  p.  35-6. 


SCHEMES  OF  ENCROACHMENT.  399 

April  1833  he  made  some  very  serious  charges  against 
foreign  residents.  Not  .only  did  these  adventurers 
hunt  and  trap  in  defiance  of  the  laws,  but  they  took 
advantage  of  their  hunting  expeditions  as  a  pretext 
to  explore  the  whole  country  and  conciliate  the  gen- 
tiles, giving  at  the  same  time  bad  advice  to  citizens, 
and  all  with  the  intention,  or  under  the  guidance  of 
men  who  had  the  intention,  of  eventually  seizing  this 
part  of  the  republic.29  The  Russians  and  Americans 
were  chiefly  feared;  and  the  former  were  somewhat 
more  alarmed  about  the  ambitious  views  of  the  Yankees 
than  were  the  Californians  themselves,  beingf  in  fact 
the  parties  most  directly  interested;  though,  as  we 
have  seen,  Californian  ambition  on  the  part  of  Russia 
was  confined  to  a  very  few  individuals.  Zavalishin 
states  that  repeated  warnings  were  given  in  Russian 
reports.30 

Voyagers  to  California  had  frequently  spoken  and 
written  of  its  natural  advantages  and  its  great  pros- 
pective value  as  a  national  possession,  and  they  had 
also  pointed  out  clearly  the  ease  with  which  it  might 
be  wrested  from  Spain  or  Mexico.  But  while  indi- 
vidual foreigners  probably — Americans  and  Russians 
certainly — thought  and  spoke  of  the  time  when  Cali- 
fornia might  belong  to  their  respective  countrymen,31 
I  doubt  if  any  scheme  of  encroachment  had  yet  taken 
definite  form  in  the  councils  of  any  nation.  There  was, 
however,  a  proposition  for  the  purchase  of  northern 

29  April  12,  1833,  F.  to  min  of  war.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii. 
303-4.  In  March  P.  Gutierrez  of  Solano  had  complained  of  dangers  to  be  ap- 
prehended from  foreign  settlers  on  lands  in  that  region,  but  this  was  with  a 
view  to  local  mission  interests  rather  than  those  of  the  nation.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iii.  101-2.  June  5,  1834,  F.  sends  to  Mex.  an  account  of  the  foreign- 
ers in  Cal. — document  not  extant — but  believes  the  number  to  be  really  much 
greater  than  appears,  since  many  are  not  registered.  Id.,  iii.  139. 

30  Zavalishin,  Delo  o  Koloniy  Ross,  13-14.  The  Russian  American  governor 
in  April  1834  mentioned  the  coming  of  1G3  armed  Americans  with  their 
families  to  settle,  and  Baron  Wrangell,  in  a  report  of  his  mission  to  Mexico, 
stated  that  the  U.  S.  minister  had  openly  said,  'Oh,  this  part  of  California 
we  will  not  lose  sight  of.  We  have  parties  there  who  gather  and  forward  all 
possible  information;  and  the  time  is  not  far  off  when  northern  California 
will  come  into  our  confederation.' 

31  Morfcll,  in  his  Narrative,  published  in  1832,  draws  in  print  a  glowing 
picture  of  Cal.  as  it  would  be  under  the  rule  of  the  U.  S. 


400  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

California  by  the  United  States  during  the  adminis- 
tration of  General  Jackson.  August  6,  1835,  Forsyth, 
secretary  of  state,  wrote  to  Butler,  charge  d'affaires 
in  Mexico,  "it  having  been  represented  to  the  president 
that  the  port  of  St  Francisco,  on  the  western  coast  of 
the  United  Mexican  States,  would  be  a  most  desirable 
place  of  resort  for  our  numerous  vessels  engaged  in 
the  whaling  business  in  the  Pacific,  far  preferable  to 
any  to  which  they  now  have  access,  he  has  directed 
that  an  addition  should  be  made  to  your  instructions 
relative  to  the  negotiations  for  Texas.  The  main  ob- 
ject  is  to  secure  within  our  limits  the  whole  bay  of  St 
Francisco.  If  you  can  induce  the  Mexican  government 
to  agree  to  any  line  which  will  effect  this,  you  are  au- 
thorized tooffer  a  sum  of in  addition  to  the  sum  you 

were  directed  to  offer,  etc.  You  are  to  endeavor  first 
to  obtain  the  following  boundary,  which  is  considered 
the  most  eligible:  Beginning  at  the  gulf  of  Mexico, 
proceed  along  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Rio  Bravo  del 
Norte  to  the  37th  parallel  of  latitude,  and  thence  along 
that  parallel  to  the  Pacific.  This  line  may  probably 
be  supposed  to  approach  too  near,  if  not  to  include,  the 
Mexican  settlement  of  Monterey.  If  this  objection 
should  be  urged,  you  can  obviate  it  by  explaining  that 
we  have  no  desire  to  interfere  with  the  actual  settle- 
ments of  Mexico  on  that  coast,  and  you  may  agree  to 
any  provision  effecting  the  great  object  of  securing  the 
bay  of  St  Francisco,  and  excluding  Monterey  and  the 
territory  in  its  immediate  neighborhood."32  The  sum 
offered  is  given  by  some  authorities  as  $5,000,000.  The 
reply  of  the  Mexican  government  has  eluded  my  search, 
but  Dwinelle  tells  us  that  the  proposition  was  favora- 
bly received,  and  would  have  been  accepted  had  it 
not  been  for  the  efforts  of  British  diplomates.33 

32  U.  S.  Govt.  Doc.,  25th  cong.,  1st  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  42;  Congres- 
sional Debates,  xiv.,  append.,  p.  131;  South.  Quart.  Eev.,  xv.  93-4. 

33  Dic'uieUe's  Address  before  Pioneers,  p.  19.  In  the  South.  Quart.  Rcv.,x'\n. 
197,  it  is  stated  that  Forsyth  offered  $5,000,000  'for  the  whole  country  of 
California.'  In  Niks'  Register^  lxviii.  211  (1845),  is  quoted  from  the  London 
Times  the  statement  that  $5,000,000  was  offered  'for  the  port  of  San  Francisco, 


SPANIARDS  AS  FOREIGNERS.  401 

Forbes  has  a  chapter  on  'Upper  California  consid- 
ered as  a  field  for  foreign  colonization/  written  as 
early  as  1835,  though  published  later.  He  is  enthu- 
siastic in  praise  of  the  natural  advantages  of  the 
country;  but  while  he  deprecates  the  Mexican  re- 
strictive policy  and  lack  of  energy,  and  indulges  in 
brilliant  dreams  of  what  California  would  be  under 
the  rule  of  such  a  power  as  England,  he  evidently 
believes  that  there  was  no  immediate  danger  of  en- 
croachment  by  any  foreign  power.  He  believes,  how- 
ever, that  Russian  policy  on  the  Pacific  coast  should 
receive  some  attention  from  the  American  and  Euro- 
pean powers.34 

Spaniards  were  still  regarded  as  foreigners;  but 
the  attempts  to  enforce  Mexican  restrictions  on  the 
subject  in  California  were  so  few  and  slight  as  hardly 
to  merit  mention.  Victoria  brought  instructions  to 
expel  the  Spaniards  not  legally  entitled  to  remain, 
and  he  issued  a  circular  on  the  subject  in  October 
1831,  a  document  not  intended  to  apply  to  the  padres, 
and  not  enforced  at  all,  except  that  Caceres,  the  only 
Spaniard  in  the  San  Francisco  district,  was  ordered 
by  Vallejo  to  leave  the  republic.  Moreover,  a  citizen 
granted  a  license  to  take  otter  was  forbidden  to  em- 
ploy a  Spaniard  in  his  crew.  That  Victoria  had  foiled 
to  carry  out  his  orders  in  this  respect  was  one  of  the 
charges  presented  against  him  by  the  diputacion  in 
1832;  but  Figueroa  adopted  no  more  radical  policy, 
though  for  political  reasons  he  recommended  the  ex- 
pulsion of  padres  Sarria  and  Duran,  and  his  orders 
from  Mexico  seem  not  to  have  required  any  greater 
precautions  in  the  case  of  Spaniards  than  other  for- 
eigners.35 

one  of  the  finest  naval  positions  of  the  world, 'and  the  editor  thinks  the  Times 
mistaken  about  the  date,  and  that  the  proposition  was  made  earlier  by  Pres- 
ident Adams,  the  price  including  Texas,  lie  says:  'At  that  time  Mexico  was 
revelling  in  an  unlimited  credit  with  English  capitalists,  and  for  the  sake  of 
a  few  millions  would  not  entertain  a  project  for  dismembering  her  empire.' 

31  Forbes'  Hist.  CaL,  14G-9,  309^-25. 

35  Dept.  ficc,  MS.,  ix.  GO,  113;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  278;  Leg.  Bee.,  MS., 
i.  250;  Ucpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  24. 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    26 


402  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

Exclusive  of  transient  visitors  and  of  men  about 
whom  the  records  show  only  their  presence  in  Cali- 
fornia at  one  date,  the  number  of  foreign  residents, 
properly  called  pioneers,  who  came  to  the  country  be- 
fore 1830  was  180,  as  per  lists  that  have  been  already 
given.36  Of  this  number  140  are  known  to  have  been 
in  the  country  after  1835.  Meanwhile  in  1831-5,  as 
named  in  the  annual  lists  given  later  in  this  chapter, 
there  came  170  more  of  the  same  class,  of  whom  1G0 
left  records  of  their  presence  after  1835.  Therefore 
we  may  take  300  as  a  near  approximation  to  the 
foreign  male  population  in  1835,  including  sons  but 
not  daughters  of  pioneers  by  native  wives.  The 
number  includes  visitors  who  did  not  become  residents 
until  later;  but  there  were  doubtless  a  few  whose 
presence  after  the  year  mentioned  has  left  no  trace 
in  the  records.  It  was  the  new-comers  who  a  little 
later  were  to  cause  the  authorities  so  much  trouble 
rather  than  the  older  foreign  residents.  The  latter 
were  for  the  most  part  well-behaving  citizens,  many 
with  Californian  families,  and  all  with  California!! 
habits  of  life  more  or  less  deeply  rooted.  Now,  as 
before  and  later,  the  trade  of  the  country  was  largely 
in  their  hands,  and  as  yet  they  meddled  but  slightly 
in  territorial  or  local  politics.  They  were  as  a  rule 
well  liked  by  the  Californians;  and  though  'taking  life 
easy,'  they  still  exhibited  a  degree  of  energy  that  ex- 
cited admiration,  if  not  imitation.  There  are  no 
startling  adventures  or  great  achievements  to  be 
noted  in  connection  with  any  name  in  the  list;  neither 
did  any  fall  into  especial  disgrace  or  misfortune, 
oome  were  married,  and  others  baptized;  a  few  ob- 
tained naturalization  papers,  and  many  got  passports; 
several  received  land  grants,  the  foundation  of  future 
fortunes;  of  many  we  have  nothing  at  this  time  be- 

30  See  list  at  end  of  vol.  ii.,  this  work;  also  annual  lists  for  1825-30  in 
chap.  i. ,  vi.  of  this  volume.  See  also,  for  brief  biographic  notices  of 
foreign  residents  and  visitors,  the  Pioneer  Register  at  end  of  vol.  ii.-v. ,  this 
work,  which  Mill  serve  also  as  index,  including  references  to  all  that  is  written 
of  any  early  Californian  in  any  part  of  the  work. 


DOUGLAS  THE  BOTANIST.  403 

yond  the  bare  record  of  their  presence ;  and  some  are 
not  mentioned  at  all,  though  known  to  have  been  in 
the  country  earlier  and  later. 

Under  date  of  1831  may  be  noticed  the  visit  of 
David  Douglas,  the  famous  Scotch  botanist.  He  had 
spent  five  or  six  years  in  the  north  in  an  earnest  and 
adventurous  search  for  botanical  specimens,  as  else- 
where related,37  and  he  came  down  from  the  Columbia 
on  the  Dryad  to  investigate  the  flora  of  California, 
arriving  at  Monterey  in  December  1830.  He  brought 
letters  from  Captain  Beech ey  to  Hartnell,  with  whose 
family  he  became  very  intimate,  and  by  whose  aid  he 
easily  obtained  in  April  a  carta  de  seguridad  to  prose- 
cute his  researches  for  six  months.33  He  remained  in 
the  country  twenty  months.  His  name  appears  on 
the  rolls  of  the  compania  extrangera  in  January  1832; 
and  in  a  table  of  latitudes  and  longitudes  promised  to 
Governor  Victoria  and  subsequently  furnished  to 
Figueroa,  the  variation  of  the  compass  at  Monterey  is 
dated  August  1832.39  Parry  quotes  a  letter  to  Hooker, 
written  at  Monterey  November  23,  1831,  in  which  is 
given  a  slight  description  of  the  country  and  of  the 
writers  botanical  discoveries,  but  nothing  of  his  per- 
sonal adventures.  He  hoped  to  secure  a  passage  to 
the  Columbia  River  direct,  but  was  obliged  to  wait 
until  August  1832,  and  sail  on  an  American  schooner 
for  Honolulu,  and  thence  to  Vancouver  in  October. 
There  was  a  current  rumor  in  later  years  that  he  had 

37  See  Hist.  Northwest  Coast.  Douglas'  journal  was  published  by  Hooker 
in  the  Companion  to  the  Botanical  Magazine,  ii.  79,  etc. ,  which  I  have  not 
seen.  An  account  of  his  adventures  was  published  by  Somerville  in  the  Over- 
land Monthly,  vii.  105-13;  and  more  briefly  by  Stillman  in  PL,  ii.  262. 
Whether  the  journal  was  seen  by  those  writers  I  do  not  know;  if  so,  it  can 
have  contained  but  very  meagre  details  of  Douglas'  experience  in  California. 
A  more  complete  account,  quoting  some  of  Douglas'  letters  to  Hooker  and 
referring  to  others,  taken  I  suppose  from  the  Bot.  Mag.  as  above,  is  found  in 
Parry' 's  Early  Botanical  Explorers  of  the  Pac.  Coast,  in  the  Overland,  2d  ser., 
i.  409-14. 

38  Dryad  at  Monterey  in  Jan.  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  xxi.  15.  Carta,  dated 
April  20,  1831,  in  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  ix.  97.  Sept.  1,  1829,  Beechey  to  Hart- 
nell, in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxix.  407.  He  writes  from  London,  and  speaks  of 
having  met  Guerra  at  Tepic. 

39  Nov.  25,  1833,  Douglas  to  Figueroa,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  xxxi.  52,  with  the 
table  of  geographical  positions  on  the  same  sheet,  as  follows: 


404  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

found  on  the  roots  of  his  California  plants  gold  enough 
to  make  a  watch-seal!40  In  November  1833  a  vessel 
en  route  from  the  Columbia  to  Honolulu  with  Douo-- 
las  and  Chief  Factor  Finlayson  on  board  touched  at 
San  Francisco  in  distress;  and  the  botanist  from  his 
'tent  on  the  hill  at  Yerba  Buena'  wrote  to  Hartnell, 
recounting  some  of  his  later  hair-breadth  escapes  in 
the  far  north,  sending  warm  regards  for  friends  at 
Monterey,  and  expressing  his  hope  of  meeting  them 
again — "though  not,  God  willing,  before  I  see  the 
'land  o'  cakes.'"41  He  never  saw  either  Scotland  or 
California  again;  for  in  July  1834,  during  one  of  his 
solitary  excursions  at  the  Islands,  he  fell  into  a  pit 

Latitude.  Longitude. 

Sta  Barbara  (lauding) 34°  23'  41"  119J  14'    0" 

Sta  Barbara  (Noriega's  house) 34°  25'    0"  119°  14'  30" 

Staines 34°  36'    4"  119°  52'  57* 

Purisima 34°  40'  14"  120°     8'  54" 

S.  Luis  Obispo 35°  16'  20"  120°  22'  21" 

S.  Luis  Obispo  (anchorage) 35°  10'  56"  120°  19'    0" 

S.  Miguel 35°  45'    5"  120°  29'  47" 

S.  Antonio 36°    0'  18"  121°     5'     1" 

Sta  Lucia  (summit) 36°  11'  49"  121°  10'  14" 

Soledad 36°  24'  19"  121°  11'  30" 

Monterey  (anchorage) 36°  36'    0"  121°  44'    0" 

Monterey  (Hartnell's  house) 36°  35'  43"  121°  44'  21" 

Monterey  (Pt  Pinos)   36°  38'  30"  121°  46'  37" 

Monterey  (Pt  Carmelo) 36°  31'  40"  121°  48'  42" 

Monterey  (North  Pt  Carmelo) 36°  33'  23"  121°  45'  42" 

Monterey  (Cipres  Pt) , 36°  34'  47"  121°  40'    9" 

Monterey  (S.  Carlos) 36°  32'  19"  121°  45'  33" 

Cerro  de  Buenaventura  (top. ) 36°  31'  32"  121°  25'  39" 

Sta  Cruz 36°  58'  14"  121°  40'    2* 

Sta  Cruz  (mouth  of  river) 30°  57'  33"  121°  40'    0" 

Sta  Cruz  (Pt  Ano  Nuevo) 37°    0'  52"  121°  41'  21" 

S.  Juan 36°  50'  55"  121°  18'    4" 

Cerro  del  Gavilan  (top. ) 36°  31'  32"  121°  20'    0" 

Sta  Clara 37°  21'    4"  121°  45'  53" 

S.  Jose 37°  31'  47"  121°  4S'    2" 

S.  Francisco  (Yerba  Buena) 37°  48'  15"  122°  20'  27' 

S.  Rafael 37°  58'  26"  122°  38'  27" 

S.  Francisco  Solano 38°  17'    9"  122°  IS'  26" 

40  Roberts'  Recollections,  MS.,  p.  10,  the  writer  being  personally  acquainted 
with  Douglas,  but  not  claiming  to  have  heard  the  story  from  him.  A  similar 
rumor  seems  to  have  reached  England,  where  it  was  reported  after  the  gold 
discovery  that  flakes  of  gold  were  found  on  the  roots  of  pines  sent  home  by 
Douglas  and  others,  who  were  blamed  for  not  having  found  the  gold  or  an- 
nounced the  discoveiy.  Quart.  Review,  1850,  no.  87,  p.  416. 

41  Dmcjlas's  Letter  to  Hartnell,  1SJ3,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  49.  The 
letter  was  dated  Nov.  11th,  and  on  Nov.  25th,  as  we  have  seen,  another  waff 
sent  to  Figueroa.  Parry  notes  also  from  his  letters  that  he  anchored  in  Drake 
Bay,  and  landed  at  Whalers  Bay,  or  Sauzalito. 


PIONEERS  OF  1831.  403 

and  was  trampled  to  death  by  a  wild  bull  that  had 
fallen  in  before  him.  The  .botanical  results  of  his  trip 
in  California,  that  is,  descriptions  of  the  specimens 
sent  to  England,  were  published  by  Sir  William 
Hooker  in  1841.42 

New-comers  in  1831,  as  named  in  various  records, 
number  fifty-four,  and  half  of  them,  or  twenty-seven, 
as  named  in  the  appended  list,  are  entitled  to  be  con- 
sidered pioneer  residents.43  Many-'  spent  the  rest  of 
their  years  in  California,  and  were  locally  well  known, 
but  the  most  prominent  names  in  later  annals  were 
those  of  Burton,  Davis,  Forbes,  Vignes,  Warner, 
Wolfskill,  and  Yount.  Three  of  the  whole  number, 
Davis,  Warner,  and  Weeks,  were  living  in  1884,  all 
of  whom  contributed  their  reminiscences  for  my  use. 
In  that  part  of  this  chapter  devoted  to  the  overland 
immigration  from  New  Mexico,  and  of  a  former 
chapter  to  the  maritime  annals  of  the  year,  all  has 
been  said  that  is  known  respecting  the  actions  of  for- 
eigners in  1831.  As  a  class,  they  took  no  part  in 
the  political  disturbances  of  that  year,  though  Abel 
Stearns  was  one  victim  of  Victoria's  wrath  who  con- 
spired for  his  overthrow^ ;  and  Captain  Bradshaw  of 
the  Pocahontas  was  employed  to  carry  away  the  fallen 
governor. 

In  the  spring  of  1832  the  foreign  residents  of  Mon- 
terey were  induced  to  take  part  in  politics,  so  far  as 

42  Hooker  and  ArnoWs  Botany  of  Capt.  Beechey's  Voyage,  California  Sup- 
plement, p.  31G-409.  Robinson,  Life  in  Cat.,  107,  who  met  Douglas  at  Mon- 
terey, says:  'I  was  told  he  would  frequently  go  off,  attended  by  his  little  dog, 
and  with  rifle  in  hand  search  the  wildest  thicket  in  hope  of  meeting  a  bear; 
yet  the  sight  of  a  bullock  grazing  in  an  open  field  was  more  dreadful  than  all 
the  terrors  of  the  forest.  He  once  told  me  that  this  was  his  only  fear,  little 
thinking  what  a  fate  was  in  reserve  for  him.' 

43  Pioneers  of  1831:  Wm  Bale,  Francis  Z.  Branch,  Lewis  T.  Burton,  Jos 
0.  Carter,  Cooper  (died),  Wm  H.  Davis,  Geo.  A.  Ferguson,  James  A.  Forbes, 
Thos  Fuller,  Jos  Gibson,  John  Gorman,  Wm  L.  Hill,  Henry  Kelley,  James 
Kennedy,  Wm  McMichael  (?),  John  Matthews,  Wm  Matthews,  John  Rhea, 
Pierre  Romero,  Sam.  Shields,  Smith  (died),  Wm  Stenner,  Louis  Vignes,  John 
J.  Warner,  James  W.  Weeks,  Wm  Wolfskill,  and  Geo.  (J.  Yount.  For  some 
particulars  about  these  men  and  others  who  visited  Cal.,  see  the  Pioneer 
Register  at  end  of  vol.  ii.-v.,  this  work. 


406  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

to  band  themselves  as  the  Compafiia  Extranjera, 
under  command  of  Hartnell,  in  support  of  Zamorano's 
movement  against  Echeandia  and  the  diputacion,  so 
far  as  the  defence  of  the  capital  was  concerned. 
Enough  has  been  said  elsewhere  of  this  matter;44  and 
its  only  interest  in  this  connection  lies  in  the  fact  that 
the  rolls  of  the  company  furnish  the  names  of  forty- 
one  foreigners,  about  half  of  them  new-comers. 

The  second  name  on  the  list  was  that  of  Thomas 
Coulter.  He  was  an  English  scientist,  who  after  ex- 
tensive travels  in  Mexico  had  arrived  in  California  in 
November  1831,  by  what  route  or  conveyance  I  have 
been  unable  to  learn,  but  probably  by  sea.45  Of  Dr 
Coulter's  travels  in  California,  not  extending  north  of 
San  Francisco  Bay  nor  east  of  the  Tule  lakes,  we 
know  only  what  may  be  learned  from  a  paper  com- 
municated to  the  London  Geographical  Society  in 
1835,  which  is,  that  from  March  to  July  of  1832  he 
made  a  trip  from  Monterey  via  San  Gabriel  to  the 
Rio  Colorado  and  back.46  His  notes  are  for  the  most 
part  geographical  in  their  nature,  and  are  sufficiently 
indicated  on  his  map,  which  I  here  reproduce.     One 

44  See  chap.  viii.  of  this  vol. 

45  Stillman,  in  Overland  Monthly,  ii.  26*2,  quotes  a  letter  written  at  Mon- 
terey in  1831,  in  which  Douglas  speaks  of  having  met  Coulter.  He  had  been 
in  Sonora  in  the  winter  of  1829-30.  Parry,  Early  Bot.  ExpL,  413,  also  quotes 
the  letter,  and  says  C.  returned  to  England  in  1833. 

46  Coulter's  Notes  on  Upper  California.  Communicated  by  Dr  Thomas  Coul- 
ter. Read  9th  March  1S35,  in  Lond.  Geog.  Soc.  Jour.,  v.  59-70,  with  a  map. 
Also  extract  in  Nouv.  An.  Voy.,  lxxv.  30-52.  The  author  corrects  the  'great 
popular  error '  respecting  the  Tule  lakes  which  has  '  raised  these  comparative- 
ly insignificant  ponds  to  the  rank  of  a  great  inland  sea.'  He  was  unable  to 
explore  the  eastern  regions,  but  questioned  the  hunters  about  them.  Some 
geographical  positions  are  given  by  the  use  of  the  chronometer,  based  on 
Beechey's  longitude  of  Monterey.  The  remains  of  one  of  the  two  Colorado 
missions  were  found  '  on  a  point  of  rock  projecting  a  little  into  the  river,  and 
constituting  the  extreme  southern  point  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.'  The  re- 
gion from  S.  Pedro  to  S.  Bernardino  is  described  as  '  the  only  point  of  either 
California^,  south  of  S.  Francisco,  capable  of  sustaining  a  large  population.' 
'Any  efforts  for  the  purpose  of  colonizing  Upper  California  should  be  directed 
towards  the  portion  north  and  east  of  S.  Francisco  and  east  of  the  Tule  lakes, 
which  is  fertile,  well  wooded  and  watered,  and  of  sufficient  extent  to  make 
its  colonization  worth  while  as  a  speculation.'  The  white  population  is  esti- 
mated at  G,000;  while  the  author  notes  the  rapid  decrease  and  approaching 
annihilation  of  the  Indians.  The  neighborhood  of  S.  F.  Bay  is  declared  to  be 
the  '  only  part  of  the  country  likely  ever  to  become  of  much  interest  to  Euro- 
peans. ' 


CALIFORNIA  IN  1832. 


407 


Coulter's  Map. 


408  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

other  item  in  the  bibliographical  annals  of  California, 
and  not  a  very  important  one  from  any  point  of  view, 
may  be  accredited  to  this  year,  namely,  the  publica- 
tion of  MorrelVs  Narrative  of  a  visit  made  in  1825, 
as  described  in  an  earlier  chapter. 

My  pioneer  list  for  1832  contains  forty-five  names, 
a  number  that  would  be  increased  to  eighty  by  the 
addition  of  transient  visitors.47  Seven  or  eigdit,  how- 
ever,  are  doubtful  names  so  far  as  the  exact  date  of 
arrival  is  concerned.  Among  the  best  known  Califor- 
nians  who  came  this  year,  were  Alexander,  Carson, 
Black,  Chard,  Dye,  Larkin,  Sparks,  Spear,  West,  and 
Williams.  Carson  and  Dye  were  the  only  survivors 
in  1880,  and  the  former  still  lived,  I  think,  in  1884. 
Larkin  was  destined  to  be  most  prominent  of  all,  and 
with  him  on  the  Newcastle  came  Mrs  Rachel  Holmes 
from  Boston,  whom  Larkin  married  the  next  year, 
the  first  American  woman  who  came  to  live  in  Cali- 
fornia. 

Foreign  residents  had  a  good  friend  in  Figueroa,  who 
came  in  January  1833,  and  was  liberal  in  his  policy. 
Thanks  were  rendered  for  the  services  of  the  Compania 
Extrangera,  and  the  so-called  loyalty  of  its  members  to 
the  legitimate  government;  and  this  is  all  that  is  to  be 
said  of  the  foreigners  in  politics  or  as  a  class.  A  biblio- 
graphical item  for  the  year  may  perhaps  be  supplied  by 
the  work  of  the  Frenchman,  M.  P.  de  Morineau,  who 
seems  to  have  spent  some  time  in  California  about  1833, 
and  who  published  a  memoir  on  the  results  the  next 
year.43  Nothing  more  is  known  of  his  visit;  nor  does  the 

47  Pioneers  of  1832:  Cyrus  Alexander,  Allen  (?),  Alexis  Bachelot,  Robt  S. 
Barker,  James  Black,  Wm  Blake  (?),  C.  T.  Briggs  (?),  Lemuel  Carpenter,  Moses 
Carson,  Wm  G.  Chard,  James  Craig  (?),  Benj.  Day,  Wm  Day,  Denton,  Ferd. 
Deppe,  Wm  Dickey,  Joseph  Dixon,  Sant.  Duckworth  (born  in  Cal.),  Job  F. 
Dye,  Hazel  Fuller,  Jos6  Garner  (born  in  Cal. ),  Geo.  Gay,  Thos  Grant,  Chas 
Hall,  Arch.  Johnson  (?),  Michel  Laframboise  (?),  ThosO.  Larkin,  J.  O.  E.  Ma- 
condray,  John  D.  Meyer,  Joseph  Paulding,  Dan.  Eice,  Wm  B.  Pdchardson, 
Patrick  Short,  Dan.  Sill,  Phil.  O.  Slade,  Isaac  J.  Sparks,  Nathan  Spear,  John 
Thompson,  Ambrose  Tomlinson,  Phil.  J.  Walter,  John  Ward  (?),  Wm  Ware  (?), 
Mark  West,  Geo.  Williams,  and  Isaac  Williams.  See  Pioneer  Register  at 
end  of  these  volumes. 

*8 Morineau,  Notice  sur  laKouvelle  Calif omie,  in  Nouv.  Ann.  des  Voy.,  lxi. 


VISIT  OF  HALL  J.  KELLEY.  409 

resulting  memoir  require  special  attention  here.  It  was 
a  brief  but  tolerably  accurate  presentation  en  resume 
of  Californian  history,  statistics,  people,  institutions, 
manners  and  customs,  closing  with  a  recommendation 
of  the  country  as  a  field  for  French  commerce.  I 
have  occasion  to  cite  it  elsewhere  on  several  points. 
I  append  the  names  of  forty-seven  pioneers  who  came 
in  1833,  though  in  a  few  cases  the  year  of  arrival  is 
not  quite  certain.49  There  were  some  thirty-five  more 
who  came,  but  did  not  stay  or  return.  The  leading 
names  according  to  subsequent  prominence  as  citizens 
are  Porster,  Graham,  Johnson,  Leese,  and  Walker. 
Four  of  all  the  list,  Forster,  Leese,  Nidever,  and 
Meek,  were  living  in  1880;  Meek  and  Leese  I  think 
also  in  1884. 

An  interesting  incident  of  1834  is  the  visit  of  Hall 
J.  Kelley.  He  was  a  Yankee  school-master,  an  in- 
telligent and  energetic  young  man,  an  enthusiast  on 
the  subject  of  Pacific-coast  settlement,  whose  eccen- 
tricities finally  developed  into  insanity,  and  whose 
projects  and  writings  are  noticed  fully  in  my  History 
of  Oregon.  Kelley  crossed  the  continent  from  Vera 
Cruz  to  San  Bias  in  1833.  On  his  way  he  had  inter- 
views with  prominent  Mexicans,  and  wrote  a  letter  to 
president  Santa  Anna  on  his  project  of  settling  Cal- 
ifornia after  he  should  have  effected  his  purpose  in 
Oregon.     From  San  Bias  he  took  passage  by  water 

137-57;  also  in  Soc.  Geog.,  Bulletin,  xvi.  In  the  United  Service  Journal,  1834, 
pt  i.  p.  94,  it  is  stated  that  Morineau  wrote  his  memoir  for  Humboldt.  He 
probably  made  his  visit  earlier  than  1833,  and  perhaps  with  Duhaut-Cilly  in 
1827-8. 

49 Pioneers  of  1833:  Jose  Allen  (born  in  Cal.),  Arch.  Banks,  Wm  Bran- 
der,  Chas  Brown,  Sam.  Campbell  (?),  Lawrence  Carmichael,  Thos  Cole,  John 
B.  Cooper,  Cecilio  Doak  (born  in  Cal.),  James  G.  Dove,  Chas  Fippard,  Jos 
Florin  (?),  John  Forbes,  John  Forster,  Foster  (?  died),  Wm  J.  Foxen  (born 
in  Cal.),  Eph.  Frawell,  Geo.  Frazer,  Isaac  Graham,  Wm  Gulnac,  EliasHaye3, 
Harry  Hicks,  Jos  Hicks,  Fran.  Higares,  Wm  M.  Hooper,  James  Johnson, 
Wm  Keith,  Jacob  P.  Leese,  Thos  Lewis,  Louis  Mathurin,  Steph.  H.  L.  Meek, 
Geo.  Nidever,  Sherman  Peck,  Thos  Pepper  (?),  Wm  Place,  John  Price,  Thos  Rid- 
ington,  Francis  L.  Ripley  (?),  James  Scott,  Pierre  J.  Sicard,  John  F.  Smith,  Peter 
Storm  (?),  Wm  Thompson  (?),  Jos  R.  Walker,  James  Whitmarsh,  Chas  Wol- 
ter,  and  Henry  Wood.     See  Pioneer  Register  at  end  of  vol.  ii.-v.,  this  work.; 


410  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

to  La  Paz,  and  thence  with  much  toil  and  hardship 
found  his  way  by  land  to  San  Diego,  where  he  arrived 
April  14,  1834.  Thomas  Shaw  of  the  Lagoda  gave 
him  a  passage  to  San  Pedro,  and  after  a  visit  to  Los 
Angeles  he  arrived  at  Monterey  in  June,  also  visiting 
San  Francisco.  Here  he  broached  to  Governor  Figue- 
roa  his  scheme  for  surveying,  mapping,  and  eventu- 
ally settling  the  interior  valleys,  receiving  in  reply  a 
letter  of  June  26th,  in  which  Figueroa  approved  his 
plans  without  being  able  to  authorize  or  pay  for  their 
execution  until  he  could  consult  his  superiors.  At 
Los  Angeles  Kelley  had  met  Ewing  Young  and  his 
trappers,  whose  presence  and  operations  have  been 
noted  in  this  chapter,  and  had  urged  them  to  make  a 
trip  to  Oregon.  Near  Monterey  he  met  Young  again, 
and  succeeded  in  enlisting  him  with  seven  companions 
for  the  journey.  They  started  by  way  of  San  Jose  in 
July  with  about  a  hundred  horses  and  mules;  and  were 
soon  joined  by  seven  more  hunters — a  rough  party 
of  'marauders,'  as  Kelley  calls  them,  including  two 
of  Walker's  men — with  some  sixty  more  animals. 
Marching  up  the  great  valley,  suffering  from  fever, 
threatened  by  the  Indians  on  account  of  outrages  com- 
mitted by  the  ' marauders,'  and  overtaken  on  the  way 
by  Laframboise  and  his  Hudson's  Bay  Company  trap- 
pers, the  party  arrived  at  Vancouver  in  October.  A 
charge  from  Figueroa  of  having  stolen  horses  caused 
Young  much  trouble,  and  imbittered  all  his  life  in 
Oregon.  He  claimed  to  have  purchased  all  his  horses, 
and  that  if  any  had  been  stolen  they  were  those 
of  the  ' marauders;'  and  I  have  no  proof  that  such 
was  not  the  case,  though  obviouslv  the  Californians 
had  no  means  of  drawing  fine  distinctions  between  the 
different  parties  roving  through  the  valleys.  Kelley 
made  a  map  of  the  Sacramento  Valley,  and  he  wrote  a 
memoir  in  1839,  containing  an  excellent  description 
of  California,  which  was  published  by  congress.  He 
continued  to  write  for  some  forty  years,  at  first  to 
overcome  obstacles  and  carry  out  his  projects  of  settle- 


JOHN  COULTER'S  EXPLOITS.  411 

ment  in  the  far  west;  and  later  to  make  known  his 
early  efforts,  to  seek  a  reward,  and  particularly  to  com-, 
plain  of  the  gross  wrongs  of  which  he  had  been  the 
victim.  He  honestly  believed  himself  to  have  been 
the  first  and  most  efficient  promoter  of  American 
colonization  on  the  Pacific  coast,  and  that  he  had  been 
robbed  of  the  honor  and  profit  that  should  have  re- 
sulted from  his  services.50 

Another  visit  of  the  year  was  probably  apocryphal. 
Dr  John  Coulter,  in  a  narrative  of  adventures  in  the 
Pacific  published  in  London,  devoted  seven  chapters 
to  his  experience  in  California,  covering  a  larger  part 
of  the  year  1834,  so  far  as  can  be  judged  from  the 
single  date  given  in  the  book.51  The  author's  knowl- 
edge of  Californian  geography  was  perhaps  derived 
from  earlier  books,  with  a  general  idea  of  institutions; 
but  all  the  rest  was  evidently  evolved  from  his  imagi- 
nation, since,  if  he  ever  saw  the  country  at  all,  his 
narrative  shows  no  trace  of  that  fact.  It  is  for  the 
most  part  an  account  of  absurdly  impossible  personal 
adventures,  with  allusions  to  magnificent  ruins  and 
relics  of  antiquity:  Indians  clad  in  doeskin,  decked 
with  gay  feathers  and  paint  and  silk  scarfs  and  silver 
bracelets  and  coronets,  and  armed  with  tomahawk 
and  rifle;  canoes  floating  on  stream  and  lake;  robbers 
with  their  deadly  lassos  infesting  every  trail;  with 
lofty  pines,  shady  magnolias,  cochineal-feeding  prick- 
ly pears,  and  broad  ranges  of  hazel-nut ! 

50 Kelley's  Memoir;  Id.,  History;  Id.,  Narrative,  etc.,  passim.  I  have 
formed  my  narrative  from  disconnected  statements  in  these  and  other  writings 
of  the  author.  There  is  no  reason  to  question  its  accuracy.  Kelley  claimed 
that  Sutter's  occupation  of  the  Sacramento  Valley  was  suggested  by  his  re- 
ports. 

51  Coulter,  Adventures  on  the  Western  Coast  of  South  America,  and  the  inte- 
rior of  California. .  .By  John  Coulter,  M.  D.,  author  of  l Adventures  in  the 
Pacific.'  London,  1847.  12mo.  2  vol.  The  matter  on  California  is  found  in 
vol.  i.  p.  127-88.  Dr  Stillman,  in  Overland  Monthly,  ii.  p.  2C3,  has  justly 
characterized  the  book  as  a  tissue  of  lies.  Coulter  claims  to  have  been  left 
at  S.  F.  sick  with  rheumatism  from  the  whaler  Stratford,  Capt.  Lock,  and  to 
have  sailed  later  in  the  Hound,  Capt.  Trainer,  to  rejoin  his  vessel  at  Tahiti. 
His  time  after  his  malady  had  been  cured  by  the  temescal  was  spent  in  visits 
to  all  the  northern  missions,  and  with  hunters  and  trappers  in  the  broad  in- 
terior. 


412  PIONEERS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

Besides  the  ordinary  sources  of  information,  we 
have  for  1.834  two  formal  lists  of  foreigners  in  the 
Monterey  district,  and  a  similar  list  for  the  Angeles 
district,  so  that  probably  few  names  have  been  missed. 
Of  the  ninety  foreigners  who  appear  in  the  records, 
however,  many  besides  those  known  to  be  visitors  do 
not  reappear  after  1834-5;  and  the  pioneers  proper 
as  named  in  my  list  are  thirty-six.52  Prudon,  Reid, 
and  Stokes  were  perhaps  those  best  known  in  Cali- 
fornia; and  so  far  as  I  know,  Janssens  was  the  only 
survivor  in  1884.  The  coming  of  the  Mexican  colony 
added  several  to  the  number  of  foreign  residents,  as 
had  the  New  Mexican  caravans  of  1831-2  and  Walk- 
er's overland  expedition  of  1833. 

In  1835  also  California  had  its  visit,  resulting  in  a 
book,  both  of  a  very  different  class  from  Coulter's  of 
the  preceding  year,  being  Richard  H.  Dana's  Two 
Years  before  the  Mast,  a  work  that  requires  but  brief 
notice  at  this  date,  as  no  other  about  California  has 
had  more  readers.  The  author,  since  a  prominent 
lawyer  and  lecturer  as  well  as  writer  of  well  known 
books,  was  then  a  boy  in  Harvard  College,  who 
shipped  as  a  common  sailor  on  the  Pilgrim,  with  a 
view  to  cure  a  weakness  of  the  eyes  that  interfered 
with  his  studies.  He  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara  in 
January  1835,  and  left  San  Diego  to  return  in  May 
1836  on  the  Alert,  having  visited  repeatedly  every 
port  on  the  coast,  and  spent  four  months  at  the  hide- 
houses  of  San  Diego.  His  book  was  a  connected 
narrative  of  his  experience  and  observations  during 
the  two  years'  absence  from  Boston,  and  was  first 
published   in    1840.53      Notwithstanding    its    truth, 

52  Pioneers  of  1834:  Wm  J.  Bailey,  Chas  Baric,  Thos  G.  Bowen,  John  Col- 
bert, Dav\  Cooper,  Luther  Cooper,  J.  M.  Covarrubias,  Nathan  Daly,  Wm 
Daly,  Wm  Garue,  Horatio  N.  Hartnell,  Henry  Herd,  Jos  H.  Hill,  Gerard 
Hope,  Chas  Hubbard,  Aug.  Janssens,  Chas  Johnstone,  Robert  King,  Wm 
Lumsden,  John  C.  McLeod  (?),  Jos  L.  Majors,  Misteril,  Albert  F.  Morris, 
Pierre  Olivier,  Matt.  Pelham,  Dav.  Philips,  Victor  Prudon,  Hugo  Reid, 
James  Rogers,  Thos  Russell,  Matias  Sabici,  John  Smith,  James  Stokes,  Wm 
Taylor,  Andrew  Watson.  Ezekiel  Whitton. 

53  [Dana]  Two  Years  before  the  Mast.     A  Personal  Narrative  of  L\fe  at 


DANA'S  VISIT  AND  BOOK.  413 

Dana's  narrative  had  all  the  fascination  of  Cooper's' 
and  Marryatt's  sea-stories,  and  it  was  doubtless  this 
charm  mainly  that  caused  its  immense  popularity; 
yet  it  was  instructive  no  less  than  fascinating,  as  it 
contained  the  most  realistic  picture  extant  of  sailors' 
life  and  treatment  in  American  trading  vessels,  with 
intelligent  observations  on  the  countries  visited.  Of 
the  Californian  hide  trade,  in  all  its  details,  Dana 
presented  a  view  which  has  never  been  surpassed. 
His  opportunities  wTere  small  for  studying  the  history 
and  institutions  of  the  country;  but  his  remarks  on 
the  places  and  men  and  customs  that  came  under  his 
personal  observation  were  not  only  interesting,  but 
with  some  exceptions  accurate.  The  current  popular 
idea  of  California  from  1841  to  1848  was  founded 
largely  on  this  book,  with  those  of  Forbes  and  Rob- 
inson. The  author's  appreciation  of  the  western 
land  is  summed  up  in  the  remark,  'In  the  hands  of 
an  enterprising  people,  what  a  country  this  might 
be!"  but  he  adds,  "Yet  how  long  would  a  people  re- 
main so,  in  such  a  country?  If  the  'California  fever,' 
laziness,  spares  the  first  generation,  it  is  likely  to 
attack  the  second."  An  addition  to  the  late  editions, 
"Twenty-four  Years  After,"  is  second  in  fascination  to 
no  part  of  the  original. 

I  have  but  sixteen  names  to  record  in  my  list  of 
pioneers  for  1835,  and  six  of  these  are  doubtful  in 
respect  of  date.  Including  visitors,  the  total  number 
of  new-comers  is  but  thirty-six.  None  acquired  any 
special  prominence,  unless  it  may  be  Henry  Melius; 
and  none  but  Watson,  I  think,  survived  in  1884.54 

Sea.  N.  Y.,  1840,  16mo,  483  p.;  Id.,  1847;  Id.,  1857;  ed.  of  London,  1841, 
8vo,  124  p.;  Dutch  translation:  iTwee  jarenvvor  den  mast.'  Deventer,  18Jf2y 
8vo,  2  vol.;  'New  edition,  with  subsequent  matter  by  the  author,' Boston, 
18G9,  12mo,  470  p.;  Id.,  1873.  In  the  original  edition  the  author's  name 
did  not  appear  on  the  title-page.  The  additional  matter  in  the  author's  edi- 
tion is  a  narrative  of  a  second  visit  to  California  in  1859. 

51  Pioneers  of  1835:  Fred.  Becher  (?),  James  Bridger  (?),  Martin  Cooper, 
John  Coppinger  (?),  Wm  H.Crowell  (?),  Wm  Daylor,  Wm  Forbes,  Manuel 
King,  Allen  Light  (?),  Henry  Melius,  Henry  Plummer,  John  O'Brien,  L.  V. 
Prudon  (?),  Robt  Robinson,  Stephen  Simmonds,  Thos  Watson  (born  in  Cal.) 
See  for  biographical  sketches  of  pioneers,  natives,  and  visitors,  the  Pioneer 
Register  at  end  of  vol.  ii.-v.,  this  work. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

1836. 

Castro  Transfers  the  Gefatura  to  Gutierrez — A  Quiet  Rule — Central- 
ist Precautions — The  Capital — Vigilance  Committee  at  Los  Ange- 
les— Shooting  of  a  Man  and  Woman — Bandini's  Plan  at  San  Diego 
— Appointment  and  Arrival  of  Governor  Chico — Inaugural  Ad- 
dress— Swearing  of  the  Bases — Chico's  Orders — Address — Sessions 
of  the  Junta  Departamental — Agent  for  Mexico — Chico  in  the 
South — Beginning  of  Troubles — Californian  Views  of  Chico's 
Character — Dona  Cruz,  the  Governor's  Mistress — Feeling  of  For- 
eigners— Chico  and  Stearns — Revolution  Planned — Results  of  the 
Vigilants — Chico  and  Duran — Amours  of  Castanares  and  Dona 
Ildefonsa — Chico  and  Estrada — Excitement  at  the  Capital — Chico 
Leaves  the  Country. 

I  take  up  again  the  thread  of  political  annals 
dropped  at  the  end  of  1835.1  In  accordance  with  a 
prevalent  desire  of  the  Californians,  Figueroa  at  his 
death  had  separated  the  political  and  military  com- 
mands, intrusting  the  latter,  according  to  army  regu- 
lations, to  the  ranking  officer  Lieutenant-colonel 
Nicolas  Gutierrez,  and  the  former,  according  to  a 
Mexican  law  of  somewhat  doubtful  application  to  a 
territory,  to  Jose  Castro,  as  senior  vocal  of  the  dipu- 
tacion.  The  only  objection  had  come  from  the  south 
in  behalf  of  Jose  Antonio  Estudillo  of  San  Diego, 
who  was  really  the  senior  vocal,  but  was  absent  from 
the  capital  on  account  of  illness.  Estudillo  was 
doubtless  entitled  to  the  position  of  gefe  politico  ad 
interim,  and  the  prospective  honor  may  have  done 

1  See  chap.  x.  of  this  volume. 

(414) 


TEANSFER  OF' THE  GEFATURA.  415 

much  to  restore  his  health;  but  for  some  reason  that 
the  records  fail  to  make  apparent,  the  efforts  in  his 
favor  were  ineffectual. 

On  January  2,  1836,  Castro  transferred  the  gefa- 
tura  to  Gutierrez,  as  both  announced  to  local  authori- 
ties in  letters  of  that  date.2  The  alleged  motive  of 
the  transfer  was  an  order  of  the  supreme  government, 
dated  January  21,  1835,  that  for  the  national  good 
the  civil  and  military  commands  should  be  vested  in 
one  person.  This  order  was  probably  in  reply  to 
some  of  Figueroa's  past  suggestions  and  the  efforts  of 
Californians  in  congress  •  but  it  is  strange  that  it  did 
not  arrive  sooner.  The  lawyers,  Cosme  Pena  and 
Castillo  Negrete,  the  diputacion,  and  the  ayuntami- 
ento  of  Monterey  approved  the  union  of  the  two  com- 
mands, which  Gutierrez  himself  affected  to  oppose  at 
first.3  It  is  remarkable  that  the  change  should  have 
been  so  quietly  effected,  and  given  rise  to  so  little 
correspondence,  that  Castro  and  his  Californian  friends 
should  have  surrendered  the  power  to  a  Mexican 
without  at  least  a  war  of  words.  True,  the  rule  of 
Gutierrez  was  accidental,  prospectively  brief,  and 
hardly  worth  a  contest;  true  also,  that  the  current 
correspondence  may  possibly  have  disappeared  in  great 
part  from  the  archives;  yet  enough  of  mystery  re- 
mains to  indicate  an  understanding  between  Castro 
and  Gutierrez,  and  to  give  .some  plausibility  to  Juan 
Bandini's  theory  that  the  former  surrendered  the 
command  to  the  latter  in  order  to  keep  it  from  Estu- 
dillo — that  personal  and  local  prejudices  were  more  po- 
tent than  the  popular  feeling  against  Mexican  rulers.4 

2  Jan.  2,  1836,  C.  and  G.  to  ayunt.  of  Los  Angeles,  S.  Diego,  and  Monte- 
rey. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  43;  Id.,  Mont.,  iv.  80;  S.  Diego,  Arch., 
M.S.,  09,  71.  Bando  of  G.,  same  date.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jos6,  MS.,  v.  9. 
G.  to  com.  of  Sonoma.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  144.  All  these  communica- 
tions are  nearly  in  the  same  words,  some  of  them  in  print.  March  7  th,  he 
signs  his  name  and  rank  as  '  Nicolas  Gutierrez,  Teniente  Coronel  de  Caballe- 
ria  Permanente,  Comandante  General,  Inspector,  y  Gefe  Politico  de  Califor- 
nia.' Doc.  Hist.  Cal,    MS.,  i.  252. 

3  Dec.  15-19,  1835.  Monterey,  Adas  del  ayunt.,  MS.,  141,  143-4;  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  iii.  46. 

*Bandini,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  79-80.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  75-8, 
asserts  that  there  was  much  discontent,  and  even  vague  talk  of  revolt,  at  the 


41G  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

The  rule  of  Gutierrez  lasted  four  months,  and  I  find 
no  indication  of  opposition,  discontent,  or  controversy 
during  that  period.  Like  his  predecessor,  he  confined 
his  efforts  to  the  performance  of  routine  duties,  giv- 
ing little  or  no  offence  to  either  people  or  politicians, 
though  there  must  have  been  a  constantly  growing 
feeling  against  Mexican  rulers,  fomented  to  a  certain 
extent  by  those  who  chose  to  style  themselves  feder- 
alists. The  establishment  of  centralism  in  Mexico 
was  not  yet  officially  proclaimed  in  this  far  north,  but 
the  tendency  was  known  and  discussed.  A  commu- 
nication from  the  minister  of  relations,  dated  June  5, 
1835,  and  circulated  by  the  governor  on  January  10th, 
called  attention  to  the  possibility  of  future  changes  in 
the  form  of  government,  and  to  various  petitions  on 
the  subject  already  made  public  in  the  newspapers,  at 
the  same  time  urging  upon  territorial  authorities  the 
necessity  of  the  strictest  precautions  against  such  dis- 
orders as  might  arise  from  popular  feeling  founded  on 
vague  rumors  and  utilized  by  revolutionary  leaders.5 
National  affairs  received  no  further  public  attention 
during  this  brief  rule;  but  two  or  three  topics  of  a 
local  nature  merit  brief  notice  here,  both  on  account 
of  their  importance  and  of  their  results. 

By  a  national  decree  of  May  23,  1835,  Los  Angeles 
was  made  a  city  and  capital  of  California.  I  have 
noticed  this  fact  elsewhere,  and  also  the  burst  of  in- 
dignation with  which  the  news  was  received  at  Mon- 
terey.6    Two  days  after  his  accession,  Gutierrez  gave 

north  in  Castro's  favor,  and  in  the  south  for  Estudillo;  but  in  March  there 
came  an  earthquake  that  led  people  to  forget  politics  in  favor  of  prayer. 
Several  Californians,  as  Pinto,  Ajmnt.,  MS.,  14-15;  Estudillo,  Datos,  MS.,  7- 
8;  and  Castro,  Relacion,  MS.,  30-7,  imply  that  while  there  was  dissatisfac- 
tion, Castro  yielded  to  Gutierrez's  demand  to  prevent  disorders  and  promote 
peace,  ltobinson,  Life  in  Col.,  173,  followed  by  Tuthill,  Hist.  CaL,  141,  states 
that  Gutierrez  succeeded  in  accordance  with  the  will  of  Figueroa,  implying 
that  Castro's  temporary  rule  was  simply  in  consequence  of  Gutierrez's  absence 
in  the  south;  but  this  is  an  error. 

5  Jan.  10,  1836,  Gutierrez  to  alcaldes,  forwarding  communication  of  June 
5,  1835.  8.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  72. 

cSee  chap.  x.  of  this  volume. 


FIEST  COMMITTEE  OF  VIGILANCE.  417 

official  publication  to  the  decree,  thus  honoring  the 
city  of  the  Angels,  and  in  .February  some  efforts  were 
made  to  secure  proper  buildings  for  temporary  public 
use  in  the  new  capital;  but  the  Angelinos  were  so 
lacking  in  public  spirit  that  no  citizen  would  furnish  a 
building  rent  free,  as  the  governor  required,  and  the 
matter  dropped  out  of  sight  for  more  than  a  year.7 
All  the  same,  Los  Angeles  soon  distinguished  itself 
by  producing  the  first  California!!  vigilance  committee. 
Domingo  Felix,  who  lived  on  the  rancho  bearing  his 
name,  near  the  town,  was  married  to  Maria  del  Kosa- 
rio  Villa,  who  had  abandoned  her  husband  to  become 
the  mistress  of  a  Sonoran  vaquero,  named  Gervasio 
Alipas.  After  two  years  of  frequent  efforts  to  reclaim 
the  erring  woman,  met  wTith  insults  from  her  para- 
mour wdiom  he  once  wounded  in  a  personal  encounter, 
Felix  invoked  the  aid  of  the  authorities,  and  the  wife 
was  arrested  at  San  Gabriel,  and  brought  to  town  on 
March  24,  1836.  Through  the  efforts  of  the  alcalde 
and  of  friends,  it  was  hoped  that  a  reconciliation  had 
been  effected,  though  Alipas  and  his  brother  threat- 
ened vengeance.  Two  daj^s  later  the  couple  started, 
both  on  one  horse,  for  their  rancho;  but  on  the  way 
the  husband  was  stabbed  by  the  paramour,  and  his 
body  was  dragged  by  the  man  and  woman  with  areata 
to  a  ravine,  where  it  was  partly  covered  with  earth 
and  leaves. 

By  March  29th  the  body  had  been  found  and  both 
murderers  arrested.  There  was  great  excitement  in 
the  city,  and  on  April  1st  the  ayuntamiento,  sum- 
moned in  extra  session  to  take  precautions,  resolved 
to  organize  a  force  of  citizens  in  aid  of  the  authorities 
to  preserve  the  peace.8     The  danger  was  real,  but  no 


7  Jan.  4,  1836,  gov.  to  alcaldes.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  40;  8. 
Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  70-1.  Jan.  21st,  receipt  of  the  decree  by  ayunt.  of  Los 
Angeles.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  183.  Feb.  6th,  demand  for  buildings. 
Vignes  would  rent  a  hall  for  $400  and  contribute  $75  of  that  sum.  Stearns 
and  Sanchez  had  also  halls  to  rent,  but  none  for  free  use  until  a  suitable  edi- 
fice could  be  erected.  Id.,  i.  70-3. 

8 Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  189-92.  A.  M.  Osio  was  invited  to  be  pres- 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    27 


418  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

good  citizens  could  be  induced  to  aid  the  officers  of  the 
law,  for  they  had  resolved  on  a  summary  infliction  of 
the  penalties  which  justice  demanded,  but  which,  as 
they  well  knew,  were  not  to  be  expected  from  the 
ordinary  course  of  law  in  California,  where  there  was 
no  tribunal  authorized  to  inflict  the  death  penalty  on 
a  civilian.  At  dawn  on  April  7th  about  fifty  of  the 
most  prominent  citizens  met  at  the  house  of  John 
Temple  and  organized  a  'junta  defensora  de  la  seguri- 
dad  piiblica,'  of  which  Victor  Prudon  was  chosen 
president,  making  an  eloquent  address,  the  original 
draft  of  which  is  in  my  possession.  Manuel  Arzaga 
was  made  secretary,  and  Francisco  Araujo  wTas  put  in 
command  of  the  armed  force.  During:  the  forenoon, 
while  the  organization  was  being  perfected,  two  mes- 
sengers were  sent  in  succession  to  Padre  Cabot  at  San 
Fernando,  whose  presence  was  required  on  the  pre- 
text that  a  dying  Indian  needed  his  spiritual  care; 
but  the  weather  was  bad  and  the  padre  refused  to 
come. 

About  two  o'clock  p.  m.  a  copy  of  the  popular  acta, 
with  a  demand  for  the  prisoners  to  be  delivered  up 
for  execution  within  an  hour,  was  sent  to  the  alcalde, 
Manuel   Requena.9      Half  an   hour  later  the   junta 

ent  and  take  part  in  the  deliberations,  and  did  so,  but  he  says  nothing  of  the 
affair  in  his  IJist.  Cal.     See  Popular  Tribunals,  this  series. 

9 This  document  is  preserved  in  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  81-91,  with 
other  records  bearing  on  the  same  affair.  I  quote  as  follows:  'Salus  popull 
suprema  lex  est.  The  subscribing  citizens,  at  the  invitation  of  the  rest, 
justly  indignant  at  the  horrible  crime  committed  against  Domingo  Felix, 
bearing  in  mind  the  frequency  of  similar  crimes  in  this  city,  and  deeming 
the  principal  cause  thereof  to  be  the  delay  in  criminal  cases  through  having 
to  await  the  confirmation  of  sentences  from  Mexico,  fearing  for  this  unhappy 
country  a  state  of  anarchy  where  the  right  of  the  strongest  shall  be  the  only 
law,  and  finally  believing  that  immorality  has  reached  such  an  extreme  that 
public  security  is  menaced  and  will  be  lost  if  the  dike  of  a  solemn  example  is 
not  opposed  to  the  torrent  of  atrocious  perfidy — demand  the  execution  or  the 
delivery  to  us  for  immediate  execution  of  the  assassin  Gervasio  Alipas  and 
the  faithless  Maria  del  R.  Villa,  that  abominable  monster  who  cruelly  immo- 
lated her  importunate  husband  in  order  to  give  herself  up  without  fear  to  her 
frantic  passions,  and  to  pluck  by  homicide  from  the  slime  of  turpitude  the 
filthy  laurel  of  her  execrable  treason  (!)..  .Let  the  infernal  couple  perish. 
Such  is  the  vow  of  the  people,  and  we  protest  in  the  face  of  heaven  that  we 
will  not  lay  down  the  arms  with  which  we  support  the  justice  of  our  demand 
until  the  assassins  have  expiated  their  foul  crimes.  ..Public  vengeance  de- 
mauds  a  prompt  example,  and  it  must  be  given.     Still  reeks  the  blood  of  the 


CRIMINALS  SHOT.  419 

marched  out  to  the  parsonage  near  the  court  and  jail, 
and  at  three  p.  m.  the  alcalde  was  notified  that  the 
hour  had  expired.  The  ayuntamiento  in  session  had 
received  and  considered  the  demand,  which  it  was  de- 
cided to  refuse  after  two  committees  had  been  sent 
out  to  reason  with  the  crowd.10  Narciso  Botello,  the 
secretary,  having  refused  to  give  up  the  keys,  they 
were  taken,  the  guard  was  arrested,  and  the  crimi- 
nals were  taken  from  the  jail  to  be  shot — the  man  at 
4:30  p.  M.  and  the  woman  half  an  hour  later.  It  was 
discovered  that  Alipas  had  his  shackles  nearly  filed 
off.  The  bodies  were  exposed  at  the  jail  door  for  two 
hours,  and  then  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  author- 
ities. The  alcalde  fearing  further  disturbances,  the 
junta  volunteered  to  serve  for  a  few  days  as  a  guard 
to  aid  the  authorities  in  preserving  order,11  and  was 
then  disbanded.12  About  the  results  of  this  affair,  I 
shall  have  to  say  something  a  little  later. 

About  the  time  of  these  events  at  Los  Angeles, 
there  were  current  rumors  of  prospective  revolution- 
ary troubles  of  a  nature  not  clearly  defined  at  San 
Diego.  The  only  foundation  for  such  rumors  per- 
haps was  a  memorial  presented  by  Bandini  and  others, 
in  which  they  deplored  the  ravages  of  Indian  raiders, 

Alvarez,  of  the  Potinon,  of  the  Jenkins,  and  of  other  unhappy  victims  of 
the  fury  and  passions  of  their  impious  murderers . .  .The  world  shall  know  that 
if  in  the  city  of  Los  Angeles  judges  tolerate  assassination,  there  are  virtuous 
citizens  who  know  how  to  sacrifice  their  lives  in  order  to  save  that  of  their 
compatriots.  ..Death  to  the  homicide!'  There  follow  55  signatures,  includ- 
ing 14  foreigners.  Four  other  communications  are  given  respecting  the  giv- 
ing-up  of  the  keys  and  return  of  the  bodies. 

10  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  18G-8. 

11  April  10th,  a  bando  was  published  by  the  ayunt.,  providing  for  the  vol- 
unteer organization  for  defence,  and  threatening  prompt  and  severe  punish- 
ment to  all  disturbers  of  the  peace.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  ii.  09-70. 
It  does  not  appear  what  danger  was  apprehended. 

12Prudon,  Vigilantes  de  Los  Angeles,  1836,  MS.,  is  an  original  narrative 
written  at  the  time  by  the  president  of  the  junta,  and  is  the  most  complete 
extant.  To  it  is  prefixed  Prudon's  address  on  accepting  the  presidency. 
I  have  cited  several  archive  records;  and  may  refer  also  to  a  report  made  on 
May  4th  by  the  ayunt.  of  Los  Angeles  to  that  of  S.  Diego,  narrating  events 
in  some  detail.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  103.  Full  accounts  are  given  by  Bo- 
tello,  Anales  del  Sur,  MS.,  20-5;  Sanchez,  Notas,  MS.,  9-11;  and  Alvarado, 
Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iii.  GO-9.  The  affair  is  also  mentioned  by  Day  in  Hesperian, 
ii.  150-1;  in  Los  Angeles,  Hist.,  14,  and  UitteWs  hist.  S.  F'co,  79-80. 


■420  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

the  decadence  of  the  missions  under  the  re^-lamento 
of  secularization,  the  decline  of  agriculture  and 
trade,  and  the  lack  of  tribunals  of  justice,  proposing 
as  a  remedy  the  calling  for  a  general  assembly  of 
military,  civil,  and  missionary  representatives,  which 
body  should  proceed  to  reorganize  the  military,  indus- 
trial, financial,  and  judicial  system  of  California  with- 
out awaiting  approval  from  Mexico.  On  April  14th 
an  extra  session  of  the  ayuntamiento  was  held,  at 
which  the  news  from  Los  Angeles  was  received  and 
considered,  together  with  the  current  rumors  of 
trouble  nearer  home.  It  was  decided  to  send  the 
governor  a  record  of  the  meeting,  with  an  assurance 
of  San  Diego's  loyalty,  the  rumors  being  groundless. 
They  also  forwarded  the  citizens'  memorial.13  April 
23d,  Gutierrez  replied,  accepting  in  good  faith  and 
with  gratitude  the  assurance  of  San  Diegan  patriot- 
ism, but  declaring  that  the  formation  of  the  proposed 
assembly  could  not  be  carried  out  consistently  with 
fidelity  to  the  national  government.14  There  is  no 
evidence  that  the  occurrences  at  either  Los  Angeles 
or  San  Diego  had  any  political  or  revolutionary  mean- 
ing whatever,  or  that  Gutierrez  regarded  them  as 
having  any  such  meaning. 

But  a  new  ruler  was  en  route  for  California,  sent 
to  rule  that  country  in  accordance  with  the  bases  of 
October  1835,  which  overthrew  the  federal  constitu- 
tion and  system  of  1824,  but  which  provided  for  no 
very  radical  immediate  changes  in  the  territory.  The 
president's  choice  fell  upon  Colonel  Mariano  Chico,  a 
member  of  congress  at  the  time  from  Guanajuato,  who 

13  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  93-7.  March  21st,  Bandini  to  Vallejo.  Be- 
wails the  sufferings  of  Cal.  caused  by  the  misdeeds  of  some  of  her  sons  and 
of  others;  but  hopes  for  better  days.  Regrets  that  differences  of  political 
opinion  should  have  produced  a  seeming  coolness  between  the  two.  Vallejo, 
JJoc,  MS.,  iii.  182.  On  Jan.  11th,  a  meeting  of  citizens  had  been  called  to 
consult  on  steps  to  preserve  order.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  71. 

u  Drpt.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  47-50;  Hayes,  Doc,  MS.,  49.  On 
April  22d,  Gutierrez  had  written  to  Vallejo  that  attempts  at  revolt  in  S. 
I  >iego  and  Los  Angeles  would  prevent  him  from  sending  an  officer  to  the 
north  as  was  desired.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  197. 


ARRIVAL  OF  CHICO.  421 

was  appointed  December  16,  1835,  to  succeed  Figue- 
roa,  apparently  before  that  officer's  death  was  known, 
and  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara  on  the  Leo  nor,  as  I  sup- 
pose, after  the  middle  of  April  1836,  the  exact  date 
being  unknown.15  Beyond  the  facts  that  Chico  was 
a  diputado,  and  that  members  of  his  family  in  Guana- 
juato had  taken  a  somewhat  prominent  part  in  the 
revolutionary  struggle,  I  know  nothing  of  the  man 
before  his  arrival  in  California.  'As  we  know,  the 
people  had  a  strong  feeling  against  Mexican  officials 
as  a  class,  and  were  opposed  to  centralism  so  far  as 
they  had  any  political  opinions;  it  is  also  stated  that 
letters  and  newspapers  from  Mexico  had  given  Chico 
an  unfavorable  reputation  in  respect  of  both  political 
and  private  character;16  yet  I  do  not  think  there  was 
any  prejudice  against  him  or  his  politics  that  wTould 
have  proved  a  serious  obstacle  to  a  man  skilled  in  the 
art  of  gaining  popularity. 

Having  spent  a  few  days  at  Santa  Barbara  at  the 
house  of  Carlos  Carrillo,  whom  he  had  known  in  Mex- 
ico,17 Don  Mariano  started  north  by  land,  escorted  by 
about  eighteen  soldiers,  and  accompanied  by  Jacob  P. 
Leese,  the  company  also  including,  I  presume,  Dona 
Cruz,  a  woman  introduced  bv  the  governor  as  his  niece, 
of  whom  more  anon.     He  arrived  at  the  capital  May 

13  Aug.  1,  1835,  J.  A.  Carrillo  wrote  to  his  brother  Carlos  from  Mex.  that 
Figueroa's  course  was  disapproved,  and  a  successor — name  not  given — would 
sail  on  the  Leonor.  Val'ejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  185.  The  date  of  appoint- 
ment may  have  been  Dec.  loth,  as  an  order  of  minister  Tornel  to  deliver  the 
command  to  him  seems  to  bear  that  date.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  2- 
3.  The  date  is  given  as  Dec.  16th  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose',  MS.,  iv.  109; 
and  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  lxxxi.  16.  The  permission  of  congress  had  to  be  asked 
for  his  appointment  on  account  of  his  being  a  congressman.  Dec.  24th,  $400 
had  been  advanced  'for  account  of  secret  expenditures,' and  32, 000  on  account 
of  his  salary.  /(/.,  xxxi.  11-12,  16.  I  have  no  date  for  the  arrival  of  the 
Leonor,  except  that  she  anchored  at  S.  F.  on  May  19th.  P'/nto,  Doc,  MS.,  i. 
30-1 .     Several  writers  mention  the  fact  that  Chico  landed  at  Sta  Barbara. 

16  Oslo,  Hist,  Cat,  MS.,  249-51;  Alvarado,  Hut.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  47;  Va- 
Ibjo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  78-80. 

17  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  90,  says  that  she — then  Mrs  Jimeno — was 
ill  of  a  fever  when  Chico  called  at  the  house  of  her  father,  Capt.  Guerra.  He 
insisted  on  seeing  the  sick  woman,  and  she  was  told  later  that  in  her  delirium 
she  had  made  some  rather  queer  remarks  to  the  governor.  Hittell,  Hist.  S. 
F.,  81,  on  the  authority  of  Leese,  mentions  Chico's  stay  at  Carrillo's  house  and 
his  consultations  with  Guerra. 


422  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

1st,  and  was  received  by  Gutierrez  and  the  citizens 
with  the. usual  ceremonial  welcome.18  On  the  2d  and 
3d  the  offices  of  comandante  general  and  gefe  politico 
were  formally  turned  over  by  Gutierrez  to  Chico,  which 
event — celebrated  at  night  b}^  a  grand  fiesta  and  ball 
— was  duly  communicated  to  local  authorities  the 
same  clays,19  when  he  also  issued  a  printed  address  an- 
nouncing his  appointment,  arrival,  and  patriotic  inten- 
tions, together  with  the  death  of  President  Barragan, 
learned  while  en  route.20 

He  issued  another  proclamation  on  the  20th,  lauding 
centralism  extravagantly,  denouncing  federalism,  and 
congratulating  the  Californians  with  flattering  words 
on  their  glorious  future  under  the  new  regime.  "The 
constitution  of  1824,"  wrote  Don  Mariano,  "child  of 
inexperience  and  haste,  was  an  abortion  of  blunders 
fruitful  in  disorders,  which  you  endured  for  eleven 
years;  it  was  your  idol  while  worthy;  but  the  oracle 
once  proven  false,  and  your  forbearance  wearied,  you 
decided  with  your  brethren  of  the  interior  to  melt 
that  false  idol,  though  respecting  still  its  relics  until 
the  substitution  of  the  new  image  which  is  being  pre- 
pared to  serve  you  as  a  deity."     "The  olive  of  peace 

18Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  50-2,  and  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii. 
80-3,  tell  us  that  officers  and  citizens  marched  out  to  meet  the  gov. ,  all  ex- 
cept the  presidio  officers  wearing  federal  badges  expressive  of  their  political 
sentiments;  and  that  when  Chico  made  the  remark  that  he  was  glad  to  meet 
so  many  good  people,  Alvarado  replied  that  they  had  not  come  out  to  wel- 
come him,  but  Domingo  Carrillo,  whom  he  had  arrested  at  Sta  Barbara  for 
his  political  opinions  and  had  brought  along  as  a  prisoner.  I  have  no  reason 
to  believe  that  Carrillo  had  been  arrested  at  all,  that  any  such  badges  were 
worn,  or  that  any  such  insult  was  offered  by  Alvarado  to  the  new  governor. 
The  exact  date  of  Chico's  arrival  is  given  in  Gomez,  Diario  de  Oosas  Notables 
en  Monterey,  1S3G,  MS.  A  brief  but  important  original  narrative  by  D.  Rafael 
Gomez. 

19  The  comandancia  was  transferred  on  May  2d,  a  day  before  the  gefatura, 
as  appears  from  a  communication  of  Chico  to  the  com.  at  Sonoma.  J  'alio jo,  Doc. , 
MS.,  iii.  199;  and  Gomez,  Diario,  MS.  May  3,  1836,  Chico  and  Gutierrez  to 
different ayunt.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  108;  Id.,  Moid.,  vi.  37;  Id.,  8.  Jose,  v. 
8;  Id.,  Angeles,  xi.  53;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  102;  Id.,  Index,  25.  Chico 
recognized  at  Los  Angeles  May  10th.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  193-4.  At 
S.  Diego  May  12th,  being  congratulated  on  the  14th  by  Alcalde  Argiiello. 
S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  99.  May  28th,  congratulated  by  J.  M.  Estndillo  at  S. 
Francisco.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  15. 

20  The  only  copy  of  this  original  print  that  I  know  of  is  preserved  in  the 
Mercantile  Library  of  S.  ¥.,  in  Taylor's  Specimens  of  the  Press,  no.  5. 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  SPEECH.  423 

sprouts  in  this  far  north;  let  our  fraternity  fertilize 
its  root,  let  our  concord  \yater  it  until  it  rises  in  ma- 
jesty to  touch  the  heavens."  "California  was  ever  the 
centre  of  discretion,  an  example  of  docility,  a  model 
of  subordination  and  obedience  to  supreme  authority. 
She  has  preserved  intact  her  customs,  healthful  and 
free  from  the  poison  of  revolution,  and  is  ready  to 
climb  the  hill  of  fortune  as  a  state;  she  may  be  the 
nursery  to  produce  for  the  country  citizens  best  fitted 
to  advance  its  greatness."21  Something  more  of  dec- 
lamation than  of  argument  is  to  be  noted  in  this  paper, 
the  contents  of  which  were  delivered  as  an  address  on 
the  day  of  taking  the  oath  of  adherence  to  the  bases 
of  the  new  constitution.  The  governor  took*  imme- 
diate steps  to  have  the  oath  taken  in  all  parts  of  the 
territory,  as  was  done  at  some  places — probably  at  all — 
before  the  end  of  July,  without  opposition  apparently.22 
Chico  had  sent  an  order  to  Comandante  Vallejo 
the  4th  of  May,  at  Sonoma,  to  come  to  Monterey  for 
consultation  on  important  matters,  and  to  bring  with 
him  such  forces  as  could  be  spared  from  the  northern 
frontier,  an  order  which  was  repeated  on  the  17th.'23 
On  the  6th  he  had  sent  a  similar  order  through  the 
alcalde  of  San  Diego  for  Juan  Bandini  to  come  at 

21  Printed  original  in  Earliest  Printing.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS., 
x.  19.  Literally  copied  by  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  105-8,  who  quotes 
as  follows  from  a  letter  of  Pablo  de  la  Guerra  on  the  subject.  '  The  ' '  bear, "  to 
deceive  the  Calif ornians  and  prevent  their  detection  of  his  falsehood,  has  spoken 
in  mystic  language;  I  would  rather  undertake  to  decipher  the  responses  of 
the  Delphic  oracle.' 

22  May  29,  183G,  swearing  of  the  bases  at  S.  Diego  with  great  rejoicings, 
firing  of  guns,  shouts,  and  ringing  of  bells,  'un  acto  tan  grato  como  lisonjero 
a  todo  Mexicano,' as  described  by  Capt.  Portilla  in  a  communication  to  his 
com.  gen.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxxi.  36;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS., 
110,  115.  June  1st,  swearing  of  the  bases  by  the  military  of  the  south  at  S. 
Gabriel,  as  reported  by  Gutierrez.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  109-11;  Id.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  xxxi.  18.  On  or  about  June  11th,  the  oath  was  taken  at  Sta  Barbara, 
P.  Duran  refusing  to  say  mass.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  M.S.,  ii.  373-4. 
June  19th,  the  oath  administered  at  Los  Angeles  by  Chico  himself,  who  made 
a  speech  on  the  beauties  of  centralism.  '  This  people  heard  the  discussion 
with  pleasure.'  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  195-G.  July  11th,  Chico  finds 
it  strange  that  Vallejo  has  not  reported  the  swearing  of  the  bases  by  his  troops. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  219. 

2a  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  200,  201,  205-6. 


424  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

once  to  the  capital  for  a  conference.24  On  the  11th 
Chico  had  issued  another  printed  proclamation,  or 
bando,  this  time  on  commercial  topics,  prohibiting  the 
retail  trade  on  board  of  foreign  vessels  which  had  so 
long  been  practised  on  this  coast,  requiring  a  landing 
of  all  cargoes  at  Monterey,  and  imposing  other  re- 
strictions more  in  accordance  with  Mexican  laws  than 
with  Californian  usages.25  On  the  16th  he  had  issued 
an  order  that  Abel  Stearns  must  come  to  Monterey 
or  leave  the  country;26  and  finally  he  delivered  on 
the  27th  an  address  at  the  opening  of  the  sessions  of 
the  diputacion — a  document  also  circulated  in  print. 

In  his  discourse  Chico  spoke  first  of  the  general 
difficulties  that  had  beset  his  path,  and  which  he  had 
hitherto  been  obliged  to  meet  alone  without  the  wise 
counsels  of  the  vocales  now  fortunately  assembled. 
Next  he  referred  at  considerable  length  to  the  troubles 
at  Los  Angeles,  but  his  views  on  this  topic  will  be 
noticed  later.  Thirdly  he  noticed  the  measure  of 
May  11th  on  the  regulation  of  commerce,  expressing 
his  belief  that  if  not  perfect  it  could  not  fail  to  prevent 
many  existing  abuses.  The  constant  ravages  of  thieves 
amonof  the  herds  of  horses  and  cattle  were  alluded  to 
as  one  of  California's  greatest  evils,  which,  however, 
he  had  taken  steps  to  check  by  the  aid  of  the  newly 
arrived  law  of  December  29th,  which  brought  such 
malefactors  within  the  ordinary  military  jurisdiction. 
Fifthly  and  chiefly,  the  subject  of  missions  received 
attention;  and  in  this  respect  the  situation  seemed  to 
the  governor  most  critical.  He  declared  himself  at  a 
loss,  and  in  his  perplexity  "  awaited  the  counsel  of 
your  excellency  to  lead  the  government  like  Ariad- 
ne's thread  from  so  strange  a  labyrinth."  What  with 
an  imperfect  system  of  secularization  partially  carried 

24 San  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  104.  The  order  reached  Bandini  June  8th  or 
10th. 

"May  11,  1836,  Chico  to  the  people.  Earliest  Printing.  Also  May  11th, 
he  issued  an  order  for  the  formation  of  local  cuerpos  de  seguridad  y  policia. 
S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  106. 

KDept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  52. 


JUNTA  DEPARTAMENTAL.  425 

out  by  incompetent  men,  the  destruction  of  property 
by  the  padres,  the  insubordination  of  the  neophytes, 
and  the  new  complications  introduced  by  the  national 
decree  of  November  7th,  he  saw  no  way  of  advance  or 
retreat  by  which  to  save  the  missions  from  total  ruin, 
but  would  do  his  best,  and  would  thankfully  receive 
suggestions.  Finally  he  asked  indulgence  for  his  er- 
rors, in  consideration  of  his  zeal  for  the  country's  well- 
being.  This  discourse,  if  it  displays  no  extraordinary 
wisdom  on  the  part  of  the  speaker,  shows  nothing  of 
weakness,  petulance,  arrogance,  or  strong  political 
prejudice,  nor  does  it  contain  anything  specially  apt 
to  displease  the  Californians.27 

According  to  the  new  bases,  the  republic  was  to  be 
divided  into  departments,  each  ruled  by  a  governor 
and  a  junta  departainental;  and  though  additional 
legislation  was  required  to  create  the  departments, 
and  though  in  reality  no  change  had  as  yet  been 
legally  made  in  the  old  names  so  far  as  California  wTas 
concerned,  yet  the  old  diputacion  was  now  called  a 
junta  departamental,  and  Chico,  in  his  discourse,  even 
spoke  of  California  as  a  department.  At  an  election 
held  at  Monterey  on  the  25th — for  what  reason  or  by 
what  authority  I  do  not  know — four  new  members 
were  chosen  to  complete  the  junta,  and  one  of  them 
tried  to  avoid  serving  on  the  plea  that  according 
to  a  Mexican  law  the  body  should  have  but  five 
members;  but  Chico  decided  that  there  was  no  new 
law  affecting  the  number  or  attributes  of  the  vocales 
in  a  territory,  and  that  only  the  name  could  properly 
be  considered  as  changed.  The  sessions  opened,  as  I 
have  stated,  on  May  28th  with  a  speech  from  Chico. 
He  made  another  speech  on  June  1st,  in  advocacy  of 
his  proposition  to  send  an  agent  to  represent  the  in- 
terests of  California  in  Mexico,  in  addition  to  the 
diputado  in  congress.2^     The  plan  was  favorably  con- 

27  Chico,  Discurso pronundo do por  elSrOefe  Politico  de  la  Alta  California 
. .  .al  dhrir  sua  sesionee  la  Ecsma  Junta  Departamental el 27 de  Mayo  de  1836, 
in  Earliest  Printing;  also  in  Bandini,  J  Joe,  MS.,  40. 

28  Chico,  Alocucion  a  la  Junta  L)<q>artamcntal  1  de  Junto,  1836,  MS. 


426  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

siderecl,  and  a  trio  of  candidates  was  proposed  for  the 
position;  but  nothing  came  of  it.  There  is  nothing 
else  in  the  proceedings  of  the  junta  at  this  session 
demanding  further  notice  than  is  given  in  the  appended 
record.29 

Early  in  June  Chico  started  for  the  south,  and  was 
absent  from  the  capital  a  month.  This  brings  me  to 
the  troubles  encountered  by  this  ruler,  which  were 
destined  to  overwhelm  him.  It  is  not  easy  to  fathom 
these  troubles  entirely,  or  to  determine  with  exacti- 
tude what  manner  of  man  Don  Mariano  was.  .  The 
Californians  in  their  recollections  of  olden  times  are 


29 Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  iii.  1-3,  13-31.  May  25th,  election  of  4  members,  J. 
Gomez,  Spence,  R.  Gomez,  and  Crespo.  May  28th,  opening  of  the  session. 
Rafael  Gomez  desired  to  be  excused,  on  the  grounds  that  he  had  not  been  7 
years  a  resident  and  that  the  junta  should  legally  have  but  5  members — both 
overruled  later.  The  vocales  in  order  of  seniority  seem  to  have  been  as  fol- 
lows: 1st,  Jose  Castro;  2d,  J.  B.  Alvarado;  3d,  Jose  Ant.  de  la  Guerra;  4th, 
Rafael  Gomez;  5th,  David  Spence;  6th,  Manuel  Crespo;  7th,  Joaquin  Gomez. 
Alvarado  presided — though  it  is  not  apparent  why  he  rather  than  Castro  took 
that  position — and  J.  M.  Maldonado  was  secretary.  The  committees  were, 
proprios  y  arbitrios,  J.  Gomez  and  Spence;  colonization  and  vacant  lands, 
J.  Gomez  and  Guerra;  missions,  Spence  and  R.  Gomez;  government  and 
police,  Crespo  and  Castro;  reglamento  and  municipal  orders,  Alvarado  and 
Castro;  public  works  and  industries,  Spence  and  Guerra;  instruction  and  sta- 
tistics, Alvarado  and  Castro. 

Majr  31st,  June  2d,  representation  of  P.  Mercado  against  Jose  Ramirez. 
No  details.  June  1st,  Chico's  prop,  to  send  an  agent  to  Mex.  Chico  reported 
that  he  had  forbidden  the  appointment  of  an  alcalde  by  the  ayunt.  of  S.  Fran- 
cisco for  the  region  north  of  the  bay.  June  4th,  Chico's  recommendation  on 
supervision  of  mission  accounts,  disapproved  on  Sept.  5th.  June  16th, 
meetings  to  be  on  two  days  of  the  week,  as  determined  by  the  president,  in- 
stead of  on  Tuesday,  Thursday,  and  Saturday.  June  21st,  prop,  for  an  agent 
in  Mex.  approved.  Trio  named:  Alvarado,  F.  J.  Castillo  Negrete,  and  Ra- 
fael Gomez.  Com.  appointed  to  form  instructions.  June  23d,  sec.  and  his 
salary.  June  30th,  secularization  of  Sta  In£s  and  S.  Buenaventura.  Inven- 
tories of  Sta  Clara,  S.  Jose,  and  S.  Miguel.  July  lst-4th,  -various  minor  mat- 
ters; and  more  about  the  agency  for  Mex.  July  6th,  Joaquin  Gomez  refused 
leave  of  absence.  July  7th,  Gomez  proposed  to  revoke  the  license  granted  by 
Figucroa  to  Kostromitinof  to  build  a  warehouse  at  S.  Fran.,  and  to  have  the 
budding  destroyed  after  the  next  shipment;  no  such  permission  to  be  given 
in  future.  Chico's  order  forbidding  the  appointment  of  an  alcalde  for  the 
northern  frontier  approved.  July  19th,  Chico  says  it  is  customary  for  the 
oldest  vocal  to  preside  in  the  absence  of  the  gefe.  July  18th-26th,  land  grants, 
petition  of  Jas  Burke,  etc.  July  29th,  more  about  instructions  to  the  agent. 
Complaints  of  Alvarado  against  Chico  (addressed  to  minister  of  relations  and 
not  really  a  part  of  the  legislative  record).  Aug.  30th,  approved  that  no  per- 
mission be  given  foreigners  to  erect  warehouses  at  the  ports;  but  it  was  said 
that  Kostromitinof  had  not  yet  built  any.  The  records  are  brief,  vague, 
confused,  and  probably  very  incomplete  for  the  whole  session. 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  CHARACTER.  427 

unanimous  in  denouncing  him  as  a  tyrant,  a  rascal, 
and  a  fool.  He  was  the  object  not  only  of  hatred 
as  Victoria  had  been,  but  of  ridicule.30  As  in  Vic- 
toria's case,  the  popular  feeling  was,  to  some  extent  at 
least,  unfounded;  and  it  has  doubtless  been  exagwr- 
ated  in  the  telling,  largely  through  the  influence  in 
later  years  of  men  who  had  political  reasons  for  mag- 
nifying the  governor's  faults.  His  public  acts,  as  re- 
corded in  contemporary  documents,  could  not  have 
been  specially  offensive  to  any  class  of  Californians, 
and  many  of  the  acts  imputed  to  him  by  later  narra- 
tives are  so  absurdly  improbable  as  to  cast  serious 
doubt  on  the  accuracy  of  the  rest.  It  is  clear  enough 
that  Chico  was  neither  despot,  villain,  nor  insane,  but 

30  Choleric,  respecting  nothing  when  suffering  from  bile;  revengeful;  came 
to  Cal.  in  the  hope  of  bettering  his  fortunes.  Oslo,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  249- 
88.  'Militarate  de  mala  ley,  stubborn  as  a  school-boy,  destitute  of  all  good 
breeding,  with  no  idea  of  the  advantages  to  be  gained  by  a  conciliatory  policy, 
pompously  ostentatious,  believing  himself  a  general,  a  statesman,  and  an 
apothecary,  insolent  as  Nero,  religious  and  profane  at  the  same  time,  cow- 
ardly, mad,  and  a  corrupter  of  public  minds.'  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii. 
43-140.  This  writer  tells  many  stories  of  Chico,  some  of  them  too  absurd 
for  notice.  ' Scandalously  avaricious. '  Bandini,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  80-3.  Mrs 
Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS. ,  82-98,  says  he  was  very  unpopular;  and  relates  that  the 
Indian  Juan  Crist6bal  at  Sta  Barbara  pronounced  him  a  rascal  at  first  sight, 
running  away  in  great  fear,  especially  on  account  of  his  goggles;  and  when 
the  padre  explained  that  he  was  a  good  man,  etc. ,  the  Indian  still  insisted— 
'wait  a  little  and  thou  wilt  see  how  he  acts,  and  then  tell  me  if  he  is  good  or 
bad;  let  us  see  who  wins,  thou  or  I.'  Chico  nicknamed  'Oso  Chico'  because 
of  his  crazy  and  lewd  disposition;  'loco  y  impiidico.'  Hartnell,  Harr.,  MS., 
11.  Had  all  the  vices  and  no  virtues — all  the  attributes  necessary  to  make 
a  man  worthy  of  hatred.  Vcdlejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  82-153.  Haughty  and 
domineering.  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Cal. ,  MS. ,  97-9.  A  man  fitted  to  strengthen 
the  provincial  prejudice,  of  disagreeable  manners,  one  with  whom  no  one 
could  be  on  friendly  terms.  Botello,  Anale*,  MS.,  19-22.  Despotic  and  ar- 
bitrary, the  very  opposite  of  Figueroa.  Castro,  Pel.,  MS.,  37-8.  Ill-tem- 
pered and  quarrelsome;  insolent  and  immoral.  Pinto,  A  punt.,  MS.,  10-19. 
Violent,  despotic,  and  hated  by  all.  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  18-19,  28-31.  No 
common  sense;  spent  his  time  in  inventing  remedies  and  studying  flowers. 
Vallejo  (J.  J. ),  Remin.,  MS. ,  118-21 .  Impetuous  and  lacking  in  tact.  Coronel, 
Cosas,  MS.,  18.  Irascible,  imprudent,  and  capricious.  Serrano,  Apimtes, 
MS.,  31-G.  Devoid  of  sense,  quarrelling  with  everybody.  Arce,  Mem.,  MS., 
7-8.  Peevish  and  perhaps  mad.  Torre,  Remin.,  MS.,  57-G1.  Insolent  and 
slovenly.  Galindo,  Apuntes,  MS.,  33-4.  Treated  with  deserved  contempt. 
Larios,  Convulsiones,  MS.,  1G.  The  worst  ruler  that  could  have  been  sent  to 
Cal.  Vcddes,  Mem.,  MS.,  23-5.  As  'quijote'  as  a  Spaniard.  Amador,  Mem., 
MS. ,  144.  Soon  lost  every  friend  he  chanced  to  make.  Avila,  Notas,  MS. ,  18-19; 
and  more  to  similar  effect,  in  Janssens,  Vlda,  MS.,  03-72;  Gonzalez,  Exper., 
MS.,  32;  Gonzalez,  Pevofueiones,  MS.,  9-10;  Sanchez,  Notas,  MS.,  11-12.  The 
above  references  are  made  to  include  all  that  the  writers  say  of  Chico's  rule, 
and  many  of  them  will  not  require  further  mention. 


423  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

being  unpopular,  he  might  as  well  have  been  all  three, 
so  far  as  results  are  concerned. 

On  his  arrival  in  California  he  had  to  encounter 
the  ordinary  inherent  difficulties  of  his  position, 
which  were  by  no  means  trifling,  as  had  been  discov- 
ered by  all  his  predecessors.  As  a  Mexican  he  had 
to  meet  a  strong  prejudice,  and  as  a  centralist  a  still 
stronger  opposition,  there  being  a  party  of  young 
men  in  the  country  who  claimed  to  be  ardent  feder- 
alists, and  for  whom  revolution,  as  a  word,  had  no 
terrors.  Chico  succeeded  Figueroa,  a  man  distin- 
guished for  his  arts  of  flattery  and  conciliation;  hav- 
ing himself  none  of  those  arts,  and  no  extraordinary 
ability  with  which  to  overcome  difficulties.  He  wTas 
perhaps  personally  petulant  and  disagreeable;  at  any 
rate,  he  made  enemies  and  no  friends,  and  the  current 
was  started  against  him.  His  pretty  'niece,'  Dona 
Cruz,  turned  out  to  be  his  mistress;  and  the  respec- 
tability of  Monterey  was  easily  persuaded  to  consider 
itself  shocked  by  such  immorality  in  high  places.31 
The  restrictive  bando  of  May  1 1th  on  commerce  may 
have  displeased  a  powerful  element  among  the  for- 
eigners, and  his  persecution  of  Abel  Stearns,  of  which 
and  its  motives  little  is  really  known,  tended  in  the 
same  direction,  though  there  is  very  little  in  support 
of  the  charge  that  he  was  specially  hostile  to  for- 
eigners.32 

31  Stories  are  told  going  to  show  that  Dona  Cruz  was  not  altogether  faith- 
ful to  her  lover,  and  gave  the  governor  no  end  of  trouble  by  her  freaks  of 
inconstancy. 

82  Chico's  orders  against  Stearns  are  dated  May  16th,  June  26th,  and  July 
30th.  JDept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  120;  Id.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  vi.  5-6;  Id., 
Angeles,  xi.  52.  No  motive  is  given;  but  by  Stearns  and  others  it  is  implied 
that  the  cause  was  his  connection  with  the  movement  against  Victoria.  From 
the  haste  of  both  Victoria  and  Chico  to  proceed  against  Stearns  on  their 
arrival,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  each  had  some  secret  instructions  on  the  sub- 
ject from  Mexico.  Stearns  came  to  Monterey,  and  was  allowed  to  go  back, 
under  bonds,  to  settle  his  business  in  a  month  and  leave  the  country.  July 
8th,  Stearns  writes  to  Chico  complaining  of  the  injury  done  him,  and  threat- 
ening to  hold  the  govt  responsible.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Prtf.  y  Juzg.,  MS., 
vi.  2-3.  Eulogio  Celis,  a  Spaniard,  who  seems  to  have  been  supercargo  of 
the  vessel  on  which  Chico  came,  was  also  forbidden  to  re-enter  Cal.  S.  Diego, 
Arch.,  MS.,  114,  120. 

Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  254-6,  narrates  that  Stearns,  hurrying  to  obey  the 
order,  came  to  Monterey  and  was  at  first  politely  received  with  others,  not 


BEGINNINGS  OF  TROUBLE.  429 

It  should  be  remembered,  however,  that  on  account 
of  Texan  complications  in ,1835-6,  the  Mexican  gov- 
ernment and  its  representatives  had  no  reason  for 
friendly  feelings  toward  Anglo-American  foreigners 
at  least.  I  find  no  contemporary  evidence  of  contro- 
versy before  Chico's  departure  for  the  south;  but  it 
is  not  unlikely  that  the  storm  was  raging  in  certain 
circles  not  represented,  naturally,  in  public  records. 
Alvarado  and  Vallejo  state  that-  at  this  time,  or 
possibly  during  Chico's  absence,  they  with  Castro  and 
Gabriel  de  la  Torre  planned  a  revolution  at  the  house 
of  Captain  Cooper;  but  that  Chico,  by  subsequently 
revolting  against  himself,  rendered  the  carrying-out  of 
their  plans  unnecessary.33 

being  known  to  the  gov.;  but  on  hearing  his  name,  Chico  sprung  up,  and 
pointing  his  finger  at  him,  cried  out,  'Are  you  the  rascal  Abel  Stearns  whom 
I  sent  for  to  punish  as  his  criminal  acts  deserve  ?  Are  you  the  American 
scoundrel  who  rose  against  Gen.  Victoria,  and  whom  I  shall  hang  to-morrow 
at  the  flagstaff?  Are  you  the  audacious  foreigner,  without  honor,  who  has 
dared  to  enter  this  room  among  honorable  men?  Be  off,  and  await  to-morrow 
the  result  of  your  rascality!'  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iii.  71-6,  asserts 
that  at  a  secret  meeting  to  consider  Chico's  opposition  to  foreigners  he  (A.) 
was  sent  to  interview  the  gov.,  whom  he  warned  that  if  he  persisted  in  his 
measures  all  foreign  capital  and  vessels  would  be  withdrawn,  greatly  to  the 
injury  of  Cal.  Chico  said  the  foreigners  would  not  be  allowed  to  withdraw 
their  capital;  and  when  A.  said  there  was  no  law  to  prevent  it,  burst  out 
laughing,  and  remarked  that  his  visitor  had  evidently  not  acquainted  himself 
with  the  modern  Mexican  system  of  politics  and  forced  loans.  A.  explained 
that  the  Californians  would  side  with  the  foreigners  if  any  such  outrage 
were  attempted;  and  Chico,  after  storming  a  while,  became  more  reasonable, 
said  he  would  postpone  violent  measures  for  a  time,  and  finally  asked  the 
young  diputado  to  take  a  cup  of  chocolate  with  himself  and  Dona  Cruz. 
He  was,  however,  sadly  disappointed  when  he  learned  that  A.  could  tell  him 
nothing  about  the  medical  properties  of  California  plants. 

Of  the  foreigners  who  have  given  their  opinions  about  Chico,  Spence, 
Hint.  N&ies,  MS.,  speaks  of  '  the  despot  general  who  was  a  fitter  subject  for 
the  lunatic  asylum  than  for  governor.  He  respected  neither  law  nor  justice, 
but  acted  solely  according  to  his  own  caprice  and  whims.'  Dr  Marsh,  Let- 
ter, MS.,  p.  7,  says  'he  was  the  friend  of  Victoria,  pursued  the  same  out- 
rageous course  of  conduct,  and  shared  the  same  fate.  He  arrived  fully  de- 
termined to  take  vengeance  on  those  who  had  been  instrumental  in  expelling 
Victoria. '  Alfred  Robinson,  Life  in  California,  173:'  Prejudiced  against  many 
Californians,  and  violently  incensed  at  the  foreign  residents,  Chico  commenced 
a  tyranny  that  soon  brought  him  into  disgrace;  and  finally  ended  in  his  expul- 
sion from  the  territory. '  Petit-Thouars,  Voyage,  ii.  92,  and  Wilkes,  Narra- 
tive, v.  174-5,  attribute  his  downfall  to  his  arbitrary  conduct  and  a  quarrel 
with  the  judge  of  the  district.  Tuthill,  Hist.  Cal.,  141,  follows  Robinson's 
version. 

t  33  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  126,  140,  48-9;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS., 
iii.  82-92,  100.  Vallejo  relates  that  on  receipt,  May  13th,  of  Chico's  order 
of  May  4th  (  Vallejo,  Doe.,  MS.,  iii.  200-1),  he  started  for  Monterey.  At  8. 
Jose"  he  met  Celis  and  Becher,  who  warned  him  against  the  'cold-blooded, 


430  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

The  doings  of  the  junta  defensora,  or  vigilance 
committee,  at  Los  Angeles  in  April,  were  the  current 
topic  of  public  attention  when  Chico  landed  at  Santa 
Barbara.  These  "  scandalous  events — a  tumultuous 
meeting:  of  citizens  who  allowed  themselves  to  be  se- 
duced  by  four  malicious  and  wayward  men,  putting 
themselves  above  authority  and  law  in  despite  of 
sound  morals" — seemed  to  the  new  ruler  matters  of 
the  greatest  moment  and  fraught  with  terrible  peril 
to  California.  He  saw  a  political  significance  in  the 
movement,  believing  that  the  alleged  cause  was  not 
the  real  one,  but  that  "a  resolution  meditated  by 
occult  anarchical  spirits  to  overthrow  the  government 
inspired  in  the  incautious  Angelinos  the  fatal  idea  of 
revolt  under  a  pretext  apparently  sound,  in  order  that 


fierce,  brutal,  hypocritical,  insolent,  centralist  governor,'  who  had  arrested 
Carrillo  at  Sta  Barbara  and  many  of  the  leading  men  at  Monterey.  Vallejo 
went  back  to  Sonoma  and  started  again  with  a  force  of  22  soldiers,  10  citi- 
zen volunteers,  and  14  Indians.  At  S.  Jose  Juan  Al vires  was  told  to  be 
ready  for  action  if  needed.  One  day  was  spent  at  Pajaro  at  the  rancho  of  J. 
J.  Vallejo,  who  was  ready  to  render  aid  against  the  centralist.  At  11  a.  m. 
on  May  26th,  having  been  admitted  to  the  presidio  by  the  corporal  of  the 
guard,  Don  Guadalupe  formed  his  men  in  a  line  before  the  governor's  house 
and  knocked  at  the  door.  It  was  opened  by  an  old  man  in  a  morning  gown, 
green  cap,  and  slippers,  who  said,  'I  am  the  man  you  have  come  to  see:  are 
you  not  Alferez  Vallejo,  who  commands  on  the  Sonoma  frontier?'  'Yes,  and 
I  want  to  see  Comandante  General  Chico, '  was  the  reply,  whereupon  he  went 
and  put  on  his  uniform,  and  returned,  saying,  'Seiior  AlfCrez,  here  is  the  gen- 
eral of  California.'  A  long  interview  ensued,  minutely  described.  Chico 
complained  of  Vallejo's  delay  in  coming,  but  after  a  long  discussion,  the  lat- 
ter, by  the  aid  of  a  map  drawn  on  the  spot,  succeeded  in  convincing  Chico 
that  the  trip  from  Sonoma  could  not  have  been  made  quicker  !  Then  Chico 
questioned  his  visitor  closely  about  the  northern  frontier  and  his  Indian  pol- 
icy. The  Indians  were  also  called  in  and  questioned.  Finally  the  governor 
expressed  great  satisfaction  and  praised  the  young  officer's  conduct;  asked 
him  to  take  a  glass  of  wine  brought  by  Dona  Cruz,  whose  bright  eyes  almost 
caused  the  alf6rez  to  forget  the  charms  of  his  own  young  wife;  and  accom- 
panied him  to  the  door,  telling  him  to  stay  at  Monterey  as  long  as  he  liked. 
Vallejo  then  went  out  to  meet  his  friends,  who  had  gathered  to  defend  him 
in  case  of  need,  and  were  much  surprised  to  know  that '  Guadalupe  had  tamed 
the  bear.'  It  was  their  opinion  and  the  narrator's  that  Chico  had  intended 
to  arrest  Vallejo,  but  had  been  frightened  by  his  resolute  acts  and  by  his  mil- 
itary escort.  (The  interview,  according  to  Vallejo's  own  version,  would  in- 
dicate rather  that  Chico  was  a  quiet,  gentlemanly  officer,  who  had  no  hostility 
against  the  alferez,  and  was  pleased  by  his  independence  and  bluff  manners.) 
It  was  then  that  the  plan  of  revolution  was  formed,  to  be  carried  out  if  Chico 
should  continue  his  arbitrary  conduct,  and  a  written  agreement  was  made,  of 
which  each  of  the  conspirators  kept  a  copy.  Alcalde  Estrada  so  far  assented 
to  the  plan  as  to  agree  not  to  endure  from  Chico  any  direct  infringement  of 
the  written  laws. 


THE  VIGILANTES.  .     431 

later  they  might  be  induced  to  serve  the  sinister  aims 
into  which  more  than  once  the  avowed  and  secret  di- 
rectors of  this  mutiny  have  been  initiated,  causing 
bitter  days  for  this  department. 'y  So  urgent  did  the 
danger  seem,  that  he  wished  to  go  in  person  to  Los 
Angeles,  but  was  dissuaded  by  friends,  who  told  him 
that  as  the  command  had  not  yet  been  transferred, 
his  authority  would  probably  not  be  recognized  at  the 
pueblo.  Therefore  he  hastened  to  Monterey,  and 
soon  sent  Gutierrez  south  with  a  force  to  restore  order. 
All  this,  with  something  of  results,  and  the  fact  that 
the  expedition  had  burdened  the  treasury  with  a  loan 
of  $2,000,  was  communicated  at  length  to  the  junta 
and  to  the  people  in  the  governor's  discourse  of  May 
27th.84  It  was  doubtless  in  connection  with  this 
expedition  that  the  order  to  Vallejo  had  been  issued 
as  already  related. 

On  April  26th,  in  accordance  with  orders  from  Mon- 
terey, Alcalde  Requena  had  commenced  proceedings 
against  members  of  the  so-called  mob  of  April  7th; 
but  as  all  declared  there  were  no  leaders,  and  that  over 
fifty  culprits  must  be  punished  if  any,  the  alcalde 
could  only  report  to  the  governor  enclosing  a  list  of 
the  names.35  It  was  on  May  4th  that  Chico  issued 
orders  for  Gutierrez  to  march  south  to  quell  the  dis- 
orders at  Los  Angeles;  but  we  know  very  little  of  the 
expedition,  save  that  it  cost  82,000,  met  no  resistance, 
and  according  to  Chico's  discourse  was  successful  in 

31  Chico,  Discurso,  etc.  Jacob  P.  Leese,  as  already  stated,  came  north  with 
Chico;  and  according  to  the  statement  of  Hittell,  Hist.  S.  Francisco,  81, 
based  presumably  on  Leese's  own  account,  'on  the  way  Chico  asked  him  for 
an  account  of  the  affair  at  Los  Angeles,  of  which  Noriega  at  Sta  Barbara  had 
givon  him  a  very  unfavorable  opinion.  Leese  told  the  circumstances,  and 
produced  the  copy  of  the  record,  which  entirely  satisfied  the  governor,  who 
promised  that  he  should  not  be  troubled  about  it.  A  desire  to  learn  the  par- 
ticulars of  the  execution  at  Los  Angeles  was  probably  one  of  Chico's  motives 
for  rerpuesting  Leese's  company;  and  the  conviction  in  his  mind  that  the 
people  acted  properly  may  have  had  some  influence  in  inducing  him  to  give  a 
letter  that  assisted  Leese  in  obtaining  the  order  for  laying  out  the  town  of 
Yerba  Buena.'  Evidently  there  is  a  mistake  about  Chico's  conviction,  what- 
ever may  have  been  his  course  towards  Leese  personally. 

35 Record  of  May  4th.  S.  Dicjo,  Arch.,  MS.,  103.  Chico  also  mentions  in 
his  Discurso  the  means  adopted  by  the  mob  to  shield  the  leaders. 


432  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

overawing  the  Angelinos  to  such  an  extent  that  they 
"pointed  out  their  deceivers,  that  justice  might  pur- 
sue them."  Some  arrests  were  made  and  arms  were 
seized  in  the  city  and  adjoining  ranchos  before  and 
after  Chico's  arrival.36 

Why  Chico  went  to  the  south  at  all  is  not  clear; 
neither  is  it  possible  to  give  any  connected  narrative 
of  what  he  did  there,  except  to  make  himself  very  un- 
popular. He  reached  Los  Angeles  about  the  middle 
of  June,  having  a  few  days  before  presided  at  the 
swearing  of  the  bases  at  Santa  Barbara,  as  he  did  at 
the  city  on  the  19th.  He  granted  some  kind  of  an 
amnesty  to  those  concerned  in  the  tumult  of  April, 
excepting  four  men  from  the  amnesty,  by  an  order  of 
June  20th;  and  next  day  he  issued  a  bando  requir- 
ing the  delivery  of  all  arms  that  were  yet  in  private 
possession,  under  severe  penalties.37  Osio  says  that 
after  storming  for  a  while,  and  terrifying  the  timid 
Angelinos  with  his  threats  of  hanging  and  shooting:, 
Chico  calmed  down  and  astonished  the  prisoners  by 
dismissing  them  with  pardon,  after  a  mild  reprimand. 
This  writer  says,  however,  that  he  subsequently  lost 
his  temper  again,  and  caused  several  arrests;  but  the 
prisoners  were  released  after  he  left  the  country. 
Several  Californians  tell  us  that  Prudon  and  Araujo 
were  banished,  and  that  the  latter  never  returned; 
but  I  think  that  no  one  received  any  greater  pun- 
ishment than  a  brief  arrest. 

The  governor,  being  called  to  Monterey  by  'im- 
portant affairs,'  left    San   Gabriel  for  the  north    on 

36  May  4,  1836,  Chico's  order  to  Gutierrez,  and  to  alcalde  to  give  hitn  aid. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  108.  May  ISth,  Prudon  and  Arzaga arrested.  Sepiil- 
veda  and  Juan  Avila  not  yet.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  155.  May  28th,  arms 
seized  from  24  persons,  13 of  whom  were  foreigners.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS., 
i.  98-101.  June  3d,  Gutierrez  to  Chico.  Is  gathering  in  all  the  arms,  and  will 
go  to  S.  Diego,  leaving  Ibarra  in  command.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
lxxxi.  37.  June  8th-18th,  collection  of  arms  by  alcaldes  at  the  ranchos.  Id., 
Anyc/e*,  ii.  50-2.  Nov.  20th,  arms  collected  at  S.  Gabriel,  perhaps  in  connec- 
tion with  some  other  matter.  Id.,  ii.  05-6. 

37  The  4  men  not  included  in  the  amnesty  were  Jose"  Perez,  Vicente 
Sanchez,  Josti  Sepulveda,  and  Juan  Ramirez,  said  to  have  headed  a  second 
meeting  of  citizens.  Dept.  St.  Pop.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzj.,  MS.,  vi.  7.  They 
may  have  been  the  4  'discolos  maliciosos'  of  Chico's  Discurso. 


CHICO  IN  THE  SOUTH.  433 

June  28th,  and  reached  Monterey  the  8th  of  July. 
Before  his  departure,  he  gave  to  Gutierrez  full  au- 
thority to  act  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  the  civil 
or  military  command  in  the  south.  This  officer  was 
at  San  Diego,  making  investigations  respecting  the 
'plan'  of  Bandini  and  others,  to  which  I  have  already 
referred.  The  result  was  forwarded  on  July  13th  for 
consideration  at  the  capital;  but  its  nature  is  not  re- 
vealed.38 There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Chico  acted 
most  unwisely  in  assuming  the  position  that  he  did 
respecting  the  tumults  in  the  south.  There  was  prob- 
ably no  political  significance  in  them  at  all.  Such 
popular  uprisings  for  speedy  justice,  when  supported 
by  the  best  citizens,  are  nearly  always  for  the  best, 
whatever  maybe  the  theoretical  majesty  of  the  law. 
Chico  was  technically  right  in  his  adherence  to  law 
and  order,  but  he  should  have  seen  that  he  could  ac- 
complish nothing  against  a  whole  town,  as  he  did  see 
after  going  south,  and  have  congratulated  himself  that 
the  trouble  did  not  occur  in  his  term  of  office.  All 
he  effected  was  to  make  himself  cordially  hated  by  the 
citizens  of  Los  Angeles  and  San  Diego. 

In  yet  another  affair,  Chico  while  in  the  south  laid 
the  foundations  of  a  controversy  that  was  destined  to 
alienate  from  him  whatever  share  he  had  in  the  patri- 
otic good-will  of  even  the  staid  and  conservative  Santa 
Barbara.  On  his  way  southward  he  came  to  Santa 
lues  the  10th  of  June,  and  the  padres  Jimeno  not 
only  refused  him  animals  and  other  aid  for  his  jour- 
ney, but  failed  to  award  him  the  ceremonial  reception 
due  to  his  rank,  or  even  the  courtesies  always  shown 
to  travellers  at  the  missions.  Such  was  Chico's  own 
version  of  the  affair;  that  of  the  padres,  confirmed  by 
Senora  Jimeno,  their  sister-in-law,  who  was  present 
at  Santa  Ines,  was  that  as  much  courtesy  was  shown 

38July  1st,  13th,  Gutierrez  from  S.  Luis  and  S.  Diego  to  Chico,  who  on 
June  25th  had  announced  his  departure  for  the  2oth.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS., 
116;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  M.S.,  lxxxi.  25,  28.  June  27th,  Chico  at  San 
Gabriel,  ready  to  start  next  day.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  21G.  At  Monterey 
July  8th.  Gomez,  Diario,  MS. 

Hist,  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    28 


434  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

to  the  governor  as  was  possible  on  short  notice,  his 
coming  not  being  known  in  advance  at  the  mission.39 
Arriving  at  Santa  Bdrbara  the  same  day,  Chico  pre- 
sented a  complaint  on  the  subject  to  Prefect  Duran, 
who  did  not  attempt  to  deny  or  justify  the  alleged 
discourtesy  of  the  friars,  paying  very  little  attention 
to  the  charges,43  but  offering  a  long  argument  to  the 
effect  that  unsecularized  missions  were  under  no  ob- 
ligation to  furnish  aid  to  the  government.  This  argu- 
ment, and  the  resulting  secularization  of  Santa  Incs 
and  San  Buenaventura,  will  receive  attention  in  an- 
other chapter.  Duran  also  flatly  refused  to  celebrate 
mass  at  the  swearing  of  the  bases,  on  the  ground  of 
his  allegiance  to  Spain. 

It  does  not  appear  that  there  w^as  any  controversy 
during  Chico's  presence  at  Santa  Barbara.  If  there 
was  any  exhibition  of  ill  temper  in  the  governor's  in- 

39  June  23d,  Chico  to  junta,  including  the  substance  of  his  letter  of  June 
11th  to  P.  Duran.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,ii.  368-73.  C.  says  that 
his  coming  had  been  announced  formally  by  a  vaqucro  sent  from  Buenavista, 
that  Manuel  Jimeno  told  him  at  Oso  Flaco  that  he  Mas  expected  that  very  day, 
and  that  all  the  people  of  the  mission  were  on  the  qui  vive  for  his  arrival. 
Therefore  he  was  surprised  when  P.  Jose"  Jimeno  came  out  to  meet  him,  with 
the  remark  that  no  facilities  could  be  afforded  since  his  coming  had  not  been 
known,  and  moreover  that  he  and  his  brother  were  'mere  pilgrims  in  that 
Jerusalem.'  P.  Victoria  was  courteous,  but  the  Jimeno  brothers  showed  such 
marked  disrespect  and  contempt  for  his  office  that  he  was  compelled  to  decline 
even  to  take  a  seat  proffered  him  on  a  bench  in  the  ante-kitchen.  At  the 
foot  of  the  hill  he  was  overtaken  by  the  majordomo,  who  begged  permission 
to  bring  animals  for  his  service,  an  offer  which  was  accepted.  Sra  Jimeno, 
Orel,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  87-97,  says  she  was  at  Sta  InCs  recovering  from  a 
serious  illness,  and  P.  Antonio  Jimeno  had  come  there  to  celebrate  her  birth- 
day on  June  11th.  They  were  at  dinner  when  an  Indian  announced  the  gen- 
eral's coming.  Chico  came  in  a  carriage;  the  three  friars  went  out  to  meet 
him;  one  opened  the  door  of  the  carriage,  another  offered  his  hand,  while  P. 
Jose  Jimeno  expressed  regret  that  ignorance  of  the  time  of  his  arrival  pre- 
vented a  more  ceremonial  reception,  though  the  mission  bells  were  now  ring- 
ing. Chico  was  invited  in  to  dinner,  but  declined,  and  reentering  his  carriage, 
was  driven  to  Huejote.  To  that  place  the  padres  and  Sra  Jimeno  sent  a  tine 
repast,  which  Chico  refused,  saying,  '  Vuelvale  Vd.  esa  comida  a  esos  frailes, 
pues  no  quiero  nada  de  ellos.' 

40 June  loth,  Duran  to  C,  will  not  treat  of  the  occurrences  at  Sta  Ines, 
because  he  has  already  made  verbal  explanation,  and  will  speak  of  them  again. 
'  For,  after  all,  those  padres  are  my  brethren,  and  I  cannot  but  insist  on  act- 
ing as  peacemaker  until  I  succeed  in  obtaining  from  you  a  complete  indulgence 
in  favor  of  those  poor  friars,  whose  offence  I  believe  could  have  been  none 
other  than  surprise  and  inadvertence;  and  I  trust  that  you  will  entertain  the 
same  opinion  when  you  know  them  better.'  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS., 
ii.  37-A-o. 


TROUBLE  WITH  THE  PADRE  PREFECTO.  435 

tercourse  with  the  padres,  it  has  left  no  trace  in  his 
written  communications,  which  are  dignified  in  manner 
and  matter.  He  reported  the  matter  to  the  junta, 
and  that  body  decided  before  his  return  to  Monterey 
that  the  missions  were  under  obligations  to  aid  the 
government ;  and  expressed  much  regret  and  surprise 
at  the  offensive  conduct  of  the  padres  toward  the 
chief  magistrate  of  the  territory,  something  that  had 
never  been  witnessed  in  the  country  before,  even  in 
the  case  of  a  private  traveller.41  After  Chico's  return 
it  was  decided  by  him  and  approved  by  the  junta  that 
Duran  should  be  ordered  to  Monterey  and  expelled 
from  California,  for  having:  refused  to  celebrate  mass 
at  the  swearing  of  the  bases,  and  for  publicly  main- 
taining that  the  national  independence  was  illegal, 
unjust,  and  anti-Catholic.  This  action  was  consistent 
enough  with  the  past  policy  of  the  diputacion,  and, 
as  will  be  remembered,  had  been  recommended  by 
Figueroa;  yet  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  chief  mo- 
tive of  this  support  of  Chico  by  the  junta  was  to 
promote,  through  Duran's  well  known  popularity  at 
Santa  Barbara,  the  disaffection  of  that  conservative 
people,  hitherto  unmanageable  in  the  interest  of  po- 
litical agitators.  The  order  was  sent  to  the  alcalde 
July  25th;  and  all  that  we  know  of  the  result  by 
contemporary  records  is  that  on  August  4th,  after 
Chico's  departure,  Padre  Duran  announced  to  the 
alcalde  that  he  could  not  go  to  Monterey  by  land,  but 
must  await  the  Leonidas.42  It  is  stated,  however,  by 
several  persons  who  must  have  known  the  facts,  that 
when  an  attempt  was  made  to  put  the  padre  prefecto 
on  board  a  vessel,  the  people  of  the  town  rose  en 
masse,  women  in  the  front  ranks,  and  prevented  the 


41  Report  of  com.  on  missions,  June  29th-30th.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon., 
MS.,  ii.  385.  July  4th,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo.  The  padres  J imcno  and  P.  Duran 
treated  Chico  with  so  much  disrespect  that  he  was  obliged  to  take  from  them 
the  temporal  management  of  Sta  Ines  and  S.  Buenaventura.  Vallejo,  Doc, 
M.S.,  iii.  218. 

"July  25,  183G,  Chico  to  alcalde  of  Sta  B.  Aug.  4th,  P.  Duran  to  same. 
Dept.  St.  Pa^.,  MS.,  iv.  115-10,  122. 


436  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

local  authorities  from  executing  Chico's  orders.43  The 
popular  version  ascribes  Chico's  ' persecution'  of 
Duran  to  the  latter 's  refusal  to  punish  the  padres 
Jimeno,  and  to  his  denunciation  of  the  governor's 
vices;  but  the  dates  and  tenor  of  the  two  original 
documents  cited  will  suggest  to  the  reader  very  many 
discrepancies  in  all  that  is  said  by  Californians  about 
this,  like  every  other  part  of  Chico's  rule. 

The  governor's  popularity  at  the  capital  had  not 
increased  during  his  absence,  and  he  soon  became 
involved  in  the  final  troubles  of  his  Californian  ex- 
perience. These  troubles  are  stated  with  great  una- 
nimity by  those  wTho  write  from  memory  to  have 
grown  out  of  a  scandalous  liaison  between  Jose 
Maria  Castanares,  a  clerk  in  the  custom-house,  and 
Dona  Ildefonsa,  wife  of  the  sub-comisario,  Jose  Maria 
Herrera.  This  causa  celebre  is  fully  recorded  in  the 
archives,  many  of  the  original  papers  being  in  my  pos- 
session.   The  record  is  bulky,  and  most  of  the  details, 

43  Valdts,  Mem.,  MS.,  24;  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  G5;  Gonzalez,  Experiencias, 
MS.,  32;  Pinto,  Apuutaciones,  MS.,  17.  Mrs  Orel,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  93-7, 
says  that  two  officers  came  to  Sta  B.  from  the  north  to  arrest  Duran,  arriv- 
ing in  the  night.  Domingo  Carrillo  warned  Capt.  Guerra;  and  narrator  with 
a  little  brother  was  sent  to  warn  P.  Duran,  who  replied:  'Tell  the  patriarch 
to  have  no  fear;  blessed  are  they  that  suffer  persecution  for  justice,  for  theirs 
is  the  kingdom  of  heaven.'  The  agents  of  Chico  gave  Duran  some  days  for 
preparation,  and  then  he  went  to  the  beach  in  a  carriage.  All  the  women  of 
the  place  crowded  about  the  carriage,  and  declared  that  the  padre  should  not 
go  on  board  the  vessel.  When  a  climax  of  cries  and  tears  and  general  excite- 
ment had  been  reached,  the  men,  hitherto  concealed  in  a  sauzalito  near  hy,  came 
up  to  support  the  women;  and  Duran,  against  his  own  desire,  real  or  pre- 
tended, was  taken  home.  Sta  Barbara  for  the  first  time  was  in  open  revolt 
against  the  govt.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal. ,  MS. ,  iii.  79--8G,  tells  us  that  Capt.  Guerra, 
knowing  that  Duran  was  to  be  exiled,  and  not  being  at  liberty  to  divulge  the  se- 
cret, called  his  young  son,  and  gave  him  money  to  go  and  buy  all  the  eggs  he 
could  get  for  P.  Duran,  who  was  to  be  sent  away,  but  it  was  a  great  secret,  and 
must  be  told  to  nobody.  Of  course  the  youngster  told  everybody,  as  was  his 
custom  with  all  secrets — and  also  so  as  to  get  the  eggs  for  nothing  and  pocket 
the  money — and  when  the  soldiers  went  to  make  the  arrest,  they  found  Duran 
surrounded  by  a  crowd  of  women,  who  declared  they  would  defend  him  with 
their  lives.  The  soldiers  did  not  dare  to  make  the  attack,  and  Chico  was  noti- 
fied that  he  must  send  Mexican  soldiers  to  take  the  padre !  Vallejo,  Hist. 
Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  120-4,  states,  as  does  Alvarado,  that  Duran's  chief  offence  Mas 
] Hiving  preached  against  the  governor's  immorality.  Chico  was  furious,  and 
prepared  to  send  an  armed  force  to  make  his  authority  respected  at  Sta  B. ; 
bat  was  dissuaded,  or  prevented  by  his  other  troubles,  from  carrying  out  his 
plan. 


AMOURS  OF  ,DO^A  ILDEFONSA.  437 

for  obvious  reasons,  cannot  be  printed;  indeed,  I  have 
neither  space  nor  plausible  pretext  for  presenting 
more  than  the  brief  outline  necessary  for  historical 
purposes. 

The  amours  of  Castahares  and  Ildefonsa,  a  daughter 
of  Captain  Miguel  Gonzalez,  were  more  or  less  notori- 
ous in  Monterey  for  some  time  before  the  persons 
more  directly  interested  chose  to  make  trouble.  Dona 
Ana,  wife  of  Castahares  and  daughter  of  Rafael  Gon- 
zalez, administrator  of  customs,  began  to  agitate  the 
matter  in  February  1836,  and  was  prosecuted  by 
Herrera  for  slander.44  Doha  Ana  wasted  no  senti- 
mentality on  such  a  subject  as  her  husband's  faults, 
and  for  a  time  had  exerted  herself  to  separate  the 
guilty  pair,  and  thus  prevent  scandal.  She  was  more 
than  a  match  for  all  the  others  combined  in  energy 
and  shrewdness,  and  had  provided  herself  with  abun- 
dant proofs,  including  the  lovers'  letters.  She  had  even 
piloted  no  less  a  personage  than  Governor  Gutierrez 
to  a  point  where  with  her  he  overheard  Ildefonsa's 
confession  of  her  guilt,  together  with  the  cheering 
admission  that  when  she  had  resisted  on  account  of 
her  friendship  for  Doha  Ana,  Castahares  had  threat- 
ened to  remove  that  obstacle  to  their  felicity  by  the 
use  of  poison.  The  case  lasted  from  April  to  June, 
and  was  then  dismissed  by  Herrera,  who  in  May  had 
begun  another  prosecution  against  Castahares  and 
Ildefonsa  for  adultery.45  On  May  28th,  the  guilty 
couple  were  arrested.  Castahares  was  locked  up  in 
jail  and  Ildefonsa  deposited,  as  was  the  custom,  in  the 
house  of  a  respectable  citizen.  The  30th  of  July 
Herrera  withdrew  his  suit  and  consented  to  the  libera- 
tion of  the  prisoners,  on  condition  that   Castahares 

4i  Castanares,  Causa  seguida  contra  Ana  Gonzalez  {Castanares)  por  habcr 
hablado  del  adulterio  de  Alfonsa  Gonzalez  {Herrera)  y  de  J.  M.  Castanares, 
Abril- Junto,  1836,  MS.  About  50  documents,  of  which  the  longest  is  Dona 
Ana's  defence  of  April  11th,  including  her  charges. 

45  Castanares,  Causa  Criminal  contra  J.  M.  Castanares  e  Ildefonsa  Gonzalez 
por  adulterio,  seguida  d  pedimento  del  csposo  de  csta,  Jose  Maria  Herrera,  Mayo- 
Julio,  1836,  MS.  This  is  a  rather  brief  record,  but  many  of  the  documents 
bearing  on  this  case  were  also  introduced  in  the  next.     See  note  46. 


438  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

should  leave  the  place,  and  not  come  within  twelve 
leagues  of  the  sub-comisaria  so  long  as  he  remained 
in  California.  Meanwhile  another  bitter  controversy 
had  been  raging  between  Dona  Ana  and  Herrera,  who 
hated  each  other  much  more  heartily  than  they  did 
their  unfaithful  spouses.  Herrera  had  been  so  rash 
as  to  make  in  his  previous  slander  suit  some  rather 
annoying  charges  against  the  lady's  character;  and 
now  Dona  Ana  brought  suit  to  obtain  certain  docu- 
ments needed  for  her  own  justification,  but  which,  as 
her  opponent  declared,  she  intended  to  use  e extra- 
judicially' to  his  own  detriment  by  keeping  the  scandal 
alive.  I  have  the  original  records  of  this  suit,  which 
was  made  to  include  pretty  much  all  that  pertained 
to  the  other  two  in  the  way  of  testimony,  charges, 
letters,  and  pasquinades,  many  of  the  pieces  being 
more  amusing  than  instructive.  The  end  seems  to 
have  been  a  reference  to  the  supreme  court  on  some 
technicality.40 

One  of  Herrera' s  alleged  reasons  for  suspending  his 
prosecution  of  Castaiiares  at  the  end  of  June  was  that 
"the  public  tranquillity  had  been  disturbed  by  events 
growing  out  of  the  matter,  and  harmony  lost  between 
the  authorities,  so  that  very  serious  consequences  were 
to  be  feared  unless  the  cause  of  contention  were  re- 
moved/' This  is  all  I  find  in  records  of  the  time  to 
connect  the  Monterey  scandal  with  Chico's  troubles;47 
but  the  Californians  tell  the  story  in  substance  as  fol- 
lows :  While  Castaiiares  was  in  prison,  and  his  para- 
mour in  enforced  seclusion,  a  company  of  maromeros, 
or  rope-dancers,  gave  a  performance  in  one  of  the  pre- 
sidio buildings,  at  which,  as  usual  on  such  rare  occa- 
sions, everybody  was  present.  The  best  place  was 
reserved  of  course  for  the  governor,  who  on  entering 

4(5  Caitiafiares  vs  Herrera  en  Asuntos  de  Calumnia,  1836,  Junio- Julio.  The 
original  papers  in  Doc.  Hist.  (,'aL,  i.  257-3S0.  Several  hundred  documents, 
1  leaving  the  autographs  of  nearly  every  prominent  man  in  Monterey  either  as 
court  officials  or  witnesses. 

45  Alvarado,  however,  in  his  charges  of  July  29th,  accused  Chico  of  having 
meddled  with  the  case  of  Castaiiares,  which  belonged  to  the  ordinary  juris- 
diction. 


A  PUBLIC  SCANDAL.  430 

was  accompanied,  not  only  by  his  mistress  Dona  Cruz, 
but  by  her  friend  JJofia  Ildefonsa  Herrera,  who  had 
been  liberated  for  the  occasion.  There  was  much  in- 
dignation and  excitement  at  the  appearance  of  this 
notorious  pair  in  the  place  of  honor,  and  some  ladies 
left  the  room  in  disgust.  Then  Alcalde  Ramon  Es- 
trada,  who  felt  that  his  authority  as  a  judge  had  been 
insulted  by  Ildefonsa' s  presence,  was  induced  to  re- 
lease Castanares  from  the  jail  ancLgive  him  a  promi- 
nent seat  at  the  show,  from  which  he  is  said  to  have 
ostentatiously  saluted  his  paramour  at  the  governor's 
side.  Chico  was  beside  himself  with  rage,  and  per- 
haps had  hot  words  with  Estrada  on  the  spot.  At 
any  rate,  next  day  he  inarched  with  a  military  escort 
to  the  hall  of  the  ayuntamiento,  took  away  from  Es- 
trada his  alcalde's  vara,  and  subsequently  placed  him 
under  arrest  in  his  own  house — some  authorities  speak- 
ing even  of  his  being  locked  up  in  jail,  of  an  attack 
on  his  house,  and  of  insults  to  his  aged  father.  Don 
Mariano.4S 

The  exact  date  of  the  quarrel  with  Estrada  is  not 
known,  though  his  arrest  would  seem  to  have  been  on 
June  27th;  nor  is  it  possible  to  determine  the  chrono- 
logic order  of  succeeding  events.  The  popular  excite- 
ment was  great.  Teodoro  Gonzalez,  the  regidor,  took 
the  position  of  alcalde,  and  seems  to  have  incited  the 
citizens  to  resist  Chico's  encroachments  on  the  rights 
of  the  municipal  authorities.  The  military  force  at 
Monterey  was  small,  and  most  of  the  soldiers  were 
in  sympathy  with  Chico's  enemies.  The  governor 
feared  that  not  only  his  authority  but  his  life  was  in 
danger.  The  cannon  at  the  castillo  were  kept  loaded 
and  manned;  and  Chico  remained  for  the  most  part 

48 Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  31-5;  Gonzalez,  Revohiciones,  MS.,  7-10;  Osio, 
Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  2G3-76;  Torre,  Remin.,  MS.,  58-61;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal., 
MS.,  iii.  92-5;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iii.  12S-40;  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  30-1; 
Pinto,  ApunL,  MS.,  18-10;  Janeeens,  Vida,  MS.,  G3-72;  Vatlejo  (•/.  J.), 
Remin.,  MS.,  118;  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Gal.,  MS.,  97-9.  To  go  more  closely 
into  details  than  I  have  done  would  be  to  give  the  different  versions  pretty- 
nearly  in  full,  for  it  must  be  confessed  there  is  but  a  slight  resemblance  be- 
tween them. 


440  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

in  his  own  house  under  the  protection  of  a  guard. 
This  critical  state  of  affairs  lasted  several  days,  per- 
haps more  than  a  week.49  As  early  as  July  15th, 
orders  were  sent  to  the  southern  troops  to  come  to 
Monterey;  on  the  23d  came  the  Leonidas  with  news 
of  Santa  Anna's  defeat  and  capture  in  Texas,  on 
which  topic  a  flamingly  patriotic  proclamation  was 
issued  next  day  to  the  Californians ;  and  on  the  27th 
affairs  had  apparently  approached  a  crisis,  since  on 
that  clay  the  governor  suspended  Cosme  Pena,  a 
prominent  counsellor  of  his  foes,  from  his  office  of 
asesor,  and  sent  new  and  urgent  orders  for  the  troops 
to  come  by  forced  marches  to  the  capital.50 

No  reinforcements  made  their  appearance.  Indian 
ravages  on  the  Sonoma  frontier  and  at  San  Dieox) 
served  Vallejo  and  Portilla  as  convenient  excuses  for 
not  promptly  obeying  the  orders  of  their  chief.  The 
popular  feeling  at  Monterey  was  more  turbulent  than 
ever,  or  at  least  was  made  to  appear  so  to  the  gover- 
nor, by  advisers  who  desired  to  increase  his  fears.  At 
last,  on  July  29th,  he  sent  a  communication  to  the  di- 
putacion,  stating  that  as  there  was  great  popular  ex- 
citement on  account  of  his  suspension  of  the  alcalde  and 
asesor,  as  bodies  of  men  were  in  arms  near  the  town, 
and  as  he  had  no  physical  or  moral  support,  he  had 
determined  to  go  to  Mexico  at  once.51     The  diputa- 

49  Janssens  tells  us  that  Jose  Castro  offered  to  raise  a  company  of  men  to 
support  Chico,  but  was  induced  by  the  people  to  change  his  plans;  but  I 
attach  no  importance  to  this  statement. 

50  July  15,  1836,  Chico  to  Gutierrez.  Let  Capt.  Portilla  march  at  once 
with  the  Mazatecos  and  artillery.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  120;  Hayes,  Doc, 
MS.,  61.  July  23d,  arrival  of  news  from  Texas.  Gomez,  Diario,  MS.  July 
27th,  let  the  troops  hasten  by  double  marches.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  119; 
Id.,  Index,  30.  July  29th,  G.  toC.  Portilla  on  one  pretext  oranother  will  not 
start.  Id.,  119,  122.  July  31st,  G.  to  C,  in  answer  to  letter  of  27th.  Portilla 
and  Munoz  will  start  at  once  and  march  rapidly.  No  danger  in  the  south; 
but  fears  serious  troubles  at  Monterey,  and  warns  him  to  be  on  his  guard. 
Regrets  the  annoyances  to  C.  from  Pefia's  revolutionary  promptings,  etc. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxxviii.  28-9.  July  27th,  Cosme  Pena  sus- 
pended. Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  29.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iii.  124-6, 
says  Chico's  order  to  him  to  march  with  his  force  was  dated  July  23d,  and 
was  accompanied  by  another  very  flattering  letter  of  thanks  for  past  services 
dated  July  10th,  but  really  written  on  the  same  day  as  the  order.  A  trans- 
lation of  Chico's  proclamation  of  July  24th  is  given  in  the  Honolulu,  S.  I. ,  Ga- 
zette, Nov.  12,  1830. 

61  The  only  original  record  of  this  consultation  of  the  dip.  is  a  report  of  the 


FALL  OF. DON  MARIANO.  441 

cion,  composed  of  men  who  had  come  to  consider  Chico 
as  their  enemy,  and  had  Jbeen  for  some  time  plotting 
to  drive  him  from  the  country,  seems  to  have  approved 
the  governor's  plan,  after  some  efforts  to  impose  con- 
ditions respecting  the  succession,  glad  to  have  him  go 
voluntarily  without  the  necessity  of  actual  revolt,  and 
not  believing  that  he  would  succeed  in  returning  with 
reinforcements,  as  he  threatened  to  do.52 

On  the  same  day,  July  29th,  Chico  had  chartered 
a  vessel  for  his  voyage  to  Mazatlan,  as  he  announced 
to  Herrera.53  Also  on  that  date,  Alvarado,  in  behalf 
of  the  diputacion  and  of  the  people,  wrote  a  series  of 
charges  against  the  governor,  addressed  to  the  minis- 
ter of  relations,  and  designed  to  prevent  Chico's  return 
with  support  from  the  supreme  government.54  On 
the  30th,  Chico  officially  informed  local  authorities 
that  popular  commotion,  beyond  his  control  from  lack 
of  troops,  and  by  reason  of  disaffection  in  the  ayunta- 
miento  and  diputacion,  obliged  him  to  go  to  Mexico 

com.  of  govt  and  police,  Crespo  and  Gomez,  dated  the  same  day,  in  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  30.  The  com.  recommends  that  to  avoid  public  disorder, 
Chico  shall  restore  the  suspended  officials;  deliver  the  political  command  to 
the  presiding  vocal  (Alvarado),  to  be  by  him  delivered  to  the  1st  vocal,  now 
absent  (Castro);  and  deliver  the  military  command  to  the  ranking  officer.  On 
these  conditions  the  dip.  would  take  steps  to  protect  his  person  until  his  de- 
parture! Alvarado  and  Vallejo  narrate  many  particulars,  more  interesting 
than  accurate,  I  think,  of  interviews  at  this  time  between  Alvarado  as  presi- 
dent of  the  dip.  and  Chico,  particulars  designed  to  prove  that  the  latter  was 
insane.  They  also  speak  of  an  order  given  to  Zamorano  by  Chico,  in  his 
wrath  that  he  was  not  urged  to  stay,  to  attack  the  junta  with  a  military  force, 
the  attack  being  repelled  by  the  people  under-  Gonzalez.  Alvarado  states  that 
the  junta  was  at  first  disposed  to  reject  Chico's  proposal  to  go  for  troops  as 
an  insult,  but  was  persuaded  by  himself  that  he  would  get  no  troops  and  this 
was  the  easiest  way  to  get  rid  of  him. 

52  Rafael  Gomez  in  his  Diario,  MS.,  written  at  the  time,  expresses  the  be- 
belief  that  Chico  will  not  come  back;  and  he  also  confirms  the  bad  reputation 
given  Chico  by  the  Californians. 

53  July  29,  183G,  Chico  to  Herrera.  Offers  to  collect  the  $6,000  placed  at 
disposal  of  Cal.  by  the  Guaymas  comisaria.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  118-20. 

51  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  iii.  28-9.  California,  the  'theatre  of  abomination,  dis- 
order, and  desolation.'  Chico,  after  disposing  of  Castanares,  a  criminal 
belonging  to  the  ordinary  jurisdiction,  has  suspended  and  ordered  the  arrest 
of  the  alcalde;  searched  scandalously  the  house  of  an  old  and  honored  citizen; 
disregarded  the  faculties  of  the  ayunt.  which  tried  to  take  steps  for  protect- 
ing the  persons  and  property  of  this  municipality;  suspended  the  asesor, 
and  insulted  the  members  of  the  dip.;  and  finally,  in  a  note  to  this  body, 
promises  to  resign,  although  he  has  sent  for  troops  from  different  points,  to 
the  great  danger  of  the  territory,  that  they  might  come  and  foment  the  dis- 
order.    He  had  also  made  dangerous  concessions  to  the  Russians. 


412  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

in  quest  of  aid  by  which  to  restore  order.  In  his  ab- 
sence, Gutierrez  would  hold  both  commands  from  Au- 
gust 1st.  Gutierrez  was  advised  to  adopt  such  a 
policy  as  to  check  the  conspiracy  against  the  govern- 
ment.55 There  is  some  evidence  that  Chico  had  prom- 
ised at  first  to  leave  the  gefatura  in  the  hands  of  the 
diputacion;  and  he  is  also  said  to  have  left  orders  to 
institute  suits  against  Estrada  and  Cosme  Pena.56 

Chico  sailed  from  Monterey  on  the  Clementine  July 
31st,  and  from  San  Pedro  on  August  10th.57  Of  his 
departure,  as  of  his  rule,  many  queer  stories  are  told. 
He  presented  Alvarado  with  a  'universal  recipe'  for 
the  cure  of  all  maladies,  and  shouted  to  him  as  he 
stepped  into  the  boat,  "Bring  up  crows  to  peck  your 
eyes  out!"  He  embraced  an  old  Indian  woman  on 
the  beach,  saying,  "Of  all  the  men  in  this  country  thou 
art  the  best."  He  raved  at  Munoz  and  Portilla  for 
not  coming  up  with  reinforcements;  declared  he 
would  return  with  5,000  men;  and  shouted,  with  one 
foot  in  the  boat,  "Me  voy  Chico,  pero  volvere  Grande." 
He  left  his  gold  watch  to  be  regulated  in  California, 
transferred  the  command  in  a  sealed  packet  not  to  be 
opened  until  midnight,  and  thanked  a  man  for  having 
caught  his  hat  when  running  in  the  street  on  the  day 
of  the  mob.  He  was  prevented  by  the  people  from 
landing  at  Santa  Barbara.  At  San  Pedro  he  put  on 
board  his  vessel  large  quantities  of  tallow,  stolen  by 
the  aid  of  Gutierrez  from  San  Gabriel  and  other  mis- 
sions, to  be  disposed  of  at  Mazatlan  in  payment  for 

55  July  30,  1836,  Chico  to  comandantes,  alcaldes,  etc.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iv.  121;  Hayes,  Doc,  MS.,  65;  S.  Diego,  Index,  MS.,  31;  Vallcjo,  Doc, 
Hist.  Ilex.,  MS.,  iii.  225;  xxxii.  31.  July  30th,  Chico  to  Gutierrez.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  119-20.  The  rebels  have  tried  to  seduce  Guadalupe  Va- 
llejo,  but  the  result  is  not  known. 

5G Gomez,  Diario  de  Cosas,  Notables,  MS.  This  should  be  excellent  author- 
ity, the  diary  having  been  written  at  the  time,  by  Hafael  Gomez,  an  able 
lawyer  and  a  Mexican. 

67  Gomez,  Diario,  MS.;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  118-19;  Hayes,  Doc, 
MS.,  65;  S.  Diego,  Index,  MS.,  31.  The  Clementine  was  chartered  from  Win 
Hinckley.  Her  captain  is  said  to  have  been  Wm  Hanlcy.  She  had  come 
from  Honolulu  in  March.  According  to  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  119,  it  appears 
that  about  July  22d  Lieut  Navarrete  had  been  ordered  to  Mazatlan  on  busi- 
ness for  Chico;  but  he  did  not  go. 


£■ 


THE  LAST  OF  GOVERNOR  CHICO.  443 

goods  which  he  had  bought  for  the  California  market 
on  private  speculation.  These  statements  are  made 
chiefly  by  Alvarado,  Osio,  Vallejo,  and  Bandini;  if 
any  of  them  have  a  remote  foundation  in  fact,  I  have 
not  discovered  it. 

Chico  never  came  back,  and  of  his  efforts  and  re- 
ception in  Mexico  nothing  is  really  known.  There 
were  rumors,  probably  unfounded,  of  his  having  raised 
200  men  at  one  time  for  a  return,  and  others  that  he 
was  disgusted  with  the  country,  as  was  Dona  Cruz, 
making  no  effort  to  regain  his  office,  and  contenting 
himself  with  a  few  bitter  speeches  in  congress,  in  which 
body  he  took  his  old  seat  as  diputado.  He  left  prop- 
ertv  in  California  to  the  amount  of  several  thousand 
dollars,  which  was  confiscated  by  Vallejo  and  Alvarado 
the  next  year  for  the  benefit  of  their  new  government, 
and  as  an  indemnity  for  the  harm  that  Chico  had  done 
in  the  country.58  A  Don  Mariano  Chico,  whom  I  sup- 
pose to  have  been  he  of  Californian  fame,  was  governor 
of  Aguas  Calientes  in  1844,59  and  in  1846  he  was  co- 
mandante  general  of  Guanajuato,  still  a  radical  cen- 
tralist. He  resigned  in  consequence  of  troubles  with 
the  new  governor,  publishing  a  pamphlet  in  defence 
of  his  conduct  and  views.63 

In  exposing  the  exaggeration  and  absurdity  of  most 
of  the  charges  made  against  Governor  Chico,  I  have 

5sAug.  20,  1836,  Vallejo  to  Alvarado,  private  letter  enumerating  Chico's 
scandalous  acts.  He  had  plundered  the  treasury,  not  only  taking  all  the  money 
hut  obtaining  a  draft  on  Mazatlan  from  Herrera.  His  real  object  in  chartering 
a  vessel  under  pretence  of  sending  for  aid  had  been  to  run  away  with  all  the 
plunder  he  could  get  his  hands  on.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  228.  Feb.  21st, 
1837,  Vallejo  to  Malarin,  ordering  him  to  furnish  an  account  of  the  effects  left 
in  his  charge  by  Chico.  Tells  Alvarado  that  the  amount  is  about  $4,000,  which. 
is  to  be  placed  in  deposit  until  an  investigation  is  made  about  the  amount  carried 
away  which  belonged  to  the  presidial  companies.  Id.,  iv.  71.  Feb.  27th,  the 
amount  proved  to  be  $2,031,  all  that  was  left  of  $G,000  which  had  originally 
been  invested  by  Chico  for  mercantile  transactions.  It  was  to  be  paid  over 
by  Malarin  to  Hartnell.  Id.,  iv.  70;  D<"pt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxxi. 
79-80.  March  14th,  the  money  to  go  into  the  state  treasury  to  meet  expenses 
of  the  govt.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  82.  Alvarado,  Hint.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  173-4, 
says  that  the  existence  of  the  money  was  discovered  through  a  letter  from 
Chico  to  Gutierrez  which  fell  into  Vallejo's  hands. 

5aHis  report  on  the  industrial  condition  of  the  department  of  Sept.  30th  is 
given  in  Mexico,  Mem.  Agric,  1845,  appen.  3-7. 

00  Chico,  Dos  Palabras  del  General.     Guanajuato,  1847.     12mo,  15  p. 


444  RULE  OF  GUTIERREZ  AND  CHICO. 

perhaps  been  led  to  say  more  in  his  defence  than 
was  justified  by  the  facts.  He  was  assuredly  not 
the  villain  and  fool  that  the  Californians  picture 
him,  but  he  had  no  special  fitness  for  his  position, 
little  executive  ability,  and  no  qualities  perhaps  much 
above  the  commonplace.  He  was  an  educated  man, 
and  his  weaknesses  were  of  the  tongue  rather  than 
the  pen.  That  he  was  hot-tempered  and  personally 
disagreeable  can  hardly  be  doubted,  when  no  one  has 
a  word  to  say  in  his  favor;  but  his  annoyances  were 
great;  his  foes  have  had  most  to  do  in  fixing  his  rep- 
utation, and  there  were  divers  political  and  personal 
motives  for  reviling  his  memory  during  the  next  ten 
years.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  about  forty- 
live  years,  of  medium  height  and  slight  form.  His 
complexion  was  light,  his  black  hair  sprinkled  with 
gray,  and  he  generally  wore  spectacles.  The  troubles 
that  resulted  in  his  departure  must  be  regarded  as 
revolutionary,  having  been  fomented  by  a  clique  who 
desired  to  get  rid  of  him,  and  rejoiced  that  circum- 
stances enabled  them  to  effect  their  purpose  without 
coming  into  open  conflict  with  the  national  govern- 
ment, and  thus  to  try  their  wings  in  easy  flights. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARAD0-REV0LUTI0K 

1836. 

Second  Rule  of  Gutierrez — His  Policy  and  Character — Vague  Charges 
—Quarrel  with  the  Diputacion — Popular  Feeling — Causes  of  Re- 
volt— Juan  B.  Alvarado — Revenue  Quarrel — Another  Version — 
Preparations  at  San  Juan — Californians  in  Arms — Graham's  Ri- 
flemen— Siege  of  Monterey — Documentary  Record — Surrender — 
The  Mexicans  Exiled — Biography — Gutierrez — Castillo  Negrete 
— Herrera — Munoz — Navarrete — The  Estradas — Rule  of  Jose  Cas- 
tro— Plan  of  Conditional  Independence — Lone-star  Flag — The 
Diputacion  as  a  Constituent  Congress — Vallejo  as  Comandante 
General — Revenue — Civic  Militia — Alvarado  as  Governor — Divi- 
sion of  the  State — Commerce — The  New  Regime — Affairs  in  the 
North. 

Governor  Chico,  frightened  away  from  California 
at  the  end  of  July,  had  left  both  civil  and  military 
commands,  in  accordance  with  the  lawTs  though  against 
the  wishes  of  the  diputacion,  to  Nicolas  Gutierrez, 
who  was  at  the  time  acting  as  military  commandant  of 
the  south,  and  who  did  not  reach  the  capital  for  more 
than  a  month.  Meanwhile  I  suppose  that  Captain 
Zamorano  was  acting  as  representative  of  the  gov- 
ernor's authority  at  Monterey,  being  comandante  of  the 
post,  at  least  until  August  8th,  when  Captain  Munoz 
arrived  from  the  south  with  the  reinforcements  or- 
dered by  Chico,  and  possibly  assumed  the  command 
by  virtue  of  his  seniority  in  rank.  I  have,  however, 
no  record  of  any  act  of  authority  exercised  by  either  of 
those  officers.    Gutierrez  arrived  the  6  th  of  September.1 

1  Dates  of  arrival  of  Munoz  and  Gutierrez  fixed  by  C.'omez,  Diario,  MS.  Aug. 
14th,  alcalde  of  S.  Diego  reports  that  all  is  tranquil.     Aug.  17th,  Gutierrez 

(  445  j 


446  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

The  second  rale  of  Gutierrez,  like  the  first,  was  a 
most  uneventful  period,  if  we  except  the  stirring 
events  that  ended  it.  From  contemporary  records 
we  can  learn  but  little  of  his  acts  or  of  his  policy, 
respecting  which  we  must  form  our  idea  mainly  from 
what  preceded  and  what  followed,  from  acquaintance 
with  attendant  circumstances  and  men  concerned,  and 
from  the  testimony  of  certain  Californians.  This 
testimony  might  be  accepted  with  somewhat  more  im- 
plicit faith  had  it  proved  more  accurate  in  respect  of 
Victoria  and  Chico. 

In  recording  the  governor's  arrival,  Rafael  Gomez 
wrote  in  his  journal:  "It  appears  that  his  intention 
is  to  carry  forward  the  arbitrary  measures  which  his 
predecessor  began  and  which  were  the  cause  of  his 
departure.  Would  that  this  might  prove  not  so,  for 
such  conduct  brings  disorder."2  Padre  Abella  com- 
plained  of  his  interference  in  mission  affairs  and  of 
his  apparent  intention  to  cause  the  friars  all  possible 
annoyance.3  This  is  all  I  can  find  of  contemporary 
complaint,  and  that  of  the  friar  grew  out  of  special 
local  troubles.  On  the  other  hand,  I  have  a  letter 
of  Gutierrez,  who  wrote  on  October  7th :  "I  have  sum- 
moned Don  Pablo  de  la  Portilla  to  give  up  to  him. the 
political  and  military  commands,  because  I  observe  it 
is  not  pleasing  to  some  persons  that  I  should  retain 
them.  I  do  it  most  gladly,  since  I  have  no  other  as- 
piration than  to  separate  myself  from  public  affairs  and 
to  live  in  peace  and  quiet.     You  and  all  sensible  men 


from  S.  Gabriel  as  'comandante  militar  de  la  demarcacion  del  sur,'  and  not  as 
comandante  general  or  gefe  politico,  acknowledges  receipt.  He  was  still  at 
S.  Gabriel  on  Aug.  20th.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  IMS..  123-4.  Sept.  17th,  Portilla 
to  G.,  announcing  that  the  soldiers  at  S.  Gabriel  had  refused  to  serve  longer 
without  pay  or  clothing.  De/>t.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxxi.  23-4.  Sept. 
23d,  G.  orders  an  election  for  first  Sunday  in  Oct.,  secondary  election  the  fol- 
lowing Sunday,  and  final  meeting  of  electors  at  Monterey  on  Nov.  6th  to 
choose  a  dip.  The  primary  and  secondary  elections  took  place  at  S.  Diego 
on  Oct.  9th,  16th.  Andres  Pico  was  the  elector  de  partido.  S.  Diego,  Arch., 
MS.,  130-2,  134.  I  lind  no  further  records  of  this  election  in  any  part  of 
Cal. 

2  Gome?,,  Diario  <lc  Corns  Notables,  MS. 

'^Carr'dlo  {J.),  Doc,  MS.,  35-8. 


A  NEW  GOVERNOR.  447 


know  the  fatal  consequences   of  political  convulsions, 
and  I  will  make  any  sacrifice  to  prevent  them."4 

The  Californians  are  much  less  violent  in  their  de- 
nunciations of  Gutierrez  than  of  Chico  and  Victoria, 
their  charges  against  him  being  for  the  most  part  gen- 
eral and  rather  vague.  There  is,  however,  a  general 
agreement  that  he  was  an  immoral  man,  unduly  ad- 
dicted to  wine  and  women ;  a  few  make  special  charges 
of  minor  importance;  a  few  iind  no  fault  with  his 
conduct,  and  many  condemn  him  in  general  terms,  as 
if  such  were  their  obligation,  hardly  knowing  why.5 
Juan  B.  Alvarado  and  Mariano  G.  Valiejo,  particu- 

4  Oct.  7,  1836,  G.  to  J.  A.  Estudillo,  in  Estudillo,  Datos,  MS.,  57-8,  20-1. 
The  writer  urges  his  friend  to  inform  him  of  anything  likely  to  disturb  the 
public  peace,  and  regrets  to  learn  that  the  'torch  of  discord  has  extended 
its  deadly  train  to  S.  Luis  Rey,  attracting  with  its  flame  the  administrator 
of  that  property,'  Pio  Pico,  at  least  so  he  has  heard  but  can  hardly  believe. 
Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  46,  mentions  the  proposition  to  give  the  command  to 
Portilla;  so  also  does  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  14*2. 

5 The  widow  Avila,  Cosas  de  Cat.,  MS.,  7-11,  relates  at  considerable 
length  that  her  husband,  Miguel  Avila,  sindico  of  Monterey,  on  account  of 
having  caught  the  wife  of  Capt.  Munoz  and  two  other  ladies  bathing  in  a  pool 
of  water  which  supplied  the  town,  and  remonstrated  with  them  for  filling  the 
water  with  soap,  was  arbitrarily  imprisoned  by  Gutierrez,  who  replied  to  his 
wife's  entreaties  with  threats  to  shoot  her  husband.  But  he  was  finally  so 
frightened  by  the  threatening  attitude  of  the  ayunt.  and  people,  that  Avila 
was  released.  The- lady  attributes  the  governor's  troubles  largely  to  this 
affair.  Pinto,  Apuntaciones,  MS.,  20-1,  also  mentions  Avila's  arrest,  and  the 
popular  indignation  thereat.  He  says  it  was  believed  that  Chico  had  left 
instructions  to  G.  to  treat  harshly  all  who  opposed  him.  According  to  Bandini, 
Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  83,  he  took  the  advice  and  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  Chico. 
Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  277-301,  says  there  was  much  satisfaction  at  the  ap- 
pointment of  the  popular  G.,  the  intimate  friend  of  Figueroa;  yet  he  showed 
a  strange  melancholy  on  taking  the  command,  supposed  to  arise  from  the  ne- 
cessity of  obeying  Chico's  orders.  Pio  Pico,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  100-1,  speaks 
of  his  fondness  for  Indian  girls  in  the  south.  David  Spence,  Hist.  Notes,  MS., 
17,  says  he  attempted  to  harass  those  suspected  of  having  taken  an  active 
part  against  Chico;  also  was  disposed  to  manage  the  revenues.  Botello, 
Anales,  MS.,  22,  tells  us  that  the  people  merely  sought  a  pretence  to  revolt 
against  Gutierrez.  J.  J.  Valiejo,  liemin.,  MS.,  117,  121-2,  speaks  of  his  con- 
cubines, and  of  his  following  the  course  marked  out  by  Chico,  whose  return 
he  expected.  Of  courteous  manners,  but  much  addicted  to  drink.  Arce, 
Mem.,  MS.,  8-9.  Quarrelled  with  everybody.  Threatened  to  put  narrator  in 
jail  because  he  asked  to  have  his  land  grant  confirmed.  Pico,  Acont.,  MS., 
31-2.  Did  nothing  to  deserve  hostility.  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  70-2.  Affa- 
ble, but  kept  a  harem.  Lvr/o,  Vida,  Cal.,  MS.,  15.  Vicious,  corrupt,  and 
gave  a  bad  example;  but  this  was  not  the  cause  of  his  overthrow.  Coronet, 
Cosas  de  CaL,  MS.,  19.    Have  seen  him  intoxicated.  Avila,  Notas,  MS.,  18. 

Micted  to  scandalous  vices;  not  arbitrary  or  despotic;  wasted  public  funds. 
Serra.no,  Apuntes,  MS.,  30.  Not  a  bad  man,  but  fond  of  women.  Many  scan- 
dab  were  current  about  him  in  this  respect.  Galindo,  Apuntes,  MS.,  32.  Un- 
popular. Ord,  Ocuvrencias,  MS.,  98. 


44S  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

larly  the  former,  speak  of  the  governor's  immorality 
in  establishing  in  his  'palacio  a  seraglio  of  Indian  girls 
from  San  Gabriel;  but  their  chief  argument  against 
him  is  based  on  his  treatment  of  the  diputacion.  Not 
only,  according  to  these  gentlemen,  did  Gutierrez  re- 
fuse to  deliver  the  office  of  gefe  politico  to  the  senior 
vocal,  as  was  desired  and  expected,  but  he  insulted 
that  body  through  its  president,  sent  to  confer  with 
him;  said  he  "had  no  need  of  diputados  of  pen  and 
voice  while  he  had  plenty  of  diputados  of  sword  and 
gun;"  and  even  gave  orders  to  disperse  the  diputa- 
cion by  force,  so  frightening:  the  members  that  thev 
did  not  dare  to  reassemble  at  Monterey.6 

The  truth  is,  that  Gutierrez,  a  Spaniard  by  birth 
though  serving  on  the  insurgent  side  during  the  rev- 
olution,  was  an  inoffensive,  eas}-going,  unpretentious, 
and  not  unpopular  man.  He  was  a  faithful  officer,  of 
moderate  ability,  and  of  not  very  strict  morals.  He 
was  neither  dishonest,  arrogant,  nor  arbitrary  in  his 
conduct.  As  a  Mexican  officer  he  was  loyal  to  his 
national  allegiance;  he  had  no  rigdit  according:  to  the 
laws  and  his  predecessor's  instructions  to  turn  over 
the  civil  command  to  the  diputacion;  and  as  a  Span- 
iard he  had  to  be  somewhat  more  cautious  respecting 
his  conduct  than  if  he  had  been  born  in  Mexico.7 

6 Alvarado,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iii.,  112-24.  With  many  details  of  his  own  in- 
terviews with  the  gov.,  and  also  the  efforts  of  Angel  Ramirez,  Alvarado's 
friend,  and  having  much  influence  over  G.  and  all  the  Mexicans.  Vallejo, 
Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iii.  154,  etc.,  agrees  in  the  main  with  Alvarado's  statements, 
he  not  having  been  at  Monterey  at  the  time. 

7  G.  as  remembered  by  the  Californians  was  of  medium  height,  rather  stout, 
of  light  complexion,  reddish  hair,  beard  slightly  sprinkled  with  gray,  and 
with  a  cast  in  the  right  eye  which  caused  him  to  be  nicknamed  '  El  Tuerto. ' 
lie  came  to  Mexico  as  a  boy,  and  his  first  service  was  as  a  drummer.  Torre, 
Bemin.,  MS.,  68-70,  saw  him  give  an  exhibition  of  his  skill  as  a  drummer  at 
a  serenade  on  Figueroa's  birthday.  Abrego,  in  Garcia,  Apuntes,  MS.,  ap- 
pcn. ,  says  that  G.  was  one  of  300  Spanish  prisoners  taken  by  Gen.  Bravo,  and 
whom  he  offered  to  liberate  to  save  his  father's  life.  The  father  was  shot, 
but  Bravo  freed  the  men,  most  of  whom,  including  the  young  drummer,  Te- 
l:.ained  in  the  insurgent  ranks.  He  had  served  with  Figueroa,  was  his  inti- 
mate friend,  and  came  to  Cal.  with  him  in  Jan.  1833,  as  captain.  His  com- 
mission as  lieut-colonel  was  dated  July  18,  1833.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil., 
MS.,  lxxix.  79.  In  1834-5  he  was  comisionado  for  the  secularization  of  S.  Ga- 
briel. All  else  of  his  life  in  Cal.  is  contained  in  this  chapter  and  the  pre- 
ceding.    I  know  nothing  of  him  after  he  left  the  country. 


REVOLUTIONARY  FEELING.  449 

Neither  his  character;  acts,  nor  policy  had  much  in- 
fluence in  exciting  the  opposition  that  resulted  in  his 
overthrow.  Pretence  for  a  quarrel  with  him  was 
sought  by  certain  persons,  was  of  course  not  difficult 
to  find,  and  would  have  been  found  had  the  difficulty 
been  much  greater. 

For  some  twenty-five  years,  since  the  rnemoria  ships 
ceased  to  come,  there  had  been  a  feeling   that  Cali- 
fornia was  neglected  and  wronged  by  the  home  govern- 
ment.    The  Mexican  republic  after  the  success  of  the 
revolution  did  nothing"  to  remove  that  feeling.     The 
people,  though    enthusiastic    republicans    in    theory, 
waited  in  vain  for  the.  benefits  to  be  gained  from  re- 
publicanism.    The  influence  of  the  missionaries,  men 
of  education  and  devoted  to  Spain,  tended  strongly  to 
foster  the  sentiment  of  aversion  to  all  that  was  Mex- 
ican— an  influence  that  increased  rather  than  dimin- 
ished as  the  padres  lost  their  temporal  prestige  and 
became  prone  to  refer  bitterly  if  somewhat  secretly  to 
the  olden  times.     The  sending:  of  convicts  and  cholo 
soldiers  from  Mexico  went  far  to  intensify  provincial 
prejudice.     The  Californians  came   to   regard  them- 
selves proudly  as  superior  in  blood  and  morals  to  those 
de  la  otra  banda.     Mexicans  of  little  experience  or 
ability  were  given  commissions  in  the  presidial  com- 
panies and  sent  to  command  veterans  who  had  grown 
gray  in  the  service  and  believed  themselves  entitled 
to  promotion.     When  commerce  brought  a  degree  of 
prosperity,  it  was  in  spite  of  Mexican  revenue  laws, 
and  Mexican  officers  were  sent  to  manage  the  reve- 
nues.   Complications  growing  out  of  the  colony  scheme 
had  an  effect  to  widen  the  breach.     Foreigners,  with 
interested  motives  but  sound  arguments,  labored  to 
prove  that  California  had  received  nothing  but  neg- 
lect and  ill  treatment  from  Mexico.     Last  but  not 
least,  there  were  various  personal  interests  and  ambi- 
tions thrown  as  weights  on  the  same  side  of  the  scale. 

The  result  was  in  1836  a  strong  popular  feeling 
amounting  almost  to  hatred  against  the  Mexicans  "of 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    29 


450  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

the  interior,"  and  a  belief"  that  Mexico  should  furnish 
for  California  something  more  or  something  less  than 
rulers,  and  laws  made  with  no  reference  to  the  coun- 
try's needs.  The  popular  feeling  was  not  one  of  dis- 
loyalty to  Mexico  as  a  nation.  The  Californians  were 
far  from  entertaining  as  yet  so  radical  an  idea  as  that 
of  absolute  independence;  but  they  beleived  that  ter- 
ritorial interest  should  be  consulted  by  the  nation,  and 
that  no  more  Mexican  officers  should  be  sent  to  rule 
California.  Alvarado,  Carrillo,  Castro,  Pico,  Vallejo, 
and  other  young  Californians  of  the  same  class,  the 
men  who  had  for  the  most  part  supplied  the  diputa- 
cion  with  members,  the  politicians  of  the  country,  not 
only  shared  the  popular  sentiment,  but  were  disposed 
to  utilize  it  for  their  own  as  for  their  country's  inter- 
ests. They  were  willing  to  furnish  from  their  own 
number  men  to  rule  California  and  handle  its  scanty 
revenues.  Even  they  were  not  yet  prepared  to  advo- 
cate entire  separation  from  Mexico;  but  they  were 
men  of  some  education,  who  had  come  much  in  con- 
tact with  foreigners,  and  had  imbibed  to  some  extent 
liberal  views.  Some  of  them  had  become  more  than 
half  convinced  that  Mexican  ways  of  doing  most 
things  were  not  the  best  ways.  Yet  they  shrewdly 
feared  foreign  influence,  and  were  disposed  to  be  cau- 
tious. Their  present  purpose  was  to  gain  control  of 
the  country;  later  there  would  be  time  to  determine 
what  to  do  with  the  prize.  Their  success  against  Vic- 
toria had  given  them  self-confidence,  and  made  the 
word  '  revolt  'less  terrible  in  their  ears.  Later  success 
in  getting  rid  of  Chico  by  other  methods  still  further 
flattered  their  self-esteem.  The  rise  of  centralism 
gave  to  their  schemes  an  aspect  of  national  patriotism; 
while  rumors  that  centralism  was  on  its  last  legs  au- 
gured comparative  safety.  Manifestly  their  time  had 
come.  Hence  the  rising  against  Gutierrez,  whose 
character  and  acts,  as  I  have  said,  were  unimportant 
factors  in  the  problem. 

Juan  B.  Alvarado,  second  vocal  and  president  of 


JUAN  B.  ALVARAD0.  451 

the  diputacion,  was  the  leading  spirit  in  this  movement. 
He  was  at  this  time  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  and 
employed  as  vista,  or  inspector,  in  the  custom-house. 
His  public  life  had  begun  in  1827,  when  he  was  made 
secretary  of  the  diputacion,  holding  the  place  until 
1834.  His  father,  Sergeant  Jose  Francisco  Alva- 
rado,8  died  in  1809,  three  months  after  the  birth  of 
his  only  son,  and  his  mother,  Maria  Josefa,  daughter 
of  Sergeant  Ignacio  Vallejo,  subsequently  married 
Ramon  Estrada.  Juan  Bautista  learned  from  his 
mother  and  from  the  soldier-schoolmasters  of  Monte- 
rey to  read,  write,  and  to  cipher  more  or  less,  besides 
his  doctrina  and  the  art  of  singing  in  the  choir  at  mass. 
Governor  Sola  took  an  interest  in  the  boy,  and  gave 
him  a  chance  in  his  office  to  improve  his  penmanship 
and  acquire  some  knowledge.  He  was  observant-  and 
quick  to  learn.  He  and  his  companions,  Jose  Castro 
and  Guadalupe  Vallejo,  were  fond  of  reading,  espe- 
cially when  they  could  get  contraband  books  and  elude 
the  vigilance  of  the  friars.  He  learned  much  by  his 
association  with  foreigners,  besides  acquiring  a  smat- 
tering of  English.  He  aided  Padre  Menendez,  the 
chaplain,  as  secretary  for  a  time,  and  was  employed  as 
clerk  and  collector  by  different  foreign  traders,  who 
gave  him  a  good  reputation  for  intelligence  and  hon- 
esty. 

In  1836  Alvarado  was  a  young  man  of  much  prac- 
tical ability,  of  good  character,  of  tolerably  steady 
habits,  though  rapidly  acquiring  too  great  a  fondness 
for  strong  drink,  and  of  great  popularity  and  influence 
with  all  classes,  though  he  had  been  one  of  the  first 
to  resent  Mexican  insults  to  his  countrymen,  and  had 
consequently  been  involved  in  personal  difficulties  with 
Rodrigo  del  Pliego  and  others  de  la  otra  banda.  He 
was  perhaps  better  qualified  than  any  other  of  the 
younger  Californians  to  become  a  popular  and  success- 
ful leader.  He  was  not  so  dignified  nor  so  rich  as 
Vallejo,  and  was  perhaps   not  the  superior  of  Jose 

8  See  biographical  sketches. 


452  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

Antonio  Carrillo  in  ability  for  intrigue.  He  had 
somewhat  less  education  from  books  than  some  mem- 
bers of  the  Guerra  and  Estudillo  families,  but  in  prac- 
tical efficiency,  as  in  personal  popularity,  he  was  above 
them  all.  He  was  backed  by  the  foreign  residents 
and  traders,  who  doubtless  expected  to  control  his 
policy  for  their  own  private  and  commercial  interests, 
and  some  of  whom  very  likely  hoped  in  the  end  to 
gain  political  advantages  for  their  respective  nations. 
On  the  other  hand,  Alvarado  was  incited  by  a  few 
Mexicans,  notably  by  the  lawyer  Cosme  Pena  and 
the  ex-friar  Angel  Ramirez,  administrator  of  customs 
and  the  young  vista's  superior  officer.  Both  were 
influenced  by  personal  motives,  and  had  no  doubt  of 
their  ability  to  control  the  new  administration. 
There  is  much  reason  to  believe  that  Ramirez  had 
special  need  of  a  governor  who  would  look  with 
friendly  charity  on  the  state  of  his  official  accounts. 

I  come  now  to  the  final  outbreak  against  Gutierrez, 
respecting  which  no  original  documentary  evidence 
exists.9     The  ordinary  version  in  narratives  that  have 

9  The  earliest  account  of  the  revolution  extant  is  one  sent  by  a  resident, 
whose  name  is  not  given,  and  printed  in  the  Honolulu,  S.  I.  Gazette  of.  Dec. 
2,  1837.  The  author  does  not  credit  the  report  that  the  foreigners  were  largely 
instrumental  in  causing  the  movement.  The  Frenchmen,  Petit-Thouars,  Yoy- 
aje,  ii.  92-100,  Mofras,  Exploration,  i.  298-300,  and  Lafond,  Voyages,  i.  210, 
attribute  the  revolt  mainly  to  the  instigations  and  promises  of  the  Americans; 
and  Mofras  thinks  the  presence  of  the  U.  S.  man-of-war  Peacock  a  few  days 
before  had  an  influence.  Wilkes,  Narrative,  v.  175-9,  tells  us  that  Alvarado 
was  acting  under  the  direction  of  foreigners  who  intended  to  hoist  a  new  flag, 
to  banish  all  Mexicans,  to  declare  Cal.  an  independent  state,  and  to  have  them- 
selves all  declared  citizens.  These  declarations  were  supposed  to  emanate 
from  Eamirez  and  '  Penned,'  who  wished  to  make  use  of  the  foreigners  for  their 
own  ends.  Greenhow,  Hist.  Or.,  367,  attributes  the  movement  to  strong 
popular  opposition  to  centralism.  .  Gleeson,  Hist.  Cath.  Church,  144-9,  says 
the  conspirators  acted  ostensibly  with  a  view  of  gaining  their  independence, 
but  really  for  purposes  of  plunder.  Some  general  printed  accounts  of  the  rev- 
olution of  183G,  to  most  of  which  I  shall  have  no  occasion  to  refer  again,  be- 
ing mostly  brief  and  more  or  less  unimportant:  Cal.  Star,  Feb.  26,  1848; 
Honolulu.  Polynesian,  i.  6;  ii.  86;  Farnhani's  Life  in  Cal.,  60-6,  the  same  be- 
ing printed  in  the  Sta  Cruz  Sentinel,  Feb.  etc.  1869;  TuthilVs  Hist.  Cal.,  143- 
4;  Randolph's  Oration ;  Dwindles  Address  before  Pioneers,  20;  Niks'  Register, 
lii.  8.">;  Robinson 's  Cal.  Gold  Region,  59-61;  Pickett,  in  Shuck's  Rep.  Men,  227- 
8;  Holinshi,  La  Californie,  196-7;  Hartmann,  Geog.  Stat.  Cal.,  i.  37;  Ferry, 
<  'ctiifornie,  19-20;  Ryan'*  Judges  and  Crim.,  42-3,  51;  Nouv.  An.  Voy.,  Ixxxv. 
251;  Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  10-12,  and  other  county  histories;  also  many  newspaper 


THE  CURRENT  VERSION.  453 

been  published,  is  to  the  effect  that  Gutierrez,  in  con- 
sequence of  a  quarrel  with  Ramirez  and  Alvarado 
about  some  details  of  revenue  precautions,  such  as  the 
stationing  of  guards  on  a  newly  arrived  vessel,  ordered 
the  arrest  of  Alvarado,  who  escaped  by  flight,  and  at 
once  proceeded  to  incite  a  revolution.  This  was  the 
version  sent  at  the  time  to  the  Sandwich  Islands  by 
a  resident  foreigner,  confirmed  by  Alfred  Robinson, 
from  whose  narrative  it  has  been  'taken  by  Tuthili 
and  other  writers.  It  is  also  partially  confirmed  by 
several  Californians,  and  has,  I  think,  a  slight  foun- 
dation in  fact.  At  any  rate,  Alvarado  and  Jose  Castro 
left  the  capital  in  October,  and  making  San  Juan 
their  headquarters,  began  active  preparations  for  a 
rising  of  the  settlers,  native  and  foreign.10 

accounts.  Some  of  the  preceding  mentions  and  narratives  are  accurate  so  far 
as  they  go;  and  in  others  the  errors  are  so  petty  and  apparent  as  to  merit  no 
pointing-out.  Castaiiares,  Col.  Doc,  19,  is  the  only  Mexican  who  has  done 
more  than  mention  the  affair.  He  says  the  revolt  was  instigated  and  sup- 
ported by  the  Americans.  Foreigners  who  mention  the  revolution  more  or  less 
fully  in  unpublished  statements  are  Marsh,  Letter,  MS.,  7-8;  Bee,  Recollec- 
tions, MS.,  G-21;  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  71-9;  Brown,  Statement,  MS.,  10-11; 
Weeks,  Hernia. ,  MS.,  99;  Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  120  et  seq.,  and  the  U.  S. 
consul  at  Honolulu  in  a  despatch  of  March  12,  1837,  to  the  secretary  of  state, 
in  S'avar/e,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  174-0.  Spence  and  Munras  published  a  card  in  the 
Honolulu  Polynesian,  i.  103,  denying  the  truth  of  an  article  attributed  to  them 
in  the  .S'.  Luis  Potosi  Gaceta.  Manuscript  narratives  by  Californias  are:  Oslo, 
Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  303-18;  Alvarado,  Hist.  (Jed.,  MS.,  ii.  202-3;  iii.  125-85; 
Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS  ,  iii.  154-207;  Bandini,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  83-6;  Castro, 
Bel,  MS.,  39-42;  Torre,  Remin.,  MS.,  G2-70;  Gomez,  Lo  que  Sabe,  MS.,  13- 
18,  44-5;  Vallejo  {J.  J.),  Remin.,  MS.,  122-3;  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  27-41; 
Arce,  Mem.,  MS.,  8-10;  Avila,  Cosas  deCal,  MS.,  8-13;  Fernandez,,  Cosas 
deCal,  MS.,  99-106;  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  21-31;  Valle,  Lo  Pasado,  MS., 
17;  Ord,  Ocurreacias,  MS.,  99;  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  32-40;  Garcia,  Hechos, 
MS.,  50-7;  Coronel,  Cosas  de  Cal,  MS.,  21;  Galindo,  Apuntes,  34-5 — and 
following  pages  of  each  narrative  for  succeeding  events  in  1836-7. 

10  In  the  Honolulu,  S.  I.  Gazette,  Dec.  2,  1837,  it  is  stated  that  Ramirez 
sent  Alvarado  to  ask  for  a  guard  to  prevent  smuggling.  Gutierrez  assented, 
but  suggested  that  the  guard  must  be  stationed  on  board  the  vessels,  and  not 
on  shore.  A.  replied  that  H.  simply  wanted  a  guard,  and  could  station  it  to 
suit  himself.  The  gov.  was  angry  and  threatened  to  arrest  A.  as  a  revolution- 
ist, and  A.  thought  it  best  to  leave  town  the  same  night.  Itobinson,  Life  in 
Cal,  173-4,  affirms  that  the  quarrel  was  one  of  etiquette  in  the  matter  of 
placing  guards.  Tuthili,  Mofras,  Petit-Thouars,  Wilkes,  and  Farnham  give 
the  same  version  in  substance,  though  the  latter  adds  some  fanciful  embel- 
lishments, as  is  his  custom  when  no  absolute  lies  suggest  themselves.  Osio, 
Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  304-6,  says  that  Ramirez  was  negotiating  future  customs 
dues  to  raise  money  for  gambling,  balls,  etc.  Gutierrez  interfered  to  prevent 
the  abuse,  Ramirez  became  insolent  and  talked  of  revolt,  Alvarado  joined  in 
the  quarrel,  and  both  were  threatened  with  arrest.  G.  changed  his  mind 
and  wished  to  conciliate  A.,  but  could  not  find  him.     Avila,  Cosas  de  Cal, 


454  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AXD  ALVARADO. 

This  version,  while  not  altogether  inaccurate,  makes 
the  revolt  the  result  of  a  quarrel  between  the  govern- 
or and  a  revenue  officer,  ignoring  entirely  the  political 
aspects  of  the  matter  and  the  agency  of  the  diputacion. 
Alvarado,  on  the  other  hand,  ignores  the  revenue  quar- 
rel, and  exaggerates  perhaps  the  political  element, 
choosing  naturally  to  look  upon  himself  as  president 
of  the  diputacion  rather  than  as  an  officer  of  the  cus- 
tom-house. There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  diputa- 
cion was  concerned  in  the  movement,  or  that  Alvarado, 
the  leading  spirit,  acted  in  its  name,  the  quarrel  about 
revenues  being  but  a  minor  element  in  a  complicated 
whole.  It  is  therefore  proper  to  present  the  version 
given  by  Alvarado  himself  and  supported  by  other 
Californians,  though  in  the  absence  of  contemporary 
documents  I  cannot  vouch  for  its  entire  accuracy. 

From  one  of  his  stormy  interviews  with  Gutier- 
rez, Alvarado  returned  to  the  hall  to  find  it  empty, 
the  diputacion  having  adjourned  in  its  fright  to  meet 
at  San  Juan,  whither  the  president  hastened  to  join 
his  fellow-vocales.11  A  meeting  was  held  at  once,  at 
which  Estevan  Munras  and  other  prominent  citizens 
took  part.     Vocal   Antonio   Buelna  made  a  radical 

MS.,  8-9,  and  Gomez,  Lo  que  Sabe,  MS.,  44-5,  state  that  A.  was  believed  by 
G.  to  have  been  the  writer  of  a  pasquinade  against  him  posted  at  a  street- 
corner.  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  71-2,  says  that  meetings  had  been  held  before- 
hand, at  which  a  pretext  for  the  quarrel  had  been  devised. 

11  There  is  a  little  mysteiy  about  this  diputacion.  A  new  election  was 
to  have  been  held  on  Nov.  Gth,  but  now  the  body  must  have  been  constituted 
as  in  the  sessions  following  the  May  election,  recorded  in  the  last  chapter — 
that  is,  1.  Castro,  2.  Alvarado,  3.  Guerra,  4.  R.  Gomez,  5.  Spence,  6. 
Crespo,  7.  J.  Gomez.  Alvarado  represents  Crespo  as  having  been  a  spy  of 
the  gov. ,  excluded  when  a  secret  session  was  held;  and  Spence  is  said  to  have 
met  with  the  body,  though  not  a  member;  while  nothing  *is  said  of  the  two 
Gomez.  Buelna,  who  took  a  prominent  part,  may  have  been  a  suplente  called 
upon  to  act  in  the  absence  of  one  of  these.  There  is  no  record  whatever  of 
the  October  sessions.  Estevan  dc  la  Torre,  Reminis.,  MS.,  G2-4,  says  that  one 
day  Gutierrez  entered  the  hall  of  the  dip.  when  drunk,  and  had  hot  words 
with  Alvarado,  whom  he  ordered  under  arrest  after  suspending  the  session. 
J.  M.  de  la  Torre,  narrator's  father,  furnished  horses  and  accompanied  Al- 
varado to  S.  Juan  that  night.  J.  J.  Vallcjo,  Remin.,  MS.,  122-3,  has  yet 
another  version.  He  says  that  Gutierrez  sent  out  spies  to  mingle  with  the 
people  and  learn  who  were  prominent  in  fomenting  discontent.  Learning 
that  Alvarado  and  Castro  were  the  leaders,  he  ordered  the  arrest  and  exile  of 
the  former,  who,  being  warned,  was  aided  by  Tia  Boronda  and  Isaac  Graham 
to  escaoe. 


ADVENTURES  OF  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA.  455 

speech  against  Gutierrez  as  a  centralist  who  disre- 
garded the  rights  of  the  people  as  represented  by  the 
diputacion,  a  body  which  he  had  repeatedly  insulted 
and  had  even  threatened  to  dissolve  by  force.  He  ar- 
gued that  Gutierrez  had  no  right  to  hold  both  com- 
mands; and  advocated  a  resort  to  force  to  rid  the  coun- 
try of  its  oppressor.  Spence  and  Munras,  mindful 
of  their  commercial  interests,  opposed  the  use  of  force, 
but  favored  a  petition  to  the  supreme  government, 
leaving  matters  in  statu  quo  for  the  present.  This 
policy  was  not  acceptable  to  the  majority,  who,  on 
motion  of  Castro,  voted  that  if  Gutierrez  would 
not  give  up  the  civil  command  he  must  be  exiled. 
This  was  signed  hy  Castro,  Buelna,  Alvarado,  and 
Guerra.  Spence  refused,  but  promised  aid  to  the 
cause.  Alvarado  was  appointed  to  solicit  the  cooper- 
ation of  Vallejo  at  Sonoma,  and  Castro  was  ordered 
to  take  command  of  the  citizens  in  arms.  Mean- 
while the  governor  learned  what  course  affairs  were 
taking,  and  sent  Crespo  to  San  Juan  to  negotiate, 
offering  to  make  some  concessions;  but  the  agent  was 
not  received,  and  the  answer  sent  back  was  to  the  ef- 
fect that  the  diputacion,  representing  the  people,  had 
undertaken  the  preservation  of  federal  institutions,  and 
the  governor  must  prepare  to  defend  himself. 

Alvarado  went  first  to  Monterey  and  had  an  inter- 
view with  Angel  Ramirez,  who  was  somewhat  alarmed 
at  the  plan  of  visiting  Sonoma  and  making  Vallejo 
prominent  in  the  enterprise,  fearing  that  Vallejo's 
friendship  for  Bandini  might  interfere  in  the  success 
of  his  own  plans.  Alvarado  stopped  at  the  house  of 
Tia  Boronda,  and  there  had  a  meeting  with  Isaac 
Graham,  the  hunter,  upon  whom  he  prevailed  without 
much  difficulty  to  arouse  his  countrymen  and  join  the 
revolutionary  cause.  During  this  interview,  glancing 
out  of  the  window,  Alvarado  saw  Captain  Muiloz  and 
eight  soldiers  rapidly  approaching  the  house,  where- 
upon he  rushed  out,  mounted  Graham's  horse  which 


45G  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

was  standing  at  the  door,  and  dashed  off  at  full  speed, 
with  the  bullets  whistling  about  his  head! 

Next  Don  Juan  Bautista  hastened  to  Sonoma, 
receiving  aid  and  encouragement  along  the  way 
from  the  rancheros  and  others  at  San  Jose,  San 
Francisco,  San  Pablo,  and  San  Rafael,  at  which  latter 
place  the  padre  invited  him  to  take  the  benefit  of 
church  asylum.  At  Sonoma  he  found  his  uncle 
Vallejo  more  cautious  and  less  enthusiastic  in  the 
cause  than  he  would  have  wished.  The  comandante 
was  very  strong  and  independent,  monarch  of  all  he 
surveyed  on  the  northern  frontier,  and  correspond- 
ingly timid  about  running  unnecessary  risks.  While 
patriotically  approving  the  views  of  Alvarado  and  his 
associates,  and  ready  in  theory  to  shed  his  blood  in 
defence  of  popular  rights,  he  counselled  deliberation, 
remembered  that  the  northern  Indians  were  in  a 
threatening  attitude,  required  time  to  put  his  men  in 
a  proper  condition  to  leave  their  families,  and  after  a 
ceremonious  introduction  to  the  chief  Solano  and 
his  Indian  braves  at  Napa,  sent  his  nephew  in  a  boat 
to  San  Jose,  with  instructions  to  rouse  the  people  and 
await  further  developments.12 

At  San  Jose  Alvarado  found  many  citizens  ready  to 
aid  in  the  cause  and  eager  for  active  operations.  His 
associates  overruled  his  desire  to  wait  for  Don  Guada- 
lupe, though  it  was  thought  best  to  inspire  confidence 
in  the  movement  by  using  Vallejo's  name  as  leader 
of  the  pronunciados  even  without  his  consent.  Soon 
after,  Alvarado  wrote  to  his  uncle  as  follows:  "When 
I  parted  from  you  at  Napa,  my  sentiments  of  patriot- 
ism and  my  personal  situation  both  animated  me  all 

12  Both  Alvarado  and  Vallejo,  in  their  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  very  naturally 
try  to  conceal  the  latter's  hesitation  at  this  time,  stating  that  200  men 
Mere  promised  and  great  enthusiasm  was  shown  for  the  cause.  Osio,  how- 
ever, tells  us  that  Alvarado  got  but  little  satisfaction  from  Vallejo,  and  came 
back  very  much  discouraged,  and  Alvarado  himself,  in  a  letter  written  a  few- 
days  later  and  soon  to  be  noticed,  clearly  implies  that  Vallejo  had  refused  to 
take  a  leading  part  in  the  movement.  Chico,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  not 
been  certain  on  his  departure  which  side  Vallejo  would  take.  Chas  Brown, 
Statement,  MS.,  10-11,  remembers  Alvarado's  visit  to  Sonoma.  He  says  no 
troops  went  south. 


GRAHAM'S  RIFLEMEN.  457 

the  more  ardently  to  do  a  good  deed  for  my  country. 
I  returned  with  regret  at  not  having  succeeded  in 
obtaining  your  company  in  attaining  an  object  of 
public  beneficence;  and  I  was  in  great  trouble.  At 
San  Jose  I  met  Castro,  Buelna,  and  Noriega;  and 
we  agreed  to  make  a  pronunciamiento.  We  formed  a 
plan,  and  with  thirteen  men  started  for  Monterey. 
Immediately  we  recognized  the  enthusiasm  of  the  in- 
habitants in  defence  of  a  just  cause.  On  the  way 
they  aided  us  with  arms  and  supplies. .  .  .  We  called 
the  expedition  the  '  vanguard  of  the  division  of  oper- 
ations,' giving  out  that  you  were  bringing  up  the  rear 
with  the  rest  of  the  forces,  and  that  you  were  the 
chief  of  the  army.  It  was  necessary  to  employ  this 
ruse,  for  in  this  belief  many  people  joined  us."13 

Castro  at  San  Juan  and  among  the  rancheros  of 
the  Salinas  and  Pajaro  valleys  had  also  been  success- 
ful in  organizing  a  little  revolutionary  army;  and 
about  seventy-five  mounted  Californians,14  armed  with 
lances  and  such  old  muskets — for  the  most  part  unfit 
for  use — as  could  be  found  on  the  ranchos,  assembled 
apparently  at  Jesus  Vallejo's  rancho  on  the  Pajaro. 
They  had  a  Mexican  flag  and  plenty  of  fifes  and 
drums  obtained  at  the  mission  of  San  Juan.  There 
are  no  narratives  which  throw  any  light  on  the  de- 
tails of  these  preparations. 

The  strongest  part  of  the  revolutionary  force,  from 
a  military  point  of  view,  was  Graham's  company  of 
riflemen.  Graham  was  a  Tennesseean  hunter  who 
had  come  from  New  Mexico  three  years  before.  He 
was  a  wild  and  reckless  fellow,  a  crack-shot,  a  despiser 

13  Alvarado,  Carta  confidential  d  D.  Guadulupe  Vallejo,  7  de  Nov.  1836, 
MS.  This  is  a  document  of  the  greatest  historical  importance,  one  of  the 
very  few  original  records  extant  upon  this  revolution.  It  establishes  Vallejo's 
position  in  the  matter;  and  it  raises  grave  doubts  about  the  accuracy  of 
Alvarado's  statements  on  the  formal  meeting  of  the  diputacion  at  S.  Juan 
before  his  visit  to  Sonoma. 

14  Jesus  Pico,  Acoiit.,  MS.,  32-8,  claims  to  have  captured  all  the  govt 
horses  and  brought  them  in  for  the  use  of  the  army.  Inocente  Garcia, 
1/echos,  MS.,  50-6,  was  the  standard-bearer.  The  number  of  the  men  is 
given  in  different  narratives  all  the  way  from  GO  to  400. 


458  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

of  all  Mexican  'varmint/  who  bad  opened  a  distillery 
not  far  from  San  Juan.  His  place  was  a  favorite 
loafing-place  for  foreigners;  and  having  agreed  to  aid 
Alvarado,  he  had  no  difficulty,  by  a  free  use  of  aguar- 
diente and  eloquence,  in  raising  a  company  of  twenty- 
five  or  thirty  men  of  various  nationalities,  most  of  them 
sailors,  with  perhaps  half  a  dozen  American  hunters. 
Graham  was  aided  in  his  work  of  recruiting  by  Will- 
iam R.  Garner,  and  John  Coppinger  was  made  his 
lieutenant,  both  Englishmen;  while  Louis  Pombert, 
a  Frenchman,  as  a  kind  of  sergeant  was  next  in  com- 
mand. There  is  no  list  of  names  extant.  A  good 
deal  of  admiration  has  been  expressed  by  different 
writers  following  in  the  lead  of  Farnham,  for  the  brave 
and  noble  Graham,  cavalier  of  the  wilderness,  and  his 
gallant  band  of  Kentuckian  riflemen,  taking  up  arms 
for  Californian  independence,  not  without  a  hope  of 
bringing  their  adopted  home  under  the  stars  and 
stripes!  Their  motives  and  their  services  have  been 
greatly  exaggerated;  yet  the  presence  of  a  few  real 
hunters,  and  the  superiority  of  the  guns  carried  by 
the  rest,  made  this  company  the  most  formidable  part 
of  the  revolutionar}^  force.  If  the  sailors  were  not 
very  expert  marksmen,  it  was  all  the  same  to  the 
Mexicans,  to  whom  all  were  rifleros  Americanos. 
Doubtless  the  leaders  wTere  promised  recompense  in 
lands  and  privileges;  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  a  few 
of  the  foreigners  looked  at  the  whole  enterprise  from 
a  political  point  of  view;  yet  we  may  be  very  sure  that 
the  Californian  leaders  were  inclined  to  use  their  allies 
rather  than  be  used  by  them.15     It  must  be  remem- 

15  Farnham's  remarks  on  the  services  of  the  50  foreigners  who,  with  25 
Californians  loitering  in  the  rear,  expelled  the  Mex.  governor  after  insisting 
on  political  conditions  which  were  promised  but  Mere  never  fulfilled,  are  too 
absurd  to  merit  refutation.  Other  writers  naturally  exaggerate  Graham's 
services  and  are  somewhat  over-enthusiastic  about  the  American  element  in 
his  company — the  writers  being  Americans  themselves,  or  foes  of  Alvarado 
for  various  reasons,  or,  if  French  or  English,  writing  before  Cal.  became  a 
part  of  the  U.  S.  Dr  Marsh,  Letter,  MS.,  7-8,  gives  the  composition  of  the 
company  substantially  as  in  my  text.  The  writer  of  the  account  in  the  lion- 
olulu,  S.  I.  Gazette,  Dec.  2,  1887,  says:  'It  is  true  that  many  foreigners  were 
hired  by  the  govt  to  serve  in  the  ranks,  but  they  no  doubt  did  it  for  the  pay, 


REBELS  ATTACK  MONTEREY.  459 

bered,  however,  that  there  was  a  foreign  influence  in 
the  whole  affair  quite  distinct  from  that  exerted  by 
the  members  of  Graham's  company. 

It  was  apparently  on  the  evening  of  November  3d 
that  the  revolutionary  forces  under  Jose  Castro  ap- 
proached the  capital,  I  quote  from  Alvarado's  letter, 
as  the  best  authority  extant,  the  following  account  of 
what  happened  during  the  next  few  days:  "Finally 
we  arrived  at  Monterey  with  upwards  of  100  men. 
The  place  was  fortified  with  over  50  men  assembled 
in  the  plaza.  On  the  night  of  our  arrival  we  passed 
on  with  some  strategy  and  took  the  castle,  and  the 
height  near  the  house  of  Linares,  so  that  the  plaza," 
that  is,  the  presidio  within  the  walls  of  which  Gu- 
tierrez had  his  garrison,  "was  commanded.  With  aid 
from  the  people  of  the  town,  from  the  merchants,  and 
from  the  vessels,  except  that  of  Don  Federico  Becher, 
we  armed  ourselves  sufficiently  and  sent  a  flag  of  truce, 
with  a  demand  that  Gutierrez  should  surrender  the 
plaza  at  discretion.  In  it  were  all  the  officers,  includ- 
ing Portilla  who  had  lately  arrived,  and  a  multitude  of 
convicts  whom  Gutierrez  had  armed.  The  reply  being 
delayed,  we  fired  a  cannon-shot  from  the  fort,  and  the 
ball  was  so  well  directed  that  we  put  it  into  the  zaguan 
of  the  comandante's  house,  while  the  officers  were  con- 
versing in  the  court.  Such  was  their  fright  that  they 
were  not  to  be  seen  for  an  hour.  Then  Gutierrez  re- 
plied that  he  would  not  surrender.  Such  was  the 
anger  of  the  division  that  every  man  dismounted,  arms 
in  hand,  to  attack.  We  had  also  a  company  of  25 
riflemen.  When  the  movement  was  seen  from  the 
plaza,  they  sent  a  messenger  to  stop  it,  and  to  suppli- 

knowing  well  the  character  of  the  revolution,  and  that  there  would  not  be 
much  danger.'  Vallcjo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iii.  195,  remarks  that  the  Mexicans 
exaggerated  the  foreign  influence  for  effect  in  Mexico.  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL, 
MS  iii.  141-2,  admits  that  the  foreign  company  was  of  the  greatest  use  to 
him,  that  the  leaders  did  good  service,  and  that  he  promised  them  lands. 
Bee,  Recoil.,  MS.,  G-ll,  who  was  a  member  of  the  company,  gives  a  not  very 
clear  account  of  its  operations.  He  says  Garner  was  chosen  1st  lieutenant  and 
Coppinger  2d,  though  the  former  did  not  serve. 


4G0  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AXD  ALVARADO. 

cato  that  we  should  not  attack;  and  in  a  few  minutes 
Gutierrez  sent  a  communication  offering  to  surrender 
on  condition  that  we  would  give  guaranties  to  the 
men  of  his  party,  without  preventing  such  of  them  as 
desired  to  do  so  from  following  him.  We  accepted 
the  conditions,  and  presented  ourselves  in  Monterey 
in  the  most  admirable  order.  The  infantry  marched 
to  the  sound  of  Mr  Hinckley's  music,  and  the  cavalry 
with  trumpets.  The  officers  retired  from  the  plaza, 
except  one  who  remained  to  deliver  the  post."16 

The  account  just  quoted,  written  at  the  time  by 
Alvarado,  the  leader  of  the  movement,  in  a  private 
letter,  intended  to  have  no  other  effect  than  to  inform 
Vallejo  of  what  had  occurred,  is  doubtless  a  correct 
one.  Other  records  throw  no  doubt  on  its  accuracy, 
except  perhaps  in  the  statement  that  the  surrender 
was  made  in  consequence  of  evident  preparations  for 
a  charge.  In  later  narratives  written  from  memory, 
Alvarado,  like  other  Californians,  has  introduced 
some  exa&wrations  and  erroneous  statements.  It  is 
no  part  of  my  duty  to  reproduce  the  errors  of  such 
statements,  but  only  to  utilize  the  testimony  which  I 
have  gathered  so  far  as  it  may  reveal  the  truth.  I 
append  a  few  details,  the  accuracy  of  which  there  is  no 
special  reason  to  question.17     There  is  a  general  agree- 

16 Alvarado,  Carta  Confidential,  MS. 

17  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  142-59,  says  that  Spence  was  sent  by- 
Gutierrez  to  make  a  tour  of  inspection  on  the  night  the  army  arrived.  They 
were  surprised  to  find  the  fort  not  guarded.  Their  numbers  were  soon  in- 
creased by  the  inhabitants,  sailors,  etc. ,  to  over  300.  The  fort  might  easily 
have  been  defended.  Jose  Abrego  furnished  the  ball  that  was  fired,  and 
Pena  aimed  the  gun,  being  allowed  15  minutes  to  'read  up  '  artillery  practice. 
Two  small  cannon  were  landed  from  Binckley's  vessel.  The  foreigners  were 
anxious  to  attack  the  presidio.  Late  in  the  evening  Castillero  and  Crespo 
came  out  with  torches  and  a  flag  of  truce  to  propose  surrender.  Terms  were 
made  verbally  at  1  a.  m.,  and  in  writing  next  morning  after  the  dip.  had 
held  a  meeting.  Villavicencio  was  sent  to  receive  the  arms,  which  Mufioz 
gave  up.  Gutierrez  went  with  his  officers  to  the  house  of  Joaquin  Gomez. 
Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  154-80,  gives  the  same  version  in  substance  as 
Alvarado.  He  says  half  the  force  halted  at  the  lagunita,  while  the  rest  went 
to  take  the  Castillo.  Spence  in  his  report  exaggerated  to  Gutierrez  the  num- 
ber of  the  attacking  force.  The  prisoners  were  sent  on  board  the  Clementine 
the  same  day  of  the  surrender,  though  she  did  not  sail  for  some  days.  Accord- 
ing to  Garcia,  Ilcehos,  MS. ,  50-G,  lkielna  commanded  the  S.  Jose  division, 
and  Garcia  with  his  own  party  joined  the  rest  at  the  lenadero.  Graham 
wished  at  the  first  to  besiege  Monterey  and  shoot  every  man  that  presented 


SIEGE  OF  'THE  CAPITAL.  461 

ment  that  the  revolutionists  on  approaching  the  town 
divided  their  forces,  kindled  fires,  sounded  their  trump- 
ets and  drums,  and  did  all  in  their  power  to  make  it 
appear  that  their  force  was  large;  that  the  fort  was 
taken  on  the  night  of  arrival  without  the  slightest 
resistance;  that  Gutierrez  made  no  effort  to  defend 
himself,  and  took  no  precautions  to  avert  attack ;  that 
the  cannon-ball  which  hit  the  presidio  was  the  only 
one  in  the  Castillo  which  a  gun  could  be  found  to  fit, 
the  gunners  beinof  Balbino  Romero  and  Cosme  Pena 
the  lawyer;  that  J.  A.  de  la  Guerra  was  at  one  time 
admitted  to  the  presidio  blindfolded  as  a  representa- 
tive of  Castro;  that  ammunition  and  other  aid  was 
obtained  from  the  foreign  vessels  in  port,  Hinckley 
of  the  Don  Quixote  openly  favoring  the  Californians, 
while  Steele  and  French  of  the  Caroline  and  Europe 
were  but  little  more  cautious  in  their  support;  and 
finally,  that  Castro's  force  had  been  much  increased 
and  that  of  the  governor  weakened  by  desertions  from 
the  presidio.  The  force  at  the  disposal  of  Gutierrez 
has  been  greatly  exaggerated.  It  could  not  have 
been  over  seventy-five  men  at  the  beginning  of  the 
siege,  only  fifty  of  the  number  being  soldiers.  Castro 
had  at  first  about  the  same  force,  besides  Graham's 
men. 

himself  !  At  dawn  Ramirez  and  Cosme  Pefia  came  to  the  castillo  with  a 
paper,  on  which  was  written,  '  Federacion  6  muerte  de  California  la  suerte.' 
J.  J.  Pico,  Aconlecimientos,  MS. ,  32-8,  says  that  he  was  sent  south  with  a  party 
to  intercept  Portilla's  25  men  who  were  approaching,  which  he  accomplished  (?). 
He  and  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  21-7,  think  that  two  shots  were  fired,  one  of 
which  struck  the  church.  Harry  JBee's  whole  narrative  on  this  affair  is  nota- 
ble only  for  its  inaccuracy.  Recollections,  MS.,  G-21.  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,MS., 
308-15,  gives  the  hour  at  which  different  events  occurred,  but  they  are  obvi- 
ously incorrect.  Mofras,  Erplor.,  i.  298-300,  and  Petit-Thouars,  Voyage,  ii. 
92-9,  state  that  Gutierrez  and  his  officers  had  been  promised  permission  to  re- 
main if  they  chose,  and  were  sent  away  in  violation  of  this  promise.  Mofras 
says  Larkin  and  John  C.  Jones  aided  the  revolutionists.  Wilkes,  Narra- 
tive, v.  175-9,  tells  us  that  the  ball  fired  was  an  lS-pounder,  and  the  firing 
at  dawn.  Robinson,  Life  in  CaL,  174-5,  says  the  ball  weighed  4  lbs.  Jans- 
sens,  Vida,  MS.,  72-6,  by  request  of  Escobar  and  Negrete,  formed  a 
patrol  of  citizens  to  preserve  order  during  the  siege.  Gomez,  Lo  que  Sabe, 
MS.,  13-17,  and  others  state  that  Francisco  Soto  did  good  service  by  getting 
into  the  presidio  with  divers  bottles  of  brandy  to  promote  desertion.  Torre, 
llemin.,  MS.,  G4-5,  gives  a  very  good  account  of  the  whole  affair,  but  in  it, 
a3  in  the  statements  of  Bandini,  Ord,  Coronel,  Avila,  and  Jesus  Vallejo,  there 
is  nothing  not  already  noticed. 


462  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

The  castillo  was  taken,  and  the  siege  of  Monterey 
began  in  the  night  of  November  3d.18  During  the 
next  day  several  communications,  some  of  them  in 
writing,  passed  between  Castro  and  Gutierrez,  but 
only  one  of  them  is  extant.  It  was  written  by 
the  governor  to  his  foe  after  the  cannon-shot  was 
fired,  the  act  being  rather  plausibly  alluded  to  by  the 
writer  as  an  'act  of  violence.'  In  this  document 
Gutierrez  points  out  the  inconsistency  of  Castro's  de- 
mand that  the  gefatura  should  be  surrendered  by  the 
same  person  to  whom  he  himself  had  delivered  it, 
with  pleasure  as  he  said,  earlier  in  the  year  in  accord- 
ance with  laws  that  had  not  been  changed.  Another 
inconsistency  of  the  diputacion  wTas  in  wishing  to 
exercise  in  advance  certain  powers  for  which  that 
body  had  petitioned  the  supreme  government.  He 
declares  that  he  has  personally  no  desire  to  retain  the 
command,  which  he  would  gladly  have  given  up  to 
Portilla,  but  the  hostile  movements  of  Castro  and  his 
associates  render  it  necessary  that  he  should  maintain 
his  own  military  honor  as  well  as  the  dignity  of  the 
Mexican  republic.  He  has  accordingly  determined, 
after  consultation  with  his  officers  and  the  ayunta- 
miento,  to  fight  to  the  last  in  defence  of  the  laws,  as 
is  clearly  his  duty.  Yet  if  Castro  and  his  supporters 
desire  to  prevent  the  shedding  of  blood,  they  are  in- 
vited, in  the  name  of  the  country,  of  law,  and  of 
justice,  to  a  peaceful  conference  with  representatives 
of  the  government  in  presence  of  the  ayuntamiento, 
at  a  place  to  be  named  by  that  corporation.  Hostili- 
ties are  in  the  mean  time  to  be  suspended,  and  the 
governor  promises  to  approve  the  decision  of  the  con- 
ference if  consistent  with  his  own  responsibilities  and 
the  national  honor.  The  tone  of  the  letter  is  dignified, 
and  shows  an  earnest  desire  to  avoid  further  troubles.13 

18  Petit-Thouars,  Mofras,  Wilkes,  and  others  say  it  was  on  Nov.  2d,  and 
there  are  no  means  of  proving  that  it  Mas  not  so;  but  one  day  and  two  nights 
are  all  I  can  find  room  for  in  the  siege. 

19  Gutierrez,  Carta  Ojicial  del  Gefe  Politico  a  D.  Jose"  Castro,  proponiendo  con- 
ferencias,  .',  de  Nov.  1SJ6,  MS.  Two  letters  had  been  received  from  Castro 
before  this  letter  was  written. 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  GOVERNOR.  4G3 

There  is  no  evidence  that  Castro  consented  to  the 
conference  proposed;  and  at  9  p.  M.  a  junta  de  guerra 
was  held  in  the  presidio  to  consider  what  was  to  be 
done.  There  were  present  Comandante  General  Gu- 
tierrez; captains  Portilla,  Muhoz,  and  Castillero;  lieu- 
tenants Navarrete  and  Estrada;  alfereces  Ramirez 
and  Valle;  the  surgeon  Alva;  Crespo,  the  phleboto- 
mist;  the  district  judge,  Luis  del  Castillo  Negrete; 
the  governor's  secretaries,  Bonilla  and  Gonzalez;  Ro- 
mero, the  teacher;  and  Zamorano,  secretary  of  the 
comandancia.  The  officers  were  called  on  for  reports. 
Munoz  stated  that  the  foreigners  were  about  to  mount 
two  guns  at  the  houses  of  Pacheco  and  Abrego,  with 
which  to  destroy  the  presidio.  Others  reported  the 
desertion  of  twenty  soldiers  and  nine  convicts.  It 
was  also  made  known  that  the  artillery  were  disposed 
to  surrender,  and  the  infantry  had  left  their  post. 
Such  being  the  situation,  it  was  decided  after  discus- 
sion to  make  an  offer  of  surrender  on  condition  that 
life  and  property  should  be  protected  and  no  insults 
be  offered  to  the  capitulating  force.  The  proposition 
was  sent  to  Castro,  who  agreed  to  it  verbally,  requir- 
ing, however,  a  delivery  of  arms.  This  gave  rise  to 
a  new  debate.  But  it  was  found  necessary  to  yield, 
as  the  garrison  was  now  reduced  to  thirty-five  men, 
worn  out  by  fatigue  and  hunger,  in  an  exposed  position 
commanded  by  the  artillery  of  the  foe,  while  the  enemy 
had  a  strong  position,  the  support  of  the  people  and 
of  the  ships,  and  a  force  of  two  hundred  men,  " nearly 
all  foreigners,  and  chiefly  Americans."  Castro  was 
accordingly  notified  that  the  garrison  would  march 
out  and  stack  their  arms  at  the  artillery  barracks. 
These  proceedings  were  signed  by  all  members  of  the 
junta,  each  of  whom  retained  a  copy.20 

We  have  no  further  record  of  the  surrender;  but 
know  that  early  on  the  next  day,  the  5th,  the  revo- 

20  Junta  de  Guerra  y  Rendition  de  Monterey,  h  de  Nov.  1836,  MS.  This  is 
one  of  the  original  copies  made  at  the  time,  in  the  handwriting  of  Mariano 
Romero. 


4G4  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

lutionist  Californians  took  peaceful  possession  of  the 
presidio.  The  Mexican  officials,  having  given  up  their 
arms,  went  to  the  house  of  a  citizen  to  remain  until 
their  fate  should  be  decided.  The  day  was  devoted 
mainly,  like  several  following  days,  to  festivities  of  tri- 
umph, in  which  everybody — except  the  Mexican  offi- 
cials perhaps — participated.  I  quote  in  continuation 
from  the  concluding  portion  of  Alvarado's letter:  "All 
the  officers  except  Valle  and  Zamorano  we  have  em-* 
barked  to-day  on  the  Clementine  for  Cape  San  Lucas, 
also  Herrera,  Luis  Castillo,  a  few  soldiers,  and  some 
of  the  worst  convicts.  .  .There  are  no  forces  in  the 
territory  to  resist  us ;  on  the  contrary,  they  are  waiting 
to  join  us.  To-day  Buelna  and  Villa  start  for  Santa 
Barbara  to  have  sworn  the  bases  of  the  new  Californian 
government.  The  federalists  will  win  in  Mexico,  and 
we  shall  remain,  if  fate  be  propitious,  erected  into  a 
free  and  sovereign  state.  The  officers  and  Gutierrez, 
ashamed  of  their  aberrations  and  seeing  liberty  shine 
with  honor,  wept  bitterly.  Gutierrez  sent  a  letter, 
confessing  his  faults,  giving  satisfaction,  and  expressing 
regret  at  leaving  a  country  where  he  had  intended  to 
live  forever.  It  is  wonderful,  uncle,  with  what  order 
our  expedition  has  been  conducted.  Everybody  shouts 
vivas,  for  California  is  free!""21 

The  Clementine  sailed  from  Monterey  on  November 
11th  for  Cape  San  Lucas  with  about  seventy  passen- 
gers— enforced  and  voluntary  exiles,  including  among 
the  latter  many  of  the  Hijar  and  Padres  colony  who 
were  not  contented  in  their  new  home.22  Gutierrez, 
Muiioz,  Navarrete,  and  the  two  Estradas  had  been 
put  on  board  the  vessel  four  or  five  days  before  she 
sailed,  and  were  the  only  officers  who  were  really  forced 
to  leave  the  country.  There  wTas  much  feeling  against 
Sub-comisario  Herrera  and  Judg^e  Castillo  Neorete, 
but  they  would  have  been  permitted  to  remain  if  they 

21  A  Ivarado,  Carta  Confidential,  MS.  The  date  of  surrender  is  also  given 
in  Gome,  Diario,  MS. 

22  Gomez,  Diario  de  Corns  Notables,  MS. 


EXILE  OF  MEXICAN  OFFICERS.  465 

would  have  submitted  to  the  new  order  of  things. 
Castillo  Negrete  was  very*  violent  against  the  revolu- 
tionists. He  vented  in  verse  his  spite  against  the  men 
whom  he  regarded  as  leaders,  Pena,  Ramirez,  and 
Hinckley,  before  leaving  Monterey,  and  having  sailed 
on  the  Leonidas,  stopped  at  San  Diego  to  incite  the 
southerners  to  resistance.  Don  Luis  never  returned, 
but  was  subsequently  gefe  politico  of  Baja  California.23 
Portilla,  Castillero,  Valle,  and  Zamorano  were  permit- 
ted to  remain  in  California,  but  the  latter  chose  at 
first  to  depart,  though  he  soon  returned  to  the  San 
Diego  frontier,  as  we  shall  see,  to  promote  southern 
resistance  to  Alvarado.  The  Clementine  after  landing 
her  passengers  at  Cape  San  Lucas  returned  to  Mon- 
terey in  December.     The  Californian  leaders  have  been 

23  His  verses  were  as  follows: 

A  California  ha  perdido 

La  turbulenta  anarquia  * 

Do  sn  gobierno  escogido 

Por  eso  lo  ha  conducido 

A  accion  tan  atroz  y  fea; 

Y  para  quo  al  mundo  vea 
El  tal  gobierno  como  anda 
Del  triumvirato  que  manda 
Te  voy  a  dar  una  idea. 

