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ttENERAL LIBKABY 

OF THE 

PARK CHURCH 



ELMIRA, 1ST . Y. 



ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 



3 1833 02303 5154 



uc: 979.4 B22h v. 3 
Bancroft ■> Hubert Howe, 
History of California 



M, Uj 



REFERENCE 

AMERICANA COLLECTION 



THE WORKS 

Of 

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. 



THE WORKS 



HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. 



VOLUME XX. 



HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA. 

Vol. III. 1825-1840. 



SAN FRANCISCO : 
A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 

1885. 



Allen County Public uoimj 

900 Webster Street 

P0 Box 2270 

fat Wayne, IN 46801-2270 



Entered according to Act of Congress in the fear L885, bj 

HUBERT H. BANCROFT, 
in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 



All Rights Rest rved. 



K 



^ 




CONTENTS OF THIS YOLUME. 

CHAPTER I. 1^1dDC?l) 

A TERRITORY OF TIIE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

1S25. 

PAGE 

Ratification of the Federal Constitution — Junta de Californias in Mexico 
— Compania Asi&tico-Mexicana — Sessions of the Diputacion — Eche- 
andia Appointed Governor — Transfer of the Office at San Diego — 
Biography of Don Luis Argiiello — Echeandia's Companions — Pacheco, 
Zamorano, and Eamirez-*-Herrera as Comisario de Hacienda — The 
Missions — The Padres Refuse Allegiance to the Republic — The Dipu- 
tacion on Secularization — Padre Duran as President — Mission Sup- 
plies and Finance — Vessels on the Coast — Surrender of the Asia and 
Constants — Morrell's Visit and Book — Commerce — Foreign Resi- 
dents — A Rainy Season 1 

CHAPTER II. 

echeandia's rule— political affairs. 
1826-1830. 
National Measures, 1826 — Junta de Fomento — Echeandia at San Diego — 
Guerra for Congress, 1827-S — Colonization Regulations of 1828 — Ter- 
ritorial Diputacion, 1827— Proposed Change of Name— Echeandia in 
the North— Diputacion, 1828-30— Election— Mai torena Sent to Con- 
gress, 1829-30 — Acts of the Supreme Government — Padres as Ayu- 
dante Inspector — Gomez as Asesor— California as a Penal Colony — 
Arrival of 130 Convicts— Carrillo Elected to Congress for 1S31-2— 
Expulsion of Spaniards, 1827-30— List of Spanish Residents— Eche- 
andia's Appeals for Aid— His Resignation— Appointment of Antonio 
Garcia — The Californias Separated — Manuel Victoria Appointed 
Governor 31 

CHAPTER III. 

ECIIEANDIA AND UERRERA — FINANCE — THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

1S26-1830. 
Hard -times Items — Aid from Mexico — The Revenues — Comisario and 
llabilitados — Secret Investigation —Suspension and Resignation — 
Estrada, Vallejo, and Jimeno Casarin as Administrators— Revolt of 



CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

1S28— Revolt of 1S29— Causes— Monterey Taken — Joaquin Solis 
— Plan of November 15th — Argiiello Declines the Command — Solis 
Marches South — Echeandia's Preparations — Revolt at Santa Barbara 
—Bloodless Battles of Dos Pueblos and Cieneguita — Retreat of Solis 
— Retaking of the Capital — Avila Captures Solis — Trial — The Span- 
ish Flag — Banishment of Herrera and Twenty Conspirators — Finan- 
cial Affairs in 1829-30 • 56 



CHAPTER IV. 

ECHEANDIA AND THE PADRES— MISSION AND INDIAN AEFAIRS. 

1826-1830. 

Mission Prefect and Presidents — The Question of Supplies — The Oath of 
Allegiance — Sarria's Arrest — Friars Still Masters of the Situation — 
Council at San Diego — Southern Padres Willing — Northern Padres 
Refuse — Flight of Ripoll and Altimira — The Friars as Spaniards — 
Echeandia's Conciliatory Policy — Petitions of the People — Exile of 
Martinez — Progress towards Secularization — Mexican Policy — Diffi- 
culties — Junta of April 1826 — Decree of July — Experimental Free- 
dom — Mission Schools and Lands — Plan of 1829-30 — Approval of the 
Diputacion — Action in Mexico — Indian Affairs -Sanchez's Expedi- 
tion — Vallejo's Campaign against Estauislao — Northern Fort — Sea- 
sons S7 

CHAPTER V. 

ECHEANDIA'S RULE — MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

1S26-1830. 
Vsssels of 1826 — Revenue Rules — Hartnell's Business — Hawaiian Flag — 
Cooper and the Rover — Lawsuit with Argiiello— Beechey's Visit in 
the Blossom — Books Resulting — Trading Fleet of 1827 — Reglamentos 
on Liquors and Live-stock — Embarrassment of McCulloch, Hartnell, 
& Co. — Cunningham at Santa Catalina — Visit of Duhaut-Cilly and 
Botta — Maritime Affairs of 1S28 — Restrictions — Smuggling — Affair 
of the Franklin — Cannon-balls — Affair of the Karimoko — Vessels of 
1S29— Custom-house — Arrival of the Broohline — Gale's Correspond- 
ence — Raising the Stars and Stripes — Lang at San Diego — The 
Santa Barbara Built in California — Ships and Trade of 1830 — List of 
Vessels, 1S25-30 U<5 

CHAPTER VI. 

OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

1826-1830. 

The Eastern Frontier — The Trappers — First Visitors by the Overland 
Route — Jedediah Smith, 1826-8 — Errors Corrected — Original Docu- 
ments—The Sierra Nevada Crossed and Re-crossed — First Entry of 



CONTENTS. ix 

the Hudson's Bay Company— McLeocl and Ogden — Pattie's Visit and 
Imprisonment, 182S-30— Flint's Narrative— Truth and Fiction— A 
Tour of Vaccination — ' Peg-leg ' Smith — Trapping License of Extcr 
and Wilson — Vaca from New Mexico — Ewing Young and his Hunt- 
ers from New Mexico — Foreign Residents — Annual Lists of New- 
comers — Regulations on Passports and Naturalization 150 



CHAPTER VII. 

RULE AND OVERTHROW OP VICTORIA. 

1831. 

Appointment of Victoria— Arrival— Echeand fa's Delay — Command Sur- 
rendered — Beginning of a Quarrel — Golpe de Estado — Schemes of 
Padres and Party — Victoria's Address to the People— Charges against 
the Governor — Refusal to Convoke the Diputacion — Memorials and 
Threats — Victoria's Manifiesto— Replies of Bandini and Pico— Ad- 
ministration of Justice — The Death Penalty— Case of Atanasio— The 
Robbers Aguilar and Sagarra — Execution of Rubio — Exile of Abel 
Stearns — Victoria and Alcalde Duarte of San Jose" — Trouble at Los 
Angeles— Exile of Jose A. Carrillo— Jos6 M. Padres Banished— Plots 
of Carrillo, Bandini, and Pico — Pronunciamiento of San Diego — 
Echeandia in Command — Angeles Revolts — Fight near Cahueuga — 
Death of Pacheco and Avila — Victoria Sent to San Bias — Rodrigo 
del Pliego— Action in the North— Carrillo 's Efforts in Congress 1S1 

CHAPTER VIII. 

AN INTERREGNUM— ECHEANDIA AND ZAMORANO. 
1S32. 

The Diputacion at Los Angeles — Action against Victoria — Attempts to 
Make Pico Governor— Echeandia's Opposition— A Foreign Company 
at Monterey — Zamorano's Revolt — A Junta at the Capital — The 
News at San Diego — Sessions of the Diputacion — Los Angeles 
Deserts Echeandia — Warlike Preparations — Ibarra at Angeles — Bar- 
roso at Paso de Bartolo — Indians Armed — Compact between Eche- 
andia and Zamorano— The Territory Divided— Final Sessions of tho 
.Diputacion — The Avila Sedition — Who is Governor ? — Affairs in 
Mexico— Carrillo's Efforts and Letters — Choice of a Governor— Jose" 
Figueroa Appointed— Instructions— Mishaps of a Journey— Mutiny 
at Cape San Lucas— Waiting for a Ruler 216 

CHAPTER IX. 

FIGUEROA's RULE — III.TAR AND PADRES COLON V. 

L833-1834. 

Arrival of Figueroa — Primitive Printing— Imaginary Difficulties— Am- 
nesty to Rebels — Echeandia and Zamorano— Biography of Echeandia 



CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

— Bandini Elected to Congress — No Sessions of the Diputacion in 
1833 — The Northern Frontier — Figueroa Resigns — A Warning — 
Mutiny at San Francisco — The Dipntacion in 1834 — Address by the 
Governor— Legislative Affairs— The First Book Printed in California 
— Reglamento — Petaluma and Santa Rosa — Santa Anna y Farias — 
Conspiracy of Guerra and Duran — New Election — Events in Mexico 
Padres and his Schemes — Colonization — Hijar as Gefe Politico — 
Colony Organized — Compaiifa Cosmopolitana — Political Schemes — 
The March to Tepic — Voyage of the Natalia and Morelos — Re- 
ception of the Colony at San Diego and Monterey — Wreck of the 
Natalia — Authorities 210 



CHAPTER X. 

FIGUEROA, CASTRO, AND GUTIERREZ — THE COLONY. 

1834-1835. 
Santa Anna Orders Figueroa not to Give up the Command to Hijar — 
Quick Time from Mexico — Hijar Demands the Mission Property — 
His Instructions — Action of the Diputacion — Lost Prestige of Padres 
— Bando — Controversy — Bribery — Submission of the Directors — Aid 
to the Colonists — At Solano — New Quarrel — Rumored Plots — Revolt 
of Apalategui and Torres — Pronunciamiento of the Sonorans — Sur- 
render — Legal Proceedings — Figueroa 's Orders — Seizure of Arms at 
Sonoma — Arrest of Verduzco and Lara — Exile of Hijar and Padre's — 
Figueroa's Manifiesto — Sessions of the Diputacion — Carrillo in Con- 
gress — Los Angeles Made Capital — Foundation of Sonoma — Death of 
Figueroa — Life and Character — Castro Gefe Politico — Gutierrez 
Comandante General — Estudillo's Claims 270 



CHAPTER XI. 

MISSIONS AND SECULARIZATION. 

1831-1833. 
Ecu India's Plan of 1S30 — Decree of 1S31 — The Comisionados — Views' 
of the Padres — Carrillo's Efforts in Mexico — The Pious Fund — 
Events of 1832 — Diputacion and Friars — Echeandia's Reglatnento — 
Notes of Padre Sanchez — Bachelot and Short — Exiles from the 
Hawaiian Islands — New Missionaries in 1833 — The Zacatecanos — 
Division of the Missions — Troubles in the North — Flogging Neo- 
phytes — Supplies for San Francisco — Misconduct of Padre Mercado 
at San Rafael — Massacre of Gentiles — Figueroa's Instructions on 
Secularization — Echeandia's Regulations — Figueroa's Policy— Ex- 
periments in the South— Provisional Rules — Emancipation in Prac- 
tice — Projects of President Duran— Figueroa's Report against Secu- 
larization—Mexican Decrees of 1S33— President and Prefect 301 



CONTENTS. xi 

CHAPTER XII. 

MISSION AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. 

1834-1S35. 

PAGE 

Emancipation — Indian Pueblos — The Diputacion — Figueroa's Policy — 
Mexican Law of April 1834— Provisional Regulations of August 9th 
— Hfjar's Instructions — Their Meaning — The Eeglamento in Practice 
— Local E-esults — Ten Missions Secularized — Views of the Padres — 
Supplementary Regulations of Nov. 4th — Destruction of Mission 
Property by the Friars— Slaughter of Cattle— Stipends in 1835 — 
Mission Supplies — Mission Ranchos — Garcia Diego's Suggestions — 
Local Items of 1S35 — Six Missions Secularized — The Fernandinos 
Content — Mexican Decree of Nov. 9th — Mission Statistics, 1S31-5 — 
Seasons — Pestilence — Indian Affairs, 1831-5 339 



CHAPTER XIII. 

MARITIME, COMMERCIAL, AND FINANCIAL AFFAIRS. 

1S31-1S35. 
Annual Lists of Vessels on the Coast — Revenue Statistics — Smuggling 
Items — Seizure of theLoriol — Commercial Regulations — Victoria and 
Bandini — Contraband — Ports — Bandini and Angel Ramirez — A Dis- 
appointed Inspector of Customs — Fur Trade — Salt — Abel Stearns' 
Operations at San Pedro — Treasury Officials — Comisarios — Bandini, 
Gomez, Gonzalez, Estrada, and Herrera — Minor Revenue Officers — 
Local Items — Financial Correspondence — Statistics — Municipal 
Funds — Taxation — Tithes — Plan of Ways and Means — Alphabetical 
List of Vessels 3G3 



CHAPTER XIV. 

PIONEERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS. 
1S31-1S35. 

Overland Immigration — New Mexican Route — Wolfskill's Party — Yount 
and Burton — Jackson's Company — "Warner — Ewing Young's Second 
Visit — Carson, Williams, Sparks, and Dye — Graham and Leese — 
Across the Sierra — Captain Joe Walker — Nidever — Bonneville's 
Narrative — Hudson's Bay Company Trappers — Otter-hunting in Cal- 
ifornia — New Mexican Horse-thieves — Chino Pando — Foreign Policy 
— Fears — Offer of Purchase by U. S. — Spaniards — Pioneer Names — 
Those Who Came before 1830 — New-eomers of Each Year— Alpha- 
betical Lists — Douglas the Botanist — Thomas Coulti Mori- 
neau's Memoir — Visit of Hall J. Kelley — John Coulter's Lies — Dana's 
Two Years Before the Mast 



xii CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XV. 

RULE OF GUTIERREZ AND CHICO. 

1S36. 

PAG^J 

Castro Transfers the Gefatura to Gutierrez — A Quiet Rule — Centralist 
Precautions — The Capital — Vigilance Committee at Los Angeles — 
Shooting of a Man and "Woman — Bandini's Plan at San Diego — Ap- 
pointment and Arrival of Governor Chico — Inaugural Address — ■ 
Swearing of the Bases — Chico's Orders — Address — Sessions of the 
Junta Departamental — Agent for Mexico — Chico in the South — Be- 
ginning of Troubles — Californian Views of Chico's Character — Dofia 
Cruz, the Governor's Mistress — Feeling of Foreigners — Chico and 
Stearns — Revolution Planned — Results of the Vigilantes — Chico and 
Duran — Amours of Castafiares and Dona Ildefonsa — Chico and Es- 
trada — Excitement at the Capital — Chico Leaves the Country 414 

CHAPTER XVI. 

GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO— REVOLUTION. 
1836. 

Second Rule of Gutierrez — His Policy and Character — Vague Charges — 
Quarrel with the Diputacion — Popular Feeling — Causes of Revolt — 
Juan B. Alvarado — Revenue Quarrel — Another Version — Prepara- 
tions at San Juan — Californians in Arms — Graham's Eiflemen — Siege 
of Monterey — Documentary Record — Surrender — The Mexicans 
Exiled — Biography — Gutierrez — Castillo Negrete — Herrera — Muhoz 
Navarrete— The Estradas — Pule of Jose" Castro — Plan of Conditional 
Independence — Lone-star Flag — The Diputacion as a Constituent 
Congress — Vallejo as Comandante General — Revenue— Civic Militia 
— Alvarado as Governor — Division of the State — Commerce — The 
New Regime — Affairs in the North 445 

CHAPTER XVIL 

ALVARADO'S RULE — TROUBLES IN THE SOUTH. 

1836-1837. 
Causes of Southern Opposition — Sectional, Local, and Personal Prejudice 
■ — The News at Angeles — San Diego Aroused — Plan of November — 
Counter-plan of Santa Barbara — New Ayuntamientos and New Plan 
— Letters of Prominent Men — Castillo Negrete — Osio — Bandini— Pio 
Pico — Carlos Carrillo — Alvarado in the South — The Barbarefios Sub- 
mit — Angcliuos Obstinate— Dicguinos Patriotic but not Warlike — 
Defensive Measures — Campaign and Treaty of San Fernando — Alva- 
rado at Los Angeles — Castro's Arrival— Another Plan — Speeches — 
Fears of Attack from Sonora — Castro at San Diego — Diputacion Sus- 
tains Alvarado — Plan dc Gobicrno — Intrigues of Osio and Pico — Los 
Angeles Submits — Governor's Manifiesto of May — Return to Monte- 
rey — Events in the North, January to May 478 



CONTEXTS. xiii 

CHAPTER XVIII, 

BAN DIEGO PLAN— ALVARADO AND CARRILLO. 

1S37. 

PAGE 

Bandini's Movements — Plots on the Frontier — Zamorano, Portilla, and 
Estrada — Plan of May — Seizure of Los Angeles — Don Juan at San 
Diego— The Army at Angeles and San Fernando— Castillero's Com- 
mission — Oath of Centralism in the South — Alvarado at Monterey 
and Santa Clara — Rumors from Mexico — Ramirez Revolt — Monterey 
Taken and Retaken — Alvarado Returns to the South — Treaty with 
Castillero — Alvarado Swears to the Constitutional Laws — His Mo- 
tives — Diputacion at Santa Barbara — Castillero Sent to Mexico — 
The California — Vallejo Refuses to Accept Centralism — Carlos Car- 
rillo's Appointment — Alvarado's Position — Carrillo Assumes Office 
at Angeles — San Diego Obedient — Not so Sta Barbara — Letters of 
Vallejo and Alvarado , 515 

CHAPTER XIX. 

DON JUAN BAUTISTA AND DON CARLOS. 
1S38. 

Don Carlos Closes Northern Ports — Sends for Mexican Troops — Castro's 
Plan — A Spurious Appointment — Carrillo's Letters — Military Prepa- 
rations — Castaheda at San Buenaventura — Santa Barbara Threatened 
— News from Mexico — Battle of San Buenaventura — Los Angeles 
Taken — Alvarado at San Fernando — Don Carlos at San Diego — A 
New Plan — Tobar in Command — Campaign of Las Flores — Treaty — 
Negotiations at San Fernando — Escape of the Pretender — Vallejo 
Favors Don Carlos — News by the Calalina — Arrival of Castillero — 
Recognition of Alvarado and Vallejo — An Island for Carrillo — Aba- 
jefios Despondent — Arribenos Triumphant — Re-arrest of Canillos and 
Picos 545 

CHAPTER XX. - 

ALVARADO'S RULE — POLITICAL EVENTS, 

1S39-1S40. 
Governor and General at Santa Barbara — Carlist Prisoners — Don Carlos 
Yields — End of the Conflict — Military Discipline — Presidial Com- 
panies — Diputacion as a Junta at Monterey — Division of California 
into Districts and Partidos— Prefects— Plots of Ramirez and Padre 
Mercado — Life of Angel Ramirez — Sedition at Branciforte — Flag Tu- 
mult at Los Angeles — Castillero Elected to Congress — Vocales Elected 
— War with Fiance — Jimeno Acting Governor — Alvarado Married 
by Proxy — Arrival of the California — Alvarado Appointed Governor 
— Cosme Pena — Castaneda Sent to Mexico— Annals of 1S40 — Sessions 
of the Junta Departamental — Tribunal de Justicia — Monterey the 
Capital — Conspiracy of Carrillo and Gonzalez 579 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

LOCAL ANNALS OF SAN DIEGO DISTRICT. 

1831-1840. 

PAGE 

Military Commandants — Decrease and Disappearance of the Presidial 
Organization — Fort and Other Buildings — Population — Private Ran- 
chos — Summary of Events — Politics and Indian Depredations — 
Treasure on the Colorado — Civil Government — Ayuntamiento — 
Criminal Record — San Diego Mission — Padre Martin — Statistics — 
Secularization — Ortega as Administrator — San Luis Rey — Padre 
Peyri — A Prosperous Mission — Slaughter of Cattle — Chronologic 
Happenings — Pio Pico in Charge — Hartnell's Investigation — Mission 
Ranchos — San Juan Capistrano — Statistical View — Annals of Eman- 
cipation — Administration of the Argiiellos — The Ex-neophyte Pue- 
blos of San Juan, San Dieguito, Las Flores, and San Pascual 608 



CHAPTER XXII. 

LOCAL ANNALS OF LOS ANGELES DISTRICT. 

1831-1840. 

A Centre of Political Agitation — Chronologic Summaiy and Index — Local 
Occurrences — Indian Hostilities — Day and Stearns — Vigilance Com- 
mittee — Sectional Warfare — Carrillo's Capital — Tumult of the Flag 
— Arrest of Foreigners — Increase of Population — Private Ranchos — 
Ayuntamiento and Municipal Affairs — Criminal Record — A Race — 
The Prefecture — Peiia, Tapia, and Arguello — Port of San Pedro — San 
Gabriel — Padres Boscana and Sanchez — Statistics — Secularization — 
Events — Bandini's Reforms — San Fernando Rey — Father Cabot — A 
Prosperous Mission — Antonio del Valle as Comisionado — Chronolo- 
gic Record 6i 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

LOCAL ANNALS OF SANTA BARBARA DISTRICT. 
1831-1840. 

Gain in Population — Presidial Organization — Military Items — Summary 
of Events — Santa Barbara in the Political Controversies — Chico and 
Duran — Municipal Affairs — Official List — Sub-prefecture — Grants of 
Private Ranchos — Santa Barbara Mission — Statistical View — Annals 
of Secularization — San Buenaventura — Fathers Suiier, Uria, and For- 
tuni — Population, Agriculture, and Live-stock — Majordomos and 
Administrators — Santa In^s — Father Arroyo de la Cuesta — Statistics 
of Decadence — A Gain in Cattle — Moderate Prosperity — Local Hap-. 
penings — La Purisima Concepcion — Secularization — Inventories. . . . G49 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

LOCAL ANNALS OF MONTEREY DISTRICT, 

1S31-1S40. 

PAGE 

Population — Visits and Descriptions— Summary and Index of Events — 
Military Record — Municipal Affairs and Administration of Justice 
— Prefecture — Criminal Record — Private Ranchos — Mission San Car- 
los — San Luis Obispo — Padre Gil y Taboada — Statistics of Decline — 
San Miguel — Padre Juan Cabot — Population and Property — San 
Antonio — Secularization — Mercado's Complaints — Hartnell's Inspec- 
tion — La Soledad — Padre Sarria — Inventories of Live-stock and 
Crops — San Juan Bautista or San Juan de Castro — Padres and Neo- 
phytes — Mission Estate — Emancipation of the Indians — Pueblo and 
Capital of the District — Santa Cruz, or Pueblo de Figueroa — Villa 
de Branciforte '. G67 



CHAPTER XXV. 

LOCAL ANNALS OF SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 

1831-1840. 

Gain in Population — Number of Inhabitants in California, North and 
South — Summary of San Francisco Events — -Military Affairs — Com- 
pany Transferred to Sonoma — Pueblo and Ayuntamiento — Granting 
of Lots — Later Litigation — Growth of Yerba Buena — Richardson, 
Leese, and Spear — Private Ranchos of the District — San Francisco 
Mission — San Rafael — Padre Amoros' Map of Mission Lands — San 
Francisco Solano — Pueblo of Sonoma — General Vallejo's Achieve- 
ments in the Frontera del Norte — San Jose" Mission — A Prosperous 
Establishment — Santa Clara — Padres Viader and Moreno — Pueblo 
de San Jose" de Guadalupe de Alvarado — Population — Municipal 
Affairs and List of Officials — Summary of Events G9S 



Pioneer Register and Index. 'Fabbol' to 'Hyde' 733 



HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA. 



CHAPTER I. 

A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

1825. 

Ratification of the Federal Constitution — Junta de Californias in 
Mexico — Compania Asiatico-Mexicana — Sessions of the Diputa- 
cion — echeandia appointed governor — transfer of the office 
at San Diego— Biography of Don Luis Arguello — Echeaxdia's 
Companions — Pacheco, Zamorano, and Ramirez — Herrera as Com- 
isario de Hacienda — The Missions — The Padres Refuse Allegiance 
to the Republic — The Diputacion on Secularization— Padre Du- 
ran as President — Mission Supplies and Finance — Vessels on the 
Coast— Surrender of the 'Asia ' and ' Constante '— Morrell's Visit 
and Book— Commerce— Foreign Residents— A Rainy Season. 

In the preceding volume I have completed the an- 
nals of California as a province of Spain and of the 
Mexican empire to the year 1824. In the present 
volume I continue its history as a territory and depart- 
ment of the Mexican republic to 1840. But while 
1825-40 are the chronological limits assigned, it has 
been found inconvenient, as already explained, to make 
the subdivisions of time and topics agree exactly. 
Local annals have been continued in an earlier volume 
to 1 830; herein they are completed for another decade, 
and the regular thread of political history is followed 
to 1840; but the institutional history for 1836-40, 
including some important phases of foreign relations, is 
necessarily left for the first six chapters of volume iv. 
The leading features here presented are the develop- 



2 A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

ment of republicanism, the downfall of the missions, 
revolutionary movements, the first overland explo- 
rations, growth of foreign influence, the tp-building 
of commercial industry, and the complicated series 
of political and sectional controversies. At the end of 
the volume I continue alphabetically the biographical 
register of pioneers begun in volume ii. 

Early in 1825 Governor Argiiello received the 
federal constitution of the Mexican republic adopted 
by congress October 4, 1824, and addressed to the 
states and territories on the 6th. It is not necessary 
to analyze this document here. By it Alta California 
became a territory, lacking the population for a state ; 
entitled to a diputado in congress, but without the 
forty thousand inhabitants requisite to give him a 
vote ; yet capable of being erected into a state by act 
of congress. This organic law made no provision for 
the government of the territories ; and I know not ex- 
actly what authority the president had for appointing 
a governor and allowing the diputacion to subsist; or 
what authority congress had to make laws on the sub- 
ject; or further, on what authority the two Califor- 
nias were immediately united in one territory, or at 
least put under one governor. The constitution was 
similar to that of the United States of America. 1 

Before noting the reception of the constitution in 
the north, it is well to glance at subsequent acts of the 
national government in behalf of California down to 
the end of 1825 — and briefly, for in Mexico but slight 

1 Mexico, Constitution Federal de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, sancionada 
for el Cont/rcso General Constituyente el 4 de Octubre de 1SJ4- Mexico, 1S24, 
lGmo, 3 1. xviii. 62 p. 21. 3 p. ; with at the end the following: Mexico, Acta 
Conxtitutiva de la Federation Mexicana. SI de Enero, 1S24- Mexico, 1S24. 
lGmo, 12 p. There are other editions of both documents. In the Acta the 
division into states and territories had been different, the two Calif ornias being 
one territory. There is no evidence that the Acta reached California before 
the constitution. Among the signers of the constitution there appears no 
diputado for Alta California, though Baja California was represented by Man- 
uel Ortiz de la Torre. Gov. Argiiello understood Cal. as a territory to be 
attached to the state of Mexico. Dept Bee., MS., i. 120; Dept St. Pap. An,]., 
MS., i. 82-4. 



JUNTA DE FOMENTO. 3 

attention was paid to this distant frontier, either in 
this or any other year. The first president did well 
enough, however, at the beofinnhiGf, for he not only 
appointed a ruler, with a superintendent of territorial 
finances, but he sent troops, arms, supplies, and even 
a little money. I have noticed the lack of any con- 
stitutional provision for territorial government; but to 
aid the president in this respect a special board, or 
council, the 'junta de fomento de Californias,' was or- 
ganized. 2 

In a note I have given the titles of this junta's re- 
ports. Ex-governor Sola was a member, though not 
a very prominent one. None of the plans ever at- 
tained to the dignity of law, but each had an influence 

2 This junta was dissolved at the end of 1827. It had ten members, in 
whom there were frequent changes, the following list including all that served 
in the order of their appointment: Mariano Bonilla, Pablo V. Sola, Jose Ign. 
Ormaechea, Mariano Dominguez, Tomas Salgado, Francisco de P. Tamariz, 
Manuel Ibarra, Francisco Cortina, Ignacio Cubas, Juan J. Espinosa de loa 
Monteros, Jose Mariano Almanza, Francisco Fagoaga, Alejo Garcia Conde, 
Carlos M. Bustamante, Servando Mier, Isidro Icaza, Diego Garcia Conde, Pe- 
dro Cardenas, Juan Francisco Azcarate, Tomas Suria, sec'y, Crecenio Suarez, 
Bec'y. 

The various reports of this body were printed in Mexico, 1827, under the 
following title: Junta de Fomento de Californias — Colcccion de los principali % 
trabajos en que se ha ocupado le Junta nombrada para- rneditar y proponer al 
Supremo Gobierno los medios mas necesarios para promover el pro<jreso de la 
cult ura y civilizacion de los territorios de laAlta y de la Baja I 'alifomia. Auo 
de 1827. This collection includes the following documents: Dictdmen que <lid 
la Junta, etc., sobre las instrucciones que para el Gej'e superior Politico. Dated 
Jan. 3, 1823. 1G pages, 8vo; Plan para el Arreglo de las Misionesde los A rri- 
torios de la Alta y de la Baja California. Aprii 6, 1825, 11 p. ; Plande Colon- 
ization Estrangera (subtitle — Ueglamento d que debe sujetarse la colonization, 
etc.), dated April 24, 1S25, 8 p., with a diagram; Plan de Colonization de 
Nacionales para los territorios, etc. (subtitle — Rajlamento para la colonisa- 
tion por familias de los Estados Federados de Mexico, en los territorios de 
Californias), dated May 30, 1S25, 18 p., 3 sheets, with a diagram; Plan Polit- 
ico Mercantil para <i mas pronto Fomento de las Californias, including 1 it, 
Correspondence Feb. -July 1825; 2d, Proyecto para el Establt cimu nto di \na 
compnuiade comer cio directo con el Asia y mar Pacijico, cuyopunta a ntrico ■ ' be 
eer Monterey, capital de la Alta California, lacualaerdconocida baja el no 
de Compania Asidtico- Mericana, Protectoradt I Form nto de 1 1 P< ninmla d< ' ' '- 
ifornias. Presented to the president by its author, Francisco de Paula Ta mam, 
Dec. 14, 1825, 14 p.; 3d, Proyecto de Eeglamento en Grande para el Esta 
mientode la Compania A&idtico-Mexicaua. Dec. 14, 1S25, 18p. (numbered 24); 
Iniciativa de Ley que propone la Junta para el mejor arreglo del gobierno < 
territorios de •■Californias. Dated May 12, 1S27; including a Subdivisi 
los territorios de laAlta y de la Baja California en cuatro distritos, <>t June •-''>, 
182G; and the final brief report of the junta announcing the close of its labors 
on Aug. 31, 1827. 44 p. 

And finally — Lista de los asuntos comprendidos en este libro. 1 leaf. 



4 A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

on legislation in behalf of California. Several of the 
reports, or parts of the same, relating to special topics 
of government, colonization, and mission policy, will 
require notice elsewhere, and may therefore be briefly 
disposed of here. 

Unfortunately the instructions to Governor Eche- 
andia, on which the junta reported January 3, 1825, 
arc not extant. In the suggestions made, especial im- 
portance is attached to the obtaining of accurate in- 
formation about the country, its people, and its pro- 
ductions; and it is evident from the allusions to Viz- 
caino, Venegas, the Sutil y Mexicana, Humboldt's 
works, etc., that the members had no idea of the fresh 
and complete sources of information accessible in the 
form of missionary and other official reports. There 
is also a noticeable confusion between the two Califor- 
nias. Great circumspection and careful instructions 
were recommended on the mission problem and Indian 
policy, subjects which must be treated with much deli- 
cacy to avoid trouble until a radical reform could be 
effected by means of definite laws. The junta ex- 
pressed some very wise views, and showed a clear 
appreciation of the difficulties to be overcome, leaving, 
however, the ways and means of overcoming them 
mostly to a subsequent report of April 6th, which 
will be noticed in another chapter. In the matter of 
distributing lands, it was thought that the governor 
should confine his immediate attention to investigation 
and reports on the actual condition of the territories. 
The subject of foreign relations was believed to require 
serious consideration, with particular reference to pos- 
sible encroachments of Russians and Americans on the 
north. There was yet some doubt whether the boun- 
dary of the forty-second parallel had been recognized by 
Mexico, but it was necessary at all hazards to prevent 
any passing of that line; and in this connection a naval 
force for the upper coast was recommended as of ur- 
gent necessity. Particularly was the attention of the 
government called to the prospective importance of 



PLANS FOR CALIFORNIAS. 5 

the northern province, both by reason of its varied 
products and of its frontier position. 3 

The plan of April 21st for foreign colonization may 
be disposed of, since I have no space to give the doc- 
ument in full, with the remark that it was utilized by 
the government in preparing the regulations of 1828, 
in which many of its twenty-eight articles were more 
or less fully embodied. 4 To a great extent the same 
remark may be applied to the plan of May 30th for 
national colonization or settlement by Mexicans. But 
this plan contained certain elements intended for the 
special benefit of the Californias, and therefore not in- 
cluded in the general regulations which applied to all 
Mexican territory. It was proposed not only to grant 
lands to Mexican colonists, but to pay the expenses of 
their journey, a daily ration and monthly sum of three 
or four dollars to each family for three years, besides 
furnishing live-stock and tools; or in case the settler 
were not a farmer, he was to receive expenses of the 
journey, necessary tools, a house lot, and rations for one 
year. This aid it was thought might be furnished 
without burden to the treasury, by utilizing the ac- 
cumulations of mission capital. It was deemed desir- 
able to favor settlements on the coast islands; and to 
set apart one of them as a penal colony, not for Mexico, 
but for California. 5 

Another scheme of the junta, though pertaining to 
commerce, may as well be mentioned here, since it 
never went into practical effect. It was a politico- 
mercantile plan for the organization of a Compania 

"Jan. G, 1825, Jose's Argiiello wrote to Captain Gucrra from Guadalajara 
that a board had been established in Mexico to make regulations for Cal. 
Guerra, Doc, MS., vi. 97. The dictdmen, so far as it relates to Indian policy, 
is incidentally <j noted by Manuel Castanares in an address <>f March 30, L84 i, 
to Congress. Castanares, Col. Doc, 12, 14, 50. Both Alvarado, Hist. Cal., 
MS., i. 122-3,233 6, and Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS.,i. 299 300, speak of Sola as 
the leading spirit of the junta, which devised tuanj Liberal and enthusiastic 
measures without the slightest idea as to where the money was to come from. 
'Fifty years later,' says Alvarado, ' in the bands of energetic men backed by 
coin, some of these plans might have proved successful.' 

* See chap. ii. tins vol. f or reglamento of 1828. 

5 There arc several other items, but as the recommendations wen n< ver 
adopted, it seems unnecessary to notice them. 



G A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

Asi&tico-Mexicana, protective of Californian industrial 
development. Monterey was to be a grand commer- 
cial centre; and not only was California to be saved 
from all possibility of foreign aggression, but the whole 
trade of the Pacific was to be wrested from American 
and English hands. The author of the project, Ta- 
mariz, aimed at a revival of the old Philippine trade, 
with vastly augmented facilities and profits; and he 
pictured California in glowing colors as a veritable 
paradise abounding in all good things, and better 
fitted than any other spot on earth for its grand des- 
tiny. "Fortunate the Californians in the midst of the 
promised land; happy the provinces that adjoin that 
land; lucky even the hemisphere that contains it," 
writes the enthusiastic Mexican in substance page 
after joage. The scheme was a grand one on paper — • 
too grand to go any further; for though approved by 
the famous junta, and favored apparently by president, 
cabinet, and congress, it was never heard of so far as I 
know after 1827. 6 

In addition to the acts of the president and junta 
de fomento, there is nothing to be noted bearing on 
my present topic, beyond a few minor routine commu- 
nications of the ministers in the different departments, 
in one of which the Californians were showered with 
flattery, even if they got no more substantial tokens 
of attention. 7 

6 The reglamento is copied in full by Vallejo in his Hist. Cal, MS., i. 300- 
10, from an original formerly in the possession of David Spence. The com- 
pany is also mentioned in Castauares, Col. Doc, 50. It seems useless to give 
the details of such a plan ; some of the leading points are as follows: Capital, 
$4,000,000 in 2,000 shares, 50 of which were to be taken by the Mexican gov- 
eminent, and 50 reserved for Cal. until she was able to pay for them. Term 
of existence, 10 years. The president of Mexico to preside at meetings. The 
company to have privileges in the matter of paying duties ; to be preferred as 
sellers and buyers ; to have a monopoly of fisheries and pearl-diving against 
foreigners; but had to bring settlers free to Cal., aid in the suppression of 
smuggling, etc. 

7 Californians are lovers of order and justice, 'compensating with these vir- 
tues for the influence which in other communities would be the effect of law 
and authority.' ' They have always shown a strong attachment to the supreme 
powers, and given constant evidence with ardent fidelity that they are, and 
glory in being, excellent Mexicans; and their benem&rito gefe politico Arguello 
answers in his last communications for good order and strict administration 



CONSTITUTION RATIFIED. 7 

On receipt of the constitution, Arguello at once sum- 
moned the diputados to assemble. The rivers were so 
swollen by the rains that the southern members could 
not come; but on the 26th of March the four Castros, 
with the president and secretary, met to ratify the 
new organic law of the nation. The document was 
read by Secretary Torre, and the oath was taken by 
governor and diputados. Then the constitution was 
read again in the plaza, and Arguello administered 
the oath to the garrison drawn up under arms, and to 
the assembled citizens of all classes. A salute of ar- 
tillery, and the usual shouts of acclamation, with ring- 
ing of bells, repeated for three days, marked the act; 
but for the first time on such an occasion there was no 
mass, or sermon, or other religious ceremony, for Pre- 
fect Sarria declined to sanction republicanism. On 
the 28th of March Arguello forwarded copies of the 
constitution to the different presidios and pueblos, at 
each of which it was ratified with appropriate cer- 
emonies before the end of May. At San Francisco 
Padre Estenega conducted the customary religious 
services, though it is not certain that he took the 
oath. At San Diego, as at Monterey, the padres re- 
fused to take any part in the ratification. At other 
places there is no record respecting the friars' action. 
Thus California become formally a territory of the 
Mexican republic. 8 

of justice, even in their actual condition.' Mexico, Mem. Justicia, 1S26, p. 0. 
General information on finances of California, and relief sent from Mexico in 
1824-5, in Mexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1826, p. 27. Aug. 6th, Minister Alaman 
orders gefc politico to report on the suspension of the assembly, and to propose 
an administrative system. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., iii. 9. 

s I shall have more to say on the action of the friars. Action of the dip- 
utacion March 26 th, vaLeg. 7?ec.,MS., i. 41-3. March 28th, Arguello sends out 
the new constitution to be ratified, and orders all copies of the old Spanish con- 
stitution to be collected. Dept Bee, MS., i. 116; St. Pap., Sac, MS., \i\ . 37. 
Apr. 22d, constitution received at S. Francisco, and will be published on Sun- 
day. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xix. 36. May 1st, comandante describes the cere- 
mony, which took place Apr. 24th. The troops after three days were permitted 
to amuse themselves, $2 being given to each private and $3 to each corporal. 
Id., xiv. 41-2. April 30th, swearing of allegiance at Los Angeles, where, on 
petition of the citizens, the ayuntamicnto, with the approval of the diputados, 
Palomares and Carri lo, set at liberty a prisoner, Juan Jose Higuera. Orig- 
inal record in Doc. J1U. Cat., MS., iv. 739, 740. May 1st, Comandante Uuiz 



8 A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

A final meeting of the diputacion was held April 
7th, when the majority were in favor of punishing 
recalcitrant friars by taking from them the manage- 
ment of the mission temporalities, 9 and then on May 
2d the sessions were suspended by the governor, until 
new instructions could be obtained from national au- 
thorities. His reason for this action was that the term 
for which the body had been organized according to 
the Spanish constitution had now expired, and the 
new constitution made no provision for a territorial 
diputacion. 10 

General Miiion, appointed the year before to be 
ruler of California, did not accept the position, so 
that in January 1825 a new appointment had to be 
made. 11 

The choice fell upon Lieutenant-colonel Jose Maria 
Echeandia, an officer said to have been director of 
a college of engineers in Mexico. His appointment 
as gefe politico superior and comandante general mili- 
tar of both Californias was perhaps dated the 31st of 
January. 12 In June he sailed from San Bias to Lo- 

describes the ratification at S. Diego, where not only the Franciscans but ap- 
parently the Dominican padre Menendez, who chanced to be present, refused 
to assist. Estudillo, Doc, MS., i. 209. May 10th, certificate of ayuntamiento 
to the taking of the oath at San Jose, and to the three days of bull-fighting 
and other diversions that followed. S. Jose, Arch., MS., vii. 22; DeptSt. Pap. 
MS., i. 116-17. I find no record of the event at Sta Barbara. Dec. 4, 1826, 
the governor sends copies of the constitution and acta constitutiva to be cir- 
culated among the escoltas and padres. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lvii. 23. 

9 Leg. Pec, MS., i. 41-6. More of this topic when I come to speak of the 
missions. From Doc. Hist. C'al., MS., iv. 725, it would appear that at a session 
held early in this year the office of comisionado for the pueblos was restored. 

10 May 2d, Argiiello to comandantes and prefect. Dept Pec, MS., i. 119. 
May 22d, Argiiello to ayuntamiento of Los Angeles on same subject. Dipt 
St. Pap., Angeles, MS., i. 82. June 3d, comandante of S. Francisco has pub- 
lished the order. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xiv. 36. 

11 As early as April it was known in Cal. that Miiion would not come. With 
his successor Argiiello at that time expected 60 artillerymen. Apr. 11th, Ar- 
giiello to P. Duran. Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 321-2. 

12 His instructions seem to have been issued on that date, St. Pap., Miss, 
and Colon., MS., ii. 42, and it was on Feb. 1st that his appointment was an- 
nounced by Minister Pedraza in a letter to Argiiello. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., 
iii. 3. Feb. 28th, Echeandia to Herrera, announcing his appointment with a 
salary of $3,000. DeptSt. Pap., MS., ii. 1. The fact that he was director of the 
college of military engineers in Mexico rests on -the statements of Valle, Lo 
Pasado, MS., 1, and Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 42-3, but is probably accurate. 



ARRIVAL OF ECHEANDIA, 9 

reto on the schooner Nieves. Possibly he had come 
up from Acapulco on the Morelos, which was at San 
Bias at the time en route for Monterey ; but I think 
not, though some of his officers came on that vessel 
and joined him there. 13 He remained at Lore to from 
June 22d until October, reorganizing peninsular af- 
fairs, issuing a reglamento, and appointing a sub gefe 
politico. 14 He finally set out for Monterey by land 
on October 4th, but, worn out by the hardships of the 
route, soon despatched to Argiiello an order to meet 
him at San Diego, where he arrived late in October. 15 
Meanwhile Argiiello first heard of Echeandfa's 
appointment on July 4th by a letter from the latter 
dated June 25th, and announcing his arrival at 
Loreto en route for the capital. Later in the month, 
probably by the Morelos, came the official notice 
from Mexico. 16 The order to meet his successor at 
San Diego came about the 26tl,i, on which date 
Argiiello replied that the state of his health would 
not permit him to make the journey so rapidly as was 
ordered, but he would come slowly. 17 Two days later he 
sailed on a schooner for San Diego, ls where he turned 
over his office in November. Though Argiiello was 
doubtless displeased at this innovation on his own 

13 In April-May he was at Tepic, and had some trouble about collecting 
pay and supplies for his troops. St. Pap., Sac, MS.,x. 27-0. He also asked to 
be relieved of the military command. Sup. GovtSt. Pap., MS.,iii. 4. June 7th 
he was at Tepic, expecting to sail on the Morelos, a new name fur the old San 
Carlos. Guerra, Doc, MS., vi. 139. For trip on the Nieves, see Pacheco's 
testimony in Herrera, Causa, MS., p. 67-8; St. Pap. Sac. MS., x. 31. Eche- 
andia's statement in 1827 was that he sailed from S. Bias June 12th, and readied 
Loreto in 10 days. Dej/t Pec, MS., v. 103. June 25th he wrote to xVrgulleo 
from Loreto. Dept St. Pap., MS., i. 120-1. 

11 See Hist. North Mexican Slates, ii., this series. 

13 In July he sent up to S. Diego for mules. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. ptii. 150. 
Oct. 4th, started. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Mil.. MS., lvii. 3. Oct. 18 
order to Argiiello to come south. Guerra, Doc, MS., iv. 161 2. Oct. 31st, 
writes from S. Diego. Dept St. Pap., MS., i. 74; Dept Rec, MS., ii. 6. 

10 July 4th, Argiiello to comandantes with purport of Echeandia's letter. 
Dept St.' Pap., MS., i. 120-1. July 22d-3d-8th, Argiiello had received official 
intelligence. Id., Ben. Mi/., MS.', liv. <); Dept. Rec, MS., i. 230; ii. 37. Oct. 
1st, Argiiello expected his successor soon, and had made preparations for Ins 
reception, being uncertain whether he would come by sea or land. 
Doc, MS., iv. 159. 

17 Oct. 26th, Argiiello to Guerra. Guerra, Doc, MS., iv. 161-2. 

18 Dept St. Pap., MS., i. 80. 



10 A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

personal comfort and on the old customs, and though 
the people of Monterey liked not the new governor's 
disposition to fix his residence in the south, yet I find 
no contemporary evidence of controversy or of con- 
templated resistance. The records, however, are far 
from complete, and both Alvarado and Vallejo credit 
Argiiello with a patriotic refusal to listen to the coun- 
sels of Montereyans and the troops who urged him to 
take advantage of Echeandia's arbitrary order and 
proclaim revolt. 19 It is not unlikely that there was 
some clashing of opinion when the two officers met; 
but there is no record on the subject. Echeandia had 
remained at San Diego at first because exhausted by 
his journey; and he continued to reside there chiefly 
because he deemed the climate favorable to his health, 
but also that as ruler of both Californias he might be 
nearer Loreto, and because he found nothing in his 
instructions which, absolutely required him to live at 
Monterey. 20 No transfer of the capital was made; 

19 Vallejo, Hist. Gal., MS., ii. 48-51; Alvarado, Hist. Gal., MS., ii. 105-0. 
Vallejo states that the padres took advantage of the excitement in the north 
to create a prejudice against Echeandia. Both imply that there was a sharp 
correspondence before Argiiello went south, which is impossible; and that one 
cause of the excitement was the transfer of the custom-house to S. Diego, 
when no such change was made. I suppose that both writers greatly exag- 
gerate the popular feeling, looking at it through the colored glasses of mem- 
ory, respecting later dissensions between the north and south. 

20 Doubtless the persuasions of the southerners had also an influence; and 
J. J. Vallejo, Reminis., MS., 87-0, implies that a certain lady of S. Diego had 
more influence than all the rest. General mention of Echeandia's ai'rival 
without additional details, or blunders worthy of notice, in Machado, Tiem- 
pos Pasados, MS., 21, 23; Amador, Memorias, MS., 85; Ord, Ocurrencias, 
MS., 10-20; Lugo, Vida, MS., 12-13; Avila, Gosas de Gal, MS., 25; Petit- 
Thouars, Voy., ii. 00; Mofras, Explor., i. 203. 

The version of one author, who has made claims to be an accurate histo- 
rian, is worth a record here. I allude to that given in Willson's Mexico and 
it.i Religion, 148-50. ' The new republic was at peace, and the surplus soldiery 
had to be got rid of. It was not safe to disband them at home, where they 
might take to the roads and become successful robbers; but 1,500 of the worst 
were selected for a distant expedition, the conquest of the far-off territory of 
California. And then a general was found who was in all respects worthy of 
his soldiery. He was pre-eminently the greatest coward in the Mexican 
army — so great a coward that he subsequently, without striking a blow, sur- 
rendered a fort, with a garrison of 500 men, unconditionally, to a party of 50 
foreigners. Such was the great General Echandrea, the Mexican couqueror 
of California ; and such Avas the army that he led to the conquest of unarmed 
priests and an unarmed province.' 'Had there been 50 resolute persons to 
oppose them, this valiant army would have absconded, and California would 
have remained an appanage of the crown of Spain,' etc. 'When the prefect 



LUIS ANTONIO ARGUELLO. 11 

but very soon the people of the south chose to take 
that view of the governor's residence among them, and 
were not a little elated at the honor. 21 

Although Ex-governor Argiiello remained in Cali- 
fornia, resuming his former position as comandante of 
San Francisco; yet as he was never again prominent 
in public affairs, and as he died within the limits of 
this decade, on March 27, 1830, it seems best to ap- 
pend here his biography. 22 Don Luis was the first 

of the missions was shipped off to Manilla the war was at an end. ' Com- 
ments on this rubbish are unnecessary. 

21 As early as Nov. 9th, Sepiilveda from Los Angeles congratulates Eche- 
nndia on his arrival, and is glad that he will make San Diego his capital. 
' You may count on this dismembered aynntamiento and on all under my 
command.' Los Angeles, Arch., MS., i. 2, 3. 

22 Luis Antonio Argiiello, son of D. Jose Diarfo Argiiello, then alferez of 
the Sta Barbara company, and Dona Ignacia Moraga, was born at San Fran- 
cisco presidio June 21, 1784, and was christened the next day, his godparents 
being Lieut. Moraga and wife. 8. Francisco, Lib. Mis. , MS. , 20. He entered 
the military service as cadet of the S. Francisco company on Sept. G, 1799, and 
was promoted to be alferez of the same company on Dec. 22, 1S00. St. Pap. Sac. , 
MS., xi. 5; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xv. 94; Gacetasde Mex., x. 240. This same year 
he petitioned for license to marry Doila Rafaela Sal; but as the petition had 
to go to the viceroy and king, it was not until 1807 that the permission was 
received, and even then burdened with the condition that the wife should 
have no claim on the montepio fund at her husband's death, unless he were 
killed on the field of battle. The wife died at S. Francisco, Feb. G, 1814. 
Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 40, 19G-7; Prov. Rec, MS., ix. 101. She is said 
to have been remarkable for the kindness of her disposition and for her in- 
fluence over her somewhat erratic husband. Amador, Mem., MS., 121; 
Lorrnzana, Mem. de la Beata, MS., 3. 

On March 10, 1806, Don Luis was promoted to the lieutenancy, and in Au- 
gust his father turned over to him the command of the company. Prov. St. Pap. , 
Ben. Mil., MS., xxxvii. 3, 15. According to his hoja de servicios at the end 
of 1810, beside the routine of garrison duty, he had been engaged in two ex- 
peditions, one in pursuit of fugitive neophytes, and the other to explore new 
regions among the gentiles. Vallejo, Doc. , MS. , xv. 94. He was recommended 
for promotion by Gov. Sola, July 8, 1817; was commissioned Oct. 30th, and 
was recognized as captain of the company from April 1, 1S18. Prov. St. Pap., 
MS., xx. 194; Prov. Pec, MS., ix. 19G; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xvi. 4S; S. Fran- 
cisco, Cuentas, MS., i.-vi. 

About 1818 Capt. Argiiello made a boat voyage up the Sacramento River; 
in 1821 he made an expedition to the far north, up the Sacramento Valley, 
beyond what is now Red Bluff, and back over the coast mountains, to S. 
Rafael; and in 1S22 he accompanied Cauonigo Fernandez and Prefect Payeras 
on a trip to Bodega and Ross. Meanwhile he had married, in L819, Dona 
Soledad, daughter of Sergeant Jose Dolores Ortega, who brought him as a 
dowry of somewhat doubtful cash value her father's arrears of pay due from 
the royal treasury. 

Arguellowaselccted acting governor on or about Nov. I I. 1822, Arch. Arzob., 
MS., iv. pt i. 96; St. Pep., Sac, MS., xi. G, and took possession oi I 
on the day of Sola's departure, on or about Nov. 22d. The events of his rule 
have been already given. His office of governor being onlj pro\ isional, nestill 
retained nominally the command of San Francisco. After be resigned rule at 



12 A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

hijo del pais called upon to rule California, and he 
filled most creditably a position which was by no 
means free from difficulties. Had the rival candidate, 
Jose de la Guerra, been chosen, it is hard to point out 
in what way he could have ruled more wisely. Ar- 
giiello's education was in some respects deficient, being 
simply what his father could give him in his presidio 
home; but in every position which he occupied he 
showed much practical common sense if no extraor- 
dinary ability. He was much less strict than his 
father, or than most of the old Spanish officers, in his 
regard for the letter of national law ; he was sometimes 
reproved when comandante for his concessions to for- 
eigners, and especially to the Russians; and when he 
became governor, he still continued his innovations in 

S. Diego in Nov. 1825, I think he remained for some time in the south with 
his brother, Don Santiago. On April 15, 1S2G, Echeandia ordered his pay as 
comandante to cease, the reason not being explained. Dcpt Bee, MS., iv. 31. 
On May 20th Echeandia ordered him to S. Francisco to take command of his 
company. Id., v. 4G. Aug. 8, 1827, the minister of war was informed that 
Argiiello claimed the commission of lieutentant-colonel that had been given 
him by Iturbide. Id., v. 128. Oct. 7, 1S28, Echeandia relieved Arguello 
of his command in consideration of ill health; and on Nov. 20th he was or- 
dered to Monterey 'for the good of the service.' Id., vi. 109, 138. His pur- 
chase of the Rover, his enterprise in the China ti-ade, and the resulting law- 
suits with Capt. Cooper, the only notable events of his later life, are noticed 
in other chapters. 

Argiiello's military record down to the end of 1S28 gives him 29 years, 3 
months, and 27 days of service, with an addition of 11 years and 11 days for 
campaigns. Echeandia appends the following notes: 'Courage, proved; 
ability, more than average; military conduct, indifferent; health, broken; 
loyalty, supposed faithful. His services merit all consideration, but his con- 
duct is now loose, doubtless from excessive drinking. He was susj^ended 
from command for reasons presented to the supreme government on Feb. 
15, 1828.' St. Pap., Sac, MS., xi. 5-7. He died at San Francisco on March 
27, 1830, at 1 :30 a. m., at the age of 46 years, and was interred in the mission 
cemetery next day by P. Estenega. S. Francisco, Lib. Mision, MS., 73-4; 
Vallejo, Doc, MS., xx. 165. Mariano Estrada was the executor of the estate, 
S. Jose, Arch., MS., i. 36, which five years after his death was in debt to the 
missions to the extent of over §1,000. Dept. St. Pap., Z?< n. Com. and Treas., 
MS., iii. 76-7; S. Francisco, Cuentas, MS., v. 1. To his widow, Dona Sole- 
dad, was left the ranchoof Las Pulgas, and notwithstanding the depredations 
of lawyers and scpiatters, she was in easy circumstances until her death in 
1874. None of the sous of Don Luis ever acquired any prominence in public life. 
The Californian writers, almost without exception, speak in the highest terms 
of Argiiello's honesty, ability, and kindness of heart: See Alvarado, Hist. 
Cta.,MS.,ii. 102 4; Vallejo, Hist. Col., MS., i. 327-30; ii. 42-3; Osio,Hist. Gal. 
MS., 5-21, 57; Amador, Mem,., MS., 81-3; Castro, Bel., MS., 13-14; Avila, 
Cosas, -MS., 22; Romero, Man.. MS.. 10; M achado,LoPasado, MS., 21; Spence's 
NoU ■■. MS., 14; Hayes' Em. Notes,M8., 505; Sta Barbara Press, Oct. 24, 1S74; 
S. Diego Union, Oct. 29, 1S74. 



REENFORCEMENT OF OFFICERS. 13 

that respect; but his disregard for law was always in 
the interest of his province and people, and no selfish 
or unworthy action is recorded against him. After his 
accession to the chief command, he had some enemies — 
notably Jose Maria Estudillo, Jose Joaquin de la Torre, 
and Jose Antonio Carrillo; but none of these were Cal- 
ifornians of the best class. With the people, and 
especially with his soldiers, he was always popular, by 
reason of his kindness, liberality, and affability. If he 
came into somewhat more bitter controversy with the 
friars than had his predecessors, it was due to the 
times and circumstances rather than to the man. In 
person he was tall, stout, and attractive, with ruddy 
complexion and jet-black hair. He was a jovial com- 
panion, a ban vivant, so far as a man could be so in this 
poverty-stricken province, free with his money, in 
fact a spendthrift, and always in debt. His pecu- 
liarities of temperament led him into an increasing 
fondness for wine and aguardiente; and his drinking 
habits doubtless broke down his health, and hastened 
his death in middle life. 

There were embarked on the Nieves, in June, from 
San Bias, besides Echeandia, Alferez Romualdo Pa- 
checo and Alferez Agustin V. Zamorano, both engi- 
neer officers, and probably from the college of which 
Echeandia had been director, the former coming as 
aide-de-camp and the latter as secretary to the gover- 
nor; also Alferez Jose Maria Ramirez, a cavalry offi- 
cer, whose position at this time under Echeandia is not 
apparent; Alferez Patricio Estrada, in command of a 
detachment of about forty infantry of the battalion 
known as Fijo de Hidalgo; 23 and also probably a fifth 
alferez, Juan Jose Rocha, though it is possible that lie 
came on to Monterey by the Morelos. Of Estrada and 

23 In 1833 this body of men was spoken of as the piquete del 2" batallon 
permanente, consisting of 1 sergeant, 3 trumpeters, 3 drummers, 1 corporal 
of fusileers, 1 corporal of artillery, !• grenadiers and chasseurs, and 10 fusi- 
leers— 3-1 in all. Uept St. Pay., Ben. Mil, MS., hum. 31. 



14 A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

his men, though they remained ten years in the coun- 
try, hardly anything is known; but Zamorano, Pacheco, 
Rocha, and Ramirez were somewhat prominent in 
later annals. 24 

All those mentioned are supposed to have stopped 
with Echeandia at Loreto, and to have accompanied 
him to San Diego by land, though it is possible that 
there were some exceptions; but another passenger 
on the Morelos, which had sailed from Acapulco on 
March 25th, and had probably brought some of the 
officers named as far as San Bias, 25 was Jose Maria 
Herrera, who, being sent as comisario subalterno cle ha- 
cienda to administer the territorial finances, did not stop 
at Loreto, but came on to Monterey, where he ar- 
rived July 27th, and took possession of his office Au- 
gust 3d, relieving Mariano Estrada, who had held a sim- 
ilar position under a different title by authority of the 
diputacion. Herrera was subordinate to the comisa- 
rio general de occiclente at Arizpe, and in financial 
matters he was largely independent of Echeandia. 
He brought with him a memoria of goods worth $22,- 
379, and $22,000 in silver; 23 but there was no provision 
made for the back pay of the troops; and Herrera 
refused to comply with Echeandia's order to pay the 
soldiers for three months in advance, because such an 
act was not allowed in his instructions, the funds were 
insufficient, and it would not be wise to put so much 
money into the hands of the troops. 27 Beyond some 

21 Pacheco's first important service was rendered this year, when he escorted 
Lieut.-col. Romero to the Colorado on his way to Sonora; explored two routes 
to the river; and perhaps made some preparations for permanently opening 
one of the routes. See vol. ii. p. 507 et seq., this work. 

r °I)ept Bee, MS., v. 103; Herrera, Causa, MS., 67. 

26 Mexico, Mem. Relaciones, 1826, p. 32; Mexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1S26, 
p. 27, and annexes, 9, 25. Two hundred boxes of manufactured tobacco 
seem to have been also sent, worth §23,863; and there was an order on the 
comisario de occidente for 812,000, which does not seem to have been paid at 
this time. A small part of the $22,000 was perhaps spent at Loreto. With 
reference to the tobacco, Huish, Narrative, 426, says that the government, by 
way of paying up arrears of 1 1 years at S. Francisco, sent a brig with a 
cargo of paper cigars to be issued to the troops in place of dollars; but as 
Martinez observed, cigars would not satisfy the families, and the compro- 
mise was refused ! 

27 Sept. 1st, Echeandia's order to Herrera. Hept. Rec, MS., ii. 2. Oct. 



NEW ARRIVALS. 15 

minor correspondence on routine aspects of the de- 
partment, and a slight clashing between the new 
comisario and the habilitados, there was nothing in 
connection with Herrera's administration during this 
year that requires notice. 28 

Herrera, however, was not the only official who 
arrived on the Morelos in July 1825. The vessel 
brought also to California Lieutenant Miguel Gonza- 
lez in command of a detachment of artillerymen, who 
was immediately made a captain, and became coman- 
dante de armas at Monterey by virtue of his rank. 
There also came, probably in this vessel, and certainly 
about this time, three more alfereces, or sub-lieuten- 
ants, Antonio Nieto, Rodrigo del Pliego, and Jose 
Perez del Campo, the first being in command of a 
small body of infantry sent as a guard to eighteen con- 
victs condemned to presidio life in California for vari- 
ous offences. With few exceptions, the new-comers, 
whether officers, soldiers, or convicts, were Mexicans 
of a class by no means desirable as citizens. 29 

15th, Herrera to Arguello, explaining his reasons for not oheying, and alluding 
to other communications. Dept St. Pap., MS., i. 105. It is likely that Echean- 
dia gave the order in the interest of his own popularity, knowing that it 
could not be obeyed. 

28 Oct. 10th, Lieut Estrada speaks of complaints of Echeandia through the 
comandante of Monterey, and calls for a statement of charges for supplies. 
Oct. 31st, Herrera is willing to furnish the account, though there are some mis- 
sion items of supplies to escoltas that cannot be included yet. Vullejo, Doc, 
MS., i. 98. Nov. 17th, the habilitado of Sta Bai-bara objects to the comisa- 
rio exacting accounts of the mission supplies, etc. He says the company will 
pay its own debts if the funds due it are supplied. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Com. 
and Treas., MS., i. 6. Dec. 6th, Herrera says that public creditors are 
many and resources small. The government expects him to make a just dis- 
tribution of the small revenue he controls; and he will make to the public a 
respectful statement of his administration. Guerra, Doe., MS., vi. 148-9. 

General mention of Herrera's appointment and arrival. See Mexico, Mem. 
Hacienda, 1826, p. 27, by which it appears that he Mas appointed on Feb. 
8th; Dept St. Pap., MS., iii. 209-10; Le<j. Pec., MS., i. 282-3; Dept St. 
Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., i. 12; St. Pap., Sac, MS., xiv. 2. _ He is 
called comisario subalterno, comisario sub-principal, comisario provisional, 
administrador sub-principal, comisario de guerra, sub-comisario, treasurer, 
superintendent of customs, etc. 

29 The number of the soldiers, both artillery and infantry, is not recorded. 
Vallejo, Hist. Col, MS., ii. G2-G, and Alvarado, Hist. Cat., MS., ii. 110-14, 
confound this arrival of convicts with the later ones of 1S30. A list of the 
18 convicts who started is given in St. Pap., Sac, MS., x. 20-2, and of the I 7 
who arrived, in Dept St. Pap., Hen. Mi/., MS., Ivii. 3, besides mention of 
several of the number in Id., Ii. 2-3. Eight or niuc came with definite son- 



16 A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

Prefect Sarria, as we have seen, declined to swear 
allegiance to the federal constitution or to sanction 
republicanism either as friar, prelate, or vicar. He 
left each of the friars free to decide for himself, and 
refused to issue instructions on the subject. There 
can be no doubt, however, that the question had been 
thoroughly discussed by the padres, and a definite 
understanding reached, during the many months in 
which the formal declaration of the republic in Cal- 
ifornia had been only a question of time. Yet that 
the agreement had not been entirely unanimous is 

tences, while the rest were simply banished to California. The former were 
mostly the companions of Vicente Gomez, ' el capador,' a fiend in human form, 
thief and assassin, who is said never to have spared nor failed to torture any 
man, woman, or child of Spanish blood that fell into his hands, but who, in 
consideration of his services to the ' cause of independence,' was simply sent to 
California subject to the orders of the comandante general. It is not quite 
certain that he came to Monterey with the rest, since there are indications 
that he came to S. Diego with Echeandia, or at least about the same time. He 
was soon sent overland to Sonora, perhaps in the hope thathe would be killed 
by the Indians, where he arrived in March 1826, after narrowly escaping 
death at the hands of the Yumas. After having been employed by Gen. 
Figueroa on various commissions, he was sent back, and on the way he wa3 
killed by Alf. Jose' Maria Ramirez at S. Vicente, Lower California, in a per- 
sonal quarrel, probably in September 1827. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., 
lvii. 21; De.pt Rec, MS., v. 9(3-7, 130. 

One of the companions of Gomez bore the illustrious name of Fernando 
Cortes, ' de muy mala fama en toda la repiiblica, ' but of whose Californian ex- 
perience nothing is known. Another was Joaquin Solis, ' principal agente de 
Gomez, de muy mala conducta, voz general ser ladron,' who acquired fame as 
leader of a revolt in 1829, described in chap. iii. of this volume, as did also in 
lesser degree in the same affair another companion, Antonio Avila, condemned 
to death lor murders and robberies in Puebla, but pardoned on condition of exile 
to California. Another of the band was Francisco Badillo, sentenced to 10 
years of presidio work in chains, or to be shot without hesitation or formality 
should he venture to move from the spot where he might be put to work. In 
1835, the time having expired, Badillo was set at liberty, but remained in the 
country. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxvi. 20-2. In 1833 he had been 
charged with a new robbery. Id., lxxiv. 44. He was married in 1830 to his 
mistress at Sta Barbara. Carrillo (Jose), Doe. Hist. CaL, MS., 26. He at one 
time kept a monte bank at Sta Barbara, and Manuel Castro once found him 
concealed under the table, and stealthily reaching out to steal his own money, 
merely, as he said, to keep in practice ! After a long career as cattle-thief, he 
was finally lynched about 1800, his body with that of his son being found one 
morning hanging to a tree with the feet very near the ground. A little grand- 
daughter wept bitterly because the cruel Americans allowed her grandpapa 
to die when a little earth under his feet would have saved him ! Another son 
known as Six-toed Pete escaped across the frontier. Alvarado, Hist. CaL, 
MS., ii. 251-3; St reefer's Iiecol, MS., 159-63. 

Other members of this band of convicts were for the most part ordinary 
thieves and vagabonds, of whose life iu California nothing is known, a few 
also not being named here by reason of their good behavior and respectable 
connections. 



RECALCITRANT FRIARS. 17 

indicated by Padre Estenega's participation in the 
religious services at San Francisco as well as by ocur- 
rences of a later date. Sarria defended his action in 
letters to the governor. 30 Anterior obligation to 
the king of Spain was the ground on which he based 
his refusal, with special reference to the fact that the 
new constitution required him to take up arms and 
resist invasion by a foreign power, including Spain. 
Thus he might have to resist the king- himself at the 
head of his army, in a province which was justly a 
part of his dominion, which would be to disobey the 
divine law and teachings of the saints. He foresaw 
the objection that his previous oath to independence 
under Iturbide had required the same opposition to 
Spain; but he answered it by claiming that before 
Spain was not under her primitive government, the 
king was deprived of liberty, and religion was threat- 
tened; that under the plan of Iguala, Fernando VII. 
was to be called to the throne, with some chance of 
Spanish approval; and moreover, that the previous 
oath had not only been ordered by his diocesan, but 
had been formally decided on by a majority of the 
friars, including the prefect. 

On the 7th of April the diputacion took up the 
matter. Francisco Castro urged immediate steps to 
learn at once who of the padres would follow the ex- 
ample of their prelate in refusing allegiance. He 
also proposed that such as took this course should be 

30 Feb. 11, 1825. ' My Venerable Sir and Master: After reflecting on the 
oath we are ordered to take to the federal constitution of the United Mexican 
States, for which oath you have designated next Sunday, L3th inst., I have 
decided that I cannot do it without violating what I owe to anterior obliga- 
tions of justice and fidelity; and this I announce to you, though not without 
much and very grave regret on my part, since I would like so far as possible 
to give an example of submission as I have done up to this time; hut I cannot, 
the decision of my conscience opposing. For the same reason I shall not use 
my influence that the other padres take the oath, nor that they sanction it 
with mass, te deum, etc., as ordered in your communication oi the .'Id. I 
understand that we are threatened with expatriation; hut I will pass through 
all, though with tears at leaving my beloved flock. That which 1 took up for 
God, I will always leave if it be necessary for the same God, to whom 1 have 
prayed, etc. In other things very much at your sendee,' etc. [reh. ' 
MS., iv. ptii. 135 6. Also letters of March 30th and April 14th, laid., 137-9. 

Hist. Cal.. Vol. III. 2 



IS A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

deprived of all control over the temporalities of their 
respective missions, which should be intrusted to ad- 
ministrators. Argiiello opposed the measure, because 
it would result in the padres abandoning spiritual as 
well as temporal interests, and also because it would 
be impossible to find competent administrators. Don 
Francisco zealously defended his proposition, and even 
wished to hold Argiiello personally responsible to the 
country for any harm that might result from leaving 
the recalcitrant friars in charge of public property. 
All three of the Castros, that is, all the rest of the 
members, were of the same opinion, though Don An- 
tonio was somewhat doubtful about the religious 
aspects of the case. Thus the vote remained on the 
records; but the only result that I find was the issu- 
ing of an order to the comandantes that each padre 
must be required to state in writing whether he would 
take the oath or not. 31 

In April Padre Narciso Duran assumed the presi- 
dency of the missions, an office that since the death 
of Senan had been held by Sarria in addition to that 
of prefect. 32 Duran also refused to take the oath, not, 
as he said, from any ''disaffection to the independ- 
ence," nor for any " odious passion," for indeed he 
believed independence to interest Spain more than 
America — that is, that Spain was better off without 
Mexico. But he was tired of taking so many oaths 
during the past few years, when oaths seemed to have 
become mere playthings. "I offer," he writes, "an 
oath of fidelity to do nothing against the established 
government, and if this be not accepted, I am resigned 
to the penalty of expatriation, which the constitution 

31 Leg. Bee, MS., i. 44-6. June 3d, governor's order to comandantes, ac- 
knowledged by Sarria June 22d. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt ii. 140. The padres 
seem to have made no immediate reply. There is some reason to suppose 
that the above date should be June 3, 1826. 

32 April 2d, Duran notifies the governor of his assumption of the office. 
Dept Bee, MS., i. 117; Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt ii. 140. June 3d, com- 
andante of S. F. has proclaimed Duran as vicario foraneo. St. Pap. Sac, 
MS., xiv. 36. Oct. 15, 1824, bishop grants to president all the powers con- 
ferred by the former bishop. Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 320. 



AEEEST OF PRESIDENT SARRIA. 19 

imposes." 33 Meanwhile the news of Sarria's refusal 
had been sent to Mexico, and in June an order of 
President Victoria was despatched to California that 
the royalist prefect should be arrested and sent to 
Mexico by the first vessel. 31 This order was carried 
into effect in October, as appears indirectly from 
Echeandia's order to Padre Duran to come to San 
Diego and take the oath of allegiance in order that 
he might assume the duties of prelate during Sarria's 
arrest. 35 The arrest was, I suppose, nominal, merely 
a suspension from his authority as prelate, involving 
little or no interference with his personal liberty; and, 
as we shall see later, he was not sent away at all. It 
seems that Padre Martin of San Diego had based his 
refusal to participate in religious services on his prel- 
ate's prohibition. The government called for a decla- 
ration as to the nature of that prohibition; and also 
desired Padre Estenega to be informed of its great 
satisfaction at his patriotic conduct in pronouncing a 
stirring discourse at the taking of the oath. 3lJ 

53 Oct. 12th, Duran to Herrera, in Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. ii. 148. 

84 June 29th, Esteva to comandante general of Cal. Sup. Govt St. Pap., 
MS. , iii. 4-5. P. Sarria was, however, to be treated with respect. 

3;, Oct. 31st, E. to D. Dapt Rec, MS., ii. G. In D.'s letter of Oct. 12th, 
Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt ii. 14S, he said that he could not act as prefect 
until certain that Sarria was out of the province. This shows that Sarria'9 
ai'rest was probably effected by Argucllo before Echeandia's arrival, or per- 
haps by order of the latter issued while en route. 

30 Sept. 2d, Minister Llave to governor. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., iii. 1. 
The general fact of the padres' opposition to the republic is mentioned by 
nearly all who have written on California annals, and it is not necessary to 
give specific references. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 20-5, and Vallejo, Hist. 
Cal., MS., i. 341-2, dwell on the fact that the padres never lost their feelin ; 
cf dissatisfaction and anger ; that as a body they took subsequently but slight 
interest in the progress of Cal. ; and that through their influence the Indians 
were disaffected and the difficulties of local government greatly increased. 
Alvarado is much the more radical of the two. It was the policy, he says, of 
emperor and clergy to make of the people their burros de carga. This, as 
they well knew, could not be done with republicans. True, they might win 
over many influential republicans; but there were so many factions that all 
could not be controlled. Sooner or later the 'ass was sure to kick.' Therefore, 
when they could not prevent the establishment of a republic, they wished t>> 
leave the country; were not allowed to go and take with them the wealth of 
the territory; were angry; preached against the existing government; and in 
short, made all the trouble they could. 

Among other classes besides the padres, there was no special manifi 
of feeling for or against the republic at this time. The masses now and later 
were indifferent; the older officers and soldiers looked with deep regret on the 



23 A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

The old question of mission supplies still remained 
open as a ground of controversy. The reasons which 
had impelled the padres to give with a spirit of cheer- 
fulness, real or feigned, had largely ceased to exist. 
Now most gave grudgingly, because they could not 
help it; or in a spirit of apathetic indifference to what 
might become of the mission property; or in a few 
cases refused in the interest of their neophytes. Padre 
Duran on one occasion told Martinez of San Francisco 
that he could send no more supplies, and it would be 
best to discharge the soldiers if there was a lack of 
rations. Martinez in turn asked the governor for per- 
mission to take the supplies by force. Padre Viader 
wrote that Santa Clara had to buy wheat for its neo- 
phytes, while the pueblo had plenty of grain to sell 
the presidios. " The moment the keys are taken from 
us by force," he wrote, " we will not take them back, 
nor attend to the temporal administration." The des- 
titution was very great at San Diego, but the coman- 
dante in his letters implies that the padres gave all 
they could. The commandant of Santa Barbara had 
a sharp correspondence with Padre Ibarra of San 
Fernando, trying to prove that the furnishing of sup- 
plies was by no means a special favor to the troops, 
but an ordinary duty of the missions until the expected 
memorias should come from Mexico, together with a 
new band of missionaries. The padre, however, was 
incredulous about the anticipated aid. " If you do not 
eat till then/' he said, "you will need elastic bellies; 
and as to the coming missionaries, I will believe it 
when I see them, not before." He would, however, 

change of government; and some of the younger Californians with the Mex- 
ican clement were more or less enthusiastic republicans. The Indians had of 
course no choice, but their condition was in no respect improved by the 
change. Osio, Hist. Gal., MS., 105-7, has something to say on the advantages 
of the Spanish rule. He notes that as late as 1842 an invalido hesitated to 
make a declaration before an alcalde, fearing that it was wrong for an old 
soldier of the king to do so. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 40-4, mentions a 
kind of secret politico-historical society formed by the youth of Monterey, 
with .lose Joaquin de la Torre as president, by which various schemes of 
independence from Mexico as well as Spain were discussed, and where even 
annexation to the U. S. was propi>scd, or a French or English protectorate. 



MISSION AFFAIRS. 21 

not bo surprised if Mexico were to send to California 
for supplies. From San Luis Padre Luis Martinez 
complained of everything in general, and in particular 
of some ' missionaries ' of a new sect, including one of 
the Picos, who were travelling with a barrel instead 
of a cross, and were making many converts to drunk- 
enness, while the soldiers of the escolta did nothing 
but destroy. 37 In Mexico the guardian made a de- 
tailed representation to Minister Alaman on the criti- 
cal condition of affairs in California, owing to the fact 
that the Indians were naturally disgusted at having 
to support by their labor themselves, the padres, the 
government, and the troops. He declared the amount 
of unpaid drafts to be $259,151, and that of unpaid 
stipends $153,712, begging most earnestly for at least 
a partial payment to save the missions from ruin. 3 ' 

The junta de f omen to took up the question of 
mission policy, which was regarded as one of the most 
important matters submitted to that board. In its 
dictdmen on Echeandia's instructions, 39 the junta, 
while regarding the necessity of reform as a matter 
of course, called attention chiefly to the importance 
of proceeding with great caution until a satisfactory 
method could be devised for introducing a radical 
change in the old system. Finally in April the mis- 
sion plan was presented. In prefatory remarks the 
history of the system was briefly traced, with a view- 
to show the growth of the monastico-military govern- 
ment in the Californias. "The junta is not ignorant 
that from the Spanish system of discoveries and 
spiritual conquests has resulted all the progress made 

37 Corresp. of Duron, Viader, and Lieut. Martinez in St. Pap.. Hoc., MS., 
xiv. 22-4, 33-40. Destitution at S. Diego. Dept St. Pdp., MS., i. 110; 
Guerra, Doc, .MS., v. 201-2; Com. of Sta Barbara vs. P. [barra. Doc. Hist. 
Col., MS., iv. 7:U-2: Guerra, Doc., MS., vii. G8-9. P. Martin.'/, to Arguello, 
Arch. Arzob., MS., Lv.pt ii. 135. June 1st, 8th, Arguello on his efforts to ob- 
tain supplies from the missions. Dept Bee, MS., ii. 35; Guerra, Doc, MS., 
iv. 158. 

38 July 5th, Guardian Lopez to Alaman. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt ii. 
143-8. 

3y For an account of the various reports and plans of the junta, see note 2, 
this chapter. 



22 A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

in the Jesuit missions of old California, and in those 
founded later in new California by the Fernanclinos. 
It knows the consideration and the praise which these 
establishments have merited, not only from Spaniards, 
but from enlightened foreigners; and it has given due 
weight to all the reasons ordinarily urged in defence 
of the system to show it to be not only just and con- 
venient, but absolutely necessary. Still the junta has 
not been able to reconcile the principles of such a 
s} T stem with those of our independence and political 
constitution, nor with the true spirit of the gospel. 
Religion under that system could not advance beyond 
domination. It could be promoted only under the 
protection of escoltas and presidios. The gentiles 
must renounce all the rights of their natural inde- 
pendence to be catechumens from the moment of 
baptism; they must be subjected to laws almost mo- 
nastic, while their apostles deemed themselves freed 
from the laws which forbade their engaging in tem- 
poral business; and the neophytes must continue thus 
without hope of ever possessing fully the civil rights 
of society. The junta has not been able to persuade 
itself that this system is the only one fitted to arouse 
among the gentiles a desire for civil and social life, 
or to teach its first rudiments, much less to carry it 
to perfection. It believes rather that it is positively 
contrary to the political aims in accordance with 
which it should have been arranged, and still more to 
the true spiritual aim which should be kept in view." 
''The present condition of the missions does not cor- 
respond to the great progress which they made in the 
beginning. This decadence is very noticeable in Low- 
er California, and would suffice to prove that the sys- 
tem needs change and reform," especially in respect 
of the temporal management by the friars. The 
plan by which the junta proposed to effect the needed 
reforms I append substantially in a note. 40 It shows, 

40 'La Junta en suma reduce su dictamen para cl arreglo de las misiones 
de Calif ornias a las proposiciones siguientes:' 1. Conversions among gentiles 



VESSELS OX THE COAST. 2?> 

like the prefatory remarks which I have quoted, the 
feeling on the subject in Mexico under the republican 
regime; and while as a whole it never became a law, 
it doubtless had an effect on subsequent legislation 
respecting secularization. In the colonization plan 
proposed by the junta a little later, the expense of 
bringing settlers from Mexico and an allowance for 
their support during a term of years were to be taken 
from the mission capital, which was supposed to have 
accumulated during the friars' administration; but 
the amount was to be 'equitabty divided' between 
the sums due the missions for supplies and the funds 
actually on hand ! Echeandia took some time to in- 
vestigate the condition of mission affairs, and there- 
fore did little or nothing this year which could indi- 
cate his policy. 

Of the forty-seven vessels more or less clearly re- 
corded as having been on the coast in 1825, seventeen 
were whalers; three were men-of-war; one was the 
national transport; respecting eleven or twelve we have 
only a mere mention, in some cases erroneous, of name 
and presence, with no information about their business; 
while of the remaining fourteen the objects, mainly corn- 
must be effected by viiitas and entradas of friars and priests, who must 
obtain the permission of the government, and will receive their stipends as a 
llmosna from the pious fund. 2. The supreme government should administer 
the pious fund, act upon the petitions of those who wish to convert gentiles, 
and assign to them their stipends and vidticos, but the territorial government 
may report on places for new conversions, and propose the priests, already in 
Cal., deemed qualified for the new ministry. 3. The right to evangelizar 
should not be restricted to members of any particular order. 4. The friars 
now in charge of the missions should remain in charge as curates. 5. To 
avoid burdensome taxes, etc., these friars as curates may receive their 
stipends a3 before from the pious fund. G-7. There should be two friars in 
each mission, besides those temporarily residing or resting there while 
engaged in converting gentiles. 8. The missions to continue in this condi- 
tion until formally made parishes and delivered to the bishop. 0. The gov- 
ernment should reassume the administration of mission temporalities, form- 
ing the necessary regulations to prevent loss of property or damage to 
neophytes, and should distribute lands to the latter as soon as they are able 
to govern themselves. 10. The government should take measures to abolish 
the mission escoltas, but at the same time to afford full protection to persons 
and property. 11. The necessary changes in municipal laws, to correspond 
with this plan, to be referred to congress. 



24 A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

mercial, are well known. Nationally the fleet included 
twenty American craft, eight English, three Spanish, 
two Russian, two Mexican, one Californian,one French, 
and eight of unknown nationality. 41 Captain Cooper 
in the Rover started probably in February for a new 
voyage to China, not returning until the next year. 
The Sachem and Spy came from Boston for Bryant, 
Sturgis & Co., presumably under Gale's superintend- 
ence. McCulloch, Hartnell & Co.'s vessels were prob- 
ably the Pizarro and Junius, and perhaps others, for 
the records are far from clear. 

Of all the vessels of the year those which created 
the greatest sensation were three Spanish men-of-war 
which made their appearance in April and May. The 
27th of April a large line-of-battle ship flying the stars 
and stripes of the United States was seen approaching 
Monterey. The people thought of 1818, "el afio de los 
insurgentes," and made hasty preparations for a flight 
to the interior, while the governor prepared his gar- 
rison for defence. 42 Late in the afternoon the strange 
vessel anchored just beyond the range of the battery's 
guns, fired a salute, and sent an officer ashore, who 
shouted, " Viva la libertad!" and asked to see the gov- 
ernor. The commander soon landed, and proved to 
be Jose Martinez, an old acquaintance of the Argue- 
llos. A short interview served to remove all fears, 43 
and the motives of the strangers were soon explained. 

41 The vessels of 1825— see also list for 1825-30 at end of chap, v. — were: 
The Apollo, Aquiles, Arab, Asia, Bengal (?), Carlos Huat (?), Constante, 
Courier (?), Don, Eagle, Elena, Eliza, Factor, lnca (?), Juan Battey (?), Junius, 
Kiahkta, Maria Ester, Merope, Morelos, Nile, Pizarro, Ploivboy, Recovery, 
Rover, Sachem, Santa Magdalena ('!), Sta Rosa (?), Snoiv (?), Spy, Tartar, 
Tiemechmach (?), Tomasa, Warren, Washington, Whaleman, Young Tartar, 
and nine American whalers not named. 

"J. J. Vallejo, Reminiscencias, MS., 84-6, and Dorotea Valdes, Reminis., 
M.S., 2-5, have more to say of the fright of the people than others, though all 
mention it. Osio, Hist. ( 'al., MS., 91-112, narrates the whole affair at some 
length. He says that Arguello was importuned to retreat, and that the 
artillery commander, Lieut. Ramirez, was especially desirous of securing his 
life, as he had just married a pretty wife with $8,000, hut the governor refused 
to abandon the presidio. 

1 ; 1 '. Altimira, however, still feared some hostile intention; May 12th he sent 
from S. Francisco a warning to Arguello, declaring that the men were bad, 
and should be looked upon with horror. He also recommended the sending 



THE 'ASIA' AXD 'CONSTANTS.' 

The ship was the Asia, or San Geronimo, of seven- 
ty-four guns and six hundred men; and three days 
later her consort, the brigantine Constante, with sixty 
men, anchored in the harbor. These vessels had formed 
a part of the royal Spanish squadron operating against 
the rebels on the coast of South America. Together 
with the Aquiles and the transport Garinton, they * 
had sailed from that coast for Manilain January 1824, 
after the fall of Callao, under Roque Guruceta. On 
the way the men revolted in March 1825, at Guahan, 
one of the Mariana Islands. They landed all the offi- 
cers and passengers who would not join in their 
scheme, burned the Garinton, put Jose Martinez, for- 
merly of the Constante, in command, and returned 
eastward with a view of surrendering the vessels to 
some of the American enemies of Spain. The Aquiles 
started first and was not seen again, and the others di- 
rected their course to California, as the most practi- 
cable route, and with a view of obtaining supplies. 
This was the account given by Martinez with more 
details on his later arrival at Acapulco. 44 

An agreement was signed on May 1st, by which 
Martinez formally surrendered the Asia and Constant," 
to Arguello as an officer of the Mexican republic, under 
certain conditions intended to secure the safety of the 
men and the payment of their wages. 45 Thereupon 

of the news to Mexico, and stated that the American schooner Tartar ;it San 
Francisco would carry a despatch for $1,500. Perhaps the padre had an 
understanding with Capt. Morrell, and was to have a share of the profits. 
St. Pap. Sac, MS., x. 10-11. Morrell, Narrative, 209, mentions the man-of- 
war at Monterey, giving some details. 

44 'As'ict 1 y '■(Jonxtante,' Expcdkntc ilc In ( 'apitulaeion, 1885, mGaceta (It Mi 
Extra, June 15, 1S25, which is devoted wholly to this affair, contains all t fa • 
documents, and is the best authority. -Inks Verne, the novelist, in The 
Mutineers, a story founded on this mutiny, gives many names and other par- 
ticulars, which do not seem to be altogether inaccurate. The Asia had, i 
ried Viceroy O'Donojii t<> Vera < Vuzin L821, andCondede Venaditoto Habana. 
Alaman, Hist. Mex., v. 329, sis I!). See also Zamacois, Hist. Mi)., xi.61 1 13. 
The affair is also described in Campaigns and Cruises in Venezuela, i. 404 J. 

45 'Asia' y' Constante,' Tratadode Capitulation dt los Navioaen Monterey, 
1885, MS.; also in Goc, Mex., Extra, June 15, L825; signed by Jose* Estrada 
(appointed by Arguello as comisionado), .lose Ramirez, .lose Cardenas, and 
Antonio Ventura Roteta. Mention in Dept St. Pap., Ben. Mil., Ms., hi. 
8. May 3d, Arguello approves the contract in a communication to Mar- 
tinez, and reappoints the old officers temporarily. Martinez was connnan- 



20 A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

the officers and men came ashore, swore allegiance to 
independence and the federal constitution, pitched their 
tents on the beach, and for over twenty days made 
things lively at Monterey. First, however, they had a 
religious duty to perform. The holy virgin had been in- 
duced at a time of great peril by prayers and vows so 
to strengthen a weak sail that it bore the violence of 
the gale better than those thought to need no prayers; 
and now all the men walked barefoot with the sail to 
church, and rendered their thanksgiving with much 
ceremony. 46 Finally, when the merry-making was 
over, health restored, and some necessary refitting 
completed, the strangers embarked for Acapulco 
May 23d, under the charge of Captain Juan Malarin 
as chief navigator and bearer of despatches to the 
city of Mexico, by Arguello's appointment. The 
Mexican government approved the action of the Cali- 
fornian authorities, and assumed the obligation to pay 
the wages of 'the men to the amount of over $90,000. 
Whether the debt was ever paid is another matter. 
The new vessels thus unexpectedly added to the fed- 
eral navy were sent round to Vera Cruz, and the Asia 
was subsequently known as El Congreso} 1 Several 

der of the two vessels; Cardenas and Antonio Ferrer were next in rank on 
the Asia; while Antonio Roteta and Manuel Galindo were the officers of the 
Constanie. DcptRec, MS., i. 54. 

• 46 Torre, lieminis. , MS. , 39-46, describes this church ceremony, and also 
that of swearing allegiance, at some length. Osio also gives some details. 
Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 3-18, who gives considerable space to this affair of 
the Asia, tells us that in a quarrel about a girl, the gachupin Arnoldo Pierola 
killed Juan B. Lopez, and took refuge on the ship, where Lieut. Valle and 
the writer were sent to arrest him, but the crew refused to give him up. By 
careful precautions, further disturbances were prevented. The ladies presented 
two Mexican flags to the vessels, though, as appeal's from another document, 
they had to use blue stuff instead of green. Vallejo speaks of a grand ball on 
the Asia. All the old residents agree that money and sugar had not been so 
plentiful at Monterey for a long time. Sra Avila, Cosas da Cal., MS., 22-3, 
speaks of the ludicrous attempts of the sailors and marines to ride on horse- 
back, and says further that their blasphemies shocked the Californians. 
Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 93-101, notes that green corn was in season; 
also that the Indian maidens reaped a rich harvest of money, handkerchiefs, 
and beads from the strangers. 

47 June 11, 1825, Manuel Victoria, com. at Acapulco, to sec. war, announc- 
ing arrival of the vessels. May 21st, Argiicllo to com. at Acapulco on the sur- 
render and Malarin's mission. June 1 1th, Martinez to com. Acapulco, announc- 
ing arrival and enclosing his narrative of same date. May 1st, the treaty as 



THE 'AQUILES ' AT SANTA BARBARA. 27 

men from the two vessels remained in California, but 
none of this number ever acquired any prominence 
in the territory. 4 * 

The third vessel of the fleet, the Aquiles, did not 
join the others at Monterey, but made her appearance 
at Santa Barbara early in May; neither did her com- 
mander, Pedro Angulo, deem it best to surrender to 
the Mexican authorities. During their stay of a few 
days the crew and passengers contracted as many debts 
as possible, we are told, and otherwise behaved badly. 
Finally on their departure, having left behind the pilot 
with seven or eight men, they fired two cannon with 
ball cartridges against the presidio as a parting salute, 
and disappeared in the south-west. 49 

already cited, certified copy of Monterey, May 22d; and finally announcement 
of approval by Mex. govt on date of the gaceta, June 15th. All making up the 
Asia y Constante, Expediente. Sailing of the vessels on May 23d, Guerra, Doc, 
MS., iv. 158. May 23d, Argiiello to commandante at Acapulco, explaining 
the whole affair, and sending copies of contract. Dept Bee, MS., i. 56. May 
2d, Argiiello to comandantcs, giving an account of the surrender and plans. 
Id., i. 117. Mention of the affair in Niks' JReij., xxix. 74; Gaceta de Mex., i. 
1-4. Contract religiously carried out. Mexico, Mem. Marina, 182(5, p. 3. 
The $90,000 paid. • Id., 1830, p. 1. Echeandia, on hearing of Argiiello's action, 
had some fears that he had been tricked, and ordered more strict precautions. 
St. Pap. Sac, MS., x. 32-3; Dept St. Pap., MS., i. 68. Osio, not friendly 
to Echeandia, says that the latter was severely snubbed by the minister of 
war for his intermeddling, and that consequently he later took every occasion 
to annoy Argiiello, killing him with disgustos in 5 years ! 

4S In July 1828, 4 of the number remained in the Monterey district. St. 
Pap., Ben., MS., i. 75-6. Manuel Fogo and Francisco Gutierrez named. 
Dept Bee, MS., v. 17; vi. 45. David Spence, Hist. Notes, MS., 1-3, who 
gives a very clear narrative of the whole affair, says that 12 of the Asia's crew 
remained and became good citizens. I have also a letter of Spence to Hart- 
nell of May 2d, announcing the arrival with some details. Vallejo, Doc. MS.. 
xxviii. 451. May 2, 1S29, decree of president about the Asia's crew. Dispo- 
siciones Varias, ii. 60. 

49 May 6th, Guerra to Argiiello, in Dept St. Pap., MS., i. 113; Id., Ben. 
Mil., liv. 7; Dept Bee, MS., i. 227. June 25th, Esteva from Mexico to corn- 
andante of Monterey. If the Aquiles arrives give her no food; induce her to 
surrender like the Asia; take two officers as hostages; seize her sails; and re- 
port quickly. Sup. Gort St. Pap., MS., iii. 8. Mrs Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 
1 8-19, says that when the commander of the vessel landed and called at Capt. 
Guerra 's house, he found there a great crowd celebrating the wedding of her 
sister and Hartnell. With his companions he was invited to join in the fes- 
tivities, and was induced by Hartnell to drink a good deal of wine with a 
view the better to learn his business, though without much success. Osio, 
Hist, ''id., MS., 99-102, also speaksof the wedding, and tells us that Angulo, 
an ignorant Chileno, at first thought to hide his bad Spanish from so cultured 
a company by pretending to be a Frenchman; but Hartnell soon discovered 
he could not speak French. Learning that the Asia was at Monterey, An- 
gulo hurried onboard without waiting for anything, and sailed for Valparaiso, 
after sending a cannon ball into town. 



28 A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

One other visit to California this year requires 
special attention, from the fact that the voyager pub- 
lished his experiences in a book. I allude to that of 
Benjamin Morrell Jr., in the American schooner Tar- 
tar. Having sailed from New York in July 1824, he 
arrived at San Diego from the south in April 1825, 
perhaps bringing a cargo for Hartnell from Chili, but 
chiefly bent on catching seals. His description of 
San Diego, where he remained twelve days, 53 and his 
still more absurd description of his adventures on a 
hunting tour in the interior — where with seven 
Spanish companions he defeated fifty native mounted 
warriors in a desperate hand-to-hand battle, killing 
seventeen of their number, and himself receiving 
numerous wounds- — leave no room to doubt that the 
valiant captain was a liar. He touched at Monterey 
and San Francisco, whence, finding that there was no 
prospect of success in the seal-fishery, he sailed in 
May for the Hawaiian Islands, going up to Cape 
Blanco and down to Socorro Island on the way. 
Many of Morrell's geographical and other details are 
tolerably accurate. His book was not published until 
1832. He ventured on a prophecy " that long before 
another century rolls round the principal avenue of 
trade between the United States and the different sea- 
ports on the Pacific Ocean will be the river Colorado, 
as connected with the gulf of California. The China 
and India trade will of course ultimately flow through 
the same channel." Not a cargo has yet been known 
to be sent down the great canon — but the century has 
not yet rolled round. 51 

50 ' Its form is nearly circular, and it is surrounded by a wall about 20 feet 
in height, which forms the hack sides of the houses. There are about 250 
houses erected in this manner, from one to two stories high, built of freestone 
and neatly linished. There is also a large church, one nunnery, and a very 
neat little courtdiouse. This town contains about 1,500 inhabitants, princi- 
pally natives of the coast.' His way of saying that the women rode astride — 
as they did not — is very good, however: viz., ' They usually honor each side 
of the horse with a beautiful little foot and ankle.' A whaledjoat was built 
during the stay. 

51 Morrell, A Narrative of Four Voi/anes to the South Sea. etc. , 1S22-31. N. 
Y. 1832. Svo. 492 p. The matter on California is on p. 197-213. This was the 



REVENUE AND FOREIGNERS. 29 

The customs revenue for the year was from $8,000 
to $11,000, so far as maybe determined from the 
records. 52 Vessels seem to have paid duties in 
accordance with the plan of 1824 and the subsequent 
action of the diputacion abolishing the duty on ex- 
ported produce after January 1st, though the govern- 
or, owing to a ' forgetfulness which was natural,' 
neglected to publish the decree until March. 53 Eche- 
andia's only action on commercial matters was a 
decree by which all trade was forbidden except at 
the four presidial ports, to the great inconvenience of 
the missionary traders. A little later, however, 
San Pedro was excepted, to accommodate the citizens 
of Los Angeles. 54 

Several of the foreign residents married hijas del 
pais this year, but none did much else that calls for 
notice. Of new arrivals only about twenty names 
are known, of which number most are but visitors, 
chiefly masters of vessels; and only six have any 
claim to be considered as pioneer residents. John 
Burton, Robert Livermore, and Alpheus B. Thomp- 
son are the prominent names; but in the case of each 
there is a degree of uncertainty respecting the exact 
year of arrival, as fully explained elsewhere. 55 

The winter of 1824-5 was marked by an unprece- 

second of the four voyages. Notices of Morrell's visit in the archives. St. 
Pat*. Sac, MS., x. 11, 14; xiv. 37; Dept St. Pap., MS., i. 64-5. Blunder- 
ing notice of the voyage in Taylor's L. Cal. , 43. 

52 The amount is given as 88,014 and elsewhere as $11,036, in Dept St. 
Pap. Ben. Oust. IL, MS., i. 101-2, 212. Duties at Sta Barbara, $1,220. 
Prov. St. Pap. Ben. Mil., MS., lvi. 1. Amount at S. Francisco, $1,001; at 
S. Diego, $471. Probably $11,000 was the total, and $S,000 the amount at 
Monterey. 

r - 3 Dept Rcc, MS., i. 115. 

54 E.'s decree of Dec. 15th, in S. Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, MS., 101-.°>; S. Jose", 
Arch., .MS., vi. 23; Vallejo, Doc., MS., xxviii. 82; Dept St. Pap., Ms., i. 
04. Dec. 20th, S. Pedro excepted. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxviii. 83. Complaint 
that S. Diego did not get its share of the revenue. Gaerra, Doc, MS., v. 
201-2. 

"See Pioneer Register at the end of these volumes, n.-v., for the nanus 
of all, including visitors. The pioneers proper >>( ls-_\">. besides Burton, 
Livermore, and Thompson, are Fisher the negro, William Gralbatch, and 
James Grant. Of old residents, W. E. 1'. Bartnell and Win. A. Ri 
were married; Daniel Hill was baptized; and Capt. Henry Gyzelaar is said 
by Phelps — Fore and Aft, 242 :: to have been drowned in Russian River, 
though it may have been a year or two later. 



30 A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 

dented fall of rain, from which damages more or less 
extensive were reported throughout the length of the 
territory. At Sonoma many of the new adobe build- 
ings were destroyed. The voyager Kotzebue notes 
the violence of the storms at San Francisco. At Santa 
Cruz the river overflowed the gardens and undermined 
the buildings. Considerable grain was spoiled in the 
fields at different missions. The southern rivers were 
so swollen as to prevent the diputados from coming to 
Monterey to ratify the federal constitution, and con- 
siderable changes in the course of the southern streams 
and general drainage of the country are reported, nota- 
bly at Los Angeles and San Diego. More particu- 
lars will be found in local anuals. 56 The rains were 
on the whole beneficial to the crops in spite of the 
local losses, for the harvest was 68,500 fanegas, the 
largest of the decade except that of 1821. 

56 General mention not likely to occur in local anuals. Leg. Bee, MS., i. 
42; Dept Bee, MS., i. 300-1. A newspaper item, accredited to Salvio Pa- 
checo and widely copied, states that from 1S24 to 1820 hardly any rain fell. 
Mention of the floods in Alia CaL, Dec. 30, 1852; Yuba Co. Hist., G7. 



CHAPTER II. 

ECHEANDIA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

1826-1830. 

National Measures, 1826 — Junta de Fomento — Echeandia at San 
Diego— Guerra for Congress, 1827-S— Colonization Regulations 
of 182S — Territorial Diputacion, 1827 — Proposed Change of 
Name — Echeandia in the North — Diputacion, 1S28-30— Election — 
Maitorena Sent to Congress, 1829-30 — Acts of the Supreme Gov- 
ernment — Padres as Ayudante Inspector— Gomez as Asesor — 
California as a Penal Colony — Arrival of 130 Convicts — Carrillo 
Elected to Congress for 1831-2— Expulsion of Spaniards, 1827-30— 
List of Spanish Residents — Echeandia's Appeals for Aid — His 
Resignation — Appointment of Antonio Garcia — The Californias 
Separated — Manuel Victoria Appointed Governor. 

For the last half of the decade under consideration, 
the course of events adapts itself more conveniently 
to a grouping in topics than to strict chronological 
treatment, since the epoch, with the exception of the 
Solis revolt, was not one of radical changes and star- 
tling events, but rather of gradual progress toward the 
Mexican ideal of republicanism and the secularization 
of the missions. There was chronic and ever-increas- 
ing destitution among the troops, resulting in open 
mutiny, constant scheming to make both ends meet, 
with no little rascality on the part of the territorial 
financiers, and growing commercial industry under the 
auspices mainly of foreigners. Of the topics to be 
separately treated, usage, as well as convenience in this 
instance, gives the first place to politics, and to mat- 
ters more or less closely connected with territorial and 
national government. 



Z2 ECHEANDIA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

Politically, then, 1826 was wellmgh a blank. The 
national authorities attached some importance to Cali- 
fornia as affording by her rich missions a possible 
stronghold for Spanish reactionary sentiment, and 
they had a vague idea that there was a problem to be 
solved there; but having sent a political chief to study 
the state of affairs, a small military reenforcement, an 
administrator of finances, and a small amount of money 
and goods for him to administer, they felt that they 
had done a good deal, and were content to let Califor- 
nia work out her own salvation for a time. Yet it 
seems that the junta de fomento was still engaged 
upon a general plan of government for the province, 
and for the report of this body, of whose acts we have 
unfortunately no record, all were waiting. 1 

Cheering news was also sent north that with the 
surrender of San Juan de Ulua the Spaniards had 
lost their last foothold in Mexico, and also that the 
pope had recognized the Mexican independence. These 
events were celebrated at different points in the terri- 
tory, by the governor's order, in April and May. 2 

Echeandia, sent to establish the republican regime, 
remained at San Diego engaged in studying the coun- 
try's needs. He was not in robust health, was natu- 
rally inclined to be easy-going and dilatory, and was 
certainly in no haste to adopt any radical policy. 
Some items of business connected with the arrival of 
vessels claimed his attention; he slightly agitated the 
matter of secularization, trying one or two experiments 
with a view to test the feelino-s of the friars and the 



'■Mexico, Mem. Relatione*, 1S27, p. 3G-7. The minister says that in Cali- 
fornia very marked vestiges of the old monastico-military government still 
remain, presenting serious obstacles; but the governor is instructed to gather 
information, and the junta, is at work on a plan. 

2 Corresp. of 1825-6, with notice of celebration at Sta Barbara, Monterey, 
S. Buenaventura, and S. Fernando. Echeandfa's order was dated April 15, 
L826. Deptfiec, MS., iii. 16; iv.31; DeptSt. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., lxxxvii.j 
Id., Ben. Cnm. and Treas., MS., i. 11; St. /'a p., Ben., MS., i. 6&-70; Sup. Govt 
St. Pa/'., MS., xix. 26. Double pay for three days was ordered tor soldiers; 
; ad some silver coins seem to have been distributed. At S. Fernando the 
1 adre refused to officiate, ami the neophytes said some pater-nosters and ave 
r/mrias on their own account. 



GUERRA AS CONGRESSMAN. 33 

capabilities of the Indians; and he was engaged to- 
gether with Jose Maria Herrera in laying the founda- 
tions of what became later a very bitter quarrel. But 
of these topics I shall speak elsewhere. Montereyans 
were forming a prejudice against the new governor 
because he chose to live in the south. The padres 
disliked him because of the republic he represented 
and his expected opposition to their interests; but the 
governor attended to his routine duties in a manner 
that afforded little or no ground of complaint. 

The diputacion had no existence since its suspen- 
sion by Argiiello; but at the end of 182G Echeandia 
seems to have ordered a new election, and on the 18th 
of February five electors de partido met at San Diego 
to choose, not only diputados to reorganize the terri- 
torial diputacion, but also a diputado to the national 
congress. 3 Pablo de Sola was on the first vote chosen 
as representative in congress; but in view of the doubt 
whether Sola could be deemed a resident of California 
and of the urgent necessity that the territory should 
be represented, the vote was reconsidered, and Captain 
Jose* do la Guerra y Noriega was unanimously elected, 
with Gervasio Argiiello as substitute. The term of 
office was for 1827-8. Guerra did not start for Mex- 
ico until January 1828. His friends urged him not 
to go, fearing that as a Spaniard he would not lie well 
received. Their fears were well founded, since lie was 
uot admitted to congress, and even had to hurry back 



3 Dec. 5, 1826, Gov. orders that electors are not to start until further 
notice. Dec. 31st, he orders them to start. Dept Rec, MS., iv. 19-'2G. 
'1 lie order for an election is not extant, Imtit appears from another document 
to have been dated Nov. 14th. The five elec tor esde partido, oneforeach pre- 
sidio and one for Los Angeles, were Ifrancisco de Haro, S. F.j Estevan M □ 
i.. . Monterey; Carlos A. CarrillOj Sta I'..; Via 

and Agustin Zamorano, S. Diego. Adas de Elecciones, MS., 1 -1: Dept St. 
i igdes, MS., x. 1; <;u<rn<, Doc. , MS. , vii. 155 B, in which documents 

i i I the record of the action of the meeting. The only partido election 

( f which we have a record was that at S. K. on .Ian. I. I. 7. 8, 1827, where 
[laro was chosen over Joaquin Estudillo. Details given. Vallejo,Doc., MS., i. 
!!:' 102: and the only primary elections recorded were that at S. P., /'A. ami 
that at San Antonio on Nov. 

Monterey and vote for the elector de partido. i • ' St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., 
Lix. 17-19. 

Hist. Cal., Vol. III. 3 



34 ECHEANDIA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

to California to avoid serious troubles, although he 
had left Spain at a very tender age. 4 Gervasio Ar- 
giiello, the suplente, took the seat, but failed to distin- 
guish himself or to be of much use to his constituents. 
The famous junta concluded its labors in behalf of 
California at the end of 1827; and in 1828 congress 
made an appropriation to give the territory a district 
judge. 5 

Among the acts of the supreme government, the 
decree of November 21, 1828, containing general reg- 
ulations for the colonization of Mexican territory, de- 
serves prominent notice. This was a supplementary 
decree, designed to Gfive effect to the law of August 
18, 1824, 6 by establishing rules for the guidance of the 
territorial authorities in making grants of land, as 
also of petitioners who might desire to take advantage 
of the law's provisions. With some slight modifica- 
tions, these regulations were in force down to the end of 
Mexican power in California, and in this decade a few 
grants seem to have been made in accordance with 
them. I reproduce the substance of the rules in a 
note. 7 

1 Guerra, Doc, MS., vi. 99-100, 123, and passim. He sailed on the Maria 
E4er, carrying high recommendations from Echeandia. That he had not beta 
admitted was known at home on Dec. Gth, Dept liec, MS., vi. 4G-7; and his 
passport to return was signed by President Victoria on Dec. lGth, and vised at 
S. Bias on May 16, 1829. Oct. 20, 1829, he speaks of his late penoso viaje in 
dunning Bandini for a debt. Hayes' Mission Book, i. 21G. $1,000 of $5,000 
due Guerra for mileage and salary was later collected in 1831. Guerra, Doc, 
MS., iv. 209-10. June 18th, Argiiello from Guadalajara thanks the junta electo- 
ral. Dept St. Pap. , MS. , ii. 23. Vallejo, Hist. Cal. , MS. , iii. 98, accuses Argiiello 
of having intrigued, or at least used his influence, to keep Guerra from his 
eeat. A pamphlet of 1828, giving sketches of the congressmen of 1827-8, 
speaks of bim of California as nada, or 'nothing.' Semblanzas de los Miembros. 

a The secretary of the interior mentions the completion of the junta's work 
in his report of Jan. 30, 1828, stating that a copy in print was distributed to 
members. Mexico, Mem. llclariones, 1828, p. 22. Bustamante, CuadroHist., 
v. G4, speaks of the junta. The Aguila newspaper mentioned a set of the 
records of the junta lor sale. Guerra, Doc, MS., iv. 175. It is remarkable 
that I have found none of these records in the archives. 

6 See chap, xxiii. , vol. ii. this work. In forming these regulations of 1S2S, 
the plans proposed by the junta de f omen to in 1825 were doubtless taken into 
consideration and adopted to a certain extent. See chap. i. of this volume. 

7 Mexico, Reglamento para la colonization de los territorios de la republira. 
21 de Nowembre de 1828, MS. Translation in Halleck's Report, App. No. 
5; DvAnelWa Colon. J 1 1st. S. Francisco, Add. 25-6; Wheeler's Land Titles, 
8 9; i. Rockicell, 453. 

1. Governors of territories may grant vacant lands to such persons, Mexi- 



CONSTITUTION FOR CALIFORNIA. 35 

On May 12, 1827, the junta de fomen to presented 
an iniciativa de ley, or general system of laws for the 
federal district, with the recommendation that the 
same be adopted by the government, as a kind of 
constitution for California and the other territories. 
There is no evidence that it was so adopted; and in- 
deed, I find nothing to show that any general system 
of organic law was ever adopted as a whole; but it 
would seem that the different branches of territorial 
government were provided for by separate laws as 
needed from time to time. 8 j_2 i 6G93 

can or foreign, as will inhabit and cultivate them. 2. A person desiring lands 
shall, in a petition to the governor, express his name, country, etc., and shall 
describe the land by means of a map. 3. The governor shall at once ascertain 
if the conditions, as regards land and claimant, are those required by the law 
of 1S24, and may consult the respective municipal authority. 4. This done, 
the governor may accede or not to the petition, according to the laws. 5. 
Grants to families or private persons shall not be valid without the previous 
consent of the diputacion, to which body the expediente shall be forwarded. 
6. Not obtaining the approval of the diputacion, the governor shall report to 
the supreme government, with the necessary documents for its decision. 7. 
Grants to contractors for many families will not be valid until approved by the 
supreme government, to which must be sent the necessary documents, including 
the approval of the diputacion. 8. The governor shall sign a document to serve 
as a title to the party interested. 9. A record shall be made, in a book kept 
for the purpose, of all petitions and grants, including maps; and a quarterly 
report must be made to the supreme government. 10. No contract for a 
new settlement will be admitted, unless the contractor binds himself to intro- 
duce as settlers at least twelve families. 11. Non-compliance with the terms 
within a proper designated period shall invalidate the grant; but thegoi ernor 
may revalidate it in proportion to the part fulfilled. 12. The colonist w ill] 
compliance with his contract before the municipal authority, in order, on tin- 
necessary record being made, to secure his right of ownership, with power to 
dispose of it. 13. New settlements shall be built with all possible regularity, 
and shall follow the rules of existing laws for other settlements. 14. The 
minimum of irrigable land to one person shall be 200 varas square; of agri- 
cultural lands, 800 varas square; and of grazing lands. 1,200 varas sqi 
15. Land for a house-lot shall be 100 varas. 16. Spaces between coL 
lands may be given to adjoining proprietors who have cultivated tin ir lands 
with most application, and have not received the full amount allowed by the 
law; or to their children, who may desire to combini their 

families. 17. In those territories where there are mi ions, the lands occu- 
pied by them cannot be colonized at present. 

In Halleck's Report, 121-2, a law of April 6, 1830, is cited, which author- 
ized the reservation or taking of lands for forts, etc. ; and also repealed art. 
7 of the law of 1824 by prohibiting frontier colonization by adjacent fi reign- 
crs. At least twice in these years, Oct. 7, 1 8J7, and July 15, 1830 
orders were issued in California for owners of lands to appear and give in- 
formation about them and the titles. Olvera, Doc, MS., I; Dept St. Pap., 
Mil.. MS.,lxxi. 3. 

s For an account of the acts of the junta de fomen chap, i., this 

volume. Of this iniciativa tl ley, I shall no I ana 

brief resume or framework, as follows: 1. Attributes of the president 



36 ECHEANDIA'S RULE-POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

The junta of electors at San Diego, on February 
19, 1827, also chose seven vocales, or members, and 
throe suplentes, or substitutes, for the territorial dip- 
utacion, which was ordered by Echeanclia to convene 
at Monterey a little later. It does not appear that 
lie made any effort to have the sessions held in the 
south. The body assembled at the capital on June 
14th, but several changes were necessary in its per- 
sonnel to keep a quorum in attendance. 9 The gov- 
ernor now came north for the first time to preside at 
the meetings, and doubtless directed in great measure 
the legislative policy. The town was illuminated on 

ernor of the federal district, who delegates his powers to a governor for each 
territory, reserving, however, the power of this and other appointments, with 
other faculties. 9 articles. 2. Attributes of the governor of the Californias. 
Appointed for 4 years, but removable at any time by the president, 35 
articles. 3. Lieut. -governors, one for Upper and one for Lower California, 
appointed by the president for 4 years. 8 articles. 4. Council of govern- 
ment, 4 persons for Alta California, elected b}' the people for 4 years. 10 
articles. 5. Ayuntamientos of alcalde, 3 regidores, and sfndico for a popula- 
tion of 500 in Alta California. Elected, alcaldes yearly. "20 articles. G. 
Administration of justice. Civil, 8 articles; criminal, 22 articles. 7. Judges 
learned in law; 5 in Alta California. 8 articles. 8. Supei-ior tribunal of 
justice, consisting of a president and 2 ministers; no salary; 15 articles. 9. 
I Icclesiastical government under bishop of Sonora; 9 articles. 10. Military 
government under governor as comandante militar; 15 articles; with recom- 
mendations of strengthened defences, a comisario de guerra, and a military 
academy. 11. Navy, recommendation of a maritime force at S. Francisco and 
Monterey; and transfer of the navy-yard of S. Bias to Monterey. 7 articles 
a:id 3 notes. 12. Treasury and revenue, 4, 9 articles. 13. Commerce, 8 
articles. 14. Subdivision of Alta California into 4 districts (practically 
agreeing with that which I have always followed); adopted by the junta on 
June 26, 1826. There is attached to the initiative/, also the voto final of the 
junta, dated May 13, 1827, and containing general conclusions on the pros- 
pects of the Californias and the labors of the board. 

9 The members elected on Feb. 19th were, in the order of their seniority: 1st, 
Mariano Estrada, 2d, Tiburcio Tapia, 3d, Ignacio Martinez, 4th, Antonio M a 
Ortega, 5th, Juan Bandini, Gth, Anastasio Carrillo, 7th, Antonio Buelna, 1st, 
Supl., Nicolas Alviso, 2d, Joaquin Estudillo, 3d, Romualdo Pacheco. Actas de 
Eli "'/'o/;es,MS.,4-5; Dept St. Pap., . I hi/., MS., x. 1. All seem to have been pres- 
ent at the first session or within a few days, but they were called away 1 > y private 
or military business until, on Sept. 1st, the two remaining vocales., apparently 
Estrada and Buelna, had to call in the ayuntamientoof Monterey, and with the 
aid i if that body elect 5 provisional members, who lived in ornearthe capital and 
could be depended on. They were Francisco Pacheco, Estevan M minis, Juan 
Jose Rocha, Mariano G. Vallejo, Jose' Castro. Sworn in on Sept. 19th. How 
the whole body now stood as respects seniority does not appear. Lieut- 
Martinez at first served as secretary, but on June 26th, Juan B. Alvarado was 
duly chosen, and awarded a salary "f S25 per month. Leg. Rec, MS., i. 47-80; 
/ epl Tlec, MS., v. 07. 73, 75, 82, 87; Vallejo, Doc, MS., ii. 170: Dept St. 
Pap. S. '• . '•■' 5., iv. 47; Id. Monterey, vi. 3-4. Alvarado's salary was to 
b i pai [ f roin tl . . ii Lp; ! fancies of 11 nte '< y. 



ACTS OF THE DIPUTACICXN". 37 

the night of the 13th, and sessions were held at short 
intervals until the 20th of September. The subjects 
considered were mainly those connected with com- 
merce and finance, and especially with Herrera's ad- 
ministration of the revenues. Reserving those topics 
for other chapters, I append in a note an abstract of 
the legislative proceedings. 10 

10 June 14th, oath of office taken by diputados before Echeandia, and Mar- 
tinez chosen temporarily as secretary. June 10th, Comisario Herrera fcoi I 
oath. A reglamento for the dip. was begun and completed at the next ses- 
sion of June 19th. Details of routine rules for business need not be given; 
suffice it to say that these rules were somewhat carefully prepared. There 
were to be two regular sessions of 3 hours each week, each including a secret 
meeting. The members were to be divided by the president into 3 sections 
or committees: 1st, on missions and finance, 3 persons; 2d, on police regu- 
lations, 2 persons; 3d, on education, agriculture, industry, and govt of the 
dip., 2 persons. The committees named were: 1st, Ortega, Bandini, and 
Martinez ; 2d, Estrada and Tapia ; 3d, Carrillo and Buelna. June 23d, Estrada 's 
prop, that vessels be allowed provisionally to touch at the minor landing- 
places with the governor's consent, approved and referred to committee. 
Bandini introduced a manifiesto urging certain changes and reductions in 
duties; that the supreme government be asked for teachers for a college or 
academy; and that Los Angeles be declared provisionally the capital of the 
territory, with the title of city. June 2Gth, tax on wine and brandy regulated 
according to report of committee on finance. In afternoon Alvarado elected 
secretary, Martinez resigning. June 28th, sec. sworn in. Additional regula- 
tions of the liquor traffic. June 30th, Jul}' 2d, liquor traffic continued. Mar 
tinez allowed to join his company in S. Francisco. July 7th, liquor regulation i 
concluded. Bandini's proposition to make Los Angeles the capital taken up, 
but no action. Gov. proposed a change in the name of the territory. See text. 
July 13th, Echeandia's proposition discussed and approved, subject to decision 
of supreme government. Ortega not alio wed to retire until Bandini should come. 
Contador appointed. July lGth, petition from padres that vessels be all ivi 
touch at the landings of Sta Inez and Furisima. No power to act. July 17th. 
18th, 20th, Sept. 19th-20th, action on revenue matters, involving the investi- 
ation of charges against Herrera, and resulting measures directed against him. 
S< e 'hap. iii. Pacheco as vocal suplente sworn in on July 20th. July 24th, 
long discussion on Bandini's commercial propositions, in which Comis 
Herrera took part. See chap. iii. Contador Gonzalez takes oath of • 
Ba Lini •• nd Tapia granted leave of absence; Suplentes Estudillo and Ai\ i- > 
summoned. July 31st, Aug. 4th, 9th, 11th, 17th. Sept. 12th, regulatio 
specting live-stock and branches of commerce and p 

Alvi oswominAug.4th. Aug. 17th, Echeandia re] leredthcpre- 

fecttoestablishaschoolineachmi 1st, alledinandS 

new members elected provisionally. See note 9. Sept. Uth,repor1 r& 
of removal of a local officer at Lor; Angeles. The 
recorded, after Sept. 20th, was on July 10, 1830. Leg. Rec, MS., i 
1C4. [ncidental mention. Arch. Arzob., MS., \. pt. i. 34; St. i 
MS., \i\. 39; Dept Rec, MS., v. 50, 126. June 22d, Echeandfa to mil 
of relations asks if the sub-comisario should attend as intendente, and 
and the writer should have a vote. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 118 21, 
represent'. Echeandia as having opened the sessions with a long discourse, In 
which he explained the situation of the territory, the poll 
all that he had done since his arrival. This writer states that all the ■ 
the diputacion in 1S27 9 were really the work of Echeandia. Duhaut-Cilly, 



38 ECHEANDlA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

One act of this diputacion merits further notice, 
which may as well be presented in the words of the 
original record: "The committee presented the prop- 
osition made by his excellency the president at the 
session of the 7th — this being July 13th — namely, that 
there be proposed to the supreme government a change 
iii the name of the territory, and also in that of the 
Pueblo de Los Angeles, in order to distinguish the lat- 
ter from the city of Puebla de Los Angeles, capital of 
the state of Puebla, which after close examination the 
committee reported for discussion, with the sugges- 
tions that the territory be named Moctezuma, and 
that to the pueblo be given the name of Villa Vic- 
toria de la Peina de Los Angeles; also that there 
should be proposed to the supreme government as a 
coat of arms for the territory ' an Indian with plume, 
bow, and quiver, in the act of crossing a strait, all 
within an oval having on the outside an olive and an 
oak,' in memory of the first peopling of these Amer- 
cas, which according to the most common opinion was 
by the strait of Anian; all of which, after sufficient 
discussion, was approved." So far as the records show, 
no attention was paid to this proposition in Mexico, 
and fortunately California escaped the burden of a new 
and inappropriate name, founded on one of the least 
reliable traditions of American antiquity. 11 

Echeandia did not extend his tour northward to 
San Francisco, perhaps not beyond Monterey; and I 
have not been able to find the general report on the 

Viaggio, i. 282, who attended some of the meetings, tells \is the diputados 
were mere puppets in the governor's hands. Echeandia would make a propo- 
sition supported by specious pretences and prosy arguments; sometimes by 
previous agreement one or two trusted ones would offer some weak objection 
for the president to overthrow; if any other dared to oppose, he was inter- 
rupted with a reprimand; did any one wince at the last moment, a look con- 
trolled his vote. This, of course, though amusing, is grossly exaggerated. 

11 L^ij. lice. , MS. , i. 62-3. On Nov. 3d, Echeandia forwarded this act to the 
secretary of relations, Dept St. Pap., MS., ii. 44, and he included with it 
the proposition to make Los Angeles the capital as well as a villa, though the 
legislative record does not show the diputacion to have approved Bandini's 
motion to that effect. Taylor mentioned this proposed change of name in a 
newspaper article, and from him apparently it was taken by Tuthill. Hist. 
Cal, 123. 



• GONZALEZ AND THE GOVERNOR. 30 

condition of the country which he probably made as a 
result of his inspection. 12 For reasons with which 
the reader is familiar, Echeandia had a somewhat cool 
reception at Monterey; but by his policy at the cap- 
ital he did much to remove the current prejudice, and 
to gain the good will of that class of Californians 
which constituted the progressive republican element. 
His course in the Herrera quarrel pleased Estrada and 
his large circle of friends, and he disavowed certain 
unpopular sentiments which his foes had attributed to 
him, such as approval of making California a penal 
colony. 

Another affair which helped to give Echeandia a 
better standing at Monterey was his method of deal- 
ing with Captain Miguel Gonzalez. This Mexican 
officer had by virtue of his rank held the place of 
comandante de armas since 1826, greatly to the dis- 
gust of lieutenants Estudillo and Estrada, and of all 
the Californian officers and soldiers. Gonzalez is 
said — by his enemies, it must be remembered — to have 
been an ignorant, brutal, and despotic man, popularly 
known as El Macaco, the 'ugly ape.' The regular 
cavalry company, officers and men, accused him of 
arbitrary acts, and of partiality to the Mexican troops 
of his own artillery detachment and the others; while 
he complained of insubordination on the part of the 
Californians. It is not very important, even if it were 
possible, to investigate the details and merits of this 
quarrel. Mexican and Californian officers were in- 
clined to look down, each upon the other, from a 
height of superiority; but the revolution gave commis- 
sions to many ruffians, and there is no special reason 
to doubt that Gonzalez was one of them. Li Febru- 
ary 1827 he wrote long and somewhat incoherent 
complaints to Echeandia, asking to be relieved of his 

15 Alvarado. Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 127-35, says he was received enthusiasti- 
cally at Sta Barbara, contrary to his expectations, founded on the influi 
the friars there; yet it was at this very time that two padres al Sta B. lied 
from Cal., as we shall see elsewhere. Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 266-71, 
notes a grand reception at San Jose, and a rather cool one at sta ( Hara. 