El  proto-libertador 

Primer  hombro  del  Estado 

Es  un  fraile  renegado 

Gran  perjuro  y  gran  traidor 

Do  oficio  administrador. 

Es  de  niuy  ancha  conciencia 

Dcrrochador  sin  clemencia 

Sagaz  revolucionario 

Jugador  y  perdulario 

Sin  Dios,  ni  patria,  ni  ciencia. 
Ocupa  el  lugar segundo 
En  el  Caliibrnio  Estado 
Un  filosofo  relajado 
Cibarrita  e  innmndo; 
Quo  quiere  rejir  el  mundo 
Bcbiendo  mczcal  sin  taza 

Y  con  alma  bien  escasa ; 
Pucs  de  sabio  es  presumido 
Cuando  el  pobrc  no  ha  podido 
Saber  gobernar  su  casa. 

Del  Estado  es  Almirante 

Y  privado  conscjci'o 

Un  navegante  extrangero 
Contrabandista  intrigante 
Estafador  y  bien  pillo 
Con  el  cual  cuniplo  el  trecillo 
Que  gobierna  torpemente 

Y  que  abusa  inqmnemente 
Del  Calif'ornio  sencillo  I 

Valkjo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iii.  18G-7;  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  159-68. 
The  charges  embodied  in  this  rhyming  tirade  were  for  the  most  part  well 
founded,  so  far  as  the  three  victims  were  concerned;  and  the  space  devoted  by 
Alvarado  and  Vallejo  to  their  refutation  shows  that  Don  Luis  chose  well  his 
weapon  of  annoyance. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    30 


4G6  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

accused  of  having  acted  in  bad  faith  when  they  exiled 
Gutierrez  and  his  companions.  The  charge  has  no 
foundation;  there  was  no  stipulation  that  they  might 
remain;  and  to  have  permitted  it  would  have  been 
a  very  stupid  proceeding.  I  add  some  brief  notes  re- 
specting the  men  who  went  away  at  this  time.24 

24  Of  Nicolas  Gutierrez,  his  life  and  character,  all  that  is  known  has  been 
told  in  this  and  the  preceding  chapters,  and  in  chap.  x.  of  this  volume.  He 
came  to  California  as  a  captain  with  Figuoroa  in  Jan.  1833.  His  terms  of 
oliice  as  ruler  ad  interim  of  the  territory  were  as  follows:  Comandante  general 
from  Sept.  29  (assumed  office  Oct.  8),  1835,  to  Jan.  2,  1836;  gefe  politico 
a:id  comandante  general,  Jan.  2d  to  May  2d;  and  from  Aug.  1  to  Xov.  5, 
183G.  He  took  away  with  him  some  trunks  containing  effects  belonging  to 
the  late  Jose"  Figueroa.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mi!.,  MS.,  lxxxi.  34.  Nothing 
is  known  of  him  after  he  left  California,  except  that  on  April  21,  1837,  he 
wrote  from  Mazatlan  to  Joaquin  Gomez  that  he  would  probably  see  him  back 
again  soon  in  command  of  an  expedition  that  was  being  prepared.  Vallejo, 
Doc. ,  MS. ,  xxxii.  83. 

Licenciado  Don  Luis  del  Castillo  Negrete  was  a  Spaniard,  his  father  hav- 
ing been  an  attorney  of  the  council  of  Indies.  He  was  educated  at  Alcala, 
Toledo,  and  Granada  in  philosophy,  mathematics,  and  law,  leaving  Spain 
after  1820.  These  facts  appear  from  diplomas  and  certificates  shown  in 
Meiiterey.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  180-9,  with  samples  of  some  of  his 
literary  productions,  one  of  which  I  have  already  presented.  He  arrived  at 
Monterey  Sept.  25,  1834,  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  77,  with  his  family,  having 
been  appointed  district  judge  of  Cal.,  of  which  office  he  took  possession  on 
Oct.  1st.  He  also  acted  as  legal  adviser  to  Gov.  Gutierrez.  After  leaving 
Cal.  Don  Luis  was  sub-gefe  politico  of  Baja  California  from  May  1S37  to 
June  1842.  See  Hist.  N.  Mex.  States,  ii.  In  March  1839  he  was  trying  to 
collect  back  pay  due  for  his  services  in  Cal.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  v. 
344-5.  He  died  Xov.  25,  1843.  Moreno,  Doc,  MS.,  21.  He  is  represented 
as  having  been  a  very  able  lawj^er,  and  a  brilliant,  accomplished  gentleman. 
The  Caiifornians  say  he  was  unscrupulous;  but  this  may  have  been  because 
he  was  inclined  to  ridicule  rather  than  sympathize  with  their  political  pro- 
jects. Alvarado  and  his  associates  would  have  liked  to  secure  his  coopera- 
tion, but  this  was  not  consistent  with  his  official  position  and  his  plans  for  the 
future;  besides,  he  had  a  great  dislike  for  Angel  llamirez  and  Cosine  Pefia,  the 
latter  being  not  only  a  rival  lawyer  but  a  rival  poet.  Don  Luis  had  a  brother 
who  was  a  general  in  the  Mexican  army;  and  a  Luis  del  Castillo  Negrete,  who 
in  1871  was  a  diputado  in  Sinaloa,  Ures,  Estrella  del  Occidente,  Jan.  5,  1S72, 
was  perhaps  his  son  or  nephew. 

Francisco  Javier  del  Castillo  Negrete  was  a  brother  of  Luis,  who  came  to 
Cal.  with  the  judge;  served  as  Gov.  Chico's  secretary;  perhaps  sent  by  Chico, 
just  before  his  own  departure,  on  a  mission  to  Mexico.  He  was  subsequently 
comandante  of  the  frontier  in  Baja  California.  In  Aug.  1854  he  was  in  San 
Francisco  in  very  destitute  circumstances,  as  he  wrote  to  Gen.  Vallejo.  Ya- 
II  j'j,  Doc,  MS.,  xiii.  379.  Francisco  is  said  to  have  had  some  of  his  brother's 
brilliant  qualities,  being  somewhat  less  reserved  and  more  popular. 

Jose  Maria  Herrera  first  came  to  Cal.  in  1S25  with  Gov.  Echeandia,  as 

comisario  dc  hacienda  for  the  territory.     Of  his  early  life,  or  any  part  of  his 

id  outside  of  Cal.,  I  know  nothing.     With  his  career  here,  his  quarrel 

with  Echeandia  dating  from  1827,  and  his  expulsion  from  the  country  in  1830 

complicity  in  the  Solis  revolt,  the  reader  is  already  familiar.  Sec  chap, 
iii.  of  this  vol.  Herrera  came  back  in  1S34,  at  the  same  lime  as  Castillo 
Negrete,  to  resume  his  old  position  and  manage  the  territorial  finances.  Dur- 
ing this  second  term  he  engaged  in  no  controversies  officially,  and  so  far  aa 


CASTRO  AS  GOVERNOR  AND  GENERAL.  467 

As  commander-in-chief  of  the  victorious  revolution- 
ary army,  Jose  Castro  was  comanclante  general  of 
California  from  November  5th,  the  date  of  Gutierrez's 
surrender,  to  the  29th,  when  his  successor  assumed 
the  office,  and  as  president  of  the  diputacion,  he  was 
governor  for  a  still  longer  period,  until  December  7th. 
It  has  been  customary  to  date  Alvarado's  rule  from 
the  fall  of  Gutierrez,  and  to  ignore  Castro  altogether 
in  the  list  of  rulers  for  this  period ;  but  in  reality, 
Alvarado  at  this  time  had  no  authority,  whatever  his 
influence  may  have  been.  Don  Jose  was  a  grandson 
of  Sergeant  Macario  Castro,25  and  a  son  of  Corporal 
Jose  Tiburcio  Castro,  who  had  been  alcalde  of  San 
Jose.     His  mother  was  an  Alvarez.     He  was    born 

can  be  known,  gave  no  cause  for  complaint.  His  name,  however,  became 
again  disagreeably  prominent  in  connection  with  the  troubles  growing  out  of 
the  scandalous  liaison  between  his  wife,  Dona  Ildefonsa  Gonzalez,  daughter 
of  Capt.  Miguel  Gonzalez,  and  Jose  Maria  Castanares,  as  fully  narrated  in 
chap.  xv.  Herrera  is  described  as  of  medium  height  and  inclined  to  corpu- 
lency, with  fair  complexion,  black  hair,  and  thick  beard.  He  was  affable  in 
manner,  of  much  business  ability,  skilful  in  argument,  and  well  educated. 
Some  leading  Californians  have  given  him  a  very  bad  character,  under  circum- 
stances known  to  the  reader.  I  do  not  undertake  to  decide  just  to  what  ex- 
tent the  charges  rest  on  prejudice.  A  man  of  the  same  name  was  contador 
of  the  custom-house  at  Guaymas  in  1S39.  Pi/tart,  Col.  Doc.  Son.,  MS., 
iii.  11G. 

Capt.  Juan  Antonio  Mufioz  was  appointed  in  1830  to  proceed  to  Cal.  and 
succeed  Alf.  Fernandez  del  Campo  in  command  of  the  artillery.  He  arrived 
late  in  1832  and  was  offered  by  Zamorano  the  comandancia  accidental,  but  de- 
clined, remaining  inactive  until  Figucroa  came,  Dept.  St.  Pop. ,  MS. ,  iii.  79- 
82,  and  then  took  his  proper  command.  There  is  nothing  to  be  noticed  in  his 
Calif ornian  career  of  four  years,  except  that  he  was  very  much  disliked  by 
the  people;  and  I  find  no  record  respecting  him  before  his  arrival  or  after  his 
departure  in  exile  in  183G. 

Lieut  Bernardo  Navarrete  came  with  Figueroa  in  1833.  In  Aug.  1834  he 
was  commissioned  captain  of  the  Monterey  company;  but  there  is  no  record 
that  he  received  the  commission  before  his  banishment  in  1830.  Dcpt.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxix.  83.  Chico  proposed  to  send  him  on  a  commis- 
sion to  Mexico,  but  Francisco  Castillo  Negrete  seems  to  have  gone  in  his 
place.  He  commanded  the  cavalry  during  the  final  siege  of  Monterey.  Like 
Muuoz,  he  was  disliked  by  the  Californians,  for  reasons  which,  except  his  be- 
ing a  Mexican,  are  unknown. 

Alferez  Patricio  Estrada  was  also  sufficiently  under  the  ban  of  Californian 
displeasure  to  be  sent  away  in  1836.  He  had  come  with  Lcheandia  in  1825; 
commanding  a  detachment  of  the  Pifjuetc  de  Hidalgo. 

Nicanor  Estrada  left  the  country  in  1S3G,  not  in  the  Clementine,  and 
perhaps  voluntarily.  He  worked  as  a  blacksmith.  In  Mexico  he  had  been 
a  captain  of  cavalry,  and  came  with  the  colony  as  a  kind  of  political  exile. 
In  Nov.  1835,  notice  Mas  sent  that  his  rank  had  been  restored.  Dcpt.  St. 
Pap.,  Pen.  JUL,  M.S.,  lxxxi.  1. 

2o  See  biographical  sketches. 


468  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

about  1810,  and  his  early  educational  advantages  had 
been  substantially  the  same  as  those  of  his  companions 
Alvarado  and  Vallejo,  though  he  had  profited  by  them 
somewhat  less  than  either  of  the  others,  being  less 
observant  and  ambitious.  He  had  no  experience  as 
a  soldier  or  in  clerical  duties;  but  he  had  served  sev- 
eral terms  as  vocal  in  the  diputacion;  had  sometimes 
presided  over  that  body,  and  had  once,  as  its  presi- 
dent, been  gefe  politico  ad  interim,  from  September 
1835  to  January  1836. 

The  popular  movement  having  proved  successful, 
the  Mexican  ruler  having  been  deposed,  and  these 
victories  having  been  properly  celebrated  in  fiestas  at 
the  capital,  it  became  necessary  to  organize  the  gov- 
ernment under  a  new  regime.  The  plan  of  the  pro- 
nunciamiento,  drawn  up  on  November  3d,  but  not 
extant,  would  seem  to  have  been  rather  vaguely 
worded,  so  as  not  to  make  it  quite  certain  what  the 
revolution  was  to  accomplish.  The  leaders  have  been 
accused  of  making  it  vague  intentionally,  or  worse 
still,  of  having  promised  to  declare  California  entirely 
independent  of  Mexico,  in  order  to  secure  foreign 
support,  subsequently  breaking  the  promise.  I  have 
no  reason  to  believe  that  any  such  pledge  was  made. 
At  any  rate,  Alvarado  knew  well  that  popular  feeling 
would  not  support  such  a  step ;  and  it  is  probable  that 
from  the  first  the  intention  had  been  merely  to  insist 
on  Californian  rulers,  under  the  pretence  of  a  revolt 
against  centralism.  Doubtless  a  pressure  was  brought 
to  bear  by  Americans,  after  success  had  been  achieved, 
in  favor  of  absolute  independence.  Indeed,  it  is  said, 
and  I  have  heard  Alvarado  himself  admit,  that  a  lone- 
star  flag  had  been  prepared;  and  the  project  of  raising 
it  over  the  presidio  was  discussed.  Possibly  Alva- 
rado was  not  personally  much  opposed  to  the  plan, 
but  he  feared,  while  respecting,  the  influence  of 
foreigners.  His  associates  were  yet  more  timid;  op- 
position was  feared  from  the  south  even  to  changes 
less  radical;  his  Mexican  supporters  protested  against 


THE  NE\V  GOVERNMENT.  469 

disloyalty  to  the  federal  constitution;  and  David 
Spence  and  other  foreigners  deemed  it  wise  to  curb 
American  ambition.  The  Californians  hesitated,  if  at 
all,  but  for  a  moment;  the  Texan  experiment  was  not 
to  be  tried  in  California,  and  the  Mexican  flag  still 
waved  over  the  capital.26 

The  day  after  the  surrender  of  Gutierrez,  Novem- 
ber 6th,  the  diputacion  met,  that  is,  four  of  its  mem- 
bers did  so.  I  am  unable  to  explain  why  Spence, 
Gomez,  and  Crespo  took  no  part  in  this  and  subsequent 
meetings.  Respecting  the  proceedings  at  this  and 
other  sessions,  we  have  no  other  record  than  the 
printed  addresses  and  decrees  issued  from  time  to  time. 
The  first  of  these,  signed  by  Castro,  Alvarado,  Buel- 
na,  and  Noriega,  was  an  address  of  congratulation  to 
the  people.27     The  second  production  was  a  record  of 

20  Bandini,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  85-6,  says  the  persons  who  favored  inde- 
pendence were  chiefly  Mexicans.  Mofras,  Explor. ,  i.  300,  tells  ns  that  the 
Americans  had  a  lone-star  flag  all  ready,  which  they  wished  to  hoist,  putting 
Cal.  under  the  protection  of  the  U.  S.,  and  promising  the  aid  of  the  Peacock 
which  would  soon  return;  but  the  Mexicans  Pcua  and  Ramirez,  Spence, 
Amesti,  Munras,  and  Deleisseques  succeeded  in  preventing  the  movement. 
Petit-Thouars,  Voyage,  ii.  99,  gives  in  substance  the  same  version,  and  adds 
that  the  Americans  then  withdrew  in  disgust,  except  a  few  riflemen  who  got 
82  a  day  for  their  services.  Wilkes,  Narr.,  v.  178-9,  says  the  courage  of  Al- 
varado and  the  diputacion  failed  them  at  the  last  moment,  and  they  refused 
to  keep  their  promise  of  raising  the  flag — adding  some  absurd  details. 
Gleeson,  Hist.  Oath.  Church,  i.  148-9,  follows  Mofras.  Serrano,  Apuntes, 
MS.,  27,  38-9,  insists  that  the  lone-star  flag  was  actually  raised,  and  that 
Castro  trampled  the  Mexican  flag  under  foot.  Inocente  Garcia,  the  standard- 
bearer,  claims  to  have  prevented  Capt.  Hinckley  and  others  from  raising  the 
new  flag  on  one  occasion,  and  to  have  insisted  on  hoisting  the  national  banner. 
Robinson  mentions  the  Texan  flag  which  was  said  to  have  been  prepared. 
Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  199-204,  admits  that  he  thought  favorably  of 
putting  Cal.  under  a  European  or  American  protectorate. 

Robinson,  Life  in  Cal.,  177,  says  that  several  Mexican  vessels  in  the  har- 
bor were  seized  and  afterward  released.  It  is  claimed  by  Alvarado,  Vallejo, 
and  others  that  they  had  some  difficulty  in  preventing  outrages  on  Mexicans, 
instigated  largely  by  Graham  and  his  men.  It  was  partly  to  save  them  from 
injury  and  insult  that  Gutierrez  and  others  were  kept  on  board  the  vessel  for 
some  days  before  she  sailed. 

27  'The  most  excellent  diputacion  of  Alta  California,  to  its  inhabitants: 
Californians :  Heaven  favors  you ;  you  arc  doubtless  its  chosen  portion,  and 
therefore  it  is  leading  you  with  propitious  hand  to  happiness.  Until  now  you 
have  been  the  sad  victim  of  servile  factions,  whose  chiefs,  content  with  a 
passing  triumph,  taxed  to  the  utmost  your  long-suffering  patience.  As  obe- 
dient sons  of  the  mother  country,  and  faithful  defenders  of  your  dear  liber- 
ties, you  swore  solemnly  before  God  and  men  to  be  free,  and  to  die  rather  than 
be  slaves.  In  this  spirit,  you  adopted  forever,  as  a  social  compact  to  direct 
you,  the  federal  constitution  of  the  year  twenty-four ;  your  government  was 


470  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

proceedings  at  the  extra  session  of  November  7th, 
signed  by  the  same  men  and  published  as  a  circular.  At 
this  meeting  the  plan  of  the  original  pronunciamiento 
was  submitted  for  revision  and  approval.  This  docu- 
ment in  its  original  form  is  not  given,  and  it  is  conse- 
quently impossible  to  state  what  changes  were  intro- 
duced. It  had  been  somewhat  vaguely  worded,  and 
perhaps  intentionally  so;  but  Alvarado  explained  that 
its  informalities  were  due  to  the  haste  and  confusion 
of  the  campaign,  since  the  intention  of  the  pronun- 
dados,  as  was  well  known,  was  simply  to  resist  the 
oppressions  of  the  rulers  sent  from  Mexico  since  the 
adoption  of  the  new  system;  and  he  moved  that  the 
plan  be  drawn  up  as  in  the  appended  note.23     This 

organized  at  cost  of  immense  sacrifices,  which  unnatural  sons  trampled  on, 
ignoring  them  in  order  to  found  upon  your  ruins  their  own  fortune  and  crim- 
inal advancement ;  and  when  it  seemed  that  you  were  already  the  sure  patri- 
mony of  the  aristocratic  tyrant,  you  boldly  waved  the  banner  of  the  free: 
"Federation  or  Death  is  the  destiny  of  the  Californian."  Thus  have  you 
shouted,  and  a  cry  so  sweet  will  be  indelibly  engraved  upon  your  hearts,  in 
whom  (sic)  the  sacred  fire  of  love  for  the  country  is  seen  to  burn  incessantly. 
You  have  tasted  the  sweet  nectar  of  liberty  ;  the  bitter  cup  of  oppression 
may  not  be  tendered  you  with  impunity.  California  is  free,  and  will  sever 
her  relations  with  Mexico  until  she  ceases  to  be  oppressed  by  the  present  domi- 
nant faction  called  central  government.  To  accomplish  so  interesting,  so 
grand  an  object,  it  remains  only  that  we,  the  inhabitants  of  this  soil,  united, 
form  a  single  wish,  a  single  opinion.  Let  us  be  united,  Californians,  and  we 
shall  be  invincible,  if  we  use  all  the  resources  on  which  we  may  count.  Thus 
shall  we  make  it  clear  to  the  universe  that  we  are  firm  in  our  purpose,  that 
we  are  free  and  federalists  !  Jos6  Castro,  Juan  B.  Alvarado,  Antonio  Buelna, 
Jose  Antonio  Noriega.  Monterrey,  Nov.  G,  1836.'  Government  Press  in  charge 
of  citizen  Santiago  Aguilar.     1  leaf. 

Original  print  in  Earliest  Printing.  Also  in  Bandini,  Doc,  MS.,  42; 
Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  151-2;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iii.  195-6;  and  transla- 
tion, somewhat  less  literal  than  mine,  in  Hopkins''  Translations,  3-4,  printed 
also  in  the  S.  Francisco  Alta.  The  Noriega  who  signs  was  Jose"  Antonio  de 
la  Guerra.  It  was  a  whim  to  sign  his  name  Noriega,  which  he  had  no  right 
to  do.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  1G9-73,  says  that  two  copies  of  the 
address  were  sent  to  every  place  to  be  posted  in  regular  form  on  the  doors  of 
alcaldia  and  church. 

2~  Plan  de  Independencia  Calif orniana  adoptada  por  la  dipulacion  en  7  de 
Nov.  1836.  Original  print,  1  leaf,  with  rubric  of  the  four  signers  in  EarliesA 
Printing.  Also  in  CciMro,  J  Joe,  MS.,  i.  33;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  41; 
Bandini,  Doc,  MS.,  41;  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  210-11;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Angeles,  MS.,  x.  17.  Translation  in  Hopkins'  Translations,  4-5,  in  which  one 
unfortunate  error  is  to  be  noted,  where  debida  a  las  fatigas  de  la  campaiia  is 
rendered  '  the  result  of  the  labors  of  the  company.' 

1.  Alta  California  is  declared  independent  of  Mexico  until  the  federal 
system  of  1824  shall  be  reestablished.  2.  The  said  California  is  erected  into 
a  free  and  sovereign  state,  establishing  a  congress  which  shall  pass  all  the  par- 
ticular laws  of  the  country,  also  the  other  necessary  supreme  powers,  the  pres- 


PATRIOTIC  DECREES.  471 

plan  was  unanimously' adopted  by  the  diputacion,  and 
being:  submitted  on  motion  of  Castro  to  the  leaders 
of  the  pronunciados,  was  by  them  also  approved,  with- 
out much  opposition,  it  maybe  supposed,  since  those 
leaders  were  Castro  and  Alvarado.  Next  day  Presi- 
dent Castro  issued  the  first  of  a  series  of  decrees  ema- 
nating from  the  diputacion  in  its  new  capacity,  in  which 
the  people  are  duly  informed  "that  the  said  supreme 
legislative  body  has  decreed  as  follows :  'The  constitu- 
ent congress  of  the  free  and  sovereign  state  of  Alta  Cal- 
ifornia  is  hereby  declared  legitimately  installed.'"29  On 
the  13th,  as  'commander  of  the  vanguard  of  the  divi- 
sion of  operations,'  Castro  issued  a  printed  proclamation 
to  the  people,  congratulating  them  on  their  escape  from 
tyranny,  exhorting  them  not  to  falter  in  the  good  work, 
reminding  them  that  death  was  preferable  to  servi- 
tude, and  that  federalism  must  become  the  system  of 
the  nation.  "Viva  la  federacion !  Viva  lalibertad! 
Viva  el  estado  libre  y  soberano  de  Alta  California!"30 
The  next  record  carries  us  forward  to  the  time  when 
Vallejo,  having  arrived  from  Sonoma,  assumed  the 
military  command,  tendered  him,  as  we  have  seen,  by 
the  diputacion  on  the  7th.  Mariano  Guadalupe  Va- 
llejo was  a  young  man  of  about  thirty  years,  who 
had  recently  received  a  lieutenant's  commission  in  the 
Mexican  army,  and  was  comandante  of  the  northern 


ent  most  excellent  diputacion  declaring  itself  constituent.  3.  The  religion 
will  be  the  catholic  apostolic  Roman,  without  admitting  the  public  worship  of 
any  other;  but  the  government  will  molest  no  one  for  his  private  religious 
opinions.  4.  A  constitution  shall  regulate  all  branches  of  the  administra- 
tion provisionally,  so  far  as  possible  in  accordance  with  the  said  (federal  ?) 
constitution.  5.  While  the  provisions  of  the  preceding  articles  are  being 
carried  out  Pon  Mariano  Guadalupe  Vallejo  will  be  called  to  the  comandancia 
general.  6.  The  necessary  communications  will  be  made  to  the  municipali- 
ties of  the  territory  by  the  president  of  the  excelentfsima  diputacion. 

29  Castro,  Decretos  de  la  Exma  Diputacion  erigida  en  Congreso  Constitui/ente, 
por  su  President  c,  no.  1-10,  183G,  in  Earliest  Printing.  Nos  1-4  are  signed 
by  Castro  as  diputado  presidente,  and  by  Juan  B.  Alvarado  as  diputado  sec- 
retario;  nos  5-9  by  Castro  and  by  J.  A.  do  la  C4uerra  as  sec;  and  no.  10  by 
Alvarado  as  gov.  and  Cosme  Pena  as  sec.  It  is  possible  that  this  scries  was 
continued,  but  I  have  found  no  later  numbers.  Nov.  10th,  Castro  to  comis- 
sario  de  policfa  at  Branciforte,  forwarding  the  bases  adopted  by  the  diputa- 
cion to  be  sworn  at  the  villa.    StaCruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  74. 

30 Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  x.  14-10. 


472  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

frontier,  with  headquarters  at  Sonoma.  He  was  the 
son  of  the  'sargento  distinguido'  Ignacio  Vallejo  and 
of  Maria  Antonia  Lugo,  being,  on  the  paternal  side  at 
least,  of  pure  Spanish  blood,  and  being  entitled  by 
the  old  rules  to  prefix  the  'Don'  to  his  name.  In 
childhood  he  had  been  the  associate  of  Alvarado  and 
Castro  at  Monterey,  and  his  educational  advantages, 
of  which  he  made  good  use,  were  substantially  the 
same  as  theirs.  Unlike  his  companions,  he  chose  a 
military  career,  entering  the  Monterey  company  in 
1823  as  cadet,  and  being  promoted  to  be  alferez  of 
the  San  Francisco  company  in  1827.  He  served  as 
habilitado  and  as  comandante  of  both  companies,  and 
took  part,  as  has  been  recorded  in  preceding  chapters, 
in  several  campaigns  against  the  Indians,  besides  act- 
ing as  fiscal  or  defensor  in  various  military  trials.  In 
1830  he  was  elected  to  the  diputacion,  and  took  a 
prominent  part  in  the  opposition  of  that  body  to  Vic- 
toria. In  1832  he  married  Francisca  Benicia,  daugh- 
ter of  Joaquin  Carrillo,  and  in  1834  was  elected  dip- 
utado  suplente  to  congress.  He  was  a  favorite  of 
Figueroa,  who  gave  him  large  tracts-  of  land  north 
of  the  bay,  choosing  him  as  comisionado  to  secular- 
ize San  Francisco  Solano,  to  found  the  town  of  So- 
noma, and  to  command  the  frontera  del  norte.  In  his 
new  position  Vallejo  was  doubtless  the  most  indepen- 
dent man  in  California.  His  past  record  was  a  good 
one,  and  both  in  ability  and  experience  he  was  proba- 
bly better  fitted  to  take  the  position  as  comandante 
general  than  any  other  Californian.  He  was  not  per- 
sonally so  popular  as  either  Alvarado  or  Castro,  be- 
cause chiefly  of  his  reserved,  haughty,  aristocratic,  mil- 
itary manner;  yet  it  is  evident  that  his  name  and  his 
strength  carried  great  weight  with  the  people,  since 
the  revolutionists  were  forced  to  represent  him  as  their 
leader,  even  without  his  consent.  The  reasons  of  his 
conservatism  were  well  enough  known,  and  little  doubt 
was  felt  that  he  would  accept  the  command  offered  him. 
Accordingly  Alvarado,  in  his  letter  of  November  7th, 


VALLEJO,  AS  GENERAL.  473 

already  cited,  explained  to  his  uncle  the  use  that  had 
been  made  of  his  name,  declared  the  movement  a  suc- 
cess, and  urged  the  importance  of  his  presence  at  the 
capital.  Don  Guadalupe  obeyed,  and  came  from  So- 
noma with  a  small  force.31 

It  was  on  November  29th  that  Vallejo  took  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  new  government,  assumed 
the  position  of  comandante  general,  and  issued  a  proc- 
lamation to  the  Californians — a  document  expressing 
patriotic  purposes  in  the  usual  grandiloquent  language 
of  Spanish  American  officials.32  It  was  feared  that 
some  objection  might  be  made  in  certain  quarters  to 
a  general  who  held  no  higher  military  rank  than  that 
of  lieutenant,  and  accordingly  on  the  day  the  oath 
was  taken  the  constituent  congress  voted  Vallejo  a 


31  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iii.  197-202,  tells  us  that  he  started  from  So- 
noma with  a  large  force  before  he  knew  what  had  taken  place,  but  sent  back 
all  but  50  of  his  men  when  he  heard  at  S.  Jose  that  Gutierrez  had  fallen. 
He  only  knew  of  his  appointment  by  the  shout  of  viva  el  comandante  gen- 
e?al!  by  which  he  was  greeted  at  Monterey.  Nov.  7,  1836,  Castro  to  Va- 
llejo. Official  notice  of  his  appointment.  'The  people  expect  of  your  patriot- 
ism a  compliance  with  their  wishes. '  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  2G4.  Nov.  16th, 
Vallejo  from  str.  of  Carquines  to  Castro.  Will  start  at  once  for  Sonoma,  and 
thence  for  Monterey;  though  it  is  inconvenient,  as  he  expects  62 Indian  chiefs 
to  make  treaties.    Id.,  iv.  42. 

b'2  Vallejo,  Proclama  del  C.  Mariano  G.  Vcdlejo  en  el  acto  de  prestar  el  jura- 
mento  de  las  baces  adoptadas  por  la  Ecsma  Diputacion  de  la  Alta  California. 
Monterrey,  29  de  Nov.  de  1836.  Imprenta  del  Sup.  Gob. ,  etc. ,  1  leaf,  in  Earliest 
Printing;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  269;  Bandini,  Doc,  MS.,  43;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Angeles,  MS.,  x.  13;  and  with  French  translation  in  Petit- Thouars,  Voyages, 
MS.,  iv.  1-3.  /  'Fellow-citizens:  the  sovereign  legislative  assembly  of  the 
free  state  of  Alta  California  calls  me  to  its  aid,  and  I  obey  its  supreme  deter- 
mination, putting  myself  at  the  head  of  the  brave  men  who  surround  me,  and 
accepting  the  comandancia  general  for  the  public  welfare,  whose  slave  alone 
I  am.  Yes,  fellow-citizens,  I  swear  to  you  before  God  I  would  promise  to 
secure  your  happiness,  if,  as  my  soul  abounds  in  love  for  the  country,  my 
knowledge  were  sufficient  to  second  my  good  intentions  and  the  purity  of  my 
desires.  Yet  I  will  strive  to  that  end,  and  I  will  succeed  in  showing  that  I 
am  a  citizen  who  loves  the  liberty  of  a  country  so  often  outraged  with  impu- 
nity. If  I  succeed,  my  reward  will  be  the  well-being  of  the  sovereign  people 
to  which  I  have  the  honor  to  belong;  but  if  it  may  not  be  so,  my  fitting  rec- 
ompense will  be  a  cold  stone,  which,  confounding  me  among  insensible  beings, 
shall  publish  "Here  lies  a  Californian  who  yielded  to  death  rather  than  to 
tyranny  ! " '  etc.  In  translating  this  and  other  documents  in  my  notes,  I  have 
thought  it  best  to  give  the  author's  words  as  literally  as  possible,  taking 
pains,  however,  never  to  exaggerate  in  English  any  vagueness,  inelegancy,  or 
absurdity  of  the  original  Spanish.  On  Nov.  28th,  Alvarado  wrote  to  Valen- 
tin Cota  at  Sta  Barbara  a  friendly  letter,  declaring  that  prospects  were  very 
bright,  though  the  leeches  might  yet  make  trouble.    Cota,  Doc,  MS.,  5-6. 


474  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

colonel  of  cavalry,  the  commission  being  issued  in 
December.33 

On  December  4th  the  legislators  brought  their 
minds  to  bear  on  revenue  management.  It  was  de- 
cided  to  suppress  all  the  old  offices  connected  with 
the  custom-house,  and  to  intrust  all  the  business  to  a 
collector  at  a  salary  of  $1,000  and  a  clerk  at  $360.34 
At  the  next  session  provision  was  made  for  the  or- 
ganization of  a  '  civic  force  to  sustain  the  system  of 
government  adopted,'  for  which  purpose  the  ayunta- 
miento  was  required  to  prepare  at  once  lists  of  in- 
habitants between  fifteen  and  fiftv  years  of  a^e. 
The  staff  of  the  squadron  was  to  consist  of  a  colonel, 
lieut-colonel,  sergeant-major,  and  standard-bearer. 
The  Qfovernment  was  also  authorized  to  organize  an 
infantry  company  of  riflemen.  The  leading  commis- 
sions in  the  civic  militia  were  subsequently  given  to 
Alvarado  and  Castro  respectively,  both  commencing 
their  military  career  with  a  rank  that  in  Spanish  times 
could  have  been  reached  only  by  long  years  of  ser- 
vice in  the  lower  grades.35 

It  was  now  deemed  necessary  to  choose  a  chief 
executive  of  the  new  government  in  place  of  Castro, 
who  had  hitherto  acted  in  that  capacity  as  president 
of  the  diputacion.  Accordingly,  at  the  session  of 
December  7th,  Juan  B.  Alvarado  was  declared  to  be 
governor  ad  interim  of  the   state,  with  a   salary  of 

33  Castro,  Decrelos  de  la  Dip.,  no.  2,  Nov.  29th.  Commission  Dec.  11th, 
in  Val'ejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  11;  Petit- Thouars,  Voyage,  iv.  20. 

34  ( 'astro,  Decretos,  no.  3.  Ramirez  seems,  however,  to  have  remained  in 
charge  of  the  custom-house  until  Dec.  21st  at  least;  and  Hartnell  was  the 
iirst  recaudador. 

35  Castro,  Decretos,  no.  4,  Dec.  5,  1836;  also  in  Petit- Thouars,  Voyage,  iv. 
3-6.  Alvarado's  commission  as  colonel  was  issued  Dec.  11th,  by  Castro  as 
president.  Earliest  Printing.  As  by  decree  no.  4  the  colonel  was  to  be 
appointed  by  the  govt,  and  Alvarado  had  since  become  the  chief  executive, 
he  v,  as  freed  from  the  duty  of  appointing  himself,  and  the  president  author- 
ized to  issue  the  commission  on  Dec.  7th,  by  no.  0  of  Castro,  Decretos.  Of 
Castro':;  own  commission  as  lieut-col.  I  have  no  record,  save  that  from  about 
tins  time  that  prefix  was  attached  to  his  name.  On  Dec.  12th,  Alvarado,  as 
col.  and  governor,  commissioned  Jose"  Jesus  Vallcjo  as  captain  of  artillery  in 
the  civic  militia,  Earliest  Printing;  and  also  Valentin  Cota  of  Sta  Barbara  to 
be  captain,  Ouerra,  Doc,  IMS.,  v.  305;  and  Miguel  Avila  to  be  alferez. 
Avila,  Doc  Hist.  Cat,  MS.,  253. 


ALVARADO  MADE  GOVERNOR.  475 

$1,500,  the  tratamiento  of  'excellency'  and  a  secre- 
tary at  $1,000,36  to  which  position  Cosme  Pena  was 
soon  appointed.  Of  Alvarado's  inauguration,  of  the 
speech  that  he  may  have  made,  and  the  proclamation 
he  may  have  issued,  there  is  no  record. 

Three  important  decrees  were  issued  the  9th  of 
December.  By  the  first,  each  ayuntamiento  was  di- 
rected to  choose  at  its  next  session  a  diputado  to  join 
the  members  of  the  congress  and  aid  in  the  formation 
of  a  constitution.  A  second  divided  the  state  tem- 
porarily into  two  cantons,  or  districts,  the  first  that 
of  Monterey,  including  the  municipalities  of  San  Fran- 
cisco and  San  Jose;  the  second  that  of  Los  Angeles, 
including  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Biego.  Each  can- 
ton was  to  have  a  gefe  politico,  to  be  the  governor  in 
the  first,  and  in  the  second  a  man  subordinate  to  the 
governor  and  appointed  by  him  from  a  trio  to  be 
elected  at  Los  Angeles  January  15th  by  comisionados 
named  by  the  ayuntamientos.  As  no  such  election 
was  ever  held,  and  as  the  svstem  never  went  into  ef- 
feet  for  reasons  that  will  appear  later,  it  seems  unnec- 
essary to  go  further  into  details.  By  the  third  decree 
some  of  the  late  restrictions  on  commerce  were  re- 
moved; duties  were  fixed  at  forty  per  cent  on  foreign 

30  Castro,  Derretos  cle  la  Dip.,  no.  5,  Dec.  7,  1836;  Petit- Thouars,  Voyage, 
iv.  G-9.  Art.  1.  Alvarado  to  be  gov.  ad  interim.  Art.  2.  To  serve  until 
the  appointment  of  another  to  serve  *  constitutionally.'  Art.  3.  His  attri- 
butes are:  1.  To  appoint  officials  in  accordance  with  the  bases  and  laws.  2. 
To  care  for  the  security  and  tranquillity  of  the  state.  3.  To  command  the 
militia.  4.  To  enforce  the  bases  and  laws,  and  issue  the  necessary  decrees 
to  that  end.  5.  To  see  that  justice  be  promptly  and  fully  executed.  6.  To 
appoint  and  remove  administrators  of  missions,  take  accounts  through  comi- 
sionados, and  report  to  congress  on  mission  matters  requiring  attention.  7. 
To  fine  corporations,  subordinate  authorities,  and  private  individuals  to  extent 
of  SI 00  for  disrespect  to  the  govt,  or  $200  for  failure  to  comply  with  duties; 
or  to  suspend  officials,  reporting  at  once  to  congress.  Art.  4.  To  have  the  title 
of  excellency.  Art.  5.  To  have  SI, 500  per  year.  Art.  6.  In  case  of  dis- 
ability, his  duties  to  be  performed  by  the  pres.  of  the  congress.  Art.  7.  To 
take  the  oath  of  office  before  the  pres.  Art.  8.  To  have  a  secretary  and  a 
clerk,  or  more  than  one  if  necessary,  appointed  by  himself.  Art.  9.  The 
secretary's  duty  is  to  extend  the  minutes  and  sign  all  decrees  and  orders. 
Art.  10.  Sec.  to  have  a  salary  of  SI, COO,  and  clerk  $375,  without  fees. 
Art.  11.  The  sec.  to  take  the  oath  before  the  state  govt.  Art.  12.  This 
decree  to  be  published,  etc.  Signed  by  Castro  and  by  Guerra.  Alvarado, 
Hid.  Cu.L,  MS.,  iii.  184-5,  tells  us  that  there  was  much  discussion  about  the 
title  of  the  new  ruler,  between  gefe  politico,  president,  and  governor. 


47G  GUTIERREZ,  CASTRO,  AND  ALVARADO. 

goods,  with  tonnage  dues  at  eight  reals  per  ton,  and 
coasting  trade  was  permitted  to  foreign  vessels  under 
a  permit  from  the  government.  This  was  in  appreci- 
ation of  the  aid  rendered  by  foreigners  to  the  cause 
of  freedom.37 

Thus  far  the  Californians  had  been  successful  in 
their  armed  protest  against  centralism.  They  had 
got  rid  of 'their  Mexican  ruler,  and  had  made  a  start 
in  the  experiment  of  governing  themselves.  The  ma- 
chinery of  government  was  working  smoothly  enough 
at  the  capital.  The  beginnings  under  the  new  regime 
had  been  marked  by  no  hasty  or  unwise  steps.  The 
leaders  were  among:  the  best  and  the  ablest  of  the 
Californians,  abounding  in  patriotism,  if  somewhat 
lacking  in  experience.  It  would  be  going  too  far, 
perhaps,  to  say  that  the  new  administration  had  before 
it  an  open  road  to  permanent  success,  for  the  inherent 
difficulties  of  the  situation  were  great.  Possibly  it  is 
fortunate  in  a  sense  for  Aivarado  and  his  associates 
that  they  can  point  to  the  opposition  of  their  country- 
men as  an  insurmountable  obstacle  in  their  way,  for 
it  is  certain  that  such  opposition  removed  every  hope 
of  a  notable  success.  Yet  I  have  much  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  Aivarado  would  have  effected  a  marked 
improvement  in  the  condition  of  California  had  he 
been  allowed  to  do  so,  and  that  the  internal  quarrels, 
wThich  needlessly  monopolized  his  attention  and  ener- 
gy, were  from  every  point  of  view  a  misfortune  to  the 
country. 

The  bases  of  the  new  system  were  of  course  for- 
warded, with  the  various  proclamations  and  decrees 
therewith  connected,  to  every  part  of  the  state;  and 
1  suppose  that  they  were  approved  with  the  usual 
forms  and  oath  of  allegiance  everywhere  in  the  north- 
ern districts,  though  strangely  enough  not  a  single  rec- 
ord of  such  local  proceeding  has  rewarded  my  search. 

37  Casf.ro,  Decretos,  nos  7,  8,  9,  Dec.  9,  1830;  Vallcjo,  Doc,  MS.,  51-3; 
Petit-Thouars,   Yoyayc,  iv.  12-20;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  8.  Jose,  MS.,  iii.  55-GO. 


AFFAIRS  m  THE  NORTH.  477 

In  the  south  a  strong  opposition  developed  itself,  to  be 
treated  fully  in  the  following  chapter.  Alvarado  deter- 
mined to  visit  the  south  in  person.  He  obtained  from 
the  congress  a  concession  of  extraordinary  powers,33 
gave  his  civil  authority  as  far  as  possible  to  General 
Vallejo,  whom  all  local  authorities  were  ordered  to 
obey,39  and  started  southward  on  Christmas,  with  some 
fifty  soldiers  and  Graham's  riflemen,  a  part  of  the  force 
being  sent  by  water  on  the  Clementine,  which  had  re- 
turned from  Cape  San  Lucas.  Vallejo  at  about  the 
same  time  was  called  away  to  Sonoma  to  settle  some 
trouble  with  the  Indians,  and  Lieut-colonel  Castro 
was  left  in  command.  There  is  nothing  more  to  be 
said  of  affairs  at  the  north  in  1836,  except  that  Angel 
Ramirez,  having  been  removed  from  the  administration 
of  the  revenues,  and  having  been  unable  to  control 
Alvarado  as  he  had  hoped  to  do,  was  perhaps  already 
engaged  in  plotting  future  mischief.40  There  is  no  in- 
dication that  north  of  Santa  Barbara  there  was  any 
disaffection  among  Californians,  though  some  of  the 
more  timid  looked  forward  with  anxiety  to  the  result  of 
the  governor's  campaign  in  the  south,  and  still  more 
anxiously  to  the  time  when  their  revolt  should  be 
known  in  Mexico. 

33  Castro,  Decretos,  no.  10,  Dec.  20,  1836;  Petit- Thouars,  Voyage,  iv.  21. 
This,  the  final  order  of  the  series,  is  issued  by  'The  citizen  Juan  B.  Alvarado, 
colonel  of  the  civic  militia,  superior  gefe  politico  of  the  first  canton,  and  gov- 
ernor of  the  free  and  sovereign  state  of  Alta  California. '  Countersigned  by- 
Secretary  Peiia. 

3'JDec.  23,  1836,  Alvarado  to  civil  authorities  and  private  persons.  In  Va- 
llejo, Doc,  MS.,  iv.  45.  Vallejo  in  return  conceded  his  military  authority  to 
Alvarado  so  far  as  the  south  was  concerned.  His  order  to  comandantes  of 
the  south  is  dated  Dec.  17th.  Id.,  iv.  43. 

40 Alvarado,  Hist.  (JaL,  MS.,  iii.  190-4,  and  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,iii.241- 
3,  tell  us  that  the  former  on  his  way  south  found  evidence  that  Ramirez  and 
P.  Mercado  were  plotting  at  S.  Antonio,  and  sent  a  note  of  warning  to  Vallejo. 
Alvarado  thought  of  arresting  Ramirez,  but  had  some  hope  that  he  would 
conspire  with  the  south  and  thus  drive  Juan  Randini  over  to  the  governor's 
side. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

1836-1837. 

Causes  of  Southern  Opposition — Sectional,  Local,  and  Personal  Preju- 
dice— The  News  at  Anceles — San  Diego  Aroused — Plan  of  Novem- 
ber— Counter-plan  of  Santa  Barbara — New  Ayuntamtentos  and 
New  Plan — Letters  of  Prominent  Men — Castillo  Negrete — Osio  — 
Bandini — Pio  Pico — Carlos  Carrillo — Alvarado  in  the  South — 
The  Barbarenos  Submit — Angelinos  Obstinate — Dieguinos  Patri- 
otic but  not  Warlike — Defensive  Measures — Campaign  and  Treaty 
of  San  Fernando — Alvarado  at  Los  Angeles — Castro's  Arrival— 
Another  Plan — Speeches — Fears  of  Attack  from  Sonora — Castro 
at  San  Diego — Diputacion  Sustains  Alvarado — Plan  de  Gobierno — 
Intrigues  of  Osio  and  Pico — Los  Angeles  Submits — Governor's 
Manifiesto  of  May — Return  to  Monterey — Events  in  the  North, 
January  to  May. 

That  the  changes  effected  at  Monterey  were  not  ap- 
proved in  the  south  was  due  almost  entirely  to  sec- 
tional, local,  and  personal  causes.  The  provincial  preju- 
dice was  as  strong  in  one  part  of  California  as  in 
another.  The  arribenos  were  not  more  radical  feder- 
alists than  were  the  abajeiios,  nor  were  they  more 
unanimously  opposed  to  Mexican  rulers.  The  loyalty 
of  the  sureiios  and  their  natural  shrinking  from  revo- 
lutionary  measures  were  not  notably  more  pronounced 
than  the  same  sentiments  anions  the  norteflos.  It 
was  San  Dic^o  and  Los  Angeles,  not  Monterev  and 
San  Jose,  that  had  Ixmm  the  revolt  against  Victoria 
in  1831.  It  was  the  south  that  sustained  Echeandia, 
and  the  north  that  supported  Zamorano's  counter- 
revolt  in  behalf  of  the  supreme  government.  There 
was  not  much  opposition  to  Gutierrez  personally  in 

(478) 


SOUTHERN  DISAFFECTION.  479 

either  section.  Alvarado  was  personally  popular  in 
both  sections.  The  paHreS'  Fernandinos  in  charge  of 
the  southern  missions  were  disposed  rather  to  favor 
than  oppose  the  change.  El  sur,  as  fully  as  el  norte, 
had  felt  the  effects  of  Mexican  oppression  and  neglect, 
real  or  imaginary.  The  benefits,  if  any,  to  be  derived 
from  independence  could  be  nowise  sectional.  Other 
reasons  for  southern  opposition  must  be  sought. 

A  strong  sectional  feeling  had  been  in  process  of  de- 
velopment since  1825,  when  Echeandia,  charmed  with 
southern  climate  and  southern  ladies,  had  seriously 
wounded  the  pride  of  Monterey,  by  fixing  his  residence 
at  San  Diego.  Most  representatives  to  congress  had 
been  from  the  south,  which  was  deemed  a  slight  to 
northern  talent;  but  on  the  other  hand,  Arguello  and 
Castro  had  ruled  as  governors,  while  Pico  and  Estu- 
dillo  had  failed  to  secure  recognition.  Custom-house 
quarrels  had  waxed  hot  between  San  Diego  and  Mon- 
terey, to  the  advantage  of  the  latter;  but  the  south- 
ern pueblo  had  gone  far  ahead  of  San  Jose  in  popula- 
tion, even  gaining  the  rank  of  city.  In  the  struggle 
for  the  capital,  Los  Angeles  had  gained  the  victory, 
on  paper,  which  caused  a  burst  of  indignation  in  the 
north;  but  Monterey  had  thus  far  evaded  a  delivery 
of  the  spoils,  and  the  Angelinos  were  furious.  A  di- 
vision of  the  missions  between  the  friars  of  two  col- 
leges had  a  slight  tendency  to  widen  the  breach. 

The  first  feeling  on  hearing  what  had  happened 
was  one  of  surprise  and  of  timidity.  Yet  the  people 
were  not  more  timid  than  the  arribenos,  but  their 
courage  had  not,  like  that  of  the  others,  been  braced 
up  by  the  excitement  of  personal  participation  in  stir- 
ring events  or  by  the  eloquence  of  popular  leaders. 
Soon,  however,  there  was  developed  in  the  minds  of 
the  southerners  a  still  more  potent  sentiment,  to  the 
effect  that  the  revolution  had  been  the  work  of  north- 
ern men,  and  that  they  would  not  only  monopolize  the 
glory  and  prestige  arising  from  the  achievement,  put- 
ting on  airs  of  superiority,  but  would  probably  claim 


430  ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

the  lion's  share  of  the  offices  and  other  benefits  of  the 
new  system.  Before  the  avowed  policy  of  the  new 
administration  was  fully  known,  the  most  absurd  ru- 
mors were  current,  but  Los  Angeles  had  much  reason 
to  believe  that  the  change  was  at  the  least  not  favor- 
able to  its  own  possession  of  the  capital,  and  this  was 
ample  cause  for  the  opposition  of  that  city.  San 
Diego  entertained  similar  hopes  and  fears,  though  in 
less  marked  degree,  respecting  the  custom-house. 
But  the  opposition  in  the  extreme  south  was  due 
mainly  to  another  cause,  the  influence  of  Juan  Bandini. 
This  gentleman  saw  in  the  movement  at  Monterey 
but  one  figure,  that  of  his  hated  foe,  Angel  Ramirez. 
Judge  Castillo  Negrete  on  his  way  to  Mexico 
spent  a  few  weeks  in  the  south,  where  he  attacked 
with  argument,  invective,  and  ridicule  the  revolution- 
ary leaders,  devoting  all  his  energies  to  fanning  the 
flame  of  popular  discontent  already  kindled  by  local 
prejudice.  The  result  was,  that  the  most  exaggerated 
ideas  of  Alvarado's  policy  were  instilled  into  the 
public  mind,  so  far  as  the  people  at  large  could  be  in- 
duced to  think  of  the  subject  at  all.  The  conditional 
element  of  the  plan  of  independence  was  ignored  al- 
together; Mexico  had  been  defied,  and  California, 
defenceless,  was  exposed  to  the  rapacity  of  foreign 
nations,  if  not  indeed  already  virtually  delivered  to 
agents  of  the  United  States.  All  Mexicans  had 
been  or  were  to  be  banished,  and  their  property  con- 
fiscated, perhaps  their  very  lives  endangered.  The 
south  was  to  have  no  voice  in  the  new  administration. 
Even  the  catholic  faith  was  dishonored,  and  protes- 
tant  heresy  was  to  be  encouraged.  Such  were  the 
fears  which  certain  individuals  deemed  it  for  their  in- 
terest to  inculcate,  and  it  is  wonderful  what  unswerv- 
ing loyalty  and  patriotism,  what  respect  for  the  power 
of  Mexico,  what  devotion  to  the  true  faith,  and  what 
ardent  zeal  to  put  themselves  right  on  the  record  and 
avert  the  terrible  consequences  of  Mexican  wrath 
were  all  at  once  developed  in  the  southern  mind  and 


NEWS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.  4S1 

heart,  as  represented  by  the  ayuntamientos  of  Los 
Angeles  and  San  Diego.  I  proceed  with  the  chrono- 
logical narrative. 

In  his  letter  of  November  7th,  before  cited,.  Alva- 
rado  stated  that  commissioners  would  start  next  day 
to  submit  the  new  plan  for  approval  in  the  south.1 
There  are  indications  that  such  agents  were  despatched 
about  that  time,  but  we  have  no  record  of  their  nego- 
tiations,  and  they  do  not  appear  to  have  gone  beyond 
Santa  Barbara.  So  far  as  I  can  learn,  the  first  news 
of  events  at  Monterey  came  on  the  Leonidas,  which 
touched  at  Santa  Barbara  about  the  15th.  The 
tidings  spread  to  Los  Angeles,  where,  on  the  17th, 
Alcalde  Requena  called  an  extra  session  of  the  ayunta- 
miento.  The  rumor  was  that  Gutierrez  was  prisoner, 
Mexican  officials  had  been  banished,  and  an  armed  force 
was  en  route  for  this  city,  to  compel  adhesion  to  a  plan 
of  unknown  purport,  but  believed  to  involve  a  change 
in  the  existing  order  of  things.  The  people  were  called 
in,  and  it  was  resolved  not  to  recognize  any  authority 
tfot  legally  established,  and  to  send  a  committee,  headed 
by  Sindico  A.  M.  Osio,  to  meet  the  approaching  force 
and  learn  the  objects  of  its  coming.2  Next  San  Diego 
heard  the  news,  from  Rocha  at  San  Gabriel,  and  assem- 
bled its  ayuntamiento  on  the  22d.  In  the  discus- 
sions great  importance  was  attached  to  the  part  taken 

1  Alvarado,  Carta  Confidential,  MS.  Buelna  and  Villavicencfo  are  named. 
It  would  seem  that  the  former  at  least  could  not  have  gone,  yet  some  state- 
ments indicate  that  he  did. 

2 Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  197-200.  The  arrival  of  the  Leonidas  with 
the  district  judge  and  Capt.  Muiioz  (?)  on  board  was  mentioned.  Regidores 
Valde^s  and  Herrera  were  the  other  members  of  the  committee.  Nov.  19th, 
an  account  of  the  meeting  was  sent  to  J.  J.  Rocha,  administrator  of  San 
Gabriel,  who  acknowledged  receipt  on  Nov.  20th.  JJept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles, 
MS.,  ii.  66.  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  318-20,  mentions  the  prominent  part 
taken  by  the  sindico,  not  naming  himself,  now  and  later.  Osio  says  the  op- 
position of  Los  Angeles  was,  1st,  because  it  was  ridiculous  to  form  a  state 
with  only  9,000  inhabitants,  300  of  them  educated;  2d,  because  of  foreign 
and  American  cooperation,  savoring  too  much  of  annexation;  3d,  because 
greater  powers  than  those  of  the  national  congress  had  been  assumed  in 
granting  religious  tolerance.  These  and  'other  reasons '  caused  Angeles  to 
Hesitate  in  recognizing  a  govt  whose  elevated  principles  might  very  likely 
prove  top-heavy. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  HI.    31 


4S2  ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IX  THE  SOUTH. 

by  foreigners  in  the  northern  outbreak.  On  the  rec- 
ommendation of  Alcalde  Argiiello  and  Comandante 
Salazar,  it  was  decided  to  send  two  comisionados  to 
consult  with  the  authorities  of  Los  Angeles  and  Santa 
Barbara  on  the  course  to  be  taken.  "The  national 
honor  and  integrity  being  at  stake,  not  a  moment 
should  be  lost."  Juan  Bandini  and  Santiago  E.  Ar- 
giiello were  appointed  for  this  commission,3and  reached 
Los  Angeles  in  time  to  take  part  in  the  meetings  of 
the  ayuntamiento  and  people,  November  25th— 26th. 
At  the  first  of  these  meetings  a  plan  was  adopted  to 
save  the  country.  By  its  terms  the  plan  of  Monterey 
was  rejected  as  an  act  of  violence ;  other  ayuntamientos 
were  invited  to  send  each  three  persons  to  Los  An- 
geles to  elect  a  provisional  gefe  politico;  the  law 
making  Los  Angeles  the  capital  was  to  be  strictly 
enforced;  military  officers  not  engaged  in  the  Mon- 
terey movement  were  to  be  invited  by  Comandante 
Rocha  to  choose  a  temporary  general;  Los  Angeles 
was  to  await  the  cooperation  of  San  Diego  and  Santa 
Barbara  only,  to  carry  out  this  plan;  and  these  reso- 
lutions were  to  have  effect  until  the  national  laws 
should  be  again  in  full  force.  This  was  approved  by 
the  people,  and  it  was  voted  to  place  on  file  a  list  of 
adherents,  to  place  under  surveillance  all  w^ho  refused 
to  sign  it,  and  to  arrest  the  emissaries  said  to  be  com- 
ing from  the  north.  Next  day,  besides  communica- 
tions from  Monterey,  one  was  read  from  the  alcalde  of 
Santa  Barbara,  who  represented  his  municipality  as 
declining  to  approve  the  plan  of  Monterey  until  a  pro- 
visional congress  should  meet  in  a  central  locality,  and 

3 Nov.  22,  1836,  acta  of  the  ayunt.  Letter  of  Alcalde  Argiiello  to  Alcalde 
Requena,  and  instructions  in  7  articles  to  the  comisionados.  S.  Diego,  Arch., 
IMS.,  137-8.  The  agents  were  to  have  an  interview  with  Gutierrez,  if  possi- 
ble, to  make  known  the  perfect  loyalty  of  S.  Diego,  and  it  was  understood 
that  one  of  their  duties  would  be  to  aid  in  devising  means  for  the  selection  of 
a  legitimate  temporary  ruler.  Nov.  22d,  Alcalde  Argiiello  orders  mission  ad- 
ministrators to  furnish  all  needed  aid  to  the  comisionados  on  their  journey, 
and  he  tells  him  of  S.  Diego  mission,  'the  national  honor  demands  that  you  ■ 
furnish  me  two  horses'!  Id.,  141. 


SAX  DIEGO  AND  LOS  ANGELES  LOYAL.  483 

guaranties  be  offered  of  protection  to  lives  and  prop- 
erty of  Mexicans.4 

Bandini  and  Arguello  returned  home,  and  their  re- 
port of  what  had  taken  place  at  Angeles  was  pre- 
sented at  the  ayuntamiento  meeting  of  the  29th,  a 
report  which,  like  the  speeches  made,  was  full  of  loy- 
alty and  brave  determination  to  avenge  the  insult  to 
the  Mexican  nation,  with  expressions  of  surprise  and 
regret  that  selfish  interests  had  prompted  certain  un- 
principled men  to  "abuse  the  candor  of  the  Califor- 
nians,  and  compromise  them  so  shamefully."  This 
was  simply  'Bandini  versus  Ramirez.'  San  Diego  of 
course  approved  the  plan  of  Los  Angeles,  and  the 
three  electors  named  in  accordance  therewith  were 
Bandini,  S.  E.  Arguello,  and  J.  M.  Marron,  Pio  Pico 
being  substituted  for  Bandini  a  few  days  later  on  ac- 
count of  the  latter's  illness.  Meanwhile  the  troops  at 
San  Diego  and  San  Luis  became  infected  with  a  rev- 
olutionary spirit  and  refused  to  do  duty — that  is,  they 
•  struck '  for  pay  or  supplies  now  that  there  might  be 
urgent  need  of  their  services.  This  delayed  the  elec- 
tors, and  it  is  not  quite  certain  that  all  of  them  reached 
Los  Angeles  at  all.5 

All  seemed  favorable  now  for  the  establishment  of 
a  separate  provisional  government  in  the  south,  which 
should  either  defeat  the  Monterey  administration,  or 
at  least  exact  favorable  terms  of  compromise;  but  ob- 
stacles began  to  present  themselves.  The  action  of 
the  garrisons  at  San  Diego  and  San  Luis  seemed  to 

iLos  Angeles,  Arch., MS.,  iv.  200-12.  Sessions  of  Nov.  25th-6th.  Action  of 
citizens  of  Sta  B.  on  Nov.  20th,  announced  by  Alcalde  Dana  on  Nov.  23d,  also 
in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  ii.  G7-8.  Art.  3  of  these  Sta  Barbara  reso- 
lutions is  unintelligible.  The  Los  Angeles  plan,  as  reported  by  a  committee 
of  the  ayunt.,  is  also  given  in  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  10G-8,  with  a  pref- 
ace condemnatory  of  the  people  of  Monterey,  who,  'hallucinated  with  the 
idea  of  ruling  all  California  themselves,  have  been  deceived  by  adventurers.' 

6  Nov.  28,  1836,  report  of  the  comisionados;  Nov.  29th-30th,  acta  of 
ayunt.  of  S.  Diego;  Dec.  1st,  notice  sent  to  Angeles;  Dec.  3d-4th,  Pico's 
appointment;  Dec.  2d,  9th.  11th,  corresp.  between  Arguello,  Salazar,  and 
Pico  about  the  revolt  of  troops;  Dec.  lGth,  Alcalde  Arguello  complains  that 
communication  has  ceased  with  the  ayunt.  of  Los  Angeles,  and  that  all  hi3 
patriotic  efforts  have  been  in  vain.  o.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  139-43,  147;  Los 
Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  107-20. 


4S4  ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

indicate  that  the  soldiers  even  of  the  south  were  not 
so  intensely  patriotic  as  to  serve  without  food.  Cas- 
tillo Negrete  was  invited  to  take  up  his  residence  at 
Los  Angeles,  and  give  the  loyal  surenos  the  benefit 
of  his  counsels ;  but  he  declined  the  honor  and  the 
service.6  And  finally,  at  a  session  of  the  ayuntami- 
ento  December  10th,  a  communication  was  received 
from  Santa  Barbara,  the  ayuntamiento  of  which  place 
declined  to  indorse  the  Angeles  plan,  proposing  one 
of  its  own  instead.  The  Barbarenos  refused  to  take 
part  in  any  sectional  election  held  in  the  interest  of 
either  Monterey  or  Los  Angeles;  but  favored  a  gen- 
eral junta  composed  of  four  delegates  from  each  pre- 
sidio and  three  from  each  town,  to  meet  at  Santa  Ines, 
to  work  for  the  interests  of  the  whole  territory,  and 
to  choose  provisional  rulers.  The  Angelinos  were 
now  discouraged,  seeing  nothing  desirable  in  the  plan 
of  Santa  Barbara.  They  voted  that  nothing  could 
be  done,  thanked  San  Diego  for  its  proffered  coopera- 
tion, put  on  file  with  approval  a  protest  of  Castillo 
Negrete  against  the  northern  iniquity,  and  ad- 
journed.7 

Such  was  the  situation  at  the  end  of  December 
1886.  At  the  beginning  of  1837  new  ayuntamientos 
were  installed;  a  fact  which  seems  to  have  instilled 
new  life  and  courage'  into  both  Angelinos  and  Diegui- 
nos.  The  result  was  a  new  plan  of  Los  Angeles, 
dated  January  3d.  Its  purport  was  as  follows:  1. 
The  plan  of  Monterey,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  indepen- 

6  Los  Anrfeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  213-14;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  ii. 
58. 

7  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  215-19.  Several  proclamations  of  Vallejo 
and  others  in  the  north  were  also  received  and  put  on  file.  It  was  even  al- 
lowed that  these  documents  might  be  shown  to  such  sound-minded  and  reli- 
able men  as  had  a  curiosity  to  read  them.  The  plan  of  Sta  Barbara,  appar- 
ently dated  Dec.  9th,  was  in  4  articles.  The  1st  approved  the  preceding 
resolutions  of  Nov.  20th  (see  note  4);  the  2d  proposed  the  junta  at  Sta  Ines; 
3d,  authorities  to  be  provisional  until  approved  by  national  govt;  and,  4th, 
refusal  to  take  part  in  a  sectional  election,  or  counter-revolt.  Dec.  29th,  Al- 
calde Argiiello  sends  a  package  of  papers  to  the  sup.  govt  by  the  Leonidas, 
au/d  desires  Castillo  Negrete  to  put  in  a  clear  light  in  Mexico  the  patriotic 
desires  and  efforts  of  himself  and  of  San  Diego  in  this  crisis.  S.  Diego,  Arch., 
MS.,  149. 


A  NEW  PLAN— CORRESPONDENCE.  485 

dence  from  Mexico,  is  not  recognized.  2.  The  elec- 
tors at  the  proper  time  wilbcome  'to  this  capital'  and 
proceed  to  elect  a  diputacion  according  to  law.  3,  4. 
Until  the  new  diputacion  meets,  the  ayuntamiento  of 
this  city  will  be  the  chief  authority,  but  will  turn 
over  the  command  to  the  first  vocal  according  to  law. 
5.  All  to  be  submitted  for  approval  to  the  supreme 
government.  San  Diego  was  filled  with  joy  at  the 
receipt  of  this  plan  on  the  7th,  and-  gladly  promised 
support,  though  article  1  was  deemed  by  the  ayunta- 
miento not  strong  enough,  and  article  3  was  feared 
to  be  illegal.  The  election  was  to  be  on  the  29th, 
before  which  date  several  things  happened,  as  we  shall 
see.8 

I  have  before  me  several  communications,  private 
letters  for  the  most  part,  written  by  prominent  men 
in  November  and  December  1836,  which  deserve  no- 
tice here,  as  throwing  much  light  on  this  southern 
complication.  Three  of  these  papers  are  from  the  pen 
of  Castillo  Negrete,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  tarried  a 
little  in  the  south  on  his  way  to  Mexico.  The  first 
is  a  letter  of  advice,  dated  at  Santa  Bdrbara  Novem- 
ber 18th  to  Lieutenant  Domingo  Carrillo,  comandante 
of  the  post,  respecting  his  duty  in  this  emergency. 
After  being  duly  instructed  about  the  Monterey  in- 
iquity, Carrillo  was  counselled  to  give  his  men  an  un- 
limited leave  of  absence  until  recalled  to  service  in  the 
name  of  the  nation.  All  arms  should  be  secreted, 
that  they  might  not  fall  into  rebel  hands.  The  troops 
might  however  legally  venture  to  aid  the  municipal 
authorities  in  preserving  order,  always  providing  the 

6S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  151-3;  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  126-7.  Gil 
Ibarra  and  Jos6  Sepulveda  were  the  new  alcaldes  of  Los  Angeles;  Jose"  An- 
tonio Estudillo  held  the  office  at  S.  Diego.  On  Jan.  2d  the  former  ayunt. 
had  received  the  9  decrees  of  the  congreso  constituyente,  and  had  even  as  a 
matter  of  courtesy  acknowledged  the  receipt  to  Juan  13.  Alvarado.  Los  Ange- 
les, Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  225-7.  Andre's  Pico  was  the  elector  of  S.  Diego.  Osio, 
Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  320-2,  says  that  Alcalde  Ibarra  was  a  nobody,  and  that  the 
whole  opposition  to  Alvarado  was  managed  by  the  ex-sindico,  that  is,  by  Osio 
himself,  through  the  2d  alcalde  Sepulveda  as  an  obedient  agent.  I  shall 
have  more  to  say  of  Osio's  course. 


486     ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

said  authorities  were  loyal!  Finally  the  comandante 
ought  to  assemble  his  officers  in  a  council  of  war  to 
put  on  record  their  patriotic  purposes.  Thus  might 
they  hope  to  escape  the  terrible  consequences  of  re- 
volt against  Mexico.9 

The  licenciado's  letters  had  a  semi-official  charac- 
ter, as  his  communication  to  Carrillo  had  been  written 
in  his  capacity  of  legal  adviser  of  the  comandancia, 
and  the  other  two  as  district  judge  of  California  under 
the  overthrown  administration.  From  on  board  the 
Leonidas  at  San  Die^o,  Don  Luis  in  December  directed 
to  the  ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles  a  long  exposi- 
tion on  the  state  of  affairs.  I  regret  that  I  have  not 
space  to  reproduce  it  nearly  in  full,  for  a  resume  does 
it  no  justice;  but  I  present  a  few  quotations  in  a  note.10 

9  Castillo  Negrete,  Consejos  al  Comandante  de  Sta  Barbara,  JSfov.  1S36,  MS. 
Original  document.  Nov.  20th,  the  judge  certifies  that  Carrillo  has  remained 
true  to  the  legitimate  authority.  Id.,  9-11.  Meanwhile  Carrillo  had  per- 
haps followed  the  advice  given  by  granting  leave  of  absence  to  his  men,  to 
earn  a  living  as  they  could.  At  any  rate,  I  find  such  a  discharge  for  one  pri- 
vate dated  Nov.  19th.  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  iii.  2G0.  Carrillo  was  later  removed 
by  Alvarado. 

10  Castillo  Negrete,  Exposition  quedirige  elJuez  de  Distrito  al  Ayuntamiento 
de  Los  A  ngeles  sobre  el  Plan  revolucionario  de  Monterey,  Dec.  1836,  MS.  The 
day  is  left  blank,  but  was  probably  Dec.  5th  or  Gth.  'A  power  usurpatory  of 
our  rights,  disturber  of  our  repose,  pretends  to  take  from  us  at  the  same  time 
order  and  liberty.  .  .California's  first  necessity  is  to  reestablish  a  legitimate 
government.  .  . Calif ornian  inexperience  may  be  the  victim  of  revolutionists, 
who,  seducing  some  incautious  ones  and  favored  by  foreign  smugglers,  have 
set  up  in  Monterey  the  throne  of  anarchy,  and  fixed  the  focus  of  a  faction 
which  is  moved  by  unnatural  men,  without  God,  law,  or  country,  and  headed 
by  four  hallucinated  deputies  without  skill  or  foresight,  as  blind  instruments 
of  the  former. .  .American  adventurers  and  corrupt  citizens  found  their  hopes 
on  public  calamity,  on  the  ruin  of  the  national  treasury,  on  the  protection  of 
smuggling,  and  on  the  squandering  of  mission  property.  .  .Four  ill-advised 
diputados,  abusing  the  name  of  diputacion,  without  powers,  mission,  or  facul- 
ties, without  having  consulted  public  opinion,  constitute  themselves  sovereigns 
and  arrogate  to  themselves  perpetually  all  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial 
powers ...  It  is  not  our  duty  to  obey  a  diputacion  not  legally  convoked.'  (Yet 
there  is  no  evidence  that  the  dip.  convoked  by  Chico  had  ever  been  perma- 
nently adjourned.).  . .  'They  are  perjurers,  breaking  the  oaths  they  took  be- 
fore C4od  and  men;  traitors  to  the  country,  having  forgotten  the  holy  princi- 
ple "against  the  country  there  is  no  right.". .  .The  so-called  congreso  con- 
stituyente  merely  follows  the  inspirations  of  a  frantic  philosopher,  an 
old  revolutionist,  and  a  vicious  foreign  smuggler ...  The  universal  and 
urgent  interest  of  the  territory  is  to  preserve  peace,  prevent  the  shedding 
of  blood,  and  protect  life  and  property,  being  ruled  by  our  respective  ayunt. 
until  the  laws  are  again  enforced .  .  .  Let  us  check  that  faction  which  seeks  to 
rule  us  without  our  consent,  else  the  country  will  be  covered  with  laws,  the 
legislators  will  be  loaded  with  salaries  and  privileges.  With  republican 
phrases  they  will  sow  discord,  plunder  the  treasury,  and  attack  private  for- 


CASTILLO  NEGRETE'S  ELOQUENCE.  4S7 

The  argument  is  an  exhaustive,  brilliant,  and  power- 
ful one;  though  the  author's  denunciations  of  the 
revolutionists  and  their  policy  are  more  bitter  and 
violent  than  there  was  any  need  to  make  them,  their 
animus  being  somewhat  too  clearly  traceable  to  a  per- 
sonal dislike  of  two  or  three  men.  The  remedy  pro- 
posed was  suggested  at  the  end  in  a  series  of  eight 
resolutions,  on  which,  with  some  exaggeration,  even 
of  the  author's  estimate  of  metropolitan  powers,  was 
founded  the  plan  of  January  3d  already  noticed.  Don 
Luis  issued  also  another  formal  protest  against  the 
Monterey  movement,  embodying  more  briefly  his 
views  as  expressed  in  the  exposition,  and  intended  to 
explain  the  motives  which  obliged  him  to  leave  the 
territory,  for  he  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  remain  as 
invited  and  help  the  Angelinos  to  carry  into  effect  his 
suggestions.11 

Antonio  M.  Osio,  sindico  of  Los  Angeles,  who  in 
later  writings  claims  to  have  been  the  chief  promoter 

tunes,  and  respect  neither  God  nor  men. .  .Have  we  not  seen  them  break  the 
compact  made  on  the  field  of  Monterey,  imprisoning  some,  expelling  others, 
and  forcing  capitulated  soldiers  into  their  service  ? '  (This  charge  had  little 
if  any  foundation  in  fact.)  He  goes  on  to  say  that  the  electors  sent  to  the 
capital  at  the  time  fixed  by  law  to  renew  the  dip.  were  treated  with  scorn 
and  not  permitted  to  act.  It  is  true  that  there  was  a  summons  for  Nov.  Gth, 
but  there  is  no  other  evidence  that  the  electors  were  not  allowed,  or  even 
attempted  to  perform  their  duties.  Again,  he  speaks  of  'the  blind  instru- 
ments of  Ramirez,  Peiia,  and  Hinckley,  who  would  make  of  Cal.  another 
Texas,  and  tear  the  national  flag. .  .Shall  we  be  then  like  the  Texans,  victims 
sacrificed  to  foreign  ambition?  God  forbid!.  ..There  is  no  ayunt.  of  higher 
rank  than  that  of  Los  Angeles,  since  it  is  a  city  and  by  law  the  capital;  there- 
fore it  should  take  the  initiative. ' 

He  then  suggests  the  following  plan:  1.  The  ayunt.  of  Los  Angeles  to 
invite  the  others  to  form  a  'common  centre  of  union'  to  protect  public  wel- 
fare and  avoid  the  disasters  of  an  impending  civil  war.  2.  The  electors 
already  chosen  to  meet  at  Los  Angeles  and  elect  a  new  dip.  3.  The  dip.  as 
soon  as  formed  to  have  the  right  to  name  a  gefe  politico  and  com.  gen.  4. 
The  appointment  of  those  rulers  to  be,  however,  provisional  and  subject  to 
the  decision  of  the  sup.  govt.  5.  The  authorities  of  Los  Angeles  to  write  to 
the  4  diputados  of  Monterey,  begging  them  in  the  name  of  the  country  to 
desist  from  their  fatal  purpose  and  favor  the  new  election  'at  the  capital.' 
G.  Angel  Ramirez,  Cosme  Peiia,  and  Wm  Hinckley  to  be  sent  to  Mexico  for 
trial.  7.  The  new  dip.  to  preserve  order,  etc.,  and  to  declare  null  the  oaths 
taken  in  support  of  independence.  8.  The  ayunt.  to  consult  the  people  of  the 
city  before  acting  on  this  proposition. 

11  Castillo  Negrete,  Protestation  delJuez  de  Distrito  contra  el  Plan  de  Mon- 
terey G  de  Die.  183G,  MS.  This  and  the  preceding  communications  were  re- 
ceived at  Los  Angeles  on  Dec.  10th. 


488  ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

of  the  opposition  to  Alvarado,  also  wrote  some  letters 
which  indicate  that  he  had  plans  of  his  own,  though 
they  do  not  make  quite  clear  the  purport  of  his  schemes. 
The  25th  of  November  he  sent  to  Antonio  del  Valle 
a  copy  of  the  Los  Angeles  plan  of  that  date,  with  a 
letter,  to  be  shown  also  to  the  Carrillos,  in  which  he 
says:  "Although  the  plan'  touches  some  points  that 
we  have  not  spoken  of,  I  think  they" — that  is,  tiie 
Carrillos  and  Osio's  friends — "will  agree  to  what  I 
propose,  according  to  our  scheme,  the  difference  being 
very  slight.  It  is  necessary  to  choose  rulers,  and  we 
shall  play  very  badly  the  instrument  in  our  hands  if 
we  cannot  make  Vallejo  comandante  general.  If  the 
political  command  is  separated — which  is  not  expedi- 
ent in  such  cases — we  can  give  it  to  my  uncle  Don 
Carlos  [Carrillo],  who  is  well  known  here  and  en  la 
otra  banda,  not  a  bad  choice  perhaps,  whether  he 
wishes  it  or  not.  Our  friend  Don  Juan  Rocha  agrees 
to  meddle  in  nothing,  but  merely  to  keep  order  with 
his  soldiers.  I  have  told  Don  Juan  Bandini  he  had 
better  go  home  and  keep  quiet,  since  in  this  fandango 
only  Californians  will  be  allowed  to  dance.  This  did 
not  please  him,  but  it  is  best  that  he  keep  quiet, 
though  a  friend.  I  will  do  all  in  my  power  to  fulfil 
my  promises.  I  have  already  spoken  with  some 
friends,  who  are  ready  to  follow  me.  The  comisiona- 
dos  from  Monterey  will  be  sent  by  the  alcalde  out  of 
this  jurisdiction.  Rocha  will  not  admit  them  at  San 
Gabriel,  and  if  they  go  to  San  Diego  the  Apostle 
Andres  [Pico]  will  send  them  about  their  business."12 
Next  day  Osio  addressed  Vallejo  himself  in  a  letter 
which  throws  but  little  light  on  the  preceding.  He 
had  been  stunned  with  surprise  and  sorrow,  he  wrote, 
at  hearing  what  had  happened  at  Monterey.  He  was 
sure  Vallejo  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  plan,  but  that 
Castro  and  Alvarado  had  used  his  name  without  per- 

'i2Osio,  Carta  sobre  Comblnationes  politicas,  25  de  Nov.  1S36,  MS.  Osio  in 
his  history  says  nothing  of  these  plans,  which  I  do  not  pretend  to  understand 
fully. 


OSIO'S.  PROJECT.  48J 

mission.  It  could  result  in  nothing  but  misfortune, 
and  would  make  California  the  laughing-stock  of  the 
world.  Mexico  could  reconquer  the  territory,  without 
expending  a  dollar,  by  simply  turning  loose  on  its 
property  a  horde  of  Sonoran  vagabonds.  Vallejo 
must  devise  a  speedy  remedy;  organize  some  kind  of 
a  temporary  government  satisfactory  to  the  people  if 
not  strictly  legal;  and  finally,  go  as  a  deputy  to  Mex- 
ico to  explain  matters.  Independence  is  a  foolish 
dream  at  present;  and  the  writer  quotes  from  Vallejo's 
old  conversations  with  Echeandia,  to  the  effect  that 
California  might  one  day  be  independent — but  only 
when  their  great-grandchildren  should  reach  an  ad- 
vanced age !  So  far  as  intelligible,  Osio's  plan  would 
seem  to  have  involved  a  surrender  to  Mexico  and 
centralism  on  condition  that  Vallejo  should  be  made 
governor  and  general.13 

Juan  Bandini,  as  a  matter  of  course,  had  something 
to  say  on  the  subject.  In  a  letter  of  December  3d 
to  Vallejo  he  represents  himself  as  delirious  with 
sorrow  at  what  has  occurred.  The  picture  has  no 
bright  side.  He  loves  California  better  than  the 
land  of  his  birth,  but  all  his  efforts  and  those  of  others 
in  behalf  of  the  country  are  now  rendered  vain  and 
of  no  effect  just  when  the  prospects  seemed  fairest. 
The  result  cannot  fail  to  be  disgrace  and  shame  and 
vengeance.  The  Californians  were  mad  to  expose 
their  plans  without  force  to  support  them,  to  attempt 
to  resuscitate  the  lost  cause  of  federalism.  "It  is 
hard  to  contend  against  one's  own  opinions,  but  it  is 
harder  to  see  a  friend  mixed  up  in  so  terrible  a  pre- 
dicament."    Not  a  word  of  southern  remedial  plans.14 

13  Osio,  Carta  d  Vallejo,  26  de  Nov.  183G,  MS.  The  writer  implies  that  a 
very  extensive  revolt  in  the  south,  in  which  the  Indians  were  to  have  taken 
part,  had  been  prevented  by  prompt  measures;  and  he  declares  that  the 
'  Yanques '  must  be  taught  to  let  politics  alone. 

14  Bandini,  Carta  a  Vallejo,  sobre  revoluciones  3  de  Die.  183G,  MS.  Pio 
Pico  adds  a  word  of  remembrance  on  the  margin  of  Bandini's  letter;  and  on 
the  same  date  writes  to  Vallejo  on  the  subject.  He  expresses  no  disapproval 
of  the  plan;  but  doubts  that  Vallejo  is  concerned  in  it,  as  Alvarado  claims. 
Were  it  so,  surely  he,  Pico,  would  have  been  given  a  share  in  the  enterprise. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  iii.  275. 


490  ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

On  the  7th  Don  Juan  made  a  long  report  to  the 
minister  of  hacienda  on  his  favorite  topic,  using  the 
revolution  as  a  new  weapon  against  his  old  foe,  An- 
gel Ramirez,  who  had  caused  the  outbreak  solely  to 
cover  up  his  revenue  frauds.  The  Californians  had 
been  led  into  a  trap,  and  the  real  intention  was  to 
annex  the  territory  to  some  foreign  power.  He  sends 
documents  to  show  that  the  south  has  disapproved 
such  criminal  plans,  and  that  'I  have  cooperated'  in 
this  holy  wTork.15  Five  days  later  he  wrote  again  to 
Vallejo,  in  reply  to  a  defence  of  the  revolution.  He 
reasoned  earnestly  and  eloquently.  He  was  still 
sure  that  Mexico  would  wreak  a  terrible  vengeance 
on  all  concerned,  and  trembled  for  his  friend,  who 
had  been  so  unfortunately  misled.  The  whole  matter 
had  in  his  mind  no  other  phase  than  the  punishment 
to  be  expected  from  Mexico  and  the  agency  of  An- 
gel Ramirez.16 

Carlos  Antonio  Carrillo  took  a  more  cheerful  view 
of  the  situation.  On  the  5th  of  December  he  ex- 
pressed his  approval  of  what  Castro  and  Alvarado 
had  done,  though  he  feared  the  article  on  independ- 
ence could  not  be  sustained  for  want  of  force.  He 
attached  little  importance  to  the  federal  phases  of  the 
plan,  for  what  had  the  federal  government  ever  done 
for  California?  He  hoped  much  from  the  proposed 
junta  at  Santa  Ines,  and  would  do  his  best  to  unite 
the  south.  He  favored  giving  the  civil  as  well  as 
the  military  command  to  Vallejo,  as  Osio  had  also 
urged.  In  two  subsequent  letters  Don  Cdrlos  de- 
clared himself  to  be  fully  converted  by  the  arguments 
advanced,  and  an  enthusiastic  supporter  of  the  whole 
scheme,  independence  and  all.  He  even  hoped  to 
induce  the  south  to  share  his  views.  He  had  heard, 
however,  that  Bandini,  Rocha,  and  others  had  sent 
to  Sonora  for  aid,  and  wished  Vallejo  to  come  south 

15  8.  Dh>go,  Arch.,  MS.,  145.     Bandini  to  min.  of  hac,  Dec.  7,  1S3G. 

16  Bandini,  Carta  Particular  d  Vallejo  sobre  Cosas  Politkas,  12  de  Die. 
1S3C,  MS. 


CARLOS  CARRILLO  FAVORS  ALVARADO.  491 

with  as  large  a  force  as  possible.17  Several  writers, 
treating  the  subject'  superficially,  have  confounded 
these  events  with  those  of  later  date,  and  represented 
Don  Carlos  as  Alvarado's  chief  opponent  from  the 
first. 

Alvarado  had  left  the  capital  on  or  about  Christmas. 
His  army  consisted  of  some  sixty  Californians,  and 
twenty-five  foreigners  under  Graham  and  Coppinger. 
Part  of  the  force  went  down  the  coast  on  the  Clem- 
entine, landed  at  El  Cojo,  and  joined  the  rest  atPuri- 
sima.  Letters  received  before  starting  and  on  the 
way  left  little  doubt  of  a  kind  reception  at  Santa  Bar- 
bara. Messengers  sent  forward  from  Purisima  brought 
back  confirmation  of  favorable  prospects,  and  the 
forces  of  the  Estado  Libre  arrived  at  the  mission  Jan- 
uary 3d,  being  cordially  received  by  the  Barbarenos 
of  all  classes.18 

Conservative  Santa  Barbara,  as  we  have  seen, 
though  favoring  a  general  junta  in  central  California 
and  requiring  pledges  that  Mexicans  should  not  be 
persecuted,  had  virtually  favored  the  Monterey  plan 
from  the  first  by  refusing  to  accept  the  opposing  plan 
of  Los  Angeles.  Carlos  Carrillo  and  his  friends  had 
expressed  their  approval.  Valentin  Cota  had  been  in 
communication  with  Alvarado  and  received  from  him 
a  captain's  commission.19     And,  what  was  much  more 

17  Carrillo,  Cartas  de  Don  Carlos  al  Gen.  Vallejo,  Die  1836,  MS.  The  last 
letter  was  dated  Dec.  23d.  The  leaders  of  the  opposition,  besides  Bandini 
and  Rocha,  were  said  to  be  Manuel  Dominguez,  Vicente  Sanchez,  Estudillo, 
Rccjuena,  and  Arenas.  Felix  Gallardo  had  been  sent  to  Sonora  by  Rocha 
and  paid  $60  and  two  horses. 

18  J.  J.  Pico,  Acontecimientos,  MS.,  38-9,  claims  to  have  commanded  the 
party  that  went  by  sea;  but  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  189-94,  says  the  com- 
mander was  Benito  Diaz.  He  tells  us  that  Capt.  Hinckley  had  volunteered 
to  take  a  force  in  his  vessel  and  conquer  the  south;  but  his  offer  was  declined, 
a  peaceful  settlement  being  hoped  for.  This  writer  and  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  iii.  245,  name  Jacinto  Rodriguez  as  the  agent  sent  forward  from  Puri- 
sima. Pinto — Apunt.,  MS.,  24-7 — appointed  alf6rez  in  Alvarado's  force,  gives 
some  details  of  recruiting  men  for  the  expedition.  He  went  to  StaCruz  and 
obtained  35  men.  The  total  force  was  200  men.  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  87, 
says  that  Villa  and  Buelna,  the  comisionados,  had  visited  Sta  Barbara  before 
Alvarado's  coming. 

19  Cola,  Doc,  MS.,  5-G;  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  303-5. 


492  ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

important,  Jose  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega  and  Padre 
Narciso  Duran  had  determined  to  support  the  new 
government.  These  gentlemen  have  not  left  on  rec- 
ord any  expression  of  their  views  at  this  time.  To 
what  extent,  if  at  all,  they  were  influenced  by  a  spirit 
of  antagonism  as  Spaniards  to  everything  Mexican, 
or  by  the  fact  that  a  son  of  Guerra  was  one  of  the 
four  revolting  diputados,  it  is  impossible  to  determine ; 
but  there  is  much  reason  to  conclude  that  they  looked 
upon  Alvarado's  success,  now  that  the  movement  had 
gone  so  far,  as  more  likely  to  bring  about  peace  and 
prosperity  than  would  be  the  success  of  the  southern 
faction  with  its  radical  sectional  policy  and  wavering 
support. 

At  any  rate,  the  support  of  Duran,  Guerra,  and 
Carrillo  made  the  way  clear  at  Santa  Barbara,  Presi- 
dent Duran  went  out  to  meet  Alvarado,  whom  he  re- 
ceived at  the  mission  with  all  the  honors  paid  in  olden 
times  to  the  governor,  walking  by  his  side  to  the 
church  where  the  religious  ceremonies  de  estilo  were 
performed.  This  was  on  January  3d ;  a  few  days  were 
spent  in  interviews  with  leading  men;  and  on  the 
6th  the  ayuntamiento  and  people  with  great  enthusi- 
asm and  all  possible  ceremony  and  noise  took  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  new  system,  the  new  governor, 
and  the  congreso  constituyente.  "The  people  here 
are  even  more  enthusiastic  for  the  cause  than  those 
of  Monterey,"  wrote  Alvarado  to  Castro  and  Vallejo.-0 

20  Jan.  9,  1837,  Alvarado  to  Castro.  Official  and  private  letters  in  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  iii.  152;  iv.  8.  Jan.  12th,  A.  to  V.  Private  letter  in  Vallejo, 
Corresp. ,  MS. ,  37-8.  In  these  letters  Alvarado  manifests  much  real  interest 
in  the  country's  welfare;  hopes  for  a  peaceful  settlement  of  all  troubles;  and 
gives  to  Cc4rlos  Carrillo  the  chief  credit  for  the  brilliant  success  at  Sta  Bar- 
bara. The  fact  of  Sta  Barbara's  adhesion  at  some  date  before  Jan.  11th  is 
recorded  in  Los  Anyeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  234.  In  his  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii. 
205-13,  Alvarado  narrates  his  experience  at  Sta  Barbara.  He  says  that  P. 
Duran  tried  to  impose  some  favorable  conditions  for  the  missions;  but  yielded 
the  point,  when  Alvarado  declared  that  he  -was  pledged  to  complete  the  work 
of  secularization.  So  great  was  the  enthusiasm  that  the  gov.  thought  once 
more  of  absolute  independence  for  Cal.,  and  consulted  Duran  about  blessing 
and  raising  a  flag  of  that  purport;  but  the  friar  declined  to  bless  the  flag, 
and  dissuaded  him,  so  that  the  project  was  dropped.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  iii.  2-15-9. 


OPPOSITION  AT  ANGELES.  493 

The  news  was  not, however,  altogether  cheering  from 
the  south.  There  was  still  a  strong  party  at  Los 
Angeles  that  would  not  be  conciliated.  In  the  letters 
cited,  Alvarado  explained  the  situation  to  his  northern 
associates;  expressed  his  opinion  that  it  would  be 
necessary  to  overcome  the  obstinacy  of  the  Angelinos 
by  a  show  of  force ;  and  ordered  Castro  to  come  im- 
mediately by  sea  to  San  Pedro  with  a  reenforcement, 
and  to  meet  him  at  Los  Angeles7'  whither  he  would 
soon  start.21  Meanwhile  he  made  preparations  for 
his  march,  enlisting  some  recruits  for  his  army,  both 
native  and  foreign.22  He  also  found  time  to  address 
two  communications  to  the  recalcitrant  ayuntamiento 
of  Angeles,  in  which  he  tried  to  demonstrate  the 
justice  of  his  cause,  the  groundless  character  of  the 
fears  that  had  been  entertained,  and  the  falsehood  of 
the  charges  that  he  would  adopt  a  sectional  policy  or 
deliver  his  country  to  the  hands  of  foreigners  or  dis- 
turb any  Mexican  who  should  abstain  from  plots 
against  the  new  system.  He  declared  that  his  re- 
sources were  ample  to  sustain  the  conditional  inde- 
pendence declared,  and  that  federalism  was  already 
tottering  throughout  the  nation.  He  hoped  sincerely 
that  Los  Angeles  would  follow  the  example  of  Santa 
Barbara,  receive  him  in  a  spirit  of  conciliation,  and 
unite  with  other  towns  in  working  for  the  welfare  of 
the  whole  country.  His  military  force,  he  said,  was 
more  than  sufficient  to  enforce  his  views,  but  he  hoped 
his  countrymen  would  not  oblige  him  to  use  it  against 
them.23  At  last  with  a  force  of  eighty  men,  besides  the 
riflemen,  the  governor  began  his  march  by  way  of 

'n  Jan.  9, 1837,  A.  to  C. ,  in  Vallejo,  Corresp. ,  MS. ,  44-5.  It  would  seem  that 
Vallejo  also  was  urged  to  come  to  the  south.  Id. ,  37-8.  Sra  Avila,  Cosas  de 
Cat.,  M.S.,  16-17,  notes  the  rejoicings  at  Monterey,  especially  among  the 
women,  when  the  news  of  Sta  Barbara's  adhesion  came. 

-Xidever,  Life  and  Adven.,  MS.,  87-8,  was  one  who  joined  Graham's 
riflemen  at  Sta  Barbara.  The  number  was  at  last  about  40.  ?  They  were  paid 
82  a  day,  and  promised  the  privilege  of  taking  up  lands  later.  They  served 
about  20  days. 

23  A  Ivarado,  Comunicaciones  al  Ayuntamiento  de  Los  Angeles,  7yl6  deEnero, 
1837,  MS.     The  second  letter  was  written  at  8.  Buenaventura. 


404  ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

San  Buenaventura,  at  which  mission  he  was  on  the 
16th-17th. 

Let  us  turn  now  to  the  southern  ayuntamientos, 
which  illustrious  and  patriotic  bodies  we  left  jubilant 
over  the  plan  of  January  3d,  evolved  mainly  from  the 
brain  of  Castillo  Negrete,  as  a  measure  which  was  to 
save  the  country  from  northern  tyranny.  By  the  8th 
Alvarado's  complete  success  at  Santa  Barbara  was 
known  at  Angeles,  and  rumors  were  current  that 
he  intended  to  extend  his  march  southward.  Ac- 
cordingly the  people  were  called  to  arms.  All  per- 
sons sympathizing  with  the  foe  were  ordered  to  leave 
the  city,  the  mission  funds  at  San  Fernando  to  the 
amount  of  $2,000  were  taken  by  the  municipal  authori- 
ties 'for  safe  keeping,'  scouts  were  stationed  on  the 
Santa  Barbara  routes,  the  southern  missions  were 
notified  to  be  ready  with  supplies,  and  San  Diego 
was  requested  to  send  at  once  an  armed  force  of  pa- 
triots to  aid  in  repelling  the  invader.24  San  Diego 
had  from  the  first  been  full  of  zeal  for  the  cause,  and 
had  on  one  or  two  occasions  reproached  the  Angeli- 
nos  for  their  lukewarmness.  The  ayuntamiento  had 
still  an  unlimited  supply  of  patriotic  and  warlike 
phrases  for  its  ally;  but  to  be  thus  suddenly  called 
upon  for  such  aid  as  men  and  muskets  and  a  cannon 
was  really  very  startling.  This  was  a  radical  measure, 
and  required  caution  and  deliberation.  It  was  clear 
that  if  the  rebels  of  Monterey  were  really  threatening 
an  invasion  of  the  'law  and  order'  towns,  something 
must  be  done.  Therefore  it  was  resolved  to  await 
more  particulars  of  news  from  the  north,  and  to  in- 
quire what  it  was  proposed  to  do  with  the  force  asked 
for!     And  nearly  a  week  later,  when  a  reply  had  been 

24  Jan.  6th,  8th,  sessions  of  ayunt.,  in  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  22S-32; 
Dept,  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  ii.  96-7;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  154.  On  Jan. 
11th  the  news  was  received  officially  that  Sta  Barbara  had  adhered  to  the 
northern  cause,  and  refused  to  send  electors  accordingly  to  the  plan  of  Jan. 
3d;  al%o  that  S.  Diego  would  accept  that  plan.  On  the  same  day  Alvarado's 
first  letter  was  received,  and  it  was  resolved  that  his  authority  could  not  be 
recognized.    Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  233-4. 


SAX  DIEGAN  PATRIOTISM.  495 

obtained  from  the  alcalde  of  Los  Angeles,  San  Diego 
went  to  work  in  earnest.  On  or  about  the  18th, 
twenty  men  under  Pio  Pico  and  Regidor  Francisco 
M.  Alvarado  started  northward,  in  time  to  arrive  at 
Los  Angeles  after  the  war  was  over.25 

The  Angelinos,  notwithstanding  the  lack  of  support 
from  San  Diego,  pushed  forward  their  preparations 
for  defence.  The  mission  money  was  partly  expended 
in  this  work;  the  soldiers  at  SarvGabriel  were  sum- 
moned to  the  city;  one  Charlefoux,  with  a  band  of 
thirty  or  forty  Indian-hunters  and  'traders'  in  horses, 
was  induced  to  join  the  patriot  army;  citizens  and 
rancheros  were  enlisted;  and  by  the  16th  a  force  of 
about  270  men  was  stationed  at  San  Fernando,  under 
Alferez  Rocha  as  commander-in-chief,  Alcalde  Se- 
pulveda having  been  the  leading  spirit  in  directing  the 
preparations,  and  issuing  on  the  17th  an  address  in 
which  the  citizens  were  called  upon  to  prove  by  their 
deeds  that,  however  far  others  had  followed  the 
Monterey  faction  out  of  the  path  of  duty,  there  were 
left  men  who  were  ready  to  defend  the  honor  of  their 
beloved  country.  It  would  seem  also  that  Sepulveda 
had  sent  to  Alvarado  a  copy  of  his  address,  or  certain 
propositions  embodying  the  same  sentiments,  and  that 
his  commissioners  may  have  brought  back  from  San 
Buenaventura  the  governor's  second  communication 
already  cited.' 


26 


25  Jan.  10th,  12th,  IGth,  sessions  of  ayunt.  Jan.  11th,  corres.  of  Alf.  Sala- 
zar,  and  his  call  for  money  and  supplies.  Jan.  14th,  16th,  18th,  23d,  Alcalde 
Estudillo  to  Osuna,  Cabello,  Fitch,  etc.,  about  preparations  for  the  march. 
S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  155-66;  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  128-35.  Jan. 
17th,  Pio  Pico  says  he  will  start  with  25  men  next  day,  picking  up  recruits 
on  the  way.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  ii.  101.  Alvarado,  Hist,  Cal., 
MS.,  iii.  180-1,  217-18,  225,  232,  tells  us  that  Salazar  was  a  friend  of  Castro, 
and  purposely  interposed  obstacles;  also  that  Capt.  Fitch  supplied  only 
moistened  powder.  He  is  very  bitter  against  the  Dieguinosas  braggarts,  who 
would  do  nothing  but  talk,  and  to  whom  'the  Supreme  Being  had  denied  the 
gift  of  veracity.' 

20  Jan.  11th,  16th,  sessions  of  ayunt.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  234-7. 
Jan.  15th-17th,  communications  of  Sepulveda  and  Rocha.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Angeles,  MS.,  ii.  94-102.  Jose"  Perez  was  accused  by  Sepulveda  of  talking  in 
favor  of  the  Monterey  faction.  The  Indian  allies  are  called  Chaguanosos  by 
Janssens  and  others,  and  Shauanoos  (Shawnees  ?)  by  Osio.  The  chief  is  called 
Shalifii.     Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  321-40,  gives  many  details  of  the  prepara- 


49G  ALVARADO'S  MILE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

Alvarado's  letter  of  the  16th  was  read  at  an  ayunta- 
miento  meeting  of  the  17th.  The  allusion  in  it  to  his 
large  resources  for  war  seemed  to  the  Angelinos  a 
very  forcible  point  of  his  argument,  and  they  were 
convinced  by  a  careful  study  of  the  document  that  the 
policy  of  Don  Juan  Bautista  was  not  so  oppressive 
or  unpatriotic  perhaps  as  had  been  feared.  Another 
letter  from  Antonio  M.  Osio  was  read,  in  which  the 
writer  solicited  powers  to  form  an  arrangement  with 
Alvarado  on  an  equitable  basis,  providing  that  the 
ruler  should  be  a  Californian.  After  a  long^  discussion, 
it  was  resolved  to  send  Sepulveda  and  Osio  as  co- 
rn isionados,  with  authority  to  effect  a  settlement  in 
accordance  with  the  following  resolutions:  1.  The 
ayuntamiento  is  anxious  to  avoid  bloodshed,  even  at 
the  cost  of  some  sacrifice  not  involving  disrespect  to 
laws  and  oaths.  2.  The  plan  of  independence  from 
Mexico  cannot  be  accepted,  though  there  is  no  objec- 
tion to  a  declaration  in  favor  of  the  federal  system. 
3.  The  Roman  catholic  religion  must  be  the  only 
one  permitted,  and  persons  publicly  holding  other 
views  must  be  prosecuted  as  hitherto.  4.  No  officer 
or  citizen  is  to  be  molested  for  opinions  respecting  this 
revolution  upheld  by  him  prior  to  the  ratification  of 
this  treaty.  5.  The  state  of  things  decided  upon  is 
to  be  binding  upon  both  parties  until  the  supreme 
government  shall  decide,  with  the  understanding  that 
Los  Angeles  is  not  to  be  held    responsible  for  the 


tions  for  defence,  in  which  he  himself  was  the  leading  man  and  Sepiilveda's 
counsellor.  He  aroused  great  indignation  against  the  Monterey  plan  by  as- 
suring the  women  that  under  it  protestant  priests  were  to  be  tolerated  who 
.would  marry  any  girl  that  desired  it  to  any  foreigner,  whatever  his  religion! 
The  women  were  terrified,  and  exhorted  their  husbands  and  sons  to  fight  for 
their  daughters  and  sweethearts  and  the  catholic  faith.  Their  conduct  is 
praised  as  heroic.  Osio  gives  the  force  as  over  300  in  4  companies.  He  says 
that  Sepulveda  and  Manuel  Dominguez  went  to  S.  Buenaventura  to  have  an 
interview  with  Alvarado,  to  persuade  him  to  retire  and  be  content  with  ruling 
the  north  until  the  sup.  govt  should  decide,  and  above  all  to  ascertain  the 
military  strength  of  the  enemy.  They  were  kindly  received,  but  the  suc- 
ceeding particulars  are  not  intelligibly  expressed  by  Osio,  though  the  spies 
learned  that  Alvarado's  force  was  far  inferior  to  their  own.  All  expected 
blood  to  ilow,  and  the  privilege  of  shooting  Alvarado  had  been  awarded  by 
common  consent  to  Sepulveda. 


THE  HOSTILE  ARMIES  DRAW  NEAR.  497 

treaty,  since  it  is  made  merely  to  prevent  bloodshed 
in  California.27  Next  day  Sepulveda  wrote  that  every 
man  capable  of  bearing  arms  should  be  sent  to  the 
front,  as  the  people  of  Monterey  were  approaching 
and  had  replied  to  his  messages  that  on  the  19th  they 
would  be  within  gunshot  on  the  plain  of  San  Fer- 
nando. 

Alvarado,  with  his  army  of  110  men  and  two  pieces 
of  artillery,  had  left  San  Buenaventura  on  the  17th, 
and  after  a  day's  march  in  the  rain  had  halted  for  the 
night  at  Cayeguas  rancho,  whence  he  despatched  the 
message  cited  above,  and  where  he  had  a  conference 
with  Osio  and  others  sent  by  Sepulveda,  a  conference 
resulting  in  nothing  beyond  an  agreement  to  hold 
another  nearer  San  Fernando  on  the  19th.23  Next 
day  Alvarado  advanced  to  the  Calabazas  rancho, 
where,  or  perhaps  at  Encino,  he  met  Sepulveda  and 
Osio  on  the  19th.  The  comisionados  had  meanwhile 
reported  at  San  Fernando  the  inferiority  of  Alvarado's 
force,  thus  arousing  a  somewhat  warlike  spirit,  if  we 
may  credit  Osio's  statement;   but  they  had  also  re- 

27  Jan.  17th,  18th,  session  of  ayunt.  Los  Angeles,  Arc&.,  MS.,  iv.  238-41; 
Dfpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  0*1-5.  On  Jan.  18th  Pio  Pico's  letter  was  received, 
with  news  that  he  was  coming  with  25  men;  and  the  news  was  forwarded  to 
S.  Fernando.  Id.,  Angeles,  ii.  83.  The  S.  Diego  force,  20  strong,  arrived  on 
Jan.  21st  (too  late  to  be  sent  to  S.  Fernando,  as  will  be  seen  later).  Los  Angeles, 
Arch.,  MS.,  243-7.  Ignacio  Coronel  was  comandante  at  S.  Gabriel  after 
Rocha's  departure.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  ii.  99-100.  Jan.  18th, 
Sepulveda  to  Alcalde  Ibarra.  Id.,  ii.  100-1.  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  88-9, 
claims  to  have  commanded  the  garrison  at  S.  Gabriel. 

28  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  291-7,  still  speaking  of  himself  as  'the  friend  of 
Sopiilveda,'  and  not  naming  the  other  comisionados,  gives  some  details  of  the 
negotiations  at  Cayeguas  on  the  evening  of  Jan.  17th  and  morning  of  the  18th, 
though  he  gives  no  dates.  He  attributes  the  failure  to  the  '  pertinaz  arro- 
gancia  licurga '  of  Alvarado  and  Pelia,  who  put  on  airs  of  importance,  and  in- 
sisted on  seeing  the  comisionados'  credentials,  which  of  course  was  impossible, 
as  they  had  none.  Osio  says  also  that  Carlos  and  Anastasio  Carrillo  were  on 
the  spot  working  to  prevent  a  conflict.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  215- 
25,  like  Vallejo,  Hut.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  249-59,  says  he  refused  to  treat  because 
the  comisionados,  whom  he  says  were  Osio,  Valle,  and  Lugo,  insisted  on  ad- 
dressing him  as  'chief  of  the  northern  forces,'  instead  of  governor,  some  of 
the  m  even  carrying  their  familiarity  so  far  as  to  call  him  Juanito.  In  a  report 
written  a  few  days  later,  Alvarado — Carta  en  que  relata  la  Campaha  de  San 
Fernando,  22  de  Enero,  1831,  MS.,  being  addressed  to  Gen.  Vallejo,  and  also 
to  the  ayunt.  of  Monterey — says  nothing  of  these  preliminary  negotiations. 
He  says  his  force  was  80  men,  but  I  think  this  cannot  have  included  Graham's 
men. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    32 


408    ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

ceived  the  ayuntamiento's  instructions  of  the  17th  to 
form  a  treaty.  Andres  Pico,  who  accompanied  them, 
had  brought  from  the  south  the  news  not  only  that 
reinforcements  were  coming,  but  that  Pio  Pico  and 
two  associates  were  on  the  way  as  comisionados  for 
San  Diego,  and  in  order  that  those  gentlemen  might 
take  part  in  the  negotiations  they  were  again  post- 
poned until  the  next  day.29 

On  the  morning;  of  the  20th,  as  Pico  had  not  arrived, 
Sepulveda  and  Osio,  probably  accompanied  by  others, 
went  again  to  Encino  or  Calabazas.  Instead  of  pro- 
ceeding to  negotiate  a  treaty,  however,  they  merely 
showed  to  Alvarado  their  instructions,  which  had  been 
intended  to  be  kept  secret,  and  obtained  his  approval 
of  them  in  writing  on  the  margin,  together  with  an 
additional  promise,  written  in  pencil,  not  to  molest 
any  one,  Mexican  or  Californian,  for  having  taken  up 
arms  under  the  alcalde's  orders.  The  document,  with 
which  the  reader  is  familiar,  was  regarded  by  the  gov- 
ernor as  not  conflicting  in  any  essential  point  with 
the  plan  of  Monterey,  and  as  one  which  he  was  amply 
authorized  to  sign  by  virtue  of  the  l  extraordinary 
powers'  which  had  been  given  him.  The  comisionados 
now  set  up  the  claim  that,  as  a  treaty  had  been  signed, 
Alvarado  should  at  once  disband  his  forces  and  retire 
to  the  north.  To  this,  of  course,  not  being  a  man 
entirely  out  of  his  senses,  Don  Juan  Bautista  would 
not  listen;  and  after  long  discussions,  he  brought  the 
matter  to  a  close  on  the  21st  by  sending  a  message  to 
Sepulveda  that  if  San  Fernando  wTas  not  surrendered 

29 Mainly  the  version  of  Osio,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  297-300,  341-2,  but  con- 
firmed more  or  less  fully  by  contemporary  records.  Osio  represents  the  leaders 
and  men  at  S.  Fernando  as  much  disgusted  with  the  ayuntamiento's  instruc- 
tion:;, which  were  the  work  of  Alcalde  Ibarra  and  his  adviser  Requena.  He 
i  says  that  Andre's  Pico  had  a  secret  conversation  with  Alvarado,  which 
gested  to  '  the  friend  of  Sepulveda '  grave  suspicions  of  some  trick.  Alva- 
rado himself,  in  his  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  affirms  that  the  negotiations  were  broken 
<  ff  as  before  by  the  refusal  of  the  comisionados  to  recognize  him  as  governor, 
though  one  of  them  went  so  far  as  to  call  him  ' excclencia;'  whereupon  ho 
called  them  fools,  and  sent  them  off  '  con  cajas  destempladas.'  He  also  tells  of 
an  Indian,  Mauricio,  who  was  hired  to  return  to  S.  Fernando  with  the  talc 
that  Castro  had  arrived  with  a  large  reinforcement. 


FALL  OF  SAX  FERNANDO.  499 


on  the  messenger's  return  he  would  take  it  by  force. 
The  order  was  obeyed  at  once,  Rocha's  men  retired 
toward  the  city,  and  Sepulveda  came  out  in  person  to 
tell  the  Monterey  chief  that  the  stronghold  of  the 
patriots  was  at  his  disposal.  Alvarado  accordingly 
occupied  the  mission  with  his  army  late  in  the  after- 
noon of  the  21st,  and  next  day  reported  his  success 
to  his  associates  in  the  north.30 

On  January  21st,  before  the  fall  of  San  Fernando 
was  known  in  the  city,  a  meeting  of  the  ayuntamiento 
was  held,  at  which  Pio  Pico,  Joaquin  Ortega,  and 
Martin  S.  Cabello,  having  presented  their  credentials 
as  representatives  of.  San  Diego,  were  added  to  the 
comisionados  appointed  and  instructed  on  the  17th, 
and  the  instructions  were  modified  or  enlarged  so  as 

30  Alvarado,  Carta  en  que  relata  la  Campana  cle  S.  Fernando,  MS.  The 
writer  does  not  state  what  the  agreement  was,  but  simply  says  it  differed  very 
slightly  from  the  established  plan.  He  says  his  men  were  anxious  to  fight, 
and  were  with  difficulty  restrained.  The  agreement  is  given  in  Los  Angeles, 
Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  249-50;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  64-5,  and  is  literally  as  fol- 
lows: 'The  citizen  Juan  B.  Alvarado,  governor  of  the  free  and  sovereign  state 
of  Alta  California,  declares  his  acceptance  of  the  resolution  passed  by  the 
illustrious  ayuntamiento  of  the  city  of  Los  Angeles  on  the  17th  inst,  and  by 
virtue  of  the  extraordinary  faculties  with  which  he  is  invested,  does  hereby 
conform  to  all  that  is  contained  in  the  articles  expressed  in  the  aforesaid 
resolution.  Field  of  San  Fernando,  Jan.  23,  1837.  Juan  B.  Alvarado,  Lie. 
Cosme  Pefia,  secretary.'  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  343-8,  says  that  Alvarado 
was  surprised  and  delighted  at  getting  such  favorable  terms  at  such  a  critical 
moment,  when  the  most  he  had  hoped  for  was  to  be  allowed  to  rule  over  the 
regions  north  of  Sta  Barbara.  The  'friend  of  Sepulveda'  was  sad  to  think  of 
the  mothers  of  Los  Angeles,  and  Alvarado,  on  learning  the  cause  of  his  melan- 
choly, promised  that  during  his  rule  the  decree  of  religious  tolerance  should 
not  be  enforced,  and  the  girls  should  not  be  encouraged  to  marry  protestants, 
Jews,  and  heretics.  This  author  says  nothing  of  the  attempt  to  prevent 
Alvarado  from  remaining  in  the  south.  He  says  it  was  a  hard  task  for  Sepul- 
veda and  his  '  friend,'  not  only  to  curb  their  own  wrath,  but  to  calm  the  war- 
like leaders  at  S.  Fernando,  especially  Rocha,  who  raved  like  a  madman, 
declaring  that  in  future  he  would  take  a  barber  with  him  in  his  campaigns  to 
bleed  him,  since  it  was  the  only  way  ever  to  see  blood  in  Californian  wars. 
Jan.  23d,  Carlos  Carrillo  writes  to  Vallejo,  expressing  his  joy  at  the  triumph 
of  'our  cause.'  Vallejo,  Doe.,  !MS. ,  iv.  14.  On  Jan.  31st  the  current  news  at 
S.  Diego  was  that  the  northern  leaders  had  surrendered!  So  writes  Alcalde 
Estudillo  to  the  comandante  of  fronteras,  who  had  been  ordered  to  send  aid, 
but  had  not  done  so  because  he  learned  from  'unofficial  sources'  that  it  would 
be  useless.  8.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  165.  May  26th,  Comandante  Martinez  at 
S.  Francisco  has  learned  of  the  victory  at  S.  Fernando  over  270  men.  Dept. 
Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  161-2.  Mention  of  the  S.  Fernando  campaign  in  Janssens, 
Vida,  MS.,  .f>7-0;  Avila,  Noias,  MS.,  20;  Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  27;  Nidevey-'s 
Life,  MS.,  85-8. 


500  ALVARADO'S  RULE -TROUBLES  IX  THE  SOUTH. 

to  provide  that  their  purport  must  not  be  divulged  to 
the  northerners,  and  no  one  of  the  latter  must  be  per- 
mitted under  the  treaty  that  might  be  formed  to  enter 
Los  Angeles.31  Don  Pio  started  for  San  Fernando 
with  his  twenty  men,  and  met  Rocha's  arm}7  in  full 
retreat.  It  was  a  good  opportunity  to  make  a  show 
of  his  own  valor  by  expressing  disgust  and  rage  at  a 
state  of  things  so  disgraceful,  but  he  gradually  became 
calmer,  and  did  not  attempt  to  retake  the  mission  with 
his  brave  but  tardy  Dieguinos.32 

The  ayuntamiento  met  again  on  the  2 2d,  when 
the  occupation  of  San  Fernando  must  have  been 
known,  though  it  was  not  mentioned  at  the  meeting, 
to  listen  to  a  report  from  the  coinisionados  and  a  let- 
ter of  thanks  from  Alvarado,  who  announced  that  on 
arrival  in  the  city  he  would  give  a  greater  proof  of 
his  gratitude.  But  the  Angelinos  were  in  no  mood 
for  kindly  greetings;  and  after  due  deliberation,  they 
decided  that  their  instructions  as  approved  by  Alva- 
rado should  be  deemed  in  no  sense  to  constitute  a 
binding  treaty,  since  no  signatures  of  the  coinisiona- 
dos were  affixed  to  it,  and  because  the  latter  had  not 
in  truth  been  free  agents,  having  been  forced,  as  it 
were,  to  show  their  instructions  by  the  threatening 
attitude  of  the  invader's  troops.  Therefore,  all  the 
arrangements  were  declared  null  and  void.  California 
was  not  a  sovereign  state,  Alvarado  was  not  its  gov- 
ernor,  and  Los  Angeles  was  again  ready  to  defend 
the  national  integrity.  Orders  were  accordingly  issued 
to  post  guards  and  take  other  measures  for  active  de- 
fence.33 

31  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  243-4,  246-7. 

32Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  348-9,  who  was  of  course  in  the  rear  guard  of  the 
retreating  force,  describes  Pico's  wrath.  He  tells  us  also  that  Cabcllo  in- 
sulted Sepiilveda  on  account  of  his  agency  in  making  such  a  treaty.  Fire- 
arms were  drawn,  but  no  blood  spilt.  Osio  himself  lost  his  temper  and  talked 
of  cowards  when  Requena  claimed  that  the  instructions  had  been  misunder- 
stood. Pico  himself,  J  list.  CaL,  MS.,  59-G2,  pretends  to  have  gone  on  to  S. 
Fernando,  had  a  long  interview  with  Alvarado,  and  obtained  from  him  cer- 
tain concessions  which  insured  peace,  and  made  it  possible  for  the  governor 
to  enter  Angeles. 

88 Session  of  Jan.  22d.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.s  MS.,  iv.  248-52. 


THE  GOVERNOR  AT  LOS  ANGELES.  501 

The  result  of  all  these  reactionary  and  defensive 
measures  was — and  without  any  intermediate  diplo- 
ma cv,  so  far  as  the  records  show — that  Alvarado  en- 
tered  the  city  without  resistance,  probably  on  the  23d, 
certainly  within  two  or  three  days.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  Graham's  company  and  by  the  Monterey 
militia,  leaving  the  Santa  Barbara  volunteers  at  San 
Fernando.  Castro,  with  thirty  or  forty  men,  arrived 
from  Monterey  on  or  about  the  same  day.34  Rocha's 
soldiers  were  at  San  Gabriel.  The  volunteers  of  the 
Angeles  army  had  disbanded,  but  the  twenty  Die- 
guinos  were  still  encamped  in  the  city,  and  aided  the 
northern  troops  in  preserving  order. 

The  a}7untamiento  met  once  more  on  the  26th. 
The  meeting  was  attended  also  by  Alvarado,  J.  J. 
Pico,  and  Miguel  Avila  of  Monterey,  by  Pio  Pico, 
Ortega,  Cabello,  and  Regidor  Alvarado  of  San  Diego, 
and  by  A.  M.  Osio  of  Los  Angeles.  No  allusion  was 
made  to  the  resolutions  adopted  at  the  last  session,  but 
the  object  was  to  take  into  consideration  the  agree- 
ment made  with  Alvarado  at  San  Fernando.35  The 
governor  addressed  the  meeting  in  defence  of  the  new 
system,  and  proposed  a  plan  in  six  articles  on  which  he 
thought  all  might  agree,  thus  avoiding  future  contro- 
versy. This  plan  was  referred  to  a  committee  of 
three,  Pio  Pico,  Cabello,  and  Osio,  who  reported  it 
back  with  certain  modifications,  mainly  intended,  as 
it  would  seem,  to  obscure  its  exact  meaning  and  pro- 
vide for  subsequent  variations  of  interpretation.36    The 

31  Jan.  9th,  Alvarado  orders  Castro  to  come  south  with  20  men  by  sea. 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  9.  Jan.  14th,  Castro  toVallejo.  Will  start  in  3  days. 
Id.,  iv.  11.  Jan.  17th,  C.  says  he  will  start  at  4  r.  m.  with  50  men  by  land, 
as  the  Clementine  is  not  ready.  Id.,  iv.  12.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Ccd.,  MS.,  iii. 
21G,  22G-30,  says  that  to  raise  funds  Castro  had  to  pledge  his  own  property 
to  Spence  and  Malarin.  The  debt  was  paid  by  Alvarado  after  1841.  The  two 
officers  lodged  at  the  house  of  Abel  Stearns.  The  city  was  carefully  patrolled 
but  no  disturbance  occurred. 

y5It  is  spoken  of  as  the  agreement  made  by  the  2  alcaldes  and  the  S.  Diego 
comisionados  with  Alvarado,  and  would  seem  therefore  to  have  been  distinct 
from  that  of  Jan.  20th;  but  there  is  no  record  to  show  its  nature.  It  was 
perhaps  the  interview  mentioned  by  Pico.     See  note  32. 

3f,The  plan  was  in  substance  as  follows,  the  portions  in  parentheses  being 
the  committee's  additions;  1.  Alta  California  proclaims  the  federal  system 


502  ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IX  THE  SOUTH. 

gist  of  it  was  that  a  new  diputacion  should  assemble  at 
Santa  Barbara  on  February  25th,  to  adopt  or  reject 
what  had  been  done  at  Monterey,  always  supporting 
federalism,  and  insisting  on  a  native  ruler.  It  was 
formally  approved  by  all  parties.  Then  followed 
speeches  of  congratulation  at  the  victory  achieved  over 
difficulties  that  had  threatened  to  set  Californians  at 
enmity  one  with  another.  Pio  Pico  wished  to  be  put 
on  record  as  saying  that  he  would  support  a  native 
ruler  to  whatever  section  he  might  belong.  Antonio 
M.  Osio  declared  that  "  sooner  than  submit  to  another 
Mexican  mandarin,  he  would  retire  to  the  forest  and 
be  devoured  bv  wild  beasts:"  while  Alvarado,  in  a. 
closing  speech,  promised  a  faithful  fulfilment  of  the 
compact.37 

of  1824  (since  the  new  system  of  centralism  has  not  been  sworn  by  the  dip., 
and  the  system  now  ruling  in  the  nation  is  not  known).  2.  The  dip.,  to  be 
chosen  by  electors  according  to  Mexican  law,  will  assemble  and  take  into  con- 
sideration what  has  been  decreed  in  favor  of  the  Monterey  system.  (The  dip. 
will  meet  and  act  in  accordance  with  the  laws  in  force. )  3.  All  that  has 
been  done  will  remain  in  force  until  the  dip.  meets.  4.  The  present  govt 
will  summon  the  electors  or  decree  the  election.  (To  meet  at  Sta.  Barbara 
on  Feb.  25th.)  The  two  copies  do  not  agree.  5.  The  decree  dividing  Cal. 
into  2  cantons  is  null  and  void.  6.  Until  the  federal  system  shall  have  been 
restored,  no  ruler  appointed  by  the  Mexican  govt  shall  be  admitted.  (As 
soon  as  possible  the  sup.  govt  will  be  informed  by  competent  authority  that 
order  is  restored,  and  asked  to  appoint  an  h/jo  del  pais  to  govern  Cal.)  In  the 
discussions  on  art.  C,  it  was  agreed  on  both  sides  that  no  Mexican  ruler  would 
be  likely  to  be  admitted,  but  it  was  urged  that  Mexico  should  be  allowed  to 
grant  a  native  ruler  in  answer  to  a  request,  rather  than  be  ordered  to  do  so. 

a7  Ayunt.  session  of  Jan.  2Gth,  in  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  234-62;  S. 
Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  150,  163-4;  Bandini,  Doc,  MS.,  45.  Osio,  Hist.  Cal,  MS., 
352-5,  gives  a  different  account,  saying  nothing  of  the  plan  adopted  and  of 
course  nothing  about  his  own  speech.  He  says  that  Alvarado  on  reaching 
Angeles  summoned  the  ayunt.  to  meet  within  an  hour,  caused  himself  to  be 
recognized  as  governor,  and  then  thanked  the  members  for  their  resolution  of 
the  22d,  since  it  relieved  him  from  all  his  agreements,  made  only  because  of 
his  inferior  force,  especially  from  his  promise  not  to  punish  any  one  for  past 
acts — at  which  all  turned  pale!  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  230-7,  and  Va- 
llojo,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iii.  249-59,  narrate  events  at  Angeles  substantially  in 
accordance  with  the  records.  Botello,  Anales  del  Sur,  MS.,  2S-9,  and  Pico, 
Acont.,  MS.,  40-3,  though  both  participants  in  these  events,  add  nothing  to 
our  knowledge  of  them. 

Jan.  30th,  Alvarado  demanded  and  received  what  was  left  of  the  money 
taken  from  S.  Fernando,  with  which  to  support  his  men.  Los  Angeles,  Arch., 
MS.,  iv.  267-9.  J.  J.  Pico  says  he  went  with  three  men  to  get  the  money, 
about  $1,500.  Osio  says  he  delivered  the  money,  $1,785,  and  that  Alvarado 
told  him  he  was  a  fool  not  to  have  taken  half  the  amount  for  his  trouble! 
Also  on  Jan.  30th  Alvarado  complained  that  several  men  were  plotting  mis- 
chief, and  urged  the  ayunt.  to  adopt  prompt  measures.  Los  Angeles,  Arch., 
MS.,  iv.  267.     Vallejo  says  that  9  men,  including  Pio  Pico,  were  arrested. 


PEACE  RESTORED.  503 

Having  issued  on  the  1st  of  February  a  summons 
for  the  electors  to  meet  on  the  25th,  Alvarado,  in  let- 
ters sent  northward  on  the  2d  and  3d,  narrated  briefly 
what  had  occurred  at  Angeles.  Officially  he  stated 
that  the  modifications  of  the  original  plan,  to  which 
he  had  assented,  were  not  essential,  while  it  had  been 
necessary  to  make  concessions  to  conciliate  public 
opinion  in  the  south.  In  a  private  letter  he  explained 
that  under  the  present  plan  he  hoped  to  reach,  though 
by  a  roundabout  course,  his  original  aim,  by  managing 
to  secure  a  majority  in  the  new  diputacion.  Other- 
wise it  would  have  been  necessary  to  maintain  a  mili- 
tary force  permanently  in  the  south,  which  would 
have  been  an  intolerable  burden  to  the  treasurv.33 
Leaving  Castro  with  thirty  men  to  garrison  San  Ga- 
briel and  preserve  order,39  Alvarado  left  San  Fernan- 
do February  5th,  and  two  days  later  arrived  at  Santa 
Barbara,  where  he  found  the  popular  enthusiasm  un- 
abated, and  where  his  first  act  was  to  send  home  the 
Monterey  troops  and  Graham's  riflemen.- 


40 


Thus  far  all  had  gone  well  with  Alvarado  in  the 
south;  but  there  followed  during  February  and  March 

38  Alvarado,  Carta  en  que  relata  los  Sucesos  de  Los  Angeles,  2  de  Feb.  1837, 
MS.,  the  same  letter  being  sent  to  different  officials.  Feb.  3d,  Alvarado  to 
Vallcjo,  private  letter,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  176.  He  says  that  Domin- 
go Carrillo  refused  to  take  the  oath,  and  was  removed  from  the  command  at 
Sta  Barbara.  Rocha  may  have  to  be  removed  also.  At  S.  Diego  under  Sala- 
zar  there  i3  really  no  garrison. 

39 Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  273-4. 

40  Feb.  9,  1837,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo,  Estlada,  and  alcalde  of  S.  Jos6,  in  Va- 
llejo, Doc,  MS.,  iv.  29;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  160-1;  Id.,  S.  Jose,  v.  43. 
Kidever,  Life,  MS.,  85-8,  says  the  riflemen  were  paid  off  at  Sta  Barbara. 
Alvarado  tells  us  that  he  wished  to  retain  Graham's  men,  but  was  advised  by 
Castro  that  there  was  danger  of  not  being  able  to  pay  them,  and  that  it  would 
be  best  to  discharge  them  while  no  dissatisfaction  existed.  The  foreigners 
were  complimented  in  speeches  and  departed  in  good  humor. 

Some  references  to  printed  accounts  of  the  troubles  in  the  south,  some  of 
them  extending  over  several  years,  and  all  very  inaccurate  and  inextricably 
confused  wherever  they  are  more  than  a  bare  mention,  are:  Mofra?,  Explor., 
i.  301-2;  Petit- T ho uars,  Voyage,  ii.  92-9;  Forbes'  Hist.  Cal.,  150-1;  Wiltes* 
Xtrr.,  v.  175-9;  Robinson's  Life  in  Cal.,  173-7;  Gleeson's  Hist.  Cath.  Church, 
i.  144-9;  Ferry,  Californie,  20-1.  Manuscript  statements  on  the  southern 
campaigns,  adding  nothing  to  what  has  been  given,  are:  Castro,  Iielacion, 
MS.,  41-4;  Marsh's  Letter,  MS.,  8;  Vallejo,  Remin.,  MS.,  123-5;  Lugo,  Vida, 
MS.,  23-5;  Arce,  Memoria,  MS.,  12-13;  Robinson's  Statement,  MS.,  15,  26; 
Galindo,  Ajmntes,  MS.,  36-8. 


504  ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

a  period  of  inaction  which  was  unfavorable  to  his  com- 
plete success,  even  if  it  did  not  develop  any  actual 
triumph  for  his  opponents.  Notwithstanding  the  con- 
cessions gained,  and  their  pretended  enthusiasm,  many 
influential  southerners  still  chose  to  regard  themselves 
as  vanquished  or  tricked  foes,  rather  than  conciliated 
friends  of  the  plan  as  it  stood.  They  withheld  that 
hearty  support  which  alone  could  have  resulted  in  po- 
litical harmonv.  Pio  Pico's  actions  were  mysterious, 
and  he  was  suspected  of  exerting  all  his  influence  se- 
cretly against  the  government.  Manuel  Requena  and 
other  recalcitrant  Angelinos  were  sent  by  Castro  to 
the  governor,  expecting  to  be  banished  to  Sonoma,  but 
were  released  by  Alvarado  on  signing  an  agreement 
not  to  meddle  in  politics.41  Alvarado's  letters  to  Gen- 
eral Vallejo  at  this  time  show  the  anxiety  which  he 
felt,  containing  alternate  expressions  of  confidence  and 
discouragement.  Early  in  March  the  report  was  cir- 
culated, with  quieting  effects,  that  Vallejo  was  intend- 
ing to  come  south  with  a  hundred  men.42 

41  Feb.  11,  1837,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  32.  Reque- 
na's  companions  were  Vicente  Sanchez,  Luis  Arenas,  Juan  Gallardo,  Antonio 
del  Valle,  J.  M.  Ramirez,  Juan  Salazar,  Antonio  Avila,  and  others,  Roclia 
was  in  the  number  summoned,  but  ran  away.  Alvarado  allowed  him  to  return, 
but  not  to  be  comandante  or  administrator.  Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  C9-70, 
says  that  Requena  was  sent  into  a  kind  of  exile  at  Sta  In6s,  until  in  1838  he 
retired  to  L.  California.  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  89-92,  describes  the  adventures 
of  himself,  Orozco,  Rojas,  and  others,  who  fled  from  Los  Angeles  and  also 
took  refuge  in  the  peninsula. 

i2Mar.  4th,  ayunt.,  in  answer  to  a  request  for  quarters  and  supplies  for 
Vallejo's  men,  refused  to  incur  any  expense;  but  resolves  that  there  are  plenty 
of  supplies  and  probably  buildings  also  to  be  had  for  money.  Los  Angeles, 
Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  285-6.  Feb.  27th,  March  13th,  16th,  announcement  of  Valle- 
jo's coming  at  S.  Diego.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  70-2;  S.  Diego, 
Arch.,  MS.,  173.  March  6th,  all  quiet;  but  there  may  be  trouble,  as  some 
don't  wish  Cal.  to  be  a  state.  Governor's  course  approved  by  all  good  men. 
Robbers  being  strictly  dealt  with.  Alvarado  to  Vallejo,  in  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. , 
iv.  209.  March  12th,  Carlos  Carrillo  says  to  Vallejo  that  the  people  of  Los 
Angeles  are  very  well  disposed,  even  more  addicted  to  the  new  system  than  the 
Barbarenos.  Id.,  iv.  214.  March  9th,  the  people  well  disposed.  'If  freedom 
is  not  secured  now,  Californians  will  be  slaves  forever  and  forfeit  the  respect 
of  men. '  Civic  force  at  Sta  Barbara,  150  men  in  good  discipline.  Arms  bought 
of  the  Bolivar.  Has  gained  favor  by  granting  lands.  The  old  folks  are  pleased 
with  the  title  of  'governor,'  as  it  reminds  them  of  old  times.  The  U.  S.  consul 
at  Honolulu  writes  to  Dana  that  'there  is  nothing  to  fear  from  Mexico,  which 
is  not  thinking  of  California.  The  present  rulers  of  the  state  have  more  to 
fear  from  their  own  people,  so  many  of  them  will  want  office.  Chihuahua, 
Jalisco,  and  Zacatecas  have  pronounced  against  the  central  govt.'    Alvarado 


IMPENDING  DISASTERS.  505 

Besides  disquieting  rumors  from  the  north,  of  which 
I  shall  speak  later,  there  w;as  an  alarming  report  that 
a  force  of  two  hundred  men — Sonorans,  Indians,  and 
Americans — under  Lieut-colonel  Juan  Jose  Tobar, 
were  marching  by  the  Rio  Colorado  on  California, 
having  failed  in  their  revolutionary  and  mining 
schemes  at  Quitovaca.  A  brother  of  Captain  Por- 
tilla,  and  other  men  who  had  left  California  were  said 
to  be  engaged  in  this  expedition.  This  was  soon  dis- 
covered to  be  a  false  alarm;  but  in  consequence  of  it, 
Alvarado  had  made  hasty  preparations  for  defence; 
urged  Vallejo  to  have  his  force  ready  to  march  at  a 
moment's  notice;  gone  in  person  to  Los  Angeles,  ap- 
parently causing  the  re-arrest  of  some  of  the  malecon- 
tents  there;  and  had  sent  Castro  and  Capt.  Villavi- 
cencio  with  a  force  to  San  Diego.  Castro's  orders  were, 
in  case  the  rumors  should  have  any  apparent  founda- 
tion, to  remove  or  spike  all  the  guns,  to  leave  not  a 
single  horse  between  San  Diego  and  San  Gabriel,  and 
to  distribute  all  supplies  at  the  missions  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  to  prevent  them  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.43  To  what  extent  Castro  found  it  necessary 
to  carry  out  these  measures  in  the  south  does  not  ap- 
pear; neither  is  there  anything  in  the  local  politics  of 
San  Diego  at  this  time  which  demands  notice,  except 
that  on  March  18th  the  ayuntamiento,  on  receipt  of 
certain  communications  from  Alvarado,  refused  to  rec- 
ognize him  as  governor,  or  Vallejo  as  general.44 

to  Vallejo,  in  Id.,  iv.  212.  March  19th,  the  cause  has  yet  many  foes.  Opin- 
ion in  Angeles  seems  favorable;  but  no  reliance  can  be  placed  on  that  town. 
'It  should  be  burned.'  Id.,  iv.  219. 

43  March  19,  1837,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo.  Official  and  private  letter.  Va- 
llejo, Doc,  MS.,  iv.  215,  219.  March  2Gth,  Alvarado  on  coming  to  Angeles 
with  50  men  found  the  rumor  false.  Id.,  iv.  224.  March  25th,  the  matter 
presented  by  Alvarado  to  the  ayunt.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  287-9. 

44 S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  172.  The  theory  advanced  was  that  Alvarado's 
authority  as  comandante  of  the  northern  forces  had  ended  with  the  treaty  of 
Jan.  26th.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  this  acta,  though  in  the  secretary's 
handwriting,  has  no  signatures.  March  25th,  Alvarado  complains  that  his 
communications  to  the  S.  Diego  ayunt.  are  not  answered.  That  body  should 
be  mildly  exhorted  to  rejoin  the  rest  of  the  state.  Los  Avgeles,  Arch.,  MS., 
iv.  289.  Hayes,  Emig.  Notes,  480,  states  that  the  troops  which  went  to 
Angeles  in  1837  disbanded  for  want  of  pay,  and  never  returned,  the  presidio 
going  rapidly  to   decay.     Alvarado,    Hist.   C'al.,   MS.,    and   Vallejo,  Hist. 


506  ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

The  election  provided  for  in  the  plan  of  Los 
Angeles  took  place  at  Santa  Barbara  either  February 
25th  or  at  least  before  March  5th,  on  which  date  the 
deputies  elected  were  summoned  to  meet,  also  at  Santa 
Barbara,  March  25th.45  The  tour  new  members 
elected  seem  to  have  been  Pio  Pico,  Antonio  M.  Osio, 
Manuel  Jimeno  Casarin,  and  Jose  P.  Estrada,  one 
of  the  last-named  two  being  perhaps  a  suplente  in 
place  of  Jose  Castro.46  The  governor's  summons, 
much  to  his  disappointment,  was  not  promptly  obeyed, 
and  the  diputacion  could  not  be  organized  in  March. 
Pico  and  Osio  refused  to  attend  at  all,  a  policy  that 
may  safely  be  termed  disgraceful  in  view  of  their 
speeches  in  the  Los  Angeles  meeting  of  January  2Gth. 
Six  members  assembled  April  10th,  however,  at  Santa 
Barbara,  Juan  A.  Alvarado,  Guerra,  Buelna,  Jime- 
no, Estrada,  and  Francisco  J.  Alvarado  of  San  Di- 
ego as  a  suplente  for  Pio  Pico,  with  Victor  Prudon 
as  secretary. 

On  the  first  clay  of  the  session  the  governor  pre- 
sented a  manifiesto  on  the  condition  and  needs  of  the 
country.  April  11th  this  document  was  submitted  to 
a  committee  consisting  of  Jimeno,  Buelna,  and  Estra- 
da, all  Monterey  men  it  will  be  noted,  who  reported 
favorably  on  the  views  therein  expressed,  and  sub- 
mitted a  series  of  eight  propositions  for  the  approval 


Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  261-2,  connect  Castro's  visit  to  S.  Diego  with  a  revolution- 
ary movement  at  that  place. 

15  There  are  no  records  of  the  election  that  I  have  been  able  to  find.  Feb. 
19th,  Francisco  Sanchez  at  S.  F.  writes  that  he  has  been  summoned  to  Sta  B. 
as  an  elector.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  38.  March  5th,  the  pres.  and  sec. 
of  the  electoral  junta  announced  the  result,  which  was  communicated  oin- 
cialry  to  Pio  Pico  on  March  9th.  Original  summons  in  Pico,  Do'c,  MS.,  ii.  J  55. 
This  doc.  is  also  notable  as  bearing  a  seal  of  the  'Gobierno  Supremo  del  Es- 
tado  Libre  y  Soberano  de  la  Alta  California,'  neatly  and  elaborately  executed 
with  a  pen,  the  only  sample  existing,  for  it  was  never  engraved. 

40  It  will  be  remembered  that  there  had  been  much  mystery  about  the  com- 
position of  the  diputacion  since  May  1836,  and  it  is  not  yet  cleared  up.  It 
would  seem  that  now  the  4  who  had  acted  in  Nov.  1836  were  regarded  as 
holding  over,  Castro  being  prevented  from  acting  by  other  duties,  because 
Alvarado  had  said  several  times  before  the  election  that  he  had  four  votes 
secure  when  the  new  dip.  should  meet.  March  25th,  Alvarado  informed  the 
ayunt.  of  his  inability  to  assemble  the  members  elect,  and  his  intention  to 
summon  the  saplentes.    Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  287-8. 


PLAN  OF  SALTTA  BARBARA.  507 

of  the  meoting,  propositions  which  confirmed  in  sub- 
stance all  that  had  been  done  by  Alvarado's  govern- 
ment, and  empowered  the  diputacion  under  its  new 
organization  to  continue  as  a  constituent  congress  of 
the  state.47  The  resolutions  were  unanimously  ap- 
proved, and  thus  a  new  plan  was  added  to  the  long 
list.  The  diputacion  acted  the  same  day  on  certain 
land  grants,  but  there  are  no  definite  records  of  any 
subsequent  sessions.  The  result  was/communicated  to 
the  two  southern  ayuntamientos  by  Alvarado,  who 
presented  it  as  a  faithful  fulfilment  of  the  agreement 
of  January  2Gth,  and  hoped  for  a  hearty  support. 
He  was  bitter,  however,  in  his  complaints  against  Pico 
and  Osio.  He  chided  San  Diego  for  its  action  of 
March  18th,  and  declared  his  purpose  now  to  enforce 
the  system  adopted,  being  " weary  of  his  own  lenien- 
cy," and  disgusted  at  the  conduct  of  those  Californians 
who  still  " sighed  for  the  tyrant's  yoke."  Los  Ange- 
les nevertheless  on  April  18th  rejected  the  action 
of  the  congress,  as  not  in  accordance  with  the  treaty, 
which,  as  the  Angelinos  chose  to  regard  it,  had  simply 
provided  that  all  should  be  put  back  in  the  old  condi- 
tion under  a  gefe  politico  and  territorial  diputacion. 

47  Plan  de  Gobierno  adoptado por  la  Diputacion  en  Sta  Bdrbara,  11  do.  ALr'l, 
1837,  MS.;  mentioned  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  75.  Art.  1.  Cal. 
pronounces  for  the  system  that  the  majority  of  the  nation  has  adopted  (fed- 
eralism of  course  is  meant),  and  therefore  the  action  of  the  dip.  of  Xov.  7, 
183(3,  remains  in  force,  except  art.  3,  which  is  included  in  the  constitution  of 
1824.  (The  article  on  the  catholic  religion.)  2.  The  dip.,  including  the  dep- 
uties appointed  by  the  ayunt.  (?),  is  to  continue  as  a  congreso  constituyente, 
to  meet,  after  its  adjournment  at  this  place,  as  soon  as  convoked  by  the  govt. 
3.  Decrees  8  and  9  of  the  congress  (those  on  a  division  of  the  state  and  on 
foreign  commerce)  are  repealed,  not  having  served  the  purpose  intended;  and 
the  Mex.  laws  on  the  points  involved  are  restored.  4.  The  sup.  govt  will 
remain  invested  with  the  extraordinary  powers  conferred  in  order  to  consoli- 
date the  system  in  case  of  difficulty  arising.  5.  The  national  govt  shall  be 
petitioned,  it  being  understood  that  Cal.  is  an  integral  part  of  the  Mex.  re- 
public, to  restore  the  federal  system.  0.  Mex.  shall  also  be  asked  to  allow, 
by  means  within  her  power,  that  Cal.  may  govern  herself  as  a  free  and  sov- 
ereign .state.  7.  Pending  the  supreme  decision  desired  on  these  petitions, 
Cal.  \vill  remain  under  the  form  of  govt  expressed  in  the  manifiesto  and  these 
propositions.  8.  A  certified  copy  of  this  acta  shall  be  sent  to  the  national 
govt. 

April  13th,  Alvarado  issues  the  corresponding  decree,  repealing  decrees  8 
and  0  in  accordance  with  art.  3.  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  228,  in  MS., 
though  ordered  printed. 


50S  ALVABADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

San  Diego,  on  the  other  hand,  expressed  on  April 
27th  cordial  approval  of  the  plan  in  general,  though 
still  preferring  to  remain  non-committal,  and  postpon- 
ing the  act  of  swearing  allegiance  until  some  doubts 
could  be  cleared  away  respecting  the  system  alluded 
to  in  article  1,  fearing,  perhaps,  it  might  be  central- 
ism ! 

About  the  same  time  that  Angeles  repudiated  the 
plan  of  April  11th,  Pico  and  Osio  made  their  tardy 
appearance  at  Santa  Barbara  with  a  plan  of  their  own, 
for  which  they  sought  approval  from  the  congressmen, 
though  it  was  really  a  rejection  of  all  that  had  been 
done.49  There  was  no  action  by  the  congress,  but 
Alvarado  simply  sent  the  proposition  to  Castro  to  be 
presented  to  the  ayuntarniento,  to  which  body  he  also 
addressed  a  letter  filled  with  indignation  at  the  con- 
duct of  those  "  unworthy  diputados  who  proposed  a 
return  to  the  tyrant's  yoke  and  perpetual  slavery — 
the  very  men  who  had  so  lately  declared  their  purpose 
to  be  devoured  by  wild  beasts  rather  than  submit  to  a 
Mexican  despot."  The  congress  shared  in  his  indig- 
nation, the  governor  said,  and  the  ayuntarniento  Avas 
expected  to  share  it;  yet  if  the  latter  body  should  per- 

48  April  16,  1837,  Alvarado  to  ayunt.  of  Angeles  and  S.  Diego.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  78-82;  Hayes'  Doc,  MS.,  72.  Apr.  22d,  session  of  ayunt. 
Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  291-4.  Apr.  27th,  session  of  ayunt.  S.  D'-ego, 
Arch.,  MS.,  101.  In  the  acta  last  alluded  to,  the  signatures  of  the  secretary 
and  sindico  of  the  S.  Diego  ayunt.  did  not  appear,  because  those  officers  'had 
been  carried  off  by  an  armed  force  for  some  unknown  cause.'  This  state  of 
things  had  been  announced  on  April  24th  by  Alcalde  Estudillo,  who  asked 
that  steps  be  taken  for  their  restoration,  addressing  Alvarado  as  governor  of 
the  state,  and  announcing  '  a  decided  enthusiasm  in  favor  of  armor  patrio '  on 
the  part  of  the  people.  It  appears  that  in  consequence  of  the  action  of  March 
18th,  Alvarado  had  sent  Eugenio  Montenegro  to  arrest  the  two  officers,  J. 
M.  Teran  and  Domingo  Amao,  who  escaped  from  custody  while  being  taken 
to  S.  Gabriel.  As  late  as  September,  Amao,  who  had  fled  to  the  frontera,  had 
not  returned  to  his  post  as  secretary.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  173,  175,  1SG. 

49The  plan  of  Pico  and  Osio  was  as  follows:  1.  The  territory  of  Alta  Cali- 
fornia reestablishes  the  order  of  things  existing  before  the  pronunciamiento  of 
Monterey.  2.  The  laws  of  Mexico  shall  be  respected  and  obeyed,  whatever 
may  be  the  system  she  has  adopted.  3.  The  treaty  of  Los  Angeles  between 
governor,  ayunt.,  and  comisionados  shall  be  observed  (?).  4.  After  the  pre- 
ceding articles  shall  have  been  carried  out,  the  officers  of  the  army  shall  be 
invited,  by  the  person  on  whom  the  office  of  gefe  politico  may  legally  devolve, 
to  cooperate  in  restoring  order.  5.  The  result  of  action  on  these  propositions 
is  to  be  communicated  to  the  ayunt.     Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  2DQ-7. 


los  a:ntgel£s  SUBMITS.  509 

sist  in  its  folly,  he  would  not  use  force,  but  would  hold 
it  responsible  for  results.  "The  fate  of  the  Califor- 
nians  is  in  your  hands,  and  it  behooves  you  to  reflect 
carefully  on  what  you  will  do."50 

At  a  meeting  of  the  ayuntamiento,  May  1st,  the 
governor's  letter  and  Osio's  propositions  were  read, 
and  a  long  discussion  ensued.  No  one  had  anything 
to  say  in  favor  of  the  new  propositions.  Four  mem- 
bers, Ibarra,  Valdes,  Herrera,  and  Alvarado,  declared 
themselves  in  favor  of  the  resolution  of  April  2 2d,  in- 
volving, as  they  understood  it,  a  full  compliance  with 
the  convention  of  January  26th.  The  other  four, 
Sepulveda,  Lugo,  Pantoja,  and  Lopez,  urged  a  recog- 
nition of  the  existing  government,  and  full  compliance 
with  all  its  orders  and  decrees.  Next  day  the  discus- 
sion was  resumed.  Sepulveda  made  an  earnest  appeal; 
Ibarra's  party  declared  itself  convinced,  and  a  unani- 
mous vote  was  secured  in  favor  of  the  resolution  that 
"the  ayuntamiento  of  the  city  of  Los  Angeles  recog- 
nizes the  present  system  of  government,  and  the  orders 
and  decrees  emanating  therefrom,  without  prejudice  to 
the  laws  in  force,  decreed  by  the  legislation  of  Mexico." 
Jose  Castro  was  present  at  this  meeting,  and  it  is  just 
possible  that  Alvarado's  opponents  regarded  their  votes 
as  the  best  means  for  avoiding  an  involuntary  sojourn 
at  Sonoma.51 

Alvarado  now  regarded  the  triumph  of  his  cause  as 
complete,  and  on  May  10th  issued  a  long  and  grandil- 
oquent manifiesto  of  congratulation  to  the  people  of 
California.  In  this  document  he  declared  that,  in 
accordance  with  his  promise,  he  had  been  indefatiga- 
ble and    successful  in  making    his  countrymen  free 

50 Alvarado  to  aynnt.  of  Los  Angeles,  April  28,  1837.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xi.  75-8.  The  ayunt.  on  April  29th  ratified  its  action  of  the  22d,  though  it 
was  said  there  was  danger  of  some  members  being  carried  north  for  their  op- 
position to  Alvarado.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  295. 

51  Sessions  of  May  1st,  2d.'  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  296-301.  Alva- 
rado writes  also  May  1st  to  clear  up  the  doubts  at  S.  Diego  suggested  in  the 
action  of  April  27th,  proving  that  the  federal  system  was  undoubtedly  the 
one  intended,  and  pleading,  with  much  flattery,  that  though  he  had  arrested 
their  sindico  and  sec,  their  escape  proved  that  they  had  not  been  very 
harshly  treated.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  170,  with  a  seal  in  ink  and  pencil. 


510  ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

men;  that  despite  the  few  backward  steps  he  had 
been  obliged  to  take  in  order  to  'economize  blood,' 
all  had  been  regained  by  the  action  of  the  Santa  Bar- 
bara congress,  as  approved  now  throughout  the  south; 
that  there  was  now  but  one  opinion  in  California,  and 
nothing  to  fear  except  from  abroad — to  meet  which 
latter  danger  the  people  were  exhorted  to  stand  firm 
and  united,  worthy  of  their  grand  achievements  and 
destinies.52  The  governor  now  despatched  a  messenger 
by  land  to  Mexico  to  communicate  to  the  government 
the  final  action  at  Santa  Barbara,  bearing:  also  de- 
spatches  in  which  Sonora  was  urged  to  join  California 
and  make  a  stand  for  federalism.53  Castro,  perhaps 
without  Alvarado's  orders,  withdrew  his  force  from 
San  Gabriel  to  Santa  Barbara.  Flattery  and  some 
more  substantial  rewards  in  the  shape  of  office  or 
lands  were  distributed  among  southern  friends  of  the 
cause.  For  instance,  Alcalde  Sepulveda  was  made  a 
captain  of  the  civic  militia.  Thanks  were  publicly 
rendered  to  Padre  Duran,  and  the  cattle  of  the  pre- 
sidial  rancho  of  San  Julian  were  distributed  among 
the  soldiers,  the  rancho  itself  being  given  to  Jose  do 
la  Gruerra.54     Finally,  Alvarado  and  Castro  started  for 

52  Alvarado  [Manifiesto  del]  Gobernador  Interino  del  Estado  Libre  y  Sober  a- 
no  de  la  Alia  California,  a  snshabitant.es.  Monterrey,  Mayo  10  de  1837.  I..i- 
prcnta  del  Supremo  Gobierno  d  Cargo  del  C.  Santiago  Aguilar.  Folio,  2  leaves, 
in  Earliest  Printing ;  Estudillo,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  248;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii. 
85;  Bept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  x.  19-20;  and  with  French  translation  in 
Petit- Thouars,  Voyage,  iv.  24-33.  Despite  the  imprint,  it  was  issued  at  Sta 
Barbara  on  May  10th,  and  printed  at  Monterey  later.  With  all  its  vapid  and 
high-sounding  Mexicanisms,  the  document  contains  also  many  eloquent  ex- 
pressions of  patriotic  good  sense.  A  peculiar  freak  of  the  printer  is  to  be 
noted  in  the  printing  of  the  word  aristocrata  wrong  side  up — evidently  not 
an  accident,  since  the  same  thing  occurs  in  the  proclamation  of  Nov.  G,  1S3G. 
I  [ay  0th,  Alvarado  tells  Vallejo  that  all  troubles  are  at  an  end.  The  oppo- 
nents from  Angeles  and  S.  Diego  came  to  Sta  Barbara  to  promise  solemnly 
not  to  disturb  the  peace.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  237.  May  10th,  he  thanks 
and  congratulates  the  ayunt.  of  Los  Angeles.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS., 
xi.  80. 

-3  Alvarado,  Manifesto.  He  offers  all  California's  resources  to  aid  Sonora 
in  overthrowing  the  central  system  in  the  republic.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
iii.  209,  thinks  this  was  a  somewhat  rash  offer  under  the  circumstances. 

51  Jan.  4,  1837,  order  for  distribution  of  the  movable  property.  Guerra, 
Doc,  MS.,  vi.  28.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iii.  2G0-1,  thinks  the  grant  of 
the  rancho  was  an  unwise  and  illegal  act,  being  also  an  interference  with  his 
own  rights  as  general. 


AFFAIRS  IN  tHE  NORTH.  511 

Monterey,  where  they,  arrived  the  30th  of  May. 
Castro  was  called  back  in  a  hurry  by  the  news  of  new 
troubles  in  the  south,  to  be  described  later.50 

Affairs  in  the  north  from  January  to  May  1837 
may  be  very  briefly  recorded.  After  Castro's  depart- 
ure on  January  17th,  Ramon  Estrada  was  left  in  com- 
mand at  Monterey  with  about  a  dozen  men.  The  cap- 
ital was  abandoned  for  the  most  pari  to  women  and 
foreigners,  and  the  only  excitement  was  in  the  receipt 
of  news  from  Don  Juan  Bautista  in  the  south.  Gen- 
eral Vallejo  at  Sonoma,  besides  watching  over  Indian 
bribes  on  the  northern  frontier,  busied  himself  in  en- 
listing and  drilling  recruits,  with  a  view  of  restoring 
the  presidial  companies  to  something  like  their  old 
strength,  and  of  more  thoroughly  organizing  the  civic 
militia  in  preparation  for  possible  emergency.  Some 
success  was  achieved,  especially  at  San  Jose  de  Alva- 
rado  and  San  Juan  de  Castro,  towns  which,  since  the 
revolution  of  November,  had  been  honored  with  ad- 
ditions to  their  original  names.  Some  of  the  new 
recruits  were  sent  to  Sonoma  to  learn  military  disci- 
pline.56   One  other  matter  occupied  the  general's  atten- 

55  June  1,  1837,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv. 
242.  Felipe  Garcia,  in  Taylor's  Dlscov.  and  Founders,  ii.  no.  25,  testifies  that 
the  people  of  Sta  Barbara  used  to  express  their  sentiments  respecting  the 
'big  captains'  of  the  north  as  follows: 

Quien  del  pais  encendij  el  pasto — Castro. 
Quien  roba  hasta  hacer  vicjo — Vallejo. 
Quien  la  aduana  lia  destrozado— Alvarado. 
I  para  vivir  sosegados 
Deben  do  ser  fusilados 
Alvarado,  Castro,  y  Yallejos. 

66  Jan.  G,  1837,  Vallejo  sends  50  cans  of  powder  to  Monterey.  Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  iv.  52.  Jan.  7th,  V.  to  com.  of  San  Francisco,  on  recruiting  young  men 
for  the  presidial  companies,  in  Vallejo,  Ordenes  de  la  Comandancia  (''en.,  a  col- 
lection of  printed  orders  of  1837-9,  on  paper  of  uniform  size,  bound  in  a  vol- 
ume, but  not  paged;  one  of  the  earliest  books  printed  in  California.  Similar 
orders  were  sent  to  all  comandantes.  In  his  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  243-5,  Va- 
llejo say.s  that  about  GO  young  men  came  to  Sonoma  and  were  drilled  by  Lieut 
Sabas  Fernandez,  while  Salvador  Vallejo  was  sent  to  Ross  for  arms  and  cloth- 
ing. Jan.  12th,  V.  to  Alvarado.  3  companies  of  80  men  each  organized  at  S. 
F.  and  Alvarado,  and  one  of  30  at  Sonoma.  All  enthusiastic  in  'the  cause.' 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv-.  55.  Jan.  20th,  same  to  same,  on  available  forces  un- 
der captains  J.  J.  Vallejo  at  S.  Jose,  Francisco  Sanchez  at  S.  Francisco,  and 
Salv.  Vallejo  at  Sonoma.  Id.,  iv.  57.  Jan.  24th,  V.  to  alcalde  of  S.  Joco, 
asking  for  30  men,  to  recruit  whom  Alf.  Prado  Mesa  is  sent.    Vallejo,  Ordenes. 


512  ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IX  THE  SOUTH. 

tion;  namely,  the  conduct  of  Bocher,  supercargo  of 
the  Mexican  vessels  Catalina  and  Leorior,  which  was 
thought  to  be  sufficiently  suspicious  to  justify  a  seiz- 
ure of  his  property  and  credits  at  San  Francisco,  to 
the  amount  of  §1 1,000.  It  was  believed  that  the  gov- 
ernment might  justly  use  this  property  for  its  defence, 
should  it  prove  that  Becher  had  promoted  hostile 
acts.57 

At  the  end  of  January  Vallejo  put  his  brother  Sal- 
vador in  command  at  Sonoma,  and  early  in  February 
marched  with  fifty  men  to  Monterey.53  His  avowed 
purpose  was  to  watch  the  progress  of  affairs  in  the 
south,  and  to  protect  the  government  from  certain 
persons  whose  conduct  had  given  rise  to  suspicions  of 
active  infidelity,  especially  at  San  Juan.  It  was  dur- 
ing this  visit  that  he  wrote  to  Alvarado  to  have  quar- 
ters prepared  for  one  hundred  men  whom  he  had 
ready  to  send  down  by  sea.  I  do  not  suppose  he  had 
any  real  intention  of  going  to  the  south,  but  it  was 
thought  the  statement,  supported  by  the  known  de- 
parture from  Sonoma,  would  help  Alvarado.59  The 
nature  of  the  plots  at  San  Juan  is  not  very  clearly  re- 
vealed; but  before  Vallejo's  arrival  a  number  of  con- 
victs had  been  disarmed  by  William  R.  Garner,  Quin- 
tin  Ortega,  and  Mariano  Castro;  and  arms  had  also 
been  seized  at  various  ranchos.     Vallejo  caused  the 


57  Jan.  12th,  20th,  V.  to  Alvarado,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  56-7.  March 
17th,  A.  to  V.  Fears  much  from  Becher's  hostility,  since  he  has  discovered 
our  plans  to  buy  two  vessels  with  which  to  operate  against  the  centralists. 
He  pretends  to  clear  for  Callao,  but  it  is  feared  he  will  touch  at  a  Mexican 
port  with  bad  reports.  Castro  will  watch  him  at  S.  Diego.  fd.,iv.  216.  Oct. 
27th,  Richardson,  Becher's  agent,  has  received  order  to  cancel  attachment  of 
§5,000.   hi,  iv.  341. 

58 Jan.  30th,  instr.  to  Capt.  Salvador  Vallejo.  Should  any  Mex.  force  appear, 
lie  was  to  assure  the  foe  that  the  northern  Californians  would  maintain  their 
rights  if  they  had  to  destroy  all  the  property  they  possessed.  Vallejo,  Doe., 
MS.,  iv.  17.  On  Jan.  24th,  the  general  had  announced  his  purpose  to  go  to 
Monterey.    Id.,  iv.  59. 

59 Feb.  21st,  V.  to  A.,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  66;  8.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS., 
170.  Feb.  20th,  the  gen.  had  addressed  the  gov.  on  the  importance  of  re- 
organizing the  presidial  companies.  Vcdlejo,  Ordenes.  Glad  to  hear  of  suc- 
cess, but  warns  A.  to  beware  of  Los  Angeles.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  05. 
Feb.  25th,  urges  the  necessity  of  looking  out  for  the  northern  towns  as  of 
much  greater  importance  than  those  of  the  south.    Id.,  iv.  75. 


VALLEJO'S'  MOVEMENTS.  513 

arrest  of  Rafael  Gonzalez,  Francisco  Pacheco,  and 
Juan  Quintero,  the  first  of  whom  and  eight  convicts 
were  sent  to  Sonoma.60  At  Monterey  there  were 
found  some  symptoms  of  approaching  trouble,  foment- 
ed by  Angel  Ramirez^  Captain  Figueroa,  and  other 
Mexicans,  who  circulated  rumors  of  intended  perse- 
cution and  exile  of  their  countrymen.  A  proclama- 
tion of  the  general  seems  to  have  quieted  the  popular 
excitement.  "We  do  not  confound  the  vices  of  gov- 
ernments with  those  of  individuals/'  writes  Vallejo. 
"We  repel  the  aggressions  of  the  one  a*nd  punish  the 
faults  of  the  others.  Virtue,  honesty,  and  good  be- 
havior will  be  respected  in  all.  Live  in  peace  and 
union,  and  I  will  protect  your  lives  and  property."01 

The  general  was  back  at  Sonoma  by  the  middle  of 
March ;  but  late  in  that  month  was  roused  to  renewed 
activity  by  the  report  of  an  impending  attack  from 
Sonora.  He  issued  orders  for  all  troops  to  concen- 
trate at  Monterey;  while  with  fifty  men  he  hastened 
to  Santa  Clara.  The  report,  as  we  have  seen,  proved 
without  foundation.62  Another  affair  which  created 
some  local  excitement  was  the  arrest  of  Lieutenant 
Antonio  M.  Pico,  who  had  been  sent  by  the  governor 
to  negotiate  a  loan  at  Ross,  but  who  on  the  way  was 
accused   of  attempting    to    incite   revolt  among  the 

60  Feb.  14th,  Garner  to  com.  of  Monterey.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  72. 
Feb.  16th,  Vallejo  to  D.  A.  Rodriguez.  Id.,  iv.  64.  Feb.  21st,  same  to  Al- 
varado. Id.,  iv.  66.  Feb.  27th,  Mota,  one  of  the  prisoners,  offered  to  re- 
veal the  names  of  the  leaders  if  set  free.    Id.,  iv.  86. 

61  Vallejo,  Proclama  del  Comandante  Gen.,  24  de  Feb.  1837.  Original  print, 
1  leaf,  in  Earliest  Printing;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  40;  xxxii.  75;  and  with 
French  translation,  in  Petit- Thouars,  Voyage,  iv.  22-3.  In  his  Hist.  Cal.,MS., 
iii.  262-8,  Vallejo  claims,  however,  to  have  arrested  Angel  Ramirez,  who  tried 
to  bribe  his  Indians  to  seize  the  general.  He  was  released  after  2  days. 
March  6th,  Alvarado  thanks  the  gen.  for  his  activity.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
iv.  208.  March  9th,  A.  says  his  govt  owes  only  S3, 000,  of  which  half  will 
be  paid  from  the  Bolivar's  duties.  Id.,  iv.  212.  March  14th,  Santiago  Estrada 
put  in  command  of  Monterey.  Id.,  iv.  81.  March  18th,  no  person  unless 
wrell  known  to  enter  S.  Francisco  without  a  passport  from  the  gov.  Id. ,  iv. 
84. 

62  March  27,  1837,  orders  to  different  officers,  CaptsJ.  J.  Vallejo,  Francisco 
Sanchez,  Salvio  Pacheco,  and  J.  M.  Alviso.  'Good  Californians  must  rush  to 
the  defence  of  their  country,  threatened  with  invasion. '  Also  letter  to  Alvarado. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  85-9.  April  4th,  26th,  false  alarm,  forces  may  retire. 
Id.,iv.  92-3,234. 

Hist.  Gal.,  Vol.  III.    33 


514  ALVARADO'S  RULE— TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

militia  at  San  Jose  and  San  Francisco,  perhaps  at  the 
instigation  of  the  southern  Picos.  He  was  sent  to 
Sonoma,  much  to  the  displeasure  of  the  alcalde  of  San 
Jose,  who  deemed  his  authority  interfered  with.63  Fi- 
nally, Alvarado  arrived  from  the  south  at  the  capital 
on  October  30th,  but  was  obliged  to  announce,  in  the 
same  letter  that  made  known  his  arrival,  the  occur- 
rence of  new  troubles  at  Los  Angeles  which  had 
caused  Castro  with  sixty  men  to  be  sent  back  in  haste, 
and  which  necessitated  an  interview  with  the  general 
at  the  earliest  moment. 

63  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  95,  221,  231;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  46- 
7.  A.  says  he  escaped  by  breaking  his  parole.  The  arrest  was  on  April  21st 
or  22d.  April  24th,  Vallejo  writes  to  deny  some  rumors  that  he  is  hostile  to 
the  present  govt.  May  16th,  complains  that  his  letters  are  not  answered.  Va- 
llejo, Doc,  MS.,  iv.  233,  98.  A.,  writing  from  S.  Antonio  on  his  way  north, 
wrote  very  bitterly  of  the  disgraceful  acts  of  the  citizens  of  San  Jos6,  who 
were  said  to  have  threatened  to  overthrow  him  because  he  was  a  relative  of 
Vallejo.  'Perhaps  they  don't  know  that  I  have  just  conquered  hundreds  of 
brave  citizens  who  opposed  me.'  He  speaks  also  vaguely  of  some  prisoners 
coming  by  sea  from  the  south,  whom  it  would  be  necessary  to  shoot  at  Mon- 
terey.  Id.,  iv.  235. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

SAtf  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CARRILLO. 

1837. 

Bandini's  Movements — Plots  on  the  Frontier — Zamorano,  Portilla, 
and  Estrada — Plan  of  May — Seizure  of  Los  Angeles — Don  Juan 
at  San  Diego — The  Army  at  Angeles  and  San  Fernando — Castille- 
ro's  Commission — Oath  of  Centralism  in  the  South — Alvarado  at 
Monterey  and  Santa  Clara — Rumors  from  Mexico — Ramirez  Re- 
volt— Monterey  Taken  and  Retaken — Alvarado  Returns  to  the 
South — Treaty  with  Castillero — Alvarado  Swears  to  the  Con- 
stitutional Laws — His  Motives — Diputacion  at  Santa  Barbara — 
Castillero  Sent  to  Mexico — The  '  California '—-Vallejo  Refuses 
to  Accept  Centralism — CArlos  Carrillo's  Appointment — Alvarado's 
Position — Carrillo  Assumes  Office  at  Angeles — San  Diego  Obedi- 
ent— Not  so  Sta  Barbara — Letters  of  Vallejo  and  Alvarado. 

Juan  Bandini  had  followed  the  advice  of  Osio  to 
"go  home  and  keep  quiet,"  so  far  at  least  that  the 
records  are  silent  about  him  from  December  1836  to 
May  1837.  During  this  period  he  lived  on  his  fron- 
tier rancho,  and  spent  all  the  time  which  troublesome 
Indians  left  at  his  disposal  in  plotting  against  Alva- 
rado's government,  or  rather  in  devising  schemes  by 
virtue  of  which,  when  Mexican  supremacy  should  be 
fully  restored,  his  own  agency  in  bringing  about  that 
result  might  be  so  apparent  as  to  obtain  proper  recog- 
nition and  reward.  He  had  an  understanding  with 
Captain  Portilla  and  other  prominent  men  at  San 
Diego;  while  across  the  line,  in  full  sympathy  with 
Don  Juan,  was  Captain  Zamorano,  who  after  his  vol- 
untary exile  at  the  fall  of  Gutierrez,  had  found  his 
way  back  to  La  Frontera.     Zamorano,  like  Bandini 

(515) 


5:o        sax  d:e o  plan— alvarado  and  cakrillo. 

and  Portilla,  was  very  quiet  and  careful  in  his  move- 
ments; but  Captain  Nicanor  Estrada,  who  had  been 
exiled  with  Gutierrez  but  had  also  returned  from  Cape 
San  Lucas,  was  more  active  in  enlisting  men,  prepar- 
ing arms,  and  arousing  enthusiasm  for  the  cause,  beincr 
assisted  by  a  party  of  refugees  from  the  north,  who 
had  fled  from  Los  Angeles  at  Alvarado's  approach  in 
January.  Not  much  is  known  in  detail  of  the  prep- 
arations; but  fifty  or  seventy-five  men  were  enlisted, 
including,  I  suppose,  remnants  of  the  old  compania  de 
frdnteras,  and  were  armed  as  well  as  circumstances 
would  permit.  Indian  hostilities,  to  be  mentioned 
later,  interfered  somewhat  with  the  progress  of  these 
patriotic  efforts.1  Osio  and  Pico  were  secret  supporters 
of  this  movement,  and  their  plan  already  noticed  was 
doubtless  a  part  of  it,  those  gentlemen  having  changed 
their  mind  about  the  policy  of  being  " devoured  by 
wild  beasts"  rather  than  obey  a  Mexican  mandarin. 
Strangely,  in  their  narratives  they  say  little  or  noth- 
ing of  events  in  these  months,  though  the  former  has 
described  so  minutely  the  preceding  occurrences. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  late  in  April,  San  Diego 
had  approved  the  new  system  as  expressed  in  the 
Santa  Barbara  plan  of  April  11th,  though  postponing 
on  a  frivolous  pretext  the  formal  swearing  of  allegiance. 
If  the  ayuntamiento  took  any  action  later  on  receipt 
of  Alvarado's  explanation,  it  is  not   recorded.     On 

1  These  preparations  are  briefly  related,  and  subsequent  events  more  fully, 
in  Banditti,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  86-97.  The  author  regards  the  treaty  of  Jan. 
26th  at  Los  Angeles  as  merely  a  trick  of  Alvarado  to  disarm  the  south,  and 
the  action  of  the  dip.  at  Sta  Barbara  on  April  11th  as  a  flagrant  violation  of 
that  treaty.  The  subsequent  'persecution'  of  S.  Diego  by  Alvarado  in  send- 
ing Castro  to  take  away  ike  cannon,  and  in  arresting  members  of  the  ayunt, 
rendered  the  Dieguinos  desperate.  They  went  to  the  frontier,  and  in  a  few 
days  raised  70  men,  but  had  to  suspend  operations  for  a  time  to  fight  Indians. 
The  same  version  in  much  more  grandiloquent  language  is  given  in  Banditti, 
Sucesos  del  Sur,  Mayo  y  Agosto,  1837,  MS.,  a  report  to  the  minister  of  hacien- 
da, dated  Aug.  4th,  in  which,  of  course  after  a  new  tirade  against  Angel 
Ramirez,  Don  Juan  tells  how  'S.  Diego  never  faltered  in  ker  heroic  devotion 
to  Mexico,'  and  how,  'resolved  to  sacrifice  our  existence  in  favor  of  tke  na- 
tional government,  we  planned  for  victory  or  an  konorablc  death.'  He  does 
not  name  Zamorano.  Janssens,  Vida,  MS..  90-121,  was  one  of  the  refugees 
from  Angeles,  and,  if  we  may  credit  his  story,  which  there  is  no  one  to  con- 
tradict, took  a  very  prominent  part  in  all  this  campaign. 


JUAN  BANDINI'S  PROJECT.  517 

May  21st,  Banclini  and  his  associates,  with  a  part  of 
their  armed  force,  canie  to  San  Diego  and  openly  pro- 
claimed their  purposes.  Zamorano,  styling  himself 
comandante  general  and  governor  ad  interim,  addressed 
the  ayuntamiento,  enclosing  the  plan  which  the  sol- 
diers and  citizens  had  already  approved,  and  asked  that 
body  to  cooperate  for  the  'national  decorum,'  which 
of  course  it  did  at  once.  Bandini  and  S.  E.  Argiiello 
were  named  as  comisionados  to  present  the  plan  at 
Angeles,  carrying  also  a  letter  from  Zamorano,  similar 
to  that  already  mentioned.2  The  plan  of  this  pro- 
nouncement contained,  as  a  matter  of  course,  since 
Bandini  was  concerned  in  its  production,  more  words 
and  more  articles  than  any  that  had  preceded  it.  I 
append  some  particulars  in  a  note;3  but  the  general 

2  May  21,  1837,  Zamorano  to  ayunt.  S.  Diego  f  Arch.,  MS.,  178;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  83-5.  There  is  no  formal  record  of  the  session  at  S. 
Diego.  Janssens  says  that  he  and  J.  M.  Alvarado  were  also  members  of  the 
commission.  Zamorano  must  have  assumed  the  command  by  consent  of  Por- 
tilla,  who  was  his  senior. 

3  Plan  de  San  Diego  que  proclamaron  Zamorano,  Bandini,  y  otros  en  21  de 
Mayo  1837,  MS.  Art.  1.  Alta  California  is  restored  to  order  and  obedience 
to  the  sup.  govt  under  the  system  adopted  by  decree  of  Oct.  23,  1835.  2.  The 
civil  and  military  command  is  to  be  vested  in  the  officer  of  senior  rank  as  per 
superior  order  of  Jan.  21,  1835.  3.  The  dip.  having  taken  an  active  part  in 
the  revolution  of  the  north,  its  authority  is  ignored  until  the  campaign  be 
over,  order  restored,  and  new  elections  held.  4.  All  acts  of  the  dip.  since 
Nov.  7,  1836,  declared  null  and  void.  Such  of  its  resolutions  as  have  proved 
beneficial  may  be  sanctioned  by  the  new  dip.  later.  5.  The  person  alluded 
to  in  art.  2  will  take  the  oath  before  the  ayunt.  of  Los  Angeles,  capital  of 
the  territory.  6.  Volunteer  forces  supporting  the  sup.  govt  are  to  be  dis- 
banded by  the  comandante  when  peace  is  restored.  7.  The  gefe  will  recom- 
mend to  the  sup.  govt  as  highly  meritorious  the  services  of  soldiers  and  vol- 
unteers who  may  aid  in  re-organizing  the  territory.  8.  The  leaders  of  the  reb- 
els of  Nov.  7th,  and  officers  commissioned  by  the  sup.  govt,  who  may  present 
themselves,  acknowledging  their  error,  and  asking  clemency,  will  be  favorably 
recommended  to  the  sup.  govt,  to  which  authority  those  not  doing  so  will  be 
given  up  for  judgment.  9.  Troops  from  sergeant  down,  on  presenting  them- 
selves, will  be  re-admitted  to  the  service,  the  act  being  credited  to  them  as  a 
merit.  10.  All  the  forces  organized  as  civic  militia  by  the  northern  rebels 
are  hereby  dissolved.  11.  Persons  of  the  latter  class,  on  presenting  them- 
selves, may  retire  to  their  homes,  or  serve  as  volunteers  for  the  sup.  govt. 
12.  Loans  made  in  favor  of  the  just  cause  will  be  reimbursed  from  the  pub- 
lic treasury.  13.  The  new  dip.  is  to  make  a  respectful  representation  through 
the  gefe  politico  to  the  sup.  govt  of  the  strong  desire  of  the  people  of  Cal.  for 
a  separation  of  the  civil  and  military  commands.  14.  Until  the  new  dip.  is 
installed,  there  is  to  be  a  junta  of  5  members  appointed  by  the  gefe  as  coun- 
sellors in  cases  of  difficulty.  15.  This  junta  will  be  presided  over  by  one  of 
its  members,  the  pres.  being  changed  each  month.  1G.  The  junta's  duties: 
to  resolve  doubts  of  the  gefe;  to  have  charge  of  the  public  funds;  and  to 
appoint  a  treasurer.     17.    The  treasurer  to  be  paid  a  salary  fixed  by  the  gefe. 


513-  SAN  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CARRILLO. 

purport,  as  in  the  plan  of  Osio  and  Pico,  was  to  undo 
all  that  had  been  done  since  November  5th  of  the  past 
}Tear,  to  recognize  the  full  authority  of  Mexico  under 
any  system,  to  rule  the  country  under  southern  and 
'loyal'  auspices  until  the  national  authority  should  be 
fully  restored,  and  to  treat  the  rank  and  file  of  those 
who  had  favored  the  Monterey  rebellion  as  'erring 
brethren'  worthy  of  pity  and  forgiveness.  The  conci- 
sion ados  on  arrival  at  Los  Angeles  seem  to  have 
acted  secretly  for  a  day  or  two,  making  known  their 
mission  only  to  a  few  trusted  partisans  like  Ibarra, 
Requena,  and  Botello.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
half  the  ayuntamiento  had  ratified  the  Santa  Barbara 
plan  more  from  fear  of  arrest  and  exile  to  Sonoma 
than  from  any  other  motive,  and  the  fear  was  still  enter- 
tained.4 It  was  therefore  deemed  necessary  to  secure 
the  garrison  and  guns  before  appealing  to  the  people. 
It  was  probably  on  the  evening  of  May  26th  that 
the  seizure  was  effected  by  Bandini  and  his  associates 
without  resistance,  and  by  an  understanding  with  the 
comandante  of  the  guard..  The  sentinel  was  surprised 
and  disarmed.  A  few  soldiers  of  the  civic  militia 
were  disturbed  in  a  game  of  cards  to  surrender  the 
post  and  arms,  including  the  gun  brought  by  Castro 
from  San  Diego,  while  Captain  Sepulveda  at  his  own 
house  was  brought  to  terms  without  any  suspension 
of  harmonious  relations  by  his  guest  Pio  Pico.5   Next 

18.  All  insults,  etc.,  to  the  pronunciados  of  Nov.  7th  are  to  be  severely  pun- 
ished. 19.  A  copy  of  this  plan  to  be  sent  to  other  ayunt.  for  adoption.  20. 
This  plan  to  be  sent  immediately  by  extra  mail  to  the  Mexican  government. 

4  Janssens  narrates  at  some  length  that,  on  account  of  this  fear  of  arrest, 
the  comisionados  arrested  Capt.  Andre's  Pico  at  S.  Luis  Rey  on  the  way  north, 
and  compelled  him  to  make  the  most  solemn  pledges  to  keep  quiet  and  not  in- 
terfere. 

5  Bandini  says  he  executed  this  movement  with  8  companions  at  7  p.  M.| 
not  giving  the  date.  Janssens  implies  that  it  was  done  on  the  night  of  arrival 
by  the  4  comisionados,  including  himself,  aided  by  4  others,  including  Ibarra 
and  the  Frenchman  Baric.  He  gives  many  details,  makes  Bandini  a  great 
strategist  and  hero,  and  implies  that  the  inhabitants  were  made  to  believe  for 
a  day  that  Bandini  had  a  strong  garrison  in  possession,  with  a  large  military 
force  approaching.  Janssens  was  sent  in  a  day  or  two  to  enlist  Charlefoux 
and  his  25  riflemen  in  the  cause,  which  he  did  successfully.  Botello,  Anales, 
MS.,  37-40,  who  was  at  the  time  sec.  of  the  ayunt.,  thinks  there  had  been 
some  discussion  in  that  body  before  the  capture,  which  was  effected  by  12  or 


BANDINI  TRIUMPHANT.  519 

day  the  ayuntamiento  met  to  listen  to  Bandini's  elo- 
quence and  take  his  plan  into  consideration.  Alcalde 
Sepulveda  took  part  in  the  debate  and  mildly  opposed 
the  San  Diego  plan,  but  the  majority  approved  it; 
and  while  no  formal  vote  of  approval  appears  on  the 
records,  it  was  decided  that  the  document  should  be 
published  next  day,  together  with  a  second  address 
read  by  Bandini.  Another  session  was  held  on  the 
30th  to  devise  means  to  prevent  conflict  and  blood- 
shed, and  to  this  end  three  comisionados  were  ap- 
pointed to  treat  with  Alvarado.6 

Bandini  remained  at  Los  Angeles  only  a  few  days, 
"maintaining  his  position  with  great  difficulty,  but  re- 
solved to  die  rather  than  yield."  Then  in  consequence 
of  alarming  reports  of  Indian  hostilities,  the  ayunta- 
miento in  a  secret  session  of  May  31st  voted  at  Ban- 
dini's request  to  suspend  all  politico-military  move- 
ments and  negotiations,  in  order  to  send  a  force  to 
the  southern  frontier  in  obedience  to  the  call  of  the 
' governor  and  general/  Zamorano.  Botello,  a  prom- 
inent southerner  who  accompanied  the  force,  says  that 
the  movement  was  hastened  by  reports  of  Castro's 
approach  from  the  north,  but  this  may  be  an  error. 
Bandini  and  his  men  carried  with  them  the  captured 
guns  and  entered  San  Diego  in  triumph.  It  was  a 
proud  day  in  the  life  of  Don  Juan  when  the  Diegui- 
nos  came  out  in  procession  to  welcome  with  shouts 
the  return  of  their  conquering  hero.     Indian  troubles 

15  men,  including  himself,  Capt.  Santiago  Johnson,  Pablo  and  Emilio  Ve\jar, 
acting  in  collusion  with  Alf.  Palomares,  who  commanded  the  guard.  The 
sentinel  was  a  boy  named  Lara.  There  were  later  rumors  of  a  plot  by  Sepul- 
veda to  recapture  the  guns  and  barracks. 

6 May  27th,  30th,  session  of  ayunt.,  in  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  302-14. 
Of  Don  Juan's  address  I  have  only  a  fragment  of  the  original  blotter.  Bandini, 
Discurso  ante  el  ayunt.  de  Angeles  el  27  de  Mayo,  1837,  MS.,  in  which  I  find 
nothing  worthy  of  notice,  his  views  being  already  well  known  to  the  reader. 
The  comisionados  named  were  Antonio  M.  Lugo,  Andr6s  Pico,  and  Anastasio 
Carrillo.  The  instructions  given  for  their  guidance — Instrucciones  d  que  debe 
sujetarse  la  comision  nombradapor  estc  ayuntamiento  de  Los  Angeles,  30  de  Mayo, 
1837,  MS. — required  them  in  10  articles  to  submit  the  plan  to  Alvarado, 
and  if  it  were  rejected  all  hostilities  must  be  suspended  and  all  armed  bodies 
must  remain  where  they  were  until  an  arrangement  could  be  effected  to  last 
until  the  Mexican  troops  should  come,  when  the  chief  of  the  latter  would 
act  according  to  his  orders. 


520  SAN  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CARRILLO. 

were  of  short  duration.  The  enthusiasm  was  great, 
and  volunteers  freely  offered  their  services.  Charle- 
foux  and  his  New  Mexican  hunters  had  been  induced 
by  Janssens  to  join  the  force,  and  in  a  few  days  the 
'army  of  the  supreme  government/  perhaps  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty-five  strong,  was  ready  for  an  ad- 
vance,7 and  began  its  march  northward  the  10th  of 
June. 

Captain  Portilla  was  in  active  command  of  the 
expedition,  though  the  self-styled  governor  and  gen- 
eral, Zamorano,  with  Nicanor  Estrada,  Bandini,  and 
Argiiello,  seems  to  have  accompanied  the  force.  They 
entered  Los  Angeles  June  16th,  in  time,  as  Bandini 
says,  to  witness  "  the  shameful  dispersion  of  Cas- 
tro's force,"  and  the  flight  of  the  leader  in  such  haste 
as  to  leave  behind  some  of  his  wearing  apparel. 
Janssens  goes  still  further,  and  states  that  the  ad- 
vance guard  of  the  foe  was  met  at  the  Santa  Ana 
rancho,  but  threw  down  their  arms  and  fled  in  disorder 
on  seeing  the  southerners  prepare  for  a  charge,  not 
stopping  until  they  reached  San  Fernando.8  Castro 
was  certainly  at  Los  Angeles  on  the  12th,  when  his 
presence,  and  the  absence  of  the  opposition  members 
at  an  extra  session,  enabled  the  versatile  ayunta- 
miento  to  turn  another  political  somersault,  "  rectify- 
ing their  vote  in  defense  of  the  state  government,  and 
ignoring  the  acts  of  Ibarra  and  his  followers,  which 
had    disturbed    the   public    order."9     He    doubtless 

7  May  31st,  ayunt.  sess.  at  Angeles,  and  vote  to  send  a  force  sonth.  Los 
Angeles,  Arch.,  iv.  316-18.  Bandini  says  the  reports  of  Castro's  coming  did 
not  arrive  unfil  he  left  Angeles;  and  this  is  confirmed  by  Janssens,  who 
claims  to  have  been  left  behind  at  Los  Angeles  as  a  spy,  staying  at  the  house 
of  Ignacio  Coronel.  On  the  first  news  of  Castro's  approach  he  was  sent  south 
by  Pio  Pico  in  great  haste  to  warn  the  S.  Diego  leaders.  May  30th  Zatnora- 
no  writes  to  alcalde  of  S.  Diego  about  the  Indian  wars.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS., 
177. 

8  Bandini  says  Castro  had  80  or  90  men  at  Angeles,  while  the  others  num- 
bered 90.  Janssens  calls  the  southern  force  125,  and  Botello,  250.  The 
latter  speaks  of  Bocha  coming  to  meet  them  at  Paso  de  Bartolo  with  a  few 
men,  at  first  supposed  to  be  foes.  This  was  perhaps  the  foundation  of  Jans- 
sens's  story.  Botello  tells  us  also  that  a  few  of  Castro's  stragglers  were 
captured. 

9  June  12th.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  315. 


CASTILLERO'S  COMMISSION.  521 

retired  to  San  Fernando,  and  later  to  Santa  Barbara, 
but  as  to  the  manner  of  bis  departure  it  is  best  not  to 
attach  much  importance  to  the  unsupported  state- 
ments of  his  enemies. 

Meanwhile,  Captain  Andres  Castillero  arrived  at 
San  Diego,  bringing  the  constitutional  laws  of  Decem- 
ber 29,  1836,  which  replaced  the  federal  constitution 
of  1824;  and  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  new  system 
was  taken  with  great  enthusiasm  by  the  assembled 
ayuntamiento  and  vecindario  on  June  12th.  After 
the  ceremony  Castillero  hastened  away,  and  joined 
the  army  at  San  Luis  Rey  the  same  night,  when  he 
represented  himself  as  a  comisionado  of  the  supreme 
government.10  Having  arrived  with  the  army  at  Los 
Angeles,  he  proceeded  by  virtue  of  his  commission  to 
summon  the  ayuntamiento,  which  body,  together  with 
all  officials,  soldiers,  and  citizens,  took  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance to  the  constitutional  laws  on  June  18th,  with 
all  due  religious  rites  and  social  festivities.11  On  or 
about  the  21st,  Portilla's  forces  moved  forward  and 
occupied  San  Fernando,  whence  Castro  had  retired  to 
Santa  Barbara.12 

10  June  12th,  session  of  ayunt.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  179.  It  is  noticeable 
that  Castillero's  name  is  not  mentioned,  and  Alcalde  Estudillo  speaks  of  the 
laws  as  having  been  received  extrajudichdmente.  It  was  only  after  some  dis- 
cussion that  it  was  deemed  proper  to  take  the  oath.  This  circumstance,  not 
mentioned  by  Bandini  and  Botello,  gives  some  plausibility  to  the  charges  of 
those  writers  that  Castillero's  commission  was  a  mere  pretence  invented  to 
serve  his  own  ends  between  S.  Diego  and  S.  Luis.  Bandini  goes  so  far  as  to 
intimate  that  Castillero's  instructions,  which  he  saw,  were  a  forgery,  suspected 
by  him  to  be  such  at  the  time.  It  is  not  very  probable  that  Castillero  would 
have  gone  so  far  in  his  deception  as  to  forge  papers,  though  under  the  circum- 
stances he  is  likely  enough  to  have  resorted  to  much  verbal  deception  and 
exaggeration.  Alvarado,  in  a  letter  of  Sept.  1st,  stated  that  Castillero  was 
not,  as  he  claimed  to  be,  a  comisionado.  Voile  jo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  306.  The 
captain,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  one  of  the  officers  who  surrendered  at 
Monterey  in  Nov.  1836.  Of  his  subsequent  movements  until  he  appeared  at 
S.  Diego  in  June  1837  nothing  is  known.  He  may  have  gone  to  Mexico 
with  Gutierrez,  and  have  been  sent  back  as  a  commissioner,  or  he  may  have 
resumed  his  command  as  captain  of  the  compania  de  fronteras,  his  special 
commission  to  have  the  central  system  sworn  to  being  sent  to  him  from 
Mexico. 

nLos  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  138-9;  iv.  319-21;  Id.,  Ayunt.  Bee,  5.  The 
acta  was  communicated  to  the  min.  of  war. 

12  Bandini  speaks  of  dissatisfaction  with  Portilla's  acts,  in  consequence  of 
which  the  command  was  offered  to  himself,  but  declined.  Why  Zamorano 
did  not  command  is  not  very  clear,  but  I  think  it  possible  that  he  did  not 


522  SAN  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CARRILLO. 

Alvarado  on  arriving  at  Monterey  May  30th  had 
immediately  heard  of  the  new  troubles  in  the  south, 
including  Bandini's  seizure  of  the  Angeles  garrison, 
and  had  despatched  Castro  back  in  haste  with  sixty 
men.  This  he  announced  to  Vallejo  in  a  letter  of 
June  1st,  and  a  few  days  later  he  sent  more  details 
about  the  plan  of  San  Diego  and  the  defensive  prep- 
arations at  Santa  Barbara,  where  three  guns  had  been 
mounted  at  the  Rincon  Pass,  and  whither  Castro  was 
already  hastening  with  aid.  Still  more  alarming  news, 
however — for  Alvarado  had  no  doubt  of  his  ability 
to  control  the  south — was  that  contained  in  the  news- 
papers, to  the  effect  that  Mexico  was  organizing  a 
force  to  be  sent  to  California,  a  report  that  doubtless 
accounted  for  the  actions  of  Bandini  and  his  associ- 
ates.13 An  interview  between  the  governor  and  gen- 
eral was  held  at   Santa  Clara  about  the  middle  of 

leave  S.  Diego  at  all.  June  20th,  ayunt.  receives  request  from  Portilla  for 
arms,  supplies,  etc.,  to  continue  his  march  and  enforce  the  new  constitution. 
An  appeal  was  accordingly  made  to  the  people.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv. 
322.  Same  date.  Portiila  addressed  as  com.  gen.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles, 
MS.,  ii.  102.  June  30th,  Portilla  at  S.  Fernando  as  comandante  militar 
interino,  asks  Ignacio  Coronel  to  take  command  at  S.  Gabriel,  raise  volunteers, 
and  get  supplies  from  the  mission.  Coronel,  Doe.,  MS.,  187;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Angeles,  MS.,  ii.  103.  Same  date,  Portilla  complains  that  some  of  his  men  are 
returning  home  without  leave.  Id.,  ii.  105-6. 

13  June  1st,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  242.  June  6th, 
same  to  same,  from  Sta  Clara,  in  Id.,  iv.  243,  says  that  Castro's  men  have 
very  few  arms;  he  must  be  aided;  Salvador  Vallejo  wishes  to  go  south  with 
a  company,  and  Villa  will  command  another;  the  general  urged  to  make 
haste.  June  7th,  V.  's  reply,  in  Id.,  iv.  102.  Wishes  Salvador  to  return,  that 
he  may  come  down,  for  the  northern  frontier  must  not  be  left  unprotected. 
Prompt  steps  must  be  taken;  Angeles  could  not  have  been  taken  without 
collusion;  other  towns  will  perhaps  turn  against  their  benefactors  if  there  is 
any  hope  of  aid  from  Mexico,  but  the  coming  of  such  a  force  is  very  doubt- 
ful. June  8th,  V.  orders  Alf.  Prado  Mesa  to  put  his  men  at  Sta  Clara  at  the 
governor's  disposal,  and  Capt.  Sanchez  at  S.  F.  to  hold  himself  and  force  in 
readiness  for  action.  Id.,  iv.  246-7.  June  12th,  Alvarado,  at  Sta  Clara,  to 
Castro,  in  answer  to  letters  of  5th  and  8th.  Is  indignant  at  the  falsehood  of 
S.  Diego  and  the  cowardice  of  those  who  yielded  at  Angeles.  Agrees  with 
C.  that  vigorous  measures  are  called  for;  the  Californians  must  be  made  free 
whether  they  wish  it  or  not.  Capt.  Sepiilveda  must  be  court-martialled. 
All  enemies  of  the  system  may  be  arrested  and  sent  north,  if  it  seems  best. 
Arms  and  ammunition  will  soon  arrive  from  Honolulu  by  the  Clementine.  Will 
come  to  Sta  B.  himself  as  soon  as  he  can  see  Vallejo,  who  should  come  to- 
morrow. Id.,  xxxii.  89.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iii.  282-5,  describes  the 
interview  at  Sta  Clara  as  having  been  on  June  13th-18th;  and  says  that  he 
promised  the  gov.  his  hearty  support,  though  he  objected  to  some  of  his  acts 
in  the  south,  and  deemed  the  north  as  the  part  of  the  country  needing  most 
attention. 


REVOLT  AT  .MONTEREY.  523 

June,  and  immediately  after,  the  former  sailed  from 
Monterey  for  Santa  Barbara,  where  he  arrived  in 
time  to  send  back  on  June  21st  the  news  of  what  had 
occurred  at  Los  Angeles,  now  in  the  power  of  the 
southern  forces.  Vallejo  was,  as  usual  on  receipt  of 
an  appeal  for  aid,  busied  with  some  important  expedi- 
tions against  the  Indians,  but  on  the  25th  he  issued 
orders  to  different  subordinates  to  mass  their  troops 
at  Monterey  in  expectation  of  active- service.14 

Before  returning  to  the  south,  it  is  as  well  to  re- 
cord an  important  political  event  which  occurred  early 
in  July  at  Monterey,  namely,  a  counter-revolt  against 
Alvarado's  authority  by  the  very  Mexicans  who  had 
aided  to  put  him  in  power.  Angel  Ramirez  and 
Cosme  Peiia  were  the  leaders.  They  had  expected 
to  control  the  governor's  policy  in  their  own  interests, 
and  had  failed.  Ramirez  had  lost  his  position  in  the 
custom-house  before  the  end  of  1.836.  Pena  had  gone 
south  with  Alvarado  as  secretary,  but  had  soon  re- 
turned, being  succeeded  by  Victor  Prudon.  We  have 
seen  that  there  had  been  some  ill  feeling  on  the  part 
of  the  Californians  toward  the  Mexican  residents,  fo- 
mented perhaps  to  some  extent  by  foreigners,  and  that 
Vallejo  had  been  obliged  to  make  some  arrests  earlier 
in  the  year,  issuing  a  proclamation  which  had  prom- 
ised protection  and  temporarily  allayed  discontent. 
Ramirez,  however,  continued  his  plottings;  and  the 
present  time,  in  view  of  the  news  from  the  south  and 
from  Mexcio,  was  regarded  as  a  favorable  opportunity 
for  active  operations.  Vallejo's  orders  to  mass  troops 
at  the  capital  had  not  apparently  been  promptly 
obeyed,  else  the  revolt  would  hardly  have  been  prac- 
ticable. 

The  active  leaders  at  Monterey  were  Captain  Fran- 
cisco Figueroa,  Juan  N.  Ayala,  and  Sergeant  Santia- 

14  June  25th,  V.  to  A.,  com.  of  Monterey,  Capt.  Sanchez,  Alcalde  Alvirez, 
and  Capt.  J.  J.  Vallejo,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  251,  254-G;  xxxii.  91;  Va- 
Ifrjo,  Hid.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  289-91.  San  Jos6  was  evidently  suspected  of  dis- 
affection, and  was  to  be  watched. 


524  SAN  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CAKRILLO. 

go  Aguilar,  director  of  the  printing-office.  Ramirez 
and  Surgeon  Alva  were  absent  from  the  town,  exert- 
ing their  influence  among  the  rancheros,  and  at  San 
Jose  and  San  Juan.  Cosme  Pena  was  in  town,  but 
worked  secretly,  afterwards  pretending  that  he  had 
been  forced  into  a  passive  compliance  in  the  plot. 
Captain  Villavicencio  had  just  started  with  most  of 
his  men  to  join  Castro  in  the  south,  and  Jesus  Pico, 
left  in  command,  was  absent  from  his  post,  when  at  5 
p.  M.  on  July  1st,  the  Mexicans,  perhaps  thirty  or 
forty  in  number,  under  Figueroa,  seized  the  fort  and 
arms  without  resistance,  holding  possession  until  the 
3d.15  Villavicencio  was  hastily  recalled;  Pico  raised 
a  few  men  in  the  interior;  Graham  volunteered  with 
a  part  of  his  riflemen;  the  Mexican  garrison  was  in 
its  turn  besieged,  and  a  message  was  despatched  to 
Vallejo.16  Figueroa's  men,  frightened  by  the  warlike 
preparations,  and  disappointed  in  not  getting  rein- 
forcements from  the  country,  offered  to  surrender  if 
Vallejo  would  come  to  protect  them,  claiming  that  their 
revolt  had  been  solely  with  a  view  to  protect  their 
lives,  which  had  been  threatened  by  Pico  and  others. 
Vallejo  replied  favorably,  knowing  that  there  was 
really  much  bitter  feeling  against  the  Mexicans,  and 
promised  protection  to  all,  with  punishment  to  but 
few,  if  their  statement  should  prove  true;  but  before 
this  reply  arrived,  Figueroa  surrendered,  all  his  men 


15Florencio  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  41-50,  is  the  only  participator  in  this 
movement  on  the  Mexican  side  who  has  told  the  story,  and  he  fails  to  throw 
much  light  on  it.  He  says  they  found  at  the  fort  4  or  5  men  playing  card?, 
but  at  the  presidio  nobody  at  all,  Pico  having  run  away  at  the  first  alarm. 
There  were  50  Mexicans  in  all,  and  Alva  returning  from  the  country  reported 
a  failure  to  get  reinforcements.  Spence,  Estrada,  and  Munras  had  frequent 
interviews  with  Figueroa  and  Pena.  Mrs  Avila,  Cosas  de  Ccd.y  MS.,  14-16, 
states  that  during  the  Mexican  occupation,  the  Indian  servants,  at  the  insti- 
gation of  the  Mexicans,  plundered  the  houses  of  their  masters. 

16 July  3d,  Villavicencio  to  Vallejo,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  266,  an- 
nouncing both  the  capture  and  recapture;  but  there  had  been  a  previous  de- 
spatch, for  on  the  same  day,  July  3d,  V.  announced  from  Sonoma  his  own 
departure  for  Mont.,  and  later  in  the  day  he  wrote  from  Petalumaon  his  way. 
July  3d,  V.  to  com.  of  S.  Francisco  and  alcalde  of  Monterey.  Id.,iv.  1204-5. 
V.  was  at  S.  Rafael  on  July  6th,  when  he  heard  that  Mont,  had  been  retaken. 
Id.,  iv.  272. 


ARREST  OF  THE  MEXICANS.  525 

were  made  prisoners,  and  the  leaders  were  put  in 
irons.17 

Vallejo  came  down  to  Santa  Clara,  and  caused  the 
arrest  of  several  men  in  that  region,  including  Angel 
Ramirez.  All  except  the  leaders  were  released  within 
a  few  days.  Those  leaders  were  at  first  delivered  to 
Captain  J.  J.  Vallejo  for  safe  keeping  at  his  rancho;13 
but  were  soon  sent  to  Sonoma,  both  Vallejo  and  Alva- 
rado  agreeing  that  they  must  be  very  strictly  guarded 
until  all  political  troubles  should  be  at  an  end.19  Those 
sent  to  Sonoma,  and  held  in  captivity  there  as  late 
as  the  end  of  August,  were  Ramirez,  Alva,  Figueroa, 
Peha,  Ayala,  Aguilar,  Manuel  Crespo,  and  Jose  Ma- 
ria Maldonado.     I  have  no  definite  information  about 

17 It  would  seem  from  V.'s  letter  from  Petaluma,  that  the  Mexicans  had 
made  their  offer  to  surrender  on  July  1st,  the  same  day  they  took  the  fort. 
In  telling  the  story  of  the  recapture,  Serrano  claims  to  have  prevented  a  dis- 
aster by  seizing  Ayala's  hand  as  he  was  about  to  apply  the  match  to  a  loaded 
cannon.  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  316-17,  376-80,  tells  us  that  the  lighted  match 
was  dashed  from  the  man's  fingers  by  a  bullet  from  the  rifle  of  one  of  Gra- 
ham's men!  Other  Calif ornian  writers  who  speak  more  or  less  fully  of  this 
Monterey  revolt  are:  Torre,  Remhi.,  MS.,  75-9;  Arce,  Memorias,  MS.,  11; 
Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  44-5;  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  27-9;  Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  24-5; 
Alvarado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iii.  174-5,  240-1;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii. 
292-6;  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  101;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  100-1; 
Coronely  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  22;  Galindo,  Apuntes,  MS.,  38-9;  Garcia,  Hechos, 
MS.,  G8-70.  Vallejo  regards  A.  M.  Pico's  attempts,  already  noticed,  as  a 
part  of  this  same  plot.  Harry  J.  Bee,  Recollections,  MS.,  6-21,  and  in  S.  Jose 
Pioneer,  Jan.  13,  1877,  gives  a  narrative  from  memory  of  this  affair,  so  ab- 
surdly inaccurate  that  it  merits  no  further  attention. 

18  July  4th,  com.  of  Monterey  to  Capt.  V.  The  prisoners  may  either  be 
kept  at  the  rancho  or  sent  to  Sonoma.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  268.  Gonzalez, 
Revohiciones,  MS.,  10-11,  says  the  prisoners  were  given  up  to  him  as  alcalde 
on  his  demand. 

19  July  8th,  Vallejo  to  Villavicencio.  The  Monterey  prisoners  and  all  sus- 
pected persons  to  be  sent  to  Sonoma  under  a  strong  escort.  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. , 
iv.  273.  July  9th,  same  to  Alvarado.  Fears  that  the  lives  of  Mexicans  are  in 
danger.  All  would  certainly  be  killed  should  any  native  chance  to  perish  in 
future  troubles  with  Mexico.  The  persons  named  in  an  enclosed  list  (not  given) 
should  be  shipped  out  of  the  country.  Id.,  iv.  275.  July  9th,  Villavicencio 
to  Vallejo,  with  orders  from  Alvarado  of  July  6th,  that  no  leniency  be  shown 
to  any  man  that  took  up  arms  to  capture  the  fort.  Id.,  iv.  274.  July  11th, 
Vallejo  to  Alvarado.     Has  arrested  Ramirez.     Has  abundant  proof  of  his  plots 

to  upset  the  govt.  Id. ,  iv.  279.    July  1 1th,  Vallejo  to .    Leonardo  Felix  and 

Pedro  Chabolla  arrested;  Mesa  and  Higuera  detained  for  examination.  Id., 
iv.,  278,  259.  July  14th,  Vallejo  to  J.  J.  Vallejo.  Pena  is  in  great  terror. 
To  save  bother  his  irons  may  be  removed  and  he  may  be  treated  a  little  better 
than  the  others;  but  must  be  kept  secure  and  not  allowed  to  speak  to  any  one. 
Id.,  xxxii.  99.  Aug.  9th,  Alvarado  recommends  great  precautions  with  the 
captives.  Id.,  iv.  292.  Aug.  31st,  list  of  the  captives  at  Sonoma.  Id.,  iv. 
301,  307. 


526  SAN  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CARRILLO. 

the  date  of  their  release,  except  that  of  Figueroa  on 
August  31st;  but  several  Californians  state  that  after 
leaving  Sonoma  they  were  scattered  at  different  mis- 
sions for  a  time  under  surveillance  before  being  re- 
stored to  entire  liberty. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  south,  where  at  the  end  of 
June  Alvarado  with  Castro  and  the  '  civic  militia  of 
the  state'  at  Santa  Barbara  was  awaiting  the  approach 
of  the  'army  of  the  supreme  government'  encamped 
at  San  Fernando  under  Portilla  and  Juan  Bandini. 
There  is  a  notable  and  unfortunate  lack  of  exact  data 
respecting  what  was  said  and  done  in  these  da}rs,  there 
being  no  record  at  all  on  the  side  of  the  northerners, 
and  only  a  very  vague  one  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
abajenos.20  It  is  clear,  however,  that  Castillero  as 
commissioner  of  the  supreme  government,  but  regarded 
by  Bandini  and  his  associates  as  fully  in  sympathy 
with  their  plan,  went  to  Santa  Barbara  in  the  early 
days  of  July  and  had  an  interview  with  Alvarado. 
We  may  only  conjecture  what  was  said  at  that  inter- 
view, but  the  result  was  that  Alvarado  agreed  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  constitutional  laws,  and 
thus  restore  California  unconditionally  to  Mexico.  So 
far  as  sectional  issues  were  concerned,  this  was  Alva- 
rado's  greatest  victory  and  the  most  crushing  defeat 
he  had  administered  to  the  south  in  all  this  play  at 
politics  and  war.     The  country  being  restored  to  its 

20Osio,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  361-73,  who  says  that  the  'amigo  de  Sepulveda, ' 
though  the  first  man  to  whom  Bandini  applied  for  support,  refused  to  promise 
more  than  not  to  use  his  influence  against  the  Dieguinos,  next  speaks  of  the 
difficulty  expeiienced  in  getting  a  little  coin  to  distribute  among  the  soldiers 
when  the  oath  was  taken;  tells  of  Sepulveda's  arrest  and  temporary  detention 
by  the  southerners  in  spite  of  his  own  efforts;  notes  some  faults  of  Macedonio 
Gonzalez  in  matters  having  no  bearing  on  the  political  situation ;  and  finally, 
explains  that  Castillero  was  clever  enough  to  manage  the  leaders  on  both  sides 
for  his  own  interests,  favoring  Alvarado  finally  as  the  one  who  could  help  him 
most.  Bandini  in  his  report  of  Aug.  4th — Sucesos  del  Sur,  MS. — stated  that 
his  force  inarched  on  victoriously  to  within  30  leagues  of  Sta  B.,  when  the 
rebels  demanded  a  truce,  the  result  being  that  the  so-called  state  govt  was 
destroyed,  and  Cal.  restored  to  Mexico.  In  his  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  9b'-7,  Ban- 
dini says  that  'Castillero  deceived  us  vilely,  sold  his  honor  for  a  few  dollars, 
and  joined  Alvarado  and  Castro  against  us,  so  that  by  his  intrigues  we  fell  into 
the  power  of  our  adversaries. ' 


ALVARADO'S  TRIUMPH  IN  DEFEAT.  527 

national  allegiance,  the  diputacion  would  naturally  re- 
sume its  powers,  and  Alvarado  would  become  gover- 
nor ad  interim  as  senior  vocal  of  that  body.  There  was 
left  no  pretext  for  southern  opposition.  The  army 
of  the  supreme  government  must  be  disbanded,  the 
elaborate  plan  of  San  Diego  had  melted  into  thin  air, 
and  there  were  no  temporary  offices  to  be  filled,  not 
even  that  of  treasurer.  Centralism  was  triumphant, 
for  which  the  abajeiios  cared  nothing.  Mexico  was 
victorious,  which  gave  them  very  little  joy,  but  the 
arribenos  still  controlled  California,  and  southern  pa- 
triotic intrigues  would  go  for  naught  in  the  final  set- 
tlement. No  wonder  Bandini  deemed  his  party  '  vilely 
deceived'  by  its  pretended  friend  Castillero;  yet  what 
more  could  the  Mexican  comisionado  insist  on  than 
submission  to  the  national  authority  ? 

On  the  other  hand,  Alvarado  as  an  advocate  of  fed- 
eralism and  Californian  independence  suffered  a  defeat, 
somewhat  humiliating  in  view  of  the  recent  proclama- 
tion of  his  purpose  to  make  the  Calif ornians  free  in 
spite  of  themselves.  He  has  written  nothing,  then 
or  since,  which  throws  much  real  light  on  his  motives;21 
yet  it  is  not  difficult  to  conjecture  with  approximate 
accuracy  the  arguments  by  which  Castillero  induced 
him  to  triumph  in  defeat.  Experience  had  now  proven 
that  the  south  could  not  be  depended  upon  to  support 
the  governor  in  the  position  he  had  assumed,  but 
would  seize  upon  every  pretext  to  revolt  in  order  to 
gain  sectional  advantages  or  gratify  personal  prejudices. 
Even  in  the  north  there  were  signs  of  disaffection  at 
San  Jose,  growing  out  of  a  local  quarrel ;  while  the 
Mexican  residents  had  gone  so  far  as  to  rise  in  arms 
and  seize  the  capital.     United  effort,  by  which  alone 

21  In  a  letter  of  July  12th  to  Vallejo  he  refers  to  a  previous  communication 
narrating  all  that  had  occurred  since  their  last  interview;  but  unfortunately 
that  document  is  not  extant.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  282.  In  a  letter  of 
Sept.  1st,  however,  A.  says  he  was  strong  enough  to  defeat  the  conspirators 
of  both  north  and  south.  The  plan  of  S.  Diego  was  simply  to  seize  the 
offices.  When  the  Dieguinos  saw  Alvarado's  force  they  put  themselves 
hypocritically  under  the  constitution,  abandoned  their  position,  and  acted 
disgracefully.  Id.,  iv.  307. 


528  SAN  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CARRILLO. 

success  was  attainable,  could  not  be  secured,  and  there 
was  much  ground  for  discouragement.  Not  only  did 
Castillero  present  these  facts  in  a  strong  light,  but  he 
also  confirmed  the  report  that  a  strong  force  was  be- 
ing fitted  out  in  Mexico  to  reconquer  California.  It 
was  merely  a  question  under  what  leaders  the  country 
should  be  restored  to  its  national  allegiance,  and  he 
made  no  secret  of  his  preference  for  Alvarado.  To 
aid  in  the  final  triumph  of  the  men  who  had  dealt  so 
unfairly  with  him  seemed  no  part  of  the  governor's 
duty,  and  his  desire  to  remain  in  office  was  naturally 
strong.  Moreover  Castillero  assured  him  that  by  his 
influence  with  the  government,  if  sent  to  Mexico  as  a 
commissioner,  he  could  prevent  the  sending  of  the  mil- 
itary force,  which  would  of  course  be  ruinous  to  the 
country,  and  could  probably  secure  a  confirmation  of 
Alvarado's  title  as  governor.  Finally,  there  can  be 
but  little  doubt  that  Castillero  brought  the  news  that 
by  the  decree  of  December  30,  1836,  one  day  after  the 
adoption  of  the  constitution,  the  Californias  had  been 
formed  into  a  department,  and  that  thus  one  of  the 
main  objects  sought  by  Alvarado's  party  had  been 
secured.22  It  is  not  strange  that  under  the  circum- 
stances Don  Juan  Bautista  was  converted  to  central- 
ism. 