40 ECHEANDIA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

command, but refusing to be subordinate in any way 
to Estrada or Argiiello. Usurping Estrada's author- 
ity over the presidial district outside of Monterey, he 
put that officer under arrest; but Echeandia affirmed 
Estrada's powers and ordered his release. 13 When the 
governor came to Monterey in May, he soon took 
sides against Gonzalez, administering frequent repri- 
mands, and finally in November ordered him to pre- 
pare for a march to Santa Barbara, in order that 
peace might be restored by his absence. How far 
Echeandia was influenced by the fact that Gonzalez 
was the friend and father-in-law of Herrera, 14 we have 
no means of knowing. 15 It would appear that Gon- 
zalez did not accompany Echeandia to the south in 
December, or that he returned immediately; for in 
February 1828 he was suspended from his command 
and put under arrest at Monterey by Estrada, at the 
governor's order, after some investigations had been 
conducted by Lieutenant Pacheco. At the end of 
the year he was ordered to leave the country on the 
Maria Ester, in accordance with instructions of May 
31st from Mexico; but he was at San Diego as late as 
April 1830. 16 

"Feb. 22, 24, 1827, Gonzalez to gov. Dept St. Pap., MS., ii. 2-7, 10-11. 
March 0th, Apr. 10th, gov. to Gonzalez. Dept Pec, MS., v. 32, 3G-7. 

14 Of Doha Alfonsa, the beautiful wife of J. M. Herrera and daughter of 
Capt. Gonzalez, we shall hear more in later years. 

13 June loth, Gonzalez to gov., protesting against firing a salute on corpus 
cristi day. Dept St, Pap. , MS. , ii. 25. July 14th, 27th, Sept. 27th, Nov. 10th, 
19th, 20th, 21st, gov. to Gonzalez, with repremands for misconduct and disre- 
spect— including the shooting at an alcalde, and allowing his wife to meddle 
in official business. The order to prepare to march for Sta Barbara was on 
Nov. 10th. Nov. 21st, gov. to alcaldes, stating his orders for Gonzalez' depart- 
ure and forbidding any insulting or sarcastic remarks about that officer or his 
men or his family. Dept Pec, MS., v. 64, 09-70, 92-3, 108-11. 

10 Dec. 15, 1827, Pacheco ordered to continue investigations. Dept Pec, 
MS., v. 117. Feb. 14, 1828, Echeandia to Gonzalez, ordering his suspension 
and arrest for intrigue among the troops to keep himself in power; for dis- 
turbances at various places; for ignorance, disobedience, and inciting of in- 
subordination. Id., vi. 183-4. Feb. 22d, Estrada has arrested Gonzalez. St. 
Pap., MS., xii. 13. Feb. 29th (?), Echeandia's order to Estrada. Dept St. 
Pap., ii. 73. Nov. 9th, gov. orders Gonzalez to leave on the Maria Ester. 
Hep/, Rec, MS., vi. 131. Dec. 22d, to same effect. PL, vi. 161. Dec. 9th, 
however, he was ordered across the frontier by land en route to Loreto. PI., 
vii. 200. Apr. 23, 1829, testimony of Gonzalez at S. Diego about a statement 
in a Mexican newspaper that he had destroyed a Spanish flag. Dept St. 
Pup., Ben. JUL, MS., lxxx.-vii. 72. Feb. 5, 1S30, order from secretary of 



ELECTIONS OF 1828. 41 

Back at San Diego in April 1828, 17 Echeandia 
summoned his diputados to assemble, presumably at 
San Diego ; 1S but there is do record of any action of the 
body this year, and little or no evidence that it met at 
all, except perhaps, as Alvarado says, to protest against 
the holding of meetings out of the capital, to listen 
to Echeandia' s views on the subject, and to adjourn. 19 
Later in the year, however, at an electoral junta held 
at San Diego on October 6th, the diputacion was re- 
organized by the choice of four new members. 20 All 

war for Gonzalez to proceed to Mexico. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., vi. 1. 
Inocente Garcia, Hechos, MS., 40, 44, says that one of the offences for which 
Gonzalez was sent away was the arbitrary infliction on him, Garcia, of 100 
palos without trial, and he not being a soldier. Bcechey, Voyage, ii. 57, 85, 
speaks of Gonzalez as having risen from the ranks by his own merit. 

17 En resume, E. , as shown by his corresp., had left S. Diego late i:i 
March 1827; was at Sta Barbara during a large part of April; arrived al 
Monterey about the middle of May, and left there late in Nov.; was at Sta 
B. from Dec. until March; and returned to S. Diego early in April. 

18 April 10, 1828, Echeandia's summons to Estudillo, Alviso, Buelna, Ortega, 
Bandini, and Tapia to meet as agreed upon at the close of the last sessions, 
but not naming the place. Dept Bee, MS., vi. 19S. Buelna and Anastasio 
Carrillo mentioned as members in Sept. Id., vi. 92. Aug. 9th, E. orders Habili- 
tado Domingo Carrillo (of S. Diego) to pay out of the municipal fum Is Alvarado'a 
salary of $25 per month as secretary. Id., vi. 81. Other indications of Al- 
varado's presence as secretary at S. Diego as late as Dec. J)<j>t St. Pap., 
Jit a. Mi'., MS.,lxvi. 90-1. Alvarado's own version is confused in r< 

(L.tes, representing a first visit to S. Diego as having been in 182U, be 
visit to the north. 

19 Alvarado, Hist. Cat, MS., ii. 139-40; iii. 14-22, tells us that when the 
diputados arrived at S. Diego they sent him as secretary to inform the 

of their presence and that they awaited his message. The first ad ■ 

bling in the large hall of the comandancia was to protest on motion of Buelna 

against meeting away from the capital. Echeandia received the prot< it 

courteously, and a few days later explained his theory that as corns 

general he had the right to live where he could do most for the interests I 

the country, that is in his opinion at S. Diego. The diputacii 

if he had that right, it as a body had it not, but was required by la n 

at the capital under the presidency of the senior vocal in the absence of the 

gefe politico. Echeandia replied:' '1 do not object. Let the dipul 

turn to Monterey if they like.' The governor, however, had some i 

against Alvarado, in whose handwriting was the protest. Soon 

of a quarrel with P. Menendez, chaplain of the troops — a Dominica 

wine he had been drinking and whosesermons he had been writing 

was summoned before the gefe politico, and reprimanded for disresp 

friar. A stormy scene followed, in which the young sec 

crowded Echeandia into a corner, pretended to have a daggei id fina .,, 

induced him to become calm, tails the matterover, and li 

parted friends, and E. went so far as to explain his real reason for choo ins 

to live at S. Diego, viz., his fear of Eerrera and his confederates, who bad 

plotted to sei;:e him and send him to Mexico! 

"These were Carlos A. Carrillo, Pio Pico, Vicente Sanchez, and Jose* 
Tiburcio Castro, a; Ith, 5th, Cth, and 7th i ly. Actasd* I 

MS., S; Lkj. Bee, MS., i. 127; Dept St. Pap., S. /o« , Ms., it r_' ; i 



42 ECHEANDIA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

were summoned to assemble at San Diego on January 1 , 
1829; and they seem to have done so, part of them, at 
least, only to prove unmanageable, and to be dismissed 
by the gefe politico. Immediately after the suspen- 
sion of the southern session, a summons was issued 
for the diputados to convene at Monterey June 1st, 
and proceed to public business under the presidency 
of the senior vocal; but I find no evidence that any 
such meeting was held; in fact, Echeandia himself 
had no confidence that his summons would be heeded. 
Thus it may be said that in 1828-9 the legislature 
was not in session. 21 

In December 1829 Echeandia started northward 
again, and on the way summoned the diputacion to 
meet, this time at Santa Barbara by reason of the 
troubles at Monterey. Possibly the body did assem- 
ble there, but only to adjourn; 22 for the troubles, to 

MS., vi. 108. At the same time Manuel Dominguez, Salvio Pacheco, and 
Carlos Castro were chosen as 1st, 2d, and 3d suplentes. The first thrce 
places Avere held respectively by Bandini, Anastasio Carrillo, and Buelna, 
who held over from the old board. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xix. 42-3. 

21 Dec. 1828, summons to Pico, Sanchez, and Dominguez to meet at S. Diego 
on Jan. 1st. Dept JRec, MS., vi. 159. Feb. 19, 1829, gov. permits Domin- 
guez to retire because it is impossible to have any session, 3 of 5 members having 
refused to attend. Id., vii. 88. May 22d, gov. says that the diputados sum- 
moned to S. Diego had not wished to come on account of the illegality cf 
meeting except at the capital ; therefore he asks them to go on at Monterey 
without his presence. Id., vii. 104. April 10th, gov. tells the minister of rela- 
tions that he suspended the junta on account of its 'desorganization,' attri- 
butable largely to the influence of Vicente Sanchez, prompted as he believes 
by Herrera. He proceeds to give a description of each of the 10 members 
in respect of character, ability, education, and property — in no case a 
flattering picture. Doubts that the diputados can be induced to leave their 
private affairs to meet even in Monterey. Id., vii. 4-6. It does not seem 
likely, however, that Sanchez, a Los Angeles man, should have plotted in favor 
of Monterey. Don Pio Pico, Hist. Cal., MS., 17-19, says that at S. Diego 
there was just a quorum, and that he prevented the session by insisting on it3 
being held at Angeles, and withdrawing when his wish was not followed. 
He also went to Monterey, and met Jose T. Castro, the only other proprietary 
member present. April 9th, summons to convene at Monterey June 1st. 
Dept Her., MS., vii. 128. May 10th, Wm. A. Gale, in a letter to Cooper 
from S. Pedro, mentions the meeting ordered for Juno 1st. VaLlejo, Doc, MS., 
xxix. 354. It seems that Sanchez was suspended from his position as dipu- 
tado in the course of this affair. Dept Rec, MS., vii. 2G0. 

22 Dec. 8, 1829, E. from S. Gabriel to Sanchez, Pico, and Bandini, revoking 
the suspension of the first, and urging all to hasten as patriots to Sta Barbara, 
in view of the critical condition. Dept Rec, MS., vii. 200. Jan. 18, 1830, 
similar summons to the Carrillos. Id., viii. 10. Feb. 5th, E. to comandante 
ai, Monterey, states that the diputacion did meet to devise means for the 
restoration of tranquillity. Dept St. Pap., MS., ii. 128. 



SESSIONS OF THE LEGISLATURE. 43 

be described in the next chapter, having passed, the 
governor went at the end of March to the capital, 
where he succeeded with some difficulty in getting 
together four of the vocales, 23 and regular sessions 
were held from July 10th to October 7th, save that 
for one month during this period the members were 
allowed leave of absence to attend to their harvests. 
I append in a note an abstract of legislative action, 
much of which is noticed more fully elsewhere in 
connection with the special topics treated.' 24 

The electoral junta which met at San Diego and 

™Dept Bee., MS., viii. 25, 53, Gl ; Dept St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., ii. 4; 
Lerj. Bee, MS., i. 133. The four were Buelna and Jose T. Castro, with Sal- 
vio Pacheco and Carlos Castro as snplentes. Other members came in later. 

24 July 10th, the four members sworn in. Alvarado was still secretary. 
Castro and Buelna were named for 1st committee; Pacheco for the 2d; and 
( Yulos Castro for the 3d. July 14th, a proposition was presented by the com- 
mittee on education, that schools be established at such missions as had none. 
July 16th, Juan B. Alvarado was appointed contador de propios y arbitrics 
(municipal treasurer), in accordance with a decree of the cortes in 1813. Sal- 
ary, S15 per month. July 16th, secret session. Regulations on the proposed 
mission schools. July 20th, the matter of instructions to the newly appointed 
csntador was referred to a com. The reglamento adopted in 1827 was 
modified in some respects, the changes including provision for 3 sessions 
i week, on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday. The president then submit- 
ted to the diputacion his plan for changing all the missions into pueblos. See 
chap. iv. July 23d, voted $30 dollars a month to P. Menendez as chaplain. 
The president made a speech on the necessity of making a beginning of 
e td dishing an ayuntamiento at Monterey and Sta Barbara, according tj the 
bando of Dec. 15, 1S20, and decree of June 23, 1813, and consequently of 
assigning bounds to pueblo lands. A salary of $20 per month was voted for 
the teacher of S. Diego. July 24th, boundaries of the egklos of Monterey 
were fixed. See local annals. July 28th, boundaries of the jurisdiction of 
Monterey, continued. July 29th, same subject, continued. Also the secu- 
larization j>roject taken up, and the first articles approved. See chap. iv. July 
31st, Aug. 3d, approval of Echeandia's secularization plan concluded. Aug. 
6th, thesubjectof convict settlers discussed, thedip. strongly disapproving the 
sending of any more of them to Cal., expressing a desire to get rid of I 
now here as soon as possible, but approving Echeandia's plan of a public 
workshop for such as had trades. It Mas voted to ask the sup. govt tl at 
only good and useful families be sent in the future. Aug. 10th, a reglamento 
in 6 articles for the contador de propios y arbitrios discussed and approved. 
Details of keeping the books of the office, etc. Aug. 13th, establishment 
of two convents approved as a supplement to the secularization project. 
Aug. 17th, a tariff of duties on timber established. See chap. v. Aug. 21 t. 
24th, certain members ask and receive leave of absence for 15 days. Others 
Mere to be summoned, but it seems this was not a success, Bince there were 
no more meetings for more than a month. Sept. 29th, at Bandini's reque 
difficulties of getting a quorum in attendance were puton record. Sept. 30th, 
approval of land grants to Ignacio Vallejo and 1>< lores Pico, in accordance 
with the colonization law of Nov. 24, L828. Oct. 7th, sessions closed b 
several members wished to go home to attend to private business. Leg. Bcc, 
MS., i. 130-72. 



44 ECHEANDIA'S RULE -POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

chose the diputacion whose acts I have just recorded 
assembled in obedience to a proclamation issued by 
Echeandia on July 30, 1828, which not only ordered 
an election, but prescribed in detail the methods to be 
followed. 25 The primary object was to elect a meni- 



25 Echeandia, Bando sobre Elecciones, 1S2S, MS. This document was in 
substance as follows: 1-2. Elections to be primary, or municipal; secondary, 
or of the partido; and tertiary, or territorial. Must be accompanied by pub- 
lic pi-ayers. 3-G. Primary juntas shall include all citizens over 18 years of 
age resident in the partidos. Sentenced criminals, men morally or physically 
incapable, vagabonds, and domestic servants were not voters. 7-9. Primary 
elections to be held on 3d Sunday in Aug. in plaza of the 4 presidios and 2 
pueblos, presided by comandantes and alcaldes, in the morning after mass, a 
secretary and 2 inspectors being chosen. 10-12. Challenging voters, etc. 13. 
Municipal electors to be chosen as follows: 8 for S. Francisco; 5 for S. Josi; 
9 for Monterey; 7 for Sta Barbara; 7 for Los Angeles; and 13 (?) for S. Di- 
ego. 14-15. Method of voting. The voter to repeat the names of his candi- 
dates, to be written down by the sec. He may have the names on a list, 
which the secretary must read aloud. 16-17. The president to announce the 
result. A tie to be decided by lot. Each elector chosen to receive a copy c f 
the acta. 18-22. A candidate must be a citizen, etc.; 25 years old, or 21 if 
married; able to read and write; holding no office, civil, military, or ecclesias- 
tical. Cannot excuse himself. No weapons at the election. No other busi- 
ness to be done by the junta. 23-5. Secondary juntas, or partido elections, 
to be held on 1st Sunday in .Sept., at same places as the primary; under same 
presiding officer; composed of the municipal electors before chosen. 2(3-8. 
Three days before the election the electors meet and choose a secretary and 2 
inspectors. Next day, credentials presented. Next day, report on creden- 
tials. 29-32. Election by secret ballot. If no one has a majority, there 
must be a 2d ballot from the 2 highest candidates, a tie being decided by lot. 
Three votes at least required for election. 33-5. An elector de partido must 
have 5 years' residence in the partido in addition to the other qualifications. 
(See 1S-22.) Credentials, a certified copy of the acta, given to the successful 
candidate, and also sent to the president of the territorial junta. 3G-8. Ter- 
tiary or territorial junta to consist of the 6 electores de partido, and to meet 
at S. Diego on 1st Sunday in Oct. being presided by the highest political 
authority present. 39-41. Preliminary meetings for 3 days, as in secondary 
elections. 42-G. Election first of a diputado, and then of a suplentc. 
Method as before, except that the meeting must be with open doors, the 
voting viva voce, and 5 electors at least must take part. 47-52. Qualifi- 
cations for a diputado to congress: 25 years of age, and two years of citizen- 
ship in the state if not born in it; S years of citizenship, and an estate of 
$8,000 or income of $1,000, if not born in Mexican territory. Property qual- 
ification not required of those born in Spanish America who have not joined 
another nation. Certain high officials debarred. 53-6. Method and form cf 
credentials. 57. The day after this election of a congressman, the junta h 
to renew the territorial dip. by electing the new members required, in th s 
same manner as before. 58. After the election, all officers, electors, and elect 
shall pass to the church, where shall be sung a solemn te deum of thanksgiving. 

On pp. 125-30, in continuation of the preceding bando, there are partial 
records of the primary and secondary elections at the different places except 
S. Francisco. The clectora who met at S. Diego were Miguel Gonzalez de 
Alava, for S. Jos<5; Jose Tiburcio Castro, for Monterey; Francisco Atanasii 
Cota, for Sta Barbara; Manuel Dominguez, for Los Angeles; and Agustin V. 
Zamorano, for S. Diego. Leg. Bee, MS., i. 126; Dept Bee, MS., vi. 1G7; 
Adas de Elecciones, MS., 0-7. Iu the last-named authority, the election of 



MAITORENA FOR CONGRESS. 45 

ber of congress to take the place of Gervasio Argiie- 
llo for the term of 1829-30; and on Sunday, Octo- 
ber 5th, Lieutenant Jose Joaquin Maitorena of Santa 
Barbara was chosen for the place, with Santiago Ar- 
giiello as substitute. This was a most extraordinary 
choice; for Maitorena, though honest enough and 
good-natured, was unreservedly given up to drunken- 
ness, and had retained his place in the Santa Barbara 
company only because he had when sober some skill 
as an accountant. There were times, generally fol- 
lowing illness and confinement in the calahozo, when, 
like Kip van Winkle, he 'swore off"; perhaps it was in 
one of these sober intervals that he was elected to con- 
gress. But the honor was too much for the poor fel- 
low. He was very drunk at Tepic, where he was the 
object of much ridicule; he seems not to have been 
in a condition to take his seat as diputado, and he 
died in Mexico about the time his term of office ex- 
pired.' 26 

Maitorena by 3 votes and Argiiello by 4 is recorded, as also in St. Pap. . 
MS., xix. 4S; Dept. St. Pap., S. Jo«6, MS., iv. 74; and Leg. Rec, Ms., i. 13 >. 
Echeandia's bando is also found in Dept. St. Pap., 8. Jo<' : , MS., iv. 55-71. 
Aug. 1 st, E. orders comandantes and alcaldes to publish the band). Dept. I. c. , 
MS., vi. 74. Nov. 182S, Jan. 1 829, E. orders Maitorena to start for Mexico. I '.. 
vii. 70; vi. 128. June 2i>, 1829, Echeandia explains to minister of ju 
the arrangement of election districts, S. Gabriel and S. Fernando being 
joined to Los Angeles, and Sta Clara and Sta Cruz to S. Josd. Id., vii. 23. 

- 6 Jos6 Joaquin Maitorena entered the military service as a soldado distin- 
guido, his father having becnan officer in 1S00; came to Cal. in 1S01 as cadet 
in the Sta Barbara company; was made alferez in 1S0G; and after several rec- 
ommendations from governor and comandante he was finally promoted to be 
lieutenant of the company in 1827. Prov. St. Pan., MS., xxi. 58; Dept. Rec., 
MS., v. 39, 121-2; Doc. Hist. Cal., M J., iv. 655-6. 1816 21, corresp. of S la 
andGuerra, with frequent mention of Maitorena's drunkenness, and bhe re lilt- 
ing troubles to his family as veil as to the public service. Oiu rr t, D ■■ , 
in. 05-0,101,113; iv. 4, 16-19, and passim; Prov. St. Pap., Ms., >.\. HO. From 
1822 to 1827 little is said on the subject, and it is probable that nun Joaquin 
behaved himself better than before. His actions at Tepic, where he stayed 
t .-. i months on his way to Mexico, are described in a letterof Manuel Varela, 
dated Tepic, Aug. 1, 1829. Guerra,Doc., MS., vi. 135 7. Ee was constantly 
intoxicated; attracted the attention of everybody by his foolish acti msand re- 
marks; was initiated into a mock I d t masons; and had a ludicrous quarrel 

with the treasurer to whom he applied for money on account of his vidti os. < !: r- 

loa Carrillo, iu a letter from Tepici i April 2, 1831, gives the remainin f details 

of Maitorena's life as learned from Navarro, bhe member from Lower Cal. tn 

Mexico ho was rarely in his right mind, and wasn idition 

to take his scat, though his credentials were admitted, and p 

waspaid. He died probably late in 1830ofapopl 

tion. Gverra, Doc., MS., iv. 199-200. The vagaries of tb in are 



46 ECHEANDIA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

Thus California was not represented in the congress 
of 1829-30, for there is no evidence that Santiago 
Argiiello went to the national capital at all; yet the 
territory received some slight notice from the Mexican 
authorities. The minister of the treasury department 
included in his report some information respecting 
Californian finances, 27 which, so far as it is intelligible, 
will be utilized elsewhere. The military establishment 
was also honored with brief mention, and an ayudante 
inspector, an officer unknown in California since the 
time of Captain Soler, was sent to aid General Echean- 
di'a, in the person of Lieutenant-colonel Jose Maria 
Padres, who came up from Loreto in the summer of 
1830. 2S To supply another urgent need of the terri- 
tory, where there were as yet no lawyers, the licenci- 
aclo Rafael Gomez was sent to California as asesor, or 
legal adviser. He arrived about the same time as 
Padres, and took the oath of office at San Diego on 
August 18, 1830. 23 The political struggles, revolu- 

also noticed in Alvarado, Hist. Cat, MS., ii. 122-6; Fernandez, Cosasde Cat., 
MS., 35-7; Vallejo, Hist. Gal., MS., ii. 1S-24. Alvarado attributes to him 
many good qualities, although admitting his faults. Maitorena left some 
kind of a quarrel with Capt. Miguel Gonzalez, which both Gov. Victoria and 
Gov. Figueroa were ordered to investigate; but finally in 1834 Capt. Zam- 
orano suggested that, Maitorena being dead, the matter might as well be 
dropped. Dept. St. Pop., Ben. Mil., MS., lxxiv. 

21 Mexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1S30, annexes 24, 33, 37, 41, 43, 44, 52, 5(5, 57, 
64. Aug. 17, 1S29, law imposing a forced loan on California with other ter- 
ritories, and discounting salaries. Sept. 15th, decrees creating a fund for the 
war against Spain; but exempting the troops of California from the discount 
on pay, on account of their position on an Indian frontier. Arrilla<ja, Jieco- 
pilacion dc Leyes, 1829, p. 214-23; 1831, 24-36, 48. 

28 In Mexico, Man. Guerra, lS.'lO, annex. 1-3, the force in the California3 
is given as 422 cavalry, supported at a cost of §131,440. Feb. 11, 1830, ord ir 
to merge the S. Bias company into the regular presidial companies. Sup. Govt 
St. Pap., MS., vi. 2. Arrival of Padres at S. Diego on the Leonor on July 
1, 1830. Sup. Govt, St. Pap., MS., vi. 0; Carrillo (J.), Hoc, MS., 27-8j / , '■ 
St. Pap., Ben. Md., MS., lxxii. 21. 

-•'{ ;,.in ::'-a takim;- |ki ';■ office. Dept. St. Pap., S. Jose, MS., iv. 

91 ; Id., Mont., vi. 6; Id., Ben. Mi'., lxxii. 21, 42; Dept. Rec, MS., viii. 92. 
lie had a salary of 83,000. The law creating the office seems to have 1 een 
.laud July or Aug. 29, 1S29. In his report of Jan. 1831 the see. of justice 
recommended that the asesor be made judge as well, with appeal to the near- 
est circuit court instead of Mexico, on account of the great distance. Mi z co, 
Mem. Justicia, 1831, p. 7, annex 4. Mexico, Mem. Hacienda 1S32, annex N. 
Oct. 12, 1829, Vtrmond from M sxic > ann »unces tho appointment of the fol- 
lowing officers for California: Rafael Gonsalez, administrator E custom a1 
Monterey; Manuel Jimeno Casarin, contadorof custum-housc; Francisco 1'erez 



A PENAL COLONY. 47 

tions, and counter-revolutions for the presidency, be- 
tween Gomez Pedraza, Guerrero, and Bustamante, in 
the years 1828-30, made no impression, in fact were 
hardly known, in California. 30 Other national meas- 
ures, with a single exception, require no special atten- 
tion. 31 

The exception w r as in the matter of utilizing Cali- 
fornia as a penal colony for Mexican criminals. A 
small number of convicts had arrived, as we have seen, 
in 1825, and now orders were issued to send them 
from all parts of the republic. 32 These instructions, 
which the Mexican authorities had the assurance to 
regard as a means for improving the morals of the 
convicts and for colonizing California, were much 
more promptly obeyed, it is safe to say, than if they 
had been calculated to benefit the territory; and within 
a year more than a hundred criminals had been sen- 
tenced to presidio work in this northern Botany Bay. 33 
Echeandia protested rather feebly, as soon as the news 

Pacheco, comandante of the resguardo; and Lieut. Zamorano, promoted to 
captain. Oaerra, Doc, MS., vi. 143. 

30 Sept. 9, 1829, news of Pres. Guerrero's accession received. Dept. II' ',., 
MS., vii. 222. Feb. 19, 1829, gov. forbids communication with Acapulco, 
and adhesion to the plan dc Pcrote. Id., vii. S7. March 14th, communication 
reopened. Id., vii.»109. 

31 Jan. 21, 1828, orders from Mexico circulated to send in bids for repairs 
on the public roads. May 21st, no bids. Echeandia, however, recommem Is the 
opening of a road to Sonora, and one from Sta Barbara to S. Diego. Dept. 
/,'.<-., .MS., vi. 17.']; vii. 17. Jan. 30, 1S29, minister of justice wants a I 
ayuntamientos, jurisdictions, prisoners, etc. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., v. 1. 
Congress urged to give the Californias a form of government suited to their 
interests, since now the old Spanish laws prevail. Mexico, Mem. Eelaciones, 
1829, p. 21. 

;;j April 29, 1S29, secretary of justice issues a circular urging judges to sen- 
tence criminals to California presidios instead of Vera Cruz. Order trans- 
mitted by secretary of war. May 9th, further orders to governors of different 
states about forwarding convicts. A rriUaga, Be cop., 1829, p. 67 9. Oct. 21 b, 
sec. of war to comandante of Acapulco. The go\ t v. ill Bend to ( !al. the fami- 
lies of such convicts as may desire it. Id., p. 269 70. March 22d, the 
expects improvement in the morals of the convicts, is preparing a 
for their management, and to give them the means of earning an horn it liv- 
ing, forwarding their families, etc. Mexico, M< i. Justl i, 1831 I, p. 13, I I 

3:i l have before me the records of sentence of very many of these criminals, 
with, name, place, date, and crime, in ! . MS., xxix. -Ii> s 80; s '. 

Pap., Unr., MS., i. 82-9; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mi'., MS., Ixxx. 12 13; / I, 
Ben. Cust.-H., MS., h. 484 5. I i i I < c >nvi 
Maria Ester, with full particulars, in St. Pap., Ben., MS., 
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lxxii. 19. Listol 60 convict ced to < oruia 

before Dec. 1S29. Vailejo, Doc, MS., \ i ti. B5; St. Pap.,S c, MS., xi. 10-12. 



4S ECHEANDf A'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

came, in September 1829, against the sending of any 
but 'useful' convicts, since California had no jails, and 
the local government could be responsible neither for 
the safety of the criminals nor for the morals of the 
community thus exposed to contamination. 34 Of 
course this had no effect; and in February 1830 the 
Maria Ester brought up about eighty of the unwel- 
come colonists from Acapulco to San Diego. Cap- 
tain Holmes was not allowed to land them in the 
governor's absence, and went on to Santa Barbara in 
March. A sergeant and twelve soldiers were in 
charge of the convicts. 35 

How to dispose of the new-comers was a question 
of much perplexity. Nobody wanted anything to do 
with them; and -a month passed before any decision 
was reached, perhaps before they were landed at all; 
and then, late in April, thirty of the worst of them, 
and probably many more, were sent over to Santa 
Cruz Island with a supply of cattle and fish-hooks to 
get a living as best as they could; while the rest were 
set to work for private employers in the region of 
Santa Barbara and Los Angeles. 36 Protests were re- 

31 Sept. IS, 1829, E. to sup. govt. Dept. Ifec, MS., vy. 38-40. In Doc. 
Hist. CaL, MS., iv. 897, I find an unsigned document dated Mexico, April 
25, 1830, purporting to be addressed by the diputado of Cal. to the sup. govt, 
in which the writer protests against the sending of convicts. If there is no 
error, this would indicate that Maitorcna did make at least one honest effort to 
serve his constituents. 

35 The Maria Erter left Acapulco Dec. 19th, touched at S. Bias and S. Lucas, 
and lost one convict on the voyage. The exact number varies from 77 to 83 
i'i different documents. The Enriqueta was reported to be coming with more 
convicts. Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 133; Id., Cust.-H., i. 32-3; Id., Ben. 
Cust.-H., iii. 55-G; Dept. Iiec., MS., viii. 25, 28, 50. 

3(i Com. Carrillo's letters to the governor about landing the convicts on Sta 
Rosa Island in March-Apr. 1S3D. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lxxxviii. 
l-:5. April 23d, the Maria Ester .sailed for Sta Cruz Island with 31 of the 
number, the missions furnishing some tools, cattle, hooks, and a little grain. 
( 'arrillo (J.), Doc, MS., 22. March 18th, Echeandiatocomandante of Monte- 
rey from S. Luis Obispo, explaining his plan to send — apparently all— the 
convicts to the islands. Dept. Bee., MS., viii. 29-32. Mrs. Ord, Ocurrencias, 
MS., 25-7, says the convicts were in a naked and very filthy condition on 
their arrival. Capt. Guerra furnished them with clothing, made a speech 
encouraging them to good conduct, and personally employed S or 10. At the 
islands a. fire soon destroyed all they had, and after a time, getting no relief, 
fchi y built rafts, and all came over to the main, landing at Carpinterfa. The 
narrator says tliat as a rule they became very good people. Nov. 2d, 13 of 
those sent to the island had returned and presented themselves to the comau- 
dante. Dept. Her., MS., viii. 122. 



COMING OF THE CONVICTS. 49 

ceivecl from all directions; and at Monterey a meeting 
was held in May to pass formal resolutions and appoint 
a committee to wait on the gefe politico, and urge 
the importance of sending the convicts back on the 
same ship that brought them. 37 The diputacion passed 
resolutions of similar purport in August, as has been 
noted in the legislative records; but meanwhile, in 
July, there had arrived the Leonor, Captain Fitch, 
with fifty more convicts, about whom we have less 
information than in the case of the first company. 3 ' 
With few exceptions, no attempt was made to con- 
fine the criminals; but they were distributed through 
the territory to earn their living under a surveillance 
of the local authorities, more nominal than real. A 
few escaped across the frontier; and of those who 
served out their time, a large part remained perma- 
nently in California, where some were the founders of 
respectable families. 39 

The sending of the convicts and the resulting" dis- 
cussions doubtless had an effect to embitter the feeling 
that was beginning to exist between Californians and 
Mexicans, particularly at Monterey, where the quar- 
rel between Gonzalez and Estrada had originate; 1 a 
sentiment of hostility which outlasted the Mexican 
power in California. At the celebration of the inde- 
pendence on September 16, 1830, a free fight is said to 

37 May 1, 1830, resolutions signed by Juan Malarin, Mariano Soberanes, 
Jose Castro, Antonio Osio, Juan B. Alvarado, Abel Stearns, Juan Cooper, 
David Spence, and Wm Hartnell. 10 articles subsequently approved by 
Eeheandia. Dept. St. Pap., S. Jos6, MS., v. 34-5. May 30th, alcalde (?) of 
Monterey to governor, speaks of the excitement caused by the arrival, th i 
greater because of the part taken by convicts in the Solis revolt; and begs La 
the name of the citizens that they be not permitted to land. St. Pap., 
MS., x. 89-90. 

38 July 21, 1830, arrival of the Leonor at S. Diego, where 23 of tin nvicta 

remained. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Cv&t.-H., MS., iii. 54; Dept. ffec, MS., viii. 
83. In the Atleta, Apr. 1, 1830, it is stated that Gen. Berdejo levied a tax 
of §3 on such presidiarios as wished for freedom, ami many destined for 
California were set at liberty. 

39 According to Yallejo, Hist. Cal., Ms., ii. 69 73, Echeandia i 

Mez. govt for sending convicts, on the ground of ignorance. 'El G >bierno 
ignoraba que existiesen familias dceeiitesy de edueaeion en la peninsula,' b I 
said to Lieut. Sanchez. A squad of soldiers came as a guard of thi 
the first convict band. These soldiers seem to have l>een sent hack > 
soon. Alf. Antonio Nieto commanded the last squad. 
Hist. Cal., Vol. III. 1 



50 ECHEANDIA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

have taken place in the governor's house between the 
native-born youth of the capital and 'los de la otra 
banda/ Juan B. Alvarado and Rodrigo del Pliego play- 
ing the leading roles, and the occasion being an insult- 
ing toast by Pliego. Later in the year, as the records 
show, Jose Castro was arrested on a charge of posting 
pasquinades and of publicly expressing his patriotic 
contempt for the Mexicans. 49 

On October 3, 1830, fivepartido electors, chosen by 
the process already described, met at Monterey in ac- 
cordance with Echeandia's proclamation of August 1st, 
and elected Carlos A. Carrillo as diputado to congress 
for 1831-2, with Juan Bandini as substitute, Jose 
Antonio Carrillo and Agustin Zamorano being the 
defeated candidates. Next day, the 4th, they chose 
three new members, as required by law, to • com- 
plete the territorial diputacion, with the same number 
of suplentes. The services of the officers thus chosen 
belong to the annals of another decade. 41 



40 Carrillo (J.), Doc, MS., 30-1; Alvarado, Hist. Cal, MS., ii. 116; iii. 8- 
11; Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 113-15. Incomplete record of proceedings in the 
Castro case. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lxxi. 60-6. On another occasion, 
according to Alvarado, Jose Castro slapped Pliego's face in return for insulting 
remarks on the lack of education among the Californians. 

41 July 12, 1830, Mexico, Reglas para las cleccionesde Diputadosy de Ayunta- 
mientos, del distrito y territorios de la Republica, 1830. Printed copy from de- 
partment of the interior in Vallejo, Doc, MS.,xxx. 99; also in Arrillaga, Re- 
cop., 1830, p. 253-G3. Much of this law relates more particularly to the city 
of Mexico, its blocks, wards, etc. ; but in so far as it applies to California, it 
does not differ materially from the regulations given in Echeandia's bando of 
1828. Oct. 3, 1830, certificate of the election of Carrillo and Bandini, signed 
by Echeandia and by the electors, who were: Domingo Carrillo, of Sta Bar- 
bara; Juan Maria Osuna, of S. Diego; Jose Antonio Carrillo, of Los Angeles; 
Jose Pefia, of S. Francisco; and Juan Malarin, of Monterey. The document 
was also signed by the alcalde of Monterey, and by Francisco Pacheco and 
Antonio Buelna as witnesses. Doc Hist. Cal., MS., i. 57. Names of electors 
also in Adas de Elecciones, MS., 9-10; Luis Peralta, fromS. Jos6, was rejected 
for want of proper credentials. Notice of Carrillo's election in Carrillo (J. ), 
Doc, MS., 31; Dept. Rec, MS., viii. 104. Record of municipal or primary elec- 
tions at S. Francisco Aug. 15th; 9 electors chosen. Vallejo, Doc, MS., i. 6; 
at Los Angeles, 'same date, Los Angeles, Ayunt. Rec, MS., 6; at S. Diego, 
Aug. 22d, 13 electors chosen. It is difficult to account for the large number 
in comparison with other places. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 16-17. The three vo- 
cales of the dip. chosen Oct. 4th to take the place of retiring members were 
Mariano G. Vallejo, 5th; Joaquin Ortega, 6th; Antonio Maria Osio, 7th. Su- 
plentes: Francisco de Haro, 1st; Tomas Yorba, 2d; and Santiago Arguello, 
3d. Adas de Elecciones, MS., 11; Dept. Rec, MS., viii. 104. Oct. 7th, gov. 
notifies Vallejo of his election. Vallejo, Doc, MS., i. 7. 



EXPULSION OF SPANIARDS. 51 

From 1827 to 1829 the national government issue:! 
a long and somewhat complicated series of laws and 
regulations on the expulsion of all Spaniards from 
Mexican territory, the principal laws being those of 
December 20, 1827, and March 20, 1829. 4 * By the 
terms of the former, the classes exempt from expul- 
sion were quite numerous, including those Spaniards 
physically disabled, those over sixty years old, such 
as were married to Mexican w T ives or had children 
not Spaniards, professors of useful arts and sciences, 
and all who had rendered special services to the cause 
of independence, or who had manifested great affec- 
tion for that cause. Such by taking the oath of 
allegiance might remain. The chief application of 
this law in California was of course to the friars, of 
whom I shall speak separately; but there were also 
other Spaniards in the territory. Echeandia seems 
to have interpreted the law, or instructions that may 
have been sent with it, to mean simply that resident 
Spaniards were to be reported and required to take 
the oath. Corresponding orders were issued and lists 
were sent to Mexico in 1828. 43 

42 Arrillarja, Recop., 1828-31, passim. Law of 1827 in Id., 1S28, p. 100- 
7; Law of 1829 in Id., 1831, p. 224-G. See also Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., 
v. 2-5; xix. 44-54; Dept. St. Pap., MS., v. 23; Vallcjo, Doc, MS., xxxi. 5; 
Dispos. Varia.H, ii. 55. 

i3 Espanoles, Relation de los Militnres Espafloles, que han prcstado jura- 
mento, con expresion de sits clases, edades, servitios, etc., 1828, MS. This list 
was forwarded by Echeandia to the minister of war on Dee. 6th, and cod 
the following names: Capt. Jose" Maria Estudillo; Capt. Jose Bandini; 1'. Ire 
Antonio Menendez; Lieut. Narciso Fabrcgat; Capt. Jose de I I 
Noriega; Manuel Gutierrez, ranchero and capitalist, 82 years old, I I \ • 
Cal.; Vicente Cane\ one of the Asia's men; Juan .Mariner, retired artillery- 
man with rank of lieut.— over GO — 33 years in Cal; Manuel Gutierrez, !"> 
years, 7 in Cal.; Francisco Caceres, 30 years, 11 in Cal.j Jose* Amesti, .'! > 
years, 7 in Cal.; Estevan Munras, 39 years, 8 in Cal.; Antonio Sufiol, 33 
years, 12 in Cal.; Ramon Espindola, artilleryman, 60 years; Antonio Pe ia, 
artilleryman, 50 years; Francisco Garcia, invalido, Hi) years; Joaquin de la 
Torre, 44 years, 25 in Cal; Francisco Cayuclas, 80 years; Jaime Monj A, one 
of the Asia's men; as were also Manuel Fogo* and Salvador Garcia; Jos(5 
Fernandez, 25 years, 11 in Cal.; Luis Castro, deserter from the A 
were also Jose Nadal, Francisco Fernandez, Francisco Filibert, I.' 
sergt., Pablo Sobradelas, Jose* M* [glesias, trader, Miguel Culebras, ■ 
Rafael Romero, 30 years, suspected thief; Juan In. Mancisido J 
supercargo; Antonio .lose Cot, already embarked; Franci 
passport; P. Luis Marti nez, has passport. Contrary to the indication 
title, many of those named had not taken the oath, but had been ordi 



52 ECHEANDIA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

The law of 1829 was more stringent than that of 
1827, which it annulled, ordering the immediate ex- 
pulsion of all Spaniards except those physically inca- 
pable of departure and those who were sons of Amer- 
ican-born parents. I find nothing in the law indicative 
of any favor to such as had sworn allegiance; but so 
it was evidently understood in California, where it was 
promulgated in July. Nine men, nearly all deserters 
from the Aquiles, were selected for exile, two of whom, 
however, were allowed after all to remain; while all the 
rest on different pretexts, chiefly of infirmity and addic- 
tion to the republican cause, were deemed exempt. 4 * 
Another branch of this national proscription was the 
decree of May 10, 1827, debarring Spaniards from 
holding any office or public employment until Spain 
should recognize the independence of Mexico. Some 
soldiers were discharged, and the officers Guerra, Es- 



do so. There are several documents relating to different individuals of those 
named above in Dept. Pec, MS., vi. 72, 93, 123-6, 153; vii. 204, 209; Dept. 
St. Pap., MS., xix. 6-8, 19, 22, 45; St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 73-5. Nov. 22d, 
1828, Echeandia orders investigation of an insult offered to the national flag 
on Sept. 16th; also outrages to old Spaniards. Dept. Pec., MS., vi. 136. Dec. 
1828, Valencia arrested for saying that neither he nor Maitorena nor the 
vecinos of Sta Barbara had sworn to the independence. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. 
Pre/, y Jusg., MS., iii. 69. Dec. 14, 1827, R. C. Wyllie writes from 
Mazatlan to Hartnell that all the states are expelling Spaniards. Vallejo, 
Doc., MS. xxix. 182. May 9, 1829, Echeandia orders arrest of a Spanish 
deserter who had forfeited his rielit to remain by serving two years under a 
foreign flag. Dept. Pee., MS., vii. 156. May 30, 1S29, J. M. Padres wrote to 
the sup. govt, attributing the evils in Cal. to Spanish ideas, and complaining 
that the law on expulsion had not been executed. Oct. 6, 1830, Minister 
Alaman writes to the gov. for an explanation. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., vi. 
10-11. 

"July 6, 1830, Echeandia proclaims the law of March 20, 1829. Dept Pec., 
MS., viii. 190-1. July 24th, E. orders passports for the 6: Culebras, Obes, 
Sobradelas, Francisco Fernandez, Iglesias, and Nadal. PL, MS., vii. 20S. 
Mancisidor was added to the list. The two exempted were Luis Castro, 60 
years old; and Francisco Galindo, having a family (not in Echeandia 's list). 
Aug. 11th, governor's report to minister of relations. St. Pap., Sac, MS., 
x. 42-6. List of the nine at first deemed liable to expulsion. Dept. St. Pap., 
Pei). JUL, MS., Ixix. 29-30. List of nine Spaniards who ask to remain, 
mostly on the ground of infirmity. Munras, however, simply wants an ex- 
tension of time. Dept. St. Pap., MS., xix. 11-14. Aug., 2 Spaniards at S. 
Francisco; 2 at Los Angeles; and 16 at S. Diego. Id., xix. 1-2, 19. Nov. 3d, 
list sent by gov. to Mexico of 12 who have claimed exemption. They were: 
Gutierrez (2), Fabregat, Garcia (2), Sunol, Torre, Amesti, Munras, Fog6 (or 
Fogu<5), Jos6 Fernandez, and Luis Castro. St. Pap., Sac, MS., x. 49-52. 
Calcbras asked for a passport, to Ross, but was refused. Dept. Pec, MS., vii. 
235. 



THE GOVERNOR'S DEMANDS. 53 

tuclillo, and Fabregat were suspended for a time, 
though by decree of the president they received half- 
pay — quite as good as full pay in those days. 45 Yet 
another phase of the feeling against Spain was the 
patriotic alarm and enthusiasm caused by the report 
that a Spanish 'pirate' was cruising on the coast. 
" The time has come to show once more to the uni- 
verse that before submitting to Spanish rule we will 
repose in the sepulchre," was the way the governor 
put it. 46 

Returning finally to Echeandia, and to matters more 
closely connected with the governorship, we note that 
from the beginning of 1827 he had insisted more and 
more earnestly in his communications to the supreme 
government on certain reforms and on further assist- 
ance to himself and the territory. He demanded a 
subordinate gefe politico for Lower California; an 
ayudante inspector, who might assume the command 
in case of his illness or death; additional clerical aid, 
or the funds with which to procure such aid; more 
military officers and troops, priests, war- vessels, judges, 
and above all, money and improved financial manage- 
ment. And if such aid could not be afforded, he re- 
peatedly asked to be relieved from his command. 4 ' 
Some of his requests were granted. Jose* Maria 

45 Decree of May 10. 1827. Dept. St. /'»/<.. Any., MS., i\-. 3. Half-pay 
order, Oct. 1829. /</., A'-//. Com. and Treas., MS., ii. 7: Dept. S 
Ben. Mil, Ms., lxxix. 13. Guerra and others suspended. St. /'",<•■ v 
x. (17; Ord, Ocwrencias, MS., 18. Sept. :;. L829, discharge of soldiers ordered 
by Echeandia. Dept. Rec., .MS., \ii. 220. July L5th, a soldiei 

Pap., Bt /. Mil.. .MS.. !:.'•<. Hi. I ' isan -. or I •■ 
of the Spaniards sent away, was a regidor of Monterey. Dept. /.'"■.. Ms., vi. 
171. 

ia Dept. Rec, MS., vi. 9-1, 107, 264-6; vii. 83, 254. The piratr was re- 
ported to be the Griego, Capt. Juan de Mata; and the alarm fasted more or 
less from L828 to 183!). The orders in 1828 were, however, tha 
tains, sup dots, etc., of \ esse! i belonging to neutral nation 

be allowed to transact their regular busine s ;>t the ports, but must be 
watched and uot admitted to the interior. Dept. St. Pap., B< . Com. and 
Treas., MS., i. ](>;,. 

"Jan. !>, May 25, Oct, 17, 10, Nov. 7, 1 s-J7 -. Oct. 20, LS28; Aug. 11. 1829, 
]•:. to different national departments, complaining of difficulties, asking relief, 
and, particularly on Nov. 7, 1827, offering bis r i [nation. I 
MS., ii. 4i;Dept. Rec, MS., v. 125-6, 131, L33; 



54 ECHEAXDIA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 

Padres and Rafael Gomez were sent to California as 
ayudante inspector and asesor, respectively. 48 The 
military command of Lower California was detached 
in the middle of 1829 and joined to the comandancia 
general of Sonora; 49 and about the same time Colonel 
Antonio Garcia was appointed to succeed Echeandia 
in the governorship. 50 ,For reasons that I suppose to 
have been connected with Bustamante's accession to 
the presidency in January 1830, Garcia did not come 
to take possession of his office; and on March 8th 
Lieut. -colonel Manuel Victoria was made gefe 
politico of Alta California, the gefatura politica of the 
peninsula being now detached as the mando militar 
had been before, so that now the two territories were 
again distinct. 51 Victoria had been previously for a 
time comandante principal of Lower California; he 
came up from Loreto by land, arriving at San Diego 
perhaps in December 1830; but he did not take pos- 
session of his office until the next year. Meanwhile 
in these last years Echeandia was busied chiefly with 
mission affairs and commercial matters. He had been 



48 Padres had been comandante at Loreto and sub-gefe politico of Lower 
California. I find no record showing the date of his appointment as ayudante 
inspector; but in Feb. 1829 he seems to have been made sec. of the comandante 
general. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., v. 1; and in July 1828 was ordered to 
assume the command in Echeandia's place. Id., vi. 9. Apr. 3, 1829, Rafael 
Velez was approved as secretary of the comandancia, instead of Padres, but he 
never came. Id., v. 3. 

49 June 1, 1S29, gov. announces this change. The two territories were 
still subject in civil matters to the same gefe politico. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. 
Mil., MS., lxix. 2. 

50 Feb. 17, 1S29, Moctezuma to Echeandia. Orders him to deliver the 
command to Garcia. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., vi. 2. May 1st, Gervasio 
Argiiello writes from Guadalajara that Garcia has been appointed comandante 
general. Guerra,Doc, MS., v. 227. June 8th, Moctezuma to Garcia. Ves- 
sels are ready to take him to California, and the president desires him to sail 
at once. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., v. 11. July 17, 1828, Echeandia had 
been ordered to give up the command to Padres and proceed to Mexico. /(/. , 
vi. 9. Doubtless the political changes in Mexico had much to do with these 
successive and confusing orders. The records of this period are moreover 
very incomplete. 

51 March 8, 1S30, Victoria's appointment. March 11th, Minister Facio to 
Echeandia, ordering him to surrender the gefatura of California to Victoria, 
and of Lower California to Monterde. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., vi. G-7. 
March G, 1830, Capts. Juan Zamora, Juan Aguayo, Geronimo Hernandez, 
and Luciano Munoz; Lieut. Leonardo Diez Barroso, and Alf. Mariano Crecero 
have been destined to California. Id., vi. o-U. 



RECEPTION AT MONTEREY. 53 

more cordially received in the north in 1830 than at 
the time of his former visit; and except among the 
padres and their adherents, he had gained considerably 
in popularity/ 2 

52 Gonzalez, Experieneias, MS., 26-7, describes his formal reception at Sta 
Barbara by the ayuntaniiento. Alvarado, Hist. Gal., MS., ii. 150-7, says his 
reception at the capital was enthusiastic, Lieut Estrada making for all the 
citizens a speech of reconciliation, and the governor joining most heartily in 
the ensuing festivities. 



CHAPTER III. 

ECHEANDLA AND HERRERA— FINANCE— THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

1S26-1S30. 

Hard-times Items — Aid from Mexico — The Revenues — Comisario and 
Habilitados — Secret Investigation — Suspension and Resignation — 
Estrada, Vallejo, and Jimeno Casarin as Administrators — Re- 
volt of 1828— Revolt of 1829 — Causes— Monterey Taken— Joaqttin 
Solis— Plan of November 15th— Arguello Declines the Command — 
Solis Marches South — Echeandia's Preparations— Revolt at Santa 
Barbara — Bloodless Battles of Dos Pceblos and Cieneguita — Re- 
treat of Solis — Retaking of the Capital — Avila Captures Solis — 
Trial — The Spanish Flag — Banishment of Hep.rf,ra and Twenty 
Conspirators — Financial Affairs in 1829-30. 

It is not my purpose to present financial statistics 
in this chapter. Only fragments survive to be pre- 
sented anywhere, and these will receive such slight 
attention as they require, in connection with local pre- 
sidio annals, commercial topics, and general remarks 
on the subject of ways and means for the whole 
decade. Here I have to speak of the management, 
or mismanagement, of the territorial revenues, of the 
insufficiency of those revenues, as administered, to 
pay the soldiers or other employees of the govern- 
ment, and of the resulting destitution, discontent, and 
hnally revolt. 

There is little or nothing that is new to the reader 
to be said of the prevalent destitution in these years, 
a destitution which oppressed only the troops. 1 The 

'Complaints are not very numerous in the archives, since the usclessness 
of writing on the subject had been learned by long experience. The follow- 
in;,' minor items on this topic arc perhaps worth preservation: 1826, Echean- 
dia's complaints about the suspension of officers' pay. Only those officers who 

(56) 



HARD TIMES— SOURCES OF REVENUE. 57 

rancheros and pobladores were at least as well off as 
in earlier Spanish times, the improved market for their 
produce afforded by the trading fleet counterbalancing 
the heavy duties that were now exacted. Few if 
any of these classes seem to have made an effort to 
do more than support themselves and families; and 
this, save to the incorrigibly lazy, was an easy task. 
The lands produced food both for the owners and for 
the Indian laborers who did most of the work; while 
the natural increase of their herds furnished hides and 
tallow more than enough to be bartered with the 
agents of Hartnell or Gale for groceries, implements, 
and clothing. So far as the records show, they did 
not even deem it worth their while to complain of 
excessive duties and consequent high prices. 

For the support of the military establishment and 
to defray other expenses, the only resources were the 
duties collected on imports and exports — or the taxes 
on production, which practically took the place of the 
latter — the chief source of revenue, but one liable to 
considerable variation; contributions exacted from the 
missions as gifts, loans, sales on credit, or sperial taxes, 
given by the padres more and more grudgingly as the 
years passed by; and finally the supplies furnished di- 

came with him to Cal. are paid, and there is much discontent among the 
others. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xix. 32-4. Complaints heard by Beechey of non- 
payment of dues, and of excessive duties which greatly increased prices. 
Beechey's Vo>/., ii. 10. March 30, 182G, petition of soldiers, alleging that 
they were getting la ration, nada mas, as in years past, notwithstanding the 
promises of the govt. Repeated June 7th. 'j>(]>/. St. /'"/<., /!</>. Mi'.. MS., 
lvii. 13. April 30th, no funds to furnish $400 for the celebration o! 
national event. Id., lvii. 14. Hartnell lent the comisaria 264 cattle, which 
in 1839 had not been repaid. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS.,iv. 59. 
1827, Feb. 1st, comisario lias no funds to supply blankets; great want >•( 
money and food; impossible to get a loan, it/., i. 7'->. Feb. 5th, gov. Lends 
8000 in view of the urgent needs of the soldiers. Dept. Rec, MS., v. 21. 
July 5th, complaint that S. Bias company do not get their share of SUpp 
/'/., v. 58. Nov. 21st, decree of national govt on a loan, put of which Is to 
go to the relief of California. Sup. Govt St. /'"/<., MS., sx. 8. L828, M 
."id, troops naked and in great want. Could get no part of their dues. Dept. 
St. Pap., r>in. Mil., Ms., lwi. 68. Same date, gov. tells com. gen. that 

no supplies have been sent fr Mexico for a considerable time! Dept. /.' . 

vi. 7. March 10th, eight soldiers at Monterey granted Leave of absence 
and earn their bring for .'? months, for want of funds at Monterej 
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lwi. 24-5. 



5S ECHEANDIA AND HERRERA— THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

rectly or indirectly by Mexico — that is, the $22,000 
sent in 1825, possibly one or two small amounts sent 
later, and a few drafts on the national treasury which 
in one way or another foreign or resident traders were 
induced to accept as security for loans or in payment 
for goods supplied. 2 Theoretically, the national treas- 
ury should have paid the territorial expenses and re- 
ceived the net product of the territorial revenue; but 
practically, the territory was left to pay its own ex- 
penses, nominally about $130,000 a year, always ex- 
cepting the small amounts furnished as before specified, 
and a considerable supply of very bad tobacco. To 
estimate the actual revenue with any approach to ac- 
curacy would probably have been wellnigh impossi- 
ble at the time, 3 and is entirely so now. Fully col- 
lected and honestly administered, the total revenue 
could hardly have amounted to one half the nominal 
expenditure; and indications are not wanting that a 
considerable portion was lost to the troops through 
smuggling operations and the rascality of officials. 
Moreover, there were charges of partiality and injus- 
tice in the final distribution of the net product, cer- 

2 On the $22,000, see chap, i., this vol. At the same time $12,000 was or- 
dered paid in favor of California through the comisario general at Arizpe; 
but I find no evidence that any part of the sum was ever paid. July 1826, 
record that $3,000 was sent to Cal. by the Sirena from the sup. govt. Sup. 
Govt St. Pap., MS., iii. 6. In Jan. 1823, Enrique Virmond seems to have 
accepted drafts from the presidial comandantes to the amount of about S3, 000 
for goods supplied from the Maria Ester; and again in Dec. he supplied the 
same amount in goods and silver coin. Dept. Bee, MS., vi. 1, 153, 108, 170. 
Virmond had exceptional facilities for getting his claims allowed by Mexican 
officials, and he probably lost nothing. Nov. 11, 182S, M. G. Vallejo author- 
ized to borrow $500 payable on sight, or 15 days after sight of draft ! Vallejo, 
Doc, MS., i. 160. According to Mexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1830, annex. 33, 
the govt of Cal. had borrowed $7,202, of which sum $1,564 had been repaid 
down to June 29th. Hartnell also lent the govt $7,100 in 1827; the draft 
signed by Herrera was not accepted in Mexico, on account of some alleged ir- 
regularity; and on Nov. 20, 1830, Hartnell petitions the gov. on the subject. 
Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxx. 154. 

3 Eel). 19, 1830, gov. informs the comisario general that commerce, car- 
ried on by a peculiar system, 'authorized by force of circumstances' in Cal., 
yielded barely two fifths of the expenses; while mission contributions, by dint 
of constant requisitions and annoyances, yielded not more than one fifth of the 
deficit. Dept. Bee, MS., viii. 72. The revenue obtained from vessels is insuffi- 
cient for garrison expenses; therefore, the missions advance grain and cattle, 
and the nation assumes the debt. Bandini's letter of 182S in Bandini, Doc, 
MS.. 8. 



SUB-COMISARIO AND HABILITADOS. 59 

tain presidios, and certain classes of troops, being fa- 
vored or slighted. 

During the Spanish rule, and the interregnum that 
followed, the provincial finances had been managed — ■ 
for the most part honestly, if not always with great 
skill, so far as accounts were concerned — by the habil- 
itados of the respective companies, one of whom in 
the later days had been named administrator, with 
very little authority over the others. On the estab- 
lishment of the republic, Herrera had been sent, as 
we have seen, in 1825, as comisario to take charge of 
the territorial finances as a subordinate of the comis- 
ario general of the western states Sonora and Sin- 
aloa. The instructions to Herrera are not extant; 
but it is evident from subsequent communications of 
himself and his superiors that he had exclusive con- 
trol of the treasury department, and was indepen- 
dent of the gefe politico, except that like any other 
citizen he was within the civil and criminal jurisdic- 
tion of that officer. The habilitados, the only per- 
sons in the territory qualified for the task, served as 
Herrera's subordinates for the collection of revenue 
at the presidios, so that locally there was no change. 
Whether the comisario appointed them voluntarily 
or in obedience to his instructions does not appear; 
but their duty w T as simply to collect the revenues and 
pay them over to Herrera, their duty as company 
paymasters in disbursing funds subsequently re-ob- 
tained from the comisaria being a distinct matter. 

Naturally the habilitados were jealous from the 
first of the authority exercised by their new master, 
and were displeased at every innovation on the old 
method under Estrada's administration. Moreover, 
Jicrrerawas a stranger, and worse yet a Mexican, 
being therefore liable to distrust as not properly 
appreciative of Californian ways. He was also a 
friend and relative of Captain Gonzalez, and involved 
to some extent in the quarrel between that officer 
and Estrada, which circumstance contributed not a 



60 ECHEANDlA and herrera— the solis revolt. 

little to his unpopularity. A quarrel resulted, the 
details of which it is neither desirable nor possible 
to follow closely. What were the relations between 
Herrera and Echeandia before they left Mexico, I do 
not know; but after their arrival in California there 
could hardly fail to be jealousy, especially on Eche- 
andia's part; and at any rate, the latter soon became 
leader in the opposition to the comisario. I append 
some items from the correspondence of the times. 4 

Herrera was an intelligent and able man; his acts 
were approved by his superior officer; and I find in 
contemporary documents no proof of irregularities 
or unfaithfulness in his official conduct; though it 
would perhaps be presumptuous to found on the im- 
perfect record an opinion that he acted wisely or 

4 March 3, 1826, com. gen. to Herrera. Reproves him for not sending 
accounts so that the great necessity of the troops might be known and re- 
lieved. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., i. 22. March 25th, Id. to 
Id., announces that all claims of Cal. may be presented at the comisaria. Id., 
ii. 17. April 7th, H. to Echeandia. Charges that Lieut. Estudillo for a just rep- 
rimand becomes abusive. Id., i. 41-2. May 11th, E. orders that all amounts 
due the treasury be paid at the comisario's office. Dept. Bee, MS., iv. 37. June 
27th, H. to E. Wishes to know why he is not recognized as gefe de hacienda; 
measures have been ordered without his consent or knowledge. He wishes 
E. to define his own position, so that he, H., may be freed from his burdens and 
report to the supreme government. Dept. St. Pap., MS., i. 136. July 11th, 
H. to E. Defence of the practice of allowing vessels to touch at way points. 
Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., i. 42-7. Sept. 11th, com. gen. to E. Ask3 
him to order habilitados to send in their accounts to Herrera in two months, or 
he will appeal to Mexico. Reprimands him for exceeding his powers, using 
funds without Herrera's permission, treating H. as a subordinate and not as the 
gefe of all treasury branches, and not obeying the laws. Threatensto withdraw 
the comisario altogether if E. does not mend his ways. Accuses him of prevent- 
ing the execution of Herrera's decree on the payment of duties, without au- 
thority to do so. H. was under no obligation to submit his orders or those 
of his superior to the gefe politico. ' Watch also over those friars with their 
Spanish ideas. ' The comisario must be supported, not opposed. In the ap- 
pointment of a sub-comisario at Loreto, E. had also usurped authority. 'I 
can not permit you thus to interfere. The power of appointment rests exclu- 
sively with H. as my subordinate. ' H. was not to be blamedfor reporting these 
things, since he had positive orders to do so. Id. , i. 23-34. Oct. 16th, H. to E. 
(Hi the details of business, explaining his efforts to getalong with an insufficient 
revenue. Complains of habilitados for not rendering accounts, and for drawing 
drafts on him when they knew lie had no money. Protests against paying 
one company more than another; and claims that in case of urgent need the 
soldiers should be preferred to officials. Id., i. 56-60. Dec. 1st, H. com- 
plains that his orders are disregarded, and that Estrada refuses to render ac- 
counts. Repeats the complaint a little later, with threats to report to Mex- 
ico. Dec. 27th, 30th, orders from Mexico requiring half the revenues to be 
remitted to the national treasury! and that regular accounts be sent for pub- 
lication in the Gazda of Guadalajara. Id., i. 72-3, 89-91, 14. 



CHARGES AND INVESTIGATIONS. Gl 

honestly" throughout the quarrel, especially in opposi- 
tion to the statements of several Californians who 
remember the controversy. 5 It is my opinion, how- 
ever, that the class of Californians represented by 
Alvarado, Osio, and Vallejo look at Herrera's acts 
through the colored glasses of political prejudice; and 
that among other classes the comisario was by no 
means unpopular. 

In April 1827 Echeandia ordered a secret investi- 
gation of Herrera's administration, to be conducted by 
Zamorano. The proceedings were begun at San Diego 
the 30th of April, and afterwards continued at Mon- 
terey and Los Angeles in May and June. The main 
charge was that the comisario had, on his wa}' to 
California, invested a portion of the $22,000 of terri- 
torial funds intrusted to his care in effects to be sold 
for his own account and profit, though it was not 
claimed apparently that there was any deficit in his 
accounts, or that the money thus improperly used had 
not been refunded. 6 Zamorano as fiscal reported the 

5 No one has anything to say in Herrera's favor. Alvarado. Hist. Cal., MS., 
ii. 111-17, 132-4G, is especially bitter in his criticism, charging H. with 
dishonesty, embezzlement, conspiracy, usurpation, insolence, and pretty much 
everything that was bad. Osio, Hist. Cal., MS., 122-3, is hardly less severe. 
Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. G2-3, tells us that H. 'did nothing but conspire 
and make trouble.' J. J. Vallejo, Beminis., MS., 91-2, represents H. as 
intriguing with the support of the padres to unseat Echeandia and put himself 
in power. Duhaut-Cilly, Viw/gio, i. 2S2-G, describes the quarrel without 
attaching much blame to Herrera; and it is to be noted that Mrs. Ord, one of 
the clearestdieaded Californian writers, personally friendly to Echeandia, ex- 
presses no opinion on the merits of the parties to this quarrel. Ocurrencias, 
MS., 20-1. 

°IIerrera, Causa contra cl Comisario Sub-PrincipcU d\ Californias, Jo-i4 
Maria Herrera, IS J7, MS.; also an abridged record in the archives. Capt. 
Guerra testified that of the 822,000 the Sta B. Co. had got only $3,600; knew 
not what had become of the rest; had heard that the monej was landed at S. 
Bias, and only a part reshipped with goods supposed to have been purchased 
with that money. Maitorena had heard of the investment of public funds, 
and had seen in the possession of Luis Bringas certain bales of goods, which 
he judged to be the ones bought by H. In a Letter of liter date, Maitorena 
attempts to show some irregularities in the collection of duties from the -Y 
in 1S25. Juan Bandini reserved his formal testimony until the matter should 
come before the diputacion; but declared it to be a matter of public notoriety 
that H. had misapplied the public funds. Alt'. Romualdo Pacheco noticed at 
S. I'.la . that only$6,500 of tlie $22,000 was reshipped, and was told by .1. ,M. 
Padres that H. nad invested the balance in goods, having admitted as much 
to him, Padre's. It was a notorious fact thai Brii iods at 

the presidios, towns, and missions of Cal. Alt". Juan •',,„■ Etocha • infirmed 



62 ECHEAXDIA AND HERRERA— THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

charge well founded; and it must be admitted that 
the testimony against the cornisario, though for the 
most part weak, furnished some grounds for suspicion 
— and nothing stronger under the circumstances — that 
certain packages of goods had been purchased with 
public money. When we consider that these proceed- 
ings were conducted in secret, mainly by Herrera's 
enemies, that they were never carried further in public, 
that Herrera was never called upon for a defence upon 
any criminal charge, and that Echeandia was smarting 
under the rebukes of the comisario general, it seems 
wisest at the least to attach little importance to the 
accusations. 

The matter was discussed by the diputacion in the 
sessions of July, Bandini and the president making 
all the speeches. Bandini's deferred revelations proved 
to be the reading of a treasury report on the sums of 



the statement as to what was seen in S. Bias. Lieut. Estrada testified that 
the Morelos brought some 20 packages, including cigars and brandy, more 
than were on the manifest; and these goods were opened at Herrera's house, 
where and elsewhere they were sold by Bringas. Deponent believed the 
goods belonged to H. Luis Mariano Bringas, after much difficulty, was 
found and induced to testify at Angeles before the alcalde and Capt. Portilla. 
His testimony was clear enough, and to the effect that of the $4,500 in good3 
which he had brought to California and sold, $3,000 belonged to his friend 
Tejada, a trader of Saltillo, and $1,500 had been committed to him by H. as 
belonging to his (H.'s) cousin. Full particulars were given of his dealings. 
But by the testimony of Ignacio M. Alvarado it was shown that Bringas, 
while refusing to testify on various pretences, had sent a messenger post-haste 
to Monterey and had received a message from H. Capt. Portilla's opinion 
was, therefore, that Bringas had testified falsely under instructions from II., 
whose accomplice he was. One of the documents exhibited by Bringas, in 
support of his testimony, was a draft bearing the name of Wm. A. Gale, 
written Galle, and pronounced a forgery by Gale himself, who denied that lie 
had ever had any transaction with Bringas. Moreover, Rodrigo del Pliego 
testified that H. had openly boasted of furnishing Bringas with papers that 
would serve his purpose, implying that the signatures were forged by him. Za- 
morano's final opinion, rendered to Echeandia at the end of July, was that II. 
had invested a part of the public funds for his own account at Tepic, since of 
the .$22,000 only about §8,500 in coin could be proved to have arrived in Cal. ; 
and it was very likely that the bales of goods referred to represented the bal- 
ance; though it was hard to prove, because H. had had plenty of time to 
replace the deficit in coin. June 10th, Echeandia in a circular orders the ap- 
prehension of Bringas, who is to be compelled to testify. Dept. Iiec, MS., v. 
53. April 20th, E. to com. gen., says that H. has not acted properly, and 
that proceedings have been instituted to prove his misbehavior. Ll.,\. 136. 
July 10th, II. to gov., with renewed complaints on the disregard of his orders 
by Martinez, Estrada, and Argiiello. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., 
MS., i. 70-9. 



ACTION OF THE DIPUTACION. C3 

money intrusted to Herrera, and his own statement 
that he was positive of Herrera's misuse of the funds. 
The record of the previous secret investigations seems 
also to have been read. Ternas, or trios, of candidates 
for contador and treasurer were proposed in due form. 
Bandini then advocated the suspension of Herrera; 
but Echeandia opposed so radical a measure, arguing 
that the comisario would be so closely watched by the 
new officials that he could do no harm, and meanwhile 
the charges against him could be investigated by the 
supreme government. It is not easy to determine 
whether the governor's opposition was a mere pre- 
tence, or whether, while wishing to humble his rival, 
he doubted the expediency of suspending him on so 
slight evidence. On the first vote, four members were 
for suspension, one against it, and one besides the pres- 
ident did not vote. Subsequently another member 
was called in, the arguments were repeated, and Ban- 
dini obtained a secret vote in favor of suspension. It 
is not unlikely that this result had been prearranged, 
and that the arguments of Bandini and Echeandia 
were made merely for effect. 7 

Herrera was not suspended, because the candidates 
for treasurer declined to serve, and no suitable person 
for the place could be found; but Pablo Gonzalez 
was installed as contador from July 23d, and matters 
went on much as before, save that Herrera, offended 
at the charges of interfering with other officials, now 
declined to perform some duties thought to belong to 
him. 8 He neglected certain details of gathering sup- 

n Leg. R<r., MS., i. 01-10]. For contador the tenia was, 1. Pablo< 
2. Joaquin Estudillo, 3. Manuel Dominguez. I'm- treasurer, L. Jose ^ 
Carrillo, 2. Jos6 Antonio Estudillo, 3. Antonio Maria Osio. In tbe fir I 
Ortega, Bandini, Carrillo, and Buelna voted for suspension; Estrada o 
and Tapia reserved his vote. Romualdo Pacheco was the suplente called in, 
but the final vote was secret, no names being given. 

8 Appointment of < ronzalez, whoBpoke English, as contador, Julv23d. L g. 
Rcc, MS., i. 04, 01; Dept. Rec, MS., v. 71. Aug. 7th, Echeandia to com. 
gen. Says lie lias forwarded bo the secretary oi the treasury bhe rel in- 
vestigations against H., whom the di] t of a 
suitable man to take his place, fd., v. 138. Sept. 19th, II. I 
complaining that the ministro tl ■ ques- 
tions. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Con . and Treas., MS., i. 91. 



G4 ECHEANDIA AND HERRERA— THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

plies and serving out rations to prisoners, was sum- 
moned before the diputacion on September 19th, denied 
the right of that body to question him, but indulged 
in a wordy warfare with Echeandia in the legislative 
hall. Next day the governor evolved from his inner 
consciousness, and caused to be approved by the dipu- 
tacion, the theory that the duty of a comisario sub- 
principal de hacienda was confined to 'systematizing 
the financial administration/ by reporting on needed 
reforms, and keeping accounts of net products of rev- 
enue. 9 Accordingly he notified Herrera of the result 
of his legal studies prompted by the comisario's mis- 
deeds, and ordered him to restore to the habilitados 
all their former powers, and to confine his own author- 
ity to the narrow limits indicated above. Herrera 
thereupon, in obedience as he said to previous instruc- 
tions from his superior, resigned his position, leaving 
the financial administration wholly in the hands of 
the gefe politico, and asking for a passport to go to 
Mazatlan, which Echeandia refused. Thus the matter 
stood during the rest of 1827. 10 

9 Leg. Bee. , MS. , i. 86-90, 101-4. Sessions of Sept. 19th-20th. Echeandia 
supported his new theory with an elaborate argument. A new terna for treas- 
urer was proposed, consisting of Santiago Argiiello, Maitorena, and Ignacio 
Martinez ; but military duties prevented their acceptance. 

10 Sept. 25, 1827, gov. to H. Dept. Bee, MS., v. 91-2, repeated Sept. 27th. 
Sept. 20th, H. to Estrada, announcing his resignation. Vallejo, Doe., MS., i. 
110. Sept. 26th, gov. to Estrada, announcing and explaining the change. 
The complaint was in the matter of furnishing supplies and rations, and the 
theory was that Gov. Argiiello had given up to H. at first powers to which 
he was not entitled. Id., i. 109. Same date, Echeandia notifies Prefect Sarria 
of the change. Arch. J rzob. , MS. , v. pt i. 38-9. Echeandia's argument quoted 
in Vcdlejo, Hist. Gal., MS., ii. 172-4. E. says in 1829 that H. 'se suspendioy 
tenazmento se neg6 en el ejercicio de todas sus funciones destle el dia 20 de Sep- 
tiembre de 1827, dejandolas al cargo de este gobierno.' Dept. St. Pap., Ben. 
Mil., MS., lxx. 19. Sept. 29th, E. to H. Chides him for his refusal to perform 
duties belonging to his office, and refuses a passport. Dept. Bee., MS., v. 93. 
October, E. asks minister of the treasury that the trial or investigation of him- 
self and H. may take place inCal. Id., v. 130-1. Oct. 1st, E. to comandantes 
and prefect on his orders to H. Id. , v. 93-4; Dept. St. Pop. , MS. , ii. 41. Oct. 3d, 
E. to H. Never told him not to manage the funds entering his oifice; and if he 
persists in resigning the place, the treasury will be injured even more than it 
was by his assumption of the habilitados' duties and rights. Dept. Bee., v. 95. 
Oct. 11th, H. to E.. protesting against the orders which detain him in Cal. If 
the treasury interests were injured, it was because he was not allowed to go 
to report to his superior in order that the latter might put another man in 
his place; and the governor, to whom he was in no way responsible, was the 
only one to blame. If charged with criminal act3, he was ready for trial; if 



FINANCIAL AFFAIRS IX 1823. 65 

Nor did 1828 bring" any notable change in the sit- 
uation. The habilitados attended to the revenues as 
of old, Estrada and afterward Vallejo of Monterey 
exercising a kind of supervision, until in November 
Manuel Jimeno Casarin, a young man brought to 
California by his brothers, the friars Jimeno, was 
appointed by Echeandia as acting comisario, or admin- 
istrator of the revenues, his position being similar to 
that held by Estrada before the coming of Herrera; 11 
and Juan Bandini was appointed at about the same 
time as subordinate comisario at San Diego. Mean- 
while Herrera continued his protests against being 
kept in California; could obtain neither a trial nor a 
passport; but made some efforts to obtain material for 
a later prosecution of his adversary. Echeandia was 
greatly blamed by both the comisario general and the 
minister of the treasury for his course towards his 
foe; but he defended himself as well as he could in 
writing, and insisted on keeping Herrera in the terri- 
tory and holding him responsible for all financial ills, 
present and prospective. 12 

not, tliei-e was no right to detain him. He wished to enjoy the wise laws of 
his country where they were respected and obeyed, and not remain where they 
\. '■ . hamefully transgressed, as he was ready to prove. He also claimed his 
arrears of salary, he having received only §120 in a year, and having to sell 
his furniture to keep alive. Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 51. Oct. 16th, E. to 
comandantes, alcaldes, etc., announcing his action towards H., urging habili- 
tados to attend carefully to their duties, and explaining why II. was notallowed 
to depart — that is because at a distance it would be hard to prove \\.'* frauds or 
justify his own action or that of the diputacion. Dept. Rec, MS., 101, L03j D 
St. Pap.,S. Jose, MS., iv. 49-50; Dept. St. Pap.,Ang., MS., xi. I. Oct. 28th, 
E. to com. gen. Thinks the administration of the revenue by the habilitados 
is injurious. "With an administrator, vista, and guard at each port, the 
revenue might amount to $30,000 or $40,000 annually. Dept. Rec, MS., v. 
139. Nov. 27th, E. tells the comandante that the company officers had 
oever been free from responsibility in the matter of finances. /</.. v. 105. 

11 Dept. Rec., .MS., vi. 13, L33; L<\i- Rec, MS., i. 286. Oct. 6th, 1'. Antonio 
Jimeno writes to P. Peyri about getting for his brother the position 
lector of customs. Peyri replies that he should obtain a certi i 
and security for 84,000. Perhaps Jimeno did not take possession until -i in. 
I, 1829. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxx. 308. 

1 'Jan. LI, 1828, gov. to rain, of war. Defends himself againal cha 
usurpation by the mm. of the treasury. Some of the chargi 9 had at>] 
been printed, for which satisfaction is demanded. Dept. Rec, MS., vi, 18 
19. Feb. 22d, H. asks for a pa roortto > and render his accounts i I 
tlan. St. Pap., Sac, MS., x. 101. March 1st and April 26th, < 
blaming him and the diputacion for exceeding their powers, even on the sup- 
position that H. was guilty as charged, in which case a report should have 

Uist. C'al., Vol. III. 5 



CO ECHEANDIA AND HERRERA— THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

A kind of revolt occurred in the north in October 
1828, with which Herrera's name is connected as 
instigator by Alvarado, Osio, and Vallejo, without 
the slightest foundation so far as can be known. 
There is indeed very little information extant respect- 
ing the movement, although I have the statements of 
several old Californians on the subject, including two 
of the leaders, Jose de Jesus Pico and Pablo Vejar. 
It appears that on the 8th of October, a large part of 
the cavalry soldiers at Monterey, joined by those of 
the escoltas who left their missions, refused to serve 
longer unless they were paid, thereupon marching out 
of the presidio with their weapons. Touching sub- 
sequent events, there is no agreement among the nar- 
rators, beyond the fact that Lieutenant Romualdo 
Pacheco persuaded the rebels to return to their duties, 
several of the number being put in prison to await 
the decision of the supreme government on their 
fate. 13 All agree that want of clothing and food was 

been sent to his superior officer. H. is also reprimanded on the same date for 
failing to report properly on E.'s misdeeds and other matters. Dept. St. Pap., 
Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., i. 96-103. June 13th, H. to E. Protests against 
what is virtually his arrest, since he is not allowed to leave Monterey for Sta 
Barbara and S. Diego to attend to business. Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 58. 
July 1st, H. required by the pres. of Mexico to form a regular accusation 
against E. ; nothing to be kept back. Id., Ben. Com. and Treas., i. 92-3. Aug. 
7th, E. says he did not intend to prevent H. from travelling by land within 
the territory. Dept. Bee., MS., vi. 79. Sept. loth, E. to com. gen. Says 
H.'s charge that he and the diputacion deprived him of his office is false. /(/., 
vi. 12-13. Nov. 7th, E. orders that H. 's salary be paid punctually. Id., vi. 
131. Same date, will not allow him to leave the territory till ordered to do 
so by the sup. govt. Id., vi. 129. Dec. 4th, 9th, 17th, further correspond- 
ence, showing that H. went to S. Diego, apparently to make secret investiga- 
tions against his foe, which caused additional complications not very clearly 
recorded. Id., vi. 148, 150, 154-6, 158. 

13 Oct. 1828, escoltas from S. Luis Obispo to S. Juan Bautista have aban- 
doned their posts. Dept. St. Pap., Ben, Pre/, y Juzg., MS., i. 6, 8-9. Oct, 
18th, Echeandia orders comandante of Monterey to bring the rebels to trial 
by court-martial; but if he cannot master them, to offer a pardon. Dept. 
Bee., MS., vi. 113. Oct. 20th, E. to min. of war. Says the escoltas left 
their posts, and with the other troops came with arms in their hands to 
demand their pay. Hopes by the aid of the artillery lately arrived to pre- 
vent such disorder; but needs officers. St. Pap., Sac., MS., x. 36-8. Oct. 
31st, Id. to Id. Mentions the revolt, and asks that the guilty ones be par- 
doned. Dept. Bee., MS., vi. 36. Nov. 7th, comandante of Monterey has 
i tade known to the troops the governor's pleasure at their loyalty in reject- 
ing the proposals by some degenerate mil/tares. Vallejo, Doc,, MS., i. 159. 
Jan. 1829, fiscal's opinion in case of Francisco Soto for the revolt of Oct. 
Sth, and other insubordination, then in prison. Thinks the death penalty 



DISCONTENT OF THE SOLDIERS. G7 

the cause of the rising; and there is no reason to sup- 
pose that it had any politically personal significance. 
There is also a vague allusion to insubordination at 
San Francisco about the same time, but we have no 
particulars. 14 

In 1829 there was a practical cessation of the finan- 
cial controversy in its old phases, the situation remain- 
ing unchanged, save that Antonio Maria Osio acted 
as comisario during part of the year in the place of 
Jimcno, and an opportunity was afforded Echeandia 
to rid himself of Herrera by sending him away as a 
prisoner for trial, on charges somewhat less unfounded 
than that of mismanaging the revenues. Discontent 
among the soldiers continued, resulting in a revolt 
more extensive and complicated than that of 1828, 
though not much more serious in its results. Desti- 
tution, resulting from non-receipt of pay and rations, 
and attributed naturally by the troops to some fault 
of the governor, was the leading motive of the sol- 
diers; the participants in the last revolt, yet under 

should not be inflicted. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lxix. 24. Osio, Hist. 
< 'a!.. MS., 123-3, says 40 soldiers, not including the older sergeants ami cor- 
porals, marched 12 leagues to Codornices Mt., and were induced to come 
back by Pachcco and the padres, the former offering to intercede for their 
pardon. Vallejo, Hist. Gal., ii. 83-5, tells us the cavalry company went to 
Sauzal, could not agree among themselves, and when Pacheco put himself at 
their head, they instinctively obeyed his order to march back to their quar- 
ters, where they were under arrest for many months. Pico, Acontt cimit ntos, 
MS., 10, says that 80 men wandered about for a month, when half went back 
and were pardoned. The rest, the leaders being Felipe Arceo, Raimundo 
and Gabriel de la Torre, Pablo Vejar, Jose de Jesus Pico, and Francisco Soto, 
remained away longer, but at last returned at the rerpicst of their friends 
and families, and were put in prison. Vejar, Recuerdos, MS., 8 9, Bays he and 
another man were sent to Estrada to say that they would serve no Longer 
without pay; and that before they returned to duty Estrada promised par- 
don and some relief. Torre, Reminiscenciaa, MS., 8-9, says that Arc 
leader, and that the rebels went as far as Sta Cruz, S. Juan, and v . 
Avila, Cosas deCul., MS., 25-7, saw the rebels form in line near her husband's 
house to return with Pacheco. She says Wjar was the Leader, and fchi b 
in prison all were terrified at threats oi being put to death. Amador, 
nets, MS., 80, tells us it was a long time before all returned to duty. 
and Jos6 de Jesus Vallejo, Reminia., MS., 15 L6, represenl the soli 
having been in a pitiable state of destitution when they were dri en to 
ordination. Mention of the affair in Lugo, Futa, MS., L3; Lariat, * 
atoms, MS., 8; Orel, Ocurrencias, MS., 21. 

"Oct. 20th, gov. to min. of war. St. Pap., -Sac, MS., x. 3S-9. 



CS ECHEAXDIA AND HERRERA— THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

arrest, were rendered reckless by current rumors that 
they were to be shot; 15 Herrera and some of the 
friars, from motives of personal hostility, were willing 
to encourage any movement directed against Echean- 
dia; and finally the records, without clearly implicat- 
ing any prominent individual, leave room for a suspi- 
cion that most of the officers at Monterey and San 
Francisco were at the least not very earnest in their 
opposition to the rebels, though lacking confidence in 
their success and courage to take risks. 

In June two soldiers revealed to Alferez Jose* Fer- 
nandez del Campo a plot of the troops to rise against 
the governor and all those de la otra banda, with a 
view to put all the offices in the hands of Californians. 
The outbreak at Monterey was to take place June 
22d, but the plan was revealed on the 18th. The 
leader was Joaquin Solis, a convict ranchero, living 
not far from the presidio. Solis was a companion of 
Vicente Gomez, El Capador. Like him, he had ren- 
dered service in the war of independence, and like 
him, had been sentenced to California for brutal 
crimes, which, but for his past services, would have 
been more severely punished. This revelation strangely 
seems to have caused no special sensation. There was 
a formal examination of several witnesses, with some 
official correspondence. Difficulty was experienced in 
inducing any officer to act as fiscal, or prosecutor, and 
finally the matter was dropped for reasons not ap- 
parent. Stranger still, this affair was ignored in all 
the proceedings arising from later troubles. 16 

15 June 9, 1829, order from Mexico that the soldiers under arrest for mutiny- 
be set at liberty, after admonishment as to their duties. Sup. Govt St. Pap., 
MS., v. 12. It does not appear that this order reached Monterey before the 
rising. The fact that the prisoners began the movement is stated by Pico, 
Acortt., MS., 10-13; Larios, Couvulsiones, MS., 8-10; Avila, Cosas de Cal., 
MS.. 25-S. 

16 June 23, 1829, com. of Monterey toEcheandia. Says a conspiracy of the 
Californians against the Mexicans had been detected, and his men had been un- 
der arms for 3 days, though the conspirators had not dared to break out. Dept. 
/ ., MX., vi. 10. June 25th, Alf. Fernandez reported to the com. the revela- 
tion i of Mariano Peguero, corporal of artillery, and of private Pedro Guerrero. 
< l-abriel Espinosa and Raimundo de la Torre were named as concerned in the 
plot. The cavalryman, Juan Elizalde, confirmed the statements of Peguero 



REVOLTING TROOPS TAKE MONTEREY. CO 

During the night of November 12th— 13th, the sol- 
diers at Monterey rose and took possession of the 
presidio. By a previous understanding, doubtless, 
though little or nothing was ever brought to light on 
the subject, there was no opposition in any of the 
barracks; but some of the men, especially of the in- 
fantry, seem to have been permitted to remain neutral 
by giving up their weapons. The ringleaders were 
Mariano Peguero, Andres Leon, Pablo Vejar, and 
the two brothers Raimundo and Gabriel de la Torre, 
though even of these none would subsequently ad- 
mit that he entered altogether willingly into the plot, 
or that he contemplated anything more serious than 
the sending of a 'representation' to the governor. 
Small parties, each including two or more of the men 
named, proceeded to the houses of Vallejo, the acting 
commandant of the company, Juan Jose Koch a of 
the artillery, Sergeant Andres Cervantes, and of the 
acting comisario Manuel Jimeno Casarin, all of whom 
were roused from their slumbers on one pretext or 
another, and were locked up in the calabozo before 
dawn. Juan B. Alvarado and Jose Castro seem also 
to have been arrested. No resistance beyond verbal 
protest was attempted, except that the doors of Va- 
llejo and Rocha had to be kicked down by Estevan 
Espinosa. 17 

and Guerrero. Follows a record of preliminary legal proceedings) lead 
no intelligible result. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,lxix. 15-19. Julj 1st. 
gov. to com. of Monterey. Orders arrest of Solis, Espinosa, and Torre, and 
examination of Elizalde, Guerrero, and Fernando Curiel. Dept. St. Pap., MS., 
ii. %-7; Dept. Z?ec, MS., vi. 187. July 8th, gov. orders artillery comandante 
to redouble his efforts to prevent the threatened revolt. Id., vii. 193. Sept. 
22d, Jose T. Castro, alcalde, assures Echeandfa of the fealty of S. Jose\ St. 
Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., ii. 7. Sept. 28th, Fernandez del Campo to al- 
calde. Must watch that m forbidden arms. Vallejo, Doc., MS., 
xxix. 419. 

17 The details of the arrests are given at considerable length in b> 
to be referred to later. R. Torre, Vejar, Leon, Do] I pinosa, and 

afev artillerymen composed the party that took Vj Ee was caU 

pretext of an Important message just arrived, but suspecting something, i 
not come out; therefore the door was kicked in afte I 

Vejar, and Espinosa arrested Jimeno. Several witnesses testified that Alva- 
rado and ( 'astro were imprisoned. Avila, < 'osasde Cal., MS., 25 8, • 
Vdjar at the lime that the object was to make 1 and 

learn how the soldiers had to live. Spence, Ht8t. A 



70 ECHEANDIA AND HERRERA— THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

The rebels thus secured Monterey without opposi- 
tion, and similar easy success at all other points was 
anticipated. There was the usual indulgence in pros- 
pective death or liberty as a figure of speech, but 
clearly none of the conspirators expected serious ob- 
stacles. A leader was needed, none of the conspira- 
tors ranking higher than corporal, or feeling compe- 
tent to take the command. Raimundo de la Torre 
was accordingly despatched with a summons to Joaquin 
Solis, who came in from his rancho on the 14th and as- 
sumed the position of comandante general of the Cali- 
fornian troops. 18 I suppose that all this had been pre- 
arranged, although Solis and the rest insisted on their 
trial, that the convict general now heard of the rising 
for the first time, and he even had the assurance to claim 
that he accepted the command to prevent the disor- 
ders that would naturally arise from leaving the rab- 
ble uncontrolled! 

Now that there was a general, a plan or pronuncia- 
miento was an absolute necessity. Solis applied for 
such a plan — or, as he afterward tried to make it 
appear, for a petition or 'representation' to Echeandia 
on existing evils — to Jose Maria Herrera. The ex- 
took the officers of the presidio by stratagem. Alvarado, Hist. CaL, MS., ii. 
148-59, says he and Castro were sleepiugin the same room with Vallejo, when 
10 soldiers came and marched all three to jail, where they spent the night on 
the bare ground, half-dressed. Vallejo got a chance to make a speech, but 
to no avail. The prisoners feared at first serious results from the reckless 
character of the conspirators. Vallejo, Hist. CaL, MS., ii. 86-96, 110-11; iii. 
245, gives a similar narrative to that of Alvarado. Says it was 2 a. m. when 
the soldiers came on pretence of giving him the mail-bag. They were shut 
up with the lowest criminals, who were however soon released. He was much 
relieved to hear from Jimeno, the last prisoner brought to jail, that the plot 
was to overthrow Echeandia, and not, as he had feared, to plunder the town 
and ilee ou one of the vessels in port. Torre, Bernini's., MS., 10-21, says his 
brothers Raimundo and Gabriel were in command of the escoltas of S. Mi- 
guel and S. Luis respectively, and came with their men and those of S. Anto- 
nio and Soledad, arriving on the night of the revolt. Osio, Hist. CaL, MS., 
125-51, tells us that Rocha, Vallejo, and Fernandez dclCampo had repeatedly 
warned Echeandia of the danger, without his having paid the slightest heed. 
Vejar, Recuerdos, MS., 9-35, says Echeandia would certainly have been shot 
had he been in Monterey at the time, as the soldiers considered him respon- 
sible for all their troubles. 

18 Nov. 13, L829, summons to Solis to take the command, in Dept. Sf. Pup., 
Ili, 'i. Mil., MS., lxxii. 45, signed by Peguero, Leon, Gabriel de la Torre, and 
Petronilo Rios. See also Id., p. 40, 43, 53, 55. 



A PRONUNCIAMIENTO. 71 

comisario was in sympathy with any movement against 
the governor. We are told by Osio, Vallejo, Alva- 
rado, and others that he was the prime mover in the 
revolt, Solis being merely a tool in his hands. I 
think this view of the case an exaggeration, and that 
Herrera, like several others perhaps who were never 
directly implicated, was willing to wait, and even aid 
so far as he could in safety. However this may have 
been, the troops counted on him to a certain extent, 19 
and he at the least dictated the plan, which was writ- 
ten at his house by Petronilo Rios, and completed in 
the evening of November 15th. It was read aloud 
to a group of foreigners, including Hartnell, Spence, 
Cooper, Stearns, Anderson, McCulloeh, and others 
who happened to be present, and who more or less 
approved the document, 'from motives of courtesy,' 
as David Spence afterward testified. It was read t < > 
the soldiers and approved by them the same night. 
Many claimed later not to have been pleased with the 
paper, since it was a plan of revolution, and not a 
petition for redress of grievances; but this was an 
afterthought in most cases. 

The plan was made to embody the grievances of 
Herrera, as well as of the troops, and was directed 
against Echeandia as the author of all territorial 
c\ils. 20 The avowed object was to put the territory 

"There arc several vague allusions in the testimony to two brazosfiu rtes, 
on whom dependence was placed. One waa supposed to be Herrera, and the 
other perhaps Capt. Gonzalez, or Lieut. Lobato, or Francisco Pacheco. Solis 
claimed to have acted in many things on H.'s advice after he had taken the 
land. H. in his testimony said he first knew of the trouble \\ lien in le 
night of the I2tb lie heard a noise in Jimeno's room next to his own. and 
i hed oni sword in hand to d< fend him. Next day he wasoffered the coni- 
isaria, but declined, and advised the rebels to await the arrival of Osio, who 
already had the appointment from Echeandia. lie again decline. 1 the office 
when offered bj Solis. lie was asked for a.K ice. and gave it in th< 
rood order. He subsequent!', agreed to dictate the plan on condition that 
the officers should he set at libei tj . and w itli a \ u \ pect for the 

orities, to prevent outrages on persons and property; in fact, to control 
for the good of the territory so far as possible a, revolution w hi. h he was po\i - 

io prevent. Dept. St. Pap., MS., btxii. 71-4. [tie fair I 
this defence was at. least plausible, and that there i reallj no evidence of any 
weight against its accuracy, except the statements of persons liable to be in- 
fluenced byprejudice. 

10 Solis, Mani/iesto al Ptibl ■ ■'■ Revolm It was 

Bigned by Solis; Peguero, Leon, Rios, and Gabriel de la Torre. 1 



72 ECHEANDIA AND HERRERA— THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

in the hands of a temporary governor appointed by 
the diputacion. There was no need of a such a revo- 
lution, or at least no reason to expect relief from such 
measures ; the charges against Echeandia were grossly 
exaggerated, since he was merely a weak man placed 
in circumstances where a strong man could have done 
but little; but the prevalent destitution among the 
troops was real, and was perhaps a sufficient motive 

the document was as follows: The sup. govt, which is ever anxious 
for our good, and to which we are ever obedient, sent a governor who has 
failed to comply with his instructions; has scandalously abused his au- 
thority; has devoted himself to his own interests and comforts and those of a 
few men about him; and has paid no attention to the complaints of hungry 
and naked soldiers. The laws call for a diputacion chosen by the people; but 
the gefe fails to either convoke that body or to explain his reasons for not 
doing so, and consequently agriculture, commer:e, education, and other vital 
interests are grossly neglected. Two years ago the gov. suspended the comisa- 
rio of the revenues for reasons not known, which has resulted in the most 
scandalous mismanagement of the public funds. The administration of jus- 
tice and military discipline are in a state of detestable abandonment; im- 
morality and crime are rampant; and all results directly from the ruler's neg- 
lect and lack of energy. Therefore, having endured all of misery and neglect 
that is humanly possible, having resorted in vain to every other expedient, 
the troops have resolved to use force, and to support the following plan: 1. 
The diputacion shall meet in due form with all its members. 2. When it haa 
assembled Echeandia shall resign all his powers to the dip., which shall 
appoint a person worthy of confidence to serve until the arrival of a new 
gefe sent by the sup. govt, who will be immediately recognized. 3. Both 
this aymitamicnto (of Monterey) and those of other places will name proper 
persons to manage the revenues provisionally in accordance with the laws. 4. 
The troops will remain under their old officers, if the latter agree to this plan; 
otherwise they will choose a sergeant or corporal as comandante, who shall 
acknowledge the authority of the gefe appointed by the diputacion. 5. Com- 
mandants of troops will apply for pay and supplies to the respective adminis- 
trators of revenue appointed as above, ami never to missions or private 
persons. G. Only alcaldes may apply to missions for supplies, giv- 
ing proper receipts, and delivering the product to the administrators. 
7. In very urgent cases the ayuntamiento and administrator may require a 
moderate loan from private persons, the amount being proportioned to their 
means. 8. Persons and property to be fully protected, especially in the case 
of foreigners belonging to a friendly nation. (Herrera added to this article a 
note in his own handwriting which extended the assurance of protection to 
the Spaniards already living in the territory — that is, leaving all further ac- 
tion against them for the sup. govt and the new governor to dispose of.) 0. 
An eloquent peroration, in which the prommciados declare that they will never 
lay down their arms until their object is accomplished; that no violence 
will be used beyond what is necessary in defence of their rights; that 
there will be no persecution of opponents; that anxiety may lie banished 
from the minds of all, citizens or foreigners; that the object was to reestab- 
lish and not to overthrow the government; that 'the military appa rains which 
has caused alarm is only the effort of free men against tyranny, and the 
use of this last resource made everywhere to overthrow tyranny by soldi ra 
overwhelmed by misery, weakened by hunger, and fully awakened by the 
painful spectacle daily presented to their eyes of a dear wife and tender 
children, naked, and on the point of becoming victims to indigence.' 



REBEL ORGANIZATION. 73 

for mutiny. It was natural enough that all existing 
evils should be popularly attributed to the ruler, and 
could the soldiers have induced some popular and in- 
telligent officer to take the command, the movement 
would have been successful so far as the overthrow of 
Echeandia was concerned. 

Soon after his arrival at Monterey, Solis transferred 
the imprisoned officers from the calabozo to the ware- 
house. Meanwhile Raimundo de la Torre was sent to 
San Juan, where he lay in wait for and captured Fer- 
nandez del Campo, an officer who at the time of the 
revolt was absent on an Indian expedition. His men 
joined the rebels, and the leader was brought to the 
presidio under arrest. Whether he also was locked 
up with the rest does not appear; but in a few weeks 
all the prisoners were released at the intercession of 
fi >reigners, and on the advice of Herrera, much against 
the wishes of some of the soldiers. Vallejo and Rocha 
were however sent south in the Broohline. Stephen 
Anderson carried copies of the plan to Santa Barbara 
by water, and Meliton Soto, a citizen, was sent south 
with letters calculated to advance the rebel cause, 
while Raimundo de la Torre read the plan to the sol- 
diers el' every escolta from Solcdad to San Luis Obis] n >. 
The ayuntamiento of Monterey, headed by Tiburcio 
Castro, the alcalde, accepted the plan, proclaimed it to 
the assembled citizens, and urged its acceptance by 
other towns. 21 Castro turned over the municipal 
funds, and replenished the rebel treasury by imposing 
a tax or loan of a few thousand dollars on the traders, 
chiefly foreigners. In accordance with the plan, an 
administrator of revenues was chosen, the posil 
being given to Antonio Maria Osio, who accepted 
When all had been arranged at the capital, General 

"Nov. 1(1, 1829, Alcalde Castro to Solis, to Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., v. 
359-GO. 

"Nov. 16th, Tiburcio Castro's statement. Dept. St Pap.,B ,MS 
In his HistoHa de Califi ruia, MS., I I . ■■ i naturally calls at- 

tention to the fact that hcli.nl bei Echeandia, 



74 ECHEANDIA AND HERRERA— THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

Solis turned his attention to the north, leaving Fran- 
cisco Pacheco in command at Monterey. 23 

Of the march northward and return we have few 
details; but there had been a previous understanding 
with the garrison, and neither at San Francisco nor 
at any point on the way did Solis encounter opposition. 
The northern tour consumed about a month, to De- 
cember 20th. The ayuntamiento of San Jose accepted 
the plan as the best means of securing peace and or- 
der; or at least so I interpret a letter of Alcalde Ar- 
chuleta, which that dignitary perhaps intended to be 
vague and unintelligible. At San Juan and Santa 
Clara Solis received supplies and money to the amount 
of a few hundred dollars; but Padre Duran at Mission 
San Jose, not in the comandante's route, declined to 
contribute, on the ground that he had no official knowl- 



23 Nov. 21st, Pacheco to Solis. Says he is not capable of undertaking the 
command, having neither talent nor disposition for it; but he was willing to 
serve his country in any possible way. The following items are from the vari- 
ous statements made from memory: Pablo Vejar, Becuerdos, MS., 9-17, says 
ho had for a week the key of the comisaria, where there was a large box of 
silver coin, which fact he did not reveal, fearing the men would seize the 
money and give color to a charge that they had rebelled for plunder. He 
claims to have been a leader with Torre at first. Osio, Hist. Cal., MS., 143-6, 
tells vis that Castro was forced to lend 81,000 of the municipal funds, and that 
he, Osio, distributed over $3,000 in effects to the troops. He arrived the 
same day as Solis, and helped to secure the release of the prisoners. Estevan 
de la Torre, Reminis., MS., 12-14, gives some details of the capture by his 
brother of Fernandez delCampoat S. Juan. Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. SU-90, 
attributes his release to the efforts of the foreigners headed by David Spence. 
He says Sergt Cervantes was also sent south in the Broohline. Jose' de Jesus 
Pico, Acont., MS., 10-13, says he was sent to intercept the mail at Soledad 
and to bring away the guard, succeeding in both undertakings. Gonzalez, 
Revoluciones, MS., 1-3, gives a brief account of the whole affair. Robinson, 
Life in Gal., 69-70, says that Solis seized about 83,000 in the comisaria, and 
levied a contribution on the inhabitants. James O. Pattie's version of the 
Solis revolt is perhaps worth presenting apart. That part relating to this first 
phase of the affair at Monterey is as follows: In January 1830 (the date is 
wrong) my acquaintances informed me on landing 'that there was a revolu- 
tion in the country, a part of the inhabitants having revolted against the con- 
stituted authorities. The revolted party seemed at present likely to gain the 
ascendency. They had promised the English and Americans the same priv- 
ileges and liberty in regard to trade on the coast that belonged to the native 
citizens, upon the condition that these people aided them in their attempt to 
gain their freedom by imparting advice and funds. I readily appropriated a 
part of my little store to their use, and I would fain have accompanied them 
i:i hopes to have one shot at the general with my rifle. But my countrymen 
said it was enough to give counsel and funds at first, and it would be best to 
see how they managed their own affairs before we committed ourselves by 
taking an active part in them.' Pattie's Xar., 222. 



AT SAN FRANCISCO. 75 

edge of any change in the government. He was per- 
haps the only man in the north who ventured to ques- 
tion the authority of Solis. 24 At San Francisco Solis 
and his army were received with an artillery salute; 
the whole garrison promptly joined the rebel cause; 
Jose Sanchez was made comandante instead of Mar- 
tinez; and that is practically all that is known on the 
subject. 25 

At San Francisco Solis tried to induce Luis Ar- 
guello to take the chief command of the rebel forces. 
There is no documentary evidence of this fact, but it 
is stated by many of the Californians. The effort was 
natural; and Jose Fernandez says that the offer was 
made in his presence, Solis urging Argiiello's accept- 
ance, and promising to retire himself, so that Don 
Luis might not have to associate with a convict. But 

24 Nov. 22d, Solis announces that ho is near S. Juan, anil his men need 
clothing. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., v. 3G9. Nov. 2.3th, Alcalde Archuleta 
seems to accept the plan. Id., v. 357-S. Amounts of money obtained, $] ID 
at S. Juan; $100 at Sta Clara; and $200 at S. Jos<5. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mi!., 
MS., lxxii. 4G. Nov. 26th, Solis, at Sta Clara, to ayunt. of S. Jose. Must 
I ive d00 from municipal fund or nearest mission in order to resume his march. 
S. Jo >■, Arch., MS., vi. 14. Nov. 39th, Id. told, from S. F., again demands 
money to supply the troops. Id., vi. 1,3. Dec. 1st, P. Duran declines to ^ive 
$200 for a comandante general interino of whose authority he knows no1 ! 
Id., vi. 17. Dec. 4th, Gth, Solis, at S. Francisco, to the ayunt. , aru'uiiu, f the case 
a ; against P. Duran. The beauties of the plan and the duties of all, including 
friars, under it are earnestly set forth. Id., vi. 12, 11. Dec. Gth. Solis. hark 
at Sta Clara, gives receipt for 8100 of the tithes of S. Jos6, and $200 of Sta 
Clara. Id., ii. 49. Dec. 11th, Solis, at LaLaguna, with complaint against the 
alcalde of S. Jose for nothing in particular. Id. , i. 33. 

rj Feb. 19, 1830, Martinez writes to Echeandia, that on Nov. 15, 1829, 
Solis was about to attack S. Francisco and he prepared to resist him, but found 
the troops so demoralized and so disposed to join Solis that he was ol iliged, not 
to accept the plan, but to remain neutral and await results. Nov. 30th, ho 
was ordered to deliver the military command to Jose" Sanchez and the habili- 
tai ■ in to Francisco Sanchez, and also to remain in his house as a prisoner. 
/ , St. Pap., MS., ii. 129. It would seem that on the final approach of 
Soli . Martinez had some idea of resistance, for Nov. 19th he \\ roti 
q king for a reinforcement of 10 vecinos. S. Jose", Arch., Ms, i. :;.!. In Feb. 
and March 1830 Corporal Joaquin Pifla, who had been in command of I 
tillery in the past Nov., was accused of insolence to Martinez on Nov. 2 
v hen he came by order of Solis, then at the mission, to demand aimnu. 
for a salute. Pifia denied the insolence, but in turn accused Mai inez of hav- 
ing approved the plan when it was first read, Nov. 21stor22d, and of having 
sent to Solis a written surrender of the presidio, mu 
but with the approval of Franci codeHaro. Dept. St. Pap., /•' - M . 
bcxi. 21-8. All of the Californian writers mention the expedition I »S. Fran- 
cisco, but none give details. Osio, however, 3 met with D 
position from Marl u 



76 ECI-IEANDIA AND HERRERA— THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

Argiiello, while admitting that he would rejoice at 
the overthrow of Echeandia, had no disposition to 
head a revolution, and persisted in his refusal. A part 
of the San Francisco garrison was incorporated in the 
army of Solis, but most of the men deserted at San 
Jose on the march to Monterey. 

On his return Solis received despatches warning him 
to make haste or Santa Barbara would be lost to the 
cause. Accordingly after a short stay at the capital, 
he began his march southward with over one hundred 
men, Gabriel de la Torre commanding the cavalry and 
Lazaro Pina the artillery. Beyond the facts that the 
army was at San Miguel December 28th, got plenty of 
supplies at each mission, and was in such good spirits 
at Santa Ines that the men refused to accept the gov- 
ernor's indulto which met them at that point, we have 
practically no details respecting the march. Thus far 
all went well ; but the leader had no ability, nor control 
over his men; the army had no elements of coherence, 
and would fall apart of its own weight at the slightest 
obstacle; yet if success should take the form of a hole, 
the fragments might fall into it. 26 

Let us now turn to the south. Echeandia heard 
of the Solis revolt November 25th, or a day or two 
earlier. On that date he revealed it to the officers and 
people in a circular, stating that he had convoked a 
council of seven officers, who were asked for a frank 
opinion whether his rule was satisfactory, and what 
changes if any could be advantageously made in the 
administration. The response was unanimous that 
he was a good governor, though Juan Malarin was 
named as the best man for the revenue department. 

2fi The march south, organization of the army, trifling details. Dept. St. 
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lxxii. 41, 45-0, 70-7, and scattering. Jan. 15, 1S30, 
Alcalde Soberanes writes from Monterey that he has notice of Solis passing 
Purisima on Jan. 10th, and that Pacheco is awaiting him at La Cieneguita 
with 200 nun. S. Jos6, Arch., MS., i. 37. Osio, Hist. Caf., MS., 147, men- 
tions that at Monterey Solis showed an inclination to give up the command; 
that his old companion Antonio Avila threatened to oppose him if he con- 
tinued to be the tool of Herrera; and that a sergeant of artillery went south 
in his army with the express purpose of betraying him (Lazaro Pina?), as he 
did. 



REVOLT IX THE SOUTH. 77 

Consequently he declares that the adherents of Solis, 
if they do not lay down their arms and leave the au- 
thorities free, shall be deemed traitors and accom- 
plices of the Spanish invaders at Vera Cruz. 27 Two 
days later Echeandia reported the matter to the min- 
ister of war, announcing that he would start north in 
a few days to retake the capital. He declared his 
belief that Herrera was at the bottom of the revolt, 
hoping to gratify personal hatred, to avoid the ren- 
dering of accounts and exposure of his frauds, and 
either to escape by some vessel, or more likely to 
declare for Spain or North American adventurers. 
Echeandia does not fail to make the affair a text for 
discourse on the difficulties of his position, and the 
urgent need of aid from Mexico. 28 He left San Diego 
on December 1st and reached Santa Barbara the 15th, 
after having made arrangements on the way for re- 
enforcements to come from Los Angeles, and for a 
meeting of the diputacion, as elsewhere related. 

At San Diego the rebellion obtained no foothold; 29 
but at Santa Barbara in the early days of December, 
before Echeandia's arrival, the garrison rose much as 
at Monterey, and held the presidio for nearly two 
days. The outbreak seems to have taken place just 
after the arrival of Meliton Soto with despatches from 
the north on the 2d. The coming of such a messenger 
had been expected, and a rising had been planned 
since the beofinninof of November. It was now settled 



27 Nov. 25, 1829, Echeandia's circular. Dept. Rec, MS., vii. 257. 

28 Nov. 27, 1S29, E. to niin. of Mar. St. Pap., Sac., Ms., v 53 5. He is 
hard pressed by numerous duties, the difficulty of maintaining harmony with 
bed Spanish friars, the fear of a neophyte uprising, the total want of 
funds, the difficulties of communication, etc. He wants officers, troops, 
priests, money, and above all, just now 50 nun from Sonora to establish com- 
munication by laud. 

'-"'Xnv. 26, 1829, Echeandia orders the comandante to summon the militia 
in case of need to serve against Solis. Dept. Rec, MS., vii. 258, Dec. 30th, 
Argiiello assures E. that all at San Diego are opposed to the plan and deter- 
mined tosupport the govt. Dept. St. Pap.,M.S., ii. 92. Sergt Jose" Maj a 
Medrano was accused by P. Menendezof Baj Lag that he had expected 
break since July, and that had he been a1 Monterej he would bav< 
the plan; but after investigation the padre's testimonj was doubted, and 
Medrano acquitted as a faithful soldier. 



78 ECHEANDIA AND HERRERA— THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

that the discharge of a musket at midnight of the 3d, 
eve of Santa Barbara, should be the signal; but an 
accidental discharge brought on the outbreak prema- 
turely at 11 A. m. Romualdo Pacheco, acting cora- 
andante, and Rodrigo del Pliego were seized and 
placed under arrest in Pacheco's house, guarded by a 
corporal and eight soldiers. Sergeant Damaso Rod- 
riguez was perhaps the leader of the rebels, or per- 
haps, as he afterward claimed, only pretended to be so 
to preserve order. No violence was done to persons 
or property. A distribution of warehouse effects was 
proposed, but was postponed until the soldiers of the 
mission guards should come to claim their share. The 
quelling of this revolt was a simple matter. The offi- 
cers were released by Rodriguez and a few others, on 
the 4th, against the wishes of many. Pacheco easily 
won over a few soldiers, marched to the barracks next 
day, and advised the troops to return to their alle- 
giance and duty. They were given until 9 p. m. to 
think of the matter, and they deemed it best to sur- 
render, after six of the number, presumably the lead- 
ers, whom only Pacheco had threatened with arrest, 
had been given time to run away with Meliton Soto 
for the north. 80 

Echeandia put Santa Barbara in the best possible 
state for defence. Pie obtained reinforcements of men, 



30 The best account is given in the testimony of the artilleryman Maximo 
Guerra. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., lxxii. 65-7. He names as impli- 
cated in the revolt and in the previous plans: Damaso Rodriguez, Antonio 
Guevara, Vicente Rico, Joaquin Cota, Martinez, and himself, who were the 
6 who ran away; also Jos6 Maria Perez. Luciano Felix, and Ex-alcalde Fer- 
nando Tico, who spoke of Anastasio Carrillo as the prospective comandante. 
Soto in his testimony, Id., G'2-3, claimed to have had nothing further to do 
with the plot than, having business in the south, to carry letters for Solis, 
receiving §50 for the service. He was back at Monterey before Solis started 
for Sta Barbara. Gonzalez, Experwncias, MS. , 26-9, who was alcalde of Sta 
Barbara at the time, gives a version agreeing with that of Guerra, so far as it 
goes. Dec. 8th, Echeandia at S. Gabriel wrote about the revolt, stating that 
Rodriguez was said to have only pretended to accept the command, that Pa- 
checo had regained control by the aid of citizens, and that he was in pursuit 
of wounded (?) mutineers. Dept. Rec., MS., vii. 259. Slight mention in St. 
Pap., Sac., MS., x. 56. Mrs Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 28-32, tells us that all 
the artillery revolted except Corporal Basualdo, who took refuge in the com- 
andante's house. 



CAMPAIGN OF SAXTA BARBARA. 79 

animals, and supplies from the pueblo and missions, 31 
stationed Pacheco with about ninety soldiers at Ciene- 
guita, two or three miles from the mission, and awaited 
the approach of the rebel forces. The 7th of Jan- 
uary, 1830, he issued a proclamation, in which he called 
upon the Monterey insurgents to surrender on condi- 
tion of full pardon and liberty, except to the leaders, 
who would be simply imprisoned until their pardon 
could be obtained from Mexico. He believed the re- 
volt to be due to the selfish aims and the crimes of 
Herrera, who had deceived the troops; and he warned 
them that in opposing him they were really in rebel- 
lion against the republic, a state of things that could 
lead only to blood and ruin. 32 Next day he received 
a communication from Solis, dated at Santa Ines or 
El Refugio the 7th, in which he was called upon to 
give up the command in accordance with the plan. 
He answered it the same day with a refusal. He or- 
dered the rebels to present themselves unarmed for 
surrender, and renewed the argument against Herrera, 
claiming that the troops had received two thirds of 
their pay, and that there had been no complaint to 
him. 33 

None of the Solis men accepted the first offer of 
pardon received at or near Santa Ines. No obstaele* 
had yet been encountered, and this revolt was so 
planned as to overcome everything else. It was yet 
hoped that the Santa Barbara garrison might join the 
movement, and the rebel army marched bravely on fco 
Dos Pueblos, even coming in sight of the foe on fche 
13th. Pacheco and his men immediately executed a 

S1 Thirty-one citizens went from Angeles. Dept. St. Pap., Ben.Mil., MS., 
l.wiii. G0-1. Dec. 20th, Echeandfa directs padres of Sta Inea and Purfsima 
to send to Sta Barbara all people capable of bearing arms; also all spare ani- 
mals and supplies to keep them from the bands of the rebels. Dept. /.'• ■ ■.. MS., 
vii. '2GG. Jan.."., L830, E. orders alcalde of An ' armed and mounted 

citizens. Id., viii. •_'. Pacheco's advance | uard consisted of .'><> pf the x 

ompany, 8 artillerymen, 30 of the regular presidial company under Alf. 
Pliego, 20 of the S. Diego company under Alf. Ramirez, and about LOO neo- 
phytes with bows and arrows. St. 

"Jan. 7, 1830, proclamation. Dept. /.'<■.,. Ms., viii I. 

13 Id., viii. 4-7. 



SO ECHEANDIA AND HERRERA-THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

change of base to prevent being cut off — that is, they 
retreated from Cieneguita as fast as their legs would 
carry them, and took refuge in the presidio. 34 Solis 
seems to have come somewhat nearer Santa Barbara, 
but we know little in detail respecting what occurred 
for three days. Echeandia wrote to the minister of 
war : " On the 1 3th the rebels came in sight of the divi- 
sioncita of government troops, and from that time 
by their movements and frivolous correspondence en- 
deavored to gain a victory; but knowing the useless- 
ness of their resources and the danger of being cut off 
on their retreat, they fled precipitately at dusk on the 
15th in different directions, spiking their cannon, and 
losing twenty-six men who have accepted the indulto"^ 
The last act of Solis before running away was to an- 
nounce that his men were ready for a fight, and would 
never surrender until they got their pa} T . 36 The rebel 
chieftain described the events at Santa Barbara thus: 
"Having taken a position between the presidio and 
mission, I found it impossible to enter either one 
or the other, the first because it was fortified, the 
second because of the walls pierced with loop-holes for 
musket-fire, and of all the people within, so that I 
knew we were going to lose, and this was the motive 

for not exposing the troops by entering. wrote 

me that the general had ordered Portilla to march 
with 150 men to surprise us, and seeing myself with- 
out means of defence for want of munitions, I deter- 
mined to spike the cannon, and retire with my army 
to fortify myself in Monterey — lo que verijique al mo- 

34 The retreat is definitely stated only by Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 20-39; 
Gonzalez, Experiencias, MS., 27-9; and Pico, Acont., MS., 10-13; but all are 
good authorities. 

35 Jan. 20, 1830, Echeandia to min. of war. St. Pap., Sac, MS., x. 
58. He says the pursuit of the fugitives had to be suspended temporarily at 
Purisima. ' A list of 28 soldiers, who at this time surrendered themselves, is 
given in Deft. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lxxvi. 23. Jan. 16th, E. announces the 
surrender of the 26th and his hopes of final success. Some additional corre- 
spondence of minor importance, from Jan. 8th to 18th. Dipt. Pec, MS., viii. 
10. Jan. 13th, Pacheco tells E. that he has gained an advantage over the foe. 
Id., viii. 85. 

; .l, i L5th, Solis.from 'CampoNacional' to E. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., 
ii. 4. lie was willing, however, to have a conference. 



BATTLES OF CIENEGUITA AND DOS PUEBLOS. 81 

merito."® Dr Anderson wrote to Captain Cooper: 
" You would have laughed had you been here when the 
gentlemen from jour quarter made their appearance. 
All the people moved into the presidio, except thirty 
women, who went bag and baggage on board the 
Funchal. The two parties were in sight of each other 
for nearly two days, and exchanged shots, but at such 
a distance that there was no chance of my assistance 
being needed. About thirty have passed over to this 
side. The general appears to be perplexed what to do 
with them. He seems as much frightened as ever." 3i 
All my original witnesses state that cannon were fired, 
but give no particulars save the important one that 
nobody was hurt. Several represent the army of 
Solis to have fled at the first discharge of Pacheco's 
guns. At any rate, the rebel force lied, pursued at 
not very close quarters, scattering as they advanced 
northward, and wholly disbanded before they reached 
the capital, where singly and in groups they soon 
took advantage of the renewed offers of pardon. The 
campaign of the south, and the battles of Santa Bar- 
bara, Cieneguita, and Dos Pueblos — the first in which 
Californians were pitted against Californians — were 
over. 

On the 18th Echeandfa summoned the soldiers of 
the north, that is, those who had surrendered, before 
himself, Carrillo, and Zamorano. Each one was inter- 
rogated about the charges made in the plan. Each 
declared that there were no grounds whatever for 

"Jan. 20th, Solis, at S. Miguel, to Jos<5 Sanchez. Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 
] 18. Solis at this time claimed to have over 100 men left, and to be confident 
of success. He had only 40 men when he reached Soledad. /</.. Ben. Mil., 
lxxii. 4(i. Jan. 15th, 16th, 18th, 28th, E2. to Pacheco. Instructions about 
tin' pursuit of the rebels, and the retaking of Monterey. Dept. l!< c, MS., viii. 
85-90. 

38 Jan. 24th, Dr Anderson to Cooper. VaUejo, Doe., MS.,xxx. 7. 
fair as reported at Monterey and reported by Pattie, Na fol- 

lows: 'A continual firing had been kept up on both Bides during the three 
days, at the expiration ot n hich < len. Solis, having expended his ammunition 
and consumed bis provisions, was compelled to "withdraw, having sustained 

ii i loss, except that of ■ bor e, from a sustained action of three i 

'I bo cannon-balls discharged from the fort \\\">\\ the < Demy bad bo little I 
that per on i arrested them in their course \\ ithout injury.' 

Hist. Cai-.Voi.. III. 



82 ECHEANDIA AND HERRERA— THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

complaint; whereupon the governor showed docu- 
ments to prove that in 1829, one month with another, 
the soldiers had received two thirds of their full pay. 33 
On the 24th the Broohline arrived at San Diego with 
Vallejo and Rocha, the Monterey prisoners, and the 
same day or the next there came the news that the 
capital had been retaken. Pacheco was already on 
his way north to assume the command at Monterey. 40 
On the 26th, Echeandia reported all he had clone to 
the supreme government, and did not fail to utilize 
the occasion by expatiating on California's great dan- 
gers and needs. 41 

The recapture of Monterey was effected January 
20th, largely by the aid of the foreign residents. It 
was feared that Solis and his men, defeated at Santa 
Barbara, would devote their efforts to plunder, and 
it was deemed prudent to act before their return. 
There was no more difficulty in bringing about this 
movement in favor of Echeandia than in effecting the 
original revolt against him; yet David Spence in- 
dulged in a little Mexicanism when he wrote of the 
affair that "with the firm resolution of death or vic- 
tory, like bold British tars, we stood it out for twelve 
days and nights." 42 Malarin, Munras, Alvarado, and 
Jose de Jesus Vallejo were most prominent among 
those who aided the foreigners; and the citizens of 
San Jose seem to have sent a party to assist in the 
reestablishment of the regular government. 43 Fran- 

39 Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 120-1. 

'-° Arrival of Vallejo and Rocha. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Oust. -IP, MS., iii. 
58. It is erroneously stated by some that these prisoners first carried the 
news of the revolt to the south. Jan. 2oth, Echeandia to Francisco Pacheco, 
in reply to the latter's announcement that order has been restored at Mon- 
terey. Dept. Pec., MS., viii. 12. 

• ! '' Jan. 26th, E. to min. of war. St. Pap., Sac, MS., x. 56-8. 

42 Feb. 4, 1830, Spence to Hartnell. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxx. 19. 

13 Meliton Soto in his testimony stated that Cooper's house was the head- 
quarters, whence he went with Alvarado, Santiago Moreno, Alcalde Sober- 
anes, and several citizens and foreigners to take possession of the artillery 
barracks at 7 or S P. M. Dept. St. Pap., ISni. Mil., MS., lxxii. 64. Galindo, 
Apuntes, Ms., 8 1."., tells us that the alcalde of S. Jos6 sent 45 men, who 
arrived at midnight and surprised the garrison. Pattie's account of events 
at Monterey, from the time that Solis marched for the south — absurdly in- 
accurate iii many respects — is as follows in substance: Solis marched on 



END OF THE REVOLT. 83 

cisco Pacheco was apparently still left in command, 
and Solis' men as they came straggling in were par- 
doned and incorporated in the garrison. Eight or 
ten of the ringleaders failed to present themselves, 
and patrol parties were sent out to find them. Solis 
himself, concealed near his rancho, was taken by a 
company of thirty men under Antonio Avila. This 
man was a convict companion of Solis and Gomez, 
and he undertook the capture on a promise from 
Spence and Malarin to obtain from him a passport 
for Mexico. Neither Echeandia nor his successors 
could grant the pass, and Avila had to stay in Cali- 
fornia. 44 Just after the capture of Solis, early in 
February, Romualdo Pacheco arrived with a force 

March 2Sth with 200 men. Echeandia had no knowledge of the revolt. The 
insurgents were so elated at their victory at S. P. that they were sure of suc- 
cess, and decided to expel all Americans and Englishmen. Capt. Cooper's 
fathcr-indaw, Ignacio Vallejo, reported this to the foreigners, and at a con- 
sultation it was decided to send to Echeandia notice of the impending 
attack on him at Sta Barbara, w Inch was done successfully by means of a 
letter forwarded by a trusty runner. April 12th news came of the battle 
and retreat. 'The name and fame of Gen. Solis was exalted to the 
'The climax of his excellence was his having retreated without the loss oi a 
man.' Capt. Cooper rolled out a barrel of ruin, and when the admirers of 
Solis were sufficiently drunk, they were locked up, 50 in number, and the 
rest of the inhabitants took sides against Solis. 'Huzza for Gen. I 
and the Americans! was the prevailing cry.' There were 39 foreigners who 
signed the rolls, and Capt. Cooper was chosen commander. They spiked the 
cannon of the castle, except 4 which they carried to the presidio; broke open 
the magazine for powder and ball; and stationed sentinels for miles along the 
road. The Spanish people were all locked up at night to prevent po 
communication with the approaching general. In a few days Sous drew 
near; the Americans waited at their guns with lighted matches until the 
army was at the very gates, and then ordered a surrender. The bo 
obeyed, but Solis with 6 officers fled. Six Americans, of whom Pattie 
orderly sergeant and commander, armed with rifles, were at once sent in pur- 
suit to bring back the fugitives dead or alive. Minute details are 
Several shots were exchanged; one American was wounded, and a Mexican 
killed, with 4 bullets through his body; but the rest surrendered and 
brought back to Monterey, where the American flag floated until Echeandia 
arrived! Pattie's Narr., 225 '■'. 