It  was  on  July  4th  that  Portilla  announced  the 
agreement  of  the  northern  pronunciados  to  accept  the 
constitutional  laws,  and  the  consequent  withdrawal  of 
his  army  to  San  Gabriel.23  On  July  9th  Alvarado 
issued  a  proclamation  to  the  people,  a  very  graceful 
effusion,  albeit  not  very  explicit  as  an  explanation  of 
his  late  change  of  front,  bearing  evident  marks  of  hav- 

22  Mexico,  Leyes  Constitutional's,  129  de  Die.  1S36,  in  Arrillaga,  Recop.  1S36, 
(2)  317-78.  Decree  of  Dec.  30th,  making  the  Californias  a  department,  in  Id., 
379-SO.  It  does  not  appear  that  Castillero  brought  official  news  of  this  de- 
cree, though  Alvarado  immediately  called  himself  gov.  of  the  dept  of  Alta 
eal. 

23  July  4th,  Portilla  to  ayunt.  of  S.  Diego.  Hayes'  Doc. ,  MS. ,  73 ;  Id. ,  Mission 
Bool;  i.  322;  S.  Diego,  Index,  MS.,  42.  The  communication  is  headed  'Di- 
vision of  operations  of  the  sup.  govt.'  July  8th,  a  similar  document  read 
to  ayunt.  of  Angeles,  and  congratulations  expressed  for  so  happy  a  result. 
Los  Ahcjelts,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  323. 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  SPEECH.  529 

ing  emanated  from  the  mind  as  well  as  pen  of  the 
versatile  and  eloquent  Frenchman,  Victor  Prudon.24 
This  proclamation  was  first  delivered  as  a  speech  by 
the  governor  on  the  occasion  of  swearing  allegiance 
to  the  Mexican  constitution,  an  event  celebrated  at 
Santa  Barbara  on  the  date  named,  July  9th,  with  all 
possible  ceremony  and  enthusiasm.  From  this  date, 
barring  certain  mysterious  indications  of  irregularity 
in  the  composition  of  the  diputacioh,  which,  as  they 
excited  no  comment  either  in  Mexico  or  among  Alva- 
rado's  enemies  in  California,  need  not  greatly  trouble 
either  historian  or  reader,  Alvarado  may  be  regarded 

24  Alvarado,  [Proclama  del]  Gobernador  Interim  del  Departamento  de  la 
Altec  California  d  huh  habitantes,  9de  Julio,  1837,  MS.  Issued  at  Sta  Barbara. 
'Compatriots!  Liberty,  peace,  and  union  form  the  trinal  intelligence  that 
should  rule  our  destinies.  Our  arms  gave  us  the  first;  a  wise  congress  assures 
to  us  the  second;  and  upon  ourselves  depends  the  last,  without  which  we 
have  neither  liberty  nor  peace.  Let  us  then  preserve  inviolate  that  union, 
sacred  ark  which  holds  the  custody  of  our  political  redemption.  War  against 
the  tj'rant  only!  Peace  among  ourselves!  The  solidity  of  an  edifice  consists  in 
the  union  of  its  parts;  a  single  stone  torn  out  from  an  arch  causes  the  columns 
to  totter,  bringing  ruin  to  a  structure  that  would  mark  the  age  of  time  did 
its  component  materials  remain  united.  Not  otherwise  disunion  brings  ruin 
to  the  moral  edifice  of  a  society.  The  territory  of  Alta  California  is  immense; 
its  coasts  are  bathed  by  the  Pacific  Sea,  which,  placing  us  in  contact  with  the 
nations,  develops  our  industries  and  commerce,  fountains  of  abundance.'  (See 
newspapers  of  later  years!)  'The  benignity  of  our  climate,  the  fertility  of 
our  soil,  and — I  say  it  in  your  behalf — the  suavity  of  your  customs  and  ex- 
cellence of  your  character  are  so  many  privileges  with  which  the  Omnipotent 
has  favored  us  in  the  distribution  of  his  gifts.  What  country  can  count  so 
many  advantages  as  ours?  Let  us  then  strive  to  give  it  in  history  a  place  as 
distinguished  as  that  which  it  occupies  on  the  map.  The  constitutional  laws 
of  1836  guarantee  to  us  our  rights,  and  even  extend  them  beyond  our  moderate 
desires.  The  august  chamber  of  national  representatives  is  ready  to  consider 
a  bill  to  be  presented  by  us  for  our  greater  welfare  and  prosperity;  our  votes 
may  be  cast  in  favor  of  the  citizen  whom  we  deem  'worthy  to  occupy  the  su- 
preme magistracy  of  the  nation — and  what  more  do  you  wish?  The  very  laws 
assure  us  that  we  are  not  again  to  fall  a  prey  to  the  despotism  and  ambition 
of  a  tyrant  like  D.  Mariano  Chico.  The  department  of  Alta  California  can 
henceforth  be  governed  only  by  a  native  or  a  citizen.  Yes,  friends;  the  en- 
thusiasm and  pleasure  which  you  feel  on  receiving  such  news  is  well  founded. 
I  share  your  pleasure,  and  I  close  in  order  that  you  may  no  longer  have  to 
restrain  your  joy.  Give  it  free  course,  and  shout  with  me — Viva  la  JSTacion! 
Viva  la  Constitucion  del  aho  de  '3G!  Viva  el  Congreso  que  la  sanciono!  Viva 
la  Libertad!  Viva  la  Union!' 

Also  in  Hayes,  Doc,  MS.,  75;  forwarded  by  Alvarado  to  ayunt.,  and  re- 
ceived at  S.  Diego  on  July  31st.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  183.  July  24th,  the 
proclamation  had  been  read  at  Monterey,  causing  great  enthusiasm.  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii.  103.  Sent  to  Sonoma  to  be  sworn  July  12th.  Id.,  iv.  280. 
And  it  would  seem  that  the  people  of  Sta  Cruz  went  to  Monterey  on  July 
17th  to  take  the  new  oath.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  20.  The  fact  that  the 
oath  was  taken  at  Sta  Barbara  on  July  9th  is  mentioned  by  Alvarado  in  a 
letter  of  July  12th  to  Vallejo.  Vallejo,  Doc,  iv.  282. 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    34 


530  SAX  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CARPJLLO. 

as  legally  the  governor  acl  interim  of  California,  his 
revolutionary  term  ending  with  his  new  oath. 

In  his  letters  sent  northward,  though  unfortunately 
the  most  important  of  them  describing  the  negotia- 
tions with  Castillero  is  missing,  the  governor  described 
the  state  of  affairs  as  on  the  whole  satisfactory,  his 
enemies  being  filled  with  confusion.23  The  southern 
friars,  represented  by  Padre  Duran,  now  consented  to 
take  the  long-delayed  oath  of  allegiance,  on  the  ground 
that  Spain  had  recognized  the  independence  of  Mex- 
ico, while  the  Zacatecanos  of  course  made  no  objec- 
tion, having  already  sworn  to  the  bases.20  The  dipu- 
tacion  assembled  as  early  as  July  16th  at  Santa  Bar- 
bara ;  but  we  have  no  record  of  its  acts,  except  that  on 
the  21st  it  resolved,  1st,  that  in  consequence  of  certain 
doubts  arising  in  relation  to  the  election  laws,  a  com- 
mission of  two  persons  should  be  sent  to  the  national 
capital  to  treat  with  the  supreme  government;  and  2d, 
that  the  senior  vocal,  on  whom  by  law  devolved  the 
office  of  gefe  politico,  should  notify  the  ayuntamientos 
and  other  authorities  that  the  diputacion  was  assem- 
bled in  extra  session.  He  was  also  authorized  to 
carry  out  the  first  resolution.27 

It  is  probable  that  the  diputacion  took  no  other 

action,  and  that  the  governor  had  no  other  use  for  its 

services  at  this  time,  after  securing  its  indorsement 

of  his  title,  with  authority  to   send  a  commission  to 

Mexico.     It  had  been  determined  from  the  first  by 

Alvarado  and  Castillero  that  the  latter  should  £0  to 

<^> 

25  July  9th,  12th,  17th,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  209, 
282-3.  Pio  Pico  still  disposed  to  favor  the  vagabonds  at  S.  Gabriel,  and  Por- 
tilla  for  gefe  politico,  being  instigated  by  Zamorano.  Bandini  gone  home, 
convinced  that  it  is  no  use  to  struggle  longer. 

26  July  8th,  Duran  to  Alvarado,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  96.  July 
12th,  P.  Moreno  to  A.    Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  18. 

27  These  resolutions  were  published  at  Sta  Barbara  on  Aug.  2d,  and  at 
Monterey  on  Aug.  13th.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  289;  xxxii.  105,  107.  Sent 
to  Los  Angeles  July  29th.  Dej)t.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  90-1.  The 
first  meeting  of  July  lGth  is  mentioned  by  Alvarado  on  July  17th.  ValUjot 
Doc,  MS.,  iv.  283.  There  is  also  a  short  address  of  Alvarado  to  the  dip.  in 
Id.,  xxxii.  121,  undated,  but  probably  delivered  at  this  time.  It  contains 
congratulations  on  'California  Libre,'  and  states  that  only  a  few  points  re- 
quire action  at  this  time. 


CASTILLERO  SENT  TO  MEXICO.  531 

Mexico  in  the  former's  behalf,  and  the  doubts  on  elec- 
tion laws  were  simply  a  pretext.  Early  in  July  the 
governor  began  to  speak  of  the  project  in  his  letters, 
expressing  his  belief  that  Don  Andres,  with  the  aid 
of  his  brother,  could  exert  in  Mexico  a  greater  influ- 
ence in  favor  of  himself  and  Vallejo  than  any  other 
man;  meanwhile  Castillero  made  a  trip  to  the  south- 
ern frontier  to  restore  order  amonof  the  men  of  his 
command.23  He  returned  in  August,  and  sailed  after 
the  middle  of  that  month  on  the  schooner  California, 
reaching  Acapulco  the  15th  of  September.  His  mis- 
sion was  to  prevent  the  sending  of  a  Mexican  force  to 
California,  to  defend  Alvarado's  acts  and  policy  before 
the  government,  and  to  obtain  if  possible  a  confirma- 
tion of  his  title  as  governor  together  with  that  of  Va- 
llejo as  general.  It  is  not  very  unlikely  that  he  car- 
ried with  him  a  moderate  sum  of  money  to  be  placed 
"where  it  would  do  most  good" — else,  knowing  much 
of  Mexican  methods,  he  would  hardly  have  been  so 
confident  of  success. 

The  California  was  a  schooner  called  originally  the 
Clarion,  and  at  the  Sandwich  Islands  the  Kaniu; 
brought  this  year  from  Honolulu  by  Henry  Paty; 
and  by  him  sold  to  Alvarado  for  the  state  govern- 
ment. She  was  paid  for  in  mission  produce,  and  was 
commanded  during  this  year  and  the  next  by  Thomas 
M.  Robbins  of  Santa  Barbara.  The  governor  had 
at  first  intended  to  purchase  two  vessels  with  mission 
funds;  and  had  hoped  to  use  them  profitably,  not  only 
in  commercial  enterprises  and  to  protect  the  revenues, 

28 Alvarado  to  Vallejo.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  282-3,  306.  Osio,  Hist. 
Col.,  MS.,  373-5,  tells  us  that  A.  first  appointed  on  this  commission  Carlos 
Carrillo  and  'another'  (Osio  himself  I  suppose),  who  were  summoned  to  Sta 
B.  to  receive  their  instructions.  But  it  was  suggested  that  one  of  them,  the 
'other' probably,  had  the  defect  of  telling  the  truth  on  all  points,  which  would 
be  inconvenient;  and  therefore  A.  announced  that  to  his  great  regret  the 
scheme  would  have  to  be  abandoned.  Finally  Castillero  accepted  the  place 
(probably  as  a  man  of  some  wealth),  from  a  desire  to  give  himself  importance 
by  appearing  in  person  before  the  president.  The  Cal.  records  name  no  com- 
panion of  Castillero,  though  the  commission  was  to  consist  of  two;  butBusta- 
mante,  Ookinete,  Mex.,  i.  3G,  mentions  the  arrival  at  Acapulco  on  Sept.  loth 
of  Castillero  and  Nicolas  P^strada  as  comisionados.  I  know  of  no  such  Califor- 
nian,  but  it  may  have  been  Capt.  Nicanor  Estrada. 


532  SAN  DIEC40  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CARRILLO. 

but  also  for  purposes  of  defence  against  Mexico,  and 
even  as  the  nucleus  of  a  west-coast  navy  with  which 
to  enforce  federalism  in  the  nation!  Circumstances 
changed,  however;  funds  were  not  too  plentiful;  and 
one  vessel  was  deemed  sufficient.29 

Alvarado's  position  as  governor  was  now  tempora- 
rily secure.  On  September  4th  he  circulated  for 
publication  the  Mexican  decree  of  December  30, 
1836 — nine  davs  after  the  news  of  Alvarado's  revolt 
reached  the  capital — making  California  a  department, 
authorizing  the  national  government  to  designate 
provisionally  the  capital  and  the  authorities  to  act 
until  the  regular  elections  could  be  held;  and  empow- 
ering the  junta  departamental  to  divide  the  depart- 
ment into  districts  and  partidos.  Not  even  yet, 
though  published  in  the  usual  form,  had  this  decree 
been  received  'officially,'  and  for  the  present  nothing 
was  done  in  consequence  of  it.  Alvarado  in  later 
times  claimed  that  he  had  not  before  known  of  the 
fact  that  California  had  been  made  a  department.30 
About  the  middle  of  September  he  returned  once 
more  to  Monterey. 

If  Alvarado's  position  was  for  a  time  comparative- 
ly secure,  that  of  Vallejo  had  no  longer  any  founda- 
tion to  stand  upon.  He  had  no  claim  to  the  military 
command,  which  now  belonged  to  the  ranking  officer 
in  the  territory.  The  governor  recognized  this  fact 
in  his  letters  of  July;  stated  that  both  Portilla  and 

29  March  9th,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo,  about  his  projected  purchase  of  2 
vessels.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  212.  There  is  no  record  of  the  actual  pur- 
chase, which  is  however  spoken  of  by  several  Californians.  .The  movements 
of  the  Kaniu  at  the  islands,  and  her  sailing  for  Cal.  in  May  1837,  are  re- 
corded in  the  Honolulu,  S.  I.,  Gazette,  1836-7.  The  pay  of  the  crew  began 
Aug.  14th.  There  were  16  men  and  a  boy,  only  5  being  of  Spanish  Ameri- 
can blood.  G.  Robinson  (William  ?)  was  1st  pilot,  and  later  W.  Reed  2d 
pilot.  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  v.  13-14. 

30  Sept.  4th,  A.'s  order  for  publication  of  decree.  Published  at  S.  Diego 
before  Dec.  16th.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  183-4,  190.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  iv.  15,  says  he  had  heard  rumors  from  Castillo  Negrete  through  Zanio- 
rano,  which  were  not  believed.  I  have  not  much  doubt  that  he  knew  all 
about  it  at  the  time  of  his  arrangement  with  Castillero.  The  news  of  Alva- 
rado's revolt  was  announced  to  congress  by  minister  Tornel  on  Dec.  21st  ac- 
cording to  JJustamante,  Voz  de  la  Patria,  MS.,  xi.  00-1. 


THE  MILITARY  COMMAND.  533 

Zamorano  desired  the  position;  but  desired  Vallejo 
to  aid  him  in  giving  it  to  Captain  Jose  de  la  G-uerra, 
on  the  ground  that  it  was  better  that  it  should  be 
held  by  a  friend  than  a  foe.31  Vallejo  replied  in  a 
printed  letter  of  July  20th,  the  meaning  of  which  is 
not  quite  clear,  but  in  which  he  declared  the  separa- 
tion of  the  civil  and  military  commands  to  be  im- 
practicable, and  thus  apparently  showed  a  desire  to 
see  Alvarado  share  in  his  own  falL32  He,  however, 
saw  the  necessity  of  resigning  his  position,  and  based 
his  resignation  on  the  alleged  ground  of  his  unwill- 
ingness to  swear  allegiance  to  the  central  constitution, 
"such  oaths  having  become  bywords  in  the  whole 
country."  At  the  same  time  all  military  officers 
were  ordered  to  meet  at  Monterey  to  choose  a  co- 
mandante  general.33  The  San  Francisco  company,  on 
receipt  of  orders  from  Alvarado  to  take  the  oath, 
addressed  a  protest  to  Vallejo,  in  which  they  de- 
clared that  they  had  once  sworn  to  die  in  defence  of 
federalism,  and  asked  to  be  discharged  from  the  ser- 
vice rather  than  change  their  political  faith.34  I  sup- 
pose that  Vallejo  and  other  officers  and  soldiers  in 
the  north  were  subsequently  induced  to  take  the  oath 
in  support  of  centralism;  but  I  find  no  definite  record 
of  the  fact.  The  council  of  war  for  the  election  of 
a  comandante  had  not  been  held  as  late  as  October, 
and  probably  was  not  held  at  all,  the  aim  of  Vallejo 
and  Alvarado  being  perhaps  to  postpone  definite  ac- 
tion until  the  result  of  Castillero's  efforts  could  be 
learned.  Portilla  insisted  that  the  choice  must  fall 
on  the  senior  officer,  meaning  himself.     Some  officers 


31  July  12th,  17th,  A.  to  V.,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  282-3. 

32  Vallejo,  Carta  impresa  al  Gobernador,  20  de  Julio,  1837,  in  Earliest 
Printing.  There  is  a  possibility  of  error,  as  the  date  was  printed  1838  and 
changed  in  ink — apparently  by  Vallejo's  direction — to  1837. 

Si  No  date,  probably  early  in  August,  Vallejo  to  dip.  and  to  Alvarado. 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  202. 

3i  Aug.  lGth,  Com.  Sanchez  to  V.,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  294.  Aug. 
31st,  protest  of  the  company,  Id.,  iv.  305.  This  is  probably  what  Alvarado, 
Ill-it.  Gal.,  M.S.,  iii.  181-3,  ridicules  as  Bcrreyesa's  revolt  at  the  instigation 
of  southern  agents. 


534  SAX  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CARRILLO. 

in  their  letters  expressed  a  preference  for  Vallejo.35 
There  seems  to  have  been  no  final  decision  in  the 
matter.  .  It  does  not  appear  that  Vallejo's  resigna- 
tion was  accepted  by  the  diputacion,  or  that  any 
other  officer  attempted  to  exercise  the  command. 
All  waited  for  news  from  Mexico. 

And  this  news  came  sooner  than  looked  for,  and  in 
an  unexpected  form.  It  was  an  announcement  that 
Carlos  Carrillo  had  been  appointed  provisional  gov- 
ernor of  the  department  of  Californias.  It  reached 
Monterey  October  30th,  and  Los  Angeles  ten  days 
earlier,  in  letters  from  Luis  del  Castillo  Negrete  and 
Jose  Antonio  Carrillo  at  La  Paz,  enclosing  certified 
copies  of  the  appointment  to  Alvarado  and  the  ayunta- 
miento,  and  the  original  probably  to  Don  Carlos  him- 
self at  San  Buenaventura.  There  is  not  much  to  be 
said  of  the  circumstances  in  Mexico  which  had  led  to 
this  appointment.  I  have  no  copy  of  the  report  which 
Gutierrez  rendered  on  his  arrival  in  exile,  though  it 
is  not  difficult  to  conjecture  its  purport.  The  Mexi- 
can government  was  too  busy  with  troubles  at  home 
to  devote  much  attention  to  a  distant  territory,  but 
finally  it  did  go  so  far  as  to  make  preparations  for 
sending:  1,000  men  under  General  Iniestra  to  restore 
the  wayward  California  to  her  allegiance.36  Money 
and  arms,  however,  were  scarce.  The  fitting-out  of 
the  expedition  progressed  slowly,  and  before  it  was 
completed  the  Californian  congressman,  Jose  Antonio 
Carrillo,  devised  a  method  of  suspending  it  altogether, 

35  Sept.  1st,  Alvarado  expresses  a  high  opinion  of  V.'s  services,  and  hopes 
the  Mexicans  will  not  succeed  in  breaking  the  friendship  of  the  two.  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  iv.  306-7.  Sept.  20th,  Portilla  to  'Lieut  M.  G.  Vallejo,'  saying 
that  ill  health  may  prevent  his  attendance  at  the  council.  Id.,  iv.  313.  Oct. 
1st,  Alf.  Salazar  to  Vallejo.  Cannot  come  in  time,  but  votes  for  V.  Id.,  iv. 
315. 

36 1  have  no  official  record  of  these  preparations,  but  there  is  no  reason  to 
doubt  the  reports  current  in  California  at  the  time,  founded  on  articles  in  the 
newspapers  and  the  statements  of  J.  A.  Carrillo,  Castillero,  and  others.  Osio 
and  several  others  name  Gen.  Iniestra.  Greenhow,  who  names  Gen.  Urrea  as 
in  charge  of  the  movement,  Mofras,  Forbes.  Marsh,  and  others  tell  us  that  on 
hearing  of  the  rebellion  Mexico  'fulminated  furious  proclamations,'  etc.,  but 
I  have  seen  no  such  papers. 


CARLOS  CARRILLO'S  APPOINTMENT.  535 

at  the  same  time  advancing  the  interests  of  his  own 
family  and  sparing  his  country  the  threatened  inflic- 
tion of  cholo  soldiers.  He  persuaded  the  government 
that  California  was  not  really  disloyal  or  hostile  to 
Mexico;  but  had  been  driven  to  her  present  rebellious 
attitude  by  the  arbitrary  acts  of  Mexican  rulers.  In- 
stead of  sending  an  arrr^  at  great  expense,  it  would 
be  sufficient  merely  to  appoint  a  native  ruler — his 
brother  Don  Carlos  for  example,  well  known  in  Mex- 
ico and  popular  at  home — whom  California  would 
gladly  recognize  and  thus  return  to  her  allegiance. 
The  administration  was  glad  to  be  persuaded,  and 
willing  to  try  the  experiment.  The  appointment  was 
issued  in  a  hurry  by  the  minister  of  state  on  June 
6th;  Don  Jose  Antonio  left  Mexico  two  days  later, 
and  from  La  Paz  en  route  sent  the  papers  ahead  in 
August.37 

Los  Angeles  of  course  was  delighted  with  Carrillo's 
appointment.  True,  Don  Carlos  was  not  in  sympathy 
with  the  abajenos,  and  had  been  a  partisan  of  the 
other  side  throughout  the  late  controversies,  but  "  any- 
thing to  beat  Alvarado  and  the  pronunciados  del 
norte"  was  the  Angelinos'  motto,  and  they  made  such 
haste  that  Carrillo  to  the  letter  announcing  his  ap- 
pointment had  to  attach  his  thanks  for  their  acknowl- 
edgment, their  congratulations,  and  for  a  grand  illu- 

37  June  6,  1837,  Minister  PeSa  y  Pefia  to  Carlos  Carrillo,  announcing  his 
appointment  by  the  president,  with  power  to  fix  the  capital  provisionally 
wherever  circumstances  might  require.  Copy  from  the  original  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Carrillo  family,  in  Carrillo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  Also  in  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  92-3;  and  translation  in  Hopkins'  Translations,  C.  July 
21st,  Antonio  M.  Ercilla  announces  the  news  from  Tepic,  where  J.  A.  Car- 
rillo then  was,  to  Guerra,  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  145;  but  it  does  not  appear 
when  this  was  received — possibly  a  little  earlier  than  by  the  other  route. 
Aug.  20th,  J.  A.  Carrillo  at  La  Paz  to  Alvarado,  with  certified  copies.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  1G5-G.  Oct.  20th,  Castillo  Negrete's  despatch  from  Baja 
California  with  similar  copies  read  before  ayunt.  of  Los  Angeles.  Carlos  Car- 
rillo's letter  of  Oct.  24th  received  on  Nov.  4th.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS., 
iv.  320-30.  Oct.  25th,  Carlos  Carrillo  to  Alvarado,  with  news.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iv.  109-70.  Oct.  25th,  same  to  Vallejo.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  337. 
Oct.  31st,  Alvarado's  proclamation  of  the  news,  which  came  'by  yesterday's 
mail.'  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  x.  20-1;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  5;  llop- 
IhiJ  Translations,  G-7.  Petit-Thouars,  Voyage,  ii.  100,  who  was  at  Monterey 
at  the  time,  says  the  news  came  on  Nov.  Kt.t 


536  SAN  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CAIIILLLO. 

initiation  of  the  city  in  his  honor.  He  also  pledged 
his  word  to  make  Los  Angeles  the  capital  on  assuming 
the  government,  a  very  impolitic  promise  to  be  made 
so  early,  but  Don  Carlos,  an  easy-going,  kind-hearted 
man,  was  all  at  sea  in  matters  of  political  manage- 
ment. 

Alvarado's  submission  to  the  national  authorities 
and  his  acceptance  of  the  constitutional  laws  were  not 
known  in  Mexico  at  the  time  of  Carrillo's  appoint- 
ment. Jose  A.  Carrillo,  writing  from  La  Paz  to  Al- 
varaclo,  presented  a  strong  argument  in  favor  of  such 
submission,  showing  the  impracticability  of  resisting 
Mexican  power,  alluding  to  the  difficulty  he  had  had 
in  preventing  the  sending  of  one  thousand  soldiers, 
and  claiming  that  the  most  essential  object  of  the  rev- 
olutionists had  been  secured  with  a  native  ruler.  He 
urged  Alvarado  to  submit  to  the  new  governor,  and 
promised  in  such  case  to  go  in  person  to  Mexico,  and 
obtain  all  necessary  guaranties  of  pardon  and  protec- 
tion for  the  revolutionary  leaders,  that  is,  to  under- 
take the  very  mission  in  which  Castillero  was  now 
employed.  Don  Carlos  announced  his  appointment 
to  Alvarado  and  Vallejo  in  friendly  modest  letters, 
expressing  much  diffidence  in  respect  to  his  own  capa- 
bilities, but  hoping  to  succeed  by  earnest  effort  with 
the  aid  of  his  g-ood  friends.  He  made  no  formal  de- 
mand  for  a  transfer  of  the  office,  but  left  Alvarado  to 
take  such  action  as  might  seem  proper  in  consequence 
of  his  announcement. 

Don  Juan  Bautista  now  found  himself  in  a  very 
peculiar  situation.  Of  course  he  had  hoped  to  retain 
the  command,  and  was  disappointed  at  the  prospect 
of  losing  it,  especially  when  any  day  might  bring 
news  from  Castillero  which  would  secure  him  in  its 
possession.  With  this  feeling,  however,  neither  the 
writer  nor  reader  of  history  is  called  upon  to  feel  any 
special  S3mipathy.  His  personal  disappointment  fur- 
nished no  justification  for  refusing  or  delaying  compli- 
ance with  the  orders  of  the  government  which  he  had 


ALVARADO'S  POSITION.  537 

sworn  to  obey.  There  were,  however,  other  and  more 
serious  complications.  ALvarado  had  placed  himself 
at  the  head  of  a  revolution,  and  while  he  had  sur- 
rendered in  a  sense  and  acknowledged  the  supremacy 
of  the  national  laws,  yet  the  government  had  not  ac- 
cepted his  surrender,  Castillero  having  had  no  author- 
ity whatever  in  the  matter.  In  the  eyes  of  the  gov- 
ernment at  the  time  of  this  last  appointment  he  was 
simply  a  rebel  chief,  ordered  virtually,  not  to  trans- 
fer the  governorship,  but  to  obey  the  governor.  Was 
he  under  obligation  to  come  down  from  the  vantage- 
ground  of  success  and  high  position,  to  place  himself 
without  guaranties  as  a  private  citizen  at  the  mercy 
of  a  power  that  might  legally  shoot  him  as  a  traitor? 
Could  he  disregard  the  fate  of  his  associates  whose 
position  was  like  his  own?  Surely  no  successful 
rebel  was  ever  known  to  give  such  excessive  proofs  of 
devotion  to  his  country.  Again,  Alvarado  looked 
upon  himself  at  this  time  as  the  legitimate  ruler  of 
California.  He  was  so  considered  by  the  people,  even 
by  Carlos  Carrillo,  and  there  was  not  much  reason  to 
fear  that  President  Bustamante  would  not  so  recog- 
nize him,  knowing  the  circumstances,  even  if  he  should 
insist  upon  naming  a  successor.  An  order  to  the  in- 
cumbent to  deliver  the  office  was,  by  custom  if  not 
by  law,  as  necessary  to  a  change  of  rulers  as  was  the 
appointee's  order  to  receive  it,  and  the  recognition 
implied  in  such  an  order  was  of  vital  importance  to 
Don  Juan.  Thus  a  way  seemed  open  to  the  delay  so 
urgently  demanded  by  the  safety  of  the  former  rebels 
as  well  as  by  Alvarado's  ambitious  hopes. 

In  his  proclamation  of  October  31st,  the  governor 
made  known  to  the  people  the  news  which  he  had 
unofficially  received,  and  of  which  he  hoped  to  receive 
confirmation  by  the  next  mail,  adding,  "All  the  de- 
partment may  be  sure  that  I  shall  deliver  the  com- 
mand to  the  nominee  on  receiving  the  slightest 
intimation  from  the  supreme  government."  Within 
a  few  days  he  notified  the  ayuntamientos  in  due  form, 


538  SAX  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CARRILLO. 

speaking  of  "the  nearness  of  the  time  when  I  shall 
deliver  the  command  to  Carrillo."38  Don  Carlos 
unwisely  yielded  to  the  counsel  of  his  advisers,  and 
chose  to  regard  Alvarado's  position  and  his  request 
in  a  private  letter  for  a  conference  as  insulting  to  him- 
self and  threatening  to  the  peace  of  the  country, 
speaking  of  'frivolous  pretexts'  for  delaying  obedience, 
and  hinting  vaguely  by  a  negative  assertion  at  fears 
that  "you  aspire  to  the  place  I  occupy."39  Mean- 
while the  ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles  on  receipt  of 
the  governor's  communications  refused  to  recognize 
any  other  authority  than  that  of  Carrillo,  who  was 
invited  to  come  and  establish  his  government  in  that 
city  before  replying  to  Alvarado.40 

Could  Alvarado  have  obtained  an  interview  with 
Don  Carlos — his  so-called  ' uncle,'  that  is,  cousin  to  the 
lady  whom  a  real  uncle  had  married — he  would  prob- 
ably have  succeeded  in  making  him  understand  the 
full  force  of  the  reasons  for  delay,  and  of  his  right  to 
insist  at  least  on  the  guaranty  implied  in  recognition 
of  his  title:  and  thus  further  disagreement  might 
perhaps  have  been  avoided.  But  Carrillo's  new 
southern  friends  knew  better  than  to  trust  their  easily 
influenced  protege  within  the  reach  of  Juan  Bautista's 
eloquence;  and  if  there  was  any  uncertainty  about 
results,  it  was  removed  by  the  arrival  of  Jose  Antonio 
Carrillo  at  the  beginning  of  December.  This  gentle- 
man  feared  the  influence  of  Castillero  in  Mexico, 
knowing  how  little  the  administration  cared  who  was 
governor  of  California  so  long  as  there  wTas  no  rebel- 

38 Nov.  3d,  7th,  Alvarado  to  ayunt.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi. 
98;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  57-8;  Hopkins'  Translations,  7.  A  private  letter 
of  Alvarado  to  Carrillo  of  Nov.  4th  is  not  extant,  nor  the  official  note  of 
the  3d. 

39  Nov.  14th,  Carrillo  to  Alvarado,  in  reply  to  letters  of  Nov.  3d,  4th, 
private  letter  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  345;  official  note  in  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iv.  1G7-8.  On  Nov.  18th,  before  receiving  C.'s  reply,  A.  wrote  to 
Vallejo  a  private  letter,  expressing  the  same  views  as  in  his  communications 
to  C. — that  is,  his  willingness  to  give  up  the  rule  on  receipt  of  an  order  from 
Mexico.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  34G. 

40 Nov.  18th,  session.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  329-30.  Carrillo's 
letter  of  Nov.  14th  to  Alvarado  had  also  been  forwarded  to  this  body.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  9G-8. 


CARRILLO  ASSUMES  THE  COMMAND.  539 

lion  to  call  for  Mexican  troops  and  money.  He  feared 
Castillero's  arrival  with  an  order  that  if  no  change 
had  yet  been  made  in  the  governorship  none  need  be 
made.  It  was  as  much  for  his  interest  to  avoid  a 
delay  in  the  transfer  as  for  Alvarado's  interest  to  se- 
cure it.  His  influence  over  his  brother  was  of  course 
great,  and  the  latter  followed  his  lead  without  hesita- 
tion. 

On  December  1st  the  Angelinos-,  as  representatives 
of  the  supreme  government,  took  possession  of  a  house 
that  had  been  rented  as  a  temporary  capitol.41  Next 
day  Juan  Bandini  seems  to  have  delivered  an  oration 
before  the  ayuntamiento.42  On  the  4th  the  same  il- 
lustrious body  in  an  extra  session  received  formal  no- 
tice that  Don  Carlos  would  take  the  oath  of  office, 
thus  assuming  the  governorship,  on  the  6th,  at  9 
a.  m.  It  was  thereupon  resolved  to  prepare  the  sola 
capitular,  to  open  a  subscription  for  funds  wherewith 
duly  to  solemnize  the  act,  to  issue  tickets  of  invitation 
to  prominent  citizens,  to  obtain  a  big  cannon  from  San 
Gabriel  for  salvos,  and  to  illuminate  the  city  for  three 
nights.  At  last  the  day  arrived,  and  the  ayuntami- 
ento  met  in  public  session;  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo 
made  a  speech;  Carlos  Carrillo  took  the  oath  and  de- 
livered an  address;  mass  and  te  deum  followed  at  the 
church;  and  the  enthusiastic  Angelinos  proceeded  to 
their  new  governor's  house  to  shout  their  vivas  and 
overload  him  with  congratulations.43 

The  address  of  Don  Cdrlos  was  circulated  among 
the  people.44     It  was  of  the  congratulatory  and  grand- 

nLos  Angeles,  Ayuntamiento  Records,  MS.,  24.  The  house  was  that  of  the 
widow  Josef  a  Alvarado,  rented  of  John  Temple  for  $360  per  year,  the  negotia- 
tions having  begun  in  September. 

42There  is  some  mystery  about  this  speech,  which  is  fragment  of  a  blotter 
in  Bandini's  handwriting,  headed  '  Discourse  pronounced  by  the  Sindico  J. 
B.  in  the  session  of  Dec.  2d,'  in  Bandini,  Doc,  MS.,  46.  Bandini  was  not  a 
sindico  at  all  in  that  year  or  the  next.  The  speech,  however,  amounts  to 
nothing,  being  apparently  an  argument  in  favor  of  a  meeting  of  the  asambica 
departamental. 

4i  Sessions  of  Dec.  4th,  6th.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  331-5. 

44  Carrillo,  Discurso  que  pronuncid  al  lomar  el  mando  'politico  en  Los  Angeles, 
el  6  de  Die.  1837,  MS. 


540  SAN  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CARRILLO. 

iloquent  type  deemed  suitable  for  such  occasions.  Its 
purport  was:  "The  end  of  all  our  troubles  has  come, 
the  political  sea  is  calm,  nothing  but  happiness  ahead. 
Your  wishes  are  fulfilled  now  that  a  Californian  rules 
California.  It  was  my  brother  who  brought  us  the" 
gift  of  peace  and  my  appointment;  but  for  his  inter- 
cessions, a  thousand  bayonets  would  now  gleam  on  our 
shores.  I  recognize  my  own  unworthiness,  but  I  trust 
in  your  cooperation.  Let  us  be  united,  asking  heav- 
en's blessing."  There  was  not  the  slightest  intimation 
that  any  opposition  was  expected,  and  no  attempt  to 
explain  the  irregularity  and  haste  with  which  the  of- 
fice was  assumed.  The  action  at  Angeles  was  ratified 
at  San  Diego  on  December  9th.45 

The  support  of  Santa  Barbara  was  essential,  and 
Don  Carlos  sent  his  brother  Jose  Antonio  as  a  co- 
misionado  to  obtain  it,  instructing  him  to  lay  before 
the  ayuntamiento  the  disasters  which  must  result  from 
the  coming  of  the  military  expedition  now  ready  to 
start  from  the  Mexican  coast.46  Yet,  notwithstanding 
the  comisionado's  eloquence  and  influence,  his  threats 
of  bringing  a  force  from  Mexico,  and  the  fact  that 
Carlos  Carrillo  w^as  a  Santa  Barbara  man  with  many 
relatives  and  friends  in  that  place,  the  Barbarehos 
could  not  be  induced  to  support  the  present  plan  and 
policy  of  Los  Angeles.  They  had  swTorn  allegiance  to 
Alvarado,  and  regarded  their  oath  as  binding  until 
the  command  should  be  in  due  form  transferred  to 
another.  Moreover,  they  recognized  their  own  need, 
as  Alvarado's  associates  and  supporters,  of  formal 
guaranties  from  Mexico,  and  they  could  but  regard 
Carrillo's  present  actions  as  savoring  of  treachery.- 


47 


45  Dec.  8th,  Carrillo  to  ayunt.,  with  his  appointment,  etc.  Dec.  10th, 
Francisco  Alvarado  to  C. ,  with  news  of  the  ratification,  enthusiasm,  etc.  S. 
Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  189-90.  Dec.  10th,  C.  orders  the  ayunt.  of  Angeles  to 
proclaim  him  gov.  in  its  jurisdiction.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  99. 

10  Dec.  8,  1837,  appointment  and  instructions  of  Carlos  to  J.  A.  Carrillo  in 
Soberanes,  Doc,  MS.,  70. 

47  In  a  letter  of  Dec.  20th,  Alvarado  informs  Vallejoof  the  arrival  of  2  men 
from  Sta  Barbara,  with  news  of  Carrillo's  efforts  and  threats  at  that  place. 
They  report  a  bitter  feeling  against  D.  Carlos.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  3G1. 


ALVARADO  DESIRES  A  CONFERENCE.  541 

During  the  rest  of  the  year  nothing  was  accom- 
plished on  either  side,  save  that  the  Zacatecan  friars, 
through  their  prefect,  expressed  their  recognition  of 
Carrillo  as  governor,43  and  that  Castro  was  sent  down 
with  an  escort  of  ten  men  to  take  command  at  Santa 
Barbara.  Castro  was  instructed  to  forward  commu- 
nications from  the  north  and  south,  aid  the  local  au- 
thorities in  preserving  order,  keep  a  close  watch  on 
fomenters  of  opposition  to  the  government,  but  not  to 
use  force  without  orders,  it  being  especially  desirable 
to  avoid  a  rupture.49  Correspondence  continued  in 
December.  The  governor  had  been  offended  by  Car- 
rillo's  letter  of  November  14th,  and  had  not  answered 
it,  but  now  he  wrote  a  reply,  which  was  forwarded  by 
Castro.  It  was  a  dignified  and  forcible  presentment 
of  the  matters  at  issue,  expressing  deep  regret  at  Car- 
rillo's  hasty  assumption,  without  legal  formalities,  of 
a  command  which  the  writer  was  willing  to  turn  over 
to  him  legally,  and  at  his  refusal  to  consult  with  the 
man  whom  he  had  recognized  as  a  legitimate  ruler 
respecting  certain  matters  that  could  not  be  treated 
in  writing.  He  closed  by  renewing  his  proposal  for  a 
conference,  which  might  take  place  at  San.  Miguel, 
and  by  which  further  sectional  strife  might  be  pre- 
vented.50 

General  Vallejo  also  wrote  on  December  26th  let- 
ters to  Alvarado  and  the  two  Carrillos.  To  the  for- 
mer he  declared  that  his  ri^ht  to  await  orders  and 
guaranties  from  the  Mexican  government  could  not 
be  questioned ;  that  the  threat  to  bring  a  force  from 
Mexico  was  but  brawadocio  to  frighten  cowards ;  and 
that  were  it  not  for  the  expected  arrival  of  the  Cali- 
fornia at  an  early  date,  he  would  not  hesitate  to  march 


48Dec.  14th,  P.  Moreno  to  the  friars.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  59. 

49Dec.  25,  1837,  Alvarado's  instructions  to  Castro.  Soberunes,  Doc,  MS., 
74-5,  in  9  articles. 

50 Dec.  26,  1837,  Alvarado  to  Carlos  Carrillo.  Soberanes,  Doc,  MS.,  78- 
81;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  118.  Same  date,  to  Vallejo.  Advises  him  to 
keep  military  men  on  good  terms,  so  that  they  may  be  disposed  to  obey  his 
orders.  Id.,  iv.  3G4. 


542  SAX  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CAHRILLO. 

with  his  soldiers  to  the  south  in  Alvarado's  support; 
yet  under  existing  circumstances  it  would  doubtless  be 
best  to  avoid  violent  measures.51  To  Jose  Antonio 
Carrillo  he  wrote  that  his  boasting  and  threats  at 
Santa  Barbara  had  aroused  not  fear,  but  indignation 
that  a  son  of  California  could  adopt  such  a  course,  re- 
buking him  for  his  hasty  action  and  advising  prudence. 
Let  them  wait  till  the  vessel  should  arrive  with  de- 
spatches, and  then  the  command  would  be  legally  and 
gladly  surrended,  although  the  legitimate  ruler  had 
been  grievously  insulted.52  In  writing  to  Don  Carlos, 
Vallejo  adopted  a  milder  tone,  appealing  to  his  good 
sense  and  patriotism,  and  begging  him  not  to  plunge 
the  country  needlessly  into  a  sectional  strife  by  ignor- 
ing the  rights  of  a  ruler  whom  he  had  himself  aided 
to  put  in  power.  Alvarado  could  not  yield,  even  if  he 
wished  to  do  so,  and  leave  his  friends  unprotected, 
while  Carrillo  assuredly  could  not  rule  successfully 
without  northern  support.  Why  not  then  secure  that 
support  by  showing  a  conciliatory  spirit,  and  consent- 
ing to  a  slight  delay,  or  at  least  to  a  conference?53 

Answers  to  these  letters,  though  not  extant,  were 
evidently  not  conciliatory.  The  sum  total  of  all  that 
can  be  said  against  the  position  of  Alvarado  and  Va- 
llejo at  this  time  is  that  they  perhaps  hoped  to  receive 
by  the  California,  not  an  order  to  surrender  their 
power,  but  authority  to  keep  it.  This  hope  on  their 
part,  causing  them  to  desire  delay,  was  neither  more 
nor  less  culpable  than  Carrillo's  fears  on  the  same  sub- 
ject prompting  haste.  Otherwise,  Alvarado's  ground 
was  tenable  legally  and  morally,  besides  tending  to 

51  Dec.  26th,  V.  to  A.,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  368.  He  hints  that  Carrillo 
may  have  heard  in  Mexico  of  some  proposition  to  cede  California  to  the  U. 
S.,  which  may  account  for  his  haste  to  get  possession. 

"Dec.  26th,  V.  to  J.  A.  Carrillo,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  367. 

53 Dec.  26th.  V.  to  Carlos  Carrillo,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  365.  In  a 
later  letter  to  J.  A.  Carillo,  not  dated,  Vallejo  accuses  him  of  having  asked 
congress  to  expend  $60,000  in  sending  an  army  to  Cal. ;  and  says  that  had  his 
commission  and  the  appointment  of  D.  Carlos  been  genuine,  they  should  have 
gone  like  men  to  lay  their  papers  before  the  governor,  and  to  come  to  an  un- 
derstanding. It  seems  that  Carrillo  had  replied  to  V.'s  first  letter,  asserting 
that  his  threats  were  exaggerated.  Id.,  xiv.  13. 


CARRILLO  IN  THE  WRONG.  543 

peace  and  harmony,  while  Carrillo's  position  was  in- 
consistent, partisan,  and  sure  to  result  in  sectional 
strife.  Don  Carlos,  a  strong  supporter  of  Alvarado's 
government,  on  receipt  of  his  appointment  with  power 
to  select  his  capital,  at  once,  without  consulting  his 
chiefs  or  associates,  offered  to  make  Los  Angeles  the 
capital.  Then  he  simply  notified  Alvarado  of  his  ap- 
pointment, not  recognizing  the  latter's  title,  even  so 
far  as  to  ask  for  a  transfer  of  the  office.  He  merely 
waited  for  Alvarado  as  a"  rebel  chief  to  submit  hum- 
bly to  him  as  representative  of  the  supreme  govern- 
ment; and  at  the  governor's  suggestion  of  delay  for 
at  least  a  conference  and  the  legal  formalities  of  a 
transfer,  he  wrote  insulting  letters  in  reply,  and  by 
an  irregular  assumption  of  the  governorship  at  Los 
Angeles  became  virtually  leader  of  the  faction  that 
had  so  long  struggled  against  Alvarado  and  himself. 
That  Carrillo  was  a  weak  man,  easily  influenced  by 
others,  is  far  from  sufficient  excuse  for  this  act  of 
treachery.  Don  Carlos  deserved  no  sympathy,  and 
he  got  none,  even  from  his  own  town  of  Santa  Bar- 
bara, until  long  years  had  caused  the  facts  to  be  for- 
gotten. In  time  foreign  residents  and  writers,  and 
even  many  Californians,  were  taught  to  regard  him  as 
a  leader  of  the  sureflos  from  the  beginning,  defrauded 
of  the  governorship  by  the  plots  of  a  northern  fac- 
tion. 

Naturally  Carrillo's  partisan  acts  in  favor  of  the 
south,  his  treatment  of  his  former  associates,  and  his 
brother's  loud  threats  of  bringing  an  army  from  Mex- 
ico excited  much  anger  in  the  north,  not  only  among 
the  leaders,  but  among  the  people.  The  leaders'  in- 
terests, depending  on  the  California  s  expected  arrival, 
were  in  favor  of  peace;  therefore  Alvarado,  Vallejo, 
and  Castro  kept  their  temper  tolerably  well;  but  had 
the  governor  chosen  to  yield,  it  is  almost  certain  there 
would  have  been  a  revolt  in  the  north.  That  is,  Car- 
rillo's  policy  had  brought  about  a  renewal  in  a  new 
form  of  the  old  sectional  quarrel,  the  worst  possible 


544  SAN  DIEGO  PLAN— ALVARADO  AND  CARRILLO. 

result  for  California.  It  was  Carrillo's  fault,  and  not 
Alvarado's.  Here  as  elsewhere,  such  a  quarrel  once 
begun,  there  is  very  little  room  for  sympathy  or  blame 
for  either  side.54 

54  Testimony  about  the  events  of  this  period,  from  printed  matter  and  from 
statements  of  Californians,  does  not  as  a  rule  add  anything  to  our  knowledge 
derived  from  contemporary  documents.  Most  Californians  content  themselves 
with  stating  that  Alvarado  refused  to  recognize  Carrillo,  approving  or  disap- 
proving his  policy  according  as  they  lived  in  the  north  or  south.  Alvarado, 
Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  23-32,  gives  a  much  fairer  and  more  accurate  version  of 
these  than  of  some  earlier  events,  agreeing  for  the  most  part  with  his  letters 
written  at  the  time.  Vallejo's  statements,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  277-320,  are 
very  much  less  complete  and  satisfactory  than  are  his  original  letters.  Osio, 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  382-5,  does  not  indicate,  either  under  his  own  name  or 
anonymously,  what  part  he  took;  nor  does  he  give  many  details;  but  he  seems 
to  have  some  words  of  blame  both  for  Alvarado  and  for  J.  A.  Carrillo.  Ban- 
dini,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  97-9,  states  that  Alvarado  had  no  intention  of  giving 
up  the  office,  but  made  a  new  revolution  to  avoid  it.  Carrillo  was  defeated 
through  bad  management  on  his  side.  J.  J.  Vallejo,  Reminis.,  MS.,  123-5, 
seems  to  regard  Carrillo's  appointment  as  the  result  of  southern  intrigue,  and 
represents  him  as  having  '  raised  the  standard  of  revolt ' !  Botello,  Ancdes,  MS. , 
43-8,  tells  us  that  Alvarado  and  his  friends  resisted  Carrillo  on  one  pretext  or 
another,  but  really  to  prevent  the  abajefios  from  avenging  their  past  wrongs 
and  to  keep  them  from  moving  the  capital  and  custom-house.  He  admits  that 
it  was  the  intention  of  the  sureiios  to  clip  the  wings  of  the  northern  clique. 
In  the  brief  account  sent  to  the  Islands,  and  published  in  the  Honolulu  S.  I. 
Gazette,  May  5,  1838,  and  Honolulu  Polynesian,  ii.  93,  Nov.  20,  1841,  Alva- 
rado is  said  to  have  agreed  to  give  up  the  command  on  being  shown  Carrillo's 
commission  and  receiving  guaranties  from  him  of  protection  for  the  life  and 
property  of  himself  and  friends,  which  Carrillo  refused.  Mentions  more  or 
less  accurate,  but  all  incomplete  and  brief,  of  Alvarado  vs  Carrillo,  some  ex- 
tending beyond  the  point  to  which  I  have  brought  my  narrative,  are  as  fol- 
lows: Marsh's  Letter,  MS.,  8;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  103-8;  Pico,  Acont., 
MS.,  47-8;  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  54-9;  Voile,  Lo  Pasado,  MS.,  19-21; 
Coronel,  Cosas,  MS.,  24;  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  122-8;  Castro,  Pel,  MS.,  41-2; 
Galindo,  Apuntes,  MS.,  39^0;  Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  33;  Avila,  Notas, 
MS.,  21.  Also  the  following  in  print:  Belcher's  Voyage,  i.  137;  Mofras,  Ex- 
plor.,  i.  301-2;  Robinson's  Life  in  Cal.,  178-9;  Laplace,  Voyage,  vi.  190-1; 
Grcenhow'*  Hist.  Or.,  307;  Forbes'  Hist.  Cal.,  150;  Famham's  Life  and  Trav., 
290;  Tuthill's  Hist.  Cat.,  144-5;  Los  Angeles  Hist.,  14. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

1838. 

Don  Carlos  Closes  Northern  Ports — Sends  for  Mexican  Troops — 
Castro's  Plan — A  Spurious  Appointment — Carrillo's  Letters — 
Military  Preparations — Castaneda  at  San  Buenaventura — Santa 
Barbara  Threatened — News  from  Mexico — Battle  of  San  Buena- 
ventura— Los  Angeles  Taken — Alvarado  at  San  "Fernando — Don 
Carlos  at  San  Diego — A  New  Plan — Tobar  in  Command— Cam- 
paign of  Las  Flores — Treaty — Negotiations  at  San  Fernando — 
Escape  of  the  Pretender — Vallejo  Favors  Don  Carlos — News  by 
the  'Catalina' — Arrival  of  Castillero — Recognition  of  Alvarado 
and  Vallejo — An  Island  for  Carrillo — Abajenos  Despondent — 
Arribenos  Triumphant — Re-arrest  of  Carrillos  and  Picos. 

The  state  of  affairs  was  not  greatly  changed  in  Jan- 
uary 1838.  On  the  3d,  however,  in  view  of  critical 
circumstances  arising  from  'polyarchy,'  Carrillo  from 
his  capital  at  Angeles  proceeded  to  close,  so  far  as  he 
could  do  so  by  a  decree,  the  ports  of  Monterey  and 
San  Francisco,  "until  the  north  should  submit  to  the 
supreme  government,"  and  to  establish  the  custom- 
house at  San  DieGfo.1    Such  an  act  did  not  tend  in  anv 

CD  J 

marked  degree  to  conciliate  the  people  from  Santa 
Barbara  northward. 

Next,  through  his  brother,  he  sent  to  Mexico  a  re- 
quest for  200  armed  men  to  aid  in  making  his  authority 
respected,  after  which  Don  Jose  Antonio  was  sent  on 
the  Gth  to  labor  again  with  the  obstinate  Barbarefios. 
He  was  aided  by  the  Valles,  Don  Antonio  and  his 


1S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  193;  Hayes,  Doc,  MS.,  79;  Id.,  Emig.  Notes,  i. 

363.     Published  at  S.  Diego  and  S.  Luis  Pey  on  Jan.  8th.    S.  Diego,  Arch., 

MS.,  210. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    35  (  545  ) 


546  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

son  Ignacio,  and  by  the  Picos,  Don  Pio  and  his  brother 
Andres.  They  offered  to  Castro  and  Villavicencio  as 
their  ultimatum  that  Don  Carlos  on  Alvarado's  sub- 
mission would  countermand  his  request  for  200  armed 
Mexicans,  and  would  give  guaranties  for  the  lives  of 
the  rebels  against  Chico  and  Gutierrez.  He  would 
also  consent  to  an  interview  at  San  Buenaventura. 
Castro  promised  to  go  as  a  comisionado  to  Monterey 
to  make  known  the  propositions  to  Alvarado,  whom, 
with  Vallejo  perhaps,  he  would  induce  to  return  with 
him  to  Santa  Barbara,  where  negotiations  might  be 
continued.  He  started  on  the  11th,  and  both  the 
Carrillos  addressed  letters  to  Alvarado,  urging  him 
to  submit.2 

Castro  believed  that  there  was  really  danger  of  a  force 
coming  from  Mexico,  and  his  object  in  coming  north 
was  to  consult  with  Alvarado.  He  proposed  and  the 
governor  approved  a  sudden  attack  on  Los  Angeles, 
to  be  followed  by  the  sending  of  Don  Carlos  and 
some  twenty  others  to  the  north  as  prisoners.  This 
plan  was  submitted  to  Vallejo,3  who  probably  dis- 
approved it  or  counselled  delay,  not  putting  much 
faith  in  Carrillo's  threats.  Of  course  there  was  no 
thought  of  accepting  the  latest  propositions.  In 
these  days  the  theory  became  current  that  Carrillo's 
appointment  was  spurious,  since  neither  Alvarado,  nor 

2 Jan.  9,  1838,  J.  A.  Carrillo  to  A.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  172-0. 
'Juanito,  you  know  my  firmness;  accept  the  invitation  and  confide  in  me. 
Do  not  adhere  to  a  caprice  which  will  injure  you  and  your  country.'  Jan. 
16th,  Carlos  Carrillo  to  A.  Id.,iv.  179-80.  Drops  all  resentments,  and  is 
willing  to  comply  with  all  that  has  been  stipulated;  that  is,  is  willing  that  his 
rival  should  yield.  Same  date,  C.  C.  thanks  Castro  for  promising  to  use  his 
influence  with  A.  Id.,  iv.  176-7.  Jan.  19th,  A.  to  Vallejo,  private  letter. 
Castro  had  arrived  Jan.  18th.  The  Barbarenos  were  reported  very  bitter 
against  Carrillo;  and  one  night  they  would  have  killed  his  agents  if  Castro 
had  not  prevented  it.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  22.  On  Jan.  15th  A.  had  writ- 
ten to  V.  that  J.  A.  Carrillo  had  said  at  Sta  Barbara  that  Don  Carlos  had 
shown  at  Los  Angeles  his  original  appointment  and  guaranties  for  the  late 
revolutionists.  Id.,  v.  20. 

3  Jan.  19,  1838,  A.  to  V.,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  22.  He  announces  his 
intention  to  go  south  soon,  says  J.  A.  Carrillo  is  de  facto  governor  in  Los 
Angeles,  abusing  everybody;  there  arc  two  parties  at  Angeles;  Carrillo  brought 
a  Capt.  Castaneda  from  Mexico,  who  has  been  offered  the  command  at  Sta 
Barbara.  He  (Alvarado)  has  40  men  at  Monterey,  10  at  S.  Juan,  20  at  Sta 
Barbara,  all  anxious  to  fight. 


CONTROVERSY  CONTINUED.  547 

anybody  else  outside  of  Angeles  at  least,  had  as  yet 
been  favored  with  a  glimpse  of  'the  original.  Even 
the  document  of  which  an  alleged  copy  had  been 
shown,  was  not  legal  as  was  claimed,  because  it  did 
not  bear  the  president's  signature.  The  latter  theory 
had  perhaps  some  force  as  a  technicality;  and  to  the 
former  a  degree  of  plausibility  was  given  by  Carrillo's 
mysterious  actions.  At  any  rate,  they  served  their 
purpose,  and  strengthened  Alvarado^s  cause  somewhat 
at  the  north. 

Throughout  February  also  Alvarado  waited,  being 
content  that  affairs  at  the  south  should  remain  in  statu 
quo,  and  believing  that  favorable  news  from  Castillero 
was  more  likely  to  arrive  than  was  Carrillo's  rein- 
forcement.* Correspondence  was  continued,  though 
it  brought  no  progress  toward  a  settlement.  J.  A. 
Carrillo  had  informed  Vallejo  of  the  request  for 
Mexican  troops,  and  the  latter  wrote  to  Don  Carlos 
in  reply  a  very  earnest  letter  of  reproach  for  having 
paid  no  attention  to  his  past  communications,  and  for 
his  hasty  and  unwise  policy,  which  was  sure  to  result 
in  civil  war.  "  If  it  be  true,"  he  said,  "  that  troops 
have  been  sent  for,  you  may  be  sure  the  command 
will  not  be  given  up,  nor  will  those  wrongfully  termed 
rebels  tamely  submit."  Yet  he  would  like  to  see 
Carrillo  legally  in  possession  of  the  command,  and  as 
an  ' affectionate  cousin'  hoped  that  all  would  result 
in  tranquillity.5  On  February  15th  both  Carrillos 
answered  Vallejo's  communications  of  December  2Gth, 
which  they  claimed  not  to  have  received  until  the  day 
before.     Both  said  in  substance :  "  Your  arguments 

4  Vallejo,  on  Jan.  29th,  had  given  the  command  at  Sonoma  to  D.  Salvador, 
and  announced  his  purpose  to  march  south  ward.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  25. 
He  had  been  at  S.  F.  on  Feb.  1st,  and  ordered  a  small  force  from  that  place  to 
Sta  Clara;  but  the  ayunt.  interposed  obstacles  and  could  find  no  men.  Soberancs, 
Doc,  MS.,  86-8. 

5 Feb.  10,  1838,  V.  to  Carlos  Carrillo,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  31.  Feb. 
14th,  Capt.  Villavicencio  wrote  to  Alvarado  from  Sta  Barbara  that  Carrillo 
was  making  enemies,  and  it  was  rumored  that  he  had  summoned  the  Indians 
to  his  aid.  Even  Capt.  Casteneda  was  displeased,  and  had  been  heard  to  deny 
that  Carrillo  had  any  commission  from  the  govt.  Had  A.  decided  to  yield, 
the  writer  and  others  had  formed  a  plan  of  revolt.  Id.,  v.  29. 


548  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

have  no  force.  We  hold  authority  from  the  supreme 
government.  It  is  your  duty  simply  to  obey.  You 
have  refused.  We  have  sent  for  troops.  If  evil 
comes  of  it,  yours  is  the  fault."  Don  Carlos  claimed 
to  have  "  exhausted  every  conciliatory  means,"  and 
declared  that  Alvarado's  invitation  to  a  conference 
had  involved  an  attempt  to  degrade  his  authority. 
Don  Jose  Antonio  denied  having  threatened  to  bring 
one  thousand  armed  men,  but  defended  the  request 
for  one  fifth  of  that  number;  ridiculed  the  "  Quixotic 
enterprise  of  conquering  Mexico;"  and  declared  that 
whatever  orders  the  much-talked-of  schooner  might 
bring,  they  would  come  addressed  to  the  governor  and 
not  to  rebels.6 

The  position  assumed  in  these  communications  and 
others  of  the  time  entirely  ignored  all  that  had  been 
done  by  Alvarado  since  November  1836.  It  was  the 
old  position  of  Los  Angeles  and  San  Diego  striving 
for  the  capital  and  custom-house.  Considered  as  the 
position  of  Bandini,  Requena,  Ibarra,  Portilla,  and 
others  who  had  never  submitted  to  Alvarado  except 
when  forced  to  do  so,  it  possessed  to  a  certain  extent 
the  merit  of  consistency;  but  as  that  of  Carlos  Car- 
rillo  it  had  no  merit  whatever.  Meanwhile  Don 
Carlos  continued  to  act  as  governor  in  the  south  by 
issuing  the  usual  routine  orders  on  minor  matters 
connected  with  the  civil  administration.7  And  late 
in  February  he  seems  to  have  resolved  on  certain 
military  movements,  for  in  obedience  to  his  order 
Alcalde  Estudillo  sent  a  force  of  citizens  under  Pio 
Pico  with  a  supply  of  ammunition  from  San  Diego 
to  Los  Angeles.8 

Portilla  was  still  acting  as  general  in  the  south, 
with  headquarters  at  San  Gabriel.     Manuel  Trujillo, 

6 Feb.  15,  1838,  Carrillos  to  Vallejo,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  30-1. 

7  Four  of  these  orders  dated  Feb.  10th,  16th,  19th,  relating  to  land 
grants,  commerce,  and  Indians,  arc  given  in  Hopkins'  Translations,  7-8. 
Also  8  others,  on  police  matters,  mails,  passports,  etc.,  dated  Feb.  0-1 8th,  in 
S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  194-5. 

8  Feb.  20,  1838,  C.  to  Estudillo.  Feb.  25th,  E.  to  C.  Several  communi- 
cations. 8.  JJierjo,  Arch.,  MS.,  195,  197,  211. 


CARRILLO  BEGINS  HOSTILITIES.  540 

a  recent  arrival,  was  Carrillo's  secretary.  Early  in 
March  San  Die^o  was  warned  to  be  on  the  lookout 
for  any  force  that  the  northerners  might  send  down  in 
Hinckley's  ship,  since  it  was  said  that  Alvarado  was 
coming  south  with  an  army;9  and  a  few  days  later 
Captain  Juan  Castaheda,  a  Mexican  officer  who  had 
come  to  the  country  with  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo,  was 
sent  with  a  force  to  occupy  San  Buenaventura.10 
This  occupation  was  effected  probably  on  March  12th, 
without  disaster,  and  soon  Castaheda  was  instructed 
to  advance  and  attack  Santa  Barbara  before  it  could 
be  reenforced  from  the  north.  He  was  to  form  his 
own  plan  of  attack,  but  was  to  lose  no  time.  Pie 
must  allow  no  conditions,  but  insist  on  immediate 
surrender  at  discretion,  after  which  the  leaders  were 
to  be  kept  in  close  confinement.  "No  more  consid- 
eration must  be  shown  for  those  faithless  rebels."11 

9  March  3,  1838,  C.  to  the  encargado  of  S.  Diego,  Hayes,  Doc,  MS.,  81; 
S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  195.  Estudillo  promised  on  March  5th  to  observe  all 
possible  caution,  and  on  March  7th  sent  {he  warning  down  to  Todos  Santos 
across  the  frontier.  Id.,  211. 

10  March  10,  1838,  Portilla's  instructions  to  Castaneda.  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  v.  38.  He  was  to  hold  the  mission  and  prevent  the  northern  revolu- 
tionists from  using  its  resources — it  will  be  noticed  that  Carlos  Carrillo  was 
the  administrator  of  this  mission — to  cut  off  all  communication  with  Sta 
Barbara,  and  if  attacked  by  the  enemy  in  overwhelming  numbers,  to  '  save 
the  national  honor  '  by  retreating.  Should  he  find  the  place  already  in  pos- 
session of  the  foe,  he  might  use  his  judgment  as  to  the  possibility  of  dislodg- 
ing them.  A  letter  of  J.  A.  Carrillo  to  his  brother  on  March  10th,  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  182-3,  seems  to  indicate  a  degree  of  displeasure  that  some  of 
his  ideas  had  not  been  adopted. 

11  March  10,  1838,  Portilla  to  Castaneda.  3  despatches.  Alf.  J.  A.  Pico 
is  to  join  him  with  a  reenf  orcein  cut.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  42-4.  March 
12th,  Carrillo  warned  Castaneda  against  Sergt  Maccdonio  Gonzalez,  who  was 
to  be  closely  watched.  And  on  March  15th,  he  had  recommended  a  Mexican 
named  Badillo,  who  has  a  plan  'favorable  to  our  views.'  Id.,  v.  40-1. 
March  lGth,  Manuel  R,equena  also  wrote  to  Castaneda  that  a  reserve  force 
was  being  organized  to  aid  him.  'A  Mexican  officer  accustomed  to  victory 
will  not  be  defeated  in  California.'  'Laurels  of  victory  await  you!'  Id.,  v. 
45.  March  17th,  Carrillo  to  1st  alcalde.  Orders  him  to  go  with  the  sec.  of 
the  ayunt.  to  S.  Buenaventura,  escorted  by  15  armed  men,  that  the  citizens 
of  Los  Angeles  there  may  have  a  civil  authority  at  their  head.  The  sec.  is 
to  report  all  occurrences  until  the  gov.  can  come  in  person.  Id.,  v.  46. 
March  18th,  J.  M.  Covarrubias  to  Castaneda.  Reinforcements  will  be  sent. 
Fullest  confidence  felt  by  the  writer  and  by  others,  who  sign  their  names  on 
the  back  of  the  same  letter;  viz.,  Pio  Pico,  Trujillo,  Zamorano,  Requena,  A. 
and  Joaquin  Carrillo,  Ignacio  del  Valle,  and  two  others.  Id. ,  v.  49.  March 
18th,  Carrillo  and  Portilla  to  Castaneda.  He  must  accelerate  his  movements 
and  attack  Sta  Barbara  before  Alvarado  can  arrive  or  the  garrison  escape. 
He  must  not  however  pursue  the  rebels,  should  they  escape,  farther  than 


530  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  A!ND  DON  CARLOS. 

Castaneda,  in  obedience  to  his  orders  from  Portilla, 
left  San  Buenaventura  probably  March  17th,  and 
took  a  position  with  his  force  in  sight  of  Santa  Bar- 
bara, demanding  the  immediate  surrender  of  the  place. 
Comandante  A^illavicencio,  though  his  force  was  small, 
had  two  or  three  small  cannon  so  placed  as  to  defend 
the  approaches.  He  refused  to  surrender,  and  de- 
spatched a  courier  in  all  haste  to  the  north  for  rein- 
forcements, while  Captain  Guerra  and  Padre  Duran 
went  out  to  parley  with  the  besiegers.  I  have  no  means 
of  knowing  exactly  what  arguments  these  venerable 
diplomatists  used,  but  such  was  their  force  that  Cas- 
taneda did  none  of  the  brilliant  things  expected  of  him 
by  the  Angelinos.  The  captain  most  assuredly  dis- 
obeyed in  a  disgraceful  manner  the  orders  of  his  chiefs 
Carrillo  and  Portilla,  which  with  his  force  of  over 
one  hundred  men  he  might  easily  have  executed. 
"Whether  his  course  was  inspired  by  fear  of  Villa vi- 
cencio's  guns,  or  was  the  result  of  deliberate  treach- 
ery to  Carrillo,  as  Botello  intimates,  or  of  an  agree- 
ment with  Guerra  afterward  broken  by  Castro,  as  Pio 
Pico  seems  to  think,  I  do  not  know ;  but  after  remain- 
ing three  or  four  days,  perhaps  at  the  Cerro  del  Vol- 
untario,  he  retired  to  San  Buenaventura.12 

Purisima.  The  gov.  will  leave  Angeles  on  Monday  so  as  to  enter  Sta  Bar- 
Lara  on  Wednesday.  Id. ,  v.  50-2.  It  is  noticeable  that  several  letters  of 
Carrillo,  Portilla,  and  other  prominent  men  at  Angeles  at  this  time  bear  the 
mysterious  sign  'Fu....u,'  which  evidently  had  some  hidden  significance. 
On  March  20th  Carrillo  acknowledges  the  receipt  of  $1,000  from  Pio  Pico 
as  a  loan  to  the  treasury  in  aid  of  Castaneda's  movement.  On  July  5,  1813, 
Gov.  Micheltorena  indorsed  this  by  a  marginal  decree  that  it  should  be  paid 
when  convenient.  Indorsed  by  Pio  Pico  to  Andres  Pico,  and  by  the  latter 
to  Pablo  de  la  Guerra.   Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  232-3. 

12  Botello,  Anales  del  Sur,  MS.,  50-2,  who  as  sec.  went  with,  the  alcalde  of 
Angeles  to  Castaiieda's  camp,  says  that  he  pretended  not  to  have  men  enough, 
though  his  officers  urged  an  attack,  and  friends  in  Sta  Barbara  sent  word  how 
easily  it  could  be  takeu.  Castaneda  was  said  to  have  had  some  differences 
with  Carrillo  before  starting.  Pico,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  63,  says  that  the  agree* 
ment  was  that  Castaneda  should  retire  to  S.  Buenventura  and  no  troops  on 
the  other  side  should  pass  Carpinteria,  that  is,  until  Alvarado  and  Carrillo 
could  hold  a  conference.  Lugo,  Vida,  MS.,  18-19,  tells  us  the  comisionados 
persuaded  them  to  retire,  promising  mediation  with  the  northerners.  Pinto, 
Ajmntaciones,  MS.,  29-34,  claims  to  have  been  present  at  the  interview  be- 
tween Villaviciencio  and  Andre's  Pico,  after  the  negotiations  with  Gxn 
and  Duran,  when  an  arrangement  was  made  to  stop  hostilities  until  Alvarado 
should  come.      Vcdle,  Lo  Pasado,  MS.,  21,   merely  says  that  Castaneda  re- 


CASTRO  SENT'  TO  THE  SOUTH.  551 

In  the  north,  during  the  first  half  of  March,  they 
were  content  to  wait  as  before,  news  from  the  south 
being  unexciting,  and  the  governor  also  suffering  for  a 
time  from  illness.13  Then  came  the  information  that 
Don  Carlos  had  sent  a  force  to  San  Buenaventura, 
thus  assuming  the  offensive.  The  force  was  under- 
stood to  be  small,  and  Carrillo  not  apprehensive  of 
any  immediate  attack.  Alvarado  resolved  on  prompt 
action,  and  sent  Castro  with  fifteen  men  to  Santa 
Barbara  to  join  the  garrison  of  that  place,  attack  the 
abajehos  by  surprise,  and  to  send  Don  Carlos  and  his 
leaders  as  prisoners  to  Monterey.  It  was  the  plan 
suggested  by  Castro  earlier,  the  execution  of  which 
had  been  postponed.  "It  is  time  to  put  an  end  to 
these  political  discussions,"  wrote  the  governor.14 

There  were  particular  reasons,  it  seems,  for  prompt 
action  on  both  sides  at  this  time.  Alvarado  learned 
that  a  despatch  from  Castillero  for  him  had  been  in- 
tercepted by  Carrillo;  and  he,  on  the  other  hand,  inter- 
cepted a  letter  from  Don  Carlos  to  his  wife.  In  that 
letter  it  was  announced  that  the  California  had  reached 
Acapulco;  that  some  of  Alvarado's  official  letters  had 
been  published  in  government  journals  of  September 

treated,  pleading  insufficiency  of  force.  Mrs.  Ord,  Ocurrencias,M8.,  108-10, 
says  that  Villavicencio's  garrison  of  20  or  25  men  was  increased  to  100  men 
by  the  citizens.  She  says  that;  Castaneda  came  only  to  Carpinteria.  Farn- 
ham,  Life  inCal.,  290-4,  gives  a  very  amusing  but  of  course  inaccurate  ac- 
count of  the  Sta  Barbara  campaign.  Mention  only  in  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  iv.  41-2;  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  48-9;  Estudillo,  Datos,  MS.,  22-3;  Gon- 
zales, Experiencias,  MS.,  33-5;  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  12G;  Valdes,  Mem., 
MS.,  27. 

13 March  4,  1838,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo.  Thinks  of  going  south  in  8  days. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  36.  March  12th,  friends  in  Los  Angeles  send  en- 
couragement. Same  to  same.  Id. ,  v.  39.  March  12th,  V.  to  J.  A.  Carrillo. 
A  rather  severe  answer  to  his  last  letter,  suggesting  that  it  is  as  well  to  drop 
protestations  of  friendship  for  a  while  until  things  are  more  settled.  'I  am 
neither  centralist,  federalist,  nor  monarchist,  but  ranchero,  caring  little  for 
systems  while  we  have  neither  population  nor  capital.'  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
iv.  183-5.  There  is  also  a  letter  of  Alvarado  to  Carlos  Carrillo,  in  Vallejo,  Doc. , 
MS.,  iv.  30,  not  dated,  and  probably  written  a  little  later.  It  is  a  repetition 
of  the  old  views  expressed  somewhat  independently. 

1JMarch  18,  1838,  A.  to  V.,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  48.  He  wants  a 
few  men  sent  from  Sonoma  and  S.  Francisco.  March  13th,  Villavicencio  to 
A.  from  Sta  Barbara.  Sends  4  documents  to  undeceive  him  about  Carrillo 's 
intentions,  one  being  doubtless  Tortilla's  order  to  Castaiieda  to  occupy  S. 
Buenaventura.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  1S5-G. 


552  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

1837,  and  that  Captain  Bobbins  had  been  rewarded 
with  some  position  in  accordance  with  Alvarado's  rec- 
oinmenclations.  It  was  implied  also  that  the  govern- 
ment was  inclined  to  favor  Alvarado  as  governor. 
The  party  in  power  when  official  despatches  should 
arrive  would  manifestly  have  the  advantage;  there- 
fore Castro  had  orders  to  win  or  lose  in  fifteen  days.15 
Santiago  Estrada  was  the  courier  sent  by  Villavi- 
cencio  to  announce  to  the  governor  Castaneda's  ap- 
pearance in  front  of  Santa  Barbara  with  one  hundred 
and  fifty  men.  Estrada  met  Castro  on  the  way  at 
San  Luis  Obispo,  and  hastened  that  officer's  move- 
ments; at  Buenavista  rancho  his  strength  gave  out, 
and  he  forwarded  a  letter  to  Santa  Clara.16  All  avail- 
able force  was  at  once  placed  at  Alvarado's  disposal 
by  the  general,  Salvador  Vallejo  being  sent  by  forced 
marches  from  Sonoma.17  I  have  no  details  respecting 
the  march  southward  of  Alvarado  and  his  reinforce- 
ments. April  5th  he  was  at  Santa  Ines,  and  six  days 
earlier  at  Buenavista  had  heard  of  Castro's  success. 

Castro,  after  joining  his  escort  to  Villavicencio's 
force  and  the  Santa  Barbara  volunteers,  had  probably 
about  one  hundred  men,  with  whom,  taking  along  also 
a  few  cannon,  he  hastened  on  to  San  Buenaventura. 
His  approach  to  the  mission  seems  to  have  been  un- 

15  March  18,  1838,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo  from  S.  Juan,  in  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  v.  47.  Bustamante,  in  his  Gabinete  Mex.,  i.  90,  MS.  (not  in  the 
printed  edition),  also  says  it  was  on  Sept.  22d  that  the  return  of  California  to 
allegiance  was  announced  in  congress.  Bustamante  had  predicted  this  return 
in  Dec.  1836,  and  that  it  would  be  effected  through  the  friars. 

16  March  22,  1838,  Estrada's  original  letter,  forwarded  by  Alvarado  to 
Vallejo  the  same  day.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  53-4.  He  says  Castaneda's 
force  was  encamped  at  the  '  Laguna  de  Sal  this  side  of  Montecito,' which  cor- 
responds to  the  Cerro  del  Voluntario  mentioned  in  different  statements. 

17 March  24,  1838,  V.  to  Sanchez,  Martinez,  com.  at  Sta  Clara,  and  to 
Capt.  Vallejo,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  55-8.  Same  date,  A.  to  V.  from  Sta 
Clara.  Will  march  next  day  for  S.  Juan.  Is  determined  to  avenge  himself 
and  punish  the  southerners  for  their  shabby  treatment  of  him.  Does  not 
need  a  large  force  to  do  it.  Id.,  v.  GO.  March  28th,  Lieut  Martinez,  rancho 
dc  la  Merced.  Was  lame,  having  been  thrown  from  a  horse;  could  not  get 
any  civicos  to  go,  but  helped  Salvador  with  horses,  etc.  Id.,  v.  C2.  March 
24th,  V.  to  A.  Mentions  the  orders  he  has  issued.  An  accident  to  his  leg 
prevents  him  from  coming  in  person.  Is  glad  the  time  has  come  to  act  with 
decision.  Dcpt.  St.  Pop.,  MS.,  iv.  187-8. 


BATTLE  OF  SAN'  BUENAVENTURA.  553 

suspected  until  he  had  surrounded  it,  or  at  least  cut 
off  its  communications  with  Los  Angeles.18  On  the 
morning  of  March  27th,  Castaneda  was  notified  by 
Castro,  from  the  campo  militar  of  the  '  northern  divi- 
sion of  operations/  to  evacuate  the  place  within  one 
hour  under  assurance  of  protection  to  life  and  property, 
else  force  would  be  employed.  He  returned  the  sum- 
mons, writing  on  the  back  that  in  case  of  an  evacuation 
it  must  be  with  all  the  honors  of  War.  In  a  second 
note  Castro  declined  to  make  further  concessions,  and 
repeated  his  demand,  and  on  the  back  of  this  note  was 
returned  Castarieda's  refusal  to  surrender  except  as 
before  offered.  Yet  a  third  summons  was  sent,  with 
a  threat  of  opening  fire  at  once;  and  the  reply  was, 
"Do  as  you  please."19     Firing  soon  began. 

The  battle  of  San  Buenaventura,  though  much  pow- 
der was  burned,  was  not  a  bloody  one.  Castro  reports 
to  the  governor  the  28th:  "I  have  the  pleasure  to  in- 
form you  that  after  two  days  of  continuous  firing,  and 
with  the  loss  of  only  one  man  killed  on  our  side,  the 
whole  force  of  110  men  which  defended  this  place  has 
fled  on  foot  under  cover  of  night;  and  at  this  moment 
I  have  determined  that  a  company  of  mounted  infan- 
try under  Captain  Villa,  and  another  cavalry  company 
of  lancers  under  Captain  Cota,  shall  start  in  their  pur- 
suit, myself  remaining  here  with  the  rest  of  the  divi- 
sion and  the  artillery  to  protect  this  place,  which  would 
be  very  advantageous  for  us  in  case  the  escaped  rebels 
should  join  the  force  of  Don  Carlos  and  return  to  save 
their  honor."20     Next  day  he  announced  his  success 

18  March  26,  1838,  Castaneda  to  com.  of  Sta  B.,  asking  that  4  men  who 
had  been  given  leave  of  absence  be  sent  back.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  01. 
March  27th,  Carrillo  to  encargado  at  S.  Diego,  asking  for  a  gun,  the  wheels 
to  be  obtained  from  Fitch,  also  munitions.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  195. 

19 In  Pico,  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  3-5,  7-8,  I  have  the  originals  of  Castro's  first 
and  second  summons  with  the  replies  of  Castaiieda.  The  latter's  2d  and  3d 
replies  are  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  189. 

20  March  23,  1838,  Castro  to  Alvarado,  forwarded  by  the  latter  to  the  Mon- 
terey alcaldes  on  April  4th  from  Staines.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  155;  also 
in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  188-9.  March  30th,  Alvarado  from  Buenavista 
announces  the  victory,  the  news  having  just  arrived  by  a  courier  from  Sta  B., 
to  administrators  of  missions  from  S.  Juan  northward.  He  says  the  forces 
on  each  side  were  about  100  men;  and  he  has  80  men  who  are  to  start  south- 


554  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

in  having  captured  70  of  the  fugitives,  with  50  mus- 
kets and  other  arms.  The  soldiers  were  to  be  set  free 
according- to  the  laws  of  wrar;  the  officers  were  sent  to 
the  governor  as  prisoners.21 

Naturally  accounts  of  this  battle  written  from  mem- 
ory, though  numerous,  present  many  discrepancies. 
There  is  a  very  general  tendency  to  grossly  exagger- 
ate the  forces  engaged,  really  a  little  more  than  100 
men  on  each  side,  and  to  speak  of  assaults  repelled, 
and  other  purely  imaginary  details.  Castaneda's  force 
had,  as  it  would  seem,  no  artillery,  but  included  a  party 
of  New  Mexicans  armed  with  rifles.  Castro's  ap- 
proach was  altogether  unsuspected  until  at  dawn  he 
made  his  presence  known,  having  by  that  time  seized 
all  the  garrison's  horses,  cut  off  communication  with 
Angeles,  and  also  probably  cut  off  the  water  supply, 
thus  obliging  the  soldiers  to  quench  their  thirst  mainly 
with  the  mission  wine.  Two  guns  were  placed  on 
the  shore-side  in  the  direction  of  the  chapel,  and  one 
perhaps  on  the  elevation  back  of  the  mission.  Early 
in  the  fight  a  rifleman  from  the  church  tower  killed 
one  of  Castro's  men.22  The  guns  were  then  directed 
upon  the  church,  which  in  1874  still  bore  some  slight 
marks  of  the  cannonade,  and  from  the  walls  of  which 
in  the  course  of  certain  repairs  some  time  in  the  past 
decade  a  cannon-ball  is  said  to  have  been  taken.  The 
" continuous  firing  of  two  days"  was  perhaps  continu- 
ous only  with  considerable  intervals  between  the  vol- 
leys, and  it  could  not  have  continued  into  the  second 
day  for  a  longer  time  than  was  necessary  to  make 

ward  at  once.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  64.  The  doc.  is  indorsed  at  Merced  by 
Martinez,  at  S.  Pablo  by  J.  Castro,  and  at  S.  Rafael  by  Murphy,  between  8 
a.  M.  and  7.30  p.  m.  of  April  2d.  In  Id.,  v.  C3,  is  what  purports  to  be  a  copy 
of  a  similar  note  to  Gen.  Vallejo;  but  the  copyist  has  intentionally  changed 
its  figures  so  as  to  exaggerate  grossly  the  forces  engaged. 

21  March  29th,  Castro  to  Alvarado.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS. ,  iv.  190-1.  March 
31st,  Capt.  Cota  asks  to  have  the  prisoners  Ignacio  Alvarado,  Teodoro  Yorba, 
and  Enrique  Sepulveda  left  with  him  at  Sta  Barbara,  he  being  responsible 
for  them.  Id.  Castro's  report  forwarded  from  Sta  lues  to  Vallejo  on  Apr.  5th. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  72-3;  xxxii.  128.  April  9th,  great  rejoicing  at  S.  Fran- 
cisco at  the  news.     Sanchez  to  V.  Id.,  v.  70. 

2J  The  man  is  called  by  most  Californians  Cordero  or  Cornado.  Alvarado 
says  he  was  Aquilino  Ramirez;  and  Jesus  Tico  calls  him  Olivas. 


CAPTURE  OF-  SOUTHERNERS.  555 

known  the  flight  of  the  garrison  during  the  night. 
The  fugitives,  or  such  of  them  as  kept  together,  were 
easily  overtaken  by  the  horsemen  near  Saticoy  on 
March  28th.  Castaneda  and  a  few  of  his  officers 
were  sent  under  arrest  to  Santa  Barbara,  and  perhaps 
to  Santa  Ines.  Nearly  all  the  Californians  state  that 
after  the  occupation  Castro  found  concealed  in  the 
mission  church  certain  other  men  of  some  prominence, 
who  were  sent  north  with  the  other  prisoners.  There 
is  a  general  agreement  that  Andres  Pico,  Alcalde 
Luis  Arenas,  and  Ignacio  Palomares  were  of  this 
number.23  There  are  no  contemporary  records  respect- 
ing any  of  the  prominent  prisoners,  nor  the  circum- 
stances and  length  of  their  captivity.2 


24 


Escaping  fugitives,  who  seem  to  have  met  on  the 
way  Pio  Pico  at  the  head  of  a  small  reenforcement, 

23  Others  named,  most  of  them  and  perhaps  all  incorrectly,  are  J.  A.  Car- 
rillo,  Gil  Ibarra,  Manuel  Requena,  Manuel  Alva,  Ignacio  del  Valle,  and  Jose" 
Ramirez.  Yorba,  Alvarado,  and  Sepulveda  (see  note  21)  were  probably  of 
the  number  found  in  the  church.  Arenas  was  at  Sta  In£s  on  April  Gth,  giv- 
ing testimony  on  that  day  against  Carrillo.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  13-14. 

21Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  52-G3,  was  one  who  ran  away  from  the  mission 
with  the  rest,  and  unlike  the  rest  escaped  to  carry  the  news  to  Carrillo.  Jos6 
Carrillo,  son  of  D.  Carlos,  also  escaped,  but  was  re-arrested  at  Sta  Ana. 
Botcllo  notes  some  suspicious  actions  on  the  part  of  Castaheda,  which  seem 
•unimportant.  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  36-41,  testifies  that  the  New 
Mexicans  had  been  promised  all  the  mares  at  S.  Fernando  for  their  services, 
and  were  therefore  known  as  Yegueros.  Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  385-90,  puts 
Tobar  in  command  instead  of  Castaneda,  states  that  the  garrison  did  not  suc- 
ceed in  escaping  from  the  mission,  and  describes  some  of  the  abuse  shown  by 
Alvarado  when  drunk  to  the  prisoners  at  Sta  Ines.  Salvador  Vallejo,  Notas 
Hvstdricas,  MS.,  75-80,  gives  one  of  the  most  absurdly  inaccurate  narratives 
of  the  affair  extant.  Garcia,  Hechos,  MS.,  86-92,  claims  to  have  been  sent 
to  S.  Luis  Obispo  with  the  prisoners,  who  he  says  were  soon  set  at  liberty. 
Pinto,  Apnintaciones,  MS.,  34-7,  aided  in  capturing  Andre's  Pico  and  the  re3t, 
who  were  hidden  under  the  sacred  vestments,  etc.,  in  the  sacristy.  He  says 
Castro  at  first  threatened  to  shoot  Surgeon  Alva.  Gonzalez,  Uxperienc'as, 
MS.,  35-0,  says  that  only  a  few  volleys  were  fired.  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrencias, 
M.S.,  110-11,  heard  the  firing  all  day  at  Sta  Barbara.  Pio  Pico,  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  63,  and  Avila,  Nota*,  MS.,  21-2,  narrate  that  Pico  with  20  men  on  his 
way  to  join  Castaneda  met  some  of  the  fugitives  at  Sta  Clara  River.  Valle, 
Lo  Pasado,  MS.,  22-3,  as  well  as  Botello,  mentions  Jos6  Carrillo's  arrest.  An 
account  of  these  events,  dated  March  30th,  was  published  in  the  Honolulu  S. 
I.  Gazette,  May  5,  1838.  In  it  Castro  is  said  to  Lave  made  several  arrests  on 
his  first  arrival  at  Sta  Barbara,  including  that  of  D.  Pedro  Carrillo.  Farn- 
ham,  Life  in  CaL,  294-8,  evidently  used  the  version  in  the  Gazette,  and  added 
to  it  in  his  usual  'opera  bouffc'  style  of  writing  history.  Brief  narratives 
also  in  Vctides,  Mem.,  MS.,  27-9;  Forster'' s  Pioneer  Data,  MS.,  14-15;  Castro, 
litlacion,  MS.,  44-5;  Arce,  Mem.,  MS.,  13-15. 


55G  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

soon  carried  to  Los  Angeles  the  tidings  of  the  disas- 
ter at  San  Buenaventura.  Cdrlos  Carrillo  had  time 
to  collect  his  friends  and  the  remnants  of  his  demor- 
alized army  and  retire  to  San  Diego  before  Castro 
came  and  took  possession  of  the  city,  probably  on  the 
1st  of  April.25  Very  little  can  be  learned  about  events 
of  the  next  two  weeks  and  more.  Castro's  only  act 
at  Angeles,  so  far  as  known,  was  to  issue  a  recom- 
mendation, or  credentials,  to  a  committee  of  citizens 
who  went  to  meet  Alvarado  with  a  view  to  secure  a 
cessation  of  hostilities.26  On  April  8th  he  had  retired 
to  San  Fernando,  whence  he  modestly  acknowledged 
the  receipt  of  Alvarado's  letter  expressing  satisfac- 
tion with  his  past  achievements,  and  promised  still 
more  good  service  when  his  force  should  be  joined  by 
that  of  the  governor.27  Alvarado,  having  left  Santa 
Ines  as  late  as  the  6th,  and  spent  perhaps  a  few  days 
at  Santa  Barbara,  joined  Castro  at  San  Fernando  on 
or  before  April  16th.  On  this  date  he  addressed 
another  letter  to  Don  Carlos,  deploring  the  latter's 
policy  and  the  resulting  hostilities,  but  reminding  his 
'dear  uncle'  that  there  was  yet  time  to  prevent  serious 
calamities  by  submitting  his  credentials  to  the  dipu- 
tacion  and  consenting  to  a  conference.28 

Meanwhile  Carrillo  was  at  San  Diego  again  pre- 
paring for  war,  at  the  instigation  of  Bandini,  Zamo- 


25  March  31,  1838 — after  Carrillo  had  departed,  but  before  Castro's  arrival 
— the  ayunt.  sent  a  committee  of  3,  Lugo,  Covarrubias,  and  Jose  Carrillo,  to 
urge  Don  Carlos  to  come  to  the  city,  where  the  presence  of  his  Excellency 
was  deemed  necessary  for  the  protection  of  lives  and  property.  Los  A  ngeles, 
Arch.,  MS.,  v.  2-3.  Same  date,  showing  that  Don  Carlos  had  not  yet  reached 
S.  Diego,  alcalde  of  S.  Diego  announces  the  sending  of  the  gun- desired  and  6 
men,  all  that  could  be  induced  to  go  to  Angeles.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS., 
197;  1 J ayes,  Doc,  MS. ,  83.  April  1st,  same  to  Carrillo.  A  bark  in  sight  which 
may  be  the  one  of  which  the  gov.  had  written,  viz.,  Hinckley's  vessel.  S. 
Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  197. 

26 April  1st,  Castro  to  Alvarado.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  192.  There  is 
not  a  word  about  events  since  the  fall  of  S.  Buenaventura. 

27  April  8,  1838,  C.  to  A.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  197-8.  Alvarado's 
letter  had  been  dated  the  day  before,  probably  at  Sta  Barbara.  He  had  50 
men  with  him,  probably  Salvador  Vallejo's  northern  troops. 

28  April  14th,  A.  to  Carrillo.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  201-2.  He  begs 
Don  Carlos  to  leave  the  4  or  5  vagabonds  who  advise  him,  and  to  form  an 
alliance  with  himself. 


TOBAR  SUPPORTS  CARRILLO'.  557 

rano,  and  the  rest.  Here,  as  in  the  north,  we  have 
but  few  particulars  of  the  preparations;29  the  chief 
support  of  the  would-be  governor's  reviving  hopes 
seems  to  have  been  the  arrival  from  Sonora  overland 
of  Captain  Juan  Jose  Tobar,  said  to  have  been  some- 
what distinguished  as  an  Indian-fighter  and  guerri- 
llero.  Tobar  arrived  on  April  4th  and  was  at  once 
made  general  in  place  of  Portilla.  It  does  not  appear 
that  he  came  in  any  official  capacity,  or  accompanied 
by  more  than  a  small  escort;  but  Don  Carlos,  wishing 
to  make  the  most  of  his  new  ally,  announced  that  he 
had  come  to  quell  the  disorders  in  California,  imply- 
ing of  course  that  he  brought  a  force  with  which  to  ac- 
complish  that  object.  Carrillo,  however,  desiring  to 
treat  the  citizens  fairly,  had  induced  Tobar  to  suspend 
his  operations  until  the  result  of  communication  with 
Castro  could  be  known.  So  he  informed  the  ayunta- 
miento  of  Los  Angeles,  to  which  body  Tobar  also 
wrote,  expressing  his  desire  to  try  gentle  means  first, 
and  authorizing  an  announcement  "in  my  name  to 
the  troops  with  the  northern  rebels  that  they  shall  be 
pardoned  if  they  present  themselves  before  me  with 
their  arms  within  fifteen  days  which  expire  on  the 
25th — otherwise  I  shall  be  inexorable  in  punishing 
them."30 

From  volunteers  at  San  Diego,  refugees  from  Los 

29  April  4,  1838,  Ortega  to  Carrillo.  Is  at  his  orders,  but  excuses  himself 
from  going  to  meet  him.  April  11th,  sends  from  S.  Jose  del  Valle  some  ru- 
mors about  the  northern  forces.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  196.  April  4th,' 
Encargado  Estudillo  orders  all  to  come  from  the  mission.  'The  gov.  is  wait- 
ing for  you  to  have  a  conference  on  various  matters.'  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS., 
198.  Apr.  5th,  10th,  P.  Caballero,  at  Guadalupe.  B.  Cal.  sends  cattle  and 
report  of  arms  and  ammunition  to  Carrillo.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  192, 
198-9.  Apr.  0th,  justice  of  S.  Jos6  del  Valle  tells  Carrillo  that  both  as  legit- 
imate gov.  and  as  a  cousin  he  may  count  on  him.  Id. ,  iv.  221.  Apr.  14th, 
Osuna,  S.  Luis,  to  Carrillo,  has  been  unable  to  secure  the  services  of  Linares. 
Castro  said  to  be  advancing.  Id.,  iv.  200.  April  19th,  20th,  Pio  Pico,  S. 
Luis,  to  Carrillo.  Is  ill  and  cannot  meet  him.  Regrets  Carrillo's  illness.  Id. , 
iv.  195. 

30  April  11,  1838,  session  of  ayunt.,  when  the  letters  of  Carrillo  and  To- 
bar were  read.  It  was  resolved  to  send  the  former  to  Castro.  The  people 
after  hearing  the  other  letter  at  a  public  meeting  'dissolved  without  uttering 
a  word.'  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  4-7.  April  9th,  Tobar  to  the  ayunt. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  102-3. 


558  D0X  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

Angeles,  recruits  obtained  across  the  frontier — for 
Carrillo's  jurisdiction,  if  he  had  any,  extended  over  the 
peninsula — and  the  remnants  of  Portilla's  men,  Don 
Carlos  formed  an  army  of  100  men  or  more  for  his  new 
general,  who  soon  marched  northward.  At  Las 
Flores,  after  passing  San  Luis  Rey,  he  heard  that  the 
enemy  had  left  Angeles  for  the  south,  and  here  To- 
bar's  army  made  a  stand,  perhaps  on  the  same  day  that 
Castro's  force  came  in  sight,  and  probably  on  the  20th 
or  21st  of  April.  An  adobe  building  of  the  rancho 
served  as  barracks,  and  an  adjoining  corral  as  a  fort. 
Three  cannon  were  mounted  so  as  to  command  the 
approaches,  the  gunners  being  protected,  and  weak 
points  strengthened,  by  a  judicious  arrangement  of 
hides,  pack-saddles,  and  whatever  else  was  at  hand. 
Juan  Bandini  and  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo  seem  to  have 
been  present  as  well  as  Don  Carlos.  Requena,  Ibarra, 
and  other  prominent  Angelinos  were  also  within  the 
fortified  corral.31 

Meanwhile  Castro  and  Alvarado  had  united  their 
forces,  obtain ing  volunteers  also  from  Santa  Barbara 
and  perhaps  from  Angeles,  and  had  marched  south 
from  that  city  with  over  200  men,  occupying  the  mis- 
sion of  San  Juan  Capistrano  about  the  same  time  that 
Carrillo  reached  Las  Flores.32     An  advance  guard  of 

31Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  64-8,  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  129-39,  and  Coronel, 
Cosas  de  Cat.,  MS.,  25-8,  give  some  meagre  details.  The  last  two  were  pres- 
ent, Janssens  having  charge  of  one  of  the  guns.  Botello,  being  disabled,  re- 
mained at  S.  Luis  with  Pio  Pico's  family.  Don  Pio,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  63-70, 
accounts  for  his  own  absence  by  claiming  to  have  discovered  in  advance  that 
Carrillo  intended  to  capitulate,  and  he  was  busied  with  plans  to  surprise  S. 
Buenaventura,  and  thus  counteract  the  cowardly  policy  of  D.  Carlos  ! 

32Ignacio  Ezquer,  Mem.,  MS.,  5-10,  who  was  temporarily  in  charge  of  S. 
Juan,  the  administrator  having  gone  to  join  the  southern  army,  tells  us  that 
J.  A.  Carrillo  with  a  small  party  from  the  south  came  one  evening  and  in- 
quired about  Castro's  men,  of  whom  nothing  had  been  heard.  He  intended 
to  sleep  at  the  mission,  but  finally  decided  to  go  to  the  arroyo  near  by  to  spend 
the  night,  taking  along  a  supply  of  wine  and  aguardiente.  At  midnight,  nar- 
rator was  roused  from  sleep  by  the  arrival  of  Castro's  men.  Later,  much 
liquor  was  consumed,  and  narrator  was  compelled  to  get  drunk,  not  losing 
consciousness,  however,  until  the  new-comers  had  fired  a  cannon  toward  the 
port,  thus  scaring  away  the  sleepers  at  the  arroyo,  who  left  some  of  their  ac- 
coutrements behind.  Pinto,  A  punt.,  MS.,  74-5,  confirms  the  story  that  the 
gun  was  fired  on  account  of  Alvarado's  suspicions  that  there  might  be  foes  in 
that  direction,  and  that  some  horses  were  found  tied  there.     Alvarado,  Hist. 


CAMPAIGN"  CW  LAS  FLORES.  559 

Tobar's  force  under  J.  A.  Carrillo  seems  to  have  pre- 
viously visited  the  mission  and  retired.  It  was  on 
April  21st  that  the  northern  army  appeared  in  battle 
array  before  the  improvised  fort  which  protected  the 
southern  foe. 

The  combat  at  Las  Flores  was  for  the  most  part 
one  of  tongue  and  pen,  though  a  cannon  was  fired 
once  or  twice  from  the  corral,  doing  no  harm — so  say 
several  witnesses,  confirmed  by  a  letter  written  at  the 
time.  A  flag  of  truce  was  sent — from  which  side  first 
is  not  quite  clear — with  a  demand,  not  for  surrender, 
but  for  an  interview.  Don  Juan  Bautista  had  no 
motive  for  fighting  if  he  could  accomplish  his  purpose 
by  other  methods;  the  cannon  had  a  threatening  as- 
pect, and  Tobar  might  be  a  man  who  would  not  hesi- 
itate  to  use  them;  besides,  he  had  not  much  doubt  of 
his  ability  to  control  his  uncle  in  an  interview.  On 
the  other  hand,  there  is  some  reason  to  believe  that 
Tobar  really  intended  to  fight,  trusting  to  his  guns  to 
make  up  for  disparity  of  numbers.  *  Many  of  his  men 
were  imbued  to  a  certain  degree  with  their  leader's 
valor.  Carlos  Carrillo,  freely  charged  by  his  associ- 
ates with  cowardice,  declined  to  assume  the  responsi- 
bility of  shedding  blood,  forbade  the  discharge  of  a 
single  gun,  and  went  out  to  meet  his  nephew  on  the 
bloodless  field  of  diplomacy.  Tobar  finally  retired  in 
disgust,  with  many  companions,  not  pausing  until  he 
had  crossed  the  frontier;  and  Don  Carlos  was  left  to 
his  peaceful  methods  of  warfare.  Zamorano,  of  whom 
very  little  is  known  since  the  failure  of  his  aspirations 
to  the  governorship  with  Alvarado's  submission  to 
Mexico  in  July  1837,  probably  crossed  the  frontier 
about  the  same  time  as  Tobar.  He  came  back  four 
years  later,  only  to  die;  and  as  nothing  is  known  of 

Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  82-95,  and  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cat,  MS.,  iii.  369-72,  represent  that 
the  southerners  had  occupied  S.  Juan,  and  retired  at  Castro's  approach.  They 
add  that  Salvador  Vallejo  being  sent  forward  to  occupy  S.  Juan  by  'concilia- 
tory' means,  did  so  by  sending  a  threat  to  hang  all  who  did  not  instantly  sur- 
render; or,  as  one  says,  he  charged  bayonets  and  rushed  madly  through  all 
the  mission  buildings  from  which  the  foe  had  retired! 


560  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

his  experience  in  the  mean  time,  I  append  a  biograph- 
ical sketch.  He  was  a  man  of  much  ability,  honor, 
and  energy;  of  exemplary  conduct,  though  ambitious; 
and  never  warmly  in  sympathy  with  the  Califor- 
nians.33 

33  Coronel,  Botello,  and  Janssens  are  those  who  complain  most  bitterly  of 
Carrillo's  cowardice.  Osio,  Hist.  Cal. ,  MS. ,  390-4,  describes  Don  Carlos  as 
'  fluctuating  between  fear  and  ignorance.'  This  writer  also  speaks  of  a  gun 
planted  by  Alvarado  on  a  hill,  and  of  the  enemy's  water  supply  being  cut  off. 
Also  of  Carrillo's  running  to  the  beach  and  escaping  in  a  boat.  Alvarado, 
Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  87-108,  insists  that  Tobar,  after  he  found  out  what  kind 
of  men  he  was  fighting  with,  came  to  an  understanding  with  Castro,  who  pur- 
posely left  the  way  clear  for  his  escape.  Several  persons,  with  no  special 
advantages  for  knowing  anything  on  the  subject,  speak  of  a  previous  under- 
standing between  Alvarado  and  Carrillo,  which  is  absurd.  Salvador  Vallejo, 
JVotas  Hist.,  MS.,  6-1-7,  talks  of  a  conflict  between  400  mounted  Californians 
and  500  Sonorans  and  Opatas,  of  a  bayonet  charge,  a  rout,  horses  killed,  a  hot 
pursuit,  etc.!  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  37-8,  says  that  some  cannon-shots  were 
fired.  Juan  Forster,  Pioneer  Data,  MS.,  15-17,  on  whose  land  the  battle 
took  place,  says  he  watched  the  operations  without  taking  any  part.  Also 
brief  accounts  in  Voile,  Lo  Pasado,  MS.,  23;  Sanchez,  Notas,  MS.,  3-5; 
Meadon's'  Graham  Affair,  MS.,  1-3;  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  52-3;  Estudillo,  Datos, 
MS.,  23;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  111-13;  Arce,  Mem.,  MS.,  15-17;  Lugo,  Vkla, 
MS.,  19-21;  'Arlla,  Xotas,  MS.,  21-4;  Castro,  Relacion,  MS.,  45-8. 

I  know  nothing  of  Capt.  Tobar's  life  after  this  visit  to  Cal. ,  and  little  of 
his  earlier  record.  In  182S  he  was  stationed  at  Altar  under  Gen.  Figueroa's 
orders.  In  1832  he  revolted,  seizing  Pitic  and  Guaymas;  and  in  1835  issued 
a  manifiesto  at  Arizpe  in  defence  of  his  past  acts.  It  was  probably  in  the 
character  of  a  political  refugee  that  he  came  to  Cal.  He  is  described  as  a 
very  tall  man  of  fine  appearance  and  great  bravery,  about  50  years  of  age. 
There  were  later  rumors,  probably  unfounded,  of  his  intention  to  return  with 
a  larger  force.  Ptnart,  Col.  de  Sonora,  MS.,  no.  38,  print,  3G2.  April  24th, 
Tobar  to  Carrillo,  bidding  him  farewell,  with  thanks  for  his  kindness.  Is  at 
S.  Diego,  and  is  about  to  leave  Cal.     Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  203. 

Agustin  Vicente  Zamorano  is  said  to  have  been  a  native  of  Florida,  his 
parents  being  Spaniards.  Of  his*  early  life,  save  that  he  received  a  good  edu- 
cation, nothing  is  known  until  he  entered  the  army  on  May  1,  1821,  as  cadet. 
In  July  he  was  attached  to  the  Gth  battalion,  taking  part  in  several  battles  on 
the  insurgent  side  under  generals  Bustamante  and  Quintanar,  and  being  made 
alfercz  in  October.  In  Oct.  1824,  he  was  transferred  to  the  corps  of  engineers; 
and  came  to  California  with  Gov.  Echeandia  in  1825.  He  served  as  Echean- 
dia's  secretary  for  5  years;  was  married  in  Feb.  1827  to  Maria  Luisa,  daugh- 
ter of  Santiago  Argiiello;  was  made  lieutenant  in  1828,  still  of  the  battalion 
and  engineers;  and  early  in  1831,  on  Echeandia's  recommendation,  was  com- 
missioned captain  of  the  Monterey  company.  Record  of  military  service  in 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lxxvii.  2-3;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  x.  36,  68. 
Marriage,  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  342;  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  vi.  30-1;  vii.  108. 
In  1832  he  refused  to  accept  the  results  of  the  revolt  against  Victoria;  made 
a  counter-revolt  against  Echeandia:  and  sustained  himself  as  comandante 
general  of  the  north  until  the  arrival  of  Figueroa  in  1833,  as  related  in  chap. 
viii.-ix.,  of  this  volume.  He  served  as  Figueroa's  secretary  in  1833-5;  and 
in  addition  to  his  duties  as  captain  of  the  presidio,  conducted  a  printing-office 
at  Monterey,  having  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  press  and  type  in  1834.  All  the 
products  of  this  press  down  to  his  departure  bore  his  name,  and  I  have  in 
Earliest  Printing  many  specimens,  together  with  Zamorano's  circular  and 
scale  of  prices,  lie  was  not  a  printer  by  trade.  In  June  1S35  he  was  made 
captain  of  the  S.  Diego  company.    Dept.  Si.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lxxix.  85. 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERVIEWS.  501 

Several  interviews  were  held  at  Las  Flores,  mid- 
way between  the  two  armies,  by  the  rival  governors 
and  their  representatives,  before  a  satisfactory  settle- 
ment could  be  effected.  Alvarado,  describing  those 
negotiations  from  memory,  mentions  three  interviews. 
The  first  was  broken  off  by  Carrillo's  familiar  way  of 
addressing  Don  Juan  Bautista  as  Juanito,  or  Johnny. 
The  liberty  was  not  displeasing  to  Alvarado,  but  his 
companions,  Castro,  Villa,  and  Salvador  Vallejo,  in- 
sisted on  the  use  of  his  proper  title,  which  Carrillo's 
friends,  Requena  and  Tobar,  would  not  permit.  Next 
day,  however,  the  two  rivals  withdrew  out  of  hearing 
of  the  rest  to  have  a  conference  untrammelled  by  offi- 
cial etiquette.  Don  Carlos  now  showed  his  original 
appointment,  and  wTas  much  grieved  that  Don  Juan 
did  not  at  once  yield  to  so  convincing  an  argument, 
but  before  they  parted  some  progress  was  made  tow- 
ard a  temporary  settlement  which  would  remove  the 
necessity  for  further  warfare.34 

On  April  23d  Alvarado  sent  a  despatch  to  Vallejo 
and  other  officials  in  the  north,  stating  that  for  three 
days  with  his  250  men  he  had  besieged  the  foe,  100 
strong  with  three  cannon,  at  Las  Flores,  preventing 
their  advance  to  attack  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of 
the  north.  Don  Carlos  was  among  the  besieged,  but 
after  several  interviews  had  offered  nothing  satisfac- 
tory to  the  Californian  people.  Yet  a  complete  vic- 
tory by  force  of  arms,  the  only  way  left,  could  not 
fail  to  follow  within  a  few  days.35     That  same  day, 

His  efforts  with  the  surefios  against  Alvarado,  prompted  by  personal  ambition 
and  the  hope  of  gaining  favor  in  Mexico  rather  than  by  sympathy  with,  or 
opposition  to,  the  south,  have  been  recorded  in  the  preceding  chapter.  The 
last  definite  record  of  his  presence  was  on  March  18,  1838,  at  Angeles, 
when  he  signed  a  letter  to  Castaneda.  It  is  possible  that  he  left  the  country 
immediately  on  the  fall  of  Los  Angeles;  but  he  probably  remained  for  a  while 
to  support  Carrillo's  claims.  I  know  nothing  of  him  during  his  absence.  In 
1842  he  came  back,  with  Gov.  Micheltorcnaas  lieut-colonel  and  inspector;  but 
died  soon  after  landing  at  San  Diego  in  August,  leaving  a  widow  who  Ion g 
survived  him.  One  of  his  daughters  married  Gen.  Jos6  Maria  Flores,  and 
another  was  the  wife  of  Henry  LJalton. 

8*  Alvarado,  Hid.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  96-107.  I  omit  further  details,  which  arc, 
I  suspect,  much  more  amusing  than  accurate. 

35  April  23,  1838,  A.  to  V.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  77.  Same  to  ayunt.  of 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    38 


562  POX  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AXD  DON  CARLOS. 

however,  a  treaty  was  signed  which  I  give  in  full.33 
By  its  terms  the  opposing  factions  were  to  be  for  the 
most  part  disbanded;  Carrillo  was  to  accompany  Al- 
varado to  San  Fernando,  where  an  arrangement  was 
to  be  made  respecting  the  governorship;  and  until 
such  arrangement  had  been  made,  Vallejo  was  to  be 
recognized  as  general. 

It  was  after  the  general  terms  had  been  agreed 
upon,  but  before  they  were  signed,  that  Tobar  was 
allowed  to  escape,  either  by  intention  or  carelessness 
on  the  part  of  Castro.  The  treaty  was  virtually  a 
surrender  by  Don  Carlos,  who  indeed,  consistently 
with  his  aversion  to  the  use  of  cannon,  could  do 
nothing  but  surrender.  He  may  have  had  some 
hopes  of  success  in  the  consultation  to  be  held  at  San 
Fernando,  but  there  was  nothing  in  the  treaty  on 
which  to  found  such  hopes.     A  few  southerners  rep- 

S.  Jos<5.  S.  Josd,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  6;  circular  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii. 
129. 

36  Tratado  de  Las Flores  entre  Alvarado  y  Carrillo,  23  de  Abrll,  1838.  Origi- 
nal MS.     Copy  in  Bandini,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  77. 

'  In  the  space  between  the  northern  and  southern  forces  of  Alta  California, 
on  the  field  of  Las  Flores,  April  23,  1838,  the  subscribers  have  agreed  upon  the 
following  articles:  Art.  1.  The  force  of  the  south  at  Las  Flores  will  be  disbanded 
absolutely,  the  citizens  (volunteers)  retiring  to  their  homes  with  the  aims 
bolonging  to  them.  Soldiers  in  said  force  will  march  under  their  respective 
chiefs  to  protect  the  points  where  they  belong.  Art.  2.  The  artillery  and 
munitions  belonging  to  the  said  division  will  remain  at  the  disposition  of  the 
departmental  government.  Art.  3.  The  division  of  the  north  near  the  said 
pueblo  will  disband  its  auxiliary  citizen  soldiery  at  the  same  time  that  the 
disbanding  mentioned  in  art.  1  takes  place — there  remaining  as  a  guard  for 
Don  Carlos  Antonio  Carrillo  and  Don  Juan  Bautista  Alvarado  75  men  chosen 
by  their  respective  chiefs.  Art.  4.  DoirXJ.  A.  Carrillo  will  proceed,  accom- 
panied by  Don  J.  B.  Alvarado,  with  the  escort  cited  in  the  preceding  article, 
to  the  establishment  of  San  Fernando  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  there 

'ernatorial  matters  pertaining  to  Alta  California,  this  not  being  done  in 
the  city  of  Los  Angeles,  named  by  a  law  as  capital  of  the  department,  for 
lack  of  resources  to  do  so  in  the  present  circumstances.  Art.  5.  Meeting  in 
the  said  establishment,  both  gentlemen  named  in  the  preceding  article  will 

ee  upon  what  is  necessary  for  the  tranquillity  of  the  country.  Art.  C. 
Persons  in  the  division  of  the  south  remain  entirely  at  liberty  to  live,  work,  or 
settle  at  any  point  of  Alta  California;  assured  that  they  will  not  be  molested 
for  having  manifested  their  opinion  on  this  occasion,  on  condition  that  they 
never  use  their  arms  to  break  this  agreement,  others  concerned  enjoying  the 

ic  guaranties  on  the  same  conditions.  Art.  7.  Gen.  Tobar  will  be  recognized 
n  officer  of  the  Mexican  army,  and  will  be  shown  all  the  consideration 
to  his  position.  Art.  8.  Pending  the  arrangement  indicated  in  art.  5, 
Lieut  M.  (1.  Vallejo  will  be  recognized  as  comandante  general  of  Alta  Cali- 
fornia.    Carlos  Ant°  Carrillo.     Juan  B.  Alvarado.' 


TREATY  Of  LAS  FLORES.  5G3 

resent  Alvarado  as  having  promised  to  give  up  the  com- 
mand and  as  having  broken  his  pledge;  but  he  made 
no  such  promise  in  writing,  and  there  is  no  reason  to 
believe  that  he  did  so  verbally.  If  he  failed  to  carry 
out  the  treaty  of  April  23d  faithfully  in  any  respect, 
it  must  have  been  in  not  promptly  disbanding  his 
forces,  and  there  is  no  evidence  against  him  on  this' 
point.37  ♦ 

The  northern  army  now  retraced' its  march  by  way 
of  San  Gabriel  to  San  Fernando,  taking  along  the 
captured  cannon,  which  were  soon  sent  to  Monterey 
on  Steele's  vessel,  and  escorting  the  two  rival  gover- 
nors, who  were  now  on  the  best  of  terms.  True,  Don 
Carlos  suggested  en  route  that  his  position  seemed 
more  like  that  of  a  prisoner  under  guard  than  of  a 
ruler  attended  by  an  escort.  Don  Juan  replied,  "If 
you  are  a  prisoner,  so  am  I,  as  wre  are  marching  side 
by  side."  At  San  Fernando  in  the  early  days  of 
May  their  respective  claims  to  the  governorship  were 
discussed.  Carrillo  could  only  show  his  original  ap- 
pointment and  urge  his  rival's  duty  to  submit  to  the 
supreme  government.  Alvarado  could  no  longer  deny 
that  the  document  was  in  a  certain  sense  genuine;  in- 
deed, he  had  probably  never  had  any  real  doubt  on 
the  subject,  but  he  still  insisted  that  the  appointment 
should  bear  the  president's  signature,  and  he  made 
the  new  point  that  he  had  no  official  knowledge  of 
Pena  y  Pena's  signature,  or  indeed  of  his  appoint- 
ment as  minister  of  state.33  He  also,  in  addition  to 
the  old  arguments  with  which  the  reader  is  familiar, 
attached  much  weight  to  the  fact  that  Don  Carlos, 

37  May  14,  1838,  Com.  Sanchez  to  Vallejo,  announcing  his  return  from  the 
southern  campaign  with  the  S.  Francisco  troops.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  78. 
This  indicates  compliance  with  the  treaty.  Alvarado,  Campana  de  Las 
Flores  y  Sucexos  de  Abrll-Mayo,  1838,  MS.,  a  letter  to  Vallejo  from  Sta  Bar- 
bara May  22d — a  most  important  original  document — stated  that  Carrillo,  be- 
fore signing  the  treaty,  wished  to  be  allowed  to  escape  and  to  go  to  Lower 
California,  where  he  thought  he  could  make  himself  recognized  as  governor, 
but  he  persuaded  him  that  this  was  an  impracticable  scheme. 

38Carrillo's  appointment  was  simply  an  announcement  that  the  president 
had  made  him  governor,  dated  from  the  Mznisterio  de  lo  Interior,  and  signe  d 
Peua  y  Pefia.     Copy  from  original  in  Carrillo  {P.),  Doe.,  MS.,  1. 


564  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

during  the  year  that  had  elapsed  since  his  appoint- 
ment, had  not,  as  he  admitted,  received  a  single  offi- 
cial communication  from  the  government.  Had  the 
negotiations  proceeded  uninterruptedly,  Don  Carlos 
remaining  under  Alvarado's  influence,  it  is  probable 
that  they  would  have  resulted  in  an  agreement  to 
Tawait  orders  from  Mexico  to  transfer  the  command. 
The  two  had  already  partially  agreed  on  a  convention 
of  representatives  from  each  pueblo;  when  Jose  An- 
tonio Carrillo,  Juan  Bandini,  and  Pio  Pico  made  their 
appearance,  and  soon  regained  control  of  their  weak- 
minded  chieftain.  With  them  Don  Carlos  went  away 
to  Angeles,  announcing  his  intention  to  remain  in 
that  city  where  he  was  still  recognized,  but  promis- 
ing to  commit  no  further  hostilities.33 

Alvarado  went  to  Sta  Barbara  about  May  10th. 
He  had  advised  Carrillo  not  to  go  to  Angeles,  but 
had  not  otherwise  attempted  to  detain  him.  It  ap- 
pears that  he  had  well  founded  hopes  of  a  reaction  in 
his  own  favor  among  the  Angelinos.  On  the  14th 
over  sixty  citizens,  headed  by  Juan  Gallardo,  Joso 
M.  Herrera,  Vicente  Moraga,  Pedro  Dominguez,  and 
Antonio  Aguilar,  presented  a  petition  to  the  ayunta- 
miento,  in  which  they  represented,  with  all  due  defer- 
ence to  the  supreme  government,  that  the  appointment 
of  Carlos  Carrillo  as  governor  had  not  produced  the 
beneficial  results  intended,  since  the  appointee  had 
shown  himself  to  possess  none  of  the  qualities  necessa- 
ry in  a  ruler,  but  had  on  the  contrary  committed  seri- 
ous blunders,  notably  in  exciting  hostilities  at  San 
Buenaventura  and  Las  Flores,  where  " only. by  divine 
dispensation  had  California  been  saved  from  mourning 
and  sorrow."  Therefore,  the  petitioners  advised  sub- 
mission to  the  government  of  the  north  in  accordance 

*9  Alvarado,  Campafia  da  la  Flores,  MS.  May  2d,  A.  to  J.  J.  Vallejo. 
Says  that  as  the  state  is  now  entirely  pacified,  it  has  been  determined  to  re- 
lease all  political  prisoners.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,xxxii.  132.  May  3d,  A.  to 
alcalde  of  S.  Jose.  Tranquillity  restored;  Tobar  fled ;  artillery  in  my  poss 
aionj  1  )on  Carlos  pardoned;  shall  soon  come  north,  etc.  Hopkins'  Translations, 
b  9. 


ARREST  OF  THE  CARRILLOS.  565 

with  public  opinion  and  for  the  country's  good.  No 
action  was  taken,  because  the  petition  was  not  written 
on  stamped  paper,  but  next  day  when  that  irregulari- 
ty had  been  corrected,  the  people  were  summoned  and 
the  subject  discussed  on  its  merits.  Eight  citizens 
took  part  in  the  discussion,  and  of  twenty-eight  whose 
names  were  not  on  the  petition  twenty-two  voted 
for  what  was  asked  in  that  document,  while  only  one, 
Serbulo  Varela,  voted  in  favor  of  Carrillo.  The 
matter  was  finally  referred  to  a  committee,  which  re- 
ported that  while  the  ayuntamiento  had  no  right  to 
criticise  the  acts  of  Carrillo,  yet  a  clearly  defined 
public  opinion  demanded  the  recognition  of  Alvarado 
as  governor  pending  the  decision  of  the  government. 
This  was  approved  by  a  plurality  of  votes,  the' result 
being  formally  communicated  to  the  people  and  to 
Carrillo,  who  was  still  addressed  as  governor.  Thus 
did  the  versatile  city  of  the  Angels  accomplish 
another  political  somersault.40 

Of  course  the  two  Carrillos  and  their  supporters 
were  not  disposed  to  accept  the  position  in  which  the 
ayuntamiento  had  placed  them.  Some  of  the  number, 
like  Requena,  Portilla,  and  Trujillo,  had  crossed  the 
frontier  with  Tobar;  while  others,  as  Pico,  Bandini, 
Ibarra,  and  Botello,  were  left  to  continue  the  agita- 
tion. Before  they  had  time,  however,  to  carry  into 
execution  their  new  plan,  whatever  it  may  have  been, 
the  leaders  were  arrested  on  or  about  May  20th. 
Alvarado,  promptly  informed  of  the  troubles  that  were 
brewing  in  the  city,  had  sent  Villavicencio  with  twen- 
ty-five men  from  Santa  Barbara  to  nip  the  conspiracy 

40 Sessions  of  ayunt.,  May  14-15,  1838.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  8-23. 
The  citizens  taking  part  in  the  discussion  were  Tiburcio  Tapia,  Vicente 
Sanchez,  Abel  Stearns,  Antonio  Ign.  Avila,  Jose"  Sepulveda,  Felipe  Carrillo, 
Ignacio  Machado,  and  Francisco  J.  Alvarado.  The  committee  was  composed 
of  Vicente  de  la  Osa,  Sanchez,  Castillo,  Sepulveda,  Stearns,  and  Tapia.  In 
the  lists  of  about  00  citizens,  only  one  foreigner  appears  besides  Steams,  and 
that  was  Miguel  Blanco,  or  Michael  White.  In  Dept.  St.  Pup.,  Angeles,  MS., 
ii.  112,  is  an  incomplete  blotter-copy  of  the  acta  of  the  committee,  of  which 
Stearns  was  made.  pres.  and  Castillo  sec.  According  to  the  Los  Angeles 
Ayunt.  Lee,  MS.,  24,  there  would  seem  to  have  been  also  an  earlier  petition 
on  the  subject  signed  by  28  citizens. 


5C6  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

in  the  bud.  The  governor  states,  both  in  his  letters 
written  at  the  time  and  in  his  later  recollections,  that 
the  arrests  were  made  by  the  citizens  of  Los  Angeles, 
who  delivered  the  prisoners  to  Villa  on  his  arrival; 
but  other  evidence  is  to  the  effect  that  the  captain's 
force  made  the  arrests,  searching  the  houses  of  prom- 
inent citizens  for  that  purpose.  At  any  rate,  there 
were  seized  and  carried  as  captives  to  Santa  Barbara, 
Carlos  Carrillo,  Jose  A.  Carrillo,  Pio  Pico,  Gil  Ibarra, 
Narciso  Botello,  I^nacio  Palomares,  and  Jose  M.  Ra- 
mirez.  Bandini  escaped.  It  seems  that  the  prisoners 
taken  at  San  Buenaventura  had  probably  been  released 
before  this  time;  but  Andres  Pico  was  now  re-arrest- 
ed, together  with  I^nacio  del  Valle  and  Roberto  Pardo 
at  Santa  Barbara.41  Pio  Pico  was  quite  ill  at  the 
time,  and  served  out  a  short  term  of  nominal  impris- 
onment at  the  presidio.42  Carlos  Carrillo  was  released 
on  parole  after  a  few  days,  promising  not  to  leave 
Santa  Barbara  and  to  let  politics  alone,  a  promise 
which  he  kept  religiously  till  opportunity  offered  to 
escape.43     The  other  captives,  eight  in  number,  were 

41  Alvarado,  Campaiia  de  Las  Flores,  MS.;  Id.,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  109- 
11.  Botello,  Anales,  MS!,  71-88,  says  he  was  taken  at  Requena's  house  and 
taken  to  Carrillo's,  where  Ibarra  and  Ramirez  were  soon  brought  in.  Pio  Pico 
had  been  at  Carrillo's  house,  but  went  to  that  of  Dona  V.  Sotelo  de  Domin- 
guez,  where  he  was  found  by  Villa's  men  hidden  under  the  floor  of  a  chamber. 

!  5ta  Barbara  all  were  confined  in  one  room  under  that  occupied  by  Alva- 
rado. Jesus  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  50-2,  was  with  Villavicencio.  He  says  J.  A. 
( Jarrillo  was  found  under  a  pile  of  hides.  Carlos  Carrillo  was  taken  in  charge 
by  Villavicencio,  his  godson,  and  treated  very  kindly.  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrenci  is, 
MS. j  113-17,  remembers  the  arrival,  when  her  mother — Carrillo's  sister — ad- 
dressing Villavicencio,  said,  'Is  it  possible,  Jos6  Maria,  that  thou  hast  brought 
a  -  n  prisoner  thy  second  father?'  He  replied,  '  Godmother,  I  am  ordered  and 
must  obey,  but  I  have  cared  for  him  on  the  way  as  if  he  were  my  own  father.' 
J.  J.  Warner,  Los  Angeles,  Hist.,  14,  says  he  had  an  arm  broken  in  resisting 
arrest  for  refusing  to  have  his  house  searched  by  a  party  under  Alf.  Espinosa; 

!  on  June  30th  Warner  made  a  complaint  before  the  alcalde  that  Agustin 
Martinez  on  May  14th  had  entered  his  house  sword  in  hand,  forced  him  into 
the  street,  and  dangerously  wounded  him.  Los  Any.,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  150-7; 
LI.,  Ayunt.,  MS.,  18. 

42  Pico,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  7G-83,  remarks  that  though  at  first  subjected  to 
pel  ty  annoyances,  he  was  finally  allowed  the  freedom  of  the  presidio,  and  was 

in  P.  Duran's  coach  to  be  padrino  at  a  christening,  Alvarado  giv- 
im  $200  to  be  expended  in  gifts. 
43 Alvarado  says  he  simply  took  Don  Carlos  to  his  wife,  saying,  'Here, 
aunt,  1  bring  nnclc  to  you  for  safe-keeping.     Try  to  make  him  understand 
that  he  is  too  old  now  for  school-boy  pranks.' 


THE  PRISONERS  AT  SONOMA.  5G7 

started  on  May  2 2d  for  the  north,  being  mounted  on 
horses  more  famous  for  docility  than  speed,  and  pro- 
tected bv  an  escort  of  fifteen  men  well  mounted  and 
armed.  Jesus  Pico  commanded  the  escort  to  Buena- 
vista,  Santiago  Estrada  to  San  Juan  Bautista,  Jesus 
Vallejo  to  San  Jose,  and  Corporal  Galindo  beyond 
that  point.  They  reached  Sonoma  the  3d  of  June, 
and  were  kept  in  confinement  there  by  Vallejo  until 
the  end  of  September,  or  a  little  later.44 

In  his  letter  of  May  2 2d  Alvarado  complimented 
his  officers  and  men  for  their  conduct  during  the  cam- 
paign,  announcing  his  intention  of  keeping  up  a  force 
of  about  one  hundred  men  for  the  present,  and  of  go- 
ing soon  to  Los  Angeles  in  person.45  General  Vallejo 
in  turn  congratulated  him  on  his  triumphs,  urging 
him  to  follow  up  his  victory  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
secure  permanent  peace,  and  not  allow  the  trouble- 
some element  in  the  south  to  recover  from  their  de- 


41  May  22,  1838,  Alvarado  to  J.  J.  Vallejo,  ordering  him  to  come  with  a 
guard  to  meet  the  prisoners.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  86.  May  30th,  Gen. 
Vallejo  to  Sanchez  at  S.  Francisco  and  Murphy  at  S.  Rafael.  Must  furnish 
horses,  boats,  etc.  Id.,  v.  90-1.  June  1st,  J.  J.  Vallejo  to  Gen.  V.  His  ill- 
ness prevents  him  coming  in  person,  but  sends  Corp.  Galindo.  Id.,  v.  92. 
June  6th,  Gen.  V.  to  Alvarado.  Prisoners  arrived  3  days  ago  and  are  kept 
secured.  Not  allowed  to  communicate  with  the  people.  Id.,  xiv.  24.  Jane 
9th,  Vallejo  to  Lieut  Ramirez.  Cannot  grant  his  request  for  release  without 
orders  from  the  gov.  Id.,  v.  94.  June  20th,  A.  to  V.  May  show  some 
leniency  to  such  of  the  prisoners  as  are  grateful  for  the  kindness  with  which 
they  have  been  treated.  Id.,  v.  OS.  Aug.  9th,  A.  to  ayunt.  of  Angeles.  Grants 
request  for  liberation  of  political  prisoners  at  Sonoma.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles, 
MS.,  xi.  108.  Sept.  22d,  A.  to  V.  He  is  to  free  the  prisoners  as  soon  as 
they  bind  themselves  to  respect  the  governor's  authority  and  not  to  disturb 
the  peace  of  the  country;  but  they  are  not  to  be  allowed  to  come  south  until 
Don  Carlos  and  others  have  presented  themselves  as  invited.  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS. ,  v.  181.  Botello  says  the  prisoners,  or  the  4  Mexicans  at  least,  were  very 
cruelly  treated  at  Sonoma,  being  shut  up  in  a  floorless  room,  without  beds, 
and  given  insufficient  food.  Osio,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  393-4,  398-9,  tells  us  that 
Vallejo  would  not  speak  to  them,  gave  them  food  that  only  excessive  hunger 
enabled  them  to  SAvallow,  and  would  not  permit  them  to  receive  food  pre- 
sented by  the  people.  Ignacio  del  Vallc,  one  of  the  prisoners  and  a  Mexican, 
says  they  were  treated  well  enough.  Lo  Pasado,  MS. ,  25-9.  Two  of  them, 
Ibarra  and  Palomares,  had  the  small-pox  wluile  at  Sonoma. 

45  Alvarado,  Campafia  de  Las  Flores,  MS.  He  also  asks  Vallejo's  advice 
about  opening  negotiations  with  Sonora.  Salvador  Vallejo,  one  of  the  officers 
complimented,  in  a  letter  to  Gen.  Vallejo  says  that  Juan  Bautista  is  no  mili- 
tary man,  and  he  lias  had  to  use  his  sword  several  times  on  the  officers,  by 
which  they  have  been  brought  at  last  into  tolerable  discipline  and  respect  for 
their  superiors!    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  87. 


538  DOX  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

feat.46  To  the  ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles  the 
governor,  for  some  reason  inexplicable  to  me,  instead 
of  a  letter- of  thanks  for  its  action  of  May  15th,  ad- 
dressed a  severe  lecture  on  the  evils  of  its  past  course, 
with  earnest  advice  for  the  future  to  attend  strictly 
to  municipal  affairs  and  let  state  politics  alone.47 

At  the  end  of  May,  Alvarado  was  invited  by  the 
ayuntamiento  to  visit  Los  Angeles,  his  presence  be- 
ing required  there  to  preserve  peace  and  restrain  cer- 
tain turbulent  citizens.  He  accepted  the  invitation, 
but  seems  not  to  have  made  the  visit  until  late  in 
June;  and  the  only  incident  to  be  noticed  in  connec- 
tion with  it,  and  even  this  may  very  likely  refer  to  a 
previous  visit,  was  a  plot  to  assassinate  the  governor, 
which  he  claims  to  have  discovered  in  time  to  pre- 
vent its  success.  The  plot  was  revealed  by  a  veiled 
woman  who  did  not  make  herself  known.  Alvarado 
had  reason  to  believe,  however,  and  has  always  be- 
lieved, that  the  lady  to  whom  he  owed  his  life  was 
none  other  than  Dona  Concepcion  Argiiello,  the 
heroine  of  the  Rezanof  romance.43  Meanwhile  San 
Diego  through  its  alcalde,  Estuclillo,  had  the  impu- 
dence to  inform  Alvarado,  the  '  gefe  de  la  division  del 
norte,'  that  the  people  could  not  recognize  any  other 
ruler  than  Carrillo.  Reports  came  also  that  Zamo- 
rano,  Portilla,  and  others  were  plotting  mischief  on 
the   frontier;  but   Alvarado  promptly   sent  word   to 

46  May  25th,  V.  to  A.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  206-7;  ValUjo,  Doc,  MS., 
v.  88.  The  general  is  very  enthusiastic  on  the  subject.  'The  fate  of  Califor- 
nia depends  only  on  the  conditions  you  make  with  the  rebels.' 

47  May  27th,  A.  to  ayunt.  of  Angeles.  8.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  207;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  104-6.  The  communication  was  also  sent  to  S. 
Diego.  June  6th,  Vallejo  suggests  the  propriety  of  chartering  a  vessel  on 
which  to  send  away  a  party  of  vagabonds  who  do  nothing  but  make  trouble. 
He  also  suggests  a  revision  of  mission  administrators'  accounts.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  208-9. 

48  May  31,  1838,  ayunt.  to  A.,  with  invitation.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS., 
v.  26-7.  June  6th,  10th,  A.  accepts  and  orders  a  house  for  his  use  to  be  pre- 
pared. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  107.  June  9th,  ayunt.  receives  his 
letter.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  28.  June  20th,  still  at  Sta  Barbara,  but 
going  to  Angeles  to  reorganize  the  town.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  98.  Alva- 
rado, Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  65-71,  tells  the  story  of  the  plot,  which  was  to  be 
carried  out  by  certain  convicts,  and  gives  his  reasons  for  believing  Dona  Con- 
cepcion to  have  been  his  benefactress. 


ESCAPE  OF  THE  PRETENDER.  5G9 

those  gentlemen  that  if  he  heard  of  their  crossing 
the  line  as  threatened  with  a  Mexican  force,  he  would 
first  shoot  ten  prominent  men  of  the  south,  and  then 
march  to  defeat  the  invaders!49  On  the  other  hand, 
cheering  rumors  came  from  Honolulu  by  the  Don 
Quixote,  brought  by  the  Clementine  from  San  Bias, 
that  Captain  Robbins  of  the  California  spoke  of  hav- 
ing favorable  despatches  for  Alvarado,  having  been 
himself  made  a  naval  captain  by  A.lvarado's  recom- 
mendation.50 Severe  earthquakes  were  felt  in  the 
north  late  in  June. 

In  July  there  were  no  new  developments  of  a  po- 
litical nature.51  August  was  a  more  eventful  month. 
In  its  earliest  days  Carlos  Carrillo,  the  'Pretender,' 
escaped  from  Santa  Barbara  in  company  with  his  son 
Pedro  and  Jose  Maria  Covarrubias.  They  fled  in  a 
boat,  probably  with  the  connivance  of  Dana  and  other 
foreigners  during  the  governor's  absence :  but  Don  Car- 
los,  whose  management  and  luck  were  equally  unfortu- 
nate on  sea  and  land,  was  driven  bv  stress  of  weather 
to  land  near  Point  Dumetz,  whence  he  was  aided  by 
friends  to  join  the  'Carlist'  conspirators  on  the  San 
Diego  frontier.  Carrillo's  alleged  motive  for  flight  was 
the  fear  that  he  would  be  one  of  the  ten  men  whom 
Alvarado  had  threatened  to  shoot  on  the  approach  of 
Mexican  troops.  Yet  Don  Carlos  forgave  his  perse- 
cutors, and  promised  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  have 
them  pardoned  when  the  supreme  government  should 
have  enforced  his  recognition!  He  even  had  the  assur- 
ance to  recommend  his  family  to  Alvarado's  care.52 

49  June  26th,  Estudillo  to  Alvarado.  San  DieQo,  Arch.,  MS.,  201.  June 
20th,  A.  to  Vallejo.    Vallejo,  Doc,  Hist.  Ilex.,  MS.,  v.  98. 

50  June  20th,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  98.  Is  organiz- 
ing a  permanent  force  of  100  men  to  he  stationed  at  S.  Fernando,  where  they 
will  he  drilled  by  the  'unfortunate  but  able '  Castaneda,  who  was  so  poor 
that  Alvarado  had  to  give  him  a  jacket  to  wear. 

51  The  printed  letter  of  July  20th  from  Vallejo  to  Alvarado  bears  date  of 
1838,  but  probably  belongs  to  18.37.  (See  chap,  xviii.)  July  26th,  V.  to  offi- 
cials, circular  in  which  he  complains  that  communications  addressed  to  him 
often  come  open.  Angel  Ramirez  has  tampered  with  the  mails  at  San  Luis 
Obispo.     Vigilance  is  required.    VaUejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  119. 

52  July  30,  1838,  C.  to  A.,  explaining  the  reasons  of  his  flight,  and  bidding 
farewell.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.   214-15.     Aug.   16th,  Alcalde  Olivera  to 


570  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

If  Alvarado  was  not  very  seriously  alarmed  at  the 
flight  of  Don  Carlos,  he  was  indeed  troubled  by  letters 
from  the  north  announcing  the  partial  defection  of  no 
less  a  personage  than  General  Vallejo.  Jose  Antonio 
Carrillo  had  utilized  the  time  of  his  imprisonment  at 
Sonoma  by  holding  long  interviews  with  the  general, 
and  had  succeeded  in  convincing  that  dignitary  of  his 
good  faith,  and  of  the  genuineness  of  his  brother's  ap- 
pointment. So  Vallejo  stated  in  his  letters  of  August 
lOtli-llth,  and  in  them  advised  the  recognition  of 
Don  Carlos,  or  at  least  the  holding  of  a  convention  at 
Santa  Clara  with  a  view  to  such  recognition.  Of  the 
real  motives  for  delay  in  giving  up  the  command,  he 
said  little  or  nothing.  The  point  of  his  long  and  able 
argument  addressed  to  Alvarado  was  to  this  effect: 
Carrillo's  title  being  valid,  it  would  be  necessary  to 
yield  sooner  or  later;  Alvarado  and  his  associates  had 
from  the  first  in  good  faith  disclaimed  any  purpose  to 
retain  the  command;  with  all  his  triumphs  he  had  been 
so  fully  occupied  in  quelling  revolts,  that  he  had  had 
no  time  to  introduce  needed  reforms;  experience 
proved  there  was  no  hope  for  a  cessation  of  sectional 
troubles;  to  yield  voluntarily  while  in  the  full  tide  of 
success  would  not  only  be  flattering  to  their  own 
pride,  make  a  good  impression  in  Mexico,  and  check 

A.,  excusing  himself  for  not  having  prevented  Carrillo's  flight.  He  had 
watched  the  vessels,  but  never  thought  of  his  attempting  a  boat  voyage.  Id., 
iv.  223-4.  Aug.  18th,  A.  tells  Vallejo  it  seems  to  be  his  fate  to  act  the  part 
of  papa  to  the  families  of  his  adversaries  while  they  are  absent  on  a  campaign 
against  him.  For  instance,  Zamorano  and  others  whom  he  won't  mention. 
Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Ilex.,  MS.,  v.  145;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  74-82. 
Capt.  John  Paty  of  the  Plymouth  carried  the  news  to  the  Islands,  where  it 
was  published  in  the  Honolulu  8.  I.  Gazette,  Nov.  17,  1S38.  Paty  said  that 
Carrillo  escaped  on  the  KamamahC 's  launch  in  the  night.  Alvarado  took  no 
notice,  except  to  fine  Carrillo  $100  for  departing  without  a  passport.  Alvarado 
asserts  that  about  the  same  time  correspondence  was  seized  bearing  the  mys- 
terious sign  '  Fu.  .  .  .u.'  Carrillo's  escape  is  mentioned  in  Pico,  Hist.  Cal., 
MS;,  70;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  114-15;  Pinto,  Apuut,,  MS.,  38-9.  The 
Hawaiians  were  somewhat  disposed  to  ridicule  the  course  of  events  in  Cali- 
fornia; witness  the  following  in  the  account  just  cited:  'The  task  of  record- 
ing great  political  events,  of  taking  the  profiles  of  revolutions,  and  sketching 
the  contour  of  national  changes,  falls  to  the  lot  of  our  brethren  of  the  quill  in 
more  enlightened  realms;  ours  only  is  the  duty  of  the  historian  of  mighty 
deeds!  It  is  for  us  to  tell  of  the  bloody  revolutions  of  California,  to  portray 
the  magnificent  characters  of  her  champions,  and  to  chronicle  the  deeds  of 
glory  which  cluster  around  the  brows  of  her  sons  ! ' 


VALLEJO'S  DEFECTION.  571 

dissensions  at  home,  but — a  still  more  practical  advan- 
tage— would  enable  Alvarado  and  his  party  really  to 
control  public  affairs  for  a  time  in  their  own  way,  since 
Don  Carlos  would  come  north  to  establish  his  govern- 
ment,  remaining  m  their  power  until  the  whole  matter 
should  be  finally  settled.53 

All  these  things  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo  had  prom- 
ised in  behalf  of  his  brother.  Furthermore,  becom- 
ing acquainted  wTith  the  general's  particular  hobby, 
he  had  agreed  that  in  case  of  the  change  beiu^ 
effected  the  presidial  companies  should  be  at  once  re- 
organized. He  had  realized  the  importance  of  play- 
ing his  best  card,  for  he  better  than  any  other  under- 
stood the  nature  of  the  despatches  to  be  expected 
from  Mexico.  That  he  succeeded  in  winning  over 
Vallejo  to  his  views  is  not  strange.  Few  men  in 
California  could  resist  his  crafty  eloquence;  moreover, 
there  was  much  force  in  his  arguments,  as  reflected 
in  the  general's  letters,  if  faith  could  be  placed  in  his 
promises  and  in  his  statements  respecting  the  feeling 
in  Mexico.  Alvarado  lacked  that  faith,  and  with 
much  reason.  The  plot  lately  discovered  against  his 
life  at  Angeles  had  not  left  him  in  a  conciliatory 
mood.  He  had  no  doubt  that  his  past  successes 
would  be  avenged  by  the  imprisonment  or  exile  of 
himself  and  friends  should  the  Carrillos  gain  control 
before  the  arrival  of  guaranties  from  Mexico,  and 
the  recent  flight  of  Don  Carlos,  in  ignorance  of  his 
astute  brother's  plans,  was  by  no  means  a  propitious 
circumstance. 

The  governor's  hesitation,  if  he  hesitated  at  all,  wTas 

53  Vallejo,  Tres  Cartas  Reservadas  en  que  insta  el  reconocimiento  de  D. 
Carlos  Carrillo  como  Gobernador.  Agosto,  1838,  MS.  Addressed  on  Aug. 
10th,  11th,  to  Alvarado,  Castro,  and  Villavicencio.  Other  letters  were 
doubtless  written  of  similar  purport,  and  Carrillo  wrote  still  others  to  Don 
Carlos  and  friends  in  the  south,  which  latter  seem  not  to  have  been  deliv- 
ered by  Alvarado  until  later.  Vallejo  wished  the  matter  kept  secret;  and 
the  plan  if  approved  was  to  emanate  ostensibly  from  Alvarado  himself.  The 
letter  to  the  governor  was  long  and  minute  in  detail;  the  others  shorter. 
Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  70-0,  says  he  sent  back  a  flat  refusal,  chiding 
Vallejo  for  his  disaffection,  which  was  doing  much  harm  in  the  south.  Kc 
deeply  regretted  the  general's  course. 


572  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

not  however  of  long  duration;  for  in  a  clay  or  two  an 
event  occurred  which  put  a  new  face  on  the  whole  sub- 
ject. On -August  13th.  the  Catalina  arrived  at  Mon- 
terey with  news  from  Mexico.  Castillero  wrote  that  he 
had  been  successful  in  his  mission,  and  that  he  would 
soon  arrive  in  California  as  a  comisionado  from  the  na- 
tional government.  Just  how  far  lie  entered  into  de- 
tails is  not  known,  as  his  letter  is  not  extant;  but  from 
this  and  other  private  communications  it  was  known 
that  Alvarado  and  his  associates  had  nothing  to  fear, 
even  if  they  were  not  to  be  continued  in  power.  There 
came  also  official  despatches  about  the  war  with 
France,  addressed  to  the  governor  and  general  re- 
spectively. One  package  of  correspondence  was  sent 
in  haste  to  Sonoma,  while  Jesus  Pico  started  at  once 
to  deliver  the  other  to  Alvarado  at  Los  Angeles. 
Vallejo,  on  August  17th,  circulated  to  military  au- 
thorities the  despatch  respecting  the  French  war 
"addressed  to  him"  by  the  Mexican  government. 
From  San  Fernando  on  the  18th  Alvarado  wrote  a 
long  letter  to  the  general,  communicating  the  good 
news,  and  next  day  issued  a  proclamation,  in  which, 
besides  alluding  to  the  French  war,  he  announced 
also  the  'happy  results'  of  Castillero's  mission  to 
Mexico,  without  specifying  what  those  results  were.54 
There  was  of  course  no  further  thought  of  giving 
up  the  governorship  to  Carrillo  before  Castillero's  ar- 
rival, and  Vallejo's  plan  of  a  convention  at  Santa  Clara 

54  Aug.  13,  183S,  J.  J.  Pico  to  Vallejo,  announcing  arrival  of  Catalina. 
California  expected  in  10  or  12  days  with  money,  arms,  and  clothing.  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  v.  137.  Aug.  17th,  V.'s  circular.  Id.,  v.  144.  Aug.  18th,  Al- 
varado to  V.  from  S.  Fernando.  Id. ,  v.  145.  Aug.  19th,  A.  sends  his  procla- 
mation to  V.  Id. ,  v.  147.  Same  date,  the  proclamation  sent  to  Los  Angeles 
and  San  Diego.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  108;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS., 
208.  Sept.  3d,  Estudillo  to  A.,  'gefe  de  la  division  del  norte.'  His  procla- 
mation has  been  published.  Id.,  201.  Sept.  14th,  ISth,  the  proclamation 
to  Carrillo  at  his  request.  Id. ,  202.  June  20th,  a  letter  from  Virmond 
iu  Mexico  to  Vallejo,  which  may  very  likely  have  been  received  by  the  ( 
alina.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  97.  The  writer  announces  Castillero's  success, 
and  the  favorable  ideas  of  the  president  towards  Cal.,  and  particularly  toward 
Vallejo.  Says  he,  Virmond,  has  often  taken  the  part  of  the  Californians. 
Castillero  is  about  to  start.  Money,  arms,  and  clothing  will  be  sent.  Un- 
derstands that  the  California  is  to  carry  the  mails  on  the  coast. 


GOOD  NEWS' FROM  MEXICO.  573 

was  kept  a  secret  among  the  few  who  knew  anything 
about  it.55  There  was  nothing*  to  do  but  await  the 
arrival  of  the  California.  Don  Carlos,  after  being 
landed  by  his  boatmen,  who  carried  his  luggage  back 
to  Santa  Bdrbara,  had  wandered  for  many  days  on 
foot,  harassed  with  fears  of  pursuit,  until  on  arrival 
at  San  Luis  Rey  he  had  heard  the  news  from  Mex- 
ico, and  had  written  to  Alvarado  a  letter  be<wr±<2f  for 
amnesty.  Meanwhile  Vallejo,  on  September  1st, 
asked  to  be  relieved  of  the  command,  that  he  might 
attend  to  his  private  interests  and  those  of  his  colony 
at  Sonoma;56  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  any  atten- 
tion was  paid  to  his  request,  and  soon  the  general  had 
to  issue  a  proclamation  to  quiet  certain  popular  rumors 
that  he  was  in  league  with  the  enemies  of  Alvarado. 
These  rumors  he  pronounced  false,  declaring  that  his 
views  had  not  changed  since  1836,  and  that  he  would 
resign  sooner  than  be  false  in  any  way  to  his  friends.57 
Mean  while  the  prisoners  had  been  liberated,  and  there 
are  some  vague  indications  that  they  tried  to  make 
trouble  at  San  Jose  and  elsewhere,  by  representing 
that  Vallejo  was  in  sympathy  with  the  Carrillos.     No 

55 Sept.  19th,  A.  to  V.,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  177.  This  is  the  govern- 
or's only  reply  to  V.'s  plan  of  Aug.  10th,  so  far  as  the  records  show.  He  says 
that  on  account  of  the  favorable  news,  he  did  not  deliver  the  letters  to  south- 
erners; that  Castro,  Villa,  and  S.  Vallejo  had  declared  that  as  military  men  their 
duty  was  to  obey  the  gov.,  and  that  J.  A.  Carrillo's  letter  to  himself  was  an 
insult,  and  would  not  be  answered.  He  mentions  rumors  of  a  pronunciamiento 
against  Carrillo  on  the  frontier;  and  speaks  of  Don  Carlos'  adventures  and  de- 
mand for  pardon. 

50  Vallejo,  Ojicio  impresso  en  que  quiere  renuntiar  el  mando  mifitar,  1°  cle 
Set.  1838.  In  Earliest  Printing;  Vallejo,  Ordcnes,  9-14;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  IMS., 
iv.  258.  This  communication,  which  is  quite  long,  seems  to  have  been 
addressed  to  Alvarado,  but  possibly  to  the  min.  of  war.  In  it  he  urges  the 
reorganization  of  the  presidial  companies  as  the  only  means  of  averting  utter 
ruin  at  the  hands  of  the  Indians. 

37  Xo  date,  blotter  of  the  proclamation,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  287. 
Oct.  22d,  J.  J.  Vallejo  urges  his  brother  not  to  give  up  his  command.  Id.,  v. 
213.  Nov.  9th,  Salvador  Vallejo,  from  Sta  Barbara,  to  the  gen.  Speaks  of 
rumors  that  he  is  in  league  with  the  southerners;  and  blames  him  for  having 
opened  his  ears  to  J.  A.  Carrillo,  who  has  '  made  a  bag  of  him.'  Says  Alva- 
rado is  drinking  too  much.  Id. ,  v.  2G0.  Nov.  10th,  D.  A.  Rodriguez,  S.  Fran- 
cisco, to  Vallejo.  Reports  a  conspiracy  at  S.  Jos^,  prompted  by  J.  A.  Carrillo 
and  Angel  Ramirez — A.  M.  Pico  and  Pedro  Chabolla  being  leaders,  with  ac- 
complices at  Sonoma.  The  outbreak  to  be  on  Nov.  15th.  /'/.,  v.  229.  Nov. 
18th,  J.  J.  Vallejo,  Yerba  Buena,  to  his  brother.  Urges  him  in  2  letters  to 
quiet  the  people  by  a  proclamation. 


574  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DOX  CARLOS. 

blame  can  be  attached  to  General  Vallejo  for  his 
course  in  this  matter;  but  he  was  unfortunate  in  his 
choice  of  a  time  for  proposing  his  plan,  and  was  over- 
credulous  in  listening  to  the  special  pleading  of  Don 
Jose  Antonio. 

The  California  had  been  expected  to  follow  the 
Catalina  in  a  few  weeks  at  most;  troubles  with  France 
and  other  obstacles,  however,  caused  Castillero's  de- 
parture from  Mexico  to  be  delayed  from  July  to  Sep- 
tember. On  November  15th,  the  schooner  anchored 
at  Santa  Barbara,  and  Captain  Castillero,  now  comi- 
sionado  of  the  supreme  government,  landing  in  bad 
health,  sent  communications  to  Alvarado,  who  was 
absent,  and  to  Vallejo  at  Sonoma.  These  communi- 
cations informed  the  governor  and  general  that  by 
virtue  of  documents  brought  by  the  writer  in  his 
official  capacity  they  would  be  able  to  retain  their  po- 
sitions, that  the  California  had  also  brought  arms  and 
other  war-stores,  and  that  a  personal  conference  was 
necessary  at  the  earliest  opportunity.58 

The  most  important  of  the  documents  brought  from 
Mexico  by  Castillero  were  as  follows,  in  the  order  of 
their  respective  dates:  a  decree  of  June  30th  dividing 
the  republic  into  twenty-four  departments,  one  of 
them  the  Californias,  with  capitals  as  before ; 59  a  com- 
mission as  captain  of  the  presidial  company  of  San 
Francisco  for  Lieutenant  Guadalupe  Vallejo;60  an 
expression  of  thanks  for  the  gift  of  the  California 
from  the  departmental  to  the  national  government;61 

58  Xov.  17,  1838,  Castillero  to  Vallejo,  transcribed  in  a  later  letter  of  the 
latter.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  251;  xxxii.  1G8;  Earliest  Printing. 

59 Decree  of  June  30th,  in  Arrillaga,  Pecop.,  1838,  284-5;  Sup.  Govt  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  22;  xii.  4;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  225.  This  decree  divided 
the  departments  into  2  sections,  Californias  being  one  of  those  which  was  to 
elect  a  diputado  to  congress  for  2  years  on  Oct.  1st.  It  is  likely,  however, 
that  this  decree  came  also  before  on  the  Catalina  in  August. 

00  July  9,  1838,  original  appointment  and  commission,  2  documents,  in 
Vail  jo,  j)oc,  MS.,  i.  12. 

61  July  10th,  the  goleta  to  be  used  as  &paquete  mcrcante.  Dept.  St.  Pap.f 
MS.,  iv.  127 J  Vallrjo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  llOi1.  There  is  no  other  evidence  that 
such  a  gift  had  been  thought  of  in  Cal.    July  20th,  decree  of  amnesty.  Id. 


ALVARADO  CONFIRMED  BY  MEXICO.  575 

a  decree  of  amnesty  for  all  political  acts  and  opinions 
during  the  past  troubles;  an  order  addressed  to  Carlos 
Carrillo  to  the  effect  that  the  senior  vocal  of  the  ter- 
ritorial junta  should  act  as  governor  temporarily,  a 
copy  of  the  same  being  forwarded  also  to  Alvarado;62 
an  order  to  the  governor  to  grant  lands  on  the  coast 
islands  to  Mexicans  who  might  ask  for  them,  giving 
preference  to  Antonio  and  Carlos  Carrillo,  who  were 
to  have  exclusive  possession  of  one  of  the  islands  in 
consideration  of  their  patriotic  services;63  an  appoint- 
ment of  Vallejo  as  comandante  general  in  consideration 
of  his  distinguished  services;64  and  finally  private 
letters  to  both  Alvarado  and  Vallejo  from  President 
Bustamante,  who  expressed  his  high  esteem  for  those 
gentlemen,  and  confidence  in  their  patriotism  and 
ability  to  direct  the  affairs  of  California  in  the  future.65 
Truly  Don  Andres  had  served  his  masters  most 
faithfully,  and  all  had  resulted  well  for  the  revolu- 
tionists of  183G.     Men  of  the  southern  faction  have 

62 July  20th,  min.  of  the  interior  to  Carrillo.  'The  president,  learning 
with  satisfaction  that  Alta  California  has  returned  to  constitutional  order, 
and  as  the  law  of  amnesty  draws  a  thick  veil  over  all  political  occurrenaes, 
directs  that,  in  order  to  carry  out  the  constitutional  law,  the  1st  vocal  of  the 
junta  territorial  of  that  department  shall  exercise  the  powers  of  governor; 
steps  being  taken  at  once  for  the  election  of  the  junta  departamental,  and  a 
t<rna  being  sent  to  the  sup.  govt  for  the  regular  appointment,  the  pres.  re- 
linquishing for  this  time  the  powers  given  kim  by  the  constitution  in  the 
frontier  departments,'  forwarded  by  Alvarado,  as  1st  vocal,  to  ayunt.  of 
Angeles  on  Dec.  10th.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  109-10;  also  tran- 
scribed by  Alvarado,  who  received  it  from  Castillero,  to  Vallejo  on  Dec.  10th. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  208;  also  English  translation,  in  Hopkins?  Translations, 
9.  According  to  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  126,  the  order,  or  a  similar  one, 
was  dated  June  2d. 

03  July  20th,  min.  of  the  int.  to  gov.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii. 
387;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  13;  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  iii.  92;  Bandlni,  Doc,  MS., 
48;  Ilalleck's  Rept,  180-2;  Jones'  Report,  no.  28.  The  gov.  was  to  act  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  junta;  and  the  avowed  object  was  not  only  to  settle  the 
islands,  but  to  prevent  foreigners  from  occupying  them  to  the  injury  of  com- 
merce and  fisheries.  Sta  Rosa  Island  was  granted  to  the  Carrillos  in  accord- 
ance with  this  order. 

01  July  23d,  appointment  as  comandante  militar  of  Alta  California,  signed 
by  Moran,  min.  of  war.  Original  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.  i.  13.  Aug.  21st, 
Moran  to  com.  gen.  Orders  that  the  auxiliary  troops  continue  in  service  until 
further  orders.  Sober anes,  Doc,  MS.,  90. 

65 Sept.  13th,  original  letters  with  autograph  signatures,  in  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  v.  100;  xxxii.  158.  The  writer  regrets  the  delay  in  Castillero's  depart- 
ure, which  could  not  be  avoided.  He  hopes  Vallejo  will  look  out  for  foreign 
invaders:  Castillero's  commission  seems  to  have  been  finally  issued  on  Sept. 
7th.   Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  127;  Sup,  Govt  St.  Pap.  MS.,  xiv.  1. 


576  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DOX  CARLOS. 

been  wont  to  deplore  the  base  ingratitude  of  Mexico 
in  thus  rewarding  rebels,  while  the  loyal  surenos  for 
all  their  -suffering  and  sacrifice  got  no  thanks.  The 
reader  knows  that  southern  loyalty  to  Mexico  was 
but  a  very  flimsy  pretence.  But  for  his  own  injudi- 
cious acts  and  utter  incompetence  as  a  ruler,  Carlos 
Carrillo  would  merit  a  degree  of  sympathy;  as  it  was, 
his  island  grant  was  quite  as  much  as  he  deserved. 
His  appointment  had  been  obtained  by  his  brother 
on  the  representation  that  it  would  bring  California 
back  to  her  Mexican  allegiance;  but  Alvarado  had 
accomplished  all  that  before  Carrillo's  appointment 
was  known  there,  and  all  subsequent  disorders  had 
resulted  from  the  refusal  of  Don  Carlos  to  await  the 
decision  of  the  supreme  government.  The  president 
had  been  made  to  understand  that  Alvarado  and  his 
associates  were  the  men  who  could  control  California, 
and  whose  good  will  was  of  some  value  to  the  na- 
tional administration.  Well  would  it  be  for  the  rep- 
utation of  Mexico  if  her  record  were  as  clear  on  every 
matter  of  state  policy.  Alvarado  has  often  been 
represented,  by  writers  who  have  disposed  of  several 
years'  annals  in  a  paragraph,  as  having  accepted  cen- 
tralism in  gratitude  for  his  recognition  as  governor; 
but  he  had  really  sworn  to  the  constitution  a  year 
before  he  was  so  recognized.  Another  theory  that  has 
been  current  to  some  extent  is  that  Castillero  brought 
from  Mexico  two  blank  commissions  to  be  rilled  up  in 
favor  of  Alvarado  or  Carrillo  as  circumstances  and 
his  own  judgment  should  dictate,  having  also  dupli- 
cate papers  by  which  to  reward  with  an  island  estate 
the  one  who  should  not  receive  the  governorship. 
The  reader  with  the  facts  before  him  will  perhaps 
agree  with  me  that  this  version  is  improbable  to  the 
ge  of  absurdity.06 

6GThis  version  of  duplicate  documents  is  mentioned  as  a  rumor  by  several 
Californians  in  their  memoirs;  and  it  was  given  currency  by  Peachy  in  an 
Lment  in  the  New  Almadcn  case,  an  item  from  v\  Inch  has  been  widely  cir- 
culated in  the  newspapers.     Osio,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  394-G,  describes  the  mat- 
ter very   unintelligibly.     Bandini,   Hint.   Cal.,   MS.,  99,  deemed  the  action 


CHRISTMAS  AttRESTS  AT  SAN  DIEGO.  577 

Alvarado  and  Vallejo  proclaimed  the  tidings  in 
print  to  the  people,  at  the  same  time  congratulating 
themselves  and  their  friends  in  private  letters;  little 
else  was  accomplished  before  the  end  of  the  year.07 
There  was,  however,  some  further  revolutionary 
trouble  at  San  Diego,  resulting  in  several  arrests  on 
Christmas  night.  The  Carrillos  were  there,  and 
naturally  the  objects  of  much  popular  sympathy. 
That  there  was  any  intention  of  resisting  the  orders 
from  Mexico  and  continuing  the  struggle  against  the 
governor  may  perhaps  be  doubted;  but  reports  of  such 
plans,  real  or  imaginary,  reached  Alvarado  at  Santa 

of  Mexico  disgraceful.  Serrano,  Apian  tes,  MS.,  56-8,  says  that  the  minor 
officials  from  Castro  down  for  whom  Castillero  brought  commissions  were 
known  as  ofickdes  de  Catarrillo.  Alvarado  notes  the  arrival  of  Castillero  in 
his  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  42-3,  111-13.  A  piece  of  doggerel,  composed  by  one 
Jose"  Elisalde  and  sung  by  the  S.  Diego  soldiers,  gives  their  view  of  the  whole 
matter,  a  game  of  cards  being  used  as  an  illustration.  Romero,  Mem.,  MS.,  5; 
Hayes  Emlg.  Notes,  495. 

"Bautista  busco  barajas 
Castro  se  les  baraj  .'.>. 
Montenegro  paso  el  monte 

Y  Don  Pio  lo  tapj. 
Luego  vino  Castillero 

Y  la  carpeta  se  llevo." 

67  In  demanding  his  salary  later,  Alvarado  seems  to  have  dated  his  taking 
possession  of  the  office  from  Oct.  1,  1838;  why,  is  not  very  clear.  Dept.  Rec, 
MS.,  x.  6.  Nov.  21st,  Alvarado  [Proclama  del],  Gefe  Politico  Interino  de,  la 
Alta  California  a  sus  Ilabitantes,  21  de  Nov.  1838.  Tmpreso  en  Sonoma;  Im- 
prcnta  del  Gobierno.  In  Earliest  Printing.  In  this  proclamation  the  governor 
congratulates  the  people  on  the  happy  ending  of  all  dissensions;  thanks  Cas- 
tillero; announces  his  own  honest  purpose  to  sacrifice  everything  for  his  coun- 
try; and  advises  all  to  forget  their  resentments  and  get  ready  for  the  coming 
elections.  Nov.  21st,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo.  Official  and  private  letters.  lie 
says  the  appointment  of  Carrillo  had  been  due  to  underhanded  work,  and  the 
govt  had  been  glad  to  cancel  it.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  245-6.  Nov.  22d, 
Castillero  to  Vallejo,  private  letter.  Id. ,  v.  248.  Nov.  27th,  Vallejo,  Circular 
impr&so  en  que  anuncia  su  Nomhramiento  de  Comandante  General,  Nov.  21, 
1838,  in  Earliest  Printing;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  251;  Savage,  Doc,  MS.,  i. 
20.  This  circular  merely  transcribes  Castillero's  letter  of  Nov.  17th.  Nov. 
30th,  P.  Gonzalez  congratulates  Vallejo,  and  tells  him  the  news  was  cele- 
brated at  S.  Jos6  with  salutes,  music,  te  deum,  etc.  Vallejo,  Doc,  M.S.,  v. 
2.38.  Dec.  3d,  Vallejo  congratulated  in  letters  from  Jose"  R.  Gonzalez,  Ignacio 
Peralta,  and  Simeon  Castro.  Id.,  v.  263-5.  Dec.  10th,  Alvarado  publishes 
in  a  ban'lo,  and  includes  in  letters  to  Vallejo  and  others,  the  news  of  Cas- 
tillero's arrival  and  the  order  of  the  sup.  govt  respecting  the  governorship. 
II.,  v.  268;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angela,  MS.,  x.  21-2;  Id.,S.Jos6,  v.  44-6.  Dec. 
15th,  the  news  and  orders  published  at  Angeles.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  v. 
38-9;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  M.S.,  xviii.  8.  Dec.  17th,  P.  Duran  congratulates 
Alvarado.  Arch.  Arzob.,'MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  20.  Dec.  22d,  a  new  proclamation  by 
Alvarado,  urging  the  people  to  be  true  to  the  govt  and  not  listen  to  revolu- 
tionists. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angelea,  MS.,  x.  23.  Dec.  29th,  Alcalde  Arenas 
orders  comisarios  of  ranchos  to  publish  Alvarado's  appointment.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  ii.  135-6. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    37 


578  DON  JUAN  BAUTISTA  AND  DON  CARLOS. 

Barbara,  and  he  sent  Castro  with  twentv-five  men  in 
great  haste  southward.  At  any  rate,  it  gave  the  offi- 
cers and. men  a  chance  to  display  the  new  uniforms 
lately  received  by  the  California.  The  pastorela  was 
being  performed  at  Bandini's  house,  Don  Juan  him- 
self not  being  present  apparently,  and  all  prominent 
Die<zuinos  were  assisting"  in  the  festivities  of  Christ- 
mas,  when  Castro  and  his  force  surrounded  the  house 
after  midnight.  The  two  Carrillos  and  the  two  Picos, 
with  Joaquin  Ortega,  were  taken  prisoners.  Alcalde 
Estudillo  was  wanted  also,  but  hid  in  a  loft,  and  was 
declared  by  his  wife  and  son  to  be  absent  from  home. 
Next  day  Castro  started  northward  with  his  captives. 
Ortega  was  soon  set  at  liberty.* 


63 


68  Dec.  22,  1838,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo.  Carrillo  plotting  to  upset  the  govt, 
enlisting  men  on  the  frontier  and  in  Sonora.  A  letter  of  (or  to)  Ignacio  del 
Valle  had  been  seen  revealing  the  plots.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  278.  This  is 
the  only  contemporary  document  on  the  subject;  but  there  are  later  proofs  of 
the  prisoners  being  at  Sta  Barbara.  It  seems  that  there  was  a  project  formed 
to  rescue  them  at  S.  Luis  Rey ;  and  that  Estudillo  did  go  to  that  place  or  near 
it.  J.  M.  Estudillo,  Datos,  MS.,  24-6,  says  his  father  returned  because  the 
prisoners  disagreed  and  decided  that  no  attack  should  be  made.  Another 
version  from  the  Estudillos,  in  Hayes*  Emig.  Notes,  343-4;  Id.,  Miscellany,  41, 
is  that  Castro  and  his  men  were  to  be  made  drunk  at  a  banquet  at  San  Luis 
and  then  attacked;  but  Estudillo  turned  back  because  his  heart  failed  him  at 
the  thought  of  shedding  blood.  Pio  Pico,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  71-6,  says  the 
prisoners  were  armed  and  the  majordomos  were  ready  to  help;  but  Estudillo, 
after  coming  within  a  mile,  disappointed  their  hopes  by  going  back.  Rafael 
Finto,  Apuntaciones,  MS. ,  39-43,  who  was  with  Castro,  tells  us  the  plan  was 
arranged  by  Andre's  Pico,  who  was  allowed  to  go  home  for  a  while  under  Pin- 
to's care  before  starting  from  S.  Diego.  The  plan  was  for  each  of  the  captives 
to  stab  one  of  the  captors  to  the  heart  at  the  supper-table  at  the  moment  of 
Eatudillo's  attack!  Mention  of  the  affair  also  in  Orel,  Ocurrencias,  ISIS.,  llo- 
10;  Machado,  Tiempos  Pasados,  MS.,  34-5;  Ezquer,  Memorias,  MS.,  13-14; 
Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  142;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  113-16. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

ALVARADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

1839-1840. 

Governor  and  General  at  Santa  Barbara — Carlist  Prisoners — Don 
Carlos  Yields — End  of  the  Conflict — Military  Discipline — Pre- 
sidial  Companies — Diputacion  as  a  Junta  at  Monterey — Division 
of  California  into  Districts  and  Partidos — Prefects — Plots  of 
Ramirez  and  Padre  Mercado — Life  of  Angel  Ramirez — Sedition 
at  Branciforte — Flag  Tumult  at  Los  Angeles— Castillero  Elected 
to  Congress — Vocales  Elected — War  with  France — Jimeno  Acting 
Governor — Alvaeado  Married  by  Proxy — Arrival  of  the  'Cali- 
fornia'— Alvarado  Appointed  Governor — Cosme  Pena — Castaneda 
Sent  to  Mexico — Annals  of  1840 — Sessions  of  the  Junta  Depart- 
amental — tribunal  de  justicia — monterey  the  capital — conspir- 
ACY of  Carrillo  and  Gonzalez. 

There  yet  remained  some  traces,  albeit  not  bloody 
ones,  of  the  past  two  years'  conflict  to  be  obliterated 
before  the  rulers  of  the  department,  now  invested 
with  unquestionable  authority,  could  proceed  in  the 
work  of  reorganization,  and  open  for  California  the 
path  to  complete  prosperity,  hitherto  closed  by  sec- 
tional dissensions  and  other  obstacles  now  for  the 
most  part  removed,  if  the  proclamations  of  the  time 
were  to  be  credited.  The  reader  may  suspect  that 
new  difficulties,  or  the  old  ones  in  new  forms,  were 
likely  to  be  encountered.  In  the  first  days  of  the 
new  year  General  Vallejo  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara 
from  the  frontera  del  norte  to  bear  his  share  of  the 
post-bellum  burdens;  the  first  public  business  in  order 
was  mutual  congratulation  by  governor  and  coman- 
dante.1 

1Jan.  1,  1839,  Vallejo  to  Alvarado,  transcribing  his  promotion  of  July 
23d.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  1.     Jan.  2d,  V.  congratulates  A.  on  his  recogni- 

(579) 


5S0  ALVARADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

At  the  same  time  arrived  Lieutenant-colonel  Castro 
with  his  four  or  five  Carlist  prisoners  from  San  Diego. 
Carlos  Carrillo  was  allowed  the  freedom  of  the  town 
under  parole  by  Alvarado.  The  others  were  soon 
turned  over  to  Vallejo,  who  sent  them  on  board  of 
vessels  then  lying  at  anchor  in  the  roadstead,  with 
orders  to  the  captains  that  no  communication  was  to 
be  allowed  with  persons  on  shore.  Jose  Antonio  Car- 
rillo was  confined  alone  on  the  Leonidas;  the  rest,  the 
Picos,  Covarrubias,  and  Jose  Carrillo,2  were  committed 
to  the  care  of  Robbins  on  the  schooner  California. 
Vallejo  relates  that  the  penalty  included  a  short  trip 
out  to  sea  in  order  that  true  repentance  might  be  de- 
veloped by  the  terrors  of  sea- sickness — not  a  bad  idea, 
but  perhaps  an  afterthought  of  later  years.3  The 
California's  prisoners  were  kept  on  board  four  days, 
and  released  January  19th — from  their  floating  dun- 
geon at  least.4  Don  Jose  Antonio  seems  not  to  have 
recovered  his  freedom  until  somewhat  later,  having 
aroused  Vallejo's  wrath  by  stating  that  his  solitary 
confinement  had  been  from  fear  that  he  would  impli- 
cate the  general  himself  in  his  plots  against  the  gov- 
ernment.5 

On  the  19th  Carlos  Carrillo,  being  released  from 
his  parole,  probably  at  the  same  time  the  other  pris- 

tion  as  gov.  Id.,  v.  2;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  389.     Jan.  2d,  A. 
in  turn  congratulates  V.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  1G0. 

2 It  is  not  quite  clear  whether  the  last  two  had  been  arrested  with  the  rest 
at  S.  Diego  or  subsequently. 

3  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  392-400;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv. 
50-4,  117-19.  Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  71— G,  says  they  spent  a  few  days  on  the 
vessels,  and  were  then  released.  Feb.  5th,  Don  Pio  wrote  from  S.  Lnis  Rey 
that  he  had  rejoined  his  family.  He  had  been  ill,  but  was  urged  homeward 
by  a  desire  to  make  known  his  liberty  and  the  end  of  all  political  differences. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  244. 

4  Jan.  15th,  Vallejo's  orders  to  captains  of  the  two  vessels  to  receive  the 
prisoners  on  board.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  13-14.  Jan.  19th,  order  to  place 
the  California's  prisoners  at  Castro's  disposal.  Id.,  vi.  15. 

5  Jan.  23d,  V.  toCapt.  Castafieda.  Orders  an  investigation  of  the  charges 
against  Carrillo.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  19-20.  The  result  does  not  appear. 
It  is  possible  that  Don  Jose  Antonio  was  released  on  the  19th  like  the  rest, 
or  that  all  were  kept  under  arrest  for  some  daj7s  after  leaving  the  vessels. 
Three  men  of  bad  character  were  sent  out  of  the  country  at  this  time  on  the 
Leonidas.  These  were  Pedro  and  Pablo  Saenz  and  Maximo  Guerra.  Jan. 
24th,  V.  to  captain  of  the  Leonidas    Id.,  vi.  22. 


CATIRILLO  ABANDONS  HIS  CLAIMS.  5S1 

oners  left  the  vessels,  addressed  to  Alvarado  a  letter, 
in  which  he  formally  recognized  his  legitimate  author- 
ity as  governor,  relinquishing  his  own  claims,  and 
promising  to  give  up  all  official  documents  in  his  pos- 
session. This  communication  was  circulated  on  the 
23d  by  the  governor,  with  an  order  that  Don  Carlos 
be  not  molested  for  his  past  acts  and  opinions,  quickly 
followed  by  a  publication  of  the  Mexican  decrees  au- 
thorizing a  grant  of  coast  islands,  and  forbidding  all 
persecution  for  complicity  in  the  past  disturbances. 
Thus  ended  the  long  conflict  between  Alvarado  and 
Carrillo,  though  the  latter  made  some  efforts  subse- 
quently to  collect  a  salary  for  his  term  of  office,  and 
certain  debts  contracted  by  him  at  Los  Angeles  as 
governor  were  paid  from  the  departmental  treasury.6 
He  did  not  obtain  the  island  of  Santa  Rosa  until  some 
years  later,  not  deeming  it  at  the  time,  perhaps,  a  very 
desirable  acquisition.7 

General  Vallejo  found  matters  at  Santa  Barbara  in 
a  condition  which  did  not  square  at  all  with  his  ideas 
of  military  discipline.  Don  Guadalupe,  proud  and 
pompous  in  manner,  had  been  a  soldier  from  youth. 
He  was  a  martinet  by  disposition  and  education,  aud 
at  Sonoma,  among  Indians  and  soldiers  paid  from  his 
own  pocket,  had  been  wont  to  put  on  the  airs  of  a 

6  Jan.  19,  1839,  Carles  Carrillo  to  Alvarado,  offering  his  submission.  Cir- 
culated to  different  officials  on  Jan.  23d.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  215;  Sta  Cruz, 
Arch.,  MS.,  58;  Vallejo,  Do9.,  MS.,  vi.  169.  Jan.  24th,  A.  publishes  decree  of 
July  20,  1838,  on  grant  of  islands.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  216.  Jan.  25th,  A. 
proclaims  communication  from  the  sec.  of  the  int.,  condoning  all  political  of- 
fences. Original  in  Coronet,  Doc,  MS.,  65;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  217;  Sta 
Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  59.  Jan.  27th,  A.  to  sup.  govt.  Announces  the  complete 
restoration  of  tranquillity  through  the  efforts  of  Castillero  and  himself.  Sup. 
Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ::v.  9.  Feb.  5th,  S.  Diego  juez  de  paz,  in  name  of  the  in- 
habitants, congratulates  A.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  221.  Sept.  22d,  Carrillo  to 
Vallejo.  Urges  him  to  influence  A.  to  give  him  an  order  on  some  vessel  for 
his  salary  as  gov.  from  Dec.  6,  1837,  to  Jan.  21,  or  25,  1839.  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  viii.  166.  July  1,  1840,  sub-comisario's  account,  approved  by  A.,  shows 
$1,141  to  have  been  paid  for  '  extraordinary  expenses,'  that  is,  supplies  fur- 
nished to  D.  Carlos  '  en  el  tiempo  que  fue  gobernador.'  Id.,  xxvi.  97. 

7  Alvarado,  JJist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  121-2,  says  he  at  first  told  Don  Carlos  that 
the  president  had  ordered  that  he  should  be  given  an  island  and  sent  to  live 
on  it,  sarcastically  proposing  to  give  him  a  servant  who  would  say  every 
morning,  'How  has  your  Excellency  slept  ? '  The  old  man  begged  not  to  be 
condemned  to  such  a  fate. 


5S2  ALVARADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

petty  sovereign.  Colonel  Alvarado  and  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Castro,  on  the  contrar}7,  had  never  been  sol- 
diers at  all.  They  knew  little  of  military  discipline, 
and  had  not  cared  to  enforce  the  little  they  knew. 
To  their  officers  they  were  ' Juanito'  and  'Jose,'  and 
the  men  were  correspondingly  familiar  and  careless. 
Captain  Vallejo  proposed  to  change  all  that,  and 
Alvarado  had  no  objections  to  the  experiment,  though 
doubting  the  practicability  of  enforcing  strict  disci- 
pline in  an  army  not  regularly  paid.  The  new  regime 
was  introduced  at  once.  In  a  few  days  the  guard- 
house was  crowded  with  offending  soldiers,  while  pretty 
much  every  officer  in  the  place  was  under  arrest.  The 
Carlist  prisoners,  as  we  have  seen,  were  promptly  sent 
on  shipboard,  and  no  attention  was  paid  to  the  im- 
portunities of  weeping  sisters,  cousins,  and  aunts.  A 
lieutenant  and  a  citizen  in  conversation  ventured  to 
criticise  the  comandante's  acts.  The  officer  was  repri- 
manded, legal  proceedings  were  begun  against  the  cit- 
izen for  disrespect,  and  Castro  was  placed  under  arrest 
for  not  having  arrested  the  others.  Castillero  was 
snubbed.  Padre  Duran,  coming  to  plead  for  some 
prisoners,  was  forced  by  a  sentinel  to  await  his  turn 
for  an  audience  with  the  general,  and  on  announcing 
his  errand,  was  informed  that  he  might  retire  unless 
he  had  something  to  say  about  church  matters.  Cap- 
tain Guerra  y  Noriega  was  ordered  to  take  the  com- 
mand of  Santa  Barbara,  and  declining  on  the  ground 
of  ill  health,  was  ordered  under  arrest  at  his  own 
house,  and  informed  that  it  was  his  duty  simply  to 
obey  orders,  though  his  petitions  presented  later  in 
proper  form  would  receive  due  attention.  Some  were 
amused  and  others  offended  at  these  new  methods. 
Don  Guadalupe  soon  found  himself  involved  in  such 
a  tempest  of  protest  and  entreaty  that  he  was  forced 
to  yield.  At  a  grand  party  at  the  house  of  Guerra  y 
Noriega,  all  shook  hands,  made  peace,  and  received 
the  surrender  of  the  general,  who  was  forced  to  admit 


VALLEJO  AT  SANTA  BARBARA.  583 

that  in  an  army  of  unpaid  relatives,  the  old  Spanish 
discipline  must  be  somewhat  modified.8 

Vallejo  not  only  turned  his  attention  to  the  imprac- 
ticable scheme  of  restoring  discipline,  but  he  also  made 
earnest  and  oft-repeated  efforts,  unfortunately  with- 
out success,  to  restore  the  old  presidial  companies  on 
which  he  believed  the  country's  permanent  prosperity 
to  depend.  The  companies  had  now  no  real  existence 
except  that  of  San  Francisco,  supported  at  Sonoma  at 
Vallejo's  own  expense.  Alvarado  was  less  enthusias- 
tic in  the  matter,  but  whatever  his  desires,  he  could 
barely  find  funds  to  support  the  few  men  already  in 
arms.  He  however  ordered  the  municipalities  to  fur- 
nish recruits  to  the  number  of  seventy.  Vallejo  also 
addressed  his  representations  in  favor  of  military  re- 
organization to  the  minister  of  war,  asking  for  money, 
arms,  and  chaplains,  but  getting  nothing  beyond  'au- 
thority' to  reorganize  the  companies.  The  govern- 
ment had  authorized  the  retention  of  the  civic  militia 
in  the  service,  but  as  there  was  no  present  need  of  that 
force  and  no  money  with  which  to  support  it,  the 
members  were  allowed  to  retire  to  their  homes.  It 
was  early  in  March  that  Vallejo  returned  to  the 
north  and  reestablished  his  headquarters  at  Sonoma.9 

8  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  392-418;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  59; 
iv.  11G-19.  Jan.  28th-30th,  corresp.  between  V.  and  Guerra,  in  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  vi.  174-9. 

9  Some  military  items,  Jan. -April,  1839.  Jan.  3d,  supplies  brought  by 
Castillero  from  Mexico:  598  coats,  477  pants,  297  shirts,  298  stocks,  289  shoes, 
200  cloaks,  400  caps  and  casques,  400  maletas,  200  chabrases,  100  muskets,  200 
carbines,  99  sabres,  49  lances,  4  trumpets,  3,000  flints,  15,580  cartridges.  Va- 
llejo, Doc,  MS.,  xxv.  15.  Alf.  Lazaro  Piiiawith.  9  men  of  the  S.  F.  company 
at  Sta  B.  as  Vallejo's  escort.  Id.,  xxv.  10.  Jan  7th,  11th,  19th,  Vallejo  to 
Alvarado,  urging  organization  of  presidial  companies,  or  of  permanent  militia. 
/'/.,  v.  3;  vi.  105;  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  242.  Jan.  27th-29th,  recruits 
called  for.  Quota  of  Angeles  40,  S.  Diego  10,  Branci forte  15,  Sta  Barba- 
ra 5.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  219,  221;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  175.  Jan.  31st, 
V.  authorizes  the  auxiliary  forces  to  disband  temporarily.  Names  captains 
J.  A.  de  la  Guerra,  Valentin  Cota,  and  A.  M.  Ortega;  lieutenants  Manuel 
Cota,  Juan  P.  Ayala,  Felipe  Lugo,  and  Octavio  Gutierrez;  alfereccs  Clemente 
Espinosa,  Guillermo  Navarro,  Hilarion  Garcia,  Isidoro  Guillen,  Tomas  lk>- 
mero,  Antonio  Olivera,  Joaquin  de  la  Torre,  and  Ignacio  del  Valle.  I'd.,  vi. 
33,  183.  Feb.  0th,  V.  's  appeals  to  min.  of  war  for  repairrj  of  fortifications,  etc. , 
describing  present  condition,  explaining  dangers  of  foreign  encroachment, 
recommending  officers  for  promotion,  etc.  Id.,  vi.  217-24.  Authorised  from 
Mexico  to  incur  the  expense  of  repairing  fortifications  Aug.  5th.   Sup.  Govt 


584  ALVARADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

Alvarado  bad  in  the  mean  time  convoked  the  dipu- 
tacion  to  assemble  at  the  capital.  He  issued  an  elec- 
tion proclamation  for  the  formation  in  March  of  a  new 
junta  departamental,  and  returned  to  Monterey  at  the 
end  of  January,  being  accorded  the  enthusiastic  cere- 
monies of  a  public  reception,  with  the  usual  salutes, 
speeches,  races,  feasting,  and  dancing.10 

The  diputacion,  its  composition  being  unchanged 
since  1837,  met  at  Monterey  the  25th  of  February. 
Vocal  Pico  was  absent  during  the  sessions,  and  Osio 
served  as  secretary.  After  delivering  a  short  address 
upon  the  recent  measures  adopted  in  Mexico  for  the 
benefit  of  California,  Alvarado  declared  the  body 
legally  installed  as  a  junta  departamental.  The  ses- 
sions continued  until  March  7th,  and  action  was 
taken  upon  three  subjects.  First,  the  approaching 
elections  for  members  of  the  junta  and  a  deputy  to 
congress  were  declared  legal,  despite  the  non-attend- 
ance of  electors  from  Baja  California,  if  a  majority  of 
all  the  electors  were  present.  Second,  Alvarado's 
proposition  to  divide  the  department  into  districts,  to 
be  noticed  presently,  was  approved.  And  finally  a 
terna  of  three  names  was  made  out  from  which  a  per- 
manent governor  was  to  be  selected  by  the  supreme 
government.  The  names  in  order  of  preference  were 
Juan  B.  Alvarado,  Jose  Castro,  and  Pio  Pico.11 

St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  8-9.  Complaints  of  Sergt  Petronilo  Rios  in  command  of 
artillery  at  Monterey  about  trouble  in  getting  funds  and  supplies  from  the 
sub-comisario.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  209,  334-5,  465.  March  13th,  Prefect 
Castro  orders  from  S.  Juan  the  formation  of  a  company  of  auxiliaries  to  pro- 
tect the  district  from  Indians.  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  392.  March  14th, 
V.  to  min.  of  war.  Appeal  for  chaplains.  Vallejo,  Doc,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  vi. 
22S.  March  31st,  J.  A.  Pico  ordered  to  Sonoma  from  S.  Diego,  and  wants  2 
men  for  an  escort.  Hayes*  Miss.  Booh,  i.  328.  No  comandante,  nor  muni- 
tions, so  far  as  known  to  Judge  Osuna,  at  S.  Diego.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS., 
221.  April  25th,  V.  says  the  order  to  retain  the  auxiliary  troops  in  service 
will  entitle  Alvarado  to  the  military  fuero.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  437. 
April  26th,  Capt.  Guerra  wants  #12,000  of  back  pay.    Id.,  vi.  487. 

10 Jan.  17th,  call  for  election.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  214;  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  xxxii.  174;  Estudillo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  249.  The  order  convoking  the  mem- 
bers of  the  old  dip.  is  not  extant.  Jan.  29th,  A.  sails  for  Monterey.  Sta 
Barbara,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  47.  Reception  mentioned  in  Alvarado,  Hist, 
Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  124-5. 

11  Leg.  J  Ice,  MS.,  iii.  30-G,  47-8.     The  members  present  were  Alvarado, 


PREFECTS  AND  SUB-PREFECTS.  585 

According  to  the  laws  of  December  1836,  the  re- 
public was  to  be  divided  by  congress  into  departments, 
and  each  department  by  its  junta  into  districts  and 
partidos.12  The  corresponding  decree  of  the  junta 
was  issued  by  Alvarado  on  February  27th,  dividing 
the  department  of  Californias  into  three  districts,  one 
of  them  belonging  to  the  peninsula  exclusively.  Of 
the  others,  the  first  district  extended  from  the  Sono- 
ma frontier  to  San  Luis  Obispo,  with  the  capital  or 
head  town  at  San  Juan  de  Castro;  and  the  second 
from  El  Buchon  to  Santo  Domingo  on  the  peninsular 
frontier,  with  the  head  town  at  Los  Angeles.  The 
first  district  was  divided  at  Llagas  Creek  into  two  par- 
tidos, of  which  the  second  had  its  cabecera  at  San 
Francisco  mission,  and  the  second  district  was  divided 
at  the  space  between  San  Fernando  and  Cahuenga, 
Santa  Barbara  being  the  cabecera  of  the  second  par- 
tido.13  By  the  laws  of  December  30,  1836,  and  March 
20, 1837,  each  district  was  to  have  a  prefect  appointed 
by  the  governor  and  approved  by  the  supreme  gov- 
ernment; each  partido,  except  one  in  every  district, 
was  to  have  a  sub-prefect  appointed  by  the  prefect 
and  approved  by  the  governor.14  Accordingly  the 
prefects  were  named  on  the  same  day  that  the  divi- 
sion was  made,  or  the  next,  Jose  Castro  being  ap- 
pointed in  the  first  district,  and  Cosme  Pena  in  the 

Buelna,  Guerra,  Jimeno,  Estrada,  and  Osio.     The  organization  of  temporary 
courts  of  1st  instance  was  discussed,  without  result  so  far  as  the  record  shows. 

12  Leyes  Constitutionals.  Ley  vi.  art.  1-3,  in  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1836, 
p.  367.  Also  decree  of  Dec.  30,  1336,  ordering  the  division  in  Californias  and 
the  appointment  of  prefects,  in  Id.,  p.  379.  In  the  Mexico,  Providencia  de  la 
Suprema  Corte  de  Justicia — que  se  proceda  d  la  division  del  territorio  de  los  de- 
partamentos  of  Nov.  11,  1837,  governors  were  directed  to  have  the  division 
made  at  once  if  not  already  done,  Id.,  1838,  p.  572;  but  this  instruction  had 
probably  not  reached  Cal.  In  making  the  division,  it  does  not  appear  that 
any  restrictions  were  imposed  as  to  number,  extent,  or  population  of  districts. 

13  Feb.  27,  1839,  decree  of  junta  dividing  Cal.  into  districts  and  partidos, 
in  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  iii.  33-4;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  220;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS., 
vi.  274;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  x.  26,  xi.  112;  Estudiilo,  Doc,  MS.,  i. 
254;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  246.  The  3d  district  in  JBaja  California  was 
not  divided  into  partidos  at  this  time. 

14  Mexico,  Reg! amento  Provisional  para  el  Gobierno  interior  de  los  Depart- 
amentos,  SO  de  Marzo,  1837.  Art.  61-121  on  prefects  and  sub-prefects,  in 
Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1837,  p.  202,214-23.  Translation  in  II all's  Hist.  S.  Jose, 
489-517. 


586  ALVAEADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

second,  though  the  latter  was  not  approved  in  Mexico.15 
The  prefects  may  be  regarded  as  a  kind  of  petty 
governors,  their  functions  being  executive  rather  than 
judicial;  further  explanation  of  the  system  is  deferred, 
and  the  somewhat  complicated  record  of  successive 
changes  in  the  incumbents  of  the  prefectura  will  be 
cleared  up  in  local  annals.  The  same  law  of  March 
20,  1837,  which  defined  the  powers  of  prefects,  made 
provisions  also  respecting  ayuntamientos,  which  de- 
prived California  of  those  bodies  except  at  the  capital, 
justices  of  the  peace  taking  their  place.  This  provi- 
sion was  put  in  force  by  the  dissolution  of  the  ayunt- 
amientos at  the  end  of  1839.1G  It  may  be  noted  here 
that  an  attempt  was  made  in  the  peninsula  to  oppose 
the  union  with  Alta  California,  there  being  a  prefer- 
ence for  union  to  Sinaloa — at  least  in  the  mind  of  Gefo 
Politico  Castillo  Negrete,  who  had  no  fondness  for 
the  position  of  prefect  under  his  old  foe  Alvarado.17 

The  attention  of  the  people  was  occupied  in  March 
to  a  slight  extent  with  the  elections,  but  in  April  and 
May  there  were  several  more  exciting  topics  of  popu- 
lar interest.  An^el  Ramirez  was  accused  of  new 
plots  to  rouse  the  Indians,  being  supported  by  Padre 
Mercado,  and  by  certain  persons  who  were  dissatisfied 
with  the  tenia  for  governor.  Ramirez  had  been  ar- 
rested for  complicity  in  the  revolt  of  July  1837,  and 
for  much  of  the  time  since  that  date  had  been  com- 
pelled to  live  at  certain  missions  under  surveillance. 
Whether  he  was  yet  entirely  free  does  not  appear; 

15  I  have  not  found  any  regular  appointments  of  prefects,  but  Alvarado 
named  Castro  and  Peiia  in  his  letter  of  Feb.  28th  to  Vallejo,  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  vi.  277,  and  it  is  evident  from  many  documents  that  the  appointments 
were  issued  on  that  date  or  on  the  27th.     The  approval  of  the  division  and  of 

bro'a  appointment  by  the  sup.  gov.  was  on  Aug.  7th.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
iv.  131,  280;  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  10,  12;  Estudillo,  Doc,  US.,  i.  262. 
Before  the  news  reached  Cal.  in  Sept.,  Peiia  had  already  resigned  and  had 
been  succeeded  by  Tiburcio  Tapia. 

1(5  Nov.  7,  1839,  gov.  to  prefect,  ordering  dissolution  of  ayuut.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xii.  19.     Details  in  local  annals. 

"July  16,  1839,  Luis  Castillo  Negrete  to  some  clergyman.  No  attention 
is  to  be  paid  to  orders  from  Alta  California  till  the  change  now  pending  in  the 
senate  shall  have  been  decided.  Castro,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  37. 


FATE  OF  ANGEL  RAMIREZ.  587 

nor  is  it  possible  to  determine  whether  the  charges 
made  at  this  time  were  well  founded.  Both  Ramirez 
and  Mercado  were  detained  for  some  time  at  San  An- 
tonio, it  being  Alvarado's  intention  to  send  them  both 
out  of  the  country.18  Perhaps  Don  Angel  escaped  to 
the  Tulares  and  spent  some  months  in  the  rancherfas 
of  gentile  tribes.  He  returned,  however,  to  live  again 
for  a  time  at  the  missions,  and  died  early  in  the  next 
year  at  San  Luis  Obispo.  He  had  suffered  long  from 
a  terrible  disease,  and  died  at  last  without  receiving 
the  rites  of  the  church.  His  had  been  a  strange 
eventful  career  as  friar,  soldier,  customs  officer,  and 
conspirator.  He  was  known  in  California  as  an  able 
and  brilliant  man,  but  without  a  redeeming  trait  in 
respect  of  honor  and  morality.  There  is  nothing  in 
the  record  to  show  that  his  most  unenviable  reputa- 
tion was  undeserved.19 

18  April  3,  1839,  Cosme  Pefia  at  Sta  Barbara  to  Alvarado.  Reports  a  plot 
brewing  to  rouse  the  Indians  of  S.  Antonio  and  other  missions.  Also  plots 
to  prevent  the  attendance  of  southern  members  elected  to  the  junta.  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  vi.  359.  April  11th,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo.  Sends  Pena's  commu- 
nication. Ramirez  is  to  remain  at  S.  Antonio  until  he  can  be  shipped  away 
in  the  California.  Has  his  eyes  on  the  friars.  Ex-gov.  Carrillo  has  not  yet 
sent  the  papers  he  promised.  Id. ,  vi.  404.  April  29th,  A.  to  V.  The  padre 
(Mercado?)  detained  at  S.  Antonio,  and  will  be  sent  away  as  the  general  de- 
sires. Id.,  vi.  497.  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  75-80,  says  he  was  sent  to  arrest 
Ramirez  at  S.  Luis  Obispo,  but  he  escaped,  through  a  warning  from  Admin- 
istrator Moreno,  to  the  Tulares.  Inocente  Garcia,  Hechos,  MS.,  68-70,  was 
administrator  of  S.  Miguel.  He  says  that  Victor  Arroyo  was  arrested  by 
him  and  sent  in  irons  to  Monterey  for  complicity  in  this  plot.  Tiburcio  Al- 
varez had  also  been  concerned  in  it. 

19  All  the  Californians  agree  that  Angel  Ramirez  had  been  a  friar  of  the 
Merced  order,  and  later  a  captain  in  the  insurgent  army.  Abrego,  Cartas, 
MS.,  gives  a  few  details  learned  from  his  uncle  in  Mexico.  It  seems  that 
Ramirez  had  left  his  convent  in  1820  and  fought  under  Gen.  Anaya.  He 
allowed  the  escape  of  some  royalist  intrusted  to  his  charge,  and  this  saved 
his  life  later  when  himself  captured  by  the  Spanish  forces.  He  was  several 
times  under  arrest  before  coming  to  California.  The  government  desired, 
says  Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  302-3,  316-17,  380-1,  to  remove  him  as  far  as 
possible  from  Mexico,  where  his  intrigues  caused  constant  trouble.  Janssens 
saw  him  serving  in  command  of  Vice-president  Gomez  Farias'  body-guard. 
Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  71-4,  187-8,  298-9,  tells  us  he  was  a  protege  of 
Gen.  Ugarte  y  Loyola  of  New  Galicia.  'Had  he  been  president  he  would 
have  conspired  against  himself.'  Says  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  224, 
'El  capitan  fraile  tenia  mas  mafias  que  un  burro  de  aguador. '  In  1833  he 
was  made  administrator  of  the  Monterey  custom-house,  and  arrived  in  the 
spring  of  1834  overland,  bringing  a  mistress  with  him.  He  was  very  free 
with  his  money  and  that  of  the  government,  giving  many  expensive  dinners 
and  balls,  which,  with  his  social  qualities,  gave  him  much  popularity.  He 
knew  everybody,  and  was  skilled  in  all  the  arts  of  a  demagogue.     He  was 


588  ALVARADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

At  Brauciforte,  certain  evil-doers  disobeyed  and 
even  ridiculed  the  alcalde's  orders.  Comandante  Cas- 
tro sent  Lieutenant  Soto  with  a  force  to  aid  the  muni- 
cipal authorities.  Nine,  all  members  of  the  Robles, 
Salazar,  and  Soria  families,  were  arrested.  On  the 
march  back  to  San  Juan  the  prisoners  refused  to  obey 
orders,  and  were  fired  upon,  Avelino  Robles  being 
killed  and  Nicolas  Robles  badly  wounded.  Reports 
based  on  this  affair  and  the  plots  of  Ramirez,  were 
circulated  in  the  south,  to  the  effect  that  the  whole 
north  was  in  revolt;  but  Prefect  Pena  issued  a  denial 
of  such  reports,  presenting  the  death  of  Robles  and 
the  imprisonment  of  his  companions  as  a  salutary  ex- 
ample for  the  benefit  of  the  Angelinos,  showing  the 
energy  of  the  government  and  the  inevitable  conse- 
quences of  insubordination.20 

Yet  despite  the  warnings  thus  given  by  the  pre- 
fect, a  tumult  occurred  before  the  month  was  over  in 
the  city  of  Los  Angeles,  or  'Los  Diablos'  as  it  was 

accused  of  embezzling  the  public  funds,  but  no  definite  proofs  exist.  Juan 
Bandini's  fruitless  efforts  to  investigate  his  management  of  the  revenues  are 
well  known  to  the  reader,  who  also  remembers  the  part  taken  by  Don  Angel 
in  support  of  Alvarado's  revolution  of  1836.  He  thought  he  could  control 
Alvarado  more  easily  than  Gutierrez,  but  learned  his  mistake  when  he  made 
the  attempt,  being  removed  from  his  office  in  December  183G.  Castillo  Ne- 
grete  described  him  in  verse  as  'El  proto-libertador — Primer  hombre  de  Es- 
tado — Es  nn  fraile  renegado — Gran  perjuro  y  gran  traidor — De  oficio  admin  - 
istrador — Es  de  muy  ancha  conciencia — Derrochador  sin  clemencia — Sagaz 
revolucionario — Jugador  y  pendulario — Sin  Dios,  ni  patria,  ni  creencia.' 
Unable  to  control  the  governor,  he  engaged  in  plots  against  him;  and  was  ar- 
rested in  July,  1837.  Later  he  lived  at  the  missions,  closely  watched,  and 
always  suspected.  Torre,  Remin.,  MS.,  79,  Garcia,  Hechos,  MS.,  71-2, 
and  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  53-4,  describe  not  very  clearly  his  mission  life, 
stating  that  at  the  last  he  was  treated  with  great  indignity.  He  died  at  San 
Luis  Obispo  on  Feb.  6,  1840,  and  was  buried  next  day  by  P.  Abella.  After 
postponing  confession  from  time  to  time,  he  at  last  promised  to  attend  to  his 
spiritual  welfare  after  taking  a  short  sleep,  but  from  that  sleep  he  never 
awoke,  and  thus  died  without  the  sacraments.  S.  Luis  Obispo,  Lib.  Jlision, 
MS.,  55.  His  disease  was  syphilis  contracted  among  the  Indians.  A  writer 
in  the  Californian,  Nov.  21,  1846,  attributes  his  death  to  poison.  On  account 
of  his  promise  to  confess,  his  body  was  buried  in  the  mission  cemetery. 

2U  April  19th,  Castro 'to  Vallejo,  with  marginal  order  of  the  latter  that  the 
prisoners  be  tried  by  military  law.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  450.  May  2d, 
Prefect  Pcfta's  circular,  in  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  223;  Monterey,  Arch.,  MS., 
ix.  7-8;  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  x.  24-£.  May  23d,  Castro  to  Vallejo.  No  pro- 
ceedings by  military  law  because  the  gov.  had  banished  the  prisoners  from 
Cal.  ())•  from  the  Monterey  district.  V.  blames  C.  for  having  permitted 
an  'incompetent  authority'  to  interfere.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vii.  131. 


TUMULT  AT  LOS  ANGELES,  589 

re-christened  by  Don  Cosme  at  this  time.  Pena  was 
naturally  not  popular,  especially  among  the  class  that 
had  so  bitterly  opposed  Alvarado  in  the  past,  and 
there  were  occasional  manifestations  of  the  feeling 
against  him.  One  ground  of  displeasure  was  that  he 
had  established  his  office  at  the  house  of  Abel  Stearns, 
in  front  of  which  he  had  raised  the  flag  of  the  prefec- 
ture and  planted  a  cannon.  It  was  said  that  Stearns 
had  used  the  flag-staff  as  a  post  to  which  cattle  were 
tied  for  slaughter,  thus  insulting  the  dignity  of  the 
Angelinos.  On  Sunday,  May  19th,  while  Pena  was 
absent  at  San  Pedro,  some  fifteen  young  men,  armed 
and  mounted,  had  assembled  to  pull  down  the  flag, 
and  perhaps  to  sacrifice  a  calf  in  burlesque  before  it. 
On  his  return  the  prefect  caused  the  arrest  of  the 
ringleaders,  Varela,  Sepulveda,  and  Yorba,  to  be  tried 
for  sedition,  and  obtained  a  guard  of  ten  soldiers  from 
Santa  Barbara.  Next,  the  citizens  sent  protests  to 
the  ayuntamiento,  which  body  asked  Pena  to  remove 
the  flag  to  the  public  buildings,  where  it  would  be 
respected.  Pena  in  anger  surrendered  the  prefecture 
to  Alcalde  Tapia,  and  both  reported  to  the  govern- 
ment at  Monterey.  The  reply  was  to  impose  a  fine 
of  five  dollars  on  each  signer  of  the  memorial,  which 
had  also  been  sent  by  twenty  citizens  to  the  governor, 
and  one  of  ten  dollars  on  each  member  of  the  ayunta- 
miento. Pena  was,  however,  ordered  to  Monterey, 
and  Tapia  left  in  charge  of  the  office.  Quiet  was  re- 
stored by  the  middle  of  June.21 

The  primary  elections  had  taken  place  in  March, 
and  on  May  1st  the  seven   partido  electors  met  at 

21  General  accounts,  Pena  to  Vallejo,  on  June  8th.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS., 
vii.  191.  Pena  to  Alcalde.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Den.,  MS.,  iv.  39-47.  May  22d- 
25th,  action  of  ayunt.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  87-8;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xviii.  15-1 G.  May  25th,  Tapia  to  Alvarado.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pre/, 
y  Juzrj.,  MS.,  v.  2-3.  May  25th,  com.  of  Sta  Barbara  to  Vallejo.  Has  sent 
a  force  under  Lieut  Pardo.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vii.  142.  June  1st,  Tapia  an- 
nounces that  all  is  quiet.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  227.  June  3d,  gov.  to  Pref. 
Tapia,  imposing  fines.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  114-17.  June  12th- 
17  th,  action  at  Angeles  on  the  fines,  which  there  was  a  willingness  to  pay, 
though  Tapia  was  exempted  in  July.  Id.,  v.  22,  38,  43,  57;  Los  Angeles, 
Arch.,  MS.,  v.  94-5. 


590  ALVARADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

Monterey  as  a  junta  electoral.  The  result  of  their 
labors  was  that  on  the  2d  Andres  Castillero  was  elected 
as  congressman,  with  Antonio  M.  Osio  as  substitute; 
and  on  the  3d  seven  members  of  the  new  junta  de- 
partamental  to  meet  on  the  1st  of  August,  were  chosen 
as  follows:  Manuel  Jimeno,  Tiburcio  Castro,  Anas- 
tasio  Carrillo,  Rafael  Gonzalez,  Pio  Pico,  Santiago 
Argiiello,  and  Manuel  Requena.22  May  13th  and  14th 
the  old  junta,  or  four  of  its  members,  held  meetings 
to  ratify  the  late  election,  and  to  empower  the  new 
congressman  to  receive  from  the  supreme  government 
the  product  of  the  pious-fund  estates  for  the  pay- 
ment of  public  expenses.23  Two  or  three  days  later 
Don  Andres  sailed  on  the  California  to  occupy  his 
new  post.  It  is  as  well  to  state  here  that  though  the 
newly  elected  junta  was  convoked  for  August  1st,  no 
meeting  was  held  at  that  time  nor  in  this  year  at  all. 
The  vocales  would  not  present  themselves,  and  the 
substitutes  could  not  be  summoned  until  the  junta 
had  approved  the  excuses  of  the  regular  members!'24 

Vallejo  in  the  mean  time  did  not  cease  to  urge  mili- 
tary reorganization,  especially  with  a  view  to  secure 
the  northern  frontier  from  foreign  agression.  On 
May  10th  in  one  of  several  letters  to  the  minister  of 


22  Records  of  this  election  and  of  the  local  elections  of  March,  in  Leg. 
Pec ,  MS.,  iii.  36-43.  The  partido  electors -were  Osio  and  Santiago  Estrada 
for  Monterey,  Felipe  Lugo  and  Joaquin  Ortega  for  Angeles,  Covarrubias  for 
Sta  Barbara,  Jose"  Fernandez  for  S.  Jcse,  and  Francisco  Guerrero  for  S.  F. 
The  substitute  vocales  chosen  were  Jose  Castro,  J.  R.  Estrada,  Ignacio  del 
Valle,  Carlos  Castro,  Ignacio  Martinez,  J.  J.  Vallejo,  and  A.  M.  Pico.  Or- 
der for  the  election  issued  Jan.  17th.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  214;  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  174;  Estudillo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  249.  Further  records  of  local 
elections.  Doc  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  397;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  250.  May 
5th,  Alvarado  proclaims  the  election  of  Castillero  and  Osio.  S.  Diego,  Arch., 
MS.,  243. 

'a  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  iii.  43-4.  May  16th,  Alvarado  to  sup.  govt.  Sup, 
Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  9.  Aug.  7th,  Castillero  not  successful  in  obtaining 
the  pious  fund.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  131;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  196, 
282.  Castillero  expected  to  sail  from  Sta  Barbara  May  13th.  hi.,  vii.  64. 
The  vessel  left  S.  Diego  on  June  7th. 

21  Aug.  1st,  junta  convoked  for  this  date.  Pico,  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  163;  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  276.  Aug.  12th,  Castro  to  alcaldes.  No  quorum  obtained. 
Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  40;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  82-3.  Aug.  14th, 
election  approved  in  Mexico.    Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  x.  28. 


MILITARY  AND  FINANCIAL  AFFAIES.  591 

war  he  described  at,  some  length  his  past  efforts  and 
success  in  colonizing  the  region  north  of  the  bay.  He 
required  not  only  approval  of  what  he  had  done,  but 
aid  to  carry  on  the  work,  including  certain  commercial 
concessions  to  the  colonists;  for  he  could  not  longer 
support  the  military  force  from  his  own  resources,  and 
at  the  same  time  meet  the  constantly  increasing  de- 
mands of  the  settlers  for  aid.25  A  few  recruits  were 
obtained  for  the  regular  companies,  but  they  were  of 
a  vagabond  class  which  the  municipal  authorities  were 
glad  to  get  rid  of,  and  which  the  general  did  not  de- 
sire for  soldiers.26  There  was  trouble  also  because  the 
governor  discharged  militia  officers  without  the  coman- 
dante's  consent,  and  otherwise  interfered  in  military 
matters.27  The  chief  difficulty,  however,  was  a  finan- 
cial one.  There  was  of  course  a  quarrel  about  the 
distribution  of  revenues,  the  army  not  getting  its  share, 
as  was  believed  by  military  men,  and  each  company 
being  defrauded,  in  the  opinion  of  its  officers.  The 
chief  complaint  came  from  Santa  Barbara,  as  Sonoma 
interests  were  protected  by  the  presence  of  the  gen- 
eral, Monterey  with  the  custom-house  had  the  first 
handling  of  the  funds,  and  San  Diego  had  no  company 
to  support.     Both  in  the  south,  and  to  some  extent 

25  May  10,  1839,  V.  to  min.  of  war  on  needs  of  the  northern  frontier.  Va- 
llejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vii.  28.  Other  communications  on  military  needs,  in  May. 
Id.,  vii.  26,  27,  29,  37.  June  10th,  V.  to  Alvarado.  A  printed  appeal  for 
regular  military  companies  and  an  escolta  for  each  mission.  'Nothing  but 
the  old  system  can  save  the  country.'  Vcdlejo,  Ordenes,  15--21;  Id.,  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal.,  MS.,  xxxii.  206.  Same  date,  to  min.  of  war.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv. 
258.  Dec.  1st,  V.  begs  Castillero  to  get  aid  for  the  troops.  Vcdlejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  viii.  334. 

26  May  10th,  V.  to  Alvarado.  No  criminals  will  be  accepted.  Vcdlejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  vii.  43.  May  24th,  Capt.  Villavicencio  got  12  recruits  in  the  south, 
unfit  for  soldiers,  but  turned  over  to  Castro.  Id.,  vii.  138.  May  31st,  V. 
calls  the  recruits  physically  unfit  or  grossly  immoral.  Id. ,  vii.  156.  June  1st, 
the  wicked  recruits  to  be  sent  back  to  Angeles.  Id.,  vii.  167.  Nov.  12th,  V. 
to  A.  Sends  a  decree  of  Jan.  26th,  requiring  regular  companies  to  be  filled 
by  draft.  Id.,  viii.  274.  Nov.  26th,  A.  says  the  conscription  will  be  carried 
into  effect  when  instructions  arrive.  Id.,  viii.  318. 