"Spence, Osio, Vallejo (M. G. and .1. J.), Alvarado, and others mention 
the promise to Avila; but most of them state thai the promise was kept, 
Echeandia granting the pass and $500 In money. Fernandez even speaks 
of Avila as subsequently becoming a brigadier in Mex'u i. I havi '• 
Avila's petition to Gov. Figueroa in 1833, narrating the Solis capture. 
Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxv. 13. Botello, A MS., 53, men- 

tions Avila as being at S. Buenaventura in 1838. For some reason tin! 
tome, aians are disposed to regard Avila verj favorably, repp 

ing him as sent to Cal. for political offeno - merely; bui in the >• 
Btands .-is 'a \ icious man of vi ry bad conduct, who took pari in vai ious mur- 
ders and assaults on travellers. 24, 1824, and 



S4 ECHEANDIA AND HERRERA— THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

from the south, and took the command. Herrera 
was now put under arrest in his own house. 

Now followed the formal investigation and trial of 
the imprisoned leaders. It was carried on at Mon- 
terey and Santa Barbara, by Zamorano, Pacheco, Lo- 
bato, and Pliego, under instructions from Echeandia, 
and extended from January to June. The testimony i5 
I have utilized in the preceding narrative, and it re- 
quires no further notice except in a single point. The 
evidence respecting the revolt was clear enough; but 
nearly all the troops were implicated; few men of any 
class had shown real opposition to the movement in 
the north; a rising of soldiers with the object of get- 
ting their pay was not a very serious offence from a 
military point of view; and pretty nearly everybody 
had been included in the various indultos offered. In 
fact, the criminal case was hardly strong enough to 
suit Echeandia's purposes respecting Herrera, the only 
one of the accused for whose fate he cared particu- 
larly. A more serious charge was needed, and grounds 
fur it were easily found. After their defeat at Santa 
Barbara, Solis and one or two of his men, wishing to 
gain the support of the padres, like drowning men 
clutching at straws, talked about raising the Spanish 
Hag. It was easy to prove these ravings of the sol- 
diers, and the foolish remarks of Padre Luis Martinez 
at San Luis Obispo. Particular attention was given 
to this phase of the matter in the investigation. 46 A 
revolt in favor of Spain would sound very differently 
in Mexico from a rising of hungry soldiers against 

came on the Morehs in July 1S23. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., li. 2; 
JMpt. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., Ivii. 3. 

li Solis, Proceso instruido contra Joaquin Soli* y otros Revolucionarios de 
1.S20, MS. These documents do not contain the final sentence under which 
the prisoners were sent away. 

14 Pp. 78-105 of the Proceso noticed in the last note are entitled 'A utos 
que aclaranque el objetodela faction deSolis era de pronuneiarse en Jailor del 
i. < rno EspahoV Meliton Soto, Raimundo de la Torre, and Maximo Guerra 
vi ivcsaid to have spoken in favor of a gri to for Spain; and a letter of Solis, 
dated Jan. 17th, to P. Arroyo de la Cuesta, was produced, in which he an- 
il > Liced his purpose to raise the Spanish flag, asked for a neophyte force to 
aid him, and said that the southern padres had agreed to the plan. p. SS. 



EXILE OF HERRERA. S5 

their local chief, and Echeandia hoped he might now 
safely send Herrera out of the territor}'. Respecting 
the banishment of Pad re Martinez, I shall speak in 
the following chapter. 47 

On May "9, 1830, the American bark Volunteer, 
John Coffin Jones, Jr., master, sailed from Monterey 
with fifteen prisoners on board to be delivered at San 
Bias. Herrera was confined to a room constructed 
for the purpose on deck; Solis and the rest were in 
irons. 43 We have no particulars about the reception 
of the prisoners by the Mexican authorities, but it is 
certain that they were discharged from custody with- 
out punishment. 49 Three at least of the soldiers, 
Torre, "Vejar, and one of the Altamiranos, found their 
way back to California in later years; while Herrera, 
in spite of all Echeandia's accusations and precautions, 
was soon sent back, as we shall see, to take his old 
position as comisario de hacienda. California's first 
revolution was over, and little harm had been done. 60 

* 7 Feb. 23d, Echeandia reported to min. of war the pacification of the terri- 
tory, begged most earnestly for aid, and announced the fact that the revoluti >;i 
hail really been in the interests of Spain. ,s7. Pap., Sac., MS., x . 61-3. April 7th, 
order from Mexico that Solis and his seven companions be tried foi 
Also thanks to E. for having suffocated the revolt. Sup. Govt St. Pup., MS., 
vi. 8. Miscellaneous communications respecting the trial in addition 
contained in the Proceso, in Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 127-130; Dept. 7.' 
viii. 13, 22, 32, 30, 78. 

48 May 7, 1830, receipt of Jones for the 15 prisoners, as follows: Jose" 
Maria Herrera, Joaquin Solis, Meliton Soto, Serapio Escamilla, Raiinundo de 
la Torre, Pablo Vejar, Victoriano Altamirano, Gonzalo Altamirano, Leonardo 
Arceo, Mariano Peguero, Andres Leon, Maximo Guerra, Antonio Guevara, 
Gracia Larios, Ines Polanco. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. MIL, MS., bcxii. 1, is. 
Sailing of the Volunteer on May nth. 1,1., Ixii. 28. Pattie, Narr., 238-9, 
also sailed on the Volunteer, and names Capt. Wm. E. Einckley as having 
been on board and leaving the vessel at S. Bias. The prisoners reached Tepio 
May 22d. Guerra, Doe., MS., vi. 129. Those belonging to the Mont 
airy company were dropped from the company rolls in 1836. Dept. \ 
li ]>. Mil., MS., lxxxii. ().">. Six ..the!- men had Keen sent away From Sto Bar- 
bara in February in the Emily Marsham, 3 of them, Joaquin Garcia, 
Arenas, and Antonio Pefia, for complicity in the Solis affair. /'• pt. I 
viii. 74. 

"Torre, Reminis., Ms., 10-21, says that his brother Raimundo was tried 
by court-martial and acquitted; whereupon the rest wire discharged without 
trial. 

50 The Solu revolt is described more or less fully in the follow ,> 
in addition to such as have been cited in the pr< 
MS., 25-8; Bandini, //is/. Cal., MS., 71 2; Amad >r, Mt t., MS . 8 I 
mndez, Cosas dt Cal, MS., 59-64; Pico, Hist. Cal., MS., 20; I 
MS., L9-23; Pinto, Apunt., MS., 2; Valdti, Mem., MS., is 20. It is men- 



8G ECHEANDf A AND HERRERA-THE SOLIS REVOLT. 

Respecting the management of the revenues in 
1829-30 there is little or nothing to be said beyond 
noting the fact that Osio, Jimeno, and Bandini are 
mentioned as comisarios during 1830, without much 
regard to chronology. It would seem that after the 
revolt Jimeno was restored to his old position, and 
that Bandini was appointed before the end of the year, 
though there is inextricable confusion, not only in 
dates, but in the offices of comisario, administrador, 
and contador. 51 

tioned in print by Mofras, Explor., i. 293-4; Petit-Thonars, Voy., ii. 90-1; La- 
fond, Voy., 209; Pickett, in Shuck's Bep. Men, 227; Wilkes, Narr., v. 173-4; 
Caprou, Hist. Cal., 37-8; Tuthill, Hist. Gal, 130-1; Robinson, Life in CaL, 
G9-70; and Flint, Pattie's Narr., 222-30. 

51 See Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 155-6; iii. 209-10; Id., Ben. Mil., lxii. 22; 
lxxiii. 53; lxxiv. 6; Dept. Bee., MS., vii. 246-8; Leg. Bee, MS., i. 269, 281- 
90. Apr. 25, 1830, the Californian diputado in congress urged the useless- 
ness of sending special officers to manage the revenues. Hoc. Hist. Gal., MS., 
iv. 898. Jimeno was appointed contador on Sept. 30, 1829, by the min. de 
hacienda, but declined the place in Nov. 1830. Oct. 21, 1830, Echeandia, 
Bandini, and Jimeno met at Monterey, and decided on the following custom- 
house organization at Monterey: administrador, with duties of comisario, at 
81,000 per year; contador, with duties of vista, at $800; commandant of the 
guard, with duties of alcalde, at $S00; guarda and clerk at $400; servant at 
$144; patron and two sailors at $144 and $96. HepL St. Pap., MS., ii. 155-6. 



CHAPTER IV. 

ECHEANDlAAND THE PADRES— MISSION AND INDIAN AFFAIR 5. 

1S26-1830. 

Mission Prefect and Presidents — Tiie Question of Supplies — The 
Oath of Allegiance — Sarrlv's Arrest— Friars Still Masters of 
the Situation— Council at San Diicgo— Southern Padres Will- 
ing—Northern Padres' Refuse— Flight of Ripoll and Altimira— 
The Friars as Spaniards— Echeandia's Conciliatory Policy — Pe- 
titions of the People — Exile of Martinez — Progress towards 
Secularization — Mexican Policy — Difficulties — Junta of April 
1826— Decree of July — Experimental Freedom — Mission Schools 
and Lands — Plan of 1829-30 — Approval of the Diputacion — Ac- 
tion in Mexico — Indian Affairs — Sanchez's Expedition — Vallkjo \s 
Campaign against Estanislao — Northern Fort — Seasons. 

Vicente Francisco de Sarria retained the position 
of comisario prefecto of the missions, and was not dis- 
turbed in the performance of his official duties from 
1826 to 1830, though nominally in a state of arresl as 
a recalcitrant Spaniard. Narciso Duran retained the 
presidency until September 1827 when he was suc- 
ceeded by Jose Bernardo Sanchez. The latter re- 
tained possession of the office until 1831, though 
Duran was re-elected in May 1830. 1 

The old controversy between government and friars 
respecting supplies for the troops continued of course 
during these five years, but with no novel aspects. 
In addition to commercial imposts, a secular tithe of 

1 Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 3.">0, 358-60, 400; xii. 369. The guardian sent 
Sanchez his patent June 0, 1827; and Duran notified him Sept. 30th. San- 
chez w;is;it first unwilling to accept. Duran was elected the second time May 
•J(i, 1830, Peyri and Antonio Jimeno being named as second and third supl 
Both Duran and Sanchez held the title of vicar under the bishop. 

( B7 ) 



83 ECHEANDIA AND THE PADRES. 

all mission products was exacted, citizens having pre- 
sumably to pay this also in addition to their ecclesias- 
tical tithes. 2 The method of collection was to exact 
from each mission the largest possible amount of sup- 
plies for escoltas and presidial garrisons, and at the end 
of each year to give credit on account for the excess 
of amounts thus furnished over the taxes. I find no 
evidence that any part of the balance was paid in any 
instance. 3 The padres gave less willingly than in for- 
mer years, when there had been yet a hope of Spanish 
supremacy, but the quarrels in local and individual 
cases were much less frequent than might naturally be 
expected, or at least such controversies have left little 
trace in the records. 4 



2 According to the plan tie gobierno of Jan. 8, 1S24, citizens paid 10 per 
cent in kind on all produce, while the missions were to pay a fixed rate per 
head of cattle or fanega of grain. By decree of Jan. 1, 1826, Echeandia, with 
the consent of Prefect Sarria, ordered that the tax he equalized between cit- 
izens and missions, the latter apparently to pay in kind. Decree of Jan. 1, 
1S26. S.Jost, Arch., MS.,iv. 13; StaCruz, Arch., MS., 47-8; Dept. St. Pap., 
MS., i. 123; Vallcjo, Doc, MS., xxviii. 81, 84, 86, including orders for circu- 
lation of the decree and some directions for the keeping of accounts. Aug. 25, 
1827, Echeandia to Sarria, urging the importance and justice of this tax, which 
here and elsewhere in official accounts is spoken of as a ' loan.' Dept. Pec, 
MS., v. SO; Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt i. 37; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xix. 138. 
April 22, 1826, Echeandia to min. of Avar. Argues that the missions should 
also pay tithes. He is informed that some of them have $70,000 or $100,000 
in their coffers. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xix. 30-1. Oct. 31st, Herrera to Estrada 
on mission accounts. Vallejo, Doc, MS., i. 98. 

3 June 23, 1826, circular from president received at S. Rafael to effect that 
the Mex. govt was going to pay all drafts presented within six months from 
Jan. 1st, and those not so presented would be outlawed. This news reached 
Cal. just after the expiration of the time! Vallejo, Doe., MS., xxviii. 94. 
July 28, 1827, Echeandia notifies the prefect and comandantes that all cred- 
itors of the national treasury must present their claims to the comisario. 
Dept. Pec, MS., v. 71. 

4 June 10, 1826, P. Duran to Herrera. Protests against furnishing the diezmo 
of cattle branded for the national rancho, when there has already been delivered 
during the year a much larger amount than that of the tithe. Arch. Arzob. , MS., 
v. pti. 13-16. Nov. 30th, P. Viader, upbraiding Lieut Martinez for not send- 
ing money to pay for blankets, says, ' My friend, we have now arrived at a point 
of date ct dabitur vobis.' Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxix. 94. Dec. 18th, Duran says 
he likes to see the soldiers fill their bellies with meat, and not feel hungry. 
PL, 95. April 19, 1S27, draft by Habilitado Maitorena on habilitado general 
in favor of Sta Barbara mission for $8,725, the amount of supplies furnished 
apparently before 1825. Arch. Misiones, MS., ii. 177-S. Feb. 27, 1S27, gov. 
orders Lieut Ibarra, since all conciliatory and courteous means have failed, to 
go with a force to S. Diego mission, and bring away all the grain the mule3 
can carry. Resistance Mill be regarded as an overt act against the nation. 
Dept. Rec, MS., v. 27. Many certificates to effect that a padre has delivered 
provisions ' en calidad de prestamo para que se le reintegre por cuenta del 



OATH OF ALLEGIANCE. 89 

Meanwhile the missions got nothing from the pious 
fund through the Mexican treasury, in addition to the 
stipends of 1819-22, the payment of which has already 
been noted. It is not certain even that any of the 
latter amount, about $24,000, ever came to California, 
but probably some cargoes of mission goods were paid 
for by the sindico at Tepic out of that sum. Only 
fragments of the mission accounts have been preserved 
for these years. 5 

We have seen that the padres as a rule refused to 
take the oath of obedience to the constitution of 
1824, or to solemnize by religious exercises any act of 
the republican government; and that Prefect Sarria 
had been put under arrest, though it had not been 
deemed wise to carry into effect the orders requiring 
the reverend prisoner to be sent by the first ship to 
Mexico. In fact, the friars were yet, in a great meas- 
ure, masters of the situation, because they could keep 
the neophytes in subjection, and above all make them 
work. The great fear was that the missionary ts 

snpremo gobiemo.' Arch. Arzob., MS., vii. passim. A large number of 
drafts of comandantea in favor of missions, 1 823-30, in Id., v. pt2. June 7, 
1828, Echeandia proposes that the expense of maintaining friendly relations 
with the Indians l»e deducted from the sums due the nearest missions. Dej '■ 
Rec, MS., vi. 27. Oet. 7th, E. instructs Capt. Argiiello to borrow $800 of the 
mission of S. Jose". Id., vi. 109-10. Oet. 22d, E. orders Lieut Jose 1 Fernandez 
and 30 artillerymen just landed to be quartered at S. Diego mission. Id. , vi. 
115. Jan. 8, 1S29, E. to Duran, urging him to ' lend ' supplies, or sell them for 
a draft on the comisarioof Sonora, which he doubts not will be paid promptly. 
I</., vii. 53. May 4th, Vallejo complains of destitution at Monterey, and 
aid from the missions. St. l'ctp., Sac, MS., x. SO. Nov. 24th, similar com- 
plaints from Castro. Dept. St. Pap., Jin,.. MS., v. 369 70. Dec. 6th, I". 
Duran says he baspaid S200 on menace of force being used. S. i/i - I 
MS., ii. 48. Jan. 15, 1830, I'. Viader refuses to aid directly orindirectly in 
matters pertaining t<> war. /</., i. .".7. April 25th, congressman urges the in- 
justice of imposing such heavj burdens on the missions. Doc. Hist.Ced., M - . 
iv. 897-8. July 17th, com. of Sta Barbara complains that the padre \.i'd 
neither give nor sell supplies. /></•/. /.'"•., MS., \iii. 55. 

B Mav 31, 1827, guardian to president, stipends <.f 1819-21 and i 
1822 paid. Certificates should be sent in for those of 1825 6. Arch. Sta /'•' , 
MS., ,\ii. 400. June 27th, news received at s. Rafael; amount, $24,1 
Vallejo, Doc, MS., xviii. 97. The brig Bravo with mission goods "as 
wrecked at Acapulco late in 1827, bul the cargo was saved. S. I 
Id<. Mision, Ms., 7. Aug. 25, 1828, $6,861 in goods Ben1 from 1 
Bias for .shipment, consisting of woollen am! cotton stuffs, rice, BUgar, 1. k* 
metates, and 25 pounds of cinnamon, shipped by the Man 
Doc. Hist. Col., MS., iv. 827 3. 



90 ECHEANDf A AND THE PADRES. 

would leave the territory en masse if too hard pressed. 
Had the situation of affairs, from a financial and mil- 
itary point of view, been more reassuring, the terri- 
torial authorities would not have been averse to 
assuming entire and immediate charge of all the 
missions; while the people, for the most part, would 
have rejoiced at the prospect of getting new lands 
and new laborers. But as matters stood, the rulers 
and leading citizens understood that any radical and 
sudden change,' effected without the aid of the friars, 
would ruin the territory by cutting off its chief re- 
sources, and exposing its people to the raids of hostile 
Indians. Thus a conciliatory policy was necessary, 
not only to the government, but to the friars them- 
selves. The latter, though they knew their power 
and often threatened to go, were old men, attached to 
their mission homes, with but a cheerless prospect for 
life in Spain, fully determined to spend the rest of 
their days in California if possible. 

Sarria's condition of nominal suspension and arrest 
continued for five years or more. Once, in 1826, his 
passport was made out, and he went so far as to call 
upon his associates for prayers to sustain him on his 
voyage. There was no countermanding of the orders, 
but a repetition of them in November 1827, yet the 
padre remained. He seems to have been included 
with the rest in the proceedings against the friars as 
Spaniards, and the special orders in his case were 
allowed to be forgotten, 6 though as late as the middle 

6 May 1826, one of the padres claimed to have refused to perform mass, 
etc., by Sarria's order, and he signed a certificate to that effect. Dept. liec, 
MS., iv. 39. Oct. 31st, Echeandia notifies S. that he must leave Mexican 
territory. Nov. 13th, Sarria says he is ready. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pti. 
24. Beechey, in 1826, speaks of S. as waiting at Monterey to embark. Voy- 
age, ii. 12. Vallejo, Hist. Gal., MS., ii. 56-8, speaks of a personal interview 
between the gov. and prefect at Sta Barbara. Oct. 31st, E. notifies S. that a 
successor will be named and a passport issued. Dept. Bee, MS., iv. 11. Nov. 
30th, sends the passport from S. Diego to Capt. Gonzalez at Monterey. Id., 
iv. 17. Dec. 11th, S. to the padres. Has received his passport from the 
pres. of Mex. Is resigned, but asks for prayers. Vallejo, Doc., MS., xxviii. 
89. 1827, Duhaut-Cilly, Viaggio, i. 254-5, found S. kept as a kind of pris- 
oner, and was asked to take him away, but declined, much to the gratification 
of the padre3. Nov. 21, 1827, order from Mex. that S. be made to obey the 



FRIARS AGAINST THE REPUBLIC. 91 

of 1828 the governor still pretended to be waiting for 
a vessel on which to send him away. 

On the 28th of April, 1826, Echeandia with Zamo- 
rano as secretary and the alcalde of Los Angeles met 
padres Sanchez, Zalvidea, Peyri, and Martin at San 
Diego to take counsel respecting the taking of the 
constitutional oath by the friars. The representatives 
of the latter said there was no objection to the oath 
except that it compelled them to take up arms, or use 
their influence in favor of taking up arms, for differ- 
ences of political opinion. They would take the oath 
with the supplement "So far as may be compatible 
with our religion and profession;" but Echeandia 
would not agree to any change in the formula, and 
directed that a circular be sent out requiring each 
padre to explain his views on the subject. 7 June 3d 
the circular was issued through the comandantes to 
the friars; but it was not so much a call for views 
and arguments as for a formal decision in writing 
whether each would take the oath or not. 8 The an- 
swers of the five padres of the San Diego district 
were sent in on the 14th. Padre Peyri was willing 
to take the oath, and was enthusiastic in his devotion 
to the national cause. Martin had already sworn, 
and did not approve of taking two oaths on the same 
subject. The rest were ready to take the oath in the 
manner indicated at the junta of April 28th; that is, 
to be republicans so far as was compatible with their 
profession and so long as they might remain in Cali- 
fornia. Replies from the Monterey jurisdiction, sent 

orders of July 9, 1S25, and Nov. 15, 182G, to depart. Supt. Corf St. Pap., 
MS.,xix. 43. June 30, 1828, E. to min. of justice. S. will be Bent away as soon 
as there is a vessel for Europe or the 17. S. Dept. R\ c. . MS., \ i. 30. 

7 Dept. St. Pap., MS., i. 128-9. The old trouble was still active in 1826, 
for on May 1st Capt. Argiiello reported that yesterday having called on I'. 
Abellatotake part in the celebration of the pope's recognition of national 
independence, the padre refused. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.. MS., lvii 13 It. 
Next day it was complained that P. Estenega declined to perform religious 
services in connection with the publication of certain bandos. Arch. A 
MS., v. pt i. 4. April 28th, record of the council referred to in the text. 
lh ,,>. St. Pap., MS., i. 128-9. 

8 June 3, 182G, E. to coin, of Monterey. Dept. St. Pap., MS., i. 134. 



92 ECHEANDIA AND THE PADRES. 

in on July 7th, were to the effect that the friars could 
not take the oath, and were ready to endure the pen- 
alty, though some of them promised fidelity and re- 
spect to the constituted authorities. The response 
from San Francisco and Santa Barbara is not so far 
as I know extant. 9 

There was no further agitation of this matter dur- 
ing the year, though a warning was received from the 
comisario general against the disaffected friars, and 
especially against the president, who, as the writer 
had heard, talked of nothing but his religion and his 
king, protesting his willingness to die for either. "If 
this be true, it would be well to grant him a passport 
to go and kiss his king's hand, but to go with only 
bag and staff, as required by the rules of his order." 
I am not certain whether this referred to Duran or 
Sarria. 10 

During 1827 politico-missionary matters remained 
nearly in statu quo. No disposition was shown to 
disturb the paclres further on account of their opposi- 
tion to the republic, though there were rumors afloat 
that some of them were preparing to run away. Mar- 
tinez, Ripoll, and Juan Cabot were those named in 
June as having such intentions, and Vicente Cane" 



9 The position taken by the other padres will, however, be learned from a 
subsequent document. Answers of the S. Diego and Monterey friars in Arch. 
Arzob., MS., v. pt i. 5-9, 17-20. Among the latter Sarria was not included, 
not being regarded as the minister of any particular mission. Abella 'came 
to this country for God, and for God will go away, if they expel him;' Fortuni 
'no se anima a hacer tal juramento, pero si guardar iidolidad;' Arroyo de la 
Cuesta, 'was born in the Peninsula, and is a Spaniard; swore to the indepen- 
dence only in good faith to the king of Spain; has meditated upon the oath de- 
manded, and swears not;' Uria 'finds it not in his conscience to take the 
oath;' Pedro Cabot 'has sworn allegiance to Fernando VII.;' Sancho, the 
same, and 'cannot go back on his word;' Juan Cabot 'cannot accommodate his 
conscience to such a pledge;' and Luis Martinez says 'his spirit is not strong 
enough to bear any additional burden.' Aug. 7th, Sarria addresses to the 
padres a circular argument on the subject, similar to that addressed in former 
years to Gov. Argiiello, and called out by an argument of P. Ripoll, who it 
seems had wished to accommodate his conscience to the oath by bringing up 
anew the allegiance sworn to independence andlturbide. Id., v. pt i. 10-13. 

10 Aug. 10, 1S20, com. gen. to Echeandia. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and 
Trcas., MS., i. 3G-8. Beechey, Voya</e, ii. 12, speaks of the dissatisfaction 
caused by the exacting of the oath, and says many padres prepared to depart 
rather than violate their allegiance to Spain. 



FLIGHT OF EIPOLL AND ALTIMIRA. 93 

gave evidence on the mysterious shipment of $G,000 
in gold on the Santa Apolonia by Padre Martinez, an 
act supposed to have some connection with the plans 
for flight. Captain Gonzalez took a prominent part 
in the charges, and this was perhaps a reason why 
Echeandia and others paid very little attention to the 
subject. 11 

The rumors had some foundation, for at the end of 
December, or perhaps in January 1828, padres llipoll 
and Altimira went on board the American brig Har- 
binger, Captain Steele, at Santa Barbara, and left 
California never to return. They went on board the 
vessel on pretence of examining certain goods, and 
such effects as they wished to carry with them were 
embarked by stealth. Echeandia was there at the 
time, and David Spence tells us he was for some mys- 
terious purpose invited to take breakfast on the brig 
before she sailed, but was prevented by other affairs 
from accepting. 12 Orders were at once issued to seize 
the Harbinger should she dare to enter any other 
port; but Steele chose to run no risks. The fugitives 
left letters in which they gave as their reason for a 
clandestine departure the fear that their going might 
be prevented otherwise, prompt action being necessary 
for reasons not stated. They were among the young- 
est of the Franciscan band, and in several respects 
less identified than most others with the missionary 
work in California, the reader being already familiar 
with certain eccentricities on the part of each. Their 
destination was Spain, which they seem to have reached 
in safety. A suspicion was natural that the two padres 
carried away with them something more than the 
'sack and staff' of their order, that they took enough 
of the mission treasure to insure a comfortable voyage, 

" Statement of Cane to E. about tin- $6,000 Bhipped in Augusl 1826. St. 
Pap., Sac., MS., xiv. 14-15. June4, L827, c I '. /■/.. my. 26 30. 

(!. was very \ iolent in bis charge i against the padres. 

12 Spence, in Taylor's Discov. and Founders, ii.no. 24. Alvarado, H 
Ms., ij. 13] ■_>, claims that while Ripoll an. I Altimira were making th< 
cape with the mission wealth, Echcand by the other p 

to avert suspicion. Vallejo, Hist CaL, MS., ii. 59-GO raion. 



94 ECHEANDIA AND THE PADRES. 

and perhaps future comforts across the sea. The truth 
can never be known. An investigation brought to 
light nothing more suspicious than the transfer of cer- 
tain barrels and boxes of wine, soap, and olives, with 
perhaps other packages of unknown contents, from San 
Buenaventura to Santa Barbara. 13 In their own let- 
ters, the padres said they had left the mission property 
intact. Duhaut-Cilly, however, had lately sold Bipoll 
an English draft for 7,000 francs, 14 which he said 
came to him legitimately from his stipend. Though 
Alvarado and Vallejo accuse the padres of having 
stolen large sums, and their method of flight favored 
the suspicion, I suppose that a few thousand dollars 
was probably all they took, and that the}?- had but lit- 
tle difficulty in justifying the act to their own satisfac- 
tion, in view of their past stipends either unpaid or 
invested in supplies for the Indians. 15 

In reporting the flight of Bipoll and Altimira, 
Echeandia suggested the expediency of granting 
passports to those who had asked for them, with a 
view to avoid such scandals; and he did send a pass 
to Padre Martinez in September to prevent the dis- 
grace of his intended flight. 16 There was also a 
scandal respecting the actions of President Sanchez, 
whose letters and some goods being conveyed by John 
Lawlor from San Gabriel to the sea-shore were stopped 

13 Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lxvii. 5-9, containing the testimony of 
several men and the letters of Altimira to Geo. Coleman, the llavero of S. 
Buenaventura, dated Jan. 23d from on board the vessel. They contain kind 
•wishes for all in Cal., instructions about mission affairs, and good spiritual 
counsels for Coleman. The padre, according to Coleman's testimony, took a 
small box of cigars and some books. 

14 Duhaut-GUly, Viaggio, ii. 184-5. 

15 Mrs Ord., Ocurreuctas, MS., 22-4, says they took no money at all. 
Bipoll wept as he took leave of some of his Indians who went on board in 
Steele's boat. Jan. 23, 1S2S, Echeandia announces the flight, and orders the 
Harbinger to be seized. Dept. Bee, MS., vi. 174. Jan. 28th, Alf. Pliego or- 
dered secretly to investigate the robbery said to have been committed by Al- 
timira. /ii., vi. 175. Feb. 5th, Luia Argiiello alludes to the flight. St. Pap., 
Sac, MS., x. 102-3. Mar. 2Gth, the authorities at S. Fernando college disa- 
vowed having authorized or even known the flight. Arch. Sta. B., MS., ix. 
90-1. Mar. 20, 1S29, the Zacatecas college will replace Bipoll and Altimira. 
Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., iv. 2-3. 

10 Jan. 29, 1828, E. to min. of rel. Dept. Pec., MS., vi. 22. Sept. 23d, 
E. to Martinez. Dept. St. Pap., MS., xix. 0-7. 



PRESIDENT SANCHEZ ACCUSED OF SMUGGLING. 95 

and searched by Alcalde Carrillo of Los Angeles, on 
suspicion of complicity in smuggling. Sanchez was 
indignant at what he deemed an insult, and demanded 
his passport; but Echeandia, by declaring the suspici* >ns 
unfounded, and by conciliatory methods, succeeded in 
calming the worthy president's wrath. 17 

The law of 1827 on the expulsion of Spaniards 
from Mexican territory, 1 * reaching California in 1828, 
had no other effect on the status of the missionaries 
than to give them another safe opportunity to demand 
their passports, as many of them did, some perhaps 
really desiring to depart. There was no disposition to 
enforce the decree, for reasons known to the reader. 19 
Meanwhile the Spanish friars had been actually ex- 
pelled from Mexico, and a most disheartening report 
came respecting the state of affairs at the college of 
San Fernando. 20 

There would seem to have been some complaint 
against Echeandia for not having enforced the law of 
1827, for in June 1829, apparently before the arrival 
of the law of March 20th, he sent to Mexico a list of 



17 June 3, 1828, Lawlor to Sanchez. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt i. G3-4. 
June 8th, Sanchez to E. Id., 65-6. Aug. 21st, 29th, E. to S. and to the 
alcalde. Dept. Rec, MS., vi. 8-1-5, 90. 

18 See chap. ii. of this volume. 

]9 Oct. 20, 1S2S, Echeandia to inin. of war. The padres arc violent at the 
law for their expulsion, and are clamoring for passports and complaining i f 
detention by force. St. Pap., Sac., MS., x. 39-40. Dec. Gth, E. saya that 
most of the 27 padres have agreed long before the date of the law to take 
the oath as was reported to Mexico on Dec. 6, 1826. (This report is not ex- 
tant, hut it is certainly not true that most had made such a prom 
passports were issued as several have asked, the missions would !»■ left with- 
out government and the territory without spiritual care. Dt pt. /'■ C, MS., \ i. 
50. Duhaut-Cilly says he offered to carrj the padres over to Manila; hut be 
got a letter from Sarria, in which he said he was resolved nol to abandon the 
nock intrusted to him by heaven until forced i" do bo, and headi 
companions to the same effect. The same w titer notes the an ival " ! 
eiscans — they could not have been from California at the Sandwich Islands 
on the French ship Comite. Viaqgio, ii. 200-1, 219-20. 

2l March20, 1828, 1*. Arreguin to Sarria. It bad been a1 firs! proposed I i 
dissolve the college; but finally the guardian and discretorio bad decided to 

i ricario de casa, and bad chosen the writer. !!>■ as! 
\ Lev i about tin- policj < I I . e there wer • now Ar- 

reguin an 1 .". other pri to depart) and 

servants of different grades. Arch. Sta /<'., MS., i\. 90 I. 



96 ECHEANDiA AXD THE PADRES. 

the padres, with notes on the circumstances of each, 21 
and a defence of his action, or failure to act, on the 
ground that all the padres except three were Spaniards, 
and it would have been absurdly impossible to expel 
them with nobody to take their place. He also urged 
that many of them be allowed to remain permanently 
in the territory. Only a few days later there came 
the law of March 20th, much more strict than the 
other, and it was circulated on the 6th of July. The 
announcement was that to all padres who had refused 
to take the oath passports would be given forthwith, 
while all the rest must show within a month the 
physical impediments preventing their departure as 
required by the law. 22 As before, no friar was ex- 
pelled, and Echeandia had no idea of granting pass- 
ports, though several, including Peyri, Sanchez, and 
Boscana, now demanded them, and though the gov- 
ernor really desired to get rid of certain unmanageable 
ones as soon as he could obtain others to take their 
places.' 23 Not only did he send to Mexico a defence 
of his policy of inaction, showing the impossibility of 
the expulsion so far as California was concerned; but 

21 Dept. Rec, MS., vii. 26-33. The following friars had taken the oath: 
Fernando Martin, GO years old; Antonio Peyri, 70 years; Francisco Suner, 71 
years; and Marcos Antonio de Vitoria, 69 years, who however had subse- 
quently retracted, though faithful and obedient to the government, of blame- 
less life, and probably influenced by his excessive respect for his prelate. 
The following had taken the oath with some conditions: Gonzalez de Ibarra, 
Antonio Jaime, and Arroyo de la Cuesta; Boscana was ready to take the oath, 
and Barona, Zalvidea, and Jose Sanchez also with the conditions. This left 
14 who would not take the oath, of whom Catala, Viader, and Abella were 
over 60 years old; several were in bad health, and several were highly recom- 
mendable for their faithfulness. Should new padres come, E. proposed to grant 
passports to Arroyo, Ordaz, P. Cabot, Sancho, J. Cabot, Ibarra, Oliva, Duran, 
Estenega, Abella, and Una, in that order. There were recommended to re- 
main, Amoros, Catala, Vitoria, Viader, Fortuni, Martin, Boscana, Sanchez, 
Zalvidea, and especially Peyri, Jaime, Barona, and Suner. Martinez was the 
only one who had asked for a passport on the ground of not wishing to con- 
form. Duhaut-Cilly, Viaggio, ii. 1S7-S, mentions the coming of the Domin- 
icans President Luna and P. Caballero to S. Gabriel in June, to consult about 
the expulsion. 

22 July 6, 1829, E. to various officials. Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 92-3, 97; Id., 
S. Josi, ii. 16-17; Dept. Rec, MS., vii. 190-1. 

- ; .) uly-September, applications of the padres for passports. Arch. Arzob., 
MS., v. pti. 54-7. Aug. 11th, Echeandia to min. of rel. St. Pap., Sue. MS., 
x. 43-6. In this document the gov. gives a very clear and complete statement 
of the whole matter. 



THE MISSIONARIES AS SPANIARDS. 97 

the avuntamientos of San Jose, Monterey, and per- 
haps other places, sent strong petitions on the evils 
that must result from such expulsion, expressing for 
the missionaries the deepest love and veneration, and 
pleading eloquently that the people might not be de- 
prived of their spiritual guardians. 24 I find no re- 
sponses to these petitions, nor are there any definite 
orders of later date on the subject, which, except in 
certain particulars to be noted in the next paragraph, 
seems to have been now allowed to rest. One of the 
Spanish friars, however, received before the end of 
1829 a passport to a land where it is to be hoped his 
political troubles were at an end. This was the aged 
and infirm Padre Jaime, who died at Santa Barbara. 
I have said that Echeandia deemed it desirable to 
get rid of certain padres. Personal feeling was his 
motive in part; moreover, it was important to remove 
certain obstacles likely to interfere with his policy of 
secularization, of which more hereafter. Prejudice 
against all that was Spanish was the strongest feeling 
in Mexico, and there was no better way for the gov- 
ernor to keep himself in good standing with the power 
that appointed him than to go with the current. It 
also favored Echeandia's plans respecting his enemy 
Herrera, while increasing the importance of his own 
services, to show the existence of a strong revolution- 
ary spirit in favor of Spain. There was, however, but 
a slight foundation on which to build. The padres 
were Spaniards, and as a rule disapproved the new 
form of government; but it is not likely that any of 
them had a definite hope of overthrowing the repub- 
lic, or of restoring California to the old system, and 
the most serious charge that, could be justly broughl 
against them was an occasional injudicious use of the 

-' An','. 25th, S. Joa4, Petici lei Ayuntamh ito en ft 

paHoles, 1829, MS.j ifonterey, PeticioncUPn identt yCo gr i< / 

Frailea Espafloles, 1829, Ms. Oct. 22d, the petitions. /''/•■'. 

Iter., MS., vii. '2'.i9. Oct. 12th, Virmond writ. I 

dent had uot the slightest idea of expelling the friars. Gu< /v. Doe., Ms, \ i, 

145-8. 

Hist. Cal., Vol. III. 7 



98 ECHEANDIA AND THE PADRES. 

tongue. Generally the prevalent rumors of treason 
could be traced to nothing reliable.- 5 

Of all the padres, Martinez of San Luis Obispo was 
the most outspoken and independent in political mat- 
ters, besides being well known for his smuggling pro- 
pensities. Echeandia deemed his absence desirable 
for the quiet of the territory, and had issued a pass- 
port which had not been used. It was thought best 
on general principles to make an example ; it was par- 
ticularly desirable to give a political significance to 
the Solis revolt, and Padre Martinez was banished on 
a charge of complicity in that revolt in the interest 
of Spain. The evidence against him was not very 
strong; 20 but there was little risk, since as a Spaniard 
the accused might at any time be legally exiled. He 
was arrested early in February 1830, and confined in 
a room of the comandancia at Santa Bdrbara. In 
his testimony he denied all the allegations against 
him, except that of giving food to the soldiers, as 
others had also done and as it was customary for the 
missionaries to do, whoever their guests might be. 
He claimed to have tried to dissuade Solis from his 
foolish scheme of raising the Spanish flag. In a long 
and eloquent communication addressed to Echeandia, 

25 Sept. 9, 1829, gov. to comandantes. Has heard that some padre burns 
daily two tapers before a portrait of Fernando VII. ; and that another pre- 
dicts from his pulpit the coming of the Spanish king. Find out secretly who 
do these things, and forward the result. St. Pap., Sac, MS., x. 25, 48; JJcj'l. 
Pec, MS., vii. 44. The guilty parties were not found. 

2,i The evidence, some of the items resting on the statement of a single 
soldier, was, so far as it is on record, as follows: That he had freely supplied 
the rebels with food, had been very intimate with Solis and his leaders at San 
Luis, had shown anger at certain soldiers when they said 'viva la republica,' 
had spoken mysteriously of his 'amo Francisquito,' in Spain or Mexico, had 
shown a paper with 'viva Fernando VII.' written on it, had derided inde- 
pendence and liberty, and had lodged Alf. Fernandez del Campo in a room 
which bore the inscription ' V. F. 7 ' on the ceiling. Solis, Proceso, etc., MS.; 
Fernandez to Echeandia in St. Pap., Sac, MS., x. 26-7. Vallejo, Hist. Cat., 
MS., ii. 93-105, tells us that there were documents proving conclusively that 
Martinez was plotting against the republic and carrying on a secret corre- 
spondence with the rebels in Mexico; but nothing of this kind was shown in 
tin- recorded evidence, and tlte same may be said of aletterof encouragement 
from Martinez found on the person of Solis at his capture, mentioned by Al- 
varado. Hist. GcH., MS.., ii. 155. 



EXILE Off FATHER MARTINEZ. 99 

protesting against the manner of his treatment, Mar- 
tinez, while not attempting to deny his well known 
political sentiments, claimed that he was not such a 
fool as to suppose that Spain could be benefited by 
petty revolts in California, that he desired the wel- 
fare of the territory, and that in his opinion it could 
not be advantageously separated from Mexico. The 
two padres Cabot testified to .having seen letters in 
which Martinez declined to take part in the political 
schemes of Solis, declaring that if the king wished to 
conquistar any part of America, he might do it him- 
self, in his own way. Prefect Sarria also presented 
an argument to prove Martinez innocent. 27 

The 9th of March a junta de guerra, composed of 
six officers, besides the governor, met at Santa Barba- 
ra to decide on the friar's fate. Echeandia explained, 
at considerable length, the difficulties in the way of 
administering a suitable penalty, and he seems to 
have counselled leniency, fearing or pretending to fear 
the action of the other padres; but after full discus- 
sion, it was decided by a vote of five to one to send 
him out of Mexican territory by the first available 
vessel. 23 Stephen Anderson, owner of the English 
brig Tliomas Noivlan, was called in immediately, and 
gave bonds to carry the prisoner to Callao, and pui 
him on board a vessel bound for Europe. Padre 
Martinez, on the same day, promised in verbo saa r 
dotis not to land at Manila or the Sandwich I slam k 
and on March 20th the Nowlan sailed.' 2 ' The friar 

-'Martinez admitted to Lieut Eomualdo Pachcco that he had received 
letters from Solis, urging him to arm his neophj tea in defem e of the B] 
flag soon to be raised. St. Pap., Miss, and Col., MS., ii. 30-1. Teatimonyof 
inezandthe PP. Cabot vaSolis, Proceso, MS., 100-1, 98 9. March 4th, 
Martinez, Defema dirigida at Comandante General, 1880, MS., in T<L, 93 s 
Feb. 9th, SarrLa, Defema del Padre Luis Martinez, 1880, MS. Mrs Ord, 
Ocurrencias, MS., :u -6, gives some details of the padn - confinement in her 
father's house, and the efforts of members of the family to reli to thi 
oner's wants in spite of the severity of Lieut Lobato. This wriu r and many 
other Californians think there was no foundation i"\- the Bpeci I 
against Martinez at this time. 

cord of the junta of March 9th, in - 102 5. The 

officers were J. J. Etocha, M. G. Vallejo, Domingo Carrillo, M. «:. Lobato, J. 
M. [barra, and A. \ . Zaroorano. A previous junta <.t Feb 26th i- alludi d :>•. 

a Carrillo {Josi), Doc, Ms., 21. The Spaniards A. J. Cot and faindy, 



100 ECHEANDIA AND THE PADRES. 

reached Callao in June, and subsequently arrived 
safely in Madrid, whence he wrote to his friends in 
California. There were those who believed that he 
carried away a large amount of money, an exploit 
which, if actually accomplished, considering the cir- 
cumstances of his departure, surpassed in brilliancy 
all his previous deeds as a contrabandista. 30 Even if, 
as I suppose, he carried little or no gold at his depart- 
ure, it is not probable that so shrewd a man of busi- 
ness had neglected in past years to make some 
provision for future comfort. 

The most important problem affecting the missions 
was that of secularization; but it hardly assumed a 
controversial aspect during this period. The missions, 
as the reader is well aware, had never been intended 
as permanent institutions, but only as temporary 
schools to fit savage gentiles for Christian citizenship. 
The missionaries themselves neverdenied thisintheory, 
but practically nullified the principle, and claimed per- 
petuity for their establishments by always affirming, no 
matter whether the spiritual conquest elated back five 
or fifty years, that the Indians were not yet fitted to 
become citizens. This was, moreover, always true, 
even if it was a virtual confession that the mission 
system was a failure, and it presented serious difficul- 
ties in the way of secularization. The cortes of Spain 
had decreed, however, in 1813, that all missions ten 
years after foundation must be changed into pueblos, 
subject to secular authority both in civil and religious 
affairs, 31 and the success of independence made the 

and J. I. Mancisidor sailed in the same vessel. Feb. 6th, Echeandia's order 
to arrest Martinez. Dept. Rec, MS., viii. 16. March 9th, E. announces the 
sentence to Prefect Sarria. Id. , viii. 27. 

30 Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 96-100, says that he was the officer who 
took Martinez on board. He walked very slowly, but as he was old and 
corpulent, was not hurried. When they were alone in the cabin the padre 
said : ' Perhaps you thought me drunk. Not so, my son, but see here' — pro- 
ceeding to show that his clothing was heavily lined with gold ! The young 
alferez was glad to know that the friar had made provision for a rainy day, 
.■mi I promised to keep his secret. 

::| See chap, xviii., vol. ii., for the decree of Sept. 13, 1S13, and subsequent 
developments in Cal. 



POLICY OF SECULARIZATION. 101 

change inevitable. The spirit of Mexican republican- 
ism was not favorable to the longer existence of the 
old missions under a system of land monopoly strongly 
tinged with some phases of human slavery. If the 
Indians were not fit for citizenship, neither were they 
being fitted therefor. 

Echeandia and the administration that appointed 
him desired to secularize the missions, but understood 
that it was a problem requiring careful study. Neither 
party was disposed to act hastily in the matter: the 
Mexican authorities largely perhaps because of indif- 
ference to the interests of a territory so far away; 
and the governor by reason not only of his natural 
tendency to inaction, but of the difficulties with which 
on arrival he found himself surrounded. These diffi- 
culties, as the reader has learned, were insurmountable. 
Had the territorial finances been in a sound condition, 
had the military force been thoroughly organized and 
promptly paid, had there been fifty curates at hand to 
take charge of new parishes, had the territory been 
to some extent independent of the missions — even with 
these favorable conditions, none of which existed, sec- 
ularization would have been a difficult task if not a 
risky experiment, requiring for success at least the 
hearty cooperation of the friars. Under existing 
circumstances, however, which need not be recapitu- 
lated here, against the will of the padres, who, with 
their influence over the neophytes and their threats 
to retire en masse, were largely masters of the situa- 
tion, any radical change in the mission status would 
bring ruin to the territory. 

The governor recognized the impossibility of imme- 
diate action; but in accordance with the policy of his 
government, 32 with his own republican theories, with 

32 Jan. 31, 1S'2j, niiii. of Mar to gov. A statement <>i grievances Buffered 
by the Indians of Cal. States that it is the president's desire t<> do away 
with so vicious a system, but suggests that the reform Bhould perhaps b 
of policy rather than of authority. It is nut expedient t>> break up openly 
the system of the padres, who if offended might Gy t heir influence i 

Still it was essential to check the arbitrary measures thai oppn 
the Indians, and afford the Latter the advantages of the liberal system— but 



102 ECHEANDIA AND THE PADRES. 

the spirit rapidly evolved from controversies with the 
friars on other points, and with the urgings of some 
prominent Californians who already had their eyes on 
the mission lands, he had to keep the matter alive by 
certain experiments intended to test the feelings and 
capabilities of the neophytes. 33 On April 28, 1826, 
Echeandia and his secretary, Zamorano, held a con- 
sultation with padres Sanchez, Zalvidea, Peyri, and 
Martin at San Diego, at which after the padres had 
expressed their willingness to surrender the temporal 
management, the governor made a speech on the im- 
portance of providing for the Indians of San Diego 
and Santa Barbara who desired to leave the neofia 
and manage for themselves. After discussion, it was 
agreed that those of good conduct and long service 
might be released, to form a pueblo at San Fernando 
or San Luis, under regulations to be fixed by the gov- 
ernor. 34 

After later consultations not definitely recorded, at 
which the plan was considerably modified, Echeandia 
issued, July 25th, a decree, or proclamation, of partial 
emancipation in favor of the neophytes. By its terms 
those desiring to leave the missions might do so, pro- 
vided they had been Christians from childhood, or for 
fifteen years, were married, or at least not minors, 
and had some means of gaining a livelihood. The 
Indians must apply to the presidial comandante, who 
after obtaining a report from the padre was to issue 
through the latter a written permit entitling the 
neophyte and his family to go wherever they pleased, 

guardedly and slowly to avoid the license that might result from unwise 
measures. All is intrusted to E.'s experience and good judgment. St. Pap., 
Miss, "ml Colon., MS., ii. 42, quoted by E. in 1833 in aletter toFigneroa. 

33 According to A Ivarado, Hist. Gal., MS., ii. 109-10; Vallejo, His'. Cat, 
MS., ii. 51-3; Vallejo, HrmhiU., MS., 89-90, Echeandia, immediately after 
taking his office, sent Lieut Pacheco to make a tour of inspection in the 
southern missions. The padres were not pleased; but Pacheco having some 
trouble with P. Boscana at S. Juan Capistrano, went so far as to assemble the 
neophytes and to make a political speech, in which he told the Indians of a 
new chief who had come to the country to be their friend, and give them equal 
rights with Spaniards. 

^Dcpt. St. Pap., MS., i. 129-30. 



EXPERIMENTAL SECULARIZATION. 103 

like other Mexican citizens, their names being erased 
from the mission registers. The cases of absentees 
were to be investigated by the comandantes at once, 
and those not entitled to the license were to be re- 
stored to their respective missions. At the same t ime 
the padres were to be restricted in the matter of pun- 
ishments to the 'mere correction' allowed to natural 
fathers in the case of their children; unmarried males 
of minor age only could be flogged, with a limit of 
fifteen blows per week; and faults requiring more 
severe penalties must be referred to the military 
authorities. 35 The provisions of this order applied 
only to the districts of San Diego, Santa Barbara, and 
Monterey; though in 1828 it was extended to that of 
San Francisco, excepting the frontier missions of San 
Rafael and San Francisco Solano. 36 

This order of 1826 was the only secularization 
measure which Echeandia attempted to put in actual 
operation before the end of 1830. It does not appear 
that the missionaries made any special opposition, and 
the reasons of their concurrence arc obvious. First, 
very few neophytes could comply with the conditions, 
especially that requiring visible means of support. 
Second, the decree required fugitives not entitled to 
license to be returned to their missions by the mili- 
tary, a duty that of late years had been much 
neglected. And third, and chiefly, experimental or 
partial secularization was deemed by the friars to be 
in their own interest, since they hail no fears that the 
neophytes would prove themselves capable of self- 

35 July 25, 1S2G, Echravdia, Decreto de Emancipation d favor d 
1826, .MS. Received at S. Rafael Aug. 23d. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 297. 
Forwarded by Lieut Estudillo to padre of S. Antonio. Arch.Arzob. t MS., \ 
pt ii. 114-17. Scrgt Anastasio Carrillo sent by Capt, Guerra to p 
tlie new order in the missions of the Sta Barbara district, as he did ;it S. 
Fernando on Sept. 26th and ;it S. Buenaventura on Sept. 29th. / 
C /., MS., iv. 789 !>•_'. Here the [ndian was authorized, should the <-M>.> de 
escolta and padre refu e bo ad mi presenting his application for lii 
leave the mission withoul permi ion and apply in person to l\\<~ comandante. 
Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 22, quotes the order of July 25th. 

36 Juae 20, lb2S, gov. to comandantes ami prefect. Dept. /.' ., MS., \i. 
57. 



104 ECHEANDIA AND THE PADRES. 

government. Respecting the result, we have no sat- 
isfactory information. I tind no record of the number 
of neophytes who under the order obtained their free- 
dom, nor of the manner in which they used their lib- 
erty. Beechey, the English navigator, tells us that 
the governor was induced by the padres to modify 
his plans, and to try experiments with a few neo- 
phytes, who, as might have been expected, fell soon into 
excesses, gambled away all their property, and were 
compelled to beg or steal. 37 

While the governor doubtless used his influence to 
imbue the neophytes with ideas of independence and 
civil liberty, not conducive to contentment with mission 
life, 33 no definite progress was made, except in the 
preparation of plans, in the years 1827-9. In July 1827 
the prefect was ordered to see to it that a primary 
school was supported at each mission, and compliance 
was promised. 39 In October of the same year, Eche- 
andia called for a detailed report on the lands held 
by each mission to be rendered before the end of the 
year. I find no such report in the records, though 
the local reports for the next year did, in several 
instances, contain a list of the mission ranchos. 40 

37 Beechey 's Voyage, ii. 12-13, 320. A few doc. bearing on individual cases 
of application for license. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., lvii. 23-4; De.pt. 
Bee, MS., v. G5; viii. 34. April 27, 1827, gov. says to com. of S. Diego that 
as the Indians of S. Juan neglect their work and make a wrong application 
of their privileges, they are to be admonished seriously that those who behave 
themselves properly will obtain their full freedom when his plans are per- 
fected, while others will be punished. Dept. flee, MS., v. 44. May 20, 1S27, 
Martinez is to inform the Indians that in a few days E. will issue an order for 
them to be treated the same as gente de razon. Id., v. 46. Dec. 6, 1826, E. 
to sup. govt. Speaks of the monopoly by the friars of all the land, labor, 
and products of the territory; of their hatred for the present system of gov- 
ernment; and of the desirability of making at least a partial distribution of 
mission property among the best of the neophytes. Id., v. 132-3. _ Oct. 20, 
1S28, E. to min. of war, says the Ind. at most missions are clamoring to be 
formed into pueblos. St. Pap., Sac., MS., x. 39-40. 

38 Mrs Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 52-4, says that the ideas instilled into the 
minds of the neophytes by the gefe politico made a great change in them. 
They were not as contented nor as obedient as before. Osio, Hist. Gal., MS., 
119-20, takes the same view of the matter. 

39 Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt i. 35; Dept. Bee, MS., v. 54; Ley. Bee, MS., i. 
79-80. 

"Oct. 7ih. r.< 'iciuwki's li.-m.l-. in olnnt, Ihtc, MS., 1. Names of mission 
ranchos in the south. Prov. St. Pap., Presid., MS., i. 97-8. Bandini, in a 



THE GOVERNOR'S ACTS. 105 

The order brought out, however, from the padres 
of San Juan Capistrano, a defence of the Indian title 
to the lands in California running back to the time 
when, according to Ezra the prophet, the Jews wan- 
dered across Bering Strait to people America. 41 

In a communication of 1833 Echeandia, after al- 
hiding to his instructions, by which, as we have seen, 
much was left to his own judgment, explained his acts 
in these years as follows: "Intrusted with the task 
of arranging the system of both Californias, supplying 
as best I could in indispensable cases the lack of ad- 
ministration of justice, busied in regulating the treas- 
ury branches since the comisario abused his trust, 
lacking the necessary supplies for the troops, at the 
end of my resources for other expenses, struggling to 
put in good order the necessarily tolerated traffic with 
foreign vessels, anxious to establish regular and secure 
communication with Sonora via the Colorado, combat- 
ing the general addiction to the Spanish government 
and the despotic system, encountering the abuses in- 
troduced in all branches by the revolution and enor- 
mously propagated by the total neglect of the viceregal 
government during the war of independence — occupied, 
I say, with so many cares, without aid in the civil or 
military administration, and finally having no Mexican 
priests to take the place of the malecontent Spaniards 
in divine worship, if they should abandon it as hap- 
pened at Santa Barbara and San Buenaventura, or 
should be expelled as insufferable royalists, as some of 
them are, and as was he of San Luis Obispo, who 
favored the Solis revolt for Spain— which, though I 
had the good fortune to suppress it, interfered with 
the progress of good government — some of the mis- 
sionaries mismanaging the property of their Bubjed \, 
and others refusing: to remain under the federal gov- 



lctter to Barron, 1828, says tin ■ missions have seized upon nearly all the Ian. I 
in tin- territory, bo as to exclude private persons. B vndini, /><"■.. MS., 8. 
" Za video, and Barona, Pelt ion • I <■■ - I 

MS. 



103 ECHEANDIA AND THE PADRES. 

eminent if the missions were reformed; compromised 
thus in different ways, seeing that in the missions there 
remained almost illusory my repeated orders and pro- 
visions that the converts should be relieved from the 
cruel and infamous punishments which were arbi- 
trarily applied to them, and enjoy a little their per- 
sonal liberty and the fruit of their toil, and receive in 
their schools the elements of a Christian and civil ed- 
ucation ; when by my own observations and intercourse 
with missionaries and neophytes — in spite of the flat- 
teries and obstacles urged that I might not remove 
the yoke from those miserable conquistados — I had 
formed a definite conception of my duty, I completed 
a plan reglamentario to take from the missionaries the 
temporal administration, which I sent to the govern- 
ment secretly, if I remember aright, in 1829, explain- 
ing the necessity of proper persons to make surveys, 
and to establish in due form the new settlements." 42 
At the session of July 20, 1830, Echeandia brought 
his secularization plan before the diputacion, by which 
body, after much discussion and some slight modifica- 
tions, it was approved in the sessions from July 29th 
to August 3d. This plan provided for the gradual 
transformation of the missions into pueblos, begin- 
ning with those nearest the presidios and pueblos, of 
which one or two were to be secularized within a year, 
and the rest as rapidly as experience might show to be 
practicable. Each neophyte was to have a share of 
the mission lands and other property. The friars 
might remain as curates, or establish a new line of 
missions on the gentile frontier as they should choose. 
The details of the twenty-one articles constituting the 
document, chiefly devoted to the distribution of prop- 
erty and the local management of the new towns, it 
scci i is best to notice, so far as any notice may be re- 
quired, in a subsequent chapter, in connection with 

"March 19, 1S33, E. to Figueroa in St. Pap., Miss, and Col., MS., ii. 
42-4. Strange as it may seem, E. makes a full stop in his sentence as above. 
He then goes ou to explain his policy in 1S31, of which I shall speak later. 



PLAN APPROVED BY THE DIPUTACIOX. 107 

the decree by which it was attempted to carry the 
plan into effect. 43 It was not intended to enforce this 
measure without the approval of the supreme govern- 
ment, to which the plan was forwarded the 7th of 
September. 44 There were also sent at the same time 
six supplementary articles, approved by the diputacion 
August 13th, providing for the establishment of two 
Franciscan convents at Santa Clara and San Gabriel, 
for which twenty or more friars were to be sent from 
Mexico at the expense of the pious fund, and to which 
the Spanish padres allowed to remain might also at- 
tach themselves. These convents were intended to 
supply in the future missionaries, curates, and chap- 
lains. 45 

Thus it is seen that the governor in his policy 
toward the padres, down to the end of 1830, was by 
no means arbitrary, unjust, or even hasty; 40 neither 
was there so bitter a controversy between him and the 
friars as would be inferred from the general tone of 
what has been written on the subject. 47 In the- last 
years of the decade we have from the padres no spe- 

::i Eclieandia, Planpara convertiren pueblos his misiones d< la Altai California, 
1829 SO, MS. Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 105-9, and Alvarado, Hist. Cal., 
MS., ii. 159-GO, mention the action of the diputacion, and give the substance 
of an introductory message or argument presented by Echeandia on the ad- 
vantages of secularization. 

"Sept. 7, 1S30, E. to min. of rel. Dept. ffec, MS., viii. 7:>. 

15 Ley. Rec., MS., i. 163-G; Guerra, Doc, MS., i. 15-17; Dept. /,'- ■■.. Ms., 
viii. 79. 

48 Duhaut-Cilly, Viaggio, i. 283-5, notes that E. used gentle measures, as 
he w.-i i obliged to do, while the padres were less careful about the prosperity 
of the missions than they had formerly been. Shea, Catholic Missions, 109 12, 
represents E.'s rulcasa succession of arbitrary and oppressh e ■ 
friars. Fernandez, CosaadeCal., MS.,4:>, says that E. had feWBcn | 
aimed only to enrich himself by despoiling the missions. Spence, according 
to Taylors Discov. and Founders, ii. 24, says that E. had I I 
steps toward the padres, and they retaliated by subjecting him to every in- 
convenience. Dr Marsh, Letter to Com. Jones, MS., 2, tells as that E. 're- 
leased some of the Indians from tin' missions that his own particular friends 
might appropriate their services to their own use.' 

"Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 53 I-, and Alvarado, J ' 3., ii. 89 

90, tell us that about 1826 the padres nol only via i d to furnish any more 
supplies for the troops, but bad a large pari of the mi m cattl 
fur their hides and tallow, with a \ lew to run away with asmuchas pot 
th (mission wealth. I think, however, thai these writers, like otbi 
the quarrel, and that there was no iich slaughter of cattle unti 



10S ECHEANDIA AND THE PADRES. 

cial protest against the plan of secularization that was 
being prepared. This was partly because they be- 
lieved that protests and arguments addressed to the 
territorial authorities would be without effect, partly 
because they still thought that secularization could 
not be effected for want of curates; but largely also, I 
suppose, because they had hopes of benefits to be de- 
rived from the struggle going on in Mexico. Busta- 
mante's revolution against Guerrero was understood 
to be in the interest of a more conservative church 
and mission policy. There is no proof that the Cal- 
ifornia padres w T ere at the beginning in direct under- 
standing with the promoters of the movement, but 
such is not unlikely to have been the case ; 48 and there 
certainly was such an understanding directly after 
Bust am ante's accession. At any rate, their hopes of 
aid from the new executive proved to be well founded, 
as we shall see. Meanwhile the national authorities 
were even more dilatory and inactive than those of the 
territory. Nothing whatever was done in the mat- 
ter. The famous junta de fomento seems to have 
made some kind of a report on secularization before it 
ceased to exist. Congress took it up in 1830, but 
decided to leave the missions alone at least until the 



48 In the famous Fitch trial, Fitch, Causa Criminal, MS., etc., 339-40, 
President Sanchez, urged to arrest Echeandia for trial before an ecclesiastical 
court, declined to do so on account of the tumult it would cause, the prospect 
of an early change of governors, and the recommendations of Bustamantc in 
his 'most esteemed private letter of April 11th,' which is quoted as follows: 
'Your zeal should not rest a moment in a matter of so great interest; you will 
understand at ouce the rectitude of my intentions. Therefore I promise my- 
self that you will not only aid by your influence and by every means in your 
power the success of my plans, but also take the greatest pains to reestablish 
public tranquillity, which to my great sorrow is disturbed, and to bring about 
perfect peace and harmony among the people. This is my business, which I 
recommend very particularly to the prudence of your paternity, on whose aid 
I count for the accomplishment of my desires.' The president also uses, re- 
specting the new governor, the following play upon words: 'Habiendo logrado 
ya csta desgraciada provincia su Victoria, seguramente se debe esperar que 
csta jurisdiction eclesiastica usurpada, y oprimida, tambien conseguira su 
victoria.' Vallcjo, Hist. CaL, MS., ii. 109-10, says that the padres learned 
of Bustamante's pronunciamiento just after the action of the diputacion, and 
that they immediately signed a petition to the govt against Echeandia, 
though ] iretending to the latter at the same time to be anxious to give up tho 
mission temporalities. 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. 1C9 

arrival of the deputy from California; and finally the 
minister of relations approved Echeandia's plan and 
recommended' it with the report of the junta to con- 
gress at the beginning of 1831. 49 

There are a few items of Indian affairs in the 
annals of these years that may as well be recorded 
here as elsewhere, none of them requiring more than 
a brief notice. In April 1826 Alferez Ibarra had 
apparently two fights at or near Santa Isabel, in the 
San Diego district, perhaps with Indians who came 
from the Colorado region. In one case eighteen, and 
in the other twenty, pairs of ears taken from the 
slain — a new kind of trophy for California warfare — 
were sent to the comandante general. Three soldiers 
of the Mazatlan squadron had been murdered just 
before, which deed was probably the provocation for 
the slaughter, but the records are unsatisfactory. 50 

Another event of the same year was an expedition 
under Alferez Sanchez, in November, against the Co- 
semenes, or Cosumnes, across the San Joaquin Valley. 
These Indians had either attacked or been attacked 
Ijv a party of neophytes from Mission San Jose, who 
were making a holiday trip with their alcalde, and 
twenty or thirty of whom were killed, or at least 
never returned. Sanchez was absent a week, and 
though he had to retreat and leave the gentiles mas- 
ters of the field, he had destroyed a rancheria, killed 
about forty Indians, and brought in as many captives. 51 

49 Mexico, Mem. Itelaciones, 1831, p. 33. Carlos Carrillo, writing from 
Topic, April 2, 1831, referred to information obtained from Navarro, the 
member from Lower California, that most of the congressmen had 
any change in the status of the missions. Querra, /'<"•., MS., iv. 200. Va- 
llejo, Hist. Col., MS., ii. 259, says a report was presented to congress on April 
(J, 1825, by J. J. Fspintisa de los ltios, ( '. M. Ihistamante, I'. V. Sola, Tomas 
Siin'a, Tomas Salgado, Mariano Dominguez, J. M. Almanza, Manu< I 
lez de Ibarra, .). J. Ormachea, and F. de P. Tamariz (the report of the junta 
alluded to by the minister?), in favor of includui LOU lands in the 

colonization law of 1824. Jan. 15, 1831, Alaman bo overnor. The plan oi 
founding two convents has been referred to the minister of justice. v 
St. Pap., MS., Mi. I. 

*>£>ept. St. Pap. MS., i. 13G-7; Id. Ben., /' . iii. 81 3; S. 

Diego, Lib. Mision, MS., 96. 

01 Sanchez, Journal of (lie enU rprise against the < 'oat .. ' Written 



110 ECHEANDIA AND THE PADRES. 

In 1829 took place the somewhat famous campaigns 
against the native chieftain Estanislao, who has given 
his name to the Stanislaus river and county. Estan- 
islao was a neophyte of more than ordinary ability, 
educated at Mission San Jose, of which establishment 
he was at one time alcalde. He ran away probably 
in 1827 or early in 1828, took refuge with a band of 
ex-neophytes and gentiles in the San Joaquin Valley, 
and with his chief associate, Cipriano, soon made him- 
self famous by his daring. In November 1828 he 
was believed by the padres of San Jose and Santa 
Clara to be instigating a general rising among the 
neophytes, and Comandante Martinez was induced to 
send a force of twenty men against him. 52 The expe- 
dition was not ready to start till May 1829, Estanis- 
lao in the mean time continuing his onslaughts and 
insulting challenges to the soldiers. 53 

with gunpowder on the field of battle!' in Beechei/s Voyage, ii. 24-31. The 
expedition lasted from Nov. 19th to Nov. 27th. The mission of S. Jose" had 
defrayed the expenses, the padre deeming it necessary to avenge the outrage 
on his neophytes; but he thought the 40 new converts too dearly bought, 
feared a new attack from the Cosemenes, and begged Capt. Beechey for some 
fireworks with which to frighten the foe in case of necessity. In the diary 
the Cosemenes, the original form of the later Cosunmes, lived on or near the 
Rio San Francisco. ■ On the way thither the army passed Las Positas, Rio 
San Joaquin, and Rio Yachicume. One soldier, Jose Maria Gomez, was killed 
by the bursting of his own musket. Duhaut-Cilly, Viaggio, ii. 85-6, says 
Sanchez could not get at the Indian warriors, but killed 30 women and 
children, and with this shameful glory returned, bringing 2 children and an 
old woman captives. He says the neophyte victims belonged to San Francisco 
Solano. Elliot gives the substance of Sanchez's diary in Overland Month!;/, 
iv. 341-2. Huish, Narrative, 427-30, takes the account from Beechey. 
Bojorges, Recuerdos, MS., 4-7, describes the campaign with some embellish- 
ments from his fancy. Nov. 3d, Bernal to Martinez. Says that 21 Christian 
Indians have been killed, and calls for aid. The people are much excited. 
Dept. St. Pap., MS., i. 135. May 20, 1826, Capt. Arguello leaves S. Francisco 
on a 34 days' tour of inspection eastward. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xi. 5. Jan. 22d*, 
corporal of S. Juan Capistrano announces rising of the Indians, who have 
insulted him and want to put the padre in the stocks. Dept. St. Pap., MS., i. 
134-5. April 1827, complaints of robberies at the same mission. Id., ii. 12. 
Feb. 1827, trouble at S. Luis Rey, where a neophyte used some very violent and 
vile language against the Mexican govt and its Cal. representatives. Dept. St. 
Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lviii. 2; Bcechey's Voyage, ii. 36. Nov. 1827, allusion to 
troubles with gentiles at Sta Clara, Dept. Rec, MS., v. 115. Oct. 23, 1S28, 
Indian children from the Tulares, that had been given to residents of Monte- 
rey, ordered to be restored to their parents. St. Pap., Miss, and Col., MS., 
ii. 6. Dec. , two men killed by Indians near S. Jose. Dept. St. Pap. , Ben. Pre/. 
II Juzg., MS., i. 20. 

;j i\uv. 9, 1828, PP. Duran and Viader to Martinez. Nov. 20th, Mar- 
tinez to Echeandia. Arch. A, -.oh.. MS., v. pt i. G8-70. 

:3 Possibly, however, the fcrce cf 20 men was sent out in 182S as planned, 



EXPEDITION AGAINST ESTANISLAO. Ill 

On May 5th Alferez Sanchez left San Francisco 
with about forty men and a .swivel-gun. On the 
morning of the 7th, his force having been increased at 
San Jose by the addition of vecinos and Indian aux- 
iliaries, he reached the spot where the foe was posted 
in a thick wood on the river of the Laquishnes. The 
fight, opened by the enemy, raged all day, muskets 
being used on one side and arrows with a few muskets 
on the other. The swivel-gun proved to be damaged 
and ineffective, while the muskets of the foe were 
loaded with powder only. No advantage was gained, 
and at sunset Sanchez withdrew his men to a short 
distance. Next morning he divided his force into six 
parties of six men each. He stationed one to guard 
the horses and ammunition, and two others to protect 
the flanks and prevent the escape of the foe, while 
with the other three, under corporals Pina, Berreyesa, 
and Soto, he marched up to the edge of the wood. 
As before, the fight lasted all day, and as before, noth- 
ing was effected; though two of Piha's men, who were 
so rash as to enter the wood, were killed. Ammuni- 
tion being exhausted, the men tired out, and the 
weather excessively hot, the siege was abandoned, and 
Estanislao left unconquered. Two soldiers had been 
killed and eight wounded, while eleven of the Indian 
allies were also wounded, one of them mortally. 
About the losses of the foe nothing was known/ 4 

accomplishing nothing. Osio, Hist. Cat., MS., 126-30, describes such an ex 
pedition under Sergt Soto, during which there was a fight; while B 
Recuerdos, MS., 14-17, says it was under Corp. Pacheco and returned with 
out a fight, as did the second expedition according to Osio. In any case, it is 
evident that both writers confound this entrada more or less with 1 r 
March 1, 1829, P. Duran to Martinez, complaining of a new attack by Es- 
tanislao on the mission Indians. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pi i. 53 I. April26th, 
Martinez to alcalde of S. Jose'', asking for supplies and men for an expedition 
to start next Sunday. The conduct of the Indians is shameful, especiallythe 
challenges of Estanislao. N. ./<<-< , J /■<•//., MS., vi. Id. Ma y (5th (probably an 
error in date), gov. orders Martinez to send Alt'. Sanchez with as many sol- 
diers as possible, the S. Jose" militia, and a swivel-gun on a raid against the 
Indians. Dept. Rec, MS., vii. 14!>. 

* % Sanchez, CompaHa contra Estanislao y sits Indios svblevados, 1829, MS. 
Dated at S. Jos6 on May 10th. Great praise was awarded to the troops for 
gallantry, and especially to Corp. Soto and privates Manuel l'euaand Lorenzo 
Pacheco. May 5th, departure of Sanchez from S. Francisco, Dept, Rec., 



112 ECHEANDtA AND THE PADRES. 

A new expedition was prepared, for which the 
troops of San Francisco under Sanchez were joined to 
those of Monterey under Alferez Mariano G. Vallejo, 
who was also, by virtue of his superior rank, comman- 
der in chief of the army, now numbering one hundred 
a nd se ven armed men. Val lej o had not ye t had much ex- 
perience as an Indian-fighter, but he had just returned 
from a campaign in the Tulares, in which with thirty- 
five men he had slain forty-eight Indians and suffered 
no casualties. 55 Having crossed the San Joaquin 
River by means of rafts on May 29th, the army ar- 
rived next day at the scene of the former battle, where 
it was met as before by a cloud of arrows. The wood 
was found to be absolutely impenetrable, and Vallejo 
at once caused it to be set on fire, stationing his troops 
and his three-pounder on the opposite bank of the 
river. The fire brought the Indians to the edge of 
the thicket, where some of them were killed. At 5 
p. m. Sanchez was sent with twenty-five men to attack 
the foe, and fought over two hours in the burning 
wood, retiring at dusk with three men wounded. 

Next morning at 9 o'clock Vallejo with thirty-seven 
men again entered the wood. He found a series of 
pits and ditches arranged with considerable skill, and 
protected by barricades of trees and brush. Evidently 
the Indians could never have been dislodged from such 
a stronghold except by the agency that had been em- 
ployed. Traces of blood were found everywhere, and 
there were also discovered the bodies of the two sol- 
diers killed in the previous battle. The enemy, how- 

MS., vii. 20. Osio, Hist. Cal., MS., 129-30, gives some particulars about the 
loss of the two men, and says that Soto died of his wounds a little later at S. 
Jose\ Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 57-60, gives an absurdly exaggerated ac- 
count of the battle and of the enemy's fortifications. Galindo, Apwntes, MS., 
22-4, has a quite accurate narrative from memory, recalling even the name of 
the Rio Laquisimes, which jiiay have been that now called the Stanislaus, 
though it is not certain. 

55 Dept. Rec, MS., vii. 20. According to a document in Vallejo, Doc, 
MS., xx. 2S0, Vallejo had been in two acetones cle gaerra as commander, one 
in the Sierra Nevada from S. Miguel, and the other in the Tulares, where he 
had one man killed and 15 wounded. May 16, 1820, Martinez orders Vallejo 
to march with Sanchez to chastise the rebels of Sta Clara and S. Jos6 as- 
sembled at Los Rios. Vallejo, Doc, MS., i. 174. 



VALLEJO'S CAMPAIGN. 113 

ever, had taken advantage of the darkness of night 
and had fled. Vallejo started in pursuit. He en- 
camped that night on the Rio Laquisimes, and next 
morning surrounded a part of the fugitives in another 
thicket near their rancheria on the Arroyo Seco. 
Here there were some negotiations, but the Indians 
declared they would die rather than surrender, and 
late in the afternoon the attack was begun. A road 
was cut through the chaparral with axes, along which 
the field-piece and muskets were pressed forward and 
continually discharged. The foe retired slowly to 
their ditches and embankments in the centre, wound- 
ing eight of the advancing soldiers. When the can- 
non was close to the trenches the ammunition gave 
out, which fact, and the heat of the burning thicket, 
forced the men to retreat. During the night the be- 
sieged Indians tried to escape one by one, some suc- 
ceeding, but many being killed. Next morning 
nothing was found but dead bodies and three living 
women. That day, June 1st, at noon, provisions 
being exhausted, Vallejo started for San Jose, where 
he arrived on the fourth/ 6 

56 Vallejo, Campana contra Estanislao y sus Tndioa sublevados, 1839, MS. 
This is the commander's official report dated at S. Jose June 4th. Pifta, 
Dlario de la Expedition <d \'crflr de San Josd, 1829. This is a diary kept by 
Corp. Lazaro Piiia of the artillery, Mho accompanied the expedition. It 
extends from May 19th, the date of departure from Monterey, to June 13th, 
when they returned to Monterey. The details, beyond the limits of the 
actual campaign as given in my text, are unimportant. The original MS. w< i 
given me by Gen. Vallejo. June 5th, Martinez congratulates Vallejo on hi3 
defeat of the rebels at Los Rios. Regrets that he could not follow up the 
advantage gained. Orders him to S. Francisco to plan further operations. 
Va'lejo,Doc, MS., i. 173. Dec. 31st, Martinez states in the hoja s rfi 
of Vallejo and Sanchez that no decisive results were obtained, though 1 me i 
were killed (?) and 11 wounded. Id., i. "204; xx. 142. Oct. 7th, Echeandia 
pardon i neophj tes vt ho had been in rebellion. /></>/. Rec:, Ms., vii. 230. Al- 
varado's narrative of this campaign. Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 57 68, drawn evi- 
dently from his imagination, is so wonderfully inaccurate that no condensation 
can do it justice, and I have no space to reproduce it in full. Osio, Hist. 
Cal., MS., 133-8, gives an account considerably mere accurate than that of 
Alvarado, which is not saj ing much in its favor. He Bpeaks <>f but one bat- 
tle, in which the barricades of timber w ere broken dew a by the artillery, the 
order of 'no quarter 1 \. \ allejo, the infuriated auxiliaries wrought 

a. terrible carnag i among the foe, and the | it-; dug for defences were utilizi d 
as graves. Galrndo, . [puntes, Ms., 22-6, name; two Boldiers, Espin 

Soto, as fatally v, ided, and says thai Estanislao wa captured. B 

licciurdus, Ms.. ]) 22, who confounds the three expeditions, nam 
Hist. Cal., Vol. III. 8 



114 ECHEANDIA AND THE PADRES. 

One phase of this campaign demands further notice. 
One of the contemporary narratives, the diary of Pina, 
represents that at least six of the captives, including 
three or four women found alive in the second thicket, 
were put to death, most of them by the order or with 
the consent of the commander. Osio in his history 
tells us that some captured leaders were shot or 
hanged to trees, and Padre Duran made a complaint, 
to which no attention was paid. Vallejo in his official 
report says nothing respecting the death of the cap- 
tives. At the time, however, Vallejo was accused by 
Padre Duran, but claimed to be innocent. 57 Echean- 
dia ordered an investigation of the charge that three 
men and three women, not taken in battle, had been 
shot and then hanged; 58 and the investigation was 
made. From the testimony the fiscal decided that 
only one man and one woman had been killed, the 
latter unjustifiably by the soldier Joaquin Alvarado, 
whose punishment was recommended. 59 There is no 
doubt that in those, as in later times, to the Spaniards, 
as to other so-called civilized races, the life of an Indian 
was a slight affair, and in nearly all the expeditions 
outrages were committed ; but it would require strong- 
er evidence than exists in this case to justif}^ any spe- 
cial blame to a particular officer. 60 

In June 1827 orders were sent to Echeandia from 
Mexico to found a fort on the northern frontier in the 
region of San Rafael or San Francisco Solano. The 

and Pacheco as the two killed under Sanchez, and says that Antonio Soto 
died of his wounds atS. Jos6. 

5r Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 178. 

53 Aug. 7, 1829. Dept. Bee., MS., vii. 213. 

58 Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lxx. 13. Lieut Martinez was the fiscal 
to whom the case was intrusted. 

60 A few items of Indian affairs for 1S30: April, sergeants Salazar and 
Rico sent with a force to prevent trouble at Sta Ines. Quiet restored in 3 days. 
Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MB., lxxxviii. 1,4. July-Sept., a grand paseo 
marithno proposed by P. Duran, in which the vecinos of S. Jose" were invited 
to join. The object was to visit the rivers and Tulares, and inspire respect 
among the gentiles by peaceable methods. The mission would pay the expense. 
S. Jose, Arch., MS., i. 3S-9. Dec, Arrival of suspicious Indians at S. Fer- 
nando. Dept. St. Pap., Angeles, M6., i. 93. 



THE SEASONS, 1826-30. 115 

object was not only to protect those establishments 
against gentile tribes, but also and perhaps chiefly to 
prevent a further extension of Russian power. The 
missions were to be called upon to furnish the required 
aid in laborers, implements, and food, the correspond- 
ing instructions being also sent through the guardian 
to the president. Echeandia's reply was to the effect 
that there were no means to build a fort, but he would 
try to construct quarters near San Rafael for a military 
guard, and he did in March 1828 order Romualdo 
Pacheco to go to the north and select a suitable site, 
which is the last I hear of the matter. 61 

Respecting the seasons from 1826 to 1830, I find 
nothing or next to nothing in the records ; but I sup- 
pose that the winter of 1827—8 was a wet one, and 
the next of 1828-9 one of unprecedented drought. 
The flood is mentioned in various newspaper items, on 
the authority of Vallejo and other old Californians, 
and of trappers said to have been in the Sacramento 
Valley; it is confirmed by one letter of the time, Jan- 
uary 1828, which speaks of the flood at Monterey as 
something like that of 1 824-5. G2 The drought of 1 829 
is shown by the failure of the crops, the total harvest 
being 24,000 fanegas, the smallest from 179G to 1834, 
and less than half the average for this decade; though 
strangely I find no correspondence on the subject save 
two slight items, one from San Rafael and the other 
from San Diego. 03 

cl June G, 1827, min. of war to Echeandia. St. Pap., Mt88. a 
MS.,ii. 310; June 13th, guardian to president. Arch. Sta /!.. MS., xii. 17>i 
7 ; Jan. 8th, 1828, E.'s reply. Dept. lire, MS., vi. 23 ; Mar. 25th, E. to Pache- 
co, ordering him to Nopalillos. Dept, Rec, MS., vi. 190. 

M Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxix. 190. 

■ Dept. Rec, MS., vii. 3G4; Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 181. 



CHAPTER V. 

ECHEANDf A'S RULE— MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

1826-30. 

Vessels of 1826 — Revenue Rules — Hartnell's Business — Hawaiian' 
Flag — Coopeb and the 'Rover' — Lawsuit with Arguello— Bee- 
chey's Visit in the ' Blossom ' — Books Resulting — Teading Fleet 
of 1827 — Reglamentos on Liquors and Live-stock — Embarrassment 
of McCulloch, Hartnell & Co. — Cunningham at Santa Catalina — 
Visit of Duhaut-Cilly and Botta— Maritime Affairs of 1828— 
Restrictions — Smuggling — Affair of the 'Franklin' — Cannon- 
balls— Affair of the 'Karimoko' — Vessels of 1S29 — Custom- 
house — Arrival of the 'Brookline' — Gale's Correspondence — 
Raising the Stars and Stripes— Lang at San Diego— The ' Santa 
Barbara' Built in California — Ships and Trade of 1830 — List of 
Vessels, 1S25-30. 

The vessels of 1826 were forty -four in number, in- 
cluding a few doubtfully recorded. There were twenty- 
two American, eight English, five Mexican, four 
Russian, three of the Hawaiian Islands, and one Cali- 
fornian, though the latter carried the American flag. 
Eleven were whalers seeking supplies; one was on a 
scientific and exploring expedition; and the rest, so far 
as the records show, were engaged more or less exclu- 
sively in trade. Ten or twelve were included in the 
list of the preceding year, having either remained over 
from December to January or repeating their trip. 1 

1 The vessels of the year, for more particulars about which see list at end 
of this chapter, were the Adam, Alliance, Argosy, Baikal, Blossom, Charles, 
Courier, ( 'yrus H Mena, Eliza, Franklin, General Bravo, Harbinger, Inca, Inore, 
Jdven Ani/iifitins, Kiahlia, Marin Ester, Maria Teresa, Mercury (2), Mero, 
Moor, Olive Branch, Paragon, Perm-ion, Pizarro, Rover, Sachem, Santa 
Apolonia, Sirena, Solitude, Speed)/, Spy, Thomas Nowlan, Timorelan, Triton, 
Washington (3), Waverlu, Whaleman, Young Tartar, Zamora. 

(116) 



TRADE REGULATIONS. 117 

Vessels were not allowed to trade at way-ports, 
such as Santa Cruz, San Luis, Refugio, and San Juan 
Capistrano, without permission from the governor, 
which was easily obtained unless there was especial 
cause for suspicion. In June, Herrera, following 
instructions from his superior in Sonora, ordered that 
no vessel be allowed to load or unload in any other 
port than Monterey. He admitted that such a rule 
was ruinous to the territorial commerce, and said he 
had protested against it, but could not disobey orders. 
Echeandia, however, countermanded the rule provi- 
sionally, and it did not go into effect; but at the same 
time an internacion duty of fifteen per cent and an 
averia duty of two and a half per cent were added to 
the former import duty of twenty-five per cent, mak- 
ing a total of 42-J per cent, besides an anchorage tax 
of $10 for each vessel and a tonnage rate of $2.50 per 
ton. 2 Naturally these exactions displeased both the 
traders and the consumers of foreign goods; but they 
sought relief, not in written petitions, but in various 
smuggling expedients, in which they were rarely 
detected, and which therefore for this year at least 
find no place in the records. 

For Monterey, the chief port of entr}% I have no 
revenue statistics for the year. At Santa Barbara, 
where accounts are complete, the revenue from customs 
was $7,446. 3 At San Francisco the recorded amount 

8 June 28th, Herrera to habilitados <>f S. Francisco, Sta Barbara, and S. 
Diego, closing those ports. Dept. St. Pap., Ben.Com. and Treas., MS., i. 16. 
July 5th, l'l., insisting <>n internacion duty according to decree of Aug. 6, 
1824. St. Pop., Ben., Ms., i. 67-8. July 11th, Id. to gov., insisting on the 
reformation of abuses, though said abuses were necessary. Dept. St. Pap., 
Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., i. 42 7. July22d, Id. to habilitados. Count r- 
mands order of June 28th until govt decides, butnot thai of July 5th. Id., 
tey, Voyage, ii. 10, 69, refers to the excessive duties. Jan. 
or products. St. Pap., Sac., MS., x. 90 I. May 
All 



f>l-'2. Beechey, Voya^ 



Kllll, derive of MOX. gOVt. All exp.rts fivenf ,lll(, St. Pap. 

Ms., xix. :;s. Sept. 26th, import duties as given in the text. Dept. St. Pap., 
Ben. Mil., MS., lx. 2. July 17th, habilitadoof Sta Barbara understands that 
by the decree of Feb. 12, 1825, internacion duty is payable onlj i 
taken from the custom-house for other ports, fo having to pay 

only the -:> per cent and Mexican the l"> per cent of import duties, Dept. St. 
.;. Com. and ZVi a ■ ., MS., i. 48. 
3 J)r r t. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas , MS., i. 65. Partial Btati 
each vessel are given in the list at the end of this eh.t, 



118 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

was $4,360 ; 4 and at San Diego, $1,666. If the total 
of $13,500 were doubled, it is evident that the 
amount would be but a small part of the percentage 
due on imports. Only a few years later there were 
complaints that no accounts had been rendered by 
Herrera and his successors, 5 so that it is not strange 
I have been unable to find complete figures. 

All seems to have been couleur de rose in Hartnell's 
business this year. Echeandia granted a general 
license for his vessels to touch at all the ports. Mc- 
Callough from Callao, and the Brothertons from 
Liverpool, wrote most enthusiastically of the prospects 
for high prices, urging extraordinary efforts to buy 
more hides and tallow, and expressing fears only of 
rivalry from other firms, while four brigs, the Inca, 
Speedy, Eliza, and Pizarro, were successfully loaded 
with Californian produce. 6 Gale's Sachem and the 
other Boston ships must have interfered seriously 
with Hartnell's purchases, but we have no information 
beyond their names and presence on the coast. Juan 
Ignacio Mancisidor also did a large business, selling 
the cargoes of the Nowlan and Olive Branch, and 
taking away large quantities of mission produce, 
though for him, as a Spaniard, trouble was in store. 
The Waverly and her two consorts introduced the 
Hawaiian flag to Californian waters, opened a new 
branch of territorial trade, and brought to the country 
William G. Dana, with others afterward prominent 
among resident traders. 

4 Habilitados' accounts in Vallejo, Doc, MS., i. passim; Dept. St. Pap., 
Ben. Mil., MS., lx. 1-4. 

5 Figueroa to Mex. govt in 1834. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 209-10. 

"Echeandia's permit of June 18 and Aug. 2G, 1S2G, to Hartnell's vessels. 
I>< pt. Bee, MS., iv. 4S; Vallejo, Doc., MS., xxix. 57. Letters of McCulloch, 
Begg & Co., Brothertons, for the year, in Id., MS., xxix. nos. 4, G, 12-15, 
2 1 , 40, 43, 52, 05. Some beef was acceptable where hides and tallow were 
not forthcoming. The Eliza appears to have cleared at Callao for Costa Rica 
to deceive rivals. The Either, seat to England with hide?, had not been 
heard of. The tallow from each mission must be marked 'so that the peculiar 
tricks of each padre may be found out. ' Cash is sent and more promised. 
Anderson's competition in Peru was especially feared. War between Buenos 
Aires and Brazil made prospects better. Yet P. Una, from Soledad, protests 
on June 11th against being obliged to sell exclusively to Hartnell, and will in 
future accept the best offers. 



CAPTAIN COOPER'S VOYAGES. 110 

Captain Cooper, in the Rover, came back from China 
in April 1826. The voyage had been made under a 
contract of 1824 with the government, 7 which had 
entitled the schooner to $10,000 for freight out and 
back, and the privilege of introducing $10,000 in 
goods free of duties. Besides some trading done by 
Cooper on his own account, he sold at Canton 375 
otter skins for $7,000, investing the proceeds in 
effects for the Californian troops. Most of these 
effects were delivered after some delay to the habili- 
tado of San Diego. The delay, and much subsequent 
trouble, was caused by dissatisfaction on the part of 
the governor at the prices received and paid in China, 
and by personal difficulties in settling their accounts 
between Cooper and Luis Argiiello, as master and 
owner of the vessel. 8 This last phase of the quarrel 
lasted until 1829, involving a lawsuit and various refer- 
ences to arbitrators. Argiiello's side of the quarrel is 
not represented in the records ; Cooper's letters are nu- 
merous, containing a great variety of uncomplimentary 
epithets for Don Luis. Arbitrators seem to have 
decided the case in Cooper's favor in the amount of 
$5,000, "which," writes the captain, "the damned rascal 
Argiiello will never pay while California remains in its 
present condition." 9 To return to the Rover: the only 
incident of her voyage that is known was the throwing 
away of all Spanish papers on board, including invoices 
and the bill of sale to Argiiello,and even of the Mexican 
ilag, on account of revelations by a drunken sailor to 
the effect that the schooner was not America a as 
pretended, but Mexican. This occurred at the Phil- 

7 S i !( • vol. ii. p. 520. 

B Arrival of the Rover, and trouble about the landing of the cargo. /'■ •'. 
St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., lxxxvii. 68; Id., Ben. Cust.-H., i. L8 20, 30; St. 
Pap., Ben., MS., i. 71; St. Pap., Sac., MS., \i. 1. 

9 Cooper's letters of 1826 9, in Vallejo, Doc, MS., sxix., nos. 54, 113, 108, 
117, 128, 200, 210, 234, 235, 292, 334, 387, with many more in the same 
volume, relating to details of < !.'a business in those years, being oi ao 
importance. It appears thai Kierolf & Co., in China, had scut Bome 
( '. to Cal. on sale, and that by reason of his troubles with Argiiello, be was 
unable to settle with that firm for Beveral years. ,1. r. Sturj 
correspondent at Canton. 



120 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

ippine Islands. 10 On December 17, 1826, she sailed 
for San Diego, in quest of documents by which she 
might raise the Mexican flag. Jose Cardenas was to 
be master. 11 Nothing more is known of the San 
Rafael, as it was proposed to call her, from contem- 
porary documents; but two Californians tell us that 
she was sent with a cargo to San Bias, and not allowed 
to return by the Mexican authorities, who did not 
like the idea of California having a vessel of her own. 12 
The visit of Captain Frederick William Beechey, 
B. N., in H. M. S. Blossom, deserves notice as a prom- 
inent event, by reason of the books to the publication 
of which it gave rise, and the information they con- 
tained aboutCalifornia. 13 Beechey had sailed from Eng- 
land in May 1825, despatched to Bering Strait, there 
to await the arrival of Franklin and Parry of the arc- 
tic expeditions. 14 Sailing by Cape Horn, Valparaiso, 

"Cooper's deposition of Dec. 23th, mDept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil,, MS., lxiii. 
9. The loss of the papers complicated the quarrel with Arguello. July 27th, 
gov. ordered the sale of the vessel to Arguello, and the manner of her nation- 
alization to be investigated. St. Pup., Sac, MS., xii. 14. 

11 Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Gust.-H., MS., i. 25. 

12 Fernandez, Cosas de Gal., MS., 37-9; Alvarado, Hist. Cat., MS., ii. 84-6. 

13 Beechey, Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Beering's Strait, to Co- 
operate with the Polar Expeditions, p>< rformed in Hit Majesty's Ship Blossom, 
wider the command of Captain F. W. Beechey, R. N., F. R.S., etc., in the years 
IS. Jo, 20, 27, 28. Published by authority of the Lords Commissioners of the A d- 
miially. A new Edition. London, 1831. 8vo, 2 volumes, maps and plates. 
This edition is not mentioned by Sabin, being published by Colburn' and Bent- 
ley. The original in 4to form, 2 vols., had the same title, date, and pub- 
lishers. There were published in 1832, according to Sabin, an American edi- 
tion and a German translation. In the edition used by me the California 
matter is found in vol. i. p. 471-2; vol. ii. p. 1-88, 319-21, 403; with descrip- 
tions of S. Francisco and Monterey harbors on p. 422-9; and observations of 
latitude and longitude on p. 443. Only one plate relates to California, that 
of ' Californian throwing the lasso. ' In Huish, A Narrative of the Voyages and 
Travels of C apt. Beechey, etc., London, 1S36, the California matter is given on 
p. 415-60, somewhat condensed, and a portrait of Beechey forms the frontis- 
piece. jiookertLiid Arnott, The Botany of Captain Beechey's Voyage; compris- 
ing an account of the plants collected by Messrs. Lay and Collie, etc. London, 
1S41. 4to, plates. The matter is arranged geographically in order of the coun- 
tries visited; and California occupies p. 134-65, with one plate so far as Bee- 
chey 's voyage is concerned; but on p. 315-409 is given a more important ( 'al- 
ifornia Supplement, made up chiefly of a description of specimens collected by 
Douglas later, with 23 plates. Richardson and others, The Zoology of Captain 
Beechey's Voyage; compiled from the collections and notes made by Captain Bee- 
chey, Iheoffia ra and naturalist, etc. London, 1839. 4to. The matter on Cal- 
ifornia is scattered through the volume. The plates arc splendidly colored. 
From p. 160 there is a chapter on geology, which contains a ' geological plan' 
and ill scription of the port of S. Francisco, which I copy elsewhere. 

11 The Blossom mounted 16 guns. The chief officers under Beechey were: 



BEECHEY'S VISIT AND BOOK. 121 

and the Hawaiian Islands, he arrived in Kotzebue 
Sound in July 182G, remaining in the far north until 
October, when he was obliged by the closing-in of 
winter and by want of supplies to sail for the south. 
He anchored at San Francisco November 6th, 15 and 
was hospitably received by Comandante Martinez and 
Padre Tomas Estenega. Supplies were, however, less 
plentiful than had been expected, and a party consist- 
ing of Collie, Marsh, and Evans was sent overland to 
Monterey. This party was absent from the 9th to 
the 17th, 16 during which time and subsequently Bee- 
chey and his men were occupied in making a survey 
of San Francisco Bay and scientific observations about 
its shores. No obstacles were thrown in his way, the 
authorities asking only for a copy of the resulting 
chart, which was given. 17 The Englishmen amused 
themselves chiefly by excursions on horseback oxer 
the peninsula, and especially from the presidio to the 
mission, the inhabitants gaining an extraordinary rev- 
enue from the hire and sale of horses. The navig.it ors 
also visited Mission San Jose late in November. One 
man was drowned and buried at San Francisco. 

"By Christmas day we had all remained sufficiently 
long in the harbor to contemplate our departure with- 
out regret; the eye had become familiar to the pic- 
turesque scenery of the bay, the pleasure of the chase 

lieutenants Geo. Peard, Edward Belcher, and John Wainwright; master, 
Thoma i Elson; surgeon and assistant, Alex. I lollieand Thomas Neilson: pur ei . 
Geo. Marsh; mates, Win. Smyth and .las. Wolfe; midshipmen, John Kendall 
and Richard B. Bcechcy; clerks, John Evans and Chas. H. Osmer. The 
v bole force was 100 men. 

1 ■ Announcement of arrival dated Nov. 7th, in Dcpt. St. Pap., Ben. Oust.- 
11.. MS., i. 24. 

16 Collie's party, with an escort of < lalifomian Boldiers, travelled by waj of 
Si> rra de S, Bruno, Rio de S. Bruno, Burri Burri, over tin- plain of I 
in.: .. v. it h Estrecho de S. Jose on the left, and Sierra, del Suron right, S. Ma- 
teo, Las Pulgas, .Santa Clara, S. Jos6, Ojo delCoche (?), plain of La 
Rancho de Las Animas, Rio de Pajaro, plain of s. Juan, S, Juan B 
Llano del Rey, Rancho Las Salinas, Monterey, and returned bj I 
route. They were kindly treated by Capt. Gonzalez and Mr Eartnell. The 
diary of this trip furnished Beechej a Large pari of the information published 
about California. 

17 .lan. 25, 1-SJ7, gov. to Martinez. Presumes thai Beechey Lai 
him the necessary permit of the sap. govt to make a plan of the ba -bor. < lr- 
derahim to forward tho plan to S. Diego. Dept.Sec, MS., \. 13. 



122 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

had lost its fascination, and the roads to the mission 
and presidio were grown tedious and insipid. There 
was no society to enliven the hours, no incidents to 
vary one day from the other, and, to use the expres- 
sion of Donna Gonzalez, California appeared to be as 
much out of the world as Kamchatka." The Eng- 
lishmen sailed on December 28th for Monterey. Here 
they remained five days, cutting spars, and obtaining 
supplies from missions and from vessels in port, 
largely by the aid of Hartnell. 18 The supplies obtain- 
able in California were, however, inadequate to the 
needs of the expedition; and on the 5th of January 
the Blossom sailed for the Sandwich Islands. After 
another trip to the Arctic, unsuccessful like the first, 
so far as meeting the ill-fated Franklin was con- 
cerned, Beechey returned to Monterey October 29, 
18 27, ia remaining until December 17th, when lie went 
again to San Francisco for water, finally sailing on 
January 3d for San Bias, and thence home via Cape 
Horn and Brazil, reaching England in October 1828. 
It is thus seen that Beechey's visit was in itself an 
event of slight importance; but the observations pub- 
lished in the voyager's narrative were perhaps more 
evenly accurate and satisfactory than those of any 
preceding navigator. Beechey and his companions 
confined their remarks closely to actual observations. 
They were less ambitious than some of their prede- 
cessors to talk of things they did not understand, and 
thus avoided ridiculous blunders. It is not, however, 
necessary to notice their remarks at length here, for 
the following reasons: A large part is naturally de- 
voted to local and personal matters, or to other topics 
treated in other chapters; notes of the scientific corps 

18 Jan. 4, 1827, Beechey writes from Monterey to the British consul in 
Mexico, recommending the appointment of Hartnell as vice-consul in Cal., in 
consequence of the increasing importance of English trade on the Pacific 
coast. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxix. 102. 

19 Notice of presence of the B/o^som and 3 whalers on the coast in Novem- 
ber. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxix. 108. Called the Blonde, at Monterey Nov. 
8th. Dept. St. Dap., MS., ii. 47. Mention of visit in Soulc's Annul* of S. F., 
1G3-4. 



BEECHEY'S OBSERVATIONS. 123 

on botany, zoology, and other branches, though of 
great value, can of course receive in a work like this 
no further attention than mere mention; 20 and what 
remains of general description, respecting the country 
and its institutions, on account of its very accuracy, 
would be but vain repetition here. Had the visitor 
been less careful and made more blunders, he would 
receive more attention from me. Such is fame, and 
the reward of painstaking. 

The missions and the Indians claimed a large share 
of Beechey's attention, as in the case of earlier visit- 
ors, and he was not blind to either the faults or ex- 
cellences of the system or of the friars who had it in 
charge. 21 Respecting the result of Echeandia's ex- 
periment at partial emancipation of neophytes, this 
author happens to be wellnigh the only authority; 
and he also translates an interesting diary of an ex- 
pedition against the gentiles under Alferez Sanchez, 
as noted in the preceding chapter. He gives consid- 

20 See note 13 of this chapter. 

21 ' Though the system they pursue is not calculated to raise the colony to 
any great prosperity, yet the neglect of the missions would not long precede 
the ruin of the presidios and of the whole of the district.' Vol. ii. p. 1.1. 
' As to the various methods employed for the purpose of bringing pi-oselytes 
to the missions, there are several reports, of which some were not very cred- 
itable to the institution; nevertheless, on the whole, I am of opinion that the 
priests are innocent, from a conviction that they are ignorant of the means 
employed by those who are under them. Whatever may be the system, . . . 
the change according to our ideas of happiness would seem advantageous to 
them, as they lead a far better life in the missions than in their forests.' p. 17. 
' The produce of the land and of the labor of the Indians is appropriated 
to the support of the mission, and the overplus to amass a fund which is 
entirely at the disposal of the padres. In some of the establishments this 
must be very large, although the padres will not admit it, and always plead 
poverty. The governmentlias lately demanded a part of this profit, but the 
priests, who, it is said, think the Indians are more entitled to it than bhe 
government, make small donations to them, and thus evade tin' tax l.y tak- 
ing care there shall be no overplus.' p. 19-'20. 'Though there may be occa- 
sional acts of tyranny, yet the general character of the padres is kind and 
benevolent, and in some missions the converts arc so much attached to them 
that I have heard them declare they would go with them if they were 
obliged to quit the country. It is greatly to be regretted that, with the 
influence these men have over their pupils, and the regard those pupils seem 
to have for their masters, the priests do not interest them elves a Littl 

in the education of their converts.' 'The Indians are, in general, well clothed 
and fed.' p. 21-2. ' Nothing could exceed the kindness and consideration of 
these excellent men to their guests and to travellers;' but thoy 'were very 
bigoted men, and invariably introduced the Bubject of religion. 1 p. 33-4. 



124 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

erable attention to commerce, presenting a clear state- 
ment on this subject. 22 Like others, the English 
navigator was enthusiastic in praise of California's cli- 
mate and other natural advantages; but like others, 
he wondered at and deplored the prevalent lack of 
enterprise on the part of Mexican government and 
Californian people, predicting an inevitable change of 
owners should no change of policy occur. 23 His geo- 

22 1 may quote at some length on this topic, as being the subject proper of 
this chapter. ' The trade consists in the exportation of hides, tallow, man- 
teca, horses to the Sandwich Islands, grain for the Russian establishments, 
and in the disposal of provisions to whale-ships, .. .and perhaps a few furs 
and dollars are sent to China. The importations are dry goods, furniture, 
wearing apparel, agricultural implements, deal boards, and salt; and silks 
and fireworks from China for the decoration of churches and celebration of 
saints' days. In 1827 almost all these articles bore high prices: the for- 
mer in consequence of the increased demand; and the latter partly from the 
necessity of meeting the expenses of the purchase of a return cargo, and 
partly on account of the navigation. ' Great complaint of high prices, ' not 
considering that the fault was in great measure their own, and that they were 
purchasing some articles brought several thousand miles, when they might 
have procured them in their own country with moderate labor only,' for ex- 
ample, salt and deal boards and carts. ' With similar disregard for their 
interests, they were purchasing sea-otter skins at $20 apiece, whilst the 
animals were swimming about unmolested in their own harbors; and this 
from the Russians, who are intruders on their coast, and are depriving them 
of a lucrative trade. With this want of commercial enterprise, they are not 
much entitled to commiseration. With more justice might they have com- 
plained of the navigation laws, which, though no doubt beneficial to inhab- 
itants on the eastern coast of Mexico, where there are vessels to conduct the 
coasting trade, are extremely disadvantageous to the Californians, who hav- 
ing no vessels are often obliged to pay the duties on goods introduced in for- 
eign bottoms. ' 17% higher than on Mexican vessels. Not only this, 'but 
as a foreign vessel cannot break stowage without landing the whole of her 
cargo, they must in addition incur the expenses attending that which will 
in general fall upon a few goods only. The imprudent nature of these laws 
as regards California appears to have been considered by the authorities, as 
they overlook the introduction of goods into the towns by indirect channels, 
except in cases of a gross and palpable nature. In this manner several 
American vessels have contrived to dispose of their cargoes, and the inhab- 
itants have been supplied with goods of which they were much in need.' p. 
68-70. 

23 ' Possessing all these advantages, an industrious population alone seems 
requisite to withdraw it from the obscurity in which it has so long slept 
under the indolence of the people and the jealous policy of the Spanish gov- 
ernment. Indeed, it struck us as lamentable to see such an extent of habit- 
able country lying almost desolate and useless to mankind, whilst other na- 
tions are groaning under the burden of their population. It is evident from 
■the natural course of events, and from the rapidity with which observation 
has recently been extended to the hitherto most obscure parts of the globe, 
that this indifference cannot continue; for either it must disappear under the 
present authorities, or the country will fall into other hands, as from its sit- 
uation with regard to other powers upon the new continent, and to the com- 
merce of the Pacific, it is of too much importance to be permitted to remain 
longer in its present neglected state. Already have the Russians encroached 



VESSELS OF 1S27. 125 

graphical information is usually accurate and valuable; 
but a curious item is the idea, drawn from the Califor- 
nians, that the great rivers running into San Fran- 
cisco bay were three in number — the Jesus Maria, 
passing at the back of Bodega in a southerly course 
from beyond Cape Mendocino; the Sacramento, trend- 
ing to the south-west, and said to rise in the Rocky 
Mountains near the source of the Columbia; and the 
San Joachin, stretching from the southward through 
the country of the Bolbones. 

The vessels of 1827 numbered thirty-three, of 
which two or three arrivals depend on doubtful rec- 
ords. Fourteen were the same that had visited Cali- 
fornia the preceding year, some having wintered on 
the coast. Only four were whalers. The trading 
fleet proper was of about twenty craft. Of the whole 
number twelve were American, ten English, three 
Mexican, three Russian, two each French and Ha- 
waiian, and one perhaps German. 24 Revenue receipts 
from fragmentary records, which are virtually no 
records at all, foot up about $14,000 for the year. 25 
As the reader will remember, it was in this year that 
Herrera resigned, and the revenue branches were, if 
possible, in worse confusion than ever. 

An attempt was made to remove some of the re- 
strictions on the importation of foreign goods, deemed 
disadvantageous to Californian interests. The re- 
forms desired were the free entry of foreign vessels 
into all the ports and embarcaderos, the subdivision 

upon the territory by possessing themselves of the Farallones and some Isl- 
ands of Santa Barbara; and their new settlement at Rossi is so near upon the 
boundary (no Englishman could admit it to be within ( lalifornia -author) as 
to bo the cause of much jealous feeling — not without reason, it would appear.' 
p. GG-7. 

2< Seelistatendof thisehapter. Vessels of 1S27: Andes (?), Baikal, E 
Cadboro, Carimacer (?), Com&e, Courier, Favorite, Franklin, Fulham, Oolov- 
i, in, Harbinger, Heros, Huascar, Isabella, Magdahna, Maria Ester, Massa- 
chusetts, (>li/i/i<int (?), Olivt Branch, Okhotsk, Orion, Paraiso, Sachem, Solitude, 
Spy, Tamaahmaah, Tenieya, Thomas Nowlan, Tomasa, Washington, Wa\ 
Young Tartar. 

"Net revenue at S. F., $3,304. Dept. St. Pap., /-'- n. Mil., lxii. 8 11. See 
also figures in the list of vessels at end of this chapt n 



126 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

of cargoes for convenience of sale and transportation, 
and the reduction of duties to at most the original 
twenty-five per cent by the removal of the internacion 
and averia taxes, and even the tonnage dues. The 
two first had already been accomplished practically, 
since the authorities admitted that they had rarely 
refused permission to engage in coast trade; and as 
to the third, both governor and comisario were op- 
posed to the high rates, and had been as careless as 
they dared, and their subordinates even less careful. 
The diputacion considered the matter in June and 
July, and by the decision of that body and the re- 
sulting decrees, coast trade was legalized, subject to 
the decision of the supreme government. The re- 
moval of the duties was recommended, the internacion 
tax was restricted to goods carried inland more than 
four leagues, while the missions were allowed to give 
bonds for the tax pending the result in Mexico. 23 

26 Jan. 22, and Aug. 6, 1827, Herrera regulates the details of trade between 
private persons and foreign vessels, to prevent abuses of the illegal privileges 
allowed of coast trade and division of cargoes. Dept. St. Pap. , Ben. Com. and 
Treas., MS., i. 82-6. June 23d, July 24th, sessions of the diputacion. Ban- 
dini took a leading part in urging the reforms. Leg. Bee, MS., i. 52-4, 64- 
72. July 20th, gov. announces that foreign vessels may touch at Sta Cruz, 
S. Luis, Purisima, Refugio, and S. Juan, by applying to the nearest coman- 
dante with a statement from the missionary that such visit is necessary. Dept. 
Bee., MS., v. 68; Dept. St. Pap., MS., i. 144. Aug. 10th, com. of Sta Bar- 
bara on same subject. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lvii. 12-13. Aug. 7th, 
Herrera announces the change respecting the internacion duty. Dept. St. Pap., 
Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., i. 86-7. Aug. 22d, gov. to sup. govt, an- 
nouncing the act of the dip. ; also asking for one or two gunboats and 
for a naval station at S. Francisco. Dept. Bee., MS., v. 128-9. June 1st, 
min. of war to E., announcing the president's permission for foreign vessels 
to touch at the way-ports already named in this note and in the text. Dept. 
Bee., MS., vi. 176. Vallejo, Exposition, 6, cites in 1837 a law of Nov. 16, 1S27, 
forbidding comertio de escala by foreign vessels. The tariff law of Nov. 16th, 
Mexico, Arancel Gen., 1827, p. 5, allowed foreign goods to be introduced into 
Cal. for three fifths the duties required elsewhere except in Yucatan; but if 
reexported, the other two fifths must be paid. Miscellaneous items on com- 
merce for 1827: Rates of duties — import, 25% on value; averia, 2i% on do.; 
internacion, 15% on do.; tonnage, $2.50 per ton (Mexican measurement); an- 
chorage, S10 per vessel; collectors' compensation, 3%. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. 
Mil., MS., lxii. 5-10. Jan., national products free from export duty, ex- 
cept gold and silver. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., i. 71. 
.bin. ;;ist, gov. says Sandwich-Island traders may touch at ports; but not 
war-vessels, until it be proved that they sail under a proper flag and due 
authority. Dept. Bee., MS., v. 19. July 20th, Capt. Guerra says the 
Mexicans in Cal. will probably abandon trade to the foreigners, who spec- 
ulate in everything, and with whom they cannot compete. Doc. Hist. Cal., 



HARTXELL AND COMPANY. 127 

Meanwhile there came an order from Mexico, dated 
before the action of the diputacion, and permitting 
foreign vessels to touch at Santa Cruz, San Luis 
Obispo, Purisima, Refugio, and San Juan Capistrano. 
In its deliberations on revenue matters, the diputacion 
gave special attention to the duties on liquors, per- 
fecting an elaborate reglamento, which was duly pub- 
lished by the governor. The proceeds of the liquor 
trade were devoted to the public schools. 27 Another 
prominent commercial topic, since hides and tallow 
were the chief articles of export, was that of live- 
stock regulations, to which the diputacion also directed 
its wisdom. The result was a series of twenty ar- 
ticles, in which the branding and slaughter of cattle, 
with other kindred points, were somewhat minutely 
regulated. 28 

The prosperity of 1826 in the business of Hartnell 
& Co. was followed by trouble and financial embar- 
rassment in 1827-9. The exact nature of the reverses 
it is difficult to learn from the fragmentary correspond- 
ence; but I judge that John Begg & Co. failed, in- 
volving McCulloch, Hartnell & Co. to such an ex- 
tent that the firm was obliged to delay its payments 
and to close the copartnership. Hartnell, however, 
paid all debts in California, and continued his business 
both for himself, with the aid of Captain Guerra, and 
as a^ent for foreign houses who sent vessels to the 

MS., iv. 84. Grain raised only for home consumption, also wool; horse-hair 
somewhat sought by the French; padres unwilling to take money; exports 
amount to what 4 vessels of 300 tons can carry; 47% proflt may lie counted 
on; the export of tallow averages 1 arroba for each hkle. Duhaut-Cilly, Viag- 
g!o, i. 232-3, 253; ii. 145-7, 150. 

n Reglamento de < '<ni!r:'j>ir;o)iessobreLicores,lS?7, MS., approved at sessions 
of June 26th, 28th, 30th, July 2d, 7th. Gov.'s decree of July 12th, in Dept. i '. 
Pap., S. Jost, MS., iv. 40-7. The tax was $5 per barrel of 160 quarts for 
brandy and $2.50 forwine in Monterey and 8. Francisco jurisdictions; in the 
south §10 and. 1 ?.") respectively, payable byall buyers and by the producer w bo 
might retail the liquor. This for native liquors. Foreign brandy and wine 
paid $20- and $10 per barrel. The regulations for the collection of this tax 
are somewhat complicated, and need not be given. Aug. 6th, Hei 
nounces that by superior orders a duty of 80% on foreign liquors and 70 
on wines is to be exacted, besides the 15% of internacion. Dept. S 
Ben. Com. and Trecu., MS., i. 87-8. 

K Reglamento eobre '•'muni"*, aprobadopor la Diputacion, 1S?7, MS. 



123 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

coast. The correspondence would indicate that he 
went on loading vessels and trading with the padres 
much as before. David Spence also went into busi- 
ness for himself. In connection with the financial 
troubles, Hartnell made a trip to Lima, sailing at the 
end of 1827, probably in the Huascar, and returning 
in that vessel in July of the following year.- 9 

Captain Cunningham of the Courier, in conjunction 
probably with the masters of other American vessels, 
thought to improve the facilities for coast trade by 
erecting certain buildings and establishing a kind of 
trading station on Santa Catalina Island. Cunning- 
ham was ordered by Echeandia to remove the build- 
ings and promised to do so. 30 

Auguste Duhaut-Cilly, commanding the French 
ship Le Ileros, 362 tons, 32 men, and 12 guns, sailed 
from Havre in April 1826, sent out by Lafitte & Co. 
on a trading voyage round the world. He was accom- 
panied by Dr Paolo Emilio Botta, afterward famous 
as an archaeologist and writer. This young scientist's 
notes on the inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands and 



29 Mrs Hartnell, Narrativa, MS., 2-3, says that the rivalry of Cooper, 
favored by the government, and of Spence soon obliged the firm of McC, II. 
& Co. to liquidate. Alvarado, Hist. Cal. , MS. , iv. 145, says that H. paid all the 
debts of Begg & Co. in Cal. April, McCulloch advises H. to propose to Begg 
& Co. a reform in the Cal. establishment, including a small vessel on the 
coast under Mexican flag. Salting hides won't pay, nor will soap and candles. 
Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxix. 125. July 1st, P.Viader toH. Speaks of Begg's fail- 
ure, which he has expected for some time. /(/. , 135. Fears for success of hide 
business. Id. , 141. Aug. 6th, Begg & Co. say the prospect is bad. Men- 
doza (?) tallow better and cheaper than that of Cal. Id., 148. Nov. 6th, P. 
San ia .speaks of H.'s voyage, and sends letters of recommendation to friends 
in Lima. Id., 167. Jan. 5, 1828, Spence at Monterey to H. at Lima. Id., 190. 
May 1st, circular of Begg, Macala, and Hartnell to the padres of California, 
announcing the dissolution of the firm of McC. , H. & Co. , and that II. will settle 
all accounts and continue the business for himself. Warm thanks are rendered 
for past courtesies, and H. is strongly recommended by the former associates. 
Id., 224. July 14th, H. arrived by the Huascar. Dept. Ree., MS., vi. SO. 
July 10th, Cunningham speaks of a protested bill. Yullejo, Doc. , MS. , xix. 257. 
McCulloch continues his letters to H. Aug. 1st, gov. regrets Begg's want of 
confidence in Mexican commerce. Id. , 2G5. Aug. 28th, balance sheet of $5,097 
between Begg & Co. and H. LI., 272. More accounts in October. Id., 2S2. 
( >ct. 1 8th, certificate that II. furnished 814,397 in tallow, as ho agreed in Lima. 
Id., 2S3. The correspondence of 1829 is unimportant, but shows that II. still 
owed considerable money in Lima, and that his creditors were pressing. Id. , 
passim. 

30 Dept. fiec, MS., v. 19; Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 22. 



VISIT OF DUIIAUT-CILLY. 129 

California were added to an Italian translation of the 
voyager's narrative, made by bis father, Carlo Botta, 
also famous as a poet and historian. Lieutenant Ed- 
niond Le Netrel also wrote a journal, a large part of 
which has been published. 31 

On January 27, 1827, the Heros, coming from 
Mazatlan, anchored at Yerba Buena. It yet lacked 
several months of the proper time for obtaining hides 
and tallow, but the time could be employed in arrang- 
ing bargains with the padres; and while the captain 

remained at the port his supercargo, 'il Signor B ,' 

visited the missions of the district with samples of 
goods to be sold. After a month's stay, marked by 
adventures with grizzly bears and an earthquake, the 
traders sailed south March 7th, carrying three Indian 
prisoners condemned to confinement at San Diego. 
Touching at Santa Cruz, Monterey, Santa Barbara, 
and San Pedro, they reached San Diego April 
18th. Here the supercargo was left, while Duliaut- 
Cilly made a trip to Mazatlan and back before June 

11 th. 'II Signor B ' proceeded northward to 

San Francisco by land, while the captain, having ex- 
perienced an earthquake, and made a tour to San Luis 
Bey, anchored at Santa Barbara on the 29th, and at 
San Francisco on July 17th. During this visit the 
Frenchman made excursions to Santa Clara, San 
Jose, and San Francisco Solano. In August they 

81 Duhaut-Cilly, Voyage aatoiir da monde, principalement d la Californie et 
aux Isle* Saiithi-ii-h ]„ mhnit /•< anntes 1826, 1SS7, 1828, et 1829. Par . I. 
Duhaut-Ctlly. Paris, L885. Svo. 42S p. plate. Of this original French edi- 
tion I have only a fragment in my collection, and my references are tin 
to the following: Duhaut-Cilly, Viaggio intorno al Globo, principalnwnh alia 
California ed alle isole Sandwich, negli "in,; 1826, 1827, I " I. 

Dukaut-Cilly, capitano di lungo corse*, cav. delta Legion d'Onore, 
Vaggiunta delle osservazioni eugli abitanti <H quel /<<< si dl /'nolo Emilio Botta. 
Traduzione dal francese nell' italiano de Carlo Botta, Turin, 1841. Svo. -'vol. 

xvi. 230 p. 1 1.; 3'.)'2 p. plates. The portion added to this translation, /.' 

Osservazioni sugli abitanti delle isole Sandwich < delta California de Paolo 
Emilio Hollo. FatU n</ suo viaggio intorno al globo col Capitat 
Cilly, occupies p. 339 92of vol. ii.; that pari relating t »Cal. is found on p. 
307-78. Ihcse notes had originally appeared a i Botta, r. tu 

habitana di la Calif ornie, in Nouv. Annates des Voya /. L i i6 06 Li Netrel, 
Voyage autour du Monde, etc. Extrait du journal de M. Edmond Le A ■ 
Lit n/i naut a bord de a vaisseau {/.■ ll< ros), in NouvtUes Annale»d< 
xh. 129-82. 

Uibt. Cal., Vol. III. 9 



130 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

sailed for Santa Cruz and Monterey. Here Duhaut- 
Cilly found the French ship Comete, which had come 
over from the Islands, as he claims, at the instigation 

of the mysterious and treacherous Signor B , and 

to spoil the trade of the Hews, which venture was a 
failure, as the author is delighted to observe. In 
September they were at Santa Barbara, having 
anchored on the way at El Cojo to receive tallow 
from Purfsima. From San Pedro, about the 22d, 
the captain, with Botta and a guide, visited Los 
Angeles and San Gabriel, to feel another earthquake. 
October 20th, after having broken his collar-bone by 
a fall from a California bronco, Duhaut-Cilly sailed 
again for Callao, again leaving il Signor B to con- 
tinue his operations on board the Waverly. He came 
back to Monterey May 3, 1828, made a visit to Bo- 
dega and Boss in June, was at Santa Barbara and 
San Pedro before the end of that month, revisited Los 
Angeles and San Gabriel, and reached San Diego on 
the 3d of July. Finally the TIeros sailed August 27th 

for the Islands. The Signor B had in the mean 

time run away to Mexico. 

From the preceding outline of the French trader's 
movements, it is seen that his opportunities for ob- 
servation were more extensive than those of any for- 
eign visitor who had preceded him. No other navi- 
gator had visited so many of the Californian estab- 
lishments." His narrative fills about three hundred 
pages devoted to California, and is one of the most 
interesting ever written on the subject. Duhaut-Cilly 
was an educated man, a close observer, and a good 
writer. Few things respecting the country or its 
people or its institutions escaped his notice. His 
relations with the Californians, and especially the 
friars, were always friendly, and he has nothing but 
kind words for all. The treachery of his supercargo 
caused his commercial venture to be less profitable 
than the prospects had seemed to warrant. 32 I have 

a -Morineau, Notice guar la Californie, 151-2, says that both the Heros and 



TRADING FLEET OF 1S28. 131 

had, and shall have, occasion to cite this author fre- 
quently on local and other topics, and it is with regret 
that I leave the book here without long quotations. 33 

I find notice of thirty-six vessels on the coast in 
the year 1828, sixteen of which were included in the 
fleet of the preceding year, and several others had 
visited California before. Six were whalers. 34 A 
few meagre items of revenue amount to less than 
$6,000 at San Francisco and $34,000 at San Diego. 
In January Echeandia issued an order closing the wa}^ 
ports, or embarcaderos, except San Pedro, to for- 
eign vessels. 35 This was in accordance with orders 
from Mexico, and was enforced so far as possible. 
In July San Pedro was also closed by an order 
which declared that all coasting trade must be done 
in Mexican bottoms, that Monterey and Loreto were 
the only ports open to foreign trade, but that in cases 
of necessity trade might be permitted at the other 
presidial ports. 36 In September San Francisco and 
Santa Barbara were closed provisionally; though ves- 

the Comtte brought cargoes, which, besides being too large, were ill-assorte.l 
and did not sell well. 

33 x\Iention of the Htros in Dept.Rec.,MS., vi. 32;Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., 
MS., lxiii. 2; Id., Ben. Pre/, y Juzj., MS., i. 2. Taylor, in Brown's L. CaL, 
43, mentions this voyage. 

31 See list at end of "this chapter. Vessels of 182S: the Andes, A rob (un- 
der a Russian name), Baikal, Becket (?), Brillante (?), Clio, Courier, Emily, 
Fi nix, Franklin, Fulham, Funchal, General Sucre, Griffon, Guibale (?), Har- 
binger, Heros, Huascar, Karimoko, Kiahlcta, Laperin (?), Magdalena, Maria 
Ester, Minerva, Okhotsk, Pocahontas, Rascow, Solitude, Telemachus, Tho ins 
Noivlan, Times, VcraleC:), Vulture, Washington, Waverly, Wilmantic. I have 
fragments of the Waverly's original log for 182S-U. The author desci 
10, a celebration of St Nicholas day on the Russian vessels at Monterey I tee. 
17th; also a fandango on shore. Peirce's Rough Sketch, MS., and M 
dum, MS., describe the Griffon's voyage as remembered by the author, who 
was on the vessel. Six vessels at S. F. in January are not named, but de- 
scribed by Morineau as a Russian frigate; a Russian brig of 200 tons Loaded 
with grain for Sitka; an English schooner from New All. ion; an American 
brig of 150 tons from Manila; a Hawaiian brig of 140 tons manned by kana- 
kas; and a Mexican schooner of 100 tons from Sandwich Islands. El Bri- 
llante was at S. Diego from S. Bias, according to this author. 