27  May  19th,  V.  to  A.,  complaining  of  the  discharge  as  a  dangerous  prece- 
dent, and  begging  the  gov.  as  colonel  to  revoke  his  order  and  put  himself 
under  the  general's  orders.  Vcdlejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vii.  117.  June  7th,  Capt.  S. 
Vailejo  will  obey  the  general's  orders,  notwithstanding  his  dismissal  by  the 
gov.  /(/.,  vii.  185.  July  5th,  Alf.  Andres  Pico  refuses  to  take  command  at 
S.  Luis  Rey  as  ordered  by  Vailejo.  Id.,  vii.  316. 


592  ALVARADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

in  the  extreme  north,  the  'clique  at  the  capital'  was 
charged  with  spending  the  public  moneys  almost  ex- 
clusively for  the  benefit  of  local  interests  and  personal 
friends.28 

In  June  the  war  between  Mexico  and  France  took 
a  large  share  of  attention  from  the  authorities,  both 
military  and  civil.  As  the  war  had  ended  three 
months  before,  the  real  danger  of  an  attack  on  Cali- 
fornian  coasts  was  not  great;  however,  as  tidings  of 
peace  had  not  yet  reached  the  north,  an  opportunity 
was  afforded  for  a  brilliant  display  of  national  patriot- 
ism in  preparing  to  repel  the  possible  attacks  of 
French  corsairs.  The  resulting  complication  of  mili- 
tary orders,  interwoven  with  complaints  respecting 
defective  fortifications  and  other  means  of  defence, 
was  very  nearly  a  reduplication  of  similar  alarms  in 
the  old  Spanish  times.  The  only  result  was  that  ex- 
penses were  considerably  increased  during  the  month, 
and  that  a  little  work  was  done  on  one  or  two 
forts.  French  residents  were  not  molested,  though 
closely  watched,  if  orders  were  obeyed;  on  the  last 
clay  of  the  month  the  news  of  peace  was  circulated.29 

28May  25th,  Vallejo  to  Guerra  at  Sta  B.  Explains  the  distribution  of  810,000 
received  for  the  army  as  its  share  of  the  California's  duties,  $25,000;  S.  Fran- 
cisco co.,  with  60  men,  got  $2,000;  Monterey,  30  men,  $1,500;  Sta  Barbara, 
15  men,  $1,000;  S.  Diego,  $500;  staff  and  unattached  officers,  $1,000;  war 
material  paid  for,  $1,300;  chest  of  medicine,  $250;  Sta  B.  artillery,  $200; 
capt.  of  port  and  other  officers  at  S.  F. ,  $350;  Alf.  Ignacio  del  Valle,  $100; 
the  rest  for  relief  of  old  invalidos  in  small  sums.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vii.  140. 
July  5th,  com.  of  Sta  B.  to  V.,  complaining  of  neglect  from  the  Monterey 
authorities.  Id.,  vii.  310.  Complaints  from  S.  Luis  Rey.  Id. ,  vii.  313-14. 
July  10th,  V.  to  Alvarado.  Complains  that  the  comisario  refuses  to  obey  his 
requisitions.  /(/.,  vii.  70.  Orders  payment  of  $1,000  each  to  Sta  B.  and  S. 
Diego,  and  offers  to  lend  $10,000  to  the  treasury.  Id.,  vi.  144,  146-7;  vii.  358. 
$1,400  in  goods  and  $100  in  money  paid  to  Monterey  co.  from  Feb.  to  July. 
Id.,  vii.  388.  July  22d,  Comisario  Abrego  expects  to  pay  one  fourth  of  dues 
for  past  month.  Id. ,  vii.  406.  Aug.  6th,  only  one  soldier  at  S.  Diego.  8.  Dicjo, 
Arch.,  MS.,  234.  Aug.  7th,  not  a  cent's  worth  of  anything  received  for  the 
artillery  this  year.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  viii.  22,  17.  Sept.  3d,  men  at  S.  Luis 
Rey — S.  Diego  co. — left  the  service  against  orders  to  earn  a  living  by  their 
work.  Id.,  viii.  69-70.  Sept.  8th,  Capt.  S.  Vallejo  complains  that  the  S. 
Francisco  co.  is  neglected  by  the  comisario.  Id.,  viii.  86.  Sept.  11th,  Vallejo 
to  Lieut  J.  M.  Ramirez.  Cannot  relieve  his  wants,  having  no  resources.  /(/. , 
viii.  133,  137.  Oct.  27th,  Abrego  says  Capt.  Castaneda  and  the  habilitado  of 
S.  F.  refused  $4,000  proffered,  because  the  amount  included  1,000  hides  at 
$1.50.  Id. ,  viii.  233.  Nov.  3d,  northern  troox>s  to  have  $2,500  from  the  first 
duties.   Id.,  viii.  252. 

*9  Over  40  communications  on  this  alarm.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  221,  229- 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  WEDDING.  593 

From  July  to  September  lampoons  of  an  insulting 
and  threatening  character,  and  directed  against  the 
departmental  rulers,  were  posted  at  different  places, 
and  anonymous  letters  of  similar  purport  were  sent 
to  Alvarado.  At  the  same  time  rumors  were  cur- 
rent, for  the  most  part  without  foundation,  of  plots 
in  the  south,  and  even  of  a  hostile  expedition  ap- 
proaching from  Sonora.  Vallejo  evidently  did  not 
share  in  the  alarm  felt  or  feigned  at  the  capital,  as  he 
refused  to  put  certain  troops  asked  for  under  the  gov- 
ernor's orders  till  he  should  be  informed  respecting 
the  exact  nature  of  the  suspected  plots.30  In  these 
months  Alvarado,  as  was  often  the  case  during  his 
rule,  was  unable  to  attend  to  his  official  duties  on 
account  of  illness,  and  his  secretary,  Jimeno  Casarin, 
acted  much  of  the  time  as  governor,  especially  in 
July;  however,  Don  Juan  Bautista  had  sufficiently 
recovered  his  health  in  August  to  marry  Dona  Mar- 
tina, daughter  of  Francisco  Castro.  The  marriage 
took  place  at  Santa  Clara  on  August  24th,  but  Alva- 
rado was  not  present,  being  represented  by  Jose 
Antonio  Estrada.  Eight  days  later  the  bride  came 
to  the  capital,  where  the  festivities  lasted  several 
days.31 

The  national  schooner  California  arrived  September 
15th  at  Santa  Barbara,  on  her  return  voyage  from 

30;  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  x.  13;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  256-7;  Id.,  Angeles, 
xii.  6;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  119-36;  vii.  67-9,  174,  176,  189,  206-20,  249, 
404.  Communications  from  Mex.  Jan. -April.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv. 
2-4.  June  25th,  news  of  peace  in  a  private  letter  of  Guerra.  Vallejo.  Doc, 
MS.,  vii.  264.  Officially  published  June  30th.  Id.,  vii.  275.  Oct.  31st, 
orders  had  been  received  from  Mexico  to  strengthen  coast  defences.  Id.,  viii. 
240. 

30  Lampoons  and  anonymous  letters  at  Sta  Barbara  and  Monterey.  Va- 
llejo, Doc,  MS.,  vii.  310,  321;  Alvarado,  Hid.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  140-4;  Vallejo, 
J I  id.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  7-14.  lieports  of  the  Sonora  expedition  brought  to  S. 
Diego  in  August,  contradicted  in  Sept.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  viii.  58,  67. 
Plots  in  the  south  in  Sept.  Id. ,  viii.  76,  88. 

31  Copy  of  record  from  Sta  Clara  mission  book,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS., 
xxxii.  293.  P.  Gonzalez  performed  the  ceremony.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  iv.  169-72,  tells  us  it  was  the  arrival  of  La  Place  that  kept  him  from 
going  in  person  to  Sta  Clara,  and  he  also  says  the  rings  used  at  the  wedding 
were  of  California  gold. 

Hist.  Cajl.,  Vol.  III.    38 


594  ALVARADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

Acapulco.32  She  brought  Mexican  despatches  of  Au- 
gust 6th  and  7th,  announcing  Alvarado's  appointment 
as  governor,  en  propiedad,  and  promoting  Vallejo  to 
the  rank  of  colonel.33  All  that  had  been  done  by  gov- 
ernor or  junta  was  approved,  except  the  appointment 
of  Cosme  Pefia  as  prefect  of  the  second  district;  but 
that  gentleman  had  already  given  up  his  position  to 
another,  and  he  soon  took  his  departure  for  Mexico, 
to  be  heard  of  no  more  in  California.34 

The  despatches  brought  by  the  schooner  were  offi- 
cially circulated  a  few  days  after  their  arrival  by  Act- 
ing-governor Jimeno,  the  prefects,  and  subordinate 
officials ;  and  the  news  of  Alvarado's  appointment  was 
duly  celebrated  in  different  parts  of  the  department, 
especial  enthusiasm  being  shown  at  Los  Angeles,  where 
on  a  Sunday  the  flag  was  hoisted,  salvos  were  fired,  a 

32 Sept.  15th,  capt.  of  port  reports  arrival.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  viii.  149; 
Cooper's  Log-book  of  the  '  California,''  MS.,  entry  of  same  date. 

3:5  Aug.  7th,  min.  of  int.  sends  Alvarado's  appointment.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  12-13;  Id.,  Mont.,  iv.  1G-17.  Aug.  Cth,  Pres.  Bustamante  to 
V. ,  congratulating  him  and  Alvarado,  and  thanking  him  for  his  services.  Vallejo 
Doc:,  MS.,  viii.  11.  Aug.  Gth,  V.'s  appointment  and  commission  as  colonel 
of  the  defensores  de  la  patria,  sent  by  min.  of  war.  Id.,  i.  14-15.  Also  Aug. 
2d,  4th-6th,  commun.  from  min.  of  war  to  Vallejo  in  reply  to  his  letters  of  Feb- 
ruary, approving  his  measures,  sending  commissions  for  several  officers,  and 
promising  additional  aid.  Savage,  Doc.,  iv.  308,  310,  312,  314-15.  Sept.  17th, 
22d,  V.  was  congratulated  by  Carlos  Carrillo  and  Cosme  Pefia  on  his  appoint- 
ment as  comandante  general  en  propiedad.  Id.,  viii.  157,  165.  But  there  was 
no  such  appointment,  since  that  of  July  1838  had  been  permanent  and  not 
temporary. 

34  The  licenciado  Cosme  Pefia  was  a  Mexican  lawyer  who  came  to  Califor- 
nia with  the  Hi  jar  and  Padres  colony  in  1834,  as  asesor  to  succeed  Gomez. 
I  know  nothing  of  his  previous  career.  In  the  discharge  of  his  official  duties 
he  showed  himself  to  be  a  man  of  fair  ability  and  education,  but  he  was  a 
hard  drinker,  and  unfortunate  in  his  domestic  relations.  After  being  involved 
in  many  scandals,  his  wife  left  him  in  1837  and  started  overland  for  Sonora. 
The  party  was  attacked  by  Indians  on  the  Colorado,  and  the  lady  is  said  by 
Ignacio  Coronel  to  have  become  the  wife  of  a  chief.  Don  Cosme  had  trouble 
with  Gov.  Chico,  and  was  at  one  time  suspended  from  his  office.  In  the  au- 
tumn of  183G,  he  took  a  prominent  part  in  Alvarado's  revolution— though  far 
less  influential  than  he  was  represented  by  Castillo  Negrete,  his  bitter  enemy — 
and  was  made  governor's  secretary.  He  subsequently  joined  in  the  counter- 
revolt  of  Angel  Ramirez  and  other  Mexicans,  and  was  imprisoned  for  a  time 
at  Sonoma;  but  Alvarado  still  felt  disposed  to  befriend  him,  and  made  him 
prefect  of  Los  Angeles.  He  held  this  place  several  months,  but  of  his  acts 
nothing  is  known  beyond  the  events  of  the  'flag  tumult'  mentioned  in  this 
chapter.  Vallejo,  who  in  his  Hist.  Cat,  MS.,  iii.  188-91,  quotes  from  Pena*s 
poem  on  the  'Fall  of  Man,'  states  that  he  went  from  California  to  Guaymas, 
where  he  served  as  a  judge.  None  of  the  Californians  have  much  to  say  in 
Don  Cosmo's  favor.     He  left  two  daughters  in  the  couutry. 


GOVERNOR  AND  GENERAL.  593 

man  was  wounded  by  the  premature  discharge  of  a 
cannon,  and  at  night  the  city  was  illuminated.  Al- 
varado  was,  however,  ill  again,  and  did  not  take  the 
oath  and  formally  assume  the  governorship  till  Novem- 
ber 24th,  the  transfer  being  announced  next  day  by 
himself  and  Jimeno.30 

Now  that  the  governor  and  -comandante  militar 
were  secure  in  the  possession  of  their  respective  posi- 
tions, a  serious  misunderstanding  had  developed  be- 
tween the  two,  resulting  in  a  quarrel  which  lasted  as 
long  as  their  control  of  public  affairs,  and  in  a  suspension 
of  that  control  a  few  years  later.  The  causes  were 
somewhat  complicated.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
in  November  1836  Vallejo,  though  his  opinions  were 
substantially  in  accord  with  those  of  Alvarado  and 
Castro,  had  declined  to  engage  actively  in  the  revolu- 
lution  against  Gutierrez,  but  had,  without  his  own 
knowledge  or  consent,  been  made  military  commander, 
a  position  he  was  very  willing  to  accept  after  the  first 
success  had  been  achieved  at  Monterey.  His  coop- 
eration was  absolutely  necessary  to  the  revolutionists, 
and  the  position  of  general  was  a  reward  very  flatter- 
ing to  the  young  lieutenant.  His  subsequent  support 
of  the  cause  was  most  cordial  and  effective,  and  was 
fully  appreciated  by  his  associates.  Without  his  aid 
Alvarado's  project  must  have  failed,  and  this  aid  was 
none  the  less,  but  rather  more,  effective  that  Vallejo 
remained  in  the  north  instead  of  personally  taking 
part  in  the  southern  campaigns.     While  disapprov- 

35  Sept.  20th,  Jimeno  to  prefect  and  Vallejo  with  several  dec.  from  Mexico. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  10-17;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  viii.  160-3.  Sept. 
21st,  John  Temple  to  Larkin,  hopes  the  news  of  Alvarado's  appointment  will 
prove  true.  Larkin's  Doc. ,  MS. ,  i.  24.  Sept.  22d-23d,  further  circulation  of  the 
appointment  by  Jimeno  through  prefects.  8.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  238,  241; 
Vallejo,  Doc.}  MS.  viii.  1G7.  169;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  56.  Sept.  30th,  con- 
gratulations of  P.  Duran.  Arch.,  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  25-6.  Oct.  5th— 9th, 
receipt  of  the  news  at  Angeles.  Dolores  Sepiilveda  was  the  man  wounded. 
Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  96-7;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  v.  87-9; 
Id.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  v.  21.  Nov.  12th,  Vallejo  has  learned  with  pleasure 
the  appointment  and  will  give  it  due  publicity.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS., 
viii.  273.  Nov.  24th,  A.  takes  the  oath  and  the  oilice  as  announced  on  the 
25th.  Id.,  viii.  313,  315;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  18;  Id.,  Mont.,  iv.  18. 


596  ALVARADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

ing  some  of  the  governor's  acts,  such  as  his  disposition 
of  the  San  Julian  rancho,  the  general  made  few  com- 
plaints, and  threw  no  obstacles  in  the  way  of  success. 
Later,  at  an  unfortunate  time,  as  already  related,  the 
comandante  was  induced  by  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo  to 
advocate  the  recognition  of  Don  Carlos  as  governor. 
Though  kept  secret  as  far  as  possible,  enough  of  this 
matter  leaked  out  to  cause  the  circulation  of  rumors 
not  flattering  to  Vallejo ;  and  while  there  is  no  evidence 
of  serious  ill  feeling  between  the  two  principals  at  the 
time,  yet  it  may  be  regarded  as  certain  that  both  were 
left  in  a  state  of  mind  not  unfavorable  to  future  con- 
troversy, and  that  others  had  their  cue  for  the  provo- 
cation of  such  controversy. 

The  trouble  began  after  the  arrival  of  Castillero 
and  the  submission  of  the  south  to  Alvarado's  rule. 
The  new  rulers  had  now  to  organize  the  interior  gov- 
ernment of  the  country,  and  the  military  branch  was 
to  Vallejo  all-important.  To  reorganize  the  presidial 
companies  and  put  the  army  on  a  sound  footing  was 
the  one  thing1  to  be  done  before  thinking  of  other  re- 
forms.  Vallejo's  plans  were  perhaps,  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, impracticable;  at  any  rate,  his  enthusiasm 
was  not  shared  by  Alvarado,  who  soon  became  indif- 
ferent, and  was  disposed  to  regard  Vallejo's  importu- 
nities as  unwarrantable  interference  in  the  affairs  of 
state.  He  even  took  the  liberty  of  discharging  cer- 
tain officers,  thereby  greatly  offending  the  general, 
whom  he  had  not  consulted  in  the  matter.36  Alva- 
rado  was  much  troubled  in  these  days  by  the  demands 
of  office-seeking  friends  and  other  petty  cares,  being 
also  nervous  and  ill  from  the  effects  of  too  much 
aguardiente,  so  that  his  duties  were  left  largely  in  the 
hands  of  his  secretary.     Neither  Jimeno  nor  Castro 

36  May  19,  1839,  in  reproving  the  gov.  for  his  dismissal  of  the  officers,  a 
measure  positively  revoked  by  himself,  V.  says,  '  Sr  Governor,  you  flatter 
yourself  with  being  in  power,  but  you  must  not  forget  the  force  that  sustains 
y<  tin-  power.  No  government  has  existed  without  the  military. '  Dept.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  iv.  255-0.  Vallejo,  Hist.  6roZ.,MS.,  iv.  25-8,  represents  A.'s  mission 
policy  as  having  had  much  to  do  with  his  opposition  at  this  time. 


THE  MONTEREY  CLIQUE.  597 

was  specially  well  disposed  toward  Vallejo.  Abrego, 
in  charge  of  the  revenues,  naturally  favored  the  gov- 
ernor and  people  of  Monterey,  rather  than  the  coman- 
dante  and  absent  officials.  Trouble  arose,  as  already 
stated,  in  connection  with  the  distribution  of  military 
funds  and  supplies,  and  complaints  came  in  from  all 
directions  that  the  'Monterey  clique'  was  spending  the 
public  money  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  its  friends. 
To  what  extent  these  charges  were  well  founded,  it  is 
impossible  to  determine;  Alvarado,  while  his  difficul- 
ties were  not  fully  appreciated  out  of  the  capital,  and 
while  his  old  foes  were  willing  to  make  the  most  of 
the  coolness  between  him  and  Vallejo,  was  certainly 
subjected  to  influences  not  favorable  to  an  impartial 
distribution  of  the  revenues,  or  to  a  wise  administra- 
tion of  the  public  interests. 

There  is  no  reason  to  question  Vallejo's  honest  de- 
sire for  the  welfare  of  his  country.  He  spent  his  own 
money  freely  to  advance  his  plans  of  military  reform. 
He  believed  his  former  associates  were  neglecting 
their  duties,  and  his  pride  was  deeply  wounded  by 
their  attitude,  which  seemed  to  say,  "Our  need  of  you 
ended  with  the  cessation  of  armed  opposition  to  our 
rule;  attend  to  your  northern  frontier;  put  your  force 
at  our  disposal  when  we  call  for  it;  and  leave  us  to 
govern  in  our  own  way."  When,  therefore,  the  gov- 
ernor did  ask  to  have  the  troops  of  Monterey  and 
San  Juan  put  under  his  orders  to  avert  clangers  in  the 
south,  Vallejo  refused  until  the  exact  nature  of  the 
danger  should  have  been  explained,  declaring  that  his 
troops  would  be  always  ready  to  support  the  law,  but 
not  its  abuse.37  He  attempted,  however,  to  bring 
about  an  interview,  for  some  time  unsuccessfully. 

37  Sept.  9th,  V.  to  A.,  in  answer  to  demand  of  Aug.  14th.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iv.  278-80.  Sept.  26th,  Jiraeno  says  the  danger  is  past,  and  the  force  no 
longer  needed!  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  viii.  179.  Aug.  10th,  Castro  would  be 
glad  to  meet  V.,  but  wishes  him  to  come  south.  V.  had  ordered  him  to  come 
to  Sonoma.  Id.,  viii.  33,  35.  Sept.  4th,  J.  J.  Vallejo,  S.  Jos<5,  to  the  gen. 
Has  not  succeeded  in  having  an  interview  with  Alvarado  and  Castro  to  avert 
calamities.  A.  is  controlled  by  Castro,  and  things  have  a  suspicious  air.  Id. , 
viii.  77.     Sept.  0th,  Prado  Mesa  writes  very  bitterly  against  the  'clique.'    It 


H9S  ALVARADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

About  this  time  the  chief,  Solano,  conceived  the 
project  of  making  a  visit  to  Monterey  with  an  escort 
of  Indian  braves.  He  had  been  invited  by  Alvarado 
in  1836  to  pay  him  a  visit,  and  had  promised  to  do  so; 
but  his  action  at  this  time  was  doubtless  prompted  by 
Vallejo,  who  thought  it  well  to  frighten  the  poten- 
tates of  the  capital  with  a  hint  at  his  reserve  power. 
He  of  course  had  no  real  intention  of  inflicting:  on  the 
people  of  Monterey  a  large  force  of  Indians;  but  he 
perhaps  at  first  exaggerated  the  number  to  be  sent.33 
In  the  middle  of  October,  the  general  announced  that 
Solano  had  asked  and  received  permission  to  visit  the 
capital  with  eighty  Indians.  I  do  not  know  if  the 
visit  was  made;  but  if  so,  it  was  probably  with  a 
smaller  number,  who  formed  part  of  the  general's  es- 
cort, as  he  was  at  San  Francisco  October  2 2d  and  23d, 
en  route  to  Monterey.39 

Having  arrived  at  the  capital,  Vallejo  asked  for  an 
interview  with  the  acting-governor — it  does  not  appear 
that  he  had  any  communication  personally  with  Al- 

is  time  to  bring  them  to  their  senses.  Id.,  viii.  78.  Sept.  8th,  V.  to  gov. 
Desires  a  conference  at  Sta  Clara.  Id.,  viii.  84.  Sept.  24th,  Jimeno,  being 
about  to  turn  over  the  office,  cannot  grant  the  interview;  besides,  a  gov.  has 
no  right  to  leave  the  capital.  Id.,  viii.  171.  Oct.  9th,  J.  A.  Carrillo  to  V. 
The  political  condition  promises  nothing  but  misfortune.  Thinks  of  selling 
hi3  property  and  leaving  the  country.  He  is  always  suspected,  and  even  his 
private  letters  are  not  safe.  Id. ,  viii.  199. 

3iScpt.  3d,  Pablo  de  la  Guerra,  in  the  name  of  his  own  and  other  Sta 
Barbara  families,  protests  against  V.'s  proposed  sending  of  Solano  with  2,000 
Indians.  He  begs  V.  not  to  run  such  a  risk  for  the  sake  of  frightening  Alva- 
rado.   Vcdlejo,  Doc,  MS.,  viii.  73.     Oct.  2d,  Salv.  Vallejo  to  Guerra.     Has 

•d  his  brother  in  vain  not  to  send  Solano  to  Monterey,  Hopes  to  in- 
fluence Solano,  however,  not  to  take  more  than  1,000  Indians.  Id.,  viii.  192. 

so  letters  purport  to  be  copies  of  originals,  and  are  in  the  handwriting  of 
a  man  whom  I  have  often  detected  in  questionable  practices.  Doubtless  the 
numbers  are  pure  inventions,  and  the  dates  are  suspicious.     Possibly   the 

tie  is  a  forgery,  but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  Vallejo  may  have  made  a  threat 
and  used  large  figures 

!<J  Oct.  16th,  V.  to  Alvarado,  announcing  Solano's  departure.    Vallejo,  Doc, 

,  viii.  216.  Ochenta  in  the  original  is  changed  clumsily  into  ochociaif<>s 
by  the  same  genius  mentioned  in  the  last  note.  Document  also  in  Dept.  St. 
Pep.,  MS.,  iv.  282.  Proofs  of  V.'s  trip  and  presence  at  S.  Francisco  on  Oct. 
22d  -3d,  and  indications  that  he  had  31  men  in  all.  VaUejo,  Doc. ,MS.,  viii.  210, 
223,  225.  Dorotea  Valdes,  Bemints.,  MS.,  7-8,  claims  to  remember  Solano's 
at  .Monterey.     Fernandez,  Corns  de  Col.,  MS.,  96,  101-3,  remembers  his 

in;;  through  S.  Jose  with  hundreds  (!)  of  Indians.     He  says  Solano  kept 
i  in  very  good  order,  but  both  he  and  V.  acted  in  a  very  proud,  arro- 
gant manner. 


VALLEJO  AND  JIMENO.  599 

varado,  who  was  perhaps  absent — and  such  an  inter- 
view was  held  on  October  30th.  Doubtless  the 
comandante  was  independent  and  dictatorial  in  man- 
ner, and  Jimeno  stubborn  rather  than  conciliatory. 
Next  day  the  former  wrote  a  letter,  stating  that  the 
conference  had  ended  without  results;  that  he  had 
been  able  to  get  no  satisfaction  for  Alvarado's  inter- 
ference in  military  affairs;  and  that  not  the  slightest 
attention  had  been  paid  to  his  pleas  for  reforms  in 
financial  and  commercial  management.  He  would 
therefore  go  home  to  attend  to  his  duties  as  best  he 
could  without  support,  and  to  hope  that  the '  ruler  of  na- 
tions' might  save  California  from  the  impending  ruin.49 
He  soon  resolved,  however,  to  go  to  the  national  capital 
to  lay  before  the  president  in  person  California's  needs 
,  — a  project  he  had  had  in  mind  for  some  months,  but 
which,  after  ordering  all  officers  to  vote  for  a  coman- 
dante to  serve  during  his  absence,  he  abandoned  be- 
fore December,  and  decided  to  send  Captain  Casta- 
neda  instead  as  his  comisionado.  The  captain,  after 
some  trouble  in  raising  funds  for  his  journey,  sailed 
from  San  Diego  late  in  December.  Later  there  came 
from  Mexico  a  denial  of  Vallejo's  request  for  leave  of 
absence.41 

40  Oct.  29th,  V.  to  Jimeno,  asking  for  an  interview.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
iv.  2S.3.  Oct.  30th,  J.  consents,  naming  the  governor's  -house,  at  4  p.  m. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  viii.  23G.  Oct.  31st,  V.  to  J.,  complaining,  as  in  the  text. 
Id.,  viii.  241.  Nov.  1st,  J.'s  answer.  Is  surprised  that  the  conference  should 
be  deemed  at  an  end,  and  evades  the  matters  at  issue.  Thinks  there  is  not 
much  danger,  and  that  V.  should  have  confined  the  discussion  to  the  mili- 
tary topic.  Id.,  viii.  247.  Nov.  13th  (17th),  V.'s  reply  from  Sonoma.  Inde- 
pendent and  sarcastic.  Peace  will  not  last  long,  and  the  country  is  on  the 
road  to  ruin.  Implies  that  he  may  have  occasion  to  go  to  Mexico  to  explain 
the  true  situation  and  needs  of  his  country.  Id.,  viii.  295;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
M.S.,  iv.  2S4-5.  Nov.  25th,  Alvarado  to  V.,  in  reply  to  the  last.  Will  sac- 
riiice  his  life  to  preserve  the  peace  that  now  exists,  etc.  Id.,  viii.  310. 
Dec.  13th,  V.  to  comandante  of  S.  Josd.  'There  seems  to  be  a  determination 
to  lead  the  country  to  ruin  and  exasperate  its  best  citizens.'  Id.,  viii.  373. 

41  Sept.  4th,  17th,  mentions  by  J.  J.  Vallejo  and  Eulogio  C6lis  of  the  gen- 
eral's plan  of  going  to  Mexico.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  viii.  77,  158.  Nov.  18th, 
V.  announces  his  intention.  Says  he  has  the  right  to  name  his  successor, 
but  prefers  to  leave  the  choice  to  the  officers,  who  are  to  send  in  their  votes. 
Id.,  viii.  30G.  Dec.  1st,  V.  to  Pres.  Bustamante.  Has  decided  to  send  Cas- 
taheda,  but  at  the  same  time  asks  for  leave  of  absence.  Id.,  viii.  333.  Dec. 
3d  to  Jan.  10th,  ten  letters  with  votes,  mostly  for  Capt.  Guerra.  Id.,  viii. 
326,  344,  351,  378,  393,  390-7;  ix.  12.     Dec.  7th,  trouble  with  the  comisario 


600  ALVARADO'S  HULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

The  annals  of  1840  group  themselves  naturally 
about  four  general  topics,  Vallejo  versus  Alvarado, 
sessions  and  acts  of  the  junta,  alleged  conspiracy  of 
Carrillo  and  Gonzalez  in  the  south,  and  the  Graham 
affair.  The  last  subject  will  be  presented  separately 
in  the  next  volume;  the  others  demand  present  atten- 
tion. 

The  controversy  between  governor  and  coman- 
dante  waxed  hotter  and  hotter  throughout  the  year. 
Each  accused  the  other  of  interference  in  matters 
beyond  his  jurisdiction,  and  each  was  disposed  to  re- 
strict the  other's  prerogatives  to  very  narrow  limits. 
Vallejo  recalled  the  old  Spanish  times  when  the  two 
commands  were  united  in  one  person,  and  looked  upon 
himself  as  invested  with  all  the  powers  of  the  old 
comandante  general,  while  to  Alvarado  he  accorded 
the  petty  civil  authority  of  the  Spanish  gobernador. 
Alvarado,  on  the  contrary,  held  that  in  a  republican 
government  the  military  authority  was  subordinate 
to  the  civil,  expecting  Vallejo  to  use  his  troops  as 
directed,  to  preserve  order  and  protect  the  country. 
Both  were  independent  and  assumed  superiority.  Mu- 
tual 'friends'  were  ever  ready  to  widen  the  breach; 
the  old  topics  of  disagreement  still  existed,  and  new 
ones  were  added.  The  respective  merits  of  the  par- 
ties, as  usual  when  a  quarrel  has  once  begun,  are  not 
worth  much  consideration ;  the  controversy,  however, 
was  as  effective  an  obstacle  to  all  real  progress  in  Cal- 
ifornia as  had  been  the  earlier  one  of  Alvarado  against 
Carrillo. 

Alvarado  had  appointed  Hartnell  as  visitador  to 
carry  into  effect  his  regulations  for  the  management 

about  funds,  and  Alvarado's  passport  for  Castaneda  to  go  on  a  military  com- 
mission 'as  far  as  S.  Diego.'  Id.,  viii.  35S-60.  Dec.  20th,  Casaiieda  at  S. 
Diego,  has  got  money  from  Cedis.  Id.,  viii.  384.  April  23,  1840,  min.  of  war 
to  V.  The  pres.  would  be  glad  to  see  him,  but  the  leave  of  absence  cannot 
be  granted,  as  there  is  no  officer  to  take  his  place  on  the  frontier.  Id.,  ix.  116. 
March  10,  1840,  Alvarado  to  min.  of  int.  All  quiet;  pay  no  heed  to  Casta- 
fieda's  loud  talk  and  false  reports.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  xi.  63-6.  April  21s*, 
24th,  letters  from  Castillero  and  the  min.  of  war  to  V.,  announcing  that 
Castafioula  will  soon  return  to  Cal.  with  needed  military  supplies.  Id.,  ix. 
115,  118. 


CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  AUTHORITY.  601 

of  missions,  as  will  be  more  fully  explained  elsewhere. 
"Vallejo  would  not  permit  Hartnell  to  take  possession 
of  San  Rafael  in  pursuance  of  his  instructions,  and 
even  arrested  the  visitador,  and  carried  him  across  the 
bay  as  a  prisoner,  for  having  ventured  to  interfere  in 
matters  concerning  the  northern  frontier  without  his 
consent.42  His  position  was,  not  only  that  by  vir- 
tue of  his  military  jurisdiction  ajid  office  of  director 
of  colonization  he  had  exclusive  control  of  Indian 
affairs  north  of  the  bay,  but  that  San  Rafael  was  no 
longer  a  mission,  the  property  having  once  been  dis- 
tributed and  only  restored  partially  under  his  solemn 
promise  of  redistribution — a  promise  for  the  fufil- 
ment  of  which  the  Indians  were  clamorous,  and 
which  he  would  fulfil  at  any  cost. 

The  distribution  of  the  public  funds  continued  of 
course  to  be  a  subject  of  contention.  Vallejo  accused 
Abrego  of  not  dividing  the  revenues  equally  as  the 
law  required  between  civil  and  military  employees. 
He  called  often  for  exact  statements  of  the  division; 
he  denied  the  governor's  right  to  interfere  in  military 
accounts,  and  gave  his  communications  the  form  of  pos- 
itive orders.  Abrego,  on  the  other  hand,  delighted  in 
the  governor's  interference  against  the  ' autocrat  of 
Sonoma,'  called  upon  Vallejo  to  show  his  commission 
as  comandante  general  or  be  content  with  a  captain's 
pay,  and  refused  to  pay  the  salary  of  Richardson  and 

42  May  14,  1840,  Hartnell  to  gov.  The  Indians  objected  to  the  change,  and 
referred  to  Vallejo's  promises.  They  could  not  be  made  to  understand  that 
the  comandante  had  nothing  to  do  with  missions.  The  arrest  was  at  S.  F. 
after  H. 's  return,  and  he  was  tak-m  back  by  V.,  but  released  probably  next 
day,  after  agreeing  that  V.'s  views  in  this  particular  case  were  correct.  St. 
Pop.,  3Iiss.,  MS.,  xi.  15-17.  May  16th,  H.  left  S.  Jose"  for  Monterey  yester- 
day, and  the  gov.  is  now  satisfied,  writes  the  judge  of  S.  Josd  to  Jimeno  in  an- 
swer to  an  order  to  investigate  the  arrest.  S.  Jos6,  Arch. ,  MS. ,  iii.  38.  Jimeno 's 
inquiry  about  the  arrest.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jos6,  MS.,  v.  G9.  The  matter 
was  agitated  as  early  as  Jan.  22d,  when  Alvarado  complains  of  V.'s  disposi- 
tion to  dictate  to  him  about  the  distribution  at  S.  Rafael.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS., 
ix.  25.  V.'s  argument  on  the  matter  to  H.  and  A.  Id. ,  xiv.  17;  ix.  106. 
April  4th,  A.  begs  V.  to  let  H.  act  according  to  the  regulations.  Id.,  ix.  97. 
April  9th,  V.  repeats  his  arguments,  but  seems  to  promise  compliance.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  3-4.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  145-57,  narrates  the 
affair,  except  the  arrest,  and  says  that  it  displeased  some  of  V.  's  friends  at 
Sta  Barbara.     Mentioned  by  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  202-3. 


C02  ALVARADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

Guerra  appointed  port-captains,  as  was  claimed,  ille- 
gally.43 Vallejo's  refusal  to  show  his  commission  was 
mainly  to  snub  the  comisario  doubtless;  possibly  he 
also  wished  to  conceal  the  fact  that  his  title  in  that 
document  was  comandante  militar,  and  not  general. 
Meanwhile  routine  military  correspondence  was  unim- 
portant, except  promises  from  Mexico  of  supplies,  some 
of  which  arrived  before  the  end  of  the  year.44 

Alvarado  now  regarded  Vallejo  as  an  enemy,  and 
would  not  even  call  on  him  when  he  came  to  Mont- 
erey.45 On  April  1st  he  convoked  an  extra  session  of 
the  junta,  and  declared  to  that  body  that  'certain  men' 
were  plotting  against  the  lawful  authorities,  and  pro- 
moting insurrection.  He  implied  clearly  that  Vallejo 
was  in  league  with  these  men;  indeed,  Vallejo,  Pico, 
and  J.  A.  Carrillo  were  the  only  ones  named,  and  it 
was  against  the  first  that  his  charges  were  most  bitter. 
He  accused  the  comandante  of  circulating  predictions 
of  impending  disaster;  of  massing  his  troops  at  Sonoma, 
whence  they  could  operate  against  the  government; 
of  refusing  aid,  both  against  the  Indians  at  San  Jose 
and  to  put  down  a  revolt  in  the  south;  of  refusing  re- 
cruits and  leaving  the  south  defenceless;  of  sending 

43  Correspondence  between  Vallejo  and  Abrego  on  financial  topics,  includ- 
ing some  rather  sharp  sayings  on  both  sides,  with  Abrego 's  complaints  to  the 
director  de  rentas.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  140-1,  150-1,  1G6-7;  Id., 
Ben.  Mil.,  lxxxviii.  31-4;  Id.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  iv.  15-16,  48-9:  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  6,  14,  31,  144,  176,  202,  213.  Alvarado,  Htot>  Cal,  MS.,  iv. 
193-200,  declares  that  he  never  authorized  any  unfair  division  of  the  money. 

44  Jan.  1st,  '  fuero  '  of  the  defensores  not  under  arms  ceases.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  20.  April  9th,  military  stores  sent  from  Sonoma  to  Monterey. 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  101,  104;  xiv.  255.  April  7th,  recruiting,  15  men  to 
be  raised.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  xi.  11.  Apr.  12th,  com.  of  Sta  B.  complains.  No 
pay,  while  the  sub-prefect  is  paid  regularly.  Vallejo,  Doc,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ix. 
1 12.  July  12th,  V.  sympathizes  and  hopes  for  relief  from  Mexico,not  from  the 
departmental  authorities.  /(/.,  ix.  175.  Aug.  20th,  a  comandancia  militar  au- 
thorized on  the  northern  frontier.  Id.,  x.  223.  Aug.  21st-22d,  relief  promised 
from  Mexico.  Letters  from  Castillero  and  Virmond.  Id.,  ix.  226,  229.  The 
relief  included  500  muskets.  Nov.  26th,  Catalina  has  brought  part  of  the 
stores.  Id.,  ix.  327.  50  sabres  detained  at  Mazatlan.  Savage,  Doc,  MS.,  iv. 
324-5.  Other  routine  commun.  in  Id.,  iv.  321,  326,  328,  including  the  order 
for  a  mil.  command,  at  Sonoma. 

45  Jan.  22d,  A.  to  V.  Says  he  is  glad  to  get  advice  from  intelligent  men, 
though  he  will  not  bind  himself  to  follow  it;  he  does  not  care  for  the  opinion 
of  fools  and  men  who  act  for  their  own  interests.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ix.  25. 
March  16th,  V.  chides  him  for  not  calling,  and  thus  making  a  public  display 
of  the  dissensions  between  them.  Id.,  ix.  72. 


THE  CONTROVERSY  CONTINUED.  003 

Castaneda  to  work  against  the  governor  in  Mexico, 
with  a  view  of  securing  both  commands  for  himself; 
and  of  being  the  prospective  author  of  the  outbreak  he 
so  confidently  predicted.  Alvarado's  motive  in  calling 
the  meeting  was  to  obtain  authority  to  spend  money 
in  supplying  the  prefects  with  arms  for  the  protection 
of  the  country.  The  junta  accordingly  gave  him  the 
powers  he  desired,  should  Vallejg,  who  was  'merely 
comandante  militar/  persist  in  neglecting  his  duties 
with  sinister  views.46 

All  that  Alvarado  appears  to  have  done  in  conse- 
quence of  this  action  was  to  order  Castro  to  form  a 
company  of  auxiliary  troops  for  the  public  security, 
and  to  retain  at  Monterey  some  of  the  arms  and  mu- 
nitions brought  by  the  Catalina}1  I  find  no  reply  of 
Vallejo  to  the  action  of  the  junta,  which  perhaps  he 
did  not  hear  of  until  later,  as  the  session  was  a  secret 
one.  He  continued  his  complaints  and  arguments, 
however,  and  no  progress  was  made  toward  reconcili- 
ation.48 Californian  prospects  had  no  bright  side  to 
the  general  in  those  days.  His  despondency  and  bit- 
ter opposition  to  the  administration  at  Monterey  were 
founded  to  a  considerable  extent  on  wounded  pride, 
and  disappointment  at  not  being  able  to  control  affairs, 
yet  his  motives  were  honest,  his  positions  were  for 
the  most  part  tenable,  and  Alvarado  had  no  reason  to 
suspect  him  of  treacherous  or  revolutionary  designs. 


46  Session  of  April  1,  1840.  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  iii.  75-8.  Pico  was  to  be  fined 
and  Carrillo  forced  to  attend  to  his  duties.  This  was  a  committee  report,  and 
no  final  vote  appears. 

47  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iv.  54;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS., 
ix.  351. 

48  April  15th,  V.  to  his  brother,  in  a  very  despondent  tone;  can  never  for- 
give those  who  have  brought  about  the  coming  evils;  desires  to  die,  since  his 
efforts  have  been  fruitless;  hopes  the  crisis  will  come  soon  to  teach  a  lesson 
to  those  who  believe  a  train  of  civil  employees  can  save  the  country;  will  not 
abandon  his  post  till  his  resignation  is  accepted;  dwells  on  the  continual 
slights  to  which  he  is  subjected.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxiii.  57.  April  25th, 
to  minister  of  war.  Cannot  make  his  authority  respected,  and  should  not  be 
held  responsible  for  results.  Id.,  ix.  124-5.  He  probably  sent  in  his  resig- 
nation about  this  time,  as  he  states  in  his  history.  Sept.  1st,  argument  in  a 
private  letter  to  Alvarado,  in  answer  to  the  latter's  claim  that  he  was  trying 
to  enforce  the  laws.    Id.,  ix.  241. 


604  ALVARADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

Indeed,  it  is  probable  that  such  a  suspicion  was  but  a 
pretence. 

The  junta,  or  four  of  its  seven  members,  assem- 
bled at  Monterey  February  16th  under  the  presidency 
of  Alvarado,  holding  regular  and  extra  sessions  till 
the  end  of  May.  I  append  a  resume  of  the  proceed- 
ings in  a  note.49     The  prominent  matters  presented 

49  Feb.  16,  1840,  Ji  neno,  Castro,  Argiiello,  and  Gonzalez  were  present  and 
took  the  oath.  Requena  and  Carrillo  absent  on  account  of  sickness.  Pico 
not  heard  from.  The  gov.  delivered  an  address  on  the  state  of  public  affairs, 
under  the  following  heads:  police  and  municipal  regulations,  agriculture, 
commerce,  education,  administration  of  justice,  and  ways  and  means.  'It 
is  for  you  as  a  body  to  shower  the  most  abundant  benefits  on  the  country  you 
represent,  reaping  as  the  fruit  of  your  tasks  the  eternal  gratitude  of  its 
dearest  sons. ' 

Feb.  18th-22d,  a  Reglamento  para  el  gobierno  interior  de  la  Junta  Depaart- 
mental,  1840  (variations  from  the  former  reglamento  given  in  Leg.  Bee,  MS., 
iii.  66-9),  was  formed  by  a  committee  and  adopted.  Regular  sessions  were  to 
be  held  from  Jan.  1st  to  June  30th  of  each  year,  on  Tuesdays  and  Fridays. 
The  junta  was  to  have  a  sec.  and  two  subordinates  at  $800,  8300,  and  $200. 
The  changes  in  detail  from  the  reglamento  of  1834  (p.  252  of  this  vol.)  were 
for  the  most  part  unimportant.  Feb.  18th,  Argiiello  was  made  temporary 
sec,  and  Feb.  22d  Pico  appeared  and  took  his  seat.  Feb.  25th,  proposi- 
tion on  tribunals  of  justice.  Committees  formed:  taxes  and  municipal  ad- 
ministration, Pico;  education,  agriculture,  and  industries,  Castro  and  Gon- 
zalez; commerce  and  constitutional  changes,  Argiiello.  (Feb.  27th,  various 
doc.  from  Mex.  submitted,  including  Alvarado's  appointment  as  gov.  p.  94.) 
Feb.  29th,  excuses  of  Carrillo  and  Requena.  (Dr  Den's  certificate  of  Car- 
rillo's  illness,  p.  66.)  March  3d,  9th,  10th,  13th,  tribunal  of  justice;  laud 
grants;  excuses  of  Carrillo  and  Requena;  suplentes  to  be  summoned;  Zenon 
Fernandez  chosen  as  sec.  March  18th,  question  of  the  capital.  Fernandez 
sworn.  March  21st,  Gonzalez  asks  for  leave  of  absence  on  account  of  illness, 
age,  and  incapacity.  About  salary  of  vocales,  $1,500  per  year.  March  24th, 
capital.  (March  26th,  Gonzalez's  excuses  not  accepted.  'Every  public 
functionary  is  a  mark  for  the  shots  of  scandal.'  p.  82.)  March  27th,  29th, 
31st,  lands,  capital.  (Salaries  to  date,  $725.  p.  99.)  (April  1st,  secret  ses- 
sion to  consider  acts  of  Vallejo,  Pico,  and  Carrillo.  Gov.  authorized  to  arm 
the  civil  officer*,  as  elsewhere  related,  p.  63-4,  69-78.)  April  3d,  land 
grants.  April  4th,  9th,  23d,  threatening  attitude  of  foreigners.  Graham 
affair.  (April  8th,  Jimeno's  report  on  coast  and  mission  lands,  p.  90-2.) 
April  9th,  Jimeno's  report  passed  to  com.  April  28th,  prop,  to  forbid  distil- 
lation and  importation  of  liquors  from  wheat,  corn,  and  barley,  as  being  in- 
jurious to  Calif ornian  farmers.  Castro  allowed  to  go  home  to  attend  to  mat- 
ters left  pending  by  his  son  who  had  gone  to  Mexico  with  the  prisoners, 
(Jimeno's  land  report  approved  by  com.,  also  prohibition  of  distilled  liquors  on 
April  30th.  Salaries  for  month,  $500.  p.  79,  83,  87,  92,  96. )  May  1st,  land  bill 
approved.  May  5th,  liquor  bill  approved,  except  the  article  on  importation. 
Census.  May  8th,  census.  May  12th,  eleven  land  grants  referred  to  com. 
Census  bill.  Secretary's  salary  raised  to  $1,000.  May  15th,  census  bill. 
May  19th,  land  grants.  27  referred  and  11  others  approved.  May  22d, 
hind  grants,  14  referred  and  27  approved.  May  26th,  29th,  30th,  10  grants 
approved.  (May  30th,  Alvarado  reported  perfect  tranquillity,  obtained  per- 
mission to  leave  the  capital  if  necessary,  and  declared  the  sessions  closed,  p. 
78.)     Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  iii.  49-65,  with  additional  records  of  various  dates  not 


SESSIONS  OF  THE  JUNTA.  605 

for  the  consideration  of  the  junta,  and  requiring  fur- 
ther notice  here,  were  the  establishment  of  a  supreme 
court  and  a  settlement  of  disputes  respecting  the 
capital.  The  tribunal  de  justicia,  in  accordance  with 
the  law  of  .May  23,  1837,  was  to  consist  of  four 
ministros,  or  justices,  a  fiscal,  or  attorney,  and  a  sec- 
retary. The  places  were  filled  in  the  session  of 
March  10th  by  the  appointment  of  Juan  Malarin,  J. 
A.  Carrillo,  J.  A.  Estudillo,  and  A.  M.  Osio,  in  that 
order,  with  Juan  Bandini  as  fiscal  and  Mariano  Bo- 
nilla  as  secretary.  The  last  named  was  the  only  one 
who  had  any  legal  knowledge,  and  as  a  measure  of 
conciliation  the  south  was  given  a  majority  of  the 
members.50  The  tribunal  does  not  appear  to  have 
assumed  its  duties  until  May  1842,  when  Bandini, 
declining  to  serve  as  fiscal,  was  succeeded  by  J.  M. 
Castanares,  and  Bonilla  as  secretary  by  Narciso 
Botello. 

March  18th  Jimeno  introduced  a  resolution  that 
the  junta  should  propose  Monterey  as  the  capital, 
with  the  title  of  city,  and  that  it  be  regarded  so  pend- 
ing a  decision.  His  reasons  were  the  resolutions  of 
the  diputacion  in  1836;  the  fact  that  the  decree  mak- 
ing Angeles  the  capital  had  not  been  officially  received ; 
and  some  evidence  which  appeared  in  the  government 
journal  to  the  effect  that  Monterey  was  regarded  as 
the  capital  in  Mexico.     The  matter  was  referred  to 

in  order,  but  introduced  by  me  under  their  dates  in  parentheses  so  far  as 
they  have  any  importance.  Id. ,  p.  66-96.  Hartnell  was  paid  £30  per  month 
for  the  building  occupied  by  the  govt.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  xi.  6.  Items  re- 
ferring to  these  sessions  of  1840,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xii.  43;  Id. , 
Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  iv.  46;  Dwindle 's  Colon.  Uist.  S.  Fran.,  add.,  70-2. 
In  Oct. -Nov.,  Jimeno  was  again  acting  as  governor  on  account  of  Alvarado's 
illness.  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  iii.  95;  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  xi.  24,  69;  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  v.  ptii.  28. 

50 Mexico,  Arreglo  Provisional  de  la  Administracion  de  Justicia  23  de  Mayo, 
1837,  in  Arrillaga,  Pecop.,  1837,  p.  399.  Chap.  iii.  on  'Tribunales  Supe 
riores  de  los  Departamentos. '  p.  408.  Also  decree  of  July  15,  1834,  on  the 
same  subject,  in  Id.,  1839,  p.  175,  being  the  one  cited  in  California  at  the  time  of 
the  appointment,  as  per  Dept.  Iiec,  MS.,  xi.  55;  8.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  252. 
Action  of  the  junta  Feb.  25th  to  March  10th,  in  Leg.  Pec,  iii.  57-8;  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  xxxiii.  38.  May  19,  1841,  members  cited  to  instal  the  tribunal. 
Bandini  sent  excuses,  which  were  accepted.  Narciso  Botello  appointed  secre- 
tary.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  xii.  44-0. 


606  ALVARADO'S  RULE— POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

Argiiello  as  a  committee,  and  he,  although  a  southern 
man,  reported  in  favor  of  the  resolution,  declaring 
that  Monterey  from  its  position  should  be  the  capital, 
and  that  it  had  virtually  been  recognized  as  such  by 
the  supreme  government.  Pico  insisted  on  obedience 
to  the  law  of  May  1835  making  Los  Angeles  the 
capital,  but  Argiiello  cited  the  later  law  of  December 
30,  1836,  authorizing  the  government  to  designate  the 
capital  provisionally.  On  March  27th  the  resolution 
was  adopted,  Pico  protesting  in  violent  language 
against  this  action  as  illegal  and  outrageous.  Don 
Pio  went  so  far  as  to  quit  the  hall  in  wrath,  for  which 
he  was  officially  rebuked  and  fined  by  the  junta;  but 
the  fine  was  remitted  when  he  apologized  and  retract- 
ed his  protests.51 

Finally,  the  conspiracy  of  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo 
demands  our  notice.  If  estimated  from  the  bulk  of 
the  record,  it  was  an  important  matter  indeed.  In 
August,  Joaquin  Pereira,  a  Portuguese,  revealed  to 
Judge  Olivera  of  Santa  Barbara  that  Carrillo  had 
proposed  to  him  to  join  in  an  attempt  to  seize  that 
place  by  surprise,  he  having  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men  already  enlisted  for  the  enterprise.  Macedoilio 
Gonzalez  had  gone  to  the  southern  frontier  to  raise 
troops,  only  the  resolution  of  Carlos  Carrillo  being 
awaited  to  begin  operations.  Pereira  ran  away  soon 
after  making  the  revelation;  and,  so  far  as  I  can  de- 
termine from  the  mass  of  papers  before  me,  not  a 
particle  of  evidence  was  found  in  corroboration  of  his 
statement.  Yet  Carrillo  was  regarded  in  these  times 
with  much  suspicion  by  the  administration  at  Mon- 
terey, and  Prefect  Argiiello,  who  seems  to  have 
become  all  at  once  an  arribeno,  attached  some  impor- 
tance to  the  charges,  or  pretended  to  do  so.  A  com- 
plicated correspondence  ensued;  Carrillo  was  arrested 

6lZ>7.'  7?ec,  MS.,  iii.  58-9,  63-78,  81-2,  84-5.  The  knowledge  of  foreign 
plots  (Graham  affair),  to  oppose  which  he  would  sacrifice  his  life,  had  much  to 
do  with  his  apology;  so  he  said. 


THE  CARRILLO  CONSPIRACY.  607 

and  taken  to  Monterey  to  be  released;  Gonzalez  was 
brought  as  a  prisoner  to  Angeles,  and  perhaps  even 
sent  to  Sonoma;  and  finally,  in  May  of  the  next  year, 
the  Carrillos  were  officially  vindicated  from  all  accusa- 
tions, and  restored  to  'good  reputation  and  fame.'  It 
seems  unnecessary  to  notice  in  detail  the  documents 
in  the  case,  though  they  contain  much  that  is  amus- 
ing, if  not  very  instructive.52 

52  Over  50  communications  on  the  Carrillo- Gonzalez  conspiracy.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  v.  20-44;  xviii.  G2-3;  Id.,  Angeles,  i.  21-6,  38;  iii.  19-40,  53,  57; 
xii.  36-7,  63;  Id.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Juzq.,  i.  13;  iv.  5;  vi.  73-7;  Dept.  Pec,  MS., 
xi.  21-3;  xiii.  33;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  258,  2S5;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ix.  223; 
xxxiii.  139;  Doc  Hist.  GaL,  MS.,iv.  1066;  Hayes,  Doc,  MS.,  136.  Carrillo's 
trip  to  Monterey  as  a  prisoner  was  made  from  Sept.  27th  to  Oct.  7th.  Gon- 
zalez was  a  sergeant  of  the  frontier  garrison  of  Lower  Cal.,  and  very  influen- 
tial with  the  Indians.  He  had  left  his  post  in  1837  for  the  north,  Vallejo, 
Doc  Hist.  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  74,  being  an  order  for  his  return,  and  had  been  en- 
gaged in  the  plots  of  Bandini  and  Zamorano,  According  to  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Aug.,  MS.,  xi.  125,  he  was  arrested  and  sent  to  Sonoma  in  Dec.  1840. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

1831-1840. 

Military  Commandants — Decrease  and  Disappearance  of  the  Presi- 
dial  Organization — Fort  and  Other  Buildings — Population — Pri- 
vate Ranchos — Summary  of  Events — Politics  and  Indian  Depre- 
dations— Treasure  on  the  Colorado — Civil  Government — Ayunta- 
miento — Criminal  Record — San  Diego  Mission — Padre  Martin — 
Statistics — Secularization — Ortega  as  Administrator — San  Luis 
Rey — Padre  Peyri — A  Prosperous  Mission — Slaughter  of  Cattle 
— Chronologic  Happenings — Pio  Pico  in  Charge — Hartnell's  In- 
vestigation— Mission  Ranchos — San  Juan  Capistrano— Statistical 
View — Annals  of  Emancipation — Administration  of  the  Argue- 
llos— The  Ex-neophyte  Pueblos  of  San  Juan,  San  Dieguito,  Las 
Flores,  and  San  Pascual. 

Santiago  Arguello  was  captain  of  the  San  Diego 
presidial  company  until  1835,  when  he  retired  from 
the  service,  but  he  was  often  absent  from  his  post. 
Agustin  V.  Zamorano  was  appointed  captain  in  1835, 
and  held  the  position  on  the  rolls  during  the  rest  of 
the  decade;  but  he  was  here  only  in  1837-8,  and  never 
assumed  command  of  the  company.  Captain  Pablo 
de  la  Portilla  was  nominally  commandant  of  the  post 
by  the  seniority  of  his  rank  whenever  present,  until 
he  left  California  in  1838.  Rodrigo  del  Pliego, 
always  absent,  wTas  on  the  rolls  as  lieutenant  until 
about  1838,  when  Jose  Antonio  Pico  was  raised  to 
that  rank.  The  company  alferez  was  Juan  Salazar 
until  he  was  ordered  to  the  north  in  1839,  Jose  A. 
Pico  also  holding  that  rank  apparently  from  about 
1834,  when  he  was  promoted  from  that  of  sergeant, 

(608) 


MILITARY  COMPANY.  609, 

and  Andres  Pico  becoming  alferez  in  1839.  Salazar 
was  habilitado,  and  more  often  than  any  other  during 
the  decade  is  named  as  acting  commandant,  though 
every  other  officer  of  the  company  held  the  command 
at  times.1 

The  military  organization  was,  however,  but  a 
shadow  of  its  former  strength.  In  1830,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  total  force  was  about  120  men.  During  the 
first  half  of  this  decade  the  presidial  cavalry  company 
shows  a  muster-roll  varying  from  35  to  25.  Six 
artillerymen  and  three  Mazatecos  are  mentioned  in 
1833;  nine  and   17  of  the  same  classes  in  1836.     In 

1835,  of  the  27  soldiers  11  were  on  duty  at  the  presi- 
dio, 13  at  San  Gabriel,  and  one  at  San  Juan.  In 
1837  the  troops  were  sent  north  in  the  sectional  dis- 
putes, and  never  returned  as  a  body.  From  that  date 
the  presidio  was  abandoned,  though  a  force  of  one 
soldier  is  reported  in  1839.  The  organization  had, 
however,  been  kept  up  at  San  Luis,  where  in  Septem- 
ber 1839  the  remaining  eight  soldiers  quit  the  ser- 
vice to  save  themselves  from  starvation.  Pay-rolls 
of  the  company  show  a  theoretical  expenditure  of 
from  $800  to  $900  per  month,  never  paid.  It  appears 
that  a  sum  of  $500  was  sent  down  from  the  capital 
in  1833;  the  commandant  was  notified  in  1839  that 
there  was  $1,000  in  the  treasury  for  his  company;  and 
presumably  the  men  did  not  live  without  occasional 
rations.  Military  correspondence  is  devoted  almost 
exclusively  to  complaints  of  destitution.2 

1  For  presidio  annals  of  S.  Diego  in  1821-30,  see  vol.  ii.  p.  539  et  seq.  The 
scattered  archive  references  for  the  official  list  as  given  above  I  do  not  deem 
it  worth  while  to  present,  they  being  more  bulky  and  complicated  than  im- 
portant.    Many  of  them  are  included  in  note  2. 

Santiago  E.  Argiielio  was  receptor  of  customs  in  1833-4;  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Martin  S.  Cabello  under  a  Mex.  appointment  of  July  22,  1833. 
He  was  required  to  give  bonds  for  82,000.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  vii. 
5;  LI.,  Ben.  G.  &  T.,  iii.  21.     He  had  trouble  with  the  local  authorities  in 

1836,  and  the  place  was  held  for  a  time  by  Andrea  Pico.  In  1837-8  Bandini, 
Pico,  and  Cabello  are  named  confusedly  as  in  charge  of  the  revenues;  and  in 
1839-40  nothing  appears  on  the  subject.  8.  I).  Arch.,  MS.,  5,  41,  95,  107, 
118;  Dept.  St.  lJap.,  CuM.-lL,  MS.,  iv.  1-4;  Hayes,  Doc,  MS.,  8. 

2  May  17,  1832,  want  of  resources  prevents  the  organization  of  a  frontier 
co.,  as  the  gov.  thinks.     Minister  Alaman  urges  the  necessity.  Sup.  Govt  St. 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    39 


G10  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

Of  the  presidio  buildings  nothing  is  known  except 
that  they  were  abandoned  in  1835  or  a  little  earlier, 
and  in  ruins  long  before  1840.  Probably  much  of 
the  material  was  brought  down  to  build  the  little 
town  of  30  or  40  houses  that  had  sprung  up  at  the 
foot  of  the  hill.  After  Castro's  raid  of  Christmas 
1838,  earthworks  were  hastily  thrown  up  on  the  ridge 
for  the  town's  protection,  and  a  cannon  was  brought 
over  from  the  Castillo.  This  castillo,  or  fort,  at  Point 
Guijarros,  had  no  garrison  or  guard  after  1835,  if  it 
had  one  before.  An  investigation  in  1839  showed 
the  existence  of  nine  cannon,  two  of  them  service- 
able, with  50  canisters  of  grape  and  300  balls.  It 
was  intended  to  put  a  guard  in  charge  of  this  prop- 
erty, bat  the  enterprise  failed;  and  in  January  1840, 
the  remnants  of  the  fort  and  casa  mata  were  sold  to 
Juan  Machado  for  $40.  A  few  of  the  guns  were 
perhaps  removed;  one  may  still  be  seen  at  San  Diego; 
and  the  rest,  after  being  spiked  by  an  American  cap- 
tain in  1842,  are  said  to  have  been  thrown  into  the 
bay  during  the  war  of  18 46-7. 3 

Pap.,  .MS.,  v.  7-8.  June  1833,  comisario  sends  $500  to  S.  D.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  C.  <u  T.,  MS.,  ii.  86.  April  17,  1834,  Alf.  Salazar  cannot  go  to  Mont, 
for  want  of  a  shirt  and  jacket.  Has  only  a  poor  cloak  to  cover  the  f  ight- 
ful  condition  of  his  trousers.  Id. ,  B.  M.,  lxxix.  55.  Gov.  has  called  on  presi- 
dent and  padres  to  furnish  supplies.  Id.  June  1835,  S.  D.  must  furnish  its 
quota  of  artillery  militia.  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  ii.  263-5.  Oct.  1835,  list  of  offi- 
cers and  men  of  the  co.  and  their  whereabouts.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  oo.  Feb. 
7th,  decree  reestablishing  the  local  militia.  Id. ,  82-3.  Aug.  1836,  com.  suc- 
ceeds in  borrowing  three  guns  for  his  troops.  Id.,  122.  1839,  plenty  of  corn 
and  wheat  at  the  mission,  but  nothing  else.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vii.  313-14. 
Four  lire-arms  and  pikes  borrowed.  Id.,  243.  Final  disbandment  at  S.  Luis, 
and  complaints  of  Pico.  Id.,  viii.  69-70.  Only  one  soldier  at  S.  D. ;  therefore 
the  juez  de  paz  cannot  execute  the  prefect's  orders.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  234. 
July,  $1,000  ready  for  the  co.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  162.  For  mus- 
ter-rolls, pay-rolls,  names  of  company  officers,  etc.,  and  complaints  of  des- 
titution, see  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS.,  lxii.  30;  lxxiv.  45;  lxxv.  5,  10-12; 
lxxvii.  14,  20;  lxxviii.  2,  4;  lxxix.  23-4,  40,  54,  82;  lxxx.  26;  lxxxi.  3,  19, 
29,  35;  lxxii.  1,  28,  64;  lxxiv.  4;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  1,  8-10;  iv.  2,  4;  St. 
Pan.,  Sac. ,  MS.,  iii.  35,  37,  117;  x.  4;  xii.  6;  xiii.  16;  xiv.  16-20.  43;  Dept. 
Rec,  MS.,  ix.  47;  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  30,  82,  158,  180;  Id.  Index,  33;  Hayes, 
Doc,  MS.,  12,  13,  19,  28;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  283;  iii.  176;  iv.  315;  vi.  7, 
24-5,  90-1,  264;  vii.  103-5,  312;  viii.  253. 

8  Not  a  building  of  the  presidio  left  in  1839;  all  in  ruins.  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  vii.  8;  viii.  23-4.  It  was  therefore  necessary  to  buy  a  house  in  town  for 
a  proposed  garrison.  The  earthwork  on  Stockton  Hill  mentioned  in  Hayes' 
K,n.  Notes,  364;  Id.  Miscel,  41;  S.  D.  Union.  June  20,  1876.  On  what  be- 
came of  the  guns,  Romero,  Mem.,  MS.,  3.     Photograph  of  one  of  the  guns 


DECREASE  OF  POPULATION.  611 

The  population  of  the  district,  not  including  neo- 
phyte and  gentile  natives,  has  been  given  as  520  in 
1830.4  There  are  absolutely  no  statistics  for  this 
decade.  There  was  probably  a  small  decrease  in  the 
first  half,  and  subsequently  a  very  large  one,  caused 
by  the  scattering  of  the  military  force  and  by  the 
depredations  of  Indians  at  the  ranchos.  Bandini, 
without  giving  figures,  states  that  the  depopulation 
was  very  rapid  after  1836.5  As  an  estimate,  I  put 
the  population  in  1840  at  150,  the  smallest  figure  for 
more  than  half  a  century.  The  number  of  foreigners 
was  nine  in  1836,  and  ten  in  1840,  three  of  them  hav- 
ing families.6  The  neophyte  population  of  the  three 
missions,  5,200  in  1830,  had  decreased  to  5,000  in 
1834.  After  the  secularization  there  are  no  definite 
statistics,  but  there  are  indications  that  in  1840  the 
ex-neophytes  whose  whereabouts  were  known,  ab  the 
missions,  in  the  pueblos,  and  in  private  service,  may 
have  been  2,250.  Of  gentiles  and  fugitives,  as  in  other 
periods,  the  number  cannot  be  given.  I  append  a  note 
on  the  ranchos  occupied  by  private  citizens  during 
this  period.7     Most  of  them  had  to  be  abandoned  at 

in  the  plaza  at  Old  Town,  with  inscription,  El  Jupiter.  Violati  fulmina  regis. 
Carolus  tertian,  etc.  Manila.  Afio  de  1783,  in  Hayes'  Em.  Notes,  550-2.  Re- 
ports  on  the  castillo  and  guns  in  1839.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  2G9;  viii.  21,  264; 
xxv.  204.  April  1839,  alcalde  says  he  has  never  received  any  munitions  or 
artillery,  but  will  have  a  search  made.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  221.  Sale  of  the 
castillo  to  Machado.  Hayes'  Em.  Notes,  494;  Id.  Doc>  115.  Aug.  1835, 
mention  of  a  contribution,  plans,  etc.,  for  building  a  church  and  casa  consis- 
torial.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  56.  May  1837,  Padre  Duran  authorizes  the  alcalde 
to  select  a  building  for  a  chapel  and  to  fence  in  a  campo  santo.  Hayes'  Miss. 
]>.,  411.  Douglas,  Journal,  MS.,  88,  describes  S.  D.  as  a  town  of  50  houses 
in  1840;  estimated  exports,  $10,000. 

4  See  vol.  ii.,  p.  544  of  this  work. 

5 Bandini,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  8.  In  1839  the  number  of  votes  cast  for  elec- 
tors was  31.  8.  D.  Index,  MS.,  53. 

6  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xii.  15;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  iii.  39. 

7  San  Diego  ranchos  in  1831-40,  according  to  land  commission  and  district 
court  lists  in  Hoffman's  lleports,  list  for  1836  in  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  110,  and 
other  authorities.  Those  marked  with  a  *  were  finally  rejected  by  the  L.  C. 
or  U.  S.  courts.  Agua  Caliente,  granted  in  1840  to  Jos6  A.  Pico;  claimant 
under  a  later  grant,  J.  J.  Warner.  Cueros  de  Venado,  owned  by  J.  M.  Mar- 
ron  in  1836;  not  presented  to  the  L.  C.  under  this  name.  Jamacha,  granted 
in  1S40  to  Apolinaria  Lorenzana,  who  had  asked  for  it  and  obtained  the  neces- 
sary certificates  from  the  padres  in  1833-4.  Cayetano  Gaitan  was  in  charge 
1S30.  Lorenzana  claimant  before  L.  C.  *Jamul,  granted  to  Pio  Pico  in 
1831.     Andres  Pico  in  charge  1836.     Pio  Pico  claimant  before  L.  C.     Jcus, 


G12  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

one  time  or  another  on  account  of  Indian  depreda- 
tions. The  inhabitants  of  the  town  still  pastured 
their  cattle  and  raised  crops,  as  the}7  had  done  before, 
on  lands  regarded  as  common.  The  cultivated  fields 
were  chiefly  in  Soledad  Valley,  where  the  cultiva- 
tors built  enramadas  for  temporary  residence.  They 
claimed  no  property  in  the  land,  but  he  who  tilled  a 
held  one  year  acquired  a  respected  right  to  do  so  the 
next.  The  town  lots  had  been  at  first  assigned  by 
the  military  commandant;  and  the  first  written  title 
from  the  alcalde  is  said  to  have  been  that  given  to 
Tomasa  Al  vara  do  in  1838. 

Events  at  San  Diego  during  this  decade,  as  in 
most  others,  were  neither  numerous,  important,  nor 

owned  by  M.  I.  Lopez  in  1838.  Not  before  the  L.  C.  *Melyo,  granted  in 
1833  to  Santiago  E.  Argiiello,  who  was  the  claimant  before  L.  C.  Nacion, 
not  yet  granted  to  private  ownership.  J.  A.  Estudillo  in  charge  1836.  Otay, 
granted  in  1829  to  Jose"  A.  Estudillo,  whose  heirs,  Victoria  Dominguez  et  al., 
were  claimants  before  L.  C.  Sant.  E.  Argiiello  in  charge  1836.  Paguai, 
granted  Sept.  7,  1839,  and  confirmed  May  22,  1840,  to  Rosario  Aguilar,  but 
refused  by  the  grantee.  Hayes'  Em.  Notes,  488.  Pefiasquitos,  granted  in 
1823  and  again  in  1834  to  F.  M.  Ruiz  and  F.  M.  Alvarado,  the  latter  being 
owner  and  occupant  in  1836  and  later  claimant  before  L.  C.  Rosario, 
mentioned  in  1828;  in  charge  of  Manuel  Machado  1836:  not  before  the  L.  C. 
under  this  name.  San  Antonio  Abad,  mentioned  in  1828;  Sant.  E.  Argiiello 
in  charge  1836;  not  before  the  L.  C.  San  Dieguito,  granted  provisionally  to 
Silva  family  1831.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  97.  Granted  in  part,  1840  or  1841, 
to  Juan  M.  Osuna,  who  is  named  as  owner  in  1836,  and  whose  heir  was  claim- 
ant before  L.  C.  San  Isidro,  mentioned  in  1828;  owned  and  occupied  by 
Jose  Lopez  in  1836;  not  before  the  L.  C.  Secuan,  Juan  Lopez  'solicitante'  in 
1836;  not  before  L.  C. ;  probably  in  Lower  Cal.  *Soledad,  regarded  as  a 
part  of  the  town  commons  and  formally  made  such  in  1839.  Granted  by 
Gov.  Carrillo  in  1838  to  Fran.  M.  Alvarado;  claimant  before  L.  C.  Cave  J. 
Coutts.  San  Jose"  del  Valle,  granted  in  1S36  to  Silvestre  de  la  Pcrtilla,  who 
was  also  the  claimant  before  L.  C.  In  charge  of  Francisco  Villa  1836.  *Tem- 
ascal,  occupied  by  Leandro  Serrano  in  1828  and  owned  by  him  in  1836. 
( 3  ranted  by  Gov.  Echeandia,  no  date  given.  Claimants,  Josefa  Montalva  et 
al.  *Temecula,  granted  to  J.  A.  Estudillo  in  1835;  claimants  before  L.  C, 
V.  D.  Estudillo  et  al.  Granted  provisionally  to  Andre's  and  Pio  Pico,  June 
2,  1840.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  x.  4.  Tccate,  owned  and  occupied  by  Juan 
Bandini  in  1836.  Not  before  L.  C.  (Bandini  was  driven  out  by  Indians,  and 
in  1838  obtained  a  grant  of  Jurupa  farther  north.)  Tia  Juana,  on  the  fron- 
tier, granted  to  Santiago  Argiiello  in  1S29.  Abandoned  for  a  time  on  ac- 
count of  Ind.  raids.  Vallecitos,  granted  to  Jos6  M.  Alvarado  in  1840;  L. 
Soto  claimant  before  L.  C. 

Feb.  5,  1835,  Com.  Argiiello  turns  over  to  alcalde  papers  relating  to  ap- 
plications of  soldiers  for  lands,  as  being  no  longer  within  his  powers.  S.  I). 
Arch.,  MS.,  Jan.  12,  1835.  Joaq.  Carrillo  petitions  the  alcalde  for  a  grant 
of  the  mission  lands,  since  S.  D.  is  no  longer  a  presidio,  but  a  pueblo.  Id.,  32. 
Information  on  the  general  subject  of  lands  and  town  lots.  Hayes''  Em.  Notes, 
4o0. 


SUMMARY  OF  EVENTS.  613 

exciting.  A  chronological  summary  is  appended,  con- 
sisting of  references  to  items  of  political  and  military 
affairs  as  given  in  other  chapters,  interspersed  with 
such  other  petty  happenings  as  seem  worthy  of  brief 
notice.8     This  little  community  was  intensely  patri- 

8  Chronological  summary  of  S.  Diego  events,  1831.  Revolt  against  Gov. 
Victoria,  Nov.-Dec.  See  p.  200-4,  210,  this  vol.  Arrival  of  Jackson's  trading 
party  from  Sta  Fe  in  Nov.  Id.,  387. 

1832.  Meetings  of  officials  and  of  the  dipulacion,  March-May,  and  posi- 
tion of  the  Dieguinos  in  the  struggle  against  Zamorano  and  the  plan  of  Mon- 
terey.   Id.,  225-9. 

1833.  Departure  of  Ex-gov.  Echeandia  in  May,  Id.,  244.  Petition  of 
the  inhab.  for  an  ayuntamiento.  Id. ,  249.  Visit  of  Gov.  Figueroa,  July. 
Id. ,  247.  Fears  of  an  attack  from  the  Indians,  neophytes,  and  gentiles  com- 
bined, with  rumors  of  political  designs.  Ringleaders  arrested.  Id. ,  358-9. 
Bandini  in  congress  tries  to  have  the  post  of  S.  Diego  opened  to  foreign  trade. 
/(/. ,  369.  March  2Gth,  a  soldier  under  arrest  was  forcibly  released  by  a  cor- 
poral and  7  privates,  all  belonging  to  the  L.  Cal.  forces.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B. 
M.,  MS.,  lxxix.  9.  Nov.  12th,  a  fall  of  meteors  alarmed  the  people,  and 
sent  them  in  haste  to  the  church.  It  also  broke  up  an  interesting  game  of 
monte.  Ezquer,  Mem.,  MS.,  3. 

1834.  Arrival  of  the  Natalia,  Sept.,  with  part  of  the  Hijar  and  Padres 
colony,  p.  267  of  this  vol.  Bandini  as  inspector  of  customs,  and  his  smug- 
gling operations.  Id.,  p.  371.  Nov.,  according  to  the  reglamento,  S.  Diego 
and  S.  Dieguito  formed  a  parish  of  the  1st  class,  salary  $1,500.  Id. ,  347-S. 
Nov.-Dec,  robberies  by  Indians  of  frequent  occurrence.  Tlio  com.  gen.  will 
*  take  steps,' but  meanwhile  Capt.  Portilla  is  to  make  a  salida  asking  the 
alcalde  for  volunteers.  Hayes'  Miss.  Book,  221,  224-5.  Dec.  18th,  21st, 
election  of  an  ayuntamiento  for  the  next  year,  as  recorded  elsewhere  in  this 
chap. 

1835.  First  ayunt.  in  session  attending  to  municipal  affairs.  S.  Diego  in 
behalf  of  Estudillo  opposes  Castro  as  gefe  politico.  This  vol. ,  299-300.  Visit 
of  R.  H.  Dana.  Two  Years  before  the  Mast.  Feb.  11th,  Gov.  Figueroa  writes 
to  alcalde  about  a  school,  for  which  it  seems  the  people  had  offered  to  pay. 
Hayes'  Doc,  MS.,  17.  Feb.  4th,  effort  to  organize  an  expedition  against  the 
Cahuillas  who  are  threatening  Sta  Isabel.  Id.,  37.  Large  force  of  gentiles 
said  to  be  threatening  S.  Luis  Rey.  Arms  to  be  collected  and  funds  raised 
by  contribution.  Los  Aug.  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  150-1.  April,  examination  of 
Incl.  accused  of  having  plotted  to  seize  Gov.  Figueroa  at  S.  Luis.  This  vol., 
301. 

1836.  Vague  rumors  of  revolutionary  troubles.  Bandini's  plan  for  a  gen- 
eral assembly  to  save  the  country,  and  assurances  of  S.  Diegan  loyalty.  This 
vol.,  419-20.  May  29th,  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  new  Mex.  constitution. 
Id.,  423.  Oct.  9th,  16th,  primary  and  secondary  election.  Andre's  Pico 
sent  to  Monterey  as  partido  elector.  Id. ,  446.  S.  Diego  to  be  a  part  of  the 
2;1  or  southern  district,  that  of  Los  Angeles,  according  to  Alvarado's  plan. 
Id.,  475.  News  of  Alvarado's  revolution  or  the  plan  of  Monterey;  S.  Diego 
loyal  to  Mexico;  acts  of  the  ayunt.,  the  people,  and  of  Bandini  in  Nov.-Dec. 
Id.,  481-5.  The  existence  of  hidden  treasure  at  the  ruined  missions  on  the 
Colorado  was  reported  by  Indians;  or  at  least  their  stories  about  certain  coins 
in  their  possession  gave  rise  to  a  belief  in  such  treasure.  The  foreigners 
Thos  Russell  and  Peter  Weldon  were  leading  spirits  in  the  matter;  the  al- 
calde was  an  interested  party;  and  Receptor  Cabello  made  a  formal  demand 
for  the  treasure  in  behalf  of  the  national  treasury!  A  party  actually  went 
to  make  the  search,  finding  nothing;  and  the  matter  was  investigated  by  the 
ayuntamiento,  Russell  and  Weldon  being  arrested.  This  matter  furnished  a 
subject  for  comment  from  Feb.  to  July.  S.  I).  Arch.,  MS.,  95-6,  108,  114; 


G14  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

otic,  fully  imbued  in  these  times  with  politico-military 
zeal  under  the  leadership  of  her  prominent  citizens 
Banclini,  Pico,  and  the  rest.  In  1831  she  began  the 
first  revolution  against  Mexican  authority,  that  ex- 
pelled Governor  Victoria,  and  should  have  made 
Pio  Pico  a  San  Diegan  governor.  But  in  1836  she 
developed  intense  loyalty  to  Mexico,  in  opposition  to 
Alvarado's  revolutionary   plan;    and    both  then  and 

Id,  Index,  24;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  55-6.  Indian  depredations, 
chietly  in  Jan. -March,  with  reference  to  authorities  for  many  but  confused 
details.  This  vol.,  C7-8. 

1837.  Port  open  to  coasting  trade  only  by  decree  of  Feb.  17th.  Vol.  i\\, 
84.  Enthusiasm  of  S.  Diego  against  Alvarado.  Troops  sent  north  too  late. 
This  vol.,  485,  494-5,  505.  Arrest  of  municipal  officers  by  Alvarado's  agents, 
and  partial  conversion  of  the  ayunt.  in  April.  Id. ,  508.  Plots  of  Bandini, 
Portiila,  and  Zamorano.  S.  Diegans  march  north  and  capture  Los  Angeles 
in  May.  Id.,  515-21.  Oath  to  the  central  constitution  June  12th.  S.  Diego 
supports  Gov.  Carrillo,  Dec.  Id.,  540.  Depredations  of  Indians  on  the  fron- 
tier. Ranchos  destroyed  and  the  town  threatened.  Expeditions  by  citizens 
and  by  the  troops  enlisted  to  oppose  Alvarado.  Id.,  G8-9.  The  hostile  bands 
included  fugitive  neophytes,  rancho  employes,  and  savages  from  the  interior. 
Claudio  Mas  a  leader.  Lciva,  Molina,  Camacho,  and  another  were  killed  at 
Jamul.  Tia  Juana,  Tecate,  and  most  of  the  frontier  ranchos  were  plundered. 
There  was  an  absurd  tendency  to  connect,  for  political  effect,  the  hostility  of 
the  Indians  with  the  plan  of  Monterey;  and  there  were  some  controversies 
between  civil  and  military  authorities  as  to  the  methods  of  conducting  the 
defence.     This  year's  ayunt.  was  the  last  elected. 

1838.  Jan.,  Gov.  Carrillo's  decree  establishing  the  custom-house  at  S.  D. 
This  vol.,  545.  Feb.,  force  of  citizens  under  Pio  Pico  sent  to  Los  Angeles. 
Id.,  548.  April,  Carrillo  defeated,  retires  to  S.  D.;  new  preparations, 
Tobar's  arrival,  and  campaign  of  Las  Flores.  Id.,  5oG  et  seq.  June,  S.  D. 
still  refuses  to  recognize  Alvarado.  Id.,  5G8-9.  Same  in  Sept.;  but  Carrillo 
at  S.  Luis  submits.  Id.,  572-3.  More  political  trouble  in  Dec;  Castro's  raid 
at  Christmas  and  arrest  of  the  Carrilios  and  Picos.  Id.,  577-8.  A  heavy 
storm  of  rain  and  snow  in  Dec.  was  very  destructive  to  sheep.  St.  Pap.  Miss., 
MS.,  ix.  30.  No  depredations  by  Indians  this  year;  but  in  April  and  Sept. 
there  was  some  correspondence  on  precautious  and  suspicious  movements  of 
the  natives.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  204;  St.  Pap.  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  3S8. 

1839-40.  The  Indians  of  the  frontier  were  still  on  the  war-path,  especially 
in  1839,  and  few  if  any  of  the  ranchos  escaped  plunder,  most  of  them  being 
entirely  abandoned  at  different  times.  So  far  as  can  be  judged  from  the 
records,  nothing  effectual  was  done  by  either  local  or  territorial  authorities  to 
punish  the  marauders,  though  there  was  no  lack  of  complaints  and  promises 
and  plans.  See  this  vol. ,  G9-70.  Details  are  too  bulky  for  separate  repro- 
duetion,  and  when  combined  give  no  satisfactory  result.  In  March  1S39 
an  election  was  held  under  the  new  laws,  Fitch  presiding;  and  Andres  Pico 
and  J.  A.  Estudillo  were  sent  as  electors  to  Los  Angeles  to  vote  for  congress- 
man and  members  of  the  junta.  <S'.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  222.  In  Oct.,  Belcher, 
the  English  explorer,  visited  the  port  and  remained  five  days,  but  he  gives 
very  slight  description  of  the  place.  Bdchei^s  Narr.,  i.  325  et  seq.  In  1840 
several  foreigners  were  arrested  to  be  exiled  with  Graham  to  S.  Bias,  but 
little  is  known  of  particulars.  This  vol.,  14-15,  24,30-1.  J.  B.  Leandi 
visit  to  S.  D.  on  this  business  with  orders  from  the  prefect.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS., 
254.  Ilomcro,  Mem.,  MS.,  5,  thinks  it  was  in  1840  that  the  last  channel 
between  the  river  and  False  Bay  was  closed  by  a  flood. 


DEPREDATIONS  OF  INDIANS.  615 

in  the  sectional  strife  of  1837-8  her  favorite  sons 
struggled  valiantly  by  word  of  mouth  and  pen  in 
support  of  Carlos  Carrillo  and  southern  interests. 
Some  Dieguino  forces  even  took  part  in  the  bloodless 
campaigning;  their  town  was  more  than  once  invaded 
by  the  northern  foe;  and  prominent  citizens  were  made 
captives.  Next  to  political  excitements,  and  often 
far  surpassing  them,  were  those  arising  from  depreda- 
tions of  hostile  Indians,  especially  in  1836-7  and  1839. 
Again  and  again  the  frontier  ranches  were  plundered 
until  most  of  them  had  to  be  abandoned;  and  the 
town  itself  was  often  thought  to  be  in  danger,  with 
neither  soldiers,  arms,  nor  supplies  for  effectual  de- 
fence. A  search  for  hidden  treasure  on  the  Colorado 
was  a  local  topic  of  comment  in  1836;.  popular  elec- 
tions of  municipal  rulers  were  held  for  three  years; 
complaints  of  hard  times  and  various  pressing  needs 
were  always  in  order;  petty  controversies  between 
local  officials  furnished  occasional  opportunity  for  con- 
suming the  small  supply  of  paper  and  ink;  and  for 
the  rest  the  people  must  content  themselves  with 
their  social  diversions,  with  waiting  for  news  of  north- 
ern complications,  and  the  anchoring  in  their  bay  of 
the  trading  craft  that  came  not  infrequently  to  carry 
away  their  little  store  of  hides  and  tallow. 

Civil  government  in  San  Diego,  as  distinct  from 
the  military  rule,  began  with  the  installation  of  the 
first  ayuntamiento  in  1835.  This  town  council,  con- 
sisting of  alcalde,  two  regidores,  and  a  sindico,  was 
elected  in  December  of  each  year  to  serve  during  the 
next  year.     I  append  the  official  list  for  the  decade.0 

9  Ayuntamiento  of  S.  Diego  elected  Dec.  21,  1831,  to  serve  during  the  year 
1835:  alcalde,  Juan  Maria  Osuna;  regidores,  Juan  B.  Alvarado  and  Juan  Maria 
Marron;  sindico,  Henry  D.  Fitch;  .sec,  appointed  at  S20  per  month,  soon  re- 
duced to  $15,  Jose"  M.  Mier  y  Teran;  jueces  del  campo,  Bonifacio  Lopez,  ap- 
pointed by  ayunt.,  Jan.,  Matias  Olivas  in  Aug.  At  the  election  13  electors 
voted,  and  Pio  Pico  got  two  votes  for  alcalde.  S.  J).  Arch.,  M.S.,  28-0.  The 
inhab.  on  Sept.  22d  had  petitioned  the  govt  to  give  them  an  ayunt.  in  accord- 
ance with  the  laws.  Ley.  7?ec,  MS.,  ii.  234-41.  Fran.  Basualdo  was  at  first 
appointed  sec,  but  not  approved  by  the  assembly,  being  a  military  man. 

1836:  alcalde,  Santiago  Argiiello;  regidores,  Juan  Maria  Marron  and 
Manuel  Machado;  sindico,  Jesus  Moreno;  sec,  Domingo  Ainao;  jueces  de 


GIG  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

The  alcalde  had  jurisdiction  over  the  whole  district, 
appointing  the  administrators  of  missions  and  owners 
of  ranches  to  serve  as  subordinates,  or  comisarios  de 
policia.  For  three  years  only,  1835-7,  the  ayunta- 
mientos  were  continued,  and  then  the  alcalde's  place 
was  filled  by  a  juez  de  paz  appointed  by  the  governor 
each  year  in  1838-40.  The  change  was  made  because 
the  population  was  less  than  that  required  for  a  legal 
ayuntamiento;  and  from  January  1838,  San  Diego 
was  ordered  to  recognize  Los  Angeles  as  cabecera  de 
partido.  Details  of  municipal  affairs,  meagrely  re- 
corded, are  more  important  as  illustrating  the  system 
than  as  part  of  local  annals;  but  I  give  a  few  items 
in  a  note.10     From  1839  this  district  formed  part  of 

campo,  Andres  Ibarra  and  Ignacio  Lopez;  juez  de  policia,  Juan  B.  Corona  (?); 
comisarios  de  policia,  Jose"  Corona,  Esculano  Olivas,  Juan  B.  Alvarado,  Henry 
D.  Fitch,  and  as  substitutes,  Fran.  Ruiz,  Andre's  Ibarra,  Matias  Olivas,  Ra- 
mon Osuna,  and  the  administrators  of  missions  and  proprietors  or  overseers 
of  all  ranchos  in  the  district.  At  the  election  of  ayunt.  Andre's  Pico  got  5 
votes  and  Argiiello  6.  8.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  63;  Hayes,  Doc,  MS.,  34.  The 
secretary's  salary  was  still  a  matter  of  contention,  but  was  not  raised  from 
$15.  Mier  y  Teran  served  in  the  early  part  of  the  year,  but  was  removed  for 
various  faults,  and  in  return  made  charges  against  the  alcalde.  S.  D.  Arch., 
MS., *  66.  The  2d  regidor  was  elected  for  two  years,  so  that  Marron  held 
over.  The  alcalde  found  fault  with  the  sindico  as  an  unruly  and  dangerous 
man.  Id.,  98. 

1837:  alcalde,  Josd  Antonio  Estudillo;  regidores,  Francisco  M.  Alvarado 
and  Francisco  Ruiz;  sindico,  Jose  M.  Mier  y  Teran;  sec,  Domingo  Amao. 
No  other  officials  named.  Election  of  Dec.  18,  1836,  in  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS., 
144.  Machado  should  have  held  over  as  1st  regidor,  but  declined  to  serve 
on  account  of  bad  health. 

1838:  no  ayuntamiento  as  per  governor's  order  of  Dec.  9,  1837.  Id. ,  190. 
Juez  de  paz,  Jos6  A.  Estudillo;  sec,  Jos6  F.  Alvarez.  No  election.  Estu- 
dillo held  the  office  at  first  temporarily  as  'encargardo,'and  then  permanently 
by  the  governor's  appointment.  Fitch  acted  at  E.'s  request  i)i  June.  Id., 
3J0.  Sec.  Amao  having  run  away,  Governor  Carrillo  appointed  Alvarez  in 
March.  Id.,  195-6. 

1S39:- juez  de  paz,  Juan  M.  Osuna;  2d  juez,  or  suplente,  Juan  M.  Marron. 
No  sec  named.  Osuna  was  elected  by  the  people  on  Jan.  1st  to  succeed 
Estudillo  at  the  latter's  request. 

1840:  juez  de  paz,  Juan  M.  Osuna;  suplente,  Juan  M.  Marron;  treasurer 
(dcpositario  de  fondos  propios),  J.  A.  Estudillo  to  April,  Francisco  M.  Alva- 
rado from  May.  Fitch  and  J.  M.  Alvarado  had  been  appointed  justices  of 
the  peace  by  the  prefect  in  Dec  1839  for  1840;  but  in  Jan.  the  gov.  restored 
those  of  the  preceding  year.  Hayes,  Doc,  MS.,  102-20.  The  prefect  had 
made  the  appointment  on  the  nomination  of  the  justices,  as  there  was  no 
sub-prefect  to  propose  candidates.  Perhaps  the  governor's  act  was  founded 
on  this  irregularity.  Fitch  took  the  oath  of  office  and  began  to  act.  Alva- 
rado declined  to  take  the  oath  because  he  could  not  write.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS., 
249.  The  secretary's  salary  was  now  $10.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.  Pre/,  y  Juzg., 
MS.,  iii.  48. 

10  Many  communications  received  by  the  alcalde  from  the  govt  and  by 


MUNICIPAL  AFFAIRS.  617 

the  third  prefecture  and  of  the  Los  Angeles  partido, 
not  having  sufficient  population  for  a  sub-prefect. 

The  criminal  record  presents  no  causas  celebres,  and 
but  a  meagre  array  of  petty  cases.  Methods  of  court 
procedure  and  principles  involved  in  the  administra- 
tion of  justice  call  for  no  general  remark.  The  sub- 
ject is   best  disposed  of,  like  most  others   connected 


him  forwarded  to  the  sub-alcaldes  or  comisarios  at  the  ranchos.  S.  D.  Arch., 
MS.,  passim.  July  1835,  Los  Angeles  alcalde  claims  jurisd.  over  criminal 
matters  at  S.  D.,  requiring  a  mule-thief  to  be  sent  to  him.  Jan.,  trouble 
between  S.  D.  alcalde  and  the  com.  at  S.  Luis  Rey,  the  latter  claiming  the 
right  to  its  own  alcalde  and  regidores.  Feb.  10th,  alcalde  instructed  by 
gov.  that  his  political  authority  does  not  extend  beyond  the  presidio  settle- 
ment; but  in  the  administration  of  justice  his  jurisdiction  extends  to  all  the 
settlements.  Jan.  5th,  animals  must  be  kept  out  of  town  under  penalty  of 
a  line.  Vagabonds,  drunken  persons,  etc.,  must  be  fined.  Jan.  7th,  papers 
relating  to  a  rancho  turned  over  to  alcalde  by  commandant.  Jan.  8th,  fines 
for  persons  carrying  prohibited  weapons.  Penalties  for  petty  thefts.  Juez  de 
campo  to  attend  to  hide  trade.  Merchants  must  submit  their  measures  and 
weights  to  the  ayunt.  Jan.  12th,  schools  considered.  Feb.  19th,  committee 
to  investigate  qualifications  of  applicants  for  lands.  Mar.  19th,  work  on  the 
casa  consistorial  must  cease  for  want  of  supplies  for  the  prisoners.  People 
called  on  for  contributions.  May  3d,  a  dispute  on  a  private  debt  referred  by 
gov.  to  ayunt.  May  19th,  Joaquin  Carrillo  forbidden  to  sell  his  garden,  at 
his  wife's  petition  and  on  order  of  the  gov.  Sept.  22d,  alcalde  wishes  to  know 
if  he  may  force  traders  to  sell  at  less  extravagant  prices.  Sept.  25th,  com- 
plains that  Argiiello  refuses  to  pay  his  defjiiello  tax. 

183G.  Indian  alcaldes  paid  1  real  per  day.  Man.  Silvas  employed  on  'ne- 
gocios  subalternos  '  at  $3  per  month.  May,  trouble  between  alcalde  and  the 
encargado  at  Temascal,  the  latter  refusing  to  obey  the  former's  summons. 
1837.  March,  sindico  makes  a  report  of  receipts  and  expenditures.  Ayunt. 
agrees  that  each  regidor  shall  take  his  turn  in  aiding  the  alcalde.  Dec.  9th, 
gov.  's  order  that  there  is  to  be  no  election  for  ayunt.  1838.  Jan.  17th,  S. 
Diego  must  recognize  Los  Angeles  as  cabecera,  and  electors  must  go  there  to 
vote.  1839.  June,  prefect  orders  juez  de  paz  of  S.  D.  to  select  Indians  for 
auxiliaries.  Colorado  Ind.  claim  the  right  to  elect  their  alcaldes.  1840. 
Juez  de  paz  Fitch  needs  an  escolta  de  tropa  to  enforce  the  liquor  laws;  also 
a  secretary,  as  he  cannot  write  Spanish.  Prefect  appoints  the  depositario  de 
fondos  propios.  No  expenditure  without  prefect's  orders.  No  pay  for  acting 
arj  receptor  or  captain  of  the  port.  A  tax  was  imposed  on  the  hide-salting 
establishments  of  foreigners,  as  had  been  done  before  in  1834.  Dept.  Rcc,  MS., 
xi.  8;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  vi.  09.  See  also,  for  preceding  items, 
8.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  30-1,  42,  58,  99,  113,  172,  190,  214,  231,  240,  249,  204;  Id. 
Index,  19,  64-5,  130-4;  Hayes  Doc,  MS.,  13-14,  24,  70,  112;  Id.,  Miss. 
Booh,  226. 

Items  of  revenue  and  finance.  Customs  revenue,  year  ending  June  1831, 
$389,  all  paid  out  to  employes.  Mexico,  Mem.  Ilac,  1832,  doc.  3.  Libro  de 
fianzas  1833-4,  referred  to  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Oust. -II.,  viii.  15.  Alcabalas  or 
excise  tax  1834  to  April,  $10,007.  Id.,  Bm.  Mil.,  lxxvi.  4.  Aug.  1839,  Ramon 
Osuna  appointed  collector  of  tithes.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  235.  Munic.  receipts 
1839,  $76;  expenditures,  $77.  Same  May  to  July  1840,  $29.  Sept.  to  Nov. 
$51  and  $29.  July  1840,  some  hides  were  declared  to  have  been  unlawfully 
seized,  but  there  was  no  money  to  pay  for  them.  Id.,  266. 


G18  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

with  local  annals  of  the  period,  in  a  list  of  original 
items  as  appended.11 

11 1831.  Charges  of  rape  and  incest  by  a  girl  against  her  father,  a  mili- 
tary officer.  The  evidence  was  not  strong  enough  for  conviction,  but  the 
girl  was  removed  from  her  father's  control  on  account  of  his  cruelty.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  B.  AT.,  MS.,  lxxiv.  11-29.  1833.  Much  gambling  among  both  Ind- 
ians and  gente  de  razon.  Ezquer,  Mem.,  MS.,  2-3.  1835-40.  Municipal 
police  regulations,  instructions  to  jueces  de  campo,  etc.,  most  relating  to  the 
killing  of  cattle,  carrying  weapons,  punishment  for  petty  thefts.  S.  D.  Arch., 
MS.,  51,  162,  168;  Id.  Index,  100-9.  1833.  For  want  of  funds  to  support 
prisoners,  they  were  put  to  work  for  any  citizen  who  would  feed  them.  8.  D. 
Arch.,  MS.,  38.  Domingo  sentenced  to  4  years  of  presidio  for  murder  of! 
Cruz.  Hayes'  Miss.  B.,  310;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.  Pre/,  y  Jwzg.,  MS.,  ii.  21. 
A  prominent  citizen  granted  by  the  alcalde  a  separation  from  his  wife  who 
had  lost  $2,000  by  gambling.  8.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  03.  There  are  many  petty 
gambling  cases  before  conciliadores  in  these  years.  1S3G.  F.  M.  Alvarado 
lined  $50  and  $25  to  the  Ind.  he  had  flogged,  'a  scandalous  proceeding.' 
Fine  reduced  to  $25  and  'satisfaction'  to  complainant.  Id.,  67.  A  Mex.  for 
applying  his  brand  to  the  cattle  of  others,  and  an  Ind.  for  forging  the  sin- 
dico's  name  to  a  permit  for  a  keg  of  aguardiente,  sent  by  the  alcalde  to  Lieut. 
Gutierrez  as  no  longer  to  be  tolerated  in  the  jurisdiction.  Id.,  113-14.  Penal- 
ties in  the  alcalde's  court:  stealing  cattle  or  horses,  one  to  three  months  of 
public  works;  stealing  brandy,  2d  offence,  1  year  with  chain;  not  informing 
against  a  thief,  $3  and  3  days'  arrest;  Ind.  for  rape,  1  year  with  chain;  Ind. 
servant  of  Bandini  for  carrying  off  a  woman,  G  months;  running  away  and 
stealing  a  horse,  20  days;  coming  from  S.  Miguel  without  a  pass  and  rob- 
bery, 1  month;  robbing  a  room,  banishment  for  municipality.  Id.,  07.  Two 
ex-convicts  arrested  as  vagrants.  Id.,  71.  Thos  llusseli  fined  $10  and  loss  of 
his  pistol  for  sending  a  challenge  to  Lumsden.  Id.,  G7.  Prisoners  all  at  work 
for  private  citizens,  says  the  com.,  being  blamed  for  the  escape  of  a  convict. 
Dept.  St.  Pei]). ,  B.  M. ,  MS.,  lxxxi.  19.  Bandini  supposes  that  an  Ind.  murderer 
being  a  christian  will  come  under  jurisdiction  of  the  alcalde,  and  not  of  the 
mil.  com.  Hayes*  Mi*s.  B.,  302.  Sept.,  an  Ind.  who  'tuvo  inconsequencias' 
with  his  wife  after  prayers  went  and  hanged  himself.  J.  J.  Ortega  and  two 
others  went  to  look  at  the  man  and  reported  to  the  chief  alcalde.  Then  the 
1st  regidor  and  sec.  went  to  the  spot,  and  looking  upon  the  hanging  man 
asked  three  times  in  the  name  of  God  who  had  killed  him.  Getting  no  reply, 
they  proceeded  to  examine  the  body,  and  being  satisfied  he  had  hanged  him- 
self, ordered  him  to  be  taken  down.  Id.,  301.  Dec,  Russell  banished  for 
escape  from  prison.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  63.  1837.  Ind.  for  killing  a  calf 
fined  $2  and  45  days  on  public  works.  Fine  for  gambling,  $2.50  for  each 
party.  The  alcalde  founds  his  decisions  on  the  laws  of  1827  and  1833.  Id. , 
191.  Feb.,  there  were  14  prisoners  on  public  works,  three  of  them  allotted 
to  Fitch  to  repair  the  plaza  road.  Id.,  172.  Sindico  ordered  to  patrol  the 
town  with  a  guard  of  citizens.  Id.,  1G1.  Five  prisoners  at  work  on  a  court- 
house and  jail  deemed  more  important  than  a  church.  No  place  to  keep  the 
prisoners  at  night  unless  some  citizen  would  give  up  a  room.  Contributions 
called  for,  and  8  fan.  corn  received.  Id.,  1G6-7.  1839.  Prefect  calls  for  a 
list  of  'ociosos  y  mal  entretenidos.'  Alcalde  replies  that  owing  to  his  efforts 
there  are  no  idlers  in  town.  Id.,  228.  Prefect  asked  to  decide  about  two  ex- 
neophytes  who  stole  a  cow.  Alcalde  understands  that  such  are  to  be  again 
'reduced  '  to  their  mission.  Hayes''  Miss.  B.,  334.  Prefect  says  a  thief  must 
be  sent  to  the  alcalde  of  Los  Angeles,  from  mission  to  mission,  with  the  papers 
in  the  ease.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  237.  1840.  There  being  no  troops  or  jail, 
Fitch  needs  an  escolta  to  enforce  laws  against  drunkenness,  etc.  Hayes,  Doc, 
MS.,  118.  Feb.,  citizens,  chiefly  foreigners,  subscribe  $828  as  a  reward  for 
discovery  of  the  murderer  of  Luis  Juan.  S.  D.  Index,  MS.,  65. 


SAX  DIEGO  MISSION.  619 

At  the  San  Diego  mission  padres  Martin  and  Oliva 
continued  their  ministry,  the  latter  throughout  the 
decade,  the  former  until  his  death  in  1838,  after 
twenty-six  years  of  continuous  service.12  Down  to 
1834,  when  statistics  come  to  an  end  here  as  else- 
where, the  padres  had  baptized  160  Indians,  buried 
312,  married  127  couples,  and  had  on  their  register 
1,382  neophytes.  At  the  end  of.  the  decade  there 
were  about  800  nominally  under  control  of  the  ex- 
mission  authorities,  though  there  were  only  50  at 
the  mission  proper.13     Naturally  secularization  is  the 

12  Fernando  Martin  was  a  native  of  Robledillo,  Spain,  born  May  26,  1770. 
He  became  a  Franciscan  in  1787  at  the  convent  of  Ciuclad  Itodrigo,  where 
after  completing  his  studies  he  served  as  preacher  until  1809,  when  he  volun- 
teered for  the  American  missionary  field,  leaving  Cadiz  in  March  and  arriv- 
ing at  the  Mex.  college  of  S.  Fernando  in  June  1810.  The  next  year  he  was 
appointed  to  Cal.,  and  after  vexatious  days  at  Acapulco  and  elsewhere  on 
account  of  a  pestilence  and  of  insurgent  troubles,  he  reached  L.  Cal.  in 
April  1811,  and  came  up  to  S.  Diego  by  land,  arriving  on  July  0th.  His 
missionary  service  began  at  once,  and  he  never  served  at  any  other  establish- 
ment. He  was  an  exemplary  friar,  of  whom  little  was  heard  beyond  the 
limits  of  his  mission,  yet  he  was  accredited  by  his  superior  in  1820  with 
more  than  average  ability  and  zeal.  He  was  one  of  the  few  friars  who  took 
the  oath  of  republicanism.  His  death  occurred  on  Oct.  19,  1838.  Autobiog. 
Autorj.  de  los  Frailes,  MS.;  Sarria,  Informede  1817,  MS.;  Arch.  StaB.,  MS., 
iii.  123;  Duhaut-Cilhj,   Viaggio,  ii.  19-21;  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  36. 

13  Statistics  of  1831-40:  decrease  of  pop.  1,544  to  1,382;  baptisms  160; 
deaths  312;  marriages  127;  decrease  in  large  stock  8,822  to  3,417;  horses  and 
mules  1,192  to  307;  sheep  16,661  to  8,616.  Largest  crop  6,849  bush,  in  1831; 
smallest  1,710  in  1834;  average  3,561,  of  which  2,395  wheat,  yield  7.33;  bar- 
ley 903,  yield  5.54;  corn  202,  yield  18. 

Stat,  of  1709-1834:  bapt.  6,638,  of  which  3,351  Ind.  adults;  2,685  Ind. 
child.,  602  child,  de  razon.  Marriages  1,879,  of  which  169  de  razon.  Deaths 
4,428,  of  which  2,573  Ind.  adults,  1,575  Ind.  child.,  146  adi":lts  de  razon,  134 
child,  de  razon;  death  rate  5.32  per  cent  of  pop.  Largest  pop.  1,829  in  1824. 
Down  to  about  1803  females  exceeded  males  slightly;  but  this  was  reversed 
later.  The  proportion  of  children  unller  8  years  varied  from  £  in  early  years 
to  5  in  later.  Largest  no.  of  cattle  9,245  in  1822;  horses  1,193  in  1831;  mules 
330  in  1824;  asses  37  in  1801;  sheep  19,450  in  1S22;  goats  805  in  1789;  swine 
120  in  1815;  all  kinds  30,325  in  1822.  Total  product  of  wheat  132,077  bush., 
yield  10  fold;  barley  81,187  bush.,  yield  11  fold;  corn  24,112  bush.,  yield  47 
fold;  frijoles  4,299  bush.,  yield  9  fold. 

Miscell.  stat.  of  1834-40:  July  1834,  P.  Martin  loans  the  presidio  $1,533. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  G.  <£■  T.,  MS.,  iii.  39.  1835-8,  distrib.  to  neophytes  in 
4  years,  439  shirts,  202  skirts,  673  blankets,  116  fan.  maize,  2,110  wheat,  22 
frijoles,  140  barley.  St.  Pep.  Miss.,  MS.,  vi.  38-9.  See  ground  plan  of  the 
mission  buildings  perhaps  of  1839.  Id.,  vii.  3.  Value  of  church  effects  $4,802; 
due  from  inhab.  $560.  Id.,  vii.  2.  June  24,  1839,  HartnelPs  report;  S.  Diego 
has  2  vineyards  of  8,600  cepas  and  517  olive  trees,  fields  for  1  fan.  corn  and  8 
aim.  frijoles;  Sta  Isabel  5,860  vines,  fields  for  30  fan.  wheat,  and  20  fan.  barley; 
Sta  Monica  8,000  vines,  fields  for  2£  fan.  corn,  2  fan.  frijoles.  Id.,  xi.  23-5. 
Feb.  1839,  admin,  says  the  mission  with  estates  of  Sta  Isabel  and  Sta  Monica 
is  in  ruins,  people  all  fled  except  50.  Id.,  ix.  37.     May,  P.  Oliva  says  Sta 


C20  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

leading  topic  of  mission  annals;  but  at  San  Diego 
only  slight  additions  can  be  made  to  what  has  been 
given  in  •  the  general  narrative.  After  a  certain 
amount  of  theorizing  and  agitation  by  Echeandia  in 
1829-33,  followed  by  an  experimental  emancipation 
of  chosen  neophytes  by  Figueroa  in  1833-4,  Alferez 
Ramirez  and  Captain  Argiiello  being  successively 
comisionados,  the  mission  was  finally  secularized  in 
1835,  and  was  put  in  charge  of  Jose  Joaquin  Ortega, 
who  kept  the  place  of  majordomo  or  administrator 
until  replaced  by  Juan  M.  Osuna  in  1840.14  After 
secularization,  affairs  are  said  to  have  continued  verv 
much  as  before.  The  Indians  had  never  been  so 
closely  confined  to  the  mission  routine  here  as  farther 

Isabel  has  560  souls.  S.  D.  Index,  MS.,  135.  1839  (?),  Sta  Isabel  344  inhab., 
Sta  Monica  11C,  mission  320,  total  780,  also  16  de  razon.  St.  Pap.  Miss., 
MS.,  vii.  2.  June,  1840,  debts  of  the  mission  to  J.  A.  Aguirre  8446,  W.  E. 
Hartnell  $350,  Ant.  Cot  $69,  Joaq.  Ortega  $1,748,  Rosario  Aguilar  $54;  total 
$2,668.    Vallcjo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxiii.  12;  Pico,  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  47-51. 

14  On  secularization  in  general,  see  chap,  xi.-xii.  this  vol.,  and  chap.  ii. 
vol.  iv.  1S31,  ace.  to  Echeandia's  decree  of  Jan.  6th,  comisarios,  etc.,  were 
to  be  chosen,  but  no  immediate  change  made.  This  vol.,  306.  Bias  Aguilar 
was  the  majordomo  this  year.  1832,  Echeandia's  efforts  in  the  south;  views 
of  P.  Martin  and  others.  Id.,  316.  1833,  Echeandia's  regl.  of  Jan.,  Jose"  M. 
Ramirez  appointed  comisionado.  Figueroa's  experimental  plan.  Sant.  Ar- 
giiello comisionado  and  his  efforts  in  July-Sept.  Id.,  326-32.  1834.  Ind. 
pueblos.  Id.,  339.  No  record  of  progress  this  year.  Id.,  346.  Nov.  22d,  Juan 
Jose  Rochaacknowl.  receipt  of  the  decree  of  secularization  for  S.  D.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS.,  lxxxviii.  18.  1835,  actual  secularization,  Joaquin  Or- 
tega in  charge  from  April  as  majordomo  at  $50  per  mo.;  no  details.  This  vol., 
353.  June,  the  alcalde  is  informed  by  gov.  that  respecting  punishment  of 
Ind.  he  is  to  consult  the  asesor.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  50.  1836,  Jan.,  alcalde 
at  the  town  summons  the  majordomo  to  appear  before  him  to  propose  candi- 
dates for  mission  alcalde  and  regidores — though  the  mission  ayunt.  was  to 
have  control  of  petty  local  matters,  not  of  admin,  of  justice.  /(/.,  71;  Mont. 
Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  2.  Several  doc.  vaguely  indicating  a  controversy  between 
Alcalde  Argiiello  and  Ortega.  Hayes'  Miss.  B.,  316-17.  1S37,  Ortega  as 
majordomo,  generally  called  administrator,  at  a  salary  of  $600.  The  padre 
takes  O.'s  place  during  his  absence.  Id.,  318.  Jan.,  mission  ayunt.  chosen. 
S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  167.  Belcher,  Narr.,  i.  327,  describes  the  mission  Ind. 
as  armed  with  bows  and  arrows.  1838,  Rosario  Aguilar  named  a  majordomo 
under  Ortega.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.  v.  55.  1839,  Feb.,  administrator  has 
trouble  in  causing  the  gentile  chiefs  to  respect  his  authority.  Id.,  xi.  35, 
May  7th,  P.  Oliva  claims  that  Sta  Isabel  is  not  a  'sitio  valdio'  as  claimed,  but 
a  mission  with  580  Ind.  Hayes''  Miss.  B. ,  329.  June,  alcalde  ordered  by 
prefect  to  aid  Inspector  Hartnell  in  restoring  fugitive  ex-neophytes  to  the 
missions.  Hayes''  Miss.  B.,  332.  June  24th,  Hartnell  reports  the  mission  Ind. 
in  a  very  naked  condition  and  clamorous  for  the  removal  of  the  administrator 
in  favor  of  the  padre.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  24-5.  1840,  under  Alvarado'a 
regulations  Ortega  was  removed,  and  Juan  Maria  Osuna  was  made  majordomo 
in  July  by  Hartnell.  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  ii.  1077;  S.  D.  Index,  MS.,  135-6. 
Ortega  not  permitted  to  go  to  Sta  Isabel. 


SAN  LUIS  EEY.  621 

north,  and  the  change  was  therefore  somewhat  less 
abrupt.  Of  the  gradual  decadence,  not  much  more 
rapid  than  it  had  been  before  1834,  as  of  the  minor 
troubles  and  controversies  and  complaints,  we  have 
but  the  most  fragmentary  record. 

Padre  Antonio  Peyri  at  the  end  of  1831  left  San 
Luis  Rey,  an  establishment  which  he  had  founded 
and  in  33  years  of  faithful  service  had  brought  to  the 
front  rank  of  California  missions,  and  quit  the  coun- 
try in  company  with  the  exiled  Governor  Victoria. 
He  was  one  of  the  most  prominent  Fernandinos, 
though  he  chose  to  devote  his  energies  mainly  to 
his  local  task;  and  he  was  unwilling  to  remain  and 
witness  the  overthrow  of  all  his  plans,  being  griev- 
ously disappointed  at  Victoria's  failure  to  establish 
what  he  had  foolishly  hoped  would  prove  a  new  re- 
gime   for    the   missions.15     After   Peyri's    departure 

15  Antonio  Peyri  was  born  Jan.  10,  1769,  at  Porrera,  Catalonia,  Spain; 
took  the  Franciscan  robe  in  the  convent  at  Reus  Oct.  25,  1787;  sailed  from 
Cadiz  May  8,  1795;  and  left  his  college  in  Mex.  for  Cal.  March  1,  1796,  arriv- 
ing in  July.  He  served  two  years  at  San  Luis  Obispo,  and  in  1798  was  a 
founder  of  San  Luis  Rey,  where,  and  at  the  branch  establishment  of  S.  Anto- 
nio de  Pala,  he  served  continuously  thereafter.  By  his  superiors  he  was 
accredited  with  distinguished  merit  as  a  manager,  but  not  with  fitness  for 
high  office.  Autobiog.  Autoq.  de  los  Padres,  MS.;  Sarria,  Informe  sobre  los 
Frailes  1817,  MS.;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  123-4.  He  was  less  unfriendly 
than  most  Spanish  friars  to  the  republic,  and  took  the  required  oath  in  1826; 
but  in  the  same  year  petitioned  the  president  of  Mex.  to  relieve  him  of  his 
mission  administration.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  23.  In  1829  he  de- 
manded his  passports,  being  as  a  Spaniard  included  in  the  law  of  March  20th, 
and  though  offered  exemption  by  the  governor,  insisted  in  his  demand,  as- 
serting that  he  was  an  old  man  no  longer  fit  for  service.  Id.,  56-7.  He  ob- 
tained from  the  Mex.  authorities  permission  to  retire  with  full  payment  of 
past  stipend.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  145,  148.  The  padre  sailed  on  the 
Pocahontas  Jan.  17,  1832,  from  S.  Diego  for  Mazatlan  on  his  way  to  Mexico; 
see  p.  210,  this  vol.  The  tradition  is  that  he  had  to  leave  S.  Luis  secretly, 
and  that  his  neophytes,  500  strong,  hastened  to  S.  Diego  to  prevent  his  de- 
parture, arriving  only  in  time  to  receive  his  blessing  from  the  receding  ship. 
Bidwell,  Cal.,  MS.,  185-7,  learned  from  one  of  the  Indians  who  aided  his 
departure  that  he  kneeled  on  the  hill  and  prayed  for  the  mission  as  his  last 
act.  Peyri  took  with  him  from  the  mission  funds  about  $3,000,  the  amount 
of  stipend  due  him,  as  he  wrote  to  Capt.  Guerra.  He  is  accused  by  the 
republican  foes  of  Victoria  of  having  contributed  large  sums  to  support  the 
latter's  cause,  and  of  having  carried  away  secretly,  hidden  in  barrels  of  grain 
and  olives,  other  large  amounts  in  gold  and  silver.  Pio  Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
159-60,  learned  from  Juan  Mariner,  a  Catalan  trusted  by  Peyri,  that  the 
padre  took  32  barrels  of  olives,  each  containing  money.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  ii.  156-9,  makes  it  14  bbls  of  flour,  and  says  the  S.  Bias  customs  offi- 


G22  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAX  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

Padre  Jose  Antonio  Anzar,  a  new-comer,  served  in 
1832,  being  accused  of  some  irregularities ;  Buenaven- 
tura Fortuni  was  the  minister  in  1833-G;  in  1837-9 
there  is  no  record  except  of  Oliva  and  Abella  as 
visiting  friars;  and  in  1840  Father  Francisco  Gonza- 
loz  de  Ibarra  took  charge.  San  Luis  was  the  only 
mission  to  show  a  gain  in  population  for  1831-4,  and 
at  the  end  of  that  period,  with  a  register  of  2,844 
neophytes,  it  stood  at  the  head  of  the  list,  not  only  in 
respect  of  population  but  in  the  number  of  its  live- 
stock.    Additional  statistics  are  appended.16     In  1840 

cers  refused  to  land  the  suspicious  cargo.  Leandro  Serrano,  sometime  major- 
domo  of  S.  Luis,  talks  of  10  kegs  of  silver  dollars  passed  of  as  brandy. 
Hayes*  Em.  Notes,  205;  Id.  Miscell.,  92.  I  suppose  all  this  to  be  unfounded. 
Forbes,  Cal.,  22,  saw  Peyri  on  his  way  to  Mex. ,  publishes  his  portrait  as  a 
frontispiece  of  his  book — said  by  old  Californians  to  be  a  good  likeness — and 
describes  him  as  the  beau  ideal  of  the  old-time  fraile  with  his  jolly  figure, 
bald  head,  and  white  locks.  Nearly  all  speak  well  of  him.  Fray  Antonio 
left  Mex.  in  Feb.  1834,  and  by  way  of  New  York  and  France  reached  Bar- 
celona in  June.  Instead  of  the  tranquillity  he  had  expected  for  his  old  age, 
he  found  only  turmoil  and  strife.  It  was  not  even  safe  to  visit  his  native 
town.  He  bitterly  regretted  having  left  Cal.,  and  confessed  his  great  error; 
but  the  doctors  told  him  that  his  age  and  infirmities  made  a  return  voyage 
dangerous,  even  if  his  funds  had  not  been  exhausted.  He  had  brought  from 
Cal.  two  young  neophytes,  Pablo  and  Agapito,  whom  he  had  placed  in  the 
Propaganda  college  at  Rome,  where  they  were  contented  and  the  objects  of 
much  interest.  All  this  I  learn  from  the  friar's  original  letter  written  at  an 
inn  at  Barcelona,  and  mailed  at  Marseilles  in  April  1833,  to  Stephen  Ander- 
son in  Edinburgh.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  1.  Taylor,  Dlscov.  &  Found.,  no. 
35,  p.  201,  says  he  died  at  Rome  in  1835,  drawing  on  his  imagination  for  the 
fact.  The  tradition  in  Cal.  is  that  one  of  the  neophytes  completed  his  edu- 
cation as  a  priest,  but  nothing  definite  is  known  of  his  career.  See  also,  on 
the  life  and  character  of  Peyri,  Vischer's  Missions  of  Cal.,  p.  vii.-viii. ;  Du- 
kaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  ii.  30;  Hughes'  Cal.  of  the  Padres,  32;  Hayes''  Mem- 
oral).,  73;  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  15;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  53-4;  Id.,  xix. 
IS;  Lancefs  Cruise,  168;  S.  Dieno  Union,  June  19,  1873;  Perez,  Recuerdos, 
MS.,  23-7;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  75;  Vallejo,  Remin.,  MS.,  31-2;  Mofras, 
Explor.,  i.  343. 

10  Statistics  of  San  Luis  Rey  1831-4:  increase  in  pop.  2,776  to  2,844;  bap- 
tisms 385;  marriages  161;  burials  324.  Decrease  in  large  stock  27,978  to 
13,000;  horses  and  mules  2,468  to  920;  sheep,  etc.,  26,658  to  15,300.  Largest 
crop  7,825  bush,  in  1831;  smallest  2, 307  in  1834;  average  4,684,  of  which  2,325 
wheat,  yield  5.74  fold;  1,030  barley,  yield  5.5  fold;  1,202  corn,  yield  53  fold; 
beans  102,  yield  6.87  fold. 

General  statistics  1798-1S34,  the  whole  period  of  mission  existence:  total 
no.  baptisms  5,591,  of  which  3,539  adult  Ind.,  1,802  Ind.  children,  192 child,  do 
razon;  average  per  year  151.  Total  of  marriages  1,425,  of  which  9  gentc  de 
razon.  Deaths  2,859,  of  which  1,445  Ind.  adults,  1,367  Ind.  child.,  12  and  35 
ad.  and  child,  de  razon;  average  death  rate  4.42  per  cent  of  pop.  Largest 
pop.  2,869  in  1826.  Sexes  about  equal  down  to  1809;  then  the  excess  of 
males  increased  to  about  10  per  cent.  The  proportion  of  children  under  8  yrs 
was  about  ■  ,.  rather  more  before  and  less  after  1S12.  There  were  generally 
from  20  to  50  persons  de  razon  living  at  the  mission.     Largest  no.  of  cattle 


SECULARIZATION.  G23 

there  were  about  1,000  of  the  ex-neophytes  at  mis- 
sion, pueblos,  and  ranchos  more  or  less  under  control 
of  local  authorities.  Secularization  began  here  as  at 
San  Diego  with  Figueroa's  experimental  emancipation 
in  1833,  resulting  in  the  forming  of  an  ex-neophyte 
pueblo  at  Las  Flores,  with  but  a  small  population. 
The  final  secularization  was  accomplished  in  Novem- 
ber 1834  by  Captain  Portilla  as  comisionado,  and  Pio 
Pico  remained  in  charge  as  majordomo  and  adminis- 
trator until  succeeded  by  Jose  A.  Estudillo  in  August 
1840.17     After  the  securalization  the  decline  in  pop- 

27,500  in  1832;  horses  2,226  in  1828;  mules  345  in  1828;  asses  5  in  1827;  sheep 
28,913  in  1S28;  goats  1,300  in  1832;  swine  372  in  1819;  all  kinds  58,767  in  1828. 
Total  product  of  wheat  114,528  bush.,  yield  9  fold;  barley  94,600  bush.,  yield 
1G  fold;  corn  101,442  bush.,  yield  1S2  fold;  beans  10,215  bush.,  yield  23  fold. 

Miscell.  statistics  of  1831-40.  Accounts  of  1834  as  rendered  by  P.  For- 
tuni  to  Capt.  Portilla:  assets $46,613,  debts$14,429.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  xi. 
53.  1835:  Inventory  Aug.  22d;  valuation  $203,737;  debts  $93,000;  the  church 
64x10  varas,  of  adobes,  tile-roofed,  floor  of  clay,  board  ceiling,  9  doors,  18 
windows,  4  adjoining  rooms,  all  valued  at  $30,000,  included  in  the  total,  as  also 
the  6  ranchos  valued  at  $40,437,  the  most  valuable  being  Pala,  Sta  Margarita, 
and  S.  Jacinto.  Id.,  vi.  10-11.  Jan.,  May,  nothing  but  cattle  for  the  needy 
troops  of  S.  Diego.  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  x.  4;  xiv.  44.  1839:  Lists  of  debts 
amounting  to  $15,656  in  May  and  $14,639  in  Aug.  The  largest  creditors  were 
Juan  Ebbetts,  J.  A.  Menendez,  Thos  Shaw,  P.  Fortuni,  Thos  Park,  John 
Temple,  P.  Ibarra,  and  Pio  Pico.  Pico,  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  47-51,  57;  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  xxxiii.  12.  Long  list  of  debtors  owing  from  $3  to  $173,  or  1  to 
30  beasts,  each.  Pico,  Pap.,  53-5;  Bandini,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  9-10;  Osio,  Hist. 
Col.,  MS.,  218-20;  and  Julio  C<Ssar,  Cosas  de  Ind.,  MS.,  1-2,  give  some  par- 
ticulars about  the  mission  ranchos,  without  definite  dates  or  figures,  agreeing 
in  substance  with  information  given  on  p.  555  of  vol.  ii. 

17  Chron.  summary  of  events  at  8.  Luis  Rey  during  the  decade:  Echean- 
dia's  preliminary  agitations  here  as  at  S.  Diego.  For  gen.  account  of  seculari- 
zation, see  chap,  xi.,  xii.,  this  vol.,  and  chap,  ii.,  vol.  iv.  1831:  Gov.  Victoria 
at  S.  Luis,  departure  of  P.  Peyri.  This  vol.,  p.  183,  210.  Julio  Cesar,  Cosas  de 
Ind.,  MS.,  4,  says  that  one  of  the  neophyte  boys  carried  away  by  Peyri  came 
back  to  Cal.  in  later  years.  1832:  Echeandia  at  S.  Luis,  writings  against 
Zamorano,  Ind.  ready  to  fight,  meeting  of  the  diputacion.  This  vol.,  p.  225- 
7.  Capt.  Pablo  de  la  Portilla  appointed  comisionado  by  Echeandia.  Id.,  326. 
1833:  Portilla  continued  in  office.  His  efforts  at  emancipation  under  Figue- 
roa's  instructions.  Small  results.  Id.,  330-2.  Feb.,  Com.  Portilla  needs 
15  or  20  men  to  prevent  disorders  among  the  Ind.  on  account  of  the  division 
of  lands.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  v.  76.  Oct.,  Rosario  Aguilar, 
majordomo  at  Pala,  knocked  down  and  left  for  dead  by  Simon,  an  Ind.,  who 
way  arrested.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  20. 

1834:  Great  slaughter  of  mission  cattle;  5,700  head  killed  on  shares 
from  May  to  July,  the  mission  getting  half  the  hides  and  tallow.  This  vol., 
p.  34S-9.  In  July,  after  the  slaughter  was  well  advanced,  permission  was 
asked  of  the  dip.  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  ii.  148-51,  103.  Estudillo,  Datos,  MS., 
33-4,  puts  the  number  killed  at  about  20,000.  In  Sept.,  Oct.,  a  part  of  the 
Hijar  and  Padre's  colony  were  at  S.  Luis.  This  vol.,  267-8.  Some  of  them  ac- 
cused of  inciting  a  revolt.  Id.,  281.  Actual  secularization  in  Nov.,  Portilla 
receiving  the  property  from  P.  Fortuni.  Id.,  346.     Besides  trouble  caused  by 


624  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

illation  was  more  rapid  than  that  in  wealth,  the  Ind- 
ians succeeding  in  retaining  partial  control  of  the  rich 
mission  ranchos  of  Santa  Margarita,  Pala,  Santa  Isa- 

the  Ind.  running  away  in  appreciation  of  their  new  liberty,  Portilla  seems  to 
have  had  some  difficulty  with  the  padre.  Dec.  30th,  Figueroa  advises  him  to 
'contemporizar'  with  the  friars,  who  have  the  right  to  select  their  own  resi- 
dence. Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  7. 

1835:  Pio  Pico  in  charge  as  majordomo,  or  administrator.  This  vol.,  p. 
353.  Ind.  plot,  or  rather  protest  against  the  loss  of  the  mission  rancho  of 
Temccula.  Id. ,  361.  Oct.,  the  admin,  is  forbidden  to  disturb  Portilla  in  the 
possession  of  his  rancho  S.  Jos6  del  Valle.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  62.  Nov.,  Ind. 
go  to  S.  Diego  to  complain  before  the  alcalde  that  they  are  not  given  the 
promised  liberty,  but  are  severely  treated  by  Pico.  The  alcalde  reports  to 
gov.  that  the  danger  is  serious.  Hayes1  Miss.  B.,  229;  S.  Diego  Index,  MS., 
131. 

1836:  Pico  still  majordomo  and  encargado  de  justicia.  His  troubles  with 
the  Ind.  still  continued.  In  June  he  imprisoned  Pablo  Apis,  a  leader  among 
the  neophyte  petitioners,  for  redress  of  wrongs;  but  they  forced  him  to  release 
the  prisoner,  and  both  parties  went  to  S.  Diego  to  make  charges  before  the 
alcalde.  The  latter  sent  a  small  guard  to  S.  Luis,  retained  Apis  and  4  others 
under  arrest,  urged  Pico  to  use  great  care  so  as  not  to  lose  the  crop,  and  re- 
ported to  the  gov.  The  corresp.  is  complicated,  but  no  definite  results  are 
indicated.  Evidently  Don  Pio  was  not  as  popular  a  manager  as  had  been  P. 
Peyri.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  112;  Id.  Index,  133;  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Pref.y  Juztj., 
MS.,  iii.  32-3;  Savage,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  64-5;  Hayes'  Miss.  B.,  297-9,  303-4, 
293.  Sept. ,  alcalde  ordered  to  aid  Pico  in  retaking  fugitive  neophytes  from 
the  gentiles  in  the  interests  of  religion.  Id.,  308.  Soldiers  'strike  '  for  pay 
and  rations.  This  vol.,  p.  483-4.  1837:  Arrest  of  Andres  Pico.  Castillero 
joins  the  southern  army  here  in  June.  This  vol.,  p.  518,  521.  1838:  This 
year,  like  the  preceding,  sectional  strife  so  fully  occupied  the  minds  of  all  that 
the  records  bear  but  slight  trace  of  anything  else.  Campaign  of  Las  Flores 
April.  Id.,  558  et  seq.     Ex-go  v.  Carrillo  at  S.  Luis  in  Sept.  Id.,  573. 

1839:  March,  the  mission  must  support  the  fam.  of  soldiers  absent  on 
service.  S.  D.  Index,  MS.,  134.  May,  an  Ind.  widow  asks  prefect  to  be  re- 
leased from  the  mission  to  support  herself  and  daughters.  She  is  overworked 
and  gets  no  clothing.  Los  Aug.  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  160-1.  June  5th,  Pico  com- 
plains to  Visitador  Hartnell  that  the  Ind.  are  constantly  running  away  and 
taking  refuge  at  Los  Angeles.  Vallejo,  Doc,  vii.  179.  June  14th,  prefect 
instructed  by  Hartnell  to  aid  Pico  in  his  efforts  to  recover  all  fugitives.  Dcpt. 
St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  v.  26-7.  June  24th,  H.  says  the  vines  are  much  in- 
jured by  worms.  Mission  debts  and  credits  about  $15,000.  Weaving  in 
progress.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  25.  July,  in  Pico's  absence  P.  Ibarra  was 
put  in  charge  of  the  mission.  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS.,  vii.  324;  viii.  12.  P.  claimed 
that  during  an  earlier  absence  much  property  had  disappeared.  Andres 
Pico  declines  to  take  command.  This  vol.,  p.  591.  Oct. -Nov.,  trouble  be- 
tween Pico  and  admin,  at  S.  Juan  about  some  cattle  at  a  rancho  claimed  by 
both.  Hartnell  after  investigation  decided  that  P.  should  have  4,000  and  the 
other  2,000.  Pico  at  once  sent  a  man  to  kill  his  4,000,  and  there  were  none 
left!  Vallejo,  J  list.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  363-8.  Nov.  7th,  com.  of  S.  Luis  to  be 
tried  for  the  crime  of  freeing  a  known  criminal,  Moriilo.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug., 
MS.,  xii.  20. 

1840:  Andre's  Pico  in  temporary  charge,  Pio  being  absent  in  the  early 
months.  In  July  Hartnell  appointed  Jose  A.  Estudillo  as  majordomo  under 
Alvarado's  new  regulations.  Pio  Pico  made  much  trouble  about  transferring 
the  office;  but  it  appears  that  the  difficulty  was  chiefly  on  matters  of  etiquette, 
Don  Pio  felt  sore  at  the  loss  of  his  place,  and  deemed  himself  aggrieved  by 
some  informality  in  the  manner  of  demanding  a  transfer.  Moreover  he  bad 
become  personally  responsible  for  mission  deb^s  to  the  amount  of  §2,000,  and 


SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO.  625 

bel,  Temecula,  and  San  Jacinto  throughout  this  dec- 
ade, though  not  much  longer. 

Father  Barona  died  in  1831,  and  Zalvidea  con- 
tinued in  charge  of  spiritual  affairs  at  San  Juan  Capis- 
trano  throughout  the  decade,  having,  however,  but 
little  to  do  with  the  management  of  temporalities 
even  in  the  early  years.  The  population  in  1834  had 
decreased  to  861,  and  in  1840  was  probably  less  than 
500  with  less  than  100  at  the  pueblo  proper;  while 
in  its  crops  San  Juan  showed  a  larger  deterioration 
than  any  other  establishment.18     Here  secularization 

he  wished  to  get  rid  of  this  responsibility  before  turning  over  the  property. 
Original  correspondence  in  Arch.  Misiones,  M.S.,  ii.  1069-70,  1083;  Hartnell, 
Diario,  etc.,  MS.,  35,  38,  57-60;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  351;  xxxiii.  91, 
94;  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  5-9.  Finally  Hartnell  came  to  S.  Luis  on  Aug. 
4th,  and  from  the  10th  to  lGth  the  transfer  of  property  to  Estudillo  was 
formally  made,  it  being  discovered  that  the  number  of  cattle  at  the  mission 
ranchos  was  much  less  than  the  inventory  of  1839  called  for,  but  also  that 
the  said  inventory  had  been  grossly  inaccurate  by  the  fault  of  Carlos  Castro, 
who  had  not  taken  the  trouble  to  count.  Hartnell,  Diurio,  MS.,  18-20.  Mean- 
while there  was  some  difficulty  about  Joaquin  Ortega  taking  charge  at  Sta 
Isabel  as  ordered  by  the  gov.,  the  Indians  protesting.  Id.,  58;  Hayes'  Miss. 
B. ,  344.  Pico  had  long  been  trying  in  different  ways  to  get  possession  of 
TemCcula  rancho  against  the  wishes  of  the  Ind.  Feb.  13th,  P.  Ibarra  to 
Duran,  with  particulars.  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  ii.  1021-2.  After  surrender- 
ing the  administratorship  he  contained  his  efforts,  and  seems  to  have  obtained 
a  temporary  grant  or  permission  to  occupy.  Nov.  5th,  Capt.  Juan  and  his 
band  are  resolved  that  the  Picos  shall  not  put  their  stock  at  Tem6cula,  claim- 
ing that  rancho  as  the  best  grain  land  of  the  mission;  but  P.  resolved  to  suc- 
ceed. St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  x.  3;  xi.  9-11.  Nov.  22d,  Majordomo  Estudillo 
and  11  Ind.  had  come  to  Angeles  to  oppose  the  grant,  resolved  to  quit  the  mis- 
sion if  it  was  confirmed.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  v.  11.  Dec.  15th,  Gov. 
Jinieno  to  encargadoof  S.  Luis.  Assure  the  Ind.  of  Teme'cula  that  they  shall 
not  be  disturbed.  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  xi.  51-2.  Pico  himself,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  98- 
100,  says  that  the  ex-mission  was  very  prosperous  under  his  honest  and  sys- 
tematic management;  but  not  so  under  his  successor.  John  Forster,  Pioneer 
Data,  MS.,  21-2,  also  declares  that  Pico's  administration  was  exceptionally 
honest  and  efficient.  Julio  C6sar,  Cosas  de  Ind.,  MS.,  4-5,  asserts  that  all 
the  administrators  were  cruel  despots,  and  Pico  the  worst  of  all. 

18  Jose  Barona  was  born  at  Villa  Nueva,  Spain,  March  22,  1764,  became  a 
Franciscan  at  Velorado,  July  18,  1783,  left  the  convent  at  Calahorra  Sept.  2, 
1794,  arrived  at  the  college  of  S.  Fernando  Aug.  24,  1795,  and  came  to  Cal. 
Jan. -May,  1798.  He  served  at  S.  Diego  in  1798-1811,  and  at  S.  Juan  Capis- 
trano  in  1811-31.  He  wa3  regarded  by  his  superiors  as  a  faithful  worker  of 
medium  merit.  Autobiog.  Autog.  de  Ion  Padres,  MS.;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii. 
125;  Sarria,  Inf.  sobre  Frailes  1S17,  MS.,  43-4.  As  early  as  1817  he  was  in 
broken  health,  and  desirous  of  retirement.  In  1823  he  was  rudely  treated  by 
some  soldiers  at  S.  Juan;  and  after  1827  he  spent  most  of  his  time  at  S.  Luis 
as  an  invalid.  But  little  appears  about  him  in  mission  or  secular  records. 
He  died  at  S.  Juan  Aug.  4th,  and  was  buried  on  the  6th  by  P.  Zalvidea. 
Cfuerra,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  240.  Statistics  of  San  Juan  Capistrano  1831-4:  de- 
crease in  pop.  923  to  861;  baptisms  149;  deaths  200.  Decrease  in  large  stock 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    40 


C20  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

assumed  a  form  slightly  different  from  that  at  the 
other  missions,  since  all  the  neophytes  were  emanci- 
pated under  Figueroa's  experimental  system  of  1833, 
the  lands  being  apportioned  to  them  by  Captain  Por- 
tilla  as  comisionado,  and  a  regular  Indian  pueblo  be- 
ing organized  in  November.19     It  is  not  quite  certain 

10,078  to  8,059;  horses  and  mules  178  to  59;  sheep,  etc.,  5,019  to  4,080.  (In 
133S  there  were  494  cattle,  448  horses,  and  9  mules.)  Largest  crop  1,G25 
bush,  in  1831;  smallest  300  (?)  in  1834;  average  790. 

General  stat.  1771-1834,  the  whole  period  of  the  mission's  existence:  total 
of  baptisms  4,404,  of  which  1,GS9  Ind.  adults,  2,628  Ind.  child.,  4  and  83  de 
razon;  average  per  year  69;  total  of  marriages  1,1G8,  of  which  24  de  razon; 
total  of  deaths  3,227,  of  which  1,255  Ind.  adults,  1,898  Ind.  child.,  24  and  30 
de  razon;  average  per  year  50;  death  rate  5.88  per  cent  of  pop.  Largest 
pop.  1,361  in  1812.  Females  slightly  in  excess  of  males  down  to  1811. 
Children  decreased  from  £  to  £  of  the  pop.  Largest  no.  of  cattle  14,000  in 
1819;  horses  1,355  in  1806;  mules  183  in  1813;  asses  4  in  1813;  sheep  17,030 
in  1800;  goats  1,353  in  1784;  swine  206  in  1818;  all  kinds  31,270  in  1819. 
Total  production  of  wheat  140,700  bush.,  yield  19  fold;  barley  7,760  bush., 
yield  21  fold;  corn  89,875  bush.,  yield  100  fold;  beans  5,375  bush.,  yield  22 
fold. 

Sept.  12,  1832,  P.  Zalvidea  sends  a  keg  to  S.  Luis  to  be  filled  with  conse- 
crated wine,  that  at  S.  Juan  having  soured.  Sta  Cruz  Arch.,  MS.,  11.  1835: 
Inventory  of  mission  property,  formed  by  the  padre  and  four  comisionados. 
Total  amount  including  buildings  $54,456;  debts  $1,410  (credits  $13,123; 
buildings  $7,298;  furniture,  tools,  etc.,  $14,708;  church  $1,250;  sacred  uten- 
sils $15,568,  ranchos  S.  Joaquin  and  Mision  Vieja  $12,019,  library  $490).  St. 
Pap:  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  48-9.  1838:  Live-stock  turned  over  by  Sepulveda  to  his 
successor  Argiiello  as  mentioned  above.  Id.,  vi.  33.  Income  of  the  storehouse 
$2,372,  expenditure  $1,717.  Id.,  vi.  37.  1839:  S.  Juan  owes  $1,600  besides 
the  padre's  stipend.  Credits  $5,000.  Id.,  xi.  26.  1S40:  List  of  debts  amount- 
ing to  $1,556.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxiii.  12;  Pico.  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  47-51. 

19  Chronological  summary  for  S.  Juan  Capistrano  1831-40:  1832:  Padre 
allowing  the  Ind.  to  manage  their  own  affairs.  His  views  on  Echeandia's 
reglamento.  This  vol.,  p.  315-17;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.  &  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  63;  Va- 
llejo, Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  25. 

1833:  Alf.  Rochawas  appointed  comisionado  by  Echeandia,  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,iii.  87,  but  took  no  action.  Capt.  Portilla  was  appointed  by  Figueroa 
later,  and  in  Oct.  effected  the  emancipation  of  all  the  neophytes.  See  a  few 
details  in  this  vol.,  p.  332. 

1834-7:  No  definite  records.  Pocha  mentioned  as  comisionado  in  1834. 
Id. ,  346.  S.  Juan  to  be  a  parish  of  the  2d  class  according  to  the  reglam.  of 
Kov.  Id.,  348.  J.  A.  Pico  is  named  by  Ezquer,  Mem.,  MS.,  3-4,  as  comi- 
sionado to  secularize  the  mission  in  1834,  and  he  seems  to  have  held  that  posi- 
tion in  Feb.  1836.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  ii.  21.  Fran- 
cisco Sepulveda  became  administrator  in  1836  or  1837,  apparently. 

1S38:  Sepulveda  succeeded  by  Santiago  Argiiello  in  Jan.  Occupation  of 
S.  Juan  by  the  army  of  Alvarado  and  Castro  in  April  during  the  Las  Flores 
campaign.  This  vol.,  p.  558.  June,  Argiiello  promises  to  exert  himself  to 
prevent  the  spread  of  small-pox.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  100.  A.'s  salary 
was $1,000.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  vi.  32. 

1839:  April,  Delfin,  a  neophyte,  in  behalf  of  all  the  neophytes,  chai'ges 
the  administrator  with  wasting  and  misapplying  the  mission  effects,  so  that 
the  Ind.  are  deserting,  tired  of  working  without  results.  The  admin,  cal- 
ls fields  for  himself  with  Ind.  labor;  puts  his  own  brand  on  the  best 
horses;   and   buys   animals  with  mission  brandy.     Only  60  Ind.  at  work. 


PUEBLO  OF  SAN  JUAK  627 

that  all  the  steps  were  completed,  nor  is  anything 
known  of  pueblo  annals  for  a  year.  It  would  appear, 
however,  that  whatever  was  accomplished  had  to  be 
undone  under  the  regulations  of  the  next  year,  and 
that  the  mission  was  secularized  like  the  rest  in  1834. 
Jose  Antonio  Pico  and  Francisco  Sepulveda  were 
successively  in  charge  during  1834-7;  and  Santiago 
Arguello  from  January  1838.  The  Indians,  having 
had  a  foretaste  of  liberty,  became  more  and  more  dis- 
contented, and  were  clamorous  for  a  return  to  pueblo 
life  and  self-government.  Hartnell  failed  to  satisfy 
them  on  his  tour  of  1839;  and  finally  in  1840  they 
were   left   in    charge    of  Padre    Zalvidea,  aided    by 

They  ask  for  a  just  administrator,  and  one  who  has  not  so  large  a  family. 
St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  vi.  34-7.  Gov.  Alvarado  instructed  Hartnell  to  investi- 
gate, and  he  found  the  charges  against  Arguello  unfounded,  though  the  Ind. 
were  discontented,  and  wished  the  padre  to  manage  their  affairs.  Id.,  xi.  26- 
8.  Hartnell's  visit  was  early  in  June,  and  he  refused  to  make  any  immediate 
change,  though  he  seems  to  favor  a  trial  of  their  plan  of  saving  the  expense 
of  an  administrator.  He  found  affairs  in  a  bad  state,  only  SO  Ind.  at  the 
mission,  and  some  gente  de  razon  disposed  to  make  trouble.  The  prefect 
was  instructed  to  aid  in  the  restoration  of  fugitives.  Hartnell,  Diario,  MS., 
SI,  42,  C9-72.  In  Aug.  Arguello  says  he  cannot  improve  the  condition  of 
affairs  on  account  of  constant  desertions,  robberies,  and  the  prefect's  refusal 
to  allow  the  arrest  of  runaways.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  43-6. 

1840:  Ramon  Arguello  was  left  in  charge  during  his  father's  absence;  but 
the  Ind.  were  bitterly  opposed  to  the  whole  family.  Hartnell  in  June  was 
authorized  to  set  the  Ind.  free  if  he  could  make  satisfactory  arrangements. 
Arch.  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  1111;  Hartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  86.  On  arriving  in  July 
to  put  in  force  the  new  rcglamento,  he  first  appointed  Ramon  Arguello  as 
majordomo,  but  the  Ind.  would  not  submit,  showing  great  excitement. 
Then  a  proposition  of  Andre's  Pico  to  rent  the  mission,  support  the  padre 
with  the  old  and  sick,  and  pay  fair  wages  to  all  ex-neophytes  who  would 
Mark.  Also  one  of  J.  A.  Estudillo  to  take  the  mission  as  majordomo  for  5  or 
6  years  for  one  third  of  the  product  of  the  estates  instead  of  a  salary,  binding 
himself  to  care  for  the  padre  and  Ind.,  to  repair  the  buildings,  and  to  acid  his 
own  oxen  and  horses  for  working  purposes  to  the  mission  stock.  But  the  Ind. 
would  listen  to  nothing  of  the  kind,  insisting  on  being  formed  into  a  pueblo. 
It  was  finally  agreed  that  temporarily,  until  the  govt  could  make  arrange- 
ments about  the  pueblo,  Padre  Zalvidea  should  have  charge  of  the  property, 
the  Ind.  promising  to  work  faithfully  under  his  administration.  Hartnell, 
1)1  trio,  MS.,  o-O.  Hartneli's  reports  to  govt,  and  his  correspondence  with 
Pico  and  Estudillo.  Id.,  60-4;  Arch.  Mis.,  MS.,  ii.  1075.  Sant.  Arguello 
much  offended  at  his  son's  removal.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  11.  P.  Zalvidea 
had  refused  absolutely  to  remain  in  permanent  charge,  or  as  curate  at  the 
proposed  pueblo,  unless  families  de  razon  should  also  be  allowed  to  settle 
there,  and  some  civil  authority  be  established  over  the  Ind.  alcaldes.  At  the 
end  of  Dec.  he  appointed  Agustin  Janssens  as  acting  majordomo;  approved 
by  govt  in  Feb.  1841.  Janss<jns,  Doc,  MS.,  5-6.  Correspondence  with  a 
neophyte  who  tilled  land  at  Trabuco.  Id.,  3-4.  Janssens  had  been  living 
for  a  time  at  Trabuco  as  representative  of  Capt.  Arguello,  who  was  soliciting 
a  grant  of  the  rancho. 


628  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

Agustin  Janssens,  with  the  promise  of  complete 
emancipation  as  soon  as  arrangements  could  be  made. 
In  these  last  years  a  very  large  part  of  the  Indians 
were  absent  at  Los  Angeles  and  at  the  ranchos. 

There  were  three  pueblos  of  ex-neophytes  in  the 
district  besides  San  Juan  Capistrano,  namely,  San 
Dieguito,  Las  Flores,  and  San  Pascual,  about  all  of 
which  there  is  a  most  unfortunate  lack  of  informa- 
tion. They  were  composed  of  Indians  selected  from 
the  different  missions  for  their  intelligence,  good  be- 
havior,  industry,  and  fitness  in  all  respects  for  earning 
their  own  living  and  managing  their  own  affairs.  They 
were  feeble  approximations  to  such  towns  of  civilized 
and  christianized  natives  as  all  the  missions  had  been 
intended  under  the  original  system  to  become;  but  in 
every  respect  except  the  choice  of  the  best  Indians, 
the  conditions  were  unfavorable  to  success.  San  Die- 
guito, Las  Flores,  and  San  Juan  were  perhaps  organ- 
ized in  1833,  the  two  former  from  the  ex-neophytes 
of  San  Diego  and  San  Luis  respectively;  and  in  May 
1834  they  were  represented  by  the  governor  as  in  a 
flourishing  condition.  San  Dieguito  seems  to  have 
had  about  15  families  at  the  start;  and  at  the  time  of 
Hartnell's  visit  in  1839  they  were  complaining  that 
their  best  lands  had  been  taken  away.  Las  Flores 
had  196  inhabitants  in  1836,  and  they  were  so  far  ad- 
vanced in  politics  that  they  presented  charges  against 
their  Indian  alcaldes,  who  were  replaced  by  others 
after  investigation  by  Pio  Pico.  In  1839,  Hartnell 
found  49  families  of  143  souls,  and  in  four  years  they 
had  rid  themselves  of  half  their  property;  but  the 
rest  of  the  live-stock,  valued  at  $867,  was  distributed 
with  a  warning  that  unless  they  did  better  they  would 
be  again  reduced  to  mission  life.  San  Pascual  was 
organized  in  November  1835,  with  34  families  of  113 
souls  from  San  Diego.  Nothing  more  is  known  of  it 
during  the  decade.20 

20  On  the  pueblos,  see  this  vol.,  339;  St.  Pap.  Miss.tMS.,  xi.  25-G;  vi.  52; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  v.  78;  Hartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  42;  Hayes?  Miss.  B.,-2'30, 
Wo,  497;  Id.,  Doc,  00;  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  114. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  LOS  ANGELES  DISTRICT. 
1831-1840. 

A  Centre  of  Political  Agitation—  Chronologic  Summary  and  Index — 
Local  Occurrences — Indian  Hostilities — Day  and  Stearns — Vigi- 
lance Committee — Sectional  Warfare — Carrillo's  Capital — Tu- 
mult of  the  Flag — Arrest  of  Foreigners — Increase  of  Population 
— Private  Ranchos — Ayuntamiento  and  Municipal  Affairs — Crim- 
inal Record — A  Race — The  Prefect ure — Pena,  Tapia,  and  Ar- 
guello — Port  of  San  Pedro — San  Gabriel — Padres  Boscana  and 
Sanchez — Statistics — Secularization — Events — Bandini's  Reforms 
— San  Fernando  Rey — Father  Cabot — A  Prosperous  Mission — 
Antonio  del  Valle  as  Comisionado — Chronologic  Record. 

During  this  decade  Los  Angeles  was  a  centre  of 
political  agitation  and  of  military  achievement.  From 
the  expulsion  of  Governor  Victoria  in  1831,  after  a 
battle  fought  not  far  from  town,  there  was  hardly  a 
month  in  which  the  Angelinos  did  not  feel  themselves 
to  be  responsible  in  a  peculiar  manner  for  the  salva- 
tion of  California,  either  from  the  arbitrary  encroach- 
ments of  Mexican  despots  or  from  the  mad  folly  of 
Monterey  patriots,  whose  methods  of  resisting  despot- 
ism did  not  merit  the  approval  of  abajeno  office- 
seekers,  and  who  were  blind  to  the  claims  of  the 
angelic  city  as  capital  of  the  province.  Especially 
in  the  struggle  against  Alvarado  and  in  favor  of 
Carlos  Carrillo  as  governor  did  the  zeal  of  Los 
Angeles  manifest  itself,  though  it  was  strongly  reen- 
forced  by  eloquence  from  San  Diego.  But  in  this 
struomde  the  south  was  destined  to  defeat,  for  Santa 
Barbara  when  not  hostile  was  lukewarm,  San  Diego 
if  eloquent  was  not  warlike,  and  the  arribeno  leaders, 

(G29) 


030  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  LOS  ANGELES  DISTRICT. 

instead  of  being  annihilated  by  the  patriotic  plans 
and  pronunciamientos  of  their  opponents,  showed 
an  alarming  tendency  to  use  actual  force  in  the  play 
at  war.  All  the  complicated  and  ludicrous  sequence 
of  positions  assumed — not  to  say  somersaults  accom- 
plished— by  the  illustrious  ayuntamiento  and  citizens  of 
the  southern  metropolis  has  been  fully  presented  in  the 
political  annals  of  the  country,  so  that  the  appended 
summary *  assumes  largely  the  form  of  an  index  to 

1  Chronologic  summary  of  Los  Angeles  events  during  the  decade.  1831. 
Stearns  banished  by  Victoria.  This  vol.,  p.  194.  Also  troubles  of  Alcalde 
Sanchez,  imprisonment  of  regidores  and  citizens,  and  arrest  of  Jose"  A.  Car- 
riilo.  Id.,  195-6.  Dec,  arrival  of  the  revolutionary  forces  from  S.  Diego, 
fight  near  Cahuenga,  defeat  of  Victoria.  Id. ,  204-10.  Arrival  of  Wolfskin's 
party  from  Sta  Fe  in  Feb.  Id. ,  386.  On  Oct.  5th,  the  chaplain's  house  was 
accidentally  burned.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Juzrj.,  MS.,  iii.  18-19. 

1832.  Jan.  7th,  ayunt.  adheres  to  the  S.  Diego  plan.  This  vol.,  p.  212. 
Jan. -Feb.,  the  diputacion  in  session.  Vain  efforts  to  make  Pio  Pico  gov. 
The  ayunt.  declares  for  Echeandia  against  Pico.  Id.,  216-20,  231-2.  Feb.- 
April.  Ibarra's  intrigues,  the  ayunt.  turns  from  Echeandia  to  Zamorano, 
northern  force  retires,  southern  force  under  Barroso  at  Paso  de  Bartolo, 
Angeles,  and  S.  Gabriel,  a  truce.  Id.,  225-7.  Dip.  meets  in  Dec.  Id.,  229. 
Arrival  of  Ewing  Young's  trappers  in  April.     Id.,  387. 

1833.  Jan. -Feb.  Angeles  recognizes  and  congratulates  Gov.  Figueroa. 
Id.,  242.  Padre  Duran's  views  on  the  condition  and  treatment  of  Ind.  in  the 
town.  Id.,  329-30.  Excitement  arising  from  acts  of  N.  Mex.  traders  and 
horse-thieves.  Id.,  395.  Botello  speaks  of  a  school  this  year  kept  by  Vicente 
Moraga  at  $15  per  month. 

1834.  Controversy  about  the  salt-fields.  Id.,  374.  Ind.  troubles  of  Oct.- 
Dec,  chiefly  in  S.  Bernardino  region.  Id.,  359-60.  More  details  as  follows: 
Oct.  23d,  report  of  Gen.  Gutierrez  to  gov.  On  19th  the  chief  Marona  reported 
the  advance  of  4  chiefs  and  200  Ind.  on  S.  Gabriel  at  the  instigation  of  Hijar 
and  Araujo.  P.  Estenega  and  Araujo  went  to  meet  them  on  the  20th.  The 
padre  was  detained  and  plundered,  but  given  up  to  Araujo  at  La  Puente,  and 
the  chief  testified  that  the  Ind.  had  risen  at  A. 's  instigation.  Lieut  J.  M. 
Ramirez  was  sent  against  the  Ind.  on  the  21st,  and  Araujo  was  ordered  to 
Mont.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  179-83.  Oct.  23d,  Ramirez's  report  of  his 
campaign.  He  attacked  60  Ind.  on  the  21st,  killing  4;  and  later  attacked 
200,  forcing  them  to  retreat.  Id.,  177-8.  Figueroa's  orders  of  Oct.  31st  for 
precautions,  etc.  Id.,  183-7.  Further  corresp.  It  appears  that  the  Ind.  had 
stolen  the  sacred  vessels  and  other  property  at  S.  Bernardino.  Id.,  190-1. 
Dec.  16th,  Serrano  has  been  warned  to  leave  Temascal  by  Ind.,  who  say  the 
Angeles  district  is  to  be  attacked  by  Colorado  River  bands.  Id.,  205.  From 
Gutierrez's  report  of  Feb.  6,  1835,  it  appears  that  in  the  last  days  of  Dec.  the 
rancho  of  S.  Bernardino  had  been  attacked,  plundered,  and  burned.  Ramirez 
with  a  force  of  58  men  marched  on  Jan.  5th.  Meanwhile  6  or  8  wounded 
refugees  came  in,  reporting  that  13  persons  had  been  killed,  that  several  fami- 
lies had  escaped  to  other  ranchos,  and  others  had  been  made  captives.  They 
Said  the  leaders  were  ex-neophytes  of  S.  Gabriel  and  that  further  hostilities 
were  intended.  Id. ,  iv.  1-3.  Unfortunately  nothing  is  known  of  the  result 
of  Ramirez's  campaign,  and  nothing  more  of  the  massacre.  I  suppose  the 
number  killed  may  have  been  exaggerated,  and  that  all  were  Indians.  In  St. 
Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xii.  6-8,  is  a  report  showing  that  in  Jan. -Feb.  1835,  rumors 
of  impending  attack  were  still  current  in  the  district,  and  that  most  ranche- 


INDEX  OF  EVENTS.  631 

preceding  chapters  of  thi§  volume.  There  are  inter- 
spersed, however,  various  other  matters  of  considera- 
ble local  interest,  most  of  which,  like  the  political  de- 

rias  in  the  mountains  were  in  arms  to  repel  invasion  by  more  distant  tribes. 
Nov.  22d,  American  residents  protest  against  being  obliged  to  do  military- 
service  except  in  case  of  invasion  or  other  great  emergency.  One  of  their 
number  has  been  put  in  jail  for  refusal  to  serve.  Dept.  St.  Pap.  Aug.,  MS., 
i.  154-6. 

1835.  March,  Apalategui  and  Torres  revolt  against  Figueroa  in  the  sup- 
posed interest  of  Hijar  and  Padres.  This  vol.,  p.  2S1-G.  Charges  against 
Abel  Steams  as  a  smuggler.  Id.,  375.  Angeles  made  a  city  and  capital  by 
Mex.  decree  of  May  23d,  news  not  received  till  late  in  the  year.  Id.,  292, 
410.  In  Sept.  Wm  Day  bought  a  barrel  of  wine  of  Abel  Stearns,  and  finding 
it  sour  wished  the  seller  to  take  it  back.  Stearns  refused,  and  a  quarrel 
ensued,  during  which  S.  attacked  D.  with  a  stick,  and  was  in  turn  stabbed 
in  four  places,  one  cut  nearly  severing  his  tongue.  Day  was  arrested  and 
kept  in  jail  for  a  year,  while  complicated  and  intermittent  legal  proceedings 
were  carried  on  against  him.  Day  was  not  only  put  in  jail  but  handcuffed, 
and  certain  Mexicans  under  Manuel  Arzaga  broke  into  the  jail  and  removed 
his  irons,  for  which  they  are  said  to  have  been  banished.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben., 
MS.,  v.  C7-74,  93-156;  Botello,  Anales  del  Sur,  MS.,  6-14. 

1836.  Jan.  4th,  publication  of  the  decree  making  Angeles  the  capital, 
lack  of  zeal  in  furnishing  public  buildings.  This  vol.,  p.  416-17.  Jan.  28th, 
drunken  Ind.  to  be  arrested  and  put  to  work  on  the  city  water-works.  Los 
Any.  Ayitnt.  Rec,  MS.,  70.  March-April,  murder  of  Domingo  Felix,  and 
the  resulting  vigilance  committee.  This  vol.,  p.  417-19.  June,  oath  to  the 
bases  constitucionales.  Id.,  423,  432.  April-June,  Gov.  Chico's  visit  and 
troubles  connected  with  his  investigation  of  the  vigilance  committee.  Id., 
430-2.  Sept.,  troops  at  S.  Gabriel  decline  to  serve  longer  without  clothing. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS.,  lxxxi.  23-4.  Nov. -Dec,  news  of  Alvarado's 
revolution,  meetings  of  ayunt.  and  citizens,  patriotic  plans  against  the  plan 
of  Monterey.  This  vol.,  p.  481-4.  Dec,  Angeles  with  S.  Diego  and  Sta  B. 
to  form  a  district  according  to  Alvarado's  plan,  not  carried  out.  Id.,  475. 

1837.  Jan.,  new  plan  against  revolution;  correspondence  of  leading  men; 
seizure  of  the  mission  funds;  hostile  preparations;  campaign  of  8.  Fernando; 
treaties  and  protests;  Alvarado  and  Castro  at  Angeles;  peace  and  congratula- 
tions. Id.,  484-503.  Arrest  of  9  or  10  Angelinos  by  Castro.  Id.,  504.  April- 
May,  the  city  again  asserts  its  opposition  to  the  new  govt,  but  finally  deems 
it  best  to  submit.  Id.,  507-9.  May-June,  a  new  pronunciamiento;  S.  Diego 
plan;  Bandini  captures  the  town;  Portilla  advances  in  warlike  array,  but 
Castillo  arrives  with  the  new  constitution,  and  Alvarado  ends  the  war  by  sub- 
mitting to  Mexico.  Id.,  518-21,  526  et  seq.  Oct. -Nov. ,  news  of  Carlos  Car- 
riilo's  appointment  as  gov. ,  and  great  joy  of  the  Angelinos.  Id.,  534-8.  Dec, 
Don  Carlos  sworn  in  before  the  ayuntamiento.  Id.,  539-40. 

1838.  Jan. -Feb.,  Carrillo  at  Angeles  as  the  capital.  Id.,  545  et  seq. 
March,  a  military  force  sent  north  only  to  be  defeated;  several  prominent 
citizens  made  prisoners  of  war.  Id. ,  549  et  seq.  April,  Castro  again  in  pos- 
session of  the  town,  but  many  citizens  escape  to  the  south.  Id.,  556.  May, 
Carrillo  returns  with  Alvarado  after  the  unsuccessful  campaign  of  LasFlores; 
revolt  of  citizens  in  favor  of  Alvarado;  ayunt.  and  citizens  decide  against  Car- 
rillo; but  after  further  plots  Carrillo  and  other  prominent  citizens  are  sent  to 
the  north  as  prisoners,  all  is  peace  again,  and  Alvarado  is  entertained  by  the 
Angelinos.  Id.,  564-9.  About  this  year,  according  to  Botello,  Janssens,  and 
Mrs  Ord,  Ignacio  Coronel,  aided  by  his  daughter  and  wife,  opened  a  primary 
school  in  town. 

1839.  Jan.,  the  quota  of  Los  Angeles  in  the  call  for  recruits  for  the  army 
is  40  men.     This  vol.,  p.  583.     May,  tumult  of  the  flag,  or  troubles  of  Pre- 


632  LOCAL  AXNALS  OF  LOS  ANGELES  DISTRICT. 

velopments  alluded  to,  have  received  elsewhere  all  the 
attention  they  merit.  Such  matters  were  the  meetings 
of  the  diputacion  in  1831-2;  the  depreciations  of  New 
Mexican  'traders'  in  1833 ;  Indian  hostilities  involving 
the  destruction  of  San  Bernardino  in  1834;  the  Apa- 
lategui  revolt,  wounding  of  Abel  Stearns,  and  the 
promotion  of  Angeles  to  be  a  city  and  capital  in  1835; 
vigilance  committee's  operations  in  1836;  the  prefect's 
troubles  and  flag:  tumult  of  1839;  arrest  of  foreigners, 
acts  of  the  Chaguanosos,  Stearns'  contraband  opera- 
tions, and  the  Carrillo  conspiracy  in  1840. 

Both  town  and  district  must  be  regarded  as  reason- 
ably  prosperous  during  the  decade.  The  population  in 
1830  has  been  given  as  1,1  GO,  or  770  for  the  town,  and 
390  at  the  ranchos  and  missions.  The  chief  authori- 
ties for  the  following  period  are  a  padron  of  1836  and 
a  voting  list  of  1839,  as  given  with  a  few  other  details 
in  a  note.2     While  the  statistical  basis  is  not  entirely 

feet  Cosme  Pena.  Id. ,  588-9.  Sept.,  news  of  Alvarado's  confirmation  in  Mex- 
ico as  governor  of  Cal. ;  popular  rejoicing  at  Los  Angeles.  Id.,  594-5.  June 
5th,  precautions  ordered  against  the  small-pox.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  v. 
21-2,  25.  Aug.  16th,  21  citizens  send  a  petition  to  the  ayunt.  on  the  state  of 
the  town  cemetery,  which  has  been  used  since  1822,  and  is  totally  inadequate 
to  present  needs,  endangering  the  health  of  the  community.  They  ask  that 
a  suitable  site  for  a  new  burial  place  be  selected,  and  that  the  ayunt.  and 
priest  consider  the  matter  of  removing  all  remains  from  the  old  campo  santo. 
The  ayunt.  referred  the  matter  to  a  committee,  and  approved  its  report  in 
Oct.  in  favor  of  a  new  cemetery  to  be  established  at  the  cost  of  the  petition- 
ers with  cooperation  of  other  citizens.  Coronel,  Doc,  MS.,  92-4.  But  nothing 
was  accomplished  for  5  years. 

1840.  April,  arrest  of  some  14  foreign  residents,  who  were  sent  to  S.  Bias 
with  Graham  and  Ids  companions.  Vol.  iv.,  p.  14.  May-June,  pursuit  of  the 
Chaguanosos  and  N.  Mexican  horse-thieves.  Id.,  77.  Oct.,  more  of  Stearns' 
smuggling  operations.  Id. ,  95.  Conspiracy  of  Jose"  Antonio  Carrillo,  who  was 
carried  to  Montere}^  as  a  prisoner,  an  affair  which  caused  much  correspond- 
ence with  but  little  foundation.   This  vol.,  p.  G06-7. 

2  Population  of  Los  Angeles:  1833,  John  Forstcr  thinks  there  were  about 
200  families  in  the  town.  Bancroft's  Pers.  Obs.,  MS.,  90.  1S34,  21  Ameri 
cans  sign  a  petition.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  i.  15G.  1836,  padron  of  Angeles 
jurisdiction  showing  of  gente  de  razon,  603  men,  421  women,  and  651  chil- 
dren; total,  1,675;  Indians,  553.  Los  Aug.,  Ayunt.  Rec,  13.  List  of  358 
men  available  for  the  protection  of  the  city,  including  8  at  S.  Jos6,  4  at  Ala- 
mitos,  3  at  Lugo's,  17  atSta  Ana.  5  at  Las  Bolsas,  5  at  S.  Antonio.  48  at  Sta 
Gertrudis,  21  at  S.  Gabriel,  and  a  few  at  other  ranchos.  /(/.,  5.  The  census 
of  1836  is  also  mentioned  as  above  in  Los  Ang.  Co.  Hist.,  33-4,  and  tho 
names  of  foreigners,  40  in  number,  are  given;  also  in  Los  Ang.  Arch.,  i.  121 
-4.  1837,  from  the  padron  of  the  preceding  year  274  (or  264)  men  were  se- 
lected as  fit  for  military  service.  Id.,  i.  137;  iv.  279.  1838,  names  of  about 
90  citizens  in  petitions,  etc.  Id.,  v.  8-23.     1839,  original  list  of  voters,  with 


POPULATION  AND  RANCHOS.  633 

satisfactory,  I  think  the  population  of  gente  de  razon 
in  1840,  including  40  or  50  foreigners,  some  of  them 
with  families,  may  be  safely  put  at  1,800,  or  1,100  in 
the  city  and  suburbs  with  700  at  the  ranchos  and 
missions,  a  gain  of  640  during  the  decade.  The  Ind- 
ian population,  exclusive  of  gentiles  and  refugees  in 
distant  rancherias,  may  be  regarded  as  about  1,500.  I 
append  a  list  of  some  30  ranchos^  more  than  half  of 

age,  occupation,  and  residence.  The  whole  number  is  153,  living  in  town  87, 
on  the  ranchos  53,  at  the  missions  13.  There  were  99  laborers,  24  rancheros, 
12  merchants,  15  men  of  different  trades,  besides  a  clerk,  school-master,  and 
an  administrator;  54  could  write.  Abel  Stearns  is  the  only  foreigner  named. 
Coronel,  Doc,  MS.,  51-04. 

3  Ranchos  of  the  Los  Angeles  district  1831-40.  Those  marked  with  a  * 
were  rejected  by  the  Land  Commission  or  U.  S.  courts.  Alamitos,  6  leagues, 
confirmed  in  1834  to  Juan  J.  Nieto,  heir  of  Manuel  Nieto;  Abel  Stearns, 
claimant  before  L.  C.  Francisco  Figueroa  lived  here  in  1839,  it  having  been 
bought  by  Gov.  Figueroa  for  $500  in  1835.  Azuza,  4  leagues,  granted  to 
Ignacio  Palomares  and  Ricardo  Vejar  in  1837,  1840,  and  to  Luis  Arenas  in 
1841,  including  S.  Jose;  Henry  Dalton  cl.  Ballona,  1  league,  granted  in  1839 
to  Agustin  Machado,  who  was  the  claimant.  The  Talamantes  and  5  voters 
in  all  lived  here  in  1839.  Boca  de  Sta  Monica,  1^  leagues,  granted  in  1839 
to  Fran.  Marquez  et  al.,  Isidor  Reyes  et  al.  claimants.  Bolsas,  7  leagues, 
confirmed  in  1834  to  widow  of  Manuel  Nieto,  Jose"  J.  Morillo  claimant.  The 
Ruiz,  3  voters,  lived  here  in  1839;  5  men  in  1836.  For  half  of  Las  Bolsas, 
Ramon  Yorba  et  al.  were  claimants.  Brea,  1  league,  granted  in  1828  to  Ant.  J. 
Rocha,  who  was  claimant;  nothing  in  the  records  of  1831-40.  Cahuenga  still 
ungranted.  In  Feb.  1833,  though  occupied  by  the  mission,  it  was  claimed  by 
the  ayunt.  as  ejidos  of  the  town.  *Cajon  de  Muscupiabe,  granted  in  1839  to 
Juan  Bandini,  who  was  claimant.  *Canada  de  los  Pinacates,  \  league,  granted 
in  1835  to  Jose  and  J.  M.  Cruz;  M.  Antonio  Cruz  claimant.  Canada  de  Sta 
Ana,  3  leagues,  granted  in  1834  to  Bernardo  Yorba,  who  was  claimant.  17  men 
in  1836;  12  voters  in  1839.  Cerritos,  5  leagues,  granted  in  1834  to  Manuela 
Nieto,  John  Temple  claimant.  Said  by  Requena  to  have  been  sold  for  $4,000. 
Cienega  de  las  Ranas,  see  S.  Joaquin.  Cienegas,  1  league,  granted  in  1823  to 
Fran.  Avila;  no  record  in  this  decade;  claimant,  Januario  Avila.  Coyotes,  10 
leagues,  confirmed  in  1834  to  J.  J.  Nieto;  A.  Pico  et  al.  claimants.  4  voters 
lived  here  in  1839.  In  1840  this  rancho  was  decided  to  belong  to  J.  B.  Lean- 
dry,  though  Tomas  Sanchez  claimed  it,  having  lived  there  8  years  as  renter 
of  a  part.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  15-16.  Cuati  (Huerta),  granted  in  1830 
to  Victoria  Reid,  who  was  claimant.  Cucamonga,  3  1.,  granted  in  1839  to 
Tiburcio  Tapia;  L.  V.  Prudhomme  claimant.  Habra,  1|  1.,  granted  in  1839 
to  Mariano  Roldan;  A.  Pico  et  al.  claimants.  Jurupa,  7  (or  14)  1.,  granted  in 
1838  to  Juan  Bandini;  claimants,  Bandini  and  Louis  Robidoux.  Nogales,  1 
1.,  granted  in  1840  to  Jos6  de  la  Cruz  Linares;  M.  de  Jesus  Garcia  et  al. 
claimants.  Ojo  de  Agua,  granted  to  Encarnacion  Sepiilveda  in  1840.  Not 
before  the  L.  C.  Paso  de  Bartolo  Viejo  (sometimes  called  S.  Rafael),  2  1., 
granted  in  1835  to  Juan  Crispin  Perez;  Pio  Pico  et  al.  claimants.  Rincon, 
1  1. ,  granted  in  1839  to  Juan  Bandini;  B.  Yorba  cl.  *Rosa  de  Castillo,  granted 
in  1831  to  Juan  Ballesteros;  A.  Lestrade  cl.  San  Antonio,  confirmed  in  1838 
to  Ant.  M.  Lugo,  who  was  claimant.  5  men  here  in  1836.  San  Francisco, 
granted  in  1839  to  Antonio  del  Valle,  much  against  the  wishes  of  the  S.  Fer- 
nando Ind. ;  Jacoba  Felix  cl.  San  Joaquin,  11  1.,  granted  in  1837,  1842  to 
Jose  .Sepiilveda,  who  was  the  cl.,  including  Cienega  de  las  Ranas.  San  Jose", 
granted  in  1837,  1840  to  R.  Vejar  and  Ign.   Palomares,  who  were  cl.  (see 


634  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  LOS  ANGELES  DISTRICT. 

the  number  newly  granted,  which  were  occupied  by- 
private  owners  during  the  decade,  information  being 
mainly  drawn  from  the  later  records  of  the  Land 
Commission.  Municipal  affairs  were  managed  by  an 
ayuntamiento  elected  each  December  for  the  follow- 
ing  year,  until  late  in  1839,  when  justices  of  the  peace 
took  the  place  of  alcaldes  and  regidores.  Jueces  de 
campo  for  the  environs  of  the  town  and  auxiliary 
alcaldes  at  the  ranchos  were  subordinate  to  the  ayunta- 
miento.    A  full  official  list  is  appended,4  with  such 

Azuza).  The  Felix,  4  voters  in  all  1839;  8  men  in  1836.  S.  Jose"  de  Buenos 
Aires,  belonged  to  Alanis  and  Polanco  in  1840.  Near  Sta  Monica.  Leg. 
Bee,  MS.,  iii.  59,  82-3.  *San  Pascual,  3  1.,  granted  in  1840  to  Enrique 
Sepiilveda  and  Jose  Perez;  M.  M.  Lugo  de  Foster  etal.  cl.  San  Pedro,  10  1., 
granted  in  1822  to  Juan  J.  Dominguez;  M.  Dominguez  et  al.  cl.  4  voters  in 
1839.  San  Rafael,  8  1.,  granted  in  1784,  1798  to  J.  M.  Verdugo,  whose  heirs 
were  cl.  Two  Verdugos  and  another  voter  in  1839.  San  Vicente,  4 1. ,  granted  in 
1837  to  Francisco  Sepiilveda,  who  was  cl.  Included  Sta  Monica.  Leg.  lice, 
MS.,  iii.  59,  82-3;  Carrillo  (D.),  Doc,  MS.,  79-80.  Santa  Ana,  see  Canada  de 
Sta  A.  and  Santiago  de  Sta  A.,  Santa  Catalina  Isl.,  solicited  in  1840  by  Louis 
Vignes  and  J.  M.  Ramirez  for  sheep-raising,  but  not  granted.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  vi.  77;  Id.,  Aug.,  xii.  40-1,  97.  Santa  Gertrudis,  5  1., 
conf.  in  1834  to  widow  of  Manuel  Nieto,  S.  Carpenter  cl.  48  (?)  men  in 
1836;  10  voters  in  1839.  Report  on  this  rancho  in  1833  in  Cota,  Doc,  MS., 
1.  Santa  M6nica,  see  Boca  de  Sta  M.  In  1840  it  was  decided  that  neither 
Marquez  nor  Reyes  had  any  title  to  the  lands  which  had  been  held  by  Alva- 
rado  and  Machado.  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  iii.  59,  82-3.  Santiago  de  Santa  Ana, 
111.,  granted  in  1810  to  Antonio  Yorba,  whose  heirs  were  the  cl.  In  1836 
three  men;  in  1839  three  Lugos  and  another  voter.  Sauzal  Redondo,  5  1., 
conf.  in  1837  to  Antonio  Ign.  Avila,  who  was  the  cl.  *Topanga  Malibu,  3 
1.,  granted  in  1804  to  J.  B.  Tapia;  L.  V.  Prudhomme  cl.  No  record  in  1S31- 
40.  Tujunga,  1^  1.,  granted  in  1840  to  Pedro  Lopez  et  al. ;  cl.,  D.  W.  Alex- 
ander et  al.  Virgenes,  2  1.,  granted  in  1837  to  J.  M.  Dominguez;  cl.,  M. 
Ant.  Machado.  Two  voters  in  1839.  *Las  Virgenes,  gr.  in  1834  to  Domingo 
Carrillo,  whose  heirs  were  the  cl.  See  record  of  cases  in  Hoffman's  Reports, 
also  Hayes'  Misce.ll.,  29-31;  Id.,  Doc,  MS.,  12.  On  pueblo  lots,  see  cases  nos 
422,  477,  688  before  the  L.  C.  In  1836  the  matter  of  titles  to  town  lands 
was  agitated,  and  it  appeared  that  no  one  had  a  written  title,  grants  having 
been  made  verbally  at  first  by  military  comisionados  and  later  by  the  ayun- 
tamiento. Owners  were  ordered  to  petition  for  regular  titles  to  stop  boun- 
dary disputes.  Los.  Ang.  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  76-8;  ii.  72;  Id.,  Ayunt.  Bee,  4; 
Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  iii.  3. 

4  Municipal  government  at  Los  Angeles,  with  list  of  officials.  Chief 
authorities:  Los  Ang.  Arch.,  MS.,  i.,  iv.,  v.;  Id.,  Ayunt.  Bee,  MS.,  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.;  Id.,  Ang.,  i.-v.,  xi.;  Id.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  iii.,  v.,  vi. ; 
Id..  Ben.,  iv.-v.;  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  i.,  ii.;  Valle,  Doc,  MS.,  besides  hundreds 
of  scattered  references. 

1831.  Alcalde  Vicente  Sanchez;  1st  regidor  Juan  B.  Alvarado;  sindico 
Gil  Ibarra.  Sanchez  was  always  in  trouble.  His  election  was  declared  void 
because  he  was  a  member  of  the  assembly,  and  the  1st  regidor  took  his  place. 
He  was  suspended  in  April,  but  reinstated  by  Victoria,  to  be  again  suspended 
and  imprisoned  by  V.  's  opponents  in  Dec.  Tiburcio  Tapia  is  named  as  al- 
calde in  May.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  iii.  56.     The  auxiliary 


MUNICIPAL  AFFAIRS.  635 

items  as  are  extant  respecting  routine  happenings  in 
connection  with  pueblo  government.  As  has  been 
remarked,  this  versatile  town  council  assumed  an  in- 

alcalcles  were  Juan  Perez  at  Sta  Gertrudis,  Manuel  Gutierrez  at  S.  Pedro, 
Julio  Verdugo  at  S.  Rafael,  Rafael  Pico  at  Simi,  and  Yorba  at  Sta  Ana. 

1832.  Alcalde  Manuel  Dominguez;  regidores  Juan  N.  Alvarado,  Jose* 
Man.  Cota,  Felipe  Lugo,  Ignacio  Maria  Alvarado,  Juan  Ballesteros;  sec. 
Vincente  de  la  Ossa;  alcalde  aux.  at  Sta  Ana  Tomas  A.  Yorba.  Jan.  27th, 
pay  of  sec.  raised  to  $20.  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  ii.  352.  The  election  for  the 
ayunt.  of  the  next  year  in  Dec.  had  to  be  postponed  on  account  of  an  epidemic 
which  prostrated  all  the  officers  and  most  of  the  people. 

1833.  Alcalde  Jos6  Ant.  Carrillo;  regidores  Felipe  Lugo,  Ignacio  M.  Al- 
varado, Antonio  Machado,  Jose"  Sepulveda;  sindico  Tiburcio  Tapia;  sec.  Ossa, 
and  Vicente  Moraga  temporarily  in  Feb.  and  May;  jueces  de  campo  Antonio 
M.  Lugo  and  Ricardo  Vejar;  aux.  alcaldes  Perez  at  Sta  Gertrudis,  Ver- 
dugo at  S.  Rafael,  Bernardino  Yorba  at  Sta  Ana,  and  Man.  Dominguez  at  S. 
Pedro;  A.  M.  Osio  receptor.  Jan.  4th,  the  aux.  alcaldes  chosen.  Jan.  5th, 
sessions  of  the  ayunt.  to  be  Tuesday  and  Wed.  at  10  a.  m.  Jan.  9th,  Macha- 
do's  offer  to  repair  the  priest's  house  gratuitously  accepted.  Feb.  7th,  sec. 
removed  for  neglect  of  duty,  subject  to  action  of  dip.  Feb.  28th,  com.  ap- 
pointed for  state  election.  April,  ayunt.  refuses  to  remit  fine  of  T.  A.  Yorba, 
who  in  1832  had  failed  to  attend  election  on  excuse  of  ill  health.  The  dip. 
in  1S34  approved  the  refusal.  July,  the  election  of  a  second  alcalde  recom- 
mended to  gov.  Aug.  29th,  ayunt.  refuses  to  obey  gov.'s  requisition  for  20 
men  to  fill  the  ranks  of  the  S.  Diego  comp.  Carrillo  being  chosen  member  of 
the  dip.,  the  1st  reg.  was  to  take  his  place  as  alcalde,  either  permanently  or 
temp. ,  as  the  gov.  should  decide,  and  the  decision  was  in  favor  of  the  former. 
Sept.  7th,  the  gov.  wants  more  reasons,  etc.,  respecting  a  2d  alcalde.  Sept. 
20th,  complaints  of  Carrillo's  absence,  but  ayunt.  could  not  excuse  him  from 
attendance  at  Monterey.  Munic.  receipts.  Jan.-Sept.,  $977,  including  $417 
tax  on  wines  and  liquors,  $448  fines,  expend.  $928. 

1834.  Alcalde  Jose"  Perez,  regidores  Jos6  Sepulveda,  Vicente  de  la  Ossa, 
Januario  Avila,  sindico  Vicente  Moraga,  sec.  Moraga  till  May,  Manuel  Ar- 
zaga  from  June.  Perhaps  also  Moraga  ceased  to  be  sindico  in  the  middle  of 
the  year,  for  his  resignation  seems  to  have  been  accepted  in  July,  though  he 
seems  to  have  acted  in  Nov.  Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  10,  says  M.  was  removed 
for  carelessness  and  inability.  Jueces  de  campo  Lugo  and  Ignacio  Palomares. 
Munic.  receipts,  $919,  includ.  liquors  $321,  fines  $150,  gambling  licenses  $214, 
dry  goods  shops  $39,  expend.  $986,  includ.  ayunt.,  school,  and  constable 
$465,  church  $0,  sec.  $96.  In  Sept.  $24.50  sent  to  dip.  at  Mont,  for  powder 
and  flints.  Dec,  manic,  treasurer  to  have  8  per  cent.  May  30th,  sindico  can- 
not act  as  secretary.  There  were  complaints  that  Perez  was  a  tool  of  J. 
A.  Carrillo,  through  whom  judicial  decisions  could  be  bought.  It  was  charged 
that  an  assassin  was  let  off  for  $200.  Not  too  much  credit  should  be  given  to 
these  charges  as  they  may  have  originated  from  personal  and  political  con- 
troversies, the  merits  of  which  cannot  be  known. 

1835.  1st  alcalde  Francisco  Javier  Alvarado,  2d  alcalde  Domingo  Romero; 
regidores  Januario  Avila,  Vicente  de  la  Ossa,  Ignacio  Palomares,  Rafael 
Guirado,  Juan  N.  Alvarado,  Juan  de  Dios  Bravo;  sindico  Narciso  Botello,  sec. 
Manuel  Arzaga;  jueces  de  campo  Antonio  I.  Avila,  Jos6  Serrano,  Ignacio  M. 
Alvarado;  aux.  alcaldes  Perez  at  Sta  Gertrudis,  Tornas  Yorba  at  Sta  Ana,  Do- 
mingo Carrillo  at  Los  Berros  (?),  encargado  de  indios  Tib.  Tapia.  Munic.  re- 
ceipts $580,  expend.  $583.  Botello,  Anaks,  MS.,  12,  says  Arzaga  was  removed 
about  June  and  he,  B.,  acted  as  sec.  Jan.,  business  hours  at  the  alcalde's 
office  fixed  at  10  a.  m.  to  noon,  and  3  to  5  p.  m.  Feb.,  gov.  orders  alcalde  to 
follow  implicitly  the  orders  of  the  district  judge,  his  superior.  March  30th, 
meeting  presided  by  the  gov.     April,  gov.  urges  the  speedy  installation  of  the 


636  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  LOS  ANGELES  DISTRICT. 

teresting  variety  of  attitudes  in  the  political  contro- 
versies growing  out  of  the  struggle  between  north 
and  south,  and  as  a  consequence  town  officials  had 

tribunal  cle  vagos  ace.  to  law  of  March  3,  1828.  Aug.  28th,  com.  gen.  sends 
alcalde  4  men  to  force  the  Sonorans  and  citizens  to  respect  his  authority. 

1836.  1st  alcalde  Manuel  Requena,  2d  alcalde  Tiburcio  Tapia;  regidores 
Rafael  Guirado,  Juan  M.  Alvarado  (3d  not  named,  but  probably  Bravo),  Ba- 
silio  Valde"s,  Felipe  Lugo,  Jose"  Maria  Herrera;  sindico  Abel  Stearns  to  June, 
Antonio  M.  Osio  from  July;  sec.  Narciso  Botello;  jueces  de  campo  Ant.  I. 
Avila,  Jose"  M.  Lugo,  Juan  Ramirez;  encargados  de  justicia,  or  aux.  alcaldes, 
Perez  at  Sta  Gertrudis,  Julio  Verdugo  at  S.  Rafael,  Manuel  Dominguez  at  S. 
Pedro,  Jose"  Ant.  Yorba  at  Sta  Ana  Abajo  or  S.  Jose  (Jesus  Felix  also  at  S. 
Jose),  Teodosio  Yorba  at  Sta  Ana,  Bernardo  Yorba  at  Cajon  de  Sta  Ana,  Ma- 
riano R.  Roldan  at  Alamitos.  Munic.  receipts,  $664,  expend.  $518.  Botello 
as  collector  and  treasurer  claimed  8  per  cent,  but  was  allowed  only  three  per 
cent  for  commission.  Jan.,  ayunt.  resolves  that  troops  which  had  been  asked 
for  and  arrived,  as  there  was  no  food  for  them,  should  go  to  S.  Gabriel,  and 
the  com.  gen.  should  be  requested  to  send  troops  to  be  supported  on  their 
pay.  Gov.  orders  a  plan  to  be  made  of  lands  for  fondo  legal  y  ejidos.  Also 
cost  of  a  govt  building  to  be  estimated.  Feb.  4th,  tribunal  de  vagos  estab- 
lished consisting  of  Requena  and  the  1st  and  2d  regidores  Guirado  and  Alva- 
rado. March,  the  diputacion  to  occupy  two  rooms  offered  by  Sanchez  and 
Stearns.  May,  gov.  approves  alcalde's  proposal  to  permit  certain  persons  to 
carry  arms.  Dec.  13th,  appeal  of  comandante  at  S.  Gabriel,  that  he  has  no 
means  of  supporting  his  troops,  who  wish  leave  to  earn  a  living  for  themselves. 
Ayunt.  decides  that  the  admin,  of  S.  Fernando  must  be  asked  for  aid. 

1837.  1st  alcalde  Gil  Ibarra,  2d  alcalde  Jose  Sepiilveda;  regidores  Val- 
des,  Lugo,  Herrera,  Francisco  Pantoja,  Bernardino  Lopez;  sindico  Ignacio  M 
Alvarado,  sec.  Narciso  Botelo,  aux.  alcalde  Manuel  Duarte  at  Sta  Gertrudis. 
No  record  of  the  others.  Munic.  receipts  $381,  expend.  $460.  Feb.,  the  two 
permanent  committees  on  police  and  on  lands  not  yet  chosen  on  account  of 
political  convulsions.  Sept.  21st,  order  of  gov.  received  to  suspend  1st  al- 
calde, who  is  to  report  for  trial  to  the  Sta  Barbara  alcalde.  Ayunt.  resolves 
to  petition  gov.  for  a  suspension  of  the  order  until  the  accusations  against 
Ibarra  can  be  investigated.  Dec.  22d,  Gov.  Carrillo  gives  order  for  election 
of  substitutes  for  those  members  of  the  ayunt.  whose  resignation  has  been  ac- 
cepted. 

1838.  1st  alcalde  Luis  Arenas,  2d  alcalde  Jose  Perez;  regidores  Ignacio 
Palomares,  Bernardino  Lopez,  Juan  Ballesteros,  Antonio  Machaclo,  Januario 
Avila,  Jose  del  Carmen  Lugo;  sindico  Vicente  de  la  Ossa,  sec.  Narciso  Botello; 
jueces  de  campo  Jose"  M.  Lugo,  Agustin  Machado,  Emigdio  Ve"jar,  Maximo 
Valenzuela;  comisarios  de  policia,  or  aux.  alcaldes,  Antonio  M.  Lugo,  Tib. 
Tapia,  Raf.  Guirado,  Fran.  M.  Alvarado,  id.  suplentes  Julian  Chavez,  Crist6- 
bal  Aguilar,  Isidro  Alvarado,  Isidro  Reyes.  The  services  of  the  ayunt.  were 
more  or  less  interrupted  by  the  arrest  and  enforced  absence  of  its  members, 
especially  Alcalde  Arenas  and  Sec.  Botello.  Munic.  receipts  $S37,  expend. 
$334.  Aug.  Perez  and  Ballesteros  appointed  to  revise  the  policia  de  los 
campo's. 

1S39.  1st  alcalde  Tiburcio  Tapia  (until  May),  2d  alcalde  Manuel  Domin- 
guez; regidores  Antonio  Machado  (acting  sindico  and  acting  1st  alcalde  after 

y),  Januario  Avila,  Jose  del  C.  Lugo,  Fran.  M.  Alvarado,  Jose  Sepulveda, 
Juan  Cris6stomo  Vejar;  sindico  Vicente  Sanchez  (elected  but  not  sworn  in), 
sec.  Botello,  and  later  Ignacio  Coronel.  At  the  election  of  this  ayunt.  in 
Dec.  1838,  the  law  of  July  12,  1S30,  was  followed,  the  new  law  not  having 
been  received.  In  Nov.  the  ayunt.  was  abolished,  and  the  two  alcaldes,  Do- 
minguez and  Machado,  were  ordered  to  act  as  jueces  de  paz  pending  the  regu- 
lar appointment.     It  is  notable  that  on  the  1st  alcalde  becomiug  prefect  it 


CRIMINAL  RECORD.  637 

some  exciting  adventures  to  relieve  the  monotony  of 
their  regular  duties;  but  these  experiences  growing, 
out  of  national  and  territorial  patriotism  were  per- 
mitted to  absorb  the  surplus  of  zeal  that  might  other- 
wise have  been  devoted  to  local  controversies;  so  that 
the  record  of  town  affairs  is  somewhat  tame,  even 
when  supplemented  by  the  criminal  record  and  items 
connected  with  the  administration  of  justice.5     These 

was  not  the  2d  alcalde  but  the  senior  regidor  that  took  his  place.  Munic. 
receipts  $739.  July  17th,  proposition  to  rent  the  salt-fields  and  tax  asphal- 
tum  for  municipal  revenues.  Feb.,  Capt.  Juan  de  Dios  Padilla  refuses  to 
obey  a  summons  from  the  alcalde.  Also  reprimanded  for  not  removing  his 
hat  in  the  juzgado.  May,  prefect  proposes  2  jueces  de  paz  at  the  capital  and 
one  at  each  mission,  also  at  S.  Pedro  and  Sta  Ana.  Ayunt.  expresses  regret 
at  prefect's  illness.  July,  2d  regidor  fined  $10  for  misdemeanor  in  the  case  of 
Temple.  Nov.  7th,  governor's  order  to  dissolve  the  ayunt;  order  rec'd  Nov. 
21st.  Dec,  no  sindico  required  under  the  new  system,  but  a  depositario  must 
be  appointed  to  dispose  of  funds  only  on  prefect's  order. 

1840.  Jueces  de  paz  Felipe  Lugo  and  Juan  B.  Leandry;  jueces  de  campo 
Ramon  Ibarra,  Juan  Ramirez,  Enrique  Vejar,  Antonio  Ignacio  Avila  for 
the  environs  of  the  town;  for  the  ranchos  Ignacio  Palomares  at  S.  Jos6, 
Mariano  Roldan  at  Los  Coyotes,  Bernardo  Yorba  at  Cajon  de  Sta  Ana, 
Tomas  Yorba  at  Sta  Ana,  Jos6  Yorba  at  Sta  Ana  Abajo,  Francisco  Fi- 
gueroa  at  Alamitos,  P.  Dominguez  at  S.  Pedro,  Juan  Sepulveda  at  Palos 
Verdes,  Felipe  Talamantes  at  La  Ballena,  Julio  Verdugo  at  Los  Verdu- 
gos.  Pio  Pico  collector  of  tithes  appointed  July  16th,  to  receive  5  per 
cent  for  commission.  Ranchos  established  for  less  than  5  years  were  ex- 
empt. Tithes  might  be  paid  in  cattle  and  horses.  Munic.  receipts  $367, 
expend.  $517.  Proceeds  of  stamped  paper  1st  quarter  $57,  3d  quarter 
$12.  Complaints  in  Feb.  that  accounts  have  not  been  rendered,  and  that 
neither  schoolmaster  nor  sec.  of  ayunt.  has  been  paid.  Feb.,  Lugo  and 
Leandry  complain  to  prefect  that  certain  men  oppose  them  and  criticise  their 
conduct.  They  are  willing  to  resign  or  to  answer  any  charges.  Sept.,  sub- 
altern jueces  are  informed  that  they  have  but  3  days  in  which  to  return  an- 
swers to  their  superiors. 

5  Administration  of  justice  at  Los  Angeles.  1831.  A  man  fined  $5  for 
branding  cattle  out  of  season.  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  8.  1833,  Jan. -Feb., 
ordinances  of  ayunt.  against  carrying  forbidden  weapons,  playing  forbidden 
games,  and  selling  liquor  after  8  p.  m.  Los  Ang.  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  74,  84-5, 
89-90;  Dept.  St.  Pap.  Aug.,  MS.,  i.  99,  110.  Also  similar  regulations  in 
other  months.  Nov.,  owners  of  ranchos  must  be  made  to  burn  the  carcasses 
of  cattle  slaughtered.  Los  Ang.  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  75.  1834.  By  complaint  of 
J.  A.  Carrillo  alcalde  Perez  seized  some  silver  on  the  Pacifico.  J.  A.  Aguirre, 
the  owner,  succeeded  in  proving  the  seizure  illegal,  and  that  the  whole  affair 
was  a  plot  of  Carrillo  and  Perez,  who  were  to  share  the  profits,  and  who  were 
accused  of  other  conspiracies  against  the  wealthy  Spaniard.  They  were 
condemned  to  pay  damages  for  the  ship's  detention,  and  the  alcaldes 
were  reprimanded  for  neglect  of  duty.  Dept.  St.  Pap.  Ben.,  MS.,  v.  1-15, 
64-7.  1835.  April  8th,  bando  of  Alcalde  Alvarado  containing  municipal  ordi- 
nances in  19  articles.  Id.,  Ang.,  i.  157-60.  May,  Yorba  writes  to  Capt. 
Guerrera  that  thefts  of  horses  and  cattle  at  the  ranchos  are  of  frequent  oc- 
currence, and  the  alcaldes  take  no  energetic  steps  to  prevent  such  outrages 
Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  151.  July,  prisoners  have  to  be  transferred  to  S. 
Gabriel  for  want  of  guards  and  insecurity  of  prison  in  town.  Los  Ang.  Arch., 
MS.,  i<  60-1.     Oct.,  a  military  court  to  sit  at  S.  Gabriel  to  try  men  who 


G33  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  LOS  ANGELES  DISTRICT. 

petty  items  as  appended  have  a  certain  interest  and 
value  as  an  element  in  pueblo  annals,  even  if  in  the 
absence  of  causas  celebres  they  call  for  no  special  re- 
marks in  my  text, 

killed  cattle  at  Los  Nietos  for  their  hides.  Id.,  iv.  283.  Nov.  no  food  fur- 
nished to  prisoners;  but  for  charity  they  would  starve.  Dept.  St.  Pap.  Ben., 
IMS.,  v.  67.  Dana,  Two  Years  before  the  Mast,  196-7,  tells  how  a  Mexican 
entered  a  naturalized  Yankee's  house  and  stabbed  him  to  the  heart.  Amer- 
icana seized  the  murderer,  and  as  the  gov.  and  gen.  declined  to  interfere,  with 
the  aid  of  30  or  40  trappers  they  took  possession  of  the  town,  appointed  a 
judge  and  jury,  and  shot  the  man  after  his  conviction  in  spite  of  a  proclama- 
tion from  a  general  'with  titles  enough  for  an  hidalgo.'  This  is  a  story  of 
some  interest,  but  I  think  it  has  no  foundation  in  fact. 

1836.  See  reference  to  murder  cf  Felix  and  acts  of  vigilance  committee 
elsewhere.  Jan  2d,  new  series  of  munic.  regulations.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any., 
MS.,  ii.  72.  Jan.  14th,  ayunt.  complains  of  an  'epidemic  of  crows'!  and  calls 
for  a  contribution  for  the  slaughter  of  the  birds;  else  a  bando  will  be  issued. 
Los  Any.  Ayunt.  Bee,  MS.,  04.  Jan.  28th,  danger  of  hydrophobia.  No 
man  must  keep  more  than  two  dogs,  and  those  securely  tied.  All  the  rest 
must  be  killed,  and  the  2d  alcalde  oifered  to  furnish  poison  on  credit  as  the 
treasury  was  empty.  Id.,  6S.  Feb.,  inhab.  willing  to  build  a  prison;  mean- 
while the  curate's  house  to  be  used.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  x.  44,  54. 
March,  12  prisoners,  7  of  them  out  on  bail,  1  for  murder,  1  assault  with 
wounds,  6  for  larceny,  2  for  stealing  cattle.  Id.,  B.  M.,  lxxxii.  28.  Six  sus- 
picious persons  found  sleeping  in  the  fields  at  S.  Francisco  rancho,  with  3 
English  muskets  and  a  pistol.  Id.,  Any.,  ii.  48.  Aug.,  still  12  prisoners,  in- 
cluding 2  assassins.  Id.,  vi.  9. 

>837.  Feb.,  the  junta  de  guerra  mentioned  above  (Oct.  1835)  had  con- 
demned to  death  the  men  convicted  of  cuereando.  The  ayunt.  asks  for  a 
commutation  to  exile  or  some  milder  punishment;  but  the  culprits  were  to  be 
marched  through  the  streets  with  a  crier  proclaiming  their  crimes  on  the 
way  to  their  destination.  Los  Any.  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  2S3— 4.  Jesus  Pico,  Acon- 
tecimientos,  MS.,  43,  says  he  was  charged  with  conducting  the  men,  8  in 
number,  to  Monterey,  en  route  for  Sonoma.  He  remembers  the  names  of 
Romero,  2  Vald^s,  Jose"  Garcia,  and  Antonio  Valencia.  Manuel  Arzaga  was 
living  with  the  wife  of  a  man  absent  at  Guaymas.  By  advice  of  Padre  Duran, 
the  alcalde  ordered  the  guilty  couple  to  be  parted,  the  woman  to  be  delivered 
to  P.  Estenega  at  the  mission,  until  her  husband  should  come,  and  Arzaga  to 
be  sent  to  S.  Diego  and  closely  watched.  The  two  managed  to  meet  again, 
and  at  the  padre's  complaint  new  orders  were  issued  in  Nov.  S.  Dleyo,  Arch., 
MS.,  188. 

1S38.  German,  Sucesos,  MS.,  2-3,  says  that  Ritillo  Valencia,  for  firing  a 
pistol  at  Domingo  Altamirano,  was  sent  to  Mont,  in  irons.  July  7th,  police 
regulations  in  22  articles.  Los  Any.  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  29-37.  Oct.,  Antonio 
Valencia  being  tried  for  murder  of  Ant.  Agaila.  Dept.  St.  Pap.;  MS.,  xviii. 
11.  Nov.,  nine  keepers  of  shops  petition  for  the  privilege  of  selling  liquor  on 
feast  days  after  the  'toque  de  las  animas,'  as  the  only  means  of  gaining  a 
living,  so  dull  was  trade.  Referred  to  the  gov.  Los  Any.  Ayunt.  Bee,  MS., 
52. 

1839.  Jan.,  police  regul.  in  10  articles  for  the  year.  Los  Any.  Arch.,  MS., 
v.  4S-51.  Feb.,  Jose  M.  Cota,  son  of  the  owner  of  Los  Cerritos,  sent  to  the 
gov.  as  a  cattle  thief.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  19-20.  May,  decree  against 
vagrants,  who  must  be  made  to  work.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  x.  25;  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  vii.  10;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  9.  Criminal  proceedings  against  Fran- 
cisco Limon  for  outrage  on  a  little  Indian  girl  at  S.  Fernando,  resulting  in 
her  death.  Sentenced  to  2  years  in  presidio.  Sentence  sent  to  Mex.  for 
approval.  Dept.  St  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iv.  1-4.     Decree  against  sale  of  liquors 


AN  OUSTED  PREFECT.  G39 

In  February  1839,  in  accordance  with  a  Mexican 
law  of  1836,  Governor  Alvarado  divided  Upper 
California  into  two  districts  and  appointed  Cosine 
Pena  prefect  of  the  second,  or  Los  Angeles  district, 
Santa  Barbara  being  a  partido  under  a  sub-prefect. 
The  licenciado  Cosine  Peiia  was  appointed  prefect 
and  took  possession  of  the  office  on  April  11th,  prom- 
ising great  things  in  his  installation  speech;  but  he 
soon  became  involved  in  troubles  with  the  people,  not 
being  either  personally  or  politically  popular,  and  after 
the  flag  tumult  recorded  elsewhere,  on  May  25th 
under  the  pretext  of  illness  he  turned  over  the  office 

on  feast  days.  Id.,  Aug.,  MS.,  v.  9,  65-6;  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  224.  Aug.,  5 
prisoners  escape  from  jail.  Alcalde  complains  that  citizens  refuse  to  do  guard 
duty.  Los  Any.  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  107-8.  A  soldier  at  S.  Luis  claimed  by  al- 
calde for  criminal  trial.  Com.  J.  A.  Pico  declines  to  give  him  up;  but  is 
ordered  by  Vallejo  to  do  so  if  the  crime  was  committed  before  enlistment. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  viii.  53.  Nov.,  alcalde  fined  by  prefect  $20  for  permitting 
card-playing  in  a  tavern  on  Sunday.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  v.  102-3. 
Dec,  Joaquin  Ruiz  on  trial  for  being  ringleader  in  an  attempt  to  release  Ant. 
A vila  from  prison.  The  fiscal,  in  consideration  of  R.'s  talent  and  poverty, 
and  his  father's  large  family,  and  intemperance,  recommends  a  penalty  of 
only  2  years  presidio.  Id. ,  Ben. ,  v.  382-3. 

1840.  A  horse-race  between  animals  owned  by  Andres  Pico  and  Fernando 
Sepulveda,  a  minor,  led  to  a  dispute  and  a  suit  against  S.  for  the  stakes,  which 
Francisco  Sepulveda,  Fernando's  father,  was  forced  to  pay  by  alcalde  Lugo. 
The  matter  was  sent  to  the  gov.,  who  on  the  advice  of  the  judge  of  the  1st 
district  decided  that  Lugo  must  pay  back  the  stakes,  and  be  suspended  until 
he  should  do  so,  but  retaining  the  right  to  sue  for  a  recovery  from  the  parties 
to  whom  they  had  been  paid.  Lugo  replied  in  a  long  and  somewhat  skilful 
defence,  refusing  to  be  suspended  except  by  the  junta  after  legal  proceedings 
or  to  pay  the  stakes.  He  claimed  that  the  gov.  and  Mont,  judge  had  argued 
as  partisan  attorneys  and  not  as  judges;  that  they  had  made  many  blunders; 
that  the  affair  was  none  of  their  business,  but  belonged  to  the  superior  tri- 
bunal, and  if  there  was  no  such  body  it  was  their  fault.  He  says  that  the 
elder  Sepiilveda  was  present  at  the  race,  and  had  in  other  races  paid  his  son's 
losses  without  objection.  The  final  decision  is  not  given.  S.  Diego  Arch., 
MS.,  205.  Very  few  public  women  at  Angeles  at  this  period.  Amaz,  lle- 
cterdos,  MS.,  14—15.  Jan. -March,  bandos  with  police  regulations  in  14  art. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  iv.  2,  43-G.  March,  many  Angeles  prisoners  con- 
fined at  Sta  B.,  claim  for  $20  a  month  for  their  support.  Id.,  50.  May,  three 
prisoners  allowed  to  serve  in  an  exped.  against  horse-thieves  under  bonds. 
Id.y  103.  June,  edict  to  prevent  careless  management  of  the  salt  works.  Id., 
112-13.  A  woman  exiled  for  pursuing  an  innocent  Irishman,  Jas  Boxe,  and 
keeping  him  from  his  wife.  Los  Ang.  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  191-5.  July,  22  prison- 
ers; 10  cattle-thieves,  3  homicides,  6  thieves,  2  assassins,  1  charged  with 
rape.  4  were  sent  to  Sta  B.,  4  kept  in  jail,  and  the  rest  released  on  bail  for 
want  of  room  and  food.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  24.  Aug.,  prefect  orders 
that  Ant.  Valcnzuela  must  not  molest  Domingo  Romero,  accused  of  incest, 
which  will  be  investigated  by  the  prefectura.  Lob  Ang.  Ayunt.  Pec,  MS., 
44.  Nov.,  a  man  sentenced  to  3  months  public  work3  for  drawing  a  knife  to 
kill  a  citizen  in  the  court-room.  S.  Dieyo  Arch.,  MS.,  2G3. 


640  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  LOS  ANGELES  DISTRICT. 

to  Alcalde  Tapia,  and  went  to  Monterey.  Tapia  was 
acting  prefect  till  August,  though  Machado  took  his 
place  in  June  and  July;  and  on  the  10th  of  August 
he  was  formally  appointed  by  the  governor,  Pena 
having  resigned.  In  September  came  the  news  that 
the  latter's  appointment  had  not  been  approved  in 
Mexico.  It  does  not  appear  that  any  action  was 
taken  in  Mexico  on  Tapia's  appointment,  and  perhaps 
it  was  never  intended  to  be  permanent;  at  any  rate 
in  May  1840  he  asked  to  be  relieved  on  account  of 
illness,  and  Santiago  Arguello  was  appointed  to  the 
office.  The  prefect's  salary  was  $2,000  and  that  of 
his  secretary — Francisco  Castillo,  succeeded  before 
the  end  of  1839  by  Narciso  Botello — was  $700.  The 
prefect  as  an  executive  officer  exercised  a  general  au- 
thority over  the  ayuntamiento  and  over  all  local 
officials  in  the  district;  but  there  is  nothing  in  his 
routine  acts  of  1839-40  that  demands  special  notice.6 

6  On  the  prefecture  and  tumult  of  the  flag  see  this  vol.  p.  585-9.  Peiia's 
appointment  announced  March  7,  1839.  Dept.  St.  Pap.  Aug.,  MS.,  x.  112-14. 
I  omit  miscellaneous  references  to  authorities  for  this  and  the  following 
points.  April  11th,  Pcila  installed,  and  makes  a  long  speech.  Id.,  ii.  104; 
Id.,  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  iv.  53;  v.  79;  though  there  are  other  documents  indicat- 
ing the  13th  or  15th  as  the  date.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  17— IS;  Id., 
Bui.  C.  <fc  T.,  iv.  26.  April  13th,  P.  to  Vallejo  on  the  good  disposition  of 
the  people.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  410,  439.  April  16th,  J.  M.  Covarrubias 
named  as  sec,  and  he  may  have  held  the  place  for  a  time  before  Castillo's 
appointment.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  G.  cO  T.,  MS.,  iv.  28.  April  22d,  Pre- 
fect Pena  directs  alcalde  not  to  allow  administrators  of  missions  to  remove 
fugitive  Ind.  from  town  without  consent  of  alcalde  and  prefect.  /(/..  Aug., 
ii.  165.  May  25th,  Pefia  directs  Tapia  to  take  charge  ad  int.  Savage,  Doc, 
MS.,  iii.  48;  Hayes1  Doc,  MS.,  92-3.  Same  date,  notifies  govt,  and  admin- 
istrators to  same  effect.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  v.  5;  S.  Diego, 
Arch.,  MS.,  225.  May  26th,  Tapia  assumes  the  office.  Dept.  St.  Pap.  Aug., 
MS.,  v.  10.  June  12th,  prefect  orders  that  Ind.  shall  be  collected  at  the 
missions.  S.  Diego  Index.,  MS.,  134.  June  21-3.  Machado  takes  the  office 
ad  int.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  v.  7;  Id.,  Aug.,  v:  20.  Peiia's 
resignation  July  31st,  accepted  Aug.  10th,  and  Tapia  appointed  same  day. 
Id.,  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  v.  24,  29;  Id.,  Mont.,  iv.  12.  Castillo  reigns  as  sec.  Aug. 
21st,  and  Botello  acts  ad  int.  /(/.,  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  ".  25;  Coronel,  Doc, 
MS.,  94.  Nov.  5th,  prefect  fines  alcalde  $20.  Nov.  29th,  orders  alcalde  to 
convoke  ayunt.  for  an  extra  session.  Botello  appointed  sec.  Oct.  5th-7th. 
Los  Ang.  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  100;  Dept.  St.  Pap.  Ang.,  MS.,  v.  86,  90.  May 
24th,  Tapia  asks  to  be  relieved  on  account  of  illness.  Id.,  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  vL 
69.  May  30th,  Arguello  appointed.  Id.,  Aug.,  iv.  Ill;  xii.  31;  Dept.  Pec, 
MS.,  xi.  15-10;  8.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  255.  June  2d,  Arguello  accepts,  June 
17th,  installed,  making  a  speech.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  32-3;  Id., 
Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  vi.  72;  //ayes'  Em,  Notes,  511-14;  Id.,  Doc,  127.  Sept.  9th, 
prefect  has  released  the  sub-prefect,  whom  he  believes  innocent.  Dept.  St. 