-'.Ian. 29, 1S28, St. Pap., Sac., MS., x. 104. March 3d, Echeandfa to 
com. gen. lias been obliged to keep open the four presidial ports and S. 
lV.h-o. D,,,i. /,',,-., MS., vi. 7. 

8, L828, gov. 'a order. Dept. Rec, MS., vi. 63, 77: Dept. St. I\ H ,., S. 
Jo» , M.S., iv, 53-4. 



132 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

sels after discharging their cargoes at Monterey or 
San Diego might visit the other ports to take away 
produce, except money and breeding cattle, returning 
to settle accounts. 37 I find no evidence, however, that 
this order was obeyed this year. In the correspond- 
ence on revenue the only item worth notice was the 
reduction of the internacion tax to ten per cent, pre- 
sumably in response to the petition of 1827. 33 The 
Russians were permitted to take otter on a small scale 
for joint account of the company and the govern- 
ment. American vessels sought hides chiefly; those 
from Mexico and Peru gave more attention to tallow, 
while the Hawaiian buyers took away by preference 
skins and horses. 39 

The traders were not pleased at the restrictions 
which the Californian authorities could not well help 
enforcing to a certain extent; and they redoubled 
their efforts at smuggling. In most cases they were 
successful, not much to the displeasure of any one in 
California, and without leaving any trace of their 
movements in the records; but occasionally by their 
insolent disregard of appearances even, they came into 
conflict with Echeandia. Two such instances in par- 
ticular are recorded, that of the Franklin and that of 

37 Sept. 30, 1S28, gov. 's order in Dept. Pec, MS., vi. 103-3; Dept. St. Pap., 
S. Jose, MS., iv. 72-3. Nov. 2Gth, gov. permits foreign vessels, after dis- 
charging their inward cargoes, to carry lumber from Monterey to Sta Barbara. 
Dept. lice, MS., vi. 145. Nov. 30th, E. to min. of war, asking that S. Diego 
be opened formally and fully to foreign commerce. Id., vi. 52; Dept. St. Pap., 
MS., iii. 208. 

33 March 29, 1828, com. gen. sends decree of congress reducing the duty to 
8% (on the goods for which bonds had been given?) if paid within 15 days 
afcer publication of this order. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., i. 
95. But in August Echeandia says the tax is 10%. Dept. Rec, MS., vi. S6. 
Feb. 1st, woollen and silk of Mexican manufacture free of duties. Dept. St. 
Pap., Mont., MS., i. 20. Coods still received as duties. Vallejo, Doc, MS., 
xvii. 9, et passim. Consignees must declare tonnage of vessels on presenting 
manifest of cargo. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., i. 93. June 
20th, revenue from maritime duties belongs to the nation; taxes on retail 
trade to the municipality. Dept. Pec., MS., vi. 58. Sept. 30th, tonnage 
$2.l2]j per ton. /</., vi. 103. Averia duties from July 182S to June 1S29, 
$256. Mexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1829, doc. 29. Duties were computed by 
Martinez at S. Francisco, by taking three fifths of the value, and the tonnage 
was reckoned at $2.12£ per ton, less two fifths, a deduction for which he was 
blameil by the governor. Vallejo, Doe., MS., i. 157, 1G2. 

™Speuce's Uist. Notes, MS., 13. 



THE SMUGGLERS. 133 

the Karimoho. Captain John Bradshaw of the former 
had been granted all possible privileges, his supercargo, 
Bufus Perkins, being permitted to travel by land 
from mission to mission; 40 but finally in July, at San 
Diego, he was ordered to deposit his cargo in the 
warehouse as security for duties, and pending tin; in- 
vestigation of charges. He was accused of notorious 
smuggling on the Lower Californian coast; 41 of having 
illegally transferred the cargo of another vessel to his 
own ; of having touched at Santa Catalina in defiance 
of special orders; of having refused to show his in- 
voices or make a declaration; and of insolence to the 
governor. Bradshaw and Perkins, being on shore, 
promised obedience to the order; but asked permission 
to go on board to make the necessary preparations, 
and when there refused to leave the vessel, laughed 
in the face of the Californians sent to convey and 
enforce — so far as possible by threats — .Echeandia's 
order, and on July 11th changed anchorage to a point 
near the entrance of the harbor. The governor circu- 
lated a warning to the padres and others to deliver no 
goods to the Franklin should she escape, 42 as seemed 
likely to happen, though Bradshaw still promised sub- 
mission to legal proceedings. Meanwhile Echeandia 
prepared to put a guard on the vessel, and applied to 
Duhaut-Cilly for a boat. The French captain could 
not refuse, but warned Bradshaw and interposed de- 
lays. On the morning of the lGth the Franklin cut 
her cable and ran out of the port, the officers and 
crew shouting their derision of the Mexican flag as 
they passed the fort. Forty cannon-balls were senl 
after the flying craft, with no apparent effect; but 

<°May 7, 1S23. Dept. Rec., MS., vi. 200. 

41 A warning had conic from Lore*. > i.i May. D pt. Rec., MS., vi. '203. Du- 
haut-Cilly, Viaggio, ii. 194-200, who was at S. Diego at this time, denounces 
one \Vki Simpson, a man whom Brad •!riw bad befriended, for having treacher- 
ously exposed the Yankee captain' i «■: i,n< ;. II" says there v. a i s ime trouble 
about a deposit of cargo to secure duties, but that it would have been amica- 
bly arranged but for Simpson's act. 

"July 12, 1828, gov. to eoi alcaldes, and padres. The Fra 

I'm is t>> Im- detained, if possible, should she dare to enter any port. Dtpt. HI. 
Pap., MS., ii. 50-00. 



134 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

Duhaut-Cilly met her a little later at the Islands, and 
learned that two balls had entered the hull, two had 
damaged the riercnng, and that Bradshaw had been 
wounded. 43 

The affair of the Hawaiian brig Karimoho occurred 
also at San Diego late in the autumn. John Law- 
lor, or Lawless, as it is often written, was master 
of the vessel. He it was who, after having employed 
Domingo Carrillo to teach him Spanish, presented 
himself to Echeandia to ask for a passport in the 
following terms: "Buenos dias, Senor General; mi 
quiero to voy to the missions y comprar cueros y 
grease con goods ; please mi clar permission. Si quieres, 
quieres ; y si no, dejalo. Adios, Senor General." 44 

43 June 14th, 18th, July 9th, 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 16th, 23d, gov.'s com- 
munications on the subject. Dept. 1'ec, MS., vi. 23, 32, 56, 61, 03-8, 72-3. Du- 
havt-Cilly, Viaggio, ii. 101-200. Further records dated in December respecting 
the credits, etc., left behind by Bradshaw. Dept. Bee, MS., vi. 53, 150-1, 162. 
In 1841 a claim for damages was pending before the mixed commission in Wash- 
ington. Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 131. On this affair of the Franklin, as in several 
other matters, the testimony of James O. Pattie, who was at S. Diego at the time, 
has to be noticed separately, since his statements are of such a peculiar char- 
acter that they can neither be omitted nor used with other evidence in build- 
ing up my narrative. (See next chapter for notice of Pattie's book. ) Bradshaw 
and Perkins were at S. Diego in March and April, and tried to aid Pattie, 
partly as a countryman, and partly in the hope to get some furs which the 
trappers had left on the Colorado. Bradshaw employed Pattie as a translator, 
securing his occasional release for that purpose. In April or May he made a 
trip in his vessel to Monterey. June 27th, his vessel was seized for smug- 
gling. In the following examination of officers and crew Pattie served as in- 
terpreter ('Dice el Americano James Ohio Pettis, que sirvi6 de interprete 
a dicho capitan, dice que supo tenia este el proposito do largarsc furtivamente 
y de hacer fuego sobre la guarnicion si impedia su salida.' Dept. Bee, MS., 
vi. 73), and was requested by Capt. B. 'to make the testimonies of his crew 
as nearly correspond and substantiate each other as possible; for some of them 
were angry with him, and would strive to give testimony calculated to con- 
demn him. I assured him I would do anything to serve him that I could in 
honor' ! The taking of depositions was completed July 2Stli (Bradshaw had 
really sailed on July 16th). Capt. B. told Pattie of his intention to run out 
if the vessel were condemned, and offered him a passage on the Franklin. In 
September Bradshaw was ordered to land his cargo, but refused. Pattie was 
again employed as interpreter; and warned the captain and supercargo on 
Sept. 11th of a plan he had overheard to arrest them, thus enabling them to 
escape on board. A few days later he slipped anchor and ran out of the port 
under a heavy shower of cannon-balls from the fort. 'When ho came oppo- 
site it he hove to and gave them a broadside in return, which frightened the 
poor engineers away from their guns. His escape was made without suffering 
any serious injury. Their (three ? ) shots entered the hull of the vessel, and the 
sails were considerably cut up by the grape.' PattiSs Narr., 170, 1S5, 1S9- 
201. 

11 Vallejo, Hist. CaL, MS., ii. 00-1. It is said to have been Lawlor's 
practice to hide about seven eighths of his cargo at some out-of-the-way spot on 



LAWLOE'S ADVENTURES. 135 

On this occasion he had anchored at San Pedro and 
departed without paying $1,000 of duties. He had, 
in spite of repeated warnings, touched at Santa Cata- 
lina Island, and had even deposited goods there, 
besides breeding animals, the exportation of -which was 
contra bando. The sails of the Karimoho were seized, 
and then Lawlor was ordered to go with part of his 
crew to bring over the island goods and live-stock, 
which, were to secure the payment of the duties in 
arrears. He made all manner of excuses and pleas, 
including the suggestion that he could not make the 
trip without sails, and that his men on the island 
would starve if not relieved soon. The Maria Ester 
was employed to "carry Santiago Arguello as investi- 
gating officer to Santa Catalina, and perhaps to bring 
over the effects; at any rate, Lawlor got a document 
in December certifying that all his duties had been 
paid; but in January of the next year he was again 
warned to quit the island of Santa Catalina within 
twenty-four hours. 45 

There w T ere twenty-three vessels on the Californian 
coast in 1829, besides four doubtful English craft in 
Spence's list, eleven belonging to the fleet of 1828, 
only six appearing for the first time in these waters, 
and one being built in California. 46 Records of revenue 



the coast or islands, and come to port with one eighth to get permission to 
trade. 

■ |3 Oct. 28, Nov. 5, 1S28, gov. to Arguello. Dept. Bee, MS., vi. 121-2, 12k 
Nov. Gth. Id. to Virmond, to charter the Maria E4< r. /</., 129. Dec. 1st, 
Id. to Lawlor. Id., 147. Dec. 13th (3d?), Id. to Id., ordering him to pay 
duties and break up the island establishment. /(/., xix. 157. Doe. 5th, Id. 
to Id., arguing the ease, with substance of Lawlor'sconiinunieation. It seems 
that Lawlor pretended not to have been captain at the time of the S. Pedro 
transaction. Id., vi. 149. Dec. 9th, receipt in full for duties. Id., 154. Jan. 
8th, 1829, gov. warns Lawlor to quit the coast. /'/., vii, 54. 

l0 See list at end of thi i cbapti r. The vessi Is of 1829 were the Alv'ms (?), 
American {$), A I, Baikal, Brodkline, Dhaulle, Fra klin, Funchal, 

lil: i:i (':), Ja»irx Cofciifot ('.'), Jural Amjustias, Kiahkta, M< 
h >tsk, Planet, Rosalia, Sta Barbara, Susana (?), Pamaahmaah, 
Ian, Trident, Volunteer, Vulture, Warren, Washington, Waverl . I 
al o a Hawaiian Bchooner aol aamed, Win Aralon master, at S. Podi > in 
September. According to the Honolulu Friend, ii. 19 50, l vea Is had ar- 
rived from Cal. in 1827, 5 in 1828, but none in 1S29; 2 in 1830. 



133 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

receipts are still more meagre than for preceding 
years. 47 There was little or no change in commercial 
regulations; but the governor showed a disposition to 
enforce the orders of 1828 making Monterey and — ■ 
provisionally — San Diego the only ports free to for- 
eign vessels; and allowing such vessels to trade at the 
other ports only by special license and under strict 
precautions; that is, in a few instances a trader might 
carry goods duly examined and listed at Monterey or 
San Diego to other ports for sale by paying the ex- 
pense of a guard to remain on board and watch each 
transaction. 48 Something very like a custom-house 
was therefore maintained at Monterey and San Diego, 
each under a comisario subalterno, Osio and later 
Jimeno Casarin at the capital, and Juan Bandini in 
the south. 43 A treaty between Mexico and England, 
by which English and Mexican vessels were put upon 
terms of equality in respect of duties, was forwarded 
from San Bias in July; but I find no evidence that 
the document had any effect in California. 50 

47 Custom-house records seem to make the total receipts at S. Diego 
$117,207 for the year. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Cust.-H., MS., i. passim. Total 
revenue at S. Francisco to May 31st, $1,177; at San Diego, §2,000. In De- 
cember for S. F., §1,204; for S. Diego in August, §S2G. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. 
Mil., lxix. 27-9. Gale states in a letter to Cooper, of May 10th, that the 
duties on the Brooldine's cargo were §31,000, of which §20,000 have been paid. 
Vallejo, Doc, xxix. 354. 

48 Gov. 's instructions of various dates. Dept. Pec, MS., vii. 14, 81, 100-1, 
110; Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 94-5. July 29th, min. of hacienda on the details 
of clearing national vessels for the coasting trade. Vallejo, Doc. Hist. CaL, 
MS., i. ISO. 

49 St. Pap., Sae., MS., xix. 40-7. Rather strangely, Gen. Vallejo, not only 
in his Hist. CaL, but as early as 1837, Exposition, MS., 5-0; Doc. Hist. CaL, 
MS., iv. 299, represents the regular custom-house as having been established 
at S. Diego, and not at Monterey; but there is abundant evidence to the con- 
trary in contemporary documents. April 4, 1829, sup. govt allows state 
authorities to appoint customs visitadores at §4.50 per day on federal account. 
Arrillaga, Recop., 1S29, 50-7. July 29th, Mex. custom-house regulations. 
Id., 1833, 502-0. Sept. 29th, regulations on ships' manifests, etc. Id., 1829, 
245-9. Sept. 30th, decree ordering the establishment of a maritime custom- 
house in Alta California, under a visitador, subject to the com. gen. de Occi- 
dente. The president has appointed Rafael Gonzalez administrator; Jimeno 
Casarin as contador; Francisco Paclieco, comandante of the guard; and Mau- 
ricio Gonzalez, guarda, at salaries of §1,000, §800, and §450. Id., 1829, 249- 
51; Doblan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 175-G; Mexico, Mem. Hac, 1831, annex 
9, p. 48. 

50 July 17, 1S29, Jose" Maria Lista, S. Bias, to captain of the port of Mon- 
terey. Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 94. 



GALE AXD ROBINSON. 137 

Most notable among the vessels of the year was 
the Brookline, the successor of the Sachem, brought 
out by Wm A. Gale for Bryant, Sturgis, k Co., of 
Boston, and bringing probably the largest and best- 
assorted cargo of miscellaneous goods that had ever 
been offered to the Californians. Sailing from Boston 
in July 1828, she arrived at Monterey in February 
1829. Alfred Robinson, who published a narrative of 
his voyage and life in California, in 1885 a resident of 
San Francisco, and probably the oldest American pio- 
neer of California at this date living, came in the Brook- 
line as supercargo's clerk. Gale was disappointed at the 
restrictions that had been imposed on foreign com- 
merce since he left the coast, and which bade fair to 
interfere with the success of his trip; but his wares, 
and his prospective duties of $30,000, were a tempting 
bait; and without much difficulty he concluded an 
arrangement with Echeandia, by which he acquired 
practically all the privileges of old, was allowed to 
visit all the ports, and to pay his duties in goods. 61 
Jose Estudillo was put on board with two or three 
soldiers, at Gale's expense, to watch proceedings, and 
prevent irregularities at Santa Barbara, San Pedro, 
and San Francisco. It would perhaps be uncharita- 
ble to suggest, in the absence of proof, that these 
employees may have served Gale more faithfully than 
they did the revenue officers. 52 Gale was not satis- 
fied with the manner in which he was treated, form- 
ing an unfavorable opinion of Echcandia's abilities and 
honesty, and suspecting favoritism toward his business 

51 Robinson's Statement, MS., 2-0, in which the writer gives many interest- 
ing items about the methods of trade in those days. Robinson's Ltfe in < 'ali- 
fornia, 7-14, where the author speaks of the affair of the FranTdin as having 
complicated matters by exasperating the authorities. Mention of arrival and 
movements of the Brooldine, permission to trade, etc., in Dept, !!■ c, MS., vii. 
100, 116, 158, nil; Vallcjo, Doc.,MS. t L I76j xxix. 316j Dept.8t.Pap., I 
Pref.yJuzg., MS., L 22; Wayerly, Voy., Ms. 

"April28, 1829, Echeandia'a instructions to Estudillo and the guard. All 
trading was to be done on board. Estudillo, Doc, MS., i. 240; Dept. /.'■•., 
vii. 13S-9. July 13th, E. to com. of Monterey, on the privileges granted to 
Gale and the precautions taken. Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 95 6. Sept. 12th, 
Gale allowed to cut wood. VaUejo, Doc, Ms., xxix. -112. Mar. 28th, Clalo 
announces the plan to Cooper. /(/. , 330. 



138 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

rival, Hartnell; yet he seems to have clone this year 
and the next a larger business than any other trader. 53 
An interesting circumstance connected with the 
Brooklines visit was the raising of an American flag 
at San Diego, noticed in the newspapers on the au- 
thority of Captain James P. Arther. 54 He had visited 
California before in the Harbinger, was mate of the 
Brooldine, and, like George W. Greene, one of his 
companions, was still living in Massachusetts in 1872. 
"Arthur and his little party were sent ashore at San 
Diego to cure hides. They had a barn-like structure 
of wood, provided by the ship's carpenter, which an- 
swered the purposes of storehouse, curing-shop, and 
residence. The life was lonesome enough. Upon 
the wide expanse of the Pacific they occasionally dis- 
cerned a distant ship. Sometimes a vessel sailed 
near the lower offing. It was thus that the idea of 
preparing and raising a flag, for the purpose of at- 
tracting attention, occurred to them. The flag was 
manufactured from some shirts, and Captain Arthur 
writes, with the just accuracy of a historian, that Mr 
Greene's calico shirt furnished the blue, while he fur- 
nished the red and white. 'It was completed and 

63 Gale's letters, chiefly to Cooper, in Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxix. 325, 331, 
338, 353, 354, 3S3, 400, 412, 434, 444. Feb. 22d, will begin to kill bullocks 
to-morrow. Wishes Cooper to see Holmes anil learn the particulars of the 
Franklin affair. March 15th, comisario entrapped him into paying 8800 ton- 
nage. The governor's license to trade is 'opening the door just enough to 
catch my fingers and jamb them.' March 2Sth, wishes his intention to 
remain ti'ading on the coast to be made public. May 8th, speaks of Hartnell's 
protested bills. May 10th, is doing a good business. The whalers by smug- 
gling injure legitimate trade. S. l)iego is the 'centre of hell for strangers;' 
suspects underhand work in his duties. Will bring no more American cottons 
to Cal. Is not allowed to touch at Sta Catalina, and is drinking Monterey 
water. Complains of Echcandia. July 19th, hopes Cooper will not lose his 
head in the revolution. Sept. 12th, trade dull. Oct. Gth, will despatch the 
Brookline sooner than he anticipated. Will pay $25 for large otter skins. 
Oct. 31st, can undersell Hartnell, even if he can pay duties in his own way. 
The Franklin business will do harm. Speaks of H.'s protested bills. Docs 
not believe II. honorable enough to pay, or that justice can be got under the 
present imbecile government. His suspicions of underhand work in appraise- 
ment are confirmed. Has raised the anchor left by the Franklin, but had to 
give it up to prevent trouble. Hopes a new gov. will come soon. 

■'' Capt. Arther in a note dated South Braintree, Mass., Sept. 24, 1872, in 
which he regrets his inability to write his recollections of the affair, encloses 
a clipping from the Boston Advertiser of Jan. 8th. Sec also mention in S. F. 
Call, July 8, 1877. 



LAXG TIIE SMUGGLER. 139 

raised on a Sunday, on the occasion of the arrival of 
the schooner Washington, Captain Thompson, of the 
Sandwich Islands, but sailing under the American 
flag.' So writes honest Captain Arthur. He further 
states that the same flag was afterwards frequently 
raised at Santa Barbara, whenever in fact there was 
a vessel coming into port. These men raised our 
national ensign, not in bravado, nor for war and con- 
quest, but as honest men, to show that they were 
American citizens and wanted company. And while 
the act cannot be regarded as in the light of a claim 
to sovereignty, it is still interesting as a fact, and as 
an unconscious indication of manifest destiny." 55 

Charles Lang, an American, with two sailors and 
two kanakas, was found in a boat near Todos Santos 
and arrested. He said he had come from the Sand- 
wich Islands in the Alabama, with the intention of 
settling somewhere in California. The captives were 
brought to San Diego; and as Lang's effects, includ- 
ing a barrel-organ and two trunks of dry goods, 
seemed better adapted to smuggling than to coloniza- 
tion, they were confiscated, 58 and sold in June. The 
case went to Mexico, and afterward to the district 
judge at Guaymas, with results that are not apparent. 

Among the vessels named as making up the fleet 
of 1829, there was one built at Santa Barbara, and 
named the Santa Barbara. This was a schooner of 

65 Boston Advertiser. It is well enough to regard this as the first raising 
of the stars and stripes, in the absence of definite evidence to the contrary; 
though such an event i-s by no means unlikely to have occurred tx 

'" Feb. 1829, investigation by Lieut. Ibarra at Echeandia's ord 
St. Pa/,., Ben. Mi'., MS., lxix. 10-1:3, '2.1; liii. 90. The min. of war 
the case back on June 13th to be referred to the Guaymas jud je. June 1st, 
Bandini ordered to sell the goods. Gov. Bays: 'After deducting t!i • duties 
and 10 % due me as judge, you will allow me one hall i ■ and 

promovedor, and one half of the rest as aprthensor; the remain di r you will 
take for having assisted at the taking'! />■/>?. Rec, MS., vii. IG9. 1 
seems to have gone to Mazatlan on the WaaJunijton. ValUjo, Doc., M 3., 
332. Lang was at S. Diego secretly on Dee. 24, L828, where h i met P 
the trapper, and told him of his smuggling and otter-hunting purpi 3, II'' 
said he had a boat down the coast, and his brig had gone t.> i ! I 
for tortoise-shell. Pattie concluded t • join Lang, bul on going d 
Todos Santos a few days later, found that he had been arrested, rattle's Narr., 
20S-10. 



140 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

thirty-three tons, built for Carlos Carrillo and Will- 
iam G. Dana for the coasting trade and for otter- 
catching. After certain delays and formalities, Eche- 
andia granted the desired license for trade in August. 
Jose Carrillo was to be the captain, and the crew 
six men, more than half of whom must be Mexicans. 
Little is known respecting the career of this early — ■ 
probably earliest — product of Californian ship-yards. 57 

Here I may introduce the romantic episode of Henry 
Fitch's marriage to a 'daughter of California,' a lady 
still living in 1880. The young American sailor had 
first arrived in 1826, and had soon surrendered to 
the charms of Doha Josefa, daughter of Joaquin 
Carrillo of San Diego, who in turn was won, as she 
states in a narrative written fifty years later, 5S by the 
handsome person and dashing manners of the captain. 
In 1827 he gave her a written promise of marriage. 
There were legal impediments on account of the fact 
that Fitch was a foreigner; but the young lady's par- 
ents approved the match, and a Dominican friar con- 
sented to perform the ceremony. It was hoped there 
would be no interference by either civil or ecclesias- 
tical authorities, yet a degree of secrecy was observed. 

57 May 8, 1S29, Echeandia orders the construction stopped until a proper 
permit is obtained. Deft. Rec, MS., vii. 166. May 29th, gives the permit. 
Register must be obtained through the com. of Sta Barbara. Id., vii. 166. 
Aug. 12th, grants license for trading for one year. Id., vii. 215-16. May 
13th, E. had written to Mex. on the subject. Id., vii. 10. Michael White, 
California, MS., p. 14-15, says that he built the schooner, with the aid of 
his cousin Henry Paine, for Capt. Guerra in 1830, out of materials saved from 
the wreck of the Danube; and that Thomas Robbins commanded her. After 
finishing this vessel, they built another of 99 tons for S. Gabriel, named the 
Guadaluj>e. A note in Robbing Diary, MS., mentions the building of the 
Santa Barbara in 1830, for Carrillo and Dana at La Goleta, or Hill's Rancho. 
The Danube appears not to have been wrecked until the spring of 1830, but 
this is not quite certain. In Carrillo {J.), Doc., MS., 25, 27, 32, it is stated 
that 'Jose" el Americano' (Chapman) was at work on a schooner for P. 
Sanchez of S. Gabriel in Sept. 1830; and that Guerra resolved to build 
another from the wreck of the Danube, but gave up the idea at the end of 
the year. 

& Fitch, Xarrarion de laSra viuda del Capitan Enrique D. Fitch, MS., dic- 
tated in 1875 by the lady at Healdsburg for my use. Some original papers 
relating to the marriage are annexed, including an authenticated copy of the 
marriage certificate. 



THE FITCH ROMANCE. 141 

As an essential preliminary, Padre Menenclez baptized 
the American, April 14, 1829, at the presidial chapel 
of San Diego. 59 The friar promised to marry the 
couple the next day; preparations were made, and a 
few friends assembled late in the evening at the house 
of the Carrillos. 63 At the last moment, however, 
Domingo Carrillo, uncle of the bride, refused to serve 
as witness; the friar's courage failed hirn, and the 
ceremony could not proceed. 61 Neither the argu- 
ments and angry ravings of the Yankee novio nor the 
tears and entreaties of the novia could overcome the 
padre's fears and scruples; but he reminded Fitch that 
there were other countries where the laws were less 
stringent, and even offered to go in person and marry 
him anywhere beyond the limits of California. " Why 
don't you carry me off, Don Enrique?" naively sug- 
gested Dona Josefa. Captain Barry approved the 
scheme, and so did Pio Pico, cousin of the lad}^ 
The parents were not consulted. Fitch, though some- 
what cautious on account of his business relations and 
prospects on the coast, was not a man to require urg- 
ing. Next night Pio Pico, mounted on his best steed, 
took his cousin Josefa up on the saddle and carried 
her swiftly to a spot on the bay-shore where a boat 
was waiting ; the lovers were soon re-united on board 
the Vulture;™ and before morning were far out on 

b9 Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 345. Enrique Domingo Fitch, Domingo being 
substituted for Delano at baptism, was a son of Bcriah and Sarah Fitch of 
New Bedford. Alf. Domingo Carrillo was godfather. 

6J Besides the immediate family, there were present Domingo Carrillo, 
Capt. Richard Barry, Pio Pico, and Maximo Bcristain. Fitch, Vausa Crim- 
inal, MS., 345. 

61 This is the version given by Fitch and his wife in their testimony of the 
next year. There is another version authorized by the lady herself, Fitch, 
Narration, MS., 4, andgivenby Vallejo, Hist. Co/., MS., ii. 1 17-22; Vallejo 
(J. J.). S&nin%8eencia8,MS., 103-7; and Pico, Hist. Cat., MS.. 21-4, to the 
effect that when all was ready and the padre had begun the service, Ait. 
Domingo Carrillo, aid to the governor, appeared and forbade the marriage in 
Echeandia's name. It is also more than butted that Echeandia's motive was 
jealousy, since the fair Josefa had not shown due appreciation of his own 
attentions. 

M Both the Vulture and the Maria Ester, the latter tinilor command of 
Fitch, were on the coast at the time and apparently at S. Di eg o, for it was 
the pi'oto of the Maria Ester who took the lady in his boat. Why Fitch .lid 
not sail in his own vessel does not appear; bni Kirs Fitch Bays they went in 



142 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

the Pacific. They were married on the evening of 
July 3d at Valparaiso, by the curate Orrego, Capt. 
Barry being one of the witnesses. Subsequently 
they returned to Callao and Lima. 

The elopement of Seilorita Carrillo was naturally 
much talked of in California; rumors were current 
that she had been forcibly abducted from her home, 
and the ecclesiastical authorities were greatly scan- 
dalized. Next year, however, Fitch made his appear- 
ance in command of the Leonor, having on board also 
his wife and infant son. He touched at San Diego in 
July 1830, and thence came up to San Pedro. Here 
he received a summons from Padre Sanchez at San 
Gabriel, vicar and ecclesiastical judge of the territory, 
to present himself for trial on most serious charges; but 
he merely sent his marriage certificate by Virmond for 
the vicar's inspection, and sailed up the coast for Santa 
Barbara and Monterey. Sanchez at once sent an order 
to Monterey that Fitch be arrested and sent to San 
Gabriel for trial, Dona Josefa being 'deposited' in some 
respectable house at the capital. This order was ex- 
ecuted by Echeandia at the end of August on the ar- 
rival of the Leonor.™ The lady was sent to Captain 
Cooper's house, and the husband was placed under 
arrest. He claimed, however, to be unable to travel 
by land. He protested against imprisonment as ruin- 
ous to his business, complained that the trial had 
not been begun at San Diego, and asked that at least 
he might be allowed to travel by sea. Jose Palo- 
mares, to whom as fiscal Padre Sanchez submitted this 
request, gave a radical report against Fitch Septem- 
ber 17th, declaring him entitled to no concessions, his 
offences being most heinous, and his intention being 
evidently to run away again. Yet Sanchez concluded 
to permit the trip by sea, on "Virmond becoming 



the Vulture, and the part taken by Capt. Richard Barry in the matter con- 
firms licr statement. 

c8 Aug. 29, 1830, E.'s order to A If. Xieto to arrest Fitch. Dept. J?ec, MS., 
viii. 98. 



A RUNAWAY MATCH. 143 

bondsman for the culprit's presentment in due time; 
and on December 8th Fitch arrived at San Gabriel, 
and was made a prisoner in one of the mission rooms. 

Meanwhile Mrs Fitch petitioned Echeandia at the 
end of October for release, and permission to go south 
by sea. The governor consented, and Dona Josefa 
sailed on the Ayacucho for Santa Barbara, whence 
she proceeded on the Pocahontas to San Pedro, arriv- 
ing at San Gabriel on November 24th, where she 
was committed to the care of Eulalia Perez of later 
centenarian fame. When her husband came, the house 
of Dona Eulalia was deemed too near his prison, and 
Josefa was transferred to the care of Mrs William A. 
Richardson. The fiscal pronounced Echeanch'a's act a 
gross infringement on ecclesiastical authority, declared 
him a culprit before God's tribunal, and urged that 
he be arrested and brought to trial. But Vicar 
Sanchez, though taking a similar view of Echeandia's 
conduct, thought it best, in view of the critical con- 
dition of affairs and the nearness of the time when 
Victoria was to take command, not to attempt the 
governor's arrest. 

In December, Fitch and his wife were repeatedly 
interrogated before the ecclesiastical court, and Fiscal 
Palomares for a third time ventilated his legal learning. 
He now admitted his belief that the motives of the 
accused had been honest and pure, also that the affair 
might- be settled without referring it to the bishop, 
but still maintaining the nullity of the marriage. 64 
Fitch presented in his own behalf an elaborate argu- 
ment against the views of the fiscal, complaining of 
his business losses, and of the threatened illegitimacy 
of his son, but for which he would be glad to have the 
marriage declared null and to marry over again. 

01 The objections to the marriage certificate — of which I have the authen- 
ticated copy made at this trial— wero that it was slightly turn and blotted; 
that it included no statement of tho city or church v here the cen mony was 

Eerformed; that the paper was neither legali/cd before .'! i icribanos, cor \ isi d 
y the Chilian minister of foreign affairs. Moreover, 1'. Orrego, doI b 
curate of the parties, could not marry them without a dispensation from the 
bishop. 



144 MARITIME AXD COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

Many witnesses were examined, both at San Gabriel 
and San Diego. On the 28th of December the vicar 
rendered his decision, Christi nomine invocato, that the 
fiscal had not substantiated his accusations; that the 
marriage at Valparaiso, though not legitimate, was 
not null, but valid; that the parties be set at liberty, 
the wife being given up to the husband; and that they 
be velados the next Sunday, receiving the sacraments 
that ought to have preceded the marriage cere- 
mony. "Yet, considering the great scandal which 
Don Enrique has caused in this province, I condemn 
him to give as a penance and reparation a bell of at 
least fifty pounds in weight for the church at Los 
Angeles, which barely has a borrowed one." More- 
over, the couple must present themselves in church 
with lighted candles in their hands to hear high mass 
for three diets festivos, and recite together for thirty 
days one third of the rosary of the holy virgin. Let 
us hope that these acts of penance were devoutly per- 
formed. The vicar did not fail to order an investiga- 
tion of the charges against Padre Mcnenclez, who had 
acted irregularly in advising theparties to leave the 
country; but nothing is recorded of the result. 65 

Only seventeen vessels are named in the records of 
1830, besides four that rest on doubtful authority; so 
that commercial industry would seem to show dimin- 
ished prosperity ; yet the records of this final year of the 
decade are less complete than before. 68 A Mexican 
report makes the revenue receipts at San Diego for 

65 Fitch, Causa Criminal seguida, en el Juzgado Eclesidstico y Vicaria Ford- 
nea de la Alia California, contra Don Enrique Domingo Fitch, Anglo-Ameri- 
cano, for el matrimonii nulo contraido con Dona Jose/a Carrillo, natural de 
San Diego. Ano de. 1S30, MS. This most interesting collection of over 30 
documents, of which I have given a brief resume, is the original authority on 
the whole matter. Jan. 9, 1831, Fitch writes from San Gabriel to Cajit. 
Cooper, denying the rumors current at Sta Barbara that he was doing penance; 
says P. Sanchez treated him very well, and seemed anxious to let him off as 
easy as possible. He has had trouble with the parents of Dona Josefa, who 
abused her, and he will not leave his wife with them. Vcdlejo, Doc, MS., 
XXX. 171. 

,;c Sec list at end of this chapter. The vessels of 1830 were the Ayacucho, 
Brooldine, Catalina (?), Chalcedony (?), Convoy, Cyrus. Danube, Dryad, Emily, 



TRADE IX 1S30. 145 

the year $22,432, while the custom-house records 
seem to make the amount $36, 875. 67 No vessel of the 
year seems to require special notice, neither were 
there any important modifications in trade or revenue 
regulations. Commercial and maritime annals of 1830 
are thus wellnigh a blank. 63 I append an alphabet- 
ical list of all the vessels, about 100 in number, be- 
sides doubtful records, touching on the coast in 1825- 
30, with such items about each as are accessible 
and apparently worth preserving. I might add the 
dates at which all the vessels, or most of them, 
touched at the different ports on their successive 
trips; but the information would be of great bulk 
and little real value. 03 



Fimchal, Globe, Jura, Leonor, Maria Ester, Planet, Pocahontas, Seringapa- 
tan (?), Tliomas Nowlan, Volunteer, Washington (?), Whaleman. 

07 Unsueta, Informe, 1SJ9, doc. 9. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Cust.-JL, MS., i. 
passim. 

C8 A few miscellaneous notes of minor importance are as follows: Feb. 19, 
1830, one sixth of duties deducted in case of national vessels from foreign 
ports. Dept. Pec, MS., viii. 22.,. April 23d, agreement between J. C. Jones, 
Jr., and Cooper, by which the former is to furnish a vessel under Mexican 
flag, for coasting trade, collecting furs, otter-hunting, etc., to be carrried on 
by the two in partnership. Yallejo, Doc., MS., i. xxx. 4.3. Nov. 24th, gov. 
says the vice-president complains that many vessels becoming nationalized do 
not comply with the laws requiring officers and one third of the crew to be 
i —a necessary formality to reduce the duties. Dept. Rec, MS., \iii. 
125. Aug. 17th, action of the dip. regulating the dutieson timber exported— 
the proceeds belonging to the propiosy arbitrios fund. Leg. Pec., MS., i. 1GG-7. 
Mar. .'list, Mex. law on seizure of contraband goods. Arrillaga, Recop., 1831, 
227-33. Aug. 24, law on consumption duty on foreign goods. Id. , 1 831 , p. •-'.",.", 
(i. Mexicans engaged in taking otter have no duties to pay to national treas- 
ury. Two citizens of Sta Barbara were engaged in the business at t he i ilauds. 
Dept. St. 1'itj,., Jim. Mil., MS., lxxxviii. 4. June 30th, J. B. Lopezallowed 
to take otter, paying from £1 to $3 per skin to the territorial trea sury. Dept. 
Pec, viii. 52, 130. In June Mancisidor writes to Guerra very discouragingly 
respecting the prospects of the trade in Cal. hides and tallow. This state 
of things was largely due to the inferior quality of the Cal. products, resulting 
from the carelessness of excessive speculation. All dealers sutler, and some 
will lie ruined. Cal. bides bring less than those of Buenos Aire-, being too 
dry and too much stretched. Guerra, Doc, Hist. Gal., MS., vi. 140-1. 

09 List of vessels in Cal i Eon dan porl . 1825 30: 

Adam, Amer. ship, 296 tons; Daniel Fallon, master; at S. Francisco in 
Oct. 1826. 

Alliance, Amer. ship; doubtfully recorded as having arrived at Monterey 
in Oct. 1826. 

Alvins, doubtful whaler of 1829. 

America, doubtful whaler of Is29. 

Andes, Amer. brig, [22 or 172 tons; Seth Rogers, n 
spring of 1828 (perhaps autumn of 1827) to spring of 182'.); paid $130 at 

IIist. Cal., Vol. III. 10 



14G MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

Mont. , and was in some trouble about duties at S. Diego, where she loaded 
salt meat. 

Ann, Engl, ship; Burnie, master; in Spence's list for 1S29. 
Apollo, whaler; at Sta Cruz, 1823. 

Aquiles, Span, man-of-war; Pedro Angulo, com.; at Sta B. in May 1825. 
(See text.) 

Arab, Amer. brig. My fragment of her original log ends Jan. 5, 1825, at 
Pt Pinos. She re-appeared under a Russian name in 1828, having been sold 
to the Russ. Co. 

Argosy, Russ. brig, 140 tons; Inestrumo, master; at Monterey and Bodega 
in 1826, from Sitka. 

Asia, Span, ship of war, 70 guns, 400 men; Jose" Martinez, com.; surren- 
dered at Mont., 1825; also called San Oerdnimo. (See text.) 

Ayacucho, Engl, brig, 232 tons; Joseph Snook, master; arr. Mont, from 
Honolulu in Oct. 1S30. (See later lists.) 

Baikal, Russ. brig, 202 tons; up and down the coast from R,oss to S. 
Diego each year from 182G to 1830; Beuseman master, and Khlebnikof super- 
cargo, in 1S2G; paid $1,216 at S. Diego; Etholin, master in 1S2S; brought 
vaccine matter in 1829. 

Becket, Hamburg brig; doubtfully recorded as having trouble about smug- 
gling at S. Diego in 1828. 

Bengal, Engl, ship; in Spence's list for 1S25. 

Blossom, Engl, explor. ship; Beechey, com.; at S. Fran, and Mont, in 
autumn of 1820 and 1827. (See text.) 

Brillante, perhaps at S. Diego from S. Bias in Jan. 1S28. 
Broohline, Amer. ship, 376 or 417 tons, from Boston; Jas O. Locke, 
master; Wm A. Gale, sup.; Alf. Robinson, clerk; Arther, mate; Bryant & 
Sturgis, owners; arr. Mont. Feb. 1829; paid §31,000 at S. Diego; wintered 
on the coast until 1830. (See text.) 

Cadboro, Engl, schr, 71 tons; Simpson, master; at S. Fran, from Colum- 
bia Riv. Dec. 1827. 

Catalina, Mex. brig; C. Cristen, master; Eulogio Celis, sup.; doubtful 
record in Hayes' list, 1830. 

Chalcedony, bark; Jos Steel, master; doubtful record of 1S30. 
Charles, Amer. whaler, 301 tons, 21 men; S. Fran. 1S26. 
Clio, Amer. brig, 179 tons; Aaron W. Williams, master; came in 1828 
to load with tallow for Chili. 

Comele, French ship, 500 tons, 43 men; Antoine Placiat, master; came in 
1827 as a rival to the Jlcros; tonnage at Mazatlan; duties, §1,04S at Sta B. 
Comtante, Span, man-of-war; surrendered with the Asia at Mont, in 1825. 
Convoy, brig; at S. Fran, in Oct. 1830, paying 8321. 

Courier, Amer. ship, 200 or 293 tons; Wm Cunningham, master; Thos 
Shaw, sup.; Geo. W. Vincent on board; on the coast from 182G (possibly 
1825) to 182S, paying §937.§1,5SG, and .$1S0 in duties on different occasions. 
Cyrus, Amer. whaler, 320 tons, 22 men; Da v. Harriens, master; at S. F. 
in 1826; also at Sta B. Dec. 1830, with 1,500 bbls oil, to be coopered at S. 
Dieu;o. 

Danube, Amer. ship from N. Y.; Sam. Cook, master: arr. early m 
1830, and was soon wrecked at S. Pedro; hull sold for §1,701 and cargo for 
$3,3 IG in Feb. to Dana and Guerra. 

Dhautte (or Dolly?), Amer. brig; Wm Warden, master; at Mont. July 
1829, from Honolulu; carried 47 horses to the Islands. 
Don, whaler; at Sta B. 1S25. 

Dryad, Engl, brig, from Columbia River; arr. Mont. Dec. 22, 1S30. 
Eagle, Amer. schr; at Sta B. Jan. 1S25 (re-named Sta Apolonia, q. v.) 
Elena, Russ. brig; Moraviof, master; 10 guns, 49 men. 10 officers; Karl 
von Schmidl and Nicolai Molvisto, passengers; wintered at S. Fran. 1825-6. 
EU a, Engl, brig; J. Morphew (or Murphy), master; 1S25-0; §9,500 of 
cloth to McC., II. &Co.; paid $1,112 duties at Sta, B. 

Emily Mar ham; .-it Sta B. Sept. 1828, from Sandw. Isl.; took prisoners 
from Sta B. in Feb. 183 J; perhaps had returned in autumn of 1829. 



MARINE LIST 1S25-30. 147 

Factor, Amcr. whaler; John Alexy, master: at S. Fran. 1825. 

Favorite, Engl, whaler, 377 tons, 35 men; John Fort (Ford?), master; at 
Sta B., from London, Oct. 1827. 

Jl.i'tx, whaler, 303 tons; Win Ratiguende (?), master, 1S28. 

Franklin, Amur, whaler, 294 tuns; Wni Collin, master; at S. Fran. 182G. 

Franklin, Amer. ship, 333 tons; John Bradshaw, master; Rufus Perkins, 
and later J. A. C. Holmes, sup.; on the coast from 1827 to 1S29. (See text 
for her troubles at S. Diego in 1828.) 

Fulham, Engl, brig; Virmond, owner; came for hides and tallow, and win- 
tered 1827-8. 

Fwnchal, Engl, brig, 190 tons; Stephen Anderson, master, owner, and 
sup.; on the coast from autumn of 1S2S to Feb. 1830, sailing from S. Pedro 
with 10,-100 hides. 

Gi eral Bravo, Mex. brig, 100 or ISO tons; Melendez, master; at Mont. 
Oct. -Dec. 1820, with tobacco. 

General Sucre, Amer. brig; Carlos Pitnak, or Pitnes (?), master; left a 
deserter S. Diego, 182S. 

Globe, Amer. brig, 190 tons; Moore, master; at Monterey 1830, for Guay- 
maa. 

Golovnin, Russ. brig; at Mont. Dec. 1827. 

Griffon, Amcr. brig, from Honolulu; Peirce, master, 1828. 

Guibale (or Gaibale?), Amer. schr, 121 tons; Thos Robbins, master; at 
Sta B. April 1S2S. 

Harbinger, Amer. brig, 180 tons; Jos Steel, master and consignee; Thos 
B. Park, sup.; two trips from the Islands in 182G-8; paid §150, $570, $1,250; 
carried away two fugitive friars in .Jan. 1828. 

Ilelveiius, doubtful whaler of 1829. (See later lists.) 

Heros, French ship, 250 tons; Auguste Duhaut-Cilly, master; trading on 
the coast 1827-8. (See text.) 

Huascar, Engl, brig under Peruvian flag, 249 tons; Scott, Alex. Skee, or 
J. M. ( >yagiie, master; Hurtnell, passenger; cons, to McG, H., & Co., 1827-8; 
paid $010 at S. Fran. 

Inca, Engl, brig, 170 tons, 11 guns; Wm Prouse (or Prause), master; 
from Callao to McC., II., & Co. in 1820 (possibly arr. in 1825); then to 
Liverpool in 128 days. 

Tndi m, Engl, ship; in Spence's list of 1829. 

/ re, Hawaiian brig, lo5tons, 1820. 

Isabella (or Sarah and Elizabeth), Engl, whaler, 250 tons, 28 men; Ed- 
ward David, master; Mrs Hartnell, passenger; at Sta B., from Mont. Oct. 
1827. 

James C<>Jeman, Engl.; Hennet, master; in Spence's list for 1S29. 

Jdven Angustias, -Mex. schr; at Sta B. Sept. 1820; also doubtful record 
of 1823. 

Juan Battey, doubtful name of 1825; John Burton, master. 

Junius, Engl, brig; ( larter, master; at Mont, in 1825, paying S3. 0G3 duties. 

Jura, Engl, brig; at sta I'.., from Mazatlan, May L830. 

Karimoko (or Garimacu), Hawaiian brig, 128 tons; John Lawlor, master; 
Win Walts (':), sup.; on the coast 1827-8, paying $14 and Sill I. (See texl 
for smuggling adventures.) 

Kiakhta, Kus<. brig, built in Cal., running between Ross and S. Fran.; 
wintered at S. Fran. 1825 Sand 1828-9; paid $95 and $1,548. 

Laperin (or Lapwing?), Kuss. brig; doubtful record of Nov. L828. 

Lconor, Mex. ship, 207 tons; -■', men; Henry I). Fitch, master; brought 
convi bsin L830. (See text for Fitch's runaway marriage.) 

Magdalena (or Victoria), Mex. Bchr, 00 tons; Ramon Sanchez, ma 
coast winter of L827-8. 

Maria Ester, Mex. brig, 170 or 93 tons; owned by Henry Virmond, who 
was on board in 1828; came from Lima or Mex. ports every year from 
ls-_\,to l :,;;:>; Davis, master iii is'.",; to McC., H., St Co.; paid$3 
ter 182G 9; broughl artillerj in 1828; John A. C. Solmes, master in 1830; 
brought convicts. Possibly 2 vessels of same name. 



148 MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. 

Maria Theresa, Amer. whaler, 291 tons; Win Guilcost, master; at S. Fran. 
1826. 

Massachusetts, Amer. whaler, 343 tons, 21 men; Seth Calheart (?), master; 
at S. Fran. Oct. 1827. 

Mercury, Amer. whaler, 340 tons; Wm Austin, master; at Sta B. Nov. 
1826. 

Mero, Amer. ship, 300 tons; Barcelo Juain (?), master; doubtful record 
at Sta B. Nov. 182G. 

Merope, Engl, ship from Calcutta and China; Espeleta, sup. ; at S. Fran. 
Sept. 1S25. 

Minerva, Amer. whaler, 160 tons; D. Cornelio, master; at Sta B. Oct. 
1828. 

Moor, whaler of 1826. 

Morelos (formerly S. Carlos), Mex. transport; Flaminio Agazini, com.; at 
Mont, and S. Fran. 1825. 

Nile, Amer. brig; Robert Forbes, master; trouble about $600 duties in 
1S25. 

Okhotsk, Russ. brig, 150 tons; Dionisio Zarembo, master; on the coast 
1S27-S-9; paid $55 and $179; in trouble for having transferred cargo to 
Kiakhta. 

Oliphant, brig; doubtful record as having loaded at Callao for Cal. in 1S27. 

Olive Branch, Engl, brig, 204 tons, 13 men; Wm Henderson, master; 
Jas Scott, sup.; cons, to Mancisidor from Callao for hides and tallow; win- 
tered 1826-7, paying $510. 

Orion, Amer. whaler, 350 tons, 22 men; Alfon Alfe (?), master; at Sta 
B. Oct., 1827, from Sandw. Isl. 

Paraqon, Amer. whaler, 309 tons, 23 men; Dav. Edwards, master; at S. 
Fran. 1826. 

Paraiso (or Paradise), Hamburg schr, 123 tons, 11 men; Henry Adams, 
master; cons, to Mancisidor in 1827; paid $3,907 and $631. 

Peruvian, Amer. whaler, 331 tons, 22 men; Alex. Macy, master; at S. Fran. 
1S26. 

Pizarro, Engl, brig, 1S25-6; cons, probably to McC, H, & Co.; paid 
$4,712, and $523. 

Planet (or Plant), ' Amer. ship, 208 tons, 20 men; Jos Steel and John 
Butter, masters, 1829-30. 

Plowboy, Amer. whaler, Chadwick, master; at S. Fran. 1825. 

Pocahontas, whaler, 309 tons, in 1828. 

Pocahontas, Amer. ship, 21 men; John Bradshaw, master; Thos Shaw, 
sup.; autumn of 1830. 

Rascow, whaler, 362 tons; Geo. Reed, master, 1S2S. 

Recovery, Engl, whaler; Wm Fisher, master: at S. Fran. 1825. 

Rosalia, Amer. ship, 323 tons; Bruno Colespedriguez (?), master; at S. 
Pedro, Oct. 1S29. 

Rover, Cal. schooner, 83 tons; Cooper, master; Argiiello, owner; made 
a trip to China and back 1825-6, and then sailed for Mex. ports; paid $812; 
left $5,250 in goods at S. Diego. (See text.) 

Sachem, Amer. ship, Bryant & Sturgis, owners; Wm A. Gale, sup.; on 
the coast from 1825 to Jan. 1S27, when she sailed for Boston; duties as 
recorded $4S9, $2,003, $^2. 

Santa Apolonia (formerly Eagle), Mex. schr; Manuel Bates, master; 
Ramon Sanchez, sup.; Urbano Sanchez, owner; loaded with tallow at S. 
Luis Obispo in Aug. 1826. 

Santa Barbara, schr. built in Cal. 1S29 for otterdnmting and coast trade. 

Sta Rosa, doubtful name of 1825. 

Serinijapatan, East Ind. ship, grounded on Blossom Rock in 1830 (per- 
haps an error in date). 

Sirena, vaguely mentioned as having brought money to Cal. in 1826. 

Snow, doubtful record of 1825. 

Solitude, Amer. ship, or Engl, brig; Jas or Chas Anderson, master, 
182G-8. 



MARINE LIST 1S25-30. 1-19 

Speedy, Engl, brig, to McC, H. & Co., 1826; carried §20,907 of tallow- 
to Callao. 

Spy, Amer. schr, 75 tons, accompanying the Sachem, and offered for salt-; 
Geo. Smith, master; on the coast 1825-7; also called in some records the 
Spray. 

Susana, Engl, ship; Swain, master; in Spence's list for 1829. 

Tamaahmaah, Hawaiian brig, 180 tons; Robt J. Elwell, master or sup. 
in 1827; John Meek in 1S29. 

Tartar, Amer. schr; Benj. Morrell, master; on the coast 1825. (See 
text for captain's adventures and book. ) 

Telemachus, Amer. brig; Jas Gillespie, master; from the Isl. in 1828 for 
trade and repairs; accused of smuggling. 

Tt nieya, Amer. brig; paid §232 at Sta B. 1827. 

Thomas Nowlan, Engl, ship, 201 or 301 tons; Wm Clark, master, 1S2G- 
7; cons, to Mancisidor; paid §2, 1S5 and §2,199; John Wilson, master, 1S28- 
30; paid $858. 

Tiemechmach (?), Amer. brig from N. Y.; John Michi (Meek?), master, 
1S25. 

Times, Engl, whaler, 407 tons; Wm Ross, master; at Sta B. Oct. 1828. 

Timorelan, Haw. brig, 1G0 tons, seal-hunter; at Sta B. Sept. 1826. 

Tomasa, at Sta B. 1827, paying §1,570; also doubtful record of 1S25. 

Trident, Amer. ship, 450 tons; Felix Estirten (?), master; at S. Pedro Oct. 
1829. 

Triton, whaler, 300 tons, 1825-6; Jean Opham, or Ibre Albet (?), masters. 
Perhaps two vessels. 

Ycrnle, Amer. schr, 140 tons; Wm Deny, master, 1S28. 

Volunteer, Amer. bark, 120 or 220 tons; Wm S. Hinkley, master; John 
C. Jones, owner; from Sandw. Isl. 1S29-30; carried Sobs and other prison- 
ers to S. Bias in 1830; paid §4,054 at S. Fran. 

Vulture (or Buitre), Engl, brig, 101 tons; Rich. Barry, master; Virmond, 
owner; from Callao 1828-9; paid §1,130. 

Warren, Amer. whaler; Win Rice, master, 1820; also Amer. ship, per- 
haps the same, at Mont. Dec. 1S29. 

Washington, Aiacr. schr, 52 or 140 tons; Robt Elwell, master from 1S28; 
A. B. Thompson, sup.; from Sandw. Isl. 1S25-G-7-8-9 and perhaps 1830; 
paid $49, §232, §93; carried horses to Honolulu. 

Washington, whaler, 317 tons; Wm Kelley, master, 1820. 

Waverly, Haw. brig, 142 tons, Omen, 40 kanaka hunters; Wm G. Dana, 
master, 1820; carried away 1,428 guilders, 2,000Span. dollars, 4 bars silver, 138 
otter skins, 212 seal skins; Bobbins, master, 1827-8; John Temple, passenger, 
1827, from Islands; in 1829 carried horses to Honolulu. 

Wlialeman, schr; at S. Fran, winter of 1825-0; perhaps a whaler. Writ- 
ten also Guelman. 

Whaleman, brig, 310 tons; Jos. Paddock, master; from Society Isl. 1S30. 

Wilmantic, Amer. whaler, 3S4 tons; Juan Bois, master, L828. 

Wilmington, Amer. ship, 364 tons; John Bon, master; at S. Pedro Oct. 
1 829. ( Probably same as preceding. ) 

Young Tartar (or Jove n Tartar), Engl, schr, 95 tons; John Brown (?), 
master, 1826-7 (possibly 1S25); paid $580; cargo insured in Loud..., L827 
for £4,000. 

Zamora, Wm Sumner, master. 

My authorities for the items of this list are more than 1,000 in number, 
chiefly in manuscript records. As each vessel would ivcpiiro a mention of 
from 1 to 20 titles, it is not practicable to give the references separately ; and 
in a group for all maritime affairs they would be of little practical value; 
therefore I omit them, though I have the prepared list before me. The most 
important have been named in the notes 01 this chapter. 



CHAPTER VI. 

OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS 

1S26-1830. 

The Eastern Frontier — The Trappers — First Visitors by the Over- 
land Route — Jedediah Smith, 1826-8— Errors Corrected— Original 
Documents — The Sierra Nevada Crossed and Re-crossed— First 
Entry of the Hudson's Bay Company — McLeod and Ogden — Pat- 
tie's Visit and Imprisonment, 1828-30 — Flint's Narrative — Truth 
and Fiction — A Tour of Vaccination — 'Peg-leg' Smith — Trapping 
License of Exter and Wilson— Vaca from New Mexico— Ewing 
Young and his Hunters from New Mexico — Foreign Residents- 
Annual Lists of New-comers — Regulations on Passports and Nat- 
uralization. 

For forty years California had been visited with 
increasing frequency by foreigners, that is, by men 
whose blood was neither Indian nor Spanish. Eng- 
land, the United States, Russia, and France were 
the nations chiefly represented among the visitors, 
some of whom came to stay, and to all of whom in 
the order of their coming I have devoted some atten- 
tion in the annals of the respective years. All had 
come from the south, or west, or north by the broad 
highway of the Pacific Ocean bounding the territory 
on the west and leading to within a few miles of the 
most inland Spanish establishments. The inland boun- 
dary — an arc whose extremities touch the coast at San 
Diego and at 4U°, an arc for the most part of sierras 
nevadas so far as could be seen, with a zone of desert 
beyond as yet unknown — had never yet been crossed 
by man of foreign race, nor trod, if w T e except the 



WESTWARD MOVEMENT. 151 

southern segment cut by a line from San Gabriel to 
Mojave, by other than aboriginal feet. 1 

Meanwhile a grand advance movement from the 
Atlantic westward to the Mississippi, to the plains, to 
the Rocky Mountains, and into the Great Basin had 
been gradually made by the fur-hunting pioneers of 
the broad interior — struggling onward from year to 
year against obstacles incomparably greater than 
those presented by the gales and scurvy of the 
Pacific. If I were writing the history of California 
alone, it would be appropriate and probably necessary 
to present here, en resume at least, the general move- 
ment to which I have alluded, embodying the annals 
of the various fur companies. But the centre of the 
fur trade was much farther north, and its annals can- 
not be profitably separated from the history of the 
North-west. For this reason — bearing in mind also 
those portions of my work relating locally to Idaho, 
Montana, Nevada, Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona 
— I feel justified in referring the reader for the gen- 
eral exploration westward to other chapters of other 
volumes, and in confining my record here to such 
ex) tcditions as directly affect Californian territory. 

These began in 1826, when the inland barrier of 
mountain and desert was first passed, and from that 
date the influx of foreigners by overland routes be- 
comes a topic of ever growing importance. It is well, 
however, to understand at the outset, that respecting 
the movements of the trappers no record of even tolera- 
ble completeness exists, or could be expected to exist. 
After 1826 an army of hunters, increasing from hun- 
dreds to thousands, frequented the fur-producing 

l A few English and American deserters, leaving their vessels at Todbs 
Santos or thereabouts, had on two or three occasions been sent across the 
frontier to S. Diego, forming an exception of little importance to my general 
statement. Another exception of Bomewhat greater w< ight rests in the possi- 
bility that trappers may have crossed the northern Frontier before L826. It 
is not improbable th.it Hudson's Hay Company men may have done so from 
the Willamette Valley on one or more occasions, though there is no i 
definite record than the rumorof 1820 I, that foreign hunters were present 
in the north, and the newspaper report of McKay's presence in Siskiyou in 
1825. 



152 OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

streams of the interior, and even the valleys of Cali- 
fornia, flitting hither and thither, individuals and 
parties large or small according to the disposition of 
the natives, wandering without other motive than the 
hope of more abundant game, well acquainted with the 
country, as is the wont of trappers, but making no 
maps and keeping no diaries. Occasionally they 
came in contact with civilization east or west, and 
left a trace in the archives; sometimes a famous trap- 
per and Indian-fighter was lucky enough to fall in 
with a writer to put his fame and life in print; some 
of them lived later among the border settlers, and 
their tales of wild adventure, passing not without 
modification through many hands, found their way 
into newspaper print. Some of them still live to re- 
late their memories to me and others, sometimes truly 
and accurately, sometimes confusedly, and sometimes 
falsely, as is the custom of trappers like other men. 
I make no claim of ability to weave continuity from 
fragments, bring order from chaos, distinguish in every 
instance truth from falsehood, or build up a narrative 
without data; nevertheless, I proceed with confidence 
to write in this chapter and others of the men who 
came to California overland from the east. 

Jedediah S. Smith was the first man who made the 
trip. From a post of the fur company established at 
or near Great Salt Lake a year or two earlier, 2 Smith 
started in August 182G for the south-west with fif- 
teen men, intent rather on explorations for future 
work than on present trapping. 3 Crossing Utah Lake, 

2 Smith was associated with Jackson and Sublette, and the post had been 
established by W. H. Ashley. 

3 Smith, Excursion a I'ouest des Monts Rnchj. Extrait d'une lettrr, de Jr. 
Jedidiah Smith, emjrtoyc de la Compagnie des Pelhteries, in Nouv. Ann. c/e.s 

Voi/., xxxvii. 208-12. Taken from an American paper. The news — perhaps 
the paper, but certainly not Smith's letter as might seem from the transla- 
tion — was dated St. Louis Oct. 11, 1S27. This brief letter, in which very 
likely wild work is made with names in the printing and translation, is in 
connection with the correspondence preserved in the archives, the best au- 
thority on the subject. The general accounts extant are full of errors, though 
each purports to correct errors previously made. Warner, Reminiscences, MS. , 



JEDEDIAII SMITH. 153 

he seems to have passed in a general south-westerly 
course to the junction of the Virgin River and Colo- 

21-0, errs chiefly in dates and order of events. He makes Smith start in 
1824 and lead a party of hunters through the Green Paver country, south of 
Salt Lake, over the Sierra Nevada near Walker Pass, into the Tulare Val- 
ley. In June 1825, leaving his men on the American Fork — whence the 
name — he re-crossed the sierra with two men. Starting back for California 
in the autumn of 1S25 by a more southern route, he was attacked by the Mo- 
javes while crossing the Colorado, and lost all his men but 2 or 3, with whom 
lie reached S. Gabriel late in 1S2G. The author of Cronise's Natural Wealth 
of Cal., after being at much trouble to unravel the various stories, 'gathered 
the following particulars from those who knew Smith personally, ami from 
documents in the state archives :' 'In the spring of 1825, Smith, with a party 
of 40 trappers and Indians, left their rendezvous on Green River near the 
South Pass, and pushed their way westward, crossing the Sierra Nevada into 
the Tulare Valley, which they reached in July 1825. The party trapped 
from the Tulare to the American fork of the Sacramento, where there was al- 
ready a camp of American trappers (?). Smith camped near the site of the 
present town of Folsom, about 22 miles north-east of the other party. From 
this camp Smith sent out parties, which were so successful that in October, 
leaving all the others in California, in company with 2 of the party, he returned 
to his rendezvous on Green River with several bales of skins. In May 1820 
Smith was sent back with a reenf orcein ent. On this trip he led his party 
farther south than on the former one, which brought them into the Mojaves' 
settlements on the Colorado, where all the party except Smith, Galbraith, and 
Turner were killed by the Indians. These three made their way to S. I }a- 
briel on Dec. 20, 1S20, where they were arrested,' etc. Cronisealso publishes 
a translation of 2 documents from the archives, of which more Liter. 

Thomas Sprague, in a letter of Sept. 18, 1860, to Edmund Randolph, pub- 
lished in Hatchings' Mag., v. 351-2, and also in the S. F. Bulletin, states that 
Smith, starting from Green River in 1825, reached and went down the Hum- 
boldt Paver, which he named Mary River from his Indian wife, crossed the 
mountains probably near the head of the Truckee, and passed on down the 
valley to S. Jose and S. Diego. Recruiting his men and buying many horses, 
he re-crossed the mountains near Walker Pass, skirted the eastern base to 
near Mono Lake, and on a straight north-east course for Salt Lake found 
placer gold in large quantities. He was ordered to return and prospect the 
gold fields on his way back from California, but near the gold mines he was 
killed with most of his party. 

Robert Lyon furnished to Angel, author of the Nevada Hist., 20 et seq., 
aversion somewhat similar to that of Sprague, including the discovery of 
coarse placer gold near Mono Lake. His account seems to rest on the testi- 
mony, in 18G0, of Rocky Mountain Jack and Bill Reed, who claimed to have 
been companions of Smith. 

An 'associate of the daring pioneer' corrected prevailing errors as follows 
in the 8. F. Times, June 14, 1807: 'He came into California in 1827, with 
a trapping party from the rendezvous of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, 
on the Yellowstone River. He left his party on the American fork of the 
Sacramento in the summer of that year, and with two men returned to the 
rendezvous, where he fitted out a, new party and returned in 1828 to the 
American, where the two parties were combined, and moving northwardly, 
he reached the Umpqua River, ' etc. 

It will be noticed that all these versions have the double trip and some 
other points in common, and that the confusion is largely removed by the 
original authorities, on which I found my text. Randolph, Oration, 313 I !. 
translating Smith's letter to I'. Duran, andTuthill, Hist. Cal., 124 5, aswell 
as Frignet, La California, 68 60, mention Smith's arrival in 182G in o gen 
oral a manner as to avoid serious error. The same may be said of Douglas, 



154 OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

rado, down to the Mojave villages, and westward 
across the desert to San Gabriel. 4 

The Amajabes on the Colorado treated the party 
well, furnishing fresh provisions, and horses stolen from 
the Spaniards, and two wandering neophytes guided 
the sixteen Americans over the desert to the mission, 
where they arrived in December. The trappers gave 
up their arms, and the leader was taken to San Diego, 
where he explained his object, and submitted to Gov- 
ernor Echeandia his papers, including passports from 
the U. S. government, and a diary. The coming of 
the strangers naturally excited suspicion at first; but 
this was removed by Smith's plea that he had been 
compelled to enter the territory for want of provisions 
and water, it being impossible to return by the same 
route; and his cause was still further strengthened by 
a certificate of Dana, Cunningham, and other Amer- 
icans, that the trapper's papers were all en regie, and 
his motives doubtless pacific and honorable. 5 He was 
therefore permitted to purchase supplies, and under- 
take his eastward march by a new route; but not, as 

Private Papers, MS., 2d series, p. 1, Victor, Elver of the West, 34, andllines, 
Voyage, 110, though these writers speak with reference to later events in 
Oregon, and derived their information from distinct sources. The Yolo Co. 
Hist., S. Joaq. Co. Hist., and other like works describe Smith's adventures, 
in some cases as accurately as was possibly from accessible data, still with 
various combinations of the errors already noted. 

* The details of the route are worth preservation briefly, though not clear 
in all respects. Started Aug. '-!2<1 from Salt Lake, crossed the little Uta Lake, 
went up the Ashley, which flows into that lake through the country of the Sum- 
patch Indians, crossed a range of mountains extending s. E. to n. w., crossed 
a river which he named Adams for the president, and which flowed s. w. Ten 
days' march to the Adams again, which had turned s. E. (This is not clear; 
the text says, 'a dix journees dc marche 1'Adams River tourne au s. E., il y a 
la une caverne,' etc. Query — Did Smith pass from the Sevier to the Virgin, 
and suppose them to be one stream ?) Two days down the Adams to its junc- 
tion with the Seeds-Keeder, a river with many shallows and rapids, and hav- 
ing a sterile country on the south; farther to a fertile wooded valley inhabited 
by the Ammuchcebes (Amajabes, or Mojaves), where he remained 15 days. 
This was 80 miles above where the Seeds-Kceder, under the name of Rio Col- 
orado, flowed into the gulf of California. Re-crossing the Seeds-Keeder, he 
went 15 days west into a desert country, and across a salt plain S by 20 miles. 
Here the details cease abruptly, and he next speaks of his arrival in Upper 
California. 

5 Dated at S. Diego Dec. 20, 1820, and signed by Wm G. Dana, Win H. 
Cunningham, Wm Henderson, Diego Scott, Thomas M. Robbins, and Thomas 
Shaw, in />■/'/. St. Pap., MS., ii. 19-20. An English translation has been 
published in several works. 



SMITH IN CALIFORNIA. 155 

he wished, to follow the coast up to the Columbia via 
Bodega. 6 

The Californians supposed for a month that they 
were rid of their overland guests; but at the begin- 
ning of February 1827 some of them were seen at 
different places, particularly near San Bernardino, 
where Smith appeared on the 2d of February. There 
he left a sick man, and thence he seems to have sent 
a letter to Padre Sanchez by one of his men. The 
letter, as translated at the time, stated as the reason 
for return that the trappers in crossing a stream had 
been attacked by Indians, who killed eight of their 
number and stripped them of everything but their 
clothes — a statement that would seem to be false, 
though Smith bore the reputation of truthfulness. 7 
At any rate, the trappers had tried without success 
to cross the Sierra, and were reported to be in a dot i- 
tute condition. The two men to whom I have re- 
ferred were, I suppose, Isaac Galbraith and Joaquin 
Bowman, who were detained at the time for examina- 
tion, and who remained in the territory. Orders wer*e 
issued to detain the whole party, but Smith had left 
San Bernardino before the orders could be executed.* 

•Dec. 39, 1826. Echeandia reports Smith's arrival with 14 companions, 
40 beaver skins, and many traps; also his visit to S. Diego and his apparent 
good faith. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xix. 37-8. He enclosed Smith's diary to the 
minister of war, and it may come to light some day. Smith himself, Excur- 
sion, '210, says: ' Moil arrivee dans la Hautc-Californie excita les soupcons du 
gouverneur, qui demeurait a San Diego. II me fit conduire devant lui; mais 
plusieurs citoyens des Etats-Unis, notamment M. Cunningham, capitaine du 
< 'ourrier de Boston, ayant repondu de moi, j'obtins la permission de retour- 
ner avee ma suite, ct d'achetcr des provisions; mais le gouverneur refusa de 
me laisscr cotoyer la mcr en allant vers la Bodega. 1 

7 The letter is not extant, and its purport only is given in one of Argucllo'3 
letters to the governor. It is possible that there is an error somewhere, and 
that Smith in the original letter spokcof a fight in which he killed 8 In liana, 
especiallyas2 women are also said to have beenkilled. Smith himself, Ext r- 
non, )>. 211, gives no details nor even mention of having come in contact with 
til- Spaniard i at this time, lie says, in eontinuat ion of quotation of Qote 6, 
'I marched therefore E. and then N. E. (from S. Gabriel or S. Diego), keeping 
at a distance of 150 to 200 miles from the coast. I went nearly 300 miles in 
that direction,' through some fertile regions peopled by many naked Indians, 
and "having reached a river which 1 named Kimmel-ehe from the tribe li\ in^ 
on its banks, I found beavers, etc. Here I remained someday.'-; 1 intended 

to return to Salt Lake by crossing Mount Joseph; but the snow \\:i 

on i Ue heights that my horses, ."> of which had died of hunger, could not ad- 
vance. 1 was therefore obliged to re-descend into the valley.' 

8 Letters of Santiago Arguello t.> comandante of s. Diego and to gov., w ith 



156 OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

When next heard of in May, Smith had moved 
northward and was encamped in the country of the 
Moquelumnes and Cosumnes. Padre Duran, of 
Mission San Jose, accused the Americans of having 
enticed his neophytes to desert, but Comandante 
Martinez pronounced the charge groundless. 9 New 
communications and orders to investigate passed be- 
tween the authorities; and a letter came to Padre 
Duran from Smith himself, bearing date of May 19th. 
It was a frank statement of his identity and situation, 
of his failures to cross the mountains, and of the ne- 
cessity of waiting for the snow to melt. He was far 
from home, destitute of clothing and all the neces- 
saries of life, save only game for food. He was par- 
ticularly in need of horses; in fact, he was very 
disagreeably situated, but yet, "though a foreigner 
unknown to you, Reverend Father, your true friend 
and Christian brother, J. S. Smith." 10 

The next day after writing this letter Smith started 

references to replies and other communications, in Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 
33-7. Mention of Galbraith (Gil Brest) and the 'sick man' in Dept. Rec, 
MS., v. 89, 115, also of Galbraith in Dept. St. Pap., MS., xix. 16-17. Bow- 
man is mentioned as one of Smith's men in Los Angeles, Hist., 19, by Mr 
Warner, and there may be some mistake. The sick man may possibly have 
been John Wilson, who was in custody in May as one of Smith's men. Dept. 
Pec, MS., v. 45; Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt i. 29, 33. Cronise calls Gal- 
braith's companion Turner. 

9 May 16, 1827, Duran to com. of S. Francisco. 400 neophytes have been in- 
duced to run away. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt i. 27. May 18th, gov. orders Mar- 
tinez not to rely wholly on reports of the Indians, but to send out scouts to learn 
who are the strangers and what their business; also to demand their passports 
and detain them until further orders. Dept. Pec, MS., v. 45. On same date 
Rocha is ordered to institute proceedings against John Wilson, and take depo- 
sition of Daniel Ferguson, with a view to find out the aims of the strangers. 
Id. May 21st, Martinez from S. Jose" to gov. The Americans had nothing 
to do with the flight of the neophytes. Sergt Soto has been ordered to investi- 
gate, find out what gente it is, not allow them to approach the missions, treat 
them courteously, etc. A letter has been received from Smith to Duran, 
which the latter woidd not receive, but which Martinez had had translated 
and sent to Monterey for Hartnell to retranslate. The Indians say that there 
arc 12 of the strangers, the same who were at S. Gabriel, and they had killed 
5 Moquelumnes in a fight. John Wilson, a prisoner at Monterey, has appar- 
ently not been missed, and he says something of the party having come from 
Boston in 18 months to make surveys and buy lands of the natives (?). Arch. 
Arzob., MS., v. pt i. 2S-33. 

10 May 19, 1S27, Spanish translation of Smith's letter, in Dept. St. Pap., 
MS., ii. 1S-19. English version, in Randolph's Oration, 313-14; and other 
works. French version, in Fri'jnet, LaCal., 5S-60. 



FIRST CROSSING OF THE SIERRA FN" 1827. ir-7 

homeward with but two companions. This was the 
first crossing of the Sierra Nevada, and the traveller's 
narrative, though brief and meagre, must be presented 
in his own words. "On May 20, 1827," he writes, 
"with two men, seven horses, and two mules laden 
with hay and food, I started from the valley. In 
eight days we crossed Mount Joseph, losing on this 
passage two horses and one mule. At the summit of 
the mountain the snow was from four to eight feet 
deep, and so hard that the horses sank only a few 
inches. After a inarch of twenty days eastward from 
Mount Joseph, I reached the south-west corner of 
the Great Salt Lake. The country separating it from 
the mountains is arid and without game. Often we 
had no water for two days at a time; we saw but a 
plain without the slightest trace of vegetation. Farther 
on I found rocky hills with springs, then hordes of 
Indians, who seemed to us the most miserable beings 
imaginable. When we reached the Great Salt Lake 
we had left only one horse and one mule, so exhausted 
that they could hardly carry our slight luggage. We 
had been forced to eat the horses that had succumbed." 11 
There are no means of knowing anything about his 
route; but I think he is as likely to have crossed the 
mountains near the present railroad line as elsewhere. 1 ' 2 
Smith returned from Salt Lake to California with 
eight men, arriving probably in October 1827, but 

11 Smith, Excursion, 211-12. With the quotation given, the letter ends 
abruptly. 

V* Still it is not impossible or unlikely that in this trip or on the return 
Smith went through Walker Pass, as Warner ami others say, or followed the 
Humboldt or Mary, .a; Spraguc tells us; but the gold discovery on the way as 
related by Sprague merits no consideration, in the absence of other <\ idence 
and the presence of evident absurdities. It is to be noticed that Warner de- 
scribes this crossing of the sierra by Smith and two men accurately enough, 
except in date; and I think it probable that he has reversed the order of the 

entries to California, the first being by Mojave in 1826, ami the . ■ 
by Walker Pass in 1827. On Wilkes' map of 1841, reproduced in vol. W. of 
thi i work, Smith's route is indicated, on what authority Is not stated, by a 

Lin ctending s. w. from Salt Lake, ami approaching the Bierraon the 39th 

parallel, with a lake on the line in Long. 119°, and three streams running N. 
between the lake and mountains. A peak in the sierra just N. of 39 is called 
Mt Smith; and Mt Joseph i^ at the northern end of the range in lat. II . 
This may all rest on accurate reports, 



15S OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

about the route followed or incidents of the trip noth- 
ing is known. The Californians apparently knew 
nothing of the leader's separation from his company, 
though the record of what occurred during his absence 
is meagre. On May 23d Echeandia issued instruc- 
tions, by virtue of which the fur-hunter was to be 
informed that his actions had become suspicious, and 
that he must either start homeward at once, come to 
San Jose to enjoy the hospitality of California under 
surveillance until the supreme government could de- 
cide, or sail on the first vessel that could carry him 
beyond latitude 42°. 13 According to fragmentary 
records in the archives, it was supposed early in 
August that the strangers had gone. In September 
it was known that they were still present, and in 
October several orders were issued that they be 
brought to San Jose. It is not clear that any were 
thus brought in, 14 but it would seem that on Smith's 
return from the east late in October, he soon came, 
voluntarily or otherwise, to San Jose and Monterey 
with seventeen or eighteen companions. 15 

The 12th of November Captain Cooper at Mon- 
terey signed a bond in favor of his countryman. As 
the agent of Steel, Park, and others, and in the name 
of the United States, Cooper became responsible with 
his person and property for the good behavior of Jed- 

13 May 23, 1S27, Echeandia to Martinez. Dept. lice, MS., v. 48. 

14 Gov. 's orders of Aug. 3d, Sept. 14th, Oct. 1st, 16th, in Dept. L'ec, MS., 
v. 73, SS, 94, 102. Bojorges, Recuerdos, MS., 12-14, the only one of my Cali- 
fornian writers who mentions this affair at all, says that Soto was sent out 
with 40 men to the Rio Estanislao, and brought in all the trappers to S. 
Francisco. As such orders had been issued, this is likely enough to be true, 
though perhaps it took place after Smith's return. Oct. 8th, Isaac Galbraith 
asks for an interview with Echeandia, wishing a license either to remain in 
the country or to rejoin his leader. He also corrects an impression that Smith 
is a captain of troops, staling that he is but a hunter of the company of Smith, 
Jackson, and Sublette. Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 30-7. 

15 The Spanish records make the number 17, which is probably accurate, 
though records of a later event in Oregon speak of IS. Morincau, Notice, MS., 
153-4, says that in October 1827 a caravan of 17 voyageurs arrived at S. 
Francisco from New Orleans. They sold some furs to a Russian vessel, 
bought horses, and returned by the same way they came. Carrillo, Exposi- 
tion, MS., 9, says that in 1827 one of the hunters passed through the country 
with GO men, reached the house of the comandante general, made plans, etc., 
and went away unmolested ! 



DEPARTURE OF THE TRAPPERS. 159 

ediab Smith in all that concerned his return to Salt 
Lake. In the document it was set forth that Smith 
and his men, as honorable citizens of the United States, 
were to be treated as friends, and furnished at fair 
prices with the aid in arms, horses, and provisions 
necessary for the return march by way of Mission San 
Jose, Strait of Carquines, and Bodega; but there was 
to be no unnecessary delay en route, and in future they 
must not visit the coast south of latitude 42°, nor ex- 
tend their inland operations farther than specifically 
allowed by the latest treaties. To this bond Eche- 
andia attached his written permission for Smith and his 
company to return, with one hundred mules, one hun- 
dred and fifty horses, a gun for each man, and divers 
bales of provisions and other effects which are named. 16 
Echeandia issued orders for a guard of ten men to 
escort the trappers to a point a little beyond San 
Francisco Solano, starting from San Jose; 17 but a 
slight change must have been made in the plan, for 
on the 18th the whole company arrived at San Fran- 
cisco on the Franklin from Monterey. ls This is really 
the last that is known of Smith in California, win to 
four and perhaps five men of his party remained, be- 
sides Turner who came back later. I have accredited 
these men to the year 182G, though some of them 
probably came in the second party of 1827. The 
party doubtless left San Francisco at the end of the 
year or early in 1828, and proceeded somewhat lei- 
surely northward, probably by a coast route as in- 
tended, 19 and not without some new misconduct, or 
what was vaguely alluded to as such by the authori- 
al have, in Vallcjo, Doc, MS., xxix. 171, the orginal of this interesting 
document kept by Cooper. Three copies were made, one sent to Mexico, one 
kept in the archives, and one given to Smith. It is written on paper provi- 
sionally 'habilitated' by the autographs of Herreraand Echeandia, bears a 
certificate of Jose 1 Estrada, is signed John B a R. Cooper. Then follows the 
autograph of the hunter. 'I acknowledge this bond, Jedediah S. Smith,' 
and closes with Echeandia'a pa 

11 Nov. l.'.th, E. to com. of S. Francisco. Dryt. /,',.-.. MS. v. 107. Louis 
Pombert, ;l French I lanadian, left Smith's party about this time and remained 
in the country. Dept. St. /'"/»., Ms., \i\. 25 8. 
iiello to gov. Dept. St. Pap , \1 3., ii. 15. 
10 Bu'j urges, Recuerdos, MS.. 1 I. Bays he left S. Francisco by water on an 



100 OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

ties. 20 While attempting to ford the Umpqua River 
he was attacked by Indians, who killed fifteen of the 
company and took all their property. Smith, Tur- 
ner, and two others 21 escaped to Fort Vancouver. 
McLoughlin of the Hudson's Bay Company sent back 
a party with one of the survivors to recover the lost 
effects, in which they are said to have been success- 
ful. Jedediah Smith returned eastward by a north- 
ern route in 1829, and two years later he was killed 
by the Indians in New Mexico. I append part of a 
map of 1826 purporting to show 'all the recent geo- 
graphical discoveries' to that date. 

An important topic, perhaps connected indirectly 
with Jedediah Smith's visit, is the first operations of 
the Hudson's Bay Company's trappers in California. 
Respecting these operations before 1830, I have no 
original and definite information, except that con- 
tained in the statement of J. J. Warner, himself an old 
trapper, still living iu 1884, and an excellent authority 
on all connected with the earliest American pioneers, 
although he did not himself reach California until 
the beginning of the next decade. 22 Warner states 

American vessel. It is possible, but not I think probable, that such was the 
case, one of the vessels being chartered to take him up the coast to or beyond 
Bodega. Warner says Smith started up the interior valley, but on ac- 
count of difficulties in the way, turned to the coast '200 miles above Ross. 
The men who remained, besides Galbraith and Bowman, were Bolbeda, Pom- 
bert, and probably Wilson. 

2u Feb. 1, 1S28, gov. to Martinez. Alludes to the abuses committed by 
Smith. Dept. Rec, MS., vi. 178. Probably he had stopped on the way to 
hunt and trap. June 20th, Cooper was thanked by J. Lennox Kennedy, U. 
S. consul at Mazatlan, for his services in Smith's behalf; will send documents 
to U. S. min. at Mexico. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxix. 250. But May 6, 1S29, he 
was ordered as bondsman by gov. to pay 8176 due from Smith. Dept. Rec, 
MS., vii. 14S. June 23, 1829, E. reports to the min. of rel. a rumor that the 
Americans intend to take S. Francisco, apian which he ascribes to the advent 
of Smith. Id., vii. 25. 

- 1 There is a discrepancy of one man in totals, but there is also a com- 
pensating uncertainty about one of the men who remained in Cal. Cronise, 
Nat. Wealth of Cal,, 42, erroneously names two of the three survivors 
Laughlinand Prior. Victor, River of the West, 35-0, names Turner and Black. 
The particulars of the Umpqua fight belong to other parts of this series. 
See Hist. Or. and Hist. Northwest Coast. The map given herewith is copied 
from one in Warren's Mem. In Pac. J!. A'. Repts, xi. pi. iii., being a reduction 
from A. Finley's map of N. America published at Philadelphia in 1820. 

- Hunter's Reminiscences of Early California, MS., 27-33. The author 



McLEOD'S TRAPPERS. 



1G1 



that the party sent back from Fort Vancouver to 
avenge Smith's disasters was under the command of 
McLeod, and after recovering the stolen furs, traps, 
and horses, was guided by Turner down into the Sac- 
ramento Valley in 1828, where he made a successful 
hunt. Returning northward, however, he was over- 
taken by a snow-storm in the Pit River country, which 
he was 'the first to traverse. 23 He lost his animals, 
and was compelled to leave his furs, which were 
spoiled by melting snow before they could be moved. 




M w of 1S26. 

McLeod was discharged for his imprudence or for his 
bad luck. Meanwhile the company had hastened fco 
despatch Ogden with another party of hunters up the 
Columbia and Snake, to proceed thence southward 
to Smith's trail, 24 by which he was to enter Califor- 



represents the manager of the company as having driven a shrewd bargain 
v. Lth Smith, and derived much profit from his disaster. 

Jl 'l'!ic McLeod lavcr, generally written McCloud, was named l>y or in 

honor Of this hunter. 

i is one of Smith's trails, probably the most northerly, though War- 
ner makes it the earliest. 

Hist. Cal., Vol. III. 11 



1G2 OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

nia, and thus get the start of any American trappers 
that might be sent as a result of Smith's reports. 
Ogden was successful in this movement, and entered 
the great valley about the same time that McLeocl 
left it. 25 He also obtained a rich harvest of skins 
during his stay of eight months, and carried his furs 
to the north by McLeod's trail. These were the 
only visits of Hudson Bay trappers before 1832. 23 

The visit of the Patties to California in 1828-30 
is the topic next demanding attention. Sylvester 
Pattie, a Kentuckian, lieutenant of rangers against 
the Indians in 1812-13, and later a lumberman in 
Missouri, joined a trapping and trading expedition to 
New Mexico in 1824, with his son James Ohio Pat- 
tie. The father was about forty years of age, and 
the son a school-boy of perhaps fifteen. With their 
adventures in New Mexico and Arizona for the next 
three years I am not concerned here. More than 
once they visited the Gila, and in September 1827 
the elder Pattie was made captain of a company of 
thirty trappers, organized at Santa Fe to operate on 
the Colorado. 27 They reached the Colorado and Gila 
junction December 1st, or at least the Patties and 
six men did so, the rest having left the Gila, striking 
northward some two weeks earlier. The eight of 
Pattie's party were in a desperate strait. They un- 
derstood from the Yumas that there were Christians 
down the river, and started to find them, floating on 
canoe rafts, trapping successfully as they went, and 

25 It seems rather unlikely that this could have been accomplished so soon 
as the autumn of 1S28. Either it was in 1829, or Smith had reached Fort 
Vancouver early in 1828, instead of in the autumn as has been supposed. 

- ,; Similar versions of McLeod's and Ogden's expeditions, originating prob- 
ably indirectly from Warner, but perhaps also from the recollections of other 
old trappers, arc given in the county histories, newspaper articles, and other 
recent publications. See also J list. N. W. Coast, i., this series. Cronise, Nat. 
Wealth, 41, says that French Camp, near Stockton, was located by a party of 
Hi- trappers who encamped here from 1829 to 1838. In Humphreys' Letter 
to Gwin, 1858, p. 5, it is stated that Richard Campbell of Sta Fe came with 
pack-mules from N. Orleaus to S. Diego in 1S27. I find nothing more on the- 
subject. 

21 I'attie, Narr., 133, translates the passport given them. 



PATTIE'S VISIT. 1G3 

reaching tide-water the 18th of January, 1828. 
They soon started back up the river, making little 
progress, and February 16th, having buried their 
furs and traps, they started westward across the 
desert. After terrible suffering they reached Santa 
Catalina Mission in Lower California the 12th of 
March. Ten days later, by Echeandia's order, 28 they 
started under a guard for San Diego, where they 
arrived the 27th. The company included, besides the 
Patties, Nathaniel Pryor, Richard Laughlin, Will- 
iam Pope, Isaac Slover, Jesse Ferguson, and James 
Puter, 29 most of whom sooner or later became per- 
manent residents of California. 

The narrative of James O. Pattie was subsequently 
printed; from it I have drawn the preceding resume, 
and I have now to present in substance that part of 
it relating to California, introducing occasional notes 
from other sources, and reserving comment until the 
end. 30 On arrival at San Diego the strangers were 

28 March 22, 1828, E. to com. of S. Diego. Eight armed men have ap- 
peared at a frontier post with a (juia of the N. Mex. custom-house as a 
passport. Arrest them and seize their arms. Dept. Bee, MS., vi. 194; Pottle's 
Narr., 170. 

29 All the names appear in the archives, in one place or another, though 
Ferguson is not clearly stated to have belonged to this company. Jo 
Yorgens is named, perhaps a corruption of Ferguson's name, since War- 
ner speaks of Ferguson, whom he must have known. Puter is mentioned 
only once, and there may be some error about his name. Pattie himself 
Btrangely names only Slover in his narrative, speaking also of a Dutchman; 
and mi the other hand, Pattie's own name appears only once in the archives. 

w Pattie, The Personal Narrative of James 0. Pattie, of Kentucky, during 
(in expeditionfrom St Louis through the uast regions b< tw& n that 'place and the 
Pacific Ocean, and thence back through the city of Mexico to Vera Crvz, during 
journei/iinjs <>/' sir ;/< nrs; in which In- and his father, who accompanied hin 
j'i red unheard-of hardships and dangt rs, hud various conflicts with the Ino 
and were made captives, in which captivity his father died; together with ■ 
8 ;ription of the country, and the various tuitions through which tht y passed. Ed- 
ited by Timothy Flint. Cincinnati, 1833. 8vo. 300 pp. The editor, a some- 
what voluminous writer of works largely fictitious, claims not to have drawn 
on his imagination, but to have changed the author's statement -Apparently 
written — only in orthography and by an occasional abridgment. 

The Hunters of Kentucky; or the trials and toils of traders and trappers, 
diiri.i'i mi r i„ il'ii'm ii in the Rocky M 'mi nta i n 9, New Mexico, and California, by 
B. Bilson, New fork, 1847, 8vo, 100 pp., is called by T. W. Field, see S 
Dictionary, viii. 569 To, 'a reproduction of Pattie's narrative, which the 
penury of the thieving writer's imagination has nol empowered him to 
clothe with nevi Language, or interleave with nevi incidents;' yet this reprint 
ach less rare than the original, and has been much more widely read. 
From it at the time of publication many people formed their ideas about the 



1G4 OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

brought before Echeandia and questioned, the younger 
Pattie, who had learned a little Spanish in New 
Mexico, serving as spokesman, and expressing his ideas 
with great freedom on this as on every other occa- 
sion when he came into contact with the Spaniards. 
The governor believed nothing of their story, accused 
them of being spies for Spain — worse than thieves and 
murderers — tore up their passport as a forgery, cut 
short their explanations, and remanded them to prison. 
On the way they resolved to redress their wrongs by 
force or die in the attempt; but their arms had been 
removed, 31 and they were locked up in separate cells. 
The father was cruelly torn from the son, and died a 
month later without being permitted again to see him. 
The cells were eight or ten feet square, with iron 
doors, and walls and floor of stone. Young Pattie's 
experience alone is recorded, as no communication 
was allowed. Nauseating food and continued insults 
and taunts were added to the horrors of solitary con- 
finement. From his grated door Pattie could see 
Echeandia at his house opposite. "Ah ! that I had 
had but my trusty rifle well charged to my face ! 
Could I but have had the pleasure of that single shot, 

Spanish Californians. In Harper's Magazine, xxi. 80-94, J. T. Heaclley 
rolls the story of Pattie's sufferings, taken from one of the preceding works, 
ami erroneously called the first overland expedition to California. Cronise, 
Nat. Wealth of Gal., 45, says, 'the particulars of Pattie's journey were pub- 
lished with President Jackson's message to congress in 1836.' The subject is 
vaguely and incorrectly mentioned in Greenhow's Hist. Ogn, 3G6; aud Capron's 
Hist. Gal., 37. Warner, who knew personally most of Pattie's companions, 
gives a valuable account in his Reminiscences, MS., 33-7. The archive rec- 
ords are much less satisfactory than in the case of Jedediah Smith; but I 
shall have occasion to refer to them on special points. 

31 Dr Marsh, Letter to Com. Jones, MS., 1S42, p. 3, says they came to S. 
Diego on a friendly visit, 'were well received at first, and shown into com- 
fortable lodgings, where they deposited their arms and baggage. They were 
shortly after invited into another apartment to partake of some refreshment, 
and when they returned found that their arms had been removed, and that 
they were prisoners. I mention this incident, trivial as it is, because I con- 
sider it as a characteristic trait of the whole Mexican people. Gen. Echean- 
dia in his own capital, with all his troops, could not take five American hunt- 
ers without resorting to an artifice which would have been disdained by the 
most barbarous tribe of Indians on the whole continent. These poor men 
were kept in close confinement a long time. . .Two or three of the number are 
still in thecountry.' Where Marsh got this version, which leaves even Pattie 
in the shade, does not appear. 



THE HUNTER'S TALE. 165 

I think I would have been willing to have purchased 
it with my life," writes the captive, and this before 
his father died alone. No attention was paid to pleas 
for justice or pity. Yet a sergeant showed much 
kindness, and his beautiful sister came often to the 
cell with sympathy and food, and even enabled the 
prisoner to get a glimpse of his father's coffin as it 
was hastily covered with earth. 32 

Captain Bradshaw of the Franklin soon got Pattie 
out of jail for a day by the 'innocent stratagem' of 
pretending to need his services as an interpreter; and 
with an eye to business, he made an effort to get per- 
mission for the hunters to go to the Colorado and 
bring the buried furs, but in vain. In the proceed- 
ings against Bradshaw for smuggling, Pattie served 
as interpreter; and later, by reporting certain orders 
which he had overheard, he claims to have prevented 
Bradshaw's arrest, and thus to have contributed to 
the escape of the FranJdin. 53 Seth Rogers, A. W. 
Williams, and W. H. Cunningham are named as 
other American masters of vessels who befriended the 
young prisoner, and gave him money. 

Echeandia himself also employed Pattie as an in- 
terpreter, and at times assumed a friendly tone. The 
captive took advantage of this to plead his cause anew, 
to discuss questions of international law, and to sug- 
gest that there was money to be made by sending 
after the buried furs. At the first he had known that 
every word of kindness pronounced by Echeandia 
"was a vile and deceitful lie," and after repeated inter- 
views he perceived "that, like most arbitrary and 
cruel men, he was fickle and infirm of purpose," and 

"He calls the young lady Miss Peaks, and the couple may hai 
Pico and ids sister. A certain capitan de armaa is also mention 
of a friendly disposition, though he did not dare to brave the tyrant's 
The reference may be to Pori ilia or Ruiz. It is remarkable that Pattie came 
ti ii into contact with the governor, and nut at all with the COmand 
"•Nee preceding chapter for affair of the FranMin. Pattie's statements 
that Bradshaw's trial was concluded July 28th, that the FranMin ran oul of 
the harbor in Sept., and that she fired abroad ide at thei itive, 

oneous, and yet so clo ely connected with details of his own anah 
to leave a doubt as to the accuracy of those details. 



1G6 OVERLAND -SMITH AND PATTIE- FOREIGNERS. 

thereupon proceeded to " tease him with importuni- 
ties;" but under this treatment the general became 
surly. "How earnestly I wished that he and I had 
been together in the wild woods, and I armed with 
my rifle!" writes Pattie. This could not be, but he 
refused to translate any more letters, and the gov- 
ernor, striking him on the head with the flat of his 
sword, had him dragged again to prison to lie and rot. 
The suggestion of profit from the furs had, however, 
taken root; and early in September the prisoners were 
released, allowed once more to see each other, and 
promised permission to go to the Colorado, greatly to 
their delight. "I was convinced that Mexico could 
not array force enough to bring us back alive. I fore- 
saw that the general would send no more than ten or 
twelve soldiers with us. I knew that it would be no 
more than an amusement to rise upon them, take their 
horses for our own riding, flea some of them of their 
skins to show that we knew how to inflict torture, 
and send the rest back to the general on foot." Pattie 
was allowed to go to the mission to hire horses for 
the trip; but at the last moment Echeanclia remarked 
that he could spare no soldiers to go with them. It 
did not matter, they said, though it spoiled their plan 
of vengeance. But the governor added that one must 
remain as a hostage for the return of the rest, and 
Pattie was the man selected. "At this horrible sen- 
tence, breaking upon us in the sanguine rapture of 
confidence, we all gazed at each other in the conster- 
nation of despair;" but Pattie urged them to go and 
follow their inclinations about coming back. They 
came back at the end of September. The furs had 
all been spoiled by the overflow of the river, and the 
traps were sold to pay the mule-hire. Two of the six, 
however, failed to return, having left their compan- 
ions on the Colorado and started for New Mexico. 34 

34 These two were probably Sloverand Tope, since these i are the only ones not 
recorded as being in California in 1829. Warner Bays Sloverand Pope(with 
Geo. C. Yount, whom nobody else connects with this expedition at all) Btarted 



SAVED BY SMALL POX. 1C7 

In the absence of his companions, Pattie, by advice 
of Bradshaw and Perkins, 35 had written a letter to 
Jones, consul of the United States at the Sandwich 
"Islands, imploring intervention in his own behalf, and 
then lie lay in his cell, harassed by continual threats 
of being shot at as a target, hanged, or burned alive. 
Soon came news from the north that the small-pox was 
raging in the missions. Fortunately Pattie had a 
small quantity of vaccine matter, and he resolved to 
make the best possible use of his advantage. Nego- 
tiations followed, which gave the young trapper many 
opportunities to show what could be done by the 
tongue of a free American citizen. In return for the 
liberty of himself and companions, he offered to vacci- 
nate everybody in the territory; refusing his own lib- 
erty, refusing to vaccinate the governor himself, 
though trembling in fear of death, refusing even to 
operate on the arm of his beautiful guardian angel, the 
Seiiorita Pico, unless his proposition were accepted. 
There were many stormy scenes, and Pattie was often 
remanded to prison with a curse from Echeandia, who 
told him he might die for his obstinacy. But at last 
the governor had to yield. Certain old black papers 
in possession of the trappers, as interpreted by Pattie, 
were accepted as certificates of American citizenship, 
and in December all were freed for a week as an ex- 
perimenl . :;i 

from New Mexico with the company, but returned from the Colorado without 
coming to Cal. There mu I be an error in Pattie's version of the departure 
of these two men; for I find that on Nov. 11, 1828, Echeandia informed the 
com. at Altar that he has issue. 1 passports to Pope and Slover, who started 
from \. Mexico for Sonora, but lost their way and entered CaL Dept. ffec, 
MS.) vi. L3. Pope came back some years later, and has left bis name to Pope 
Valley, Napa county, where he lived and died. May 1, 1828, E3. had written 
to the com. of Altar about the 8 Americans detained at S. Diego, whom he 
thought it expedienl to send back to the < lolorado under a guard, that they 
mighl go to Sonora according to their custom-house permit. Uept. R 
vi. 9. July -"'tli, the gov. of Sonora writes to the alcalde of A liar on the sub- 
ject, and presumes that the com. gen. has already issued the proper instruc- 
tions. The captives are alluded to as suspicious charactei s. Pinart, I 'oL 1 >>>■■., 
Hon., MS., I.".. 

: '" Bradshaw had really been gone over a month at the time when these in- 
ters iews an- said t<> lo\ e taken | 

s " It is implied by the \\ titer thai ; to the 

Californians, and evi which is absurdly inaccu 



168 OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

It was deemed best to take no risks. By a false 
promise to their friend, the capitan de armas, they got 
their rifles and pistols on pretence of cleaning them, 
and refused to return the weapons, which were con- 
cealed in the thicket. Charles Lamr, the smu<xarler, 
now made his appearance secretly, 37 and the trappers 
determined to join him. Pattie with one companion 
left San Diego Christmas night, and went down to 
Toclos Santos; but learning that Lang had been ar- 
rested, they returned. Their comrades were still at 
liberty; no trouble was made by Echeandia about 
their absence or the recovery of their arms; and in 
January and February 1829, Pattie vaccinated every- 
body at the presidio and mission. On February 28th 
a paper was issued to each, granting liberty for a year 
on parole; 38 and Pattie obtained also a letter to the 
padres, who were instructed to furnish supplies and 
horses for the journey, and " indemnify me for my 
services as far as they thought proper." 

Pattie started immediately on his trip northward, 
called at mission, presidio, and pueblo, and arrived at 
San Francisco the 20th of June. He had vaccinated 

forms a weak point in the narrative. It is not certain, however, that they 
hail any vaccine matter in their possession in 1S2S, nor is it evident that Pat- 
tic could have kept that whichhe had from being taken. I suppose that all is 
exaggerated for effect, but that Pattie may have been really employed to vac- 
cinate. Early in 1829 a Russian vessel brought vaccine matter, and W. A. 
Richardson was employed that year to vaccinate at the missions; and in 1S21 
the Russians had vaccinated 54 persons at Monterey. 

37 See p. 139, this volume, for Lang's adventures. 

ss Pattie's carta de seguriclad of Feb. 2Sth is preserved in Dept. Rec., MS., 
vii. 89. It is as follows: 'Whereas, Santiago Ohio Pattie, who came into this 
territory hunting beaver in company Avith other foreigners, without any 
license whatever, in March of the past year, appears to be a North American 
according to a custom-house permit given in New Mexico; and whereas, the 
comaudantc of this place reports him not to be vicious but of regular conduct, 
in the petition presented by Pattie on the 27th of this month for permission 
to travel and remain in the country, there being no consul nor mercantile 
agent of his nation, nor any Mexican bondsman, therefore I have determined 
to grant him provisionally this letter of security, that he may remain and travel 
in this territory for one year,' in accordance, so far as possible, with the laws 
of May 1 and Mar. 12, 1828. 

I have not found the papers of the other men under this date, but in a list 
of Feb. 14th, Dept. St. Pap., MS., xix. 44, Pryor, Puter, and Yorgcns are 
named, Pryor being already at S. Luis Rey. He received a carta deseguridad 
April 52th. Id., xix. 1S-19. It is doubtful if any of them were kept in prison 
alter their return from the Colorado. 



A TOUR OF VACCINATION. 1C9 

in all 22,000 persons, 39 receiving from the padres cer- 
tificates by which the value of his services was to be 
finally estimated by a 'high dignitary' in the north. 
After a week's visit to Ross, where everything pleased 
the American, and where he received $100 for his 
medical services, 40 he returned and presented his cer- 
tificates to the padre at San Francisco. On July 
8th John Cabortes, presumably Padre Juan Cabot, 
presented the amateur physician a paper, by which 
he gave him 500 cattle and 500 mules, with land on 
which to pasture the same — to be delivered when he 
had become a Catholic and a Mexican citizen. "When 
I had read this," says Pattie, "I was struck dumb. 
My anger choked me." But he soon recovered his 
speech sufficiently to give the paclre his opinion in 
the matter, to say that he came from a country where 
the laws compelled a man to pay another what he 
justly owed him without condition of submission to 
"any of his whimsical desires;" that as a protestant 
he would not change his opinions for all the money 
the mission was worth, and that as an American, 
"rather than consent to be adopted into the society and 
companionship of such a band of murderers and rob- 
bers," he would suffer death. For this "honest and 
plain utterance" of his feelings, he was ordered to 
leave the house; and, keeping his rifle ready for any 
one the priest might send after him, he bought a 
horse for three dollars, and started for Monte El Peyl 
At the capital Pattie shipped on an American ves- 
sel, and for several months ploughed the Pacific, 
touching at various ports. He does not name the 
1, and he gives no particulars of his voyage, save 

"Strangely enough t hero is no record in the archives respect ing the 
of small-pox or Pal : ional tour; yet his statement is confirm* 

the fact that the statistical tables Bhow an extraordinary number of deaths 
this year among the [ndians of all the northern missions. (See note 36.) Sta 
( !ruz, S. •) <■• '■. and Sta < Jlara do not appear to have been visited at all. 
in the extreme north only the few who had not had the small-pox wen 
cinated. 

40 He had seen Don Sereldo, aa he calls the Russian manager, at S. Diego, 
and had boen implored t Le ja and admini iter hi • remedy. 



170 OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

of the first week's terrible sea-sickness. Back at Mon- 
terey, 41 be took a more or less active part, on both 
sides, in the Solis revolt, to which event considerable 
space is devoted in his narrative. 42 At first the trap- 
per had contributed in a small way to the rebellion fund, 
and had with difficulty been dissuaded from joining 
the army of Solis in the hope of getting a shot at 
Echeandia; but in the end he had become an ally of 
his old foe, who on his coming to Monterey received 
Pattie affably, and even listened with some patience 
to a repetition of his long-winded arguments and com- 
plaints. Yet notwithstanding the portentous aspect 
of a document which Pattie had prepared by the ad- 
vice of the Hawaiian consul, Jones, 43 for presentation 
to the American minister at Mexico, Echeandia ven- 
tured to doubt that his wrongs would be redressed, 
though he granted a passport that he might go to 
Mexico and try. Spending tbree days de fiesta at San 
Carlos in company with Captain William Hinckley, 
hunting otter profitably for ten days on the coast, 
presenting his rifle to Captain Cooper, and writing a 
letter of farewell to his former companions in the 
south, Pattie sailed on the Volunteer May 9th, in 
company with Solis and his fellow-prisoners, for San 
Bias. At Mexico. in June, at the office of Butler, 
American charge d'affaires, he saw a communication 
of President Andrew Jackson in his behalf. He was 
honored by an interview with President Guerrero, 
and had the pleasure of learning that Echeandia had 
been recalled. I have his original letter of June 14, 
1830, to friends in California, naming Lothlin (Laugh- 

41 He says it was Jan. 6, 1830; but if there is any foundation of truth in 
that part of the narrative which follows, it must have been about 2 months 
earlier. 

42 See chapter Hi., this volume, on the Solis revolt, and especially Pattie's 
version of that affair. His dates are all wrong; there are many absurd inac- 
curacies built on a substratum of truth; and there is apparently deliberate 
falsehood respecting his personal exploits in the capture of Solis. 

"Pattie says that this consul, John W. Jones, to whom he had written 
from S. Diego, arrived at Monterey April 29th in his own brig from the 
Islands. The reference is to John C. Jones, Jr., owner of the Volunteer, 
which arrived at about this time. 



PATTIE'S BOOK. 171 

lin), Pryor, and Cooper, in which he explains that 
'Kernal' Butler had been able to give no satisfaction, 
but had advised him to seek redress from the Presi- 
dent of the United States. The adventurer reached 
New Orleans in August, and proceeding up the Mis- 
sissippi, was soon introduced to Rev. Timothy Flint, 
who was to make his name and fame more or less im- 
mortal. 44 

I have thus presented, with fairness I think, the sub- 
stance and spirit of Pattie's narrative, though obliged 
to omit many details, making no pretension to point 
out minor errors, and perhaps failing to give a full idea 
of the writer's bitter feelings toward his oppressors. 
The subject is entitled to the space I have given it, on 
account of the extraordinary nature of the adventures 
recounted, the early date of the visit to California, the 
extent of the author's travels in the territory, the fame 
of his book, and the accuracy of many of his statement s. 
Yet from the spirit of the narrative, from the numer- 
ous erroneous statements, and from my knowledge of 
Echeandia's character, I have no hesitation in pro- 
nouncing Pattie's complaints of ill treatment grossly 
exaggerated. This opinion is confirmed by those of 
the company who remained in the country. Enter- 
ing the territory without passports, the hunters wore, 
according to the unwise policy of Mexican laws, liable 
to arrest. Presidio fare, and especially prison laic, 
in California at that time, was even less congenial to 
American hunters than was the narrow spirit of Span- 
ish policy. Naturally they were disappointed at their 
r< ception,and disgusted with their situation, but they 
weir not probably made the victims of any special 
oppression. James O. Pattie was, however, a self- 
conceited and quick-tempered boy, with a freedom of 

" Letter in Vallejo, Doc, mnc. 85. In L883a man whose name I cannot 
recall, apparently trustworthy, while visiting my Library, stated that his \\ Lfe 
was a niece of Pattie, and thai the latter bad spent some time al her residence 
in San Diego in late years, or at leasl since 1860. The man promised to ob- 
tain from his wife a more definite statement on the subject, tmt I have not 
received it. 



172 OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

speech often amounting to insolence, and unlimited 
ability to make himself disagreeable. How far these 
peculiarities, and the young man's connection with 
the smuggling operations of Bradshaw and Lang, 
may have provoked Echeandia to the infliction of 
special penalties, I cannot say. 

Thomas L. Smith, commonly called 'Peg-leg' Smith 
— a well known character in many parts of California, 
but chiefly in later times, who died in a San Francisco 
hospital in 18G6 — -was one of the famous trappers and 
Indian-fighters of this early epoch. He was at times 
a companion of Jedediah Smith, and was the hero of 
many wild adventures in various parts of the great 
interior; but very few of his early exploits have ever 
been recorded with even approximate accuracy of time 
or place. He owes his position on this page to a re- 
port that he came to California in 1829, a report that 
I have not been able to trace to any reliable source. 45 
Engaged in trapping in the Utah regions, he came to 
California to dispose of his furs. He was ordered out 
of the country, and departed, he and his companion 
taking with them, however, a band of three or four 
hundred horses, in spite of efforts of the Californians 
to prevent the act. Some accounts say that be visited 
the country repeatedly in those earky years, and we 
shall find archive evidence of his presence a little later, 
acting with the horse-thieves of the Tulares, and 
known as 'El Cojo Smit.' 46 

In the spring of 1828 the Mexican government 
granted to Richard Exter and Julian Wilson 47 a pro- 

45 The story is told in many newspaper biographical sketches published at 
the time of Smith's death. I have before me the S. F. Bulletin, Oct. 2G, 1SGG; 
Nevada Daily Gazette, Oct. 25, 18GG; and others hi Hayes' Scraps, Cat. Xutc*, 
ii. 309-12. 

40 As an item which I am unable to connect with any of the expeditions 
particularly accredited to this period, I may notice a record of Nov. G, 1829, 
that five deserters from Upper California were captured on the frontier of the 
peninsula, one of whom, an Englishman, stabbed a neophyte, and was shot by 
anoth( r. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xiv. 10-11. 

47 Exter, of Exter, Graves, & Co. , Mexico, was connected with the General 



EXTER AND WILSON. 173 

visional license to hunt and trap in New Mexico and 
California, as well as on the coasts for sea-otter. They 
had asked for an exclusive privilege, which proposition 
was reserved for consideration by congress. The ob- 
ject in view was to derive a revenue from the territo- 
rial wealth of furs, and by a contract with these for- 
eigners to prevent the constantly increasing clandestine 
operations of other foreigners, whom no revenue laws 
could control. The idea was a good one. Such a con- 
tract with a responsible and powerful company was 
perhaps the only means by which Mexico could par- 
tially protect her interests in this direction; but there 
may be some doubt whether Exter and Wilson pos- 
sessed the requisite qualifications, since little is known 
about them. It does not appear that the exclusive 
privilege was ever conceded, 43 and nothing was ever 
done under the provisional permit. Vallejo and Alva- 
rado say that there was a strong feeling in California 
against the scheme, and that when the two men came 
to the country in 1829, strutting up and down as if 
they owned it, Echeandia refused to recognize their 
authority, and they went away in disgust.* 9 

In January 1830 a small party — of Mexicans ap- 
parently — came from New Mexico to Los Angeles 
under the leadership of Jose Antonio Vaca; but of 
their purposes and adventures we know nothing from 
the fragmentary records. 50 A somewhat better known 

Pearl and Coral Fishing Association of London, and there are several letters 
from him to Hartnell, dated 1S27, and not referring to the fur business, in 
o, Doc, MS., xxix. 153-4, 1G3. 

18 April 28, 1828, provisional license granted. Hunting parties must be 
made up of at least two thirds Mexican citizens. Mexico, Mem. Eel., L829, p. 
22. Aug. 7th, the comisario communicates the concession to Herrera. 
accounts must be kept of number, size, and quality of skins. Dept. St. /'a/'., 
Ben. Com. and Treaa., MS., i. 106. Dec. 23, L828, ■■ iv. announces the lii 
in < !aL, and says that the parties will be allowed to catch otter. />-;<■'. ffec. 
MS., vi. 162. ' 

" Vallejo, Hist. Gal., MS.,ii. 124-5; Alvarado, Hist. Cal, Ms., ii. [28 9. 
Fernandez, Coaaade Cat., MS., 58-9, mentions their failure to get an exclusive 
but says nothing of their having come to Cal. 

*°Dcpt. ffec., MS., vii'i. 14. 18, 69: Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pref. u Jttzg.. 
MS., i. 31. 



174 OVERLAND -SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

expedition is that of Ewing Young, the Tennessecan, 
or Joaquin Joven as he was often called, who entered 
the territory later in the same year from New Mexico 
with a company of beaver-hunters of various nation- 
alities. Warner says this party came by Jedediah 
Smith's old trail, and found Ogden's Hudson Bay 
trappers on the Sacramento. 51 After trapping for a 
short time in the Tulares, Young moved north and 
met the Indian alcalde of San Jose mission out on a 
hunt for runaway neophytes by order of the padre. 
The fugitives allied with the gentiles showed fight, 
but eleven of the trappers aided the alcalde to defeat 
the foe. Taking advantage of this service rendered, 
Young, with three of his men, came to the mission 
July 11th, showed his passports, explained his need 
of horses, and departed after promising to return in a 
week with furs to sell or to exchange for supplies. 52 

There is no record that the hunters returned to 
San Jose, though they may have done so; but at the 
end of July three Frenchmen came to Monterey, 
announcing their intention to return to New Mexico, 
having left the company. 53 In October the hunters 
were in the vicinity of Los Angeles, where the leader 
had great difficulty in controlling them, and where one 
man was killed. 54 It had been the intention to return 
from the Colorado in December to sell furs and buy 

51 Warner's Reminix., MS., 37-9. In Dept. St. Pap., ii. S4, 113, is Young's 
passport of 1829 signed by Henry Clay. 

"July 15, 1830, report of Jos6 Berreyesa. Dept. St. Pap., MS., ii. 135-9. 
One of Young's passports was vised at Washington, March 20, 1828, by the 
Mex. minister. It permitted the bearer to go into the interior. 

53 These men were Francois Turcote, Jean Vaillant, and Anastase Curier. 
Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Cusi.-H., MS.,ii. 4-5. In a letter to Capt. Cooper of Oct. 
10th, Young says that the Frenchmen, who owed him money, had mutinied, 
and determined to stay in the country; but they had been forced to return 
with the party. Ho also speaks of the fight with Indians, but indicates that 
it was to recover stolen horses rather than to aid the neophytes. Yallejo, Dor., 
MS., xxx. 135. Dec. 23d, Echeandia to alcalde of S. Jose. Speaks of 4 
Americans who had come to the rancho of S. Pablo and must depart at once. 
There may be an error in this date. Dept. Pec, MS., viii. 134. 

&l Warner says that James Hig^ins killed an Irishman known as Big Jim. 
Jose Antonio Pico reports the killing on Oct. 7th. He had orders to detain 
Young, but his force was too small. Dept. St. Pap., Pen. Pre/. yJuzg., MS., 
i. 97. Juan I ! i^uins, probably the same, remained in Cal. for 5 or G years at 
least. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iv. 15G, 159. 



FOREIGN RESIDENTS. 175 

mules; but Young had lost confidence in his men, and 
thought he would be fortunate to get safely home with 
his company by the aid of the Americans. He in- 
tended, however, to come back the following year. 55 
There are several men named as being in California 
from New Mexico this year, some of whom may have 
belonged to this party; but Young and Higgins are the 
only ones known here later, unless Kit Carson may 
have made his first visit at this time. 

Of the foreign residents who came to California be- 
fore 1826, about fifty are mentioned in the records 
of 1826-30, a dozen or more having died or left 
the country. Some of the more prominent, like Hart- 
nell, Spence, Cooper, and Gale, have been noticed in 
connection with commercial and maritime topics in 
the preceding chapter. All, including new-comers, 
were in this period as a class law-abiding citizens of 
considerable influence in their new home. Many were 
baptized, married, and naturalized. Space does not 
permit the introduction of personal experiences and 
achievements here, but the reader is referred to the 
biographic sketches presented elsewhere in this work. 56 

In respect of general policy toward foreigners, 57 
there was little or no tendency in California to conclu- 
siveness or oppression in 1826, as has been seen from 
the commercial record, and especially from the privi- 
leges allowed to Captain Beechey, in contrast with 
the treatment of Vancouver at an earlier date and 
under another regime. Yet the Mexican laws were 
strict in requiring foreigners to show passports, and 
submit to surveillance; hence the precautions taken 
in the case of Jedediah Smith and his company; 
hence certain orders for the arrest of deserting sailors. 

65 Young to Cooper. Vallcjo, Dor., MS., xxx. L35. 

88 S< e alphabetical regi iteroi pioneers al end of vol. ii. -v. Also a list of pio- 
neera who came before L830, nt the end of vol. ii. of this work. 

"Aug., Dec. 1826, ordera of sup^ govt againsl admis ion of foreigners 
without passports circulated by gov. and comandontes, S. ./.>.«, Arch., MS., 
vi. 25; Dept. tiec, MS., iv. '2o. 



176 OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE— FOREIGNERS. 

Of new-comers for 1826, about sixty are named. It is 
not easy to decide exactly which of these are entitled 
to the name of pioneers, nor is it necessary, because I 
shall mention them all elsewhere. Here I name only 
such as remained in the country several years at least, 
traders who came often during a series of years and 
became well known to the people, men who though 
visitors now became permanent residents later, and 
men who died in California. Such for this year 
number twenty-five. 53 The most prominent names 
are those of Dana, Fitch, and Wilson; but ten or 
twelve lived long in the country and were well 
known. 

In 1827 the general orders from Mexico promul- 
gated by Echeanclia, and more or less fully enforced, 
were to insist on passports, to keep a strict watch, 
render a monthly account of new arrivals, grant no 
lands to foreigners, and by no means to allow them to 
form settlements on coast or islands. 59 On the inter- 
cession of the English charge d'affaires in Mexico, the 
local authorities were empowered to extend the pass- 
ports of English residents for one year, while the 
papers of other foreigners might be extended so as to 
allow them time to make a regular application for re- 
newal. 60 My list of newly arrived pioneers for the 
year contains twelve names, the total number, includ- 
ing visitors, being about thirty. 01 John Temple and 

58 For complete lists see Pioneer Register at end of these volumes. The 
pioneers of 1826 were the following: Louis Bolbeda, Joaquin Bowman, Michael 
Charles, Wm H. Cunningham, Win G. Dana, Henry D. Fitch, Guy F. Fling, 
Benj. Foxen, Isaac Galbraith, Cornelius A. Johnson, John Littleton, "Win 
Logan, Thomas B. Park, Joaquin Pereira, Louis Pombert, John Read (?), Geo. 
J. Rice, James Scott, Joseph Steele, Wm Trevethan, John S. Turner, Geo. 
W. Vincent, John Wilson, John Wilson (trapper), and John H. W T ilson the 
negro. 

69 Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., iv. 1; Dept. Bee, MS., v. 19, 53, 95; Dept. 
St. Pap., S. Jos6, MS., v. 12. 

cu St. Pap., Sac, MS., xvi. 1-3; Drpt. Bee, MS., vi. 175. Barron and 
Forbes at Tepic were at this time pumping Bandini and Hartnell for informa- 
tion about California, and projecting a visit. Oct. 17, 1827, Eustacio Bar- 
ron to Bandini. Bandini, Doc, MS., 7. 

61 See Pioneer Register at end of these volumes. Pioneers of 1827: Miguel 
Allen (born in Cal.), John Bradshaw, Geo. Coleman, Nicolas Dodero, Robt J. 
Elwell, John A. C. Holmes, Giovanni Glande, Joseph Jackson, John B. 
Leandry, Jean B. Mutrel, William Smith, and John Temple. 



REGULATIONS OF 1S2S. J 77 

Robert J. Elwell became most prominent in California ; 
though Bradshaw, Holmes, and Leandry wore also 
well known men. It was during this year that the 
Californians were excited at the presence and actions of 
Jedediah Smith's trappers, their first American visit- 
ors by the overland route. As Smith arrived in De- 
cember 1826, the names of his companions who set- 
tled in the country have been included in the list of 
that year, though they left the company of hunters, 
and some of them arrived, in 1827. 

Orders of the Californian officials in 1828 respect- 
ing foreigners were of the same tenor as before; ap- 
plications for naturalization were frequent; many 
strangers wished to marry Californian wives. Bands 
of trappers on the frontiers round about excited some 
apprehensions. A few immigrants of Mexican blood 
seem to have come in from Sonora, and all was faith- 
fully reported to the minister of relations in Mexico. 62 
In accordance with the decree of March 12, 1828, 
which declared that no foreigner could remain in 
Mexican territory without a passport, and regulated 
the holding of property by naturalized citizens, 03 a 
reglamento was issued by the president on May 1st 
prescribing in detail the methods to be observed in 
obtaining, granting, and using passports of various 
kinds. This document was doubtless forwarded to 
California later in the year. 64 I find about sixty new 

™Dept. Bee, MS., vi. 21, 27, 177, 102, 194; vii. 25; St. Pap., Sac., MS., 
x. 98; \'aJltj<>, J><><\, MS., xxi.w passim. The Americans celebrated July 4th 
by burning much powder on the vessels at S. Diego. 

03 Mexico, Decreto sobre Pasaportes y motlo </•■ adquirir propiedades los 
Estrangeroa, 12 de Marzo de 1S2S. 12 articles. In Schmidt's Civil Law of 
Spain (iml Mexico, 346-51 . in Spanish and English; Haves' Mex. Laws, 81-2. 

^Mexico, Reglamento para el ramode Pasaportes—decretadoporelPresi- 
dente en 1 de Mayo 1828. Printed copy in Pinto, Doc, i. 3. 25 articles, 
cumbered as 22. Also in Dept. St. /'",<., Angeles, MS., i\. 30-6; and part "t" 
it in Vallejo, Doc, MS. Omitting minor details, this regulation was i'i 
nice as follows: The master of a ship, on arrival, must furnish a report 
of his foreign passengers, and each passenger a report of his name, bnsi 
etc., to the customs officer, who wdl grants 

are not Spaniards, and have a, passport from the general government, or from 
duly accredited Mexican agenf \ abroad, or a bond from the consul or agent 
of their nation at the porl of landing, or of a Mexican citizen. The I 
without which no foreigner could leave the vessel, must be presente I within 

IIist. CAL., Vol. III. 12 



173 OVERLAND— SMITH AND PATTIE-FOREIGNERS. 

names of foreigners in this year's records, several be- 
longing to men whose presence is noted in consequence 
of the regulations just mentioned, but about whom 
no more is known than that they were here in 1828-9. 
Pioneers proper number eighteen, as per appended 
list. 6 "' Several of these became in later times locally 
prominent; and one of the number, Henry A. Peirce, 
is still living in 1884, beinor in a sense the oldest living 
pioneer within my knowledge, though he has by no 
means resided continuously in California. Two or 
three detected attempts at smuggling, together with 
the presence of Pattie and his trappers from New 
Mexico, were the leading topics of interest for 1828, 
as far as foreigners were concerned. 

In 1829 Echeandia continued to circulate the pass- 
port regulations for the benefit of foreigners and of 
local officials. He still received numerous applica- 
tions for permits to remain, to travel, to marry, or to 
become naturalized, and called for full reports of resi- 
dent foreigners. 66 It is from these reports, and the 
various certificates connected with the applications 
above referred to, that I have obtained much of the 
information presented elsewhere respecting individ- 
uals; still the lists are incomplete, and have to be per- 
fected from numerous scattered documents. 67 Eche- 

24 hours to the civil authority of the port, who will vise" the passport. To 
travel in the interior a carta de seguridad for a year must be obtained. 
Whatever passports a foreigner might have, he must present himself to the 
civil authorities of any place where he intended to remain over 8 days, and 
on