SAN  PEDRO  AND  SAN  GABRIEL.  641 

The  port  of  San  Pedro,  though  a  large  quantity  of 
country  produce  was  shipped  there,  and  few  trad- 
ing vessels  failed  to  visit  it,  had  as  yet  neither  local 
authorities  nor  other  residents.  There  was,  however, 
a  sub-alcalde  at  the  Domingmez  rancho  a  few  miles 
inland.  In  1831-2  there  were  some  slight  attempts 
at  ship-building.  From  1833  Antonio  M.  Osio  as  re- 
ceptor at  Los  Angeles  had  charge^  of  the  port  trade 
as  well  as  of  the  inland  commerce  with  New  Mexico. 
A  part  of  the  colony  landed  here  in  1834.  Osio 
states  that  5,000  hides  from  the  mission  cattle  were 
shipped  here  in  that  year,  while  Mofras  writes  of  an 
annual  shipment  about  that  time  of  100,000  hides, 
2,500  centals  of  tallow,  and  several  cargoes  of  soap. 
Abel  Stearns  had  a  warehouse,  and  in  1835  and  other 
years  was  accused  of  doing  a  profitable  contraband 
trade.  The  fugitive  governor,  Chico,  is  said  to  have 
touched  at  San  Pedro  in  his  flight,  in  1836,  to  take 
on  board  a  quantity  of  stolen  tallbw.  Dana's  expe- 
rience of  several  weeks  in  loading  hides  here  is  de- 
scribed in  his  famous  narrative;  and  Belcher  gives  a 
slight  description  of  the  place  as  it  appeared  in  1839. 7 

At  San  Gabriel  in  1831-2  the  names  of  padres 
Jesus  Maria  Martinez,  Francisco  Gonzalez  de  Ibarra, 
Vicente  Pascual  Oliva,  and  the  Dominicans  Francisco 
Cucullu  and  Mariano  Sosa  appear  occasionally  on  the 
mission  registers;  but  the  regular  ministers  were 
fathers  Boscana  and  Sanchez,  until  their  deaths  which 
occurred  respectively  in  July  1831  and  January  1833. 8 

Pap.,  P.  y  J.,  MS.,  vi.  77.  Expenses  of  office  in  Oct.  $52;  in  Nov.  $6. 
Id. ,  iii.  52,  56. 

7  See  this  vol.  pp.  267-9,  288,  349,  363,  366,  369,  375,  384,  393,  442;  vol. 
iv.  80,  9o,  146;  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  362;  Dana's  Two  Years,  107  et  seq.j 
Belcher's  Voy.,  i.  322;  Douglas'  Jour.,  MS.,  87-8.  And  on  Osio's  appoint- 
ment as  receptor,  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  109;  Id.,  Cust.-II.,  ii.  10-25;  vii. 
12-13;  Id.,  Aug.,  xi.  8;  Id.,  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  ii.  156. 

8Ger6nimo  Boscana  was  born  on  May  23,  1776,  at  Llumayor,  island  of 
Mallorca,  and  took  the  Franciscan  habit  in  the  convent  of  Jesus  extra  nmros 
at  Palma  on  Aug.  4,  1792.  After  acting  for  nearly  four  years  as  professor  of 
belles  lettres,  he  started  for  America  June  5,  1803;  arrived  at  Mexico  Oct. 
24th;  started  for  Cal.  Feb.  17,  1806,  and  landed  at  Monterey  June  6th.  His 
missionary  service  was  at  Soledad  in  1G06;  at  Purisima  in  1806-11,  at  San 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    41 


642  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  LOS  ANGELES  DISTRICT. 

Sanchez  was  succeeded  by  padre  Tomas  Eleuterio 
Est^nega,  who   came    down   from  the   north    on  the 

Luis  Rey  in  1812-13,  at  San  Juan  Capistrano  in  1814-26,  and  at  San  Gabriel 
in  1826-31.  Though  accredited  by  his  superiors  in  1817  and  1820  with  'regu- 
lar' merit  and  ability  somewhat  more  than  medium,  yet  some  doubt  was 
felt  about  his  qualifications  as  a  spiritual  guide,  and  he  was  spoken  of  as  one 
whom  for  reasons  known  to  the  guardian  it  would  not  be  well  to  leave  alone  at 
a  mis  ion.  Autobiog.  Autog.  de  lot  Padres,  MS.;  Sarria,  Informe  sohre  Frailes, 
j  17,  p.  44;  Id.,  Informe  de  Mis.  1819,  p.  115.  His  chief  ministry  was  at  S. 
J  r.au  Capistrano,  where  he  devoted  much  study  to  the  manners  and  customs 
of  the  natives,  especially  their  religious  traditions.  His  writings,  on  this  sub- 
ject, found  among  his  papers  and  long  in  possession  of  Capt.  Guerra  y  Noriega, 
were  published  by  Robinson  in  1840  under  the  title  of  Ohinigchinich.  He  is 
described  by  Eulalia  Perez,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  2G,  and  others  as  of  less  than 
medium  stature,  fair  complexion,  considerably  bent  in  his  old  age;  an  invet- 
erate snuff-taker;  kind-hearted  and  well  liked  generally,  but  subject  to  occa- 
sional spells  of  apparent  lunacy  when  he  seemed  to  be  angry  with  himself  and 
every  one  about  him.  The  portrait  published  with  his  book  is  said  to  look 
like  him.  His  sudden  removal  from  S.  Juan  in  18:20  and  the  disparaging 
hints  in  reports  of  superiors  as  noted  above  give  some  weight  to  the  charges 
of  Vallejo  and  others  that  the  padre  was  guilty  of  immoral  relations  with  his 
neoiitas.  He  tried  unsuccessfully  to  get  his  passport  and  quit  the  country  in 
1829 under  the  law  expelling  Spaniards.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i.  55.  His 
death  occurred  on  July  5,  1831;  and  he  was  buried  next  day  in  the  San  Ga- 
briel church  on  the  Sau  Josi  side  of  the  presbytery  near  the  remains  of  Padre 
Nuez.  S.  Gabriel,  Lit.  Mis.,  MS.,  40;  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  243-4. 

Jose  Bernardo  Sanchez  was  born  Sept.  7,  1778,  at  Robledillo,  Spain,  and 
became  a  Franciscan  in  the  convent  of  N.  Sra  Sta  Maria  de  Gracia  at  S. 
Miguel  supra  Tagum,  Oct.  9,  1704.  Leaving  Spain  in  Feb.  1803,  he  readied 
his  college  in  Mexico  in  Aug.,  and  came  to  Cal.  in  1S04.  He  served  at  S. 
Diego  in  1804-20,  at  Purisima  in  1820-1,  and  at  S.  Gabriel  in  1821-33,  until 
his  death  on  July  loth.  In  1817-20  he  was  regarded  by  his  superiors  as  of 
distinguished  merit  and  ability  far  above  the  average,  but  was  suffering,  and 
in  hopes  of  early  retirement.  Autobioq.  Autog.  de  los  Padres,  MS.;  Sarria, 
Inf.  sobre  Frailes,  1S17,~M$.,  39-40;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  130.  In  1S06 
Sanchez  accompanied  Sergt  Pico  on  an  expedition  against  the  Ind.;  in  ISIS, 
he  took  an  active  part  in  preparations  to  resist  Bouchard's  insurgents;  in 
1821  he  went  with  Pay  eras  on  an  exploring  and  baptizing  tour  among  gentile 
rancherias;  in  1828  he  was  greatly  aggrieved  by  a  charge  of  smuggling,  and 
asked  for  a  pass  to  retire;  in  1829,  he  again  desired  a  passport  as  a  Spaniard 
who  had  not  taken  the  oath;  and  in  1831-2  he  was  active  in  opposing  Gov. 
Echcandia's  project  of  secularization.  From  1827  to  1831  he  held  the  high 
position  of  president,  performing  its  difficult  duties  with  great  credit.  Pie  is 
described  as  fair  and  fat,  of  lively  disposition,  generous  and  hospitable,  with 
a  multitude  of  friends  of  all  classes.  He  wras  an  able  manager  of  temporal 
affairs,  and  took  great  pride  in  the  prosperity  of  his  mission,  being  greatly 
disappointed  and  perhaps  soured  by  the  disastrous  results  of  secularization, 
against  which  he  had  struggled  in  vain,  even^  to  the  extent  of  slaughtering 
the  mission  cattle  at  the  last  as  recorded  in  this  chapter.  M of ras,  Exp'or. , 
i.  272-3,  says  that  Father  Sanchez  died  of  grief ;  and  Eulalia  Perez,  Recuerdos, 
MS.,  1 1-15,  adds  that  about  a  month  before  his  death  he  was  insulted,  jostled, 
and  struck  by  his  neophytes,  which  had  a  deplorable  effect  both  on  his  mind 
and  l>ovly.  It  is  possible  that  this  story  has  some  slight  foundation  in  fact, 
though,  if  so,  it  is  strange  that  no  more  definite  record  appears.  His  body 
Mas  buried  on  Jan.  16,  1833,  by  Padre  Oliva  at  the  foot  of  the  altar  in  the 
presbytery  of  the  mission  church.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  244;  S.  Gabriel,  Lib. 
J/ /'.-■.,  MS.,  40;  cited  also  in  Los  Aug.  Express,  Sept.  1G,  1874,  by  J.  J. 
Warner.  The  remains  were  disturbed  but  not  removed  in  Doc.  1850,  at  the 
burial  of  P.  Ordaz. 


SAN  GABRIEL.  643 

arrival  of  the  Zacatecanos  and  remained  in  charge  of 
San  Gabriel  during  the  rest  of  the  decade.  Father 
Alexis  Bachelot  from  the  Sandwich  Islands  also  lived 
here  most  of  the  time  in  1832-6.  The  neophyte 
population  decreased  only  about  30  down  to  1834  ; 
but  by  the  end  of  the  decade  nearly  1,000  had  left  the 
community,  leaving  about  400,  though  I  suppose  there 
were  still  about  1,000  ex-neophytes  whose  where- 
abouts was  somewhat  definitely  known.  A  consider- 
able increase  in  cattle  down  to  1834,  but  not  probably 
making  allowance  for  the  slaughter  of  that  year,  is 
shown  by  the  regular  reports  ;  but  by  1840  the  live- 
stock had  almost  entirely  disappeared.9  The  record 
of  secularization  at  this  establishment  is  very  meagre 
even  in  comparison  with  the  others.  Colonel  Gutier- 
rez was  the  comisionado  to  effect  the  change  in  1834, 

9  Statistics  of  1831-4.  Decrease  in  pop.  1352  to  1320.  Baptisms,  175;  larg- 
est no.  64  in  1S32;  smallest,  30  in  1831.  Deaths,  144;  largest  no.  85  in  1832; 
smallest  8  in  1834.  Increase  in  large  stock  25,725  to  26,220;  decrease  in 
horses  and  mules  2,225  to  220;  sheep,  14,650  to  6,660.  Largest  crop,  4,315 
bush,  in  1834;  smallest,  407  in  1832;  average  crop,  2,440,  of  which  wheat 
1,755,  yield  7.33  fold;  barley  157,  yield  9.8  fold;  corn  432,  yield  61  fold. 

General  statistics  of  1771-1834,  the  whole  period  of  the  mission's  existence. 
Total  no.  baptisms,  7,854,  of  which  4,355  Ind.  adults,  2,459  Ind.  children,  1 
adult  and  1,039  children  of  gente  de  razon;  average  per  year,  123.  Total  of 
marriages,  1,955,  of  which  241  de  razon.  Deaths,  5,656,  of  which  2,916  Ind. 
adults,  2,363  Ind.  children;  211  and  186  de  razon;  annual  average,  88;  aver- 
age death  rate,  7.61  per  cent  of  pop.  Largest  pop.,  1,701  in  1817.  There 
was  a  slight  excess  of  males  down  to  1803,  and  a  greater  excess  later.  The 
proportion  of  children  varied  from  J  at  first  to  i0  at  the  last.  Largest  no. 
of  cattle,  26,300  in  1828;  horses,  2,400  in  1827;  mules,  205  in  1814;  asses,  G 
in  1794;  sheep,  15,000  in  1829;  goats,  1,380  in  1785;  swine,  300  in  1S02,  1803, 
and  1822;  all  kinds,  40,300  animals  in  1830.  Total  product  of  wheat, 
225,942  bush.,  yield  16  fold;  barley  (for  only  11  years),  1,250  bush.,  yield  10 
fold;  maize,  154,820  bush.,  yield  145  fold;  beans,  14,4'J7  bush.,  yield  28  fold. 

Miscell.  stat.  of  the  decade.  Feb.  1833.  J.  M.  Marron  borrows  200  cat- 
tle for  5  years  from  P.  Estenega.  Marron,  Pa}).,  MS.,  10.  1834.  There  were 
4,443  head  of  cattle  thus  lent  out.  The  mission  debts  were  $8,271,  and 
credits  $11,153.  There  were  163,579  vines  in  4  vineyards,  and  2,333  fruit 
trees.  Artillery,  4  small  cannon,  one  of  them  lent  to  the  ayunt.,  and  3 
pedreros.  St.  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  vi.  12-14.  Nov.  26th,  amount  of  supplies  to 
8.  Diego  presidio  849,665,  to  Sta  Barbara  86,895,  no  period  specified,  perhaps 
since  the  foundation.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS.,  lxxix.  52-3.  1839.  Hart- 
nell's  report  of  June  24th,  309  souls  all  contented.  Debts  $4,000  (or  $6,000), 
credits  $10,500;  1,100  cattle,  1,700  horses,  1,040  sheep.  St.  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS., 
xi.  28-9;  Hartnell,  Uiario,  MS.,  72-4.  Dec.  31st,  Bandini  distributes  $1,615 
of  clothing  among  233  Ind.  Id.,  vi.  42-3.  1840.  April.  In  the  list  of  effects 
to  be  surrendered  by  the  administrator  were  72  cattle,  715  sheep,  and  3 
hogs.  St.  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  41.  Debt  at  the  same  date  $3,230,  of  which  $1,944 
was  due  to  P.  Estenega.  Pico,  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  47-51. 


OU  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  LOS  ANGELES  DISTRICT. 

a  year  marked  also  by  the  wholesale  slaughter  of  the 
mission  cattle  by  order  of  the  padres,  and  by  the  de- 
struction "  of  the  San  Bernardino  branch  by  hostile 
savages.10     Gutierrez  turned  over  the  control  to  Juan 

10  Chronologic  summary  of  S.  Gabriel  events.  1831.  Gov.  Victoria 
■wounded,  cared  for  at  the  mission  in  Dec.  This  vol.,  p.  206,  210.  To  be 
secularized  and  a  school  established  under  Echeandia's  plan.  Id.,  305-6.  A 
schooner  framed  here  to  be  launched  at  S.  Pedro.  Id.,  303.  Death  of  P.  Bos- 
cana,  this  chapter.  1832.  Echeandia's  forces  encamped  here  in  April.  This 
vol.,  227.  P.  Bachelot  begins  his  service  as  assistant  minister.  Id.,  317. 
1833.  Alf.  Ignacio  del  Valle  appointed  as  comisionado  for  secularization  in 
Jan.,  but  nothing  accomplished.  Id. ,  326.  J.  A.  Carrillo  goes  in  Feb.  to 
harangue  and  tranquillize  the  Ind.  Id.,  327.  Death  of  P.  Sanchez  and  arrival 
of  P.  Estenega.  This  chap.  This  year  a  controversy  between  the  mission  and 
J.  J.  Nieto  at  Sta  Gertrudis  was  settled  by  arbitration.  N.  had  borrowed 
8,000  (?)  mission  cattle  on  shares  8  or  9  years  before.  It  was  decided  that 
N.  should  have  all  the  cattle  at  Los  Cerritos  and  the  mission  §  of  all  the  rest; 
and  in  Oct.  that  N.  should  give  up  3,000  head.  There  was  more  trouble  that 
had  not  been  settled  3  years  later.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben..,  MS.,  v.  167-84. 

183-4.  Part  of  the  Mex.  colony  here  from  Sept.  This  vol. ,  267.  Beginning 
of  secularization,  Col  Nicolas  Gutierrez  made  comisionado  and  an  inventory 
prepared  in  Nov.  Id.,  346-8.  Slaughter  of  the  mission  cattle,  private  indi- 
viduals taking  contracts  from  the  padre  to  kill  cattle  on  shares  for  their  hides 
and  tallow.  Id.,  348-9.  Indian  depredations  at  S.  Bernardino  Oct.-Dec.  Id., 
359,  and  annals  of  Los  Angeles  in  this  chap.  Controversy  about  right  of  the 
mission  to  use  the  salinas.  Id.,  374.  Lugo,  Vida,  MS.,  107,  represents  S. 
Bernardino  as  a  very  prosperous  establishment,  and  says  that  extensive 
improvements  in  the  buildings  were  in  progress  when  the  destruction  oc- 
curred. This  year  a  garrison  was  organized  at  S.  Gabriel,  to  consist  of  a  ser- 
geant and  8  men  from  Portilla's  Mazatlan  company.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  J/., 
MS.,  lxxxviii.  26. 

1S35.  Col  Gutierrez  still  in  charge,  but  no  records  of  progress  in  secu- 
larization. The  insurgents  Apalategui  and  Torres  imprisoned  here  in  March. 
This  vol.,  284.  A  painting  of  S.  Gabriel  is  mentioned  as  having  been  made 
by  Ferdinand  Deppe  this  year  from  a  drawing  made  on  the  spot.  Later  in 
possession  of  Daniel  Hill  at  Sta  Barbara,  and  photographed  for  Vischer's 
work.  Taylor's  Discov.  and  Found.,  ii.  no.  42,  p.  216;  Hayes'  Scraps,  Any< 
iv.  84. 

1836.  No  record  of  mission  affairs  except  that  Juan  Jose  Rocha  was  in 
charge  as  majordomo,  being  appointed  in  Feb.  June  1st,  oath  taken  to  the 
new  'bases'  or  centralism.  This  vol.,  p.  423.  Sept.,  soldiers  refuse  to  serve 
without  pay.  Id.,  446.     The  governor's  alleged  immoral  conduct.   Id.,  448. 

7.  Jose  Perez  succeeded  Podia  as  majordomo  early  in  this  year.  Nothin, ; 
known  of  events  at  the  mission  except  occasional  mention  of  the  presence  of 
portions  of  the  northern  or  southern  forces  during  the  sectional  wars.  This  vol., 
pp.  495,  501,  503,  510,  528.  Of  1838  still  less  is  known,  not  even  the  adminis- 
trator's name  appearing.  Coronel,  Cosasde  CaL,  MS.,  219,  represents  the  mis- 
sion as  still  rich  and  in  good  order  in  1838,  but  his  view  would  seem  to  be 
exaggerated. 

1839.  Juan  Bandini  was  administrator,  having  probably  been  appointed 
the  year  before.  In  March  he  claims  that  he  found  the  mission  property  in 
a  very  bad  condition,  but  has  restored  it  to  prosperity.  But  he  oifers  his 
n  iignation,  and  asks  that  the  $500  due  him  for  salary  be  paid  in  marcs  and 
other  mission  effects,  as  there  is  plenty  of  everything  but  cattle.  He  in- 
forms the  govt  in  a  private  letter  that  he  has  already  taken  40  young  bulls, 
but  will  return  them  if  the  gov.  thinks  it  best.  The  resignation  seems  to 
have  been  accepted,  but  reconsidered,  as  B.  continued  to  serve  through  the 


SAN  FERNANDO  PEY.  G45 

Jose  Rocha  in  183G;  the  latter  was  succeeded  in  1837 
by  Jose  C.  Perez;  and  he  by  Juan  Bandini  probably 
in  1838.  Nothing  is  known  in  detail  of  the  adminis- 
tration of  these  men,  but  in  the  middle  of  1839  the 
mission  had  still  1,700  horses,  1,100  cattle,  and  1,000 
sheep.  Local  events  in  these  years  are  swallowed  up 
in  the  maelstrom  of  political  doings  at  Los  Angeles. 
In  1839-40  we  have  the  visits  of  yisitador  Hartnell, 
and  the  transfer  of  the  estate  from  Bandini  to  Father 
Estenega.  Live-stock  now  included  72  cattle  and  700 
sheep,  yet  Don  Juan  claimed  to  have  done  much  for 
the  welfare  of  the  ex-mission. 

At  San  Fernando  Father  Ibarra  continued  his 
ministry  alone  until  the  middle  of  1835,  when  he  re- 
tired temporarily  to  Mexico.  His  successor  was 
Pedro  Cabot  from  San  Antonio,  who  served  until  his 
death  in  October,  1836.11     From  this  time  till  August, 

year.  March 20-2.  St.  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  x.  1-2;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  185, 
In  June  Hartnell  made  his  first  visit,  reporting  Bandini's  accounts  all  right,  the 
property  in  good  condition,  and  the  Indians  content.  He  authorized  B.  to 
kill  100  cattle  and  to  buy  82,000  worth  of  clothing  to  be  paid  for  in  brandy 
and  other  produce  of  the  next  year.  In  July  B.  appointed  Rafael  Guirado 
as  clerk  at  $15  per  month.  Hartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  i.  53-4,  72-4;  Arch.  Miss., 
MS.,  ii.  887-9. 

1840.  In  a  letter  of  Feb.  P.  Duran  quotes  P.  Estenega  to  the  effect  that 
the  mission  has  to  support  38  gente  de  razon,  that  there  is  not  a  candle,  no 
tallow  to  make  a  candle,  and  no  cattle  fat  enough  to  supply  the  tallow. 
'  What  a  scandal !  and  what  a  comment  on  secularization ! '  says  Duran.  Arch. 
Hisiones,  MS.,  ii.  1017.  March,  Bandini  speaks  of  the  orange  orchard  as  the 
only  one  in  Cal.,  and  he  has  given  it  special  care,  having  restored  it  with  over 
100  trees.  St.  Pap.  311s.,  MS.,  vi.  42.  At  the  end  of  April  Bandini  turned 
over  the  property  by  inventory  to  P.  Estenega,  Id.,  41,  but  did  not  leave  the 
mission  or  entirely  give  up  the  management.  In  May  three  droves  of  mares 
were  stolen  by  Indians.  From  July  25th  to  Aug.  1st.  Visitador  Hartnell  was 
here  on  his  second  tour.  Bandini  was  absent  at  first,  but  came  on  the  28th. 
The  Ind.  complained  bitterly  that  B.  had  carried  off  mission  property,  chiefly 
horses  and  carts  (probably  as  per  letter  to  gov.  in  1830,  as  above);  also  that 
he  had  opened  a  dram-shop,  sold  mission  brandy  to  the  Ind.,  and  then  pun- 
ished them  for  getting  drunk  !  Hartnell  declined  to  comply  with  the  pre- 
fect's request  that  the  administrator  be  ordered  to  supply  his  house  with 
grain,  soap,  lard,  etc.  On  Aug.  1st  Jos6  Crispin  Perez  was  appointed  as 
majordomo  to  manage  affairs  under  the  supervision  of  P.  Estenega.  Hartnell, 
Diario,  MS.,  21,  37,  04,  91-2,  99-100.  H.  was  also  at  S.  Gabriel  on  Aug. 
IStii— 19th.  Also  in  July  and  Aug.  there  were  reports  that  the  savages  were 
on  the  point  of  renewing  their  hostilities  at  San  Bernardino. 

11  Pedro  Cabot,  a  brother  of  Padre  Juan  Cabot,  was  born  at  Bufiola,  Mal- 
lorca,  on  Sept.  9,  1777.  He  became  a  Franciscan  at  Palma,  Dec.  22,  179G; 
came  to  Mexico,  June-Sept.   1803;  and  to  Cal.  Feb. -Aug.  1804.     His  mis- 


GIG  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  LOS  ANGELES  DISTRICT*. 

1838,  I  find  no  mention  of  any  minister,  but  Ibarra 
may  possibly  have  served.  Then  came  Bias  Ordaz, 
who  remained  during  the  rest  of  the  decade.  Down 
to  1834  the  decrease  in  neophyte  population  was  less 
than  100;  in  live-stock  there  was  no  falling-off  what- 
ever if  the  registers  may  be  trusted;  and  the  crops 
were  still  good.  Thus  this  mission  was  exceptionally 
prosperous  at  this  period;  and  at  the  end  of  the  dec- 
ade there  were  still  about  400  Indians  in  the  ex- 
mission  community,  statistics  being  more  voluminous 
than  at  the  missions  further  south.12  Lieutenant 
Antonio  del  Valle  was  commissioned  to  secularize  the 
establishment  in    1834,  and   the    next   year  became 

sionary  service  was  at  S.  Antonio  in  1804-28,  and  again  in  1829-34;  at  Sole- 
dad  in  1828-9;  and  at  San  Fernando  in  1835-G.  He  was  rated  by  his  superi- 
ors as  of  distinguished  merit  and  scholarship,  well  qualified  for  any  position 
in  Cal.,  even  the  prelacy.  Aidobiog.  Autog.  de  los  Padres,  MS.;  Serria,  In- 
forme  sobre  Frailes,  1817,  MS.,  59-60;  Payeras  in  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  133. 
Fray  Pedro  was  known  as  a  dignified,  scholarly,  courteous  man,  nicknamed 
El  Caballero  in  contradistinction  to  his  rougher  brother  Juan,  nicknamed  El 
Marinero,  than  whom,  however,  he  was  hardly  less  popular.  Both  were 
noted  for  their  hospitality  at  S.  Antonio  and  S.  Miguel,  their  adjoining  mis- 
sions, and  were  beloved  by  all  classes,  notwithstanding  Pedro's  polished 
manners,  retiring  disposition,  and  tendency  to  asceticism.  He  gave  much 
attention  to  the  language  of  his  neophytes,  and  he  was  an  uncompromising 
royalist,  declining  to  take  the  oath  to  republicanism  in  1825-9.  In  July 
183G  he  was  determined  to  quit  the  country  and  to  persevere  in  his  demands 
for  a  passport;  and  declined  most  positively  Duran's  request  to  serve  as  pres- 
ident in  case  of  his  (D.'s)  departure.  In  Aug.  he  was  called  to  shrive  the 
victims  of  the  vigilantes  at  Angeles,  but  declined  to  come.  His  remains 
were  interred  in  the  mission  cemetery  on  Oct.  12th,  by  Padre  Ibarra.  Copy 
of  the  burial  register  by  Taylor  in  8.  F.  Bulletin,  Apr.  25,  18G4.  Money  due 
him  is  said  to  have  been  paid  to  a  nephew  who  came  from  Spain. 

12  Statistics  of  S.  Fernando  1831-4.  Decrease  in  pop.  827  to  792.  Bap- 
tisms 89;  largest  no.  36  in  1834;  smallest  16  in  1832.  Deaths  124;  largest 
no.  45  in  1S32;  smallest  19  in  1834.  Cattle  remained  at  6,000  while  horses 
and  mules  decreased  from  560  to  520  by  the  loss  of  40  mules;  sheep  remain- 
ing at  3,000.  Largest  crop  2,370  bush,  in  1834;  smallest  830  in  1831;  average 
1,530  bush.,  of  which  940  wheat,  yield  12  fold;  470  corn,  yield  80  fold;  beans 
45,  yield  9  fold. 

Stat,  for  1797-1834.  Total  of  baptisms  2,839,  of  which  1,415  adult  Ind., 
1,367  Ind.  children,  57  child,  de  razon;  average  per  year  74.  Total  of  mar- 
riages 849,  of  which  15  gente  de  razon.  Deaths  2,028,  of  which  1,036  Ind. 
adults,  905  Ind.  children,  12  and  15  de  razon.  Annual  average  54;  death 
rate  6.61  per  cent,  of  pop.  Largest  pop.  1,080  in  1819  (or  1,100  in  1805, 
which  may  be  an  error).  Sexes  nearly  equal;  children  from  \  to  £.  Largest 
no.  of  cattle  12,800  in  1819;  horses  1,320  in  1822;  mules  340  in  1812;  asses  1 
to  3  every  year  till  1819;  sheep  7,800  in  1819;  goats  600  in  1816;  swine  250 
in  1814;  all  kinds  21,745  animals  in  1819.  Total  product  of  wheat  119,000 
bush.,  yield  19  fold;  barley,  only  raised  in  6  yearns,  3,070  bush.,  14  fold; 
maize  27,750  bush.,  83  fold;  beans  3,024  bush.,  14  fold. 

MisceU.  stat.  of  1834-40.   1834,  P.  Ibarra  delivered  to  comisionado  $20,000 


.   SAN  FERNANDO.  647 

majordomo,  retaining  t}ie  position,  apparently  to  the 
satisfaction  of  all  concerned,  until  1837,  when  he  was 
succeeded  by  Anastasio  Carrillo.  From  the  middle 
of  1838,  Captain  Jose  M.  Villavicencio  served  as  ad- 
ministrator, though  often  called  away  by  supposed 
military  duties,  and  leaving  the  management  of  the 
estate    to   Carrillo,   Castillo,   and   Perez.13     Hartnell 

in  hides,  tallow,  etc.,  and  $5,000  in  coin.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  150.  Dec, 
mission  furnishes  $1,000  for  Hi  jar's  colony.  St.  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  vii.  77-8. 
1835,  July,  inventory  apparently  incomplete,  total  value  $41,714.  The 
church  is  40  x  G  varas,  tiie-roofed,  board  ceiling,  brick  floor,  adobe  walls,  3 
doors,  7  windows  with  wooden  bars;  sacristy,  8  varas  sq.  with  one  door  and 
window,  worth  $1,650;  credits  85, 73G;  buildings,  .315,511 ;  32,000  vines  worth 
$1G,000;  1,G00  fruit-trees,  $2/400;  library  of  191  vol.,  $417.  Id.,  vi.  22-3. 
183G,  amounts  paid,  $2,220  to  Ignacio  del  Valle,  P.  Cabot  $1,003,  P.  Duran 
$1,0*8,  P.  Ibarra  $-300.  Id.,  vii.  68-71.  Supplies  for  troops,  $2,159.  Id.,  vi. 
74-8.  1837,  March,  inventory  of  $153,039.  Id.,  vii.  67..  1838,  June,  inven- 
tory of  $150,915;  credits  $14,293,  buildings,  $56,7S5,  house  utensils,  $001, 
goods  in  storehouse,  $5,214,  liquors,  etc.,  $7,175,  live-stock,  $53,854;  S. 
Francisco  rancho,  $1,925,  grain,  $018,  tannery,  $544,  carpenter  shop,  $127, 
blacksmith,  $7S9,  soap  works,  $512,  mills,  $200,  tools,  $368,  tallow  works, 

$2,540,  church,  $1,500,  ornaments,  etc.,  $4,348,  library,  50  works,  ; 

debts,  $1,G89.  Id.,  viii.  13-14.  1839,  June  23,  Hartnell's  statement  of  prop- 
erty on  hand  'for  distr-ib.  among  Ind.  or  trade'?  8,547  head  of  live-stock 
(by  another  report  of  this  date  the  live-stock  on  the  different  mission  ranchos 
was  3,590  cattle,  2,044  horses,  2,887  sheep,  25  asses,  57  mules,  and  47  hogs), 
280  hides,  50  arrobas  wool,  314  arr.  iron  and  steel,  13  bbls.  liquor.  Id. ,  vii. 
8.  Accounts;  Sept.  income  $1,439,  expend.  $822;  Nov.,  $2,687  and  $1,789; 
Dec.  $11,282  and  $4,899.  Paid  to  P.  Ordaz  this  year  $661.  Hide  and  tallow 
acct  income  $48,  expend.  $290.  Stock  deliv.  to  Bandini  Nov.  1st,  $393. 
Dae  the  mission  Nov.  1st,  $271;  Dec.  11th,  $805;  supplies  to  govt  from  June 
i  to  Dec.  11,  1839,  $6,775;  supplies  to  Sta  B.  company,  $516;  to  others, 
7.  Mission  debts  Nov.  30th,  $4,344.  Id.,  vii.  8-15.  1840,  inventory  of 
property  June  19th,  4,130  cattle,  2,637  horses,  2,500  sheep,  60  mules,  33 
asses,  30  hogs;  Dec.  31st,  2.270  cattle,  60  hogs,  all  the  rest  about  the  same 
;  :  in  June.  Grain  in  June,  230fanegas;  in  Dec,  1,157  fanegas,  worth  $2, 295. 
Hides  and  leather  in  June,  121;  in  Dec,  59,  worth  $38.  Wool,  June,  140 arr. ; 
Dec,  15  arr.,  worth  $22.  Soap,  June,  $150;  Dec,  $190.  Brandy  and  wine  in 
Dec.  53  bbls.,  $2,300.  Tallow  and  lard,  Dec,  81  arr.,  $119.  Oil,  9  bbls., 
$504.  Iron,  180  arr.,  $720.  Total  value  in  Dec,  not  including  live-stock, 
land,  or  buildings,  $6,300.  lleceipts  for  9  months  of  the  year  (June-Aug. 
lacking),  $9,874;  expend.,  $11,069.  Id.,  8-15,  13-14;  ix.  19-21. 

13  Chronologic  summary  of  S.  Fernando  events.  1831.  Gov.  Victoria  here 
on  his  march  south  against  the  rebels;  also  the  bearing  of  Echeandia's  secu- 
larization plan,  never  put  in  operation,  on  this  mission.  This  vol.  p.  205, 
306.  1832-3.  Nothing  in  the  records.  1834.  Antonio  del  Valle  as  comisio- 
nado  takes  charge  of  the  mission  estates  by  inventory  from  P.  Ibarra  in  Oct. 
This  vol.  p.  346.  S.  Fernando  to  be  a  parish  of  2d  class  with  salary  of  $1,009 
under  the  reglamcnto  of  Nov.  Id.,  348.  Slight  controversy  about  the  use  of 
the  salt  fields.  Id.,  374.  1835.  Valle  was  on  May  25th  appointed  to  be 
majordomo,  or  administrator,  at  $800  salary  from  June  1st.  In  July,  Ind. 
compiam  that  last  year  two  boxes  of  money  had  been  shipped  away;  there 
was  now  a  box  of  silver,  and  they  demanded  that  strict  accounts  should  be 
required  from  P.  Ibarra  bei'ore  his  departure.  Id.,  353;  St.  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS., 
xi.  3.     Recommendation  that  a  guard  be  placed  at  S.  Francisco  rancho  to 


64S  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  LOS  ANGELES  DISTRICT. 

found  all  except  the  accounts  in  comparatively  excel- 
lent condition  on  the  occasion  of  his  official  visit  in 
1839;  but  matters  were  less  satisfactory  in  the  next 
year. 

prevent  cattle-stealing.  Id.,  2.  In  July  the  admin,  reports  that  horses  are 
being  constantly  stolen,  and  that  Ind.  who  have  taken  refuge  at  the  mission 
are  the  thieves.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  i,  172. 

1S3G.  The  death  of  Padre  Cabot  and  the  probable  return  of  P.  Ibarra  are 
mentioned  elsewhere  in  this  chap.  Valle  remained  in  charge  of  the  estab- 
lishment. In  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  ii.  23-9,  is  a  records  of  the  exploits 
of  Rafael,  or  El  Cuyuya,  a  locally  famous  robber,  who  was  often  arrested  and 
as  often  escaped  from  the  jail  here  and  at  Los  Angeles  and  Sta  Barbara.  All 
the  power  of  the  district  seemed  insufficient  to  keep  him  confined  or  to  keep 
him  separated  from  two  of  his  favorite  women,  whom  he  always  rescued  from 
their  imprisonment.  1837.  In  March  Valle,  who  is  highly  praised  by  Duran 
and  others,  was  succeeded  by  Anastasio  Carrillo  as  majordomo.  St.  Pap., 
21 is.,  MS.,  vii.  67-8.  In  Jan.  strange  Ind.,  said  to  be  aided  by  gente  de 
razon,  made  a  raid  on  the  mission  horses,  some  of  which  were  recovered  after 
two  fights,  in  which  several  Ind.  were  killed  and  wounded.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ang.,  MS.,  ii.  97-8.  Mission  funds,  $2,000,  taken  for  'safe  keeping'  by  the 
Angeles  authorities  in  their  efforts  to  resist  Alvarado  in  Jan.  This  vol.  p. 
4C4.  Southern  garrison  under  Rocha  stationed  here,  but  the  mission  is  cap- 
tured by  the  northerners.  Id.,  495-501.  In  June  Castro  retires  and  Portilla 
for  the  south  takes  possession.  Id.,  521.  1838.  The  administration  is  given 
up  in  June  by  Carrillo  to  Capt.  Jose"  M.  Villavicencio.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS., 
viii.  13.  Mission  mares  pledged  to  N.  Mex.  allies  of  the  south  for  their  aid. 
This  vol.,  p.  555.  Castro's  force  here  in  April.  Id.,  556.  Alvarado  and 
Carlos  Carrillo  at  S.  Fernando  after  the  campaign  of  Las  Flores.  Id.,  562-4. 
A  permanent  force  to  be  stationed  by  Alvarado.  Id. ,  569. 

1839.  Villavicencio  still  administrator  and  military  commandant;  but 
Francisco  del  Castillo  seems  to  have  been  in  charge  temporarily  during  a  part 
of  this  year  or  the  preceding.  On  the  division  into  prefectures,  etc.,  S.  Fer- 
nando was  attached  to  the  Sta  Barbara  partido,  the  boundary  being  between 
the  mission  and  Cahuenga.  Id.,  585.  From  June  16th  to  the  24th,  Visitador 
Hartnell  was  at  this  mission,  where  he  found  416  Ind.,  well  contented  except 
with  the  granting  to  Valle  of  the  mission  rancho  of  S.  Francisco,  which  they 
claimed  to  need.  The  crops  were  good  and  there  were  no  grasshoppers  or 
rust.  Valle  had  not  yet  moved  his  family  to  the  rancho.  The  clerk,  Mada- 
riaga,  was  discharged  as  unfit  for  the  place.  Villavicencio 's  and  Castillo's 
accounts  were  found  in  a  confused  and  unintelligible  condition.  Hartnell, 
Diario,  MS.,  1,  2,  13,  74-7;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  29-30.  1840.  Villavi- 
cencio seems  still  to  have  held  the  office,  but  to  have  been  absent  much  of 
the  time,  leaving  affairs  in  charge  of  Juan  Perez,  and  later  Anastasio  Carrillo. 
Hartnell  made  his  visit  Aug.  20th,  22d,  but  nothing  is  recorded  of  his  acts 
and  the  results,  except  that  it  was  the  governor's  interference  with  his  orders 
removing  Perez  in  favor  of  Carrillo  that  caused  the  visitador  to  resign  his 
position  on  Sept.  7th  at  Sta  Barbara.  Hartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  15-16,  21,  (jo. 
Nothing  known  of  mission  affairs  this  year  except  the  statistics  given  in  the 
preceding  note. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

1831-1840. 

Gain  in  Population — Presidial  Organization — Military  Items — Sum- 
mary or  Events — Santa  Barbara  in  the  Political  Controversies — ■ 
Chico  and  Duran — Municipal  Affairs — Official  List — Sub-prefec- 
ture— Grants  of  Private  Ranciios — Santa  Barbara  Mission  — 
Statistical  View — Annals  of  Secularization — San  Buenaventura 
— Fathers  Suner,  Uria,  and  Fortuni — Population,  Agriculture, 
and  Live-stock — Majordomos  and  Administrators — Santa  Ines — 
Father  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta — Statistics  of  Decadence — A  Gain  in 
Cattle — Moderate  Prosperity — Local  Happenings — La  Purisima 
Concepcion— Secularization — Inventories. 

The  population  of  Santa  Barbara  district,  not  in- 
cluding San  Fernando,  which  was  legally  within  its 
jurisdiction,  increased  from  630  in  1830  to  about  900 
in  1840,  so  far  as  the  meagre  and  contradictory  records 
afford  a  basis  for  estimate.1  During  the  same  period 
the  ex-neophyte  Indian  population  decreased  from 
4,400  to  1,550,  the  latter  number  including  750  in 
town  and  on  the  ranchos,  in  addition  to  800  still  liv- 
ing in  the  ex-mission  communities.  Adding  the  totals 
of  population  for  the  three  districts  of  San  Diego, 
Los  Angeles,  and    Santa  Bdrbara,  we   find  that  in 

1  July  1834,  a  pop.  of  over  1,000  is  claimed  for  Sta  Barbara;  and  the  April 
padron  is  said  to  have  shown  940,  probably  including  Ind.  except  neophytes, 
and  perhaps  exaggerated  to  secure  an  ayuntamiento.  Le<j.  Rec.f  MS.,  ii.  58, 
241,  243.  The  padron  referred  to  is  in  St.  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  v.  45.  Dec.  31, 
1834,  a  padron  which  makes  the  pop.  792,  including  414  adults,  378  children, 
52  Ind.,  and  64  foreigners.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  P.  y  J.,  MS.,  vi.  1.  An 
undated  padron,  possibly  incomplete,  shows  a  pop.  of  014  souls  in  'the  port 
and  inmediaciones.'  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  135.  In  June  1841  there  were  262 
men  between  the  ages  of  18  and  60  years.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  P.  y  J.,  MS., 
iv.  13.  In  July  1834  there  were  9  Amer.  married  to  natives,  but  not  natural- 
ized. Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  lxxix.  112-13. 

(049) 


650  LOCAL  AXXALS  OF  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

Southern  California  the  gente  cle  razon  had  increased 
during  the  decade  from  2,310  to  2,850;  while  the 
christianized  Indians  had  decreased  from  9, GOO  to 
5,100,  of  which  latter  number  only  2,250  were  still 
living:  at  the  missions. 

Here  the  military  or  presidial  organization  of  early 
times  was  still  kept  up,  and  fragmentary  records 
appear  from  time  to  time  to  remind  us  of  the  old 
Spanish  forms,  though  never  sufficiently  complete  to 
afford  satisfactory  information  on  any  phase  of  the 
subject.     I  append  the  items  such  as  they  are.2     Jose 

2Sta  Barbara  military  items.  1831.  Lieut  Romualdo  Pacheco,  comman- 
dant; Alferez  Rod.  del  Pliego;  but  the  former  was  killed  and  the  latter  left 
Cal.  this  year.  Pay-roll  for  the  year  $9,029;  44  men,  22  invalidos,  8  artillery. 
$350  for  relief  of  the  troops  from  the  Ayacucho,  and  loan  from  James  Burke 
in  Oct.  and  Dec.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  ix.  50;  Pinto,  Doc,  MS.  i.  1832.  Capt, 
Jose  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega,  and  also  Lieut  Juan  M.  Ibarra  named  as  com- 
mandant. Dom.  and  Auast.  Carrillo  alfereces;  19  soldiers  named;  3  officers, 
33  men,  19  invalidos.  Pay-roll  for  5  months  $4,999.  1833.  Ibarra,  coman- 
dante;  capt.,  Guerra  y  Noriega;  alferez,  Domingo  Carrillo;  sub-comisario  sub- 
alterno,  Anastasio  Carrillo.  Pay-roll  for  the  year  $11,615;  3  officers,  32  men, 
G  aitill.,  5  Mazatecos.  In  his  account  of  Dec.  31st  A.  Carrillo  charges  him- 
self £0,710;  credits  $6,725.  Net  yield  of  post-office  $51;  stamped  paper  $27. 
Mission  supplies  for  the  year  $2,270.  The  comisario  at  Mont,  ordered  in 
Jan.  to  send  $2,000  for  Sta  B.  Complaints  of  destitution.  Sales  of  live- 
stock from  rancho  nacional  $075.  Some  orders  were  issued  by  Gov.  Figueroa 
at  Guerra's  request  on  the  restocking  of  the  rancho;  tithe  cattle  to  be  used  for 
this  purpose.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  177;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  53;  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  91-2;  Id.,  B.  M.,  Ixxvi.  12. 

1834.  Ibarra  comandante;  Anast.  Carrillo  habilitado.  2  officers,  33  men, 
18  invalidos,  5  artillery,  5  Mazatecos.  Pay-roll  for  the  year,  $10,071.  May, 
30  coats,  hats,  etc.,  and  72  shirts — probably  showing  the  company  to  number 
30  men — ordered  to  be  distributed.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  C.  <k  T.,  MS.,  iii. 
32-3.  April,  com.  calls  on  gov.  for  materials  to  repair  soldiers'  quarters,  in 
a  ruinous  condition.  Id.,  B.  M.,  lxxix.  54.  Efforts  to  obtain  a  loan  of  cattle 
from  the  missions  for  the  rancho  nacional.  Arch.  Arzob. ,  MS. ,  v.  pt  ii.  2.  Mo- 
rineau,  Notice,  148,  speaks  of  a  held  cultivated  for  the  soldiers' support.  1835. 
Ibarra  and  Carrillo  as  before,  the  latter  sometimes  as  acting  comandante.  2 
off.,  31-4  men,  16inval.,  sergeants  Tomas  Romero,  Juan  P.  Ayala,  and  Isidoro 
Guillen.  Pay-roll  for  1 1  months  $9,474.  Deducted  from  pay  for  montepio 
and  invalidos  $348.  Oct.,  aid  asked  for  a  capt.  of  artillery  with  a  corporal 
and  4  men  who  go  to  Sta  B.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  C.  <L-  T.,  MS.,  iii.  92.  Ac- 
tual payments  for  year  ending  July  1st,  $1,912,  leaving  due  the  comp.  $7,373. 
Id.,  Ben.  M.,  lxxxi.  2.  Supplies  from  pueblo  de  los  Berros,  $1,038.  Id. ,  Ben. 
P.  y  J.,  vi.  17.  1836.  Ibarra  com.  of  post;  Lieut  Domingo  Carrillo  com.  of 
the  comp.;  A.  Carrillo  habilitado.  3  off.,  29-32  men,  1G  inval.,  0  artill.,  9 
Mazatecos,  2d  alferez  Pablo  Pacheco.  Pay-roll  for  6  months  $5,103;  invali- 
dos for  the  year,  $1,560;  deduction  per  month  for  montepio  and  invalidos, 
$29. 

1837.  Jose"  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega,  comandante.  In  Guerra,  Doc,  MS., 
i.  131-4,  is  a  list  of  116  men,  among  whom  the  025  head  of  live-stock  at  S. 
Julian  rancho  should  be  distributed;  but  the  list  contains  many  names  of  men 
no  longer  in  the  company  or  at  Sta  13.     The  rancho  had  been  granted  by  Alva- 


MILITARY  ITEMS.  651 

de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega  was  nominally  captain  of  the 
presidial  company,  sometimes  acting  as  comandante, 
and  continuously  after  1837.  Lieut  Juan  M.  Ibarra 
of  the  Mazatlan  company  acted  as  comandante  in 
1833-6.  Domingo  and  Ana^tasio  Carrillo  were  the 
company  alfereces  down  to  183G,  when  the  former  be- 
came lieutenant,  and  Pablo  Pacheco  second  alferez. 
Later  Roberto  Pardo  and  Jose  Lusfo  held  these 
places,  and  Ignacio  del  Valle  appears  as  habilitado. 
Down  to  1836  the  cavalry  company  numbered  from 
40  to  30  rank  and  hie,  with  20  to  15  invalidos,  the 
pay-rolls  varying  from  $1,000  to  $600  per  month,  and 
there  being  generally  half  a  dozen  artillerymen  and  as 
many  Mazatecos  in  the  force.  In  later  years  the 
nominal  force  was  about  half  as  large,  but  in  both 
periods  more  than  half  the  men  were  not  actually 
serving  as  soldiers;  and  rarely  was  there  any  need 
of  their  services.  The  district  was  quietly  prosperous, 
but  the  appended  resume  of  events  is  hardly  more 
than  an  index  of  what  has  been  recorded  in  other 

rado  to  Guerra  y  Noriega.  Ingress  for  the  year,  $3,529;  paid  out  to  troops 
$3,238;  effects  in  store  May,  $308.  June  10th,  Jose  Ign.  Lugo  represents 
that  he  was  retired  from  mil.  service  30  years  ago  at  $8  per  month;  but  has 
never  received  a  cent.  Owes  $350  and  wants  it  paid  on  acct.  Gov.  replies 
that  he  must  present  his  acct  to  the  comisaria  '  when  established' !  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  lxxx.  81-2. 

1838.  Antonio  de  la  Guerra  named  as  comandante;  also  J.  M.  Villavicen- 
cio.  List  of  oiiicers  and  men  in  the  company  of  civic  militia.  Capt.  Valentin 
Cota,  lieut  Juan  P.  Ayala,  and  Roberto  Pardo,  Alf.  Jos6  Ant.  Olivera,  rank 
and  file  38  men.  Cota,  Doc,  MS.,  13.  1839.  Com.  Jose  de  la  Guerra  y  Nori- 
ega; also  Alf.  Roberto  Pardo.  Habilitado,  Alf.  Ignacio  del  Valle,  also  acting 
com.  Sergt  Jos6  Lugo  was  promoted  to  be  2d  alferez.  Anast.  Carrillo 
named  as  comisario  subalterno.  In  Soberanes,  Doc,  MS.,  14G,  is  mentioned 
a  cavalry  comp.  of  capt.,  alferez,  and  15  men,  whose  pay  amounts  to  $4G2  per 
month.  Other  reports  show  17-19  men  and  11-12  invalidos.  Pay-roll  for 
the  year,  $7,G30.  Jan.,  Lieut.  Octaviano  Gutierrez  reports  the  artillery  to 
be  7  guns,  2  of  them  G  pounders,  the  rest  4;  4  of  them  brass  and  3  iron;  4  of 
the  7  dismounted  or  useless.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxv.  11.  There  was  much 
discontent  respecting  the  distribution  of  mil.  funds  by  the  Mont,  authorities. 
In  Aug.  Guerra  says  the  artill.  comp.  has  received  nothing  since  he  was  in 
command.  Id.,  viii.  22,  17,  170,  205.  Five  recruits  called  for  from  Sta  B. 
Deft.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  5G-7.  1840.  Guerra  y  Noriega  com.,  Ignacio  del 
Valle  habilitado.  19  men  (one  report  says  32-3,  perhaps  including  invalidos). 
2d  alf.  Jos6  Lugo.  In  Aug.  G.  complains  that  the  comp.  is  reduced  to  8  or 
10  available  men,  and  there  arc  no  supplies  for  more.  Sub-lieut  Pardo  has 
been  long  away,  and  G.  is  incapacitated  by  age  and  infirmities.  Vallejo,  Do1., 
MS.,  ix.  224.  Complains  of  unjust  discrimination,  since  the  sub-prefect  gets 
his  salary  regularly.  Id.,  112.     Pay-roll  for  the  year  $8,457. 


652  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

chapters.3  Santa  Barbara  was  always  conservative  in 
politics,  taking  no  part  in  the  movement  of  1831 
against  Victoria,  but  supporting  in  the    interest   of 

3  Chronologic  summary  of  Santa  Barbara  events.  1831.  Jan.,  Gov.  Vic- 
toria here  on  his  way  north.  This  vol.,  p.  182.  March,  imprisonment  of  J. 
A.  Carrillo  from  Los  Angeles.  Id. ,  196.  Victoria's  last  visit  in  Nov.,  joined 
by  Capt.  Pacheco.  Id.,  '205.  A  forest  fire  on  the  hills  endangering  the  town, 
driving  the  people  to  the  beach,  covering  the  decks  of  vessels  with  cinders, 
but  turned  aside  by  the  green  vineyards  of  the  mission,  is  described  by  Rob- 
inson, Life  in  Cal.,  98. 

1832.  Jan.  1st,  adherence  to  the  S.  Diego  revolutionary  plan.  This  vol., 
p.  212.  Feb.-May,  action  of  Sta  B.  in  support  of  Zamorano  against  Echean- 
dfa.  Ibarra's  forces  in  possession.  Id.,  223-8.  Arrival  and  arrest  of  Capt. 
Sumner  of  the  Waverly.  Id.,  364. 

1833.  Marriage  of  Thos.  0.  Larkin  on  a  vessel  in  the  port.  Id.,  365,  408. 
Bandini's  efforts  in  congress  to  make  Sta  B.  a  puerto  menor.  The  port  is  de- 
scribed as  a  hot-bed  of  smuggling.  Id.,  369.  April,  pacification  of  Mex. 
celebrated  with  great  festivities.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS.,  lxxix.  31. 
May,  an  Ind.,  attempting  to  climb  the  flagstaff  to  arrange  the  halyards,  fell 
and  was  killed.   Id.,  28. 

1834.  Nothing  in  the  records.  1S35.  Career  of  the  convict  Badillo,  re- 
leased this  year.  This  vol.,  p.  16.  Foreigners  said  to  have  known  of  the 
Apalategui  revolt  at  Angeles  in  advance.  Id.,  285.  April,  sailing  of  Hijar, 
Padres,  and  the  other  prisoners.  Id. ,  288.  Oct.,  remains  of  Gov.  Figueroa 
deposited  in  the  mission  church.  Id.,  295.  Removal  of  the  Ind.  from  S.  Ni- 
colas Isl.  by  Sparks,  Williams,  and  others.  Nidever's  Life  and  Adven.,  MS., 
68-72;  and  many  newspaper  sketches  in  connection  with  accounts  of  the 
rescue  of  an  Ind.  woman  15  years  later.  R.  H.  Dana  arrived  here  in  Jan. ,  and 
often  visited  the  place  during  this  year  and  the  next,  his  adventures  being 
described  in  Iris  Two  Years  before  the  Mast,  63,  and  passim.  He  describes 
Sta  B.  as  'composed  of  one-story  houses  built  of  sun-baked  clay,  or  adobe, 
some  of  them  whitewashed,  with  red  tiles  on  the  roofs.  I  should  judge  that 
there  were  about  a  hundred  of  them;  and  in  the  midst  of  them  stands  the 
presidio,  or  fort,  built  of  the  same  materials  and  apparently  but  little  stronger. ' 
See  also  Robinson's  Life  in  Cal.,  40  et  seq.,  for  descriptions  and  views  which 
may  apply  to  Sta  B.  in  this — or  any  other  early  decade. 

1836.  April,  arrival  of  Gov.  Chico  from  Mex.  This  vol.,  p,  421.  June, 
oath  to  federalism.  Gov.  Chico's  visit  and  troubles  with  P.  Duran.  Id. ,  423, 
432-6.  Nov.-Dec,  news  of  Alvarado's  revolution.  Sta  B.  declines  to  join 
Los  Angeles  against  the  north.  Id.,  481-4,  491. 

1837.  Jan.,  Gov.  Alvarado  and  his  army  received  and  supported  by  the 
Barbarenos.  Id.,  491-3.  Garrison  from  Sta  B.  at  S.  Fernando.  Id.,  501. 
Feb.,  Alvarado's  return  from  the  south.  Id.,  503.  April,  session  of  the  dipu- 
tacion,  approving  Alvarado's  movement.  Id.,  506-7.  Pico  and  Osio  present 
themselves  with  a  new  plan.  Id.,  508.  Castro  and  his  force  come  here  from 
S.  Gabriel.  Id.,  510.  June-July,  return  of  the  gov.  from  the  north  in  con- 
sequence of  new  opposition  at  Angeles;  he  accepts  centralism,  which  is  ap- 
proved by  Sta  B. ;  meeting  of  the  diputacion.  Id.,  522-3,  526-32.  Dec,  the 
Barbarenos  refuse  to  support  Carlos  Carrillo;  Castro  in  command;  threatened 
attack  from  the  south.  Id.,  540-1,  549-50. 

1S38.  Jan.,  new  and  vain  attempts  of  Carrillo  to  obtain  support.  /(/., 
545-6.  March,  approach  of  Castaiieda  and  southern  army;  Castro  and  Alva- 
rado come  from  the  north;  campaign  of  S.  Buenaventura;  southern  prisoners 
at  Sta.  B.  Id.,  551-5.  May,  a  force  is  sent  to  Angeles,  and  Carrillo  with 
others  is  brought  back  as  a  prisoner.  Id.,  564-6.  Carrillo  escapes  in  Aug.  Id., 
569.  Nov. ,  arrival  of  Castillero  with  news  of  Alvarado's  confirmation  in  Mex. 
Id.,  574.     Dec,  S.  Diego  prisoners  brought  by  Castro.  Id.,  578.     Murder  of 


RECORD  OF  EVENTS.  653 

tranquillity  Zamorano's  cause  in  1832.  Political  and 
other  annals  of  1833-5  contain  nothing  notable;  but 
in  1836  the  policy  of  Governor  Chico  and  his  contro- 
versy with  Padre  Duran  created  an  excitement  among 
the  Barbarenos  that  had  much  effect  on  later  events. 
During  the  sectional  troubles  of  1837-8  this  town 
exercised  a  great  and  probably  controlling  influence. 
Through  the  efforts  of  Guerra  y  Noriega  and  Duran 
its  support  was  given  from  the  first  to  Alvarado;  and 
though  naturally  loyal  to  Mexico  and  averse  to  revo- 
lution, the  citizens  refused  to  aid  Los  Angeles  and 
San  Diego  in  their  factious  opposition  to  the  plan  of 
Monterey.  Nor  did  they  waver  in  their  support  of 
Alvarado,  even  when  Carlos  Carrillo,  one  of  the 
most  popular  of  their  number,  urged  his  claim  as 
governor.  When  these  troubles  were  at  an  end  the 
course  of  local  happenings  again  became  monotonous 
in  1839-40.  Captain  Guerra  y  Noriega,  like  Vallejo 
in  the  north,  had  hoped  for  a  restoration  of  the  old 
presidial  organizations,  but  the  hope  was  a  vain  one, 
and  the  aged  captain's  efforts  barely  kept  in  existence 
the  skeleton  of  his  garrison. 

The  municipal  records  of  Santa  Barbara  have  been 
for  the  most  part  lost,  so  that  respecting  the  pueblo 
government,  administration  of  justice,  criminal  cases, 
and  even  list  of  officers,  only  a  slight  record  can  be 
formed    from    miscellaneous    scattered    documents.4 

Capt.  Bancroft  by  Did.  at  Sta  Rosa  Isl.  Vol.  iv.,  p.  90-1.     Views  of  Sta  B.,  in 
Forbes*  Cal. 

1839.  Jan.,  Alvarado,  Vallejo,  and  the  southern  prisoners;  the  general's 
attempts  to  enforce  military  discipline.  Id.,  580-3.  May,  Lieut  Prado  and 
10  men  sent  to  maintain  order  at  Angeles.  Id.,  589.  Election;  Covarrubias 
elector  for  Sta  B.  Id. ,  590.  Complaints  respecting  the  distribution  of  reve- 
nues. Id.,  591-2.  June,  sub-prefect  can  find  no  pus  vacuno  to  vaccinate  Ind. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  v.  23.  Visit  of  a  British  explorer.  Belcher's  Voy., 
i.  320-2. 

1840.  Revelation  of  the  Carrillo  conspiracy.  This  vol.,  p.  606.  Arrest 
and  imprisonment  of  foreigners  in  connection  with  the  Graham  affair.  Vol. 
iv.,p.  14-17,28. 

*  Sta  Barbara  municipal  government  and  official  list.  1 831-2.  Alcaldes  Ra- 
fael Gonzalez,  Miguel  Valencia;  rcgidor  or  sindico  Jose"  Maria  Garcia.  Guerra, 
Doc,  MS.,  ii.  197;  Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  348;  Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.  Gov. 
Victoria  was  accused  of  having  suppressed  the  ayuntamiento.  This  vol.  p. 
202.     In  1S32  the  diputacion  left  Sta  B.  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  com. 


G54  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

The  successive  alcaldes,  or  justices  of  the  peace  from 
1839,  were  Rafael  Gonzalez,  Jose  Antonio  de  la 
Guerra,  Jose  Maria  Garcia,  Jose  Maria  Valenzuela, 

gen.  as  a  place  where  the  civil  govt  was  not  fully  organized — that  is,  was  dis- 
posed to  favor  Zamorano.  Id.,  218.  1833.  Alcalde,  or  judge  of  1st  instance, 
Jose"  Antonio  de  la  Guerra.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  90;  Id.,  Ben.,  P.  y  J., 
iii.  77.  Valentin  Cota  juez  anxiliar.  Carrillo,  Doc,  MS.,  112.  In  April, 
Gov.  Figueroa  states  that  Sta  B.  has  no  ayunt.  or  constitutional  alcalde.  The 
so-called  alcalde,  or  his  place,  was  created  by  the  dip.  without  formalities  of 
law,  and  he  is  merely  a  juez  conciliador.  He  asks  the  opinion  of  Asesor 
Gomez,  who  replies  that  to  decide  the  appointment  illegal  under  the  Span, 
laws  and  to  put  the  citizens  under  military  rule  would  open  political  wounds 
not  yet  healed.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS.,  lxxvi.  6-9.  Jose"  M,  Maldonado 
was  receptor  in  charge  of  the  revenues  from  this  year.  This  vol.  p.  377. 

1834.  Alcalde  Jose'  M.  Garcia  (several  references  for  different  months). 
In  Aug.  the  dip.  voted  to  create  an  ayunt.  with  alcalde,  4  regidores,  and  sin- 
dico,  after  discussion  and  the  receipt  of  petitions.  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  ii.  183-9; 
this  vol.  p.  249-50.  In  July  the  extent  of  the  alcaldia  was  given  as  from  S. 
Fernando  to  Purisima,  55  1.  from  east  to  west,  and  25  1.  north  to  south.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS.,  lxxix.  87.  1835.  Alcalde  Jose  Maria  Valenzuela. 
Oct.  12th,  election  of  Rafael  Gonzalez  declared  null  by  Jose-  Castro.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  31.  Carmen  Dominguez  juez  de  campo.  No  trace  of 
the  ayunt.  as  provided  by  the  dip.  Wm  G.  Dana  was  perhaps  captain  of  the 
port  in  these  years.  Benito  Diaz  succeeded  Maldonado  as  receptor  by  appoint- 
ment of  July  3d,  salary  8400.  Id.,  Ben.,  Cust.-II.,  vii.  10,  14;  viii.  14.  1S38. 
Alcalde  Wm.  G.  Dana.  James  Burke  in  July  wished  to  be  excused  from  serv- 
ing as  regidor.  Leg.  Bee.,  MS.,  iii.  27.  Diaz  suspended  in  Dec.  as  receptor. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  Cust.-II.,  MS.,  iv.  1.  1837.  Alcalde  Diego  Oli vera; 
regidor  -  Santiago  Lugo.  Jose"  Ant.  de  la  Guerra  was  capt.  of  the  port;  and 
Diaz,  notwithstanding  his  suspension,  still  served  as  receptor.  1838.  Alcalde 
Diego  Olivera;  sindico  Ramon  Valdes.  Munic.  receipts,  taverns  at  4  reals  per 
month,  stores,  $1,  billiards,  otter-skins,  $159,  liquors,  $64,  fines,  $4,  lots  and 
brands,  $4,  total,  $232;  expend.,  secretary's  pay  at  $15  per  month,  $123, 
sacristan,  $S7,  church  and  office  expenses,  $22,  total,  $232.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.,  P.  y  J.,  MS.,  ii.  26-30. 

1839.  Sta  B.  made  cabecera  of  2d  partido  of  2d  district.  This  vol.  p.  585. 
Sub-prefect,  appointed  in  April,  Raimuudo  Carrillo,  salary,  $365;  Sec.  Fran- 
cisco Castillo,  who  resigned  in  Aug.  Alcalde  Antonio  Rodriguez,  sindico 
Vicente  Valencia.  These  were  elected  for  the  year;  but  under  the  prefecture 
system  from  April  there  were  appointed  as  jueces  de  paz,  Jose"  Maria  Rojo 
and  Antonio  Rodriguez,  the  latter  becoming  1st  juez  on  Rojo's  removal  in 
July.  Pedro  Cordero  was  appointed,  probably  at  the  same  time,  as  2d  juez, 
oi-  suplente.  Manuel  Lorenzana  served  as  alguacil  at  $5  per  month.  Jose  Ant. 
dc  la  Guerra  was  still  capt.  of  the  port  at  $30  (or  $50).  Diego  Olivera  was 
made  tithe-collector  in  Dec.  Munic.  receipts  and  expend.,  $330.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  31-2.  May  31st,  sub-prefect's  decree  with  munic.  regu- 
lations in  23  articles.  Id.,  Ben.,  P.  y  J.,  v.  9-10.  June,  juez  orders  eoman- 
dante  to  remove  the  slaughter-pen  from  the  Arroyo  de  la  Vina,  as  a  nuisance, 
lie  may  put  it  on  the  beach  toward  the  Castillo,  or  north  of  the  town.  Sta 
Ii.  Arch.,  MS.,  5-7.  This  order  caused  a  controversy,  and  after  reference  to 
the  govt,  Capt.  Guerra  seems  to  have  had  his  own  way.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
iv.  258-71.  July,  a  2d  Bindico  appointed.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  xi.  9. 
Judicial  cases  must  be  referred  to  Los  Angeles.  Id.,  v.  93.  Business  is 
stopped  because  the  juez  can  find  no  competent  secretary.  Sta  B.  Arch.,  MS. , 
11,  13.  In  July  there  was  a  controversy  between  the  civil  and  military  au- 
thorities. Jose  Andrade  was  arrested  for  debt,  and  brought  before  the  juez  de 
paz;  but  Capt.  Guerra  claimed  that  the  man  was  his  servant,  and  as  such 


MUNICIPAL  AFFAIRS.  655 

William  G.  Dana,  Diego  Olivera,  Antonio  Rodriguez, 
Jose  Maria  Rojo,  and  Jose  Antonio  Olivera.  In  the 
early  years  of  the  decade  there  seems  to  have  been 
much  doubt  respecting  the  legality  of  the  civil  gov- 
ernment and  the  exact  extent  of  military  jurisdiction. 
In  1834,  on  petition  of  the  citizens,  the  diputacion 
voted  to  give  the  town  a  regular  ayuntamiento;  but 
the  only  evidence  that  such  a  body,  existed  in  1835-8 
is  the  occasional  mention  of  a  regidor  or  sindico.  In 
1839  Santa  Barbara  was  made  a  partido  of  the  second 
prefectura,  and  Raimundo  Carrillo  served  as  sub-pre- 
fect this  year  and  the  next.  About  twenty  ranchos 
were  granted  to  private  ownership  during  the  dec- 
ade,5 but  beyond  the  dates  of  concession  and  names 

entitled  to  the  military  fuero,  and  finally  took  him  by  force  from  the  civil 
custody.  After  much  trouble  at  home  the  matter  was  referred  to  Monterey 
and  Sonoma,  where  the  final  decision  was  rendered  in  favor  of  the  captain, 
and  Justice  Rojo  lost  his  place.  The  justice  of  the  decision  may  be  questioned, 
since  Andrade  seems  to  have  been  only  nominally,  and  to  a  very  slight  ex- 
tent a  servant.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vii.  301,  305-9,  409,  41G;  viii.  32;  StaB. 
Arch.,  MS.,  7-9;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  273-4;  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv. 
1029-31. 

1840.  Sub-prefect  Raimundo  Carrillo.  Jueces  de  paz,  Antonio  Rodriguez 
and  Pedro  Cordero,  resigning  in  Feb.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  P.  y  J.,  MS.,  vi. 
60;  but  Joaquin  Carrillo  is  also  named  in  Jan.  Id.,  Aug.,  iv.  17,  19.  Jose" 
Ant.  Olivera  and  Ramon  Vald6s  appointed  in  April  or  May.  Id.,  xii.  28,  31; 
Id.,  Ben.,  P.  y  J.,  vi.  09;  and  served  for  rest  of  year.  Smdico  (?),  treasurer, 
or  depositario,  Juan  Camarillo,  succeeded  by  Jacinto  Lorenzana;  sec,  Fran. 
Castillo,  and  later  Manuel  Ponce  de  Leon.  Munic.  receipts  for  the  year 
$662.75,  expend.  SGGG.50.  Id.,  Aug.,  iii.  G3,  with  monthly  accts  in  Id.,  iv. 
passim.  Jan.,  a  woman  for  abandoning  her  husband  was  ordered  put  in  irons 
or  a  corona,  pending  investigation,  there  being  no  secure  place  of  confinement. 
Sta  B.  Arch,.,  MS.,  13.  Feb. -April,  Narciso  Fabregat  and  other  traders  ask 
that  either  the  order  closing  shops  on  feast-days  be  enforced  or  repealed,  since 
many  open  their  shops  on  pretence  of  living  there.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v. 
1,  54.  June,  sub-prelect  ordered  to  exile  a  woman  living  in  concubinage.  Id., 
Ang.,  i.  1.  Oct.,  the  Sonoran  Jesus  ValdCs,  or  El  Tuerto,  killed  by  Jose  M. 
Losaga.   Los  Ang.  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  221-2. 

5  Private  ranchos  of  Sta  Barbara  district  (included  with  those  of  Los  An- 
geles in  earlier  decades).  See  Hoffman's  Reports.  Those  marked  with  a  * 
were  rejected  by  the  land  com.  or  U.  S.  courts.  Alamos,  granted  in  1839  to 
Josj  de  la  Guerra,  who  was  the  claimant.  Calleguas,  1837,  Jos6  Pedro  Ruiz; 
G.  Ruiz  et  al.  cl.  Casinalia,  21.,  1840,  Antonio  Olivera,  who  was  cl.  Cone  jo, 
still  in  possession  of  Capt.  Guerra y  Noriega.  Guadalasca,  183G,  Isabel  Yoiba, 
who  was  cl.  Jesus  Maria,  1837,  Lucas  Olvera  et  al. ;  L.  T.  Burton  et  al.  cl. 
Lompoc,  38,000  acres,  1837,  Joaquin  and  Jose  A.  Carrillo,  who  were  cl.  Nipo- 
mo,  15  1.,  1837,  Wm  G.  Dana,  who  was  cl.  Ojai,  1837,  Fernando  Tic6,  who 
was  cl.  Pozas,  0  1.,  1834,  J.  Carrillo;  Jos6  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega  cl.  Punta 
de  Concepcion,  1837,  A.  Carrillo,  who  was  cl.  Refugio,  G  1.,  Ant.  M.  Ortega 
et  al.,  who  were  cl.  Rincon,  1  1.,  1835,  Teodoro  Arellanes,  who  was  cl.  Saca, 
1838,  Antonio;  Antoniade  la  Guerra  de  Lataillade  cl.  Rio  de  Sta  Clara,  1837, 
Valentin   Cota,  who  was  cl.     San  Julian,  G  1.,    1837,  Geo.    Rock,  only  a 


656  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

of  owners,  we  have  no  details  of  what  the  occupants 
were  doing.  It  is  noticeable  that  none  of  the  titles 
were  rejected  in  the  litigation  of  later  times.  Sir 
James  Douglas  in  1840  wrote  of  Santa  Barbara  as  a 
larger  town  than  Monterey,  estimating  the  annual 
exports  of  hides  and  tallow  at  $25,000. 

Santa  Barbara  mission  remained  in  charge  of  Padre 
Antonio  Jimeno  until  late  in  1840,  with  Padre 
Narciso  Duran  as  associate  from  the  end  of  1833. 
Antonio  Menendez,  the  Dominican  chaplain  of  the 
presidio,  was  buried  at  the  mission  in  April  1832. 
The  neophyte  population,  711  in  1830,  decreased  to 
556  in  1834,  the  year  of  secularization.  In  1836 
it  was   480;  and  in   1840   not  more  than   250.6     In 

*  dummy' for  Capt.  Guerra  y  Noriega,  who  was  cl.  San  Pedro,  1  1.,  1838, 
Joseph  Chapman,  whose  heirs  were  cl.  Santa  Ana,  1837,  Crisogono  Ayala, 
et  al.,  who  were  cl.  Santa  Clara,  or  El  Norte,  1837,  Juan  Sanchez,  who  was 
cl.  Santa  Cruz  Isl.,  1839,  Andres  Castillero,  who  was  cl.  Santa  Rosa,  3^  1., 
1839,  Francisco  Cota;  M.  J.  Olivera  de  Cotacl.  Sespe,  or  San  Cayetano,  61., 
Carlos  Ant.  Carrillo,  who  was  cl.  The  original  grant  was  for  2  1. ,  which  was 
fraudulently  changed  to  6  1. ;  but  the  courts  finally  cut  it  down.  See  S.  F. 
Bulletin,  Oct.  10,  1878.  Simi,  formerly  occupied  by  the  Picos.  In  1831,  Rom- 
ualdo  Pacheco  was  granted  the  use  of  a  portion.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  29- 
30.  Sisquoc,  1833,  Maria  Ant.  Caballero;  James  B.  Huie  cl.  Tepusquet,  2 
1.,  1837.  Tomas  Olivera;  A.  M.  Cota  et  al.  cl.  Tinaguaic,  2  1.,  1837,  Victor 
Linares;  WmD.  Foxen  cl. 

GSta  Barbara  statistics  of  1831-4.  Decrease  in  pop.  711  to  556.  Baptisms 
80  children;  largest  no.  29  in  1831;  smallest  16*  in  1834.  Deaths  200.  In- 
crease in  large  stock  3,259  to  3,819;  decrease  in  horses  and  mules  759  to  419; 
sheep  3,480  to  2,700.  Largest  crop  3,700  bush,  in  1834;  smallest  2,700  in  1832; 
average  2,400,  of  which  1,476  wheat,  yield  7  fold,  435  barley  12  fold,  405  maize 
47  fold,  57  beans  12  fold. 

Statistics  of  1834-40.  Inventory  of  March  1834,  credits  $14,953,  build- 
ings $22,936,  furniture,  tools,  goods  in  storehouse,  vineyards,  orchards,  cor- 
rals, and  animals  $19,590,  church  $16,000,  sacristy  $1,500,  church  ornaments, 
etc.,  $4,576,  library  $152,  ranchos  $30,961  (S.  Antonio  $9,421,  Dos  Pueblos 
$12,055,  S.  Marcos  $6,111,  Sta  Cruz  $1,650,  S.  Jose"  $1,050,  Guyzapa  $674), 
total  $113,960,  or  less  debt  of  $1,000,  $112,900.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vi.  49- 
50.  Monthly  wages  to  mission  employes,  priest  $125,  teacher  $83,  1st  major- 
domo  $40,  2d  id.  $17,  expense  of  worship  $41,  10  servants  at  $6,  $60,  total 
$307.  1S35-6.  Pop.  506,  481,  baptisms  9,  13,  marriages  5,  3,  deaths  50,  2,1. 
March  1835.  Inventory  of  church,  etc.,  agreeing  with  that  cited  above,  ex- 
cept that  8  bells  are  valued  at  $3,290.  Id.,  v.  46-7.  Of  the  effects  of  1834 
$2,484  had  been  distrib.  among  the  Ind.  Id.  1838.  Live  stock  of  all  kinds 
1,212  animals.  Detailed  inventory  of  property  as  turned  over  by  Carrillo  to 
Cota.  Receipts  Jan. -March  $509,  expend.  $324.  Salaries,  padres  $1,500, 
surgeon  Nicolas  $100,  admin.  Cota  $480,  majordomo  Valenzuela  $240,  clerk 
Ponce  de  Leon  $120,  corporal  Vicente  $144,  sacristan  Lino  $72,  blacksmith 
$120,  total  per  year  $3,276.  //.,  viii.  6-8.  1839.  Pop.  246  according  to  Hart- 
nell's  report.  Diarlo*  MS.    ooo  by  a  report  in  St,  Pap.,  Jliss.,  viii.  1,  which 


MISSION  SANTA  BARBARA.  657 

cattle  there  was  a  slight,  gain  down  to  1834,  and  good 
crops  were  harvested  to  the  last;  even  after  the  sec- 
ularization a  considerable  degree  of  prosperity  in  live- 
stock and  agriculture  is  indicated  by  Hartnell's  statis- 
tics of  1839.  The  buildings  were  also  kept  in  better 
condition  that  at  most  other  establishments.  Alferez 
Anastasio  Carrillo  was  the  comisionado  to  secularize 
Santa    Barbara/  and    the    successive    administrators 

must  include  scattered  Ind.  Cattle  1,770,  horses  609,  sheep  2,250,  mules  30, 
asses  4,  goats  22,  70  hides  and  sides  of  leather,  40  parchments,  42  salted 
skins,  150  cheeses,  59  arr.  tallow,  188  arr.  iron,  grain  sown  33  fan.  wheat,  6 
fan.  barley,  3  fan.  maize.  Hartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  88.  Feb.  27th,  account  of 
supplies  to  govt  since  1837,  total  amount  $4,300,  on  which  is  credited  $740. 
St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  vi.  25.  1840.  Due  the  mission  from  Scott,  Thompson,  Cot, 
and  Park,  $1,479.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxiii.  12;  Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  47- 
51. 

General  statistics  of  1786-1834,  the  whole  period  of  mission  history.  To- 
tal no.  of  baptisms  5,679,  of  which  2,490  Ind.  adults,  2,168  Ind.  children, 
1,021  children  de  razon;  average  per  year  116.  Marriages  1,524,  of  which 
200  gente  de  razon;  average  31.  Deaths  4,046,  of  which  2,446  adult  Ind., 
1,2S8  Ind.  children,  160  and  152  gente  de  razon;  average  among  neophytes 
77;  death  rate  8.03  per  cent  of  pop.  Largest  pop.  1,792  in  1803.  Males  in 
excess  of  females  except  in  1801t-10.  .Children  from  \  to  \  in  earlier  years, 
later  \  to  J.  Largest  no.  of  cattle  5,200  in  1809;  horses  1,337  in  1816;  mules 
340  in  1823,  asses  1  to  3  each  year;  sheep  11,006  in  1804;  goats  200  in  1792 
and  1820;  swine  200  in  1823;  all  kinds  10,090  in  1809.  Total  product  of  wheat 
152,797  bush.,  yield  14  fold;  barley  24,733  bush.,  17  fold;  maize  19,084  bush., 
72  fold;  beans  2,458  bush.,  11  fold. 

7  Summary  of  Sta  13.  mission  annals.  1833.  P.  Duran  favors  the  partial, 
or  experimental  secularization.  This  vol.,  335.  1834.  Anastasio  Carrillo  comi- 
sionado, with  Jose  M.  Garcia  as  majordomo,  at  $40  per  month,  and  Leandro 
Gonzalez  as  maj.  de  campo  at  $10.50  from  October.  Id.,  346.  In  Nov.  Car- 
rillo complains  that  the  funds  are  not  sufficient  to  pay  the  expense  of  $367  per 
month,  and  says  the  padres  will  perform  the  teacher's  duties  for  a  small  fee.  St. 
Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  32-3.  In  Nov.  P.  Uria  of  S.  Buenaventura  was  buried 
here.  Sta  B.  Lib.  Mis.,  MS.,  37.  1835.  Garcia  was  left  in  charge  from  June 
1st  by  the  comisionado,  at  $50,  Raimundo  Carrillo  being  llavero  and  clerk  at 
$30.  Id.,  24-5,  27-8,  30-1.  Mariano  Bonilla  had  been  appointed  teacher  at 
$1,000,  but  there  were  difficulties  about  his  salary,  and  also  about  his  sup- 
posed connection  with  the  colony  revolt.  Id.,  26,  28,  32-3.  1836.  Raimundo 
Carrillo  succeeded  Garcia  as  administrator  on  June  20th.  Id.,  vii.  53.  1837.  In 
Dec.  Carrillo  writes  that  he  has  broken  up  a  place  where  Manuel  Gonzalez 
sold  liquor  to  the  Ind.  There  are  other  offenders  of  the  same  stamp  who 
hinder  progress  at  the  mission,  and  he  desires  the  commandant  to  interfere. 
Cota,  Doc,  MS.,  9-12.  1838.  Oct.  13th  Carrillo  turned  over  the  estate  to 
Manuel  Cota,  under  whom  Manuel  Ponce  de  Leon  served  as  clerk  at  $12,  and 
Jos6  M.  Valenzuela  as  majordomo.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  viii.  6-8;  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  287.  In  March  Carrillo  complains  that  the  troops  are  kill- 
ing cattle,  and  is  told  by  the  comandante  that  Castro  had  authorized  the  offi- 
cers to  kill  all  the  cattle  needed  without  asking  permission  of  the  adminis- 
trator. St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vi.  26.  In  July  the  Ind.  demanded  clothing 
and  the  yield  of  the  fisheries,  else  they  would  not  work.  Id. ,  ix.  38.  1839. 
Cota  still  in  charge  though  suspended  temporarily  in  July;  also  Valenzuela; 
but  Ponce  de  Leon  was  replaced  by  Antonio  Garraleta  in  April.  P.  de  L. 
writes  to  Hartnell  to  complain  about  his  pay.  Vallejo,  Doc,  xxxii.  287. 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    42 


G58  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

Were  Jose  M.  Garcia  in  1835-6,  Raimundo  Carrillo 
in  1 830-8,  Manuel  .  Cota  in  1838-9,  and  Leandro 
Gonzalez  from  1840.  In  1837-8  the  support  of  Al- 
varado's  army  was  a  heavy  tax  on  the  mission  re- 
sources; yet  as  we  have  seen  these  resources  were  by 
no  means  exhausted.  There  was  trouble  in  1839  with 
Cota,  who  was  opposed  by  the  padres  and  Indians 
and  was  suspended  by  Visitador  Hartnell,  after  which 
for  a  time  at  least  the  neophytes  became  more  con- 
tented and  industrious  under  Father  Duron's  super- 
vision. 

Father  Suner  of  San  Buenaventura  died  at  his  post 
in  1831,  and  his  associate  Father  Uria  died  in  1834; 
but  Bias  Ordas  had  come  to  this  mission  in  May  1833, 
and  his  ministry  continued  till  1838;  while  Buenaven- 
tura Fortuni,  coming  in  the  middle  of  1837,  served  until 
his  death  in  1840.  Padre  Antonio  Jimeno  served 
temporarily  during  Fortuni's  illness,  and  seems  to 
have  become  the  regular  minister  at  the  end  of  1840.8 

Feb.  6th  an  ex-neophyte  applies  to  com.  gen.  for  a  renewal  of  his  certificate 
of  emancipation  obtained  from  Gov.  Figueroa,  but  since  lost.  Id.,  vi.  1232. 
Feb.  18th,  Cota  urges  the  gov.  to  restore  the  live-stock  taken  during  the 
late  wars.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  3S-9.  July,  visit  of  Hartnell  1st  to  15th. 
He  found  the  accounts  in  bad  condition  and  the  Ind.  much  dissatisfied  with 
Cota's  management;  and  he  finally  suspended  the  administrator,  who  was  ac- 
cused of  cruelty  to  the  Ind.  and  insolence  to  Uuran,  and  was  also  disrespect- 
ful to  H.,  who  resisted  Cota's  respectful  petition  to  be  reinstated,  advising  the 
govt  against  it.  Duran  was  authorized  to  expend  $500  for  clothing  for  the  Ind. 
Diario,  MS.,  3-4,  11-12,  14,  41-2,  78-S2,  88-9.  July  8th,  original  letter  from 
a  neophyte  complaining  of  the  alcaldes.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  viii.  6.  July 
10th,  Hartnell  to  Duran  explaining  that  he  has  suspended  Cota  and  put  affairs 
in  charge  of  the  alcaldes  under  D.'s  direction.  D.  replies  that  he  will  aid  by 
advice  and  to  protect  the  Ind.,  but  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  tem- 
poral administration.  'The  old  times  have  gone  by  never  to  return.'  Arch. 
Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  919.  July  18th,  govt  approve  H.'s  conduct.  Id:,  921.  Oct. 
25th,  Duran  to  Hartnell  on  petty  details  of  mission  affairs.  He  seems  to 
represent  the  Ind.  as  doing  much  better  without  the  administrator.  Id. ,  951. 
Nov.  18th,  Cota  seems  to  write  as  admin.  He  says  the  mission  has  long  de- 
pended on  manufactures  rather  than  stock-raising  and  agriculture.  St.  Pap., 
Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  39.  1840.  Feb.  15th,  P.  Duran  urges  the  appointment  of  an 
administrator.  Arch.  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  1017;  and  Leandro  Gonzalez  is  appointed 
at  $1,000  from  May  15th.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  viii.  0;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug., 
MS.,  xii.  33.  Hartnell's  second  visit  was  from  Aug.  27th  to  Sept.  7th,  but 
there  is  nothing  in  the  records  respecting  his  acts  or  the  condition  of  affairs. 
Ho,  MS.,  15-1G.  Dec.  18th,  P.  Fortuni  of  8.  Buenaventura  buried  here. 
Sta  B.  Lib.  Mis.,  38. 

8  Francisco  Suiier  was  born  in  Jan.  1758,  at  Olot,  Cataluiia,  taking  the 


SAN  BUENAVENTURA.  G59 

The  falling-of?  in  neophyte  population  down  to  1834, 
when  there  were  G26  in  the  community,  was  much 
less  marked  than  in  the  past  decade;  and  in  live- 
stock there  was  an  actual  gain,  agricultural  operations 
being  also  moderately  successful  to  the  end.     After 

Franciscan  habit  at  Barcelona  on  April  14,  1779.  Here  he  served  from  1800 
as  predicador  conventual  and  as  conrisario  visitador  of  the  3d  order.  Leaving 
Cadiz  in  April,  1804,  he  reached  the  Mexican  college  in  July,  and  in  1S0S 
came  to  Cal.  His  missionary  service  was  at  S.jCarlos  in  1808-9,  San  Juan 
Capistrano  in  1809-13,  San  Luis  Rey  in  1814-1G,  Sta  Barbara  in  1S10-23,  and 
S.  Buenaventura  in  1823-31.  He  was  rated  by  his  superiors  as  of  medium 
ability.  Autobiog.  Autog.  de  los  Padres,  MS.;  Payeras,  Inf.  de  1820,  MS.,  128; 
Sarria,  Inf.  sobre  Frailes,  1817,  MS.,  50-1.  He  was  a  preacher  of  more  than 
ordinary  eloquence,  but  his  usefulness  as  a  missionary  was  seriously  impaired 
by  his  broken  health,  on  account  of  which  he  made  frequent  efforts  from  1S14 
to  obtain  a  passport  for  retirement,  and  which  probably  had  much  to  do  with 
a  brusque  manner  and  irritable  temperament  that  made  him  generally  un- 
popular. From  1824  he  was  blind.  He  took  the  oath  of  republican  alle- 
giance in  1820.  His  death  occurred  on  Jan.  17.  1831,  and.  he  was  buried  next 
day  in  the  S.  Buenaventura  church.  S.  Buen.,  Lib.  Mis.,  MS.,  25,*G7. 

Francisco  Javier  de  la  Concepcion  Uria  was  born  May  10,  1770,  at  2  p.  m. 
at  Aizarna,  villa  de  Sta  Cruz  de  Cestona,  province  of  Guipiizcoa,  Spain.  In 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  1-3,  I  have  his  original  certificate  of  baptism.  He 
became  a  Franciscan  Jan.  13,  1789,  at  S.  Sebastian;  left  Cadiz  May  8,  1795;  and 
came  to  Cal.  in  1797.  After  serving  at  S.  Fernando  in  1797-1805,  he  retired 
to  his  college,  but  came  back  at  the  end  of  1807,  serving  at  Sta  Cruz  in  1808, 
Sta  Ines  in  1808-24,  Soledad  in  1824-8,  and  S.  Buenaventura  in  1828-34. 
Accredited  by  his  superiors  with  distinguished  merit  and  ability.  Autobio<f. 
Autog.,  MS.;  Sarria,  Inf.,  1817,  MS.,  51-2;  Payeras,  Inf.,  1820,  MS.,  129; 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS  ,  x.  444.  Padre  Uria  was  stout  in  physique,  jolly  in 
manner,  addicted  to  pleasantries  and  jokes,  indulging  sometimes  in  coarse 
language,  kinddiearted  and  well  liked  though  at  times  very  quick-tempered. 
He  was  an  excellent  manager  of  temporal  affairs,  and  was  noted  for  his  gen- 
erosity, especially  to  the  Indians.  Some  of  his  letters  are  found  in  Gnerm, 
Doc,  MS.,  ii.  155  et  seq. ,  besides  business  letters  in  other  archives.  Vald^s, 
Mt  m. ,  MS. ,  7-9,  has  something  to  say  of  him,  and  also  Osio,  Hist.  Cal. ,  MS. ,  G2. 
From  1817  he  was  anxious  to  retire,  but  could  not  get  his  passport,  though  in 
1820  he  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.  In  his  last  illness  he  went  to 
Sta  Barbara,  where  he  died  at  the  house  of  Capt.  Guerra  in  Nov.  or  Dec. 
1834  and  was  buried  in  the  vault  of  the  mission  church  by  P.  Jimeno.  Sta  B., 
Lib.  Mis.,  US.,  37. 

Buenaventura  Fortuni,  or  more  correctly  Fortuny,  as  he  usually  wrote  it, 
was  born  at  Moster,  Cataluna,  in  Feb.  1774,  and  took  the  habit  at  Reus  Oct. 
30,  1792.  He  left  Cadiz  in  May  1803,  and  came  to  Cal.  in  180G.  His  minis- 
try was  at  S.  Jose"  in  180G-25,  S.  Antonio  in  1825-G,  S.  Francisco  Solano  in 
1S2G-33,  S.  Luis  Rey  in  1833-G,  and  S.  Buenaventura  in  1837-40.  His  superi- 
ors pronounced  him  an  able,  zealous,  and  faithful  missionarv.  Autobiog.  A  utog. 
de  los  Padres,  MS.;  Sarria,  Inf.,  1817,  MS.,  70-1;  Payeras,  Inf.,  18 JO,  MS., 
p.  139.  Valdes,  Mem.,  MS.,  9,  describes  the  padre  as  of  medium  height  and 
spare.  He  was  a  quiet  unobtrusive  man,  careful  in  temporal  management, 
moderate  in  his  views  and  expressions,  strict  in  religious  duties,  but  indul- 
gent to  the  Indians,  and  noted  for  his  charitable  disposition.  In  182G  he  re- 
fused to  take  the  oath,  but  was  respectful  and  obedient  to  the  government. 
Like  Uria  he  came  to  Sta  Barbara  in  his  last  days,  and  died  at  the  residence 
of  Jose  Ant.  Aguirre  on  Dec.  1G,  1840.  St.  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  ix.  49.  His  re- 
mains were  deposited  in  the  mission  vault  on  the  18th.  Sta  £.,  Lib.  Mis., 
MS.,  38. 


660  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

secularization  the  decline  was  not  rapid,  there  being 
a  gain  in  horses,  a  loss  of  only  about  50  per  cent  in 
herds  and  flocks,  and  a  succession  of  good  crops  at 
Santa  Paula  rancho  down  to  the  end  of  the  decade, 
when  there  were  still  about  250  Indians  in  the  com- 
munity with  perhaps  as  many  more  scattered  in  the 
district.9  The  records  of  secularization  are  very 
slight,  but  it  was  not  effected  until  the  spring  of  1837 
by  Carlos  Carrillo  as  comisionado  under  appointment 
of  the  preceding  year.  Carrillo  was  called  awa}7  by 
his  contest  for  the  governorship,  and  in  1838-40  Ra- 
fael Gonzalez  was  in  charge  as  majordomo  and  ad* 

9S.  Buenaventura  statistics  of  1831-4.  Decrease  of  pop.  726  to  626.  Bap- 
tisms, 71;  largest  no.,  21  in  1834;  smallest,  12  in  1833.  Deaths,  158;  great- 
est no.,  51  in  1832;  smallest,  30  in  1834.  Increase  in  large  stock,  4,800  to 
5,140;  horses  and  mules,  360  to  640;  decrease  in  sheep,  3, 350  to '2, 850.  Larg- 
est crop,  2,925  bush,  in  1834;  smallest,  1,525  bush,  in  1833;  average.  2,352,  of 
which  1,050  wheat,  yield  6  fold;  600  barley,  18  fold;  525  corn,  31  fold;  178 
beans,  14  fold. 

Statistics  of  1835-40.  Baptisms,  126;  marriages,  50.  Feb.  2S,  1837, 
credits  $4,475,  debts  $4,215.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  vii.  67.  1838.  Income, 
810,496,  expend.  $9,543.  Total  receipts  for  cattle,  liquors,  manufactures, 
etc.,  $9,541;  support  of  Ind.  $2,316.  Credits  at  end  of  year  $13,925,  debts 
$1,163.  Income  for  Dec.  $3,386,  expend.  $421.  Id.,  viii.  8-12.  1839.  Re- 
ceipts Jan. -March,  $6,584,  expend.  $570.  Id.  Property  in  June,  5,587  ani- 
mals, 180  hides,  409  arr.  tallow,  532  fan.  grain,  $219  soap.  Id.,  vii.  4-5. 
Hartnell's  inventory  in  July,  2,208  cattle,  1,670  sheep,  799  horses,  35  mules, 
15  asses,  65  goats,  320  fan.  wheat,  182  fan.  corn,  30  fan.  pease,  180  hides,  394 
arr.  tallow,  15  arr.  lard,  5  bbls  brandy,  13  bbls  wine,  163  arr.  iron,  $219  soap. 
Debts  about  $3,000.  Pop.  263  in  community  and  22  with  license.  Diar'/o, 
MS.,  77-8,  87-8.  Ace.  to  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  viii.  1,  the  pop.  was  457, 
probably  including  many  scattered  Ind.  in  the  district.  Inventory  of  Dec. 
Id.,  viii.  9.  Debts  incurred  May  1838  to  June  1839,  $465;  credits  $1,005. 
Id.,  vii.  5.  1840.  Receipts  Aug.  1839  to  July  31,  1840,  $6,830;  expend., 
$6,737.  Debts  Aug.  25th,  $4,918.  Id.,  vi.  5-6;  Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  83.  Debts 
Aug.  25th,  $7,227.  Id.,  47-51;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxiii.  12.  The  chief 
creditors  were  Con cepcion  Arguello  $1,000,  P.  Fortuni  $1,983,  Aguirre  $1,843, 
Scott  $779,  and  Thompson,  $447.  Inventory  in  Dec,  5,907  animals,  other 
property  about  as  in  June.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vii.  4-5.  Receipts  Sept.  and 
Nov.,  $431,  $735;  expend.,  $402,  $970.  Id.,  ix.  48-52. 

Statistics  of  1782-1834,  the  whole  period  of  the  mission's  annals.  Total  of 
baptisms  3,876,  of  which  1,896  Ind.  adults,  1,909  Ind.  children,  4  and  67  de 
razon;  annual  average  54.  Marriages  1,107,  of  which  11  gente  de  razon. 
Deaths,  3,216,  of  which  2,015  Ind.  adults,  1,158  Ind.  children,  22  and  21  de 
razon.  Annual  average  61;  death  rate  7.5  per  cent  of  pop.  Largest  pop., 
1,330  in  1816.  Males  slightly  in  excess  of  females,  and  children  about  1-6  of 
the  pop.  Largest  no.  of  cattle,  23,400  in  1816;  horses  4,652  in  1S14;  mules 
312  in  1813;  asses,  2  each  year;  sheep,  13,144  in  1816;  goats,  4S8  in  1790; 
swine,  200  in  1803,  1S05;  all  kinds,  41,390  in  1816.  Total  product  of  wheat 
148,855  bush.,  yield  18  fold;  barley,  54,904  bush.,  19  fold;  maize,  51,214 
bush.,  84  fold;  beans,  9,061  bush.,  14  fold. 


SANTA  INES.  661 

ministrator.10  The  great  event  of  the  period  was  the 
fight  of  March  1838,  between  Carrillo's  supporters 
under  Captain  Castaiieda  and  those  of  Alvarado  under 
General  Castro,  the  only  battle  of  the  war  in  which 
blood  was  shed. 

Padre  Bias  Ordaz  continued  his  ministry  at  Santa 
Ines  till  1833,  when  Padre  Jose  Joaquin  Jimeno  came 
from  the  north,  serving  throughout  the  decade,  with 
Marcos  Antonio  Saizar  de  Vitoria  as  associate  in 
1835-6,  and  Felipe  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta  in  1836-40. 

10  Summary  of  S.  Buenaventura  annals.  1831-5.  Blank,  except  an  occa- 
sional mention  of  this  mission  with  others  in  various  secularization  plans  not 
carried  into  effect,  and  the  death  of  padres  Suner  and  Uria  as  recorded  in  an 
earlier  note  of  this  chapter.  1836.  Carlos  Carrillo  comisionado  for  seculari- 
zation, appointed  in  June,  the  act  being  hastened  by  Gov.  Chico's  quarrel 
with  the  padres  at  Sta  In6s  and  Sta  Barbara;  but  the  formal  transfer  of  the 
property  by  inventory  did  not  apparently  take  place  until  February  of  the 
next  year;  and  the  records  are  very  slight.  St.  Pap.  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii. 
3723;  Id.,  Miss.,  vii.  67;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  24;  this  work,  iv.  p.  46; 
this  vol.,  p.  426,  435.  1837.  Alvarado  and  his  northern  forces  at  S.  Buena- 
ventura in  Jan.  on  their  way  to  Los  Angeles.  Id. ,  494,  497.  Carrillo  received 
hi 3  appointment  as  gov.  in  Sept.  or  Oct.  Id.,  534.  1838.  Kafael  Gonzalez 
in  charge  as  majordomo  from  May.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  48-9.  March, 
occupation  of  the  mission  by  southern  forces;  battle  between  Castafieda's  and 
Castro's  armies.  This  vol.,  p.  549-55.  Gonzalez,  Exper.,  MS.,  35-6,  claims 
to  have  received  the  mission  in  good  condition,  and  to  have  delivered  it  4 
years  later  still  prosperous,  he  having  always  been  on  excellent  terms  with 
the  padre;  but  he  says  that  much  aid  was  given  to  the  troops  for  which  no 
return  was  ever  made.  1839.  Gonzalez  mentioned  as  administrator  this 
year  and  the  next  in  many  records.  HartnelPs  inspection  was  June  25th  to 
July  1st.  He  found  affairs  in  fairly  good  condition,  crops  looking  well  at 
Sta  Paula,  though  much  injured  by  squirrels  at  the  mission.  There  was  com- 
plaint that  no  clothing  had  been  distributed  since  Carrillo's  departure,  and 
the  admin,  was  authorized  to  buy  $1,000  worth  of  effects  on  credit,  the  debt 
to  be  a  preferred  one;  also  to  kill  200  cattle,  in  addtion  to  the  regular  monthly 
slaughter  of  30.  llartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  14,  77-8;  Arch.  Miss.,  MS.,  ii. 
905.  July  3d,  P.  Fortuni  complains  to  the  visitador  that  the  Ind.  will  not 
attend  to  prayers,  alleging  that  he  did  not  wish  them  to  pray,  and  that  the 
administrator,  majordomo,  and  alcaldes  will  not  oblige  them.  Id.,  907.  In 
later  yeara  it  was  claimed  that  there  was  no  distribution  of  clothing,  etc., 
after  Sept.  1839.  St.  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  50.  1840.  Hartnell's  second  visit 
was  iu  Aug.  The  Ind.  had  no  fault  to  find  with  Gonzalez,  admitting  that  he 
cared  well  for  them;  still,  for  the  sake  of  novelty,  they  desired  his  removal, 
and  the  appointment  of  Miguel  or  Vicente  Pico;  but  H.  finally  made  them 
understand  the  folly  and  injustice  of  such  a  demand.  The  Ind.  were  also 
very  much  alarmed  at  the  danger  of  losing  Sta  Paula  rancho,  their  only  de- 
pendence for  crops,  and  of  which  Manuel  Jimeno  was  trying  to  get  a  grant. 
If  they  could  not  keep  the  rancho  they  desired  to  quit  the  community;  and 
the  padres,  administrator,  and  neighbors  all  agreed  that  the  Ind.  were  right. 
Hartnell  thought  so  himself,  though  very  friendly  to  Jimeno.  Diario,  MS. ,  15, 
21-2.  The  rancho  was  not  granted  for  several  years.  In  Dec,  for  lack  of  a 
minister,  the  sacristan  ofliciated  at  several  burials.  S.  Buen.,  Lib.  Mis.,  MS., 
ii.  GS. 


062  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

Both  Vitoria  and  Arroyo  died  at  this  mission.11  In 
neophyte  population  the  loss  to  1834  was  about  15 
per  cent,  and  from  that  time  to  1840  about  12  per 
cent;  but  at  the  end  of  the  decade  only  180  of  the 
300    Indians  were  living   in  community.12     Agricul- 

11  Felipe  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta  was  born  at  the  villa  of  Cubo,  Castilla  la 
Vieja,  on  April  30,  1780,  becoming  a  Franciscan  Aug.  3,  1790,  at  the  chief 
convent  of  Burgos.  He  sailed  from  Cadiz  Sept.  2,  1S04,  and  left  the  college 
of  S.  Fernando  on  Dec.  14,  1807,  for  Cal. ,  where  he  arrived  early  in  1808.  Kis 
missionary  service  M'as  at  S.  JuanBautista  in  1808-33,  at  S.  Miguel  in  1S33-4, 
at  S.  Luis  Obispo  in  1834-5,  at  Purisima  in  1835-6,  and  at  Sta  In6s  in  1830- 
40,  though  it  was  only  at  San  Juan  that  his  bodily  infirmities  permitted  him 
to  work.  His  superiors  accredited  him  with  great  merit,  ability,  and  zeal. 
Autobiog.  Autog.  de  los  Padres,  ~MS.;Sarria,  Inf.  de  1817,  MS.,  64-5;  Pay  eras, 
Inf.  de  1820,  MS.,  137.  From  about  1813  he  suffered  almost  continually  from 
rheumatism,  and  was  repeatedly  at  the  point  of  death.  In  1809  he  said  the 
first  mass  in  the  new  church  of  Mission  San  Jose\  In  1826,  though  maintain- 
ing his  allegiance  to  the  king  of  Spain,  he  took  a  modified  oath  to  republican- 
ism. Father  Arroyo  was  a  scholar  and  always  a  student,  giving  special  at- 
tention to  the  languages  of  the  Indians  of  the  San  Juan  region,  of  which  he 
had  already  prepared  a  grammar  before  1817,  which  and  the  padre's  skill  in 
the  native  idioms  are  mentioned  in  Sarria's  report  of  that  year.  His  Gram- 
mar of  the  Mutsun  Language  and  his  Vocabulary  or  Phrase-booh  were  pub- 
lished by  Shea  in  New  York,  1801;  and  the  original  MSS.  were  at  one  time  in 
my  possession.  In  Larios,  Vida,  MS.,  35,  I  have  a  curious  table  or  perpet- 
ual calendar  apparently  made  by  him.  The  biographic  notice  (by  A.  S.  Tay- 
lor) in  the  introduction  to  the  Grammar  is  very  erroneous.  Robinson,  Life 
in  Cal.  f  108,  describes  him  as  closely  confined  to  his  chamber,  and  when  tired 
of  study  he  would  have  the  children  called  in  to  play  before  him,  calling  them 
by  such  names  as  Cicero,  Plato,  Alexander,  etc.  All  testify  to  his  great 
learning  and  piety.  Florencio  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  186-8,  spent  much 
time  with  the  padre  when  he  was  at  San  Luis  Obispo.  At  that  time  his  legs 
were  paralyzed,  and  he  was  moved  about  in  a  wheeled  chair  by  attendants. 
Pie  used  to  invent  all  kinds  of  pretexts  for  keeping  Serrano  at  his  side  for  days 
for  the  pleasure  of  conversation.  Alluding  to  the  difficulty  of  quitting  the 
Caiifornian  sendee,  he  used  to  say: 

'Si  fueres  &  California 

Encomienda  a  Dios  la  vida 
En  tu  mano  est:i  la  entrada 
Y  en  la  do  Dios  la  salida.* 

Father  Arroyo  died  at  Sta  In£s  on  Sept.  20,  1840,  at  the  age  of  60,  and  his 
body  was  buried  on  the  22d  by  P.  Jimeno  in  the  mission  church  on  the  gospel 
side  near  the  presbytery.  Sta  Incs,  Lib.  Mis.,  MS.,  22-4.  The  burial  notice 
containing  a  biog.  sketch  was  translated  with  some  additional  notes  and  printed 
in  the  S.  F.  Bulletin,  1865,  being  republished  in  the  S.  Jose  Pioneer,  Feb.  22, 
1877. 

For  a  biographic  notice  of  Padre  Vitoria,  see  Pioneer  Register  and  Index, 
vol.  v.  of  this  work. 

12  Sta  InCs  statistics  1831-4.     Decrease  of  pop.  40S  to  344.     Baptisms  63. 
Deaths  109.     Decrease  in  live-stock  7,590  to  7,460;  gain  in  horses  and  mules 

160;  sheep  2,100  to  2,000.     Largest  crop  2,373  bush,  in  1S32;  small- 
!, 023  bush,  in  1834;  average  1,962  bush.,  of  which  1,525  wheat,  yield  10 

fold;  barley  only  produced  in  1834  125  bush.,  11  fold;  corn  382  bush.,  54 

fold;  beans  20  bush.,  5  fold. 

Statistics  of  1835-40.     Inventory  of  Aug.  1,  1S30,  of  the  property  turned 

over  to  Covarrabias  by  P.  Jimeno.     Credits  $1,892;  buildings  $945;  furniture, 

i      Is,   and  goods   in   store  $14,527;   live-stock   S,040  cattle   $24,850;   1,923 


SANTA  INES  MISSION".  663 

tural  operations  were  always  on  a  moderate  scale, 
with  constantly  decreasing  crops;  but  in  live-stock  the 
mission  held  its  own  down  to  the  secularization,  and 
afterward  showed  a  considerable  gain.  The  church 
property  was  valued  at  about  $11,000;  the  inventory 
of  other  property  was  generally  about  $45,000,  and  the 
mission  debt  was  reduced  from  $6,000  to  $2,000;  so 
that  the  establishment  was  more  prosperous  than  any 
in  the  south.  The  mission  was  not  secularized  until 
1836,  when  Jose  M.  Ramirez  was  made  comisionado, 
being  succeeded  by  Jose  M.  Covarrubias  in  1836-7, 
Francisco  Cota  in  1837-40,  and  Miguel  Cordero  per- 
haps acting  temporarily  from  October  1840.  Except 
a  few  inventories  and  other  statistics,  there  exist  no 
records  of  events  connected  with  secularization;13   nor 

sheep  Sl,469;  343  horses  $886;  45  mules  $540;  987  fruit  trees  $987;  church 
$4,000  (48fx9  varas,  walls  of  adobe,  4  doors,  8  windows,  sacristy  9x6,  3  doors, 
1  window,  tile  roof,  board  ceiling,  brick  floor);  ornaments  $6,251,  library 
of  00  volumes  $188;  total  $56,437  (or  $46,186  besides  church  property);  debts 
85,475;  net  assets  $50,902.  tit.  Pap.  Miss.,  vi.  27-8.  Oct.,  $1,080  paid  to 
Jas  Scott.  Id.,  vii.  53.  1837.  Jan.  27th,  receipts  $045,  expend.  $642.  Feb. 
Gth,  Covarrubias' general  account,  credits  $55,019;  debits  $55,459.  Id.,  vii. 
54.  Feb.  6th,  Covarrubias  turns  over  to  his  successor  property  to  the  value 
of  $44,772  with  debts  of  $5,487.  Id.,  vi.  28.  Dec.  31st,  receipts  for  year 
$49,770,  expend.  $54, 123.  Property  on  hand  (except  church,  etc. )  $45,552,  and 
debts  $2,715.  Id.,  vi.  30-1.  1838.  Dec.  31st,  receipts  $50,478,  expend. 
$54,754.  Inventory  $47,362,  debt  $2,713,  credits  $1,533.  Id.,  vi.  29,  31. 
1839.  Monthly  salaries,  padre  $83.34,  prefect  $41.65,  worship  $41.65,  clerk 
$25,  admin.  $50,  2  majordomos  $15,  $12,  watchman  $10,  servant  $10,  total 
$288.04.  Id.,  vi.  32.  March,  pop.  315.  Id.,  31.  July,  Hartnell's  inventory. 
9,720  cattle,  2,180  sheep,  382  horses,  32  mules,  4  asses,  50  hogs,  790  fan. 
grain,  448  arr.  tallow,  75  arr.  lard,  87  hides,  50  arr.  wool,  200  arr.  iron,  $30 
soap,  1  bbl.  brandy,  etc.  Pop.  183  souls.  Planted  112  fan.  grain.  Hartnell, 
Diario,  MS.,  82,  90.  Nov.,  2,129  varas  of  cloth,  40  rebozos,  4  jackets,  etc., 
distrib.  among  the  Ind.  Si.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  vii.  17.  1840.  Jan.  31st, 
'  administraciones '  for  a  year,  receipts  $282,  expend.  $282.  Id.  Feb.  1st, 
inventory  similar  to  Hartnell's,  except  that  there  are  2,720  (9,720  ?)  cattle, 
and  1,208  fan.  of  grain.  Debts  $1,747.  Id.,  1G-20.  Debt  $2,079.  Pico,  Pap. 
Mis.,  MS.,  47-51. 

Statistics  of  1804-34,  the  whole  period  of  the  mission  annals.  Total  of 
baptisms  1,372,  of  which  536  Ind.  adults,  757  Ind.  children,  1  and  48  gente 
derazon;  annual  average  45.  Marriages  409,  of  which  9  de  razon.  Deaths 
1,271,  of  which  736  Ind.  adults,  519  Ind.  children,  3  and  13  de  razon;  annual 
average  42;  average  death  rate  7-56  per  cent  of  pop.  Largest  pop,  770  in 
1816.  Females  generally  in  excess  of  males,  and  children  about  I  of  the 
pop.  Largest  no.  of  cattle  7,300  in  1831  (but  increased  after  1834);  horses 
800  in  1816;  mules  124  in  1822;  sheep  6,000  in  1821;  goats  130  in  1818;  swine 
250  in  1816;  all  kinds  12,320  animals  in  1820.  Total  yield  of  wheat  63,250 
bushels  or  17  fold;  barley  (for  12  years  only)  4,024  bush.,  26  fold;  maize 
39,850  bush.,  164 fold;  beans  4,340  bush.,  27  fold. 

13  Summary  of  Sta  In&s  events.     1831-5.     Nothing  to  be  noted.     1836. 


GC4  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

are  there  any  local  occurrences  of  the  decade  requiring 
further  notice  than  that  contained  in  the  appended 
items. 

Padre  Yitoria  was  the  minister  at  Purfsima  until 
August  1835 ;  Padre  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta  served  here 
in  1835-6;  and  Padre  Juan  Moreno  in  1834.  Possi- 
bly Moreno  was  in  charge  part  of  the  time  in  1836- 
40,  but  I  find  no  definite  record  for  these  years,  and 
there  was  no  regular  minister.  In  neophyte  popula- 
tion the  mission  nearly  held  its  own  down  to  1834, 
when  it  had  407  souls,  but  at  the  end  of  the  decade, 
the  number  had  fallen  to  120  in  community,  with  per- 
haps as  many  more  scattered  in  the  region.  The 
falling-off  in  crops  and  in  live-stock  was  constant  for 
the  decade,  except  that  there  was  a  considerable  in- 
crease of  horses  after  the  secularization,  if  the  some- 
what irregular  statistics  may  be  trusted.14     The  value 

June,  trouble  between  Gov.  Cbico  and  P.  Jimeno,  leading  to  secularization. 
This  vol.,  p.  433-5,  426;  iv.  45-6.  Jose"  Maria  Ramirez  as  comisionado, 
turning  over  the  estate  Aug.  1st  to  Jos6  M.  Covarrubias  as  majordomo.  Va- 
llejo, Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  24;  St.  Pap.  Miss.  &  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  372;  Id.,  Miss., 
vi.  27.  1837.  Jan.,  Covarrubias  delivers  the  property  to  his  successor  Fran- 
cisco Cota.  Id.,  28-30.  Feb.,  Cota  complains  that  the  no.  of  working  horses 
and  mules  has  been  so  reduced  by  supplies  to  the  troops,  that  only  80 
horses  and  30  mules  are  left.  Id.,  vii.  53-4.  Trapper  horse-thieves  at  the 
mission  in  Oct.  Vol.  iv.,  p.  113.  1838.  Nothing.  1839.  Cota  admin.,  Joa- 
quin Villa  and  Miguel  Valencia  majordomos,  Jose  Linares  llavero.  St.  Pap. 
Miss.,  MS.,  vi.  32.  April,  Cota  asks  permission  to  spend  $1,000  for  clothing 
for  the  Ind.,  who  have  received  none  in  two  years,  and  also  to  slaughter  300 
cattle;  which  is  granted  by  Hartnell.  Id.,  ix.  7;  Vallejo,  Doc,  vii,  15; 
HartneU.  Diario,  2,  4.  Hartnell's  visit  was  on  July  15th.  He  found  the 
Ind.  desirous  of  getting  rid  of  their  administrator,  on  whom  and  his  depend- 
ents they  claimed  that  all  the  mission  revenue  was  spent;  but  H.  reported 
Cota  successful  in  paying  off  debts.  Diario.,  MS.,  82,  90.  Aug.,  Gov.  author- 
izes the  transfer  (probably  temporary  for  repairs  ?)  of  the  church  to  the  weav- 
ing-room. Dept.  liec,  MS.,  x.  15.  Dec,  Anastasio  Carrillo  to  Hartnell  about 
the  300  cattle  promised  him,  the  padre  prefecto  consenting.  Letter  copied 
in  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  83-5,  to  illustrate  the  methods  of  disposing  of 
mission  property.  1840.  Aug.  5th,  an  anonymous  letter  in  English  warning 
Hartnell  that  the  admin,  is  plundering  the  mission  of  all  its  property.  Arch. 
Mi*.,  MS.,  ii.  1095.  Sept.  10th,  Hartnell's  visit,  only  a  fragment  of  the 
record.  He  found  the  Ind.  much  alarmed  at  reports  that  the  gov.  had  given 
orders  for  mission  cattle  in  favor  of  private  individuals.  HartneU,  Diario, 
MS.,  93.  Oct.  23d,  Cota  resigns,  and  Miguel  Cordero  takes  charge  as  major- 
domo.  De.pt.  Etc.,  MS.,  xi.  44-5. 

11  Pnrisima  statistics  1831-4.  Decrease  in  pop.  413  to  407.  Baptisms  88, 
largest  no.  47  in  1834,  smallest  10  in  1833.  Deaths,  107,  largest  no.  50  in 
1S32,  1833,  smallest  23  in  1834.     Decrease  in  large  stock   13,430  to  7,470; 


LA  PURfSIMA  C0NCEPCI0N.  665 

of  the  Purisima  estate  in.  1835  and  for  several  years 
thereafter  was  about  $60,000,  divided  as  follows: 
church  property  $8,000,  buildings  $5,000,  implements 
and  furniture  $2,000,  produce  $11,000,  lands  $17,000, 
and  live-stock  $17,000.15    Domingo  Carrillo,  appointed 

horses  and  mules  increase  430  to  1,270;  sheep  6,070  to  6,514.  Largest  crop 
1,842  bush,  in  1834;  smallest  000  bush,  in  1833;  average  1,260  bush.,  of 
which  830  wheat,  yield  8  fold;  210  barley,  9  fold;  142  corn,  31  fold;  52 
beans,  12  fold. 

Statistics  of  1835-40.  Feb.  18,  1835.  Inventory  formed  by  the  comisio- 
nado,  and  Wm  G.  Dana  and  Santiago  Lugo  as  appraisers.  Chief  building  with 
21  rooms  $4,300,  12  smaller  buildings  $1,205,  furniture  (tools,  etc. )  $2,001, 
effects  in  store  $6,255,  grain  and  produce  $4,821,  church  ornaments,  etc., 
$4,944,  church  $400,  library  $655,  5  bells  $1,000,  3  gardens  $728,  live- 
stock (pertaining  to  church?)  $201;  total  of  church  property  $7,928;  ranchos, 
Sitio  de  Mision  Vieja  $373,  S.  de  Jalama  $784,  Los  Alamos  $1,185,  S.  An- 
tonio $1,418,  Sta  Lucia  $1,080,  S.  Pablo  $1,060,  Todos  Santos  $7,176, 
Guadalupe  $4,005;  total  of  lands  $17,141;  live-stock  $17,321.  Credits 
$3,613,  total  $62,058;  debt  $1,218;  net  assets  $60,840.  St.  Pap.  Mis.,  MS., 
v.  43-4.  Aug.  18th,  inventory  of  delivery  from  comisionado  to  majordomo, 
excepting  real  estate  and  church  property,  $29,981,  about  the  same  as  before, 
credits  $1,774,  debt  $1,371.  Id.,  vi.  16.  1837.  Inventory  of  March  25th 
$23,653,  credits  $2,155,  debt  $2,155.  Id.,  viii.  11.  1838.  Inventory  of  de- 
livery by  Carrillo  to  Valenzuela,  $27,394.  Id.,  2-3.  Dec.  31st,  receipts  since 
June  15th  $4,427,  expend.  $2,441.  1839.  Jan.  and  March,  receipts  $2,247, 
$2,301,  expend.  $255,  $190.  Salaries  of  admin.,  majordomo  de  campo,  and 
llavero  $082.  No  padre  is  mentioned.  In  Feb.  over  600  sheep  were 
drowned  in  the  floods.  Pop.  Feb.  28th  242.  Id.,  3-5.  July  25th,  Hartnell's 
inventory.  Pop.  122,  many  of  them  sick,  at  the  mission  and  47  free  Ind.  at 
Alamos.  3,824  cattle,  1,532  (?)  horses,  1,300  sheep,  89  mules,  1  burro,  3^-  bbls 
wine,  3^  bbls  brandy,  60  arr.  tallow,  22  arr.  lard,  100  hides,  99  tanned  skins, 
210  fan.  grain,  etc.  Planted  60  fan.  wheat  and  barley.  Crops  looking  well, 
many  wild  cattle,  llartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  23.  Debt  July  25th  $3,696.  Pico, 
Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  47-51. 

Statistics  of  1787-1834.  Total  of  baptisms,  3,314,  of  which  1,740  Ind. 
adults,  1,492  Ind.  children,  4  and  78  de  razon;  annual  average  70.  Mar- 
riages 1,031,  5  being  gente  de  razon.  Deaths  2,711,  of  which  1,790  Ind. 
adults,  902  Ind.  children,  1  and  18  de  razon;  annual  average  57.  Largest 
pop.  1,520  in  1804.  Sexes  about  equal  to  1800,  females  in  excess  in  1801-7, 
and  males  later;  children  about  £  of  pop.  Largest  no.  of  cattle  13,000  in 
1830;  horses  1,454  in  1821;  mules  300  in  1824;  sheep  12,600  in  1820;  goats 
292  in  1791;  all  kinds  23,862  animals  in  1821.  Total  product  of  wheat 
9,522  bush,  yield  11  fold;  barley  9,306  bush.,  17  fold;  maize  28,255  bush., 
8^  fold;  beans  4,818  bush.,  14  fold. 

15  Events  at  Purisima.  1831.  Fears  of  an  Ind.  revolt.  Dept.  Pec,  MS., 
i::.  7.  1832-3.  No  record  except  as  this  mission  is  mentioned  in  seculariza- 
tion plans  never  put  in  operation.  1834.  Domingo  Carrillo  appointed  comi- 
sionado in  Nov.  Slaughter  of  mission  cattle  rather  vaguely  recorded.  This 
vol.,  p.  346,  349-50.  1835.  The  place  seems  to  have  been  called  Pueblo  de 
los  Berros.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vii.  81;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  y  J.,  MS., 
vi.  17.  Secularization  effected  in  Feb.,  and  on  Aug.  18th  the  comisionado 
turned  the  estate  over  to  his  brother  Joaquin  Carrillo  as  maj.  St.  Pap.  Miss., 
MS.,  vi.  16.  Aug.  25th,  Carrillo  writes  to  gov.  about  the  Lompoc  rancho 
where  he  is  going  to  build,  and  is  apparently  using  the  mission  effects  and 
Ind.  rather  freely  for  his  private  advantage.  Depjt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  48-9. 
The  rancho  was  granted  two  years  later.  The  building  of  a  now  church  was 
contemplated  this  year,  the  old  one  being  in  a  sad  state,  but  nothing  was 


066  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

in  1834  as  comisionado,  effected  the  secularization 
early  in  1835;  and  his  successors  in  the  administra- 
tion were  Joaquin  Carrillo  in  1835-8,  Jose  Maria 
Valenzuela  in  1838-40,  and  Eugenio  Ortega  from 
October  of  the  latter  }7ear. 

apparently  accomplished.  1836-7.  No  record  except  an  inventory  already 
given.  1838.  June  15th,  Carrillo  surrenders  the  estate  to  Jos6  Maria  Va- 
lenzuela. St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  viii.  2,  4.  1839.  Emigdio  Ortega  was  major- 
domo  de  campo  under  Valenzuela,  and  Juan  Salgado  llavero.  Pico,  Pap. 
Mis.,  MS.,  49.  Visitador  Hartnell's  inspection  was  in  July.  The  Ind.  were 
content  with  their  administrator  but  wished  to  have  a  padre,  Moreno  pre- 
ferred. At  their  request  Salgado  was  removed;  the  killing  of  wild  bulls  was 
authorized,  also  the  slaughter  of  300  cattle  and  purchase  of  $800  in  clothing. 
The  47  Ind.  at  Alamos  were  anxious  to  keep  their  lands,  and  J.  A.  de  la 
Guerra,  the  grantee,  promised  in  writing  not  to  molest  them.  Hartnell, 
Diario,  MS.,  2,  3,  23-4,  42.  1840.  No  record  of  Hartnell's  2d  visit.  Oct. 
23d,  Eugenio  Ortega  succeeded  Valenzuela  in  the  administration.  Dept.  Pec, 
MS.,  xi.  45.  Douglas,  Journal,  MS.,  87,  speaks  of  the  mission  as  nearly  in 
ruins,  and  estimates  exports  at  $2,000. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

■ 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

1831-1840. 

Population — Visits  and  Descriptions — Summary  and  Index  of  Events 
— Military  Record — Municipal  Affairs  and  Administration  of 
Justice — Prefecture — Criminal  Record — Private  Ranchos — Mis- 
sion San  Carlos — San  Luis  Obispo — Padre  Gil  y  Taboada — Statistics 
of  Decline  —  San  Miguel — Padre  Juan  Cabot — Population  and 
Property — San  Antonio — Secularization — Mercado's  Complaints — 
Hartnell's  Inspection — La  Soledad — Padre  Sarria — Inventories  of 
Live-stock  and  Crops — San  Juan  Bautista  or  San  Juan  de  Castro — 
Padres  and  Neophytes — Mission  Estate — Emancipation  of  the  Ind- 
ians— Pueblo  and  Capital  of  the  District — Santa  Cruz,  or  Pueblo 
de  Figueroa — Villa  de  Branciforte. 

The  population  of  gente  de  razon  in  the  Monterey 
district,  including  Branciforte  and  seven  missions, 
may  be  regarded,  on  authority  that  is  tolerably  sat- 
isfactory, as  having  increased  from  1,100  at  the  be- 
ginning to  1,600  at  the  end  of  the  decade.  Of  the 
latter  number  700  lived  at  Monterey,  550  at  the 
ranchos  of  the  district,  250  at  and  about  Branciforte, 
50  at  San  Juan,  and  50  at  all  the  other  missions.1 
There  were  perhaps  75  foreigners  who   may  be  re- 

1  The  Monterey,  Padron,  1836,  MS.,  shows  a  pop.  in  the  town  of  255  men, 
14G  women,  and  293  children,  total  G94,  of  whom  about  30  Ind.  and  42  for- 
eigners; on  28  ranchos  20G  men,  105  women,  and  270  children,  total  5S1,  of 
whom  G5  Ind.  and  15  foreigners;  total  1,180  gente  de  razon  (including  57  for- 
eigners) and  95  Ind.  The  same  doc.  with  slight  variations  in  Vcdlejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  xxxii.  10  et  seq.  In  Id.,  xxxi.  76,  is  a  padron  of  1834,  showing  1,049 
persons  in  14G  families  or  households,  43  being  foreigners,  52  Ind.,  and  9G 
'  militares.'  In  Id.,  250,  is  a  list,  apparently  incomplete,  of  145  voters,  in- 
cluding 5  naturalized  foreigners.  For  Branciforte  we  have  nothing  earlier 
than  1845,  when  a  padron  shows  294  Cal.  and  Mex.,  5G  foreigners,  and  120 
Ind.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  218.  For  S.  Juan,  Mofras  gives  a  pop.  of  100 
in  1842. 

(GC7) 


6C8  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

garded  as  permanent  settlers.  The  ex-neophyte  Ind- 
ian population  decreased  from  3,500  to  1,740,  of  which 
number  about  1,020  lived  in  communities,  or  at  least 
near  the  ex-missions.  Many  vessels  anchored  in  this 
port  each  year,  as  has  been  noted  elsewhere  in  marine 
lists  and  commercial  annals,  where  the  visits  and  ad- 
ventures of  different  voyagers  have  received  sufficient 
attention;  but  several  of  these  visitors  have  published 
their  observations,  and  of  these  I  have  deemed  it  well 
to  quote  descriptive  portions  relating  to  Monterey,2 

2  Monterey,  descriptions  by  visitors,,  town  improvements,  etc.  1834.  A 
voluntary  contribution  to  be  requested  from  each  vessel  for  the  construction 
of  a  wharf.  This  vol.,  380.  1835-8.  See  view  of  Monterey  in  Forbes'  Cal. 
1834-5.  '  Monterey,  as  far  as  my  observation  goes,  is  decidedly  the  pleasant- 
est  and  most  civilized-looking  place  in  California.  In  the  centre  of  it  is  an 
open  square,  surrounded  by  four  lines  of  one-story  buildings,  with  half  a  dozen 
cannon  in  the  centre,  some  mounted  and  others  not.  This  is  the  presidio  or 
fort,  entirely  open  and  unfortified. .  .The  houses,  as  everywhere  else  in  Cal., 
are  of  one  story,  built  of  adobes. .  .of  a  common  dirt-color.  The  floors  are 
generally  of  earth,  the  windows  grated  and  without  glass,  and  the  doors, 
which  are  seldom  shut,  open  directly  into  the  common  room,  there  being  no 
entries.  Nearly  all  the  houses  are  whitewashed  on  the  outside.  The  better 
houses,  too,  have  red  tiles  upon  the  roofs.  The  Indians  do  all  the  hard  work. 
The  men  in  Monterey  appeared  to  me  to  be  always  on  horseback.  Nothing 
but  the  character  of  the  people  prevents  Monterey  from  becoming  a  large 
town.'  Dana's  Two  Years,  89-93.  183G.  '  The  town  is  a  scattered  series  of 
houses,  containing  not  more  than  500  inhabitants,  among  whom  are  15  or  20 
foreigners,  Americans  and  Englishmen,  engaged  in  trade.'  JRuschenber;/'  r's 
Narr.)  ii.  403-4.  June  1st,  Gov.  Chico  orders  the  administrator  of  Sta  Cruz 
to  cut  and  send  him  a  tree  20  varas  long  for  a  flag-staff.  Savage,  Doc,  MS., 
i.  23.  1837.  '  Monterey  I  found  as  much  increased  as  S.  Francisco  had  fallen 
into  ruin.  It  was  still,  however,  very  miserable,  and  wanting  in  the  military 
air  of  1827.  The  adobe  or  mud-brick  battery  remained,  and  had  been  newly 
bedaubed  during  the  late  ebullition  of  independence.'  The  fortifications,  of 
which  plans  must  not  be  taken,  '  consisted  of  a  mud  wall  of  three  sides,  open 
in  the  rear,  with  breastwork  about  three  feet  in  height;  with  rotten  platforms 
for  7  'guns,  the  discharge  of  which  would  annihilate  their  remains  of  car- 
riages.' But  the  author  got  few  supplies,  and  was  not  in  a  good  humor. 
Belcher's  Narr.,  i.  136.  'Tout  se  prcsente  sous  1'aspect  le  plus  neuf,  et  tel 
enfin  que  Ton  pent  imaginer  qu'ont  du  le  voir  les  premiers  deoouvreurs.  En 
approchant  de  la  pointe  Venus  on  commence  ccpendant  a  distinguer  par- 
dessus  les  roches  une  eminence  sur  laquelle  est  6rig6  un  mat  de  pavilion  ou 
Ton  abore  les  couleurs  nationalcs.  Tout  a  cote,  est  le  corps-de-garde  dune 
batterie  a  barbette  de  8  canons,  que  Ton  nomine  le  Castillo.  .  .Pen  apres  avoir 
apercu  la  pointe  du  fort  on  decouvrira  le  fond  de  l'anse  on  Ton  verra  d'abord 
dans  la  partio  de  l'Est,  le  clocher  de  la  chapelle  du  Presidio,  ainsi  que  les 
batiments  qui  en  dependent  et  qui  sont  tous  renferme's  dans  la  meme  en- 
ceinte; puis  successivement  et  a  mesure  que  le  bfitiment  avancera,  ou  dccou- 
vrira dans  l'Ouest  du  Presidio  des  maisons  eparses  ca-  et  la,  sans  aucun  ordre; 
clles  forment,  par  leur  reunion,  ce  que  Ton  nomine  la  villc  de  Monterey,  sans 
doute  par  deference  pour  le  siege  du  gouvernement;  il  semble  inutile  d'ajouter 
qu'il  n'y  a  aucun  autre  monument  que  l'eglise  du  Presidio.  Parmi  ces  mai- 
sons, dont  le  nombre  s'eleve  tout  an  plus  de  40  a  50,  plusieurs  sont  blanchies 
a  la  ehaux,  quelqus-unes  out  nn  6tage  et  une  certainc  apparence  de  conforta- 


DESCRIPTIONS  AND  EVENTS.  689 

though  the  sum  total  of,  information  thus  gathered 
from  Dana,  Ruschenberger,  Belcher,  Petit-Thouars, 
Laplace,  and  others,  is  not  very  complete;  nor  is  it 
supplemented  to  any  satisfactory  extent  by  local  rec- 
ords on  the  material  growth  of  the  town.  Events 
at  the  capital  were  for  the  most  part  of  such  a  nature 
as  to  be  naturally  included  in  the  political  record  of 
territorial  affairs  as  summarized  in  chronologic  order 
and  indexed  in  the  appended  note.3     A  few  minor 

bilite,  mais  la  plupart  sont  de  mis^rables  cases  couverte  en  joncs  on  en  branches 
d'arbres;  presque  toutes  n'ont  ni  cour,  ni  jardin.'  Population  not  over  200, 
Creoles,  natives,  Mexicans,  Scotch,  Irish,  American,  kanakas,  and  even  a  few 
French.  Many  compliments  for  the  women.  Petit-Thouars,  Voyage,  ii.  83-5, 
110,  112.  1839.  'Ainsi  par  exemple  Monterey,  que  le  cour  de  Madrid  avait 
traitee  toujours  en  enfant  gate"  (!),  qui  est  dans  une  magnifique  situation,  de- 
vant  un  bon  mouillage,  aupres  de  cantons  fertiles,  etc.  .  Monterey,  dis-je 
n'avait  fait  presque  aucun  progres  depuis  25  ann^es.  Elle  comptait,  il  est 
vrai,  quelques  maisons,  quelques  families  de  residents  strangers  de  plus,  mais 
elle  manquait  tout  a  fait  de  commerce  et  d'industrie.'  Yet  the  author  was 
well  treated  and  has  much  to  say  in  praise  of  the  gov.  and  people  of  the  higher 
classes.  Laplace,  Campagne,  vi.  304.  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  128-30, 
tells  us  that  by  his  efforts  a  new  cuartel  was  built  for  the  soldiers — still  stand- 
ing in  1875 — at  a  cost  of  $9,000,  being  the  best  building  in  Cal.  He  also  im- 
proved roads  in  the  vicinity,  building  a  bridge  from  the  new  cuartel  to  Hart- 
nell's  college,  and  another  toward  Capt.  Cooper's  house.  In  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  vi.  119-23,  335,  vii.  249,  404,  is  found  corresp.  of  the  year  between 
Petronilo  Rios,  com.  of  the  artillery,  and  Gen.  Vallejo  respecting  improve- 
ments in  the  fortifications,  on  which  work  seems  to  have  been  done  with  very 
slight  results.  1 840.  Farnham  restricts  his  descriptive  matter  to  the  mission, 
but  the  pictorial  edition  of  his  work  (N.  Y.  1857)  gives  on  p.  69  what  pur- 
ports to  be  a  view  of  Monterey,  with  a  huge  edifice  on  the  summit  of  the  hills 
in  the  distance.  'J.  F.  B.  M.,'  Leaves  from  My  Journal,  describes  the  new 
bridge  mentioned  above,  for  crossing  which  on  horseback  he  was  arrested  and 
lined  $2.  Nov.  12th,  P.  Gonzalez  writes  to  ask  of  Vallejo  the  gift  of  the 
old  presidio  chapel  to  be  used  as  a  town  church.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxiii. 
154. 

3  Summary  and  index  of  events  at  Monterey.  1831.  Jan.,  arrival  of  Gov. 
Victoria,  who  takes  the  oath  of  office  on  the  31st,  and  has  trouble  with  the 
ayunt.  This  vol.,  pp.  182,  187.  April-May,  execution  of  Anastasio,  Aguila, 
and  Sagarra  for  robbery,  for  which  the  gov.  was  blamed.  Id.,  190-1.  Sept., 
military  trial  of  Duarte,  alcalde  of  S.  Jose\  Id.,  195.  Nov.,  departure  of 
Gov.  Victoria  to  meet  the  southern  rebels.  Id.,  205.  Dec,  Monterey  adheres 
to  the  8.  Diego  plan  against  Victoria.  Id.,  212. 

1832.  Jan. -Feb.,  Zamorano's  pronunciamiento  against  the  S.  Diego  plan, 
organization  of  the  compania  extrangera,  and  Z.'s  departure  from  the  south. 
Id.,  220-4.     May-June,  Avila's revolt.  Id.,  230. 

1833.  Jan.,  arrival  of  Gov.  Figucroa  and  his  assumption  of  office;  also 
coming  of  the  Zacatecan  friars;  first  printing  in  Cal.  Id.,  240-2.  March,  elec- 
tion for  assembly  and  congress,  repeated  in  Dec.  Id.,  246.  April  27th-28th, 
public  diversions,  illuminations,  bull-fight,  ball,  etc.,  to  celebrate  the  peace 
of  Zavaleta.  Dept.  St.  P"p.,  MS.,  iii.  114-15.  Weather  record  by  Larkin, 
1833-5.  This  vol.,  p.  357.  Nov.,  arrival  of  Capt.  Walker's  overland  trappers, 
who  pass  the  winter  at  Monterey.  Id. ,  390-2;  iv.  434. 

1834.  The  1st  printing-press  put  in  operation,  by  Zamorano  &  Co.     lb 


G70  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

items  are  added,  but  such  as  require  no  general  re- 
marks. Leading  topics  of  interest  were  the  troubles 
with  Governor  Victoria  in  1831,  Zamorano's  counter- 
revolt   and    organization  of  the  foreign  company  in 

is  not  known  exactly  how  the  press  came,  but  its  products — 7  little  books  and 
over  100  documents — are  preserved  in  my  library.  The  press  was  carried  to 
Sonoma  by  Gen.  Vallejo  in  1837,  after  Zamorano's  departure,  but  subse- 
quently returned  to  Monterey,  where  it  was  used  by  the  Americans  in  1846. 
May-No  v.,  sessions  of  the  diputacion.  This  vol.,  pp.  248-52.  May,  scare  at 
reports  of  a  southern  conspiracy.  Id.,  257.  Sept.  11th,  arrival  of  a  courier 
from  Mex.  with  orders  to  Figueroa.  Id.,  271.  Sept.  12th,  return  of  the  gov. 
from  a  tour  in  the  north.  Id.,  256.  Sept.  25th,  arrival  of  the  Morelos  with 
the  colony  from  Mex.  Id.,  2G8.  Oct.  14th,  arrival  of  Hi'jar,  and  resulting 
controversies  with  the  gov.  Id.,  272  et  seq.  Oct.  16th,  election  of  assembly 
and  member  of  congress.  Id.,  258,  291.  Dec.  21st,  wreck  of  the  Natalia.  Id., 
208.  Trouble  between  Angel  Ramirez  and  Juan  Bandini,  lasting  several 
years.  Id.,  370  et  seq.  Hartnell  and  P.  Short  perhaps  began  their  educa- 
tional enterprise  this  year.  Id.,  317. 

1835.  March- April,  ayunt.  meets  to  approve  the  gov.'s  acts  in  the  colony 
controversy.  Hijar  and  Padre's  with  other  prisoners  sail  from  Mex.  on  the 
Rosa.  Id.,  287-8.  Larkin  built  a  bowling  alley  at  a  cost  of  $438.  Larkin's 
Accts.,  MS.,  ii.  311.  Aug. -Oct.,  sessions  of  the  assembly.  This  vol.,  p.  291. 
Sept.  29th-Oct.  2d,  death  of  Gov.  Figueroa  and  funeral  ceremonies.  Id.,  295. 
Oct.,  etc.,  alarm  at  the  prospect  of  losing  the  capital.  Id.,  2D1-2. 

1836.  April  25th,  an  earthquake  shock  at  5  A.  M.  Gomez,  Diario,  MS. 
More  shocks  June  9-10.  Id.  Heavy  rains.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxvi.  214. 
May,  arrival  of  Gov.  Chico;  election  and  meeting  of  dip.  This  vol.,  p.  421-6. 
July,  revolution  against  Chico,  preceded  by  the  Castaiiares-Herrera  scandal, 
and  resulting  in  the  governor's  departure  July  31st.  Id.,  429-42.  Sept.  Gth, 
arrival  of  Gov.  Gutierrez.  Id.,  445.  Oct.  visit  of  the  U.  S.  man-of-war  Pea- 
cock. Vol.  iv.  141.  Oct.-Nov.,  Alvarado's  revolt,  overthrow  and  exile  of  Gu- 
tierrez. This  vol.,  455-64.  Nov.,  meeting  and  acts  of  the  dip.  or  congress. 
Id.,  469-76.     Dec,  Alvarado  and  his  army  march  southward.  Id.,  491. 

1837.  Jan. -Feb.,  threatened  movement  against  the  new  govt.  Id.,  511- 
13.  May-June,  return  of  Alvarado  and  Castro;  called  south  again  by  new 
hostilities.  Id.,  510-11,  522-3.  July,  revolt  of  Ramirez  and  Pena  against  Al- 
varado; capture  and  recapture  of  the  town;  arrest  of  rebels.  Id.,  523-6.  Oct., 
visit  of  the  French  man-of-war  Venus,  Petit-Thouars  com. ;  news  of  Carlos 
Carrillo's  appointment  as  gov.  Id.,  534;  vol.  iv.  148.  Nov.  19th,  wreck  of 
the  Com.  Rodgers.  Id.,  103.  Dec,  visit  of  the  British  exploring  ship  Blos- 
som, Belcher  com.  Id.,  145-6. 

1838.  June-July,  Ind.  robbers  cause  much  trouble  by  their  depredations 
in  the  district.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  146.  Earthquakes.  Vol.  iv.,  p. 
78,  this  work.  Aug.  13th  the  Catalina,  arrives  with  news  from  Mex.  favor- 
able to  Alvarado.  This  vol.,  p.  572. 

1839.  Feb.-March,  public  reception  to  Alvarado;  sessions  of  the  assem- 
bly. /(/.,  584  et  seq.  May,  elections  for  congress  and  junta.  Id.,  589-90. 
July,  arrival  of  J.  A.  Sutter  on  the  Clementina,  iv.  127.  Aug.,  visit  of  the 
French  man-of-war  Artemise,  Laplace  com.  Id.,  154-5.  Marriage  of  the  gov. , 
and  festivities  at  the  capital.  This  vol.,  p.  593.  Oct.,  visit  of  the  chief  Solano 
and  his  Indians  from  Sonoma.  Id.,  598-9. 

1840.  Feb. -May,  sessions  of  the  junta;  Monterey  declared  the  capital. 
Id.,  002-6.  March- April,  arrest  and  exile  of  Graham  and  other  foreigners. 
Vol.  iv.  1-41.  June,  visit  of  the  French  Danaidc,  Rosamcl,  and  U.  S.  St 
Louis,  Forrest.  Id.,  35-7.  Nov.  30th,  a  Cal.  earthquake  reported  in  Mexico, 
but  nothing  known  of  it  in  Cal.  Dent.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  43;  Sta  B. 
Arch.,  MS.,  21. 


PRESIDIAL  COMPANY.  671 

1832,  the  arrival  of  Governor  Figueroa  in  183&,  the 
coming  of  the  colony  and  the  establishment  of  a 
printing-office  in  1834,  troubles  with  Hijar  and  Pa- 
dres and  death  of  Figueroa  in  1835,  the  coming  and 
going  of  Chico  and  Alvarado's  revolution  in  1836, 
the  Ramirez  counter-revolt  and  the  waiting  for  news 
of  sourthern  war  and  politics  in  1837-8,  military  re- 
form and  the  governor's  marriage  in  1839,  and  the 
exile  of  the  foreigners  to  San  Bias  in  1840.  Qrdi- 
nary  local  happenings  were  beneath  the  dignity  of  a 
town  so  devoted  to  grand  affairs  of  state. 

The  military  organization  was  still  kept  up,  but 
the  records  are  even  more  fragmentary  and  confusing 
than  in  the  past  decade,  so  much  so  indeed — and 
naturally  enough  in  connection  with  frequent  changes 
in  the  comandancia  general,  revolutionary  movements, 
calls  on  volunteer  troops  or  soldiers  from  another 
district,  and  absence  of  the  regular  company  in  south- 
ern campaigns — that  it  is  not  worth  while  to  attempt 
the  presentment  of  details  either  in  notes  or  text. 
Agustin  Zamorano  was  captain  of  the  company  in 
1831-6,  and  Jose  Castro  in  1839-40,  but  Captain 
Jose  Antonio  Muiloz  was  much  of  the  time  coman- 
dante  of  the  post  in  1833-6,  and  Lieut-colonel  Gume- 
sindo  Flores  in  1839-40.  Gervasio  Argiiello,  lieu- 
tenant of  the  company,  was  absent  in  Mexico,  and 
Bernardo  Navarrete  wTas  acting  lieutenanc  in  1833-6. 
Rodrigo  del  Pliego  was  alferez,  departing  in  1831; 
Ignacio  del  Valle  in  1832-6  and  perhaps  later;  Jose 
Sanchez  in  1832-4;  Jose  Antonio  Pico  from  1836; 
Rafael  Pinto,  Jacinto  Rodriguez,  and  Joaquin  de  la 
Torre  in  1839-40.  One  of  these  acted  as  habilitado. 
Sergeants  named  are  Jose  A.  Solorzano,  ayudante  de 
plaza  in  1832-3,  Francisco  Soto,  Gabriel  de  la  Torre, 
and  Andres  Cervantes  in  1835-6,  and  Manuel  R.  Cas- 
tro in  1840.  The  company  varied  very  irregularly 
from  20  to  50  men  including  invalidos,  and  the  monthly 
pay-rolls  from  $570  to  $900.  There  was  generally  an 
artillery  force  of  five  men  under  Sergeant  Jose  M.  Me- 


C72  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

drano  in  1831-2,  and  Petronilo  Rios  in  1839-40.  An 
infantry  detachment,  the  piquete  de  Hidalgo,  number- 
ing about  25  men,  was  commanded  by  Lieut  Patricio 
Estrada  until  his  exile  in  183G.4  Matters  pertaining 
to  the  custom-house,  collection  of  revenues,  and  finan- 
cial administration  at  the  capital  have  been  fully  set 
forth,  including  lists  of  officials,  in  the  two  chapters 
devoted  to  commerce,  finance,  and  maritime  affairs  for 
the  decade. 

Matters  pertaining  to  the  local  government  and 
the  administration  of  justice  are  appended  at  some 
length.5     The  succession  of  municipal  rulers  was  as 

4  Additional  military  items.  1831.  71  'militares'  with  39  women  and 
children.  1832.  Hartnell  and  J.  B.  Espinosa  commanding  compafn'a  extran- 
gera.  Lieut  Mariano  Estrada,  Alf.  Juan  Malarin,  and  Alf.  Fran.  Pacheco 
called  into  service.  1833.  Cadet  Fran.  Araujo,  ayudante  de  plaza.  1838. 
Jos6  M.  Cosio,  id.  1837.  Ramon  Estrada  com.  during  Alvarado's  absence. 
Jose"  M.  Villavicencio  and  Santiago  Estrada  also  named  as  com.  References 
for  military  items.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS.,  lxvi.  17;  lxxiii.  12;  Ixxiv. 
4-5;  lxxv.  8;  lxxvi.  2,  10-11,  53,  111;  lxxviii.  4,  7;  lxxix.  70,  78,  81;  lxxx. 
4,  23-4;  lxxxi.  23,  26,  44-7,  49;  lxxxii.  56,  64-5;  lxxxiii.  1,  3-5,  Go;  lxxxiv. 
5;  lxxxv.  6;  lxxxviii.  31,  36;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  286,  291,  293;  ii.  196;  iii. 
190;  iv.  SO-l;  vi.  44-5,  119,  220,  334,  465;  vii.  388;  viii.  201,  407;  xxii.  36; 
xxv. -vi.  passim;  xxxii.  12-13,  58,  74,  103,  201;  Pinto,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  8-13; 
Dept:  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  47;  xi.  33;  S.  Joss  Arch.,  ii.  29;  iv.  18;  v,  23,  39;  St.  Pap., 
Sac,  MS.,  xiii.  3-4,  7;  xiv.  12-13,  44;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  iv.  70,  247;  Savage, 
Doc,  MS.,  iv.  312;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  40;  Soberanes,  Doc,  MS.,  130-1, 
258. 

Dec.  1833.  List  of  live-stock  and  implements  to  be  loaned  by  the  missions 
for  6  years  to  form  ranchos  nacionales  for  the  Mont,  and  S.  F'co  companies. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  O.  &  T.,  MS.,  ii.  79-81.  1834-5,  receipts  from  Soledad 
property  as  above  to  the  amount  of  $1,513.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  J/.,  MS.,  lxxx. 
11.  Nov.  2,  1834.  Gov.  orders  Simeon  Castro  and  Trinidad  Espinosa  to  leave 
the  lands  held  provisionally  by  them,  the  same  being  needed  for  the  national 
rancho.  Id.,  G.  &  T.,  iii.  14.  Oct.  1835,  controversy  between  the  comp.  and 
ayunt.  for  El  Toro  and  S.  Francisquito,  the  ayunt.  having  claimed  the  former 
and  ceded  it  to  Estrada.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  60-6. 

For  matters  connected  with  revenue  and  finance  for  1831-5,  see  chap.  xiii. 
this  vol.,  and  for  1836-40,  chap.  iii.  vol.  iv.  The  officials  successively  in 
charge  at  Monterey  as  administrators  of  customs,  sub-comisarios,  and  col- 
lector, were  Joaquin  Gomez  1831-2,  Mariano  Estrada  1832-3,  Rafael  Gonzalez 
1833-4,  Angel  Ramirez  and  Jose  M.  Herrera  1834-6,  Wm  E.  Hartnell  1837, 
Antonio  M.  Osio,  Eugenio  Montenegro,  and  Jose'  Abrego  1838-40.  Lieut.  P. 
Narvaez  was  capt.  of  the  port  1839-40. 

5  Monterey  pueblo  officials,  municipal  government,  prefecture,  administra- 
tion of  justice,  and  criminal  record.  183J*.  Alcalde  Antonio  Buelna;  Isi- 
dores, Antonio  Castro,  Juan  Higuera,  Jose  Maria  Castillo,  and  Joaquin  Alva- 
rado;  sindico,  Jos6  M.  Aguilar;  secretary,  Jose  Castro;  depositario,  Fran- 
cisco Pacheco;  jueces  de  campo,  Faustino  German  and  Agustin  Martinez. 
Alcalde  auxiliar  Salvador  Espinosa.  Jan.  10th,  appointment  of  comisionados 
for  missions  of  the  district.  26th,  police  regulations  in  4  art.  April  11th, 
vote  against  buying  a  table-cloth  and  inkstand.  Nov.  27th,  preparations  for 
election,  the  jurisdiction  being  divided  into  4  manzanas,  one  including  the 


MUNICIPAL  AFFAIRS.  673 

follows:  Antonio  Buelna,  Salvador  Espinosa,  Marce- 
lino  Escobar,  Manuel  Jimeno  Casarin,  David  Spence, 
Jose  Ramon  Estrada,  Estevan  Munr&s,  Simeon  Cas- 

ranchos.  Full  record  of  meetings  in  Monterey,  Adas  del  Ayunt.,  ISIS.,  23-43. 
Felipe  Arceo  for  being  concerned  in  the  death  of  Timoteo  Lorenzana  has  to 
pay  $25  to  the  widow.  Gabriel  Espinosa  sentenced  to  work  2  months  for 
Mariano  Castro  for  taking  his  horse.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  1-2.  April,  J. 
M.  Ramirez  arraigned  for  death  of  Gomez.  Dept.  lice.,  MS.,  ix.  10.  April- 
May,  Atanasio,  Aguilar,  and  Sagarra  shot  for  stealing.  Sept.,  several  men 
ask  for  license  to  hunt  wild  cattle  in  the  Gavilan  Mts.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben., 
P.yJ.,  MS.,  iii.  21. 

1832.  Alcalde,  Salvador  Espinosa;  regidores,  Joaquin  Alvarado,  Jose"  M. 
Castillo,  Jose"  Aguilar,  and  Santiago  Moreno;  sindico,  Manuel  Jimeno  Casa- 
rin (excused  as  not  being  for  5  years  a  resident).  Only  the  sess.  of  Jan.  1st 
for  installation  of  the  new  ayunt.,  Mont.  Actus,  MS.,  43-4,  and  the  organi- 
zation in  Dec.  for  a  new  election,  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  vii.  39,  are  recorded. 
In  March,  on  account  of  non-payment  of  duties  on  brandy  the  school  had  to 
be  closed. 

1833.  Alcalde,  Marcelino  Escobar;  regidores,  Josd  Aguilar  (or  AVila  ?) 
Santiago  Moreno,  Pedro  Castillo  (succeeded  in  Aug.  by  Simeon  Castro,  who 
was  unwilling  to  serve,  but  was  required  to  do  so),  and  AntOnio  Romero; 
sfndico,  Santiago  Estrada;  Francisco  Perez  Pacheco,  treasurer;  comisario  de 
policia,  1st  cuartel,  Jos6  M.  Aguila,  suplente  Antonio  de  Sta  Cruz;  2d  cuar- 
tel,  Ignacio  Acedo,  supl.  Felipe  Vasquez;  capt.  of  the  port,  Juan  Malarin. 
Munic.  finance,  balance  Jan.  1st  $68;  receipts  for  year  $892;  expend,  school 
$238;  sec.  ayunt.  and  dip.  $325,  porter  $60,  prisoners  $188,  office  exp.  of 
ayunt.  $39,  miscell.  $128,  sindico's  percentage  on  receipts  $26,  Ind.  working 
on  the  road  $29,  total  $1,036.  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  i.  77-8;  Mont.  Arch., 
vii.  40-2.  Jan.  4th-llth  police  regulations  in  18  art.  Id.;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iii.  159-63;  Id.,  Mont.,  ii.  13-17.  Jan.  10th,  division  of  the  town  into 
2  cuarteles,  and  appointment  of  police.  Id.,  22.  Jan.  27th,  prosecution  of 
Sergt  Solorzano  for  entering  the  prison  of  a  woman  and  causing  scandal.  St. 
Pap.  Sac,  MS.,  x.  24.  March,  prisoners  have  nothing  to  eat,  ayunt.  asked 
for  1  meal  per  day.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  &  J.,  MS.,  iii.  87.  April,  a  cabin 
boy  of  the  Catalina  sent  to  S.  Bias  to  be  tried  for  assault  on  the  mate.  Id., 
B.  M.,  lxxix.  35-6.  July,  choice  of  a  regidor  to  succeed  Castillo,  who  went 
to  S.  F.  as  receptor.  Id.,  Ben.,  P.  &  J.,  v.  43.  Sept.,  estimate  of  ayunt.  ex- 
penses for  a  year  $988.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  xvi.  44. 

1834.  Alcalde  Manuel  Jimeno  Casarin;  regidores,  Simeon  Castro,  An- 
tonio Romero,  John  B.  Cooper,  and  Jos6  Joaquin  Gomez  (from  July);  sindico 
Jos3  Aguila;  sec.  Jose"  M.  Maldonado,  and  later  Jos6  M.  Mier  y  Teran;  capt 
of  the  port  Malarin.  Jan.,  plans  and  estimates  submitted  for  casas  consis- 
toriales.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  &  J.,  MS.,  vi.  49.  Feb.,  police  regulations. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  68.  Liquor  tax  in  March- April  $215.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  B.  31.,  MS.,  lxxvi.  3.  May,  Marcos  Juarez,  a  soldier,  tried  by  mil. 
court  for  robbing  the  storehouse,  and  sentenced  to  5  years'  work  at  Sta  Rosa 
on  the  northern  frontier.  Id.,  lxxxviii.  22-3.  June,  Joaquin  Alfaro  and  Ger- 
trudis  Garibay  accused  of  murder  of  the  soldier  Encarnacion  Hernandez. 
Iso  result  recorded.  Id. ,  9-18.  A  boy  put  in  prison  for  rape  on  a  child.  St. 
Pap.  Sac,  MS.,  xiv.  44.  June  28th,  boundaries  iixed  by  gov.  provisionally, 
so  vaguely  as  to  be  of  no  value.  St.  Pap.,  M.  <£  C,  MS.,  ii.  220.  Nov., 
assembly  grants  a  secretary  to  the  ayunt.  at  $20  salary,  the  sindico  having 
served.  Leg.  Pec,  ii.  210.  A  vagrant  sentenced  to  8  months  of  'coloniza- 
cion  en  el  territorio.'  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  32. 

1835.  Alcaldes  David  Spence  and  Rafael  Gonzalez;  regidores,  John 
Cooper,  Joaquin  Gomez,  Rafael  Gomez,  Wm  Hartnell,  Jesus  Vallejo,  and 
Salvador  Espinosa.   (Fran.  P.  Pacheco  is  mentioned  in  Oct.);  sindico,  Miguel 

Hist.  Cal,.,  Vol.  III.    43 


074  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

tro,  and  David  Spence  again.  In  1831-7  an  ayunta- 
miento  of  one  or  two  alcades,  four  or  six  regidores, 
and  a  sindico,  was  elected    each   year  to  serve  the 

Avila;  sec.  Francisco  Castillo  Negrete  to  June,  Jose"  M.  Maldonado  from 
June;  alcaldes  auxiliaries,  Los  Ortegas  (?)  John  Gilroy,  Pilarcitos  Luis  Mesa, 
Buena  Vista  Santiago  Estrada,  Pajaro  Antonio  Castro,  Soledad  Nicolas  Alviso, 
S.  Carlos  Jose  Ant.  Romero;  jueces  de  policia,  Jose  Castaiiares  and  Antonio 
de  Sta  Cruz;  juez  del  monte,  Santiago  Duckworth.  Jueces  de  campo,  Pilar- 
citos, Francisco  Lugo;  Alisal,  Vicente  Cantua;  Guadalupe,  Guadalupe  Can- 
taa;  Carneros,  Joaquin  Soto;  La  Brea,  Antonio  German  and  Faustino  Ger- 
man; Las  Llagas,  Carlos  Castro;  Pajaro,  Ramon  Amez(quita);  Monterey, 
Felipe  Garcia;  Laguna  Seca,  Teodoro  Sanchez;  Buena  Vista,  Mariano  Estrada, 
Salinas,  Jos6  M.  Boronda.  Majordomo  of  the  ayunt.,  Geo.  Allen.  Jan.  3d, 
teacher  cannot  begin  work  for  lack  of  furniture,  etc.  Jan.  5th,  police  regul. 
of  the  past  year  adopted.  10th,  committee  appt.  to  consider  land  grants,  and 
one  on  schools.  12th,  building  a  jail.  17th,  limits  pf  the  ejidos,  from  the 
mouth  of  the  river  to  Pilarcitos,  to  Laguna  Seca,  bounds  of  S.  Carlos  to  Cana- 
da Honda  and  the  sea.  24th,  schools,  contributions  to  be  solicited;  com.  to 
form  a  tariff  on  wood;  regulation  of  bread;  31st,  wood  and  timber  tariff  fixed. 
Feb.  7th,  proposition  for  a  girls'  school;  a  map  of  the  town  needed  but  very 
hard  to  make;  appeal  to  govt  for  arms  to  use  against  cattle-thieves;  a  record 
book  for  town  lots  to  be  obtained;  14th,  trouble  with  the  sindico.  2Sth,  J. 
B.  Alvarado  chosen  to  solicit  funds  for  the  girls'  school.  March  14th,  one 
real  per  day  to  be  paid  to  a  watchman  for  the  prisoners  on  public  works. 
23th,  a  room  rented  for  a  sala  capitular  at  $10  per  month.  April-May,  po- 
litical and  colony  matters  chiefly.  June  20th,  the  church  transferred  from 
the  military  to  municipal  care.  July  11th,  vote  to  grant  the  request  of  Los 
Angeles  for  a  copy  of  the  reglamento  as  a  model,  but  Angeles  must  pay  the 
e::pense  of  copying.  18th.  action  to  oblige  regular  attendance  at  the  '  normal 
school.'  Slow  progress  on  the  buildings,  as  the  prisoners  were  not  properly 
incited  to  work.  Aug.  1st,  Jose  Arana  put  in  charge  of  the  work  and  prison- 
ers, his  salary  to  be  completed  by  a  contribution.  Lumbermen  must  pay  a 
tax  of  10  per  cent  on  sales.  8th,  et  seq.,  land  grants  approved.  29th,  vote 
to  pay  $3  for  an  ox  that  died  in  the  service  of  the  ayunt.  Sept.  12th,  orga- 
nization of  militia.  Oct.  3d,  com.  to  provide  for  a  separate  burial  place  for 
foreigners.  28th,  tiles  borrowed  to  save  the  unfinished  building  from  ruin  by 
the  rains.  Nov.  7th,  serious  complaints  against  the  principal  of  the  school 
for  neglect  of  his  duties  and  failure  to  attend  to  religious  instruction.  21st, 
Romero  the  teacher  defends  himself.  Foreign  cemetery  selected.  Dec.  5th, 
vigorous  action  to  be  taken  against  the  horse-thieves,  etc.  Town  well  to  be 
repaired.  Dec.  18th,  extra  session  to  consider  the  arrest  by  Capt.  Munoz  of 
the  sindico.  The  acts  of  the  ayunt.  are  recorded  in  full  in  Monterey,  Adas  del 
Ayunt.,  MS.,  40-249,  it  being  of  course  impossible  to  present  a  satisfactory 
r<5sume\  I  have  omitted  repetitions  of  matters  noticed  here  and  elsewhere; 
internal  regulations,  and  leaves  of  absence  to  members;  grants  of  town  lands; 
and  action  on  about  20  grants  of  ranchos  in  the  district.  Many  of  the  items 
given  above  are  also  noticed  in  other  records.  Feb.,  gov.  decides  that  820  is 
an  excessive  salary  to  the  sec.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  3.  June,  trial  of  Julian 
Padilla  for  passing  counterfeit  onzas.  Id.,  ii.  3-6.  Aug.  Jose  de  Jesus  Ber- 
reyesa  condemned  to  5  years'  presidio  at  Sta  Rosa  for  stealing  horses.  Oct., 
controversy  between  the  military  and  munic.  authorities  for  the  possession  of 
the  ranchos  El  Toro  and  S.  Francisquito.  El  Toro  had  belonged  to  the  garri- 
son, but  the  ayunt.  obtained  it  (for  ejidos)  and  granted  it  to  Estrada.  Dept. 
St.  Pa j).,  MS.,  iv.  00-G;  Leg.  Pec.,  MS.,  ii.  224-5.  There  is  much  in  the 
ayunt.  records  about  the  ejidos,  but  no  definite  results  of  discussion  are  ap- 
parent. Dec,  Eugenio  Murillo  sentenced  to  Texas  for  10  years.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  <k  J.,  MS.,  iii.  47. 

1830.     Alcaldes  Jose  lUmon  Estrada  and  Marcelino  Escobar;  regidores 


AYUNTAMIENTO  RECORDS.  .  G75 

next;  but  for  only  1831  and  1835  are  the  records  of 
ayuntamiento  sessions  extant,  those  of  the  latter  year 
being    especially  complete.     In    1838    the  governor, 

Wm  Hartnell,  Teocloro  Gonzalez,  (also  acting  alcalde),  Bonifacio  Madari- 
aga,  and  Gil  Sanchez  (to  April);  sindico,  James  Watson;  sec,  Jose"  M.  Mal- 
donado;  Antonio  Lara,  alguacil.  Jueces  de  campo  Santiago  Estrada,  Trinidad 
Espinosa,  Feliciano  Espinosa,  Jose"  Arcco,  Guadalupe  Cantua,  Santiago  Guat 
(Jas.  Watt?);  auxiliaries,  Quentin  Ortega,  Jose-  M.  Villavicencio,  Luis  Mesa. 
Comisarios  de  policia,  Jos6'  Madariaga,  Francisco  Soto,  Jos6  Abrego,  Jose 
Pacomio;  suplentes,  Jose"  Sta  Cruz,  Nicanor  Zamora,  Gil  Cano,  Luis  Placen- 
cia.  Ayunt.  records  not  extant.  Jan.,  two  couples  sentenced  to  chain-gang 
and  seclusion  for  illicit  intercourse.  One  of  the  women  was  the  wife  of  Cosme 
Peila.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  6-7.  Two  girls  of  the  colony  while  bathing  at 
Huerta  Vieja  were  carried  off  by  Carmelefio  Ind.,  who  were  arrested  and 
flogged.  Ilijar,  Cal.,  MS.,  118-19.  April,  ayunt.  allowed  to  use  the  assem- 
bly chamber  temporarily.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Den.,  P.  &  J.,  MS.,  iii.  31.  Grant 
of  a  town  lot  to  Louis  Pombert.  Doc  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  255.  June,  gov.  de- 
cides that  Maldonado  maybe  sec.  of  ayunt.  and  assembly.  Leg.  Pec,  MS., 
iii.  22-3.  Aug.-Oct.,  trial  of  Corporal  Antonio  Cadena,  of  the  piquete  de 
Hidalgo,  for  the  murder  of  private  Barbaro  Barragan  of  the  artillery.  He 
was  sentenced  to  10  years'  presidio  at  Chapala;  and  a  woman  in  the  case  to 
2  years  confinement  at  S.  Jose'  mission.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  lxxxii. 
29-54;  lxxviii.  2-3. 

1837.  Alcaldes  Est^van  Munras  and  perhaps  Marcelino  Escobar.  Mun- 
ras is  often  mentioned  as  2d  alcalde,  and  Escobar  is  named  once  in  Dec.  The 
only  regidores  named  are  Simeon  Castro  and  Bonifacio  Madariaga.  Mont. 
Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  7;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  ii.  107.  Juez  de  campo  Eu- 
femio  Soto.     Fragmentary  police  regulations  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  60. 

1838.  Alcaldes  (or  encargados  de  justicia)  Simeon  Castro  and  Feliciano 
Soberanes;  secretary  Florencio  Serrano.  Jan.  10th  (or  Aug.  10th)  bando  of 
police  regulations.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iii.  GG-8;  Sta  Cruz  Arch., 
MS.,  85-G. 

1839.  Prefect  of  1st  or  Monterey  district,  with  headquarters  at  S.  Juan  de 
Castro,  Jose"  Castro  appointed  Feb.  28th,  and  installed,  making  a  patriotic 
speech  March  10th;  salary  S2,000.  His  secretary  was  Jose"  M.  Covarrubias. 
Castro  was  required  to  give  up  the  military  command.  During  his  tempo- 
rary absence  in  May,  Juan  Ansar,  the  juez  de  paz  at  S.  Juan,  acted  as  pre- 
fect. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  247-8;  xvii.  44;  Id.,  S.  J.,  v.  21.  20,  50;  Id., 
Mont.,  iii.  78;  iv.  4,  78,  81;  Id.,  Ang.,  x.  12-13;  xii.  14;  Id.,  Ben.,  P.  y  J., 
iii.  2;  Id.,  C.  &  T.,  iv.  28;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  4;  xvi.  28;  S.  Jos6  Arch., 
MS.,  ii.  72;  iii.  30-1;  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  x.  7;  Unb.  Doc,  MS.,  242;  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  viii.  407;  xxxii.  183;  Estud'dlo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  255;  Gomez,  Doc, 
MS.,  39.  Encargados  de  justicia  Castro  and  Soberanes  as  before  till  April. 
Jueces  de  paz  from  May,  David  Spence  and  Est6van  Munras;  secretary  at 
$300,  and  collector  at  commission  of  5  per  cent,  Manuel  Castro,  juez  auxiliar 
Vicente  Cantua.  Feb.  instructions  to  comisarios  de  policia.  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  xxxii.  176.  April,  justices  fined  $20  by  gov.  for  permitting  a  game  of 
bagatelle  on  holy  days.  Fine  for  benefit  of  school.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont., 
MS.,  iv.  12.  Alcalde  Castro  by  order  of  the  prefect  decides  to  appoint  jueces 
de  paz  at  Mont.,  S.  Carlos,  Salinas,  Natividad  or  Alisal,  S.  Cayetano,  Car- 
neadero,  and  S.  Luis  Obispo  ranchos.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  6.  April  29th, 
elections  to  take  place  on  May  1st.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  497. 

1840.  Prefect  Jose"  Castro  until  his  departure  with  the  Graham  exiles  in 
May,  after  which  Jos6  M.  Villavicencio  acted  ad  interim  until  August  20  th 
when  Tiburcio  Castro,  father  of  Jos6,  was  appointed.  Francisco  Arce  was 
secretary  until  Dec. ,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  Manuel  Castanares.  Dept. 
Rec,  MS.,  xi.  16-18,  31,  00;  Arch.  Doc,  MS.,  19;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont., 


C76  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

having  accepted  the  Mexican  central  system,  abol- 
ished the  town  council  and  appointed  an  encargado 
to  serve  temporarily  until  the  new  organization  could 
he  effected;  and  accordingly  in  1839-40  a  juez  de 
paz  was  at  the  head  of  affairs.  Also  in  1839  Jose 
Castro  was  made  prefect  of  the  first  district  with 
headquarters  at  San  Juan,  his  father,  Tiburcio  Castro, 
succeeding  him  in  1840.  Excepting  the  Castanares- 
Herrera  cases,  noted  elsewhere  in  connection  with 
the  political  troubles  to  which  they  contributed,  the 
administration  of  justice  at  Monterey  furnishes  very 
little  matter  that  is  either  interesting  or  instructive; 
nevertheless  the  criminal  record  with  other  details  of 
municipal  affairs  are  believed  to  be  worth  preserving. 
Private  ranchos6  mentioned  in  the  records  as  having 

MS.,  iii.  84;  Id.,  Ben.  P.  y  J.,  iii.  13;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  30.  Juez  de 
paz  David  Spence  and  perhaps  Este>anMunras;  juez  auxiliar  Joaquin  Buelna 
at  Pilarcitos;  capt.  of  the  port  Pedro  Narvaez.  Simeon  Castro  is  also  named 
as  alcalde.  April  7th  while  the  town  was  under  martial  law  on  account 
of  the  arrest  of  foreigners  Diego  Felix  murdered  his  wife  and  her  un- 
born child,  for  which  crime  he  was  shot  by  the  governor's  order  within  12 
hours.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ix.  108;  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  45-9;  Castro,  Pel., 
MS.,  5'7-GO.  July,  gov.  organizes  and  instructs  a  patrol  force  to  protect  the 
district  against  Incl.  and  other  robbers.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  St.  Jos6,  MS.,  v.  58- 
C0.  Aug.-Sept.,  the  jurisdiction  of  the  juez  denned  as  extending  to  Rio  de 
Soledad,  including  Alisal,  Sauzal,  Espinosa's  rancho,  Bolsa  Nueva,  all  the 
ranchos  of  the  Salinas,  Tucho,  to  the  Carmelo  boundary.  Dept.  St.  Pip., 
Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  23;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  26-7.  Dec,  owners  of  shops,  etc. 
must  keep  a  light  before  their  doors  till  10  P.  M.,  even  if  the  shop  is  closed. 
Id.,  30-1;  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  xi.  29.  Additional  references  for  the  list  of  town 
officials.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  28;  ii.  1,  3,  8,  12;  iii.  2-4;  v.  1;  vi.  3-9,  24; 
vii.  40,  43,  G2-6;  ix.  3,  9,  25-7;  xi.  12,  14;  xvi.  16,  23;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont, 
MS.,  ii.  21-2;  iv.  82;  iii.  93;  vi.  10,  28,  36,  38;  S.  Jose  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  46-7; 
ii.  50;  iii.  40,  103;  iv.  15,  18,  51;  v.  32,  39-40;  vi.  27,  38;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iii.  95,  1G2,  167;  iv.  249;  xiv.  2;  xvii.  2,  3;  Id.,  Ben.,  P.  y  J.,  iii.  30, 
47-8,  79,  84,  SS;  vi.  37;  Id.,  Ben.,  ii.  3;  vi.  74,  310;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  v. 
40;  Id.,  Sac,  xi.  69;  xii.  10;  xiv.  7,  13;  Id.,  Miss.  &  Col.,  ii.  229,  235,  353-6; 
Leg.  Rec,  MS.,  i.  348;  ii.  282;  iii.  22-3;  Gomez,  Doc,  MS.,  24-5,  33. 

6  Ranchos  of  Monterey  district,  1831-40.  Those  marked  with  a  *  were 
rejected  by  the  land  commission  or  U.  S.  courts.  Aguajito,  \  1.,  granted  in 
1835  to  Gregorio  Tapia,  who  was  the  claimant.  Aguajito  (Sta  Cruz  Co.),  500 
v.,  1837,  Miguel  Villagrana,  who  was  cl.  Alisal,  1J  1.,  1834,  Feliciano  So- 
beranez  et  al. ;  B.  Bernal  cl.  In  1836  Soberanesand  37  other  persons  lived  on 
the  rancho.  Alisal,  §  1.,  Wm.  E.  Hartnell,  who  was  cl.  Animas,  or  Sitio  de 
la  Brea  (Sta  Clara  Co.),  24,000  acres,  conf.  in  1835  to  Josefa  Romero  de  Cas- 
tro, who  was  cl.  In  1836  she  and  her  family,  16  persons,  were  living  at  Las 
Animas.  At  the  same  time  Antonio  German  and  32  persons  were  living  at 
La  Brea.  See  also  Canada  de  S.  Felipe  y  Las  Animas.  *Arias  Rancho,  1  1., 
1839,  Francisco  Arias;  A.  Canil  et  al.  cl.  Aptos  (Sta  Cruz  Co.),  1  1.,  1S33, 
Rafael  Castro,  who  was  cl.  Aromitas  y  Agua  Caliente,  3  1.,  1835,  Juan  M. 
Ansur,  who  was  cl.     Arroyo  de  la  Laguna  (Sta  Cruz  Co.),  1840,  Gil  Sanchez; 


PRIVATE  RANCHOS.  677 

been  granted  or  occupied, during  the  decade  number 
about  95,  the  population  of  which,  at  the  end,  as  al- 
ready noted,  was  about  550  souls,  or  about  one  third 

J.  and  S.  Williams  cl.  Arroyo  de  la  Purisima,  see  Canada  Verde.  Arroyo 
del  Rodeo  (Sta  Cruz  Co.),  1£  1.,  1834,  Fran.  Rodriguez;  J.  Hames  et  al.  cl., 
Arroyo  Seco,  4  L,  1840,  Joaquin  de  la  Torre,  who  was  cl.  Ballena,  see  Rin- 
con  de  Ballena.  Bolsa  Nueva  y  Moro  Cojo,  8  1.,  1825,  1836-7,  1844,  Simeon 
Castro;  M.  Antonia  Pico  de  Castro,  cl.  Bolsa  del  Pajaro  (Sta  Cruz  Coi),  2  1., 
1837,  Sebastian  Rodriguez,  who  was  cl.  Bolsa,  see  also  S.  Cayetano,  S.  Fe- 
lipe, Escorpinas,  and  Chamisal.  Brea,  see  Animas.  Buena  Esperanza,  see 
Encinal.  Buena  vista,  2  1.,  1822-3,  Santiago  and  Jose"  Mariano  Estrada;  Ma- 
riano Malarin,  Attorney  for  Estrada,  and  David  Spence  cl.  The  Estrada 
brothers  with  families,  34  persons,  lived  here  in  1836.  Butano  (Sta  Cruz  Co. ), 
1  1.,  1838,  1844,  Ramona  Sanchez;  M.  Rodriguez  cl.  Calabazas,  see  Canada 
do  C.  Canada  Honda,  1835,  Angel  Ramirez.  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  ii.  225;  Mont., 
Actus  del  Ayunt.,  MS.,  114.  Not  brought  before  the  L.  C.  Canada  de  S. 
Felipe  y  las  Animas,  1839,  Thomas  Bowen;  C.  M.  Weber  cl.  Caiiada  de  la 
Segunda,  1  1.,  1839,  Lazaro  Soto;  A.  Randall  et  al.  cl.  Caiiada  Verde,  1836, 
mentioned  by  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  67-8,  as  having  been  granted  by  Gov.  Chico 
to  Francisco  Castillo  Negrete,  but  the  grant  was  not  completed  on  account  of 
the  political  troubles.  Canada  Verde  y  Arroyo  de  la  Purisima  (Sta  Cruz  Co. ),  2 
1.,  1838,  Jose"  M.  Alviso;  J.  A.  Alviso  cl. ;  Carbonera  (Sta  Cruz  Co.),  \  1.,  1838, 
Wm  Buckle,  who  was  cl.  Carneros,  1  1.,  1834.  David  Littlejohn,  whose  heirs 
were  cl.  *  Chamizal,  1  1.,  1835,  Felipe  Vasquez,  whose  heirs  were  cl.  Ap- 
proved by  theayunt.  in  1835.  Chamizal  (Bolsa  de),  1837,  Francisco  Quijada; 
L.  T.  Burton  cl.  Chualar  (Sta  Rosa  de),  2  1.,  1839,  Juan  Malarin,  whose  exec- 
utor was  cl.  Joaquin  and  Francisco  Estrada  with  2  servants  lived  on  the 
rancho  in  1836.  *  Corral  de  Padiila,  2,000  v.,  1836,  Baldomero;  M.  Antonia 
Pico  de  Castro  cl.  Corral  de  Tierra,  1836,  Guadalupe  Figueroa;  H.  D.  Mc- 
Cobb  cl.  Corralitos  (Sta  Cruz  Co.)  not  yet  granted,  but  occupied  in  1836  by 
Ignacio  Coronel  and  family,  12  persons  in  all.  Encinal  y  Buena  Esperanza,  3 
1.,  1834,  1839,  David  Spence,  who  was  cl.  Vicente  Felix  as  majordomo  with 
5  others  living  here  in  1836.  Escorpinas  (Escarpinas  or  Escorpiones  ?)  2  1., 
1837,  Salvador  Espinosa,  who  was  cl.  *  Espfritu  Santo  (Loma),  1839,  M. 
del  E.  S.  Carrillo,  who  was  cl.  Los  Gatos,  or  Sta  Rita,  1  1.,  1820,  1837,  Jose 
Trinidad  Espinosa,  whose  heirs  were  cl.  Guadalupe,  1840,  D.  Olivera  and 
T.  Arellanes,  who  were  cl.  Guadalupe  or  Llanito  de  los  Correos,  2  1.,  1833, 
Juan  Malarin,  whose  executor  was  cl. ;  occupied  in  1836  by  Guadalupe  Cantua 
as  majordomo  and  8  persons.  Laguna,  see  Arroyo  de  la  L.  Laguna  de  Las 
Calabazas  (Sta  Cruz  Co. ),  2  1.  1833,  Felipe  Hernandez;  C.  Morse,  cl.  Laguna 
Seca,  1£  1.,  1834,  C.  M.  de  Munras,  who  was  cl.;  occupied  in  1836  by  Teo- 
doro  Moreno  as  majordomo  and  6  others.  Laureles,  lb  1.,  1839,  J.  M.  Bo- 
ronda  et  al.,  who  were  cl. ;  the  grant  of  Canada  de  Laureles  to  Jose"  Ant.  Ro- 
mero was  approved  by  the  ayunt.  in  1835.  Llagas,  6  1.,  1834,  Carlos  Castro; 
Murphy  cl.  (Sta  Clara  Co.),  Carlos  and  Guillermo  Castro  with  11  other 
persons  lived  on  the  rancho  in  1836.  Llano  de  Tequisquite,  \  1.,  1835,  J.  M. 
Sanchez,  who  was  cl.  Llano,  see  Buenavista.  Llanito,  see  Guadalupe.  Loma, 
see  Espiritu  Santo.  Milpitas,  1838,  Ignacio  Pastor,  who  was  cl.  Moro  Cojo, 
sec  Bolsa  Nueva.  Rancho  Nacional,  2  1.,  1839,  Vicente  Cantua  who  was  cl.; 
occupied  in  1836  by  Francisco  Mesa  as  majordomo  and  7  others.  The  Huerta 
de  la  Nacion  was  asked  for  in  1835  by  Capt.  J.  A.  Munoz,  and  approved  by 
the  ayunt.  Natividad,  2  1.,  1837,  Manuel  Butron  and  Nicolas  Alviso;  Ramon 
Butron  et  al.  cl.  M.  Burton  and  others,  29  in  all,  lived  on  the  rancho  in  1836. 
Noche  Buena  (Huerta  de  la  Xacion?),  1  1.,  1835,  Jos6  Ant.  Munoz;  Jose"  and 
Jaime  de  Puig  Monmany  (?)  cl.  Ojitos,  see  Poza.  Pajaro,  see  Vega  del  Rio; 
also  Bolsa  del  P.  Palo  de  Yesca,  see  Shoquel.  Parage  de  Sanchez,  \\  1., 
1839,  Francisco  Lugo;  Juana  Briones  de  Lugo  cl.    Patrocinio  (Alisal  ? ),  occu- 


673  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

of  the  total  population  of  the  district.  Excepting, 
however,  the  padron  of  1836,  showing  the  names  and 
numbers  of  inhabitants  at  that  time,  we  have  no  sat- 

picd  in  1S3G  by  Hartnell,  P.  Short,  and  13  colegiales  with  servants,  etc.,  44 
persons  in  all.  Pescadero,  1  1.  1836,  Fabian  Baretto,  who  was  cl.  Pescadero 
or  S.  Antonio  (Sta  Cruz  Co.),  f  1.,  1833,  Juan  Jose"  Gonzalez,  who  was  cl. 
Piedra  Blanca  (S.  Luis  Obispo  Co.),  1840,  Jesus  Pico,  who  was  cl.  Pilarcitos; 
expediente  of  Gabriel  Espinosa  in  1835.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  485;  grant 
of  a  tract  to  Luis  Mesa  approved  by  ayunt.  in  1835;  occupied  in  1836  by  Jos6 
M.  Arceo,  Gregorio  Tapia,  and  others,  40  in  all;  not  before  L.  C.  Pismo,  2 
1.,  1840,  Jose  Ortega;  Isaac  Sparks  cl.,  in  S.  Luis  Obispo  Co.  Potrero,  see  S. 
Carlos;  also  S.  Pedro.  Poza  de  los  Ositos,  4  1.  1839,  Carlos  C.  Espinosa,  who 
was  cl.  Puente  del  Monte,  see  Rincon.  Punta  de  Pinos,  2  1.,  1833,  1844,  Josi 
M.  Armenta,  Jose  Abrego;  J.   P.  Leese  cl.     Purisima,   see  Canada  Verde. 

*  Quien  Sabe,  6  1.,  1836,  Fran.  Castillo  Negrete,  who  was  cl.   (S.  Joaquin  Co.) 

*  Refugio  (Sta  Cruz  Co.),  1839,  Maria  de  los  Angeles  Castro  et  at. ;  J.  L. 
Majors  cl.  *Rincon  de  la  Ballena  (Sta  Cruz  Co.),  1  1.,  1839,  Jose"  C.  Bernal; 
S.  Rodriguez  cl.  Rincon  de  la  Puente  (Punta?)  del  Monte,  7  1.  1836,  Teodoro 
Gonzalez,  who  was  cl.  In  1835  the  grant  to  Felipe  Aguila  was  approved  by  the 
ajmnt.  Rincon,  see  Salinas,  also  S.  Pedro.  Rinconada  del  Zanjon,  HI. ,  1840, 
Eusebio  Boronda,  who  was  cl.  Rosario,  see  S.  Francisco.  Rodeo,  see  Arroyo  del 
R.  Rosa  Morada,  see  S.  Joaquin.  Sagrada  familia,  see  Bolsas.  Salinas,  1 1., 
1836,  Gabriel  Espinosa,  who  was  cl.  Salinas  (Rincon)  J  1.,  1833,  Cristina  Del- 
gado;  Ramon  Estrada  cl.  In  1836  Salinas  was  occupied  by  Jose"  M.  Boronda, 
Bias  Martinez,  and  others,  78  persons  in  all.  Salsipuedes  (Sta  Cruz  Co.)  81., 
1834,  1840,  Manuel  Jitneno  Casarin;  James  Blair  et  al.  cl.  San  Andres  (Sta 
Cruz  Co.),  2  1.,  1833,  Joaquin  Castro;  G.  Castro  cl.  S.  Antonio,  occupied  in 
1836  by  Jos6  Ant.  Castro  and  family,  15  persons.  The  identity  of  this  rancho  is 
uncertain.  See  also  Pescadero.  S.  Bernab6,  see  S.  Justo.  S.  Bernardo,  1  1., 
1840,  Vicente  Can6,  who  was  cl.  S.  Carlos  (Potrero),  1  1.,  1837,  Fructuoso;  J. 
Gutierrez  cl.  S.  Cayetano  (Bolsa),  21.,  1824,  1834,  Ignacio  Vallejo;  J.  J.  Va- 
llejo  cl.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  123,  are  some  papers  relating  to  the  Pico 
claim  on  this  rancho.  Jesus  Vallejo  and  15  persons  occupied  the  rancho  in  1S36. 
S.  Felipe,  3  1.,  1836,  F.  D.  Pacheco;  F.  P.  Pacheco  cl.  S.  Felipe  (Bolsa)  21., 
1840,  F.  D.  Pacheco;  F.  P.  Pacheco  cl. ;  occupied  in  1836  by  Rafael  de  la 
Mota  and  7  others.  S.  Francisco  del  Rosario,  occupied  in  1836  by  Angel 
Castro  and  13  other  persons  (perhaps  Paicines  granted  to  Castro  in  1842).  S. 
Francisquito,  2  1.,  1835,  Catalina  M.  de  Munras;  Jose"  Abrego  cl.  Occupied 
in  1S36  by  Juan  Rosales  as  majordomo  with  family,  etc.,  9  persons.  S. 
Gregorio  (Sta  Cruz  Co.),  4  1.,  1839,  Antonio  Buelna;  E.  Buelna  et  al.  cl.  S. 
Isidro,  1  1.,  1833,  Quintin  Ortega,  who  was  cl.  (Sta  Clara  Co.)  Occupied  in 
1836  by  Ortega  and  37  persons.  S.  Joaquin  or  Rosa  Morada,  2  1.,  1836,  Cruz 
Cervantes,  who  was  cl.  *S.  Jose"  y  Sur  Chiquito,  2  1.,  1839,  Marcelino  Esco- 
bar; J.  Castro  cl:  The  grant  of  Sur  Chiquito  to  Teodoro  Gonzalez  was  ap- 
proved by  the  ayunt.  in  1835.  S.  Juan  y  Cajon  de  Sta  Ana,  1837,  Juan  P. 
Ontiveros,  who  was  cl.  S.  Justo,  4  1.,  1839,  Jose"  Castro;  F.  P.  Pacheco  cl. 
*S.  Justo  cl  Viejo  y  S.  Bernabd,  6  1.,  1S36,  Rafael  Gonzalez;  Ellen  E.  White 
et  al.  cl.  S.  Matias,  occupied  in  1836  by  Joaquin  Soto  and  family,  14  per- 
sons (not  in  L.  C.  cases  under  this  name;  Soto  was  granted  El  Piojo  and 

ida  de  Carpenter  (a  later).  S.  Miguel,  occupied  in  1836  by  Trinidad  and 
Salvador  Espinosa,  21  persons  (the  grant  of  Canada  de  S.  Miguel  to  Jos^  M. 
Audrade  was  approved  by  the  ayunt.  in  1835).  *S.  Pedro,  Potrero  y  Rin- 
con de  (Sta  Cruz  Co.),  1838,  Jose"  R.  Buelna.  *S.  Vicente  (Sta  Cruz  Co.),  2 
1. ,  1839,  Antonio  Rodriguez,  who  was  cl.  S.  Vincente,  2  1.,  1835,  Francisco 
Soto  and  S.  Munras;  Concepcion  Munras  et  al.  cl.  (Las  Pozas  was  approved 
to  Soto  in  1835  by  the  ayunt.)  *Sta  Ana  y  Sta  Anita  (S.  Joaquin  Co.),  6  1., 
1836,  Francisco  Castillo  Negrete;  Josufa  M.  de  C.  N.  cl.     Sta  Ana,  see  S. 


SAN  CARLOS  MISSION.  679 

isfactory  statistics  nor  any  record  of  events  at  the 
ranchos  beyond  the  occasional  mention  of  a  few  in 
connection  with  general  annals  of  the  territory. 

Padre  Ramon  Abulia  remained  in  charge  of  Mis- 
sion San  Cdrlos  until  1833,  when  he  was  succeeded 
by  the  Zacatecan  Jose  Maria  del  Refugio  Sagrado 
Suarez  del  Real.  There  is  extani  neither  record  of 
secularization  or  other  events,  nor  statistical  informa- 
tion for  any  part  of  the  decade;  but  I  append  the 
few  scattered  items  that  can  be  found.7     Seculariza- 

Juan.  Sta  Cruz  Co.  ranchos,  see  Aguajito,  Aptos,  Arroyo  de  la  Laguna, 
Arroyo  del  Rodeo,  Bolsa  del  Pajaro,  Butano,  Canada  Verde,  Carbonera,  Cor- 
ral itos,  Laguna  de  Calabazas,  Pescadero,  Refugio,  Rincon  de  la  Ballena, 
Salsipuedes,  S.  Andre's,  S.  Gregorio,  S.  Pedro,  S.  Vincente,  Sayante,  and 
Shoquel.  Sta  Manuela,  1S37,  Francis  Branch,  who  was  cl.  (S.  Luis  Obispo 
Co.)  Sta  Rita,  see  Los  Gatos.  Sta  Rosa,  see  Chualar.  Saucito,  H  1.,  1833, 
Graciano  Manjares;  J.  Wilson  et  al.  cl. ;  occupied  by  M.  and  fam.,  8  persons, 
in  183G.  Sauzal,  2  1.,  1834,  1845,  Jose'  Tiburcio  Castro;  J.  P.  Leese,  cl. ; 
occupied  in  183G  by  Martin  Olivera  and  fam.,  19  persons  in  all.  *Sayante 
(Sta  Cruz  Co.),  3  L,  1833,  Joaquin  Buelna;  N.  Cathcart  cl.  Shoquel  and  Palo 
de  Yesca  (Sta  Cruz  Co.),  4  1.,  1833-4,  1844.  Martina  Castro,  who  was  cl. 
Sur,  2  1.,  1834,  J.  B.  Alvarado;  J.  B.  R.  Cooper  cl.  Sur  Chiquito,  see  S. 
Jose\  Toro,  1^  1.,  1835,  Ramon  Estrada;  C.  Wolters  cl.;  much  trouble 
about  the  right  of  the  ayuut.  to  grant  this  rancho,  which  was  claimed  by  the 
military  company.  Trinidad,  occupied  by  Sebastian  Rodriguez,  etc.,  40  per- 
sons in  183G  (not  before  L.  C.  under  this  name;  but  Rodriguez  was  granted 
2  ranchos  in  Sta  Cruz  Co.)  Tucho,  occupied  by  Cruz  Cervantes  majordomo 
and  10  others  in  183G;  parts  of  the  rancho  granted  after  1840;  the  grant  to 
Manuel  Boronda  and  Bias  Martinez  approved  by  ayunt.  in  1835.  Tularcitos, 
G  1.,  1834,  Rafael  Gomez,  whose  widow  was  cl.  Vega  del  Rio  del  Pajaro, 
8,000  acres,  1820.  Ant.  M.  Castro;  J.  M.  Anzarcl. ;  not  mentioned  in  this 
decade.  Verjeles,  2  1.,  1835,  Jos6  Joaquin  Gomez;  J.  C.  Stokes  cl. ;  occupied 
in  1836  by  14  persons,  Eusebio  Boronda  being  majordomo.  Yesca,  see 
Shoquel.  Zanjones,  1£  1.,  1839,  Gabriel  de  la  Torre;  Mariano  Malarin  cl. 
Zanjon,  see  also  Rinconada.  Also  the  following  ranchos  without  names: 
Antonio  Romero,  1840;  Jas  Meadows  cl.  Francisco  Perez  Pacheco,  2  1., 
1833,  id.  cl.  *Hermenegildo,  500  v.,  1835,  Id.  cl.  Manuel  Larios,  1  1.,  1839; 
Id.  cl.  Mariano  Castro,  1839;  Rurina  Castro  cl.  Est6van  Espinosa,  ^  1., 
1840;  Henry  Cocks  cl.  Ranchos  approved  by  the  ayunt.  in  1835  and  not 
mentioned  above;  Los  Pajines,  or  Paicines,  to  Angel  Castro;  not  named,  near 
Soledad,  to  Jose  Cantor;  Chichiguas,  near  S.  Juan  B.,  to  Rafael  Gonzalez; 
not  named,  S.  Luis  Cbispo  region,  to  Simeon  Castro.  See  Hoffman's  Reports 
and  Monterey,  Adas  del  Ayunt.,  MS. 

7  San  Carlos  events.  1831.  Provisions  of  Echcandia's  decree,  or  the 
Padres  plan,  never  carried  into  effect;  Manuel  Crespo  being  appointed 
comisionado;  visit  of  Gov.  Victoria;  robbery  of  the  mission  storehouse  by 
Aguilar  and  Sagarra.  This  vol.,  p.  1S3,  190,  305-7.  1832-3.  No  record 
except  of  the  change  of  padres  in  the  latter  year.  P.  Duran  favored  the  par- 
tial secularization.  Id.,  319,  335.  1834.  No  record  of  secularization.  July 
Sch,  the  assembly  permits  a  moderate  slaughter  of  cattle  to  pay  debts.  Leg. 
Ilec,  MS.,  ii.  148.  The  majordomo  forbidden  by  the  gov.  to  punish  Intl., 
some  of   them   having   complained  of   being  beaten.  JJept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.t 


6S0  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

tion  was  effected  in  1834-5,  Joaquin  Gomez  being 
comisionado,  succeeded  by  Jose  Antonio  Romero  as 
majordormo.  There  was  but  little  mission  property 
left  in  1834,  and  none  at  all  except  the  ruined  buildings 
in  1840.  The  neophytes  numbered  about  150  at  the 
time  of  secularization,  and  I  suppose  there  were  30 
left  in  Carmelo  Valley  at  the  end  of  the  decade,  with 
perhaps  50  more  in  private  service  in  town  or  on  the 
ranchos. 

At  San  Luis  Obispo,  the  southernmost  mission  of 
the  district,  Padre  Gil  y  Taboada  continued  to  serve 
as  minister  till  his  death  at  the  end  of  1833,  in  which 

MS.,  v.  38-40.  Joaquin  Gomez  was  probably  appointed  comisionado  this 
year.  This  vol.,  p.  354.  1835.  Jose  Ant.  Romero  administrator  put  in 
charge  by  Gomez,  according  to  Torre,  Pemin.,  MS.,  37-8,  who  says  that  the 
Ind.  rapidly  got  rid  of  their  share  of  the  live-stock,  and  that  Romero  stocked 
his  own  rancho  with  the  mission  cattle  and  sheep.  July.  Gov.  Figueroa's 
plan  to  establish  a  mission  rancho  of  GOO  cattle,  1,000  sheep,  and  a  few 
horses  for  the  support  of  the  padres  and  worship;  but  the  president  declined 
to  permit  the  friars  to  take  charge  of  such  an  establishment.  This  vol.  p. 
351;  St.  Pap.  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  334-5.  July  31st,  P.  Real  asks  the 
gov.  to  order  the  majordomo  to  detail  the  horses  for  his  ministerial  duties  as 
agreed  on  by  the  gov.  and  president.  Id.,  339.  183G.  Ruschenberger,  Xarr., 
ii.  407,*  visited  S.  Carlos,  and  describes  the  mission  as  in  ruins  and  nearly 
abandoned;  though  he  found  8  or  10  Ind.  at  work  repairing  the  roof.  1837. 
Petit-Thouars,  Voyage,  ii.  113  et  seq.,  gives  a  melancholy  description  of  the 
prevalent  dilapidation;  but  he  found  P.  Real,  who  'fit  les  honneurs  dc  ses 
ruines,'  and  two  or  three  families  of  Ind.,  who  lived  in  the  mission  buildings, 
living  on  shell-fish  and  acorns.  1S3S.  No  record.  1839.  Juan  Rosales, 
juez  de  paz.  Marcelino  Escobar  juez  interino  in  March.  March  11th,  in- 
ventory of  buildings,  25  rooms,  apparently  turned  over  by  P.  Real  to  Escobar, 
the  padre's  habitation  and  other  rooms  being  reserved  as  church  property. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  5-6.  April  10th,  prefect  to  juez;  an  Ind.  must 
return  and  live  with  his  wife.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  406.  Oct.  5.  Mis- 
sion owes  $160  to  Escobar  and  Rafael  Gonzalez.  Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  47- 
51.  Laplace,  Campagne,  vi.  294,  gives  a  view  of  the  mission  as  it  was  in  this 
year.  1840.  Nov.  11th,  gov.  orders  the  encargado  to  surrender  to  Jesus 
Molino   some  lands,  house,  etc.,  held  by  Jose  Aguila.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  xi. 

48.  Farnham  visited  and  described  the  forsaken  buildings  of  'San  Carmelo.' 
According  to  the  reglamento  of  this  year,  the  govt  was  to  continue  to  man- 
age S.  Carlos  'according  to  circumstances.'  Vol.  iv.,  p.  60. 

Statisticsof  S.  Carlos  1831-4,  entirely  lacking.  Statistics  of  1 770-1 S34  (only 
estimates  for  the  last  four  years).  Total  of  baptisms,  3,957,  of  which  1,790 
adult  Ind.;  1,306  Ind.  children;  17  and  838  de  razon;  annual  average  of  Ind. 

49.  Total  of  marriages  1,065,  of  which  199  de  razon.  Deaths,  2,885,  of  which 
1,365  Ind.  adults;  1,137  Ind.  children;  194  and  189  do  razon;  annual  average 
38;  average  death  rate  8.17  per  cent,  of  pop.  Largest  pop.,  921  in  1794;  sexes 
very  nearly  equal;  children  1-3  to  1-5.  Largest  no.  of  cattle,  3,000  in  1819— 
21;  horses,  1,024  in  1S00;  mules,  76  in  1786;  sheep,  7,000  in  1805-12;  goats, 
400  in  1793;  swine,  25  in  1783;  all  kinds,  9,749  animals  in  1S09.  Total  pro- 
duction of  wheat,  43,120  bush.,  yield  10  fold;  barley,  55,300  bush.,  15  fold; 
maize,  23,700  bush.,  50  fold;  beans,  21,000  bush.,  25"fold. 


SAN  LUIS  OBISPO.  681 

year  Padre  Ramon  Abella  came  clown  from  the  north 
to  take  his  place,  remaining  throughout  the  decade. 
Padre  Felipe  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta  was  Abella's  asso- 
ciate in  18  33-5. H  The  statistical  record  of  San  Luis 
is  comparatively  complete,  and  shows  that  down  to 
1834  the  establishment  lost  but  slightly  in  popula- 
tion, having  264  neophytes  in  that  year;  gained  some- 
what in  live-stock,  especially  in  sheep;  but  had  little 
success  in  agricultural  operations.9     After  the  secu- 

8  Luis  Gil  y  Taboada  was  one  of  the  few  Mexican  Fernandinos,  though  of 
Spanish  parentage  and  himself  intensely  Spanish  in  feeling.  He  was  born  at 
Guanajuato,  May  1,  1773,  becoming  a  Franciscan  at  Pueblito  de  Queretaro  in 
1702,  joining  the  S.  Fernando  college  in  1800,  and  being  sent  to  Cal.  in  1801. 
He  served  as  a  missionary  at  S.  Francisco  in  1801-2,  1804-5,  1819-20;  at  S. 
Jose  in  1802-4,  Sta  Ines  in  1806-10,  Sta  Barbara  in  1810-12,  S.  Gabriel  in 
1813-14,  Purisima  in  1815-17,  S.  Eafael  in  1817-19,  Sta  Cruz  in  1820-30,  and 
S.  Luis  Obispo  in  1820,  1830-3.  His  superiors  gave  him  credit  for  more  than 
average  merit,  noting  the  fact  that  he  saved  many  souls  by  the  Cesarean 
operation,  but  he  was  often  in  bad  health.  Autobiog.  Autog.  de  los  Padres, 
MS.;  Harriet,  Inf.  sobre  Frailes,  1817,  MS.,  54-5;  Payeras  Inf.  de  1820,  MS., 
p.  137-8.  In  1814  he  blessed  the  corner-stone  of  the  Los  Angeles  church; 
in  1810  he  asked  leave  to  retire,  having  more  than  fulfilled  his  contract  with 
the  king  in  1G  years  of  service,  '  que  le  han  parecido  otros  tantos  siglos;  in 
1817  was  the  founder  of  S.  Rafael,  being  thus  the  first  to  introduce  Christian- 
ity north  of  the  bay;  in  1821  he  was  asked  to  become  pastor  of  Los  Angeles, 
declining  on  account  of  ill  health;  again  in  1825  and  1830  he  tried  hard  to 
get  a  license  for  departure;  and  in  1833,  while  recognizing  his  destiny  to  die 
in  the  country,  he  declared  that  he  was  tired  of  mission  affairs.  It  was  at 
his  own  request  and  against  the  wishes  of  P.  Jimeno  that  he  was  given  charge 
of  S.  Luis.  He  was  a  man  of  much  nervous  energy  and  considerable  execu- 
tive ability,  with  a  certain  skill  in  medicine  and  surgery,  and  a  knowledge  of 
several  Indian  languages.  To  his  neophytes  he  was  indulgent  and  was  well 
liked  by  them,  being  very  free  and  familiar  in  his  relations  with  them — some- 
what too  much  so  in  the  case  of  the  women  it  is  said,  and  it  is  charged  that 
his  infirmities  of  body  were  aggravated  by  syphilitic  complications.  In  1821 
he  was  accused  of  improper  intimacy  with  a  married  woman  who  often  visited 
his  room  and  was  found  in  his  bed  by  the  husband  under  circumstances  hardly 
explained  by  the  padre's  plea  of  services  as  amateur  physician;  but  his  supe- 
riors were  inclined  to  regard  him  as  innocent,  though  imprudent.  Arch.  Ar- 
zob.,  MS.,  xii.  360-1.  In  Dec.  1833,  at  the  rancho  of  Sta  Margarita  where 
he  had  gone  to  say  mass  for  the  Ind.  occupied  in  planting,  he  was  attacked 
by  dysentery  and  vomiting  of  blood,  and  died  on  the  15th.  He  was  buried 
next  day  in  the  mission  church  on  the  gospel  side  near  the  presbytery,  by  P. 
Juan  Cabot.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  246-7. 

9  Statistics  of  S.  Luis  Obispo  1831-4.  Decrease  in  pop.  283  to  264.  Bap- 
tisms 26;  9  in  1831;  4  in  1832.  Deaths  115;  38  in  1832;  19  in  1834.#  In- 
crease in  large  stock  3,740  to  3,800;  horses  and  mules  1,540  to  800;  sheep 
1,000  to  3,440.  Largest  crop  900  bush,  in  1834;  smallest  556  in  1S33;  aver- 
age 745  bush.,  of  which  490  wheat,  yield  8  fold;  12  barley,  3  fold;  105  maize, 
30  fold;  27  beans,  7  fold;  and  115  of  various  grains,  30  fold. 

Statistics  of  1772-1834.  Total  of  baptisms  2,G57,  of  which  1,277  Ind. 
adults,  1,331  Ind.  children,  49  children  de  razon;  annual  average  42.  Total 
of  marriages  775,  of  which  23  de  razon;  annual  average  12.  Total  of  deaths 
2,318,  of  which  1,429  Ind.  adults,  877  Ind.  children,  4  and  8  de  razon;  annual 


6S2  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

larization  the  number  of  neophytes  was  gradually  re- 
duced to  1.70  at  the  end  of  the  decade;  and  live-stock 
decreased  about  50  per  cent  in  the  five  years,  only 

average  32;  average  death  rate  7.30  per  cent,  of  pop.  Largest  pop.  852  in 
1803.  Males  in  excess  to  1798,  females  later;  children  ^  to  £  and  even  less 
at  last.  Largest  no.  of  cattle  8,900  in  1818;  horses  1,594  in  1799;  mules  340 
in  1830;  asses  134  in  1817;  sheep  11,000  in  1813;  goats  515  in  1780;  swine 
210  in  1788;  all  kinds  20,820  animals  in  1813.  Total  product  of  wheat 
116,161  bush.,  yield  11  fold;  barley  1,375  bush.,  4  fold;  maize  26,923  bush., 
104  fold;  beans  3,595,  22  fold;  miscell.  grains  3,150  bush.,  20  fold. 

Statistics  of  1835-40.  Feb.  5,  1835,  pop.  253.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  x.  9. 
April  28,  1835,  P.  Abella  gave  letters  of  attorney  to  A.  M.  Ercilla  to  collect 
of  U.  Sanchez,  Mazatlan,  $9,390  due  the  mission.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  17. 
Dec.  13,  1836.  Inventory  of  the  estate;  buildings,  goods,  produce,  tools,  etc. 
813,458;  live-stock  819,109;  fabrica,  $5,000,  garden  $6,858;  Sta  Margarita 
rancho  $4,039;  9  sitios  of  land  $9,000;  church  and  ornaments  $7,257;  library 
and  musical  instruments  $519;  credits  $5,257  (besides  the  $9,390  due  from 
Urbano  Sanchez  as  above);  total  $70,769.  Increase  over  inventory  of  1S35, 
$7,657,  besides  $100  given  to  troops,  $333  debts  paid,  and  $1,285  in  cloths 
etc.  to  Ind.,  total  gain  $9,376.  No  debt  mentioned.  St  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS., 
vii.  57-9.  Jan.  1837,  admin,  ordered  by  Gen.  Castro  to  deliver  $1,200  in 
produce,  and  there  are  other  similar  orders  of  smaller  amounts.  Id.,  65. 
March  19th,  credits  $5,884;  debts  $776.  Id.,  57.  Jan.  1839,  credits  $343; 
debts  $2,304;  inventory  $61,163.  Id.,  60-3.  July  30th,  Hartneli's  inventory, 
etc.;  pop.  170;  1,684  cattle,  1,200  horses,  2,500  sheep,  16  mules;  157  hides, 
53  arr.  tallow,  21  arr.  lard,  300  arr.  iron,  100  arr.  wool,  388  fan.  grain,  etc. 
Id.,  59-00;  llartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  24.  Debts  to  5  persons $987.  Pico,  Pap., 
Mis.,  MS.,  47-51. 

ReCord  of  events.  1831.  Status  under  Echeandia's  decree  of  no  effect, 
except  that  J.  B.  Alvarado  was  appointed  comisionado,  and  a  comisario  ap- 
parently chosen.  This  vol.  p.  306-7.  1833.  Mules  stolen  by  N.  Mexicans. 
Id.,  396.  Lat.  and  long,  observed  by  Douglas,  hi.,  404.  Death  of  P.  Gil. 
Two  neophytes  robbed  the  church  and  shops,  confessing  the  crime;  but  dur- 
ing the  trial  one  died  and  the  other  escaped.  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  D.  M.,  MS., 
lxxvi.  53-6.  April,  Isidro  Ibarra  reports  to  gov.  that  the  N.  Mex.  sell  liquor 
to  the  Ind.  and  insult  him.  Needs  a  guard,  else  he  will  have  to  shoot  some- 
body. Id.,  lxxix.  28-9.  1834.  Part  of  the  colony  here.  This  vol.  p.  267. 
S.  Luis  to  be  a  parish  of  the  2d  class  under  the  reglamento.  Id.,  384.  1835. 
Secularization  in  Oct.  by  Manuel  Jimeno  as  comisionado,  Santiago  Moreno 
being  at  the  same  time  appointed  majordomo,  or  administrator.  St.  Pap., 
Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  14-15.  1S36.  Manuel  Trujillo,  administrator  until  Dec.  13th, 
when  Moreno  again  takes  charge  (or  perhaps  Moreno  had  not  accepted  the 
appointment  in  1835,  Trujillo  taking  his  place).  Id.,  vii.  57,  61,  63.  In  Sept. 
the  Ind.  had  trouble  with  Trujillo  and  several  of  them  went  to  Monterey' to 
lay  their  grievances  before  the  govt  in  a  long  memorial  written  by'P.  Mercado 
at  S.  Antonio  and  signed  by  them  with  crosses  on  Oct.  5th.  The  document 
represented  the  neophytes  as  living  in  slavery,  being  grossly  ill-treated, 
starved,  and  overworked,  naming  several  instances  where  women  had  died 
for  want  of  a  little  atole.  Several  Ind.,  however,  came  from  S.  Luis  to  tes- 
tify that  the  charges  were  false;  and  finally  the  complainants  themselves  testi- 
iied  to  the  same  effect.  They  said  they  had  a  very  different  complaint  about 
some  cattle,  which  the  padre  advised  them  to  lay  before  the  govt.  P.  Abella 
came  with  them  to  S.  Antonio  where  P.  Mercado  wrote  out  their  complaint, 
aa  they  supposed,  and  obtained  their  signatures.  They  were  much  surprised 
to  learn  the  nature  of  the  document  they  had  signed  !  Carrillo  [J.),  Doc,  MS., 
35-6,  39-45  (including  the  original  memorial);  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS., 
lxxxii.  9-27.     1838.     Moreno  still  in  charge.     Some  of  Castro's  prisoners  sent 


SAN  MIGUEL.  683 

horses  showing  an  increase,  and  all  the  horses  being 
stolen  by  New  Mexican  ' traders'  in  1840.  Most  of 
the  cattle  however  were  wild,  and  only  slight  reliance 
was  placed  in  agriculture.  The  inventory  showed  a 
valuation  of  about  $70,000  in  1836,  and  $00,000  in 
1839,  after  which  there  are  indications  that  the  loss 
was  rapid.  Secularization  was  effected  in  1835  by 
Manuel  Jimeno  Casarin,  whose  successors  as  major- 
domos  or  administrators  were  Manuel  Trujillo  in  1835- 
G,  Santiago  Moreno  in  1836-9,  Juan  P.  Ayala  in 
1839-40,  and  Vicente  Cane  from  November  1840. 

At  San  Miguel,  the  next  mission  proceeding  north- 
ward, Padre  Juan  Cabot  remained  at  his  post  until 
his  departure  from  California  in  1835,  and  his  succes- 
sor Juan  Moreno  until  after  1840.  Padre  Arroyo 
de  la  Cuesta,  of  San  Luis,  spent  much  of  his  time  here 
in  1833-5,  as  did  Padre  Abella  in  1839 -40.10     Under 

here.  This  vol.,  p.  555.  June,  P.  Abella  represents  affairs  as  in  a  bad  way; 
there  are  some  gentiles  that  might  be  converted  if  there  was  any  inducement 
in  the  shape  of  food  and  clothing.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vii.  55.  Oct.  5th, 
admin,  complains  of  the  insolence  of  the  native  alcaldes.  Needs  a  guard.  St. 
Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  ix.  74-5.  Nov.,  complaints  of  robberies  by  Ind.  and  Eng- 
lishmen. Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  220.  1839.  Moreno  is  succeeded  in  May  by 
Juan  P.  Ayala.  St.  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  vii.  61;  ix.  74-6;  Dept.  Pec,  x.  10. 
A.  was  also  encargado  de  justicia.  Victor  Linares  was  made  majordomo 
tinder  Ayala  in  May,  but  removed  in  Oct.  by  Hartnell's  advice  to  save  his 
salary  of  $20  and  the  cost  of  supporting  his  large  fam.  H.  in  July  found  the 
Ind.  very  content,  but  fearful  of  losing  the  rancho  which  Sra  Filomena  Pico 
de  Pombert  had  asked  for.  H.  authorized  the  slaughter  of  200  bulls  for  the 
purchase  of  clothing.  Id. ,  x.  8;  Hartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  4,  25,  33,  46.  S.  Luis 
was  the  southern  boundary  of  the  1st  district.  This  vol.,  p.  5S5.  1810. 
Ayala  was  succeeded  by  Vicente  Can  6  in  Nov.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  xi.  46. 
Feb.,  120  mares  exchanged  for  60  cattle.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ix.  50.  Death 
of  Angel  Ramirez  at  S.  Luis.  This  vol.,  p.  587.  April,  stealing  of  1,200  mis- 
sion horses  by  the  Chaguanosos.  Vol.,  iv.  p.  77.  Nov.  19th,  gov.  to  encar- 
gado; Ind.  must  prepare  to  unite  with  those  of  S.  Miguel  (?).  Dept.  Pec,  MS., 
xi.  43.  Sept.  11th,  Hartnell's  visit.  He  found  the  Ind.  desirous  of  being 
left  under  the  padre's  care.  Diario,  MS.,  93.  Avila,  Oosasde  Cal.,  MS.,  24— 
5,  says  that  under  Can6's  care  the  mission  went  entirely  to  ruin.  $6,000  was 
Douglas'  estimate  of  exports  from  S.  Luis  and  Purisima.  Vol.  iv.  p.  80.  In 
Melius,''  Diary,  MS.,  6-7,  is  described  a  cave  at  the  anchorage  used  by  the 
dealers  in  hides  and  tallow. 

10  Juan  Cabot,  a  brother  of  Padre  Pedro  Cabot,  was  born  at  Buiiola,  Isl. 
of  Mallorca,  in  June  1781,  becoming  a  Franciscan  at  Palma  in  1796,  coming 
to  Mexico  in  1804  and  to  Cal.  in  1805.  He  served  at  Purisima  in  1805-6,  at 
S.  Miguel  in  1807-19,  at  S.  Francisco  in  1819-20,  at  Soledad  in  1821-4,  and 
again  at  S.  Miguel  in  1824-35.  Rated  by  his  superiors  as  a  zealous  mission- 
ary of  medium  capacity.  Autobioy.  Ardog.  de  los  Padres,  MS.,  Sarria,  Inf.  de 
1817,  MS.,  58-9;  Pay  eras  Inf.  1820,  MS.,  133-4.  Robinson,  Life  in  Cal.,  84, 
describes  him  as  a  tail,  robust  man  with  the  rough  frankness  of  a  sailor,  cele- 


634  LOCAL  ANXALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

the  ministrations  of  these  friars  the  neophyte  popula- 
tion fell  off  from  684  to  599  in  1834,  and  to  350  or 
less  in  1840.  There  was  a  gain  in  cattle  and  not  a 
very  marked  loss  in  crops  down  to  the  date  of  secu- 
larization:11 but  later  the  falling- off  was  much  more 

brated  for  his  good  humor  and  hospitality.  Indeed  he  was  known  as.  'el  ma- 
rinero '  in  contrast  with  his  dignified  brother  Pedro,  'el  caballero.'  In  1814 
he  made  a  tour  among  the  gentile  tribes  of  the  Tulares,  and  his  narrative  ap- 
pears in  my  list  of  authorities.  He  tried  unsuccessfully  to  get  a  license  to 
retire  in  1819;  in  1820-1  served  as  secretary  to  Prefect  Payeras  in  his  tour  of 
inspection;  and  in  1826  declined  to  take  the  oath  to  republicanism.  More 
fortunate  than  his  brother,  Fray  Juan  at  last  secured  his  passport.  Dec.  20, 
1834,  Gov.  Figueroa  orders  the  payment  of  $400  to  the  friar,  who  after  30 
years'  service  is  about  to  return  to  his  own  country,  proposing  to  embark  on 
the  California.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  31.,  MS.,  Ixxix.  52.  He  probably  departed 
early  in  1835.  According  to  an  article  in  the  S.  F.  Bulletin,  April  25,  1S64, 
Padre  Cabot  was  heard  of  in  Spain  by  Bishop  Amat  in  1856  and  died  a  little 
later. 

11 S.  Miguel  statistics  of  1831-4.  Decrease  of  pop.  684  to  599.  Baptisms 
152  (including  26  adults  in  1834);  largest  no.  94  in  1834;  smallest  12  in  1832. 
Deaths  253;  largest  no.  87  in  1834;  smallest  32  in  1832.  Increase  in  large 
stock  4,960  to  5,140;  horses,  etc.  1,120  to  920;  sheep,  etc.,  7,506  to  5,931. 
Largest  crop  2,044  bush,  in  1832;  smallest  1,08T  bush,  in  1831;  average  1,638 
bush.,  of  which 715 bush,  wheat,  yield  6.4fold;  480 barley,  11  fold;  168  maize, 
32  fold;  37  beans,  8  fold;  135  miscell.  grain,  21  fold. 

Statistics  of  1835-40.     Inventory  of  March  20,  1837;  main  buildings  of 
the  mission  cuadro  $37,000;  rancheria  or  Indians'  houses,  74  rooms,  of  adobes 
and  tile  roofs,  $3,000;  goods  in  warehouse,  implements,  furniture,  and  manu- 
facturing outfit,  $5,043;  garden  with  166  vines  and  fence,  $584;  ranchos,  S 
Simeon,  Sta  Rosa,  Paso  de  Robles,  and  Asuncion,  with  buildings  $10,211 
vineyards  of  Aguage  and  Sta  Isabel  with  5,500  vines,  $22,162;  live-stock  (in 
eluding  $2,400  in  wild  cattle  at  La  Estrella)  $20,782;  crops  growing  $387 
credits$906;  total$S2,800;  debts$231.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  viii.  24-6.    Jan 
31,    1839,  administrator's   account  for   1837-8;  inventory  on  taking  charge 
$79,268  (why  not  $S2,806?),  additions  to  goods  in  store  $6,092,  supplied  to 
troops  (?)  $9,001,  cellar  $807,  cattle  $1,340,  total  charged  $96,508;  paid  to 
employes,  etc.,  $4,748,  supplies  to  neophytes  of  home  products  $4,381,  id.  for- 
eign goods  $2,030,  house  expenses  $1,302,  paid  out  for  goods  and  produce 
$4,469,  live-stock  purchased  $3,457,  total  credited  $20,588;  balance,  or  present 
valuation  $75,919.     As  will  be  noticed  this  account  is  not  wholly  intelligible. 
By  the  end  of  June  the  valuation  had  been  reduced  to  $74,763.     Salary  list; 
admin.  $800,  clerk  $240,  two  majordomos  each  $144,  total  $1,328;  credits  in 
Jan.  $278;  debts  $947.     Population  in  Jan.  525  at  the  mission  and  75  absent. 
Id.,  16-23.     Aug.  1839,  Hartnell's  census  and  inventory.    Pop.  361   souls; 
990  cattle,  249  horses,  3,800  sheep,  28  mules,  52  asses,  46  goats,  44  swine,  700 
fan.  grain,  etc.  Ilartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  25;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  viii.  15. 

Statistics  of  1797-1834.  Total  of  baptisms  2,588,  of  which  1,2S5  Ind. 
adults,  1,277  Ind.  children,  26  children  de  razon;  annual  average  of  Ind.  67. 
Total  of  deaths  2,038,  of  which  1,225  Ind.  adults,  796  Ind.  children,  6  and  11 
do  razon;  annual  average  53;  average  death  rate  6.91  per  cent  of  pop.  Largest 
pop.  1,076  in  1814;  sexes  about  equal  to  1805,  males  in  excess  later;  children 
about  £.  Largest  no.  of  cattle  10,558  in  1822;  horses  1,560  in  1822;  mules 
140  in  1817,  sheep  14,000  in  1820;  goats  66  in  1834;  swine  245  in  1813;  asses 
59  in  ISIS;  all  kinds  24,393  animals  in  1822.  Total  product  of  wheat  72,544 
bush.,  yield  12  fold;  barley  9,727  bush.,  9  fold;  maize  6,417  bush.,  68  fold; 
beans  646  bush.,  7  fold;  miscell.  grains  1,344  bush.,  15  fold. 

Summary  of  events  etc.     1831.  Status  under  Echeandia's  decree,  Jos6 


SAN  MIGUEL.  685 

rapid.  The  mission  was  secularized  in  1836  by  Ig- 
nacio  Coronel;  and  Inocente  Garcia  was  the  adminis- 
trator in  1837-40.  The  inventory  of  transfer  showed 
a  valuation,  not  including  church  property,  of  $82,000, 
which  in  the  middle  of  1839  had  been  reduced  to 
§75,000.  There  were  several  ranchos  with  buildings, 
and  two  large  vineyards,  none  of  the  lands  being 
granted  to  private  ownership  during  the  decade.    The 

Castro  being  appointed  comisionado,  and  the  Ind.  manifesting  a  preference 
for  the  old  system.  Nothing  done.  This  vol.,  p.  306-8.  1833.  Jan.,  P.  Cabot 
to  gov.,  announcing  election  of  native  alcaldes  and  regidores.  Gomez,  Doc, 
MS. ,  22.  Feb. ,  a  large  quantity  of  growing  wheat  destroyed  by  flood .  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  4.  Mrs  Ord,  Occiwrencias,  MS.,  G9,  visiting  the  mission 
this  year  noted  the  prevalent  prosperity  and  the  large  amount  of  property, 
there  being  a  notable  change  for  the  worse  at  her  next  visit  two  years  later. 
Lat.  and  long,  as  taken  by  Douglas.  This  vol.,  p.  404.  1836.  June  30th, 
secularization  considered  in  the  diputacion.  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  iii.  23.  July  14th, 
Ignacio  Coronel  put  in  charge,  probably  as  comisionado,  at  $600  salary.  Cor- 
onel, Doc,  MS.,  189.  Sept.  30th,  P.  Moreno  writes  that  on  the  coming  of 
the  admin,  all  property  was  distributed  among  the  Ind.  except  the  grain,  and 
of  that  they  carried  off  more  than  half.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  vii.  4.  Oct.  16th, 
P.  Abella  writes  that  P.  Moreno  refuses,  very  properly,  to  render  accounts; 
and  the  govt  seems  disposed  to  bother  the  padres  in  every  possible  way.  Car- 
rillo  (•/.),  Doc,  MS.,  37.  1837.  Inocente  Garcia  takes  possession  as  adminis- 
trator by  inventory.  March  30th,  Mariano  Bonilla  served  as  his  clerk.  Gar- 
cia, Hechos,  MS.,  73-4,  relates  that  on  one  occasion  a  party  of  men  under 
Isaac  Graham  forced  the  doors  of  the  monjeria,  after  which  G.  abolished  the 
institution,  leaving  each  family  to  care  for  their  women.  G.  says  he  raised 
large  crops  until  he  found  it  was  of  no  use,  as  there  was  no  market  and  there 
was  more  food  than  the  Ind.  could  eat.  He  gives  many  details  in  a  confused 
way  about  S.  Miguel  affairs.  The  Ind.  were  addicted  to  theft  and  could  not 
be  controlled.  Hechos,  57  et  seq.  1S38.  P.  Moreno  complains  bitterly  of  his 
poverty  and  the  disappearance  of  the  mission  property.  Guerra,  Doc,  MS., 
viii.  2-3.  1839.  Garcia  still  admin.,  but  Bonilla  acting  in  June-July.  Mon- 
terey, Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  12;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  x.  18.  HartnelPs  visit  was 
early  in  Aug.  His  reports  do  not  indicate  a  bad  state  of  affairs,  though  there 
was  a  dispute  pending  about  some  blankets  which  the  Ind.  claimed  not  to 
have  been  distributed;  and  at  their  request  he  dismissed  the  majordomo  at 
S.  Simeon,  Manuel  Ortega.  The  Ind.  wished  to  have  no  administrator  and  to 
be  left  with  the  padre — anything  for  a  change.  They  were  also  afraid  of 
losing  their  lands  at  S.  Simeon,  Asuncion,  Paso  de  Robles,  and  Sta  Rosa;  but 
they  were  willing  to  spare  La  Estrella,  Cholam,  Gueguero,  and  Caiiamo. 
Orders  were  given  to  investigate  the  case  of  men  said  to  be  '  cuereando '  or 
killing  cattle  for  their  hides  on  the  mission  lands;  also  permission  for  P.  Mo- 
reno to  cultivate  the  Huerta  de  Asuncion  on  his  own  account.  In  Nov.  there 
were  complaints  from  the  admin,  that  the  Ind.  were  running  away,  and  from 
the  padres  that  Garcia  was  not  obeying  the  visitador's  instructions,  flogging 
the  Ind.  excessively,  and  otherwise  interfering  with  the  padre's  prerogatives. 
Ilartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  25-7,  34,  47-8,  83-4.  Aug.,  a  majordomo  poisoned 
by  two  Ind.,  who  were  arrested  for  the  murder.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  x. 
18.  Hartnell's  instructions  for  the  administrator,  including  repairs,  con- 
centration of  industries,  payment  of  debts,  etc.  Id.,  viii.  17-20.  1840.  No 
record.  Hartnell  was  here  in  Sept.  but  says  nothing  of  mission  affairs.  Di- 
ario, MS.,  93. 


6S6  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

Indians  lived  at  the  ranchos  as  well  as  at  the  mission 
proper,  and  were  somewhat  unmanageable  at  times, 
on  account  of  their  intimate  relations  with  the  Tula- 
reno  gentiles;  yet  though  the  padre  complained  of 
poverty  and  mismanagement,  the  absolute  ruin  of  the 
establishment  does  not  appear  to  have  begun  until 
after  1840. 

Padre  Pedro  Cabot  remained  at  San  Antonio  until 
1834,  and  Padre  Jesus  Maria  Vasquez  del  Mercado, 
one  of  the  newly  arrived  Zacatecanos,  succeeding 
Cabot  in  that  year,  remained  till  1839,  to  be  suc- 
ceeded in  his  turn  by  Padre  Jose  de  Jesus  Maria 
Gutierrez.  Down  to  1834  the  neophyte  population 
was  reduced  by  deaths  from  681  to  567;  and  five 
years  later  Visitador  Hartnell  found  270  living  at 
the  mission  and  its  adjoining  ranchos,  though  as  the 
number  was  reported  as  520  in  the  same  year,  it  is 
likely  that  in  1840,  there  were  500  Indians  connected 
with  the  establishment,  half  of  the  number  behi£  scat- 
tered  at  some  distance.12     Live-stock  decreased  about 

12  S.  Antonio  statistics  1831-4.  Decrease  in  pop.  6S1  to  567.  Baptisms 
51;  17  in  1832,  9  in  1834.  Deaths  184;  58  in  1833,  38  in  1832.  Loss  in  large 
stock  5,000  to  2,540,  horses  and  mules  1,000  to  540;  gain  in  sheep  10,000  to 
11,000.  Largest  crop  2,718  bush,  in  1832;  smallest  2,100  bush,  in  1833;  aver- 
age 2,448  bush.,  of  which  1.527  wheat,  yield  10  fold;  555  barley,  15  fold;  1GS 
maize,  50  fold;  3G  beans,  19  fold;  159  miscel.  grains,  38  fold. 

Statistics  of  1835-40.  Sept.  10,  1835.  Inventory  of  produce,  implements, 
furniture,  and  goods,  $7,883.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vi.  16.  April  27,  1833 
(1835?).  Inventory;  credits  (?)  $18,042,  buildings  $11,197,  vineyards,  imple- 
ments, furniture,  and  goods  in  store  $22,671,  ranchos  (S.  Carpoforo?,  S.  Bar- 
tolome'  or  Pleito,  Tule,  S.  Liicas,  S.  Benito,  S.  Bernabd,  S.  Miguelito,  Ojitos, 
S.  Timoteo,  and  S.  Lorenzo)  $32,834,  live-stock  $1,000;  total  $03,122,  be- 
sides church  property  $7,617;  but  there  should  be  deducted  $16,880  for  prop- 
erty distributed  among  the  Ind.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  v.  51-3.  May  3,  1S33,  a 
minute  and  descriptive  inventory  of  church  propertj^,  total  value  $7,617. 
Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  17-25.  Inventories  of  Sept.  7,  1836,  deducting  debts, 
$35,703;  Dec.  30,  1836,  $36,355;  Sept.  1,  1837,  $37,639,  and  without  date 
$35,399  (apparently  none  of  these  including  lands  or  buildings).  St.  Pap. 
Miss.,  IMS.,  viii.  27-29.  General  accounts,  not  intelligible,  Sept.  10,  1835, 
on  delivery  to  Ramirez,  debit  $15,587;  credit  $15,09S,  balance  $489.  Dec.  31, 
1836,  Andrade  to  Abrego,  dr.  $35,703;  cr.  $38,892;  gain  $3,188.  Sept.  1,  1S37, 
Abrego  to  Villavicencio,  dr.  $36,121;  cr.  $41,477;  gain  $5,356.  Id.,  3S-9. 
1S;>9.  Feb.,  salaries,  $500  to  padre,  $500  to  admin.,  and  $180  each  to  two 
majordomos.  Id.,  37.  Pop.  in  Jan.  ace.  to  Pico's  report  520,  including  53 
absent.  Id.,  36.  Pico's  accounts  of  Oct.  1838  to  April  1840  show  an  excess  of 
expenditures  over  receipts  of  $500.  Id.,  33-7.  Aug.  6,  1839.  Hartnell's 
census  and  inventory;  pop.  270;  1,402  cattle,  306  horses,  2,612  sheep,  15 
mules,  9  swine;  130  hides,  240  fan.  grain,  114  arr.  tallow,  10  arr.  lard,  100 


SAN  ANTONIO.  687 

50  per  cent  before  1834,  except  sheep,  in  which  there 
was  a  small  gain;  but  by  the  end  of  the  decade  cattle 
and  horses  had  lost  another  50  per  cent,  and  sheep 

arr.  wool;  crops  in  good  condition.  Hartnell,  Diario,  IMS.,  27;  St.  Pap.  Miss., 
MS.,  viii.  30.  Debts  $499,  including  those  to  Jose"  M.  Aguila,  clerk,  and 
Manuel  Lopez,  ex-llavero.  Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  47-51. 

Statistics  of  1771-1834.  Total  of  baptisms  4,456,  of  which  1,761  Ind. 
adults,  2,587  Ind.  children,  1  and  107  gente  de  razon;  annual  average  68. 
Total  of  deaths  3,772,  of  which  2,000  Ind.  adults,  1,763  Ind.  children,  5  and 
4  gente  de  razon;  annual  average  58;  average  d^ath  rate  7.66  per  cent  of  pop. 
Largest  pop.  1,296  in  1805;  males  always  in  excess  of  females,  notably  so 
after  1805;  children  J  to  5  and  in  the  last  years  |.  Largest  no.  of  cattle  8,000 
in  182S;  horses  1,030  in  1831;  mules  82  in  1832;  sheep  11,500  in  1816;  goats 
293  in  1790;  swine  150  in  1817;  all  kinds  20,118  in  1818.  Total  product  of 
wheat  99,713  bush.,  yield  10  fold;  barley  12,097  bush.,  11  fold;  maize  19,- 
591  bush.,  S5  fold;  beans  2,514  bush.,  15  fold;  miscel.  grains  4,500  bush.,  21 
fold. 

Summary  of  events,  etc.  1831.  Status  under  Echeandia's  decree,  never 
put  in  execution,  Antonio  Castro  being  appointed  comisionado.  This  vol.,  p. 
306-7.  1833.  Duran  favors  partial  secularization.  Id.,  335.  Lat.  and 
long,  by  Douglas.  Id.,  p.  404.  1834.  Humors  of  colony  plots.  Id.,  281.  S. 
Antonio  to  be  a  parish  of  the  2d  class  under  the  reglamento.  Id.,  348.  1835. 
Secularization  by  Manuel  Crespo  as  comisionado  in  June,  with  Mariano  So- 
beranes  as  majordomo  till  Sept.,  when  he  turned  over  the  estate  to  Jose1  M. 
Ramirez,  R.'s  appointment  being  on  Aug.  16th.  Id.,  353-4;  tit.  Pap.  Miss., 
MS.,  vi.  16;  xi.  30-3;  Lea.  Pec,  MS.,  iii.  4,  8,  9.  Florencio  Serrano  was 
employed  as  teacher.  June  22d,  P.  Mercado  complains  that  all  his  efforts  for 
the  good  of  the  Ind.  are  rendered  futile  by  the  persons  in  authority,  who 
commit  adultery  openly  and  other  excesses.  The  gov.  orders  an  investiga- 
tion. St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  32-7.  Aug.  12th,  the  debt  of  P.  Pedro  Cabot 
to  the  mission,  $808,  was  annulled  on  account  of  his  poverty.  VaUejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  iii.  48-9.  Ramirez  declares  that  on  his  taking  charge  there  was  no 
money,  no  cloth,  no  table  furniture;  the  shops  closed,  only  a  few  poor  and 
dying  horses,  very  little  other  live-stock;  the  year's  yield  of  hides  and  tallow 
estimated  at  $1,500;  and  expenses  over  $2,500.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  lxxxi. 
73-4.  Dec.  28th,  P.  Mercado  writes  to  the  gov.  on  the  unjust  and  even  in- 
human treatment  of  the  Ind.,  who  are  beaten  and  starved  in  defiance  of  the 
laws  under  Ramirez'  management.  He  also  claims  that  their  spiritual  inter- 
ests are  neglected,  because  the  admin,  will  not  provide  horses  for  the  padre, 
and  the  Ind.  are  allowed  to  live  at  S.  Lorenzo  and  other  distant  points;  more- 
over he  cannot  collect  his  pay  as  minister.  Id.,  57;  Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  iii.  3-6. 
Dec.  31st,  Mercado's  report  to  same  general  effect;  heathenism  gaining  oa 
Christianity;  Ind.  naked  and  starving,  and  two  thirds  of  them  absent  in 
quest  of  food  not  to  be  had  at  the  mission.  S.  Antonio,  Doc  Sueltos,  MS., 
120-1.  1836.  Ramirez  succeeded  by  Jose"  Maria  Andrade  on  Sept.  7th,  and 
the  latter  by  Jose"  Abrego  on  Dec.  30th.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  viii.  27,  29,  38. 
P.  Mercado  continued  his  charges  of  mismanagement  and  cruelty  against  Rami- 
rez, declaring  that  the  Ind.  had  passed  from  their  former  condition  of  minors 
under  guardianship  to  that  of  slaves  under  inhuman  and  irresponsible  mas- 
ters. He  cited  several  instances  of  excessive  punishment.  In  March  an  in- 
vestigation was  ordered  by  the  gov.,  Jose*  M.  Cosio  being  the  fiscal.  Many 
witnesses  were  examined,  including  Mercado,  Ramirez,  and  several  neophytes. 
The  testimony  indicates  that  the  padre,  angry  because  the  admin,  could  not 
pay  him  all  his  salary,  had  greatly  exaggerated  his  charges  of  cruelty;  and 
that  Ramirez,  a  comparatively  efficient  manager,  had  resorted  to  the  lash  in 
accordance  with  Figueroa's  regulations,  as  the  only  means  of  controlling  the 
vicious  and  lazy  Ind.,  whose  complaints  it  suited  the  padre's  purposes  to  en- 


6S8  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

about  80  per  cent.  Evidently  there  were  but  slight 
traces  of  former  prosperity;  and  matters  were  not 
mended  by  the  interference  of  a  quarrelsome  friar 
and  frequent  changes  in  the  administration.  Manuel 
Crespo  was  the  comisionado  for  secularization  in  1835, 
and  the  successive  administrators  were  Mariano  Sobe- 
ranes,  Jose  M.  Ramirez,  Jose  M.  Andrade,  Jose 
Abrego,  Jose  M.  Villavicencio,  and  Jesus  Pico  ad  int. 
Padre  Mercado  was  loud  and  constant  in  his  com- 
plaints and  charges,  especially  against  Ramirez,  who 
was  exonerated  after  a  formal  investigation;  and  the 
Indians  were  always  discontented  and  unmanageable. 
The  venerable  friar  and  ex-prefect  Vicente  Fran- 
cisco Sarria  died  at  Soledad  in  1835; 13  and  from  that 

courage.  The  result  was  the  acquittal  of  Ramirez,  with  an  earnest  admoni- 
tion to  him  and  Mercado  to  work  harmoniously  for  the  good  of  the  mission. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS.,  lxxxi.  33,  48-78;  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  ii.  7-12.  Yet,  as 
we  have  seen,  a  change  of  administrators  was  made  in  Sept.  with  a  view  to 
promote  harmony.  1837.  Abrego  was  replaced  by  Jose'  M.  Villavicencio  on 
Sept.  1st.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  viii.  29.  Garcia,  Jlechos,  MS.,  72-3,  relates 
that  the  Ind.  rose  against  Abrego,  accusing  him  of  sending  off  hides  and  tal- 
low,  and  giving  them  nothing.  Abrego  was  besieged  in  his  house,  but  re- 
leased by  Garcia  who  came  from  S.  Miguel  with  30  men.  There  is  nothing 
in  the  records  about  this  affair;  nor  are  there  any  of  P.  Mercado's  complaints  ex- 
tant for  this  year.  1838.  Villavicencio  was  succeeded  on  Oct.  15th  by  Jesus 
Pico,  with  Jose"  M.  Aguilar  as  clerk.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  viii.  30-1;  Pico, 
Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  48.  1839.  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  53-4,  says  he  merely  acted 
ad  int.  during  the  absence  of  Capt.  Villavicencio  in  the  south.  He  says  the 
padre  was  arrogant  and  himself  quick-tempered,  and  they  quarrelled  at  first; 
but  soon  became  friends  and  associates  in  cock-fighting  and  gambling.  April- 
May,  P.  Mercado  and  Angel  Ramirez  arrested  for  plots  against  the  govt. 
This  vol. ,  p.  58G-7.  Aug.  Gth-7th.  Hartnell  f  ound  the  mission  accounts  in  a  sad 
state  of  confusion,  and  the  Ind.  much  discontented,  complaining  of  harsh  treat- 
ment, and  that  of  all  the  produce  sent  away  and  the  effects  received  they  get 
nothing  but  threats  and  blows.  They  wished  to  live  without  any  admin., 
and  were  very  bitter  against  the  incumbent.  (Pico  or  Villavicencio?  H.  also 
names  Jose"  Ant.  Rodriguez  as  the  man  who  gave  up  the  administration  to 
the  incumbent.)  Diego  Felix  was  majordomo,  and  he  made  charges  against 
the  administrator.  The  Ind.  also  complained  of  a  bad  man  de  razon  living  at 
S.  Bernabe,  who  had  given  venereal  disease  to  many  of  the  mission  women. 
Hartnell's  instructions  required  the  admin,  to  expel  all  gente  de  razon  not 
employed  by  the  mission,  and  to  seek  a  new  majordomo  with  a  smaller  family. 
Hartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  27-8,  34,  47-8,  51,  84;  St.  Pap.,  Hiss.,  MS.,  viii. 
31-2.  1840.  Vicente  Moraga  seems  to  have  succeeded  Pico  in  the  temporary 
management  under  Villavicencio,  who  on  June  20th  orders  M.  not  to  deliver 
the  property  to  Hartnell  when  he  comes.  He  proposes  to  give  up  nothing 
till  his  own  claims  are  paid.  If  his  (V.'s)  wife  needs  anything,  she  is  to  have 
it,  if  the  mission  lias  to  be  sold  to  pay  for  it !  Guerra,  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  192-3; 
Vallcjo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxiii.  81.  There  is  no  record  of  the  result.  Aug.  5th, 
P.  Gutierrez  writes  to  Hartnell  that  the  mission  is  advancing  every  day 
toward  complete  destruction.  Jd.,ix.  214. 

13  Vicente  Francisco  Sarria  was  a  Biscayan,  born  in  Nov.  1767,   at  S. 


LA  SOLEDAD.  .  689 

time  the  mission  had  no  resident  minister,  Padre 
Mercado  of  San  Antonio  having  charge  of  its  spirit-. 
ual  interests  and  making  occasional  visits  from  the 

Est6van  de  Echabarris,  near  Bilbao,  at  which  latter  town  he  became  a  Fran- 
ciscan in  Nov.  17S3,  serving  at  his  convent  as  lector  de  filosofia  for  laymen, 
maestro  de  estudiantes,  and  lector  de  artes  de  religiosos.  He  left  Cadiz  in 
June  1804,  and  after  four  years'  service  at  the  College  of  S.  Fernando,  he  was 
sent  to  California  in  1809.  His  missionary  service  was  at  S.  Carlos  in  1809- 
29,  and  at  Soledad  in  1829-35;  that  is,  these  missions  were  his  headquarters, 
he  being  absent  much  of  the  time  on  official  tours.  Autobiog.  Alitor/,  de  los 
Padres,  MS.;  Sarria,  Inf.  sobre Fra'des,  1817,  MS.,  70-7;  Payeras,  Inf.,  1820, 
MS.,  134-5,  in  which  latter  report  he  is  highly  praised,  as  of  the  most  distin- 
guished merit  and  ability,  fitted  for  the  highest  positions,  and  one  who  might 
with  advantage  be  entrusted  with  a  needed  manual  for  Franciscans.  In  1813-19 
Sarria  held  the  office  of  comisario  prefecto  of  the  missions — the  highest  in  the 
province — and  again  filled  the  position  in  1823-30,  or  perhaps  a  little  longer, 
being  also  president  in  1823-5.  In  the  discharge  of  his  official  duties  he 
proved  himself  as  prelate  the  worthy  successor  of  Serra,  Lasuen,  and  Tapis, 
and  associate  of  Seiian  and  Payeras.  Headers  of  my  chapters  on  mission  an- 
nals are  familiar  with  his  acts  and  views  and  writings,  which  space  does  not 
permit  me  to  recapitulate  here.  In  my  list  of  authorities  some  half-a-dozen 
of  his  more  notable  productions  appear,  among  which  is  a  curious  volume  of 
manuscript  sermons  in  his  native  Basque.  He  was  a  scholarly,  dignified, 
and  amiable  man;  not  prone  to  controversy,  yet  strong  in  argument,  clear 
and  earnest  in  the  expression  of  his  opinions;  less  disposed  to  asceticism  and 
bigotry  than  some  of  the  earlier  Fernandinos,  yet  given  at  times  to  fasting  and 
mortification  of  the  flesh;  devoted  to  his  faith  and  to  his  order;  strict  in  the  ob- 
servance and  enforcement  of  Franciscan  rules,  and  conscientious  in  the  perform- 
ance of  every  duty;  yet  liberal  in  his  views  on  ordinary  matters,  clear-headed  in 
business  affairs,  and  well  liked  by  all  who  came  in  contact  with  him.  As 
prefect,  no  Californian  friar  could  have  done  better,  since  in  the  misfortunes  of 
his  cloth  he  never  lost  either  temper  or  courage.  Declining  as  a  loyal  Span- 
iard to  accept  republicanism,  P.  Sarria  was  arrested  in  1825,  and  his  exile 
ordered;  but  his  arrest,  which  lasted  about  five  years,  was  merely  nominal, 
and  the  order  of  exile,  though  never  withdrawn  and  several  times  renewed, 
was  never  enforced.  In  S.  Antonio,  Doc.  Suelto-s,  MS.,  83-4,  is  a  letter  to 
the  padre  from  his  nephew  in  Spain,  1820,  on  family  poverty  and  misfortunes. 
After  1830,  old  and  infirm,  but  still  actively  engaged  ir  local  missionary 
duties,  he  lived  quietly  at  Soledad,  which  he  declined  to  leave  in  1834  when 
the  northern  missions  were  given  up  to  the  Zacatecanos,  especially  as  no  resi- 
dent minister  was  assigned  to  this  mission.  Thus  he  was  the  last  of  the  Fer- 
nandinos in  the  north,  dying  just  before  the  secularization  which  put  an  end 
to  the  Franciscan  regime.  He  died  suddenly,  perhaps  fell  while  saying  mass 
at  the  altar,  on  May  24,  1S35,  without  receiving  the  iinal  sacraments.  Padre 
Mercado  declared  that  his  '  muerte  violenta'  was  due  to  'escasez  de  alimentos.' 
S.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS.,  120;  and  the  tradition  became  somewhat  prev- 
alent that  he  died  through  neglect  of  the  administrator.  Mrs  Ord  heard  this 
version;  see  also  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  389-91;  E.  C,  in  Ilevista  Cieutif.,  i. 
328;  Vcdlejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  93.  By  these  writers  the  death  is  dated 
1838,  and  Mofras  names  the  month  as  August.  Vallejo  says  Sarria's  death 
was  caused  by  neglect  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican  friars.  The  truth  is, 
probably,  that  the  aged  friar,  childishly  insisting  on  remaining  alone  with  his 
Indians,  overtasked  his  strength  and  shortened  his  life,  circumstances  render- 
ing suitable  care  impossible.  I  do  not  credit  Mercado's  charges,  or  believe 
that  there  was  an  administrator  in  Cal.  who  would  have  maltreated  a  mis- 
sionary so  widely  known  and  loved.  His  body  was  carried  to  S.  Antonio 
and  buried  in  the  mission  church,  on  the  epistle  side  of  the  presbytery  in  the 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    41 


690  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

autumn  of  1834.  There  was  but  slight  loss  in  popu- 
lation or  in  live-stock  down  to  1834,  though  crops 
were  very  small;  but  later  Indians,  animals,  and  prop- 
erty of  all  kinds  rapidly  disappeared.  The  population 
was  about  three  hundred  in  1834;  and  in  1840  it  had 
dwindled  to  about  70,  with  perhaps  as  many  more 
scattered    in    the    district.14     The    debt    was    large, 

sepulchre  nearest  the  wall,  on  May  27th.  S.  Antonio,  Extracto,  Mverte  de 
Sarria,  MS.;  translation  in  Taylor's  Discov.  and  Found.,  ii.  no.  24,  p.  199. 
Padre  Ainbris  was  told  that  years  later  Sarria's  body  was  found  to  be  intact. 

uSoledad  statistics  1831-4.  Decrease  in  pop.,  342  to  about  390.  Bap- 
tisms, 140,  rather  strangely  including  more  than  half  adults;  54  in  1833,  26  in 
1831.  Deaths,  150;  50  in  1834,  26  in  1832.  Increase  in  large  stock,  5,000  to 
6,200;  horses  and  mules  decrease  1,000  to  200;  sheep,  5,257  to  5,000.  Largest 
crop,  1,890  bush,  in  1832;  smallest,  784  (?)  in  1834;  average  1,200,  of  which 
777  wheat,  yield  10  fold;  253  barley,  7  fold;  84  maize,  25  fold;  21  beans,  8 
fold;  58  miscell.  grain,  6  fold. 

Statistics  of  1835-40.  June  30,  1835,  delivered  to  govt  for  national  rancho 
in  the  past  year,  $1,513,  and  for  the  colony,  $222.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M., 
MS.,  lxxx.  11.  Inventory  of  Aug.  12,  1835;  credits,  $412;  buildings,  $1,704; 
implements,  furniture,  effects,  etc.,  $3,234;  church  property  (church,  $S5, 
ornaments,  etc.,  $3,347,  library  of  51  vol.,  $186)  $3,618;  ranchos,  with  live- 
stock and  produce,  $31,366;  total,  $47,297  (should  be  $40,394).  St.  Pap., 
Miss.,  MS.,  v.  57.  Dec.  31,  1836,  inventory  without  valuation,  including 
a  vineyard  with  5,000  vines;  ranchos  of  S.  Lorenzo,  S.  Vicente,  and  S.  Fer- 
nando; 3,246  cattle,  32  horses,  2,400  sheep;  credits,  $556,  debts  $677-  Id., 
viii.  39-41.  1837.  Salary  list  $1,240.  Id.,  43.  Administrator's  account 
for  the  year,  dr  $2,792,  cr  $2,750,  balance  on  hand  $42.  Id.,  46.  1838. 
Admin,  acct,  dr  $1,065,  cr  $929,  on  hand  $136;  also  1,306  animals,  great  and 
small.  Id.,  47.  Pop.  Dec.  31st,  168  souls.  Id.,  48.  1839.  Jan. -Aug., 
equal  receipts  and  expend.,  no  balance.  /(/.,  44-5.  Feb.,  credits  $556,  debts 
$38.  Id.,  46.  March,  due  to  employes,  $1,587.  Id.,  77.  May,  June,  ex- 
cess of  receipts  over  expend.,  $54.  Id.,  ix.  73-4.  May.  544  cattle,  32 
horses,  900  sheep.  Id.,  74.  Aug.  8th,  Hartnell's  census  and  inventory;  pop., 
78;  45  cattle,  25  horses,  865  sheep,  1  mule,  1  ass,  156  fan.  barley.  Diario, 
MS.,  28.     Nov.,  debts  $1,297.  Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  47-51. 

Statistics  of  1791-1834.  Total  of  baptisms,  2,222,  of  which  1,235  Ind. 
adults,  924  Ind.  children,  63  children  de  razon;  annual  average  50.  Total  of 
marriages  682,  of  which  11  de  razon.  Total  of  deaths  1,803,  of  which  1,207 
Ind.  adults,  574  Ind.  children,  9  and  13  gente  de  razon;  annual  average  40; 
average  death  rate  9  per  cent,  of  pop.  Largest  pop.,  725  in  1805;  males  al- 
ways in  excess  of  females,  sometimes  greatly  so;  children  from  1-3  to  1-10. 
Largest  no.  of  cattle,  0,599  in  1831;  horses,  1,257  in  1821;  mules,  80  in  1807; 
sheep,  9,500  in  1S0S;  swine,  90  in  1814;  all  kinds,  16,551  animals  in  1821. 
Total  product  of  wheat  64,254  bush.,  yield  12  fold;  barley  13,956  bush., 
16  fold;  maize  18,240  bush.,  90  fold;  beans,  2,260  bush.,  11  fold;  miscell. 
grains,  13,012  bush.,  27  fold. 

Record  of  events,  etc.  1  S3 1 .  Status  under  Echeandia's  decree,  not  car- 
ried out;  Tiburcio  Castro  comisionado.  This  vol.,  p.  306-7.  1833.  Election 
of  an  Ind.  ayuntamiento.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  1,  p.  375.  1834.  The 
padre  reported  destitute  of  means,  and  leading  a  hermit's  life.  Soledad  was 
to  be  a  parish  of  2d  class.  This  vol.,  p.  348.  1835.  Secularization  by 
Nicolas  Alviso,  who  was  majordomo  and  perhaps  comisionado;  also  alcalde 
auxiliar.  1S36.  Jose  M.  Agnila  succeeded  Alviso  at  a  date  not  given,  and 
on  Dec.  31st  was  succeeded  by  Salvador  Espinosa,  salary  $500;  Jose  Ant. 


SAN  JUAN  BAUTISTA  DE  CASTRO.      .  691 

and  there  were  left  only  45  cattle,  25  horses,  and  865 
sheep,  though  the  inventory  of  1835  had  shown  an 
estate  valued  at  $36, COO  besides  the  church  property. 
Secularization  was  effected  in  1835  by  Nicolas  Alviso, 
and  the  successive  administrators  were  Jose  M. 
Aguila,  Salvador  Espinosa,  and  Vicente  Cantua.  At 
the  end  of  the  decade  the  establishment  was  on  the 
ver^e  of  dissolution,  and  I  am  not  sure  that  the  final 
order  was  not  issued  before  the  end  of  the  last  year. 
At  San  Juan  Bautista  padres  Felipe  Arroyo  de  la 
Cuesta  and  Juan  Moreno  served  together  in  1831-2, 
and  the  latter  remained  till  1833,  when  Padre  Jose 
Antonio  Anzar  took  his  place.  The  regular  statisti- 
cal reports  cease  in  1832,  when  there  were  916  Ind- 
ians on  the  register.  As  no  extraordinary  cause  of 
dispersion  is  known,  there  may  have  been  850  neo- 
phytes in  1834.  The  only  subsequent  record  is  to 
the  effect  that  the  number  of  Indians  emancipated — 
and  there  is  no  allusion  to  any  others — in  1835  was 
63,  presumably  heads  of  families  and  possibly  repre- 
senting 250  souls,  but  probably  much  less.  As  an 
estimate,  which  is  hardly  more  than  a  guess,  there 
may  have  been  100  ex-neophytes  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  the  mission,  and  as  many  more  scattered 
but  not  relapsed  wholly  to  savagismin  1840.15     Secu- 

Gaxiola  sec.  $120  (later  $180).  Jose*  Rosas,  majordomo,  $120.  1837-9. 
Espinosa  still  in  charge.  1839.  Hartnell's  visit  was  in  Aug.  He  found  the 
Ind.  complaining  of  both  Espinosa  and  Rosas,  the  former  taking  mission 
cattle  for  his  rancho,  and  the  latter  spoiling  the  crops  by  his  obstinate  ignor- 
ance. They  wanted  to  be  free,  under  a  kind  of  supervision  by  Aguila,  who 
had  been  well  liked  as  administrator.  Hartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  28.  Nov.  5th. 
Espinosa  was  succeeded  by  Vicente  Cantua.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  viii.  45. 
1840.  Cantua  still  in  charge;  ordered  in  March  to  sell  G,000  tiles  to  buy  food 
for  the  Ind.  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  xi.  37. 

15  Statistics  of  S.  Juan  Bautista  1831-4.  There  are  no  records  after  1832, 
so  that  the  figures  for  1834  are  only  estimates.  Decrease  in  pop.  9G4  to  850. 
Baptisms  144.  Deaths  30-4.  Decrease  in  large  stock  7,820  to  5,000;  horses 
and  mules  324  to  200;  sheep  7,000  to  4,000.  Average  crop  (2  years)  2,029 
bush.,  of  which  1,380  bush,  wheat,  yield  11  fold;  405  bush,  barley,  10  fold; 
150  bush,  corn,  25  fold;  49  bush,  beans,  11  fold;  43  bush,  miscel.  grains,  5 
fold. 

Statistics  of  1835-40.  Inventory  of  May  1835;  land  $5,120;  live-stock, 
including  41  horses,  $1,782;  implements,  effects,  eic. ,  $1,407;  total  $8,309, 
to  be  distributed  among  G3  emancipated  Ind.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  x.  16. 
Inventory  of  church  property;  church  $3,500  (?),  ornaments,  etc.,  $29,240  (?), 


692  LOCAL  AXXALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

larization  was  effected  in  1835  bv  Tiburcio  Castro, 
who  was  administrator  through  1836,  no  successor 
being  named.     The  inventory  of  the  change  shows  a 

library,  182  vol.,  8391,  6  bells  $1,0G0,  furniture  of  the  choir  8453,  total 
£44,844.  Id.,  vi.  10.  June  6,  1835,  paid  to  S.  F.  comp.  since  July  1S34, 
$84,  for  the  colony  8^35,  besides  8-300  still  due  on  colony  account.  Id.,  viii. 
48.  Inventory  of  1835  (no  month  named),  buildings  830,000;  implements, 
goods  and  furniture  87.774;  church  property  (church,  fully  described,  835,000, 
ornaments,  etc.,  87,740,  library  $461,  bells  81,060,  choir  furniture  $1,643) 
845,904;  vineyards,  lands,  and  buildings  outside  the  mission  837,305;  ranchos, 
probably  including  live-stock  (S.  Justo  81,300,  Todos  Santos  81,755,  S.  Felipe 
810,05-2)  819,107;  credits  81,040;  cash  8222;  total  8147,413;  deducting  amount 
distrib.  to  Ind.  83,439,  and  debt  8250,  balance  8138,723.  Id.,  vi.  17-19. 
1836.  Jan.  1,  1837.  Castro's  general  account  for  1836;  salaries  (P.  Anzar 
8205,  Admin.  Castro  8262,  Maj.  Castro  and  Rios  8149  and  8171)  8347.  Ex- 
penses of  house,  etc.,  8155;  goods  and  produce  supplied  to  Ind.  8312;  total 
81,315.  Product  of  garden  and  vineyard  8150,  slaughter  8270,  due  from 
the  ship  California  8357,  cheeses  left  over  8134,  total  8911.  Balance  of 
expend,  over  receipts  8404.  Cattle  and  horses  branded  175;  sheep  sheared 
2.024;  crops  G07  fan.  Cattle  on  hand  869,  sheep  4, 120.  Credits  in  March 
$338,  debts  $1650.  Id.,  viii.  49-51.     Nothing  for  183S-40. 

Statistics  of  1797-1S34.  Total  of  baptisms  4,100,  of  which  1,S98  Ind. 
adults,  2,015  Ind.  children,  2  and  195  gente  de  razon;  annual  average  103. 
Total  of  marriages  1,028,  of  which  53  de  razon.  Total  of  deaths  3,027,  of 
which  1,708  Ind.  adults,  1,203  Ind.  children,  5  and  65  gente  de  razon;  annual 
average  79;  average  death  rate  9.35  per  cent.  Largest  pop.  1,248  in  1S23; 
sexes  about  equal  to  1810,  males  largely  in  excess  later;  children  g  to  I.  Larg- 
est no.  of  cattle  11,000  in  1820;  horses  1,598  in  1806;  mules  35  in  1805;  sheep 
13,000  in  1816;  swine  99  in  1803;  all  kinds  23,789  animals  in  1S16.  Total 
product. of  wheat  84,633  bush.,  yield  15  fold;  barley  10,S30  bush.,  19  fold; 
make  18,400  bush.,  SS  fold;  beans  1,871  bush.,  12  fold;  miscell.  grains  2,640 
bush.,  10  fold. 

Summary  of  events,  officials,  etc.,  1831.  Status  of  S.  Juan  under  Eche- 
andia's  decree,  not  carried  out;  Juan  Higuera  comisionado.  This  vol.,  p. 
300-7.  1834.  S.  Juan  and  Sta  Cruz  to  form  a  parish  of  2d  class  under  the 
reglamento.  Id.,  34S.  1835.  Secularization,  Tiburcio  Castro  being  admin- 
istrator, or  majordomo,  and  perhaps  comisionado,  though  Jose"  Castro  may 
have  held  the  latter  position,  and  Antonio  Buelna  also  signs  an  inventory. 
Angel  Castro  and  Joaquin  Rios  were  subordinate  majordomos.  Felipe  Amesti 
and  Rafael  Gonzalez  are  named  as  alcaldes  1st  and  2d  of  the  new  pueblo. 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  4S3;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  2.  July  27th,  the  gov. 
has  learned  that  the  Ind.  have  taken  more  property  than  was  assigned  to 
them.  This  must  be  corrected.  St.  Pap.  Miss.  <£•  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  342-3.  July 
31st,  Castro  to  gov.  complaining  that  P.  Anzar  had  taken  the  best  rooms  in 
addition  to  11  already  held  by  him.  The  padre  wishes  the  admin,  and  all 
the  Ind.  to  devote  themselves  entirely  to  his  service.  St.  Pap.  Mis*.,  MS., 
x.  15.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  ii.  212-18,  says  that  secularization  was 
successful  here  and  at  S.  Antonio,  though  nowhere  else,  the  Ind.  being  en- 
tirely freed,  though  watched,  and  making  tolerably  good  use  of  their  freedom 
and  property.  1836.  S.  Juan  was  the  headquarters  of  Alvarado  and  the 
revolutionists  while  preparing  to  oust  Gov.  Gutierrez,  this  vol.,  p.  453-4; 
and  after  the  revolution  the  place  began  to  be  called  S.  Juan  de  Castro,  in 
honor  of  the  general,  though  the  name  was  perhaps  not  officially  used  for 
two  or  three  years.  Id.,  511.  1837.  Jose  Maria  Sanchez  juez  depaz.  Rev- 
olutionary plots  and  arrest  of  conspirators.  Id.,  512.  March,  the  Ind. 
attacked  the  rancho  of  Jose  Sanchez,  killing  two  cx-ncophytes  and  wounding 
Sanchez  himself.  VdUejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  223.  1S3S.  Ravages  of  the  Ind., 
said  to  be  fugitive  christians  accompanied  by  many  gentiles,  at  Pacheco's 


SANTA  CRUZ.  693 

valuation  of  $93,000,  besides  church  property  to  the 
amount  of  §40,000,  and  over  $8,000  distributed  to 
the  Indians.  At  the  end  of  1836,  the  mission  estate 
had  still  about  900  cattle  and  4,000  sheep,  with  a 
crop  of  900  bushels,  and  a  debt  of  $1,300.  These 
are  the  latest  statistics  extant.  Secularization  appears 
to  have  been  much  more  complete  than  at  the  estab- 
lishments farther  south,  there  being  no  traces  of  the 
community  after  183G.  Constant  depredations  of 
savages  with  ex-neophyte  allies  from  1837  con- 
tributed to  the  work  of  ruin;  but  a  little  settlement 
of  gente  de  razon  sprang  into  existence,  containing  I 
suppose  50  inhabitants  at  the  end  of  the  decade;  the 
name  became  San  Juan  de  Castro;  jueces  de  paz  took 
charge  of  local  affairs;  and  the  town  was  honored  by 
bein£  made  cabecera  of  the  district  in  1839,  on  the 
organization  of  the  prefecture. 

Padre  Joaquin  Jimeno  continued  his  ministry  at 
Santa  Cruz  till  1833,  when  he  was  succeeded  by 
Padre  Antonio  Suarez  del  Real,  who  remained 
throughout  the  decade.  In  1834  the  neophyte  pop- 
ulation had  fallen  from  320  to  about  250,  and  appa- 
rently there  was  no  very  marked  loss  in  live-stock  or 
agriculture  down  to  that  time.16     Secularization  was 

rancho,  where  they  killed  Hip61ito  Mejia.  They  also  burned  J.  M.  Sanchez's 
house,  and  S.  pursuing  wounded  seven  of  them.  A  few  days  later  they 
attacked  Jose  Castro's  rancho,  and  again  visited  Pacheco's,  driving  off  horses 
and  stealing  all  they  could  carry.  There  was  much  correspondence  about 
an  exped.  against  the  savages,  but  no  results  arc  known.  Vol.  iv.  75.  1839. 
Juan  Miguel  Anz&r  juez  de  paz,  with  Antonio  Castro  as  suplente.  For  pre- 
fecture see  annals  of  Monterey  in  this  chapter,  S.  Juan  de  Castro  being  the 
head-town  of  the  district.  April,  buildings  being  prepared  for  the  prefec- 
ture. Castro  proposes  to  establish  a  rancho  nacional  at  S.  Luis  Gonza^a. 
Leg.  Pec,  MS.,  iii.  87-92;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  491.  1840.  Inzar  still 
juez  de  paz,  with  Manuel  Larios  as  suplente.  By  Alvarado's  regulation  of 
March  on  missions,  S.  Juan  was  one  of  the  establishments  which  the  govt 
was  to  '  continue  to  regulate  according  to  circumstances. '  vol.  iv.  GO.  July, 
organization  of  a  patrol  against  Ind.  between  S.  Juan  and  S.  Jose.  Dcpt.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  v.  14;  Id. ,  Mont.,  iii.  85-90.  Sept.  1st  the  S.  Juan  jurisdiction 
defined  as  extending  from  Natividad  by  Los  Carneros  and  Pdjaro  to  Las 
Llagas.  Mont.  .Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  2G-7. 

16  Sta  Cruz  statistics  1831-2  (no  figures  for  1833-4).  Decrease  in  pop.  320 
to  284;  baptisms  17;  deaths  54;  marriages  11;  increase  in  large  stock  3,363  to 
4,095;  horses,  etc.,  3G3  to  495;  sheep  4,827  to  5,211.  Crops  3,570  bush,  in 
1831;  1,710  bush,  in  1832. 

Statistics  of  1834-40.     Debt  in  Sept.  1S34,  $4,979;  credits  $1,877.  St.  Pap., 


694  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

effected  in  1834-5  by  Ignacio  del  Valle  as  comisio- 
nado;  and  the  value  of  the  property  when  he  turned 
it  over  to  Juan  Gonzalez  as  administrator  at  the  end 

Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  71.  Nov.  14th,  sub-comisario  acknowledges  draft  of  Deppe 
on  the  mission  for  $2,266.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  C.  &  T.,  MS.,  iii.  11-12. 
Nov.  27th  gov.  orders  prompt  delivery  of  13  blankets  for  troops.  Sta  Cruz, 
Pec.,  MS.,  18.  1835.  Inventory  of  Dec.  1st.  Buildings  $16,940,  furniture, 
etc.,  $478,  implements,  machinery,  etc.,  $2,163,  huerta  with  1,210  viues  and 
1,024  fruit-trees  $2,173,  live-stock  at  the  mission  $1,051,  id.  with  tools  at  the 
ranchos  (Matadero  $5,104,  Animas  $1,125,  Jano  $1,050,  Alio  Nuevo  $10,302) 
$17,581,  effects  in  store-house  $3,291,  produce  $5,176,  credits  $3,338,  total 
$52,191,  debt  $4,979,  balance  $47,212,  besides  church  property  as  follows: 
building  $8,050,  ornaments,  bells,  cannon,  etc.,  $23,505,  library  of  152  vols. 
$380,  total  $32,142  (another  copy  makes  it  $40,191).  The  live-stock  noted 
above  consisted  of  3,700  cattle,  500  horses,  2,900  sheep,  18  mules,  10  asses, 
28  swine.  The  chief  creditor  was  Virmond,  and  the  chief  debtor  the 
national  treasury.  The  lands  2x11  1.  and  mostly  fit  only  for  grazing  are  not 
valued.  Sta  Cruz  Pec,  MS.,  1-3;  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  v.  54;  vi.  40;  Miscel.  Hist. 
Pap.,  MS.,  no.  15.  A  newspaper  scrap  of  unknown  origin,  often  reprinted, 
makes  the  total  $168,000,  and  lands  $79,000.  Property  distributed  among 
the  Ind.  from  Aug.  24,  1S34,  to  Dec.  1,  1835,  $10,576.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS., 
ix.  66-7.  December  11th,  payment  of  $300  to  Comisionado  Valle  for  his  ser- 
vices. Id.,  69.  April  22,  1837,  live-stock  1,000  cattle,  460  horses,  2,000  sheep, 
22  mules,  16  asses;  70  fan.  grain;  credits  $3,040,  debts  $594,  to  Russ.  Amer. 
Co.  and  N.  Spear.  Id.,  vii.  47-8;  Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  47-51.  March  11, 
1839,  receipts  since  beginning  of  1838,  from  sale  of  hides  $1,120;  expend,  for 
salaries  $1,465,  besides  cattle  and  horses  delivered  on  order  of  govt.  St. 
Pap.  Miss.',  MS.,  ix.  72.  Oct.  7th,  Hartnell  found  70  Ind.,  36  cattle,  127 
horses,  and  1,026  sheep.  Diario,  MS.,  44. 

Statistics  of  1791-1834.  Total  of  baptisms  2,466,  of  which  1,277  Ind. 
adults,  939  Ind.  children,  6  and  244  de  razon;  animal  average  50.  Marriages 
847,  of  which  63  de  razon.  Deaths  2,035,  of  which  1,359  Ind.  adults,  574 
Ind.  child.,  45  and  47  de  razon;  aunual  average  44;  average  death-rate  10.93 
per  cent  of  pop.  Largest  pop.  644  in  1798.  Males  always  in  excess  of 
females;  children  ^  to  |.  Largest  no.  of  cattle  3,700  in  1828;  horses  900  in 
1828;  mules  92  in  1805;  sheep  8,300  in  1826;  swine  150  in  1818;  all  kinds 
12,502  animals  in  1827.  Total  product  of  wheat  69,900  bush.,  yield  18  fold; 
barley  13,180  bush.,  21  fold;  maize  30,500  bush.,  146  fold;  beans  9,250  bush., 
57  fold;  miscel.  graius  7,600  bush.,  28  fold. 

Summary  and  index  of  events.  1831.  Status  under  Echeandia's  decree 
not  enforced.  This  vol.,  p.  306-7.  Jan.,  P.  Jimeno  reports  election  of 
neophyte  alcalde  and  regidores  approved  by  gov.  Sta  Cruz  Pec,  MS.,  13. 
1833.  Jimeno  succeeded  by  Real  as  padre.  Duran  favors  partial  seculariza- 
tion. This  vol.,  p.  335.  Lat.  and  long,  by  Douglas.  Id.,  404.  Fortifica- 
tions to  prevent  smuggling  recommended  by  Capt.  Gonzalez.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
ISIS.,  iii.  114.  1834.  Ignacio  del  Valle  as  comisionado  took  charge  on  Aug. 
24th,  appointing  Juan  Gonzalez  majordomo  Oct.  31st.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS., 
x.  6;  ix.  06;  Sta  Cruz  Pec,  MS.,  12;  Valle  Lo  Pasado,  MS.,  9-10.  Valle 
gave  to  the  new  pueblo  the  name  Pueblo  de  Figueroa,  which  had  been  ordered 
by  the  gov.  in  Jan.,  and  also  gave  Spanish  surnames  to  the  ex-neophytes. 
Sta  Cruz  and  Branciforte  were  to  form  a  parish  of  the  2d  class.  St.  Pap. 
MU*.,  MS.,  68,  71;  this  vol.,  p.  3S4.  Sept.  15th,  the  padre,  having  given 
up  the  mission,  asks  the  gov.  for  house,  etc.,  grain  and  other  supplies  for 
himself  and  horses,  the  care  of  church  and  wine,  Ind.  assistants  for  worship, 
a  division  of  goods  in  store,  and  that  the  comisionado  shall  not  prejudice 
Ind.  against  the  padre.  Id.,  x.  6.  Oct.  24th,  gov.  orders  com.  to  settle  the 
mission  accounts  at  once.  Sta  Cruz  Rec.,  MS.,  23.  Oct.  31st,  gov.  approves 
appt  of  majordomo  at  $40  inclusive  of  rations.   Id.,  12.     Nov.,  the  padre  in- 


SAXTA  CRUZ.  -  6D5 

of  1835  was  $47,000,  exclusive  of  land  and  church 
property,  besides  $10,000  distributed  to  the  Indians, 
There  is  no  record  of  subsequent  distributions  or  of 
how  the  estate  disappeared;  but  in  1839  Hartnell 
found  only  70  Indians — with  perhaps  as  many  more 
scattered  in  the  district — and  about  one  sixth  of  the 
live-stock  of  the  former  inventory.  Francisco  Soto 
succeeded  Gonzalez  in  1839,  and  possibly  the  juez  de 

sisteel  on  having  10  rooms  and  the  granary  for  a  stable,  but  the  gov.  decided 
that  he  could  have  only  the  rooms  actually  needed,  and  that  the  granary 
could  not  be  spared.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  70.  Nov.  17th,  Valle  has 
selected  a  room  for  the  ayunt. ,  one  for  the  secretary,  and  one  for  a  school. 
Id.,  69.  1835.  The  governor's  plan  for  a  mission  rancho  for  support  of 
church  not  carried  out.  This  vol.,  p.  351.  May  21st,  gov.  calls  for  accounts 
of  supplies  to  govt  and  to  colony.  Sta  Cruz  Rec,  MS.,  4.  June  13th, 
majordomo  to  pay  padre  $20  for  freight  of  lumber.  Id.,  4.  Dec.  1st  (or 
perhaps  earlier)  the  property  was  turned  over  by  Valle  to  Gonzalez  as  admin- 
istrator, the  secularization  being  deemed  complete.  Valle  was  paid  $300  for 
his  services.  Id.,  20.  Inventories  of  Dec.  1st  as  given  elsewhere,  Asisara, 
an  ex-neophyte,  in  Amador,  Mem.,  MS.,  90-113,  spins  a  long  yarn,  perhaps 
true  in  some  particulars,  about  P.  Real's  success  in  making  away  with  much 
of  the  property  secretly  by  night  before  Valle  took  charge,  and  of  the  pro- 
cess by  which  Valle,  Soto,  and  Bolcof  appropriated  the  rest.  1836.  Spear's 
lighter  running  between  Sta  Cruz  and  S.  F.  vol.  iv.,  p.  83.  Forces  recruited 
for  Alvarado's  army.  This  vol.,  p.  491.  March,  gov.  orders  that  Ind.  must 
comply  with  their  church  duties.  Sta  Cruz  Arch.,  MS.,  6.  1837.  The  oath 
to  support  centralism  in  July.  This  vol.,  p.  529.  1839.  Francisco  Soto 
succeeded  Gonzalez  as  administrator  in  Jan.,  and  in  Oct.  was  ordered  to  turn 
over  the  property  to  Jos6  Bolcof,  the  juez  de  paz.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  x.  3; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  18,  but  perhaps  did  not  do  so  at  once.  In 
Sept.  Hartnell  found  the  few  remaining  Ind.  clamorous  for  liberty  and  a 
final  distribution  of  property.  They  particularly  wished  to  retain  El  Refugio 
and  the  mission  puerta,  which  the  padre  also  desired.  They  were  bitter 
against  their  administrator;  and  Jose  Antonio  Rodriguez  desired  the  position. 
Hartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  8,  44.  The  French  voyager  Laplace,  Campagne,  vi. 
272-84,  devotes  several  pages  to  a  melancholy  picture  of  the  establishment 
in  its  state  of  ruin,  poverty,  and  filth,  as  compared  with  its  former  somewhat 
exaggerated  magnificence.  He  found  the  administrator  a  man  of  fine  appear- 
ance and  manners,  and  he  found  a  pretty  ranchera  willing  to  sell  vegetables 
at  a  fair  price,  but  this  'California  dove'  was  frightened  away  by  the  appear- 
ance cf  P.  Real.  '  Vraiment  il  y  avait  de  quoi  d'effaroncher;  car  il  serait 
difficile  de  rencontrer  tin  individu  au  regard  plus  cynique,  a  la  physionomie 
plus  effrontde,  a  l'air  plus  d6bruill6  que  ce  padre  Mexicain,  avec  sa  figure 
bruise,  ses  grands  yeux  noir  a  fond  jaune,  son  chef  convert  d'un  chapeau  a 
larges  bords  et  a  moitie  defoncd,  sa  robe  de  franciscain,  autrefois  blanche, 
maintenant  souillde  de  mille  taches,  sans  capuchon  et  retrousee  jusqu'a  la 
ccinture  afir  de  laisser  toute  libert6  aux  membres  inferieurs;  enfir  avec  une 
escopette  en  bandouliere  qui  achevait  do  donner  a  ce  costume  quclque  chose 
de  pittoresque.'  1840.  No  record  of  the  man  in  charge.  According  to  the 
reglamento  the  govt  was  to  continue  to  manage  this  ex-mission  according  to 
circumstances.  Vol.  iv.,  p.  60.  In  Jan.,  there  was  an  earthquake,  and  tidal 
wave,  carrying  off  a  large  quantity  of  tiles  and  bringing  down  the  church 
tower.  Id.,  78;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  24.  March,  gov.  orders  admin,  to 
give  up  to  P.  Real  the  garden  and  distillery  with  the  houses  adjoining  the 
church.  Dept.  Bec.t  MS.,  xi.  9. 


GOG  LOCAL  ANXALS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

paz  Jose  Bolcof  took  charge  this  year  or  the  next. 
The  secularization  of  1835  was  considered  more  com- 
plete than  at  most  other  establishments,  and  the 
Pueblo  de  Figueroa,  distinct  from  the  villa  across  the 
river,  came  into  existence  on  paper;  but  I  find  no  in- 
dication of  real  pueblo  organization,  or  that  the  status 
of  this  ex-mission  community  differed  in  any  respect 
from  that  of  others. 

The  population  of  the  villa  de  Branciforte,  given  as 
150  at  the  beginning,  may  be  estimated  at  250  at  the 
end  of  the  decade,  though  there  are  no  definite  figures 
for  this  period.  In  1831-5  the  villa  seems  to  have 
elected  its  own  ayuntamiento  of  alcalde,  two  regidores, 
and  sindico;  though  I  find  nothing  to  authorize  this 
apparent  independence  from  the  civil  authorities  of 
Monterey.  In  1836-40,  however,  the  subordination 
to  the  latter  was  officially  asserted,  and  an  alcalde 
auxiliar  was  annually  appointed,  or  a  juez  de  paz  after 
1839,  the  popular  choice  being  usually  approved  by 
the  Monterey  ayuntamiento  and  governor  or  prefect. 
The  successive  municipal  chiefs  of  Branciforte,  the 
list  of  subordinate  officers  being  incomplete,17    were 

17  Summary  of  Branciforte  annals.  1S31,  Alcalde  Joaquin  Castro.  1832. 
Alcalde  Joaquin  Buelna,  regidor  Manuel  Villagrana,  jueccs  de  campo  Rafael 
Castro  and  Francisco  Soria.  Municipal  receipts  $36,  expend.  $26.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  v.  80-1.  1833,  Alcalde  Jose*  Antonio  Robles,  regidor  Juan 
Jose  Castro,  deposed  by  the  alcalde  in  June  but  reinstated  by  the  gov.  Id., 
P.  &  J.,  v.  40.  Munic.  receipts  with  $10  balance  from  1832,  $43,  expend. 
$42.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  131.  Dec.  18th,  24th,  elections  of  town  officers 
for  next  year.  Id.,  127-31.  1834.  Alcalde  Jos6  Bolcof;  regidores  Jose"  Maria 
Salazar  (?)  and  Jose  Teran;  sindico  Rafael  Castro,  secretary  Jose"  de  los  Santos 
Avila.  Jan.  6th,  alcalde's  instructions  to  jueces  de  campo.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch., 
MS.,  93-4.  Jan.  22d,  gov.  approves  alcalde's  appointment  of  a  monthly  com- 
mission of  regidor  and  4  citizens  to  visit  the  ranchos,  prevent  thefts  of  horses, 
and  catch  runaway  neophytes  to  work  on  the  casas  consistoriale^.  Id.,  83. 
Expenses  of  the  year  $40,  including  a  baston  dejusticia  which  cost  $15.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  B.  31.,  MS.,  lxxviii.  6-7.  May  10th,  the  ayunt  had  imposed  a  tax 
of  $1  per  vara  of  thickness  on  every  tree  felled  and  $1  on  every  otter  skin,  for 
the  payment  of  a  teacher  and  of  the  secretary.  Lc<j.  Pec,  MS.,  ii.  62;  St. 
Pap.,  M.  <b  C,  MS.,  ii.  237-S.  June  12th,  Zamorano  reports  that  the  civil 
jurisdiction  of  Branciforte  extends  from  the  ranchos  north  of  Sta  Cruz  to  the 
rancho  of  Jose  Amesti,  between  the  summit  of  the  sierra  and  the  shore.  Id. , 
218.  June  2Sth,  gov.  provisionally  fixes  the  limits  of  the  jurisdiction  as  the 
S.  F.  boundary  in  the  north,  the  S.  Andres  rancho  of  Joaquin  Castro  in  the 
south,  between  the  sea  and  the  summit.  Id.,  220.  1835.  Alcalde  Alejandro 
Rodriguez.  Sindico  Macedonio  Lorenzana.  Receipts  $31,  expend.  $13.  Sta 
Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  84.  Dec.  28th,  gov.  tells  alcalde  that  Branciforte,  not  hav- 
ing the  pop.  necessary  for  an  ayunt.,  must  be  subject  to  the  ayunt.  of  Mon- 


BRANCIFORTE.  697 

Joaquin  Castro,  Joaquin  Buelna,  Jose  Antonio  Ro- 
bles,  Jose  Bolcof,  Alejandro  Rodriguez,  Rafael  Castro,. 
Antonio  Rodriguez,  Joaquin  Buelna  again,  and  Jose 
Bolcof.  Municipal  finances  were  in  a  healthful  con- 
dition, or  at  least  expenses  were  so  kept  down  that 
there  was  usually  a  balance  of  more  than  a  dollar  in 
the  treasury  at  the  year's  end.  The  villanos  still  did 
something  to  sustain  their  old  reputation  in  the  way 
of  social  irregularities  and  popular  tumults;  if  they 
seem  not  to  have  sustained  it  fully,  the  fault  is  per- 
haps not  theirs  but  that  of  the  defective  records. 
About  20  ranchos  were  granted  in  this  region  before 
1840,  a  list  of  which  with  others  in  the  Monterey 
district  has  been  given  in  this  chapter. 

terey.  He  will  appoint  an  auxiliary  alcalde.  St.  Pap.,  M.  &  C,  MS.,  ii.  366. 
183G.  Alcalde  auxiliar  Rafael  Castro.  Miguel  Villagrana  was  elected  Jan. 
19th,  but  objection  was  made  that  he  could  not  read  or  write  and  that  the 
election  was  irregular;  therefore  the  ayunt.  of  Mont,  after  consulting  the 
gov.  appointed  Castro.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  vi.  13-15.  Sindico, 
Miguel  Ramirez.  (But  Francisco  Juarez  is  mentioned  in  Jan.  Sta  Cruz  Arch., 
MS.,  84.)  Secretary  Joaquin  Buelna  appointed  in  March  at  $10  per  month. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  99-107.  April,  alcalde  complains  of  the  actions  of 
Gervasio  Soto  and  wife;  who,  in  revenge  for  being  watched  in  accordance  with 
orders  from  Mont.,  caught  two  buzzards  and  tied  firebrands  to  the  birds, 
thus  setting  a  man's  house  on  fire.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  6-7.  P.  Real  also 
complains  to  the  gov.  of  disorders  resulting  from  ill-assorted  marriages;  Juan 
Pinto  and  his  wife  separated;  Fran.  Soria  beating  his  family;  and  Gervasio 
Soto  and  family  the  cause  of  all  the  trouble.  Soto  should  be  banished  in  the 
interest  of  public  tranquillity.  Id.,  7-8.  1837,  Alcalde  auxiliar  Antonio  Rod- 
riguez. Unb.  Doc,  MS.,  245-6.  No  other  record  for  the  year.  1S38.  Al- 
calde Joaquin  Buelna;  regidores  Francisco  Soria  and  Macedonio  Lorenzana; 
juez  de  campo  Miguel  Villagrana.  Election  of  Feb.  12th.  S.  JosA,  Arch., 
M.S.,  iv.  34.  There  is  no  explanation  of  this  election,  or  why  regidores  were 
chosen.  Probably  there  is  some  error,  and  Buelna  was  simply  appointed  al- 
calde auxiliar,  though  the  people  were  allowed  to  express  their  choice.  In- 
deed, Buelna  is  called  juez  auxiliar  in  several  doc.  of  the  year.  There  was 
no  change  of  system.  Aug.  1st,  Feliciano  Soberanes,  from  Mont.,  informs 
Gen.  Vallejo  of  Ind.  outrages  in  the  region.  Eugenio  Soto's  body  riddled 
with  arrows  was  found  hanging  near  Sta  Cruz.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  v.  122. 
1839.  Alcalde  or  juez  auxiliar  Joaquin  Buelna  until  July,  when  Prefect  Cas- 
tro appointed  Jos6  Bolcof  on  the  ground  that  Buelna  had  long  held  the  place, 
and  other  citizens  should  have  a  chance  to  hold  office.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS., 
50;  St.  Pap.,  Sac,  MS.,  xi.  3.  Sindico  Macedonio  Lorenzana;  sec.  Manuel 
Rodriguez,  perhaps  both  for  the  next  year.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  18.  Gil 
Sanchez  tithe-collector.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  29.  Branciforte's  quota  of  re- 
cruits called  for  in  July  was  15.  This  vol.,  p.  583.  Munic.  receipts  for  year 
818,  expend.  S39.  Mont.  Co.,  Arch.,  MS.,  18.  Tumult  of  April  16th,  in 
which  citizens  revolted  against  the  alcalde  and  resisted  arrest  by  the  prefect's 
forces,  two  being  killed  and  several  wounded.  Id.,  58S;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang., 
MS.,  v.  3-4.  1840.  Juez  de  paz,  Jose1  Bolcof.  April,  4  recruits  called  for. 
Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  22.  May,  10  foreigners  in  the  jurisdiction,  4  being 
naturalized.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  71-3.  For  account  of  the  Graham 
affair,  many  of  the  exiles  residing  in  this  region,  see  chap.  i.  of  vol.  iv. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

1831-1840. 

Gain  in  Population — Number  of  Inhabitants  in  California,  North  and 
South — Summary  of  San  Francisco  Events — Military  Affairs — 
Company  Transferred  to  Sonoma — Pueblo  and  Ayuntamiento— 
Granting  of  Lots — Later  Litigation — Growth  of  Yerba  Buena — 
Richardson,  Leese,  and  Spear — Private  Ranchos  of  the  District- 
San  Francisco  Mission — San  Rafael — Padre  Amor6s'  Map  of  Mis- 
sion Lands — San  Francisco  Solano — Pueblo  of  Sonoma — General 
Vallejo's  Achievements  in  the  Frontera  del  Norte — San  Jose  Mis- 
sion— A  Prosperous  Establishment — Santa  Clara — Padres  Viader 
and  Moreno — Pueblo  de  San  Jose  de  Guadalupe  de  Alvarado — 
Population — Municipal  Affairs  and  List  of  Officials — Summary  of 
Events. 

The  population  of  gente  de  razon  at  San  Francisco, 
given  as  300  in  1830,  may  be  regarded  as  280,  about 
equally  divided  between  the  peninsula  and  contra 
costa,  in  1840,  the  departure  of  the  soldiers  having 
more  than  counterbalanced  the  gain  from  other 
sources.  Adding  750  for  San  Jose  and  200  for  So- 
noma  and  the  northern  frontier  we  have  a  total  for 
the  district  of  1,330,  a  gain  from  840  during  the  de- 
cade.1 The  ex-neophyte  Indian  population  had  mean- 
while decreased  from  4,920  to  2,300,  of  which  num- 

1  Data  for  estimating  the  district  pop. ,  except  at  S.  Josd,  for  which  we 
have  a  regular  padron,  are  very  meagre.  The  size  of  the  ayunt. — 2  regidores 
— in  1835  may  indicate  a  pop.  between  50  and  200  in  the  jurisdiction.  Also 
in  1835,  the  resident  signers  to  a  petition  were  30  in  the  contra  costa.  In 
1837  the  militia  company  of  S.  F.  jurisdiction — peninsula  and  contra  costa, — 
numbered  86,  which  should  be  about  ^  of  the  pop.  And  finally  in  1842  a 
padron  shows  157  gente  de  razon  on  the  peninsula.  In  the  northern  frontier 
district  there  were  in  1840  about  70  soldiers,  cavalry  and  infantry,  who  with 
their  families  and  those  of  the  few  rancheros  etc.  cannot  have  represented  a 
pop.  of  less  than  200,  my  estimate. 

(C98) 


POPULATION".  699, 

ber  not  over  1,250  were  still  living  in  the  ex-mission 
communities.  Combining  the  totals  for  San  Francis- 
co  and  Monterey  districts  we  have  for  the  population 
of  northern  California  2,930  and  4,040  Indians,  against 
1,940  and  8,400  Indians  ten  years  earlier,  and  against 
2,850  and  5,100  Indians  in  the  south.  Again  com- 
bining the  figures  for  north  and  south  we  have  a  total 
population  for  California  in  1840-of  5,780  and  9,140 
Indians,  against  4,250  and  18,000  Indians  in  1830. 
The  foreign  population  as  estimated  elsewhere  was 
380,  more  than  half  of  the  number  probably  being  in- 
cluded in  the  preceding  figures. 

But  for  the  organization  of  a  municipal  government 
and  the  growth  of  a  new  settlement  at  Yerba  Buena, 
to  be  noticed  presently,  there  is  nothing  in  the  record 
of  events  at  San  Francisco  that  calls  for  further  men- 
tion than  is  given  in  the  appended  summary.2     Never 

2  Summary  and  index  of  San  Francisco  events.  1831.  Possible  visit  of 
Gov.  Victoria  in  March  or  April.  This  vol.,  p.  186.  Execution  of  Rubio  for 
murder  in  Aug.,  a  famous  case.  Id.,  191-3.  Plottings  of  Padres  and  Val- 
lejo,  and  exile  of  the  former  in  Oct.  Id.,  197,  200.  Caceres,  the  only  Span- 
iard in  the  jurisdiction,  ordered  away.  Id.,  401.  Adhesion  of  S.  F.  to  the 
S.  Diego  plan  against  Victoria  in  Dec.  Id.,  212.  Oysters  said  to  have  been 
discovered  in  the  bay  by  Capt.  John  Bell.  S.  F.  Call.,  June  5,  1867.  1832. 
S.  F.  adheres  to  the  new  Zamorano  plan,  after  a  little  trouble  and  a  tempo- 
rary suspension  of  Com.  Sanchez  in  favor  of  Martinez.  This  vol.,  223-4. 
Mutiny  on  the  Wm  Thompson,  smuggling  by  the  Bolivar,  and  otter  hunt- 
ing in  the  bay.  Id.,  364-5,  374.  1833.  Trouble  between  Vallejo  and  his 
soldiers.  Id.,  248.  Hard  times,  and  Vallejo's  troubles  with  the  padres.  Id., 
322.  Smuggling  and  seizure  of  vessels.  Id.,  365-6,  309,  393.  Visit  of 
Douglas,  the  Scotch  botanist.  Id.,  404.  1834.  Election  of  an  ay untamiento. 
See  note  on  mimic,  affairs,  this  chapter. 

1835.  Proposition  of  the  U.  S.  to  purchase  S.  F.  Bay.  Id.,  400.  The 
colonist  conspirators  embarked  on  the  liosa.  Id.,  286-8.  Dana's  descriptive 
matter.  Two  Years,  261  etseq. ,  439  etseq.  1836.  The  presidio  for  the  most 
part  abandoned,  the  company  having  been  transferred  to  Sonoma.  Note  on 
mil.  affairs,  this  chapter.  The  Russians  had  a  license  to  build  a  warehouse, 
but  did  not  utilize  it.  This  vol.,  p.  426.  Wreck  of  the  Peor  es  Nada  in  Jan. 
Vol.  iv.  105.  Celebration  of  July  4th.  See  note  on  Yerba  Buena,  this  chap. 
1837.  Organization  of  a  militia  company.  Visit  of  Edwards  from  Oregon. 
iv.  86.  Edwards  found  half-a-dozen  families  living  at  the  ruined  presidio, 
and  he  incorrectly  attributed  its  ruin  and  desertion  to  the  late  revolution 
against  Mexico.  Capt.  Hinckley  arrested  for  smuggling,  iv.  103.  Visits  of 
Belcher  and  apart  of  Petit-Thouars' expedition  in  Oct.,  the  narratives  con- 
taining nothing  on  the  state  of  affairs,  though  scientific  observations  were 
made.  In  his  memorial  to  the  govt  on  Aug.  17th,  Gen.  Vallejo  had  much  to 
say  of  the  advantages  of  S.  F.,  with  8  towns,  17  haciendas,  and  25  ranchos, 
with  125,000  head  of  cattle,  etc.,  situated  near  the  bay,  and  tributary  to  the 
port.    Vallejo,  Esposicion,  MS.,  13-14;  Id.,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  299. 

1838.     Gov.  Carrillo  closes  the  port  in  Jan.  This  vol.,  p.  345.     Vallejo 


700  LOCAL  AXXALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

since  the  foundation  had  life  in  the  peninsula  estab- 
lishments been  more  monotonous  and  uneventful  than 
in  this  decade.  Even  the  stirring  scenes  of  the  revo- 
lution  and  following  sectional  quarrels  in  1836-8  had 
little  effect  on  the  tranquillity  of  San  Francisco,  ex- 
cept that  a  few  of  its  citizens  went  abroad  to  serve  in 
the  patriot,  or  rebel,  army,  and  the  rest  were  kept  busy 
in  awaiting  and  discussing  news  from  Monterey  and 
the  south.  Belcher,  Petit-Thouars,  and  Laplace  made 
some  explorations  in  the  bay  without  having  any 
remarkable  experiences  or  embodying  much  infor- 
mation in  their  published  narratives  respecting  the 
state  of  affairs  on  shore.  A  small  fleet  of  traders 
anchored  each  year  in  the  port,  but  matters  connect- 
ed with  commerce,  vessels,  and  revenue  have  been 
pretty  fully  recorded  elsewhere  in  chapters  specially 
devoted  to  those  subjects  at  all  the  ports.3 

The  presidial  cavalry  company  varied  in  1831-4 
from  40  to  30  men  rank  and  file,  besides  six  or  eight 
invalidos,  half  of  this  force  or  more  being:  absent  on 
escolta  duty  at  the  missions  of  Santa  Clara,  San  Jose, 
San  Rafael,  and  Solano,  and  the  effective  force  of  the 

here  in  Feb.  trying  to  raise  men  for  service  in  the  war.  Id.,  547.  May.  Re- 
turn of  S.  F.  troops  under  Sanchez  from  the  south.  Id. ,  563.  Earthquake  in 
June,  doing  some  damage  at  the  mission,  iv.  78.  Oct.  A  band  of  robbers 
plundered  stores  (at  the  presidio?).  Vallejo,  Doc,  v.  204.  1S39.  Visit  of 
John  A.  Sutter  in  July.  Vol.  iv.,  p.  127  et  seq.  Visit  of  Laplace  in  Aug. 
Id.,  153.  According  to  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  107,  the  military 
post  was  abandoned  so  that  no  salute  was  fired.  Laplace's  narrative  gives 
no  definite  information  about  the  state  of  things  at  S.  F.,  though  there  is  no 
lack  of  philosophic  reflections;  and  there  is  the  same  lack  of  information  in 
the  narrative  of  Belcher,  whose  visit  was  in  Sept.  According  to  Davis, 
Glimpses,  MS.,  44,  the  winter  was  very  severe  and  rainy.  1840.  Nothing  to 
be  noted  in  the  record  of  events. 

3  For  1831-5  see  chap.  xiii.  this  vol.;  for  1836-40,  chap.  iii.  of  vol.  iv.  An- 
tonio M.  Osio  in  charge  of  the  revenues,  $2,419  in  8  months,  in  1831.  Russian 
vessels  at  S.  F.  during  the  decade,  see  iv.  p.  158-9,  163  et  seq.  1S33.  Ban- 
dini  in  congress  unable  to  open  S.  F.  as  a  full  port.  Pedro  del  Castillo  in 
charge  of  revenues  as  receptor  in  1S33-5.  Much  complaint  of  smuggling,  and 
need  of  a  treasury  officer.  No  custom-house  officer  in  1S36-8.  Win  A.  Rich* 
ardson  captain  of  the  port  from  1836  or  1837.  Vessels,  tonnage,  and  exports 
in  1837-9,  Richardson's  record  vol.  iv.  p.  88-93.  Vallejo  from  this  year  made 
earnest  but  unsuccessful  efforts  to  transfer  the  custom-house  from  Mont,  to 
S.  F.  1S3S.  Carrillo  attempts  to  close  the  port  as  a  southern  war  measure. 
1839.  Francisco  Guerrero  appointed  receptor  of  customs  after  Leese  had  been 
recommended  but  not  approved.  His  pay  was  25  per  cent  of  receipts.  Rich- 
ardson got  $60  per  month.     1840.  Douglas'  estimate  of  S.  F.  exports  $S0,000. 


MILITARY  RECORD.  701 

garrison  being  from  18  to  ten  soldiers.  The  nominal 
expense  as  per  pay-rolls  was  from  $10,000  to  §9,000 
per  year.  The  officers  of  the  company,  each  serving 
at  times  as  commandant  of  the  post,  after  the  retire- 
ment of  Lieut  Martinez  in  September  1831  were 
alfereces  Mariano  G.  Vallejo  and  Jose  Sanchez,  the 
former  being  absent  as  member  of  the  diputacion  and 
revolutionist  in  1832  and  the  latter  beimjf  succeeded 
by  Damaso  Rodriguez  at  the  end  of  Id 33.  The  com- 
pany sergeants  were  Jose  Berreyesa  in  1831,  Pablo 
Pacheco  in  1832-5,  and  Cayetano  Juarez  from  1833. 4 

4  San  Francisco  military  items.  1833.  Efforts  of  Vallejo  to  collect  tithes 
in  cattle  for  the  company;  170  head  collected;  gov.  also  calls  on  the  missions 
for  contributions  of  cattle  for  a  rancho  nacional.  Pinto,  .Doc,  MS.,  i.  67;  Vallejo, 
Dor.,  MS.,  ii.  07;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS.,  lxxv.  1-2;  Id.,  Ben.  G.  <b  T., 
ii.  73-81.  March  Cth,  $737  in  goods  sent  by  the  comisario  at  Mont.  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  xxii.  25.  Vallejo's  complaints  of  privations  of  his  men.  This  vol., 
p.  322;  but  also  demands  for  more  soldiers  and  for  a  treasury  official.  Doc, 
MS.,  ii.  25,  27;  St.  Pap.,  M.  &  C,  MS.,  ii.  315.  1834.  Jan.,  gov.  declines  to 
permit  escoltas  to  go  to  S.  Francisco  to  receive  what  the  missions  will  give 
for  the  rancho  nacional.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  142.  May  3d,  Vallejo  re- 
ports the  presidio  buildings  in  a  ruinous  condition  since  the  rains,  the  fort 
being  nearly  destroyed,  Vie  demands  immediate  aid  to  save  the  war  material, 
and  gets  authority  to  act  and  make  estimates.  Id.,  B.  M.,  lxxviii.  5-6.  Later 
V.  suggested  the  sale  of  the  buildings  to  soldiers  on  pay  account  or  to  others 
in  exchange  for  live-stock  for  the  rancho;  and  he  is  authorized  to  so  dispose 
of  them,  reserving  barracks;  but  there  is  no  further  record.  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  iii.  129;  xxxi.  133.  For  the  year  1833-4,  the  company  received  $3,574, 
leaving  85,191  still  due.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  31.,  MS.,  lxxx.  3.  1835.  Re- 
ceipts from  Solano  in  supplies  8422.  Pinto,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  151.  Sept.  10th, 
V.  authorized  to  receive  200  cattle  as  a  loan  for  the  rancho.  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  iii.  73.  Oct.  20th,  V.  saj's  he  has  sent  600 cattle  and  some  horses  by  Car- 
quines  to  the  frontier  rancho.  No  profit  to  be  expected  for  two  years.  Id.,  79. 
1836.  A  party  sent  to  S.  Rafael  for  cattle  for  the  rancho.  Id.,  109.  Feb.  29th, 
Vallejo  to  gov.  recommends  that  the  best  buildings  be  appraised  and  turned 
over  to  soldiers  on  acct  of  their  back  pay.  Others  may  be  sold  for  cattle  for 
the  rancho.  Id.,  97.  1837.  Over  $30,000  of  back  pay  due  the  company.  Id., 
D+poaicion,  20.  Jan.,  a  new  civic  company  organized  at  S.  F.  under  Capt. 
Francisco  Sanchez,  lieutenants  Jose  Martinez  and  Joaquin  Castro,  alfereces 
Manuel  Sanchez  and  Antonio  M.  Peralta,  with  3  sergeants,  6  corporals,  and 
72  privates,  86  men  in  all.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  14,  xxiv.  7.  Armament 
and  war  material  at  the  presidio,  report  of  Joaquin  Pina  Jan.  7th;  8  iron 
guns — 3  24-pounders — 3  of  which  are  useless;  8  brass  guns,  1  useless;  994  balls; 
4  muskets,  1  pistol,  1  machete,  37  musket  balls,  and  a  few  trifles.  Id.,  xxiv. 
4.  1838.  Oct.,  Spear  lias  2  small  guns  for  sale  to  Gen.  V.  Id.,  v.  214.  1839. 
Capt.  Sanchez  named  as  com.,  also  Prado  Mesa.  Aug.,  minister  of  war,  says 
orders  have  been  given  for  the  protection  of  S.  F.  Savage,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  327. 
Dec,  the  Mex.  govt.,  in  accordance  with  V.'s  suggestions,  authorized  the 
removal  of  the  fortifications  to  Angel  Island.  Vallejo,  J  Joe,  MS.,  vi.  217;  viii. 
352;  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  x.  32-3.  1840.  Funds  sent  from  Mont,  to  Sonoma  for 
the  comp.  to  amount  of  .$2,700,  and  $700  for  the  general.  Also  for  S.  F., 
$2,700  in  July.  Dept.  St.  Pap  ,  7>/?.,  iii.  146-7,  152;  Id.,  C.  cD  T.,  iv.  53. 
Pay-roll  for  1840,  $1  i,G53.     March  17th,  Vallejo  calls  on  gov.  for  aid,  being 


702  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

There  was  also  in  1831-2  an  artillery  detachment  of 
eio'ht  men  under  the  successive  command  of  Petronilo 
Rios,  Liizaro  Piiia,  and  Antonio  Mendez.  In  1835 
the  company  was  tranferred  to  Sonoma,  where  its 
force  was  reduced  to  20  in  1837,  but  raised  to  nearly  50 
in  1839-40.  The  officers,  after  Vallejo  had  been  made 
captain  and  general,  were  Alferez  Rodriguez  to  1838; 
Sergeant  Juan  Prado  Mesa,  made  alferez  in  1837, 
and  acting  as  comandantein  1839-40;  Antonio  Pena, 
sergeant  in  1836  and  alferez  in  1837;  and  sergeants 
Cayetano  Juarez  in  1836,  Ignacio  Pacheco  in  1837, 
Ignacio  Higuera  and  Lazaro  Pina  in  1839,  and  Santos 
Berreyesa  in  1840.  After  the  transfer  Alferez  Rod- 
riguez remained  at  the  presidio  in  1835  with  two  or 
three  men;  and  after  that  year  San  Francisco  was 
abandoned  by  the  regular  soldiers  but  for  an  occasional 
visit  by  an  inspecting  officer;  and  the  mission  escoltas 
were  also  recalled.  In  1837  a  company  of  civic  militia 
numbering  86  men  was  organized  under  Captain  Fran- 
cisco Sanchez,  who  subsequently  figured  as  command- 
ant of  the  post.  It  does  not  appear  that  these  militia- 
men did  anything  more  than  'hold  themselves  in 
readiness'  for  the  country's  service,  or  that  they  ever 
garrisoned  the  presidio,  where,  however,  from  two  to 
six  men  lived  with  their  families  in  1836-40,  and 
where  as  we  shall  see  ayuntamiento  meetings  were 
held  in  1835-8. 

Down  to  1834  the  military  commandant  had  exer- 
cised political  and  judicial  jurisdiction  in  the  San 
Francisco  district,  except  at  San  Jose  and  Branci- 
forte;  but  now  an  organization  of  civil  government,  in 
the  north  as  elsewhere,  was  demanded  by  the  laws,  by 
the  spirit  of  the  times,  and  by  Figueroa's  plans.  The 
change  was  the  more  necessary  because  of  the  proposed 
transfer  of  the  military  establishment  to  the  frontera 
del  norte.     Besides  the  soldiers  soon  to  depart  for 

about  to  station  a  company  at  S.  F.  Valhjo,  Doc,  MS.,  ix.  79,  81.  For  com- 
pany rosters  and  accounts  see  Valhjo,  Djc,  MS.,  xxi.-vi. ;  S.  F.  Cuentos  tie 
la  Comp. ,  jMS.,  xxii.,  xxiv.-v.,  besides  many  scattered  items  in  other  archives. 


PUEBLO  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO.  703 

Sonoma  there  were  on  the  peninsula  and  contra  costa 
a  few  gente  de  razon,  perhaps  nearly  200  in  all,  whose 
civil  needs  required  attention.  Accordingly  the  gov- 
ernor, after  some  preliminary  correspondence  with 
Comandante  Vallejo  and  the  taking  of  a  census,  gave 
orders  in  November  1834  for  the  election  of  an  ayun- 
tamiento  to  govern  the  pueblo  of  San  Francisco  and 
the  adjoining  region  down  to  Llagas  Creek  or  the" 
Pulgas  rancho  on  the  peninsula  and  the  ranchos 
across  the  bay  eastward.  The  town  council  was  duly 
elected,  and  installed  in  January  1835,  being  regularly 
renewed  at  the  beginning  of  each  year  until  1839.  The 
successive  alcaldes  were  Francisco  de  Haro,  Jose 
Joaquin  Estudillo,  Ignacio  Martinez,  and  Haro  again 
for  a  second  and  third  term.  The  records  of  ayunta- 
miento  meetings  are  not  extant,  and  not  all  the  mem- 
bers  in  all  years  can  be  named;  but  we  have  sufficient 
original  documents  to  show  the  existence  of  the 
municipal  government  and  the  nature  of  proceedings, 
a  summary  of  which  is  as  for  other  towns  appended 
in  a  note.5     Meetings  and  elections — the  former  not 

5  In  connection  with  later  litigation  on  the  S.  F.  pueblo  lands,  each  of 
the  many  documents  in  the  archives  pertaining  in  any  way  to  municipal  af- 
fairs in  1834-3G  was  cited,  translated,  and  commented  on  over  and  over  again  by 
lawyers  and  judges  in  briefs  and  decisions,  which  also  contain  in  various  com- 
binations testimony  from  other  sources.  All  this  matter  is  extant  in  print  in 
many  forms;  and  there  are  several  general  treatises  that  are  quite  satisfac- 
tory. For  this  reason,  and  because  my  space  does  not  permit  the  minute 
chronologic  summary  and  analysis  that  would  be  in  a  sense  desirable,  and  as 
the  comparatively  few  items  of  evidence  brought  to  light  by  my  researches  do 
not  radically  modify  the  conclusions  previously  reached,  I  shall  attempt  only 
a  brief  outline  of  the  leading  points.  For  more  details  I  refer  the  reader  to 
Dwindle' s  Colonial  Hist.  S.  F.;  Hallech's  Land  Titles  in  San  Francisco,  De- 
cisions, etc.,  with  Notes  and  Comments,  etc.,  S.  F.,  18G0;  Randolph's  Argument 
in  Hart  v.  Burnett,  S.  F. ,  1850;  Jones'  Pueblo  Question  Solved,  S.  F.,  18G0; 
Wheeler's  Land  Titles;  and  Cal.  Supreme  Court  Reports. 

1834.  Feb. -June,  preliminary  corresp.  between  Gov.  Figueroa  and  Co- 
mandante Vallejo  on  the  limits  of  S.  F.  jurisdiction,  census  of  population,  and 
desirability  of  an  ayuntamiento.  The  limits  were  defined  temporarily  by  the 
gov.  as  including  the  S.  F.  mission  lands  to  the  Sta  Cruz  line  on  the  coast, 
the  Pulgas  rancho,  and  across  the  bay  the  ranchos  of  Peralta  and  Castro  and 
all  north  and  east  to  the  gentilidad.  St.  Pap.,  M.  &  C,  MS.,  ii.  217-20;  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  141.  Nov.  3d,  action  of  the  diputacion,  sent  by  gov.  to 
Vallejo  on  the  4th,  ordering  the  election  of  an  ayunt. ,  of  alcalde,  two  regidores, 
and  sindico,  to  reside  at  the  presidio,  and  assume  the  political  and  judicial 
functions  formerly  pertaining  to  the  mil.  comandante.  Dwindle,  add.  35-6. 
Nov.  4th,  gov.  to  Vallejo,  authorizing  him  to  establish  municipal  govt,  and 
approving  a  line  fixed  by  him  from  Pt  Lobos  to  Rincon  Pt  as  the  pueblo 


704  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

very  numerous,  presumably — were  required  to  be 
held,  and  were  held,  so  far  as  the  records  show,  at 
the  presidio,  though  some  of  the  officials  and  most  of 
the  citizens  lived  elsewhere,  the  presidio,  as  we  have 

boundary.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  31G.  This  was  the  'Zamorano  document,' 
shown  to  be  spurious,  as  no  such  '  Vallejo  line'  was  ever  adopted  for  the  pur- 
pose indicated,  though  the  land  commission  accepted  it  as  authentic.  Jans- 
sens,  Vida,  MS.,  48-9,  claims  to  have  brought  the  gov.'s  order  from  Mont,  to 
S.  F.,  and  to  have  witnessed  the  installation  of  the  ayunt.  Dec.  7th,  record 
of  primary  election  at  the  presidio;  electors  chosen;  Ignacio  Peralta,  Fran- 
cisco Sanchez,  Fran.  Soto.  Joaquin  Castro,  Jose  C.  Sanchez,  Fran,  de  Haro, 
Manuel  Sanchez,  Juan  Miranda,  Antonio  Castro,  Marcos  Briones,  and  Apo- 
linario  Miranda,  the  highest  no.  of  votes  being  27.  Dwinelle,  add.  36. 

1835.  Alcalde  Fran,  de  Haro,  secretary  Fran.  Sanchez,  regidores  and 
Bindico  unknown.  Jan.  22d,  Haro  to  gov.,  announcing  that  the  ayunt.  has 
begun  its  sessions,  having  appointed  a  sec.  at  $15,  and  Gregorio  Briones  as 
alcalde  auxiliar  of  the  contra  costa.  Jan.  31st,  gov.  approves  the  appoint- 
ments. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  91-2.  This  is  more  definite  than 
Dwinelle's  references  for  same  facts.  Jan.  31st,  gov.  to  Joaq.  Estudillo, 
comandante  of  S.  F.  de  Asis  (there  is  no  other  evidence  that  he  held  such  a 
position),  acknowledging  receipt  on  the  23d  inst  of  a  padron,  and  ordering 
the  election  of  an  ayunt.  of  4  members  according  to  the  pop.  (50  to  200?). 
Dwindle,  add.  37.  This  order  is  unintelligible  on  its  face.  Dwindle  dwells 
on  the  use  of  the  word  partido  in  the  former  order  and  pueblo  in  this,  and 
claims  that  after  the  '  aggregate '  ayunt.  of  the  partido  was  organized,  the 
gov.,  learning  the  no.  of  inhab.,  ordered  the  organization  of  anew  'compo- 
site '  ayunt.  for  the  pueblo,  which  superseded  the  1st.  This  conclusion 
seems  to  me  to  rest  on  very  slight  foundation;  and  I  prefer  to  suppose  there 
is  something  wrong  about  the  2d  order,  especially  in  view  of  its  date.  I  do 
not  think  there  was  a  new  election,  though  such  was  possibly  the  case  on 
account  of  some  informality  in  the  1st;  and  I  regard  the  line  distinction  made 
by  lawyers  on  both  sides  between  a  partido  and  pueblo  ayunt.  as  imaginary. 
May  30th,  petition  of  30  residents  of  the  northern  ranchos  (Contra  Costa  and 
Alameda  counties)  to  be  transferred  from  the  jurisdiction  of  S.  F.  to  that  of 
S.  Jose,  on  account  of  the  long  distance  by  land  and  perilous  voyage  by  sea 
to  the  place  of  ayunt.  meetings,  also  the  lack  of  proper  lodgings  at  S.  F.  pre- 
sidio. This  was  referred  to  the  dip.,  and  then  to  the  respective  ayunt.  in 
Sept.  That  of  S.  Jose  on  Nov.  4th  reported  in  favor  of  the  change;  and 
that  of  S.  F.  on  Dec.  20th  against  it  on  the  ground  that  the  complaints  of  the 
petitioners  were  frivolous,  as  they  came  frequently  to  S.  F.  on  private  busi- 
ness, and  the  presidio  lodgings  had  been  thus  far  satisfactory.  This  seems 
to  have  ended  the  matter,  and  no  change  was  made.  St.  Pap.,  M.  &  C,  MS., 
ii.  3G1-4.  June,  a  reply  to  a  petition  of  the  ayunt.  on  assigning  ejidos  and 
propios  is  mentioned  in  an  index,  but  is  not  extant.  Dwinelle,  add.  53.  July, 
gov.  decides  that  the  ayunt.  has  no  right  to  grant  Estudillo  a  house  lot  on 
the  beach  with  sowing  lands  at  Yerba  Buena.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Den.,  P.  <k  J., 
MS.,  vi.  1G.  This  may  have  been  because  the  granting  of  lots  away  from 
the  presidio  required  consideration,  because  of  the  location  '  on  the  beach,'  or 
of  the  extent  of  land  desired;  at  any  rate  on  Sept.  22d,  as  made  known  by 
gov.  to  alcalde  on  Oct.  27th,  the  dip.  decided  that  the  ayunt.  could  grant  lots 
of  100  varas  and  200  varas  from  the  shore  at  Yerba  Buena.  Dec.  13th,  pri- 
mary election;  electors  Bartolo  Bojorges,  J<  sC  C.  Sanchez,  Felipe  Briones, 
Gabriel  Castro,  Manuel  Sanchez,  Ignacio  Peralta,  Joaquin  Estudillo,  and 
Candelario  Valencia.  Election  held  in  the  plaza  of  the  puebio  of  S.  F.  de 
Asis— probably  at  the  presidio  as  before.  Dwinelle,  add.  47.  Final  election 
on  Dec.  27th,  no  record  except  that  Joaquin  Castro  was  chosen  regidor  and 
liia  election  declared  null  by  reason  of  his  relationship  to  the  sindico.  Dept. 


MUNICIPAL  AFFAIRS.  705 

seen,  being  almost  entirely  abandoned  after  1836.  In 
Maj^  1839,  under  the  new  system  of  prefectures,  the 
ayuntamiento  was  abolished  here  as  elsewhere,  and  a 
justice  of  the  peace  was  appointed,  Francisco  G-uer- 

St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  &J.,  MS.,  vi.  18.  The  other  officers  chosen  were  as  fol- 
lows. 

1536.  Alcalde  Jos6  Joaquin  Estudillo,  who  announces  his  election  Jan. 
1st.  lb.  Regidores  Gregorio  Briones  and  Jose  C.  Sanchez.  Dwindle,  62.  Sec. 
Fran.  Sanchez;  alcalde  auxiliar  on  the  frontier  Nicolas  Higuera.  Vallejo,  Doc. , 
MS.,  iii.  181.  Other  appointments  were  probably  made  on  the  frontier, 
which  Vallejo  refused  to  recognize,  being  sustained  by  the  dip.,  which  body 
in  July  decided  that  the  region  north  of  the  bay  was  subject  only  to  military 
authority.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  Pt  &  J.,  MS.,  iii.  39-41;  Leg.  Pec.,  MS.,  iii. 
18-19.     This  year  lots  at  Yerba  Buena  were  granted  by  the  ayunt.  to  Wm 

A.  Richardson  and  Jacob  P.  Leese.     No  record  of  elections  for  the  next  year. 

1537.  Alcalde  Ignacio  Martinez,  1st  regidor,  holding  over,  probably  Jose 
C.  Sanchez;  smdico  Bias  Angelino,  sec.  probably  Fran.  Sanchez,  capt.  of  the 
port  Wm  A.  Richardson,  alcalde  auxiliar  of  Contra  Costa  Francisco  Armijo. 
Three  lots  at  Yerba  Buena  granted  to  John  Fuller,  Francisco  Sanchez,  and  J. 
Feil.  Dec.  3d,  primary  election;  electors  Fran.  Guerrero,  Fran,  de  Haro, 
Vicente  Miramontes,  Antonio  M.  Peralta,  Jose*  Ant.  Alviso,  Juan  Bernal, 
Leandro  Galindo,  Jose"  C.  Bernal,  and  Domingo  Sais;  highest  vote  29.  Final 
election  on  Jan.  8,  1838,  result  as  below.  Dwindle,  add.  53-4.  But  according 
to  Hallech,  123,  Wm  A.  Richardson  was  first  elected  alcalde,  declining  to 
serve. 

1538.  Alcalde  Fran,  de  Haro,  2d  regidor  Domingo  Sais,  sindico  Jos6 
Rodriguez,  sec.  perhaps  still  Sanchez,  alcalde  aux.  at  S.  Mateo  Gregorio 
Briones.  S.  Jose  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  34.     Capt.  of  port,  Richardson.     Lots  at  Y. 

B.  granted  this  year  to  Fran.  Caceres  and  Wm  Gulnac.  Sept.,  trouble  be- 
tween Leese  and  Hinckley  and  Spear,  partly  on  account  of  disagreement 
about  a  lot.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  226-7;  xvii.  56.  The  Ojo  de  Figueroa 
near  the  presidio  granted  to  Apolinario  Miranda  by  Com.  Sanchez  (?).  M.  had 
already  a  house  there.  Dwhiglle,  add.  54-5.  Dec.  31st,  alcalde  sends  a  suma- 
rio  for  the  murder  of  Jos6  Peralta  by  his  relative  Jose  Ant.  Galindo  in  Sept. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  v.  2S0-2;  Id.,  P.  &  J.,  MS.,  vi.  18.  Election  on  Dec. 
31st  with  result  as  below.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  56» 

1839.  Alcalde  Vicente  Miramontes  (who  did  not  accept  or  was  not 
approved,  Haro  continuing  to  act),  regidores  Domingo  Sais  and  Tiburcio 
Vasquez,  sindico  Fran.  Caceres.  In  May  under  the  new  system  the  ayunt. 
ceased  to  exist,  and  on  the  15th  Francisco  Guerrero  became  juez  de  paz  by 
the  gov. 's  temporary  appointment.  Id.,  Mont  ,  iv.  97.  Vicente  Miramontes 
juez  suplente  from  July.  Id.,  103-4;  John  Fuller  sindico  from  Aug.;  Rich- 
ardson capt.  of  port;  Jose"  Ant.  Alviso  and  John  Coppinger  from  July  20th 
jucces  at  S.  Francisquito  and  Corte  Madera;  Ignacio  Higuera  'encargado'  at 
Contra  Costa  till  May,  when  Ignacio  Peralta  was  appointed  juez  and  »S.  Pablo 
de  Contra  Costa  "was  thus  formally  separated  from  the  jurisdiction  of  S.  F. 
Estudillo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  257.  Lots  at  Y.  B.  granted  this  year  to  Salv.  Vallejo, 
Jose"  Peria,  Wm  S.  Hinckley,  and  John  C.  Davis;  and  on  one  occasion  the 
gov.  was  consulted  about  certain  applications  for  lots.  There  was  some 
trouble  with  Cayetano  Juarez,  who  when  appointed  for  some  duty  in  the 
north  declared  that  the  frontera  did  not  belong  to  the  jurisdiction  of  S.  F. 
The  alcalde  desired  permission  to  send  the  prisoner  Galindo  to  S.  Jose  for 
want  of  a  jail  and  guard.  In  Feb.  Dolores  was  made  the  cabecera  of  the 
partido,  extending  from  Llagas  Creek  to  Sonoma;  but  no  sub-prefect  was 
appointed  at  S.  F.  until  after  1840,  S.  Jose"  being  made  temporarily  the  cabe- 
cera. S.  Jo*6  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  18.  April  20th,  Haro  asks  instructions  about 
granting  a  lot  at  the  mission.  Dwindle,  add.  01.  May  21st,  gov.  permits  Leese 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    45 


TOG  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

rcro  holding  that  position  in  1839-40.  At  the  same 
time  the  mission  was  made  nominally  head  town  of 
the  partido,  though  there  was  as  yet  no  sub-prefect 
here;  the  municipal  chief  transferred  his  office  also  to 
Dolores  from  the  presidio,  where,  in  theory  at  least,  it 
had  been  before;  and  the  contra  costa  ranchos  were 
cut  off  from  the  jurisdiction  of  San  Francisco  and 
given  a  juez  de  paz  of  their  own.  Meanwhile  the 
town  authorities  granted  seventeen  house  lots  at 
Yerba  Buena  in  183G-40,  and  three  lots  at  the  mis- 
sion in  1840. 

The  subject  of  municipal  government  at  San  Fran- 
cisco in  these  years  assumed  later  an  importance  not 
dreamed  of  at  the  time,  from  the  fact  that  a  great 
town  grew  up  on  the  peninsula.  Local  authorities 
continued  to  grant  lots  as  a  matter  of  course' down  to 
1846  and  later,  and  after  the  American  occupation 
the  question  whether  lands  not  so  granted  belonged 
to  the  city  or  to  the  United  States  came  up  for  set- 
tlement. This  is  not  the  place  to  record  the  litiga- 
tion in  its  many  phases,  but  brief  mention  cannot  be 
avoided.  It  was  finally  decided,  after  unlimited  dis- 
cussion extending  through  many  years  and  several 
adverse  decisions,  by  the  land  commission,  California 

to  build  at  Visitacion.  Dept.  Pec,  MS.,  x.  12.  May  26th,  Guerrero  publishes 
a  bando  of  police  regulations.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  100.  July 
loth,  Guerrero  makes  known  to  the  prefect  the  desire  of  citizens  to  settle  at 
the  mission,  favored  by  himself  as  also  by  the  prefect,  and  Nov.  30th  by  the 
gov.,  who  authorizes  the  granting  of  lots  at  the  mission,  50  varas  in  extent, 
the  settlers  to  use  for  their  cattle  the  surrounding  lands  except  S.  Mateo  and 
the  coast,  but  not  to  disturb  the  Ind.  or  embarrass  the  administrator  as  long 
as  the  community  exists.  /(/.,  v.  102;  xvi.  24.  Many  other  routine  commu- 
nications of  the  year  from  Guerrero  to  prefect  in  Id.,  v.  92-110.  Alvarado's 
idea,  Miscel.  Hist.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  no.  24,  is  that  the  above  movement  was  mere- 
ly a  transfer  of  the  juzgado,  or  municipal  headquarters,  from  presidio  to 
mission;  and  this,  I  think,  was  what  was  practically  effected,  there  being  no 
change  of  pueblo  or  thought  of  a  new  pueblo  proper. 

1840.  Guerrero  still  juez  de  paz.  Feb.  1st,  accepts  the  continuation  of 
appointment.  Feb.  2d,  writes  to  prefect  on  his  proposed  plan  of  Dolores  so 
as  to  regulate  the  granting  of  lots  which  the  gov.  has  authorized.  lie  will 
make  the  church  the  centre,  and  will  repair  some  of  the  ruined  buildings 
which  the  vecinos  have  occupied  for  many  years.  He  desires  the  adminis- 
trator to  give  up  or  lend  a  room  for  a  jail.  Many  other  routine  communica- 
tions of  the  year.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  v.  110-13.  Lots  were  granted 
this  year  at  Yerba  Buena  to  Leese,  J.  A.  Vallejo,  J.  B.  Cooper,  J.  Vioget  (2)j 
and  at  Dolores  to  L.  Galindo,  C.  Valencia,  and  F.  Gomez. 


THE  PUEBLO  LANDS.  707 

supreme  court,  and  United  States  district  court,  that 
San  Francisco  in  1835-4G  was  a  pueblo;  that  as  such 
it  was  entitled  by  Spanish  and  Mexican  law  and  usage 
to  four  leagues  of  land,  and  that  the  United  States 
was   under   obligation  to  recognize  the  pueblo  title.6 

6  The  position  of  Jones  and  Randolph  as  representing  the  opposition,  was 
that  there  was  at  S.  F.  no  pueblo,  in  the  sense  of  a  corporate  body  owning  or 
entitled  to  own  lands.  There  were  two  pueblos  in  the  sense  of  'settlements,' 
each  originally  intended  to  become  the  nucleus  of  a  town,  and  each  having  a 
certain  territorial  franchise  or  right  to  the  use  of  certain  lands — the  presidio 
for  military,  and  the  mission  for  missionary  purposes.  The  presidio  might 
become  the  seat  of  a  pueblo,  civil  community,  or  municipality,  by  the  settle- 
ment of  retired  soldiers;  but  these  soldiers  settled  elsewhere,  and  the  presidio 
became  merely  an  abandoned  military  post.  The  mission  also  might  by  sec- 
ularization and  the  aggregation  of  settlers  de  razon  to  the  ex -neophytes  have 
become  a  pueblo,  but  did  not,  secularization  proving  a  failure  and  the  Ind. 
disappearing.  The  ayunt.  established  in  1835  was  for  the  government  of  the 
whole  partido,  not  specially  for  the  pueblo,  and  its  creation  was  not  the  crea- 
tion of  a  Pueblo  de  S.  Francisco.  A  third  pueblo,  or  settlement,  sprang  up 
at  Yerba  Buena  from  1835-G.  As  a  matter  of  convenience,  the  govt  at  Mon- 
terey delegated  to  the  partido  ayunt.  authority  to  grant  lots  at  Yerba  Buena, 
and  later  at  Dolores,  and  such  lots  were  legally  granted.  Each  settlement 
might  have  obtained  from  the  govt  certain  lands  for  propios,  etc.,  but  never 
did  so.  All  the  lots  were  granted  either  at  Y.  B.  or  at  Dolores,  never  at  the 
pueblo  of  S.  F.  The  '  pueblo  system '  so  much  talked  of  was  for  the  most 
part  an  invention  of  later  times;  or  if  not  so,  the  4  leagues  of  land  to  which 
a  pueblo  was  entitled  must  be  formally  granted  by  the  govt,  or  at  least  marked 
out  officially,  the  U.  S.  being  under  no  obligation  to  recognize  a  title  that  the 
Mex.  govt  might,  under  certain  circumstances  if  applied  to,  have  seen  fit  to 
concede. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  S.  F.  was  a  pueblo  exactly  like  S.  Diego,  Sta  Barbara, 
and  Monterey.  Much  confusion  has  been  caused  by  the  multiplicity  of  names 
applied  to  peninsula  establishments,  such  as  presidio,  mission,  pueblo,  esta- 
blceimiento,  port,  S.  Francisco,  S.  F.  de  Asis,  Dolores,  Yerba  Buena,  etc.,  and 
most  of  it  may  be  removed  by  noting  that  San  Francisco  de  Asis  was  the 
legal  and  proper  name  from  the  first  for  all  on  the  peninsula,  the  other  terms 
being  used  to  indicate  localities  at  S.  F.,  very  much  as  Mission,  Presidio,  or 
North  Beach  are  still  used.  In  early  times  S.  F.  was  a  mission-military  estab- 
lishment intended  eventually  to  become  a  town  or  pueblo  of  Spanish  citizens, 
composed  of  ex-neophyte  Ind.,  retired  soldiers  and  their  descendants,  colo- 
nists  or  settlers  from  abroad,  naturalized  foreigners — any  or  all  of  these. , 
The  pueblo  would  begin  to  exist,  in  the  familiar  sense  of  the  term,  whenever 
there  should  be  any  residents  besides  soldiers  and  neophytes;  in  the  legal 
sense  when  a  local  civil  govt  should  be  provided  for  them.  Nature  in  this 
caoc  fixed  the  natural  bounds  of  the  pueblo  lands  on  tfyree  sides;  in  the  dis- 
tribution of  lots  the  convenience  of  citizens  would  be  limited  only  by  needs, 
actual  and  prospective,  of  military  defence  and  of  Ind.  yet  to  be  released 
from  neophytism.  In  18.54  S.  F.  was  a  pueblo  in  the  ordinary  sense;  in  1835, 
by  the  organization  of  an  ayunt.,  it  became  a  pueblo  in  a  strictly  legal  sense. 
Nothing  more  was  required.  An  ayunt.  without  a  pueblo  could  have  no 
existence;  though  the  jurisdiction  of  every  ayunt.  extends  far  beyond  its 
pueblo.  This  pueblo  was  not  the  presidio,  it  was  not  the  mission,  it  was  San 
Francisco.  The  presidio  was  the  place  of  meeting,  and  the  natural  centre, 
or  starting  point,  of  the  pueblo;  but  the  residents  did  not  want  lots  there, 
preferring  Yerba  Buena  cove.  The  ayunt.  had  the  right  under  the  laws  to 
grant  town  lots;  possibly  would  have  granted  them  without  consulting  the 


70S  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

The  decision  was,  I  think,  entirely  in  accordance  with 
fact,  law,  and  equity;  though  many  abler  men  still 
hold  the  contrary  opinion.  Among  the  many  cham- 
pions of  the  respective  sides  in  the  controversy  may 
be  appropriately  named  Edmund  Randolph  and  Will- 
iam Carey  Jones  against  the  pueblo  title,  and  in  favor 
of  it  Henry  W.  Halleck  and  John  W.  Dwindle,  the 
latter s  Colonial  History  of  San  Francisco  being  the 
most  extensive  and  satisfactory  treatise  on  the  sub- 
ject. As  is  their  wont,  the  lawyers  succeeded  in 
making  of  a  comparatively  simple  matter  a  very  com- 
plicated one;  but  their  efforts  were  valuable  contri- 
butions to  local  history. 

The  settlement  of  Yerba  Buena,  nucleus  of  the 
modern  city,  had  its  humble  beginning1  in  this  decade, 
and  contained  in  1840  more  than  half-a-dozen  struct- 
ures. As  we  have  seen,  the  name  Yerba  Buena  had 
been  transferred  from  the  anchorage  west  to  that 
south  of  Loma  Alta,  or  Telegraph  Hill,  where  several 
vessels  had  anchored  before  1830,  where  a  French 
trader  had  landed  to  build  a  boat,  and  where  the  con- 
struction of  a  guard -house  had  been  ordered  in  1827, 
there  being  no  evidence  that  it  was  ever  built.7  At 
any  rate  in  1831-4  all  was  in  a  state  of  nature  but 
for  the  presence  of  a  party  of  foreign  boat-builders 
for  a  time  in  1831   or  1832.8     Vessels  were  still  per- 

gov. — though  it  was  customary  in  Cal.  to  ask  his  advice  and  opinion  on  the 
most  trifling  measures — at  the  presidio;  was  instructed  by  the  govt  that  it 
had  the  right  to  grant  lots  at  Yerba  Buena;  and  later  received  like  instruc- 
tions respecting  Dolores.  Lots  were  granted  at  these  two  points,  and  would 
have  been  granted  at  other  points  within  the  probable  pueblo  limits  had  they 
been  desired.  The  gov.  and  dip.  had  no  powers  in  the  granting  of  lands 
that  could  be  delegated  to  an  ayunt.  They  could  inform  the  ayunt.  as  to  its 
powers,  and  to  a  certain  extent  regulate  their  exercise.  The  right  of  the 
pueblo  to  its  lands  was  recognized  indirectly  by  the  govt  in  several  ways, 
even  in  the  granting  of  ranchos  which  infringed  on  the  conventional  four 
leagues.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  at  any  time  before  1846  the  local 
authorities  might  have  had  four  leagues  of  land  formally  set  apart  for  the 
town.  Whether  their  failure  to  do  so  forfeited  the  city's  right  under  the  U. 
S.  was  a  question  for  the  U.  S.  to  settle;  but  having  assumed  the  obligations 
of  Mexico  by  relinquishing  the  pretension  to  insist  on  perfect  titles  in  the 
case  of  private  ranchos,  the  govt  virtually  conceded  the  pueblo  title,  and 
the  courts  could  not  do  otherwise  than  confirm  it. 

7  See  vol.  ii.  p.  590. 

B  James  W.  Weeks,  Reminiscences,  MS.,  GS-72,  states  that  himself,  George 


VERBA  BUENA.  709 

niitted  to  anchor  here,  though  not  without  occasional 
objection.9  In  1835  William  A.  Richardson  became 
the  first  settler,  erecting  as  a  temporary  dwelling  a 
tent,  or  ' shanty  of  rough  boards'  as  Dana  saw  it  in 
December,  replaced  within  a  year  or  two  by  an  adobe 
building.  His  lot  was  granted  in  1836,  and  his  build- 
ing stood  near  the  corner  of  what  were  later  Dupont 
and  Clay  streets.  His  business  was  the  collection  of 
produce  from  points  about  the  bay  to  make  up  the 
cargoes  of  trading  vessels  by  the  aid  of  Indian  crews 
who  navigated  two  or  three  old  launches  belonging 
to  himself  and  the  missions.  His  Indians  had  a 
temascal,  or  bath-house,  at  the  foot  of  Sacramento 
street,  the  water  front  being  the  present  Montgom- 
ery street.10  In  1836  Jacob  P.  Leese,  in  partnership 
with  Spear  and  Hinckley,  obtained  a  lot  and  built  a 
wooden  structure  for  house  and  store  near  Richard- 
son's, completing  the  building  in  time  for  a  grand  cele- 
bration on  July  4th,  at  which  assembled  as  guests — 
and  prospective  customers  of  the  enterprising  pro- 
prietor— all  the  residents  for  leagues  around.11  In 
1837,  or  possibly  the  next  year,  Leese  obtained 
through  the  influence  of  Governor  Alvarado  permis- 

Ferguson,  John  Matthews,  and  perhaps  one  Brown,  undertook  to  repair  an 
old  launch  of  Captain  Richardson's,  towing  her  to  Y.  B.  for  the  purpose,  and 
living  there  for  several  months.  But  they  abandoned  the  launch  after  doing 
much  work  on  her.  W.  makes  the  date  1832,  but  he  also  speaks  of  the  exe- 
cution of  Rubio,  which  was  in  1831. 

9 Dec.  3,  1833.  Receptor  to  admin,  at  Mont.,  urging  that  vessels  be 
obliged  to  anchor  in  sight  of  the  presidio  and  not  at  Y.  B.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
B.  j/.,  MS.,  lxxv.  3.  Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  7,  says  that  on  his  arrival  at  Y. 
B.  in  1833  Candelario  Miramontes  had  a  potato-patch  on  what  is  now  the 
plaza.  From  him  D.  borrowed  a  horse  for  trips  to  the  mission  and  presidio, 
keeping  him  tethered  near  the  shore. 

10  Authorities  for  the  progress  of  Y.  B.  in  these  early  years  are  HittelVs 
Hist.  S.  F.,  77  et  seq.;  SouWs  Annals  o/S.  F.,  lG2ctseq. ;  TuthilVs  Hist.  Cal., 
239  et  seq.;  Dana's  Two  Years,  2G1-2;  Davis'  Glimpses,  MS.;  and  a  great 
variety  of  newspaper  and  other  accounts.  As  to  minute  details  there  is  no 
agreement.  According  to  Hittell  the  Widow  Briones  lived  in  the  North 
Beach  region,  building  about  183G  an  adobe  house  at  the  corner  of  Filbert 
and  Powell  streets.  Jose"  Ramon  Sanchez,  Notas,  IMS.,  10-17,  says  that  in 
the  presidio  region,  but  distinct  from  the  presidio  buildings,  were  two  houses, 
one,  occupied  by  the  Sra  de  Higucra,  built  of  timber  by  the  Russians;  the 
other  of  adobe  at  the  Ojo  de  agua  del  Polin. 

11  See  in  Annals  of  8.  F.,  170,  a  view — not  from  a  photograph  taken  on 
the  spot — of  the  house  and  festivities. 


710  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

sion  to  occupy  a  beach  lot  on  Montgomery  street  near 
Commercial,  where  he  erected  a  large  and  substantial 
frame  structure.  In  1838  the  trail  to  the  mission 
was  widened  into  a  very  rough  wagon  road;  and 
Rosalia  Leese  began  life  as  the  first  child  born  at 
Yerba  Buena,  on  April  15th. 

Leese  dissolved  his  partnership  with  Spear  and 
Hinckley  this  year,  and  Spear,  after  vain  efforts  to 
secure  the  store  on  the  beach,  obtained  permission  to 
occupy  another  lot  a  little  farther  north,  at  the  corner 
of  Clay  and  Montgomery,  with  a  ship's  house  landed 
from  the  Kent.  Leese  tried  to  prevent  the  success  of 
this  scheme,  and  even  went  so  far  as  to  offer  to  give 
his  building,  if  its  location  was  to  be  made  the  'pre- 
text for  illegal  concessions  by  the  alcalde,'  to  the  gov- 
ernment for  a  custom-house;12  but  this  offer  was  not 
accepted,  or  fulfilled,  since  the  building  was  sold  later 
to  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  Spear,  however, 
built  another  store  adjoining  'Kent  Hall'  probably 
before  the  end  of  1840.13  As  we  have  seen,  seven- 
teen buildingr  lots  were  granted  before  the  end  of  the 
decade,  and  doubtless  several  small  buildings  were 
erected  besides  the  six  that  I  have  mentioned;  but  I 
make  no  attempt  here  to  identify  them.14     In  1839 

12  Sept,  11,  1838,  Leese  to  Alvarado.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  226-7.  The 
gov.  was  expected  at  Y.  B.  when  the  matter  was  to  be  settled.  Hinckley  and 
Spear  also  sent  the  gov.  a  complaint  against  Leese.  Id.,  xvii.  5G.  Evidently 
there  was  a  bitter  business  quarrel. 

13  Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  193  et  seq.,  who  was  Spear's  agent  from  1838, 
says  that  John  Perry,  a  naturalized  Mex.  citizen,  got  a  grant  of  the  lot  and 
deeded  it  to  Spear;  but  there  is  no  record  of  any  such  grant. 

11  Sutter,  Pcrs.  Remin.,  MS.,  10-18,  says  that  on  his  arrival  besides  Spear 
&  Hinckley's  store  within  50  yards  of  his  vessel  at  anchor,  and  Richard- 
son's adobe  on  Dupont  St,  there  was  a  little  frame  building  belonging  to  John 
Fuller  near  Sacramento  and  Montgomery,  Prudon's  adobe  on  Montgomery 
near  Telegraph  Hill,  and  a  few  other  small  houses.     Davis,  Glimpses.,  MS., 
J  '7  8,  implies  that  the  two-story  wooden  grist-mill  on  Clay  between  Mont- 
gomery and  Kearny  was  put  in  operation  in   1839-40,  the  machinery  being 
ight  from  Callao  for  H.  and  S.  on  the  Corsair  in  1839.     The  same  writer, 
p.    18-19,   191-2,   describes  the  celebration  of  July  4th  in   1839,  at  Lcese's 
3e,  and  that  in  1S40,  including  a  picnic  at  the  Rincon  and  a  ball  at  Rich- 
ardson's.    April  11,  1839,  Manuel  Pedrorena  to  Capt.  Fitch  on  the  business 
pects  for  F.  at  Y.  B.,  where  he  is  advised   to  open  an  establishment. 
I        e  are  lour  small  launches  running  on  the  bay,  and  a  new  large  one  is  cx- 
I       ed  for  Leese.  *  Y.  B.  is  the  liveliest  port  of  Cal.  Fitch,  Doc,  MS.,  59. 
May  lOlh,  Gov.  Alvarado  to  Yallejo.     Intends  building  at  X".  D.  warehouses 


PRIVATE  RANCHOS.  711 

Captain  Jean  Vioget  was  employed  to  make  a  survey 
and  map  of  Yerba  Buena.  His  survey,  by  which 
lots  were  granted  from  that  date,  and  to  which  those 
already  granted  were  made  to  conform,  covered  the 
tract  now  included  by  California  and  Pacific  between 
Montgomery  and  Stockton  streets.  No  names  were 
given  to  the  streets,  and  none  of  the  blocks  had  ex- 
actly the  position  of  later  times.  The  population  of 
this  little  village  in  1840  was  probably  about  50  souls, 
including  1G  foreigners. 

I  append  a  list  of  private  ranchos  granted  before 
1840,1"'  including  for  convenience  all  in  the  northern 

and  a  wharf,  so  as  to  deter  the  Russians  from  desiring  to  establish  themselves 
there.  The  S.  F.  merchants  want  all  the  advantages  but  only  build  shanties, 
and  don't  even  keep  them  in  repair.    Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vii.  32. 

15  Ranchos  of  S.  Francisco  district,  including  all  fromSta  Clara  Co.  north- 
ward. Those  marked  with  a  *  were  rejected  by  the  L.  C.  or  U.  S.  courts. 
Abrevadero,  see  Llano.  Acalanes  (Contra  Costa),  1  league,  granted  to  Cande- 
lario  Valencia  in  1834;  Elam  Brown  claimant.  Agua  Caliente  (Alameda),  2 
1.,  1839,  Fulgencio  Higuera,  who  was  cl.  Agua  Caliente  (Sonoma),  1840, 
Liizaro  Pina;  conf.  in  sections  to  J.  Hooker,  M.  G.  Vallejo,  T.  M.  Leaven- 
worth, and  C.  P.  Stone.  *  Alameda,  rancho  not  named,  1S40,  Guillermo 
Castro,  who  was  cl.  Alameda  Co.  ranchos,  see  Agua  Caliente,  Arroyo  de 
Alameda,  Pozitas,  S.  Antonio,  S.  Leandro,  S.  Lorenzo,  Sta  Rita,  Valle  de  S. 
Jose.  *Los  Angeles  Island  (S.  F.  Bay),  1839,  A.  M.  Osio,  who  was  cl.  Las 
Animas  or  La  Brea  (Sta  Clara),  1802,  1834,  Mariano  Castro.  In  1836  Josefa 
Romero  de  Castro  and  fam.  and  Antonio  German  and  fam.,  48  persons  in  all, 
were  living  at  Las  Animas  and  La  Brea.  See  also  S.  Felipe  y  Las  Animas. 
*  Arroyo  de  la  Alameda  (Sta  Clara  ?),  1,000  varas,  1840,  Jesus  Vallejo,  who 
was  cl.  Arroyo  de  las  Nueces  y  Bolbones  (Contra  Costa),  2  1.,  1834,  J.  S. 
Pacheco,  whose  heirs  were  cl.  *Arroyo  de  S.  Antonio  (Sonoma),  1840,  Anto- 
nio Ortega;  C.  White  cl.  Arroyo  Seco  (Sacramento),  11  1.,  1840,  Teodosio 
Yorba;  Andres  Pico  cl.  Ausaymas  (Tuolumne),  2  1.,  1836,  F.  P.  Pacheco, 
who  was  cl.  Baulinas,  see  Tamales.  Bolbones,  see  Arroyo.  Brea,  see 
i  nimas.  Buri  Buri  (S.  F. )  1S35,  Jos6  Sanchez;  Jos6  de  la  Cruz  Sanchez  cl. 
Camaritas  (S.  F.),  300  v.,  1840,  J.  J.  Noe;  F.  Vassault  cl.  Canada  del  Corte 
de  Madera  (Sta  Clara),  1833,  D.  Peralta  and  M.  Martinez;  D.  C.  Peralta  cl. 
Canada  de  Guadalupe  (S.  F. ),  a  petition  of  Manuel  Sancnez  in  Feb.  1835,  in 
Doc  J  list.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  482,  not  granted.  Canada  de  Herrera  (Marin),  \  1., 
1839,  Domingo  Sais,  who  was  cl.  Canada  de  Pala  (Sta  Clara),  8,000  v.,  1839, 
J.  J.  Bernal,  who  was  cl.  Cafiada  de  S.  Felipe  y  Las  Animas  (Sta  Clara),  2 
1.,  Thos.  Bowen;  C.  M.  Weber  cl.  Canada  de  Raimundo  (S.  Mateo),  2^  1., 
1S40,  John  Coppinger,  whose  widow  was  cl.  *Capay  (Tehama),  5  1.,  1835 
(184.")?),  Josefa  Soto;  P.  B.  R-cading  cl.  Los  Carnero3  (Solano),  1836,  Nicolas 
Higuera;  C.  E.  Hart,  Ed.  Wilson  et  al.  cl.  Caymus  (Xapa),  2  1.,  1836,  Geo. 
Yount,  who  was  cl.  Cochc,  see  Ojo  de  Agua.  Contra  Costa  Co.  ranchos, 
see  Acalanes,  Arroyo  de  Nueces,  Laguna  de  Palos  Colorados,  Medanos,  Mt 
Diablo,  S.  Pablo,  S.  Ramon.  Corral  dc  Tierra  (S.  Mateo),  1  1.,  1839,  Tibur- 
cio  Vascpaez,  who  was  cl.  Corral  de  Tierra  (S.  P.),  1  1.,  1839,  F.  G.  Palo- 
marcs,  whose  heirs  were  cl.  Corte  de  Madera  del  Presidio  (Marin),  1  1.,  1834, 
John  Reed,  whose  heirs  were  cl.  Corte  de  Madera  de  Novato  (Marin),  1  1., 
1839,  John  Martin,  who  was  cl.  See  also  Canada.  Diablo,  see  Mt  Diablo. 
Entre  Napa  (Napa),  1830,  Nicolas  Higuera;  conf.  (or  in  two  cases  rejected) 


712  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

district  or  all  above  the  Santa  Clara  valley,  instead 
of  introducing  in  different  parts  of  the  chapter  sep- 
arate  lists  for  San  Jose,   the  peninsula,  the  contra 

in  12  tracts  to  different  men.  Estero  Americano  (Sonoma),  2  1.,  1830,  Ed. 
M.  Mcintosh;  Jasper  O'Farrcll  cl.  Esteros,  see  Rincon.  Figueroa,  see  Ojo 
de  Agua.  Gatos,  see  Rinconada.  Guadalupe,  see  Canada.  Guilicos  (So- 
noma), 4  1.,  1837,  John  Wilson,  who  was  cl.  Herrera,  see  Canada.  Isla  de 
Yeguas,  see  Mare  Isl.  Juntas,  see  S.  Ramon.  Juristac  (Sta  Clara),  ]  1., 
1835,  A.  &  F.  C-erman,  who  were  cl.  Laguna  de  la  Merced  (S.  Mateo  &  S. 
F.),  H  1-  1835,  Jose  Ant.  Galindo;  Josefa  de  Haro  et  al.  cl.  Laguna  de 
Palos  Colorados  (Contra  Costa),  3  1.,  1835,  1841,  Joaquin  Moraga  and  Juan 
Bernal  cl.  Laguna  Scca  (Sta  Clara),  4  1.,  1S34,  Juan  Alvires;  heirs  of  Wm 
Fisher   cl.     Llagas,  S.    F.    de   las    (Sta  Clara),    G   1.,   1834,    Carlos   Castro; 

irphy  cl. ;  12  persons  living  here  in  1836.  *Llana  del  Abrevadero  (Sta 
Clara),  1822,  Ant.  Higuera  et  al.  cl.  Mare  Island  (Solano),  1840-1,  Victor 
Castro;  Lissell  &  Aspinwall  cl.  Marin  Co.  ranchos,  see  Canada  de  Herrera, 
Corte  de  Madera,  Nicasio,  Novato,  Pt  Quintin,  Ft  Peyes,  S.  Jose",  Sauza- 
li to,  Tamales.  M<jdanos  (Contra  Costa),  2  1.,  1830,  Jose  A.  Mesa  et  al. ;  J. 
D.  Stevenson  et  al.  cl.  Mejanos  (M6danos?)  (Contra  Costa),  4  1.,  1835,  Jose 
Xoriega;  John  Marsh  cl.  Merced,  see  Laguna.  Milpitas  (Sta  Clara),  1  1., 
1835,  Jose"  M.  Alviso,  who  was  cl.  (Claim  of  Nicolas  Berreyesa  on  a  ^rantof 
1834  rejected.)  Molino  (Sonoma),  or  Rio  Ayoska,  10J  1.,  J.  B.  R.  Cooper, 
who  was  cl.  Monte  del  Diablo  (Contra  Costa),  1834,  1844,  Salvio  Pacheco, 
who  was  cl.  Napa  (Napa  Co.),  1838,  Salvador  Vallejo,  confirmed  in  24  tracts 
to  dif.  men,  and  two  claims  rejected.  *Napa,  4  1.,  1834,  C.  Brown  et  al. 
Napa  Co.  ranclios,  see  also  Carneros,  Caymus,  Entre  Napa,  Salvador's  rancho. 
"Nicasio  (Marin),  20  1.,  T.  Quilaguegui  et  al.  (Ind.);  J.  B.  Alvarado  cl. 
Novato  (Marin),  2  1.,  1830,  Fernando  Felix;  B.  Simmons,  cl.  See  also  Corte 
de  Madera.  Nueces,  see  Arroyo.  Ojo  de  Agua  de  la  Coche  (Sta  Clara),  2  1., 
1835,  Juan  M.  Hernandez;  B.  Murphy  cl.  Ojo  de  Agua  de  Figueroa  (S.  F.), 
100  v.,  Apolinario  Miranda,  whose  heirs  were  cl.  Pala  (Sta.  Clara), 
1  1.,  1835,  I.  Higuera;  E.  White  et  al.  cl.  See  also  Canada,  Palos 
Colorados,  see  Laguna.  Petaluma  (Sonoma),  101.,  1834,  18413-4,  M.  G.  Va- 
llejo cl.  Pinole  (Contra  Costa),  probably  occupied  by  Ignacio  Martinez,  to 
whom  it  was  granted  later.  Polka  (Sta  Clara),  11.,  1833,  Isabel  Ortega;  B. 
Murphy,  cl.  Potrero  Nuevo,  see  Rincon.  Pozitas  (Alameda),  2  1.,  1830, 
Salvio  Pacheco;  J.  Noriega  and  R.  Livermore,  cl.  Presidio,  see  Corte  de 
Madera.  Pulgas  (S.  Mateo),  4  1.,  1833  and  earlier,  Luis  Argiiello,  whose 
heirs  were  cl.  Punta  de  Quintin  (Marin),  2  1.,  1840,  J.  B.  R.  Cooper;  B.  R. 
Buckelew,  cl.  Punta  de  Reyes  (Marin),  8  and  2  1.,  1S3G,  James  R.  Berry; 
B.  Phelps  and  A.  Randall,  cl.  A  suit  between  Berry  and  Ooio  in  1844  is  re- 
corded in  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  and  J.,  iv.  40-52.  PurisimaConccpcion 
(Sta  Clara),  1  1.,  1840,  Jose  Gorgonio,  et  al. ;  Juana  Briones  cl.  Quien  Sabe, 
see  Sta  Ana.  Quintin,  see  Punta.  Raimundo,  see  Canada.  Rincon  de  los 
Esteros  (Sta  Clara),  1S38,  Ignacio  Alviso;  Ellen  C.  White,  Fran.  Berreyesa  et 
al.,  and  Rafael  Alviso,  cl.  Rincon  de  Salinas  y  Potrero  Nuevo  (S.  F. ),  1  1., 
1830.  J.  C.  Bernal,  who  was  cl.  Rinconada  de  los  Gatos  (Sta  Clara)  It  1., 
1840,  S.  Peralta  and  J.   Hernandez,  who  were  cl.     Rio  Ayoska,  see  Molino. 

raniento  Co.,  see  Arroyo  Seco.  Salinas,  see  Rincon.  Salvador's  Rancho, 
(Napa),  520  acres,  1830,  S.  Vallejo;  conf.  in  4  tracts  to  dif.  men.  San  An- 
tonio (Alameda),  1820,  Luis  Peralta;  conf.  in  5  tracts  to  heirs,  etc.  San  An- 
tonio (Sta  Clara),  1830,  Juan  Prado  Mesa;  Encarn.  Mesa  et  al.,  and  Wm.  A. 
Dana  et  al.,  cl.  (Three  claims  on  this  grant  rejected.)  San  Antonio,  see 
A  rroyo.  S.  Felipe,  see  Las  Animas.  S.  Francisco  co.  ranchos,  sec  Angeles  Isl. , 
Uamaritos,  Canada-de  Guadalupe,  Corral  deTierra,  L.  Merced,  Ojo  de  Agua, 

icon  de  Salinas,  Verba  Buena  Isl.;  also  pueblo  lots  before  L.  C.  granted  to 
Bernal,  Estudiilo,  Guinac,   Leese  and  Vallejo,   Valencia.     See  also  Llagas. 


MISSION  DOLORES.  713 

costa,  and  Sonoma,  or  the  frontera  del  norte.  These 
ranchos  were  about  eighty  in  number ;  but  the  only 
ones  about  whose  exact  population  during  the  decade 
anything  is  known  were  a  few  in  Santa  Clara  which 
have  already  been  mentioned  as  within  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Monterey. 

At  San  Francisco  mission,  Padre  Estenega,  retir- 
ing to  the  south,  was  succeeded  in  1833  by  Padre 
Lorenzo  Quijas,  a  Zacatecan;  and  the  latter  in  1834 
by  Padre  Jose  de  Jesus  Maria  Gutierrez,  who  served 
to  the  end  of  1839.     The  neophytes  numbered  204  in 

S.  Francisquito  (Sta Clara),  1839,  Antonio  Buelna;  M.  Concepcion  V.  de  Rodri- 
guez et  al.,  cl.  S.  Isidro  (Sta  Clara),  1  1.,  1833,  Quintin  Ortega,  who  was 
cl.  39  persons  living  here  in  183G.  S.  Jose"  (Marin),  1^  1.,  1840,  Ignacio 
Pacheco,  who  was  cl.  S.  Leandro  (Alameda),  occupied  in  1838  by  J.  J.  Es- 
tudillo,  to  whom  it  was  granted  later.  There  were  boundary  disputes  between 
Estudillo  and  Guillermo  Castro,  who  occupied  the  rancho  of  S.  Lorenzo. 
*S.  Mateo,  2  1.,  1836,  1841,  J.  C.  Sanchez,  who  was  cl.  S.  Mateo 
co.  ranchos,  see  Buri  Buri,  Canada  de  Raimundo,  Corral  de  Tierra, 
L.  Merced,  Pulgas,  S.  Mateo,  S.  Pedro.  S.  Miguel  (Sonoma),  6  1.,  1840, 
1844,  Mark  West,  whose  heirs  were  ci.  S.  Pablo  (Contra  Costa),  4  1.,  1S34. 
Francisco  Castro  and  heirs  et  al. ;  Joaquin  I.  Castro,  cl.;  rancho  also  called 
Cochiyunes.  Leg.  Bee,  MS.,  iii.  78.  S.  Pedro  (S.  Mateo),  2  1.,  1839,  Fran- 
cisco Sanchez,  who  was  cl.  S.  Ramon  (Contra  Costa),  2  l.,1833,  Rafael  Soto 
de  Pacheco  et  al.,  who  were  cl.  S.  Ramon,  1  1.  1834,  Jose"  M.  Amador; 
Leo  Norris,  cl.  S.  Ramon  (Alameda),  4  1.,  1835,  J.  M.  Amador,  who  was  cl. 
S.  Ramon  or  Las  Juntas  (Contra  Costa),  2  1.,  1833,  Bartolo  Pacheco  and 
Mariano  Castro;  Domingo  Peralta,  cl.  Sta  Ana  y  Quien  Sabe  (Sta  Clara),  7  1., 
1839,  Manuel  Larios  and  J.  M.  Anzar,  who  were  cl.  Sta  Clara,  see  Rio. 
Sta  Clara  co.  ranchos,  see  Animas,  Arroyo  de  la  Alameda,  Canada  de  Corte 
dc  Madera,  Canada  de  Pala,  Can.  de  S.  Felipe,  Juristac,  Laguna  Seca,  Llagas, 
Llano  del  Abrevadero,  Milpitas,  Ojo  de  Agua,  Pala,  Polka,  Purisima,  Rin- 
con  de  Esteros,  Rinconada  de  los  Gatos,  S.  Antonio,  S.  Francisquito,  S. 
Isidro,  Sta  Ana,  Sta  Teresa,  Solis,  Tularcitos,  and  Yerba  Buena.  Sta  Rita 
(Alameda),  1839,  J.  I).  Pacheco,  who  was  cl.  Sta  Rosa  (Sonoma?),  1831. 
Rafael  Gomez.  Dept.  Bee,  MS.,  ix.  78  (not  before  L.  C),  Sta  Teresa  (Sta 
Clara),  1  L,  1834,  Joaquin  Bernal;  Agustin  Bernal,  cl.  Sauzalito  (Marin), 
3  1.,  1835,  Jos6  Ant.  Galindo;  (perhaps  regranted  in  1838  to)  W.  A.  Richard- 
son, cl.  Socayre,  see  Yerba  Buena.  Solis  (Sta  Clara),  (1835?),  Mariano 
Castro,  whose  heirs  were  cl.  Solano  co.  ranchos,  see  Carneros,  Entre  Napa, 
Marelsl. ,  and  Soscol.  Sonoma  co.  ranchos,  see  Agua  Caliente,  Arroyo  de 
S.  Antonio,  Estero  Americano,  Guilicos,  Molino,  Pctaluma,  S.  Miguel,  and 
Sta  Rosa.  Soscol  (Solano),  used  as  a  rancho  nacional.  Tamales  and  Bau- 
linas  (Marin),  2  1.,  183G,  Rafael  Garcia,  who  was  cl.  See  Punta  de  Reyes, 
also.  Tehama  co.,  see  Capay.  Tularcitos  (Sta  Clara),  1821,  Jose  Higuera, 
whose  heirs  were  cl.  Tuolumne  co. ,  see  Ausaymas.  Valle  de  S.  Jose  (Ala- 
meda), 1839,  Antonio  M.  Pico;  Ant.  Sunol  et  al.,  cl.  Visitacion  (S.  F.), 
1839,  applied  for  and  occupied,  granted  later.  See  also  Canada  de  Guada- 
lupe. Yegnas,  see  Mare  Isl.  Yerba  Buena  or  Socayre  (Sta  Clara),  1833,  A. 
Chabolla,  who  was  cl.  *Yerba  Buena  Isl.  (S.  F.),  1838,  Jose  Castro;  J.  S. 
Polack,  cl. 


714  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

1832,  probably  less  than  150  in  1834,  and  at  the  end 
of  the  decade  there  were  left  only  90  living  at  San 
Mateo,  with  possibly  50  more  scattered  in  the  dis- 
trict.16    Crops  were  small,  and  records  of  farming  op- 

16  S.  Francisco  mission  statistics  1831-4.  (No  figures  whatever  for  1833- 
4.)  Decrease  in  pop.  219  to  about  150  (204  in  1832).  Baptisms  7  and  8  in 
1831-2.  Deaths  10  and  11  in  1S31-2.  Gain  in  large  stock  5,132  to  G,018  in 
1832,  and  10,329  in  1835;  horses,  etc.,  932  to  1,511  in  1835;  sheep  2,000  to 
4,250  in  1835.     Crops  1,070  bush,  in  1831,  1,036  bush,  in  1832. 

Statistics  for  1835-40.  Debt  in  Nov.  1834,  $10,0S9.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS., 
ix.  05.  Inventory  of  July  28,  1835.  Account  books,  etc.,  no  valuation; 
buildings  minutely  described,  including  27  structures  besides  the  principal 
vivienda,  $22,482;  utensils  and  furniture  $319;  manufacturing  apparatus 
$233;  goods  and  produce  in  storehouse  $2,414;  garden  with  fences  and  fruit- 
trees  $334;  corral  $335;  farming  tools  $34;  launch  and  boat  $880;  live-stock, 
chiefly  on  the  coast,  4,445  cattle,  091  horses,  2,125  sheep,  5  mules,  G  asses, 
122  swine,  $17,172;  church  property,  buildings  $9,057,  ornaments,  etc., 
$8,770,  total  $17,827;  S.  Mateo  buildings  and  produce  $2,753;  lands,  5  leagues 
at  the  mission,  3  1.  at  S.  Mateo,  9  1.  at  the  Parage  de  la  Costa  as  estimated, 
for  there  was  no  doc.  to  show  extent  and  no  survey,  no  value  given;  credits, 
40  items,  the  largest  being  the  estate  of  Luis  Argiiello,  $402;  Id.  of  Pablo  de 
Sala  $416,  and  Joaquin  Ortega  $300,  total  $2542;  grand  total  $67,227,  less 
$7,222  debts  (13  items,  largest  A.  B.  Thompson  $1,948,  Virmond  $2, 60S, 
John  C.  Jones  $1,183),  balance  $60,004.  Original  signed  by  Estudillo,  Flores, 
Valle,  and  Pedro  Castillo  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS. ,  xxxi.  220;  also  in  St.  Pap.  Miss. , 
MS.,  vi.  19-21.  Sept.  23,  1839.  Hartnell  found  89  Ind.  all  at  S.  Mateo;  758 
cattle,  967  horses,  1,272  sheep,  34  mules,  and  2 asses.  Hartnell,  Diario,  MS., 
43.  May  13,  1840,  there  were  320  cattle,  707  horses,  1,300  sheep,  40  mules, 
and  8  asses,  other  remnants  of  property  being  of  no  value.  St.  Pap.  Miss. , 
MS.,  vii.  36-7,  and  debts  amounting  to  $2,615.  Pico,  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  47- 
51. 

Statistics  of  1776-1832.  Total  of  baptisms,  6,998,  of  which  3,715  Ind. 
adults,  2,829  Ind.  children,  454  children  de  razon;  annual  average  115. 
Marriages  2,121,  of  which  85  de  razon;  average  37.  Deaths  5,553,  of  which 
3,464  Ind.  adults,  1,900  Ind.  children,  58  and  111  gente  de  razon;  annual  av- 
arage  94;  average  death  rate  12.4  per  cent  of  pop.  Largest  pop.  1,252  in 
1820;  males  always  in  excess;  children  ^  to  J.  Largest  no.  of  cattle  11,240 
in  1808;  horses  1,239  in  1831;  mules  42  in  1813;  sheep  11,324  m  1813;  all 
kinds  22,663  animals  in  1805.  Total  product  of  wheat  114,480  bush.,  yield 
10  fold;  barley  59,500  bush.,  9  fold;  maize  16,900  bush.,  51  fold;  beans  19,- 
3S0  bush.,  25  fold;  miscel.  grains  19,053  bush.,  24  fold. 

Summary  of  events,  etc.  1831.  Status  under  Echeandfa's  decree,  never 
enforced.  This  vol.,  p.  306-7.  1833.  Proposition  before  the  dip.  to  fix 
bounds  of  mission  lands.  Id.,  249.  Reports  in  favor  of  secularization.  Id., 
333,  333.  1834.  Joaquin  Estudillo  appointed  comisionado  in  Sept.  St.  Pa])., 
Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  62.  May  10th,  petition  of  the  padre  to  dip.  for  a  definition 
of  boundaries.  Leg.  Pec.,  MS.,  ii.  63.  Sept.  28th,  Estudillo  recommends  the 
discharge  of  one  of  the  two  majordomos  to  save  expense.  St.  Pap.  Miss., MS., 
ix.  02.  Oct.,  claim  of  a  neofita,  married  to  Bobles  of  Branciforte,  for  65 
head  of  cattle  left  by  her  father  and  incorporated  with  the  mission  herds.  P. 
Abella  testified  that  he  knew  nothing  of  the  matter,  and  the  gov.  decided 
that  the  woman  was  entitled  to  only  her  pro  rata  on  the  general  distribution. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  v.  22-31,  85-92.  1835.  Estudillo  having  some 
trouble  with  the  padre,  Ignacio  del  Valle  came  up  from  Sta  Cruz  to  take  his 
place  or  to  aid  him;  and  on  July  28th,  as  per  inventory  already  cited,  the 

ate  was  turned  over  to  Gumesindo  Flores  as  administrator.  Valle,  Lo  Pa- 
sado,  MS.,  10;  Sta  Cruz  Arch.,  MS.,  74;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vi.  19.     The 


1 


SAN  RAFAEL.  715 

erations  amount  to  nothing;  but  in  live-stock  there 
seems  to  have  been  a  large  gain  clown  to  the  secular- 
ization in  1834-5.  Joaquin  Estuclillo  was  the  conii- 
sionado,  aided  by  Ignacio  del  Valle;  and  the  successive 
administrators  were  Gumesindo  Flores  in  1835-6, 
Jose  de  la  Cruz  Sanchez  in  1836-40,  and  Tiburcio 
Vasquez  from  1840.  The  inventory  of  the  transfer 
in  1835  showed  a  total  valuation  of  §60,000,  or,  for 
real  estate  and  fixtures,  land  not  being  valued,  §25,- 
800;  church  property  §17,800;  and  available  assets, 
chiefly  live-stock,  in  excess  of  debts,  §16,400.  In 
1840  the  debt  amounted  to  only  §2,600,  but  the  little 
remnant  of  cattle  and  sheep  could  not  have  been  worth 
much  more.  If  any  property  was  ever  divided  among 
the  Indians,  there  are  no  records  to  show  it. 

Padre  Amoros  died  at  San  Rafael  in  1832, 17  and 

trouble  between  Estudillo  and  P.  Gutierrez  arose  from  a  charge  of  the  former 
that  the  latter  had  neglected  his  duties  in  administering  the  sacraments  to 
the  dying  Indians.  E.  complained  to  the  gov.,  at  which  Prefect  Garcia  Diego 
was  angry,  deeming  it  an  interference  of  secular  officials  in  matters  of  ecclesi- 
astical prerogative;  but  in  Aug.  he  acknowledged  Gutierrez'  'criminal  negli- 
gence," and  promised  to  chide  him.  Id.,  ix.  6:2-5;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt. 
ii.  8.  11.  1836.  Jos6  de  la  Cruz  Sanchez  in  Dec.  succeeded  Flores,  who  re- 
signed. Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv.  47,  36.  1837.  March  19th,  Sanchez  asks 
Vallejo  to  compel  the  padre  to  give  up  one  of  his  9  rooms.  Id.,  i.  27.  July 
1st,  Vallejo  sends  19  Ind.  from  Sonoma  to  aid  in  mission  work;  will  probably 
send  more.  Id.,  iv.  262.  1838.  See  a  view  of  the  mission  in  Forbes1  (Jal., 
reproduced  in  Annals  of  S.  F.  1839.  Sanchez  still  in  charge.  Hartnell  in 
Sept.  found  the  accounts  in  such  a  condition  as  might  be  expected,  the  ad- 
min, not  being  able  to  read  or  write  (?).  The  Ind.  were  discontented  with 
hard  work  and  no  ropa;  wanted  to  live  in  liberty  under  +he  care  of  Vicente 
Miramontc;  feared  that  S.  Mateo  would  be  taken  from  them;  desired  also  to 
keep  the  coast  lands  from  Pilarcitos  to  Purisima;  and  some  of  them  to  have 
the  Canada  de  Guadalupe.  Harinell,  Diario,  MS.,  7-8.  This  year,  as  we 
have  seen,  Dolores  was  made  cabecera  of  the  partido,  and  three  lots  were 
granted  to  citizens  of  S.  F.  pueblo.  1840.  Sanchez  was  succeeded  in  May 
by  Tiburcio  Vasquez.  St.  Pap.,  Mint.,  MS.,  vii.  36. 

17  Juan  Amoros  was  a  Catalan,  born  at  Porrera  Oct.  10,  1773.  He  became 
a  Franciscan  at  Gerona  in  1791  and  was  ordained  in  1797.  He  came  to  Mex- 
i    >  in  1803,  and    to  California  in  1804,  serving  as  a  missionary  at  S.  Carlos  in 

1-19,  and  S.  Rafael  in  1819-32.  His  superiors  rated  him  as  possessed  of 
more  than  common  ability,  and  well  fitted  for  office  or  a  professorship.  Auto- 
bioy.  An'of).  (I '  los  Padres,  MS.;  Sarria,  Inf.  de  1817,  MS.,  p.  32-3;  Payeras, 
////'.,  1820,  MS.,  140.  Padre  Amoros  was  noted  for  the  zeal  with  which  he 
undertook  every  task  whether  temporal  or  spiritual.  He  was  a  successful 
business  manager,  a  mechanic  of  more  than  ordinary  skill,  and  a  kind  mis- 
sionary well  liked  by  his  neophytes.  He  was  always  in  good  health,  and  never 
could  iind  too  much  work  to  do.  He  strove  to  please  all  classes  and  enga 
in  no  controversies.  In  1817  he  wrote  a  letter  urging  the  extension  of  trade 
find  especially  the  fair  treatment  of  foreigners.     He  promised  fidelity  to  the 


716  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

the  mission  was  in  charge  of  Paclro  Estenega,  of  San 
Francisco  until  the  Zacatecan  Jose  Maria  Vasquez 
del  Mercaclo  came  in  1833,  to  be  replaced  in  1834  by 
Padre  Jose  Lorenzo  de  la  Concepcion  Quijas,  also  a 
Zacatecan,  who  from  that  year  had  charge  of  both 
San  Rafael  and  Solano,  living  at  the  former  chiefly. 
Statistics  of  the  last  years  of  this  establishment  as  a 
mission  are  for  the  most  part  wanting,18  but  the  num- 

M  x.  republic  and  was  praised  even  by  Echeandia  and  Jose"  M.  Estudillo. 
The  tradition  is  that  once  when  the  mission  was  attacked  by  savages  he  crossed 
the  bay  to  S.  F.  on  a  tule  balsa  with  a  woman  and  several  children.  He  died 
at  S.  Rafael  at  3  a.  m.  on  July  14,  1832,  and  was  buried  in  the  church  on  the 
Kith  by  P.  Fortuni,  his  predecessor  at  the  mission,  who  had  known  him  since 
1702,  and  declared  him  to  be  a  saint.  S.  Rafael,  Lib.  Mis.,  JSJS.,  12. 

18  S.  Rafael  statistics  for  1831-2,  extremely  unreliable  (no  figures  for 
1S33-4).  Decrease  in  pop.  970  to  300  (probably  should  be  700  or  900,  though 
possibly  300  only  were  at  the  mission  when  the  report  was  made,  or  more 
likely  there  is  an  error  in  the  figures).  Baptisms  155  (including  110  adults?) 
in  1831  and  15  in  1832.  Deaths  29  and  37  in  1831-2.  Increase  in  large  stock 
1,548  to  2,442  (?);  horses  and  mules  448  to  372;  sheep  1,852  to  3,000.  Crops 
1,990  bush,  in  1831,  1,770  bush,  in  1832. 

Statistics  of  1834-40.  Inventory  of  Sept.  31,  1834.  Church  property, 
building,  $192,  ornamentos,  etc.,  $777,  library  of  75  vols  $108,  total  $1,077; 
mission  buildings  $1,123;  garden  or  orchard,  $968;  boats,  etc.,  $500;  live- 
stock $4,339;  Nicasiorancho  $7,250;  credits  $170;  total  $18,474;  debts  $3,448: 
balance  $15,025.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  58-9.  Dec,  there  were  distributed 
to  343  Ind.  (doubtless  males  or  heads  of  families,  representing  a  pop.  of  at 
least  500  souls)  1,291  sheep  and  439  horses.  Id.  Inventory  of  Nov.  30,  183G. 
Manufacturing  estab.,  produce,  tools,  and  probably  buildings,  $1,434;  live- 
stock $1,385;  orchard" $891;  ranch o  $G,G44;  credits  $4G4;  total  $10,818; 
debts  $3,177;  balance  $7, G41.  Id.,  vii.  55-6,  78-9.  Pop.  in  183S,  365  souls. 
Id.,  vi.  2G.  Hartnell's  inventory  of  Sept.  18,  1839.  Pop.  195  at  the  mission; 
474  horses,  26  yoke  of  oxen,  3  mules  (cattle  and  sheep  torn  off);  417  fan. 
grain,  42  hides,  72  deer-skins,  60  arr.  tallow,  llartuell,  Diario,  MS.,  98. 
Debt  in  1840  to  Spear,  Ccilis.  Aguirre,  Scott,  Shaw,  John  Reed,  Tim.  Murphy, 
and  Rotscheff,  $1,907.  Pico,  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  47-51. 

Statistics  of  1817-34.  Total  of  baptisms,  1873,  of  which  1,096  Ind. 
adults,  708  Ind.  children,  2  and  7  de  razon;  annual  average  103.  Marriages  543, 
of  which  8  de  razon.  Deaths  698,  of  which  45S  Ind.  adults,  239  Ind.  children, 
1  de  razon;  annual  average  3S;  average  death  rate  6.09  per  cent  of  pop. 
Largest  pop.  1,140  in  1828;  sexes  about  equal,  children  '.  Largest  no.  of 
e  2,120  (?)  in  1832;  horses  450  in  1831;  mules  1-4;  sheep  4,000  in  1822-3; 
swine  30  in  1823;  all  kinds  5,508  animals  in  1S32.  Total  product  of  wheat 
17,905  bush,  yield  8  fold;  bailey  12,339  bush.,  9  fold;  maize  3,657  bush.,  40 
fold;  beans  1,360  bush.,  13  fold;  miscel.  grains  412  bush.,  8  fold. 

Summary  of  events,  etc.  1832.  The  mission  was  attacked  by  savages, 
against  whom  an  expedition  was  sent  out  under  Lazaro  Pifia.  Vallcjo,  Doc, 
MS.,  i.  307.  1833.  Trouble  between  P.  Mercado  and  Alf.  Vallcjo;  the 
friar's  murderous  slaughter  of  gentiles.  This  vol.,  p.  322-4.  1834.  lgnacio 
Martinez  takes  charge  as  comisionado.  Oct.  1st,  boundaries  assigned  to  the 
pueblo  of  S.  Rafael;  from  Arroyo  de  las  A*nimas,  down  Caiiada  de  los  Baulcnes 
to  the  shore,  and  on  opposite  or  northern  side  the  Canada  of  the  Arroyo  de  S. 
Antonio  to  Los  Tamales,  and  from  Punta  de  Quintin  to  the  mouth  of  S.  Antonio 
cr.  along  the  bay  shore.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  11,  19,  with  the  map  which  is 
here  reproduced.     S.  Rafael,  Solano,  S.  Jose"  mission,  and  the  colony  were  to 


SAN  RAFAEL. 


717 


ber  of  neophytes  in  1834  must  have  been  about  500, 
a  decrease  of  about  50  per  cent  since  1830;  and  in 
1840  there  were  190  Indians  living  in  community  with 
probably  150  scattered.  The  valuation  in  1834  was 
$18,500,  or  deducting  real  estate  and  church  property, 
§4,500  in  excess  of  debts;  two  years  later  the  debt 
seems  to  have  considerably  exceeded  the  available 
assets,  though  this  fact  is  somewhat  misleading  as  an 
indication  of  the  actual  state  of  affairs.     A  large  por- 


Map  of  S.  Rafael  Lands  in  1834. 

tion  of  the  property  was  distributed  at  the  secular- 
ization and  is  not  included  in  the  inventory  of  183G. 
The  Nicasio  rancho  was  also  granted  to  the  ex-neo- 

form  a  parish  of  1st  class.  This  vol.,  p.  348.  1835.  Martinez  in  charge. 
May  1st,  Vallejo  acknowledges  receipt  of  an  order  to  put  certain  Ind.  in  pos- 
session of  Nicasio,  which  is  given  them  in  full  ownership,  and  their  rights 
must  be  protected.  Vallejo,  iJoc,  MS.,  iii.  29  (this  grant  was  rejected  by  the 
L.  C.)  August  18th,  gov.  urges  V.  to  attend  to  Figueroa's  order  of  this  date 
to  take  especial  care  of  the  S.  P.  Indians  at  S.  Rafael,  who  had  difficulty  in 
moving  their  property  (?)  for  lack  of  boats.  Id.,  11 id.  Cul.,  iii.  70.  Oct.  20th, 
V.  complains  that  the  padre  (Quijas)  resides  at  S.  Rafael  though  paid  by  So- 


7  IS  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAX  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

phytes.  In  1837,  as  the  Indians  were  not  as  a  rule 
mailing  good  use  of  their  liberty,  and  as  political  and 
other  troubles  rendered  proper  supervision  impossible, 
the  property  was  collected  into  a  common  fund,  under 
General  Vallejo's  promise  of  redistribution  when  cir- 
cumstances should  be  more  favorable.  Ififnacio  Mar- 
tinez  was  m  charge  as  comisionado  in  1834-6,  followed 
by  John  Reed  as  administrator  in  183677,  and  Timo- 
thy Murphy  in  1837-40.  Hartnell  in  his  first  tour 
of  1839  found  the  Indians  discontented,  especially  in 
view  of  constant  encroachments  on  their  lands.  They 
insisted  on  complete  emancipation  and  the  promised 
distribution  of  property,  protesting  in  1840  against 
the  enforcement  of  Alvarado's  reMamento,  and  bein^ 
supported  by  Vallejo,  who  insisted  that  the  mission 
had  been  completely  secularized,  and  that  his  promises 
must  be  fulfilled.  After  a  controversy  with  Hartnell 
and  the  governor  Vallejo's  view  of  the  matter  in  sub- 
stance prevailed;  and  a  distribution  of  the  live-stock 
at  least  was  ordered. 

noma.  7c?.,  Doc,  iii.  45.  1836.  Martinez  turns  over  estate  to  John  Reed  on 
Nov.  30th.  St.  Pa}).,  Miss..  MS.,  vii.  55,  78.  1837.  Reed  is  succeeded  by 
Timothy  Murphy  on  April  21st.  Id.,  78.  Visit  of  Edwards  in  March,  Diary, 
MS.,  14-17,  who  also  visited  Cooper's  mill  and  the  ranchos  of  Reed  and 
Martin.  He  gives  little  information,  but  notes  that  the  Ind.  were  not 
making  good  use  of  the  property  that  had  been  distributed.  Complaints  of 
vagabond  foreigners  in  the  region.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i v.  343.  1838.  Jan., 
Jose"  Talis,  capt.  of  the  Tamales,  is  permitted  to  leave  S.  Rafael  with  those  of 
his  tribe,  on  condition  of  sending  a  few  men  occasionally  to  hear  mass,  if  any 
mass  should  be  celebrated.  Id.,  v.  23.  1839.  Hartnell's  visit  was  in  Sept. 
He  found  the  accounts  in  bad  condition,  as  the  admin,  could  not  read  or 
write.  The  old  Christians  desired  their  liberty  and  the  distrib.  of  property; 
and  all  complained  that  hardly  any  land  remained  to  them.  They,  needed  S. 
Anselmo,  part  of  which  was  in  possession  of  the  Sainses  and  part  asked  for  by 
Cooper;  Las  Gallinas  desired  by  Berreyesa;  and  Arroyo  de  S.  Jose"  cultivated 
last  year  by  Murphy  for  the  community,  but  now  in  possession  of  Pacheco; 
and  Pt  S.  Pedro,  which  Murphy  wants,  and  S.  Geronimo  occupied  by  Rafael 
Cacho.  The  neophyte  Camilo  had  occupied  Olompali  since  1S34,  and  was  in- 
dustrious and  successful,  but  now  the  Mirandas  were  encroaching,  and  Camilo 
demanded  a  regular  title  to  his  land.  All  complained  that  for  two  years  no 
clothing  had  been  distributed.  Hartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  7,  43,  52,  98.  1840. 
dan. -May,  controversy  between  Hartnell  and  Vallejo.  This  vol.,  601;  iv.  61. 
11.  came  to  put  the  mission  under  the  new  reglamento,  appointing  Gregorio 
Briones  as  majorclomo;  but  the  Ind.  were  opposed  to  being  returned  to 
mission  life;  and  H.  finally  agreed  to  favor  Vallejo's  plan  of  distributing  the 
property  after  paying  the  debts.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  12-17.  Oct.  13th, 
Vallejo  to  Murphy,  orders  him  at  once  to  distribute  3  cattle  and  one  horse  to 
each  of  the  Ind.   Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  ix.  291. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  SOLANO.  719 

Father  Fortuni  served  at  San  Francisco  Solano 
until  1833,  when  his  place  was  taken  by  the  Zacatecan, 
Jose  cle  Jesus  Maria  Gutierrez,  who  in  turn  changed 
places  in  March  1834  with  Padre  Lorenzo  Quijas  of 
San  Francisco.  Quijas  remained  in  charge  of  ex-mis- 
sion and  pueblo  as  acting  curate  throughout  the  dec- 
ade, but  resided  for  the  most  part  at  San  Rafael. 
Though  the  neophyte  population,  .as  indicated  by  the 
reports,  decreased  from  760  to  650  in  1834  and  550 
in  1835,19  yet  there  was  a  gain  in  live-stock  and  but 

19  S.  Francisco  Solano  statistics,  1831-4.  Decrease  in  pop.  7C0  to  650. 
Baptisms  ooo,  largest  no.  232  (106  adults)  in  1831;  smallest  22  in  1833. 
Deaths  272,  largest  no.  106  in  1833,  smallest  43  in  1834.  Gain  in  large  stock 
2,729  to  6.015  (in  1833;  no  figures  for  1834);  horses  and  mules  729  to  1,164 
(id.);  sheep  (id.)  4,000  to  7,114.  Largest  crop  3,260  bush,  in  1S32;  smallest 
2,347  bush,  in  1833;  average  2,750  bush.,  of  which  wheat  1,414,  yield  10  fold; 
barley  917,  15  fold;  corn  328,  62  fold;  beans  36,  5  fold;  iniscel.  grains  39,  7 
fold. 

Statistics  of  1823-34.  Total  of  baptisms  (to  1835)  1,315,  of  which  611 
Ind.  adults,  671  Ind.  children,  3  children  de  razon;  annual  average  101. 
Marriages  (to  1833)  278,  of  which  1  de  razon.  Deaths  651,  of  which  462  Ind. 
adults,  187  Ind.  chil.,  1  and  1  de  razon;  annual  average  54;  average  death- 
rate  7.8  per  cent  of  pop.  Largest  pop.  996  in  1832;  sexes  nearly  equal;  chil- 
dren I  Largest  no.  of  cattle  4,849  in  1833;  horses  1,148  in  1833;  mules  18 
in  1833;  sheep  7,114  in  1833;  swine  80  in  1826-7;  all  kinds  13,193  animals  in 
1833.  Total  product  of  wheat  13,450  bush.,  yield  9  fold;  barley  5,970 bush., 
15  fold,  3,270  bush.,  62  fold;  beans  306  bush.,  7  fold;  miseel.  grains  640 
bush.,  13  fold. 

Summary  of  events,  and  statistics  1835-40.  Oct.  24,  1831.  Part  of  the 
rancherfa  burned,  a  man  and  4  women  perishing.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  268. 
1833.  P.  Gutierrez  succeeds  Fortuni.  The  padre  interferes  with  settlements 
at  Petaluma  and  Sta  Rosa.  This  vol. ,  p.  255.  Padre  complains  of  foreign 
*  hunters  '  at  Suisun.  Id.,  392.  Also  3  objectionable  foreigners  at  the  mission. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  116.  1834.  M.  G.  Vallejo  in  charge  as  comisionado 
of  secularization  in  Oct.-Xov.  This  vol.,  p.  279,  294.  Thie  mission  with  S. 
Pafael  and  S.  Jos6  was  to  form  a  parish  of  1st  class.  Id. ,  348.  Vallejo  made 
an  exped.  to  Solano  in  Jan.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxi.  58.  1835.  Seculari- 
zation by  Comisionado  Vallejo,  who  made  Antonio  Ortega  majordomo.  This 
vol.,  p.  346,  353-4.  A  census  of  June  4th  shows  a  pop.  of  549  souls.  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  iii.  33,  36,  54;  xxiii.  9;  xxxii.  2.  Unfortunately  the  inventory 
sent  at  the  same  time  to  Mont,  is  not  extant.  March  3d,  gov.  to  V.,  who 
must  give  the  padre  free  use  of  furniture  and  utensils  in  addition  to  his  regu- 
lar allowance;  may  also  furnish  horses  and  boats  for  the  padre's  use.  Id.,  iii. 
11-12.  June  4th,  V.  to  gov.,  the  Ind.  chiefs  constantly  demand  permission 
to  go  to  their  own  lands,  recognizing  Sonoma  as  their  head  town,  and  V.  has 
permitted  it  for  fear  of  provoking  hostility.  Id.,  37.  Blotter  of  all  V.'s 
commun.  to  gov.  from  June  to  Dec.  Id.,  3o-A7.  June  27th,  gov.  uncertain 
about  permitting  the  Ind.  to  live  at  their  rancherias.  Too  much  liberty  is 
not  good  for  them.  Wants  more  suggestions.  Id. ,  57.  Supplies  to  colony 
down  to  June  20th,  $421.  Pinto,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  151.  Aug.  2d,  P.  Quijas  at 
S.  llafael  to  gov.  complains  that  the  Vallejos  and  Ortega  have  shown  him 
great  disrespect,  besides  refusing  him  beef ;  and  that  Ortega  was  immoral  as 
well  as  insolent.  He  will  not  return  unless  Ortega  is  removed.  St.  Pap., 
M.  <£  C,  MS.,  ii.  345.     Oct.  20th,  Vallejo  to  gov.  thinks  if  P.  Quijas  lives  at 


720  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

slight  falling-off  in  crops;  and  the  establishment  must 
be  regarded  as  having  flourished  down  to  the  date  of 
secularization,  being  one  of  the  few  missions  in  Cali- 
fornia which  reached  their  highest  population  in  the 
final  decade,  though  this  was  natural  enough  in  anew 
and  frontier  mission.  Mariano  G.  Vallejo  was  made 
comisionado  in  1834,  and  in  1835-6,  with  Antonio 
Ortega  as  majordomo,  completed  the  secularization. 
Movable  property  was  distributed  to  the  Indians,  who 
were  made  entirely  free,  many  of  them  retiring  to  their 
old  rancherias.  A  little  later,  however,  in  conse- 
quence of  troubles  with  hostile  gentiles,  the  ex-neo- 
phytes seem  to  have  restored  their  live-stock  to  the 
care  of  General  Vallejo,  who  used  the  property  of  the 
ex-mission  for  their  benefit  and  protection,  and  for  the 
general  development  of  the  northern  settlement.  The 
general  claimed  that  this  was  a  legitimate  use  of  the 

S.  Rafael,  Solano  should  not  have  to  pay  his  salary,  which  he  has  already 
claimed  to  be  excessive  ($1,500).  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  45.  Dec.  15th,  Va- 
llejo resigns  his  position  as  comisionado,  stating  that  '  mil  circunstancias ' 
have  prevented  the  distribution  of  lands  and  other  property.  Id.,  47.  1836. 
Antonio  Ortega  acting  administrator  at  $500,  and  Cayetano  Juarez  majordomo 
at  $240.  Ignacio  Acedo  also  an  employ 6  at  $120.  Mission  debts  at  end  of 
year  $1,138;  credits  $224.  Clothing,  rations,  etc.,  distributed  tolnd.  $4,191. 
Id.,  xxiii.  26.  1837-8.  Pablo  Ayala  succeeded  Ortega  at  a  date  not  known; 
nor  is  anything  known  of  his  accounts.  Oct.  1837,  padron  of  185  Suisunes 
living  at  the  ex-mission.  Arch.,  Mis.,  MS.,  ii.  844.  1839.  Salvador  Vallejo 
was  appointed  on  May  7th  to  succeed  Ayala.  Dept.  Rec,  MS.,  x.  10.  Vallejo, 
Doc,  vii.  16.  But  the  new  administrator  was  not  put  in  possession  of  the 
property;  so  he  informed  Hartnell  in  Sept.  when  H.  came  on  his  first  tour  of 
investigation,  at  the  same  time  resigning.  Id.,  viii.  85.  Gen.  Vallejo  was 
then  consulted,  and  on  Sept.  9th  wrote  a  letter  of  explanation.  He  says  that 
as  comisionado  he  distributed  all  the  live-stock  (this  does  not  agree  with  his 
statement  of  Dec.  15,  1835,  given  above,  that  the  property  had  not  been  dis- 
tributed, but  possibly  V.'s  resignation  was  not  accepted,  and  the  distrib.  took 
place  in  1836),  and  the  Indians  were  set  entirely  free.  But  bitter  hostility 
with  the  savages  ensuing,  the  Ind.  gathered  anew  about  Vallejo,  with  many 
gentiles  after  treaties  had  been  made,  and  gave  up  to  him  their  stock,  2,000 
cattle,  700  horses,  and  6,000  sheep.  With  this  property  he  has  cared  for  the 
Ind.,  paid  expenses  of  worship,  etc.,  besides  indirectly  developing  the  settle- 
ment of  the  north — a  proper  use  for  the  mission  funds.  Now  there  are  3,000 
to  4,000  cattle,  500  horses,  and  6,000  sheep  (in  March  the  gov.  had  ordered  a 
loan  of  3,000  sheep  for  3  years  from  Sta  Clara  for  the  benefit  of  Solano.  Pico 
{Pio),  Doc,  MS.,  ii.  9.  What  had  become  of  these  animals?)  which,  with  the 
small  vineytrd  and  orchard,  will  be  put  at  the  visitador's  disposal  if  he  de- 
sires it.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  viii.  89.  But  Hartnell  did  not  deem  it  prudent 
to  take  charge  of  the  estate  under  these  circumstances.  Hartnell,  Diarlo, 
MS.,  03-8.  And  nothing  appears  on  the  subject  in  1S40  except  that  by  the 
reglamcnto  the  govt  was  still  to  regulate  Solano  'according  to  circumstances.' 
Vol.  iv.,  p.  00. 


PUEBLO  OF  SONOMA.  721 

estate;  and  he  would  have  established  a  new  mission 
in  the  north  if  the  padres  would  have  aided  him. 
Doubtless  his  policy  was  a  wise  one,  even  if  his  posi- 
tion as  guardian  of  the  Indians  in  charge  of  their  pri- 
vate property  put  by  them  in  his  care  was  not  recog- 
nized by  the  laws.  Moreover,  there  was  a  gain 
rather  than  a  loss  in  live-stock.  Thus  the  mission 
community  had  no  real  existence  after  1836,  though 
Pablo  Ayala  and  Salvador  Vallejo  were  nominally 
made  administrators.  The  visitador  made  no  inno- 
vations in  1839,  and  apparently  none  were  made  in 
1840.  I  suppose  there  may  have  been  100  of  the  ex- 
neophytes  living  at  Sonoma  at  the  end  of  the  decade, 
with  perhaps  500  more  in  the  region  not  relapsed  into 
barbarism. 

On  the  secularization  of  Solano  a  pueblo  was 
founded  at  Sonoma  in  1835.  Besides  the  fact  of  the 
founding,  the  transfer  of  the  San  Francisco  military 
company,  the  granting  of  several  ranchos  in  the  north, 
several  campaigns  against  hostile  Indians,  and  a  few 
other  matters  fully  treated  elsewhere  as  indexed  and 
supplemented  with  minor  items  in  the  appended  note,20 
very  little  is  really  known  in  details  of  events  and 

20  Summary  and  index  of  Sonoma  events,  etc.  1831.  Sta  Rosa  granted 
to  Rafael  Gomez,  as  a  check  to  the  Russians,  but  never  occupied  under  the 
grant.  Vol.  iv.,  p.  1G0,  this  work.  1832.  In  the  instructions  of  the  Mex. 
govt  to  Gov.  Figueroa  the  colonization  of  the  northern  frontier  is  urged  in  view* 
of  probable  encroachments  of  Russians  and  Americans;  and  a  plan  of  Vir- 
mond  to  found  a  settlement  at  Sonoma  is  mentioned.  ligueroa,  Instruc,  MS., 
35-7.  1833  et  seq.  Figueroa's  efforts  to  effect  the  settlement  of  Sta  Rosa 
and  Petaluma.  Founding  and  abandonment  of  Sta  Anna  y  Farias.  This, 
vol.,  p.  246-7,  255-7,  272.  Lat.  and  long,  of  Solano  by  Douglas.  Id.,  404. 
1834.  Petaluma  granted  to  Vallejo.  Arrival  of  the  colony.  The  governor's 
alleged  Ind.  campaign..  Id.,  256-7,  360. 

1835.  Arrest  and  exile  of  the  colony  chiefs  in  March.  Id.,  286  et  seq. 
Founding  of  Sonoma  by  Vallejo,  as  comandante  and  director  de  colonizacion, 
at  Figueroa's  orders.  Id.,  293-5.  An  exped.  against  the  northern  Ind.  from 
Sonoma.  Id.,  360.  Dec.  3d,  Corn.  Vallejo  claims  that  there  is  no  civil 
authority  as  yet  and  the  district  is  therefore  subject  to  his  military  rule. 

Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  82.  The  four  leagues  of  public  lands  were  later  con- 
firmed by  the  land  commission  to  the  town  on  Vallejo's  grant  of  June  24th. 
Also  lots  were  confirmed  to  V.  under  the  gov.'s  grant  of  July  5th.  Hoffman's 
liepts. 

1836.  Vallejo's  campaigns  against  the  Guapos  and  other  hostile  Ind.;  his 
treaties  of  June;  his  excellent  Ind.  policy.  Vol.  iv.,  p.  70-2.  The  S.  F.  pre- 
sidial  company  had  been  transferred  the  preceding  year,  except  a  few  men 
who  now  came  to  Sonoma.     The  officers  have  alreadv  been  named  in  this 

Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    40 


722  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAX  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

progress  at  Sonoma  and  in  the  surrounding  regions. 
The  record  is  not  more  meagre  perhaps  than  at  sev- 
eral  other  places,  but  is  remarkably  so   in  view  of 

chap.  See  p.  702.  The  comp.  was  often  called  from  tins  time  caballeria 
pcrmanente  de  la  frontera.  There  are  extant  many  complaints  from  Vallcjo 
that  the  force  was  insufficient  to  protect  the  frontier  settlement  and  Mex. 

ional  interests  against  savages,  Americans,  and  Russians.     June,  a  scandal 

jting  one  of  the  officers.  Bandini,  Doc,  MS.,  40.  Sept.  9th,  circular 
of  Vallejo  on  the  misdeeds  of  James  Doyle  and  his  11  foreign  companions  -who 
are    trying  to   'purchase'    houses  of   the  Ind.    Castro,    Doc,    MS.,    i.    29; 

llejo.  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  133.  Nicolas  Higuera  was  appointed  alcalde  auxi- 
liar  at  Sonoma  by  the  alcalde  of  S.  F.;  but  Vallejo  refused  to  recognize  any 
civil  authority,  in  which  position  he  was  sustained  by  the  govt.  Id.,  iii.  99, 
181. 

1S37.  Gen.  Vallejo's  efforts  to  enlist  and  drill  recruits;  Capt.  Salvador 
Vallejo  made  mil.  comandante,  the  general  going  to  Monterey  J  an. -March. 
This  vol.,  511-12.  June,  campaign  of  Salv.  Vallejo  and  Solano  against  the 
Yolos;  capture  of  Zampay;  treaty  with  Sotoyomes.  Vol.  iv.,  p.  72.  Vallejo 
urges  the  employment  of  a  competent  surveyor  in  connection  with  the  formal- 
ities of  putting  settlers  in  possession  of  lands;  also  recommends  precautions 
against  men  who  may  desire  ranchos  only  for  speculation.  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS., 
iii.  125;  iv.  99.  Specimen  of  grant  of  a  town  lot  by  Vallejo.  A  house  must 
be  built  within  a  year  or  the  lot  will  be  forfeited.  Id.,  iv.  5.  Jaly,  Ramirez 
and  other  political  prisoners  from  south  of  the  bay  sent  to  Sonoma.  This 
vol.,  p.  525-6.  The  company's  protest  against  centralism  and  the  general's 
proffered  resignation.  Id.,  533.  Dec.  26th,  Vallejo  to  Carrillo  on  the  progress 
made  in  the  north  through  his  efforts;  desires  to  devote  himself  entirely  to 
the  frontier,  rather  than  to  be  comandante  general.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iv. 
305. 

1838.  Salvador  Vallejo  again  in  temporary  command,  and  marches  south. 
This  vol.,  p.  547,  552.  Southern  political  prisoners  kept  here  June-Sept. 
Id.,  507.  Various  Ind.  complications.  Vol.  iv. ,  72-3.  Ravages  of  the  small- 
pox. Id.,  73-4.  An  infantry  company  of  15-20  men  is  mentioned  in  Vallejo, 
Doc,  MS.,  xxiv. 

1839.  Salvador  Vallejo  was  com.  of  the  post,  Alf.  Prado  Mesa  and  Alf. 
Lazaro  Piiia  acting  at  times,  and  was  also  captain  of  the  compauia  de  infan- 
tjria  organized  the  year  before.  This  infantry  company  was  composed  of 
about  25  selected  Indians  who  were,  however,  given  Spanish  names  on  the 
rcsters.  They  were  armed  with  muskets  and  their  pay  amounted  to  S4,390 
this  year.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxv.  passim.  The  cavalry  company  was  raised 
to  over  40  men  this  year  and  the  next.  Id.  Both  general  and  captain  urged 
the  necessity  of  increasing  the  force,  and  complained  of  neglect  on  the  part 
of  the  authorities  at  Monterey  in  the  matter  of  supplying  monej^.  /(/. ,  vi. 
218;  viii.  80.  Artillery  10  guns,  9  of  them  brass,  2*-  to  8  lbs  calibre.  Id., 
xxv.  03.  Six  of  the  guns  bought  with  all  their  appurtenances  by  Gen.  V. 
without  aid  from  the  govt.  Id.,  vii.  37.  March,  return  of  Gen.  V.  from  the 
south,  and  his  complaints  of  mismanagement  by  Capt.  V.  during  his  absence. 
The  offences  were  of  slight  importance,  but  were  deemed  by  so  strict  a  dis- 
ciplinarian worthy  of  reprimand.  Id.,  vi.  344-6.  May,  Gen.  V.  writes  to 
Mex.  govt  explaining  his  operations  at  Sonoma  in  the  past  5  years,  and  his 
success  in  founding  a  frontier  settlement  after  great  sacrifices  and  privations, 
and  all  "without  expense  to  the  govt.  But  now  his  resources  are  nearly  ex- 
hausted and  he  must  have  aid  in  order  to  ensure  permanent  success.  Id.,  vii. 

I.  Dec.,  court-martial  of  two  deserters.  Sobcranes,  Doc,  MS.,  158-65. 
Oct.,  Solano's  visit  to  Monterey.  This  vol.,  p.  589.  Salvador  was  appointed 
juez  do  paz  at  Sonoma  in  Jan.,  taking  the  oath  in  May.  Meanwhile  in  Feb.- 
March  the  people  refused  to  attend  an  election  on  the  plea  that  they  were 
subject  only  to  military  authority,  for  -which  the  alcalde  (S.  Vallejo  ?)  appears 


THE  FROXTERA  DEL  NORTE.  723 

General  Vallejo's  prominent  position  in  all  that  con- 
cerned the  frontera  del  norte  and  of  the  complete 
documentary  record  of  other  matters  contained  in 
the  papers  of  his  collection.  Vallejo  had  many  diffi- 
culties to  contend  with,  but  his  zeal  and  energy  in 
this  cause  were  without  parallel  in  California  annals; 
and  the  credit  due  him  is  not  impaired  by  the  fact 
that  the  development  of  his  own,  wealth  was  a  lead- 
ing incentive.  His  Indian  policy  was  admirable,  and 
in  the  native  chief  Solano  he  found  an  efficient  aid. 
For  the  most  part  at  his  own  expense  he  supported 
the  regular  presidial  company,  organized  another  of 
native  warriors,  kept  the  hostile  tribes  in  check  by 
war  and  diplomacy,  protected  the  town  and  ranchos, 
and,  in  spite  of  the  country's  unfortunate  political 
complications  and  lack  of  prosperity,  established  a 
feeling  of  security  that  in  1839  had  drawn  25  families 
of  settlers  to  the  northern  frontier.  Could  he  have 
had  the  cooperation  of  the  friars  he  would  have 
founded  new  missions  in  the  north  and  east.  I  have 
estimated  the  population  of  gente  de  razon,  not  in- 
cluding the  Russians,  north  of  the  bay  in  1840  at 
200  souls.  The  establishments  of  Ross  and  New 
Helvetia  during  this  period,  having  been  treated  in 
special  chapters,  require  no  further  notice  here. 

Turning:  to  the  southern  establishments  of  the  dis- 
trict  we  find  that  Padre  Narcisco  Duran  at  San  Jose 

to  have  been  fined  $20.  In  June  Gen.  V.  ordered  the  captain  not  to  serve  as 
juez,  claiming  that  the  gov.  had  no  power  to  appoint  a  military  officer  to 
civil  positions.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  10;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  57; 
Id.,  Ban.  P.  &  J.,  in.  2G-9;  Id.,  Mont.,  iv.  90;  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  39S. 
Vallejo's  efforts  to  found  a  new  line  of  frontier  missions,  particularly  one  at 
Sta  Rosa.  The  friars  could  not  be  induced  to  undertake  the  task,  and  the 
gov.  was  not  very  warm  In  support  of  the  measure.  Vol.  iv.,  p.  48;  Fernandez, 
Cosas,  MS.,  88-90,  with  a  letter  of  P.  Quijas. 

1840.  Salv.  Vallejo  commandant;  cavalry  and  infantry  companies  as  be- 
fore. In  April  there  was  a  serious  rising  of  the  native  infantry,  who  attacked 
the  cavalry,  and  being  repulsed  joined  the  hostile  chiefs  of, savage  tribes. 
They  were  in  turn  attacked  by  Pifia  and  Solano  with  a  force  of  soldiers  and 
friendly  Ind.,  and  were  defeated  with  much  loss.  Subsequently  two  savage 
chiefs  and  9  other  Ind.  were  shot.  Vallejo  believed  the  rebels  had  an  under- 
standing with  the  Sacramento  tribes.  Vol.  iv.,  p.  12,  74.  Aug.  20th,  order 
of  Mcx.  govt  to  constitute  the  northern  frontier  into  a  comandancia  militar. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  x.  223. 


724  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

mission  was  succeeded  in  1833  by  the  Zacatecan 
Padre  Jose  Maria  de  Jesus  Gonzalez  Rubio,  who  re- 
mained throughout  the  decade.  This  mission  for  the 
whole  decade  was  probably  the  most  prosperous  in 
California  both  before  and  after  secularization.  Its 
highest  population  of  1,866  souls  was  reached  in  1831, 
and  though  the  number  fell  to  about  1,400  in  1834  21 

21  Statistics  of  S.  Jose"  mission  1831-2  (no  figures  for  1833-4).  Decrease  of 
pop.  1,745  to  1,456  (in  1833,  but  1,886  in  1831).  Baptisms  3G6  (338  incl.  203 
adults  in  1831).  Marriages  129.  Deaths  398.  Increase  of  large  stock  13,300 
to  13,710,  horses  and  mules  1,300  to  1,250;  sheep  remained  at  13,000.  Crops 
about  10,800  bash,  each  year. 

Statistics  of  1835-40.  Statement  of  P.  Gonzalez  that  the  mission  had 
1S,000  cattle,  15,000  sheep,  1,900  horses,  and  effects  valued  at  20,000.  Taylor, 
in  Cal.  Farmer,  June  1,  1860.  Inventory  of  Jan.  15,  1837.  Credits  (chief 
debtors  Wm  Gulnac  $336,  S.  Rafael  mission  $1,236,  the  canonigo  Fernandez 
(!)$385,  and  dept.  govt  $6,117),  $9,117.  Buildings,  including  corrals,  etc.. 
$10,700.  Utensils  and  furniture  $240.  Manufacturing  apparatus  and  mate- 
rial, also  hides,  tallow,  lard,  wagons,  and  3,600  fan.  of  grain,  $9,108.  Goods 
in  warehouse  $17,810.  Orchard  and  vineyard  at  the  mission,  6,000  vines, 
about  600  fruit  trees,  $7,472;  id.,  S.  Cayetano,  abt  600  trees,  incl.  10  olive- 
trees,  $1,514.  Farming  tools  $282.  Live-stock,  $18,000  cattle,  2,074  horses, 
14,965  sheep,  30  mules,  15  asses,  77  swine,  $98,977.  Boat  $100.  Total  valu- 
ation $156,325.  Debt  (chief  creditors  J.  A.  Aguirre  $402,  Antonio  Moreiia 
$377),  $975.  Balance  $155,350.  Original  with  autographs  of  J.  J.  Vallejo 
and  Padre  Gonzalez,  in  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  64;  also  St.  Pap,,  Miss., 
MS.,  vii.  49-51.  1837-8.  No  records.  1S39.  Pop.  in  Aug.  according  to  Hart- 
nell's  count  589  souls.  Id.,  x.  12.  Mairch  2d,  gov.  orders  the  loan  of  3,000 
sheep  to  the  Solano  establishment  for  5  years.  Id.,  x.  14.  Aug.  28th,  prop- 
erty available  for  trade  or  for  distribution  to  the  Ind.  $30,000.  Id.,  vii.  48. 
Sept.  1st,  acct  of  supplies  to  govt  and  escolta  (no  period  specified,  possibly 
since  1837)  $16,809.  Id.,  43.  1840.  Live-stock  20,000  cattle,  15,000  sheep, 
1,120  horses,  15  mules,  150  swine,  2  asses.  Other  property  (enseres)  $23,570. 
Credits  $3,452  (as  to  what  had  become  of  the  acct  of  $6,000  against  the  govt 
the  reader  may  adopt  any  theory  he  likes  except  that  it  had  been  paid).  Debts 
$4,434.  Id.,  37-40;  Arce,  Doc,  MS.,  28-9;  Pico,  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  47-51. 

Statistics  of  1797-1834.  Total  of  baptisms  6,737,  of  which  4,182  Ind. 
adults,  2,488  Ind.  children,  67  child,  derazon;  annual  average  177.  Marriages 
1,984,  of  which  4  de  razon.  Deaths  5,109,  of  which  3,524  Ind.  adults;  1,554 
Ind.  children,  4  and  27  derazon;  annual  average  134;  average  death  rate  12.17 
per  cent  of  pop.  Largest  pop.  1,886  in  1831;  males  always  in  excess  of  females; 
children  I  to  £.  Largest  no.  of  cattle  18,000  in  1826;  horses  1,425  in  1834; 
mules  100  in  1830;  sheep  20,000  in  1826;  all  kinds  35,600  in  1826.  Total 
product  of  wheat  13,680  bush,  yield  19  fold;  barley  16,750  bush.,  20  fold; 
maize  17,290  bush.,  80  fold;  beans  3,790  bush.,  25  fold;  miscel.  grains  8,800 
bush.,  33  fold. 

Summary  of  events,  etc.  1831.  Status  under  Echeandi'a's  plan  not  carried 
out.  This  vol.,  p.  306-7.  1832.  P.  Duran  on  the  proposed  reglamento.  Id., 
316.  May  7th,  Duran  in  great  trouble  because  the  Ind.  die  so  fast.  They 
seem  'mas  fragiles  que  el  vidrio. '  He  has  appointed  5  boys  to  report  cases  of 
sickness,  and  has  had  them  well  flogged  to  make  them  attend  to  the  duty, 
yet  now  and  then  some  Ind.  slips  out  of  the  world  without  the  sacraments. 
S.  Jo-r,  Lib.  Mis.,  MS.,  27.  1833.  P.  Gonzalez  succeeds  Duran,  the  latter  re- 
ing  this  mission  in  a  condition  for  partial  secularization.  This  vol. ,  p.  31S, 
333.     S.  J.  was  to  be  joined  to  Solano  and  S.  Rafael  as  a  parish  of  1st  class. 


.  SAN  JOSE  MISSION".  725 

and  to  580  in  1840 — with  probably  200  scattered  in 
the  district — yet  crops  were  uniformly  good,  the  yield 
being  larger  in  proportion  to  the  seed  sown  than  else- 
where, and  live-stock  increased  steadily  to  the  end. 
Secularization  was  effected  in  1836-7,  Jesus  Vallejo 
having  charge  as  administrator  until  April  1840,  when 
he  was  succeeded  by  Jose  Maria  Amador.  The  in- 
ventory made  at  the  time  of  transfer  showed  a  total 
valuation,  not  including  lands  or  church  property,  of 
§155,000  over  and  above  debts;  and  the  fragmentary 

Ids.,  348.  1834-5.  No  records.  1836.  Secularization  ordered;  Jesus  Vallejo 
takes  partial  possession  as  administrator  in  Dec.  Id.,  426;  iv.  47.  1837.  For- 
mal delivery  of  the  property  by  P.  Gutierrez  to  Vallejo  by  inventory  as  already 
cited,  Jan.  15th.  Feb.  13th,  V.  ordered  to  proceed  to  distribution  of  lots. 
Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  71.  Cattle  delivered  to  Willamette  co.  Vol.  iv.  p. 
86.  1838.  June,  mission  damaged  by  an  earthquake.  I'd.  ,78.  July  1st,  speci- 
men of  grant  of  a  lot  by  the  admin,  to  V.  Chologon,  as  per  order  of  Feb.  13, 
1837,  as  above.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxx.  94.  1839.  Aug.  16th,  J.  Vallejo  to 
the  general,  complaining  that  Alvarado  and  Jimeno  at  Monterey  seem  dis- 
posed to  let  the  missions  go  to  ruin.  He  wishes  to  save  S.  Jos6,  or  if  it  can't 
be  done  to  let  it  be  ruined  in  charge  of  some  other  admin.  Id. ,  iii.  40.  Hart- 
ncll  arrived  on  his  tour  of  inspection  Aug.  20th.  He  had  expected  some 
trouble  with  Vallejo,  the  nature  of  which  is  not  explained,  and  had  even  been 
furnished  with  an  order  for  troops  from  the  pueblo  under  Antonio  Buelna. 
But  he  was  well  received  and  was  much  pleased  with  the  prosperous  condition 
of  the  establishment  at  first  sight,  as  he  writes  on  the  21st,  the  Ind.  being  well 
clothed  and  the  storehouse  well  filled.  It  seems  that  Don  Jesus  had  either 
asked  to  be  relieved,  or  it  had  been  resolved  to  remove  him,  since  H.  asks  the 
govt  to  select  some  suitable  admin. ,  as  he  cannot  approve  Carlos  Castro  for 
the  place.  Hartncll,  Diario,  MS.,  39-40;  8.  Jos6  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  34..  Unfor- 
f  unately  the  inventory  is  missing.  Aug.  28th  a  series  of  instructions  by  Hart- 
nell  for  the  admin.,  which  seem  to  imply  that  Vallejo  had  been  somewhat  too 
independent  in  his  management,  inclined  to  severe  punishments,  to  private 
speculation,  neglect  of  worship,  and  careless  methods  of  keeping  accounts. 
St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vii.  40-2;  x.  13-14.  Aug.  29th,  H.  to  govt,  has  found 
the  accounts  in  bad  order  as  elsewhere,  the  Ind.  discontented  and  destitute 
(a  wonderful  change  in  8  days  !),  punishments  too  severe,  majordomo  brutal; 
administrator  carries  off  property  to  his  own  rancho.  Id.,  x.  12.  Vallejo  was 
authorized  in  Sept.  to  spend  $2,000  in  goods  for  the  Ind.,  but  spent  §2,800 
before  he  got  the  permission,  at  which  and  other  minor  informalities  Hartncll 
sent  reprimands  in  Nov.  Some  blankets  and  other  articles  were  ordered  fur- 
nished  to  Soledad.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  viii.  175;  Ilartnell,  Diario,  MS.,  50- 
1.  1840.  Vallejo  still  in  charge.  According  to  the  reglam.  of  March  some  of 
the  property  at  this  mission  was  to  be  distributed  to  the  oldest  Ind.,  and  a 
clerk  was  to  be  put  in  charge  of  the  estate.  There  is-no  record  of  Hartnell's 
visit  in  April,  but  his  instructions  to  the  majordomo  and  clerk  on  routine 
duties  are  dated  April  23d.  Vol.  iv. ,  p.  01.  And  on  the  same  date  the  prop- 
erty was  turned  over  to  Jose"  Maria  Amador  as  majordomo,  the  inventory 
being  signed  by  Jose  Antonio  Estrada  (doubtless  the  clerk)  a  ruego  de  Ama- 
dor. St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vii.  37-8.  Oct.  24th,  order  of  govt  to  lend  J.  B. 
Alvarado  300  hei-fers  and  25  bulls  for  5  years!  Dept.  Sec,  xi.  46.  Davis, 
Glimpses,  MS.,  28-9,  mentions  a  slaughter  of  2,000  cattle  for  their  hides  and 
tallow. 


726  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

statistics  of  later  years  indicate  no  falling-off  in  any 
kind  of  property.  This  is  the  more  remarkable  as 
the  wealth  •  of  San  Jose  made  it  a  shining  mark  for 
government  demands,  and  large  amounts  of  live-stock 
and  other  property  were  loaned  to  private  individuals 
and  to  other  ex-missions.  Don  Jesus,  though  some- 
what  independent  of  supervision  and  informal  in  his 
methods,  must  be  regarded  as  a  very  efficient  man- 
ager. It  is  probable,  however,  that  in  1840  the  ebb 
of  prosperity  had  begun  and  that  the  elements  of  ap- 
proaching decadence  were  somewhat  more  apparent 
than  is  indicated  by  the  imperfect  records  that  have 
been  preserved. 

At  Santa  Clara  Padre  Viader  concluded  his  mis- 
sionary service  of  nearly  40  years  in  1833,  when  he 
left  the  country.  His  successor  was  the  Zacatecan 
prefect  Padre  Francisco  Garcia  Diego  who  served  to 
the  end  of  1835  with  an  associate  from  1834  in  the 
person  of  Padre  Rafael  de  Jesus  Moreno,  after  whose 
death  in  1839  Padre  Mercado  took  charge  of  the  ex- 
mission.22     Statistical    reports    by    the    missionaries 

22  Jose"  Viader  was  born  at  Gallines,  Catalonia,  on  Aug.  27,  1765,  and  be- 
came a  Franciscan  at  Barcelona  in  May  1788,  sailing  for  Mexico  in  1793,  and 
starting  from  the  college  of  S.  Fernando  forCal.  in  Feb.  1796.  His  onl}7  mis- 
sionary  service  was  at  Sta  Clara  from  179G  to  1833.  His  superiors  accorded  to 
him  more  than    medium  merit  and  ability  both  in   temporal  and  spiritual 

drs.  Autobiog.  Autog.  de  los  Padres,  MS.;  Sarria,  Inf.,  IS 17,  MS.,  63- 
9;  Payeras,  Inf.,  1S20,  MS.,  138.  Padre  Viader  was  a  large  man  of  line 
physique;  somewhat  reserved  and  stern  in  manner  with  strangers,  but  well 
liked  hy  all  acquaintances,  with  whom  his  manner  was  always  frank  and  courte- 
ous; very  strict  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  the  faith  and  religious  obervaiices, 
noted  for  the  size  of  the  crucifix  hanging  always  with  the  rosary  from  his 
girdle;  a  diligent  and  effective  man  of  business,  devoted  to  the  temporal  pros- 
perity of  his  mission,  and  not  always  impressed  with  the  sanctity  of  the  reve- 
nue laws.  His  diaries  of  two  expeditions  to  the  Rio  de  Merced  and  in  search 
of  sites  for  new  missions  in  1810  appear  in  my  list  of  authorities.  It  is  re- 
lated than  one  night  about  1814  while  going  to  attend  a  dying  neophyte  he 
was  attacked  by  tlrree  Ind.  who  tried  to  kill  him  but  were  instead  overcome 
by  his  great  physical  strength,  becoming  subsequently  the  padre's  faithful 
and  useful  allies.  In  1818  he  made  a  tour  to  S.  F.  and  S.  Rafael  as  secretary 
t>>  the  padre  prefecto.  In  1821  he  was  present  at  S.  Juan  Bautista  at  the 
1  rag  of  the  corner-stone  and  dedication  of  the  new  church.  In  1826  he  de- 
clined to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Swan  in  a  newspaper  sketch  often  re- 
]  i  <  1  mentions  the  valuable  services  attributed  to  Viader  in  connection 
with  the  drought  of  1823-30,  which  he  is  said  to  have  foretold.  In  early 
■  had  desired  to  retire,  but  had  consented  to  remain  at  the  request  of 
aiurs  and  neophytes.     Of   his  departure  in  1S33  on  the  coming  of  the 


SANTA  CLARA.  727 

cease  for  the  most  part  in  1832,  when  the  neophyte 
population  had  fallen  to  1,125,  being  possibly  800  in 
1834,  and  at  the  end  of  the  decade  about  290  with 
probably   150  scattered  in  the    district.23     Down   to 

Zacatecanos  we  have  no  details;  fcmt  in  Oct.  1835  Virmoncl  at  Mex.  wrote  of 
his  sale  arrival  at  Habana,  whence  he  probably  went  to  Spain. 

Rafael  de  Jesus  Moreno  was  a  Mexican  Franciscan  of  the  Guadalupe  col- 
lege, Zacatecas,  who  came  with  the  others  in  1833  and  served  at  Sta  Clara 
until  1839,  being  also  president  and  vice-prefect  of  the  Zacatecan  friars  in 
1836-8.  The  fact  that  he  was  chosen  for  so  responsible  a  position  indicates 
that  he  was  a  man  of  some  ability,  but  otherwise  no  information  direct  or  in- 
direct about  him  appears  in  any  records  that  I  have  seen.  He  died  on  June 
8,  1839,  at  Mission  San  Jos6  where  he  had  gone  for  his  health  a  little  earlier. 
Manuel  Jimeno  wrote  at  the  time  that  his  illness  was  caused  by  a  fit  of  anger, 
and  his  death  by  a  mercurial  potion  prescribed  by  an  English  doctor.  He 
was  buried  in  San  Jos6  mission  church  by  P.  Gonzalez  on  the  9th.  S.  Jos6,  Lib. 
Mis.,  MS.,  29-30. 

23  Sta  Clara  statistics  of  1831-2  (figures  for  1833-4  missing).  Decrease  of 
pop.,  1,226  to  1,125  (800  in  1834  according  to  Hall  and  Gleeson);  baptisms, 
55;  marriages,  34;  deaths,  155.  Increase  in  large  stock,  9,788  to  10,705 
(14,230  in  1834);  horses  and  mules,  788  to  765  (1,230  in  1834);  sheep,  8.000 
to  9,500  (15,000  in  1834).     Crops,  4,130  bush,  in  1831;  5,580  bush,  in  1832. 

Statistics  of  1835-40.  Mission  supplies  to  the  escolta  for  7  months  to 
April,  1S35,  $273.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  C.  <fc  T.,  MS.,  iii.  89.  To  S.  F.  pre- 
sidio, Jan. -Oct.,  $493.  Arch,  Ai*zob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  7.  1837.  Salary  list. 
Admin.  $1,500,  teacher  $500,  majordomo  $192,  tanner  $240,  clerk  $240,, 
besides  expenses  of  the  padre  and  supplies  to  the  com.  of  the  escolta.  St. 
Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vii.  30-1.  1839.  Receipts  for  year,  including  balance  in 
Jan.,  $23,385;  expend.,  $10,607.  Id.,  20-2.  Sept.  2d  property  available,  for 
trade  or  distribution,  5,620  cattle,  6,500  sheep,  353  horses,  30  swine,  1,686 
fan.  grain,  1,000  arr.  dried  meat,  500  arr.  wool,  347  arr.  tallow,  274  arr.  lard, 
415  hides,  and  other  articles,  no  value  given.  Id.,  28-9;  also  in  Hartnetl, 
JJiario,  MS.,  29,  where  the  number  of  Ind.  is  given  as  291.  Debt  in  March. 
$3,102,  credits  $3,917.  Debt  in  Sept.  $4,428.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vii.  30. 
The  admin,  bought  of  a  ship  $1,103  worth  of  goods  for  the  Ind.  without  per- 
mission, for  which  he  was  blamed.  Id.,  33;  Hartncll,  Diario,  MS.,  52.  184:9.. 
Roeeipts  (not  apparently  incl.  balance  of  Jan.)  $12,537,  expend.  $2,507.  St.. 
Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vii.  23-25.  May  15th,  inventory  of  property  turned  over 
by  Estrada  to  Alviso,  3,717  cattle,  218  horses,  4,837  sheep,  510  fan.  grain, 
20  arr.  taliow,  20  arr.  wool,  and  other  miscel.  articles,  no  value  givea;  debts 
$3,940.  Id.,  33-6;  Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  47-51.  The  chief  creditors;  being 
Mig.  Pedrorena  $1,496,  J.  A.  Aguirre  $1,379,  and  Titos  Shaw  $53."k 

Statistics  of  1777-1834.  Total  of  baptisms  8,640,  of  which  4,5.34  IndL 
adults,  3,177  Ind.  children,  6  and  923  de  razon;  annual  average  133.  Mar- 
riages 2,548,  of  which  182  de  razon.  Deaths  6,950,  of  which  4,152  Ind. 
adults,  2,329  Ind.  children,  137  and  332  do  razon;  annual  average  111;  aver- 
age death  rate  12.63  per  cent  of  pop.  Largest  pop.  1,541  (?)  irt  1795  (1,464  in 
1827);  males  largely  in  excess  of  females;  children  ^  to  '„.  Largest,  no.  of 
c:itde  14,500  in  1828;  horses  2,800  in  1811;  mules  45  in  1827;  sheep  15,500  in 
1323;  goats  500  in  1786;  swine  60  in  1820;  all  kinds,  30,93.3.  animals  in  1828.. 
Total  product  of  wheat  175,800  bush.,  yield  17  fold;  barley  21,270  bush.,, 
32  fold;  maize  46,450  bush.,  98  fold;  beans  5,500  bush.,  17  fold;  miscel. 
grains  11,400  bush.,  21  fold. 

Summary  of  events,  etc.  1831.  Visits  of  Gov.  Victoria.  This  vol.,  p. 
186-200.  Status  under  Echeandia's  decree  not  enforced.  Id.,  300-7.  Davis* 
Glimpses,  MS.,  44.,  speaks  of  a  slaughter  of  horses  early  in  this  decade^ 
1832.     P.  Viader  accused  of  buying  smuggLed  goods.  This  vol.,  365.     183;.L 


728  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

1834  there  was  a  gain  in  live-stock  and  the  crops 
were  large.  Secularization  was  effected  at  the  besrin- 
ning  of  1837  by  Ramon  Estrada,  who  served  as  ad- 
ministrator until  May,  1840,  when  he  was  succeeded 
by  Ignacio  Alviso.  The  inventories  of  the  transfer  I 
have  not  been  able  to  find;  but  lists  of  effects  in  1839- 
40  show  that  two  thirds  of  the  cattle  and  sheep  had 
disappeared,  and  apparently  all  other  available  proper- 
ty of  any  value.  This  had  been  one  of  the  richest 
establishments,  and  its  downfall  had  been  remarkably 
rapid. 


Viader  left  Cal.  and  was  succeeded  by  PP.  Garcia  Diego  and  Moreno.  Juan 
Prado  Mesa  was  com.  of  the  escolta  down  to  the  time  of  secularization. 
Escolta  involved  in  a  revolt  against  Vallejo  at  S.  F.  Id.,  248.  Aug.  7th, 
padre  complains  to  alcalde  that  the  neophytes  go  to  the  pueblo  and  get  drunk 
with  notable  prejudice  to  their  souls  and  bodies.  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  52. 
Lat.  and  long,  by  Douglas.  This  vol.,  404.  1834.  Sta  Clara,  with  the 
pueblo,  to  form  a  parish  of  1st  class  under  the  reglamento.  This  vol.,  p. 
348.  1835.  P.  Garcia  Diego  departs  at  end  of  the  year.  Jose"  Z.  Fernandez, 
teacher,  resigns  in  Sept.  Many  neophytes  were  given  licenses  of  emancipa- 
tion. Id. ,  354.  Specimen  of  March  9th,  the  Ind.  being  permitted  to  live  at 
Solano.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  iii.  17.  July.  Sale  of  liquor  forbidden.  Id., 
61.  Sept.  P.  Moreno  to  gov.,  says  that  if  they  go  on  granting  licenses,  the 
mission  will  soon  have  no  gente.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt.  ii.  14.  1836. 
Order  of  secularization  in  Dec.  Jose  Ramon  Estrada  appointed  comisionado. 
Vol.  iv.,  p.  47.  1837.  Estrada  took  possession  early  this  year  and  became 
administrador  as  well  as  comisionado;  but  in  some  documents  the  admin,  is 
called  Jose"  Mariano  Estrada.  March  13th.  Estrada  to  alcalde,  says  he  came 
as  admin,  and  not  as  executioner;  is  preparing  a  full  report;  something  must 
be  done  to  protect  the  poor  Ind.  The  killing  of  3  Ind.  is  referred  to.  S.  Jos6 
Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  28.  Vallejo's  visit  in  March;  interview  with  Alvarado  in 
June;  arrest  of  rebels.  This  vol.,  p.  513,  522,  525.  Belcher,  Voy.,  i.  117, 
says:  'The  mission  is  fast  falling  to  decay,  and  scarcely  common  civility  was 
shown  to  us.'  1838.  Earthquake  in  June.  Vol.  i v.,  p.  78.  1839.  The  gov- 
ernor's marriage.  This  vol. ,  iii.  593.  Jose  Pena,  teacher.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS., 
ix.  10.  March-April.  Order  to  send  3,000  sheep  to  Sonoma  as  a  loan  for  5 
years,  against  which  the  Ind.  protested,  and  the  sheep  were  not  sent.  St.  Pap., 
Miss.,  MS.,  ix.,  57-8;  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  475.  Two  of  the  sprightliest 
Ind.  delivered  to  the  schr  California  by  general's  order.  Id. ,  356.  July. 
Troubles  with  the  Indians,  several  killed.  Vol.  iv.,  p.  75-6.  In  Sept.  Hart- 
nell  found  the  Ind.  discontented,  clamorous  for  a  new  admin.,  complaining 
that  they  received  no  rations  or  clothing,  though  they  seemed  in  good  condi- 
tion. They  demanded  that  no  more  ranch os  should  be  granted  from  mission 
lands,  particularly  the  one  asked  for  by  Forbes,  S.  Miguel,  and  Paso  de  S. 
Francisquito  asked  for  by  Pina.  H.  thought  the  salary  of  $500  to  a  teacher 
for  6  or  8  small  children  should  be  saved.  Diario,  MS. ,  29-30.  1840.  Estrada 
was  succeeded  in  May  by  Ignacio  Alviso.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  vii.  33.  Sebastian 
Peralta,  majordomo.  July.  P.  Mercado  protests  against  an  order  to  search 
his  house  and  church,  for  music  to  celebrate  the  fiesta  of  independence.  Id., 
ix.  54-5.  Nov.  16.  No  produce  left  except  hides.  All  industries  suspended. 
Id.,  53.     Some  of  the  arrested  foreigners  confined  here.  Vol.  iv.,  p.  23. 


PUEBLO  OF  SAN  JOSE.  729 

The  pueblo  of  San  Jose  de  Guadalupe,  also  called 
San  Jose  de  Alvarado  after  1836  in  honor  of  the  gov- 
ernor, with  the  ranchos  of  its  jurisdiction,  increased 
in  population  from  540  at  the  beginning  of  the  decade 
to  750  at  the  end.24  Both  numbers  probably  included 
some  Indians,  and  there  are  no  means  of  determin- 
ing the  proportion  of  the  population  living  on  the 
ranchos  which  have  been  named  in  this  chapter. 
Municipal  affairs  continued  under  the  direction  of  an 
ayuntamiento  of  alcalde,  two  regidores,  and  a  sindico, 
elected  annually  until  1839.  The  successive  alcaldes 
were  Mariano  Duarte,  Ignacio  Ceballos,  Salvio  Pa- 
checo,  Pedro  Chabolla,  Antonio  M.  Pico,  Jose  M. 
Alviso,  Juan  Alvires,  and  Dolores  Pacheco.  Some 
details  are  appended.25      In  1839  the  ayuntamiento 

24  A  padron  of  1831  shows  a  pop.  of  524.  IlalVs  Hist.  S.J.,  118;  Sta  Clara- 
Co.  Hist,,  Atlas,  9;  and  several  newspaper  articles.  In  1833-4  the  census 
shows  602  souls,  of  which  number,  however,  171  were  Indians;  and  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  a  like  no.  in  other  padrones  were  Ind.,  though  there  is  no  indi- 
cation of  it.  The  602  did  not  include  7  families  who  it  was  thought  might 
belong  to  S.  F.  It  should  also  be  noticed  that  several  large  ranchos  of  what 
is  now  southern  Sta  Clara  Co.  were  in  the  Monterey  jurisdiction,  and  not  in- 
cluded in  these  lists.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  y  J.,  MS.,  i.  46.  1836.  List 
of  123  men  between  the  ages  of  15  and  50,  7  being  foreigners.  Vallejo,  Doc, 
MS.,  xxiii.  22.  Feb.  1,  1S40,  pop.  939.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  J.,  MS.,  vii.  18. 
1841,  pop.  936.  S.  Jose,  Padron,  MS.  This  padron  seems  to  include  no 
Indians;  but  it  does  include  the  contra  costa  inhabitants,  about  150  in  num- 
ber. There  is  some  doubt  about  my  figures  for  1830  (see  vol.  ii.,  p.  602),  the 
pop.  of  540  perhaps  including  Indians. 

25  Municipal  government,  list  of  officials,  and  criminal  record  of  S.  Jose\ 
1831.  Alcalde  Mariano  Duarte;  regidores  Leandro  Flores,  Antonio  Rodri- 
guez, and  Fernando  F6lix;  sindico  Jose  Luis  Chabolla,  secretary  Jose"  Reyes 
Kerreyesa,  depositario  Luis  Peralta.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS.,  lxxiii.  14- 
19.  1832.  Alcalde  Ignacio  Ceballos;  regidores  (probably  Felix  or  Rodriguez 
holding  over)  and  Joaquin  Higuera.  Castro,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  8;  S.  J.  Arch.,  MS., 
i.  41;  ii.  55.  Sec.  Salvio  Pacheco.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  J".,  MS.,  iv.  105.  Aug. 
Jos6  el  Cantor  to  be  sent  to  Mont.  Sept.,  the  mail  of  the  22d  of  each  month 
suspended,  leaving  that  of  the  11th.  Id.,  105-6. 

1833.  Alcalde  Salvio  Pacheco;  regidores  (Joaquin  Higuera)  and  Maximo 
Martinez  (Sebastian  Peralta  also  called  regidor);  sec.  Jos6  Berreyesa,  juez  de 
campo  Francisco  Palomares;  Luis  Peralta  mentioned  as  juez  de  paz  (?),  An- 
tonio M.  Pico  '  majordomo  de  propios. '  S.  J.  Arch.,  v.  i. ;  vi.  10;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  S.  J.,  MS.,  iv.  132,  138.  Feb.,  guardia  and  jail  to  be  repaired;  mean- 
while prisoners  to  be  sent  to  Sta  Clara.  No  one  to  be  allowed  to  cut  down 
trees  in  the  alameda.  March,  ayunt.  funds  to  be  used  for  the  purchase  of 
powder  and  lead.  Dec.  surplus  funds  ( !)  to  be  sent  to  the  govt  at  Mont. 
The  number  of  regidores  cannot  be  increased  at  present.  Id.,  115-16,  140. 
Aug.,  lands  delfondo  to  be  given  to  the  most  industrious;  not  to  be  taken 
from  owners,  but  the  latter  must  cultivate  or  rent  them.  Id.,  121;  Id.,  Ben., 
P.  db  J.,  vi.  13.  Sept.,  the  ayunt.  has  no  power  to  compel  vagrants  to  work 
for  the  public.    Id.,  15.     Antonio  Chabolla  to  be  allowed  to  cultivate  the 


730  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

was  dissolved  here  as  elsewhere,  and  Dolores  Pacheco 
served  as  juez  de  paz  in   1839-40.     The  jurisdiction 

of  the  avuntamiento   extended   after   1834  from  the 

t/ 

Yerba  Baena  ejidos  without  prejudice  to  tbe  common  use  of  wood,  water, 
etc.  Id.,  S.  J.,  iv.  137;  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  412. 

1834.  Alcalde  Pedro  Chabolla;  regidores  Maximo  and  Ignacio  Martinez 
(the  election  of  Tomas  Pacheco  being  declared  null),  sec.  Salvio  Pacheco,  and 
Jose"  Fernandez  from  July.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  S.  J.,  MS.,  ix.  142,  146,  148,  155. 
Alcalde  permitted  by  gov.  to  go  to  S.  Rafael  for  6  days;  a  regidor  must  be 
punished  like  any  other  man,  and  cannot  leave  town  without  permission. 
Id.,  148,  151.  May  loth,  municipal  regulations  issued  by  the  alcalde.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  1C3-G.  Citizens  not  to  go  in  pursuit  of  horse  thieves, 
except  in  company  with  troops.  Id.,  S.  /.,  iv.  143.  June  12th,  Sec.  Zamo- 
rano  reports  that  the  civil  and  political  jurisdiction  of  (por  parte  del)  the 
pueblo  of  S.  Jos6  has  always  been  understood  to  extend  'from  the  Laguna 
rancho  to  Sta  Clara,  and  on  the  other  side  comprising  ail  the  ranchos  as  far 
as  the  strait  of  Carquines,  toward  the  villa  de  Branciforte  as  far  as  the  sum- 
mit of  the  sierra  which  divides  them.'  St.  Pap.,  M.  <£•  C,  MS.,  ii.  218.  And 
on  June  28th  the  gov.  fixes  the  limits,  not  very  clearly,  as  follows:  'The 
demarcation  toward  the  pueblo  of  S.  Jose"  Guadalupe  will  begin  from  the 
line  fixed  for  that  of  S.  F.  at  the  rancho  of  the  Castros '  (S.  Lorenzo  and  S. 
Leandro?  but  these  ranchos  not  included)  'from  the  missions  of  Sta  Clara  and 
S.  Jos(3  and  the  said  rancho  and  settlements  (congregaciones)  of  the  centre  as 
far  as  la  gentilidad  toward  the  tulares,  following  the  cordillera  and  the 
valley  to  the  Laguna  rancho,  near  the  sierra  of  Sta  Cruz,  the  summit  of  which 
will  serve  as  dividing  line  between  S.  Jose"  and  Branciforte.'  Id. ,  220. 

1835.  Alcalde  Antonio  Maria  Pico;  regidores  (Ignacio  Martinez)  and 
Leandro  Rochin,  sindico  Luis  Chabolla,  sec.  Jos6  Berreyesa,  depositario 
Jose'  Noriega.  Jan.  15th.  municipal  and  police  regulations  in  21  articles. 
St.  Pap.  Sac,  MS.,  xi.  23-9.  Petition  of  inhab.  of  Contra  Costa  to  be 
transferred  from  S.  F.  jurisdiction  to  that  of  S.  Jose\  This  vol.,  p.  291. 

1836.  Alcalde  Jose"  Maria  Alviso;  regidores  (Leandro  Rochin)  and  Nico- 
las Berreyesa,  sindico  Francisco  Archuleta,  sec.  Jose  Berreyesa.  Record  of 
elections  Dec.  13,  21,  1835,  in  Castro,  Doc,  MS.,  i.  23-5.  March,  padre  com- 
plains that  men  at  S.  Ignacio  rancho  sell  liquor  to  the  Ind.  S.  Jose,  Arch. ,  MS. , 
i.  11.  Sept.  10th,  meeting  of  ayunt.  to  complain  of  the  padres  of  S.  Jos6  and 
Sta  Clara  who  put  obstacles  in  the  way  of  justice  and  assumed  authority 
not  belonging  to  them;  it  was  voted  to  call  on  the  gov.  to  oblige  the  padres 
to  give  up  to  the  court  two  Ind.  offenders,  Mateo  and  Estanislao.  St.  Pap., 
M.  &C,  MS.,  ii.  367-8.  Only  one  prisoner  in  June.  In  Feb.  the  alcalde 
was  excused  from  serving  by  the  gov.,  but  no  successor  is  named.  Dcpt.  St. 
Pap.,  S.  J.,  MS.,  iv.  113;  v.  9. 

1837.  Alcalde  Juan  Al vires;  regidores  (Nicolas  Berreyesa)  and  John 
Burton.  Antonio  Rodriguez  is  also  mentioned  in  Nov.  as  alcalde  (?).  Sta  Cruz 
Arch.,  MS.,  44.  Burton  acted  as  juez  much  of  the  year.  Jan.  15th,  muni- 
cipal regulations  published  by  the  ayunt.  Vallcjo,  Doc,  MS.,  xxxii.  68. 
Dec.  21st,  nine  citizens  for  all  petitioned  that  no  grants  of  land  should  be 
made  until  the  pueblo  lands  could  be  marked  out.  A  petition  for  the  assign- 
ing of  these  lands  was  sent  to  the  gov.  on  the  23d  by  the  alcalde;  and  on 
the  24th  the  gov.  authorized  the  ayunt.  to  appoint  a  commission  to  make  a 
m;ip.  Hall's  J  list.  S.  J.,  125  et  seq. 

1838.  Alcalde  Dolores  Pacheco.  No  other  member  of  the  ayunt.  named. 
In  March  the  ayunt.  appointed  Guillermo  Castro,  Wm  Gulnac,  and  Salvio  Pa- 
checo as  eomisionados  to  survey  the  pueblo  lands,  which  they  did  with  all 
due  formalities,  and  the  map  and  report  were  sent  to  the  gov. ;  but  there  is  no 
evidence  of  any  subsequent  confirmation.  According  to  this  survey,  some  of 
the  original    landmarks  had  been   incorrectly  placed.     Full  account  of  the 


SAX  JOSE  D£  GUADALUPE.  731 

ranchos  of  San  Leanclro  and  LasPulgas  in  the  north, 
to  Laoruna  Seca  in  the  south,  excluding  all  these  ran- 
chos,  and  from  the  summit  of  the  Santa  Cruz  moun- 
tains eastward  to  the  tulares.  That  of  the  juzgado 
from  1839  included  also  in  a  sense  the  contra  costa 
ranchos  up  to  Carquines  strait,  since  the  juez  of  that 
district  was  auxiliary  to  him  of  San  Jose  and  not  of 
San  Francisco.  San  Jose  was  also  made  temporarily 
cabecera  of  the  partido,  but  no  sub-prefect  was  ap- 

survey  and  lines  adopted  in  Hall's  Hist.  8.  J.,  125-32.  Munic.  receipts  and 
expend.,  $326.  S.  J.  Arch.,  loose  pap.,  59. 

1830.  Alcalde  Jose  Noriega;  regidores  Tomas  Paeheco  and  Wm  Gulnac, 
sfndico  Diego  Forbes,  sec.  Jose  Z.  Fernandez,  comisario  de  policia  Anas- 
tasio  Cortes.  In  accordance  with  an  order  of  June  15th,  the  ayunt.  dissolved 
itself  on  the  18th;  and  Dolores  Paeheco  took  charge  of  municipal  affairs  as 
juez  de  paz.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  J.,  MS.,  v.  2G;  Gomez,  Doc,  MS.,  40. 
Jose"  Z.  Fernandez  was  at  the  same  time  appointed  juez  de  paz  suplente,  and 
in  July  Antonio  SufSol  was  appointed  sindico,  or  treasurer  of  the  juzgado,  and 
Pedro  Mesa  now  or  earlier  was  juez  de  campo.  Jan.  29th.  Prefect  to  gov. 
complains  of  the  citizens  who  are  accustomed  to  sign  a  threatening  protest 
against  any  act  of  the  ayunt.  that  does  not  please  them,  which  does  great 
harm.  8.  J.  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  2G.  March.  Record  of  elections;  certain  vo- 
cales  who  did  not  attend  were  fined  $2  each;  names  of  officers  and  primary 
electors  given;  elector  de  partido,  Jose  Fernandez,  suplente  Salvio  Paeheco. 
Id.,  vi.  54— G.  March  14th.  Ayunt.  petitions  gov.  that  S.  Jose  be  made 
cabecera  of  the  partido  instead  of  San  Francisco.  Action  on  this  matter  was 
postponed;  but  in  Sept.  S.  Jose  was  declared  temporarily  the  cabecera. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  249;  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  398;  8.  Jose  Arch., 
MS.,  ii.  18.  April.  A  soldier  arrested  and  fined  by  the  alcalde.  Gen.  Va- 
llejo decides  that  he  had  no  right  to  do  it  and  the  fine  need  not  be  paid. 
Va'/ejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  357.  Prefect  thinks  two  jueces  de  paz  needed  in 
town,  and  another  if  the  contra  costa  ranchos  are  added  to  the  jurisdiction. 
8.  J.  Arch.,  MS.  iii.  28.  Capt.  Salvio  Paeheco  of  the  civic  guard  was  put 
under  arrest  for  offensive  expressions  in  a  letter  to  Gen.  Vallejo;  but  at  the 
same  time  was  required  to  go  to  Mont,  as  elector,  being  obliged  to  resume 
his  state  of  arrest  on  return.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,  vi.  493.  May.  Criminal 
proceedings  against  an  Iud.  girl  and  her  accomplice  for  killing  an  Ind.  at 
Milpitas.  D''pt.  St.  Pap.,  S.  J.,  vii.  13.  Another  against  Jose  J.  Castro  for 
killing  Anastasio  Cortes  in  a  gambling  quarrel.  Id.,  17.  June.  Smdico's  re- 
port of  receipts  and  expend.,  8134.  S.  J.  Arch.,  loose  pap.,  MS.,  19;  for 
next  six  mo.,  receipts  $237,  expend.  $199.  Id.,  17.  July  30th.  Police  reg- 
ulations. S.  J.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  G2. 

1840.  Juez  de  paz  Dolores  Paeheco,  suplente  Jose"  Z.  Fernandez,  sindico 
probably  Suilol.  In  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  49,  is  a  report  of  Sec.  Fernan- 
dez of  an  election  of  Dec.  19,  1S39,  of  Antonio  M.  Pico  and  Felix  Buelnaas  1st 
and  2d  alcalde  (?).  June  14th.  Alcalde  calls  attention  to  the  law  that  all  but 
owners  and  servants  living  on  ranchos  must  belong  to  the  nearest  town;  there- 
fore  proprietors  must  dismiss  all  agregados  under  penalty  of  a  fine  of  30  reals. 
Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  21.  March  1st.  Sindico 's  account,  expenses  $299, 
receipts  in  taxes  and  fines,  $343.  S.  J.  Arch.,  loose  pap.,  22.  May  2d. 
Juez  sends  (again?)  to  gov.  the  plan  and  expediente  of  the  town  ejidos.  S.  J. 
Arch.,  MS.,  3G.  June  4th.  Sends  li.cjt  of  foreigners  in  the  jurisdiction.  II. , 
39.  July  4th.  Gov.  tells  the  juez  of  contra  costa  that  he  is  auxiliary  to  the 
juez  de  partido  of  S.  Josd.  Dept.  Rcc,  xi.  17. 


732  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

pointed  till  after  1840.  The  record  of  events  in  town 
for  the  decade  is  well  nigh  a  blank,  though  I  append 
the  summary.26  Of  industrial  progress  we  know 
nothing  beyond  the  increase  in  population  for  the  ju- 
risdiction as  already  given,  and  the  fact  that  the  sum 
of  §2,000  was  spent  on  a  church.  No  visitors  during 
this  period  have  furnished  either  descriptive  matter 
or  narratives  of  their  visits.  The  people  took  but 
slight  part  in  the  revolutionary  and  sectional  warfare 
of  1836-8;  but  raiding  bands  of  Indian  horse-thieves 
furnished  constant  material  for  excitement  and  semi- 
military  ardor,  most  of  the  vecinos  enrolling  them- 
selves in  two  companies  of  militia. 

20  Summary  and  index  of  events,  etc.  1831.  Part  taken  by  S.  Jose" 
against  Gov.  Victoria;  trial  of  Alcalde  Duarte;  adhesion  to  the  S.  Diego  plan. 
This  vol.,  p.  187-8,  194-5,  212.  1832.  Slight  part  taken  in  the  Zamorano 
revolt.  Id.,  223-4.  1833.  Expedition  against  the  Moquelumnes  Ind.  Id., 
339,  394.  1835.  Slight  reference  to  exped.  against  Ind.  horse-thieves.  S. 
Jose  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  40;  Palomares,  Mem.,  MS.,  1-13.  In  June  Padre  More- 
no informed  the  gov.  that  he  was  building  a  pueblo  church  with  contributions 
from  the  citizens  etc. ,  and  asked  for  the  tithes  for  this  purpose.  Figueroa  in 
reply  sent  a  libranza  of  $30  as  a  personal  contribution,  and  authorized  the 
people  to  devote  their  tithes  to  the  building  fund,  though  the  payment  of 
tithes  was  no  longer  obligatory.  There  was  some  additional  correspondence, 
and  in  1838  Gen.  Vallejo  also  authorized  the  use  of  the  tithes;  but  it  does  not 
appear  that  any  funds  were  obtained  from  this  source  until  1839,  in  which 
year  $2,050  were  received  and  expended.  In  1840  Gov.  Alvarado  renewed 
the  concession,  and  in  July  the  work  was  still  going  on.  Arch. ,  Arzob. ,  MS. ,  y. 
pt.  ii.  9-10,  29;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  v.  6;  Id.,  S.  J.,  iv.  170;  Gomez,  Doc,  MS., 
29,38;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  v.  206;  xxxii.  353;  xxxiii.  176;  S.J.  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  32,36. 
1S36.  Alvarado  here  preparing  for  revolution.  This  vol.,  p.  456.  1836-40. 
Ind.  affairs,  including  one  or  more  expeditions  and  raids  in  nearly  every  year. 
Vol.  iv.  74-6.  1837-  Reoruiting  a  militia  force.  This  vol.,  p.  511.  Trou- 
bles connected  with  the  arrest  of  A.  M.  Pico.  Id.,  513-14,  523-7.  Rumors 
of  conspiracy  in  Nov.  Id.,  573.  There  were  two  militia  companies  organized 
at  S.  Josd,  each  of  44  men,  rank  and  file.  The  officers  of  the  1st  were  capt. 
Salvio  Pacheco,  lieut  A.  M.  Pico  and  Guillermo  Castro,  alf.  Tom  as  Pacheco 
and  Jos6  M.  Alviso  Jr. ;  and  of  the  2d,  Capt.  Jos6  M.  Alviso,  lieut.  Agustin 
Bernal  and  Ignacio  Martinez,  alf.  Inocencio  Romero  and  Fulgencio  Higuera 
Capt.  Jesus  Vallejo  was  mil.  comandante.  Vallejo,  Doc,  MS.,'  xxiv.  8,  9; 
S.  J.  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  26.  The  force  was  dissolved  in  1840.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.,  P.  &  J.,  MS.,  iii.  13.  1838.  Earthquake  in  June,  a  house  shaken 
down.  Vol.  iv.  p.  78.  Aug.,  Juan  Carrasco  found  dead  of  hunger  at  Arroyo 
Mocho.  S.  J.  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  32.  Nov.,  celebration  of  news  of  accession  of 
Alvarado  and  Vallejo.  This  vol.,  p.  577.  1840.  Arrest  of  foreigners.  Vol. 
iv.  p.  11.  Ind.  making  trouble  at  Sutter's.  Id.,  138.  Douglas,  Journal, 
MS.,  88,  estimates  the  exports  of  hides,  tallow,  and  grain  at  $S0,000. 


PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 
1542-1848, 

CONTINUED  ALPHABETICALLY  FROM  VOLUME   II. 

Fabbol,  1845,  one  of  Fremont's  men  '45-7.  iw~583.  Fabregat  (Narciso), 
1819,  Span,  lieut  of  the  Mazatlan  cavalry,  who  served  chiefly  at  Sta  B.,  being 
often  mentioned  in  the  military  records  down  to  '30;  being  suspended  for  a 
time  in  '27-S  on  account  of  his  Span,  birth,  though  he  took  the  oath  and  gave 
no  cause  of  suspicion;  retired  from  mil.  service  in  '33.  ii.  254,  336,  3G1,  441, 
533-4,  572-3,  575,  C75;  iii.  51-3.  In  '29  he  was  07  years  old,  had  been  three 
times  married,  had  a  daughter  in  Sin.  to  whom  he  allowed  one  third  of  his 
pay,  and  two  small  children  by  his  last  wife.  He  became  a  trader  at  Sta  B., 
and  in  '43  was  grantee  of  the  Catera  or  Pozitas  rancho.  iii.  6oo;  iv.  642;  ment. 
in  '44.  iv,  408.  I  have  no  later  record  than  '45,  but  think  the  old  lieut  was 
murdered  by  robbers  soon  after  '48. 

Fages  (Pedro),  1769,  Span,  lieut  of  Catalan  volunteers,  who  accomp.  the 
1st  exped.  as  com.  of  the  forces  that  came  by  sea;  mil.  com.  of  Cal.  July  '70 
to  May  '74,  being  capt.  from  '71;  came  back  as  gov.  and  com.  gen.  of  Cal. 
Sept.  '82  to  April  '91,  being  colonel  from  '89;  in  the  city  of  Mex.  '94,  the  date 
of  his  death  not  being  known.  See  biog.  i.  481-7;  his  Voyar/e  and  other  writ- 
ings, i.  list  of  auth.,  141,  396,  408,  443,  486;  mention  '69-74,  including  his 
explor.  of  S.F.  Bay  and  his  quarrels  with  P.  Serra.  i.  117,  119,  128,  131,  134, 
136,  140-1,  147,  151,  153,  168-9,  171-2,  175-6,  178-9,  181-92,  195-6,  207,210, 
213,  215,  217-19,  223,  225-7,  229,  231-2,  245,  283-6,  290,  386,  671;  ii.  44; 
ment.  in  '81-2,  including  his  appt  as  gov.  and  operations  on  the  Colorado,  i. 
363,  366-70,  373,  376,  378,  383-5;  mention  in  1783-90,  gen.  record,  includ. 
family  troubles,  i.  387-408;  mission  affairs  during  his  rule.  i.  409-25;  foreign 
relations  and  commerce,  i.  426-49;  occasional  ment.  in  con.  with  local  mat- 
ters, i.  450-80;  1791-2,  end  of  rule,  departure,  biog.  i.  481-7;  additional  ref- 
erences, i.  492,  534,  583,  005,  009,  619,  625,  661-2,  666-7;  ii.  44.  Don  Pedro 
was  a  central  figure  in  early  Calif ornian  annals;  his  character  has  been  to  me 
a  most  attractive  one;  but  I  refer  the  reader  to  i.  486-7,  for  my  views  on  the 
subject.       Fagins  (Lucius).  1847,  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot. 

Fairbanks  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  at  Payson,  Utah,  '82. 
F.  (W.R. ),  1843,  nat.  of  Vt,  who  came  by  sea  with  his  cousins,  named  Hey- 
man,  at  the  age  of  10;  in  the  mines  to  ^Bo;  10  years  in  N.Y.;  at  Tomales  '80 
with  wife,  Belinda  Scanlan,  and  4  children.  Marin  Co.  Hist.,  493.  Fairchild 
(Ephraim),  1847,  prob.  overl.  immig.  v.  556;  blacksmith  and  wagon-make:', 
who  worked  at  N.  Helv.  '47-9;  at  Sac.  in  '71.  F.  (Win  H.),  1846,  connected 
with  the  Mormon  settlement  on  the  Stanislaus  in  '46-7,  though  prob.  not  a 
Mormon;  settled  at  Stockton  '47;  county  surveyor  and  supervisor  '78-9. 
Fairfax  (D.M. ),  1847,  mid.  on  the  Columbus,  acting  master  of  the  Erie.  Fair- 
field (Levi),  1848,  miner  from  whom  Gov.  Mason  obtained  specimens  of  gold. 
Fala  (Francis),  1847,  owner  of  lot  at  S.F.  Fales  (Bounty),  1846-7,  doubtful 
name,  Cal.  claims  (v.  462).  Falker  (Joseph  K.),  1844,  Amer.  who  got  a 
pass  for  1  year.  Falkner  (E.R.),  1848,  clerk  of  Starky,  Junion,  &  Co.  at  i  . 
F.  Fallet  (1847),  at  N.  Helv.  Fallon  (Daniel),  1826,  mr  of  the  Adam.  iii. 
145.  F.  (D.),  1846-7,  in  list  of  Cal.  claims  (v.  462).  F.  (Jeremiah),  1847, 
owner  of  S.F.  lot;  also  at  S.  Jose\ 

Fallon  (Thomas),  1844,  Canadian  generally  said  to  have  come  with  Fre- 
mont, though  there  is  some  doubt  in  the  matter,  iv.  453;  also  said  by  the 
county  histories  to  have  lived  for  a  lime  in  Butte  Co.  The  earliest  original 

1733} 


734  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

records  of  his  presence  arc  in  Oct. -Nov.  '45,  when  he  was  at  Branciforte,  age 
26.  In  '40  he  took  part  in  enlisting  men  south  of  the  bay  to  cooperate  with  the 
Bear  filibusters,  v.  137;  and  in  Juiy,  being  known  as  'captain,'  raised  the  U. 
8.  flag  at  S.  Josd.  v.  2-15-0.  Later  in  '46-7  be  served  in  Co.  F,  Cal.  Cat.,  en- 
listing at  S.  Juan  in  Oct.  (v.  358);  several  times  named  in  the  N.  IIclv.  Diary 
'43-7;  in  the  list  of  Cal.  claimants  (v.  402);  in  '4S-9  a  successful  miner;  mayor 
of  S.  Jose  in  '51;  absent  in  Texas  '52-4;  later  a  capitalist  of  S.F.  and  S.  Jos<5, 
where  he  still  lives  in  '85.  His  1st  wife,  by  whom  he  had  5  children,  was,  I 
think,  a  daughter  of  Michael  Lodge,  the  Irish  pioneer  of  '22.  She  obtained  a 
divorce,  as  did  the  2d  wife;  and  in  '84-5  the  amorous  old  captain  had  to  pay 
damages  in  a  breach-of -promise  suit.  F.  (Win  O.),  1845,  Irish  trapper, 
known  as  '  Mountaineer,'  '  Big,'  or  ;  Le  Gros '  Fallon,  who  came  fromN.  Mex. 
With  a  party  of  which  little  is  known,  and  in  Feb.  '45  took  part  with  the 
Calif,  against  Micheltorena  in  the  south,  iv.  495,  587.  In  Aug.  he  was  at  N. 
Ilelv.  intending  to  start  soon  for  the  states;  early  in  '40  he  found  Fremont's 
men  in  the  S.  Joaq.  Val.  v.  0;  in  June  joined  the  Bears  in  the  capture  of  So- 
noma, and  his  signature  appears  in  the  original  procl.  of  June  14th  in  my 
j)ossession.  v.  110,  114.  He  served  prob.  in  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  and  had 
a  Cal.  claim  of  $50  for  a  mule  (v.  402);  was  a  member  of  the  4th  Donner  re- 
lief, and  his  diary,  published  in  the  Star,  was  the  foundation  of  the  absurd 
charges  against  Keseburg.  v.  541-3.  He  went  east  with  Gen.  Kearny  as  guide, 
v.  452;  and  in  the  S.F.  Calif,  of  Sept.  2,  '48,  we  read  that  lie  had  started  alone 
from  Ft  Llall  for  Cal. ,  and  it  was  feared  he  had  been  killed  by  Ind. 

Falls  (Richard  J.),  1840,  nat.  of  N.Y. ;  sergtCo.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons,  who 
served  under  Kearny  at  S.  Pascual,  the  S.  Gabriel,  and  the  Mesa  '40-7.  v. 
347.  He  remained  in  Cal.  after  his  disch.,  living  on  a  Napa  farm  till  '02,  when 
he  went  east  to  serve  in  the  war  with  distinction  and  wounds  for  3  years,  ris- 
ing to  the  rank  of  colonel.  Returning  to  Cal.  he  was  in  '09  an  officer  in  the 
custom-house;  and  in  '83-5  a  sergt  of  police  in  S.  F.  His  daughter,  Ivy  I. 
Falls,  was  appointed  postmistress  at  Vallejo  in  '09.  Famin  (Ign.),  1847, 
doubtful  name  of  an  Englishman  at  N.  Helv. 

Famrier  (M.),  184G,  doubtful  name  of  the  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  35S).  Fanning 
(H.F.),  1847,  resid.  of  Stockton.  Tinkham.  F.  (R.C.),  1S4G,  Co.  F,  Cal. 
Bat.  (v.  358);  enlist  at  S.  Juan,  Oct.  Farias  (Jose  Maria),  settler  at  Los 
Ang.  '15.  ii.  350;  still  there  '39-48.  F.  (Santiago),  1827,  Scotchman,  bapt. 
at  S.  Diego;  prob.  James  'McFerion,'  q.v.  Farley  (Anderson),  1840,  Co.  F, 
Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  prob.  an  overl.  immig.,  el.  for  a  Napa  rancho  '52.  F. 
(Geo.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  at  The  Dalles,  Or.,  '82.  F.,  1840, 
said  by  Lancey  to  have  come  with  Kearny;  owner  of  a  S.  F.  lot  '47.  F. 
(John  F.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  died  at  Portland,  Or.,  '09.  Hist. 
Or.,  i.  030.  F.  (John  G.),  1847,  father  of  John  F.,  Co.  B,  N.Y. Vol.;  d.  S.F. 
'49.  F.  (Thos  P.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y. Vol.;  at  Portland,  Or.,  '82.  Farnesio 
(Francisco),  1805,  priest  from  Manila,  at  Mont.,  sent  to  Mex.  ii.  31,  1G0. 

Farnham  (Thos  Jefferson),  1840,  nat.  of  Me,  who  came  overl.  to  Or.  in  '39, 
and  to  Cal.  via  Honolulu  on  the  Don  Quixote,  returning  east  by  S.  Bias  and 
across  Mex.,  and  writing  books  on  Or.,  Mex.,  and  Cal.  as  a  result.  See  iii. 
080;  iv.  2,  4,  0-7,  10,  15-17,  25-8,  95,  103,  117,  120,  150-7,  192,  206.  F.  was 
a  lawyer  of  some  ability,  and  a  writer  of  somewhat  fertile  imagination.  His 
work  on  Cal.  is  criticised  elsewhere  in  this  work;  here  it  must  suffice  to  say 
that  in  all  those  parts  resting  on  his  own  observations  it  is  worthless  trash, 
and  in  all  that  relates  to  the  Californian  people  a  tissue  of  falsehoods.  He 
came  back  to  Cal.  in  '47 — perhaps  in  '40,  as  he  took  part  in  a  public  meeting 
at  S.F.  in  June  '47,  v.  455— and  died  at  S.  F.  in  Sept.  '48,  age  42.  He  left  a, 
widow  and  3  children  in  N.Y.  The  former,  Eliza  W.  Farnham,  came  to  Cal. 
by  sea  in  '50,  and  in  '50  published  her  California  Indoors  and  Out,  a  pleasing 
picture  of  life  on  the  Pacific  coast.  She  was  a  woman  bent  on  doing  the  world 
as  much  good  as  possible,  and  one  of  her  hobbies  was  Jbhe  bringing  eastern 
girh  to  Cal.  in  quest  of  husbands.  She  died  in  '04  at  the  age  of  49.  Farns- 
worth  (J.B.),  1839,  Engl,  at  Mont.  ace.  to  newsp.  item  of '72.  F.  (J.M.), 
1840,  doubtful  memb.  of  the  Mormon  col.  v.  547.       Farnum,  1S48,  mr  of  a 


FARNUM— FELIX.  735 

vessel  at  Sta  Cruz  and  Mont.       Farr  (Philip),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
d.  at  Dutch  Flat  '83. 

Farwell  (Edward  Augustus),  1842,  Boston  printer  and  sailor  who  came 
from  Honolulu  with  Capt.  Cooper  on  the  California,  perhaps  as  mate,  with 
letters  from  Reynolds  to  Larkin,  age  27.  iv.  341.  In  '43  he  was  naturalized, 
and  in  '44  got  a  grant  of  the  Arroyo  Chico  rancho,  Butte  Co.  iv.  G70;  I  have 
a  letter  of  '45  from  his  brother  Joseph  R.  in  Bost.  to  the  U.S.  consul  asking 
for  information  about  him.  He  went  east  overl.  in  '45,  seeking  relief  from 
weak  eyes,  returning  in  '48;  was  for  a  time  in  charge  of  Sutter's  launch  run- 
ning on  the  Sac,  and  died  at  S.  F.  in  Jan.  '49.  P.  (James),  1840,  doubtful 
name  in  Farnham's  list  of  arrested  foreigners,  iv.  17.  Fatoute  (Ezra),  1847, 
Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  4G9);  reenl.  Faucon  (Edward  H.),  1835,  mr  of  the 
Boston  ships  Atert  and  Pilgrim  '35-7.  iii.  38 If 383;  iv.  105,  141.  Wm  H. 
Tliomes  informs  me  that  Capt.  F.  is  still  living  in  Mass.  '85.  Fauffer  (Jo- 
hann),  1847,  musician  of  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Wash.  '64.  Faulkner  (James 
Y.),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  atS.  Jose  '50  and  74;  S.F.  '71;  in  Or.  '78. 

Fauntleroy  (Daingerfield),  1844,  nat.  of  Va,  b.  1799;  capt.  of  state  militia 
about  1838;  purser  U.S.N,  from  '33;  on  the  Savannah  '44-7.  iv.  453.  The 
service  that  has  made  him  best  known  in  Cal.  was  as  capt.  of  a  comp.  of  vol- 
unteer dragoons  to  which  was  intrusted  the  preservation  of  order  in  the 
Mont,  district  July-Sept.  '46,  F.  commanding  the  garrison  of  S.  Juan  B.  and 
making  an  exped.  against  hostile  Ind.  v.  232,  247-8,  254,  293-4.  Died  at 
Pensacola  navy-yard  in  '53.  His  son  W.H.F.,  in  interviews  and  letters  of 
'77,  being  then  in  S.F.,  gave  me  information  about  his  father's  life. 

Faura  (Jose"),  1798,  Span,  friar  who  served  12  years  as  missionary  at  S. 
Luis  Rey  and  S.  Juan  Cap.  Biog.  ii.  110;  ment.  i.  564,  577,  654,  657;  ii.  110, 
159-60.  Faust  (John  B.),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  v.  685;  in  May  intending 
to  start  from  Sonoma  with  a  party  to  explore  Trinidad  Bay;  in  March  '48 
digging  wells  at  Benicia.  v.  673;  d.  at  the  Yuba  mines  Aug.  18th.  Faus- 
tino,  1845,  leader  in  a  disturbance  at  Los  Ang.  iv.  523.  Fautrel,  1837,  mr 
of  the  Nancy,  iv.  105.  Faxon  (Wm.  T.),  1840,  Amer.  trader  who  came  by 
sea  and  took  charge  of  Larkin's  store  at  Mont.  '41.  iv.  120.  He  went  to  Hon.  in 
'42  but  returned  in  '44,  his  name  frequently  occurring  in  commercial  corresp. 
He  left  the  country  on  the  California  in  '46,  and  in  a  later  letter  Capt.  Ar- 
ther  gave  a  very  unfavorable  report  of  his  conduct  on  the  voyage. 

Febiger  (Geo.  Carson),  1846,  lieut  on  the  Dale,  on  land  service  at  S.F. 
F.  (John  C),  1846,  passed  mid.  on  the  Dale;  at  Wash.  '78.  Foil  (J.),  1837, 
owner  of  S.F.  lot.  iii.  705;  doubtful  name.  Feliciano  (Alejo),  1777,  sir- 
viente  at  S.F.  i.  297.  Felipe,  executed  at  Sta.  B.  '24.  F.  (A.),  1848, 
passp.  from  Hon. 

FClix,  see  list  in  i.  735-6  of  those  who  came  before  1800.  Felix  (Anas- 
tasio),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  F.  (Antonio),  at  Los  Ang.  '39,  age  28.  F.  (Anto- 
nio), soldier  at  S.F.  '44,  age  21.  F.  (Diego),  at  Mont.  '36,  age  26,  wife 
Maria  del  Rosario,  child  Andre's;  maj.  at  San  Antonio  '39.  iii.  688;  executed 
for  the  murder  of  his  wife  '40.  iii.  676.  F.  (Dolores),  alf6rez  of  cavalry  at 
Mont.  '45.  iv.  652.  Still  at  Mont.  '48.  F.  (Domingo),  murdered  by  his  wife 
and  her  paramour  at.  Los  Ang.  '36,  a  crime  that  resulted  in  the  1st  Cal.  vig- 
ilance com.  iii.  417-19,  631.  F.  (Domingo),  militia  scrgt  at  S.F.  '37  and 
later;  owner  of  S.F.  lot  '43,  and  grantee  of  S.  Mateo  rancho  '44.  iv.  669,  671, 
G73,  G76,  683;  still  at  S.F.  '55,  a  witness  in  the  Santillan  case.  F.  (Doroteo), 
settler  at  Los  Ang.  1803.  ii.  350.  F.  (Fernando),  regidor  at  S.  Jos6  '31.  iii. 
121);  at  S.  Mateo  '35;  grantee  of  Novato  '39.  iii.  712,  and  of  Sanel  '44.  iv. 
673;  age  4G  in  '44;  ment.  by  Revere.  '46.  ii.  297.  F.  (Francisco),  settler  at 
Los  Ang.  1791.  ii.  350.  F.  (Hip61ito),  French,  at  Brancif.  '45,  ago  27.  F. 
(Ignacio),  soldier  at  Sta.  B.  before  '37.  F.  (Jacoba),  cl.  of  S.  Fran,  rancho. 
iii.  633.  F.  (Jesus),  aux.  alcalde  at  S.  Jos6  '36.  iii.  636.  F.  (Jose),  settler 
at  Los  Ang.  '13-19;  ii.  349,  354.  F.  (Jos<S),  at  S.F.  and  Son.  '42-4,  age  15- 
20.  F.  (Jos6),  juez  de  campo  S.  Jose\  v.  662.  F.  (Josd  Antonio),  killed 
by  Ind.  about  '24.  F.  (Jos6  Antonio),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  F.  (Juan),  soldier 
at  Sta.  B.  '32.     F.   (Juan),  at  Los  Ang.  '39,  age  57.       F.  (Juan),  killed  by 


736  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Iud.  at  Refugio  '45.  iv.  G42.  F.  (Juan  Jos6),  at  Brancif.  '28-45,  age  at  latter 
date  45;  wife  Antonia  Castro,  child.  Rafaela,  Miguel  b.  '22,  Leon  '25,  Angel 
'27,  Antonio  '32,  Victoria  '31,  Josefa  '39;  juez  de  paz  in  '43.  ii.  G77;  iv.  G03. 
F.  (Julian),  at  S.  Mateo  '35.  F.  (Leonardo),  soldier  at  S.F.  '19-27;  arrested 
at  Mont.  '37.  iii.  525.  F.  (Luciano),  sentinel  at  S.  Buen.  '19.  ii.  333;  in 
revolt  at  Sta  B.  '29.  iii.  78;  at  the  Natividad  fight  '46;  in  49  juez  de  policfa 
at  S.  Luis  Ob.  F.  (Luis),  soldier  at  S.F.  '44,  age  17.  F.  (Luis),  soldier  at 
Sta  B.  '32-7,  wife  Secundum  Cordero,  3  children.  F.  (Manuel),  in  Los  Ang. 
dist.  '4G-56.  F.  (Nicolas),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  F.  (Rafael),  at  S.  Mateo  '35; 
S.F.  militia  '37;  in  '41  in  S.  Jose  dist.,  age  44,  wife  Juana  Ame'zquita,  child. 
Ramon  b.  '28,  Urbano  '29,  Macario  '31,  Julia  '27,  Sinforosa  '34,  Jose  d.  '40. 
F.  (Rafael),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '39-42;  detailed  in  '41  to  accomp.  capt. 
Castanedato  Mex. ;  grantee  of  Pescadero,  S.  Joaq.,  '43.  iv.  672;  ment.  in  '46. 
F.  (Santiago),  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '46,  age  30,  wife  Juana  Riola,  child.  Juan, 
Andrea,  Alonza,  and  Ascension.  F.  (Tomas),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  before  '37. 
F.  (Vicente),  invalido  corp.  in  charge  of  Los  Ang.  as  comisionado  much  of 
the  time  1785-1800.  i.  347,  4G1,  479,  GG1;  owner  of  the  Felix  rancho,  1802-1G. 
ii.  Ill,  185,  353.  F.  (Vicente),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  before  '37,  wife  Filomena 
Valenzuela;  5  children;  in  '36  maj.  at  Buena  Esperanza  rancho.  iii.  G77; 
widower,  age  26,  child.  Casiana,  Ger6nimo,  Juan,  and  Jose";  grantee  of  Moro 
y  Cayucos,  S.  Luis  Ob.,  '42.  iv.  655;  in  trouble  with  the  auth.  at  S.  Luis  '47. 
Perhaps  2  or  3  men  of  this  name. 

Fellom  (Caius  Julius),  1845  (?),  Danish  sailor,  brother  of  Matthew,  who 
came  to  Cal.  in  '52  and  again  in  '62,  and  at  S.  Jose  in  '78  claimed  to  have 
touched  at  Sta  B.  before  '46  on  the  whaler  Waverly.  S.  J.  Pion.  Jul.  6,  '78. 
F.  (Matthew,  or  Felipe),  1821  (?),  Danish  hatter  and  sailor,  who  landed  from  a 
whaler  all  the  way  from  '21  to  '24  ace.  to  dif.  records,  ii.  444,  526-7.  He  set- 
tled in  the  Gilroy  region,  and  married  after  '34,  when  his  age  was  32.  Felipe 
was  prob.  his  baptismal  name  in  Cal.;  on  Larkin's books  '41-7:  in  '42 making 
soap  at  Gilroy's;  in  '46  juez  at  S.  Juan  B.  v.  640.  He  is  said  to  have  become 
rich  in  lands  and  cattle,  and  to  have  died  in  '68  or  '73.  Fellows  (C.J.),  1845, 
doubtful  arrival,  iv.  587.  F.  (Hiram  W.),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  4G9); 
reenl.  ITendero  (Jesus),  Mex.  soldier  of  the  piquete  de  Hidalgo  at  Mont.  '36, 
age  29.       Fenley  (Daniel),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Ferguson,  1846,  doubtful  merab.  of  the  Mormon  Col.  v.  547.  F.  (Adrian), 
1835,  at  S.  Jose;  prob.  Geo.  A.,  q.  v.  F.  (Daniel),  1824,  Irish  shoemaker 
from  N.  Mex.  ii.  526;  iii.  156;  joined  the  comp.  extranjera  at  Mont.  '32.  iii. 
221 ;  in  '36  a  resid.  of  Los  Ang. ,  age  30,  with  a  Cal.  wife.  He  was  one  of  the 
vigilantes  (iii.  430);  but  failed  to  secure  a  lot;  and  in  '39  or  earlier  came 
north,  his  name  appearing  on  Larkin's  books  in  '39-40.  He  was  murdered  in 
Salinas  Val.  '41  by  Arana,  the  paramour  of  F.'s  wife,  Carmen  Ruiz.  iv.  280, 
653.  F.  (Geo.  A.),  1831,  Anier.  sailor,  cooper,  and  lumberman,  who  de- 
serted from  the  Fanny,  working  at  S.  Rafael,  S.  F.  iv.  708-9,  Mont,  in  '33, 
and  S.  Jose  from  '34.  iii.  405;  arrested  but  not  exiled  in  '40.  iv.  17;  in  the 
contra  costa  '44;  signed  the  S.  Jose  call  to  foreigners  '45.  iv.  599;  lot  at  S.F. 
'47;  perhaps  had  a  store  at  Stockton  '48;  in  '78-83  a  resid.  of  Mayfield.  F. 
(James),  1847,  sergt-maj.  of  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477,  483;  in  '58  adj. -gen.  Utah; 
delivered  a  lecture  in  Liverpool  '55.  F.  (Jesse),  1828,  Amer.  trapper  of 
Pattie's  party,  who  remained  in  Cal.,  settling  at  Los  Ang. ;  married  a  Rendon 
in  '31;  named  in  '36  as  a  trader,  age  36;  said  to  have  died  in  L.  Cal.  a  few 
years  later,  ii.  558;  iii.  163,  178.  F.  (J.C.),  1846,  overl.  immig.,  named  by 
Bryant;  Co.  C,  Cal.  Bat.,  enlisting  at  S.  Juan  in  Oct.  (v.  358);  Joseph  F.  had 
a  Cal.  claim  (v.  462) ;  Josiah  F.  was  a  witness  in  the  Cal.  claims  and  in  the 
Fremont  court-martial,  v.  454.  These  may  have  been  all  the  same  man;  but 
there  was  also  a  Ferguson  at  Sonoma  in  June  before  the  arrival  of  the  immig. 
v.  110,  128.       Fermor  (Edward),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Fernandez  (Antonio),  regidor  of  Mont.  '27-8.  ii.  612.  F.  (Diego),  1827, 
Span,  trader  on  the  Waverly;  teacher  at  Sta  B.  '30.  ii.  574;  wife  Bn'gida 
Navarro,  2  child.;  widower  in  '36,  age  51,  3  child.;  maj.  at  Purisima  '42.  iv. 
G48.       F.  (Dionisio),  grantee  with  his  bro.  Maximo  of  land  in  Butte  '46.  v. 


FERNANDEZ— FIELD.  707 

675.  F.  (Francisco),  1S25,  Span,  from  the  Aquiles;  ordered  away  in  '28-30. 
iii.  51.  F.  (Gregorio),  1794,  Spun,  friar,  who  served  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  and 
Purisima,  retiring  1805.  Biog.  ii.  123;  nient.  i.  547,  576,  675,  689;  ii.  159-60. 

Fernandez  (Jos<5),  1817,  Span,  sailor  who  came  from  Peru  with  Rocquefeuil 
as  a  sailor  on  the  Bordelais,  and  served  in  the  S.  F.  comp.  as  soldier  and  cor- 
poral in  '19-27,  going  with  Arguello  in  '21  on  the  cxped.  to  the  north,  ii.  232, 
289,  446. .In  '28-9,  like  other  Span.,  he  was  in  some  trouble  with  the  Mex. 
auth.  but  was  allowed  to  remain,  iii.  51-2,  75;  in  '30  sec.  of  the  ayunt.  at  S. 
Jose\  iii.  730;  in  '39  partido  elector,  iii.  590,  731;  in  '44  sindico.  iv.  685;  in 
'46  juez  de  paz,  capt.  of  defensores,  serving  in  the  south  under  Castro  to  Aug., 
and  after  U.S.  occupation  memb.  of  the  council,  v.  140,  295,  662,  664;  in  '49 
2d  alcalde.  In  later  years  he  resided  at  Sta  Clara,  being  a  witness  in  the  N. 
Almaden  and  many  other  cases.  In  '74  he  dictated  his  recollections  of  early 
days,  a  most  interesting  narrative  called  Cosas  de  California.  He  died  a  year 
or  two  later,  over  75  years  of  age.  Capt.  F.  was  a  man  who  always  merited 
the  respect  and  esteem  of  those  who  knew  him. 

Fernandez  (Jose"  Maria),  1796,  Span,  friar,  who  served  at  S.  F.,  but  was 
obliged  to  retire  in  '97,  insane  from  the  effects  of  a  blow  on  the  head.  i.  712- 
13;  also  i.  577,  711.  F.  (Jose  Perez),  see  '  Perez  Fernandez.'  F.  (Jose 
Zenon),  1834,  Mex.  teacher  who  came  in  the  H.  &  P.  col.,  iii.  263,  teaching  for 
a  short  time  at  Sta  Clara,  iii.  728.  In  '39  he  was  sec.  of  the  S.  Jose"  ayunt. 
and  suplente  juez  de  paz.  iii.  731 ;  in  '40-1  sec.  of 'the  junta  and  ad  int.  of  the 
govt.  iii.  604,  193;  and  grantee  of  Quito  rancho,  Sta  Clara,  in  '41.  iv.  672;  in 
'42  juez  de  paz  at  Mont.,  administering  justice  in  a  way  not  quite  satisfactory 
to  Com.  Jones,  and  going  south  with  Jimeno  Casarin  as  sec.  iv.  39,  294,  653, 
656;  in  '44  sec.  of  the  assembly  down  to  his  death  in  Aug.  iv.  410.  F. 
(Manuel),  1794,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  Sta  Clara  and  Sta  Cruz,  retiring  in 
1798.  Biog.  i.  498;  ment.  i.  576-7,  618,  723.  F.  (Mariano),  artillery  corporal 
at  S.D.  1803-6..  ii.  102-3.  F.  (Mariano),  of  the  custom-house  guard  at  Mont. 
'45,  perhaps  the  same.  F.  (Maximo),  grantee  of  rancho  in  Butte,  and  S.  F. 
lot  :46.  v.  675,  684.  F.  (Pedro),  builder  of  1st  frame  house  at  S.  Jose  '41. 
iv.  684.  F.  (Sabas),  Mex.  corporal  sent  to  Cal.  for  the  Mont.  comp.  '37; 
employed  at  Sonoma  as  lieut  in  com.  of  an  Ind.  comp.  iii.  511;  iv.  72.  F» 
(Santiago),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '41. 

Fernandez  del  Campo  (Jose),  1828,  Mex.  lieut  in  com.  of  Cal.  artill.,  sta- 
tioned at  Mont.;  arrested  by  insurgents  '29;  died  in  '31.  ii.  608,  674;  iii.  68, 
70,  89,  190,  239.  Fernandez  de  San  Vicente  (Agustin),  1822,  Mex.  priest 
and  canonigo,  sent  to  Cal.  as  commissioner  by  Iturbide  to  superintend  the 
change  of  govt;  skillful  in  politics  and  intrigue,  a  bon-vivant  and  gambler, 
whose  character  was  not  admired  by  the  friars.  He  departed  in  '23,  and  a  few 
years  later  was  vicar  at  Sta  Fe,  N.  Mex.  ii.  457-70,  483,  496,  550,  591.  597, 
631,  643-4,  661;  iii.  11.  Fernando,  neoph.  grantee  of  Rincon  del  Alisal  '44. 
Fernando,  at  Soledad  '27.  ii.  623. 

Ferrelo  (Bartolome),  1542,  piloto  mayor  in  com.  of  one  of  Cabrillo's  vessels 
in  the  discov.  of  Cal. ;  com.  of  the  exped.  after  Cabrillo's  death,  continuing 
the  voyage  to  the  north,  i.  77-81.  Ferrer  (Antonio),  1825,  on  the  Asia. 
iii.  26.  Ferrill  (Thos  J.),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232,  247).  Fetz- 
choror  (Christian),  1847,  musician  of  N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Fetzer  (John),  1846, 
Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336). 

Fich  (Henry),  1846,  owner  of  S.F.  lot;  prob.  Hen.D.  'Fitch,'  q.v.  Fick- 
ett  (S.H.),  1847,  nat.  of  N.Y.;  memb.  of  S.  Joaq.  pioneers  'S4.  Fidalgo 
(Salvador),  1790,  Span,  naval  lieut.  com.  of  the  transports  and  explor.  vessels 
8.  Cdrlos  and  Princesa,  on  the  Cal.  coast  and  at  Nootka  1790-5.  i.  444,  506, 
509,  513,  517,  524,  533,  535,  543,  list,  of  auth.;  also  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  index. 
Fiel  (W.H.),  1S46,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons,  trans,  from  Co.  K.;  killed  at  S. 
Pascual.  v.  346.  Field  (B.  Oscar),  1847,  nat.  of  Penn.,  captured  as  a  boy 
by  Ind.,  and  later  interpreter  and  courier  for  the  govt.  Said  to  have  come  to 
Cal.  '47;  in  Sao.  Val.  '48;  at  S.F.  from  '50.  Died  at  S.F.  '64.  Bulletin.  F. 
(Daniel),  1847,  Co.  F,  N. Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  F.  (John),  1847,  ditto.  F.  (Sam- 
uel), 1845,  overl.  immig.,  perhaps  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party,  iv.  579. 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    47 


733  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Fife  (John),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  4G9).  F.  (Peter),  1847,  Co.  B, 
ditto.  F.  (Wm),  1841,  Scotch  otter-hunter  in  Sta  B.  region  from  '4.5,  and 
prob.  several  years  earlier,  iv.  279;  v.  317;  went  to  the  mines  '4S,  but  resumed 
his  hunting  to  i68  and  later;  murdered  by  a  Sonoran  at  Sta  B.  in  'GO.  Filer, 
see  'Pfeifer.'  Fiiicld  (Ira),  1848,  furnished  specimens  of  gold  to  Gov.  Mason; 
prob.  same  as  following.  F.  (Levi),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409);  in 
Sutter's  employ  '47-8. 

Figuer  (Juan),  1772,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Gabriel,  San  Luis  Ob., 
and  S.  Diego,  dying  in  1784.  Biog.  i.  455;  ment.  i.  107,  192-3.  190,  272.  299, 
.310,  3S8,  457-9,  054,  100-7.  Figueroa  (Felipe),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  '32,  wife 
Ignacia  Lopez;  still  at  Sta  B.  in  '50.  F.  (Francisco),  1833,  Mex.  capt.  who 
came  with  his  brother,  the  gov. ,  and  was  appointed  contador  at  Mont,  in  '34. 
iii.  230,  240,  378.  In  '30  he  lived  at  Mont.,  age  32,  wife  Maria  de  Jesus  Palo- 
mares,  age  18,  son  Guadalupe  b.  '30;  in  '37  involved  in  the  revolt  against  Al- 
varado.  iii.  513,  523-0;  from  '39  in  charge  of  his  brother's  Alamitos  rancho 
near  Los  Ang.  iii.  033,  037.  In  '44-0  he  was  a  member  of  the  assembly,  being 
president  of  that  body  under  Flores'  administration,  and  taking  some  part 
against  the  U.S.  iv.  3G1,  411,  495-0.  521;  v.  37-8,  49-50,  204,  321-2.  Don 
Francisco  was  city  treasurer  of  Los  Ang.  in  '50.  F.  (Guadalupe),  grantee  of 
Corral  de  Tierra  '30. 

Figueroa  (Jos6),  1833,  Mex.  brigadier-gen.  who  had  been  com.  gen.  of  Son. 
and  Sin.,  and  who  was  gov7,  and  com.  gen.  of  Cal.  from  Jan.  14,  '33,  to  his 
death  on  Sept.  29,  '35.  See  full  account  of  his  arrival,  rule,  and  death,  includ- 
ing his  troubles  with  Hijar,  Padres,  and  Apalategui,  in  iii.  234-98,  espec.  on 
biog.  and  character,  234,  290-7;  also  ment.  i.  002;  ii.  50S,  594;  iii.  10,  3G5, 
414,  013,  033,  052,  GG9-71;  acts  and  policy  in  mission  and  Ind.  affairs,  iii. 
318,  321-30,  339-02,  G20;  commercial  and  financial  affairs,  iii.  303-80;  the 
Russians,  iv.  101-3.  Figueroa  is  known  as  the  best  of  California's  Mex.  gov- 
ernors, and  in  many  respects  merits  his  reputation.  He  was  an  intelligent 
man,  of  good  intentions  and  liberal  views;  not  a  model  in  respect  of  private 
morality,  and  not  always  to  be  fully  trusted;  well  versed  in  the  arts  of  mak- 
ing friends  and  of  gaining  popularity  by  overcoming  imaginary  obstacles;  was 
fortunate  in  the  circumstances  under  which  he  was  called  to  rule  the  country; 
and  made  no  serious  mistakes.  F.  (Manuel),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  in  '79.  i. 
4G1.  Filibert  (Francisco),  1825,  Span,  from  the  Aquiles,  in  list  sent  to  Mex. 
'28;  perhaps  not  sent  away.  iii.  51. 

Finch  (John),  1838,  Engl,  tinker  and  blacksmith  who  came  to  Mont,  by 
sea,  age  28.  iv.  119.  From  '40  he  lived  at  S.F. ,  getting  a  lot,  and  keeping 
a  saloon  and  bowling-alley  at  the  cor.  of  Washington  and  Kcarnj7  streets. 
v.  GS3.  He  was  more  commonly  known  as  John  'Tinker';  died  Aug.  20,  '47. 
Finch,  1847,  mr  of  the  Com.  Stockton.  Findla  (James),  1847,  overl.  immig. 
and  carpenter  from  Mo.,  who  worked  at  S.F.  and  became  the  owner  of  many 
town  lots  in  '47-8.  v.  556.  Went  to  the  mines  in  '4S-9;  later  in  the  real  estate 
business  at  S.F.,  where  in  '78  he  dictated  for  my  use  his  Statement  of  Early 
Events,  and  where  I  think  he  still  lives  in  '85.  Findlay  (John),  1847,  Co.  E, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409).  F.  (Wm),  1846,  lieut  and  later  capt.  of  Co.  A,  Cal. 
Bat.  v.  3G1,  434;  went  east  with  Stockton  or  Kearny  in  '47.  v.  454;  at  Wash, 
as  a  witness  Jan.  '48;  perhaps  the  Wm  Finlay  at  S.  Jose  '54  accredited  to  '45. 
Ann  ah  of  S.F. ,  822. 

Fine  (J.  H.),  1846,  nat.  of  Ky;  claimant  for  Suisun  rancho.  iv.  674;  died 
at  Paso  de  Robles  in  '79,  age  58.  F.  (Quin?),  1847,  blacksmith  at  Benicia; 
member  of  Sonoma  council;  died  in  '48.  v.  668,  672-3.  Fink  (Nicholas), 
1836,  German  shoemaker  who  came  to  Los  Ang.  with  a  Mex.  passp.  of  '35; 
age  30,  and  single  in  '40,  when,  having  a  shop  in  town,  he  was  robbed  and 
murdered,  the  3  assassins  being  executed  '41.  iv.  118,  280,  629-30. 

Finlay  (Thomas),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409).  Finlayson  (Duncan), 
1833,  agent  of  the  H.B.  Co.,  touched  at  S.F.  on  the  Dryad,  iii.  382,  404. 
Finley  (Asa  W.),  1846,  overl.  immig.  with  wife  and  2  children;  served  under 
Aram  at  Sta  Clara  (v.  378);  a  farmer  at  S.  Jose  for  17  years;  later  in  Linn 
Val.,  Kern  Co.,  where  he  was  in  '79,  having  2  sons,  3  married  daughters,  Mrs 


FINLAYSON— FITCH.  739 

Henry  Pascoe,  L.  A.  Beardsley,  and  J.  P.  Wilkes  in  Kern  Co. ,  and  2  daugh- 
ters in  Or.  Bakenfield  Gazette.  >Finley,  1844,  a  half-breed  assistant  of  La- 
framboise.  Yolo  Co.  Hist.  F.  (James),  1848,  owner  of  lots  at  S.F.  F. 
(John),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  F.  (John  M.),  1848,  of  firm  F., 
Johnson,  &  Co.,  traders  at  S.F.  v.  G80.  F.  (Richard),  1848,  miner  from 
Or.,  where  he  still  lived  in  '82.  Finley  (S.),  1840,  Cal.  claim  of  $15  for  a  rifle 
(v.  4G2).  Fippard  (Chas),  1833,  Engl,  carpenter  from  the  Catalina,  who 
asked  for  a  carta  in  '34,  and  was  still  at  Mont.  '35.  iii.  409. 

Fish  (Wm),  1834,  doubtful  name  in  a  Los  Ang.  list.  Fisher,  or  Norris, 
1818,  negro  of  Bouchard's  force,  who  rem.  in  Cal.  There  is  no  definite  record 
of  his  later  career,  he  being  perhaps  confounded  in  such  vague  allusions  as 
exist  with  the  following,  ii.  248,  393.  F.,  or  Fisar,  1825,  negro  from  Penn., 
who  came  to  Sta  B.  on  the  Sta  Rosa;  in  '29  a^'Los  Ang.,  a  farmer  35  years 
old,  without  religion,  but  of  good  conduct,  iii.  29;  ment.  by  Coronel,  for 
whom  he  had  worked,  in  '4G-7;  and  perhaps  by  Foster  in  '48-9.  It  is  possi- 
ble, however,  that  this  F.  and  the  preceding  were  the  same.  F.,  1846,  of 
Cal.  Bat.,  said  to  have  been  attacked  by  Ind.  near  Los  Ang.  in547.  Fremont's 
Court-martial,  233.  F.,  1847,  mr  of  the  California,  v.  570.  F.,  1848,  at 
Sutter's  Fort  from  the  quicksilver  mines. 

Fisher  (Adam),  1843,  named  by  Baldridgeas  a  memb.  of  the  Chiles-Waikcr 
immig.  party.  F.  (Daniel),  1845,  signer  of  the  S.  Jos6call  to  foreigners,  iv. 
599.  F.  (Daniel),  1847,  asst  quartermaster  in  Stockton's  Bat.  Jan.  v.  385. 
F.  (F.),  1839,  captain  ment.  in  Larkin's  accts  as  being  at  Mont.  Aug.  F. 
(Herman),  1848,  German  resid.  of  Sonoma  Co.  '73-7.  Son.  Co.  Hist.  F. 
(Joseph  R.),  184G,  one  of  the  Mormon  col.,  who  rem.  in  Cal.  v.  546.  Fisher 
(Mary  Ann),  1S4G,  ditto;  died  in  the  faith  at  Mission  S.  Jose.  v.  546.  F. 
(Thomas  M.),  1846,  son  of  Wm,  age  4,  who  settled  in  Sta  Clara  Co.,  married 
Anna  Hanks  in  'Gl,  and  was  still  living,  in  '81,  near  Gilroy,  with  5  children. 

Fisher  (Wm),  1845,  nat.  of  Mass.  who  lived  many  years  at  Cape  S.  Lucas, 
L.  Cal.,  marrying  Liberata  Cescha,  trading  on  the  coast,  possibly  visiting 
Upper  Cal.  earlier,  but  apparently  coming  for  the  1st  time  in  '45,  when  he  got 
a  S.F.  lot,  and  is  mentioned  in  Larkin's  corresp.  iv.  587,  GG9,  G84.  It  was 
prob.  on  this  visit  that  he  purchased  the  Alvires,  or  Laguna  Seca,  rancho  near 
S.  Jose",  for  which  his  heirs  were  claimants  in  later  years,  iii.  712.  In  '46  he 
brought  his  family  and  settled  at  Laguna  Seca,  being  also  engaged  in  trade, 
at  S.  Jos6;  it  was  on  his  rancho  that  Fremont  encamped,  v.  6,  660;  in  Dec. 
'46  memb.  of  council,  v.  6G4,  having  declined  the  office  of  alcalde,  v.  GG2.  In 
'49  he  sold  his  S.  Jos6  business  to  Belden,  and  died  in  '50.  His  children  were 
Mary  C.  wife  of  D.  Murphy,  Thos  M.,  Cipriano  W.  (died),  and  Uloga  Frieo(?), 
as  named  in  Sta  Clara  (Jo.  Hist.  The  widow  married  Geo.  H.  Ball  of  N.  Y. 
F.  (Wm),  1825,  mr  of  the  Recovery,  iii.  148.  F.  (Wm),  1830,  at  Los  Ang. 
ii.  555.  Fishpan  (?),  (John),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232,  247). 
Fisk  (Daniel),  1844,  deserter  from  the  Warren.  Fiske  (F.),  1841,  mid.  on 
the  U.S.  St  Louis. 

Fitch  (Henry  Delano),  1826,  nat.  of  New  Bedford,  Mass.,  b.  1799,  who 
came  to  Cal.  as  mr  of  Virmond's  Mex.  brig.  Maria  Ester,  iii.  147,  176.  In 
'27  he  announced  his  intention  of  becoming  a  Mex.  citizen;  in  '29  was  bap- 
tized at  S.  Diego  as  Enrique  Domingo  Fitch;  and  was  married  at  Valparaiso 
in  July  of  the  same  year  to  Josefa  Carrillo,  daughter  of  Don  Joaquin  of  S. 
Diego.  For  an  account  of  his  romantic  elopement,  return,  and  ecclesiastical 
trial,  see  iii.  140-4;  ii.  551,  502,  569,  615.  In  '30-1  he  was  mr  of  the  Leonor, 
iii.  49,  147,  383,  his  home,  being  at  S.  Diego  after  his  family  troubles  had  been 
settled;  in  '32  already  applying  for  lands  north  of  S. F.  bay.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap. , 
viii.  37;  sons  were  born  '30,  '32,  '34;  naturalized  in  '33.  He  had  a  store  at  S. 
Diego;  sindico  in  '35.  iii.  615;  com.  de  policia'36.  iii.  616;  afforded  some  aid 
— moistened  powder,  etc. — to  the  surenos  in  the  political  quarrels  of  '37-8. 
iii.  495,  553;  in  '39-40  presid.  of  election  and  juez  de  paz.  iii.  G14,  616-17. 
In  '40  Capt.  Fitch  went  to  Hon.  as  sup.  of  the  California,  and  at  the  IsL 
bought  of  Peirce  &  Brewer  for  2,500  hides  a  half-interest  in  the  Morse,  which 
he  brought  to  Cal.,  renamed  her  the  Ninfa,  and  made  a  trip  to  Mazatlan  in 


740  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

'41.  iv.   102,  105,  200,  249,  567.  Stearns,  McKinley,  and  Temple  were  his 

bners  in  this  venture,  and  Paty  a  little  later.  In  '41  he  was  grantee  of  the 
Sotoyomi  rancho,  iv.  074;  v.  297,  358,  later  Healdsburg,  which  was  put  in 
charge  of  his  agents,  as  he  still  lived  at  S.  Diego,  being  much  of  the  time  at 
sea.  Receptor  at  S.D.  '45-0;  made  a  survey  of  town  lands;  juez  de  paz  '4G-7, 
grantee  of  lands  at  S.F.,  being  also  ment.  in  connection  with  various  matters, 
iv.  345.  557,  020;  v.  2G7,  317,  018-20,  059-00,  079.  He  died  at  S.  Diego  in 
'49,  and  was  the  last  person  buried  on  Presidio  Hill.  Capt.  Fitch  was  one  of 
the  earliest,  most  prominent,  and  most  popular  of  the  early  pioneers;  straight- 
forward in  his  dealings,  generous  in  disposition,  frank  and  cheerful  in  man- 
ner, in  physique  a  very  tall  man  inclined  to  corpulency.  Dana  is  the  only  man 
that  has  anything  unfavorable  to  say  of  him,  and  it  is  hinted  that  D.,  a  wilel 
young  sailor  disposed  to  put  on  airs  by  reason  of  his  education  and  high  con- 
nections, was  once  rather  summarily  ejected  from  Don  Enrique's  house,  when 
he  and  his  companions  applied  for  grog.  I  have  hundreds  of  the  captain's 
business  and  personal  letters  in  the  collections  of  Vallejoand  Cooper,  besides 
an  immense  vol.  of  the  Fitch,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  presented  by  his  widow  in  ;75. 
Dona  Josefa — born  at  S.  D.  1810,  and  baptized  as  Maria  Ant.  Natalia  Elijia 
Carrillo,  being  called  Josefa  later  because  her  godmother  forgot  the  names, 
and  thought  that  one  of  them  was  Josefa! — moved  to  the  Healdsburg  rancho 
soon  after  her  husband's  death,  and  was  still  living  there  in  '80,  dictating  for 
my  use  in  '75  a  most  interesting  Narration,  besides  presenting  the  doc.  cited 
above,  including  her  marriage  certificate  and  the  captain's  naturalization  pa- 
pers. There  were  11  children,  as  follows:  Henry  E.  b.  '30,  Fred.  '32,  Wm  '34, 
Joseph  ;3G,  Josefa  '37,  John  B.  '39,  Isabella  '40,  Charles  '42,  Michael  '44, 
Maria  Ant.  Natalia  '45,  and  Anita  '48.  The  last  two  died  in  '50-4;  Josefa 
became  the  wife  of  John  Grant  and  a  locally  famous  singer;  Isabella  married 
John  Balash;  Wm,  in  '75,  had  a  vineyard  on  Russian  River;  John  B.  was  a 
newspaper  man,  who  visited  my  Library  in  '83. 

Fitch,  1847,  mr  of  the  Armalta.  v.  570.  F.  (Worthington  L.),  1847, 
Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  S.F.  '50.  Fitzhugh  (John  W.),  1848,  immig. 
whose  widow  lived  at  Snelling  in  '77.  S.  J.  Pion.  Fitzpatrick  (John),  1830, 
Engl,  on  a  Los  Ang.  list,  age  40.  F.  (Thos),  well-known  trapper  and  guide; 
possibly  came  to  Cal.  before  '40;  guide  of  Bartleson  party  '41  and  Fremont 
'44,  but  did  not  come  to  Cal.  then.  iii.  392;  iv.  208,  437.  Fitzsimmons 
(James),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Flaco  (Juan),  see  John  Brown.  Flandrew  (J.B. ),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon. 
Planning  (H.T. ),  1845,  nat.  of  N.Y. ;  on  the  U.S.  Portsmouth;  later  member  of 
S.  Joaq.  pioneers,  iv.  587.  Fleet  (WmH.),  1S47,  lot  at  S.F.  Fleetwood 
(Robert),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Flemming  (James),  1829,  Irish 
'  jack-at-all- trades,'  age  40,  working  for  Cooper  at  Mont.  iii.  179;  in '30  liv- 
ing with  Larkin,  age  52!  often  named  in  records  of  '3G-8.  In  '41-4  he  appears 
in  the  Sonoma  and  Bodega  regions.  Fletcher,  1579,  chaplain  of  Francis 
Drake's  vessel,  and  author  of  a  narrative  of  the  voyage,  i.  85  ct  seq.  F. 
(Philander),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409);  reenl.  Fleury  (Ernest  <Je), 
1848,  the  Baron  de  Lisle,  a  French  traveller  and  officer  in  Mex.  under  Maxi- 
milian; said  to  have  visited  Cal.  in  '48;  died  in  N.Y.  '07.  Alta. 

Fling  (Guy  Freeman),  1820,  nat.  of  Me,  on  the  Courier  '20-8.  iii.  170.  In 
'31  became  back  from  the  Sandwich  Islands  to  settle  permanently,  at  the  age 
of  34,  getting  a  carta  from  Gov.  Victoria,  and  in  '32  joining  the  comp.  extran- 
jera  at  Mont.  iii.  221.  From  that  time  his  name  often  appears  on  Larkin 's 
books  and  other  records.  He  worked  at  his  trade  as  blacksmith  at  Mont.,  and 
in  '36  at  the  Buenavista  rancho,  being  then  only  2G  years  old,  ace.  to  the 
padron.  In  '40  he  had  a  shop  at  Natividad,  and  is  accredited  "by  tradition 
with  having  refused  to  iron  the  foreign  exiles,  though  John  Chamberlain  says 
this  was  not  so,  as  Fling  was  absent  at  the  time.  iv.  28.  I  find  no  definite 
trace  of  him  in  '41-7,  but  he  was  prob.  engaged  in  hunting,  as  he  is  said  to 
have  been  with  Geo.  Yount  in  Napa  Val.,  and  to  have  spent  much  of  his 
time  among  the  Ind.  He  lived  at  Sonoma  for  some  j^ears;  went  to  Napa  about 
'59,  and  died  in  the  count}'  infirmary  in  '70,  at  the  reputed  age  of  80  years. 


FLINT— FLUGGE.  741 

Flint  (Amos  R),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518).  F.  (Isaac  A.), 
1845,  overl.  immig.  perhaps  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party,  who  prob.  went  back 
east  with  Clyman  in  '40.  iv.  57'J;  v.  520.  F.  (Win),  IS4G,  doubtful  member 
of  the  Mormon  col.  v.  547.  Flomboy  (John),  1844,  half-breed  Ind.  and 
overi.  immig.  of  the  Stevens  party,  ace.  to  Schailenbergcr  and  some  of  the 
county  histories,  iv.  445.  Flood*  (John),  1847,  Co.  A,  X.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at 
S.F.  '71-4. 

Flores  (Amando),  183G,  Mex.  convict;  later  one  of  Murrieta's  band.  F. 
(Antonio),  1G02,  piloto  of  one  of  Vizcaino's  vessels;  died  on  the  voy.  i.  98, 
104.  F.  (Bernardo),  settler  at  S.F.  1791-1800.  i.  710.  F.  (Francisco),  1791, 
surgeon  of  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490.  F.  (Francisco),  soldier  at  mission  S. 
Jose  1797-1800.  i.  550.  F.  (Gumesindo),  1834,  Mex.  capt.  and  brevet  lieut- 
col,  who  came  as  a  kind  of  political  exile  with  the  H.  &  P.  col.  iii.  203.  In 
'35-0  maj.  and  admin,  of  S.F.  iii.  354,  714-15;  in  '39-42,  having  been  rein- 
stated in  his  mil.  rank,  he  was  com.  of  the  post  at  Mont.  iii.  071 ;  iv.  33,  052; 
in  '42-0  com.  at  Sta  B. ;  in  '45  leader  in  an  outbreak  of  the  troops,  iv.  541,' 
041;  v.  317,  030.  Capt.  F.  continued  to  reside  at  Sta  B.  until  shot  and  killed 
in  '00.  His  widow  and  daughter  were  still  at  Sta  B.  in  '78.  F.  (Hermeue- 
gildo),  killed  1794.  i.  454.  F.  (Isidro),  soldier  at  S.  Juan  B.  before  1800.  i. 
558.       F.  (Jose  Bern.),  sirviente  at  Soledad  1791-1800.  i.  409. 

Flores  (Jose"  Maria),  1842,  Mex.  capt.  in  the  batallon  fijo,  who  came  with 
Micheltorena  as  secretary,  iv.  289;  in  '44  named  as  instructor  of  the  Sta  B. 
defensores  (?).  iv.  407;  but  sent  to  Mex.  as  comisionado  by  the  gov.  to  obtain 
aid.  iv.  402,  414,  534,  504,  508.  Returning  in  '45,  he  remained  after  Micbel- 
torena's  departure,  and  was  the  commissioner  sent  by  Castro  to  treat  with 
Stockton  in  Aug.  iv.  513;  v.  41,  208-9,  280.  On  the  revolt  of  the  Californians 
in  Sept.,  Flores  was  made  gov.  and  com.  gen.  from  Oct.,  in  this  capacity  di- 
recting all  the  operations  of  this  final  campaign  of  the  war,  and  finally  re- 
treating to  Sonora  in  Jan.  '47.  See  v.  37-8,  309-25,  329-50,  305,  389-410, 
503-5.  In  breaking  his  parole,  Gen.  Flores  of  course  committed  a  most  dishon- 
orable act,  though  much  may  be  said  in  defence  of  the  general  rising  against 
the  U.S.  In  other  respects  he  acted  with  commendable  energy,  skill,  and  pa- 
triotism under  difficult  circumstances,  meriting  but  little  of  the  ridicule  and 
abuse  of  which  he  has  been  the  object.  After  leaving  Cal.  he  served  in  the 
Mex.  army,  being  in  '49-50  sub-inspector,  and  in  '51  et  seq.  com.  gen.  of  the 
military  colonies  of  the  west;  visiting  Cal.  in  '50  to  bring  his  family;  but  I 
think  his  wife,  a  daughter  of  A.  V.  Zamorano,  did  not  leave  Cal.  He  was  at 
Mazatlan  in  ^o,  and  is  said  to  have  died  there  in  '00,  Los  Av<j.  (Jo.  Hist.,  24, 
though  a  colonel  of  the  same  name  was  serving  in  Mifchoacan  in  '07  against 
Maximilian. 

Flores  (Jose*  Maria),  at  S.  Jose"  '25.  ii.  G05;  in  '41,  age  48,  wife  Josefa  Se- 
pulveda,  child.  Miguel  b.  '23,  Sebastian  '31,  Carmen  '27,  Jose  Maria '32,  Juan 
B.  '34,  Jose  '37,  Paula  '40,  Fernando  '41;  juez  de  policia  '43.  iv.  085;  in  '  i 
juez  de  campo  at  S.F.  v.  048.  F.  (Jose  Maria),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  from  17 
F.  OJose  Maria),  grantee  of  Liebre  rancho  '40,  also  claimant  in  '53.  v.  632. 
F.  (Jose  Miguel),  maj.  at  S.  Gabriel,  1791-0.  i.  004.  F.  (Jose  S.),  Mex.  con- 
vict '29-34.  P.  (Leandro),  soldier  in  S.  F.  comp.  '19-29;  regidor  at  S.  Jose 
'.';!.  iii.  212,  729;  in  '41,  age  42,  wife  Romana  Martinez,  child.  Jose"  Ant.  b. 
'33,  Maria  Ant.  '10,  Maria  del  Sac.  '20,  Refugio  '34;  in  '43  juez  del  campo. 
iv.  085.  F.  01.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  F.  (Manuel),  artilleryman  at 
Sta  B.  '24.  ii.  532.  F.  (Manuel),  in  Hidalgo  piquete  at  Mont.  '30.  F. 
(Miguel),  son  of  Jose"  Maria,  at  S.  Jose  from  '23  to  '77,  when  he  gave  me  his 
JRecuerdoa  Hisldricos.  v.  137.  F.  (Teodosio),  alcalde  of  S.  Jose— and  also  of 
Mont? — in  '20.  ii.  378,  011;  at  S.  Jose '41,  age  52.  F.  (Victoriano),  sirviente 
at  S.F.  1777.  i.  297.  Florin  (Joseph),  1833,  Canadian  gardener  from  Colom- 
bia at  Los  Aug.  '30,  '40,  age  27,  31,  and  married,  iii.  409.  One  reeord  puts  his 
arrival  in  '30. 

Fliigge  (Chas  W. ),  1841,  German  of  the  Bartleson  immig.  party  who  v. 
1st  to  Or.,  but  came  down  by  land  to  Cal.  before  the  end  of  the  year.   iv.  20.), 
270,  279.  In  '42-3  he  was  employed  by  Sutter,  who  had  known  him  before, 


742  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

as  clerk  and  adviser,  F.  being  a  man  of  many  accomplishments  and  having 
some  knowledge  of  law.  He  was  sent  by  Sutter  to  conciliate  Micheltorena. 

iv.  389;  got  a  lot  at  S.F.  iv.  G69,  GTS;  was  naturalized  at  the  end  of  '43;  and 
in  '44  was  grantee  of  a  rancho  on  Feather  River,  iv.  G70-1.  He  opened  a  store 
at  Los  Aug.;  used  his  influence  for  Sutter  and  Micheltorena.  iv.  490;  and  at 
the  end  of  '45  went  to  Honolulu,  returning  on  the  Don  Quixote  early  in  '46. 
He  had  a  Cal.  claim  (v.  4G2),  continuing  in  trade  at  Los  Ang.,  and  serving 
as  a  messenger  from  Flores  to  Stockton  in  Jan.  '47.  v.  387.  He  is  mentioned 
with  a  wife  (?)  at  N.  Helv.  in  Sept.  '47.  X.  Helv.  Diary,  110;  perhaps  an 
error.  At  the  end  of  '48  he  left  Cal.,  though  McKinley,  his  partner,  made 
efforts  to  prevent  his  departure,  and  is  said  to  have  gone  to  Germany  with  a 
considerable  sum  of  money.  Though  admired  for  his  accomplishments,  he  had 
quarrelled  sooner  or  later  with  most  of  those  who  were  intimate  with  him, 
showing  divers  eccentricities  of  conduct.  In  the  winter  of  '51-2  he  returned 
to  Los  Ang.,  secluding  himself  from  old  friends,  acting  strangely  in  other 
respects,  and  evidently  insane.  In  Sept.  '52  he  wandered  off  into  the  country 
and  was  found  dead  some  12  miles  from  town.  Flundin  (Joseph),  1842, 
French  steward  of  a  hospital  in  Oakland  '77,  said  to  have  visited  S.F.  in  June 
'42.  iv.  341;  SJ.Pion.  Flying  (Andrew),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  409); 
at  Sta  B.  '71-82. 

Fogo  (Manuel),  1825,  Span,  from  the  Asia;  still  in  Cal.  '30.  iii.  27,  51-2. 
Foisy  (M.G.),  1846,  Or.  pioneer  of  '44;  a  printer  still  in  Or.  '76,  for  whom  it 
is  claimed  that  he  published  (?)  the  Calijornian  at  Mont.  Hist.  Or.,  i.  467. 
He  may  possibly  have  been  a  printer  on  that  paper  in  '46  or  '47.  but  prob. 
not.  v.  293.  Foley  (Alfred),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  F.  (Michael), 
1846,  Irish,  of  the  Cal.  Eat.  (v.  35S);  owner  of  S.F.  lot  '47.  v.  685;  said  to 
have  been  killed  in  a  brawl  at  the  mission  a  few  years  later.  Folger  (Edward 
F. ),  1847,  at  S.F. ,  agent,  or  perhaps  partner,  of  Gelston  &  Co.  F.  (Win  D. ), 
1847,.on  roll  of  Soc.  Cal.  Fion.  Follansbee  (S. ),  184G,  doubtful  newsp.  ment. 
of  a  Shasta  Co.  pion.  Follen  (Julian),  1845,  petitioner  for  land  for  a  colony; 
perhaps  not  in  Cal.  iv.  571.  Follett(Wm  A.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v. 
4G9);  in  Ariz.  '81.  F.  (Wm  T.),  1S47,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.;  at  St  George, 
Utah,  '82. 

Folsom  (Joseph  Libbe}'-),  1847,  nat.  of  N.  H.,  graduate  of  West  Point  in 
'40,  and  later  instructor  in  that  institution;  came  to  Cal.  as  capt.  U.S.A.  and 
asst  quartermaster  in  the  N.Y. Vol. ;  and  was  chief  of  the  Q.M.  department 
station  at  S.F.,  being  also  collector  of  the  port  for  a  time  in  '47-9.  v.  93,  503, 
511-13,  650,  659-60,  673.  Capt.  F.  invested  all  the  money  he  could  raise  in 
town  lots,  which  in  a  few  years  made  him  a  rich  man.  During  a  trip  to  the 
east  in  '49  he  was  smart  and  lucky  enough  to  find  the  heirs  of  Wm  A.  Leid- 
esdorff  and  buy  of  them  for  a  song  their  title  to  the  immense  LeidesdcrfF  es- 
tate in  S.F.  He  thus  became  one  of  the  wealthiest  men  in  Cal.,  owning  large 
estates  in  the  country,  including  the  Amer.  River  rancho  on  which  the  town 
of  Folsom  now  bears  his  name,  as  does  Folsom  Street  in  S.F.  His  reputation 
is  that  of  a  most  enterprising  man  of  business,  an  honorable  gentleman  of  su- 
perior education  and  refinement,  somewhat  formal  and  haughty  in  manner. 
He  died  at  Mission  San  Jos6  in  '55  at  the  age  of  38.  F.  (Wm  H.),  1S47,  Co. 
H,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  inN.Y;  city  '82. 

Font  (Jose),  1796,  Span,  lieut  of  Catalan  volunteers,  com.  of  the  comp. 
after  Alberni's  death,  also  com.  at  S.  Diesro  '99.  Left  Cal.  with  the  Cal.  Vol. 
1803.  i.  541,  647-8;  ii.  5,  18-19,  78,  107,  153.  F.  (Pedro),  1775-6,  Span, 
friar,  prob.  of  the  Quer6*taro  Franciscans,  who  was  chaplain  of  Anza's  exped. 
to  ( !al.,  of  which  he  left  an  important  Diario  and  map.  i.  258-60,  262-4,  267- 
9,  280-0,  330;  ii.  44.  Fontes  (Pedro),  sirviente  at  S.F.  1777.  i.*297.  For- 
1      li,  1847,  at  Benicia.  v.  672;  prob.  'Forbush,' q.v. 

Forbes  (Alexander),  Scotch  merchant  of  Tepic;  author  of  the  standard 
work  on  California  pub.  in  '39.  iv.  150-2.  He  had  never  visited  Cal.,  though 
meditating  a  visit  in  '26.  iii.  176.  It  is  stated,  however,  that  later,  in  '46-8, 
he  came  to  Cal.  in  con.  with  the  N.  Almaden  affairs;  but  I  have  no  definite 
record  of  his  presence.  He  has  often  been  confounded  by  writers  with  James 


FORBES— FORD.  743 

A.  Forbes.  F.  (Eli  B.),  1347,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  carpenter  at  Mont. 
'47-8.       F.  (Hector  M.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Forbes  (James  Alex.),  1831,  nat.  of  Scotland,  who  had  lived  for  some  years 
in  Span,  countries,  prob.  in  Chili  or  Peru.  The  first  that  is  definitely  known 
of  him  is  that  in  a  trip  to  the  isl.  of  the  S.  Amer.  coast  he  was  wrecked, 
picked  up  by  the  Nelson  at  or  near  the  Galapagos,  and  transferred  to  the 
whaler  Fanny,  which  brought  him,  rating  as  4th  mate,  by  way  of  the  Mar- 
quesas to  S.F.  in  Oct.  '31,  or  possibly  '30.  iii.  405.  In  '32  he  was  acting  as  a 
kind  of  clerk  or  majordomo  for  P.  Viader  at  Sta  Clara;  early  in  '33  asked  for 
naturalization,  which  he  obtained  in  April  '34,  and  in  July  married  Ana  Ma- 
ria, daughter  of  Juan  C.  Galindo,  being  then  27  years  old,  and  having  as  wit- 
nesses Ceo.  Ferguson  and  Jas  W.  Weeks,  who  had  come  with  him  on  the 
Fanny.  For  several  years  his  name  does  not  {Appear,  but  he  was  doubtless  en- 
gaged in  trade  and  farming  at  S.  Jos6,  where  from  '30  he  acted  as  agent  for 
the  H.B.Co.,  being  elector  in  '38  and  sindico  in  '39,  trying  in  '40 — to  obtain 
a  loan  of  mission  sheep  in  comp.  with  Dr  Marsh,  signing  bonds  for  some 
of  the  Bartleson  immig.,  and,  ace.  to  the  padron  of  '41,  having  two  sons,  Car- 
los b.  '37,  and  Alejandro  in  '39.  iii.  731;  iv.  8G,  117,  217-18,  275,  684.  In  '42 
Forbes  was  appointed  British  vice-consul  at  Mont.,  assuming  the  office  in  Oct. 
'43,  and  performing  some  acts  in  his  official  capacity  in  the  next  few  ycais, 
though  not  residing  at  Mont.  iv.  384,  479,  5G3,  G51.  Grantee  of  the  Potrero 
de  Sta  Clara  '44.  iv.  073;  in  '45-6  at  S.F.  in  charge  of  the  H.B.Co.  property 
after  Rae's  death,  having  apparently  used  his  iniluence  against  Sutter  and 
Micheltorena,  being  involved  in  a  controversy  with  Leidesdorff,  and  obtain- 
ing for  himself  and  wife  some  beach  lots  in  town.  v.  480,  590-1,  649,  679--80. 
In  '46  Larkin  reported  F.  to  the  Wash,  govt  as  a  man  of  moderate  property, 
whose  private  interests  and  official  position  clashed,  but  who  wished  the  U. 
S.  to  have  Cal.  F.  asserted  at  the  time,  and  in  later  years,  that  he  had  noth- 
ing to  do  with  schemes  for  an  English  protectorate,  and  it  is  certain  that  those 
schemes,  as  well  as  the  vice-consul's  agency,  have  been  greatly  exaggerated. 
v.  6S,  70,  614.  In  the  troubles  of  '46-7  he  took  but  slight  part.  v.  298,  378, 
3S0,  382.  Gov.  Mason  declined  to  permit  F.,  as  vice-consul,  to  introduce 
goods  free  of  duties.  Don  Diego  was  an  intelligent  man  of  good  education, 
whose  knowledge  of  Spanish  gave  him  an  advantage,  though  he  never  lost  his 
broad  Scotch  accent,  and  whose  record  in  early  times  was  an  excellent  one, 
though  many  writers  have  exaggerated  his  prominence.  After  the  U.S.  occu- 
pation, he  became  interested  in  the  New  Almaden  mines,  and  was  involved 
in  the  complicated  litigation  that  lasted  for  years,  to  the  serious  detriment  of 
his  financial  hopes,  of  his  reputation,  and  especially  of  his  temper.  In  later 
years  he  led  a  life  of  retirement,  nursing  his  intense,  and  perhaps  not  un- 
founded, bitterness  against  all  that  was  American,  and  died  at  Oakland  in 
'81,  at  the  age  of  77.  His  children,  as  named  by  his  son  in  '85,  were  Carlos 
H.,  residing  at  Los  Ang.  with  10  children,  Martha  (deceased),  James  Alex., 
Jr,  Michael,  Frederick,  James  Alonzo,  Luis  Felipe  (deceased),  Maria  Clara, 
Juan  Telesforo,  Margaret,  Francis  H.,  and  Alfred  O.  James  Alex.,  Jr,  was  ed- 
ucated at  Sta  Clara  college,  has  been  state  translator  of  the  laws,  and  in  '85 
for  some  years  has.  been  employed  as  translator  and  keeper  of  the  archives  in 
the  U.S.  surveyor-general's  office.  Though  not  in  charge  when  my  search  of 
the  archives  was  made,  he  has  afforded  me  aid  on  several  points. 

Forbes  (John),  1833,  Engl,  on  Larkin's  books  '33-5.  iii.  409.  F.  (Robert 
B. ),  1825,  mr  of  the  Nile.  iii.  148.  Visiting  S.F.  again  in  '70,  he  delivered  a 
lecture  which  included  reminiscences  of  '25;  and  in  '78  he  published  his  Per- 
sonal IZeminiscences,  which  describes  both  the  visits  and  the  lecture;  still 
living  at  Milton,  Mass.,  in  '85.  F.  (Wm),  1835,  Engl,  who  worked  for  Lar- 
kin at  Mont.  '35-6.  iii.  413;  one  of  the  exiles  of  '40.  iv.  18;  perhaps  cl.  for  a 
Sonoma  Co.  rancho  '52.  iv.  671.  Forbush  (Benj.),  1847,  from  Hon.  on  the 
Euphemia;  at  Benicia;  perhaps  Forbagh.  F.  (Lorin),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  409). 

Ford  (Henry  L.),  1842-4,  nat.  of  Vt  or  N.H.,  who  prob.  came  by  sea.  He 
claimed  to  have  come  in  '42;  the  1st  original  record  is  a  certificate  of  his  U.S. 


744  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

citizenship,  dated  at  Mont.  April  19,  '44.  iv\  341.  He  seems  to  have  been  one 
of  Capt.  Gantt's  men  in  the  Micheltorena  campaign  of  '45  (v.  4S4),  and  was 
prominent  among  the  Bears  in  '4G,  taking  part  in  the  stealing  of  Arce's  horses 
and  the  capture  of  Sonoma,  v.  78,  107,  110,  147.  As  lieut  of  the  Bear  army 
he  commanded  iii  the  fight  at  Olompali,  the  only  one  of  the  revolt,  v.  153, 
164-9;  vent  south  with  FrCmont;  returned  with  Maddox  in  Aug.;  and  later 
served  in  the  final  campaign  as  capt.  of  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  v.  1S4,  282,  289,  361, 
434.  In  '48  he  settled  in  Tehama  Co.,  where  in  '51  he  married  Susan  Wilson, 
and  in  '.3(5  was  accidentally  shot  and  killed  at  the  age  of  33.  Ford's  narrative 
of  the  Bear  Flag  Revolt-,  a  MS.  furnished  to  me  by  Rev.  S.  H.  Willey,  for 
whom  it  was  written  in  'o\,  is  noticed  in  v.  189.  Not  much  is  definitely 
known  of  Ford,  but  he  appears  to  have  been  a  good  man  of  strong  prejudices. 
F.  (Henry).  1847,  perhaps  of  N.Y.Vol.  under  another  name.  F.  (John), 
1S27,  mr  of  the  Favorite,  iii.  147.  F.  (Noah  E.),  1847,  in  letter  list  at  S.F. 
'47-S.  F.  (Patrick),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  a  deserter  in  '48;  killed 
by  Rogue  Riv.  Ind.  'GO.       Forero  (Ramon),  doubtful  name  in  a  S.F.  list  '35. 

Forney  (Peter),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Forrest  (B.), 
1841,  clerk  on  the  U.S.  St  Louis.  F.  (French),  1840-1,  com.  of  the  U.S.  St 
Louis,  iv.  36-7,  106;  commodore  in  Confed.  navy  '62.  F.  (Richard),  1846, 
lieut  on  the  Portsmouth  and  Levant.  F.  (Sam.),  1848,  lot  at  S.F.  For- 
rester (Geo.  H.  H.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Forsgreen  (John), 
1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469). 

Forster  (John),  1833,  nat.  of  England,  who  came  to  Guaymas  in  '31,  and 
in  '33  on  the  Facio — belonging  to  his  uncle  James  Johnson — to  Cal. ,  return- 
ing to  Sonora  on  the  vessel  as  master,  and  coming  back  to  Los  Aug.  by  ]and 
the  same  year.  iii.  365,  3S2,  3S9,  397,  509.  Fie  made  other  trips  to  Son.  for 
his  uncle,  and  in  '36  announced  his  intention  to  remain  permanently,  claiming 
7  years'  residence  in  Mex.  territory  and  4 in  Cal.;  in  '37  married  Isadora,  sis- 
ter of  Pio  Pico;  in  '40-3  at  S.  Pedro  as  shipping  agent,  part  of  the  time  capt. 
of  the  port.  iv.  322,  636.  In  '44  he  settled  at  S.  Juan  Cap. ,  purchasing  the 
ex-mission  estate  in  '45,  and  living  there  for  20  years,  iv.  553,  558,  621,  627; 
grantee  of  rancho  de  laNacion  '45.  iv.  621;  juezde  paz  '45-7.  iv.  627;  v.  023- 
4;  in  '46  for  a  time  in  charge  of  S.  Luis  Rey,  having  trouble  with  Fremont, 
and  aiding  Gov.  Pico  to  escape,  v.  267,  278,  620;  grantee  of  Trabuco.  iv.  035; 
had  a  Cal.  claim  (v.  462);  aided  Stockton  in  the  campaign  of  '47.  v.  388.  In 
'64  Forster  bought  the  Sta  Margarita  rancho  of  Pio  Pico,  where  he  spent  the 
rest  of  his  life,  dying  in  '84  at  the  age  of  70.  Don  Juan  was  a  man  who  was 
liked  and  respected  by  all  who  knew  him,  that  is,  by  everybody  in  southern 
Cal.  and  hundreds  more,  a  genial  ranchero,  famous  for  the  hospitalities  of  his 
Sta  Margarita  home.  He  was  for  many  years  a  man  of  immense  wealth; 
formed  several  plans  for  colonization  on  a  grand  scale,  which  were  never  car- 
ried out;  but  was  harassed  in  the  later  years  by  litigation  and  other  troubles; 
and  the  estate  was  sold  before  his  death.  At  his  rancho  in  '74  he  gave  me  a 
narrative  of  early  experiences;  and  in  '7S  dictated  his  more  complete  Pioneer 
Lata,  giving  also  a  few  original  papers.  His  wife  died  a  short  time  before  his 
death.  In  '46,  ace.  to  the  S.  Juan  padron,  there  were  6  children:  Emerico  and 
Dolores  (perhaps  error  of  copyist),  Marcos  Antonio  b.  '40,  Francisco  '42,  Ana 
Maria  '43,  Juan  Fernando  '45.  Francisco,  or  'Chico,'  killed  by  a  woman  at 
Los  Angeles  after  '80.  Mark  Antony  and  John  still  live  in  S.  Diego  Co.  'So. 
Two  of  Don  Juan's  brothers,  Hugh  and  Thomas,  came  to  Cal.  after  '4S. 
Fort,  see  '  Ford.'  Forsyth  (Thomas),  1834,  Irish  ship-carpenter  who  came  on 
the  Leonor;  still  at  Mont.  '37. 

Fortuni  (Buenaventura),  1806,  Span,  friar  who  served  34  years  as  a  mis- 
sionary in  Cal.,  chiefly  at  S.  Jose  and  Solano,  dying  at  Sta  B.  in  '40.  Biog. 
iii.  059;  ment.  ii.  138,  159-60,  322,  375,  394,  505,  598-9,  023,  055;  iii.  96,  318, 
346,  622-3,  658,  600,  719;  iv.  03,  00.  Fosdick  (Jay),  1S4G,  of  the  Donner 
party  from  111. ;  died  in  the  mts.  v.  530,  534,  537.  His  wife,  Sarah  Graves,  sur- 
vived, marrying  Win  Ritchie  in  '4S,  and  Samuel  Spiers  in  '5G;  died  near 
Watsonville  in  '71. 

Foster,  1833,  one  of  Hall  J.  Ivelley's  companions  in  the  trip  across  Mex., 


FOSTER— FOWLER.  745 

whom  K.  denounces  as  a  rascal,  and  who,  as  he  learned,  came  to  Mont,  on  a 
whaler,  was  ordered  away,  shipped^on  a  man-of-war,  and  in  trying  to  desert 
was  drowned  in  the  bay  as  a  punishment  for  his  sins.  iii.  409;  perhaps  Chas 
or  Ed.  C.  described  as  Amer.  at  Mont,  in  '34.  F.,  184G,  of  F.  &  Patterson, 
Cal.  claim  (v.  4G2).  F.  (Benj.  F.),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  a  printer 
and  part  proprietor  of  the  California^  in  '48;  later  foreman  in  the  Alia  office 
and  connected  with  the  Standard  and  other  S.  F.  papers;  making  two  trips 
to  the  Sandw.  Isl.  He  went  east  and  died  at  Portsmouth,  N.H.,  in  '65,  at  the 
age  of  49. 

Foster  (Geo.),  184G,  a  Mo.  immig.  prob.  of  this  year,  who  was  killed  at 
Natividad  in  Nov.  v.  3G7.  He  was  known  as  Captain  Foster.  Possibly  came 
earlier,  though  those  who  imply  this  seem  to  confound  him  with  another  man. 
F.  (James),  1841,  mid.  on  the  U.  S.  St  Louis.  -~F.  (John),  1847,  apparently 
sold  lumber  at  Mont.  F.  (John  R.),  1848,  named  by  Lancey  as  a  brother  of 
the  man  killed  at  Natividad.  F.  (Joseph),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358), 
enlisting  at  S.  Juan,  Oct.;  possibly  identical  with  Geo.  F.  (Joseph),  1847, 
member  of  the  4th,  and  perhaps  1st,  Donner  relief,  v.  538,  541;  said  to  have 
been  a  sailor.  F.  (Joseph),  184G,  Engl,  who  kept  a  saloon  in  S.F.  '53-9;  lost 
a  leg  in  '49;  died  in  '59.  Herald;  perhaps  same  as  preceding.  F.  (Joseph 
E.),  1844,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Stevens  party,  iv.  445,  453;  named  at  N. 
Helv.  '45-G;  served  in  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  prob.  identical  with  one  of 
the  preceding.  F.  (Joseph  R.),  184G,  in  the  vicinity  of  Sta  Cruz.  F.  (0. 
H.),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358). 

Foster  (Stephen  Clark),  1847,  nat.  of  Me,  b.  in  '20;  graduate  of  Yale  in 
'40;  teacher  and  medical  student  in  Va,  Ala,  and  La;  physician  in  Mo. ;  trader 
in  N.  Mex.  and  Sonora;  come  to  Cal.  as  interpreter  with  the  Morm.  Bat. 
v.  483.  He  was  alcalde  at  Los  Ang.  in  '48-9.  v.  610,  G26-7;  memb.  of  the 
constit.  convention  in  '49,  also  prefect;  member  of  the  Cal.  senate  '50-3; 
memb.  of  Los  Ang.  council  '51,  ^oS;  mayor  '54,  }5Q.  He  married  a  Lugo,  and 
is  still  living  at  Los  Ang.  in  '85.  He  has  written  to  some  extent  on  pioneer 
topics  for  the  newspapers,  ii.  221,  292;  and  in  '77  furnished  for  my  use  a 
fragment  on  Los  Aiujcles  in  '47-0.  He  has  had  much  to  do  with  the  Span, 
archives  of  the  south,  in  familiarity  with  which  he  is  excelled  by  few,  if  any. 
His  official  record  in  the  early  time,  and  so  far  as  I  know  in  later  years,  has 
been  a  good  one.  He  was  a  man  of  remarkable  natural  abilities  and  of  line 
education.  His  prominent  position  in  the  past  as  a  public  man  makes  it 
necessary  to  add  that  in  respect  of  morality  and  sobriety  his  conduct  in  later 
times  is  not  exemplary.  F.  (Wm  M.),  1846,  surviving  memb.  of  the  Donner 
party,  from  Penn.  with  wife  and  infant  son  George,  the  latter  dying  in  the 
Hits.  F.  was  also  an  active  memb.  of  the  4th  relief  party,  v.  531-5,  540-1.  At 
N.  Helv.  '47;  had  a  furniture  store  at  S.F.  '47-8.  v.  G78;  later  kept  a  store 
at  the  mines,  giving  his  name  to  Foster's  Bar.  He  died  at  S.F.  in  '74.  His 
wife,  Sarah  A.  C.  Murphy,  was  living  at  Marysville  with  her  brother  in  '80. 
F.  (Wm  S.),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Fourcade  (Richard),  1S41,  named  in  Larkin's  books  '41-8;  called  also  Al- 
bert R.,  and  John  R.  Fouchade.  iv.  279.  Fourgcaud  (G.),  1847,  brother  of 
Victor  J.,  and  overl.  immig.  at  N.  Helv.;  owner  of  lot  at  S.F.  F.  (Victor 
J.),  1847,  nat.  of  N.C.,  physician  at  St  Louis,  and  overl.  immig.,  with  his  wife, 
son,  and  brother,  v.  556.  He  practised  medicine  at  S.F.  in  '47-8,  being  a 
school  trustee  and  otherwise  prominent,  v.  651,  656-7,  680;  also  owner  of 
town  lots,  and  author  of  an  article  on  the  Prospects  of  Cal.  in  the  Star  of  '48. 
He  moved  later  to  Sac,  but  returned  about  '63,  and  died  at  S.F.  in  '75  at  the 
age  of  60.  His  widow  died  in  '83,  age  74.  Fourri  (Francois  le),  1831,  from 
N.  Mex.  in  the  Wolfskill  party,  iii.  387. 

Fowler,  1846,  Amer.  of  the  Bear  party  murdered  by  the  Californians  near 
Sta  Rosa  in  June.  v.  110,  100-4.  I  cannot  identify  him;  possibly  Wm,  Jr,  of 
'44;  called  B.  Fowler  of  '45;  also  George.  F.  (Henry),  1844,  son  of  Wm, 
nat.  of  111.  who  came  overl.  to  Or.  in  '43  and  to  Cal.  in  the  Kelsey  party 
with  his  father  and  brother,  iv.  444-5.  In  '45  he  worked  for  Sutter,  asked 
for  naturalization,  and  perhaps  settled  in  Napa.  With  his  father  he  purchased, 


746  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

later,  a  farm  near  Calistoga;  and  in  '71  was  a  resident  of  Napa  City.  F.  (James 
E),  1841,  resid.  of  Sonoma  Co.  '51-77;  nat.  of  N.Y.  Son.  Co.  Jlist.  F.  (Je- 
rusha),  1S46,  of  the  Mormon  col.  with  4  children,  v.  54G;  rem.  in  Cal.  F. 
(John),  1S43,  overl.  immig.  who  joined  the  Bears,  v.  Ill;  went  south  with 
Fixmont,  but  returned  with  a  broken  arm  in  Nov.  '40.  This  is  Ins  own  state- 
ment in  a  narative  of  the  Bear  Flag  given  by  him  at  Napa  in  '78.  He  may 
be  a  brother  of  Henry,  or  possibly  the  name  may  be  John  Henry.  There  was 
a  J.  W.  Fowler  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  F.  (John  S.),  1847,  nat.  of  N.J.;  2d  alcalde 
at  Sac.  '4S-9;  died  at  Sac.  'GO,  age  42. 

Fowler  (Wm),  1844,  nat.  of  N.Y. ,  from  111.  to  Or.  in  '43,  and  to  Cal.  in 
the  Kelsey  party  with  2  or  more  sons.  iv.  444-5.  He  brought  a  letter  of  rec- 
ommendation as  a  good  catholic  and  carpenter  from  P.  Dimers  of  the  Yvala- 
met  to  P.  Quijas.  Worked  for  a  time  at  Sonoma,  after  spending  some  time  in 
Pope  Valley;  was  at  N.  Helv.  in  '47,  and  finally  with  his  son  Henry  bought 
a  farm  of  Dr  Bale  near  Calistoga,  where  at  the  age  of  72  he  married  a  2d  wife, 
and  died  in  ^Go,  at  the  age  of  8G.  F.  (Wm,  Jr),  1844,  son  of  Wm,  who  came 
in  the  same  party  from  Or.,  and  worked  as  a  carpenter  at  Sonoma,  N.  Helv., 
and  S.  Rafael,  iv.  444-5.  In  Or.  he  married  Rebecca  Kelsey,  who  left  him  on 
arrival  in  Cal.  Application  was  made  to  Larkin  for  a  divorce,  and  despite  his 
lack  of  authority  to  grant  it,  she  was  married  by  Sutter  to  another  man.  As 
I  find  no  record  of  F.  after  '4G,  it  is  possible  that  he  was  the  man  killed  with 
Cowie  during  the  Bear  revolt.  F.  ( Wm),  immig.  of  the  Bartleson  party,  '41, 
going  to  Or.  iv.  2G9;  perhaps  the  Wm  named  above.  F.  (W.),  1843,  mr  of 
the  Diamond,  iv.  5G5.  Fowrklinot  (Jacobo),  1844,  otter-hunter  at  Los  Aug., 
pro b.  '  Frankfort. ' 

Fox  (J.),  1S48,  passp.  from  Honolulu.  Foxen  (Benj.),  1826,  Engl,  sailor 
who  came  on  the  Courier  and  left  that  vessel  in  '28.  iii.  176;  ii.  573.  He  was 
baptized  as  Wm  Domingo,  though  often  called  Julian;  married  Eduarda 
Osuna  (or  Olivera);  was  naturalized  in  '37,  when  he  was  38  years  old,  and  had  3 
children,  being  in  trade  at  Sta  B.  A  few  years  later  he  became  owner  of  the 
Tinaquaic  rancho,  iii.  G5G,  where  he  spent  the  rest  of  his  life,  dying  in  '74  and 
leaving  10  children  and  a  large  estate.  He  was  a  rough  and  violent  man,  often 
in  trouble  with  other  rough  men  and  with  the  authorities,  being  sentenced  to 
4  years  in  prison  in  '48  for  killing  Agustin  Davila.  v.  Gil,  G13;  yet  accredited 
with  good  qualities,  such  as  bravery  and  honesty.  His  three  daughters  married 
respectively  C.  W.  Goodchild,  F.  Wickenden,  and  John  R.  Stone.  His  son,- 
"Wm  J.  J.,  born  in  '33,  was  in  'S3  a  ranchero  in  Sta  B.  Co.  Portrait  of  Benj. 
and  his  wife  in  Sta  B.  Co.  Hist.,  322. 

Fraezher  (Geo.),  see  'Frazer.'  Framier  (R.),  1846,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  35S). 
France  (Joseph),  184G,  doubtful  memb.  of  the  Mormon  col.  v.  547.  Francis 
(Alex.),  1842,  Florida  Ind.,  deserter  from  the  U.S.  Cyane  '43.  F.  (Wm), 
1847,  lot  at  S.F.  Francisco,  neoph.  at  S.  Diego  1775.  i.  253.  Francisco, 
1818,  negro  of  Bouchard's  force  captured  at  Mont.  ii.  232.  Franco  (Jose), 
convict  settler  1707.  i.  GOG.  F.  (Juan  Jose),  a  recruit  who  came  with  Jose- 
de  la  Gucrra  y  Noriega  and  J.  J.  de  la  Torre  in  1801.  F.  (Pablo),  convict 
settler  1798;  at  Los  Ang.  '19.  i.  GOG;  ii.  354.  France  (Wm),  1845,  doubtful 
name  of  an  Irishman  at  Branciforte,  age  45,  single. 

Frank  (Manuel),  1841,  1st  frame  house  at  S.  Jose"  built  for.  iv.  G84. 
Frankfort  (Jacob),  1841,  German  tailor  from  N.  Mex.  in  the  Workman  party, 
iv.  27S-9;  at  Los  Ang.  '4G;  up  and  down  the  coast  '47-8,  making  a  trip  to 
Hon.  and  back  on  the  Gen.  Kearny  and  Eveline,  and  obtaining  a  lot  at  S.  F. 
Franz  (Fred  W.),  1845,  at  Mont.  iv.  5S7;  lot  at  S.  F.  '47.  Frapp,  '32-40, 
doubtful  name  of  a  trapper  chief,  iii.  392.  Frare  (Wm),  1844,  Irish,  who 
got  a  pass  for  1  year;  prob.  same  as  'Frere,'  q.v.  Fraser,  see  'Frazer.' 
Frawell  (Ephraim  P.),  1833,  Phil,  tailor  who  deserted  from  the  whaler  llel- 
Vi  tins,  and  worked  at  his  trade  at  clif.  points  round  S.F.  bay.  iii.  409.  He  was 
met  by  Wilkes  at  Mission  S.  Jos6  in  '41;  lived  from  '43  at  S.  Jostf,  where  he 
died  about  '7S;  name  also  written  'Fravel.'  Frayer  (Henry  or  Eugene), 
1844,  German  who  got  a  pass. 

Frazer  (Abncr),  1S45,  Amcr.  carpenter  from  Or.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman 


FRAZER— FREMONT.  747 

party,  and  returned  to  Or.  in  '46,  where  he  still  lived  after  '75.  iv.  572,  52C; 
written  also  'Frazier.'  F.  (Alex.)',  1827,  signs  as  a  witness  at  Mont.  F. 
(Geo.  W.),  1833,  Amer.  trapper  with  Walker's  party,  iii.  391;  iv.  409.  He  is 
ment.  in  Mont,  records  of  '34-5;  in  '40  exiled  to  S.  Bias,  but  returned,  ob- 
taining cartas  in  '41-2,  when  he  lived  near  Sta  Cruz.  iv.  18,  33;  in  '43  at 
Alviso's;  in  '45  signed  the  call  to  foreigners  at  S.  Jose.  iv.  599;  applied  for 
land  at  S.  Jose"  '46;  visited  N.  Helv.  '45-8;  at  Stockton  '47-8.  Name  also 
written  'Fraezher,'  which  was  perhaps  the  correct  form.  F.  (M.),  1836, 
lumberman  at  S.  Rafael,  iv.  118.  F.  (Thos),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v. 
409);  in  Sutter's  employ  '47-8;  name  prob.  'Frazier.'  F.  (Win),  1845, 
Amer.  farmer  from  Or.  in  the  McM.-Clyman  party;  prob.  went  back  '46  with 
Abner  F. ,  who  was  perhaps  his  brother,  iv.  572^3,  526. 

Frederick  (J.),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  35S).  Fredingburg  (H.),  1S48, 
passp.  from  Honolulu.  Freeborn  (John),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499); 
passp.  from  Hon.  '4S.  Freeman,  1837,  mr  of  the  Indian,  iv.  104.  F. 
(Duric).  1844,  Amer.  who  obtained  a  carta  at  Mont.  F.  (Elijah),  1847, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  prob.  not  in  Cal.  F.  (F.),  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358), 
enlisting  at  S.  Jose,  Nov.  F.  (Isam),  1840,  doubtful  name  of  a  naturalized 
foreigner  at  Sta  B.  F.  (Richard),  1846,  bought  a  house  of  Capt.  Fitch  at  S. 
Diego.  F.  (Truman),  1844,  Amer.  age  25,  in  a  S.F.  padron.  F.  (W),  1848, 
passp.  from  Hon.  Freer  (Matthew),  1848,  hanged  at  S.  Jose*  for  highway 
robbery  and  attempted  murder,  v.  663-4. 

Fremont  (John  Charles),  1844,  nat.  of  Ga,  b.  in  '13,  sometime  teacher  of 
mathematics  and  surveyor,  lieut  of  top.  engineers  from '38,  and  husband  of 
a  daughter  of  Thos  H.  Benton  from  '41.  He  is  in  some  respects  the  most 
famous  of  all  the  pioneers  named  in  this  register,  and  his  Californian  career 
was  the  foundation  of  his  fame.  Full  details  of  that  career  will  be  found  in 
other  volumes  of  this  work.  His  three  exploring  exped.  of  '42,  '43-4,  and  '45, 
in  the  2d  and  3d  of  which  he  reached  Cal.,  are  described,  with  their  results, 
in  iv.  434-44,  452,  581-5,  679.  Exploring  and  mapping  regions  before  known 
only  to  trappers  and  immigrants,  narrating  his  labors  with  modesty  and  full 
credit  to  those  who  preceded  and  accompanied  him,  he  gained  much  credit  at 
home  and  abroad  for  his  skill  in  the  field  and  for  his  reports.  As  the  pioneer 
of  scientific  exploration  in  the  far  west,  he  deserves  only  praise.  The  ridicule 
of  which  he  has  been  the  object  in  this  connection  resulted  mainly  from  the 
campaign  of  'oQ,  in  which  his  achievements  as  pathfinder  were  so  magnified 
for  effect  in  the  east  as  to  excite  the  jealousy  of  western  pioneers,  a  feeling 
fomented  by  partisans  for  political  purposes.  Fremont's  acts  of  Jan. -May  '46 
in  Cal.  are  given  in  v.  1-29,  58-9,  644,  660.  Being  permitted  by  Gen.  Castro 
to  rest  his  men  and  animals  in  the  S.  Joaquin  Valley  for  a  continuation  of  his 
exploring  trip  to  Or.,  he  forfeited  the  privilege  by  marching  his  party  into  S. 
Jose"  and  encamping  for  a  week  at  Fisher's  rancho;  grossly  insulted  the  alcalde 
who,  in  the  discharge  of  his  routine  duties,  served  a  legal  notice  on  him;  and 
finally  marched  over  the  Sta  Cruz  Mts  and  down  the  coast — for  Oregon !  When 
the  authorities  very  properly  ordered  him  to  leave  Cal.,  he  fortified  a  position 
on  Gavilan  Peak  and  raised  the  U.  S.  flag.  This  was  foolish  bravado,  as  he 
realized  after  a  day  or  two  of  reflection,  in  connection  with  Consul  Larkin's 
advice  and  the  sight  of  military  preparations  at  San  Juan;  so  he  ran  away  in 
the  night.  The  current  version  of  Castro's  broken  promise  and  subsequent 
cowardly  bluster  is  pure  fiction,  but  it  has  long  served  its  purpose — that  of 
covering  Fremont's  folly.  He  was  overtaken  on  the  Or.  frontier  by  despatches 
from  Wash,  which  required  him  to  remain  in  Cal.  His  part  in  the  Bear  revolt 
of  June-July  is  recorded  in  v.  77-190.  That  most  indefensible  rising  of  the 
settlers,  which  interrupted  negotiations  for  a  pacific  change  of  flag,  would  not 
have  occurred  but  for  F.'a  promise  of  active  support  when  needed;  therefore 
he  must  be  held  responsible,  not  only  for  the  bloodshed  and  bitterness  of  feel- 
ing that  attended  the  conflict  of  '46-7,  but  for  the  much  more  disastrous  state 
of  affairs  that,  but  for  the  sheerest  good  luck,  must  have  resulted.  His  alleged 
motives  were  threefold:  1st,  The  welfare  of  Amer.  settlers  threatened  with 
oppression  and  expulsion — a  mere  pretext,  since  the  danger  was  wholly  imagi- 


748  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

nary,  as  F.  and  the  leaders  well  knew,  though  a  few  settlers  were  led  to  be- 
lieve it  real;  2d,  the  necessity  of  prompt  action  to  save  Cal.  from  England — 
an  excuse  invented  later,  which  has  had  a  success  out  of  all  proportion  to  its 
merits,  for  had. England  entertained  the  idea  of  a  protectorate  the  settlers'  re- 
volt would  have  afforded  the  best  possible  occasion  for  interference;  and  3d, 
the  receipt  of  instructions  from  Wash,  to  seize  the  first  opportunity  to  wrest 
Cal.  from  Mex.  In  a  statement  of  '85 — a  MS.  furnished  by  Gen.  and  Mrs  F. 
to  Dr  Josiah  Royce,  and  by  the  kindness  of  the  latter  added,  with  the  authors' 
consent,  to  my  collection — he  relies  mainly  on  this  3d  plea,  and  alleges  posi- 
tively, as  he  and  his  friends  have  always  implied,  that  he  received  such  in- 
structions, guardedly  expressed  by  Sec.  Buchanan,  and  more  openly  by  Benton 
in  a  private  letter.  This  is  simply  not  true.  I  have  the  instructions  sent  from 
Wash,  in  '45,  both  the  original,  signed  by  Buchanan,  and  the  copy  written 
by  Gillespie  from  memory  on  arrival,  and  they  contain  not  a  word  to  justify 
any  but  conciliatory  measures.  The  lieut  disobeyed  the  letter  and  spirit  of  his 
orders,  unless  deceived  by  Gillespie  at  Benton's  instigation.  His  real  motive 
was  a  desire  to  make  himself  more  prominent  in  the  approaching  occupation 
by  the  U.S.  than  he  could  be  if  the  whole  matter  were  left  to  Larkin  and  the 
naval  officers.  Doubtless  he  drew  his  inspiration  largely  from  his  brilliant 
father-in-law.  He  saw  several  plausible  avenues  of  escape  from  disgrace  should 
there  be  no  war  or  should  matters  otherwise  go  wrong;  but  it  is  likely  that 
the  young  filibuster  was  far  from  anticipating  the  full  measure  of  success  that 
good  fortune  was  to  give  his  deception.  Once  committed  to  the  Bear  cause, 
he  acted  in  most  respects  with  commendable  energy  and  consistenc}7;  yet  it 
must  be  stated  that  he  meanly  assumed  for  himself  credit  for  the  Bears'  war- 
like acts,  in  which  he  took  no  active  part;  that  never  in  his  Cal.  career  was  he 
in  the  actual  presence  of  an  armed  foe;  that  in  his  S.  Rafael  campaign,  repre- 
sented by  him  as  a  grand  victory,  he  was  completely  outwitted  by  Joaq.  de 
la  Torre;  and  that  the  murder  of  the  Haro  brothers  and  Berreyesa  is  an  inef- 
faceable stain  on  his  record.  This  deed  F.  and  his  friends  have  chosen  to  ignore 
as  far  as  possible,  alluding  to  it  as  a  trivial  occurrence  incidental  to  a  state  of 
war,  falsely  representing  the  Haros  as  spies,  on  whose  bodies  murderous  in- 
structions from  Castro  were  found;  and  finally,  F.  has  the  assurance  to  refer 
to  it  as  the  act  of  his  Delawares  out  on  a  scout,  unknown  to  him  till  later. 
For  his  part  in  the  conquest  proper,  from  July  '46  to  Jan.  '47,  see  v.  231, 
24(5-53,  2GG-7,  283,  286-7,  290,  295,  302,  304-5,  357-60,  372-6,  385-410,  412, 
617,  630,  634,  639.  At  Mont.,  though  Com.  Sloat  would  not  adopt  his  views, 
F.  found  in  Stockton  a  filibuster  after  his  own  heart,  willing  to  incorporate 
the  Gavilan  episode  and  the  Bear  revolt  in  the  sacred  cause  of  the  U.S.  As 
major  of  the  Cal.  battalion,  he  aided  in  the  occupation  of  S.  Diego  and  Los 
Ang.  in  Aug.,  returning  north  as  mil.  com.  of  Cal.  Later  he  reorganized  the 
battalion,  and  marched  south  to  take  part  in  the  final  campaign,  concluded 
by  his  treaty  of  Cahuenga  in  Jan.  '47.  In  all  this  period  the  major  and  com- 
modore merely  overcame  obstacles  of  their  own  creation,  but  the  former  effi- 
ciently performed  somewhat  difficult  duties,  and  merits  but  little  of  the  blame 
and  derision  heaped  upon  him  for  his  methods  of  obtaining  supplies,  for  his 
disastrous  crossing  of  the  Sta  Ines  Mountain,  and  for  his  cautious  approach 
to  Los  Ang.  His  policy  at  Cahuenga  deserves  no  more  severe  adjective  than 
the  slangy  one  of  'cheeky.'  Next  we  have  his  proceedings  at  the  capital  in 
J  a::. -May  as  gov.  of  Cal.  by  Stockton's  appointment,  and  his  connection  with 
the  complicated  controversies  of  the  commodore  and  general,  as  related  in  v. 
421-68.  In  general  terms,  it  may  be  said  of  those  quarrels  that  Kearny  was  in 
the  right,  Stockton  in  the  wrong,  and  Fremont  first  right,  then  wrong.  Though 
technically  disobeying  mil.  orders,  F.  could  not,  consistently  with  the  honor 
that  should  prevail  among  filibusters  as  well  as  thieves,  abandon  the  chief 
who  had  fathered  his  cause  and  given  him  office;  but  at  last  his  disobedience 
was  renewed  in  so  offensive  a  form  as  to  move  Kearny  to  wrath  and  the  fullest 
exercise  of  his  authority.  Crossing  the  continent  in  disgrace,  he  was  con- 
demned by  court-martial  to  dismissal  from  the  army.  v.  455-62.  The  verdict 
was  technically  a  just  one,  but  the  lieut-colonel  refused  to  accept  the  presi- 


FREMONT— FPJXK.  749 

dent's  proffered  pardon.  Pie  had  just  then  no  further  use  for  the  army;  the 
trial  had  been  a  splendid  advertisement;  and  the  popular  verdict  had  doubt- 
less been  in  his  favor.  The  evidence  had  been  skilfully  made  to  include  as 
much  as  possible  of  such  Cal.  annals  as  could  be  made  to  appear  flattering  to 
the  accused  and  unfavorable  to  his  rivals;  but  if  the  accusers  had  had  the 
wish  and  power  to  present  all  the  facts  in  their  true  light,  the  popular  hero's 
career  might  have  been  nipped  in  the  bud.  Something  will  be  said  in  vol.  vi. 
of  his  later  career  so  far  as  it  pertains  to  Cal. ;  of  the  rest  my  study  has  been 
comparatively  superficial;  yet  I  find  no  indication  of  qualities  not  clearly 
shown  in  the  early  record.  In  a  4th  explor.  exped.  of  '48  many  of  his  men 
perished  in  the  snow  before  reaching  N.  Mex.,  but  the  leader  kept  on  and 
reached  Cal.  in  '49.  He  accepted  an  appointment  as  commissioner  of  the 
boundary  survey,  but  before  beginning  work  waa'elected,  in  '50,  to  the  U.  S. 
senate  from  Cal.,  doing  no  harm- during  his  brief  term  as  senator,  which  ex- 
pired in  March  '51.  In  '52,  spending  a  year  in  Europe,  he  was  once  put  in  a 
London  jail  on  charges  growing  out  of  his  Cal.  operations  of  '47.  In  '53-4  ho 
made  a  5th  and  last  exploring  tour  across  the  continent  between  38°  and  39°. 
He  had  bought  of  ex-Gov.  Alvarado  in  '46  the  famous  Mariposas  estate,  which 
now  bade  fair  to  make  him  the  richest  man  in  America;  and  in  '56  he  was 
nominated  for  the  presidency  by  the  republicans.  He  had  no  qualifications 
for  the  office,  but  it  was  hoped,  with  much  reason,  that  his  fame  as  'path- 
finder' and  'conqueror  of  Cal.'  would  make  him  an  available  candidate.  At 
this  period  appeared  many  biographic  sketches,  notably  those  of  Bigelow, 
Smucker,  and  Upham.  Defeated  by  Buchanan,  he  lived  a  year  or  two  in  Cal., 
visited  Europe,  and  in  '61-2  served  in  the  war  as  maj.-gen.  of  volunteers;  but 
the  govt  not  appreciating  his  military  genius,  he  resigned,  and  devoted  him- 
self to  grand  schemes  of  speculation  in  connection  with  railroads,  being  tem- 
porarily the  candidate  of  a  few  dissatisfied  republicans  for  the  presidency, 
and  in  '73  sentenced  to  fine  and  imprisonment  for  fraud  by  a  French  court. 
In  '78,  when  reduced  to  extreme  poverty,  he  was  appointed  gov.  of  Ariz., 
serving  for  a  brief  term,  and  subsequently  resuming  his  speculations,  which 
are  always  on  the  point  of  making  him  rich.  In  '85  he  resides  with  his  wife 
in  N.Y.  City,  a  venerable  couple  with  several  grown  children.  Fremont  did 
more  than  any  other  to  prevent  or  retard  the  conquest  of  Cal.,  yet  his  fame 
as  'conqueror'  is  the  corner-stone  of  his  greatness,  and  in  all  the  structure 
there  are  few  blocks  more  solid.  He  is  to  be  regarded  as  an  adventurer  of 
marvellous  good  fortune,  if  it  be  good  fortune  for  a  man  of  moderate  abilities 
to  be  made  conspicuous  before  the  world,  or  to  enjoy  opportunities  that  can- 
not be  utilized.  He  was,  moreover,  intelligent,  well  educated,  brilliant  within 
certain  limits,  of  gentlemanly  manners,  personally  magnetic,  full  of  enthusi- 
asm. Abuse  has  done  more  for  him  than  eulogy;  and  doubtless  from  his 
standpoint  he  has  been  a  successful  man. 

French  (Erasmus  D.),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  336);  nat  of  X. 
Y.,  educated  as  a  physician,  a  miner  '48-9,  at  S.  Jose"  '50-8,  then  at  Cliico 
and  the  Coso  mines;  from  '69  a  farmer  in  S.  Diego,  where  he  still  lived  in  '83, 
age  60,  with  his  wife,  C.S.  Cowles.  S.  Bern.  Co.  Hist.  F.  (H.),  1847,  lieut  on 
the  U.S.  Columbu*.  F.  (Wm),  1827,  Amer.  trader  of  Honolulu  at  Mont,  in 
'27,  '30;  sup.  of  the  Europe  in  '36-7,  aiding  Alvarado  in  his  revolution.  Very 
likely  visited  Cal.  on  other  occasions,  iii.  461;  iv.  103,  141.  Frere  (Alex. 
W.),  1842,  Amer.  who  got  a  carta,  in  '32  ace.  to  one  record;  named  in  Cal. 
till  '44.  iv.  341.  Fresche  (Francis),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  atS.F. 
'74.  Freverdon  (Wm),  1848,  doubtful  name  of  a  lumberman  at  S.  Jose. 
Frew  (Alex.),  1828,  trader  on  the  coast;  d.  before '32. 

Frias  (Mariano),  Mex.  soldier  at  Mont.  '33-0,  age  33.  Fricher  (John), 
1842,  Amer.  blacksmith  at  S.F.,  age  36.  Frink  (Chris.  L.),  1848,  at  Mont. 
F.  (Daniel),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  miner  in  El  Dorado  '48;  made  a 
trip  to  Chile  and  back;  lumberman  in  Sonoma  Co.  '49-50;  later  owner  of  part 
of  Nicasio  rancho,  Marin  Co.  iv.  672;  justice  of  the  peace  and  assoc.  judge; 
memb.  of  legisl.  '79;  married  in  '52  to  Pauline  H.  Reynolds;  living  '83  at 
Mountain  View,  Sta  Clara  Co.,  with  6  children.  Portrait  in  Sta  Clara  Co. 


750  pioneer  register  and  index. 

/".•'.,  236.  Frisbie  (Eleazer),  1S47,  sergt  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504;  kept  a 
store  at  Sonoma  ^8-50;  settled  in  Solano  Co.,  and  lived  at  Vallejo  in  '82 
with  his  wife,  Carrie  E.  Klink,  and  7  children;  a  brother  of  John  B. 

Frisbie  (John  B.),  1847,  capt.  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504,  GG7;  nat  of  N.Y., 
b.  in  ;23;  a  lawyer,  politician,  and  militia  officer  in  N.  Y.  After  leaving  the 
mil.  service  Capt.  F.  was  a  candidate  for  lieut-gov.  in  '49;  married  a  daughter 
of  Gen.  Vallejo;  and  became  a  prominent  business  man  of  the  town  of  Vallejo, 
interested  in  the  building  of  railroads,  president  of  a  bank,  and  a  man  of  con- 
siderable wealth;  in  'GO  sent  the  1st  cargo  of  wheat  to  Europe;  a  member  of 
the  legislature  in  '07.  Losing  his  fortune  just  before  1880,  he  moved  with  his 
family  to  Mexico,  where  he  still  resides  in  '85,  being  engaged  in  mining  oper- 
ations. He  furnished  me  his  Reminiscences,  containing  information  on  Mcx.  as 
well  as  on  early  times  in  Cal.  Portrait  in  Solano  Co.  Hist.,  48.  Friund 
(Henry  J.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  died  before  '82.  Froelich  (Rosa), 
1847,  in  Amador  Co.  from  '54.  Frost  (Lafayette  N.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  469);  d.  S.  Diego  Sept.  Fructuoso,  grantee  of  Potrero  de  S.  Carlos 
'37.  iii.  678.  Frymire  (Walter),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Fuentes 
( Jose"  M. ),  grantee  of  Potrero  '43.  iv.  672.  Fuller  (Hazel),  1832,  Amer.  black- 
smith, deserter  from  the  whaler  Friends;  still  at  Mont.  '34.  iii.  408. 

Fuller  (John  Casimiro),  1823,  Engl,  sailor  on  the  Rover;  prob.  made  other 
visits;  well  known  from  about  '27;  on  Larkin's  books  at  Mont,  from  '33.  He 
had  been  baptized  at  S.  Bias,  and  married — apparently  at  Sta  B — to  Concep- 
cion  Avila;  in  '36  at  Mont,  with  wife  and  a  daughter,  born  in  '36  at  the  Sand- 
wich Isl.  In  '37  he  got  a  lot  at  S.  F.  iii.  705;  v.  678;  but  also  bought  of 
Watson  the  Beltran  house  at  Mont.,  retransferred  2  years  later;  moved  to  S. 
F.  in  '38;  had  a  house  there  in  '49.  iii.  609,  678;  being  also  sindico.  iii.  705; 
worked  for  Dawson  at  Sonoma  '39;  in  Farnham's  list  of  arrested  foreigners 
'40.  iv.  17;  naturalized  '41,  being  also  sindico.  iv.  66o;  from  40  to  45  years 
old  in  '42,  when  he  had  5  children,  2  of  whom  were  Cbncepcion  and  Santiago. 
His  name  appears  often  in  S.F.  records  to  '47,  when  he  took  part  in  efforts  for 
the  relief  of  the  Dormer  party,  v.  539,  and  advertised  that  he  would  not  be  re- 
sponsible for  his  wife's  debts;  and  he  seems  to  have  died  in  '49.  He  was  a 
butcher  and  cook  well  known  to  all  the  early  traders;  an  alley  in  the  city 
still  bears  his  name;  and  his  widow  and  children  were  still  at  S.F.  in  '63. 

Fuller  (Thos),  1831,  Engl,  carpenter,  landed  sick  at  Mont.,  and  still  there 
in  '40,  age  34.  iii.  405.  F.  (Wm  M.),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  lot  at 
S.F. ;  claimant  in  '53  for  a  Marin  Co.  rancho.  iv.  674.  Fulma  (Mores),  1S46, 
came  to  S.  Jose.  Hall.  Funk  (John),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  in 
Shasta  Co.  '74;  doubtful  name.  Furbush,  1847,  came  from  Hon.  on  the  Eu- 
phemiaj  prob.  'Forbush,'  q.v.  Fuster  (Vicente),  1773,  Span,  friar  who 
served  chiefly  at  S.  Diego  and  S.  Juan  Cap.,  dying  in  1800.  See  biog.  i.  657; 
ment.  i.  194-5,  250-3,  2G6-7,  300,  302,  377,  388,  425,  45S,  575,  577;  ii.  109-10. 

Gabel  (Ludovico),  1843,  German  sailor  from  Boston  on  the  Achnittance, 
under  the  name  of  Robt  Foster,  known  as  'Bob  the  fisherman;'  d.  at  Mont. 
'72,  Swan.  Gabriel  (Ralph),  1847,  at  S.F.  to  '70.  Alia.  Gafan  (Carlos  V.), 
1837,  mr  of  the  Veloz  Asturiano.  iv.  10G.  Gaitan  (Cayetano),  at  Jamacha 
rancho  '36.  iii.  611.  G.  (Jose  M.),  Mex.  convict  '29-35.  Gajiola  (Jose* 
Ant.),  sec.  of  ayunt.  at  Mont.  '29.  ii.  612;  clerk  at  Soledad  '36.  iii.  690-1; 
sec.  at  S.  Jose  '42-3.  iv.  684.  G.  (Valentin),  alf6rez  and  habilitado  at  Mont. 
'45-6.  iv.  652;  v.  41.  Galbraith  (Isaac),  1826,  Amer.  blacksmith  and 
hunter  who  came  with  Jed.  Smith's  party  and  settled  at  San  Gabriel,  ii.  bo^>; 
iii.  153,  155-6,  158,  160,  176;  a  crack  shot,  and  a  man  of  gigantic  size  and 
strength.  I  find  no  record  of  him  after  '29,  when  his  age  was  34.  Gale 
(Joseph),  1841-2,  mr  of  the  State  of  Oregon,  iv.  568.  G.  (Joseph),  1831, 
doubtful  member  of  Young's  party,  iii.  388. 

Gale  (Wm  Alden),  1810,  Boston  trader,  who  1st  visited  Cal.  as  clerk  on 
the  Albatross,  which  did  a  large  business  in  furs  at  the  Farallones.  ii.  93-4. 
In  '22-3  he  came  back  as  sup.  of  the  Sachem,  the  pioneer  in  the  hide  trade 
with  Boston,  ii.  474-5,  478,  492-3,  G14.  Again  he  returned  in  '25-7,  still  on 


GALE— GAMBLE.  751 

the  Sachem,  taking  back  as  wife  Marcelina  Estudillo,  the  1st  Cal.  woman  to 
visit  the  'hub,'  who  seems  never  to  have  returned  to  Cal.  iii.  24,  02,  118, 
143.  His  next  trip  waa  on  the  BrooMine  in  '20-00;  and  his  last  on  the  Roxana 
'32,  when  he  remained  on  the  coast  as  agent  of  Bryant  &  Sturgia's  ships  till 
'35,  getting  a  carta  in  '33.  iii.  137-8,  14G,  3S1.  He  died  in  Mass.  '41.  He  was 
a  most  popular  trader,  famous  for  the  zeal  with  which  he  drove  his  bargains 
in  broken  Spanish.  His  most  common  nickname  was  Cuatro  Ojos,  by  reason 
of  his  spectacles;  but  his  name  was  also  translated  into  Tormenta,  'a  gale;' 
and  he  was  sometimes  called  Cambalache,  or  'barter.'  Galente  (Rafael), 
1847,  lot  at  S.F.  Gali  (Francisco),  1584,  Span,  voyager  down  the  Cal.  coast. 
i.  94-C.  Galiano  (Dionisio),  1792,  Span.  com.  of  the  Sutil  and  Mcxicana  in 
an  explor.  exped.  to  Cal.  and  the  N.W.  Coast;  killed  at  Trafalgar,  i.  490. 
50G-9;  see  also  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  i. 

Galindo  (Bautiata),  soldier  at  S.F.  '37;  at  S.  Jos6  '41,  age  27,  wife  Alvisa  (?) 
Moreno.  G.  (Crisostomo),  at  S.  Jose  '41,  age  07,  wife  Jacoba  Bernal, 
child.  Francisco  b.  '24,  Antonio  '2G,  Jos6  '29,  Agustin  '31,  Juan  '39.  His 
daughter  Ana  Mar  fa  married  J.  A.  Forbes;  and  the  family  home  was  at 
Milpitas;  grantee  and  el.  of  S.  Jose"  mission  land.  v.  005.  The  full  name  was 
Juan  C.  See  also  Jos6  Jesus  and  Juan.  G.  (Eusebio),  b.  at  S.F.  1802;  sol- 
dier in  S.F.  comp.  '28-9;  ment.  in  '40.  iv.  23;  juez  de  paz  at  Sta  Clara  '45. 
iv.  083.  Still  at  Sta  Clara  in  '77,  when  he  gave  me  some  historical  Apuntes, 
G.  (Francisco),  son  of  Crisostomo  or  Jose"  Jesus;  in  Alameda  Co.  '78.  G. 
(Francisco),  Span,  not  required  to  quit  Cal.  in  '30.  iii.  52.  G.  (Jos6),  sol- 
dier of  S.F.  comp.  '37-43.  iv.  007.  G.  (Josd),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '38-9. 
G.  (Jose"  Ant.),  grantee  of  Lagunade  la  Merced  and  Sauzalito  '35.  iii.  712-13; 
corp.  S.F.  militia  '37;  killed  Jos6  Pcralta  at  S.F.  in  '38.  G.  (Jose"  de  Jesus), 
died  at  Milpitas  in  '77,  at  the  reputed  age  of  100;  his  son  Francisco  was  then 
a  resid.  of  Oakland;  and  his  daughter  Juana  was  the  wife  of  Jos6  M.  Alviso 
and  later  of  Jose"  Uridias,  still  living  in  '77.  Jose  Jesus  may  have*been  Crisos- 
tomo, q.v.,  whose  age  in  '77  would  have  been  103.  G.  (Juan),  corporal  in 
S.F.  comp.  '19-29;  very  likely  Juan  Crisostomo,  q.v.  G.  (Leandro),  regidor 
at  S.  Jos6  '22.  ii.  004;  militiaman  and  elector  at  S.F.  '37.  iii.  705;  lot  at  S.F. 
mission  '40.  iv.  700;  in  '42  at  S.F.,  age  55,  wife  Dominga  Alaman,  child. 
Seferino  b.  '30,  Maria  '33,  Antonio  '35,  Francisco  '38,  Gregoria  '39,  Genaro 
'40,  and  Mariano  '41 ;  militia  corporal  '44;  juez  de  campo  and  grantee  of  a  lot 
'40.  v.  043,  G84.  G.  (Manuel),  1825,  Span,  officer  on  the  Constant?,  iii.  20. 
G.  (Nasario),  son  of  Leandro;  soldier,  Corp.,  and  scrgt  of  S.F.  comp.  '32-43. 
iii.  507,  007,  078;  in  Joo  near  mission  S.  Jos6,  age  40.  G.  (Xicolas),  settler 
at  S.F.  1791-1800.  i.  710.  G.  (Rafael),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  1797-1800.  i. 
550;  also '34-7,  perhaps  another  man.  Galista  (Jose"  Ant.),  Mcx.  clerk  at 
Mont.  '30,  age  50,  wife  Andrea  Jimeno,  child.  I)ario  b.  '22  at  Mont.,  Valen- 
tin '24,  Domitila  '27,  Jose:  '29,  Felipe  '31,  Maria  G.  '33,  Joo6  Ant.  '30. 

Gallagher  (John),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  an  Irish  farmer  in  So- 
noma Co.  '71— S3,  when  he  was  at  Bodega.  Gallant  (Victor),  1840,  Co.  E, 
Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  enlist,  at  Sonoma,  Oct.  Gallardo  (Anastasio),  Mex.  con- 
vict '29-35.  G.  (Felix),  at  Los  Ang.  '30.  iii.  491;  and  '40.  v.  312;  2  of  the 
name  in  '40.  G.  (Jos6  Ant.),  a  settler  at  Brancif.  1797.  i.  509.  G.  (Juan), 
soldier  killed  by  Ind!  at  the  Colorado  1781.  i.  359-02.  G.  (Juan),  Mex. 
shoemaker,  and  leader  in  the  Apalategui  revolt  of  '35.  iii.  282-G;  still  at  Los 
Ang.  to  '4G,  when  he  was  alcalde,  iii.  504,  5G4;  v.  50,  143,  025-0;  claimant  in 
'52  for  land  granted  '38.  G.  (Rafael),  at  Los  Ang.  from  '30;  juez  de  paz  '43. 
iv.  033;  regidor  '47.  v.  02G.  G.  (Simon),  at  Los  Ang.  '48.  Gallego  (Car- 
los), settler  on  the  Colorado,  killed  1781.  i.  359-02.  G.,  trader  forbidden  to 
hold  raffles  1798.  i.  042.  G.  (Pablo),  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  35.  Gallegos, 
drowned  at  Sta  B.  '30.  ii.  570.  Galusha  (Elon  A.),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol. 
(v.  499);  d.  at  Rochester,  N.Y.,  before  '83.  Calway  (James),  1847  (?),  said  to 
have  come  with  his  parents  at  the  age  of  5;  page  in  the  convention  of  '49; 
with  Walker  in  Nic. ;  lieut  in  war  of  '01-5;  editor  of  Sta  Cruz  Journal;  d.  in 
'70.  Sta  Clara  News,  Sept.  24,  '70. 

Gamble  (Win),  1841,  a  young  naturalist  sent  out  from  Phil,  by  Nuttall  to 


752  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

collect  specimens;  came  from  N.  Mex.  in  the  Workman  party,  iv.  273-9. 
Being  financially  crippled,  he  was  employed  by  Com.  Jones  in  '42  as  clerk  on 
the  Cyane,  and  perhaps  went  away  on  that  vessel;  in  '44  at  Callao;  said  by 
Given  to  have  ret.  to  Cal.  about  '49.  G.  (Wm  M.),  1843,  mid.  on  the  U.  S. 
Portsmouth.  Gamon  (Jose  M.),  1844,  mr  of  the  Trinidad,  iv.  569.  G. 
(Thos),  1826,  at  Mont.  Gandara  (Pedro),  apparently  a  clerk  of  Pedrorena 
'40-1.  Gann  (Nicholas),  1847,  overl.  immig.  with  wife  Ruth,  to  whom,  in 
camp  at  Stockton,  Oct.,  was  born  the  1st  child  in  S.  Joaq.,  named  Wm;  at 
Gilroy  '79-82.  Gannon  (Thos),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Sta  B. 
'55.       Gansevoort  (Stanwix),  1845,  mid.  on  U.S.  Portsmouth. 

Gantt  (John),  1843,  member  of  the  Chiles-Walker  immig.  party,  iv.  392- 
4,  400.  In  earlier  times  said  to  have  been  an  officer  in  the  U.S.  army.  Capt. 
G.  commanded  Sutter's  force  in  Micheltorena's  service  '44-5;  and  after  the 
campaign  made  a  contract  to  attack  Ind.  horse-thieves  for  a  share  of  the  re- 
covered animals,  iv.  480,  485-6,  506-7,  516-17,  543.  In  Sept.  '46  Bryant 
found  him  ill  at  Dr  Marsh's  rancho,  and  it  is  likely  that  sickness  prevented 
his  taking  part  in  the  troubles  of  '46-7.  In  '47  he  wrote  from  Sonoma  asking 
an  appointment  as  sub-Ind.  agent,  and  from  Yount's  place  in  Napa,  proposing 
to  build  a  saw-mill  on  his  '  mountain  tract; '  in  '48  of  firm  G.  &  Hannah  at 
Napa;  in  '49  mining  on  Feather  River;  died  in  Napa  Val.  later  in  '49. 

Garaycoechea  (Jose),  at  S.  F.  1795.  i.  700.  Garc^s  (Francisco  T.  H.), 
1774,  Span,  friar  of  Queretaro  college,  and  missionary  in  Sonorafrom  '68;  with 
Anza  in  his  exped.  to  Cal.  1774-6;  the  1st  to  explore  the  Tulare  valley  and 
the  route  from  Mojave  to  S.  Gabriel;  later  missionary  at  the  Colorado  pueblos, 
where  he  was  killed  by  the  Ind.  in  1781.  i.  221-3,  258-62,  273-8,  354-67, 
573.  and  list  of  auth.  ii.  43-4. 

Garcia  (Anastasio),  a  desperado  who  killed  Joaq.  de  la  Torre  and  several 
other  men  in  the  Sta  B.  region  '55.  G.  (Anselmo),  at  S.  Josd  '47.  G. 
(Antonio),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  G.  (Bernardino),  son  of  Francisco,  age  19  in 
'41,  when  he  enlisted  in  the  S.F.  comp.  at  Sonoma,  iv.  667.  He  was  the  des- 
perado, '  Four-fingered  Jack,'  who  killed  Cowie  and  Fowler  in  '46.  v.  161-2; 
also  meat,  at  Natividad.  v.  370;  Cal.  claim  of  $1,375;  I  think  he  was  hanged 
in  later  years.  G.  (Bibiana  Romero  cle),  widow  at  J.  Jose  '41,  age  21,  child. 
Jose  Ant.  b.  '34,  Francisco  '36.  G.  (Bruno),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  1796.  ii.  350. 
G.  (Carlos),  ditto  1S13.       G.  (Carmen),  Cal.  claim  $2,152  (v.  462). 

Garcia  (Diego),  1787,  Span,  friar,  who  served  chiefly  at  S.F.  and  retired  in 
'97.  Biog.  i.  713;  ment.  i.  388,  474,  498-500,  575,  577.  G.  (Dionisio),  Mex. 
sold,  at  Mont.  '36,  age  37;  owner  of  S.  F.  lots  '39-46.  v.  676,  682.  G. 
(Eugenio),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  '32.  G.  (Faustino),  at  Mont.  '47.  G.  (Felipe), 
Span.  sold,  of  the  Mont.  comp.  before  1780;  had  a  garden  at  Mont,  about 
1815.  ii.  209;  his  wife  was  Petra  Lugo  (or  Rincon),  and  they  had  20  children. 
G.  (Felipe  Santiago),  regidor  at  Los  Ang.  17S9-90.  i.  461;  perhaps  same  as 
preceding.  G.  (Felipe  Santiago),  son  of  preceding,  b.  at  Mont.  1782;  in  '35, 
'46,  juez  de  campo.  iii.  674;  v.  637;  in  '36  at  Mont.,  wife  Jacinta  Fernandez, 
child.  Jose  de  Jesus  b.  '22,  Antonia  '25,  Manuel  Estevan  '27,  Encarnacion 
'29.  In  '54  he  gave  Taylor,  Discov.  and  Founders,  ii.  25,  his  recollections; 
Cal.  claim  in  '46  of  $1,042  (v.  462);  still  living  after  '60.  G.  (Felipe),  in  Los 
Aug.  region  '46,  age  25.  G.  (Francisco),  maj.  at  Sta  B.  1811-1820.  ii.  364. 
G.  (Francisco),  Span,  invalido  of  Sta  B.  comp.  in  '28-9,  age  60.  iii.  51.  G. 
(Francisco),  soldier  of  S.  F.  '34-5.  G.  (Francisco),  Mex.  at  Mont.  '36,  age 
34,  wife  Joscfa  Gonzalez,  child.  Bernabe"  b.  '23,  Pedro  '25,  Jose  '26,  Epitacio 
'28,  Lugarda  '30,  Bonifacia  '31,  Maria  Jesus  '33,  Micaela  '34;  grantee  of 
ranchos  in  Mont,  and  Sta  Clara  '42,  '45.  iv.  655,  673;  juez  at  S.  Feliciano  '45- 
6;  iv.  625,  634,  637.  Cal.  claims  of  $14,625  and  $2,170  in  '46-7.  (v.  462);  still 
in  Mont.  Co.  '50.  G.  (Francisco),  at  Los  Ang  '46.  G.  (Francisco),  one  of 
the  Jack  Powers  gang  hanged  near  S.  Luis  Ob.  about  '55;  ment.  in  '46.  x.Uj2; 
perhaps  confounded  with  Bernardino.  G.  (Gabriel),  at  the  S.  Pascual  fight 
'46.  v.  352;  a  soldier  at  Sta  B.  before  '37.  G.  (liilarion),  maj.  at  S.  Diego 
'30.  ii.  549;  alferez  at  Sta  B.  '39-46.  iii.  583;  iv.  642;  v.  35. 

Garcia  (Inocente),  son  of  Felipe,  b.  at  Los  Aug.  1791;  soldier  in  Mont. 


GARCIA— GAREOLO.  753 

com  p.  from  1807,  serving  in  the  escolta  of  S.  Miguel  and  Soledad;  from  '13 
trader  and  soap-maker;  maj.  of  S.  vTuan  B.  '22-3.  ii.  624;  ment.  at  Mont.  '28- 
30.  ii.  G12;  iii.  41;  took  part  in  Alvarado's  revolt  of  '3G,  and  in  Ind.  cxpcd. 
of  '37-9.  iii.  457,  460..  469;  iv.  75;  admin,  of  S.  Miguel  '37-45.  iii.  555,  587, 
685;  iv.  G59;  arrested  by  Fremont  '46.  v.  375-6.  He  went  to  the  mines  in  '48; 
and  for  years  supposed  himself  to  be  owner  of  a  rancho  near  S.  Luis  Ob.,  but 
lost  it.  His  wife  was  Maria  del  Carmen  Ramirez,  and  there  were  many  chil- 
dren. In  78  living  at  S.  Luis  in  poverty,  strong  in  body  and  mind,  though  88 
years  old,  and  of  good  repute.  He  gave  me  his  Ilechos  Uixtoricos,  a  MS.  full 
of  interesting  details  of  the  old  soldier's  life  and  observations,  ii.  232,  338-9, 
386.  In  'S5  I  have  not  heard  of  his  death.  G.  (Jacinto),  soldier  at  S.F. 
'27-40.  G.  (Jesus),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  G.  (Joaq.),  sent  to  Mex.  '30.  iii.  85. 
Garcia  (Jose"),  1800,  Span,  friar  who  served  -at  S.  Luis  Rey,  and  retired  in 
1808.  Biog.  ii.  108;  ment.  i.  577;  ii.  159-60.  G.  (Jose),  settler  at  Los  Ang. 
1808.  ii.  350.  G.  (Jose"),  soldier  at  S.F.  '28-33.  G.  (Jose"),  sent  as  prisoner 
to  Sonora  '37.  iii.  638.  G.  (JosC),  came  in  '36  from  S.  Amer. ;  flogged  for 
forgery  at  Mont.  '37:  clerk  at  S.  Jose"  '41-2.  iv.  684-5;  ment.  in  '46.  v.  321; 
said  to  have  been  killed  at  Natividad.  v.  372.  G.  (Jose"  Ant.),  1st  death  at 
Sta  Clara,  i.  306.  G.  (Jose"  Ant.),  petitioner  for  lands  for  N.  Mex.  colony 
'45.  iv.  ;372,  G35,  637.  G.  (Jose"  Dolores),  ment.  at  Sta  B.  '48,  in  con.  with 
the  Canon  Perdido.  v.  588.  G.  (Jose"  E.),  son  of  Jose"  Maria,  worked  at  Sta 
B.  for  Capt.  Itobbins  '45;  served  under  Carrillo  and  Flores  '46.  v.  400;  took 
part  in  hiding  the  cannon  in  '48;  and  in  '78  gave  me  his  Episodios.  G.  (Jos6 
Manuel),  lots  at  S.F.  '39.  G.  (Jose"  Maria),  nat.  of  Sonora,  of  Span,  parent- 
age; sfndico  at  Sta  B.  '31-2.  iii.  653,  212;  maj.  and  admin,  of  Sta  B.  '34-6. 
iii.  346,  353,  657-8;  alcalde  in  '34.  iii.  654.  His  wife  was  Maria  Ant.  Ayala. 
G.  (Jos6  Miguel),  militiaman  at  S.F.  '37;  at  S.  Jos6  '41,  ago  21,  wife  Rafaela 
Miranda,  child.  Guadalupe  b.  '39.  G.  (Jose"  Norberto),  murdered  at  S.  Juan 
B.  '44.  iv.  662.  G.  (Juan),  soldier  at  S.F.  1797-1800.  i.  550.  G.  (Juan), 
soldier  at  Mont.  '36,  age  26.  G.  (Juan  and  Juan  Jose),  at  Los  Ang.  '46. 
G.  (Juan  B.),  soldier  of  S.  F.  comp.  '34-42.  G.  (Julian),  at  Los  Ang.  '46; 
S.  Luis  Ob.  '58.  G.  (Luis),  at  Brancif.  '30.  ii.  627;  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  28. 
G.  (Luz),  comisionado  at  Brancif.  '15.  ii.  390;  invalido  '28,  wife  Rosalia  Vaz- 
quez, child.  Rufino,  Antonio,  Jose'  Maria. 

Garcia  (M.),  grantee  of  S.  Miguel  rancho  '46.  v.  637.  G.  (Manuel),  1822, 
mr  of  the  S. F.  de  Paula,  ii.  457,  474.  G.  (Manuel),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  G. 
(Marcelino),  1844,  one  of  the  Bat.  fijo.  iv.  289,  405;  in  '77  at  Salinas  City, 
where  he  gave  me  his  Apunte  sobre  Micheltorena.  G.  (Matias  and  Miguel), 
at  Los  Ang.  '46.  G.  (Maximo),  soldier  of  the  piquete  de  Hidalgo  at  Mont. 
'36,  age  45.  G.  (Miguel),  grantee  of  S.  Miguel  '46.  G.  (Norberto),  at  Sa- 
linas '30,  age  35,  wife  Maria  Victoria  Gomez,  child.  Maria  Francita  b.  '20, 
Rita  '23,  Jose"  '25,  Juan  Jose  '28,  Guadalupe  '31,  Teodora  34.  G.  (Pascual), 
soldier  at  Sta  B.  before  '37.  G.  (Pascual),  at  La  Brea  '36,  age  49,  wife  Juli- 
ana Sanchez.  G.  (Pedro),  1842,  lieut  of  the  batallon  fijo.  iv.  5b9.  G. 
(Pedro  Gonzalez),  armorer  and  instructor  1792-5.  i.  615,  684.  G.  (Rafael), 
soldier  of  S.  F.  comp.  '23-33;  at  S.  Rafael  '24.  ii.  598;  grantee  of  Tamales 
and  Baulinas  '36.  iii.. 713;  grantee  of  land  in  Mendocino  '44.  iv.  672;  raid  on 
the  Ind.  '45.  iv.  541,  679.  He  died  in  '66  in  Marin  Co.,  age  75.  G.  (Rafael), 
at  Los  Ang.  '46;  soldier  at  Sta  B.  '32.  G.  (Ramon),  at  S.  Jos6  '41,  age  27. 
G.  (Reyes),  in  piquete  de  Hidalgo  at  Mont.  '36.  G.  (Rosalio),  son  of  Felipe; 
went  to  Chili  to  avoid  mil.  service.  G.  (Salvador),  Span,  sailor  of  the  Asia; 
rem.  in  Cal.  iii.  51-2.  G.  (Tomas),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  before  '37.  G.  (Tri- 
fion),  grantee  of  Atascadero  '42.  iv.  Goo. 

Garcia  Diego  (Francisco),  1833,  Mex.  friar  of  the  Zacatecanos,  who  served 
at  Sta  Clara  to  '35,  being  prefect  of  the  northern  missions,  and  in  '41  came 
back  as  bishop  of  Cal.,  dying  in  '46.  Biog.  v.  632-3;  ment.  iii.  318-24.  323- 
36,  338,  347-8,  351-2,  726;  iv.  63-5,  195-6,  219,332-8,372-4,424-7,519, 
554,  565,  619,  640.  Gard  (Chas  and  John),  1848,  at  Mont.  Gardner  (Geo. 
W.j,  1S44,  mr  of  the  Nantucket,  iv.  507.  G.  (Wyman),  1840,  at  Mont.  (?). 
G.,  1S48,  worked  for  John  Williams  on  Butte  Cr.  Gareolo  (Valentin),  lieut 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    48 


754  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

in  Cal.  '45  (?).  Garfias  (Manuel),  1S42,  Mex.  lieut  in  the  batallon  fijo  '42-5. 
iv.  280;  grantee  of  S.  Pascual  '43.  iv.  G35;  rem.  in  Cal.,  and  tool:  part  in  the 
war  against  the  U.S.  '4C-7,  going  to  Mex.  with  L'lores.  iv.  513;  v.  41,  49,  31G, 
391,  407.  He  came  back  to  Cal.,  and  was  county  treasurer  of  Los  Aug.  '50-1; 
in  later  years  U.S.  consul  at  Mazatlan,  where  he  still  lived,  perhaps,  in  '77. 
G.  (Salvador),  Span,  at  S.  Jose  '41,  age  41,  wife  Crecencia  Cibrian,  child.  Sal- 
vador b.  31,  Ascension  '33.  Jose  Jesus,  '34,  Felicidad  '29,  Encarnacion  '30, 
Carmen  '38,  Josefa  '40.  Garibay  (Gertrudis),  accuseel  of  murder  at  Mont. 
'34.  iii.  G73.  Garner  (Philip),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  4G9).  G.  (R.), 
1848,  landed  at  Sta  B.  (?).  G.  (Wm  A.),  1847,  ditto,  made  bricks  and  dug 
a  well  at  S.  Diego. 

Garner  (Wm  Robert),  1824,  nat.  of  London,  b.  in  1803,  who  deserted  from 
an  English  whaler  at  Sta  B.,  the  date  being  often  given  as  '26.  ii.  523.  In  '29 
lie  was  refused  naturalization;  in  '31  married  a  daughter  of  Manuel  Butron; 
in  :32  joined  the  comp.  extranjera  at  Mont.  iii.  221.  He  was  a  lumberman, 
and  appears  on  Larkin's  books  from  '33;  in  '36-7  was  a  lieut  of  Graham's 
comp.  in  Alvaraelo's  service,  iii.  458-9,  512;  anel  in  '39  wTas  naturalized,  then 
living  at  S.  Juan  B.  His  part  in  the  Graham  affair  of  '40  is  recoreleel  in  iv.  5- 
6,  10,  12,  21,  27,  he  being  the  man  who  revealeel  the  plot  of  Graham  anel  his 
associates.  It  is  not  quite  clear  whether  he  simply  acted  in  good  faith  as  a 
Mex.  citizen,  was  prompted  by  hostility  to  G.,  or  was  entrappeel  by  Castro 
into  confession  for  self-protection.  Continuing  his  lumber  business  for  a  few- 
years,  in  '44-8  he  kept  a  boarding-house  at  Mont.,  being  also  at  times  clerk, 
policeman,  translator,  auctioneer,  and  alcalde's  sec,  besides  serving  appar- 
ently in  the  campaign  against  Micheltorena.  iv.  495;  v.  C37.  He  went  to  the 
mines  with  Colton,  anel  with  his  sons  maele  several  mining  trips,  and  then 
moved  to  S.  Luis  Ob.,  from  which  point,  in  '49,  he  made  an  expeel.  against 
the  Ind.  of  the  interior  and  was  killeel  with  G  of  his  men.  His  son  Jose  C,  b. 
about  !32,  in  a  letter  of  '75,  gave  me  some  information  about  his  father;  also 
to  the  S.  Jose  Pion.  of  '78,  when  he  lived  at  S.  Jose",  as  he  eloes  still,  perhaps, 
in  ^o.  In  their  anger  at  the  affair  of  '40,  Graham  and  his  friends  accuseel  Gar- 
ner not  oiily  of  treachery  in  that  matter,  but  of  having  been  an  Australian 
convict,  murderer,  anel  desperado;  but  in  the  absence  of  proofs,  it  is  well  to 
judge  the  man's  character  by  his  Cal.  record,  which  is  in  every  respect  better 
than  that  of  his  accusers.  He  is  saiel  to  have  been  of  a  gooel  family,  anel  was 
an  intelligent  man  of  some  education.       Garnica  elel  'Castillo,'  q.v. 

Garra,  Ind.  chief  at  Pauma  '46.  v.  5G7-8.  Garraleta  (Antonio),  clerk  at 
Sta  B.  mission  '39.  iii.  G57.  G.  (Jose  Ant.),  lieut  of  the  frontier  comp., 
sometimes  visiting  S.  Diego;  killeel  in  '41  by  his  wife.  iv.  G19.  Garrick 
(Peter),  1834,  Engl,  carpenter  at  Mont,  in  Spear's  service;  written  Garruk 
and  Garrenk.  Garriger  (Solomon),  1S46,  Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  enlisting 
at  N.  Helv.  Oct.  Garter  (David),  1848,  doubtful  name.  Game  (Wm), 
1834,  nat.  of  Sto  Domingo,  from  Hon.;  cooper  at  Los  Ang.  '36.  iii.  412. 

Gasquet  (Louis),  1845,  French  consul  at  Mont.  '45-7.  iv.  385,  587,  590;  v. 
34,  CO,  232-3,  3G4.  Gastelum  (Francisco  J.),  at  Los  Ang.  '39-45.  Gaten 
(H.),  1846,  Co.  B,  artill.,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Gauticr  (Julian),  1843,  d.  at 
Los  Aug.;  his  widow  at  Sonoma,  Dec.  Gavitt  (John),  1847,  lot  at  S.  F. 
Gay  (Geo.),  1832,  Engl,  deserter  from  a  whaler,  iii.  408;  went  to  Or.  in  '35, 
and  came  back  in  '37  in  the  cattle  exped.  iv.  85;  see  Hist.  Or.,  i.  9S. 

Gcdeles  (Paul),  sec  Green  (Talbot  H.).  Gehringer  (Andrew),  1847,  Co. 
II,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  miner  in  '4S-50;  Sta  Clara  farmer  '51-G3;  in  'G3-83 
near  Concord,  Contra  Costa.  Geiger  (Wm),  1S41,  N.Y.  teacher,  age  24, 
who  came  from  Hon.  on  the  Thos  Perkins,  iv.  104,  5G9;  later  in  the  year  at 
N.  Helv.  Gelabert  (Wm),  1846,  Span,  in  U.S.N. ;  settled  later  at  Stockton, 
where  he  elicd  in  '82,  leaving  a  wife  anel  3  children.  Gelston  (Roland),  IS  !  7, 
mr  of  the  Whiton,  and  a  S.  F.  merchant  of  G.  &  Co.  in  '47-9;  owner  of  town 
lot  and  building;  in  '53  claimant  for  lands  in  Sac.  anel  S.F.  v.  581,  G7G,  G78, 
Gendreau  (Francois),  1844,  Canadian  in  Sutter's  employ  M5-S;  com. 
of  an  Ind.  comp.  in  '46.  iv.  453;  v.  3G0.  He,  or  his  son  Joseph,  was  in  the  2d 
Donncr  relief  '47.  v.  540.  His  wife  was  a  Walla  WTalla  Ind.,  and  their  child 


GEXDREAU— GILBERT.  755 

was  buried  at  S.  Jos6  Mission  in  Dec.  '44.  His  name  is  often  written  G-endran, 
Gendron,  Geandreau,  and  even  Jondro.  Genks,  184G,  named  at  X.  Helv. 
Gcnling  (Joaquin),  doubtful  name  of  a  juez  in  Mont.  dist.  iv.  G53.  Gennon 
(John),  1847,  named  by  Lancey  as  a  member  of  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  Genoa 
y  Agnirre  (Fermin),  1817-18,  sup.  of  the  Jlermosa  Mexicana.  ii.  282-3,  424. 
George  (J.),  1848,  from  lien,  on  the  Julian. 

Gcrardo  (Rafael),  maj.  at  Sta  B.  1793-4.  ii.  120.  Gerke  (Henry),  1847, 
German  immig.  at  N.  Helv.  and  S.F.  in  Oct.  v.  55G;  lot-owner  at  S.F.  '47-8. 
v.  G5G;  later  a  well-known  vineyardist  in  Tehama  Co.,  where  he  still  lived  in 
'80.  German  (Antonio),  juez  do  campo  at  La  Brea  and  grantee  of  Juristac, 
iii.  G74,  G7G,  711-12,  being  50  years  old  in  '36,  wife  Maria  de  la  Luz  Pefia, 
child.  Antonio  b.  '18,  Juan  '20,  Jos6  '22,  Luis  '24,  In  early  times  he  had  been 
a  soldier  at  Sta  B.  G.  (Cayetano),  at  Los  Ang.  '46;  cl.  for  the  rancho  in  '53. 
G.  (Faustino),  brother  of  Antonio,  at  Mont.  '2G.  ii.  G12;  juez  de  campo  '31, 
'35.  iii.  G72,  674;  grantee  with  Ant.  of  Juristac  '35.  iii.  712;  in  '36  at  La 
Brea,  age  48,  wife  Maria  Ant.  Garcia,  age  40.  Faustino,  like  his  brother,  lost 
all  his  land  under  the  manipulations  of  Amer.  sharpers,  and  died  in  poverty 
at  S.  Juan  in  '83,  at  the  age  of  95,  leaving  his  widow,  aged  87,  but  no  chil- 
dren. G.  (John),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  G.  (Juan),  veeino 
of  S.  Diego,  killed  in  '26.  ii.  549.  G.  (Jos6  de  los  Santos),  son  of  Antonio, 
b.  at  Sta  B.  '23;  in  '78  at  Trea  Finos,  S.  Benito  Co.,  engaged  in  raising  cattle 
with  his  brother  Luis  C.  German.  The  two  gave  me  their  recollections  of  Cal- 
ifornian  Sucesos,  which,  on  several  points,  have  proved  valuable  material  for 
history,  iv.  359,  463;  v.  107.  G.  (Manuel),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  before  '37;  at 
Los  Ang.  '30-48.  Gerunimo,  Ind.  alcalde  at  Soledad  '26.  ii.  G23.  Gerva- 
sio  (Jose),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '37-42.  Gessen,  1845,  a  German  in  the 
south,  iv.  490.  Gettinger  (Peter),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artiil.  (v.  518). 
Geurron  (J. A.),  184G,  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Gholston  (Win  C),  1846, 
Co.  K,  1st  dragoons;  killed  at  S.  Pascual.  v.  34G. 

Gibbins,  1840,  at  Mont.  Gibbon  (L.),  1841,  mid.  on  U.  S.  St  Louis. 
Gibbs  (John),  1845,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party,  iv.  579,  587;  of 
committee  repres.  the  immig.  before  Castro,  iv.  606;  prob.  of  the  Bears,  v. 
110;  settled  in  Napa;  at  N.  Helv.  Nov.  '47.  G.,  1845,  Amer.  at  Brancif., 
age  40.  Gibson,  1842,  purser  with  Com.  Jones,  iv.  308.  G.  (Horatio 
Gates),  1847-8  (?),  lieut  in  3d  U.S.  artill.;  at  S.  Diego,  S.F.,and  other  points 
ia  Cal.  to  '61;  colonel  in  war  of  '61-5;  in  '77  in  com.  of  Fort  Wardsworth,  N. 
Y. ;  president  of  eastern  assoc.  of  pioneers.  I  find  no  original  record  of  such 
an  officer  before '49.  G.  (Joseph),  1831,  Amer.  trapper  and  tailor  of  'Ha- 
quinsor'  (Arkansas!),  from  X.  Mex.  with  Jackson  or  Wolfskill.  iii.  387,  405j 
at  Los  Ang.  and  S.  Pedro '34-6;  44  years  old  in  '36  and  single.  G.  (Marion), 
1845,  Amer.  farmer  from  Or.  in  the  McM.-Clyman  party,  w.  572,  587;  in  the 
mines  with  Job  Dye  '48;  died  at  a  date  not  recorded.  G.  (Samuel),  1S45, 
Amer.  immig.  from  Or.,  prob.  in  the  McM.-Clyman  party,  and  possibly  iden- 
tical with  the  preceding,  iv.  578,  587.  He  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Bears,  being  sergt.  v.  110,  153,  163-4,  168;  went  south  with 
Fremont,  remaining  with  Gillespie  at  Los  Ang.  and  S.  Diego,  ranking  as  capt. 
in  the  Cal.  Bat.,  wounded  at  S.  Pascual,  and  serving  under  Stockton  in  the 
final  campaign,  v.  326-7,  340,  343-7,  300,  3S6,  434.  In  '48  he  mined  on 
Feather  River  in  partnership  with  G.P.  Swift,  and  was  drowned  in  the  winter 
of  '43-9.  Bidwell.       G.  (Thos),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  4 

Gifford  (James),  1846,  applicant  for  timber-land  near  S.  Diego.  Gift 
(Geo.  \V. ),  1848,  nat.  of  Tenn. ;  mid.  on  the  U.S.  St  Mary;  left  navy  in  '52; 
banker  at  Sac.  from  '55;  lieut  in  confed.  navy  from  '01;  newspaperman  at  S. 
Rafael  and  Xapa  till  his  death  in  '79,  leaving  a  wife  and  4  children.  (dl  y 
Taboada  (Luis),  1801,  Mex.  friar  of  S.  Fern,  college,  who  served  at  many 
missions,  being  founder  of  S.  Rafael,  and  died  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  '33.  Biog.  iii. 
6S0-1,  merit,  'ii.  29,  121,  131,  13,5,  137,  159,  329-30,  337,  351,  355.  364,  366, 
387,  394,  425,  502,  018,  023,  625,  (327,  055.  Gilbert  (Albert),  1830,  from  X. 
..  to  buy  cattle;  in  trouble  with  the  authorities;  went  to  Hon.  on  the 
Volunteer  in  '32. 


750  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Gilbert  (Edward),  1847,  N.Y.  printer,  and  lieut  Co.  II,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504. 
He  made  a  census  of  S.F.  and  wrote  an  article  on  the  town  published  in  the 
Star.  v.  047,  056;  was  a  candidate  for  alcalde,  and  declined  the  collectorship. 

V.  575,  052,  039;  but  seems  to  have  acted  as  Collector  Folsom's  deputy.  He 
took  a  prominent  part  from  '48  in  public  affairs;  was  editor  of  the  Altec  from 
its  beginning  in  Jan.  '49.  v.  G59;  was  a  member  of  the  constit.  convention; 
and  in  Nov.  '49  was  elected  as  the  1st  congressman  from  Cal.  One  of  his  edi- 
torial articles  drew  out  a  letter  which  led  him  to  challenge  Gen.  Jas  W. 
Denver,  by  whom  he  was  killed  in  a  duel  near  Sac.  in  '52  at  the  age  of  33. 
He  was  regarded  as  a  man  of  unusual  ability  and  promise.  G.,  1848,  at 
Mont.;  of  firm  Newell,  Brady,  &  G.  G.  (James),  1845,  at  N.Helv.  in  Sut- 
ter's service  '45-6.  G.  (John),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409).  G.  (Wm), 
1840,  said  to  have  been  steward  on  the  U.S.  Savannah;  at  Stockton  '79. 

Gilchrist  (Edward),  184G,  surgeon  on  the  Congress  and  Cyune;  justice  of 
the  peace  at  Mont.;  acted  as  surg.  of  the  Cal.  Bat.  v.  231,  301,  G37-8.  Gil- 
dea  (Wm  B.),  1815,  Amer.  physician  who  came  overl.  in  the  Swasey-Todd 
party;  died  at  N.Helv.  Jan.  '40.  iv.  570,  580,  587.  Gili  (Bartolome),  1791, 
Span,  friar,  who  served  chiefly  at  S.  Antonio  and  retired  in  '94.  Biog.  i.  089; 
ment.  i.  490,  500,  523-4,  570,  597.  Gill  (James),  1840,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v. 
358);  enlisting  at  S.  Juan  Oct.;  lot  at  S.F.  '47. 

Gillespie  (Archibald  H.),  1840,  nat.  of  Penn.  and  lieut.  of  marines  U.S.N. , 
who  was  sent  in  Oct.  '45  from  Wash,  to  Cal.  as  a  bearer  of  a  duplicate  of 
secret  instructions  to  Larkin,  with  whom  he  was  to  cooperate,  as  was  Fre- 
mont, in  carrying  out  those  instructions.  He  crossed  Mex.,  destroying  his 
official  despatch  after  committing  its  contents  to  memory,  and  arrived  at  Mont. 
in  April  '40  on  the  Cyane  via  Honolulu,  thence  proceeding  to  the  Oregon 
frontier  to  overtake  Fremont,  v.  24-9,  200,  030,  044.  The  original  of  his  des- 
patch is  now  in  my  possession,  and  also  the  copy  written  by  him  from  mem- 
ory at  Mont.  Fremont  claims  to  have  received  a  very  different  despatch,  and 
there  is  a  bare  possibility  that  Gillespie  deceived  him.  In  the  various  events 
of  May-July,  G.  took  an  active  part,  being  made  adjutant  cf  the  Cal.  Bat.  at 
its  1st  organization,  v.  79-S0,  101-2,  127,  177,  184,  247,  252-3.  Going  south 
in  July,  he  was  left  at  Los  Ang.  in  com.  of  the  garrison,  and  by  his  unwise 
policy  caused  the  people  to  revolt  and  drive  him  out  in  Oct.  v.  2S3,  306-15, 
319.  Joining  Stockton  at  S.  Diego,  he  was  sent  with  a  reenforcement  to  meet 
Kearny,  and  was  wounded  in  the  fight  at  S.  Pascual  in  Dec.  v.  328-9,  340, 
343-7.  Ranking  as  major  of  the  battalion,  G.  commanded  a  division  of  Stock- 
ton's army,  and  was  again  wounded  at  the  S.  Gabriel  in  Jan.  '47.  v.  3G0,  380, 
301-5.  Declining  the  secretaryship  of  state  under  Fremont,  he  was  relieved 
from  duty  in  Cal.,  and  reported  to  Com.  Biddle  in  May.  v.  433.  437,  440,  445, 
450.  He  went  east  overland  with  Stockton,  and  testified  for  Fremont  at  the 
court-martial;  also  in  the  Cal.  claims  investigation,  v.  453-0.  He  seems  to 
have  returned  overland  to  Cal.  in  '48,  and  to  have  spent  much  of  his  later  life 
here,  though  for  some  years  previous  to  '61  he  was  in  Mex.,  perhaps  as  sec. 
of  legation.  He  was  never  prominent  after  '49.  having  to  a  certain  extent  '  lost 
his  grip  '  in  the  battle  of  life.  He  died  at  S.F.  in  '73,  at  the  age  of  00. 

Gillespie  (Chas  V.),  1848,  bro.  of  Arch.  H.,  nat.  of  N.  Y.,  who  came  on 
the  Eagle  from  China  with  his  family,  a  cargo  of  merchandise,  and'  2  Chinese 
servants.  He  advertised  in  the  Star  as  a  merchant  and  conveyancer;  and  was 
made  notary  public  and  judge  of  election,  v.  048,  052,  080.  He  also  made  in- 
quiries for  a  rancho,  and  wrote,  'One  of  my  favorite  projects  is  to  introduce 
Chinese  immigrants  into  this  country.'  He  took  a  prominent  part  under  How- 
ard in  settling  the  Leidesdorff  estate.  In  ^So  he  still  lives  in  S.F. ,  where  he 

been  well  known  as  a  lawyer  and  searcher  of  records.  In  '75  he  contrib- 
uted for  my  use  a  statement  on  the  Vigilance  Committee  and  other  topics  of 
culy  S.F.  life;  and  later  gave  me  some  items  about  early  buildings  in  the 
Mrs  ( !.  organized  a  sabbath-school  in  '4S,  and  has  since  been  prominent 
j.i  church  affairs,  v.  057.  G.  (James),  1828,  mr  of  the  Te'ernachu*.  iii.  149; 
:  who  was  lost  with  the  same  vessel  near  Mazatlan.  Forbes*  P<  rs. 
Jiemin.,  90.       G.   (J.),   184S,  mr  of  a  vessel,  or  sup.       Gillingham  (Henry), 


GILLINGHAM— GIVEN.  757 

1847.  musician  Co.  I,  N.Y.V61.  (v.  499);  owner  of  S.F.  lots  '48.  Gilman  (G. 
D.),  1848,  from  Honolulu;  of  firm  Vvetmore  &  G.  at  S.F.  '48-9. 

Gilroy  (John),  1814,  Scotch  sailor,  and  the  1st  foreigner  to  settle  perma- 
nently in  Cal.,  being  left  sick  at  Mont,  by  the  Isaac  Todd.  ii.  204,  248,  272, 
382,  393.  His  real  name  was  John  Cameron,  but  having  run  away  from  home 
as  a  minor,  he  changed  it  to  avoid  being  arrested  and  sent  back.  His  parents 
moved  to  England  when  John  was  very  young;  and  indeed,  he  often  claimed 
to  be  a  native  of  Sunderland,  Engl.  In  Sept.  '14  he  was  baptized  at  S.  Carlos 
by  P.  Sarn'a  as  Juan  Antonio  Maria  Gilroy.  In  '18  Capt.  Guerra,  at  Sta  B., 
sent  to  the  viceroy  his  petition  as  an  'Amer.  cooper  '  for  permission  to  remain 
and  marry  in  Cal.,  which  was  granted  in  '19;  and  in  '21  he  was  married  at  S. 
Juan  B.  to  Maria  Clara  de  la  Asuncion,  daughter  of  Ignacio  Ortega.  The 
same  year  he  accompanied  Capt.  Argiiello  in  his  famous  exped.  'to  the  Co- 
lumbia '  as  guide,  or  rather,  interpreter,  for  Amer.  intruders  were  to  be  met 
and  talked  to.  ii.  444-5.  The  next  we  hear  of  him  was  in  '33,  when  he  ob- 
tained naturalization,  producing  certificates  that  he  was  a  soap-maker  and 
millwright  of  good  character,  with  wife  and  4  children,  having  also  some  live- 
stock on  the  S.  Isidro  rancho.  This  rancho  was  granted  the  same  year  to  the 
Ortegas;  G.  owned  a  league  of  it,  on  which  he  built  an  adobe  house  and  spent 
the  rest  of  his  life.  His  name  appears  on  Larkin's  books  from  '34,  when  his 
age  was  given  as  45.  In  '35  he  was  aux.  alcalde  at  '  Los  Ortegas.'  iii.  G74;  by 
the  padron  of  '3G,  age  40,  \\  ife  age  28,  child.  Nicodemus  b.  '2G,  Miguel  '28. 
iv.  117;  age  4G  in  '40;  not  arrested  in  the  Graham  affair;  often  named  in  rec- 
ords of  most  years;  said  to  have  been  sent  to  Fremont's  Gavilan  camp  in  '40. 
v.  18.  In  '51  for  the  1st  time  Gilroy  wrote  to  his  family  in  England,  and  I 
have  the  original  reply — presented  by  Valentin  Alviso — of  his  brother  Alex. 
Cameron,  tanner,  at  Newton  Heath,  near  Manchester,  dated  June  29,  '52. 
Alex,  is  glad  to  learn  that  he  has  a  brother  living,  for  father,  mother,  and  the 
other  brothers  are  all  dead.  John  Gilroy  was  an  honest,  good-natured  old 
sailor-ranchero,  well  liked  by  everybody,  much  too  fond  of  his  grog  and  cards, 
careless  and  improvident,  and  as  powerless  in  the  hands  of  land-lawyers  as 
were  the  natives  themselves.  He  lost  all  his  lands  and  cattle,  but  he  lived  to 
see  his  old  rancho  the  site  of  a  flourishing  town,  which  bears  his  adopted 
name,  Gilroy;  and  he  died,  as  poor  as  when  he  landed  in  Cal.  more  than  half 
a  century  before,  in  'G9,  at  the  age  of  about  '75.  I  have  no  definite  record  of 
his  sons  since  '48.  'Juanita'  (McPhcrson)  has  given  many  items  on  G. 's  early 
life,  obtained  from  himself,  in  the  8la  Clara  Argus  and  other  papers.  Gilt 
(Henry),  1840,  atBrancif.;  prob.  'Hill.' 

Gines,  executed  at  Purisima  '24.  Gingery,  1847,  in  Sutter's  employ  '47- 
8;  millwright  and  blacksmith.  Gios  (Jose),  sirv.  S.F.  1777.  i.  297.  Girard 
(A.),  1846,  lieut  in  com.  of  Co.  B,  artill.,  Cal.  Bat.,  v.  301,  enlisting  at  S.F. 
Oct.  G.  (Wm),  1846,  came  to  S.  Jose.  Hall.  Giraudeau,  1841,  French 
viuiculturisl  at  Los  Ang. ;  named  by  Mofras.  Giribet  (Miguel),  17S5,  Span, 
friar  who  served  at  S.F.  and  S.  Luis  Ob.,  retiring  in  1800.  Biog.  i.  689;  ment. 
i.  388,  422,  409,  473-4,  575,  577.  Gitt,  1847,  a  physician  named  in  the  X. 
ffelv.  Diary  '47-8. 

Given  (Isaac  L.),  1841,  nat.  of  Ohio  and  civil  engineer,  who,  on  a  visit  to 
the  Missouri  River  region  in  '40,  heard  of  Cal.,  and  failing  to  reach  Inde- 
pendence in  time  to  join  the  Bartleson  party,  went  to  Sta  Fe,  and  with  4  of 
his  comrades  joined  the  Workman-Rowland  party,  or  in  a  sense  origin:)  d 
that  party,  v.  278-9.  His  1st  work  in  Cal.  was  to  survey  the  Rowland  rancho. 
In  '42  he  came  north  to  apply  for  land  for  himself;  explored  the  Sac.  Val. 
with  Capt.  Merritt  and  others;  visited  Napa  and  Russian  Riv. ;  and  ret.  to 
Mont,  to  get  naturalization.  Here  he  found  letters  from  home  which  caused 
him  to  go  east  as  clerk  on  the  Dale.  He  came  back  in  '49  by  the  Panama  route, 
worked  as  a  surveyor  at  Sac,  and  was  later  engaged  for  many  years  in  min- 
ing operations.  His  wife  is  Mary  A.  Thomes,  sister  of  Rob.  If.  Thomes,  a 
pioneer  of  '41.  In  '79-85  Maj.  Given  resides  at  Oakland,  and  his  Immigrant 
of\j.l  is  a  MS.  narrative  of  much  value  and  interest.  Given,  1847,  mr  of 
the  Ml  Vernon,  v.  579. 


758  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Glande  (Giovanni),  1827,  Ital.  trader  still  at  Mont.  '20,  age  25.  iii.  176. 
i  u  (James  H.),  1840,  trader  at  Mont.  '40-9;  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  lie  came 

i  Hon.  on  the  Don  Qiti.vole,  and  was  agent  for  Paty  &  Co. ;  one  record  has 
it  that  he  died  in  '00.       G.  (John),  1848,  roll  of  Soc.  Cal.  Pion. 

Glein  (Carlos  P.),  1844,  German  blacksmith  who  came  from  Mazatlan  on 
the  California,  settling  at  S.F..  obtaining  naturalization  and  a  town  lot  the 
same  year,  and  having  a  blacksmith  shop  at  the  cor.  of  Montgom.  and  Pacific 

sets  from  '45  to  '49  and  later,  iv.  453,  503,  009;  v.  084;  also  owner  of  a 
Sonoma  Co.  rancho  in '47;  made  a  trip  to  Honolulu  in  '48.  Later  for  many 
years  a  dealer  in  hardware  in  S.F.,  where  he  still  lives  in  '85.  Gliddon 
(Geo.  R. ),  1840,  sup.  of  the  Barnstable,  at  S.F. ,  Sonoma,  Petaluma,  and  X. 
Helv.  '40-8.  Gliues  (James  H. ),  sergt-major  of  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477;  did  not 
come  to  Cal.  Gloria  (Jacinto),  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  1770.  i.  303.  Gloss  (John), 
1S47.  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Glover  (Aquilla),  1840,  memb.  of  1st  Donner  relief,  v.  538;  owner  of  S.F. 
lots  '47-8.  v.  0S5.  G.  (Wra),  1840,  member  of  the  Mormon  colony  with 
wife  and  3  children,  v.  540.  He  was  the  owner  of  S.F.  lots,  member  of  the 
town  council  and  of  the  school  committee  in  '47.  v.  048,  050,  G82;  a  mason  and 
builder;  also  com.  for  settling  the  affairs  of  Brannan  &  Co.;  a  miner  in  '48, 
being  one  of  those  who  furnished  Gov.  Mason  specimens  of  gold.  He  went  a 
little  later  with  his  family  to  Utah,  where  he  still  lives  in  '85  at  Farmington. 
His  Mormons  in  Cal.  is  an  important  source  of  information  on  its  topic,  and 
he  has  also  sent  me  valuable  items  about  early  buildings  in  S.F.  G.  (R.  O. ), 
1841,  purser  on  the  U.S.  St  Louis.  Glynn  (James),  1847,  com.  of  the  U.S. 
Preble,  v.  580. 

Goche  (Wm),  1838,  Fr.  shoemaker  from  N.  Mex.,  age  31,  at  Los  Ang.  '40. 
iv.  119.  Goddard  (Nicodemus),  1824,  Amer.  shoemaker  on  the  Sachem,  v. 
520;  at  Sta  B.  '40,  age  31,  single  and  catholic.  Godey  (Alexis),  1844,  nat. 
of  Mo.,  of  Fr.  Canadian  parentage,  a  hunter  in  Fremont's  2d,  3d,  and  4th 
exped.  iv.  437,  453,  5S3.  He  is  named  in  connection  with  several  of  F.'s  opera- 
tions in  !4G.  v.  4,  15,  22,  24;  went  south  and  remained  with  Gillespie,  was 
for  a  time  in  charge  at  S.  Luis  Rey,  and  took  part  in  the  fight  at  S.  Pas- 
cual,  ranking  as  lieut  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  v.  314,  347,  353,  300.  He  went  east 
with  his  party  but  came  back  in  '49;  married  a  sister  of  A.  F.  Coronel,  and 
became  a  farmer  and  sheep-raiser,  like  his  old  associate,  Kit  Carson.  As  late  as 
'78  he  was  still  living  in  southern  Cal.  Gooway  (J.  M.),  1847,  from  Or.  on 
the  Henry.  GofF  (Daniel),  1840,  one  of  the  exiles  to  S.  Bias,  who  did  not 
return,  iv.  18.  Golden  (Edward),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Gold- 
smith (Sam.),  1845,  doubtful  member  of  Fremont's  party,  iv.  5S3;  said  to 
have  died  in  Valparaiso  in  '09,  leaving  a  fortune.  Nev.  Gazette.  Goldwaite 
(Richard  M.),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Albany,  N.Y.,  in  "82.  Go- 
lovnin  (V.  M.),  1818,  Russian  visitor  and  author  of  Voy.  of  the  Kamchatka. 
ii.  251,  291,  317-18,  383,  410. 

Gomez,  killed  at  Mont.  '31.  iii.  073.  G.  (Ambrosio),  sec.  of  ayunt.  at 
Mont.  v.  03G-7.  G.  (Felipe),  at  S.F.  '37-44;  owner  of  S.F.  lot  '40.  iii.  700; 
age  57  in  '44.  G.  (Felipe),  son  of  Rafael,  trader  at  Mont.,  and  sometime 
postmaster,  to  '85.  G.  (Francisco),  17G9,  Span,  friar  with  the  1st  division  of 
the  1st  exped.;  one  of  the  party  discovering  S.F.  bay;  at  S.  Diego  and  Mont. 
'70;  retired  in  '71.  Mention  i.  127,  130,  140,  147,  151,  107,  175-0,  178.  G. 
(Francisco),  at  Sta  Cruz  1794.  i.  490.  G.  (Francisco),  Mex.  teacher  at  Mont. 
:4.").       G.  (Guillermo),  policeman  at  Mont.  '40.  v.  G37. 

Gomez  (Jose  Joaquin),  1830,  Mex.  trader  who  came  on  the  Lconor;  cus- 
toms officer  and  comisario  subalterno  at  Mont.  '31-2.  iii.  224-5,  370,  072;  in 
'34   regidor  and  builder  of  the  Peor  es  Nada.  iii.   383,  073;  in '35  regidor, 
tiado  to  secularize  S.  Carlos,  and  grantee  of  Los  Verjeles.  iii.  354,  073, 
';  in  '30  member  of  the  dip.,  being  then  48  years  old,  having  a  Avife 
and  children  in  Mex.  iii.  420,  454,  400,  409.  From  '40  his  rancho  of  Verjeles 
mentioned,  being  on  the  way  from  Mont,  to  S.  Jose;  here  Larkin  v,  ras 
captured  in  '46,  and  the  fight  of  Natividad  was  in  the  vicinity;  he  was  also 
grantee  of  Tucho  in  '43.  ii.  010;  iv.  134,  212,  453,  G5G;  v.  4,  14,  3G4.  In  '4G 


G0MEZ-G6NG0RA.  ,         ,759 

Don  Joaquin  was  reported  to  the  govt  at  Wash,  by  Larkin  as  a  man  of  prop- 
erty and  character,  friendly  to  the  U.S.;  in  '48  Los  Verjelcs  was  advertised 
for  sale  for  the  benefit  of  creditors.  He  had  a  son  and  a  daughter,  Dolores,  who 
came  to  Cal.  after  his  arrival.  The  latter  married  and  died  at  Mont,  after  '78. 
G.  (Jose  Maria),  soldier  in  S.F.  comp.  '19-26;  killed  by  Ind.  '29.  hi.  110. 

Gomez  (Jose  Miguel),  1842,  Mex.  priest  who  served  as  curate  at  Purisima  in 
'42-4,  and  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  in  '44-5G;  claimant  for  S.  Simeon  rancho.  iv.  371, 
421,  426,  G47-8,  G56-7,  G59;  v.  G3S-9.  G.  (Juan),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19. 
G.  (Juan),  1834,  mr  of  the  Natalia,  and  of  the  Leonldas  '3G.  iii.  2G5-7,  383; 
iv.  104.  G.  (Juan),  son  of  Rafael,  resid.  of  Mont,  and  S.F.  in  '75-85,  who 
gave  me  the  privilege  of  copying  a  col.  of  his  father's  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.  G. 
(Manuel),  Mex.  sergt  of  artill.  at  S.  F.  and  Mont,  from  '16;  lieut  from  '19; 
left  Cal.  in  '22.  Biog.  ii.  470;  ment.  ii.  225-32,  247,  263,  371,  422,  451,  454, 
4G1.  G.  (Nicolas),  one  of  the  mission  guard  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  1776.  i.  303. 
G.  (Pedro),  executed  at  Sta  Cruz  '47  for  killing  his  wife.  v.  641.  G.  (Rafael), 
convict  settler  at  S.  Jose  1798-1808.  i.  GOG,  638;  ii.  192. 

Gomez  (Rafael),  1830,  Mex.  lawyer  who  came  to  Cal.  as  asesor,  or  legal 
adviser  of  the  govt,  a  relation  of  Joaquin,  ii.  G07,  677;  ii.  46,  54.  As  a  sup- 
porter of  Gov.  Victoria,  or  rather  by  his  legal  opinions  in  the  criminal  cases 
of  '31,  he  excited  considerable  opposition  among  the  Californians,  and  tried  to 
escape  after  V.'s  downfall;  but  failed  and  was  not  molested,  iii.  190-2,  195, 
213,  660-1;  grantee  of  Sta  Rosa  in '31.  iii.  713,  721;  iv.  160;  supports  Zamo- 
rano  '32.  iii.  222-3;  action  in  P.  Mercado's  case  '33.  iii.  324;  supports  Figue- 
roa  r34.  iii.  277;  but  resigned  his  office.  He  was  grantee  of  Tularcitos  in  '34. 
iii.  C79;  regidor  at  Mont.  '35.  iii.  673;  memb.  of  the  dip.  in  '36,  also  ap- 
pointed agent  in  Mex.,  but  did  not  go.  iii.  426,  454;  being  at  this  time  36 
years  old;  wife  Josefa  Estrada,  child.  Felipe  b.  '33,  Maria  Isabel  '34,  Juan  '35. 
His  D  tar  to  de  Cosas  Notables  de  '36  (erroneously  accredited  to  his  son  in  list 
of  auth. )  I  have  found  to  be  a  very  useful  document,  iii.  422.  A  few  years 
after '36,  at  his  rancho  of  Tularcitos,  he  was  accidentally  killed  by  being  en- 
tangled in  the  reata  of  a  horse  he  was  trying  to  drive  away  from  his  grain. 
Don  Rafael  was  a  man  of  good  character  and  a  lawyer  of  much  ability,  who 
came  to  Cal.  in  reality  as  a  kind  of  political  exile.  G.  (Teodoro),  soldier  at 
Soledad  1791-1800.  i.  499.  G.  (Vicente),  1825.  Mex.  guerrillero  chief  in 
the  war  of  independence;  a  fiend  known  as  El  Capador,  who,  however,  be- 
haved well  enough  in  Cal.  during  his  stay  of  a  few  months,  iii.  1G. 

Gomez  (Vicente  Perfecto),  1842,  son  of  Joso  Joaquin  and  nat.  of  Guadala- 
jara, who  came  to  Cal.  as  a  clerk  with  Gov.  Micheltorena.  In  '44  he  was,  or 
at  least  claimed  later  to  have  been,  the  grantee  of  the  Panocha  Grande  ran- 
cho. iv.  G55,  672.  This  grant,  rejected  by  the  courts,  was  the  foundation  of 
the  famous  McGarragan  claim  to  the  New  Idria  quicksilver  mines;  and  Don 
Vicente  is  the  villain  of  Bret  Harte's  Story  of  a  Mine.  He  was  also  the 
unsuccessful  claimant  for  Tucho.  iv.  656.  In  '45  he  was  sec.  of  the  juzgado  at 
Mont.  iv.  653;  aided  Manuel  Castro  in  Nov.  '46.  v.  366;  had  a  Cal.  claim  of 
§11,500,  of  which  $500  was  paid  (v.  462);  and  in  '47-8  was  for  a  time  in 
charge  of  S.  Antonio  mission,  v.  640.  As  a  witness  in  later  land  litigation  he 
met  with  some  severe  criticism,  much  of  it  doubtless  undeserved;  and  though 
an  intelligent  clerk  and  good  penman,  knowing  little  English,  he  had  a  hard 
time  in  the  later  years  to  pay  his  grog  bills.  In  '75-6  he  worked  for  me  in  the 
Library  and  various  archives,  doing  much  faithful  service.  Many  were  the 
stories  he  told  of  old  times  in  Cal.;  his  fellow-laborers  were  instructed  to 
write  out  his  yarns;  and  the  result  is  a  large  vol.  of  MS.  called  Gomez,  Lo  Que, 
tiabe,  full  of  interest,  and  by  no  means  devoid  of  historic  value.  He  died  at 
.Mont,  in  '84  at  the  age  of  about  60,  a  better  man  in  several  respects  than  ho 
has  been  given  credit  for.   He  had  no  family. 

Gongora  (Jose"  Ant.),  son  of  Jos6  M.,  b.  1778  at  S.  Antonio;  ment.  in  '22. 
ii.  614;  sergt  of  S.  Diego  comp.  '25-8.  ii.  543;  in  '42-3  juez  at  S.  Diego,  iv. 
G19-21.  G.  (Jos6  Maria),  soldier  of  S.D.  comp.  1771;  corp.  of  the  guard  at 
S.  Antonio  '73;  sergt  from  '75;  ment.  in  connection  with  Anza's  exped.  '76. 
i.  269-71,  287.  In  '79  Gov.  Neve  reported  against  his  promotion;  and  in  '62. 


TOO  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

he  was  retired  as  an  invalido  and  went  to  Loreto.  His  wife  was  Rosalia  Max- 
imiana  Verdugo,  married  in  '70,  died  "70  at  8.  Antonio.  Gonnefgen  (John 
A. ),  1840,  copy  of  his  German  passport  of  '24  made  at  Los  Ang.  by  Fink  '40. 
:zalez,  soldier  poisoned  at  Sta  B.  1700.  i.  G70.  G.  (Alejo  Ant.),  of 
the  8.1).  guard.  1775.  i.  250.  G.  (Bernardo),  settler  at  S.  Jose  1701-1SG0. 
i.  TIG;  wife  Monica,  child.  Petra  and  Antonia.  G.  (Cirilo),  sirv.  at  Sta 
Clara  1 770.  i.  300.  G.  (Diego),  1781,  Span,  lieut  in  com.  at  Mont.  'Sl-5, 
andS.F.  ;85-7;  an  incompetent  officer,  of  bad  conduct,  sent  to  the  frontier 
.in  '87  and  dropped  from  the  rolls  in  '03.  i.  340-2,  4GG-70,  484,  678;  ii.  44. 
G.  (Dionisio),  1842,  Mex.  capt.  of  the  batallon  fijo  with  Micheltorena.  Noth- 
ing is  recorded  of  him  in^Cal.  iv.  280.  G.  (Felipe),  at  Brancif.  '45,  age  24, 
wife  Maria  Soria,  child  Antonio.  G.  (Francisco),  1707,  Span,  friar  who 
served  at  Sta  Cruz  and  retired  in  1805.  i.  40S,  577;  ii.  154-5,  150-GO.  G. 
(Francisco),  settler  at  S.  Jose  1701-1SOO;  regidor  in  1803.  i.  71G;  ii.  134. 
G.  (Francisco),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '10-24;  also  '37-40,  perhaps  another. 
G.  (Francisco),  corp.  of  the  guard  at  Sta  In6s  '24.  ii.  582.  G.  (Francisco), 
at  Brancif.  '28-30,  wife  Maria  Engracia,'  child.  Felipe,  Margarita,  and  Nativi- 
dad.  ii.  027.  G.  (Fran. ),  at  S.  Felipe  rancho,  Mont. ,  '30,  age  30.  G.  (Fran. ), 
said  to  have  been  drowned  '44-5.  G.  (Francisco),  Cal.  claim  of  $15,S50, 
'4G-7  (v.  402).  G.  (Jacinto),  sindico  at  Sta  B.  '2S.  ii.  572.  G.  (Jose), 
soldier  of  S.F.   comp.  '23-32.       G.   (Jose  Ant,),   at   Sta  Clara  1770.  i.  300. 

Gonzalez  (Jose  Maria  de  Jesus),  1833,  Mex.  friar  of  the  Guadalupe  college 
at  Zacatecas,  a  nat.  of  Guadalajara,  b.  in  1803,  coming  to  Cal.  with  the 
other  Zacatecanos  in  '33.  He  served  at  S.  Jose  mission  '33-42,  being  president 
and  vice-prefect  of  the  northern  missions  in  '38-43.  iii.  318,  577,  503,  724;  iv. 
61,  04,  372,  G80.  From  '43  he  served  at  Sta  B.  iv.  426,  643.  From  '4G  he  was 
the  bishop's  vicar,  and  after  the  bishop's  death  the  same  year  was  governor 
of  the  diocese,  v.  5G5,  634;  thus  being  the  chief  ecclesiastical  authority  in 
Cal.  until  the  coining  of  Bishop  Alemany  in  :o'?,  and  later  vicar;  president  of 
the  Sta  B.  college  of  Franciscans  '5S-72;  died  at  Sta  B.  in  '75,  the  last  sur- 
vivor of  the  Cal.  missionaries,  a  man  respected  and  beloved  by  all  from  the 
beginning  to  the  end  of  his  career;  one  of  the  few  Zacatecanos  who  in  ability, 
missionary  zeal,  and  purity  of  life  were  the  equals  of  the  Span.  Fernandincs. 
Gonzalez  Rubio  was  his  full  name.  G.  (J.  M.  J.),  com.  de  policia  Sta  InCs 
'33.  iii.  201.  G.  (Juan),  at  Brancif.  '28,  wife  Eusebia  Pinto.  G.  (Juan), 
at  Brancif.  '30.  ii.  627;  maj.  and  admin,  of  Sta  Cruz  '34-0.  iii.  346,  604-5; 
juez  in  '42.  iv.  6G3;  in  '45,  age  40,  wife  Maria  Ana  Rodriguez,  both  nat.  of 
Cal.,  child.  Ramona  b.  '23.  Melania  '20,  Francisca  '30,  Petra  '33,  Juana  '35, 
Toinasa  '38,  Refugia  '40,  Rosa  '36,  Pedro  '38,  Gabriela  '42.  G.  (Juan  Jose), 
soldier  in  S.F.  comp.  '23-33;  grantee  of  Pescadero,  Sta  Cruz,  '33.  iii.  078. 
G.  (Juan  Pablo),  officer  in  Mont,  custom-house  '27. 

Gonzalez  (Leandro),  juez  de  campo  at  Sta  B.  '34;  admin,  and  maj.  of  the 
mission  '40-3.  iii.  057-8;  iv.  643;  his  wife  was  Josefa  Guevara,  with  4  child, 
before  '37;  still  at  Sta  B.  '50.  G.  (Macedonio),  Mex.  half-breed  aifeYez  on 
the  L.  Cal.  frontier  from  about  '36;  a  famous  Ind.  fighter,  who  took  some 
part  with  the  surefios  in  the  troubles  of  '37-40,  being  once  arrested  and  sent 
to  Sonoma,  iii.  540,  606-7;  iv.  68-0.  In  later  years  he  lived  in  Cal.,' and  was 
in  S.  Diego  Co.  '64,  age  over  70.  G.  (Manuel),  settler  at  S.  Jos6  and  S.F. 
from  1777;  alcalde  of  S.  Jose  '85.  v.  207,  312,  350,  478;  wife  Gertrudis  Ace- 
bedo,  child.  Francisco,  Romualdo,  Antonia,  in  '03.  G.  (Manuel),  settler  at 
Los  Ang.  '14.  ii.  350.  G.  (Manuel),  at  Sta  B.  '37.  iii.  657;  perhaps  still 
there  in  '52.  G.  (Manuel),  executed  at  Mont,  for  murder  '42.  iv.  653-4,  686. 
G.  (Mauricio),  son  of  Rafael,  appointed  guarda  of  Mont,  customs  '20,  but  did 
not  come  from  Mex.  till  '40.  iii.  136;  iv.  31;  grantee  of  Cholam,  S.  Luis  Ob. 
iv.  G55;  with  Micheltorena  in  '45.  iv.  511.  In  '77,  living  at  Mont,  with  his 
wife,  the  daughter  of  Manuel  Crespo,  he  gave  me  his  Jlcmorias,  and  a  col.  of 
Papeles  Originates,  that  had  belonged  to  his  father;  still  living  in  '85.  G. 
(Miguel),  1825,  Mex.  capt.  of  artill.,  comandante  de  armas  at  Mont.  '20-8,  a 
bad  fellow,  if  we  credit  the  Californians,  often  in  trouble,  and  finally  sent 
away  in  '30.  His  daughter,  Ildefonsa  G.  de  Herrera.  was  more  or  less  a  famous 


.  GONZALEZ— GORDON".  7*61 

character  at  Mont.  iii.  39-41';  also  ii.  576,  605,  608,  010-11,  G14,  G24,  G74; 
iii.  15,  44,  93,  121,  437.  His  full  name  was  Gonzalez  de  Avila.  G.  (Pablo), 
of  tenia  for  contador  '27.  iii.  63.  G.  (Pedro),  1791,  surg.  in  Malaspina'a 
exped.  i.  490. 

Gonzalez  (Rafael),  1833,  Mex.  admin,  of  customs  and  sub-comisario  at 
Mont.  '33-4,  having  been  appointed  in  '29,  but  coming  to  Cal.  with  Figueroa 
in  '33.  iii.  46,  13G,  237-8,  240,  376-7,  437,  672.  His  Diario  is  an  important 
record  of  '32-3.  He  had  been  a  lieut  in  the  war  of  independence,  and  was  an 
ignorant  man  of  good  character.  In  '35  he  was  alcalde  at  Mont.  iii.  673,  441; 
also  governor's  sec.  iii.  463;  and  grantee  of  S.  Justo,  ii.  678,  being  then  48 
years  old,  wife  Carmen  Sierra,  a  Mex.  He  was  arrested  in  the  troubles  of  '37. 
iii.  513;  comandante  de  celadores  at  the  custom-house  '37-46.  iv.  339,  97,  210, 
357,  377,  431,  577;  v.  570;  member  of  the  junta  '39-43,  being  also  delegate  to 
the  consejo  general  of  '46.  iii.  590,  604;  iv.  294-5,  3G0,  460;  v.  45,  01;  grantee 
of  S.  Miguelito  in  '41,  being  cl.  in  '53.  iv.  656;  had  a  Cal.  claim  of  $26,200. 
Larkin  reported  him  as  a  man  of  property  and  influence.  He  died  at  Mont, 
in  '68,  at  the  age  of  82.  His  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.  were  given  me  by  his  son  Mau- 
ricio;  his  daughter,  Ana  G.  de  Castanares,  was  a  woman  with  a  will.  iii.  437- 
8.  G.  (Rafael),  2d  alcalde  at  S.  Juan  B.  '35.  iii.  692.  G.  (Rafael),  son  of 
Raf.  Gerardo,  b.  at  Sta  B.  in  1797,  sold,  of  the  Sta  B.  comp.  '16-27.  ii.  223, 
235,  237-8,  337,  429,  508,  530.  In  '29-32  he  was  alcalde  of  Sta  B.,  and  again 
in  '35  and  '45.  ii.  572;  iii.  78,  212,  653-4;  iv.  642;  admin,  and  maj.  of  S. 
Buen.  '38-42.  iii.  660-1;  iv.  644-5.  His  wife  was  Antonia  Guevara,  and  there 
were  3  child,  before  '37.  In  '78  he  was  still  living  at  Sta  B.,  where  he  gave 
me  an  interesting  narrative  of  his  early  Experiencias.  G.  (Rafael  G.),  Mex. 
soldier  before  1800;  wife  Tomasa  Quinteros.  G.  (Ramon  T.),  clerk  of  Celis 
at  Los  Ang.  '40;  at  Sta  Ine3  '44.  iv.  426;  perhaps  q,t  S.  Luis  Ob.  '50. 

Gonzalez  (Teodoro),  1825,  Mex.  who  lived  at  Mont,  from  his  arrival; 
licensed  to  hunt  otters  '33.  iii.  374;  in  '36  regidor  and  acting  alcalde  during 
the  troubles  with  Gov.  Chico.  iii.  439,  675;  grantee  in  '36  of  Rincon  de  la 
Puente  and  Sur  Chiquito.  iii.  67S;  being  then  30  years  old,  wife  Guadalupe 
Yillarnel  de  Rico,  the  mother  of  Francisco  Rico.  Alcalde  in  '37;  at  Buena- 
vista  '40;  juez  de  paz  '42-3;  aux.  de  polici'a  in  '46.  iii.  525;  iv.  24,  637,  653- 
4,  656.  He  became  a  man  of  wealth  and  good  standing  in  Cal. ;  and  in  '78, 
though  his  memory  was  failing  with  age,  gave  me  some  information  about  the 
Eevoluciones  de  Cal.  His  death  occurred  a  few  years  later.  His  sons  Mariano 
and  Alfredo  were  prominently  connected  with  the  Monterey  and  Salinas  R. 
R.,  and  in  '85  reside  in  S.F.  with  their  mother.  G.  (Tiburcio),  at  Mont.  '36, 
age  28,  nat.  of  Cal.,  wife  Cruz  Espinosa,  child.  Ramonaand  JosC.  Gonzalvo 
(M.),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu. 

Goodhue,  1843,  mate  of  the  Admittance,  died  at  sea  on  the  passage  home 
'45.  Goodsell  (J.),  1846,  on  the  Cyanc,  acting  commandant's  clerk.  Good- 
speed  (Galen),  1824,  sailor  and  mate  on  the  Hover  '24-6.  Goodwell  (James 
F.),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  G.  (James  T.),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol. 
Goodwin.  1847,  mr  of  the  Eveline  from  Hon.,  with  wife.  v.  578.  G.  (Andrew), 
1847,  Co.'  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  G.  (Isaac),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon 
col.,  with  6  children,  his  wife  dying  on  the  voyage,  v.  546;  nat.  of  Conn.,  and 
a  mason  who  built  a  house  for  Larkin.  Sent  east  to  report  to  Brigham  Young 
on  Cal.  prospects;  interviewed  in  Utah  '78  by  Codman.  Round  Trip,  198-201. 
Goodyear  (Andrew),  1847,  nat.  of  Conn,  and  overl.  itnmig. ;  at  Benicia  from 
'49;  still  living  in  '79.  0.  (Miles),  1847,  trapper  and  trader  at  Los  Ang., 
with  a  Cal.  claim  of  $1,800  (v.  462);  a  nat.  of  Conn,  who  died  in  '49;  perhaps 
a  brother  of  Andrew.       Goosebfh,  1809,  mr  of  the  Coniach.  ii.  81. 

Gordon,  1844,  officer  on  H.B.M.S.  Modeste.  G.  (A.  J.),  1846,  nat.  of  Mo. 
and  overl.  immig.;  prob.  son  of  Joseph;  perhaps  the  G.  at  N.  Hclv.  from 
Benicia  '47;  in  Sonoma  Co.  from  '48;  in  Mendocino  '77.  G.  (Benj.),  1848, 
in  the  mines  on  Amer.  Riv.;  at  S.  Jos6  '50.  G.  (B.H.),  1846,  married  a 
daughter  of  Ed.  Pyle;  father  of  John  M.  G.  of  Los  Gatos  in  '80.  G.  (Oilman), 
1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409).  G.  (G.  van),  1846,  nat.  of  Mich.;  in  S. 
Luis  Ob.  '66-83.       G.  (Ira  van),  1846,  nat.  of  Penn.  and  overl.  immig.,  prob. 


762  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

■with  Harlan,  whose  daughter  Rebecca  he  married  in  '41;  one  of  Aram's  men 
at  Sta  Clara;  lot  at  S.F.  '47;  after  several  changes  of  residence  and  employ- 
ment, became  a  farmer  from  'GS  in  S.  Lnis  Ob.,  where  he  still  lived  '83.  By 
some  authorities  he  has  been  accredited  to  '43.  iv.  393,  400.  Either  identical 
with  or  a  brother  of  the  preceding  or  following.  G.  (John  van),  184G,  per- 
haps same  as  G.,  at  N.  Helv.  May;  not  of  '43.  iv.  393,  400.  G.  (John), 
1845,  com.  of  H.B.M.S.  America,  iv.  562.  G.  (Jacob),  1846,  overl.  immig. 
with  Young,  v.  529,  with  family;  perhaps  went  to  Or. ;  perhaps  one  of  the 
van  G.'s.  G.  (Joseph),  1846,  overl.  immig.  ment.  by  Bryant;  with  fam. ; 
perhaps  Ment  to  Or.  or  back  east.  v.  528-9.  G.  (Julian),  1844,  in  Sonoma 
dist.  '44-6;  age  45  in  ?4G.  G.  (Jemima),  1847,  owner  of  S.  F.  lot.  G. 
(Nicholas),  1845,  blacksmith  at  Mont.  '45-8.  iv.  587.  G.  (Robert),  1S4G, 
came  from  Hon.  on  the  Elizabeth;  in  '47-8  editor  of  the  Calif ornlan  at  S.F., 
and  judge  of  election,   v.  650,  658;  at  Sac.  '48-9,  active  in  politics. 

Gordon  (Wm),  1S41,  nat.  of  Ohio,  who  became  a  Mex.  citizen  in  N.  Mex., 
where  he  married  Maria  Lucero,  and  came  to  Cal.  in  the  Rowland- Workman 
party,  iv.  277-9.  In  '42* came  north  to  Sonoma,  original  passp.  in  my  col.; 
and  in  '43  was  grantee  of  Quesesosi  rancho  on  Cache  Cr.,  becoming  the  pioneer 
settler  of  Yolo  Co.  Here  he  lived  till  about  '66,  then  moved  to  Cobb  Valley, 
Lake  Co.,  where  he  died  in  '76,  at  the  age  of  75.  His  wife  died  in  '44,  her 
sister  being  the  wife  of  Cyrus  Alexander;  and  in  ^5  G.  married  Elizabeth 
Coram.  One  of  his  daughters,  Mrs  Sarah  Ingraham,  died  in  Gordon  Yal.  'GS; 
another,  Isabel,  was  the  wife  of  Nathan  Coombs.  'Uncle  Billy'  had  been  a 
trapper  in  his  early  years,  and  continued  to  be  fond  of  the  hunt  in  Cal. ;  a 
rough,  uneducated,  honest,  and  hospitable  man.  In  '43-6  his  place  on  Cache 
Cr.  was  a  general  rendezvous  for  settlers  and  hunters,  and  is  oftener  men- 
tioned than  any  other  place  except  Sutter's  Fort  and  Sonoma.  It  was  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  modern  town  of  Fremont.  Portrait  Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  26;  ment. 
iv.  573,  672;  v.  iii.  672.  Gorgonio,  neoph.  who  killed  his  wife  at  S.  Buen. 
'17.  ii.  424.  G.  (Jose),  grantee  of  Purisima,  Sta  Clara,  in  '40.  iii.  712. 
Gorgy  (D. ),  doubtful  name  of  a  Russian  owner  of  land  near  Bodega  '37.  ii.  638. 

Gorman  (Geo.),  1S43,  at  Mont.  G.  (John),  1831,  Irish,  from  Hon.  with 
a  letter  from  P.  Short,  iii.  405;  joined  the  comp.  extranjera  in  '32.  iii.  221; 
got  a  lot  in  '35;  in  '36  at  Hartn ell's  rancho,  age  50  and  single.  Gormly  (Mar- 
tin F.),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  claimant  for  a  Marin  Co.  rancho.  iv. 
674;  mr  of  the  Boston  Ian,  and  killed  by  explosion  of  the  Secretary  in  '54. 
Goss,  1847,  on  the  Currency  Lass  from  Hon. 

Gould,  1848,  mr  of  tiie  Mary  Frances.  G.  (John  C),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  469).  G.  (John  R.),  1846,  assisted  in  printing  the  Mont.  Callfor- 
nian.  v.  293.  G.  (Samuel),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  489).  Gouldin, 
1847,  doubtful  name,  Alameda  Co.  '55-78.  Goulet  (G. ),  1845,  in  Sutter's 
employ  '45-6;  and  Geo.  Goutler  had  a  Cal.  claim  of  $60  for  shoeing  horses 
(v.  402).  Gourville  (Jean),  1836,  Fr.  laborer  at  Los  Yerjeles  rancho,  age  27. 
Goycoechea  (Felipe),  1783,  Mex.  lieut  and  com.  of  the  Sta  B.  comp.  17S4- 
1802,  being  brevet  capt.  from  1797;  habilitado  gen.  of  Cal.  in  Mex.  1S02-5; 
gov.  of  L.  Cal.  1806-14,  where  he  died  at  Loreto.  A  prominent  and  able  offi- 
cer. Biog.  ii.  116-17;  ment.  i.  list  of  auth.,  396,  461-3,  464-6,  484,  501-2, 
517,  521-2,  532,  537,  542,  573,  583,  588-94,  639;  ii.  28,  30,  32-3,  36,  111, 
154-6,  18G,  18S,  665,  669. 

Grable  (Benj.),  1841  (?),  nat.  of  Ohio;  d.  S.  Luis  Ob.  '76.  iv.  279;  date  of 
arrival  prob.  a  misprint  in  Cal.  Christ.  Adv.,  Jul.  30,  '76.  Grady  (Thomas), 
1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Graf  (Joseph),  1848,  overl.  immig. 
with  wife,  who  settled  at  Nicolaus;  a  teamster.  Graff  (Geo.  J.),  1S47,  Co. 
E,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.F.  '74-82.  Grafton  (Ed.  C),  1845,  mid.  on  the 
U.S.  Portsmouth;  acting  lieut  Co.  C,  Stockton's  bat.  '46-7.  v.  3S5.  Graham, 
1S-1S,  from  Or.  with  Martin;  supposed  to  have  been  killed  by  Ind.  the  same 
year  at  Murderers  bar.  G.  (Chas  K.),  1847,  mid.  on  the  U.  S.  Columbus; 
maj.-gen.  in  war  of  '61-5;  surveyor  of  port  of  N.  Y.  '79.  G.  (Geo.),  1S47, 
Co.  I  Vol.  (v.  499);  passp.  from  Hon.  '48. 

Graham  (Isaac),  1833-5,  nat.  of  Ky,  and  for  many  years  a  trapper  in  the 


GRAHAM— GRALBATCH.  7C3 

great  basin  and  N".Mex.,  whence  he  is  generally  said  to  have  come  to  Cal.  in 
'33.  iii.  3S8,  409.  I  have  found  no  details  of  his  arrival,  which  was  very  likely 
in  '34  or  '35.  In  '36  he  had  a  distillery  and  drinking-place  at  Natividad,  and 
from  the  loafers  about  his  place,  chiefly  deserting  sailors,  raised  a  com  p.  of 
'  riflemen  '  to  support  Alvarado  in  his  revolution,  going  south  in  that  cause  in 
'37.  Sec  full  details  in  iii.  454-9,  491,  524,  G85.  In  '38  he  was  condemned  to 
8  months  in  the  chain-gang  for  killing  cattle  on  Gomez'  rancho.  Mont.  Arch.; 
and  in  '39  he  and  Xaile  tried  to  organize  a  comp.  to  cross  the  nits  eastward. 
In  '40,  with  a  dozen  of  his  associates  and  enough  other  foreigners  to  make  up 
the  number  of  47,  G.  was  sent  to  S.  Bias  on  a  charge  of  plotting  against  the 
govt;  but  with  18  of  the  exiles  came  back  the  next  year.  iv.  2-41,  95,  116, 
348.  The  current  versions  of  this  affair,  as  fully  explained  elsewhere,  have  but 
a  slight  foundation  in  truth;  the  exifcs  were  for  the  most  part  foreigners  of 
the  worst  class,  who  had  come  to  Cal.  in  defiance  of  the  laws;  and  while  the 
definite  charges  of  conspiracy  could  not  be  proved,  the  arrest  was  only  tech- 
nical, and  in  the  case  of  a  few,  an  outrage,  for  which  Gov.  Alvarado  waa 
willing  that  Mex.  should  pay  damages.  Statements  that  Alvarado  broke  his 
promises  to  G.,  and  that  the  prisoners  were  brutally  treated,  have  no  better 
foundation  than  the  absurd  ravings  of  Farnham  and  the  complaints  of  the 
victims  hungry  for  damages.  After  his  return,  G.,  with  Majors  and  others, 
bought  the  Sayante  rancho  near  Sta  Cruz,  built  a  saw-mill,  and  engaged  also 
to  some  extent  in  tanning.  His  name  appears  constantly  on  Larkin's  books. 
He  made  desperate  efforts  to  get  damages  from  Mex.  through  the  U.  S.  govt 
for  his  exile;  it  is  a  popular  tradition  that  he  succeeded  in  getting  $36,000, 
and  possibly  he  did  in  later  years  get  a  small  sum,  but  I  find  no  definite  evi- 
dence to  that  effect,  iv.  40-1.  In  '43  he  offered  his  support  and  that  of  Ins 
associates — without  their  knowledge — to  Gov.  Micheltorena,  who  declined  at 
first,  iv.  356;  but  he  finally  went  south  with  Sutter's  force  in  defense  of  the 
gov.  in  '44-5;  iv.  472,  478,  483,  486,  507.  In  '45  he  induced  a  young  Ameri- 
can woman  to  live  with  him,  her  mother  making  an  effort  through  Consul 
Larkin  and  the  alcalde  to  oblige  him  to  marry,  but  apparently  without  suc- 
cess; though  G.  claimed  that  she  was  his  wife,  and  she  so  appears  in  the  pa- 
dron  of  '45,  when  G.  was  46  years  old.  I  have  much  of  the  original  corresp.  con- 
nected with  the  scandal.  At  this  time  20  of  G.'s  foreign  fellow-citizens  signed 
a  petition  to  the  prefect  for  his  expulsion  from  the  community,  as  a  dissolute, 
lawless,  quarrelsome  corruptor  of  the  public  peace  and  morals.  I  think  the 
woman  left  him  in  '49,  about  the  time  that  some  of  his  children  by  a  former 
marriage  came  to  Cal.  The  case  of  Graham  vs  Roussillon  in  '46  was  the  1st 
tried  by  a  jury  in  Cal.  v.  289.  After  the  U.S.  occupation,  G.  continued  to  live 
on  his  Sta  Cruz  rancho,  for  which  he  was  the  claimant,  iv.  656;  and  died  at 
S.  F.  in  '63  at  the  age  of  nearly  70.  Twro  of  his  daughters,  very  respectable 
people,  live  in  Sta  Cruz  Co.  '85;  and  his  brother  also  resided  in  Cal.  for  many 
years.  Respecting  Graham's  character,  much  is  said  in  my  narrative  of  the 
events  of  '40.  But  for  the  unmerited  praise  that  has  been  so  profusely  accorded 
him,  and  his  own  never-ending  abuse  of  better  men,  it  might  be  in  doubtful 
taste  to  dwell  on  the  man's  true  character.  In  N.  Mex.  and  on  the  plains, 
where  he  was  well  known  by  Nidever,  B.  D.  Wilson,  Job  Dye,  and  others,  ho 
had  the  worst  of  reputations,  amply  justified  by  his  career  in  Cal.  At  the  best, 
lie  was  a  loud-mouthed,  unprincipled,  profligate,  and  reckless  man,  whose  only 
good  qualities  seem  to  have  been  the  personal  bravery  and  prodigal  hospital- 
ity of  his  class,  with  undoubted  skill  as  a  hunter,  and  a  degree  of  industry. 

Graham  (John),  1791,  Boston  boy  of  Malaspina's  exped.  who  died  at  Mont., 
called  Groem.  i.  491.  G.  (John),  1841,  lieuton  the  U.S.  St  Louis.  G.  (Law- 
rence P.),  1848,  brevet  major  2d  U.  S.  drag.,  in  com.  of  a  dragoon  battalion 
from  Mex.  arriving  at  the  end  of  Dec;  mil.  com.  of  the  southern  dist  in  '49. 
v.  522,  618.  G.  (Win),  1841,  doubtful  name  at  S.  Jose.  Bidwell.  Grajera 
(Antonio),  Mex.  lieut  in  com.  of  the  S.  Diego  comp.  1793-9;  capt.  from  '98; 
conduct  far  from  exemplary;  left  Cal.  Jan.  1800,  and  died  at  sea  3  days  after 
sailing.  Biog.  i.  67G;  ment.  i.  522,  532,  538,  543,  563,  588-94,  G30,  634,  653, 
656,  730.       Gralbatch  (Wm),  1825,  Engl,  sailor  and  eooner  who  landed  at 


7G4  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Mont.  ii.  009;  iii.  29.  In  '29  he  kept  a  shop  with  Geo.  Allen  and  applied  for 
naturalization,  age  20;  a  memb.  of  the  comp.  extranjera  in  '32.  iii.  221  j  on 
Larkm's  books  from  '33.  In  '30  he  lived  at  S.  Isidro  rancho,  being  then  single, 
but  married  before  '40.  I  find  no  later  record  than  Oct.  '41;  generally  called 
Graybatch  or  Grayback,  but  I  have  his  autographs.  Grambis  (Fred.),  1847, 
chief  musician  N.  Y.  Vol.  v.  503;  d.  before  '82.  Grams  (Philip),  1847,  Co. 
K,  N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  died  at  Milwaukee,  Wis.,  '80.  Granados  (Fran.),  1840, 
aux.  de  polirfa.  Mont.  v.  637.  Grant,  1844,  off.  on  H.B.M.S.  J/odesfe.  G. 
(B.),  1845,  doubtful  name  of  the  Grigsby-Idc  immig.  party,  iv.  579;  prob. 
went  to  Or.  G.  (James),  1825,  Engl,  waterman,  age  25,  protestant  and  sin- 
gle; in  Mont.  dist.  '25-9., iii.  29.       G.  (Thos),  1832,  got  a  carta,  iii.  40S.     » 

Graves  (Franklin  W.),  1846,  member  of  the  Donner  party  from  111.,  accom- 
panied by  wife  Elizabeth,  3  sons,  and  (f  daughters.  The  father,  mother,  and 
one  son — Franklin  W.,  Jr,  age  5 — died  in  the  Sierra,  v.  528,  530,  534,  537. 
Eight  of  the  children  survived.  Jonathan  B. ,  age  7,  and  Elizabeth,  Jr.  died 
near  Sutter's  Fort  in  '47.  v.  530,  534.  Wm  C.  was,  in  '80-1 ,  a  blacksmith  at 
Calistoga,  and  in  '84  writes  me  from  Merrimac,  Plumas  Co. ;  he  also  wrote  for 
the  newspapers  a  narrative  of  Crossing  the  Plains  in  '46.  v.  530,  534,  536, 
541.  Eleanor  married  Wm  McDonald  in  '49,  and  in  '81  lived  at  Knight's  Val. , 
Sonoma,  with  8  children,  v.  530,  534.  Mary  Ann  married  Ed.  Pyle  in  '47, 
and  J.  T.  Clarke  in  '52,  and  in  '81  lived  at  White  River,  Tulare,  with  5  children. 
Lovina  married  John  Cyrus  in  '56,  and  in  '81  lived  near  Calistoga  with  5 
children.  Nancy  married  R.  W.  Williamson  in  '55,  and  in  '81  lived  at  Los 
Gatos,  also  with  5  children.  A  married  daughter,  also  a  survivor,  was  Mrs 
'Fosdick,'  q.v.       G.  (Hiram),  1848,  at  S.F.  ace.  to  his  later  testimony. 

Gray  (Andrew  F.  V.),  1846,  lieut  on  the  U.S.  Congress;  com.  of  the  force 
sent  by  Stockton  to  Kearny's  relief  at  S.  Pascual;  served  as  S.'s  aide  in  the 
final  campaign  of  '47;  went  east  overland  with  despatches;  and  testified  at  the 
Fremont  court-martial  in  Wash.  v.  328,  350,  3S5,  420,  456.  G.  (Alonzo), 
1847,  Co.  D,  N. Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  G.  (E.),  1847,  mr  of  the  Antonita.  v.  576. 
G.  (E.  L.),  1846,  from  Hon.  on  the  Euphemia;  perhaps  same  as  preceding. 
G.  (G.  R.),  1841,  lieut  on  the  U.S.  St  Louis.  G.  (G.L.),  1847,  at  Hon.  from 
Cal.  twice,  1st  on  the  Currency  Lass,  2d  on  the  Gen.  Kearny.  G.  (James 
A.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N. Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  nat.  of  Penn.;  and  memb.  of  1st  Cal. 
legisl.  '49-50;  resid.  at  Salinas  City  '82.  G.  (John  B. ),  1847,  came  from  Va 
with  letters  from  Fauntleroy  and  Minor  to  Larkin;  at  N.Helv.  '4S,  interested 
in  mines.  G.  (L.  C),  1847,  trader  on  the  coast  '47-8  from  Honolulu  on  the 
Cen.  Kearny,  Louise,  and  Undine;  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  v.  679;  at  Benicia  '49- 
50,  and  perhaps  the  S.  C.  Gray  whose  lecture  in  Benicia  is  published  in  the 
Solano  Co.  Hist.,  146;  still  living,  I  think,  in  '85.  G.  (Robt),  1788,  mr  of  the 
Washington,  sighting  the  Cal.  coast  on  his  way  north,  i.  445,  499;  see  Hist. 
N.  W.  Coast.  G.  (Wm),  1837,  lumberman  and  militiaman  at  Sonoma.  G. 
{Wm  D.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N. Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Grayson  (Andrew  J.),  1846,  nat.  of  La,  and  overl.  immig. — being  at  the 
start  in  com.  of  a  small  party — with  wife  and  child,  living  for  a  time  in  the 
Upper  Sac.  Val.  v.  528.  Active  in  raising  men  for  the  Cal.  Bat.,  in  which  he 
ranked  as  lieut;  but  remained  in  the  north,  and  took  part  in  the  -campaign 
against  Sanchez,  v.  359,  361,  383.  Mrs  G.  seems  to  have  remained  at  Sonoma, 
where  she  is  named  as  a  witness  in  Jan.  '47.  In  '47-8  G.  obtained  lots  at  Be- 
nicia and  S.F.,  where  he  kept  a  little  stationery  shop  in  the  City  Hotel,  v. 
672,  680;  also  acting  as  Capt.  Folsom's  agent  at  Corte  Madera,  Marin  Co.,' 
and  soon  founding — on  paper — the  town  of  Graysonville  on  the  S.  Joaq.  Riv. 
In  these  days,  though  a  gambler  and  associate  of  Lippincott,  McDougal,  and 
oilier  like  characters,  he  was  regarded  as  a  man  of  good  abilities  and  char- 
acter. In  '50  he  settled  at  S.  Jose"  and  gave  his  attention  to  the  study  of  orni- 
thology, in  which  branch,  and  as  an  artist,  he  became  widely  known  to  scien- 
tific men  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  In  '57  he  went  with  his  wife  to  Mex.,  and 
died  at  Mazatlan  in  '09  at  the  age  of  50.  His  descrip.  and  paintings  of  Pac. 
coast  birds  have  as  yet,  unfortunately,  remained  unpublished.  His  widow 
returned  to  Cal.,  married  Dr  G.  B.  Crane,  and  was  still  living  at  St  Helena 


GRAYSON— GREEN.  765 

in  77*  as  she  is,  I  think,  in  ?85.       G.  (Ned),  1846,  at  S.  Jose1  '54.  Annals  of 
S.F.,  822;  perhaps  the  preceding  or  his  son. 

_  Green  (Alfred  A.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  513,  G10;  anat.  of  New  Bruns- 
wick, who  after  a  brief  experience  in  the  mines  became  a  somewhat  promi- 
nent lawyer  at  S.F.,  being  at  one  time  memb.  of  the  legislature,  and  well 
known  in  connection  with  the  pueblo  land  question,  Santillan  claim,  and  vigi- 
lance committee.  In  '78  he  gave  me  a  narrative  of,  the  Adventures  of  a  '4'7ery 
containing  many  interesting  details  of  early  S.F.  annals;  still  living  in  S.F. 
'S2,  and  I  think  in  '85.  There  is  some  confusion  in  the  records  between  him 
and  H.A.  Green,  at  Sonoma  in  '47-8.  G.  (Alonzo),  1848  (?),  doubtful  date 
of  a  Sonora  settler.  G.  (Cambridge),  1832,  one  of  Young's  trappers,  who 
killed  a  man  named  Anderson,  and  is  said  to  have  been  imprisoned  at  Los  Ang. ; 
also  had  a  brother  in  the  same  party,  iii.  388.  G.  (Daniel  S.  or  C),  1846, 
surgeon  on  the  U.  S.  Dale;  in  confed.  service  '61-5.  G.  (Ephraim),  1S47, 
Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  at  Sutter's  and  in  the  mines  '48.  G.  (Francis), 
1836,  Amer.  age  40,  in  a  Los  Ang.  list;  perhaps  at  Sta  Cruz  '39.  G.  (Geo. 
W.),  1829,  on  the  BrooUine.  iii.  138-9;  living  in  Mass.  '72.  G.  (Harry), 
1848,  named  by  Glover  as  a  Mormon  who  went  to  Utah  '49.  G.  (Henry  A.), 
1844  (?),  a  lumberman  and  builder — possibly  the  G.  at  Sta  Cruz  '39 — named 
in  various  records  of  '44-6  at  Mont,  and  Sta  Cruz.  iv.  455;  Cal.  claim  of  $76 
(v.  462).  In  '47  he  was  at  Sonoma,  being  a  member  of  the  town  council,  v. 
668,  and  employed  in  preparing  material,  under  a  contract  with  Larkin,  for 
houses  which  were  erected  at  Benicia  in  '48.  v.  671-3.  There  was  a  Mrs  G., 
perhaps  his  wife,  at  Sonoma  in  '47.  G.  (H.F.A.),  1848,  at  Mont.,  ace.  to 
consulate  arch.  G.  (Hugh  W.),  1847,  purser  on  the  U.  S.  Independence. 
G.  (Jacob),  1846,  Swiss  trapper  at  N.  Helv.  '46-7;  Cal.  claim  825  (v.  462); 
ment.  by  Ward  in  '48.  G.  (J.L.),  1848,  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot.  G.  (James), 
1847,  doubtful  member  of  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.F.  '74.  G.  (James),  1831, 
perhaps  of  Young's  party,  iii.  388.  G.  (James  M.),  1845,  nat.  of  Conn.,  who 
came  on  a  whaler,  iv.  587;  long  a  resid.  of  Hon.,  and  mr  of  vessels  running 
to  Cal.;  memb.  of  firm  C.  A.  Williams  &  Co. ;  also  ship-chandler  at  S.F. ; 
died  in  Stockton  insane  asylum  '68.  Newspapers.  G.  (John),  1847,  Co.  C, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  G.  (John  D.),  1847,  resid.  at  Sta  Cruz,  ace.  to  the 
county  hist.  G.  (Judson),  1846,  overl.  immig.  with  Steph.  Cooper.  G. 
(Lewis),  1846  (?),  at  Los  Ang.  '59-76.  G.  (Michael),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S. 
dragoons  (v.  336).       G.  (T.C.),  1847,  at  N.  Helv. 

Green  (Talbot  H. ),  1841,  nat.  of  Penn.,  and  overl.  immig.  of  the  Bartleson 
party,  iv.  268,  270,  275,  279.  Early  in  '42  he  entered  Larkin's  service  at 
Mont,  as  clerk;  and  in  May  '43  made  a  contract  to  carry  on  L.'s  business  for 
one  year  for  $400  and  5  per  cent  of  the  profits.  This  arrangement  was  contin- 
ued to  the  end  of  '45,  and  in  Jan.  '46  G.  made  a  contract  for  3  years  to  take 
the  business,  with  $10,000  worth  of  goods,  for  one  third  of  the  profits,  v.  55- 
6.  I  have  much  of  his  business  corresp.  In  '44  he  got  a  renewal  of  his  pass- 
port, possibly  naturalization;  in  '46  served  on  the  1st  jury,  v.  289,  and  was 
grantee  of  land  near  Mont.  v.  637;  and  in  '46-7  was  collector  of  the  port, 
having  also  a  Cal.  claim  of  $10,855,  and  obtaining  a  lot  at  S.F.  v.  289,  433, 
467,  570,  572.  He  made  a  trip  to  Mazatlan,  and  contributed  items  for  the 
Calif ornian.  In  '48  visited  the  mines.  From  Jan.  '49  he  was  a  member  of  the 
S.F.  firm  of  Melius  &  Howard,  a  prosperous  and  popular  man  of  business,  mem- 
ber of  the  town  council,  and  taking  an  active  part  in  political  affairs.  He 
married  the  widow  Montgomery,  of  the  Stevens  immig.  party  of  '44,  by  whom 
he  had  a  son,  in  '85  state  librarian  at  Sac,  his  mother,  now  Mrs  Wallis,  being 
a  resident  of  Mayfield.  In  '51  Green,  being  then  a  prominent  candidate  for 
mayor,  was  recognized  and  denounced  as  Paul  Geddes  of  Penn.,  a  default- 
ing bank  clerk,  who  had  left  a  wife  and  children  in  the  east.  There  is  no 
agreement  about  the  circumstances  of  the  discovery.  The  charge  proved  true, 
but  G.  protested  his  innocence,  and  went  east  via  Panama  for  the  avowed 
purpose  of  clearing  his  reputation,  being  escorted  to  the  boat  by  a  large  com- 
pany of  prominent  citizens.  There  are  several  confused  versions  of  his  later 
life.  I  have  his  letter  to  Larkin  in  '53,  in  which  he  expresses  shame  and  pen- 


7G6  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

itencc  for  the  deception  he  had  practised;  says  he  has  lost  .$3,200  from  his 
trunk,  and  is  'penniless  and  destitute,  with  spirits  broken  and  energy  gone;' 
bega  L..  'for  God's  sake,'  to  send  him  his  share  of  the  proceeds  of  the  Cal. 
claims  and  other  debts;  confesses  that  he  has  deceived  Thompson;  but  intends 
to  buy  a  small  farm  in  Term,  Some  day  he  will  send  a  full  history  of  his  life. 
In  '54  he  visited  Cal.  and  was  seen  by  Win  F.  White — whose  City's  Picture 
ofPion.  Times,  121-31,  contains  a  good  account  of  G.'s  life — and  in  '55  lie 
writes  to  Larkin  from  N.Y.  that  he  had  settled  with  Mr  H.  (Howard  ?);  that 
Mr  15.  (Brannan)  had  settled  the  Perm,  affair;  and  that  he  is  about  to  start 
for  Term.  He  is  understood  to  have  rejoined  his  1st  wife  and  to  be  still  living 
in  '8,").  In  the  S.  J.  Pion.  pf  Apr.  21,  '77,  it  is  stated  that  G.  had  been  for 
some  time  asst  sec.  of  the  U.S.  senate,  and  that  he  visited  Cal.  in  '76.  Lieut 
Maddox  accused  Green  of  dishonorable  conduct  in  '46-7,  and  there  are  some 
slight  indications  that  his  Pcnn.  defalcation  was  not  bis  only  transgression; 
but  his  Cal.  record,  as  a  whole,  waj  excellent. 

Green  (Theodore  P.),  1846,  lieut  on  the  U.S.  Congress.  G.  (Wm),  1840, 
one  of  the  S.  Bias  exiles,  arrested  in  the  south,  iv.  14,  18.       G.  (Wm  G), 

1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  S.  Rafael  '71.  Greenman  (J.  D.),  1848, 
passp.  from  Honolulu.  Greenock,  1846,  ment.  by  Revere  as  the  frontier 
settler  on  a  journey  from  Napa  Yal.  to  Clear  Lake.  I  think  there  may  be 
some  connection  between  this  name  and  'Gnenoc,'  that  of  a  Lake  Co.  rancho 
granted  in  '4.3  to  Geo.  'Rock.'  Guenoc  is  still  the  name  in  use. 

Greenwood  (Caleb),  1844,  trapper  and  mountaineer,  who,  with  his  two 
sons,  Britain  and  John,  by  a  Crow  wife,  guided  the  Stevens  immig.  party 
across  the  plains;  and  performed  like  service  for  other  parties  in  '45-6,  being 
sent  to  Ft  Hall  to  divert  the  Or.  immig.  to  Cal.  They  served  in  Sutter's  force 
'4.3;  Bryant  met  the  old  man  in  Lake  Co.  '46,  when  he  claimed  to  be  83  years 
old;  Britain  was  with  the  2d  Donner  relief  of  '47,  and  lived  in  Mendocino  Co. 
'84;  S.  S.  Greenwood,  apparently  one  of  the  3,  is  said  to  have  been  a  nat.  of 
Nova  Scotia,  to  have  come  with  Fremont,  and  to  have  been  justice  of  the 
peace  and  assessor  at  Sac.,  where  he  died  in  '78.  John  served  in  Co.  E,  Cal. 
Bat.  (v.  35S),  and  had  a  trading-post. in  Greenwood  Val.  '48.  It  is  impossible 
to  distinguish  between  the  3,  or  to  locate  any  one  of  them  at  any  definite 
time.  iv.  445,  453-4,  486,  539,  575,  579. 

Gregory  (John),  1844,  Engl,  in  Cal.  '44-6;  came  back  in  '55;  in  Sonoma 
Co.  '61-80  with  wife  and  3  child.  Son.  Co.  Hist.,  691.  G.  (Robert),  1846,  Co. 
K,  1st  U.S.  drag.,  killed  at  S.  Pascual.  v.  346.  G.  (Thos),  1S48..  at  S.  F. 
from  Honolulu.  Gregson  (James),  1845,  Engl,  who  came  to  Phil,  as  a  boj', 
and  overl.  to  Cal.  in  the  Grigsby-Lle  party,  with  his  wife,  Elizabeth  Marshall, 
and  her  two  brothers,  mother,  and  sister,  v.  579,  5S7.  In  '45-8  he  worked  as 
a  blacksmith  for  Sutter,  serving  in  the  Sac.  garrison  during  the  Bear  revolt. 
v.  79;  and  later  in  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  being  perhaps  at  the  Natividad 
fight,  and  taking  part  in  the  southern  campaign  of  '46-7.  Returning,  he  re- 
sumed work  for  Sutter,  got  a  lot  at  S.F.  v.  6S5,  and  was  at  work  at  the  fa- 
mous mill  when  gold  was  discovered.  Mrs  G.  is  mentioned  in  '47  as  passenger 
on  the  1st  steamboat  to  Sac.  v.  579.  In  '50-80 he  lived  in  Green  Val.,  Sonoma 
Co.,  with  9  children.  His  daughter,  Annie,  b.  Sept.  3,  '46,  married  Robert 
Reid  of  S.  Luis  Ob. ;  another,  Mary  Ellen,  b.  '48,  married  McChristian.  Prob. 
still  alive  in  '8.3.  I  have  a  MS.  Statement  from  him.  Portrait  in  Son.  Co.  Jlisf., 
509.       G.  (Wm),  1834,  Amer.,  age  29,  in  Spear's  service  at  Mont.       Gremell, 

1848,  in  list  of  letters,  S.F.  Grems,  1821,  mr  of  the  SUjloe{t),  at  Sta  B.  ii. 
410.  Grey  (Wm),  1837,  in  S.F.  militia,  G.  (Louisa  C),  184S,  wife  of 
W.L.G.,  d.  Stockton  '79,  age  31;  named  as  1st  Amer.  child  born  in  Sonoma. 

Grien  (Carl),  1844,  blacksmith  ?"  Mont.  Griffin,  1847,  from  Honolulu 
on  the  Euphemia;  in  '48  mr  of  the  Ariel,  v.  576.  G.  (JohnS.),  1846,  asst 
surg.  LT.  S.  A.  from  '40,  prob.  nat.  of  Ky,  who  came  with  Kearny  from  N. 
Mex.,  being  present  in  the  fights  of  S.  Pascual,  S.  Gabriel,  and  the  Mesa,  v. 
336  7,  385.  His  Journal  of  '46-7  is  one  of  the  best  authorities  extant,  and  is 
supplemented  by  his  original  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.  in  my  collection.  He  was  sta- 
tioned at  o.D.  and  Los  Ang.  in  charge  of  the  mil.  hospital;  visited  the  mines 


GRIFFIN— GRIMES.  1G? 

on  leave  of  absence  in  '49,  became  interested  with  Vallejo  and  Frisbie  in  Napa 
lands,  and  was  stationed  at  Benicia  till  '52,  when  he  was  transferred  to  the 
south;  went  east  in  '53,  and  in  '54  resigned  and  settled  at  Los  Aug.,  where  he 
has  since  resided  and  practiced  medicine  down  to  '85.       G.  (M.),  1847,  at  S. 

F.  from  Honolulu.  G.  (Peter  K. ),  1844,  Amer.  at  Mont.,  getting  a  pass  for 
a  year.  G.  (Sam.  P.),  184G,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  Savannah;  serving  in  garrison 
at  S.  Jos£,  v.  37S,  where  he  applied  for  land. 

Griffith  (Calvin  C.),  1845,  nat.  of  N.C.,  who  came  with  his  parents  in  the 
Grigsby-Ide  party,  iv.  579,  587.  He  served  with  the  Bears,  v.  110,  and  in  the 
Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  later  becoming  a  miner  and  farmer.  In '81  he  lived  at  Ruth- 
erford, Napa  Co.,  with  his  wife,  Lydia  LensLbaugh,  mar.  in  '55,  and  7  children. 

G.  (F.G.),  1846,  in  Cal.  Bat.,  and  named  in  a  list  of  Bears;  perhaps  a  brother 
of  Calvin.  G.  (James  A.),  1845,  overl.  immig.  of  Grigsby-Ide  party,  with 
wife,  Elizabeth  R.,  and  one  or  more  sons.  Bonds  given  by  Yount  Nov.  19th. 
iv.  579,  587.  The  family  settled  in  Napa  Val. ;  Cal.  claim  of  $1,000  for  repair- 
ing barracks  (v.  462);  died  in  Sonoma  '68.  G.  (Jonathan),  1846,  one  of  the 
Morm.  Col.  with  wife  and  2  children,  v.  546;  lot  at  S.F.  '47;  Mrs  G.  and  son 
at  Mont.  '48.  G.  did  not  go  to  Utah.  G.  (Thomas),  1846,  doubtful  name  of 
a  Bear;  possibly  a  son  of  James  A.  G.  ( Joseph),  doubtful  name  of  a  trapper 
in  S.  Joaq.  Val.  in  very  early  times.   Mont.  Co.  Hist.,  29. 

Grigsby  (Franklin  F.),  1845,  Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.  '46-7  (v.  358);  prob.  a  son 
of  John  and  immig.  of  '45.  G.  (Granville  W.),  1845,  ditto.  G.  (John),  1845, 
nat.  of  Tenn. ,  came  to  Cal.  from  Mo.  in  the  immig.  party  that  bears  his  name, 
with  his  family,  iv.  578-81,  587.  He  was  one  of  the  most  active  in  fomenting  the 
Bear  revolt  of  '46;  was  for  a  few  hours  leader  at  Sonoma  on  June  14th ;  com.  the 
guard  that  took  the  prisoners  to  N.  Helv. ;  and  after  the  U.  S.  occup.  wras  in 
com.  of  the  Sonoma  garrison,  being  capt.  of  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  v.  110,  114-19, 
164,  168,  175,  184,  242-3,  296,  298.  After  the  reorganization  of  the  battalion 
in  Nov.  Capt.  G.  com.  Co.  E,  in  the  southern  campaign,  v.  358-61.  He  had  a 
Cal.  claim  (v.  462);  and  in  '47  is  mentioned  in  connection  with  political  affairs 
at  Sonoma,  v.  433,  609.  He  settled  in  Napa,  where  he  continued  to  live  till 
about  '72,  when  he  went  to  Texas,  and  died  in  Mo.  '76,  at  the  age  of  70.  There 
is  a  strange  lack  of  information  about  him  and  his  family  after  '46.  Two  of 
the  name,  perhaps  his  sons,  have  been  mentioned;  his  daughter  was  the  wife 
of  Wm  Edgington;  and  he  had  a  brother  Jesse  in  Cal.  I  have  copies  of  a  small 
col.  of  Grigsby  Papers  furnished  by  the  Sonoma  Pion.  Soc.  Grijalva  (Juan 
Pablo),  1776,  Mex.  sergt  with  Anza's  exped. ;  served  at  S.F.  '76-86;  alf.  of  S. 
Diego  comp.  '86-96;  retired  as  lieut  '96-1806,  the  date  of  his  death.  His 
daughters  married  Ant.  Yorba  and  Pedro  Peralta.  Biog.  ii.  104;  merit,  i.  258, 
262-76,  286-7,  296-7,  359,  362,  452,  472-3,  547,  553,  647,  652-3,  663;  ii.  57. 
G.  (Luciano),  at  Los  Aug.  in  '33. 

Grimes  (Eliab),  1838,  nat.  of  Mass.;  lieut  on  a  privateer  in  the  war  of 
1812;  later  for  20  years  a  well-known  merchant  of  Honolulu,  of  firm  E.  &  H. 
Grimes,  iv.  141.  In  '38  he  visited  Cal.  on  the  Basselaft,  of  which  he  was 
owner,  and  went  to  Boston,  iv.  105,  117,  119.  His  next  visit  was  on  the  schr 
California  in  '42,  at  which  time  he  selected  a  rancho  in  the  Sac.  Val.,  which, 
after  he  had  returned  from  a  trip  to  Hon.  on  the  Fama,  was  granted  to  him 
in  '44.  iv.  672.  From  this  time  Capt.  G.  may  be  regarded  as  a  permanent  resid. 
of  S.F.,  though  he  made  another  trip  to  Hon.  on  the  Von  Quixote  in  '47.  He 
had  a  lot  and  house,  was  a  well-known  trader,  and  was  a  memb.  of  the  legisl. 
council  in  '47.  v.  433,  653,  678,  680.  G.  &  Sinclair  had  a  Cal.  claim  for  horses 
(v.  462).  For  some  years  he  made  'Kent  Hall'  his  home  while  in  town,  and 
kept  there  a  case  of  extra  fine  liquors,  which  nothing  would  induce  the  old 
man  to  open  for  convivial  purposes  but  a  story  that  could  arouse  his  interest; 
hence  there  was  a  continual  rivalry  in  yarn-spinning  among  the  younger  mer- 
chants. As  a  boat  was  going  up  the  Sac,  after  the  gold  excitement,  the  occu- 
pants were  asked  who  was  left  at  S.F.,  and  '  nobody  but  old  Grimes  '  was  the 
reply;  but  '  old  Grimes  '  died  in  Oct.  '48,  at  the  age  of  69.  G.  (Hiram),  1847, 
nephew  and  partner  of  Eliab  at  Honolulu;  partner  of  Wm.  H.  Davis  in  '45- 
6;  came  to  Cal.  in  Feb.  '47  on  the  Von  Quixote;  and  again  on  the  Euphemia 


7G8  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

in  July  with  his  wife  and  child.  Often  named  in  S.F.  annals  of  '48-9;  claim- 
ant for  several  ranchos.  iv.  072-3;  still  in  Cal.  '54.  G.  (A.  J.  andB.),  1847- 
8,  doubtful  mention;  prob.  confounded  with  the  preceding. 

Grimshaw  (Wm  Robinson),  1848,  nat.  of  N.Y.  city,  b.  in  1826  of  Engl, 
parents;  sailor  on  the  Isaac  Walton,  and  after  arrival  on  the  tender  Anita, 
U.S.N. ;  also  mr  of  the  launch  Susanita,  on  the  trip  up  the  Sac.  v.  580.  lie 
worked  as  book-keeper  for  Brannan  &  Co.  at  Sac.  in  '48-9;  and  from  Nov.  '49 
was  partner  of  Wm  Day  lor  in  a  store  or  Ind.  trading-post  on  the  Cosumnes. 
Daylor  having  died  in  '50,  G.  married  his  widow  in  '51,  and  continued  to 
•  reside  on  the  rancho,  where  in  '72  he  wrote  for  me  his  Narrative.  This  is  not 
only  an  interesting  sketch  of  his  own  life  and  adventures,  but  one  of  the 
best  accounts  extant  of  tbe  events  of  '4S-50  in  the  Sac.  region.  Still  living  in 
'80,  with  7  children,  Wm  R.,  Jr,  Thos  W.,  Emma  (Mrs  W.  D.  Lawton  of  S.F.), 
George,  Francis,  Frederick,  and  Walter.  Grinnell,  1848,  from  Hon.  on  the 
Starling.  G.  (Chas  C),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  before  '82. 
Griswold  (Theodore),  1847,  at  N.Helv.;  lot  at  S.F.;  named  in  '48. 

Groem,  1791,  see  '  Graham.'  i.  491.  Groh  (Jacob),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  artill. 
(v.  518).  Grogan  (Alex.),  1848,  from  Valparaiso  with  letter  from  Atherton; 
clerk  for  C.  L.  Ross  at  S.F.  '48-9;  still  in  S.F.  after  '80.  Grove  (Wm),  1848, 
lieut  of  S.F.  guards.  Grovecot,  1846,  perhaps  in  Sta  Clara.  Grover  (Sam. ), 
1816,  Mass.  sailor  bapt.  at  S.  Carlos,  ii.  276-7.  Grow  (Wm),  1847,  sergt  Co. 
H,  N.Y. Vol.  v.  504;  at  Yreka  '78;  at  Deadwood.  Dakota,  '83.  Guadalupe 
(Jose  M.),  soldier  at  S.  Miguel  1797.  i.  560.  Guat  (Santiago),  1836,  juez  de 
de  campo  at  Mont.  iii.  678;  prob.  James  'Watt.'  Guchapa,  Ind.  chief  at 
S.  Miguel  1804.  ii.  150. 

Guerra  (Antonio  Maria),  son  of  Jose"  de  la  G.  y  N.,  b.  '25;  reg.  and  sec.  of 
ayunt.  '49;  memb.  of  the  Cal.  senate  in  '53,  several  times  mayor  of  Sta.  B., 
holding  other  local  offices;  in  the  war  of  '61-5  a  capt.  of  Cal.  volunteers  serv- 
ing in  Ariz.  He  is  said  to  have  been  one  of  the  ablest  of  the  family;  but  in 
later  years  the  loss  of  his  palate  and  of  his  eyesight  obliged  him  to  lead  a  life  of 
retirement.  He  never  married,  and  died  at  Sta  B.  in  '81  at  the  age  of  56. 
G.  (Bautista),  1831,  from  N.  Mex.  with  Wolfskill.  iii.  387.  G.  (Francisco), 
son  of  Jose  de  la  G.  y  N.,  b.  '18;  ace.  to  the  padron  of  '32  there  were  two 
Franciscos;  from  '43  member  of  the  junta,  elector  at  Sta  B.  '45,  taking  a  some- 
what prominent  part  in  political  and  mil.  affairs  in  '46-7,  and  involved  in 
the  imaginary  Sta  B.  revolt  of  '48.  iv.  361,  522,  540;  v.  38-9,  404,  5S6.  He 
took  no  pains  to  conceal  his  hostility  to  Amer. ,  but  after  the  change  of  flag 
was  mayor  of  Sta  B.  for  several  years  from  '51.  He  inherited  a  rancho,  but 
died  poor  in  '78.  His  1st  wife  was  Maria  Asuncion  Sepiilveda,  by  whom  he 
had  Francisco,  Jr  (county  assessor  of  Sta  B.  in  '82),  and  Maria  Antonia;  the 
2d  wife  was  Concepcion  Sepulveda,  sister  of  the  1st,  and  her  children  were 
Juan,  Osbaldo,  Jose,  Hercules,  Pablo,  Anibal,  Anita  (Mrs  F.  W.  Thompson), 
Erlinda,  Rosa,  and  Diana.  There  were  also  two  natural  children  legitimated. 
G.  (Joaquin),  son  of  G.  y  N.,  b.  '22;  once  sheriff;  no  family;  d.  before  '70. 

Guerra  (Jose  Antonio),  son  of  G.  y  N.,  b.  1805;  cadet  in  the  Sta  B.  comp. 
'18-28.  ii.  572,  576;  accomp.  his  father  to  Mex.  '19;  sindico  '29  and  alcalde 
'33.  ii.  572;  iii.  654;  elector  in  '34.  From  '35  a  memb.  of  the  dip.,  taking  a 
prominent  part  in  support  of  Alvarado's  govt  in  '36-7.  iii.  291,  426,  454-5, 
461,  506;  in  '37-40  capt.  of  the  port  of  Sta  B.,  being  made  capt.  by  Vallejo, 
and  at  times  acting  as  mil.  com.  iii.  583,  601-2,  651,  654;  iv.  9S;  vocal  of  the 
dip.,  and  grantee  of  Los  Alamos  '39.  iii.  585,  655.  Prop,  for  sub-prefect  '41. 
iv.  641 ;  admin,  at  Purisima  '41-2.  iv.  647-8;  where  there  were  serious  charges 
against  him  by  P.  Abella  and  others.  In  '43  he  was  capt.  of  the  port,  and  in 
'4  I  receptor,  iv.  431-2,  640,  642;  and  in  '44-6  a  memb.  of  the  assembly,  be- 
ing in  '45  leader  in  an  outbreak  at  Sta  B.  iv.  410,  497-8,  541,  559;  v.  37-8, 
142,  264,  280,  321-2.  In  '48  took  part  in  the  affair  of  the  lost  cannon  at  Sta 
B.  v.  588.  In  later  years  he  was  several  times  sheriff  of  S.  Luis  Ob.,  holding 
that  office— or  his  son — in '69.  Ho  had  the  whim  of  signing  his  name  Jose 
Noriega,  as  he  had  no  right  to  do.  Don  Jose"  Antonio's  record  was,  in  several 
respects,  not  of  the  best,  though  there  is  nothing  very  bad  to  be  said  of  him. 


GUERRA— GUERRA  Y  NORIEGA.  7G0 

His  wife  was  Maria  Concepcion  Ortega,  and  his  children — 6  of  them  born  be- 
fore '40 — were  Jos6  Ant.  J.,  Ramon  (sheriff  of  S.  Luis  Ob.),  Alejandro,  Gui- 
llermo,  Dolores,  Catarina,  Sola  (?),  Cristina,  and  Juana.  G.  (Juan  J.),  son 
of  G.  y  N.,  b.  about  1810,  educ.  in  England;  later  at  the  Mont,  school  under 
Hartneli  and  P.  Short;  died  in  '33,  unmarried;  ment.  i.  432.  I  have  a  long 
letter,  in  good  English,  written  by  him  in  '28  from  Stonyhurst  College,  Engl. 
G.  (Maximo),  said  to  have  been  exiled  in  '29,  and  again  in  '39.  iii.  78,  84-5, 
580.  G.  (Miguel).,  son  cf  G.  y  N.,  b.  '23,  wife  Trinidad  Ortega,  child.  Gas- 
par,  Ulpiano,  Leon,  Maria  (wife  of  Alex.  S.  Taylor),  Josefa,  Olimpia,  Joaquina, 
and  Paulina.  Died  at  Sta  13.  in  '78. 

Guerra  (Pablo),  son  of  G.  yN.,  b.  '19.  educated  in  Hartnell's  school  at 
Mont.,  where  he  is  ment.  in  the  padron  of  *3G.  His  baptismal  name  was  Pablo 
Andres  Antonio  Maria  Saturnino;  and  in  '40  he  is  called  Pablo  Gaspar.  From 
'38  he  was  vista,  and  from  '42  contador  and  acting  administrator  of  the  Mont, 
custom-house,  iii.  598;  iv.  97,  309,  339,  353,  357,  3G4,  377,  431,  550,  570,  590; 
in  '44  grantee  of  Nicasio  rancho.  iv.  G72;  in  '45  elector  de  partido.  iv.  515, 
540,  G51.  In  '4G  Don  Pablo  was  active  against  the  Amer.,  trying  to  reconcile 
the  hostile  factions  of  his  people,  and  favoring  an  Engl,  protectorate,  v.  43-4, 
61,  G8-9.  On  the  raising  of  the  U.  S.  flag  he  went  south;  served  as  Castro's 
commissioner  to  Stockton,  v.  235,  2G8-9;  and  after  Castro's  departure  re- 
turned to  Mont.,  where  he  was  arrested  in  Nov.  on  the  outbreak  of  Flores' 
revolt,  and  kept  a  prisoner  till  Feb.  '47.  v.  3G3.  He  was  alcalde  of  Sta  B.  in 
'47,  and  was  suspected  of  complicity  in  a  revolutionary  movement  in  '48.  v. 
G31,  58G.  His  next  public  service  was  as  memb.  of  the  constit.  convention  in 
'49;  and  subsequently  he  was  state  senator  for  several  terms,  acting  lieut-gov., 
U.S.  marshal,  and  district  judge  from  '64  to  within  a  short  time  before  his 
death,  in  '74.  Don  Pablo  was  by  far  the  most  prominent  of  the  Guerra  family, 
except  his  father;  a  man  of  good  ability  and  education;  of  gentlemanly  man- 
ners, though  somewhat  haughty  and  overbearing;  a  good  speaker  in  Spanish 
and  English;  and  one  whose  family  name  gave  him  an  influence  in  the  south 
greater  than  he  could  otherwise  have  acquired.  It  has  been  customary  to  eu- 
logize him  far  beyond  his  merits;  he  was  a  politician  of  not  the  best  type, 
trimming  his  sails  adroitly  to  catch  the  breeze  of  popularity,  and  changing 
somewhat  abruptly  from  secessionist  to  union  man  in  the  race  for  office;  yet 
his  record  in  oiiice  seems  always  to  have  been  an  honorable  one.  In  private 
life  also  he  is  reported  to  have  been  liberal  and  honest,  though  health  and 
property  were  largely  sacrificed  to  his  fondness  for  brandy  and  cards.  He 
married  Josefa  Moreno  in  '47  at  S.  Carlos;  his  children  were  Francisca  (Mrs 
Dibblee),  Delfina,  Ernina,  Paulina,  and  a  son  whose  name  I  do  not  find. 

Guerra  y  Noriega  (Jose"  de  la),  1801,  nat.  of  Spain,  b.  Mar.  6,  1779,  son  of 
Juan  Jose  de  la  G.  (died  1820)  and  Maria  Teresa  de  Noriega  (died  1815),  both, 
and  especially  the  mother,  of  old  and  distinguished  Span,  families.  In  boy- 
hood he  wished  to  be  a  friar,  a  freak  that  caused  his  parents  much  sorrow; 
but  soon  he  went  to  Mex.  to  be  a  clerk  in  the  store  of  his  uncle,  Pedro  Noriega. 
In  179S  he  left  the  store — much  to  the  displeasure  of  Don  Pedro,  who  after- 
wards relented  and  gave  him  much  aid — and  became  asst  in  the  office  of 
Habilitado  gen.  Carcaba,  by  whose  influence  he  was  enrolled  as  cadet  in  the 
army  and  attached  to  the  S.  Diego  comp.  Respecting  this  and  most  other 
parts  of  his  life  I  have  more  original  corresp.  than  I  have  room  to  utilize.  In 
1800  he  was  promoted  to  alfe'rez  of  the  Mont,  comp.,  and  came  to  Cal.  on  the 
Concepcion  izi  Aug.  1801.  At  Mont,  he  was  habilitado,  and  acting  com.  much 
of  the  time,  in  1802-G,  being  mentioned  in  con.  with  many  minor  affairs,  ii. 
50,  73,  132-3,  135,  140,  150,  153,  155;  having  in  1804,  with  permission  of  the 
king,  married  Antonia,  daughter  of  Raimundo  Carrillo,  with  the  condition 
that  she  and  her  children  should  not  be  entitled  to  montepio  unless  he  were 
killed  in  battle.  In  180G  he  was  promoted  to  lieut  of  the  Sta  B.  comp.,  and 
sent  to  S.  Diego  as  habilitado  in  180G-9,  being  knocked  down  in  a  quar- 
rel with  Lieut  Ruiz,  which  greatly  alarmed  his  friends  as  likely  to  interfere 
with  his  rapid  promotion,  ii.  85,99-100,  117,540.  From  1  SOS  he  received 
large  consignments  of  goods  from  his  uncle  Pedro  in  Mex.,  the  sale  of  which. 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    40 


770  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

greatly  improved  his  financial  condition,  ii.  1SG.  In  1810  he  was  sent  toMex. 
as  habilitado  gen.  of  the  Cals,  but  being  arrested  by  insurgents  at  S.  Bias,  was 
unablo  to  reach  the  capital,  and  returned  to  Cal.  in  '11,  taking  his  position  at 
Sta  U. ,  and  continuing  his  commercial  operations,  though  going  to  S.  Diego 
again  as  habilitado  in  '13-15.  ii.  98,  188-9,  197-8,  341,  419-21.  From  '15  he 
was  com.  at  Sta  1).,  taking  part  in  the  arrest  of  foreign  smugglers,  in  defen- 
sive operations  against  Bouchard,  having  a  quarrel  with  P.  Senan,  and  being 
promoted  to  Capt.  in  '18.  ii.  222-5,  235-42,  275,  2S4-5,  317,  332,  3G1,  3S2, 
4  5,  410,  424.   In  '19  he  was  sent  again  to  Mex.  as  repres.  of  the  .Cal.  compa- 
nies to  obtain  supplies,  and  prob.  with  a  hope  of  getting  an  appointment  as 
gov.,  returning  in  '20  after  accomplishing  very  little,  though  all  that  was  pos- 
sible, ii.  2G0-2,  2G5,  354,  422.  He  was  busied,  besides  his  official  duties,  in 
'21-2  in  obtaining  ranehos,  quarrelling  with  the  friars  on  the  subject,  and  get- 
ting a  grant  of  Conejo  in  '22.  ii.  441,  5GG,  5G9-70,  580.  In  '22  he  was  a  candi- 
date for  gov.,  and  but  for  his  Span,  birth  and  Canonigo  Fernandez'  conse- 
quent opposition,  would  have  been  chosen;  being  also  favored  by  the  friars 
for  congressman,  ii.  451,  453-4,  4G5-8.  There  is  no  truth  in  the  statement  of 
Wilkes,  U.S.  Explor.  Exped.,  v.  173,  on  this  matter,  and  but  little  in  that  of 
Petit-Thouars,  Voy.,  ii.  90;  though  his  disappointment  may  have  had  an  in- 
fluence on  Don  JosC's  later  policy  between  Mexicans  and  natives.  Mention  in 
'23-5,  including  his  acts  in  suppressing  thelnd.  revolt  of  '24.  ii.  495,  510,  530, 
533,  53G-7,  5G1,   57G;  iii.   27.  He  was  elected  dip.  to  congress  in   '27,  and 
against  the  advice  of  many  went  to  Mex.  in  '28,  but  was  not  given  his  seat, 
returned  in  '29,  and  was  for  some  time,  as  a  Span.,  nominally  suspended  from 
his  command,  ii.  570-1,  574-5,  G7G;  iii.  33-4,  51-2,  61,  127;  iv.  343.  In  '29- 
30  he  bought  a  schr,  perhaps  had  another  built,  and  bought  the  cargo  of  a 
wrecked  vessel,  iii.  140,  14G.  He  did  not  join  the  movement  against  Victoria 
in  '31.  iii.  205,  210;  controlled  the  policy  of  Carlos  Carrillo  in  congress,  iii. 
214;  and  in  all  these  years  acted  as  a  kind  of  treasurer  and  confidential  ad- 
viser of  the  friars — smdico  apostolico;  accused  in  '34  of  being  engaged  in  a 
conspiracy  against  the  govt.  iii.  250,  257-8.  In  the  sectional  troubles  of  '3G-8 
Capt.  G.  was  a  firm  supporter  of  Alvarado's  cause,  though  personally  a  friend 
of  Carrillo.  Alvarado  wished  to  make  him  com.  gen.,  and  did  grant  him  the 
S.  Julian  or  National  rancho.  iii.  436,  492,  510,  533,  550,  582,  G50-1.  In  '39 
he  made  vain  attempts  to  collect  his  back  pay,  being  still  com.  at  Sta  B.  iii. 
5S4,  G51;  and  having  to  his  credit,  including  extra  allowances,  51  years,  9 
months,  and  1  day  of  mil.  service  on  May  10th.  In  '40  he  asked  for  retirement 
because  he  could  not  get  the  $12,000  due  him,  nor  the  promotion  to  which  he 
was  entitled,  and  because  of  his  ailments  and  age  of  02.  He  finally  retired 
from  the  mil.  service  on  April  1,  '42.  Ment.  in  '40-2.  iii.  G55;  iv.  199,  0.S2, 
C40-1;  ment.  '44-6.  iv.  403,  408,  530;  v.  282.  Though  not  friendly  to  the  U. 
S.,  he  kept  quiet  for  the  most  part,  and  did  not  indulge  in  any  offensive  parti- 
sanship. In  later  years  he  was  claimant  for  several  ranehos.  iv.  G43,  G55-G; 
living  quietly  at  Sta  B.,  and  being  a  man  of  great  wealth,  most  of  which  his 
sons  managed  to  squander  even  before  their  father's  death.  He  died  in  '5S, 
leaving  over  100  direct  descendants.  None  of  the  pioneers  here  registered 
exerted  for  so  long  a  period  so  wide  and  good  an  influence  as  Capt.  de  la 
Gucrra.  He  was  a  man  of  excellent  character  and  conduct  throughout  his 
career,  though  no  great  or  brilliant  achievements  can  be  placed  to  his  credit, 
though  he  had  the  advantage  of  rich  and  influential  friends  from  the  first,  and 
though  his  Span,  birth  prevented  his  reaching  the  highest  rank;  yet  his  hon- 
est and  efficient  performance  of  each  duty,  his  well-balanced  judgment,  his 
dignified  conservatism,  command  admiration.  At  Sta  B.  he  was  known  as  the 
patriarch,  to  whom  the  people  were  wont  to  apply  as  a  matter  of  course  to 
settle  their  controversies;  and  he  was  famous  for  his  charities.  No  man  in  Cal. 
ever  came  bo  near,  by  peaceful,  legitimate  means,  absolute  control  of  his  dis- 
trict, lie  did  not  purchase  popularity  at  the  cost  of  independence,  for  many 
were  his  controversies,  even  with  the  friars,  though  their  life-long  friend  and 
a  devout  churchman.  The  Gucrra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  copies  of  which  I  was  per- 
mitted to  make  by  the  kindness  of  Mr  Dibblcc,  executor  of  the  estate,  are  the 


GUERRA  Y  NORIEGA— GULNAC.  771 

most  extensive  and  valuable  family  archives  in  Cal.  except  those  of  Vallcjo. 
In  person,  Don  Jose  was  short  and  stout,  with  a  flat  nose  and  an  ugly  face. 
His  intimate  friends  in  their  letters  were  fond  of  applying  nicknames.  Gen. 
Caicaba  and  the  leading  friars  used  such  endearing  epithets  as  corcobado, 
chato  maldito,  chatojlojo,  etc.  On  account  of  pride  in  his  wife's  family  he  had 
a  fondness  for  her  name,  and  was  as  often  called  Capt.  Noriega  as  by  Lis 
proper  name;  in  the  case  of  his  sons  this  became  ridiculous  affectation.  His 
wife,  Maria  Antonia  Carrillo,  died  in  '43.  His  5  sons  have  been  named  in  this 
list,  being  for  the  most  part  prominent  citizens  of  good  enough  abilities  and 
character,  yet  hardly  what  a  union  of  the  two  best  families  of  Cal.  should 
have  produced.  The  daughters,  noted  for,  beauty  and  intelligence,  were  4,  all 
of  whom  eventually  married  foreigners.  Teresa  de  Jesus,  b.  1809,  married  W. 
E.  P.  Hartnell,  and  still  lives  in  '85,  having  furnished  for  my  use  valuable 
documents  of  the  family  archives  and  a  Narrative  of  personal  recollections. 
Maria  de  las  Angustias,  b.  1815,  married  Manuel  Jimeno  Casarin,  and  later 
Dr  J.  D.  Ord;  and  she  also  is  living  in  ^So,  her  Ocurrencias  being  one  of  the 
best  personal  narratives  in  my  collection.  Ana  Maria,  b.  '20,  married  Alfred 
Robinson  and  died  in  '55.  Maria  Antonia,  b.  '27,  married  Cesario  Lataillade, 
and  later  Gaspar  Orena,  a  Span,  with  whom  she  still  lives  at  Sta  B.  in  '85. 

Guerrero  y  Palomares  (Francisco),  1834,  Mex.  who  came  from  Tepic,  I 
think,  in  the  H.  &  P.  colony,  at  the  age  of  23.  iii.  2G3;  but  possibly  in  '28,  as 
per  Soc.  Cal.  Pion.  rolls  and  Lancey.  He  perhaps  obtained  a  S.F.  mission  lot 
in  '3G;  was  elector  '37,  '39.  iii.  705,  590;  receptor  and  admin,  of  customs 
from  '39  to  '44.  iii.  700;  iv.  98,  375,  431,  483,  G70;  in  '39-41  juez  de  paz  and 
alcalde,  iii.  705-6;  iv.  247,  065;  grantee  of  several  town  lots  and  the  rancho 
de  los  Putos.  iv.  669,  673,  676,  682.  In  '42  he  was  31  years  old,  wife  Josefa 
de  Haro,  age  17,  and  one  child;  in  '44  grantee  of  Corral  de  Tierra  rancho;  in 
'45-6  sub-prefect  at  S.F.,  being  often  mentioned  in  local  annals  of  the  north, 
iv.  6C7;  v.  17,  129,  239,  241,  295,  455,  644,  648;  in  '49  again  sub-prefect.  He 
continued  to  reside  at  the  mission,  where  in  '51  he  was  murdered,  and  where 
his  widow  still  lived  in  '80.  A  street  in  S.F.  bears  his  name.  Don  Francisco 
seems  to  have  been  a  kind-hearted,  genial  man,  of  much  intelligence,  and  good 
character.  G.  (Jos6  M.),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  G.  (Jose"  Vicente),  ditto;  sin- 
dico  '41 ;  2d  alcalde  '48.  v.  626.  G.  (Joaquin),  soldier  killed  on  the  Col. 
1781.  i.  363.  G.  (Matias),  teacher  at  Mont,  about  '15.  ii.  427;  sec.  at  S. 
Jose  '24.  ii.  605.  G.  (Pedro),  ment.  in  '29-31.  iii.  68-9,  208.  Guescote 
(Fran.),  armero  of  S.F.  comp.  '42;  perhaps  'Westcot.'  Guest  (John),  1846, 
passed  mid.  on  U.S.  Congress,  and  act.  lieut  on  the  Warren;  capt.  in  Stock- 
ton's bat.  v.  350,  386;  commodore  in  '72;  d.  '79,  in  com.  of  Portsmouth  navy- 
yard.  Gueval  (P.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Guevara  (Antonio),  in  revolt 
at  StaB. ;  sent  to  Mex.  '29-30.  iii.  78,  85.  G.  (Canuto),  at  Sta  B.  before  '37; 
wife  Rafaela  Lugo,  3  children. 

Guibal  (Eugene),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  in  S.  Joaquin  '71-5;  d. 
at  Gilroy  '83.  Guilcost  (Wm),  1826,  mr  of  the  Maria  Teresa,  iii.  148. 
Guild  (H.M.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  carpenter  at  Mont.  '48.  Guile 
(Wm),  1847,  musician  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Guillen  (Antonio),  guard 
at  S.  Diego  1803.  ii.  13.  G.  (Isidoro),  son  of  Eulalia  Perez  de  G.,  sergt  of 
Sta  B.  comp.,  made  alf.  in  '39.  iii.  583,  650;  juez  de  paz  at  S.  Jose  '41-3.  iv. 
684-6.  Guillon  (Chas  F.B.),  1847,  asst  surg.  on  the  U.S.  Columbus.  Gui- 
rado  (Bernardino),  trader  at  Los  Ang.  from  '39;  supervisor  in  '58-9.  G. 
(Rafael),  1833,  Mex.  trader  from  Sonora.  owner  and  sup.  of  the  Leouldas,  who 
settled  at  Los  Ang.,  age  32;  in  '35-6  regidor.  iii.  283,  635-6;  in  '39  clerk  at 
S.  Gabriel,  iii.  645;  owner  of  S.F.  lot  in  '47.  v.  684;  coroner  in  '52;  died  at 
Los  Ang.  in  '72. 

Gulnac  (Wm),  1S33,  nat.  of  N.Y.,  who  had  lived  long  in  L.  Cal.,  and  who 
came  on  the  Volunteer,  via  Honolulu,  with  his  family,  settling  at  S.  Jose\  iii. 
409;  iv.  86,  117.  He  was  naturalized  in  '34;  in  '38  owner  of  S.  F.  land,  and 
employed  to  survey  S.  Jos6  town  lands,  iii.  705,  730;  in  '39  regidor,  and  pos- 
sibly arrested  in  '40.  iii.  731;  iv.  17,  120.  In  the  padron  of  '41,  age  40,  wife 
Isabel  Cescna,  child.  Jos6  Ramon  b.  '26,  Juan  Panfilo  '31,  Carlos  Maria  '33, 


772  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Susana  '34,  Isabel  '36,  and  Luisa  '38.  In  '44-5  he  joined  Sutter's  army,  some- 
v  hat )  eluctantly,  and  was  grantee  of  the  French  Camp  rancho,  sold  to  Weber, 
iv.  462,  480,  671,  674;  signed  the  S.  Jos6  call  to  foreigners  in  '45.  iv.  599;  on 
the  1st  jury  '4S;  and  died  in  '51.  Two  of  the  sons,  Carlos  and  Juan,  served 
with  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  in  '46  (v.  232,  247);  and  another,  Pedro,  is  named 
in  '43.       Gunn,  see  'Garni.' 

Gutche  (Valentin),  1848,  in  Sutter's  employ.  Guthrie,  1S45,  apparently 
one  of  Fremont's  men.  iv.  583.  G.  (Alfred),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
doubtful;  at  S.F.  '74.  G.  (Dexter),  1840,  overl.  immig.  from  111.,  who  lived 
in  Napa  Val.  till  his  death  by  suicide  in  '81.  G.  (R. ),  1846,  one  of  Faunt- 
leroy's dragoons,  v.  332,  347.  G.  (Win),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at 
Coulterville  '82. 

Gutierrez,  carpenter  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  1797.  i.  65S.  G.  (Cirilo),  at  S.  Juan 
Cap.  '46,  age  51,  wife  Ana  M.  Romero,  child  Pablo,  b.  '38.  G.  (Fran.), 
sergt  Catalan  vol.  1796.  i.  540.  G.  (Fran.),  1825,  Span.  prob.  from  the  Asia, 
iii.  '27.  G.  (Joaquin),  soldier  at  Mont.  ^SG,  age  20;  juez  aux.  Mont,  dist  '42. 
iv.  G53;  cl.  for  Potrero  de  S.  Carlos.  '52.  iii.  678.  G.  (Jose  M.),  Mex.  at 
Brancif.  '45,  age  40,  wife  Guadalupe.  G.  (Jose-  de  Jesus  Maria),  1833,  Mex. 
friar  of  the  Zacatecanos,  "who  served  at  Solano,  S.F.,  and  S.  Antonio  till  '45, 
after  which  I  find  no  record  of  him;  prob.  left  Cal.  iv.  680-1;  iii.  318,  322, 
353-4,  392,  399,  553,  060,  686-8,  713,  719.  G.  (Juan),  1842,  sub-lieut  of  the 
batallon  fijo  '42-5.  iv.  2S9.  G.  (Manuel),  Span,  who  came  to  Cal.  before 
1790;  on  the  Dominguez  rancho,  Los  Ang.  dist.  from  1811.  ii.  350,  353,  3S6; 
ment,  '19.  ii.  292;  alcalde  of  Los  Ang.  '22-3.  ii.  559;  in  '28-30,  80  years  old, 
claiming  exemption  from  expulsion  as  a  Span.  iii.  51-2.  G.  (Manuel),  Span. 
who  came  in  '21,  age  43  in  '28,  claimed  exemption,  iii.  51-2;  had  a  vineyard 
at  Los  -Ang.;  alcalde  at  S.  Pedro  '36.  iii.  635;  at  Sta  Ines  '42.  iv.  646. 

Gutierrez  (Nicolas),  1833,  Span.  capt.  in  Mex.  army,  wrho  came  with  Gov. 
Figueroa  and  was  prom,  the  same  year  to  lieut-col.  He  was  comisionado  for 
the  secul.  of  S.  Gabriel  in  '34-6;  acting  com.  gen.  Oct.  8,  '35,  to  Jan.  2,  '36, 
and  from  that  date  gefe  pol.  and  com.  gen.  to  May  3d;  mil.  com.  in  the  south 
during  Chico's  rule;  again  gov.  and  com.  gen.  on  Chico's  departure  from  Sept. 
6th  to  his  own  overthrow  by  Alvarado  on  Nov.  4,  '36.  See  his  rule  and  the 
revolution,  iii.  445-66,  with  biog.  448;  ment.  iii.  236,  240,  258,  281,  2S4-5, 
288,  298-300,  346,  414-20,  422,  431,  433,  442,  044-5;  iv.  S3,  102,  112,  141, 
10 1.  Gov.  Gutierrez  was  an  easy-going,  faithful  officer,  of  ordinary  abilities 
end  not  very  strict  morals,  the  current  charges  against  whom  in  justification 
of  the  revolt  have  but  slight  foundation  in  fact.  Nothing  is  known  of  his 
later  career.  G.  (Octaviano),  Mex.  artill.  corp.  at  Sta  B.  from  '24.  ii.  532; 
lieut  in  '39.  iii.  583,  651 ;  in  '46  juez  de  paz,  v.  635,  and  again  in  '49;  claimant 
for  the  Laguna  rancho  '53.  iv.  642.  G.  (Pablo),  Mex.  grantee  of  rancho  in 
Yuba  Co.  '44.  iv.  671;  in  Sutter's  employ  '44—5;  made  plans  with  Bid  well  to 
seek  for  gold  on  Bear  Eiv.,  but  B.  says  he  was  captured  and  hanged  by  Castro 
in  the  Micheltorena  campaign.  Sutter  tells.a  similar  story;  but  I  know  noth- 
ing further  of  the  matter.  G.  (Romualdo),  1804,  Span,  friar  who  served  at 
Sta  Ines,  and  retired  on  account  of  ill  health  in  1800.  Biog.  ii.  29;  ment.  ii. 
122,  159-60.  G.  (Tomas),  grantee  of  land  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '41.  W.-62G;  in 
:40  at  S.  Juan,  age  63,  wife  Maria  Ant.  Cota,  child.  Luis  b.  '33,  Ignacia  '34, 
Francisco  '37,  Petra  '39,  Mariano  '41,  Ramona  '45.  Guy  (Omnes),  1842,  Fr. 
sawyer  at  Sta  Cruz  who  was  naturalized  in  '44.  iv.  341.  Guzman,  settler  at 
Brancif.  1797.  i.  569.  G.  (Laureano),  1842,  fifer  in  the  batallon  fijo  '42-5. 
iv.  289.       G.  (Manuel),  1829,  mex.  convict,  pardoned  in  '34. 

Gwinn  (Frank),  1841,  blacksmith  from  N.  Mex.  in  the  Workman-Rowland 
party;  went  back  the  next  year.  iv.  278.  Gyzelaar  (Henry),  1816,  mr.  of 
Lydia,  arrested  at  Sta  B.  ii.  275-8,  362-3,  382.  In  '18  he  came  back  as 
mr  of  the  Cla/rion  with  a  warning  against  Bouchard,  ii.  222,  291.  In  22-3  he 
tiicd  again  as  mr  of  the  pioneer  Boston  trader  Sachem,  and  remained  in 
*  '.,  ii.  !74  5,  478,  492-3,  being  drowned  in  '25  or  '26  in  trying  to  cross  Rus- 
sian River,  iii.  29. 


HA  AG—  HALLECK.  '773 

Harg  (Fred.),  1847,  Co.  t),  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Haan  (Matthew  J.),  1846, 
from  Hon.  on  the  Elizabeth;  trader  at  Sonoma  '47,  in  partnership  with  Fred.  G. 
Blume,  and  later  Victor  Prudon;  owner  of  S.F.  lots.  v.  680.  Hace,  1831, 
perhaps  of  Young's  trappers,  iii.  388.  Hacker  (Wm),  1846,  bugler  Co.  C, 
1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Hackett  (Pat.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v. 
499).  Haenck  (Tadeo),  1791,  apothecary  with  Malaspina.  i.  490.  Hage- 
man  (Chas  K.),  1S47,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Hagemeister,  1817,  Russ. 
gov.  of  Alaska  who  visited  Cal.  on  the  Kutusof  '17-18.  ii.  216,  251,  283,  291, 
315-18,  373,  383.  Haggerty  (John  K.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  51S); 
a  miner  in  '48.  Hagler  (Henry),  1S43,  German  ship-carpenter  and  mill- 
wright with  Stephen  Smith  from  Baltimore,  iv.  395,  4C0.  He  worked  at  Bo- 
dega; in  '47-8  in  charge  of  the  farm  of  his  brother-in-law  F.  G.  Blume;  seems 
to  have  spent  his  life  in  Sonoma  Co.;  died  at  Bodega  in  '73.  His  name  was 
perhaps  Hegelar. 

Haig  (A.),  1822,  mr  of  the  Snipe,  ii.  474.  Haight  (Jacob),  1846,  artill. 
of  Stockton's  bat.,  killed  at  the  S.  Gabriel,  Jan.  '47.  v.  395.  H.  (Sam.  W.), 
1847,  sutler  of  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  503);  often  named  in  commercial  records  of  '47- 
8,  being  interested  at  Benicia;  d.  S.F.  '56.  Hails  (R.  C),  1846,  nat.  of  Tenn. 
and  overl.  immig. ;  several  times  memb.  of  the  legisl.  from  Napa  and  Solano 
down  to  '78,  when  he  was  C2  years  old.  Haines  (John),  1837,  named  in 
Larkin's  books;  in  Sutter's  employ  '44;  also  ment.  at  N.  Helv.  '46.  Hair- 
bird  (John),  1846,  doubtful  memb.  of  the  Mormon  col.  v.  547. 

Hale  (Horatio),  1841,  on  the  Cowlitz;  of  scientific  corps  U.  S.  ex.  ex.  iv. 
218,  241-2,  246,  250.  Haler  (Lorenzo),  1845,  one  of  Fremont's  men  in  '48-9, 
and  perhaps  in  '45.  iv.  583;  v.  453.  Halee,  1842,  doubtful  name  at  S.  F. 
Haley  (John),  1S2S,  Irish  cooper  at  S.  Pedro  from  an  Engl,  vessel;  in  '29-30 
at  S.  Gab.,  age  34.  ii.  558;  written  '  Geli. '  Hall  (Basil),  1847,  owner  of  S.F. 
lot.  v.  G78.  H.  (Chas),  1S32,  Boston  trader  at  Los  Ang.  '33-6;  d.  before 
'62.  iii.  408.  H.  (James),  1826,  mate  on  the  Rover.  H.  (James),  1831  (?), 
mate  of  a  trader,  perhaps  same  as  preceding;  visited  S.F.  '81  from  Me.  H. 
(James),  1844,  disabled  Amer.  sailor  aided  by  the  consul;  sailed  on  the  Nan- 
tucket. H.  (James),  1848,  at  Mont.,  perhaps  J.  T.  H.  (J.T.),  1846,  mr  of 
the  Barnstable  and  Elizabeth  '46-8,  perhaps  2  men.  v.  576-7.  II.  (John), 
1S22,  mr  of  the  Lady  Blackwood,  author  of  notes  on  Cal.  harbors,  ii.  474;  iv. 
151.  H.  (John  or  Chas),  1817,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  for  many  years  a 
miner  in  Nov.,  where  he  died  in  '77,  leaving  a  widow  and  daughter.  H. 
(John  T. ),  1847,  mr  of  the  Maleh  Adhel.  H.  (R.R.),  1847,  boatswain  on  the 
Columbus.  H.  (Willard  P.),  1847,  memb.  of  congress  from  Mo.,  who  came 
as  guide  (?)  with  the  Morm.  Bat.  v.  483;  served  in  Co.  C,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  858); 
went  cast  with  Kearny,  v.  452;  and  testified  at  Wash,  in  the  Fremont  court- 
martial,  v.  456. 

Halleck  (Henry  Wager),  1847,  nat.  of  N.Y.,  graduate  of  West  Point,  and 
licut  of  engineers  U.  S.A.,  who  came  with  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  to  inspect 
Pacific  coast  fortifications,  v.  518-20.  Besides  attending  to  his  duties  as  engi- 
neer officer,  being  soon  brevetted  captain,  he  went  down  the  coast  to  take 
part  in  the  military  operations  at  Mazatlan  and  in  L.  Cal.;  prepared  a  report 
on  Cal.  land  titles;  and  acted  in  '48-9  as  govt  secretary  and  auditor  of  reve- 
nues. In  '49  he  was  an  active  and  influential  member  of  the  constitutional 
convention;  and  in  '59-4  acted  as  inspector  of  light-houses  on  the  Pac.  coast. 
Then  he  resigned  bis  commission,  and  in  '54-60  was  a  member  of  the  law  firm 
of  Halleck,  Peachy,  &  Billings  in  S.F.,  taking  part  as  counsellor  in  many  of 
the  great  land  suits,  acting  as  a  kind  of  director  of  the  New  Almadcn  mines, 
acquiring  a  vast  estate,  and  in  '60-1  serving  as  major-gen.  of  militia.  In  '61 
he  went  east  and  was  commissioned  major -gen.;  commanded  thedept.  of  Mo. 
in  '01-2;  was  the  highest  mil.  authority  at  Wash,  as  senior  general,  and  later 
as  chief  of  staff  in  '02-5;  commanded  for  a  time  at  Richmond;  was  in  '65-9 
com.  of  the  dept.  of  the  Pacific;  and  from  '69  of  the  dept  of  the  South  until 
his  death  at  Louisville,  Ky,  in  '72,  at  the  age  of  56.  No  analysis  of  Gen.  Hal- 
leck's  character  is  called  for  here;  his  reputation  is  national,  though  he  was 
essentially  a  California!!;  and  the  positions  held  by  him  are  sufficient  to  show 


774  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

his  abilities.  He  was  a  cold-blooded,  generally  unpopular  man;  plodding 
rather  than  brilliant  in  all  his  efforts;  arousing  bitter  enmity  as  well  as  pro- 
found admiration.'  He  was  the  author  of  several  professional  works  and  trans- 
lations, and  his  treatises  on  military,  mining,  and  international  law  are  re- 
garded as  of  standard  value.  His  wife  was  a  daughter  of  John  C.  Hamilton, 
and  survived  him  with  a  son.  H.,  1847,  brother  of  H.W.,  said  to  have  been 
in  the  Q.M.  dept. ,  and  to  have  died  at  Mont.  '48.  It  may  be  that  there  is  an 
error  in  the  date  of  death,  and  that  this  was  Jabez  Halleck,  who  was  col- 
lector, harbor-master,  and  com.  of  deeds  in  '49. 

Hallcr  (John  J.),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  Halloran  (Luke),  1846,  memb. 
of  the  Donner  party,  who  died  before  reaching  Cal.  v.  531.  Halls  (Johu), 
1847,  surveyor  at  S.F.,  Mont.,  and  N.  Helv.  '47-S.  v.  683.  Halpin  (Michael), 
184G,  Irish  bugler  of  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Halsey,  1846,  mr 
of  the  Caroline,   v.  576. 

Ham  (Hiram),  1847,  owner  of  S.  F.  lot.  H.  (R.S.),  1848,  early  settler 
and  alcalde  at  Sonora.  H.  (Zacarias),  1831,  with  Wolfskill  from  N.  Mex.; 
said  to  have  been  drowned  in  the  Col.  a  little  later,  iii.  387.  Hamel  (Wm), 
1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518);  died  in  'S4.  Swan.  Hamell  (Dr),  1847, 
doubtful  name  at  N.  Helv.  Hames  (John),  1S44  (?),  named  at  Soquel.  iv. 
453;  in  '45  signed  the  S.  Jose"  call  to  foreigners,  iv.  599;  nient.  in  '46.  v.  641; 
memb.  of  Sta  Cruz  council  '48.  v.  642;  alcalde  in  '49;  claimant  of  Arroyo  del 
Rodeo '53.  iii.  677.  Hamilton,  1847,  of  firm  H.  &  Foster,  Mont.  H.,  1845, 
one  of  Fremont's  men.  iv.  583.  H.  (Geo.  W.),  1846,  of  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358); 
lumber  dealer  at  Mont.  '48;  at  S.  Jose  '50.  H.  (James),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  at  Jackson,  Amador  Co.,  '58.  H.  (J.R.),  1846,  act.  mid. 
on  the  Dale;  lieut  confecl.  navy  '01-5.  H.  (Mary),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon 
col.,  perhaps  with  family,   v.  546;  Mary  Sparks  was  her  daughter. 

Hamlen  (Mortimer  J.),  1847,  Co.  E,  KY.Vol.  (v.  499).  Hamley  (Geo. 
W.),  1846,  mrof  the  Stonington.  v.  578,  580;  bearer  of  despatches  from  Stock- 
ton to  Fremont  in  Jan.  '47.  v.  401;  and  in  Dec.  witness  at  Wash.,  D.  C. ;  in 
'53  cl.  for  Guejito  rancho.  v.  621.  His  name  is  written  in  many  ways,  but  I 
have  his  autograph.  Hammer  (Robert),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d. 
on  Amer.  Riv.  '49.  Hammond  (Francis  A.),  1847,  from  Hon.  on  the  Cur- 
rency  Lass;  kept  a  shoe-shop  in  S.F.  '48.  v.  6S5.  H.  (Thos  C).  1S46,  lieut 
(  o.  K,  1st  U.S.  dragoons,  v.  336,  341,  343;  died  of  his  wounds  at  S.  Pascual. 
v.  343-7.  Hampton  (Wade),  1841,  Amer.  gunsmith  in  Workman-Rowland 
party  from  N.  Mex.  iv.  278;  at  Los  Ang.  '42;  returned  via  Mazatlan  in  '43, 
and  was  mysteriously  killed  on  the  way.   Given. 

Hance  (Wm),  1838,  Amer.  sailor,  who  deserted  from  the  Sarah  and  Caro- 
line, perhaps  in  '36.  iv.  118;  arrested,  but  not  exiled,  in  '40.  iv.  17;  got  a  pass 
in  "41,  being  then  a  lumberman  near  Monterey.  In  '42  he  signed  an  appeal  on 
the  sufferings  of  the  arrested  party;  in  '44  got  his  pass  renewed,  living  at  S. 
F.,  age  35.  Hancock  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  H!  (Geo. 
W.),  1847,  Co.  C,  ditto.  H.  (Levi  W.),  1847,  musician  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat, 
being  also  poet,  preacher,  and  spiritual  director  of  the  battalion,  v.  477,  4S5, 
4S8,  493-4;  in  Utah  '82.  Hand,  1841,  mr  of  the  Hamilton,  iv.  566.  H. 
(Chas  SO,  1847,  at  Bcnicia  '47-8.  v.  673.  H.  (Patrick).  1847,  sergt  Co.  F. 
3d  U.S.  artill.  v.  519.  Handerick  (James),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lots.  v.  679. 
Handford,  1847,  mr  of  the  Jdven  Guipuzcoana.  Handley  (Wm),  1S37,  mr  of 
the  Loriot.  iv.  105.       Hands,  1S48,  arrested  at  S.  Jose.   v.  662. 

Hanks  (Ephraim),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  H.  (Ebenezer), 
1847,  scrgt  ditto,  v.  477.  II.  (Julian),  1845,  mr  of  the  Maria  Teresa,  v. 
587,  579;  perhaps  came  earlier;  at  S.  Jose  from  '46,  being  member  of  the 
il.  v.  664;  in  '49  memb.  of  the  constit.  convention,  a  nat.  of  Conn,  age 
[e  went  later  to  L.  Cal.  Hanley  (James),  1S35-7,  mr  of  the  Clementine. 
iii.  382,  442;  iv.  102.  Hann  (Wm),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  Hanna,  184S, 
mr  of  the  Lady  Adams,  v.  579.  Hannah  (l)olphus),  1845,  doubtful  overl. 
iramig.  iv.  578.  Hanner  (Joseph),  1842,  Amer.  from  N.  Mex.  at  Los  Ang. 
'42-3.  Hannoah  (Baptiste),  1848,  d.  at  N.  Helv.  Hanna  (H.),  1848,  at 
Hon.  from  S.F.  on  the  Julian.       Hansen  (Christian),  1S40,  mrof  the  Catalina 


HANSEN— HARMON.  '      775 

•'40-2.  iv.  192,  564;  lieut  in  Mex.  navy.  Hanson  (Geo.  M.),  184G  (?),  miner 
in  early  times,  and  later  publisher  of  newspapers;  perhaps  an  immig.  of  '40, 
died  in  Lake  Co.  '78.  Hanton  (Matthew  (J.),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v. 
499).  Harbin  (James  M.),  1840,  overl.  immig.  (v.  520),  who  settled  in  Yolo 
'47,  and  about  '57  at  the  springs  in  Lake  that  bear  his  name;  sometimes  ac- 
credited to  '44.  iv.  440;  el.  for  land  in  Napa  and  Yolo;  d.  Lake  Co.  '77.  H. 
(Joshua),  1846,  Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  enlisting  at  Son.,  Oct.  H.  (Mat- 
thew), 1844,  son  of  J.  M.,  and  overl.  immig.  of  the  Stevens  party,  iv.  445, 
453.  He  went  south  and  was  one  of  the  prisoners  at  Chino.  v.  313-14;  later 
a  resid.  of  Napa  and  Lake,  and  about  '75  went  to  Mexico  to  engage  in  stock- 
raising.  Harcourt  (Geo.),  1840,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232,  247);  Co.  G, 
Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358). 

Hardcoop,  1840,  Belgian  of  the  Donner  party,  who  died  before  reaching 
the  Sierra,  v.  531-2.  Hardie  (James  A.),  1847,  lieut  3d  artill.  U.S.A., 
major  N.Y. Vol.  v.  574;  in  com.  of  S.F.  garrison  '47-8.  v.  513,  515,  049,  059; 
owner  of  town  lots.  In  the  war  of  '01-5  a  brig.-gen. ;  d.  Wash.  :7G.  Hard- 
ing, 1840,  doubtful  name  at  Los  Aug.  H.,  1847,  mr  of  the  Thos  H.  Benton. 
H.  (Francis),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  H.  (James),  1840,  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat. 
(v.  35S).  H.  (Thomas),  1845,  Amer.  sailor  of  the  Tasso  and  Vandalia,  aided 
by  the  consul,  v.  5S7.  Hardmont  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499), 
at  S.  Jose  '50;  d.  before  '82.  Hardy,  1848,  com.  of  the  U.S.  Ohio.  v.  579. 
H.  (Daniel),  1848,  newspaper  record.       H.  (H.  C),  184S,  owner  of  S.F.  lot. 

Hardy  (Thomas  M.),  1843,  Canadian  who  possibly  came  earlier  or  had 
been  naturalized  in  some  other  Mex.  province,  iv.  400;  grantee  this  year  of 
Rio  de  Jesus  Maria  on  the  Sac.  near  mouth  of  Cache  cr. ;  in  '44  named  in  sev- 
eral records  as  carpenter  and  translator  in  Sonoma  district,  age  43.  iv.  448; 
in  '45-8  often  named  in  N.  IJelv.  Diary  as  visiting  Sutter's  Fort.  I  have  an 
original  letter  in  Span,  of  May  '40.  The  Bear  captors  of  Vallejo  and  Prudon 
spent  the  night  at  H.'s  place,  v.  120.  He  was  unpopular  with  the  settlers, 
perhaps  because  of  his  sympathy  for  the  Mex.  Had  a  Cal.  claim  for 
horses;  in  the  gold  mines  May  '48;  and  a  little  later  in  '48  or  '49  he 
was  drowned  in  Suisun  Bay,  perhaps  accidentally.  His  property  was  sold  by 
the  public  administrator,  and  as  late  as  '70  the  sons  of  John  Hardy — claimed 
to  be  identical  with  Thos  M. — were  trying  in  the  courts  to  overthrow  the 
title  of  J.  M.  Harbin  and  other  holders  under  the  administrator's  sale  and 
U.S.  patent  to  the  rancho.  H.  (Thos),  1847,  at  Benicia;  perhaps  same  as 
preceding.  H.  (Wm  H. ),  1845,  landed  at  Sta  Cruz  from  a  whaler,  v.  587; 
worked  for  Larkin  and  others  as  a  carpenter  and  lumberman,  building  a- 
schooner  '46;  of  H.  &  Jenkins  '48;  still  at  Sta  Cruz  '80.  Hare  (Henry), 
1830,  Engl,  clerk  with  Jas  Watson  at  Mont.,  age  20,  and  single. 

Hargrave  (Wm),  1844,  Amer.  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  Kelsey  party,  iv. 
444-5,  453;  settling  in  Napa  as  a  hunter.  He  was  prominent  in  the  Bear  re- 
volt, v.  78-9,  95,  104,  110.  119;  and  later  served  in  the  south  as  lieut  of  Co. 
C,  Cal.  Bat.  v.  301,  283.  He  is  occasionally  ment.  in  divers  records  of  '45-8. 
In  '78  he  still  lived  in  Napa,  where  lie  dictated  for  my  use  an  interesting  nar- 
rative of  California  in  '^6'.  Harlan  (Geo.),  1840,  overl.  immig.  from  Ind. 
with  wife — Elizabeth  Duncan — 2  sons,  and  2  daughters,  v.  528-30.  He  lived 
at  S.F.,  and  later  in  Contra  Costa,  dying  in  Sta  Clara  '50,  and  his  wife  in  '48. 
H.  (Elisha),  1846,  son  of  Geo.,  in  same  party.  H.  (Joel),  1840,  son  of  Geo., 
1).  Ind.  '28;  in  '49  married  Minerva,  daughter  of  Wm  Fowler;  lived  at  many 
dif.  places,  and  from '82  in  Amador  Val.,  where  he  died  in  '72,  leaving  a 
widow  and  7  children.  Portrait  in  Contra  Costa  Co.  Hist.,  78.  Harlem  (P. 
W.),  1840,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Harley  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y. Vol. 
(v.  499);  d.  near  Sac.  after  '70. 

Harmand,  see  'Harmon.'  Harmes  (Henry),  1847,  owner  of  S.  F.  lot. 
H.  (Wm),  1S47,  ditto.  Harmon  (De  Witt  J.),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y. Vol.  (v. 
499);  at  Murphy's,  Calav.  Co.,  '71-4.  H.  (Ebenezer),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  409).  H.  (Jacob),  1847,  owner  of  lot  at  S.F.  v.  0S5;  in  '48  had  a 
garden  at  the  mission,  and  a  wife,  Elenora,  who  obtained  a  divorce  in  '49.  He 
died  at  S.F.  '50,  leaving  a  widow  and  2  children,  Mary  Ann  and  Jacob.  The 


776  PIOXEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

widow  married  Michael  Foley  in  '50,  and  died  at  Sta  Clara  'GO.  H.  (Lorenzo 
F.),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat!  (v.  469);  reenl.  H.  (Oliver  X.),  1847,  Co.  E, 
ditto;  home  missionary  at  Hoytsville,  Utah,  '82. 

Harndcn,  1847,  mr  of  the  Nastednik.  v.  579.  Harner  (Joseph),  1843, 
Amer.  tailor  from  N.  Mex.,  who  had  a  shop  at  Mont.,  where  he  worked  at 
his  trade,  sold  grog,  and  smuggled  in  a  small  way.  Died  in  '44  of  small-pox, 
leaving  property  worth  about  $2,000,  of  which  the  consul  wrote  to  his  mother, 
Dolly  H.  of  Va.  Harnes  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  H,  X.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Har- 
ness (Wm),  1846,  at  X.  Helv.  Jan. -March. 

Haro  (Francisco  de),  1819,  Mex.  sub-lieut  of  the  S.  Bias  infantry  comp. 
in  Cal.  ii.  253,  371.  In  '21  ac'comp.  Arguello  on  his  trip  to  the  north,  ii.  445; 
and  in  '22-3  served  as  sec.  of  the  govt  and  dip.  ii.  461-3,  486,  676.  In  '24  2d 
in  com.  of  the  exped.  against  revolted  neophytes,  ii.  531-2;  and  the  same 
year  retired  from  mil.  service,  ii.  675  (error  in  ii.  585);  elector  de  partido  '27. 
ii.  5S4,  592;  iii.  33;  land  grants  in  '29.  ii.  595;  iii.  75;  suplente  of  the  dip. 
'30-1.  iii.  50,  187;  vocal  '33-4.  iii.  246,  249-50.  In  '35  and  '38  he  was  alcalde 
at  S.F.,  and  elector  in  '37.  iii.  703-5;  in  '41-4  sec.  of  the  juzgado,  and  owner 
of  town  lots.  iv.  665-6,  669,  676,  683.  In  '42,  age  50,  apparently  a  widower 
(his  wife  had  been  a  daughter  of  Jose  Sanchez),  child.  Francisco  and  Ramon 
b.  '27,  Rosalia  '28,  Xatividad  '29,  Prudencio  '31,  Carlota  '33,  Dolores  '36,  Je- 
sus Felipe  '40,  Alonzo.  The  oldest  daughter,  Josefa,  b.  '25,  was  the  wife  of 
Fran.  Guerrero,  and  cl.  for  the  ranchos  granted  to  her  father  and  brothers. 
Rosalia  became  the  wife  of  A.  A.  Andrews,  and  later  of  Chas  Brown,  iv.  GG9. 
In  '46  Don  Francisco  was  at  times  acting  sub-prefect,  inspector  of  election, 
and  candidate  for  alcalde,  v.  295,  648.  He  died  in  '48.  His  twin  sons,  Fran- 
cisco and  Ramon,  were  militiamen  at  S.F.  in  '43;  were  granted,  or  permitLed 
to  occupy,  the  Potrero  in  '44.  iv.  673;  Ramon,  or  'Chico,'  was  involved  in 
the  Libbey  assault  of  '45  (iv.  569);  and  both  were  murdered  by  Fremont's 
men  at  S.  Rafael  in  June  '46.  v.  171-4.       H.  (Ignacio),  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  20. 

Harper  (Thos  W.),  1847,  Co.  B,  X.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Sta  B.  '56.  Har- 
ran  (Geo.  andJoel),  1847,  lotsatS.F.,  prob.  'Harlan,'  q.v.  Harriens  (David), 
1826,  mr  of  the  Cyrus;  also  in  '30.  iii.  146.  Harrington  (John),  1847,  Co. 
D,  X.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Harris,  1847,  in  prison  atX.  Plelv.  for  stealing  horses. 
H.,  1847,  from  Hon.  on  the  Currency  Lass.  H.  (Austin),  1848,  passed  mid. 
ou  the  U.S.  Independence.  H.  (Geo.  Aug.),  1826,  trader  who  had  a  quarrel 
with  Dav.  Spence.  H.  (Geo.  C),  1846,  on  the  Sarah  Parker  ace.  to  Swan. 
H.  (Henry),  1846,  of  the  Mormon  col.,  joining  at  Hon.,  and  somewhat  prom- 
inent by  reason  of  his  suit  against  Brannan.  Annals  of  S.F. ,  750.  At  S.F. 

'47-8;  owner  of  town  lots.  v.  685.  His  wife  was  Mary ,  and  their  only 

child,  Henry  Wm,  died  in  '48.  H.  (James),  1830,  shipwrecked  sailor  of  the 
Danube;  still  at  Sta  B.  '36.  iii.  180.  H.  (John),  1844,  Engl,  at  Mont.  H. 
(John  D.),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  v.  685.  H.  (J.  H.),  1848,  subscribes  for 
a  ball  at  Mont.  H.  (Robert),  1847,  captain's  clerk  on  the  Cclumbus;  perhaps 
same  as  preceding.  H.  (Robert),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  H. 
(Silas),  1847,  Co.  B,  ditto;  a  Utah  farmer  '81;  mail-carrier  '48. 

Harris  (Stephen),  1847,  Q.  M.  sergt  N.Y.  Vol.  v.  503;  with  wife  and  2 
daughters.  One  of  the  latter  died  at  S.F.  in  Aug. ;  the  other  was  born  on  the 
voy. ,  and  christened  Alta  California  at  Rio  Janeiro  with  much  ceremony,  v. 
512,  getting  a  S.F.  lot  in  '48,  as  her  father  had  in  '47;  candidate  for  council 
in  '47.  v.  (550;  still  in  Cal.  '54.  H.  (Stephen  A.),  1848,  owner  of  S.F.  lot; 
left  Cal.  in '50  and  d.  '67.  His  lot  was  claimed  in  '54  by  Stephen,  whose  grantees 
held  it  from '64;  and  the  heirs  of  Stephen  A., in '70-9,  were  unable  to  recover  the 
land  in  the  courts.  H.  (Mrs  S.  E.),  1845,  at  Sonoma  '77;  maiden  name  not 
given.  H.  (Wm),  1844,  Amer.  sailor  put  ashore  by  the  Vandal'm;  shipped 
by  the  consul  on  the  G.  W.  Morgan.  H.  (Wm),  1S46,  Fanntleroy's  dragoons 
(v.  232,  247).       H.  (Wm  A.),  1847,  asst  surg.  on  the  Independence  '47-8. 

Harrison  (Ed.  H.),  1847,  Q.M.  clerk  of  X.Y.Vol.  and  of  the  dept  at  S.F.; 
a  prominent  man  from  '48,  school  trustee,  president  of  public  meetings,  owner 
of  lots,  and  collector  of  the  port.  v.  575,  050-1,  656-7,  659,  678,  685;  appar- 
ently of  DeWitt  &  H.,  a  well-known  S.F.  firm.       H.  (G.),  1847,  mid.  on  the 


HARRISON— HARTNELL.  777 

U.S.  Columbus.  H.  (Henry  A.),  1848,  had  a  store  in  S.F.;  lnemb.  of  coun- 
cil '49;  died  in  N.  Y.  '57.  H.  (H.H.),  1841,  mid.  on  the  U.  S.  St  Louis. 
H.  (Isaac),  1847,  Co.  E,  Moral.  Bat.  (v.  4G9);  at  Sandy,  Utah,  '81.  H. 
(Israeli,  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  H.  (N.B.),  184G,  mid.  and  act.  master  of 
the  U.S.Port.smoiith:  sent  by  Montgomery  to  Sloat  with  despatches,  v.  228; 
at  Mont.  '4S.  H.  (Thos),  184G,  doubtful  mention;  a  Mrs  Russell  is  also  said 
to  have  come  in  '46  with  her  father  and  mother  named  Harrison.  Harron 
(James),  1817,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Sentinel,  Fresno,  '83.  Harsh 
(Dan.),  1847,  in  Napa  Val. 

Hart,  1839,  mr  of  the  F/ibberty-gibbrt.  iv.  103-4.  H.  (Henry  L.),  1847, 
Co.  A,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  in  L.'  Cal.  '48.  H.  (James  S.),  1847,  Co.  E, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  4G9);  reenl.  H.  (Jerome),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499); 
d.  in  Shasta  '52.  H.  (John),  1829-30,  mr  of  a  vessel  on  the  coast.  H. 
(John),  1847,  Co.  D,  ditto;  at  S.F.  '71-4;  d.  before  '82.  H.  (Joseph),  1846, 
Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  enlisted  at  S.  Jose,  Oct.  Hartcell  (David),  1847, 
Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Hartman  (Henry),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot, 
who  had  a  tin-shop  in  '48.  v.  G84.  Hartnell  (Horatio  Nelson),  see  '  Hart- 
well.'  H.  (Jack),  1834,  at  Mont.  H.  (Win  A.),  184G,  celador  of  Mont, 
custom-house,  v.  570. 

Hartnell  (Win  Edward  Petty),  1822,  nat.  of  Lancashire,  Engl.,  b.  179S, 
who,  after  a  resid.  of  several  years  in  S.  Amer.,  came  to  Cal.  on  the  John  Brgg, 
as  member  of  the  firm  McCulloch,  II.,  &  Co.,  agents  of  Begg  &  Co.  of  Lima, 
and  of  the  Brothertons  in  Liverpool  and  Edinburgh.  This  firm  made  a  con- 
tract to  take  mission  produce  for  3  years  from  '23,  and  for  some  years  did  a 
large  business,  ii.  474-9,  564,  591,  603,  659;  iii.  24,  28.  In  '24  he  was  bap- 
tized at  S.  Carlos,  the  name  Edward  being  added  at  that  time  (the  '  Paty ' 
of  ii.  475  is  prob.  an  error);  and  in  '25  married  Maria  Teresa  de  la  Guerra. 
iii.  27,  29.  His  business  was  prosperous  down  to  '26,  and  some  loans  were 
made  to  the  govt;  but  in  '27-9  there  came  reverses  that  caused  him  to  go  to 
S.  Amer.  in  '29  to  close  the  partnership,  leaving  him  with  a  heavy  burden  of 
debt.  iii.  49,  57-8,  71,  118,  121-2,  127-8,  138,  147,  176.  In  '30  he  was  natural- 
ized, and  in  '31  undertook  the  life  of  a  ranchero  at  Alisal  in  partnership  with 
the  Soberanes.  In  '32  he  com.  the  comp.  extranjera  at  Monterey  in  support  of 
Zamorano.  iii.  221-5,  672;  and  in  '33-6  acted  as  Cal.  agent  of  the  Russian 
comp.  iv.  162-4;  grantee  in  '34  of  the  Alisal,  or  Patrocinio,  rancho,  ii.  616, 
where  with  Father  Short  he  established  a  kind  of  college,  called  sometimes 
Seminario  de  S.  Jose.  iii.  317,  670,  077-8.  In  '35-6  he  was  regidor.  iii.  293, 
673,  675;  his  children  then  being  Guillermo  Ant.  b.  '27,  Adalberto  '32,  Jose" 
'34,  and  Matilde  '36,  one  or  two  having  died  and  others  perhaps  not  living  ab 
the  college,  where  there  were  then  13  students.  He  was  also  collector  of  taxes 
and  customs  in  '36-7,  and  employed  to  make  a  padron  of  the  district,  iii.  672; 
iv.  96,  116;  but  about  this  time  the  school  was  given  up  as  unprofitable,  and 
H.  found  it  difficult  to  support  his  family.  In  '39-40  he  served  by  Alvurado's 
appointment  as  visitaclor  general  of  missions,  at  a  salary  of  $2,000,  his  faith- 
ful efforts  for  reform  being  recorded,  with  his  reports,  in  iii.  600-1,  620,  624- 
8,  645,  657-8,  661,  664,  666,  683,  685,  688,  691,  718,  720,  725,  728;  iv.  9,  55- 
62,  194-5.  Visited  by  Douglas  '41.  iv.  212;  interpreter  in  '42  for  Com.  Jones' 
investig.  of  the  Graham  affair;  in  '43  an  officer  of  customs,  iv.  377,  tithe  col- 
lector, court  clerk,  and  teacher;  in  '44,  1st  officer,  inspector,  interpreter,  and 
acting  admin,  of  the  custom-house,  having  also  an  interesting  corresp.  with 
Wylhe  on  plans  of  Engl,  colonization,  iv.  403,  430-1,  451-2,  654;  ment.  in 
'45.  iv.  515,  559;  being  still  in  the  custom-house  '45-6,  somewhat  unfriendly 
to  the  U.S.  until  he  lost  all  hope  of  an  Engl,  protectorate,  v.  7,  9,  61,  235, 
570.  After  the  change  of  flag  he  was  appointed  by  Stockton  surveyor  and 
appraiser  of  customs,  being  elected  councillor,  serving  on  the  1st  jury,  and 
making  a  trip  to  Honolulu  in  Dec.  v.  289,  293,  637.  In  '47-50  H.  was  em- 
ployed by  the  U.S.  authorities  as  official  interpreter  and  translator,  v.  609,  in 
which  capacity  he  rendered  most  important  services,  both  in  connection  with 
legal  and  land  matters  and  the  constit.  convention.  Later  he  was  county 
assessor  and  held  other  positions,  being  claimant  for  two  ranchos.  iv.  643;  iii. 


778  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

67C;  dying  in  '54  at  the  age  of  56.  Hartnell  was  a  man  who  enjoyed  and 
merited  the  respect  and  friendship  of  all  who  knew  him,  being  perfectly 
honest  and  straightforward  in  all  his  transactions,  of  most  genial  tempera- 
ment, and  too  liberal  for  his  own  interests.  In  some  directions  he  was  a  man 
of  rare  ability,  being  a  master  of  the  Spanish,  French,  and  German  languages 
besides  his  own.  He  was  not  a  good  business  manager,  lacking  application, 
method,  and  energy,  and  being  always  in  financial  trouble;  but  in  any  cleri- 
cal or  subordinate  capacity  he  Mas  most  reliable  and  efficient.  In  the  later 
years  he  drank  to  excess.  Besides  the  original  records  of  the  Convention  of  '49 
and  the  valuable  Diario  del  Visitador  Gen.  '39-40,  I  have  hundreds  of  his 
letters  in  various  private  archives;  and  indeed,  his  family  doc.  form  more  than 
one  vol.  of  the  Vallejo  collection,  which  should  bear  his  name.  His  correspond- 
ents were  men  of  education  and  standing  in  many  parts  of  the  world.  His 
widow  still  lives  at  Salinas  in  .'85,  at  the  age  of  76,  being  still  owner  of  the 
Alisal  rancho.  She  gave  me  a  personal  Narrativa.  There  were  20  sons  and  5 
daughters  ace.  to  her  own  statement.  In  '40  there  had  been  13,  of  whom  9 
were  living.  Besides  the  4  named  above,  I  find  the  following  in  the  Sta  B.  Co. 
Hist.:  Juan,  Uldarico,  Pablo,  Alvano  (?),  Nathaniel  (died),  George,  Frank, 
Benjamin,  Teresa,  Anita,  Magdalena,  and  Amelia.  There  was  also  an  Este van. 
Ramon  (perhaps  Jose")  was  majordomo  at  S.  Juan  in  '40;  Wm  A.  was  custom- 
house guard  in  '45-6.  Most  of  the  sons  seem  to  have  inherited  the  father's 
weaknesses  rather  than  his  abilities;  but  several  became  respectable  citizens. 

Hartwell  (Lorenzo  Nelson),  1834,  Amer.  sailor  from  the  Cataliiia  at  S. 
Diego,  iii.  412;  still  there  in  '40,  naturalized  and  married.  Called  generally 
Horatio  and  Lawrence  Hartnell,  but  1  have  his  authograph  of  '38.  H. 
(Wm),  1834,  Engl.,  age  36,  testifies  in  favor  of  John  Reed.  Hartwig,  1847, 
a  naturalist  at  N.  Helv.  in  June.  Harvan  (Wm),  1846,  doubtful  name  at 
Los  Ang.       Harvey  (Thos),  1831,  mate  of  the  Catalina. 

Hashagen,  1847,  mr  of  the  Clementine,  v.  577.  Haschal  (A.  G.),  1846, 
one  of  the  Mormon  col.  v.  546;  lot  at  S.F.  '47;  did  not  go  to  Utah;  perhaps 
'Haskell.'  Thales  Haskell  is  also  named.  Haskell  (Geo.),  1847,  Co.  B, 
Mor.n.  Bat.  (v.  469).       H.  (J.  G.),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.       H.  (John  W.), 

1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Sta  B.  '78.  Hasking  (Henry),  1847,  at 
Hon.  from  S.F.  on  the  Julia.  Haslitt  (Geo.),  1845,  perhaps  one  of  FrCinont's 
men.  iv.  583,  587;  in  Sonoma  Co.  '74;  a  Cherokee  Ind.       Hassard  (J.  G.), 

1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Hassel  (H.),  184S,  ditto.  Hastie,  1848,  from  Hon. 
on  the  Scujadahoc. 

Hastings  (Lansford  W.),  1843,  nat.  of  Ohio,  b.  '19,  a  lawyer  who  com.  a 
party  crossing  the  plains  to  Or.  '42,  and  came  to  Cal.  '43  in  com.  of  the  immig. 
party  that  bears  his  name.  iv.  389-92,  400,  444.  His  views  were  those  of  a 
filibuster,  but  he  found  that  the  time  had  not  come  for  a  successful  movement; 
so  he  went  back  in  '44,  by  sea  and  across  Mex.,  to  publish  a  worthless  book 
called  an  Emigrant's  Guide,  and  to  attract  settlers  and  prospective  revolu- 
tionists by  lectures  and  other  methods,  iv.  396-9,  355-6,  2,  6,  20,  26.  In  '45 
he  returned  with  another  party  overland  to  Cal.  iv.  585-6;  but  in  the  spring 
of  '46.  after  the  settlers'  revolt  had  been  postponed,  went  with  Clyman's  party 
to  Salt  Lake  in  search  of  more  immig.,  and  thus  missed  the  Bear  movement, 
v.  526,  529;  but  returned  in  the  autumn  with  Harlan's  party,  by  H. 's  new  cut- 
off, which  proved  so  fatal  to  the  Donners,  in  time  to  serve  as  capt.  of  Co.  F, 
Cal.  Bat.  v.  529-30,  359,  361.  Before  going  east,  however,  he  and  Bidwell  had 
laid  out  the  new  town  of  Sutterville,  reported  at  the  time  to  be  intended  for 
a  Mormon  town,  v.  58;  and  indeed,  H.  was  an  agent  for  the  Mormons  in  the 
secular  phases  of  their  enterprise,  v.  548;  selecting'  a  site  at  Montezuma, 
Solano,  where  some  time  in  '47-8  he  built  an  adobe  house,  still  standing  in  '80, 
and  established  a  ferry  across  the  S.  Joaquin,  v.  552.  In  '47-8  he  also  prac- 
tised law  at  S.F.,  being  the  owner  of  town  lots.  v.  579,  645,  678,  681.  In  March 
-April  '48  he  was  trying  to  recruit  a  battalion  of  volunteers  to  put  down  an 
imaginary  revolt  in  the  south;  in  May  was  elected  school  trustee  at  S.F. ;  in 
July  married  Charlotte  Catherine,  daughter  of  Hopeful  Toler,  at  Sac,  and  in 
Sept.  was  appointed  judge  of  the  northern  district.  In  '49  he  was  a  member 


HASTINGS— HAY.  779 

of  the  constit.  convention,  utilizing  his  geographical  acquirements  in  the  fixing 
of  a  boundary.  He  lived  at  or  near  Sac.  till  '57;  then  went  to  Arizona;  came 
back  on  a  visit  in  '64;  and  is  said  to  have  died  in  Brazil  about '70.  He  was  an 
intelligent,  active  man,  never  without  soriie  grand  scheme  on  hand,  not  overbur- 
dened with  conscientious  scruples,  but  never  getting  caught  in  anything  very 
disreputable.  H.  (Sam.  J.),  1841,  mr  of  the  Tasso  '41-4.  iv.  569.  Haswell 
(Robert),  1788,  Engl,  mate  of  the  Washington  in  voy.  to  N.  W.  coast,  the  1st 
Amer.  vessel  to  enter  Cal.  waters.  H.  kept  a  diary  which  was  furnished  me 
by  his  daughter,  Mrs  John  J.  Clark,  who  died  at  Roxbury,  Mass.,  in  '83,  at  the 
age  of  80. 

Hatch  (James  B.),  1842,  mr  of  the  Barnstable  '42-3,  '44-5;  possibly  on  the 
coast  before,  iv.  341,  563,  101;  iii.  381;  also  mr  of  the  Loo  Chooin  '47.  v.  511. 
H.  (J.  W.),  1848  (?),  killed  accidentally  at  Napa  '79.  H.  (Meltliah),  1847, 
Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469):  at  Panguich,  Utah,  '82,  H.  (Orin),  1847,  ditto, 
at  Bountiful,  Utah,  '82.  H.  (Prince  G.),  1847,  in  S.F.  list  of  letters.  H. 
(Sam.  B.),  1843,  at  Sta  Cruz.  Hathaway  (Humphrey),  1838,  came  on  a  ves- 
sel com.  by  Capt.  Howland,  and  worked  as  a  carpenter  at  Mont.  On  Larkin's 
books  '38-43;  in  Farnham's  list  of  arrests  in  '40;  left  Mont. — and  his  debts — 
on  the  Rajah  in  '43.  iv.  17,  119.  H.  (James  M.),  1847,  Co.  A,N.Y.Vol.  (v. 
499);  d.  Downieviile  '51.  H.  1848,  from  Hon.  on  the  Sagadahoc.  Hatler 
(Alex.),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lots.  v.  685.       Hatton  (Wm).  1826,  on  the  Rover. 

Hauff  (Ernest),  1847,  musician  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.F.  '71-4;  in  Men- 
docino Co.  '83.  Haughty  (Michael),  1847,  Co.  I,  ditto.  Haulstorn  (Alex.), 
1830,  doubtful  name  in  a  business  account.  Haun  (JohnS.),  1846(?),  nat.  of 
Mo.;  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  '76;  perhaps  son  of  Wm.  H.  (Wm),  1846,  settler  at 
Sta  Clara  with  wife,  Lavinia  Whisman,  the  latter  still  living  in  '80.  llaust 
(Joseph),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  Havey  (John),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y. Vol.  (v. 
499);  at  West  Point,  Calaveras  Co.,  '71-82. 

Hawes  (Horace),  1847,  nat.  of  N.  Y.,  who  visited  Cal.  from  Hon.  on  the 
Angola,  en  route  to  Tahiti,  where  he  had  been  appointed  U.S.  consul.  In  '49 
he  came  back  and  was  prefect  at  S.F.,  where  he  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  as  a 
prominent  lawyer  and  legislator.  He  was  the  author  of  an  important  treatise 
on  the  Cal.  mission  cases,  and  of  many  other  well-known  briefs,  political 
pamphlets,  and  speeches;  also  of  the  S.F.  consolidation  bill  of  '56  and  registry 
law  of  '66;  a  member  of  the  assembly  for  two  terms,  and  of  the  state  senate 
in  '63-4.  Hawes  was  a  self-made  man,  a  shrewd  lawyer,  a  man  of  powerful 
mind,  original  in  his  views  and  methods,  but  full  of  conceit,  suspicious  by 
nature,  always  unpopular,  and  eccentric  to  the  verge  of  insanity  in  his  later 
years.  He  became  a  millionaire,  and  by  his  will  of  '71 — the  year  of  his  death 
at  the  age  of  58 — left  the  bulk  of  his  estate  for  the  foundation  of  Mount  Eagle 
University  and  a  Chamber  of  Industry,  making  but  a  comfortable  provision 
for  his  heirs  and  relations.  But  the  heirs,  in  a  suit  that  is  one  of  the  causas 
eclchres  of  Cal.,  succeeded  in  breaking  the  will  on  the  ground  of  the  testator's 
insanity,  and  thus  defeated  his  plans  for  the  public  good  and  his  own  perma- 
nent fame.  His  2d  wife,  married  in  '58,  was  Catherine  Coombs,  who  survived 
him  with  a  son,  Horace,  who  died  in  '84,  and  a  daughter,  Caroline,  who  mar- 
ried James,  the  son  of  Alfred  Robinson,  and  is  still  living  in  '85. 

Hawk  (Nathan),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  overland  mail-carrier 
in  '48,  being  employed  by  Brannan.  H.  (Wm),  1847,  ditto;  at  Salt  Lake 
City  '81.  Hawkhurst,  1837,  perhaps  one  of  the  men  employed  to  drive  cat- 
tle to  Or.  iv.  85.  Hawkins,  1848,  Lieut  with  Gen.  Lane,  Sta  F6  to  Or.  via 
S.  Diego.  Coutts.  H.  (Benj.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  in  S.  F. 
letter  list  '48.  H.  (John  A.  or  P.),  1847,  perhaps  of  N.Y.  Vol.  under  another 
name  (v.  499);  d.  at  S.  F.  H.  (Sam.),  1845,  doubtful  name  of  an  overl. 
immig.  iv.  578.  H.  (Wm),  1830  (?),  trapper  of  Ashley's  comp.,  said  to  have 
hunted  in  the  S.  Joaquin  Val.  in  very  early  times,  and  again  in  '52.  Mont. 
Co.  Hist.,  29.  H.  (Zacarias),  1845,  doctor  and  overl.  immig. 'prob.  to  Or., 
and  not  Cal.  iv.  578.  Hawley  (Jos.),  1842,  mr  of  the  whaler  Hague  '42,  '44; 
iv.  mG.       Haws  (Alphcus  P.),  1847,  scrgt  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477. 

Hay,  1847,  Scotchman,  of  H.  &  Dickson,  S.F.  traders  at  the  'Beehive' 


7S0  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

store  '47-50;  owner  of  town  lots.  v.  675,  684;  left  Cal.  after  '50.  H.  (G.C.), 
1848,  treasurer  of  S.F. ;  called  'Dr';  perhaps  same  as  preceding.  Hayden 
(Geo.  W.),  1847,- Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Hayes,  1845,  Amer.  immig. 
fro;n  Or.  in  the  McM.-Clyman  party;  prob.  went  back  in  '46;  but  may  have 
been  the  H.  wounded  at  Natividad.  iv.  572;  v.  526,  367.  H.,  1848,  at  Mont, 
from  Hon.  on  the  S.  Francisco.  H.  (Elias),  1833,  Amer.  at  Mont.  '33-6;  in 
'34—5  making  shingles  for  Abel  Stearns,  iii.  409.  H.  (Jacob),  1S46,  one  of 
the  Mormon  col.  v.  546;  did  not  go  to  Utah;  d.  before 'SO;  called  also 'Hayse.' 
H.  (James),  1846,  at  Mont,  as  a  kind  of  policeman;  in  the  Cal.  Bat.,  wounded 
at  Natividad  in  Nov.  v.  367;  also  called  John.  H.  (Wm  B.),  1847,  mid.  on 
the  U.S.  Vale;  died  at  sea  in  '49.  Hayt  (Elisha),  1848,  doubtful  name  at 
Mont. ;  prob.  '  Hyatt. '  Haywood  (Philip  H. ),  1846,  mid.  on  the  Independence; 
lieut  in  Stockton's  bat.  '47.  v.  386,  391-5. 

Healy,  1845,  on  the  Sterling  at  Mont.  Hearn  (Thos),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499).  Heartstene  (H.T.).  1842,  lieut  U.  S.  N.,  sent  east  by  Com. 
Jones  with  despatches,  iv.  313.  Heath  (Chas),  1843,  nat.  of  N.Y.,  who  got 
a  carta  in  Oct.,  living  at  Sta  Cruz.  iv.  400,  356;  ment.  at  N.  Helv.  '45-7;  in 
'47  owner  of  S.F.  lot,  and  builder  of  a  ferry-boat  at  Benicia.  v.  671,  673,  678. 
H.  (Rich.  W.),  1846  (?),  came  as  quartermaster  U.S.A.,  and  later  had  a  ferry 
on  the  Stanislaus.  Tinkham.  H.  (Russell),  1847,  doubtful  mention  at  S. 
Buen.  H.  (W.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Heathcoat,  1847,  possibly  of  N. 
Y.Vol.  under  another  name.  Heathcote  (Theodore),  1846,  sergt  Co.  C,  1st 
U.S.  dragoons;  in  '48  ordnance  sergt  at  Los  Ang. 

Heceta  (Bruno),  1775,  Span.  capt.  and  com.  of  the  Santiago  in  explor.  voy. 
to  Cal.   and  the  N.  W.  coast,  i.  241,  247-8,  280,  330.       Hecox  (Adna  A.), 

1846,  nat.  of  Mich.,  b.  1806,  and  overland  immig.  with  wife,  Margaret  M. 
Hamer,  and  3  children,  v.  529.  Remaining  at  Sta  Clara  during  the  winter — • 
that  is,  '  taking  an  active  part  in  the  war  with  Mexicans ' — he  went  to  the 
Sta  Cruz  region,  where  he  built  a  saw-mill,  and  worked  as  carpenter  and 
builder;  went  to  the  mines  for  a  short  time  in  '48;  alcalde  at  Sta  Cruz  '4S-9. 
v.  642;  later  justice  of  the  peace;  county  treasurer  '61-3;  from  '70  in  charge 
of  the  Sta  Cruz  light-house  till  his  death,  in  '83.  He  was  a  methodist,  and  one 
of  the  first  who  preached  protestant  sermons  in  Cal.  v.  641.  His  narr.  of  his 
early  life,  overl.  trip,  and  experience  in  Cal.,  was  published  in  the  S.  Jose 
Pioneer  of  '77,  and  was  embodied  by  VVilley  in  the  Sta  Cruz  Co.  Hist.  His 
testimony  on  events  connected  with  the  'war'  in  '46-7,  like  that  of  so  many 
other  immigrants,  has  little  value.  His  widow  survived. him,  with  the  follow- 
ing child.:  Mrs  M.  E.  Stampley  of  Carson,  New,  Mrs  C.  M.  Brown  of  S.F., 
and  Adna  H.  Hecox  of  S.  Luis  Ob. ,  all  pioneers  of  '46,  and  of  those  born  in 
Cal.  Mrs  M.  Longley  of  Sta  Cruz,  Mrs  A.  Rigg,  Laura  J.,  and  Orville  S.  Por- 
trait of  Adna  A.  in  Sta  Cruz  Hist.,  44.  He  was  an  active  and  respectable  man 
of  business.       Hedges,  1844,  mr  of  the  Monmouth,  iv.  567. 

Heeney  (Robert),  1846,  marine  on  the  U.S.  Dale;  one  of  Marston's  men  in 
the  Sanchez  campaign  of  '47;  slightly  wounded,  v.  381.       Hefferman  (Chas), 

1847,  Co.  F,  N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  in  the  mines  '48;  died  at  S.F.  before  '82. 
Heft  (Geo.),  1816,  sailor  on* the  Lydia.  ii.  275.  Hegarty  (Peter),  1845, 
signer  of  the  S.  Jos6  call  to  foreigners,  iv.  599;  on  the  1st  S.Jose'  jury '48.-  Hegel 
(Fred.),  1841,  named  in  Larkin's  accts  '41-2.  iv.  279;  said  to  have  been  in  the 
Bodega  region  '48-9;  perhaps  some  confusion  or  relationship  bet.  him  and 
1  Hagler;'  also  'Hugel,'  q.v.  Hehn  (Henry),  1847,  musician  of  N.Y.Vol. 
(v.  499).  Heil  (Fred.),  1832,  passp.  at  Mont.;  perhaps  '  Hegel '  or  '  Hugel.' 
Heinrich  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  299);  in  the  mines  '48;  later  a 
trader  at  Sac,  where  he  still  lived  in  '82;  nat.  of  Germany,  b.  '24;  wife  from 
'50,  Sarah  Nenbaner.  Heinricks (Ed.  j,  1846,  Co.  C,  ) st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336). 
Heitleman,  1847,  from  Mazatlanwith  letters  from  Talbot  &  Co. 

I  [eleno,  grantee  of  Cosumnes  rancho  '44.       Helmstadler  (James),  1847,  Co. 

B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Hembkey  (Conrad),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons 
(v.  336).  Hemen  (James),  1S28,  Irish  sailor,  age  40.  at  Mont.  '2S-9.  Hem- 
mi  or  (  M .  W. ),  1 S46,  doubtful  name  at  Los  Ang.       Hemerle  (John),  1846,  Co. 

C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  330).       Hempstead,  1847,  mr  of  the  Corea.  v.  577. 


HEMPSTEAD— HERMOSILLO.  7S.1 

Hempstead  (Sidney  C),  1831, >  trader  on  the  coast.  Hen  (Wm),  1S4G,  doubt- 
ful name.  UiUell,  and  Soc.  Cai.  Pion.  roll.  See  '  Haun.J  Henderson  (And.  J.), 
134G,  asst  surg.  on  the  U.S.  Portsmouth:  at  N.Helv.  and  Sonoma  in  Lear 
times,  v.  126,  128,300;  surg.  of  Stockton's  bat.  '47.  v.  385.  H.  (Christian), 
184G,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232,  247).  H.  (James),  1842,  lieut  U.S.N. 
Maxwell.  H.  (Levin),  i  840,  sailor  in  navy,  on  sentry  duty  at  Mont. ;  deserts 
with  his  escaping  prisoners.  H.  (Moses),  1847,  in  S.F.  letter  list.  H.  (T.), 
1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  H.  (Wm,)  1820,  mr  of  the  Olive  Branch  '26-7.  iii. 
143,  154.  H.  (Wm),  1870,  doubtful  name  in  Farn ham's  list;  perhaps  'An- 
derson,' q. v.  H.  (W.  T.),  1848,  nat.  of  Tenn.,  arr.  S.F.June;  perhaps  same 
as  T.  above;  in  '50  slayer  of  Joaq.  Murieta;  in  Fresno  '80.  Hendricks 
(Joseph),  1844,  at  Sonoma,  age  54.  H.  (Wm),  1S48,  barber  at  S.F.  v.  082. 
H.  (Wm  D.),  1847,  Co.  1),  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409);  at  Richmond,  Utah,  '82. 
Hendrickson  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Vallcjo  '74.  H. 
(James),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm  Bat.  (v.  409).  Hendy  (James),  1846,  marine  on 
the  Congress,  wounded  at  the  S.  Gabriel,  Jan.  '47.  v.  395.  Henge  (T. ),  1848, 
passp.  from  Hon. 

Hennct,  1829,  mr  of  the  John  Coleman,  iii.  147.  Henriquez  (Antonio), 
artisan  at  StaCruz,  1795.  i.  490.  II.  (Abraham),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill. 
(v.  518).  Henry  (Dan.),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409);  at  Monte,  Utah, 
'82.  H.  (Francis),  1844,  Irish  sailor  of  the  Vandalia,  arrested  at  Mont. 
H.  (James),  1844,  Scotch  sailor  on  the  Vandalia;  prob.  same  as  preceding. 
iv.  453.  Known  as  ;  Scotch  Harry;'  at  Mont,  and  Sta  Cruz  '45-6;  in  Fallon's 
comp.  at  S.  Jos6;  then  served  2  years  on  the  Portsmouth  and  Cyanc.  In  '48 
kept  a  shop  at  Mont.;  in  the  mines  '49-52;  traveled  10  years  in  dif.  parts  of 
the  world;  went  to  Frazer  River,  and  died  in  the  Sonoma  Co.  hospital  '70.  His 
narr.  was  pub.  in  the  Stockton  Indep.  of  July  14,  '76,  but  no  reliance  can 
be  put  in  details.  H.  (James),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  H. 
(Robert),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  v.  083.  Henschel  (H.  L),  1848,  German 
custom-house  broker  in  S.F.  from  '52  to  '08,  the  year  of  his  death;  left  a  wife 
and  two  daughters.  Henshaw  (Geo.),  1841,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Bartlcson 
party,  who  went  back  in  '42.  iv.  200,  270,  275.  II.  (Hiram),  1840,  doubt- 
ful name  in  list  of  Cal.  claimants  (v.  402). 

Hensley  (Samuel  J.),  1843,  nat.  of  Ky,  and  overl.  immig.  of  the  Chiles- 
Walker  party,  iv.  392,  394,  400.  He  had  been  a  trapper  and  had  spent  some 
years  in  N.  Mex.  In  '44  he  was  naturalized,  got  a  grant  of  the  Agua  de  Nie- 
ves  rancho,  iv.  070,  and  entered  Sutter's  service  as  supercargo  of  the  launch; 
signing  the  order  for  Weber's  arrest,  iv.  483.  He  served  as  commissary  in 
Sutter's  army  during  the  Micheltorena  campaign,  iv.  485-7,  517.  Returning 
to  the  north,  he  took  charge  of  Hock  farm  and  attended  to  Sutter's  general 
business,  being  often  named  in  the  N.  Helv.  Diary.  In  '40  he  was  prominent  in 
fomenting  the  Bear  revolt,  v.  80,  104,  127-8,  170;  was  capt.,  and  later  major, 
of  the  Cal.  Bat.  in  the  south,  v.  309,  328,  35G,  300,  3S6,  391-5,  435;  had  a  Cal. 
claim  (v.  402);  and  a  S.F.  lot.  v.  085.  Going  east  with  Stockton  in  '47,  he 
testified  at  the  Fremont  court-martial,  v.  454,  456;  but  returned  to  Cal.  in 
'48,  and  after  a  brief  experience  in  the  mines  opened  a  store  at  Sac.  in  partner- 
ship with  Reading.  From  '50  he  engaged  in  navigation  of  the  Sac.  river,  and 
a  little  later  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Cal.  Steam  Nav.  Co.,  of  which  he 
became  president.  His  residence  for  many  years  was  at  S.  Jose",  and  he  died 
at  Warm  Springs,  Alameda  Co.,  in  '00,  at  the  age  of  49.  Of  his  career  and 
that  of  his  fellow-filibusters  in  '4G  enough  is  said  elsewhere;  otherwise  Maj. 
Hensley's  record  is  that  of  an  honest  and  successful  man  of  business,  of  strong 
will  and  well-balanced  mind,  generous,  temperate,  and  brave.  His  wife  was 
Helen,  daughter  of  E.  O.  Crosby,  who  survived  him  with  a  son  and  daughter. 
Henysey  (James),  1842,  Scotch  sawyer  in  a  S.F.  list. 

Herbert  (Thos),  1842,  Engl,  lumberman  at  S.F.,  age  33.  Herd  (Henry), 
1834,  Amer.  in  Mont.  dist.  '34-7.  iii.  412.  Heredia  (Bernardo),  settler  at  S. 
Jose  from  1791;  in  '95  owner  of  Chupatlero  rancho;  in  1803  regidorat  S.  Jose\ 
i.  GS3,  71G;  ii.  134.  Herman  (Jacob),  1845,  overl.  immig.  iv.  578,587;  lived 
at  S.F.  mission  '4G-9  with  a  family;  d.  before '55.  Hermosillo  (Nicolas), 
leader  of  a  revolt  at  Los  Aug.  and  S.  Diego  '46.  v.  308,  329. 


7S2  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Hernandez  (Antonio),  saddler  instructor  1792-6.  i,  G15,  6G4.  IT.  (Anto- 
nio), soldier  in  S.F.  comp.  '19-35.  H.  (Cornelio),  at  S.  Jose"  '49,  a  soap- 
maker.  H.  (Domingo),  a  Mex.  convict  whose  term  expired  in  '35.  H. 
(Dom. ),  nat.  of  Cal.  and  a  noted  desperado  and  murderer  from  '45-6;  sentenced 
to  be  hanged  on  one  occasion,  but  saved  by  the  breaking  of  the  rope,  only  to 
be  hanged  by  vigilantes  in  later  years.  Some  of  his  brothers  and  sisters  are 
said  to  have  been  criminals;  but  there  is  little  definite  information  about  any 
of  them.  H.  (Encarnacion),  soldier  murdered  at  Mont.  '34.  iii.  673.  H. 
{Felipe),  convict  settler  of  1798;  alcalde  of  Branciforte  1805;  grantee  of  La- 
guna  de  Calabazas  '33.  i.  606;  ii.  156;  iii.  677.  H.  (Jos6),  convict  settler  of 
179S,  pardoned  1803,  grantee  of  Rinconada  de  los  Gatos  '40.  i.  006;  ii.  156;  iii. 
712.  H.  (Juan),  convict  settler  of  1798.  i.  606.  H.  (Juan),  regidor  at  S. 
Jose"  '22;  stabbed  by  Mojica.  ii.  604-5.  H.  (Juan  Ant.),  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age 
58.  H.  (Juan  Maria),  Mex.  at  S.  Jose  '41,  age  Go,  M'ife  FranciscaLorenzana, 
child.  Pedro  b.  '20,  Jose"  Jesus  '25;  grantee  of  Ojo  de  Agua  '35.  iii.  712.  H. 
(Juana),  poisoned  her  husband  '43.  iv.  364.  H.  (Mariano),  at  S.  Jos6  '41, 
age  29,  wife  Rosario  Bernal,  child.  Fernando  b.  '37,  Maria  '38,  and  2  others; 
grantee  of  Puerto  in  '44.  iv.  672.  H.  (Santiago),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp. 
'39-43.  iv.  667.  H.  (Simon),  soldier  in  the  Hidalgo  piquete  at  Mont.  '36, 
age  32.  H.  (Tomasa),  Cal.  claim  $100  (v.  462).  Hernano  (Antonio),  ment. 
of  his  lawsuit  '47.  v.  663. 

Herrera  (Dolores),  1840,  nat.  of  N.  Mex.,  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  to  '83.  H.  (Ig- 
nacio),  took  church  asylum  '30.  ii.  660.  H.  (Jose"),  corp.  of  S.F.  comp.  prom,  to 
sergt  1811  for  bravery  in  Ind.  exped.  ii.  91.  Still  sergt  '20-4.  H.  ( Jos6  Maria), 
1825,  Mex.  sub-comisario  at  Mont.,  who  was  involved  in  controversies  with 
Gov.  Echeandia  and  was  sent  to  Mex.  for  alleged  complicity  in  the  Solis  re- 
volt, ii.  551,  607,  614,  648;  iii.  14,  33,  38,  59-85,  117,  125,  159.  In  '34  he 
came  back  in  the  same  capacity  with  the  H.  &  P.  colony;  was  in  new  troubles 
arising  from  the  amours  of  his  wife,  Ildefonsa  Gonzalez;  and  was  again  exiled 
in  '36  because  he  refused  to  support  the  Alvarado  govt.  iii.  261-7,  377.  436- 
9,  672;  iv.<  96.  See  also  biog.  ment.  in  iii.  466.  He  was  a  man  of  much  ability 
and  good  education,  to  whom  the  Californians,  without  much  apparent  reason, 
give  a  bad  character.  In  '36  he  was  33  years  old,  and  had  2  children  at  Mont., 
Vicente  b.  '33,  and  Eulalia  b.  '35.  H.  (Jose  M.),  regidor  at  Los  Ang.  '3u-S; 
age  33  in  '39;  served  under  Castro  '47.  iii.  481,  509,  564-5,  636;  v.  363.  H. 
(Tomas).  grantee  of  S.  Juan  Cap.  del  Camote  '46.  v.  637;  still  a  ranchero  in 
S.  Luis  Ob.  '60,  having  held  several  local  offices  after  '4S.  H.  (Trineo), 
Mex.  at  S.  Miguel  rancho,  Mont.,  '36,  age  28,  wife  Antonia  Garcia,  child 
Teresa  b.  32. 

Herriot  (Adam),  1846,  at  Sta  Cruz.  Herron  (James  C),  1845,  mid.  on 
the  U.S.  Portsmouth.  H.  (Walter),  1846,  one  of  the  Donner  party  from  111. 
v.  530,  53-2.  He  came  in  advance  over  the  mts  with  Reed;  served  in  the  Cal. 
Bat.,  Co.  B;  got  a  S.F.  lot  in  '47,  and  aided  O'Farrell  as  a  surveyor  at  Stock- 
ton; but  I  find  no  later  record  of  him.  Hersey  (Stephen),  1832,  mr  of  the 
Newcastle,  iii.  383.  Herven  (Jon.),  1840,  doubtful  name  of  Farnham's  list, 
iv.  17.  Hescock  (Isaac),  1845,  doubtful  name  of  an  Amer.  in  the  Brancif. 
padron,  age  65,  in  the  family  of  Isabel  Patterson  (?).  Hess,  1845,  at  N. 
Helv.,  prob.  overl.  immig.  of  Grigsby-Ide  party,  iv.  578-80.  His  daughter 
Nancy  married  John  Chamberlain  in  Jan.  '46,  and  all  the  fam.  went  to  Or. 

Hetherington  (Wm  E.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Hense  (Sara. 
E. ),  1846,  sailor  in  the  navy;  in  Amador  Co.  '52-79,  the  date  of  his  death. 
Hewen  (Jon.),  1840,  in  Farnham's  list.  Hewes,  1847,  mr  of  the/W,s\  v.  578. 
Hewitt  (A.),  1S46,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  perhaps  at  N.  Helv.  '4S;  see 
also  'liuct'  of  '45.  H.  (Geo.),  1839,  Amer.  sailor  and  otterdiunter  in  Sta  B. 
dist,  '33-41.  iv.  119,  24.  Hewlett  (Palmer  B.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol. 
> .  504;  later  militia  gen.;  in  Sonoma  Co.  '71-82.  Heydenrich  (Wm),  1S47, 
Co.  I).  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Hcyerman  (A.),  1S47  (?),  doctor  said  to  have  left 
the  Clementine;  at  N.  Helv.  May  '48,  on  his  way  to  the  mines;  also  said  to 
have  Lived  at  Petaluma  from  '45(?)  to  '52,  and  to  have  returned  in  '73.  Hey- 
land  (John),   1847,  Co.   A,  N.Y.Vol.   (v.   499).       Hcyward  (James),  1S47, 


HEYWARD— HIGUERA.  783 

nephew  of  Com.  Shubrick,  at  Mont,  with  letters  to  Larkin;  returned  to  Hon 
olulu  '48.       Heywood  (Chas),  1847,  lieut  on  the  U.S.  Independence. 

Hibler  (Geo.),   1845,  Amer.   immig.  from  Or.  in  McM.-Clyman  party,  iv. 
572,  526;  prob.   went  back  in  '4G.       Hickenlooper  (Win  F.),  1847,  Co.  A, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  4G9);  reenl.       Hickey,  1818,  com.  of  an  Engl,  vessel  at  Mont, 
ii.  291.       Hickman  (Thos),  1842(?),  German  butcher  in  Alameda  '70-8.  iv.  341. 
Hickmot  (John),   1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  4G9).       Hicks  (Harry),  1833, 
Amer.  in  Mont.  dist.  '33-5;  also  called  George,  iii.  409.       H.  (Henry),  1839, 
negro  cook  on  the  California.       H.  (Joseph),  1833,  Amer.  tailor  on  the  Leonor; 
at  Sta  B.  '36;  perhaps  same  as  Harry,  iii.  409.       H.  (Joseph),  184G,  one  of 
the  Mormon  col.  who  remained  in  Cal. ;  owrier  of  S.F.  lot  '47;  died  before  '80. 
v.  54G,  G78.       H.  (Joseph  Henry),  1841,  built  a  house  for  Prudon  at  Sonoma; 
prob.   same  as  Harry  and  Joseph  of  '33.       H.  (Wm),  1843,  nat.  of  Tenn., 
overl.  immig.  from  Mo.  in  Walker-Chiles  party,  iv.  392,  400;  at  Sutter's  Fort 
'47;  claimed  a  land  grant  on  theCosumnes,  iv.  G71,  where  the  town  of  Hicks- 
ville  was  named  for  him,  and  where  he  died  in  '84,  at  the  age  of  G7.  His  wife 
was  a  Mrs  Wilson,  who  died  a  few  years  before  him.       Hicky,  1847,  at  N. 
Helv. ;  prob.  Hicks.       Hidalgo  (Miguel),  at  Mont,  and  Los  Ang.  '35.  iii.  285. 
Higares  (Francisco),  1833,  named  as  a  Dutch  shoemaker  from  the  U.S.  at 
Los  Ang.  in  '36,  age  29.  iii.  409.       Higgins,  1846,  in  Pt  Reyes  region.  Marin. 
Co.  Hist.       H.,  184S,  from  Australia  with  his  family.  El  Dorado  Co.  Hist. 
H.,  1848,  with  Buffum  in  the  mines.       H.,  1848,  deserter  arrested  at  S.  Jose\ 
v.  GG3.       H.  (Edward),  1847,  at  work  on  Larkin's  house  at  Benicia  '48.  v. 
G73.       H.  (Edward),  184G,  act.  lieut  U.S.N.,  and  capt.  Stockton's  bat.  '46-7; 
later  capt.  in  merchant  marine  N.Y.,  and  officer  in  confed.  navy;  in  '75  agent 
of  P.M.S.S.Co.  at  S.  F.,  where  he  died  in  that  year.  v.  386.       H.  (Isaac), 
1S4S,  in  S.F.  letter  list.       H.  (James),  1841,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  St  Louis.,      H. 
(James),  1830,  one  of  Young's  party,  iii.  174.       H.  (John),  1830,  Irish  trap- 
per of  Young's  party  from  N.  Mex.,  where  he  had  been  naturalized,  iii.  180, 
388.  At  Sta  B.  in  '3G,  age  39,  and  single,  being  often  a  companion  of  Nidever 
in  hunting  tours.   From  '37  named  on  Larkin's  books  at  Mont. ;  in  '40  a  lum- 
berman on  Carmelo  Creek,  wdiere  he  was  arrested  and  sent  to  S.  Bias.  iv.  1$, 
23;  never  came  back.       H.   (Nelson),  1847,  capt.  Co.  I),  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477; 
with  wife  and  4  children,  but  did  not  reach  Cal.   v.  477,  482.       H.  (N.D. ), 
1S47,  servant  to  officer  of  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).       H.  (Silas  G.),  1847,  Co.  C, 
N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).       H.  (W.D.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon. 

Higuera,  ment.  in  1793-1808.  i.  617,  640;  ii.  192.  H.  in  Mont,  revolt 
'37.  iii.  525.  H.  (Antonino),  in  S.  Jos6  district  '41,  age  38,  wife  Josefa 
Alviso,  5  children  named,  but  all  called  Alviso  in  the  padron.  The  date  of 
this  man's  death,  in  '4G,  is  the  turning-point  in  litigation  for  the  Livermore 
rancho  now  in  progress  '85.  Some  papers  of  my  col.  bearing  on  the  case — in 
which  Antonino's  name  seems  to  have  been  rather  clumsily  forged  before  the 
papers  came  into  my  hands — were  introduced  as  evidence.  H.  (Antonio), 
soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-22;  at  S.  Mateo '35.  H.  (BernardaSoto  de),  widow 
at  S.  Jos6  '41,  age  52,  child.  Joaquin  b.  '15,  Jos6  Ant.  '18,  Ramona  '22,  Juan 
Maria  '25,  Dominga  '32,  Encarnacion  '36.  H.  (Bernardo),  in  Los  Ang.  dist. 
'19-43;  grantee  of  Rincon  de  los  Bueyes.  ii.  355,  565;  iv.  635.  H.  (Dolores), 
arrested  at  Los  Ang.  '45.  iv.  541.  H.  (Doroteo),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  H. 
(EsteVan),  soldier  of  S.  F.  comp.  '19-30;  militiaman  '37.  H.  (Francisco), 
soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-24;  elector  '27;  drowned  in  '30.  ii.  592,  594.  H. 
(Fran.),  soldier  of  8.  F.  comp.  '37-42.  H.  (Fran.),  son  of  Bernardo;  at  S. 
Pascual  '46.  v.  352;  claimant  of  Rincon  de  Bueyes '52.  iv.  635.  H.  (Fulgen- 
cio),  son  of  Jos6";  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-30;  alf.  of  militia  at  S.  Jose"  '37. 
iii.  73-';  grantee  of  Agua  Caliente,  Alam.  Co.,  '39.  iii.  711;  in '41  living  at  his 
rancho,  age  42,  wife  Clara  Pacheco,  child.  Albino  b.  '24,  Tomas  '26,  Narciso 
'29,  Gabriel  '31,  Jose"  Jesus  '32,  Fernando  '35,  Leandro  '37,  Francisca  '22, 
Maria  L.  '27,  Maria  de  los  Ang.  '36.  H.  (Gregorio),  at  Los  Ang.  '39,  prob. 
son  of  Bernardo,  age  29. 

Higuera  (Ignacio),  settler  at  S.  Jose"  1790;  majordomo  in  1805,  killed  by 
Ind.,  but  ment.  in  1S07.  i.  478;  ii.  34,  135.       H.  (Ignacio),  soldier  of  S.  F. 


784  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

comp.  '30-40;  at  Sonoma  in  '44,  age  33.  H.  (Ignacio),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp. 
'35-6;  sergt  '39-40.  iii.  702;  encargado  of  the  contra  costa  '39.  iii.  705.  H. 
(Ignacio),  soldier  of  Mont.  comp.  '36,  age  24.  H.  (Ignacio),  maj.  at  Sta  B. 
1799-1801.  ii.  120.  H.  (Ignacio),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  before  '37.  H.  (Jer6n- 
imo),  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  23,  wife  Rosario  F6lix,  one  child.  H.  (Joaquin), 
settler  at  Los  Ang.  1790;  alcalde  in  1800.  i.  4G1,  6G1;  ii.  349.  H.  (Joaquin), 
regidor,  alcalde,  and  juez  de  campo  at  S.  Jose"  at  dif.  times  '20-46.  ii.  378, 
604-5;  iii.  729;  iv.  662,  684;  Cal.  claim  '46-7  (v.  462);  claimant  for  Pala,  Sta 
Clara  Co.,  '52. 

Higuera  (Josd),  soldier' of  S.F.  comp.  '19-41;  perhaps  the  man  who  settled 
in  Napa.  H.,  at  S.  Jose'  '41,  age  66,  wife  Ramona  Garcia,  child.  Floreneio 
b.  '36,  Encarnacion  'IS  (?),  Miguel  '37,  Rita  '40.  H.  (Jose),  grantee  of  Tu- 
larcitos  and  Llano  del  Abrevadero  '21-2,  and  of  Pala  '35.  ii.  594,  664,  712-13; 
Antonia  H.  et  al.  were  claimants.  H.  (Jos6),  perhaps  the  same;  the  distrib. 
of  his  estate  took  place  in  March  '46,  and  I  have  the  orig.  expediente  in  Pico 
(Ramo7i),  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  i.  107-24,  which  shows  the  following  heirs:  Ful- 
gencio,  Valentin,  Mariano,  5  minors  whose  guardian  was  Mariano  (prob. 
their  father  by  a  daughter  of  Jose"),  Mrs  Robert  Livermore,  wife  of  LazaroH., 
Florentino  Archuleta,  and  Antonio  Mesa,  each  receiving  133  cattle,  88  vines, 
and  10  fruit-trees.  It  was  in  these  papers  that  the  name  of  Antonino  was 
fraudulently  introduced,  as  noted  above.  H.  (Jos6),  ment.  in  '46.  v.  235. 
H.  (Jose"  Ant.),  son  of  Manuel;  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  52,  wife  Ambrosia  Pacheco, 
child.  Ricardo  b.  '22,  Juan  '24,  Miguel  '26,  Leonardo  '27,  Isidro  '29,  Fernando 
'33,  and  Encarnacion  '31.  H.  (Jose"  Maria),  at  Salinas  rancho  '36,  age  50, 
wife  Maria  de  Jesns  Cota,  child.  Juan  b.  '14,  Tomas  '18,  Pilar  '19,  Bias  '21, 
Jose  '26,  Encarnacion  '28,  Gertrudis  '31,  Manuel  '33,  and  Luisa  '35.  * 

Higuera  (Juan),  in  '31  comisionado  of  S.  Juan  B. ,  and  regidor  of  Mont. 
iii.  212,  307,  672,  692;  juez  aux.  '42.  iv.  653;  at  S.  Jose  '50.  H.  (Juan),  of 
Sta  Cruz,  killed  at  Los  Aug.  '45.  iv.  492.  H.  (Juan),  at  Los  Ang.  '39, 
age  45.  H.  (Juan  Jos6),  soldier  at  S.  Jos£  mission  1797-1800.  i.  556.  H. 
(Juan  Jos&),  juez  at  S.  Juan  B.  '42.  iv.  661.  H.  (Juan  Jose"),  at  Los  Ang. 
'19,  '25.  ii.  354;  iii.  7.  H.  (Lazaro),  at  N.  Helv.  '47;  his  wife  was  an 
Higuera,  daughter  of  Jose\  H.  (Leonardo),  in  Los  Ang.  revolt  '46.  v. 
308;  Cal.  claim  of  $12,072  (v.  462);  age  37  in  '39.  H.  (Manuel),  soldier 
and  settler  at  S.  Jose"  and  S.  Juan  B.  before  1800.  i.  477,  558;  in  1793  named 
in  S.  Jos6  padron  as  a  soldier,  wife  Antonia  Arredondo,  child.  Ignacia, 
Ana  Maria,  Gabriela,  Jose  Joaquin,  and  Jose"  Ant.  H.  (Manuel),  inva- 
lido  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-29,  perhaps  the  same.  H.  (Manuel),  at  S.  Jose 
'41;  age  32,  wife  Maria  N.  Mesa,  child.  Antonio  M.  b.  '30,  Jose"  Jesus  '32, 
Jos6  Balfino  '37,  Jos6  Maria  '40,  Argentina  '34,  Maria  Ant.  '36.  H.  (Man- 
uel), at  Los  Ang.  '46.  H.  (Mariano),  at  Los  Ang.  '39-46.  H.  (Mariano), 
at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  26,  wife  Maria  Antonia  Higuera,  child.  Emilio  b.  '39, 
Jose  '41,  Rosario  '32,  Maria  Ascension  '34,  InCs  '38.  H.  (Marta  Frias 
de),  cl.  of  Entre  Napa  rancho. 

Higuera  (Nicolas),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-23;  alcalde  on  the  frontier  and 
grantee  of  Entre  Napa  and  Carneros  ranchos  '36.  iii.  705,  711,  722;  at  N.Helv. 
'48.  H.  (Policarpo),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  before  '37.  H.  (Salvador),  soldier 
and  settler  at  Sta  Cruz  and  S.  Jose"  1791-1800.  i.  495,  556,  716.  H.  (Secun- 
dino),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  H.  (Tomas),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '30-2.  H.  (Va- 
lentin), resid.  of  Sta  Clara  region  from  '41,  grantee  of  Pescadero  rancho  '43. 
iv.  672;  juez  de  paz,  suplente,  '46,  at  S.  Jose"  '46.  v.  662;  died  '79,  age  70. 
Ilijar  (Carlos  N.),  1834,  nephew  of  Josd  M.,  with  whom  he  came  in  the  colony 
in  '34,  and  again  in  '45;  and  in  '77,  then  a  resident  of  S.  Jos6,  gave  me  his 
recollections  of  California  in  '34>  H.  (Jose-  Maria),  1834,  a  wealthy  and  in- 
fluential Mex.  of  Jalisco  who  joined  J.  M.  Padres  and  others  in  organizing  the 
Cal.  colony  that  bears  their  name.  He  also  got  an  appointment  as  gov. ;  but 
Gov.  Figueroa  refused  to  recognize  his  title,  the  colony  was  a  failure,  and  H. 
was  sent  to  Mex.  in  '35  on  a  charge  of  conspiracy,  which  was  but  very  slightly 
founded  in  fact.  iii.  259-69,  272-91,  344-5,  383,  613,  652,  670.  Nothing  is 
known  of  his  experience  in  Mex. ;  but  in  '45  he  was  sent  back  to  Cal.  as  a 


HIGUERA— HINCKLEY,  7S5 

commissioner  of  the  govt  to  prepare  for  resisting  the  U.S.  He  died  at  Los 
Ang.  very  soon  after  his  arrival,  iv.  526-31,  631.  He  was  an  honorable  man 
of  many  accomplishments  and  frail  health,  with  little  fitness  or  fondness  for 
political  wrangles.       Hilgers  (Gerard),  1846,  at  Mont. ;  owner  of  S.F.  lot  '47. 

Hill,  1848,  called  majorat  Mont.  H.,  1847,  at  N.  Helv. ;  brother  of  Tom 
Hill,  Delaware  Ind.  H.,  1848,  mr  of  the  Rhor.e.  v.  580.  H.  (Daniel 
Antonio),  1823,  nat.  of  Mass.,  who  came  from  Hon.  on  the  Rover,  and  settled 
at  Sta  B.  ii.  495,  573;  iv.  117.  He  was  baptized  by  P.  Ripoll  in  '25,  iii.  29, 
being  then  26  years  old;  and  soon  married  Rafaela  Ortega,  being  naturalized 
in  '29.  Robinson,  Life  in  Gal.,  89,  describes  b.im  as  'a  sort  of  factotum  for  the 
whole  town,  carpenter  or  mason  by  turns  as  his  services  were  needed.'  In  '36 
he  had  6  children.  In  '45  he  leased  the  Sta  B.  mission,  iv.  553,  558,  644;  in 
'46  was  the  grantee  of  La  Goleta  rancho,  having  some  trouble  with  the  Flores 
govt.  v.  317,  330,  632,  644;  regidor  in  '49;  went  east  in  '60  on  a  visit;  and 
died  at  Sta  B.  in  '65.  A  son,  Ramon  J.,  was  assemblyman  and  court  interpre- 
ter, dying  in  '84.  One  of  his  daughters  married  Dr  Nicholas  Den,  and  another, 
Susana,  married  T.  W.  More  in  '53.  H.  (Henry  de  Jesus),  1840,  German 
who  got  a  pass,  in  June;  perhaps  Jos.  Henry.  H.  (Henry),  1847,  owner  of 
S.F.  lot;  nat.  of  Va,  andmemb.  of  the  constit.  convention  in  '49.  H.  (John), 
1846,  sailor  of  the  navy,  on  sentry  duty  at  Mont. ;  deserts  with  his  prisoners. 
H.  (John),  1847,  later  policeman.  H.  (John  E.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol. 
(v.  499.);  d.  at  Pendleton,  Or.,  '82.  H.  (Joseph  Henry),  1834,  German  from 
Mex.  in  the  H.  &  P.  col.  iii.  412;  at  Sta  Cruz  '42-3.  H.  (Thos),  1845,  Del- 
aware Ind.  in  Fremont's  party,  who  distinguished  himself  by  bravery  on 
several  occasions,  iv.  583;  v.  367,  371,  400.  H.  (Thos  J.),  1847,  Co.  A,  N. 
Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.F.  '71-82.  H.  (Wm  Luther),  1831,  nat.  of  N.Y.  and 
partner  of  Louis  Bouchet  in  a  Los  Ang.  vineyard;  died  this  year,  making  his 
will  on  the  Catalina  in  July.  There  was  a  property  of  $406  for  his  father, 
Peter  Hill.  iii.  405.  Hilton  (Bonj.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d. 
Mont.  '47.  H.  (Gihnan),  1845,  one  of  the  men  lost  on  the  Warren's  launch. 
iv.  587;  v.  384.       Hilts,  1848,  mate  of  the  Isaac  Walton  from  N.Y.   Grimshaw. 

Hina  (Jack),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  Hinckley,  1847,  mr  of  the  Alice,  v. 
576.  H.,  1848,  mr  of  the  Starling,  v.  400.  H.,  1848,  from  Hon.  on  the 
Currency  Lass.  H.  (AzraE.),  1837,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  a  Utah 
farmer  '81.  H.  (F.  G.),  1842,  in  Dwinelle's  list;  wife  Susana  Suart  (?); 
doubtless  a  confused  ref.  to  Capt.  Wm  S.  H.  (Sam.  A.),  1844,  Amer.  who 
rec'd  naturalization  in  June.  iv.  453.  H.  (Thomas),  1831-2,  mr  or  sup.  of 
the  Crusader,  iii.  382.  He  was  a  brother  of  Wm  S.,  a  partner  of  Henry  A. 
Peirce  at  Honolulu,  and  died  in  Cent.  America  on  his  voy.  home.  H.  (Wm 
Crawley),  1847,  nat.  of  Mass.,  from  Valparaiso  on  the  Georgiana;  mr  of  the 
Providence  in  '47-8,  to  Tahiti,  Hon. ,  Mazatlan,  then  up  the  Sac.  from  Sta 
Cruz  with  a  cargo  of  goods,  converting  the  vessel  temporarily  into  a  country 
store;  at  S.F.  from  '49  to  "72,  when  he  gave  me  an  autobiog.  sketch,  v.  580. 

Hinckley  (Wm  Sturgis),  1830,  nat.  of  Mass.,  nephew  of  Wm  Sturgis,  for 
several  years  a  trader  at  Honolulu,  and  mr  of  the  Volunteer,  going  to  the  U. 
S.  iii.  85,  149,  170,  179.  In  '33-4  he  came  again  as  sup.  of  the  Don  Quixote, 
and  in  '34-5  mr  of  the  Avon.  iii.  381-2.  After  rendering  aid  to  Alvarado  in 
his  revolution  of  '36,  for  which  he  was  poetically  and  otherwise  sharply  criti- 
cised by  Mexicans,  his  vessel  having  been  wrecked,  apparently,  he  went  to 
Hon.  on  the  Quixote,  iii.  466-1,  487;  iv.  82,  103,  116,  141.  In  '37-8  he  was 
mr  of  the  Diana  or  Kamamalu,  being  arrested  at  S.F.  for  smuggling,  still  a 
confidential  friend  of  the  gov.,  and  from  this  time  interested  in  business  with 
Nathan  Spear  and  Leese  at  S.F.,  obtaining  and  occupying  a  lot  on  Montgomery 
St.  iii.  549,  699,  705,  709-10;  iv.  699.  In'39  he  was  mr  and  owner  of  the  Corsair, 
being  again  in  trouble  with  the  revenue  authorities,  also  grantee  of  town  lot. 
iii.  705;  iv.  103,  130;  v.  681.  In  '42,  dating  his  permanent  residence  from  '40, 
he  was  naturalized  and  married;  in  '44  was  alcalde,  getting  more  lots.  iv.  666, 
676,  679,  683;  in  '45-6  capt.  of  the  port,  having  much  controversy  with  Leides- 
dorflf  and  Forbes,  escaping  arrest  by  Fremont's  men  as  a  Mex.  official  by  death 
in  June  '46,  at  the  age  of  39.  iv.  593,  666;  v.  3,  131,  136,  178,  649,  681.  His 
Hist.  Cal.,  Vol.  III.    50 


786  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

1st  wife  went  east  in  '37,  iv.  101,  and  died  in  Mass.  '40;  his  2d  wife  was 
Susana,  daughter  of  Ignacio  Martinez,  who,  after  H.'s  death,  married  Wm  M. 
Smith  in  '48.  I  have  no  record  of  children.  Capt.  Hinckley  was  a  handsome, 
jovial,  intelligent  man,  immensely  popular  with  the  natives,  somewhat  reck- 
less in  the  use  of  his  tongue  when  under  the  influence  of  liquor.  If  there  was 
anything  he  liked  better  than  contraband  trade  it  was  probably  practical 
joking.  Some  of  his  jokes,  like  the  one  of  Christmas  night  at  S.  Juan  in  '37, 
are  not  exactly  adapted  to  print;  and  for  others  space  is  lacking;  but  I  may 
note  how,  in  an  interview  with  Gov.  Alvaradoon  matters  of  state,  he  disposed 
of  an  over-inquisitive  secretary  who  came  in  too  often  to  snuff  the  candle,  by 
filling  the  snuffers  with  powder;  also  how  Gen.  Vallejo  avenged  himself  for 
some  prank  by  mounting  H.  on  a  bear-hunting  horse  at  Sonoma.  The  horse 
made  it  very  lively  for  the  mariner,  who  returned  on  foot  with  tales  of  en- 
counters with  grizzlies  not  wholly  credited  by  the  listeners.  Hinds  (R.  B. ), 
1837-9,  surgeon  in  Belcher's  exped. ;  author  of  Regions  of  Vegetation,  Botany 
and  Zoology  of  the  exped.  iv.  143-6.  Hinton,  see  '  Hoornbeck.'  Hintz 
(Herman),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot. 

Hipwood  (Thos),  1847,  sergt  Co.  F,  N.  Y.  Vol.  v.  504;  killed  in  L.  Cal. 
'48.  Hitchcock,  1844,  guide  of  the  Stevens  immig.  party,  iv.  47.~>-6.  Ace. 
to  Schallenberger  he  had  no  family,  the  boy  generally  called  H.,  Jr,  being  Pat- 
terson. Mrs  P.  of  that  party  with  3  children  was  apparently  H.'s  daughter. 
He  claimed  to  have  visited  Cal.  11  years  before,  and  had  possibly  been  one  of 
Walker's  party  in  '33.  H.  (Isaac),  1S47,  Co.  P,  3d  U.  8.  artill.  (v.  518):  in 
the  mines  '49;  in  Salinas  Val.  '77-S0;  d.  at  Sta  Rita,  from  an  accident,  in  '81, 
at  the  age  of  04.  H.  (John  C),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  H.  (R. 
B. ),  1845,  lieut  on  the  U.  S.  Savannah.  H.  (Rufns),  1848,  overl.  immig., 
who  kept  a  boarding-house  at  N.Helv.  in  '48,  with  son  and  2  daughters;  later 
kept  a  hotel  on  the  Amer.  Riv.  and  at  Green  Springs,  where  H.  and  wife  died 
of  small-pox.  One  of  the  daughters,  Mrs  Lappeus,  was  in  Or.  '72;  the  other 
dead.  Hitt  (Calvin),  1848,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Winona,  Minn.,  '82. 
Hoar  (John  A.),  1S43  (?),  prob.  error  in  a  list  of  pioneers;  in  S.  P.  '64. 
Hoarde  (John),  1833,  said  to  have  been  a  member  of  Walker's  party,  iii. 
391.  Hoban  (Chas  F. ),  1847,  nat.  of  N.  Y.,  from  Honolulu  on  the  C 
Shubrich;  Brannan's  clerk  at  Mormon  Isl.  '49;  d.  S.F.  '(53,  age  43.  Hobson 
(Joseph),  184S,  nat.  of  Md,  perhaps  came  on  the  Lady  Adam*  from  Callao; 
roemb.  of  constit.  conven.  in  '49.  H.  (Wm  L.),  1847,  from  Valparaiso  with 
letters  from  Atherton;  at  Hon.  as  sup.  of  the  Maria  Helena;  of  S.  F.  guard 
'49.  Hodges  (Hiram  B.),  mr  of  the  Monmouth.  Hoen  (Francis),  1845, 
overl.  immig.  of  the  Swasey-Todd  party,  iv.  576,  587;  for  a  time  in  Sutter's 
employ;  in  '46  owner  of  S.F.  lots  and  candidate  for  treasurer,  v.  295,  684-5; 
kept  a  cigar-store;  still  in  S.F.  '54. 

Hoeppner  (Andrew),  1844,  German  long  in  Russian  employ  at  Sitka,  where 
he  married  a  half-breed  wife.  The  exact  date  and  manner  of  his  coming  to 
Cal.  are  not  known,  but  he  was  here  in  '45.  iv.  453.  Lived  at  Yerba  Buena 
and  Sonoma  '45-9;  a  musician  and  man  of  many  accomplishments,  besides  de- 
feating Vioget  in  an  eating-match,  as  Davis  relates.  In  '47  he  had  great  ex- 
pectations from  his  warm  springs  of  Annenthal,  near  Sonoma,  as  advertised  in 
the  Star.  v.  667.  Markof  visited  him  in  '45  and  Sherman  in  '47.  In  '48  he  was 
2d  alcalde  at  Sonoma,  v.  668;  and  is  named  at  N.  Helv.  on  his  way  to  the 
gold  mines.  About  '49  he  left  his  wife  and  went  to  Hon.  and  Chile,  where  he 
is  said  to  have  died  about  '55.  Hoffheins  (Jacob),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  469).  Hoffman  (Chas),  1847,  perhaps  of  N.Y.Vol.  under  another  name. 
H.  (Geo.  W.),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  H.  (Henry),  1S47,  Co.  F,  3d 
U.S.  artill.  (v.  528).  H.  (Henry  A.),  1847,  ditto;  corporal,  v.  519.  Hoff- 
stetter  (John  J.),  1847,  died  at  N.  Helv.;  property  sold  at  auction.  Hoit 
(John),  1846,  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358). 

Holbrook  (Washington),  1848,  sup.  of  the  Sabine;  came  back  on  the  Eliz- 
abeth from  Hon.;  negotiates  for  lot  at  S.F.  v.  681.  Holdaway  (Shadrach), 
1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  at  Provo.  Utah,  '82.  Holden  Or),  1848, 
with  Gen.  Lane  from  N.  Mex.  for  Or. ;  in  S.  Diego  region  Dec.       H.  ( W.  S. ), 


HOLDER— HOPPER.  737 

1848,  p&ssp.  ^rom  Hon.       Holland  (F.  S.),  1847,  at  Eenicia.  v.  673.       H. 
(J.),  1847,  in  S.F.  letter  list.       Hollingsworth  (John  McHenry),  1847,  lieut 


Mrs  Anderson),  John  D.,  Hezekiah  S.,  Joseph  B.,  Wm  T.,  and  Sarah  E. 
(later  Mrs  Duncan).  Holloway  (Adam),  1847,  doubtful  dace;  veteran  of  the 
Mex.  war;  at  S.  Jose*  '52-79;  brewer  and  chief  of  fire  dept;  left  a  family  at 
his  death  in  '70;  also  accredited  to  '46.  H.  (M.),  1846,  came  to  Sta  Clara 
Co.  (?).  Holly  (Gray),  1834,  named  in  Larkin's  accts.  Holman  (James  D. ), 
1848,  left  Cal.  a  week  after  the  discov.  of  gold;  d.  at  Portland,  Or.,  '82.  H 
1847,  lieut  of  Morm.  Bat.  (?);  prob.  'Holmes.' 

Holmes,  1848,  Conn,  mechanic  in  the'mines.  H.,  1841;  surgeon  of  U.S. 
ex.  ex.  (?).  H.  (H.  P. ),  1846,  in  Sonoma  Co.  '52-77;  doubtful  date  of  arrival! 
H.  (John  Andrew  Christian),  1827,  Boston  trader,  sup.  and  rar  of  the  Frank- 
lin, Maria  Ester,  and  Catalina  '27-32.  iii.  147-8.  176-7,  381.  He  died  in 
March  '32  between  Acapulco  and  Callao.  His  wife  Rachel  came  from  Hon.  to 
Cal.  the  same  year  to  meet  him,  but  only  to  hear  of  his  death;  and  she  soon 
married  Thos  O.  Larkin,  a  fellow-passenger  on  the  Newcastle,  iii.  408.  H. 
(Jonathan),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.,  and  presid.  of  a  party  on  the  return  in 
'48,  after  working  as  shoemaker  at  N.  Helv.  v.  496.  Holstcin  (W.),  1845, 
mr  of  the  Maria,  iv.  567.  Holt  (John),  1846,  veteran  of  1812,  sailor  in  the 
navy,  in  Stockton's  bat.,  at  S.  Gabriel  '72,  age  81.  Los  Ang.  Express.  H. 
(Win),  1S47,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  Holton  (Benj.  D.),  1847,  Co.  F, 
3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Hommitch  (John),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 
Honey  (Wm),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot. 

Hood  (Frisbie),  1848,  negro  steward  on  the  Isaac  Walton;  at  Mokelumne 
Hill  '52.  Grimshaw.  H.  (Wm),  1846,  Scotch  carpenter  at  S.F.  '47-8,  of  H. 
&  Wilson;  owner  of  lots  and  a  house,  v.  650,  684-5;  in  Sonoma  Co.  '50-77. 
Hook  (Henry),  1831,  writes  to  Cooper  from  Sta  F6;  connected  with  the  Globe, 
and  had  apparently  been  in  Cal.  H.  (Solomon),  1846,  one  of  the  Donner 
party  who  survived;  a  son  of  Mrs  Elizabeth  Donner.  v.  530,  534.  W.  C. 
Graves  tells  me  he  saw  H.  in  Lake  Co.  in  '63-4.  H.  (Wm),  1846,  brother 
of  Sol.,  who  died  in  the  Sierra,  v.  530,  534.  Hooker,  1841,  sec.  of  Sir  Geo. 
Simpson.  Hooker  (Wm),  1840,  sent  to  Mont,  from  Branciforte;  written 
•Guca.'  Hooper  (Simon),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  H. 
(Wm  M.),  1833,  from  Boston,  with  a  letter  from  Childs  to  Larkin.  iii.  409; 
went  to  Hon.  in  '45,  and  returned  in  '48;  prob.  the  same  who  advertised  as  a 
merchant  at  S.  F.  '48-9;  of  the  firm  Cross,  Hobson  &  Co.  Hoornbeck  (A. 
T.D.),  1848,  known  as  Francis  Hinton;  died  at  S.  Luis  Rey '70.  Hoover 
(Wcstlcy),  1846,  overl.  immig.  with  a  family,  who  settled  at  S.  Josd,  where 
he  served  on  the  1st  jury  in  '48.  v.  529.  H.,  18 16,  at  N.  Helv.  in  charge  of 
a  launch  in  Feb. ;  Sutter  mentions  him  as  a  scientific  man  who  superintended 
his  farm  for  several  years,  and  who  was  thought  to  be  living  at  Sta  Clara  in 
'70";  perhaps  Westley,  though  he  could  not  have  been  an  immig.  of  '46. 

Hope  (Alex.  W.),  1848,  nat.  of  Va,  who  had  been  surg.  in  U.S.A.;  at  Los 
Ang.  '48-56,  where  he  died;  memb.  of  1st  Cal.  senate.  H.  (Gerard),  1834, 
Irish  hatter  of  H.  &  Day  at  Mont.  '34-6,  age  30.  iii.  412.  H.  (John),  1833, 
named  in  Larkin's  accts  '33-4;  perhaps  the  same.  Hoppe  (Jacob  D.),  1846, 
nat.  of  Md,  and  overl.  immig. ;  owner  of  town  lots,  proprietor  and  editor  of 
the  Calif ornian,  and  candidate  for  alcalde  in  '47-8.  v.  652,  658,  685;  projector 
of  the  new  town  of  Halo  Chemuck.  v.  674;  went  to  the  mines,  was  a  memb.  of 
the  constit.  convention  of  '49,  and  settled  at  S.  Jose,  where  he  made  a  for- 
tune in  trade  and  lost  it  by  speculation.  Claimant  of  Ulistac  rancho.  v.  674; 
killed  by  the  explosion  of  the  Jenny  Lind  in  '53,  at  the  age  of  about  40.  He 
was  an  enterprising  and  popular  man,  against  whom  nothing  appears. 

Hopper  (Chas),  1841,  nat.  of  N.  C,  a  hunter  who  came  with  the  Bartleson 
party,  but  went  back  as  guide  with  part  of  thecomp.  in  '42.  iv.  270-1,  275-6, 
279,  342.  In  '47  he  came  back  overl.  to  Cal.  with  his  family,  v.  556,  and  bought 
a  Napa  farm,  where  he  spent  the  rest  of  his  life,  dying  in  '80,  at  the  age  of  '81, 


7S8  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

and  leaving  5  children.  Hopper's  Narrative  in  my  col.  was  written  from  con- 
versations with  H.  by  R.  T.  Montgomery  in  '71.  Portrait  in  Menefee's  Hist. 
Sketch-book,  128.  H.  (James),  184,  in  Sta  Clara  Val.  '60.  Hittell.  H. 
(John),  1848,  on  1st  S.  Jose  jury.  H.  (Thomas),  1847,  nat.  of  Mo.,  and 
overl.  immig.  with  his  wife,  Minerva  Young;  in  Sta  Cruz  region  '47-8;  in  the 
mines  '48-9.  From  '49  at  dif.  places  in  Sonoma  Co.,  being  in  'SO  a  rich  land- 
owner with  7  children.  Portrait  in  Sonoma  Co.  Hist.,  384.  H.  (Wm),  1847, 
Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Los  Ang.  '47. 

Horden  (Stephen),  1844,  doubtful  name  of  an  Amer.  in  S.F.  list.  Horn 
(Wm),  1846,  settler  in  Sta  Clara  Val.  with  fam.;  Cal.  claim  (v.  462).  Horn- 
dell  (Joseph),  1847,  Co.  B,  N,Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  St  Louis,  Mo.,  '82.  Horner 
(John  M.),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  col.  from  N.  J.  with  wife.  v.  546;  settled 
as  a  farmer  at  mission  S.  Jose\  with  a  variation  of  mining  experience  in  '48. 
In  partnership  with  his  brother,  who  came  in  '49-50;  he  took  a  prominent  part 
in  the  early  annals  of  Alameda  Co.  By  agriculture,  trade  in  farm  produce,  and 
land  speculations,  the  Homers  became  rich  and  extended  their  operations  to 
the  peninsula  of  S.F.,  where  their  name  is  preserved  in  Horner's  Addition. 
They  lost  their  property  in  '54,  and  from  that  time  lived  on  their  Alameda 
farm  till  'SO,  when  they  went  to  the  Sandwich  Islands.  Horra  (Antonio  de 
la  Concepcion),  1796,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Miguel  for  a  very  brief 
term,  and  was  sent  away  by  Pres.  Lasuen  in  '97  on  a  charge  of  insanity.  In 
Mex.  he  made  a  long  report  against  the  Cal.  friars,  and  the  investigation  of 
his  charges  formed  one  of  the  causas  celebres  of  mission  annals,  i.  560-1,  567, 
587-97.  Horry  (Irwin),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  H.  (James),  1848,  ser- 
vant of  Brooks'  party  in  the  mines;  killed  by  Ind.  in  Bear  Valley.  Horsely 
(Joseph),  1833,  at  Mont.  '33-4;  also  called  Horseman.  Horton,  1847,  mr  of 
the  Triad,  v.  580.  H.  (Wm),  1840,  in  Farnham's  list  of  arrested  foreigners. 
iv.  17.  Hoseir  (E.),  1848,  in  S.F.  letter  list.  Hoskins  (Henry),  1847,  Co. 
E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469.)       Hotchkiss  (H.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon. 

Houck  (James),  1845,  Amer.  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  McM.-Clyman  party. 
iv.  572;  about  10  days  after  arrival  at  Sutter's  Fort  he  was  charged  with  an 
attempt  at  rape,  and  nothing  more  is  known  of  him.  Hough  (H.),  1845, 
purser's  clerk  on  the  Savannah.  Houghtailing,  1847,  at  Hon.  from  S.F. 
Houghton  (Sherman  O.),  1847,  sergt  of  Co.  A,  N.  Y.  Vol.  v.  503.  A  nat.  of  N. 
Y.,  who  became  a  prominent  lawyer  of  Sta  Clara  Co.,  being  mayor  of  S.  Jose*, 
county  recorder,  and  member  of  congress  '71-5.  His  1st  wife  was  Mary  M. 
Donner,  who  died  in  '60  leaving  one  daughter,  Mary  M. ;  the  2d  wife  was  Eliza 
P.  Donner,  who  still  lived  in  '85  with  7  children,  Eliza  P.,  Sherman  O.,  Clara 
H.,  Chas  D.,  Francis  J.,  Stanley  W.,  and  Herbert  S.  (died  76).  Portrait  of  S. 
O.  H.  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  Hist.,  32.  Houptman  (Wm),  1840,  German  who  got 
passports  in  '40  and  '44,  the  former  in  Mex.,  so  that  he  may  have  come  later, 
iv.  120.  House  (James),  1844,  at  Sonoma,  age  50.  H.  (Joseph),  1846, 
came  to  S.  Jose.  Hall.  Houston  (Thos  B.  or  T.),  1846,  act.  mid.  on  the  U. 
S.  Hale;  died  '63,  as  lieut,  at  Naples. 

How  (Oliver  H.),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Howard  (Wm),  1848, 
Swedish  sailor  on  the  U.S.  St  Mary,  who  quit  the  service  at  S.F.,  went  to 
the  mines,  and  in  '50  settled  in  Sonoma  Co.,  where  he  still  lived  in  '80,  at  a 
R.R.  station  bearing  his  name;  wife  from  '55  Caroline  Kolmer  of  '46;  9  chil- 
dren. Portrait  in  Sonoma  Co.  Hist.,  296.  H.  (Wm  Davis  Merry),  1839,  nat. 
of  Boston,  sent  to  sea  by  his  mother  with  a  view  to  needed  discipline,  who 
came  to  Cal.  as  a  cabin-boy  on  the  California,  iv.  117,  119;  and  worked  for  a 
while  as  clerk  for  Stearns  at  Los  Ang.  He  went  east  in  '40,  and  came  back  in 
'42  as  sup.  of  the  California.  At  Honolulu,  on  the  way,  he  married  Mary 
Warren,  adopted  daughter  of  Capt.  Grimes,  a  native  of  Hon.  and  daughter  of 
Wm  Warren,  q.v.,  who  was  returning  on  the  vessel  from  Boston,  where  she 
had  been  educated.  In  '43-5  H.  acted  as  sup.  of  the  Vandalia  and  California. 
iv.  564,  569,  640;  and  in  '45  opened  a  store  at  S.F.  with  Henry  Melius,  buy- 
ing the  H.B.Co.  establishment.  In  '46-9  Melius  &  H.  were  the  leading  firm 
in  town,  and  after  the  gold  excitement  did  an  immense  business,  having 
branches  at  Sac.  in  charge  of  Brannan,  and  at  S.  Jose"  under  Belden's  care, 


HOWARD— HUDSON".  789 

both  "being  partners  in  the  interior  business,  as  was  Talbot  H.  Green  in  the 
city.  The  firm  was  dissolved  in  '50,  and  H.  retired  a  rich  man.  See  mention 
of  H.  in  various  minor  matters,  he  being  a  member  of  the  council,  and  admin, 
of  the  Leidesdorff  estate,  v.  240,  321,  359,  539,  043-52,  678;  cl.  for  the  S. 
Mateo  rancho.  v.  0G0.  After  a  visit  to  the  east  in  '53  his  health  failed,  and 
he  died  in  '56,  at  the  age  of  about  37.  Howard  was  a  large  man,  of  fine  per- 
sonal appearance;  jovial,  generous,  and  humorous;  fond  of  practical  jokes, 
late  suppers,  and  private  theatricals;  but  always  attentive  to  business.  He 
had  no  political  ambitions,  but  was  fond  of  helping  his  friends  into  office. 
Among  all  the  pioneer  traders  of  S.F.  there  was  probably  no  better  man,  nor 
more  deservedly  popular.  A  street  in  the  city  bears  his  name.  His  1st  wife 
died  in  '49,  leaving  one  child,  who  died;  and  his  2d  wife,  Agnes  Poett,  mar- 
ried in  '49,  survived  him,  marrying  his  brother  George,  and  later  a  man  named 
Bowie.  A  son  by  the  2d  wife  was  still  living  in  '80. 

Howe  (Elisha  W.),  1848,  nat  of  R.  L,  who  came  by  sea  and  went  to  the 
mines;  in  S.  Luis  Ob.  '50-83;  married  Gabriela  Estudillo,  and  had  6  children. 
H.  (Franklin),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  H.  (Henry),  1848, 
in  Sonoma,  as  he  stated  later.  Howell,  1848,  from  Honolulu.  H.  (Chas), 
1848,  mining  at  Rose  Bar.  H.  (Isaac),  1846,  nat.  of  N.Y.,  and  overl.  im- 
mig.,  settling  in  Napa  Co.  with  his  family.  In  '69  he  moved  to  S.  Luis  Ob., 
where  he  died  in  '78,  at  the  age  of  80;  known  as  Father  Howell;  left  a  widow 
and  7  children,  one  or  more  of  whom  came  with  him  in  '46.  A  son  is  ment.  at 
X.  Helv.  in  '48;  the  widow  died  in  '83,  also  aged  80;  two  of  the  sons  were 
John  and  Joseph.  H.  (John),  1846,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  at  Sonoma  and  N. 
Helv.  '47-8;  perhaps  son  of  Isaac.  H.  (T.C.D.),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  469);  in  '82  a  farmer  at  Clifton.  Id.  H.  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  469).  Howes  (Horan),  1847,  Soc.  Cal.  Pion.  roll.  Howland  (Henry  S.), 
1837,  mr  of  the  Com.  Rodgers  '37-8.  iv.  103.  H.  (Wm),  1848,  sailor  on  /. 
Walton. 

Hoxie,  1847,  mr  of  the  S.  Boston,  v.  550.  Hoyer  (Cornelius),  1842,  mr 
of  the  Fama  '42-3,  and  perhaps  '41;  at  Hon.  '36.  iv.  141,  565;  passp.  from 
Hon.  '48.  Hoyt  (Aug.  A.),  1846,  Fauntlerov's  dragoons  (v.  232,  247);  Co. 
F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  H.  (C),  1847,  at  Mont." '47-8.  H.  (Daniel  C),  1847, 
Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  H.  (Henry  P.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v. 
469);  d.  on  the  return  journey.  H.  (R.C.M.),  1846,  leased  land  and  house 
at  Mont.;  Taber  &  H.,  hotel-keepers  at  Mont.  '47-8;  at  S.  Jose"  '50. 

Hubbard,  1845,  apparently  one  of  Fremont's  men;  v.  453,  583,  587;  at  N. 
Helv.  Feb.  '46;  in  F.'s  exped.  of  '48,  when  he  died.  H.  (Charles),  1834,  Ger- 
man and  naturalized  Mex.;  mr  of  the  Peor  es  Nada  '34-5,  and  of  the  Soledad 
'43.  iii.  3S3,  412;  iv.  568.  H.  (Geo.  C),  1847,  lieut  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  v. 
504;  a  printer;  memb.  of  lcgisl.  '49;  d.  in  111.  before  '60.  H.  (JohnE.), 
1848,  nat.  of  Chile,  who  came  with  his  parents  to  S.F.  at  the  age  of  6;  liquor- 
dealer  at  Vallejo'79.  Solano  Co.  Hist.  H.  (T.  W.),  1845,  nat.  of  N.Y.; 
came  at  age  of  5;  messenger  in  assembly  '55.  H.  (W.  H.),  1847,  rented  a 
house  at  Sonoma.  Hubbell  (Ezekiel),  1801,  mr  of  the  Enterprise,  ii.  2. 
Huber  (Henry),  1841,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Bartleson  party,  iv.  270,  275,  279; 
grantee  of  Honcut  rancho  '45,  for  which  he  was  an  unsuccessful  claimant  in 
'53.  iv.  671;  ment.  at  Sutter's  Fort  '46;  owner  of  lots  at  S.F.  '47-8.  v.  676.  I 
think  he  is  the  man  who  for  15  years  or  more,  down  to  '85,  has  kept  a  well- 
known  liquor-store  at  S.F.  Hubert  (Nicholas),  1844,  deserter  from  the 
Warren.       Huchas  (Heinrich),  1847,  musician  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Huddart  (John  M.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504;  d.  at  the  Sandw. 
Isl.  before  '60.  Hudgekison  (David),  1847,  contract  to  haul  lumber  at  N. 
Helv.  Dec.  Hudson  (A.  J.),  1845,  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  '68-83.  8.  Luis  Ob.  Co. 
Hist.,  388.  H.  (Benj.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  H.  (David),  1845, 
nat.  of  Mo.,  b.  '20,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party,  iv.  578,  587,  with 
his  brother,  Wm,  and  sister,  Mrs  York;  settled  in  Napa  Val.,  where— but  for 
his  service  with  the  Bears,  v.  110,  later  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  356),  and  a  brief 
mining  experience  in  the  mines  '4S — he  lived  till  '73.  Then  he  moved  to  a 
farm  in  Coyote  Val.,  Lake  Co.,  where  he  lived  in  '8 1  with  wife— Francis 


790  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Griffith,  married  in  '47 — and  6  children,  Rodney  J.  b.  '50,  Lavonia,  Elbert, 
Eila,  Ada,  Bertha  (died),  and  Robert  L.  Prob.  still  alive  in  '85.  In  72,  at 
Calistoga,  he  wrote  his  Autobiography  for  me.  Portrait  in  Lake  Co.  Hist.,  188.. 
Six  of  his  brothers  and  sisters  came  to  CaL,  sooner  or  later.  H.  (Edward), 
1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  v.  682;  still  in  S.F.  '52,  a  carpenter.       H.  (Hiram), 

1847,  laborer  and  watchman  at  Mont.  H.  (James  T. ),  1845,  a  trader  at  S. 
Pedro.       H.  (John  T.),   1805-6,  mr  of  the  Tamana.  ii.  24.       H.   (Martin), 

1848,  nat.  of  Va,  brother  of  David,  and  overl.  immig.  with  wife  and  5 
children;  settled  in  Guilicos  VaL,  Son.  Co., '48-9  and  lived  there  until  his 
death  in  '71,  at  the  age  of  64.  His  widow,  Elizabeth  McAlroy,  and  7  children 
were  living  in  '80.  The  sons  who  came  in  '48,  and  were  still  living  in  '80,  were 
Michael  E,  John  W.,  David  A.,  and  Matthew  T.  H.  (Thos),  1844,  said  to 
have  come  to  Sta  Clara  Val.  iv.  453;  at  Mont.  '45;  in  '46-7  of  Co.  B,  Cal. 
Bat.  (v.  358),  serving  also  a  courier  in  Oct.  '46;  at  Mont.  '47-8.  H.  (T.  F.), 
1848,  settler  in  Sonoma  Co.;  at  Sta  Rosa  '77.  H.  (Wilford),  1847,  Co.  A, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  at  Sutter's  Fort  in  '48  when  gold  was  discovered.  H. 
(Wm),  1845,  brother  of  David,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party, 
apparently  with  a  family,  iv.  579,  587;  at  Sta  Rosa  from  '46,  in  which  year 
his  daughter  Mary,  later  Mrs  McCormick,  was  born.  His  wife  is  credited 
with  having  furnished  some  material  for  the  famous  Bear  flag.  v.  148.  He 
died  in  'i^j,  leaving  a  large  family.  H.  (Wm  L.),  1841,  com.  of  the  U.S. 
Peacock  in  U.S.  ex.  ex.  iv.  241. 

Hudspeth  (Benj.  M.  or  N.),  1846,  lieut,  and  later  capt.,  Co.  A,  Cal.  Bat.  v. 
361.  I  find  nothing  more  about  him.  It.  (.lames  M.),  1843,  nat.  of  Ala,  who 
crossed  the  plains  to  Or.  in  '42,  and  came  to  Cal.  in  the  Hastings  party,  iv. 
390,  400.  He  worked  for  Stephen  Smith  at  Bodega  for  a  while,  iv.  396;  and 
subsequently  visited  various  parts  of  Cal.,  working  as  a  lumberman  at  Sauza- 
lito,  and  limiting  in  the  Sae.  Val.;  served,  perhaps,  as  a  2d  lieut  of  Ga] 
comp.  during  the  Micheltorena  war  of  '41-5;  and  in  the  spring  of  '40  went 
east  to  the  Salt  Lake  region  with  Hastings  and  Clyman  to  aid  in  diverting 
immig.  and  prospective  filibusters  from  Or.  to  Cal.  v.  528,  529.  ii' 
turned  in  the  autumn,  v.  530,  and  served  as  lieut  of  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.,  in  '46-7. 
v.  361,  435.  After  the  war  he  bought  land  in  Sonoma,  and  worked  with 
O'Farrell  as  surveyor  at  Benicia — where  he  owned  a  lot,  v.  672,  as  also  at  S. 
F.,  v.  679 — Xapa,  and  other  places;  in  the  mines  '49-50;  later  a  farmer  in 
Sonoma  Co.;  niemb.  of  legislature  :52-5;  and  still  living  in  '85,  at  the  age  of 
63.  His  wife,  from  '54,  was  Matilda  Fuller,  and  he  had  no  children.  Portrait 
in  Son.  Co.  Hist.,  160. 

Huefner  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  C,  X.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  ment.  at  Sonoma,  where 
he  took  part  in  theatrical  performances,  and  at  X.  Helv.;  resid.  of  S.  F.  and 
for  a  long  time  marshal  of  the  pioneer  society  to  '82;  but  I  think  died  before 
'85.  Huerstei  (Laurent),  1844 (?),  in  S.F.  'SI,  said  to  have  arrived  in  '44. 
Soc.  Cal.  Pion.  roll.  iv.  453.  Huet,  1845,  Amer.  farmer  from  Or.  in  McM.- 
Clyman  party,  who  prob.  went  back  in  '46.  iv.  572,  526;  perhaps  'Hewitt.' 
Huff  (Columbus),  1S47,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  51S);  in  Xapa  '48. 

Hugel  (Fred.),  1837,  German  who  had  been  in  Cal.  5  years  when  applying 
for  a  pass  in  '42.  iv.  118;  at  Sutter's  Fort  '46;  in  '47  bought  land  of  Rufus  in 
Son.  Co.;  perhaps  'Hegel,'  q.v.  Hugenin  (Dan.  C),  1846,  mid.  on  the  U. 
S.  Portsmouth;  lost  on  the  Warren's  launch,  iv.  587;  v.  384.  Hughes  (H. 
M.),  1839  (?),  in  Sonoma  Co.  '74-7.  H.  (John),  1847,  Co.  D,  X.  Y.  Vol.  (v. 
499).  H.  (Wm),  1845,  one  of  Fremont's  men.  iv.  583;  Cal.  claim  '46-7  (v. 
462).  He  was  a  nephew  of  Cyrus  Alexander,  and  also  in  the  exped.  of  '48. 
H.  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  H.  (Wm  O.),  1836,  on  Larkin's 
books  '36-7;  perhaps  'Hewes.'  Huguee,  1845,  mr  of  the  Mcdicis.  iv.  567. 
Fluie  (Geo.  W.),  1847,  physician  said  to  have  come  with  Lieut  Thompson  of 
the  U.S.N. ;  joined  by  his  family  '49  at  S.  F.;  at  Petaluma  '53-68,  and  later 
at  S.F.,  where  he  died  in  '77. 

Hulett  (Sylvester).  1847,  lieut  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477;  in  '82  at  Manti, 
Utah.  Hull,  1844,  mr  of  the  Georgia,  iv.  566.  H.  (Isaac),  1848,  passp. 
from  Hon.       H.  (Joseph),  1848,  nat.  of  Ohio,  who  came  to  Or.  in  '45,  and  to 


HULL— HUTCHINSON.  791 

Cal.  on  the  discov.  of  gold;  joined  by  his  family  '49;  from  '50  on  a  Sac.  farm, 
where  he  still  lived  in  '80  with  wife  and  4  children.  H.  (Joseph  B. ),  1843, 
com.  of  the  U.S.  Warren  '43-7;  in  com.  at  S.F.  '46-7,  succeeding  Mont- 
gomery, iv.  569;  v.  284,  289,  380,  434,  539,  581,  649,  659. 

Humphrey,  1840,  at  Mont.;  Larkin  urged  to  use  his  influence  to  start  him 
for  home.  H.  (Benj.  F.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  H.  (Geo.  L.), 
1847,  Co.  H,  N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Coulterville  '74.  H.  (Isaac),  1848,  nat. 
of  Ga,  at  Sutter's  Fort  when  gold  was  discovered*  having  been  a  miner  in  Ga, 
he  hastened  to  the  mill,  made  a  rocker,  and  thus  became  the  pioneer  in  a  new 
industry.  Ment.  in  N.  11 elv.  Diary  in  April.  Died  at  Victoria  in  '67.  H. 
(Wm),  1847,  Co.  G,  KY.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Coulterville  '71-4;  perhaps  con- 
founded with  Geo.  L.  H.  (W.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Humphries,  1840, 
mr  of  the  Columbia  '40-1.  iv.  102-3,  564.'      H.  (Stephen),  1848,  in  S.F.  list. 

Hunnewell  (James),  1830,  a  well-known  Boston  trader  in  business  at  Hon. 
for  some  years.  The  only  evidence  I  have  that  he  ever  came  to  Cal.  is  a  letter 
of  Oct.  '30,  in  which  he  hopes  to  visit  the  country  '  again;'  but  in  '33  he  was 
in  Mass.  and  intended  to  stay  there.  He  died  in  '69.  He  may  have  visited 
Cal.  before  '20.  Hunsacker  (Abraham),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469); 
later  sergt;  in  '82  a  bishop  at  Brigham  City,  Utah.  H.  (Daniel),  1847, 
overl.  immig.  from  Mo.  with  his  family;  ment.  at  N.  Helv.  in  Aug.  with  news 
of  approaching  immigration,  v.  556.  Settled  at  Benicia,  and  later  in  Contra 
Costa,  where  he  was  treasurer  of  the  county.  Of  his  sons  who  came  in  '47, 
Harrison  K.  was  at  one  time  deputy  sheriff  of  Contra  Costa;  James  C.  was 
sheriff,  and  lost  on  the  Brother  Jonathan;  and  Nicholas,  also  sheriff,  was  a 
miner  at  Park's  Bar  in  '48,  and  a  resid.  of  S.  Diego  '74. 

Hunt,  1813,  agent  of  Astor's  fur  company,  on  the  Pedler.  ii.  271.  H. 
(Gilbert),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  H.  (Jefferson),  1847,  capt.  Co. 
A,  Morm.  Bat.,  and  also  preacher,  v.  477-80,  488,  493;  had  a  project  for 
raising  a  new  battalion,  v.  496.  He  was  accomp.  by  his  wife  and  4  sons, 
Hiram,  John,  Joseph,  and  Martial;  and  three  daughters,  Jane,  Harriet,  and 
Mary;  but  it  is  doubtful  if  all  the  family  came  to  Cal.  In  later  years  Capt. 
H.  came  back  to  Cal.  and  represented  S.  Bernardino  in  the  legisl.  of  '55. 
H.  (Martial),  1847,  son  of  Capt.  H.,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.;  in  '81  at  Snowflake, 
Ariz.  II.  (Timothy  Dwight),  1841,  protestant  clergyman  who  came  from 
Honolulu  in  Nov.,  and  was  employed  for  a  time  as  city  chaplain.  In  '55  he 
was  in  Cal.  as  the  agent  of  the  Amer.  Home  Miss.  Soc.   v.  657. 

Hunter  (Barry),  1846,  doubtful  name  in  a  Los  Ang.  list.  H.  (Benj.  F.), 
1846,  lieut  on  the  U.  S.  Portsmouth;  at  N.Helv.  June.  v.  102;  acting  capt.  of 
Co.  C,  Stockton's  bat.  '46-7.  v.  3S5.  H.  (Edward),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  469);  in  '82  a  bishop  in  Utah.  H.  (Jesse  D.),  1847,  nat.  of  Ky,  and 
capt.  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477;  in  com.  of  S.  Diego  garrison,  v.  488,  617. 
Ind.  agent  for  southern  Cal.  at  S.  Luis  Rey  from  Aug.  v.  492,  568,  621-2. 
His  wife  died  at  S.D.  in  '47.  v.  490.  He  remained  in  Cal.,  went  to  the  mines 
in  '48,  but  returned  to  the  south  to  act  again  as  Ind.  agent.  He  died  at  Los 
Ang.  in  '77,  at  the  age  of  73,  leaving  7  grown  children  with  families.  H. 
(Wm),  1847,  musician  of  Morm.  Bat.,  Co.  B.  (v.  469).  Huntington  (Dimick 
B.),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  499);  at  Salt  Lake  City  '55.  Huntley 
(Ezra),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Huntsman  (Isaiah),  1847,  Co.  B, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  in  Utah  '81. 

Huppertz  (Gerard),  1834,  succeeded  Sill  &  Co.  as  baker  at  Sta  B.  Hurst, 
1S47,  at  N.  Helv.  from  S.F.,  Oct.  Hurtado  (Joaquin),  1791,  piloto  in  Malas- 
pina's  exped.  i.  490.  Huse  (Sam.  E. ),  1846,  gunner  on  the  U.  S.  Congress,  and 
in  com.  of  a  gun  in  Stockton's  campaign  of  '46-7;  in  Amador  Co.  from  '51; 
died  at  Yount  in  '79.  Hutcheon  (Walter),  1847,  Co.  E,  N. Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
d.  Brooklyn,  N.Y.,  '80.  Hutcheson,  1848,  sentenced  to  corporal  punishment 
by  court-martial.  Hutchins,  1846,  mr  of  the  whaler  Columbus.  Hutchin- 
son (G.N.),  1846,  in  the  U.S.N.;  drowned  in  '78  at  Vallejo,  where  he  was  mr 
of  the  navy-yard  yacht  Freda,  and  had  lived  for  20  years. 

Hutchinson  (Jacob  A.),  1846,  overl.  immig.  with  family,  who  in  '49  set- 
tled on  the  Cosumnes  River,  and  soon  started  on  a  prospecting  tour,  from 


792  PIOXEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

which  he  never  returned.  H.  (Jacob  A.,  Jr),  1847,  son  of  the  preceding; 
living  on  the  Cosumnes  with  family  in  'SO;  perhaps  date  of  arrival  should  be 
'46,  or  that  of  his  father  '47.  The  H.  brothers  are  named  as  having  bought 
Isbel's  claim  in  S.  Joaq.  '48.  H.  (Joseph),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v. 
232,  247).  H.  (Win  A.),  1848,  advertised  for  a  lost  rifle  at  S.F.  Hiitt- 
mann  (Francis),  1847,  mr  and  sup.  of  the  Matilda,  Primavera,  and  Callao  in 
'47-8;  made  advances  of  money  to  Fremont,  about  which  there  was  much 
trouble  later,  v.  441,  465-6,  576.  Hutton  (James  D.),  1847,  surveyor  of 
pueblo  lands  at  S.  Jos6;  appointed  official  surveyor  of  the  southern  dept,  but 
the  appointment  was  withdrawn  on  account  of  charges  in  connection  with  his 
S.  Jose  work.  v.  665.  Huxley  (J.  Mead),  1S47,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
at  S.F.  '54;  officer  in  the  war  of  '61-5;  died  before  'S2. 

Hyatt  (Elisha),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  col.  with  wife  and  son.  v.  546; 
excommunicated  at  S.  F.;  and  in  Oct.  at  Mont.,  making  tubs,  etc.  Hyde 
(Geo.),  1846,  nat.  of  Penn.,  who  came  on  the  U.S.  Congress  as  Com.  Stockton's 
sec.  For  a  time,  in  Aug.,  he  was  alcalde  at  S.  Jos6.  v.  294-5,  662;  then  came 
to  S.F.,  where  he  was  2d  alcalde  with  Bartlett,  and  1st  alcalde  from  June  '47 
to  March  '48,  having  much  trouble  in  his  administration  of  the  office,  as  fully 
explained  in  v.  648-52,  6S0.  There  seems  to  have  been  but  slight  foundation 
for  the  many  and  bitter  charges  against  him.  He  was  a  lawyer,  of  good  abil- 
ities and  character.  He  was  somewhat  prominent  in  city  politics  in  '49  and 
the  few  years  following;  and  has  resided  in  S.  F.  ever  since  to  'S5,  being  in 
the  real  estate  business.  In  '78  he  gave  me  a  valuable  statement  of  Historical 
Facts,  including  not  only  his  own  controversies,  but  many  other  points  of  in- 
terest connected  with  early  S.F.  annals.  Hyde  (Wm),  1S47,  sergt  Co.  B, 
Morm.  Bat.,  being  also  an  elder  and  preacher,  and  acapt.  of  50  on  the  return. 
v.  477,  4S8,  490-1,  493. 

To  be  Continued  at  the  End  of  Vol.  IV. 


I 


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